Wright. The Works of The Emperor Julian. 1913. Volume 1.

THE LIBRARY
THE INSTITUTE OF MEDIAEVAL STUDIES

TORONTO
PRESENTED BY
x!eLry....Reverend...H.. Carr^ G..S.B..
Jiine l;j, 1928..

ST. ICHAEL'8 \ -^
COLLEGE
^/BftARX
^J•^
%-& o/i/u
THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY
EDITED BY
T. E. PAGE, M.A. AND W. H. D. ROUSE, Litt.D.
THE WORKS OF THE EMPEROR

JULIAN
THE WORKS OF THE
EMPEKOR JULIAN
WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY
WILMER CAVE WRIGHT, Ph.D.
LATE OF GIRTON COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE
ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF GREEK IN BRYN MAWR COLLEGE,
PENNSYLVANIA
IN THREE VOLUMES
I
LONDON WILLIAM HEINEMANN

:
NEW YORK : THE MACMILLAN CO.

MCMXIII
- 9 1938
JUN
/l?^^
CONTENTS
PACK
INTRODUCTION VU
BIBLIOGRAPHY xiu
—
ORATION I. PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF THE EMPEROR
CONSTANTIUS 5
ORATION II. — THE HEROIC DEEDS OF THE EMPEROR CON-

STANTIUS, OR, ON KINGSHIP 133
—
ORATION III. PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF THE EMPRESS
EUSEBIA 275
—
ORATION IV. HYMN TO KING HELIOS DEDICATED TO
SALLUST 353
ORATION V. — HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS . . . 443
INDEX 505
INTRODUCTION
Flavius Claudius Julianus,^ son of Julius Con-
stantius and nephew of the Emperor Constantine,
Avas born at Constantinople in 331 a.d. His father,
eldest brother, and cousins were slain in the massacre

by which Constantius, Constantine II., and Constans
secured the empire for themselves on the death of
their father Constantine in 337. Julian and his
elder brother Gallus spent a precarious childhood

and youth, of which six years were passed in close
confinement in the remote castle of Macellum in

Cappadocia, and their position was hardly more
secure when, in 350, Gallus was elevated to the
Caesarship by Constantius, who, after the violent
deaths of his two brothers, was now sole ruler of
the empire. But Julian was allowed to pursue his
favourite studies in Greek literature and philosophy,

partly at Nicomedia and Athens, partly in the cities
^ The chief sources for the life of Julian are his Orations,
his Letter to the Athenians, Ammianus Marcellinus, and the

Orations and Epistles of Libanius.
F/i
l?/3
INTRODUCTION
of Asia Minor, and he \vas deeply influenced by
Maximus of Ephesus, the occult philosopher,
Libanius of Nicomedia, the fashionable sophist, and
Themistius the Aristotelian commentator, the only
genuine philosopher among the sophists of the fourth
century a.d.
When the excesses of the revolutionary Gallus

ended in his death at the hands of Constantius,
Julian, an awkward and retiring student, was
summoned to the court at Milan, Avhere he was
protected by the Empress Eusebia from the suspicions
of Constantius and the intrigues of hostile courtiers.
Constantius had no heir to continue the dynasty of
the Constantii. He therefore raised Julian to the
Caesarship in 355, gave him his sister Helena in
marriage, and dispatched him to Gaul to pacify the

Gallic provinces. To the surprise of all, Julian in
four successive campaigns against the Franks and
the Alemanis proved himself a good soldier and
a popular general. His Commentaries on these
campaigns are praised by Eunapius ^ and Libanius,^
but are not now extant. In 357-358 Constantius,
who was occupied by wars against the Quadi and
the Sarmatians, and threatened with a renewal of
hostilities by the Persian king Sapor, ordered Julian,
1 fr. 89. 2 Epistle, 33.
viii
INTRODUCTION
who was then at Paris, to send to his aid the best of
the Gallic legions. Julian would have obeyed, but

his troops, unwilling to take service in the East,
mutinied and proclaimed him Emperor (359 a.d.).
Julian issued manifestoes justifying his conduct to

the Senates of Rome and Athens and to the Spartans
and Corinthians, a characteristic anachronism, since

their opinion no longer had any weight. It was not
till 361 that he began his march eastward to
encounter the army of Constantius. His troops,
though seasoned and devoted, were in numbers no
match for the legions of his cousin. But the latter,
while marching through Cilicia to oppose his advance,

died suddenly of a fever near Tarsus, and Julian, now
in his thirtieth year, succeeded peacefully to the
throne and made a triumphal entry into Constan-

tinople in December, 361.
The eunuchs and courtiers who had surrounded
Constantius vere replaced by sophists and philoso-
phers, and in the next six months Julian set on foot
numerous economic and administrative reforms. He
had long been secretly devoted to the Pagan religion,
and he at once proclaimed the restoration of the

Pagan gods and the temple worship. Christianity
he tolerated, and in his brief reign of sixteen months
the Christians were not actively persecuted. His
ix
—
INTRODUCTION
treatise Against the Chnstians, Avhich survives only in
fragments, Avas an explanation of his apostasy. The
epithet " Apostate " was bestowed on him by the
Christian Fathers. Meanvhile he was preparing
first at Constantinople then at Antioch, where he
wrote the Misopogon, a satire on the luxury
and frivolity of the inhabitants — for a campaign
against Sapor, a task which he had inherited from
Constantius. In March, 362 he left Antioch and
crossed the Euphrates, visited Carrhae, memorable
for the defeat of Crassus, then crossed the Tigris,
and, after burning his fleet, retired northwards
towards Armenia. On the march he fought an
indecisive battle with the Persians at Maranga, and
in a skirmish with the retreating enemy he was
mortally wounded by a javelin (January 26th, 363).
His body was carried to Tarsus by his successor the
Constantinople.
exclaimed
Theodoret in the
: € €,
Emperor Jovian, and was probably removed
Galilaean! " appears

The legend
fifth
first
century.
"
that as
Thou
later to
he died he
hast conquered,
in the Christian historian
Julian was the last

male descendant of the famous dynasty founded by
Constantius Chlorus.
In spite of his military achievements, he was, first
of all, a student. Even on his campaigns he took his

X
INTRODUCTION
books with him, and several of his extant works were
composed in camp. He had been trained, according
to the fashion of his times, in rhetorical studies by

professional sophists such as Libanius, and he has all
the mannerisms of a fourth century sophist. It was

the sophistic etiquette to avoid the direct use of
names, and Julian never names the usurpers Mag-
nentius, Silvanus, and Vetranio, whose suppression
by Constantius he describes in his two first Orations,
regularly refers to Sapor as ^'^the barbarian," and

rather than name Mardonius, his tutor, calls him ^' a
certain Scythian who had the same name as the man
who persuaded Xerxes to invade Hellas." ^ He
wrote the literary Greek of the fourth century a.d.
which imitates the classical style, though barbarisms

and late constructions are never entirely avoided.
His pages are crowded with echoes of Homer,
Demosthenes, Plato, and Isocrates, and his style is
interwoven with half verses, phrases, and whole

sentences taken without acknowledgment from the
Greek masterpieces. It is certain that, like other
sophists, he wished his readers to recognise these
echoes, and therefore his source is always classical, so
that where he seems to imitate Dio Chrysostom or

Themistius, both go back to a common source, which
1 352 A.
xi
INTRODUCTION
Julian had in mind. Another sophistic element in
his style is the use of commonplaces, literary
allusions that had passed into the sophistic language
and can be found in all the writers of reminiscence
Greek in his day. He himself derides this practice ^
but he cannot resist dragging in the well-worn

references to Cyrus, Darius, and Alexander, to the
nepenthe poured out by Helen in the Odyssey, to the
defiance of nature by Xerxes, or the refusal of

Socrates to admit the happiness of the Great King.
Julian wished to make Neo-Platonism the philosophy
of his revived Hellenism, but he belonged to the
younger or Syrian branch of the school, of which
lamblichus was the real founder, and he only once
mentions Plotinus. lamblichus he ranked with
Plato and paid him a fanatical devotion. His
philosophical writing, especially in the two prose
Hymns, is obscure, partly because his theories are
only vaguely realised, partly because he reproduces
the obscurity of his model, lamblichus. In satire
and narrative he can be clear and straightforward.
1 2.36 A.
xn
———
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Manuscripts :
The Vossianiis (V), Leyden, 13th or 14th cent, (contains

also the Letters of Libanius), is the only reliable of 8.
Julian, and was once complete except for a few Letters.
Where pages are lost from V
a group of inferior MSS.
are used, Marcianus 366 (M), 251 (Mb), both 15th cent.,
five Monacensea
(at Munich), and several Parisini
(at Paris). Cobet's contributions to the text are in
Mnemosyne 8, 9, 10 (old series 1859-1861) and 10, 11
(new series 1882-1883). A. Papadoulos Kerameus pub-
lished in Rheinisches Museum, 1887, six new Letters
discovered on the island of Chalcis.
Editions :
Misopogon and Letters (with Latin version) Martin,

Paris, 1566. Martin and Cantoclarus, Paris, 1583.
Petau (Petavius) Paris, 1630. Spanheim, Leipzig, 1696.
Oraiio/i /, Schaefer, Leipzig, 1802 (with Latin version
and Wyttenbach's Critical Epistle to Ruhnken). Hertlein,
Leipzig (Teubner), 1875-1876.^ Against the Christians,
Neumann, Leipzig, 1880. Letters : Heyler, Mainz, 1828.
Westermann, Leipzig, 1854.
Literature :
La Vie de VEmpereur Julien, Abbo de la Bleterie,

Paris, 1735. Strauss, Der Romantiker auf dem Throne
der Caesar en, Mannheim, 1847. Miicke Julian's Leben
und Schriften, Gotha, 1868. Naville, Jidien PApostat,
Neufchatel, 1877. Schwartz, De vita et scriptis Juliani,
Bonn, 1888. Gildersleeve Jidian in Essays and Studies,
Baltimore, 1890. Gardner, Jidian, New
York, 1895.
France (W. C. Wright), Julian's Relation to Neo-
^ The text of the present edition is Hertlein's, revised.
xiii
—
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Platonism and the New Sophistic, London, 1896. Negri,
rimperatoy-e GiuUano, Milan, 1902 (translated by
Letta-\îsconti-Arese, London, 1906). Bidez and Cumont,
Becherches sur la tradition manuscrite des lettres de
Julien, Brussels, 1898. Asmus, Julian und Dio
Chryso-
stomus, Tauberbischofsheim, 1895. Brambs, Studien,
Eichstatt, 1897. Allard, Jidien VApostat, Pans, 1903.
Cumont, Sur Vauthenticitu de quelques lettres de Jidtev,
Gaud, 1889.
Translations :
Latin: Misopogon and Letters, Martin in edition.

Oration I, Schaefer inedition. Letters, Heyler m
edition. French Tourlet, Paris, 3 vols. 1821.
:
traduc-
tion de quelques Ouvrages de VEmperenr Jidien, Abbe de
la Bleterie, Paris, 1748. Caesars, Spanheim,
Pans, 1683.
German Against the Christians, Neumann, Leipzig,
:
1880. English: Select WorL• by Duncombe, London,

1784 (contains also some translations of Libanius).
XIV
THE ORATIONS OF
THE EMPEROR JULIAN
ORATION I
VOL. I.
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN
INTRODUCTION TO ORATION I
Julian's training in rhetoric left its mark on all

his writings^but technically speaking his work as a
Sophist is comprised in the three panegyrics
(Orations 1-3) and the prose ^^ Hymns " (Orations
4-5). Oration 1 was considered his masterpiece
and was used as a model by Libanius. It was
written and probably delivered in 355 a.d.^ before
Julian went to Gaul. The excuse of being an
()
amateur is a commonplace
epideictic speech.
we find them in
()
in this type of
He follows with hardly a devia-
tion tlie rules for the arrangement and treatment of
a speech in praise of an emperor as
Menander's handbook of epideictic
oratory written in the third century a.d. The
speech is easily analysed. First comes the prooemium
to conciliate the audience and to give the threads of
the argument^ then the praises of the emperor's
(6 7€[
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native land^ ancestors^ early training, deeds in war
and in peace (5 irepl
and the stereotyped contrasts with
the Persian monarchs, the Homeric heroes, and
Alcibiades. In the two last divisions the virtues of
Plato's ideal king are proved to have been displayed
by Constantius, his victories are exaggerated and his
INTRODUCTION TO ORATION I
defeats explained away. Then comes a description

of the happy state of tlie empire and the army
under such a ruler, and the pane^s^yric ends abru{)tly
without the final prayer (eu;i^r)) for the continuance
of his reign, recommended by Menander. This
peroration has evidently been lost. The arrangement
closely resembles that of Oration 3, the panegyric
on the Empress Eusebia, and the " Evagoras " of
Isocrates, which Julian frequently echoes. Julian's
praises thoroughly insincere, a compulsory
tribute to a cousin whom he hated and feared.
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PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF THE
EMPEROR CONSTANTIUS
I HAVE long desired, most mighty Emperor, to
sing the praises of your valour and achievements,
to recount your cainpaigns, and to tell how you
suppressed the t3'rannies ; hoAv your persuasive
eloquence drew away ope usurper's^ bodyguard; how
you overcame another- by force of arms. But the
vast scale of your exploits deterred me, because
what I had to dread was not that my words
would fall somewhat short of your achievements,
but that I should prove vholly unequal to my
theme. That men 'ersed in political debate, or
})oets, should find it easy to compose a panegyric on
your career is not at all surprising. Their practice
in speaking, their habit of declaiming in public
supplies them abundantly with a well-Avarranted
confidence. But those vho have neglected this field
and chosen another branch of literary study which
devotes itself to a form of composition little adapted
to \vin popular favour and that has not the hardihood
to exhibit itself in its nakedness in every theatre,
no matter what, would naturally hesitate to make
speeches of the epideictic sort. As for the poets,
their Muse, and the general belief that it is she
inspires their verse, obviously gives them unlimited
^ Vetranio, '^
Magnentius,
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THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN,
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6
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
license to invent. To rhetoricians the art of rhetoric
allows just as much freedom fiction is denied them^
;
but flattery is by no means forbidden, nor is it

counted a disgrace to the orator that the object of his
panegyric should not deserve it. Poets com-
pose and publish some legend that no one had
thought of before increase their reputation, because
an audience is entertained by the mere fact of
novelty. Orators, again, assert ^ that the advantage
of their art is that it can treat a slight theme in
the grand manner, and again, by the use of mere
words, strip the greatness from deeds, and, in
short, marshall the power of words against that of
facts.
If, however, I had seen that on this occasion 1
should need their art, I should have maintained the

silence that befits those who have had no practice in
such forms of composition, and should leave your
praises to be told by those whom I just now men-
tioned. Since, on the contrary, the speech I am to
make calls for a plain narrative of the facts and
needs no adventitious ornament, I thought that even
I was not unfit, seeing that my predecessors had
already shown that it was beyond them to produce a
record worthy of your achievements. For almost all
who devote themselves to literature attempt to sing
your praises in verse or prose some of them venture
;
to cover your whole career in a brief narrative, while

others devote themselves to a part only, and tliink
that if they succeed in doing justice to that part
they have proved themselves equal to the task.
^ Isocrates, Pancgyricus, 42 c.
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Yet one can but admire the zeal of all who have
made you the theme of a panegyric. Some did not
slirink from the tremendous effort to secure every
one of your achievements from the vithering touch
of time ; others^ because they foresaw that they could
not compass the whole^ expressed themselves only
in part, and chose to consecrate to you their indi-
vidual work so far as they were able. Better this_,
they thought, than '' the revard of silence that
runs no risk." ^
Now if I wxre one of those Avhose favourite pursuit
is epideictic oratory, I should have to begin my
speech by asking from you no less goodwill than I
now feel towards yourself, and should beg you
graciously to incline your ear to my vords and not
play the part of a severe and inexorable critic. But
since, bred as I have been and educated in other
studies, other pursuits, other conventions, I am
criticisedfor venturing rashly into fields that
belong to others, 1 feel that I ought to explain
myself briefly on this head and begin my speech
more after my own fashion.
There is an ancient maxim taught by him who first
introduced philosophy to mankind, and it is as
follows. All who aspire to virtue and the beautiful
must study in their Avords, deeds, conversation, in
short, in all the affairs of life, great and small, to aim in
every way at beauty. vhat sensible man vould
deny that virtue is of all things the most beautiful .''
Wherefore those are bidden to lay firm hold on her

who do not seek to blazon abroad her name in vain,
1 Simonides/r. 66. Horace, Oclen 3. 2. 25.
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appropriating that which in no way belongs to them.
Now in giving this counsel^ the maxim does not pre-
scribe any single type of discourse^ nor does it
proclaim to its readers, like a god from the machine
in tragedy, " Ye must aspire to virtue and eschew
evil." Many are the paths that it allows a man to
follow to this goal, if he desire to imitate the nature
of the beautiful. For example, he may give good
advice, or use hortatory discourse, or he may rebuke
error without malice, or applaud what is well done,
or condemn, on occasion, what is ill done. It permits
men also to use other types of oratory, if they please,
so as to attain the best end of speech, but it enjoins
on theni to take thought in every word and act
how they shall give account of all they utter, and to
speak no word that cannot be referred to the
standard of virtue and philosophy. That and
more to the same effect is the tenour of that
prece})t.
And now, what am I to do ? What embarrasses
me is the fact that, if I praise you, I shall be thought
simply to curry favour, and in fact, the department
of panegyric has come to incur a grave suspicion due
to its misuse, and is now held to be base flattery
rather than trustworthy testimony to heroic deeds.
Is it not obvious that I must put iny faith in the
merit of him whom I undertake to praise, and with
full confidence devote my energies to this panegyric ?
What then shall be the prelude of my speech and the
most suitable arrangement ? Assuredly I must
begin with the virtues of your ancestors through
Avhich it was possible for you to come to be vhat
you are. Next I think it will be proper to describe
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12
your upbringing and education^ since these con-
tributed very much to the noble qualities that you
possess^ and when I liave dealt with all these, I must
recount your achievements, the signs and tokens, as
it were, of the nobility of your soul, and finally, as
the crown and consummation of my discourse, I shall

set forth those personal qualities from which was
evolved all that was noble in your projects and their
execution. It is in this respect that I think my
speech will surpass those of all the others. For some
limit themselves to your exploits, \vith the idea that
a description of these suffices for a perfect panegyric,
but for my part I think one ought to devote the
greater part of one's speech to the virtues that were
the stepping-stones by which you reached the height
of your achievements. Military exploits in most
cases, nay in almost all, are achieved with the help
of fortune, the body-guard, heavy infantry and cavalry
regiments. But virtuous actions belong to the doer
alone, and the praise that they inspire, if it be
sincere, belongs only to the possessor of such virtue.
Now, having made this distinction clear, I will
begin my speech.
The rules of panegyric require that I should
mention your native land no less than your ancestors.
But I am at a loss vhat country I ought to consider
peculiarly yours. For countless nations have long
asserted their claim to be your country. The city^
that rules over them all was your mother and nurse,
and in an auspicious hour delivered to you the
imperial sceptre, and therefore asserts her sole title
to the honour, and that not merely by resorting to
the plea that has prevailed under all the emperors.
^ Rome.
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14
I mean that, even if men are born elsewhere, they
all adopt her constitution and use the laws and
customs that she has promulgated, and by that fact
become Roman citizens. But her claim is different,
namely that she gave your mother birth, rearing her
royally and as befitted the offspring vho were to be
born to her. Then again, the city on the Bosporus
which is named after the family of the Constantii,
though she does not assert that she is your native
place, but acknowledges that she became your
adopted land by your father's act, will think she is
cheated of her rights if any orator should try to
deprive her of at least this claim to kinship.
Thirdly, the Illyrians, on whose soil you were born,
will not tolerate it if anyone assign you a difl'erent
fatherland and rob them of the fairest gift of fortune.
And now I hear some even of the Eastern j)rovinces
protest that it is unjust of me to rob them of
the lustre they derive from you. For they say
that they sent forth your grandmother to be the
consort of your grandfather on the mother's side.
Almost all the rest have hit on some pretension
of more or less weight, and are determined, on
one ground or another, to adopt you for their own.
Therefore let that country ^ have the prize vhich
you yourself prefer and have so often praised as
the mother and teacher of the virtues as for the
;
rest, let each one according to her deserts obtain

her due. I should be glad to praise them all,
worthy as they are of glory and honour, but I am
Rome.
15
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^ 44' ' Cobet, ^" Hertlein, MSS.

'^
So^rjs Wyttenbach aîas MSS, Hertlein.
"*
Tu>y Hertlein adds.
i6
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF COXSTANTIUS
afraid that my compliments, however germane they
may seem tomy subject, might, on account of their
length, be thought inappropriate to the present
occasion. For this reason, then, I think it better to
omit a eulogy of the others, but as for Rome, your
imperial Majesty summed up her praises in tvo
words when you called her the teacher of virtue,
and, by bestowing on her the fairest of all
encomiums, you have forestalled all that others
might say. What praise of mine come up to
that ? What indeed is left for anyone to say ? So
I feelthat I, naturally hold that city in
reverence, shall pay her a higher honour if I leave
her praise in your hands.
Now perhaps I ought at this point to say a fev
vords about your noble ancestors. Only that here
too I am at a loss where to begin. For all your
ancestors, grandfathers, parents, brothers, cousins
and kinsfolk were emperors, who had either
acquired their power by lawful means or vere
adopted by the reigning house. Why should I
recall ancient history or hark back to Claudius
and produce proofs of his merit, which are manifest
and known to all? To what end recount his
campaigns against the barbarians across the
Danube or hov righteously and justly he won the
empire ? How plainly he lived vhile on the throne !
How simple vas his dress, as may be seen to

this day in his statues VVhat I might say about
I
your grandparents ^ is comparatively recent, but
^ Constantius Chlorus and Maximianus.
17
Vol. I. c
. ^, ^<; '
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
^^
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8
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MSS,
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-
8
equally remarkable. Both of them acquired the
imperial scejitre as the reward of conspicuous merit,
and having assumed the command, they were on
such good terms with each other and displayed
such filial piety to him^ who had granted them
a share in the empire, that he used to say that of
all the safeguards designed by him for the realm,
and they were many, this was his master-stroke.
They, meanwhile, yalued their mutual understanding
more than undivided empire, supposing that it could
haye been bestowed on either of them se})arately.
This was the temper of their souls, and nobly they
played their part in action, while next to the
Supreme Being they reyerenced him who had
placed authority in their hands. With their sub-
jects they dealt righteously and humanely, and
expelled the barbarians who had for years settled
in our territory and had occupied it with impunity
as though it were their own, and they built forts to
hinder encroachment, vhich procured for those
subjects such peaceful relations with the barbarians
as, at that period, seemed to be beyond their dreams.
This, however, is a subject that deserves more than
a passing mention. Yet it would be vrong to omit
the strongest proof of their unanimity, especially
as it is related to my subject. Since they desired
the most perfect harmony for their children, they
arranged the marriage of your father and mother.-
On this point also I think I must say a few words to
show that Avas bequeathed to you as vell
virtue
as a throne. But why waste time in telling hov
your father, on his father's death, became emperor
both by the choice of the deceased monarch and by
^ Diocletian. - Constantine and Fausta.
c 2
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20
^ - 88 D
the vote of the armies ?
all His military genius \vas
made evident by his achievements and needs no
words of mine. He traversed the whole civilised
world suppressing tyrants^ but never those Avho ruled
by right. His subjects he inspired vith such affection
that his veterans still rernember how generous he
was with largess and other reAvards^ and to this day
worship him as though he were a god. As for
the mass of the people^ in toAvn and country alike^
they prayed that your father might be victorious
over the tA'rants. not so much because thev would be
delivered from that oppression as because they would
then be governed bv him. But vhen he had made
his power supreme, he found that the tyrant's ^
greed had worked like a drought, with the result
that money Avas very scarce, Avhile there vere great
hoards of treasure in the recesses of the palace so ;
he unlocked its doors and on the instant flooded the

Avhole country vith wealth, and then, in less than
ten years, he founded and gave his name to a city ^
that as far surpasses all others as it is itself inferior
to Rome and to come second to Rome seems to me
;
a much o-reater honour than to be counted first and

foremost of all cities beside. Here it may be proper
to mention Athens "the illustrious,"^ seeing that
during his vhole life he honoured her in vord and
deed. He Avas emperor and lord of all did
not disdain the title of General of the Athenians,
and when they gave him a statue Avith an inscription
to that effect he felt more pride than if he
had been aAvarded the highest honours. To repay
Athens for this compliment he bestowed on her
annually a gift of many tens of thousands of bushels
^ Maxentius. - Constantinople. ^ Pindar /r. 46
21
.
alvaL,
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ya Xoyov,
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. '
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}. }
'
€ Cobet, ed MSS, Hertlein.
22
2

of wheat, so that while she enjoyed plenty he _, won
applause and reverence from the best of men.
Your achievements were many and
father's
brilliant. Some
have just mentioned, and others I
I
must omit for the sake of brevity. But the most

notable of all, as I make bold to say and I think all
will agree, was that he begat, reared and educated
you. This secured to the rest of the world the
advantages of good government, and that not for a
limited time but for a period beyond his own life-
time, as far as this is possible. At any rate your
father seems still to be on the throne. This is more
than Cyrus himself could achieve. When he died
his son proved far inferior, so that while men called
Cyrus " father," his successor was called master." i '^'^
But you are even less stern than your father, and
surpass him in many respects, as I well knoAv and will
demonstrate in my speech as occasion shall arise.
as ,
Yet, in my opinion, he should have the credit of this
since it was he Avho gave you that admirable
training concerning which I shall presently speak,
but not till I have described your mother and
brothers.
Your mother's ancestry was so distinguished, her
personal beauty and nobility of character were such
that it would be hard to find her match among
women. I have heard that saying of the Persians
about Parysatis, that no other woman had been the
sister, mother, wife, and daughter of kings. Pary-
satis, however, Avas own sister of her husband, since
their law does not forbid a Persian to marry his
sister. But your mother, while in accordance with
our laws she kept pure and unsullied those ties
1 Herodotus 3. 89. "^ Constantine II. and Constans.
23
^
, ,
^,^ ,
-
, I
eivao
?-
he erepov,
,
7\€,
avyKaTeipydaaTO
6
^
he evo^
<;
6
Trapea-
D
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, €hLv '. ^
Ke{)aaev,
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^,
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eireTpeirov
eLpaev
hlv
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ohv 10
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h,
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h hv
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\<
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hr)
,-
^
'•^
€€
ovaTjs
^
AXvhpo
^,
Reiske, lacuna Hertlein,
Wyttenbach adds, Trepiouaias- MSS, Hertlein.
'
^ &u Schaefer adds.
* €Kyovoi Peta\ius, eyy ovoi MSS, Hertlein.
^ yeyovaaip Wyttenbach adds. ^ Wyttenbach adds.
24
of kinship, was actually the daughter of one
emperor/ the wife of another, the sister of a third,
and the mother not of one emperor but of several.
Of these one aided your father in his Avar against the
tyrants ; another conquered the Getae and secured
for us a lasting peace Avith them the third ^ kept our
;
frontiers safe from the enemy's incursions, and often

led his forces against them in person, so long at least
as he was permitted by those who were so soon
punished for their crimes against him. Though by
the number and brilliance of their achievements they
have indeed earned our homage, and though all the
blessings of fortune were theirs in abundance, yet in
the whole tale of their felicity one could pay them no
greater compliment than merely to name their sires
and grandsires. But I must not make my account of
them too long, lest I should spend time that I ought
to devote to your own panegyric. So in what
follows I will, as indeed I ought, endeavour or —
rather, since affectation isout of place, let me say I
will demonstrate — that you are far more august than
your ancestors.
Now as for heavenly voices and prophecies and
visions in dreams and all such portents^ as are common
gossip when men like yourself have achieved brilliant
and conspicuous success, Cyrus, for instance, and the
founder* of our capital, and Alexander, Philip's son,
and the like, I purposely ignore them. Indeed
^ Maximianus. ^ Constans.
^ Isocrates, Evagoras 21. ^ Romulus,
25
1
-
^
'yap
eivai. \
jeveacv
Xiyeiv 66<;.
9
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8
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yap
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, ^.,^, ,, ,
8
7?;9,
yva
^
-
,
Wj^ttenbach adds.
Wyttenbach,
86
ehai St MSS, Hertlein.
26
I feel that poetic license accounts for them all.
And it is foolish even to state that at the hour of your
birth all the circumstances were brilliant and suited
to a prince. And the time has come for me to
speak of your education as a boy. You were of
course bound to have the princely nurture that
should train your body to be strong, muscular,
healthy, and handsome, and at the same time duly
equip your soul with courage, justice, temperance,
and Avisdom. But this cannot result from that loose
indulgence Avhich naturally pampers body and soul,
weakening men's wills for facing danger and their
bodies for work. Therefore your body required
training by suitable gymnastics, while you adorned
your mind by literary studies. But I must speak at
greater length about both branches of your education,
since it laid the foundation of your later career. In
your physical training you did not pursue those
exercises that fit one merely for public display.
What professional athletes love to call the pink of
condition you thought unsuitable for a king who
must enter for contests that are not make-believe.
Such a one must put up with very little sleep and
scanty food, and that of no precise quantity or
quality or served at regular hours, but such as can
be had when the stress of work alloAvs. And so you
thought you ought to train yourself in athletics with
a view to this, and that your exercises must be
military and of many kinds, dancing and running in
heavy armour, and riding. All these you have
27
^
I
. -^ ',^,
^^,
€<;
, iv '^'/'
6
? ouSevl
, ein-
,
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)?
levai. '^
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ifceivot^
)
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},
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elvai
Sia
^^
,, .
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- D
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^, -
,8 ,,,
6
'
8
12
, '^
^ Cobet, avayovra MSS, Hertlein.
28
continued from early youth to practise at the right
time, and in every exercise you ha\ê attained to
greater perfection than any other hoplite. Usually
a hoplite who is a good infantryman cannot ride, or,
if he is an expert horseman, he shirks marching on
foot to battle. But of you alone it can be said that
you can put on the cavalry uniform and be a match
for the best of them, and when changed into a hop-
lite show yourself stronger, swifter, and lighter on
your feet than all the rest. Then you j)ractised
shooting at a mark, that even 3ôur hours of leisure
miffht not be hours of ease or be found without the
exercise of arms. So by work that was voluntary
you trained your body to stand the exertions that
you would be compelled to undertake.
Your mind, meanwhile, was trained by practice in
public speaking and other studies suitable to your
years. But it was not to be wholly without the
discipline of experience, nor was it for you to listen
merely to lectures on the virtues as though they
were ballads or saga stories, and so wait all that time
Avithout actual acquaintance with brave works
and undertakings. Plato, that noble philosopher,
advised ^ that boys should be furnished as it were
with wings for flight by being mounted on horse-
back, and should then be taken into battle so that
they may be spectators of the warfare in which they
must soon be combatants. This, I make bold to say,
was in your father's mind when he made you
governor and king of the Celtic tribes while you
were still a youth, or rather a mere boy in point of
years, though in intelligence and endurance you
could already hold your own Avith men of parts.
^ Republic 467 e.
29
.
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iv
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TCLS TToAeis
^ OS
Cobet,
Wright, rhv
^
^
'^
MSS, Hertlein.
MSS, Hertlein, rh V.
Your father wisely provided that your experience of
war should be free from risks_, having arranged tliat
the barbarians should maintain peace with liis
subjects. But he instigated them to internal feuds

and civil war, and so taught you strategy at the
expense of their lives and fortunes. This was a
safer policy than the wise Plato's. For, by his
scheme, if the invading army were composed of
infantry, the boys could indeed be spectators of
their fathers' prowess, or, if need arose, could even
take part. But supposing that the enemy won in a
cavalry engagement, then, on the instant, one would
have to devise some means to save the boys, which
would be difficult indeed. But to inure the boys to
face the enemy, while the hazard belongs to others,
is to take counsel that both suffices for their need
and also secures their safety.

It was in this way then that you were first trained
in manliness. But as regards wisdom, that nature
with which you were endowed was your self-sufficing
guide. But also, I think, the wisest citizens Avere
at your disposal and gave you lessons in statecraft.
Moreover, your intercourse vith the barbarian leaders
in that region gave you an acquaintance at first hand
with the manners, laws, and usages of foreigners.
Indeed, when Homer set out to prove the con-
summate wisdom of Odysseus, he called him " much-
travelled,"and said that he had come to know the
minds of many peoples and visited their cities, so
that he might choose what was best in every one
and be able to mix with all sorts and conditions of
men. Yes, even Odysseus, who never ruled an
31
^8€THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN,
,
I
he 13
,,-
Xpeia'
ev
ovBe
'
'^ ,
?,
i/celvov Xiyouaiv,
^ .
Wveaiv
, ^
eV
avhpa
. ,^
^
, , .
, , .,
\^,'^ - 8
^, Q
'
€7
^
,
Cobet adds.
32
empire, needed experience of the many and divers
minds of men. How much more necessary that one
wlio Avas being brought up to guide an empire like
this should not fit himself for the task in some
modest dwelling apart neither should he, like young
;
Cyrus in his games, P^^y ^^ being emperor, nor give

audiences to his playmates, as they say ^ Cyrus did.
Rather he ought to mix with nations and peoples,
and give orders to his troops definitely indicating
what is to be done, and generally he should be found
Avanting in none of those things which, when he
comes to manhood, he must perform without fear.
Accordingly, when you had gained a thorough
knowledge of the Celts, you crossed to the other
continent and were given sole command against the
Parthians and Medes. There were already signs
that a war was smouldering and would soon burst
into flame. You therefore quickly learned how to
deal with it, and, as though you took as model the
hardness of your Aveapons, steeled yourself to bear

the heat of the summer season. I have heard say
that Alcibiades alone, among all the Greeks, was

naturally so versatile that when he cast in his lot
with the Spartans he copied the self-restraint of the
Lacedaemonians, then in turn Theban and Thracian
manners, and finally adopted Persian luxury. But
Alcibiades, when he changed his country changed
his character^ too, and became so tainted with
perversity and so ill-conditioned that he was likely to
lose utterly all that he was born to. You, however,
thought it your duty to maintain your severity of
1 Herodotus 1. 114.
^ Cf. Aeschines Against Ctesiphon 78. Horace Epistles 1.
11. 27.
33
VOL. I, D
iyfcparov^
<
Setv
^;
,
^;
1
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D
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pdov ^
^ a>pac<; ,
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yap
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.
; yap
8 ^, -
,-
^ tjveyKas Cobet, SiiiveyKas MSS, Hertlein.
2 fl Reiske adds.
^ Petavius, yepovaiav MSS, Hertlein.
34
life wherever you might be, and by hard work
inuring your constitution to change, you easily bore
the march inland from Galatia to Parthia, more easily
in fact than a rich man lives now here, now
there, according to the season, would bear it if he
were forced to encounter unseasonable veather. I
think Heaven smiled on you and willed that you
should govern the whole world, and so from the first
trained you in virtue, and was your guide vhen you
journeyed to all points, and shoAved you the bounds
and limits of the whole empire, the character of each
region, the vastness of your territory, the power of
every race, the number of the cities, the charac-
teristics of the masses, and above all the vast
number of things that one who is bred to so great a
kingship cannot afford to neglect. But I nearly
forgot to mention the most important thing of all.
From a boy you were taught to govern this great
empire, but a better thing you learned, to be
governed, submitting yourself to the authority that
is the best in the world and the most just, that is to
say nature and laAV. I mean that both as son and

subject you obeyed your father. Indeed, had he
been only your father or only your king, obedience
Avas his due.
Now what rearing and education for a king could
one find in history better than this ? Consider the
Greeks. Not thus did the Spartans train the
Heracleidae, though they are thought to have
enjoyed the best form of government, that of their
kings. As for the barbarians, not even the Cartha-
^5
D 2
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Hertlein.
•^
6V€T€K€u
eVre/cer^
Hertlein suggests,
Cobet,
[] Hertlein.
Wright,
Wyttenbach,
Petavius.
cf.
MSS,
Rep. 424
evreKelv MSS,
MSS.
Hertlein.
D, 8^
Hertlein,
MSS,
36
ginians^ though they were particularly well-governed
by their kings, chose the best method of training
their future rulers. The moral discipline and the
studies prescribed by their laws were pursued by all
alike, as though the citizens were brothers, all
destined both to govern and be governed, and in the
matter of education they made no difference
between their princes and the rest of the citizens.
Yet surely it is foolish to demand superlative
excellence from one's rulers when one takes no
pains to make them better than other men. Among
the barbarians, indeed, no man is debarred from
winning the throne, so one can excuse them for
giving the same moral training to all. But that
Lycurgus, who tried to make the dynasty of the
Heracleidae proof against all shocks,^ should not
have arranged for them a special education better
than that of other Spartan youths is an omission for
which he may well be criticised. He may have
thought that all the Lacedaemonians ought to enter
the race for virtue, and foster it, but for all that
it was wrong to provide the same nurture and
education for private citizens as for those who were
to govern. The inevitable familiarity little by little
steals into men's souls and breeds contempt for their
betters. Though, for that matter, they are not
in any sense one's betters unless it was their own
merit that earned them the right to rule. This, in
^ cf. Xenophon Re}^. Lac. 15. 7.
37
^.
/? ^'-
' , '-
he
I
<; , ^
,. ' 9
<. ,^
rfi
?
TrXeLoaiv,
Trpo's AyyaiXaov
^ <; -
i
€ €78€€
'^ ,
\<;'<^
he
iSiSou
virapyeiv
ovhe
, ^-
el
irapeiyev avhpaat'
eiratvelv ie\avvove<;
- <yap
^ hia
pevovTe<;,
vev,
yov€L<;
hpav
he ,
XaOetv^ TretpdaOaL
<;
^--- ^^pelav
hpcovTa^
eêXeiv
C
€. •ee yap haeL-

\
peiVi
*
^ Kpiveiv
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6 ? evherj^ hiacTa,
, '^
€7€
evo,
'x^peiaif;
€ el
'âhv
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€-
a'XeLa
D
,
€<;
hirep
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Xeyeiv ,'he
oijhe
elhv
aKoveiv
*
Wyttenbach adds.
KaAîv
Schaefer.
38
Cobet,
^ Tt 5'
> MSS,
Spanheim,
Hertlein,
MSS,
^
Hertlein,
my opinion, is the reason why the Spartan kings
often found their subjects hard to govern. In proof
of what I say one might quote the rivahy of
Lysander and Agesilaus^ and many other instances,
if one should review the history of the Spartan
kings
The Spartan poHty, however, by securing a
satisfactory development of the moral qualities in
their kings, even if it gave them a training in no
way different from that of the crowd, at least
endowed them with the attributes of well-bred
men. But as for the Carthaginians, there was
nothing to admire even in the discipline that they
all shared. The parents turned their sous out of
doors and bade them win the necessaries of life
by their own efforts, Avith the injunction to do
nothing that is considered disgraceful. The effect
of this was not to uproot the evil inclinations of the
young, but to require them to take pains not to be
caught in wrong-doing. For it is not self-indulgence
only that ruins character, but the lack of mere
necessaries may produce the same result. This is
true at any rate in the case of those whose reason
has not yet assumed the power to decide, being
swayed by physical needs and persuaded by desire.
It is especially true when one fails to control the
passion for money-getting, if from boyhood one is
accustomed to it and to the trading and bartering of
the market-places. This business, unfit for a youth
of gentle birth to mention, or so much as hear
spoken of, whether the youth finds it out for himself
59
d^wv
'^
€^ .
, * rfi
^,
"^}, eivat
,
] '^)^,
7€'
€
8e
)
/,^
'^', ^ ',
,
<
hirjveyKa'^,
,
hia
Sea
^^
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hia
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16
^ ^^, ciyaOa
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,
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,
,, ^-
^
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'^^,
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. '^.
€5
€5
^
€$
^
}5 MSS,
V.
Cobet,
Cobet •
MSS, Cobet, iu^€€^Qs

V, Hertlein.
€'05 MSS,
Hertleii),
Hertlein, -
40
or learns from those of greater experience, leaves
it
many scars on the soul and ev( a respectable citizen

;
ought to be free from all this, not a king or general

alone.
But it is not for me to criticise the Cartha-
ginians in this place. I only point out how
different was your education, and how you profited
by it and have come to excel in looks, strength,
justice, and temperance. By your active life you
achieved perfect health your temperance was
;
the result of obedience to the laAvs you enjoy a ;
body of unusual strength by reason of your self-

control, and a soul of unusual rectitude because
of your physical powers of endurance. You left
nothing undone to improve your natural talents, but
ever acquired new talents by ncAV studies. You
needed nothing yourself but gave assistance to
others, and lavished such generous gifts that the
recipients seemed as rich as the monarch of the
Lydians.^ Though you indulged yourself less in the
good things that were yours than the most austere
of the Spartans, you gave others the means of
luxury in abundance, while those who preferred
temperance could imitate your example. As a ruler
you vere mild and humane as your father's subject
;
you were ever as modest as any one of his people.

All this Avas true of you in boyhood and youth, and
much more about Avliich there is no time to
speak at length.
Gyges,
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^ la-qyopias Petavius, irap7]yoplas MSS, Hertlein.
42
Whenyou had come to man's estate, and after
fate had decreed the ending of your father's life ^
and Heaven had granted that his last hours should
be peculiarly blest, you adorned his tomb not only
by lavishing on it splendid decorations and so paying
"^
the debt of gratitude for your birth and education,

but still more by the fact that you alone of his sons
hastened to him when he was still alive and stricken
by illness, and paid him the highest possible honours
after his death. But all this I need only mention in
passing. For now it is your exploits that cry aloud
for notice and remind me of your energy, courage,
good judgment, and justice. In these qualities you
are unsurpassed, unrivalled. In your dealings with
your brothers,•^ your subjects, your father's friends,
and your armies you displayed justice and modera-
tion except that, in some cases, forced as you were
;
by the critical state of affairs, you could not, in spite

of your own wishes, prevent others from going
astray. Towards the enemy your demeanour was
brave, generous, and worthy of the previous reputa-
tion of your house. While you maintained the
friendly relations that already existed, kept the capital
free from civil discord, and continued to cherish
your brothers who were your partners in empire, you
granted to your friends, among other benefits,
the privilege of addressing you as an equal and full
freedom of speech without stint, and perfect frank-
ness. Not only did you share with them all whatever
you possessed, but you gave to each what he seemed
most to need. Anyone who wants testimony to all
this might reasonably call your friends to Avitness,
but if he does not know your friends, the facts
^ At Nicomedia 337 a.d. ^ Isocrates, Evagoras 1.
•*
Constans and Coustiintine.
43
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44
themselves are sufficient to demonstrate the policy
of your whole life.
But I must postpone the description of your
personal qualities and go on to speak of your
achievements. The Persians in the past conquered
the whole inhabited ,

tlie whole of Asia, subjugated a great part of Europe,
and had embraced in their hopes I may almost say
when the Macedonians
deprived them of their supremacy, and they provided
Alexander's generalship with a task, or rather with
a toy. But they could not endure the yoke of
slavery, and no sooner vas Alexander dead, than
they revolted from his successors and once more
opposed their power to the Macedonians, and so
successfully that, when Ave took over what was left
of the Macedonian empire, Ave counted them to the•
end as foes with Avhom we must reckon. I need not
now remind you of ancient history, of Antony and
Crassus,! were generals with the fullest powers,
or tell how after long-continued dangers we suc-
ceeded in wiping out the disgrace they incurred, and
how many a prudent general retrieved their blunders.
Nor need I recall the second chapter of our mis-
fortunes and the exploits of Carus^ that followed,
when after those failures he was appointed general.
Among those who sat on the throne before your
father's time and imposed on the Persians conditions
of peace admired and welcomed by all, did not the
Caesar ^ incur a disgraceful defeat Avhen he attacked
them on his own account ? It was not till the
ruler of the Avhole Avorld ^ turned his attention to
^ Defeated at Carrhae B.C. 53: the Roman standards were
recovered by Augustus B.C. 20. '^
Emperor 282-283 a.d.
^ Galerius Maximianus, son-in-law of Diocletian, was de-
feated in Mesopotamia, 296 a.d., by Narses. * Diocletian.
45
9
' THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN,
<^
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46
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theiw, directing thither all the forces of the empire,
occupying all the passes with his troops and
levies of hoplites, both veterans and new recruits,
and employing every sort of military equipments,
that fear drove them to accept terms of peace.
That peace they somehow contrived to disturb and
break during your father's lifetime, but they escaped
punishment at his hands because he died in the
midst of preparations for a campaign. It was left
for you later on to punish them for their audacity.
I shall often have to speak of your campaigns against
them, but this one thing I ask my hearers to
observe. You became master of a third of the
empire,! that part in fact which seemed by no
means strong enough to carry on a war, since it
had neither arms nor troops in the field, nor any
of those military resources w^hich ought to flow in
abundantly in preparation for so important a war.
Then, too, your brothers, for whatever reason, did
nothing to make the war easier for you. And yet
there is no sycophant so shameless and so envious
as not to admit that the harmony existing between
you was mainly due to you. The war in itself
presented peculiar difficulties, in my opinion, and
the troops were disaffected owing to the change
of government they raised the cry that they missed
;
their old leader and they wished to control your

actions. Nay, more a thousand strange and per-
;
plexing circumstances arose on every hand to render

your hopes regarding the war more difficult to
realise. The Armenians, our ancient allies, revolted,
and no small part of them went over to the Persians
and overran and raided the country on their borders.
In this crisis there seemed to be but one hope of
^ The provinces of the East.
^
,
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THE ORATIONS OF
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JULIAN, I
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Schaefer adds.
Reiske, Cobet, $MSS.
€€5 ^
MSS.
S4• \vaiTe\es Petavius, Wyttenbach, Hertlein,
48
safety, that you should take charge of affairs and
plan the campaign, but at the moment this was
impossible, because you were in Paeonia ^ making
treaties with your brothers. Thither you Avent in
person, and so managed that you gave them no
opening for criticism. Indeed, I almost forgot to
mention the very first of your achievements, the
noblest of all, or at any rate equal to the noblest.
For there is no greater proof of your prudence and
magnanimity than the fact that, in planning for
interests of such importance, you thought it no dis-
advantage if you should, of your own free will,
concede the lion's share to your brothers. Imagine,
for instance, a man dividing among his brothers their
father's estate of a hundred talents, or, if you prefer,
twice as much. Then suppose him to have been
content with fifty minae less than the others, and to
raise no objection, because he secured their goodwill
in exchange for that trifling sum. You Avould think
he deserved all praise and respect as one who had a
soul above money, as far-sighted, in short as a man of
honour. But here is one whose policy with regard
to the empire of the Avorld seems to have been so
high minded, so prudent, that, without increasing
the burdens of administration, he willingly gave up
some of the imperial revenues in order to secure
harmony and peace among all Roman citizens. What
praise such a one deserves And certainly one can-
!
not, in this connection, quote the saying, " Well

done, but a bad bargain." Nothing, in my opinion.
^ Regularly in Greek for Pannonia.
49
VOL. I.
.8
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Wyttenbach,
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Capps suggests,
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irpay-
MSS,
Hertlein.
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Hertlein. ^
Capps suggests, nopfias
'$ \ 4 Petavius,
^
4 MSS,
MSS,
Hertlein.
50
can be called a good bargain if it be not honourable
as well. In general, if anyone wish to appl}^ the test
of expediency alone, he ought not to make money
his criterion or reckon Up his revenues from estates,
like those old misers whom writers of comedy bring
on to the stage, but he should take into account the
vastness of the empire and the point of honour in-
volved. If the Emperor had disputed about tlie
boundaries and taken a hostile attitude, he might
have obtained more than he did, but he would have
governed oiily his allotted share. But he scorned
and despised such trifles, and the result was that
he really governed the whole world in partnership
with his brotliers, but had the care of his own portion
only, and, while he kept his dignity unimpaired, he
had less than his share of the toil and trouble that
go with such a position. •
On that subject, however, I shall have a chance

later to speak in more detail. This is perhaps the
right moment to describe how you controlled the
situation, encompassed as you were, after your
father's death, by so many perils and difficulties of
all sorts — confusion, an unavoidable war, numerous
hostile raids, allies in revolt, lack of discipline in the
garrisons, and all the other harassing conditions of
the hour. You concluded in perfect harmony the
negotiations with your brothers, and w^hen the time
had arrived that demanded your aid for the dangerous
crisis of affairs, you made forced marches, and imme-
diately after leaving Paeonia appeared in Syria^
But to relate how you did this would tax my powers
of description, and indeed for those who know the
51
T0fc9 '^ irelpa, ? 8e tt/so?
, ^, ';^,
Se
, inrep
,
^
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-
iireiravTO
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21
8
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52
facts their own experience is enough. But vho in
the Avorld could describe adequately how^ at the pro-
spect of your arrival^ everything was changed and
improved all at once, so that we were set free from
the fears that hung over us and could entertain
brighter hopes than ever for the future ? Even
before you vere actually on the spot the mutiny
among the garrisons ceased and order was restored.
The Armenians who had gone over to the enemy at
once changed sides again, for you ejected from the
country and sent to Rome those who were re-
sponsible for the governor's 1 exile, and you secured
for the exiles a safe return to their own country.
You were so merciful to those who now came to
Rome as exiles, and so kind in your dealings with
those who returned from exile Avith the governor,
that the former did, indeed, bcAvail their misfortune in
having revolted, but still were better pleased with their
present condition than with their previous usurpa-
tion Avhile the latter, who were fomierly in exile,
;
declared that the experience had been a lesson in

prudence, but that now they were receiving a worthy
reward for their loyalty. On the returned exiles
you lavished such magnificent presents and rewards
that they could not even resent the good fortune of
their bitterest enemies, nor begrudge their being
duly honoured. All these difficulties you quickly
settled, and then by means of embassies you turned
the marauding Arabs against our enemies. Then
you began preparations for the \var, about which I
may as well say ft few words.
^Tiraniis, King of Armenia, was now, 337 a. d., deposed
and imprisoned by Sapor. His son, Arsaces, succeeded him
in 341. Julian is describing the interregnum. Gibbon, chap.
18, wrongly ascribes these events to the reign of Tiridates,
who died 314 a.d.
,
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^
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^ ip Reiske adds.
MSS, Hertlein. V,
\
Hertlein conjectures. Wright,

** € ISchaefer, Hei^tlein,
54
The previous period of peace had relaxed the
labours of the troops, and lightened the burdens of
those who had to perform public services. But the
war called for money, provisions, and supplies on a
vast scale, and even more it demanded endurance,
energy, and military experience on the part of the
troops. In the almost entire absence of all these,
you personally provided and organised everything,
drilled those who had reached the age for military
service, got together a force of cavalry to match the
enemy's, and issued orders for the infantry to
persevere in their training. Nor did you confine
yourself to speeches and giving orders, but yourself
trained and drilled with the troops, showed them
their duty by actual example, and straightway made
them experts in the art of war. Then you dis-
covered ways and means, not by increasing the
tribute or the extraordinary contributions, as the
Athenians did in their day, when they raised these
to double or even more. You were content, I
understand, with the original revenues, except in
cases where, for a short time, and to meet an
emergency, it was necessary that the people should
find their services to the state more expensive. The
troops under your leadership were abundantly
supplied, yet not so as to cause the satiety that leads
to insolence, nor, on the other hand, were they driven
to insubordination from lack of necessaries.
I shall say nothing about your great array of arms,
horses, and river-boats, engines of war and the like.
But when all was ready and the time had come to
55
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I
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<€0 ovSe
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56
^
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afavSpias
Cobet, rpixl/as
SeiXias]
hence Petavius omits
MSS, Hertlein.
Hertlein.
5ei\ias.
omits before
make appropriate use of all that I have mentioned,
the Tigris vas bridged by rafts at many points and
forts vere built to guard the river. ^leanvhile the
enemy never once ventured to defend their country
from plunder, and every useful thing that they
possessed was brought in to us. This Avas partly
because they Avere afraid to offer battle, partly
because those who were rash enough to do so were
punished on the spot. This is a mere summary of
your invasions of the enemy's country. Who, indeed,
in a short speech could do justice to every event, or
reckon up the enemy's disasters and our successes?
But this at least I have space to tell. You often
crossed the Tigris with your army and spent a
long time in the enemy's country, but you always
returned crowned Avith the laurels of victory. Then
you visited the cities you had freed, and bestowed
on them peace and plenty, all possible blessings and
all at once. Thus at your hands they received what
they had so long desired, the defeat of the barbarians
and the erection of trophies of victor}' over the
treachery and cowardice of the Parthians. Treachery
the}' had displayed >vhen they violated the treaties
and broke the peace, cowardice when they lacked
the courage to fight for their country and all that
they held dear.
But lest anyone should suppose that, while I
delight in recalling exploits like these, I avoid
mentioning occasions when luck gave the enemy
—
the advantage or rather it was the nature of the
ground combined with opportunity that turned
57
,
eiraivov
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virep
I
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2
ayaTTCov iv <; el rt?
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8€
etc
8e Tot<;
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4 ^ Hertlein suggests, V,
the scale —and that I do so because they brought
us no honour or glory but only disgrace, 1 will
try to give a brief account of those incidents
also, not adapting my narrative with an eye to my
own interests, but preferring the truth in every
case. For when a man deliberately sins against the
truth he cannot escape the reproach of flattery, and
moreover he inflicts on the object of his panegyric
the appearance of not deserving the praise that
he receives on other accounts. This is a mis-
take of which I shall beware. Indeed my speech
will make it clear that in no case has fiction been
preferred to the truth. Now I am well aware that
all would say that the battle we fought before
Singara^ was a most impoi'tant victory for the
barbarians. But I should answer and with justice
that this battle inflicted equal loss on both armies,
but proved also that your valour could accom-
plish more than their luck and that although
;
the legions under you were violent and reckless

men, and were not accustomed, like the enemy, to
the climate and the stifling heat. I will relate
exactly what took place.
It was still the height of summer, and the legions
mustered long before noon. Since the enemy were
awestruck by the discipline, accoutrements and calm
bearing of our troops, while to us they seemed
amazing in numbers, neither side began the battle ;
for they shrank from coming to close quarters with

forces so well equipped, while we waited for them to
begin, so that in all respects we might seem to be
acting rather in self-defence, and not to be respon-
^ In Mesopotamia, 348 a.d. (Bury argues for 344 a.d.)
59
^? .^, Te\o<; Se 6 <-
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TToWas Cobet,
3 rb Cobet,
suggests, ay
6o
T<f>
^
MSS,
s
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Hertlein suggests, KeKcvovTos

^ MSS, Hertlein,
Hertlein.
MSS, Hertlein.
MSS.
aywviaaîvovs
•*
^
Rouse
sible for beginning
hostilities after the peace. But
at last the leader of the barbarian army, raised high
^
on their shields, perceived the magnitude of our

forces drawn up in line. What a change came over
him !What exclamations he uttered ! He cried
out that he had been betrayed, that it was the fault
of those who had persuaded him to go to war, and
decided that the only thing to be done was to flee
Avith all speed, and that one course alone would
secure his safety, namely to cross, before we could
reach it, the river, which is the ancient boundary-
line betveen that country and ours. With this

purpose he first gave the signal for a retreat in good
order, then gradually increasing his pace he finally
took to headlong flight, with only a small following
of cavalry, and left his whole army to the leadership
of his son and the friend in whom he had most con-
fidence. When our men saw this they were enraged
that the barbarians should escape all punishment for
their audacious conduct, and clamoured to be led in
pursuit, chafed at your order to halt, and ran after
the enemy in full armour with their utmost energy
and speed. For of your generalship they had had
no experience so far, and they could not believe
that you were a better judge than they of what was
expedient. Moreover, under your father they had
fought many battles and had always been victorious,
a fact that tended to make them think themselves
invincible. But they were most of all elated by the
terror that the Parthiansnow shewed, when they
thought how they had fought, not only against the
enemy, but against the very nature of the ground,
^ Sapor.
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virep Hertlein,
and if any greater obstacle met them from some
fresh quarter, they felt that they would over-
come it well.
as Accordingly they ran at full
speed about one hundred stades, and only
for
halted when they came up with the Parthians,
who had fled for shelter into a fort that they
had lately built to serve as a camp. It was,
by this time, evening, and they engaged battle
forthwith. Our men at once took the fort and
slew its defenders. Once inside the fortifications
they displayed great bravery for a long time,
but they were by this time fainting with thirst,
aiid when they found cisterns of water inside, they
spoiled a glorious victory and gave the enemy a
chance to retrieve their defeat. This then was the
issue of that battle, which caused us the loss of only
three or four of our men, whilst the Parthians lost
the heir to the throne ^ who had previously been
taken prisoner, together with all his escort. While all
this was going on, of the leader of the barbarians
not even the ghost was to be seen, nor did he stay
his flight till he had put the river behind him. You,
on the other hand, did not take off* your armour for
a vhole day and all the night, now sharing the strug-
gles of those who were getting the upper hand, now
giving prompt and efficient aid to those who were hard-
pressed. And by your bravery and fortitude you so
changed the face of the battle that at break of day the
enemy were glad to beat a safe retreat to their own
territory, and even the wounded, escorted by you,
could retire from the battle. Thus did you relieve them
all from the risks of flight. Now what fort was taken
^ Sapor's son.
63
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Schaefer, r^yeT rh 5e Cobet, Hertlein, Sc
2(
64
by the enemy ? What city did they besiege ? What
military supplies did they capture that should give
them something to boast about after the war ?
But perhaps some one will say that never to come
offworse than the enemy must indeed be considered
good fortune and felicity, but to make a stand
against fortune calls for greater vigour and is a
proof of greater valour.
Is a man a skilful pilot because he can steer his
ship in fair weather when the sea is absolutely
calm ? Would you call a charioteer an expert driver
who on smooth and level ground has in harness
horses that are gentle, quiet and swift, and under
such conditions gives a display of his art ? How
much more skilful is the pilot who marks and perceives
beforehand the coming storm and tries to avoid its
path, and then, if for any reason he must face it,
brings off his ship safe and sound, cargo and all ?
Just so, the skilful charioteer is he can contend
against the unevenness of the ground, and guide his
horses and control them at the same time, if they
grow restive. In short, it is not fair to judge of skill
of any sort when it is aided by fortune, but one must
examine it independently. Cleon was not a better
general than Nicias because he was fortunate in the
affair of Pylos, and the same may be said of all
whose success is due to luck rather than to good
judgment. But if I did not claim that your fortune
was both better and better deserved than that of
your opponents, or rather of all men, I should with
reason be thought to do it an injustice, since it
VOL. I.
,
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.
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7\€<;
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€ iJTrep eovv
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2 5ie|teVat Reiske, lacuna Hertlein following Petavius.
66
i
prevented the enemy from even perceiving their
advantage. For, in my opinion, an impartial judge
of my narrative ought to ascribe our reverse to the
extreme and insupportable heat, and the fact that
you inflicted loss on the enemy equal to ours he
would regard as achieved by your valour, but that,
though they were aware of their losses, they took no
account of their success, he would regard as brought
about by your good fortune.
That I may not, however, by saying more on this
subject, spend time that belongs to more important
affairs, I will try to describe next the multitude of
difHculties that beset us, the magnitude of our perils,
and how you faced them all, and not only routed
the numerous following of the usurpers, but the
barbarian forces as well.
About six years had passed since the war I have
just described, and the winter was nearly over, when
a messenger arrived with the news ^ that Galatia ^
had gone over to the usurper, that a plot had been
made to assassinate your brother and had been
carried out, also that Italy and Sicily had been
occupied, lastly that the lllyrian garrisons were in
revolt and had proclaimed their general ^ emperor,
though for a time he had been inclined to resist
what seemed to be the irresistible onset of the
usurpers.* Indeed, he himself kept imploring you
to send money and men to his aid, as though he
were terribly afraid on his account of being
overpowered by them. And for a while he kept
protesting that he would do his duty, that for
his part he had no pretensions to the throne, but
^ cf. Demosthenes, De Corona 169. ^ Gaul.
^ Vetranio. * Demosthenes, De Corona 61.
67
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68
I
would faithfully guard and protect it for you. Such
were his assertions, but it was not long before
his treachery came to light and he received his
punishment, tempered though it was with mercy.
On learning these facts you thought you ought not
to waste your time in idleness to no purpose. The
cities of Syria you stocked Avith engines of war,
garrisons, food supplies, and equipment of other
kinds, considering that, by these measures, you
would, though absent, sufficiently protect the in-
habitants, while you were planning to set out in
person against the usurpers.
But the Persians ever since the last campaign
had been watching for just such an opportunity,
and had planned to conquer Syria by a single
invasion. So they mustered all forces, every age,
sex, and condition, and marched against us, men
and mere boys, old men and crowds of women
and slaves, who followed not merely to assist in
the war, but in vast numbers beyond what was
needed. For it was their intention to reduce the
cities, and once masters of the country, to bring
in colonists in spite of us. But the magnitude of
your preparations made it manifest that their ex-
pectations were but vanity. They began the siege
and completely surrounded the city^ with dykes,
and then the river Mygdonius flowed in and
flooded the ground about the walls, as they say
the Nile floods Egypt. The siege-engines were
brought up against the ramparts on boats, and their
^ Nisibis,
69
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70
plan was that one force should sail to attack the
walls vhile the other kept shooting on the city's
defenders from the mounds. But the garrison made
a stout defence of the city from the walls. The
whole place was filled with corpses, wreckage,
armour, and missiles, of which some were just
sinking, while others, after sinking from the violen<:e
of the first shock, floated on the waters. vast A
number of barbarian shields and also ship's benches,
as a result of the collisions of the siege-engines on
the ships, drifted on the surface. The mass of floating
weapons almost covered the whole surface between
the wall and the mounds. The lake was turned to
gore, and all about the Avails echoed the groans of
the barbarians, slaying not, but being slain ^ in
manifold ways and by all manner of wounds.
Who could find suitable words to describe all
that was done there ? They hurled fire doAvn on
to the shields, and many of the hoplites fell half-
burned, while others who fled from the flames
could not escape the danger from the missiles. But
some while still swimming were wounded in the
back and sank to the bottom, while others who
jumped from the siege-engines were hit befoi-e they
touched the water, and so found not safety indeed
but an easier death. As for those who knew not
how to swim, and perished more obscurely than those
just mentioned, who Avould attempt to name or
number them ? Time would fail me did I desire to
recount all this in detail. It is enough that you
* cf. Iliad, 4. 451. re Koi ^. 71

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;

should hear the sum of the matter. On that day the
sun beheld a battle the like of which no man had ever
knoAvn before. These events exposed the historic
boastings of the Medes as only empty conceit. Till
then men had hardly believed that Xerxes could
have had so huge an armament, seeing that for all
its size its fate was so shameful and ignominious
but these events made the fact clearer to us than
things long familiar and obvious. Xerxes tried to
sail and to march by fighting against the laws of
nature, and, as he thought, overcame the nature of
the sea and of the dry land, but he proved to be no
match for the wisdom and endurance of a Greek
whose soldiers had not been bred in the school of
luxury, nor learned to be slaves, but knew how to
obey and to use their energies like free-born men.
That man,i however, though he had no such vast
armament as Xerxes, was even more insensate, and
outdid the Aloadae in his infatuation, as if almost
he had conceived the idea of overwhelming the city
with the mountain ^ that was hard by. Then he
.
turned the currents of rivers against its walls and

undermined them, but even when the city had lost
its walls he could not succeed in taking it, so that
he had not even that triumph to boast of, as Xerxes
had Avhen he set fire to Athens. So, after spending
four months, he retreated with an army that had lost
many thousands, and he who had always seemed to
be irresistible was glad to keep the peace, and to
use as a bulwark for his own safety the fact that you
had no time to spare and that our own affairs were
in confusion.
Such were the trophies and victories that you
^ Sapor, ^ Odyssey 8. 49.
73
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74
left behind you in Asia, and you led your troops to
Europe in perfect condition, determined to fill the
whole world writh the monuments of your victories.
Even if I had nothing more Avonderful to relate
about you_, Avhat I have said is enough to demon-
strate that in good sense and energy you surpass all
those in the past \vhose fortune was the same as
yours. Indeed to have repulsed the whole strength
of Persia and remain unscathed, not to have lost so
much as a soldier from the ranks, much less a town
or fort, and finally to have brought the siege to so
brilliant and unprecedented a conclusion, vhat —
achievement I ask in the past could one compare
with this .''
The Carthaginians were famous for their
daring in the face of danger, but they ended in
disaster. The siege of Plataea shed lustre on its
citizens, but all that their valour could do for those
unhappy men vas to make their misfortunes more
widely knovn. What need to quote Messene or
Pylos, since there the defeated did not make a
brave defence nor was a vigorous assault necessary
to subdue them ? As for the Syracusans, they had
their famous man of science ^ to aid them against
the armaments of Rome and our illustrious general,^
but what did he avail them in the end ? Did they
not fall more ignominiously than the rest, and were
only spared to be a glorious monument of their
conqueror's clemency ? But if I wished to reckon
up all the states that could not vithstand armaments
inferior to their own, how many volumes do you
think would suffice ? Rome, however, 1 ought
perhaps to mention, because long ago she had just
such a fortune, I mean when the Galatians and
1 Archimedes. '^
Marcelliis 212 B.C.
75
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76
Celts conspired together, and without Avarning
^
poured down on the citv^ like a winter torrent.^

The citizens occupied the famous hill^ on which
stands the statue of Jupiter. There they intrenched
themselves Avith wicker barricades and such Hke
defences, as though with a wall, while the enemy
offered no hindrance nor ventured to approach to
attack at close quarters, and so they won the day.
It is with this siege that the recent one may
well be compared, at least in the issue of its
fortunes for the actual occurrences could not be
;
paralleled in all history. For who ever heard of

surrounding a city Avith water, and from Avithout
throwing hills about it like nets, then hurhng at it,
like a siege-engine, a river that flowed in a steady
stream and broke against its walls, or of fighting like
that which took place in the water and about the
wall Avhere it had fallen in ? For my purpose, this
is, as I said, evidence enough. But what remains to
tell is far more awe-inspiring. And perhaps, since
I have undertaken to record, as far as possible, all
that you accomplished, it is not fair to break off my
narrative at the point where you were at the very
height of your activity. For even while you were
occupied by the interests I have just described, you
arranged your affairs in Europe, despatching em-
bassies, spending money, and sending out the legions
that were garrisoning Paeonia against the Scythians,
all of which was with the intention of preventing
that feeble old man* from being overpowered by the
^ The Galatians, i.e. the Gauls, and Celts are often thus
incorrectly distinguished, cf. 34 c. 36 b. 124 a.
'^
390 B.C. under Brennus.
' The Capitoline. ^ Vetranio.
77
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78
the ^
usurper.^ But how could one^ with the best
present all this in a short speech ?
in
No sooner had you set out for the seat of war, than
this very man, who had all along protested that he
would loyally continue to guard your interests,
though you had reinforced him with money, troops,
and everything of the sort, Avas driven to folly and
madness by I know not what evil spirit, and came
to terms with the most execrable of mankind, the
common enemy of all care for peace and cherish
harmony above all things, and more particularly
your enemy for personal reasons. But you were
undismayed by the magnitude of his preparations,
nor would you admit that a conspiracy of traitors
could overreach your own wise purpose. One ^ of
the pair you justly accused of treason, the other ^ of
infamous crimes besides, and deeds of la\vless
violence, and you summoned the former to trial and
judgment before the legions, the latter you decided
to leave to the arbitrament of war. Then he met
you face to face, that honourable and prudent old
man, who used to change his opinions more easily
than any child, and, though he had begged for them,
forgot all your favours as soon as the need had
passed. He arrived with his phalanxes of hoplites
and squadrons of cavalry, intending to compel, if he
could not persuade you, to take no action and return
the way you came. When, then, you saw this man,
who had protested that he would continue to be
your ally and general, playing an enemy's part and
claiming an equal share of your empire, vou were
not at all dismayed, though his troops outnumbered
^ Magnentius. 2 Vetranio. ^ Magnentius.
79
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8o
yours. For you had not brought your whole force \vith
you^ since you decided that to fight it out with such
odds against you might be courageous but was in
every way hazardous, even if you won the battle,
because of that other savage usurper ^ who \vas
lying in wait for a favourable opportunity ^ when
you should be in difficulties. You therefore made
a wise resolve in preferring to achieve success
single-handed, and you mounted the platform with
him who for the moment vas your colleague in
empire. He was escorted by a whole host of
hoplites with glittering weapons/ presenting drawn
swords and spears, a sight to make a coward shake
with fear, though it inspired and supported one
so brave and gallant as yourself. Now when first
you began to speak, silence fell on the whole army
and every man strained his ears to hear. Many
shed tears and raised their hands to heaven, though
even this they did in silence, so as to be unobserved.
Some again showed their affection in their faces, but
all showed it by their intense eagerness to hear your
words. When your speech reached its climax, they
were carried away by enthusiasm and burst into
applause, then eager to miss no word they became
quiet again. Finally, won by your arguments, they
hailed you as their only Emperor, demanded that
you alone should rule the whole empire, and bade
you lead them against your adversary, promising to
follow you and begging you to take back the imperial
insignia. You, however, thought it beneath you to
stretch out your hand for them or to take them by
force. Then against his will and with reluctance, but
1 Magnentius. ^ Demosthenes, De Chersoneso 42.

^ Euripides, Andromache 1146.
8i
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* After ry Petavius adds acf.
82
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONST ANTIUS
yielding at last to what is called Thessalian persua-
sion/ he took off the purple robe and offered it to
you. What a heroic figure yours was then, vhen, in a
single day, you became master of all those races, those
legions, all that wealth, when you stripped of his
power and took prisoner one Avho, if not in fact
yet in intention, had shown that he was your enemy !
Did you not behaye more nobly and more ffener-

ously to him than Cyrus did to his own grandfather ?
For you deprived your enemy's followers of nothing,
but protected tlieir privileges and, I understand,
gave many of them presents besides. Who saw you
despondent before your triumph or unduly elated
after it ? Orator, general, virtuous emperor, dis-
tinguished soldier, though men give you all these
titles, how can any praise of ours be adequate ?
Long had the orator's platform been vholly dis-
connected from the general's functions ^ and it ;
was reserved for you to combine them once more

in your person, in this surely following the example
of Odysseus and Nestor and the Roman senerals
sacked Carthage for these men were ahvays
;
even more formidable to Avrong-doers whom they

attacked from the platform than to the enemy in the
field of battle. Indeed I pay all the homage due to
the forcible eloquence of Demosthenes and his
imitators, but when I consider the conditions of
your harangue I can never admit that there is any
comparison between your theatre and theirs. For
they never had to address an audience of hoplites
nor had they such great interests at stake, but only
^ A proverb for necessity disguised as a choice, cf. 274 c

2 Aeschines, Ctesiphon 74. 18.
83
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C
PANEGYRIC IX HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
money, or honour, or reputation, or friends whom
they had undertaken to assist, yet when the citizens
clamoured in dissent, they often, I beheve, left the
platform pale and trembling, like generals who prove
to be cowards when they have to face the enemy in
battle-line. Indeed from all history it would be
impossible to cite an achievement as great as yours
when you acquired control of all those races by
judicial pleading alone and moreover you had to
;
make out your case against a man not by any means

to be despised, as many people think, but one who
had won distinction in many campaigns, who was full
of years, who had the reputation of experience gained
in a long career, and had for a considerable period
been in command of the legions there present. What
overwhelming eloquence that must have been How !
truly did '^ persuasion sit on your lips " ^ and had
the power to "leave a sting" in the souls of that
motley crowd of men, and to Avin you a victory that
in importance rivals any that were ever achieved
by force of arms, only that yours Avas stainless and
unalloyed, and was more like the act of a priest
going to the temple of his god than of an emperor
going to war. It is true indeed that the Persians
have a similar instance to quote, but it falls far short
of what you did, I mean that on their father's death
the sons of Darius quarrelled about the succession to
the throne and appealed to justice rather than to
arms to arbitrate their case. But between you and
your brothers there never arose any dispute, either
in word or deed, nay not one, for it was in fact more
5
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From
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86
agreeable to you to share the responsibility with
them than to be the sole ruler of the world. But
your quarrel was with one who, though his actions
had not so far been impious or criminal, was shown
to have a treasonable purpose, and you brought
proofs to make that treason manifest.
After your harangue there followed a brilliant
campaign and a war truly sacred, though it was
not on behalf of sacred territory, like the Phocian
war, which we are told was waged ^ in the days of
our ancestors, but was to avenge the laws and the
constitution and the slaughter of countless citizens,
some of whom the usurper ^ had put to death, while
others he was just about to kill or was trying to
arrest. It was really as though he was afraid that
otherwise he might be considered, for all his vices,
a Roman citizen instead of a genuine barbarian.
As for his crimes against your house, though they
were quite as flagrant as his outrages against the
state, you thought it became you to devote less
attention to them. So true it is, that, then as now,
you rated the common weal higher than your private
interests.
I need not mention all the usurper's offences
against the community and against individuals.
He assassinated his own master. For he had
actually been the slave of the murdered emperor's
ancestors, a miserable remnant saved from the
spoils of Germany. And then he aimed at
ruling over us, he who had not even the right
to call himself free, had you not granted him the
' Demosthenes, De Corona 230, a favourite commonplace.

^ Magnentius.
87
^8 ' THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN,
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^ re Wyttenbach adds.
88
privilege. Those in command of the legions he
imprisoned and put to death^ while to the common
soldiers he behaved vith such abject servility and
deference that he ruined their discipline. Then
he enacted those fine laws of his, a property tax
of fifty per cent., and threatened the disobedient
with death, while any slave who pleased might
inform against his master. Then he compelled
those Avho did not want it to purchase the imperial
property. But time would fail me were I to tell of
all his crimes and of the vast proportions that his
tyranny had assumed. As for the armament which
he had collected to use against the barbarians but
actually employed against us, Avho could give you an
adequate report of its strength ? There were Celts
and Galatians who had seemed invincible even to
^
our ancestors, and who had so often like a winter

torrent that sweeps all before it/^ poured dovn on the
Italians and Illyrians, and, following up their repeated
victories on the field of battle, had even invaded
Asia, and then became our subjects because they had
no choice. They had been enrolled in the ranks of
our armies and furnished levies that won a brilliant
reputation, being enlisted by your ancestors, and,
later, by your father. Then,, since they enjoyed the
blessings of long-continued peace, and their country
increased in wealth and population, they furnished
your brothers with considerable levies, and finally,
by compulsion, not choice, they all in a body took
part in the usurper's campaign. The most enthu-
siastic of his follovers were, in virtue of their ties of
^ Gauls. '^
Demosthenes, Z)e Corona 153.
89
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6
,.
•',
''
8 C
^,
.-
^18
90
. )
Hertlein suggests. - [] <!/ Hertlein.

kinship, the Franks and Saxons, the most varlike of
the tribes who hve beyond the Rhine and on the
shores of the western sea. And since every city and
every fortified place on the banks of the Rhine was
shorn of its garrison, that whole region vas left with
no defence against the barbarians, and all that splen-
didly organised army was despatched against us.
Every town in Galatia ^ was like a camp preparing
for war. Nothing was to be seen but weapons
of war and forces of cavalry, infantry, archers,
and javelin men. When these allies of the
usurper began to pour into Italy from all quarters
and there joined the troops who had been enrolled
long before, there was no one so bold as not to feel
terror and dismay at the tempest that threatened.^
It seemed to all as though a thunderbolt had fallen
from the Alps, a bolt that no action could avert, no
>vords describe. It struck terror into the Illyrians,
the Paeonians, the Thracians, the Scythians the ;
dwellers in Asia believed it was directed entirely

against themselves, and even the Persians began to
get ready to oppose it in their country's defence.
But the usurper thought his task was easy, and that
he would have little difficulty in baffling your
wisdom and energy, and already fixed his covetous
gaze on the wealth of India and the magnificence of
Persia. To such an excess of folly and rashness had
he come, and after a success vholly insignificant, I
mean the affair of the scouts whom, while they were
unprotected by the main army, he ambushed and
cut in pieces. So true it is that when fools meet
with undeserved success^ they often find it is but the
prelude to greater misfortunes. And so, elated by
^ Gaul. 2 351 a.d. ^ Demosthenes, Olynthiac 1. 23.
91
^ ^ THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN,
^
yap
-
<;
I
j)
ovSe ^
^,
'^
.
, ,.^,, ,^
8
', ' ^fjet, Setp
Se
• , ,
, 36
>
^
, \ -
,, ,' ' ? 8,-
',^ ^ ,'8
<.,,'-
'?
? . 8\ '^
'-
-
. ^
^, ,^
^,
eirl 45 Wyttenbach, Hertlein, 45 MSS.
-
Q
92
this stroke of luck, he left the fortified posts that
protected the Italian frontier, and marched towards
the Norici and the Paeonians, taking no precau-
tions, because he thought that speed would serve
him better than force of arms or courage.
The moment that you learned this, you led your
army out of the narrow and dangerous passes, and he
followed in pursuit, as he thought, unaware that he
was being outgeneralled, until you both reached
open country. When the plains before Myrsa ^
were in sight, the cavalry of both armies were
drawn up on the vings, while the infantry formed
the centre. Then your Majesty kept the river on
your right, and, outflanking the enemy with your
left, you at once turned and broke his phalanx,
which indeed had from the first the \vrong formation,
since it had been drawn up by one who kncAv
nothing of war or strategy. Then he so far
had thought he was the pursuer did not even
join battle, but took to headlong flight, disma'ed
by the clash of weapons he could not even
;
listen without trembling when the legions shouted

their battle-song. His ranks had been thrown
into disorder, but the soldiers formed into
companies and renewed the battle. For they
disdained to be seen in flight, and to give an example
in their own persons of what had hitherto been
inconceivable to all men, I mean a Celtic or Galatian ^
soldier turning his back to the enemy. The bar-
barians too, who, if defeated, could not hope to make
good their retreat, were resolved either to conquer,
or not to perish till they had severely punished
their opponents. Just see the extraordinary daring
^ In Pannonia 353 a.d. 2 Qallic.
93
. 6<,
,
' Be
^
6\
Betva teal
I
^.
^ - ^,
iv
8
^,
, .
,
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8
'ipya
, -
,, , 37
,
aXXoc
, ', ^ -
. ,
.5 , .
ayiXyj
TTphs
)
. . .
6
Wyttenbach,
yap
Cobet,
Hertlein suggests,
}
irphs .
MSS,
. .
^ Hertlein.
MSS.
94
of the usurper's troops in the face of dangers and
their great eagerness to come to close quarters !
Our men, on the other hand, had so far carried all

before them and were anxious to retain the «-ood
opinion of their comrades and of the Emperor, and
were moreover stimulated by their successes in
the past and by the almost incredible brilliance of
their exploits in this very engagement, and,
ambitious as they >vere to end the day as
gloriously as they had begun it, cheerfully encoun-
tered toil and danger. So they charged again as
though the battle had only just begun, and gave
a wonderful display of daring and heroism. For
some hurled themselves full on the enemy's swords,
or seized the enemy's shields, others, Avhen their
horses were wounded and the riders thrown, at once
transformed themselves into hoplites. The usurper's
army meanwhile did the same and pressed our
infantry hard. Neither side gained the advantage,
till the cuirassiers by their archery, aided by the
remaining force of cavalry, who spurred on their

horses to the charge, had begun to inflict great
loss on the enemy, and by main force to drive the
whole army before them. Some directed their
flight to the plain, and of these a few were saved
just in time by the approach of night. The rest
were flung into the river, crowded together like a
herd of oxen or brute beasts. Thus did the
usurper's army reap the fruits of his cowardice,
while their valour availed him nothing.
The trophy that you set up for that victory was
far more brilliant than your father's. He led an
95
• THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN,
.
I
hoKOvvTa^
Se
,
eSpa,
^;-
rfj
Ti?
ifXeov,
yap
yepovTO<;
<;
elireiv -
<
^;
y
)
€<6
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,' , ^ '^
^;-.
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/}?
;
inrep
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,
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eivai aireipov yap rjye^ ^
, ,^ 6
yva,
^
8
.^ ^, 8
yvov , ^
\-
^ ^yes V, Hertlein,
8.MSS. ^ e/c Reiske adds.
38
96
arniv that had always proved itself invincible, and
with it conquered a miserable old man.^ But the
tyranny that you suppressed vas flourishing and had
reached its height, partly through the crimes that
had been committed, but still more because so many
of the youth Avere on that side, and you took the
field against it witli legions that had been trained by
yourself. What emperor can one the past
cite in
who first planned and then reproduced so admirable
a type of cavalry, and such accoutrements ? First
you traintd yourself to wear them, and then you
taught others how to use such veapons so that none
could vithstand them. This is a subject on which
many have ventured to speak, but they have failed
to do it justice, so much so that those who heard
their description, and later had the good fortune to
see for themselves, decided that their eyes must
accept vhat their ears had refused to credit. Your
cavalry was almost unlimited in numbers and they
all sat their horses like statues, vhile their limbs
were fitted with armour that followed closely the
outline of the human form. It covers the arms from
vrist to elbow and thence to the shoulder, while a
coat of mail protects the shoulders, back and breast.
The head and face are covered by a metal mask
which makes its vearer look like a glittering statue,
for not even the thighs and legs and the very ends
of the feet lack this armour. It is attached to the
cuirass by fine chain-armour like a web, so that no
part of the body is visible and uncovered, for this
woven covering protects the hands as well, and is so
flexible that the wearers can bend even their fingers.^
All this I desire to represent in words as vividly as
^ Licinius. - cf. Oration 2. 57 c.
97
VOL. I.
6
,
^; ,-
<€
irXeov
, \<
^^
'H/Aet9
; ,^ 8
;
'yeveadai.
€\\-
^ ^
^
. ,
âvyeL•v
6
'-^
iSiSoTO
€ya\o^]râ'
'
aSeia
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78 ^'^
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o-yêaOai
,
'^
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eirei
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, ^
8,
.^ 8^
€€
^,
L)
^ Tots Hertlein suggests, MSS.

98
I can, but it is beyond my powers, and I can only
to see it with their

listen to my
\
ask tliose who wish to know more about this armour
eyes, and not merely to
description.
Now that I have told the story of this first
campaign, which was fought at the end of the
autumn, shall I here break off my narrative ? Or is
it altogether unfair to withhold the end and issue of
your achievements from those who are eager to hear ?

Winter overtook us and gave the usurper a chance to
escape punishment. Then followed a splendid
proclamation worthy of your imperial generosity.
An amnesty vas granted to those who had taken
sides with the usurper, except when they had
shared the guilt of those infamous murders. Thus
they who had never hoped even to see again any-
thing that they held dear, recovered their houses,
money, and native land. Then you welcomed the
fleet which arrived from Italy bringing thence many
citizens vho, no doubt, had fled from the usurper's
savage cruelty. Then when the occasion demanded
that you should take the field, you again menaced
the usurper. He however took cover in the fast-
nesses of Italy and hid his army away there in the
mountains, wild-beast fashion, and never even dared
to carry on the Avar beneath the open heavens. But
he betook himself to the neighbouring town^ which is
devoted to pleasure and high living, and spent his
time in public shows and sensual pleasures, believing
that the impassable mountains alone would suflice
for his safety. Moreover, intemperate as he Avas by
nature, he thought it clear gain to be able to
indulge his appetites at so dangerous a crisis, and
1 Aquileia.
99
2
/ /
?THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
^^ ,
?}09
'^^;
'
re
'
,' -
rjv Xiav
6 peat,
iv
39
',,,^
eXeaiv
VTToywpelv
',
^
Si
\
86
^/;
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€olk€v ovhe ev
8
^
d
^,
,
\
^,
^
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8
^
yap
8
^8
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-
,
,
.
, ^
^ - ^
, yyXo
C
^ After / iiiijjj ?(1 tihinjt^'ii '^ hais fallen out.

he evidently placed too much confidence in the
safety of his position, because the town
is cut
off from that part of Italy by a natural rampart
of mountains, except the half that is bounded by
a shoaling sea, which resembles the marshes of
Egypt and makes that part of the country inacces-
sible even to an invading fleet. It seems however
as though nature herself will not devise any safe-
guard for the sensual and cowardly against the
temperate and brave, for when prudence and
courage advance hand in hand she makes everything
give way before them. Long since she revealed to
us those arts through which have attained
an abundance of what was once thought to be
unattainable, and in the field of individual effort we
see that what seemed impossible for many working
together to achieve can be accomplished by a
prudent man. And since by your own actions you
demonstrated this fact it is only fair, my Emperor,
that you should accept my words to that effect.
For you conducted the campaign under the open
skies, and tJiat though there was a city of some im-
portance near at hand, and moreover you encouraged
your men to Avork hard and to take risks, not
merel by giving orders, but by your own personal
example. You discovered a path hitherto unknown
to all, and you sent forward a strong detachment of
hoplites chosen from your vhole army then when
;
you had ascertained that they had come up with

the enemy, you led forward your army in person,
surrounded them, and defeated his whole force.
This happened before dawn, and before noon the
news was brought to the usurper. He was attend-
lOI
^
. ^ ' ,^
Tt9 Atez^ fyeyovev <,

I
ovBev
D
,
',
'. » <;
ttoKlv
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€
^
,^', 8.
e/xeXXe
8
oxjhev
^
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yap
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^
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40
,
-^^
.
^
^ y
,
hia
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"
,
02
1
2
6%
5 Cobet,
MSS, Cobet,
^
' , ' d^hs
St/crjs
V, dehs
Hertlein.
MSS.
', y
ing a horse-race at a festival^ and vas expecting
nothing of what took place. How his attitude
changed, what was his decision about the crisis,
how he abandoned the and in fact all Italy,
and fled, thus beginning to expiate his murders and
all his earlier crimes, it is not for this speech to
relate. Yet though the respite he gained Avas so
brief, lie proceeded to act no less vickedly than in
the past. So true is it that by the sufferings of
the body alone it is impossible for the wicked to
cleanse their souls of evil. For Avhen he reached
Galatia,^ this ruler was so righteous and law-
abiding, so far surpassed his oAvn former cruelty that
he noAv bethought himself of all the ruthless and
brutal modes of punishment that he had then over-
looked, and derived the most exquisite pleasure
from the spectacle of the sufferings of the Avretched
citizens. He would bind them alive to chariots and,
letting the teams gallop, would order the drivers to
drag them along vhile he stood by and gazed at their
sufferings. In fact he spent his Avhole time in amuse-
ments of this sort, until, like an Olympic victor, you
threw him in the third encounter ^ and forced him to
pay a fitting penalty for his infamous career, namely
to thrust into his breast that very sword which
he had stained Avith the slaughter of so many
citizens.^ Never, in my opinion, was there a punish-
ment more suitiible or more just than this, nor one
that gave greater satisfaction to the vhoie human
race, vhich was now really liberated from such
cruelty and harshness, and at once began to exult
in the good government that we enjoy to this day.
1Gaul.
În wrestling, the third fall secured the victory. Cf. Or.
2. 74 c. '^
355 A.D.
103
/',.
I
ye irXeov, C
, /^ , -€
cvyae^^
<;
^
^ , AlyvTTTOv
.'^^
,/^^?,
Se
el
'
^
^?,
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-
,^^' 8
''
yap 8ta
,,€ 8-
86'
yyovv 8
,
.' ^ Sta
^
41
' , ^
; 6
Syovov.
1 Reiske, MSS.
'^
eavrriv Wytteilbacll, kavri)V Reiske,
MSS, Heitlein, ^ <^xîv Hertlein suggests,
104
Long may we continue to enjoy it, all-merciful
Providence !
I would fain recite every single one of your

achievements, but you will with reason pardon me,
most mighty Emperor, if I fall short of that ambition
and omit to mention the naval armament against
Carthage which was equipped in Egypt and set sail
from Italy to attack her, and also your conquest of
the Pyrenees, against which you sent an army by sea,
and your successes against the barbarians, which of
late have been so frequent, and all such successes in
the past as have not become a matter of common
knowledge. For example, I often hear that even
Antioch now calls herself by your name. Her exist-
ence she does indeed owe to her founder,^ but her pre-
sent wealth and increase in every sort of abundance she
OAves to you, since you provided her with harbours
that offer good anchorage for those who put in
there For till then it was considered a dangerous
risk even to sail past Antioch so full vere all the
;
waters of that coast, up to the very shores, of rocks

and sunken reefs. I need not stop to mention
the porticoes, fountains, and other things of the
kind that you caused to be bestowed on Antioch
by her governors. As to your benefactions to the
city of your ancestors,^ you built round it a wall
that was then only begun, and all buildings that
seemed to be unsound you restored and made safe
for all time. But how could one reckon up all these
things ? Time will fail me if I try to tell everything
separately.
^ Seleucus son of Antiochus. "^

Constantinople.
io5
, €.^ THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN,
^Koiretv he inrep ^7)
I
,
el yLtera apeTrj<;
yeyove' yap \6yv

'^€
•
,- ,,
,^
€ ee
7rpoae'\eiv
'^^
eKeivoi^
'^€ €
Se\o
C
.
eopyTai
,
epyov
\
, . ,
yap veov
^ , , ^ypa,^.- ^
yaXo^jr'La
,^
, -
yap
1
,06
^ $
yovLa
'^"
7ayopovv
yv
€
Reiske adds, ^ Reiske adds.
42
The time has come vhen it is proper to con-
sider whether your career, so far as I have described
it, is at every point in harmony vith virtue and the
promptings of a noble disposition. For to this, as I

said at the beginning of my speech, I think it right
to pay special attention. Let me therefore mention
once more vhat I said some time ago, that to your
father you were dutiful and affectionate, and that
you constantly maintained friendly relations with
your brothers, for your father you were ever willing
to obey, and as the colleague of your brothers in the
empire you always displayed moderation. And if
anyone thinks this a trifling proof of merit, let him
consider the case of Alexander the son of Philip, and
Cyrus the son of Cambyses, and then let him applaud
your conduct. For Alexander, while still a mere
boy, showed clearly that he would no longer brook
his father's control, while Cyrus dethroned his grand-
father. Yet no one is so foolish as to suppose that,
since you displayed such modesty and self-control
towards your father and brothers, you were not fully
equal to Alexander and Cyrus in greatness of soul
and ambition for glory. For when fortune offered
you the opportunity to claim as your right the
empire of the world, you were the first to make the
essay, though there were many who advised other-
wise and tried to persuade you to the contrary
course. Accordingly, Avhen ^'ou had carried through
the var that you had in hand, and that vith the
utmost ease and so as to ensure safety for the future,
you resolved to liberate that part of the empire
which had been occupied by the enemy, and the
reason that you assigned for going to war was most
107
.^ ,
ovSe yap -
'^
<€
I
8
yopevetv
^.
kavTov
.
^, ,' '
eSpaaev
^; >
Se
^8
8
Bl
'
QTL
' ,,,^
. C
^ ;
'
77^9 --
^^
, ^
^,
Hortlein suggests .
,
',
' D
198
just and such as had never before arisen^ namely
your detestation of those mfanious men. Civil war
one could not call it^ for its leader was a barbarian
who had proclaimed himself emperor and elected
himself general. I dislike to speak too often of his
evil deeds and the crimes that he committed against
your house. But could an}i:hing be more heroic
than your line of action ? For should you fail in
your undertaking the risk involved was obvious.
But you faced it, and you were not bidding for gain,
nay nor for undying renown, for whose sake brave
men so often dare even to die, selling their lives for
glory as though it were gold, nor \vas it from desire
of wider or more brilliant empire, for not even
in your youth Avere you ambitious of that, but it was
because you Avere in love Avith the abstract beauty of
such an achievement, and thought it your duty
to endure anything rather than see a barbarian
ruling over Roman citizens, making himself master
of the laws and constitution and offering public
prayers for the common Aveal, guilty as he was of so
many impious crimes and murders. Who could fail
to be dazzled by the splendour of your armament
and the vast scale of your expenditure ? And yet I
am told that Xerxes, when he mustered all Asia
against the Greeks, spent no less than ten years in
preparing for that Avar. Then he set out with
twelve hundred triremes, from the very spot, as I
understand, where you gathered your fleet to-
gether, having built it in rather less than ten
months, and yet you had more ships than Xerxes.
But neither his fortune nor his achievements can
properly be compared with yours.
109
^
,
I
76
Se
^.
eh
^ - \ \oLwa
epyov y
êyaXoirpe-
ovhe
,
€<;
.,, ,^
ae eirl ^
Be
yap 43
-
irapa , , )
'^,/
, '
^
,
, ., ; C
^ 4\ Cobet, Wvttenbach, Hertlein, V, })

MSS.
Panegyric in honour of constantiuS
I feav that it is beyond my powers to describe
the magnificence of your outlay for other purposes,
nor will I risk being tedious by staying now to
count up the sums you bestowed on cities that
had long been destitute. For whereas, in the
time of your predecessors, they lacked the neces-
saries of life, they have all become rich through
you, and the general prosperity of each city
increases the welfare of every privâte household
in it. But it is proper that I should mention your
gifts to private persons, and give you the title of a
generous and open-handed Emperor for since there
;
were many \vho long ago had lost their property,

because, in some cases justly, in others unjustly,
their ancestral estates had suffered loss, you had no
sooner come into pover, than like a just judge you
set right in the latter cases the errors committed by
men in the past, and restored them to the control
of their property, while in the former cases you
were a kindly arbiter, and granted that they should
recover vhat they had lost, thinking that to have
was punishment enough. Then you
suffered so long
lavished large sums from your privy purse, and
increased the reputation for Avealth of many
even in the past had prided themselves on their
large incomes. But why should I remind you of all
this and seem to waste time over trifles ? Especially
as it must be obvious to all that no king except
Alexander the son of Philip \vas ever known to
bestow such splendid presents on his friends. Indeed
some kings have thought that the Avealth of their
friends gave more grounds for suspicion and alarm
III
,,
^ THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
,
Se euyevetav
8 ) €v yeyovoTW^
<
,'
9 >
'^ Ihia epywv

^
^ < Se
TLV€<i ayaOoc^, {jyieia
, ,,
re
ev TLVL hirk-
- oSJC
.8,,
707].
, 8
8
44
, ^'; ,,
'ipya
^ \
^^ ^^".
ttj
8
8.
avhpa }, 8
12
^
2
«
^
' MSS. Reiske, \4 MSS,

, Hertlein.
,
-
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTAXTIUS
than did the resources of then• enemies, while
others vere jealous of the aristocrats among their
in every possible ,
subjects, and therefore persecuted the well-born
or even extermmated their
houses, and thus were responsible for the public
disasters of their cities and, in private life, for the
most infamous crimes. There were some who
went so far as to envy mere physical advantages,
such as health or good looks, or good condition.
And as for a virtuous character among their subjects,
they could not bear even to hear of it, but counted
it a crime like murder or theft or treason to appear
to lay claim to virtue. But perhaps someone Avill

say, and with truth, that these were the actions and
practices not of genuine kings but of base and con-
temptible tyrants. Nay, but that other malady
which has been known to attack not only those who
were irrational, but some even were just and
mild, I mean the tendency to quarrel with friends
who were too prosperous and to vish to humble
them and deprive them of their rightful possessions,
who I ask has ever dared so much as to mention
such conduct in your case ? Yet such, they say,
was the treatment that Cyrus the Persian, the king's
son-in-law, received from his kinsman,^ vho could
not brook the honour in Avhich Cyrus was held by
the common people, and Agesilaus also is well known
to have resented the honours paid to Lysander by
the lonians.
All these, then, you have surpassed in merit,
for you have made their vealth more secure for
the rich than a father \vould for his own children,"
Cyaxares.
113
VOL. I.
•
<^ ^,,
,
veia^ he /}? 7€<
rot?
.
€
.
8^
el p.e'yeOeL C
,
, , ., ^ ovBevl
'yap
ayaOoc^,
'' ?
',
£, eV ^,
}'
' '-
>
eXoio , '
''
^,
ei
. 45
114
and you take thought that your subjects shall be
well-born^ as though you were the founder and law-
giver of every single city. Those to whom fortune
has been generous you still further enrich^ and in
many cases men owe all their wealth to your
generosity^ so that in amount your gifts clearly
surpass those of other princes, while, in security
of o>vnership of vhat has once been given, you
cast into the shade any favours bestowed by demo-
cracies. ^ And this is, I think, very natural. For
when men are conscious that thev lack certain
advantages, they envy those who do possess them,
but when a man is more brilliantly endowed by
fortune than any of his fellows, and by his own
initiative has won even higher dignities than fate
had assigned him, he lacks nothing, and there is
none whom he need envy. And since you realise
that in your case this is especially true, you rejoice
at the good fortune of others and take pleasure in
the successes of your subjects. You have already
bestoved on them certain honours, and other
honours you are on the point of bestowing, and you
are making plans for the benefit of yet other
persons. Nor are you content to award to your
friends the government of a single city or nation, or
even of many such, with the honours attaching
thereto. But unless you chose a colleague ^ to share
that empire on whose behalf you had spared no pains
to exterminate the brood of usurpers, you thought
that no act of yours could be worthy of your former
achievements. That you reached this decision not
so much because it was necessary as because you
^ An echo of Demosthenes, Against Leptines 15.
'^
Gallus 351 a.d. then Julian 355 a.d.
:
"5
I 2
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,
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ore
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take pleasure in giving all that you have to give,
is, I suppose, well known to all. For you chose no
colleague to aid you in your contests with the
usurpers, but you thought it right that one who had
not shared in the toil should share in the honour
and glory, and that only Avhen all danger seemed to
be over. And it is vell known that from that
honour you subtract not even a trifling part, though
you do not demand that he should share the danger
even in some small degree, except indeed when it Avas
necessary for a short time that he should accompany
you on your campaign. Does my accoimt of this
call for any further witnesses or proofs ? Surely it
is obvious that he who tells the tale would not be
the one to introduce a fictitious account. But on

this part of my subject I must not spend any more
time.
A few words about your temperance, your wisdom,
and the affection that you inspired in your subjects,
will not, I think, be out of place. For who is there
among them all does not knoAv that from boy-
hood you cultivated the virtue of temperance as no
one had ever done before you ? That in your youth
you possessed that virtue your father is a trust-
worthy witness, for he entrusted to you alone the
management of affairs of state and all that related to
your brothers, although you were not even the eldest
of his sons. And that you still display it, now that
you are a man, we are all Avell aware, since you ever
behave towards the people and the magistrates like
a citizen who obeys the laws, not like a king who is
above the laws. For who ever saw you made
arrogant by prosperity? Who ever saw you up-
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8
PANEGYRIC IX HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
lifted by those successes, so numerous and so
splendid, and so quickly achieved ? They say that
Alexander, Philip's son, when he had broken the
pover of Persia, not only adopted a more ostenta-
tious mode of life and an insolence of manner
obnoxious to all, but went so far as to despise the
father that begat him, and indeed the whole human
race. For he claimed to be regarded as the son of
Amnion instead of the son of Philip, and when some
of those who had taken part in his campaigns could
not learn to flatter him or to be servile, he punished
them more harshly than the prisoners of Avar. But
the honour that you paid to your father need 1 speak
of in this place ? Not only did you revere him in
private life, but constantly, where men Avere gathered
together in public, you sang his praises as though he
were a beneMcent hero-sod. And as for your friends
you grant them that honour not merely in name, but
by your actions you make their title sure. Can any
one of them, I ask, lay to your charge the loss of
any right, or any penalty or injury suffered, or any
overbearing act either serious or trifling ? Nay there
is not one who could bring any such accusation.
For your friends who Avere far advanced in years
remained in office till the appointed end of their
lives, and only laid down with life itself their control
of public business, and then they handed on their
possessions to their children or friends or some
member of their family. Others again, when their
strength failed for work or military serv^ce, received
an honourable discharge, and are now spending
their last days in prosperity ;
yet others have
departed this life, and the people call them blessed.
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In short there is no man who having once been held
vorthy of the honour of your friendship, ever suffered
any punishment great or small, even though later he
proêd to be vicious. For them all that he had to do
was to depart and give no further trouble.
While this has been your character from first to last
in all these relations, you always kept your soul pure
of every indulgence to which the least reproach is
attached. In fact I should say that you alone, of all
the emperors that ever were, nay of all mankind
almost, with very few exceptions, are the fairest
example of modesty, not to men only but to Avomen
also in their association with men. For all that is
forbidden to vomen b' the laws that safeguard the
legitimacy of offspring, your reason ever denies to
your passions. But though I could say still more on
this subject, I refrain.
Your wisdom by no means easy to praise as it
it is
deserves, but I must say a few words about it. Your

actions, however, are more convincing, I think, than
my words. For it is not likely that this great and
mighty empire would have attained such dimensions
or achie\xd such splendid results, had it not been
directed and governed by an intelligence to match.
Indeed, when it is entrusted to luck alone, unaided
by wisdom, we may be thankful if it last for any
length of time. It is easy by depending on luck to
flourish for a brief space, but Avithout the aid of
wisdom it is very hard, or rather I might say
impossible, to preserve the blessings that have been
121
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bestowed. And, in short, if we need cite a convincing
proof of this, we do not lack many notable instances.
For by wise counsel we mean the ability to discover
most successfully the measures that will be good and
expedient when put into practice. It is therefore
proper to consider in every case whether this wise
counsel may not be counted as one of the things you
have achieved. Certainly when there was need of
harmony you gladly gave way, and when it was your
duty to aid the community as a whole you declared
for war with the utmost readiness. And Avhen you
had defeated the forces of Persia without losing a
single hoplite, you made two separate campaigns
against the usurpers, and after overcoming one of
them 1 by your public harangue, you added to your
army his forces, which were fresh and had suffered
no losses, and finally, by intelligence rather than by
brute force, you completely subdued the other
usurper who had inflicted so many sufferings on the
community. I now desire to speak more clearly on
this subject and to demonstrate to all what it was
that you chiefly relied on and that secured you from
failure in every one of those great enterprises to
which you devoted yourself. It is your conviction
that the affection of his subjects is the surest defence
of an emperor. Now it is the height of absurdity
to try to win that affection by giving orders,
and levying it as though it were a tax or tribute.
The only alternative is the policy that you
have yourself pursued, I mean of doing good to
all men and imitating the divine nature on earth.
To show mercy even in anger, to take away their
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124
harshness from acts of vengeance^ to display kind-
ness and toleration to your fallen enemies, this was
your practice, this you always commended and
enjoined on others to imitate, and thus, even while
the usurper still controlled Italy, you transferred
Rome to Paeonia bv means of the Senate and
inspired the cities with zeal for undertaking public
services.
As for the affection of your armies, what descrip-
tion could do it justice ? Even before the battle at
Myrsa, a division of cavalry came over to your side,i
and when you had conquered Italy bodies of infantry
and distinguished legions did the same. But
what happened in Galatia ^ shortly after the
usurper's miserable end demonstrated the universal
loyalty of the garrisons to you ;for when, em-
boldened b}' his isolated position, another^ dared
to assume the effeminate purple, they suddenly
set on him as though he were a wolf and tore
him limb from limb.^ Your behaviour after
that deed, your merciful and humane treatment
of all those of his friends who were not con-
victed of having shared his crimes, and that in
spite of all the sycophants who came forward with
accusations and warned you to show only suspicion
against friends of his, this I count as the culmination
of all virtue. What is more, I maintain that your
conduct was not only humane and just, but prudent
in a still higher degree. He who thinks otherwise
falls short of a true understanding of both the
circumstances and your policy. For that those who
had not been proved guilty should be protected was
^ Under Silvanus. ^ Gaul.
^ Silvanus. ^ 355 a.d.
125
.] , THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN,
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of course just^ and you thought you ought by no
means to make friendship a reason for suspicion and
so cause it to be shunned^ seeing that it was due to
the loval affection of vour own subiects that you
had attained to such power and accomphshed so
much. But the son of that rash usurper, who was
a mere child_, you did not allow to share his father's
punishment. To such a degree does every act of
yours incline towards clemency and is stamped with
the mint-mark of perfect virtue * * * *.i ^f:
^ The peroration is lost.
127
ORATION II
VOL. r.
INTRODUCTION TO ORATION II
The Second Oration is a panegyric of the

Emperor Constantius^ written while Julian, after
his elevation rank of Caesar, was cam-
to the
paigning in Gaul.^
It closely resembles and
often echoes the First, and was probably never
delivered. In his detailed and forced analogies of
the achievements of Constantius with those of the
Homeric heroes, always to the advantage of the
former, Julian follows a sophistic practice that he
himself condemns,- and though he more than once
contrasts himself with the "ingenious rhetoricians"
he is careful to observe all their rules, even in his
historical descriptions of the Emperor's campaigns.
The long Platonic digression on Virtue and the
ideal ruler is a regular feature of a panegyric of this
type, though Julian neglects to make the direct
application to Constantius. In the First Oration
he quoted Homer only once, but while the Second
contains the usual comparisons with the Persian
monarchs and Alexander, its main object is to prove,
by direct references to the Iliad, that Constantius
surpassed Nestor in strategy, Odysseus in eloquence,
and in courage Hector, Sarpedon and Achilles.
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THE HEROIC DEEDS OF THE
EMPEROR CONSTANTIUS,
OR, OX KINGSHIP
Achilles, as the poet tells us, Avhen his wrath vas
kindled and he quarrelled with the king,^ let fall
from his hands his spear and shield then he strung
;
his harp and lyre and sang and chanted the deeds of
the demigods, making this the pastime of his idle
hours, and in this at least he chose Avisely. For to
fall out >vith the king and affront him was excessively
rash and violent. But perhaps the son of Thetis is
not free from this criticism either, that he spent in
song and music the hours that called for deeds,
though at such a time he might have retained his
arms and not laid them aside, but later, at his
leisure, he could have sung the praises of the king
and chanted his victories. Though indeed the
author of that tale tells us that Agamemnon also
did not behave to his general either temperately or
with tact, but first used threats and proceeded to
insolent acts, when he robbed Achilles of his prize of
valour. Then Homer brings them, penitent now,
face to face in the assembly, and makes the son of
Thetis exclaim
^'
Son of Atreus, verily it had been better on this
wise for both thee and me " -
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^ Agamemnon. - Iliad 19. 56.
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THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
Later on he makes him curse the cause of their
quarrel^ and recount the disasters due to his own
wrath, and we see the king blaming Zeus and Fate
and Erinys. And here, I think, he is pointing a moral,
using those heroes whom he sets before us, like
types in a tragedy, and the moral is that kings ought
never to behave insolently, nor use their power with-
out reserve, nor be carried away by their anger like
a spirited horse that runs away for lack of the bit
and the driver and then again he is warning
;
generals not to resent the insolence of kings but to

endure their censure with self-control and serenely,
so that their whole life may not be filled with
remorse.^
When I on this, my beloved Emperor,
reflect
and behold you displaying in all that you do
the result of your study of Homer, and see you
so eager to benefit every citizen in the community
in every way, and devising for me individually such
honours and privileges one after another, then I
think that you desire to be nobler than the king
of the Greeks, to such a degree, that, whereas
he insulted his bravest men, you, I believe, grant
forgiveness to many even of the undeserving, since
you approve the maxim of Pittacus which set mercy
before vengeance. And so I should be ashamed not
to appear more reasonable than the son of Peleus, or
to fail to praise, as far as in me lies, what appertains
to you, I do not mean gold, or a robe of purple, nay
by Zeus, nor raiment embroidered all over, the work
of Sidonian women,- nor beautiful Nisaean horses,"^
nor the gleam and glitter of gold-mounted chariots,
1 Republic 577 e. 2 //^-^^ g 289.
^ Herodotus 7. 40 horses from the plain of Nisaea drew
;
the chariot of Xerxes when he invaded Greece,

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136
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF COXSTANTIUS
nor the precious stone of India, so beautiful and
lovely to look upon. And yet if one should choose
to devote his attention to these and think fit to
describe every one of theni^ he have to draw
on almost the whole stream of Homer s poetry and
still he would be short of words^ and the panegyrics

that have been composed for all the demigods
Avould be inadequate for your sole praise. First,
then^ let me begin, if you please, with your sceptre
and your sovereignty itself. For vhat does the poet
say when he wishes to praise the antiquity of the
house of the Pelo})ids and to exhibit the greatness
of their sovereignty ?
"Then uprose their lord Agamemnon and in his
hand vas the sceptre that Hephaistos made and
^
fashioned."
and gave to Zeus then Zeus gave it to
; his own and
Maia's son, and Hermes the prince gave it to Pelops,
and Pelops
" Gave it to Atreus, shepherd of the host, and
Atreus.at his death left it to Thyestes, rich in flocks ;
and he in turn gave it into the hands of Agamemnon,

so that he should rule over many^ islands and all
Argos."
Here then you have the genealogy^ of the house of
Pelops, which endured for barely three generations.
But the story of our family began vith Claudius then ;
its supremacy ceased for a short time, till your tvo

grandfathers succeded to tlie throne. And your
mother's father - governed Rome and Italy and Libya
besides, and Sardinia and Sicily, an empire not
inferior certainly to Argos and Mycenae. Your
^ Iliad 2. 101. '^
Maximianus.
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father's father ^ ruled themost warUke of all the tribes
of Galatia/^ the Western Iberians ^ and the islands
that lie in the Ocean,^ which are as much larger
than those that are to be seen in our seas as the sea
that rolls beyond the pillars of Heracles is larger
than the inner sea.^ These countries your grand-
fathers entirely cleared of our foes, now joining forces
for a campaign, when occasion demanded, now making
separate expeditions on their own account, and so
they annihilated the insolent and lawless barbarians
on their frontiers. These, then, are the distinctions
that they won. Your father inherited his proper
share of the Empire with all piety and due observance,
waiting till his father reached his appointed end.
Then he freed from intolerable slavery the remainder,
which had sunk from empire to tyranny, and so
governed the whole, appointing you and your brothers,
his three sons, as his colleagues. Now can I fairly
compare your house with the Pelopids in the extent
of their power, the length of their dynasty,*or the
number of those Avho sat on the throne ? Or is
that really foolish, and must I instead go on to
describe your wealth, and admire your cloak and
the brooch that fastens it, the sort of thing on which
even Homer loved to linger ? Or must I describe
at length the mares of Tros that numbered three
thousand, and '' pastured in the marsh-meadow " ^
and the theft that followed ? ^ Or shall I pay my
respects to your Thracian horses, whiter tlian snow
and faster than the storm winds, and your Thracian
chariots ? For in your case also we can extol all
^ Con Stan tius Chlorus. Gaul.
"^
'^
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p. 588, Spain was governed by Maximianus.
* The Atlantic. ^ The Mediterranean.
« Uiad 20. 221. ^ Iliad . 222.

A39
^?
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
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these, and and those
as for the palace of Alcinous
halls that dazzled even the son of prudent Odysseus
and moved him to such foolish expressions of
wonder/ shall I think it worth vhile to compare
them with yours, for fear that men should one
day think that you were worse oif than he in
these respects, or shall I not rather reject such
trifling? Nay, I must be on my guard lest some-
one accuse and convict me of using frivolons
speech and ignoring what is really admirable. So I
had better leave it to the Homerids to spend their
energies on such themes, and proceed boldly to what
is more closely allied to virtue, and things to which
you yourself pay more attention, I mean bodily

strength and experience in the use of arms.
And now which one of those heroes to whom
Homer devotes his enchanting strains shall I admit
to be superior to you ? There is the archer Pandaros
in Homer, but he is treacherous and yields to bribes ^ ;
moreover his arm was weak and he was an inferior

hoplite then there are besides, Teucer and Meriones.
:
The latter employs his bow against a pigeon ^ while

Teucer, though he distinguished himself in battle,
always needed a sort of bulwark or wall. Ac-
cordingly he keeps a shield in front of him,^ and
that not his own but his brother's, and aims at the
enemy at his ease, cutting an absurd figure as
a soldier, seeing that he needed a protector taller
than himself and that it was not in his weapons that
he placed his hopes of safety. But I have seen you
many a time, my beloved Emperor, bringing down
bears and panthers and lions with the weapons
1 Odyssey 4. 69 foil. ^ m^d 4 97
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Iliad 23. 870. ^ Iliad 8. 266.
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142
HEROIC DEEDS OF CONST ANTIUS
hurled by your hand/ and using your bow both for
hunting and for pastime, and on the field of battle
you have your own shield and cuirass and helmet.
And I should not be afraid to match you with
Achilles when he was exulting in the armour that
Hephaistos made, and testing himself and that
armour to see
" Whether it fitted him and whether his glorious
limbs ran free therein;" ^
for your successes proclaim to all men your proficiency.
As for your horsemanship and your agility in
running, would it be fair to compare with you any
of those heroes of old who won a name and great
reputation ? Is it not a fact that horsemanship had
not yet been invented ? For as yet they used only
chariots and not riding-horses. And as for their
fastest runner, it is an open question how he
compares with you. But in drawing up troops and
forming a phalanx skilfully Menestheus ^ seems to
have excelled, and on account of his greater age the
Pylian ^ is his equal in proficiency. But the enemy
often threw their line into disorder, and not even at
the wall ^ could they hold their ground when they
encountered the foe. You, however, engaged in
countless battles, not only with hostile barbarians in
great numbers, but with just as many of your own
subjects, who had revolted and were fighting on the
side of one who was ambitious of grasping the
imperial power; yet your phalanx remained unbroken
and never wavered or yielded an inch. That this is
not an idle boast and that I do not make a
^ Iliad 19. 385. 2 ^^ 2. 552. ^ Nestor :Iliad 2. 555.
* The building of a wall with towers, to protect the ships,
is described iu Iliad 7. 436 foil.
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pretension in words that goes beyond the actual
facts, I will demonstrate to ni}' hearers. For I think
it would be absurd to relate to you your own
achievements. I should be like a stupid and taste-
less person who, on seeing the works of Pheidias

should attempt to discuss with Pheidias himself the
Maiden Goddess on the Acropolis, or the statue of
Zeus at Pisa. But if I publish to the rest of the
world your most distinguished achievements, I shall
perhaps avoid that blunder and not lay myself open
to criticism. So I will hesitate no more but proceed
with my discourse.
I hope no one Avill object if, when I attempt to
deal with exploits that are so important, my speech

should become proportionately long, and that though
I desire to limit and restrain it lest my feeble words
overwhelm and mar the greatness of your deeds ;
like the gold which when it was laid over the wings
of the Eros at Thespiae ^ took something, so they
say, from the delicacy of its vorkmanship. For your
triumphs really call for the trumpet of Homer
himself, far more than did the achievements of the
Macedonian.^ This will be evident as I go on to
use the same method of argument which I adopted
when I began. It then became evident that there
is a strong affinity between the Emperor's exploits
and those of the heroes, and I claimed that while

one hero excelled the others in one accomplishment
only, the Emperor excels them all in all those
accomplishments. That he is more kingly than the
king himself^ I proved, if you remember, in what I
said in my introduction, and again and again it will
be evident. But now let us, if you please, consider
^ By Praxiteles. ^ Alexander. ^ Agamemnon. .
145
VOL. I. L
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his battles and
campaigns. What Greeks and
barbarians did Homer
praise above tiieir fellows ? I
will read you those of his verses that are most to the
point.
" Tell me. Muse, who Avas foremost of those
warriors and horses that followed the sons of Atreus.
Of warriors far the best vas Ajax, son of Telamon,
so long as the wrath of Achilles endured. For he
was far the foremost." ^ And again he says of the
son of Telamon :
" Ajax who in beauty and in the deeds he Avrought

was of a mould above all the other Danaans, except
^
only the blameless son of Peleus."
These two, he were the bravest of the Greeks

says,
who came and of the Trojan army Hector
to the' war,
and Sarpedon. Do you wish, then, that I should
choose out their most brilliant feats and consider
what they amounted to ? And, in fact, the fighting
of Achilles at the river resembles in some respects
certain of the Emperor's achievements, and so does
the battle of the Achaeans about the wall. Or Ajax
again, when, in his struggle to defend the ships, he
goes up on to their decks, might be allowed some
just resemblance to him. But now I wish to describe
to you the battle by the river which the Emperor
fought not long ago. You know the causes of the
outbreak of the war, and that he carried it through,
not from desire of gain, but with justice on his side.
There is no reason why I should not briefly remind
you of the facts.
A rash and traitorous man^ tried to grasp at
power to which he had no right, and assassinated the
^ Iliads. 761 foil. ^ Odyssey 11. 550 ^ Magnentius.
147
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148
Emperor's brother and partner in empire. Then
he began to be uplifted and dazzled by his hopes,
as though he was about to imitate Poseidon and to
prove that Homer's story was not mere fiction but
absolutely true, where he says about the god
" Three strides did he make, and with the fourth
came to his goal, even to Aegae," ^
and how he took thence all his armour and harnessed

his horses and drove through the waves :
**Ând with gladness the sea parted before him,

and the horses fared very swiftly, and the bronze
axle was not wetted beneath,"
for nothing stood in his way, but all things stood

aside and made a path for him in their joy. Even
so the usurper thought that he had left behind him
nothing hostile or opposed to him, and that there
was nothing at all to hinder him from taking up a
position at the mouth of the Tigris. And there
followed him a large force of heavy infantry and as
many cavalry, yes, and good fighters they were,
Celts, Iberians and German? from the banks of the
Rhine and from the coasts of the western sea.
Whether I ought to call that sea the Ocean or the
Atlantic, or whether it is proper to use some other
name for it, I am not sure. I only know that its
coasts are peopled by tribes of barbarians who are not
easy to subdue and are far more energetic than any
other race, and I knoAv it not merely from hearsay,
on which it is never safe to rely, but I have learned
it from personal experience. From these tribes,
then, he mustered an army as large as that which
1 Iliad 13. 20.
J49
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, ^ THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
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cf. Plato,
j
Theattetus 175 c.
^50
—

marched with him from home^ or rather many
followed him because they were his own people,
allied to him by the ties of race, but our subjects
for so we must call them —
1 mean all his Roman
troops followed from compulsion and not from

choice, like mercenary allies, and their position and
role was like that of the proverbial Carian,^ since
they were naturally ill-disposed to a barbarian and a
stranger who had conceived the idea of ruling and
embarked on the enterprise at the time of a drunken
debauch, and was the sort of leader that one might
expect from such a preface and prelude as that. He
led them in person, not indeed like Typho, who, as
the poet tells us,^ in his wonder tale, was brought
forth by the earth in her anger against Zeus, nor was
he like the strongest of the Giants, but he was like
that Vice incarnate which the wise Prodicus created in
his fable,^ making her compete with Virtue and at-
tempt to win over the son of Zeus,* contending that he
would do well to prize her above all else. And as he led
them to battle he outdid the behaviour of Capaneus,^
like the barbarian that he was, in his insensate folly,
though he did not, like Capaneus, trust to the energy
of his soul or his physical strength, but to the numbers
of his barbarian followers and he boasted that he
;
would lay everything at their feet to plunder, that

every general and captain and common soldier of his
should despoil an enemy of corresponding rank of
his baggage and belongings, and that he would
enslave the owners as well. He was confirmed in
^ The Carians were proverbially worthless ; of. 320 d.
^ Hesiod, Theogony.
3 Xenophon, Memorabilia 2. 1. 2. ^ Heracles.
^ Aeschylus, Seven Against Thebes 440 ; Euripides, Phoe-

nissae 1182.
^ , ^^^
, THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
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this attitude
led his arniA' out from the '
by the Emperor's clever strategy, and
passes to the
plains in high spirits and little knowing the truth,
since he decided that the Emperor's march was
merely fhsrht and not a manoeuvre. Thus he Avas
taken unawares, like a bird or fish in the net. For
when he reached the open country and the plains of
Paeonia, and it seemed advantageous to fight it out
there, then and not before the Emperor drew up his
cavalry separately on both vings.
Of these troops some carry lances and are
protected by cuirasses and helmets of wrought
iron mail. They vear ffreaves that fit the lesrs
closely, and knee-caps, and on their thighs the
same sort of iron covering. They ride their
horses exactly like statues, and need no shield.
In the rear of these was posted a large body of the
rest of the cavalry, who carried shields, while others
fought on horseback Avith bovs and arrows. Of the
infantry the hoplites occupied the centre and
supported the cavalry on either wing. In their rear
Avere the slingers and archers and all troops that
shoot their missiles from the hand and have neither
shield nor cuirass. This, then, vas the disposition of
our phalanx. The left wing slightly outflanked the
enemy, whose whole force was thereby thrown into
confusion, and their line broke. When our cavalry
made a charge and maintained it stubbornly, he who
had so shamefully usurped the imperial .power
disgraced himself by flight, and left there his cavalry
commander and his numerous chiliarchs and taxi-
archs, vho continued to fight bravely, and in
153
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command of all these the real author ^ of that
monstrous and unholy drama^ Avho had been the first
to suggest to him that he should pretend to the
imperial power and rob us of our royal privilege.
For a time indeed he enjoyed success, and at his
first attempt met with no repulse or failure, but on
that day he provoked the punishment that justice
had in store for his misdeeds, and had to pay a
penalty that is hardly credible. For all the others
who abetted the usurper in that war met death
openlv or their flight was evident to all, as was
the repentance of others. For many came as
suppliants, and all obtained forgiveness, since the
Emperor surpassed the son of Thetis in generosity.
For Achilles, after Patroclus fell, refused any longer
even to sell those vhom he took captive, but slew
them as they clasped his knees and begged for
mercy. But the Emperor proclaimed an amnesty
for those who should renounce the conspiracy, and
so not only freed them from the fear of death or
exile or some other punishment, but, as though their
association with the usurper had been due to some
misadventure or unhappy error, he deigned to
reinstate them and completely cancel the past. I
shall have occasion to refer to this again.
But vhat I must now state is that the man vho had
trained and tutored the usurper was neither among
the fallen nor the fugitives. It was indeed natural
that he should not even hope for pardon, since his
schemes had been so wicked, his actions so infamous,
and he had been responsible for the slaughter of so
many innocent men and women, of whom many were
private citizens, and of almost all w^ho were connected
1 Marcellinus.
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Odyssey 20, 66,
Hertlein, 4
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MSS.,
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;
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONST US

with the imperial family. And he had done this not
with shrinking nor with the sentiments of one who
sheds the blood of his own people^ and because of
that stain of guilt fears and is on the watch for the
avenger and those who will exact a bloody reckoning,
but, with a kind of purification that vas new and
unheard of, he would wash his hands of the blood of
his first victims, and then go on to murder man after
man, and then, after those whom they held dear, he
slew the women as well. So he naturally abandoned
the idea of appealing for mercy. But likely as it is
that he should think thus, yet it may well be other-
wise. For the fact is that we do not know what he
did or suffered before he vanished out of sight, out
of our ken. Whether some avenging deity snatched
him away, as Homer says of the daughters of
Pandareos,^ and even now is carrying him to the
very verge of the world to punish him for his evil
designs, or whether the river ^ has received him and
bids him feed the fishes, has not yet been revealed.
For till the battle actually began, and while the
troops were forming the phalanx, he was full of
confidence and went to and fro in the centre of their
line. But when the battle was ended as was fitting,
he vanished completely, taken from our sight by I
know not what god or supernatural agency, only it is
quite certain that the fate in store for him was far
from enviable. At any rate he was not destined to
appear again, and, after insulting us with impunity,
live prosperous and secure as he thought he should
but he was doomed to be completely blotted out
and to suffer a punishment that for him indeed was
1 Odyssey 2U. 66. ^ ^he Drave.

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Reiske,
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THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONST ANTIUS
fatal, but to many was beneficial and gave them a
chance of recdVery.
Now though it would be well worth vhile to devote
more of my speech to this man who was the author
of that whole enterjDrise, yet it breaks the thread
of my narrative, which had reached the thick of the
action. So I must leave that subject for the present,
and going back to the point where I digressed,
describe how the battle ended. For though their
generals showed such cowardice, the courage of the
soldiers Avasby no means abated. When their line
was broken, which was due not to their cowardice
but to the ignorance and inexperience of their leader,
they formed into companies and kept up the fight.
And what happened then was beyond all expecta-
tion ; for the enemy refused altogether to yield to
those who were defeating them, while our men did
their utmost to achieve a signal victory, and so there
arose the >vildest confusion, loud shouts mingled
with the din of weapons, as swords were shattered
against helmets and shields against spears. It Avas
a hand to hand fight, in which they discarded their
shields and attacked Avith SAvords only, Avhile, in-
different to their own fate, and devoting the utmost
ardour to inflicting severe loss on the foe, they were
ready to meet even death if only they could make
our victory seem doubtful and dearly bought. It was
not only the infantry who behaved thus to their pur-
suers, but even the cavalry, whose spears were broken
and were now entirely useless. Their shafts are long
and polished, and when they had broken them they
159
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6
dismounted and transformed themselves into hoplites.
So for some time they held their own against the
greatest odds. But since our cavalry kept shooting
their arrows from a distance as they rode after them,
while the cuirassiers made frequent charges, as was
easy on that unobstructed and level plain, and more-
over night overtook them, the enemy were glad at
last to take to flight, while our men kept up a
vigorous pursuit as far as the camp and took it by
assault, together with the baggage and slaves and
baggage animals. Directly the rout of the enemy
had begun, as I have described, and while ve kept
up a hot pursuit, they were driven towards the left,
where the river was on the right of the victors.
And there the greatest slaughter took place, and the
river was choked with the bodies of men and horses,
indiscriminately. For the Drave was not like the
Scamander, nor so kind to the fugitives it did not ;
put ashore and cast forth from its waters the dead
in their armour, nor cover up and hide securely in
its eddies those who escaped alive. For that is what
the Trojan river did ^, perhaps out of kindness,
perha[)s it was only that it was so small that it
offered an easy crossing to one who tried to swim or
walk. In fact, when a single poplar was thrown into
it, it formed a bridge,^ and the Avhole river roared
with foam and blood and beat upon the shoulders of

Achilles,^ if indeed we may believe even this, but it
never' did anything more violent. When a slight
fire scorched it, it gave up fighting at once and swore
not to play the part of ally. However this, too, was
probably a jest on Homer's part, when he invented
that strange and unnatural sort of duel. For in the
1 Iliad 21. 325 foil. ^ m^fi 2\. 242. 3 mad 21. 269.
i6i
VOL. I.
^ ^ ?,'^,,
THE ORATIONTS OF JULIAN, II
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G
silver
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— MSS.
Hertlein suggests
in a picture."
ev ^
"as though by gold or
162
rest of the poem also he evidently favours Achilles,
and he sets the army there as mere spectators while
he brings Achilles on to the field as the only in-
vincible and resistless warrior, and makes him slay
all whom he encounters and put every one of the
foe to flight, simply by his voice and bearing and the

glance of his eyes, both when the battle begins and
on the banks of the Scamander, till the fugitives wêre
glad to gather within the wall of the city. Many
verses he devotes to relating this, and then he in-
vents the battles of the gods, and by embellishing
his poem with such tales he corrupts his critics and
prevents us from' giving a fair and honest vote. But
if there be any one who refuses to be beguiled by
the beauty of the words and the fictions that are

imported into the poem ^), then, though he is
. . .
as strict as a member of the Areopagus,

I shall not
dread his decision. For we are convinced by the

poem that the son of Peleus is a brave soldier. He
slays twenty men ; then
" Hechose twelve youths alive out of the river
and led them forth amazed like faAvns to atone for
the death of Patroclus, son of Menoitius." ^
But his victory, had some influence on
though it
the fortunes of the Achaeans, was not enough to in-

spire any great fear in the enemy, nor did it make
them wholly despair of their cause. On this point
^ For eight words the text is hopelesslj^ corrupt.

2 Iliad 21. 27.
163
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164
1
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[rets] Reiske, Hertlein.
Cobet, MSS.
^
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tiv Reiske adds.

V, Hertlein,
:

shall we Homer aside and demand some other
set
witness Or is it not enough to recall the verses
?
in Avhich he describes how Priam came to the ships

bringing his son's ransom ? For after he had made
the truce for which he had come^ and the son of
Thetis asked :
" For how many days dost thou desire to make a

"
funeral for noble Hector ?
He told him not only that, but concerning the war
he said
" And on the twelfth day we will fight again, if
fight we must."^
You see he does not hesitate to announce that war
will be resumed after the armistice. But the un-
manly and cowardly usurper sheltered his flight
behind lofty mountains and built forts on them ;
nor did he trust even to the strength of the position,

but begged for forgiveness. And he would have
obtained it had he deserved it, and not proved him-
self on many occasions both treacherous and insolent,
by heaping one crime on another.
And now with regard to the battle, if there be
anyone who declines to heed either the opinion ex-
pressed in my narrative or those admirably written
verses, but prefers to consider the actual facts, let
him judge from those. Accordingly we will next, if
you please, compare the fighting of Ajax in defence
of the ships and of the Achaeans at the wall with the
Emperor's achievements at that famous city. I mean
the city to which the Mygdonius, fairest of rivers,
gives its name, though it has also been named after
1 Iliad 24. 657.
165
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- Hertlein suggests, cf. 27 b,
etVpetCobet, e/cpeiMSS. Hertlein.
,
4(.' MSS,
King Antiochus. Then, too, it has another, a bar-
barian name ^ which is familiar to many of you from
your intercourse with the barbarians of those parts.
This city was besieged by an overwhelming number
of Parthians with their Indian allies, at the very time
when the Emperor was prepared to march against
the usurper. And like the sea crab which they say
engaged Heracles in battle when he sallied forth to
attack the Lernaean monster,- the King of the Par-
thians, crossing the Tigris from the mainland, en-
circled the city Avith dykes. Then he let the Myg-
donius into these, and transformed all the space
about the city into a lake, and completely hemmed
it in as though it were an island, so that only the
ramparts stood out and showed a little above the

water. Then he besieged it by bringing up ships
with siege-engines on board. This vas not the work
of a day, but I believe of almost four months. But
the defenders vithin the Avail continually repulsed
the barbarians by burning the siege-engines with
their fire-darts. And from the wall they hauled up
many of the ships, while others were shattered by
the force of the engines when discharged and the
weight of the missiles. For some of the stones that
were hurled on to them Aveighed as much as
seven Attic talents.^ When this had been going
on for many days in succession, part of tlie dyke
gave Avay and the Avater flowed in in full tide,
carrying with it a portion of the wall as much
as a hundred cubits long.^
Thereupon he arrayed the besieging army in the
^ Nisibis.
^ Sapor becomes the ally of Magnentius as the crab was the
ally of the Hydra in the conflict with Heracles,
» 400 lbs. in all. * 150 feet.
167
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vayva
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7piyvova,
MSS,
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168
Persian fashion. For they keep up and imitate
Persian customs,, I suppose^ because they do not
wish to be considered Parthians, and so pretend
to be Persians. That is surely the reason why
they prefer the Persian manner of dress. And
when they march to battle they look like them,
and take pride in wearing the same armour, and
raiment adorned with gold and purple. By this
means they try to evade the truth and to make it
appear that they have not revolted from Macedon,
but are merely resuming the empire that was theirs
of old. Their king, therefore, imitating Xerxes, sat
on a sort of hill that had been artificially made, and
his army advanced accompanied by their beasts.^
These came from India and carried iron towers full of
archers. First came the cavalry who wore cuirasses,
and the archers, and then the rest of the cavalry in
huge numbers. For infantry they find useless for their
sort of fighting and it is not highly regarded by
them. Nor, in fact, is it necessary to them, since the
whole of the country that they inhabit is flat and
bare. For a military force is naturally valued or
slighted in proportion to its actual usefulness in war.
Accordingly, since infantry is, from the nature of the
country, of little use to them, it is granted no great
consideration in their laws. This happened in the
case of Crete and Caria as well, and countless nations
have a military equipment like theirs. For instance
the plains of Thessaly have proved suitable for
cavalry engagements and drill. Our state, on the
other hand, since it has had to encounter adversaries
of all sorts, and has won its pre-eminence by good
judgment combined with good luck, has naturally
^ Elephants.
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adapted itself to every kind of armour, and to a
varying equipment.
But perhaps those who watch over the rules for
writing panegyric as tliough they were laAvs, may
say that all this is iiTclevant to my speech. Now
whether what I have been saying partly concerns
you I shall consider at the proper time. But at any
rate I can easily clear myself from the accusation of
such persons. For 1 declare that I make no claim
to be an expert in their art, and one has not
agreed to abide by certain rules has the right to
neglect them. And it may be that I shall prove
to have other convincing excuses besides. But it is
not worth while to interrupt my speech and digress
from my theme any longer when there is no need.
Let me, then, retrace my steps to the point at
which I digressed.
Now when the Parthians advanced to attack the
wall in their splendid accoutrements, men and
horses, supported by the Indian elephants, it Avas with
the utmost confidence that they would at once take
it by assault. And at the signal to charge they all
pressed forward, since every man of them was eager
to be the first to scale the wall ^ and win the glory
of that exploit. They did not imagine that there
was anything to fear, nor did they believe that
the besieged would resist their assault. Such was
the exaggerated confidence of the Parthians. The
besieged, however, kept their phalanx unbroken at
the gap in the wall, and on the portion of the wall
that was still intact they posted all the non
1 Iliad 12. 438 ; cf. 71
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17?
combatants in the city, and distributed among them
an equal number of soldiers. But when the enemy
rode up and not a single missile was hurled at them
from the wall, their confidence that they com-
pletely reduce the city was strengthened, and they
whipped and spurred on their horses so that their
flanks were covered with blood, until they had left
the dykes behind them. These dykes they had
made earlier to dam the mouth of the Mygdonius,
and the mud thereabouts was very deep, tin fact
there was hardly any ground at all because of
the wood,^t and because the soil was so rich, and
of the sort that conceals springs under its surface
Moreover there was in that place a wide moat that
had been made long ago to protect the town, and
had become filled up with a bog of considerable
depth. Now when the enemy had already reached
this moat and were trying to cross it, a large iorce of
the besieged made a sally, while many others hurled
stones from the walls. Tlien many of the besiegers
were slain, and all with one accord turned their
horses in flight, though only from their gestures
could it be seen that flight was what they desired
and intended. For, as they were in the act of
wheeling them about, their horses fell and bore
down the riders with them. Weighed down as they
were by their armour, they floundered still deeper in
the bog, and the carnage that ensued has never yet
been paralleled in any siege of the same kind.
Since this fate had overtaken the cavalry, they tried
the elephants, thinking that they would be more
The text here is corrupt.
173
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likely to us by that novel sort of fighting.
For surely they had not been stricken so blind as not
to see that an elephant is heavier than a horse, since
it carries the load;, not of two horses or several, but
what would, I suppose, require many waggons, I mean
archers and javelin men and the iron tower besides.
All this was a serious hindrance, considering that the
ground was made and had been converted
artificially
into a bog. And thisthe event made plain. Hence
it is probable that they were not advancing to give
battle, but rather were arrayed to overawe the
besieged. They came on in battle line at equal
distances from one another, in fact the phalanx of
the Parthians resembled a wall, with the elephants
carrying the towers, and hoplites filling up the spaces
between. But drawn up as these were they were of
no great use to the barbarian. It was, however,
a spectacle which gave the defenders on the wall
great pleasure and entertainment, and when they had
gazed their fill at what resembled a splendid and
costly pageant in procession, they hurled stones from
their engines, and, shooting their arrows, challenged
the barbarians to fight for the wall. Now the
Parthians are naturally quick-tempered, and they
could not endure to incur ridicule and lead back
this imposing force without striking a blow ; so by
the king's express command they charged at the
wall and received a continuous fire of stones and
arrows, while some of the elephants were vounded,
and perished by sinking into the mud. Thereupon, in
fear for the others also, they led them back to the
camp.
175
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176
Having failed in this second attempt as well,
the Parthian king divided his archers into companies
and ordered them to relieve one another and to
keep shooting at the breach in the wall, so that the
beseiged could not rebuild it and thus ensure the
safety of the town. For he hoped by this means
either to take it by surprise, or by mere numbers
to overwhelm the garrison. But the preparations
that had been made by the Emperor made it clear
that the barbarian's plan was futile. For in the rear
of the hoplites a second wall was being built, and
vhile he thought they were using the old line
of the wall for the foundations and that the Avork
was not yet in hand, they had laboured continuously
for a whole day and night till the wall had risen
to a height of four cubits. And at daybreak it
became visible, a new and conspicuous piece of
work. Moreover the besieged did not for a moment
yield their ground, but kept relieving one another
and shooting their javelins at those who were
attacking the fallen wall, and all this terribly
dismayed the barbarian. Nevertheless he did not
at once lead oif his army but employed the same
efforts over again. But when he had done as before,
and as before suffered repulse, he did lead his army
back, having lost many whole tribes through famine,
and squandered many lives over the dykes and
in the siege. He had also put to death many satraps
one after another, on various charges, blaming one
of them because the dykes had not been made
strong enough, but gave way and were flooded by
the waters of the river, another because when
177
VOL. I
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178
fighting under the walls he had not distinguished
himself ;and others he executed for one offence or
another. This is in fact the regular custom among
the barbarians in Asia, to shift the blame of their
ill-success on to their subjects. Thus then the king
acted on that occasion, and afterwards took himself
off. And from that time he has kept the peace with
us and has never asked for any covenant or treaty, but
he stays at home and is thankful if only the
Emperor does not march against him and exact
vengeance for his audacity and folly.
And now am I justified in comparing this
battle with those that were fought in defence
of the Greek ships and the wall ? Observe the
following points of similarity, and note also the
difference. Of the Greeks the two Ajaxes, the
Lapithae and Menestheus fell back from the wall
and looked on helplessly while the gates were bat-
tered down by Hector, and Sarpedon scaled the
battlements. But our garrison did not give way
even when the wall fell in of itself, but they fought
and won, and repulsed the Parthians, aided though
these were by their Indian allies. Then again Hector
went up on to the ships and fought from their decks
on foot, and as though from behind a rampart,
whereas our garrison first had to fight a naval battle
from the walls, and finally, while Hector and
Sarpedon had to retreat from the battlements and the
ships, the garrison routed not only the forces that
brought ships to the attack but the land force as
well. Now it is appropriate that by some happy
chance my speech should have alluded to Hector
and Sarpedon, and to Avhat I may call the very
crown of their achievements, I mean the de-
179
2
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struction of that wall which Homer tells us the
Achaeans built only the day before^ on the advice of
the princely orator ^ of Pylos " to be an impregnable
bulwark for the ships and the army." ^
For that I think was almost the proudest of
Hector's achievements, and he did not need the
craft of Glaucus to help hira, or any wiser plan, for
Homer says plainly that the moment Achilles ap-
peared
" He shrank back into the crowd of men." ^
Again, when Agamemnon attacked the Trojans and

pursued them to the \vall, Zeus stole away ^ Hector
so that he might escape at his leisure. And the
poet is mocking him and ridiculing his cowardice
when he says that as he was sitting under the oak-
tree, being already near the gate. Iris came to him
with this message from Zeus :
" So long as thou seest Agamemnon, shepherd of

the host, raging among the foremost fighters and
cutting down the ranks of men, so long do thou
keep back from the fight." ^
For is it -likely that Zeus would give such base and
cowardly advice, especially to one who was not even
fighting, but was standing there very much at his
ease ? And while the son of Tydeus, on whose head
Athene kindled a mighty flame, was slaying many
and forcing to flight all who stayed to encounter him.
Hector stood far away from the battle. Though
he had to endure many taunts, he despaired of
making a stand against the Achaeans, but made a
specious excuse for going to the city to advise his
^
Nestor. 2 m^fi 14 p^q 3 jUad 20. 379.
4 Iliad 11. 163. ^ Iliad 11. 202.
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4 Hertlein suggests, MSS.
5 îy_Q^^v Hertlein suggests, MSS. Hertlein
suspects corruption.
182
Trojan .
mother to propitiate Athene in company with the
And yet if in person he had be-
sought the goddess before the temple, vith the
elders, he have had good reason for that, for
it is only proper, in my opinion, that a general or
king should always serve the god Avith the appointed

ritual, like a priest or prophet, and not neglect this
duty nor think it more fitting for another, and de-
pute it as though he thought such a service beneath
his own dignity.
For here think 1 may without offence adapt
1
slightly language where he says that the

Plato's
man, and especially the king, best equipped for this
life ishe who depends on God for all that relates to
happiness, and does not hang in suspense on other
men, whose actions, whether good or bad, are liable
to force him and his affairs out of the straight path.^
And though no one should alloV me to paraphrase
or change that passage or alter that word,"^ and
though I should be told that I must leave it un-
disturbed like something holy and consecrated by
time, even in that case 1 shall maintain that this is
what that wise man meant. For when he says
"depends on himself," assuredly he does not refer
to a man's body or his property, or long descent, or
distinguished ancestors. For these are indeed his
belongings, but they are not the man himself; his
real self is his mind, his intelligence, and, in a
^
Menexenus 247
Plato says €is
e.
iavrhv -^ "who depends on himself."
183
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184
word, the god that is in us. As to which, Plato
elsewhere calls it '' the supreme fonii of the soul
that is within us/' and says that '' God has given
it to each one of us as a guiding genius, even
that which ve say dAvells in the summit of our
body and raises us from earth towards our celestial
affinity."^ It is on this that he plainly says every
man ought to depend, and not on other men, who
have so often succeeded when they wish to harm
and hinder us in other respects. Indeed it has
happened before now that even without such a
desire men have deprived us of certain of our posses-
sions. But this alone cannot be hindered or harmed,
since " Heaven does not permit the bad to injure
Avhat is better than itself."^ This saying also is from
Plato. But it may be that I am wearying you Avith
these doctrines of his Avith which I sprinkle my own
utterances in small quantities, as with salt or gold dust.
For salt makes our food more agreeable, and gold
enhances an effect to the eye. But Plato's doctrines
produce both effects. For as we listen to them they
give more pleasure than salt to the sense, and they
have a Avonderful power of sweetly nourishing and
cleansino• the soul. So that must not hesitate or
be cautious of criticism if someone reproaches me
with being insatiable and grasping at everything,
like persons at a banquet who, in their greed to
taste every dish, cannot keep their hands from what
is set before them.^ For something of this sort
seems to happen in my
case when, in the same
breath, I utter panegyric and philosophic theories,
and, before I have done justice to my original theme,
break off in the middle to expound the sayings of
1 Timaeiis 90 a. ^ Apology 30 d. ^ jiepiihHc 354 b.
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philosophers. I have had occasion before now to
reply to those who make such criticisms as these,
and perhaps I shall have to do so again.
I will now, hoAvever, resume the thread of my dis-
course and go back to my starting-point, like those

who, when a race is being started, run ahead out
of the line. Well, I Avas saying, a moment ago, that
Plato declares that a man's real self is his mind and
soul, >vhereas his body and his estate are but his
possessions. This is the distinction made in that
marvellous work, the Laws. And so if one were
to go back to the beginning and say " That man
is best equipped for life who makes everything
that relates to happiness depend on his mind and
intelligence and not on those outside himself who,
by doing or faring vell or ill force him out of the
straight path," he is not changing or perverting the
sense of the words, but expounds and interprets
them correctly. And if for Plato's word "genius " ^
he substitutes the word " God " he has a perfect

right to do so. For if Plato gives the control of our
whole life to the presiding "genius" within us which
is by nature unaffected by sensation and akin to God,
but must endure and suffer much because of its

association with the body, and therefore gives the
impression to the crowd that it also is subject to
sensation and death and if he says that this is true
;
of every man who wishes to be happy, what must we

suppose is his opinion about pure intelligence un-
mixed with earthly substance, which is indeed
synonymous with God } To this I say every man,
whether he be a private citizen or a king, ought to
entrust the reins of his life, and by a king 1 mean
^ 8, cf. 69 A.
187
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i88
one who is really worthy of the name, and not coun-
terfeit or falsely so called, but one who is aware of
God and discerns his nature because of his affinity
with him, and being truly wise bows to the divine
authority and yields the supremacy to God. For it
is senseless and arrogant indeed for those who culti-
vate virtue not to submit to God once and for all_,

as far as possible. For we must believe that this
above all else is what God approves. Again, no man
must neglect the traditional form of worship or
lightly regard this method of paying honour to the
higher power, but rather consider that to be virtuous
is to be scrupulously devout. For Piety is the child
of Justice, and that justice is a characteristic of the
more divine type of soul is obvious to all who discuss
such matters.
For this reason, then, while I applaud Hector for
refusing to make a libation because of the blood-
stains on his hands, he had, as I said, no right to go
back to the city or forsake the battle, seeing that
the task he was about to perform was not that of a
general or of a king, but of a messenger and
underling, and that he was ready to take on himself
the office of an Idaeus or Talthybius. However, as
I said at first, this seems to have been simply a
specious excuse for flight. And indeed when he
obeyed the bidding of the seer and fought a duel
with the son of Telamon,^ he was very ready to
make terms and to give presents, and rejoiced to
have escaped death. In short, as a rule, he is brave
when in pursuit of the retreating foe, but in no case
^ Ajax.
189
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has he the credit of a victory or of turning the tide
of battle, except when
"He was the first to leap within the wall of the
Achaeans " ^
together with Sarpedon. Shall I therefore shrink
from competition as though I could not cite on
behalf of the Emperor any such exploit, and must
therefore avoid seeming to compare the trivial with
the important and things of little account with what
deserves more serious consideration, or shall I
venture to enter the lists even against an achieve-
ment so famous ? Now that wall was to protect the
beach, and was a palisade such as we are wont to
construct, and was completed in less than a morning.
But the wall that was on the Alps was an ancient
fort, and the usurper used it after his flight,
converting it into a defence as strong as though
it had been newly built, and he left there an
ample garrison of seasoned troops. But he did not
himself march all the way there, but remained in
the neighbouring city.^ This is a trading centre of
the Italians on the coast, very prosperous and
teeming with wealth, since the Mysians and Paeon-
ians and all the Italian inhabitants of the interior
procure their merchandise thence. These last used,
I think, to be called Heneti in the past, but now
that the Romans are in possession of these cities
they preserve the original name, but make the
trifling addition of one letter at the beginning of
the word. Its sign is a single character ^ and
they call it " oo," and they often use it instead
of "b," to serve, I suppose, as a sort of breathing,
^ Iliad 12. 438. ^ Aquileia. =^

"v".
191
. THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN,
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"

and to represent some peculiarity of their pronuncia-
tion. The nation as a whole is called by this name,
but at the time of the founding of the city an eagle
from Zeus flew past on the right, and so bestowed on
the place the omen derived from the bird.^ It is
situated at the foot of the Alps, which are very high
mountains with precipices in them, and they hardly
allow room for those who are trying to force their
way over the passes to use even a single vaggon and
a pair of mules. They begin at the sea which we
call Ionian, and form a barrier between Avhat is now
Italy and the Illyrians and Galatians, and extend as
far as the Etruscan sea. For when the Romans
conquered the whole of this country, which includes
the tribe of the Heneti and some of the Ligurians and
a considerable number of Galatians besides, they did
not hinder them from retaining their ancient names,
but compelled them to acknowledge the dominion of
the Italian republic. And, in our day, all the territory
that lies within the Alps and is bounded by the
Ionian and the Etruscan seas has the honour of
being called Italy. On the other side of the Alps, on
the west, dwell the Galatians, and the Rhaetians to
the north where the Rhine and the Danube have
their sources hard by in the neighbouring country of
the barbarians. And on the east, as I said, the Alps
fortify the district where the usurper stationed his
garrison. In this way, then, Italy is contained on
all sides, partly by mountains that are very hard
cross, partly by a shalloAv sea into which countless
streams empty and form a morass like the marsh-
lands of Egypt. But the Emperor by his skill
^ Because of this favourable omen the city was called
'
Aquileia, the city of the Eagle.
'
193
VOL. I.
^' ^
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8
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Heiske, e/SoAo»/ MSS., Hertlein.
Hertlein suggests, evSovXia Wyttenbach,
194
gained control of the whole of that boundai^^ of the
ses., and forced his way inland.
I now relate the city was actually
tiiken^ lestyou should think I am Avasting time by
describing once more tlie difficulties of the ground^
and hoAv it was impossible to plant a camp or even
a palisade near the city or to bring up siege-engines
or devices for storming it^ because the country all
about was terribly short of Avater^ and there Avere not
even small pools. And if you wish to grasp the main
point of my narrative in a few words^ remember the
Macedonian's ^ expedition against those Indians who
lived on the famous rock ^ up to vhich not even the
lightest birds could Aving their flighty and how he
took it by storm, and you Avill be content to hear no
more from me. HoAvever I will add this merely,
that Alexander in storming the rock lost many of his
Macedonians, whereas our ruler and general lost
not a single chiliarch or a captain, nay not even a
legionary from the muster-roll, but achieved an un-
sulliedand tearless " ^ victory.
^'^
Now Hector and
Sarpedon, no doubt, hurled down many men from the
wall, but Avhen they encountered Patroclus in all his
glory Sarpedon was slain near the ships, Avhile Hector,
to his shame, fled without even recovering the body
of his friend. Thus without intelligence and em-
boldened by mere physical strength they ventured
to attack the Avail. But the Emperor, when strength
and daring are required, employs force of arms and
good counsel together, and so Avins the day, but
where good judgment alone is necessary it is by this
^ Alexander.
- A hill fort in Sogdiana where the Bactrian chief Oxyartes
made his last stand against Alexander, 327 B.C.
^ of. 77 b., Plutarch, de Fort. Rom. c. 4.
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Hertleia suggests
^-^
Hertlein suggests,
Hertlein suggests,
Reiske,
Reiske,
MSS.
MSS., Hertlein.
Hertlein, vQkos
—
?5
yap
e/creAett', but cf. Phoenissae 516, ileXciv
MSS.
Cobet,
apxatos MSS.
196
^

that he steers his course, and thus achieves triumphs
such as not even iron could ever avail to erase.
But since mv speech has of its accord reached
this point in its course and has long been eager to
praise the Emperor's wisdom and wise counsel, I
allow it to do so. And in fact I spoke briefly on this
subject some time ago, and all the cases where there
seemed to me to be any affinity between the heroes
of Homer and the Emperor, I described because
of that resemblance, comparing great things with
small. And indeed if one considers the size of their
armaments, the superiority of his forces also becomes
evident. For in those days all Greece was set in
motion,- and part of Thrace and Paeonia, and all the
subject allies of Priam,
" All that Lesbos, the seat of Makar, contains
within, and Phrygia on the north and the boundless
Hellespont." ^
But to try to count up the nations lately
marched with the Emperor and fought on his side
in the Avar, would be idle talk, superfluous verbiage,
and absurd simplicity. And it is natural that, in
proportion as the armies are larger, their achieve-
ments are more important. So it follows of necessity
that, in this respect as well, the Emperor's army sur-
passed Homer's heroes. In mere numbers, at any
rate, at what point, I ask, could one justly compare
them ? For the Greeks fought all along for a single
516,
Themistius, Or. 2, 37
same incident.
\ 5^
^ Julian refers to the triumph of Constantius over Vetranio,
described in Or. 1. 31 foil, and echoes Euripides, Phoenissae

€67 AOyos t Spaafieu &v.
cûotes these verses to illustrate the
2 Isocrates, Evagoras 65, Panegyricus 83. ^ Iliad 24. 544.
197
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^ Tpiies Hertlein adds.

2 yap Horkel, lacuna Hertlein the inappropriate A'erb
;
=" register, record," indicates corruption.

198
cityând the Trojans when they prevailed were not
able to drive away the Greeks^ nor were the Greeks
strong enough, Avhen they won a victory, to destroy
and overthrow the pover and the royal sway of the
house of Priam, and yet the time they spent over it
was ten years long. But the Emperor's wars and
undertakings have been numerous. He has been
described as waging war against the Germans across
the Rhine, and then there was his bridge of boats
over the Tigris, and his exposure of the power and
arrogance of the Parthians ^ was no trivial thing, on
that occasion when they did not venture to defend
their country while he was laying it waste, but had
to look on Avhile the Avhole of it was devastated be-
tween the Tigris and the Lycus. Then, when the
war against the usurper was concluded, there followed
the expeditions to Sicily and Carthage, and that
stratagem of occupying beforehand the mouth of
the Po, which deprived the usurper of all his forces
in Italy, and finally that third and last fall ^ at the
Cottian Alps, which secured for the Emperor the
pleasure of a victory that was sure, and carried with
it no fears for the future, while it compelled the de-
feated man to inflict on himself a just penalty Avholly

worthy of his misdeeds.
I have given this brief account of the Emperor's
achievements, not adding an\i;hing in flattery and
trying to exaggerate things that are perhaps of no
special importance, nor dragging in what is far-
fetched and unduly pressing })oints of resemblance
with those achievements, like those who interpret
1 cf.Oration 1. 22. 28.
^ In wrestling the third fall was final
: the phrase became
proverbial, cf. Plato, Phaedrns 256 b, Aeschylus, Eumenides
592, Julian, Or. 1. 40 b.
199
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Before t^s Hertlein, Reiske omit
Hertlein adds.
,
\.
8
^ &j/ Hertlein adds.
200
the myths of the poets and analyse them into
31
^
plausible versions
fictions of their
slight analogies,
which them to introduce
though they start out from yery
and having recourse to a very
shadowy basis, try to convince us that this is the
very thing that the poets intended to sa}'. But
in this case if anyone should take out of Homer's
poems merely the names of the heroes, and insert
and fit in the Emperor's, the epic of the Iliad Avould
be seen to have been composed quite as much in his
honour as in theirs.
But that you may not think, if you hear only
about his achievements and successes in var, that
the Emperor is less Avell endoAved for pursuits that
are loftier and rightly considered of more import-
ance, I mean public speaking and deliberations and
all those affairs in which judgment combined Avith
intelligence and prudence take the helm, consider
the case of Odysseus and Nestor, who are so highly
praised in the poem ;and if you find that the Em-
peror is inferior to them in any respect, put that
down to his panegyrists, but we should rather in
fairness concede that he is far superior. Nestor, for
instance, Avhen they began to disagree and quarrel
about the captive damsel,^ tried to address them,
and he did persuade the king and the son of Thetis,
but only to this extent that Achilles broke up the
assembly in disorder, while Agamemnon did not even
wait to complete his expiation to the god, but while
he Avas still performing the rite and the sacred ship
Avas in view, he sent heralds to the tent of Achilles,
just as though, it seems to me, he were afraid that
^ Briseis, Iliad 1. 247.
201
?' 8' ^^ THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN,
.€^
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Hertlein suggests,
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Cobet,
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MSS.
rh MSS., Hertlein.
Hertlein suggests,
MSS.
^ ras Reiske adds.

202
he would forget his anger, and, once free from that
passion, would repent and avoid his error. Again,
the far-travelled orator from Ithaca, Avhen he tried
to persuade Achilles to make peace, and offered him
many gifts and promised him countless others, so
provoked the young warrior that, though he had not
before planned to sail home, he now began to make
preparations. 1 Then there are those Monderful
proofs of their intelligence, their exhortations to
battle and Nestor's building of the Avail, a cowardly
notion and worthy indeed of an old man. Xor in
truth did the Achaeans benefit much from that
device. For it was after they had finished the wall
that they were \vorsted by the Trojans, and naturally
enough. For before that, they thought that they
were themselves protecting the ships, like a noble
bulwark. But Avhen they realised that a wall lay
in front of them, built Avith a deep moat and set at
intervals with sharp stakes, they grew careless and
slackened their valour, because they trusted to the
fortification. Yet it is not anyone who blames them
and shows that they Avere in the wrong who is there-
fore a fit and proper person to praise the Emperor.
But he who, in a Avorthy manner, recounts the
Emperor's deeds, Avhich were done not idly or
automatically, or from an irrational impulse, but
were skilfully planned beforehand and carried
through, he alone praises adequately the Emperor's
keen intelligence.
But to report to you those speeches which he
made at every public gathering to the armies and
mad 9. 260.
203
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204
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF COXSTANTIUS
the common people and the councils^ demands too
long a narrative^ though it is perhaps not too much
to ask you to hear about one of these. Pray then
think once more of the son of Laertes when the
Greeks were rushing to set sail and he checked the
rush and diverted their zeal back to the var/ and
then of the Emperor's assembly in Illyria^ vhen that
old man,- persuaded by mere youths to think
childish thoughts,, forgot his treaties and obligations
and proved to be the enemy of his preserver and
benefactor, and came to terms Avith one against
Avhom the Emperor was vaging a war that allowed
no truce nor herald of a truce/ and who was not only
getting an army together, but came to meet the
Emperor on the border of the country, because he
was anxious to hinder him from advancing further.
And vhen those two amiies met, and it vas
necessary to hold an assembly in the presence of the
hoplites, a high platform was set up and it was
surrounded by a crowd of hoplites, javelin-men and
archers and cavalry equipped with their horses and
the standards of the divisions. Then the Emperor,
accompanied by him who for the moment was
his colleague, mounted the platform, carrying no
sword or shield or helmet, but Avearing his usual
dress. And not even one of his bodyguard followed
him, but there he stood alone on the platform,
trusting to that speech which was so impressively
appropriate. For of speeches too he is a good crafts-
man, though he does not plane down and polish his
phrases nor elaborate his periods like the ingenious
1 Iliad 2. 188.
^ Vetranio Themistius, Or. 2. 37 b, who in a panegyric
;
on Constantius describes this oratorical triumph,
•5 Demosthenes, De Corona 262, ^v yap

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1 before V, Hertlein omit.

2 e/ceivTjs Naber adds.
3 65 Hertlein suggests, MSS.
2o6
—

rhetoricians^ but is at once dignified and simple^ and
uses the right words on every occasion^ so that they

sink into the souls not only of those who claim to be
cultured and intelligent^ but many unlearned persons
too understand and give hearing to his words. And so
he won over many tens of thousands of hoplites and
tAventy thousand cavalry and most warlike nations,
and at the same time a country that is extremely
fertile, not seizing it by force, or carrying off
captives, but by winning o\'er men obeyed him
of their free will and \vere eager to carry out
his orders. This victory I judge to be far more
splendid than that for which Sparta is famous. ^ For
that was " tearless " for the victors only, but
the Emperor's did not cause even the defeated
to shed tears, but he who vas masquerading as
Emperor came down from the platform when he had
pleaded his cause, and handed over to the Emperor
the imperial purple ^ as though it were an ancestral
debt. And the Emperor gave him in
all else
abundance, more than they say Cyrus gave to his
grandfather, and ari'anged that he should live and be
maintained in the manner that Homer recommends
for men who are past their prime :
" For it is fitting that such a one, when he has

bathed and fed, should sleep soft, for that is the
manner of the aged." -^
Now for my part

should have been glad to repeat
I
to you the Avords that the Emperor used, and no fear
overtake me when handling words so noble.
But modesty restrains me and does not permit me
to change or interpret his words to you. For it
^ The victory of Archidamus over the Arcadians Xenophon,
Hdlenica 7. 1. 32. 2 ^f Oration 1. 32 a.
^ Odyssey 24. 253.
207
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fl.
Hertlein, MSS.,
^ rb Reiske adds.
&
i

would be wrong of me to tamper with them, and I
should blush to have my i<Tnorance exposed, if some-
one Avho had read the Emperor's composition or
heard it at the time should remember it by heart,
and demand fiOm me not only the ideas in it but all
the excellences with which they are adorned, though
they are composed in the language of our ancestors.
Now this at any rate Homer had not to fear when,
many generations later, he reported his speeches, since
his speakers left no record of Avhat they said in their
assemblies, and I think he was clearly confident that
he was able to relate and report what they said in a
better style. But to make an inferior copy is absurd
and umvorthy of a generous and noble soul.* Now as to
the marvellous portion of his achievements and those
of which the great multitude Avas spectator and hence
preserves their memory and commends them, since
it looks to the result and is there to
judge whether
they turn out well or ill, and eulogises them in
language that is certainly not elegant,— as to all
this I say you have often heard from the
ingenious
sophists, and from the race of poets inspired by the
Muses themselves, so that, as far as these are* con-
cerned, I must have wearied you by speaking about
them at too great length. For you are already
*
surfeited with them, your ears are filled with them,

and there always be a supply of composers of
such discourses to sing of battles and proclaim vic-
tories with a loud clear voice, after the mamier of
the
heralds at the Olympic games. For you yourselves,
since you delight to listen to them, have produced
an
abundance of these men. And no Avonder. For their
1 Latin; of which Julian had only a slight knowledge.
Ihe fourth century Sophists were content uith Greek
Themistius never learned Latin, and Libanius needed
an
interpreter for a Latin letter, Epistle 956.
20Q
VOL. 1. D
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Halvovvra Rmske, MSS., Hertlein.
2 lO
—

conceptions of what isgood and bad are akin to your
own, and they do but report to you your own
opinions and depict them in fine phrases, like a dress
of many colours, and cast them into the mould of
agreeable rhythms and forms, and bring them forth
for you as though they had invented something new.
And you welcome them eagerly, and think that this
is the correct way to eulogise, and you say that these
deeds have received their due. And this is perhaps

true, but it may well be otherwise, since you do not
really know what the correct way should be.
For I have observed that Socrates the Athenian
you know the man by hearsay and that his reputation
for wisdom was proclaimed aloud by the Pythian
oracle ^ —
I say I have observed that he did not praise
that sort of .thing, nor would he admit ^ that they
are happy and fortunate who are masters of a great
territory and many nations, with many Greeks too
among them, and still more numerous and powerful
barbarians, such men as are able to cut a canal through
Athos and join continents ^ by a bridge of boats
whenever they please, and ho subdue nations and
reduce islands by sweeping the inhabitants into a
net,* and make offerings of a thousand talents' worth
of frankincense.^ Therefore he never praised Xerxes
or any other king of Persia or Lydia or Macedonia,
and not even a Greek general, save only a very
few, Avhomsoever he knew to delight in virtue and
to cherish courage with temperance and to love
wisdom with justice. But those whom he saw to be
1 cf.191 A. -2Plato, Gorgias 470 d. '^

Plato, Laws 699 a.
^ Plato, Laics 698 d ; Herodotus 6. 31. ^ Herodotus 1. 183.
211
^ -,-^ THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
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80
1
^ Cobet, Mnemosyne
Cobet) Hertlein, iraiSeious V,
10. iraidias (earlier
MSS.
-
conjecture
212
cunning, or merely clever, or generals and nothing
more, or ingenious, or able, though each one could
lay claim to only one small fraction of virtue, to
impose on the masses, these too he Avould not praise
without reserve. And his judgment is folloved by
a host of wise men who reverence virtue, but as for
all those wonders and marvels that I have described,
some say of them that they are Avorth little, others
that they are vorth nothing.
if you also are of their opinion, I feel no in-
considerable alarm for wliat I said earlier, and for
myself, lest possibly you should declare that my words
are mere childishness, and that I am an absurd and
ignorant sophist and make pretensions to an art in
which I confess that I have no skill, as indeed I must
confess to you when I recite eulogies that are really
deserved, and such as you think it vorth while to
listen to, even though they should seem to most of
you somewhat uncouth and far inferior to what
has been already uttered. But if, as I said before,
you accept the authors of those other eulogies, then
my fear is altogether allayed. For then I shall not
seem wholly out of place, but though, as I admit,
inferior to many others, yet judged by my own
standard, not wholly unprofitable nor attempting
what is out of place. And indeed it is probably
not easy for you to disbelieve wise and inspired
men >vho have much to say, each in his own manner,
though the sum and substance of all their speeches
is the praise of virtue. And virtue they say is im-
planted in the soul and makes it happy and kingly,
yes, by Zeus, and statesmanlike and gifted with true
213
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II
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214
generalship, and generous and truly wealthy, not be-
cause it possesses the Colophonian ^ treasures of gold,
'' Nor all that the stone threshold of the Far-Darter
contained Avithin/' ^
"in the old days, in times of peace," ^ when the
fortunes of Greece had not yet fallen nay nor costly
;
clothing and precious stones from India and many

tens of thousands of acres of land, but that vhich is
superior to all these things together and more pleas-
ing to the gods which can keep us safe even in
;
shipwreck, in the market-place, in the crowd, in the

house, in the desert, in the midst of robbers, and
from the violence of tyrants.
For there is nothing at all superior to it, nothing
that can constrain and control it, or take it from him
who has once possessed it. Indeed it seems to me
that this possession bears the same relation to the
soul as its light to the sun. For often men hsLve
stolen the votive offerings of the Sun and destroyed
his temples and gone their way, and some have
been punished, and others let alone as not vorthy of
the punishment that leads to amendment. But his
light no one ever takes from the sun, not even the
moon when in their conjunctions she oversteps his
disc, or when she takes his rays to herself, and
often, as the saying is, turns midday into night."*
Nor is he deprived of his light when he illumines
the moon in her station opposite to himself and
shares with her his nature, nor vhen he fills
with light and day this great and wonderful universe.
^ The gold work of Colophon was proverbial for its excel-
lence. Cf. Aristophanes, Cocalusfr. 8.
2 Iliad 9. 404. ^ //^-^^^ 22. 156.
* First used by Archilochus,

fr. 74, in a description of an
eclipse of the sun.
215
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88
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8
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Xya
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Hertlein adds.
yvp-
-
26
Just so no good man who imparts his goodness to
another Avas ever thought to have less virtue by as
much as he had bestowed. So divine and excellent
is that possession^ and most true is the saying of the
Athenian stranger, whoever that inspired man may

have been " All the gold beneath the earth and
:
above ground is too little to give in exchange for vir-

tue." ^ Let us therefore boldly call its possessor
wealthy, yes and I should say well-born also, and
the only king among them all/ if anyone agree to
this. For as noble birth is better than a lowly
pedigree, so virtue is better than a character not in
all- respects admirable. And let no one say that this
statement is contentious and too strong, judging by
the ordinary use of words. For the multitude are
wont to say that the sons of those who have long
been rich are well-born. And yet is it not extra-
ordinary that a cook or cobbler, yes, by Zeus, or
some potter who has got money together by his
craft, or by some other means, is not considered
well-born nor is given that title by the .many,
whereas if this man's son inherit his estate and hand
it on to his sons, they begin to give themselves airs
and compete on the score of noble birth with the
Pelopids and the Heraclids? Nay, even a man vho
is born of noble ancestors, but himself sinks down in
the opposite scale of life, could not justly claim
kinship with those ancestors, seeing that no one
could be enrolled among the Pelopids who had not
on his shoulder the birth-mark ^ of that family.
And in Boeotia it was said that there was the
impression of a spear on the Sown-meni^* from the
1 Plato, Laws 728 a. ^ Horace, Epistles 1. 1. 106.
^ One shoulder was white as ivory.
* The Sparti, sprung from the dragon's teeth sown by
Cadmus.
217
. ,
<^ €7 ^^
, II
yeveo
D
^
ovSev
Seiv ''^'^
\ ciTrekeyêi
yvrjacov; he ical KeXrot?
€,, ,
€>6'^
€
^
,
î)
^.'^
)
^^
67
hL he. ' he
he
hvaa
'' ,
hiopav oi}he e? '^'^, )
haepove
-
,
,
ho-
,
, - -
, ^^ ,
} ' .,}'
Aha
Mti^ft) 'Vahavv
<6 yap
hapova
he
'^
46 MSS.,
eKyovwv MSS.,
cf. 82 ,
Hertlein.
Hertlein.
'
iK-yovov MSS., Cobet, i'^'ôvov Hertlein.
2l8
clod of earth that bore and reared them, and that
hence the race long preserved that distinguishing
mark. And can we suppose that on men's souls no
mark of that sort is engraved, which shall tell us
accurately who their fathers were and vindicate
their birth as legitimate ? They say that the Celts
also have a river ^ which is an incorruptible
judge of offspring, and neither can the mothers
persuade that river by their laments to hide and
conceal their fault for them, nor the fathers who are
afraid for their wives and sons in this trial, but it is
an arbiter that never swerves or gives a false verdict.
But we are corrupted by riches, by physical strength
in its prime, by powerful ancestors, an influence from
vithout that overshadovs and does not permit us to
see clearly or discern the soul ; for we are unlike all
other living things in this, that by the soul and by
nothing else, we should with reason make our decision
about noble birth. And it seems to me that the
ancients, employing a wondrous sagacity of nature,
since their wisdom was not like ours a thing acquired,
but they were philosophers by nature, not manu-
factured,'^ perceived the truth of this, and so they
called Heracles the son of Zeus, and Leda's tAvo
sons also, and Minos the law-giver, and Rhadaman-
thus of Cnossus they deemed worthy of the same
distinction. And many others they proclaimed to
be the children of other gods, because they so
surpassed their mortal parents. For they looked at
the soul alone and their actual deeds, and not at
Avealth piled high and hoary with age, nor at the
1 The Rhine cf. Julian,

; Epistle 16.
2 Plato, Laws 642 c.
219
Kol xpovcp
7€
,
ovhe
e?
8^
i/c
II
yeveaOai
C
8.8 -
Sea re
78. 8\ 8 ^'
.
/cal
'yap 186
', '^,
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yap J)
' ,
. , ',
,' , ^ '^^^ ^'"^^ "^^^
--
§3
',
, aya0ol
, ,
^^pyov,
^ '^,
220
power that had come to them from some
grandfiither or great-grandfather. And yet some of
them were the sons of fathers not wholly inglorious.
But because of the superabundance in them of that
virtue Avhich men honoured and cherished^ they
were held to be the sons of the gods themselves.
This is clear from the following fact. In the case of
certain others^ though they did not know those who
were by nature their sires, they ascribed that title
to a divinity, to recompense the virtue of those men.
And we ought not to say that they Avere deceived,
and that in ignorance they told lies about the gods.
For even if in the case of other gods or deities it
was natural that they should be so deceived, Avhen
they clothed them in human forms and human
shapes, though those deities possess a nature not
to be perceived or attained by the senses, but
barely recognisable by means of pure intelligence,
by reason of their kinship with it nevertheless in
;
the case of the visible gods it is not probable

that they were deceived, for instance, when they
entitled Aeetes '^'^son of Helios " and another ^ '^^son of
the Dawn," and so on with others. But, as I said,
Ave must in these cases believe them, and make our
enquiry about noble birth accordingly. And Avhen a
man has virtuous parents and himself resembles
them, we may with confidence call him noblv born.
But when, though his parents lack virtue, he him-
self can claim to possess it, we must suppose that the
father who begat him is Zeus, and we must not pay
less respect to him than to those who are the sons
of virtuous fathers and emulate their parents. But
Avhen a bad man comes of good parents, we ought to
^ Memnon.
221
< II
?
8 , ,'
^ , , €vyev6L<;
ovSe el
ovSe el
-
,, }
el
', ^ -
at 8
^,. yeyove
^
eV
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6,TL
yap
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Xopy
*^ 88
,
.,
) , 6oXoyov
-
-
Syv . yap 6
8
X6y,
- -
'- ^\
222
^
X6yv.
re Hertlein adds. ^
^
€5 Heitlein suggests.
enrol him among the bastards^ Avhile as for those who
come of bad stock and resemble then- parents^
a
never must Ave call them Avell-born, not even though
their wealth amounts to ten thousand talents, not
though they reckon among their ancestors twenty
rulers, or, by Zeus, twenty tyrants, not though they
can prove that the victories they won at Olympia or
Pytho or in the encounters of Avar— Avhich are in
every way more brilliant than victories in the games
— were more than the first Caesar's, or can point to
excavations in Assyria ^ or to the walls of Babylon and
the Egyptian pyramids besides, and to all else that is
a proof of wealth and great possessions and luxury
and a soul that is inflamed by ambition and, being at
a loss how to use money, lavishes on things of that sort
all those abundant supplies of wealth. For you are
well aware that it is not wealth, either ancestral or
newly acquired and pouring in from some source or
other, thatmakes a king, nor his purple cloak nor
his and sceptre and diadem and ancestral
tiara
throne, nay nor numerous hoplites and ten thousand
cavalry not though all men should gather together
;
and acknoAvledge him for their king, because virtue

they cannot bestow on him, but only power, ill-
omened indeed for him that receives it, but still
more for thosethat bestow it. For once he has
received such power, a man of that sort is alto-
gether raised aloft in the clouds, and in nowise
differs from the legend of Phaethon and his fate.
And there is no need of other instances to make
us believe this saying, for the whole of life is
full of such disasters and tales about them. And
if it seems surprising to you that the title of king,
'
1 cf. Oration 3. 126.
223
8<
?}? fcaXfj':; ; II
-
,
^, <)}
'^
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el
Se
ovSe
/}?
^'
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VOLVTO.
, ^ '^
^
,
^
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el
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eir La
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?;-
} , 8
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, ^ '-.
^
yap
py
6
e^coy
avay-
>
) ^, ,
. ,'^ ^
^
8-
Tiues
ya7o,
^
Hertlein suggests, Tiues \ MSS.
224
so lionoLirable, so favoured by the cannot gods,
justly be claimed by men who, though
they rule
over a vast territory and nations without num-
ber, nevertheless settle questions that arise by an
autocratic decision, without intelligence or wisdom
or the virtues that go >vith wisdom, believe me they
are not even free men I do not mean if they merely
;
possess what they have vith none to hinder them

and have their fill of })Over, but even though they
conquer all who make war against them, and, when
they lead an invading army, appear invincible and
irresistible. And if any of you doubt this state-
ment, I have no lack of notable witnesses, Greek and
barbarian, Avho fought and won many mighty battles,
and became the masters of whole nations and com-
pelled them to pay tribute, and yet vere themselves
slaves in a still more shameful degree of pleasure,
money and wantonness, insolence and injustice. And
no man of sense would call them even powerful, not
though greatness sliould shine ujDon and illumine
all that they achieved. For he alone is strong \vhose
virtue aids him to be brave and magnanimous. But
he who is the slave of pleasure and cannot control his
temper and appetites of all sorts, but is compelled to
succumb to trivial things, is neither brave himself
nor strong with a man's strength, though we may
perhaps allow him to exult like a bull or lion or
leopard ^ in his brute force, if indeed he do not lose
even this and, like a drone, merely superintend the
labours of others, himself a " feeble warrior," and '^
cowardly and dissolute. And if that be his character,

he is lacking not only in true riches, but in that wealth
also which men so highly honour and reverence and
^ Iliad 17, 20. .
'^
Homeric phrase : Iliad 17. 588.
225
VOL. I.
,- ^ ,
Kpeaaiievai
76^, -
-
' ^,
II
bo
,, ,
8 - ?
Xrjareveiv
yap
\
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yyovv
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\
Xoyovv
- "^
6
fcaiT^
.^
,.
yap
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^
pyv6vo /^^;
poyvov.
^6,
MSS., cf 59 A, lêdas V.
1
Ixeds Hertlein suggests, ixOoas
2
^
racupas
Cobet, .. ^.
Hertlein suggests, Mbb.
MbS., Hertlein sug-
gests
"^
After ^^. ^
Cobet omits
Reiske, V.
220
'
ERRATUM.
P. 227, 1. 6 from bottom, /or 'to gain "the most great and
grievous tyranny of heaven,'" read '"Tyranny the
greatest and sternest of the gods."
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTAXTIUS
desire, on which hang the souls of men of all sorts,
so that they undergo countless toils and labours for
the sake of daily gain, and endure to sail the sea and
to trade and rob and grasp at tyrannies. For they live
ever acquiring but ever in want, though I do not say
of necessary food and drink and clothes for the limit
;
of this sort of property has been clearly defined by

nature, and none can be deprived of it, neither birds
nor fish nor wild beasts, much less prudent men.
But those who are tortured by the desire and fatal
passion for money must suffer a lifelong hunger,^ and
depart from life more miserably than those who lack
daily food. For these, once they have filled their
bellies, enjoy perfect peace and respite from their
torment, but for those others no day is sweet that
does not bring them gain, nor does night with her
gift of sleep that relaxes the limbs and frees men
from care ^ bring for them any remission of their raging
madness, but distracts and agitates their souls as
they reckon and count up their money. And not even
the wealth of Tantalus and Midas, should they possess
it, frees those men from their desire and their hard
toil therewith, nay nor to gain " the most great and
grievous tyranny of heaven," ^ should they become

possessed of this also. For have you not heard that
Darius, the ruler of Persia, a man not wholly base,
but insatiably and shamefully covetous of money, dug
up in his greed even the tombs of the dead * and
1 Plato, Laws 832 a. ^ Ody.<isey 20. 56.
^ Euripides, Phoenissae 506 and/r, 252, Nauck.
* Of Queen Nitocris, Herodotus 1. 187.
227
Q 2
;
<^
yvpo
<•
^ . ^
k\€Lvov
yap
yeyove
II
^, ^8
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.,,
tlvo<=;
0€ 86
,
ayaObv avSpa eya\pova.
, 6\ypo
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ooyvLo
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re
18-
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yaXo7p,
^ ^ evr'
pyp
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y
8ta
pyo
ypa, yv -
CJ
'
^
, , (\5 MSS.
228
Cobet, f'/côvev Hertlein, ^\%
exacted the most costly tribute ? And hence he
acquired the title ^ that is famous among all man-
kind. For the notables of Persia called him by the
name that the Athenians gave to Sarambos.'^
But it seems that '
argument, as though it had
reached some steep descent, is glutting itself with
unsparing abuse, and is chastising the manners of
. these men beyond what is fitting, so that I must not
allow itto travel further. But now I must demand
from an account, as far as is possible, of the man
it
who is good and kingly and great-souled. In the

first place, then, he is devout and does not neglect
the Avorship of the gods, and secondly he is pious
and ministers to his parents, both when the are
alive and after their death, and he is friendly to his
brothers, and reverences the gods who protect the
family, while to suppliants and strangers he is mild
and gentle and he is anxious to gratify good
;
citizens, and governs the masses with justice and for

their benefit. And wealth he loves, but not that
which is heavy vith gold and silver, but that \vhich
is full of the true good-will of his friends,^ and
service without flattery. Though by nature he is
brave and gallant, he takes no pleasure in Avar, and
detests civil discord, though when men do attack him,
ether from some chance, or by reason of their own
wickedness, he resists them bravely and defends him-
self with energy, and carries through his enterprises
to the end, not desisting till he has destroyed the
power of the foe and made it subject to himself.
1 " Huckster" {(ôs) Heioaotue 3. 89.
- Or Sarabos, Plataean wineseller at Athens
a Plato,
;
(rorgias 518 perhaps to be identified with the Vinarius

;
Exaeramhus in Plautns, Asinaria 4.36 cf. Theinistius 297 d.

;
^ A saying of Alexander, of. Themistius 203 c Stobaeus,

;
Sennones 214 Isocrates, To Nicodee 21.

;
'
229
,, ,
,TO
^ <
-
- ^ ^
€tl avaipeiv.
II
<,
irXiov
^ '^'^ ^<; apyvpiov

7\€<
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-8
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8
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Nicode-i 15. '^
8, '
Hertlein suggests, but cf. Isocrates To
Hertlein adds.
^
* to7s Hertlein suggests.
230
But after he has conquered by force of arms, he
makes his sword cease from slaughter, because he
thinks that for one who is no longer defending
himself to go on killing and laying waste is to incur
pollution. And being by nature fond of work, and
great of soul, he shares in the labours of all and claims
;
the lion's share of those labours, then divides with

the others the rewards for the risks which he has
run, and is glad and rejoices, not because he has
more gold and silver treasure than other men, and
palaces adorned with costly furniture, but because he
is able to do good to many, and to bestow on all men
whatever they may chance to lack. This is what he
who is truly a king claims for himself. And since
he loves both the city and the soldiers,^ he cares
for the citizens as a shepherd for his flock, planning
how their young may flourish and thrive, eating
their full of abundant and undisturbed pasture and ;
his soldiers he oversees and keeps together, training

them in courage, strength and mercy, like Avell-bred
dogs, noble guardians of the flock,"^ regarding them
both as the partners of his exploits and the
protectors of the masses, and not as spoilers and
pillagers of the flock, like woIvcs and mongrel dogs
which, forgetting their own nature and nuture, turn
out to be marauders instead of preservers and
defenders. Yet on the other hand, he will not
suffer them to be sluggish, slothful and un warlike,
lest guardians should themselves need others
the
to watch them, nor disobedient to their officers,
because he knows that obedience above all else,
and sometimes alone, is the saving discipline in
^ Isocrates, To Nicodes 15; Dio Chrysostom, Oration i.
28. 2 Eejmblic 416 a.
231
^,
^
709
ipydaerai,
aheei^
--
^
^ ,
/^
^
olhe
--
,
8
, , Q
, oXiya apyiav
,
^-
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ypyop
8€
J)
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. , ' yov -
yva
,
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^
232
€6
TTflaas
MSS.
"Reiske, eVSeels
( Naber,
,^
MSS., Heillein.
cf. 272 D 2H1
pyv
yva,
,
; yap
irUTeiep
-
^
\-
Hertlein,
^g
war. And he will train them to be hardy and
not afraid of any labour, and never indolent, for
he knows that there is not much use in a guardian
Avho shirks his task and cannot hold out or endure
fatigue. And not only by exhorting, or by his
readiness to praise the deserving or bv reAvarding
and punishing severely and inexorably, does he
them over to this and coerce them but far rather
;
does he show that he is himself what he would have

them be, since he refrains from all pleasure, and as
for money desires it not at all, much or little, nor
robs his subjects of it and since he abhors indolence
;
he allows little time for sleep. For in truth no

one who is asleep is good for an} thing,^ nor if, when
aAvake he resembles those are asleep. x\nd he
will, I think, succeed in keeping them wonderfully
obedient to himself and to their officers, since he
himself will be seen to obey the wisest laws and to
live in accordance vith right precepts, and in short
to be under the guidance of that part of the
soul Avhich is naturally kingly and Avorthy to take
the lead, and not of the emotional or undisciplined
part. For how could one better persuade men
to endue and undergo fatigue, not only in a cam-
paign and under arms, but also in all those exercises
that have been invented in times of peace to give
men practice for conflicts abroad, than by being
clearly seen to be oneself strong as adamant ? For in
truth the most agreeable sight for a soldier, ^hen
he is fighting hard, is a jn'udent commander who
takes an active part in the \vork in hand, himself
zealous while exhorting his men, is cheerful and
1 Plato, La>r,iSQHv,.
203
^ '^
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8 pyv
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8
8
('
8
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8Lopyo,
yvo-
8 D
' '^
Before Hertlein omits
Cobet,
.
MiS8., Hertlein.
^ Hertlein adds.
234
^

calm in what seems to be a dangerous situation^ but
on occasion stern and severe whenever they are over
confident. For in the matter of caution or boldness
the subordinate naturally imitates his leader. And he
must plan as well^ no less than for what I have
mentioned, that they may have abundant provisions
and run short of none of the necessaries of life. For
often the most loyal guardians and protectors of the
flock are driven by want to become fierce towards
the shepherds, and when they see them from afar
they bark at them and do not even spare the sheep.
Such then is the good king at the head of his
legions, but to his city he is a saviour and protector,
not only when he is varding off dangers from vithout
or repelling barbarian neighbours or invading them ;
but also by putting down civil discord, vicious

morals, luxury and profligacy, he will procure relief
from the greatest evils. And by excluding insolence,
lawlessness, injustice and greed for boundless
wealth, he will not permit the feuds that arise from
these causes and the dissensions that end in disaster
to show even the first sign of growth, and if they
do arise he will abolish them as quickly as possible
and expel them from his city. And no one who
transgresses and violates the lav will escape his
notice, no more than an enemy in the act of
scaling his defences. But though he is a good
guardian of the laws, he will be still better at
framing them, if ever occasion and chance call on
him to do so. And no device can j)ersuade one of
his cliaracter to add to the statutes a false and
spurious and bastard law, any more than he would
^ Repuhlic 416 a.
235
.
Tot9
8<
eTreiaayetv ,^/? II
<;
eTreiaa'ya'yeiv
^;,
^
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yap
,
, irpohovvai
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vy
lyvv
ayfraiTO ,,,'^ yyv .
C
enîaayayuv Hertleill, 6X07017^*^'' MSS.

^
^
After Hertlein omits
tyôvos Hertlein, ^J.SS,
.
236
introduce amoiiii liis own sons a servile and vuloar
strain. For he cares for justice and the riglit, and

neither parents nor kinsfolk nor friends can persuade
him to do them a favour and betray the cause of
justice. For he looks upon his fatherland as the
common hearth and mother of all^ older and more
reverend than his parents, and more precious than
brothers' or friends or comrades and to defraud or
;
do violence to her laws he regards as a greater

impiety than sacrilegious robbery of the money that
belongs to the gods. For law is the child of justice,
the sacred and truly divine adjunct of the most
mighty god, and never will the man who is Avise
make light of it or set it But since all
at naught.
that he does will have justice in view, he
eager to honour the good, and the vicious he
like a good physician, make every effort to cure.
be
,
But there are two kinds of error, for in one type
of sinner may dimly be discerned a hope of improve-
ment, nor do they wholly reject a cure, vhile the
vices of others are incurable. And for the latter the
laws have contrived the penalty of death as a release
from evil, and this not only for the benefit of the
criminal, but quite as much in the interest of others.
Accordingly there must needs be tvo kinds of trials.
For when men are not incurable the king will
hold it to be his duty to investigate and to
-cure. But with the others he will firmly refuse
to interfere, and will never willingly have anything
to do with a trial when death is the penalty
that has been ordained by the laws for the
237
.^
,
€ /
Se virep
II
-
8>
-D
,
Se
,-
^, } } ,
^
ot
ev
] , ',, 86,
-^.
aSiKrj
' ,
< ,.
^.
) ^'}
''
90
^ ^'
<8 , , '
Koivfj
yrjv
-
"
"
, ^ ., 'yyovo.
238
^
'^
- irporiyopevTaiHertlein suggests, trpoayopeverai MSS.
Hertlein suggests, rh MSS.
guilty. However, in making laws for such offences,
he do away with violence and harshness and
will
cruelty of punishment, and will elect by lot, to
judge them, a court of staid and sober men who
throughout their lives have admitted the most rigid
scrutiny of their own virtue, men will not
rashly, or led by some wholly irrational impulse,
after deliberating for only a small part of the day,
or it may be without even debating, cast the black
voting-tablet in the case of a fellow-citizen. But in
his own hand no sword should lie ready to slay a
citizen, even though he has committed the blackest
crimes, nor should a sting lurk in his soul, con-
sidering that, as we see, nature has made even the
queen-bee free from a sting. However it is not to
bees that we must look for our analogy, but in my
opinion to the king of the gods himself, whose
prophet and vice-regent the genuine ruler ought to
be. For wherever good exists wholly untainted by its
opposite, and for the benefit of mankind in common
and the whole universe, of this good God was and is
the only creator. But evil he neither created nor
ordered to be,^ but he banished it from heaven, and
as it moves upon earth and has chosen for its abode
our souls, that colony which was sent down from
heaven, he has enjoined on his sons and descendants
to judge and cleanse men from it. Now of these
some are the friends and protectors of the human
race, but others are inexorable judges who inflict on
men harsh and terrible punishment for their mis-
deeds, both while they are alive and after they are
set free from their bodies, and others agam are as it
^ Plato, Theattetus 176a.

ol
,
}^
, ^ - 8e
erepov
8
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240
;

were executioners and avenuers who carry out the
sentence, a different race of inferior and unintelligent
demons. Now the king who is good and a favourite
of the gods must imitate this example, and share
his own excellence with many of his subjects, whom,
because of his regard for them, he admits into this
partnership and he must entrust them with offices
;
suited to the character and principles of eacli ;
military command for him who is brave and daring

and high-spirited, but discreet as well, so that Avhen
he has need he may use his spirit and energy ; and
for him who is just and kind and humane and easily
prone to pity, that office in the service of the state
that relates to contracts, devising this means of pro-
tection for the weaker and more simple citizens and
for the poor against the powerful, fraudulent and
wicked and those who are so buoyed up by their
riches that they try to violate and despise justice
but to the man who combines both these tempera-
ments he must assign still greater honour and power
in the state, and if he entrust to him the trials of
offences for which are enacted just pains and penal-
ties with a view to recompensing the injured, that
would be a fair and wise measure. For a man of
this sort, together with his colleagues, will give an
impartial decision, and then hand over to the public
official the carrying out of the verdict, nor will he
through excess of anger or tender-heartedness fall
short of what is essentially just. Now the ruler in
241
VOL. I. R
, ^ THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
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242
our state will be somewhat like this, possessing only
what is good in both those qualities, and in every
quality that I mentioned earlier avoiding a fatal
excess.^ And though he will in })erson oversee and
direct and govern the whole, he will see to it that
those of his officials who are in charge of the most
important w^rks and management and who share his
councils for the general good, are virtuous men and as
far as possible like himself. And he will choose them,
not carelessly or at random, nor will l>c consent to be
a less rigorous judge than a lapidary or one tests
gold plate or purple dye. For such men are not
satisfied with one method of testing, but since they
know, I suppose, that the wickedness and devices of
those who are trying to cheat them are various and
manifold, they try to meet all these as far as possible,
and they oppose to them the tests derived from their
art. So too our ruler apprehends that evil changes
its face and is apt to deceive, and that the cruellest
thing that it does is that it often takes men in by
putting on the garb of virtue, and hoodwinks those
who are not keen sighted enough, or who in course of
time grow weary of the length of the investigation,
and therefore he will rightly be on his guard against
any such deception. But when once he has chosen
them, and has about him the worthiest men, he will
entrust to them the choice of the minor officials.
Such is his policy with regard to the laws and
magistrates. As for the common people, those who
live in the towns he will not allov to be idle or im-
})udent, but neither he permit them to be with-
out the necessaries of life. And the farming class
who live in the country, ploughing and sowing to
^ Plato, Laws 937 d.
243
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244
ow -
furnish food for their protectors and guardians, will
receiê in return payment in nioney_, and the clothes
that they need. But as for Assyrian palaces and
costly and extravagant public services, they will
have nothing to do with them, and will end their
lives inthe utmost peace as regards enemies at home
^nd abroad, and will adore the cause of their good
fortune as though he were a kindly deity, and praise
God for him when they pray, not hypocritically or
with the lips only, but invoking blessings on him
from the bottom of their hearts. But the gods do
not wait for their prayers, and unasked they give
him celestial rewards, but they do not let him lack
human blessings either and if fate should compel
;
him to fall into any misfortune, I mean one of those

incurable calamities that people are ahvays talking
about, then the gods make him their follower and
associate,and exalt his fame among all mankind.
All this I have often heard from the wise, and in
their account of it I have the firmest faith. And so
I have repeated it to you, perhaps making a longer
speech than the occasion called for, but too short in
my opinion for the theme. And he to whom it has
been given to hear such arguments and reflect on
them, knows well that I speak the truth. But there
is another reason for the length of my speech, less
forcible, but I think more akin to the present

argument. And perhaps you ought not to miss
hearing this also.
In the first place, then, let me remind you briefly
of what I said before, when I broke off my discourse
for the sake of this digression. What I said was
that, when serious-minded people listen to sincere
panegyrics, they ought not to look to those things
245
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240
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MSS., Hertlein.
of which fortune often grants a share even to the
wicked, but to the character of the man and his
virtues, which belong only to those who are good
and by nature estimable and, taking up my tale at
;
that point, I pursued the arguments that followed,

guiding myself as it were by the rule and measure
to which one ought to adjust the eulogies of good
men and good kings. And when one of them
harmonises exactly and without variation with this
model, he is himself happy and truly fortunate, and
happy are those who have a share in such a
government as his. And he who comes near to
being like him isbetter and more fortnnate than
those who fall further short of him. But those who
fail altogether to resemble him, or who follow an
opposite course, are ill-fated, senseless and Avicked,
and cause the greatest disasters to themselves and
others.
And now if you are in any wdy of my opinion,
it is time to proceed to those achievements that
we have so admired. And lest any should think
that my argument is running alone, like a horse
in a race that has lost its competitor and for that
reason wins and carries off the prizes, I will try
to show in what way my encomium differs from that
of clever rhetoricians. For they greatly admire the
fact that a man is born of ancestors who had power
or were kings, since they hold that the sons of the
prosperous and fortunate are themselves blest. But
the question that next arises they neither think of
nor investigate, I mean how they employed their
247
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248
advantages throughout their lives. And yet, after
all, this is the chief cause of that happiness, and of
almost all external goods. Unless indeed someone
objects to this statement that it is only by wise use
of it that property becomes a good, and that it is
harmful when the opposite use is made. So that it
is not a great thing, as they think, to be descended
from a king who was wealthy and " rich in gold,"

but it is truly great, while surpassing the virtue
of one's ancestors, to behave to one's parents in a
manner beyond reproach in ail respects.
Do you wish to learn whether this is true of the
Emperor? I offer you trustworthy evidence,
and I know well that you \\\\\ not convict me of
false witness. For I shall but remind you of what
you know already. And perhaps you understand
you very soon ,

even now what I mean, but if it is not yet evident
when you call to mind that the
Emperor's father loved him more than the others,
though he vas by no means over-indulgent to his
children, for it was character that he favoured rather
than the ties of blood but he vas, I suppose, won
;
over by the Emperor's dutiful service to him, and

as he had nothing to reproach him with, he made his
affection for him evident. And a proof of his feeling
is, first, that he chose for Constantius that portion of
the empire which he had formerly thought best suited

to himself, and, secondly, that when he was at the
point of death he passed over his eldest ^ and
youngest ^ sons, though they were at leisure, and
summoned Constantius, Avho was not at leisure, and
entrusted him with the whole government. And
^ Constantine II. " '^

Constans,
249
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250
when he had become master of the Avhole^ he be-
haved to his brothers at once so justly and Avith such
moderation, that, while they had neither been
summoned nor had come of themselves quarrelled
and fought with one another, they showed no resent-
ment against Constantius, nor ever reproached him.
And when their feud reached its fatal issue, ^ though
he might have laid claim to a greater share of
empire, he renounced it of his own free will, because
he thought that many nations or few called for the
exercise of the same virtues, and also, perhaps, that
the more a man has to look after and care for the
greater are the anxieties beset him. For he does
not think that the imperial power is a means of
procuring luxury, nor that, as certain men have
wealth and misapply it for drink and other pleasures
set their hearts on lavish and ever-increasing revenues,
this ought to be an emperor's policy, nor that he ought
ever to embark on a war except only for the benefit of
his subjects. And so he allowed his brother ^ to have
the lion's share, and thought that if he himself pos-
sessed the smaller share with honour, he had the ad-
vantage in what was most worth having. And that
it was not rather from fear of his brother's resources
that he preferred peace, you may consider clearly
proved by the war that broke out later. For he had
recourse to arms later on against his brother's forces,
but it was to avenge him.^ And here again there
are perhaps some Avho have admired him merely for
having won the victory. But I admire far more the
fact that it was with justice that he undertook the
^ Constantine II while marching against

slain
Constans. ^Constans.
^ Constans was slain by the soldiers of Magnentius.
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war, and that he carried Avith great
it througli
courage and skill, and, when
fortune gave him a
favourable issue, used his victory with moderation
and in imperial fashion, and showed himself entirely
worthy to overcome.
Now do you wish that, as though I wxre in a law-
court, I should summon before you by name Avitnesses
of this also ? But it is plain even to a child that no
war ever yet arose that had so good an excuse, not
even of the Greeks against Troy or of the Mace-
donians ^ against the Persians, though these wars, at
any rate, are thought to have been justified, since
the latter was to exact venaeance in more recent
times for very ancient offences, and that not on sons or
grandsons, but on him ^ who had robbed and de-
prived of their sovereignty the descendants of those
very offenders. And Agamemnon set forth
"To avenge the strivings and groans of Helen,"
for itwas because he desired to avenge one woman

that he went to war with the Trojans. But the
wrongs done to Constantius vere still fresh, and he ^
of royal birth ,
who was in power was not, like Darius or Priam, a man
it niay be, laid claim to an empire
that belonged to him by reason of his birth or his

family, but a shameless and savage barbarian not
long before had been among the captives of war.^
But all that he did and how he governed is neither
agreeable for me to tell nor would it be well-timed.
And that the Emperor was justified in making war on
him you have heard, and of his skill and courage
what 1 said earlier is proof enough, but deeds are, I
1 Under Alexander. ^ Darius III. ^ /^^-^^ 2. 356.
* Magnentius. ^ cf. Oration \. 34 a.
253
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think, more convincing than words. But what hap-
pened after the victory, and how he no longer made
use of the sword, not even against those who vere
under suspicion of serious crimes, or who had been
famihar friends of the usurper, nay not even against
anyone who, to curry favour with the latter, had
stooped to win a tale-bearer's fee by slandering the
Emperor, consider, in the name of Zeus the god of
friendsiiip, that not even these paid the penalty of
their audacity, except when they vere guilty of other
crimes. And yet what a terrible thing is slander !
How truly does it devour the heart and wound the

soul as iron cannot wound the body This it Avas
!
that goaded Odysseus to defend himself by word and

deed. At any rate it was for this reason that he
quarrelled with his host ^ when he was himself a
wanderer and a guest, and though he knew that
" Foolish and of nothing worth is that nian who
provokes a violent quarrel \\\\\ his host." ^
And so it was with Pliilip's son, and
Alexander,
Achilles, son of Thetis, and others v.ho were not
worthless or ignoble men. But only to Socrates, 1
think, and a few others who emulated him, men
who were truly fortunate and happy, was it given
to put off the last garment that man discards the —
love of glory. ^ For resentment of calumny is due
to the passion for glory, and for this reason it is
implanted most deeply in the noblest souls. For
they resent it as their deadliest foe, and
those who hurl at them slanderous language they
1 Alcinous. 2 Qchjs^cy 8. 209.
^ Dioscorides in Athenaeus 507 d ; Tacitus Hist. 4. 6 ; cf.

Milton Lycidas,
" Fame is the spur that the clear spirit doth raise
" (That last infirmity of noble miud)."
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256
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTAXTIUS
hate more than men who
attack them with the
sword or plot tlieir destruction and they regard
;
them as differing from themselves^ not merely in

their acquired habits, but in their essential nature,
seeing that they love praise and honour, and the
•
slanderer not only robs them of these, but also

manufactures false accusations against them. They
say that even Heracles and certain other heroes
were swayed by these emotions. But for my part
I do not believe this account of them, and as for the
Emperor I have seen him repelling calumny with
great self-restraint, which in my judgment is no
slighter achievement than '^ to take Troy " ^ or rout
a powerful phalanx. And if anyone does not believe
me, and thinks it no great achievement nor worth
all these praises, let him observe himself when
a misfortune of this sort happens to him, and then
let him decide and I am convinced that he Avill not
;
think that I am talkinjj^ with exceeding follv.

Now since this vas and is the Emperor's behaviour
after the war, he is naturally loved and longed for
'^'^
by his friends," since he has admitted many of them

"^
to honour and power and freedom of speech, and has

bestoved on them as well vast sums of money, and
permits them to use their vealth as they please but ;
even to his enemies he is the same. The following

may serve as a clear proof of this. Those members
of the Senate wiio were of any account and surpassed
the rest in reputiition and Avealth and wisdom, fled
to the shelter of his right hand as though to a
harbour, and, leaving behind their hearths and
^ A proverb, cf. Euripides, Andromache 368.

^ Aristophanes, Froys 84.
257
VOL. I.
, .^^'^
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, U
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homes and children, preferred Paeonia^ to Rome,
and to be with him rather tlian Avith their dearest.
Again, a division of the choicest of the cavahy
together with their standards, and bringing their
general ^ with them, chose to share danger with him
rather than success with the usurper. And all this
took place before the battle on the banks of the
Drave, which the earlier part of my speech described
to you. For after that they began to feel perfect
confidence, though before that it looked as though
the usurper's cause was getting the upper hand,
when he gained some slight advantage in the affair
of the Emperor's scouts/^ which indeed made the
usurper beside himself Avith joy and greatly agitated
those who were incapable of grasping or estimating
generalship. But the Emperor was unperturbed
and heroic, like a good pilot vhen a tempest has
suddenly burst from the clouds, and next moment,
the god shakes the depths and the shores. Then
a terrible and dreadful panic seizes on those who
are inexperienced, but the pilot begins to rejoice,
and is glad, because he can now hope for a perfect
and windless calm. For it is said that Poseidon,
when he makes the earth quake, calms the weaves.
And just so fortune deceives the foolish and deludes
them about more important things by allowing them
some small advantage, but in the wise she inspires
unshaken confidence about more serious affairs even
when she disconcerts them in the case of those that
are less serious. This was what happened to the
Lacedaemonians at Pylae,^ but they did not despair
nor fear the onset of the Mede because they had lost
^ Pannonia. '^
Silvanus, cf. Oration 1. 60.
•''
cf. Oration 1. 35 c. * Thermopylae.
259
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260
three hundred Spartans and their king ^ at the
entrance into Greece. This often happened to the
Romans, but they achieved more important successes
later on. VV^herefore, since the Emperor knew this and
counted on it, he in no way wavered in his purpose.
But seeing that my argument has, of its own
accord, once reached this point and is describing the
affection that the Emperor inspires in the common
people, the magistrates, and the garrisons who aid
him to protect the empire and repulse its enemies,
are you willing that I should relate to you a signal
proof of this, which happened, one may say, yester-
day or the day before ? A certain man who had "^
been given the command of the garrisons in Galatia

— you probably know his name and character left —
his son behind him as a hostage for his friendship
and loyalty to the Em})eror, though not at the
Emperor's request. Then he proved to be more
treacherous than " lions who have no faithful
covenants with man," ^ as the poet says, and
plundered the cities of their wealth and distributed
it among the invading barbarians, paying it dovn as
a sort of ransom, though he was well able to take

measures to vin security by the sword rather than
by money. But he tried to win them over to
friendliness by means of money. And finally he
took from the Avomen's apartments a purple dress,
and showed himself truly a tyrant and tragical
indeed. Then the soldiers, resenting his treachery,
would not tolerate the sight of him thus dressed up
in women's garb,^ and they set on the miserable
wretch and tore him limb from limb,^ nor would they
1 Leonidas. - Silvanus =*
Iliad 22. 262.
^ Euripides, Bacchae 822, ^ cf . Oration 1 , 48 c.
261
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262
endure either that the crescent moon ^ should rule
over them. Now it was the affection of his garrison
that gave the Emperor this guerdon, a wonderful
recompense for his just and blameless rule. But you
are eager to hear how he behaved after this. This
too, however, you cannot fail to know, that he chose
neither to be harsh towards that man's son - nor
suspicious and formidable to his friends, but in the
highest possible degree he was merciful and kindly
to them all, though many desired to bring false
accusations ^ and had raised their stings to strike the
innocent. But though many were perhaps really
involved in the crimes of which they were suspected,
he was merciful to all alike, provided they had not
been convicted or proved to be partners in the
usurper's monstrous and abominable schemes. And
shall we not declare that the forbearance shown by
him towards the son of one who had broken the laws
and trampled on loyalty and sworn covenants was
truly royal and godlike or shall Ave rather approve
;
Agamemnon, who vented his rage and cruelty not

only on those Trojans who had accompanied Paris
and had outraged the hearth of Menelaus, but even
on those who were yet unborn, and whose mothers
even Avere perhaps not yet born when Paris plotted
the rape ? Anyone therefore who thinks that
cruelty and harshness and inhumanity ill become a
king, and that mercy and goodness and human
kindness befit one who takes no pleasure in acts of
vengeance, but grieves at the misfortunes of his sub-
jects, however they may arise, whetlier from their
^ His Oriental dress suggested Persian rule, symbolised by
the crescent.
2 cf. Oration I. 49 a. cf. Oration 1. 48 c, d.
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'
§^ ,,
^,, -
^,
^
yap
ypv
^
rhu
264
'';
' — Karai'o-qaas
]\I8S.
Hei'tlein suggests, iyuwKcis
^ ttjs Hertleill adds.
—
own wickedness and ignorance
from without by
to the Emperor the
fate, , it
or
is
pahii of victory.
aimed
evident,
at
For bear
them
aAvard
in
mind that he was kinder and more just to tlie
boy than his own father, and to the usurper's
friends he was more loyal than he who acknow-
ledged the tie of friendship. For the usurper for-
sook them all, but the Emperor saved them all. And
if the usurper, knowing all this about the Emperor's
character, since he had for a long time been able to
observe it, was entirely confident that his son was
safely at anchor and his friends securely also, then
he did indeed understand him aright, but he was
many times over criminal and base and accursed for
desiring to be at enmity with such a man, and for
hating one whom he kncAv to be so excellent and
so surpassingly mild, and for plotting against him
and trying to rob him of what it was a shame to
take from him. But if, on the other hand, his son's
safety was something that he had never ho}ied for,
and the safety of his friends and kinsfolk he had
thought difficult or impossible, and he nevertheless
chose to be disloyal, this is yet another proof that he
was wicked and infatuated and fiercer than a wild
beast, and that the Emperor was gentle and mild and
magnanimous, since he took pity on the youth of the
helpless child, and was merciful to those who Avere not
proved guilty, and ignored and despised the crimes
of the usurj)er. For he who grants what not one of
his enemies expects, because the guilt that is on their
conscience is so great, beyond a doubt carries off the
})rize for virtue
: for Avhile he tempers justice with
265
)
'
<^^
,'
<
he
,
^,8
?
peer -
7€\6€<;
II
-
avhpeia
j)
? ^? eyy 6<
^
.
avy-
<
eU
yap 'ipyov ,
,
\6yo<;. 6
,
ayaOo^
.
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', yXv
yvv
^ ,,
yao yva
^ .;,,, ^
'^
, epyo
-
yvo-
-
-
^
q
^
Hei'tltin suggests, ^ M!SS,
266
what is nobler and more merciful^ in self-restraint he
surpasses those who are merely moderate in their
vengeance and in courage he excels because he thinks
;
no enemy wortlw of notice and his visdom he displays

;
by suppressing enmities and by not handing them

down to his sons and descendants on the pretext of
strict justice, or of wishing, and very reasonably too,
to blot out the seed of the wicked like the seed of
a pine-tree.^ For this is the way of those trees, and
in consequence an ancient tale gave rise to this
'^
simile. But the good Emperor, closely imitating

God, knows that even from rocks swarms of bees fly
forth, and that Sveet fruits grow even from the
bitterest wood, pleasant figs, for instance, and from
thorns the pomegranate, and there are other instances
where things are produced entirely unlike the
parents that begat them and brought them forth.
Therefore he thinks that we ought not to destroy
these before they have reached maturity, but to wait
for time to pass, and to trust them to cast off the folly
and madness of their fathers and become good and
temperate, but that, if they should turn out to emu-
late their fathers' practices, they will in good time
suffer punishment, but they will not have been use-
lessly sacrificed because of the deeds and misfortunes
of others.
Now do you think I have made my sincere pane-
gyric sufficiently thorough and complete ? Or are
you anxious to hear also about the Emperor's powers
of endurance and his august bearing, and that not
only is he unconquerable by the enemy, but has
never yet succumbed to any disgraceful appetite, and
'
proverb ; the pine when cut down does not send up
shoots again. '^
Herodotus (i. 37.
267
^^
^, ' ^ ^
,, ^
eVauXeo)?
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ovre
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yvvatKo,
7rec0ocTOV,KeKrv•
ovhe
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9
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epeiv
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yevvata; be
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!68
never coveted a fine house or a costly palace or a
necklace of emeralds, and then robbed their owners
of them either by violence or persuasion and that he
;
has never coveted any free-born woman or handmaid

or pursued any dishonourable passion and that he
;
does not even desire an immoderate surfeit of the

good things that the seasons produce, or care for ice
in summer, or change his residence with the time of
year but is ever at hand to aid those portions of the
;
empire that are in trouble, enduring both frost and

extreme heat ? But if you should bid me bring
before you plain proofs of this, I shall merely say
what is familiar to all, and I shall not lack evidence,
but the account would be long, a monstrous speech,

nor indeed have I leisure to cultivate the Muses
to such an extent, for it is now time for me to turn
to my work. 1
^ His campiaign in Gaul.
209
ORATION III
() INTRODUCTION TO ORATION
The Third Oration
first wife of Constantius.

an expression of gratitude
^ to
is
the Empress Eusebia^ the

After JuHan's intractable
step-brother Gallus Caesar had been murdered bv the
Emperor, he was summoned to the court at Alilan,
and there, awkward and ill at ease, cut off from his
III
favourite studies and from the society of philoso-

phers, surrounded by intriguing and unfriendly
courtiers, and regarded vith suspicion by the
Emperor, Julian vas protected, encouraged and
advised by Eusebia. His praise and gratitude are,
for once, sincere. The oration must have been
composed either in Gaul or shortly before Julian set
out thither after the dangerous dignity of the
Caesarship had been thrust upon him. His sincerity
has affected his style, which is simpler and more
direct than that of the other two Panegyrics.
^ cf. Quintilian 3. 7. 10. on the Gratiarum actio.
273
VOL. I.
KAISAPO^ ETSEBIAS
TH2 202
-
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<; ',
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ovSe apyvptov,
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ayvvo
274
,
^
6 Cobet, virep
7apaByaa'
AISS., Hertlein.
oXiya C
y
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF THE
EMPRESS EUSEBIA
What^ ''}' ought we to think of those who owe
things of price and beyond price — I do not mean
gold or silver, but simply any benefit one may

happen to receive from one's neighbour suppose—
that they neither try nor intend to repay that
kindness, but are indolent and do not trouble
themselves to do what they can and try to discharge
the debt ? Is it not evident that ^\'e must think
them mean and base ? Far more I think than
any other crime do Ave hate ingratitude, and we
blame those persons who have received benefits
and are ungrateful to their benefactors. And the
ungrateful man is not only he who repays a kindness
with evil deeds or words, but also he who is silent
and conceals a kindness and tries to consign it to
oblivion and abolish gratitude. Now of such brutal
and inhuman baseness as the repayment with evil
the instimces are few and easily reckoned but there
;
are many try to conceal the appearance of

having received benefits, though with what purpose
1 know not. They assert, however, that it is
because they are trying to avoid a reputation for a
sort of servility and for base flattery. But though I
275
2
^ ,, ^' ^,^
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, III
^
yap
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27
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
enough that Avhat they say is all insin-
cere, ne\'erthelessI let that pass, and suppose we
assume that they, as they think, do escape an

undeserved reputation for flattery, still they at the
same time appear to be guilty of many weaknesses
and defects of character that are in the highest
degree base and illiberal. For either they are too
dense to perceive what no one should fail to perceive,
or they are not dense but forgetful of what they
ought to remember for all time. Or again, they do
remember, and yet shirk their duty for some reason or
other, being cowards and grudging by nature, and their
hand is against every man without exception, seeing
that not even to their benefactors do they consent
to be gentle and amiable ; and then if there be
anv opening to slander and bite, they look angry
and fierce like wild beasts. Genuine praise they
somehoAv or other avoid giving, as though it Avere a
costly extravagance, and they censure the applause
given to noble actions, when the only thing that
they need enquire into is \vhether the eulogists
respect tx'uth and rate her higher than the reputa-
tion of showing their gratitude by eulogy. For
this at any rate they cannot assert, that praise is
others besides, ,
a useless thing, either to those who receive it or to
though they have been assigned
the, same rank in life as the objects of their praise,
have fiillen short of their merit in what they have
accomj)lished. To the former it is not only agree-
able to hear, but makes them zealous to aim at a still
higher level of conduct, vhile the latter it stimulates
both by persuasion and compulsion to imitate that
noble conduct, because ihe\ see that none of those
277
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,
Tcve^
,
, '<', ^
6€(;
ifKelaroL
StSovac
, '^ Sovvai €
III
yap et?
aireupo-
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^^ ^ 9
. iv
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. ^^'^ alho)
€6<; i/c /^?

104
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evpecv,
.
eTryvet
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he \
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iir
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eivat
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)?
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el
yap
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^
8^w yaXopova
^ ^
^ Cobet, MSS., Hertlein.

^
\4
rhv Cobet, Naber MSS., Hertlein.
['
( 4
^ Cobet, Hertlein.
^
^
\$
cTTt
' € Kayaeoiis Cobet,

Hertlein suggests,
\5
MSS., Hertlein.
^^MSS.
^ eKclvr) PetaviuR, MSS., Hertlein.
"'
eha Cobet adds.
278
who have anticipated them have been deprived of
that which alone it is honourable to give and receive
publicly. For to give money openly^ and to look
anxiously round that as many as possible may know
of the gift, is characteristic of a vulgar person. Nay
no one Avould even stretch out his hands to receive
it in the sight of all men, unless he had first cast off all
propriety of manner and sense of shame. Arcesilaus

indeed, vhen offering a gift, used to try to hide liis
identity even from the recipient.^ But in his case
the manner of the deed ahvays made known the
doer. For a eulogy, however, one is ambitious to
obtain as many hearers as possible, and even a small
audience is, 1 think, not to be despised. Socrates, for
instance, spoke in praise of many, as did Plato also and
Aristotle. Xenophon, too, eulogised King Agesilaus
and Cyrus the Persian, not only the elder Cyrus, but
him whom he accompanied on his campaign against
the Great King, nor did he hide away his eulogies,
but put them into his history. Now I should think
it strange indeed if we shall be eager to applaud men
of high character, and not think fit to give our
tribute of praise to a noble woman, believing as we
do that excellence is the attribute of w'omen no less
than of men. Or shall we who think that such a one
ought to be modest and wise and competent to assign
to every man his due, and brave in danger, high-
minded and generous, and that in a word all such
qualities as these should be hers, —
shall we, I say,
^ Plutarch, Moralia 63 d.
279
fVl
.
TOL^; epyoL•^; iyo)v
Ko\afC€V€LV hoKclv y^royov SeSoiJCOTe^;
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Hertlein.
. ]
280
PANEGYRIC IX HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
then rob her of the encomium due to her good deeds^
from any fear of the charge of appearing to flatter ?
But Homer vas not ashamed to j)raise Penelope and
the consort of Alcinous ^ and other women of excep-
tional goodness^ or even those whose claim to virtue
was slight. Nay nor did Penelope fail to obtain her
share of praise for this very thing. But besides these
reasons for praise, shall we consent to accept kind
treatment from a woman no less than from a man,
and to obtain some boon whether small or great, and
then hesitate to pay the thanks due therefor ? But
perhaps people will say that the very act of making
a request to a woman is despicable and unworthy
of an honourable and high-spirited man, and that
even the wise Odysseus was spiritless and cowardly
because he was a suppliant to the king's daughter '^
as she played with her maiden companions by the

banks of the river. Perhaps they will not spare even
Athene the daughter of Zeus, of whom Homer says "*
that she put on the likeness of a fair and noble

maiden and guided him along the road that led
to the palace, and Avas his adviser and instructed
him Avhat he must do and say when he had entered
within ; and that, like some orator perfect in the
art of rhetoric, she sang an encomium of the
queen, and for a prelude told the tale of her
lineage from of old. Homer's verses about this are
as follows :
" The queen thou shalt find first in the halls.

Arete is the name she is called by, and of the same
parents is she as those Avho begat king Alcinous." *
^ Arete. ^ Nausieaa.
3 Odyssey 7. 20. ^ Odyssey 7. 54,
281
^; III
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Then he goes back and begins with Poseidon and
tells ofthe origin of that family and all that they
did and suffered, and how when her father perished,
still young and newly-wed, her uncle married her,
and honoured her

" As no other woman in the world is honoured,"
and he tells of all the honour she receives
" From her dear children and from Alcinous
himself,"
and from the council of elders also, I think, and from
the people who look upon her as a goddess as she
goes through the city and on all his praises he sets
;
this crown, one that man and woman alike may well
envy, when he says
" For indeed she too has no lack of excellent
understanding,'
and that she knows well how to judge between
men, and, for those citizens to Avhom she is kindly
disposed, how to reconcile with justice the
grievances that arise among them. Now if, when
you entreat her, the goddess says to him, you find
her well disposed,
"Then is there hope that you see your friends
and come to your high-roofed house."
And he was persuaded by her counsel. Shall I then
need yet greater instances and clearer proofs, so
that I may escape the suspicion of seeming to flatter }
Shall I not forthwith imitate that wise and inspired
poet and go on to j)raise the noble Eusebia, eager as
I am to compose an encomium worthy of her, though
I shall be thankful if, even in a moderate degree, I
succeed in describing accomplishments so many and

283
; ^
; ^
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€7€€<^
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ayaOwv
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III
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yy6vo,
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Petavius, MSS., Hertlein suggests
Reiske suggests 47)'.
"
of her noble qualities to discuss first."
'^
atroKitrovTes M88.,
'^
aiu at a loss wllicll
V, Hertlein.
^
284
so admirable ? And be thankful if I succeed
I shall
in noble qualities of hers,
describing also those
her temperance, justice, mildness and goodness,
or her affection for her husband, or her generosity
about money, or the honour that she pays to her own
people and her kinsfolk. It is proper for me, I
think, to follow in the track as it were of what I
have already said, and, as I j)ursue my panegyric, so
arrange it as to give the same order as Athene,
making mention, as is natural, of her native land, her
ancestors, how she married and whom, and all
the rest in the same fashion as Homer.
Now though I have much that is highly honour-
able to say about her native land,^ 1 think it well to
omit part, because of its antiquity. For it seems to
be not far removed from myth. For instance, the
sort of story that is told about the Muses, that
they actually came from Pieria and that it was not
'^
from Helicon tliat they came to Olympus, when

summoned to their father's side. This then, and
all else of the same sort, since it is better suited
to a fable than to my narrative, must be omitted.
But perhaps it is not out of the way nor alien
from my present theme to tell some of the facts
that are not familiar to all. They say ^ that
Macedonia was colonised by the descendants of
Heracles, the sons of Temenus, who had been
awarded Argos as their portion, then quarrelled, and
to make an end of their strife and jealousy led out a
colony. Then they seized Macedonia, and leaving a
^ Eusebia belonged to a noble family of Thessalonica, in

Macedonia slie was married to Constantius in 352 a. d.
;
^ Near
Mount Olympus. ^ Herodotus 8. 187.
285
€€'.
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107
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^ ' Hertlein suggests.
286
})rosperous family beliind them, they succeeded
to throne, king after king, as though the
the
privilege were an inheritance. Now to praise
all these would be neither truthful, nor in my
opinion easy. But though many of them were brave
men and left behind them very glorious monuments
of the Hellenic character, Philip and his son
surpassed in valour all who of old ruled over
Macedonia and Tlirace, yes and I should say all
who governed the Lydians as well, or the Medes and
Persians and Assyrians, except only the son of
Cambyses,^ who transferred the sovereignty from the
Medes to the Persians. For Philip was tlie first to
try to increase the power of tlie Macedonians, and
when he had subdued the greater part of Europe, he
made the sea his frontier limit on the east and south,
and on the north I think the Danube, and on the
Avest the people of Oricus.^ And after him, his son,
who was bred up at the feet of the wise Stagyrite,^
so far excelled all the rest in greatness of soul, and
besides, surpassed his father in generalship and
courage and the other virtues, that he thought that
life for him was not \vorth living unless he could
subdue all men and all nations. And so he tra-
versed the whole of Asia, conquering as he went,
and he was the first of men * to adore the rising
sun but as he was setting out for Europe in order
;
to gain control of the remainder and so become

master of the whole earth and sea, he paid the debt
of nature in Babylon. Then Macedonians became
the rulers of all the cities and nations that they had
acquired under his leadership. And now is it still
^ C3TUS. 2 ^ town on the coast of Illyria.
"'
Aristotle ;
" who bred Great Alexander to subdue the
|
world." Milton, Paradise Regained A. ^ i.e. of Greeks.
287
—
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^ Hertlein adds.
^ otjTe — re Hertlein suggests, ot>5e M!SS.
288
PAN'EGYRiC IN HONOUR OF EUSF.BIA
necessary to show l>y stronger proofs that Macedonia

was famous and ^reat of old ? And the most im-
portant place in Macedonia is that city which they
restored, after^ I think, the fall of tlie Thessalians^
and which is called after their victory over them.^
But concerning all this I need not speak at greater
length.
And of her noble birth why should I tiike any
further trouble to seek for clearer or more manifest
proof than this ? I mean that she is the daughter of
a man who was considered vorthy to hold the office
that gives its name to the year^^ ^
office that in the
past was powerful and actually called royal, but lost
that title because of those who abused their power.
But now that in these days its poAver has Avaned,
since the government has changed to a monarchy,
the bare honour, though robbed of all the rest, is
held to counterbalance all power, and for private
citizens is set up as a sort of prize and a rcAvard of
virtue, or loyalty, or #f some favour done to the
ruler of the empire, or for some brilliant exploit,
while for the emperors, it is added to the advantages
they already possess as the crowning glory and adorn-
ment. For all the other titles and functions that still
retain some feeble and shadowy resemblance to the
ancient constitution they either altogether despised
and rejected, because of their absolute power, or
they attached them to themselves and enjoy the
titles for life. But this office alone, 1 think, they
from the first did not despise, and it still gratifies
them when they obtain it for the year. Indeed
there is no private citizen or emperor, nor has ever
Thessalonica. ^ The consulship.

289
VOL. I.
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,, 8 ^
yyov,
Xe'nrei
ya 8 8,
yaXovov,
8, Xoyo,
KarakiTTUv Hertleiii suggests,

MSS.
V, , -
290
PANEGYRIC IN HONOLR OF EUSEBIA
beeiij who did not think an enviable distinction to
it
be entitled consul. And if there be anyone who

thinks that, becaiKse he 1 spoke of was the first of his
line to win that title and to lay the foundations of
distinction for his family, he is therefore inferior to
the others, he fails to understand that he is deceived
exceedingly. For it is, in niy opinion, altogether
nobler and more honourable to lay the foundations
of such great distinction for one's descendants than
to receive it from one's ancestors. For indeed it is
a nobler thing to be the founder of a mighty city than
a mere citizen and to receive any good thing is alto-
gether less dignified than to give. Indeed it is evident
that sons receive from their fathers, and citizens from
their cities, a start, as it were, on the path of glory.
But he who by his own effort pays back to his
ancestors and his native land that honour on a
higher scale, and makes his country show more
.
brilliant and more distinguished, andhis ancestors

more the prize to no man
illustrious, clearly yields
on the score of native nobility. Nor is there any man
who can claim to be superior to him I speak of.
For the good must needs be born of good parents.
But when the son of illustrious parents himself
becomes more illustrious, and fortune blows the
same way as his merit, he causes no one to feel
doubt, if he lays claim, as is reasonable, to be of
native nobility.
Now Eusebia, the subject of my speech, was the
daughter of a consul, and is the consort of an Em-
peror who is brave, temperate, wise, just, virtuous,
mild and high-souled, \vho, when he acquired the
291
2
, '€, ^
ORATIONS OF JULIAN, III
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-- HO
yov,
1 ovSev MSS., eV V, Hertlein.
292
throne that had belonged to his ancestors^ and had
won it back from him vho had usurped it by violence,
and desired to wed that he might beget sons to in-
herit his honour and power, deemed this lady worthy
of his alliance, Avhen he had already become master
of almost the whole world. And indeed why should
one search for stronger evidence than this ? Evidence,
I mean, not only of her native nobility, but of all
those combined gifts which she who is united to so

great an Emperor ought to bring vith her from her
home as a dowry, wit and wisdom, a body in the
flower of youth, and beauty so conspicuous as to
throw into the shade all other maidens beside, even
as, I believe, the radiant stars about the moon at
the outshone and hide their shape.
full are For no
^
single one of these endowments is thought to suffice

for an alliance vith an Emperor, but all together, as
though some god were fashioning for a virtuous Em-
peror a fair and modest bride, were united in her
single person and, attracting not his eyes alone,
brought from afar that bridegroom blest of heaven.
For beauty alone, if it lacks the support of birth and
the other advantages I have mentioned, is not enough
to induce even a licentious man, a mere citizen, tc
kindle the marriage torch, though both combineo
have })rought about many a match, but when they
occur without sweetness and charm of character they
are seen to be far from desirable.
I have good reason to say that the Emperor in
his j)rudence understood this clearly, and that it
eiSos.
AaTcpes \
Sappho fr. 3.
^^' ' () ^/
was only after long deliberation that he chose this
?93
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5-5 Naber, tiovaas MSS., Hertlein,
394
marriage, partly making enquiries about all that was
needful to learn about her by hearsay, but judg-
ing also from her mother of the daughter's noble
disposition. Of that mother why should I take time
to say more, as though I had not to recite a special
encomium on her who is the theme of my speech ?
But so much perhaps I may say briefly and you may
hear without weariness, that her family is entirely
Greek, yes Greek of the purest stock, and her native
city was the metropolis of Macedonia, and she was
more self-controlled than Evadne the wife of Ca})a-
•
neus, and the famous Laodameia^ of Thessaly. For

these two, when they had lost their husbands, who
were young, handsome and still newly-êd,vhether by
the constraint of some envious powers, or because the
threads of the fates were so woven, threw away their
lives for love. But the mother of the Empress, Avhen
his fate had come upon her wedded lord, devoted
herself to her children, and won a great reputation for
prudence, so great indeed, that whereas Penelope,
Avhile her husband vas still on his travels and wan-
derings, was beset by those young suitors who came
to woo her from Ithaca and Samos and Dulichium,
that lady no man however fair and tall or powerful
and wealthy ever ventured to approach with any
such proposals. And her daughter the Emperor
deemed worthy to live by and after setting
his side,
up the trophies of his he celebrated the
victories,
marriage with great sj)lendour, feasting nations and
cities and peoples.
But sliould any haply desire to hear of such things
as how the bride was bidden to come from Macedonia
^ EuL-ipidt'S, Suppliants 494.

- The wife of Protesilaus.
295
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re Hertlein suggests, 5e M.S>S. •'^ e< [risl Hertlein.
296
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EuSEBIA
with her mother, and what was the manner of the
cavalcade, of the cliariots and horses and carriages
of all sorts, decorated with gold and silver and
copper of the finest vorkmanship, let me tell him
that it is extremely childish of him to wish to hear
such things. It is like the case of some player on
the cithara who is an accomplished artist let us—
say if you please Terpander or he of Methymna^
of whom the story goes that he enjoyed a divine
escort and found that the dolphin cared more
for music than did his fellow-voyagers, and was
thus conveyed safely to the Laconian promontory.^
For thouiih he did indeed charm those miserable
sailors by his skilful performance, yet they despised
his art and paid no heed to his music. Now, as I
Avas going to say, if some one vere to choose the
best of those two musicians, and were to clothe
him in the raiment suited to his art, and vere then to
bring him into a theatre full of men, women and
children of all sorts, varying in temperament and age
and habits besides, do j'ou not suppose that the
children and those of the men and women who had
childish tastes would gaze at his dress and his lyre, and
be marvellously smitten with his appearance, while
the more ignorant of the men, and the vhole crowd of
women, except a very few, would judge his playing
simply by the criterion of ])leasure or the reverse ;
whereas a musical man who understood the rules of

the art would not endure that the melodies should
be wrongly mixed for the sake of giving pleasure,
but would resent it if the player did not preserve
\ Arion. - Taenarnm.
?97
THE ORATIONS OF
^; ^;^ <;
JULIAN, 111
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the modes of the music and did not use the
harmonies properly^ and conformably to the laws of
genuine and inspired music ? But if he saw that he
was faithful to the j^rinciples of his art and produced'
in the audience a pleasure that was not spurious but
pure and uncontaminated, he would go home
praising the musician^ and filled Miih admiration
because his performance in the theatre was artistic
and did the Muses no wrong. But such a man
thinks that anyone who praises the purple raiment
and the lyre is foolish and out of his mind, while,
if he goes on to give full details about such
outward things, adorning them with an agreeable
style and smoothing away all that is worthless
and vulgar in the tale, then the critic thinks him
more ridiculous than those who try to carvê cherry-
stones/ as I believe is related of Myrmecides - who
thus sought to rival the art of Pheidias. And so
neither Avill I, if 1 can help it, lay myself open to
this charge by reciting the long list of costly robes
and gifts of all kinds and necklaces and garlands
that were sent by the Emperor, nor how the folk in
each place came to meet her Avith welcome and
rejoicing, nor all the glorious and auspicious incidents
that occurred on that journey, and Avere reported.
But when she entered the palace and Avas honoured
with her imperial title, Avhat was the first thing she
did and then the second and t!ie third and the many
actions that followed ? For however much I might
wish to tell of them and to compose lengthy volumes
about them, I think that, for the majority, those of
her deeds will be sufficient that more conspicuously
^ Literally seeds or small beads.
2 Famed for his minute carving of ivory.
299
, ,,THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN,
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PANEGYRIC IX HONOUR OF EUSEBL\
witnessed to her wisdom and clemency and modesty
and benevolence and goodness and generosity and
her other virtues, than does the present account
of iier, which tries to enlighten and instruct those
who have long known from personal experience.
it all
For it would not be at all proper, merely because

the task has proved to be difficult or rather
impossible^ to keep silence about the whole^ but one
should rather try, as far as one can, to tell about
those deeds, and to bring forward as a proof of her
wisdom and of all her other virtues the fact that she
made her husband regard her as it is fitting that he
should regard a beautiful and noble wife.
Therefore, though I think that many of the other
qualities of Penelope are vorthy of praise, this I
admire beyond all, that she so entirely persuaded
her husband to love and cherish her, that he
despised, ve are told, unions with goddesses, and
equally rejected an alliance \vith the Phaeacians.
And yet they were all in love Avith him. Calypso,
Circe, Nausicaa. And they had very beautiful
palaces and gardens and parks withal, planted with
wide-spreading and shady trees, and meadows gay
with fôvers, in Avhich soft grass grew deep " And :
four fountains in a row fÔved with shining water." ^

And a lusty wild vine bloomed about her d\velling,2
with bunches of excellent grapes, laden with clusters.
And at the Phaeacian court there Avere the same
things, except that they were more costly, seeing
that, as I suppose, they vere made by art, and
hence had less charm and seemed less lovely than
those that Avere of natural growth. Now to ail
^ Odyssey 5. 70. - The cave of Calypso.
301
}9 ^ -\ THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN,
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MSS.
] 1
302
that luxury and wealth, and moreover to the peace
and quiet that surrounded those islands, who do
you think would not have suctumbed, especially one
who had endured so greatand dangers and
toils
expected that he would liave to suffer still more
terrible hardships, partly by sea and partly in his
own house, since he had to fight all alone against a
hundred youths in their prime, a thing which had
never happened to him even in the land of Troy ?
Now if someone in jest vere to question Odysseus
somewhat in this fashion " Why, :most wise
orator or general, or whatever one must call you, did
you endure so many toils, when you might have been
prosperous and happy and perhaps even immortal, if
one may at all believe the promises of Calypso ? But
you chose the vorse instead of the better, and
imposed on yourself all those hardships ^ and refused
to remain even in Scheria, though you might surely
have rested there from \o\\y wandering and been
delivered from your perils but behold you resolved
;
to carry on the war in your house and to

perform feats of valour and to accomplish a second
journey, not less toilsome, as seemed likely, nor
easier than the first " What answer then do you
!
think he would give to this ? Would he not answer

that he longed always to be with Penelope, and
that those contests and campaigns he purposed to
take back to her as a pleasant tale to tell ? For this
reason, then, he makes his mother exhort him to
remember everything, all the sights he saw and all
the things he heard, and then she says " So that in :
the days to come thou mayst tell it to thy vife." '^
^ cf. Miaopogon 34:2a. In both passages Julian evidently

echoes some line, not now extant, from Menander, Duskolos.
2 Odyssey 11. 223.
,
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And indeed he forgot nothing, and no sooner had he
come home and vanquished, as 38 just, the youths
wlio caroused in the })alace, than he related all to
her without pause, all that he had achieved and en-
dured, and all else that, obeying the oracles, he pur-
posed still to accomplish.^ And from her he kept
nothing secret^ but chose that she should be the
partner of his counsels and should help him to plan
and contrive what he must do. And do you think
this a trifling tribute to Penelope, or is there not now
found to be yet another wOman whose virtue sur-
passes hers, and who, as the consort of a brave^ mag-
nanimous and prudent Emperor, has won as great
affection from her husband, since she has mingled
with the tenderness that is inspired by love that
other which good and noble souls derive from their
own virtue, vhence it flows like a sacred fount ? For
there are two jars,- so to speak, of these two kinds
of human affection, and Eusebia dreV in equal mea-
sure from both, and so has come to be the partner
of her husband's counsels, and though the Emperor
is by nature merciful, good and wise, she encourages
him to folloV yet more becomingly his natural bent,

and ever turns justice to mercy. So that no one could
ever cite a case in vhich this Empress, Avhether with
justice, as might happen, or unjustly, has ever been
the cause of punishment or chastisement either great
or small. Now we are told that at Athens, in the
days when they employed their ancestral customs
and lived in obedience to their own laws, as the in-
habitants of a great and humane city, whenever the
1 Odyssey 23. 284. ^ ^f. IHad 24. 527 ; Oration 7. 236 c.
VOT-. 1. X
1
, THE ORATIONS OF JULFAN,

< ' 111
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Hertlein suggests, ofire
306
votes of the jurymen
\vere cast evenly for defendant
and plaintift, the vote of Athene ^ was awarded to him
who would have incurred the penalty, and thus botli
were acquitted of guilt, he who had brought the ac-
cusation, of the reputation of sycophant, and the
defendant, naturally, of the guilt of the crime. Now
this humane and gracious custom is kept up in the suits
vhich the Emperor judges, butEusebia's mercy goes
further. For whenever the defendant comes near to
obtaining an equal number of votes, she persuades
the Emperor, adding her request and entreaty on his
behalf, to acquit the man entirely of the charge.
And of free will with Avilling heart he grants the
boon, and does not give it as Homer says Zeus, con-
strained by his wife, agreed as to what he should con-
cede to her " of free will but with soul unwilling." -
And perhaps it is not strange that he should concede
this pardon reluctantly and under protest in the case
of the violent and depraved. But not even when
men richly deserve to suffer and be punislied ought
they to be utterly ruined. Now since the Empress
recognises this, she has never bidden him inflict any
injury of any kind, or any punishment or chastise-
ment even on a single household of the citizens,
much less on a whole kingdom or city. And I might
add, with the utmost confidence that I am speaking
the absolute truth, that in the case of no man or
woman is it possible to charge her with any misfor-
tune that has happened, but all the benefits that she
^ The traditional founding of the ancient court of the
Areopagus, which tried cases of homicide, is described in
Aeschylus, Eumtnides. Orestes, on trial at Athens for
matricide, is acquitted, the votes being even, by the decision
of Athene, who thereupon founds the tribunal, 485 foil.
- Iliad 4. 43.
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308
confers and has conferred^ and on whom^ I would
gladly recount in as many cases as possible^ and
report them one by one, how for instance this man,
thanks to her, enjoys his ancestral estate, and that
man has been saved from punishment, though he was
guilty in the eyes of the lav, how a third escaped a
malicious prosecution, though he came within an ace
of the danger, countless persons have received
honour and office at her hands. And on this subject
there is no one of them all who will assert that I
speak falsely, even though I should not give a list of
those persons by name. But this I hesitate to do,
lest I should seem to some to be reproaching them
Avith their sufferings, and to be composing not so much
an encomium of her good deeds as a catalogue of the
misfortunes of others. And yet, not to cite any of
these acts of hers, and to bring no proof of them
before the public seems perhaps to imply that they
are lacking, and brings discredit on my encomium.
Accordingly, to deprecate that charge, I shall re-
late so much as it is not invidious for me to speak
or for her to hear.
When she had, in the beginning, secured her
husband's good-will for her actions like a '^ frontage
shining from afar," to use the words of the great poet
Pindar,! she forthwith showered honours on all her
family and kinsfolk, appointing to more important
functions those who had already been tested and
were of mature age, and making them seem fortunate
and enviable, and she won for them the Emperor's
friendship and laid the foundation of their present
^ Olympian Ode 6. 4. Pindar saj'S that, as though he were

building the splendid forecourt of a house, he will begin his
Ode îth splendid words.
309
—
THE ORATIONS OP JULIAN, III
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310
prosperity. And if anyone thinks^ what is in fact
true^ thaton their own account they are Avorthy of
honour, he will applaud her all the more. For it is
evident that it was their merit, far more than
the ties of kinship, that she rewarded and one
;
could hardly pay her a higher compliment than that.

Such then was her treatment of these. And to all
^, since they Avere still obscure on account of
their youth, needed recognition of any sort, she
awarded lesser honours. In fact she left nothing
undone to help one and all. And not only on her
kinsfolk has she conferred such benefits, but Avhen-
ever she learned that ties of friendship used to exist
Avith her ancestors, she has not allowed it to be
unprofitable to those w^ho owned such ties, but she
honours them, understand, no less than her
I
kinsfolk, and to all she regards as her father's
friends she dispensed wonderful rewards for their
friendship.
But since I see that my account is in need
of proofs, just as in a laAV-court, I will offer myself to
bear Avitness on its behalf to these actions and
to applaud them. But lest you should mistrust my
evidence and cause a disturbance before you have
heard what I have to say, I swear that I will tell
you no falsehood or fiction although you would
;
have believed, even Avithout an oath, that I am

saying all this Avithout intent to flatter. For I
already possess, by the grace of God and the
Emperor, and because the Empress too was zealous
in my behalf, all those blessings to gain which
311
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312
a flatterer Avould leave nothing unsaid^ so that^ if I
were speaking before obtaining these, perhaps I
should have to dread that unjust suspicion. But as
it is, since this is the state of my fortunes, I
will recall her conduct to me, and at the same time
give you a proof of my right-mindedness
and truthful evidence of her good deeds. I have
heard that Darius, while he was still in the bodyguard
of the Persian monarch,^ met, in Egypt, a Samian
stranger who was an exile from his own country,
"^
and accepted from him the gift of a scarlet cloak to

which Darius had taken a great fancy, and that later
on, in the days when, I understand, he had become
the master of all Asia, he gave him in return the
tyranny of Samos. And now suppose that I acknow-
ledge that, though I received many kindnesses
at Eusebia's hands, at a time Avhen I was still
permitted to live in peaceful obscurity, and many
also, by her intercession, from our noble and
magnanimous Emperor, I must needs fall short
of making an equal return for as I know, she
;
possesses everything already, as the gift of him

was so generous to myself; yet since I desire that
the memory of her good deeds should be immortal,
and since I am relating them to you, perhaps I shall
not be thought less mindful of my debt than the
Persian, seeing that in forming a judgment it is to the
intention that one must look, and not to an instance
in which fortune granted a man the poAver to repay
his obligation many times over.
Why, then, I say that I have been so kindly treated,
and in return for Avhat I acknowledge that I am her
^ Canibyses.
'^
Syloson, Herodotus 3. 139 ; cf. Julian, Epistle 29 ;
Themistius 67 a, 109 d.
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314
debtor for all time^ that what you are eager to hear.
is
Nor shall I conceal the facts. The Emperor was kind

to me almost from my infancy^ and he surpassed all
generosity, for he snatched me from dangers so great
that not even " a man in the strength of his youth" ^
could easily have escaped them, unless he obtained
some means of safety sent by heaven and not attain-
able by human means, and after my house had been
seized by one of those in power, as though there vere
none to defend it, he recovered it for me, as was just,
and made it vealthy once more. And I could tell you
of still other kindnesses on his part tovards myself,
that deserve all gratitude, in return for which I
ever showed myself loyal and faithful to him but ;
nevertheless of late I perceived that, I know not

why, he was somewhat harsh towards me. Now the
Empress no sooner heard a bare mention, not of any
actual wrong-doing but of mere idle suspicion, than
she deigned to investigate it, and before doing so
would not admit or listen to any falsehood or unjust
slander, but persisted in her request until she
brought me into the Emperor's presence and pro-
cured me speech with him. And she rejoiced vhen
I was acquitted of every unjust charge, and when I
wished to return home, she first persuaded the
Emperor to give his permission, and then furnished
me with a safe escort. Then when some deity, the
one I think who devised my former troubles, or
perhaps some unfriendly chance, cut sliort this
journey, she sent me to visit Greece, having asked
this favour on my behalf from the Emperor, when I
had already left the country. This was because she
had learned that I delighted in literature, and she
knew that that place is the home of culture. Then
1 Iliad 12. 382 ] ^' ].
315
KoX
86>
ye,
^
^?? ',
'^, -
>
-
.
cijaOa ort
%: \ \ ,
ISelv yap
^, , ,
ay
eyyovoi,
irpoaeLiruv
8
teal
^' 8 '^
119
^ .•
apyvpiov. yap
aya0ot)v
eiriTperreiv eir
okiyov
€V€Ka
Aly7ro oXoya \oyo.

\eyo yap 8
', elvai
KlyxjiTTioi NetXoi/
€epyev
.\ , ,,,-
aireipyeiv
8
yevvao
ciepa ill\ey
^"
yap
NetXof 7y. -
oxjhe
^ 'yv
C
316
,
"Apyo
^
8
8'^'
8
'
Reiske adds.
yap
indeed I prayed meet, for the Emj)eror,
first, as is
and next God would grant them

for Eusebia, that
many blessings, because when I longed and desired
to behold my true fatherland, they made it possible.
For we who dwell in Thrace and Ionia are the sons
of Hellas, and all of us who are not devoid of feeling
long to greet our ancestors and to embrace the very
soil of Hellas. So this had long been, as was natural,
my dearest wish, and I desired it more than to possess
treasures of gold and silver. For I consider that inter-
course with distinguished men^ when \veighed in the
balance with any amount whatever of gold, drags
down the beam, and does not permit a prudent judge
even to hesitate over a slight turn of the scale.
Now, as regards learning and philosophy, the
condition of Greece in our day reminds one some-
what of the tales and traditions of the Egyptians.
For the Egyptians say that the Nile in their country
is not only the saviour and benefactor of the land,
but also wards off destruction by fire, Avhen the sun,

throughout long periods, in conjunction or combina-
tion with fiery constellations, fills the atmosphere
with heat and scorches everything. For it has not
pover enough, so they say, to evaporate or exhaust
the fountains of the Nile. And so too neither from
the Greeks has philosophy altogether departed, nor
has she forsaken Athens or Sparta or Corinth. And,
as regards these fountains, Argos can by no means be
called "thirsty,"^ for there are many in the city
itself and many also south of the city, round about
Mases,"^ famous of old. Yet Sicyon, not Corinth,
^ Iliad 4. 171. ^ The port of Argolis.
^,
Se
Se
Si/cvcov ^ kuI
,'^
iirippel
III
''^, .
iiri-
evhov Be ayaTTCuai
;
,,
, '
irepaiveiv
-
^ < "
8
^ Xoyov, el
;
}?
8
^, '^'8^, , - yov. 8
12(
,
,
8] , 8. 8
Xyo
8 , 8 ^
'^,
,
8 ,-
yap
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yaav 8
Xyv
yiyoue
18
^
MSS.
•^
€
ncpaiueip
-
Cobet,
J
]^
Hertlein suggests,
Horkel adds.
^,
diuTrepaiuetu
MSS., Hertlein.
^
3•8
possesses Peirene itself. And Athens has many
such streams, pure and springing from the soil^ and
many flow into the city from abroad, but no less
precious than those that are native. And her people
love and cherish them and desire to be rich in that
which alone makes Avealth enviable.
But as for me, vhat has come over me ? And
what speech do I intend to achieve if not a panegyric
of niy beloved Hellas, of vhich one cannot make
mention without admiring ever}i;hing ? But perhaps
someone, remembering \vhat I said earlier, \vill say
that this is not what I intended to discuss when I
began, and that, just as Corybants when excited
by the flute dance and leap without method, so I,
spurred on by the mention of my beloved city,
am chanting the praises of that country and her
people. To him I must make excuse somewhat as
follows Good sir, a-ou who are the guide to an art
:
that is genuinely noble, that is a wise notion of

yours, for you do not perlit or grant one to let
go even for a moment the theme of a panegyric,
seeing that you yourself niaintain your theme
with skill. Yet in my case, since there has come
over me this impulse of affection which you say is
to blame for the lack of order in my arguments, you
really urge me, I think, not to be too much afraid of it
or to take precautions against criticism. For I am
not einbarking on irrevelant themes if I wish to show
how great were the blessings that Eusebia procured
for me because she honoured the name of philosophy.
And yet the name of philosopher which has been, I
319
2
,
€u
^
. , (' 8
\\
TO epyop
8e
<^
epaaOevri
Se
\
86<
olha
\0709 epyov C
yap
ho --
€,
yeyove
yevvaio -
- yLv ,
7paya6a6v,
^ ,
peveiv
ayaOov iyco tl
, ,yP]<i D
, 8
8 , 88'
poyvoLo,
8
aijya^
//^^
,8 8 8 yeyov
8
.,-- 8
yap 8
,
ye
8
8
,8
1
TLVL ayav
.8 81
'apayyvaL^
78 8 -
8
oyo 8
8\, vapyl
320
'
d7cpyo
,
irapayiyverai Reiske, lacuna MSS. , Hertleiii.
know not why, a})plied to myself, is really in my
case nothing but a name and lacks reality, for
though I love the reality and am terribly enamoured
of the thing itself, yet for some reason I have fallen
short of it. But Eusebia honoured even the name.
For no other reason can I discover, nor learn from any-
one else, why she became so zealous an ally of mine,
and an averter of evil and my preserver, and took
such trouble ^d pains in order that I might retain
unaltered and unaffected our noble Emperor's good-
will; and I have never been convicted of thinking
that there is any greater blessing in this world than
that good-Avill, since all the gold above the earth or
beneath the earth is not Avorth so much, nor all the
mass of silver that is beneath the sun's rays or
may be added thereto,^ not though the loftiest
mountains, let us suppose, stones and trees and all
were to change to that substance, nor the greatest
sovereignty there is, nor anything else in the whole
world. And I do indeed owe it to her that these
blessings are mine, so many and greater than anyone
could have hoped for, for in truth I did not ask for
much, nor did I nourish myself with any such hopes.
But genuine kindness one cannot obtain in exchange
for money, nor could anyone i)urchase it by such
means, but it exists only when men of noble
character work in harmony with a sort of divine and
higher providence. And this the Emperor bestowed
on me even as a child, and when it had almost
vanished it was restored again to me because the
Empress defended me and warded off those false
and monstrous suspicions. And when, using the
evidence of my life as plain proof, she had completely
1 Iliad 9. 380.
321
VOL. 1. V
,
, ,,
Z^Zilo.,
re aW,^ roO
Spa
,,
--^«
&re
<Wo
, /
--^r:;aX
oiSevo,
HI
«-
ev
^^^^,.; «.;..^9 . yap e^rr - rj

„!^ , 'Wpo-9>/«^«;^;; *^
. .'^,,^ Xi «^
,
vaXeiroj'
„L '. , ^ h Se«/x..o.
-
Ac e]KO<^
,€
^
,
^^^.
'^ 7 i>c^Xvrroiv
^«
,.
««^..
<6& ,,« ^.
-.
hpL•,
7 .»
[,]
oiVo«,
Hertlein
.-^
«.
322
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EIJSEBIA
cleared me of them, and I ol)eyed once more the
Emperor's summons from Greece, did slie ever for-
sake me, as though, now that all enmity and
suspicion had been removed, I no longer needed
much assistance ? Would my conduct be })ious if
I kept silence and concealed actions so manifest
and so honourable ? For when a good opinion of me
was established in the Emperor's mind, she rejoiced
exceedingly, and echoed him harmoniously, bidding
me take courage and neither refuse out of awe to
accept the greatness ^ of what was offered to me, nor,
by employing a boorish and arrogant frankness,
unworthily slight the urgent request of him who had
shown me such favour. And so I obeyed, though it
was by no means agreeable to me to support this
burden, and besides I knew well that to refuse was
altogether impracticable. For when those have
the pover to exact by force what they Avish
condescend to entreat, naturally they put one out
of countenance and there is nothing left but to obey.
Now when I consented, I had to change my mode of
dress, and my attendants, and my habitual pursuits,
and my very house and way of life for Avhat seemed
full of pomp and ceremony to one Avhose })ast had
naturally been so modest and humble, and my mind
was confused by the strangeness, though it Avas
certainly not dazzled by the magnitude of the favours
that Ave re now mine. For in my ignorance I hardly
regarded them as great blessings, but rather as
powers of the greatest benefit, certainly, to those
who use them aright, but, when mistakes are made
in their use, as being harmful to many houses and
cities and the cause of countless disasters. So I felt
^ The title of Caesar.
323
2
8 , 7)^
,
,^,
, , ?
avSpl
''
- ovSe
fyevvaiov 7),
€<;
Se,
8 8e^ '-
'^-
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€7 < ^<
^;, ,, iy/cpaTco^, el
ye eV
, ^, , ^
8,
' ,'
8
,
, }
'^'^ 8
ayptalvov
' el
C
'^
,
,
, 8 '
y
yov
yo\)v
,8 8,
'
,
' , -
, ^^
'^ D
8
^^
^ 5
€ Hertlein adds.
MSS., Hertlein.
''•
y4 — rhv Reiske,
Hertlein suggests,
\\5
MSS.
iir\
^ (7 Hertlein suggests, MSS.

324
like a man who is altogether unskilled in driving a
chariot^^ and not at all inclined to acquire the art^

is
and then is compelled to manage a car that belongs

to a noble and talented charioteer^ one who keeps
many pairs and many four-in-hands too^ let us
suppose, and has mounted behind them all, and
because of his natural talent and uncommon strength
has a strong grip on the reins of all of them, even
though he is mounted on one chariot yet he does;
not always remain on it, but often moves to this side

or that and changes from car to car, whenever he
perceives that his horses are distressed or are
getting out of hand and among these chariots
;
he has a team of four that become restive from

ignorance and high spirit, and are oppressed by
continuous hard work, but none the less are mindful
of that high spirit, and ever grow more unruly and
are irritated by their distress, so that they grow
more restive and disobedient and pull against the
driver and refuse to go in a certain direction, and
unless they see the charioteer himself or at least
some man wearing the dress of a charioteer, end by
becoming violent, so unreasoning are they by nature.
But when the charioteer encourages some unskilful
man, and sets him over them, and allows him to
wear the same dress as his own, and invests him vith
the outward seeming of a splendid and skilful
charioteer, then if he be altogether foolish and Avitless,
he rejoices and is glad and is buoyed up and exalted
by those robes, as though by wings, but, if he has
^ To illustrate the skill and, at the same time, the difficult
position of Constantius as sole Emperor, Julian describes an
impossible feat. The restive teams are the provinces of the
Empire, which had hitherto been controlled by two or more
Emperors,
325
, )
^
67
,
III
^,
.,' -? .
'^ ., '.
iv
re
TL
^
\^€,
^^ ),
-
^
iyco
1 2i
^ ' ' ,^8

o-yîv
KeXevec,
.' yevvalov ev
', <
, . ^,
,,, 8
'
^^^ ^, - ^.
'
yap irXeiova^
^
'. '
^^ ^
, 8 -
^-
,
.8 < ;^ - ' ^
C
1 Hertlein suggeste, MSS.

326
:

even a small share of common sense and prudent
understanding, he is very much alarmed '^ Lest he
both injure himself and shatter his chariot withal^" ^
and so cause loss to the charioteer and bring on himself
shameful and inglorious disaster. On all this, then,
I reflected, taking counsel vith myself in the night
season, and in the da}i:ime pondering it Avith my-
self, and I was continually thoughtful and gloomy.
Then the noble and truly godlike Emperor lessened
my torment in every way, and showed me honour and
favour both in deed and word. And at last he bade
me address myself to the Empress, inspiring me Avith
courage and giving me a very generous indication
that I might trust her completely. Now when first
I came into her presence it seemed to me as though
I beheld a statue of Modesty set up in some temple.
Then reverence filled my soul, and my eyes were
fixed upon the ground for some considerable time,
'^
till she bade me take courage. Then she said

" Certain favours you have already received from us
and yet others you shall receive, if God will, if only you
prove to be loyal and honest towards us." This was
almost as much as I heard. For she herself did not
say more, and that though she knew to utter
speeches not a whit inferior to those of the most
gifted orators. And I, when I had departed from
this intervicAv, felt the deepest admiration and awe,
and was clearly convinced that it was Modesty herself
I had heard speaking. So gentle and comforting
was her utterance, and it is ever firmly settled in
my ears.
Do you Avish then tliat Ishould report to you
what she did after this, and all the blessings she
1 Iliad 23. 341. 2 m^d 3, 217.
327
THE ORATIOxXS OF JULIAN, HI
,
,
';/^;
yovvre^ 17
} ye
.
eBpaaev
ev D
,?
,
Be
yov Se
,
KaTokoyov
€ '^ -
.' <=; Se/ca
Se
irepl
;'
€€<;
8 < et? <; -
,
ypaev -
, yap ^vy-
'^ ,8 €7€8
-
ayaOoiv
oXiya^
12•
, ' .-,
, ''ayy
' -
^
yoc,
yap
'•^
/
[]
] ypaîvTa
Hertlein suggests,
^
Hertlein.
MSS.
yvov,
'^
cKcivas Reiske, 4€7 MSS., Hertlein,
**
TTttKaioou ['/] Hertlein,
328
conferred on me, and that should give precise
I
details one by one ? Or shall I take up my tale
concisely as she did herself, and sum up the whole ?
Shall I tell how many of my friends she benefited,
and how vith the Emperor's help she arranged my
marriage ? But perhaps you wish to hear also the
list of her presents to me: "Seven tripods untouched
by fire and ten talents of gold," ^ and twenty cal-
drons. But I have no time to gossip about such
subjects. Nevertheless one of those gifts of hers it
would perhaps not be ungraceful to mention to you,
for it was one \vith which I was myself especially
delighted. For she gave me the best books on
philoso})hy and history, and many of the orators and
poets, since 1 had brought hardly any with me from
home, deluding myself vith the hope and longing to
return home again, and gave them in such numbers,
and all at once, that even my desire for them was
satisfied, though I am
altogether insatiable of con-
verse with literature and, so far as books went, she
;
made Galatia - and the country of the Celts resemble

a Greek temple of the Muses. And to these gifts I
applied myself incessantly whenever I had leisure,
so that I can never be unmindful of the gracious
giver. Yes, even when 1 take the field one thing
above all else goes with me as a necessary provision
for the campaign, some one narrative of a
campaign composed long ago by an eye-witness.
For many of those records of the experience of
men of old, written as they are with the greatest
skill, furnish to those who, by reason of their
Iliad 9. 122. 2 Qaul.
329
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, 111
8 }?
',
êa? evapyi)
8
, ,
,
-
veoi
> \
ciyaOov eV
iroWol
67€, ' 6
So/covv
e%et
C
Xeâi
^.
^^ '',,
Be
yevvalov, et
-
,
, ^,.
^.^
'
.
^
8
7
8
ayaOa
^
oXiyov
' 6
8, - 125
)]. ^ yap
-
^ Before roi/s Kliniek omits irphs.
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF ELSEBIA
youth, have missed seeing such a spectacle, a
clear and brilliant picture of those ancient exploits,
and by this means many a tiro has acquired a
more mature understanding and judgment than
belongs to very many older men and that
;
advantage vhich people think old age alone can

give to mankind, I mean experience (for experience
it is that enables an old man " to talk more wisely
than the oung " i), even this the study of history can
give to the young if only they are diligent. More-
over, in my opinion, there is in such books a means of
lilieral
one understands ,
education for the character, supposing that
like a craftsman, setting before
himself as patterns the noblest men and words and
deeds, to mould his character to match them,
and make his vords resemble theirs. And if he
should not wholly fall short of them, but should
achieve even some slight resemblance, believe me
that Avould be for him the greatest good fortune.
And it is Avith this idea constantly before me that
not only do I give myself a literary education by
means of books, but even on my campaigns I never
fail to carry them like necessary provisions. The
number that I take vith me is limited only by
particular circumstances.
But perhaps I ought not noAv to be Avriting a
panegyric on books, nor to describe all the benefits
that we might derive from them, but since I recognise
how much I ought to pay back
that gift Avas Avorth,
to the gracious giver thanks not perhaps altogether
ditterent in kind from vhat she gave. For it is only
just that one Avho has acce})ted clever discourses of all
sorts laid up as treasure in books, should sound a
^ Euripides, Fhoeiiissae 532.
33
'
-
III
,.
aSeiv
18<
ahticov 8
ovSe yap yewpyov
ciyav ^,
€<^ evyv(u-
<^
,, ^
^;
€9
, 09
^7] ^
yeL6vv,
.'-
-
, <
ypyav ^
y\o<
^,,
(^
ayaObv
.
8
•^
88 ,^
\^ yvova
8
\
,
, yav
^ aayyv, C
,
(?
,. yXao
>^
yevva
8
y ,
'
'
•^
ro7s
^^
TOis
\yo
yovv
Naber, toUtois M8S., Hertlein.

Naber, tovtois MSS. Hertlein.
Cobet, ^^ ,
MSS., Hertlein.
^
jy
strain of eulogy if only in slight and unskilful
phrases, composed in an unlearned and rustic
fashion.
showed proper feeling ^
For you Avould not say that a farmer
vhen stiirting to
plant his vineyard, begs for cuttings from his
neighbours, and presently, when he cultivates his
vines, asks for a mattock and then for a hoe, and
finally for a stake to which the vine must be
tied and which it must lean against, so that it may
itself be supported, and the bunches of grapes
as they hang may nowhere touch the soil and
;
then, after obtaining all he asked for, drinks

his fill of the pleasant gift of Dionysus, but
does not share either the grapes or the must
with those whom he foimd so willing to help him in
his husbandry. Just so one Avould not say that a
shepherd or neatherd or even a goatherd was honest
and good and right-minded, who in winter, when his
flocks need shelter and fodder, met with the utmost
consideration from his friends, who helped him
to procure manythings, and gave him food in
abundance, and lodging, and presently Avhen spring
and summer appeared, forgot in lordly fashion all
those kindnesses, and shared neither his milk nor
cheeses nor anything else with those Avho had saved
his beasts for him vhen they Avould otherwise have
perished.
And now take the case of one who culti-
vates literature of any sort, and is himself young
and therefore needs numerous guides and the
abundant food and pure nourishment that is to be
obtained from ancient vritings, and then suppose
33:
,
yey ovivai
heiaOai
6
Sokel
)
;
(^) €€,
,
;
ooXoyv, ,
^; \\
"^
/'
,^
-
yap
126
-
vvyao,
yyov,
8
,.
, y'vo
.
6oXoya,
8'
apyopiov
,' ^
Aoyov
yvov
^
, Xyo
X6yv,
yap, ,
] '. Q
^ Petavius adds, ^ Horkel, ) MBS. Hertlein.
3 Cobet, Tivos MSS., Hertlein.
^ MSS., Cobet, 7 V, , Hertlein.
334
that he should be deprived of all these all at once, is
it, think you, slight a^ sistance that he is asking ?
And is it slight payment that he deservês who

comes to his aid ? But perhaps he ought not even
to attempt to make him any return for his zeal and
kind actions ? Perhaps he ought to imitate the
famous Thales, that consummate philosopher, and
that answer which we have all heard and which is so
much admired ? For when someone asked what fee
he ought to pay him for knowledge he had acquired,
Thales replied " If you let it be known that it was I
who taught you, you amply repay me. "
Just so
one who has not himself been the teacher, but has
helped another in any way to gain knowledge, would
indeed be wronged if he did not obtain gratitude
and that acknowledgement of the gift which even
the philosopher seems to have demanded. Well
and good. But this gift of hers was both velcome
and magnificent. And as for gold and silver I
neither asked for them nor, vere they in question,
should I be willing thus to wear out your patience.
But I wish to tell vou a storv very well worth your
hearing, unless indeed you are already wearied
by the length of this garrulous speech. Indeed
it may be that you have listened without enjoyment
to what has been said so far, seeing that the speaker
is a layman and entirely ignorant of rhetoric, and
knows neither how to invent nor how to use

the writer's craft, but speaks the truth as it occurs to
him. And my story is about something almost
of the present time. Now many will say, I suppose.
335
^
?
,
^
. '
? 8
III
-
^ ,
3t 7rpo<;
<; '
'yap ,^
|•>/9
'
ovSe
<^
eivai
olSa
6<6€
^
^'
'^ Xyiv
' D
' Si
'.
^yo '
,
, ^
yva,
yap pyv
' ,^
^,^ " ^
867/
X6yo,
y irayKoXa
yap 8
^27
, 'ipya yva
yoa,
Xyo. ^
opyaa
8
*Vo8oyov
336
persuaded bv the accomjilislied sophists, that I have
collected vhat is trivial and vorthless, and relate it
to you as though it were of serious import. And
probably they will say this, not because they are
jealous of my speeches, or because they wish to
rob me of the reputation that ihey may bring. For
they well know that I do not desire to be their rival
in the art by setting my own speeches against theirs,
nor in any other vay do I vish to quarrel with them.
But since, for som.e reason or other, they are
ambitious of speaking on lofty themes at any cost,
they will not tolerate those who have not their
ambition, and they reproach them with weakening
the ])ower of rhetoric. For they say that only those
deeds are to be admired and are vorthy of serious
treatment and repeated praise Avhich, because of
their magnitude, have been thought by some to be
incredible, those stories for instance about that
famous woman ^ of Assyria who turned aside as
though it were an insignificant brook the river that '^
flows through Babylon, and built a gorgeous palace

underground, and then turned the stream back
again beyond the dykes that she had made.
For of her many a tale is told, how she fought a
naval battle \vith three thousand ships, and on land
she led into the field of battle three million hop-
lites, and in Babylon she built a wall very nearly
five hundred stades in length, and the moat that
surrounds the city and other very costly and expen-
sive edifices were, they tell us, her work. And
Nitocris '^
who came later than she, and Rhodogyne '*
^ Semiramis, Herodotus 1, 184.

'^
The Euphrates. ^ Herodotus 1. 185; Oration 2. 85 c.
^ Rhodopis ? wrongly supposed to have built the third
pyramid.
337
vol,. T.
'
^; \ ^;.
8 ^, ^,
-
Sy
^,
/9 eirippel yvvaifcoyp 6\
Be
III
8'^'
Sia
,^ ^ ^. 6
?
'^
' ,. ^
he oijhev elirelv e^êi, Q
; '
elvai
iv
<€ ^ ''
' irXeov
^
,
Be
Be
•B<yopLav
oiroTe Xeyecv
^
' "
eKeivr) D
€
€<<.
^
^^
•^ eV
€7]
'''
yodv
^
.
eiKhs Reiske adds.
yap ^ 128
and Toniyris/ aye and a crowd of women beyond
number who played men's parts in no very seemly
fashion occur to my mind. And some of them
were conspicuous for their beauty and so became
notorious, though it brouglit them no hapj)iness, but
since they were the causes of dissension and long
wars among countless nations and as many men as
could reasonably be collected from a country of that
size, they are celebrated by the orators as having
given rise to mighty deeds. And a speaker who has
nothing of this sort to relate seems ridiculous be-
cause he makes no great effort to astonish his hearers
or to introduce the marvellous into his speeches.
Now shall we put this question to these orators,
whether any one of them would wish to have a wife
or daughter of that sort, rather than like Penelope ?
And yet in her case Homer had no more to tell than
of her discretion and her love for her husband and
the good care she took of her father-in-law and her
son. Evidently she did not concern herself with
the fields or the flocks, and as for leading an army
or speaking in public, of course she never even
dreamed of such a thing. But even when it was
necessary for her to speak to the young suitors,
" Holding up before her face her shining veil " ^
it was in mild accents that she expressed herself.
And it was not because he was short of such great

deeds, or of women famous for them, that he sang
the praises of Penelope rather than the others. For
instance, he could have made it his ambition to tell
the story of the Amazon's^ campaign and have filled
all his poetry with tales of that sort, which certainly
have a wonderful power to delight and charm. For
1 Herodotus ]. 205. ^ Odyssey 1. 334. ^ Penthesilea.
339
2
ORATIONS OF JULIAN, III
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as to the taking of the wall and the siege, and
that battle near the ships which in some respects
seems to have resembled a sea-fight, and then the
fight of the hero and the river/ he did not bring
them into his poem with the desire to relate some-
thing new and strange of his own invention.
And even though this fight was, as they say, most
marvellous, he neglected and passed over the
marvellous as we see. What reason then can any-
one give for his praising Penelope so enthusiastically
and making not the slightest allusion to those
famous women ? Because by reason of her virtue
and discretion many bleSsings have been gained for
mankind, both for individuals and for the common
Aveal, whereas from the ambition of those others
there has arisen no benefit whatever, but incurable
calamities. And so, as he was, I think, a wise and
inspired poet, he decided that to praise Penelope
was better and more just. And since I adopt so
great a guide, is it fitting that I should be afraid
lest some person think me trivial or inferior ?
But it is indeed a noble Avitness that I shall now

bring forward, that splendid orator Pericles, the
renovned, the Olympian. It is said^ that once
a crowd of flatterers surrounded him and were
distributinghis praises among them, one telling
how he had reduced Samos,^ another hov he
had recovered Euboea,^ some how he had sailed
round the Peloponnesus, while
spoke of others
his enactments, or of his Cimon, who
rivalry with
was reputed to be a most excellent citizen and a
^ Achilles and the Scamander ; Iliad 21. 234 foil., Oration
2. 60 c.
'^
Julian tells, incorrectly, the anecdote in Plutarch,
Pericles 38. ' 440 B.C. 445 e.g.
•*
341
' ^^ THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN,
elvai yevvalov.
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distinguished general. But Pericles gave no sign
either of annoyance or exultation, and there was but
one thing in all his political career for Avhich he
claimed to deserve praise, that, though he had
governed the Athenian people for so long, he had
been responsible for no man's death, and no citizen
when he put on black clothes had ever said that
Pericles was the cause of his misfortune. Now, by
Zeus the god of friendship, do you think I need any
further Avitness to testify that the greatest proof of
virtue and one better worth praise than all the rest
put together is not to have caused the death of any
citizen, or to have taken his money from him, or
involved him in unjust exile ? But he who like a
good physician tries to ward off such calamities
as these, and by no means thinks that it is
enough for him not to cause anyone to contract
a disease, but unless he cures and cares for
everyone as far as he can, considers that his
work is unworthy of his skill, do you think that
in justice such a one ought to receive no higher
praise than Pericles ? And shall \ve not hold in
higher honour her character and that authority
vhich enables her to do what she will, since what
she wills is the good of all ? For this I make the
sum and substance of my whole encomium, though
I do not lack other narratives such as are commonly
held to be marvellous and splendid.
For if anyone should suspect that my silence
about the rest is vain affectation and empty and
insolent pretension, this at least he will not suspect,
that the visit which she lately made to Rome,^
when the Emperor was on his campaign and
^ 357 A.D.
343
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8
130
344
had crossed the Rhine by bridges of boats near
the frontiers of Galatia, is a false and vain in-
vention. I could indeed very properly have given
an account of this visits and described how the people
and the senate welcomed her vith rejoicings and
went to meet her Avith enthusiasm, and received her
as is their custom to receive an Empress, and told
the amount of the expenditure, how generous and
splendid it was, and the costliness of the prepara-
tions, and reckoned up the sums she distributed to
the presidents of the tribes and the centurions of
the people. But nothing of that sort has ever
seemed to me Avorth while, nor do I wish to praise
wealth before virtue. And yet I am aware that
the generous spending of money implies a sort of
virtue. Nevertheless I rate more highly goodness
and temperance and Avisdom and all those other
qualities of hers that I have described, bringing
before you as Avitnesses not only many others but
myself as well and all that she did for me. Now
if only others also try to emulate my proper feel-
ing, there are and there will be many to sing her
praises.
345
ORATION IV
INTRODUCTION TO ORATION IV
In the fourth century a.d. poetry was practically

extinct^ and h}Tnns to the gods were almost ahvays
written in prose. Julian's Fourth Oration is,
ander, a ,
according to the definition of the rhetorician Men-
a hymn that describes the
})hysical qualities of a god. Julian was an uncritical
disciple of the later Neo-Platonic school, and
apparently reproduces without any important modi-
fication the doctrines of its chief representative,
the Syrian lamblichus, Avith whom begins the
decadence of Neo-Platonism as a philosophy.
Oriental su})erstition took the place of the severe
spiritualism of Plotinus and his followers, and a
philosophy that had been from the first markedly
religious, is now expounded by theurgists and
the devotees of strange Oriental cults. It is
Mithras the Persian sun-god, rather than Ajiollo,
whom Julian identifies with his " intellectual god "
Helios, and Apollo plays a minor part among his
manifestations. Mithras worshi]), which Tertullian
called "a Satanic plagiarism of Christianity," because
in certain of its rites it recalled the sacraments
of the Christian church, first made its appearance
among the Romans in the first century b.c.^ Less
^ Plutarch, Pompems 24. For a full description of the
origin and spread of Mithraism see Cumont, Textes et Monit-
ments (/.^ re/atifs aux my.steres dc Mithra, 1896, 1899, Les
Mysteres de Mithra, 1902, and Les reliijioiu oriental es da)i?i le
2)a(janisme romain, 1909 (English translation by G. Shower-
man, 1911).
348
hospitably received at first than the cults of Isis

and Serapis and the Great Mother of Pessinus,
it gradually overpowered them and finally dominated
the whole Roman Empire^ though it was never

Avelcomed by the Hellenes. For the Romans it
supplied the ideals of purity, devotion and self-
control vhich the other cults had lacked. The
worshippers of Mithras were taught to contend
against the powers of evil, submitted themselves
to a severe moral discipline, and their revard after
death was to become as pure as the gods to whom
they ascend. If Christianity," says Renan, "had
'^'
been checked in its growth by some deadly disease,

the world would have become Mithraic." Julian,
like the Emperor Commodus in the second centur}^,
had no doubt been initiated into the Mysteries of
Mithras, and the severe discipline of the cult
was profoundly attractive to one who had been
estranged by early associations from the very
similar teaching of the Christians.
)(' ),
Julian folloAved Plotinus and lamblichus in making
the supreme principle the One (eV) or the Good
(to
world
which presides over the intelligible
where rule Plato's Ideas, now
called the intelligible gods ( deoi). lamblichus
had imported into the Neo-Platonic system the
intermediary vorld of intellectual gods (vofpot ^).
On them Helios-Mithras, their supreme god and
centre, bestows the intelligence and creative and
unifying forces that he has received from his
transcendental counterpart among the intelligible
gods. The third member of the triad is the world
of sense-perception governed by the sun, the visible
counterpart of Helios. What distinguishes Julian's
349
INTRODUCTION TO ORATION ^
triad ^ from otlier Neo-Platonic triads is this
hierarchy of three suns in the three worlds and :
further, the importance that he gives to the

intermediary world, the abode of Helios-Mithras.
He pays little attention to the remote intelligible
Avorld and devotes his exposition to Helios, the in-
tellectual god, and the visible sun. Helios is the
link that relates the three members of the triad.
His middleness "
^'^
(^-)
is not only local: he
is in every possible sense the mediator and unifier.
is the Aristotelian word for the ^^ mean," but
there is no evidence that it was used with the active

sense of mediation before Julian. A passage in Plutarch
however seems to indicate that the " middleness "
of the sun was a Persian doctrine " The principle:
of good most nearly resembles light, and the principle

of evil darkness, and between both is Mithras ;
"
therefore the Persians called Mithras the Mediator
().^ Naville has pointed out the resemblance
between the sun as mediator and the Christian
Logos, which Julian may have had in mind. Julian's
system results in a practically monotheistic Avorship
of Helios, and here he probably parts company with
lamblichus.
But though deeply influenced by Mithraism, Julian
was attempting to revive the pagan gods, and
if he could not, in the fourth century, restore the
ancient faith in the gods of Homer he nevertheless
could not omit from his creed the numerous deities
whose temples and altars he had rebuilt. Here
he took advantage of the identification of Greek,
^ On triad cf. Naville, Jnfitn
Julian's VApoAlat et la
philoiôj^hie du
polythel.^mt, Paris, 1877.
- ConrerniiKj Isis and Onrif^ 46.
Roman, and Oriental deities Avhich liad been going-

on for centuries. The old names, endeared by
the associations of literature, could be retained
without endangering the supremacy of Helios.
Julian identifies Zeus, Helios, Hades, Oceanus and
the Egyptian Serapis. But the omnipotent Zeus
of Greek mythology is now a creative force which
works with Helios and has no separate existence.
Tradition had made Athene the child of Zeus, but
Julian regards her as the of the
manifestation
intelligent forethought of Helios. Dionysus is the
vehicle of his fairest thoughts, and Aphrodite a
principle that emanates from him. He contrives
that all the more important gods of Greece, Egypt
and Persia shall play their parts as manifestations
of Helios. The lesser gods are mediating demons
as well as forces. His aim Avas to provide the
Hellenic counterpart of the positive revealed religion
of Christianity. Hence his insistence on the
inspiration of Homer, Hesiod, and Plato, and his
statement^ that the allegorical interpretations of
the mysteries are not mere hypotheses, whereas the
doctrines of the astronomers deserve no higher title.
The Oration is dedicated to his friend and
comrade in arms Sallust is probably indentical
with the Neo-Platonic philosopher, of the school

of lamblichus, who Avrote about 360 the treatise
On the Gods and the World. Cumont calls this
"the official catechism of the Pagan empire," and
Wilamowitz regards it as the positive complement
of Julian's pamphlet Against the Christians. Julian's
Eighth Oration is a discourse of consolation,
09, for the departure of Sallust when Constantius
recalled him from Gaul in 358.
1
us v..
351
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352
;
HYMN TO KING HELIOS

DEDICATED TO SALLUST
What I am now
about to say I consider to be of
the greatest importance for all things " That breathe
and move upon the earth/' and have a share in
existence and a reasoning soul ^ and intelligence,
but above all others it is of importance to myself.
For I am a follower of King Helios. And of this
fact I possess Mithin me, known to myself alone,
proofs more certain than I can give.- But this at
least I am permitted to say without sacrilege, that
from my childhood an extraordinary longing for
the rays of the god penetrated deep into my soul
and from my earliest years my mind vas so com-
pletely swayed by the light that illumines the
heavens that not only did I desire to gaze in-
tently at the sun, but whenever I walked abroad
in the night season, Avhen the firmament was clear
and cloudless, I abandoned all else without exception
and gave myself up to the beauties of the heavens
nor did I understand vhat anyone might say
to me, nor heed what I was doing myself. I was
is
^ As opposed
in
to the unreasoning soul, aXoyos ,
considered to be over-curious about these matters
that
animals other than man. Plato, -Aristotle, Plotinus,
and Porphyry allowed some form of soul to plants, but this
was denied by lamblichus, Julian, and Sallust.
2 He refers to his initiation into the cult of Mithras.
t C 'J
VOL. I. A A
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
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Plato, Timaeus 42 d.
cf. 151 d.
;
Hertlein suggests, airdpfiv MSS.

MSS, Hertlein.
354
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
and to pay too much attention to them, and
people went so far as to regard me as an astrologer
when my beard had only just begun to grow.
And yet, 1 call heaven to witness, never had a book
on this subject come into my hands nor did I ;
as yet even know what that science was. But Avhy

do I mention this, when I have more important
things to tell, if I should relate how, in those days,
I thought about the gods ? However let that dark-
ness be buried in oblivion.
^ But let what I have
said bear witness to this fact, that the heavenly
light shone all about me, and that it roused and
urged me on to its contemplation, so that even then
1 recognised of myself that the movement of the
moon was in the opposite direction to the universe,

though as yet I had met no one of those are
wise in these matters. for my part I envy
the good fortune of any man to whom the god has
granted to inherit a body built of the seed of
holy and inspired ancestors, so that he can un-
lock the treasures of wisdom nor do I despise
;
that lot with Avhich I was myself endowed by the

god Helios, that I should be born of a house that
rules and governs the Avorld in my time but further,
;
I regard this god, if we may believe the wise, as the

common father of all mankind.- For it is said with
truth that man and the sun together beget man,
and that the god sows this earth with souls w^hich
proceed not from himself alone but from the other
gods also and for what purpose, the souls reveal by
;
^ When he was still a professed Christian.

^ i.e. not only prophets and emperors but all men are
related to Helios.
355
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;
HYMN TO KING HELIOS

the kind of lives that they select. Now far the best
thing is when anyone has the fortune to have inherited
the service of the god, even before the third genera-
tion, from a long and unbroken line of ancestors
yet it is not a thing to be disparaged when anyone,
recognising that he is by nature intended to be the
servant of Helios, either alone of all men, or in com-
pany with but few, devotes himself to the service of
his master.
Come then, let me celebrate, as best I may, his
festival which the Imperial city ^ adorns Avith annual
Now it is hard, as I Avell know, merely
sacrifices.'^
to comprehend how great is the Invisible, if one
judge by his visible self,^ and to tell it is perhaps
impossible, even though one should consent to fall
short of what is his due. For Avell I know that no
one in the world could attain to a description that
would be worthy of him, and not to fail of a certain
measure of success in his praises is the greatest
height to which human beings can attain in the
power of utterance. But as for me, may Hermes, the
god of eloquence, stand by my side to aid me, and
the Muses also and Apollo, the leader of the Muses,
since he too has oratory for his province, and may
they grant that I utter only what the gods approve
that men should say and believe about them What,
then, shall be the manner of my praise ? Or is it
not evident that if I describe his substance and his
origin, and his powers and energies, both visible and
invisible, and the gift of blessings which he bestows
throughout all the worlds,"* I shall compose an
^ Rome. At the beginning of Januar}- of. 156 c.
'^
;
**
Julian distinguishes the visible sun from his archetype,
the ofl'spring of the Good,
^ i.e. the intelligible world, voriros, comprehended [only by
pure reason the intellectual, vo^pos, endowed with intelli-

;
357
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MSS.^
2 and Sophocles, Antigone 100 oktIs acAiou.
Pindar /r. 107,
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
encomium not wholly displeasing to the god ?
With these^ then, let me begin.

This divine and wholly beautiful universe, from
the highest vault of heaven to the lowest limit of
the earth, is held together by the continuous pro-
vidence of the god, has existed from eternity
ungenerated, is imperishable for all time to come,
and is guarded innnediately by nothing else than
the Fifth Substance ^ whose culmination is the beams
of the sun and in the second and higher degree,
;
so to speak, by the intelligible world but in a still

;
loftier sense it is guarded by the King of the whole

universe, who is the centre of all tilings that exist.
He, therefore, whether it is right to call him the
Supra-Intelligible, or the Idea of Being, and by
Being I mean the whole intelligible region, or the
One, since the One seems somehow to be prior to
all the rest, or, to use Plato's name for him, the
Good at any rate this uncompounded cause of
;
the Avhole reveals to all existence beauty, and

perfection, and oneness, and irresistible power and ;
in virtue of the primal creative substance that abides

in it, produced, as middle among the middle and
intellectual, creative causes, Helios the most mighty
god, proceeding from itself and in all things like
unto itself. Even so the divine Plato believed, when
he writes, " Therefore (said I) when I spoke of this,
gence and thirdly the world of sense-perception
; . The
first of these worlds the Neo-Platonists took over from Plato,
HepnbHc 508 foil. the second was invented by lamblichus.
^ Though
;
Aristotle did not use this phrase, it was his

theory of a fifth element superior to the other four, called by
him "aether" or "first element," De Codo 1. 3 270b, that
suggested to lamblichus the notion of a fifth substance or
element cf. Theologumena Arithmeticac 35, 22 Ast, where
;
he calls the fifth element "aether."

359
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HYxMN TO KING HELIOS
understand that I meant the offspring of the Good
which the Good begat in his own likeness^ and that
what the Good is in relation to pure reason and its
objects in the intelhgible Avorld, such is the sun in
the visible in relation to sight and its
objects." Accordingly his light has the same
relation to the visible world as truth has to the
intelligible world. And he himself as a whole^
since he is the son of vhat is first and greatest,
namely, the Idea of the Good, and subsists from
eternity in the region of its abiding substance, has
received also the dominion among the intellectual
gods, and himself dispenses to the intellectual gods
those things of Avhich the Good is the cause for the
intelligible gods. Now the Good is, I suppose, the
cause for the intelligible gods of beauty, existence,
perfection, and oneness, connecting these and illu-
minating them with a poAver that Avorks for good.
These accordingly Helios bestows on the intellectual
gods also, since he has been appointed by the Good
to rule and govern them, even though they came
forth and came into being together with him, and
this Nvas, I suppose, in order that the cause which
resembles the Good may guide the intellectual gods
to blessings for them all^ and may regulate all things
according to pure reason.
But this visible disc also, third ^ in rank, is clearly,
for the objects of sense-perception the cause of
preservation, and this visible Helios ^ is the cause
^ Julian conceives of the sun in three ways first as
;
transcendental, in v/hich form he is indistinguishable from

the Good in the intelligible world, secondly as Helios-
Mithras, ruler of the intellectual gods, thirdly as the visible
sun.
^ 133 d-134a is a digression on the light of the sun.
361
. THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
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Hertlein suggests alnos.
De Anima 418 a.
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
for the visible gods^ of just as many blessings as we
said mighty Helios bestows on the intellectual gods.
And of this there are clear proofs for one
studies the unseen Avorld in the light of things seen.
For in the first place^ is not light itself a sort of
incorporeal and divine form of the transparent in a
state of activity ? And as for the transparent itself,
Avhatever it is^ since it is the underlying basis_, so to
speak^ of all the elements^, and is a form peculiarly
belonging to them, it is not like the corporeal or
compounded, nor does it admit qualities peculiar to
corporeal substance.- You not therefore say that
heat is a property of the transparent, or its opposite
cold, nor Avill you assign to it hardness or softness or
any other of the various attributes connected vith
touch or taste or smell but a nature of this sort is
;
obvious to sight alone, since it is brought into activity

by light. And light is a form of this substance, so to
speak, which is the substratum of and coextensive
Avith the heavenly bodies. And of light, itself in-
corporeal, the culmination and flover, s) to speak,
isthe sun's rays. Now the doctrine of the Phoenicians,
who were wise and learned in sacred lore, declared
that the rays of light everywhere diffused are the
undefiled incarnation of pure mind. And in harmony
with this is our theory, seeing that light itself
is incorporeal, if one should regard its fountain-
head-, not as corporeal, but as the undefiled activity of
mind ^ pouring light into its own abode : and this is
^ i.e. the stars.

'^
De Anima 419 a
Aristotle there says that light is the
;
actualisation or positive determination of the transparent

medium. * Julian echoes the whole passage.
Mind, vovs, is here identified with Helios of. Macrobius,
•'
;
Saturnalia 1. 19. 9. Sol mundi mens est, "the sun is the
363
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3^4
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
assigned to the middle of the whole firmament,
vhence it sheds its rays and fills the heavenly
spheres with vigour of every kind and illumines all
things with light divine and undefiled. Now the
activities proceeding from it and exercised among
the gods have been, in some measure at least,
described by me a little earlier and will shortly be
further spoken of. But all that ve see merely
wdth the sight at first is a name only, deprived
of activity, unless we add thereto the guidance and
aid of light. For what, speaking generally, could be
seen, were it not first brought into touch \vith light
in order that, I suppose, it may receive a form, as
matter is brought under the hand of a craftsman ?
And indeed molten gold in the rough is simply gold,
and not yet a statue or an image, until the craftsman
give it its proper shape. So too all the objects
of sight, unless they are brought under the eyes of
the beholder together vith light, are altogether
deprived of visibility. Accordingly by giving the
power of sight to those who see, and the poAver
of being seen to the objects of sight, it brings to
perfection, by means of a single activity, two faculties,
namely vision and visibility.^ And in forms and
substance are expressed its perfecting powers.
However, this is perhaps somewhat subtle but as ;
for that guide whom we all folloAv, ignorant and

unlearned, philosophers and rhetoricians, what pover
in the universe has this god Avhen he rises and sets ?
Night and day he creates, and before our eyes
changes and sways the universe. But to which of
mind of the universe"; lamblichus, Protrepticus 21, 115;

Ammianus Marcellinus, 21. 1. 11.
^ Julian echoes Plato, Repuhlic 507, 508.
365
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366
;
HY^MN TO KING HELIOS

the other heavenly bodies does this power belong?
How then can we now fail to believe, in viev of
this, in respect also to things more divine that the
invisibleand divine tribes of intellectual gods above
the heavens are filled vith power that works for
good by him, even by him to the whole
band of the heavenly bodies yields place, and whom
all generated things follow, piloted by his provi-
dence ? For that the planets dance about him as
their king, in certain intervals, fixed in relation to
him, and revolve in a circle Avith perfect accord,
making certain halts, and pursuing to and fro their
orbit,! as those w^ho are learned in the study of the
spheres call their visible motions and that the light
;
of the moon waxes and wanes varying in proportion

to its distance from the sun, is, I think, clear to all.
Then is it not natural that we should suppose that
the more venerable ordering of bodies among the
intellectual gods corresponds to this arrangement ?
Let us therefore comprehend, out of all his
functions, first his power to perfect, from the fact
that he makes visible the objects of sight in the
universe, for through his light he perfects them
secondly,, his creative and generative power from
the changes wrought by him in the universe thirdly,
;
his poAver to link together all things into one whole,

from the harmony of his motions towards one and
the same goal fourthly, his middle station we can
;
comprehend from himself, who is midmost and ;
fifthly, the fact that he is established as king among

the intellectual gods, from his middle station among
the planets. Now if we see that these powers, or
.
^ i.e. the stationary positions and the direct and retro-
grade movements of the planets.
?)
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368
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
powers of similar importance, belong to any one of
the other visible deities, let us not assign to Helios
leadership among the gods. But if he has nothing
in common with those other gods except his bene-
ficent energy, and of this too he gives them all a
share, then let us call to witness the priests of
Cyprus Avho set up common altars to Helios and
Zeus but even before them let us summon as
;
witness Apollo, who sits in council with our god.

For this god declares " Zeus, Hades,
: Helios
Serapis, three gods in one godhead!"^ Let us
then assume that, among the intellectual gods,
Helios and Zeus have a joint or rather a single
sovereignty. Hence I think that with reason Plato
called Hades a wise god.- And we call this same
god Hades Serapis also, namely the Unseen ^ and
Intellectual, to whom Plato says the souls of those
who have lived most righteously and justly mount
upwards. For let no one coriceive of him as the
god whom the legends teach us to shudder at, but
as the mild and placable, since he completely frees
our souls from generation and the souls that he has
:
thus freed he does not nail to other bodies, punish-

ing them and exacting penalties, but he carries aloft
and lifts up our souls to the intelligible world.
And that this doctrine is not wholly new, but that
^ This oracular verse is quoted as Orphic by Macrobius,
Saturnalia 1. 18. 18 but Julian, no doubt following lamb-
;
lichus, substitutes Serapis for Dionysus at the end of the

verse. The worship of Serapis in the Graeco- Roman \vorld
began with the foundation of a Serapeum by Ptolemy
Soter at Alexandria. Serapis was identified with Osiris,
the Egyptian counterpart of Dionysus.
'^
Phaedo 80 D in Cratylus 403 Plato discusses, though
;
not seriously, the etymology of the word " Hades."

3 'At5rjs, ''
Unseen."
VOL. I.
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* Odyssey 12. 383.
» Iliad 8. 480; Odyssey 1. 8.
"
HYMN TO KING HELIOS

Homer and Hesiod the most \ênerable of the poets
held before us, whetlier this Avas their own view
it
or, like seers, they were divinely inspired with a

sacred frenzy for the truth, is evident from the
folloving. Hesiod, in tracing his genealogy, said ^
that Helios is the son of Hyperion and Thea, inti-
mating thereby that he is the true son of him is
above all things. For who else could Hyperion ^

be ? Andis not Thea herself, in another fashion,
said to be most divine of beings ? But as for a

union or marriage, let us not conceive of such a
thing, since that is the incredible and paradoxical
trifling of the poetic Muse. But let us believe that
his father and vas the most divine and supreme
sire
being ; and could have this nature save
else
him transcends all things, the central point and
goal of things that exist ?
all And Homer calls him
Hyperion after his father and shows his uncon-
ditioned nature, superior to all constraint. For Zeus,
as Homer says, since he is lord of all constrains the
other gods. And when, in the course of the myth,
Helios says that on account of the impiety of the
comrades of Odysseus ^ he will forsake Olympus,
Zeus no longer says, " Then >vith very earth would
I draw you up and the sea Avithal," ^ nor does he
threaten him vith fetters or violence, but he says
that he will inflict punishment on the guilty and
bids Helios go on shining among the gods. Does
he not thereby declare that besides being uncon-
^ Theogony 371 cf Pindar, Isthmian 4. 1.
;
^ Hyperion means "he that walks abdve.

^ The}' had devoured the oxen of the sun ; Odyssey 12.
352 foil.
* Iliad. 8. 24 Zeus utters this threat against the gods
; if
they should aid either the Trojans or the Greeks.
371
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372
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
ditioned_, Helios has also the power to perfect ?
For why do the gods need hmi unless by send-
ing his lights himself invisible^ on their substance
afld existence^, he fulfils for them the blessings
of Avhich I spoke ? For vhen Homer says that
" Ox-eyed Hera^ the queen^ sent unwearied Helios
to go, all unwilling, to the streams of Oceanus/'
he means that, by reason of a heavy mist, it was
thought to be night before the proper time. And
this mist is surely the goddess herself, and in
another place also in the poem he says, ^^Hera spread
before them a thick mist." But let us leave the
stories of the poets alone. For along with vhat
is inspired they contain much also that is merely
human. And let me now relate what the god

himself seems to teach us, both about himself and
the other gods. .
The region of the earth contains being in a state

of becoming. Then endows it with imperish-
ability ? Is it not he ^ who keeps all together by
means of definite limits ? For that the nature of
being should be unlimited vas not possible, since it
is neither uncreated nor self-subsistent. And if
from being something Avere generated absolutely
without ceasing and nothing were resolved back
into it, the substance of things generated would fail.
Accordingly this god, moving in due measure, raises
up and stimulates this substance when he approaches
it, and when he departs to a distance he diminishes
and destroys it or rather he himself continually

;
revivifies it by giving it movement and flooding it

with life. And his departure and turning in the
, ^ Julian now describes the substance or essential nature,

of Helios, 137 d-142b.
373
T0?9
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86
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JULIAN, IV
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374
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
other direction is the cause of decay for things that
perish. Ever does his gift of blessings descend

evenly upon the earth. For now one country now
another receives them^ to the end that becoming
may not cease nor the god ever benefit less or more
than is his custom this changeful world. For same-
nesSj as of being so also of activity^ exists among the
gods, and above all the others in the case of the
King of the All, Helios and he also makes the
;
simplest movement of all the heavenly bodies ^ that

travel in a direction opposite to the whole. In fact
this is the very thing that the celebrated Aristotle
makes a proof of his superiority, compared with the
others. Nevertheless from the other intellectual
gods also, forces clearly discernible descend to this
world. And now what does this mean ? Are we not
excluding the others when we assert that the
leadership has been assigned to Helios ? Nay, far
rather do I think it right from the visible to have
faith about the invisible. ^ For even as this god is
seen to complete and to adapt to himself and to the
universe the powers that are bestowed on the earth
from the other gods for all things, after the same
fashion we must believe that among the invisible
gods also there is intercourse with one another his ;
mode of intercourse being that of a leader, while the

modes of intercourse of the others are at the same
time in harmonv with his. For since we said that
the god is established midmost among the midmost
intellectual gods, may King Helios himself grant
to us to tell what is the nature of that middleness
^ i.e. The sun, moon and planets ; the orbits of the

planets are complicated by their direct and retrograde
movements. 2 cf. 133 d.
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HYMN TO KING HELIOS

among things of which we must regard him as the
middle.
" middleness " ^ we define not as that mean
Now
which in opposites is seen to be equally remote from
the extremes^ as, for instance, in colours, tavny or
dusky, and va•m in the case of hot and cold, and
the like, but that which unifies and links together
what is separate for instance the sort of thing that
;
Empedocles means by Harmony when from it he

-
altogether eliminates Strife. And now what does

Helios link together, and of what is he the middle ?
I assert then that he is midway between tlie visible
gods who surround the universe and the immaterial
and intelligible gods who surround the Good
for the intelligible and divine substance is as it were
multiplied without external influence and AVithout
addition. For that the intellectual and wholly
beautiful substance of King Helios is middle in the
sense of being unmixed extremes, complete in
itself, and distinct from the vhole number of the
gods, visible and invisible, both those perceptible by
sense and those which are intelligible only, I have
already declared, and also in what sense we must
conceive of his middleness. But if I must also
describe these things one by one, in order that we
may discern with our intelligence how his inter-
mediary nature, in its various forms, is related both
to the highest and the lowest, even though it is
^ Julian defines the ways in which Helios possesses

€675, or middleness ; he is mediator and connecting link
as well as locally midvay between the two worlds and the
centre of the intellectual gods see Introduction, p. 350.
;
2 cf. Empedocles,//•. 18; 122,2; 17, 19 Diels.
377
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2 Plato, Tiniaeics 33 .
^ cf. 139 c; Oration 5. 165 c, 166 D, 170 c,
^ ras Hertlein suggests.
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
not easy to recount it all^ yet let me try to say
what can be said.
Wholly one is the intelligible world, pre-existent
from all time, and it combines all things together
in the One. Again is not our whole world also one
complete living organism, wholly throughout the
whole of it full of soul and intelligence, " perfect,
with all itsparts perfect" ? Midway then betveen
this uniform t\vo-fold perfection — I mean that one
kind of unity holds together in one all that exists in
the intelligil)le Avorld, Avhile the other kind of unity
unites in the visible world all things into one and
—
the same perfect nature between these, I say, is
the uniform perfection of King Helios, established
among the intellectual gods There is, hovever,
next in order, a sort of binding force in the in-
telligible world of the gods, which orders all things
into one. Again is there not visible in the
heavens also, travelling in its orbit, the nature of
the Fifth Substance, vhich links and compresses ^
together all the parts, holding together things that
by nature are prone to scatter and to fall away
from one another } These existences, therefore,
which are tvo causes of connection, one in the
intelligible Avorld, while the other appears in the
world of sense-perception. King Helios combines
into one, imitating the synthetic power of the former
among the intellectual gods, seeing that he proceeds
from it, and subsisting prior to the latter Avhich
is seen in the visible world. Then must not the
^ cf. 167 D, In Timaeus 58 a it is the revolution of the
whole which by constriction compresses all matter together,
but Julian had that passage in mind. In Empedocles it is
the Titan, Aether, i.e. the Fifth Substance, that "binds the
globe." fr. 38 Diels.
379
, ' ev
ev
IV
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;
HYMN TO KIXG HELIOS

unconditioned
intelligible , also, wliich
and
bodies in the heavens, possess
exists
finally
primarily-
among the visible
midway betAveen these
two the unconditioned substance of King Helios,
in tlie
and from that })rimary creative substance do not

the rays of his light, illumining all things, descend
to the visible world ? Again, to take another point
of view, the creator of the Avhole is one, but many
are the creative gods ^ vho revolve in the heavens.
Midmost therefore of these also Ave must place the
creative activity which descends into the world from
Helios. But also the power of generating life is
abundant and ovei*floAving in the intelligible world
and our world also appears to be full of generative life.
It is therefore evident that the life-generating power
of Kins; Helios also is midway betAveen both the
worlds and the phenomena of our world also bear
:
Avitness to this. For some forms he perfects, others

he makes, or adorns, or Avakes to life, and there is
no single thing Avhich, apart from the creative power
derived from Helios, can come to light and to birth.
And further, besides this, if we should comprehend
the pure and undefiled and immaterial substance -
—
among the intelligible gods to Avhich nothing ex-
ternal is added, nor has any alien thing a place
therein, but it is filled with its own unstained
^ Plato in Timaeiis 41 , distinguishes "the gods
revolve before our ej'es "' from " those who reveal themselves
{)
so far as the}' will."
;
Julian regularly describes, as here, a
its own power to generate life {

triad every one of his three worlds has its own unconditioned
being
;
its own creative povA'êr {'8r]u.iovpy'ia)

ttjs $)
every case, the middle term is Helios as a connecting link
;and in
;
in his capacity of thinking or intellectual god {vo^pos).

- Julian now describes the three kinds of substance
{) and its three forms (;) in the three worlds.
381
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382
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
—
purity and if we should comprehend also the pure
and unmixed nature of unstained and divine sub-
stance, whose elements are wholly unmixed, and
>vhich, in the surrounds the sub-
visible universe,
stance that revolves,^ here also we
should discover
the radiant and stainless substance of King Helios,
midway betveen the two that is to say, midway
;
between the immaterial purity that exists among

the intelligible gods, and that perfect purity, un-
stained and free from birth and death, that exists in
the Avorld which we can perceive. And the greatest
proof of this is that not even the light Avhich comes
down nearest to the earth from the sun is mixed
with anything, nor does it admit dirt and defile-
ment, but remains vholly pure and without stain and
free from external influences among all existing
things.
But ve must go on to consider the immaterial
and intelligible forms/ and also those visible
forms Avhich are united with matter or the sub-
stratum. Here again, the intellectual be found
to be midmost among the forms that surround mighty
Helios, by Avhich forms in their turn the material
forms are aided for they never could have existed
;
or been preserved, had they not been brought, by

his aid, into connection with being. For consider :
is not he the cause of the separation of the forms,

and of the combination of matter, in that he not only
permits us to comprehend his very self, but also to
behold him with our eyes ? For the distribution of
^ the visible heavenly bodies.

i.e.
^ Helios connects the forms (Plato's Ideas) which exist in
the intelligible world, with those which in our world ally
themselves with matter cf. Oration 5. 171 b.
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HYMN TO KING HELIOS
his rays over the >vl\ole universe, and the unifying
power of him to
his hght, prove be the master work-
man who gives an individual existence to everything
that is created.
Now though there are many more blessings con-
nected with the substance of the god and apparent
to us, Avhich show that he is midway between the
intelligible and the mundane gods ^ let us proceed to
his last visible province. His first province then in
the last of the worlds is, as though by Avay of a
pattern, to give form and personality to the sun's
angels.^ Next is his province of generating the
world of sense-perception, of which the more honour-
able part contains the cause of the heavens and
the heavenly bodies, Avhile the inferior part guides
this our world of becoming, and from eternity con-
tains in itself the uncreated cause of that vorld.
Now to describe all the properties of the substance
of this god, even though the god himself should
grant one to comprehend them, is impossible, seeing
that even to grasp them all with the mind is, in my
opinion, beyond our power.
But since I have already described many of them,
I must set a seal, as it were, on this discourse, now
that I am about to pass to other subjects that
demand no less investigation. VVhat then that seal
is, and Avhat is the knowledge of the god's substance
that embraces all these questions, and as it were

sums them up under one head, may he himself
suggest to my mind, since I desire to describe in a
^ the heavenly bodies.
i.e.
2 These angels combine, as does a model, the idea and its
hypostazisation cf. 142 a, Letter to the Athenians 275 b.
;
Julian noAvhere defines angels, but Porphyry as quoted by

Augustine, De civitate Dei 10, 9, distinguished them from
daemons and placed them in the aether.
385
VOL. I. C C
IV
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of. 141 .
386
;
HYMN TO KING HELJOS

brief summary both the cause from \vhich he pro-
ceeded, and his own nature, and those blessings with
which he fills the visible world. This then we must
declare, that King Helios is One and proceeds from
one god, even from the intelligible world which is
itself One and that he is midmost of the intellect-
;
ual gods, stationed in their midst by every kind of

mediateness that is harmonious and friendly, and that
joins what is sundered and that he brings together
;
into one the last and the first, having in his own
person the means of completeness, of connection, of
generative life and of uniform being and that for :
the world which we can perceive he initiates blessings

of all sorts, not only by means of the light with
which he illumines it, adorning it and giving it its
splendour, but also because he calls into existence,
along with himself, the substance of the Sun's angels
and that finally in himself he comprehends the
ungenerated cause of things generated, and further,
and prior to this, the ageless and abiding cause of
the life of the imperishable bodies.^
Now as for what it was right to say about the
substance of this god, though the greater part has
been omitted, nevertheless nmch has been said. But
since the multitude of his powers and the beauty of
his activities is so great that Ave shall now^ exceed the
limit of what we observed about his substance, for —
it is natural that when divine things come forth into
the region of the visible they should be multiplied,

in virtue of the superabundance of life and life-
—
generating power in them, consider what I have to
do. For now I must strip for a plunge into this
^ i.e. the heavenly bodies ; cf. Fragment of a Letter 295 a.

387
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7€6
.
8
'
^ - ,^
irepl
he
,, ,
\\,
yap
yap
evepyeca.
- jy
., ,
vpyv
,
- -
. ' ^-
'^
vpy^ yap
yap
,^, '^
yelv
-']
Se
yap
I4i
^. ,
,,^ --
,
Xyev6v'
yap -
, ,.
Tayada
'
. vpyv
Xoyo
, evpyv
yap
pya
'^
Nicomachean Ethics 'J.
Hertlein suggests,
14.
,'
1154 b.
AJSS.
388
^
HYMN TO KING HELIOS

fathomless sea^ though I have barely, and as best I
might, taken breath, after the first part of this dis-
com'se. Venture I must, nevertheless, and putting
my trust in the god endeavour to handle the theme.
We must assume that Avhat has just been said
about his substance applies equally to his powers.
For it cannot be that a god's substance is one thing,
and his power another, and his activity, by Zeus, a
third thing besides these. For all that he
and can do, and puts into action. For he does not
^
he is,
will what is not, nor does he lack poAver to do what

he wills, nor does he desire to put into action what
he cannot. In the case of a human being, however,
this is otherwise. For his is a two-fold contending
nature of soul and body compounded into one, the
former divine, the latter dark and clouded. Natur-
ally, therefore, there is a battle and a feud between
them. And Aristotle also says that this is Avhy
neither the pleasures nor the pains in us harmonise
with one another. For he says that what is pleasant
to one of the natures within us is painful to the
nature which is its opposite. But among the gods
there is nothing of this sort. For from their very
nature what is good belongs to them, and perpetually,
not intermittently. In the first place, then, all that
I said when I tried to show forth his substance, I
must be considered to have said about his povers
and activities also. And since in such cases the
argument is naturally convertible, all that I observe
next in order concerning his poAvers and activities
must be considered to apply not to his activities
only, but to his substance also. For verily there
^ The powers and activities of Helios are now described,
U2d-1o2a.
389
ev , ,,
avyy€V€L<;
/^ irepl he
IV
6€<.
^^
.,
,
fcal
8
,
\
06<;
«'
,) oXiya
Q
, ,
,
hi
Sl 6<;
-, .
, ,
-
y
^
,
, ---
'
yap
yv,
y
yv -
'-
D
^
yova
L•ô
^
,
8- ,
Sopy ;
'
X6yv,
' i4J
390
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
are gods related to Helios and of like substance
who sum up the stainless nature of this god, and
though in the visible world they are plural, in
him they are one. And listen first to Avhat
they assert look at the heavens, not like horses
and cattle, or some other unreasoning and ignorant
animal,^ but from it draw their conclusions about the
unseen world. But even before this, if you please,
consider his supra-mundane powers and activities,
and out of a countless number, observe but a few.
First, then, of his poAvers is that through Avhich
he reveals the whole intellectual substance through-
out as one, since he brings together its extremes.
For even as in the world of sense-perception
we can clearly discern air and water set between
fire and earth,- as the link that binds together
the extremes, vould one not reasonably suppose
that, in the case of the cause which is separate
from elements and prior to them and though —
it is the principle of generation, is not itself
—
generation it is so ordered that, in that world also,
the extreme causes which are Avholly separate from
elements are bound together into one through
certain modes of mediation, by King Helios, and are
united about him as their centre ? And the creative
poAver of Zeus also coincides with him, by reason of
Avhich in Cyprus, as I said earlier, shrines are founded
and assigned to them in common. And Apollo
himself also we called to vitness to our statements,
since it is certainly likely that he knows better than
ve about his own nature. For he too abides Avith
^ cf. 148 c, Timaeus 47 a, Repuhlic 529 b, Plato
distinguishes mere star-gazing from astronomy.
^ Timaeus 32
; Plato says that to make the universe
solid, " God set air and water betAveen fire and earth."
391
^ IV
^
' yap teal <^
.'^
Sia
,' ^.^,
8
68
"^?
\
8
6 •
8
' ^,
. '8
8 '^, -
8-
eV
^
,8 8^,
8
^ cf.
Ti)v
144
,
Hertlein suggests,
c.
8
\ r^v MSS.
-
C
39^
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
Helios and is his colleague by reason of the singleness
of his thoughts and the stability of his substance and
the consistency of his activity.
But Apollo too in no case appears to separate
the dividing creative function of Dionysus ^ from
Helios. And since he always subordinates it to
Helios and so indicates that Dionysus- is his partner
on the throne, Apollo is the interpreter for us of the
fairest purposes that are to be found with our god.
Further Helios, since he comprehends in himself all
the principles of the fairest intellectual synthesis, is
himself Apollo the leader of the Muses. And since
he fills the whole of our life with fair order, he
begat Asclepios^ in the world, though even before
the beginning of the world he had him by his
side.
But though one should survey many other poAvers
that belong to this god, never could one investigate
them all.
is enough to have observed the
It
following That there is an equal and identical
:
dominion of Helios and Zeus over the separate

creation which is prior to substances, in the region,
that is to say, of the absolute causes vhich, separated
from visible creation, existed prior to it secondly
;
we observed the singleness of his thoughts Avhich is

bound up with the imperishableness and abiding same-
ness that he shares with Apollo thirdly, the dividing
;
^ cf. 144 c. 179 a; Proclus on Plato, Timaeus 203 says

,
that because Dionysus was torn asunder by the Titans, his

function is to divide wholes into their parts and to separate
the forms (eiSrj).
"^
Julian calls Dionysus the son of Helios 152 c, d, and the
son of Zeus, Oration 5. 179 b.
^ cf. 153b, where Asclepios is called "the saviour of the
All," and Agaiiist the Christians 200 a.
393
^'
€<
09
.'
,, - THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN,
Be /79
'- IV
. ^-
,
€
€7€8
^
he
.
^^ ^, -
yap
epya
virep
^,.,
-
J)
.
8
. Se 'ipyov
^ 8 ,
\
yap
, ^,' ,
yevvav
yap
yvvav,
,8
\^
,
ayovov.
. yovo 7poaya
6
^
'
^Kyovos
, MyS,
yvvov,
tyyovos V, Hertleiii.
8-
394
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
part of his creative function Avhich he shares with
Dionysus who controls divided substance fourthly ;
we have observed the power of the leader of the

Muses, revealed in fairest symmetry and blending
of the intellectual finally we comprehended that
;
Helios, with Asclepios, fulfils the fair order of the

whole of life.
So much then in respect to those powers of his
that existed before the beginning of the world and ;
co-ordinate Avith these are his works over the whole

visible world, in that he fills it with good gifts. For
since he is the genuine son of the Good and from it
has received his blessed lot in fulness of perfection,
he himself distributes that blessedness to the
intellectual gods, bestowing on them a beneficent
and perfect nature. This then is one of his works.
And a second Avork of the god is his most perfect
distribution of intelligible beauty among the in-
tellectual and immaterial forms. For when the
generative substance ^ which is visible in our world
desires to beget in the Beautiful ^ and to bring forth
offspring, it is further necessary that it should be
guided by the substance that, in the region of
intelligible beauty, does this very thing eternally and
always and not intermittently, now fruitful now
barren. For all that is beautiful in our world only
at times, is beautiful ahvays in the intelligible Avorld.
We must therefore assert that the ungenerated
offspring in beauty intelligible and eternal guides
the generative cause in the visible world which ;
offspring^ this god^ called into existence and keeps at

his side, and to it he assigns also perfect reason.
^
The
i.e.
sun. ^ Plato, Symposium 206
Intellectual Helios.
tokos ev
^ i.e. Intelligible Helios.
\.
395
^
»?
voepod ', ^.
oyjnv,
?)?,
Be ev
", -
voelv
,
€T€pa ivepyeta C
,
7€
,',,
yeveaLV
ev
"^^^
irapahely
re
ayyeXoL^,^
, .
, , ,,
€(/)'
'ipya
8
D
.',, ^
' 6
,
^
8
vorirois
. eSpav
,
8
Petavius adds.
,
'^
cf. 141 , Letter to the Athenians 275 b.
;-
HYMN TO KING HELIOS

For just as through he gives sight to our
his light
eyes, so also among the gods through his
intelligible
intellectual counterpart —
which he causes to shine
far more brightly than his rays in our upper air he —
bestows, as I believe, on all the intellectual gods the
faculty of thought and of being comprehended by
thought. Besides these, another marvellous activity
of Helios the King of the All is that by which he
endoAvs Avith superior lot the nobler races —
I mean
angels, daemons,^ heroes, and those divided souls '^
Avhich remain in the category of model and archetAê

and never give themselves over to bodies. I have
described the substance of our god that is prior
to the world and his powers and activities, celebrating
Helios the King of the All in so far as it was possible
for me to compass his praise. But since eyes, as the
saying goes, are more trustworthy than hearing —
although they are of course less trustworthy and
weaker than the intelligence come, let me en- —
deavour to tell also of his visible creative function
but let first me entreat him to grant that I speak
vvith some measure of success.
From eternity there subsisted, surrounding Helios,
tlie visible vvorld, and from eternity the light that
encompasses the vvorld has its fixed station, not
shining intermittently, nor in different ways at dif-
ferent times, but ahvays in the same manner. And
^ Plato, Laws 713 d defines daemons as a race superior
to
men but inferior to gods they were created to watch over
;
human affairs Julian, Letter to Themistius 258

; echoes
Plato's description ; cf. Plotinus 3. .
6 ; pseudo-Iamblichus,
De Mysteriis 1. 20. 61 ; Julian 2. 90 b.
- i.e. the individual souls ; by using this term, derived
from the Neo-Platonists and lamblichus, Julian implies that

there is an indivisible world soul ; cf. Plotinus 4. 8. 8
() . . . ot 5e iv M-^pî €6€.
€
397
,
^ ,
ScaLCtiVLov
^,
8
(^^ ^;
IV
y^povL-
^^YlXtov 146
^ ^,, ^'-
8
^ ', - âX/ciSea
}
' ^ ,
Sr)
. ^^ -
^,
' 6< irap
-
iiri-
., ,' 6 -
^,
6
8 Tpoyay
C
,
,) '
39
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
if one desired to comprehend^ as far as the mind
may, this eternal nature from the point of view of
time, one would understand most easily of how many
blessings for the world throughout eternity he is the
cause, even Helios he King of the All shines
without cessation. Now I am aware that the great
philosopher Plato,^ and after him a man who, though
he is later in time, is by no means inferior to him in
—
genius I mean lamblichus of Chalcis, \ ho through
"^
his writings initiated me not only into other philo-

sophic doctrines but these also —
I am avare, I say,
that they employed as a hypothesis the conception

of a generated world, and assumed for it, so to speak,
a creation in time in order that the magnitude of
the works that arise from Helios might be recognised.
But apart from the fact that I fall short altogether
of their ability, I must by no means be so rash ;
especially since the glorious hero lamblichus thought

it was not without risk to assume, even as a bare
hypothesis, a temporal limit for the creation of the
>vorld. Nay rather, the god came forth from an
eternal cause, or rather brought forth all things from
everlasting, engendering by his divine and with
untold speed and unsurpassed power, from the in-
visible all things now visible in present time. And
then he assigned as his own station the mid-heavens,
in order that from all sides he may bestow equal
blessings on the gods who came forth by his agency
and in company Avith him and that he may guide
;
the seven spheres^ in the heavens and the eighth

^ Timaeu/i 37 c when the Creator had made the universe,
;
he inveated Time as an attribute of "divided substance."

- For Julian's debt to lamblichus cf. 150 d, 157 b, c.
^ Kronos, Zeus, Ares, Helios, Aphrodite, Hermes, Selene

are the seven planets cf. 149 d.
; Though Helios guides the
others he is counted with them.
399
,
,'
) ^
jiav
- THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN,
ev yeveaet
re
IV
^^;
,.
yeveaiv. re <yap
OTL j)
irepl '^ re
TOiavhe
,
yap
'
yX ^^, 8
6
yvva
vy^
Se
7rXyy.
8
, ,, ,
14'
Xy
^ yvpa Xyv'
;;
^; 86
. , Xyova,
^
-5 4Odyssey
T6 ovpavhv els
yris
Cwrjs
400
rh '
^ 11,
virh yrjs,
303 ;
}•.
)
Philo Judaeus, De Decahgo
Stovetûaj'Tey,
rh irepl
rh
ttjs
2.
€•€
190, roy
^ vnep
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
sphere also, yes and as I believe the ninth creation
^
too,namely our world which revolves for ever in a

continuous cycle of birth and death. For it is
evident that the planets, as they dance in a circle
about him, preserve as the measure of their motion a
harmony betAveen this god and their own movements
such as I shall describe and that the vhole
;
heaven also, Avhich adapts itself to him in all its

parts, is full of gods who proceed from Helios, For
this god is lord of five zones in the heavens and ;
when he traverses three of these he begets in those

three the three Graces.'- And the remaining zones
are the scales of mighty Necessity.^ To the Greeks
>vhat I say is perhaps incomprehensible —
as though
one were obliged to say to them only Avhat is known
and familiar. Yet not even is this altogether strange
to them as one might suppose. For Avho, then, in
your opinion, are the Dioscuri,^ ye most wise, ye
who accept without question so many of your tradi-
tions ? Do you not call them " alternate of days,"
because they may not both be seen on the same day ?
It is obvious that by this you mean "yesterday" and
"to-dav." But Avhat does this mean, in the name
of those same Dioscuri ? Let me apply it to some
^ i.e. the fixed stars ; of. lamblichus, Theologumena
arithmeticae 56. 4 '^^-, " the
eighth sphere that encompasses all the rest."
'^
The Graces are often associated with Spring; Julian
seems to be describing obscurely the annual course of the sun.
^ Necessity played an important part in the cult of
Mithras and was sometimes identified with the constellation
V'irgo who holds the scales of Justice.
* For the adoption of the Dioscuri into the Mithraic cult
see Cumont. Julian does not give his view, though he

rejects that of the later Greek astronomers. Macrobius,
Saturnalia 1. 21. 22 identifies them with the sun.
401
VOL. I. D D
',, ^< -
•
Tivl Kevov^
\6<€.
ovSe yap
'
,'^^^.,
\oyov e%ei yap
paSiov,
.
, . ,,
'^
yrjv
,
'
\
, '-'
.
,
yap
yrjv
Xyv >
,^ pyavo,
, ' '
,
8
yv
Xyov,
,,
,;
,~ yv
,
^ Kfvhv Hertlein suggests, Kauhv Mb, Koivhv MSS.

2 Iliad 14. 246.
402
;
HYMN TO KING HELIOS

natural object, so that I may not say anything empty
and senseless. But no such object could one find,
however carefully one might search for it. For the
theory that some have supposed to be held by the
theogonists, that the tvo hemispheres of the universe
are meant, has no meaning. For how one could call
each one of the hemispheres ^^ alternate of days" is
not easy to imagine, since the increase of their light
in each separate day is imperceptible. But now let
us consider a question on which some may think that
I am innovating. We say correctly that those per-
sons for whom the time of the sun's course above the
earth is the same in one and the same month share
the same day. Consider therefore Avhether the
expression "alternate of days " cannot be applied
both to the tropics and the other, the polar, circles.
But some one will object that it does not apply
equally to both. For though the former are always
visible, and both of them are visible at once to those
who inhabit that part of the earth where shadows
are cast in an opposite direction,^ yet in the case of
the latter those Avho see the one do not see the
other.
Ho\vever, not to dwell too long on the same sub-
ject since he causes the winter and summer solstice,
;
Helios is, as we know, the father of the seasons

and since he never forsakes the poles, he is Oceanus,
the lord of two-fold substance. My meaning here
is not obscure, is it, seeing that before my time
Homer said the same thing ? " Oceanus who is the
father of all things " yes, for mortals and for the
:
^ i.e. the torrid zone. On the equator in the winter months

shadows fall due north at noon, in the sunnner months due
south ; this is more or less true of the vhole torrid zone
; cf.
which has the same meaning.
403
D D 2
.^, ; THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN,
ev yap ouBev
eKjovov.
,
IV
;
14
. -
', 6 8
AeyeTaL yovv,
',,,
el
eVt
^
-
,-
he
el -^
B6yaa,
yap
,
,, ,
.
yXv
' -
,. yaa
, .--
C
appy
yap
^
^
? Hertlein suggests, be MS8.
- cf. 143 and note.
404
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
blessed gods too, as he himself would say and what ;
he says is true. For there is no single thing in the

whole of existence that is not the offspring of the
substance of Oceanus. But what has that to do Avith
the poles ? Shall I tell you ? It were better indeed
to keep silence ^ but for all that I will speak.
;
Some say then, even though all men are not

ready to believe it, that the sun travels in the starless
heavens far above the region of the fixed stars.
And on this theory he Avill not be stationed midmost
among the planets but midway between the three
worlds that is, according to the hypothesis of the
:
mysteries, if indeed one ought to use the word

" hypothesis " and not rather say "^ established truths,"
using the word "hypothesis" for the study of the
heavenly bodies. For the priests of the mysteries tell
us Avhat they have been taught by the gods or mighty
daemons, whereas the astronomers make plausible
hypotheses from the harmony that they observe in
the visible spheres. It is proper, no doubt, to
approve the astronomers as well, but Avhere any
man thinks it better to believe the priests of the
mysteries, him I admire and revere, both in jest
and earnest. And so much for that, as the saying
is.2
Now
besides those whom I have mentioned, there
is heavens a great multitude of gods who have
in the
been recognised as such by those who survey the
heavens, not casually, nor like cattle. For as he
divides the three spheres by four through the zodiac,^
^ For the
affectation of mystery cf, 152 b, 159 a, 172 d,
Plutarch, Demosthenes 4, quotes this phrase as peculiarly
2
Platonic cf. Plato, Laws 676 a.

;
life-bringer, " Aristotle's phrase for the zodiac.

'
^ Literally '
405
-
Siatpet,
kvkKov '^
,€ /^ ^€<;
, eh
,' . '^ 8, D
^ . ' ^.'- )()

ayXatav, at 8
';,^ ^
Sia
. , 6
hi
pya,
6
. ', -^
-
ahpa
., yap '^
^
'^' ,
yovv
4
'
2
''
XapirodOT-ns Spanheim, 55
Hertlein suggests, avSpwv
iiTLTponevei
Petavius.
406
Wright,
Hertlein,
MSS.
Hertlein,
MSS.
MSS, lacuna
which is associated vith every one of the three,
so he divides the zodiac also into twelve divine
powers and again he divides every one of these
;
twelve by three, so as to make thirty-six gods in ^ all.

Hence, as I believe, there descends from above,
from the heavens to us, a three-fold gift of the
Graces I mean from the spheres, for this god, by
:
thus dividing them by four, sends to us the foui•-

fold glory of the seasons, whicli express the
changes of time. And indeed on our earth the
Graces imitate a circle - in their statues. And it
is Dionysus who is the giver of the Graces, and in
this very connection he is said to reign with Helios.
Why should I go on to speak to you of Horus ^ and
of the other names of gods, which all belong to
Helios ? For from his works men have learned to
know this god, who makes the whole heavens perfect
through the gift of intellectual blessings, and gives
it a share of intelligible beauty and taking the
;
heavens as their starting-point, they have learned to

know him both as a whole and his parts also, from
his abundant bestowal of good gifts. For he
exercises control over all movement, even to the
lowest plane of the universe. And everywhere he
makes all things perfect, nature and soul and
ever}i:hing that exists. And marshalling together
this great army of the gods into a single command-
ing unity, he handed it over to Athene Pronoia * ,
1
2
cf.
There is a play on the word
" sphere" and " circle."
,
Zeller, Philosopkie der Griechen III. 2^ p. 753, notes.
which means both
^ The Egyptian sun-god, Avhose worship was introduced
first into Greece and later at Rome.

* Athene as goddess of Forethought was worshipped at
Delphi, but her earlier epithet was npouaia "whose statue is
407
,)
-? yeveadai
.\
, ,' IV
6\
iv
,
'\ . ^
Tjj
^ Xyov
),
otl
,
'
^
8. , '
8 ''
^ C
' yap,
?, ^ ;
^,^
-
6
, ^
'^
/
'
^
1 Iliad 8. 538 ; 13. 827.
'^
' Hertlein adds.
408
:
HYMN TO KING HELIOS

as the legend says^ sprang from the head of Zeus, but
I say that she was sent forth from Helios whole from
the whole of him, being contained within him though ;
1 disagree with the legend only so far as I assert that

she came forth not from his highest part, but whole
from the whole of him. For in other respects,
since I believe that Zeus is in no wise different from
Helios, I agree with that ancient tradition. And
in using this very phrase Athene Pronoia, I am not
innovating, if I rightly understand the words
" He came to Pytho and to grey-eyed Pronoia." ^
This proves that the ancients also thought that
Athene Pronoia shared the throne of Apollo, who,
as we believe, differs in no way from Helios.
Indeed, did not Homer by divine inspiration for —
he was, we may suppose, possessed by a god reveal —
this truth, when he says often in his poems " May :
I be honoured even as Athene and Apollo were

—
honoured" by Zeus, that is to say, who is identical
with Helios ? And just as King Apollo, through
the singleness of his thoughts, is associated with
Helios, so also we must believe that Athene ^ has
received her nature from Helios, and that she is
his intelligence in perfect form and so she binds :
together the gods who are assembled about Helios

and brings them w ithout confusion into unity with
Helios, the King of the All and she distributes and
:
in frontthe temple" cf. Aeschylus, Eumenides 21,

of ;
Herodotus 37 8.late writers often confuse these forms.

;
Julian applies the epithet to the mother of the gods

179 A, and to Prometheus 182 d cf. 131 c. ;
^ This verse was quoted from an unknown source by

Eustathius on Iliad 1. p. 83. "The Grey-eyed" is a name
of Athene.
2 On Athene cf. Oration 7. 230 a ; Against the Christians
235 c.
409
, ^,
he
IV
, ^. --
a^^lho^;
%6\
Sea
%€\
'
-
re
150
'^ 88 ^8'7.
.
^ ^
he.
' . ^^
hia oXiya
Âpoh, hop-
Xoyioi,
,. ,
iyco
-- vhh
hr)
yap
,, h yvov
, yva yfj,
Apoh
,yrjv
'^
1
7popybv
aya ha
^ Hertleinâdds.
\yoa
air
C
410
is the channel for stainless and pure life throughout
the seven spheres^ from the highest vault of the
heavens as far as Selene the Moon ^ for Selene :
is the last of the heavenly spheres which Athene

fills Avith wisddhi and by her aid Selene beholds the
:
intelligible which is higher than the heavens, and

adorns with its forms the realm of matter that lies
below her, and thus she does avay with its savagery
and confusion and disorder. Moreover to mankind
Athene gives the blessings of wisdom and intelli-
gence and the creative arts. And surely she dwells
in the capitols of cities because, through her visdom,
she has established the community of the state. I
have still to say a few words about Aphrodite, who, as

the wise men among the Phoenicians affirm, and as I
believe, assists Helios in his creative function. She
is, in very truth, a sjTithesis of the heavenly gods,
and in their harmony she is the spirit of love and
unity.^ For she ^ is very near to Helios, and when
she pursues the same course as he and approaches
him, she fills the skies with fair weather and gives
generative power to the earth for she herself takes
:
thought for the continuous birth of living things.

And though of that continuous birth King Helios is
the primary creative cause, yet Aphrodite is the
joint cause Avith him, she enchants our souls
with her charm and sends down to earth from the
upper air rays of light most sweet and stainless, aye,
1 cf. 152 D. Julian derives his theory of the position and

functions of the moon from lamblichus ; cf. Proclus on
Plato, Timaeus 258 f.
'^
and " harmoniser

3 i.e.
"'
-.
cf. 154 A, and Proclus on Plato, Timaeus 155 f, 259 b,
where Aphrodite is called " the binding goddess"
as the planet Venus.

^•],
411
} - THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN,
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412
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
more lustrous than gold itself. I desire to mete out
to you still more of the theology of the Phoenicians^
and vhether it be to some purpose my argument as
it proceeds will show. The inhabitants of Emesa,^ a
place from time immemorial sacred to Helios, associate
with Helios in their temples Monimos and Azizos.^
lamblichus, from Avhom I have taken this and all
besides,, a little from a great store, says that the
secret meaning to be interpreted is that Monimos
is Hermes and Azizos Ares, the assessors of Helios,
Avho are the channel for many blessings to the

region of our earth.
Such then are the works of Helios in the heavens,
and, when completed by means of the gods whom I
have named, they reach even unto the furthest
bounds of the earth. But to tell the number of all
his works in the region below the moon Avould take
too long. Nevertheless I must describe them, also in
a brief summary. I am aware that I mentioned
them earlier when I claimed^ that from things visible
wê could observe the invisible properties of the god's
substance, but the argument demands that I should
expound them now also, in their proper order.
I said then that Helios holds sway among the
intellectual gods in that he unites into one, about
his own undivided substance, a great multitude of
the gods and further, I demonstrated that among
:
the gods whom we can perceive, who revolve

^ Caesars 313 a, Misopogon 357 c.
cf. Emesa in Syria was
famous for its temple to Baal, the sun-god. The Emperor
Heliogabalus (218-2*22 a.d.) was born at Emesa and was, as
his name indicates, a priest of Baal, whose worship he
attempted to introduce at Rome.
2 The " strong god," identified with the star Lucifer.
3 133 d, 138 b.
413
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Physics 2. 2.
cf. 150 , 151 C, lacuna
194 b ; cf. 131 c.
414
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
eternally in their most blessed path, he is leader
and lord since he bestows on their nature its
;
generative power, and fills the whole heavens not

only with visible rays of light but with countless
other blessings that are invisible and, further, that ;
the blessings which are abundantly supplied by the

other visible gods are made perfect by him, and that
even prior to this the visible gods themselves are
made perfect by his unspeakable and divine activity.
In the same manner we must believe that on this
our world of generation certain gods have alighted
who are linked together with Helios and these :
gods guide the four-fold nature of the elements, and

inhabit, together Avith the three higher races,^ those
souls which are upborne by the elements. But
for the divided souls ^ also, of how many blessings is
he the cause For he extends to them the faculty
I
of judging, and guides them with justice, and purifies

them by his brilliant light. Again, does he not set
in motion the Avhole of nature and kindle life
therein, by bestowing on it generative power from
on high ? But for the divided natures also, is not
he the cause that they journey to their appointed
end ? ^ For Aristotle says that man is begotten
by man and the sun together. Accordingly the
same theory about King Helios must surely apply
to all the other activities of the divided souls.
Again, does he not produce for us rain and wind
and the clouds in the skies, by employing, as though
it were matter, the two kinds of vapour? For
when he heats the earth he draws up steam and
smoke, and from these there arise not onl}'^ the
1 cf. 145 c. 2 cf. 145 c.
3 i.e. their ascent after death to the gods.
415
, IV
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2 Bepuhlic 529, 530 Epinomis 977
; a.
2 Laivs 653 c, d, 665 a.
416
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
clouds but also all the physical changes on our
earth, both great and small.
But why do I deal Avith the same questions at
such length, Avhen I am free at last to come to my
goal, though not till I have first celebrated all the
blessings that Helios has given to mankind ? For
from him are we born, and by him are Ave nourished.
But his more divine gifts, and all that he bestows on
our souls when he frees them from the body and
then lifts them up on high to the region of those
substances that are akin to the god and the fine- :
ness and vigour of his divine rays, Avhich are assigned

as a sort of vehicle for the safe descent of our souls
into this Avorld of generation all this, I say, let
;
others celebrate in fitting strains, but let me believe

it rather than demonstrate its truth. However, I
need not hesitate to discuss so much as is knoAvn
to all. Plato savs that the skv is our instructor in
wisdom. For from its contemplation we have
learned to knoAv the nature of number, Avhose distin-
guishing characteristics Ave knoAv only from the course
of the sun. Plato himself says that day and night
Avere created first. ^ And next, from observing the
moon's light, Avhich A\'as bestoAved on the goddess by
Helios, Ave later progressed still further in the under-
standing of these matters in CAêry case conjecturing
:
the haiTnony of all things Avith this god. For Plato

himself says someAviiere that our race Avas by nature
doomed to toil, and so the gods pitied us and gave
us Dionysus and the Muses as playfelloAvs. And
Ave recognised that Helios is their common lord.
I.e. as a unit of measurement ; Timaeus 39 b, 47 a.
4'7
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;
. Q
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
since he iscelebrated as the father of Dionysus and
the leader of the Muses. And has not Apollo, who
is his colleague in empire, set up oracles in every
part of the earth, and given to men inspired

wisdom, and regulated their cities by means of
religious and political ordinances ? And he has
civilised the greater part of the \vorld by means
of Greek colonies, and so made it easier for the
world to be governed by the Romans. For the
Romans themselves not only belong to the Greek
race, but also the sacred ordinances and the pious
belief in the gods which they have established
and maintain are, from beginning to end, Greek.
And beside this they have established a constitution
not inferior to that of any one of the best governed
states, if indeed it be not superior to all others that
have ever been put into practice. For which
reason I myself recognise that our city is Greek,
both in descent and as to its constitution.
Shall I now go on to tell you how Helios took
thought for the health and safety cf all men by
begetting Asclepios ^ to be the saviour of the whole
world ? and how he bestowed on us every kind of
excellence by sending down to us Aphrodite together
with Athene, and thus laid down for our protection
what is almost a law, that we should only unite to
beget our kind ? Surely it is for this reason that,
in agreement with the course of the sun, all plants
and all the tribes of living things are aroused to
bring forth their kind. What need is there for me
to glorify his beams and his light ? For surely
^ cf. 144 c Against the Christians 200, 235 B.C. Asclepios
:
plays an important part in Julian's religion, and may have

been intentionally opposed, as the son of Helios-Mithras and
the "saviour of the world," to Jesus Christ.
419
2
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420
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
everyone knows how terrible is night Avithout a
moon or stars^ so that from this he can calculate
how great a boon for us is the light of the sun ?
And this very light he supplies at nighty vithout
ceasing, and directly, from the moon in those upper
spaces where it is needed, while he grants us through
the night a truce from toil. But there would be no
limit to the account if one should endeavour to
describe all his gifts of this sort. For there is no
single blessing in our lives Avhich we do not receive
as a gift from this god, either perfect from him alone,
or, through the other gods, perfected by him.
Moreover he is the founder of our city.^ For not
only does Zeus, Avho is glorified as the father of all
things, inhabit its citadel - together with Athene
and Aphrodite, but Apollo also dwells on the Palatine
Hill, and Helios himself under this name of his which
iscommonly known to all and familiar to all. And
I could say much to prove that we, the sons of
Romulus and Aeneas, are in every way and in all
respects connected with him, but I mention
briefly only what is most familiar. According to the
legend, Aeneas is the son of Aphrodite, who is
subordinate to Helios and is his kinswoman. And
the tradition has been handed down that the
founder of our city vas the son of Ares, and the
paradoxical element in the tale has been believed
because of the portents vhich later appeared to
support it. For a she-wolf, they say, gave him
suck. Now I am a\vare that Ares, who is called
^ Rome. ^ This refers to the famous temple of Jupiter
on the Capitoline cf. Oration 1. 20 d. The three shrines in

;
this temple were dedicated to Jupiter, Minerva and Juno,

but Julian ignores Juno because he wishes to introduce
Aphrodite in connection with Aeneas.
421
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hv Marcilius, ^v MSS, Herllein.
; cf. 150 C,
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
Azizos by the Syrians who inhabit Emesa. precedes
Helios in the sacred procession, but I mentioned it
before, so I think I may let that pass. But why is
the wolf sacred only to Ares and not to Helios ?
Yet men call the period of a year '' lycabas/' ^ which
is derived from " wolf." And not only Homer ^ and
the famous men of Greece call it by this name, but
also the god himself, Avhen he says :
" With dancing
does he bring to a close his journey of twelve
months, even the lycabas." Now do you wish me
to bring forward a still greater proof that the
founder of our city wâs sent down to earth, not by
Ares alone, though perhaps some noble daemon with
the character of Ares did take part in the fashioning
of his mortal body, even he who is said to have
visited Silvia when she was carrying Avater for the
'^
bath of the goddess,^ but the whole truth is that the

soul of the god Quirinus ^ came down to earth from
Helios for we must, I think, believe the sacred tradi-
;
tion. And the close conjunction of Helios and Selene,

who share the empire over the visible Avorld, even as it
had caused his soul to descend to earth, in like
manner caused to mount upwards him whom it
received back from the earth, after blotting out
with fire from a thunderbolt ^ the mortal part of his
body. So clearly did she who creates earthly matter,
^ Julian accepts the impossible etymology "path of the
wolf " Lj'cabas means " path of light," cf. lux.
;
'^
Odyssey, 14. 161. The word was also used on Roman
coins with the meaning " year."
^ Silvia the Vestal virgin gave birth to twins, Romulus
and Remus, whose father was supposed to be Mars (Ares).

* ^csta, the Greek Hestia, the goddess of the
hearth.
^ The name given to Romulus after his apotheosis cf.
;
Caesars 307 For the legend of his translation see

"
Livy 1. 16; Plutarch, Romulus 21; Ovid, Fasti 2. 496;

Horace, Odes 3 3. lo foil.
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424
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
she whose place is at the furthest point below the
sun^ receive Quirinus when he was sent down to
earth by Athene, goddess of Forethought and when;
he took flight again from earth she led him back

straightway to Helios, the King of the All.
Do you wish me to mention yet another proof of this,
I mean the work of King Numa ? ^ In Rome maiden
priestesses ^ guard the undying flame of the sun at
different hours in turn ; thej^ guard the fire that is
produced on eartli by the agency of the god. And
1 can tell you a still greater proof of the power of this
god, which is the work of that most divine king him-

self. The months are reckoned from the moon by, one
may say, all other peoples but we and the Egyptians
;
alone reckon the days of every year according to

the movements of tlie sun. If after this I should say
that we also vorship Mithras, and celebrate games in
honour of Helios every four years, I shall be speaking
of customs that are somewhat recent.^ But perhaps
it is better to cite a proof from the remote past.
The beginning of the cycle of the year is placed at
different times by different peoples. Some place it
at the spring equinox, others at the height of
summer, and many in the late autumn but they ;
each and all sing the praises of the most visible gifts
of Helios. One nation celebrates the season best
^ To Numa Pompilius, the legendary king who reigned
next after Romulus, the Romans ascribed the foundation of
many of their religious ceremonies. - The Vestal virgins.
^ The Heliaia, solis agon, was founded by the Emperor
Aurelian at Rome in 274 a. d.; but the "unconquerable

sun," sol iuvictus, had been worshipped there for fully a
century before Aurelian's foundation ; see Usener, Sol
invictus, in JRheinisches Museum, 1905. Julian once again,
Caesars 336 c calls Helios by his Persian name Mithras.
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'
Epistle 444.
j^
426
;
HYMN TO KING HELIOS

adapted for Avork in the fields^ when the
earth bursts
into bloom and exults^ when the crops are just
all
beginning to sprout^ and the sea begins to be safe
for sailing, and the disagreeable, gloomy >v'inter puts
on a more cheerful aspect others again award the
;
crovn to the summer season,^ since at that time

they can safely feel confidence about the yield of
the fruits, Avhen the grains have already been
harvested and midsummer is now at its height, and
the fruits on the trees are ripening. Others again,
with still more subtlety, regard as the close of the
year the time when all the fruits are in their perfect
prime and decay has already set in. For this reason
they celebrate the annual festival of the New Year
in late autumn. But our forefathers, from the time
of the most divine king Numa, paid still greater
reverence to the god Helios. They ignored the
question of mere utility, I think, because they were
naturally religious and endowed with unusual in-
telligence but they saw that he is the cause of all
;
that is useful, and so they ordered the observance of

the New Year to correspond Avith the present season
that is to say when King Helios returns to us again,
and leaving the region furthest south and, rounding
Capricorn as though it were a goal-post, advances
from the south to the north to give us our share of
the blessings of the year. And that our forefathers,
because they comprehended this correctly, thus estab-
lished the beginning of the year, one may perceive
from the folloving. For it was not, I think, the time
when the god turns, but the time when he becomes
visible to all men, as he travels from south to north,
^ The Attic year began with the summer solstice.
427
T^HE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
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428
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
that they appointed for tlie festival. For still
unknown to them was the nicety of those laws

which the Chaldseans and Egyptians discovered^ and
which Hipparchiis ^ and Ptolemy perfected '^
but :
they judged simply by sense-perception^ and Avere

limited to vhat they could actually see.
But the truth of these facts Avas recognised, as I
said, by a later generation. Before the beginning of
the year, at the end of the month Avhich is called
after Kronos/ we celebrate in honour of Helios the
most splendid games, and Ave dedicate the festival
to the Invincible Sun. And after this it is not
lawful to perform any of the shows that belong to
the last month, gloomy as they are, though neces-
sary. But, in the cycle, immediately after the end
of the Kronia^ follow the Heliaia. That festival
may the ruling gods grant me to praise and to
celebrate \vith sacrifice And above all the others
I
may Helios himself, the King of the All, grant me

this, even he from eternity has proceeded from
the generative substance of the Good even he who:
is midmost of the midmost intellectual gods Avho ;
fills them with continuity and endless beauty and
superabundance of generative power and perfect

reason, yea with all blessings at once, and inde-
pendently of time And now he illumines his own
!
^ A astronomer who flourished in the middle of the

(Ti-eek
second century B.C. His works are lost.
2 Claudius Ptolemy an astronomer at Alexandria 127-
151 A.D. i.e. December.
-^
* The
festival of Saturn, the Saturnalia, Avas celebrated by
the Latins at the close of December, and corresponds to our
Christmas holidays. Saturn was identified with the Greek
god Kronos, and Julian uses the Greek word for the festival
in order to avoid, according to sophistic etiquette, a Latin
name.
429
,)
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430
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
visible abode, wliich iVom eternity moves as the
centre of tlie whole lieavens, and bestows a share
of intelligible beauty on the whole visible Avorld^
and fills the whole lieavens with the same number
of gods as he contnins in himself in intellectual
form. And without division they reveal themselves
in manifold form surrounding him, but they are
attiiched to him form a unity. Aye, but also,
to
through his perpetmd generation and the blessings
that he bestows from the heavenly bodies, he holds
together the region beneath the moon. For he
cares for the whole human race in common, but
especially for my own city,^ even as also he brought
into being my soul from eternity, and made it his
foUoAver. All this, therefore, that 1 prayed for
a moment ago, may he grant, and further may
he, of his grace, endow my city as a Avhole vith
eternal existence^ so far as is possible, and protect
her and for myself personally, may he grant that, so
;
long as I am permitted to live, I may prosper in my

affairs both human and divine finally may he grant
;
me to live and serve the state with my life, so long

as is pleasing to himself and Avel] for me and
expedient for the Roman Empire !
This discourse, friend Sallust,- I composed in

three nights at most, in harmony with the three-fold
creative power of the god,^ as far as possible just as
it occurred to my memory and I have ventured to
:
write it down and to dedicate it to you because

you thought my earlier work on the Kronia^ vas not
^ Rome. See Introduction, p. 3ol.
^
^ For the threefold creative force cf. Proclus on Timaens
94 CD. Here Julian means that there are three modes of

creation exercised by Helios now in one, now in another, of
the three worlds cf, 135 B.C.
;
^ This work is lost.
43^
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Hertlein suggests, »,
MSS.
ry MSS.
'
,
"*
Hesiod, Works and Days '^^.
432
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
wholly worthless. But if you wish to meet with
a more comj)lete and more mystical treatment of the
same theme, then read the writings of the inspired
lamblichus on this subject/ and you will find there
the most consummate wisdom vhich man can achieve.
And may mighty Helios grant that I too may attain
to no less perfect knowledge of himself, and that I
may instruct all men, speaking generally, but
especially those who are worthy to learn. And so
long as Helios grants let us all in common revere
lamblichus, the beloved of the gods. For he is the
source for what I have here set dovn, a few thoughts
from many, as they occurred to my mind. However
I know well that no one can utter anything more
perfect than he, nay not though he should labour

long at the task and say very much that is new.
For he will naturally diverge thereby from the
truest knowledge of the god. Therefore it would
probably have been a vain undertaking to compose
anything after lamblichus on the same subject if
I had written this discourse for the sake of giving
instruction. But since I wished to compose a hymn

to express my gratitude to the god, I thought that
this vas the best place in which to tell, to the best
of my power, of his essential nature. And so I think
that not in vain has this discourse been composed.
For the saying '' To the extent of your powers offer
sacrifice to the immortal gods," I apply not to
sacrifice only, but also to the praises that we oifer to
the gods. For the third time, therefore, I pray that
Helios, the King of the All, may be gracious to me
^ i.e. his treatise On the God-^, which is not extant.

433
VOL. I. F F
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434
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
in recompense for this my zeal ; and may he grant
me a virtuous life and more perfect wisdom and
inspired intelligence, and, when fate Avills, the
gentlest exit that may be from life, at a fitting
hour and that I may ascend to him thereafter and
;
abide with him, for ever if possible, but if that be

more than the actions of my life deserve, for many
periods of many years I
435
F F 2
ORATION V
INTRODUCTION TO ORATION V
The cult of Phrygian Cybele the Mother of the

Gods, to the Latin Avorld as the Great
Mother, Magna Mater, was the first Oriental religion
adopted by the Romans•. In the Fifth Oration, which
is, like the Fourth, a hymn, Julian describes the
entrance of the Goddess into Italy in the third
century b.c. In Greece she had been received long
before, but the more ci\ilised Hellenes had not
welcomed, as did the Romans, the more barbarous
features of the cult, the mutilated priests, the Galli,
and the worship of Attis.^ They preferred the less
emotional cult of the Syrian Adonis. In Athens the
Mother of the Gods Avas early identified with Gaia
the Earth Mother, and the two became inextricably
confused."^ But Julian, in this more Roman than
Greek, does not shrink from the Oriental conception
of Cybele as the lover of Attis, attended by eunuch
priests, or the frenzy of renunciation described by
Catullus.^ But he was first of all a Neo-Platonist,
and the aim of this hymn as of the Fourth Oration is
to adapt to his philosophy a popular cult and to give
its Mysteries a philosophic interpretation.
1 For the Attis cult see Frazer, Attis, Adonis and Osiris;
for the introduction of the of Cybele into Italy,
Cuniont, Les reliijions orientales dans le paijanisme romain.
- See Harrison, Mytholo'fy and Monuments of Ancient
Athens. ^ Catullus 63.
439
The Mithraic religion, seeking to conciliate the
other the empire, had from the first
cults of
associated with the sun-god the worship of the
Magna Mater, and Attis had been endowed with the
attributes of Mithras. Though Julian's hymn is in
honour of Cybele he devotes more attention to Attis.
Originally the myth of Cybele symbolises the suc-
cession of the seasons the disappearance of Attis
;
the sun-god is the coming of winter his mutilation ;
is the barrenness of nature when the sun has

departed his restoration to Cybele is the renewal of
;
spring. In all this he is the counterpart of Per-

sephone among the Greeks and of Adonis in Syria.
Julian interprets the myth in connection with the
three worlds described in the Fourth Oration.
Cybele is a principle of the highest, the intelligible
world, the source of the intellectual gods. Attis
is not merely a sun-god he is a principle of the :
second, the intellectual world, who descends to the

visible world in order to give it order and fruitful-
ness. Julian expresses the Neo-Platonic dread and
dislike of matter, of the variable, the plural and
unlimited. Cybele the intelligible principle would
fain have restrained Attis the embodiment of intelli-
gence from association with matter. His recall and
mutilation symbolise the triumph of unity over
multiformity, of mind over matter. His restoration
to Cybele symbolises the escape of our souls from the
world of generation.
Julian follows Plotinus ^ in regarding themyths as
allegories to be interpreted by the philosopher and
.^
1
440
5. 1.
and Plutarch, On
7;
iariv
3. 6. 19;
Isis
1.
and
eV
6. S;
Osiris, 6
cf.
.
^
Plato,
....
Theaetetns 152o;
koyov rivhs
the theosopliist. They are riddles to be solved^ and
the paradoxical element in them is designed to turn
our minds to the hidden truth. For laymen the
myth is enough. Like all the Xeo-Platonists he
sometimes uses phrases which imply human weak-
ness or chronological development for his divinities
and then withdravs those phrases^ explaining that
they must be taken in another sense. His attitude
to myths is further defined in the Sixth ^ and Seventh
Orations. The Fifth Oration can hardly be under-
stood apart from the Fourth^ and both must present
many difficulties to a reader who is unfamiliar with
Plotinus^ Porphyry, the treatise Oii the Mysteries,
formerly attributed to lamblichus, Sallust, On the
Gods and the World, and the extant treatises and
fragments of lamblichus. Julian composed this
treatise at Pessinus in Phrygia, when he was on his
way to Persia, in 362 b.c.
1 Cf. 206 D. Myths are like toys Avhich help children

through teething.
441
ATTOKPATOPOS
^" ?, ;
'
' - ye ^
2
;
159
< ^,
,
^, '
,,
^
,
<;
epyoif;
' ,
^
6
',
< ayveia^
Se ^
^,
opyia ^'; XeyovTac yap

? g
) .. 'Pea
<;
<;
)
<
-
yap
•^
(^ Cobet adds, 4^
Hertlein suggests,
MSS,
MSS.
Hertlein,
442
;
HYMN TO THE MOTHER

OF THE GOPS
Ought Ito say something on this subject also ?
And shall Iwrite about things not to be spoken of
and divulge Avhat ought not to be divulged ? Shall
I utter the unutterable ? Who is Attis ^ or Gallus,^
Avho is the Mother of the Gods/ and ivhat is the
manner of their ritual of purification ? And further
why was it introduced in the beginning among us
Romans ? It was handed dow by the Phr^^gians in
very^ ancient times, and vas first taken over by
the Greeks, and not by any ordinary Greeks but
by Athenians who had learned by experience that
they did wrong to jeer at one who vas celebrating
the Mysteries of the Mother. For it is said that
they wantonly insulted and drove out Gall us, on the
ground that he was introducing a new cult, because
they did not understand what sort of goddess they
had to do with, and that she Avas that very Deo
whom they Avorship, and Rhea and Demeter too.
Then folloAved thewrath of the goddess and the
^ The Phrj'gian god of vegetation who corresponds to the
Syrian Adonis. His name is said to mean "father," and he
is at once the lover and son of the Mother of the Gods.
His death and resurrection were celebrated in spring.
'^
The generic name for the eunuch priests of Attis.
"*
The Phrygian Cybele, the Asiatic goddess of fertility'
the chief seat of her vorship was Pessinus in Phrygia.
443
^,'THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
"-
, ,-
eV rj'yeô^v
\,
,
,< )\
,
^
.
.'^
^
' ,'
St)
''
,' , - yap
' ^ - ajaXpa. J)
^
rjyov
'. Aiyaiov ^,
Xayo ayo'
cf.
^
,,
Oration
Reiske.
y
,
Hertlein,
vii. 276 c,
Naber, who thinks
MSS,
) ypoa,
-
$
a gh)ss,
iqq
444
;
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS

propitiation of Iier wrath. For the priestess of the
Pythian god who guided the Greeks in all noble
conduct, bade them propitiate the wrath of the
Mother of the Gods. And so, we are told, the
Metroum was built, Avhere the Athenians used to
keep all their state records.^ After the Greeks the
Romans took over the cult, vhen the Pythian god
had advised them in their turn to bring the goddess
from Phrygia as an ally for their war against the
Carthaginians.'^ And perhaps there is no reason
why I should not insert here a brief account of vhat
happened. When they learned the response of the
oracle, the inhabitants of Rome, that city beloved
of the gods, sent an embassy to ask from the kings
of Pergamon ^ who then ruled over Phrygia and
from the Phrygians themselves the most holy statue *
of the goddess. And vhen they had received it
they brought back their most sacred freight, putting
it on a broad carg-o-boat which could sail smoothh'
over those wide seas. Thus she crossed the Aegean

and Ionian Seas, and sailed round Sicily and over
the Etruscan Sea, and so entered the mouth of the
Tiber. And the people and the Senate vith them
poured out of the city, and in front of all the others
there came to meet her all the priests and priestesses
in suitable attire according^ to their ancestral custom.
And in excited suspense they gazed at the ship as
she ran before a fair wind, and about her keel they
could discern the foaming wake as she cleft the
^ i.e. after the middle of the fifth century B.C.; before that
date the records were kept in the Acropolis.

2 In 204 B.C. ; cf. Livy 29. 10 foil.;Silius Italicus 17. 1 foil.
Ovid, Fasti 4. 255 foil, tells the legend and describes the
ritual of the cult. " The Attalids.
^ A black meteoric stone embodied the goddess of Pessinus.
445
,
, ^
6<;
^^,
-^ -
.
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
eSeîovvTO
ajovaiv pv<yLa<;
,
.
'%6
8
,
. -,
. ^ 7< -
,
, ^
[
' '.
^'
^
,
''
6<
? ^
yap Q
86 8
.,
yap
'^
-^ -
8^
,
8 ,
440
^
'^
- 88 ) -
ws Petavius adds,
)] Hertlein suggests, avr)]v
.
MSS.
j)
—

waves. And they greeted the ship as she sailed in
and adored her from afar^ everyone \vhere he haj)-
pened to be standing. But the goddess^ as though
she desired to show the Roman people that they
were not bringing a lifeless image frol Phrygia, but
that Avhat they had received from the Phrygians and
were now bringing home possessed greater and more
divine powers than an image^ stayed the ship directly
she touched the Tiber^ and she Avas suddenly as
though rooted in mid-stream. So they tried to tow
her against the current, but she did not follow.
Then they tried to push her off, thinking they had
grounded on a shoal, but for all their efforts she did
not move. Next every possible device was brought
to bear, but in spite of all she remained immovable.
Thereupon a terrible and unjust suspicion fell on the
maiden who had been consecrated to the most sacred
office of priestess, and they began to accuse Claudia ^
— for that was the name of that noble maiden ^
of not having kept herself stainless and pure for the
goddess wherefore they said that the goddess was
;
angry and was plainly declaring her vrath. For by

this time the thing seemed to all to be supernatural.
Now at first she Avas filled with shame at the mere
name of the thing and the suspicion so very far
;
was she from such shameless and lawless behavioi^r.

But when she saw that the charge against her was
gaining strength, she took off her girdle and fastened
it about the prow of the ship, and, like one divinely
inspired, bade all stand aside and then she besought
:
the goddess not to suffer her to be thus implicated
^ Claudia, turritae raia ministra deae. "Claudia thou

peerless priestess of the goddess with the embattled crown."
— Propertius 4. 11. 52. ^
^ matron in other versions.
'
447
Be
^ ,,,,,\
,
.
.'
AeairoLpa
'^ , ,
€
eiXKvaev
8
?
elirep
ehetêv
<;
êo9
8
161
,
,.^
€ ^
^, '^
' ^ 7\ ,
8
.'^, '^
^
,
, 8
<.
.
8 ^,
-
^
'^
.
•^ ', 8
, 8 ,
} ' ^
^ ,^ .^
448
^
^
kir-qyovTo Hei'tleiu suggests,
Plato, Republic 519 a \ ^
iirrjyoi• rhv MSS.
rh \pvxapiov.
in unjust slanders, Next^ as tlie story goes, she
cried aloud as though it Avere some nautical word of
command^ " Goddess Mother, if I am pure folloAv
me " And lo, she not only made the ship move,
I
but even towed her for some distance up stream.

Two things, I think, the goddess showed the Romans
on that day first that the freight they were bring-
:
ing from Phrygia had no small value, but was

priceless, and tliat this was no >vork of men's hands
but truly divine, not lifeless clay but a thing pos-
sessed of and divine powers.
life This, I say, was
one thing that the goddess showed them. And the
other was that no one of the citizens could be good
or bad and she not know thereof. Moreover the
war of the Romans against the Carthaginians forth-
with took a favourable turn, so that the third war
was waged only for the walls of Carthage itself^
As for this narrative, though some will think it
incredible and wholly unworthy of a philosopher or
a theologian, nevertheless let it here be related.
For besides the fact tliat it is commonly recorded by
most historians, it has been preserved too on bronze
statues in mighty Rome, beloved of the gods.'^ And
yet I am well awâre that some over-wise persons
will call it an old wives' tale, not to be credited.
But for my part I would rather trust the traditions
of cities than those too clever people, vllose puny
souls are keen-sighted enough, but never do they
see aught that is sound.
I am told that on this same subject of which I am
^ In the Third Punic War, which began 149 B.C., Carthage
was sacked by the Romans under Scipio.

2 A relief in the Capitoline Museum shows Claudia in the
act of dragging the ship.
449
VOL. I. G G
} ' ,^,
yap € ^
,
V
oiSd ye,
\oy.
el
Be -
Kttlv
^
'
yovo Bopyo <;

'^^; yevvciiaav elvat,
^;
<;
. '
Te ev
,
]
ev
,
yap
Xyo
-
^-
?
q
^ , BLopyv
Xyo
Bopyo,
€
.
.
,^\. '
. ,
yovo
Xy '
1G2
,.
Xyoev aXXa
el
elyov
-] '
yap
,
450
—

impelled to speak at the very season of these sacred
rites^ Porphyry too has written a })hilosophic treatise.
But since I have never met with it I do not know
whether at any point it may chance to agree with ni}'
discourse. But him whom I call Gallus or Attis
I discern of my own knowledge to be the substance
of generative and creative Mind which engenders
all things down to the lowest plane of matter/ and
comprehends in itself all the concepts and causes
of the forms that are embodied in matter. For
truly the forms of all things are not in all things,
and in the highest and first causes we do not find
the forms of the lowest and last, after which there is
nothing save privation ^ coupled with a dim idea.
Now there are many substances and very many
creative gods^ but the nature of the third creator/
who contains in himself the separate concepts
of the forms that are embodied in matter and
also the connected chain of causes, I mean that
nature which is last in order, and through its super-
abundance of generative power descends even unto
our earth through the upper region from the stars,
this is he whom we seek, even Attis. But perhaps
ought to distinguish more clearly what I mean.
1
We assert that matter exists and also form embodied

in matter. But if no cause be assigned prior to
these two, we should be introducing, unconsciously,
the Epicurean doctrine. For if there be nothing of
higher order than these two principles, then a spon-
taneous motion and chance brought them together.
^ i.e.the world of sense-perception.
Good,"
2
Helios
^
45
Plotinus 1. 8. 4 called matter "the privation of the
;
ayadov.
cf. Oration 4. 140 a. Attis is here identified
with the light of the sun.
45
. G G 2
THE ORATtONS OF JULIAN, V
ay^lvovf; 6 'B.evap-
.
9,
y€\oio<i Se
pay , .
kvkXlkov
(''^'
€,
'
7)yvoi]a€ yovv
yap et?
<;
erri
pay
-
,
Be ?;-
'^^
Be
., XiyovTO^ .',^
- yap
C
',
,
dyav
ye
' ^- -
.^ . ,
,
ay ,
yap ^
-
)
452
" But," says some acute Peripatetic like Xenarchus,
'•we see tha't the cause of these is the fifth or cyclic
substance. Aristotle is absurd when he investigates
and discusses these matters, and Theophrastus like-
wise. At any rate he overlooked the implications of a
well-known utterance of his. For just as when he came
to incorporeal and intelligible substance he stopped
short and did not inquire into its cause, and merely
asserted that this is vhat it is by nature surely in the
;
case of the fifth substance also he ought to have as-

sumed that its nature is to be thus and he ought not
;
to have gone on to search for causes, but should have

stopped at these, and not fallen back on the intelli-
gible, which has no independent existence by itself,
and in any case represents a bare supposition." This
is the sort of thing that Xenarchus says, as I remem-
ber to have heard. Now whether Avhat he says is

correct or not, let us leave to the extreme Peripatetics
to refine upon. But that his vicAv is not agreeable to
me is, I think, clear to everyone. For I hold that the
theories of Aristotle himself are incomplete unless
they are brought into harmony Avith those of Plato ^ ;
or rather we must make these also agree with the

oracles that have been vouchsafed to us by the gods.
But this it is perhaps worth while to inquire, how
the cyclic substance - can contain the incorporeal
causes of the forms that are embodied in matter.
^ Julian here sums up the temlency of the philosophy of

his age. The Peripatetics liad been merged in the Platonists
and Neo-Platonists, and Themistins the Aristotelian
commentator often speaks of the reconciliation, in contem-
porary philosophy, of Plato and Aristotle ; cf. '235 c, 236,
866 c. Julian, following the example of lamblichus, would
force them into agreement ; but the final appeal was to
revealed religion. - i.e. aether, the fifth substance.
453
^; THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, ^
yeveatv
?.
evhe'XjeraL,
-
-
iarl
, - ; fyiyvopêva;
^^
,
Se yevo^; ev
^^
ecSeac el eiev 163
Xoyoi ev
,,
/? ?
elirep
. 8
,
6
,
, yap
,. ^
yivo
,
70* ^^^?
-
. , vpya,
\
),
avayKatov
Xyo , L•y
C
MSS.
^ /? Hertlein suggests, cf. 16 D, -^^
454
For that, apart from these causes, it is not possible
for generation to take place is, I think, clear and
manifest. For why are there so many kinds of
generated things ? Whence arise masculine and
feminine ? Whence the distinguishing character-
istics of things according to their species in well-
defined types, if there are not pre-existing and pre-
established concepts, and causes which existed before-
hand to serve as a pattern ? ^ And if we discern these
causes but dimly, let us still further purify the eyes
of the soul. And the right kind of purification is
to turn our gaze inwards and to observe how the
soul and embodied Mind are a sort of mould - and
likeness of the forms that are embodied in matter.
For in the case of the corporeal, or of things that
though incorporeal come into being and are to be
studied in connection with the corporeal, there is no
single thing whose mental image the mind cannot
grasp independently of the corporeal. But this it
could not have done if it did not possess something
naturally akin to the incorporeal forms. Indeed it is
for this reason that Aristotle himself called the soul
the " place of the forms," ^ only he said that the
forms are there not actually but potentially. Now
a soul of this sort, that is allied Avith matter, must
needs possess these forms potentially only, but a
soul that should be independent and unmixed in
tliis way we must believe would contain all the
^ i.e. the causes of the forms that aie embodied in matter
have a prior existence as Ideas.

2 An echo of Plato, Theaetetn.'i 191 c, 196 a
; Timaeus 50 c.
^ De Anima 3. 4. 429 a ; Aristotle quotes the phrase with
approval and evidently attributes it to Plato the precise
;
expression is not to be found* in Plato, though in Parmenides

J32b he says that the Ideas are " in our souls."
455
-^
'^
evepyeia
Sta
.
). ^ irapaheiypajo^,
V
Be avra
•
ev ^ erepov \6yov,
eh
\
' , ,
^ } -
aTroBeiêi
airohei^LV
'
,'^
yap
he
ovBe
),
yap
, "^. ,
elirep
ye
, ,
7apBya;
-^
8 D
.
/ztyLtr^Ta,
py8 y
, , ,^
\
7apaBLyao
164
. Xyovo
.
6
'^
€
^ , .; '
; , '''^,
ye
vpya
^
vpya
^ 233 D. - Hertleiii suggests, INISS.

•^
Sophist 235 a ; cf . Repnhlic 596 D.
45^^
concepts^ not potentially but actually. Let us make
this clearer by means of the example vhich Plato
himself employed in the Sophist^ Avith reference
certainly to another theory^ but still he did emj)loy
it. And I bring forward the illustration, not to
prove my argument ; for one must not tiy to
grasp it by demonstration, but only by appre-
hension. For it deals with the first causes, or at
least those that rank with the first, if indeed,
as it is right to believe, Ave must regard Attis
also as a god. What then, and of Avhat sort
is this illustration ? Plato says that, if any man
whose profession is imitation desire to imitate in such
a way that the original is exactly reproduced, this
method of imitation is troublesome and difficult,
and, by Zeus, borders on the impossible but pleasant
;
and easy and quite possible is the method Avhich

only seems to imitate real things. For instance,
when we take up a mirror and turn it round we
easily get an impression of all objects, and shoAv the
general outline of every single thing. From this
example let us go back to the analogy I spoke of,
and let the mirror stand for Avhat Aristotle calls the
"place of the forms" potentially.
Now the forms themselves must certainly subsist
actually before they subsist potentialh'. If, there-
fore, the soul in us, as Aristotle himself believed,
contains potentially the forms of existing things,
where shall we place the forms in that previous
state of actuality ? Shall it be in material things ?
No, for the forms that are in them are evidently the
last and lowest. Therefore it only remains to search
457
' , ^
XoiTTOv ivepyela -
, , < 6)
<;
?,
-^^
.^ , ^ ,,
? ?€
€8 avay/calov
€
yap Sopyb<
Sta
^ / ,,.
Se
vpya
?
iv q
'
"^vxh fôX
^ -
,'
;^ , ^]
ycyvov
, ,--
6oXoyLa^,
6oXoyv
X6yo,
^]
vpya,
; y
vpya , Sia-
453
—

for immaterial causes which exist in actuaUty prior
to and of a higher order than the causes that are
embodied in matter. And our souls must subsist
iji dependence on these and come forth together
with them^ and so receive from them the concepts of
the forms^ as mirrors show the reflections of things ;
and then with the aid of nature it bestows them on

matter and on these material bodies of our world.
For we know that nature is the creator of bodies,
universal nature in some sort of the All while that ;
the individual nature of each the creator of par-

is
ticulars is plainly evident. But nature exists in us in

actuality without a mental image, whereas the soul,
which is superior to nature, possesses a mental
image besides. If therefore we admit that nature
contains in herself the cause of things of which she
has however no mental image, why, in heaven's
name, are we not to assign to the soul these same
forms, only in a still higher degree, and with priority
over nature, seeing that it is in the soul that we re-
cognise tlie forms by means of mental images, and
comprehend them by means of the concept ? Who
then is so contentious as to admit on the one hand that
the concepts embodied in matter exist in nature
even though not all and equally in actuality, yet all
potentially— while on the other hand he refuses to
recognise that the same is true of the soul ? If therefore
the forms exist in nature potentially, but not actually,
and if also they exist potentially in the soul,^ only in
a still purer sense and more completely separated,
so that they can be comprehended and recognised ;
^ For the superiority of the soul to nature of. Dc Myderiis

8. 7. 270 ; and for the theory that the soul gives form to
matter, Plotinus 4. 3. 20.
459
iroOev
€8€
,
yiv(t)aK€aeai,
8
ivep'yeia
aetfyeveaia^;
-;•
he
he
'; €8
yap
.
virep
,€
165
'oeLevo
el '7€
ye
evepyeia
eiTLVoiaL^ eKelva
, -^ ,, 8
elvai re voea 7peepa.

eTreihrj
7poyoev
hiopyv,
BeSoTai
7€ elhodv
€,
,
he76'
^
yvôv
7oSceX6ve eevo
,€ ê7Le-
"Attlv,
,
'
Oeov Xttlv eivat
€ 8 6
eyav yavai
€-
eWa
€€' Oecov. 8e
epov
6
"9
OelvaL^ irlXov.
^
alvLeai
avevo
^ ; ', el
yap
e7et
yaXaîav
irepi-
-
Lyv-
C
the
MSS.
^ ^
€ Hertlein suggests,
World 249, rhv
cf. Sallust,
Trepidelvai
On the
: (
Gods (Did
aivimrai -, Hertlein suggests,

MSS.
cf. Sallust 250 rhv ya\aîav
460
—

but yet exist in actuality nowhere at all to Avhat, ;
I ask, shall we hang the chain of perpetual genera-

tion, and on what shall we base our theories of the
imperishability of the universe? For the cyclic,
substance ^ itself is composed of matter and form. It
must therefore follow that, even though in actuality
these two, matter and form, are never separate from
one another, yet for our intelligence the forms must
have prior existence and be regarded as of a higher
order. Accordingly, since for the forms embodied
in matter a wholly immaterial cause has been as-
signed, which leads these forms under the hand of
the third creator ^ for us is the lord and ffither
not only of these forms but also of the visible fifth
—
substance from that creator we distinguish Attis,
the cause which descends even unto matter, and we
believe that Attis or Gallus is a god of generative
powers. Of him the myth relates that, after being
exposed at birth near the eddying stream of the
river Gallus, he grew up like a flover, and Avhen he
had grown to be fair and tall, he was beloved by the
Mother of the Gods. And she entrusted all things
to him, and moreover set on his head the starry cap.^
But if our visible sky <?overs the crown of Attis,
must one not interpret the river Gallus as the Milky
Way ? * For it is there, they say, that the substance
which is subject to change mingles vith the passion-
^ the fifth substance.
i.e.
Helios
2 cf. 161 d.
; The whole passage implies the
identification of Attis with nature, and of the world-soul
with Helios; cf. 162a where Attis is called "Nature,"
" cf. 170 D, 168 c; Sallust, On the Gods and the World
5.
4. 16. 1.
* cf. 171a; Sallust also identifies Gallus with the Milky
Way, 4. 14. 25.
461
^. ' '
ct^pL eTrerpe-
yjr€v 6
< ^, '^,
ifKiaKal^
ce
?
),
ovhe
, ^
hivypov
,\
av^/'yeveaOai
.^
<^ \<^'
Trj
Se
D
,
^
XeyeTai tol 'Hpa/cXeirov
€ ,,^-
,
.^
vypfjac yeveaOar
}
^] aXXrj,
eihoiv
€
)^
\eyo- ]
^
;
^ ^
^
)
,.
irrj'yrjy
, yv , 8opy,
'- Sopyoa
yvva
yap
^
^ cf. Porphyry, On the Gave, of the Nymph 7 ; and IMato,
^
3
^-^
Repuhlic 514 a.
fr. 36, Diels.

Hertlein suggests, ^-^ MSS.
'*
•^
€€
kavrh Shorey suggests, Hertlein, MSS.
Petavius suggests, lacuna Hertlein, MSS.
462
HYMN TO THE MOTHER • THE GODS
less revolving sphere of the fifth substance. Only
as far as this did the Mother of the Gods permit
this fair intellectual god Attis^ who resembles the
sun's rays_, and dance. But when he passed
to leap
beyond and came even to the lowest
this limit
region, the myth said that he had descended into
the cave, and had wedded the n}'mph. And the
nymph is to be interpreted as the dampness of
matter though the myth does not here mean
;
matter itself, but the lowest immaterial cause which

subsists prior to matter. Indeed Heracleitus also
says ^' It is death to souls to become wet."
: We
mean therefore that this Gallus, the intellectual god,
the connecting link between forms embodied in
matter beneath the region of the moon, is united
with the cause that is set over matter, but not in
the sense that one sex is united with another, but
like an element that is gathered to itself.
Who then is the Mother of the Gods ? She is
the source of the intellectual^ and creative gods, who
in their turn guide the visible gods she is both the :
mother and the spouse of mighty Zeus she came ;
into being next to and together with the great

creator she is in control of every form of life, and
;
the cause of all generation she easily brings to

;
perfection all things that are made without pain ;
she brings to birth, and \vith the father's ^ aid creates

all things that are she is the motherless maiden,^
;
enthroned at the side of Zeus, and in very truth is

the Mother of all the Gods. For having received
1 cf. 170 D, 179 D. 2 ^g 2eus.
^ Hence she is the counterpart of Athene, cf. 179 a.
Athene is Forethought among the intellectual gods Cybele ;
is Forethought among the intelligible gods and therefore

superior to Athene cf. 180 a. ;
463
8
iv eavrfj
re^
7?;^
€ }
iyevero.
<;^
('^ "9* yap

yvv
,evvXa €8,
yLveva
ipav 6 Q
hopyL
,
^ , ,\ iv
^
yovL•o,
€7€-
,
e'L•aya he
8, ,,
, -
Be )eyoav
^yv htopyLv
yap
he
6 ya "
yvv
\
Xyoevv•
^
J)
^ .
hiopy,
,
hopyp6v
^,
,
Sopyo , ' , -,
7]
^
^
464
^
^
*
re Hertlein suggests. - ras Hertlein suggests.
Hertlein suggests, 76 MSS.

into herself the causes of all the gods^ both intelli-
gible and supra-mundane, she became the source of
the intellectual gods. Now this goddess, who is also
Forethought, was inspired with a passionless love for
Attis. For not only the forms embodied in matter,
but to a still greater deorree the causes of those
forms, voluntarily serve her and obey her will.
Accordingly the myth relates the following that
:
she who is the Providence who preserves all that is

subject to generation and decay, loved their creative
and generative cause, and commanded that cause to
beget offspring rather in the intelligible region and ;
she desired that it should turn towards herself and

dwell Avith her, but condemned it to dwell Avith no
other thing. For only thus would that creative cause
strive towards the uniformity that preserves it, and at
the same time would avoid that Avhich inclines towards
matter. And she bade that cause look towards her,
who is the source of the creative gods, and not be
dragged down or allured into generation. For in
this way was mighty Attis destined to be an even
mightier creation, seeing that in all things the con-
version to what is higher produces more power to
effect than the inclination to Avhat is lover. And
the fifth substance itself is more creative and more
divine than the elements of our earth, for this
reason, that it is more nearly connected with the
gods. Not that anyone, surely, Mould venture to
assert that any substance, even if it be composed of
the purest aether, is superior to soul undefiled and
pure, that of Heracles for instance, as it was
when the creator sent it to earth. For that soul
465
VOL. I.
\€€.
87), ore ^ ^ ,-
€ iSo/cei 1G7
'^
.
^,
,
7<
< -
^^ ..
"
^
6
8
8
, ^
-^
^'^
^'-
'
HXto?,
.7]
,
,
/%,
8 6
8,
; 8 -
'
'
^ 8< 8^
8
.
C
466
'
;)
,3
TTj
'6 Shorey,
,^ 88
Hertlein, MSR.
'ore
Hertlein suggests,
Hertlein suggests, J\JSS.
Hertlein suggests, - MSS.
MSS.
of his both seemed to be and was more effective than
after had bestowed itself on a body. Since even
it
Heracles^ now that he has returned^ one and indivi-
sible^ to his father one and indivisible^ more easily
controls his own province tlian formerly Avhen he
wore the garment of flesh and walked among men.
And this shoVS that in all things the conversion to
the higher is more effective than the propensity to
the lower. This is what the myth aims to teach us
when it says that the Mother of the Gods exhorted
Attis not to leave her or to love another. But he
went further, and descended even to the lovest
limits of matter. Since, however, it was necessary
that his limitless course should cease and halt at
last, mighty Helios the Corybant/ who shares the
Mother's throne and Avith her creates all things,
with her has providence for all things, and apart
from her does nothing, persuaded the Lion ^ to
reveal the matter. And who is the Lion ? \êrily
we are told that he is flame-coloured.^ He is, there-
fore, the cause that subsists prior to the hot and
fiery, and it was his task to contend against the
nymph and to be jealous of her union with Attis.
(And who the nymph is, I have said.) And the
myth says that the Lion serves the creative Provi-
dence of the vorld, Avhich evidently means the
^ The Corybantes were the Phrygian priests of Cybele,

who at Rome were
called Galli.
^ The Asiatic deities, especiallv C\'bele, are often repre-
sented holding lions, or in cars drawn by them. cf. Catullus

63. 76, juncta juya re-soh-ens Cybele leoidbus, "Cybele
unharnessed her team of lions " ; she sends a lion in pursuit
of Attis, cf 108. Porphvr}', On the Cave of the Xymph
;
$.
3. 2. 287 calls the sign of the lion " the dvelling of Helios."
^ Iliad 10. 23 \4ov70s
467
2
' . ^,
; ^)
'
:> ,
^- ^
^
8
, yap
he
-
Sia
D
^ ,
^^ ,-
aXoyov.
•
. ' '
-
"\.
6
168
yap
yo
, ,
,
Sr)
avya
yap
8
- ,. 8 "
^, yap
he
yevv .. -
yvv
1^\
^^^
8
^ finite verb e.g. is needed to complete the

construction ^ ] Friederich, Hertlein, MSS.
468
Mother of the Gods. Then it says that by detecting
and revealing the truth, he caused the youth's
castration. What is the meaning of this castra-
tion ? It is the checking of the unHmited. For now
was generation confined within definite forms
checked by creative Providence. And this
not have happened Avithout the so-called madness
of Attis^ vhich overstepped and transgressed
due measure, and thereby made him become weak
so that he had no control over himself. And it is not
surprising that this should come to pass, when we
have to do with the cause that ranks loAvest among
the gods. For consider tlie fifth substance, which is
subject to no change of any sort, in the region of the
light of the moon I mean where our world of con-
:
tinuous generation and decay borders on the fifth sub-

stance. We perceive that in the region of her light
it seems to undergo certain alterations and to be
affected by external influences. Therefore it is not
contradictory to suppose that our Attis also is a sort of
—
demigod for that is actually tlie meaning of the
—
myth or rather for the universe he is >vholly god, for
he proceeds from the third creator, and after his castra-
tion is led upwards again to the Mother of the Gods.
But though he seems to lean and incline tovards
matter, one Avould not be mistaken in supposing that,
though he is the lowest in order of the gods, never-
theless he is the leader of all the tribes of divine
beings. But the myth calls him a demigod to
indicate the difference between him and the un-
changing gods. He is attended by the Corybants
who are assigned to him by the Mother they are ;
the tliree leading })ersonalities of the higher races ^

^ cf. Oration 4:. 145 c.
469
,
€6 € , '
o'l
V
€<;
'
,^ ".
ivepyeia^ re
evOevê
' " 6
eKeWev
.',
yijv
'^,
'
iepov BivSpov
^ '' )' -
, ,, . *
6
yap
'? )
, 6 ya
, ' ^
yap
^
'
finite verb
For the anacoluthon
is
' yva
Xoyov
,
needed to complete the construction.
cf. 1(37 d.
169
470
-

that are next in order to the gods. Also Attis rules
over the lions, who together vith the Lion, vho is
their leader, have chosen for themselves hot and
fiery substance, and so are, first and foremost, the
cause of fire. And through the .heat derived from
fire they are the causes of motive force and of pre-
servation for all other things that exist. And Attis
encircles the heavens like a tiara, and thence sets
out as though to descend to earth.
This, then, is our mighty god Attis. This explains
his once lamented flight and concealment and disap-
pearance and descent into the cave. In proof of
this let me cite the time of year at Avhich it happens.
For we are told that the sacred tree ^ is felled on the
dayAvhen the sun reaches the height of the equinox.
Thereupon the trumpets are sounded.•^ And on the
third day the sacred and uns})eakable member of the
god Gallus is severed.'^ Next comes, they say, the
Hilaria ^ and the festival. And that this castration,
so much discussed by the crowd, is really the halting
of his unlimited course, is evident from what happens
directly mighty Helios touches the cycle of the
equinox, where the bounds are most clearly defined.
(For the even is bounded, but the uneven is without
bounds, and there is no Avay through or out of it.)
At that time then, precisely, according to the account
we have, the sacred tree is felled. Thereupon, in
^ A pine sacred to Attis was felled on March 22nd ; cf.
Frazer, Attis, Adonis and Osiris, p. 222.
- cf. 171 c, 175 a. 3 March 23rd.
^ March 24th w&s the date of the castration of the
Galli, the priests of Attis.
^ On March 25th the resurrection of Attis and the freeing
of our souls from generation (yeêais) was celebrated by the

feast of the Hilaria.
471
£
, , , .,
Sta
Be
, ,. ,
,
Sia
'^ ^
^
€
7\€,
irepl
}
Be
,
Tjj
Be
^,''. ^,
yap
, ^^^,^ -. 7\
^
^
Trj yfj
C
.
, " ,
'
yrjv
, '.
,
yvovo
"
yap
2
yeva,^
Hertlein suggests,
]^<; Shorey, cf. 170 a,
'^
yvv
,
MSS.
yvoo
Hertlein, MSS.
, J)
472
their proper order, all the other ceremonies take
place. Some of themare celebrated with the secret
ritual of the Mysteries, but others by a ritual that
can be told to all. For instance, the cutting of the
tree belongs to the story of Gallus and not to the
Mysteries at all, but it has been taken ovei* by them,
I think because the gods vished to teach us, in
symbolic fashion, that we must pluck the fairest
fruits from the earth, namely, virtue and piety, and
offer them to the goddess to be the symbol of our
well-ordered constitution here on earth. For the
tree grows from the soil, but it strives upwards as
though to reach the upper air, and it is fair to be-
hold and gives us shade in the heat, and casts before
us and bestows on us its fruits as a boon such is its
;
superabundance of generative life. Accordingly the

ritual enjoins on us, who by nature belong to the
heavens but have fallen to earth, to reap the harvest
of our constitution here on earth, namely, virtue and
piety, and then strive upvards to the goddess of
our forefathers, to her is the principle of all
life.
Therefore, immediately after the castration, the

trumpet sounds the recall for x\ttis and for all of us
who once flew down from heaven and fell to earth.
And after this signal, when King Attis stays his
limitless course by his castration, the god bids us
also root out the unlimited in ourselves and imitate
the gods our leaders and hasten back to the defined
and uniform, and, if it be possible, to the One itself.
After this, the Hilaria must by all means follow.
For Avhat could be more blessed, what more joyful
than a soul which has escaped from limitlessness
473
,
;,.^", -
\8
Sev
eva
eVt Be
-^ }
, ,
] Xeye'V, ?
^^, ,^
yeyovev, 17C
.
,
6,
ael
-
^
, Be elireiv
,
^
^
,, - i
,
^
pyao
,^
^
,
avyv '^
'
474
FIYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
and generation and inward storm_, and has been
translated up to the very gods ? And Attis himself
was such a one^ and the Mother of the Gods by no
means allowed him to advance unregarded further
than was permitted nay, she made him turn toAvards
:
herself, and commanded him to set a limit to his

limitless course.
But let no one suppose my meaning to be that
thiswas ever done or happened in a way that
implies that the gods themselves are ignorant of
what they intend to do, or that they have to correct
their own errors. But our ancestors in every case
tried to trace the original meanings of things,
Avhether Avith tlie guidance of the gods or inde-
—
pendently though perhaps it would be better to
say that they sought for them under the leadership
of the gods —then vhen they had discovered those
meanings they clothed them in paradoxical myths.
This Avas in order that, by means of tlie paradox and
the incongruity, the fiction might be detected and
we might be induced to search out the truth.
I think ordinary men derive benefit enough from the
irrationalmyth which instructs them through symbols
alone. But those are more highly endoAved
with visdom will find the truth about the (jods
helpful though only on condition tliat such a man
;
examine and discover and comprehend it under the

leadership of the gods, and if by such riddles as
these he is reminded that he must search out their
meaning, and so attains to the goal and sunnnit of
his quest ^ through his own researches; he must not
^ 169 D-170c is a digression on the value of myths, which

the wise man is not to accept an allegorising
interpretation ; cf. Oration 7. 216 c.
475
alSol
,, '^
TTtVret
elval , ;
ivepyeia.
ev
,^
- rfj
' ^^
^ , , aiSiov
' hi Bta
,
j)
8, , ^^
.''
,
,
8
^ ,
ayovov
8
-
,
'^ eV
171
^ Te\€vTaias aWias Hertlein suggests, reAfvraias MSS.

476
be modest and put I'aith in the opinions of others
rather than in his own mental powers.
What shall 1 say now by way of summary ?
Because men observed that, as far as the fifth
substance, not only the intelligible Avorld but also
the visible bodies of our world must be classed as
unaffected by externals and divine, they believed
that, as far' as the fifth substance, the gods are
unconipounded. And when by means of that genera-
tive substance the visible gods came into being,
and, from everlasting, matter was produced along
with those gods, from them and through their
agency, by reason of the superabundance in them
of the generative and creative principle then the;
Providence of the world, she who from everlasting is

of the same essential nature as the gods, she who is
enthroned by the side of King Zeus, and moreover
is the source of the intellectual gods, set in order
and corrected and changed for the better all that

seemed lifeless and barren, the refuse and so to
speak offscourings of things, their dregs and sedi-
ment and this she did by means of the last cause ^
:
derived from the gods, in Avhich the substances of all

the gods come to an end.
For it is evident that Attis of whom I speak, Avho
wears the tiara set with stars, took for the founda-
tion of his own dominion the functions of every god
as we see them applied to the visible world. And
in his case all is undefiled and pure as far as the
Milky Way. But, at this very point, that which
^ In 167 D Attis was identified with the light of the moon
;
of. Oration 4. loO a: where the moon is called the lowest of

the spheres, gives form to the world of matter that lies
below her cf. Sallust, On the Gods and the World 4. 14. 23
; :
where Attis is called the r-reator of our world.
477
iariv
THE ORATIONS OF
i/cetOev,
el<;
*rofc9
,/cat
<\ -
JULIAN, V
;, '
<; yevo-
, ^
yeveaOai. yap iv
€<^ iirl
yaae .
8ia
-
'
civayeiv iirX
"
, ^ ayavaKTei
•
XeyeTai,
yaavy
ayavaKTOvaa Xya.
-
,-
hia
OIL C
hia
^, ,ya"Y{Xio
' €7avy
8 \].
, ^, ', "
vôpyo
yyovv,
opya
.
^,
j)
yvv,
Sia )] 18 iTravayo-
y Xya
-
478
:

is troubled by passion begins to mingle Avitli the
passionless^ and from that union matter begins to
subsist. And so the association of Attis with matter
is the descent into the cave, nor did this take place
against the will of the gods and the Mother of the
Gods, though the myth says that it was against their
will. For by their nature the gods dwell in a higher
world, and the higher powers do not desire to drag
them hence down to our world rather through the
:
condescension of the higher they desire to lead the

things of our earth upwards to a higher plane more
favoured by the gods. And in fact the myth does
not say that the Mother of the Gods was hostile to
Attis after his castration but it says that though
:
she is no longer angry, she was angry at the time on

account of his condescension, in that he Avho was a
higher being and a god had given himself to that
which was inferior. But when, after staying his
limitless progress, he has set in order the chaos of
our world through his sympathy with the cycle of
the equinox, where mighty Helios controls the most
perfect symmetry of his motion within due limits,
then the goddess gladly leads him upwards to herself,
or rather keeps him by her side. And never did
this hajjpen save in the manner that it happens
now but forever is Attis the servant and charioteer
;
of the Mother forever he yearns passionately towards

;
generation and forever he cuts short his unlimited

;
course tlirough the cause whose limits are fixed, even

the cause of the forms. In like manner the myth says
that he is led upwards as though from our earth, and
again resumes his ancient sceptre and dominion
not that he ever lost it, or ever loses it now,
but the myth says that he lost it on account of
479
,,
- ??
,^ .
yap
'
. .
^,
Slo,
ovSe
6€
eKTreaelv
'^,
Xeyo-
8<;
1 '^
. , ^,
iv
Se iv
yap 6
8,yv
^ -
yap
y'
vayyov .
y -
- 8
^
.,, .
}
6 yap
8
pyavo
•
,^^;^
,,
Q
' / ^
2
Hertlein suggests,
Hertlein suggests, Se V,
-
MSS.
vayyv
MSS.
480
—

his union that vhich is subject to passion and
change.
But perhaps it is \vorth \vhile to raise the folloving
question also. There are tAVo equinoxes_, but men
pay more honour to the equinox in the sign of Capri-
corn than to that in the sign of Cancer.^ Surely the
reason for this is evident. Since the sun begins to
approach us immediately after the spring equinox,
for I need not say that then the days begin to
—
lengthen^ this seemed the more agreeable season.
For apart from the explanation vhich says that light
accompanies the gods^ we must believe that the
uplifting rays ^ of the sun are nearly akin to those
yearn to be set free from generation. Consider
it clearly the sun^ by his vivifying and marvellous
:
heat, draws up all things from the earth and calls

them forth and makes them grov and he separates,;
I think, all corporeal things to the utmost degree of

tenuity, and makes things weigh light that naturally
have a tendency to sink. We
ought then to make
these visible things proofs of his unseen powers. For
if among corporeal things he can bring this about
through his material heat, hoAv should he not draV
and lead upAvards the souls of the blessed by the
agency of the invisible, wholly immaterial, divine
and pure substance which resides in his rays } We
have seen then that this light is nearly akin to the
god, and to those who yearn to mount upAvards, and
moreover, that this light increases in our vorld, so
that Avhen Helios begins to enter the sign of Capri-
corn the day becomes longer than the night. It
^ Porphj^ry, On the Cave of the Nymph 22, says that Cancer
aud Capricorn are the two gates of the sun ; and that souls
descend through Cancer and rise aloft through Capricorn.
^ This seems to identify Attis with the sun's rays.
481
VOL. I. I I
TO
\
^ , '
Si/i re
Tjj )'^
ivep'yeia^
rjXioeiSeL•.
, ^ yap
j)
' ^^ ,
^.^
ovhe
et
Be
^ ^,
60? ',
6
."
ye
irepl
yva , €,
eovpyo 3e 17
,
yvpa• SiOTrep
,
yap
^
eXeyov,
Xoyov
vyov
evL
?;^
^ .^
, -
€ X6y
1 Phaedrus 250 d, Timaeus 47 A, RepuhUc 507-508.
4S2
2
^ ^
h)] Shorey,
Wright,
Hertlein,
avTT)
MSS.
MSS., Hertlein.
has also been demonstrated that the god's rays are
by nature uplifting and this is due to his energy,
;
both visible and invisible, by which very many souls

have been lifted up out of the region of the senses,
because they >vere guided by that sense which is
clearest of all and most nearly like the sun. For
when with our eyes we
perceive the sun's light, not
only is it welcome and useful for our lives, but also,
as the divine Plato said when he sang its praises, it
is our guide to wisdom. And if I should also touch
on the secret teaching of the Mysteries in which
the Chaldean,! divinely frenzied, celebrated the God
of the Seven Rays, that god through whom he lifts
up the souls of men, I should be saying Avhat is
unintelligible, yea wholly unintelligible to the
common herd, but familiar to the happy theurgists.^
And so I will for the present be silent on that
subject.
I was saying that we ought not to suppose
that the ancients appointed the season of the
rites irrationally, but rather as far as possible
with plausible and true grounds of reason and ;
indeed a proof of this is that the goddess her-

self chose as her province the cycle of the
equinox. For the most holy and secret Mysteries
of Deo and the Maiden^ are celebrated when the
^ Chaldean astrology and the Chaldean oracles are often

cited Avith respect by the Neo-Platonists for allusions to
;
their worship of the Seven-rayed Mithras (Helios) cf.

Damascius 294 and Proclus on Timaeus 1. 11.
'^
e.g. lamblichus and especially Maximus of Ephesus who
is a typical theurgist-of the fourth century a.d. and was
supposed to work miracles.
^ The Eleusinian Mysteries of Demeter and Persephone the ;
Leaser were celebrated in February, the greater in September.
483
I I 2
^
, .; .THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
^ €6<;
'^
, ^^
yap
^ yovv ^-
,,,) 7]
8
.,^, 8 /?
'
')^\
, ,
^
,
' ^. ,^
, ] 8
Q
^
,
, ,
^ ^-
^
*
J
[.,.,,''
^, )
^,
?)
ayi-
^ lepewy Hertlein suggests, lepoiv MSS.

484
sun is the sign of Libra^ and this is quite
in
natural. For when the gods depart we must con-
secrate ourselves afresh, so that Ave may suffer no
harm from the godless power of darkness that now
begins to get the upper hand. At any rate the
Athenians celebrate the Mysteries of Deo twice in
the year, the Lesser Mysteries as they call them in the
sign of Capricorn, and the Great Mysteries when
the sun is in the sign of Cancer, and this for the
reason that I have just mentioned. And I think
that these Mysteries are called Great and Lesser for
several reasons, but especially, as is natural, they are
called great when the god departs rather than Avhen
he approaches and so the Lesser are celebrated only
;
by way of reminder. ^ I mean that when the saving

and uplifting god approaches, the preliminary rites
of the Mysteries take place. Then a little later
foUoAv the rites of purification, one after another,
and the consecration of the priests. Then Avhen the
god departs to the antipodes, the most important
ceremonies of the Mysteries are performed, for our
protection and salvation. And observe the follow-
ing As in the festival of the Mother the instrument
:
of generation is severed, so too with the Athenians,

those who take part in the secret rites are wholly
chaste and their leader the hierophant forswears
generation ; because he must not have aught to do
Avith the progress to the unlimited, but only with the
substance whose bounds are fixed, so that it abides
for ever and is contained in the One, stainless and
pure. On this subject I have said enough.
It only remains to speak, as is fitting, about
the sacred rite itself, and the purification, so that from
1 Plato., Gorgias 497 c ; Plutarch, Demetrius 900 b.
485
-
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Hertleiii suggests,
Hertlein suggests,
€5
^]] MSS.
MSS.
these also I may borrow whatever contributes to
my argument. For example, everyone thinks that
the following is ridiculous. The sacred ordinance
allows men to eat meat, but it forbids them to eat
grains and fruits. What, say they, are not the latter
lifeless,whereas the former was once possessed of
life ? Are not fruits pure, whereas meat is full of
blood and of much else that offends eye and ear ?
But most important of all is it not the case that,
when one eats fruit nothing is hurt, while the eating
of meat involves the sacrifice and slaughter of
animals who naturally suffer pain and torment ? So
would say many even of the Avisest. But the follow-
ing ordinance is ridiculed by the most impious of
mankind also. They observe that whereas vegetables
that grow upwards can be eaten, roots are forbidden,
turnips, for instance and they point out that figs
;
are allowed, but not pomegranates or apples either.

I have often heard many men saying this in
whispers, and I too in former days have said the same,
but now it seems that I alone of all men am bound
to be deeply grateful to the ruling gods, to all of
them, surely, but above all the rest to the Mother of
the Gods. For all things am I grateful to her, and
for this among the rest, that she did not disregard
me when I Avandered as it were in darkness. ^ For
first she bade me cut off no part indeed of my body,
but by the aid of the intelligible cause ^ that subsists
prior to our souls, all that was superfluous and vain
in the impulses and motions of my own soul. And
that cause gave me, to aid my understanding, certain
beliefs which are perhaps not wholly out of harmony
^ ef. Oration 4. 131 A. " Attis.
47
'^
.,^.
euayoO^
TL , \(
^
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'yap,
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, , 6 eipyei
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€7
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y^
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6
8opy
Xyov
8opyv
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,
yrj.
488
^
^ rj Hertlein suggests,
yap
Xoyv
Hertlein suggests, 7^ MSS.
MSS.
y
Avith the true and sacred knoAvledge of the gods.
But it looks as though, not knowing vhat to say
next, I \vere turning round in a circle. I can, how-
ever, give clear and manifest reasons in every single

case why we are not allowed to eat this food vhich
is forbidden by the sacred ordinance, and presently
I do this. But for the moment it is better to

bring forward certain forms, so to speak, and regula-
tions which we must observe in order to be able to
decide about these matters, though perhaps, OAving to
my haste, my argument may pass some evidence by.
had better remind you in a few vords who
First I
I said Attis
is and vhat his castration means and
; ;
what is symbolised by the ceremonies that occur

between the castration and the Hilaria and Avhat is ;
meant by the rite of purification. Attis then

was declared to be an original cause and a god, the
direct creator of the material Vorld, who descends
to the lowest limitsand is checked by the creative
motion of the sun so soon as that god reaches the
exactly limited circuit of the universe, Avhich is
called the equinox because of its effect in equalising
night and day.^ And I said that the castration
meant the checking of limitlessness, Avhich could
only be brought about through the summons and
resurrection of Attis to the more venerable and com-
manding causes. And I said that the end and aim
of the rite of purification is the ascent of our souls.
For this reason then the ordinance forbids us first
to eat those fruits that grow downwards in the earth.
For the earth is the last and lowest of thino;s. And
Plato also says ^ that evil, exiled from the gods.
1 cf.168D-169A, 171c.
2 Theaeletus 176a; cf. Oration 2. 90 a.
489
,
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evrevOev
\
^ THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
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pe'v
^^
Hertlein, MSiS.
^ The construction of \ is not clear ; Petavius
suspects corruption or omission.
490
HYMN TO THE xMOTHER OF THE GODS
now moves on earth and in the oracles the gods
;
often call the earth refuse, and exhort us to escape

thence. And so^ in the first place, the life-generat-
ing god who is our providence does not allow us to '
use to nourish our bodies fruits that grow under the

earth and thereby enjoins that we turn our eyes
;
towards the heavens, or rather above the heavens.^

One kind of fruit of the earth, hoAvever, some people
do eat_, I mean fruit in pods, because they regard
this as a vegetable rather than a fruit, since it grows
with a sort of upward tendency and is upright, and
not rooted below the soil I mean that it is rooted
;
like the fruit of the ivy that hangs on a tree or of

the vine that hangs on a stem. For this reason then
we are forbidden to eat seeds and certain plants, but
we are allowed to eat fruit and vegetables, only not
those that creep on the ground, but those that are
raised up from the earth and hang high in the air.
It is surely for this reason that the ordinance bids us
also avoid that part of the turnip vhich inclines to
the earth since it belongs to the under Avorld, but
allows us to eat that part which grows upwards and
attains to some height, since by that very fact it is
pure. In fact it allows us to eat any vegetables that
grow upwards, but forbids us roots, and especially
those which are nourished in and influenced by the
earth. Moreover in the case of trees it does not allow
us to destroy and consume apples, for these are sacred
and golden and are the symbols of secret and mystical
rcAvards. Rather are they worthy to be reverenced
and worshipped for the sake of their archetypes.
i.e. to the intelligible world and the One ; cf. 169c.
491
,
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Trepl
€ € \ 6
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492
,
:

And pomegranates are forbidden because they belong
to the under-world ; and the fruit of the date-palm,
perhaps one might say because the date-palm does
not grow in Phrygia where the ordinance vas first
estabHshed. But my own theory is rather that it is
because this tree is sacred to the sun^ and is perennial,
that we are forbidden to use it to nourish our bodies
during the sacred rites. Besides these, the use of
all kinds of fish is forbidden. This is a question of
interest to the Egyptians as well as to ourselves.
Now my opinion is that for two reasons we ought to
abstain from fish, at all times if possible, but above
all during the sacred rites. One reason is that it is
not fitting that we should eat what we do not use in
sacrifices to the gods. And perhaps I need not be
afraid that hereupon some greedy person who is the
slave of his belly will take me up, though as I
remember that very thing happened to me once
before ; and then I heard someone objecting
" What do you mean } Do we not often sacrifice
fish to the gods ? " But I had an ansAver ready for
this question also. "My good sir," I said, " it is
true that we make offerings of fish in certain mystical
sacrifices, just as the Romans sacrifice the horse and
many other animals too, both wild and domesticated,
and as theGreeks and the Romans too sacrifice dogs
to Hecate. And among other nations also many other
animals are offered in the mystic cults and sacrifices
;
of that sort take place publicly in their cities once

or twice a year. But that is not the custom
in the sacrifices Avhicli we honour most highly, in
which alone the gods deign to join us and to share
our table. In those most honoured sacrifices we do
not oiler fish, for the reason that we do not tend
493
,
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yeveaecu^
ayeXat
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177
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Naber,
Naber.
•}> Hertlein, MSS.
494
—

fish, nor look after the breedmg of them, and we do
not keep flocks of fish as Ave do of sheep and cattle.
For since we foster these animals and they multiply
accordingly, it is only right that they should serve for
all our uses and above all for the sacrifices that we
honour most." This then is one reason Avhy I
think we ought not to use fish for food at the time of
the rite of purification. The second reason which is,
I think, even more in keeping with what I have just
said, is that, since fish also, in a manner of speaking,
go down into the loAvest depths, they, even more
than seeds, belong to the under-world. But he who
longs to take flight upwards and to mount aloft
above this atmosphere of ours, even to the highest
peaks of the heavens, would do Avell to abstain from
all such food. He will rather pursue and follow
after things that tend upwards towards the air, and
strive to the utmost height, and, if I may use a
poetic phrase, look upward to the skies. Birds, for
example, we may eat, except only those few which
are commonly held sacred,^ and ordinary four-footed
animals, except the pig. This animal is banned as
food during the sacred rites because by its shape and
way of life, and the very nature of its substance
for its flesh is impure and coarse —it belongs wholly
to the earth. And therefore men came to believe
that it was an acceptable offering to the gods of the
under-world. For this animal does not look up at
the sky, not only because it has no such desire, but
because it is so made that it can never look upwards.
These then are the reasons that have been given
^ Porphyry, On Abstinence 3. 5, gives a list of these sacred
birds e.g. the owl sacred to Athene, the eagle to Zeus, the
;
crane to Demeter.
495
'.
virep
^ -
Sei
)
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Be
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8
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v'y
86 6
'yap
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, \oyov
-
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,, yap
*
yea
yovv,
'
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ye
yap
^pyovo
496
^
'^
Hertlein suggests, !/
Hertlein suggests,
MSS.
MSS.
—

by tlie divine ordinance for abstinence from such
food as we ought to renounce. And we who com-
prehend share our knowledge with those Avho know
the nature of the gods.
And to the question what food
permitted I will
is
only say this. The divine law does not allow all
kinds of food to all men^ but takes into account what
is possible to human nature and allows us to eat
most animals, as I have said. It is not as though we

—
must all of necessity eat all kinds for perhaps that
Avould not be convenient —
but we are to use first
what our physical powers allow secondly, what is
;
at hand abundance thirdly, we are to exercise

in ;
our own wills. But at the season of the sacred

ceremonies we ought to exert those Avills to the
utmost so that we may attain to vhat is beyond our
ordinary physical powers, and thus may be eager
and willing to obey the divine ordinances. For it is
by all means more effective for the salvation of the
soul itself that one should pay greater heed to its
safety than to the safety of the body. And more-
over the body too seems thereby to share insensibly
in that great and marvellous benefit. For when the
soul abandons herself vholly to the gods, and
entrusts her own concents absolutely to the higher
powers, and then follow the sacred rites these —
too being preceded by the divine ordinances then, —
I say, since there is nothing to hinder or prevent
for all things reside in the gods, all things subsist in
relation to them, all things are filled with the gods
straightway the divine light illumines our souls.
And thus endowed Mith divinity they impart a
497
VOL. I. .
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,
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elvai
yap ,''
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8
el Se
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Xoyia,
, Sia ay
yap
"
^pyvo
âyyXova.
"
opyv -
Xyo,
ypv, 8 'poavyvv ,
"^
;, ^ ,\ Xoyo.
179
; *
ayi-
498
.
^
2
)€
. . Hertlein
Oration 6.
suggests,
203 c ;
-^^ MSS.
Demosthenes, De Corona 308, awelpei
certain vigour and energy to the breath ^ implanted
in them by nature and so that breath
; is hardened
as it were and strengthened by the soul, and hence
gives health to the whole body. For I think not
one of the sons of Asclepios Avould deny that all
diseases, or at any rate very many and those the
most serious, are caused by the disturbance and
derangement of the breathing. Some doctors assert
that all diseases, others that the greater number and
the most serious and hardest to cure, are due to this.
Moreover the oracles of the gods bear witness
thereto, 1 mean that by the rite of purification not
the soul alone but the body as wÛ is greatly
benefited and preserved. Indeed the gods Avhen
they exhort those theurgists Avho are especially holy,
announce to them that their " mortal husk of raw
matter"^ shall be preserved from perishing.
And now what is left for me to say ? Especially
since it was granted me to compose this hymn at a
breath, in the short space of one night, \vithout
having read anything on the subject beforehand, or
thought it over. Nay, I had not even planned to
speak thereof until the moment that I asked for
these writing- tablets. May the goddess bear witness
to the truth of my words Nevertheless, as I said
!
before, does there not still remain for me to celebrate

the goddess in her union with Athene and Dionysus ?
For the sacred law established their festivals at the
very time of her sacred rites. And I recognise the
37,
^
for the breath , ^^ ^

kinship of Athene and the Mother of the Gods
Aristotle, On the Generation of Animals 736 b.
cf.
soul and resembles aether.

that envelops the disembodied
the soul as a " warm breath,"

The Stoics sometimes defined
^ The phrase probably occurred in an oracular verse.
499
2
^ THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
''^,^ ,
yuav,
€
Se
€
6
Sia
evoeiSov^
,
,^
-
ev €€-
avyyeveiav
^
Se
"-, . , '
yap 6 C
''^,
^
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;,
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,
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6 8'
Be
,
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;,
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^ eVe/cci Shorey, eVeva Hertlein, MSS.
500
through the similarity of the forethought that inheres
in the substance of both goddesses. And I discern
also the divided creative function of Dionysus, which
great Dionysus received from the single and abiding
principle of life that is in mighty Zeus. For from
Zeus he proceeded, and he bestows that life on all
things visible, controlling and governing the creation
of the whole divisible world. Together Avith these
gods we ought to celebrate Hermes Epaphroditus.^
For so this god is entitled by the initiated who say
that he kindles the torches for wise Attis. And who
has a soul so dense as not to understand that through
Hermes and Aphrodite are invoked all generated
things everywhere, since they everyAvhere and
throughout have a purpose which is peculiarly ap-
propriate to the Logos ? 2 But is not this Logos Attis,
Avho not long ago was out of his senses, but now
through his castration is called vise Yes, he was
.^
out of his senses because he preferred matter and

presides over generation, but he is Avise because
he adorned and transformed this refuse, our earth,
with such beauty as no human art or cunning could
imitate. But how shall I conclude my discourse ?
Surely with this hymn to the Great Goddess.
Mother of gods and men, thou that art the
assessor of Zeus and sharest his throne, source of
the intellectual gods, that pursuest thy course with
the stainless substance of the intelligible gods that ;
dost receive from them all the common cause of

things and dost thyself bestoAv it on the intellectual
^ The epithet means "favoured by Aphrodite."

^ In this rendering of \oyos (which may here mean
"Reason") I follow Mau p. 118, and Asmus, Julians
Galilderschri/t p. 31.
'^-
^
/cat
^-^,
-
irpovoia
«,
,
^,
^
KOLvfi
eh
^
^
^, 8,
88
,
jf]^
^,
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airoirXy]
'i)yov-
,-
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, ', } - h'yaLv,
'] '^ G
Ty . ^ Trpalets Hertlein suggests, \($ MSS.
502
gods ; life-giving goddess that art the counsel and
the providence and the creator of our souls thou
;
that lovest great Dionysus-, and didst save Attis when

exposed at birth_, and didst lead him back Avhen he
had descended into the cave of the nymph thou
;
that givest all good things to the intellectual gods

and fillest with all things this sensible world_, and
with all the rest givest us all things good Do thou
!
grant to all men happiness,, and that highest happi-

ness of all, the kno\vledge of the gods and grant to
;
the Roman people in general that they may cleanse

themselves of the stain of impiety grant them a
;
blessed lot, and help them to guide their Empire for

many thousands of years I And for myself, grant me
as fruit of my worship of thee that I may have true
knowledge in the doctrines about the gods. Make
me perfect in theurgy. And in all that I under-
take, in the affairs of the state and the army, grant
me virtue and good fortune, and that the close of my
life may be painless and glorious, in the good hope
that it is to you, the gods, that I journey !
503
INDEX
INDEX
References to Homer are not given on account of their number.
Achilles, 133, 143, 147, 155, 161, Ari&totle. 279, 287, 353, 354, 359,
181, 199, 255 362, 363, 389, 405, 415, 453, 455,
Acropolis, the, 445 457, 499
Adonis, 439, 440, 443 Armenians, the, 47, 53
Aeetes, 221
Aeneas, 421 Asclepios, 393, 395, 419, 499
Aeschines, 83 Assyria, 223, 337
Aeschylus, 199, 409 Astyages, 83
Agamemnon, 133, 145, 181, 199
253, 263 Athene, 281, 285, 305, 351, 407, 409,
Agesilaus, 39, 113, 279 411, 419, 463, 499
Ajax, 147, 189 Athenians, the. 55, 485
Alcibiades, 33 Athens, 21, 73, 305, 317
Alcinous, 141, 255, 281, 283 Athos, 211
Alexander, 25, 45, 107, 111, 119, Atlantic, the, 149
145, 193, 229, 253, 255, 287 Attalids, the, 445
Alexandria, 429 Attis, 439, 440, 443-503
Aloadae, the, 73 Augustine, Saint, 385
Alps, the, 193, 199 Augustus, 45
Amazon, the, 339 Aiirelian, 425
Ammianus, Marcellinus, 365 Azizos, 413, 423
Antioch, 105
Antiochus, king, 167 Baal, 413
Antony, 45 Babylon, 223, 287, 337
Aphrodite, 351, 411, 419, 421, 501 Brennus, 77
Apollo, 348, 357, 369, 391, 393, 409 Briseis, 199
Aquileia, 99, 191, 193
Arabs, the, 53 Cadmus, 217
Arcadians, the, 207 Caesar, Julius, 223
Arcesilaus, 279 Cal5T)so, 301, 302
Archidamus, 207 Cambyses, 107, 287, 313
Archilochus, 215 Cancer, tropic of, 481, 485
Archimedes, 75 Capaneus, 151, 295
Areopagus, the, 163 Capitoline, the, 77, 421
Argolis, 317 Capricorn, tropic of, 427, 481, 485
Argos, 285, 317 Caria, 169
Arion, 297 Carians, the, 151
Aristophanes, 215, 257 Carrhae, 45
INDEX
Carthage, 83, 105, 449 Empedocles, 373, 379
Carthaginians, the, 35, 39, 41, 75, Epicureans, the, 451
199, 445 Euboea, 341
Carus, Emperor, 45 Euphrates, the, 337
CatuUus, 439, 467 Eupolis, 85
Celts, the, 29, 33, 77, 89, 149 329 Emipides, 81, 227, 257, 261, 331
Chaldaeans, the, 429, 483 Eusebia, Empress, 273-345
Cimon, 341 Eustathius, 409
Ch-ce, 301 Evadne, 295
Claudia, 447
Claudius, Emperor, 17, 137 Fausta, 19, 23
Cleon, 65 Franks, the, 91
Cnossus, 219 Frazer, 439, 471
Colophon, 215
Commodiis, 349
Galatia (Gaul), 35, 67, 329, 345
Constans, 23, 25, 43, 249, 251
Galatians (Gauls), 77, 89
Constantine, 19, 23, 43, 139, 249
Galerius (Maximianus), 45
Constantine II, 23, 43, 249, 251
Galli, the, 439, 467
Constantinople, 15, 21, 105
Gallus, 115, 443, 471, 473
Constantius, 2-127, 305, 309, 311,
Gallus, the river, 451, 461
315, 321, 327, 343, 351
Gallus Caesar, vii, 273
Constantius Chlorus, 17, 139
Germans, the, 149, 199
Corinth, 317
Getae, the, 25
Corybants, 319, 467, 469
Gibbon, 53
Crassus, 45
Graces, the, 401, 407
Crete, 169
Gyges, 41
Cumont, 348, 351, 439
Cyaxares, 113
Cybele, 349, 439, 440, 443-503 Hades, 351, 369
Cyprus, 369, 391 Harrison, 439
Cyrus, 23, 25, 33, 83, 107, 113, Hecate, 493
207, 279, 287 Hector, 147, 179, 181, 189, 193
Cyrus the Younger, 279 Helen, 253
Heliaia, the, 425, 429
Damascius, 483 Helicon, 285
Danube, the, 193, 287 Heliogabalus, 413
Darius, 85, 227, 313 Helios, Hymn to, 353-435, 451, 461,
Darius III, 253 467, 471
Demeter, 483 Heneti (Veneti), 193
Demosthenes, 67, 83, 87, 91, 205 Hera, 373
Deo, 483, 485 Heracleidae, the, 35, 37, 217
Dio Chrysostom, 231 Heracleitus, 463
Diocletian, 19 Heracles, 139, 151, 219, 257, 285.
Dionysus, 333, 351, 369, 393, 395, 465, 467
407, 417, 419, 499, 501, 503 Hermes, 357, Epaphroditus, 501
Dioscorides, 255 Herodotus, 23, 33, 211, 227, 229,
Dioscuri, the, 401 267, 285, 313, 337, 339
Drave, the, 161, 259 Hesiod, 151, 351, 371
Dulichium, 295 Hilaria, the, 471, 473, 489
Hipparchus, 429
Egypt, 313 Homerids, the, 141
Egyptians, the, 317, 429, 493 Horace, 33, 217, 423
Eleusinian Mysteries, 483 Horus, 407
Emesa, 413, 423 Hyperion, 371
508
INDEX
lamblichus, 348, 349, 350, 351, 353, Messene, 75
359, 365, 397, 399, 401, 411, 413, Methymna, 297
433, 441, 453, 483 Metroum, the, 445
Iherians, the, 149 Midas, 227
Illyria, 15, 67, 205, 287 Milan, 273
Illyrians, the, 91, 215 Minos, 219
India, 91, 193 Misopogon, the, 303
Ionia,• 317 Mithras, 348, 349, 353, 361, 401,
Iris, 181 425, 440, 483
Isis, 349 Monimos, 413
Isocrates, 3, 7, 193, 229, 231 Muses, the, 357, 393, 395, 417, 419
Italy, 67 Mygdonius, the, 69, 165, 167
Ithaca, 295 Myrmecides, 299
Myrsa, 93, 125
Juno, 421
Jupiter, 77
Nausicaa, 281, 301
Kronia, the, 431 Naville, 350
Kronos, 429 Nestor, 143, 181, 199
Nicias, 65
Lacedaemonians, the, 33, 35 Nile, the, 69, 317
Laodameia, 295 Nisaean horses, 135
Latin, 209 Nitocris, Queen, 227, 337
Leda, 219 Norici, the, 93
Leonidas, 261 Numa, King, 425, 427
Libanius, 2
Libra. 485 Oceanus, 351. 373, 403, 405
Licinius, 97 Odysseus, 31, 83, 199, 203, 205,
Ligurians, the, 193 255, 303, 371
Livy, 423, 445 Olympia, games at, 209, 223
Lucifer, 413 Olympus, 285
Lyciu-gus, 37 Oricus, 287
Lycus, the, 199 Osiris, 369
Lydia, 211 Ovid, 423, 445
Lydians, the, 41, 287
Lysander, 39, 113 Palatine, the, 421
Pandareos, 155
Macedonia, 211, 285, 287, 289, 295 Pandarus, 141
Macedonians, the, 45, 253 Pannonia (Paeonia), 49, 53, 77. 91.
Macrobius, 363, 369, 401 93,259
Magnentius, 5, 79, 81, 87, 88, 147, Paris, 263
193, 251, 253 Parthia, 35
Marcellinus, 155 Partisans, the, 33, 35, 57, 61, 199
Marcellus, 75 Parysatis, 23
Mases, 317 Patroclus, 193
Maxentius, 21 Peirene, 319
Maximianus, 17, 25 Pelopids, the, 217
Maximus of Epliesus, 483 Pelononnesus, the, 341
Medes, the, 73, 33, 287 Penelope, 281, 295, 301, 303, 305,
Memnon, 221 339, 341
Menander (rhetorician), 2, 348 Pentliesilea, 339
Meoelaus, 263 Pergamon, 445
Menestheus, 14 Pericles, 85, 341, 343
Meriones, 141 ^ Persephone, 440, 483
INDEX
Carthage, 83, 105, 449 Empedocles, 373, 379
Carthaginians, the, 35, 39, 41, 75, Epicureans, the, 451
199, 445 Euboea, 341
Cams, Emperor, 45 Euphrates, the, 337
CatuUus, 439, 467 Eupolis, 85
Celts, the, 29, 33, 77, 89, 149 329 Eiuipides, 81, 227, 257, 261, 331
Chaldaeans, the, 429, 483 Eusebia, Empress, 273-345
Cimon, 341 Eustathius, 409
Circe, 301 Evadne, 295
Claudia, 447
Claudius, Emperor, 17, 137 Eausta, 19, 23
Cleon, 65 Franks, the, 91
Cnossus, 219 Frazer, 439, 471
Colophon, 215
Commodus, 349
Constans, 23, 25, 43, 249, 251 Galatia (Gaul), 35, 67, 329, 345
Constantine, 19, 23, 43, 139, 249 Galatians (Gauls), 77, 89
Constantine II, 23, 43, 249, 251 Galerius (Maximianus), 45
Galli, the, 439, 467
Constantinople, 15, 21, 105
Constantius, 2-127, 305, 309, 311, Gallus, 115, 443, 471, 473
315, 321, 327, 343, 351 Gallus, the river, 451, 461
Constantius Chlorus, 17, 139 Gallus Caesar, vii, 273
Corinth, 317 Germans, the, 149, 199
Corybants, 319, 467, 469 Getae, the, 25
Crassus, 45 Gibbon, 53
Crete, 169 Graces, the, 401, 407
Cumont, 348, 351, 439 Gyges, 41
Cyaxares, 113
Cybele, 349, 439, 440, 443-503 Hades, 351, 369
Cyprus, 369, 391 Harrison, 439
Cyrus, 23, 25, 33, 83, 107, 113, Hecate, 493
207, 279, 287 Hector, 147, 179, 181, 189, 193
Cyrus the Younger, 279 Helen, 253
Heliaia, the, 425, 429
Damascius, 483 Helicon, 285
Danube, the, 193, 287 Heliogabalus, 413
Darius, 85, 227, 313 Helios, Hymn to, 353-435, 451, 461,
Darius III, 253 467, 471
Demeter, 483 Heneti (Veneti), 193
Demosthenes, 67, 83, 87, 91, 205 Hera, 373
Deo, 483, 485 Heracleidae, the, 35, 37, 217
Dio Chrysostora, 231 Heracleitus, 463
Diocletian, 19 Heracles, 139, 151, 219, 257, 285.
Dionysus, 333, 351, 369, 393, 395, 465, 467
407, 417, 419, 499, 501, 503 Hermes, 357, Epaphroditus, 501
Dioscorides, 255 Herodotus, 23, 33, 211, 227. 229.
401
DioscriTi, the, 267, 285, 313, 337, 339
Drave, the, 161, 259 Hesiod, 151, 351, 371
Dulichium, 295 Hilaria, the, 471, 473, 489
Hipparchus, 429
Egypt, 313 Homerids, the, 141
Egyptians, the, 317, 429, 493 Horace, 33, 217, 423
Eleusinian Mysteries, 483 Horus, 407
Emesa, 413, 423 Hyperion, 371
508
INDEX
lamblichus, 348, 349, 350, 351, 353, Messene, 75
359, 365, 397, 399, 401, 411, 413, Methymua, 297
433, 441, 453, 483 Metroum, tlie, 445
Iberians, the, 149 Midas, 227
Illyria, 15, 67, 205, 287 Milan, 273
lUyrians, the, 91, 215 Minos, 219
India, 91, 193 Misopogon, tlie, 303
Ionia,• 317 Mitlu-as, 348, 349, 353, 361, 401,
Iris, 181 425, 440, 483
Isis, 349 Monimos, 413
Isocrates, 3, 7, 193, 229, 231 Muses, the, 357, 393, 395, 417, 419
Italy, 67 Mygdonius, the, 69, 165, 167
Ithaca, 295 Myrmecides, 299
Myrsa, 93, 125
Juno, 421
Jupiter, 77
Nausicaa, 281, 301
Kronia, the, 431 Naville, 350
Kronos, 429 Nestor, 143, 181, 199
Nicias, 65
Lacedaemonians, the, Nile, the, 69, 317
33, 35
Laodameia, 295 Nisaean horses, 135
Latin, 209 Nitocris, Queen, 227, 337
Leda, 219 Norici, the, 93
Leonidas, 261 Numa, King, 425, 427
Libanius, 2
Libra, 485 Oceanus, 351, 373, 403, 405
Licinius, 97 Odysseus, 31, 83, 199, 203, 205,
Ligurians, the, 193 255, 303, 371
Livy, 423, 445 Olympia, games at, 209, 223
Lucifer, 413 Olympus, 285
Lyciugus, 37 Oricus, 287
Lycus, the, 199 Osiris, 369
Lydia, 211 Ovid, 423, 445
Lydians, the, 41, 287
Lysander, 39, 113 Palatine, the, 421
Pandareos, 155
Macedonia, 211, 285, 287, 289, 295 Pandarus, 141
Macedonians, the, 45, 253 Pannonia (Paeonia), 49, 53, 77. 91.
Macrobius, 363, 369, 401 93,259
Magnentius, 5, 79, 81, 87, 88, 147, Paris, 263
193, 251, 253 Parthia, 35
Marcellinus, 155 Parthians, the, 33, 35, 57, 61, 199
Marcellus, 75 Parysatis, 23
Mases, 317 Patroclus, 193
Maxentius, 21 Peirene, 319
Maximianus, 17, 25 Pelopids, the, 217
Maximus of Ephesus, 483 Peloponnesus, the, 341
Medes, the, 73, 33, 287 Penelope, 281, 295, 301, 303, 305,
Memnon, 221 339, 341 .
»
.
Menander (rhetorician), 2, 348 Penthesilea, 339

Menelaus, 263 Pergaraon, 445
Menestheus, 14 Pericles, 85, 341,
343
Meriones, 141 ^ Persephone, 440, 483
INDEX
Persians, the, 45, 47, 69, 91, 253, Rome, 13, 15, 17, 75, 77, 259, 343,
287, 350 357, 413, 421, 425, 449
Phaeaciaiis, the, 301 Romulus, 23, 421, 425
Phaethon, 223
Pheidias, 145, 299 Sallust, 351, 353, 431, 441, 461,
Philip of Macedon, 25, 287 477
Phocian war, the, 87 Samos, 295, 313, 341
Phoenicians, the, 363, 411 Sapor, King, 53, 61, 63, 69, 73, 169
Phrygia, 449, 493 Sappho, 293
Phrygians, the, 443, 447 Sarambos, 229
Pieria, 285 Sarpedon, 147, 159, 173, 179
Pindar, 21, 309, 358, 371 Saturn, 429
Pittacus, 135 Saxons, the, 91
Plataeans, the, 75 Scamander, the, 161
Plato, 29, 36, 135, 183, 185, 187, Scheria, 303
199, 211, 217, 219, 227, 229, 231, Scipio, 449
233, 235, 239, 243, 279, 349, 351, Scj^hians, the, 77, 91
353, 354, 359, 369, 379, 381, Selene, 411, 423
383, 391, 393, 395, 397, 399, Seleucus, 105
405, 411, 417, 440, 448, 453, Semiramis, 337
455, 457, 483, 485 Serapis, 349, 351, 369
Plautus, 229 Showerman, 348
Plotinus, 348, 349, 353, 397, 440, Sicily, 67, 199, 445
441, 451, 459 Sicyon, 317
Plutarch, 193, 279, 341, 348, 350, Silius ItalicuSj 445
405, 423, 440, 485 Silvanus, 125, 259, 261
Po ri'er 199 Silvia,423
Porphyry, 353, 385, 441, 451, 467, Simonides, 9
481, 495 Socrates, 211, 255, 279
Poseidon, 259, 283 Sogdiana, 193
•
Praxiteles, 145 Sophocles, 358
Priam, 193, 253 Sparta, 207, 317
Proclus, 393, 411, 431, 483 Spartans, the, 261
Prodicus, 151 Sparti, the, 217
Propertius, 447 Stobaeus, 229
Ptolemy, Claudius, 429 Stoics, the, 499
Ptolemy Soter, 369 Syloson, 313
Pylos, 65, 75 Syracuse, 75
Pyramids, the, 223 Syria, 69
Pythian oracle, the, 211 Syrians, the, 423
Pytho, 223
Taenarum, 297
Tantalus, 227
Quintilian, 273
Telemachus, 141
Quirinus (Eomulus), 423, 425 Temenus, 285
Terpander, 297
Remus, 423 Tertullian, 348
Renan, 349 Teucer, 141
Rhadamanthus, 219 Thales, 335
Rhine, the, 193, 345 Thea 371
Rhodogyne, 337 Them'istius, 193, 205, 220, 453
Rhodopis, 337 Theophrastus, 453
Romans, the, 261, 419, 443, 449, Thermopylae, 259
, 493, 503 Thessalians, the, 8^, 289
510
i
INDEX
Thessalonica, 289 Vesta 423
Thessaly, 169 Vetranio7 5, 67, 77, 79, 123, 193,
Thrace, 287, 317 205, 207
Tiber, the, 445
Tigris, the, 57, 149, 1G7, 199 Wilamowitz, 351
Tiraniis, 53
Tiridates, 53
Tomyris, Queen, 339 Xenarchus, 453
Troy, 257 Xenophon, 37, 151, 207, 279
Typho, 151 Xerxes, 73, 109, 169, 211
Usener, 425 Zeller, 407

Zeus, 351, 371, 391, 393, 407. 409,
Veneti, the, 191 477, oul
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THE LIBRARY

THE INSTITUTE OF MEDIAEVAL STUDIES

x!eLry....Reverend...H.. Carr^ G..S.B..

Jiine l;j, 1928..

THE WORKS OF THE EMPEROR

LONDON WILLIAM HEINEMANN

NEW YORK : THE MACMILLAN CO.

ORATION II. — THE HEROIC DEEDS OF THE EMPEROR CON-

ORATION V. — HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS . . . 443

eldest brother, and cousins were slain in the massacre

elder brother Gallus spent a precarious childhood

confinement in the remote castle of Macellum in

favourite studies in Greek literature and philosophy,

his Letter to the Athenians, Ammianus Marcellinus, and the

When the excesses of the revolutionary Gallus

marriage, and dispatched him to Gaul to pacify the

the Gallic legions. Julian would have obeyed, but

Julian issued manifestoes justifying his conduct to

and Corinthians, a characteristic anachronism, since

while marching through Cilicia to oppose his advance,

throne and made a triumphal entry into Constan-

and he at once proclaimed the restoration of the

Galilaean! " appears

Julian was the last

of all, a student. Even on his campaigns he took his

to the fashion of his times, in rhetorical studies by

the mannerisms of a fourth century sophist. It was

regularly refers to Sapor as ^'^the barbarian," and

which imitates the classical style, though barbarisms

interwoven with half verses, phrases, and whole

sophists, he wished his readers to recognise these

echoes, and therefore his source is always classical, so

that where he seems to imitate Dio Chrysostom or

and can be found in all the writers of reminiscence

Greek in his day. He himself derides this practice ^

but he cannot resist dragging in the well-worn

defiance of nature by Xerxes, or the refusal of

The Vossianiis (V), Leyden, 13th or 14th cent, (contains

Misopogon and Letters (with Latin version) Martin,

La Vie de VEmpereur Julien, Abbo de la Bleterie,

^ The text of the present edition is Hertlein's, revised.

Latin: Misopogon and Letters, Martin in edition.

1880. English: Select WorL• by Duncombe, London,

Julian's training in rhetoric left its mark on all

defeats explained away. Then comes a description

but flattery is by no means forbidden, nor is it

should need their art, I should have maintained the

to cover your whole career in a brief narrative, while

Wherefore those are bidden to lay firm hold on her

€€>, '< '^^ <; ^;

the crown and consummation of my discourse, I shall

^ Wright, i-yy^vtav MSS, Hertlein.

rest, let each one according to her deserts obtain

^ 44' ' Cobet, ^" Hertlein, MSS.

How simple vas his dress, as may be seen to

your grandparents ^ is comparatively recent, but

^ Constantius Chlorus and Maximianus.

he unlocked its doors and on the instant flooded the

a much o-reater honour than to be counted first and

PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS

must omit for the sake of brevity. But the most

frontiers safe from the enemy's incursions, and often

THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I