PERSISTENCE OF THE LATIN ACCENT IN THE NOMINAL ...

PERSISTENCE OF THE LATIN ACCENT IN THE NOMINAL SYSTEM OF CASTILIAN, 

CATALAN AND PORTUGUESE 

By 

SONIA RAMÍREZ WOHLMUTH 

A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL 

OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT 

OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF 

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 

2008 

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© 2008 Sonia Ramírez Wohlmuth 

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To the memory of my parents, Manuel D. Ramírez and Estelle López Ramírez. 

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 

I would like to thank the University of Florida for funding through the University of 

Florida Alumni Graduate Fellowship initiative which enabled me to become a full time student 

while completing coursework toward the doctorate. My home institution, the University of 

South Florida, where I am a full time instructor, permitted flexible scheduling of my classes and 

reduced employment during the time I was taking classes. As I began the dissertation writing 

phase I received a Personnel Development Leave for spring semester 2008 at the University of 

South Florida which gave me the necessary impetus to write the preliminary chapters and begin 

data analysis. 

Coursework at the University of Florida provided a good foundation for the work on my 

dissertation. I would like to acknowledge perspectives gained through coursework in historical 

French linguistics with Jean Casagrande and George Diller, and in particular coursework taken 

with members of my dissertation committee: Hispanic linguistics with David Pharies; 

phonological theory with Caroline Wiltshire; historical and Indo-European linguistics with Gary 

Miller; and applied linguistics with Joaquim Camps. Interaction with fellow students with whom 

I share common interests provided an opportunity to test ideas and pursue new directions. I am 

grateful for the ongoing dialog with Gary Baker and the path forged by his 2004 dissertation on 

palatal phenomena in Spanish phonology. 

I would like to express my appreciation to my husband, Enrique, for his unwavering 

support, encouragement, and acceptance of my continued distraction as concomitant of my 

pursuit of educational goals. My son, Sebastian, has been a willing participant in conversations 

on various phonological phenomena and made me realize that enthusiasm for my discipline can 

be contagious. 

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TABLE OF CONTENTS 

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...............................................................................................................4 

LIST OF TABLES...........................................................................................................................8 

LIST OF FIGURES .......................................................................................................................14 

ABSTRACT...................................................................................................................................20 

CHAPTER 

1 INTRODUCTION: THE PROSODIC WORD .....................................................................22 

page 

Approaches to Word Level Accent.........................................................................................22 

Metrical Theory and Its Precursors.........................................................................................23 

Early Metrical Theory.............................................................................................................24 

Autosegmental Theory............................................................................................................33 

Metrical Grid ..........................................................................................................................35 

Metrical Theory and Language Typology ..............................................................................37 

Moraic Theory.................................................................................................................39 

Extrametricality ...............................................................................................................42 

Optimality Theory ..................................................................................................................44 

Architecture of the Syllable.............................................................................................46 

Syllable onset ...........................................................................................................47 

Syllable coda ............................................................................................................49 

Syllable peak (nucleus) ............................................................................................51 

Onset and coda clusters ............................................................................................52 

Faithfulness and Repair Strategies ..................................................................................53 

Word Accent....................................................................................................................56 

Prosodic Foot...................................................................................................................57 

Alignment Constraints.....................................................................................................59 

Optimality Theory, Multiple Outputs, and Analogy ..............................................................60 

2 THE NATURE OF THE LATIN ACCENT ..........................................................................68 

Polemic of Pitch versus Stress................................................................................................68 

Evidence of Prosodic Change.................................................................................................68 

Early Latin ..............................................................................................................................73 

Syncope and Accent ........................................................................................................74 

Iambic Shortening and Cretic Shortening .......................................................................81 

Vowel Reduction.............................................................................................................85 

Treatment of Words of Greek Origin ..............................................................................87 

Strategies of Moraic Preservation...........................................................................................90 

Classical Latin Accent: From the Metrical Grid to the OT Tableau .....................................94 

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Learnability of the Latin Accent.............................................................................................98 

The Transition from Classical Latin to Late Latin .................................................................99 

3 FROM QUANTITY SENSITIVE TO STRESS ACCENT..................................................101 

Chronology of Latin .............................................................................................................101 

Stress Accent as Catalyst of Phonological Change ..............................................................103 

Ambisyllabification and Mora Sharing .........................................................................119 

Stop + liquid clusters in Romance.................................................................................123 

Weakening of Consonants in Coda Position .................................................................125 

Stop + liquid clusters in Romance.................................................................................127 

Apocope.........................................................................................................................129 

Hiatus and Onset Glides ................................................................................................130 

Motivation for Vowel Loss ...........................................................................................133 

4 ACCENTUAL PATTERNS IN THE NOMINAL SYSTEM OF LATIN: OUTCOMES 

OF THE FIRST DECLENSION ..........................................................................................139 

OT Constraints and the Latin Accent ...................................................................................139 

The Latin Nominal System...................................................................................................141 

Construction of the Data Set.................................................................................................145 

An Overview of the First Declension ...................................................................................147 

Two-Syllable Nouns .............................................................................................................147 

Three-syllable Nouns............................................................................................................164 

First Declension Trisyllables with Penultimate Accent ................................................165 

First Declensions Trisyllables with Antepenultimate Accent .......................................183 

Four-syllable Nouns..............................................................................................................194 

Four-syllable Nouns with Penultimate Accent..............................................................195 

Four-syllable Nouns with Antepenultimate Accent ......................................................213 

Five-syllable Nouns..............................................................................................................221 

Five-syllable Nouns with Penultimate Accent ..............................................................221 

Five-syllable Nouns with Antepenultimate Accent.......................................................227 

Summary of Prosodic Patterns in Nouns from the First Declension....................................230 

5 VOWEL LOSS AND THE RISE OF ULTIMATE ACCENT IN IBERO-ROMANCE.....233 

Synchronic and Diachronic Vowel Reduction .....................................................................233 

Second/Fourth Declension Nouns ........................................................................................234 

Third Declension Nouns.......................................................................................................235 

Two-syllable Nouns..............................................................................................................237 

Second and Fourth Declension Disyllables with Penultimate Accent ..........................238 

Third Declension Disyllables with Penultimate Accent................................................250 

Three-syllable Nouns............................................................................................................259 

Trisyllables with Penultimate Accent............................................................................259 

Trisyllables with accent on a penultimate HC type syllable ..................................261 

Trisyllables with penultimate accent on HV type syllable.....................................272 

Trisyllables with Antepenultimate Accent ....................................................................280 

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Four-syllable Nouns..............................................................................................................286 

Four-syllable Nouns with Penultimate Accent..............................................................286 

Four-syllable nouns with HC type initial syllable and HV type penultimate 

syllable................................................................................................................292 

Four-syllable nouns with HV or L type initial syllable and HV type 

penultimate syllable............................................................................................295 

Four-syllable Nouns with Antepenultimate Accent ......................................................301 

Five-syllable Nouns..............................................................................................................304 

Five-syllable Nouns with Penultimate Accent ..............................................................304 

Five-syllable Nouns with Antepenultimate Accent.......................................................315 

Summary of Effect of Apocope on Prosodic Outcomes of Nouns from Declensions 

2/4 and 3.....................................................................................................................321 

6 PREFERRED PROSODIC TEMPLATES: CONCLUSIONS............................................323 

Patterns with Penultimate Accent and /-a/ Class Marker .....................................................323 

Patterns with Antepenultimate Accent and /-a/ Class Marker..............................................331 

Patterns with Penultimate Accent and /-o/ Class Marker or No Class Marker ....................338 

Patterns with Antepenultimate Accent and /-o/ Class Marker or No Class Marker.............348 

APPENDIX 

A APPENDIX PROBI..............................................................................................................367 

B APPLICATION OF PERFECT GRID .................................................................................370 

C VERSIFICATION: FROM METER TO RHYTHM ..........................................................374 

D DATABASE OF NOUNS IN CATALAN, CASTILIAN, AND PORTUGUESE WITH 

COMMON LATIN ETYMON.............................................................................................382 

LIST OF REFERENCES.............................................................................................................503 

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .......................................................................................................520 

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LIST OF TABLES 

Table page 

1-1 Parameters for the construction of a metric foot................................................................37 

1-2 Edge Marking Parameter in Latin......................................................................................44 

1-3 Possible syllable types .......................................................................................................46 

1-4 Typology of light and heavy syllables...............................................................................50 

1-5 Sonority scale of phonological segments...........................................................................52 

1-6 Ranking of ONSET and PARSE above FILL .........................................................................54 

1-7 Foot form constraints for Latin..........................................................................................57 

1-8 Alignment constraints in Latin...........................................................................................60 

1-9 Free variation with unordered OT constraints ...................................................................62 

1-10 Foot pattern of hypocoristics in Portuguese, Spanish, and Catalan...................................65 

2-1 Characteristics of stress-timed and syllable-timed languages ...........................................70 

2-2 Syllabic weight of the dactylic hexameter.........................................................................72 

2-3 Early Latin syncope ...........................................................................................................75 

2-4 Pre-classical Latin word initial accent ...............................................................................77 

2-5 Early Classical Latin word accent vs. Classical Latin word accent...................................78 

2-6 Iambic Shortening in Early Classical Latin .......................................................................83 

2-7 Word Accent and cretic shortening....................................................................................85 

2-8 Prosodic configurations in words of two and three syllables ............................................95 

2-9 Parsing of three-syllable end of word ................................................................................97 

3-1 Latin historical periods ....................................................................................................101 

3-2 Syncope of post-tonic short vowels in Latin....................................................................104 

3-3 Cases of syncope in the Appendix Probi .........................................................................106 

3-4 Changes in prosodic form as a result of syncope.............................................................108 

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3-5 Vulgar Latin constraints on accent ..................................................................................109 

3-6 Evaluation of faithful and syncope candidates ................................................................113 

3-7 Post-tonic syncope ...........................................................................................................114 

3-8 Degree of difference in sonority between medial consonants (Geisler)..........................118 

3-9 Resolution of medial consonant clusters produced by syncope.......................................118 

3-10 Frequency of occurrence of Latin medial clusters: stop + liquid.....................................123 

3-11 Ibero-Romance reflexes of Latin stop + liquid clusters...................................................124 

3-12 Diphthongization before stop + liquid clusters in Romance languages...........................128 

3-13 Ibero-romance reflexes of medial consonant + yod sequences ......................................132 

3-14 Vowel loss and faithfulness constraints...........................................................................134 

3-15 Post-tonic vowel loss in Early Western Romance ...........................................................134 

3-16 Latin words of 2 to 5 syllables marked for possible syncope..........................................137 

4-1 Nominal inflection in Latin..............................................................................................141 

4-2 Distribution of H/L syllable type in first syllable of Latin 2-syllable nouns of the first 

declension ........................................................................................................................152 

4-3 Contingency table for H/L in first syllable of Latin first declension disyllables.............152 

4-4 Contingency table for H/L in first syllable of Catalan nouns from Latin first 

declension disyllables ......................................................................................................154 

4-5 Contingency table for H/L in first syllable of Castilian nouns from Latin first 


4-6 Contingency table for H/L in first syllable of Portuguese nouns from Latin first 


4-7 Preservation of HC initial syllables in Catalan, Castilian, and Portuguese nouns from 

Latin first declension disyllables .....................................................................................155 

4-8 Accented syllable in nouns from Latin first declension disyllables with HV initial 

syllable .............................................................................................................................160 

4-9 Outcome of Latin first declension ('L) nouns ...........................................................160 

4-10 Duration of vowels in European Portuguese in stressed CV syllables ............................162 

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4-11 Heavy/Light (H/L) outcomes of accented syllables in Catalan, Castilian, and 

Portuguese based on nature of tonic syllable in Latin first declension disyllables..........163 

4-12 Contingency table for H/L outcomes in tonic syllable from (HC)('HC), 

(HV)('HC), and L('HC) first declension nouns..................................................167 

4-13 Distribution of heavy/light syllables in outcomes of first declension trisyllables with 

penultimate accent of the type (HC)('HC) ................................................................167 

4-14 Tableau for output of first declension trisyllable with penultimate accent on HC type 

syllable .............................................................................................................................171 

4-15 Tableau for output of first declension trisyllable with penultimate accent on HC type 

syllable with PARSE-σ and ALIGNR constraints ...............................................................172 

4-16 Tableau for output of first declension trisyllable with penultimate accent on HV type 


4-17 Distribution of heavy/light syllables in outcomes from first declension trisyllable 

patterns (HV)('HV) and (L)('HV) ......................................................................176 

4-18 Resolution of hiatus in output of Latin first declension trisyllables ................................177 

4-19 Tableau for output of first declension trisyllable with penultimate accent on HV type 


4-20 Tableau for selection of hiatus or rising diphthong in Catalan........................................182 

4-21 Tableau for selection of falling diphthong in Catalan .....................................................183 

4-22 Prosodic templates of first declension trisyllables with antepenultimate accent.............183 

4-23 Outcomes of syncope in first declension trisyllables with antepenultimate accent: 

('HV)L type ...............................................................................................................184 

4-24 Output of first declension ('HV)L.............................................................................185 

4-25 Output of first declension ('L.L) ...............................................................................187 

4-26 Output of first declension ('HV)L and ('L.L).....................................................188 

4-27 Output of first declension ('HC)L .............................................................................190 

4-28 Contingency table for H/L outcome in Catalan, Castilian, and Portuguese for the 

accented syllable from ('HC)L and ('HC) ..........................................................192 

4-29 Tableau to assign accent in Fijian loanwords ..................................................................194 

4-30 Prosodic templates for first declension four-syllable nouns............................................195 

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4-31 Possible heavy/light syllable configurations in four-syllable first declension nouns 

with penultimate accent and HC1 penultimate syllable...................................................196 

4-32 Nature of first three syllables in outcomes of first declension L.L.HC1.L and 

L.HV.HC1.L inputs..........................................................................................................197 

4-33 Proto-Catalan sonority ranking........................................................................................197 

4-34 Phonotactic restrictions for codas in Catalan, Castilian, and Portuguese........................199 

4-35 Tableau for first declension input type L.L.HC1.L .........................................................200 

4-36 Possible heavy/light syllable configurations in 4-syllable first declension nouns with 

penultimate accent and HV1 penultimate syllable...........................................................201 

4-37 Cases of syncope in 4-syllable first declension nouns with penultimate accent..............202 

4-38 Nature of first three syllables in outcomes of first declension HC.HC.HV1.L ...............204 

4-39 Nature of the first three syllables in outcomes of first declension HC.HC.HV1.L and 

HC.L.L1.L........................................................................................................................206 

4-40 Nature of the first three syllables in outcomes of first declension 

HV/L.HV/L.HV/L1.L ......................................................................................................211 

4-41 Nature of the first three syllables in outcomes of all first declension tetrayllables with 

penultimate accent ...........................................................................................................212 

4-42 Syllable count in output of X.HC1.L.L............................................................................214 

4-43 Outcomes of X.HC1.L.L first declension nouns by syllable type ...................................215 

4-44 Tableau for first declension input type HC.HC.L.L ........................................................216 

4-45 Outcomes of X.L1.L.L first declension nouns by type of accented syllable and word 

level syllable count ..........................................................................................................217 

4-46 Outcomes of five-syllable first declension nouns with penultimate accent.....................226 

4-47 Output of first declension pentasyllables with penultimate accent by language and 

syllable count ...................................................................................................................227 

4-48 Outcomes of five-syllable first declension nouns with antepenultimate accent..............228 

5-1 Vowel sonority hierarchy.................................................................................................237 

5-2 Preservation of HC initial syllables in Catalan, Castilian, and Portuguese 

nouns from Latin second and fourth declension disyllables............................................238 

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5-3 Prosodic outcomes of Latin disyllables of the second and fourth declension with 

initial heavy syllable ........................................................................................................239 

5-4 Differences in constraints governing word accent in Latin and Spanish.........................240 

5-5 Constraints on complex codas in Catalan ........................................................................241 

5-6 Constraint against vowel deletion in Early Romance: R-ANCHOR-V..............................242 

5-7 Proto-Catalan sonority ranking........................................................................................243 

5-8 Nature of accent bearing syllables derived from Latin 2nd and 4th 

declension disyllables with L or HV initial syllable........................................................246 

5-9 Accented syllable by type in the output of 3rd declension disyllabic nouns with 

initial HC syllable ............................................................................................................250 

5-10 Comparison of prosodic outcomes of Latin disyllables with HC initial syllable from 

the 3rd and 2nd/4th declensions.......................................................................................251 

5-11 Accented syllable by type in the output of 3rd declension disyllabic nouns with 

initial HV/L syllable ........................................................................................................254 

5-12 Comparison of prosodic outcomes of Latin disyllables with HV and L initial syllable 

from 3rd and 2nd/4th declensions...................................................................................256 

5-13 Constraints governing apocope in Ibero-Romance..........................................................260 

5-14 Output of second/fourth declension (HC)('HC) by number of syllables and 

nature of accented syllable...............................................................................................261 

5-15 Comparison of heavy/light syllables in initial and accent bearing syllables in output 

of second/fourth declension (HC)('HC)....................................................................265 

5-16 Tableau for output of declension 2/4 trisyllable with penultimate accent on HC type 

syllable .............................................................................................................................266 

5-17 Tableau for trisyllables with penultimate accent (declensions 2/4 and 3).......................267 

5-18 Comparison of heavy/light syllables in initial and accent bearing syllables in output 

of third declension (HC)('HC) ..................................................................................268 

5-19 Prosodic outcomes of HC('HV) in declension 2/4 nouns ........................................274 

5-20. Distribution of prosodic templates in output of third declension tetrasyllables with 

penultimate accent. ..........................................................................................................300 

5-21 MAX/IO constraints related to the output of suffix -ione.................................................312 

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5-22 Distribution of heavy/light syllables in pentasyllables with -ione(m) suffix...................313 

6-1 Distribution of initial heavy syllables in disyllables and trisyllables from first 

declension nouns..............................................................................................................327 

6-2 Syllable count in outputs of first declension trisyllables with antepenultimate accent ...331 

6-3 Distribution of three and four-syllable outputs from first declension tetrasyllables 

with antepenultimate accent.............................................................................................333 

6-4 Hierarchy of preferred vowels in non-prominent positions.............................................342 

6-5 Distinctive features in a seven vowel system ..................................................................343 

6-6 OT tableau for final vowel deletion in Catalan................................................................344 

6-7 OT tableau for vowel reduction in seven vowel systems ................................................345 

6-8 Distribution and source of one and two-syllable nouns...................................................352 

6-9 Distribution and source of three-syllable nouns with penultimate accent .......................356 

6-10 Distribution and source of three-syllable nouns with antepenultimate accent ................358 

6-11 Distribution and source of three-syllable nouns with ultimate accent.............................360 

6-12 Distribution and source of four-syllable nouns with penultimate accent ........................361 

6-13 Distribution and origin of four-syllable words with antepenultimate accent. .................363 

B-1 Treatment of Ω on the metrical grid ................................................................................372 

C-1 Duple rhythm in the Iberian ballad tradition....................................................................380 

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LIST OF FIGURES 

Figure page 

1-1 Branching trees with s/w nodes.. .......................................................................................25 

1-2 Illicit configuration of a strong branch. .............................................................................25 

1-3 Bracketing of contiguous elements (Liberman).................................................................26 

1-4 Metrical tree with labeling and assignment of the feature [±stress]. .................................26 

1-5 Insertion of foot boundary. ................................................................................................27 

1-6 Application of LCPR .........................................................................................................28 

1-7 Grid alignment showing stress deletion through application of RPPR..............................29 

1-8 Selkirk’s model of syllable constituents. ...........................................................................31 

1-9 Stress foot configurations for English (Selkirk). ...............................................................31 

1-10 Prosodic hierarchy of the word..........................................................................................32 

1-11 Application of prosodic category labels to differentiate word accent... ............................32 

1-12 Autosegmental representation of a prosodic word.............................................................34 

1-13 Metrical grid.......................................................................................................................36 

1-14 The revised prosodic hierarchy..........................................................................................40 

1-15 Tree structures for heavy and light syllables based on moraic count. ...............................40 

1-16 Selkirk’s superfoot.............................................................................................................41 

1-17 Latin prosodic word.. .........................................................................................................42 

1-18 The intrinsic structure of the syllable (Hooper 1976)........................................................48 

1-19 Universal strength hierarchy for consonants (Hooper 1976).............................................49 

1-20 Nested prosodic constituents..............................................................................................56 

1-21 Overlapping constraints. ....................................................................................................63 

2-1 Typology of accent (van Coetsem)....................................................................................69 

2-2 Alignment of scansion and word accent in Latin dactylic hexameter ...............................71 

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2-3 Iambic shortening...............................................................................................................83 

2-4 Prosodic repair with REMOVE-μ......................................................................................93 

2-5 The prosodic hierarchy ......................................................................................................94 

3-1 Parsing of candidates for syncope in Classical Latin and Vulgar Latin. .........................107 

3-2 Raddoppiamento sintattico as moraic compensation.......................................................121 

3-3 Feature spreading in consonants in contact with /j/.........................................................132 

4-1 Likelihood of apocope by declension class and language. ..............................................145 

4-2 Permissible syllable structures in Latin words of 2-syllables..........................................148 

4-3 Extrasyllabic /s/ in Latin word initial and word final position. .......................................151 

4-4 Outcomes of initial HC syllables from Latin first declension disyllables in Catalan, 

Castilian, and Portuguese.................................................................................................156 

4-5 Coincidence of subsets of L type initial syllable in Catalan, Castilian, and Portuguese 

resulting from HC first syllable in Latin first declension disyllables. .............................158 

4-6 Distribution of heavy/light syllables in tonic syllable of nouns from Latin first 

declension disyllables. .....................................................................................................164 

4-7 Comparison of prosodic patterns in three-syllable Latin nouns. .....................................165 

4-8 Comparison of distribution of heavy/light in S3 and S2 from first declension 

trisyllables with penultimate and antepenultimate heavy syllables. ................................169 

4-9 Percentage of heavy syllables in word initial syllable and tonic syllable from first 

declension ('HC) and (HC)('HC)........................................................................173 

4-10 Percentage distribution of heavy/light syllables in outcomes from first declension 

trisyllable patterns (HV)('HV) and (L)('HV) .....................................................177 

4-11 Comparison of 3 syllable and 2 syllable results of first declension ('HV)L input....186 

4-12 Percentage distribution of outcomes of first declension ('HV)L and ('L.L). .....189 

4-13 Percentage distribution of outcomes of first declension ('HC)L...............................190 

4-14 Percentage distribution of outcomes of first declension ('HC)L...............................191 

4-15 Percentage of heavy/light syllables in word initial syllable resulting from first 

declension ('HC)L, (HC)('HC), and ('HC). .................................................193 

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4-16 Hasse diagram of OT constraints related to primary accent in Fijian loanwords............193 

4-17 Output of first declension HC.HC.HV1.L and HC.L.L1.L by syllable type. ..................205 

4-18 Distribution of syllable types in the output of all first declension tetrasyllables with 


4-19 Heavy/light syllable configurations for first declension tetrasyllables with 

antepenultimate accent.....................................................................................................214 

4-20 Distribution of syllable types in outcomes of first declension pentasyllables with 

penultimate accent. . ........................................................................................................226 

4-21 Distribution of syllable types in outcomes of first declension pentasyllables with 

antepenultimate accent.....................................................................................................230 

5-1 Vowel quadrilateral for 7 vowel systems with [ə] in nonprominent positions................236 

5-2 Nature of stressed syllable in Catalan, Castilian, and Portuguese nouns from Latin 

2nd and 4th declension disyllables with L or HV initial syllable....................................248 

5-3 Prosodic outcomes of all declension 1 and declensions 2/4 disyllables. .........................249 

5-4 Comparison of percent values of prosodic outcomes of 2nd/4th and 3rd declension 

disyllables with HC initial syllable..................................................................................252 

5-5 Comparison of percentage values of prosodic outcomes of declensions 2/4...................257 

5-6 Percentage distribution of prosodic outcomes of all declension 2/4 and declension 3 

disyllables. .......................................................................................................................258 

5-7 Prosodic templates for three-syllable nouns. ...................................................................259 

5-8 Comparison of syllabic count and nature of the syllable with primary accent in 

outcomes of second/fourth declension (HC)('HC)....................................................263 

5-9 Comparison of syllable count and nature of the syllable with primary accent in 

outcomes of third declension (HC)('HC). .................................................................269 

5-10 Outcomes of HV('HC) and L('HC) in declension 2/4 nouns: Syllable count 

and nature of accented syllable........................................................................................270 

5-11 Outcomes of HV('HC) and L('HC) in declension 3 nouns relative to syllable 

count and nature of accented syllable. .............................................................................272 

5-12 Outcomes of HC('HV) in declension 2/4 nouns: Syllable count and nature of 

accented syllable. .............................................................................................................273 

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5-13 Relative frequency of 3-syllable and 2-syllable templates resulting from declension 

2/4 input HC('HV).....................................................................................................275 

5-14 Outcomes of HC('HV) in declension 3 nouns: Syllable count and nature of 

accented syllable. .............................................................................................................276 

5-15 Outcomes of HV('HV) and L('HV) in declension 2/4 nouns: Syllable count 


5-16 Outcomes of HV('HV) and L('HV) in declension 3 nouns: Syllable count 


5-17 Outcomes of 'HC.L.L declension 2/4 nouns: Syllable count and nature of accented 

syllable (n=68). ................................................................................................................281 

5-18 Outcomes of 'HC.L.L declension 3 nouns: Syllable count and nature of accented 

syllable. ............................................................................................................................282 

5-19 Prosodic templates from second and fourth declension 'HV.L.L and 'L.L.L. .................283 

5-20 Prosodic templates from third declension 'HV.L.L and 'L.L.L. ......................................285 

5-21 Prosodic outcomes of second declension tetrasyllables with HC type initial and 

penultimate syllables........................................................................................................287 

5-22 Prosodic outcomes of third declension tetrasyllables with penultimate accent and HC 

type initial and penultimate syllables...............................................................................287 

5-23 Prosodic outcomes of second/fourth declension tetrasyllables of the type 

HV.X.'HC.X and L.X.'HC.X with penultimate accent. ...................................................289 

5-24 Prosodic outcomes of third declension tetrasyllables of the type HV.X.'HC.L and 

L.X.'HC.L (n=13) with penultimate accent. ....................................................................291 

5-25 Prosodic outcomes of second/fourth declension tetrasyllables of the type 

HC.X.'HV.L with penultimate accent..............................................................................293 

5-26 Prosodic outcomes of third declension tetrasyllables of the type HC.X.'HV.L with 


5-27 Prosodic outcomes of declension 2/4 tetrasyllables of the type HV/L.HV/L.'HV.L 

with penultimate accent. ..................................................................................................296 

5-28 Prosodic outcomes of third declension tetrasyllables of the type HV/L.HC.'HV.L 


5-29 Prosodic outcomes of third declension tetrasyllables of the type HV/L.HV/L.'HV.L 


17

5-30 Prosodic outcomes of declension 2/4 tetrasyllables with antepenultimate accent...........302 

5-31 Prosodic outcomes of declension 3 tetrasyllables with antepenultimate accent..............303 

5-32 Outputs of declension 2/4 pentasyllables with penultimate accent. ................................307 

5-33 Portuguese outputs of third declension pentasyllabic nouns with suffixes -tāte(m) and 

-tūdō .................................................................................................................................308 

5-34 Catalan and Castilian outputs of third declension pentasyllabic nouns with suffixes 

-tāte(m) and -tūdō ............................................................................................................309 

5-35 Realignment of syllables, moras, and segments in outputs of suffix -ione(m) in 

Catalan, Castilian, and Portuguese...................................................................................311 

5-36 Outcomes of third declension pentasyllables with suffix -iōne(m). ................................313 

5-37 Outcomes of third declension pentasyllables with suffix -ōre(m)...................................314 

5-38 Outcomes of second declension pentasyllables with antepenultimate accent and 

heavy initial syllable. .......................................................................................................317 

5-39 Outcomes of second declension pentasyllables with antepenultimate accent and LH 

initial syllables. ................................................................................................................319 

5-40 Outcomes of second declension pentasyllables with antepenultimate accent and all 

light syllables. ..................................................................................................................321 

6-1 Prosodic outcomes of all 2-syllable and 3-syllable first declension nouns with 

penultimate accent ...........................................................................................................323 

6-2 Outcomes of all first declension tetrasyllables with penultimate accent. ........................327 

6-3 Outcomes of all first declension pentasyllables with penultimate accent........................329 

6-4 Distribution of heavy and light syllables in tonic and word initial position in nouns 

derived from the first declension. ....................................................................................330 

6-5 Prosodic outcomes of all 3-syllable first declension nouns with antepenultimate 

accent . .............................................................................................................................332 

6-6 Prosodic outcomes of all 4-syllable first declension nouns with antepenultimate 

accent . .............................................................................................................................334 

6-7 Distribution of heavy/light syllables in initial and tonic positions of all nouns with 

antepenultimate accent from the first declension.............................................................337 

6-8 Distribution of heavy/light syllables in initial and tonic positions of all nouns with 

penultimate accent from the first declension. ..................................................................338 

18

6-9 Outcomes of disyllablic nouns with penultimate acent in declensions 2, 3, 4.................339 

6-10 Prosodic templates from declension 2/4 trisyllables with penultimate accent. ...............347 

6-11 Prosodic templates from declension 3 trisyllables with penultimate accent....................348 

6-12 Prosodic templates from declension 2/4 trisyllables with antepenultimate accent..........349 

6-13 Prosodic templates from declension 3 trisyllables with antepenultimate accent.............350 

6-14 Preferred templates for nouns of one and two syllables. .................................................351 

6-15 Preferred templates for nouns of three syllables with penultimate accent.......................355 

6-16 Preferred templates for nouns of three syllables with antepenultimate accent................357 

6-17 Preferred templates for nouns of three syllables with ultimate accent. ...........................359 

6-18 Preferred template for nouns of four syllables with penultimate accent. ........................360 

6-19 Preferred template for nouns of four syllables with antepenultimate accent...................362 

B-1 Skeleton to grid association of a superheavy syllable. ....................................................370 

B-2 Perfect Grid L → R (Cairene Arabic)..............................................................................371 

B-3 QS and stress assignment (Latin).....................................................................................371 

C-1 Metrical analysis of a line of Saturnian verse..................................................................375 

19

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School 

of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the 

Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 

PERSISTENCE OF THE LATIN ACCENT IN THE NOMINAL SYSTEM OF CASTILIAN, 

CATALAN AND PORTUGUESE 

Chair: David A. Pharies 

Cochair: Caroline R. Wiltshire 

Major: Romance Languages 

By 

Sonia Ramírez Wohlmuth 

December 2008 

The Latin Stress Rule is well known and is the object of centuries-long study through 

various theoretical prisms, including, most recently, generative phonology, autosegmental 

phonology, metrical theory, and optimality theory. The basic facts are that primary accent of 

stressable words is never word final; it falls on the penultimate syllable if and only if that 

syllable is heavy. However, the loss of quantitative differences in the vowel system in the 

transition from Latin to Romance necessitates a new basis for assignment of the primary accent 

of a word. In generative phonology terms the Latin Stress Rule is opaque because the required 

environment for application of the rule may or may not be present. 

Optimality theory (OT) provides a mechanism for the study of diachronic phenomena 

that is not based on rules or the existence of a particular environment to trigger change. Rather, 

OT establishes ranked constraints to account for the relationship between input and output forms. 

The input/output forms selected for this study are Latin nouns that have correspondents in the 

three major Romance languages of the Iberian Peninsula, Castilian, Catalan, and Portuguese. 

The tension between faithfulness to the input form and conformity to preferred constraints, often 

universal in scope, is reflected in the set of active constraints and their ranking. The link 

20

etween primary accent and the segment that displays the effect of that accent (through duration, 

quality, and intensity) is rarely broken. However, major differences among the languages of this 

study are evident in the treatment of final unstressed vowels of second and third declension 

nouns. Deletion of the unstressed final vowel in such cases, giving rise to patterns of ultimate 

accent, is an important innovation in Ibero-Romance and corresponds to a constraint that rewards 

right alignment of word edge and head foot. Frequency of occurrence of this new accentual 

pattern follows an East to West gradient with the highest rate of frequency in Catalan and the 

lowest in Portuguese. This study also shows that universal retention of the final unstressed 

vowel of first declension nouns does not correspond to a facile morphological explanation; 

rather, it manifests the desirability of a trochaic foot at right word edge with the familiar pattern 

of duple rhythm. Such a pattern is obtained when the rightmost syllable contains an optimal 

peak, not subject to elision, as is the case of /a/. 

Limitation of this study to Castilian, Catalan, and Portuguese nouns with common etymon 

provides an opportunity to view the effect of language specific constraints on common input 

forms through comparison of resulting outputs. Within this reduced linguistic microcosm it is 

possible to examine the role of positional prominence, optimal syllable architecture, alignment 

with word edges, and rhythmic preferences as constraints that influence outcomes. The 

divergence of Catalan with regard to preference for a monosyllabic head foot in nouns from the 

second and third declensions is expected. However, the areas of coincidence are of greater 

import and correspond to linguistic universals: light syllables are generally preferred; alignment 

of the head foot is at the right word edge; the optimal trochee consists of two light syllables. The 

single heavy syllable that emerges as variant of the head foot may be viewed as a potential 

disyllable with an empty nucleus, a concept reinforced by paragoge in poetry and music. 

21

CHAPTER 1 

INTRODUCTION: THE PROSODIC WORD 

Approaches to Word Level Accent 

Although it is difficult to find a single, universal definition of accent, there is cross- 

linguistic recognition of the prominence of a syllable within the word or lexical unit. The basis 

of that prominence, however, is rarely unidimensional. Rather, various factors including pitch, 

duration, and intensity coalesce to place a syllable in relief (Beckman 1986; Von Coetsem 1996; 

Crosswhite 2001; Kager 1995). Studies of word level accent, cross-linguistic as well as language 

specific, have offered insights into the typology of accent, its assignment at word level, including 

predictability, iterability of metric feet, and restrictions imposed by morphology and phonology 

(Beckman 1986; Von Coetsem 1996; Delgado Martins 1982; Fox 2000; Harris 1992; Hayes 

1995; Liberman and Prince 1977). This study examines the perseverance of the original locus 

of accent in nouns of Latin origin as they are reflected in Castilian, Catalan, and Portuguese and 

the changing nature of that accent from a system of moraic trochees to one which derives its 

binarity from the presence of two-syllables defaulting to one heavy syllable when it is not 

possible otherwise to build a prosodic foot at the right word edge. 

The selection of nouns for this study presents several advantages: they constitute a corpus 

of sufficient size (approximately 3,600 items that were found to have correspondences in all 

three Ibero-Romance languages) and are by and large unencumbered by morphological variants 

in the declension cases that pass into Romance, primarily accusative and occasionally 

nominative, that would alter computation of the primary accent. Analysis of the Latin input 

forms and the three-way output forms in Castilian, Catalan, and Portuguese is effected using core 

principles of metrical theory in the framework of optimality theory (hereafter OT) in order to 

describe the nature of the Latin accent as well as project differences in constraints and priorities 

22

of those constraints in the three major Romance languages of the Iberian peninsula. Treatment 

of word accent prior to the rise of metrical theory is briefly examined followed by discussion of 

metrical and optimality theoretic approaches to word level assignment of accent. Since neither 

classical Latin nor the Romance languages formally depend on tone for prominence of the 

primary accent the terms stress and accent are at times used interchangeably in the literature that 

discusses the prosody of these languages. 

Description of word level prosodic phenomena begins as a footnote or short chapter in the 

works that form the foundation of modern phonological theory. While the earliest attempts to 

describe the processes that determine primary and secondary stress assignment are often 

incomplete and at times misleading they evince the realization that treatment of accent cannot 

follow the precepts of segmental phonology. Assignment of accent is obligatory for prosodic 

words and its placement corresponds to language-specific criteria. These include among others, 

recognition of positions of prominence within the word, avoidance of sequential and equal 

accents, and the role of syllabic structure in attracting or repelling accent. A brief review of the 

literature provides insights into the different approaches that form the historical backdrop for 

optimality theoretic approaches to word prosody. 

Metrical Theory and Its Precursors 

Major advances in phonological theory, including the nature of word level accent, were 

stimulated by the publication of The Sound Pattern of English (henceforth, SPE; Chomsky and 

Halle 1968). The rules governing assignment of word level accent in English, as seen in the SPE 

Main Stress Rule and its corollaries (Chomsky and Halle 1968, 240-245), are extraordinarily 

complex. The context portion of such rules at times conflates derivational and phonological 

processes in order to produce the desired output. Despite their unwieldiness the SPE stress rules 

demonstrate sensitivity to weight, the role of lexical categories, an awareness of differing stress 

23

patterns in words of Latin and Germanic origin, the effect of morpheme boundaries, constraints 

regarding stress clash, and stress subordination. There is also a recognition that stress is unlike 

other distinctive features in that “its domain extends over sequences that are longer than a word” 

(Chomsky and Halle 1968, 68). However, absent in the SPE approach to word accent are 

formulations capable of capturing broad patterns of regularity such as which elements may bear 

stress, the direction of computation of stress, and the required distance between stressed 

elements. The several elements that work in tandem to determine stress are dispersed through 

various rules such as the Main Stress Rule (Chomsky and Halle 1968, 240-245), the Alternating 

Stress Rule (1968, 77-79), and the Stress Adjustment Rule (1968, 84) as well as related rules that 

affect segments such as the Vowel Reduction Rule (1968, 100-126). 

Early Metrical Theory 

The work of Liberman (1979, based on his 1975 dissertation) and Liberman and Prince 

(1977) represented an important departure from SPE in that stress was considered to be a “matter 

of RELATIVE prominence among syllables, rather than as a degree of absolute prominence 

attached to each vowel” (Hayes 1981, 1). Liberman (1979, 207-208) assigned metrical values, s 

(strong) and w (weak), to pairs of syllables in binary branching tree structures. The binary 

feature [±stress] is then assigned to each vowel dominated by s or w. According to Liberman 

(1979, 207-208) the distinction strong/weak is assigned to nodes whereas the feature [±stress] 

applies to segments. In its simplest form, the metric tree, labeled R for the rhythmic unit, results 

in undesirable opacity. Although one would expect [ə] for both weak syllables in Figure 1-1, the 

weak syllable of example A (‘bombast’) retains its full value of [æ] while in B (‘ballast’) it has 

been reduced to [ə] (pronunciations from OED Online s. v. bombast, ballast). Liberman and 

Prince (1977:264-265) note that while many two-syllable words follow the pattern of Figure1-1 

24

B “this perfect correlation cannot be maintained in general, since a [+stress] vowel may well be 

metrically weak, as words like gymnast, raccoon show.” 

R R 

s w s w 

[ˈbɒm. bæst] [ˈbæl. ləst] 

+ + + - 

A B 

Figure 1-1. Branching trees with s/w nodes. A) Weak node with [+] segment. B) Weak node 

with [-] segment. 

The more important metrical consideration can be captured formally through a rule of 

this type (Liberman and Prince 1977, 265): 

(1.1) Stress Rule: If a vowel is s, then it is [+stress]. (Liberman and Prince 1977) 

Since there are abundant counterexamples to the expected ‘if a vowel is w, then it is [-stress],’ 

Liberman and Prince suggest that this rule be considered rather a principle of well-formedness 

for metrical structures whose main purpose is to disallow the output seen in the tree structure in 

Figure 1-2. 

*s 

| 

V 

[-stress] 

Figure 1-2. Illicit configuration of a strong branch. 

In order to process the segments that have now been designated as strong and weak 

Liberman (1979, 209-217) introduces two further concepts to account for the output of metrical 

rules: bracketing and labeling. Bracketing of segments proceeds from the beginning of the word 

from left to right creating a series of binary groups in which the leftmost member is strong. The 

25

configuration of Figure 1-3 is representative of languages where words, unencumbered by 

derivational or morphological constraints, routinely have initial stress. 

s 

s 

s 

s 

x x x x x 

Figure 1-3. Bracketing of contiguous elements (Liberman). 

Bracketing allows the construction of a tree to which labeling correctly assigns s and w 

labels, with the strong element always appearing as the left daughter of a constituent. Finally, 

the segmental feature [±stress], whose primary role is “determining vowel-reduction,” is 

assigned (Liberman 1979:210). This segmental feature is a carryover from the SPE approach to 

analysis of accent. For English, assignment of [-stress] to a vowel indicates that it will most 

likely be realized as [ə]. In the example shown in Figure 1-4, the word ‘testament’ is correctly 

rendered through bracketing, labeling, and assignment of the feature [±stress]. The value [-] here 

generates [ə] for the two unstressed vowels, or [ˈtɛs.tə.mənt]. 

R 

s w 

s w 

tes tə mənt 

+ - - 

Figure 1-4. Metrical tree with labeling and assignment of the feature [±stress]. 

26

The vowel labeled [+stress] in Figure 1-4 is also in a closed or heavy syllable, an environment 

that Halle and Vergnaud assert attracts stress (Selkirk 1980, 575). Bracketing is also subject to 

conditions imposed by foot boundaries. The foot corresponds to a metrical algorithm 

superimposed on disyllabic constituents, one of which must be stressable. For example, in a 

three-syllable word in English there are two allowable configurations of the metrical tree, seen in 

Figure 1-5, A and B. However, C violates the constraint on insertion of a foot boundary because 

it divides a metrical unit (Liberman 1979:211-213). 

| X X | X | | X | X X | *| X | X | X | 

A B C 

Figure 1-5. Insertion of foot boundary. A) Left-branching tree. B) Right-branching tree. C) 

Violation of well-formedness. 

It can be readily seen that words like testament correspond to pattern A, a common pattern 

for English nouns of Latin origin (cf. argument, firmament, instrument). On the other hand, 

pattern B is representative of deverbal nouns from a later English derivational process that 

preserves the original stress of the verb as in agreement. Because argue is also a verb and 

argument follows pattern A it can be readily seen that neither morphological analysis nor stress 

assignment are transparent for many such polymorphemic words in English. Patterns A and B 

reflect broad patterns of regularity but cannot account for deviations from the expected word 

accent which may be the result of factors such as relative chronology, analogy with other lexical 

items, or faithfulness to original stress for borrowed words. 

Liberman (1979, 212) is concerned not only with a description of word accent but also 

with the broader metrical properties of language that extend beyond word level. He recognizes 

27

that “stress rules are of a fundamentally different type from segmental rules, and thus have 

inherently different properties, which include the misleading appearance of cyclical application” 

(1979, 232). Liberman proposes two foot-boundary insertion rules and assumes that the first is 

universal while the second, although specific to English, is probably valid for many other 

languages as well. The first rule (1.2) is precursor to the alignment concept employed in 

optimality theory. The second rule (1.3) indicates that when there are two-syllables, the first of 

which is strong or stressed, a foot boundary must be inserted to the left. The third rule (1.4) 

provides a basis for determination of relative strength among metrical units. 

(1.2) All # boundaries are foot boundaries. (Liberman 1979) 

(1.3) A foot boundary is inserted in the environment __ / [+] [-]. (Liberman 1979) 

(1.4) In any lexical metrical constituent [MN], N is strong if and only if it is complex. 

(Liberman 1979) 

Complex is defined as “dominating non-terminal material” (Liberman 1979, 213). The final 

formulation of the principles seen in the three rules above is the Lexical Category Prominence 

Rule (LCPR). 

(1.5) LCPR: In the configuration [N1 N2], N2 is strong if and only if it branches. 

(Liberman and Prince 1977, 270). 

Application of the LCPR is illustrated in Figure 1-6 where N2 is complex because it dominates 

elements that are lower in the hierarchy. 

Wd 

N1 N2 

s 

w s w 

[ə 'ɡriː mənt] 

Figure 1-6. Application of LCPR 

28

The word agreement in Figure 1-6 Liberman and Prince (1977, 270) corresponds to a 

familiar pattern of deverbal nouns formed with the Latin instrumental suffix -mentum (Miller 

2006, 78-84). However, there are also verbs such as augment, cement, complement, document 

with word final accent. Liberman recognizes that there are many exceptions to accentual 

patterns based on grammatical function as is the case of words formed with –mentum, as well as 

those that reflect French versus Germanic origin (1979, 304). 

Visualization of word level accent assignment as an iterative process (Liberman and Prince 

1977, 298-304) is enhanced by use of the metrical grid. The baseline of the metrical grid is built 

on a one-to-one correspondence to syllables (Liberman and Prince 1977, 315), that is, the grid’s 

terminals reflect the relative strength of the corresponding syllables, numbered from left to right 

beginning with the lowest level. This is formalized as the Relative Prominence Projection Rule 

(Liberman and Prince 1977, 316). 

(1.6) Relative Prominence Projection Rule (RPPR) (Liberman and Prince 1977) 

In any constituent on which the strong-weak relation is defined, the designated 

terminal element of its strong subconstituent is metrically stronger than the 

designated terminal element of its weak subconstituent. 

Utilizing the same example as in Figure 1-6, application of RPPR is illustrated in Figure 1-7. 

6 

*4 *5 

1 2 3 

a.gree.ment 

| | | 

w s s 

s 

R 

A 

4 

1 2 3 

a.gree.ment 

| | | 

w s w 

Figure 1-7. Grid alignment showing stress deletion through application of RPPR. A) Input 

scansion. B) Output scansion. 

29 

R 

s 

B

The initial input, seen in Figure 1-7A contains violations such as clashing (stress bearing 

adjacent syllables or terminal elements) in contrast to the preferred pattern of alternating stress. 

Avoidance of non-alternating stresses licenses repair strategies such as stress retraction or stress 

deletion (Prince 1983, 21). Kiparsky (1979, 424) ascribes these adjustments to the Rhythm Rule 

which formalizes the universal principle of eurhythmicity, the alternation of stressed and 

unstressed syllables in a word or phrase. 

The bidimensional representation in Figure 1-7 captures the linear arrangement of the SPE 

approach in the horizontal display of segments in the word, labeled weak or strong, while the 

vertical dimension, the metrical grid, shows stress assigned to those elements that can bear stress. 

The Liberman/Prince (1979, 1977) approach correctly predicts the locus of primary and 

secondary stresses in words (and phrases) but does not develop a full-fledged metrical theory. 

The Prosodic Hierarchy 

The word level Lexical Category Prominence Rule (LCPR) of Liberman and Prince 

leaves some unresolved questions which are addressed in Selkirk (1980). Beginning with a 

discussion of the English syllable and generation of a tree-like structure of the syllabic template 

for the word flounce, Selkirk (1980, 568-569) also incorporates the use of s/w markers. 

However, in this case the s/w distinction reflects the relative sonority of the components of the 

onset and rhyme (nucleus and coda). At the first level, the s/w distinction designates the onset as 

weak in terms of sonority, or [+cons], while the rhyme is [+son]; all other s/w labels also reflect 

a sonority hierarchy. The syllable can be without onset and without coda but the strongest 

element (s terminal dominated by s terminal), the nucleus, must be present and constitutes the 

stress bearing element. In Figure 1-8 the nucleus is the only [+vocalic] element in the complex 

30

monosyllable. Therefore, it is marked as strong within a higher level strong constituent. The 

structure here offers an interesting approach to the problem of the superheavy syllable. 

σ 

s 

w s w 

w s s w s w 

| | | | | | 

f l a w n s 

Figure 1-8. Selkirk’s model of syllable constituents. 

Role of the Stress Foot 

Selkirk’s (1980, 570) prosodic hierarchy posits a stress foot (Σ) as the next level above 

the syllable, which as seen above, has its own sonority hierarchy. For English there are two 

basic configurations for the stress foot, monosyllabic and disyllabic, as well as a third type, the 

stress superfoot (stray foot adjunction in later metrical theory). The constituents labeled as weak 

in B and C in Figure 1-9 are stressless. 

Σ Σ Σ´ 

σ σs σw Σs σw 

A B C 

Figure 1-9. Stress foot configurations for English (Selkirk). A) Monosyllabic. B) Disyllabic. 

C) Superfoot. 

Selkirk has effectively shown that below the level of the prosodic word there are constituents 

that have their own hierarchical principles of organization. This is a significant enhancement to 

the Lexical Category Prominence Rule of Liberman and Prince which relates only to the 

prosodic word level. The hierarchy proposed by Selkirk (Figure 1-10) culminates at word level 

31

ut builds on the lower level prominence principles that operate at the level of the stress foot and 

the syllable. 

ω (Word) 

| 

Σ (Stress Foot) 

| 

σ (Syllable) 

Figure 1-10. Prosodic hierarchy of the word. 

The three tier system presented here is able to effectively solve the dilemma of the word pair 

considered above, bombast and ballast. The Liberman/Prince analysis is given in Figure 1-11 

alongside Selkirk’s (1980, 565) prosodic hierarchy. The addition of the stress foot layer provides 

an explanation for the phonetic difference between the unstressed final syllables in the two 

words. Since the final syllable in bombast forms a stress foot it receives a secondary accent 

while the strong member of the binary branch carries the primary accent. 

R 

s w 

[ˈbɒm. bæst] 

+ + 

ω 

| 

Σ 

Σs Σw 

| | 

σs σw 

[ˈbɒm. bæst] 

s w 

[ˈbæl. ləst] 

+ - 

[ˈbæl. ləst] 

A A1 B B1 

R 

ω 

| 

Σ 

σs σw 

Figure 1-11. Application of prosodic category labels to differentiate word accent. A, B 

(Liberman/Prince analysis). A1, B1 (Selkirk analysis). 

Selkirk (1980, 574-575) cites the work of Halle and Vergnaud as further support for 

dispensing with the segmental feature [±stress] in favor of a hierarchical metrical system that 

computes word level accent on the basis of universal principles of prosody as well as language 

32

specific rules. In the Halle/Vergnaud analysis a potential stress bearing syllable in English is one 

with a branching rhyme consisting of a tense or long vowel, or a vowel followed by a coda. The 

final syllable of ballast does branch yet it would be labeled weak in the Halle/Vergnaud metrical 

tree (cf. Figure 1-11B). The failure to project on the metrical plane is not easily explained 

without reliance on the stress foot (cf. Figure 1-11, A1). 

Autosegmental Theory 

Autosegmental theory represents a significant departure from the SPE approach to accent 

and early metrical theory accounts. In terms of visual or spatial representation of the prosodic 

word autosegmental theory utilizes a multidimensional representation in opposition to the linear 

sequence of SPE and the bidimensional, hierarchical representation of metrical trees and grids. 

The foundation of the prosodic word Goldsmith (1990, 48-50) construes as the skeletal tier. The 

skeletal tier is a string of units or slots that could be represented as C (consonant), V (vowel), or 

simply as X without specifying the nature of the segment. The phonological features associate to 

the CV elements on the skeletal tier. However, other segments may also associate with the CV 

tier. These constitute autosegments. The autosegmental tier was initially devised as a way of 

representing tone; tone often affects several segments including discontinuous segments. In 

similar fashion, an autosegmental tier can be used to visualize the interaction between 

phonological segments, syllable structure, and assignment of word accent. Following the model 

given by Goldsmith (1990, 195), an autosegmental representation of the Latin word bŏnĭtātem, 

fem. sg. acc. (‘goodness’), is provided in Figure 1-12. Proceeding from the syllable tier the solid 

lines represent the relationship between the phonological segments and the syllable in the 

familiar hierarchy: syllable > onset, rhyme (> nucleus, coda). The syllable requires a vocalic 

segment in order to be well formed. The number of segments associated with the syllable appear 

in the skeletal tier. Thus, the last two-syllables are seen to branch. Goldsmith’s autosegmental 

33

planes or tiers greatly facilitate the treatment of long vowels, diphthongs, geminate consonants, d 

tautosyllabic clusters. The interaction between planes is clear in the three dimensional 

representation. 

The metrical plane in Figure 1-12 marks all of the potential stress bearing elements with x 

on the syllable tier while indicating the metrical feet with parentheses on the foot tier; the final 

syllable, enclosed in angled brackets, is considered to be extrametrical and does not project a 

foot. On this level only the head of each foot is marked with x. The word level tier indicates the 

locus of primary stress. The one other foot on the foot tier, a left-head trochee, may be said to 

carry a secondary stress corresponding to the initial syllable of the word. 

σ σ σ σ 

X X X X X X X X X X 

X X X < X > 

( X ) ( X ) < X > 

( 'X ) 

bŏ nĭ tā tem 

Syllable Plane 

Skeletal Plane 

Metrical Plane 

Syllable 

Foot 

Word 

Figure 1-12. Autosegmental representation of a prosodic word, Latin bŏnĭtātem, f., acc. sg. 

Independence of the syllabic structure from the metrical grid is of critical importance as 

Halle (1998, 543) notes in a retrospective on the accent of English words: “It was originally 

thought that feet are made up of syllables, but subsequent work has shown this to be incorrect ... 

It was therefore proposed in Halle and Vergnaud (1987) that feet are composed not of syllables, 

34

ut of those pieces of a syllable that may bear stress.” Nevertheless, for Latin it is important to 

consider the syllable in its entirety because the accented syllable, if it is penultimate, must also 

be bimoraic. Because autosegmental representations are not linear but multidimensional it is 

possible to see the constituents of a syllable on the skeletal plane. The lines connecting these to 

the syllable have a branching rhyme for the last two-syllables whereas the first two do not. 

Metrical Grid 

The grid notation developed by Liberman (1979), Liberman and Prince (1977), Selkirk 

(1980), Hayes (1981), and others is formalized in Halle and Vergnaud (1987) and Hayes (1995). 

For Hayes (1995, 27) the metrical grid is a representation of a sequence of beats equally spaced 

(horizontal dimension) within prescribed temporal limits. The beats vary in intensity and this is 

shown by the vertical dimension. These general observations on construction of the grid 

establish that the metrical grid is (1) hierarchical in nature; (2) has evenly spaced intervals; and 

(3) observes downward implication, that is, a grid mark on a higher level has a corresponding 

grid mark on all lower levels. The hierarchical nature of the metrical grid can be seen in its 

graphic representation. Using Selkirk’s (1980, 565) hierarchy of word, stress foot, syllable as a 

point of departure, the syllable level corresponds to line 0. Setting aside extrametricality for the 

moment it can be said that every member of line 1 (foot level) has a corresponding member in 

line 0, that is, line 1 is a subset of line 0; the same is true at word level and phrase level. In other 

words, construction of the vertical dimension must respect the principle known as Continuous 

Column Constraint (Hayes 1995, 34): 

(1.7) Continuous Column Constraint (CCC) (Hayes 1995) 

A grid containing a column with a mark on layer n + 1 and no mark on layer n is 

ill-formed. Phonological rules are blocked when they would create such a 

configuration. 

35

Because the principle of eurhythmicity rejects adjacent stresses the result is that the subsets 

decrease as higher level lines are constructed. This can be seen in Figure 1-13, an abstract 

representation of a four-syllable word consisting of a string of CV syllables with penultimate 

stress (foot type is trochaic). In this schematic only the head of the foot is marked with ‘x’ on 

lines 1 and 2. The boxes on the first and third V columns in Figure 1-13 demonstrate CCC in 

determination of primary and secondary stress for a hypothetical four-syllable word. The 

construction of lines 2 and 3 will also depend on language specific criteria, for example, some 

languages require exhaustive parsing of the word whereas others construct only one word-level 

accent, typically at left or right word edge. Construction of the foot row ensures that only parsed 

segments will be ultimately designated as having a primary or other word level accent. 

x 

x x 

x x x x 

C V1 C V2 C V3 C V4 

Figure 1-13. Metrical grid. 

Line 2: Word level 

Line 1: Foot level 

Line 0: Syllable level 

The construction of Row 1 (foot row) entails recognition of the relationship between head 

and constituent. Halle and Vergnaud (1987, 8-28) assert that a relatively small number of 

parameters are able to describe this relationship: [±HT] and [±BND]. The first parameter 

designates whether or not a constituent is head-terminal, that is, whether or not the head is 

aligned with one of the constituent boundaries; the second whether or not the head of the 

constituent is separated from the constituent boundary by more than one element. Additionally, 

[+HT] constituents can be either left headed or right headed. In Table 1-2 the conventions [+LH] 

and [+RH] will be used to indicate location of foot head; --- corresponds to unattested patterns 

36

and a period indicates non-head elements of the constituent. The resulting possibilities, then, are 

the following: 

Table 1-1. Parameters for the construction of a metric foot. 

[-BND] [+BND] 

[+HT] 

[+HT] / [+LH] *…. *. 

[+HT] / [+RH] ….* .* 

[-HT] --- .*. 

Because bounded feet have beginning and end it is now possible to construct bracketed grids. 

Hayes (1995, 55) departs from the Halle/Vergnaud parametric approach on several issues. He 

rejects non binary feet and asserts that the inventory can be limited to [+HT] and [±BND]. This 

excludes ternary feet from any possible foot inventory leaving as possible foot types the four 

shaded cells in Table 1-1. 

Metrical Theory and Language Typology 

Hayes’s inventory of possible foot types and case studies builds on a long tradition. 

Liberman and Prince (1977) foresee that direction of scansion and type of foot provide important 

data for discussions of typology and in the same year Hyman’s (1977) survey of 444 languages, 

summarized in Fox (2000, 170) recognizes the following patterns: 

(a) languages with dominant initial stress 1 114 

(b) languages with dominant second-syllable stress 12 

(c) languages with dominant penultimate stress 77 

(d) languages with dominant final stress 97 

(e) languages with non-dominant stress 144 

In the list above the preference for stress at word edges is well attested and follows a long 

tradition in which stress serves a demarcative function. The third most frequent pattern, 

penultimate stress, on the other hand, is viewed by as a function of preferred intonational pattern, 

1 Dominant stress gives prominence, through devices other than pitch, to a particular syllable while reducing the 

prominence of others (van Coetsem 1996, 43). A frequent byproduct of dominant stress is vowel reduction, present 

in both Catalan and Portuguese. 

37

that is, a contrast of high + low (Fox 2000, 170-171). Furthermore, the penultimate stress pattern 

of Latin may well have morphological grounding. In the case of a noun consisting only of stem 

+ declensional suffixes it can be assumed that accent on the stem might be a more desirable 

outcome than accent on the inflection. The stem contains the ‘new information’ and would, 

therefore, be treated in the same manner as inflectional focus in the phrase. While this may well 

result in a high + low intonation pattern the melody is a byproduct of the word accent rather than 

a determinant. 

Hayes’s typology of accent (1995) is based on the metrical foot. He proposes three basic 

bounded foot types (1995, 71): syllabic trochee, moraic trochee, and iamb. The syllabic trochee 

(Hayes 1995, 63) is one which depends only on syllable count. The moraic trochee (Hayes 1995, 

69) takes into account the weight of the syllable; accordingly, a moraic foot may consist of two- 

syllables of one mora each or a single bimoraic syllable. The addition of the moraic trochee is 

crucial for analysis of the Latin stress system. Kager (1995, 370-373) uses the operative 

parameters that emerge from metric bracketing to describe foot typology and construction: 

(a) Foot typology 

a. Extension: Bounded/unbounded 

b. Dominance: Left headed/right headed 

c. Quantity-sensitivity: Quantity sensitive/quantity insensitive/quantity-determined 

(obligatorily branching) 

(b) Foot construction 

a. Directionality 

i. Right to left/left to right 

ii. Bidirectionality: Noniterative foot assignment beginning at one edge and 

iterative foot assignment beginning at the opposite edge 

b. Iterativity: Iterative/noniterative 

(c) Word tree parameters 

a. Dominance: Left-dominant and right-dominant 

b. Labeling: Strong (branching)/weak (nonbranching) 

(d) Word tree dominance 

a. Left dominant/right dominant 

38

With regard to extension, bounded systems are well known. These are the ones 

corresponding to the three basic foot types: moraic trochee, syllabic trochee, and iamb. 

Unbounded systems, as inventoried by Hayes (1995, 296-297), are those that favor heavy 

syllables at word edges. Arguably, the Indo-European accent could be considered representative 

of the type with a primary accent on the leftmost heavy syllable (otherwise leftmost syllable) 

(Halle, 1997). Absent in the Hayes inventory is any evidence for ternary feet, although he 

recognizes that there is limited evidence for ternary feet in the case of Cayuvava, a linguistic 

isolate spoken in northeaster Bolivia (1995, 309-316). In terms of syllabic structure Cayuvava 

has only light syllables and stress regularly falls on the antepenultimate syllable. In longer words 

there is also an accent on the sixth and ninth syllables from the end of the word. However, 

Hayes (1995, 96-97) notes that even languages with established binary feet often manifest an 

initial dactyl effect. He cites as example a secondary stress pattern discussed also in Harris 

(1983) and Roca (1986) in which an initial dactyl emerges in words of three or more syllables 

with an odd number of syllables, such as gèneratívo (primary accent indicated by acute and 

secondary by grave). In certain registers these words have an initial dactylic foot which 

alternates with the usual alternating syllable pattern of secondary stress which would predict 

genèratívo. There are other cases of the initial dactyl effect in languages as diverse as English, 

Indonesian, Swedish, and Polish (Hayes 1995, 97). It should be noted that the inventory of the 

world’s languages by accentual system is an ongoing effort. An example is Bailey’s (2007) 

Stress System Database which records information on location of stress, directionality of stress, 

boundedness, and language specific conventions for syllable weight. 

Moraic Theory 

The question of quantity sensitivity as an indispensable element in defining foot typology 

appears in both Hayes (1995) and Kager (1995). The parameter of quantity-sensitivity produces 

39

an additional layer in the metrical tree, the mora, below the syllable level, as seen in Figure 1-14. 

Moraic theory assigns weight values to segments within the syllable. Hayes (1989) and others 

assume that syllable-initial consonants are extramoraic; the moraic count begins with the syllable 

nucleus and may also include post-nucleic segments. 

Word (Wd) 

| 

Foot (F) 

| 

Syllable (σ) 

| 

Mora (μ) 

Figure 1-14. The revised prosodic hierarchy 

A heavy syllable contains at least two moras, that is long vowel or vowel plus coda, and a light 

syllable contains no more than one. Tree representations of the syllable appear in Figure 1-15. 

Ewen and van der Hulst (2001, 151) distinguish between rhyme-weight languages (nucleus + 

coda) and nucleus-weight languages (nucleus only). 

σ σ σ σ 

| | 

μ μ μ μ μ μ 

| | | 

C V C V C C V C C VV 

light heavy light* heavy 

(*nucleus-weight languages only) 

A B B´ C 

Figure 1-15. Tree structures for heavy and light syllables based on moraic count. 

The first pattern, A, is universally recognized as light for languages with moraic trochees. 

What constitutes a heavy syllable, however, is not universal. Pattern B depends on a coda 

consonant for the two mora count. For a nucleus-weight language, pattern B′, this same 

configuration, CVC, would be considered a light syllable. Pattern C, where VV represents a 

long vowel, would be a heavy syllable for a nucleus-weight language. Latin displays both 

40

patterns B and C; these correspond to the familiar long by position and long by nature in 

traditional Latin grammars. Some languages also admit superheavy syllables (long vowel + coda 

consonant). The superheavy syllable does have a role in determining placement of accent in 

some varieties of Arabic (see Goldsmith1990, 197-200). In these cases the superheavy foot is 

final which begs the question of extrametricality. In Latin, however, there are instances of non 

final superheavy feet such as claustra, n. pl. ‘gate’ and maestus ‘sad,’ as well as monosyllabic 

aut ‘or’ and haec, f. sg. ‘this.’ Selkirk’s (1980, 570) model of a superfoot, Figure 1-16, implies 

that the primary stress foot node dominates another stress foot containing a stray syllable. 

Σ´ 

Σs σw 

Figure 1-16. Selkirk’s superfoot. 

The stray syllable could be a non-canonical syllable, that is, without nucleus. Certainly 

when comparing haec to the full form haece this is a plausible explanation. Because /k/ can no 

longer function as onset of a final syllable it must attach itself to the preceding syllable. 

However, if the final consonant in a superheavy foot is parsed as belonging to another syllable, 

collocation of the primary accent in Latin becomes problematic (Steriade 1988). For example, if 

multiplex is treated as mul.ti.plek.s the penultimate syllable is now ‘plek’ and, as a heavy 

syllable, would attract word stress. Description of the word level accent in Latin requires the 

mora layer in the prosodic hierarchy in order to distinguish between cases like călămus ‘reed’ 

and cālāmus ‘we convoke.’ Tree configurations for the two are in Figure 1-17. Primary accent 

is indicated by the syllable in bold with a superscript 1. 

41

Wd 

Ft 

σ 1 σ < σ> 

│ │ 

μ μ 

Wd 

Ft Ft 

│ 

σ σ 1 < σ> 

μ μ μ μ 

Figure 1-17. Latin prosodic word. A) Light penult. B) Heavy penult. 

Extrametricality 

Although Liberman and Prince (1977, 281-282, 294-298) include tangential discussions 

of extrametricality and adjunction in recognition of the fact that the metrical approach leaves 

residue that must be accounted for in some way, extrametricality continues to be a topic of study. 

Beasley and Crosswhite (2003) review previous approaches to extrametricality before 

proceeding with their own OT analysis. Hayes (1995, 56-60) utilizes Estonian as an example to 

show that CVC syllables, treated as light in final position but heavy in nonfinal syllables, require 

a formal mechanism for exclusion from normal metric parsing. He further notes that similar 

treatment of CVC as light occurs in English, Arabic dialects, a dialect of Hindi, Spanish, 

Romanian, Ancient Greek, and Menomini. Rather than adjusting metrical rules to the changing 

value of CVC final syllables such syllables could simply be excluded from the parsing operation. 

Halle and Idsardi (1995, 408), building on Idsardi’s previous work, propose the Edge-Marking 

Parameter. 

(1.8) Edge Marking Parameter (Halle and Idsardi 1995) 

left 

 

left 

left 

 

Place a parenthesis to the of the -most element in the 

right 

right 

right 

string. 

42

In order to achieve the binary patterns proposed by Hayes (1995) another parameter is required 

which Halle and Idsardi (1995, 418) call Iterative Constituent Construction. 

Iterative Constituent Construction (Halle and Idsardi 1995) 

(1.9) Iterative Constituent Construction (Halle and Idsardi 1995) 

left 

 

Insert a boundary for each pair of elements. 

right 

As case in point Halle and Idsardi build a grid to show the correct assignment of stress in two 

Latin verb forms: rĕprĭmitur and rĕprĭmuntur. Row 0 begins with the Syllable Boundary 

Project parameter. As it applies to Latin, Buckley (2000) expresses this parameter as follows: 

(1.10) Syllable Boundary Projection (Buckley 2000) 

Project the left boundary of a heavy syllable onto line 0. 

The Edge Marking Parameter (Edge), described above, is set at RLR, that is, place a right 

parenthesis to the left of the rightmost element in the string; Iterative Constituent Construction is 

L, insert a left boundary for each pair of elements. The prosodic foot is left headed. There is 

also an overriding constraint: Avoid x(x#. This constraint disallows forms that do not meet the 

minimum word requirement of two moras but does allow monosyllables with long vowel or 

vowel followed by coda consonant. 

While the cyclical application of the Edge Marking Parameter and Head assignment 

produces accurate results for Latin words – monosyllabic, disyllabic and larger, as well as 

enclitics – Buckley (2000, 271-275) argues that the Avoid x(x# constraint seems to be language 

specific and does not correctly predict stress for Manam, an Oceanic Austronesian language 

(Papua New Guinea) which favors stress on a heavy final syllable. However, locus of stress 

changes with the addition of some classes of suffixes. With the AP suffixes, which show 

possession and beneficiary of an action, stress moves to a heavy penult; otherwise, the 

antepenultimate syllable. The Avoid x(x# parameter precludes final word stress and is thus 

43

unable to capture the accentual pattern of forms both with and without suffixes. What is needed 

is something resembling more closely the concept of extrametricality. Idsardi and Halle 

(Buckley 2000, 274) propose a modification of the Avoid parameter and suggest that the notation 

)x can be used to treat anything following the ) as extrametrical. 

Table 1-2. Edge Marking Parameter in Latin 

Line 0 Syllable Boundary x x x x 

Projection: L rĕprĭmitur 

Edge: RLR x x x)x 

rĕprĭmitur 

Iterative Constituent x (x x)x 

Construction: L rĕprĭmitur 

Head: L 

x 

x (x x)x 

rĕprĭmitur 

Line 1 Edge: RRR 

x) 

x (x x)x 

rĕprĭmitur 

Head: R 

x 

x) 

x (x x)x 

rĕprĭmitur 

x x(x x 

rĕprĭmuntur 

x x(x) x 

rĕprĭmuntur 

(x x(x) x 

rĕprĭmuntur 

x x 

(x x(x) x 

rĕprĭmuntur 

x x) 

(x x(x) x 

rĕprĭmuntur 

x 

x x) 

(x x(x) x 

rĕprĭmuntur 

Avoid x(x# 

applied 

Second application 

of Edge Marking 

Parameter 

Second assignment 

of head 

Line 1 in Table 1-2 illustrates that )x produces the desired effect for Latin, rendering the 

final syllable -tur extrametrical in both cases. However, conventional use of extrametricality has 

been likened to simply using a diacritic to achieve what formal rules and parameters are unable 

to do. The Avoid parameter does not offer significant improvements. On the other hand, OT 

presents some workable alternatives to extrametricality and other issues raised by metrical theory 

through the mechanism of gradient constraints. 

Optimality Theory 

Prince and Smolensky (2004, 3) distinguish Optimality Theory (OT) from its predecessors 

as they formalize its operative principles, constraints “that assess output configurations per se 

and those responsible for maintaining the faithful preservation of underlying structures in the 

44

output.” The assessment of output structures is driven by well- formedness constraints derived 

from Universal Grammar. Further suppositions of Prince and Smolensky (1993, 2) include that 

constraints are often conflictive in appearance (for example, use of opposite alignment 

constraints W/L and W/R in Jacobs 2003a, 275-276), that actual output will violate one or more 

constraints, and that constraints are hierarchical with each constraint having priority over those at 

a lower level. Sherrard (1997) reviews some of the constraints that determine well formedness 

and reiterates that it is important to remember that the evaluation of outputs in OT does not 

require satisfaction of constraints but allows constraints to be disregarded “unless doing so 

would involve violating a more important constraint” (Sherrard 1997, 44). It can be assumed 

that some constraints are, in fact, inviolable. 

In brief, the mechanism for describing input and output relationships is the OT table or 

tableau. Construction of the tableau begins with an input form whose possible outputs (in rows) 

will be evaluated by a series of prioritized constraints that appear as heading of the columns. 

The configuration of the tableau represents the two core principles of OT: GEN and EVAL. The 

input form generates an unlimited number of possible candidate forms which are evaluated 

relative to constraints of well formedness and faithfulness. According to McCarthy and Prince 

(2001, 5) 

Shifting the explanatory burden from input-driven rewrite rules to output constraints 

changes the way the input-output pairing system must be set up, particularly in phonology. 

Instead of taking an underlying form — an input — and transforming it deterministically 

step-by-step to its associated output, it is necessary to allow for the generation of a large 

set of candidate outputs. The candidate set of formal possibilities is submitted to evaluation 

by the system of well-formedness constraints, which selects the true output from among 

the candidates. 

Dominance of one constraint over another is indicated by the relative order of the columns 

and the use of broken or solid lines (These relationships can also be indicated in linear fashion in 

the form A>>B>>C). A violation by candidate A of a constraint to the left of candidate B’s 

45

violations automatically disqualifies candidate A and is signaled by ! in the corresponding cell of 

the tableau. A dotted vertical line divides constraints that do not have a hierarchical relationship. 

Lower level constraints that are violated but do not figure in computation are designated by 

shaded cells in the tableau. The optimal candidate, the one with no disqualifying (!) violations, 

is signaled by . In the following sections two major aspects of OT are examined, the 

architecture of the syllable and metrical constraints. These have a direct relationship to the 

evolving accentual patterns of Latin and the Ibero-Romance languages. 

Architecture of the Syllable 

At the level of the syllable one can envision constraints that arise from the assumption 

that CV represents summum bonum. Possible syllable types are summarized in Table 1-3 (based 

on Prince and Smolensky 2004, 105). The shaded cells represent optional configurations with 

regard to onset (1B, 2B) and codas (2A, 2B) whereas the unshaded cell represents the ideal 

syllable, CV, which requires an onset and forbids a coda. The ranking of the constraints, relative 

to other constraints such as FAITH, faithfulness to input, is unpredictable and language specific. 

Table 1-3. Possible syllable types 

Required 

Onsets 

Not required 

Forbidden 1 Σ CV Σ (C)V 

Codas 

Allowed 2 

CV(C) 

Σ 

(C)V(C) 

Σ 

A B 

The distinctiveness of each language rests on these factorial typologies, that is, the relative 

ranking of constraints in order to produce the optimal candidate. With regard to the universal 

preference for CV syllable structure, Archangeli (1999, 534-535) suggests that there are four 

universal constraints that define the canonical syllable. The fact that violations of these 

constraints are widely attested but differ from language to language illustrates the efficacy of OT 

46

constraints in recognizing universal preferences while admitting more or less marked forms in 

language specific contexts. 

Syllable onset 

(1.11) ONSET: A syllable must have an onset. (Archangeli 1999) 

(1.12) NOCODA: A syllable must not have a coda. (Archangeli 1999) 

(1.13) PEAK: The nucleus is the most sonorous part of the syllable. (Archangeli 1999) 

(1.14) COMPLEX: Syllable margins (onsets, codas) contain at most one consonant. 

(Archangeli 1999) 

The CV syllable type, according to Prince and Smolensky (2004, 111) is universally 

optimal. Onsetless syllables for some languages invite repair strategies. Thus, the well 

formedness constraints trigger violations of the other set of constraints, those which promote 

faithfulness to input. Diachronically it can be seen that the transition from Latin (h)erba ‘grass’ 

to Spanish (h)ierba with alternate orthography yerba and fortition of initial glide to [ɟ], [ʒ], [ʤ], 

or [ʃ] represents an attempt to correct the violation of ONSET. Even the initial glide [j] would 

provide an acceptable onset because the high vocoid is less sonorous than the following vowel 

[e]. The idea of a rising/falling sonority contour with regard to the syllable is not new. In a 

discussion of the Sonority Sequencing Principle Morelli (2003, 358-359) acknowledges that the 

concept of relative sonority within the syllable has long been a topic of study for more than a 

century. In its simplest form Morelli defines the SSP constraint as follows: 

(1.15) SONORITY SEQUENCING PRINCIPLE (SSP): In a syllable, sonority increases toward 

the peak and decreases toward the margins. (Morelli 2003) 

Hooper (1976, 199) also establishes the symmetry of the syllable with possible onsets and 

codas as mirror images as seen in the schematic seen in Figure 1-18. A crucial difference in 

syllable onset and coda is indicated by the strong/weak labels. For Hooper (1976, 197-207) the 

47

consonant in onset position is strong as established by the universality of the CV syllable. In the 

case of Spanish, Hooper (1976, 209) notes that there are no conditions on the strength value of 

the initial consonant while there are marked preferences with regard to coda consonants favoring 

resonants and disfavoring obstruents. 

NUCLEUS 

MARGIN MARGIN 

obstruents nasals liquids glides vowels glides liquids nasals obstruents 

Least vowel-like Most vowel-like Less vowel-like 

STRONG WEAK WEAK 

Figure 1-18. The intrinsic structure of the syllable (Hooper 1976). 

Further evidence for the sonority hierarchy, discussed in Kiparsky (2008) as an example of a 

constraint based universal sequencing preference, comes from studies of language disorders 

where it is observed that the constraints governing sequencing “must be represented in some 

multi-level, distributed fashion in the nervous system since they are impervious to even severe 

forms of brain damage” (Buckingham and Christman 2008, 131). 

Hooper (1976, 206) also posits a universal strength hierarchy for consonants reproduced in 

Figure 1-19 (cf. Parker 2002, 210, who establishes a sonority hierarchy for Spanish; also Blevins 

2004a, 159-172; Gordon 2007, 754-756; Kiparsky 2008, 49-52). She further speculates that 

weak consonants, those with lower numerical score, are more likely to occur in the weak position 

of the syllable while the converse is true for the strong (initial) position of the syllable. These 

concepts are validated by diachronic studies, particularly in Romance linguistics (Cross 1934, 

Geisler 1992, Granda Gutiérrez 1966, Jacobs 1994, Mayerthaler 1982, Väänänen 1967, 

Wireback 1996). The weakening and/or loss of syllable final and word final consonants in the 

transition from Latin to Romance is richly documented. 

48

glides liquids nasals voiced voiceless continuant voiceless 

continuant voiced stop 

stop 

1 2 3 4 5 6 

Figure 1-19. Universal strength hierarchy for consonants (Hooper 1976). 

Another example of the resistance to onsetless syllables is seen in German. In this case 

less prominent positions in the word do not require an onset but word initial position does. 

According to Féry (2003, 217-220) a glottal stop is inserted only when the left edge of the 

syllable coincides with the left edge of a foot or prosodic word. In other words, in cases like 

Beamte ‘civil servant’ both [bə.'ʔam.tə] and [bə.'am.tə] are possible realizations but in the case of 

Idee ‘idea’ only [ʔi.'deː] is possible. The aspiration of voiceless stops in English in word initial 

position and the flapping of /ɹ/ discussed in Selkirk (1980) also seem to indicate that syllable 

position does impact the distribution of consonants in onset and coda. In brief, the subset of 

segments that can occur as onset is not equal to the subset of segments that can occur as coda. 

Furthermore, intervening factors such as accent and positional prominence may affect outcomes. 

Syllable coda 

The existence of separate constraints that concern syllable onset, peak or nucleus, and 

coda presupposes that the syllable consists of separate constituents. The current model of the 

syllable is that of a binary, branching entity consisting of onset + rhyme. This is the view 

espoused by Blevins (1995, 212) who asserts in a discussion of sonority sequencing that coda 

clusters, if allowed, are not merely a mirror image of occurring onset clusters. While Hooper 

(1976, 209) asserts that for Spanish there are no constraints on the strength value of initial 

consonants the same cannot be said of coda consonants. Modern Spanish has few occurrences in 

syllable final position of consonants that rate 6 on the strength scale with the exception of some 

marginal words: borrowings (frac ‘dress coat, tails’), onomatopoeia (tictac ‘tick tock’), and 

49

learned words such as aptitud ‘aptitude.’ It should be remembered that the presence of a 

grapheme in standard orthography does not guarantee the realization of a segment phonetically. 

Both aptitud and actitud can be rendered as [a.ti.'tu]. Consonants at the 5 level are also 

problematic, for example, the only voiced stop that occurs in word final position with regularity 

is /d/, subject to weakening and elision in many varieties of Spanish. Voiceless continuants are 

represented by /s/ which has a morphological function yet is also subject to aspiration or elision; 

/f/ occurs only in marginal words (/θ/, limited to central and northern Spain, does not show signs 

of weakening or elision,). Additionally, there are many languages that disallow coda consonants 

altogether (see Blevins 2004b on loss of final consonants in Austronesian). 

Blevins (1995, 214-215) proposes a three way typology for syllable weight based on 

branching rhyme (nucleus + coda) or branching nucleus (long vowel). Within each type the 

weight of the nucleus and coda represent a gradient: light (nonbranching), heavy or heaviest. 

Which elements are computed in the weight respond to language-specific computation of weight 

(nucleus only or rhyme). Unattested forms are indicated by --- and X represents either V or C. 

Because type 1 languages do not admit coda consonants the heaviest syllable type consists of a 

long vowel. The difference between heavy and heaviest syllables, for Type 3, is predicated on 

the sonority of the rhyme. A long vowel or a vowel plus resonant are more sonorous than a 

vowel followed by a non resonant coda consonant. 

Table 1-4. Typology of light and heavy syllables 

Light 

Type 1 C0V 

Nonbranching rhyme 

Type 2 C0VC0 

Nonbranching nucleus 

Type 3 C0V 

C0V 

Nonbranching rhyme 

Heavy 

Heaviest 

--- C0VX 

Branching rhyme 

--- C0VV 

Branching nucleus 

C0VC1 

C0VV 

C0VC1 

C0V{V, R} 

Branching rhyme Branching nucleus 

50 

Representative 

languages 

Sierra Miwok, 

Hausa 

Huasteco, 

Hawaiian 

Klamath, Yupik 

Creek

It can be seen from Table 1-4 that the NOCODA constraint is regularly violated by Type 1 

and Type 3 languages. According to Gordon (2002, 56) languages like Latin can be construed as 

Type 1 languages because they have two moras in the rhyme. All of the Ibero-Romance 

languages permit coda consonants albeit with a number of restrictions some of which have been 

discussed above with regard to Spanish. However, the degree to which NOCODA is violated 

differs greatly among the three languages with Catalan at one extreme, allowing nearly all 

voiceless obstruents in coda position, and Portuguese at the other end of the spectrum allowing 

only liquids and /s/ (for Brazilian Portuguese only /r/ and /s/ because /l/ is regularly vocalized in 

syllable-final position). The dependence on coda for weight sensitive phenomena disappears in 

Ibero-Romance as the contexts which would allow a syllable to be considered heavy become 

irrelevant. Bybee (2001, 16) notes that linguistic behaviors tend to coincide with the 

presumption of the NOCODA constraint as a universal indicator of well formedness: 

If there is a constraint comparable to the no coda constraint of Optimality Theory, it is a 

result of the phonetic tendency to reduce and coarticulate coda consonants more than onset 

consonants. This tendency manifests itself in every instance of language use in languages 

that have coda consonants, reducing these consonants by very small degrees. Eventually, 

coda consonants are lost in such languages, leaving a language with a reduced number of 

coda consonants or none at all. 

Syllable peak (nucleus) 

Another approach to the question of preferred distribution of segments in different 

syllable positions is to establish a constraint that is based on the relative sonority of peaks and 

margins. Building on Prince and Smolensky (1993), Smith (2005, 55-58) proposes *PEAK/X: 

(1.16) *PEAK/X: For every segment a that is the head of some syllable x, |a|>X 

where |y| is the sonority of segment y 

X is a particular step on the segmental sonority scale 

The sonority scale in Table 1-5 represents an array of segments in order of acoustic prominence; 

the more sonorous elements constitute optimal peaks. 

51

Table 1-5. Sonority scale of phonological segments 

High sonority low vowels 

mid vowels 

high vowels/glides 

rhotics 

laterals 

nasals 

voiced obstruents 

Low sonority voiceless obstruents 

Smith (2005, 56-59) acknowledges that the above scale is not unequivocally universal, that 

is, there are some language-specific rerankings within the scale. While rhotics>>laterals seems 

appropriate for English (see discussion in Zec 2003) this may not be the case for all languages. 

For example, in Brazilian Portuguese syllable-final /l/ is regularly vocalized while /r/ may be a 

velar fricative [χ] or a glottal fricative [h] or [ɦ] (Silva 1999, 2211). If /r/ has, in fact, become a 

voiceless obstruent it has now moved to a position of lower sonority with regard to the lateral, /l/. 

While there is no evidence in Ibero-Romance of nasals or liquids as syllable peaks, vowel 

reduction in Catalan and Portuguese does produce less sonorous peaks. The status of [ə] in terms 

of the relative ranking of vowels is still unresolved. Smith (2005, 58) notes that it is sometimes 

classified below high vowels (cf. Gordon 2002; Blevins 2004, 159; Kiparsky 2008, 49-52). 

Onset and coda clusters 

The three languages under study—Catalan, Castilian, and Portuguese—exemplify 

*COMPLEX, a constraint that limits onset clusters and, especially, coda clusters. Onset clusters, 

as is the case for most languages, have no prosodic role in Latin or Romance. In Ibero-Romance 

initial clusters cannot have more than two segments and the first segment (an obstruent) is 

always less sonorous than the second (liquid or rhotic; the status of glides requires further 

52

discussion). Additionally, initial clusters with /l/ undergo palatalization in both western and 

central Ibero-Romance and emerge as /ʦ/, /ʃ/, and /ʎ/. 

Coda clusters do occur in Latin and contribute to syllabic weight in the sense that a vowel 

is long by position when in a closed syllable. Latin does not distinguish heavy and superheavy 

syllables for purposes of computation of stress. Furthermore, nearly all superheavy syllables, 

both (C)VVC and (C)VCC, seem to involve /s/. The special properties of /s/ have been the 

subject of several studies (Paradis and Prunet 1991) and the extrametricality of word final /s/ as 

the single consonant of a coda or as part of a cluster is an unresolved question. 

Faithfulness and Repair Strategies 

The syllable properties discussed up to this point – onset, peak, coda, complex (onset or 

coda) – concern well formedness, that is, adherence to a universal archetype of the ideal syllable. 

Faithfulness, in turn, is based on the premise that input equals output. However, when input fails 

to meet well formedness criteria tension arises between faithfulness to the input form and change 

to more nearly approximate the ideal CV syllable type. In their simplest form faithfulness 

constraints are devised to disallow addition or deletion of segments from the input form. This 

proposes a dilemma for those cases where it might be desirable to add, delete, or modify a 

segment in order to reduce markedness. The onsetless syllable as in Latin (h)erba ‘grass’ which 

becomes Spanish hierba/yerba with word initial palatal consonant is a good example. The 

alternate orthography, yerba, indicates clearly that the glide is now perceived as an onset rather 

than the nonsyllabic element of a rising diphthong in morphophonemic alternation with /e/. 

Similarly, violation of the no coda constraint can be resolved by deletion of a consonant, which 

in effect has happened with the Spanish word reloj ‘watch’ where the markedness of word final 

/x/ has lead to its deletion, reflected in the alternate orthography reló. The online database of the 

53

Real Academia Española, Corpus de referencia del español actual (CREA), has 12 occurrences 

with the orthography reló and 5147 with the traditional orthography reloj. Conservation of the 

coda in orthographic representation does not indicate that it is actually pronounced. 

Concepts of faithfulness can also be used in tandem with well formedness constraints as 

proposed by Prince and Smolensky (2004 (1993), 29-33, 106) who utilize FILL and PARSE to that 

effect. 

(1.17) FILL: Syllable positions are filled with segmental material. (Prince and 

Smolensky 2004 (1993)) 

(1.18) PARSE: Underlying elements must be parsed into syllable structure. (Prince and 

Smolensky 2004 (1993)) 

For an underlying form /VCV/ the tableau in Table 1-6 (based on Prince and Smolensky 2004, 

33) shows the effect of ranking ONSET and PARSE above FILL. Neither candidate violates onset 

although the onset is not realized on the surface. The symbol indicates an empty position; the 

onset slot is present but not occupied in the case of candidate A. In the case of candidate B the 

extrametricality of the initial vowel makes the following syllable the first parsable element thus 

constituting a PARSE violation. 

Table 1-6. Ranking of ONSET and PARSE above FILL 

/VCV/ ONSET PARSE FILL 

A. .V.CV. * 

B. .CV. *! 

The PARSE and FILL constraints proposed by Prince and Smolensky (2004 (1993)) later 

take the form of MAX and DEP (McCarthy and Prince, 1995), constraints that proscribe deletion 

or insertion of segments. 

(1.19) MAX: Every segment/feature of the input has an identical correspondent in the 

output. (McCarthy and Prince 1995) 

(1.20) DEP: Every segment/feature of the output has an identical correspondent in the 

input. (McCarthy and Prince 1995) 

54

Both MAX and DEP have consequences for prosodic systems that depend on heavy syllables. The 

deletion of a coda, for example, could result in loss of the context required by a quantity 

sensitive rule to assign word accent. The insertion of a vowel to break up a medial cluster 

consisting of two consonants adds a syllable nucleus. Presumably one of the consonant 

segments will now parse with the anaptyctic vowel as onset of the syllable. 

Differing repair strategies can be seen in Castilian, Catalan, and Portuguese in the 

treatment of medial clusters in words of Latin origin. Latin advocātu(m) ‘advocate’ enters the 

Ibero-Romance languages as Cast. abogado, Cat. advocat, and Port. advogado. In terms of 

prosody, the absence of long vowels in Romance means that the accented syllable no longer 

attracts strength on a quantitative basis yet it remains as the head syllable of the head foot. 

Violation of MAX (loss of the nucleus in the final syllable) in Catalan has now created a heavy, 

accented, final syllable because -cat has a coda consonant. Assuming that Catalan also has an 

alignment constraint preferring the right edge, violation of the faithfulness constraint has allowed 

preservation of right edge alignment. In the case of Portuguese advogado, Brazilian Portuguese 

regularly inserts epenthetic /i/ to break up medial clusters whose first member is a stop. 

Violation of DEP results in the addition of a vocalic nucleus with the result that the word now 

consists only of CV syllables (with the exception of the onsetless first syllable): [a.ʤi.vu.'ga.du]. 

Faithfulness could in theory be applied to any feature of a segment – voice, place of 

articulation, mode of articulation—or to features not on the segmental plane such as word accent. 

Violations of faithfulness are common in both synchronic and diachronic processes. Syllable 

final /n/, for example, tends to assimilate to the place features of a following obstruent or nasal. 

In the case of the indefinite article un in Castilian, the normally alveolar /n/ may become bilabial, 

interdental, dental, palatal, or velar depending upon the place features of the following segment. 

55

For such cases it is necessary to ensure that the corresponding faithfulness constraint does not 

rule out the candidate [um] when the following segment is [p] or [b]. A similar case of 

assimilation can be seen diachronically in the Castilian and Portuguese reflexes of Latin cŏmĭtem 

(acc. sg.) ‘companion.’ Syncope eliminates the unaccented penultimate vowel and produces 

*komte. The nasal now assimilates to the following coronal producing conde in both Castilian 

and Portuguese. Catalan retains the place of articulation in comte for which the standard 

pronunciation in Eastern Catalan is ['kom.tə]. Hualde (1992, 373) notes other cases of /m/ 

followed by an alveolar: himne ‘hymn’ and premsa ‘press.’ Since the latter involve front 

unrounded vowels any arguments for co-articulation are invalidated. 

Word Accent 

In addition to the constraints that treat syllable architecture OT has developed a conceptual 

framework to address the issue of word level stress. Prince and Smolensky (2004 [1993], 124) 

propose LX≈PR as a foundational element. 

(1.21) LX≈PR: Every Lexical Word must correspond to a Prosodic Word. (Prince and 

Smolensky 2004 [1993]) 

The prosodic word forms one level of the prosodic hierarchy refined by Selkirk (1980) and 

revised by Hayes (1995) to include the mora. The relationships are shown in the nested string in 

Figure 1-20. The mora, not a universal member of this set, is indicated by gray font. 

[ [ [ [ 

[ V(V(C)) ]Nuc/Coda 

Figure 1-20. Nested prosodic constituents. 

]Mora ]Syll ]PrFt ]PrWd 

Every prosodic word contains a prosodic foot consisting of minimally one syllable. Metrical 

theory admits the single syllable foot although there are often constraints with regard to the 

nature of the syllable. For example, the less sonorous peaks are not capable of bearing stress, as 

56

is the case of syllabic nasals and liquids in English (Zec 2003, 126). For languages with 

quantitative stress such as Latin, there may be a minimal moraic requirement for what constitutes 

a prosodic foot, especially if it is the only foot in the word (Jacobs 2000, 2003a, 2003b, 2004, 

Mester 1994, Prince and Smolensky 2004 [1993]). 

Prosodic Foot 

At the level of the prosodic foot, OT constraints are often associated with the form of the 

prosodic foot. Thus Prince and Smolensky (2004 [1993], 71) propose for Latin the constraints 

FTBIN, RHTYPE = T, RHHRM, WSP and categorize them as violated or unviolated constraints. 

Table 1-7 gives the complete list of constraints with definitions and indicates the effect of the 

constraints. It is understood that unviolated means “unviolated in the optimal forms of the 

language” (Prince and Smolensky 2004, 70). 

Table 1-7. Foot form constraints for Latin 

Constraint Effect Status 

FTBIN 

Feet are binary at some level of 

analysis (μ, σ). 

F = μμ Unviolated 

RHTYPE = T 

Feet are either iambic or trochaic. 

RHHRM 

An uneven trochee is disallowed. 

WSP 

Heavy syllables are prominent in 

foot structure 

and on the grid. 

(σ́σ) Unviolated 

*(HL) Unviolated 

*H̆ Violated in Classical Latin 

Unviolated in Pre-classical shortening 

register 

The FTBIN constraint reflects the typology of metrical systems also treated in Hayes who 

proposes only two basic binary foot types (1995, 71), iambs and trochees; trochees can be either 

syllabic or moraic. WSP does not permit a heavy syllable (H) to be treated as if light (L). 

However, Latin offers many instances of heavy syllables that do not attract word level stress. 

57

Since parsing is not exhaustive once the head foot has been built at the right edge of the word 

(excluding the last foot) pre-tonic heavy syllables are likely to be unrecognized in the prosodic 

hierarchy of the word. The one exception to FTBIN (Feet are binary) for languages with a 

nonmoraic rhythmic type is the light monosyllable. It can be argued that many light 

monosyllables actually meet a minimal length/weight requirement, for example, Catalan pà 

‘bread’ could be interpreted as underlying pan because the elided nasal reappears in the plural 

pans. In Portuguese final nasal deletion has produced compensatory lengthening and 

nasalization through the formation of a nasal diphthong: pão [pɐ̃w̃]. The nasal vowel /ɐ̃/ is 

present in the plural form as well. Curiously, in the derived form padeiro ‘baker’ the /n/ has 

disappeared without a trace, perhaps because primary word accent has moved to the suffix. 

RHTYPE = T (rhythmic type) and RHHRM (rhythmic harmony) work together to establish 

the well-formed trochaic foot, which for Latin is either a single heavy syllable (H) or two light 

syllables (LL). RHHRM excludes the uneven trochee, in both its manifestations, *(HL) and 

*(LH). Prince and Smolensky (2004 [1993], 70) note that such forms are “known to be marked 

or even absent in trochaic systems.” The *(HL) type foot is firmly rejected by Mester (1994) 

who considers unparsed syllables to be a better alternative to permitting the uneven trochee as a 

canonical foot form. RHHRM also interacts with WSP (Weight-to-Stress Principle). Barring 

*(LH), for example, as a possible foot type invokes repair strategies designed to interpret the 

heavy syllable as a light syllable. Latin provides examples in iambic shortening and cretic 

shortening which have the effect of creating a more optimal word in prosodic terms. Iambic 

shortening converts word final sequences of the type HLH into HLH̆ and cretic shortening 

converts both word final and word internal sequences of the type LH into LH̆ (Lahiri, Riad, and 

58

Jacobs 1999, 384). Examples of final heavy syllables are abundant in Latin and are to be found 

in both verbal and nominal systems where desinences have either a long vowel or a vowel 

followed by a coda consonant thereby creating a heavy syllable. 

Alignment Constraints 

The ALIGN constraint posited by Prince and Smolensky (2004 [1993]) recognizes the 

interplay of phonology and morphology. A general form of this rule is given in their analysis of 

Lardil (2004 [1993], 127): 

(1.22) ALIGN: The final edge of a Morphological Word corresponds to the final edge of 

a syllable (Prince and Smolensky 2004 [1993]). 

McCarthy and Prince (1996, 74) note that “There is a strong connection between the ‘edge-in’ 

character of reduplicative association and the special status of constraints aligning the edges of 

morphological and prosodic constituents.” This same type of constraint can also be to assign 

word level accent. For Latin, Jacobs (2000, 2004) proposes an alignment constraint that favors 

the right edge of the word. 

(1.23) ALIGN (PRWD, R, FT, R): Align the right edge of a foot with the right edge of a 

prosodic word. 

However, since Latin does not allow primary accent on the ultimate syllable it is necessary to 

introduce a constraint that precludes that outcome. Prince and Smolensky (2004 [1993], 62) 

propose NONFINALITY as a constraint capable of producing the desired effect: 

(1.24) NONFINALITY: No head of PrWd is final in PrWd. (Prince and Smolensky 2004 

[1993]) 

Table 1-8 (adapted from Prince and Smolensky 2004 [1993], 69) shows how NONFINALITY, 

ALIGN, and PARSE-σ (Syllables must be parsed) work together in trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic 

Latin words to correctly place word accent on the antepenultimate syllable. 

59

Table 1-8. Alignment constraints in Latin 

NONFINALITY (F΄; σ΄) ALIGN (σ΄;R) PARSE-σ 

/căpĭtem/ ‘head’ (acc.) 

(cá.pi)tem σσ * 

ca(pí.tem) * F΄! σ * 

/căpĭtŭlum/ ‘head’ (dim.) 

ca(pí.tu)lum σσ ** 

(cá.pi)(tu.lum) σσσ! 

(ca.pi)(tú.lum) * F΄! 

From Table 1-8 it is apparent that the constraint ranks below NONFINALITY, but it will disfavor 

candidates that have stress beyond the three-syllable window counting from the right edge of the 

word even if doing so would place stress on a heavy syllable. 

Optimality Theory, Multiple Outputs, and Analogy 

That OT offers a viable approach to diachronic studies of phonological and prosodic 

phenomena is demonstrated by an examination of its basic principles, including recognition of a 

multiplicity of outcomes. This is an important aspect of the present study which is comparative 

in nature. A common input form often results in distinct outputs, not only among languages but 

within the same language. OT has the ability to deal with competing forms and multiple 

outcomes through the use of different, language-specific constraints as well as reranking of the 

same constraints to accommodate language preferences that can correctly predict outcomes. 

Additionally, OT is able to reflect the fact that language change is gradual in nature and often 

produces competing forms. Differentiated outputs are expected across languages but also occur 

within the same language in the form of patrimonial or popular words that contrast with learned 

or semi-learned words from a common etymon. OT addresses these issues through the use of 

gradient and output-output constraints. 

60

Gradient constraints (Hayes 2000, Boersma and Hayes 2001) reflect the fact that not all 

constraints can be viewed in binary terms, that is, the perception of well-formedness may 

constitute a continuum where Form A is preferred over Form B which is preferred over Form C, 

ad infinitum. Over time, the distribution of competing forms comes to resemble a normal or 

Gaussian distribution. The zero point on the X-axis marks the highest probability of occurrence 

whereas less likely outputs appear as data points to the left and right of the mean. The various 

constraints of any given language may appear at any given interval in a hypothetical horizontal 

continuum. If the range of Constraint 1 is far enough apart from Constraint 2, their distributions 

are unlikely to overlap. However, it is precisely the possibility of overlapping constraints that 

best expresses what occurs in language change. As a case in point, outcomes of the Spanish 

future tense from tener+he (infinitive tener ‘to have, to hold’ + auxiliary he, lst pers. sg. ‘must’) 

are explored. Old Spanish provides testimony of the coexistence of terné and tendré (the modern 

form) in the thirteenth Century (Davies 2002-2004, Corpus del español, s.v. terne/tendre). There 

are seventeen occurrences of the form with metathesis, and seven occurrences of the form with 

epenthesis. Both outcomes reflect the undesirability of /-n.r-/, the consonant sequence that 

results following loss of the pretonic vowel /e/. The fact that both are attested in the Corpus del 

español is indicative of free variation at a given time. This is the intent of overlapping 

constraints as posed by Boersma and Hayes (2001, 48): “Over a longer sequence of evaluations, 

the overlapping ranges often yield an important observable effect: for forms in which C2 >> C3 

yields a different output than C3 >> C2, one observes free variation, that is, multiple outputs for 

a single underlying form.” 

For the example at hand the input form is posited as /tèneré/ because initial /h/ is lost; it is 

presumed that the initial syllable carries a secondary accent. The following constraints are 

61

utilized in this case. It is not deemed necessary to distinguish primary and secondary accent for 

constraint 1.28. The intent of this constraint is to ban intertonic vowels. 

(1.25) MAXI/O: A segment in the input must have a correspondent in the output. 

(1.26) DEPI/O: A segment in the output must have a correspondent in the input. 

(1.27) SYLLABLE CONTACT LAW (SYLCON): The final element of a syllable is not less 

sonorous than the initial element of an immediately following syllable. (Wheeler 

2007) 

(1.28) *σ́Vσ́: A vowel may not occur between accented syllables in a word. 

(1.29) ROOT-IDENT: The root of a derived form must be identical to its base. (cf. Benua 

2000, 19-22) 

Table 1-9. Free variation with unordered OT constraints 

/tèneré/ *σ́Vσ́ SYLCON ROOT-IDENT DEPI/O MAXI/O 

A. tèneré *! 

B. ☞ tendré * * 

C. ☞ terné * * 

D. tenré *! * 

High ranking of *σ́Vσ́ prevents faithful but unattested tèneré from emerging as winner although 

it incurs only one violation of constraints. Similarly, SYLCON must be ranked above the 

faithfulness constraints in order to prevent tenré from emerging as preferable to the candidates 

that are actually attested, B and C. 

Another option is to view these constraints more abstractly in terms of faithfulness to 

root, and, as potentially overlapping. While candidate B satisfies ROOT-IDENT, it is less faithful 

than candidate A. Therefore it will be placed at the periphery of this constraint. Similarly, while 

candidate C satisfies DEPI/O, it is also less desirable in terms of faithfulness than candidate A 

and is placed in a marginal position relative to this constraint. Since these two constraints are 

unranked they can be viewed as potentially overlapping with competing forms existing in free 

variation as seen in Figure 1-21. The ideal candidates are those that satisfy both contraints, 

62

DEPI/O and ROOT-IDENT. However, if there are no candidates that satisfy the constraints 

(without violating higher ranking constraints), candidates B and C are able to occur in free 

variation until the constraints become prioritized. This is seen in the Corpus del español where 

terné and tendré co-occur in documents throughout the thirteenth century. The eventual 

emergence of tendré (candidate B) as the winner is dependent on identity to the root and its 

promotion above DEPI/O. 

DEPI/O 

C B 

Figure 1-21. Overlapping constraints. 

RT-IDENT 

The role of root faithfulness in the selection of tendré as the optimal candidate introduces a 

second important aspect of historical change. It has been seen that free variation and competing 

forms are well explained by OT constraints. In the case illustrated in Table 1-9 and Figure 1-21, 

the nature of violable constraints is clear. The optimal candidate is not necessarily the one that 

incurs fewest violations of constraints. Over time, these constraints are promoted or demoted 

resulting in periods of free variation followed by emergence of a preferred form although 

variants may persist. 

Less preferred forms are often relegated to a restricted semantic role. The popular outputs 

of Latin clāvis, f. ‘key,’ Cast. llave and Port. chave, both referring to the physical object, retain 

the primary meaning of the Latin etymon compared to the learned form clave in both languages 

which has the secondary and metaphorical uses of ‘key’ such as musical key. Semi-learned Cat. 

clau designates both the physical object, musical key, and other metaphorical uses. Cases such 

as the popular forms of clavis are important because they provide evidence of multiple outputs 

when a patrimonial or popular word shares a common etymon with a learned or semi-learned 

63

counterpart. Although many of these doublets may be the result of re-introduction of a Latinized 

form at a later chronological period, OT is able to demonstrate and predict the later outputs 

through demotion of constraints. 

Learned words nearly always show high ranking of faithfulness constraints, although these 

are rarely as restrictive as the IDENT/IO type constraint. Segments present in the input are less 

likely to be deleted, and segments not present in the input are rarely added. In terms of the 

processes under study here, deletion of vocalic segments in particular can be viewed as obeying 

constraints that penalize the presence of pre-tonic and post-tonic vowels (deleted through 

processes of syncope and apocope). Likewise the presence of alignment constraints which 

reward alignment with left and right word edges favor deletion of unstressed final vowels, as 

well as the deletion of intertonic vowels in word internal position. The presence of prothetic 

vowels in the case of s+stop initial clusters, even in very recent loan words such as estop (from 

English ‘stop’), shows how some constraints can continue to be high ranking over a long period 

of time. 

The ROOT-IDENT constraint discussed above raises another important facet in historical 

change, the role of influences external to the input form itself. In the case of the formation of the 

future tense, analogy is clearly a factor in the outcome of Castilian venire + he > vendré ‘I will 

come.’ Deletion of /i/ is far less frequent than deletion of the mid vowels /e/ and /o/. Epenthesis 

is extended by analogy to other verb stems ending in /n/. The role of analogy in assignment of 

word level accent has been studied as a synchronic phenomenon in both the context of first 

language acquisition (Eddington 2000) and second language acquisition (Apoussidou and 

Boersma 2003, 2004; Bullock and Lord 2003). Analogy is perhaps the best explanation for the 

few cases of stress shift that occur in Ibero-Romance such as Spanish período ‘period,’ where 

64

antepenultimate accent was once considered the normative pronunciation but the current edition 

of the dictionary of the Real Academia (DRAE, s.v. período) now gives periodo with 

penultimate accent as an alternate form. Comparison with periódico ‘newspaper’ where the 

accented syllable has [jo] as nucleus, or periodista ‘journalist’ and periodismo ‘journalism’ 

both with diphthong [jo] in unstressed syllables, makes apparent the analogical pressures to shift 

the stress in período to the more optimal nucleus [o] which is more sonorant than the front high 

vowel [i]. 

The role of paradigmatic pressure is also seen in the outcomes of hypocoristic formation. 

Hypocoristic formation is an active process in Spanish (Lipski 1995, Piñeros 2000), Catalan 

(Cabré 1998), and Portuguese (Gonçalves 2001). The output form often results in an accentual 

pattern common to all three languages, that is, a binary trochee realized as L.L or H.L (accented 

syllable underlined) as well as a less preferred heavy monosyllable, a pattern absent in Valencia 

according to Cabré (1998, 15-19). The monosyllabic hypocoristic is also present in both 

Portuguese and Spanish (for example, Portuguese Zus, Jus, and Spanish Chus for Jesús), though 

not a frequent pattern. 

Table 1-10. Foot pattern of hypocoristics in Portuguese, Spanish, and Catalan 

Full form of name Portuguese Spanish Eastern Catalan Valencian Foot form 

Josefa Zefa Chepa 

Pepa 

Pepa Pepa (L.L) 

Domingo Mingo Mingo Mingo Mingo (H.L) 

Isabel Bel Bel a Bel Bela (H) 

a 

Although not given as the preferred output for Spanish, compounds such as Maribel < María Isabel suggest that Bel 

exists as a combining form. 

The forms illustrated in Table 1-10 correspond to faithfulness to a prosodic template (cf. 

Downing 2006, 48-64). They are built on the head foot of the word and are faithful to the 

prosodic structure of the input form, although not necessarily to the input segments as seen in 

Chepa and Pepa. However, there is an alternate pattern for all three languages that involves 

65

creation of a minimal word (preferably a two-syllable word) from the initial syllables of the input 

form. The origin of this alternate form is explained in part by reference to the idea of positional 

strength. Beckman (1998, 52) notes that 

One source of evidence for initial-syllable positional privilege may be found in the domain 

of lexical access and language processing. There is a considerable body of psycholinguistic 

research which indicates that word-initial material, either spoken or written, plays a key 

role in lexical access, word recognition and speech production. 

Therefore, even if the initial syllable does not carry an accent its position renders it prominent 

and allows the creation of a trochaic foot at the left edge of the word. There are, however, cases 

where the initial syllable naturally carries a secondary accent, such as Federico which yields 

both Fede and Kiko in Spanish (cf. Spanish Sebastiá >Sebas, Chano; Josefina>Jose, Pina). It is 

perhaps through analogy with names in which the initial syllable bears a secondary accent that 

the new prosodic template arises for hypocoristic formation as in Port. Eduard>Edu, Cat. 

Montserrat>Montse. 

It is noteworthy that the truncated forms that are built at the left word edge are always 

disyllabic trochees. Clearly, this is the preferred prosodic template. The monosyllabic variants 

for the most part meet the minimal word requirement of two moras. One exception is Portuguese 

Zé for José. If the vowel can be considered long, then this form would also meet the minimal 

word criteria. For the vowel /e/ Delgado Martins’ study on Portuguese phonetics (1988, 128- 

132) shows that it has the longest duration of any of the stressed vowels in Portuguese. Because 

of the widespread use of apocope as a poetic device and the relative infrequence of monosyllabic 

content words that are not bimoraic it is not unlikely that words like Zé are perceived as 

bimoraic. 

Future discussions of the various processes that affect word level accent, specific to the 

languages under study, rely on OT to provide a way of describing crucial differences in syllable 

66

structure, such as constraints on codas, in so far as these affect assignment of the primary accent 

and its alignment in the word. The loss of syllable codas reduces the coincidence of syllable 

weight and the assignment of word accent, either primary or secondary. The shift away from a 

quantity sensitive system of accent represents a major change in the transition from Latin to 

Romance. Although there is some evidence that heavy syllables are favored as locus of primary 

word stress in Romance it cannot be said that WSP is still an operative constraint. Review of 

free variation and the role of analogy has shown that multiple outcomes are a real possibility, 

especially when the basis for assignment of accent is no longer transparent. 

The concept of extrametricality is no longer essential for correct placement of primary 

word accent. All of the Romance languages under study allow syllable final accents. In some 

cases this is because desinences (particularly in the verb system) are stress bearing; in other cases 

it is because apocope of unstressed final vowels has created a prosodic word that consists only of 

a bare stem without suffixation. The following chapters describe in detail the prosodic systems 

of Latin, Castilian, Catalan, and Portuguese through reference to a database comprised of Latin 

nouns and their reflexes in the three Ibero-Romance languages in order to substantiate or reject 

Lindsay’s assertion (1894, 164) that “Latin accentuation is retained with wonderful tenacity by 

the Romance languages.” 

67

CHAPTER 2 

THE NATURE OF THE LATIN ACCENT 

Polemic of Pitch versus Stress 

There is little doubt that the pattern of accentuation in Latin is based on stress rather than 

pitch, “one in which accent correlates with duration and intensity in the pronunciation of a 

syllable and which does not serve to distinguish words” (Baldi 1999, 268-269). Yet this runs 

contrary to the tradition of the Latin grammarians and subsequent European scholars. As late as 

1869, Thurot (1869, 392) describes the Latin accent as musical, one which 

donnait à l’une des syllabes d’un mot une intonation plus aiguë qu’aux autres, qui étaient 

graves, et que, dans certaines conditions, la syllabe prononcée d’abord avec une intonation 

aiguë était achevée avec une intonation grave; c’est ce qu’on appelait l’accent circonflexe. 

When Baldi (1999, 268-269) asserts that early Latin must have had a stress accent he expresses a 

long-standing concern of scholars: “while the Latin grammarians often speak of their accent in 

terms properly applicable only to a pitch-accent, all the features of their language point to its 

having been a stress-accent” (Lindsay 1894, 150). The terms used—grave, acute, and circumflex 

—are calques from the Greek as are many other grammatical terms. The rules governing stress 

in Latin are clearly stated in the grammatical tradition albeit with the perplexing references to 

circumflex, acute, and grave. Juret (1921: 76) cites as example the rules found in Donatus 

(fourth century C.E.) where the operative accent terms are circumflectere, acuere, and gravis 

pronuntiare. As in Greek, pitch was determined by the nature of the vowel. An acute accent 

(high pitch) corresponded to a short vowel while a long vowel had a circumflex accent (falling 

pitch). 

Evidence of Prosodic Change 

According to Sturtevant (1921, 5-6) early descriptions of Latin accent as pitch accent, as 

seen by the reference to Donatus, are highly consistent until about the fourth century C.E. The 

68

co-occurrence of both pitch and stress as markers of the prominence of a syllable is consistent 

with modern theories regarding accentual systems. Use of the terms prominence (stress-accent) 

and nonprominence (pitch-accent) is suggested by Van Coetsem (1996, 36-43) to distinguish 

different types of accentual systems. Accent type may then be subdivided as in Figure 2-1 

(based on van Coetsem 1996, 42). 

accent 

____________│_____________ 

│ │ 

prominence nonprominence 

(stress accent) (pitch accent) 

________│_________ 

│ │ 

dominance nondominance 

(characterized by (characterized 

vowel reduction) by pitch) 

Figure 2-1. Typology of accent (van Coetsem). 

The dominance accent gives prominence to a particular syllable while reducing the others 

and utilizes devices in addition to pitch to distinguish the prominent syllable (van Coetsem 1996, 

43). In contrast, the nondominance accent type tends to rely heavily on pitch in placing the 

prominent syllable in relief. Another key difference between dominance and nondominance 

accent types is the concentration of energy on a particular syllable versus an even distribution of 

energy. These terms of reference and their description to some degree conflate issues of 

production and perception discussed in Beckman (1986, 13) who cites Jones’s (1950, 137) 

separation of stress as “a subjective activity on the part of the speaker” from prominence “an 

effect perceived by the hearer.” It is also important to note that the splitting of the prominence 

accent into dominance and nondominance underscores the degree to which giving one syllable 

prominence comes at the expense of others in the word. 

69

The contrast between dominance and nondominance corresponds in many ways to the 

traditional dichotomy of stress-timed versus syllable-timed languages (Abercrombie 1967, 97-98 

and Pike 1947, 12-13). Syllable-timed languages are characterized by the regularity of the 

intervals at which syllables recur; hence they are isochronous. Stress-timed languages, in 

contrast, depend on the occurrence of stress as a demarcative function. Since the number of 

syllables that occur between stresses is variable, syllable length adjusts accordingly. 

While the underlying assumptions of syllable-timed versus stress-timed accentual systems have 

been eroded considerably in the last decades (see Ramus 2002 and Ramus, Nespor, and Mehler 

1999 for recent acoustic studies), the list of concomitant characteristics of the timing patterns in 

Table 2-1 (from Crosswhite 2001, 173) contains valuable insights for the study of vowel 

reduction and syncope, evident at all stages in Latin. 

Table 2-1. Characteristics of stress-timed and syllable-timed languages 

Stress-timed languages Syllable-timed languages 

Have vowel reduction Have full articulation of unstressed vowels 

Tempo acceleration via compression of 

unstressed syllables 

Complex syllable structure with relatively 

uncertain syllable boundaries 

Tendency of stress to attract segmental 

material in order to build up heavy syllables 

Native speakers are not good syllable-counters; 

presence of stress-counting versification 

Tempo acceleration via proportional 

compression of all syllables 

Simple syllable structures with well-defined 

boundaries 

No such tendency 

Native speakers are better at syllable-counting; 

presence of syllable-counting versification 

That the accent of classical Latin was something other than a stress accent seems to be 

supported by evidence from poetry. The discrepancy between ictus and word level stress, for 

example, seems to indicate that unstressed vowels were not so reduced that they could not be 

assigned a musical ‘beat’ in the scansion of a verse. For example, in the first line of Vergil’s 

Ecloga I, the independence of poetic meter from the metrical word is readily apparent. In Figure 

70

2-2 the first line shows the poetic scansion in dactylic hexameter; the line below the verse shows 

the location of the word stress marked by ‘x.’ The preferred metric foot is the dactyl, | ʹ ) ) |, 

and it is obligatory in the penultimate foot. The last foot has an obligatory pattern as well, the 

spondee, | ʹ ʹ |. The spondee may also substitute a dactyl in the first through fourth foot. In the 

first foot ictus and word accent coincide but the second foot has two word level accents, only the 

first of which coincides with the poetic meter. The third foot is headed by the long final syllable 

of pătŭlae although primary word level accent in Latin is proscribed for the final syllable of a 

word regardless of its weight. 

1 2 3 4 5 6 

| ʹ ⌣ ⌣ | ʹ ⌣ ⌣ | ʹ ⌣ ⌣ | ʹ ʹ | ʹ ⌣ ⌣ | ʹ ʹ 

Tityre tu patulae recubans sub tegmine fagi 

| | | | | | | 

x x x x x x x 

Figure 2-2. Alignment of scansion and word accent in Latin dactylic hexameter 

Devine and Stephens (1993, 395-396) discuss the convention of line initial freedom in 

verse, that is, the initially chosen hypothesis can be set aside for a better one that emerges in the 

middle of the line of verse. In other words, errors at the beginning of the parsing sequences are 

less serious than deviations that occur once a pattern has been established. If in a verse there is 

an attempt to incorporate an initial unaccented syllable it is possible to set it aside if the 

predominant form is later seen to be a trochee, for example. The initial syllable is now 

reinterpreted as anacrusis. This may be seen in the case of the text in Figure 2-2 where the 

second syllable of the fourth foot may be viewed as proclitic: it introduces the grammatical 

constituent of which tegmine is the head. 

71

If the poetic meter is quantity sensitive, the long vowel of tū and the two short vowels in 

the first two-syllables of pătŭlae do not pose a problem in terms of satisfying the meter but the 

first syllable of pătŭlae cannot now project a metrical foot because its segments have been 

reassigned to the foot headed by tū. In constructing the dactylic hexameter the first 

element of every foot should contain a heavy nucleus. Allen (1973, 123) notes that while some 

metric feet do not occur in Latin (the pyrrhic foot, for example) it is the contrast between the first 

and following elements that makes the dactyl a suitable measure for poetry: “the dactyl is 

admissible not on the basis of its greater length but because one of the 2-mora elements is 

differently constituted from the other.” The preferred poetic foot, then, has a contrast (H=heavy 

syllable; L=light syllable): HLL, although the HH configuration of the spondee is also a licensed 

form. In moraic terms both contain four moras, or μμμμ. It can be said that in the context of 

poetry, not in the language at large, the phrase level metrical configuration required to produce 

the desired sequence shown in Figure 2-2 overrides word level foot formation and accent 

assignment. 

Table 2-2. Syllabic weight of the dactylic hexameter 

H.L.L H.L.L H.L.L H.L.L H.L.L H.H Preferred foot structure 

H.H H.H H.H H.H Allowable alternative foot structure for feet 1-4 

1 2 3 4 5 6 

Baldi (1999, 269, f. 11) asserts that the norms of Latin versification do not in themselves 

provide adequate evidence for two coexisting systems of word accent in the period between the 

first century B.C.E. and the fourth century C.E. It is well known that poetic license in the 

creation of oral or written compositions allows many uses of language that diverge from the 

norms of the linguistic community. Allen (1973, 15) also cautions against dependence on poetic 

forms: “before making use of poetry in establishing the phonology [of a language], one must 

first determine the extent of convention and artifice in the poet’s usage.” Dislocation of stress in 

72

poetry and song is well known in many modern languages and it is unlikely that anyone would 

rely on such texts exclusively to establish the prosodic characteristics of a language (see, for 

example, Janda and Morgan 1988 for a study on dislocation of lexical accent in song in Spanish, 

primarily, but with examples also from Italian, French, and Portuguese). Appendix B contains a 

discussion of popular poetry from the formative period of Ibero-Romance written in ballad 

meter, octosyllabic lines with stress on the first, third, fifth, and seventh syllables. The last 

stressed syllable is often, in fact, the last one in the line although the frequent use of paragoge 

(Honsa 1962) reinforces the argument that the preferred accentual pattern that has emerged is a 

left headed binary foot consisting of two-syllables without regard to syllable weight. 

Early Latin 

The accentuation of the IE proto-language offers relevant insights into the unresolved 

question of competing accentuatual systems in Latin. Halle (1997, 276) suggests that the mobile 

stress system of Sanskrit and Balto-Slavic is the direct legacy of the proto-IE accent. The 

descendants of IE that no longer subscribe to this system of accentuation fall into two categories: 

(1) languages with initial accent and (2) languages with accent on one of the last three syllables 

of the word. Other Italic languages are of the first kind while Latin belongs to the second group. 

Halle (1997, 276) further states that “it is well known that among the IE languages, those with 

initial stress are the historical antecedents of languages with stress on the last three syllables. 

There is much language-internal evidence to support an argument for a strong, initial accent in 

the formative period of Latin. To that end, the following processes are considered to be sources 

of evidence (Baldi 1999, 269-70): (1) syncope, (2) vowel reduction, (3) vowel raising in non- 

initial syllables, and (4) treatment of early Greek loanwords. 

73

Syncope and Accent 

Leumann (1963, 91) notes that the loss of unstressed vowels calls into question the nature 

of the early Latin accent; furthermore, syncope of both pre-tonic and post-tonic vowels continues 

to be a phenomenon of classical Latin: “Bei Synkope anderer Vokale kommt daneben auch die 

historische lat. Betonung in Betracht; jedenfalls sind unter dem Dreisilbenakzent sowohl vor- 

wie nachtonige Vokale untergegangen.” He cites many examples which are organized in the 

table below according to shape of input and the location of the unstressed vowel (1963, 92-3). 

Reduction of total word length is an obvious outcome of syncope but it will be seen that other 

important changes occur, particularly with regard to rhythmic patterns. The examples in Table 

2-2 offer many instances of change in moraic count, syllabic structure, and foot formation as a 

consequence of vowel loss. 

In the case of reddo ‘I give back’

Table 2-3. Early Latin syncope 

1. Loss of 2nd syllable in 3 or 4-syllable words: 

σ́ (σ́) σ σ → σ́ σ σ 

σ́ (σ) σ → σ́ σ 

(a) Between identical stops (in reduplicated 

forms): 

C1( Vﬞ ) C1 

(b) Between non-identical consonants: 

C1( Vﬞ ) C2 

reddo < *re-didō 

ferre < *ferere 

reccidī < re-cecidī 

contŭlī < *con-tetulī 

praeco < *praid(i)co_ 

quīndecim < quīnque + decem 

officīna < opificīna 

ulna < *olenā 

nūllus < *n(e)-oinelos 

domnus < dominus 

(c) Between sonorants (N, L) 

L L 

N ( V ﬞ ) N 

domna < domina 

(d) Between sonorants and obstruents surgo < *surrigo 

C ( Vﬞ ) L/N 

ardeo cf. āridus 

L/N ( V ﬞ ) C 

pōno < *po-sinō, cf. positus 

2. Loss of 3rd syllable in words of 4 or more syllables: 

σ́ σ (σ́) σ σ → σ́ σ σ σ 

σ́ σ (σ) σ → σ́ σ σ 

(a) Between sonorants (N, L) 

gemellus < *gemenelos 

L L 

ampulla < amporelā 

N ( V ﬞ ) N 

corōlla < korōnelā 

(b) Between sonorants and obstruents puerpara < *puero-para 

C ( Vﬞ ) L/N 

sepultus < *sepelitos 

L/N ( V ﬞ ) C 

(c) Between obstruents and obstruents audācter < *audāci-tero 

C( Vﬞ ) C 

3. Loss of vowel in pre-tonic position, or between primary and secondary stress 

(a) In compounds calfacio < cale + faciō 

(b) In derivations disciplīna cf. discipulus < *dis-kapelos 

4. Syncope in word final syllables 

In disyllabic words ending in -s ars < *artis 

mēns < *mentis 

nox < *noktes 

salūs < *sal ars < *artis 

mēns < *mentis 

nox < *noktes 

salūs < *salūtis 

Cases of syncope, then, usually preserve, or, in some instances, create well-formed feet. If 

the second syllable of reddo is interpreted as extrametrical the word still contains one well 

75

formed foot, red-, which meets binarity criteria on the basis of moraic count with the new word 

structure corresponding to (μμ), where the head foot is a well formed moraic trochee. The 

primitive form opificīna is somewhat problematic; it is attested in Plautus where it occurs in this 

line (Miles gloriosus III, iii, line 880, 1963, 151. The ictus of the poetic meter, iambic 

septenarius, is marked in this edition.): si ea in ópificína nésciam aút mala ésse aut fraúdulénta. 

The word has two accents, one on the first syllable and a second on the long vowel of the 

antepenultimate or fourth syllable: 'σﬞ 1 σﬞ σﬞ 'σ¯ 4 σ ﬞ. The first is congruent with the theory of a 

strong initial accent in early Latin which Kent (1931, 189) calls the primitive Italic accent. The 

second accent, designated as bearing ictus in the verse, corresponds to a long vowel in Classical 

Latin. Jacobs (2003b, 407) notes that “in the comedies of Plautus and Terence there was a strong 

tendency to harmonize verse ictus (the strong position in the verse foot) and word accent.” 

Jacobs (2003a, 270) maintains that in the transition from word initial accent to right word- 

edge accent Latin passes through an intermediate stage in which “words with more than four 

syllables obey the antepenultimate maximum.” Yet the supposed antepenultimate accent of one 

of the examples that Jacobs (2003a, 276; 2003b, 411; 2004, 73) utilizes in three separate studies, 

the word opificīna, is supported neither by evidence from Plautine poetic meter nor by the 

accentuation pattern of Classical Latin where penultimate stress coincides with the heavy 

syllable -cī-. Nevertheless, the OT analyses put forward by Jacobs to describe the changing 

nature of Latin word accent provide a way of describing the word initial stress of Pre-classical 

Latin and the evolving change from left to right word edge seen in Early Classical Latin. The 

introduction of new constraints or the re-ranking of the same constraints combine to produce 

different optimal forms in each time period. Additionally, the OT approach is best able to 

describe the environment predictive of vowel syncope, the weak position in a binary foot. 

76

The OT derivation of pre-classical initial stress in Latin presented by Jacobs (2003a, 275- 

276; 2003b, 396-410) presumes the following undominated constraints not reflected in the OT 

tableau: FTBIN, RHTYPE (T), that is, feet are binary and trochaic. The other constraints that head 

the columns of the tableau (Jacobs 2003a, 275-276) are defined below: 

(2.1) NONF: A foot may not be final. (Jacobs 2003a) 

(2.2) W/L: Align the prosodic word and prosodic foot to the left. (Jacobs 2003a) 

(2.3) W/R: Align the prosodic word and prosodic foot to the right. (Jacobs 2003a) 

(2.4) H/L: Align the head foot to the left in the prosodic word. (Jacobs 2003a) 

(2.5) H/R: Align the head foot to the right in the prosodic word. (Jacobs 2003a) 

(2.6) PARSE-σ: Syllables in the prosodic word are passed into a foot. (Jacobs 2003a) 

In Table 2-4 the first example, mălĕfĭcĭum, is given in Jacobs; the second, opificīna, has 

been added to compare the treatment of lexical accent in Pre-classical Latin, Early Classical 

Latin, and Classical Latin. The locus of primary accent is indicated by bold and single 

underscore. The citation forms given in Table 2-4 include vowel length attributed to Classical 

Latin (s.v. mălĕfĭcĭum and ŏffĭcīna, Lewis and Short), although according to Jacobs quantity 

sensitivity (QS) plays no role in pre-classical Latin. 

Table 2-4. Pre-classical Latin word initial accent 

NONF W/L W/R H/L H/R PARSE-σ 

mă.lĕ.fĭ.cĭ.um ‘misdeed’ 

/σ σ σ σ σ/ 

A. (σ σ) ( σ σ) σ σ σ σ σ * 

B. σ (σ σ) (σ σ) *! σ σ σ σ * 

C. σ σ (σ σ) σ σ! σ σ σ σ *** 

D. (σ σ) σ σ σ σ σ! σ σ σ σ *** 

ŏpĭfĭcīna ‘workshop’ 

/σ σ σ σ σ/ 

E. (σ σ) ( σ σ) σ σ σ σ σ * 

F. σ (σ σ) (σ σ) *! σ σ σ σ * 

G. σ σ (σ σ) σ σ! σ σ σ σ *** 

H. (σ σ) σ σ σ σ σ! σ σ σ σ *** 

77

The optimal candidates A and E in Table 2-4 have the primary accent in the leftmost foot 

and only the final syllable is left unparsed. This is achieved through the relative ranking of 

constraints, particularly the high ranking of NONF and W/L. The second word displayed in the 

tableau, ŏpĭfĭcīna, later undergoes syncope and is realized as ŏffĭcīna in Classical Latin. 

However, here it is treated in parallel with mălĕfĭcĭum. Candidates B and F are disqualified on 

the basis of nonfinality, that is, the formation of a foot coinciding with the right edge of the 

word. W/L and H/L insure that only candidates with initial primary stress will be successful. 

For Early Classical Latin Jacobs (2003b, 411) reranks the H/L and H/R constraints. 

The higher ranking of H/R will cause the word level primary accent to move closer to the right 

edge of the word and thus block word initial stress of four-syllable words in which the first three 

syllables are light. Although Jacobs (2003a, 2003b, 2004) treats all the syllables of ŏpĭfĭcīna as 

light, the word is analyzed in Table 2-5 with a long penultimate syllable in order to demonstrate 

the reranking of constraints in Classical Latin. 

Table 2-5. Early Classical Latin word accent vs. Classical Latin word accent 

Early Classical Latin NONF W/L W/R H/R H/L PARSE-σ 

mălĕfĭcĭum ‘misdeed’ 

/LLLLσ / 

A. (LL)(LL)σ σ σ σ σ * 

B. (LL)(LL)σ σ σ σ! σ * 

C. L(LL)(Lσ) !* σ σ σ σ * 

D. (LL)L(Lσ) !* σ σ σ * 

Classical Latin NONF W/R W/L H/R H/L PARSE-σ 

ŏpĭfĭcīna ‘workshop’ 

/LLLHσ/ 

E. (LL)L(H)σ σ σ σ σ σ ** 

F. L(LL)(H)σ σ! σ σ σ σ σ σ σ ** 

G. (LL)L(H)σ σ σ! σ σ σ σ σ σ ** 

According to Steriade (1988: 376) the development of penultimate syllable stress for those 

words with a heavy penult is a change that took place during the fourth century B.C.E. In Table 

78

2-5 the results of the new constraints are seen. Primary accent is indicated by bold and 

underscore. Again, it is assumed that FTBIN and RHTYPE (T) are underlying, inviolable 

constraints. The OT analyses seen in Tables 2-4 and 2-5 now provide a vehicle to characterize 

the process of syncope in Latin as a mechanism to obtain the optimal foot configuration. Mester 

(1994, 38-43) notes that many cases of early syncope occur in a specific environment, a light 

penultimate syllable between a heavy antepenultimate syllable and a heavy final syllable. The 

requirement for a heavy final syllable means that cases will be restricted by morphological 

properties of Latin, that is, the syllabic weight of the inflectional morpheme. However, the case 

of ŏpĭfĭcīna in Table 2-5 is a counter example. The unparsed syllable is not deleted; rather, the 

weak syllable of the first foot is elided to produce Classical Latin ŏffĭcīna, or, (LL)L(H)σ → 

(H)L(H)σ, in prosodic terms. The resulting form incurs fewer violations of H/L while avoiding 

violation of any of the high ranking constraints. Jacobs (2004, 75) notes that “All cases of 

syncope, throughout the history of Latin, can be regarded as targeting the same structural 

context: the weak position of the foot.” He recognizes, however, that his OT analysis results in 

syncope opacity in that it best predicts cases of pre-tonic syncope (2004, 84). 

One of the difficulties with Jacobs’ analysis is the resulting conflation of several different 

time periods. Reighard, on the other hand, although limited by SPE type rules, describes three 

different types of syncope circumscribed by chronology and sources of evidence. The first, 

prehistorical syncope, consists of forms whose syncopated vowel can only be reconstructed 

through comparative or internal evidence, for example praeco, m. sg. nom. ‘herald’ (cf. 

praedicare ‘to proclaim’). In such cases, the pre-syncope forms are non-occurrent in Latin. An 

OT analysis of these forms, then, would attempt to predict the known forms that would result 

from speculative input. Reighard characterizes the environment for prehistorical syncope as a 

79

short vowel in an internal open syllable; it is the same for historical syncope. Latin provides data 

for historical syncope, which Reighard (1977, 99) speculates occurred between the time of the 

early dramatists and the Classical period, through textual examples of both syncopated and 

unsyncopated forms. An example of this type of alternation is captured in Tables 2-5 and 2-5 in 

the form ŏpĭfĭcīna, cited in Plautus, which is realized as ŏffĭcīna in Classical Latin. The Plautine 

form corresponds to ŏpĭfex, nom. sg., ‘worker.’ Certainly, in Classical Latin, the unsyncopated 

form was no longer an option. In light of the previous discussion one must also wonder if it is 

not a question of metrical convenience in Plautus. The third type of syncope, variable syncope, 

is best described as an ongoing change in favor of syncope: “we know that the syncopated 

variants generally, by the Classical period and afterward, were normal, unaffected forms, and 

that the unsyncopated forms usually have something of a pedantic or purist flavor to them, 

especially in the post-Classical period” (Reighard 1977, 100). 

There are other syllable level adjustments that co-occur with early syncope. The 

examples in Table 2-3 frequently involve the loss of a short vowel in the environment of a liquid 

or nasal. When the resulting clusters produce a more sonorous element in coda position followed 

by a less sonorous element, there is no change in the coda consonant, as in ulna, 1(c). However, 

when the following consonant is more sonorous, assimilation often occurs as in nūllus, 1(c) and 

ampulla. If the geminate /-ll-/ is considered to be ambisyllabic in the word nūllus, the first 

syllable is now superheavy. Ewen and van der Hulst (2001: 184) note that in superheavy 

syllables the coda is restricted to a sonorant or a fricative, the coda sonorant does not display 

distinctive place contrast, and the favored place category is coronal--all of which are true in the 

case of nūllus. 

80

Iambic Shortening and Cretic Shortening 

The treatment of the final syllable in Latin has been the subject of prescriptive grammars, 

treatises on versification and phonology, as well as more recent studies on metrical theory and 

optimality theory. Niedermann (1953, 37) cites Quintilian’s cautions about pronunciation of the 

word in its entirety not neglecting the final elements: “ne extremae syllabae intercidant.” The 

most extreme form of vowel reduction, vowel loss, seems to have occurred in the formative 

period of Latin, for example, the demonstratives hic, haec, hoc with emphatic particle –c(e) 

added to the root (Baldi 1999, 344). Apart from this case of historical apocope, vowel reduction 

in the word final syllable largely concerns iambic shortening rather than vowel deletion. Baldi 

(1999, 264) defines iambic shortening (brevis brevians) as the rule by which “unstressed heavy 

syllables which immediately follow light syllables in disyllabic words (i.e., those which are 

metrically σﬞ σ¯ ) are ‘lightened’ by shortening the vowel of the second syllable, resulting in a σ ﬞσ ﬞ 

pattern.” He also notes that extensive use of iambic shortening in the lower registers in Plautus 

and Terence is indicative of the continuing influence of post-tonic weakening as the strong initial 

accent continues to exert some influence. As in the case of syncope Baldi (1999, 265) views 

iambic shortening as an optional process that is both lexically and morphologically conditioned, 

for example, there is vacillation with regard to words that have a long vowel on a morphological 

basis: volō ‘I wish,’ homō ‘man.’ There is some evidence to suggest that vowel length in the 

final syllable was treated as [±long], that is, it acquired the value needed to produce optimal 

syllabic weight and rhythmic configuration (cf. Juret 1921, 77-78: “En latin la valeur des 

longues paraît dépendre de la pénultième .. tout se passe comme si la finale vocalique longue, 

quelle qu’en soit la nature, avait deux unités d’intonation après une pénultième brève.”) This 

ambiguity is also seen in the treatment of the vowel in imperatives. Lindsay (1894, 211-213) 

notes that there is evidence from scansion in which the long vowel of the first, second and fourth 

81

conjugations is at times short and at times long. Because the thematic vowel is often followed by 

a consonant, for example, the present tense second person singular /-s/ and third person singular 

/–t/, vowel length does not determine syllable weight because the vowel is already considered to 

be long by position. In the case of the nominal system, however, the nature of the final vowel 

has both an important morphological and prosodic function. 

Lindsay (1894: 220) notes that the etymological long vowel ā “was, like other vowels, 

shortened in course of time. When final, perhaps only in iambic words originally ... but this 

shortening was extended to all Noms. Sing. of Ā-stems and Noms. Accs. Plur. Neut ... Thus in 

the declension of Ā-stems, the ‘First Declension,’ final -a of the Nom. Sg. is even in the earliest 

poetry a short vowel.” Although vowel length is important in a quantity sensitive system of 

accentuation, the final syllable in Latin never takes stress. The primitive stress accent favored 

the first syllable and the stress rule of Classical Latin prescribed stress as falling on the 

penultimate or antepenultimate syllable depending on the weight of the penultimate syllable. 

Therefore, the weight of the final syllable was of little consequence because even as a heavy 

syllable it could not attract stress. Shortening of the vowel in final syllables is also seen in third 

declension nouns and adjectives of the type ending in -tor, -sor, -ter, -al, -ar (see Leumann 1963: 

103). Here this seems to reflect an exchange of moras. The genitive lēctōris ‘reader’ has a long 

vowel but since the syllable does not end in a consonant the moraic count for that syllable is the 

same as the nominative, lector, where final /-r/ is a syllable coda, thereby producing a count of 

two moras. 

Mester (1994) views the early cases of iambic shortening, well documented in Plautine 

Latin (ca. 200 BCE), as an optional process which resulted in the lexicalization of many forms as 

σ̆σ̆ in Classical Latin while others remained as σ̆σ̄. The examples that he cites (1994, 13), 

82

eproduced in Table 2-6, are all two-syllables words in which the final vowel has no inflectional 

role unlike the Ā-stems mentioned by Lindsay. 

Table 2-6. Iambic Shortening in Early Classical Latin 

σ̆σ̆ σ̆σ̆σ̄ or σ̄σ̄ 

citŏ 

‘fast 

sērō 

modŏ 

‘only’ 

modicē 

benĕ 

‘good’ 

longō 

malĕ 

‘bad’ 

timidē 

duŏ 

‘two’ 

ambō 

‘late’ 

‘moderate’ 

‘long’ 

‘timid’ 

‘both’ 

Stephens (1985, 240) also notes that the shortening of -ō to -ŏ is first established in “pronouns, 

lower cardinal numerals, discourse particles, semantically bleached verbs, and the like: they are 

all nonlexical words, as opposed to full lexical words such as verbs, nouns, and adjectives.” 

Despite the superficial similarities of words such as citŏ and sērō, iambic shortening has created 

two very different words in prosodic terms. Although both have a penultimate accent the latter 

has the structure HH (two quantitative trochees) and the former LL (one quantitative trochee). 

Hayes (1995, 120-121) describes iambic shortening in terms of the metrical grid as illustrated in 

Figure 2-3. The resulting bimoraic foot corresponds to the LL pattern. 

(x .) (x .) 

σ σ → σ σ 

│ │ 

μ μ μ μ μ 

m a l e ː m a l e 

Figure 2-3. Iambic shortening 

Mester (1994, 15-17) addresses the issue of extrametricality in his analysis of iambic 

shortening as part of a discussion on prosodic repair strategies which can have either of two 

forms: 

(2.8) SHORTEN: REMOVE-μ (Mester 1994) 

(2.9) LENGTHEN: ADD- μ (Mester 1994) 

83

These repair strategies interact with the constraints related to final syllable extrametricality given 

below (Mester 1994, 17): 

(2.10) Final Syllable Extrametricality: In the sequence σ]Wd: (a) avoid foot-head, 

(b) avoid footing. (Mester1994) 

Iambic shortening allows a word of the type σﬞ σ¯ to produce a final foot, (σﬞ σﬞ ), in violation of part 

(b) of the final syllable extrametricality constraint; however, this is preferable to the violation of 

part (a) that would result from a configuration of the type σﬞ (σ¯ ) in which the only well formed 

foot would be the final syllable, leaving the first syllable unparsed, or in Mester’s terms, 

producing initial trapping. Although much has been written about the strength of the initial 

syllable (Kent 1931), it is also known to be vulnerable when it is pre-tonic. Cases of apheresis in 

the transition from Latin to Romance (Cross 1934), although infrequent, provide some evidence 

of the inherent weakness of an initial unaccented syllable, particularly in polysyllables such as 

Cat. botiga, Cast./Por. bodega (. Here the final syllable is 

treated as extrametrical thereby guaranteeing that stress will be assigned to the antepenultimate 

syllable of words such as dīcitŏ ‘say.’ Using an OT tableau and the constraints established by 

Jacobs for determining Early Classical Latin word stress, Table 2-7 shows that failing to parse 

the last two-syllables (The first is medially trapped and the second is extrametrical.) does not 

result in disqualification of the footing proposed by Mester. Again, it has been assumed that 

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there are two underlying, inviolable constraints: FTBIN and RHTYPE(T). Heavy syllables satisfy 

FTBIN by having two moras. 

Table 2-7. Word Accent and cretic shortening 

NONF QS W/L W/R H/R H/L PARSE-σ 

/HLσ / dīcitŏ ‘say’ 

(H)Lσ σ σ σ σ ** 

(H)(Lσ) *! * σ 

H(Lσ) *! σ σ * 

Vowel Reduction 

Various weakening phenomena are indicative of the effect of Early Latin strong initial 

stress. Changes in vowel quality provide evidence of a pattern of strong initial, particularly in 

derivation or compounding, where related lexical items show alternations between the full value 

of the vowel and the reduced value. Reduction of unstressed vowels is a well documented 

process which occurs in many of the world’s languages. Crosswhite (2001: 21) views vowel 

reduction as a bipartite process which may result in prominence reduction or contrast 

enhancement. She has compiled typologies of vowel reduction based on a survey of 47 

languages. For languages with five vowels, as Latin, 24 different patterns are attested 

(Crosswhite 2001: 218-222) although the particular pattern of reduction suggested in Janson 

(1979, 48) is not attested in Crosswhite’s inventory. For Latin, Janson gives the following cases 

of vowel reduction: e > i, o > i, a > i, u > i. Steriade (1988: 376) deviates somewhat from 

Janson’s account in that she adds as variants: a > e, as in consecro (cf. sacrus) in the 

environment of /r/ and o > u (no examples provided). According to Crosswhite’s classification 

the vowel reductions proposed here might be construed as prominence reduction, particularly 

when more open vowels such as /a/, /e/, /o/ are reduced. The motivation for /u/ (to /i/) is less 

apparent since both /i/ and /u/ are high vowels and, consequently, less prominent acoustically. 

85

However, /u/ has special phonetic features because it is rounded. The elimination of these 

special articulatory gestures in essence makes the vowel less prominent. 

Harris and Lindsey (2000, 190) note that “a language’s maximal vowel inventory is not 

sustained in all phonological contexts.” Although the reduced inventory is often a concomitant 

of stress, they caution against the construction of a cause and effect relationship: “it would be far 

from the truth to assume that all cases of systematic contraction are conditioned in this way.” 

The interaction between phonology and morphology is evident in the case of Latin. Janson 

(1979: 48-52) points out that most examples of vowel reduction come from prefixation of verbs, 

for example, facio-inficio, rapio-corripio, capio-incipio, lego-deligo. Assuming that such 

compounds were created during the formative period of Latin, word initial stress, then, might 

have been the catalyst of change. However, the examples cited in Janson raise another 

possibility, that of vowel harmony. The two sound changes seen here are a>i and e>i. That /i/ 

should be the favored outcome is not surprising. According to Harris and Lindsey (2000, 189- 

190) vowel systems cross-linguistically show a predilection for the triangular pattern, that is, /i, 

a, u/. For Latin, changes of the type a>i and e>i are well attested. That /a/ does not retain its 

articulation features may be owing to the influence of a following high front vowel evident in the 

first three examples although Harris and Lindsey (2000, 190-191) suggest that this is most likely 

to occur when the influencing vowel is in a dominant nucleus. There are many examples from 

Romance, however, that show the influence of a palatal element (non nucleic) on a preceding 

vowel such as vendimia < vindēmĭa ‘vintage.’ Here, it is the accent bearing vowel that is raised 

by a palatal glide in the onset of the following syllable. The change o> i, according to Janson 

(1979: 51-52) is poorly attested with the exception of the adverb ilico >in that very place= (cf. 

locus) and the change u> i is equally infrequent, occurring in examples such as caput ‘head’ 

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(nom. sg.), capitis (gen. sg.). Note that in both cases there is another high front vowel present 

either before or after the vowel that undergoes raising. The vowel reductions seen here do not 

affect the rhythmic structure of the syllables in questions because the moraic structure remains 

unchanged. However, loss of acoustic prominence for the stem vowel which is now unstressed, 

in the case of the prefixed verbs, is evident. 

Treatment of Words of Greek Origin 

There are two pertinent processes in the treatment of Greek borrowings in Latin: 

imposition of the Latin Stress Rule and vowel weakening. Lindsay (1894, 155-156) observes 

that prescriptive grammars recommend Greek accentuation for those cases where Latin and 

Greek accent patterns do not coincide. However, the avoidance of stress on the final syllable is 

well documented by the treatment of Greek words with final stress. These examples (Baldi 

1999, 192-193) show that primary accent is now in conformity with the Latin Stress Rule. 

Latin Greek 

bardus ‘stupid’ βραδύς 

blennus ‘blockhead’ βλεννός 

hĭlărus ‘cheerful’ ἱλαρός 

moechus ‘adulterer’ μοιχός 

paedăgōgus ‘pedagogue’ παιδαγωγός 

Vowel weakening in Greek loanwords, often a precursor to syncope, is considered a 

chronological marker by Baldi (1990, 190) because the process in Latin was probably no longer 

productive by 250 B.C.E. However, the variable treatment of vowels in Greek borrowings 

continues well beyond this time period and cannot be construed to be a reliable method for 

dating the entry into Latin of particular words. An example is camera ‘vault’ < καμάρ¯α whe r e 

the reduction a>e is well attested in Latin (Garcea, Corpus Grammaticorum Latinorum (CGL), 

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s.v. camera 2 ) yet the pronouncements from CGL are inconsistent and suggest that the two forms 

camera/camara may have co-existed for some time. Biville (1995, 92) sees another possibility: 

“Cam(m)ara peut s’interpréter comme un réemprunt au grec, ou comme une forme vulgaire 

résultant de l’ouverture devant r du e de camera, forme latinisée, depuis longtemps acclimate.” 

The outputs in Romance 3 indicate that the form camera is the source of cambra in Catalan and 

Old Spanish. Under the prosodic constraints for Classical Latin, stress is assigned to the 

antepenultimate syllable of the word because the penultimate vowel is short. The penultimate, 

unstressed syllable is now vulnerable and a candidate for elision as attested by Catalan and Old 

Spanish cambra (with epenthetic /b/). However, only the variant câmara is found in Portuguese 

(cf. Spanish cámara and Catalan càmara, dubbed a ‘castellanisme’ in DCVB, s.v. càmara). 

Vowel reduction without syncope is seen in a > i in Latin māchĭna, ae, f. ‘machine’ < μ¯α χανα ¯ ́ 

(Doric) (Baldi 1999, 190) as well as pătĭna (pătĕna), ae, f. ‘broad, flat dish’ (< πατάνη) are both 

attested in Plautus (Lewis and Short, s.v. māchĭna, pătĭna; Biville 1995, 380, 447). These cases 

are of interest because they are early borrowings with a different outcome, vowel reduction 

without syncope. 

There are two other aspects of the vocalism of Greek borrowings that should be 

mentioned: exceptions to vowel reduction and alteration of diphthongs. That vowel reduction is 

not exceptionless is seen in cŏrĭandrum or -dron, i, n.; also -drus, i, f. ‘coriander’ (

celiandre. However, Portuguese coentro suggests an alternate form with vowel reduction, 

*coriendrum. On the other hand, the complete assimilation of Greek words is seen in the fact 

that diphthongs also undergo alternations typical of native Latin words. The replacement of the 

diphthong /aj/ with long vowel as in olīva (< ε̉λαίƑᾱ) has as counterpart the alternations seen in 

the noun poena, ae, f. (

Greek accentuation is preserved in many personal names such as Ananías, María, Sophía which 

he attributes to “unbroken ecclesiastical tradition.” In liturgical Latin the following Greek words 

with antepenultimate accent—ab˘y ssus, erěmus, idŏlum—are regularly scanned with short vowels 

in the penultimate syllable in order to avoid the conflict generated by a quantity sensitive 

accentual system that assigns stress to a heavy penult. It is through the Greek loanwords that it is 

possible to establish two important facts relative to the Latin accent: first, that the early accent 

was word initial and stress-based. This is seen in the reduced vowel quality of Greek loans that 

follow the a>i, e>i pattern noted by Janson. Second, the quantitative nature of the Latin accent 

emerges in the reduction of penultimate vowels when they do not form the stress bearing foot. 

The change from word initial stress accent to right edge quantitative trochee is supported by 

evidence from both native Latin words and Greek loanwords. 

Strategies of Moraic Preservation 

Previous discussion has centered on vowel reduction and loss as a mechanism for prosodic 

repair. Mester (1994, 15) presents vowel lengthening as another prosodic repair strategy which 

he labels ADD-μ. Vowel lengthening is operative in early Latin as seen in the case of pōnō < 

*po-sinō, cf. positus. Following loss of the post-tonic short vowel - i-, the /s/ in coda position 

weakens and is lost. However, the preceding vowel -o- is lengthened. Such cases of vowel 

lengthening were common in Latin and often involved the loss of /s/ in coda position. Such 

changes are well attested cross-linguistically. Kavitskaya (2002, 4) summarizes the process as 

follows: C1VC2 → CV:. She notes that the process neither adds nor removes syllables but the 

affected syllable now becomes an open syllable with a long vowel. This type of vowel 

lengthening is more likely to occur in languages that already have a system of contrasting short 

and long vowels (Blevins 2004a, 154): “I suggest that the greater likelihood of compensatory 

90

lengthening to devlop in a language with pre-existing length contrasts than in a language without 

such contrasts reflects potential priming effects on the learner in the course of language 

acquisition.” Leumann (1963: 103-105) provides other examples such as the reduction of the 

clusters -ns-, -nfs-. Lengthening before nasals is construed by Baldi (1999: 258) as evidence for 

the weakening of the nasal before a fricative. The well-known inscriptional variants cōsul 

~consul and cēsor ~censor constitute further testimony of the relative weakness of the nasal 

before a fricative and support the view that compensatory lengthening was an active repair 

strategy to insure perseverance of the optimal foot, the bimoraic trochee. 

In further support of the moraic trochee is the fact that vowel lengthening is also seen in 

monosyllabic words. Baldi (1999, 258) states that Latin had a minimum moraic requirement of 

two moras per word. This requirement could be fulfilled by a heavy nucleus, that is, a long 

vowel or diphthong, or a short vowel followed by a consonant. The alternating forms of 

prepositions such as ē/ex ‘out of’ and ā/ab ‘away from’ illustrate the prosodic exchange of long 

by nature and long by position. On the other hand, Lachmann’s Law poses some problems with 

regard to strict bimoraicity. Lachmann’s Law, the lengthening of the vowel in the formation of 

the past participle, according to Baldi (1998, 259-262), has its origins in the case of verb roots 

ending in /d/ or /g/. Before the participial suffix -to, the final consonant of the verb root 

undergoes voice assimilation and the preceding vowel is lengthened, as in the following cases: 

V˘ (1 st pers. sg. present ) V˘¯ , (past participle) 

regō rēctus ‘rule’ 

edō ēsus ‘eat’ 

The lengthening seen in these cases contrasts with verbs like faciō, factus ‘do’ where there is no 

vowel lengthening. The SPE type rules of Kiparsky (1965) and King (1969) to describe 

Lachmann’s Law, cited in Baldi (1999, 260), have the disadvantage of overproduction. 

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1. Vowel lengthening: [-cons] → [+long] /__ +obst +obst 

+voice -voice 

2. Voice assimilation : [+obst] → [αvoice] /__ +obst 

αvoice 

However, without further constraints the above rule would produce the unattested form *grēx 

(grex, gregis ‘herd’) and similar constructions. The exceptions to Lachmann’s Law are not 

limited to the nominal system. In the verb paradigm the opacity of Lachmann’s Law is seen in 

forms (Baldi 1999, 261) such as such as fundō, fūsus ‘pour’ and findō, fissus ‘split.’ 

This suggests that vowel lengthening was not a phonological rule or that it was a rule that was 

extant for a limited period of time. Baldi (1999, 261-262) refers to later studies, in particular 

Watkins (1970), to suggest that vowel lengthening here is a product of analogy and 

morphological conditioning. Watkins (1970, 63) is mindful of the role of chronology. For 

example, he states that fundō, fūsus and tundō, tūsus ‘beat’ are “late creations in Latin” and also 

notes that tūsus alternates with older tūnsus. In the latter case one sees the familiar pattern of 

vowel lengthening to compensate for an elided nasal before a fricative. 

While Lachmann’s law may not be phonologically grounded it does impact the bimoraic 

limit of the quantitative trochee. In the case of the prepositions cited above, the alternate form 

with long vowel, for example ā/ab, can be viewed as lengthening to preserve the minimum 

moraic count for a prosodic word. The lengthening of the stem vowel in the case of the passive 

participle has the effect of producing in some instances a superheavy syllable as in regō, rēctus. 

If the iconic root form for verbs is considered to be TeR, TeT, or TeRT, the formation of the past 

participle will always result in a syllable that is considered heavy because it has a coda. If the 

nucleus is a long vowel or a falling diphthong the resulting syllable now consists of three moras. 

The trimoraic syllable does occur in other environments in Latin, for example, maestus 

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‘sorrowful.’ Allen (1973, 137) states that in the case of medial s+stop, for example pestis 

‘plague,’ the syllable division separates the two consonants, that is pes.tis, so that one forms the 

coda of the preceding syllable and the other is the onset of the following syllable (see also 

Devine and Stephens 1977, 132). In the case of maestus, the resulting first syllable, the only 

parsable foot if extrametricality is assumed, is superheavy. The superheavy syllable in Latin is 

relatively infrequent and appears to be morphologically generated, as is the case of the sigmatic 

perfects as well as the past particple discussed above. Given the special properties of /s/ it is 

probable that the coda is viewed as extrametrical. 

In a strict bimoraic interpretation of the quantitative trochee as the basis of Latin prosody, 

discussed in Mester (1994, 29) who proposes (QT) as the parsing foot structure, the 

syllable maes- cannot project a foot because it is *(μμμ). Mester (1994, 40) recognizes this as an 

issue in his discussion of syncope: “In the output of syncope, long vowels in the preceding 

syllable are usually shortened, in conformity with the generally marked character of superheavy 

CVVC syllables in Latin.” The case of jurgō (

Allen (1973, 66) suggests that what is important for Latin is to determine whether or not a 

syllable is heavy. He terms hypercharacterization the cases of long vowel in a closed syllable. 

Such syllables are already long by position and reduction of either the vowel or the consonant is 

seen in different chronological phases of Latin such as prehistoric *amāntem > amăntem (Allen 

1973, 141) and caussa, cāssus in Cicero and Vergil but later causa, cāsus (Allen 1973, 66). The 

syllables in question remain heavy in prosodic terms. Loss of superheavy status does not affect 

footing because it plays no role in the metrical structure of Latin. There are well known cases 

where the superheavy foot impacts assignment of word level accent, for example, in Classical, 

Damascene, and Cairene Arabic, presented in Goldsmith (1990, 197-198) (further discussion in 

Appendix B). 

Classical Latin Accent: From the Metrical Grid to the OT Tableau 

The rise of metrical theory stimulated the examination of prosodic systems in many 

languages including Latin. The move to the metrical grid and away from tree structures offers 

many advantages. As McCarthy and Prince (1996, 1) note “It is a commonplace of phonology 

that rules count moras (μ), syllables (σ), or feet (F) but never segments.” The grid marks 

indicate stressable elements within the prosodic word and contruct a base line of moras or 

syllables. Higher level rows build on the familiar prosodic hierarchy reproduced in Figure 2-5. 

Word (Wd) 

| 

Foot (F) 

| 

Syllable (σ) 

| 

Mora (μ) 

Figure 2-5. The prosodic hierarchy 

The grid representation may vary slightly depending on the prosodic properties of individual 

languages. For Latin the mora level is important in construction of the prosodic foot but it also 

94

means that not all elements on the F Row can be parsed if bimoraicity is strictly interpreted. 

Following Hayes (1995, 91-92), with modification from Mester (1994, 29), one can establish the 

precepts that govern construction of the grid as it applies to the accent of Classical Latin. 

1. Final syllable extrametricality: σ → /___ ]word 

2. Foot construction: a. Form a moraic trochee from R to L 

b. Trochee = min/max 2 

3. Word layer construction End Rule Right 

Prosodic trapping is inevitable in the mapping of Latin words to the grid. As illustration, 

words of two and three syllables in Latin are examined. The conventional L(light) and H 

(heavy) differentiate syllables with short vowel and no coda from syllables with long vowel or 

vowel plus coda. As added information, syllables in which the nucleus is a vowel long by nature 

or a diphthong are coded HV and syllables that are heavy due to presence of a coda consonant 

are coded HC. Foot construction is problematic when initial or medial light syllables are 

stranded or trapped. Such is the case in 2A and 3C where the initial light syllable is stranded. 

Similarly, in 3B medial trapping occurs. 

Table 2-8. Prosodic configurations in words of two and three syllables 

Two-syllables 2A: L 

a 

cŭ.tem ‘skin,’ f. 

2B: HV cau.lem ‘cabbage,’ m. ‘tooth,’ m. 

2C: HC den.tem 

Three syllables 3A: L.L 

3B: HV .L 

HC 

3C: L. HV 

HC 

3D: HC .HV 

HV 

3E: HC .HC 

HV 

a 

Initial light syllable is stranded. 

b 

Medial syllable is trapped. 

cŏ.mĭ.tem 

b mī.lĭ.tem 

b ar.bŏ.rem 

a dŏ.lō.rem 

a cŏ.hor.tem 

vec.tō.rem 

vō.cā.lem 

in.sec.tum 

dē.fen.sam 

95 

‘companion,’ m./f. 

‘soldier,’ m. 

‘tree,’ f. 

‘pain,’ m. 

‘court,’ f. 

‘bearer,’ m. 

‘vowel,’ f. 

‘insect,’ n. 

‘defense,’ f.

The light syllable between the initial heavy syllable and the extrametrical final syllable 

cannot form a foot because it lacks the minimum moraic count. Mester (1994, 17) discusses 

trapping relative to iambic shortening and proposes an OT type solution: it is better to parse the 

final foot than to create an illicit trochee. The rules for constructing the metrical grid to assign 

stress (Hayes 1995 and Mester 1994), are readily rendered into OT constraints that 

(2.11) Define the prosodic word 

Lx ≈ Pr: A member of MCAT corresponds to a PrWD. (Jacobs 2000, 2003b) 

A member of the morphological category MCAT (root, stem, lexical word) is a 


(2.12) Define foot form 

FtBin: Feet are binary at some level of analysis (μ, σ) (Jacobs 2000, 2003b) 

RhType (T): Rhythm type is trochaic 

QT(2,2) : Feet are trochaic with minimum and maximum of two moras. (Mester 

1994) 

(2.13) Define quantity sensitivity 

WSP (Weight to Stress): heavy syllables are prominent in foot structure. (Jacobs 

2000) 

QS (Quantity Sensitivity): heavy syllables are stressed. (Jacobs 2003b) 

Jacobs (2003a, 276 and 2004, 65-69) adapts these constraints to create tableaux that 

model the main stress of Classical Latin. In its streamlined form (Jacobs 2004, 65) the tableau 

appears in Table 2-9 with one constraint added to bar the uneven trochee, *(HL. Other 

constraints are defined below. Note that Jacobs has replaced the more familiar ALIGN family of 

constraints with W/R and H/R. 

(2.14) *(HL): A foot must not consist of a heavy and a light syllable. (Jacobs 2004) 

(2.15) W/R: Align the prosodic word and prosodic foot to the right. 

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(2.16) H/R: Align the head foot to the right in the prosodic word. 

It is assumed that the top tier constraints, FTBIN and RHTYPE(T) are undominated. Since stress 

in Latin is dependent on the nature of the last three syllables all possible Latin words are 

represented by the nine canonical shapes in Table 2-9 (Expansion to the left is assumed.) The 

final extrametrical syllable is represented by σ; the accented syllable is in bold and underlined. 

Words of two-syllables, always with penultimate accent, form a subclass of the nine forms. 

Monosyllables are minimally bimoraic and are an exceptional class in that some words cannot 

carry word level accent; that is, they are not prosodic words. The clitic pronouns in Ibero- 

Romance are a good example of unstressable elements that cannot be assigned the status of a 


Table 2-9. Parsing of three-syllable end of word 

NONFIN H/R W/R QS PARSE-σ *(HL) 

1 L.(HC).σ avoided by σ σ * * avoided by extrametrical 

2 L.(HV).σ σ σ * * 

3 (HC).(HC).σ extrametrical σ σ * final σ and non parsing 

4 (HC).(HV).σ σ σ * 

5 (HV).(HC).σ final σ σ σ * of trapped light syllables 

6 (HV).(HV).σ σ σ * 

7 (L.L).σ σ σ * 

8 (HC).L.σ σ σ * * 

9 (HV).L.σ 

σ σ * * 

The first six forms in Table 2-9 have penultimate accent secured by the bimoraic nature 

of the penultimate syllable. Whether the preceding syllable is light or heavy (long vowel, falling 

diphthong, coda consonant) is immaterial. However, the light antepenultimate syllable is 

vulnerable if not word initial. In terms of OT constraints the unparsable light syllable incurs 

violations of PARSE-σ, a low ranking constraint, as does the final extrametrical syllable. Yet 

early Latin syncope and late Latin syncope demonstrate the inherent weakness of a pre-tonic or 

postonic medial short vowel. The fate of these light syllables in Late Latin and Romance has a 

97

profound effect on syllabic count, syllabic weight, and the relative position of primary accent 

within the word. Furthermore, forms 2, 4, and 6 in Table 2-9 depend on vowel length to assign 

stress to the penultimate syllable. What is the expected outcome of loss of quantitative 

difference between otherwise like vowels? Syllables that are long by position also face 

quantitative challenges as the coda consonant is modified or elided entirely in the transition to 

Romance. If determination of word accent is dependent on those factors that create a heavy 

syllable, in their absence, the rules that govern computation of accent have become opaque. 

Learnability of the Latin Accent 

The questions posed above with regard to rule opacity are studied in Apoussidou and 

Boersma (2003, 2004). They survey the constraints developed by Prince and Smolensky (1993), 

Tesar and Smolensky (2000), and Jacobs (2000) and compare their efficacy in a simulation of the 

learnability of Latin stress. At issue in the study is not so much the nature of the constraints 

themselves but their effect on two acquisitions patterns (Apoussidou and Boersma 2004, 107- 

108): Error-Driven Constraint Demotion (EDCD) and the Gradual Learning Algorithm (GLA). 

EDCD presumes that error detection is a catalyst for reranking of constraints. Constraints are 

demoted if the learner perceives lack of congruence between a perceived correct form and a 

produced incorrect form. The process continues until the grammar has achieved a state of 

perfect balance between perception and production. GLA depends on adjustments in the 

hierarchy in accord with evidence from input. The adjustments are gradual and reflect 

vacillation in production of the learner who may alternately revert to an old, incorrect form while 

occasionally producing the new, correct form. 

For purposes of the simulation Apoussidou and Boersma (2004) focus on the acquisition of 

primary stress in Latin. The virtual learners of this computer simulation were exposed to 10,000 

to 40,000 tokens containing words of two to seven syllables. The GLA learners were overall far 

98

more successful in learning primary stress placement from the input forms. Curiously, the 

virtual learners (Apoussidou and Boersma 2003, 144) more easily assigned word accent with an 

uneven trochee than when constrained by strict bimoraicity. Jacobs (2000) admits the uneven 

trochee as a possibility and prefers to define the trochee in terms of “at least bimoraic.” Using 

Mester’s notation, Jacobs would favor QT(2,3). Although concerned primarily with language 

acquisition EDCD and GLA are also a promising approach for diachronic studies. The problems 

experienced by virtual learners may explain some of the vacillations seen in stress placement in 

the transition to Romance as well as competing forms that exist in the modern languages. As has 

been suggested earlier the musical nature of the binary prosodic foot calls for a perceived 

contrast between the strong or accented element and the unstressed element. Apparently, this 

contrast is more easily mapped onto a configuration of HL as opposed to LL. 

The Transition from Classical Latin to Late Latin 

As is the case with Classical Latin, knowledge of lexical accent after the fall of the 

Roman Empire relies on documentary evidence of different types: the descriptions of 

grammarians, legal and testimonial documents, accidental evidence such as inscriptions and 

graffiti as well as metrical evidence. Cases of divergences have particular phonological 

environments: vowels in hiatus, medial clusters consisting of a voiced stop with /r/, verb 

compounds in which accent moves to the verb stem from the prefix, and stress shift in the 

pronunciation of some of the numerals, notably vīginti ‘twenty’ and trīginta ‘thirty.’ The 

numerous cases of syncope and related phenomena indicate the presence of a stress accent, 

perhaps limited by chronology and/or register. Loss of distinctive vowel length does not permit 

the continuation of a quantitative based accentual system because there would be far too many 

exceptions coming from cases of retention of original locus of accent on a heavy syllable which 

is now indistinguishable from a light syllable. Furthermore, the descriptions of grammarians 

99

with regard to accent begin to employ different vocabulary and terms of reference. In describing 

a twelfth century treatise on pronunciation from a Cistercian monastery Thurot (1869: 392) 

remarks that “on ne trouve aucune mention des accents aigu, grave, ou circonflexe ... Il n’est 

question que de l’accent (accentus) en général.” Thurot notes the ambiguity of the vocabulary 

which describes the contrast between stressed and unstressed syllables. Although words such as 

mora, instanter suggest duration rather than pitch, elevabitur and deprimentur could be 

construed as references to the classical tradition which designated accent as acutus, gravis, 

circunflexus. The transition from Latin to Romance marks a second major change in the stress 

system of Latin with significant consequences for vowel reduction/loss and syllable structure. 

The current chapter has reviewed the movement of word accent from alignment with the left 

word edge to alignment with the right word edge excluding the final syllable. 

100

CHAPTER 3 

FROM QUANTITY SENSITIVE TO STRESS ACCENT 

Chronology of Latin 

In the opening chapters of his study of Late Latin, Löfstedt (1959) struggles with 

questions of chronology, nomenclature, and definition. He acknowledges that the transition from 

Latin to Romance must have been gradual and imperceptible (1959, 14), beginning perhaps in 

the third century. Miller (2006, xvii-xix) provides a detailed division of Latin, based primarily 

on periods of literary activity. Table 3-1 is an adaptation of this chronology (centuries are 

expreseed as C1 (=1st century). For the present study, texts from the time periods labeled Late 

Latin and Medieval Latin are the most pertinent. These texts are often non literary but provide 

important evidence as to the state of the language at the time. Those cited in this chapter are 

indicated in Table 3-1. 

Table 3-1. Latin historical periods 

Period Dates Key Works 

1 Archaic < -100 

2 Ciceronian -100 to -43 

3 Augustan -43 to +14 

4 Silver Age 14 to 117 

5 Antonine 117 to 192 

6 192 to 337 

7 337 to 430 

8 Late Latin 430 to 636 

9 

C7-8 CE 

Medieval Latin C9-13 CE 

Humanistic C 4-16 CE 

Latin 

Appendix Probi (C4) 

Egeria, Peregrinatio ad loca sancta (late C4) 

Claudius Hermeros, Mulomedicina Chironis (late C4/early 

C5) 

Vulgar Latin, not reflected in the chronological grid, is an umbrella term, perhaps better 

used as plural, to describe varieties of popular language that correspond to an oral rather than 

written tradition. According to Hall (1974, 71) the split between literary and popular Latin is a 

byproduct of the codification of language that occurred as concomitant of a nascent tradition of 

101

written literature: “Classical usage thenceforth became more and more static, while popular 

speech kept on developing.” However, Väänänen (1967, 5) warns against the temptation 

“d’exagérer l’opposition entre la langue parlée et la langue écrite; il existe notamment de 

nombreux points de contact entre le langage populaire et le style poétique.” These points of 

contact, in particular the reflection of popular language in the written tradition, become valuable 

sources of information relative to ongoing language change. In subsequent discussions the 

imperfect term Vulgar Latin is the preferred designation; as used here it is understood to be a 

reference to the popular stratum of the language that spans several centuries. This use follows 

the definition of Herman (1975, 16): “nous appelons latin vulgaire la langue parlée des couches 

peu influencées ou non influencées par l’enseignement scolaire et par les modèles littéraires . . . . 

Notre définition ne comporte aucune limitation chronologique.” 

Sources of evidence of the popular stratum are of two types: direct and indirect (Hall 

1974, 73-74). Examples of direct evidence are 1) literary works that include representation of 

popular speech, for example, early Latin dramatists Plautus (ca. 284-204 BCE) and Terence 

(185-50 BCE), and the Cēna Trimalchiōnis from Petronius’s Satyricon (1st century CE); 2) Late 

Latin authors whose language reflects the norms of the cultivated Latin of Christian authors 

together with elements of popular language as Egeria’s Peregrinatio ad loca sancta (late 4th 

century CE) 4 ; 3) grammatical annotations of the type found in the often cited Appendix Probi 

(3rd or 4th century CE), a handwritten list of 227 common spelling/grammar errors added to a 

grammatical treatise, Instituta Artium, attributed to a grammarian Probus (see Appendix A). 

While the Mulomedicina Chironis is of greater import for the study of medical and veterinary 

4 In describing the polemic concerning Egeria’s use of language Wilkinson (1999, 2) asserts that although there is no 

evidence that she had studied the Latin classics, there is ample evidence that she was familiar with authors of the 

Church. Her rhetorical devices echo those of the Bible and of formal prayer. 

102

terminology, it is also characterized by imperfectness of language when the measuring stick is 

Classical Latin. Sihler (1995, 16-17) notes that these Late Latin authors did not set about to 

write in a colloquial register rather they employ the conventions of Latin grammar to the best of 

their knowledge and frequently acknowledge deficiencies in self-deprecatory comments. 

However, he cautions that none of these documents “can be trusted as a full and faithful 

representation of contemporary speech” (Sihler 1995, 17). 

Indirect evidence, on the other hand, is found outside of Latin proper. Words of Latin 

origin which entered the lexicon in other language families such as Celtic, Germanic, and Slavic, 

in the period of the early empire often aid in dating certain sound changes, for example, German 

Keller (

and the consequences for segments that are not in prominent position. The first set of changes to 

be studied concerns vowel reduction in its most extreme, form, vowel loss. 

Syncope in Vulgar Latin 

It is possible to argue that widespread syncope in Western Romance corresponds to the 

desire to create a more desirable rhythmic structure within the new paradigm of a non quantity 

sensitive stress accent. Words with proparoxytonic stress routinely lose the post-tonic vowel 

nucleus when that vowel is short as seen in the words (cited in Jensen 1999, 138 as examples of 

syncope) in Table 3-2 in their Classical Latin and Vulgar Latin forms as well as their reflexes in 

Ibero-Romance. It should be noted, however, that many of the examples in Table 3-2 show 

alternations between disyllabic and trisyllabic variants in Classical Latin. In Lewis and Short 

disyllabic variants are documented as follows: caldus (s.v. călĭdus) is the predominant form in 

the August period; postus (s.v. pōno) occurs in Lucretius (99-55 BCE); soldus (s.v. sŏlĭdus) is 

attested in Horace (65 BCE-8 CE). The Classical Latin forms in Table 3-2 represent the 

accusative singular with final /m/ in parentheses since the nasal was probably no longer 

pronounced by the end of the fifth century C.E. (Harris-Northall 1990, 38). Since the input 

forms are all of the type (C)V.CV.CV, syncope then implies also resolution of newly created 

medial clusters. 

Table 3-2. Syncope of post-tonic short vowels in Latin 

Classical Latin Vulgar 

Latin 

Castilian Catalan Portuguese 

1 călĭdu(m) ‘hot drink’ caldu caldo cald (Old Cat.) caldo 

2 cŏlăphu(m) ‘blow’ colpu golpe colp golpe 

3 ŏcŭlu(m) ‘eye’ oclu ojo ull olho 

4 pŏsĭtu(m) ‘position’ postu puesto post posto 

5 sŏlĭdu(m) ‘coin’ soldu sueldo sou soldo 

6 spĕcŭlu(m) ‘mirror’ speclu espejo espill espelho 

104

Clusters of the type liquid + stop and /s/ + stop appear to be stable. Because the liquid + 

stop groups are inadmissible as syllable onset they are syllabified as coda and onset of two 

contiguous syllables as in examples 1, 2, and 5. Example 5 for Catalan deserves some comment. 

In modern Catalan syllable final /l/ acquires its place of articulation from the following 

consonant (Hualde 1992, 398). The presence of Old Cat. cald, as well as colp, indicates that 

syllable final /l/ to does not regularly undergo vocalization or deletion. Rather, the development 

of the glide /w/ from /d/ in coda position is consistent with the treatment of word final and 

syllable final voiced coronal stops as in peu ‘foot’ < pedem (Wheeler 1988, 173). The 

preceding /l/ in this case is absorbed by /w/. The cluster /s/ + stop in example 4 is heterosyllabic 

because it is not a permitted onset in any of the modern Ibero-Romance languages. 

Additionally, the loss of /s/ before another consonant in French suggests that it was a syllable 

coda rather than part of a complex onset. According to Pope (1966, 151) syllable final /s/ 

assimilates in voicing to following voiced obstruents and is eventually lost; however, loss is 

usually accompanied by vowel lengthening. Compensatory lengthening suggests a device to 

restore syllabic weight that could only exist if the s + obstruent clusters were heterosyllabic. 

In metrical terms the input form in Table 3-2, (C)V.CV.CV represents L1.L2.L3 parsed as 

(L1.L2) (accented syllable underlined; angled brackets indicate extrametricality; and 

parentheses a prosodic foot). Jacobs (2004, 75) contends that the vulnerability of L2 proceeds 

from its status as the weak member of a trochee. The complete list of cases of syncope in the 

Appendix Probi (Väänänen 1967, 254-257; reproduced in Appendix A) in Table 3-3 

demonstrates that the common factor is, indeed, a short vowel in post-tonic position. The items 

that appear in square brackets have been added to show the derived form, usually a diminutive of 

the preferred Latin word, that has given rise to the Vulgar Latin form. It is noteworthy that in 

105

several cases the original Latin word has become subject to confusion due to homonymic status 

or near homonymic status resulting from phonological changes. Line 83, auris ‘ear’ is a good 

example; the diphthong /aw/ becomes /o/ in Vulgar Latin and resulting *ore is now identical to 

ore(m), acc. sg. ‘mouth.’ The augmented form, oricla, may therefore be lexically motivated. In 

any case, it also shows syncope in its development from the diminutive auricula. Similarly, coda 

simplification in fax ‘torch’ would result in homonymy with fas ‘dicates of religion.’ Vulgar 

Latin, as seen in Table 3-3, attests to the frequency of syncope in the spoken language. 

Table 3-3. Cases of syncope in the Appendix Probi 

3 a speculum non speclum. 

4 masculus non masclus. 

5 vetulus non veclus. 

6 vitulus non viclus. 

7 vernaculus non vernaclus. 

8 articulus non articlus. 

9 baculus non vaclus. 

10 angulus non anglus. 

11 iugulus non iuglus. 

29 avus non aus. 

53 calida non calda. 

54 frigida non fricda. 

62 flavus non flaus. 

a Numbers correspond to line numbers in Appendix A. 

83 auris non oricla. [

one most propitious for syncope, the weak position of a foot seen in Figure 3-1 (The stressed 

syllable is underlined and the final, extrametrical foot is in angled brackets.) 

Classical Latin Vulgar Latin Output after Syncope 

(tā)bu Vowel (ta.bu) Stress tábla 

length 

assigned 

is lost 

before 

(ca.li) (ca.li) syncope cáldu 

Figure 3-1. Parsing of candidates for syncope in Classical Latin and Vulgar Latin. 

Mester (1994, 41) questions whether or not the accentual system of Vulgar Latin was, indeed, 

quantity sensitive at this time. He suggests that in the absence of length contrasts only a closed 

syllable could be construed as heavy, and, furthermore, only when in penultimate position. All 

other syllables were regarded as light (1994, 42). The parsings in Figure 3-2 illustrate the crucial 

difference between Classical and Vulgar Latin. The result of syncope in examples from the 

Appendix Probi in Table 3-4, demonstrates that in many but not all of the preferred Vulgar Latin 

forms, the primary accent now falls on a heavy syllable. This cannot be stated as an 

exceptionless constraint of the type QS (Quantity Sensitivity: Heavy syllables are stressed) due 

to the complexities of syllabification of muta cum liquida medial clusters discussed below. As 

the comparative data of nouns of Latin origin in Castilian, Catalan, and Portuguese are examined 

in subsequent chapters it will become apparent that QS no longer plays a major role in prediction 

of stress. While the primary accent often coincides with a heavy syllable, the heavy syllable in 

itself is not sufficient to attract the word accent. 

What is without exception in these cases of post-tonic syncope is that the loss of a vocalic 

nucleus has moved the word accent one syllable closer to the right word edge. Antepenultimate 

stress in essence has been eliminated as a possible accentual pattern for the data set in Table 3-4. 

This is not generalizable for the entire corpus of Latin nouns that pass into Ibero-Romance, 

107

however. Except where indicated the items in the Appendix Probi correspond to the citation 

form of nouns and adjectives, that is, nominative singular. The final foot, considered 

extrametrical in Classical Latin, is coded as X because it cannot project a foot. In determining 

whether a syllable is light or heavy it will be assumed that onsets are maximized and codas are 

minimized. The stressed syllable is underlined. It should be remembered that for the input form 

(Classical Latin) the ‘H’ type syllable may also correspond to a long vowel. A gloss in English 

has also been added to help identify the words as probable high frequency items because they 

relate to everyday objects and activities. 

Table 3-4. Changes in prosodic form as a result of syncope 

Prosodic Form Examples 

Words of 2 syllables: LX→H 29 avus non aus. ‘grandfather’ 

HX→H 62 flavus non flaus. ‘golden yellow 

96 nubes non nubs. ‘cloud’ 

Words of 3 syllables: LLX→LX 3 speculum non speclum. ‘mirror’ 

5 vetulus non veclus. ‘little old man’ 

6 vitulus non viclus. ‘calf’ 

9 baculus non vaclus. ‘staff’ 

11 iugulus non iuglus. ‘collar-bone’ 

53 calida non calda. ‘warm water’ 

111 oculus non oclus. ‘eye’ 

130 tabula non tabla. ‘board’ 

133 fax non facla. [

How syncope actually affects the assignment of word stress can be shown by placing 

templates for two, three, and four-syllable words from Table 3-4 in an OT tableau. For Classical 

Latin, Jacobs (2003b) suggests that there are two types of constraints to compute primary accent 

There are the undominated constraints which are assumed and not reflected in the OT tableau. 

Lx≈Pr: A lexical item must be prosodically analyzed. 

FTBIN: Feet are binary at some level of analysis (moras, syllables). 

RHTYPE (T): The rhythm type is trochaic; feet are trochaic. 

The other ranked constraints concern position of the accented foot and parsing of feet. 

NONFIN(NONFINALITY): A foot may not be final. 

W/L: Align prosodic word to the left; align feet to the left. 

W/R: Align prosodic word to the right; align feet to the right. 

H/L: Align head foot to the left; align prosodic word to the left. 

H/R: Align head foot to the right; align prosodic word to the right. 

PARSE-σ: Syllables must be parsed. 

It is noteworthy that Jacobs has not included in this analysis a QS (Quantity Sensitivity) 

parameter (cf. Prince and Smolensky 2004). The positioning constraints are ranked so as to 

favor placing primary accent close to the right edge but not in a foot aligned with the right edge, 

that is, NONFIN >> W/R >> W/L >> H/R >> H/L >>PARSE-σ. The ranked constraints will thus 

prevent L(LL) from being a winning candidate even though its final foot is a perfect bimoraic 

trochee. Table 3-5 shows how the output forms of Table 3-4 would be evaluated by the ranked 

constraints. Underlining indicates the syllable with primary accent. 

Table 3-5. Vulgar Latin constraints on accent 

VL Forms Lx≈Pr NONFIN 

W/R W/L H/R H/L PARSE-σ 

1 Words of 1 syllable (H) * 

2 Words of 2 syllables (LX) * 

3 (H)L σ σ * 

4 Words of 3 syllables (H)(LX) σ σ 

5 L(LX) σ σ * 

6 unattested (H)LX σσ σ ** 

7 unattested (LL)X σ σ * 

109

Two forms, unattested as outputs of syncope of four-syllable words in Table 3-4, have 

been added to Table 3-5 for purposes of discussion. In comparing the forms that emerge as 

preferred in Table 3-4 and Table 3-5 with the constraint ranking for Classical Latin, it is apparent 

that the undominated constraints, FTBIN (Feet are binary) and RHTYPE(T) (Feet are trochaic), 

continue to preside in Vulgar Latin, assuming that the final syllable of a word cannot be 

considered heavy except in the case of monosyllables. Binarity and the left headed rhythmic 

type are also preferred patterns in modern Ibero-Romance and are consistent with the universals 

of prosody discussed in Hayes (1995). Most monosyllabic lexical words in Castilian, Catalan, 

and Portuguese are minimally bimoraic, or underlyingly bimoraic as in the case of Catalan ca 

‘dog’ and pa ‘bread’ where word final /n/ is regularly deleted in the singular but is realized in the 

plural. Corresponding words in Portuguese are overtly bimoraic because cão and pão have a 

nasal diphthong [ɐ̃w̃]. 

NONFIN (A foot may not be final), as seen from Table 3-5 (indicated by !?), is problematic 

for Vulgar Latin, and for the modern Ibero-Romance languages, especially Catalan. When there 

is a single syllable, and hence, a single prosodic foot, the foot necessarily coincides with word 

edges – both to the right and to the left. Leaving the single syllable unparsed is not an option 

because it would violate Lx≈Pr (A lexical item must be prosodically analyzed). Therefore, it is 

necessary to include this higher ranking constraint in the tableau in order to demonstrate that 

violation of NONFIN is preferable to violations of Lx≈Pr. 

Syncope affecting medial vowels is not the only process that results in monosyllables in 

modern Romance; one must consider also widespread apocope in nouns of the third declension 

(as well as second for Catalan). In the case of third declension disyllables the resulting form in 

Ibero-Romance is often monosyllabic depending on satisfaction of sonority sequencing of 

110

complex codas for Catalan and coda restrictions for Castilian and Portuguese. The Latin nouns 

in these examples appear in the accusative singular. 

pane(m) ‘bread’> Cast. pan Cat. pa Port. pão 

site(m) ‘thirst’> Cast. sed Cat. set Port. sede (final –e retained) 

pisce(m) ‘fish’> Cast. pez Cat. peix Port. peixe (final –e retained) 

From the data in Table 3-5 it can be seen that violation of NONFIN should not automatically 

eliminate a potential candidate because NONFIN is subordinate to Lx≈Pr, FTBIN, and RHTYPE 

(T), all of which are satisfied by the monosyllables aus and flaus in Table 3-4. Avoidance of 

NONFIN would involve paragoge, a violation of faithfulness constraints of the type discussed in 

Pulleyblank (1997), MAX (Every segment/feature of the input has an identical correspondent in 

the output) and DEP (Every segment/feature of the output has an identical correspondent in the 

input). Therefore, NONFIN must be subordinated to Lx≈Pr (A lexical item must be prosodically 

analyzed) in order to allow heavy monosyllables to emerge as preferred candidates in some 

instances. 

The double sets of alignment constraints – W/L, W/R and H/L, H/R – favor the bimoraic 

monosyllable because it does not incur any violations other than NONFIN. The alignment 

constraints also favor a head foot located near but not coincident with the right word edge. 

Antepenultimate stress, no longer an operative stress pattern in the data set from the Appendix 

Probi is disfavored by the modification of the NONFIN constraint. H/R must also be modified so 

that it penalizes every syllable that intervenes between the head syllable of the head foot and the 

right edge of the prosodic word: 

(3.2) Hσ/R: Align head syllable of the head foot to the right; align prosodic word to the 

right. 

The Hσ/R constraint will always be violated except in the case of monosyllables. In words 

of two or more syllables either a foot or an unparsed syllable is at the right of the head syllable. 

111

Thus árticlus cannot be preferred over artíclus (

ca(pi.clum,), (ar)(ti.clus), (ver)(na.clus), when taking into consideration the loss of quantity of 

the final syllable correspond to a trochee with two light syllables, constructed at right word edge. 

Loss of distinctive vowel length is a necessary step in the shift from the moraic trochee to the 

syllabic trochee. This transition also results in the demotion of NONFINALITY and its eventual 

elimination as an active constraint. 

Table 3-6. Evaluation of faithful and syncope candidates 

Hσ/R NONFIN H/L W/R W/L PARSE-σ 

σσ LX→H / ăvus/ ‘grandfather’ 

(aus) * 

(a.vus) σ! * 

HX→H /flāvus/ ‘golden’ 

(flaus) * 

(fla)vus σ! σ * 

σσσ LLX→HX /călĭda/ ‘warm water’ 

(cal)da σ σ * 

(ca.li)da σ!σ σ * 

HLX→HX /angŭlus/ ‘angle’ 

(an)glus σ σ * 

(an)gu.lus σ!σ σ σ ** 

LLX→LX /stăbŭlum/ ‘dwelling’ 

?! (sta.blum) σ * 

(sta.bu)lum σ!σ σ * 

σσ σσ LLLX→LLX /căpĭtŭlum/ ‘small head’ 

?! ca(pi.clum) σ * σ σ * 

ca.(pi.tu)lum σ!σ σ σ σ ** 

HLLX→HLX /artĭcŭlus/ ‘joint’ 

?! (ar)(ti.clus) σ * σ σ σ * 

(ar)(ti.cu)lus σ!σ σ σ σ * 

HHLX→HLX / vernācŭlus/ ‘rabble’ 

?! (ver)(na.clus) σ * σ 

(ver)(na)cu.lus σ!σ σ σ σ ** 

Jacobs (2004, 83-84), in examining the possibility of creating a single set of OT 

parameters that correctly predicts results for both pre-tonic and post-tonic syncope, finds that it is 

“simply impossible to handle all the syncope cases with one and the same constraint hierarchy. 

A foot-based account is necessary for syncope after main stress, but fails for syncope in HL 

113

sequences before main stress and cannot account for syncope in soliculum cases and later 

leporem cases without additional assumptions or machinery.” The inherent opacity of syncope 

in Latin prompts Jacobs (2004, 77-88) to consider constraints based on faithfulness rather than 

well formedness. Reliance on Output-Output constraints, however, is not possible because this 

presumes the existence of an output form which syncope attempts to produce. Related lexical 

items such as discĭplīna (cf. discipulina attested in Plautus, Lewis and Short s.v. discĭplīna) 

discĭpŭlus illustrate the nature of the problem. Sympathy theory builds on faithfulness to I/O 

constraints; the opaque candidate wins by more closely resembling the sympathy candidate than 

the candidate that best satisfies constraints (except for the sympathy constraints). Even after the 

introduction of MAX-V-I/O (No vowel deletion) the desired winning candidate does not emerge 

except through non-violation of PARSE-σ which is not a faithfulness constraint. Evaluation at 

different levels would permit stress assignment first and then post-lexical application of the rules 

for syncope. Correct selection of the syncope candidate has been achieved in Table 3-6 by 

modification of two constraints: H/R and NONFIN. Although the Appendix Probi examples all 

represent post-tonic syncope, Table 3-7 shows that the syncope candidate still emerges as winner 

in cases of pre-tonic syncope. It has been assumed here that since vowel length is no longer a 

feature of Vulgar Latin that the vowel of the antepenultimate syllable could be treated as short 

permitting formation of a foot (LL) at the right word edge. This also favors the later deletion of 

final /e/ because it is in the weak position of a foot. 

Table 3-7. Post-tonic syncope 

/vērĭtāte(m)/ ‘truth’ Hσ/R H/L W/R W/L PARSE-σ 

(ve.ri)(ta.te) σ σ!σ 

ver(ta.te) σ σ σ σ 

114

Jacobs’s suggestion of syncope as a post-lexical process does introduce the possibility of a 

faithfulness type constraint for future consideration, correspondence of word accent in input and 

output (cf. HEADMAX in Lleó 2003, 256-257). 

(3.2) ACCENT/IO: A segment that is assigned an accent in the input has a correspondent 

in the output. 

The ACCENT/IO constraint proposed above is able to deal with cases not covered in Tables 3-6 

and 3-7 for which the constraints utilized there will be invalid: (1) preservation of 

antepenultimate stress, (2) penultimate stress when the final syllable is heavy (after apocope), 

and (3) ultimate stress when both penultimate and ultimate syllables are heavy. These cases 

emerge in all varieties of Ibero-Romance. Tables 3-6 and 3-7, then, present a way of dealing 

with post-tonic and pre-tonic syncope at a particular chronological stage. What is learned from 

Vulgar Latin syncope is that it is not motivated by exhaustive parsing. Candidates (cal)da and 

(ca.li)da are identical in terms of parsing; they each present one parsed trochaic foot and one 

unparsed syllable. The syncope candidate wins only because the gradient constraint Hσ/R 

penalizes removal from right word edge. Furthermore, it cannot be stated unequivocally that the 

purpose of syncope is to create a heavy foot for main word accent. The syllabicity of stop + 

liquid clusters remains a subject of controversy and is discussed in detail in the following 

section. For purposes of analysis in Table 3-6 it has been assumed that codas, following 

syncope, are minimized and onsets are maximized. This corresponds to basic principles of well 

formedness with regard to syllable architecture. 

Vulgar Latin syncope has the effect of deleting vulnerable vowels. While this is a 

violation of a faithfulness constraint (MAX), the loss of the vowels implies that they are no longer 

candidates for vowel reduction (The three modern languages that are the focus of this study 

differ substantively with regard to vowel reduction). Furthermore, with regard to rhythmic 

115

criteria the forms that result from vowel loss are superior. In the case of Classical Latin three- 

syllable words, if they are rhythmically 2/4 ♩ ♩ ♩ |, that is, a triplet in contrast to the stable 

disyllable, then preference for the unmarked rhythmic configuration is a motivating force for 

linguistic change (Miller 2007). The syncope candidate cal.da is attractive not only because the 

closed or heavy syllable coincides with the primary accent of the word, but also because it 

embodies the preferred duple rhythm. The former four-syllable words, now at three syllables, 

still conform to duple time. They are rhythmically 2/4 ♩│♩ ♩│ with the first syllable functioning 

as an upbeat or anacrusis to the downbeat of the following trochee. 

Furthermore, syncope supports Crosswhite’s (2001, 173) observation that stress-timed 

languages exhibit tempo acceleration via compression of unstressed syllables. Phonetic studies 

of vowel length in Spanish (Monroy Casas 1980, 44-47), Catalan (Recasens i Vives 1986, 149- 

150), and Portuguese (Delgado Martins 1988, 128-132) support this viewpoint. More recent 

studies on the acoustic nature of linguistic rhythm (Ramus 2002 and Ramus, Nespor, and Mehler 

1999, Grabe and Low 2002) view vowel length as part of a complex issue involving rhythmic 

typology, vocalic and intervocalic intervals as well as consonantal intervals. It may not be so 

much vowel length per se but the contrast of vocalic and consonantal intervals that differentiate 

languages and accentual types. The forms tht result from syncope in Table 3-6 show a shift in 

the proportion of acoustic space occupied by vocalic duration and consonantal duration. The 

reduction of vocalic interval as a stress accent emerges is consistent with the findings of Ramus, 

Nespor and Mehler (1999, 272) whose study of eight languages shows English with the lowest 

vocalic interval (sum of vocalic interval divided by total duration of the sentence) at 40.1% and 

Japanese at 53.1%. Spanish and Catalan, also surveyed in this study, show 43.8% and 45.6% 

116

espectively 5 (The other languages studied are Dutch, Polish, Italian, and French). Grabe and 

Low’s study (2002) compares relative vowel duration and intervals between vowels in Spanish 

and Catalan. They find that Catalan, traditionally labeled a mixed language because it displays 

some degree of vowel reduction, differs from Spanish with regard to vowel duration but not on 

the intervocalic axis (time between vowels). In other words, vowel reduction does not affect 

vowel duration sufficiently to give the acoustic impression of a stress timed language. Spanish 

also shows differences in duration of accented and unaccented vowels (Monroy Casas 1980, 44- 

47), although it is clearly not a stress timed language. 

Creation of Heavy Syllables 

Stress-timed accentual systems (Crosswhite 2001, 173), are also characterized by a 

tendency to build heavy syllables. Some of the examples of syncope in the Appendix Probi 

show the creation of a heavy syllable which is now the syllable with the primary accent: aus, 

flaus, calda, and possibly stablum, capiclum, articlus, vernaclus. The uncertain syllabification 

of this second group illustrates another of the characteristics of stress-timed languages: complex 

syllable structure with relatively uncertain syllable boundaries. The treatment of the first 

consonant in cases such as stablum affects the assignment of stress even if quantity sensitivity is 

not an overt constraint, as seen in Table 3-4. The ability to build a trochee depends on the 

presence of either two light syllables or a heavy syllable. If vowel length is no longer distinctive 

in Vulgar Latin, then a heavy syllable can only be formed by a falling diphthong or a syllable 

5 The other languages studied are Dutch, Polish, French, and Italian. The various statistical measures – duration of 

vocalic intervals, duration of consonantal intervals, proportion of vocalic intervals, standard deviation of the 

duration of vocalic intervals, standard deviation of the duration of consonantal intervals – resulted in three 

groupings. The first contained the stress-timed languages, Polish, English, and Dutch, although on some measures 

Polish seemed to set itself apart from the other languages in the group. The second group contained the syllabletimed 

languages, French, Spanish, Italian, and Catalan; and the third, the only moraic-timed language, Japanese. 

117

with a coda. Syllabification of stablum as stab.lum would allow construction of an 

antepenultimate foot without recourse to NONFINALITY. 

Geisler (1992, 48-49) has proposed a quantitative method of predicting changes to 

syllable structure resulting from syncope in Latin. He relies on the notion of a sonority scale for 

consonants: 4=stops, 3=fricatives, 2=nasals, 1=liquids. The possible combinations are then 

arranged as in Table 3-8 (adapted from Geisler 1992, 48) to compute the degree of difference. 

Once the degree of difference has been computed it is possible to predict the most likely outcome 

of medial clusters that result from syncope. It is well known that in Romance such secondary 

clusters often differ in outcome from primary clusters that contain the same segments. 

Table 3-8. Degree of difference in sonority between medial consonants (Geisler) 

1 2 3 4 

1 liquid-liquid 0 liquid-nasal 1 liquid-fricative 2 liquid-stop 3 

2 nasal-liquid -1 nasal-nasal 0 nasal-fricative 1 nasal-stop 2 

3 fricative-liquid -2 fricative-nasal -1 fricative-fricative 0 fricative-stop 1 

4 stop-liquid -3 stop-nasal -2 stop-fricative -1 stop-stop 0 

Geisler (1992, 49) considers other possiblities: ambisyllabicity, a segment belonging to 

two-syllables, and tautosyllabicity, segments occurring within the same syllable (Table 3-9). 

Table 3-9. Resolution of medial consonant clusters produced by syncope 

Difference Consonants in contact Change in syllable structure 

3 liquid-stop no change 

2 liquid-fricative 

no change 

nasal-stop 

1 liquid-nasal 

nasal-fricative 

fricative-stop 

0 liquid-liquid 

nasal-nasal 

fricative-fricative 

stop-stop 

no change 

no change 

ambisyllabification 

-1 nasal-liquid 

fricative-nasal 

stop-fricative 


-2 fricative-liquid 

stop-nasal 


-3 stop-liquid resyllabification 

118

When the difference is computed as zero or less the most likely outcome is that the consonant 

sequence will now be ambisyllabic with one segment as both coda and onset. Resolution of 

unstable sequences in this manner presupposes total assimilation and a resulting geminate. The 

case of stop+liquid calls for resyllabification in Geisler’s schema and this seems to be supported 

by a few cases of accent shift, such as the often cited case of integru(m) ‘whole’ with two sets of 

outputs corresponding to different registers and different chronologies, as in Spanish patrimonial 

entero vs. learned íntegro. Discrepancies with regard to placement of accent can best be 

explained by resyllabification of the medial -gr- sequence. 

Ambisyllabification and Mora Sharing 

Ambisyllabification often arises as the result of the creation of a geminate cluster through 

progressive assimilation. However, of the Romance languages today only Italian has a 

functional system of phonologically based geminates in addition to the well known 

raddoppiamento sintattico. Saltarelli (2003, 60) describes the Italian long consonant as a 

“hetero-syllabic geminate straddling the coda and the onset of contiguous syllables.” He notes 

(2003, 61) that in recent acoustic studies it has been found there is no appreciable difference 

between geminates in medial positions and those that arise between words; furthermore, there is 

no evidence of double articulatory movements. In moraic terms it is clear that the Italian 

geminate occupies two timing slots or two moras. Catalan has many cases of geminates that 

arise from specific phonotactic situations but Hualde (1992, 384) suggests that only laterals and 

nasals (excluding /ɲ/) are underlying geminates as in fal·lera ‘obsession’ [fəl.lérə], espatlla 

‘back’ [ əspáʎ.ʎə], and cotna ‘crackling’ [kón.nə]. Across morpheme boundaries (word 

internally) examples of total assimilation are abundant and encompass not only laterals and 

nasals but rhotics and stops. 

119

Bullock (2001, 188-190) proposes a constraint for Vulgar Latin, *σLCL, which forces a 

vowel followed by a stop + liquid cluster to be scanned as heavy. She finds evidence for this 

constraint in the historical development of geminates in Italian in the case of a labial consonant 

followed by liquids or glides such as labbro ‘lips’ < lăbru(m) or doppio ‘double’

città to project two moras to satisfy the minimum foot requirement. Since vowel lengthening is 

not allowed the second mora is assigned to the following consonant. 

cit ta 

σ 

│ 

(μ μ) 

A 

⇒ ⇒ 

σ 

| 

(μ μ) 

cit ta] vecchia 

Figure 3-2. Raddoppiamento sintattico as moraic compensation. 

Tautosyllabic versus heterosyllabic medial clusters in Latin 

B 

The syllabification of stop + liquid clusters has long been an object of interest in both Latin 

and Romance studies. Allen (1973, 137) relies on evidence from Latin verse and placement of 

accent in asserting that it is “quite clear that a syllable containing a short vowel followed by such 

a sequence was regularly light in quantity. These sequences must therefore have functioned as 

complex releases of the following syllable: thus tenĕ.brae, pă.tris, pŏ.plus …” The rationale for 

the tautosyllabic realization of the cluster as onset is often attributed to the admissibility of stop + 

liquid clusters in word initial position. However, Devine and Stephens (1980, 144) note that the 

patterning of medial clusters does not necessarily depend on whether or not they can occur word 

initially, rather “in many languages word-initial clusters are often heterosyllabic when they occur 

inside words.” They further note that in the case of Latin the syllabification of stop + liquid 

often interacts with morphosyntactic boundaries. For a tautosyllabic interpretation, one must 

weigh the consequences of violation of two different constraints: NOCODA and *COMPLEX (No 

complex onsets). 

Neither Latin nor the Ibero-Romance languages have a *COMPLEX constraint with regard 

to stop + liquid clusters except for /tl/ and /dl/ (in native vocabulary). This is not surprising as 

121

they are infrequent combinations in the languages of the world. A notable exception is Nahuatl 

where /tl/ exists as a single phoneme and has influenced pronunciation of /tl/ in Mexican Spanish 

where words like atlas are normally syllabified as at.las. The /tl/ cluster is maintained in many 

toponyms of Nahuatl origin as well as common words of indigenous origin such as tlapalería 

‘hardware store’ (Hualde 1999, 171-172). Steriade (1982, 95-99) notes that onset sequences that 

are allowed or disallowed conform to language-specific criteria. This constitutes a major 

difference between Latin and Greek that can be resolved only when the minimum sonority 

distance (MSD) requirement of contiguous elements for these two languages is allowed to differ: 

“The MSD requirement can now be stated as 6 intervals for Latin and as 4 intervals for Greek: 

this will allow all the stop-liquid clusters of Latin to be onsets except tl, dl” (Steriade 1982, 98). 

In determining the viability of particular sequences of consonants it is useful to examine 

the frequency and distribution of such clusters. Devine and Stephens (1977) have tabulated the 

relative frequency of Latin consonants as first or second member of a medial consonant cluster 

as well as the relative frequency of particular clusters. The quantitative analysis is based on a 

corpus of 49,488 words of continuous prose from Cicero’s De Amicitia and De Senectute and 

Sallust’s Catilinae Coniuratio and Bellum Iugurthinum. Their findings (1977, 181-182) show 

that medial clusters of the type stop + liquid are relatively infrequent. As medial clusters in non- 

compounds, that is without an intervening morpheme boundary, the stop + liquid clusters have 

the frequency indicated in Table 3-10 (% = percentage of non-compound clusters in the corpus). 

The clusters /tl/, /dl/, /gl/ are non-occurring. With the exception of /-bl-/, overall the clusters 

with /l/ are less frequent. The relative infrequence of /g/ as a phoneme (2.9316% of all medial 

consonants, the lowest percentage of any of the stops; Devine and Stephens 1977, 178) may also 

explain the absence of /-gl-/. Of the occurring stop + /l/ clusters /-kl-/ shows the lowest 

122

frequency of occurrence. The inventory of occurring stop + liquid consonants demonstrates that 

as word internal clusters, not resulting from derivation, they are quite infrequent with /-tr-/ 

having the highest rate of occurrence and /-kl-/ the lowest. It is not surprising, therefore, that 

stop + liquid clusters that arise from syncope might not be treated in like manner. In other 

words, there is not a pervasive pattern that would make tautosyllablic /-pr-/ a more desirable 

result than heterosyllabic /-p.r-/. 

Table 3-10. Frequency of occurrence of Latin medial clusters: stop + liquid 

pr 0.2882 % 

br 0.3871 % 

tr 1.4730% 

dr 0.0640% 

cr 0.3074 % 

gr 0.7685% 

Stop + liquid clusters in Romance 

pl 0.0830% 

bl 0.8838% 

tl --- 

dl --- 

cl 0.0448% 

gl --- 

The relative chronology of syncope and lenition in Romance, as well as the question of 

spoken versus literary language, makes it difficult to propose all-encompassing rules for the 

treatment of original stop + liquid clusters, as well as those produced by syncope (secondary 

clusters). Table 3-11 displays the Ibero-Romance reflexes for stop + /l/ and stop + /r/ clusters, 

both original and secondary. There are some gaps, indicated by ---, where clusters are non- 

occurring or reliable forms are unattested. A blank cell indicates that clusters are non-occurring. 

Even with clusters of this type that do not arise from syncope, different accentual patterns are 

seen, as in the case of integrum, acc. sg. ‘whole’ which enters Ibero-Romance with both 

penultimate stress in popular forms (Cast. entero, Cat. enter, Port. enteiro) and antepenultimate 

stress in learned counterparts (Cast. íntegro, Cat. íntegre, Port. íntegro) despite the fact that in 

the antepenultimate pattern word accent falls on a heavy syllable but does not when stress is 

penultimate (with the exception of Port. enteiro). The shift in accent is consistent with what is 

123

emerging as the preferred accentual pattern of the Vulgar Latin nominal system, penultimate 

accent. 

Table 3-11. Ibero-Romance reflexes of Latin stop + liquid clusters 

Primary Clusters Secondary Clusters 

-pr- -tr- -kr- -p’r- 

-t’r- -k’r- 

VL capra VL petra VL lucru VL paup’re VL ut’re VL soc’ru 

Cast. cabra Cast. piedra Cast. logro Cast. pobre Cast. odre Cast. suegro 

Cat. cabra Cat. pedra Cat. llogre Cat. pobre Cat. odre Cat. sogre 

Port. cabra Port. pedra Port. logro Port. pobre Port. odre Port. sogro 

-pl- -tl- -kl- -p’l- 

-t’l- 

VL dupla --- 

VL cochleare VL pop’lu VL vec’lu b 

-k’l- 

VL apic’la 

Cast. dobla 

Cast. cuchar Cast. pueblo 

Cat. dobla 

Cat. culler Cat. poble 

Port. dobra 

Port. colher Port. povo a 

Cast. viejo Cast. abeja 

Cat. vell Cat. abella 

Port. velho Port. abelha 

-br- -dr- -gr- -b’r- 

VL fibra VL quadru VL integrum VL lab’ratore c 

-d’r- -g’r- 

VL (h)edera --- 

Cast. hebra Cast. cuadro Cast. entero Cast. labrador Cast. (h)iedra 

Cat. fibra Cat. quadre Cat. enter Cat. llaurar Cat. (h)eura 

Port. fibra Port. quadro Port. enteiro Port. lavrador Port. (h)edra 

-bl- 

VL publicu 4 

-dl- -gl- 

--- 

LLat. sigla d 

-b’l- 

-d’l- -g’l- 

VL tab’la --- 

VL coag’lu 

Cast. público 

Cast. sigla Cast. tabla Cast. cuajo 

Cat. públic 

Cat. sigla Cat. taula Cat. quall 

Port. público 

Port. sigla Port. tabla Port. coalho 

a 

Portuguese povo shows deletion of intervocalic /l/, probably occurring before syncope. 

b 

The usual reflex of –t’l- is –kl-; this is well attested in the Appendix Probi. 

c 

In the case of lab’ratore syncope is pre-tonic rather that post-tonic. 

d 

For both publicu and sigla the reflexes in Ibero-Romance are learned or semi-learned. 

In the case of the clusters with /r/, there is little difference in treatment between the 

primary clusters and the secondary clusters. Both Castilian and Catalan show further lenition of 

/b/, /d/, /g/ which are usually rendered intervocalically, including in intervocalic clusters, as [β], 

[δ], [γ]. Exceptional treatment of the voiced stop is seen in Catalan in the case of the secondary 

clusters /-br-/ and /-dr-/. The velar + liquid clusters for all three languages deviate from the 

pattern predicted in Table 3-9, that is, resyllabification. 

The Ibero-Romance outcomes suggest that the velar stop, in weak position, palatalizes as 

yod. Thus from -k’l-, as in VL oclu ‘eye,’ result Cast. ojo (['oʒo] in Old Spanish), Cat. ull, and 

124

Port. olho; from -g’l-, as in VL coaglu come Cast. cuajo (['kwaʒo] in Old Spanish), Cat. quall, 

and Port. Coalho. The palatalization here can be compared to the result of the -kt- cluster where 

lenition of /k/ to /j/ produces total assimilation resulting in [ʧ] in Cast. noche, but yod remains as 

syllable coda in Old Cat. nuit (Mod. Cat. nit) and Port. noite. There is, however, another output 

of secondary cluster -g’l- for Catalan: VL tegula ‘roof’ > Cat. teula (cf. regula ‘rail’ > Cat. 

rella). There are two questions that arise immediately from the data presented so far: the 

syllabification of the Vulgar Latin forms after syncope and the relative chronology of lenition 

and syncope. 

With regard to forms with falling diphthongs, like the examples presented in the discussion 

above—Cat. taula, teula, Port. enteiro—as well as peuma ‘scaffolding’ from the Appendix 

Probi, Steriade (1988, 391) suggests that rather than interpreting these as evidence of 

syllabification making the obstruent + liquid sequence ambisyllabic, that is -C.L-, it should be 

assumed that glide formation here results from a process of voicing (if the stop is voiceless) and 

spirantization, that is, integrum → *inteγru → intejru (j = palatal glide). Steriade further 

suggests that the “voicing and spirantization illustrated above applied not only to the postvocalic 

member of an obstruent-liquid cluster but also to intervocalic obstruents.” The choice of yod or 

wau may be conditioned by the phonotactic environment. 

Weakening of Consonants in Coda Position 

However, the possibility of coetaneous developments in which stop + liquid clusters are 

both heterosyllabic and tautosyllabic should not be ruled out. That is precisely the situation in 

modern Catalan as described above where poble ‘people’ can be realized as both ['pɔb.blə] and 

['po.βle]. In the case of taula and teula, weakening of syllable final /b/ and /g/ to /w/ fits well 

with other historical developments of Catalan. While there are some inherent dangers in 

125

comparing word internal syllable final and word final positions, the treatment of /g/ in word final 

position seems to suggest that /w/ is not so much the result of lenition of intervocalic /b/ and /g/ 

as it is a positional variant; cf. Lat. jugu(m) ‘yoke’ > Cat. yugo, Cat. jou, Port. jugo. Similarly, 

Lat. activu(m) ‘active’ results in Catalan actiu next to Cast./Port. activo. Steriade (1988, 391) 

also notes a similar development in Romanian where staul results from stabulum ‘dwelling.’ 

The Appendix Probi shows that syncope, already well documented in Archaic Latin, has 

increased in frequency. However, syncope is only one of several reduction phenomena. This is 

in keeping with observations on reduction as a process in diachronic change: “These changes 

occur in real time as language is used. Words and phrases that are used more often have more 

opportunity to undergo these changes, just as other types of motor skills that are used more often 

become more compressed and efficient” (Bybee 2001, 58). Further evidence of reduction 

phenomena can be seen in cases of orthographic incertainty that indicate that lenition in medial 

stops corresponds to the usual pronunciation. (Line number on the left corresponds to Appendix 

A). Perception of medial consonants as voiced is grounded in articulatory and acoustic studies. 

Blevins (2004, 147) notes that lenition is marked acoustically by decreased duration: 

Decreased closure duration of intervocalic stops gives rise to a voiced percept in the 

absence of vocal-fold fibration, while stops with incomplete closure can be perceived as 

fricatives . . . Speakers do not produce [k] as [g] intervocalically as a result of gestural 

reduction. In prosodically weak positions, the closure of [k] may be shortened, and linguopalatal 

contact may be reduced, resulting in things that sound like [g] and [ɣ] to the human 

ear. When these sounds are interpreted and reproduced as [g]s and [ɣ]s, a leniting sound 

change has occurred. 

While orthographic norms of Latin do not reflect the reality of lenition there is evidence that it is, 

in fact, a much older phenomenon. Cravens (1996 [1991], 54-59) argues that only an assumption 

of early lenition can fully explain some of the p/b, t/d, k/g variants found on inscriptions, ostraca, 

and papyri throughout the Empire. In the Appendix Probi, the examples listed below (Line 

126

number of the left corresponds to Appendix A) show weakening of both voiced and voiceless 

stops, especially loss of intervocalic voiced stops (line 12), voicing of intervocalic voiceless 

stops (79, hypercorrection), lenition of voiced stops (91, 93) and weakening of coda consonants 

to the point that spelling is no longer transparent (54, 85, 154, 185). References to combinations 

of stop + /s/ in coda position (line 60, 181, 184) reflect the assertion of orthographic norms over 

long standing phonological realities. The varying treatments of these medial stops demonstrate 

that there are multiple processes underway that have staggered chronologies with outcomes that 

are far from uniform. 

12 calcostegis non calcosteis. 

54 frigida non fricda. 

60 celebs non celeps. 

79 digitus non dicitus. 

85 pegma non peuma. 

91 plebes non plevis. 

93 tabes non tavis. 

154 auctor non autor. 

181 plebs non pleps. 

184 c[a]elebs non celeps. 

185 poples non poplex. [popleks] 

Stop + liquid clusters in Romance 

Further diachronic evidence for syllabification of stop + liquid clusters in Vulgar Latin 

comes from the reflexes of preceding tonic vowels. The diphthongization/nondiphthongization 

contrast of mid vowels in French is attributed by Steriade (1988, 379) and Bullock (2001, 177) to 

the nature of the medial clusters that follow the tonic vowel. Presumably the vowel only 

diphthongizes when it is in an open syllable (cf. Castilian which also diphthongizes when the 

tonic vowel is in a closed syllable). The data in Table 3-12 show diphthongization in French in 

the two words with open syllables (VL pe.tra and fe.bre) and failure to diphthongize in the case 

of festa where /s/ is a coda, a supposition further strengthened by its loss. 

127

Table 3-12. Diphthongization before stop + liquid clusters in Romance languages 

Vulgar Latin Italian French Portuguese Catalan Castilian 

pe.tra ‘stone’ pietra pierre pedra pedra piedra 

fes.ta ‘feast’ festa fète festa festa fiesta 

fe.bre ‘fever’ febbre fièvre febre febre fiebre 

While the presence of a rising diphthong does not appreciably alter syllable structure in 

moraic terms it does attest to the syllabification of the stop + liquid cluster for specific 

languages. The syllabification of these clusters was an open question even for Classical Latin 

where the general precept is that muta cum liquida does not make position either for purposes of 

accent assignment or for poetry. With the exception of velar stop + liquid clusters, the Romance 

languages support interpretation of the clusters as tautosyllabic, or, a preference for complex 

onset over stop as coda consonant. When a nucleus disappears, the segments to either side of 

that nucleus no longer have a hierarchical structure to which to attach themselves. The choices 

(elision, heterosyllabicity, tautosyllabicity) raise issues of positional faithfulness (Smith 2005) 

and sonority sequencing (Clements 1990). It is unlikely that a syllable final stop would emerge 

as optimal for Late Latin/Early Romance. In a study of the resolution of stop+liquid clusters 

across word boundaries in modern varieties of Catalan and Occitan Pons Moll (2005, 3-5) finds 

that the undesirable sonority increase is resolved by total assimilation or regressive manner 

assimilation, whereas decreasing sonority transitions remain faithful to input. There are three 

exceptional cases: preservation of sibilant-nasal heterosyllabic clusters, nasal-rhotic 

heterosyllabic clusters, and liquidi-glide heterosyllabic clusters. If the rather different behavior 

of the velar stop + /l/ clusters is indicative of alternate syllabification, the end result (a single 

palatal consonant as onset of following syllable) demonstrates the emergence of the unmarked in 

the resulting disyllables with initial accent, or L.L: Lat. gracŭla(m) > Cast. graja, Cat. gralla, 

Port. gralha. The resulting forms are all legitimate bimoraic trochees. 

128

Apocope 

Apocope is further evidence of the weakening processes present in stress-timed languages. 

Cases of apocope in the nominal system are best seen in nouns of the third declension. Final /e/ 

is regularly retained in Eastern Romance and is regularly eliminated in Catalan, Occitan and 

French. In Spanish, the vowel is lost when the preceding consonant is coronal (Jensen 1999, 

132). Examples for early Spanish show apocope occurring after /t/, /n/, /l/, /r/, /s/, /ʦ/. Examples 

for Catalan and Portuguese are provided as well. For Castilian, all outcomes have well-formed 

bimoraic trochees at right word edge consisting of a single heavy syllable, although this pattern 

is less harmonic that that seen in Portuguese idade or asse. 


VL etate ‘age’ > edad edat idade 6 

VL pane ‘bread’ > pan pa pão 

VL sale ‘salt’ > sal sal sal 

VL mare ‘sea= > mar mar mar 

VL luce ‘light’ > luz lluu 7 luz 

VL assem ‘coin’ > as as asse 

The same is true of Catalan assuming that pa is underlyingly bimoraic, as well as Old Catalan 

lluu. The Portuguese reflex of Vn]wd is a bimoraic nasal diphthong. There are also a few cases 

in the Appendix Probi that suggest apocope as an ongoing process although it is not clear to what 

degree the dispreferred forms might be better explained through analogy with historical Latin 

apocope (Sihler 1995, 70). 

32 figulus non figel. 

33 masculus non mascel. 

36 barbarus non barbar. 

6 

Portuguese is the most restrictive of the three languages with regard to codas; note conservation of final –e here 

and below in asse. 

7 Coromines (1995, s.v. llum) discusses the possible coalescence of Old Catalan lluu

Hiatus and Onset Glides 

Again, the Appendix Probi provides valuable information for language change that affects 

well formedness. The resistance to vowels in hiatus reflects the universal preference for a 

syllable onset. When lack of onset is resolved by glide formation, there is often an added 

benefit, movement of the primary accent to the penultimate syllable. The unstable orthography 

with regard to the vowels /i/ and /e/ is indicative of vowel raising, which can be a precursor to 

glide formation. In many instances, such as line 34, the vowel substitution appears to be a case 

of hypercorrection. Corresponding outputs in Castilian, Catalan, and Portuguese are given when 

available to support the case for vowel raising and/or glide formation. 

34 lanius non laneo. 

44 bravium non braveum. 8 

52 doleus non dolium. 9 

55 vinea non vinia. Cast. viña, Cat. vinya, Port. vinha 

61 ostium non osteum Cast. (ant.) uzo 

63 cavea non cavia. Cast. gavia, Cat. gàbia, Port. gaiva 

65 brattea non brattia. 

66 cochlea non coclia. cf. cŏclĕar (cochl-), āris > Cast. (ant.) cuchar, 

Cat. culler, Port. colher 

68 palearium non paliarium. 10 cf. Cast. pajar, Cat. pallar/paller, Port. palhar 

72 lancea non lancia. Cast. lanza, Cat. llança, Port. lança 

80 solea non solia. 11 Port. solha; cf. Cat. sola, Cast. suela 

81 calceus non calcius. cf. Cast. calza, Cat. calça, Port. calça 

113 alium non aleum. Cast. ajo, Cat. all, Port. alho 

114 lilium non lileum. 

117 tinea non . Cast. tiña, Cat. tinya, Port. tinha 

132 balteus non baltius. 12 Cat. balç, Port. balso 

8 Lewis and Short (s.v. brăbēum) gives both vocalisms, although -ē- corresponds to Greek βραβεῖον. 

9 

Lewis and Short (s.v. dōlĭum) notes plural written DOLEA as inscriptional variant (Calend. ap. Orell. Inscr. II. p. 

381), cf. Gr. δαίδαλος, δαιδάλεος. 

10 Although the DRAE (s.v. pajar) gives palearĭum as the etymon of Cast. pajar, a more likely source is pălĕāris, e, 

adj., given the fact that the three outputs in Ibero-Romance all show truncation, which is more likely to occur if the 

input is third declension rather than second declension. Meyer-Lübke (1935,s.v. paleare) gives paleare as the source 

of Cast. pajar, Galician pallar, and Catalan paller. The DCVB (s.v. pallar) gives pallar as a variant in Valencian. 

11 Cat. sola and Cast. suela presuppose a variant form *sola (Meyer-Lübke, s.v. solea). 

12 Cast. balso appears to be a borrowing from Catalan (DRAE, s.v. balso). 

130

141 faseolus non fassiolus. Cat. fesol, Port. feijão 

157 linteum non lintium. Cas. lienzo, Cat. llenç, Port. lenço 

160 noxius non noxeus. 

204 musium vel musivum non museum. 

213 adon non adonius. 13 

As in the case of the stop + liquid clusters, these obstruent + glide clusters present 

questions about syllabification. Steriade (1988: 379-380) suggests that the operative principle in 

Romance is the maximization of syllable onsets. The glide formation resulting from a constraint 

of the type *V[+high].V (A high vowel nucleus cannot be followed by a vowel nucleus) causes the 

vowel in the weak position (unaccented) to become a glide. The Appendix Probi examples all 

show /i/+V combinations, even in the case of orthographic e. The syllabification of a word like 

fīlĭu(m) ‘son’ as *fi-lyo not only fulfills the well formedness constraint, ONSET, but also creates a 

disyllabic trochee. As the distinction of long and short vowels disappears, moraic count for a 

heavy syllable can only come from the presence of a coda glide (falling diphthong) or coda 

consonant. The first syllable in words like fīlĭu(m) can no longer be considered to be heavy and 

the loss of -m, the marker of the accusative, renders the final syllable light as well. The changes 

to fīlĭu(m) in terms of prosodic structure can be summarized as (H)(LL) → (LL), that is, two feet 

are reduced to one. Again, the preferred duple rhythm has emerged. 

The effects of glide formation in Ibero-Romance are far reaching. Not only is syllable 

count reduced but the various assimilations of consonants to a following or preceding palatal 

glide produce a rather different consonant inventory for Castilian (Lloyd 1987, Penny 2002), 

Catalan (Wheeler 1988), and Portuguese (Parkinson 1988) when compared to Latin. Table 3-13 

shows the Ibero-Romance reflexes of stops + yod, s + yod, ss + yod, n + yod and l + j; for Late 

13 This correction suggests that the shortened form Adon (cf. Adonis, Adoneus

Latin it can be assumed that s = /z/ and ss = /s/. The secondary developments with regard to /ts/ 

and /dz/ occur at a later period (for Castilian, mid 16th century according to Penny 2000, 98-99) 

The one gap in the table is for s + yod in Catalan. The lack of examples other than basĭum ‘kiss,’ 

of doubtful origin, is due to the wide spread rhotacism that affected intervocalic /s/ in Latin. In 

the case of basĭum the Catalan reflex shows metathesis of the s + yod sequence which resulted in 

raising of the preceding vowel to /e/: bes (cf. Cast. beso, Port. beijo). 

Table 3-13. Ibero-romance reflexes of medial consonant + yod sequences 

t + j k + j kk + j d + j g + j s + j ss + j n + j l + j 

Cast. ʦ>θ, 

ʣ>θ 

ʦ>θ, 

ʣ>θ 

ʦ>θ ʝ ʝ dz>θ ts>θ ɲ ʒ 

Cat. w, ∅ ʦ>s ts>s ʧ ʤ --- ʃ ɲ ʎ 

Port. 

ʦ>s, 

ʣ>z 

ʦ>s, 

ʣ>z 

ts>s ʝ ʒ ʒ ʃ ɲ ʎ 

Although the outcomes of obstruent + yod, nasal + yod, lateral + yod are either complex 

or palatal elements they are not geminates. Whether or not they were ambisyllabic in the earliest 

stages is unclear but in the case of /n/ + yod it may be possible to reconstruct the change from 

/nj/ to /ɲ/ on the basis of studies of the articulation of /ɲ/ in modern Catalan. If alveolopalatal 

consonants are treated as complex segments feature spreading of the feature [-ant] can account 

for the change of /nj/ to /ɲ/ (Recasens, Fontdevila, Pallarès 1995, 266) as seen in Figure 3-3. 

/j/ /n/ /ɲ/ 

Dorsal Coronal Coronal Dorsal Coronal 

[+hi] [-ant] [+ant] [+hi] [-ant] 

Figure 3-3. Feature spreading in consonants in contact with /j/. 

132

The authors of the study on Catalan refer to absorption of the glide as “an extreme case of 

palatalization” (1995, 268). They further note that at this stage the palatal nasal may acquire 

phonemic status and is no longer able to occur in free variation as [nj]. As an example they cite 

for Spanish the minimum pairs uranio ‘uranium’ and huraño ‘unsociable.’ In contrast, Majorcan 

Catalan realizes word final /ɲ/ as /j/ + a nasal stop when the following word begins with a 

consonant. Furthermore, the word final nasal now assimilates to the following consonant to 

derive its place of articulation; thus, any bo ‘good year’ is realized as [ajm ' bɔ] (Recasens, 

Fontdevila, Pallarès 1995, 270). This illustration of segmental decomposition provides a 

possible explanation for the special status of consonant + yod sequences. 

Motivation for Vowel Loss 

The concept of Faithfulness in OT supposes that, under optimal conditions, generation of a 

candidate that best satisfies the constraints of a language will neither delete nor add segments in 

the output form that do not correspond to the input form. Several processes that result in loss of 

segments, in particular syllabic nuclei, have been presented here. The question is how to best 

motivate the vocal loss with the theoretical underpinnings of OT. Hartkemeyer (2000, 65) has 

suggested a general anti-vowel constraint, *V that would outrank MAX-IO-V. 

(3.3) *V: Avoid V segments in output forms. (Hartkemeyer 2000) 

(3.4) MAX-IO-V: Every input V segment should have a corresponding V segment in the 

output. (Hartkemeyer 2000) 

The affect of these two ordered constraints can be readily seen in Table 3-14. When *V ranks 

above faithfulness (MAX-IO-V) both candidates A and B emerge as preferable to candidate C 

because the pre-tonic (candidate A) or post-tonic (candidate B) vowel has been deleted. 

However, if MAX-IO-V is the top ranking constraint the faithfulness candidate (C) will always 

win. 

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Table 3-14. Vowel loss and faithfulness constraints 

/ázino/ ‘ass’ *V MAX-IO-V 

ázno ** * 

A. ☞ 

ázin 

B. ☞ ** * 

C. ázino ***! 

Because *V can overproduce vowel deletion, its effects must be tempered by the addition of 

other constraints. Hartkemeyer (2000, 68) recognizes the difficulty with this constraint and notes 

“Of course, the constraint *V is always violated to some degree or another, since it is indeed rare 

cross-linguistically to find completely vowel-less output forms.” He also recognizes that vowel 

deletion almost never affects the prosodic head of the word; likewise, the vowel of the initial 

syllable seems to be invulnerable to deletion (Apheresis is relatively infrequent in the transition 

from Latin to Ibero-Romance). Therefore, he proposes an alignment constraint: L-ANCHOR-V. 

L-ANCHOR-V: Every leftmost V in the input string has a V correspondent in the output string. 

In order to avoid overgeneralization of apocope (not evident in the early stages of Western 

Romance) Harkemeyer adds a parallel constraint at the right word edge: 

(3.5) R-ANCHOR-V: Every rightmost V in the input string has a V correspondent in the 

output string. (Hartkemeyer 2006) 

Table 3-15 shows the mitigating effect of the added constraints; the candidate that has undergone 

apocope is eliminated. The same constraints also account for pre-tonic vowel loss. 

Table 3-15. Post-tonic vowel loss in Early Western Romance 

/tábula/ R-ANC-V L-ANC-V *V MAX-IO-V 

tábla ** * 

tábula ***! 

tábul *! ** * 

Syncope in Ibero-Romance seems to routinely spare /a/. Hartkemeyer (2000, 79) proposes 

double Max-IO constraints to account for this. In addition to the low ranking MAX-IO-V, there 

is now a new constraint MAX-IO-V[lo] which will be ranked above *V. 

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(3.6) MAX-IO-V[lo]: If an input V segment bears a [lo] feature, then its output 

correspondent must also bear the feature. 

This added rule works well for Ibero-Romance where many surviving proparoxytones have post- 

tonic /a/, for example pájaro ‘bird’ and rábano ‘radish.’ Hartkemeyer suggests that observance 

of the sonority contour may also be a factor in cases where syncope does not occur but this does 

not seem to be the case in light of fraxinus ‘ash (tree)’ resulting in fresno and the many cases of 

syncope of the type nomine ‘name’ which becomes nombre via nomne (Such forms are attested 

in Old Spanish, particularly omne for hombre ‘man.’). The real shortcoming of Hartkemeyer’s 

constraints is that they do not treat vowel loss in terms of word prosody. The motivating factor 

in syncope seems to be observance of a maximum number of syllables before or after the 

primary accent as a concomitant of stress accent. This is not really reflected in his constraints 

except in a peripheral way through the R-ANC-V, L-ANC-V constraints. 

The constraint *SCHWA is proposed by Wheeler (2007, 8) to favor both syncope and 

apocope. It ranks above a general faithfulness constraint, MAXV. 

(3.7) *SCHWA: A vowel must not be realized as [ə]. (Wheeler 2007) 

Although Wheeler does not couch the loss of schwa in terms of prosodic preference it is 

possible to motivate loss as avoidance of the uneven trochee. Cross-linguistic studies of vowel 

reduction demonstrate that [ə] is often significantly shorter than other vowels (Crosswhite 2004, 

208). Therefore, if [ə] constitutes the peak of the ultimate syllable in a two-syllable word the 

presumption is that even in a language which does not have contrastive vowel length, the 

prosodic template is in fact ('H.L). This analysis is supported by a prominence constraint 

proposed by Crosswhite (2004, 220-221) for Bulgarian which requires that all monomoraic 

vowels be low in sonority: *MONOMORAIC/X. The value X is filled in by the vowel inventory of 

the language under study. For example, in a language having only the five cardinal vowels 

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anking would be as follows: * MONOMORAIC/a >> *MONOMORAIC/e, o >> * MONOMORAIC/i, u. 

The more sonorous a vowel is, the stronger is the constraint to consider it as something other 

than monomoraic. To avoid violation of the constraint, the vowel could become long or undergo 

reduction. For German (Féry 2003, 213) it has been suggested that schwa is nonmoraic, 

although Crosswhite includes schwa as the lowest ranking member of the constraint 

*MONOMORAIC. In view of Ibero-Romance diachrony, it can be seen that elision is preferable to 

retention of the reduced vowel as long as coda constraints are not violated. With regard to the 

possibility of vowel lengthening Major (1992) suggests that this has been the outcome in 

Brazilian Portuguese as it moves from syllable timing to stress timing. Tonic vowels are now 

distinguished by length as well as feature preservation. 

The nominal structure of Latin is such that words in excess of five syllables are quite 

uncommon. Primary word accent falls only on the penultimate or antepenultimate syllable. 

Therefore, it is possible to generate an inventory of Classical Latin possible words of two to five 

syllables taking into account locus of accent and whether syllables are light or heavy. In Table 

3-16 the syllable that carries the primary word accent is shaded and syllables that are vulnerable 

or likely to be deleted are in italic (not all possible forms are actually attested); the final syllable 

is indicated as X. Syncope targets unstressed, short vowels. In previous discussion it has been 

suggested that vulnerable vowels also occupy the second, unstressed position in a binary trochee; 

they also appear in trapped or unparsed syllables in word internal position. Vulnerable syllables, 

then, fall into two categories: the second syllable of a foot (LL) and an unparsed L between feet, 

or (F1)L(F2). In the latter case either F1 or F2 is an accented foot. In Table 3-16 the pertinent 

cases are: 

(LL) type deletion: 3c, 4a, 4e, 5a, 5b, 5e, 5i, 5k, 5l, 5m 

(F1)L(F2) type deletion: 3d, 4b, 4g, 4h, 5c, 5d, 5f, 5i, 5j, 5m, 5n, 5o, 5p 

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Table 3-16. Latin words of 2 to 5 syllables marked for possible syncope 

2 syllables 3 syllables 4 syllables 5 syllables 

a L X L H X L L H X L L L H X 

b H X H H X H L H X H L L H X 

c L L X L H H X L H L H X 

d H L X H H H X H H L H X 

e L L L X L L H H X 

f H L L X H L H H X 

g L H L X L H H H X 

h H H L X H H H H X 

i L L L L X 

j H L L L X 

k L H L L X 

l H H L L X 

m L L H L X 

n H L H L X 

o L H H L X 

p H H H L X 

2 3 4 5 

The constraints established in Table 3-6 are still viable. NONFIN allows a foot to be built 

on the right edge when it is the only possible foot in a word. Thus, LX can form a disyllabic 

trochee because there are no segments to the left of the left foot boundary. W/R, together with 

Hσ/R, predicts that optimal candidates will build the head foot as close to the right edge as 

possible. This favors syncope when it occurs in post-tonic position. Possible syncope candidates 

for words of 3, 4, and 5 syllables with antepenultimate stress all fall into this category (3c-3d; 4e- 

4h; 5i-5p). To a lesser degree H/L also rewards the removal of unparsed or unaccented syllables 

between the left word edge and the head foot (4a-5b; 5a-5f; 5i-5j; 5m-5n). Although there are a 

few words that do not appear to be learned words that pass into Ibero-Romance with 

antepenultimate stress such as Cast. pájaro ‘bird’and rábano ‘radish’ it can still be asserted that 

in the nominal system the predominant accentual pattern is penultimate stress with some 

exceptions for the third declension where apocope has produced ultimate accent. Syncope 

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einforces this preferred pattern of a final disyllabic trochee by reducing the instances of 

antepenultimate accent. 

While no single process can be said to account for the changes that occur in the evolution 

of the quantity-based stress of Latin, it has been shown that many different phenomena can be 

subsumed under the umbrella of development of an optimal rhythmic pattern, that is, duple time, 

for proto-Romance: syncope, vowel reduction, apocope, and the metrical traditions of popular 

verse. Furthermore, these changes coincide in large part with the characteristics of stress accent 

systems noted above (Crosswhite 2001, 173), namely vowel reduction, tempo acceleration via 

compression of unstressed syllables, complex syllable structure with relatively uncertain syllable 

boundaries, tendency of stress to attract segmental material in order to build up heavy syllables, 

and presence of stress-counting versification. The emerging accent favors the contrast of a two- 

syllable foot in words of two or more syllables with accent on the penultimate, that is, a left 

headed trochee. After the period of syncope and apocope of vulnerable syllable nuclei in Vulgar 

Latin, in which all three Ibero-Romance languages participate, Catalan, Castilian, and 

Portuguese diverge significantly in terms of treatment of unaccented vowels. Today they form a 

gradient: Portuguese shows extreme vowel reduction (elision), Catalan reduction in terms of 

inventory and sonority, and Castilian no systematic reduction. 

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CHAPTER 4 

ACCENTUAL PATTERNS IN THE NOMINAL SYSTEM OF LATIN: OUTCOMES OF THE 

FIRST DECLENSION 

OT Constraints and the Latin Accent 

The traditional computation of the Latin accent, discussed in preceding chapters, predicts 

that in words of three or more syllables the primary accent falls on the penultimate syllable if the 

rhyme is bimoraic. If the penultimate syllable is not minimally bimoraic or heavy, then the 

primary accent is retracted to the antepenultimate syllable, whether light or heavy. Words of 

two-syllables have penultimate stress by default regardless of the quantity of the syllable that 

will be assigned primary accent. Monosyllabic words in Latin are few and not all are subject to 

the constraint LX≈PR (Prince and Smolensky 2004, 124): Every Lexical Word must correspond 

to a Prosodic Word. That is, function words in Latin, as in many languages, are not always 

accent bearing (cf. clitic pronouns in Ibero-Romance). It should be noted, however, that nearly 

all monosyllabic words in Latin are, in fact, bimoraic. This is true even of function words such 

as prepositions where phonotactic variations such as ăb, ā ‘from’ suggest that Latin had a 

minimum moraic requirement for a word which applied to both prosodic words and to function 

words. 

Latin word prosody, as discussed in Chapters 2 and 3, can be well described using the 

constraints of optimality theory. A few basic principles are reviewed here. The first overriding 

constraint which defines the prosodic word is 

(4.1) LX≈PR: Every Lexical Word must correspond to a Prosodic Word. (Prince and 

Smolensky 2004) 

Optimality theory also defines the prosodic foot, which in the case of Latin is the binary trochee. 

(4.2) FTBIN: Feet are binary at some level of analysis (μ, σ). (Jacobs 2000, 2003b) 

(4.3) RHTYPE (T): Rhythm is trochaic. (Jacobs 2000, 2003b) 

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Note that Jacobs has selected a less specific statement of binarity than, for example, Mester 

(1994) who defines the Latin foot as being minimally and maximally bimoraic. The prosodic 

foot is further defined as being left headed. RHTYPE (T) also disfavors placement of primary 

accent in the final syllable of a word because it favors a two-syllable sequence ('L.L) in which 

the first syllable is accented and the second is not. However, the moraic trochee also admits ('H) 

as a viable foot. Unless extrametricality of the final foot is invoked, a moraic trochee could be 

built in the final foot of nouns ending in (V = any vowel) -Vs or -Vm, both frequent word final 

configurations for Latin nouns. 

Ranked positioning constraints are therefore introduced which favor placement of the 

primary accent near the right word edge but with at least one intervening syllable. 

(4.4) NONFINALITY: A foot may not be final. (Jacobs 2000, 2004) 

NONFINALITY ranks above the alignment constraints (Jacobs 2003b) that are used to evaluate the 

placement of the head foot within the word. They are given in rank order. 

(4.14) W/R: Align prosodic word to the right; align feet to the right. (Jacobs 2003b) 

(4.14) W/L: Align prosodic word to the left; align feet to the left. (Jacobs 2003b) 

(4.14) H/R : Align head foot to the left ; align prosodic word to the right. (Jacobs 

2003b) 

(4.14) H/L : Align head foot to the left; align prosodic word to the left. (Jacobs 2003b) 

These positioning constraints rank above the lowest ranking constraint PARSE-σ which requires 

parsing into feet in order to compute the placement of the primary accent: NONFIN >> W/R >> 

W/L >> H/R >> H/L >>PARSE-σ. 

(4.14) PARSE-σ: Parse syllables into feet. (Jacobs 2003b) 

Noticeably absent in the constraints discussed thus far is the question of quantity 

sensitivity although Jacobs (2000, 2003b) has proposed for Latin two constraints that reflect the 

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preference for heavy syllables in prominent positions but he finds it unnecessary to incorporate 

them into the constraints he uses to generate optimal output for Latin. 

(4.14) WSP (Weight to Stress): heavy syllables are prominent in foot structure. (Jacobs 

2000, 2003b) 

(4.14) QS (Quantity Sensitivity): heavy syllables are stressed. 

The preference for heavy syllables is reflected also in the inviolable constraint FTBIN. FTBIN 

disallows a foot of the type (L) but permits (H) as a well formed foot as well as ('L.L). Because 

PARSE-σ is a low ranking constraint it is not necessary to admit ('H.L), an uneven trochee, as a 

well-formed foot. This is particularly true where the light syllable is word final as in ('H)L. 

The Latin Nominal System 

Latin nouns develop from two categories of Proto Indo-European nouns: root nouns, 

formed without derivational suffixes, and derived nouns, created by suffixation (Baldi, 1999, 

300-303). Root nouns are relatively infrequent in Latin. The much larger class of derived nouns 

has characteristic or thematic vowels. In both instances case endings are then added to the root 

or stem (root + suffix). Table 4-1 (based on Baldi, 310-330) shows the resulting nominal 

inflections in Latin for both nominative and accusative case. 

Table 4-1. Nominal inflection in Latin 

Vocalic stem Consonantal stems with thematic vowel 

Thematic vowel ŏ (2nd) ā (1st) ĭ (3rd) ŭ (4th) Pure consonantal 

(declension class) 

Singular 

stems (3rd) 

Nom. (non-neuter) -us -a -is -us -s 

Nom. (neuter) -um -e, ø -ū ø 

Acc. (non-neuter) -um -am -em -um -em 

Acc. (neuter) 

Plural 

-um -e, ø -ū ø 

Nom. (non-neuter) -ī -ae -ēs -ūs -ēs 

Nom. (neuter) -a -ia -ua -a 

Acc. (non-neuter) -ōs -ās - īs, -ēs -ūs -ēs 

Acc. (neuter) -a -ia -ua -a 

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The accusative is the nominal form that regularly passes into Romance with a few notable 

exceptions such as the genitive in the days of the week, some toponyms, and patronyms; the 

ablative in formation of adverbs (Lloyd 1987, 276-277); and the nominative in personal names 

such as Carlos, as well as a few other nouns such as Cast. dios and Port. deus from Lat. dĕus, i, 

m. ‘god’. Although the NONFINALITY constraint prevents construction of a foot in the last 

syllable in Latin it is worthwhile to note the moraicity of the inflectional endings associated with 

the nominal forms that enter Ibero-Romance. For all declensions except the first the case marker 

for nominative singular is -s; the preceding vowel is also short in all cases. It has been 

effectively argued that s can be viewed as extrametrical and in the case of Attic Greek (Yip 1991, 

67) permissible word final clusters have an extrametrical s-slot; permissible coda clusters (-CC) 

are n, l+s or p, k+s. The Latin third declension consonant stems are similar to the obstruent + s 

cases as in princeps ‘chief’ and dux (duk-s) ‘leader.’ 

The accusative singular for all declensions consists of short vowel + -m. The weakness of 

word final nasals is well attested: “Inscriptional evidence such as OLat. OINO ‘one’ (for oinom) 

and AIDE ‘building’ (for aidem) indicates a weak or nonexistent pronunciation for -m” (Baldi 

1999, 277). In addition to the inscriptional evidence there is also the treatment of word final 

nasals in Latin poetry discussed at length by the grammarians and summarized in Lindsay (1894, 

61) as “the curious usage of Latin poetry, by which a word ending with -m elides its final 

syllable before an initial vowel or h, just as though it ended with a vowel.” If -m did not make 

position in poetry then it is unlikely that a final syllable consisting of short vowel + -m would be 

perceived as having two moras. As for the first declension, the inherited long vowel is 

systematically shortened in the singular whether or not a consonant follows. Baldi (1999, 318) 

notes that on comparative basis the ending of the nominative should be reconstructed as *ā. 

142

Sihler (1995, 266-269) notes that the shortening of final *-ā poses a dilemma because it seems to 

apply only to the vowel /a/. However, the development of the accusative *ām in Proto-Italic 

does seem to provide paradigmatic support. In this case, -ā undergoes the shortening that is 

characteristic of long vowels in final syllables before consonants with the exception of -s. It 

should also be noted that differentiation from -ā (

334) and contains few words of which even fewer pass into Romance. Some, such as diēs ‘day,’ 

are so strongly identified with the first declension that they acquire its characteristic vowel as in 

Spanish and Portuguese día (dia). The 2nd and 4th declensions coalesce in Late Latin/Early 

Romance through phonological and analogical processes. Nouns from the third declension in 

Latin could be of any gender and there are no distinguishing morphological characteristics as can 

be seen in these imparisyllabics: ars, artis, f. ‘skill,’ ens, entis, n. ‘thing,’ and fons, fontis, m. 

‘fountain.’ The fate of the final unstressed vowel of the accusative in all declensions 

differentiates the three Ibero-Romance languages under study—Castilian, Catalan, and 

Portuguese—and has important implications for foot building and resulting metrical patterns. 

Singular Plural 

1st declension -am -ās feminine 

2nd declension -um -ōs masculine 

3rd declension -em -ēs feminine, masculine 

4th declension -um -ūs masculine 

In Latin, neuter nouns are present in the second, third, and fourth declensions. The 

simplification of the three way gender distinction to a two way system in Romance resulted in 

identification of the characteristic -a suffix of the first declension with feminine gender and the 

characteristic -o suffix of the second/fourth declension with masculine gender. Most neuter 

nouns came to be identified with the -o category, perhaps due to the polysemy of the Latin -um 

suffix. The third declension lacks a pervasive characteristic vocalic suffix; many nouns have 

consonantal stems to which the -em suffix is applied in the accusative. 

The widespread syncope of early Western Romance, evident in Ibero-Romance, has been 

seen as an indicator of an accentual system that produced weakening of atonic vowels. Syncope 

emerges as a force of change in the formative period of the Romance languages in the Iberian 

Peninsula where the earliest testimonies of the emerging languages show vacillation with regard 

144

to pre-tonic and post-tonic vowels in word internal position as well as word final vowel deletion 

or apocope. Syncope has already been shown to be a feature of popular Latin in the previous 

discussion of the Appendix Probi (Chapter 3). Wheeler (2006, 4-8) attempts to distinguish 

between early pan-Romance syncope, which he attributes to a fairly small set of words, such as 

sŏlĭdus, i, m. ‘a gold coin’ where two-syllable *SOLDU appears to be the ancestor of Catalan sou, 

Castilian sueldo and Portuguese soldo. Later syncope, and particularly apocope, is less uniform 

in distribution. The degree of apocope that occurs in the transition from Latin to the different 

Ibero-Romance forms a gradient with regard to declension classes and geographic dispersion. 

(West) (East) 

Portuguese Castilian Catalan 

Likely Third declension 

Second declension 

Unlikely First declension 

Figure 4-1. Likelihood of apocope by declension class and language. 

The commonalities and differences that result from language-specific accentual systems are 

examined here beginning with first declension nouns of two-syllables, the noun class least likely 

to undergo apocope, characterized by the vowel -a- before the inflectional ending or case marker. 

Construction of the Data Set 

In order to analyze in detail the prosodic tendencies for Western Romance as they relate to 

the nominal systems of Castilian, Catalan, and Portuguese a dataset has been constructed of 

nouns of Latin origin (with a few Greek words that enter Romance through Latin) that are 

common to these three major Romance languages of the Iberian Peninsula. The point of 

departure is a set of Spanish nouns of Latin origin retrieved from Moliner’s Diccionario de uso 

del español (in future, DUE) on CD-ROM. The initial lexical sort specified three Boolean 

operators (etymology = Latin; function = noun; frequency = frequent). Infrequent use is defined 

in the introduction to the DUE (Moliner 1998, xxxi) as follows: “Una acepción es considerada no 

145

usual por diferentes motivos: por tratarse de un sentido antiguo o dialectal, por estar muy 

restringido a un ámbito científico o profesional.” The operators used in this initial search 

retrieved 6310 nouns. The form of the Latin etymon was corroborated in the online version of 

Lewis and Short (Perseus Project). Corresponding noun forms, that is from the same etymon, 

were selected for Catalan and Portuguese using standard bilingual dictionaries: Diccionari 

avançat català-castellà/castellano-catalán (Vox), Gran diccionario español-portugués/ 

português-espanhol (Espasa), as well as online monolingual dictionaries such as Gran diccionari 

de la llengua catalana (Enciclopèdia Catalana, http://www.grec.net/home/cel/dicc.htm), 

Diccionari català-valencià-balear (Alcover and Moll, Editorial Moll, http://dcvb.iecat.net/), 

Dicionário universal da língua portuguesa on-line (Texto Editora, 

http://www.priberam.pt/dicionarios.aspx), Dicionário de Língua Portuguesa (Porto Editora, 

http://www.infopedia.pt/default.jsp). Items that did not have correspondents in the other two 

languages were discarded. The resulting initial dataset of nouns of Latin origin common to 

Castilian, Catalan, and Portuguese contains 3605 nouns inventoried in Excel file format. Not all 

forms are incorporated in this study; therefore, the sum of individual tables by category is less 

than the original total. A numeric value appears for each subset that is presented. 

The database files (Appendix D) contain column headings for the Latin etymon, an 

indicator of its declension class (Dcl), number of syllables (σ), locus of primary accent (Ac) 

counting from right to left where ultimate accent is 1, gender (Gen), nature of the last three 

syllables (HV=syllable with long vowel or diphthong, HC=syllable with coda consonant, L=light 

syllable; 1 is added after the tonic syllable), and the prosodic template (Temp). The information 

relative to syllable count, place of accent, and nature of the last three syllables is repeated for the 

corresponding nouns in Catalan, Castilian, and Portuguese. In the sample that follows outputs 

146

appear in shaded cells. Results are sortable by any of the column headings: declension, number 

of syllables, locus of accent, prosodic template. For the etymon, gender is also indicated. 

Etymon Dcl σ Ac Temp Gen CAT σ Ac Temp CAS σ Acc Temp POR σ Ac Temp 

aula, ae 

aura, ae 

brūma, 

ae 

causa, ae 

1 2 2 HV1.L f aula 2 2 HV1.L aula 2 2 HV1.L aula 2 2 HV1.L 

1 2 2 HV1.L f aura 2 2 HV1.L aura 2 2 HV1.L aura 2 2 HV1.L 

1 2 2 HV1.L f broma 2 2 L1.L bruma 2 2 L1.L bruma 2 2 L1.L 

1 2 2 HV1.L f causa 2 2 HV1.L causa 2 2 HV1.L causa 2 2 HV1.L 

cēna, ae, 1 2 2 HV1.L f cena 2 2 L1.L cena 2 2 L1.L ceia 2 2 HV1.L 

An Overview of the First Declension 

Maintenance of the final vowel in first declension nouns has been assumed to be 

attributable to morpheme preservation. In this chapter a faithfulness constraint, MAXMORPH, is 

discussed as a possible explanation although a phonologically based constraint is presented in the 

discussion of second/fourth declension nouns in Chapter 5. First declension nouns are 

remarkably stable overall. Loss of internal syllables is more often the result of glide formation 

rather than syncope. Within each subclass of nouns the preferred prosodic template favors light 

syllables. Preservation of the final vowel allows construction of preferred foot form ('L.L) at 

right word edge. The preservation of proparoxytonic accent in polysyllables does not negate the 

fact that the template ('X.L.L), where X may be either a light or heavy syllable, continues to be 

prosodically marked in three languages under study. 

Two-Syllable Nouns 

Nouns of two-syllables provide the simplest configuration of root and suffix. Since 

Romance nouns generally come from the accusative case it will be assumed that the basic 

template consists of a first syllable of variable weight and a final light syllable. The three 

possible templates, then, are 'L.L, 'HC.L, and 'HV.L where HC indicates a heavy syllable with a 

coda consonant and HV a heavy syllable with a long vowel or diphthong. Two of the patterns 

have the preferred branching nucleus whereas the third pattern has word initial accent by default 

147

and produces an undesirable structure that violates FTBIN since 'L.L, parsed as ('L), fails to 

meet any criteria for binarity. 

What are the possible permutations of syllable structure in Latin to create either a heavy or 

light syllable? It is assumed that syllable onsets do not affect syllabic weight although an onset 

is desirable for the well-formedness of a syllable. However, there is no constraint that requires a 

syllable onset in Latin. Possible onsets consist of a single consonants or clusters of up to three 

segments such as initial str- in strāta, ae, f. ‘paved road.’ Cser (2001, 175-176) inventories 

complex word initial onsets for Latin as follows: 

stop or /f/ + liquid 

/s/ + voiceless stop 

/s/ + /w/ 

/s/ + voiceless stop + liquid 

In Figure 4-2 these possibilities are represented as s (/s/), P (voiceless stop), R (liquid). 

Word 

σ σ 

Onset Rhyme Onset Rhyme 

| | 

(s) (P) (R) V (s) (P) (R) V 

Word 

σ σ 

Onset Rhyme Onset Rhyme 

| 

(s) (P) (R) V V (s) (P) (R) V 

C 

'L.L 'H.L 

Figure 4-2. Permissible syllable structures in Latin words of 2-syllables. 

As simple onsets, Latin may have fricatives /s/ or /f/, a voiced or voiceless stop, or a sonorant. 

Complex onsets can be twofold, that is, s + P, or P + R, or threefold, s + P + R. It is understood 

that phonotactic restrictions in Latin do not permit all possible combinations; for example, /tl-/ 

and /sn-/ are disallowed as initial complex onsets. Knowing what are permissible onsets aids in 

148

the resolution of complex internal clusters where syllabification is uncertain and often obscured 

by contradictory evidence. 

An accent must be assigned in accordance with the constraint LX≈PR (Every Lexical Word 

must correspond to a Prosodic Word). The default location is the penultimate syllable which 

avoids violation of the NONFINALITY constraint. However, 'L.L violates FTBIN (Feet are binary 

at some level of analysis) if it is assumed that the Latin metrical unit is a moraic trochee and the 

final syllable is extrametrical. Apocope, which occurs regularly in Catalan in second and third 

declension nouns, could then be viewed as a repair strategy because it would most likely create a 

monosyllable of the shape (C)VC. It should also be noted that the loss of vowel quantity in Late 

Latin rendered light the first syllable of many nouns of the 'HV.L type. Cases of 'HC.L that 

depend on a coda consonant for syllable weight would be expected to preserve the coda if 

bimoraicity of the accented syllable and extrametricality of the final syllable obtain. However, 

analysis of the database shows that this is not always the case. 

Since foot building occurs at the right edge of the word, preservation of the final vowel 

gives the appearance that the NONFINALITY constraint is still observed in Ibero-Romance (in the 

first declension). In fact, Harris (1991, 1992, 1995) has suggested that consideration of gender 

markers as extrametrical in modern Spanish is a way of computing primary accent by placing it 

on the first available syllable to the left of the edge marker ]. In order to produce the desired 

results a slot for an unrealized vowel must be inserted at the right edge in words that have 

ultimate accent on an HC type syllable. Thus animal ‘animal’ is construed as animálV for 

purposes of accent assignment. However, preservation of final -a in first declension nouns 

seems to be, rather, a function of the inherent strength of the segment, that is the high degree of 

sonority of the vowel rather than a question of preserving a morpheme. After all, second 

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declension nouns also have a characteristic vowel or class marker which is routinely elided in 

Catalan. 

Analysis of the dataset begins with two-syllable words of the first declension that pass into 

the three major Romance languages of the Iberian Peninsula. At the two-syllable level, word 

shapes correspond to one of two types: 'L.L or 'H.L (with subtypes 'HC.L and 'HV.L). Heavy 

syllables labeled HC are those with a coda consonant and those labeled HV consist of long 

vowels or falling diphthongs. It should be noted that HV type syllables for the most part become 

light with few exceptions, diphthongs /aw/ and /ew/ preserved in learned or semi-learned words, 

frequently of Greek origin. Syllables labeled HC are those with a coda consonant. They are the 

most likely to remain as heavy syllables in the transition to Romance. Ordinarily, treatment of 

word internal consonant sequents as tautosyllabic or heterosyllabic is straightford with the 

exception of /s/ + voiceless stop + liquid clusters as in fĕnestra, ae, f. ‘window.’ In the case of 

fĕnestra the cluster must have been heterosyllabic at some point because the accent is 

paroxytonic. Devine (1980, 155) suggests, however, that the internal -st- cluster may have been 

tautosyllabic in colloquial Latin although classical prosody treats the cluster has heterosyllabic. 

A similar problem, the syllabification of internal obstruent + /r/ has been previously discussed in 

Chapter 3. In the case of monstrum, i, n. ‘monster,’ the initial syllable is clearly heavy whether 

or not it consists of mon- or mons-. 

Cser considers an alternative treatment of /s/, extrasyllabicity. Based on Goldsmith (1990) 

Cser proposes extrasyllabicity for /s/ in both word initial and word final positions. His word tree, 

modeled in Figure 4-3, shows branches for word initial /s/ in spes, spēi, f. ‘hope’ and word final 

/s/ in daps (dăpis), dăpis, f. ‘feast’ that descend directly from the Word level node. According to 

Goldsmith (1990, 107-108) a traditional view of syllabification holds that every segment belongs 

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to at least one syllable except for certain, language-specific word initial or word final segments 

which are part of the prosodic word but at word level rather than syllable level. These segments 

are instances of licensed extrasyllabicity. Word initial epenthesis in Late Latin and Romance 

could then be viewed as a repair strategy which provides a syllable nucleus for the stray initial 

segment that is now a coda of the new syllable. 

Word 

σ 

Rhyme 

Onset Nucleus Coda 

/s/ Obs Son V(V) Son Obs /s/ 

Initial {s} p e e s 

Final d a p {s } 

Figure 4-3. Extrasyllabic /s/ in Latin word initial and word final position. 

Similarly, the variant nominative singular forms of third declension nouns with and 

without a nucleus before -s, as in daps (dăpis), indicate the special status of /s/. Extrasyllabic 

status of final /s/ also obviates the question of superheavy syllables of the type VCs which are 

common in plurals in modern Catalan. Attachment of word final /s/ to a proximate onsetless 

syllable in some dialects of Spanish that regularly aspirate syllable-final /s/ could be construed as 

an instance of contingent extrasyllabicity which Goldsmith (1990, 108) describes as consonants 

that fail to become syllabified and are “waiting for a syllable to come along for them.” 

The data set used for this analysis consists of 232 nouns of Latin origin present in all three 

languages, Catalan, Castilian, and Portuguese. They are distributed as follows in terms of weight 

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of the first syllable of the Latin etymon, where HC is a heavy syllable with coda consonant, HV a 

heavy syllable consisting of a long vowel or diphthong, and L a light syllable. Table 4-2 shows 

that the number and percent of distribution of initial syllable types. The occurrence of 

undesirable '(L).—with a parsed but defective foot in the first syllable and unparsed or 

extrametrical last syllable—is relatively limited; however, it should be remembered that the HV 

type syllable becomes monomoraic to a large extend in Late Latin. 

Table 4-2. Distribution of H/L syllable type in first syllable of Latin 2-syllable nouns of the 

first declension 

Initial syllable type Number/percentage Heavy/light initial syllable 

HC 

HV 

121 (52.2%) 

71 (30.6%) 

192 (82.8%) H 

L 

n=232 

40 (17.2%) 40 (17.2%) L 

In preparation of a contingency table to evaluate the distribution of heavy and light 

syllables in Latin first declension nouns, the first two categories, HC and HV are combined to 

produce two mutually exclusive categories, H or L. It is then assumed that for the data set of 232 

nouns there is an equal chance that the accented syllable (first syllable) will be heavy or light. 

The operative negative hypothesis for Table 4-3 is derived from the familiar WSP principle 

proposed for Latin (Prince and Smolensky 2004, 70-71): Heavy syllables are prominent in foot 

structure and on the grid → Heavy syllables are not prominent in foot structure and on the grid. 

The contingency table (Table 4-3), is then submitted to a chi-square “goodness of fit” test with 

these results: x 2 =99.6 and p

In the case of Latin two-syllable words the first syllable is accent bearing by default 

through the operation of NONFINALITY which does not allow the construction of a foot in the last 

syllable even when that syllable is heavy, as in the accusative plural of first declension nouns. 

Latin nouns that are heavy on the basis of long vowels or diphthongs are likely to become light 

in early Romance with the exception of a few learned or semi-learned words that retain the 

diphthong /aw/. Similarly, contingency tables can then be reconstructed for Catalan, Castilian, 

and Portuguese to determine whether or not syllable weight continues to bear a relationship with 

placement of accent. It is expected that these tables will validate many of the following 

predictions with regard to the Latin etyma. 

OT constraints are able to account for changes from input to output and for differences 

among languages. The following constraints or families of constraints are the basis of evaluation 

of outputs, both those that are motivated by language universals and those that respect language 

specific exigencies. 

1. There is a family of overarching faithfulness constraints, MAX: Every segment/feature of the 

input has an identical correspondent in the output. In terms of the dataset this means that 

nouns will not change with regard to the number of syllables, the nature of those syllables 

and their segments, nor will the locus of word accent be altered. 

2. Initial HC syllables will remain unchanged: This prediction corresponds both to MAX and to 

WSP. However, this syllable type is in violation of a well-formedness constraint, that is, 

NOCODA. In the transition to Ibero-Romance codas that are obstruents (but not sibilants) are 

subject to lenition and deletion, especially in the western languages. Therefore, the 

constraint might be specified as NOCODA[-strid]. Vocalization of an obstruent in coda 

position could be perceived as a mora preserving strategy but it is infrequent. 

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3. Initial HV syllables will become light: All long vowels in Latin merge with the 

corresponding short vowels; diphthongs are reduced to monophthongs: ae>ε, oe>e, aw>o. 

This is a violation of MAX but does not alter the syllabic count nor place of accent. 

However, the resulting trochee is now a suboptimal light foot (L). 

4. Initial L syllables will remain unchanged. This reflects another faithfulness constraint, DEP: 

Every segment/feature of the output has an identical correspondent in the input. In this case 

it is assumed that no extra segments or syllables will be added to create a more optimal foot 

structure of ('L.L) or ('H). 

The contingency tables compare the observed frequency for each of the three languages 

under study with the expected frequency based on the criteria enumerated above. The tables 

combine the HV and L categories of Table 4-2 and project that the HC category will remain 

unchanged. The negative hypothesis states: It is not expected that the proportion of HC type 

initial syllables in Catalan/Castilian/Portuguese disyllables inherited from the Latin first 

declension will differ from Latin. The results for all three languages are p

Table 4-5. Contingency table for H/L in first syllable of Castilian nouns from 

Latin first declension disyllables 

Syllable Type Observed Expected number Expected percentage 

Heavy 83 121 52.2% 

Light 149 111 47.8% 

The results for Table 4-5 (Castilian) are x 2 = 24.9 and p

Word internal nasals in coda position are preserved as distinct segments in Catalan and 

Castilian. Therefore, the unexpectedly large number of HV cases (14; 11.6%) is unique to 

Portuguese. If the HV and HC segments are viewed as a whole (see Figure 4-4), it is apparent 

that in moraic terms the distribution of heavy and light syllables is similar across languages. For 

Portuguese heavy syllables are present in 63.6% of the words, the same percentage found in 

Catalan, and nearly the same as Castilian at 62.8%. Other sources of HV type syllables are less 

transparent. Vocalization and formation of a falling diphthong as the resolution of an obstruent 

in coda position is a less frequent outcome. 

100% 

90% 

80% 

70% 

60% 

50% 

40% 

30% 

20% 

10% 

0% 

Catalan 

41 44 44 

3 1 

77 76 

Castilian 

Portuguese 

14 

63 

Figure 4-4. Outcomes of initial HC syllables from Latin first declension disyllables in Catalan, 

Castilian, and Portuguese. (n=121) 

The three cases of vowel + glide that result in Catalan are from syllables of the type 

C(C)VC where the coda consonant is a voiceless stop. The identical treatment of pacta across 

languages, given the semantic nature of the word, points to a semi-learned form where 

faithfulness constraints are more likely to hold. 

Lat. capsa, ae, f. ‘case’ Cat. caixa Cast. caja Port. caixa 

Lat. pacta, ae, f. ‘pact’ Cat. pauta Cast. pauta Port. pauta 

L 

HV 

HC 

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Lat. tructa, ae, f. ‘trout’ 14 Cat. truita Cat. trucha Port. truta 

In the case of capsa, the initial syllable in both Catalan and Portuguese outcomes can be 

rendered as both [ka] and [kaj] before the palatal [ʃ] but the glide is most likely an anticipation 

of the following consonant rather than an intent to preserve the bimoraicity of the Latin initial 

syllable /kap-/. In the absence of the palatal glide as a countable segment there may still be 

reasons to consider that /ka.ʃa/ is μμ.μ in moraic terms. Baker (2004, 4-19) has argued 

effectively that palatal consonants in Spanish because of their complex articulatory properties 

occupy two timing slots or two moras. Following this line of reasoning only Portuguese truta 

shows a moraic loss in the first syllable 15 . 

As for the group of 40+ nouns where the first syllable is now light, their source is primarily 

degemination of stops and to a lesser extent degemination of nasals and liquids. While loss of 

vocalic quantity is a pan-Romance phenomenon, the loss of quantity of intervocalic consonants 

has important exceptions, namely the area to the south of a geographic line from La Spezia to 

Rimini in Italy. Cravens (2000, 48) reviews the extensive literature on degemination and lenition 

of intervocalic stops in Romance. He argues against preservation of intervocalic geminate stops, 

/-pp-/, /-tt-/, -kk-/, as avoidance of merger with single intervocalic consonants because, as he 

notes, coalescence is a common phenomenon in diachronic sound change. For Ibero-Romance, 

the common output of the geminate stops is a single intervocalic stop. Degemination is also seen 

in liquids (/-ll-/) and nasals (/-mm-/, /-nn-/). Palatalization of coronals /-ll-/ to /ʎ/and /-nn-/ to /ɲ/ 

14 The outcomes of Lat. tructa raise the question of an alternate form with a long vowel, cf. OE trūht, although 

Biville (1990, 79-80) notes that the tonic vowel of the supposed etymon, Greek τρώκτης, is often rendered by -u- in 

initial syllables in Latin and that the outcomes of Latin /ō/ and /ŭ/ merge in Western Romance. However, the 

outputs of Lat. frūctus, ūs, m. also seem to support a long vowel (see n. 15). 

15 The reduction of –uk.tu to –uto is also seen in the reflexes of Lat. frūctus, ūs, m. ‘enjoyment’ in Spanish and 

Portuguese fruto in contrast with vocalization of syllable-final /k/ in Port. noite from Lat. nox, noctis, f. ‘night.’ 

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occurs in the case of patrimonial words, although there are a few instances of simplification to /- 

l-/ and /-n-/ in learned words. In the case of palatalization once again the issue of syllable weight 

emerges. The output of falla, ae, f. ‘trick, artifice,’ for example, is uniformly /faʎa/ with a light 

first syllable. Unlike Cat./Port. caixa above there is no indication that the initial syllable is[faj]. 

The relationship of the three subsets by language is seen in the Venn diagram in Figure 4-5. 

Castilian n=44 Portuguese n=44 

5 0 6 

38 

1 0 

2 

Catalan n=41 

Figure 4-5. Coincidence of subsets of L type initial syllable in Catalan, Castilian, and 

Portuguese resulting from HC first syllable in Latin first declension disyllables. 

Of the original set of 121 first declension disyllables with HC type first syllable, roughly 

one third (41 in Catalan and 44 in Castilian and Portuguese) lose their bimoraic status. The 

shaded area indicates that 38 of the HC type syllables maintained in Castilian, Catalan, and 

Portuguese correspond to the same subset of nouns. Castilian and Catalan share one additional 

item whereas 5 cases in Catalan, 6 in Portuguese and 2 in Catalan are unique to those languages. 

Moraic loss comes primarily from degemination of voiceless stops, liquids, and nasals. There 

are also isolated instances of -rs->-ss->-s- (Catalan), -nd->-nn->-n- (Catalan), -kt->-jt- (with 

158

fronting of preceding vowel, Portuguese); -kt->-jt->-tʃ- (Castilian only); -kt->-t- (with fronting of 

preceding vowel, Catalan). 

The number of cases in which heavy first syllables become light other than as a result of 

degemination is extremely limited. At this juncture it appears that rather than the interaction of 

well-formedness constraints (NOCODA) and faithfulness constraints (MAX/IO) one sees the result 

of what Weinreich (1958, 12) has termed “der Quantitätenskollaps.” The complex relationship 

of geminate consonants, duration of preceding vowels, and syllabic boundaries is beyond the 

scope of the current study but Loporcaro (1996) has formulated a rule of vowel lengthening that 

demonstrates that for modern Italian the quantity relationship described by Weinreich for Latin 

(1958, 24) as the second stage in the dismantling of the quantitative system holds true: 1) long 

vowel + short consonant as in cūpa, ae ‘vat’; 2) short vowel + long consonant as in bŭcca, ae 

‘cheek.’ Loporcaro’s vowel lengthening rule (1996, 162) follows: 

_____ 

(4.14) Italian Vowel Lengthening: V → [+long] / [ +stress ] (Loporcaro 1996) 

Loporcaro’s rule should be viewed with caution. While words of two-syllables seem to 

correspond to the predicted template of VVC vs. VCC (where duplication of V/C indicates long 

vowel/consonant), more recent studies demonstrate that vowel length is also related to the 

number of syllables in a foot (assuming that trisyllables with antepenultimate accent constitute a 

foot) as well as position within the word (Hajek, Stevens, and Webster 2000). Final vowels 

show both lengthening and shortening, independent of their status as tonic or atonic vowels. 

The subset just examined contains the heavy syllable type most likely to remain heavy, that 

is, a syllable with a coda consonant. The HV type, representing in Latin both long vowels and 

diphthongs, persists as a heavy syllable only when a diphthong is retained. Table 4-8 indicates 

that preservation of a diphthong is the outcome in a small percentage of cases, corresponding 

159

mostly to /aw/. The resulting nouns are all disyllabic with the exception of Portuguese lã ‘wool’ 

< lāna, ae, f. These outcomes are in contrast with those of Table 4-7 in which over 60% of 

nouns in all three languages preserve the moraic count of the input form (HC). 

Table 4-8. Accented syllable in nouns from Latin first declension 

disyllables with HV initial syllable 

HC HV L 

CAT 0 (0.0%) 7 (10.9%) 64 (90.1%) 

CAS 0 (0.0%) 6 (8.4%) 65 (91.6%) 

POR 0 (0.0%) 9 (12.7%) 62 (87.3%) 

n=71 

While the resulting ('L) configuration is a suboptimal trochee (if the final syllable is 

extrametrical) it is reinforced as a template by the outcome of original Latin ('L) seen in 

Table 4-9. Even the five cases of prothesis in this group that result in a three-syllable word do 

not represent an improvement of the prosodic configuration which is now H('L). The head 

foot is separated from the right word edge by an unparsed syllable and lacks binarity whereas the 

initial syllable is bimoraic but not stressable due to constraints like HEAD-MAX-IO which 

requires that the head foot of the input form also be the head foot in the output. 

Table 4-9. Outcome of Latin first declension ('L) nouns 

HC. 'L (with prothesis) 'L.L 'HV.L 'HC.L 'HV 

CAT 5 (12.5%) 34 (85.0%) 1 (2.5%) 0 (0.0%) 0 (0.0%) 

CAS 5 (12.5%) 35 (87.5%) 0 (0.0%) 0 (0.0%) 0 (0.0%) 

POR 5 (12.5%) 33 (82.5%) 0 (0.0%) 0 (0.0%) 2 (5.0%) 

n=40 

With the exception of Catalan aigua ‘water’ < ăqua, ae, f. and Portuguese mó ‘millstone’ < 

mŏla, ae, f. and ré ‘prisoner’ (fem.) < rĕa, ae, f. all cases of original ('L.L) remain as disyllables 

with primary accent on the penultimate light syllable. The exeptional cases merit a brief 

comment. Catalan aigua suggests the influence of an alternate etymon, seen in the Appendix 

Probi, l. 112 (Appendix A), acqua, with a presumptive pronunciation of ['ak.k w a]. The lenition 

of syllable final, word internal /k/ resulting in a palatal glide is well documented in the formative 

160

stages of Catalan, for example, Old Catalan treita

absorbed. Alternatively, insertion of a glide resolves the undesirable V.V sequence as in areia < 

(h)ărēna, ae, f. ‘sand’ ((Parkinson 1988, 136). In addition to the etymological evidence 

indicating that mó and ré originally had a branching rhyme, Table 4-10 reinforces the notion of 

increased prominence of non-high vowels, although [a] is shorter than expected especially when 

compared with surprisingly long [ɐ], a contextual variant of /a/ (and occasionally /e/) in pre-tonic 

and post-tonic position as well as in unstressed final syllables (Mateus and d’Andrade 2000, 17- 

23). 

Table 4-10. Duration of vowels in European Portuguese in stressed CV syllables 

Duration in ms Relation to mean (128 ms) for all vowels 

[i] 111 0.87 

[e] 125 0.97 

[ɛ] 139 1.08 

[u] 110 0.86 

[o] 129 1.01 

[ɔ] 139 1.08 

[a] 132 1.03 

[ɐ] 141 1.10 

While it is justified to code Portuguese monosyllables as HV, they are not heavy as a result 

of an effort to maintain the moraicity of the input form; rather, their increased prominence results 

from a general lengthening process that applies to all accented vowels in Portuguese (Delgado 

Martins (1988, 128-132). Furthermore, tonic mid vowels are qualitatively distinct from their 

unaccented counterparts. Vowel raising is evident in the realization of unstressed /e/ and /ɛ/ as 

[ɨ] and unstressed /o/ and /ɔ/ as [u]. 

By combining data from Tables 4-7, Table 4-8, and 4-9 it is possible to see to what degree 

the two-syllable template for the subclass of largely feminine nouns from the first declension 

favor a ('L). or ('H). pattern. Table 4-11 demonstrates the combined outcomes of the 

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232 disyllabic first declension Latin nouns. The rows indicate the nature of the accented syllable 

in Latin; the number of words in each subclass appears in the column labeled n=. Output forms, 

distributed by language, appear in the columns headed H and L . 

Table 4-11. Heavy/Light (H/L) outcomes of accented syllables in Catalan, Castilian, and 

Portuguese based on nature of tonic syllable in Latin first declension disyllables 

Input↓ n= Output → H L 

HC 121 80 (66.1%) 41 (33.9%) Catalan 

HV 71 7 (9.9%) 64 (90.1%) 

L 40 1 (2.5%) 39 (97.5%) 

HC 121 77 (63.6%) 44 (36.4%) Castilian 

HV 71 6 (8.5%) 65 (91.5%) 

L 40 0 (0.0%) 40 (100.0%) 

HC 121 77 (63.5%) 44 (36.4%) Portuguese 

HV 71 9 (12.7%) 62 (87.3%) 

L 40 2 (5.0%) 38 (95.0%) 

Total n=232 

Figure 4-6 shows that despite the high rate of retention of syllable weight in the case of the 

HC input forms, the predominant output pattern of two-syllable nouns is a left headed binary foot 

whose binarity is dependent on the presence of two-syllables. This interpretation requires setting 

aside the notion of extrametricality, which is certainly no longer operative in Ibero-Romance. 

Acceptance of a syllabic trochee recognizes that the alternative interpretation, a moraic trochee 

with extrametricality, is too costly as it would require licensing of a defective foot under LX≈PR 

(Every Lexical Word must correspond to a Prosodic Word, Prince and Smolensky 2004 [1993]) 

for the majority outcome, labeled 'L.L in Figure 4-6. The notion of extrametricality is reflected 

in the OT constraint NONFINALITY (No head of a prosodic word is final in a prosodic word 

(Prince and Smolensky 2004 [1993])) which precludes construction of a foot at the right word 

edge. 

163

CAT 

CAS 

POR 

'H 

'H.L 

'L.L 

0.0% 

'L.L 

62.1% 

64.2% 

62.1% 

10.0% 

20.0% 

30.0% 

40.0% 

Figure 4-6. Distribution of heavy/light syllables in tonic syllable of nouns from Latin first 

declension disyllables (n=232). 

'H.L 

37.9% 

35.8% 

37.1% 

50.0% 

60.0% 

70.0% 

'H 

0.0% 

0.0% 

0.9% 

Monosyllables constitute an exceptional class corresponding to the undominated constrainted 

LX≈PR (Every Lexical Word must correspond to a Prosodic Word, Prince and Smolensky 2004 

[1993]). As a pattern of ultimate accent emerges, as will be seen in second/fourth and third 

declension nouns, there is no longer a justification for failing to parse the final syllable of first 

declension nouns. 

Three-syllable Nouns 

In the case of Latin three-syllable nouns two accentual patterns are extant, the familiar 

penultimate accent when that syllabic is bimoraic and a retraction to the antepenultimate syllable 

if the penultimate is light. In terms of distribution of light and heavy syllables the two patterns, 

in all possible permutations, are summarized in Figure 4-7. Shading indicates the syllable that 

carries the primary accent. Since penultimate accent requires a heavy syllable it can be expected 

that only syllables with a coda consonant or glide (in the case of falling diphthongs) will remain 

as heavy syllables if MAXIO is a high ranking constraint. 

164

HC 

A) Penultimate Accent HV 

L 

B) Antepennultimate Accent 

HC 

HV 

L 

HC 

HV 

 

L 

Figure 4-7. Comparison of prosodic patterns in three-syllable Latin nouns. 

The first declension disyllables examined above show remarkable faithfulness across the 

three languages under study in terms of syllabic count. Preservation of input syllables is also 

high in the case of trisyllables although there are some instances of syncope in the case of nouns 

with antepenultimate accent. The chronology of vowel elision is uncertain as seen in the 

discussion of the Appendix Probi (see Chapter 3). It is possible that in some cases the input form 

that was extant in the formative period of the Ibero-Romance languages was, in fact, disyllabic 

rather than trisyllabic. 

First Declension Trisyllables with Penultimate Accent 

Well formedness constraints such as NOCODA, if high ranking, lead to frequent violations 

of MAXIO. However, when assignment of stress, as is the case in Latin, depends on syllable 

weight the loss of a mora is problematic. The change from quantitative to qualitative vowel 

system which characterizes the transition from Classical to Late Latin results in loss of HV as a 

candidate syllable for locus of primary accent. Furthermore, the relative infrequency of falling 

diphthongs and their monophthongization is another contributing factor in the loss of syllable 

weight dependent on a glide in the coda. Only the nasalization of vowels in Portuguese before a 

consonant coda preserves moraic count if one considers nasality to be a separate segment. This 

argument is in line with Prunet and Paradis (2000) and supported by the apparent spread of the 

feature nasality to other segments in the case of resulting nasal diphthongs as in the case of bem 

165

‘well’ rendered [bɐ᷉j᷉] in European Portuguese. In the case of nasal vowels that are not part of a 

diphthong experimental data show that in an accented CV syllable they are on average 1.42 times 

longer than corresponding oral vowels (Costa 2004, [3]), an assertion in marked departure from 

Delgado Martins’1988 study. In brief, it can be expected that the HV environment seen in form 

A) in Figure 4-7 will almost completely disappear in the formative period of Ibero-Romance 

with the exception of a few falling diphthongs preserved in learned or semi-learned nouns such 

as Gr. Κένταυρος via Lat. Centaurus, i, m. ‘Centaur’ realized as Cat. centaure and Cas./Port. 

centauro. 

On the other hand, one would expect faithfulness to the HC type syllable if there is an 

operative principle of minimum bimoraic count in the syllable that constitutes the head foot. In 

the disyllables previously treated preservation of a coda (sometimes a glide) in initial HC 

syllables, the accent bearing syllables, occurred in 66.1% of the cases in Catalan, 63.6% in 

Castilian, and 63.6% in Portuguese. If these percentages are then used to calculate an expected 

value for three-syllable words with penultimate accent falling on HC type syllable it is possible 

to construct a contingency table to test the negative hypothesis that there is no difference in the 

outcome of HC type accented syllables in words of two or three syllables from the first 

declension. The data set consists of input forms (HC)('HC), (HV)('HC), and 

L('HC). The results are provided in Table 4-12. Only for Portuguese, where p < 0.05, are 

the results significant, that is, a higher number of syllables than expected are light. This reflects 

the constraint, present in Portuguese today, that limits coda consonants to /l/, /ɾ/ and /s/ (Mateus 

and d’Andrade 2000, 52). 

166

Table 4-12. Contingency table for H/L outcomes in tonic syllable from 

(HC)('HC), (HV)('HC), and L('HC) first declension nouns 

Syllable Type Observed Expected Expected 

number number percentage 

CATALAN 

Heavy 38 36.4 66.1% 

Light 17 18.6 33.9% 

x 2 =0.2080, p-value is 0.6484 

CASTILIAN 

Heavy 31 35.0 63.6% 

Light 24 20.0 36.4% 

x 2= 1.2571, p-value is 0.2622 

PORTUGUESE 

Heavy 26 35.0 63.6% 

Light 29 20.0 36.4% 

x 2= 6.3643, p-value is 0.0116 

n=55 

The first of the data sets, that is (HC)('HC) input form as in cisterna, ae, f. ‘cistern,’ is 

small (n =18) but worth examining in detail because of the surprising differences in faithfulness 

to the HC type syllable present in both the penultimate accent-bearing syllable (S2) and the 

initial syllable (S3), presumably not prominent in the prosodic structure of the word. While the 

loss of syllabic quantity in S2 can be explained by constraints such as NOCODA, as well as the 

process of degemination, faithfulness to the initial HC syllable merits further investigation. 

Table 4-13. Distribution of heavy/light syllables in outcomes of first declension 

trisyllables with penultimate accent of the type (HC)('HC) 

S3 S2 

H L H L 

CAT 15 (83.3%) 3 (16.7%) 11 (61.1%) 7 (38.9%) 

CAS 14 (77.8%) 4 (22.2%) 8 (44.4%) 10 (55.6%) 

POR 14 (77.8%) 4 (22.2%) 6 (33.3%) 12 (66.7%) 

n=18 

Table 4-13 shows a high rate of retention of syllable weight in S3 across languages and for 

Catalan also in S2. In previous discussions of the Latin accentual system the constraint WSP has 

been formulated but not utilized in construction of the OT table to generate Latin primary accent. 

167

(4.13) Weight-to-Stress Principle (WSP) (Prince and Smolensky 2004, 63): Heavy 

syllables are prominent in foot structure and on the grid. 

WSP is a low-ranking constraint, even in Classical Latin, and it is frequently violated. 

Extrametricality removes some of these violations; for example, suffixes consisting of long 

vowel or long vowel followed by a coda consonant occur in both nominal declensions and verb 

paradigms. However, in positions that cannot be construed as extrametrical there are also 

occurrences of a heavy syllable in non prominent position. The initial heavy syllable of 

trisyllables with penultimate accent is such a case. In many instances in which placement of 

accent on the penult depends on a branching rhyme, the loss of phonemic vowel length, 

monophthongization, and the degemination of presumed long consonants such as -ss-, -ll-, -nn- 

render the penultimate syllable light yet it remains the locus of the primary accent. 

To further explore the unexpected faithfulness to the initial HC syllable, the small data set (18 

items) in Table 4-13 (outputs of (HC)('HC)) is combined with the output of (HC)('HV) 

as in the word fortūna, ae, f., ‘fortune,’ an additional 57 words, to produce the outcome seen in 

Figure 4-8 where n=75. All but one of the nouns in this data set of 75 are trisyllabic with 

penultimate accent. The one anomalous form is Portuguese irmã (< Lat. germāna, ae, f. ‘sister’) 

which is now disyllabic with ultimate accent due to loss of intervocalic /n/. This outcome 

appears in the column headed by N in Figure 4-8 indicating that there is no syllable in the third 

slot counting from right to left. The loss of moras in the penultimate syllable should render that 

syllable no longer optimal if WSP, a presumed constraint for Classical Latin, is still active. Yet 

the tonic syllable, S2, is light in over 85% of the outputs across languages. Faithfulness to the 

prosodic head has been shown to be a high ranking constraint for Ibero-Romance (Catalan, 

Wheeler 2007; Castilian, Lleó 2003) yet there is no evidence of retraction of accent to the heavy 

initial syllable in outputs of the type HC.L.L from original (HC)('HC) or (HC)('HV). 

168

The new prosodic template that has emerged from the original input form with two heavy 

syllables at the left word edge is (HC)('L.L). The near coincidence of lines for the three 

languages is notable. 

100.0% 

90.0% 

80.0% 

70.0% 

60.0% 

50.0% 

40.0% 

30.0% 

20.0% 

10.0% 

0.0% 

H 

CAT 

CAS 

POR 

84.0% 

80.0% 

77.7% 

L N H L 

S3 

S2 

16.0% 0.0% 14.7% 85.3% 

20.0% 0.0% 10.7% 89.3% 

20.0% 1.3% 9.3% 90.7% 

Figure 4-8. Comparison of distribution of heavy/light in S3 and S2 from first declension 

trisyllables with penultimate and antepenultimate heavy syllables (n=75). 

A possible explanation for persistence of the initial HC syllable is found in a study of Old 

Spanish vowel deletion. Here Lleó (2003) has utilized various sets of OT constraints to account 

for syncope and acope with relation to prosodic structure including a left edge alignment 

constraint, ALIGNL. The alignment constraint, ALIGNL, favors retention of the heavy first 

syllable because it requires the left edge of the word to be aligned with a foot. The constraints 

adapted from Lleó (2003, 256-257) are listed below. 

(4.14) FTTROCHEE: Feet are left-headed (either syllabic or moraic trochees). (Lleó 

2003) 

(4.15) STW: A stressed syllable is bimoraic. (Lleó 2003) 

169

(4.16) ALIGNL: All prosodic words must have their left edge aligned with a foot. (Lleó 

2003) 

(4.17) HEADMAX: A stressed element in the input must have a stressed element as its 

output correspondent. (Lleó 2003) 

(4.18) MAXMORPH: An input morpheme has a correspondent in the output. (Lleó 

2003) 

In the analysis of three-syllable words with penultimate stress, Lleó proposes that the 

pattern wsw (weak-strong-weak) can have one of two outcomes: wsw or ws’, that is, continuance 

of penultimate accent, or in the case of loss of final vowel (indicated by apostrophe but not seen 

in the first declension), ultimate accent. The weak/strong designations are not based on syllable 

weight but rather the susceptibility of a vowel to deletion. Lleó’s definition of trochaic foot 

admits both syllabic and moraic trochees (2003, 256). Additional prosodic contraints include a 

constraint regarding quantity sensitivity, STW; however, it is low ranking. The faithful 

observance of HEADMAX has already been mentioned. In the case of the first declension 

trisyllables there is only one case of retraction of the accent to the first syllable that does not 

involve vowels in hiatus, the outcome of Lat. mĕdulla, ae, f. ‘marrow’ in Castilian where both 

médula and medula appear in the current edition of DRAE (s.v. médula), cf. popular meollo from 

a supposed VLat. medullum. Retention of final /a/ is achieved through the MAXMORPH 

constraint as it is a class and gender marker. 

Selecting items from the data set reflected in Figure 4-8, it is possible to show how OT 

constraints can generate placement of accent when the penultimate is/is not heavy. Lleó’s 

definition of a trochaic foot (2003, 256) allows maximum flexibility and includes the uneven 

trochee, that is, all of the following would be possible realizations of a trochaic foot: ('L.L), ('H), 

and ('H.L). The ALIGNL constraint favors systems with iterative parsing beginning at the left 

word edge. In order to fulfill the constraint trisyllables with penultimate accent must be able to 

170

construct a foot to the left of the trochee that constitutes the head foot. Preservation of the initial 

syllable when it is heavy, that is HC, satisfies ALIGNL. 

However, use of the constraint set listed in (4.14) to (4.18) presents a problem for selection 

of the optimal candidate when the input is (HC)('HC). In Table 4-14 (after Lleó 2003, 259), 

both candidates A and B appear to satisfy all of the constraints but represent different parsing 

results for Latin cisterna, ae, f. ‘cistern’ 16 which has identical output in all three languages. 

Table 4-14. Tableau for output of first declension trisyllable with penultimate accent 

on HC type syllable 

CISTÉRNA FTTROCH HEAD 

MAX 

a. ☞ (cis)(tér.na) 

MAX 

MORPH 

STW ALIGNL 

b. ☞ (cis)(tér)na 

c. cis(tér.na) *! 

d. (cís)(ter.na) *! 

e. (cis.tér)na *! 

In the case of both candidates A and B the head foot is faithful to input and is trochaic; no 

morphemic elements have been lost (in particular the declension class/gender marker, -a); and 

the left word edge coincides with a foot boundary. Only the presence of a parsing constraint 

would cause candidate A to be selected over B. Lleó (2003, 262) utilizes such a constraint in 

cases of syncope where a configuration s1s2 is preferred over S1WS2 (s/w indicate strong/weak 

syllables; numerals designate primary and secondary accent; upper and lower case distinguish 

Latin from Old Spanish). Two modifications will be made in Table 4-14 to demonstrate how 

the OT tableau can select the desired output for words like cisterna as well as Lat. formīca. The 

first is the inclusion of PARSE-σ. 

16 ‘Cisterna’ is attested for Castilian in CORDE s.v. cisterna, ca. 1250 (Real Academia Española) and for Portuguese 

in Davies and Ferreira, Corpus do português, s.v. cisterna, 15th century. For Catalan, the word is attested also in the 

15th century according to DCBV, s.v. cisterna. It is likely to have been in continuous use in medieval Latin and 

early Romance, although perhaps displaced in some geographic areas in Spain by Arabic aljibe. 

171

(4.19) PARSE-σ: Syllables must be parsed into feet (cf. Prince and Smolensky 2004 

[1993], 65 n. 36) 

A second constraint is needed to allow candidates that look like C, cis(tér.na), in Table 4- 

14 to be selected when the antepenultimate syllable is light and cannot be parsed into a foot. 

This could be accomplished by adding an alignment constraint to prefer the right word edge. 

(4.20) ALIGNR: All prosodic words must have their right edge aligned with a foot. 

ALIGNR in Table 4-15 now rejects Candidate B because it has an unparsed final syllable. 

Although PARSE-σ is a low ranking constraint there is no compelling reason to render it 

inoperable here by assuming extrametricality for the final syllable. The preferred duple rhythm, 

which seems to ignore syllable weight, requires the presence of the final, unaccented syllable. 

Table 4-15. Tableau for output of first declension trisyllable with penultimate accent on HC type 

syllable with PARSE-σ and ALIGNR constraints 

CISTÉRNA 

FTTROC 

H 

HEAD 

MAX 

MAX 

MORPH 

STW PARSE-σ ALIGNR 

ALIGNL 

a. ☞ (cis)(tér.na) 

b. (cis)(tér)na *! * 

c. cis(tér.na) *! * 

d. (cis)(térn) *! 

e. (cis.tér)na *! * 

If preservation of the HC initial syllable in 80% (84% in Catalan) of the cases in figure 4- 

13 can no longer be attributed to AlignL it is necessary to look elsewhere for an explanation. 

Precisely because the heavy syllable occurs in word initial position the concept of positional 

faithfulness is attractive. If one labels the syllables of a first declension trisyllable with 

penultimate primary accent in gradient fashion with 1 to indicate primary accent, 2 secondary 

accent, and 3 no accent, the configuration would be 2-1-3. The word initial syllable enjoys a 

172

higher degree of prominence because of its position rather than its weight 17 . There is ample 

evidence that the modern Ibero-Romance languages do indeed have secondary accent (Cabré and 

Prieto 2005, Serra 1997, Wheeler 2004; Díaz Campos 1999, Harris 1991, 1992, Roca 1986, 

1999, 2005; Abaurre, Galves, Mandel and Sandalo 2003, D’Andrade 1997, and Vigário 2003), 

although there is disagreement as to whether or not assignment of accent other than the primary 

accent is lexical or postlexical. 

Figure 4-9 shows that a syllable in word initial position (row labeled wd[H) is more likely 

to retain its moraic count in the case of a trisyllable than in a disyllable. Cases that retain the 

coda in the syllable with primary accent correspond to the row labeled 'H, represented by the 

light gray line. The notable drop in this line indicates that the template (H)('L.L) is preferable to 

(H)('H.L) or (H)('H)L. 

100 

80 

60 

40 

20 

0 

CAT CAS POR CAT CAS POR 

2 SYLL 3 SYLL 

wd[H 66.1 63.6 63.6 83.3 77.8 77.8 

'H 66.1 63.6 63.6 61.1 44.4 33.3 

Figure 4-9. Percentage of heavy syllables in word initial syllable and tonic syllable from first 

declension ('HC) and (HC)('HC). 

17 Smith (2005, 49-52) discusses a series of M/str constraints (Markedness constraints that make specific reference 

to strong position) that include HEAVYσ, that is, in strong positions a heavy syllable is preferable to a monomoraic 

syllable. The prominence of word initial position according to Beckman (1998, 52-57) is seen through both 

psycholinguistic and phonological evidence. The phonological evidence, as Smith also suggests, often comes from 

immunity to well formedness constraints for segments in privileged position. In the case under study the failure to 

repair the NoCoda violation of the initial HC syllable is a clear example of positional strength superseding the ideal 

open syllable type. Whether or not the initial syllable need be regarded as heavy is open to interpretation. In a study 

of Kashmiri stress Morén (2000, 367) notes that CVC syllables are only counted as heavy if it is the best locus of 

stress within the word. Otherwise it is considered to be light. 

173

In addition to the preferable metric outcome, that is avoidance of an uneven trochee or an 

unparsed syllable, the higher rate of retention of coda consonant in the initial, unaccented 

syllable of trisyllables may indicate that accented syllables have other measures of prominence 

such as vowel quality and/or quantity and do not rely on moraic count alone to place a syllable in 

relief or give it prominence. A similar high rate of preservation of coda consonants in the initial 

(unaccented) syllable is also seen in input type (HC)('HV) where the coda consonant is 

retained in initial HC input syllables as follows (n=57): Catalan 48 (84.2%), Castilian 46 

(80.1%), and Portuguese 39(68.4%). Portuguese also retains moraic count in resulting nasal 

vowels in an additional 6 (10.6%) cases; this yields a total of 45 heavy syllables (78.9%) for 

Portuguese. 

The efficacy of the OT constraints presented above is demonstrated in Table 4-16 with 

the example Lat. formīca, ae, f. ‘ant.’> Cat., Old Cast., Port. formiga 18 . It is anticipated that 

selection of the output of formīca that is faithful to original place of accent, even when the 

accented syllable has lost a mora, will be facilitated by the low ranking of STW and high ranking 

of HEADMAX. By requiring alignment of a foot with the right word edge only two accentual 

patterns will be favored because they produce no alignment violations, penultimate accent 

'L.L]wd and ultimate accent 'H]wd. Thus, in Table 4-16, candidates D and E are rejected although 

they satisfy STW. The only advantage A offers over B is that there are no unparsed syllables. 

Loss of a mora from input to output—(HC)('HV) → (HC)(L)L – does not prevent 

assignment of primary accent to the light syllable because STW ranks below the higher level 

constraints that require faithfulness to foot type and position of head foot. 

18 ‘Formiga’ is attested for Castilian, Portuguese, and Catalan in the same sources cited above (s.v. formiga) with 

similar results for first date of attestation although Catalan formiga is documented for a slightly earlier period, 14th 

century. Again, because of the popular nature of this word it was most likely used continuously in the trajectory 

from Latin to the modern languages. In modern Spanish the initial /f/ has been lost following aspiration to /x/ or /h/. 

174

Table 4-16. Tableau for output of first declension trisyllable with penultimate accent on HV type 

syllable with PARSE-σ and ALIGNR constraints 

FORMÍCA FTTROCH HEAD 

MAX 

MAX 

MORPH 

a. ☞ (for)('mi.ca) * 


b. for('mi.ca) * *! 

c. (for)( 'mic) *! 

d. ('fór)(mi.ca) *! 

e. ('for.mi.ca) *! 

f. (for. 'mi)ca *! * * 

The optimal output of Table 4-16, (H)('L.L), as a legitimate prosodic pattern for three- 

syllable words—in Lleó’s terms wsw (weak-strong-weak)—is further reinforced by the outcome 

of two other patterns: (HV)('HV) and (L)('HV). In these cases as well, the majority 

outcome is penultimate accent on a light syllable which must then combine with the final light 

syllable to form a syllabic, rather than moraic, trochee. The low ranking of PARSE-σ will still 

select a candidate with penultimate accent (for first declension nouns) even if it is not possible to 

parse the first syllable. The configuration L('L.L) satisfies ALIGNR although there is now an 

unparsed initial syllable. 

Table 4-17 shows the output of the (HV)('HV) and (L)('HV) templates. 

Syllables are counted from right to left; S2 is the penultimate and S3 the antepenultimate. The 

column heading N indicates that there is no syllable in that position. These exceptions arise 

primarily through the loss of a syllabic nucleus to resolve hiatus. The hiatus may be original or 

secondary, resulting from the loss of an intervocalic consonant. Creation of a diphthong to 

resolve the hiatus is more likely to occur in Castilian than in either Catalan or Portuguese. As 

will be seen under discussion of antepenultimate accent patterns, creation of penultimate accent 

by appropriating a syllabic nucleus as onset of a rising diphthong continues in Spanish today in 

175

cases such as período ‘period’ with alternate pronunciation periodo (penultimate accent); both 

forms appear in DRAE, s.v. período/periodo. 

Table 4-17. Distribution of heavy/light syllables in outcomes from first 

declension trisyllable patterns (HV)('HV) and (L)('HV) 

S3 S2 

H L N H L 

CAT 4 (5.7%) 61(87.1.6%) 5 (7.1%) 2 (2.9%) 68 (97.1%) 

CAS 4 (5.7%) 57 (81.4%) 9 (12.9%) 2 (2.9%) 68 (97.1%) 

POR 4 (5.7%) 59 (84.3%) 7 (10.0%) 2 (2.9%) 68 (97.1%) 

n=70 

The coincidence in outcomes of (HV)('HV) and (L)('HV) patterns across the three 

languages is displayed in graphic form in Figure 4-10. The results show the expected merger of 

L and HV syllable types and faithfulness to the head foot. The new prosodic template is L('L.L) 

in contrast with the (H)('L.L) pattern that emerged from original (HC)('HC) and 

(HC)('HV). The new L('L.L) template is problematic in that it does not allow for alignment 

with the left word edge since it is impossible to build a well-formed trochee over a single light 

syllable. Yet, this pattern is the clear choice in the 70 words that are reflected in Table 4-17 and 

Figure 4-10. With few exceptions the primary accent remains on the penultimate syllable, 

although there is one case of ultimate accent, Portuguese pagã (

100.0% 

80.0% 

60.0% 

40.0% 

20.0% 

0.0% 

H 

S3 

H 

S3 

L N H 

S2 

L N 

H 

S2 

CAT 5.7% 87.1% 7.1% 2.9% 97.1% 

CAS 5.7% 81.4% 12.9% 2.9% 97.1% 

POR 5.7% 84.3% 10.0% 2.9% 97.1% 

L 

L 

Figure 4-10. Percentage distribution of heavy/light syllables in outcomes from first declension 

trisyllable patterns (HV)('HV) and (L)('HV) 

The first four cases of original hiatus in Table 4-18 involve words of Greek origin which 

entered Ibero-Romance through Latin. Secondary instances of hiatus result from lenition and 

total loss of intervocalic /k/ or /g/ and, in Portuguese, loss of intervocalic /l/. In these cases the 

vocalic nuclei in contact form falling diphthongs; or, in some cases the atonic vowel is elided. . 

Table 4-18. Resolution of hiatus in output of Latin first declension trisyllables 

Original Hiatus Secondary Hiatus 

Latin input CAT CAS POR Latin input CAT CAS POR 

ĭōta ‘iota’ jota jota jota vāgīna ‘sheath’ béina váina báinha 

hyaena ‘hyena’ hiena hiena cŏquīna ‘kitchen’ cúina 

dĭaeta ‘diet’ dieta cŏlū˘bra ‘snake’ cóbra 

măgīa ‘magic’ mágia săgitta ‘arrow’ seta 

rŭīna ‘ruin’ ruina rēgīna ‘queen’ réina réina ráinha 

quĭēta ‘still hour’ queda queda queda 

tĭāra ‘tiara’ tiara tiara 

Shaded cells indicate change in locus of accent; the accented syllable is indicated by an acute 

accent mark. With the exception of măgīa in cases of original hiatus, the hiatus occurs between 

177

a high unaccented vowel in the initial syllable and a long vowel or diphthong in the accented 

syllable. In the case of jota, the repair strategy involves creating an onset by forming a palatal 

glide from the initial unaccented vowel. Glide formation followed by fortition of the palatal 

onset is uniform across languages (Velarization of the palatal glide is a later development in 

Castilian). Only Portuguese does not develop a glide in the initial syllable of hiena. The word is 

given a trisyllabic pronunciation in Gran diccionario español-portugués (s.v. hiena). This is also 

the case for both Catalan and Portuguese dieta, magia, ruina which are all trisyllabic with 

penultimate accent in contrast with disyllabic Castilian forms with a rising diphthong instead of 

vowels in hiatus. Loss of both the labialization of latin /kw-/ and the following vowel nucleus 

characterize the output of quĭēt, queda, which is uniform across languages and contrasts with 

learned quiet(o)/a 19 also present in the three languages. In this case as well Castilian stands apart 

from the other two languages by having a rising diphthong, [je] rather than [i.'e]. 

In the case of magia the undoing of hiatus has actually resulted in displacement of the 

accent to the initial syllable (originally antepenultimate). This constitutes a violation of the 

constraint HEADMAX because the output form does not have a correspondent for the accented 

vowel of the input form. Yet this pattern is pervasive in the cases of secondary hiatus. 

According to Lloyd (1987, 320) the elimination of hiatus becomes an agent of change in 

otherwise inexplicable developments in Ibero-Romance such as glide insertion in Old Spanish 

trayo (modern traigo ‘I bring’) < Lat. trăhō which should have yielded *traho. Coalescence of 

vowels is an alternate strategy as seen in Portuguese lendo ‘reading’ compared with Spanish 

leyendo < Lat. lĕgendu(m). The cases of accent shift seen in Table 4-27 involve displacement of 

the accent from a high accented vowel to a preceding lower vowel as in beina, vaina, bainha; 

19 DCVB (s.v. quiet) also lists variant forms quet, queta for Catalan. 

178

eina, rainha (cf. Lloyd 1987, 320); or, coalescence of vowels subsequent to the stage seen in 

the forms just cited, as in cobra, seta. The high vowel in the initial syllable of cuina is somewhat 

unexpected. The DCVB gives ['kuj.nə] as the most frequent pronunciation with ['kwi.nə] in 

Northern Catalan and ['kwi.na] in Valencian. Although both Castilian and Portuguese have a 

mid back vowel in the resulting trisyllabic forms (cocina, cozinha) the high back vowel in 

Catalan could be the result of assimilation to the height of the palatal glide. Additionally, [u] is 

the usual reflex of /o/ and /ɔ/ in atonic syllables. It should also be noted that rising diphthongs 

are historically less frequent in Catalan although Cabré and Prieto (2004, 116) indicate that glide 

formation is evident as early as the seventeenth century and today regularly competes with 

maintenance of hiatus in Central Catalan (northeastern Catalonia including Barcelona). 

What advantages does formation of a diphthong offer? It has been stated that the emerging 

prosodic template is L('L.L). The head foot is aligned at the right word edge but not at the left. 

Lleó (2003, 256-257) has proposed ALIGNL as an active constraint during the formative period of 

Castilian and it works well as an explanation for the preference of (H)('H.L) over L('H.L) but 

creates other problems as discussed above such as the inability to select (H)('H.L) over (H)('H)L 

without a parsing constraint. Jacobs (2003a, 275-176) has proposed using both W/L and W/R 

(word left/right) alignment constraints. With both W/L and W/R as active constraints, 

monosyllables and disyllables (assuming the acceptability of uneven trochees) are always able to 

satisfy both constraints. The case of trisyllables with penultmate accent becomes more 

problematic. However, OT allows for violation of certain constraints and will designate as 

winning candidate the form which does not violate critical constraints and violates the fewest 

possible lower level constraints. 

179

The case of Lat. rēgīna is interesting in that one finds two different outcomes in Catalan, 

historical rehina or reïna, presumably [rə.'i.nə], and modern reina ['rej.nə] (DCVB, s.v. reina). 

The historical form is correctly selected in Table 4-19. The modern form, candidate C, violates 

HEADMAX. The modern Ibero-Romance languages all show strategies to repair vowel/vowel 

sequences, including dislocation of original primary stress. The example of modern Spanish 

período>periodo with a change from antepenultimate to penultimate stress is well known. 

Table 4-19. Tableau for output of first declension trisyllable with penultimate accent on 

HV type syllable with PARSE-σ and ALIGNR constraints 

RE.'GI.NA FTTROCH HEAD 

MAX 

MAX 

MORPH 


a. ☞ re('i.na) * * 

b. re('in) *! * 

c. ('rej.na) *! 

d. (re.'i)na *! * * * 

For Portuguese the situation is somewhat more complex. Mateus and d’Andrade (1998) 

maintain that in the case of falling diphthongs both vowel and glide “belong to the syllable 

nucleus. An argument to sustain this statement is the fact that, in nasal diphthongs, both 

segments are nasalised by the projection of the nasal autosegment to the nucleus.” With regard 

to rising diphthongs as seen in the case of Spanish [pe.'ɾjo.ðo] the authors note that although in 

informal speech the unstressed vowels /i/ and /u/ before a vowel are reduced in duration and 

intensity they differ from the onset glides found in true rising diphthongs in Spanish. This is 

evident in the lack of spread of the feature [+nasal] to the glide in criança ‘child’ ['kɾjɐ̃.sɐ] in 

contrast with the falling diphthong [ɐ̃j̃] in mãe ‘mother’ [mɐ̃j̃]. Curiously, in the case of 

Portuguese período the word is syllabified in Michaelis (1998-2007, s.v. período) as pe.río.do 

but periódico is syllabified as pe.ri.ó.di.co (s.v. periódico). Fernandes (1996, s.v. período) 

180

provides a pronunciation of [pə'riŭdu] in a modified IPA transcription where a breve is used over 

a high vowel to indicate a glide. The preference for a falling glide is consistent with the 

phonemic status of falling glides in Portuguese. Rising glides, on the other hand, emerge as free 

variants of vowels in hiatus in certain registers. The dictionary entry suggests, then, that the 

trisyllabic pronunciation is now the norm and no longer alternates with a tetrasyllabic 

pronunciation with vowels in hiatus. 

A similar situation obtains in Catalan where rising diphthongs except after velar 

consonants emerge only as variants of vowels in hiatus. On the other hand, Cabré and Prieto 

(2004, 115-116) note that “In Catalan falling sonority vocoid sequences present a rather different 

behavior than rising sonority sequences. Intramorphemic sequences are almost indefectibly 

pronounced with a diphthong (cf. mai ['maj] ‘never’, peu ['pεw] ‘foot’, noi ['nɔj] ‘boy’, bou ['bɔw] 

‘ox’).” The same authors also demonstrate how an ordered set of well formedness constraints 

favor glide formation. They include the familiar Onset (A syllable must have an onset) as well 

as the two related to peak prominence (Cabré and Prieto 2004, 133-134): 

(4.21) *M/V[-high]: A vowel at the margin of a syllable must not be [-high]. (Cabré and 

Prieto 2004) 

(4.22) *M/V[+high]: A vowel at the margin of a syllable must not be [+high]. (Cabré and 

Prieto 2004) 

The first constraint gives preference to a high vowel in the margins of the syllable, that is, as 

coda or onset. The second constraint disfavors diphtongs in general whether rising or falling. 

Table 4-20 (adapted from Cabré and Prieto 2004, 134) shows the selection of hiatus for the first 

example, oceàns ‘oceans,’ and glide formation for the second, avións ‘airplanes.’ 

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Table 4-20. Tableau for selection of hiatus or rising diphthong in Catalan 

oce'an+s *M/V[-high] ONSET *M/V[+high] 

a. ☞ (o.ce)('ans) * 

b. o('ce̯ans) *! 

avi'on+s 

a. ☞ (a.vi)('ons) *! 

b. a('vjons) * 

The additional constraints below (Cabré and Prieto 2004, 136-139) reflect the prosodic 

pattern of Central Catalan at word level and, in particular, favor configurations that result in the 

construction of a foot aligned with the left word edge. Word initial prominence is a cross- 

linguistic phenomenon as discussed above. 

(4.23) *LAPSE: Pre-tonic vowels must be parsed in one foot. (Cabré and Prieto 2004) 

(4.24) MAXINITμ: A word-initial mora in the input must be present in the output. (Cabré 

and Prieto 2004 

(4.25) FT-LEFT: The left edge of a word must be aligned with a foot edge. (Cabré and 

Prieto 2004 

The relative ranking of these constraints is *LAPSE >> MAXINITμ / FT-LEFT >> ONSET >> 

*M/V[+high]. The two constraints that favor word initial position, MAXINITμ and FT-LEFT, are 

unranked with respect to each other. Table 4-21 shows how these constraints can also select the 

optimal candidate diachronically. The absence of HEADMAX permits the selection of candidate 

A. This faithfulness constraint has been replaced by one which favors prominence in word initial 

position, MAXINITμ, even if it means a departure from the primary accent of the input form. The 

historical form reïna, corresponding to candidate B, has an unparsed initial syllable and 

consequently fails to align a foot with the left edge of the word. Inclusion of a parsing constraint 

would also exclude candidate B as long as it ranked above *M/V[+high]. 

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Table 4-21. Tableau for selection of falling diphthong in Catalan 

RE.'GI.NA *LAPSE MAXINITμ FT-LEFT ONSET *M/V[+high] 

a. ☞ ('rej.na) * 

b. re('i.na) *! * 

First Declensions Trisyllables with Antepenultimate Accent 

Nouns with antepneultimate accent are characterized by light syllables in both ultimate and 

penultimate syllables as in ăquĭla, ae, f. ‘eagle.’ This is consistent with the Latin accent rule in 

which the final syllable is extrametrical and placement of the primary accent falls on the first 

bimoraic sequence to the left of the ultimate syllable. Because the word initial syllable carries 

primary accent by default its moraic count is not a determining factor. The distribution of 

prosodic templates of first declension trisyllables is show in Table 4-22. 

Table 4-22. Prosodic templates of first declension trisyllables with antepenultimate accent 

Number Percent Type Example 

64 39.5% ('L.L) rĕmŏra, ae, f. ‘hinderance’ 

48 29.6% ('HV)L pāgĭna, ae, f. ‘leaf, page’ 

50 30.9% ('HC)L victĭma, ae, f. ‘beast for sacrifice, victim’ 

n=162 

As with the previous data sets it can be predicted that the first two types will merge with a 

few exceptional cases of preservation of the diphthong /aw/. There are four such cases 

corresponding to learned or semi-learned words present in all three languages (Spanish and 

Portuguese with acute accent and Catalan with grave): cláusula/clàusula, náufraga/nàufraga, 

náusea/nàusea, náutica/nàutica. The remaining cases of ('HV)L input become 

indistinguishable from original ('L.L). It is possible, therefore to propose an input set of the 

type ('L.L) consisting of 112 items, only 4 of which are faithful to the initial syllable of 

original ('HV)L. With an input form of the shape ('L.L) it is apparent that ALIGNL/R 

cannot be satisfied. However, in Table 4-19 it is shown to be a relatively low ranking constraint. 

The final syllable cannot be elided because of MAX MORPH and both HEADMAX and MAXINITμ 

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protect the initial, accent bearing syllable. The only vulnerable syllable, then, is the second from 

right word edge or the middle syllable. The Appendix Probi, discussed in Chapter 3, provides 

many examples of loss of syllable nucleus in this position. 

In the data set consisting of original ('HV)L (n=48) there are 10 cases of syncope 

common to all three languages with the exception of the output of vīpĕra, ae, f. ‘viper’ which in 

Castilian and Portuguese has three syllables. However, the lack of correspondence of the vowel 

in the input to the vowel of the output suggests subsequent restoration of a lost vocalic nucleus. 

The resulting initial syllables in Table 4-23 are not all heavy syllables (Unshaded cells are 'L.L; 

light gray cells with broken outline are 'HV.L; and dark gray cells with solid outline are 'HC.L.). 

If the goal of syncope is to repair prosodic trapping (as discussed in Mester 1994) it must be 

assumed that the variable disyllables that result offer a metrical advantage. The unshaded cells 

in Table 4-23 clearly indicate that the majority outcome is a sequence of two light syllables or 

'L.L, a well-formed trochee aligned with both left and right word edges. 

Table 4-23. Outcomes of syncope in first declension trisyllables with antepenultimate accent: 

('HV)L type 

Latin Catalan Castilian Portuguese 

a. cōpŭla, ae, f. ‘tie’ coble copla copla 

b. fābŭla, ae, f. ‘story’ faula habla fala 

c. fēmĭna, ae, f. ‘female’ fembra hembra fêmea a 

d. *pulĭca< pūlex, ĭcis, m. ‘flea’ puça pulga pulga 

e. rēgŭla, ae, f. ‘rule, model’ regla regla regra 

f. rēgŭla, ae, f. ‘ruler, staff’ rella reja relha 

g. sēmĭta, ae, f. ‘path’ senda senda senda 

h. tēgŭla, ae, f. ‘roof-tile’ teula teja telha 

i. trāgŭla, ae, f. ‘javelin’ tralla tralla tralha 

j. vīpĕra, ae, f. ‘viper’ vibra víbora víbora 

a 

Portuguese regularly loses intervocalic /n/. The resulting vowels in hiatus are rendered as a rising diphthong: 

[jɐ]. Consequently, Portuguese fêmea is also disyllabic although through a different process 

However, if the emerging trochee in Ibero-Romance is syllabic rather than moraic, then 

'HV.L as well as 'HC.L are also well-formed trochees. There is little evidence here to support 

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STW (A stressed syllable is bimoraic) as an active constraint. Even in Classical Latin the one 

accentual pattern that regularly violates this constraint is the one under consideration, 

antepenultimate primary accent in trisyllables with all light syllables. Assuming that the 

trisyllables under question are primarily ideal CV syllables, then a sequence CV.CV.CV would 

result in CV[CC]V after syncope. The sequence in brackets could be syllabified as C.C or, 

dependent on the nature of the segments, both consonants could form the onset of the following 

syllable. The heterosyllabic sequence would produce a heavy initial syllable which would offer 

the advantage of satisfying MAXINITμ by replacing the lost mora of the original HV syllable with a 

coda consonant (or glide). However, this is rarely the outcome as is seen in Table 4-24. This 

display of data shows that for ('HV)L input the majority outcome is the more faithful 

trisyllable, ('L.L)L, rather than the innovative disyllable ('L.L). The trisyllabic output incurs a 

parsing violation (PARSE-σ) as well as a violation of ALIGNR but these are both low ranking 

constraints as demonstrated in Table 4-19 above. 

Table 4-24. Output of first declension ('HV)L 

('HV)L 

3 SYLLABLE 2 SYLLABLE 

HC HV L Subtotal HC HV L Subtotal 

CAT 0 (0.0%) 4 (8.3%) 26 (54.2%) 30 (62.5%) 3 (6.3%) 3 (6.3%) 12 (25.0%) 18 (37.5%) 

CAS 0 (0.0%) 4 (8.3%) 20 (41.7%) 24 (50.0%) 3 (6.3%) 0 (0.0%) 21 (43.8%) 24 (50.0%) 

POR 0 (0.0%) 4 (8.3%) 21 (43.8%) 25 (52.1%) 2 (4.2%) 7 (14.6%) 14 (29.2%) 23 (47.9%) 

n=48 

The higher percentage of trisyllabic results in Catalan is due primarily to the preservation 

of vowels in hiatus in the input form. Portuguese is less inclined to preserve hiatus but does so to 

a far greater extent than Castilian. This accounts for the unusually high percentage of ('L.L) 

output for Castilian. Of the 21 cases of of ('L.L) in Table 4-24, 9 of them can be attributed to 

glide formation resulting in a disyllable as in sepia which is trisyllabic sépia in both Catalan and 

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Portuguese. If these cases are subtracted from the ('L.L) results for Castilian the outcome would 

be idential to Catalan, 12 cases or 25% of the total. This disparity by language is shown 

graphically in Figure 4-11, especially in the results of the 2-syllable output. 

60.0% 

50.0% 

40.0% 

30.0% 

20.0% 

10.0% 

0.0% 

HC HV L HC HV L 

3 syllables 2 syllables 

CAT 0.0% 8.3% 54.2% 6.3% 6.3% 25.0% 

CAS 0.0% 8.3% 41.7% 6.3% 0.0% 43.8% 

POR 0.0% 8.3% 43.8% 4.2% 14.6% 29.2% 

Figure 4-11. Comparison of 3 syllable and 2 syllable results of first declension ('HV)L 

input. 

In Portuguese the higher percentage of ('HV.L) is attributable to nasal vowels, treated as 

bimoraic in this analysis, which result from loss of intervocalic /n/. Vocalization of syllable final 

/b/ in Catalan accounts for the 3 instances of ('HV.L) for that language. Two examples, faula 

‘talk’ and teula ‘tile’ are seen in Table 4-23. 

The distribution of outcomes from ('L.L) would be expected to parallel that of 

('HV)L with the exception of word initial HV syllables in the trisyllabic results. This subset 

contains 64 words but the table shows only a total of 59. A small set of words of Greek origin, 

learned and semi-learned in nature, show a preference for penultimate accent and have been 

excluded from Table 4-25: patena ‘paten,’ patera ‘flat dish,’ tisana ‘tisane,’ viola ‘viola,’ as 

well as the outputs of tĕnĕbrae, ārum, f. ‘darkness’ which are uniformly penultimate. Lewis and 

Short (s.v. tĕnĕbrae) marks the penultimate vowel with both breve and macron. It has also been 

186

suggested that such words may never have been pronounced with antepenultimate accent, 

perhaps because the consonant cluster was not viewed as tautosyllabic (Lloyd 1987, 115). 

Table 4-25. Output of first declension ('L.L) 

('L.L) 



CAT 1 (1.7%) 0 (0.0%) 40 (67.8%) 41 (69.5%) 4 (6.8%) 4 (6.8%) 10 (16.9%) 18 (30.5%) 

CAS 1 (1.7%) 0 (0.0%) 29 (49.2%) 30 (50.8%) 4 (6.8%) 0 (0.0%) 25 (42.4%) 29 (49.2%) 

POR 0 (0.0%) 0 (0.0%) 34 (57.6%) 34 (57.6%) 2 (3.4%) 4 (6.8%) 19 (32.2%) 25 (42.4%) 

n=59 

The results of Table 4-25 are similar to those of Table 4-24. Again, Castilian has an 

unusually high number of disyllables in comparison to the other two languages. This number is 

inflated by the creation of rising diphthong to resolve hiatus which occurs in 10 of the 25 cases 

that emerge as ('L.L). There is one other unexpected result, the presence of one 3-syllable word 

with heavy initial syllable (HC) in both Catalan and Castilian. The outcome of Lat pĭlŭla, ae, f. 

‘pill’ in both languages has an epenthetic consonant: Cat. píndola and Cast. píldora. This 

suggests that there may have been an alternate form in popular speech. Portuguese pílula is 

completely faithful to the input form. The 2-syllable outcomes do produce some heavy initial 

syllables although the hypothetical progression presented above, CV.CV.CV → CVC.CV, is not 

widely attested and few examples are cross-linguistic with the exception of the often cited călĭda 

(calda), ae, f. ‘warm water.’ However, as the entry in Lewis and Short (s.v. călĭdus) indicates 

the disyllabic form was already well established in the Augustan period (27 BCE-14 CE); it is 

cited in the Appendix Probi (see Appendix C, l. 53). It is very unlikely, then, that the trisyllabic 

form was ever present in popular speech in Ibero-Romance. 

The combined results of input forms ('HV)L and ('L.L) are shown in Table 4-26 

and Figure 4-12. There is a high degree of retention of syllable count of the imput form across 

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languages, ranging from a low of 50.5% for Castilian to a high of 66.4% for Catalan. The lower 

percentage for Castilian is primarily the result of glide formation to resolve vowels in hiatus. 

Table 4-26. Output of first declension ('HV)L and ('L.L) 

('HV)L and ('L.L) 



CAT 1 (0.9%) 4 (3.7%) 66 (61.7%) 71 (66.4%) 7 (6.5%) 7 (6.5%) 22 (20.6%) 36 (33.6%) 

CAS 1 (0.9%) 4 (3.7%) 49 (45.8%) 54 (50.5%) 7 (6.5%) 0 (0.0%) 46 (43.0%) 53 (49.5%) 

POR 0 (0.0%) 4 (3.7%) 55 (51.4%) 59 (55.1%) 4 (3.7%) 11 (10.3%) 33 (30.8%) 48 (44.9%) 

n=107 

While reduction of syllables is more frequent in Castilian there are some cases that are unique to 

Portuguese and result from loss of intervocalic /l/ and /n/. With the exception of the language 

specific cases discussed above it can be seen that over all the three languages have very similar 

outputs from the two antepenultimate patterns that merge in Late Latin due to loss of vocalic 

quantity. Only the frequency and type of the 2-syllable outcomes vary by language, largely for 

reasons not related to word prosody. 

Castilian has no heavy initial syllables of the HV type (falling diphthongs or nasal vowels) 

yet it has a significantly larger count of 2-syllable words owing to the aversion to onsetless 

syllables. The HV initial syllables that emerge in Catalan are primarily the outcome of 

vocalization of coda consonants that are the product of vowel elision and in Portuguese they 

result from loss of /n/ in coda position with nasalization of the preceding vowel. Nasal vowels 

are treated as bimoraic. 

The final data set in this group of trisyllabic first declension nouns corresponds to the 

template ('HC)L. The initial syllable, which will remain as the syllable with primary accent, 

is also expected to retain its bimoraic status favored by positional prominence (MAXINITμ: A 

word-initial mora in the input must be present in the output) rather than a need to fulfill STW (A 

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stressed syllable is bimoraic). Maintenance of syllable count is higher cross linguistically than 

for nouns in which the initial syllable is light (see Figure 4-12). 

100.0% 

80.0% 

60.0% 

40.0% 

20.0% 

0.0% 


3 syllables 2 syllables 

CAT 0.9% 3.7% 61.7% 6.5% 6.5% 20.6% 

CAS 0.9% 3.7% 45.8% 6.5% 0.0% 43.0% 

POR 0.0% 3.7% 51.4% 3.7% 10.3% 30.8% 

Figure 4-12. Percentage distribution of outcomes of first declension ('HV)L and ('L.L). 

Again, Castilian has a higher incidence of reduction to two-syllables owing primarily to 

formation of rising diphthongs in the case of vowels in hiatus. This occurs in 12 of the 22 cases 

with (('HC.L) output. 

When the data in Table 4-27 is graphed (see Figure 4-13) it appears that the output forms 

across languages have disparate results. Once again Castilian shows a proportionately higher 

number of disyllables. These are of the type ansia ‘longing,’ bestia ‘beast,’ branquia ‘gill,’ etc. 

which are invariably disyllabic in Castilian. The normative pronunciation for Catalan and 

Portuguese is trisyllabic although subject to change in some cases in informal register or as a 

function of speech tempo (Badia Margarit 1973, Cabré and Prieto 2004, Mateus and d’Andrade 

1998). In a few instances the standard dictionary form for Portuguese is disyllabic rather than 

trisyllabic. Maintenance of hiatus or glide formation changes the syllabic count but does not 

affect the structure of the initial accented syllable; it remains as a heavy syllable: CVC.CV.V → 

CVC.CV.V or CVC.CGV. 

189

Table 4-27. Output of first declension ('HC)L 

('HC)L 



CAT 30 (60%) 0 (0%) 6 (12%) 36 (72%) 12 (24%) 0 (0%) 2 (4%) 14 (28%) 

CAS 18 (36%) 0 (0%) 8 (16%) 26 (52%) 22 (44%) 0 (0%) 2 (4%) 24 (48%) 

POR 13 (26%) 4 (8%) 11 (22%) 28 (56%) 11 (22%) 9 (18%) 2 (4%) 22 (44%) 

n=50 

The other point of incongruity, represented in Figure 4-13, is the differing representation of 

initial syllables of the type HV. These are present only in Portuguese and correspond to 

bimoraic syllables with a nasal vowel as in junça ‘chufa, sedge,’ lança ‘lance,’ onça ‘ounce,’ 

unça. Within each group of 2-syllable and 3-syllable outcomes the proportion of heavy syllables 

seems quite high. Disregarding for the moment the question of number of syllables and 

collapsing HC and HV into a single category, H, the output of ('HC)L is surprisingly 

uniform across languages. 

100.0% 

80.0% 

60.0% 

40.0% 

20.0% 

0.0% 


S3 S2 

CAT 60.0% 0.0% 12.0% 24.0% 0.0% 4.0% 

CAS 36.0% 0.0% 16.0% 44.0% 0.0% 4.0% 

POR 26.0% 8.0% 22.0% 22.0% 18.0% 4.0% 

Figure 4-13. Percentage distribution of outcomes of first declension ('HC)L: Place and 

nature of the primary accent (n=50). 

190

The difference in distribution of heavy and light syllables, seen in Figure 4-14, is greatest 

between Catalan, the most conservative in terms of loss of coda segments, and Portuguese, the 

most innovative and least likely to have a coda consonant; however, the variance is only 10%. 

POR 

CAS 

CAT 

0.0% 20.0% 40.0% 60.0% 80.0% 100.0% 

CAT CAS POR 

L 16.0% 20.0% 26.0% 

H 84.0% 80.0% 74.0% 

Figure 4-14. Percentage distribution of outcomes of first declension ('HC)L: Heavy vs. 

light tonic syllables. 

Faithfulness to the initial heavy syllable is high across languages and is very similar to the 

retention of HC initial syllables from first declension (HC)('HC) where the distribution by 

language is Catalan 83.3%, Castilian 77.8%, and Portuguese 77.8%. 

On the other hand, the retention of coda consonants in word initial tonic syllables is much 

lower for the output of disyllables with an initial heavy syllable. For ('HC) the percentage of 

initial heavy syllables that result is 66.1% for Catalan, 63.6% for Castilian, and 63.6% for 

Portuguese. Whether or not these differences are significant can be shown in a contingency table 

(Table 4-28) in which the outputs of ('HC)L and ('HC) are compared. These two groups 

are selected for comparison because in both tonic syllable and word initial syllable coincide. The 

operative negative hypothesis for Table 4-28 is: The ratio of heavy to light initial syllables in 

three-syllable words with antepenultimate accent is not equivalent to the ratio of heavy to light 

initial syllables in disyllables with penultimate accent. The expected percentages, then, are those 

191

that correspond to two-syllable words. At the confidence level of p

100.00% 

80.00% 

60.00% 

40.00% 

20.00% 

0.00% 

H L H L H L 

CAT CAS POR 

HC1.L.L 84.00% 16.00% 80.00% 20.00% 74.00% 26.00% 

HC.HC1.L 83.30% 16.70% 77.80% 22.20% 77.80% 22.20% 

HC1.L 66.10% 33.90% 63.60% 36.40% 63.60% 36.40% 

Figure 4-15. Percentage of heavy/light syllables in word initial syllable resulting from first 

declension ('HC)L, (HC)('HC), and ('HC). 

Stress clash can be outranked by other constraints as demonstrated in Kenstowicz’s study 

of English loanwords in Fijian. Fijian regularly assigns primary accent by building a trochaic 

foot at the right word edge but it is also faithful to the locus of accent of the input form, in this 

case English, where many polysyllabic words have syllable initial accent. The top ranking, 

inviolable constraints are those that define foot form (Trochaic, Ft-Bin) and alignment (Align- 

Rt). The faithfulness constraint that governs loanword phonology is Max-Stress. The 

relationship of Max-Stress to constraints dealing with syllable quantity and rhythmic form is 

shown in the Hasse diagram in Figure 4-16 (adapted from Kenstowicz 2007, 323). 

Max-Stress 

| 

Dep-Mora Prosodic Prom-2 

| 

Prosodic Prom-1 

Clash 

| 

Lapse 

Figure 4-16. Hasse diagram of OT constraints related to primary accent in Fijian loanwords. 

193

Prosodic Prominence emerges as two constraints to reflect the gradient of vowel prominence: V 

< 'V < 'Vː. The most prominent vowel is one which is long and accent bearing; the least 

prominent is short and atonic. Creation of a prominent vowel entails a faithfulness violation 

(Dep-Mora) but failure to create one to correspond to original locus of accent violates Max- 

Stress: Prosodic Prom-2 disfavors addition of both stress and vowel length whereas Prosodic 

Prom-1 involves a one step increase in prominence. 

The OT tableau in Table 4-29 demonstrates that Prosodic Prom-2 outranks Clash. Thus, 

the preferred candidate conforms to the normal accentual pattern of Fijian in that it assigns an 

accent to the rightmost foot (left-headed and bimoraic) but deviates in that it does not respect the 

pattern of alternating stress in order to comply with Max-Stress. Candidate A is rejected because 

it violates PP-2; the final syllable has moved two steps in the vowel prominence scale. Although 

Fijian admits unparsed syllables candidate C violates Max-Stress and is also rejected. 

Table 4-29. Tableau to assign accent in Fijian loanwords 

/koloni/ ‘colony’ Max-Stress PP-2 Clash 

a. (kólo)(níː) íː! 

b. ☞ (kóː)(lóni) * 

c. ko(lóni) *! 

If one assumes that Latin trisyllables with penultimate accent are also marked for word initial 

prominence, despite the apparent stress clash, then preservation of that prominence is simply 

another instantiation of a constraint of the HEADMAX type. HEADMAX could be redefined to 

include both primary accent and secondary or word initial accent. 

Four-syllable Nouns 

First declension nouns with four syllables represent various possibilities for a prosodic 

template. In the case of antepenultimate stress the ultimate and penultimate syllables are both 

light. The antepenultimate syllable is unprescribed for moraicity and can be either light or 

194

heavy; the same situation holds for the preantepenultimate syllable. As expected the pattern of 

penultimate accent requires the accent bearing syllable to be bimoraic. The two preceding 

syllables can be either light or heavy. The possible patterns for penultimate and antepenultimate 

accent are shown in Table 4-30. Syllables are labeled S1 to S4 counting from right to left and 

the syllable with primary accent is indicated by shading. 

Table 4-30. Prosodic templates for first declension four-syllable nouns 

S4 S3 S2 S1 

A. Penultimate Accent 

B. Antepenultimate Accent 

HC 

HV 

L 

HC 

HV 

L 

HC 

HV 

L 

HC 

HV 

L 

Four-syllable Nouns with Penultimate Accent 

HC 

HV 

L 

L . L 

The class of nouns corresponding to pattern A in Table 4-30 (penultimate accent), as in 

cătăracta, ae, f. ‘waterfall,’ contains several relatively small subsets, each showing the various 

permutations of S3 and S4. If one pursues the notion of positional prominence, S4 and S2 are 

prominent syllables while S3 and S1 are less so. However, it has been shown that there are no 

instances of apocope for this declension class. Presumably, deletion of S1 is blocked by 

MAXMORPH, although the applicability of this constraint is questioned in Chapter 5 in discussion 

of declensions 2, 3, and 4. 

Analysis of the development of this group of nouns begins with those in which S2 is a 

heavy syllable with coda consonant. There are 9 possible permutations for four-syllable words 

in which the last two-syllables are HC1.L. Not all patterns are represented and expected mergers 

caused by loss of vowel quantity are indicated by arrows. Patterns attested in the data set have a 

checkmark in the list in Table 4-31. 

195

Table 4-31. Possible heavy/light syllable configurations in four-syllable first declension 

nouns with penultimate accent and HC1 penultimate syllable 

a. HC.HC.HC1.L ✓ d. HV.HC.HC1.L ➙ g. L.HC.HC1.L 

b. ↓HC.HV.HC1.L e. HV.HV.HC1.L ➙ h. ↓L.HV.HC1.L 

c. HC.L.HC1.L ✓ f. HV.L.HC1.L ➙ i. L.L.HC1.L ✓ 

✓= attested pattern 

For pattern A, with heavy syllables in S4, S3, and S2 there is only one case, a learned 

word from Greek via Latin, present in all three languages: exorcista, ae, m. ‘exorcist.’ The 

suffix -ista is a productive suffix in the modern languages as well. The patterns represented as B 

and C can be treated together because the loss of vowel quantity would have made them identical 

in Late Latin. Only occasionally is the diphthong /aw/ preserved, which does not occur in this 

data set. As with pattern A, patterns B and C are virtually unattested. There is only one case 

that originates from pattern C, HC.L.HC1.L, Late Latin offerenda ‘offering’ (in Ducange 1710, 

s.v. offerenda). It is also the one of the few cases of syncope in this subgroup. The fact that 

vulnerable S3 is preserved in Portuguese suggests that the word entered Ibero-Romance as four 

syllables rather than three. Furthermore, a variant form oferena is given in DCVB (s.v. ofrena) 

as well as the more usual reflex in Catalan, ofrena. The Castilian form, ofrenda, also shows 

syncope. Because S2 is a light syllable trapped between two heavy syllables which can 

constitute moraic trochees in a configuration (HC)L('HC)L it is a likely candidate for elision. 

Furthermore, the coda consonant of S1 is able to form an onset cluster with the rhotic that is the 

onset of S3. 

The combined set of patterns H and I, L/HV.L/HV.HC1.L contains 14 items in which all 

initial syllables are light. The nature of each syllable is summarized in Table 4-32. The 

emerging pattern in Table 4-32 is L.L.HC1.L, although there are some cases (16.7% for Catalan 

and 33.3% for Castilian and Portuguese) in which the tonic syllable is also light producing 

196

L.L.L1.L. The primary cause of loss of moras is degemination of -ss-. This orthography 

indicates a qualitative difference when compared with -s- rather than a quantitative difference, 

that is, two phonemes that contrast in voice, /s/ and /z/. In Castilian the voicing contrast is lost 

by the sixteenth century (Penny 2002, 78). 

Table 4-32. Nature of first three syllables in outcomes of first declension L.L.HC1.L 

and L.HV.HC1.L inputs 

S4 a S3 S2 

HC HV L HC HV L HC HV L 

CAT 0 0 14 0 0 14 11 0 3 

CAS 0 0 12 0 0 14 9 0 5 

POR 

n=14 

0 0 14 0 0 14 3 6 5 

a 

The total count is less than 14 for Castilian because there are two words with only three syllables, the 

product of glide formation: matriarca, patriarca. 

Before proceeding to the optimal parse of a four-syllable sequence such as cătăracta, ae, f. 

‘waterfall,’ it is important to establish that both Castilian and Portuguese display greater restrictions 

with regard to coda consonants than Catalan, and Portuguese is the more restrictive of the two. 

These various language-specific constraints can be captured by an umbrella NOCODA constraint 

with a subscript language designation. The constraint relies on the fulfillment of language- 

specific sonority sequencing and phonotactic constraints between syllables or at word edge. For 

example, Wheeler (2007, 4) has constructed a sonority ranking scale, reproduced in Table 4-33, 

for the formative stages of Catalan following the precepts outlined in Clements (1990). 

Table 4-33. Proto-Catalan sonority ranking 

7 6 3 2 0 

tap laterals, nasals obstruent voiced non- sibilants plosives + non-sibilant 

trill 

sibilant continuants 

voiceless continuant 

ɾ l ʎ r m n v δ γ 

197 

ts s ʃ 

ʧ z ʤ 

b d g f p t k

The scale is a determinant of the well-formedness of syllables and it is an essential factor in the 

formulation of other constraints such as SONORITY SEQUENCE and SYLLABLE CONTACT LAW 

reproduced below. 

Wheeler’s (2007, 4) formulation of sonority largely coincides with Clements’ (1990, 285) 

Sonority Sequencing Principle: Between any first or last member of a syllable and the syllable 

peak, only sounds of higher sonority rank are permitted. 

(4.26) SONORITY SEQUENCE (SONSEQ): Sonority must increase from the beginning of an 

onset to the nucleus of a syllable, and must decrease from the nucleus to the end 

of the syllable. (Wheeler 2007) 

Wheeler applies a further constraint on sequences that are heterosyllabic where one forms a coda 

and the other an onset of the following syllable: 



2007) 

This formulation (Wheeler 2007, 4) does not ban consonants of equal sonority, for example -pt- 

across a syllable boundary but it would prohibit abjecte ‘abject’ which does, in fact, occur in 

Catalan as [əbʤéktə]. In general, despite these exceptional cases which are mostly late, learned 

additions to the lexicon, well-formedness constraints interact with faithfulness constraints to 

produce the optimal sequence of segments for a specific language. A well-formedness constraint 

is proposed here, NOCODACAT, CAS, POR (with subscripts for language specific restrictions), which 

allows a single constraint to be introduced in the OT tableau that applies across languages. 

(4.28) NOCODACAT, CAS, POR: A syllable does not have a coda unless it satisfies languagespecific 

phonotactic constraints. 

A simplified list of coda conditions is given in Table 4-34. These coda conditions are 

selectively applied, that is, learned words may remain faithful to input but there may be another 

word with the same etymon which displays the result of stricter coda conditions. However, the 

198

epresentation of a segment in standard orthography is no guarantee that it is, in fact, 

pronounced. The retention of codas is a major point of difference between European and 

Brazilian Portuguese phonotactics (Parkinson 1988, 141), also reflected in standard orthography. 

Table 4-34 shows that for Catalan all stops are allowed in coda position but they assimilate to 

voice of a following obstruent. The restriction on stops for Castilian reflects the popular stratum 

where only the coronal stop is allowed in word final position and word internal stops in coda 

position are strongly dispreferred. Again, favoring the restrictions for the outcomes of popular 

words, it can be said that Portuguese allows no stops in coda position either word internally or 

word finally. A line of dashes indicates that there are no particular restrictions on segments as 

codas. 

Table 4-34. Phonotactic restrictions for codas in Catalan, Castilian, and Portuguese 

Catalan Castilian Portuguese 

Stops αvoice] .[ αvoice/+cons *]syll 

*]syll 

-voice]wd 

+coronal]wd 

Sibilants αvoice] .[ αvoice 

-voice]wd 

αvoice] .[ αvoice αvoice] .[ αvoice 

Nasals αplace].[ αplace αplace].[ αplace *+cons/+nas]syll 

Liquids ---- +coronal] syll, wd +coronal] syll, wd 

Glides ---- ---- ---- 

*Asterisk indicates that a segment is not allowed. 

Sibilants, liquids, and glides are permissible codas for all three languages. There are, 

however, language specific points of difference. Catalan preserves codas but in casual speech 

stops assimilate to the place of articulation of a following consonantal segment (Hualde 1992, 

384). Except in learned words and formal regiser of speech, coda stops are elided in Castilian 

and Portuguese. With regard to sibilants, although both Catalan and Portuguese distinguish /s/ 

and /z/ in intervocalic position, in coda position voice is dependent on the following segment, as 

is also the case for Castilian. The phoneme /f/ is relatively infrequent and has been omitted from 

this table. It is disallowed word finally in Castilian and Portuguese. Catalan has no constraints 

199

on syllable-final liquids. Both laterals, /l/ and /ʎ/, occur as codas but only /l/ shows assimilation 

and velarization to [ɫ] (Hualde 1992, 373, 396). Only in word final position does Catalan show 

variable deletion of rhotics, including /ɾ/, followed by the plural marker /s/. Deletion is blocked 

when the primary accent is penultimate or antepenultimate (Hualde 1992, 406-407). There are 

many exceptions, especially among monosyllables where /ɾ/ is preserved, again supporting the 

idea of a minimal bimoraic count for words. It should also be noted that the deletion of syllable 

final and word final rhotics is not unknown in synchronic varieties of Spanish and Portuguese 

(Lipski 1994, Penny 2000, 126-137, Cardoso 2005). Nasal consonants in coda position are 

disallowed for Portuguese whether syllable final or word final. The resulting nasal vowel 

renders the syllable heavy even if there is no glide in the coda; nasal vowels are appreciably 

longer than non-nasal vowels in Portuguese (Costa 2004). Word final /n/ is deleted in Catalan 

when a stressed vowel preceeds and there are no other intervening segments; however, in the 

plural the final cluster /-ns/ is allowed in contrast with /-rs/ (Hualde 1992, 404). It is now 

possible to view the effect of the new constraint NOCODACAT, CAS, POR in the OT tableau in Table 4- 

35. 

Table 4-35. Tableau for first declension input type L.L.HC1.L 

cătăracta ‘waterfall’ 

FT 

TROCH 

NOCODACAT, CAS, HEAD 

MAX 

MAXIO STW 

PARSEσ 

POR 

a.☞CAT (ka.ta)('rak.ta) *CAS, POR 

ALIGNR 

b. (ka.ta)('rak)ta *CAS, POR * * 

c.☞CAS, 

POR 

(ka.ta)('ra.ta) * * 

Unless NOCODACAT, CAS, POR violates a constraint for the language specified for the 

candidate forms it is not marked with an asterisk. The two winning candidates do not incur 

200

violations specific to their language. As expected, Catalan is more faithful in preservation of the 

coda consonant than Castilian and Portuguese. While both candidates A and B satisfy the major 

constraints for Catalan, candidate A is the preferred candidate because it does not incur any 

parsing violations and the head foot is aligned with the right word edge. Both candidates A and 

B violate the NOCODACAT, CAS, POR constraint for Castilian and Portuguese because stops in codas 

are generally not tolerated. Although candidate C violates STW because the syllable with 

primary accent is no longer bimoraic it is still the winner for Castilian and Portuguese because it 

satisfies NOCODACAT, CAS, POR. Satisfaction of NOCODACAT, CAS, POR requires violation of MAXIO. 

The two winning candidates both represent a sequence of two syllabic trochees, (L.L)('H.L) for 

Catalan and (L.L)('L.L) for Castilian and Portuguese. 

The other set of nouns with heavy penultimate syllable, HV type, is also relatively small. 

Its possible configurations are shown in Table 4- 36. The projected merger of HV and L syllable 

types is indicated by an arrow and the corresponding new patterns are in shaded rows. Patterns 

corresponding to Latin inputs in this data set have a checkmark. Assuming that HV to L mergers 

have occurred in most cases, Table 4-36 shows that the nine original templates (in unshaded 

cells) are now reduced to four (The second and third columns result in identical forms), 

differentiated into two groups depending on the moraic count of the word initial syllable. 

Table 4-36. Possible heavy/light syllable configurations in 4-syllable first declension 

nouns with penultimate accent and HV1 penultimate syllable 

a. ↓ HC.HC.HV1.L ✓ e. ↓ HV.HC.HV1.L ✓ j. ↓ L.HC.HV1.L ✓ 

b. HC.HC.L1.L f. L.HC.L1.L k. L.HC.L1.L 

b. ↓ HC.HV.HV1.L ✓ g. ↓ HV.HV.HV1.L ✓ l. ↓ L.HV.HV1.L ✓ 

c. ↓ HC.L.HV1.L ✓ h. ↓ HV.L.HV1.L ✓ m. ↓ L.L.HV1.L ✓ 

d. HC.L.L1.L i. L.L.L1.L n. L.L.L1.L 

201

The new patterns appear in the shaded rows of Table 4-36. Note that the second and third 

columns effectively merge (Forms F, K and I, N are identical) due to the loss of vowel quantity. 

Following the mergers occasioned by loss of vowel quanity, four templates emerge as 

input types for Ibero-Romance. In all cases the penultimate accent bearing syllable is light. 

Because the idea of positional prominence in the initial syllable is an object of study these four 

templates are grouped by the nature of the initial syllable or S4. 

Heavy S4 

1. HC.HC.L1.L 

2. HC.L.L1.L 

Light S4 

3. L.HC.L1.L 

4. LL.L1.L 

One would expect template 2 to be particularly vulnerable to loss of S3, however, there are 

relatively few cases of syncope and these are not always uniform across languages. When it 

does occur syncope follows the prediction and deletes S3, the weakest syllable of the word. It 

occurs more frequently when S4 is heavy but since the data set (5 cases) is small it is not 

possible to establish a pattern. 

Table 4-37. Cases of syncope in 4-syllable first declension nouns with penultimate 

accent. 

Input 

HC.L.L1.L 


a. ARBORÉTA ‘grove’ arvoredo a 

arbreda arboleda 

b. CONSUTÚRA ‘seam, stitching’ b costura costura costura 

c. SEPTIMÁNA ‘week’ setmana semana semana 

d. TERTIÁNA ‘tertian fever’ terçana terciana terçã 

L.L.L1.L 

e. POSITÚRA ‘posture’ b postura postura postura 

a The citation form in Lewis and Short is arbŏrētum, i, n. The neuter plural in -a became the generalized 

form in Catalan and Castilian where it was reinterpreted as a feminine singular, a common development of 

neuter plurals. 

b Lloyd (1987, 206) suggests that syncope between /s/ and /t/ occurred at a very early date. The fact that the 

outcome is uniform across languages seems to support this point of view. 

202

In the input forms in Table 4-37 the locus of primary accent is indicated by an acute 

accent. Because an initial heavy syllable is concomitant to syncope in the first four cases the 

motivation for this change could be interpreted as a correction strategy for prosodic trapping, that 

is, a preference for (HC)('L.L) over (HC)L('L.L). Example D is somewhat different in that it 

represents a two stage process: 1) glide formation, preserved in Castilian, followed by 2) 

palatalization of the preceding consonant with absorption of the glide, exemplified by Catalan 

and Portuguese. Prosodically, the result is the same as the cases of syncope previously 

presented. Portuguese loses intervocalic /n/ resulting in two heavy syllables, the second of which 

bears the primary accent: terçã, or (HC)('HV). Arguably the vowel in the final syllable has been 

preserved although it has coalesced with the vowel of the tonic syllable; thus MAXMORPH is not 

violated. 

However, prosodic repair does not apply in example E where the input form POSITÚRA 

contains two optimal trochees: (L.L)('L.L). The sibilant /s/ is an acceptable coda for the three 

languages studied here and should be viewed as a catalyst for atonic vowel deletion based on 1) 

historical evidence: plural formation in Catalan where addition of final /s/ without a preceding 

vowel except in the case of sibilants is the norm for the class of nouns inherited from second, 

third, and fourth declensions, and 2) synchronic evidence: severe vowel reduction and loss in the 

environment of /s/ in Andean and Mexican Spanish (Lipski 1989, 802) and European Portuguese 

(Mateus and d’Andrade 1988). The universal result of POSITÚRA, postura, is (H)('L.L) in 

prosodic terms. While this parsing is essentially equivalent to the original (L.L)('L.L) there is 

one critical difference, the positional prominence afforded the initial unaccented syllable which 

is now heavy. 

203

Further analysis of the four-syllable first declension nouns takes into consideration first the two 

input patterns identified as having a heavy initial syllable: HC.HC.L1.L and HC.L.L1.L. These 

two patterns represent native Latin nouns with a penultimate HV syllable as well as Greek nouns 

in which the original diphthong of the penultimate has been replaced with a vowel, treated as 

stress-bearing. Again, positional prominence should favor retention of coda consonants in the 

word initial syllable. The first pattern, HC.HC.L1.L, corresponds to 6 items in the database 

whose outputs appear in Table 4-38. The word final syllable, S1, is light for all. Loss of moras 

in S4 is due primarily to degemination. In half the cases the heavy initial syllable remains heavy, 

either with a coda consonant or a long nasal vowel when the input form has a nasal coda 

consonant. S3 is also faithful to input and remains as a heavy syllable in 67% to 83% of the 

cases. 

Table 4-38. Nature of first three syllables in outcomes of first declension HC.HC.HV1.L 

S4 S3 S2 


CAT 3 0 3 5 0 1 0 0 6 

CAS 3 0 3 4 0 2 0 0 6 

POR 1 2 3 2 2 2 0 0 6 

n=6 

The second pattern with an initial heavy syllable, HC.L.L1.L is represented by 27 items in 

the database. Many of these words are learned or semi-learned words including a number of 

Greek borrowings. There are only a few cases that result in loss of a syllable, examples A-D 

given in Table 4-37, that is, arbŏrēta ‘grove,’ consūtūra ‘stitching,’ septĭmāna ‘week,’ tertĭāna 

‘tertian fever.’ For the 23 cases that remain as tetrasyllables all but two have an initial heavy 

syllable. Degemination accounts for the two instances of moraic loss where input forms /-ff-/ 

and /-rr-/ are now considered to be single consonants. 

204

Combining the results of both groups with initial heavy syllable (HC.HC.L1.L and 

HC.L.L1.L inputs) it is possible to create an aggregate profile of 29 items (excluding the four 

cases of syncope or syllable loss). Figure 4-17 shows the output by syllable type for S4, S3, and 

S2 (all ultimate syllables are light). As expected, there is a high degree of retention of the coda 

consonant in S4, the initial syllable. The lower incidence of HC for Portuguese is compensated 

for by the presence of HV syllables, absent in the other two languages. Faithfulness to input 

segments in the six cases of heavy S3 with coda consonant is somewhat surprising because this 

syllable is not in privileged position if one assumes a parsing of (H)(H)('L.L) where S3 must be 

construed as a weak syllable to avoid stress clash. If trochees are treated as syllabic, S3 would 

be in a weak position metrically, ('H.H)( 'L.L). 

100.0% 

90.0% 

80.0% 

70.0% 

60.0% 

50.0% 

40.0% 

30.0% 

20.0% 

10.0% 

0.0% 

CAT 

CAS 

POR 

HC 

S4 

HV L HC 

S3 

HV 

Figure 4-17. Output of first declension HC.HC.HV1.L and HC.L.L1.L by syllable type. 

For the six forms where the input has a heavy syllable for S3, five in Catalan and four in 

Castilian and Portuguese (adding HC and HV together) remain heavy, as seen in Table 4-39. 

The determining factor here appears to be the morphemic status of S4, represented by the 

L 

prefixes con- ‘with’, dis- ‘not,’ and in- ‘not.’ With the exception of ad- ‘toward,’ these prefixes 

205 

HC 

S2 

HV 

L

etain their bimoraic status across languages. These prefixes can be considered to occupy a 

privileged position because they constitute morphemes and occur in the initial syllable of the 


Table 4-39. Nature of the first three syllables in outcomes of first declension 

HC.HC.HV1.L and HC.L.L1.L 

S4 S3 S2 


CAT 22 0 7 5 0 24 0 0 29 

CAS 22 a 0 7 4 0 25 0 0 29 

POR 12 10 7 2 2 25 0 0 29 

n=29 

a The count for Castilian includes three trisyllables, axioma ‘axiom,’ cristiana ‘christian’ (fem.), genciana 

‘gentian.’ They are treated as if they were aligned left with the corresponding forms in the other two 

languages. 

A further argument for the special character of the prefix in the prosodic word is the 

blocking of glide formation in some word initial syllables (Cabré and Prieto 2004, 2005; 

Chitoran and Hualde 2007). Many of these cases correspond to syllables that could be construed 

as morphemes or prefixes, such as bi- and tri- in Greek loanwords and scientific terminology. 

The avoidance of gliding here could be seen as a parallel to the general resistence to glide 

formation across word boundaries except in certain tempos and registers. If the four to five 

special cases reflected in the S3 columns are thus accounted for, then there is a single emerging 

pattern (head foot in bold): (H.L)('L.L). The optimal head trochee is the universally preferred 

pattern, ('L.L), and the cross-linguistic outcome for all cases represented in Table 4-39. The 

word initial trochee in nearly 80% of cases is the less optimal (H.L). The initial heavy syllable 

satisfies faithfulness by preserving segments or moras in the input and also gives prominence to 

the initial syllable despite the vowel reduction attested in Catalan and Portuguese. 

It should be noted that some initial syllables do not show positional prominence, as is seen 

in vowel reduction in both Catalan and Portuguese in the case of comissura ‘corner of one’s 

mouth’ (

‘corner of one’s mouth’ is pronounced [u], the reduced vowel corresponding to phonemic /o/ and 

/ɔ/. Extreme vowel reduction or apheresis, elision of an initial unstressed vowel, is common in 

some varieties of Catalan (Bonet and Mascaró 1997). When the onset that would result from 

apheresis is unacceptable, then deletion of the initial vowel is blocked. The blocking of 

apheresis in Catalan contrasts with European Portuguese where normally unacceptable onset 

clusters arise in informal, rapid speech due to elision of an unstressed initial vowel as in ['ʃ pa.su] 

espaço ‘space.’ Omission of the syllable nucleus may extend across two or more syllables and 

thus create clusters of three or four consonants (Mateus and d’Andrade 2000, 43-44). Analysis 

of the two patterns with initial light syllable, L.HC.L1.L and L.L.L1.L will further demonstrate 

that for four-syllable words (σ.σ)('σ.σ ) is, indeed, the template of choice, two syllabic trochees. 

The first input pattern, L.HC.L1.L consists of 13 items, 7 of which are Greek words transmitted 

to Ibero-Romance through Latin. The first syllable in this group is light in input and remains so 

in all the output forms. The only heavy syllable, S3, loses moras in the case of geminate liquids 

cross-linguistically (with the exception of one case of geminate /l/ in Catalan) but in 10 words 

remains as a heavy syllable although Portuguese has replaced the mora of the coda with a long 

nasal vowel in one instance and with a falling diphthong in another. Portuguese also loses a 

syllable in the case of avelã ‘hazelnut’ (

parse is shown as a low ranking constraint. In the case of the second parsing with three heavy 

syllables followed by the extrametrical final syllable it can be assumed that the initial syllable 

probably had a secondary accent so that rhythmically there is a sequence of four syllables with 

alternating stress. Although the initial light syllable looks particularly vulnerable, in the data set 

under consideration there are no cases of historical apheresis although there is vowel reduction in 

both Catalan and Portuguese as well as synchronic apheresis as discussed above. 

For Ibero-Romance it is necessary to move away from the concept of the moraic trochee. 

With loss of vowel length the input form must be construed as L.HC.'L.L. If trochees are 

constructed from right to left then the first well formed trochee consists of ('L.L). In accordance 

with HEADMAX (A stressed element in the input must have a stressed element as its output 

correspondent) the original locus of accent is maintained. A second trochee could also be 

formed from ('L.HC) if trochees are syllabic, that is, “the foot template simply counts syllables, 

ignoring their internal structure” (Hayes 1995, 63). An often anthologized example from 19th 

century Spanish poetry demonstrates the viability of this interpretation. José de Espronceda’s 

(1808-1842) “Canción del pirata” is written primarily in octosyllabic verse but has a series of 

intercalated stanzas in pie quebrado or half lines consisting of four syllables. Navarro Tomás 

(1968, 40) describes these as “ritmo trocaico” with accents on the first and third syllables. Using 

verses from the cited poem, syllables are coded as heavy or light taking into consideration the 

usual synalepha between words. The two cases of three-syllable lines (versos agudos, ending in 

a stressed syllable) are indicated by +1 for the empty timing slot. Parsing of the line is indicated 

to the right. It is assumed that ('H) is a legitimate trochee because there must be a provision for 

stressable monosyllables. 

208

Veinte presas 

H L L H 

hemos hecho 

L L L L 

a despecho 

L H L L 

del inglés, 

L H H + 1 

y han rendido 

H H L L 

sus pendones 

H H L H 

cien naciones 

L L L H 

a mis pies. 

L H H + 1 

Parsing Frequency of trochaic patterns 

('L.L) ('H.L) ('H.H) ('L.H) ('H) 

('H.L) ('L.H) 

('L.L) ('L.L) 

('L.H) ('L.L) 

('L.H) ('H) 

('H.H) ('L.L) 

('H.H) ('L.H) 

('L.L) ('L.H) 

('L.H) ('H) 

0 

2 

1 

0 

1 

0 

1 

0 

Total frequency 5 1 2 6 2 

For any speaker of Spanish the rhythmical pattern of these verses are transparent and there 

would be little hesitation in reading the text in the intended pattern of alternating stress on the 

first and third syllables despite the fact these syllables are most frequently not bimoraic while 

unstressed syllables are. The inventory of trochaic patterns shows that the most and least 

harmonic patterns (Prince 1990, 367-373) are the most frequent, that is, (L.L) and (L.H). Having 

established the possibility that the most frequent and preferred outcome of input L.HC.'L.L is 

(L.H)('L.L) it now follows that the optimal output of LL.L1.L also consists of two harmonic 

trochees, (L.L)('L.L), with the rightmost as head foot. 

The data set corresponding to L.L.L1.L input consists of 37 items only one of which 

retains a heavy initial syllable in the form of the falling diphthong /ew/, euphōnia ‘pleasant 

sound.’ Many members of this data set are clearly learned words which came to Romance via 

Latin. Placement of accent, although variable, generally follows the conventions of Latin rather 

than the referring to the original accent in Greek. The Greek diphthong -ει- becomes Latin -ī- by 

209 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

1 

0 

0 

1 

0 

1 

1 

0 

1 

1 

1 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

1

the 5th century CE (Biville 1990, 166) while Greek -ί- > Latin -ī-, is interpreted as a short vowel 

according to the rule “uocalis ante uocalem corripitur” cited in Biville (1990, 164) who notes that 

this is a key difference between Greek and Latin “où l’on ne peut, à l’époque classique, trouver 

de voyelle longue devant une autre voyelle.” Consequently, first declension nouns ending in -īa 

may reflect both -εια (items 1-6 below) and –ία (items 7-10 below) inputs as seen in the list 

below. Outputs with antepenultimate stress or derived from an antepenultimate input are 

underlined. All other ouputs have penultimate stress. 

Latin Greek Catalan Castilian Portuguese 

1. ăpăthīa, ae, f. ‘apathy’ ἀπάθεια apatia apatía apatia 

2. ĕlĕgīa, ae, f. ‘elegy’ ἐλεγεία elegia elegía elegia 

3. īrōnīa, ae, f. ‘irony’ εἰρωνεία ironia ironía ironia 

4. lĭtănīa, ae, f. ‘litany’ λιτανεία lletania letanía litania/ladainha 

5. prŏphētīa, ae, f. ‘prophecy’ προφητεία profecia profecía profecia 

6. pŏlītīa, ae, f. ‘the State’ πολιτεία policia policía polícia 

7. ā˘trŏphī˘a, ae, f. ‘atrophy’ ἀτροφία atròfia atrofia atrofia 

8. euphōnia, ae, f. ‘pleasant sound’ εὐφωνία eufonia eufonía eufonia 

9. mĕlōdĭa, ae, f. ‘melody’ μελῳδία melodia melodía melodia 

10. thĕōrĭa, ae, f. ‘theory.’ θεωρία teoria teoría teoria 

Although the quantity of the vowel of the penultimate syllable is variable in the Latinized 

forms (from Lewis and Short), the accentual pattern indicates that these syllables were usually 

treated as heavy. Preference for antepenultimate accent in the Latin input is seen infrequently: 

the outputs of ā˘trŏphī˘a in Castilian (atrofia, trisyllabic with tro- as the accented syllable) and 

Catalan atròfia (tetrasyllabic with tro- as the accented syllable). Additional examples of 

presumed antepenultimate input are polícia in Portuguese, as well as Old Catalan, polícia 

‘urbanity’ (DCVB, s.v. policia). The popular output of lĭtănīa in Portuguese, ladainha, also 

suggests antepenultimate stress for the input form. 

210

In terms of syllabic loss, the L.L.L1.L nouns are extremely stable. There is only one case 

of syncope, pŏsĭtūra, ae, f. ‘posture.’ As indicated above loss of pre-tonic vowels seems to have 

occurred at an early date when the resulting heterosyllabic cluster contained /s/ as coda 

consonant. There are only two other types of syllabic loss, the first is apheresis in ăpŏthēca, ae, 

f. ‘storehouse’ where the initial syllable must have remained long enough for lentition of /p/ to 

occur. Forms with initial/b/ occur throughout eastern and western Romance, Ital. bottega, Fr. 

boutique, Cat./Cast./Port. bodega. A similar example is Gr. ἡμικρανία>L. hemicrania which 

results in Cast. migraña (Biville 1990, 51) as well as Cat. migranya (DCVB, s.v. migranya). 

A second second type of syllabic loss, glide formation which eliminates a syllabic nucleus, 

is more prevalent in Castilian. In the case of atrofia ‘atrophy,’ euforia ‘eurphoria’ and vesania 

‘madness’ stress is retracted to original S3. This result is not surprising in view of the uncertain 

vowel quantity of the vowel of the penultimate syllable. Also, given the semantic category of 

these words this may also be a case of hypercorrection since proparoxytonic stress is a 

characteristic of many learned words and scientific terms. Glide formation in pre-tonic position 

is also limited to Castilian in this data set in the word idiota ‘idiot,’ but here the primary accent 

remains attached to the penultimate syllable. Table 4-40 demonstrates the regularity of outcomes 

for the 35 items in this data set (excluding trisyllabic bodega and postura). 

Table 4-40. Nature of the first three syllables in outcomes of first declension 

HV/L.HV/L.HV/L1.L 

S4 S3 S2 


CAT 0 1 34 0 0 35 0 0 35 

CAS* 0 1 34 0 0 35 0 0 35 

POR 0 1 34 0 0 35 0 0 35 

n=35 

*The count for Castilian treats the four trisyllables, atrofia, euforia, idiota, vesania as if they were aligned 

left with the corresponding forms in the other two languages. 

211

Table 4-41 shows aggregate data for all tetrasyllabic first declension nouns with 

penultimate accent. The data set contains 78 nouns. With the exception of the small group of 

nouns with heavy first syllable with coda consonant (see Table 4-39), S4 is light in over 70% of 

cases. The number of light syllables in S3 (a weak position metrically) is 94-95%, and 86-88% 

in the case of S2. All final syllables (S1) are light and are not reflected in Table 4-41. 

Table 4-41. Nature of the first three syllables in outcomes of all first declension tetrayllables 

with penultimate accent 

S4 S3 S2 


CAT 22 1 55 5 0 73 11 0 67 

(28.2%) (1.3%) (70.5%) (6.4%) (0.0%) (93.6%) (14.1%) (0.0%) 85.9%) 

CAS 22 1 55 4 0 74 9 0 69 

(28.2%) (1.3%) (70.5%) (5.1%) (0.0%) (94.9%) (11.5%) (0.0%) (88.5%) 

POR 12 11 55 2 2 74 3 6 69 

(15.4%) (14.1%) (70.5%) (2.6%) (2.6%) (94.9%) (3.8%) (7.7%) (88.5%) 

n=78 

The most frequent pattern for this class of nouns, then, is all light syllables parsed as (L.L)('L.L). 

The second most frequent pattern has a heavy syllable in the S4 position: (H.L)('L.L). The 

notion of positional prominence has been fully explored as a way of accounting for retention of 

moras in the word initial syllable. 

The distribution of syllable types, illustrated in Figure 4-18, shows remarkable uniformity 

across languages with the exception of Portuguese where S4 (see Table 4-41) is frequently HV. 

The 22 cases of HC type syllables seen in Catalan and Castilian are evenly divided in Portuguese 

into those that retain the coda consonant and those that have either a falling diphthong or a nasal 

vowel when the coda consonant of the input is nasal. When the HC and HV categories are 

considered together the percentage distribution of heavy and light syllables is identical: 70.5% 

light and 29.5% heavy. In summary, it can be said that the most prevalent pattern for first 

declension paroxytonic tetrayllables is (L.L)('L.L). When the initial syllable is heavy in the input 

form it is likely to remain heavy; thus, (H.L)('L.L) is an alternate pattern found in 28-29% of the 

212

78 cases represented in the data set. In both patterns the metrical commonplace is a trochaic 

head foot, of the preferred template ('L.L), built at the right edge of the word. This is indicated 

by the high frequency of light syllables (L) shown in Figure 4-18 in S1 and S2. 

100.0% 

90.0% 

80.0% 

70.0% 

60.0% 

50.0% 

40.0% 

30.0% 

20.0% 

10.0% 

0.0% 

HC 

S4 HV 

L HC 

S3 

HV L HC 

S2 

CAT CAS POR 

HV 

POR 

CAS 

CAT 

Figure 4-18. Distribution of syllable types in the output of all first declension tetrasyllables with 

penultimate accent. 

Four-syllable Nouns with Antepenultimate Accent 

Antepenultimate accent patterns in Latin derive from the impossibility of building a foot 

with the penultimate syllable as head if that syllable is not bimoraic. Possible patterns for nouns 

in this class are shown in Figure 4-19. It has been established that the final syllable in first 

declension nouns does not undergo apocope. The vulnerable syllable, then, in terms of Mester’s 

(1994) notion of prosodic trapping is S2. However, it will be seen that when S3 ends in a coda 

consonant there are virtually no cases of syncope. It is true that many tetrasyllables in this class 

are reduced to three syllables in Castilian, but this corresponds to a constraint against vowels in 

hiatus when the first vowel is [-low]. 

213 

L 

L 

S1

HC 

Antepenultimate Accent HV 

L 

HC 

HV 

L 

L . L 

S4 S3 S2 S1 

Figure 4-19. Heavy/light syllable configurations for first declension tetrasyllables with 


The first data set in this class corresponds to the input type X.H1C.L.L where X can be HC, HV, 

or L. These 44 nouns show distribution of heavy/light syllables in S4 of the input form as 

follows: HC (14; 31.8%), HV (7; 15.9%), L (23; 52.3%). It should be noted that in many cases 

an initial heavy syllable corresponds to a prefix. Positional prominence is further reinforced 

when the initial syllable also corresponds to a morpheme. Deletion or diminution of a syllable 

(such as prefixes ab-, con-, dis-, in/en-, prae-, sub-) is less likely when that syllable also carries a 

semantic value. Table 4-42 shows the outcome in terms of syllable count of the input type 

X.HC1.L.L. Castilian and Portuguese have widespread reduction to three syllables, primarily as 

a result of glide formation in nouns ending in -ǐa such as ausencia (

pronounced [əmέʎʎə] and [amέɫɫə] (DCVB, s.v. ametlla), and almendra in Castilian. Other than 

the inherent weakness of the post-tonic vowel, there is little motivation for deletion of the 

nucleus in S2. The resulting consonant sequence is clearly suboptimal as can be seen in the 

repair strategies employed, assimilation in Catalan and epenthesis in Castilian. The nature of the 

syllables in three and four-syllable outputs of X.HC1.L.L is summarized in Table 4-43. The 

column headed by N indicates loss of a syllabic nucleus through glide formation (and the one 

case of syncope discussed above). 

Table 4-43. Outcomes of X a .HC1.L.L first declension nouns by syllable type 

Initial syllable Tonic syllable Post-tonic syllable b Final syllable 

HC HV L HC HV L HC HV L N HC HV L 

Catalan 13 1 30 44 0 0 0 0 41 3 0 0 44 

Castilian 14 0 30 44 0 0 0 0 9 35 0 0 44 

Portuguese 13 0 31 19 23 2 0 0 17 27 0 0 44 

n=44 

a X represents input syllables with the following distribution: 14 HC, 7 HV, 23 L. 

b Nouns that emerge as trisyllables are counted under the N column. 

The predominant patterns are L.'HC.L.L for Catalan, L.'HC.L for Castilian, and L.'HV.L 

and Portuguese. The Castilian/Portuguese patterns present little difficulty in a system of syllabic 

trochees built from right to left; parsing would be L('HC/HV.L). However, selection of this 

trisyllable as optimal output requires the addition of a constraint against vowels in hiatus. 

Previously discussed HEADMAX serves to maintain the original locus of accent. The well 

formedness constraint ONSET, *M/V[+high] (prohibits high vowels in the margins of the syllable), 

and FT-LEFT (requires formation of a disyllabic trochee at the beginning of a word) are used by 

Cabré and Prieto (2004, 133-141) to account for acceptability of glide formation in different 

varieties of Catalan and in different word positions. The innovative variety of Catalan, which 

allows glide formation in some contexts (but not word initial position), parallels the divergence 

of the three languages historically with regard to V[+high]V sequences. In the cases in question, 

215

none of the V[+high]V sequences occur at the beginning of the word. Therefore, it is only the 

relative ranking of ONSET and *M/V[+high] that differentiates Castilian from Catalan and 

Portuguese. Table 4-44 displays the relevant rankings. 

Table 4-44. Tableau for first declension input type HC.HC.L.L 

infantĭa 

FT 

TROCH 

MAX 

MORPH 

HEAD 

MAX 

ONSET *M/V[+high] PARSE-σ ALIGNR 

a. CAT in('fan.si)a **! ** * 

b. POR ĩ('fɐ̃.si)ɐ **! ** * 

c. ☞POR ĩ('fɐ̃.sja) * * 

d. CAS in('fan.θi)a **! ** * 

e. ☞CAS in('fan.θja) * * 

FT 

TROCH 

MAX 

MORPH 

HEAD 

MAX *M/V[+high] ONSET PARSE-σ ALIGNR 

f. ☞CAT in('fan.si)a ** ** * 

g. CAT 

in('fan.sja) *! * * 

The pattern seen in candidate F incurs more violations than patterns C and E but none 

involve high ranking constraints. HEADMAX prevents displacement of the accent to the right 

which would allow the creation of two syllabic trochees and *M/V[+high] prevents glide formation 

which would also result in a right-aligned disyllabic trochee. These constraints guarantee 

preservation of the original ternary pattern. It is only in the forms dolença (

Catalan (peripheral areas of Central Catalan as well as older speakers from Barcelona, according 

to Cabré and Prieto, 2004). For the general variety of Catalan, in the case of historia ‘history,’ 

part of this data set, a rising diphthong [jə] was preferred over hiatus for 85% of the subjects in 

Cabré and Prieto’s study (2004, 120). It can be predicted that over time the order of constraints 

needed to select candidate F will be reversed resulting in selection of candidate G. 

The last data set in the category of tetrasyllabic first declension nouns with penultimate 

accent combines those in which the primary accent falls on a syllable of HV or L type. The 

resulting input for Ibero-Romance is then X.L1.L.L. The nature of the initial syllable seems to 

have little effect on the outcome as seen in the analysis of input form X.HC1.L.L above. The 

distribution of S4 in input is as follows (only diphthongs are coded as HV): HC (43; 35.2%), HV 

(4; 3.3%), L (75; 61.5%). The predominant input pattern consists of four light syllables, or 

L.L1.L.L, parsed as L('L.L)L. The penultimate syllable is the weak syllable of the head foot and 

is unprotected by constraints such as MAXMORPH. Syncope is seen to occur more frequently 

when the input is L('L.L) as opposed to those templates in which the tonic syllable is heavy. 

Glide formation continues to be prevalent in both Castilian and Portuguese, especially when the 

final syllable lacks an onset and is preceded by a high vowel. The locus of accent and the nature 

of the accented syllable are displayed in Table 4-45. 

Table 4-45. Outcomes of X a .L1.L.L first declension nouns by type of accented 

syllable and word level syllable count 

4 syllables/accent on S3 3 syllables/accent on S2 

HC HV L Total HC HV L Total 

Catalan 0 0 85 85 (69.7%) 3 1 33 37 (30.3%) 

Castilian 0 0 31 31 (25.4%) 3 0 88 91 (74.6%) 

Portuguese 0 1 35 36 (29.5%) 3 15 68 86 (70.5%) 

n=122 

a X corresponds to these inputs: 43 HC, 4 HV, and 75 L. 

217

In both 4 syllable and 3 syllable outcomes of X.L1.L.L the accented syllable is almost 

always light. In Chapter 3 it was suggested that the changing accentual pattern of Late Latin 

corresponded in some ways to that of stress-timed languages where elimination of vulnerable 

nuclei often resulted in the buildup of segments in the accented syllable (Crosswhite 2001, 173). 

It was also observed that loss of posttonic syllables also resulted in the creation of feet with 

preferred duple rhythm rather than ternary rhythm. It is clear from the data in Table 4-45 that 

preferred rhythmic type rather than preferred syllable type motivates this change. The large 

number of HV type syllables that occur in Portuguese in the case of trisyllables with penultimate 

accent requires some explanation. There are a few cases that result from nasalization but most 

are reflexes of the suffix -ārĭa seen in rīpārĭa, -ae, f. ‘river banks’ (cf. rīpa, -ae, f. ‘bank’) 

which regularly becomes -eira (ribeira) in Portuguese. The falling diphthong is generally 

attributed to anticipation of yod resulting in metathesis (Lloyd 1987, 264); in the case of 

Castilian the falling diphthong later undergoes monophthongization resulting in [e], as in ribera. 

The cases of syncope or glide formation that occur cross-linguistically correspond to 

words of popular nature. They are an important subset of the forms classed as ‘3 syllables/accent 

on S2’ in Table 4-45. Words that show reduction to three syllables in all three Ibero-Romance 

languages under study are listed below. It should be noted that in these cases there is little 

evidence of identifiable prefixes. Failure to parse the initial syllable, then, is not in conflict with 

a need to place it in relief. Proof of the weakness of the initial syllable is seen in cases of 

apheresis in modern Catalan when the first syllable contains unstressed schwa as nucleus. The 

word agulla ‘needle’ in line 10 below is rendered as ‘gulla’ in some varieties of Catalan (Bonet 

and Mascaró 1997, 119). Similarly, a common pattern for hypocoristic formation in all three 

languages retains only the final two-syllables, that is, the head foot, in trisyllables with 

218

penultimate accent, for example, Chepa, Pepa (

s+vowel+stop or liquid+vowel+stop. Elision of the vowel nucleus in the latter results in a 

consonant sequence favored by the sonority sequence constraint (SONSEQ), that is, s + stop and 

liquid + stop. In the case of the diminutive suffix the reflexes of Ibero-Romance suggest that 

loss of -ŭ- did not lead to resyllabification (although /kl-/ as onset is also subject to palatalization 

in western Ibero-Romance) rather the velar stop suffers lenition and place assimilation. The 

resultant palatal glide leads to palatalization of the lateral in Catalan and Portuguese and 

palatalization and delateralization in Castilian. The reflexes of mărĭtĭma ‘tidelands’ also show 

the effect of SONSEQ in the change from /t/ to /s/ in coda position following syncope. Those 

cases in which penultimate accent is retained cross-linguistically correspond to learned 

vocabulary including some Greek words, where proparoxytonic accent is more common. The 

few cases of dual output (learned words and popular words with the same etymon) demonstrate 

the variable ranking of MAX constraints that prohibit loss of segments. An example is părăbŏla, 

ae, f. ‘parable, speech’ which retains its primary meaning and original form in learned parábola 

(present in all three languages) and popular paraula/palabra/palavra which have the preferred 

accentual pattern and the secondary meaning of the word. 

From the two data sets analyzed here – original X.HC1.L.L and X.L1.L.L – it can be seen 

that for Castilian and Portuguese the preferred prosodic template is X('X.L). Although Catalan 

shows a higher percentage of tetrasyllabic outcomes, X('X.L)L, there is evidence that when the 

last syllable lacks an onset and is preceded by a high vowel, glide formation is increasingly 

acceptable as a repair strategy for the well formedness violation. Those words that remain as 

proparoxytones are lexically marked and stand apart, both by their lexical register and prosodic 

configuration. The unparsed initial syllable shows increased vulnerability when it does not 

220

coincide with a morpheme or prefix. Elision is observed in all three languages in cases of 

synchronic and diachronic apheresis and hypocoristic formation. 

Five-syllable Nouns 

Polysyllabic nouns consisting of more than four syllables are less frequent than the patterns 

described heretofore. The subset of pentasyllables consists of 119 items, learned words (many of 

Greek origin) that show little departure from the original form. Reduction to four syllables 

occurs with some frequency in Castilian (especially in words with antepenultimate accent) and to 

a lesser degree in Portuguese. Loss of syllabic nuclei comes as a result of glide formation rather 

than syncope. Although the pattern is most pervasive in Castilian synchronic evidence 

demonstrates that vowels in hiatus consisting of an unaccented high vowel followed by a non- 

high vowel constitute an unstable sequence in both Catalan and Portuguese. Glide formation is 

not universal but a function of geographical variation and register. Because onsetless syllables 

are marked in most languages it can be predicted that in the future, the rising diphthong will 

become the universal output for Catalan and Portuguese as well. 

Five-syllable Nouns with Penultimate Accent 

In the 42 nouns with penultimate stress the high front vowel of S3 forms a rising diphthong 

with the nucleus of the tonic syllable, S2. There are 6 such cases in Castilian and only one in 

Catalan and Portuguese, the one word in this data set of obviously popular origin, *aculeata 

(pertica) ‘goad, prod’ (Coromines 1995, s.v. agullada) > Cat. agullada, Port. agulhada, Cast. 

aguijada (

The *LAPSE constraint is used in a study of ternary rhythm by Elenbaas and Kager (1999, 

282): Every weak beat must be adjacent to a strong beat or the word edge. In binary systems 

words with an odd number of syllables will inevitably violate a constraint that requires the 

parsing of syllables such as PARSE-σ. However, Elenbaas and Kager suggest that there are two 

positions within the word in which unparsed syllables satisfy *LAPSE (1999, 309-310): at word 

edge and adjacent to a foot head. The preceding discussion of words of three and four syllables 

suggests that the three languages under study all provide evidence of a secondary accent at the 

left edge of a word in addition to the primary accent aligned at right word edge. Therefore, in a 

five-syllable word primary (') and secondary (ˌ) accents occur as follows: (ˌσ σ) σ ('σ σ). 

Because the unparsed syllable is immediately to the left of the head of the rightmost foot *LAPSE 

is satisfied. 

Are there cases in which the initial syllable constitutes a foot on its own? Words with 

prefixes such as in-, dis-, com- may fall into this category. An example which occurs in all three 

languages with identical syllabic and prosodic outcomes is infanticida ‘infanticide.’ Although 

Portuguese develops a nasal vowel in the environment VN]syll, wd (where N represents any nasal 

consonant) it has been previously proposed that nasal vowels are bimoraic. Therefore, 

Portuguese also satisfies a presumed bimoraic requirement for foot formation. Fudge (1984, 

198) notes that stress-repelling prefixes (those that reject stress assignment and move main stress 

to the stem in suffixless words) such as ab-, con-, ex-, sub-, trans- can in certain cases have a full 

vowel rather than schwa in Northern English (British) if they form a heavy syllable as in 

[kɔn.'tɛnt] ‘content.’ This suggests that preservation of the peripheral vowel, rather than the 

central vowel schwa, is a mechanism for assigning word initial prominence. 

222

For the languages in question, then, if the initial syllable is perceived as constituting a foot 

(capable of carrying a secondary accent), the parsing would be (ˌσ) σ σ ('σ σ). The *LAPSE 

constraint is satisfied becase S4 follows a foot head, the initial syllable, and S3 precedes the head 

of the rightmost foot which carries the primary accent in the word. There are few cases of this 

type in the subset of five-syllable nouns with penultimate accent. It should also be noted that the 

vocalism of the prefix con/com/col/cor- in Catalan, for example, always has the reduced form of 

the vowel, [ku], in contrast with the two-syllable prefix contra- which is ['kɔntɾə]. A third 

prefix, en- also shows only the reduced vowel as in encobrir ‘to hide’ pronounced [əŋkuβɾí]. In 

Portuguese the same three prefixes are realized as [kõ], [kõntɾɐ], and [ẽ], reflecting the normal 

realization of nasal vowels in pre-stressed position (Mateus and d’Andrade 2000, 21). The prefix 

des- (cf. dis-) shows vowel reduction in both Catalan and Portuguese resulting in [dəs] and [dɨʃ] 

(see Mateus and d’Andrade 2000, 18, for discussion of oral vowels in pre-stressed position). 

The inconsistency in vowel reduction, even within the same language, suggests a process 

of lexicalization in which disyllabic contra- is perceived as constituting an independent prosodic 

element that can be parsed as a disyllabic trochee and given prominence within the word. The 

same does not hold for the monosyllabic prefixes. This discrepancy may result from 

lexicalization of com- (and its allomorphs) as /kum-/, that is, a stressless prefix. In the case of a 

disyllable with ultimate accent (Catalan has many resulting from 2nd/4th and 3rd declension 

nouns and adjectives.) the first syllable would be unaccented and unaccentable in order to avoid 

rhythmic clash. The following adjective pair is a case in point: [kuntén] ‘content,’ [kuɱfiðén] 

‘confident.’ For the two-syllable word one is tempted to posit an iambic foot. However, the 

223

locking of schwa deletion seen in the feminine [kunténtə], as well as in the case of clusters that 

violate SONSEQ like /kt/ in acte (

morpheme. The second pattern with initial foot (ˌσ σ) presents some problems when one or both 

syllables are heavy as is the case in infanticida. Because inis a recognizable prefix the 

preferred parsing is (ˌσ) σ σ ('σ σ). This is the only instance in the set of 44 five-syllable nouns 

with penultimate accent in which S5 and S4 are both heavy. Although there are five cases in 

which S5 is light and S4 is heavy this is not an obstacle for formation of a syllabic trochee. The 

evidence from Castilian vesification cited under discussion of four-syllable words above 

provides evidence of a strong preference for an alternating pattern of accented and unaccented 

syllables. 

In the case of the pentasyllable with penultimate accent, the initial syllable would not bear 

an accent if syllables are labeled accented/unaccented from right to left. However, study of 

polysyllables in Castilian (Harris 1983, 85-86; Hayes 1995, 96-97; Roca 1986, 1999) supports 

the notion of prominence of the initial syllable or the initial dactyl effect (Prince 1983, 49); in 

other words, a pattern of strong-weak-weak at the beginning of a word is a desirable outcome. 

Both (ˌσ) σ σ and (ˌσ σ) σ conform to that rhythmic pattern because the unaccented syllable in a 

syllabic trochee is weak, as are unparsed syllables. 

As seen in Table 4-46 the most common output from the first declension pentasyllables 

with penultimate accent is faithful to the original in terms of syllabic count but with loss of 

contrasting vowel length there are few heavy syllables. The initial syllable has the highest 

percentage of heavy syllables and the tonic syllable the lowest. Again, it can be seen that 

although the locus of accent has been preserved the bimoraic requirement of the Latin Stress 

Rule is no longer satisfied. Consequently, in many cases the difference between this group of 

nouns and the next (pentasyllables with antepenultimate accent) is no longer transparent 

225

Table 4-46. Outcomes of five-syllable first declension nouns with penultimate accent. 

S5/Initial Syll S4/Pre-tonic Syll S3/Pre-tonic Syll S2/Tonic Syll 

HC HV L HC HV L HC L N a HC L 

Catalan 11 2 29 5 0 37 4 37 1 2 40 

26.2% 4.8% 69.0% 11.9% 0.0% 88.1% 7.1% 90.5% 2.4% 4.8% 95.2% 

Castilian 9 2 31 5 0 37 3 33 6 2 40 

21.4% 4.8% 73.8% 11.9% 0.0% 88.1% 7.1% 78.6% 14.3% 4.8% 95.2% 

Portuguese 5 6 31 2 3 37 2 39 1 2 40 

11.9% 14.3% 73.8% 4.8% 7.1% 88.1% 4.8% 92.8% 2.4% 4.8% 95.2% 

n=42 

a N in the S3 column indicates that there is only one pre-tonic syllable due to glide formation. S1, 

the final syllable, is always light. Syllables that are metrically strong are indicated by shaded cells. 

Figure 4-20 shows the regularity of this subgroup with regard to distribution of heavy and 

light syllables. Areas of divergence are indicated by data point labels: (1) corresponds to the 

lower retention rate of coda consonants in Portuguese and the replacement of VN]syll with a nasal 

vowel; (2) indicates glide formation and loss of a syllable nucleus in Castilian. However, these 

differences are relatively minor and do not detract from the overall regularity in the outcome of 

this noun class across languages. 

100.0% 

80.0% 

60.0% 

40.0% 

20.0% 

Catalan 

0.0% 

Castilian 

HC 

26.2% 

21.4% 

 

HV L HC HV L HC L N HC 

S5/Initial Syll 

4.8% 

4.8% 

69.0% 11.9% 

Portuguese 11.9% 14.3% 73.8% 

S4/Pretonic Syll 

4.8% 

0.0% 

7.1% 

88.1% 

88.1% 

S3/Pretonic Syll 

7.1% 

4.8% 

90.5% 

92.8% 

2.4% 

2.4% 

S2/Tonic Syll 

4.8% 

73.8% 11.9% 0.0% 88.1% 7.1% 78.6% 14.3% 4.8% 95.2% 

4.8% 

Figure 4-20. Distribution of syllable types in outcomes of first declension pentasyllables with 

penultimate accent. (1) Coda consonant loss and nasalization in Portuguese; (2) 

Glide formation in Castilian. 

226 

L 

95.2% 

95.2%

Because the five-syllable words are marked in terms of lexical register, the rate of syllable 

loss is far less than in the case of four-syllable words (Tables 4-43 and 4-45 above). Surprisingly, 

here it is Catalan and Portuguese that pattern together in terms of retention of pre-tonic syllables. 

Only Castilian shows substantive loss at 14.3%. The most common syllable type for both tonic 

syllable and the three syllables that precede it is the light syllable. Distribution percentages 

range from a low of 69% in initial position in Catalan to a high of 95.2% across languages on the 

tonic syllable. 

Five-syllable Nouns with Antepenultimate Accent 

This subset of pentasyllables, like the preceding one, consists primarily of learned words. 

A high percentage of these are derived nouns that have the suffix -Vntĭa (where V represents a 

thematic vowel). The learned reflexes of the suffix in Catalan maintain the vowels in hiatus but 

glide formation occurs in both Castilian and Portuguese. The popular reflexes (-nça in Catalan 

and Portuguese, -nza in Castilian) are not observed ino this subset. Table 4-47 shows the 

expected divergence of Catalan and Castilian/Portuguese. Although Portuguese often preserves 

hiatus in careful speech, in the case of -Vntĭa the suffix seems to have been lexicalized as /-Ṽsja/ 

with nasalization of the pre-tonic vowel and the glide as onset of the final syllable. 

Table 4-47. Output of first declension pentasyllables with penultimate 

accent by language and syllable count 

5 Syllables 4 Syllables 3 Syllables 

Catalan 68 (88.3%) 2 (2.6%) 7 (9.1%) 

Castilian 4 (5.2%) 59 (76.6%) 14 (18.2%) 

Portuguese 8 (10.4%) 58 (75.3%) 11 (14.3%) 

n=77 

Additionally, there is a small group of words that show changes typical of the popular 

stratum of the lexicon and are actually reduced to three syllables in all three languages. Loss of 

227

the pre-tonic syllable as well as the post-tonic syllable through syncope or glide formation 

produces the trisyllabic outcomes: 


1 cŏrĭăcĕus, a, um, adj. ‘made of leather’ cuirassa coraza couraça 

2 mănŭārĭus, a, um, adj. ‘of or belonging to the hand’ manera manera maneira 

3 ŏpĕrārĭa, ae, f. ‘woman worker’ obrera oberera obreira 

4 quā˘-drāgēsĭma, ae, f. ‘fortieth’ quaresma cuaresma quaresma 

5 sōlĭtārĭus, a, um, adj. ‘alone, solitary’ soltera soltera solteira 

6 tertĭārĭus, a, um, adj. ‘third’ tercera tercera tercera 

7 vĕrēcundĭa, ae, f. ‘shame’ vergonya vergüenza vergonha 

Table 4-48 displays the overall distribution of place of accent and the nature of initial, pre- 

tonic, tonic, and post-tonic syllables. Syllables that have positional prominence (tonic and word 

initial) are indicated by shaded cells; all final syllables are light and unaccented. A column 

headed by ‘N’ indicates that an unaccented vowel has been lost. When that vowel is post-tonic, 

the locus of accent moves one syllable toward the right word edge, that is, to the penultimate 

position. The contrast between Catalan and Castilian/Portuguese is stark. Catalan has largely 

preserved the template of proparoxytonic accent (88.3%) while Castilian and Portuguese have 

shown a marked preference for the more familiar paroxytonic pattern which emerges in 94.8% of 

the words in Castilian and Portuguese (Portuguese includes 9 cases of accent shift, 11.7% of the 

total). 

Table 4-48. Outcomes of five-syllable first declension nouns with antepenultimate accent. 

Initial Pre-tonic/non-initial Tonic Post-tonic/non-final 

HC HV L HC HV L N HC HV L L N 

Cat 29 1 47 10 0 60 7 44 0 33 68 9 

37.7% 1.3% 61.0% 13.0% 0.0% 77.9% 9.1% 57.1% 0.0% 42.9% 88.3% 11.7% 

Cast 26 1 50 10 0 51 16 43 0 34 4 73 

33.8% 1.3% 64.9% 13.0% 0.0% 66.2% 20.8% 55.8% 0.0% 44.2% 5.2% 94.8% 

Port 14 11 52 5 5 51 16 2 44 31 4 73 

18.2% 

n=77 

14.3% 67.5% 6.5% 6.5% 66.2% 20.8% 2.6% 57.1% 40.3% 5.2% 94.8% 

228

Surprisingly, Portuguese shows the highest percentage of heavy tonic syllables due to 

formation of falling diphthongs when a falling glide develops from the high vowel in the post- 

tonic syllable, as in solteira ‘unmarried woman’ (

words represent Greek borrowings through Humanistic Latin. The date of entry into Portuguese 

(15th century or later according to the Corpus do Português (Davies and Ferreira), together with 

the register of the words, accounts for the retention of Greek accent, in contrast with Catalan 

which prefers antepenultimate stress and Castilian, where such words are reduced to four 

syllables through glide formation. 

75 

60 

45 

➊ ➋ ➌ ➏ ➐ 

30 

15 

0 

➍ ➎ 

-15 

,HX'HLL ,HX'LLL ,LX'HLL ,LX'LLL H'LLL L'HLL ,LLX'LL ,HX'HL ,LX'HL ,LX'LL ,HX'LL H'HL L'HL H'LL L'LL 

,σσ' σσσ 

σ'σσσ ,σσσ'σσ ,σσ'σσ 

σ'σσ 

CAT 

CAS 

POR 

19 

0 

0 

5 

0 

0 

23 

0 

0 

20 

3 

3 

1 

0 

0 

0 

1 

1 

0 

0 

9 

1 

12 

12 

0 

21 

21 

1 

18 

9 

0 

6 

7 

0 

4 

5 

1 

5 

7 

4 

4 

1 

2 

3 

2 

Figure 4-21. Distribution of syllable types in outcomes of first declension pentasyllables with 

antepenultimate accent (n=77). 

Although there are small data sets for first declension six-syllable (30 words) and seven- 

syllable (2 words) nouns the lexical register of the words and their relative infrequence are not 

conducive for meaningful analysis. Nearly are all morphologically complex with identifiable 

prefixes and/or suffixes. Six of the nouns have penultimate accent in input and the remaining 24 

have antepenultimate accent. As expected this latter group shows considerable syllable loss due 

to glide formation in Castilian and Portuguese (but not in Catalan). The end result for Castilian 

is that all now have penultimate accent while Portuguese retains antepenultimate accent in two 

cases. 

Summary of Prosodic Patterns in Nouns from the First Declension 

In the set of first declension nouns creation of a binary head foot with accent on the 

leftmost element is facilitated because they are stable with regard to preservation of the final 

230

unaccented syllable. It is always maintained due to what has been assumed to be a MAXMORPH 

constraint although an alternate view is presented under discussion of second/fourth and third 

declension nouns. Loss of internal syllables is somewhat more frequent in the case of words 

with an odd number of syllables although this has been seen to be more a function of glide 

formation rather than syncope or a prosodic repair. Within each class of nouns the emerging 

templates favor light syllables, a penultimate primary accent based on a head foot built at the 

right word edge, and a secondary accent based on a foot built at the left word edge, if required to 

avoid violation of LAPSE. Although proparoxytonic accent is preserved in some polysyllables it 

is a marked prosodic template in the languages under study. Furthermore, the lexical categories 

of the words that preserve original antepenultimate accent often correspond to specific semantic 

fields such as religion, philosophy, and aesthetics as well as scientific vocabulary. Therefore, 

these items are also more likely to be late additions to the language rather than part of the 

patrimonial vocabulary. The presence of occasional pairs with a common etymon demonstrates 

clearly the difference in treatment, for example clāvĭcŭla , ae, f. ‘small key,’, which gives rise to 

the learned form clavícula ’clavicle’ which preserves proparoxytonic accent in contrast with 

paroxytonic accent in patrimonial Cat. clavilla, Cast. clavija, and Port. cravelha ‘bolt.’ 

Furthermore, the loss of distinctive quantity in both vowels and consonants eliminates 

STW as a principle for stress assignment. When the final syllable is preserved, as is always the 

case in the first declension, the prototype template becomes the disyllabic trochee. The high 

ranking constraint HEADMAX (A stressed element in the input must have a stressed element as its 

output correspondent) precludes movement of primary accent from the antepenultimate syllable 

to the penultimate for the purpose of producing a binary foot structure at the right word edge. 

There are very limited cases where this occurs and these can be ascribed to morphological 

231

interference or analogy. Examples are Castilian areola ‘areole,’ aureola ‘aureole,’ laureola 

‘crown of laurel’ in which the accent is attracted to the diminutive suffix perhaps through false 

analogy with cases like cŏrolla, ae, f.’litle crown’ (

CHAPTER FIVE 

VOWEL LOSS AND THE RISE OF ULTIMATE ACCENT IN IBERO-ROMANCE 

Synchronic and Diachronic Vowel Reduction 

The existence of gradients of vowel reduction (No reduction → Reduction → Loss) in 

genetically related languages spoken in a contiguous geographic area accounts for the relatively 

high incidence of ultimate stress in the Catalan nominal system as well as emerging phenomena 

related to suppression of unaccented vowels in European Portuguese. Of the three major 

Romance languages spoken in the Iberian Peninsula, only Portuguese has been described as 

stress-timed (Parkinson 1988, 141-142). It contrasts with phonological constraints in Castilian 

and Catalan that seem to preclude the total deletion of a vocalic nucleus, although Catalan also 

exihibits vowel reduction. Vowel reduction has some measurable phonetic correlates: 

fundamental frequency, relative intensity of F2 and F3 formants, relative overall intensity, and 

duration (Pickett 1999: 86). However, there are other characteristics that concern the syllable – 

structure, weight and recognition of syllabicity – that fall within the domain of phonology. 

It is tempting to conclude that vowel reduction only occurs in the context of stress-timing. 

However, Crosswhite (2000:173) cites studies that suggest that there are languages that exhibit 

characteristics of both timing systems. A study on French (Brakel 1985) opens the possibility of 

mixed systems. Brakel, using the framework of generative phonology, suggests that French is 

stress-timed in underlying structure yet syllable-timed in surface structure. The reduction and 

loss of vowels in French show that the language is stress-timed, or at least was stress-timed at 

some stage in its development. Native speakers today are very much aware of the syllabic status 

of e muet. In careful speech, for example, to clarify a word a regularly suppressed vowel may 

resurface as [ə]. In the metrical conventions of poetry and music, the vowel /e/ in final 

unstressed syllables is often restored. Crosswhite (2001: 173-184) suggests that this apparent 

233

contradiction can be resolved by viewing moraicity as distinct from syllabicity. This would 

allow a syllable containing a nonmoraic vowel to emerge as syllabic under certain conditions, 

such as careful speech style or metrical parsing. 

The previous discussion of first declension nouns has suggested that the final, morpheme- 

bearing syllable is widely preserved because the constraint MAXMORPH is high ranking. 

Retention of the final syllable is variable for second/fourth declension and third declension 

nouns. Catalan exhibits the most widespread elision of the final vowel, followed by Castilian, 

and Portuguese. Although historically Portuguese limits coda consonants to to /l/, /ɾ/ and /s/ 

(Mateus and d’Andrade 2000, 52), vowel reduction in modern European Portuguese produces all 

manner of marked complex onsets and complex codas. This study, however, focuses on the 

formative period of the language when Portuguese shows a high ranking NOCODA constraint in 

contrast with limited retention of word final post-tonic vowels in Catalan. The Catalan 

innovations create a prosodic template, frequent in the modern language, in which the prominent 

syllable of the head foot is now aligned at word edge. This new template, X ...('X), where X... 

represents an indeterminate number of preceding syllables, is clearly a departure from Latin as 

well as the other Ibero-Romance languages where ultimate accent occurs but is less frequent. 

Second/Fourth Declension Nouns 

Second and fourth declension nouns are treated together because they became 

indistinguishable in early Ibero-Romance. The accusative singular is characterized by -o in the 

singular and -os in the plural. Nouns in these declensions are primarily masculine with the 

notable exception of mănus, ūs, f. which in Castilian has the characteristic ending of masculine 

nouns, that is, mano while retaining feminine gender for purposes of concordance. Due to loss 

of /n/ neither Catalan nor Portuguese forms (mà and mão respectively) are readily identified with 

234

this declension class and feminine gender is retained for both, as is the case in Castilian 

extending even to derived forms such as diminutive manito treated as feminine despite the suffix. 

The differential treatment of the word final vowel sets Catalan apart from the other two 

languages along a dichotomy of final vowel deletion/non-deletion. It raises a question with 

regard to retention of the final, unaccented vowel of the first declension, that is, whether or not 

retention is attributable to acoustic prominence or morphological function. 

Third Declension Nouns 

The third declension characteristic vowel /e/, also present in the accusative plural of nouns, 

is not as readily identified as a marker of declension class as -a- for the first declension and -o- in 

Late Latin for the second and fourth declensions. The accusative singular suffix is –em. Loss of 

final -m results in a vulnerable unaccented -e. Third declension nouns, as those in the second, 

undergo apocope in the formative period of the modern languages, to a high degree in Catalan 

and to a lesser degree in Castilian and Portuguese. The limited cases in Portuguese depend on 

the acceptability of the resulting coda consonant which can only be /l/, /ɾ/, /n/ (which passes its 

nasality to the preceding vowel and then is absorbed) or /s/. On the other hand, final -e is 

regularly lost in Catalan except when a resulting single consonant or cluster violates NOCODA or 

consonant sequence constraints. There are, thus, two different factors that contribute to loss of 

word final -e in third declension nouns: its inherent acoustic weakness, particularly when 

reduced to [ə], and its lack of essential function in the nominal morphological system. 

Examination of these differences sheds light on the status of word final vowels and the 

acceptability of a right aligned head foot in which the prominent syllable is at word edge. 

A sonority hierarchy, applied to consonants and discussed above, can also be applied to 

vowels. Kenstowicz (1997, 158-164) suggests that for some languages two factors converge to 

235

determine the optimality of a syllabic peak. The first is vowel height which inversely 

corresponds to F1 as seen in Figure 5-1, representative of the early Ibero-Romance vowel 

system, as well as modern Catalan. The second is peripherality; all the vowels labeled outside 

the vowel quadrilateral are peripheral and considered more sonorous than interior vowels. In 

Catalan, the one central or non-peripheral vowel, [ə], emerges as a variant of /e/, /ɛ/ and also of 

/a/ in unstressed or nonprominent positions. 

Figure 5-1. Vowel quadrilateral for 7 vowel systems with [ə] in nonprominent positions. 

A ranked order for vowels is proposed by de Lacy (2006, 286; also 2002, 55) and 

reproduced below as Table 5-1. De Lacy notes that in contrast to the hierarchies established for 

consonants (markedness, sonority), vowel sonority bears a cause and effect relationship with the 

prosodic environment. The least marked vowels in a position of nonprominence are found to the 

left of the scale and the least marked vowels in a position of prominence are to the right of the 

scale. The reduction of /e/ to [ə] is then a predictable outcome of vowel reduction in the third 

declension and the eventual elimination of this low sonority segment conforms to H/R. For third 

declension nouns total elimination of the syllable final nucleus is a cross-linguistic outcome in 

236

some cases. The constraints that prevent loss are language specific and correspond to conditions 

of well-formedness rather than faithfulness. 

Table 5-1. Vowel sonority hierarchy 

mid high 

high central 

vowels 

mid-high 

peripheral 

vowels 

central 〉 〉 peripheral 〉 

vowels vowels 

〉 

mid-low 

peripheral 〉 low vowels 

vowels 

ɨ ʉ 〉 ǝ 〉 i y ɯ u 〉 e o 〉 ɛ ɔ 〉 a æ ɑ ɒ 

The third declension is far less regular than the first and second/fourth declensions. It 

contains nouns of all genders; morphologically, there are both consonant stems and -i- stems. 

Therefore, identity between vowel and declension class is not easily established. Second 

declension nouns, predominantly masculine and neuter, also undergo apocope and come to 

resemble consonant stems. Therefore, the absence of a final vowel cannot be equated to a zero- 

morpheme that represents both morphological class and gender in contrast with -a(m), the 

marker of singular accusative first declension nouns. In the first declension the thematic vowel 

comes to be associated with feminine gender due to the high percentage of feminine nouns, with 

the notable exception of Greek borrowings that designate male occupations such as agrĭcŏla, ae, 

m. ‘farmer’ and nauta, ae, m. ‘sailor.’ 

Two-syllable Nouns 

Two-syllable nouns by default have the primary accent on the initial syllable. In input 

forms the initial syllable may correspond to all three-syllable types, HC, HV, and L, although the 

last two are likely to coalesce in Late Latin. Since the weight of the initial syllable is not a 

determinant of placement of primary accent, retention of segments in that syllable appears to 

correspond to the notion of prominence rather than preservation of the conditions required by 

STW. Examination of the outputs of all disyllables in declensions 2/4 and 3 shows a high degree 

of faithfulness to initial heavy syllables. 

237

Second and Fourth Declension Disyllables with Penultimate Accent 

Beginning with the set of two-syllable Latin nouns that have a heavy first syllable with a 

coda consonant it is possible to construct a distribution table that shows the nature of the first 

syllable in outcomes across languages. It is not useful to build contingency tables similar to 

Tables 4-4, 4-5, and 4-6 because the loss of the post-tonic or final vowel which occurs in 110 

nouns out of 167 in Catalan skews the results as seen in Table 5-2. There are no monosyllables 

in Castilian and only one in Portuguese, giz, from gypsum, i, n., < Gr. γύψος ‘white lime, 

plaster.’ For example, of the 98.2% cases in Catalan with heavy syllables in Table 5-2, 65.8% 

correspond to monosyllables (see also Table 5-3). The resulting monosyllables in Catalan are 

not only of the type (C)(C)VC but also (C)(C)VCC. There are almost no monosyllables without 

a coda consonant and it can be argued that all monosyllables are minimally bimoraic. The one 

monosyllable in Portuguese, giz ‘chalk,’ is CVC in structure and also bimoraic. From these data 

one may project as a well formedness constraint that the minimal prosodic word for all three 

languages consists of two moras. PrWdmin = μμ 

Table 5-2. Preservation of HC initial syllables in Catalan, Castilian, and Portuguese 

nouns from Latin second and fourth declension disyllables 

Resulting Syllable Type HC HV L 

Catalan 164 (98.2%) 0 (0.0%) 3 (1.8%) 

Castilian 114 (68.3%) 1 (0.6%) 52 (31.1%) 

Portuguese 84 (50.3%) 46 (26.5%) 37 (22.2%) 

n=167 

Table 5-3 redisplays the data of Table 5-2 in metrical terms. For Catalan, the output of 

original ('H) results in a very high percentage of well formed moraic trochees of the type 

('H). For Castilian and Portuguese the resulting prosodic templates are nearly all disyllabic. The 

less optimal ('H.L), however, still satisfies FTBIN (Feet are binary at some level of analysis) and 

is the prevalent pattern in this subset because, overall, the initial syllable remains heavy in a very 

238

high percentage of cases in both Castilian and Portuguese where there is almost no reduction to a 

single syllable. Additionally, a few learned words in this subset such as campus have two heavy 

syllables but there is no compelling reason to parse the word in any way other than a syllabic 

trochee, or ('H.H). For purposes of classification such cases will be treated as if they were part 

of the more represented type ('H.L). 

Table 5-3. Prosodic outcomes of Latin disyllables of the second and 

fourth declension with initial heavy syllable 

('H). 

('H) ('H.L) ('L.L) 

Catalan 110 (65.8%) 54 (32.3%) 3 (1.7%) 

Castilian 0 (0.0%) 115 (68.9%) 52 (31.1%) 

Portuguese 1 (0.6%) 129 (77.2%) 37 ((22.2%) 

n=167 

Portuguese has a higher percentage of heavy tonic syllables (77.2%) compared to 

Castilian (68.9%) due to the presence of falling diphthongs and nasal vowels. In the limited 

cases where the initial syllable becomes light loss of moraic count can be attributed to various 

factors, among them: 

1. Degemination of stops 

2. Palatalization of -n.n- 

3. Palatalization of -l.l- 

4. Palatalization of the coda consonant in -k.t- 

5. Loss of stop before stop as in -p.t- 

6. Reduction of -n.s- to -s- 

7. Reduction of -s.s- to -s- 

As previously discussed, palatal consonants that result from coda reduction may have a special 

value relative to perception of syllable weight (Baker 2004, 228). With regard to the current data 

set this would result in the realignment of a few words from the ('L.L) column to the ('H.L) 

column for Castilian and Portuguese. However, the important difference that emerges in Table 

5-3 is the tolerance of syllable/word final coda consonants in Catalan in contrast to the more 

239

estrictive application of NOCODACAT, CAS, POR (A coda must satisfy language specific Sonority 

Sequence and other phonotactic constraints) that is at work in Castilian and Portuguese (see 

Table 4-34). 

The loss of the word final vowel signals the demotion of NONFINALITY (No head of 

PrWd is final in PrWd) as a well-formedness constraint in favor of H/R (Head foot aligned with 

the right word edge). Roca (2005, 356) has used these constraints, together with FTBIN, to 

demonstrate differences in the prosody of Latin and Spanish non-verbs; they are reflected in 

Table 5-4. The constraints invoked here concern position, primarily position of the head foot 

which is now able to coincide with the right word edge in Spanish, and the nature of binarity 

which is no longer dependent on the quantity of segments. 

Table 5-4. Differences in constraints governing word accent in Latin and Spanish 

Latin: Not allowed Spanish: Allowed 

Word final accent Constraint: Obligatory right- Constraint: Align head foot to 

edge extrametricality 

the right; align prosodic word to 

(NONFINALITY) 

the right (H/R) 

Light penults in words 

>2 syllables 

Constraint: FTBIN and 

NONFINALITY 

Constraint: H/R and FTBIN 

It will be seen in the case of third declension nouns that apocope also extends to Castilian and 

Portuguese although with more phonotactic constraints than in Catalan. 

In modern Catalan many of the final clusters that appear in monosyllables are reduced to a 

single coda consonant but elided elements can be posited in underlying representation because of 

the reemergence of the final obstruent in derived forms such as diminutives, for example /punt/ 

‘point’ alternately realized as ['pun] and diminutive [pun.'tεt]. Herrick (2002, 70-72) proposes 

three optimality constraints to account for cluster reduction of homorganic obstruents: 

(5.1) MAX(PLACE): Every input place feature has an output correspondent. (Herrick 2002) 

240

(5.2) MAX SEGMENT INPUT-OUTPUT (abbreviated as MAXIO): Every segment of the input 

has a correspondent in the output. (Herrick 2002) 

(5.3) *COMPLEXCODA (abbreviated as *COMP): Syllables must not have complex codas. 

(Herrick 2002) 

The tableau in Table 5-5 shows the relative ranking of the three constraints. Although the 

winning candidate violates MAXIO it emerges as the preferred form because it does not violate 

the higher ranking constraint of MAX(PLACE). Conservation of the final cluster in cases like corb 

‘raven’ demonstrate that MAX(PLACE) outranks *COMP. The place features of the cluster 

consonants differ, [cor] and [bilabial]; therefore, both most be maintained. It can be seen, then, 

that Catalan permits coda consonants and coda clusters under the limitations described in 

constraints 5.1, 5.2, and 5.3. 

Table 5-5. Constraints on complex codas in Catalan: *COMP>>MAXIO 

/p u n t/ MAX(PLACE) *COMP MAXIO 

[cor] 

p u n 

| 

[cor] 

* 

p u n t 

*! 

[cor] 

MAXIO is a violable constraint and in light of the incidence of apocope visualized in 

gradient fashion in the previous chapter in Figure 4-1, it is violated to a lesser or greater degree 

in the three languages under study. The widespread vowel elision in Catalan, represented in the 

current data set, is the subject of two recent OT studies that address loss of atonic vowels in 

Western Romance. Hartkemeyer (2000) discusses atonic vowel loss in Old French and Old 

Spanish while a more recent study by Wheeler (2007) examines the same phenomenon in 

Catalan. The relationship of apocope to word prosody is readily apparent and marks a significant 

241

departure from the foot building rules of Latin. The head foot is now aligned with the right word 

edge and there is no extrametrical element (the class marker of the first declension). 

Hartkemeyer (2000, 65-72) proposes an undominated constraint HEAD-MAX-IO as well as 

three other ranked constraints; all are listed below: 

(5.4) HEAD-MAX-IO: If α is the prosodic head of the word, then the output correspondent 

of α is likewise the prosodic head of the word. (Hartkemeyer 2000) 

(5.5) R-ANCHOR-V: Every rightmost V in the input string has a V correspondent in the 

output string. (Hartkemeyer 2000) 

(5.6) *V: Avoid V segments in output forms. (Hartkemeyer 2000) 

(5.7) MAX-IO-V: Every input V segment should have a corresponding V segment in the 

output. (Hartkemeyer 2000) 

The tableau in Table 5-6 shows how the constraints operate to retain Castilian and Portuguese 

unaccented final vowels. The example used is from the data set currently under consideration, 

Lat. truncus, i, m. ‘trunk’ > Cat. tronc, Cast. tronco, Port. tronco. R-ANCHOR-V also functions 

as a kind of morpheme preserving constraint (cf. MAXMORPH described in above) because the 

final segment of Latin nouns is a class marker (resulting in early Romance as a = class 1, o = - 

class 2, e/consonant =c lass 3). 

Table 5-6. Constraint against vowel deletion in Early Romance: R-ANCHOR-V 

/trun.ku(m)/ R-ANCHOR-V *V MAX-IO-V 

'tron.ko ** 

'tronk *! * * 

Demotion of R-ANCHOR-V for later stages of Catalan will allow elimination of final 

vowels. However, further constraints are needed to allow Catalan to retain some final vowels, 

albeit reduced to [ə], as has occurred in 49 instances out of 167 in the data set currently under 

consideration. The cases in point consist of heavy syllables with two consonants in the coda, 

occasionally three, that show increased sonority at the syllable/word edge. Clements (1990, 303- 

242

315) employs the concept of the demisyllable to treat the question of sonority sequencing at 

syllable edges. The demisyllable is defined as “a maximal sequence of tautosyllabic segments of 

the form Cm ... Cn V or VCm ... Cn, where n ≥ m ≥ 0.” From this he is able to create a sequence 

of the unmarked order of segments in a demisyllable: ONLGV and its mirror image VGLNO 

where V = vowel, G = glide, L = liquid, N = nasal, and O = obstruent. The numeric correlation 

of VGLNO is 4 3 2 1 0 with a vowel being the most sonorant at 4. 

Wheeler (2007, 4) has constructed a somewhat different sonority ranking scale, reproduced 

in Table 5-7, for the formative stages of Catalan following the precepts outlined in Clements. 

The scale is an indispensable foundation for the well-formedness constraints for syllables that 

follow, SONORITY SEQUENCE and SYLLABLE CONTACT LAW. 

Table 5-7. Proto-Catalan sonority ranking 

7 6 3 2 0 

tap laterals, trill nasals obstruent sibilants plosives + 

voiced non- 

non-sibilant voiceless 

sibilant 

continuants 

continuant 

ɾ l ʎ r m n v ð ɣ 

ts s ʃ 

ʧ z ʤ 

b d g f p t k 

Wheeler’s (2007, 4) formulation of sonority sequencing echoes Clements’ (1990, 285) Sonority 

Sequencing Principle: Between any first or last member of a syllable and the syllable peak, only 

sounds of higher sonority rank are permitted. 

(5.8) SONORITY SEQUENCE (SONSEQ): Sonority must increase from the beginning of an 

onset to the nucleus of a syllable, and must decrease from the nucleus to the end of 

the syllable. (Wheeler 2007) 

There is a further constraint on sequences that are heterosyllabic where one forms a coda and the 

other an onset of the following syllable: 

243



2007) 

The 49 words that retain a final vowel in Catalan mostly do so because deletion of the final 

vowel would violate the preferred order of sonority sequencing seen in Clements’ formulation, 

VGLNO, with its proviso n ≥ m ≥ 0 as well as Wheeler’s similar SONORITY SEQUENCE 

constraint. Some of the words in the examples could be considered learned or semi-learned 

words and in a few cases there are popular counterparts with a different outcome such as Cat. 

tret, Cast. trecho, both from Lat. tractum, i, n. ‘tract.’ In the examples below, taken from the 49 

exceptional cases, both Clements’ VGLNO notation and Wheeler’s numerical values are given. 

Twofold clusters 

NN (3, 3) ON (0, 3) OO (0, 0) 

himne ‘hymn’ ritme ‘rhythm’ tracte ‘tract’ 

Threefold clusters 

NOL (3, 0, 7) OOL (2, 0, 7) 

centre ‘center’ astre ‘star’ 

Wheeler (2007, 5) notes that in the forms without apocope “one observes the maintenance of the 

final vowel when the preceding consonants do not form an acceptable coda according to 

SONSEQ.” It should also be noted that one of the resulting heterosyllabic clusters is less than 

ideal in light of SYLCON, namely the stop/nasal sequence in ritme. Selection of [ə] as a neutral 

final vowel is not unexpected. In Catalan it is the atonic allophone of /a/, /ɛ/, and /e/ and would 

be the usual output of first and third declension nouns where satisfaction of SONSEQ requires 

retention of the final vowel. 

As outcome of Latin ('H) the pattern ('L.L) is more prevalent in Castilian than in 

Catalan and Portuguese in view of the data in Table 5-2 and is motivated by NOCODA, a 

universal well-formedness constraint. Retention of the mora of coda consonants in the form of a 

244

glide accounts for the somewhat lower percentage of cases of ('L.L) in Portuguese; and, in the 

case of Catalan, reduction and loss of the atonic final vowel creates a monosyllable that 

inevitably ends in a coda consonant as in lectus, i, m. ‘bed’ > Cat. llit, Cast. lecho, Port. leito. 

Whether or not /ʧ/ should be considered to occupy one or two mora slots has been previously 

discussed. For the moment it is considered to be onset of the following syllable although 

historically it results from the modification of an internal heterosyllabic cluster. It should be 

noted that /ʧ/ in Castilian tends to arise historically only after vowels with either primary or 

secondary accent (as in muchedumbre < multitudine(m), f., acc. sg. ‘multitude’ and the above 

cited lecho). 

For the three Ibero-Romance languages under consideration FTBIN needs to be redefined 

because insistence on (μμ) as criterion for binarity will result in a huge number of exceptions. 

Up to this point, only the outcomes of Latin two-syllable words with a heavy penult (ending in 

coda consonant) have been considered. The examination of two-syllable words from the same 

declension class in which the rhyme of the first syllable is either VV or VG (long vowel, vowel + 

glide) or V (short vowel) provides further evidence of the shifting prosodic paradigm. These 

three types of rhyme – VV, VG, and V—essentially merge with the exception of a few 

learned/semi-learned forms that retain the Latin diphthong /aw/, for example, the outputs of 

austru(m), m. ‘south wind, Cat. austre, Cast./Port. austro. In Table 5-8 the nature of the initial 

syllable in the Latin etymon is coded as L (short vowel) or HV (long vowel or diphthong). For 

the resultant Romance forms, the syllable with primary stress is coded HC when there is a coda 

consonant or HV when there is a falling diphthong. When the syllable type code is followed by 

m, the resulting word is either monosyllabic or disyllabic with an initial, extrametrical syllable 

245

added through prothesis, as in Lat. strātum, i, n. ‘bed-covering’ > Cat. estrat (cf. Span./Port. 

estrado). 

Table 5-8. Nature of accent bearing syllables derived from Latin 2nd and 4th 

declension disyllables with L or HV initial syllable 

INPUT HC HCm HV HVm L 

L Catalan 0 31 0 8 19 

HV Catalan 0 45 5 18 14 

0 (0.0%) 76 (54.3%) 5 (3.6%) 26 (19.3%) 33 (23.6%) 

L Castilian 0 2 0 0 56 

HV Castilian 0 1 4 0 77 

0 (0.0%) 3 (2.1%) 4 (2.9%) 0 (0.0%) 133 (95.0%) 

L Portuguese 0 2 0 4 52 

L Portuguese 0 0 5 6 71 

0 (0.0%) 2 (1.4%) 5 (3.6%) 10 (7.1%) 123 (87.9%) 

N=140 (58 L, 82 HV) 

The data in Table 5-8 demonstrate two diverging patterns, the result of language-specific 

rankings of faithfulness constraints and H/R described above. The preference for coincidence of 

word edge and head foot is not surprising in view of studies on metrical typology (Halle 1997, 

Halle and Vergnaud 1987, Hyman 1977, van der Hulst, Hendriks, and Weiter 1999) and 

positional strength (Beckman 1998, Crosswhite 2001, Smith 2005). The progression from word 

initial stress in Old Latin to moraic stress on penultimate or antepenultimate syllable has been 

discussed in Chapter 2. Word initial accent according to Hyman’s study (1977) is the most 

common pattern (114 languages) among the 444 languages surveyed. The second most common 

pattern (97 languages) is word final primary accent followed by penultimate accent (77 

languages). Preference for the more common pattern of word final accent is made manifest 

through the H/R constraint and low ranking of the faithfulness constraint which prohibits vowel 

deletion: MAX V . 

(5.10) MAX V : A vowel in the input must have a corresponding vowel in the output. 

246

The effect of demotion of MAX V is seen in the columns labeled HCm and HVm, 

particularly in the case of Catalan. Apocope is the agent of change for the HCm group and to 

lesser extent for the HVm group. The HVm group in Catalan also results from vocalization of 

bilabial obstruents, thus creating a falling diphthong as in Lat. ōvum, i, n. ‘egg’ > Cat. ou ['ɔw]. 

Formation of a diphthong also accounts for most of the cases of HVm in Portuguese but the 

catalyst here is loss of intervocalic /l/ and /n/. When the lateral is elided the vocal nuclei of the 

first and second syllables are now contiguous and glide formation provides an alternative to an 

onsetless final syllable as in Portuguese pau from Lat. pālus, i, m. ‘stake’ (cf. Cat. pal, Cast. 

palo). Loss of intervocalic /n/ also produces a final stressed syllable with a heavy nucleus but in 

this case the diphthong retains the nasal feature of the lost segment as in Portuguese grão from 

Latin grānum, i, n. ‘grain’ (cf. Cast. grano). However, in Catalan gra the loss of the final vowel 

is the trigger for loss of /n/ (Sampson 1999, 160-167). Because the nasal consonant reappears in 

the plural, grans, it is considered to be present in underlying representation but does not surface 

due to a constraint prohibiting n]wd; thus gra is coded as a heavy syllable. Even without the 

supposition of underlying /n/, acoustic studies have demonstrated that there is a substantive 

difference in both quality and duration of accent bearing vowels versus atonic vowels in Catalan 

(Aguilar et al.1997). 

The polarization by language in Figure 5-2 is striking. The L output, well represented in 

both Castilian and Portuguese, reflects a high ranking faithfulness constraint that blocks vowel 

deletion. The coincidence of primary accent with heavy syllable is 76.4% for Catalan in contrast 

wth 5% for Castilian and 12.1% for Portuguese. Elision of the final, unstressed vowel in 

Catalan, indicated by the column labeled N in Figure 5-2, creates a bimoraic monosyllable in 

72.9% of the cases in this data set. The columns headed by HVm and HCm indicate 

247

monosyllabic outputs with a falling diphthong and those with a coda consonant. The treatment 

of monosyllables ending in a vowel as bimoraic has been discussed above. 

100.0% 

80.0% 

60.0% 

40.0% 

20.0% 

0.0% 

CAT 

CAS 

POR 

L 

23.6% 

95.0% 

87.9% 

HV HVm HCm L HC HV 

Tonic Syllable 

Post-tonic Syllable 

3.6% 18.6% 54.3% 17.9% 11.4% 0.0% 

2.9% 0.0% 2.1% 95.0% 4.3% 0.0% 

3.6% 7.1% 1.4% 90.7% 4.3% 0.7% 

Figure 5-2. Nature of stressed syllable in Catalan, Castilian, and Portuguese nouns from Latin 

2nd and 4th declension disyllables with L or HV initial syllable (n=140). 

Alderete (1995, 3) proposes two constraints to account for faithfulness to the prosodic head 

relying upon the precepts of McCarthy and Prince’s correspondence theory. The familiar 

concepts of MAX and IDENT are now used to insure faithfulness to the prosodic head. The first, 

MAX V , constrains against vowel deletion. High ranking of this constraint in Castilian and 

Portuguese differentiates these languages from Catalan. The second disfavors changes that 

would allow reduction to schwa of the tonic vowel in the head foot. However, IDENT V[+STRESS] is 

frequently violated historically because of loss of vowel quantity and monophthongization in the 

transition from Latin to Ibero-Romance. Only the HV column, containing 4 or 5 words out of 

140, reflects preservation of the original bimoraic nucleus. 

N 

70.7% 

0.7% 

4.3% 

(5.11) MAX V : A vowel in the input must have a corresponding vowel in the output. 

(5.12) IDENT V[+STRESS] : Accented vowels in the input must have an identical 

correspondent in the output. 

248

The locus of primary accent is predictably stable; it remains on the first syllable even 

when the final syllable is heavy as in learned campus common to all three languages. In this 

aspect the difference between Catalan and French is apparent. The widespread apocope that 

occurred in the latter resulted in a pattern similar to Catalan, that is, the creation of a high 

percentage of monosyllables. However, the few cases like campus follow the standard H/R 

constraint for French and yield [kã.'pys]. The faithfulness constraint proposed as undominated 

by Hartkemeyer ((2000, 67-72), HEAD-MAX-IO, is either demoted or inoperative in French. 

In summary, the two disyllabic data sets studied so far (outcomes of first declension 

disyllables and outcomes of second/fourth declension disyllables) demonstrate crucial 

differences between Latin and Ibero-Romance as well as differences among the three languages 

under study. Construction of the head foot is now at right word edge and the class marker is no 

longer construed as an extrametrical syllable. Constraints governing post-tonic unstressed 

vowels (although probably not as broad as *V) delete final, atonic vowels in Catalan, 

occasionally in Castilian, and almost never in Portuguese providing SONSEQ is not violated. 

These differences emerge in nouns of the second and fourth decensions. 

250 

200 

150 

100 

50 

0 

POR 

('H) 

13 

('H.X) ('L.X) ('H.X) ('L.X) 

DECL 2/4 

134 

160 

DECL 1 

CAT 212 59 36 88 144 

CAS 

3 

119 

185 

Figure 5-3. Prosodic outcomes of all declension 1 and declensions 2/4 disyllables (n=539). 

249 

83 

88 

149 

144

In contrast with the outcomes of nouns in declensions 2/4, the treatment of first declension nouns 

is very uniform across languges. Figure 5-3 highlights the points of divergence and coalescence; 

here the outputs of declensions 2/4 and declension 1 are shown side by side (n=539). 

Third Declension Disyllables with Penultimate Accent 

Table 5-9 shows the outcome of the subgroup of third declension disyllabic nouns with a 

heavy first syllable ending in coda consonant (Resulting monosyllables are indicated by ‘m’). 

Although this data set is relatively small (n=57) the results are similar to those for the 

comparable set of 2nd/4th declension nouns. Possible results of original third declension HC1.L 

are 'HC.L, 'HC(C), 'HV.L, 'HV, and 'L.L. Loss of syllable final -e in is prevented by high 

ranking NOCODA in both Castilian and Portuguese. The conditions under which a coda is 

allowed are language specific and less stringent for Castilian than for Portuguese as seen by 

comparison of the HC and HV columns in Table 5-9. Only 24 (42.1%) of Portuguese disyllables 

have a coda consonant when the first syllable is heavy; an additional 21 (36.8%) have either a 

nasal vowel or a falling diphthong whereas Castilian has no heavy syllables based on a falling 

diphthong. In other words, vocalization of an obstruent in coda position word internally is an 

infrequent outcome in Castilian. 

Table 5-9. Accented syllable by type in the output of 3rd declension 

disyllabic nouns with initial HC syllable 

HC HCm HV HVm L 

CAT 13 (22.8%) 42 (73.7%) 0 (0.0%) 0 (0.0%) 2 (3.5%) 

CAS 41 (71.9%) 9 (15.8%) 0 (0.0%) 0 (0.0%) 7 (12.3%) 

POR 24 (42.1%) 3 (5.3%) 21 (36.8%) 1 (1.8%) 8 (14.0%) 

‘m’ indicates a monosyllable 

n=57 

The one case of a Portuguese HV type monosyllable is pó, resulting from pulvus, a 

competing form with pulvis, ĕris, m. ‘dust’ (cf. Castilian polvo, DRAE, s.v. polvo). Catalan pols 

is attributed to Vulgar Latin pulvis which was apparently treated as a neuter noun with identical 

250

nominative and accusative (Gran diccionari de la llengua catalana, s.v. pols). In defense of HV 

status for this monosyllable, Portuguese, /o/ and /ɔ/ are realized as mid vowels only in accented 

syllables. Costa’s study of relative vowel length in European Portuguese (2004) shows that the 

duration of /ɔ/, the vowel nucleus in pó is relatively longer (1.08 ratio) than the mean of all 

vowels in stressed CV syllables. Increase in vowel duration is negatively correlated with vowel 

height, that is, low vowels are longer. 

To what degree prosodic weight is preserved in accented syllables is shown in Table 5-10. 

Here, prosodic faithfulness to the input form ('H). is related to language and declension 

class. The HC and HV columns from Table 5-9 are combined under ('H.L) and the HCm and 

HVm columns are combined under ('H). Both ('H.L) and ('L.L) are frequent outcomes in 

Castilian and Portuguese. The difference between declension classes is small in Castilian and 

Portuguese, while in Catalan the incidence of apocope is more prevalent in third declension 

nouns. Nouns derived from second/fourth and third declension disylalbles with HC initial 

syllable also show in Catalan a high degree of final vowel elision which results in a monosyllabic 

output. 

Table 5-10. Comparison of prosodic outcomes of Latin disyllables with HC 

initial syllable from the 3rd and 2nd/4th declensions 

('H). 

Declension Language ('H) ('H.L) ('L.L) 

3 Catalan 42 (73.7%) 13 (22.8%) 2 (3.5%) 

2/4 Catalan 110 (65.8%) 54 (32.3%) 3 (1.7%) 

3 Castilian 9 (15.8%) 41 (71.9%) 7 (12.3%) 

2/4 Castilian 0 (0.0%) 115 (68.9%) 52 (31.1%) 

3 Portuguese 4 (7.0%) 45 (78.9%) 8(14.0%) 

2/4 Portuguese 1 (0.6%) 129 (77.2%) 37 ((22.2%) 

Declension 2/4, n=167 

Declension 3, n=57 

251

When the word final vowel is retained as a result of phonotactic constraints such as 

SONSEQ, this vowel differs in both quality and duration from its tonic counterpart (Recasens i 

Vives 1986, 149- 150). In Catalan, resulting ('L.L) words account for only 3.5% of cases from 

3rd declension disyllables and 1.7% from 2nd/4th declension disyllables. When the data in 

Table 5-10 is displayed in a line graph (Figure 5-4) based on percentage values corresponding to 

the distribution of the three prosodic templates the areas of divergence by language are readily 

apparent, that is, the preference for a heavy monosyllable in Catalan and the emergence of ('L.L), 

a more harmonious trochee, in Castilian and Portuguese. Cross-linguistically, faithfulness to the 

prosodic head is high; the majority outcome for all three languages is a heavy initial syllable. 

100.0% 

80.0% 

60.0% 

40.0% 

20.0% 

0.0% 

2/4 DECL 

3 DECL 

CAT 

65.8% 

73.7% 

CAS POR CAT CAS POR CAT CAS 

('H) 

15.8% 

7.0% 

22.8% 

('H.L) ('L.L) 

0.0% 0.6% 32.3% 68.9% 77.2% 1.7% 31.1% 

71.9% 

78.9% 

3.5% 

12.3% 

POR 

22.2% 

14.0% 

Figure 5-4. Comparison of percent values of prosodic outcomes of 2nd/4th and 3rd declension 

disyllables with HC initial syllable. 

Divergence occurs precisely in the two templates that violate faithfulness constraints. In 

the case of ('H) one or more segments have been lost at the right word edge, notably the syllable 

nucleus and occasionally the onset of that same syllable. Loss of the syllable nucleus through 

apocope results in a complex coda that violates language specific constraints of the type 

*COMPLEXCC]wd (cf. with the more general *COMPLEX constraint in Prince and Smolensky 1994, 

252

108). The final consonant of the CC cluster is also lost as seen in the outcome of Lat. calx, 

calcis, f. ‘stone’ where only Catalan has a complex coda, calç pronounced [káɫs], in contrast 

with Cast./Port. cal which are also heavy monosyllables but with a single post-nuclear 

consonant. Because complex codas occasionally emerge in word internal position as in the 

outputs of monstrum, i, n ‘monster,’ word edge is specified. 

(5.13) *COMPLEXCC]wd : No more than one C may occur in the coda at the right word 

edge. 

Another strategy to avoid a complex cluster at the end of a word is to retain the final vowel 

which occurs in some cases (22.8-32.3%) in Catalan such as centre ‘center’ (

equires that all elements of the input be present in the output. Reduction of an initial heavy 

syllable to L is a result of either monophthongization or loss of distinctive vowel quantity. 

Syllable weight is only occasionally preserved in cases of the diphthong /aw/. Nevertheless, the 

foot form ('L.L) contains two optimal syllables (no codas) and also corresponds to a preferred 

configuration for a syllabic trochee. Furthermore, this template is expected to be the product of a 

high percentage of nouns, at least in Castilian and Portuguese, resulting from inputs ('L). 

and ('HV).. 

Since monopthongization of Latin /aj/ to /e/ and /aw to /o/ (for discussion of vowel quality 

and length see Lloyd 1987, 106-107) had already occurred in proto Ibero-Romance in the 

patrimonial vocabulary and vowel quantity was no longer phonemic it is appropriate to consider 

that these two templates had effectively coalesced; therefore, they are combined in Table 5-11. 

Table 5-11. Accented syllable by type in the output of 3rd declension disyllabic 

nouns with initial HV/L syllable 

HC HCm HV HVm L Lm 

CAT 0 18 0 20 28 0 

CAS 2 18 1 3 41 1 

POR 0 12 1 7 45 1 

‘m’ indicates a monosyllable 

n=66 

The one faithful output in terms of an initial HV syllable is Castilian/Portuguese fraude < 

fraus, fraudis, f. ‘fraud’ (cf. Catalan frau), a legal term. The monosyllable that emerges in both 

Castilian (pie) and Portuguese (pé) is the output of Latin pēs, pĕdis, m. ‘foot’ and is coded here 

as Lm although arguments could be made that the vowel of a monosyllabic stressable word 

differs both quantitatively and qualitatively from the same vowel in unaccented position (for 

Spanish see Quilis 1983, 243 and Monroy Casas 1980: 44-47; for Portuguese see Delgado 

Martins 1988, 128-132). The fact that in some cases the result is a falling diphthong, as in 

254

Catalan peu ( Port. exame. 

As in Table 5-11, Table 5-12 compares the output in prosodic terms of second/fourth and 

third declension disyllables with original HV or L type initial syllable. It is expected that there 

will be very few disyllabic outcomes with an initial heavy syllable and this is reflected in the fact 

that the ('H). column, the most faithful reflection of ('HV). input, is scarcely populated. 

Retention of diphthongs is limited only to a few learned or semi-learned words and vowels no 

longer have contrasting phonemic length. 

255

Table 5-12. Comparison of prosodic outcomes of Latin disyllables with HV 

and L initial syllable from 3rd and 2nd/4th declensions 

('HV). 

('L). 

Declension Language ('H) ('H). ('L). 

3 Catalan 38 (57.5%) 0 (0%) 28 (42.4%) 

2/4 Catalan 102 (72.9%) 5 (3.6%) 33 (23.6%) 

3 Castilian 22 (33.3%) 3 (4.5%) 41 (62.1%) 

2/4 Castilian 3 (2.1%) 4 (2.9%) 133 (95.0%) 

3 Portuguese 20 (30.3%) 1 (1.5%) 45 (68.2%) 

2/4 Portuguese 12 (8.6%) 5 (3.6%) 123 (87.9%) 

Declension 2/4, n=140 

Declension 3, n=66 

The unexpected difference in percentage of heavy monosyllables in Catalan can be 

explained by several factors. The first is that many of the third declension nouns are learned or 

semi-learned words that have faithfully retained the two syllables of the Latin nominative. In the 

case of imparisyllabic nouns the nominative and accusative are quite different as seen in the case 

of Cat. llapis, Cast. lápiz, and Port. lápis from Lat. lăpis, ĭdis, m. ‘stone.’ In other cases, the 

second syllable has a complex onset. Apocope would then result in a violation of the SONORITY 

SEQUENCE constraint. Therefore, in nouns such as Cat./Cast./Port. odre (

100.0% 

80.0% 

60.0% 

40.0% 

20.0% 

0.0% 

CAT CAS POR CAT CAS POR CAT CAS POR 

('H) ('H.L) ('L.L) 

2/4 DECL 72.9% 2.1% 8.6% 3.6% 2.9% 3.6% 23.6% 95.0% 87.9% 

3 DECL 57.6% 33.3% 30.3% 0.0% 4.5% 1.5% 42.4% 62.1% 68.2% 

Figure 5-5. Comparison of percentage values of prosodic outcomes of declensions 2/4 (n=140) 

and 3 (n=66) with HV or L initial syllable. 

Figure 5-6 shows the emerging prosodic templates for Catalan, Castilian, and Portuguese 

nouns (N=430) from Latin second/fourth and third declension disyllables. The association 

between syllable weight, applicable to both ('H.L) and ('H) templates, and locus of accent is very 

strong for Catalan and corresponds to 72.7% of the nouns; for Castilian it is only 45.8%; and for 

Portuguese it is 50.5%. The convergent patterns of the first declension disyllables, both with 

regard to number of syllables and preservation of heavy syllables from input forms do not carry 

over to declensions 2/4 and 3. In the case of first declension disyllables both Catalan and 

Portuguese show 37.9% of nouns with coincidence of primary accent and heavy syllable and 

62.1% of nouns with a light accent bearing syllable. For Castilian the percentage of heavy 

syllables is slightly lower at 35.8% with a corresponding 64.2% light, accented syllables. In 

Figure 5-6 it can be seen that the percentage of light syllables with primary accent hovers at 

about 50% for both Castilian and Portuguese, that is, the optimal troche ('L.L) is considerably 

less represented in these declensions than in the first. 

257

100% 

90% 

80% 

70% 

60% 

50% 

40% 

30% 

20% 

10% 

0% 

Figure 5-6. Percentage distribution of prosodic outcomes of all declension 2/4 and declension 3 

disyllables (n=430). 

Perhaps more important is the demotion of the constraint MAXMORPH which allows 

deletion of the word final vowel. High ranking of MAXMORPH in first declension nouns may be 

motivated by the fact that the morpheme in question is embodied by a vowel of high sonority. 

The final /a/ vowel is, in fact, the only one that is systematically preserved in Catalan. The set of 

two-syllable input forms analyzed up to this point has shown two possible outcomes – 

preservation of both syllables with accent by default on the initial syllable, or deletion of the 

nucleus of the final syllable resulting in a heavy monosyllable in nearly all cases. While 

reduction to a single syllable violates MAXIO through loss of segments it does maintain the 

minimum moraic requirement for a word and constitutes a well-formed trochee. The fact that 

word level accent coincides with a heavy syllable is by default rather than plan: every prosodic 

word must have a word-level accent. The analysis of words with three or more syllables 

demonstrates that coincidence of word accent with a heavy syllable is no longer a paramount 

consideration. 

CAT CAS POR 

('H) 292 34 37 

('H.L) 72 163 180 

('L.L) 66 233 213 

258

Three-syllable Nouns 

The outcomes of nouns of the second/fourth and third declensions present starkly 

diverging patterns in eastern Ibero-Romance and western Ibero-Romance as seen in the 

discussion of disyllables. Widespread loss of final vowels is the norm for Catalan as long as the 

resulting coda does not violate coda constraints or sonority sequencing. Castilian and 

Portuguese, as discussed above, are more restrictive with regard to acceptable word final codas 

with Portuguese being the least tolerant of coda consonants. The possible accentual patterns for 

three-syllable nouns in input (Figure 5-7) are reproduced here for convenience. Analysis will 

begin with the templates for penultimate accent. 

A) Penultimate Accent 

B) Antepennultimate Accent 

HC 

HV 

L 

HC 

HV 

L 

. HC 

HV 

. 

. L . 

Figure 5-7. Prosodic templates for three-syllable nouns. 

Trisyllables with Penultimate Accent 

Because of the importance of apocope in the outcome of input forms from the second and 

fourth declension classes, active constraints for word final consonants in each language are 

presented in Table 5-13. An asterisk indicates prohibition of a particular type of coda and dashes 

indicate that there are no constraints that bar codas of that type. It is understood that the 

constraints prevent consonants in the input from appearing in coda position at the end of the 

word, or ]wd. It is not necessary to build constraints for all possible segments. To predict 

historical apocope and syncope Wheeler (2007) utilizes SONSEQ to designate the preferred 

sequence of consonants at the syllable right edge; these are combinations of s+stop, nasal+stop, 

259

liquid+stop, stop+s, nasal+s, liquid+s. Outcomes that violate this constraint are thus blocked and 

result in retention of the final vowel, usually reduced to schwa and represented orthographically 

by ‘e.’ 

Table 5-13. Constraints governing apocope in Ibero-Romance 


Stops *VOICED *NON-CORONAL 

*CORONAL, -VOICE 

*STOPS 

Affricates *VOICED *AFFRICATES *AFFRICATES 

Sibilants *VOICED --- *VOICED 

Fricatives (non-sibilant) *VOICED *LABIAL *LABIAL 

Nasals *CORONAL *LABIAL, PALATAL *NASALS 

Liquids *V́R]wd 1 *PALATAL *PALATAL 

Glides --- --- --- 

Complex Codas SONSEQ 

MAX(C)/CONTR:F 

*COMPLEX *COMPLEX 

*C[nasal]C[stop] 

1 The deletion of final /ɾ/ is not uniform in Catalan. It occurs with regularity in certain morphological classes such 

as the infinitive. In the case of nouns elision is not entirely predicatable; Wheeler (2005, 34) suggests that final 

rhotic deletion is “subject to dialect differences and is lexically conditioned.” 

The clusters that arise during the formative period of Catalan are not necessarily stable. 

In modern Catalan there is a general prohibition against homorganic clusters consisting of 

nasal+stop. Clusters consisting of liquid+stop have variable results, with deletion occurring in 

some cases but not others, for example the DCVB (s.v. alt, falt) gives two pronunciations for alt 

‘old,’ both ['aɫt] and ['aɫ] but only one for falt ‘lacking,’ ['faɫt]. On the other hand, surface 

clusters of liquid+stop that derive from an underlying voiced stop rarely show deletion of the 

final stop, for example ['suɾt] sord, masc. ‘deaf’ (cf. sorda, fem.). Côté (2004, 22-26) suggests 

that a constraint of the type MAX(C)/CONTR:F can account for the differential treatment in some 

cases. 

(5.14) MAX(C)/CONTR:F: Do not delete a consonant that contrasts in some feature F with 

an adjacent segment. (Côté 2004) 

260

For example, in most varieties of Catalan font ‘fountain’ is [fɔn] but fort, masc. ‘strong’ is [fɔɾt]. 

Here the crucial feature would be anteriority, absent in the rhotic. MAX(C)/CONTR:F does not 

solve the dilemma of alt with and without the final stop 21 but it does provide a good vehicle for 

differentiating the treatment of the final stop in homorganic nasal+stop clusters from that in 

liquid+stop clusters. 

Trisyllables with accent on a penultimate HC type syllable 

Having established that constraints related to apocope vary from language to language the 

disparities seen in the analysis of the first data set from input (HC)('HC) are fairly 

predictable in terms of the fate of the final syllable. Since there are few constraints to prevent 

apocope in Catalan other than the well formedness constraint SONSEQ it is expected that there 

will be a high degree of word final vowel deletion if the preceding consonant or consonant 

sequence is a permissible coda. Table 5-14 provides confirmation of this expected outcome. 

Table 5-14. Output of second/fourth declension (HC)('HC) by number of syllables and 

nature of accented syllable 

(HC)('HC) 



CAT 23 (28.0%) 0 (0.0%) 0 (0.0%) 23 (28.0%) 58 (70.7%) 0 (0.0%) 1 (1.2%) 59 (72.0%) 

CAS 57 (69.5%) 0 (0.0%) 23 (28.0%) 80 (97.6%) 1 (1.2%) 0 (0.0%) 1 (1.2%) 1 (2.4%) 

POR 43 (52.4%) 14 (17.1%) 23 (28.0%) 80 (97.6%) 1 (1.2%) 0 (0.0%) 0 (0.0%) 1 (2.4%) 

n=82 

Apocope has occurred in 72% of the cases in Catalan resulting in a monosyllabic head foot 

aligned with the right word edge. The cases of non deletion reflected in the 28% of nouns that 

21 Hualde (2007, 361) suggests that the treatment of final liquid+stop clusters functions on a register/dialect axis, for 

example, he notes that “the final t of alt ‘high (MASC) ’ is pronounced in Valencia and Majorca, but not in 

Catalonia (Central Catalan), which does not allow this final cluster. In the plural alts ‘high (MASC PL) ’, the 

orthographic t is not pronounced in any dialect. On the other hand, in part ‘part’, the t is only omitted in informal 

speech in Catalonia, and consistently preserved in the other two geographical dialects, but in its plural parts, the t is 

systematically deleted both in Catalonia and Majorca and pronounced only in Valencia.” 

261

etain a vocalic nucleus at the right word edge contain the following internal clusters: -kt-, -pt-, 

-sm-, -ps-, -mpl-, and -mpt-. It can be readily seen how each would violate SONSEQ. The case 

of -ps- merits some attention because its disqualification here represents a degree of opacity in 

that it is found in surface clusters such as the plural of cap ‘head’ (caps). However, the presence 

of a morpheme boundary differentiates the two cases: *col·laps vs. cap]morphs. Catalan is 

remarkable for its preservations of all coda consonants with the possible exception of 

transversum, i, neut. ‘traverse’ > través (in all three languages) for which Lewis and Short gives 

an alternate form with a long vowel and no nasal consonant in coda position, trāversus. 

Although DCVB, DRAE, and the Dicionário da língua portuguesa all give transversum as 

etymon, it seems likely that the input form in Ibero-Romance had already lost the coda 

consonant. The expected similar patterning of Castilian and Portuguese is seen in Figure 5-8 

with some deviation relative to the retention of moras in the accented syllable. Portuguese 

preserves the feature [+nasal] of a deleted nasal coda consonant resulting in a nasal vowel that is 

appreciably longer than oral vowels, for example (accentus, ūs, m.>) acento ‘accent’ realized as 

[ɐ'sẽː.tu]. In a few instances a glide replaces a coda consonant creating a falling diphthong as in 

(dēspectus, ūs, m.>) despeito ‘spite.’ There are virtually no cases of apocope in Castilian and 

Portuguese other than the already cited través ‘traverse’ and (crystallum, i, n.>) cristal ‘crystal’ 

(cf. final palatal /ʎ/ in Catalan). Therefore, nearly all output forms for these languages are 

trisyllables. The trisyllables in Catalan (28.0%) reflect blocking of vowel deletion by SONSEQ, 

that is, a configuration of (C)(C)VC1C2 in the final syllable in which C2 is more sonorous. 

262

80.0% 

70.0% 

60.0% 

50.0% 

40.0% 

30.0% 

20.0% 

10.0% 

0.0% 


3 syllable 2 syllable 

CAT 28.0% 0.0% 0.0% 72.0% 0.0% 1.2% 

CAS 69.5% 0.0% 28.0% 1.2% 0.0% 1.2% 

POR 52.4% 17.1% 28.0% 1.2% 0.0% 1.2% 

Figure 5-8. Comparison of syllabic count and nature of the syllable with primary accent in 

outcomes of second/fourth declension (HC)('HC) (n=82). 

In the case of ('HC) input, treated previously, loss of the final syllable in Catalan 

produces a heavy monosyllable, a well-formed bimoraic foot. Loss of the vocalic nucleus of the 

ultimate syllable in the current trisyllabic data set should produce two heavy syllables. However, 

because the head syllable is aligned with the right word edge the new pattern gives the 

appearance of an iamb consisting of two heavy syllables. The preferred form for the iamb, a 

quantity-sensitive right dominant foot (Hayes 1995, 75-76) is (L.'H). Given the nature of 

unaccented vowels in Catalan there may actually be a phonetic correlate that corresponds to the 

prosodic requirement of this foot type. The predominance of this new pattern, two syllables with 

stress on the rightmost, has led Wheeler (2004) to propose that the prosodic template for Catalan 

is iambic. He accomplishes this through insertion of another element in the prosodic hierarchy 

between foot and word, the colon. For Catalan the colon is binary with right alignment. 

Wheeler (2004, 12) proposes the following optimal parsing (curly brackets indicate colon) for 

263

H.'H.L, parallel to the data set under discussion: {(H)}{('H)L}. It is selected over {(H)('H.L} 

because the latter violates the constraint IAMB. 

The difficulty with Wheeler’s proposal becomes apparent in the case of three-syllable input 

with penultimate accent when the first syllable is light. In such cases it is necessary to admit ('L) 

as a well formed foot which Wheeler (2004, 7) justifies on the basis of monosyllables such as fe 

‘faith’ and pla ‘flat.’ However, pla has a plural in plans and the quality of the vowel in accent- 

bearing and non accent-bearing syllables varies considerably. Thus, in Catalan the letter of the 

alphabet d’ is ['de] but the preposition de ‘of, from’ is [də]. While the rhyme of the former may 

not constitute a heavy syllable in the traditional sense there is a clear difference between accent- 

bearing and non accent-bearing vowels in terms of the extent and nature of the inventory. There 

are also differences in duration for those vowels which are undifferentiated in quality, namely /i/ 

and /u/, according to the study conducted by Aguilar, et al. (1997) which found that on average 

stressed vowels in non-prepausal position were 12.5% longer than their unstressed counterparts 

and in prepausal position 8.9% longer. The vowel which can only appear in atonic syllables, [ə], 

was the shortest of all vowels with a mean duration of 94.3 ms. Its tonic counterparts include the 

vowels of greatest average duration, [ε] and [a], at 126.3 ms, and [e] at 119.6 ms. This study also 

shows that there is a relationship between vowel length and height. It can be argued, then, that a 

single light syllable, L, differs substantively in quality and quantity dependent on its prosodic 

prominence (strong/weak). Therefore, while (L)w may not be a well formed foot, (L)s, is. 

One other question of interest is the fate of the initial heavy syllable in (HC)('HC). In 

the first declension data set differing rates of preservation of coda consonant were observed for 

the initial syllable and for the syllable with primary accent. Wheeler’s broader WHC (Weight- 

264

to-Head) constraint calls for a heavy syllable to head a foot but it does not require assignment of 

primary accent to a heavy syllable. 

(5.15) WHC (Weight-to-Head Constraint): Every heavy syllable must be designated as the head 

of some foot. (Wheeler 2007) 

WHC as formulated here is well suited to the concept of positional prominence because it 

rewards construction of a foot at left word edge. Table 5-15 compares the incidence of heavy 

syllables in word initial position and the penultimate or accent bearing syllable resulting from 

(HC)('HC). Although the initial syllable does not bear the primary accent a high degree of 

preservation of its moraic count is expected in congruence with the idea of positional 

prominence. The constraint WHC also raises problems in parsing the output of trisyllabic words 

with penultimate accent such as (grānŭlum, i, n.>) grànul ‘granule.’ Clearly, the final syllable 

should not constitute a foot; rather, it is the weak syllable in a syllabic trochee of the form ('L.H). 

Table 5-15. Comparison of heavy/light syllables in initial and accent bearing syllables in output 

of second/fourth declension (HC)('HC) 

(HC)('HC) 

(HC)('HC)L (HC)('HC) 

H L H L H L H L 

CAT 19 (82.6%) 4 (17.4%) 23 (100.0%) 0 (0.0%) 51 (86.4%) 8 (13.6%) 59 (100.0%) 0 (0.0%) 

CAS 61 (76.3%) 19 (23.8%) 57 (71.3%) 23 (28.8%) 1 (50.0%) 1 (50.0%) 2 (100.0%) 0 (0.0%) 

POR 57 (72.6%) 23 (27.5%) 53 (66.2%) 27 (33.8%) 1 (50.0%) 1 (50.0%) 2 (100.0%) 0 (0.0%) 

Note: Percentages are based on the number for each subgroup: 3 syllables (Catalan 23; Portuguese, Castilian 80), 

2 syllables (Catalan 59; Portuguese, Castilian 2). 

n=82 

The data for the two-syllable pattern are of diminished interest because the results are 

skewed by language; only Catalan is well represented for this pattern. Although Catalan is 

somewhat underrepresented in the three-syllable pattern it is still possible to observe and 

265

compare outcomes. The three languages show small differences relative to retention of coda in 

the word initial syllable and relatively greater differences in the syllable with primary accent. It 

should be remembered that 14 of the 57 word initial syllables labeled heavy in Portuguese result 

from nasal vowels and 19 of the 53 accented syllables are also heavy for the same reason. 

Overall, the maintenance of bimoraic status in the word initial syllable is high and comparable to 

patterns previously observed in first declension nouns. A large percentage of the initial syllables 

that are light in all three languages are the result of degemination as in the case of annexus and 

affixus. 

The use of colon described above seems to be an unnecessary artifice to obtain the desired 

output from (HC)('HC). Table 5-16 attempts to correctly select the optimal candidate by 

replicating the constraints used with first declension nouns in Table 4-29. A small capital V is 

used for the vocalism of the final syllable nucleus. During the formative stage of Ibero-Romance 

there is little evidence of aspiration of /s/ in coda position so a candidate with aspiration or 

elision is not put forward. Accepting an uneven trochee ('H.L) as a possible foot, candidate A 

emerges as the winner. Although loss of coda in the syllable with primary accent does produce a 

better formed trochee, ('L.L) (Prince 1990, 367-373), it violates STW. Removal of STW would 

result in a tie for candidates A and C. 

Table 5-16. Tableau for output of declension 2/4 trisyllable with penultimate accent on HC 

type syllable 

ASPECTŬ FTTROCH HEAD 

MAX 

MAX 

MORPH 


a. ☞ as('pek.tV) * 

b. ('as)(pe.tV) *! * 

c. as( 'pe.tV) *! * 

In order to account for the deviations seen in the three languages, that is, moraically 

faithful Catalan aspecte, coda-less tonic syllable in aspecto in Castilian informal register, and 

266

coda-less tonic syllable in aspecto in Portuguese despite the orthography (Brazilian Portuguese 

now accepts aspeto as standard orthography), it is necessary to develop faithfulness constraints 

that reflect language-specific phonotactics or criteria for a well-formed syllable. Previously 

introduced NOCODACAT, CAS, POR fulfills this function. Tables 4-34 and 5-13 provide language- 

specific restrictions on coda consonants. 

Table 5-17 utilizes NOCODACAT, CAS, POR and eliminates STW, no longer required to achieve 

the desired result. MAXMORPH is clearly not operative in this data set in stark contrast to the first 

declension nouns. A more general faithfulness constraint MAXμ (A mora which is present in the 

input is present in the output) is used to account for the effect of nasalization and vocalization of 

/k/ in coda position which distinguish Portuguese from Castilian. This new constraint seeks to 

preserve moraic count but does not require identity of input and output segments. Castilian has 

two reflexes here, CAS1 and CAS2. The first indicates careful speech and the second a more popular 

register. For the moment, the vocalism of unstressed vowels is addressed by a constraint similar to 

NOCODACAT, CAS, POR. It takes the form V[-acct] CAT, CAS, POR. 

(5.16) V[-acct] cat, cas, por: A vowel which is not accent bearing is realized according to 

language specific constraints for vowels in nonprominent positions. 

Table 5-17. Tableau for trisyllables with penultimate accent (declensions 2/4 and 3) 

V[-acct] 

CONDUCTU 

FT 

TROCH 

HEAD 

MAX 

NOCODACAT, 

CAS, POR 

CAT, CAS, POR 

MAXμ PARSE-σ ALIGNR 

a. kun('duk.tə)CAT *CA2S, POR *CAS, POR * 

b. kon('duk.to)CAS1 *POR, CAS2 *CAT, POR * 

c. kon('du.to)CAS2 *POR, CAS1 *CAT, POR * * 

d. kõ('du.tu)POR *CAS, CAT ** * 

The corresponding set, (HC)('HC) input, from the third declension is very small and 

consists of only 19 items. The results are also divided into two and three-syllable outcomes 

along the familiar east/west divide between Catalan and Castilian/Portuguese. In fact, in this set 

267

no disyllables result for either Castilian or Portuguese. Distribution of outcomes in terms of 

syllable count and heavy/light syllables from original HC syllables is displayed in Table 5-18. 

This small data set contains a high number of items with /-n.t-/ sequence between the ultimate 

and penultimate syllable. This is an acceptable sequence in terms of SONSEQ but violates 

NOCODA in Portuguese. It has been argued, however, that the process of vowel nasalization is 

mora preserving because the resulting nasal vowel is appreciably longer than a corresponding 

oral vowel. However, loss of the word final vowel in Catalan triggers adjustment of the /-nt/ 

final word sequence because it violates *COMPLEX for Catalan. Complex codas are permitted in 

Catalan only to satisfy the higher ranking MAX(PLACE) constraint: Every input place feature has 

an output correspondent. 

Table 5-18. Comparison of heavy/light syllables in initial and accent bearing syllables in output 

of third declension (HC)('HC) 

(HC)('HC) 

(HC)('HC)L (HC)('HC) 


CAT 4 (21.1%) 1(5.3%) 5 (26.3%) 0 (0.0%) 12 (63.2%) 2 (10.5%) 14 (73.7%) 0 (0.0%) 

CAS 14 (73.7%) 5 (26.3%) 18 (94.7%) 1 (5.3%) 0 (0.0%) 0 (0.0%) 0 (0.0%) 0 (0.0%) 

POR 13 (68.4%) 6 (31.6%) 18 (94.7%) 1 (5.3%) 0 (0.0%) 0 (0.0%)0 0 (0.0%) 0 (0.0%) 

n=19 

Despite the skewed results in terms of three-syllable versus two-syllable outcomes, 

Figure 5-9 shows that the distribution of heavy/light syllables is quite similar. The accented 

syllable in this data set retains its moraic count at a higher rate than the word initial syllable. 

268

20 

15 

10 

5 

0 


S3 S2 S2 S1 


CAT 4 1 5 0 12 2 14 0 

CAS 14 5 18 1 0 0 0 0 

POR 13 6 18 1 0 0 0 0 

Figure 5-9. Comparison of syllable count and nature of the syllable with primary accent in 

outcomes of third declension (HC)('HC) (n=19). 

However, due to the small size of this data set it is difficult to establish that the pattern of coda 

retention in initial and accented syllables of third declension trisyllables with penultimate accent 

is appreciably different from that of second/fourth declension trisyllables with penultimate 

accent. 

The next data sets examine the outcomes of trisyllables with penultimate accent where the 

accented syllable has a coda consonant but the preceding initial syllable is light. The 

corresponding input forms are HV('HC) and L('HC). Again it is assumed that nearly all 

HV type syllables become L syllables during the formative period of the Ibero-Romance 

languages. For example, the one HV syllable in trisyllabic outcomes in Catalan is semi-learned 

autumne ‘autumn’ with initial syllable /aw/ in contrast with Cast. otoño, Port. outono, both with 

initial syllable /o/. The other HV initial syllables in Portuguese are secondary developments, 

nasal vowels and falling diphthongs which have their origins in coda consonants. For 

declensions 2/4 Catalan, predictably, shows a high incidence of apocope in this group of 76 

nouns; there are 51 cases (65.8%), compared with only 2 in Castilian and 3 in Portuguese. 

269

Figure 5-10 shows the distribution of trisyllabic and disyllabic outcomes by language and nature 

of accented syllable. 

100.0% 

80.0% ❶ ❸ 

60.0% 

40.0% 

20.0% 

❷ 

0.0% HC HV L HC HV L 

HC L 

3 SYLL/PENULT 2 SYLL/ULTIMATE 2 SYLL/PENULT 

CAT 31.6% 0.0% 0.0% 65.8% 1.3% 0.0% 1.3% 0.0% 

CAS 61.8% 0.0% 31.6% 2.6% 0.0% 0.0% 1.3% 2.6% 

POR 44.7% 17.1% 31.6% 3.9% 0.0% 0.0% 1.3% 1.3% 

Figure 5-10. Outcomes of HV('HC) and L('HC) in declension 2/4 nouns: Syllable count 

and nature of accented syllable (n=76). 

Encircled numbers in Figure 5-10 mark the coincidence of heavy syllable and primary 

accent in the most common output patterns (excluding the two-syllable penultimate output). 

When these percentages are combined the aggregate totals are Catalan, 98.7%; Portuguese, 

65.7%; and Castilian, 64.4%. The slightly higher percentage for Portuguese results from one 

case, anel (cf. Cast. anillo

(C)V.'CVC2.C1V → (C)V.'CVC1. Loss of C2 is compensated by the movement of C1 to coda 

position following the loss of the nucleus of the ultimate syllable. 

The corresponding set of third declension nouns from inputs HV('HC) and 

L('HC) is much smaller and consists of 29 items. This set is uniform in having a light initial 

syllable in all outputs. As expected there is a high incidence of apocope in Catalan in contrast 

with only one case in Portuguese and none in Castilian. There are no cases of reduction to two 

syllables with resulting from syncope or glide formation (with preservation of penultimate 

accent). The coincidence of primary accent with a heavy syllable is 100% in this subset. Figure 

5-11 shows distribution of the two pervasive patterns: L('H.L) and L('H) and provides detail on 

the nature of the heavy syllable. Encircled numbers indicate majority outcome by language. 

Reduction to the two-syllable pattern corresponds to 65.5% of the outputs in Catalan and only 

3.4% in Portuguese (bisão < bĭson, ontis, m. ‘wild ox’; cf. Cat. bisó). The one lexical item in 

this group not reflected in Figure 5-11 is Lat. dīrectum, i, n. ‘straight line; law’ and its outcomes 

in Ibero-Romance, Cat. dret, Cast. derecho, and Port. direito. Outcomes in Ibero-Romance 

suggest competing etyma. The syncope of Catalan and the vocalism of Castilian are best 

explained by positing an alternate form with a light first syllable and qualitatively different 

vowel. Palatalization of the medial consonant group in Castilian and lenition of syllable final /k/ 

(>/j/) in Portuguese indicate that this is a patrimonial word, in contrast with learned directo in 

both languages. The patrimonial form is well attested for both languages: thirteenth century for 

Castilian according to the Corpus del Español (Davies 2002-2004, s.v. derecho) and fourteenth 

century for Portuguese according to the Corpus do Português (Davies and Ferreira 2004-2006, 

s.v. direito). 

271

❶ 

80.0% 

❷ ❸ 

100.0% 

60.0% 

40.0% 

20.0% 

0.0% 


3 SYLL/PENULTIMATE 2 SYLL/ULTIMATE 

CAT 34.5% 0.0% 0.0% 62.1% 3.4% 0.0% 

CAS 100.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 

POR 24.1% 72.4% 0.0% 0.0% 3.4% 0.0% 

Figure 5-11. Outcomes of HV('HC) and L('HC) in declension 3 nouns relative to 

syllable count and nature of accented syllable (n=29). 

Trisyllables with penultimate accent on HV type syllable 

Preservation of heavy syllables is high in the trisyllabic nouns reviewed to this point, both 

in the stress bearing syllable and in some cases the initial syllable as well. Both of these 

positions can be said to be prominent within the word although the prominence of the accented 

syllable is clearly greater than any secondary accent that may be accorded the initial syllable. 

Preservation of segments as a way of realizing prominence can be tested in the next set of nouns 

that are in essence a mirror image of those just reviewed; they consist of an initial heavy syllable 

and a penultimate light syllable. This analysis presumes that the original input form of 

HC('HV)L had probably become HC('L.L) in Late Latin with the exception of a handful of 

learned words; the one example in the subset of second/fourth declension nouns is Cat. centaure, 

Cast./Port. centaure ‘centaur.’ 

Nouns from the second/forth declension corresponding to input HC('L.L) number 26. All 

but one are reduced to two syllables in Catalan (the above cited centaure). Conversely, all 26 

nouns remain trisyllabic in Castilian and 26 are trisyllabic in Portuguese with the exception of 

272

irmão ‘brother’ (< germānus, i, m.), which like Catalan germà elides final /n/ following apocope 

of the final vowel. The distribution of outputs by syllable count and nature of the initial and 

accented syllable appears in Figure 5-12. Percentage within each category is a measure of 

incidence relative to total of 26. 

100.0% ➋ 

80.0% 

60.0% 

40.0% 

20.0% 

➊ ➌ ➍ 

0.0% 

HC HV L HC HV L HC HV L HC HV L 

S3 S2 S2 S1 


CAT 3.8% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 3.8% 0.0% 65.4% 0.0% 30.8% 69.2% 26.9% 0.0% 

CAS 65.4% 0.0% 34.6% 0.0% 3.8% 96.2% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 

POR 42.3% 11.5% 42.3% 0.0% 3.8% 92.3% 3.8% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 3.8% 0.0% 

Figure 5-12. Outcomes of HC('HV) in declension 2/4 nouns: Syllable count and nature of 

accented syllable (n=26). 

The points labeled 1 and 3 in Figure 5-12 indicate mora preservation of the unaccented 

initial syllable. When HC and HV types are added together for both three-syllable and two- 

syllable occurrences of heavy initial syllables, Portuguese, at 57.6%, places the lowest in 

comparison with Catalan at 69.2% and Castilian at 65.4%. The gradient ranking reflects the high 

degree of tolerance of stops in word internal coda position in Catalan versus elision in some 

cases in Castilian and in nearly all cases in Portuguese. Preservation of the coda in initial 

position may serve to give that syllable prominence, especially if it corresponds to a morpheme 

as exemplified by con/com-, dis-, ex-, all represented in this data set. However, both Catalan and 

Portuguese show vowel reduction in precisely these same contexts. This suggests that a 

mechanism other than duration, such as pitch contour (Hay and Diehl 2007, 121), accords 

273 

➎

positional prominence to these prefixes. In the conservative template, the final unaccented 

syllable is preserved, data point 2, and in over 90% of the cases it is a light syllable. The 

innovative template, most represented in Catalan, always has a heavy final syllable as indicated 

by data points 4 and 5. 

The prosodic templates that result from original HC('HV) (mostly HC('L) in late 

Latin) and their rate of occurrence by language appear in Table 5-19. Three-syllable patterns are 

listed first followed by two-syllable patterns. Shading indicates that the tonic syllable is heavy. 

Table 5-19. Prosodic outcomes of HC('HV) in declension 2/4 nouns 


a. HC('HV.L) 1 3.8% 1 3.8% 1 3.8% 

b. HC('L.L) 0 0.0% 15 57.7% 11 42.3% 

c. HV('L.L) 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 2 7.7% 

d. L('L.L) 0 0.0% 10 38.5% 11 42.3% 

e. HC('HC) 11 42.3% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 

f. HC('HV) 6 23.1% 0 0.0% 1 3.8% 

g. L('HC) 7 26.9% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 

h. L('HV) 1 3.8% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 

Note: Coincidence of heavy syllable and primary accent is indicated by shaded cells. 

Without apocope one would expect the results seen in the columns for Castilian and Portuguese, 

that is, an occasional bimoraic syllable resulting from preservation of a falling diphthong, and for 

Portuguese, secondary diphthongs resulting from loss of intervocalic /l/ and /n/. The incidence 

of apocope in trisyllables with penultimate accent has created a new prosodic template in which 

the head syllable of the head foot is now at right word edge. Apocope also ensures that this 

syllable is always heavy. Loss of coda consonants other than /n/ in Catalan and Portuguese is 

infrequent and the occasional deletion of /ɾ/ is not consistent. There is some evidence that loss of 

these codas is compensated for by differences in quality and duration of the tonic vowel. The 

relative frequency of the templates in Table 5-20 is displayed graphically in Figure 5-13. The 

274

preference for the two-syllable template in Catalan is readily apparent as the results by language 

are dichotomous with Castilian and Portuguese remaining trisyllabic in over 95% of cases and 

Catalan becoming disyllabic in over 95% of cases. 

100.0% 

80.0% 

60.0% 

40.0% 

20.0% 

0.0% 

HC('HV.L) HC('L.L) HV('L.L) L('L.L) HC('HC) HC('HV) L('HC) L('HV) 

3 SYLL 

2 SYLL 

Catalan 3.8% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 42.3% 23.1% 26.9% 3.8% 

Castilian 3.8% 57.7% 0.0% 38.5% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 

Portuguese 3.8% 42.3% 7.7% 42.3% 0.0% 3.8% 0.0% 0.0% 

Figure 5-13. Relative frequency of 3-syllable and 2-syllable templates resulting from declension 

2/4 input HC('HV). (n=26) 

Data from the third declension, as well as cases of proparoxytonic accent, should also be 

examined before pursuing discussion of trochaic versus iambic interpretations of the two-syllable 

templates. There are 69 third declension nouns with original input form HC('HV). If 

development parallels that of second and fourth declension nouns it can be expected that 60% to 

70% of output forms will retain the initial heavy syllable and there will be widespread apocope 

and concomitant reduction to two syllables in Catalan. However, because the vocalism of the 

third declension is not associated with any morphological function, for example gender, it can 

also be predicted that apocope will occur at a higher rate in both Castilian and Portuguese as long 

as language-specific coda conditions are not violated. 

The contrasts in outcomes displayed in Figures 5-13 and 5-14 are notable. In this data set 

all three languages participate in apocope and the most frequent outcome is the two-syllable 

275

template with ultimate accent. The split of three-syllable to two-syllable results is 13 (18.8%) to 

56 (81.2%) for Catalan, 15 (21.7%) to 54 (78.3%) for Castilian, and 17 (24.6%) to 52 (75.4%) 

for Portuguese. Not only are the proportions quite similar but the distribution of heavy/light 

syllables seen in Figure 5-14 is nearly identical. The slightly higher rate of heavy final syllables 

with coda consonant in the two-syllable template in Castilian is a result of retention of final /n/ 

(elided in both Catalan and Portuguese) and retention of palatalized output of /k/ in coda position 

as in perdiz, compared with vocalization in Catalan perdiu ‘partridge’ (

and HV syllables are combined. Again, the templatic results coincide with those for nouns from 

declension 2/4, that is, H('H) is the most common output. 

The last data sets to be examined in the trisyllabic group with penultimate accent consist of 

those with light or HV type initial syllable and HV type penultimate syllable. It is expected that 

the input form for Ibero-Romance is L.L1.L with few exceptions. Again, it is predicted that 

there will be a high occurrence of apocope in Catalan in both declension 2/4 and declension 3 

nouns. Furthermore, if is expected that for declension 3 nouns all three languages will exhibit a 

high degree of elision of the final vowel as seen in the previous set. Looking at the three-syllable 

sequence as idealized CV.'CV.CV, loss of the final vowel would inevitably result in a disyllable 

with heavy final syllable, CV.'CVC or CV.'CVV. The CVV type syllable could result from glide 

formation and creation of a falling diphthong as in semi-learned datiu ‘dative’ in Catalan, or 

from deletion of /-n/ in both Catalan and Portuguese as in Catalan padró and Portuguese padrão 

(

Catalan (tesauro in Castilian and Portuguese), the one other word which keeps an original 

diphthong is Cat. eunuc and Cast., Por. eunuco ‘eunuch.’ 

100.0% 

80.0% 

60.0% 

40.0% 

20.0% 

0.0% 

➊ ➋ 

HV L HV L HC HV L HC HV L 

S3 S2 S2 S1 


CAT 0.0% 5.9% 1.5% 4.4% 1.5% 1.5% 91.2% 63.2% 30.9% 0.0% 

CAS 1.5% 95.6% 1.5% 95.6% 0.0% 0.0% 2.9% 2.9% 0.0% 0.0% 

POR 1.5% 88.2% 1.5% 88.2% 0.0% 0.0% 10.3% 0.0% 10.3% 0.0% 

Figure 5-15. Outcomes of HV('HV) and L('HV) in declension 2/4 nouns: Syllable count 


Also of interest in the two-syllable outcomes is the fact that Catalan has a high incidence of HV 

type syllables. Catalan should coincide with Portuguese in cases of /n/ in word final position 

arising from apocope but Catalan has a much higher percentage seen at data point 3 in Figure 5- 

15. This is due to glide formation in Catalan which occurs before apocope. The thematic vowel 

of the second/fourth declension combines with the preceding tonic vowel to form a falling 

diphthong as in natiu (

-ón and Por. -ão, outcomes of Lat. -ōne(m), a suffix indicating ‘having a possessing or 

characteric meaning’ (Miller 2006, 76) but extended semantically to an augmentative function. 

The comparable third declension data set, also presumed to consist of all light syllables in input 

with the exception of a few learned words, is somewhat larger with 101 items. An additional 

three items are not included in the data set because they seem to be late, learned additions to the 

lexicon and exhibit variable placement of primary accent: Cat., Cast. frenesí, Port. frenesi(m) 

‘frenzy,’ Cat., Cast. líquen, Por. liquem ‘lichen,’ and Cat. àugur, Cast. augur, and Por. áugure 

‘augur.’ It is expected that apocope will extend to all three languages, although with higher 

representation in Catalan because it has fewer coda constraints. Figure 5-16 confirms this 

prediction and shows little variation among languages other than the expected higher occurrence 

of the two-syllable, ultimate accent pattern in Catalan. Data points 1 and 2 in Figure 5-16 

indicate the two most common patterns, trisyllabic L('L.L) and disyllabic L('HC). 

100.0% ➋ 

80.0% 

60.0% 

40.0% 

20.0% 

0.0% 

-20.0% 

➊ ➌ ➍ 

HV L HV L HC HV L HC HV L L HC L HC 

S3 S2 S2 S1 S1 S2 S1 

3 SYLL/PENULTIMATE 2 SYLL/ULTIMATE 2 SYLL/PENULTIMATE 1 SYLL 

CAT 0.0% 13.9% 0.0% 13.9% 1.0% 0.0% 85.1% 74.3% 11.9% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 

CAS 0.0% 23.8% 0.0% 23.8% 1.0% 0.0% 71.3% 72.3% 0.0% 0.0% 2.0% 1.0% 1.0% 2.0% 

POR 0.0% 26.7% 0.0% 26.7% 1.0% 9.9% 59.4% 60.4% 9.9% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 3.0% 

Figure 5-16. Outcomes of HV('HV) and L('HV) in declension 3 nouns: Syllable count 


The distributions seen at data points 3 and 4 reflect constraints on coda consonants in word 

final position. Although data point 2 indicates that the 2 two-syllable template has a higher 

degree of representation in Catalan, Castilan and Catalan have very similar outcomes with regard 

279

to the nature of the final syllable, HC, in comparison with Portuguese. Surprisingly, Catalan has 

the highest percentage of HV type final syllables. Two processes contribute to this: deletion of 

final /n/ and glide formation of vowels in hiatus (penultimate and ultimate syllables) which 

precedes apocope of the final vowel. While both of these processes also occur in Portuguese, 

glide formation is more frequent in Catalan. 

Figures 5-15 and 5-16 represent very different outcomes with regard to preferred templates 

by language. The thematic vowel of the second/fourth declension is largely preserved in 

Castilian and Portuguese but not in Catalan. However, when there is no discernible thematic 

vowel, as is the case of the third declension, that vowel is also elided. The most common reflex 

of accusative singular in the third declension is -e(m). In the vowel sonority hierarchy (see Table 

5-1), [ə] is ranked among the least sonorous vowels. It must be assumed that vowel reduction is 

a precursor to vowel deletion. 

Trisyllables with Antepenultimate Accent 

Apocope in the case of trisyllables with proparoxytonic accent creates a new template in 

which the disyllabic innovative forms are either H.'H or L.'H. The data set that gives rise to the 

former, H.'H, is examined first. It consists of trisyllables in which the initial HC type syllable is 

expected to remain heavy because the syllable occupies a prominent position within the word 

and is also the locus of primary accent. The expected high representation of the H.'H template in 

Catalan is indicated by data points 3 and 4 in Figure 5-17. In contrast, preservation of the three- 

syllable input is predicted to be the usual outcome for Castilian and Portuguese (data points 1 

and 2) despite the fact that the antepenultimate accent is a marked prosodic template. Words 

with antepenultimate accent are primarily learned words, and many are modern additons to the 

scholarly lexicon. Therefore, syncope, another mechanism for reducing syllable count, is less 

likely to occur. 

280

100.0% ➊ ➋ ➌ 

80.0% 

60.0% 

40.0% 

20.0% 

0.0% 

HC L L HC L HC HV L HC 

S3 S2 S2 S1 S1 

3 SYLL/PENULTIMATE 2 SYLL/PENULTIMATE 1 SYLL 

CAT 10.3% 0.0% 10.3% 72.1% 7.4% 55.9% 2.9% 20.6% 10.3% 

CAS 70.6% 7.4% 77.9% 16.2% 5.9% 1.5% 0.0% 20.6% 0.0% 

POR 67.6% 5.9% 73.5% 19.1% 7.4% 0.0% 2.9% 23.5% 0.0% 

Figure 5-17. Outcomes of 'HC.L.L declension 2/4 nouns: Syllable count and nature of accented 

syllable (n=68). 

The data represented in Figure 5-17 displays an unexpected outcome indicated by data 

point 5, the disyllabic word with a light final syllable. Although this syllable type occurs at 

approximately the same rate in the three languages it has different origins. In Castilian and 

Portuguese it represents conservation of the characteristic vowel of the second/fourth declension 

brought about by glide formation of the post-tonic vowel in the penultimate syllable. The glide 

palatalizes the preceding consonant and is then absorbed as in Cast. brazo and Por. braço ‘arm’ 

(

participate in apocope with Catalan at the highest rate, followed by Castilian and then 

Portuguese. Portuguese also shows the lowest incidence of HC type final syllable in two- 

syllable outcomes. Because of the small size of this data set (31 items) it is more useful to view 

the results with numeric rather than percentage values. In Figure 5-18, data point 1 indicates a 

high degree of retention of initial HC type syllable across languages. 

30 

25 

20 

➊ ➋ ➌ 

15 

10 

5 

➍ ❺ 

0 

HC L L HC HV L HC HV L HC 

S3 S2 S2 S1 S1 

3 SYLL/ANTEPENULTIMATE 2 SYLL/PENULTIMATE 

1 SYLL 

CAT 9 1 10 19 0 1 10 0 10 1 

CAS 13 1 14 13 0 4 11 0 6 0 

POR 16 2 18 10 0 3 5 3 5 0 

Figure 5-18. Outcomes of 'HC.L.L declension 3 nouns: Syllable count and nature of accented 

syllable (n=32). 

The penultimate syllable remains light in 100% of cases (data point 2). Data points 3 and 

4 indicate the relative frequency of the 'HC.HC template as outcome in the expected order – 

Catalan, Castilian, Portuguese – although at data point 4 Castilian has a slightly higher number 

of HC syllables than Catalan. This is due to the retention of word final vowels (see data point 5) 

that follow consonant sequences resulting from syncope in cases such as angle (

the HV type syllable in Ibero-Romance, especially in the patrimonial lexicon. The data set 

corresponding to second/fourth declension nouns is numerous and consists of 169 items. An 

additional 7 items are not included because of variable treatment of locus of accent. Most are 

scientific terms which did not enter Ibero-Romance until the eighteenth or nineteenth century. 

The one word which can be documented from an earlier period because of its use as a liturgical 

term is spīrĭtus, ūs, m. ‘spirit.’ In both Castilian and Portuguese antepenultimate accent is 

preserved (espíritu). However, in Catalan the accent is on the final syllable. According to the 

DCVB (s.v. esperit) this is due to the influence of the dative case, spīrĭtuī, which would have had 

antepenultimate accent on the -rĭ- syllable. Displacement of the accent is not a result of an 

attempt to align word primary accent with a heavy syllable. In fact, data point 3 indicates that 

'L.HC is the most common pattern for disyllabic outcomes in Catalan followed by 'L.L at data 

point 2. 

100.0% 

80.0% 

60.0% 

40.0% 

20.0% 

0.0% 

-20.0% 

➊ ➋ ➍ 

➌ ❺ ❻ 

'HV.L.L 'L.L.L. 'L.L.HC 'L.L 'HV.L. 'HC.L 'HV.HC 'L.HC 'L.HV 'HC 'HV 

3 SYLL/ANTEPENULTIMATE 2 SYLL/PENULTIMATE 

1 SYLL 

CAT 0.0% 4.7% 1.2% 27.8% 1.2% 2.4% 2.4% 40.2% 0.0% 17.2% 3.0% 

CAS 3.0% 50.3% 0.6% 37.9% 2.4% 5.3% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.6% 0.0% 

POR 3.0% 51.5% 0.6% 30.2% 8.9% 4.7% 0.0% 0.0% 0.6% 0.0% 0.6% 

Figure 5-19. Prosodic templates from second and fourth declension 'HV.L.L and 'L.L.L (n=169). 

The high representation of 'L.L as outcome in Catalan (data point 2) merits an explanation. 

Apocope is blocked when there is a violation of NOCODACAT, CAS, POR or SONSEQ. Beginning with 

an idealized representation of a three-syllable word with penultimate accent, 'CV.CV.CV, a head 

foot consisting of two light syllables, ('L.L), could result if both onset and nucleus of the final 

283

syllable are lost. If the final syllable is onsetless, that is, 'CV.CV.V, and the final syllable is 

elided, the result is a final, unstressed vowel, although not the vowel of the original final syllable. 

Alternatively, if there is coalescence of the nuclei in the penultimate and ultimate syllables 

through glide formation, a rising diphthong or falling diphthong will result depending on the 

nature of the vowels in hiatus. These divergent paths result in the same prosodic template but 

differentiate Catalan from Castilian/Portuguese. Catalan is not constrained by MAXMORPH and, 

therefore, elides the final unaccented vowel. Castilian and Portuguese, on the other hand, create 

rising diphthongs but retain the characteristic vowel of the second/fourth declension. An 

example in point is lăbĭum, ii, n. ‘lip’ which gives rise to Catalan llavi, Castilian/Portuguese 

labio. All are disyllables with paroxytonic accent but represent different paths to the same 

prosodic result. 

Word internal syncope accounts for the unexpected initial heavy syllable in the outputs 

indicated by data point 3 in Figure 5-19 and for Catalan data points 5 and 6. The relative 

chronology of syncope is difficult to establish and there is much evidence that syncope existed in 

spoken registers of the language long before the Appendix Probi (3rd c. C.E.) in addition to its 

use as a poetic device (Coleman 1999, 38-40). Nearly all cases of syncope in this data set 

correspond to words which could be considered to be patrimonial and belonging to the popular 

register as in the example sŏlĭdus, i, m. ‘gold coin’ which entered Ibero-Romance as *soldu and 

then gave rise to Catalan sou (pronunciation [sɔ́w] in DCVB, s.v. sou), Castilian sueldo and 

Portuguese soldo. 

The last data set in this group, third declension nouns with antepenultimate accent, should 

demonstrate a high degree of like outcomes across languages. Apocope is restrained only by 

284

NOCODACAT, CAS, POR or SONSEQ (in the case of forms with syncope); therefore, outputs should 

show little distinction by language as confirmed by the results displayed in Figure 5-20. 

35 

30 

25 

20 

15 

➊ ❺ 

10 ➋ ➌ ➍ 

5 

0 

'L.L.L. 'L.L.HC 'L.L 'HV.L. 'HC.L 'L.HC 'L.HV 'HC 

3 SYLL/ANTEPENULT 2 SYLL/PENULTIMATE 1 SYLL 

CAT 7 2 7 2 4 13 0 1 

CAS 10 2 7 2 5 10 0 0 

POR 12 2 5 1 4 9 2 1 

Figure 5-20. Prosodic templates from third declension 'HV.L.L and 'L.L.L (n=36). 

The minimal differences seen at data points 1 and 5 in Figure 5-20 are complementary. 

Catalan has a higher incidence of apocope (see data point 5) because there are fewer coda 

restrictions. Castilian places restrictions on non-coronal obstruents and nasals while Portuguese 

admits only /s/ and liquids (see data point 1). Consequently, a gradient result is expected for 

retention of final vowel and elision of final vowel with Catalan showing the highest rate of 

apocope followed by Castilian and then Portuguese. This is confirmed by the numeric array at 

data point 1 and its corollaries at data points 2 and 5. The samples represented by data points 3, 

4, and 6 are too small to analyze. They do show a slightly higher incidence of apocope for 

Catalan and Castilian than for Portuguese, but only Portuguese has heavy final syllables with 

nasal vowels (data point 6). The anticipated results, confirmed in Figure 5-20, concern the extent 

to which an unaccented final vowel can be deleted in all three languages when that vowel ranks 

low on the vowel sonority scale and has no apparent morphological function. 

285 

❻

Four-syllable Nouns 

Nouns of four syllables that undergo apocope present a new prosodic pattern. It has been 

previously suggested that word initial position carries some degree of prominence. In the case of 

nouns with penultimate accent, the prosodic structure that results from apocope could then be 

represented as 2.1.3, where 3 is the highest degree of prominence, the syllable with primary 

accent at word level. As expected, nouns of the second and fourth declension show widespread 

apocope only in Catalan but third declension nouns in all three languages show apocope albeit in 

varying degrees dependent on language specific coda constraints. 

Four-syllable Nouns with Penultimate Accent 

The first data set contains tetrasyllables with penultimate accent from the second 

declension (There are no fourth declension nouns in this subset) that have HC type initial and 

penultimate syllables. Since both of the heavy syllables represent locations of prominence 

within the word it is expected that the HC syllables will remain bimoraic. There are only 24 

items corresponding to the parameters, HC.X.'HC.X for second declension nouns. Figure 5-21 

shows the prosodic outputs for this data set. Again, there is the expected split between loss of 

final vowel in Catalan and retention in Castilian and Portuguese. The most common templates 

for four-syllable and three-syllable outcomes are marked as data points 1 and 2. These highly 

represented templates, H.L.'H.L and H.L.'H, show retention of the moraic count of the initial 

syllable as well as the accented syllable at the rate of approximately 67%. However, if all 

instances of heavy initial syllable and heavy accented syllable are aggregated the rates are much 

higher: Catalan, 100%; Castilian, 83.3%, Portuguese, 75.0%. The prevalence of apocope in 

Catalan obscures to what degree the coda consonant of the original accented penult has been 

preserved; therefore, the 100% retention of heavy syllables in initial and accented syllables in 

Catalan may be an artifact. 

286

24 

20 

16 

12 

8 

4 

CAT 

➊ ➋ 

0 H.H.'H.X H.L.'H.X L.L.'H.X H.H.'L.X H.L.'L.X H.H.'H H.L.'H 

3 4 

σσ' σσ σσ ' σ 

0 0 0 1 16 

CAS 2 17 1 1 2 0 1 

POR 1 16 1 2 3 0 1 

Figure 5-21. Prosodic outcomes of second declension tetrasyllables with HC type initial and 

penultimate syllables (n=24). 

The corresponding data set for third declension nouns is also reduced in size, consisting of 

19 examplars in which both initial syllable and accented syllable are heavy. The two most 

frequent patterns, H.L.'H.L and H.L.'H, are located at data points 1 and 3 in Figure 5-22. They 

coincide with the dominant templates in Figure 5-21. Because of the small size of this data set, 

distributions viewed as percentage of whole may be exaggerated. 

20 

15 

10 

5 

0 H.H.'H.X 

➊ 

Figure 5-22. Prosodic outcomes of third declension tetrasyllables with penultimate accent and 

HC type initial and penultimate syllables (n=19). 

➋ 

H.L.'H.X L.L.'H .X L.H.'H.X H.'H.L H.H.'H H.L.'H L.H.'H L.L.'H H.'H 

CAT 0 0 0 0 0 3 12 2 1 1 

CAS 4 10 2 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 

POR 4 8 4 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 

➌ 

σσ'σσ σ 'σσ σσ'σ 

287 

σ'σ 

➍

Proceeding with this caveat, when data are aggregated for each language the percentage of 

outcomes with heavy initial syllable as well as a heavy tonic syllable are 84.2% Catalan and 

Castilian, 73.7% Portuguese. Faithfulness in prominent positions is high for all three languages. 

The trisyllabic template that results in Castilian and Portuguese (data point 2) and the one 

disyllabic example in Catalan (data point 4) have the same origin. They are the result of glide 

formation occurring between the initial syllable and the pre-tonic syllable in the present 

participles servĭēns, -entis ‘serving’ and ambĭēns, -entis ‘surrounding’ which become nouns: 

Cat. servent (also sirvent), Cast. sirviente, Por. servente ‘servant’; Cat. ambient, Cast. and Por. 

ambiente ‘ambience.’ In the case of the Catalan and Portuguese outputs from *servĭente, it must 

be assumed that the high vocoid at first produces metaphony seen in the raised vowel of the 

Catalan alternate form sirvent. The original vocalism is later restored in both languages through 

processes of analogy and regularization of the lexicon. 

The next data sets, consisting of words in which the accented penultimate syllable is HC 

type but the initial syllable is HV or L, assume an input template of the form L.X.'H.X. The pre- 

tonic syllable may be heavy or light but original HV type syllables in initial position are probably 

light in Proto Ibero-Romance. Beginning with the data set of 56 items for second declension 

nouns, it is expected that the penultimate heavy syllable will retain its bimoraic nature and that 

an initial trochee can be built at left word edge with a preferred template of 'L.L. The expected 

outputs are the most frequent, indicated at data point 1 for Castilian and Portuguese and data 

point 6 for Catalan in Figure 5-23. Faithfulness to the moraicity of the accent bearing syllable is 

high for both the four-syllable outcomes and the three-syllable outcomes although in the case of 

the three-syllable outcomes it is likely that constraints related to sonority sequencing or complex 

codas have in some cases superseded MAXIO so that the consonantal segments that appear in 

288

coda position may not be identical in either nature or number to the input. The most highly 

represented output patterns, data points 1 and 6, demonstrate faithfulness to the moraic count of 

the accented syllable. However, data point 2 indicates that the coda consonant is lost in 

approximately one out of six cases in both Castilian (17.8%) and Portuguese (16.1%). 

60 

50 

40 

30 

20 

10 

0 

➊ ➏ 

➋ 

➌ ➍ ➎ ➐ ➑ 

L.L.'H.X L.H.'H.X L.L.'L.X H.'L.X L.'H.X L.'L.X L.L.'H H.'H L.'H 

σσ'σ σ σ'σσ σσ'σ σ'σ 

CAT 13 2 0 0 0 0 37 2 2 

CAS 37 3 10 2 4 0 0 0 0 

POR 37 3 9 2 4 1 0 0 0 

Figure 5-23. Prosodic outcomes of second/fourth declension tetrasyllables of the type 

HV.X.'HC.X and L.X.'HC.X with penultimate accent (n=56). 

While prominent syllables tend to observe MAXIO to a greater degree than non-prominent 

syllables, the sequence 'L.L is a preferable instantiation of a trochaic foot. The template 

represented at data point 2 in Figure 5-23 consists of two ideal trochees, (ˌL.L) ('L.L). For 

Catalan, all tonic syllables are 'H, although in 15 of 56 cases (26.8%) the tonic syllable is not 

rightmost. A nucleus is retained in the final syllable when the consonant sequence that would 

result from apocope violates SONSEQ. 

Data points 3, 4, and 5 show reduction to three syllables in various cases in Castilian and 

Portuguese. The catalyst in half the cases is syncope, and in the remaining cases, glide 

formation. Both processes result in loss of the pre-tonic nucleus. The pattern of syncope (data 

289

point 3) affects semi-learned rather than patrimonial words. This is seen by the absence of 

expected phonological processes such as deletion of syllable-final /p/ (cf. septem ‘seven’ > Cast. 

siete, Por. sete) and failure to palatalize /-kt-/ (cf. dictum ‘having been said’ > Cast. dicho). The 

two-syllable outputs in Catalan, H.'H, are represented at data point 7 in Figure 5-23. 


căpĭtellum, i, n. ‘head’ (dim.) cabdill caudillo caudilho 

mălĕdictum, i, n. ‘curse’ maldit maldito maldito 

Data points 4 and 5 represent the products of glide formation that result from the constraint 

against vowels in hiatus seen in Castilian and Portuguese. Thus, dĭălectĭcus, a, um ‘dialectical’ 

maintains hiatus only in Catalan and becomes trisyllabic in the other two languages. Fortition of 

the onset of the initial syllable in hyăcinthus/-os, i, m. ‘hyacinth’ eliminates the V.V sequence in 

all three languages producing Cat. jacint, Por., Cast. jacinto. Coalescence of the like vowels in 

cŏ-ŏpĕrtum ‘having been covered; cover (subst.)’ also results in reduction of the syllable count 

across languages: Cat. cobert, Cast. cubierto, Por. coberto. These anomalous changes are 

indicated by data points 4 and 8 in Figure 5-23. 

Apocope in Castilian and Portuguese is unrepresented in this data set due to a constraint 

against complex codas: *COMP (Syllables must not have complex codas). Elimination of a final 

vowel after a heavy syllable with a coda consonant results in a complex coda: (C)VC.CV → 

(C)VCC. Catalan is able to reduce the complex coda by ranking *COMP and MAX(PLACE) above 

MAX/IO. MAX(PLACE) (Every input place feature has an output correspondent) allows deletion of 

both the final vowel and the coronal obstruent because place of articulation is already marked by 

the nasal /n/. 

The corresponding data set for third declension nouns is very small and consists of only 13 

words that come from input types HV.X.'HC.X and L.X.'HC.X. This small data set shows 

290

uniformity in the nature of the first two syllables; all but one are L.L. Nine of the words are 

nouns derived from the present participle so that the last two syllables are also uniform in input, 

that is, -ente. Because the tonic syllable has a nasal coda in a large number of cases the results 

for Castilian and Portuguese will appear to be quite different unless HC and HV type syllables 

are aggregated. The aggregated view (HC and HV type syllables combined) is presented in 

Figure 5-24. Predictably, Castilian and Portuguese are aligned on one side (data point 1) and 

Catalan (data point 2) on the other. There are only two cases, uniforme and the scientific term 

epidermis, in which the final vowel is retained in Catalan due to the SONSEQ constraint. 

13 

11 

9 

7 

5 

3 

1 

-1 

L.H.'H.L L.L.'H.L L.'H.L 

➊ ➋ 

σσ'σσ σ'σσ 

L.H.'H L.L.'H 

CAT 0 2 0 1 10 

CAS 1 9 3 0 0 

POR 1 9 3 0 0 

Figure 5-24. Prosodic outcomes of third declension tetrasyllables of the type HV.X.'HC.L and 

L.X.'HC.L (n=13) with penultimate accent. 

The constraint on complex codas, *COMPLEX, bars apocope in Castilian and Portuguese. 

In a system of syllabic trochees, the most common outputs (data points 1 and 2) have licit 

trochees in word initial position. The outputs with apocope, seen at the right in Figure 5-24, 

require further explanation in terms of parsing. Assuming that the metrical foot is the syllabic 

trochee and that it must be constructed at right word edge, it is necessary to accept the rightmost 

syllable as a degenerate foot. This is in line with a weak prohibition on degenerate feet (Hayes 

1995, 87) which allows a suboptimal foot in a strong position, in this case the right word edge. 

291 

σσ' σ

For Catalan it can be argued that the primary accent is aligned at the right word edge unless 

SONSEQ is violated or the final vowel is /a/. The constraint against deletion of the low vowel /a/ 

could take the form MAX-IO-V[lo], as proposed by Hartkemeyer (2000, 79). 

Four-syllable nouns with HC type initial syllable and HV type penultimate syllable 

When the penultimate syllable is bimoraic based on vowel length, there is no coda 

consonant which could potentially create a violation of SONSEQ in the case of elision of a final 

vowel. It is expected, therefore, that the rate of apocope in Catalan will be very high. 

Prominence of the initial syllable favors retention of the coda consonant. Moraic loss in initial 

syllables is due primarily to reduction of geminate obstruents. Figure 5-25 shows a light initial 

syllable in 7 of 31 cases in Catalan (22.6%) and 9 of 31 cases in both Castilian and Portuguese 

(29.0%). The difference among languages is due to the fact that Catalan retains geminate /-l.l-/ 

which is simplified in Castilian and Portuguese. The few cases in which the final vowel is 

retained in Catalan represent the influence of SONSEQ. Because the penultimate syllable is light, 

consonant sequences arise at the right word edge when the onset of the final syllable is complex. 

However, what SONSEQ prescribes for an onset is precisely what will be rejected in a coda, a 

sequence of less sonorous C1 followed by more sonorous C2 as in the case of Cat. canelobre 

(

an uneven trochee due to its decreased duration and intensity in contrast with the preceding 

accented vowel (Crosswhite 2004, 208). 

32 

28 

24 

20 

16 

12 

8 

4 

0 

➊ ➋ 

H.H.'L.L H.L.'L.L L.L.'L.L L.H.'L.L H.'L.L L.'L.L H.H.'H 

H.L.'H L.H.'H L.L.'H H.'H L.'H 

σσ'σσ σ'σσ σσ'σ σ'σ 

CAT 0 3 1 0 0 0 7 14 2 3 0 1 

CAS 5 16 5 3 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 

POR 4 17 7 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 

Figure 5-25. Prosodic outcomes of second/fourth declension tetrasyllables of the type 

HC.X.'HV.L with penultimate accent (n=31). 

Increased participation in apocope is noticeable for Castilian and Portuguese in third 

declension nouns (Figure 5-26). In the preceding data set of second/fourth declension nouns the 

final, unaccented vowel is retained by MAXMORPH which does not apply to this declension class. 

The most prevalent pattern cross-linguistically is ˌH.L.'H (data point 2 in Figure 5-26). 

90 

80 

70 

60 

50 

40 

30 

20 

10 

0 

➊ 

H.L.'H.L H.L.'L.X L.L.'L.X H.H.'H H.L.'H L.H.'H L.L.'H H.'H L.'H 

σσ'σσ σσ'σ σ'σ 

CAT 1 1 0 6 61 2 10 4 2 

CAS 1 1 0 2 38 0 9 29 7 

POR 1 14 3 5 20 2 7 29 6 

Figure 5-26. Prosodic outcomes of third declension tetrasyllables of the type HC.X.'HV.L with 

penultimate accent (n=87). 

293 

➋ 

➌

There are a few cases of syncope in patrimonial words that can be parsed (ˌH.L)('H). In 

this configuration the vulnerable syllable is the weak syllable of the foot constructed at left word 

edge. Syncope is relatively infrequent when the first syllable is heavy because it is blocked by 

SONSEQ and SYLCON (Syllable Contact Law). Nevertheless, the following patrimonial words 

show clear evidence of vowel loss in the pretonic syllable even though the resulting consonant 

sequences violate SONSEQ or SYLCON, or both. Repair strategies usually involve elision of one 

of the consonants to produce an acceptable sequence. The case of *arcione(m) differs in that the 

high vowel becomes a glide and is then absorbed by the preceding palatalized onset consonant. 

Portuguese conserves the pre-tonic vowel in the case of peitoral. 


hospĭtālis, is, m. ‘guest’ hostal hostal hostal 

*arcĭo, -ōnis, m.’gullet’ (saddle) arçó arzón arção 

acceptor , ōris, m. ‘hawk’ astor azor açor 

pectŏrāle, is, n. ‘cinch’ (saddle) pitral petral peitoral 

The data in this third declension subset is somewhat skewed by the presence of a highly 

productive suffix, -iōne(m) which always has the same outcome, Catalan -ió (disyllabic), 

Castilian -ión (monosyllabic), and Portuguese -ção (monosyllabic). This accounts for the 

discrepancies among languages seen at data points 2 and 3 in Figure 5-26. Data point 1 

illustrates the more restrictive coda conditions of Portuguese that result in retention of the final 

vowel in the case of the productive suffix -tāte(m). The 20 items that undergo apocope in 

Portuguese, indicated at data point 2 in Figure 5-26, have /l/ and /ɾ/ as coda consonants and one 

case of /s/. It should be noted that in Catalan the only two nouns that retain the final vowel are 

two learned words that probably entered the language well beyond the formative period, 

emfiteusi (‘emphyteusis,’ a legal term) and timpanitis (‘tympanites,’ a medical term). In other 

words, apocope can be said to occur in Catalan at the rate of 100% in the case of words that do 

294

not belong to a learned register when the penultimate syllable is light and the final syllable has a 

simple onset. 

Four-syllable nouns with HV or L type initial syllable and HV type penultimate syllable 

The input set described here is of the type HV/L.X.HV1.L. The second syllable is nearly 

always light in the subset of second/fourth declension nouns. There are only four nouns, all 

learned words, in which the second syllable is of the HC type; they are not included in the 

analysis here. The data set under consideration is considered to have as input L.L.HV1.L. With 

few exceptions all four syllables are light, although there are isolated cases of conservation of 

original diphthong /aw/. There are also a few cases of syncope that result in an initial heavy 

syllable. If the input form is parsed as (ˌL.L1)('L.L2) there are two weak syllables, L1 and L2. It 

can be assumed that L2 is designated for deletion based on the preference in Catalan for right 

alignment of both head foot and head syllable. The resulting foot structure for Catalan is 

(ˌL.L1)('H). 

There are, nonetheless, three cases in Catalan in which the output reflects both syncope and 

apocope (data point 6 in Figure 5-27). These three exceptions all have desirable codas that are 

more sonorous that the following onsets. Syncope does not have negative consequences in 

prosodic terms for Castilian and Portuguese (data points 2 and 3) as the parsing for these 

languages is (ˌH)('L.L), with the exception of Castilian cuidado where the first syllable is 

generally construed as [kwi]. 


sŏlĭdātus, a, um ‘paid (with solidi)’ soldat soldado soldado 

cŏmĭtātus , ūs, m. ‘company’ comtat condado condado 

cōgĭtātus , ūs, m. ‘act of thinking’ cuidat cuidado coitado 

295

With L.L.'L.L (exceptional cases of conservation of an original diphthong are very 

infrequent) as input, the presumed faithful output will consist of four light syllables with 

penultimate accent which can be parsed as (ˌL.L)('L.L). This is the outcome of choice (data 

point 1) for both Castilian (81.4%) and Portuguese (67.4%). Only one word in Catalan retains 

the post-tonic vowel, albeit reduced to [ə] and represented orthographically by ‘e,’ simulacre 

(

The nine cases of ultimate accent in Portuguese (data point 5) coincide with the most 

productive pattern in Catalan. This output, a mirror image of Castilian (ˌH)('L.L), that is 

(ˌL.L)('H) at data points 4 and 5, reflects the common word final sequence -eu(m). The vowels in 

hiatus become tautosyllabic producing a falling diphthong [ew]. The second most common 

output for Catalan (data point 4) is the more predictable route to the same prosodic result, 

(ˌL.L)('H). In these cases the heavy final syllable has a coda consonant that results from 

apocope. The one Castilian word that has this prosodic outcome is capitán ‘captain’ (

of degemination of obstruents. The one instance of emergence of a heavy initial syllable (see 

data point 2) is Portuguese vontade (

100 

80 

60 

40 

20 

0 L.L.'L.L 

➊ ➎ 

Figure 5-29. Prosodic outcomes of third declension tetrasyllables of the type HV/L.HV/L.'HV.L 

with penultimate accent (n=94). 

There is limited evidence of pre-tonic syncope seen in the emergence of heavy initial 

syllables in all three languages (Figure 5-29, data points 2, 7). These words contrast with most in 

this subgroup in terms of lexical register. Because vowel deletion is uniform across languages 

the question of relative chronology emerges. It is possible that these words already exhibited a 

variant with syncope in the popular stratum of Latin that formed the basis of proto Ibero- 

Romance. The words listed below are clearly popular in nature, since most designate common 

objects or concepts. Loss of the vowel in the pre-tonic syllable creates a coda consonant which 

sometimes violates SONSEQ. Although the bilabial obstruent is retained in Catalan cabdal, glide 

formation is seen in Castilian and Portuguese outputs for this word and in all three languages in 

the case of cīvĭtate(m). Glide formation is also seen in the outputs of dĭgĭtāle(m) where the yod 

that results from vowel loss impacts vowel quality in Catalan didal. Forms that do not undergo 

syncope are indicated in square brackets. 


căpĭtālis , e, adj. ‘wealth’ cabdal caudal caudal 

dĭgĭtālis , e, adj. ‘thimble’ didal dedal dedal 

➌ 

➋ ➍ ➏ ➐ 

L.L.'HV.L H.'L.L L.'L.L L.L.'HC L.L.'HV HV.L.'HV L.'HC L.'HV H.'H 

σσ'σσ 

σ'σσ 

σσ'σσ 

CAT 2 1 0 0 57 19 1 7 4 3 

CAS 2 1 0 0 53 0 0 35 0 3 

POR 25 1 4 2 30 2 2 9 19 0 

299 

σ'σ

onĭtās, -ātis, f. ‘goodness’ bondat bondad bondade 

cīvĭtās , ātis, f. ‘’city’ ciutat ciudad cidade 

mălĭtās, ātis, f. ‘evil’ maldat maldad maldade 

verĭtās, -ātis, f. ‘truth’ [veritat] verdad verdade 

Other than the collapse of the suffix -ĭōne(m) into a monosyllable in Castilian and 

Portuguese, reflected at data points 5 and 6, the outputs of L.L.'L.L (with occasional instance of 

HV type syllables from the diphthong /aw/) are overall quite uniform across languages. 

Portuguese is by far more faithful to the original structure in terms of syllable type, syllable 

count, and parsing of the word as two disyllabic trochees with 25 out of 94 exemplars (26.6%). 

Nevertheless, Portuguese is also represented at data point 3, although to a lesser degree than 

Catalan and Castilian. By combining the outputs represented at data points 3 and 4 it can be seen 

that the pattern (ˌL.L)('H) is far more common in Catalan than the other two languages. Table 5- 

20 summarizes the most common outputs by language. The high degree of faithfulness recorded 

for Portuguese ensues from the prohibition on apocope which would violate language-specific 

coda restrictions. It also maintains a preferred rhythmic pattern of (ˌL.L)('L.L). 

Table 5-20. Distribution of prosodic templates in output of third declension 

tetrasyllables with penultimate accent. 

Most faithful Most innovative 

no change syncope/syneresis apocope apocope & syncope 

or glide formation 

σ σ 'σ σ σ 'σ σ σ σ'σ σ'σ 

Catalan 3.2% 0.0% 81.9% 14.9% 

Castilian 3.2% 0.0% 56.4% 40.4% 

Portuguese 27.7% 6.4% 36.2% 29.8% 

Both Castilian and Portuguese have high representation in the most innovative column. 

The prosodic template for this class is problematic in that, if feet are trochaic and right-aligned, 

foot formation at the right edge of the word produces a monosyllabic trochee preceded by an 

unparsable light syllable. However, an examination of hypocoristic formation in Catalan shows 

300

that the proposed parsing, L('H), is correct. Catalan has many monosyllabic nouns in its lexicon, 

nearly all of which are bimoraic. The heavy final syllable, parsed here as a monosyllabic 

trochee, could form a licit word leaving the first syllable stranded and subject to deletion. In the 

few proper names that match the L('H) template this is precisely the outcome: Josep > Pep, 

Nadal > Dal, Miquel > Quel, Remei > Mei (Cabré 1994, 4-5). Even when the first syllable is 

heavy as in Jaumet it is subject to deletion: Jaumet > Met. 

Four-syllable Nouns with Antepenultimate Accent 

Representation of four-syllable nouns is unevenly distributed between declensions 2/4 and 

3. The data set for declensions 2/4 contains 144 nouns, only a small portion of which retain the 

four syllables of the input. Apocope accounts principally for the loss of syllables in Catalan so 

that it can be predicted that a major output pattern will now have penultimate stress due to the 

loss of the final unaccented syllable. This is the case for 80% of the output in Catalan and major 

patterns are located at data points 2 and 3. Retention of the four syllables of the input is high 

although not the majority pattern in Castilian (35.9%) and Portuguese (40.7%). Loss of 

syllables for these languages is usually the result of glide formation rather than syncope. 

The few patrimonial words in this subset often undergo both syncope and apocope which 

accounts for the unexpected reduction to one syllable of two words in Catalan: poll ‘louse’ (< 

pĕdūcŭlus, i, m.) and quall ‘blood clot’ (cŏāgŭlum , i, n.). The usual output results in two 

syllables indicated by the 15 exemplars at data point 4 of which genoll ‘knee’ (

150 

120 

90 

60 

30 

0 

-30 

L'HLX H'L.L.L L'LLL LH'LL LL'LL 'LHH 'L.L.L L'HL L'LL L'LH H'LL 'HL 'LL LH'H LL'H H'H L'H 'H 

σ'σσσ 

CAT 0 0 4 0 0 1 0 3 61 41 11 0 0 2 3 1 15 2 

CAS 0 3 49 1 1 0 3 3 70 1 8 0 5 0 0 0 0 0 

POR 2 2 55 0 2 0 4 6 64 0 2 3 3 0 1 0 0 0 

Figure 5-30. Prosodic outcomes of declension 2/4 tetrasyllables with antepenultimate accent. 

(n=145) 

The outputs of Castilian and Portuguese show reduction to three syllables in high 

proportion (data point 2). For both faithful and innovative outputs the preferred pattern consists 

of all light syllables. Given the nature of the antepenultimate accent in Latin it is expected that 

both post-tonic syllables are light. Even in cases of reduction to three syllables, mostly as a 

result of glide formation, the output still consists of all light syllables. A few cases of accent 

shift are evident in all three languages. This occurs primarily in learned/semi-learned words, 

particularly borrowings from Greek. A case in point is chrysanthĕmum, i, n. ‘chrysanthemum’ 

which has shifted the accent one syllable to the right (accented syllable underlined) in both 

Catalan cristantem and Castilian crisantemo while Portuguese crisântemo retains the 


➊ ➋ 

σσ'σσ 'σσσ σ'σσ 'σσ σσ'σ σ'σ 'σ 

The data set for third declension nouns is small (42 items) and shows great regularity in 

outcomes. The register of the words accounts for the high degree of faithfulness to the four- 

syllable input: 45.2% in Catalan, 54.8% in Castilian and Portuguese. The two most common 

tetrasyllabic patterns are H('L.L.L), as in immōbĭlis (inm-), e, adj. ‘real estate,’ and the more 

302 

➌ 

➍

frequent L('H.L.L) (data points 1 and 2), as in interprĕs, ĕtis, m.&f. ‘negotiator.’. In Figure 5-31 

the final syllable is designated as ‘X’ because there is occasional retention of a final consonant 

due to the learned nature of the words. Typically that final consonant is /n/, /m/, or /s/. 

Arguments can be made that these particular consonants are, in fact, weightless. It is not 

necessary to view the final syllable as extrametrical in order to avoid construing this syllable as 

heavy. Historical patterns of syncope, coupled with synchronic models for truncation processes, 

and the metrical conventions of poetry work together to make this a plausible explanation. This 

is discussed in detail in the concluding section. 

42 

36 

30 

24 

18 

12 

6 

0 

-6 

➋ 

➊ ➌ ➍ ➎ ➏ 

H'LLX H'HLL L'HLL L'LLX 'LLX LL'LL H'LH H'LL H'HH L'HH L'LH L'LH L'LL LL'H L'H 

σ'σσσ 'σσσ σσ'σσ σ'σσ σσ'σ σ'σ 

CAT 5 0 1 13 1 0 5 3 1 2 2 0 5 1 3 

CAS 6 1 2 14 3 0 3 3 0 1 1 1 5 0 2 

POR 9 1 1 12 2 1 2 1 0 1 0 6 4 0 2 

Figure 5-31. Prosodic outcomes of declension 3 tetrasyllables with antepenultimate accent. 

(n=42) 

Evidence of apocope is represented by the outcomes at data points 3 and 6 in Figure 5-31 

whereas the effect of syncope is seen at data point 5. The major point of divergence in outputs 

occurs at data point 4. This corresponds to a small set of deadjectival nouns ending in –ǐbile 

such as immōbĭle(m) cited above. In both Castilian and Catalan the penultimate vowel is elided, 

303

esulting in -ble (Cat. immoble, Cast. inmueble) but in Portuguese that vowel is retained and the 

final vowel is suppressed producing -vel (imóvel). 

Five-syllable Nouns 

Polysyllabic nouns of more than three syllables all display some degree of morphological 

complexity. They contain morphemes that are both productive and non-productive. For 

example, the suffix -mentu(m) ‘means, instrument, result’ (Miller 2006, 78) is used to create 

deverbal nouns as in Cat. sofriment, Cast. sufrimiento, Por. sofrimento ‘suffering.’ However, the 

outputs of tempĕrāmentum , i, n. ‘moderation’ (Cat. temperament, Cast./Por. temperamento) 

have a less transparent relationship to the related verbs that evince a more popular stratum of the 

lexicon through syncope of the pre-tonic vowel: Cat. temprar, Cast. templar, Old Port. temblar 

‘to tune a musical instrument.’ In the case of second declension nouns with antepenultimate 

accent the suffix -ārĭu(m) is highly represented. The three-syllable suffix is preceded by a 

disyllabic root or stem. As with the suffix common in third declension nouns, -ione(m), the 

outputs of -ārĭu(m) are regular and language-specific. The usual reflexes in all three languages 

show effects of metathesis or metaphony but only Portuguese retains the glide. The Catalan 

output undergoes apocope while both Castilian and Portuguese retain the thematic vowel with 

resulting suffixes –er, -ero, -eiro. Distribution of the set of five-syllable nouns is very unequal 

with regard to declension class and accentual patterns. 

Five-syllable Nouns with Penultimate Accent 

Nouns with penultimate accent are underrepresented by second/fourth declension nouns 

and overrepresented by third declension nouns largely due to the productivity of the suffix - 

ione(m). The set of second/fourth declension nouns consists of 25 items. There are two suffixes 

that predominate in this set. The first is -mentu(m), discussed above, and the second is -īvu(m), 

an adjectival suffix present in some deadjectival nouns. Since the words in this data set are 

304

learned or semi-learned in nature, it is expected that the outputs will be faithful to the input. For 

Catalan, the projected prosodic output (ˌX.X.X)('H) groups the pretonic syllables in a single foot 

(the initial dactyl effect), while the head foot, a monosyllabic trochee, is constructed at the right 

word edge. The head foot for Castilian and Portuguese has the form ('L.L). 

This template is problematic if the syllables that follow the head of the presumed dactylic 

foot are heavy. There are five such cases: Catalan jurisconsult ‘jurist,’ anabaptisme 

‘anabaptism,’ superlatiu ‘superlative,’ triumvirat ‘triumvirate,’ episcopat ‘episcopate’ and 

Castilian/Portuguese jurisconsulto, anabaptismo, superlativo, triumvirato, episcopado. Given 

the universality of word initial position as a position of prominence it seems counterintuitive to 

suggest that the first syllable should be left unparsed or should be treated as the weak syllable in 

an iambic foot, thus violating what has been heretofore viewed as an inviolable constraint, 

RHTYPE = T (Feet are trochaic). However, that an initial light syllable in a polysyllabic word is 

vulnerable is nevertheless attested by comparing episcopat (Cast./Port. episcopado) with the 

outcomes of ĕpiscŏpus, i, m.: Cat. bisbe, Port. bispo, Cast. obispo. In two cases apheresis 

occurs, and the vocalism of Castilian suggests that the initial syllable may also have been lost 

historically 22 and then later replaced by a vowel that does not correspond to the etymon. There 

are few cases of apheresis that occur diachronically across all three languages. Another often 

cited case, also a Greek borrowing, is the first declension noun ăpŏthēca, ae, f. > Cat. botiga, 

Cast./Port. bodega. 

The proposed initial dactyl for the five words given above has three different realizations 

in terms of heavy/light syllables, LHH, LLH, LHL, with the latter being the most frequent. 

Because placement of primary accent is no longer dependent on the moraicity of candidate 

22 CORDE (Corpus diacrónico del español) has 581 examples of bispo prior to 1500. 

305

syllables there is no reason to suppose that the secondary accent would be attracted to a heavy 

syllable in a nonprominent position and away from the initial syllable. Although this study does 

not consider words of greater than five syllables, the invocation of a *LAPSE constraint (Every 

weak beat must be adjacent to a strong beat or the word edge) is obviated here because the weak 

syllables designated as L above all satisfy the requirement of adjacency. It should be noted that 

*LAPSE is not fully supported by phonetic studies that demonstrate that sequences of unstressed 

syllables in speech are not, in fact, so narrowly circumscribed (Marotta 2003, 334). 

Furthermore, the prefix seen in superlatiu/superlativo in contemporary, casual speech has 

become a free morpheme that acts as intensifier (For all three languages examples of ‘súper 

interessant(e)/ interesante’ can be located on web sites from Spain and Portugual). As a stand 

alone morpheme ‘súper’ always has primary accent on the initial syllable although the ultimate 

syllable is heavy. Therefore, despite the unsuitability of LHH, LLH, LHL as dactyls or trochees 

followed by an unparsed foot, it is justifiable to interpret the word initial sequence as ('X.X.X) or 

('X.X)X. 

Outputs of second and fourth declension pentasyllables with penultimate accent are 

expected to maintain two positions of prominence: the initial syllable and the accented syllable. 

In the input these syllables are separated by two intervening, unaccented syllables: ˌX.X.X.'X.X. 

The two unaccented syllables seem to invite syncope, yet in this small data set (23 items) there 

are no cases of loss of pretonic vowels. Admittedly, the words in this subgroup are lexically 

marked and belong to the register of academia, law, and medicine. Ouputs with heavy initial 

syllable, with HLL being the optimal dactyl, are indicated at data points 1, 2, and 5 in Figure 5- 

32. Forms with all light syllables preceding the tonic syllable (In patrimonial words these would 

be candidates for syncope) are indicated at data points 3 and 4. 

306

24 

20 

16 

12 

➌ ➍ 

8 

➊ 

4 

➋ ➎ 

0 

,H.L.L.'H.L ,H.L.L.'L.L ,L.L.L.'H.L ,L.L.L.'L.L ,L.H.X.'X.L ,L.L.'L.L ,H.L.'L.L ,L.L.L.'H ,H.L.L.'H ,L.H.X.'H 

,σσσ'σσ ,σσ'σσ , σσσ'σ 

CAT 0 1 2 1 2 0 0 9 6 2 

CAS 3 3 2 8 5 1 1 0 0 0 

POR 3 3 2 7 6 1 0 1 0 0 

Figure 5-32. Outputs of declension 2/4 pentasyllables with penultimate accent (n=23). 

Due to the small size of this data set and the register of the examples it is difficult to see 

any changes in output to support arguments for any special constraints that are operative in the 

treatment of pentasyllables. Even the intuitive notion that polysyllables should be reduced to no 

more than three syllables is not evinced by syncope, haplology or other repair strategies to 

eliminate syllables and thus diminish the overall size of words. The third declension subset does 

provide evidence of apocope in Catalan which reduces overall word length to four syllables. 

Pentasyllables with penultimate accent are much better represented in third declension 

nouns. This is due to morphological factors, that is, the high productivity of certain denominal 

suffixes. The first group to be examined combines the outputs of nouns formed with the suffixes 

-tūdō, ĭnis and -tās, ātis. The accusative of -tās, -tāte(m), seems to have influenced the outcome 

of nouns formed with the suffix -tūdō. The accusative suffix -tūdĭne(m) is discernible in very 

few outputs, for example, Cast. muchedumbre ‘multitude’ (

same data set are Cat. -tat, Cast. -dad (occasionally -tad), Port. -dade (rarely -tade). Since the 

expected form for Catalan, -dat, with lenition of intervocalic /t/ rarely surfaces (cf. Cat. maldat < 

mălĭtas, ātis, f.) it can be assumed that the suffix has become lexicalized and no longer responds 

to the phonological processes that act on intervocalic stops in the formative period of the 

language. It is the analogical effect of a highly productive suffix of the form -tVt(e) that results 

in -tut in Catalan and its correspondents, -tud and -tude in Castilian and Portuguese. In the data 

set under analysis, 55 of the 60 forms come from the suffix -tāte(m) and only five from -tūdō. It 

should be noted also that the outputs -tut, tud, and -tude have a more transparent relationship 

with the nominative than -dumbre in patrimonial Cast. muchedumbre. 

The outputs of this subset of 60 nouns are best analyzed in two sets, the first containing 

only Portuguese and the second Castilian and Catalan. The results are presented as Figure 5-33 

(Portuguese) and Figure 5-34 (Catalan and Castilian). When these two subgroups are matched 

for syllable types in the initial and accented syllable and then filtered by non-apocope/apocope, 

the distribution of outputs is virtually indistinguishable. 

60 

50 

40 

30 

20 

10 

0 

➊ ➋ 

➌ ➍ 

,H.L.L.'L.L ,H.X.X.'L.L ,L.L.L.'L.L ,L.X.X.'L.L ,L.L.'L.L ,L.H.'L.L ,H.'L.L 

,σσσ'σσ ,σσ'σσ σ'σσ 

POR 15 3 26 6 7 2 1 

Figure 5-33. Portuguese outputs of third declension pentasyllabic nouns with suffixes -tāte(m) 

and -tūdō (n=60) 

308

60 

50 

40 

30 

20 

10 

0 

➋ 

➊ ➌ 

,H.L.L.'H ,H.X.X.'H ,L.L.L.'H ,L.X.X.'H ,L.L.'H ,L.H.'H 

,σσσ'σ ,σσ'σ 

CAT 16 2 33 6 2 1 

CAS 15 2 32 6 3 2 

Figure 5-34. Catalan and Castilian outputs of third declension pentasyllabic nouns with suffixes 

-tāte(m) and -tūdō (n=60) 

Data point 1 in Figures 5-33 and 5-34 shows an optimal dactyl ('H.L.L) constructed at left 

word edge with representation at about 25% for the three languages. The most represented foot 

at left word edge (data points 2, 4 for Portuguese; data point 2 for Catalan and Castilian) contains 

all light syllables. Data point 3 for all three languages designates a noun with initial light 

syllable followed by either heavy or light syllables in the two pretonic positions. At right word 

edge Portuguese maintains faithfulness to the ('L.L) head foot while Catalan and Castilian prefer 

('H), which preserves the moraic count but deletes the weak syllable of the foot. Both outcomes 

are well-formed trochees. 

In addition to apocope which reduces syllable count for both Catalan and Castilian, there 

are other mechanisms that result in loss of syllables. The first is glide formation that occurs 

primarily in Castilian and Portuguese when vowels in hiatus involve a sequence of an unaccented 

high vowel with an accented (primary or secondary accent) mid or low vowel. The second is 

deletion of intervocalic /l/ or /n/ and the subsequent coalescence of vocalic nuclei that occurs 

only in Portuguese. These processes account for outputs of less than five syllables in Castilian. 

309

Finally, in all three languages syncope occurs on a very limited scale in patrimonial words such 

as *amicitate(cf. Cl. Lat. ămīcĭtĭa, ae, f. ‘friendship’) which results in Cat. amistat, Cast. 

amistad, and Port. amizade. 

The various suffixes that function as nomina actionis, coalesce in Late Latin as -ion(e). 

Ouputs of this derivational process have the highest representation in the subset of third 

declension pentasyllables with penultimate accent. As a suffix used to produce deverbal nouns, 

the last three syllables often took the form -ti-o-ne or -si-o-ne. 23 The high vowel combines with 

the preceding coronal in popular outputs of the suffix resulting in Catalan -çó ['so], Castilian -zón 

(originally ['ʦon], but ['θon] in modern Castilian), and Portuguese -ção (originally ['ʦon] but 

['sãw̃] in modern Portuguese). This output is scarcely represented in the data set here. 

The usual output for Catalan in learned or semi-learned words is [-i.'o], the most faithful to 

the input in terms of preserving input syllable structure. As expected, the unaccented vowel of 

the final syllable is elided as well as the resulting final /n/. It has been previously asserted in this 

study that accented vowels at word edge should be treated as long vowels. For the two 

languages that show vowel reduction, Catalan and Portuguese, there are measurable differences 

in terms of vowel quantity and quality between accented and unaccented vowels. Therefore, in 

moraic terms, Catalan has preserved the structure of the input. That Catalan is the most faithful 

is apparent in viewing the changes to the suffix -ione(m) as realignment of syllables, moras, and 

segments illustrated in Figure 5-35. It is assumed that the input form is trisyllabic and each 

syllable corresponds to a mora, that is, /i.'o.ne/. Although the original tonic vowel is long in 

23 The Latin perfect passive participle is characterized by -t-. The alternate form in -s- results from phonotactic 

constraints. When the root ends in a dental stop, assimilation occurs at the boundary between root and suffix, 

resulting in -ss-, shortened to -s- if a consonant or long vowel precedes (Miller 2006, 9). The same alternations of -t- 

and -s- seen in the perfect passive participle occur in the case of the highly productive verbal abstract suffix *-ti-, 

augmented by -ōn- (Miller 2006, 97). 

310

Classical Latin it is treated here as monomoraic. While Catalan loses one segment through 

apocope, the tonic syllable retains the mora of the original ultimate syllable through vowel 

lengthening. Therefore, there are still three moras in the resulting suffix -ió which now has two 

syllables reduced from three. 

σ 'σ σ σ 'σ σ σ 'σ σ syllabic tier 

| | | | | | | | | 

μ μ μ μ μ μ μ μ μ moraic tier 

i 'oː ø 'jon ø 'ãw̃ segmental tier 

(output) 

A) Catalan B) Castilian C) Portuguese 

Figure 5-35. Realignment of syllables, moras, and segments in outputs of suffix -ione(m) in 

Catalan, Castilian, and Portuguese. 

Vowels in hiatus, faithful to the input, violate a basic constraint for a well-formed syllable, 

ONSET (A syllable must have an onset.). Castilian, as expected, does not maintain hiatus and the 

pretonic high vowel forms an edge of the penultimate syllable nucleus resulting in the loss of a 

mora (broken line in Figure 5-35). As in Catalan, apocope eliminates the final vowel but because 

the onset of that syllable is maintained as the coda of the penultimate syllable the mora is 

preserved. As noted above, in many cases the suffix -ione(m) is preceded by /s/ or /t/. Thus, in 

Portuguese the high vowel /i/ is absorbed by the preceding coronal consonant and is preserved 

only in exceptional cases such as poetic setentrião ‘north, north wind’ (

The constraints in Table 5-21 are given as if unranked. Max/IOμ shows the least violations 

and may well be the highest ranking. Assuming that the various outputs of -ione are productive 

suffixes that carry the primary accent in the prosodic word it can be argued that the head foot 

must be binary at some level (syllable, mora). In the case of Catalan, although the suffix has two 

syllables they cannot form a foot because RhType(T), which defines the rhythmic type as 

trochaic, would be violated. RhType(T) is considered to be an inviolable constraint. Loss of /n/, 

in word final position subsequent to apocope, produces compensatory lengthening of the 

preceding vowel in the tonic syllable and thus maintains the required bimoraic weight of the 

head foot. If constraints were ranked as given in Table 5-21, the Catalan suffix would be the 

preferred output because it has no violations of MAX/IOμ. 

Table 5-21. MAX/IO constraints related to the output of suffix -ione 

i.'o.ne MAX/IOμ MAX/IOσ MAX/IOSEG 

Catalan 

i'.oː * ** 

Castilian 'jon * ** ** 

Portuguese 'ãw̃ * ** *** 

Because the suffix -ione(m) itself occupies the last three syllables of the word, the possible 

syllable patterns for left word edge can be readily deduced: HH, HL, LH, and LL. Taking into 

consideration the nature of the suffixes by language, all possible combinations of heavy/light 

syllables can be arrayed as in Table 5-22. The location of the primary accent in the suffix is 

indicated. Type 1 suffix is present only in Catalan; type 2 suffix occurs primarily in Castilian 

and Portuguese, as well as a few patrimonial words in Catalan. Type A stem corresponds to 66 

input forms in this data set. In only one case does the Catalan outcome (suffix type 1) show 

reduction to monosyllabic ['so], patrimonial infançó ‘low ranking member of the nobility’ (cf. 

Cast. infanzó, Port. infanção). Type B and C stems are less well represented in this data set: 34 

(B), 42 (C). There are 46 cases of stems with light syllables (D). 

312

Table 5-22. Distribution of heavy/light syllables in pentasyllables with -ione(m) suffix 

Stems A B C D 

Suffixes H.H H.L L.H 

L.L 

1. L.'H H.H.L.'H H.L.L.'H L.H.L.'H L.L.L.'H 

2. 'H H.H.'H H.L.'H L.H.'H L.L.'H 

Expected outcomes for template 1A (Catalan) are H.H.L.'H, H.L.L.'H, and L.H.L.'H. Loss of 

moras comes primarily as the result of degemination of obstruents, nasals, and liquids with 

occasional exceptions such as [d.d], [n.n], and [l.l] preserved in Catalan addició [əddisi'o], 

connexió [kunneksi'o], col·lecció [kuɫɫəksi'o]. These pronunciations, however, are normative 

and there is widespread reduction to a single consonant (Wheeler 2005, 36). Portuguese shows 

in a few cases elision of a syllable final obstruent not reflected in the other two languages. 

If output forms remain faithful to input expected outcomes are H.H + suffix (66), H.L+ 

suffix (34), L.H + suffix (42), and L.L (46) + suffix. In Figure 5-36 it is readily seen that the 

first category (H.H + suffix) is underrepresented and the last (L.L + suffix) overrepresented. 

180 

150 

120 

90 

60 

30 

0 

➍ ➑ 

➊ ➋ ➌ ➎ ➏ ➐ 

H.H.L.'H H.L.L.'H L.H.L.'H L.L.L.'H H.H.'H H.L.'H L.H.'H L.L.'H H.'H L.'H 

,σσσ'σ ,σσ'σ σ'σ 

CAT 45 39 43 60 1 0 0 0 0 0 

CAS 0 0 0 0 41 31 42 72 1 1 

POR 0 0 2 3 38 31 42 70 1 1 

Figure 5-36. Outcomes of third declension pentasyllables with suffix -iōne(m) (n=188). 

In all three languages moras in heavy syllables in the stem of the input form are lost, although 

Catalan shows a slightly higher rate of preservation of coda consonants. Outputs of this set of 

313

188 nouns in Figure 5-36 show a high degree of correspondence between data points 1 through 4 

and data points 5 through 8. The primary difference in outcomes of this set of pentasyllables is 

the preferred form for the suffix, disyllabic in Catalan and monosyllabic in Castilian and 

Portuguese. 

There is one other productive suffix represented in the subset of third declension 

pentayllables with penultimate accent; it is the agentive -tōr(em). Although the suffix is highly 

productive the five-syllable subset contains only 18 items. In this case the output of the suffix is 

uniform across languages since /ɾ/, which emerges in word final position following apocope, is 

an acceptable coda consonant for all three languages. Although the suffix is highly productive 

the five-syllable subset contains only 18 items. Distribution of syllable types in the three initial 

syllables is nearly identical in the three languages as seen in Figure 5-37. 

18 

15 

12 

9 

6 

3 

0 

-3 

➊ ➋ 

H.H.H.'H L.L.H.'H H.L.L.'H L.H.L.'H L.L.L.'H H.H.'H H.L.'H L.H.'H L.L.'H 

,σσσ'σ ,σσ'σ 

CAT 1 2 6 2 5 0 1 1 0 

CAS 1 2 6 2 4 0 0 1 2 

POR 1 1 6 2 4 1 0 1 2 

Figure 5-37. Outcomes of third declension pentasyllables with suffix -ōre(m) (n=18). 

314 

➌

There are few cases of reduction to three syllables. These are the result of glide formation 

in Castilian and Portuguese (data point 3) with the exception of one word which shows syncope 

in all three languages and probably belongs to a popular stratum of the language: Cat. llaurador, 

Cast. labrador, Port. lavrador. In general, the outcomes are highly faithful to the original input. 

Loss of moras occurs in the case of geminate obstruents but coda consonants are generally 

retained. The two most salient patterns are indicated at data points 1 and 2. Data point 1 

corresponds to the optimal dactylic foot. Data point 2, with three light syllables at the left edge, 

seems a prime candidate for syncope yet there is only one incidence of syncope in this subset. 

The uneven distribution of data for polysyllables makes it difficult to draw conclusions 

about the modification of longer words to produce a more optimal rhythmic outcome. However, 

it can be noted that most of the examples are lexically marked, that is, they belong to particular 

registers of the language that do not correspond to everyday usage. There are within each 

subclass a small number of examples which seem to indicate a different stratum of the language, 

the patrimonial words which do show syncope and other segmental modifications indicative of 

early entry into the various Ibero-Romance languages at a time when phonological changes such 

as lenition, syncope, and apocope were active. 

Five-syllable Nouns with Antepenultimate Accent 

As with the subset of pentasyllables with penultimate accent, many nouns with 

antepenultimate accent are the product of stem + suffix derivations. Several suffixes are well 

attested in nouns of the second declension in contrast with the third declension where there are 

virtually no pentasyllables with antepenultimate accent. One of the most frequent is the 

denominal suffix -ārĭu(m). There are two outcomes from this suffix: (1) faithful Cat. -ári, 

Cast./Port. -ário and (2) patrimonial Cat. -ér (normally pronounced without final /ɾ/), Cast. -ero, 

315

and Port. -eiro. The faithful outcomes all reduce the original input from three syllables to two 

and from three moras to two. Catalan, as anticipated also shows apocope of the final vowel. 

Although the word final vowel is retained in Castilian and Portuguese glide formation produces 

the same results as Catalan, that is, two light syllables at right word edge. Only the popular 

outcome in Portuguese preserves the moraic count of the original suffix through the creation of a 

falling diphthong under influence of the following high vocoid. 

The suffix occupies the three rightmost syllables in the input form; this leaves two 

syllables at the left edge of the word as stem. All possible combinations of heavy and light 

syllables can be inventoried as H.H, H.L, L.H, and L.L. Analysis of outcomes begins with the 

first two templates, both having heavy initial syllable. Although not all five-syllable second 

declension nouns are derived through suffixation of -ārĭu(m), they are treated together here 

because the outcomes are fairly uniform. The most common outcome is a four-syllable word 

which forms two syllabic trochees: (ˌX.X)('X.X). The head foot now has the familiar pattern of 

the predominant penultimate accent. There are very few cases in which the five syllables of the 

Latin correspondent are retained with the marked antepenultimate accent. 

The first subset, consisting of 53 items contains nouns with an initial heavy syllable. 

Retention of the initial heavy syllable occurs at the following rates: Catalan 46 (86.8%), 

Castilian and Portuguese 45 (84.9%). This is seen in the two predominant patterns at data points 

1 and 2 in Figure 5-38, as well as data point 3 for Castilian and Portuguese. None of the highly 

represented patterns retain the antepenultimate accent of the input forms. In fact, Catalan has no 

representation of the original pentasyllable with antepenultimate accent; in Castilian there are 6 

(11.3%) cases and 8 (15.1%) in Portuguese. The input form is highly marked for two reasons: 

the accentual pattern and the length of the word. The three most common patterns seen in Figure 

316

5-35 have a unifying factor, a syllabic trochee built at the right word edge. In the case of the 

suffix -ārĭu(m), this is accomplished through apocope in Catalan and glide formation in Castilian 

and Portuguese. These differing repair strategies have the same result in prosodic terms. In a 

system of syllabic trochees it is possible to build initial trochees for both H.H and H.L at the left 

word edge although neither configuration is optimal. 

54 

48 

42 

36 

30 

24 

18 

12 

6 

0 

➋ 

➊ ➌ 

,H.H.'L.L.L,H.L.'L.L.L,L.L.'L.L.L,H.H.'H.L ,H.H.'L.L ,H.L.'L.L ,H.L.'X.X ,L.H.'L.L ,L.L.'L.L ,H.L.'L ,L.L.'H ,H.'H 

,σσ'σσσ ,σσ'σσ ,σσ'σ σ'σ 

CAT 0 0 0 1 15 25 3 3 3 0 1 2 

CAS 2 3 1 1 12 17 1 2 5 9 0 0 

POR 2 4 2 1 12 16 1 2 4 9 0 0 

Figure 5-38. Outcomes of second declension pentasyllables with antepenultimate accent and 

heavy initial syllable (n=53). 

This subset contains one case of accent shift, Cast. amoniaco (

incūnābŭlu(m), analogic singular from incūnābŭla, ōrum, n., ‘swaddling clothes’). Vowel loss is 

not inevitable in Catalan treatment of this suffix; for example, montĭcŭlus, i, m. ‘small mountain’ 

produces both monticle and less frequent variant montícol. Table 5-23 shows that the variant 

suffix is the most faithful although the prosodic output is less harmonious, that is, H.'L.H versus 

H.'L.L in the form that has undergone syncope. 

Table 5-23. MAX/IO constraints related to the output of suffix -culu(m) 

-ku.lu 

MAX/IOμ MAX/IOσ MAX/IOSEG 

-klə 

*! * ** 

☞ '-kul * * 

There is a small group of nouns (26) in the set of pentasyllables that have an initial light 

syllable followed by a heavy syllable. While L.H is a less than optimal trochee it is still possible 

to build a foot at the left edge of the word. There is no evidence of deletion of either of the 

initial syllables as an attempt to produce a more harmonious foot structure. Only Portuguese 

mosteiro (mŏnastērĭum, ii, n. ‘monastery’) shows loss of the peninitial syllable but this is the 

result of deletion of intervocalic /n/. This same word in Catalan shows unusual development as 

it is one of the few cases in which final -'Vriu loses both the final vowel and the vowel of the 

penultimate syllable resulting in monestir pronounced [munəs'ti]. Given the vocalism of the 

tonic syllable it can be assumed that metathesis of the high vowel in -ariu accounts for both 

vowel raising and loss of expected word final /i/. The predicted form monasteri (DCVB, s.v. 

monasteri) is a little used Latinism in modern Catalan. The rhythmic output of monestir is 

(ˌL.H)('H), two syllabic trochees as is that of variant monasteri (ˌL.H)('L.L). However, the more 

frequent form has the advantage of satisfying R-ALIGN for both foot and head. 

In this small set of nouns with initial L.H foot there is also limited evidence of syncope in 

Catalan: receptacle (

eduction strategies seen here, apocope (in the case of monestir) and syncope, effectively create a 

maximum word size of four syllables with no representation of antepenultimate accent in five- 

syllable words. It appears to be the combination of marked prosodic template together with 

dispreferred word length that prevents the faithful output from being the preferred output. In the 

two cases of syncope cited here further reduction is not possible because the resulting consonant 

sequences would violate SONSEQ. 

Outcomes from all three languages are seen in Figure 5-39 where data point 1 indicates 

pentasyllables for Castilian and Portuguese only. Data point 2 indicates the most common 

output for all three languages influenced by the disyllabic outcomes of the originally trisyllabic 

suffix -ariu. Only Catalan shows instances of primary accent on the ultimate syllable (data point 

3) as output from this same suffix, for example the case of monestir ‘monastery’ discussed 

above, as well as taverner (< tăbernārĭus, ii, m. ‘shopkeeper’), cf. Cast. tabernero, Port. 

taberneiro. All other outputs for this small data set have a disyllabic head foot constructed at 

right word edge. It should be noted that the optimal trochee (L.L) emerges in 22 of 26 cases 

(84.6%) in Catalan, 25 in Castilian (96.2%), and 23 in Portuguese (88.5%). 

25 

20 

15 

10 

5 

0 

-5 

➋ 

➊ ➌ 

,L.H.'L.L.L,L.H.'L.H ,L.H.'L.L ,L.L.'L.L ,L.H'H.L ,H.'L.L ,H.'H.L ,L.L.'L.L ,L.H.'H 

,σσ'σσσ ,σσ'σσ σ'σσ ,σσ'σ 

CAT 0 2 20 2 0 0 0 0 2 

CAS 4 0 18 3 0 1 0 0 0 

POR 4 0 16 3 1 1 1 0 0 

Figure 5-39. Outcomes of second declension pentasyllables with antepenultimate accent and LH 

initial syllables (n=26). 

319

The last subset (75 items) of pentasyllables consists primarily of words with all light 

syllables. Exceptions are the outputs of audītōrĭum, ii, n. ‘lecture-hall, auditorium’ which retains 

the initial diphthong in all languages and outputs of praejūdĭcĭum, ii, n. ‘preceding judgement’ in 

Catalan and Castilian which show influence of an alternate prefix, per, not apparent in 

Portuguese. There is an expectation of increased frequency of apocope in Catalan since SONSEQ 

is less likely to force retention of a vocalic element to resolve an unacceptable consonant 

sequence. There are six words in Catalan reduced to two syllables that show the effect of both 

syncope and apocope. These words are clearly of a more popular nature than the other items in 

this subset as seen in the list of Ibero-Romance correspondents below. 


Fĕbrŭārĭus, ii, m. febrer febrero fevereiro 

Jānŭārĭus, i, m. ‘January’ (VL genuariu) gener enero janeiro 

cămărārĭus, ii, m. ‘chamberlain’ cambrer camarero camareiro 

ŏpĕrārĭus, ii, m. ‘laborer’ obrer obrero obreiro 

*semitariu ‘pathway’ (Du Cange 1710, s.v. semitariu) sender sendero sendeiro 

sōlĭtārĭus, a, um, adj. ‘solitary’ (>bachelor) solter soltero solteiro 

As seen in the previous set Catalan is never faithfull to the five syllable/antepenultimate 

accent of the original. In the current set of 75 items there are no words with antepenultimate 

accent in Catalan whereas both Castilian and Portuguese have a small percentage (18.7%) of 

learned words that are faithful to the input both in terms of word length and placement of 

primary accent (data point 1 in Figure 5-40). The favored outcome for all three languages is the 

four-syllable word with penultimate accent (data point 2) where the rate of occurrence is 65.3% 

for Catalan, 62.7% for Castilian, and 61.3% for Portuguese. In prosodic terms, the resulting 

(ˌL.L)('L.L) is optimal, that is, two well-formed syllabic trochees constructed at left and right 

word edges. Setting aside the variable nature of heavy and light syllables at the left word edge it 

can be seen that the emergent pattern in all pentasyllables with antepenultimate accent (Figures 

320

5-38, 5-39, 5-40) is a four-syllable word with two syllabic trochees. Surprisingly, there is no 

corresponding set of pentasyllables with antepenultimate accent. This may be due to 

morphological factors, that is, the absence of a three-syllable accent-bearing suffix with accent 

on the first syllable. Consequently, there is no analysis of the handful of Greek borrowings with 

five syllables and antepenultimate accent. 

75 

60 

45 

30 

15 

0 

-15 

➊ 

➋ 

,LL.'LL L.'L.L.L,H.L.'L. ,L.L.'L. ,L.L.'H.,L.L.'L. H.'L.L L.'H.L L.'L.L ,L.L.'H H.'H L.'H 

,σσ'σσσσ'σσσ ,σσ'σσ ,σ'σσ ,σσ'σ ,σ'σ 

CAT 0 0 2 49 0 16 0 0 1 1 3 3 

CAS 14 3 1 47 0 0 3 0 6 0 0 1 

POR 14 3 1 46 3 0 2 2 4 0 0 0 

Figure 5-40. Outcomes of second declension pentasyllables with antepenultimate accent and all 

light syllables (n=75). 

Summary of Effect of Apocope on Prosodic Outcomes of Nouns from Declensions 2/4 and 3 

Emergence of ultimate accent is a concomitant of apocope and is most highly represented 

in third declension nouns whose stem ends in a liquid or /n/. In those cases apocope applies 

across languages although the treatment of word final /n/ in both Catalan and Portuguese may at 

times obscure the nature of the input form. Apocope is blocked in Catalan only if a sequence of 

final consonants results that would violate sonority sequencing. Castilian requires that the coda 

consonant be coronal whereas Portuguese blocks final obstruents with exception of /s/. 

Therefore, the occurrence of apocope shows a gradient effect among the three languages. 

It has been suggested that the elision of final -e is favored on both morphological and 

phonological grounds. The third declension is heterogenous morphologically and lacks a 

321

characteristic thematic vowel (other than the -i- stems), but -e(m) is the characteristic ending of 

the accusative singular. Furthermore, the third declension includes all genders – masculine, 

feminine, and neuter. The association between declension class and gender assignment is, 

therefore, lacking. For this reason a morphologically based constraint has been suggested to 

block apocope, MAXMORPH. MAXMORPH proves to be a convenient device in the case of the 

homogenous first declension but it leaves a degree of dissatisfaction with regard to the second 

and third declensions where apocope occurs with equal vigor in Catalan. It is necessary, 

therefore, to turn to phonological explanations. 

Final vowel inventories in languages with vowel reduction are usually limited in number 

and quality when compared to the vowel inventory of privileged positions. The corner vowels: 

/i/, /a/, /u/ seem less vulnerable to processes of reduction, especially extreme reduction or loss. 

Survival of /a/ is a characteristic of first declension nouns. However, the vowel’s sonority makes 

it unsuitable as a peak in a non prominent position. Reduction of /a/ is a known feature of both 

Catalan and Portuguese. Both the vowels that are eliminated in Catalan fall outside of the 

parameters of corner vowels. Therefore, on phonological grounds they may be more likely 

candidates for apocope. The second declension vowel (probably [o] in Proto Ibero-Romance) 

undergoes vowel raising in Portuguese and emerges as [u], a corner vowel. The question, then, 

is what constraint is rewarded by elimination of an unaccented final vowel. Both ('L.L) and ('H) 

are valid foot forms for the syllabic trochee. The monosyllabic variant offers as advantage 

alignment of the head syllable with the right word edge. If /a/ does not delete this is probably 

more in recognition of its sonority and suitability as a syllable peak rather than its value as a 

morphological marker. 

322

CHAPTER SIX 

PREFERRED PROSODIC TEMPLATES: CONCLUSIONS 

Patterns with Penultimate Accent and /-a/ Class Marker 

Discussion begins with the group of nouns that have /-a/ class marker. Although usually 

associated with gender, preservation of word final /a/ seems to respond equally to phonological 

and morphological criteria. The outcomes of all nouns resulting from two and three-syllable 

input forms with penultimate accent are illustrated in Figure 6-1. The two monosyllables are 

anomalous (Portuguese lã ‘wool’ < lāna, ae, f.; pá ‘spade’ < pāla, ae, f.) and result from loss of 

intervocalic /n/ and /l/ peculiar to Portuguese. In terms of input, there are 232 disyllables, or 

56% of the total, and 182 trisyllables, 44%. Figure 6-1 shows that the two-syllable template has 

gained in strength, although slightly, and now comprises 57.4% of the total for Catalan, 57.9% 

for Castilian, and 58% for Portuguese. 

240 

200 

160 

120 

80 

40 

0 

-40 

➊ 

➋ ➍ 

'H 'L.L 'H.L 'L.L 'H.L 'H.H H'H.L H'L.L L'L.L L'H.L 

'σσ 'σσ < 'σσσ σ'σσ 

CAT 0 144 88 4 2 0 9 57 81 29 

CAS 0 149 83 6 2 0 5 58 85 26 

POR 2 144 86 7 1 1 5 55 90 23 

Figure 6-1. Prosodic outcomes of all 2-syllable and 3-syllable first declension nouns with 

penultimate accent (n=414). 

Despite a few language-specific deviations Figure 6-1 shows nearly identical outcomes for 

the three languages in terms of number of syllables, coincidence of primary accent with heavy 

323 

➌

syllable, prosodic templates, and percentage distribution for each template. It is noteworthy that 

initial heavy syllables occur with approximately the same frequency in both disyllables and 

trisyllables although in the case of trisyllables the initial syllable does not bear primary accent. 

This is more readily seen when distribution is expressed in percentages for each of the three 

languages. The dominant pattern in both disyllables and trisyllables with penultimate accent has 

a light initial syllable (data points 1 and 4 in Figure 6-1). In the case of the disyllable, this results 

in the harmonious trochee ('L.L). The less frequent patterns with initial heavy syllable appear at 

data points 2 and 3. Portuguese offers one additional pattern with a unique representation, 

(H.'H), exemplified by irmã ‘sister’ (< germāna, ae, f.). 

Preservation of moras in the penultimate or accented syllable is poorly represented by the 

patterns H('H.L) and L('H.L), both with relatively low percentages. This suggests that the 

preference for heavy syllables has more to do with positional prominence, that is, word initial 

position, rather than a residual application of STW. Previous discussion has noted the effects of 

positional prominence at left word edge. In terms of the metrical grid, both the initial syllable 

and the penultimate syllable would receive marks at level 1. This assumes that there are reasons, 

perhaps morphological, to consider the initial heavy syllable to be a foot rather than an unparsed 

syllable. Finally, a further mark at level 2 is assigned only to the syllable with primary accent. 

This places it in the position of greatest prominence and avoids stess clash. The final syllable, 

the weakest, is assigned a grid mark only at level 0 where each syllable is recognized in the 

prosodic structure. Frequent coincidence of the initial syllable with a morpheme or prefix 

provides further motivation for this secondary accent. The final parsing results in (ˌH)('H.L). It 

would be more difficult to make this case when the first syllable is light because (L) cannot 

constitute a binary foot; it lacks the minimum two moras or two syllables. 

324

Level 2: Assign * to the head foot (* ) 

Level 1: Assign * to the head of every foot (*) (* ) 

Level 0: Assign * to every syllable * * * 

Although L('H.L) does not seem to lend itself to an analogous interpretation it should be 

noted that there is anecdotal evidence of emphasis of initial light syllables in word plays. For 

example, an announcement for a brand of candy in Spain describes it as being ‘relleno y 

rebueno’ (‘filled and delicious’). The initial syllable of relleno with a simple stem and derived 

re-bueno is emphasized in both cases and thus constitutes a secondary accent in a 2-3-1 pattern 

of intensity with 3 corresponding to the tonic syllable. An alternative approach to the LHL type 

word is to compare it to the wsw pattern of the amphibrach, the meter selected to exemplify the 

use of metric verse in Spanish by the modernist poet Rubén Darío in “Marcha triunfal” (Navarro 

Tomás 1956, 515). As an example, the first two lines of the text are given with prosodic 

marking displayed to the right including division into syllables and underscoring of the head of 

the foot. 

¡Ya viene el cortejo! (ya.vie.nel) (cor.te.jo) 

¡Ya viene el cortejo! Ya se oyen los claros clarines. (ya.so.yen) (los.cla.ros) (cla.ri.nes) 

The amphibrach is a rhythmic template not unnatural to the languages under study and one 

which occurs frequently across word boundaries when a monosyllabic definite/indefinite article 

is followed by a two-syllable noun with penultimate accent as in (los.cla.ros) above. There are 

examples of 6+6 verses (six syllables in each hemistich) in Catalan, Castilian, and Portuguese in 

the Pan-Hispanic Ballad Project where the apparent accentual pattern matches the amphibrach. 

Furthermore, the wsw template is acquired in early childhood for both Catalan and Spanish 

(Prieto 2006) although with some instances of elision of the weak initial syllable in the earliest 

stages of acquisition. Suppression of the initial weak syllable is also attested in hypocoristic 

formation in all three languages. Despite the high rate of retention of coda consonants, The 

325

initial syllable is still perceived to constitute a sort of anacrusis whose main function is to serve 

as upbeat for the head foot. Morphological and/or semantic criteria can assign a foot to the 

initial syllable even if it is light. However, this is infrequent and context dependent. 

The relationship of amphibrach to more common feet in poetry is described by Devine 

and Stephens (1993, 396). 

In metrical patterns, run unity implies that a series of amphibrachs will tend to be analyzed 

as dactyls or anapaests even if it begins with an amphibrach, provided the amphibrachs are 

presented continuously, that is, provided the amphibrach structure is not reinforced by 

demarcative pauses; the initial amphibrach is interpreted as anacrustic. This ties in with 

what we know about language and about Greek metre. Languages rarely if ever have 

amphibrach stress feet. 

With relation to the current problem several assumptions need to be made. First, the short-long- 

short pattern of Greek can be replaced by unaccented-accented-unaccented. It is also assumed 

that syllable weight is immaterial. Devine and Stephens (1993, 395-396) discuss the convention 

of line initial freedom in verse, that is, the initially chosen hypothesis can be set aside for a better 

one that emerges in the middle of the line of verse. In other words, errors at the beginning of the 

parsing sequences are less serious than deviations that occur once a pattern has been established. 

If in a verse there is an attempt to incorporate an initial unaccented syllable it is possible to set it 

aside if the predominant form is later seen to be a trochee, for example. The initial syllable is 

now reinterpreted as anacrusis. 

More revealing are the distributions of heavy and light syllables in prominent position 

(that is, initial) of two and three-syllable words. A brief review of the sources of heavy syllables 

is in order. Of the 232 nouns that begin as disyllables, 192 (82.8%) have a heavy initial syllable 

as input. However, only 121 (52.2%) have initial syllables of the HC type with a coda 

consonant. Of the 182 trisyllables with penultimate accent, 75 or 41.4% have HC type initial 

syllables. Together, these 196 cases, 47.3% of the data set of 414 words, are the best candidates 

326

for continuation of a heavy initial syllable. Table 6-1 shows the actual outputs. The rate of 

retention of heavy initial syllable is relatively high (percentage of inputs realized as heavy 

syllables in parentheses) assuming that 47.3% is the highest total percentage possible. 

Table 6-1. Distribution of initial heavy syllables in disyllables and trisyllables from first 

declension nouns 

Catalan Castilian Portuguese Catalan Castilian Portuguese 

Input 'H.L in 2 Syllable Outputs 'H.X.L in 3 Syllable Outputs 

'HC.L (121) 88 (72.7%) 83 (68.6%) 86 (71.1%) 0 (0.0%) 0 (0.0%) 0 (0.0%) 

HC.'H.L (75) 2 (2.7%) 2 (2.7%) 2 (2.7%) 66 (88.0%) 63 (84.0%) 60 (80.0%) 

Subtotals 90 85 88 66 63 60 

Totals 156 148 148 

Total Percentage 37.7% 35.7% 35.7% 

Note: Total percentage is based on total number of 2 and 3 syllable inputs, 414 (including inputs with L or HV 

initial syllables. 

Words with an even number of syllables do not present this problem. Four-syllable words 

with penultimate accent are easily parsed in a preferred rhythmic pattern. Figure 6-2 shows a 

low level of syllabic loss in the three languages although Castilian (14 of 110) has a greater 

incidence of reduction to three syllables than do Portuguese (7 of 110) and Catalan (7 of 110). 

100 

80 

60 

40 

20 

0 

➊ 

➋ ➌ 

➍ ➎ ➏ 

-20 

(L.L)('L.L) (H.L)('L.L) (L.H)('L.L) (H.H)('L.L)(L.L)('H.L) (H.H)('H.L)(H.L)('H.L)H('L.L) L('L.L) L('H.L) (L.L)('H) 

,σσ'σσ 

CAT 45 20 13 3 21 1 0 5 2 0 0 

CAS 47 21 12 2 13 1 0 4 5 5 0 

POR 47 21 12 2 19 1 1 4 2 0 1 

Figure 6-2. Outcomes of all first declension tetrasyllables with penultimate accent (n=110). 

327 

,σ'σσ 

,σσ'σ

Within the subgroup that retains the four syllables of the input two patterns emerge. The 

first (data point 1) has all light syllables, that is, two harmonious trochees: (ˌL.L)(ˈL.L). The 

second most represented pattern cross-linguistically (data point 2) also results in two trochees but 

retains a heavy initial syllable. Conservation of a coda consonant in a heavy initial syllable is 

about as frequent as in the tonic syllable (data points 3 and 5). With exception of the higher rate 

of reduction to three syllables in Castilian and the concomitant lower rate of four-syllable 

outputs, the three languages show remarkable convergence in outcomes of four-syllable input 

with penultimate accent. This has also been the case with input forms of two and three syllables 

(cf. Figure 6-1) where there is coincidence in preservation of syllables in input and template 

types. 

Within each group there is a notable preference for the most harmonious trochee, ('L.L). 

There is evidence that ('H) is an admissible foot form even in words of more than one syllable 

(data point 4) although in Figure 6-2 initial H type syllable is left unparsed. However, the 

H(ˈL.L) type words differ somewhat from the template at data point 6 which corresponds to only 

one exemplar. In the case of the monosyllable, the most basic and inviolable OT constraint, 

Lx≈Pr (A lexical item must be prosodically analyzed, Jacobs, 2003b), licenses a foot regardless 

of syllable type although most monosyllables are bimoraic with few exceptions. Therefore, the 

one exception to the ('L.L) type head foot can be considered licit, that is, (ˌL.L)('H), 

corresponding to Portuguese avelã (

The set of five-syllable nouns with penultimate stress is small (42 items) and skewed in 

terms of lexical register. These words reflect the vocabulary of philosophy and religion as well 

as scientific terminology. Aside from the problematic *aculeata (pertica)/aquileata ‘goad,’ 

there are really no items that correspond to the popular lexicon. Surprisingly only two items in 

this set receive assignment of the penultimate accent in input form due to an HC type syllable. 

In 40 of 42 cases the syllable that attracts the primary accent under the STW principle is an HV 

type syllable which in Ibero-Romance becomes indistinguishable from a light syllable. In other 

words, the almost universal form of the head foot in this small class is ('L.L). In a few cases (5 

in Castilian and 4 in Portuguese) there is a reduction to four syllables which produces the 

familiar pattern of two disyllabic trochees discussed above. 

42 

36 

30 

24 ➋ 

18 

12 

6 

➊ 

0 

H.H.L('L.L) H.L.H('L.L) H.L.L('L.L) L.H.L('L.L) L.L.H('L.L) L.L.L('L.L) L.L.L('H.L) L.L('H.L) L.L('L.L) 

,σσσ'σσ 

σσ'σσ 

CAT 1 2 10 4 3 19 2 0 1 

CAS 1 2 8 4 2 19 1 1 4 

POR 1 1 9 4 2 20 1 1 3 

Figure 6-3. Outcomes of all first declension pentasyllables with penultimate accent (n=42). 

For the most part, however, the five-syllable pattern persists and the reduced four-syllable 

type is present in only 2.4% of cases in Catalan, 9.5% in Portuguese, and in Castilian, 

predictably the highest, 11.9%. Within the five-syllable template the two most common forms 

are L.L.L('L.L) and H.L.L('L.L) seen at data points 2 and 1 in Figure 6-3. The former, all light 

329

syllables, is the favored pattern in all languages and represents over 45% of the output forms. 

Both of these highly represented templates exhibit the initial dactyl effect. Once again it can be 

seen that the coincidence of primary accent and heavy syllable is lacking in all three languages 

under consideration. Preservation of the heavy initial syllable can be attributed to positional 

prominence rather than prosodic necessity although H.L.L is a more optimal dactyl. It should be 

remembered that while the dactyl is a common artifact of Greek and Latin verse it is not a 

prosodic foot of any language. Even as a poetic device the dactyl alternates with the spondee. 

Figure 6-4 shows the degree to which there is a correspondence between syllable weight 

and positions of prominence. It is assumed that word initial position and the tonic syllable are 

both prominent in the structure of the word. The introduction of segments to increase 

prominence is not well attested in Ibero-Romance. Insertion of /b/ in the case of Castilian 

nombre ‘name’ (

Patterns with Antepenultimate Accent and /-a/ Class Marker 

The 157 nouns in trisyllabic representatives of this class conserve syllabic count to a high 

degree in Catalan and to a lesser degree in Castilian and Portuguese. Loss of a syllable nucleus 

alters the rhythmic template because there is no longer a sequence of an accented syllable 

followed by two unaccented syllables. As previously discussed these differences, displayed in 

Table 6-2, emerge more as a product of glide formation than syncope. Although proparoxytonic 

accent is a marked pattern in all three languages it is more stable in Catalan even when the 

vowels in hiatus consist of a high unaccented vowel and a non high accented vowel. However, 

recent studies (Cabré and Prieto 2004, 2005) indicate that innovative varieties of Catalan show 

considerable erosion of conservation of hiatus which is necessary to maintain the proparoxytonic 

accent. In future the distribution of three-syllable and two-syllable outcomes may become more 

alike across languages. 

Table 6-2. Syllable count in outputs of first declension trisyllables with 

antepenultimate accent 

3 Syllables 2 Syllables 

Catalan 107 68.2% 50 31.8% 

Castilian 80 51.0% 77 49.0% 

Portuguese 87 55.4% 70 44.6% 

In Figure 6-5 the distribution of the different prosodic templates is shown for all outputs 

of first declension trisyllables with antepenultimate accent. For both three-syllable and two- 

syllable outputs the most common template consists of all light syllables (data points 2 and 4). 

The input form exhibits variability in syllable weight only in the initial syllable which may be 

heavy or light. With regard to the initial syllable, there is an expectation that only syllables 

which depend on a coda consonant for the second mora are likely to continue as heavy syllables 

in Ibero-Romance (although there are a few cases of conservation of the diphthong /aw/ in 

learned words). In the input data there are 98 words with heavy initial syllable (50 HC type, 48 

331

HV type), 62.4% of the items in the data set. Adding together the ('H.L.L) and ('H.L) columns, 

indicated by data points 1 and 3, the differences among languages with regard to the heavy initial 

syllable are shown to be minor: Catalan 38.9%, Castilian 33.1%, and Portuguese 35.7%. 

160 

140 

120 

100 

80 

60 

40 

20 

0 

'H.L.L 

'L.L.L 'H.L 'L.L 

'σσσ 'σσ 

CAT 35 72 26 24 

CAS 23 57 29 48 

POR 21 66 35 35 

➊ 

➋ 

➌ ➍ 

Figure 6-5. Prosodic outcomes of all 3-syllable first declension nouns with antepenultimate 

accent (n=157). 

Reduction to two syllables is the most notable difference among the three languages. 

Antepenultimate accent is marked in all three languages. Therefore, reduction to two syllables is 

motivated by the desirability of the familiar trochaic template. Movement of the primary accent 

from the antepenultimate to the penultimate syllable is barred by HEADMAX (A stressed element 

in the input must have a stressed element as its output correspondent). In order to move the head 

foot closer to the right edge a syllable nucleus must be removed. Apocope does not occur in any 

first declension noun so the default candidate for vowel elision becomes the penultimate syllable. 

The usual catalyst is glide formation which occurs at a higher rate in Castilian and Portuguese, 

languages that disfavor vowels in hiatus. Elimination of the post-tonic syllable in words that 

reduce to two syllables occurs in 49% of cases in Castilian and 44.6% in Portuguese. The cases 

332

that coincide in the three languages involve syncope in patrimonial words (see Table 4-23 in 

Chapter 4). 

Antepenultimate accent in the case of four-syllable nouns leaves the initial syllable 

stranded. The initial syllable may have increased prominence when it is also a morpheme, that 

is, a prefix, but that occurs in only 18 out of 165 cases in this data set. Apart from those cases in 

which morphological considerations are clearly a determinant in assignment of a secondary 

accent to the initial syllable it is probable that only one foot is constructed at right word edge. 

Output results shown in Figure 6-5 again demonstrate the polarizing effect of glide 

formation with Catalan having a high number of tetrasyllables with antepenultimate accent 

whereas Castilian and Portuguese a preponderance of trisyllables with penultimate accent. The 

distribution in number and percent of three and four-syllable outputs by language is shown in 

Table 6-3. Retention of all four syllables by and large means retention of locus of accent. 

Table 6-3. Distribution of three and four-syllable outputs from first 

declension tetrasyllables with antepenultimate accent 

4 Syllables/Antepenultimate 3 Syllables/Penultimate 

Catalan 127 77.0% 38 23.0% 

Castilian 1 42 25.5% 119 72.1% 

Portuguese 2 47 28.5% 117 70.9% 

n=165 

5. Total excludes 4 tetrasyllables with penultimate accent. 

2. Total excludes 1 tetrasyllable with penultimate accent. 

This subset does contain a few cases in which there is an actual accent shift: However, this 

Castilian and Portuguese areola ‘areole,’ Castilian only, aureola ‘areole,’ laureola ‘laurel 

crown,’ peonía ‘peony.’ These words all appear to have been introduced into the lexicon after 

the formative period of the languages under study. The four in Castilian according to CORDE 

enter the lexicon between the 13th and 15th centuries. The Corpus do Português indicates a 

somewhat later date, 17th century, for areola in Portuguese. The shift in accent is best viewed as 

influence of fase analogy or hypercorrection rather than conformity to a majority prosodic 

333

pattern. The most common template for the three languages consists of all light syllables (data 

points 4 and 8). The key question is whether the head foot is the familiar disyllabic trochee or 

the marked dactyl of the input form. The predominant patterns for Catalan are all dactylic. 

165 

145 

125 

105 

85 

65 

45 

25 ➊ 

5 

➍ ➑ 

➋ ➌ ➎ ➏ ➐ 

-15 

H.'H.L.L H.'L.L.L L.'H.L.L L.'L.L.L ,H.L.'L.L ,L.L.'L.L H.'H.L L.'H.L H.'L.L L.'L.L H.'L 

σ'σσσ ,σσ'σσ 

,σ'σσ 

CAT 12 30 29 56 0 0 0 6 12 20 0 

CAS 1 8 8 25 2 2 14 23 27 54 1 

POR 0 9 10 28 0 1 13 29 28 47 0 

Figure 6-6. Prosodic outcomes of all 4-syllable first declension nouns with antepenultimate 

accent (n=165). 

The most frequent pattern in Catalan (data point 4 in Figure 6-6) consists of all light syllables 

and has its counterpart at data point 8 for Castilian and Portuguese, a trisyllable with penultimate 

accent and all light syllables. Initial heavy syllables are represented at data points 1 and 2 for 

Catalan and data points 5 and 7 for Castilian and Portuguese. The input data for this set contains 

63 out of 165 cases of an initial heavy syllable with coda consonant or falling diphthong likely to 

be preserved. These initial heavy syllables are preserved in 55 of 63 cases (87.3%) in Catalan 

and Castilian and 53 of 63 cases (84.1%) in Portuguese. 

In terms of the tonic syllable only 45 out of 165 are heavy with a coda consonant in the 

input data. However, in a few patrimonial words syncope creates a heavy tonic syllable after 

334 

,σ'σ

deletion of a pretonic vowel. Thus, there are 49 cases where the tonic syllable is potentially a 

heavy syllable. Retention is high in all three languages: 47 (95.9%) in Catalan, 46 (93.9%) in 

Castilian, and 44 (89.8%) in Portuguese (see data points 1, 3, 5, and 6). In addition, another 6 

cases in Portuguese have a heavy tonic syllable due to the development of a falling diphthong as 

output of the suffix -ārĭa which becomes -eira. It has already been seen in the case of outputs of 

original Latin disyllables and trisyllables that there is a tenuous relationship between the weight 

of a syllable and its ability to bear the primary accent of the word. Even those tonic syllables 

that began as bimoraic syllables and remain heavy are far outnumbered by light tonic syllables 

within words of same syllable length and same declension class. 

The predominant pattern seen in the case of tetrasyllabic output, L('L.L.L), is not optimal. 

The inability to parse the initial syllable makes left alignment impossible. The question of right 

alignment is more complex. The active constraint is assumed to take the form ALIGN-R(PrWd, 

Ft): The right edge of a word is aligned with the right edge of a foot. If the word is parsed as 

L('L.L.L) the alignment constraint is satisfied but RHTYPE=T (Feet are trochaic) is violated. 

Deletion of the final vowel would satisfy TROCH (Feet are trochaic) but this never occurs in class 

/-a/ nouns. Historical syncope, the poetric tradition, and truncation processes converge in 

designating the penultimate vowel as the weak vowel. Piñeros (2000a, 19) suggests that the 

weak vowel does not project a mora, that is, the constraint *MORA[V] is active. 

(6.1) * MORA[V]: Do not associate a mora with a vowel. (Piñeros 2002a) 

As further evidence, he cites hypocoristics formed from names with proparoxytonic accent: 

Hipólito → Polo, Aristóbulo → Tobo, Mélida → Mela. 

Cases of historical syncope have been previously observed and are exemplified by tăbŭla, 

ae, f. ‘plank’ > Cat. taula, Cast. tabla, Port. tabla. Only Catalan preserves the mora of the lost 

335

vowel in the falling diphthong of the word initial syllable. Syncope does not seem to be an 

active process synchronically and is documented primarily in patrimonial words. Further 

evidence that the weak penultimate syllable is weightless comes from the conventions used in 

metrical analysis in all three languages describe where words with antepenultimate accent are 

described with the adjective Cat. exdrúixol/a, Cast. esdrújulo/a, Port. esdrúxulo/a. When a word 

of this type is aligned at the right edge of a verse or caesura, the penultimate syllable is not 

considered, either to maintain the syllable count of the verse or to establish rhyme (assonance of 

the last accented vowel and final vowel, if there is one). Taken as a whole, these various 

processes, both synchronic and diachronic, indicate that L('L.L.L) is the best parsing for 

tetrasyllables with antepenultimate accent with the caveat that the head foot should be considered 

to have two moras and not three. 

The interpretation of the trisyllabic head foot proposed here will also be required in the 

case of pentasyllables with penultimate accent. The major difference is that parsing of the three 

rightmost syllables in a foot does not leave the word initial syllable stranded in those cases in 

which the five syllables of the input are retained. However, only Catalan shows a high degree of 

retention of the five-syllable input. Castilian and Portuguese regularly reduce input to four 

syllables and occasionally three. The location of stress is the penultimate syllable which 

produces the familiar pattern of two parsable trochees constructed at word edges. It is notable 

that this subset is one of the few instances of accent shift; 9 words of 77 retain all five syllables 

in Portuguese but shift accent to the right. This configuration still allows the construction of two 

trochees at word edges leaving stranded an internal syllable. However this is still an acceptable 

outcome: (ˌma.qui)na('ri.a) ‘machinery.’ Only Catalan retains the faithful prosodic template: 

(ˌσσ)('σσσ). If it is accepted that a trisyllabic foot can be formed at word edge and treated as if it 

336

were disyllabic, then the two most common outcomes are equivalent in prosodic terms. This is 

preferable to introducing the notion of extrametricality for the final syllable. The previously 

presented evidence from poetic convention and hypocoristic formation militate against 

extrametricality. 

Figure 6-7 shows the distribution of heavy and light syllables in prominent positions for all 

nouns derived from first declension nouns with antepenultimate accent. The results for two and 

five-syllable outputs (data points 1-3 and 4-6) are somewhat skewed. The fact that there are 

output forms with two syllables from nouns with antepenultimate accent (requiring a minimum 

of three syllables) is often indicative of syncope or glide formation, a process with the potential 

to create heavy syllables. The five-syllable subset is very small and uneven in distribution (67 

exemplars in Catalan, 3 in Castilian, and 12 in Portuguese). 

➎ ➏ 

100.0% 

80.0% 

60.0% 

40.0% 

20.0% 

0.0% 

➊ ➋ ➌ ➍ 

-20.0% 

CAT CAS POR CAT CAS POR CAT CAS POR CAT CAS POR 

2 SYLL 3 SYLL 4 SYLL 5 SYLL 

Tonic H 52.0% 37.7% 50.0% 27.6% 32.1% 34.2% 33.1% 40.4% 43.9% 62.7% 0.0% 0.0% 

Tonic L 48.0% 62.3% 50.0% 72.4% 67.9% 65.8% 66.9% 59.6% 56.1% 37.3% 100.0%100.0% 

Word Initial H 52.0% 37.7% 50.0% 33.6% 34.0% 31.1% 33.1% 27.9% 28.6% 35.8% 0.0% 0.0% 

Word Initial L 48.0% 62.3% 50.0% 66.4% 66.0% 68.9% 66.9% 72.1% 71.4% 64.2% 100.0%100.0% 

Figure 6-7. Distribution of heavy/light syllables in initial and tonic positions of all nouns with 

antepenultimate accent from the first declension (n=1197). 

The distribution of heavy/light syllables in nouns of penultimate accent does not display 

the anomalies seen in Figure 6-7 although differences are also more pronounced in the case of 

polysyllables. The convergence of lines seen at data points 1, 2, 3 is attributable to the fact that 

337

in disyllables the tonic syllable and word initial syllable coincide. In the case of nouns of three, 

four, and five syllables, however, it can be seen that the tonic syllable is more likely to be light 

than heavy and that the word initial syllable is also more likely to be light than heavy. This 

preferred pattern of light tonic syllable and light word initial syllable is more prominent in 

polysyllables and in particular in the small subset (42 items) of pentasyllables (data points 4, 5, 

6). For first declension nouns it is difficult to assert that there is any correspondence between 

syllable weight and prominent positions in the word. 

100.0% 

80.0% 

60.0% 

40.0% 

20.0% 

0.0% 

-20.0% 

➊ ➋ ➌ 

➍ ➎ ➏ 


2 SYLL 3 SYLL 4 SYLL 5 SYLL 

Tonic H 37.9% 35.8% 37.1% 22.0% 23.6% 21.4% 20.0% 17.3% 20.0% 4.8% 4.8% 4.8% 

Tonic L 62.1% 64.2% 62.9% 78.0% 76.4% 78.6% 80.0% 82.7% 80.0% 95.2% 95.2% 95.2% 

Word Initial H 37.9% 35.8% 37.1% 37.4% 35.7% 33.5% 26.4% 26.4% 26.4% 31.0% 26.2% 26.2% 

Word Initial L 62.1% 64.2% 62.9% 62.6% 64.3% 66.5% 73.6% 73.6% 73.6% 69.0% 73.8% 73.8% 

Figure 6-8. Distribution of heavy/light syllables in initial and tonic positions of all nouns with 

penultimate accent from the first declension (n=1698). 

Patterns with Penultimate Accent and /-o/ Class Marker or No Class Marker 

Outputs of first declension nouns are extremely faithful to the input forms with the 

exception of those nouns that lose a syllabic nucleus through glide formation. Historically, the 

constraint against vowels in hiatus is higher ranking in Castilian and Portuguese although the 

emergence of glide formation in innovative varieties of Catalan is eroding the distinction 

between treatment of vowel/vowel sequences in Eastern and Western Ibero-Romance. Figure 6- 

9 shows that the tonic syllable in words of two syllables is more likely to be light than heavy. 

The possibility of apocope dramatically changes the association between heavy syllable and 

338

locus of accent for Catalan. This is readily illustrated through examination of disyllables from 

the second/fourth declension and third declension. 

The subsets selected correspond to those nouns in which the initial syllable is either light 

or contains a long vowel or diphthong. This type of syllable is less likely to retain its moraicity 

than a syllable with coda consonant. Figure 6-9 shows the output of the 206 disyllabic nouns 

with penultimate accent. The predicted output for all (barring apocope) is (ˈL.L). This output is 

a desirable trochee and in the case of disyllabic words has the added advantage of satisfying both 

ALIGN-R and ALIGN-L. In other words, the word is equivalent to the most common foot form. 

200 

160 

120 

80 

40 

0 

-40 

➊ 

➋ ➌ 

➍ ➎ ➏ 

CAT CAS POR CAT CAS POR 

2nd/4th decl 3rd decl 

'H 102 3 12 38 22 20 

'H.L 5 4 5 0 3 1 

'L.L 33 133 123 28 41 45 

Figure 6-9. Outcomes of disyllablic nouns with penultimate acent in declensions 2, 3, 4. 

(n=206) 

The foot type (ˈL.L) is highly represented in declension 2/4 nouns in Castilian and Portuguese in 

contrast to Catalan where only 23.6% of nouns have this output form. These results, especially 

for second/fourth declension nouns, are in stark contrast to those seen in Figure 6-9 where there 

339

is little variation among languages for any given word type. In Figure 6-9 declension 3 nouns 

show more evenly matched results, although Catalan still shows a much higher rate of apocope. 

Previous discussion of coincidence of heavy syllable with prominent positions shows that 

there is little reliance in Ibero-Romance on the accumulation of segments or moras to call 

attention to a syllable that should be highlighted either because it is prominent in the structure or 

prosody of the word. It must be assumed, then, that preference for the alternate trochee ('H) 

responds to some other criteria unrelated to the need for primary accent to coincide with a heavy 

syllable. Deletion/non-deletion of final unaccented vowels in nouns can be addressed 

morphologically as suggested by use of a constraint like MAXMORPH (An input morpheme has a 

correspondent in the output, Lleó 2003). However, if MAXMORPH is, indeed, the operative 

constraint one may well ask why it does not also preserve the characteristic vowel of the second 

declension which can serve as a morpheme that designates a particular noun class or gender. 

The traditional view of nominal morphology in Castilian and Portuguese has been that 

nouns are marked for gender [+fem, +masc] and associated with characteristic vowels /a/ and /o/; 

or unmarked for gender as in the clase of nouns ending in -e, a consonant, or other 

uncharacteristic vowels such as -i, -u. In Catalan nouns that are marked for gender may be 

viewed as having an overt morpheme that is [+fem], with characteristic /a/, or a [+masc] 

morpheme that is most often unrealized, or []. Evidence for this interpretation is provided by 

imparisyllabics as in the frequent pattern of adjectives of nationality, for example, anglès (m.), 

anglesa (f.) ‘English.’ Catalan also has, as in Castilian and Portuguese, nouns that are unmarked 

for gender. Because the nominal/adjectival morphological system has already licensed a null 

morpheme to indicate masculine, elision of the characteristic vowel of the second declension is 

merely an extension of that pattern. However, elision of vowels in Catalan carries over to the 

340

verb system as well where verbs of the second and third conjugations regularly elide the final 

vowel of the third person singular in the present tense. The vowel is also suppressed before the - 

s ending of the second person singular in the present tense. It is noteworthy that word final -e is 

also elided in 30% to 33% of the third declension bisyllables in Castilian and Portuguese, 

although deletion in the verb system is infrequent and occurs more in Portuguese than Castilian 

with the exception of the monosyllabic imperatives of high frequency verbs common to all three 

languages. 

Given the inadequacy of the morphological approach to motivate retention of final -a and 

elision of final -o and -e, one turns to phonological and prosodic criteria to explain apocope. 

Languages that undergo vowel reduction always have a smaller subset of reduced vowels than 

tonic vowels. Unaccented vowels that are regularly preserved in Catalan are /i/, /u/, /a/. Only /a/ 

occurs with any degree of frequency word finally and as a characteristic vowel of a Latin 

declension class. It is normally realized as [ə]. There are also a few words (mostly erudite later 

additions to the lexicon) in which final high vowels are preserved as in tribu ‘tribe’ and tesi 

‘thesis.’ It is not surprising that precisely these three vowels are the ones selected for non- 

deletion. They have special acoustic and articulatory properties (Crosswhite 2004, 194-195). 

Crosswhite proposes a constraint intended to enhance the contrast among reduced vowels: 

(6.2) LIC-NONCORNER/STRESS: Noncorner vowels are licensed only in stressed positions. 

(Crosswhite 2004) 

Such a constraint would preserve the corner vowels /i/, /u/, /a/. It is then possible to 

account for the reduction of /a/ to [ə] by relating the vowel sonority hierarchy to positions of 

prominence and non-prominence. Using a hierarchy of vowels that are preferred in non- 

prominent positions (De Lacy 2006, 2002) it is possible to create a ranking limited to those 

vowels known to occur in Catalan and European Portuguese. In Table 6-4 the numbered cells 

341

show relative ranking and the row below indicates in which languages the vowels occur. Vowels 

in light gray cells occur only in non-prominent positions and those in dark gray only in 

prominent positions. The unshaded cells indicate vowels that occur in both unaccented and 

unaccented syllables although Portuguese [ɐ] in accented syllables is limited to occurrence in a 

specific environment, that is, preceding a nasal or coronal consonant (Fikkert 2005, 9-10). 

Table 6-4. Hierarchy of preferred vowels in non-prominent positions 

ɨ > ə > ɐ > i, u > e, o > ɛ, ɔ > a 

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 

Por Cat Por Cat/Por Cat/Por Cat/Por Cat/Por 

most preferred least preferred 

Using the constraint LIC-NONCORNER/STRESS, it can be seen that the vowels in cells 5 and 6 

would be readily barred from appearing in non-prominent positions. In order to limit deletion at 

right word edge to noncorner vowels a new constraint is developed that builds on the concept of 

the noncorner vowel: 

(6.3) *V́XV NC]PRWD: A vowel at the edge of a prosodic word that follows the accented vowel 

must be a corner vowel. X represents any segment(s) between the two peaks. 

The *V́XV NC]PRWD constraint promotes apocope when input forms do not contain the preferred 

final vowels. It is a natural extension of the ALIGNR constraint that favors alignment of right 

word edge with the head syllable of the head foot. This new constraint disprefers any vowel 

after the vowel with primary accent. 

It is also necessary to consider another family of constraints to preclude /a/ in an 

unstressed position although it is a corner vowel and apparently licensed by the limitation to 

corner vowels in the *V́XV NC]PRWD constraint. The constraint *UNSTRESSED/a (Crosswhite 2004, 

209-210) is based on the vowel sonority hierarchy (which can be read from left to right for 

342

positions of non-prominence and right to left for positions of prominence) effectively bars [a] 

from occurring in an unaccented position. 

(6.4) *UNSTRESSED/a: Low vowels are not found in unstressed position. (Crosswhite 2004) 

However, for purposes of the present study this constraint is modified to exclude all of the non- 

occurring unaccented vowels in word final position. 

(6.5) *UNSTRESSED/>4: Vowels whose sonority is greater than 4 are not found in unstressed 

position. 

Finally, MAX constraints (cf. Crosswhite 2004, 211) are needed in a second step to ensure 

that all vowels allowed in word final position do not reduce to schwa since it is the preferred 

syllabic peak in this context. This can be accomplished by adding constraints that reflect the 

salient features of the corner vowels such as tongue height, retraction of tongue, and lip 

rounding. It is assumed that the feature specifications of the seven vowel system in Catalan (and 

Portuguese, although the neutral vowel is different) are those reflected in Table 6-5. The neutral 

vowel has been added to demonstrate that it is featureless. 

Table 6-5. Distinctive features in a seven vowel system 

i e ɛ a ə ɔ o u 

high + - - - - - - + 

low - - - + - - - - 

back - - - - - + + + 

front + + + - - - - - 

tense + + - - - - + + 

round - - - - - + + + 

Table 6-6 illustrates retention of corner vowels in Catalan. The constraints given in this 

tableau are not applicable to Castilian and Portuguese because *UNSTRESSED/>4 and 

*V́XV NC]PRWD preclude the emergence of final unstressed mid vowels which are, in fact, realized 

in these languages. The higher ranking constraint, SONSEQ, prevents vowel deletion when an 

343

unacceptable final cluster would emerge, that is a sequence CC in which the first consonant is 

less sonorous than the second. Table 6-6 includes MAX/IO to demonstrate that deletion is 

preferable to maintaining the vowel of the input in the case of the first four vowels. Maintaining 

faithfulness to the original input would result in a violation of the higher ranking constraint 

*V́XV NC]PRWD. 

Table 6-6. OT tableau for final vowel deletion in Catalan 

Final vowel in input SONSEQ *V́XVNC]PRWD MAX/IO *UNSTRESSED/>4 

1. -o * * 

2. -ɔ * * 

3. -ɛ * * 

4. -e 

5. -a 

6. -u 

7. -i 

* * 

Additional constraints are needed to reduce /a/ to [ə] and to prevent reduction of /u/ and /i/ 

to [ə] as well. The proposed constraints are given below. Because rounding is characteristic of 

back vowels it is not necessary to add [back] as a MAX constraint. The presence of [front] will 

disallow reduction of /e/ or /ɛ/ to [ə] because schwa does not share the specification for [front]. 

The inclusion of [high] also assures that the corner vowels /i/ and /u/ continue to be preferred 

candidates over less sonorous [ə]. 

(6.6) MAX/round: A vowel in the input that has a specification for the feature round has a 


(6.7) MAX /high: A vowel in the input that has a specification for the feature high has a 


(6.8) MAX /low: A vowel in the input that has a specification for the feature low has a 


344 

*

(6.9) Max/front: A vowel in the input that has a specification for the feature front has a 


Table 6-7 demonstrates how these faithfulness constraints related to vowel features work 

to maintain the high vowels without change but reduce [a] to [ə] because the input vowel violates 

*UNSTRESSED/>4. For the three acceptable candidates that emerge from Table 6-6, two 

outcomes are posited in Table 6-7: no change and reduction to [ə], the preferred vowel in 

unstressed positions. 

Table 6-7. OT tableau for vowel reduction in seven vowel systems 

Final vowel 

Input 

Final vowel 

Output 

-u ☞ -u 

*UNSTRESSED/>4 MAX 

[round] 

-u -ə *! * 

-i ☞ -i 

MAX 

[high] 

MAX 

[low] 

-i -ə *! * 

-a -a *! 

-a ☞ -ə 

* * 

MAX 

[front] 

Having established the various constraints that contribute to loss of final vowels in Catalan 

it is possible now to examine the effect that apocope has on the prosodic structures established as 

models in discussion of first declension nouns. In the case of nouns of two syllables from 

declension 1 (Figure 6-8), 64.2% of nouns have a light initial/tonic syllable in Catalan. Apocope 

changes this ratio dramatically for nouns in the second/fourth and third declensions where 

percentages of heavy tonic syllables are now 72.9% and 57.6%. The new foot form ('H) is 

firmly established. There are now three highly attested trochees: the preferred disyllabic trochee 

('L.L), the uneven trochee ('H.L), and the monosyllabic trochee ('H). Distribution of outcomes of 

second/fourth and third declension nouns is displayed by language and type in Figure 6-8 above. 

345

The real innovation of Ibero-Romance begins with the outcomes of nouns of three 

syllables in which *V́XV NC]PRWD is an operative constraint in Catalan. Figure 6-10 shows the 

prosodic outcomes for trisyllables from the second and fourth declensions. The coincidence 

between heavy syllables and locus of primary accent in Catalan has now risen to 97.3%. In order 

to gauge the true effect of apocope in promoting identity between heavy syllable and locus of 

accent it is necessary to consider the conditions that determine placement of accent in 

penultimate position in a three-syllable word in Latin. The Latin Stress Rule requires that the 

tonic syllable be bimoraic. Therefore, there is an inherent bias toward the tonic syllable being 

also a heavy syllable. If the syllable is bimoraic on the bias of a long vowel it will not remain 

heavy in Ibero-Romance. In the case of the input data for Figure 6-10, 99 of 257 words have an 

HV type tonic syllable. Therefore, the likely candidates for preservation of the second mora are 

158 of 257, or 61.4%. It can be seen that apocope in Catalan has increased the coincidence of 

primary accent with heavy syllable by over 50%. 

It should be noted that the number of light tonic syllables has also dropped dramatically in 

Castilian (56.0%) and Portuguese (50.6%) when compared with disyllabic nouns. Despite this 

bifurcation of outcomes on the basis of apocope, Figure 6-10 does show remarkable similarity in 

the distribution of heavy/light syllables in other positions. Data point 1 represents the second 

most common pattern in Catalan (27.%). It is the logical equivalent of the data represented at 

data points 3 and 5 where syncope is not operative. Similarly, the most common outcome for 

Catalan (data point 2) has its correspondent at data points 4 and 6. While it is tempting to view 

this pattern (L.'H) as an iamb, to do so would ignore the obvious relationship that exists between 

imparisyllabics in all three languages, best exemplified by adjectives of nationality in the modern 

languages as well as agentives with the suffixes -tor/and –dor/a. 

346

250 

200 

150 

 

100 ➍ 

50 

0 

 

-50 

'H H.'H L.'H 'H.L 'L.L H.'H.L L.'H.L H.'L.L L.'L.L 'L.L.L 

'σ σ'σ σ'σσ 'σσσ 

CAT 1 70 130 1 1 21 28 0 5 0 

CAS 0 1 5 1 3 47 59 31 108 2 

POR 0 2 11 2 2 49 63 27 98 3 

Figure 6-10. Prosodic templates from declension 2/4 trisyllables with penultimate accent. 

(n=257) 

When *V́XV NC]PRWD operates across languages, as occurs in the third declension, only 

language specific NOCODA constraints prevent deletion of the characteristic -e vowel of the 

accusative singular of masculine/feminine nouns. In this data set 173 of 221 nouns depend on an 

HV type syllable for assignment of penultimate accent. Unless the post-tonic syllable has a 

complex onset apocope would rarely be blocked except for those cases in which Castilian and 

Portuguese NOCODA constraints are operative. The uniformity of results is testimony to the role 

of apocope in producing coincidence of heavy syllable and tonic syllable. In Figure 6-11 the two 

most salient prosodic templates (data points 1 and 2) have ultimate accent on a heavy syllable. 

The alternate trochee ('H) is aligned with right word edge and satisfies *V́XV NC]PRWD. Language 

specific NOCODA constraints operate in gradient fashion to produce the highest degree of 

apocope in Catalan followed by Castilian and then Portuguese. Cases in which apocope is barred 

are predictable: those with a heavy syllable (HC type in the input), represented at data points 3 

and 4. Data point 5 reveals the restrictive nature of the NOCODA constraint in Portuguese which 

permits final vowel deletion only if the resulting coda is a liquid or /s/. 

347

220 

180 

140 

 

100 

60 

20 

➍ 

-20 

'H H.'H L.'H 'L.H 'L.L L.L.'L H.'H.LL.'H.L H.'L.L L.'L.L H.'L.HL.'L.H L.'H.H 'L.L.L 

'σ σ'σ 'σσ σσ'σ σ'σσ 'σσ 

CAT 0 58 119 0 0 1 4 11 6 11 7 4 0 0 

CAS 2 46 83 2 1 1 13 34 8 14 6 7 3 1 

POR 3 45 79 3 0 0 12 33 11 31 3 0 0 1 

Figure 6-11. Prosodic templates from declension 3 trisyllables with penultimate accent. (n=221) 

Although the end result is that locus of accent coincides to a high degree with a heavy 

syllable (86.9% Catalan, 81% Castilian, 76.5% Portuguese) it is not possible to motivate apocope 

on this basis. That is, the determinant of apocope is not the creation of a heavy tonic syllable but 

rather an edge marking effect that aligns the head foot with the end of the prosodic word. An 

examination of patterns of antepenultimate accent demonstrates that the coincidence of primary 

accent and heavy syllables is not an enduring quality. When the constraint *V́XV NC]PRWD is 

applied to trisyallables the result is often ('L.H). Discussions of the uneven trochee rarely 

include this alternative although ('H.L) is widely cited as an exemplar. For the purposes of the 

current study the syllabic trochee is assumed to admit all of the following: ('L.L), ('H), ('H.L), 

('L.H), ('H.H). 

Patterns with Antepenultimate Accent and /-o/ Class Marker or No Class Marker 

Figure 6-12 shows the prosodic templates that result from declension 2/4 nouns with 

antepenultimate accent. The constraint *V́XV NC]PRWD has effectively eliminated the final syllable 

in 215 of 242 cases (88.8%) in Catalan. A small set of words (data points 5, 6) shows 

348

displacement of accent to the penultimate syllable. These are primarily words of Greek origin 

such as timpà (

that 50.6% of the outputs of declension 2/4 trisyllables with penultimate accent result in (L.'H) in 

Catalan it is somewhat surprising that forces of analogy do not call for accent shift. However, 

there is no evidence either diachronic or synchronic that favors an argument that heavy syllables 

attract word level accent. 

The data set of third declension trisyllables with antpenultimate accent is considerably 

smaller than than for declension 2/4 nouns. A larger percentage of initial syllables are HC type 

(43.8%) which leads to an expectation of a higher representation of templates in which the tonic 

syllable is heavy. This is confirmed by the array of templates seen in Figure 6-13 (especially 

data points 1, 3, and 5). Differences by language in retention of the final, unaccented vowel are 

minimal but show a slightly higher rate of elision in Catalan (data points 1, 2). 

72 

60 

48 

36 

24 

12 

0 

➊ ➋ ➌ ➍ ➎ ➏ 

'H 'H.H 'L.H 'H.L 'L.L L.'H H.'H 'H.L.L 'L.L.X L.'L.L 

'σ 'σσ σ'σ 'σσσ σ'σσ 

CAT 3 9 15 16 7 2 0 9 11 1 

CAS 1 8 12 12 10 1 1 13 14 1 

POR 1 5 13 10 7 3 1 16 15 2 

Figure 6-13. Prosodic templates from declension 3 trisyllables with antepenultimate accent. 

(n=73) 

Overall, coincidence of outputs in the set of third declension trisyllables is remarkable. Majority 

outputs in all three languages are disyllabic. Reduction to two syllables has two sources: 

syncope and apocope. Examples of syncope that result in ('L.L) or ('H.L) are Cat. llebre, Cast. 

350

liebre, Port. lebre (

Disyllables with ultimate accent, L.'H and H.'H, are products of the third declension with 

apocope cross linguistically. However, the second/fourth declension type nouns also provide a 

source for this template in Catalan. Both Figure 6-14 and following Tables 6-8 show that the 

second most frequent pattern for two-syllable words in Catalan, after the ideal trochaic pattern 

('L.L), is L('H) which has its origins in trisyllables with penultimate accent in the second/fourth 

and third declensions. Despite the high representation of this pattern it does not appear to 

influence ('L.H), which has the lowest representation after ('H.H) in Catalan. Input data which 

give rise to the different templates displayed in Figure 6-14 appear in Tables 6-8. Table 6-8 is 

presented in two parts to improve legibility; summary data at the end of the continuation of Table 

6-8 applies to both parts. Columns represent the different prosodic templates that are found in 

nouns of one and two syllables in Catalan, Castilian, and Portuguese. Rows indicate the inputs 

that give rise to the various templates and are ordered by number of syllables in the input, 

declension class, and locus of accent. 

Table 6-8. Distribution and source of one and two-syllable nouns. 

Source 'H 'L.L 'H.L 'H.H 


'σσ decl 1 0 0 2 144 149 144 88 83 86 0 0 0 

'σσ decl 2/4 102 3 12 33 133 123 5 4 5 0 0 0 

'σσ decl 3 38 22 20 28 41 45 0 3 1 0 0 0 

σ'σσ decl 1 0 0 0 4 6 7 2 2 6 0 0 0 

σ'σσ decl 2/4 1 0 0 6 3 1 1 1 2 0 0 0 

σ'σσ decl 3 0 2 3 7 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 

'σσσ decl 1 0 0 0 24 48 35 26 29 35 0 0 0 

'σσσ decl 2/4 42 1 1 48 77 64 20 23 28 38 2 2 

'σσσ decl 3 3 1 1 7 10 7 0 0 0 9 8 5 

σσ'σσ decl 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 

σσ'σσ decl 2/4 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 

σσ'σσ decl 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 

σ'σσσ decl 2/4 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 

σ'σσσ decl 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 

Total 186 29 39 301 469 426 142 145 163 47 10 8 

352

Table 6-8. Continued 

'L.H L.'H H.'H 


'σσ decl 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 

'σσ decl 2/4 69 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 

'σσ decl 3 15 12 13 0 0 0 0 0 0 

σ'σσ decl 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 

σ'σσ decl 2/4 0 0 0 130 5 11 70 1 2 

σ'σσ decl 3 0 0 0 119 83 79 58 46 45 

'σσσ decl 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 

'σσσ decl 2/4 0 0 0 5 0 0 3 0 0 

'σσσ decl 3 0 0 0 2 1 3 16 12 11 

σσ'σσ decl 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 

σσ'σσ decl 2/4 0 0 0 2 0 0 3 0 0 

σσ'σσ decl 3 0 0 0 2 8 6 5 29 29 

σ'σσσ decl 2/4 0 0 0 15 0 0 0 0 0 

σ'σσσ decl 3 0 0 0 3 2 2 0 0 0 

Monosyllables 

n=186 Catalan 

n=29 Castilian 

n=39 Portuguese 

Total 84 12 13 278 99 101 155 88 87 

Disyllables 

n=1007 Catalan 



There are four templates with penultimate accent corresponding to nouns of two syllables. 

The first, with highest representation in all languages, is ('L.L), the preferred pattern for syllabic 

trochees. The second is an uneven trochee, ('H.L), also present in Latin and in some ways 

preferable under the Latin system of prosody because removal of the final extrametrical syllable 

still leaves a bimoraic foot. The pattern with heavy initial (tonic) syllable was also the preferred 

pattern in Apoussidou and Boersma’s studies (2003, 2004) on the learnability of the Latin Stress 

Rule. The two innovative patterns with heavy (unaccented) final syllable are outcomes of 

apocope of third declension nouns in all three languages, and of second/fourth declension nouns 

in Catalan only. Although attested in Castilian and Portuguese the ('L.H) and ('H.H) are very 

poorly represented. There are 12 occurrences of ('L.H) in Castilian and 13 in Portuguese 

compared with 84 in Catalan. The template with two heavy syllables, ('H.H), occurs 10 times in 

Castilian and 8 in Portuguese compared with 47 in Catalan. There is no evidence of attraction of 

353

word accent to the heavy final syllable in these cases although a series of recent studies in 

Spanish have shown some correlation between assignment of accent to the final syllable in nonce 

words when that syllable is heavy. However, this preference does not extend to penultimate or 

antepenultimate syllables (Eddington 2004, 120-124). The importance of these undesirable 

trochees resides in the fact that their emergence as optimal candidates is indicative of the high 

ranking constraints relative to foot form (trochee) and faithfulness to the original locus of accent. 

Only Catalan has high representation of the three templates with ultimate accent—('H), 

L('H), and H('H). This suggests that these patterns are dispreferred in Castilian and Portuguese 

and emerge only when constraints on the nature of unaccented final vowels and the general 

prohibition on any vowel following the syllable with the primary accent work in tandem to give 

the candidate with apocope the highest ranking. In terms of distribution of prosodic patterns in 

two-syllable words, L('H) accounts for 23.3% of disyllables in Catalan. Together with H('H) 

patterns with ultimate accent represent 30.7% of two-syllable words in Catalan. It should be 

remembered that 'H is an acceptable alternative to 'L.L as realization of a syllabic trochee. The 

advantage offered by 'H is satisfaction of ALIGN-R when that constraint specifies that both head 

foot and head syllable should be at the right edge of the word. 

Figure 6-15 represents all three-syllable words with penultimate accent and their sources. 

The most prevalent pattern for all three languages has all light syllables: L('L.L). The head foot 

is aligned right and corresponds to the preferred pattern for syllabic trochees. The initial syllable 

remains unparsed. However, neither Latin nor the Ibero-Romance languages require exhaustive 

parsing. With three syllables the possible distribution patterns for heavy and light syllables 

increases to eight. They are listed here with the last two syllables parsed as a syllabic trochee: 

H('H.H), H('H.L), H('L.H), H('L.L), L('H.H), L('H.L), L.('L.H), L.('L.L). 

354

350 

300 

250 

200 

150 

100 

50 

0 

CAT 

CAS 

POR 

CAT 

CAS 

POR 

CAT 

CAS 

POR 

CAT 

CAS 

L'LL H'LL H'LH L'LH H'HL L'HL L'HH 

σ'σσ decl 1 σ'σσ decl 2/4 σ'σσ decl 3 

σσ'σσ decl 1 σσ'σσ decl 2/4 σσ'σσ decl 3 

σ'σσσ decl 1 σ'σσσ decl 2/4 σ'σσσ decl 3 

Figure 6-15. Preferred templates for nouns of three syllables with penultimate accent. 

POR 

CAT 

Tables 6-9A and 6-9B indicate the source of the prosodic templates in Figure 6-15. Of 

the eight possible patterns only H('H.H) is not represented in the dataset. It has already been 

noted that the pattern with all light syllables ranks highest for the three languages. The second 

most frequent pattern is more difficult to establish because H('L.L) is slightly higher for Catalan 

whereas L('H.L) appears to be more favored in Castilian and Portuguese. Data for Figure 6-15 

appears in Tables 6-9 with numeric summary for both tables at the end of the continuation of 

Table 6-9. The unequal representation of languages in the three-syllable pattern with 

penultimate accent is apparent. The total for Catalan is only 466 while the total for Castilian is 

745 and for Portuguese 738. The difference is owing to two factors: reduction of four syllables 

to three in Castilian and Portuguese as a result of glide formation and conservation of unaccented 

final vowels in words of three syllables. Catalan, on the other hand, has lost approximately 131 

nouns from the three-syllable penultimate accent pattern because they now appear as two- 

syllable nouns with ultimate accent. 

355 

CAS 

POR 

CAT 

CAS 

POR 

CAT 

CAS 

POR

Table 6-9. Distribution and source of three-syllable nouns with penultimate accent 

L'LL H'LL H'LH L'LH 


σ'σσ decl 1 81 85 90 57 58 55 0 0 0 0 0 0 

σ'σσ decl 2/4 5 108 98 0 31 27 0 0 0 0 0 0 

σ'σσ decl 3 11 14 31 6 8 11 7 6 3 4 7 0 

σσ'σσ decl 1 2 5 2 5 4 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 

σσ'σσ decl 2/4 0 4 5 0 5 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 

σσ'σσ decl 3 0 0 2 0 0 5 0 0 0 0 0 0 

σ'σσσ decl 1 20 54 47 12 27 28 0 0 0 0 0 0 

σ'σσσ decl 2/4 61 70 64 11 8 2 41 1 0 4 1 0 

σ'σσσ decl 3 5 5 4 3 3 1 5 4 8 0 1 6 

Totals 185 345 343 94 144 133 53 11 11 8 9 6 


H'HL L'HL L'HH 


σ'σσ decl 1 9 5 5 29 26 23 0 0 0 

σ'σσ decl 2/4 21 47 49 28 59 63 0 0 0 

σ'σσ decl 3 14 13 12 11 34 33 0 3 0 

σσ'σσ decl 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 

σσ'σσ decl 2/4 0 0 0 5 4 3 0 0 0 

σσ'σσ decl 3 0 0 0 0 4 3 0 0 0 

σ'σσσ decl 1 0 14 13 6 23 29 0 0 0 

σ'σσσ decl 2/4 0 0 0 3 3 6 0 0 0 

σ'σσσ decl 3 0 0 0 0 1 6 0 0 0 

Totals 44 79 79 82 154 166 0 3 0 

n=466 Catalan 



With regard to the L('H.L) pattern it is rhythmically an amphibrach, a prosodic pattern 

found in poetry in all three languages (Navarro Tomás 1956, 515; Serra i Baldó 1932, 56; Ross 

1992, 185-186). It is also a rhythmic pattern that arises in natural speech when taking into 

consideration monosyllabic function words followed by a disyllabic trochee. Note that this same 

pattern of function word + noun gives the appearance of iambic rhythm in Catalan in the case of 

monosyllabic nouns. The rhythmic pattern L'H is the basis of the dialog between man and god, 

“Tirallonga de monosíl·labs” (Monosyllabic litany) by Joan Oliver, better known by the 

pseudonym Pere Quart. In a study on the use of monosyllables as a rhetorical device in Catalan 

(Garolera 1985, 179-180), the author, Pere Quart, refers to the work as a “curiós exercici.” 

356

While perhaps not representative of natural speech, the fact that a relatively long text can be 

written entirely with monosyllabic prosodic words displays a fundamental difference between 

Catalan and its sister languages and further reinforces the unequal representation of the ('H) type 

trochee among the three languages. The least favored uneven trochees, ('H.H) and ('L.H), have 

very low representation in the three languages although there are more instances of ('L.H) in 

Catalan, again the product of apocope, in this case from declension 2/4 tetrasyllables with 


The marked nature of antepenultimate accent is readily seen by the reduced size of the 

inventory displayed in Figure 6-16. The preferred template is readily apparent: ('L.L.L). 

200 

160 

120 

80 

40 

0 


'LLL 'HLL 'LHH 

'σσσ decl 1 'σσσ decl 2/4 'σσσ decl 3 σσ'σσ decl 2/4 

σσ'σσ decl 3 σ'σσσ decl 2/4 σ'σσσ decl 3 

Figure 6-16. Preferred templates for nouns of three syllables with antepenultimate accent. 

Previous discussion has provided a basis for counting templates of this type as binary by 

considering that the penultimate syllable does not project a mora. The data that corresponds to 

Figure 6- 16 appears in Table 6-10. The one anomalous form, ('LHH) corresponds to Catalan 

crisantem ‘chrysanthemum’ pronounced [kɾizəntέm] and represents an ancient shift from the 

proparoxytonic pronunciation of the original Greek. The other for antepenultimate trisyllables is, 

357

predictably, ('HLL). In order for stress to be retracted to the initial syllable both the ultimate and 

penultimate must be light. Again Catalan has an appreciably lower representation in this subset 

because the largest input category for Castilian and Portuguese consists of second/fourth 

declension tetrasyllables with antepenultimate accent, a class of nouns that undergoes apocope 

whenever permitted in Catalan. 

Table 6-10. Distribution and source of three-syllable nouns with antepenultimate accent 

'LLL 'HLL 'LHH 


'σσσ decl 1 72 57 66 35 23 21 0 0 0 

'σσσ decl 2/4 0 2 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 

'σσσ decl 3 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 

σσ'σσ decl 2/4 0 3 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 

σσ'σσ decl 3 1 3 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 

σ'σσσ decl 2/4 10 84 93 7 51 52 1 0 0 

σ'σσσ decl 3 11 14 15 9 13 16 0 0 0 

Totals 94 164 184 51 87 89 1 0 0 

n=146 Catalan 



The one innovative class of third declension nouns is the subset with ultimate accent. This 

template is well represented only in Catalan. The tonic syllable is in all cases heavy and is the 

product of apocope in nouns from declensions 2/4 and 3 with the single exception of Portuguese 

avelã ‘hazelnut’ (

180 

160 

140 

120 

100 

80 

60 

40 

20 

0 

CAT 

CAS 

POR 

CAT 

CAS 

POR 

CAT 

CAS 

POR 

CAT 

CAS 

LL'H HL'H H'HH LH'H 

POR 


σ'σσσ decl 2/4 σ'σσσ decl 3 

Figure 6-17. Preferred templates for nouns of three syllables with ultimate accent. 

Table 6-11 indicates in detail the origin of each template. Nearly all words in this subset 

are the product of apocope of nouns from the third declension and for Catalan, the second 

declension as well. Participation in the new template is not equal among languages. Although 

the number for Castilian is nearly 40% above that for Portuguese it is only 39% of the total for 

Catalan. Historically, apocope is most favored by the active constraints in Catalan, although it 

should be noted that modern European Portuguese exhibits extreme vowel reduction in both pre- 

tonic and postonic positions. Mateus and d’Andrade (2000, 134) note that “This is most 

remarkable in post-stressed and final position.” Because this level of vowel reduction is a 

phenomenon of modern European Portuguese it has not been treated here. This study is 

concerned primarily with the emergence of prosodic templates during the formative period of the 

Ibero-Romance languages and the subsequent borrowing from Latin in the erudite vocabulary of 

the early modern period. However, this repetition of historical processes is worthy of further 

study. 

359

Table 6-11. Distribution and source of three-syllable nouns with ultimate accent 

LL'H HL'H LL'H LH'H 


σσ'σσ decl 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 

σσ'σσ decl 2/4 78 1 9 31 1 1 2 0 0 8 0 0 

σσ'σσ decl 3 98 64 44 62 38 22 16 15 8 6 0 0 

σ'σσσ decl 2/4 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 

σ'σσσ decl 3 1 0 0 0 0 0 2 1 1 0 0 0 

Totals 177 65 54 93 39 23 22 16 9 14 0 0 

n=306 Catalan n=120 Castilian n=86 Portuguese 

This summary chapter has concentrated on nouns of one to three syllables in Castilian, 

Catalan, and Portuguese because they are more representative of patrimonial vocabulary and are 

less likely to result from derivational processes which may have influence on accentual patterns. 

However, four-syllable nouns are represented here because there is less morphological 

interference compared with five-syllable nouns that are largely derivational and show the 

productive nature of a few suffixes. Nevertheless, this subset is relatively small and reflects a 

more erudite vocabulary. The preferred template consists of all light syllables. 

140 

120 

100 

80 

60 

40 

20 

0 

CAT 

CAS 

POR 

CAT 

CAS 

POR 

CAT 

CAS 

POR 

CAT 

CAS 

POR 

CAT 

CAS 

POR 

CAT 

CAS 

POR 

CAT 

CAS 

POR 

CAT 

CAS 

POR 

LL'LL HL'LL LH'LL HH'LL LL'HL HH'HL HL'HL LH'HL 


σ'σσσ decl 1 σ'σσσ decl 2/4 

Figure 6-18. Preferred template for nouns of four syllables with penultimate accent. 

The template (ˌL.L)('L.L) allows construction of a disyllabic trochee at the right word edge 

and an optional disyllabic trochee at left word edge. It should be noted that cross-linguistically 

360

input to this preferred template comes primarily from the first declension. This can be readily 

seen by comparing the columns in Figure 6-18 as well as the first row of Table 6-12. Table 6-12 

provides further detail on the source data for the tetrasyllables with penultimate accent. 

Numerical count is quite evenly distributed when input comes from the first declension. 

Otherwise, Catalan is underrepresented in comparison with Castilian and Portuguese. 

Examining the totals of each template, Catalan shows the lowest output for the disyllabic 

trochee. Output is higher for Castilian with more restrictions on admissible codas and in most 

cases Portuguese shows the highest preference for the disyllabic trochee at right word edge 

because it has the greatest restriction on coda consonants. The summary totals show clearly the 

language-specific preferences: Portuguese 291 >> Castilian 254 >> Catalan 129. 

Table 6-12. Distribution and source of four-syllable nouns with penultimate accent 

LL'LL HL'LL LH'LL HH'LL 


σσ'σσ decl 1 45 47 47 20 21 21 13 12 12 3 2 2 

σσ'σσ decl 2/4 2 50 45 3 19 20 0 3 1 0 1 2 

σσ'σσ decl 3 2 2 28 1 1 14 1 1 0 0 0 0 

σ'σσσ decl 1 0 2 1 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 

σ'σσσ decl 2/4 0 1 2 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 

Totals 49 102 123 24 44 55 14 16 13 3 3 4 


LL'HL HH'HL HL'HL LH'HL 


σσ'σσ decl 1 12 13 19 1 1 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 

σσ'σσ decl 2/4 15 49 51 3 2 1 4 17 16 2 3 3 

σσ'σσ decl 3 1 2 2 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 1 1 

σ'σσσ decl 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 

σ'σσσ decl 2/4 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 

Totals 28 64 72 4 3 2 5 18 18 2 4 4 

n=129 Catalan 



The final data set is very small and consists of four-syllable nouns with antepenultimate 

accent. The preferred pattern again consists of all light syllables. It is expected that the ultimate 

and penultimate syllables will be light when the accent is antepenultimate but the preceding 

361

syllables – in this case the antepenultimate and preantepenultimate/initial syllable – could be 

either light or heavy. Yet Figure 6-19 shows that the pattern of all light syllables is the only one 

that has any level of representation among the three languages. What is interesting is that 

although the numerical differences are less striking (Catalan 77, Castilian 88, Portuguese 95) 

than in other data sets the input sources are quite different for the L('L.L.L) pattern. 

100 

90 

80 

70 

60 

50 

40 

30 

20 

10 

0 

CAT 

CAS 

POR 

CAT 

CAS 

POR 

CAT 

CAS 

POR 

CAT 

CAS 

H'HLL H'LLL L'HLL L'LLL 

σ'σσσ decl 1 σ'σσσ decl 2/4 σ'σσσ decl 3 

Figure 6-19. Preferred template for nouns of four syllables with antepenultimate accent. 

For Catalan the majority input for this antepenultimate stress pattern comes from the first 

declension whereas for Castilian and Portuguese second declension nouns are major contributors. 

Furthermore, in examining the totals in Table 6-13 it can be seen that in total Catalan has a 

higher representation of tetrasyllables with proparoxytonic accent. This is due to its higher 

representation of the template H('L.L.L). In general, Catalan shows greater tolerance for coda 

consonants. Also, given the erudite nature of many of the exemplars in this subset there are 

fewer pressures to produce optimal syllables by observing NOCODA constraints. In Castilian and 

Portuguese, NOCODA frequently takes precedence over faithfulness or MAX type constraints. 

Table 6-13 displays the distribution and origin of the templates represented in Figure 6-19. 

362 

POR

Table 6-13. Distribution and origin of four-syllable words with antepenultimate accent. 

H'HLL H'LLL L'HLL L'LLL 


σ'σσσ decl 1 12 1 0 30 8 9 29 8 10 56 25 28 

σ'σσσ decl 2/4 0 0 0 0 3 2 0 0 2 4 49 55 

σ'σσσ decl 3 0 1 1 5 6 9 1 2 1 13 14 12 

Totals 12 2 1 35 17 20 30 10 13 73 88 95 

n=150 Catalan n=117 Catalan n=129 Portuguese 

This study has focused on the transition from an accentual system based on the moraic 

trochee to one which values rhythmic contrast between an accented head syllable and a following 

unaccented syllable in the case of the disyllabic trochee; or, alternatively has a final culminating 

heavy syllable aligned with the right word edge. Both developments bring the accentual system 

of Ibero-Romance in congruence with metrical systems that are cross-linguistically validated, 

that is, the preference for duple rhythm and the demarcative effect of building the head foot at 

word edge. The change from moraic trochee to syllabic trochee is motivated by the loss of 

contrastive differences in vowel length. Although the result is rule opacity with regard to words 

consisting of three light syllbles, for example, the Ibero-Romance languages maintain with very 

few exceptions the original locus of accent. 

The three-syllable window remains in effect although accent is no longer assigned on basis 

of the moraic count of the penultimate syllable. There is to some degree a residual association 

between locus of primary accent and a heavy syllable but there are no constraints that require 

that a heavy syllable be prominent on the grid, or that it be assigned primary accent. Accents 

may still fall on the ultimate, penultimate, or antepenultimate syllable. Because of the historical 

origins of antepenultimate accent the ultimate and penultimate syllables are almost always light. 

However, recent loanwords such as bádminton in Spanish retain the original place of accent even 

though the ultimate and penultimate syllables are both heavy and there are analogic pressures to 

move the accent to the final syllable. Overall words with antepenultimate do not show increased 

363

incidence of syncope. There are two constraints that act to reduce syllabic count, apocope in 

Catalan and glide formation in Castilian and to a lesser extent in Portuguese. 

The development of ultimate accent in the formative period of the Ibero-Romance 

languages perhaps made it easier to incorporate words with oxytonic accent from the languages 

of the Americas such as these examples from Spanish: caimán ‘caiman,’ tiburón ‘shark,’ urubú 

‘buzzard.’ Ultimate accent is the dividing line between East and West in Ibero-Romance. Only 

Catalan has as preferred output from second and third declension nouns a template with a word 

final heavy syllable, obviated only by constraints on the acceptability of word final consonant 

clusters. When sonority sequencing is violated the final unaccented vowel remains. Although 

historically Portuguese shows a very limited repertory of acceptable codas in word final position 

today it has surpassed Catalan in terms of vowel reduction. Vowels are not merely reduced in 

terms of the inventory; they are mostly elided in post-tonic position. As a result, modern 

European Portuguese today has marked consonant sequences in word initial, medial, and final 

positions. The comparison of aspects of vowel reduction in Catalan and Portuguese is topic of 

further investigation and beyond the scope of the present work. Over time relative positions of 

the three languages with regard to coda restrictions and sonority sequencing have shifted: 

Portuguese is now the most innovative; Catalan occupies a middle position; and Castilian 

continues to be the most conservative. 

The second major factor that differentiates the three languages prosodically is treatment of 

vowels in hiatus. Again, recent investigations (Cabré and Prieto 2004, Mateus and d’Andrade 

1998) demonstrate that both Catalan and Portuguese show increased incidence of glide formation 

and will no longer contrast with Castilian with regard to the maintenance of vowels in hiatus. 

Glide formation results in elimination of a syllable reducing the syllable count of a word. It has 

364

een shown here that the datasets of polysyllables are significantly smaller than those of two and 

three-syllable words. Uniform treatment of polysyllables is seen only in nouns of the first 

declension where there is little change in terms of number of syllables (except through glide 

formation) and locus of accent. 

In prosodic terms it can be seen that the three languages share a minimum bimoraic word 

requirement. The predominant foot type is the binary trochee which is overwhelmingly 

disyllabic in Castilian and Portuguese. However, the datasets reviewed here indicate that in the 

case of Catalan nearly a third of all two and three-syllable words have ultimate accent. It has 

been suggested that ultimate accent can be accounted for in Spanish by supposition of an 

unrealized final vowel (Harris 1995). If that argument were extended to the case of Catalan it 

could be readily seen that the ('H) type trochee is simply an alternate form of ('L.L), that is, the 

coda consonant is in anticipation of the unrealized nucleus. Most of the cases of final stressed 

vowels can be construed as vowel + coda where the coda has been deleted to conform to a 

specific NOCODA constraint involving rhotics and coronal nasals. The primary templates seen 

here place in juxtaposition two preferences with regard to word level accent, a preference for a 

word final contrast of accented + unaccented versus a prominence effect at word edge. 

Vowel deletion has been shown to occur in accordance with recognition of different 

degrees of sonority that reflect more or less optimal syllable peaks. Elision of /a/ is almost 

unknown in this data set of more than 3,000 nouns. Vowel deletion also favors alignment of 

accent with word edges. Insertion of vowels, or anaptyxis, is not a prevalent feature of Catalan 

or the peninsular varieties of Spanish and Portuguese. On the other hand, prothesis in the case of 

word-initial s + consonant sequences, continues to the present day and is testimony to an active 

constraint against a particular type of complex cluster in word initial position. The epenthetic 

365

vowel, however, is never stress-bearing. This is a reflection of high ranking faithfulness to the 

locus of accent in the input form. The few cases of accent shift discussed here reflect the 

influence of factors external to the input form itself and may be ascribed to the forces of analogy 

or faithfulness to output-output constraints. 

This study relies on an extensive inventory of nouns of Latin origin to provide evidence for 

the assertions made in this summary. Divergences among languages are explained in terms of 

OT constraints that readily allow for cross-linguistic comparison and reliance on linguistic 

universals with regard to preferred foot forms and tangential well-formedness constraints. It is 

not possible to provide a case history for every etymon and its outputs but construction and 

analysis of the dataset has made it possible to observe general tendencies and provide the 

groundwork for more extensive study. 

366

APPENDIX A 

APPENDIX PROBI 

Väänänen, Veikko. 1967. Introduction au latin vulgaire. Paris: C. Klincksieck. 

(pp. 254-257) 

1 Porphireticum marmor non 

purpureticum marmur. 

2 tolonium non toloneum. 

3 speculum non speclum. 

4 masculus non masclus. 

5 vetulus non veclus. 

6 vitulus non viclus. 

7 vernaculus non vernaclus. 

8 articulus non articlus. 

9 baculus non vaclus. 

10 angulus non anglus. 

11 iugulus non iuglus. 

12 calcostegis non calcosteis. 

13 septizonium non septidonium. 

14 vacua non vaqua. 

15 vacui non vaqui. 

16 cultellum non cuntellum. 

17 marsias non marsuas. 

18 canilam nun cani{a}nus. 

19 hercules non herculens. 

20 columna non colomna. 

21 pecten non pectinis. 

22 aquaeductus non aquiductus 

23 cithara non citera 

24 crista non crysta 

25 formica non furmica 

26 musivum non museum. 

27 exequae non execiae. 

28 gyrus non girus. 

29 avus non aus. 

30 miles non milex. 

31 sobrius non suber. 

32 figulus non figel. 

33 masculus non mascel. 

34 lanius non laneo. 

35 iuvencus non iuvenclus. 

36 barbarus non barbar. 

37 equs non ecus. 

38 coqus non cocus. 

39 coquens non cocens. 

40 coqui non coci . 

367 

41 acre non acrum. 

42 pauper mulier non paupera mulier 

43 carcer non car. 

44 bravium non braveum. 

45 pancarpus non parcarpus. 

46 teofilus non izofilus. 

47 homfagium non monofagium. 

48 byzacenus non bizacinus. 

49 capsesis non capressis 

50 catulus ellus. 

51 {catulus

82 iecur non iocur. 

83 auris non oricla. 

84 camera non cammara. 

85 pegma non peuma. 

86 cloaca non cluaca. 

87 festuca non fistuca. 

88 ales non alis. 

89 facies non facis. 

90 cautes non cautis. 

91 plebes non plevis. 

92 vates non vatis. 

93 tabes non tavis. 

94 suppellex non superlex. 

95 apes non apis. 

96 nubes non nubs. 

97 suboles non subolis. 

98 vulpes non vulpis. 

99 palumbes non palumbus. 

100 lues non luis. 

101 deses non desis. 

102 reses non resis. 

103 vepres non vepris. 

104 fames non famis. 

105 clades non cladis. 

106 syrtes non syrtis. 

107 aedes non aedis. 

108 sedes non sedis. 

109 proles non prolis. 

110 draco non dracco. 

111 oculus non oclus. 

112 aqua non acqua. 

113 alium non aleum. 

114 lilium non lileum. 

115 glis non gliris. 

116 delirus non delerus. 

117 tinea non . 

118 exter non extraneus. 

119 clamis non clamus. 

120 vir non vyr. 

121 virgo non vyrgo. 

122 virga non vyrga. 

123 occasio non occansio. 

124 caligo non calligo. 

125 terebra non telebra. 

126 effeminatus non imfimenatus. 

127 botruus non butro. 

368 

128 grus non gruis. 

129 anser non ansar. 

130 tabula non tabla. 

131 puella non poella. 

132 balteus non baltius. 

133 fax non facla. 

134 vico capitis Africae non vico caput 

Africae. 

135 vico tabuli proconsolis non vico 

tabulu proconsulis. 

136 vico castrorum non vico castrae. 

137 vico strobili non vico strobilu. 

138 teter non tetrus. 

139 aper non aprus. 

140 amycdala non amiddula. 

141 faseolus non fassiolus. 

142 stabulum non stablum. 

143 triclinium non triclinu. 

144 dimidius non demidius. 

145 turma non torma. 

146 pusillus non pisinnus. 

147 meretrix non menetris. 

148 aries non ariex. 

149 persica non pessica. 

150 dysentericus non disintericus. 

151 opobalsamum non ababalsamum. 

152 mensa non mesa. 

153 raucus non raucus (?) 

154 auctor non autor. 

155 auctoritas non autoritas. 

156 

157 linteum non lintium. 

158 a... petre non ...tra. 

159 terraemotus non terrimotium. 

160 noxius non noxeus. 

161 coruscus non scoriscus. 

162 tonitru non tonotru. 

163 passer non passar. 

164 anser non ansar. 

165 hirundo non harundo. 

166 obstetrix non opsetris. 

167 capitulum non capiclum. 

168 noverca non novarca. 

169 nurus non nura. 

170 socrus non socra. 

171 neptis non nepticla.

172 anus non anucla. 

173 tondeo non detundo. 

174 rivus non rius. 

175 imago non . 

176 pauo{r} non pao{r}. 

177 coluber non colober. 

178 adipes non alipes. 

179 sibilus non sifilus. 

180 frustum non frustrum. 

181 plebs non pleps. 

182 garrulus non garulus. 

183 parentalia non parantalia. 

184 c[a]elebs non celeps. 

185 poples non poplex. 

186 locuples non locuplex. 

187 robigo non rubigo. 

188 plasta non blasta. 

189 bipennis non bipinnis. 

190 ermeneumata non erminomata. 

191 tymum non tumum. 

192 strofa non stropa. 

193 bitumen non butumen. 

194 mergus non mergulus. 

195 myrta non murta. 

196 zizipus non zizupus. 

197 iunipirus non iuniperus. 

198 tolerabilis non toleravilis. 

199 basilica non bassilica. 

200 tribula non tribla. 

201 viridis non virdis . 

202 constabilitus non constabilitus(?) 

203 sirena non serena. 

204 musium vel musivum non museum. 

205 labsus non lapsus. 

206 orilegium non orolegium. 

207 ostiae non {h}ostiae. 

208 februarius non febrarius. 

209 glatri non cracli. 

210 allec non allex. 

211 rabidus non rabiosus. 

212 tintinaculum non tintinabulum. 

213 adon non adonius. 

214 grundio non grunnio. 

215 vapulo non baplo. 

216 necne non necnec. 

217 passim non passi. 

369 

218 numquit non nimquit. 

219 numquam non numqua. 

220 nobiscum non noscum. 

221 vobiscum non voscum. 

222 nescioubi non nesciocobe. 

223 pridem non pride . 

224 olim non oli. 

225 adhuc non aduc. 

226 idem non ide. 

227 amfora non ampora.

APPENDIX B 

APPLICATION OF PERFECT GRID 

In Arabic the superheavy foot only occurs in word final position and the surplus 

consonant is considered to have secondary licensing, labeled Ω (Goldsmith 1990, 127). The 

configuration of a word final superheavy syllable and its relation to the metrical grid is shown in 

Figure B-1 (from Goldsmith 1990, 199) for the word kitaab ‘book’ (R=rhyme, C=coda). 

x x x (x) 

│ │ 

σ σ 

R R 

C Ω 

k i t a a b 

Figure B-1. Skeleton to grid association of a superheavy syllable. 

While kitaab contains only two syllables it occupies three slots on the metrical grid and 

potentially a fourth slot if the final consonant or appendix has a grid association. In Figure 2-4 

the third grid mark (from left to right) is over the second element of the long vowel or the coda. 

Placement of this grid mark is the result of Perfect Grid, a rule formulated by Prince and cited in 

Goldsmith (1990, 194): scanning from left to right or from right to left assign a grid mark to 

every other grid mark on the immediately lower row. Perfect Grid may have peak first 

assignment, as in Arabic, where the placement of grid marks begins with the first available 

position. Alternatively, assignment of grid marks may begin with the second position in which 

case it is designated trough first. The computation of word accent for, kitaab ‘book’, following 

the rule of Cairene Arabic which stresses the final heavy or superheavy syllable (End Rule), is 

seen in Figure B-2 (after Goldsmith 1990, 200). Because Perfect Grid assigns a grid mark to the 

coda of the second syllable in kitaab an adjustment, weak mora stress correction, is needed to 

move the place of prominence to the syllabic nucleus. 

370

x Row 2: End Rule (Final, Word) 

weak mora 

x x x stress Row 1: Perfect Grid: Assign x L to R, Peak first, 

correction 

to every other x in Row 0 

x x x Row 0: Assign x to every mora 

k i t a a b 

Figure B-2. Perfect Grid L → R (Cairene Arabic). 

The grid computation of Latin mājestātem, fem. acc. sg. ‘greatness,’ in Figure B-3, serves 

as an example of the adaptation of Quantity Sensitivity (QS) to Perfect Grid (Goldsmith 1990, 

197). QS places a grid mark on Row 1 (foot row) over any heavy syllable on Row 0 (mora row). 

Finally, End Rule selects the rightmost foot in the word. Assignment of primary accent in Latin 

does not require exhaustive parsing but does require marking of the first eligible heavy syllable 

counting from right to left. 

x Row 2: End Rule (Rightmost, Word) 

x Row 1: QS: Assign x R to L, Trough first, over first 

heavy syllable in Row 0 

x x xx Row 0: Assign x to every mora 

ma je staa tem 

Figure B-3. QS and stress assignment (Latin). 

The status of syllable final consonants which would may or may not generate a mora in 

Row 0 can be clarified to some degree by examining the different types of quantity sensitivity 

that exist with regard to coda and appendix, especially in light of the fact that s+stop is no longer 

an acceptable word initial cluster in Western Romance. Historical deletion of syllable final /s/ in 

French fête, as well as its fortition as [ʃ] in Portuguese festa (

The superheavy syllable in Latin emerges most frequently in the case of monosyllables 

where the extra consonant is treated as an appendix, or Ω as in auspex, m. nom. sg. ‘bird-seer’ 

where the final syllable is /-speks/. The treatment of the appendix in metrical terms is described 

in Table B-1 (after Goldsmith 1990, 207-208). 

Table B-1. Treatment of Ω on the metrical grid 

1) Totally quantity-insensitive: neither coda 

nor appendix licenses grid association 

2) Totally quantity-sensitive: codas and 

appendices both license grid association 

3) Codas license grid association, but the 

appendix does not 

4) The appendix licenses grid association, but 

the coda does not 

σ Ω 

onset rhyme 

nucleus coda C 

│ 

x Row 0 of grid 

σ Ω 

onset rhyme 


│ │ │ 

x x x Row 0 of grid 

σ Ω 

onset rhyme 


│ │ 

x x Row 0 of grid 

σ Ω 

onset rhyme 

nucleus coda Ć 

│ │ 

x x Row 0 of grid 

In Ibero-Romance cases which pose a dilemma for parsing into syllables also result 

internally from three or four segment cluster in which s+stop can no longer form the onset of a 

syllable, as in the case of monstrum, i, n. ‘monster’ which results in Cast. monstruo, Port. 

372

monstro [mõʃtɾu] and Cat. monstre. The fortition of /s/ in Portuguese is a clear indication that 

the consonant is in coda position and does not form an onset of the following syllable together 

with /tr/. Latin seems to correspond to the third type described in Table B-1, that is, the coda is 

projected on the grid but not the appendix. With regard to the actual realization of a long vowel 

there is evidence that its duration is related to the presence or absence of a coda consonant. Such 

is the case in Levantine Arabic where there is significant shortening of a long vowel before a 

consonant coda (Broselow, Chen, and Huffman 1997, 59-60); additionally there is evidence of 

shortening of coda consonants. The shortening of both long vowels and coda consonants is 

interpreted as mora sharing. If the Latin superheavy syllable is interpreted in like manner, then, 

syllables of this type conform to the quantitative trochee (min/max=2) posited by Mester (1994). 

The first slot is occupied by the peak vowel while the non-nuclear vowel shares a mora with 

whatever element(s) may follow. 

373

APPENDIX C 

VERSIFICATION: FROM METER TO RHYTHM 

Although it cannot be categorically asserted that versification patterns accurately reflect 

the phonology, including accentual system, of a language the uniform abandonment of foot- 

based meters in the three major Romance languages of the Iberian Peninsula is significant. 

Parsons (1999, 123) supports the notion that poetic meters somehow favor the prosodic patterns 

of a language: “I assume that meter is the stylization of rhythm. A language will select a given 

metrical pattern because the pattern is inherently suitable to it. In other words, we should expect 

to find native rhythmic features in a language's meters.” It can, therefore, be assumed that the 

transition from Latin to Romance verse forms reflects fundamental changes in Latin. As Beare 

(1957, 56) states “Latin had lost its old quantitative rhythm, and the only principle, it is 

supposed, which could impose a new rhythm was the stress-accent.” Furthermore, the 

quantitative meters of Classical Latin, with the possible exception of Saturnian verse, were of 

Greek origin (Beare 1957, 132). 

Assuming that Saturnian verse is somehow more representative of the prosodic properties 

of Latin, the basic features of this poetic form merit discussion. The origins of Saturnian verse 

are obscure and the extant corpus is small (collected in Luiselli 1967). Goldberg (1995, 60) 

notes that these examples of Saturnian verse “reveal no normative pattern, either quantitative or 

accentual, on which to base a coherent metrical analysis, and vagaries of transmission often 

make essential details of their prosody uncomfortably problematic.” Above all, Goldberg 

indicates the need to show that patterns of alternating heavy and light syllables respond to meter 

rather than the fortuitous occurrence of such sequences in Latin words. 

Parsons (1999, 124) attempts to map Saturnian verse to this hierarchy: 

L → C || C A line consists of two cola separated by the principal caesura. 

C → D | D | A colon consists of two dipodes. 

374

D → F F Each dipode consists of two metrical feet. 

F → PsPw Each foot consists of two metrical positions, the first strong and the 

second weak. 

P → [μ(μ)] A metrical position is maximally a moraic trochee (but may be zero) 

To illustrate this proposed scansion, Parsons (1999, 125) uses an example from the Corpus 

Inscriptionum Latinorum, an epitaph to Lucius Cornelius Scipio Barbatus (3rd century BCE). 

Figure 3-4 is an adaptation of this diagram; moraic feet are enclosed in parentheses; 

extrametrical feet are in angled brackets, and unenclosed syllables are degenerate or monomoraic 

feet. Two unfilled slots on the s/w row are indicated by shading. According to Parsons, stress 

accent languages often have unrealized constituents after parsing for meter. In Classical Latin 

the inscription would read: subigit omnem Lucanam, obsidesque abducit (he subdued Lucania, 

and brought back hostages). 

L 

C C 

D D D D 

F F F F F F F F 

s w s w s w s w s w s w s w s w 

(subi) gi (t om) |(Lou) (ca) || (op) si (des) (ab) (dou) 

Figure C-1. Metrical analysis of a line of Saturnian verse. 

Despite the appealing symmetry of Parsons’ scansion, there is little motivation to support 

the creation of two feet to the left of the caesura when a more intuitive parsing is to have three 

feet corresponding to three words. Furthermore, the organization of the second hemistich seen in 

375

Figure C-1 also comes into doubt. It is as easily parsed as two trisyllabic feet corresponding to 

word stress and word boundaries: S W S | W S W. Accordingly, the first hemistich contains 

three feet; the first two are iambic, and the third amiphibrachic. Iambic feet at the beginning of 

the line are subject to inversion and may appear as trochees as scanned below. This alternate 

scansion with uneven cola is shown below, repeating Parson’s example; the first word is treated 

as a single foot, that is triplet timing as opposed to duple timing. In the second, hemistich the 

affix -que ‘and’ is treated as extrametrical. 

S W | S W | W S W || S W S | W S W 

subi git om ne | Lou ca nam || op si des ab dou cit 

This interpretation of Saturnian verse offers several advantages. In a popular verse form there is 

more likely to be coincidence of ictus and accent, clearly not achieved in Parson’s scanning in 

Figure C-1 but evident in the example above. There is no compelling reason for hemistichs to be 

of equal length. The format F1 F2 F3 || F4 F5 (where F is a foot) is well attested without reliance 

on the triplet timing in the epitaph cited in Parsons, as in this example (Goldberg, 59): 

W S | W S | W S W || S W S | W S W 

da bunt ma lum Me tel lī || Nae vi ō po ē tae 

‘the Metelli will give trouble to Naevius the poet’ 

Following the template established above, the degree to which lines from the Cantar de mio Cid 

can be mapped onto the grid is remarkable (stressed syllables are underlined and it is assumed 

that ‘e’ is joined to the following word, ‘uços’ through synalepha). 

S W | S W | W S W || S W S | W S W 

vi.o | puer.tas | a.bier.tas || e uços sin | ca.ña.dos 

‘he saw doors flung open and gates without bolts’ 

This preclassical model of Latin popular verse probably never disappeared entirely but 

attestations are ephemeral due to the nature and uses of this verse form (epitaphs, graffiti). As 

later Latin poets and song writers turn away from quantitative meter to a rhythmic meter, the 

376

stress-based poetic verse emerges again. Beare (1957, 206-207) quotes the opening lines of an 

anonymous hymn cited in Bede (ca. 672-735 C.E.) as an example of modulatio (alternation of 

high and low sounds, defined in Martianus Capella, fl. 5th century C.E.) in contrast to ratio, or 

proportion, which was only applied to quantitative verse. 

apparebit repentina dies magna Domini, 

fur obscura velut nocte improvisos occupans. 

The great day of the Lord will appear suddenly 

as a thief in the dark night seizing the unwary. 

It is essentially built on trochaic feet as noted by the 16th century musician Francisco Salinas 

(1577, 280): Item ad formam metri trochaici, rhythmum, qui canitur de die in diem per 

alphabetum (Also in the form of trochaic meter, rhythm, which is sung from day to day in 

alphabetical order 1 ). Salinas uses the terms harmonia and rhythmum for the ratio/modulatio 

dichotomy. Using | to indicate foot boundaries and underlining to indicate primary word stress, 

these lines are rewritten below. A caesura has been added and the final syllable is considered to 

form part of a triplet timed foot at the end of the verse. 

S W | S W | S W | S W || S W | S W | S W 

ap.pa | re.bit | re.pen | ti.na || di. es | ma.gna | Do.mi.ni 

S W | S W | S W | S W || S W | S W | S W 

fur ob | scu.ra | ve.lut | noc.te) || im.pro.vi.sos | oc.cu.pans 

This parsing assumes that at the time this hymn was written the trochee was syllabic rather than 

moraic because syllables labeled ‘S’ are not necessarily bimoraic. 

1 

This refers to the so-called alphabetical or abecedarian hymns in which each stanza begins with consecutive letters 

of the alphabet. 

377

The similarities in the example above, the first hemistich of the Saturnian verses 

previously presented, and phrase level rhythm in the modern tradition of popular verse and song 

such as nursery rhymes (Liberman 1979, Liberman and Prince 1977, Hayes 1995) are not 

surprising. Studies on music cognition (Lerdahl and Jackendoff 1996, Temperley 2001) have 

followed the theoretical framework of metrical theory to postulate well formedness constraints 

and metrical preferences. Lerdahl and Jackendoff (1996, 69-73), for example, propose the 

equivalent of the Continuous Column Constraint (Hayes 1995, 34) coupled with a constraint to 

avoid rhythmic clash. 

A well-formed metrical structure consists of several levels of beats, such that 

1. Every beat at a given level must be a beat at all lower levels. 

2. Exactly one or two beats at a given level must elapse between each pair of 

beats at the next level up. 

Building on the work of Lerdahl and Jackendoff, Temperley (2001, 38-39) adds two preference 

rules to reflect the favored status of duple rhythm. 

MPR 4 (Grouping Rule). Prefer to locate strong beats near the beginning 

of groups. 

MPR 5 (Duple Bias Rule). Prefer duple over triple relationships between levels. 

Working in tandem these two rules, Temperley suggests, will place the initial beat on the first 

note of a group and then place subsequent beats on every other note. It can be seen, then, that 

not only in language but in music, particularly uncultivated music, the preferred rhythmic pattern 

is duple rhythm with the strong beat on the initial member of a group. 

Examples from early Romance reflect the alternating stress pattern of Saturnian verse and 

the Late Latin hymn. They are also in duple rhythm; the length of the line in terms of syllable 

count may vary; and it is divided into two hemistichs each with two principal stresses. The 

earliest period of Ibero-Romance is largely undocumented because written texts continued to 

378

utilize Latin. However, Wright (1982, 184) states that “the presumed unattested popular verse of 

these centuries was patterned on stress.” He goes on to point out that the earliest ballads are 

often not isosyllabic and alludes to one from the cycle of the Romancero del Cid. In the edition 

of Michaëlis de Vasconcellos, the ballad known as “La jura de Santa Gadea” (The oath of Saint 

Agatha) appears in its entirety. The irregularity of the syllable count is seen in these lines: 

Line 1 En Sancta Gadea de Burgos 9 syllables 

Line 9 ¡Villanos te maten, Alonso 9 syllables 

Line 31 Si no dijeres la verdad 8 syllables + 1 

Line 32 De lo que te fuere preguntado 10 syllables 

The meter of the Spanish ballad is usually described as octosyllabic verse with alternating 

assonant rhyme. Variations in the syllable count of Spanish verse are designated (Baehr 1973, 

22-23) as follows: the norm is verso llano; if a word with oxytonic stress ends the line it is verso 

agudo and the syllable count is 7+1; if a word with proparoxytonic stress ends the line it is verso 

esdrújulo and the syllable count is 9-1. Although the existence of nomenclature that favors an 

exact number of syllables and labels variants implies that the template requires isosyllabism, 

Baehr (1973, 37) notes that “El isosilabismo, sin embargo, no es condición previa ni necesaria 

para que exista un verso completo desde el punto de vista rítmico.” Baehr builds on a theory put 

forth by Henríquez Ureña (1961, 19-24) that the basis of popular poetry, in particular the 

romance, was rhythmic rather than syllabic. Henríquez Ureña also notes that the earlier 

romances tend to be more irregular because with the passage of time the octosyllabic verse 

emerged as an art form. 

The three parallel texts in Table 3- 16 are versions of the ‘Ballad of the prisoner’ in 

Castilian, Catalan (Aguiló y Fuster 1888, 79), and Portuguese. The texts of the Castilian and 

Portuguese versions are from the Pan-Hispanic Ballad Project. Because of the relative regularity 

of the meter these ballads are probably from a later period than “La jura de Santa Gadea” but 

379

they all correspond to a continuing oral tradition in the Iberian Peninsula. Cases of synalepha are 

underlined. Occasionally, hiatus is maintained as in l. 6 of the Portuguese version. All lines 

begin with an accented syllable which is the head of a trochee. Although there are many cases 

where word accent and ictus do not coincide (l. 6, Catalan; only the seventh syllable would be 

accented in natural discourse) it is possible for these lines to be recited with an alternating stress 

pattern beginning with the first syllable and ending with the seventh. 

Table C-1. Duple rhythm in the Iberian ballad tradition. 


1 sino yo triste, cuidado, 8 No hi vaig pas jo, mesquinet, 7+1 Só eu sou um triste, coitado, 8 

2 que vivo en esta prisión, 7+1 tancat ací en greu presó 7+1 que aqui estou nesta prisão: 7+1 

3 que ni sé cuándo es de día, 8 hont no conech si es de dia, 8 não sei quando é de dia, 8 

4 ni cuando las noches son 7+1 si es de dia ni si es fosch, 7+1 nem quando arraia o sol, 7+1 

5 sino por una avecilla 8 sino per tres aucellets 7+1 se não são três passarinhos 8 

6 que me cantaba al albor. 7+1 que cantant voltan la tor. 7+1 que me cantam no alvor. 7+1 

The crucial accents are the first and the last. In duple rhythm a strong beat at the 

beginning of the rhythmic group would be expected. This is reflected in the frequent inversion 

of verb and clitic pronoun, exemplified by the “Romance de don Roldán” (Clavería 2004, 124- 

127). An acute accent mark indicates the primary accent of the first word. 

l. 111 Quitóle luego las armas 

l. 121 díjole que lo llevase 

l. 135 llórale toda la corte 

l. 138 fuérase para las tiendas 

l. 149 Recibióle con mucha honra 

l. 158 hízole su capitán 

l. 187 Hácese una batalla 

l. 241 Conociéronse entrambos 

l. 247 vánse con mucho amor 

Except in the last foot, clitic pronouns can be combined with verbs to produce the desired 

pattern of alternating rhythm as well as avoidance of an unstressable word at the beginning of a 

verse. In the example above the last foot is either ('X.X) or ('X), setting aside for the moment the 

question of moraicity. It does not suffice for the last syllable to be heavy; it must also be capable 

380

of bearing an accent. Therefore, function words such as definite article un and preposition con, 

por, en could not constitute a phrase final foot. That ('X.X) is the preferred form is shown by the 

frequent use of paragogic -e in the “Romance del Conde Dirlos” (Clavería 2004, 3-40). 

Although ('X) may be binary in moraic terms if it consists of a single heavy syllable, it lacks the 

preferred pattern of alternating accented and unaccented syllables. 

381

APPENDIX D 

DATABASE OF NOUNS IN CATALAN, CASTILIAN, AND PORTUGUESE WITH 

COMMON LATIN ETYMON 

382

383 

Etymon Dcl σ Ac Temp Gen CAT σ Ac Temp CAS σ Ac Temp POR σ Ac Temp 

HC1.X (89) 

1 altus, a, um 2 2 2 HC1.L m alt 1 1 HC1 alto 2 2 HC1.L alto 2 2 HC1.L 

2 annus, i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m any 1 1 HC1 año 2 2 L1.L ano 2 2 L1.L 

3 VL bassus, a, um 2 2 2 HC1.L m baix 1 1 HC1 bajo 2 2 L1.L baixo 2 2 HV1.L 

4 barbus , i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m barb 1 1 HC1 barbo 2 2 HC1.L barbo 2 2 HC1.L 

5 celtolat. bardus , i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m bard 1 1 HC1 bardo 2 2 HC1.L bardo 2 2 HC1.L 

6 beccus, i, m. Gallic 2 2 2 HC1.L m bec 1 1 HC1 pico 2 2 L1.L pico 2 2 L1.L 

7 bulbus (bulbŏs ), i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m bulb 1 1 HC1 bulbo 2 2 HC1.L bolbo 2 2 HC1.L 

8 burgus , i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m burg 1 1 HC1 burgo 2 2 HC1.L burgo 2 2 HC1.L 

9 bustum , i, n. 2 2 2 HC1.L m bust 1 1 HC1 busto 2 2 HC1.L busto 2 2 HC1.L 

10 callum , i, n. 2 2 2 HC1.L m call 1 1 HC1 callo 2 2 L1.L calo 2 2 L1.L 

11 campus , i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m camp 1 1 HC1 campo 2 2 HC1.L campo 2 2 HC1.L 

12 cardus, i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m card 1 1 HC1 cardo 2 2 HC1.L cardo 2 2 HC1.L 

13 cippus (cīpus ), i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m cep 1 1 HC1 cepo 2 2 L1.L cepo 2 2 L1.L 

14 circus , i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m circ 1 1 HC1 circo 2 2 HC1.L circo 2 2 HC1.L 

15 lat. v. coxus, a, um 2 2 2 HC1.L m coix 1 1 HC1 cojo 2 2 L1.L coxo 2 2 L1.L 

16 collum , i, n. 2 2 2 HC1.L m coll 1 1 HC1 cuello 2 2 L1.L colo 2 2 L1.L 

17 cunnus , i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m cony 1 1 HC1 coño 

2 2 L1.L conho 2 2 L1.L 

18 corvus , i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m corb 1 1 HC1 cuervo 2 2 HC1.L corvo 2 2 HC1.L 

19 crispus , a, um 2 2 2 HC1.L m cresp 1 1 HC1 crespo 2 2 HC1.L crespo 2 2 HC1.L 

20 damnum, i, n. 2 2 2 HC1.L m dany 1 1 HC1 daño 2 2 L1.L dano 2 2 L1.L 

21 discus , i, m., del gr. 2 2 2 HC1.L m disc 1 1 HC1 disco 2 2 HC1.L disco 2 2 HC1.L 

22 dorsum , i, n. 2 2 2 HC1.L m dors 1 1 HC1 dorso 2 2 HC1.L dorso 2 2 HC1.L 

23 falsus, a, um 2 2 2 HC1.L m fals 1 1 HC1 falso 2 2 HC1.L falso 2 2 HC1.L 

24 factus, a, um 2 2 2 HC1.L m fet 1 1 HC1 hecho 2 2 L1.L feito 2 2 HV1.L 

25 factum, i, n. 2 2 2 HC1.L m fet 1 1 HC1 fecho 2 2 L1.L feito 2 2 HV1.L 

26 fiscus, i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m fisc 1 1 HC1 fisco 2 2 HC1.L fisco 2 2 HC1.L 

27 fictus, a, um 2 2 2 HC1.L m fit 1 1 HC1 hito 2 2 L1.L fito 2 2 L1.L 

28 flaccus, a, um 2 2 2 HC1.L m flac 1 1 HC1 flaco 2 2 L1.L fraco 2 2 L1.L 

29 fundus, i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m fons 1 1 HC1 fondo 2 2 HC1.L fundo 2 2 HV1.L 

30 fructus, a, um 2 2 2 HC1.L m fruit 1 1 HC1 fruto 2 2 L1.L fruto 2 2 L1.L 

31 furtum, i, n. 2 2 2 HC1.L m furt 1 1 HC1 hurto 2 2 HC1.L furto 2 2 HC1.L 

32 gallus, i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m gall 1 1 HC1 gallo 2 2 L1.L galho 2 2 L1.L 

33 cattus

384 


34 VL grassus,a,um 

385 


64 russus, a, um 2 2 2 HC1.L m roig 1 1 HC1 rojo 2 2 L1.L roxo 2 2 L1.L 

65 rhombus, i, m., = ῥόμβος 2 2 2 HC1.L m rom 1 1 HC1 rombo 2 2 HC1.L rombo 2 2 HV1.L 

66 rhombus, i, m., = ῥόμβος 2 2 2 HC1.L m rumb 1 1 HC1 rumbo 2 2 HC1.L rumbo 2 2 HV1.L 

67 saccus, i, m., = σάκκος 2 2 2 HC1.L m sac 1 1 HC1 saco 2 2 L1.L saco 2 2 L1.L 

68 psalmus, i, m., = 

2 2 2 HC1.L m salm 1 1 HC1 salmo 2 2 HC1.L salmo 2 2 HC1.L 

ψαλμός 

69 sanctus, a, um 2 2 2 HC1.L m sant 1 1 HC1 santo 2 2 HC1.L santo 2 2 HV1.L 

70 sargus, i, m., = σάργος 2 2 2 HC1.L m sarg 1 1 HC1 sargo 2 2 HC1.L sargo 2 2 HC1.L 

71 servus, i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m serf 1 1 HC1 siervo 2 2 HC1.L servo 2 2 HC1.L 

72 somnus, i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m son 1 1 HC1 sueño 2 2 L1.L sono 2 2 L1.L 

73 thallus , i, m., = θαλλός 2 2 2 HC1.L m tall 1 1 HC1 tallo 2 2 L1.L talho 2 2 L1.L 

74 tantus, a, um 2 2 2 HC1.L m tant 1 1 HC1 tanto 2 2 HC1.L tanto 2 2 HV1.L 

75 ternus, a, um 2 2 2 HC1.L m tern 1 1 HC1 terno 2 2 HC1.L terno 2 2 HC1.L 

76 testu (testum), i, n. 2 2 2 HC1.L m test 1 1 HC1 tiesto 2 2 HC1.L testo 2 2 HC1.L 

77 thyrsus, i, m., = θύρσος 2 2 2 HC1.L m tirs 1 1 HC1 tirso 2 2 HC1.L tirso 2 2 HC1.L 

78 turdus , i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m tord 1 1 HC1 tordo 2 2 HC1.L tordo 2 2 HC1.L 

79 tornus , i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m torn 1 1 HC1 torno 2 2 HC1.L torno 2 2 HC1.L 

80 tortus , a, um 2 2 2 HC1.L m tort 1 1 HC1 tuerto 

2 2 HC1.L torto 2 2 HC1.L 

81 transtrum , i, n. 2 2 2 HC1.L m trast 1 1 HC1 trasto 2 2 HC1.L trasto 2 2 HC1.L 

82 truncus , i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m tronc 1 1 HC1 tronco 2 2 HC1.L tronco 2 2 HV1.L 

83 unctum, i, n. 2 2 2 HC1.L m unt 1 1 HC1 unto 2 2 HC1.L unto 2 2 HV1.L 

84 villus , i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m vell 1 1 HC1 vello 2 2 L1.L velo 2 2 L1.L 

85 ventus , i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m vent 1 1 HC1 viento 2 2 HC1.L vento 2 2 HV1.L 

86 verbum , i, n. 2 2 2 HC1.L m verb 1 1 HC1 verbo 2 2 HC1.L verbo 2 2 HC1.L 

87 ciccus, i, m., = κίκκος 2 2 2 HC1.L m xic 1 1 HC1 chico 2 2 L1.L chico 2 2 L1.L 

88 ulmus, i, f. 2 2 2 HC1.L m om (ant. olm) 1 1 HC1 olmo 2 2 HC1.L olmo 2 2 HC1.L 

176 furnus, i, m.. 2 2 2 HC1.L m forn 1 1 HC1 horno 2 2 HC1.L forno 2 2 HC1.L 

HC1.X (4th decl) (21) 

89 cantus , ūs, m. 4 2 2 HC1.L m cant 1 1 HC1 canto 2 2 HC1.L canto 2 2 HV1.L 

90 census , ūs, m. 4 2 2 HC1.L m cens 1 1 HC1 censo 2 2 HC1.L censo 2 2 HV1.L 

91 cornū , ūs, n. 4 2 2 HC1.L m corn 1 1 HC1 cuerno 2 2 HC1.L corno 2 2 HC1.L 

92 cursus , ūs, m. 4 2 2 HC1.L m cors 1 1 HC1 corso 2 2 HC1.L corso 2 2 HC1.L 

93 cursus , ūs, m. 4 2 2 HC1.L m cós 1 1 HC1 coso 2 2 L1.L cosso 2 2 L1.L 

94 cursus , ūs, m. 4 2 2 HC1.L m curs 1 1 HC1 curso 2 2 HC1.L curso 2 2 HC1.L

386 


95 fluxus, ūs, m. 4 2 2 HC1.L m flux 1 1 HC1 flujo 2 2 L1.L fluxo 2 2 HC1.L 

96 gestus, ūs, m. 4 2 2 HC1.L m gest 1 1 HC1 gesto 2 2 HC1.L gesto 2 2 HC1.L 

97 gustus, ūs, m. 4 2 2 HC1.L m gust 1 1 HC1 gusto 2 2 HC1.L gosto 2 2 HC1.L 

98 partus, ūs, m. 4 2 2 HC1.L m part 1 1 HC1 parto 2 2 HC1.L parto 2 2 HC1.L 

99 passus, ūs, m. 4 2 2 HC1.L m pas 1 1 HC1 paso 2 2 L1.L passo 2 2 L1.L 

100 pastus, ūs, m. 4 2 2 HC1.L m past 1 1 HC1 pasto 2 2 HC1.L pasto 2 2 HC1.L 

101 planctus, ūs, m. 4 2 2 HC1.L m plany 1 1 HC1 llanto 2 2 HC1.L pranto 2 2 HV1.L 

102 pulsus, ūs, m. 4 2 2 HC1.L m pols 1 1 HC1 pulso 2 2 HC1.L pulso 2 2 HC1.L 

103 portus, ūs, m. 4 2 2 HC1.L m port 1 1 HC1 puerto 2 2 HC1.L porto 2 2 HC1.L 

104 textus , ūs, m. 4 2 2 HC1.L m text 1 1 HC1 texto 2 2 HC1.L texto 2 2 HC1.L 

105 tractus, ūs, m. 4 2 2 HC1.L m tret 1 1 HC1 trecho 2 2 L1.L treito 2 2 HV1.L 

106 arcus, ūs, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m arc 1 1 HC1 arco 2 2 HC1.L arco 2 2 HC1.L 

107 cinctus , ūs, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m cint 1 1 HC1 cinto 2 2 HC1.L cinto 2 2 HV1.L 

108 sessus, ūs, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m ses 1 1 HC1 sieso 2 2 L1.L sesso 2 2 L1.L 

109 versus, ūs, m. 

HC1.X (prothesis) (6) 

2 2 2 HC1.L m vers 1 1 HC1 verso 2 2 HC1.L verso 2 2 HC1.L 

110 scincos or -us, i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m escinc 2 1 HC1 escinco 3 2 HC1.L sengue 2 2 HV1.L 

111 spartum (-ton), i, n., = 2 2 2 HC1.L m espart 2 1 HC1 esparto 3 2 HC1.L esparto 3 2 HC1.L 

σπάρτον 

112 sponsus, a, um 2 2 2 HC1.L m espòs 2 1 HC1 esposo 3 2 L1.L esposo 3 2 L1.L 

113 schistos, a, on, adj. 2 2 2 HC1.L m esquist 2 1 HC1 esquisto 3 2 HC1.L xisto 2 2 HC1.L 

114 stannum (stagnum), i, n., 2 2 2 HC1.L m estany 2 1 HC1 estaño 3 2 L1.L estanho 3 2 L1.L 

115 strictus, a, um 

HC1.X (35) 

2 2 2 HC1.L m estret 2 1 HC1 estrecho 3 2 L1.L estreito 3 2 HV1.L 

116 amplus, a, um 2 2 2 HC1.L m ample 2 2 HC1.L ancho 2 2 HC1.L ancho 2 2 HV1.L 

117 antrum, i, n., = ἀντρον 2 2 2 HC1.L m antre 2 2 HC1.L antro 2 2 HC1.L antro 2 2 HV1.L 

118 astrum, i, n., cf. ἄστρον 2 2 2 HC1.L m astre 2 2 HC1.L astro 2 2 HC1.L astro 2 2 HC1.L 

119 bombus , i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m bombo 2 2 HC1.L bombo 2 2 HC1.L bombo 2 2 HV1.L 

120 cactus , i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m cactus 2 2 HC1.L cacto 2 2 HC1.L cacto 2 2 HC1.L 

121 călĭdum (caldum ), i, n. 2 2 2 HC1.L m caldo 2 2 HC1.L caldo 2 2 HC1.L caldo 2 2 HC1.L 

122 carrus , i, m. (

387 


125 cervus, i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m cervo 2 2 HC1.L ciervo 2 2 HC1.L cervo 2 2 HC1.L 

126 claustrum, i, n. 2 2 2 HC1.L m claustre 2 2 HC1.L claustro 2 2 HC1.L claustro 2 2 HC1.L 

127 conger, gri, m., = 

γόγγρος 

2 2 2 HC1.L m congre 2 2 HC1.L congrio 2 2 HC1.L congro 2 2 HV1.L 

128 dexter, tra, trum 2 2 2 HC1.L m destre 2 2 HC1.L diestro 2 2 HC1.L destro 2 2 HC1.L 

129 oestrus, i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m estre 2 2 HC1.L estro 2 2 HC1.L estro 2 2 HC1.L 

130 ferrum, i, n. 2 2 2 HC1.L m ferro 2 2 HC1.L hierro 2 2 HC1.L ferro 2 2 HC1.L 

131 fulcrum, i, n. 2 2 2 HC1.L m fulcre 2 2 HC1.L fulcro 2 2 HC1.L fulcro 2 2 HC1.L 

132 hymnus, i, m., = ὕμνος 2 2 2 HC1.L m himne 2 2 HC1.L himno 2 2 HC1.L hino 2 2 L1.L 

133 isthmus, i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m istme 2 2 HC1.L istmo 2 2 HC1.L istmo 2 2 HC1.L 

134 lapsus, a, um 2 2 2 HC1.L m lapse 2 2 HC1.L lapso 2 2 HC1.L lapso 2 2 HC1.L 

135 limbus, i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m limbe 2 2 HC1.L limbo 2 2 HC1.L limbo 2 2 HV1.L 

136 lustrum, i, n. 2 2 2 HC1.L m lustre 2 2 HC1.L lustro 2 2 HC1.L lustro 2 2 HC1.L 

137 membrum, i, n. 2 2 2 HC1.L m membre 2 2 HC1.L miembro 2 2 HC1.L membro 2 2 HV1.L 

138 monstrum, i, n. 2 2 2 HC1.L m monstre 2 2 HC1.L monstruo 2 2 HC1.L monstro 2 2 HC1.L 

139 nexus , a, um 2 2 2 HC1.L m nexe 2 2 HC1.L nexo 2 2 HC1.L nexo 2 2 HC1.L 

140 nimbus, i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m nimbe 2 2 HC1.L nimbo 2 2 HC1.L nimbo 2 2 HV1.L 

141 pactum, i, n. 2 2 2 HC1.L m pacte 2 2 HC1.L pacto 2 2 HC1.L pacto 2 2 HC1.L 

142 plēctrum, i, n. 2 2 2 HC1.L m plectre 2 2 HC1.L plectro 2 2 HC1.L plectro 2 2 HC1.L 

143 rastrum, i, n. 2 2 2 HC1.L m rastre 2 2 HC1.L rastro 2 2 HC1.L rastro 2 2 HC1.L 

144 rectus, a, um 2 2 2 HC1.L m recte 2 2 HC1.L recto 2 2 HC1.L recto 2 2 HC1.L 

145 regnum, i, n. 2 2 2 HC1.L m regne 2 2 HC1.L reino 2 2 HV1.L reino 2 2 HV1.L 

146 rhythmos o -us, i, m., = 

ῥυθμός 

2 2 2 HC1.L m ritme 2 2 HC1.L ritmo 2 2 HC1.L ritmo 2 2 HC1.L 

147 rōstrum, i, n. 2 2 2 HC1.L m rostre 2 2 HC1.L rostro 2 2 HC1.L rosto 2 2 HC1.L 

148 signum, i, n. 2 2 2 HC1.L m signe 2 2 HC1.L signo 2 2 HC1.L signo 2 2 HC1.L 

149 sīstrum, i, n., = σεῖστρον 2 2 2 HC1.L m sistre 2 2 HC1.L sistro 2 2 HC1.L sistro 2 2 HC1.L 

150 templum , i, n. 


2 2 2 HC1.L m temple 2 2 HC1.L templo 2 2 HC1.L templo 2 2 HV1.L 

151 cultus , ūs, m. 4 2 2 HC1.L m culte 2 2 HC1.L culto 2 2 HC1.L culto 2 2 HC1.L 

152 luxus, ūs, m. 4 2 2 HC1.L m luxe 2 2 HC1.L lujo 2 2 L1.L luxo 2 2 L1.L 

153 raptus, ūs, m. 4 2 2 HC1.L m rapte 2 2 HC1.L rapto 2 2 HC1.L rapto 2 2 HC1.L 

154 sexus, ūs, m. 4 2 2 HC1.L m sexe 2 2 HC1.L sexo 2 2 HC1.L sexo 2 2 HC1.L 

155 tactus , ūs, m. 4 2 2 HC1.L m tacte 2 2 HC1.L tacto 2 2 HC1.L tacto 2 2 HC1.L 

156 tractus , ūs, m. 4 2 2 HC1.L m tracte 2 2 HC1.L tracto 2 2 HC1.L treito 2 2 HV1.L

388 

Etymon 


Dcl σ Ac Temp Gen CAT σ Ac Temp CAS σ Ac Temp POR σ Ac Temp 

157 spasmus, i, m., = 

σπασμός 

2 2 2 HC1.L m espasme 3 2 HC1.L espasmo 3 2 HC1.L espasmo 3 2 HC1.L 

158 spectrum, i, n. 

HC1.X (3) 

2 2 2 HC1.L m espectre 3 2 HC1.L espectro 3 2 HC1.L espectro 3 2 HC1.L 

159 campus , i, m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m campus 2 2 HC1.HC campus 2 2 HC1.HC campus 2 2 HV1.HC 

160 cancer , cri , m. 2 2 2 HC1.L m càncer 2 2 HC1.HC cáncer 2 2 HC1.HC câncer 2 2 HV1.HC 

161 phallus, i, m., = φαλλός 

HC1.X > (4th decl) (1) 

2 2 2 HC1.L m fal·lus 2 2 HC1.HC falo 2 2 L1.L falo 2 2 L1.L 

162 ictus, ūs, m. 


4 2 2 HC1.L m ictus 2 2 HC1.HC ictus 2 2 HC1.HC icto 2 2 HC1.L 

163 actus, ūs, m. 

HC1.X (3) 

4 2 2 HC1.L m acte 2 2 HC1.L acto 2 2 HC1.L acto 2 2 HC1.L 

164 porrum, i, n., πράσον 2 2 2 HC1.L m porro 2 2 L1.L porro 2 2 L1.L porro 2 2 L1.L 

165 porrum, i, n. ; porrus, i, 

m. 

2 2 2 HC1.L m porro 2 2 L1.L puerro 2 2 L1.L porro 2 2 L1.L 

166 cirrus , i, m. 

HV1.X (37) 

2 2 2 HC1.L m cerro 2 2 L1.L cerro 2 2 L1.L cerro 2 2 L1.L 

167 brūtus , a, um 2 2 2 HV1.L m brut 1 1 HC1 bruto 

2 2 L1.L bruto 2 2 L1.L 

168 caecus, a, um 2 2 2 HV1.L m cec 1 1 HC1 ciego 2 2 L1.L cego 2 2 L1.L 

169 caelum, i, n., 2 2 2 HV1.L m cel 1 1 HC1 cielo 2 2 L1.L céu 1 1 HV1 

170 clārus , a, um 2 2 2 HV1.L m clar 1 1 HC1 claro 2 2 L1.L claro 2 2 L1.L 

171 cōnus , i, m. < κῶνος 2 2 2 HV1.L m con 1 1 HC1 cono 2 2 L1.L cone 2 2 L1.L 

172 cūlus , i, m. 2 2 2 HV1.L m cul 1 1 HC1 culo 2 2 L1.L cu 1 1 HV1 

173 fātum, i, n. 2 2 2 HV1.L m fat 1 1 HC1 hado 2 2 L1.L fado 2 2 L1.L 

174 faenum (fēn-), i. n. 2 2 2 HV1.L m fenc 1 2 HC1 heno 2 2 L1.L feno 2 2 L1.L 

175 fīlum, i. n. 2 2 2 HV1.L m fil 1 1 HC1 hilo 2 2 L1.L fio 2 2 L1.L 

177 fūmus, i, m. 2 2 2 HV1.L m fum 1 1 HC1 humo 2 2 L1.L fumo 2 2 L1.L 

178 grātus, a, um 2 2 2 HV1.L m grat 1 1 HC1 grado 2 2 L1.L grado 2 2 L1.L 

179 grūmus, i, m. 2 2 2 HV1.L m grum 1 1 HC1 grumo 2 2 L1.L grumo 2 2 L1.L 

180 līmus, i, m. 2 2 2 HV1.L m llim 1 1 HC1 limo 2 2 L1.L limo 2 2 L1.L 

181 Māius, i, m. 2 2 2 HV1.L m maig 1 1 HC1 mayo 2 2 L1.L maio 2 2 L1.L 

182 mīmus, i, m., = μῖμος 2 2 2 HV1.L m mim 1 1 HC1 mimo 2 2 L1.L mimo 2 2 L1.L 

183 mūlus, i, m. 2 2 2 HV1.L m mul 1 1 HC1 mulo 2 2 L1.L mulo 2 2 L1.L 

184 mūrus, i, m. 2 2 2 HV1.L m mur 1 1 HC1 muro 2 2 L1.L muro 2 2 L1.L 

185 mūtus , a, um 2 2 2 HV1.L m mut 1 1 HC1 mudo 2 2 L1.L mudo 2 2 L1.L

389 


186 nānus , i, m., 2 2 2 HV1.L m nan 1 1 HC1 enano 3 2 L.L1.L anão 2 1 L.HV1 

187 nāpus, i, m. 2 2 2 HV1.L m nap 1 1 HC1 nabo 2 2 L1.L nabo 2 2 L1.L 

188 aurum, i, n. 2 2 2 HV1.L m or 1 1 HC1 oro 2 2 L1.L ouro 2 2 L1.L 

189 pālus, i, m. 2 2 2 HV1.L m pal 1 1 HC1 palo 2 2 L1.L pau 1 1 HV1 

190 paucus, a, um 2 2 2 HV1.L m poc 1 1 HC1 poco 2 2 L1.L pouco 2 2 L1.L 

191 pōmum, i, n. 2 2 2 HV1.L m pom 1 1 HC1 pomo 2 2 L1.L pomo 2 2 L1.L 

192 prātum, i, n. 2 2 2 HV1.L m prat 1 1 HC1 prado 2 2 L1.L prado 2 2 L1.L 

193 prīmus, a, um 2 2 2 HV1.L m prim 1 1 HC1 primo 2 2 L1.L primo 2 2 L1.L 

194 rāmus, i, m. 2 2 2 HV1.L m ram 1 1 HC1 ramo 2 2 L1.L ramo 2 2 L1.L 

195 rāsus, a, um 2 2 2 HV1.L m ras 1 1 HC1 raso 2 2 L1.L raso 2 2 L1.L 

196 rēmus, i, m. 2 2 2 HV1.L m rem 1 1 HC1 remo 2 2 L1.L remo 2 2 L1.L 

197 sūcus (succus), i, m. 2 2 2 HV1.L m suc 1 1 HC1 jugo 2 2 L1.L suco 2 2 L1.L 

198 tōtus , a, um 2 2 2 HV1.L m tot 1 1 HC1 todo 2 2 L1.L todo 2 2 L1.L 

199 t phus , i, m. 2 2 2 HV1.L m tuf 1 1 HC1 tufo 2 2 L1.L tufo 2 2 L1.L 

200 vāsum & vāsus , i, m. / 

n. 

2 2 2 HV1.L m vas 1 1 HC1 vaso 2 2 L1.L vaso 2 2 L1.L 

201 vēlum , i, n. 2 2 2 HV1.L m vel 1 1 HC1 velo 2 2 L1.L veio 2 2 L1.L 

202 vōtum , i 2 2 2 HV1.L m vot 1 1 HC1 voto 

2 2 L1.L voto 2 2 L1.L 

203 zēlus , i, m. 

HV1.X (4th decl) (4) 

2 2 2 HV1.L m zel 1 1 HC1 celo 2 2 L1.L zelo 2 2 L1.L 

204 cāsus, ūs, m. 4 2 2 HV1.L m cas 1 1 HC1 caso 2 2 L1.L caso 2 2 L1.L 

205 flātus, ūs, m. 4 2 2 HV1.L m flat 1 1 HC1 flato 2 2 L1.L flato 2 2 L1.L 

206 fūsus, ūs, m. 4 2 2 HV1.L m fus 1 1 HC1 huso 2 2 L1.L fuso 2 2 L1.L 

207 ūsus , ūs, m. 

HV1.X (prothesis) (4) 

4 2 2 HV1.L m ús 1 1 HC1 uso 2 2 L1.L uso 2 2 L1.L 

208 scrōtum, i, n. 2 2 2 HV1.L m escrot 2 1 HC1 escroto 3 2 L1.L escroto 3 2 L1.L 

209 scūtum, i, n. 2 2 2 HV1.L m escut 2 1 HC1 escudo 3 2 L1.L escudo 3 2 L1.L 

210 spūtum, i, n. 2 2 2 HV1.L m esput 2 1 HC1 esputo 3 2 L1.L esputo 3 2 L1.L 

211 strātum, i, n. 

HV1.X (prothesis) (4th 

decl) (1) 

2 2 2 HV1.L m estrat 2 1 HC1 estrado 3 2 L1.L estrado 3 2 L1.L 

212 strātus, ūs, m. 

HV1.X > HV1 (18) 

4 2 2 HV1.L m estrat 2 1 HC1 estrato 3 2 L1.L estrato 3 2 L1.L 

213 clāvus , i, m. 2 2 2 HV1.L m clau 1 1 HV1 clavo 2 2 L1.L cravo 2 2 L1.L 

214 dōnum , i, n. 2 2 2 HV1.L m do 1 1 HV1 don 1 1 HC1 dom 1 1 HV1 

215 LL feudum (Germ.) 2 2 2 HV1.L m feu 1 1 HV1 feudo 2 2 HV1.L feudo 2 2 HV1.L

390 


216 frēnum or fraenum, i, n. 2 2 2 HV1.L m fre 1 1 HV1 freno 2 2 L1.L freio 2 2 L1.L 

217 grānum, i, n. 2 2 2 HV1.L m gra 1 1 HV1 grano 2 2 L1.L grão 1 1 HV1 

218 jŭgum, i, n. 2 2 2 HV1.L m jou 1 1 HV1 yugo 2 2 L1.L jugo 2 2 L1.L 

219 līnum, i, n. 2 2 2 HV1.L m lli 1 1 HV1 lino 2 2 L1.L linho 2 2 L1.L 

220 nīdus , i, m. 2 2 2 HV1.L m niu 1 1 HV1 nido 2 2 L1.L ninho 2 2 L1.L 

221 ōvum, i, n. 2 2 2 HV1.L m ou 1 1 HV1 huevo 2 2 L1.L ovo 2 2 L1.L 

222 plānus , a, um 2 2 2 HV1.L m pla 1 1 HV1 llano 2 2 L1.L chão 1 1 HV1 

223 plānum, i, n 2 2 2 HV1.L m pla 1 1 HV1 plano 2 2 L1.L plano 2 2 L1.L 

224 plēnus, a, um 2 2 2 HV1.L m ple 1 1 HV1 lleno 2 2 L1.L cheio 2 2 L1.L 

225 plēnus, a, um, adj. 2 2 2 HV1.L m ple 1 1 HV1 pleno 2 2 L1.L pleno 2 2 L1.L 

226 rīvus, i, m. 2 2 2 HV1.L m riu 1 1 HV1 río 2 2 L1.L rio 2 2 L1.L 

227 sēbum, i, n. 2 2 2 HV1.L m sèu 1 1 HV1 sebo 2 2 L1.L sebo 2 2 L1.L 

228 vānus , a, um 2 2 2 HV1.L m va 1 1 HV1 vano 2 2 L1.L vão 1 1 HV1 

229 vīnum , i, n. 2 2 2 HV1.L m vi 1 1 HV1 vino 2 2 L1.L vinho 2 2 L1.L 

230 vivus, a, um 


2 2 2 HV1.L m viu 1 1 HV1 vivo 2 2 L1.L vivo 2 2 L1.L 

231 pīnus, ūs & i, f. 

HV1.X (4) 

4 2 2 HV1.L m pi 1 1 HV1 pino 2 2 L1.L pinho 2 2 L1.L 

232 auster , tri, m. 2 2 2 HV1.L m austre 2 2 HV1.L austro 

2 2 HV1.L austro 2 2 HV1.L 

233 cūprum , i, n. 2 2 2 HV1.L m coure 2 2 HV1.L cobre 2 2 L1.L cobre 2 2 L1.L 

234 Faunus, i, m. 2 2 2 HV1.L m faune 2 2 HV1.L fauno 2 2 HV1.L fauno 2 2 HV1.L 

235 taurus , i, m. 

HV1.X (2) 

2 2 2 HV1.L m taure 2 2 HV1.L tauro 2 2 HV1.L tauro 2 2 HV1.L 

236 lōtos and lōtus, i, f., = 2 2 2 HV1.L m lotus 2 2 L1.HC loto 2 2 L1.L loto 2 2 L1.L 

λωτός 

237 vīrus , i, n. 2 2 2 HV1.L m virus 2 2 L1.HC virus 2 2 L1.HC vírus 2 2 L1.HC 


238 fētus (foet-), ūs, m. 4 2 2 HV1.L m fetus 2 2 L1.HC feto 2 2 L1.L feto 2 2 L1.L 

HV1.X (8) 

239 cēdrus , i, f. < κέδρος 2 2 2 HV1.L m cedre 2 2 L1.L cedro 2 2 L1.L cedro 2 2 L1.L 

240 quādrus, a, um 2 2 2 HV1.L m quadre 2 2 L1.L cuadro 2 2 L1.L quadro 2 2 L1.L 

241 dīvus (dīus ), i, m. 2 2 2 HV1.L m divo 2 2 L1.L divo 2 2 L1.L divo 2 2 L1.L 

242 dūplus , a, um, adj. 2 2 2 HV1.L m duple 2 2 L1.L duplo 2 2 L1.L duplo 2 2 L1.L 

243 lū˘crum, i, n. 2 2 2 HV1.L m lucre 2 2 L1.L lucro 2 2 L1.L lucro 2 2 L1.L 

244 maurus, a, um 2 2 2 HV1.L m moro 2 2 L1.L moro 2 2 L1.L mouro 2 2 L1.L 

245 nōdus , i, m. 2 2 2 HV1.L m node 2 2 L1.L nodo 2 2 L1.L nodo 2 2 L1.L

391 


246 taurus , i, m. 


2 2 2 HV1.L m toro 2 2 L1.L toro 2 2 L1.L touro 2 2 L1.L 

247 ēcho, ūs, f., = ἠχώ 4 2 2 HV1.L m eco 2 2 L1.L eco 2 2 L1.L eco 2 2 L1.L 

248 rītus, ūs, m. 

HV1.X (prothesis) (1) 

4 2 2 HV1.L m ritu 2 2 L1.L rito 2 2 L1.L rito 2 2 L1.L 

249 stū˘prum, i, n. 

L1.X (28) 

2 2 2 L1.L m estupre 3 2 L1.L estupro 3 2 L1.L estupro 3 2 L1.L 

250 blĭtum , i, n. 2 2 2 L1.L m blet 1 1 HC1 bledo 2 2 L1.L bredo 2 2 L1.L 

251 chŏrus, i, m., = χορός 2 2 2 L1.L m cor 1 1 HC1 coro 2 2 L1.L coro 2 2 L1.L 

252 cŭbus, i, m. 2 2 2 L1.L m cub 1 1 HC1 cubo 2 2 L1.L cubo 2 2 L1.L 

253 LL cucum < coccum, i, n., 2 2 2 L1.L m cuc 1 1 HC1 cuco 2 2 L1.L cuca 2 2 L1.L 

= κὀκκος 

254 LL dŏlum

392 

Etymon 

L1.X (4th decl) (1) 


278 lăcus , ūs, m. 

L1.X (prothesis) (1) 

4 2 2 L1.L m llac 1 1 HC1 lago 2 2 L1.L lago 2 2 L1.L 

279 stĭlus, i, m. 

L1.X (prothesis) (4th 

decl) (1) 

2 2 2 L1.L m estil 2 1 HC.HC1 estilo 3 2 L1.L estilo 3 2 L1.L 

280 stătus, ūs, m. 

L1.X (4) 

4 2 2 L1.L m estat 2 1 HC1 estado 3 2 L1.L estado 3 2 L1.L 

281 dĕus , i, m. 2 2 2 L1.L m déu 1 1 HV1 dios 1 1 HC1 deus 1 1 HC1 

282 *nudus < nōdus, i, m. 2 2 2 L1.L m nu (nuu) 1 1 HV1 nudo 2 2 L1.L nó 2 2 HV1 

283 rĕus, i, m. 2 2 2 L1.L m reu 1 1 HV1 reo 2 2 L1.L réu 1 1 HV1 

284 tŏnus , i, m., = τόνος 


2 2 2 L1.L m to 1 1 HV1 tono 2 2 L1.L tono 2 2 L1.L 

285 mănus, ūs, f. 4 2 2 L1.L f mà 1 1 HV1 mano 2 2 L1.L mão 1 1 HV1 

286 grădus, ūs, m. 4 2 2 L1.L m grau 1 1 HV1 grado 2 2 L1.L grado 2 2 L1.L 

287 sĭnus, ūs, m. 

L1.X (prothesis) (1) 

4 2 2 L1.L m si 1 1 HV1 seno 2 2 L1.L seio 2 2 L1.L 

288 LL sclavus

393 


303 nĭger, gra, grum 2 2 2 L1.L m negre 2 2 L1.L negro 2 2 L1.L negro 2 2 L1.L 

304 siclus, i, m. (Heb. shekel 

) 

2 2 2 L1.L m sicle 2 2 L1.L siclo 2 2 L1.L siclo 2 2 L1.L 

305 trĭplus , a, um 2 2 2 L1.L m triple 2 2 L1.L triplo 2 2 L1.L triplo 2 2 L1.L 

306 văgus , a, um 


2 2 2 L1.L m vague 2 2 L1.L vago 2 2 L1.L vago 2 2 L1.L 

307 trĭbus , ūs, f. 

HC.HC1.X (31) 

4 2 2 L1.L f tribu 2 2 L1.L tribu 2 2 L1.L tribo 2 2 L1.L 

308 adiunctus, a, um 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m adjunt 2 1 HC.HC1 adjunto 3 2 HC.HC1.L adjunto 3 2 HC.HV1.L 

309 arbustum, i, n. 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m arbust 2 1 HC.HC1 arbusto 3 2 HC.HC1.L arbusto 3 2 HC.HC1.L 

310 asbestŏs , i, m. 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m asbest 2 1 HC.HC1 asbesto 3 2 HC.HC1.L asbesto 3 2 HC.HC1.L 

311 asphaltus, i, m. = 

πισσάσφαλτος 

2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m asfalt 2 1 HC.HC1 asfalto 3 2 HC.HC1.L asfalto 3 2 HC.HC1.L 

312 castellum , i, n. 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m castell 2 1 HC.HC1 castillo 3 2 HC.L1.L castelo 3 2 HC.L1.L 

313 cultellus , i, m. 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m coltell 2 1 HC.HC1 cuchillo 3 2 L.L1.L cutelo 3 2 L.L1.L 

314 confessus , a, um 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m confés 2 1 HC.HC1 confeso 3 2 HC.HC1.L confesso 3 2 HV.HC1.L 

315 contentus , a, um 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m content 2 1 HC.HC1 contento 3 2 HC.HC1.L contente 3 2 HV.HV1.L 

316 conversus, a, um 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m convers 2 1 HC.HC1 converso 3 2 HC.HC1.L converso 3 2 HV.HC1.L 

317 crystallum , i, n. 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m cristall 2 1 HC.HC1 cristal 

2 1 HC.HC1 cristal 2 1 HC.HC1 

318 diphthongus , i, f., = 

δίφθογγος 

2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m diftong 2 1 HC.HC1 diptongo 3 2 HC.HC1.L ditongo 3 2 L.HV1.L 

319 incensum, i, n. 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m encens 2 1 HC.HC1 incienso 3 2 HC.HC1.L incenso 3 2 HV.HC1.L 

320 expertus , a, um 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m expert 2 1 HC.HC1 experto 3 2 HC.HC1.L experto 3 2 HV.HC1.L 

321 fermentum, i, n. 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m ferment 2 1 HC.HC1 fermento 3 2 HC.HC1.L fermento 3 2 HC.HC1.L 

322 fragmentum, i, n. 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m fragment 2 1 HC.HC1 fragmento 3 2 HC.HC1.L fragmento 3 2 HC.HV1.L 

323 infartus, a, um 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m infart 2 1 HC.HC1 infarto 3 2 HC.HC1.L infarto 3 2 HV.HC1.L 

324 infernum, i, n. 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m infern 2 1 HC.HC1 infierno 3 2 HC.HC1.L inferno 3 2 HV.HC1.L 

325 intentus, a, um 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m intent 2 1 HC.HC1 intento 3 2 HC.HC1.L intento 3 2 HV.HC1.L 

326 internus, a, um 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m intern 2 1 HC.HC1 interno 3 2 HC.HC1.L interno 3 2 HV.HC1.L 

327 inventum, i, n. 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m invent 2 1 HC.HC1 invento 3 2 HC.HC1.L invento 3 2 HV.HC1.L 

328 lentiscum, i, n. 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m llentisc 2 1 HC.HC1 lentisco 3 2 HC.HC1.L lentisco 3 2 HV.HC1.L 

329 molluscum, i, n. 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m mol·lusc 2 1 HC.HC1 molusco 3 2 L.HC1.L molusco 3 2 L.HC1.L 

330 nocturnus , a, um 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m nocturn 2 1 HC.HC1 nocturno 3 2 HC.HC1.L nocturno 3 2 HC.HC1.L 

331 pistillum, i, n., pistillus, i, 

m. 

2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m pestell 2 1 HC.HC1 pestillo 3 2 HC.L1.L pestilo 3 2 HC.L1.L 

332 pigmentum, i, n. 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m pigment 2 1 HC.HC1 pigmento 3 2 HC.HC1.L pigmento 3 2 HC.HV1.L 

333 pistillum, i, n. 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m pistil 2 1 HC.HC1 pistilo 3 2 HC.L1.L pistilo 3 2 HC.L1.L

394 


334 portentus, a, um 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m portent 2 1 HC.HC1 portento 3 2 HC.HC1.L portento 3 2 HC.HV1.L 

335 sarmentum, i, n. 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m sarment 2 1 HC.HC1 sarmiento 3 2 HC.HC1.L sarmento 3 2 HC.HV1.L 

336 segmentum, i, n. 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m segment 2 1 HC.HC1 segmento 3 2 HC.HC1.L segmento 3 2 HC.HV1.L 

337 tormĕntum, i, n. 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m turment 2 1 HC.HC1 tormento 3 2 HC.HC1.L tormento 3 2 HC.HV1.L 

338 unguentum, i 

HC.HC1.X (4th decl) (18) 

2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m ungüent 2 1 HC.HC1 ungüento 3 2 HC.HC1.L unguento 3 2 HV.HV1.L 

339 abscessus, ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m abscés 2 1 HC.HC1 absceso 3 2 HC.L1.L abcesso 3 2 HC.L1.L 

340 accentus, ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m accent 2 1 HC.HC1 acento 3 2 L.HC1.L acento 3 2 L.HV1.L 

341 accessus, ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m accés 2 1 HC.HC1 acceso 3 2 HC.L1.L acesso 3 2 L.L1.L 

342 complexus, ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m complex 2 1 HC.HC1 complejo 3 2 HC.L1.L complexo 3 2 HV.HC1.L 

343 concursus , ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m concurs 2 1 HC.HC1 concurso 3 2 HC.HC1.L concurso 3 2 HV.HC1.L 

344 congressus , ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m congrés 2 1 HC.HC1 congreso 3 2 HC.L1.L congresso 3 2 HV.L1.L 

345 conjunctus , ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m conjunt 2 2 HC.HC1 conjunto 3 2 HC.HC1.L conjunto 3 2 HV.HC1.L 

346 contextus , ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m context 2 1 HC.HC1 contexto 3 2 HC.HC1.L contexto 3 2 HV.HC1.L 

347 conventus , ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m convent 2 1 HC.HC1 convento 3 2 HC.HC1.L convento 3 2 HV.HC1.L 

348 discursus , ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m discurs 2 1 HC.HC1 discurso 3 2 HC.HC1.L discurso 3 2 HC.HC1.L 

349 excessus, ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m excés 2 1 HC.HC1 exceso 3 2 HC.L1.L excesso 3 2 HC.L1.L 

350 impulsus, ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m impuls 2 1 HC.HC1 impulso 3 2 HC.HC1.L impulso 3 2 HC.HC1.L 

351 incestus, ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m incest 2 1 HC.HC1 incesto 3 2 HC.HC1.L incesto 3 2 HV.HC1.L 

352 indultus, ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m indult 2 1 HC.HC1 indulto 3 2 HC.HC1.L indulto 3 2 HV.HC1.L 

353 ingressus, ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m ingrés 2 1 HC.HC1 ingreso 3 2 HC.L1.L ingresso 3 2 HV.L1.L 

354 instinctus, ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m instint 2 1 HC.HC1 instinto 3 2 HC.HC1.L instinto 3 2 HV.HV1.L 

355 successus, ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m succés 2 1 HC.HC1 suceso 3 2 L.L1.L sucesso 3 2 L.L1.L 

356 adventus, ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m advent 2 1 HC.HC1 adviento 3 2 HC.HC1.L advento 3 2 HC.HV1.L 

399 dēspectus , ūs, m. 

HC.HC1.X (prothesis) (1) 

4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m despit 2 1 HC.HC1 despecho 3 2 HC.L1.L despeito 3 2 HC.HV1.L 

357 scalpellum, i, n. 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m escalpel 3 1 HC.HC1 escalpelo 4 2 HC.L1.L escalpelo 4 2 HC.L1.L 

HC.HC1.X (10) 

358 addictus, a, um 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m addicte 3 2 HC.HC1.L adicto 3 2 L.HC1.L adicto 3 2 L.HC1.L 

359 baptismus , i, m. 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m baptisme 3 2 HC.HC1.L baptismo 3 2 HC.HC1.L baptismo 3 2 HC.HC1.L 

360 collapsus, a, um 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m col·lapse 3 2 HC.HC1.L colapso 3 2 L.HC1.L colapso 3 2 L.HC1.L 

361 compactum, i, n. 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m compacte 3 2 HC.HC1.L compacto 3 2 HC.HC1.L compacto 3 2 HV.HC1.L 

362 conductum , i, n. 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m conducte 3 2 HC.HC1.L conducto 3 2 HC.HC1.L conduto 3 2 HV.L1.L 

363 districtus , a, um 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m districte 3 2 HC.HC1.L distrito 3 2 HC.L1.L distrito 3 2 HC.L1.L 

364 exemplum , i, n. 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m exemple 3 2 HC.HC1.L ejemplo 3 2 L.HC1.L exemplo 3 2 L.HV1.L

395 


365 extractus, a, um 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m extracte 3 2 HC.HC1.L extracto 3 2 HC.HC1.L extracto 3 2 HC.HC1.L 

366 insectum, i, n. 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m insecte 3 2 HC.HC1.L insecto 3 2 HC.HC1.L insecto 3 2 HV.HC1.L 

367 sarcasmos, i, m., = 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m sarcasme 3 2 HC.HC1.L sarcasmo 3 2 HC.HC1.L sarcasmo 3 2 HC.HC1.L 

σαρκασμός 

HC.HC1.X (4th decl) (9) 

368 conceptus , ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m concepte 3 2 HC.HC1.L concepto 3 2 HC.HC1.L conceito 3 2 HV.HV1.L 

369 conflictus , ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m conflicte 3 2 HC.HC1.L conflicto 3 2 HC.HC1.L conflito 3 2 HV.L1.L 

370 contactus , ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m contacte 3 2 HC.HC1.L contacto 3 2 HC.HC1.L contacto 3 2 HV.HC1.L 

371 contractus , ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m contracte 3 2 HC.HC1.L contrato 3 2 HC.L1.L contrato 3 2 HV.L1.L 

372 olfactus, ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m olfacte 3 2 HC.HC1.L olfato 3 2 HC.L1.L olfacto 3 2 HC.HC1.L 

373 subjectus , ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m subjecte 3 2 HC.HC1.L sujeto 3 2 L.L1.L sujeito 3 2 L.HV1.L 

374 transcursus , ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m transcurs 3 2 HC.HC1.L transcurso 3 2 HC.HC1.L transcurso 3 2 HC.HC1.L 

375 aspectus, ūs, m. 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m aspecte 3 2 HC.HC1.L aspecto 3 2 HC.HC1.L aspeito 3 2 HC.HV1.L 

376 objectus, ūs, m. 

HC.HC1.X (7) 

4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m objecte 3 2 HC.HC1.L objeto 2 2 HC.L1.L objecto 2 2 HC.L1.L 

377 transversus, a, um 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m través 2 1 L.HC1 través 2 1 L.HC1 través 2 1 L.HC1 

378 annexus, a, um 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m anex 2 1 L.HC1 anejo 3 2 L.L1.L anexo 3 2 L.L1.L 

379 annexus, a, um 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m anex 2 1 L.HC1 anexo 3 2 L.HC1.L anexo 3 2 L.HC1.L 

380 pigmentum, i, n. 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m piment 2 1 L.HC1 pimiento 3 2 L.HC1.L pimento 3 2 L.HV1.L 

381 possessus, a, um 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m possés 2 1 L.HC1 poseso 3 2 L.L1.L possesso 3 2 L.L1.L 

382 suffixus, a, um 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m sufix 2 1 L.HC1 sufijo 3 2 L.L1.L sufixo 3 2 L.HC1.L 

383 b. lat. vassallus 2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m vassall 2 1 L.HC1 vasallo 3 2 L.L1.L vassalo 3 2 L.L1.L 

407 affixus, a, um 

HC.HC1.X (1) 

2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m afix 2 1 L.HC1 afijo 3 2 L.L1.L afixo 3 2 L.HC1.L 

384 assumptus, a, um 

HC.HC1.X (4 

2 3 2 HC.HC1.L m assumpte 3 2 L.HC1.L asunto 3 2 L.HC1.L assunto 3 2 L.HV1.L 

th decl) (2) 

385 affectus, ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m afecte 3 2 L.HC1.L afecto 3 2 L.HC1.L afecto 3 2 L.HC1.L 

386 effectus , ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m efecte 3 2 L.HC1.L efecto 3 2 L.HC1.L efeito 3 2 L.HV1.L 

387 respectus, ūs, m. 

HC.HV1.X (5) 

4 3 2 HC.HC1.L m respecte 3 2 L.HC1.L respecto 3 2 L.HC1.L respeito 3 2 L.HV1.L 

388 costātus, a, um 2 3 2 HC.HV1.L m costat 2 1 HC.HC1 costado 3 2 HC.L1.L costado 3 2 HC.L1.L 

389 discrētus, a, um 2 3 2 HC.HV1.L m discret 2 1 HC.HC1 discreto 3 2 HC.L1.L discreto 3 2 HC.L1.L 

390 extrēmus , a, um 2 3 2 HC.HV1.L m extrem 2 1 HC.HC1 extremo 3 2 HC.L1.L extremo 3 2 HC.L1.L 

391 mandātum, i, n. 2 3 2 HC.HV1.L m mandat 2 1 HC.HC1 mandato 3 2 HC.L1.L mandato 3 2 HV.L1.L 

392 intĕger, tēgra, tēgrum 2 3 2 HC.HV1.L m enter 2 1 HC.HC1 entero 3 2 HC.L1.L inteiro 3 2 HV.HV1.L

396 

Etymon 

HC.HV1.X (4th decl)(7) 


393 concrētus , ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HV1.L m concret 2 1 HC.HC1 concreto 3 2 HC.L1.L concreto 3 2 HV.L1.L 

394 incīsus, ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HV1.L m incís 2 1 HC.HC1 inciso 3 2 HC.L1.L inciso 3 2 HV.L1.L 

395 mercātus, ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HV1.L m mercat 2 1 HC.HC1 mercado 3 2 HC.L1.L mercado 3 2 HC.L1.L 

396 substrātus, ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HV1.L m substrat 2 1 HC.HC1 sustrato 3 2 HC.L1.L substrato 3 2 HC.L1.L 

397 translātus, ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HV1.L m trasllat 2 1 HC.HC1 traslado 3 2 HC.L1.L traslado 3 2 HC.L1.L 

398 tractātus , ūs, m. 

HC.HV1.X (6) 

4 3 2 HC.HV1.L m tractat 2 1 HC.HC1 tratado 3 2 L.L1.L tratado 3 2 L.L1.L 

400 actīvus, a, um 2 3 2 HC.HV1.L m actiu 2 1 HC.HV1 activo 3 2 HC.L1.L activo 3 2 HC.L1.L 

401 arcānus, a, um 2 3 2 HC.HV1.L m arcà 2 1 HC.HV1 arcano 3 2 HC.L1.L arcano 3 2 HC.L1.L 

402 archīvum, del gr. 2 3 2 HC.HV1.L m arxiu 2 1 HC.HV1 archivo 3 2 HC.L1.L arquivo 3 2 HC.L1.L 

403 aestīvum [tempus] 2 3 2 HC.HV.L m estiu 2 1 HC.HV1 estío 3 2 HC.L1.L estío 3 2 HC.L1.L 

404 germānus, i, m. 2 3 2 HC.HV1.L m germà 2 1 HC.HV1 hermano 3 2 HC.L1.L irmão 2 1 HC.HV1 

405 Silvānus (Sylv-), i, m. 2 3 2 HC.HV1.L m silvà 2 1 HC.HV1 silvano 3 2 L.L1.L silvano 3 2 L.L1.L 

HC.HV1.X (1) 1 

406 Centaurus , i, m. 

HC.HV1.X (6) 

2 3 2 HC.HV1.L m centaure 3 2 HC.HV1.L centauro 3 2 HC.HV1.L centauro 3 2 HV.HV1.L 

408 ănhēlus, a, um 2 3 2 HC.HV1.L m anhel 2 1 L.HC1 anhelo 3 2 L.L1.L anelo 3 2 L.L1.L 

409 cognātus , i, m. 2 3 2 HC.HV1.L m cunyat 2 1 L.HC1 cuñado 3 2 L.L1.L cunhado 3 2 L.L1.L 

410 peccātum, i, n. 2 3 2 HC.HV1.L m pecat 2 1 L.HC1 pecado 3 2 L.L1.L pecado 3 2 L.L1.L 

411 sapphīrus, i, f., = 

2 3 2 HC.HV1.L m safir 2 1 L.HC1 zafiro 3 2 L.L1.L safira 3 2 L.L1.L 

σάπφειρος 

412 terrēnum , i. n. 2 3 2 HC.HV1.L m terreny 2 1 L.HC1 terreno 3 2 L.L1.L terreno 3 2 L.L1.L 

HC.HV1.X (4th decl) (2) 

413 afflātus 4 3 2 HC.HV1.L m aflat 2 1 L.HC1 aflato 3 2 L.L1.L aflato 3 2 L.L1.L 

414 grunnītus, ūs, m. 4 3 2 HC.HV1.L m grunyit 2 1 L.HC1 gruñido 3 2 L.L1.L grunhido 3 2 L.L1.L 

HC.HV1.X (1) 

415 passīvus, i, m. 2 3 2 HC.HV1.L m passiu 2 1 L.HV1 pasivo 2 2 L.L1.L pasivo 2 2 L.L1.L 

HV.HC1.X (1) 

416 dīrectus, a, um 2 3 2 HC.HV1.L m dret 1 1 HC1 derecho 3 2 L.L1.L direito 3 2 L.HV1.L 

HV.HC1.X (1) 

417 eunūchus, i, m 2 3 2 HV.HV1.L m eunuc 2 1 HV.HC1 eunuco 3 2 HV.L1.L eunuco 3 2 HV.L1.L 

HV.HC1.X (1) 

418 autumnus, i, m. 2 3 2 HV.HC1.L m autumne 3 2 HV.HC1.L otoño 3 2 L.L1.L Outono 3 2 L.L1.L

397 

Etymon 

HV.HC1.X (14) 


419 Augustus 2 3 2 HV.HC1.L m agost 2 1 L.HC1 agosto 3 2 L.HC1.L Agosto 3 2 L.HC1.L 

420 bēryllus, i, m. 2 3 2 HV.HC1.L m beril 2 1 L.HC1 berilo 3 2 L.L1.L berilo 3 2 L.L1.L 

421 caementum , i, n. 2 3 2 HV.HC1.L m cement 2 1 L.HC1 cemento 3 2 L.HC1.L cemento 3 2 L.HV1.L 

422 dēsertus , a, um 2 3 2 HV.HC1.L m desert 2 1 L.HC1 desierto 3 2 L.HC1.L deserto 3 2 L.HC1.L 

423 dīgestus , a, um 2 3 2 HV.HC1.L m digest 2 1 L.HC1 digesto 3 2 L.HC1.L digesto 3 2 L.HC1.L 

424 lāmentum , i, n. 2 3 2 HV.HC1.L m lament 2 1 L.HC1 lamento 3 2 L.HC1.L lamento 3 2 L.HV1.L 

425 lībertus, a, um 2 3 2 HV.HC1.L m llibert 2 1 L.HC1 liberto 3 2 L.HC1.L liberto 3 2 L.HC1.L 

426 praefixus, a, um 2 3 2 HV.HC1.L m prefix 2 1 L.HC1 prefijo 3 2 L.L1.L prefixo 3 2 L.HC1.L 

427 praetextus, a, um 2 3 2 HV.HC1.L m pretext 2 1 L.HC1 pretexto 3 2 L.HC1.L pretexto 3 2 L.HC1.L 

428 prōfectus, a, um 2 3 2 HV.HC1.L m profit 2 1 L.HC1 provecho 3 2 L.HC1.L proveito 3 2 L.HV1.L 

429 pūpillus, i, m. 2 3 2 HV.HC1.L m pupil 2 1 L.HC1 pupilo 3 2 L.L1.L pupilo 3 2 L.L1.L 

430 rēsponsum, i, n. 2 3 2 HV.HC1.L m respons 2 1 L.HC1 responso 3 2 L.HC1.L responso 3 2 L.HV1.L 

431 tōmentum , i, n. 2 3 2 HV.HC1.L m toment 2 2 L.HC1 tomento 3 2 L.HC1.L tomento 3 2 L.HV1.L 

432 vīburnum , i, n. 

HV.HC1.X (4th decl) (4) 

2 3 2 HV.HC1.L m viburn 2 1 L.HC1 viburno 3 2 L.HC1.L viburno 3 2 L.HC1.L 

433 dēcursus , ūs, m. 4 3 2 HV.HC1.L m decurs 2 1 L.HC1 decurso 3 2 L.HC1.L decurso 3 2 L.HC1.L 

434 dēcessus , ūs, m. 4 3 2 HV.HC1.L m decés 2 1 L.HC1 deceso 3 2 L.L1.L decesso 3 2 L.L1.L 

435 dēfunctus , ūs, m. 4 3 2 HV.HC1.L m difunt 2 1 L.HC1 difunto 3 2 L.HC1.L defunto 3 2 L.HV1.L 

436 prōgressus, ūs, m. 

HV.HC1.LX (8) 

4 3 2 HV.HC1.L m progrés 2 1 L.HC1 progreso 3 2 L.L1.L progresso 3 2 L.L1.L 

437 ēdictum , i, n. 2 3 2 HV.HC1.L m edicte 3 2 L.HC1.L edicto 3 2 L.HC1.L edicto 3 2 L.HC1.L 

438 ēlectrum , i, n. 2 3 2 HV.HC1.L m electre 3 2 L.HC1.L electro 3 2 L.HC1.L electro 3 2 L.HC1.L 

439 praeceptum, i, n. 2 3 2 HV.HC1.L m precepte 3 2 L.HC1.L precepto 3 2 L.HC1.L preceito 3 2 L.HV1.L 

440 praefectus, i, m. 2 3 2 HV.HC1.L m prefecte 3 2 L.HC1.L prefecto 3 2 L.HC1.L prefeito 3 2 L.HC1.L 

441 prōductus, a, um 2 3 2 HV.HC1.L m producte 3 2 L.HC1.L producto 3 2 L.HC1.L produto 3 2 L.L1.L 

442 prōjectus, a, um 2 3 2 HV.HC1.L m projecte 3 2 L.HC1.L proyecto 3 2 L.HC1.L projecto 3 2 L.HC1.L 

443 rēscriptum, i, n. 2 3 2 HV.HC1.L m rescripte 3 2 L.HC1.L rescripto 3 2 L.HC1.L rescrito 3 2 L.L1.L 

444 tēnesmos , i, m. 

HV.HC1.LX (4th decl) (2) 

2 3 2 HV.HC1.L m tenesme 3 2 L.HC1.L tenesmo 3 2 L.HC1.L tenesmo 3 2 L.HC1.L 

445 dēfectus , ūs, m. 4 3 2 HV.HC1.L m defecte 3 2 L.HC1.L defecto 3 2 L.HC1.L defeito 3 2 L.HV1.L 

446 praecinctus, ūs, m. 

HV.HV1.X (10) 

4 3 2 HV.HC1.L m precinte 3 2 L.HC1.L precinto 3 2 L.HC1.L precinto 3 2 L.HV1.L 

447 cūrātus , a, um 2 3 2 HV.HV1.L m curat 2 1 L.HC1 curato 3 2 L.L1.L curato 3 2 L.L1.L 

448 dēcrētum , i, n. 2 3 2 HV.HV1.L m decret 2 1 L.HC1 decreto 3 2 L.L1.L decreto 3 2 L.L1.L 

449 dēvōtus, a, um 2 3 2 HV.HV1.L m devot 2 1 L.HC1 devoto 3 2 L.L1.L devoto 3 2 L.L1.L

398 


450 hysōpum (hysso-), i, n., = 

ὕσσωπος 

2 3 2 HV.HV1.L m hisop 2 1 L.HC1 hisopo 3 2 L.L1.L hissopo 3 2 L.L1.L 

451 lēgātus, i, m. 2 3 2 HV.HV1.L m llegat 2 1 L.HC1 legado 3 2 L.L1.L legado 3 2 L.L1.L 

452 praelātus, a, um 2 3 2 HV.HV1.L m prelat 2 1 L.HC1 prelado 3 2 L.L1.L prelado 3 2 L.L1.L 

453 quādrātus , a, um 2 3 2 HV.HV1.L m quadrat 2 1 L.HC1 cuadrado 3 2 L.L1.L quadrado 3 2 L.L1.L 

454 sēcrētum, i, n. 2 3 2 HV.HV1.L m secret 2 1 L.HC1 secreto 3 2 L.L1.L secreto 3 2 L.L1.L 

455 thēsaurus, i, m., del gr. 2 3 2 HV.HV1.L m tresor 2 1 L.HC1 tesoro 3 2 L.L1.L tesouro 3 2 L.HV1.L 

456 vīnētum , i, n., infl. vīnĕa 

HV.HV1.X (4th decl) (4) 

2 3 2 HV.HV1.L m vinyet 2 1 L.HC1 viñedo 3 2 L.L1.L vinhedo 3 2 L.L1.L 

457 cōnātus , ūs, m. 4 3 2 HV.HV1.L m conat 2 1 L.HC1 conato 3 2 L.L1.L conato 3 2 L.L1.L 

458 mūgītus, ūs, m. 4 3 2 HV.HV1.L m mugit 2 1 L.HC1 mugido 3 2 L.L1.L mugido 3 2 L.L1.L 

459 prīmātus, ūs, m. 4 3 2 HV.HV1.L m primat 2 1 L.HC1 primado 3 2 L.L1.L primado 3 2 L.L1.L 

460 vāgītus , ūs, m. 

HV.HV1.X (7) 

4 3 2 HV.HV1.L m vagit 2 1 L.HC1 vagido 3 2 L.L1.L vagido 3 2 L.L1.L 

461 dīvīnus , a, um, adj. 2 3 2 HV.HV1.L m diví 2 1 L.HV1 divino 3 2 L.L1.L divino 3 2 L.L1.L 

462 hūmānus, a, um 2 3 2 HV.HV1.L m humà 2 1 L.HV1 humano 3 2 L.L1.L humano 3 2 L.L1.L 

463 Mūsēum, i, n., = 

2 3 2 HV.HV1.L m museu 2 1 L.HV1 museo 3 2 L.L1.L museu 2 1 L.HV1 

Μουσεῖον 

464 nātīvus, a, um 2 3 2 HV.HV1.L m natiu 2 1 L.HV1 nativo 

3 2 L.L1.L nativo 3 2 L.L1.L 

465 pāgānus, a, um 2 3 2 HV.HV1.L m pagà 2 1 L.HV1 pagano 3 2 L.L1.L pagão 2 1 L.HV1 

466 plēbēĭus (-ējus), a, um 2 3 2 HV.HV1.L m plebeu 2 1 L.HV1 plebeyo 3 2 L.L1.L plebeu 2 1 L.HV1 

467 vīcīnus , a, um 

HV.HV1.X (1) 

2 3 2 HV.HV1.L m veí 2 1 L.HV1 vecino 3 2 L.L1.L vizinho 3 2 L.L1.L 

468 thēsaurus, i, m. = 2 3 2 HV.HV1.L m tesaurus 3 2 L.HV1.HC tesauro 3 2 L.HV1.L tesauro 3 2 L.HV1.L 

θησαυρός 

HV.HV1.X (1) 

469 dētrītus , ūs, m. 4 3 2 HV.HV1.L m detritus 3 2 L.L1.HC detrito 3 2 L.L1.L detrito 3 2 L.L1.L 

L.HC1.X (1) 

470 măgister, tri, m. 2 3 2 L.HC1.L m mestre 2 2 HC1.L maestro 3 2 L.HC1.L mestre 2 2 HC1.L 

L.HC1.X (26) 

471 acanthus,-ī, m. 2 3 2 L.HC1.L m acant 2 1 L.HC1 acanto 3 2 L.L1.L acanto 3 2 L.L1.L 

472 amentum 2 3 2 L.HC1.L m ament 2 1 L.HC1 amento 3 2 L.HC1.L amento 3 2 L.HC1.L 

473 anĕllus 2 3 2 L.HC1.L m anell 2 1 L.HC1 anillo 3 2 L.L1.L anel 2 1 L.HC1 

474 Ăvernus , a, um 2 3 2 L.HC1.L m avern 2 1 L.HC1 averno 3 2 L.HC1.L averno 3 2 L.HC1.L 

475 băcillum , i, n. 2 3 2 L.HC1.L m bacil 2 1 L.HC1 bacilo 3 2 L.L1.L bacilo 3 2 L.L1.L 

476 bătillum, i, n. 2 3 2 L.HC1.L m badil 2 1 L.HC1 badil 2 1 L.HC1 badil 2 1 L.HC1

399 


477 bĭsextus , i, m. 2 3 2 L.HC1.L m bixest 2 1 L.HC1 bisiesto 3 2 L.HC1.L bissexto 3 2 L.HC1.L 

478 căpillus , i, m. 2 3 2 L.HC1.L m cabell 2 1 L.HC1 cabello 3 2 L.L1.L cabelo 3 2 L.L1.L 

479 cătarrhus, i, m. 2 3 2 L.HC1.L m cadarn 2 1 L.HC1 catarro 3 2 L.HC1.L catarro 3 2 L.HC1.L 

480 căballus , i, m., 2 3 2 L.HC1.L m cavall 2 1 L.HC1 caballo 3 2 L.L1.L cavalo 3 2 L.L1.L 

481 cŏlossus , i, m. 

2 3 2 L.HC1.L m colós 2 1 L.HC1 coloso 3 2 L.L1.L colosso 3 2 L.L1.L 

400 


507 cylindrus , dri, m., = 

κύλινδρος 

2 3 2 L.HC1.L m cilindre 3 2 L.HC1.L cilindro 3 2 L.HC1.L cilindro 3 2 L.HC1.L 

508 cynismus , i, m., = 

κυνισμός 

2 3 2 L.HC1.L m cinisme 3 2 L.HC1.L cinismo 3 2 L.HC1.L cinismo 3 2 L.HC1.L 

509 cŏrymbus , i, m., del gr. 2 3 2 L.HC1.L m corimbe 3 2 L.HC1.L corimbo 3 2 L.HC1.L corimbo 3 2 L.HC1.L 

510 mĭnister , tri, m. 2 3 2 L.HC1.L m ministre 3 2 L.HC1.L ministro 3 2 L.HC1.L ministro 3 2 L.HC1.L 

511 rĕgestum, i, n. 2 3 2 L.HC1.L m registre 3 2 L.HC1.L registro 3 2 L.HC1.L registro 3 2 L.HC1.L 

512 sĕpulcrum, i, n. 2 3 2 L.HC1.L m sepulcre 3 2 L.HC1.L sepulcro 3 2 L.HC1.L sepulcro 3 2 L.HC1.L 

513 sĭnister, tra, trum 

L.HC1.X (4th decl) (2) 

2 3 2 L.HC1.L m sinistre 3 2 L.HC1.L siniestro 3 2 L.HC1.L sinestro 3 2 L.HC1.L 

514 prospectus, ūs, m. 4 3 2 L.HC1.L m prospecte 3 2 L.HC1.L prospecto 3 2 L.HC1.L prospecto 3 2 L.HC1.L 

515 rē˘tractus, ūs, m. 

L.HV1.X (1) 

4 3 2 L.HC1.L m retracte 3 2 L.HC1.L retracto 3 2 L.HC1.L retracto 3 2 L.HC1.L 

516 cĕrēbrum, i, n. 

L.HV1.X (22) 

2 3 2 L.HV1.L m cervell 2 1 HC.HC1 cerebro 3 2 L.L1.L cérebro 3 3 L1.L.L 

517 ā˘prīcus, a, um 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m abric 2 1 L.HC1 abrigo 3 2 L.L1.L abrigo 3 2 L.L1.L 

518 amīcus 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m amic 2 1 L.HC1 amigo 3 2 L.L1.L amigo 3 2 L.L1.L 

519 ăsylum, i, n., = ἄσυλον 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m asil 2 1 L.HC1 asilo 3 2 L.L1.L asilo 3 2 L.L1.L 

520 beātus 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m beat 2 1 L.HC1 beato 

3 2 L.L1.L beato 3 2 L.L1.L 

521 cămēlus, i, m.= κάμηλος 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m camell 2 1 L.HC1 camello 3 2 L.L1.L camelo 3 2 L.L1.L 

522 cŏlōnus , i, m. 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m colon 2 1 L.HC1 colono 3 2 L.L1.L colono 3 2 L.L1.L 

523 dĕcōrum , i, n. 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m decor 2 1 L.HC1 decoro 3 2 L.L1.L decoro 3 2 L.L1.L 

524 ĕphēbus , i, m., = ἔφηβος 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m efeb 2 1 L.HC1 efebo 3 2 L.L1.L efebo 3 2 L.L1.L 

525 fŭtūrus, a, um 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m futur 2 1 L.HC1 futuro 3 2 L.L1.L futuro 3 2 L.L1.L 

526 mărītus, i, m. 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m marit 2 1 L.HC1 marido 3 2 L.L1.L marido 3 2 L.L1.L 

527 mĭnūtus, a, um 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m menut 2 1 L.HC1 menudo 3 2 L.L1.L miúdo 3 2 L.L1.L 

528 mĭnūtus, a, um 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m minut 2 1 L.HC1 minuto 3 2 L.L1.L minuto 3 2 L.L1.L 

529 nĭvātus , a, um 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m nevat 2 1 L.HC1 nevado 3 2 L.L1.L nevado 3 2 L.L1.L 

530 pĕrītus, a, um 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m perit 2 1 L.HC1 perito 3 2 L.L1.L perito 3 2 L.L1.L 

531 răcēmus, i, m. 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m raïm 2 1 L.HC1 racimo 3 2 L.L1.L racimo 3 2 L.L1.L 

532 rĕlātus, a, um 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m relat 2 1 L.HC1 relato 3 2 L.L1.L relato 3 2 L.L1.L 

533 rŏsātus, a, um 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m rosat 2 1 L.HC1 rosado 3 2 L.L1.L rosado 3 2 L.L1.L 

534 săcrātus, a, um 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m sagrat 2 1 L.HC1 sagrado 3 2 L.L1.L sagrado 3 2 L.L1.L 

535 săbūcus, i, f. 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m saüc 2 1 L.HC1 saúco 3 2 L.L1.L saúco 3 2 L.L1.L 

536 sŏlūtus , a, um 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m solut 2 1 L.HC1 soluto 3 2 L.L1.L soluto 3 2 L.L1.L 

537 trĭbūtum , i, n. 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m tribut 2 1 L.HC1 tributo 3 2 L.L1.L tributo 3 2 L.L1.L

401 


538 pylōrus, i, m., = πυλωρός 

L.HV1.X (4th decl) (4) 

2 3 2 L.HV1.L m pílor 2 2 L1.HC píloro 3 3 L1.L.L piloro 3 2 L.L1.L 

539 ăbūsus, ūs, m. 4 3 2 L.HV1.L m abús 2 1 L.HC1 abuso 3 2 L.L1.L abuso 3 2 L.L1.L 

540 mĕātus, ūs, m. 4 3 2 L.HV1.L m meat 2 1 L.HC1 meato 3 2 L.L1.L meato 3 2 L.L1.L 

541 occāsus, ūs, m. 4 3 2 L.HV1.L m ocàs 2 1 L.HC1 ocaso 3 2 L.L1.L ocaso 3 2 L.L1.L 

542 sĕnātus, ūs, m. 

L.HV1.X (prothesis) (1) 

4 3 2 L.HV1.L m senat 2 1 L.HC1 senado 3 2 L.L1.L senado 3 2 L.L1.L 

543 stătūtum, i, n. 

L.HV1.X (14) 

2 3 2 L.HV1.L m estatut 3 1 L.HC1 estatuto 4 2 L.L1.L estatuto 4 2 L.L1.L 

544 cănīnus , a, um 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m caní 2 1 L.HV1 canino 3 2 L.L1.L canino 3 2 L.L1.L 

545 cŭmīnum (cym- ), i, n., = 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m comí 2 1 L.HV1 comino 3 2 L.L1.L cominho 3 2 L.L1.L 

κύμῖνον 

546 dătīvus, i, m. 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m datiu 2 1 L.HV1 dativo 3 2 L.L1.L dativo 3 2 L.L1.L 

547 dĕcānus , i, m. 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m degà 2 1 L.HV1 decano 3 2 L.L1.L decano 3 2 L.L1.L 

548 ieiūnum 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m jejú 2 1 L.HV1 yeyuno 3 2 L.L1.L jejum 2 1 L.HV1 

549 Lycīum (alt. Lycēum), i, 

n., = Λύκειον 

2 3 2 L.HV1.L m liceu 2 1 L.HV1 liceo 3 2 L.L1.L liceu 2 1 L.HV1 

550 mărīnus, a, um 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m marí 2 1 L.HV1 marino 3 2 L.L1.L marinho 3 2 L.L1.L 

551 mŏlīnum, i, n. 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m molí 2 1 L.HV1 molino 3 2 L.L1.L moinho 3 2 L.L1.L 

552 *patrīnus 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m padrí 2 1 L.HV1 padrino 3 2 L.L1.L padrinho 3 2 L.L1.L 

553 pā˘trōnus, i, m. 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m padró 2 1 L.HV1 padrón 2 1 L.HC1 padrão 2 1 L.HV1 

554 pā˘trōnus, i, m. 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m patró 2 1 L.HV1 patrón 2 1 L.HC1 patrão 2 1 L.HV1 

555 sŭpīnum, i, n. 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m supí 2 1 L.HV1 supino 3 2 L.L1.L supino 3 2 L.L1.L 

556 trĭbūnus , i, m. 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m tribú 2 1 L.HV1 tribuno 3 2 L.L1.L tribuno 3 2 L.L1.L 

557 trŏpaeum o trŏphaeum, i, 

n., = τροπαιον 

L.HV1.X (prothesis) (1) 

2 3 2 L.HV1.L m trofeu 2 1 L.HV1 trofeo 3 2 L.L1.L troféu 3 2 L.HV1 

558 scălēnus, a, um = 

σκαληνός 

L.HV1.X (1) 

2 3 2 L.HV1.L m escalè 3 1 L.HV1 escaleno 4 2 L.L1.L escaleno 4 2 L.L1.L 

559 hĭātus, ūs, m. 

L.HV1.X (1) 

2 3 2 L.HV1.L m hiatus 3 2 L.L1.HC hiato 3 2 L.L1.L hiato 3 2 L.L1.L 

560 thĕātrum , i, n., = θέατρον 

L.L1.X (1) 

2 3 2 L.HV1.L m teatre 3 2 L.L1.L teatro 3 2 L.L1.L teatro 3 2 L.L1.L 

561 pĕrĭplus, i, m., = 

περίπλους 

2 3 2 L.L1.L m periple 3 2 L.L1.L periplo 3 2 L.L1.L périplo 3 3 L1.L.L

402 

Etymon 

HC1.L.X (7) 


562 balnĕum , i. n. = 

βαλανεῖον 

2 3 3 HC1.L.L m bany 1 1 HC1 baño 2 2 L1.L banho 2 2 L1.L 

563 bracchĭum, ii, n. 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m braç 1 1 HC1 brazo 2 2 L1.L braço 2 2 L1.L 

564 lintĕum, i, n. 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m llenç 1 1 HC1 lienzo 2 2 HC1.L lenço 2 2 HC1.L 

565 mallĕus, i, m. 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m mall 1 1 HC1 mallo 2 2 L1.L malho 2 2 L1.L 

566 Martĭus, a, um 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m març 1 1 HC1 marzo 2 2 HC1.L março 2 2 HC1.L 

567 mortŭus, a, um 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m mort 1 1 HC1 muerto 2 2 HC1.L morto 2 2 HC1.L 

568 tertĭus , a, um, adj. 

HC1.L.X (1) 

2 3 3 HC1.L.L m terç 1 1 HC1 tercio 2 2 HC1.L terço 2 2 HC1.L 

569 tympănum, i, n., = 

τύμπανον 

HC1.L.X (1) 

2 3 3 HC1.L.L m timpà 2 1 HC.HV1 tímpano 3 3 HC1.L.L tímpano 3 3 HV1.L.L 

570 burrĭcus, i, m. 

HC1.L.X (27) 

2 3 3 HC1.L.L m borrec 2 1 L.HC1 borrico 3 2 L.L1.L borrego 3 2 L.L1.L 

571 angĕlus, i, m., = ἄγγελος 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m àngel 2 2 HC1.HC ángel 2 2 HC1.HC anjo 2 2 HC1.L 

572 balsămum , i, n., = 

βάλσαμον 

2 3 3 HC1.L.L m bàlsam 2 2 HC1.HC bálsamo 3 3 HC1.L.L bálsamo 3 3 HC1.L.L 

573 canthărus , i, m., = 

κάνθαρος 

2 3 3 HC1.L.L m cànter 2 2 HC1.HC cántaro 3 3 HC1.L.L cântaro 3 3 HC1.L.L 

574 cantĭcum , i, n. 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m càntic 2 2 HC1.HC cántico 3 3 HC1.L.L cântico 3 3 HC1.L.L 

575 cymbălum , i, n., = 

κύμβαλον 

2 3 3 HC1.L.L m címbal 2 2 HC1.HC címbalo 3 3 HC1.L.L címbalo 3 3 HC1.L.L 

576 cingŭlum , i, n. 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m cíngol 2 2 HC1.HC cíngulo 3 3 HC1.L.L cíngulo 3 3 HC1.L.L 

577 compŭtus , i, m. 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m còmput 2 2 HC1.HC cómputo 3 3 HC1.L.L cômputo 3 3 HC1.L.L 

578 embŏlus , i, m., = 

ἔμβολος 

2 3 3 HC1.L.L m èmbol 2 2 HC1.HC émbolo 3 3 HC1.L.L êmbolo 3 3 HC1.L.L 

579 pharmăcus, i, m., = 

φαρμακός 

2 3 3 HC1.L.L m fàrmac 2 2 HC1.HC fármaco 3 3 HC1.L.L fármaco 3 3 HC1.L.L 

580 floscŭlus, i, m. 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m flòscul 2 2 HC1.HC flósculo 3 3 HC1.L.L flósculo 3 3 HC1.L.L 

581 Phosphŏrus, i, m. = 

Φωσφόρος 

2 3 3 HC1.L.L m fòsfor 2 2 HC1.HC fósforo 3 3 HC1.L.L fósforo 3 3 HC1.L.L 

582 incŭbus, i, m. 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m íncub 2 2 HC1.HC íncubo 3 3 HC1.L.L íncubo 3 3 HC1.L.L 

583 maxĭmus, a, um 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m màxim 2 2 HC1.HC máximo 3 3 HC1.L.L máximo 3 3 HC1.L.L 

584 orgănum, i, n. = ὄργανον 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m òrgan 2 2 HC1.HC órgano 3 3 HC1.L.L órgão 2 2 HC1.HV 

585 oscŭlum, i, n. 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m òscul 2 2 HC1.HC ósculo 3 3 HC1.L.L ósculo 3 3 HC1.L.L 

586 parvŭlus, a, um 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m pàrvul 2 2 HC1.HC párvulo 3 3 HC1.L.L párvulo 3 3 HC1.L.L 

587 pendŭlus, a, um 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m pèndul 2 2 HC1.HC péndulo 3 3 HC1.L.L pêndulo 3 3 HC1.L.L

403 


588 plastĭcus, a, um = 

πλαστικός, 

2 3 3 HC1.L.L m plàstic 2 2 HC1.HC plástico 3 3 HC1.L.L plástico 3 3 HC1.L.L 

589 proxĭmus, a, um 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m pròxim 2 2 HC1.HC prójimo 3 3 L1.L.L próximo 3 3 HC1.L.L 

590 pulpĭtum, i, n. 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m púlpit 2 2 HC1.HC púlpito 3 3 HC1.L.L púlpito 3 3 HC1.L.L 

591 symbŏlus, i, m. ; 

symbŏlum, i, n. 

=σύμβολος o –ον 

2 3 3 HC1.L.L m símbol 2 2 HC1.HC símbolo 3 3 HC1.L.L símbolo 3 3 HC1.L.L 

592 syndĭcus, I, m., = 

σύνδικος 

2 3 3 HC1.L.L m síndic 2 2 HC1.HC síndico 3 3 HC1.L.L síndico 3 3 HC1.L.L 

593 technĭcus , I, m., = 

τεχνικός 

2 3 3 HC1.L.L m tècnic 2 2 HC1.HC técnico 3 3 HC1.L.L técnico 3 3 HC1.L.L 

594 torcŭlum , I, n 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m tòrcul 2 2 HC1.HC tórculo 3 3 HC1.L.L tórculo 3 3 HC1.L.L 

595 toxĭcum , I, n. 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m tòxic 2 2 HC1.HC tóxico 3 3 HC1.L.L tóxico 3 3 HC1.L.L 

596 ultĭmus , a, um 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m últim 2 2 HC1.HC último 3 3 HC1.L.L último 3 3 HC1.L.L 

597 Vandālus, -i 

HC1.L.X (4th decl) (3) 

2 3 3 HC1.L.L m vàndal 2 2 HC1.HC vándalo 3 3 HC1.L.L vândalo 3 3 HC1.L.L 

598 ambĭtus , ūs, m. 4 3 3 HC1.L.L m àmbit 2 2 HC1.HC ámbito 3 3 HC1.L.L âmbito 3 3 HC1.L.L 

599 exĭtus, ūs, m. 4 3 3 HC1.L.L m èxit 2 2 HC1.HC éxito 3 3 HC1.L.L êxito 3 3 HC1.L.L 

600 portĭcus, ūs, f 

HC1.L.X (prothesis) (2) 

4 3 3 HC1.L.L m pòrtic 2 2 HC1.HC pórtico 3 3 HC1.L.L pórtico 3 3 HC1.L.L 

601 sceptĭcus, i, m. / Sceptĭci, 

ōrum, m., = Σκεπτικοί 

2 3 3 HC1.L.L m escèptic 3 2 HC1.HC escéptico 4 3 HC1.L.L céptico 3 3 HC1.L.L 

602 scandălum, i, n. = 

σκάνδαλον 

HC1.L.X (1) 

2 3 3 HC1.L.L m escàndol 3 2 HC1.HC escándalo 4 3 HC1.L.L escândalo 4 3 HC1.L.L 

603 concăvus , a, um 

HC1.L.X (14) 

2 3 3 HC1.L.L m còncau 2 2 HC1.HV cóncavo 3 3 HC1.L.L côncavo 3 3 HC1.L.L 

604 angŭlus, i, m. = ἀγκύλος 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m angle 2 2 HC1.L ángulo 3 3 HC1.L.L ângulo 3 3 HC1.L.L 

605 bronchĭa , ōrum, n., = 

βρόγχια 

2 3 3 HC1.L.L m bronqui 2 2 HC1.L bronquio 2 2 HC1.L brônquio 2 2 HC1.L 

606 Sci Lat. calcium < calx, 

calcis 

2 3 3 HC1.L.L m calci 2 2 HC1.L calcio 2 2 HC1.L cálcio 2 2 HC1.L 

607 circŭlus , i, m. 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m cercle 2 2 HC1.L círculo 3 3 HC1.L.L círculo 3 3 HC1.L.L 

608 compŭtus , i, m. 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m conte 2 2 HC1.L cuento 2 2 HC1.L conto 2 2 HC1.L 

609 orphănus, i, m., = 

ὀρφανός 

2 3 3 HC1.L.L m orfe 2 2 HC1.L huérfano 3 3 HC1.L.L órfão 2 2 HC1.HV 

610 indĭcum, i, n. 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m indi 2 2 HC1.L índigo 3 3 HC1.L.L índigo 3 3 HC1.L.L 

611 mascŭlus, a, um 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m mascle 2 2 HC1.L macho 2 2 L1.L macho 2 2 L1.L

404 


612 menstrŭus, a, um 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m menstru 2 2 HC1.L menstruo 2 2 HC1.L mênstruo 2 2 HC1.L 

613 mystĭcus, a, um, adj., = 

μυστικός 

2 3 3 HC1.L.L m místic 2 2 HC1.L místico 3 3 HC1.L.L místico 3 3 HC1.L.L 

614 muscŭlus, i, m. 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m muscle 2 2 HC1.L músculo 3 3 HC1.L.L músculo 3 3 HC1.L.L 

615 termĭnus , i, m. 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m terme 2 2 HC1.L término 3 3 HC1.L.L termo 2 2 HC1.L 

616 vincŭlum , o vinclum , i, 

n. 

2 3 3 HC1.L.L m vincle 2 2 HC1.L vínculo 3 3 HC1.L.L vínculo 3 3 HC1.L.L 

617 ganglĭon, ĭi, n. 

HC1.L.X (6) 

2 3 3 HC1.L.L m gangli 2 2 HC1.L ganglio 2 2 HC1.L gânglio 2 2 HC1.L 

618 arbĭter, -ĭtri, m. 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m àrbitre 3 3 HC1.L.L árbitro 3 3 HC1.L.L árbitro 3 3 HC1.L.L 

619 centū˘plus, a, um 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m cèntuple 3 3 HC1.L.L céntuplo 3 3 HC1.L.L cêntuplo 3 3 HC1.L.L 

620 Exŏdus, i, f. 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m èxode 3 3 HC1.L.L éxodo 3 3 HC1.L.L êxodo 3 3 HC1.L.L 

621 quintŭplus 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m quíntuple 3 3 HC1.L.L quíntuplo 3 3 HC1.L.L quíntuplo 3 3 HC1.L.L 

622 septŭplum, i, n. 

ίπτάπλους 

2 3 3 HC1.L.L m sèptuple 3 3 HC1.L.L séptuplo 3 3 HC1.L.L séptuplo 3 3 HC1.L.L 

623 sextŭplus 


2 3 3 HC1.L.L m sèxtuple 3 3 HC1.L.L séxtuplo 3 3 HC1.L.L sêxtuplo 3 3 HC1.L.L 

624 impĕtus, ūs, m. 

HC1.L.X (3) 

4 3 3 HC1.L.L m ímpetu 3 3 HC1.L.L ímpetu 3 3 HC1.L.L ímpeto 3 3 HC1.L.L 

625 Attĭcus , a, um = Ἀττικός 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m àtic 2 2 L1.HC ático 

3 3 L1.L.L ático 3 3 L1.L.L 

626 classĭcus , a, um 2 3 3 HC1.L.L m clàssic 2 2 L1.HC clásico 3 3 L1.L.L clássico 3 3 L1.L.L 

627 *succŭbus, cf. incŭbus 

HC1.L.X (1) 

2 3 3 HC1.L.L m súcub 2 2 L1.HC súcubo 3 3 L1.L.L súcubo 3 3 L1.L.L 

628 fraxĭnus, i, f. 

HV1.HV.X (1) 

2 3 3 HC1.L.L m freixe 2 2 L1.L fresno 2 2 HC1.L freixo 2 2 L1.L 

629 īdōlum or -on, i, n., 2 3 3 HV1.HV.L m ídol 2 2 L1.HC ídolo 3 3 L1.L.L ídolo 3 3 L1.L.L 

= εἴδωλον 

HV1.L.X (9) 

630 bāsĭum , ii, n., 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m bes 1 1 HC1 beso 2 2 L1.L beijo 2 2 HV1.L 

631 pōpŭlus , i, f. 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m xop 1 1 HC1 chopo 2 2 L1.L choupo 2 2 HV1.L 

632 frīgĭdus, a, um 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m fred 1 1 HC1 frío 2 2 L1.L frio 2 2 L1.L 

633 grācŭlus (gracc-), i, m. 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m grall 1 1 HC1 grajo 2 2 L1.L gralho 2 2 L1.L 

634 fīlĭus, ii, m. 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m fill 1 1 HC1 hijo 2 2 L1.L filho 2 2 L1.L 

635 lāĭcus , i, m. 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m laic 1 1 HC1 laico 2 2 HV1.L laico 2 2 HV1.L 

636 lāĭcus, a, um = λαϊκός 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m llec 1 1 HC1 lego 2 2 L1.L leigo 2 2 HV1.L 

367 lūcĭus, ii, m. 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m lluç 1 1 HC1 lucio 2 2 L1.L lúcio 2 2 L1.L 

638 pēdĭtum, i, n. 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m pet 1 1 HC1 pedo 2 2 L1.L peido 2 2 HV1.L

405 

Etymon 

HV1.L.X (1) 


639 clērĭcus , i, m., = 

κληρικός 

HV1.L.X (4) 

2 3 3 HV1.L.L m clergue 2 2 HC1.L clérigo 3 3 L1.L.L clérigo 3 3 L1.L.L 

640 caustĭcus , a, um = 

καυστικός 

2 3 3 HV1.L.L m càustic 2 2 HV1.HC cáustico 3 3 HV1.L.L cáustico 3 3 HV1.L.L 

641 lādănum o lēdănum, i, n., 

= λήδανον 

2 3 3 HV1.L.L m làudan 2 2 HV1.HC láudano 3 3 HV1.L.L láudano 3 3 HV1.L.L 

642 naufrăgus, a, um 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m nàufrag 2 2 HV1.HC náufrago 3 3 HV1.L.L náufrago 3 3 HV1.L.L 

643 nautĭlus o nautĭlŏs, i, m., 

= ναυτίλος 

HV.L.X (1) 

2 3 3 HV1.L.L m nàutil 2 2 HV1.HC nautilo 3 2 HV.L1.L náutilo 3 3 HV1.L.L 

644 hālĭtus, ūs, m. 

HV.L.L (prothesis) (1) 

4 3 3 HV1.L.L m hàlit 2 2 L1.HC hálito 3 3 L1.L.L hálito 3 3 L1.L.L 

645 spīrĭtus, ūs, m. 

HV1.L.X (2) 

4 3 3 HV1.L.L m esperit 3 1 L.HC1 espíritu 4 3 L1.L.L espírito 4 3 L1.L.L 

646 aurĕus , i, m. 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m auri 2 2 HV1.L áureo 3 3 HV1.L.L áureo 3 3 HV1.L.L 

647 glaucĭon, ii, n., = 

γλαύκιον 

HV1.L.X (18) 

2 3 3 HV1.L.L m glauci 2 2 HV1.L glaucio 2 2 HV1.L gláucio 2 2 HV1.L 

648 būbălus , i, m.= 

βούβαλος 

2 3 3 HV1.L.L m búbal 2 2 L1.HC búbalo 3 3 L1.L.L búbalo 3 3 L1.L.L 

649 būfălus , i, m. 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m búfal 2 2 L1.HC búfalo 3 3 L1.L.L búfalo 3 3 L1.L.L 

650 cōmĭcus , i, m. = κωμικός 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m còmic 2 2 L1.HC cómico 3 3 L1.L.L cómico 3 3 L1.L.L 

651 crēdĭtum , i, n. 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m crèdit 2 2 L1.HC crédito 3 3 L1.L.L crédito 3 3 L1.L.L 

652 dēbĭtum , i, n. 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m dèbit 2 2 L1.HC débito 3 3 L1.L.L débito 3 3 L1.L.L 

653 aemŭlus , a, um, cf. 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m èmul 2 2 L1.HC émulo 3 3 L1.L.L émulo 3 3 L1.L.L 

ἁμιλλάομαι and ἅμα 

654 grānŭlum, i, n. 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m grànul 2 2 L1.HC gránulo 3 3 L1.L.L grânulo 3 3 L1.L.L 

655 līquĭdus , a, um 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m líquid 2 2 L1.HC líquido 3 3 L1.L.L líquido 3 3 L1.L.L 

656 mūsĭcus, i, m. 2 3 3 HV1.L.L M músic 2 2 L1.HC músico 3 3 L1.L.L músico 3 3 L1.L.L 

657 nōdŭlus , i, m. 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m nòdul 2 2 L1.HC nódulo 3 3 L1.L.L nódulo 3 3 L1.L.L 

658 ovŭlum < ōvum, i, n. (Sci 

Lat) 

2 3 3 HV1.L.L m òvul 2 2 L1.HC óvulo 3 3 L1.L.L óvulo 3 3 L1.L.L 

659 pābŭlum, i, n. 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m pàbul 2 2 L1.HC pábulo 3 3 L1.L.L pábulo 3 3 L1.L.L 

660 pō˘lypŭs, i, m. = 

πολύπους 

2 3 3 HV1.L.L m pòlip 2 2 L1.HC pólipo 3 3 L1.L.L pólipo 3 3 L1.L.L 

661 pōmŭlum, i, n. 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m pòmul 2 2 L1.HC pómulo 3 3 L1.L.L pómulo 3 3 L1.L.L

406 


662 pūblĭcūs, i, m. 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m públic 2 2 L1.HC público 3 3 L1.L.L público 3 3 L1.L.L 

663 rēgŭlus, i, m. 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m règul 2 2 L1.HC régulo 3 3 L1.L.L régulo 3 3 L1.L.L 

664 sēsămum, i, n., = 

σήσαμον 

2 3 3 HV1.L.L m sèsam 2 2 L1.HC sésamo 3 3 L1.L.L sésamo 3 3 L1.L.L 

665 trīglyphus , i, m., = 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m tríglif 2 2 L1.HC triglifo 3 2 L.L1.L tríglifo 3 3 L1.L.L 

τρίγλυφος 

HV1.L.X (prothesis) (1) 

666 scrūpŭlus, i, m. 

HV1.L.X (13) 

2 3 3 HV1.L.L m escrúpol 3 2 L1.HC escrúpulo 4 3 L1.L.L escrúpulo 4 3 L1.L.L 

667 caesĭus , a, um 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m cesi 2 2 L1.L cesio 2 2 L1.L césio 2 2 L1.L 

668 cērĕus , i, m. 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m ciri 2 2 L1.L cirio 2 2 L1.L círio 2 2 L1.L 

669 cōlĭcus , a, um, = κωλικός 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m còlic 2 2 L1.L cólico 3 3 L1.L.L cólica (f.) 3 3 L1.L.L 

670 līlĭum, ĭi, n. λείριον 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m lliri 2 2 L1.L lirio 2 2 L1.L lírio 2 2 L1.L 

671 ōtĭum, ĭi, n. 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m oci 2 2 L1.L ocio 2 2 L1.L ócio 2 2 L1.L 

672 praedĭum, ĭi, n. 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m predi 2 2 L1.L predio 2 2 L1.L prédio 2 2 L1.L 

673 praemĭum, ii, n. 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m premi 2 2 L1.L premio 2 2 L1.L prémio 2 2 L1.L 

674 prō˘prĭ-um, i, n. 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m propi 2 2 L1.L propio 2 2 L1.L próprio 2 2 L1.L 

675 saecŭlum, i, n. 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m segle 2 2 L1.L siglo 2 2 L1.L século 3 3 L1.L.L 

676 sīmĭus, ii, m. 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m simi 2 2 L1.L simio 

2 2 L1.L símio 2 2 L1.L 

677 taedĭum , ii, n. 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m tedi 2 2 L1.L tedio 2 2 L1.L tédio 2 2 L1.L 

678 trīdŭum , i, n. 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m tridu 2 2 L1.L triduo 2 2 L1.L tríduo 2 2 L1.L 

679 vītrĕus , a, um, 

HV1.L.X (1) 

2 3 3 HV1.L.L m vidre 2 2 L1.L vidrio 2 2 L1.L vidro 2 2 L1.L 

680 quādrŭplus, a, um 

L1.L.X (18) 

2 3 3 HV1.L.L m quàdruple 3 3 L1.L.L cuádruple 3 3 L1.L.L quádruplo 3 3 L1.L.L 

681 alĭum, i, n. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m all 1 1 HC1 ajo 2 2 L1.L alho 2 2 L1.L 

682 VL *colŭpus

407 


691 mĭlĭum, ii, n. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m mill 1 1 HC1 mijo 2 2 L1.L milho 2 2 L1.L 

692 plăcĭtum, i, n. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m plet 1 1 HC1 pleito 2 2 HV1.L pleito 2 2 HV1.L 

693 pō˘lypŭs, i, m. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m polp 1 1 HC1 pulpo 2 2 HC1.L polvo 2 2 HC1.L 

694 pŏsĭtus, a, um 4 3 3 L1.L.L m post 1 1 HC1 puesto 2 2 HC1.L posto 2 2 HC1.L 

695 pŏdĭum, ii, n., = πόδιον 2 3 3 L1.L.L m puig (dial.pui) 1 1 HC1 poyo 2 2 L1.L poio 2 2 L1.L 

696 rădĭus, ii, m. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m raig 1 1 HC1 rayo 2 2 L1.L raio 2 2 L1.L 

697 tribŭlum 2 3 3 L1.L.L m trill 1 1 HC1 trillo 2 2 L1.L trilho 2 2 L1.L 

698 ŏcŭlus, i, m. 

L1.L.X (4th decl) (1) 

2 3 3 L1.L.L m ull 1 1 HC1 ojo 2 2 L1.L olho 2 2 L1.L 

699 cŏĭtus, ūs, m. 

L1.L.X (prothesis) (1) 

4 3 3 L1.L.L m coit 1 1 HC1 coito 2 2 HV1.L coito 2 2 HV1.L 

700 spĕcŭlum, i, n. 


2 3 3 L1.L.L m espill 2 1 HC.HC1 espejo 3 2 L1.L espelho 3 2 L1.L 

701 spătĭum, ii, n. 

L1.L.X (4) 

2 3 3 L1.L.L m espai 2 1 HV1 espacio 3 2 L1.L espaço 3 2 L1.L 

702 bădĭus , a, um 2 3 3 L1.L.L m bai (cat.ant. baig, 1 

bai del castell?) 

1 HV1 bayo 2 2 L1.L baio 2 2 L1.L 

703 pŭtĕus, i, m. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m pou 1 1 HV1 pozo 2 2 L1.L poço 2 2 L1.L 

704 prĕtĭum, ii, n. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m preu 1 1 HV1 precio 

2 2 L1.L preço 2 2 L1.L 

705 sŏlĭdus, i, m. 

L1.L.X (2) 

2 3 3 L1.L.L m sou 1 1 HV1 sueldo 2 2 HC1.L soldo 2 2 HC1.L 

706 cathĕtus, i, f., = κάθετος 2 3 3 L1.L.L m catet 2 1 L.HC1 cateto 3 2 L.L1.L cateto 3 2 L.L1.L 

707 păpyrus, i, m. and f., and 

păpy-rum, i, n., = 

πάπυρος 

L1.L.X (2) 

2 3 3 L1.L.L m papir 2 1 L.HC1 papiro 3 2 L.L1.L papiro 3 2 L.L1.L 

708 LL trepănum (< trypănum 

< τρύπανον) 

2 3 3 L1.L.L m trepà 2 1 L.HV1 trépano 3 3 L1.L.L trépano 3 3 L1.L.L 

709 rĭcĭnus, i, m. 

L1.L.X (1) 

2 3 3 L1.L.L m ricí 2 1 L.HV1 ricino 3 2 L.L1.L rícino 3 3 L1.L.L 

710 flŭĭdus, a, um 

L1.L.X (3) 

2 3 3 L1.L.L m fluid 2 1 L1.HC fluido 2 2 L1.L fluido 2 2 L1.L 

711 decĭmus 2 3 3 L1.L.L m delme 2 2 HC1.L diezmo 2 2 HC1.L dízimo 3 3 L1.L.L 

712 mŏnăchus, i, m., = 

μοναχός 

2 3 3 L1.L.L m monjo 2 2 HC1.L monje 2 2 HC1.L monge 2 2 HC1.L 

713 rŏtŭlus, i, m. 

L1.L.X (38) 

2 3 3 L1.L.L m rotlle 2 2 HC1.L rollo 2 2 L1.L rolo 2 2 L1.L

408 


714 ăbăcus, i, m. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m àbac 2 2 L1.HC ábaco 3 3 L1.L.L ábaco 3 3 L1.L.L 

715 acărus, -ī, m. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m àcar 2 2 L1.HC ácaro 3 3 L1.L.L ácaro 3 3 L1.L.L 

716 acĭdus 2 3 3 L1.L.L m àcid 2 2 L1.HC ácido 3 3 L1.L.L ácido 3 3 L1.L.L 

717 anĭmus, y este del gr. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m ànim 2 2 L1.HC ánimo 3 3 L1.L.L ânimo 3 3 L1.L.L 

718 ătŏmus , a, um, 2 3 3 L1.L.L m àtom 2 2 L1.HC átomo 3 3 L1.L.L átomo 3 3 L1.L.L 

719 băcŭlum , i, n. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m bàcul 2 2 L1.HC báculo 3 3 L1.L.L báculo 3 3 L1.L.L 

720 bălănus , i, f., rarely m. 

= βάλανος. 

2 3 3 L1.L.L m bàlan 2 2 L1.HC bálano 3 3 L1.L.L bálano 3 3 L1.L.L 

721 bigămus [vox hibrida, bis- 2 3 3 L1.L.L m bígam 2 2 L1.HC bígamo 3 3 L1.L.L bígamo 3 3 L1.L.L 

γαμέω] 

722 călămus , i, m. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m càlam 2 2 L1.HC cálamo 3 3 L1.L.L cálamo 3 3 L1.L.L 

723 crĭtĭcus , a, um, adj. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m crític 2 2 L1.HC crítico 3 3 L1.L.L crítico 3 3 L1.L.L 

724 crŏtălum , i, n. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m cròtal 2 2 L1.HC crótalo 3 3 L1.L.L crótalo 3 3 L1.L.L 

725 cŭmŭlus , i, m 2 3 3 L1.L.L m cúmul 2 2 L1.HC cúmulo 3 3 L1.L.L cúmulo 3 3 L1.L.L 

726 dĕcĭmus, a, um 2 3 3 L1.L.L m dècim 2 2 L1.HC décimo 3 3 L1.L.L décimo 3 3 L1.L.L 

727 dĭgĭtus , i, m. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m dígit 2 2 L1.HC dígito 3 3 L1.L.L dígito 3 3 L1.L.L 

728 hĕbĕnus (ĕbĕnus), i. f., = 

βενος, ἔβενος 

2 3 3 L1.L.L m eben 2 2 L1.HC ébano 3 3 L1.L.L ébano 3 3 L1.L.L 

729 ĕtymon, i, n. = ἔτυμον 2 3 3 L1.L.L m ètim 2 2 L1.HC étimo 3 3 L1.L.L étimo 3 3 L1.L.L 

730 fămŭlus, i, m. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m fàmul 2 2 L1.HC fámulo 3 3 L1.L.L fâmulo 3 3 L1.L.L 

731 physĭcus, i, m. = φυσικός 2 3 3 L1.L.L m físic 2 2 L1.HC físico 3 3 L1.L.L físico 3 3 L1.L.L 

732 glŏbŭlus, i, m. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m glòbul 2 2 L1.HC glóbulo 3 3 L1.L.L glóbulo 3 3 L1.L.L 

733 ŭmĕrus (hŭmĕrus), i, m. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m húmer 2 2 L1.HC húmero 3 3 L1.L.L úmero 3 3 L1.L.L 

734 lŏgĭcus, a, um, adj., = 

λογικός 

2 3 3 L1.L.L m lògic 2 2 L1.HC lógico 3 3 L1.L.L lógico 3 3 L1.L.L 

735 manĭcus 2 3 3 L1.L.L m mànec 2 2 L1.HC mango 2 2 HC1.L mango 2 2 HC1.L 

736 mĕrĭtum, i, n. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m mèrit 2 2 L1.HC mérito 3 3 L1.L.L mérito 3 3 L1.L.L 

737 mŏdŭlus, i, m. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m mòdul 2 2 L1.HC módulo 3 3 L1.L.L módulo 3 3 L1.L.L 

738 ŏpălus, i, m. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m òpal 2 2 L1.HC ópalo 3 3 L1.L.L ópalo 3 3 L1.L.L 

739 panĭcus, a, um = Πανικός 2 3 3 L1.L.L m pànic 2 2 L1.HC pánico 3 3 L1.L.L pânico 3 3 L1.L.L 

740 pĕlăgus, i, n. = πέλαγος 2 3 3 L1.L.L m pèlag 2 2 L1.HC piélago 3 3 L1.L.L pélago 3 3 L1.L.L 

741 plătănus, i, f. = πλάτανος 2 3 3 L1.L.L m plàtan 2 2 L1.HC plátano 3 3 L1.L.L plátano 3 3 L1.L.L 

742 prolŏgus, i, m., = 

πρόλογος 

2 3 3 L1.L.L m pròleg 2 2 L1.HC prólogo 3 3 L1.L.L prólogo 3 3 L1.L.L 

743 sătyrus, i, m., = σάτυρος 2 3 3 L1.L.L m sàtir 2 2 L1.HC sátiro 3 3 L1.L.L sátiro 3 3 L1.L.L 

744 sŏlĭdus , a, um 2 3 3 L1.L.L m sòlid 2 2 L1.HC sólido 3 3 L1.L.L sólido 3 3 L1.L.L

409 


745 thălămus , i, m. = 

θάλαμος 

2 3 3 L1.L.L m tàlem 2 2 L1.HC tálamo 3 3 L1.L.L tálamo 3 3 L1.L.L 

746 tĭtŭlus, i, m. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m títol 2 2 L1.HC título 3 3 L1.L.L título 3 3 L1.L.L 

747 tonĭcus, a, um 2 3 3 L1.L.L m tònic 2 2 L1.HC tónico 3 3 L1.L.L tónico 3 3 L1.L.L 

748 trŏpĭcus , a, um = 

τροπικός. 

2 3 3 L1.L.L m tròpic 2 2 L1.HC trópico 3 3 L1.L.L trópico 3 3 L1.L.L 

749 tŭmŭlus , i, m. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m túmul 2 2 L1.HC túmulo 3 3 L1.L.L túmulo 3 3 L1.L.L 

750 ŭtĕrus , i, m. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m úter 2 2 L1.HC útero 3 3 L1.L.L útero 3 3 L1.L.L 

751 Zĕphyrus , i, m. 


2 3 3 L1.L.L m zèfir 2 2 L1.HC céfiro 3 3 L1.L.L zéfiro 3 3 L1.L.L 

752 cŭbĭtus , ūs, m. 4 3 3 L1.L.L m cúbit 2 2 L1.HC cúbito 3 3 L1.L.L cúbito 3 3 L1.L.L 

753 hăbĭtus, ūs, m. 4 3 3 L1.L.L m hàbit 2 2 L1.HC hábito 3 3 L1.L.L hábito 3 3 L1.L.L 

754 ŏbĭtus, ūs, m. 4 3 3 L1.L.L m òbit 2 2 L1.HC óbito 3 3 L1.L.L óbito 3 3 L1.L.L 

755 rĕdĭtus, ūs, m. 4 3 3 L1.L.L m rèdit 2 1 L1.HC rédito 3 3 L1.L.L rédito 3 3 L1.L.L 

756 vŏmĭtus , ūs, m. 4 3 3 L1.L.L m vòmit 2 2 L1.HC vómito 3 3 L1.L.L vómito 3 3 L1.L.L 


757 spĕcŭlum, i, n. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m espècul 3 2 L1.HC espéculo 4 3 L1.L.L espéculo 4 3 L1.L.L 

758 stĭmŭlus, i, m. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m estímul 3 2 L1.HC estímulo 4 3 L1.L.L estímulo 4 3 L1.L.L 

759 stŏmăchus, i, m., = 2 3 3 L1.L.L m estómac 3 2 L1.HC estómago 4 3 L1.L.L estômago 4 3 L1.L.L 

στόμαχος 

L1.L.X (pro) (4th dcl) (1) 

760 strĕpĭtus, ūs, m. 

L1.L.X (32) 

4 3 3 L1.L.L m estrèpit 3 2 L1.HC estrépito 4 3 L1.L.L estrépito 4 3 L1.L.L 

761 ăpĭum , ii, n 2 3 3 L1.L.L m api 2 2 L1.L apio 2 2 L1.L ápio 2 2 L1.L 

762 ăsĭnus , i, m. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m ase 2 2 L1.L asno 2 2 HC1.L asno 2 2 HC1.L 

763 ātrĭum , ii, n. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m atri 2 2 L1.L atrio 2 2 L1.L átrio 2 2 L1.L 

764 cĭlĭum , ii, n. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m cili 2 2 L1.L cilio 2 2 L1.L cílio 2 2 L1.L 

765 *codĭcus, der. regres. de 2 3 3 L1.L.L m codi 2 2 L1.L código 3 3 L1.L.L código 3 3 L1.L.L 

codicŭlus 

766 LL cranium (gr. κρανίον) 2 3 3 L1.L.L m crani 2 2 L1.L cráneo 3 3 L1.L.L crânio 2 2 L1.L 

767 LL *fĭcătum, i, n. 2 3 2 L1.L.L m fetge 2 2 L1.L hígado 3 3 L1.L.L fígado 3 3 L1.L.L 

768 fŏlĭum, ii, n. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m foli 2 2 L1.L folio 2 2 L1.L folho 2 2 L1.L 

769 gĕnĭus, i, m. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m geni 2 2 L1.L genio 2 2 L1.L génio 2 2 L1.L 

770 grĕmĭum, ii, n 2 3 3 L1.L.L m gremi 2 2 L1.L gremio 2 2 L1.L grémio 2 2 L1.L 

771 lăbĭum , ii, n. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m llavi 2 2 L1.L labio 2 2 L1.L lábio 2 2 L1.L 

772 mĕdĭcus, i, m. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m metge 2 2 L1.L médico 3 3 L1.L.L médico 3 3 L1.L.L 

773 mĭnĭum, ii, n. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m mini 2 2 L1.L minio 2 2 L1.L mínio 2 2 L1.L

410 


774 nū˘clĕus (nŭcŭlĕus), i, m. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m nucli 2 2 L1.L núcleo 3 3 L1.L.L núcleo 3 3 L1.L.L 

775 *novĭus 2 3 3 L1.L.L m nuvi 2 2 L1.L novio 2 2 L1.L noivo 2 2 HV1.L 

776 ŏbŏlus, i, m., del gr. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m òbol 2 2 L1.L óbolo 3 3 L1.L.L óbolo 3 3 L1.L.L 

777 ŏdĭum, ii, n. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m odi 2 2 L1.L odio 2 2 L1.L ódio 2 2 L1.L 

778 ŏlĕum, i, n. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m oli 2 2 L1.L óleo 3 3 L1.L.L óleo 3 3 L1.L.L 

779 ŏpĭum o -on, i, n. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m opi 2 2 L1.L opio 2 2 L1.L ópio 2 2 L1.L 

780 plăgĭum, ii, n. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m plagi 2 2 L1.L plagio 2 2 L1.L plágio 2 2 L1.L 

781 pŏpŭlus, i, m. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m poble 2 2 L1.L pueblo 2 2 L1.L povo 2 2 L1.L 

782 pŏdĭum, ii, n. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m podi 2 2 L1.L podio 2 2 L1.L pódio 2 2 L1.L 

783 rădĭus, ii, m. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m radi 2 2 L1.L radio 2 2 L1.L rádio 2 2 L1.L 

784 răphănus, i, m. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m rave 2 2 L1.L rábano 3 3 L1.L.L rábano 3 3 L1.L.L 

785 săpĭdus, a, um 2 3 3 L1.L.L m savi 2 2 L1.L sabio 2 2 L1.L sábio 2 2 L1.L 

786 sŏcĭus , a, um 2 3 3 L1.L.L m soci 2 2 L1.L socio 2 2 L1.L sócio 2 2 L1.L 

787 sŏcer, ĕri, m. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m sogre 2 2 L1.L suegro 2 2 L1.L sogro 2 2 L1.L 

788 sŏlĭum , ii, n. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m soli 2 2 L1.L solio 2 2 L1.L sólio 2 2 L1.L 

789 trĭvĭum , i, n. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m trivi 2 2 L1.L trivio 2 2 L1.L trívio 2 2 L1.L 

790 trĭvĭum , i, n. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m trivi 2 2 L1.L trívium 2 2 L1.L trívio 2 2 L1.L 

791 vĭtĭum , ii 2 3 3 L1.L.L m vici 2 2 L1.L vicio 

2 2 L1.L vício 2 2 L1.L 

792 vĭdŭus , a, um 


2 3 3 L1.L.L m vidu 2 2 L1.L viudo 2 2 L1.L viúvo 3 2 L.L1.L 

793 stăbŭlum, i, n. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m estable 3 2 HC.L1.L establo 3 2 L1.L estábulo 4 3 L1.L.L 

794 stădĭum, ii, n. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m estadi 3 2 HC.L1.L estadio 3 2 L1.L estádio 3 2 L1.L 

795 stŭdĭum, ii, n. 

L1.L.X (2) 

2 3 3 L1.L.L m estudi 3 2 HC.L1.L estudio 3 2 L1.L estudo 3 2 L1.L 

796 lăbărum , i, n. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m làbarum 3 3 L1.L.HC lábaro 3 3 L1.L.L lábaro 3 3 L1.L.L 

797 tĕtănus , i, m. = τέτανος 

L1.L.X (7) 

2 3 3 L1.L.L m tètanus 3 3 L1.L.HC tétanos 3 3 L1.L.HC tétanos 3 3 L1.L.HC 

798 dĕcŭplus , a, um 2 3 3 L1.L.L m dècuple 3 3 L1.L.L décuplo 3 3 L1.L.L décuplo 3 3 L1.L.L 

799 mĕdĭum, i, n. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m mèdium 3 3 L1.L.L médium 2 2 L1.L médium 2 2 L1.L 

800 mĕthŏdus and mĕthŏdos, 2 3 3 L1.L.L m mètode 3 3 L1.L.L método 3 3 L1.L.L método 3 3 L1.L.L 

i, f., = μέθοδος 

801 nŭmĕrus, i, m. 2 3 3 L1.L.L m número 3 3 L1.L.L número 3 3 L1.L.L número 3 3 L1.L.L 

802 rĕprŏbus, a, um 2 3 3 L1.L.L m rèprobe 3 3 L1.L.L réprobo 3 3 L1.L.L réprobo 3 3 L1.L.L 

803 synŏdus, i, f., = σύνοδος 2 3 3 L1.L.L m sínode 3 3 L1.L.L sínodo 3 3 L1.L.L sínodo 3 3 L1.L.L 

804 trimeter (-etros) ī, m 2 3 3 L1.L.L m trímetre 3 3 L1.L.L trímetro 3 3 L1.L.L trímetro 3 3 L1.L.L

411 

Etymon 

HC.HC1.X (1) 


805 pălimpsestus, i, m. 

HC.HC1.X (4) 

2 4 2 HC.HC1.L m palimpsest 3 1 HC.HC1 palimpsesto 4 2 HC.HC1.L palimpsesto 4 2 HC.HC1.L 

806 exorcismus, i, m. 2 4 2 HC.HC1.L m exorcisme 4 2 HC.HC1.L exorcismo 4 2 HC.HC1.L exorcismo 4 2 HC.HC1.L 

807 interdictum, i, n. 2 4 2 HC.HC1.L m interdicte 4 2 HC.HC1.L interdicto 4 2 HC.HC1.L interdito 4 2 HC.L1.L 

808 rĕcollectus, a, um 2 4 2 HC.HC1.L m recol·lecte 4 2 HC.HC1.L recoleto 4 2 L.L1.L recolecto 4 2 L.HC1.L 

809 sĭnāpismus, i, m., = 2 4 2 HC.HC1.L m sinapisme 4 2 HC.HC1.L sinapismo 4 2 HC.HC1.L sinapismo 4 2 HC.HC1.L 

σιναπισμός 

HC.HC1.L (4th decl) (1) 

810 intellectus, ūs, m. 

HC.HC1.X (1) 

4 4 2 HC.HC1.L m intel·lecte 4 2 HC.HC1.L intelecto 4 2 L.HC1.L intelecto 4 2 L.HC1.L 

811 interregnum, i, n. 

HC.HV1.X (3) 

2 4 2 HC.HC1.L m interregne 4 2 L.HC1.L interregno 4 2 L.HC1.L interregno 4 2 L.HC1.L 

812 intervallum, i, n. 2 4 2 HC.HV1.L m interval 3 1 HC.HC1 intervalo 4 2 HC.L1.L intervalo 4 2 HC.L1.L 

813 părallēlus, a, um 2 4 2 HC.HV1.L m paral·lel 3 1 HC.HC1 paralelo 4 2 L.L1.L paralelo 4 2 L.L1.L 

814 plēbiscītum, i, n. 

HC.HV1.X (4th decl) (1) 

2 4 2 HC.HV1.L m plebiscit 3 1 HC.HC1 plebiscito 4 2 HC.L1.L plebiscito 4 2 HC.L1.L 

815 măgistrātus, ūs, m. 

HC.HV1.X (9) 

4 4 2 HC.HV1.L m magistrat 3 1 HC.HC1 magistrado 4 2 HC.L1.L magistrado 4 2 HC.L1.L 

816 adiectīvus, a, um 2 4 2 HC.HV1.L m adjectiu 3 1 HC.HV1 adjetivo 4 2 L.L1.L adjectivo 4 2 HC.L1.L 

817 attractīvus 2 4 2 HC.HV1.L m atractiu 3 1 HC.HV1 atractivo 4 2 HC.L1.L atractivo 4 2 HC.L1.L 

818 collectīvus, a, um 2 4 2 HC.HV1.L m colectiu 3 1 HC.HV1 colectivo 4 2 HC.L1.L coletivo 4 2 L.L1.L 

819 effectīvus 2 4 2 HC.HV1.L m efectiu 3 1 HC.HV1 efectivo 4 2 HC.L1.L efectivo 4 2 HC.L1.L 

820 incentīvum, i, n. 2 4 2 HC.HV1.L m incentiu 3 1 HC.HV1 incentivo 4 2 HC.L1.L incentivo 4 2 HC.L1.L 

821 intestīnum, i, n. 2 4 2 HC.HV1.L m intestí 3 1 HC.HV1 intestino 4 2 HC.L1.L intestino 4 2 HC.L1.L 

822 *sacristanus 2 4 2 HC.HV1.L m sagristà, sacristà 3 1 HC.HV1 sacristán 3 1 HC.HC1 sacristão 3 1 HC.HV1 

823 subjunctīvus, a, um 2 4 2 HC.HV1.L m subjuntiu 3 1 HC.HV1 subjuntivo 4 2 HC.L1.L subjuntivo 4 2 HV.L1.L 

824 vespertīnus 

HV.HC1.X (20) 

2 4 2 HC.HV1.L m vespertí 3 1 HC.HV1 vespertino 4 2 HC.L1.L vespertino 4 2 HC.L1.L 

825 argūmentum , i, n. 2 4 2 HV.HC1.L m argument 3 1 L.HC1 argumento 4 2 L1.HC1.L argumento 4 2 L1.HC1.L 

826 complēmentum , i, n 2 4 2 HV.HC1.L m complement 3 1 L.HC1 complemento 4 2 L.HC1.L complemento 4 2 L.HV1.L 

827 comprōmissum , i, n. 2 4 2 HV.HC1.L m compromís 3 1 L.HC1 compromiso 4 2 L.L1.L compromisso 4 2 L.L1.L 

828 condīmentum , i, n. 2 4 2 HV.HC1.L m condiment 3 1 L.HC1 condimento 4 2 L.HC1.L condimento 4 2 L.HV1.L 

829 dēcrēmentum , i, n. 2 4 2 HV.HC1.L m decrement 3 1 L.HC1 decremento 4 2 L.HC1.L decremento 4 2 L.HV1.L 

830 excrēmentum, i, n. 2 4 2 HV.HC1.L m excrement 3 1 L.HC1 excremento 4 2 L.HC1.L excremento 4 2 L.HV1.L

412 


831 firmāmentum, i, n. 2 4 2 HV.HC1.L m firmament 3 1 L.HC1 firmamento 4 2 L.HC1.L firmamento 4 2 L.HV1.L 

832 fundāmentum, i, n. 2 4 2 HV.HC1.L m fonament 3 1 L.HC1 fundamento 4 2 L.HC1.L fundamento 4 2 L.HV1.L 

833 incrēmentum, i, n. 2 4 2 HV.HC1.L m increment 3 1 L.HC1 incremento 4 2 L.HC1.L incremento 4 2 L.HV1.L 

834 indūmentum, i, n. 2 4 2 HV.HC1.L m indument 3 1 L.HC1 indumento 4 2 L.HC1.L indumento 4 2 L.HV1.L 

835 instrūmentum, i, n. 2 4 2 HV.HC1.L m instrument 3 1 L.HC1 instrumento 4 2 L.HC1.L instrumento 4 2 L.HV1.L 

836 jūrāmentum , i, n. 2 4 2 HV.HC1.L m jurament 3 1 L.HC1 juramento 4 2 L.HC1.L juramento 4 2 L.HV1.L 

837 lĭgāmentum, i, n. 2 4 2 HV.HC1.L m lligament 3 1 L.HC1 ligamento 4 2 L.HC1.L ligamento 4 2 L.HV1.L 

838 lĭnīmentum, i, n. 2 4 2 HV.HC1.L m liniment 3 1 L.HC1 linimento 4 2 L.HC1.L linimento 4 2 L.HV1.L 

839 ornāmentum, i, n. 2 4 2 HV.HC1.L m ornament 3 1 L.HC1 ornamento 4 2 L.HC1.L ornamento 4 2 L.HV1.L 

840 păvīmentum, i, n. 2 4 2 HV.HC1.L m paviment 3 1 L.HC1 pavimento 4 2 L.HC1.L pavimento 4 2 L.HV1.L 

841 rŭdīmentum, i, n. 2 4 2 HV.HC1.L m rudiment 3 1 L.HC1 rudimento 4 2 L.HC1.L rudimento 4 2 L.HV1.L 

842 săcrāmentum, i, n. 2 4 2 HV.HC1.L m sagrament 3 1 L.HC1 sacramento 4 2 L.HC1.L sacramento 4 2 L.HV1.L 

843 supplēmentum, i, n. 2 4 2 HV.HC1.L m suplement 3 1 L.HC1 suplemento 4 2 L.HC1.L suplemento 4 2 L.HV1.L 

844 testāmentum , i, n. 

HV.HC1.X (4th decl) (1) 

2 4 2 HV.HC1.L m testament 3 1 L.HC1 testamento 4 2 L.HC1.L testamento 4 2 L.HV1.L 

845 rē˘trōcessus, ūs, m. 

HV.HC1.X (3) 

4 4 2 HV.HC1.L m retrocés 3 1 L.HC1 retroceso 4 2 L.L1.L retrocesso 4 2 L.L1.L 

846 prĭāpismus, i, m., = 

πριαπισμός 

2 4 2 HV.HC1.L m priapisme 4 2 L.HC1.L priapismo 4 2 L.HC1.L priapismo 4 2 L.HC1.L 

847 aquaeductus 2 4 2 HV.HC1.L m aqüeducte 4 2 L.HC1.L acueducto 4 2 L.HC1.L aqueduto 4 2 L.L1.L 

848 cătēchismus , i, m. 

HV.HC1.X (2) 

2 4 2 HV.HC1.L m catecisme 4 2 L.HC1.L catecismo 4 2 L.HC1.L catecismo 4 2 L.HC1.L 

849 dētrīmentum , i, n. 

HV.HV1.L (3) 

2 4 2 HV.HC1.L m detriment 3 1 L.HC1 detrimento 4 2 L.HC1.L detrimento 4 2 L.HV1.L 

850 prĭōrātus, ūs, m. 4 4 2 HV.HV1.L m priorat 3 1 L.HC1 priorato 3 2 L.L1.L priorato 4 2 L.L1.L 

851 trĭbūnātus , ūs, m. 4 4 2 HV.HV1.L m tribunat 3 1 L.HC1 tribunado 4 2 L.L1.L tribunado 4 2 L.L1.L 

852 rĕquīsītus, a, um 

HV.HV1.X (8) 

2 4 2 HV.HV1.L m requisit 3 1 L.HC1 requisito 4 2 L.L1.L requisito 4 2 L.L1.L 

853 Ăthēnaeum , i, n., y este 

del gr. 

2 4 2 HV.HV1.L m ateneu 3 1 L.HV1 ateneo 4 2 L.L1.L ateneu 3 1 L.HV1 

854 infīnītus, a, um 2 4 2 HV.HV1.L m infinit 3 1 L.HC1 infinito 4 2 L.L1.L infinito 4 2 L.L1.L 

855 Mausōlēum, i, n. 2 4 2 HV.HV1.L m mausoleu 3 1 L.HV1 mausoleo 4 2 L.L1.L mausoléu 3 1 L.HV1 

856 nĕgātīvus, a, um 2 4 2 HV.HV1.L m negatiu 3 1 L.HV1 negativo 4 2 L.L1.L negativo 4 2 L.L1.L 

857 pălātīnus, a, um 2 4 2 HV.HV1.L m palatí 3 1 L.HV1 palatino 4 2 L.L1.L palatino 4 2 L.L1.L 

858 pā˘trōnātus, ūs, m. 4 4 2 HV.HV1.L m patronat 3 1 L.HC1 patronato 4 2 L.L1.L patronato 4 2 L.L1.L 

859 praemātūrum, i, n. 2 4 2 HV.HV1.L m prematur 3 1 L.HC1 prematuro 4 2 L.L1.L prematuro 4 2 L.L1.L

413 


860 rĕlātīvus, a, um 2 4 2 HV.HV1.L m relatiu 3 1 L.HV1 relativo 4 2 L.L1.L relativo 4 2 L.L1.L 

861 vŏcātīvus , a, um 

HV.HV1.X (1) 

2 4 2 HV.HV1.L m vocatiu 3 1 L.HV1 vocativo 4 2 L.L1.L vocativo 4 2 L.L1.L 

862 octōgōnŏs, i, adj. 

HV.HV1.X (1) 

2 4 2 HV.HV1.L m octògon 3 2 L1.HC octógono 4 3 L1.L.L octógono 4 3 L1.L.L 

863 candēlābrum , i, n. 

L.HC1.X (3) 

2 4 2 HV.HV1.L m canelobre 4 2 L.L1.L candelabro 4 2 L.L1.L candelabro 4 2 L.L1.L 

864 *capitellus 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m cabdill 2 1 HC1 caudillo 3 2 L1.L caudilho 3 2 L1.L 

865 mălĕdictus, a, um 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m maldit 2 1 HC1 maldito 3 2 L1.L maldito 3 2 L1.L 

866 cŏŏpertus 

L.HC1.X (2) 

2 4 2 L.HC1.L m cobert 2 1 HC1 cubierto 3 2 L.HC1.L coberto 3 2 L.HC1.L 

867 hyacinthus (-os) ī, m. 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m jacint 2 1 L.HC1 jacinto 3 2 L.L1.L jacinto 3 2 L.L1.L 

868 mŏnŭmentum, i, n. 

L.HC1.X (27) 

2 4 2 L.HC1.L m moment 2 1 L.HC1 momento 3 2 L.HC1.L momento 3 2 L.HC1.L 

869 ălĭmentum , i 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m aliment 3 1 L.HC1 alimento 4 2 L.HC1.L alimento 4 2 L.HC1.L 

870 ămĭantus , i, del gr. 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m amiant 3 1 L.HC1 amianto 3 2 HC1.L amianto 3 2 HC1.L 

871 Antichristus, y este del 

gr. 

2 4 2 L.HC1.L m anticrist 3 1 L.HC1 anticristo 4 2 L.HC1.L anticristo 4 2 L.HC1.L 

872 băsĭliscus , i, m., y este 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m basilisc 3 1 L.HC1 basilisco 4 2 L.HC1.L basilisco 4 2 L.HC1.L 

del gr. 

873 lat. vulg. cascabellus 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m cascavell 3 1 L.HC1 cascabel 3 1 L.HC1 cascavel 3 1 L.HC1 

874 cĕrĕbellum , i, n. 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m cerebel 3 1 L.HC1 cerebelo 4 2 L.L1.L cerebelo 4 2 L.L1.L 

875 cōdĭcillus, i, m. 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m codicil 3 1 L.HC1 codicilo 4 2 L.L1.L codicilo 4 2 L.L1.L 

876 b. lat.contrapunctus 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m contrapunt 3 1 L.HC1 contrapunto 4 2 L.HC1.L contraponto 4 2 L.HC1.L 

877 crucifixus, a, um 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m crucifix 3 1 L.HC1 crucifijo 4 2 L.L1.L crucifixo 4 2 L.L1.L 

878 dŏcŭmentum, i, n. 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m document 3 1 L.HC1 documento 4 2 L.HC1.L documento 4 2 L.HC1.L 

879 ĕlĕmentum , i, n. 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m element 3 1 L.HC1 elemento 4 2 L.HC1.L elemento 4 2 L.HC1.L 

880 b. lat. filamentum 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m filament 3 1 L.HC1 filamento 4 2 L.HC1.L filamento 4 2 L.HC1.L 

881 hippŏcampus o -os, i, m., 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m hipocamp 3 1 L.HC1 hipocampo 4 2 L.HC1.L hipocampo 4 2 L.HC1.L 

= ἱππόκαμπος 

882 lăbyrinthus , i, m., del gr. 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m laberint 3 1 L.HC1 laberinto 4 2 L.HC1.L labirinto 4 2 L.HC1.L 

883 lĕŏpardus, i, m. 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m lleopard 3 1 L.HC1 leopardo 4 2 L.HC1.L leopardo 4 2 L.HC1.L 

884 mănĭfestus, a, um 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m manifest 3 1 L.HC1 manifiesto 4 2 L.HC1.L manifesto 2 L.HC1.L 

885 manus+scriptus 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m manuscrit 3 1 L.HC1 manuscrito 4 2 L.L1.L manuscrito 4 2 L.L1.L 

886 mŏnŭmentum, i, n. 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m monument 3 1 L.HC1 monumento 4 2 L.HC1.L monumento 4 2 L.HC1.L 

887 ŏbĕliscus, i, m. 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m obelisc 3 1 L.HC1 obelisco 4 2 L.HC1.L obelisco 4 2 L.HC1.L 

888 orthŏdoxus, a, um, adj. 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m ortodox 3 1 L.HC1 ortodoxo 4 2 L.HC1.L ortodoxo 4 2 L.HC1.L

414 


889 b.lat. protocollum, del gr. 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m protocol 3 1 L.HC1 protocolo 4 2 L.L1.L protocolo 4 2 L.L1.L 

890 sĕdĭmentum, i, n. 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m sediment 3 1 L.HC1 sedimento 4 2 L.HC1.L sedimento 4 2 L.HC1.L 

891 tĕgŭmentum, i, n. 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m tegument 3 1 L.HC1 tegumento 4 2 L.HC1.L tegumento 4 2 L.HC1.L 

892 tĕrĕbinthus , i, f., del gr. 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m terebint 3 1 L.HC1 terebinto 4 2 L.HC1.L terebinto 4 2 L.HC1.L 

893 ūnĭversum , i, n. 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m univers 3 1 L.HC1 universo 4 2 L.HC1.L universo 4 2 L.HC1.L 

894 vertĭcillus , i 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m verticil 3 1 L.HC1 verticilo 4 2 L.L1.L verticilo 4 2 L.L1.L 

895 rĕgĭmentum, i, n. 

L.HC1.X (2) 

2 4 2 L.HC1.L m regiment 3 1 L.HC1 regimiento 4 2 L.HC1.L regimento 4 2 L.HC1.L 

896 mĕmŏrandus, a, um 2 4 2 L.HC1.L m memoràndum 4 2 L.HC1.HC memorándum 4 2 L.HC1.HC memorandum 4 2 L.HC1.HC 

897 rĕfĕrendum, i 

L.HC1.X (12) 

2 4 2 L.HC1.L m referèndum 4 2 L.HC1.HC referéndum 4 2 L.HC1.HC referendum 4 2 L.HV1.HV 

898 aphŏrīsmus (

415 


916 ămŭlētum, i, n. 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m amulet 3 1 L.HC1 amuleto 4 2 L.L1.L amuleto 4 2 L.L1.L 

917 apparātus 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m aparat 3 1 L.HC1 aparato 4 2 L.L1.L aparato 4 2 L.L1.L 

918 attrĭbūtum , i, n. 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m atribut 3 1 L.HC1 atributo 4 2 L.L1.L atributo 4 2 L.L1.L 

919 candĭdātus, i, m. 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m candidat 3 1 L.HC1 candidato 4 2 L.L1.L candidato 4 2 L.L1.L 

920 cardămōmum , i, n. 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m cardamom 3 1 L.HC1 cardamomo 4 2 L.L1.L cardamomo 4 2 L.L1.L 

921 ĭnĭmīcus , i, m. 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m enemic 3 1 L.HC1 enemigo 4 2 L.L1.L inimigo 4 2 L.L1.L 

922 ērŭdītus, a, um 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m erudit 3 1 L.HC1 erudito 4 2 L.L1.L erudito 4 2 L.L1.L 

923 hŏlŏcaustum, i, n., = 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m holocaust 3 1 L.HC1 holocausto 4 2 L.HC1.L holocausto 4 2 L.HC1.L 

ὁλόκαυστον 

924 ĭnŏdōrus, a, um 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m inodor 3 1 L.HC1 inodoro 4 2 L.L1.L inodoro 4 2 L.L1.L 

925 instĭtūtum, i, n. 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m institut 3 1 L.HC1 instituto 4 2 L.L1.L instituto 4 2 L.L1.L 

926 littĕrātus, a, um 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m literat 3 1 L.HC1 literato 4 2 L.L1.L literato 4 2 L.L1.L 

927 meteōrus, y este del gr. 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m meteor 3 1 L.HC1 meteoro 4 2 L.L1.L meteoro 4 2 L.L1.L 

928 mystăgōgus, i, m., = 

μυσταγωγός 

2 4 2 L.HV1.L m mistagog 3 1 L.HC1 mistagogo 4 2 L.L1.L mistagogo 4 2 L.L1.L 

929 pantŏmīmus, i, m. 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m pantomim 3 1 L.HC1 pantomimo 4 2 L.L1.L pantomimo 4 2 L.L1.L 

930 părădīsus, i, m. 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m paradís 3 1 L.HC1 paraíso 4 2 L.L1.L paraíso 4 2 L.L1.L 

931 paedăgōgus, i, m., = 

παιδαγωγός 

2 4 2 L.HV1.L m pedagog 3 1 L.HC1 pedagogo 4 2 L.L1.L pedagogo 4 2 L.L1.L 

932 pĕristȳlĭum, ii, n., = 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m peristil 3 1 L.HC1 peristilo 4 2 L.L1.L peristilo 4 2 L.L1.L 

περιστύλιον 

933 plŭvĭōsus, a, um, adj. 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m pluviós 3 1 L.HC1 pluvioso 3 2 L1.L pluvioso 3 2 L1.L 

934 prōstĭtūtus, a, um 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m prostitut 3 1 L.HC1 prostituto 4 2 L.L1.L prostituto 4 2 L.L1.L 

935 substĭtūtus, a, um 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m substitut 3 1 L.HC1 sustituto 4 2 L.L1.L substituto 4 2 L.L1.L 

936 ungŭlātus , a, um 


2 4 2 L.HV1.L m ungulat 3 1 L.HC1 ungulado 4 2 L.L1.L ungulado 4 2 L.L1.L 

937 princĭpātus, ūs, m. 4 4 2 L.HV1.L m principat 3 1 L.HC1 principado 4 2 L.L1.L principado 4 2 L.L1.L 

938 pŭgĭlātus, ūs, m. 

L.HV1.X / HC1.L.X (1) 

4 4 2 L.HV1.L m pugilat 3 1 L.HC1 pugilato 4 2 L.L1.L pugilato 4 2 L.L1.L 

939 cinnămōmum, 

cinnămum, o cinnămon, i, 

2 4 2 L.HV1.L m cínamom 3 3 L1.L.HC cinamomo 4 2 L.L1.L cinamomo 4 2 L.L1.L 

n. 

L.HV1.X (21) 

940 ablātīvus, i, m. 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m ablatiu 3 1 L.HV1 ablativo 4 2 L.L1.L ablativo 4 2 L.L1.L 

941 ăpŏgēus , a, um 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m apogeu 3 1 L.HV1 apogeo 4 2 L.L1.L apogeu 3 1 L.HV1 

942 căpĭtānus, i, m. 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m capità 3 1 L.HV1 capitán 3 1 L.HC1 capitão 3 1 L.HV1 

943 cŏryphaeus , i, m., del gr. 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m corifeu 3 1 L.HV1 corifeo 4 2 L.L1.L corifeu 3 1 L.HV1

416 


944 Christĭānus , a, um 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m cristià 3 1 L.HV1 cristiano 3 2 L1.L cristão 2 1 HV1 

945 gĕnĭtīvus, a, um 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m genitiu 3 1 L.HV1 genitivo 4 2 L.L1.L genitivo 4 2 L.L1.L 

946 Hymenaeus, a, um = 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m himeneu 3 1 L.HV1 himeneo 4 2 L.L1.L Himeneu 3 1 L.HV1 

Ὑμέναιος 

947 hypŏgaeum, i, n. 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m hipogeu 3 1 L.HV1 hipogeo 4 2 L.L1.L hipogeu 3 1 L.HV1 

948 inquĭlīnus, a, m. & f. 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m inquilí 3 1 L.HV1 inquilino 4 2 L.L1.L inquilino 4 2 L.L1.L 

949 jūbĭlaeus, i, m. 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m jubileu 3 1 L.HV1 jubileo 4 2 L.L1.L jubileu 3 1 L.HV1 

950 b. l. locativus, -a, -um 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m locatiu 3 1 L.HV1 locativo 4 2 L.L1.L locativo 4 2 L.L1.L 

951 pĕrĕgrīnus, i, m. 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m pelegrí 3 1 L.HV1 peregrino 4 2 L.L1.L peregrino 4 2 L.L1.L 

952 pĕlĭcānus, i, m. 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m pelicà 3 1 L.HV1 pelícano 4 3 L1.L.L pelicano 4 2 L.L1.L 

953 lat. tard. Pergamīnum 

(Pergămēnus, a, um) 

2 4 2 L.HV1.L m pergamí 3 1 L.HV1 pergamino 4 2 L.L1.L pergaminho 4 2 L.L1.L 

954 pĕrĭnaeon & pĕrĭnēon, i, 

n. 

2 4 2 L.HV1.L m perineu 3 1 L.HV1 periné 3 1 L.L1 períneo 4 3 L1.L.L 

955 pŏsĭtīvus, a, um 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m positiu 3 1 L.HV1 positivo 4 2 L.L1.L positivo 4 2 L.L1.L 

956 prīmĭtīvus, a, um 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m primitiu 3 1 L.HV1 primitivo 4 2 L.L1.L primitivo 4 2 L.L1.L 

957 prŏpylaeum (-laeon), i, n., 

= προπύλαιον 

2 4 2 L.HV1.L m propileu 3 1 L.HV1 propileo 4 2 L.L1.L propileu 3 1 L.HV1 

958 pūblĭcānus, i, m. 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m publicà 3 1 L.HV1 publicano 4 2 L.L1.L publicano 4 2 L.L1.L 

959 *superānus 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m sobirà 3 1 L.HV1 soberano 4 2 L.L1.L soberano 4 2 L.L1.L 

960 vĕtĕrānus , a, um 

L.HV1.X (1) 

2 4 2 L.HV1.L m veterà 3 1 L.HV1 veterano 4 2 L.L1.L veterano 4 2 L.L1.L 

961 ultimātum 

L.HV1.X (3) 

2 4 2 L.HV1.L m ultimàtum 4 2 L.L1.HC ultimátum 4 2 L.L1.HC ultimato 4 2 L.L1.L 

962 ambulācrum 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m ambulacre 4 2 L.L1.L ambulacro 4 2 L.L1.L ambulacro 4 2 L.L1.L 

963 invŏlūcrum, i, n. 2 4 2 L.HV1.L m involucre 4 2 L.L1.L involucro 4 2 L.L1.L invólucro 4 3 L1.L.L 

964 sĭmŭlācrum , i, n. 

HC1.L.X (1) 

2 4 2 L.HV1.L m simulacre 4 2 L.L1.L simulacro 4 2 L.L1.L simulacro 4 2 L.L1.L 

965 commercĭum, ii, n. 

HC1.L.X (2) 

2 4 3 HC1.L.L m comerç 2 1 HC1 comercio 3 2 HC1.L comércio 3 2 HC1.L 

966 chrysanthĕmum o -mon, 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m crisantem 3 1 HC.HC1 crisantemo 4 2 HC.L1.L crisântemo 4 3 HC1.L.L 

i, n., = χρυσάνθεμον 

967 trĭumvir, vĭri, m. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m triumvir 3 3 HC.HC1 triunviro 3 2 HC.L1.L triúnviro 4 3 HC1.L.L 

HC1.L.X (8) 

968 adulter, -ĕri 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m adúlter 3 2 HC1.HC adúltero 4 3 HC1.L.L adúltero 4 3 HC1.L.L 

969 apostŏlus, del gr. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m apòstol 3 2 HC1.HC apóstol 3 2 HC1.HC apóstolo 3 2 HC1.L.L 

970 archangĕlus, del gr. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m arcàngel 3 2 HC1.HC arcángel 3 2 HC1.HC arcanjo 3 2 HC1.L 

971 fūnambŭlus, i, m. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m funàmbul 3 2 HC1.HC funámbulo 4 3 HC1.L.L funâmbulo 4 3 HC1.L.L

417 


972 hōroscŏpus, i. m. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m horòscop 3 2 HC1.HC horóscopo 4 3 HC1.L.L horóscopo 4 3 HC1.L.L 

973 incognĭtus, a, um 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m incògnit 3 2 HC1.HC incógnito 4 3 HC1.L.L incógnito 4 3 HC1.L.L 

974 praeambŭlus 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m preàmbul 3 2 HC1.HC preámbulo 4 3 HC1.L.L preâmbulo 4 3 HC1.L.L 

975 prŏgnōstĭcon o -um, i, n. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m pronòstic 3 2 HC1.HC pronóstico 4 3 HC1.L.L prognóstico 4 3 HC1.L.L 

= προγνωστικόν 


976 exercĭtus , ūs, m. 


4 4 3 HC1.L.L m exèrcit 3 2 HC1.HC ejército 4 3 HC1.L.L exército 4 3 HC1.L.L 

977 schŏlastĭcus, i, m. 

HC1.L.X (24) 

2 4 3 HC1.L.L m escolàstic 4 2 HC1.HC escolástico 5 3 HC1.L.L escolástico 5 3 HC1.L.L 

978 adverbĭum, i 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m adverbi 3 2 HC1.L adverbio 3 2 HC1.L advérbio 3 2 HC1.L 

979 compendĭum , ii, n. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m compendi 3 2 HC1.L compendio 3 2 HC1.L compêndio 3 2 HC1.L 

980 consortĭum , ii, n. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m consorci 3 2 HC1.L consorcio 3 2 HC1.L consórcio 3 2 HC1.L 

981 corpuscŭlum , i, n. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m corpuscle 3 2 HC1.L corpúsculo 4 3 HC1.L.L corpúsculo 4 3 HC1.L.L 

982 crepuscŭlum, i, n. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m crepuscle 3 2 HC1.L crepúsculo 4 3 HC1.L.L crepúsculo 4 3 HC1.L.L 

983 dispendĭum , ii, n. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m dispendi 3 2 HC1.L dispendio 3 2 HC1.L dispêndio 3 2 HC1.L 

984 dīvortĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m divorci 3 2 HC1.L divorcio 3 2 HC1.L divórcio 3 2 HC1.L 

985 exordĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m exordi 3 2 HC1.L exordio 3 2 HC1.L exórdio 3 2 HC1.L 

986 gĕrundĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m gerundi 3 2 HC1.L gerundio 3 2 HC1.L gerúndio 3 2 HC1.L 

987 Īdyllĭum or Ēdyllĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m idil·li 3 2 HC1.L idilio 3 2 L1.L idílio 3 2 L1.L 

988 incendĭum, ĭi, n. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m incendi 3 2 HC1.L incendio 3 2 HC1.L incêndio 3 2 HC1.L 

989 insomnĭum, ĭi, n. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m insomni 3 2 HC1.L insomnio 3 2 HC1.L insónia 3 2 L1.L 

990 mĕtallĭcus, a, um 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m metàl·lic 3 2 HC1.L metálico 4 3 L1.L.L metálico 4 3 L1.L.L 

991 ŏpercŭlum, i, n. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m opercle 3 2 HC1.L opérculo 4 3 HC1.L.L opérculo 4 3 HC1.L.L 

992 ŏpuscŭlum, i, n. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m opuscle 3 2 HC1.L opúsculo 4 3 HC1.L.L opúsculo 4 3 HC1.L.L 

993 prōverbĭum, ĭi, n. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m proverbi 3 2 HC1.L proverbio 3 2 HC1.L provérbio 3 2 HC1.L 

994 rānuncŭlus, i, m. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m ranuncle 3 2 HC1.L ranúnculo 4 3 HC1.L.L ranúnculo 4 3 HC1.L.L 

995 rectĭangŭlum, i, n. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m rectangle 3 2 HC1.L rectángulo 4 3 HC1.L.L rectângulo 4 3 HC1.L.L 

996 sestertĭum, i, n. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m sesterci 3 2 HC1.L sestercio 3 2 HC1.L sestércio 3 2 HC1.L 

997 sĭlentĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m silenci 3 2 HC1.L silencio 3 2 HC1.L silêncio 3 2 HC1.L 

998 suburbĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m suburbi 3 2 HC1.L suburbio 3 2 HC1.L subúrbio 3 2 HC1.L 

999 trĭangŭlus , i, m. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m triangle 3 2 HC1.L triángulo 4 3 HC1.L.L triângulo 4 3 HC1.L.L 

1000 trĭsyllăbus , a, um, adj. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m trisíl·lab 3 2 HC1.L trisílabo 4 3 L1.L.L trissílabo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1001 tūbercŭlum , i, n. 


2 4 3 HC1.L.L m tubercle 3 2 HC1.L tubérculo 4 3 HC1.L.L tubérculo 4 3 HC1.L.L 

1002 stīpendĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m estipendi 4 2 HC1.L estipendio 4 2 HC1.L estipêndio 4 2 HC1.L

418 

Etymon 

HC1.L.X (2) 


1003 ăsyndĕton , i, n., y este 

del gr. 

2 4 3 HC1.L.L m asíndeton 4 3 HC1.L.HC asíndeton 4 3 HC1.L.HC assíndeto 4 3 HC1.L.HC 

1004 hyperbăton, i, n., = 

ὑπέρβατον 

HC1.L.X (3) 

2 4 3 HC1.L.L m hipèrbaton 4 3 HC1.L.HC hipérbato 4 3 HC1.L.L hipérbato 4 3 HC1.L.L 

1005 bĭennĭum , ii, n. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m bienni 3 2 L1.L bienio 3 2 L1.L biénio 3 2 L1.L 

1006 dĕcennĭum , ii, n. 2 4 3 HC1.L.L m decenni 3 2 L1.L decenio 3 2 HC1.L decénio 3 2 HC1.L 

1007 quinquennĭum, ii, n. 

HV1.L.X (3) 

2 4 3 HC1.L.L m quinquenni 3 2 L1.L quinquenio 3 2 L1.L quinquénio 3 2 L1.L 

1008 Jūnĭus, a, um 2 3 3 HV1.L.L m juny 1 1 HC1 junio 2 2 L1.L junho 2 2 L1.L 

1009 pĕdūcŭlus, i, m. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m poll 1 1 HC1 piojo 2 2 L1.L piolho 2 2 L1.L 

1010 cŏāgŭlum , i, n. 

HV1.L.X (17) 

2 4 3 HV1.L.L m quall 1 1 HC1 cuajo 2 2 L1.L coalho 3 2 L1.L 

1011 armārĭum , ii, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m armer 2 1 HC1 armero 3 2 L1.L armeiro 3 2 HV1.L 

1012 capsārĭus , ii, m. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m caixer 2 1 HC1 cajero 3 2 L1.L caixeiro 3 2 HV1.L 

1013 caldārĭum , ii, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m calder 2 1 HC1 caldero 3 2 L1.L caldeiro 3 2 HV1.L 

1014 cŭnīcŭlus , i, m. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m conill 2 1 HC1 conejo 3 2 L1.L coelho 3 2 L1.L 

1015 VL *cordarius, der. de 

cordus 

2 4 3 HV1.L.L m corder 2 1 HC1 cordero 3 2 L1.L cordeiro 3 2 HV1.L 

1016 dēnārĭus , a, um, adj. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m diner 2 1 HC1 dinero 3 2 L1.L dinheiro 3 2 HV1.L 

1017 fastīdĭum, ĭi, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m fastig 2 1 HC1 fastidio 3 2 L1.L fastio 3 2 L1.L 

1018 ferrārĭus, ii, m., 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m ferrer 2 1 HC1 herrero 3 2 L1.L ferreiro 3 2 HV1.L 

1019 mortārĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m morter 2 1 HC1 mortero 3 2 L1.L morteiro 3 2 HV1.L 

1020 pĕrīcŭlum, i, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m perill 2 1 HC1 peligro 3 2 L1.L perigo 3 2 L1.L 

1021 plūmārĭus, a, um 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m plomer 2 1 HC1 plumero 3 2 L1.L plumeiro 3 2 HV1.L 

1022 portārĭus, ii, m. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m porter 2 1 HC1 portero 3 2 L1.L porteiro 3 2 HV1.L 

1023 prōnōmen, ĭnis, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m pronom 2 1 HC1 pronombre 3 2 HC1.L pronome 3 2 L1.L 

1024 terrārĭus, i, m. (lat. med.) 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m terrer 2 1 HC1 terrero 3 2 L1.L terreiro 3 2 HV1.L 

1025 vivarĭum 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m viver 2 1 HC1 vivero 3 2 L1.L viveiro 3 2 HV1.L 

1026 extrānĕus , a, um 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m estrany 2 1 HC1 extraño 3 2 L1.L estranho 3 2 L1.L 

1027 suspīrĭum , ii, n. 

HV1.L.X (1) 

2 4 3 HV1.L.L m sospir 2 1 HC1 suspiro 3 2 L1.L suspiro 3 2 L1.L 

1028 fastīdĭum, ĭi, n. 

HV1.L.X (2) 

2 4 3 HV1.L.L m fàstic (ant. fasti) 2 2 HC1.HC hastío 3 2 L1.L fastio 3 2 L1.L 

1029 ŏrīgănum / -on, i, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m orenga 3 2 HC1.L orégano 4 3 L1.L.L orégão 3 2 L1.HV 

1030 ĕpīscŏpus, i, m., del gr. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m bisbe 2 2 HC1.L obispo 3 2 HC1.L bispo 2 2 HC1.L

419 

Etymon 

HV1.L.X (1) 


1031 pălātĭum, ii, n. 

HV1.L.X (3) 

2 4 3 HV1.L.L m palau 2 1 HV1 palacio 3 2 L1.L palácio 3 2 L1.L 

1032 VL desidĭum

420 


1059 dĭārĭum , ii, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m diari 3 2 L1.L diario 2 2 L1.L diário 2 2 L1.L 

1060 falsārĭus, ii, m. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m falsari 3 2 L1.L falsario 3 2 L1.L falsário 3 2 L1.L 

1061 glossārĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m glossari 3 2 L1.L glosario 3 2 L1.L glossário 3 2 L1.L 

1062 herbārium, ii, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m herbari 3 2 L1.L herbario 3 2 L1.L herbário 3 2 L1.L 

1063 hōrārĭum, ĭi, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m horari 3 2 L1.L horario 3 2 L1.L horário 3 2 L1.L 

1064 lūdī˘brĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m ludibri 3 2 L1.L ludibrio 3 2 L1.L ludíbrio 3 2 L1.L 

1065 mănūbrĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m manubri 3 2 L1.L manubrio 3 2 L1.L manúbrio 3 2 L1.L 

1066 marsūpĭum, ii, n., = 

μαρσύπιον, 

2 4 3 HV1.L.L m marsupi 3 2 L1.L marsupio 3 2 L1.L marsúpio 3 2 L1.L 

1067 mēcōnĭum, ii, n., = 

μηκώνιον 

2 4 3 HV1.L.L m meconi 3 2 L1.L meconio 3 2 L1.L mecónio 3 2 L1.L 

1068 mystērĭum, ii, n., = 

μυστήριον 

2 4 3 HV1.L.L m misteri 3 2 L1.L misterio 3 2 L1.L mistério 3 2 L1.L 

1069 nĕgōtĭum (nĕgōcĭum), ii, 

n. 

2 4 3 HV1.L.L m negoci 3 2 L1.L negocio 3 2 L1.L negócio 3 2 L1.L 

1070 nŏtārĭus , ii, m. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m notari 3 2 L1.L notario 3 2 L1.L notário 3 2 L1.L 

1071 nŏvīcĭus (lb. lat. -ītĭus ), 

a, um 

2 4 3 HV1.L.L m novici 3 2 L1.L novicio 3 2 L1.L noviço 3 2 L1.L 

1072 obstācŭlum, i, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m obstacle 3 2 L1.L obstáculo 4 3 L1.L.L obstáculo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1073 opprō˘brĭum (obp-), i. n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m oprobi 3 2 L1.L oprobio 3 2 L1.L opróbrio 2 L1.L m 

1074 ōrācŭlum, i, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m oracle 2 2 L1.L oráculo 4 3 L1.L.L oráculo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1075 ōvārĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m ovari 3 2 L1.L ovario 3 2 L1.L ovário 3 2 L1.L 

1076 pĕcūlĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m peculi 3 2 L1.L peculio 3 2 L1.L pecúlio 3 2 L1.L 

1077 perjūrĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m perjuri 3 2 L1.L perjurio 3 2 L1.L perjúrio 3 2 L1.L 

1078 pinnācŭlum, i, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m pinacle 3 2 L1.L pináculo 4 3 L1.L.L pináculo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1079 portatĭcum, i, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m portatge 3 2 L1.L portazgo 3 2 HC1.L portagem 3 2 L1.HV 

1080 praelūdĭum 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m preludi 3 2 L1.L preludio 3 2 L1.L prelúdio 3 2 L1.L 

1081 praepūtĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m prepuci 3 2 L1.L prepucio 3 2 L1.L prepúcio 3 2 L1.L 

1082 praesāgĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m presagi 3 2 L1.L presagio 3 2 L1.L presságio 3 2 L1.L 

1083 praetōrĭus, ii, m. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m pretori 3 2 L1.L pretorio 3 2 L1.L pretório 3 2 L1.L 

1084 prŏoemĭum, ii, n., = 

προοίμιον 

2 4 3 HV1.L.L m proemi 3 2 L1.L proemio 3 2 L1.L proémio 3 2 L1.L 

1085 proscaenĭum (proscēn-), 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m prosceni 3 2 L1.L proscenio 3 2 L1.L proscénio 3 2 L1.L 

ii, n.,= προσκήνιον 

1086 rŏsārĭus, a, um 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m rosari 3 2 L1.L rosario 3 2 L1.L rosário 3 2 L1.L 

1087 săcrārĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m sagrari 3 2 L1.L sagrario 3 2 L1.L sacrário 3 2 L1.L 

1088 sălārĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m salari 3 2 L1.L salario 3 2 L1.L salário 3 2 L1.L 

1089 psaltērĭum, ĭi, n., = 

ψαλτήριον 

2 4 3 HV1.L.L m salteri 3 2 L1.L salterio 3 2 L1.L saltério 3 2 L1.L

421 


1090 sensōrĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m sensori 3 2 L1.L sensorio 3 2 L.L1.L sensório 3 2 L.L1.L 

1091 sīcārĭus, i, m. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m sicari 3 2 L1.L sicario 3 2 L1.L sicário 3 2 L1.L 

1092 sōlārĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m solari 3 2 L1.L solario 3 2 L1.L solário 3 2 L1.L 

1093 sūdārĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m sudari 3 2 L1.L sudario 3 2 L1.L sudário 3 2 L1.L 

1094 summārĭum , ĭi, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m sumari 3 2 L1.L sumario 3 2 L1.L sumário 3 2 L1.L 

1095 tentacŭlum 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m tentacle 3 2 L1.L tentáculo 4 3 L1.L.L tentáculo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1096 ternārĭus , a, um 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m ternari 3 2 L1.L ternario 3 2 L1.L tenreiro 3 2 HV1.L 

1097 trīclīnĭum , ii, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m triclini 3 2 L1.L triclinio 3 2 L1.L triclínio 3 2 L1.L 

1098 umbrācŭlum , i, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m umbracle 3 2 L1.L umbráculo 4 3 L1.L.L umbráculo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1099 vēnābŭlum , i, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m venable 3 2 L1.L venablo 3 2 L1.L venábulo 3 2 L1.L 

1100 vestīgĭum , ii, n. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m vestigi 3 2 L1.L vestigio 3 2 L1.L vestígio 3 2 L1.L 

1101 vĭcārĭus , a, um 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m vicari 3 2 L1.L vicario 3 2 L1.L vigário 3 2 L1.L 

1102 vŏcābŭlum , i, n. 

HV1.L.X (prothesis) (2) 

2 4 3 HV1.L.L m vocable 3 2 L1.L vocablo 3 2 L1.L vocábulo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1103 scaenārĭus, a, um, adj. 2 4 3 HV1.L.L m escenari 4 2 L1.L escenario 4 2 L1.L cenário 3 2 L1.L 

1104 spectācŭlum, i, n. 

L1.HV.X (1) 

2 4 3 HV1.L.L m espectacle 4 2 L1.L espectáculo 5 3 L1.L.L espectáculo 5 3 L1.L.L 

1105 dĭămētros, i, f. 

L1.L.X (11) 

2 4 3 L1.HV.L m diàmetre 4 3 L1.L.L diámetro 3 3 L1.L.L diâmetro 4 3 L1.L.L 

1106 arbī˘trĭum (alt. 

arbī˘tērĭum), ii, n. 

2 4 3 L1.L.L m albir 2 1 HC1 albedrío 4 2 L.L1.L alvedrio 4 2 L.L1.L 

1107 artĭcŭlus , i, m., dim. de 2 4 3 L1.L.L m artell 2 1 HC1 artejo 3 2 L1.L artelho 3 2 L1.L 

artus 

1108 concĭlĭum , ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m consell 2 1 HC1 concejo 3 2 L1.L concelho 3 2 L1.L 

1109 consĭlĭum , ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m consell 2 1 HC1 consejo 3 2 L1.L conselho 3 2 L1.L 

1110 exăgĭum , ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m assaig 2 1 HC1 ensayo 3 2 L1.L ensaio 3 2 L1.L 

1111 gymnăsĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m gimnàs 2 1 HC1 gimnasio 3 2 L1.L ginásio 3 2 L1.L 

1112 gĕnĭcŭlum, i, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m genoll 2 1 HC1 hinojo 3 2 L1.L joelho 3 2 L1.L 

1113 lat. vulg. manucŭlus 2 4 3 L1.L.L m manoll 2 1 HC1 manojo 3 2 L1.L manolho 3 2 L1.L 

1114 pānĭcĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m panís 2 1 HC1 panizo 3 2 L1.L painço 2 2 HV1.L 

1115 rĕpŏsĭtus, a, um 2 4 3 L1.L.L m rebost 2 1 HC1 repuesto 3 2 HC1.L reposte 3 2 HC1.L 

1116 *vincicŭlum 2 4 3 L1.L.L m vencill 2 1 HC1 vencejo 3 2 L1.L vencilho 3 2 L1.L 


1117 circŭĭtus, ūs, m. 4 4 3 L1.L.L m circuit 2 1 HC1 circuito 3 2 L1.L circuito 3 2 HV1.L 

1118 intrŏĭtus, ūs, m. 4 4 3 L1.L.L m introit 2 1 HC1 introito 3 2 HV1.L intróito 3 2 HV1.L 

L1.L.X (1) 

1119 archaĭcus, y este del gr. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m arcaic 2 1 HC.HC1 arcaico 3 2 HV1.L arcáico 3 2 HV1.L

422 

Etymon 

L1.L.X (3) 


1120 cănŏnĭcus , i, m. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m canonge 3 2 HC1.L canónigo 4 3 L1.L.L cónego 3 3 L1.L.L 

1121 dĭăbŏlus, i, m., del gr. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m diable 3 2 HC1.L diablo 2 2 L1.L diabo 2 2 L1.L 

1122 trĭennĭum , ii, n. 

L1.L.X (2) 

2 4 3 L1.L.L m trienni 3 2 HC1.L trienio 3 2 L1.L triénio 3 2 L1.L 

1123 *alenĭtus, por anhelĭtus 2 4 3 L1.L.L m alè 2 1 HV1 aliento 3 2 HC1.L alento 3 2 HC1.L 

1124 LL. mosaĭcum, i, n. 

L1.L.X (1) 

2 4 3 L1.L.L m mosaic 2 1 HV1 mosaico 3 2 HV1.L mosaico 3 2 HV1.L 

1125 retabulus

423 


1145 autŏmătus , um (os, on), 

del gr. 

2 4 3 L1.L.L m autòmat 3 2 L1.HC autómata 4 3 L1.L.L autómato 4 3 L1.L.L 

1146 bărytŏnŏs , ŏn, y este del 

gr. 

2 4 3 L1.L.L m baríton 3 2 L1.HC barítono 4 3 L1.L.L barítono 4 3 L1.L.L 

1147 căpĭtŭlum , i, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m capítol 3 2 L1.HC capítulo 4 3 L1.L.L capítulo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1148 carnĭvŏrus , a, um 2 4 3 L1.L.L m carnívor 3 2 L1.HC carnívoro 4 3 L1.L.L carnívoro 4 3 L1.L.L 

1149 cosmŏgrăphus , i, m., del 

gr. 

2 4 3 L1.L.L m cosmògraf 3 2 L1.HC cosmógrafo 4 3 L1.L.L cosmógrafo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1150 dĕcălŏgus , i, m., del gr. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m decàleg 3 2 L1.HC decálogo 4 3 L1.L.L decálogo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1151 decŭbĭtus 2 4 3 L1.L.L m decúbit 3 2 L1.HC decúbito 4 3 L1.L.L decúbito 4 3 L1.L.L 

1152 dēpŏsĭtum, i, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m depòsit 3 2 L1.HC depósito 4 3 L1.L.L depósito 4 3 L1.L.L 

1153 dĭălŏgus, i, m., del gr. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m diàleg 3 2 L1.HC diálogo 3 3 L1.L.L diálogo 3 3 L1.L.L 

1154 discŏbŏlus, i, m., del gr. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m discòbol 3 2 L1.HC discóbolo 4 3 L1.L.L discóbolo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1155 oecŏnŏmus , i, m., del gr. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m ecònom 3 2 L1.HC ecónomo 4 3 L1.L.L ecónomo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1156 ēmĕtĭcus , a, um, del gr. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m emètic 3 2 L1.HC emético 4 3 L1.L.L emético 4 3 L1.L.L 

1157 ĕpĭlŏgus, i, m. del gr. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m epíleg 3 2 L1.HC epílogo 4 3 L1.L.L epílogo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1158 ĕpĭthĕton, i, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m epítet 3 2 L1.HC epíteto 4 3 L1.L.L epíteto 4 3 L1.L.L 

1159 aequĭvŏcus, a, um, adj. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m equívoc 3 2 L1.HC equívoco 4 3 L1.L.L equívoco 4 3 L1.L.L 

1160 expŏsĭtus , a, um 2 4 3 L1.L.L m expòsit 3 2 L1.HC expósito 4 3 L1.L.L exposto 2 2 HC1.L 

1161 phaenŏmĕnon, i, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m fenomen 3 2 L1.HC fenómeno 4 3 L1.L.L fenómeno 4 3 L1.L.L 

1162 fŏlĭŏlum, i, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m folíol 3 2 L1.HC folíolo 4 3 L1.L.L folíolo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1163 heptăgōnos, on, adj.= 

ἑπτάγωνος, 

2 4 3 L1.L.L m heptàgon 3 2 L1.HC heptágono 4 3 L1.L.L heptágono 4 3 L1.L.L 

1164 hexăgōnum, i, n., = 

ἑξάγωνον 

2 4 3 L1.L.L m hexàgon 3 2 L1.HC hexágono 4 3 L1.L.L hexágono 4 3 L1.L.L 

1165 hippodrŏmos, i, m., = 

ἱππόδρομος 

2 4 3 L1.L.L m hipòdrom 3 2 L1.HC hipódromo 4 3 L1.L.L hipódromo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1166 hŏlŏgrăphus, a, um, adj., 

= ὁλόγραφος 

2 4 3 L1.L.L m hològraf 3 2 L1.HC hológrafo 4 3 L1.L.L hológrafo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1167 mănĭpŭlus, i, m. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m manípul 3 2 L1.HC manípulo 4 3 L1.L.L manípulo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1168 mēchănĭcus, a, um = 

μηχανικός 

2 4 3 L1.L.L m mecànic 3 2 L1.HC mecánico 4 3 L1.L.L mecânico 4 3 L1.L.L 

1169 mŏnŏgămus, i, m., = 

μονόγαμος 

2 4 3 L1.L.L m monògam 3 2 L1.HC monógamo 4 3 L1.L.L monógamo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1170 nĕŏphytus, a, um = 

νεόφυτος 

2 4 3 L1.L.L m neòfit 3 2 L1.HC neófito 4 3 L1.L.L neófito 4 3 L1.L.L 

1171 pneumătĭcus , a, um, del 

gr. 

2 4 3 L1.L.L m neumàtic 3 2 L1.HC neumático 4 3 L1.L.L pneumático 4 3 L1.L.L 

1172 omnĭvŏrus, a, um, adj. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m omnívor 3 2 L1.HC omnívoro 4 L1.L.L omnívoro 4 L1.L.L

424 


1173 paragrăphus 2 4 3 L1.L.L m paràgraf 3 2 L1.HC parágrafo 4 3 L1.L.L parágrafo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1174 părăsītus, i, m., = 

παράσιτος, 

2 4 3 L1.L.L m paràsit 3 2 L1.HC parásito 4 3 L1.L.L parasito 4 2 L.L1.L 

1175 pătĭbŭlum, i, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m patíbul 3 2 L1.HC patíbulo 4 3 L1.L.L patíbulo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1176 pragmătĭcus, i, m., = 

πραγματικός 

2 4 3 L1.L.L m pragmàtic 3 2 L1.HC pragmático 4 3 L1.L.L pragmático 4 3 L1.L.L 

1177 praetĕrĭtus, a, um 2 4 3 L1.L.L m pretèrit 3 2 L1.HC pretérito 4 3 L1.L.L pretérito 4 3 L1.L.L 

1178 prōpŏsĭtum, i, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m propòsit 3 2 L1.HC propósito 4 3 L1.L.L propósito 4 3 L1.L.L 

1179 prōstĭbŭlum, i, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m prostíbul 3 2 L1.HC prostíbulo 4 3 L1.L.L prostíbulo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1180 săcrĭlĕgus, a, um 2 4 3 L1.L.L m sacríleg 3 2 L1.HC sacrílego 4 3 L1.L.L sacrílego 4 3 L1.L.L 

1181 sarcŏphăgus, i, m. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m sarcòfag 3 2 L1.HC sarcófago 4 3 L1.L.L sarcófago 4 3 L1.L.L 

1182 sycŏmŏrus, i, 

f.

425 


1204 discĭpŭlus , i, m. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m deixeble 3 2 L1.L discípulo 4 3 L1.L.L discípulo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1205 dēlĭquĭum , ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m deliqui 3 2 L1.L deliquio 3 2 L1.L delíquio 3 2 L1.L 

1206 dīlŭvĭum , ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m diluvi 3 2 L1.L diluvio 3 2 L1.L dilúvio 3 2 L1.L 

1207 efflŭvĭum , ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m efluvi 3 2 L1.L efluvio 3 2 L1.L eflúvio 3 2 L1.L 

1208 ēlŏgĭum , ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m elogi 3 2 L1.L elogio 3 2 L1.L elogio 3 2 L1.L 

1209 empŏrĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m empori 3 2 L1.L emporio 3 2 L1.L empório 3 2 L1.L 

1210 ērĭcĭus, ii, m. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m eriço 3 2 L1.L erizo 3 2 L1.L ouriço 3 2 L1.L 

1211 armenĭus [mus] 2 4 3 L1.L.L m ermini 3 2 L1.L armiño 3 2 L1.L arminho 3 2 L1.L 

1212 exĭlĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m exili 3 2 L1.L exilio 3 2 L1.L exílio 3 2 L1.L 

1213 fascĭcŭlus, i, m. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m fascicle 3 2 L1.L fascículo 4 3 L1.L.L fascículo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1214 follĭcŭlus, i, m. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m fol·licle 3 2 L1.L folículo 4 3 L1.L.L folículo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1215 gĕrănĭon o -um, ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m gerani 3 2 L1.L geranio 3 2 L1.L gerânio 3 2 L1.L 

1216 hospĭtĭum, ĭi, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m hospici 3 2 L1.L hospicio 3 2 L1.L hospício 3 2 L1.L 

1217 implŭvĭum, ĭi, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m impluvi 3 2 L1.L impluvio 3 2 L1.L implúvio 3 2 L1.L 

1218 indĭcĭum, ĭi, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m indici 3 2 L1.L indicio 3 2 L1.L indício 3 2 L1.L 

1219 ingĕnĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m ingeni 3 2 L1.L ingenio 3 2 L1.L engenho 3 2 L1.L 

1220 ĭnĭtĭum, ĭi, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m inici 3 2 L1.L inicio 3 2 L1.L início 3 2 L1.L 

1221 jūdĭcĭum , ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m judici 3 2 L1.L juicio 2 2 L1.L juízo 3 2 L1.L 

1222 lītĭgĭum, i, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m litigi 3 2 L1.L litigio 

3 2 L1.L litígio 3 2 L1.L 

1223 martyrĭum, ĭi, n., = 2 4 3 L1.L.L m martiri 3 2 L1.L martirio 3 2 L1.L martírio 3 2 L1.L 

μαρτύριον 

1224 Mercŭrĭus, ii, m. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m mercuri 3 2 L1.L mercurio 3 2 L1.L mercúrio 3 2 L1.L 

1225 mŏnŏcŭlus, i, m. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m monocle 3 2 L1.L monóculo 4 3 L1.L.L monóculo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1226 montĭcŭlus, i, m. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m monticle 3 2 L1.L montículo 4 3 L1.L.L montículo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1227 naufrăgĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m naufragi 3 2 L1.L naufragio 3 2 L1.L naufrágio 3 2 L1.L 

1228 obsĕquĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m obsequi 3 2 L1.L obsequio 3 2 L1.L obséquio 3 2 L1.L 

1229 offĭcĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m ofici 3 2 L1.L oficio 3 2 L1.L ofício 3 2 L1.L 

1230 pā˘trĭcĭus, a, um, adj. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m patrici 3 2 L1.L patricio 3 2 L1.L patrício 3 2 L1.L 

1231 b. lat. petrŏlĕum 2 4 3 L1.L.L m petroli 3 2 L1.L petróleo 4 3 L1.L.L petróleo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1232 praesĭdĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m presidi 3 2 L1.L presidio 3 2 L1.L presídio 3 2 L1.L 

1233 praestigĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m prestigi 3 2 L1.L prestigio 3 2 L1.L prestígio 3 2 L1.L 

1234 princĭpĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m principi 3 2 L1.L principio 3 2 L1.L princípio 3 2 L1.L 

1235 prōdĭgĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m prodigi 3 2 L1.L prodigio 3 2 L1.L prodígio 3 2 L1.L 

1236 quādrĭvĭum , ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m quadrivi 3 2 L1.L cuadrivio 3 2 L1.L quadrívio 3 2 L1.L 

1237 quādrĭvĭum , ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m quadrivi 3 2 L1.L quadrívium 3 2 L1.HC quadrívio 3 2 L1.L 

1238 rĕfŭgĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m refugi 3 2 L1.L refugio 3 2 L1.L refúgio 4 3 L1.L.L

426 


1239 rĕsĭdŭus, a, um 2 4 3 L1.L.L m residu 3 2 L1.L residuo 3 2 L1.L resíduo 3 2 L1.L 

1240 rētĭcŭlum, i, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m reticle 3 2 L1.L retículo 4 3 L1.L.L retículo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1241 servĭtĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m servici 3 2 L1.L servicio 3 2 L1.L serviço 3 2 L1.L 

1242 solstĭtĭum , ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m solstici 3 2 L1.L solsticio 3 2 L1.L solstício 3 2 L1.L 

1243 subsĭdĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m subsidi 3 2 L1.L subsidio 3 2 L1.L subsídio 3 2 L1.L 

1244 suffrāgĭum , ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m sufragi 3 2 L1.L sufragio 3 2 L1.L sufrágio 3 2 L1.L 

1245 supplĭcĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m suplici 3 2 L1.L suplicio 3 2 L1.L suplício 3 2 L1.L 

1246 testĭcŭlus , i, m. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m testicle 3 2 L1.L testículo 4 3 L1.L.L testículo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1247 tŏpazĭus , i, f., del gr.; 

tŏpazĭon , ii, m., 

2 4 3 L1.L.L m topazi 3 2 L1.L topacio 3 2 L1.L topázio 3 2 L1.L 

1248 trĭfŏlĭum , ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m trifoli 3 2 L1.L trifolio 3 2 L1.L trifólio 3 2 L1.L 

1249 b. lat. trisagĭum, del gr. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m trisagi 3 2 L1.L trisagio 3 2 L1.L triságio 4 3 L1.L.L 

bizant. 

1250 tŭgŭrĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m tuguri 3 2 L1.L tugurio 3 2 L1.L tugúrio 3 2 L1.L 

1251 vĕhĭcŭlum , i, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m vehicle 3 2 L1.L vehículo 4 3 L1.L.L veículo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1252 ventrĭcŭlus, i, m. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m ventricle 3 2 L1.L ventrículo 4 3 L1.L.L ventrículo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1253 versĭcŭlus , i, m. 

L1.L.X (1) 

2 4 3 L1.L.L m versicle 3 2 L1.L versículo 4 3 L1.L.L versículo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1254 VL iinipĕrus < jūnĭpĕrus, 4 4 3 L1.L.L m ginebre 3 2 L1.L enebro 3 2 L1.L zimbro 2 2 L1 

i, f. 

L1.L.X (1) 

1255 currĭcŭlum , i, n. 

L1.L.X (6) 

2 4 3 L1.L.L m currículum 4 3 L1.L.HC currículo 4 3 L1.L.L currículo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1256 hexămĕter, tri, m., = 

ἑξάμετρος 

2 4 3 L1.L.L m hexàmetre 4 3 L1.L.L hexámetro 4 3 L1.L.L hexâmetro 4 3 L1.L.L 

1257 octăē˘dros, i, m. and f., = 2 4 3 L1.L.L m octàedre 4 3 L1.L.L octaedro 4 2 L.L1.L octaedro 4 2 L.L1.L 

ὀκτάεδρος 

1258 pentămĕter, tri, m. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m pentàmetre 4 3 L1.L.L pentámetro 4 3 L1.L.L pentâmetro 4 3 L1.L.L 

1259 pĕrĭmĕtros, i, f. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m perímetre 4 3 L1.L.L perímetro 4 3 L1.L.L perímetro 4 3 L1.L.L 

1260 pĕrĭŏdus, i, f. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m període 4 3 L1.L.L período 4 3 L1.L.L período 4 3 L1.L.L 

1261 quādrŭpĕdus, a, um 2 4 3 L1.L.L m quadrúpede 4 3 L1.L.L cuadrúpedo 4 3 L1.L.L quadrúpede 3 3 L1.L.L 

HC.HC1.X (1) 

1262 jūrisconsultus , i, m. 2 5 2 HC.HC1.L m jurisconsult 4 1 HC.HC1 jurisconsulto 5 2 HC.HC1.L jurisconsulto 5 2 HC.HC1.L 

HC.HC1.X (1) 

1263 anabaptismus, del gr. 2 5 2 HC.HC1.L m anabaptisme 5 2 HC.HC1.L anabaptismo 5 2 HC.HC1.L anabaptismo 5 2 HC.HC1.L 

HV.HC1.X (4) 

1264 expĕrīmentum, i, n. 2 5 2 HV.HC1.L m experiment 4 1 L.HC1 experimento 5 2 L.HC1.L experimento 5 2 L.HC1.L

427 


1265 impĕdīmentum (inp-), i, n. 2 5 2 HV.HC1.L m impediment 4 1 L.HC1 impedimento 5 2 L.HC1.L impedimento 5 2 L.HC1.L 

1266 praedĭcāmentum, i, n. 2 5 2 HV.HC1.L m predicament 4 1 L.HC1 predicamento 5 2 L.HC1.L predicamento 5 2 L.HC1.L 

1267 tempĕrāmentum , i, n. 

HV.HC1.X (1) 

2 5 2 HV.HC1.L m temperament 4 1 L.HC1 temperamento 5 2 L.HC1.L temperamento 5 2 L.HC1.L 

1268 ĭdĭōtismus, i, m. 

HV.HV1.X (6) 

2 5 2 HV.HC1.L m idiotisme 5 2 L.HC1.L idiotismo 4 2 L.L1.L idiotismo 4 2 L.L1.L 

1269 dimĭnūtīvus 2 5 2 HV.HV1.L m diminutiu 4 1 L.HV1 diminutivo 5 2 L.L1.L diminutivo 5 2 L.L1.L 

1270 impĕrātīvus, a, um, adj. 2 5 2 HV.HV1.L m imperatiu 4 1 L.HV1 imperativo 5 2 L.L1.L imperativo 5 2 L.L1.L 

1271 infīnītīvus, a, um 2 5 2 HV.HV1.L m infinitiu 4 1 L.HV1 infinitivo 5 2 L.L1.L infinitivo 5 2 L.L1.L 

1272 nōmĭnātīvus , a, um, adj. 2 5 2 HV.HV1.L m nominatiu 4 1 L.HV1 nominativo 5 2 L.L1.L nominativo 5 2 L.L1.L 

1273 praedĭcātīvus, a, um 2 5 2 HV.HV1.L m predicatiu 4 1 L.HV1 predicativo 5 2 L.L1.L predicativo 5 2 L.L1.L 

1274 sŭperlātīvus, i, m. 

L.HC1.X (2) 

2 5 2 HV.HV1.L m superlatiu 4 1 L.HV1 superlativo 5 2 L.L1.L superlativo 5 2 L.L1.L 

1275 additamentum 2 5 2 L.HC1.L m additament 4 1 L.HC1 aditamento 5 2 L.HC1.L aditamento 5 2 L.HC1.L 

1276 emolumentum 

L.HC1.X (2) 

2 5 2 L.HC1.L m emolument 4 1 L.HC1 emolumento 5 2 L.HC1.L emolumento 5 2 L.HC1.L 

1277 phĭlŏsŏphaster, tri, m. 2 5 2 L.HC1.L m filosofastre 5 2 L.HC1.L filosofastro 5 2 L.HC1.L filosofastro 5 2 L.HC1.L 

1278 rheumătismus, i, m., = 2 5 2 L.HC1.L m reumatisme 4 2 L.HC1.L reumatismo 4 2 L.HC1.L reumatismo 4 2 L.HC1.L 

ῥευματισμὀς 

L.HV1.X (2) 

1279 contentĭōsus , a, um 2 5 2 L.HV1.L m contenciós 4 1 L.HC1 contencioso 4 2 L1.L contencioso 4 2 L1.L 

1280 triumvirātus 

L.HV1.X (4) 

2 5 2 L.HV1.L m triumvirat 4 1 L.HC1 triunvirato 4 2 L.L1.L triunvirato 5 2 L.L1.L 

1281 accusatīvus 2 5 2 L.HV1.L m acusatiu 4 1 L.HV1 acusativo 5 2 L.L1.L acusativo 5 2 L.L1.L 

1282 aperitīvus 2 5 2 L.HV1.L m aperitiu 4 1 L.HV1 aperitivo 5 2 L.L1.L aperitivo 5 2 L.L1.L 

1283 mĕrīdĭānus, a, um 2 5 2 L.HV1.L m meridià 4 1 L.HV1 meridiano 4 2 L1.L meridiano 4 2 L1.L 

1284 pĕrĭtŏnēum, i, n., = 2 5 2 L.HV1.L m peritoneu 4 1 L.HV1 peritoneo 5 2 L.L1.L peritoneu 4 1 L.HV1 

περιτόνειον 

L.HV1.X (1) 

1285 amphitheātrum, i, n. 

L.HV1.X (1) 

2 5 2 L.HV1.L m amfiteatre 5 2 L.L1.L anfiteatro 5 2 L.L1.L anfiteatro 5 2 L.L1.L 

1286 dēsīdĕrātus , a, um 

HC1.L.X (2) 

2 5 2 L.HV1.L m desideràtum 5 2 L.L1.HC desiderátum 5 2 L.L1.HC desiderato 5 2 L.L1.L 

1287 mŏnŏsyllăbus, a, um = 2 5 3 HC1.L.L m monosíl·lab 4 2 HC1.HC monosílabo 5 3 L1.L.L monossílabo 5 3 L1.L.L 

μονοσύλλαβος 

1288 octōsyllăbus, a, um 2 5 3 HC1.L.L m octosíl·lab 4 2 HC1.HC octosílabo 5 3 L1.L.L octossílabo 5 3 L1.L.L 

HC1.L.X (7)

428 


1289 rheubarbărum 2 5 3 HC1.L.L m ruibarbre 3 2 HC1.L ruibarbo 3 2 HC1.L ruibarbo 3 2 HC1.L 

1290 con-tŭbernĭum , ii, n. 2 5 3 HC1.L.L m contuberni 4 2 HC1.L contubernio 4 2 HC1.L contubérnio 4 2 HC1.L 

1291 aequĭnoctĭum, i, n. 2 5 3 HC1.L.L m equinocci 4 2 HC1.L equinoccio 4 2 HC1.L equinócio 4 2 L1.L 

1292 internuntĭus, i, m. 2 5 3 HC1.L.L m internunci 4 2 HC1.L internuncio 4 2 HC1.L internúncio 4 2 HC1.L 

1293 lātĭfundĭum, ii, n. 2 5 3 HC1.L.L m latifundi 4 2 HC1.L latifundio 4 2 HC1.L latifúndio 4 2 HC1.L 

1294 sēmĭcircŭlus, a, um 2 5 3 HC1.L.L m semicercle 4 2 HC1.L semicírculo 5 3 HC1.L.L semicírculo 5 3 HC1.L.L 

1295 pĕrĭostĕon, i, n., = 2 5 3 HC1.L.L m periosti 4 2 HC1.L periostio 3 2 HC1.L periósteo 4 3 HC1.L.L 

περιόστεον 

HV1.L.X HC1 (8) 

1296 camararĭus, camerarĭus 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m cambrer 2 1 HC1 camarero 4 2 L1.L camareiro 4 2 HV1.L 

1297 Fĕbrŭārĭus, ii, m 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m Febrer 2 1 HC1 febrero 3 2 L1.L Fevereiro 4 2 HV1.L 

1298 lat. vulg. jenuarĭus, lat. 

Jānŭārĭus, a, um 

2 5 3 HV1.L.L m gener 2 1 HC1 enero 3 2 L1.L Janeiro 3 2 HV1.L 

1299 ŏpĕrārĭus, ii, m. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m obrer 2 1 HC1 obrero 3 2 L1.L obreiro 3 2 HV1.L 

1300 *pŏsĭtīcĭus, a, um, de 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m postís 2 1 HC1 postizo 3 2 L1.L postiço 3 2 L1.L 

posĭtus 

1301 sēmĭtārĭus, a, um 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m sender 2 1 HC1 sendero 3 2 L1.L sendeiro 3 2 HV1.L 

1302 sōlĭtārĭus , a, um 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m solter 2 1 HC1 soltero 3 2 L1.L solteiro 3 2 HV1.L 

1303 tertĭārĭus, a, um 

HV1.L.X (4) 

2 5 3 HV1.L.L m tercer 2 1 HC1 tercero 3 2 L1.L terceiro 3 2 HV1.L 

1304 millēnārĭus , a, um 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m milenar 3 1 HC1 milenario 4 2 L1.L milenário 4 2 L1.L 

1305 mŏnastērĭum, ii, n., = 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m monestir 3 1 HC1 monasterio 4 2 L1.L mosteiro 3 2 HV1.L 

μοναστήριον 

1306 sălīnārĭus, a, um 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m saliner 3 1 HC1 salinero 4 2 L1.L salineiro 4 2 HV1.L 

1307 tăbernārĭus , a, um, adj. 

HV1.L.X (4) 

2 5 3 HV1.L.L m taverner 3 1 HC1 tabernero 4 2 L1.L taberneiro 4 2 HV1.L 

1308 aestŭārĭum, i, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m estuari 4 2 L1.L estuario 3 2 L1.L estuário 3 2 L1.L 

1309 promptŭārĭum, ĭi, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m promptuari 4 2 L1.L prontuario 3 2 L1.L prontuário 3 2 L1.L 

1310 ūsŭārĭus , a, um 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m usuari 4 2 L1.L usuario 3 2 L1.L usuário 3 2 L1.L 

1311 infortūnĭum, ĭi, n. 

HV1.L.X (1) 

2 5 3 HV1.L.L m infortuni 4 2 L1.L infortunio 4 2 L1.L infortúnio 4 2 L1.L 

1312 consĭlĭārĭus , ĭi, m. 

HV1.L.X (2) 

2 5 3 HV1.L.L m consiliari 5 2 L.L1.L consiliario 4 2 L1.L conciliário 4 2 L1.L 

1313 cătēchūmĕnus , i, m., del 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m catecumen 4 2 L1.HC catecúmeno 5 3 L1.L.L catecúmeno 5 3 L1.L.L 

gr. 

1314 dĭūrētĭcus , a, um, del gr. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m diürètic 4 2 L1.HC diurético 4 3 L1.L.L diurético 4 3 L1.L.L 

HV1.L.X (73) 

1315 actŭārĭus, ĭi, m. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m actuari 4 2 L1.L actuario 3 2 L1.L actuário 3 2 L1.L

429 


1316 adiutorĭum 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m adjutori 4 2 L1.L adjutorio 4 2 L1.L adjutório 4 2 L1.L 

1317 antīquārĭus , a, um 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m antiquari 4 2 L1.L anticuario 4 2 L1.L antiquário 4 2 L1.L 

1318 audītōrĭum , ii, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m auditori 4 2 L1.L auditorio 4 2 L1.L auditório 4 2 L1.L 

1319 balnĕārĭus, a, um 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m balneari 4 2 L1.L balneario 4 2 L1.L balneário 4 2 L1.L 

1320 baptistērĭum , ii, n., del 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m baptisteri 4 2 L1.L baptisterio 4 2 L1.L baptistério 4 2 L1.L 

gr. 

1321 bestĭārĭus , ii, m. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m bestiari 4 2 L1.L bestiario 3 2 L1.L bestiário 3 2 L1.L 

1322 brĕvĭārĭum , ii, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m breviari 4 2 L1.L breviario 3 2 L1.L breviário 3 2 L1.L 

1323 Kălendārĭum (Cal- ), ii, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m calendari 4 2 L1.L calendario 4 2 L1.L calendário 4 2 L1.L 

1324 Căpĭtōlĭum , ii, n., 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m capitoli 4 2 L1.L capitolio 4 2 L1.L capitólio 4 2 L1.L 

1325 chartŭlārĭus , ii, m. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m cartulari 4 2 L1.L cartulario 4 2 L1.L cartulário 4 2 L1.L 

1326 coemētērĭum , ii, n., del 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m cementiri 4 2 L1.L cementerio 4 2 L1.L cemitério 4 2 L1.L 

gr. 

1327 centēnārĭus , a, um 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m centenari 4 2 L1.L centenario 4 2 L1.L centenário 4 2 L1.L 

1328 cŏlumbārĭum , ii, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m columbari 4 2 L1.L columbario 4 2 L1.L columbário 4 2 L1.L 

1329 b. lat. commissarĭus 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m comissari 4 2 L1.L comisario 4 2 L1.L comissário 4 2 L1.L 

1330 consistōrĭum , ii, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m consistori 4 2 L1.L consistorio 4 2 L1.L consistório 4 2 L1.L 

1331 consultorĭus 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m consultori 4 2 L1.L consultorio 4 2 L1.L consultório 4 2 L1.L 

1332 cŏrollārĭum , ii, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m corol·lari 4 2 L1.L corolario 4 2 L1.L corolário 4 2 L1.L 

1333 ĕlătērĭum , ii, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m elateri 4 2 L1.L elaterio 4 2 L1.L elatério 4 2 L1.L 

1334 ēmissārĭus , ii, m. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m emissari 4 2 L1.L emisario 4 2 L1.L emissário 4 2 L1.L 

1335 aequĭlībrĭum, ii, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m equilibri 4 2 L1.L equilibrio 4 2 L1.L equilíbrio 4 2 L1.L 

1336 frātrĭcīdĭum, ii, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m fratricidi 4 2 L1.L fratricidio 4 2 L1.L fratricídio 4 2 L1.L 

1337 frūmentārius, ii, m. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m frumentari 4 2 L1.L frumentario 4 2 L1.L frumentário 4 2 L1.L 

1338 gentĭlītĭus, a, um 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m gentilici 4 2 L1.L gentilicio 4 2 L1.L gentilício 4 2 L1.L 

1339 hăbĭtācŭlum, i, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m habitacle 4 2 L1.L habitáculo 5 3 L1.L.L habitáculo 5 3 L1.L.L 

1340 hēmisphaerĭum, ĭi, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m hemisferi 4 2 L1.L hemisferio 4 2 L1.L hemisfério 4 2 L1.L 

1341 hŏmĭcīdĭum, ĭi, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m homicidi 4 2 L1.L homicidio 4 2 L1.L homicídio 4 2 L1.L 

1342 hŏnōrārĭum, ĭi, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m honorari 4 2 L1.L honorario 4 2 L1.L honorário 4 2 L1.L 

1343 incūnābŭla, ōrum, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m incunable 4 2 L1.L incunable 4 2 L1.L incunábulo 5 3 L1.L.L 

1344 indīvĭdŭus, a, um 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m individu 4 2 L1.L individuo 4 2 L1.L indivíduo 4 2 L1.L 

1345 inventārĭum, ĭi, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m inventari 4 2 L1.L inventario 4 2 L1.L inventário 4 2 L1.L 

1346 lăpĭdārĭus, ii, m. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m lapidari 4 2 L1.L lapidario 4 2 L1.L lapidário 4 2 L1.L 

1347 mātrĭmōnĭum, ii, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m matrimoni 4 2 L1.L matrimonio 4 2 L1.L matrimónio 4 2 L1.L 

1348 mercēnārĭus, a, um 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m mercenari 4 2 L1.L mercenario 4 2 L1.L mercenário 4 2 L1.L 

1349 mŏnētārĭus, a, um 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m monetari 4 2 L1.L monetario 4 2 L1.L monetário 4 2 L1.L

430 


1350 mŏnŏpōlĭum, ii, n. = 

μονοπώλιον 

2 5 3 HV1.L.L m monopoli 4 2 L1.L monopolio 4 2 L1.L monopólio 4 2 L1.L 

1351 nātālītius, a, um 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m natalici 4 2 L1.L natalicio 4 2 L1.L natalício 4 2 L1.L 

1352 nătātōrĭum, i, n 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m natatori 4 2 L1.L natatorio 4 2 L1.L natatório 4 2 L1.L 

1353 nŭmĕrārĭus, ii, m. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m numerari 4 2 L1.L numerario 4 2 L1.L numerário 4 2 L1.L 

1354 offertōrĭum, ii, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m ofertori 4 2 L1.L ofertorio 4 2 L1.L ofertório 4 2 L1.L 

1355 ŏpĕrārĭus, ii, m. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m operari 4 2 L1.L operario 4 2 L1.L operário 4 2 L1.L 

1356 ōrātōrĭum, ii. n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m oratori 4 2 L1.L oratorio 4 2 L1.L oratório 4 2 L1.L 

1357 ordĭnārĭus, i, m. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m ordinari 4 2 L1.L ordinario 4 2 L1.L ordinário 4 2 L1.L 

1358 ostĭārĭus, ii, m. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m ostiari 4 2 L1.L ostiario 3 2 L1.L ostiário 3 2 L1.L 

1359 parrĭcīdĭum, ii, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m parricidi 4 2 L1.L parricidio 4 2 L1.L parricídio 4 2 L1.L 

1360 pā˘trĭmōnĭum, ii, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m patrimoni 4 2 L1.L patrimonio 4 2 L.L1.L património 4 2 L.L1.L 

1361 pĕtītōrĭum, ii, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m petitori 4 2 L1.L petitorio 4 2 L1.L petitório 4 2 L1.L 

1362 plăgĭārĭus, ii, m. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m plagiari 4 2 L1.L plagiario 3 2 L1.L plagiário 3 2 L1.L 

1363 plănētārĭus, ii, m. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m planetari 4 2 L1.L planetario 4 2 L1.L planetário 4 2 L1.L 

1364 plēnĭlūnĭum, ii, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m pleniluni 4 2 L1.L plenilunio 4 2 L1.L plenilúnio 4 2 L1.L 

1365 prīvĭlēgĭum, ii, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m privilegi 4 2 L1.L privilegio 4 2 L1.L privilégio 4 2 L1.L 

1366 prōlētārĭus, ĭi, m. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m proletari 4 2 L1.L proletario 4 2 L1.L proletário 4 2 L1.L 

1367 purgātōrĭus, a, um 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m purgatori 4 2 L1.L purgatorio 4 2 L1.L purgatório 4 2 L1.L 

1368 quăternārĭus , a, um 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m quaternari 4 2 L1.L cuaternario 4 2 L1.L quaternário 4 2 L1.L 

1369 rĕceptācŭlum, i, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m receptacle 4 2 L1.L receptáculo 5 3 L1.L.L receptáculo 5 3 L1.L.L 

1370 rĕfectōrĭus, a, um 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m refectori 4 2 L1.L refectorio 4 2 L1.L refeitório 4 2 L1.L 

1371 rĕpertōrĭum, ii, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m repertori 4 2 L1.L repertorio 4 2 L1.L repertório 4 2 L1.L 

1372 rēsponsōria, ōrum, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m responsori 4 2 L1.L responsorio 4 2 L1.L responsório 4 2 L1.L 

1373 săcerdōtĭum, ii, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m sacerdoci 4 2 L1.L sacerdocio 4 2 L1.L sacerdócio 4 2 L1.L 

1374 săgittārĭus, ii, m. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m sagitari 4 2 L1.L sagitario 4 2 L1.L sagitário 4 2 L1.L 

1375 sanctŭārĭum, ii, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m santuari 4 2 L1.L santuario 3 2 L1.L santuário 3 2 L1.L 

1376 secretarĭus< sēcrētārĭum, 

ii, n. 

2 5 3 HV1.L.L m secretari 4 2 L1.L secretario 4 2 L1.L secretário 4 2 L1.L 

1377 sēmĭnārĭum, ii, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m seminari 4 2 L1.L seminario 4 2 L1.L seminário 4 2 L1.L 

1378 septēnārĭus, a, um 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m septenari 4 2 L1.L septenario 4 2 L1.L septenário 4 2 L1.L 

1379 sōlĭtārĭus , a, um 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m solitari 4 2 L1.L solitario 4 2 L1.L solitário 4 2 L1.L 

1380 sustentācŭlum , i, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m sustentacle 4 2 L1.L sustentáculo 5 3 L1.L.L sustentáculo 5 3 L1.L.L 

1381 tăbernācŭlum , i, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m tabernacle 4 2 L1.L tabernáculo 5 3 L1.L.L tabernáculo 5 3 L1.L.L 

1382 tĕnēbrārĭus , a, um, adj. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m tenebrari 4 2 L1.L tenebrario 4 2 L1.L tenebrário 4 2 L1.L 

1383 tertĭārĭum , ii, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m terciari 4 2 L1.L terciario 3 2 L1.L terciário 3 2 L1.L 

1384 terrĭtōrĭum , ii, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m territori 4 2 L1.L territorio 4 2 L1.L território 4 2 L1.L

431 


1385 testĭmōnĭum , ii, n. 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m testimoni 4 2 L1.L testimonio 4 2 L1.L testemunho 4 2 L1.L 

1386 vŏluntārĭus , a, um 2 5 3 HV1.L.L m voluntari 4 2 L1.L voluntario 4 2 L1.L voluntário 4 2 L1.L 

1387 vŏmĭtōrĭus , a, um 

L1.L.X (1) 

2 5 3 HV1.L.L m vomitori 4 2 L1.L vomitorio 4 2 L1.L vomitório 4 2 L1.L 

1388 hōrŏlŏgĭum, ĭi, n. 

L1.L.X (19) 

2 5 3 L1.L.L m rellotge 3 2 L1.L reloj 2 1 HC1 relógio 3 2 L1.L 

1389 ammoniăcum, del gr. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m amoníac 4 2 L1.HC amoniaco 4 2 L1.L amoníaco 5 3 L1.L.L 

1390 anthrōpŏphăgus , i, m. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m antropòfag 4 2 L1.HC antropófago 5 3 L1.L.L antropófago 5 3 L1.L.L 

1391 ăpostŏlĭcus , a, um 2 5 3 L1.L.L m apostòlic 4 2 L1.HC apostólico 5 3 L1.L.L apostólico 5 3 L1.L.L 

1392 bĕnēplăcĭtus , a, um 2 5 3 L1.L.L m beneplàcit 4 2 L1.HC beneplácito 5 3 L1.L.L beneplácito 5 3 L1.L.L 

1393 cathedratĭcus 2 5 3 L1.L.L m catedràtic 4 2 L1.HC catedrático 5 3 L1.L.L catedrático 5 3 L1.L.L 

1394 cynŏcĕphălus , i, m., del 

gr. 

2 5 3 L1.L.L m cinocèfal 4 2 L1.HC cinocéfalo 5 3 L1.L.L cinocéfalo 5 3 L1.L.L 

1395 ĕnergūmĕnos , i, m., = 

energoumenos 

2 5 3 L1.L.L m energumen 4 2 L1.HC energúmeno 5 3 L1.L.L energúmeno 5 3 L1.L.L 

1396 frīgŏrĭfĭcus, a, um 2 5 3 L1.L.L m frigorífic 4 2 L1.HC frigorífico 5 3 L1.L.L frigorífico 5 3 L1.L.L 

1397 hăgĭogrăphus, i, m. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m hagiògraf 4 2 L1.HC hagiógrafo 4 3 L1.L.L hagiógrafo 4 3 L1.L.L 

1398 hippŏpŏtămus, i, m., = 

ἱπποπόταμος 

2 5 3 L1.L.L m hipopòtam 4 2 L1.HC hipopótamo 5 3 L1.L.L hipopótamo 5 3 L1.L.L 

1399 măthēmătĭcus, a, um, 2 5 3 L1.L.L m matemàtic 4 2 L1.HC matemático 5 3 L1.L.L matemático 5 3 L1.L.L 

adj., = μαθηματικο·ς 

1400 pănēgyrĭcus, i, m. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m panegíric 4 2 L1.HC panegírico 5 3 L1.L.L panegírico 5 3 L1.L.L 

1401 părălytĭcus, i, m 2 5 3 L1.L.L m paralític 4 2 L1.HC paralítico 5 3 L1.L.L paralítico 5 3 L1.L.L 

1402 pătrōnymĭcus, a, um 2 5 3 L1.L.L m patronímic 4 2 L1.HC patronímico 5 3 L1.L.L patronímico 5 3 L1.L.L 

1403 pĕrĭŏdĭcus, a, um 2 5 3 L1.L.L m periòdic 4 2 L1.HC periódico 4 3 L1.L.L periódico 4 3 L1.L.L 

1404 prīmōgĕnĭtus, a, um, adj. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m primogènit 4 2 L1.HC primogénito 5 3 L1.L.L primogénito 5 3 L1.L.L 

1405 quādrĭlătĕrus , a, um, 2 5 3 L1.L.L m quadrilàter 4 2 L1.HC cuadrilátero 5 3 L1.L.L quadrilátero 5 3 L1.L.L 

1406 sŏpōrĭfer, fĕra, fĕrum 2 5 3 L1.L.L m soporífer 4 2 L1.HC soporífero 5 3 L1.L.L soporífero 5 3 L1.L.L 

1407 ūnĭgĕnĭtus , a, um 

L1.L.X (40) 

2 5 3 L1.L.L m unigènit 4 2 L1.HC unigénito 5 3 L1.L.L unigénito 5 3 L1.L.L 

1408 adminicŭlum 2 5 3 L1.L.L m adminicle 4 2 L1.L adminículo 5 3 L1.L.L adminículo 5 3 L1.L.L 

1409 adulterĭum, i 2 5 3 L1.L.L m adulteri 4 2 L1.L adulterio 4 2 L1.L adultério 4 2 L1.L 

1410 adversarĭus, a, um 2 5 3 L1.L.L m adversari 4 2 L1.L adversario 4 2 L1.L adversário 4 2 L1.L 

1411 armistitium 2 5 3 L1.L.L m armistici 4 2 L1.L armisticio 4 2 L1.L armistício 4 2 L1.L 

1412 artĭfĭcĭum , ii, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m artifici 4 2 L1.L artificio 4 2 L1.L artifício 4 2 L1.L 

1413 bĕnĕfĭcĭum, ii, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m benefici 4 2 L1.L beneficio 4 2 L1.L benefício 4 2 L1.L 

1414 cĕnŏtăphĭum , ii, n., del 

gr. 

2 5 3 L1.L.L m cenotafi 4 2 L1.L cenotafio 4 2 L1.L cenotáfio 4 2 L1.L

432 


1415 circumloquĭum 2 5 3 L1.L.L m circumloqui 4 2 L1.L circunloquio 4 2 L1.L circunlóquio 4 2 L1.L 

1416 con-discĭpŭlus , i, m. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m condeixeble 4 2 L1.L condiscípulo 5 3 L1.L.L condiscípulo 5 3 L1.L.L 

1417 dŏmĭcĭlĭum , ii, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m domicili 4 2 L1.L domicilio 4 2 L1.L domicílio 4 2 L1.L 

1418 aedĭfĭcĭum , i, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m edifici 4 2 L1.L edificio 4 2 L1.L edifício 4 2 L1.L 

1419 ĕpĭtăphĭum, ii, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m epitafi 4 2 L1.L epitafio 4 2 L1.L epitáfio 4 2 L1.L 

1420 ēvangĕlĭum (eua-), ii, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m evangeli 4 2 L1.L evangelio 4 2 L1.L Evangelho 4 2 L1.L 

1421 exercĭtĭum , ii, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m exercici 4 2 L1.L ejercicio 4 2 L1.L exercício 4 2 L1.L 

1422 hēmĭcyclium, ĭi, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m hemicicle 4 2 L1.L hemiciclo 4 2 L1.L hemiciclo 4 2 L1.L 

1423 hēmistĭchĭum, ĭi, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m hemistiqui 4 2 L1.L hemistiquio 4 2 L1.L hemistíquio 4 2 L1.L 

1424 imprŏpĕrĭum, ĭi, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m improperi 4 2 L1.L improperio 4 2 L1.L impropério 4 2 L1.L 

1425 intermĕdĭus, a, um 2 5 3 L1.L.L m intermedi 4 2 L1.L intermedio 4 2 L1.L intermédio 4 2 L1.L 

1426 interstĭtĭum, i, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m interstici 4 2 L1.L intersticio 4 2 L1.L interstício 4 2 L1.L 

1427 lā˘trōcĭnĭum, ĭi, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m lladronici 4 2 L1.L latrocinio 4 2 L1.L latrocínio 4 2 L1.L 

1428 măgistĕrĭum, ii, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m magisteri 4 2 L1.L magisterio 4 2 L1.L magistério 4 2 L1.L 

1429 mălĕfĭcĭum, ĭi, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m malefici 4 2 L1.L maleficio 4 2 L1.L malefício 4 2 L1.L 

1430 mĭnistĕrĭum, ii, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m ministeri 4 2 L1.L ministerio 4 2 L1.L ministério 4 2 L1.L 

1431 mūnĭcĭpĭum, ii, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m municipi 4 2 L1.L municipio 4 2 L1.L município 4 2 L1.L 

1432 ōrĭfĭcĭum, ii, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m orifici 4 2 L1.L orificio 4 2 L1.L orifício 4 2 L1.L 

1437 partĭcĭpĭum, ii, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m participi 4 2 L1.L participio 4 2 L1.L particípio 4 2 L1.L 

1438 pā˘trōcĭnĭum, ĭi, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m patrocini 4 2 L1.L patrocinio 4 2 L1.L patrocínio 4 2 L1.L 

1439 praejūdĭcĭum, ii, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m perjudici 4 2 L1.L perjuicio 3 2 L1.L prejuízo 4 2 L1.L 

1440 pŏlypŏdĭum (-ĭon), ii, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m polipodi 4 2 L1.L polipodio 4 2 L1.L polipódio 4 2 L1.L 

1441 praecĭpĭtĭum, ĭi, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m precipici 4 2 L1.L precipicio 4 2 L1.L precipício 4 2 L1.L 

1442 presbytĕrĭum, ĭi, n.= 

πρεσβυτέριον 

2 5 3 L1.L.L m presbiteri 4 2 L1.L presbiterio 4 2 L1.L presbitério 4 2 L1.L 

1443 prōmuntŭrĭum (prōmon-), 2 5 3 L1.L.L m promontori 4 2 L1.L promontorio 4 2 L1.L promontório 4 2 L1.L 

ĭi, n. 

1444 pŭerpĕrĭum, ii, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m puerperi 4 2 L1.L puerperio 3 2 L1.L puerpério 3 2 L1.L 

1445 rē˘frīgĕrĭum, ii, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m refrigeri 4 2 L1.L refrigerio 4 2 L1.L refrigério 4 2 L1.L 

1446 săcrĭfĭcĭum, ii, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m sacrifici 4 2 L1.L sacrificio 4 2 L1.L sacrifício 4 2 L1.L 

1447 săcrĭlĕgĭum, ii, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m sacrilegi 4 2 L1.L sacrilegio 4 2 L1.L sacrilégio 4 2 L1.L 

1448 sōlĭlŏquĭum, ii, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m soliloqui 4 2 L1.L soliloquio 4 2 L1.L solilóquio 4 2 L1.L 

1449 subterfŭgĭum, i, n. 2 5 3 L1.L.L m subterfugi 4 2 L1.L subterfugio 4 2 L1.L subterfúgio 4 2 L1.L 

1450 ūtensilĭa , ĭum, n., pl. n. 

de utensĭlis 

2 5 3 L1.L.L m utensili 4 2 L1.L utensilio 4 2 L1.L utensílio 4 2 L1.L 

1447 vituperĭum 2 5 3 L1.L.L m vituperi 4 2 L1.L vituperio 4 2 L1.L vitupério 4 2 L1.L

433 

Etymon 

HC.HC1.X (1) 


1448 fĭdĕĭcommissum, i, n. 

L.HC1.X (1) 

2 6 2 HC.HC1.L m fideïcomís 5 1 L.HC1 fideicomiso 5 2 L.L1.L fideicomisso 5 2 L.L1.L 

1449 părallēlogrammus, a, um, 

adj. 

HC1.L.X (1) 

2 6 2 L.HC1.L m paral·lelogram 5 1 L.HC1 paralelogramo 6 2 L.L1.L paralelogramo 6 2 L.L1.L 

1450 ecclēsĭastĭcus , i, m., del 

gr. 

HC1.L.X (1) 

2 6 3 HC1.L.L m eclesiàstic 5 2 HC1.HC eclesiástico 5 3 HC1.L.L eclesiástico 5 3 HC1.L.L 

1451 intercŏlumnĭum, i, n. 

HV1.L.X (2) 

2 6 3 HC1.L.L m intercolumni 5 2 HC1.L intercolumnio 5 2 HC1.L intercolúnio 5 2 L.L1.L 

1452 rĕpŏsĭtōrĭum, ii, n. 2 6 3 HV1.L.L m reboster 3 1 HC1 repostero 4 2 L1.L reposteiro 4 2 L1.L 

1453 hērēdĭtārĭus, a, um 

HV1.L.X (2) 

2 6 3 HV1.L.L m hereter 3 1 HC1 heredero 4 2 L1.L herdeiro 3 2 HV1.L 

1454 concĭlĭābŭlum , i, n. 2 6 3 HV1.L.L m conciliàbul 5 2 L1.HC conciliábulo 5 3 L1.L.L conciliábulo 5 3 L1.L.L 

1455 Pĕrĭpătētĭcus, i, m. 

HV1.L.X (17) 

2 6 3 HV1.L.L m peripatètic 5 2 L1.HC peripatético 6 3 L1.L.L peripatético 6 3 L1.L.L 

1456 ăbĕcĕdārĭum, ĭi, n., 2 6 3 HV1.L.L m abecedari 5 2 L1.L abecedario 5 2 L1.L abecedário 5 2 L1.L 

1457 annĭversārĭus , a, um 2 6 3 HV1.L.L m aniversari 5 2 L1.L aniversario 5 2 L1.L aniversário 5 2 L1.L 

1458 conservatorĭus 2 6 3 HV1.L.L m conservatori 5 2 L1.L conservatorio 5 2 L1.L conservatório 5 2 L1.L 

1459 b. lat. dictionarium 2 6 3 HV1.L.L m diccionari 5 2 L1.L diccionario 4 2 L1.L dicionário 4 2 L1.L 

1460 fīdūcĭārĭus, a, um 2 6 3 HV1.L.L m fiduciari 5 2 L1.L fiduciario 4 2 L1.L fiduciário 4 2 L1.L 

1461 infantĭcīdĭum, ĭi, n. 2 6 3 HV1.L.L m infanticidi 5 2 L1.L infanticidio 5 2 L1.L infanticídio 5 2 L1.L 

1462 ĭtĭnĕrārĭum, i, n. 2 6 3 HV1.L.L m itinerari 5 2 L1.L itinerario 5 2 L1.L itinerário 5 2 L1.L 

1463 nōnāgēnārĭus , a, um 2 6 3 HV1.L.L m nonagenari 5 2 L1.L nonagenario 5 2 L1.L nonagenário 5 2 L1.L 

1464 octōgēnārĭus, a, um, adj. 2 6 3 HV1.L.L m octogenari 5 2 L1.L octogenario 5 2 L1.L octogenário 5 2 L1.L 

1465 proprĭĕtārĭus, ii, m. 2 6 3 HV1.L.L m propietari 5 2 L1.L propietario 4 2 L1.L proprietário 4 2 L1.L 

1466 quaestĭōnārĭus , ii, m. 2 6 3 HV1.L.L m qüestionari 5 2 L1.L cuestionario 4 2 L1.L questionário 4 2 L1.L 

1467 rē˘clīnātōrĭum, i, n. 2 6 3 HV1.L.L m reclinatori 5 2 L1.L reclinatorio 5 2 L1.L reclinatório 5 2 L1.L 

1468 sexāgēnārĭus, a, um 2 6 3 HV1.L.L m sexagenari 5 2 L1.L sexagenario 5 2 L1.L sexagenário 5 2 L1.L 

1469 suppŏsĭtōrĭus, a, um 2 6 3 HV1.L.L m supositori 5 2 L1.L supositorio 5 2 L1.L supositório 5 2 L1.L 

1470 tyrannicidĭum 2 6 3 HV1.L.L m tiranicidi 5 2 L1.L tiranicidio 5 2 L1.L tiranicídio 5 2 L1.L 

1471 veterinārius, der. de 

veterīnae 

2 6 3 HV1.L.L m veterinari 5 2 L1.L veterinario 5 2 L1.L veterinário 5 2 L1.L 

1472 b. ll. vocabulārium 2 6 3 HV1.L.L m vocabulari 5 2 L1.L vocabulario 5 2 L.L1.L vocabulário 5 2 L.L1.L

434 

Etymon 

L1.L.X (1) 


1473 archĭpresbyter , ĕri, m. 

L1.L.X (1) 

2 6 3 L1.L.L m arxiprest 3 1 HC1 arcipreste 4 2 HC1.L arcipreste 4 2 HC1.L 

1474 aphrodisiăcus (< 

2 6 3 L1.L.L m afrodisíac 5 2 L1.HC afrodisiaco 5 2 L.L1.L afrodisíaco 6 3 L1.L.L 

ἀφροδισιακóς) 

L1.L.X (2) 

1475 ĕpĭthălămĭum, ii, n. 2 6 3 L1.L.L m epitalami 5 2 L1.L epitalamio 5 2 L1.L epitalâmio 5 2 L1.L 

1476 rătĭōcĭnĭum, ii, n. 

HV1.L.X (3) 

2 6 3 L1.L.L m raciocini 5 2 L1.L raciocinio 4 2 L1.L raciocínio 4 2 L1.L 

1477 extrăordĭnārĭus , a, um 2 7 3 HV1.L.L m extraordinari 6 2 L1.L extraordinario 6 2 L1.L extraordinário 6 2 L1.L 

1478 septŭāgēnārĭus, a, um 2 7 3 HV1.L.L m septuagenari 6 2 L1.L septuagenario 5 2 L1.L septuagenário 5 2 L1.L 

1479 ūsūfructŭārĭus , ii, m. 

HC1 (3) 

2 7 3 HV1.L.L m usufructuari 6 2 L1.L usufrutuario 5 2 L1.L usufrutuário 5 2 L1.L 

1480 fel, fellis, n. 3 1 1 HC1 m/f fel 1 1 HC1 hiel 1 1 HC1 fel 1 1 HC1 

1481 mĕl, mellis, n. 3 1 1 HC1 f mel 1 1 HC1 miel 1 1 HC1 mel 1 1 HC1 

1482 pūs, pūris, n. 

HC1.X (42) 

3 1 1 HC1 m pus 1 1 HC1 pus 1 1 HC1 pus 1 1 HC1 

1483 ars, artis, f. 3 2 2 HC1.L m/f art 1 1 HC1 arte 2 2 HC1.L arte 2 2 HC1.L 

1484 as , assis, m. 3 2 2 HC1.L m as 1 1 HC1 as 

1 1 HC1 ás 1 1 HC1 

1485 calx , calcis, f. 3 2 2 HC1.L f calç 1 1 HC1 cal 1 1 HC1 cal 1 1 HC1 

1486 căro , carnis, f. 3 2 2 HC1.L f carn 1 1 HC1 carne 2 2 HC1.L carne 2 2 HC1.L 

1487 cors, cortis, f. 3 2 2 HC1.L f cort 1 1 HC1 corte 2 2 HC1.L corte 2 2 HC1.L 

1488 corpus , ŏris, n. 3 2 2 HC1.L m cos 1 1 HC1 cuerpo 2 2 HC1.L corpo 2 2 HC1.L 

1489 dens, dentis 3 2 2 HC1.L m dent 1 1 HC1 diente 2 2 HC1.L dente 2 2 HC1.L 

1490 dulcis , e, adj. 3 2 2 HC1.L m dolç 1 1 HC1 dulce 2 2 HC1.L doce 2 2 L1.L 

1491 axis, is, m. 3 2 2 HC1.L m eix 1 1 HC1 eje 2 2 L1.L eixo 2 2 HV1.L 

1492 ens, entis, n. 3 2 2 HC1.L m ens 1 1 HC1 ente 2 2 HC1.L ente 2 2 HC1.L 

1493 falx, falcis, f. 3 2 2 HC1.L f falç 1 1 HC1 hoz 1 1 HC1 fouce 2 2 HV1.L 

1494 fascis, is, m. 3 2 2 HC1.L m feix 1 1 HC1 haz 1 1 HC1 feixe 2 2 L1.L 

1495 fons, fontis, m. 3 2 2 HC1.L f font 1 1 HC1 fuente 2 2 HC1.L fonte 2 2 HC1.L 

1496 fortis, e, adj. 3 2 2 HC1.L m fort 1 1 HC1 fuerte 2 2 HC1.L forte 2 2 HC1.L 

1497 frons, frontis, f. 3 2 2 HC1.L f front 1 1 HC1 frente (ant. 2 2 HC1.L fronte 2 2 HC1.L 

1498 fustis, is, m. 3 2 2 HC1.L m fust 1 1 HC1 fuste 2 2 HC1.L fuste 2 2 HC1.L 

1499 gens, gentis, f. 3 2 2 HC1.L f gent 1 1 HC1 gente 2 2 HC1.L gente 2 2 HC1.L 

1500 glans, glandis, f. 3 2 2 HC1.L f gland 1 1 HC1 glande 2 2 HC1.L glande 2 2 HC1.L 

1501 grandis, e, adj. 3 2 2 HC1.L m gran 1 1 HC1 grande 2 2 HC1.L grande 2 2 HC1.L 

fruente)

435 


1502 hostis, is, m.& f. 3 2 2 HC1.L m/f host 1 1 HC1 hueste 2 2 HC1.L hoste 2 2 HC1.L 

1503 lens, tis, f. 3 2 2 HC1.L f lent 1 1 HC1 lente 2 2 HC1.L lente 2 2 HC1.L 

1504 lynx, lyncis, com., = λύγξ 3 2 2 HC1.L m/f linx 1 1 HC1 lince 2 2 HC1.L lince 2 2 HC1.L 

1505 lac, lactis, n. 3 2 2 HC1.L f llet 1 1 HC1 leche 2 2 L1.L leite 2 2 HV1.L 

1506 mens, mentis, f. 3 2 2 HC1.L f ment 1 1 HC1 mente 2 2 HC1.L mente 2 2 HC1.L 

1507 mensis, is, m. 3 2 2 HC1.L m mes 1 1 HC1 mes 1 1 HC1 mês 1 1 HC1 

1508 messis, is, f. 3 2 2 HC1.L f messes [pl] 1 1 HC1 mies 1 1 HC1 messe 2 2 L1.L 

1509 mons, tis, m. 3 2 2 HC1.L m mont 1 1 HC1 monte 2 2 HC1.L monte 2 2 HC1.L 

1510 mors, tis, f. 3 2 2 HC1.L f mort 1 1 HC1 muerte 2 2 HC1.L morte 2 2 HC1.L 

1511 nox, noctis, f. 3 2 2 HC1.L f nit 1 1 HC1 noche 2 2 L1.L noite 2 2 HV1.L 

1512 pars, partis, f. 3 2 2 HC1.L f part 1 1 HC1 parte 2 2 HC1.L parte 2 2 HC1.L 

1513 piscis, is, m. 3 2 2 HC1.L m peix 1 1 HC1 peje 2 2 L1.L peixe 2 2 HV1.L 

1514 piscis, is, m. 3 2 2 HC1.L m peix 1 1 HC1 pez 1 1 HC1 peixe 2 2 HV1.L 

1515 pellis, is, f. 3 2 2 HC1.L f pell 1 1 HC1 piel 1 1 HC1 pele 2 2 L1.L 

1516 pulvus, por pulvis, ĕris, 

m./f. 

3 2 2 HC1.L m pols 1 1 HC1 polvo 2 2 HC1.L pó 1 1 L1 

1517 pons, ntis, m. 3 2 2 HC1.L m pont 1 1 HC1 puente 2 2 HC1.L ponte 2 2 HC1.L 

1518 postis, is, m. 3 2 2 HC1.L m post 1 1 HC1 poste 2 2 HC1.L poste 2 2 HC1.L 

1519 serpens, entis, f. 3 2 2 HC1.L f serp 1 1 HC1 sierpe 

2 2 HC1.L serpe 2 2 HC1.L 

1520 sors, tis, f. 3 2 2 HC1.L f sort 1 1 HC1 suerte 2 2 HC1.L sorte 2 2 HC1.L 

1521 tempus, -oris, n. 3 2 2 HC1.L m temps 1 1 HC1 tiempo 2 2 HC1.L tempo 2 2 HC1.L 

1522 tussis , is, f. 3 2 2 HC1.L f tos 1 1 HC1 tos 1 1 HC1 tosse 2 2 L1.L 

1523 urbs , urbis, f. 3 2 2 HC1.L f urbs 1 1 HC1 urbe 2 2 HC1.L urbe 2 2 HC1.L 

1524 valles o vallis, is, f. 


3 2 2 HC1.L m vall 1 1 HC1 valle 2 2 L1.L vale 2 2 L1.L 

1525 stans, -antis 3 2 2 HC1.L m estant 2 1 HC.HC1 estante 3 2 HC1.L estante 3 2 HC1.L 

1526 stirps, stirpis, f. 

HC1.X (6) 

3 2 2 HC1.L f estirp 2 1 HC.HC1 estirpe 3 2 HC1.L estirpe 3 2 HC1.L 

1527 Ātlās , antis 3 2 2 HC1.L m atles 2 2 HC1.HC atlas 2 2 HC1.HC atlas 2 2 HC1.HC 

1528 forceps, cĭpis, m.&f. 3 2 2 HC1.L m fòrceps 2 2 HC1.HC fórceps 2 2 HC1.HC fórceps 2 2 HC1.HC 

1529 germen, ĭnis, n. 3 2 2 HC1.L m germen 2 2 HC1.HC germen 2 2 HC1.HC gérmen 2 2 HC1.HV 

1530 herpes, ētis, m. 3 2 2 HC1.L m herpes 2 2 HC1.HC herpes 2 2 HC1.HC herpes 2 2 HC1.HC 

1531 nectar, ăris, n., = νεκταρ 3 2 2 HC1.L m nèctar 2 2 HC1.HC néctar 2 2 HC1.HC néctar 2 2 HC1.HC 

1532 unguis , is 

HC1.X (1) 

3 2 2 HC1.L m unguis 2 2 HC1.HC unguis 2 2 HC1.HC únguis 2 2 HC1.HC 

1533 sphincter, ēris, m.= 

σφιγκτήρ 

3 2 2 HC1.X m esfínter 3 2 HC1.HC esfínter 3 2 HC1.HC esfíncter 3 2 HC1.HC

436 

Etymon 

HC1.X (5) 


1534 orbis, is, m. 3 2 2 HC1.L m orbe 2 2 HC1.L orbe 2 2 HC1.L orbe 2 2 HC1.L 

1535 pelvis, is, f. 3 2 2 HC1.L f pelvis 2 2 HC1.L pelvis 2 2 HC1.L pélvis 2 2 HC1.L 

1536 pestis, is, f. 3 2 2 HC1.L f pesta 2 2 HC1.L peste 2 2 HC1.L peste 2 2 HC1.L 

1537 venter, -tris, m. 3 2 2 HC1.L m ventre 2 2 HC1.L vientre 2 2 HC1.L ventre 2 2 HC1.L 

1538 virgo , ĭnis, f. 

HC1.X (2) 

3 2 2 HC1.L f virgo 2 2 HC1.L virgo 2 2 HC1.L Virgo 2 2 HC1.L 

1539 classis, is, f. 3 2 2 HC1.L f classe 2 2 L1.L clase 2 2 L1.L classe 2 2 L1.L 

1540 turris , is, f. 

HV1.X (9) 

3 2 2 HC1.L f torre 2 2 L1.L torre 2 2 L1.L torre 2 2 L1.L 

1541 caulis, is, m. 3 2 2 HV1.L f col 1 1 HC1 col 1 1 HC col 1 1 HC 

1542 crīmen , ĭnis, n. 3 2 2 HV1.L m crim 1 1 HC1 crimen 2 2 L1.HC crime 2 2 L1.L 

1543 crīnis , is, m. 3 2 2 HV1.L m/f crin 1 1 HC1 crin 1 1 HC1 crina 2 2 L1.L 

1544 dōs , ōtis, f. 3 2 2 HV1.L m/f dot 1 1 HC1 dote 2 2 L1.L dote 2 2 L1.L 

1545 flōs, ōris, m. 3 2 2 HV1.L f flor 1 1 HC1 flor 1 1 HC1 flor 1 1 HC1 

1546 grāmen, ĭnis, n. 3 2 2 HV1.L m/f gram 1 1 HC1 grama 2 2 L1.L grama 2 2 L1.L 

1547 lūmen, ĭnis, n. 3 2 2 HV1.L m/f llum 1 1 HC1 lumbre 2 2 HC1.L lume 2 2 L1.L 

1548 lux, lūcis, f. 3 2 2 HV1.L f lux 1 1 HC1 lux 1 1 HC1 lux 1 1 HC1 

1549 rēte, is, n. 3 2 2 HV1.L m/f ret 1 1 HC1 red 

1 1 HC1 rede 2 2 L1.L 

1550 sōl, sōlis, m. 3 2 2 HV1.L m sol 1 1 HC1 sol 1 1 HC1 sol 1 1 HC1 

1551 trāmĕs , ĭtis, m. 

HV1.X (11) 

3 3 3 HV1.L m tram 1 1 HC1 tramo 2 2 L1.L tramo 2 2 L1.L 

1552 clāvis, is, f. 3 2 2 HV1.L f clau 1 1 HV1 clave 2 2 L1.L clave 2 2 L1.L 

1553 fīnis, is, m.(&f.) 3 2 2 HV1.L m fi 1 1 HV1 fin 1 1 HC1 fim 1 2 HV1 

1554 fraus, fraudis, f. 3 2 2 HV1.L m/f frau 1 1 HV1 fraude 2 2 HV1.L fraude 2 2 HV1.L 

1555 lex, lēgis, f. 3 2 2 HV1.L f llei 1 1 HV1 ley 1 1 HV1 lei 1 1 HV1 

1556 clāvis, is, f. 3 2 2 HV1.L f clau 1 1 HV1 llave 2 2 L1.L chave 2 2 L1.L 

1557 nāvis, is, f. 3 2 2 HV1.L f nau 1 1 HV1 nave 2 2 L1.L nave 2 2 L1.L 

1558 pānis, is, m. 3 2 2 HV1.L m pa 1 1 HV1 pan 1 1 HC1 pão 1 1 HV1 

1559 pax, pācis, f. 3 2 2 HV1.L f pau 1 1 HV1 paz 1 1 HC1 paz 1 1 HC1 

1560 rex, rēgis, m. 3 2 2 HV1.L m rei 1 1 HV1 rey 1 1 HV1 rei 1 1 HV1 

1561 sēdes, is, f. 3 2 2 HV1.L f seu 1 1 HV1 sede 2 2 L1.L sede 2 2 L1.L 

1562 vox , vōcis, f. 

HV1.X (10) 

3 2 2 HV1.L f veu 1 1 HV1 voz 1 1 HC1 voz 1 1 HC1 

1563 trīceps , cĭpĭtis, adj. 3 2 2 HV1.L m tríceps 2 2 L1.HC tríceps 2 2 L1.HC tricípite 4 3 L1.L.L 

1564 bīlis , is, f. 3 2 2 HV1.L f bilis 2 2 L1.HC bilis 2 2 L1.HC bilis 2 2 L1.HC

437 


1565 clīmax , ăcis, f. 3 2 2 HV1.L m/f clímax 2 2 L1.HC clímax 2 2 L1.HC clímax 2 2 L1.HC 

1566 cōdex , ĭcis, m. 3 2 2 HV1.L m còdex 2 2 L1.HC códex 2 2 L1.HC códex 2 2 L1.HC 

1567 phoenix, īcis, m. 3 2 2 HV1.L m fènix 2 2 L1.HC fénix 2 2 L1.HC fénix 2 2 L1.HC 

1568 Īris, is, f. 3 2 2 HV1.L f iris 2 2 L1.HC iris 2 2 L1.HC íris 2 2 L1.HC 

1569 nūmen, ĭnis, n. 3 2 2 HV1.L m numen 2 2 L1.HC numen 2 2 L1.HC númeno 3 2 L1.L.L 

1570 pēnis, is, m. 3 2 2 HV1.L m penis 2 2 L1.HC pene 2 2 L1.L pene 2 2 L1.L 

1571 sēmen, ĭnis, n. 3 2 2 HV1.L m semen 2 2 L1.HC semen 2 2 L1.HC sémen 2 2 L1.HV 

1572 thōrax , ācis, m. 

HV1.X (3) 

3 2 2 HV1.L m tòrax 2 2 L1.HC tórax 2 2 L1.HC tórax 2 2 L1.HC 

1573 ūter, tris, m. 3 2 2 HV1.L m odre 2 2 L1.L odre 2 2 L1.L odre 2 2 L1.L 

1574 prōles, is, f. 3 2 2 HV1.L f prole 2 2 L1.L prole 2 2 L1.L prole 2 2 L1.L 

1575 māter, tris, f. 3 2 2 HV1.L f mare 2 2 L1.L madre 2 2 L1.L mãe 1 1 HV1 

1579 nōmen , ĭnis, n. 

L1.X (3) 

3 2 2 HV1.L.L m nom 1 1 HC1 nombre 2 2 HC1.L nome 2 2 L1.L 

1576 căpŭt, ĭtis, n. 3 2 2 L1.L m cap 1 1 HC1 cabo 2 2 L1.L cabo 2 2 L1.L 

1577 Lār, Lăris, m. 3 2 2 L1.L m llar 1 1 HC1 lar 1 1 HC1 lar 1 1 HC1 

1578 măre, is, n. 3 2 2 L1.L m/f mar 1 1 HC1 mar 1 1 HC1 mar 1 1 HC1 

1580 pār, păris, f. 3 2 2 L1.L m par 1 1 HC1 par 

1 1 HC1 par 1 1 HC1 

1581 plebs, -bis, f. 3 2 2 L1.L f plebs 1 1 HC1 plebe 2 2 L1.L plebe 2 2 L1.L 

1582 sal, sălis, m. 3 2 2 L1.L f sal 1 1 HC1 sal 1 1 HC1 sal 1 1 HC1 

1583 sĭtis, is, f. 

L1.X (9) 

3 2 2 L1.L f set 1 1 HC1 sed 1 1 HC1 sede 2 2 L1.L 

1584 cănis, cănis, m.& f. 3 2 2 L1.L m ca 1 1 HV1 can 1 1 HC1 cão 1 1 HV1 

1585 ăvis , is, f. 3 2 2 L1.L f au 1 1 HV1 ave 2 2 L1.L ave 2 2 L1.L 

1586 brĕvis , is, m. (lat tard) 3 2 2 L1.L m breu 1 1 HV1 breve 2 2 L1.L breve 2 2 L1.L 

1587 bōs , bŏvis, m. 3 2 2 L1.L m bou 1 1 HV1 buey 1 1 HV1 boi 1 1 HV1 

1588 crux , ŭcis, f. 3 2 2 L1.L f creu 1 1 HV1 cruz 1 1 HC1 cruz 1 1 HC1 

1589 grăvis, e 3 2 2 L1.L m greu 1 1 HV1 grave 2 2 L1.L grave 2 2 L1.L 

1590 nix , nĭvis, f. 3 2 2 L1.L f neu 1 1 HV1 nieve 2 2 L1.L neve 2 2 L1.L 

1591 nux, nŭcis, f. 3 2 2 L1.L f nou 1 1 HV1 nuez 1 1 HC1 noz 1 1 HC1 

1592 pēs, pĕdis, m. 

L1.X (8) 

3 2 2 L1.L m peu 1 1 HV1 pie 1 1 L1 pé 1 1 L1 

1593 ăpex , ĭcis, m. 3 2 2 L1.L m àpex 2 2 L1.HC ápex 2 2 L1.HC ápex 2 2 L1.HC 

1594 bĭceps (

438 


1596 fĕmur, ŏris, n. 3 2 2 L1.L m fèmur 2 2 L1.HC fémur 2 2 L1.HC fémur 2 2 L1.HC 

1597 ibis, is & ĭdis, f. 3 2 2 L1.L m ibis 2 2 L1.HC ibis 2 2 L1.HC íbis 2 2 L1.HC 

1598 lăpis, ĭdis, m. 3 2 2 L1.L m llapis 2 2 L1.HC lápiz 2 2 L1.HC lápis 2 2 L1.HC 

1599 lătex, ĭcis, m. 3 2 2 L1.L m làtex 2 2 L1.HC látex 2 2 L1.HC látex 2 2 L1.HC 

1600 sĭlex, ĭcis, m.& f. 

L1.X (7) 

3 2 2 L1.L m sílex 2 2 L1.HC sílex 2 2 L1.HC sílex 2 2 L1.HC 

1601 băsis , is, f., y este del gr. 3 2 2 L1.L f base 2 2 L1.L base 2 2 L1.L base 2 2 L1.L 

1602 crĭsis , is, f. 3 2 2 L1.L f crisi 2 2 L1.L crisis 2 2 L1.HC crise 2 2 L1.L 

1603 fē˘bris, is, f. 3 2 2 L1.L f febre 2 2 L1.L fiebre 2 2 L1.L febre 2 2 L1.L 

1604 phrăsis, is, f. 3 2 2 L1.L f frase 2 2 L1.L frase 2 2 L1.L frase 2 2 L1.L 

1605 păter, tris, m. 3 2 2 L1.L m pare 2 2 L1.L padre 2 2 L1.L padre 2 2 L1.L 

1606 thĕsis , is, f., del gr. 3 2 2 L1.L f tesi 2 2 L1.L tesis 2 2 L1.HC tese 2 2 L1.L 

1607 tigris, idis, m., del gr. 

(acc, tigrem en V.) 

HC.HC1.X (13) 

3 2 2 L1.L m tigre 2 2 L1.L tigre 2 2 L1.L tigre 2 2 L1.L 

1608 archon, -ōntis, y este del 

gr. 

3 3 2 HC.HC1.L m arcont 2 1 HC.HC1 arconte 3 2 HC.HC1.L arconte 3 2 HC.HC1.L 

1609 Ātlantis , ĭdis 3 3 2 HC.HC1.L m atlant 2 1 HC.HC1 atlante 3 2 HC.HC1.L atlante 3 2 HC.HC1.L 

1610 consors, sortis, m.& f. 3 3 2 HC.HC1.L m/f consort 2 1 HC.HC1 consorte 3 2 HC.HC1.L consorte 3 2 HC.HC1.L 

1611 constans, -antis 3 3 2 HC.HC1.L f constant 2 1 HC.HC1 constante 3 2 HC.HC1.L constante 3 2 HC.HC1.L 

1612 infans, fantis, 3 3 2 HC.HC1.L m/f infant 2 1 HC.HC1 infante 3 2 HC.HC1.L infante 3 2 HC.HC1.L 

1613 instans, -antis 3 3 2 HC.HC1.L m instant 2 1 HC.HC1 instante 3 2 HC.HC1.L instante 3 2 HC.HC1.L 

1614 pendens, entis 3 3 2 HC.HC1.L m/f pendent 2 1 HC.HC1 pendiente 3 2 HC.HC1.L pendente 3 2 HC.HC1.L 

1615 serpens, -entis, f. 3 3 2 HC.HC1.L f serpent 2 1 HC.HC1 serpiente 3 2 HC.HC1.L serpente 3 2 HC.HC1.L 

1616 solvens, -ntis 3 3 2 HC.HC1.L m solvent 2 1 HC.HC1 solvente 3 2 HC.HC1.L solvente 3 2 HC.HC1.L 

1617 tangens, -entis 3 3 2 HC.HC1.L m tangent 2 1 HC.HC1 tangente 3 2 HC.HC1.L tangente 3 2 HC.HC1.L 

1618 currens, -entis 3 3 2 HC.HC1.L f corrent 3 2 HC.HC1 corriente 3 2 HC.HC1.L corrente 3 2 HC.HC1.L 

1619 sextans, antis, m. 3 3 2 HC.HC1.L m sextant 3 2 HC.HC1 sextante 3 2 HC.HC1.L sextante 3 2 HC.HC1.L 

1620 nascens, -entis 

HC.HC1.X (4) 

3 3 2 HC.HC1.L m naixent 2 2 HC.HC1 naciente 3 2 HC1.L nascente 3 2 HC1.L 

1621 ellipsis, is, f., del gr. 3 3 2 HC.HC1.L f el·lipse 3 2 HC.HC1.L elipse 3 2 L.HC1.L elipse 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1622 ellipsis, is, f., del gr. 3 3 2 HC.HC1.L f el·lipsi 3 2 HC.HC1.L elipsis 3 2 L.HC1.HC elipse 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1623 syllepsis, is, f., = 

σύλληψις 

3 3 2 HC.HC1.L f sil·lepsi 3 2 HC.HC1.L silepsis 3 2 L.HC1.HC silepse 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1624 syntaxis, is, f., = σύνταξις 3 3 2 HC.HC1.L f sintaxi 3 2 HC.HC1.L sintaxis 3 2 HC.L1.HC sintaxe 3 2 HC.L1.L

439 

Etymon 

HC.HC1.X (2) 


1625 torrens, -entis 3 3 2 HC.HC1.L m torrent 2 2 L.HC1 torrente 3 2 L.HC1.L torrente 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1626 September, bris, m. 

HC.HV1.X (30) 

3 3 2 HC.HC1.L m setembre 3 2 L.HC1.L septiembre 3 2 HC.HC1.L setembro 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1627 actor, -ōris 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m actor 2 1 HC.HC1 actor 2 1 HC.HC1 actor 2 1 HC.HC1 

1628 albor, -ōris 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m albor 2 1 HC.HC1 albor 2 1 HC.HC1 albor 2 1 HC.HC1 

1629 altāre, -ris 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m altar 2 1 HC.HC1 altar 2 1 HC.HC1 altar 2 1 HC.HC1 

1630 ardor , ōris, m. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m ardor 2 1 HC.HC1 ardor 2 1 HC.HC1 ardor 2 1 HC.HC1 

1631 candor , ōris, m. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m candor 2 1 HC.HC1 candor 2 1 HC.HC1 candor 2 1 HC.HC1 

1632 castor, -ōris, m. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m castor 2 1 HC.HC1 castor 2 1 HC.HC1 castor 2 1 HC.HC1 

1633 censor, -ōris, m. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m censor 2 2 HC.HC1 censor 2 2 HC.HC1 censor 2 2 HC.HC1 

1634 cursor, -ōris 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m cursor 2 1 HC.HC1 cursor 2 1 HC.HC1 cursor 2 1 HC.HC1 

1635 dentāle, is, n. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m dental 2 1 HC.HC1 dental 2 1 HC.HC1 dental 2 1 HC.HC1 

1636 doctor , ōris, m. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m doctor 2 1 HC.HC1 doctor 2 1 HC.HC1 doutor 2 1 HV.HC1 

1637 error, ōris, m. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m error 2 1 HC.HC1 error 2 1 HC.HC1 error 2 1 HC.HC1 

1638 factor, ōris, m. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m factor 2 1 HC.HC1 factor 2 1 HC.HC1 factor 2 1 HC.HC1 

1639 fervor, ōris, m. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m fervor 2 1 HC.HC1 hervor 2 1 HC.HC1 fervor 2 1 HC.HC1 

1940 fiscālis, e, adj. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m fiscal 2 1 HC.HC1 fiscal 

2 1 HC.HC1 fiscal 2 1 HC.HC1 

1641 fulgor, ōris, m. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m fulgor 2 1 HC.HC1 fulgor 2 1 HC.HC1 fulgor 2 1 HC.HC1 

1642 gentīlis, e, adj. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m gentil 2 1 HC.HC1 gentil 2 1 HC.HC1 gentil 2 1 HC.HC1 

1643 gestor, ōris, m. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m gestor 2 1 HC.HC1 gestor 2 1 HC.HC1 gestor 2 1 HC.HC1 

1644 lector, ōris, m. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m lector 2 1 HC.HC1 lector 2 1 HC.HC1 leitor 2 1 HV.HC1 

1645 lictor, ōris, m. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m lictor 2 1 HC.HC1 lictor 2 1 HC.HC1 lictor 2 1 HC.HC1 

1646 magnas, ātis, m. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m magnat 2 1 HC.HC1 magnate 3 2 HC.L1.L magnate 3 2 HC.L1.L 

1647 magnes, ētis, m., = 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m magnet 2 1 HC.HC1 magneto 3 2 HC.L1.L magneto 3 2 HC.L1.L 

μάγνης 

1648 mantēle (mantīle), is, n. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m mantell 2 1 HC.HC1 mantel 2 1 HC.HC1 mantel 2 1 HC.HC1 

1649 mortālis, e 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m mortal 2 1 HC.HC1 mortal 2 1 HC.HC1 mortal 2 1 HC.HC1 

1650 palmāris, e, adj. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m palmar 2 1 HC.HC1 palmar 2 1 HC.HC1 palmar 2 1 HC.HC1 

1651 pastor, ōris, m. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m pastor 2 2 HC.HC1 pastor 2 2 HC.HC1 pastor 2 2 HC.HC1 

1652 raptor, ōris, m. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m raptor 2 1 HC.HC1 raptor 2 1 HC.HC1 raptor 2 1 HC.HC1 

1653 rector, ōris, m. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m rector 2 1 HC.HC1 rector 2 1 HC.HC1 reitor 2 1 HV.HC1 

1654 sector, ōris, m. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m sector 2 1 HC.HC1 sector 2 1 HC.HC1 sector 2 1 HC.HC1 

1655 Sextīlis, e 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m sextil 2 1 HC.HC1 sextil 2 1 HC.HC1 sextil 2 1 HC.HC1 

1656 tensor, -ōris 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m tensor 2 1 HC.HC1 tensor 2 1 HC.HC1 tensor 2 1 HC.HC1

440 


1657 vector, -ōris 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m vector 2 1 HC.HC1 vector 2 1 HC.HC1 vector 2 1 HC.HC1 

1658 virtus, -ūtis 

HC.HV1.X (prothesis) (1) 

3 3 2 HC.HV1.L f virtut 2 1 HC.HC1 virtud 2 1 HC.HC1 virtude 3 2 HC.L1.L 

1659 splendor, ōris, m. 

HC.HV1.X (10) 

3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m esplendor 3 1 HC.HC1 esplendor 3 1 HC.HC1 esplendor 3 1 HC.HC1 

1660 actrix, -īcis 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L f actriu 2 1 HC.HV1 actriz 2 1 HC.HC1 actriz 2 1 HC.HC1 

1661 carbo, -ōnis, m. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m carbó 2 1 HC.HV1 carbón 2 1 HC.HC1 carvão 2 1 HC.HC1 

1662 cento , ōnis, m. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m centó 2 1 HC.HV1 centón 2 1 HC.HC1 centão 2 1 HC.HV1 

1663 delphīn , īnis, m., del gr. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m delfí 2 1 HC.HV1 delfín 2 1 HC.HC1 delfim 2 1 HC.HV1 

1664 falco, ōnis, m 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m falcó 2 1 HC.HV1 halcón 2 1 HC.HC1 falcão 2 1 HC.HV1 

1665 perdix, īcis, m.& f. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L f perdiu 2 1 HC.HV1 perdiz 2 1 HC.HC1 perdiz 2 1 HC.HC1 

1666 ponto, ōnis, m. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m pontó 2 1 HC.HV1 pontón 2 1 HC.HC1 pontão 2 1 HC.HV1 

1667 pulmo, ōnis, m. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m pulmó 2 1 HC.HV1 pulmón 2 1 HC.HC1 pulmão 2 2 HC.HV1 

1668 salmo, ōnis, m. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m salmó 2 1 HC.HV1 salmón 2 1 HC.HC1 salmão 2 1 HC.HV1 

1669 sermo, ōnis, m. 

HC.HV1.X (1) 

3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m sermó 2 1 HC.HV1 sermón 2 1 HC.HC1 sermão 2 1 HC.HV1 

1670 albūgo, ĭnis, f. 

HC.HV1.X (7) 

3 3 2 HC.HV1.L f albugo 3 2 HC.HV1.L albugo 3 2 HC.HV1.L albugo 3 2 HC.HV1.L 

1671 abdōmĕn, ĭnis, n. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m abdomen 3 2 HC.L1.HC abdomen 3 2 HC.L1.HC abdómen 3 2 HC.L1.HC 

1672 albūmen, ĭnis, n. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m albumen 3 2 HC.L1.HC albumen 3 2 HC.HV1.L albúmen 3 2 HC.HV1.L 

1673 arthrītis , ĭdis, f., y este 

del gr. 

3 3 2 HC.HV1.L f artritis 3 2 HC.L1.HC artritis 3 2 HC.L1.HC artrite 3 2 HC.L1.L 

1674 certāmen , ĭnis, n. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m certamen 3 2 HC.L1.HC certamen 3 2 L1.HC certâmen 3 2 L1.HC 

1675 dictāmen, ĭnis, n. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m dictamen 3 2 HC.L1.HC dictamen 3 2 HC.L1.L ditame 3 2 L.L1.L 

1676 exāmen, ĭnis, n. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m examen 3 2 HC.L1.HC examen 3 2 HC.L1.HC exame 3 2 L.L1.L 

1677 vexāmen , ĭnis, n. 

HC.HV1.X (4) 

3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m vexamen 3 2 HC.L1.HC vejamen 3 2 L1.HC vexame 3 2 L1.L 

1678 conclāve , is, n. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m conclave 3 2 HC.L1.L cónclave 3 3 HC1.L.L conclave 3 2 HC.L1.L 

1679 emblēma , ătis, n., del gr. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m emblema 3 2 HC.L1.L emblema 3 2 HC.L1.L emblema 3 2 HC.L1.L 

1680 lumbāgo, ĭnis, f. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L f lumbago 3 2 HC.L1.L lumbago 3 2 HC.L1.L lumbago 3 2 HC.L1.L 

1681 Octōber, bris, adj. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m octubre 3 2 HC.L1.L octubre 3 2 HC.L1.L Outubro 3 2 HV.L1.L 

1682 torpēdo , ĭnis, f. 

HC.HV1.X (1) 

3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m torpede 3 2 HC.L1.L torpedo 3 2 HC.L1.L torpedo 3 2 HC.L1.L 

1683 confīnis, e, adj. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m confí 2 1 HC.HV1 confín 2 1 HC.HC1 confim 2 1 HV1

441 


HC.HV1.X (1) 

1684 auctor, -ōris 

HC.HV1.X (8) 

3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m autor 2 1 HV.HC1 autor 2 1 HV.HC1 autor 2 1 HV.HC1 

1685 lat. vulg. *currale 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m corral 2 1 L.HC1 corral 2 1 HV.HC1 curral 2 1 HV.HC1 

1686 abbas, -ātis, m., del gr. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m abat 2 1 L.HC1 abad 2 1 L.HC1 abade 3 2 L.L1.L 

1687 collāris , e, adj. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L f collar 2 1 L.HC1 collar 2 1 L.HC1 colar 2 1 L.HC1 

1688 horror, ōris, m. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m horror 2 1 L.HC1 horror 2 1 L.HC1 horror 2 1 L.HC1 

1689 b. ll. missalis 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m missal 2 1 L.HC1 misal 2 1 L.HC1 missal 2 1 L.HC1 

1690 *pugnāle 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m punyal 2 1 L.HC1 puñal 2 1 L.HC1 punhal 2 1 L.HC1 

1691 lat. tard. sĭgnāle 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m/f senyal 2 1 L.HC1 señal 2 1 L.HC1 sinal 2 1 L.HC1 

1692 terror , ōris, m. 

HC.HV1.X (3) 

3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m terror 2 1 L.HC1 terror 2 1 L.HC1 terror 2 1 L.HC1 

1693 affīnis 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m/f afí 2 1 L.HV1 afín 2 1 L.HC1 afim 2 1 L.HV1 

1694 glutto, ōnis, m. 3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m glotó 2 1 L.HV1 glotón 2 1 L.HC1 glutão 2 1 L.HV1 

1695 commūnis, e, adj. 

HV.HC1.X (3) 

3 3 2 HC.HV1.L m comú 2 2 L.HV1 común 2 1 L.HC1 comum 2 2 L.HV1 

1696 pōnens, -entis 3 3 2 HV.HC1.L m ponent 2 1 L.HC1 poniente 3 2 L.HC1.L ponente 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1697 praesens, -entis 3 3 2 HV.HC1.L m present 2 1 L.HC1 presente 3 2 L.HC1.L presente 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1698 sēmentis, is, f. 

HV.HC1.X (1) 

3 3 2 HV.HC1.L m/f sement 2 1 L.HC1 simiente 3 2 L.HC1.L semente 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1699 sēmestris, e 

HV.HV1.X (1) 

3 3 2 HV.HC1.L m semestre 3 2 L.HC1.L semestre 3 2 L.HC1.L semestre 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1700 quaestor, -ōris 

HV.HV1.X (1) 

3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m qüestor 2 1 HC.HC1 cuestor 2 1 HC.HC1 questor 2 1 HC.HC1 

1701 augur, -ūris 

HV.HV1.X (23) 

3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m àugur 2 1 HV.HC1 augur 2 1 HV.HV1 áugure 2 1 HV.HV1 

1702 clāmor, ōris, m. 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m clamor 2 1 L.HC1 clamor 2 1 L.HC1 clamor 2 1 L.HC1 

1703 aetas , ātis, f. 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L f edat 2 1 L.HC1 edad 2 1 L.HC1 idade 3 2 L.L1.L 

1704 aedīlis , is, m. 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m edil 2 1 L.HC1 edil 2 1 L.HC1 edil 2 1 L.HC1 

1705 fētor (faet-, foet-), ōris, m. 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m fetor 2 1 L.HC1 hedor 2 1 L.HC1 fedor 2 1 L.HC1 

1706 fīnālis, e, adj. 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m final 2 1 L.HC1 final 2 1 L.HC1 final 2 1 L.HC1 

1707 ūmor (not hu-), ōris, m. 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m humor 2 1 L.HC1 humor 2 1 L.HC1 humor 2 1 L.HC1 

1708 aequālis, e, adj. 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m igual 2 2 L.HC1 igual 2 2 L.HC1 igual 2 2 L.HC1 

1709 mājor, -ōris 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m major 2 1 L.HC1 mayor 2 1 L.HC1 maior 2 1 L.HC1 

1710 mōrālis, e 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m/f moral 2 1 L.HC1 moral 2 1 L.HC1 moral 2 1 L.HC1

442 


1711 mōtor, ōris, m. 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m motor 2 1 L.HC1 motor 2 1 L.HC1 motor 2 1 L.HC1 

1712 mūrālis, e 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m mural 2 1 L.HC1 mural 2 2 L.HC1 mural 2 2 L.HC1 

1713 nātālis, is, m. 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m natal 2 1 L.HC1 natal 2 1 L.HC1 natal 2 1 L.HC1 

1714 poenālis, e, adj. 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m penal 2 1 L.HC1 penal 2 2 L.HC1 penal 2 2 L.HC1 

1715 plūrālis, e, adj. 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m plural 2 1 L.HC1 plural 2 2 L.HC1.L plural 2 2 L.HC1.L 

1716 praenōmen, ĭnis, n. 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m prenom 2 1 L.HC1 prenombre 3 2 L.HC1.L prenome 3 2 L.L1.L 

1717 praetor, ōris, m. 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m pretor 2 1 L.HC1 pretor 2 1 L.HC1 pretor 2 1 L.HC1 

1718 prīmas, ātis, m.& f. 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m primat 2 1 L.HC1 primate 3 2 L.L1.L primata 3 2 L.L1.L 

1719 prīmōris , e 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L f primor 2 1 L.HC1 primor 2 1 L.HC1 primor 2 1 L.HC1 

1720 rīvālis, e 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m rival 2 1 L.HC1 rival 2 1 L.HC1 rival 2 1 L.HC1 

1721 rūmor, ōris, m. 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m rumor 2 1 L.HC1 rumor 2 1 L.HC1 rumor 2 1 L.HC1 

1722 sūdor, ōris, m. 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m suor 2 1 L.HC1 sudor 2 1 L.HC1 suor 2 1 L.HC1 

1723 tūtor , ōris, m. 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m tutor 2 2 L.HC1 tutor 2 2 L.HC1 tutor 2 2 L.HC1 

1724 visor, -ōris 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m visor 2 1 L.HC1 visor 2 1 L.HC1 visor 2 1 L.HC1 

1725 vōcālis , is, f. 

HV.HV1.X (9) 

3 3 2 HV.HV1.L f vocal 2 1 L.HC1 vocal 2 1 L.HC1 vogal 2 1 L.HC1 

1726 furo, -ōnis 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m furó 2 1 L.HV1 hurón 2 1 L.HC1 furão 2 1 L.HV1 

1727 lātro , ōnis, m. 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m lladró 2 1 L.HV1 ladrón 2 1 L.HC1 ladrão 2 1 L.HV1 

1728 mātrix, īcis, f. 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L f matriu 2 1 L.HV1 matriz 

2 1 L.HC1 matriz 2 1 L.HC1 

1729 pāvo, ōnis, m. 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m paó 2 1 L.HV1 pavón 2 1 L.HC1 pavão 2 1 L.HV1 

1730 sāpo , ōnis, m. [Germ.] 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m sabó 2 2 L.HV1 jabón 2 1 L.HC1 sabão 2 1 L.HV1 

1731 sīpho, ōnis, m., = σίφων 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m sifó 2 1 L.HV1 sifón 2 1 L.HC1 sifão 2 1 L.HV1 

1732 lat. tard. tālo, -ōnis 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m taló 2 1 L.HV1 talón 2 1 L.HC1 talão 2 1 L.HV1 

1733 tēmō, -ōnis, m. 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m timó 2 1 L.HV1 timón 2 1 L.HC1 timão 2 1 L.HV1 

1734 Tītan, ānis, m. 

HV.HV1.X (4) 

3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m tità 2 1 L.HV1 titán 2 1 L.HC1 titã 2 1 HV1 

1735 dēclīve, is, n. 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m declivi 3 2 L.L1.L declive 3 2 L.L1.L declive 3 2 L.L1.L 

1736 dīplōma , ătis, n., del gr. 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m diploma 3 2 L.L1.L diploma 3 2 L.L1.L diploma 3 2 L.L1.L 

1737 nūtrix (notrix , Quint. 1, 4, 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L f nodrissa 3 2 L.L1.L nodriza 3 2 L.L1.L nutriz 2 2 L.HC1 

16), īcis, f. 

1738 Sīrēn, ēnis, f., = Σειρήν 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L f sirena 3 2 L.L1.L sirena 3 2 L.L1.L sirena 3 2 L.L1.L 

HV.HV1.X (1) 

1739 līchēn, ēnis, m., = λειχήν 3 3 2 HV.HV1.L m liquen 2 2 L1.HC liquen 2 2 L1.HC líquen 2 2 L1.HC 

L.HC1.X (1) 

1740 Nŏvember, bris, adj., 3 3 2 L.HC1.L m novembre 3 2 HC1.L noviembre 3 2 HC1.L Novembro 3 2 HC1.L

443 

Etymon 

L.HC1.X (14) 


1741 agens, -entis 3 3 2 L.HC1.L m agent 3 2 L.HC1 agente 3 2 L.HC1.L agente 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1742 amans, -antis 3 3 2 L.HC1.L m/f amant 2 1 L.HC1 amante 3 2 L.HC1.L amante 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1743 basaltes , is, m. 3 3 2 L.HC1.L m basalt 2 1 L.HC1 basalto 3 2 L.HC1.L basalto 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1744 clĭens, -entis, m. 3 3 2 L.HC1.L m client 2 1 L.HC1 cliente 3 2 L.HC1.L cliente 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1745 cŏhors, -rtis, f. 3 3 2 L.HC1.L f cohort 2 1 L.HC1 cohorte 3 2 L.HC1.L coorte 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1746 dŏcens, -entis 3 3 2 L.HC1.L m docent 2 1 L.HC1 docente 3 2 L.HC1.L docente 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1747 Gĭgās, antis, m. 3 3 2 L.HC1.L m gegant 2 1 L.HC1 gigante 3 2 L.HC1.L gigante 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1748 gĕrens, ntis 3 3 2 L.HC1.L m gerent 2 1 L.HC1 gerente 3 2 L.HC1.L gerente 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1749 părens, entis, m. & f. 3 3 2 L.HC1.L m/f parent 2 1 L.HC1 pariente 3 2 L.HC1.L parente 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1750 pătens, entis 3 3 2 L.HC1.L m patent 2 1 L.HC1 patente 3 2 L.HC1.L patente 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1751 rĕgens, entis, m. 3 3 2 L.HC1.L m regent 2 1 L.HC1 regente 3 2 L.HC1.L regente 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1752 trĭdens , entis, m. 3 3 2 L.HC1.L m trident 2 1 L.HC1 tridente 3 2 L.HC1.L tridente 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1753 văcans, -antis 3 3 2 L.HC1.L f vacant 2 1 L.HC1 vacante 3 2 L.HC1.L vacante 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1754 vĭdens , entis, m. 3 3 2 L.HC1.L m vident 2 1 L.HC1 vidente 3 2 L.HC1.L vidente 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1755 vŏlans , antis 

L.HC1.X (9) 

3 3 2 L.HC1.L m volant 2 1 L.HC1 volante 3 2 L.HC1.L voante 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1756 chăracter , ēris, m. 3 3 2 L.HC1.L m caràcter 3 2 L.HC1.L carácter 3 2 L.HC1.L carácter 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1757 dĕcember , bris, m. 3 3 2 L.HC1.L m desembre 3 2 L.HC1.L diciembre 3 2 L.HC1.L Dezembro 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1758 eclīpsis , is, f., del gr. 3 3 2 L.HC1.L m eclipsi 3 2 L.HC1.L eclipse 3 2 L.HC1.L eclipse 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1759 phălanx, angis, f. = 3 3 2 L.HC1.L f falange 3 2 L.HC1.L falange 3 2 L.HC1.L falange 3 2 L.HC1.L 

φάλαγξ 

1760 fŏrensis, e, adj. 3 3 2 L.HC1.L m forense 3 2 L.HC1.L forense 3 2 L.HC1.L forense 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1761 siccans, -antis 3 3 2 L.HC1.L m secante 3 2 L.HC1.L secante 3 2 L.HC1.L secante 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1762 synopsis, is, f., = σύνοψις 3 3 2 L.HC1.L f sinopsi 3 2 L.HC1.L sinopsis 3 2 L.HC1.HC sinopse 3 2 L.HC1.L 

1763 trĭmestris , e, adj. 3 3 2 L.HC1.L m trimestre 3 2 L.HC1.L trimestre 3 2 L.HC1.L trimestre 3 2 L.L1.L 

1764 bĭmestris , e 2 3 2 L.HC1.L m bimestre 3 2 L.HC1.L bimestre 3 2 L.HC1.L bimestre 3 2 L.HC1.L 

L.HC1.X (1) 

1765 bĭson , ontis, m. 3 3 2 L.HC1.L m bisó 2 1 L.HV1 bisonte 3 2 L.HC1.L bisão 2 1 L.HV1 

L.HV1.X (3) 

1766 ălūmen, ĭnis, n. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m alum 2 1 HC1 alumbre 3 2 HC1.L alume 3 2 L1.L 

1767 lĕgūmen, ĭnis, n. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m llegum 2 1 HC1 legumbre 3 2 HC1.L legume 3 2 L.L1.L 

1768 vŏlūmen , ĭnis, n. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m volum 2 1 HC1 volumen 3 2 L1.HC volume 3 2 L1.L 

L.HV1.X (45) 

1769 Ā˘prīlis, is, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m abril 2 1 L.HC1 abril 2 1 L.HC1 abril 2 1 L.HC1 

1770 amor, -ōris 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m amor 2 1 L.HC1 amor 2 1 L.HC1 amor 2 1 L.HC1

444 


1771 bĭtūmen , ĭnis, n. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m betum 2 1 L.HC1 betún 2 1 L.HC1 betume 3 2 L.L1.L 

1772 bĭrēmis , is, f. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L f birrem 2 1 L.HC1 birreme 3 2 L.L1.L birreme 3 2 L.L1.L 

1773 călor , ōris, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m calor 2 1 L.HC1 calor 2 1 L.HC1 calor 2 1 L.HC1 

1774 cănālis , is, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m canal 2 1 L.HC1 canal 2 1 L.HC1 canal 2 1 L.HC1 

1775 b. lat. casālis 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m casal 2 1 L.HC1 casal 2 1 L.HC1 casal 2 1 L.HC1 

1776 Cyclops, ōpis (acc. - 

ōpem or -ōpa), m., = 

3 3 2 L.HV1.L m ciclop 2 1 L.HC1 cíclope 3 3 L1.L.L ciclope 3 2 L.L1.L 

Κύκλωψ 

1777 cŏlor, ōris, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m color 2 1 L.HC1 color 2 1 L.HC1 cor (f.) 1 1 HC1 

1778 dŏlor , ōris, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m dolor 2 1 L.HC1 dolor 2 1 L.HC1 dor 1 1 HC1 

1779 dŭālis , e, adj. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m dual 2 1 L.HC1 dual 2 1 L.HC1 dual 2 1 L.HC1 

1780 făvor, ōris, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m favor 2 1 L.HC1 favor 2 1 L.HC1 favor 2 1 L.HC1 

1781 fĭdēlis, is, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m fidel 2 2 L.HC1 fiel 1 1 HC1 fiel 1 1 HC 

1782 flŭor, ōris, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m fluor 2 1 L.HC1 flúor 2 2 L2.HC fluor 2 1 L.HC1 

1783 focāre 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m fogar 2 1 L.HC1 hogar 2 1 L.HC1 fogar 2 1 L.HC1 

1784 frăgor, ōris, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m fragor 2 1 L.HC1 fragor 2 1 L.HC1 fragor 2 1 L.HC1 

1785 fŭror, ōris, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m furor 2 1 L.HC1 furor 2 1 L.HC1 furor 2 1 L.HC1 

1786 hŏnor or hŏnos, ōris, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m honor 2 1 L.HC1 honor 2 1 L.HC1 honor 2 1 L.HC1 

1787 lĭquor, ōris, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m licor 2 1 L.HC1 licor 

2 1 L.HC1 licor 2 1 L.HC1 

1788 lăbor, ōris, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m llavor 2 1 L.HC1 labor 2 1 L.HC1 lavor 2 1 L.HC1 

1789 lŏcālis, e, adj. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m local 2 1 L.HC1 local 2 1 L.HC1 local 2 1 L.HC1 

1790 minor, -ōris 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m/f menor 2 1 L.HC1 menor 2 1 L.HC1 menor 2 1 L.HC1 

1791 myops, ōpis, adj.= μυώψ 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m/f miop 2 1 L.HC1 miope 2 2 L1.L míope 3 3 L1.L.L 

1792 mŏlāris, is, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m molar 2 1 L.HC1 molar 2 1 L.HC1 molar 2 1 L.HC1 

1793 nī˘gror, ōris, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m negror 2 1 L.HC1 negror 2 1 L.HC1 negror 2 1 L.HC1 

1794 nŭcālis , e, adj. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m nogall 2 1 L.HC1 nogal 2 1 L.HC1 nogal 2 1 L.HC1 

1795 ŏlor, ōris, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m olor 2 2 L.HC1 olor 2 2 L.HC1 olor 2 2 L.HC1 

1796 pĕdālis, e, adj. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m pedal 2 1 L.HC1 pedal 2 1 L.HC1 pedal 2 1 L.HC1 

1797 prĭor (alt. prĭus), ōris, adj. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m prior 2 1 L.HC1 prior 1 1 HC1 prior 2 1 L.HC1 

1798 pŭdor, ōris, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m pudor 2 1 L.HC1 pudor 2 1 L.HC1 pudor 2 1 L.HC1 

1799 răpax, ācis, m.& f. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m rapaç 2 1 L.HC1 rapaz 2 1 L.HC1 rapaz 2 1 L.HC1 

1800 rĭgor, ōris, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m rigor 2 1 L.HC1 rigor 2 1 L.HC1 rigor 2 1 L.HC1 

1801 rŭbor, ōris, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m rubor 2 1 L.HC1 rubor 2 1 L.HC1 rubor 2 1 L.HC1 

1802 săpor, ōris, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m sabor 2 1 L.HC1 sabor 2 1 L.HC1 sabor 2 1 L.HC1 

1803 sălūs, ūtis, f. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L f salut 2 1 L.HC1 salud 2 1 L.HC1 saúde 3 2 L.L1.L 

1804 sĕquax, ācis, adj. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m/f sequaç 2 1 L.HC1 secuaz 2 1 L.HC1 sequaz 2 1 L.HC1

445 


1805 sŏpor, ōris, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m sopor 2 1 L.HC1 sopor 2 1 L.HC1 sopor 2 1 L.HC1 

1806 tăpēte , is, n. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m tapet 2 1 L.HC1 tapete 3 2 L.L1.L tapete 3 2 L.L1.L 

1807 tĭmor, ōris, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m temor 2 1 L.HC1 temor 2 1 L.HC1 temor 2 1 L.HC1 

1808 tĕnor , ōris, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m tenor 2 2 L.HC1 tenor 2 2 L.HC1 tenor 2 2 L.HC1 

1809 trĭ-rēmis , e, adj. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m trirrem 2 1 L.HC1 trirreme 3 2 L.L1.L trirreme 3 2 L.L1.L 

1810 tŭmor , ōris, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m tumor 2 1 L.HC1 tumor 2 1 L.HC1 tumor 2 1 L.HC1 

1811 vălor , ōris, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m valor 2 1 L.HC1 valor 2 1 L.HC1 valor 2 1 L.HC1 

1812 văpor, -ōris, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m vapor 2 1 L.HC1 vapor 2 1 L.HC1 vapor 2 1 L.HC1 

1813 vĭgor , ōris, m. 

L.HC1.X (prothesis) (2) 

3 3 2 L.HV1.L m vigor 2 1 L.HC1 vigor 2 1 L.HC1 vigor 2 1 L.HC1 

1814 schŏlāris, e, adj. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m escolar 3 1 L.HC1 escolar 3 1 L.HC1 escolar 3 1 L.HC1 

1815 stŭpor, ōris, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m estupor 3 1 L.HC1 estupor 3 1 L.HC1 estupor 3 1 L.HC1 

L.HC1.X (2) 

1816 Drăco , ōnis, m., del gr. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m dragó 2 1 L.HV1 dragón 2 1 L.HC1 dragão 2 1 L.HV1 

1817 lĕo, ōnis, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m lleó 2 1 L.HV1 león 2 1 L.HC1 leão 2 2 L.HV1 

L.HC1.X (2) 

1818 b. lat. scriba, -ānis, del 

lat. scriba, -ae 

L.HC1.X (1) 

3 3 2 L.HV1.L m escrivà 3 1 L.HV1 escribano (ant. 

escriván) 

4 2 L.L1.L escrivão 3 1 L.HV1 

1819 transfūsĭo , ōnis, f. 

L.HC1.X (11) 

3 5 2 L.HV1.L f transfusió 4 1 L.HV1 transfusión 3 1 HC1 transfusão 3 1 HV1 

1820 phrĕnēsis, is, f., = 

φρένησις 

3 3 2 L.HV1.L f frenesí 3 1 L.L.L1 frenesí 3 1 L.L.L1 frenesi 3 2 L.L1.L 

1821 grăvāmen, ĭnis, n. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m gravamen 3 2 L.L1.HC gravamen 3 2 L.L1.HC gravame 3 2 L.L1.L 

1822 nephrītis, ĭdis, f., = 

νεφρῖτις 

3 3 2 L.HV1.L f nefritis 3 2 L.L1.HC nefritis 3 2 L.L1.HC nefrite 3 2 L.L1.L 

1823 cădāver , ĕris, n. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m cadàver 3 3 L.L1.HC cadáver 3 3 L.L1.HC cadáver 3 3 L.L1.HC 

1824 gĕōdes, is, m. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m geoda 3 2 L.L1.L geoda 3 2 L.L1.L geode 3 2 L.L1.L 

1825 lĭbīdo, ĭnis, f. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L f libido 3 2 L.L1.L libido 3 2 L.L1.L libido 3 2 L.L1.L 

1826 necrōsis, is, f., = 

νέκρωσις 

3 3 2 L.HV1.L f necrosi 3 2 L.L1.L necrosis 3 2 L.L1.HC necrose 3 2 L.L1.L 

1827 pŏēma, ătis, n. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m poema 3 2 L.L1.L poema 3 2 L.L1.L poema 3 2 L.L1.L 

1828 problēma, ătis, n.= 

πρόβλημα 

3 3 2 L.HV1.L m problema 3 2 L.L1.L problema 3 2 L.L1.L problema 3 2 L.L1.L 

1829 virāgo, -ĭnis 3 3 2 L.HV1.L f virago 3 2 L.L1.L virago 3 2 L.L1.L virago 3 2 L.L1.L 

1830 ăcūmĕn, ĭnis, n. 3 3 2 L.HV1.L m acumen 3 2 L1.HC acumen 3 2 L1.HC acume 3 2 L1.L

446 


HC1.L.X (2) 

1831 sanguis, ĭnis, m. 3 3 3 HC1.L.L m/f sang 1 1 HC1 sangre 2 2 HC1.L sangue 2 2 HC1.L 

1832 pectus, ŏris, n. 3 3 3 HC1.L.L m pit 1 1 HC1 pecho 2 2 L1.L peito 2 2 HV1.L 

HC1.L.X (10) 

1833 aster, ĕris, m., = ἀστήρ 3 3 3 HC1.L.L m àster 2 2 HC1.HC áster 2 2 HC1.HC áster 2 2 HC1.HC 

1834 calcŭlus , i, m. 3 3 3 HC1.L.L m càlcul 2 2 HC1.HC cálculo 3 3 HC1.L.L cálculo 3 3 HC1.L.L 

1835 carcer , ĕris, m. 3 3 3 HC1.L.L f càrcer 2 2 HC1.HC cárcel 2 2 HC1.HC cárcere 3 3 HC1.L.L 

1836 index, dĭcis, m.& f. 3 3 3 HC1.L.L m índex 2 2 HC1.HC índice 3 3 HC1.L.L índice 3 3 HC1.L.L 

1837 martyr, yris, m.& f. = 

μάρτυρ 

3 3 3 HC1.L.L m/f màrtir 2 2 HC1.HC mártir 2 2 HC1.HC mártir 2 2 HC1.HC 

1838 pollen, ĭnis, n. 3 3 3 HC1.L.L m pol·len 2 2 HC1.HC polen 2 2 L1.HC pólen 2 2 L1.HC 

1839 princeps, cĭpis, m. 3 3 3 HC1.L.L m príncep 2 2 HC1.HC príncipe 3 3 HC1.L.L príncipe 3 3 HC1.L.L 

1840 reptĭlis, e, adj. 3 3 3 HC1.L.L m rèptil 2 2 HC1.HC reptil 2 1 HC.HC1 réptil 2 1 HC.HC1 

1841 vertex, -ĭcis 3 3 3 HC1.L.L m vèrtex 2 2 HC1.HC vértice 3 3 HC1.L.L vértice 3 3 HC1.L.L 

1842 vortex, -ĭcis 

HC1.L.X (10) 

3 3 3 HC1.L.L m vòrtex 2 2 HC1.HC vórtice 3 3 HC1.L.L vórtice 3 3 HC1.L.L 

1843 arbor, -ŏris 3 3 3 HC1.L.L m arbre 2 2 HC1.L árbol 2 2 HC1.HC árvore 3 3 HC1.L.L 

1846 consul, -ŭlis, m. 3 3 3 HC1.L.L m cònsol 2 2 HC1.L cónsul 2 2 HC1.L cônsul 2 2 HC1.L 

1847 hospĕs, ĭtis, m. 3 3 3 HC1.L.L m hoste 2 2 HC1.L huésped 2 2 HC1.HC hóspede 3 3 HC1.L.L 

1561 ĭaspis , ĭdis, f., del gr 3 3 3 HC1.L.L m jaspi 2 2 HC1.L jaspe 2 2 HC1.L jaspe 2 2 HC1.L 

1862 marmor, ŏris, n. 3 3 3 HC1.L.L m marbre 2 2 HC1.L mármol 2 2 HC1.HC mármore 3 3 HC1.L.L 

1863 margo, ĭnis, m.& f. 3 3 3 HC1.L.L m marge 2 2 HC1.L margen 2 2 HC1.L margem 2 2 HC1.HV 

1864 nuntĭus, a, um, adj. 3 3 3 HC1.L.L m nunci 2 2 HC1.L nuncio 2 2 HC1.L núncio 2 2 HC1.L 

1865 ordo, ĭnis, m. 3 3 3 HC1.L.L m/f orde 2 2 HC1.L orden 2 2 HC1.HC ordem 2 2 HC1.HV 

1866 pallium, i, n. 3 3 3 HC1.L.L m pal·li 2 2 HC1.L palio 2 2 L1.L pálio 2 2 L1.L 

1867 virgo, -ĭnis 

HC1.L.X (9) 

3 3 3 HC1.L.L f verge 2 2 HC1.L virgen 2 2 HC1.HC virgem 2 2 HC1.HV 

1853 complex , plĭcis, adj. 3 3 3 HC1.L.L m/f còmplice 3 3 HC1.L.L cómplice 3 3 HC1.L.L cúmplice 3 3 HC1.L.L 

1854 coniux, -ŭgis, m./f. 3 3 3 HC1.L.L m/f cònjuge 3 3 HC1.L.L cónyuge 3 3 HC1.L.L cônjuge 3 3 HC1.L.L 

1855 cuspis , ĭdis, f. 3 3 3 HC1.L.L f cúspide 3 3 HC1.L.L cúspide 3 3 HC1.L.L cúspide 3 3 HC1.L.L 

1856 emphăsis , is, f., del gr. 3 3 3 HC1.L.L f èmfasi 3 3 HC1.L.L énfasis 3 3 HC1.L.HC ênfase 3 3 HC1.L.L 

1857 indŏles, is, f 3 3 3 HC1.L.L f índole 3 3 HC1.L.L índole 3 3 HC1.L.L índole 3 3 HC1.L.L 

1858 omnĭbus 3 3 3 HC1.L.L m òmnibus 3 3 HC1.L.L ómnibus 3 3 HC1.L.L ónibus 3 3 L1.L.L 

1859 pyxis, ĭdis, f. = πυξίς 3 3 3 HC1.L.L f píxide 3 3 HC1.L.L píxide 3 3 HC1.L.L píxide 3 3 HC1.L.L 

1860 synthĕsis, is, f., = 

σύνθεσις 

3 3 3 HC1.L.L f síntesi 3 3 HC1.L.L síntesis 3 3 HC1.L.HC síntese 3 3 HC1.L.L

447 


1861 systŏle

448 


1884 Hymen, ĕnis, m., = Ὑμήν 3 3 3 L1.L.L m himen 2 2 L1.HC himen 2 2 L1.HC hímen 2 2 L1.HC 

1885 Lĕmŭres, um, m. 3 3 3 L1.L.L m lèmur 2 2 L1.HC lémur 2 2 L1.HC lémure 3 3 L1.L.L 

1886 ŏnyx, ychis, m. & f. 3 3 3 L1.L.L m ònix 2 2 L1.HC ónice 3 3 L1.L.L ónix 2 2 L1.HC 

1887 prŏcer, ĕris, m. 3 3 3 L1.L.L m pròcer 2 2 L1.HC prócer 2 2 L1.HC prócer 2 2 L1.HC 

1888 pŭgil, ĭlis, m. 3 3 3 L1.L.L m púgil 2 2 L1.HC púgil 2 2 L1.HC púgil 2 2 L1.HC 

1889 rĕgĭmen , ĭnis, n 3 3 3 L1.L.L m règim 2 2 L1.HC régimen 3 3 L1.L.HC regime 3 2 L.L1.L 

1890 sĭmĭle, is, n. 

L1.L.X (4) 

3 3 3 L1.L.L m símil 2 2 L1.HC símil 2 2 L1.HC símil 2 2 L1.HC 

1891 cilĭa, pl. de cĭlĭum , ii, n. 3 3 3 L1.L.L f cella 2 2 L1.L ceja 2 2 L1.L celha 2 2 L1.L 

1892 hŏmo, ĭnis, m. 3 3 3 L1.L.L m home 2 2 L1.L hombre 2 2 HC1.L homem 2 2 

1893 jŭvĕnis , is, adj.&subst. 3 3 3 L1.L.L m/f jove 2 2 L1.L joven 2 2 L1.L jovem 2 2 L1.HV 

1894 lĕpus, ŏris, m. 

L1.L.X (3) 

3 3 3 L1.L.L m llebre 2 2 L1.L liebre 2 2 L1.L lebre 2 2 L1.L 

1895 arĭes, -ĕtis 3 3 3 L1.L.L m/f àries 3 3 L1.L.HC aries 2 2 L1.HC áries 2 2 L1.HC 

1896 spĕcĭmen, ĭnis, n. 

L1.L.X (3) 

3 3 3 L1.L.L m espècimen 4 3 L1.L.HC espécimen 4 3 L1.L.HC espécimen 4 3 L1.L.HC 

1897 Cĭcĕro , ōnis, m. 3 3 3 L1.L.L m cícero 3 3 L1.L.L cícero 3 3 L1.L.L Cícero 3 3 L1.L.L 

1898 agăpe, y este del gr. 3 3 3 L1.L.L m àgape 3 3 L1.L.L ágape 3 3 L1.L.L ágape 3 3 L1.L.L 

1899 dyas , ădis, f., del gr. 3 3 3 L1.L.L f díade 3 3 L1.L.L díada 

3 3 L1.L.L díada 3 3 L1.L.L 

1900 gĕnus, ĕris, n. 3 3 3 L1.L.L m gènere 3 3 L1.L.L género 3 3 L1.L.L género 3 3 L1.L.L 

1901 gĕnĕsis, is, f. 3 3 3 L1.L.L f gènesi 3 3 L1.L.L génesis 3 3 L1.L.HC génesis 3 3 L1.L.HC 

1902 hĕlix, ĭcis, f. 3 3 3 L1.L.L f hèlice 3 3 L1.L.L hélice 3 3 L1.L.L hélice 3 3 L1.L.L 

1903 sĭlex, ĭcis, m.& f. 3 3 3 L1.L.L f sílice 3 3 L1.L.L sílice 3 3 L1.L.L sílice 3 3 L1.L.L 

1904 trĭpūs , pŏdis, m., del gr. 

HC.HC1.X (6) 

3 3 3 L1.L.L m trípode 3 3 L1.L.L trípode 3 3 L1.L.L trípode 3 3 L1.L.L 

1905 ascendens, -entis 3 4 2 HC.HC1.L m ascendent 3 1 HC.HC1 ascendente 4 2 HC.HC1.L ascendente 4 2 HC.HC1.L 

1906 assistens, -entis 3 4 2 HC.HC1.L m assistent 3 1 HC.HC1 asistente 4 2 HC.HC1.L assistente 4 2 HC.HC1.L 

1907 adstringens, -entis 3 4 2 HC.HC1.L m astringent 3 1 HC.HC1 astringente 4 2 HC.HC1.L adstringente 4 2 HC.HC1.L 

1908 contingens, -entis 3 4 2 HC.HC1.L m contingent 3 1 HC.HC1 contingente 4 2 HC.HC1.L contingente 4 2 HC.HC1.L 

1909 dēlinquens, -entis 3 4 2 HC.HC1.L m/f delinqüent 3 1 HC.HC1 delincuente 4 2 HC.HC1.L delinquente 4 2 HC.HC1.L 

1910 intendens, -entis 

HC.HV1.X (24) 

3 4 2 HC.HC1.L m intendent 3 1 HC.HC1 intendente 4 2 HC.HC1.L intendente 4 2 HC.HC1.L 

1911 ascensor, -ōris 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L m ascensor 3 1 HC.HC1 ascensor 3 1 HC.HC1 ascensor 3 1 HC.HC1 

1912 collector, -ōris 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L m col·llector 3 1 HC.HC1 colector 3 1 HC.HC1 coletor 3 1 L.HC1 

1913 exactor, ōris, m. 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L m exactor 3 1 HC.HC1 exactor 3 1 HC.HC1 exactor 3 1 HC.HC1 

1914 exemplar, -āris, n. 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L m exemplar 3 1 HC.HC1 ejemplar 3 1 HC.HC1 exemplar 3 1 HC.HC1

449 


1915 facultas, -ātis 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L f facultat 3 1 HC.HC1 facultad 3 1 HC.HC1 faculdade 4 2 HC.L1.L 

1916 impostor, ōris, m. 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L m impostor 3 1 HC.HC1 impostor 3 1 HC.HC1 impostor 3 1 HC.HC1 

1917 infractor, -ōris, m. 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L m infractor 3 1 HC.HC1 infractor 3 1 HC.HC1 infractor 3 1 HC.HC1 

1918 lībertas, ātis, f. 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L f llibertat 3 1 HC.HC1 libertad 3 1 HC.HC1 liberdade 3 1 HC.HC1 

1919 mājestas, ātis, f. 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L f majestat 3 1 HC.HC1 majestad 3 1 HC.HC1 majestade 4 2 HC.L1.L 

1920 maxillāris, e 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L m maxil·lar 3 1 HC.HC1 maxilar 3 1 L.HC1 maxilar 3 1 L.HC1 

1921 offensor, ōris, m. 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L m ofensor 3 1 HC.HC1 ofensor 3 1 HC.HC1 ofensor 3 1 HC.HC1 

1922 pŏtestas, ātis, f. 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L f potestat 3 1 HC.HC1 potestad 3 1 HC.HC1 potestade 4 2 HC.L1.L 

1923 praeceptor, ōris, m. 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L m preceptor 3 1 HC.HC1 preceptor 3 1 HC.HC1 preceptor 3 1 HC.HC1 

1924 praecursor, ōris, m. 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L m precursor 3 1 HC.HC1 precursor 3 1 HC.HC1 precursor 3 1 HC.HC1 

1925 prōductor, ōris, m. 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L m productor 3 1 HC.HC1 productor 3 1 HC.HC1 produtor 3 1 L.HC1 

1926 pūbertas, ātis, f. 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L f pubertat 3 1 HC.HC1 pubertad 3 1 HC.HC1 puberdade 4 2 HC.L1.L 

1927 quādrantālis , e, adj. 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L m quadrantal 3 1 HC.HC1 cuadrantal 3 1 HC.HC1 quadrantal 3 1 HV.HC1 

1928 rĕceptor, ōris, m. 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L m receptor 3 1 HC.HC1 receptor 3 1 HC.HC1 receptor 3 1 HC.HC1 

1929 rĕdemptor, ōris, m. 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L m redemptor 3 1 HC.HC1 redentor 3 1 HC.HC1 redentor 3 1 HV.HC1 

1930 săcerdos, ōtis, m.& f. 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L m sacerdot 3 1 HC.HC1 sacerdote 4 2 HC.L1.L sacerdote 4 2 HC.L1.L 

1931 sĕnectūs, ūtis,f. 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L f senectut 3 1 HC.HC1 senectud 3 1 HC.HC1 senectude 4 2 HC.L1.L 

1932 tempestas , ātis, f. 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L f tempestat 3 1 HC.HC1 tempestad 3 1 HC.HC1 tempestade 4 2 HC.L1.L 

1933 trāductor , ōris, m. 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L m traductor 3 1 HC.HC1 traductor 3 1 HC.HC1 traductor 3 1 HC.HC1 

1934 voluntas, -ātis 

HC.HV1.X (1) 

3 4 2 HC.HV1.L f voluntat 3 1 HC.HC1 voluntad 3 1 HC.HC1 vontade 3 2 HV.L1.L 

1935 nōmenclātor, ōris, m. 

HC.HV1.X (1) 

3 4 2 HC.HV1.L m nomenclàtor 4 2 HC.L1.HC nomenclátor 4 2 HC.L1.HC nomenclador 4 1 L.HC1 

1936 acceptor , ōris, m. 

HC.HV1.X (7) 

3 4 2 HC.HV1.L m astor 2 1 HC1 azor 2 1 HC1 açor 2 1 HC1 

1937 assessor, -ōris 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L m assessor 3 1 L.HC1 asesor 3 1 L.HC1 assessor 3 1 L.HC1 

1938 oppressor, ōris, m. 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L m opressor 3 1 L.HC1 opresor 3 1 L.HC1 opressor 3 1 L.HC1 

1939 percussor, ōris, m. 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L m percussor 3 1 L.HC1 percusor 3 1 L.HC1 percussor 3 1 L.HC1 

1940 prŏfessor, ōris, m. 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L m professor 3 1 L.HC1 profesor 3 1 L.HC1 professor 3 1 L.HC1 

1941 rĕpressor , ōris, m. 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L m repressor 3 1 L.HC1 represor 3 1 L.HC1 repressor 3 1 L.HC1 

1942 successor, ōris, m. 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L m successor 3 1 L.HC1 sucesor 3 1 L.HC1 sucessor 3 1 L.HC1 

1943 bĭennālis , e, adj. 

HV.HC1.X (5) 

3 4 2 HC.HV1.L m biennal 3 1 L.L.HC1 bienal 2 1 L.HC1 bienal 3 1 L.HC1 

1944 adhaerens, -entis 3 4 2 HV.HC1.L m adherent 3 1 L.HC1 adherente 4 2 L.HC1.L aderente 4 2 L.HC1.L 

1945 confīdens , entis 3 4 2 HV.HC1.L m/f confident 3 1 L.HC1 confidente 4 2 L.HC1.L confidente 4 2 L.HC1.L 

1946 mendīcans, antis 3 4 2 HV.HC1.L m/f mendicant 3 1 L.HC1 mendicante 4 2 L.HC1.L mendicante 4 2 L.HC1.L

450 


1947 praecēdens, -entis 3 4 2 HV.HC1.L m precedent 3 1 L.HC1 precedente 4 2 L.HC1.L precedente 4 2 L.HC1.L 

1948 vesīcans, -antis 

HV.HC1.X (20) 

3 4 2 HV.HC1.L m vesicant 3 1 L.HC1 vesicante 4 2 L.HC1.L vesicante 4 2 L.HC1.L 

1949 adiūtor, -ōris 3 4 2 HV.HV1.L m adjutor 3 1 L.HC1 adjutor 3 1 L.HC1 adjutor 3 1 L.HC1 

1950 audītor, -ōris 3 4 2 HV.HV1.L m auditor 3 1 L.HC1 auditor 3 1 L.HC1 auditor 3 1 L.HC1 

1951 dictātor, -ōris 3 4 2 HV.HV1.L m dictador 3 1 L.HC1 dictador 3 1 L.HC1 ditador 3 1 L.HC1 

1952 aequātor, -ōris 3 4 2 HV.HV1.L m equador 3 1 L.HC1 ecuador 3 1 L.HC1 equador 3 1 L.HC1 

1953 ōrātor, ōris, m. 3 4 2 HV.HV1.L m orador 3 1 L.HC1 orador 3 1 L.HC1 orador 3 1 L.HC1 

1954 lat. vulg. pălātāre

451 

Etymon 

L.HC1.X (18) 


1975 accĭdens, entis, n. 3 4 2 L.HC1.L m accident 3 1 L.HC1 accidente 4 2 L.HC1.L acidente 4 2 L.HV1.L 

1976 ambĭens, -entis 3 4 2 L.HC1.L m ambient 3 1 L.HC1 ambiente 3 2 HC1.L ambiente 3 2 HV1.L 

1977 consĕquens , entis, n. 3 4 2 L.HC1.L m consegüent 3 1 L.HC1 consiguiente 4 2 L.HC1.L conseguinte 4 2 L.HV1.L 

1978 consĕquens , entis, n. 3 4 2 L.HC1.L m conseqüent 3 1 L.HC1 consecuente 4 2 L.HC1.L consequente 4 2 L.HV1.L 

1979 VL. diamas, -antis < lat. 

adămas, -antis, m. del gr. 

3 4 2 L.HC1.L m diamant 3 1 L.HC1 diamante 3 2 L.HC1.L diamante 3 2 L.HV1.L 

1980 elĕphas, -antis, y este del 3 4 2 L.HC1.L m elefant 3 1 L.HC1 elefante 4 2 L.HC1.L elefante 4 2 L.HV1.L 

gr. 

1981 indĭgens, entis 3 4 2 L.HC1.L m indigent 3 1 L.HC1 indigente 4 2 L.HC1.L indigente 4 2 L.HV1.L 

1982 indŏlens, -entis 3 4 2 L.HC1.L m indolent 3 1 L.HC1 indolente 4 2 L.HC1.L indolente 4 2 L.HV1.L 

1983 innŏcens, entis, adj. 3 4 2 L.HC1.L m innocent 3 1 L.HC1 inocente 4 2 L.HC1.L inocente 4 2 L.HV1.L 

1984 insŏlens, ntis, adj. 3 4 2 L.HC1.L m insolent 3 1 L.HC1 insolente 4 2 L.HC1.L insolente 4 2 L.HV1.L 

1985 occĭdens, -entis, adj. 3 4 2 L.HC1.L m occident 3 1 L.HC1 occidente 4 2 L.HC1.L ocidente 4 2 L.HV1.L 

1986 ŏrĭens, entis, adj. 3 4 2 L.HC1.L m orient 3 1 L.HC1 oriente 3 2 HC1.L oriente 3 2 HV1.L 

1987 pătĭens, entis 3 4 2 L.HC1.L m/f pacient 3 1 L.HC1 paciente 3 2 HC1.L paciente 3 2 HV1.L 

1988 paenĭtens, entis 3 4 2 L.HC1.L m penitent 3 1 L.HC1.L penitente 4 2 L.HC1.L penitente 4 2 L.HV1.L 

1989 praesĭdens, entis 3 4 2 L.HC1.L m president 3 1 L.HC1 presidente 4 2 L.HC1.L presidente 4 2 L.HV1.L 

1990 refĕrens, -entis 3 4 2 L.HC1.L m referent 3 1 L.HC1 referente 4 2 L.HC1.L referente 4 2 L.HV1.L 

1991 resĭdens, -entis 3 4 2 L.HC1.L m resident 3 1 L.HC1 residente 4 2 L.HC1.L residente 4 2 L.HV1.L 

1992 transĭens, -seuntis 

L.HC1.X (1) 

3 4 2 L.HC1.L m/f transeünt 3 1 L.HC1 transeúnte 4 2 L.HC1.L transeunte 4 2 L.HV1.L 

1993 ĕpĭdermis, ĭdis, f., del gr. 

L.HC1.X (1) 

3 4 2 L.HC1.L f epidermis 4 2 L.HC1.HC epidermis 4 2 L.HC1.HC epiderme 4 2 L.HC1.L 

1994 ūnĭformis , e 

L.HV1.L (13) 

3 4 2 L.HC1.L m uniforme 4 2 L.HC1.L uniforme 4 2 L.HC1.L uniforme 4 2 L.HC1.L 

1995 *bellĭtas, -ātis, de bellus 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f beutat (del 2 1 HC1 beldad 2 1 HC1 beldade 3 2 L1.L 

occitan) 

1996 bonĭtas, -ātis 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f bondat 2 1 HC1 bondad 2 1 HC1 bondade 3 2 L1.L 

1997 brachiālis 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m braçal 2 1 HC1 brazal 2 1 HC1 braçal 2 1 HC1 

1998 căpĭtālis , e, adj. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m cabdal 2 1 HC1 caudal 2 1 HC1 caudal 2 1 HC1 

1999 cīvĭtas , ātis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f ciutat 2 1 HC1 ciudad 2 1 HC1 cidade 3 2 L1.L 

2000 cŏclĕar (cochl-), āris 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m coller 2 1 HC1 cuchar 2 1 HC1 colher 2 1 HC1 

(cŏclĕārĭ-um, ii), n. 

2001 dĭgĭtālis , e, adj. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m didal 2 1 HC1 dedal 2 1 HC1 dedal 2 1 HC1 

2002 grātĭtūdo, ĭnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f gratitud 3 1 HC1 gratitud 3 1 HC1 gratidão 3 1 HV1 

2003 hospĭtālis, is, m. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m hostal 2 1 HC1 hostal 2 1 HC.HC1 hostal 2 1 HC.HC1

452 


2004 mălĭtas, ātis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f maldat 2 1 HC1 maldad 2 1 HC1 maldade 4 2 L1.L 

2005 părĭēs, ĕtis, m. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f paret 2 1 HC1 pared 2 1 HC1 parede 3 2 L1.L 

2006 pectŏrāle, is, n. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m pitral 2 1 HC1 petral 2 1 HC1 peitoral 3 1 L.HC1 

2007 sĕnĭor, ōris, adj. 

L.HV1.L (7) 

3 4 2 L.HV1.L m senyor 2 1 HC1 señor 2 1 HC1 senhor 2 1 HC1 

2008 *arcĭo, -ōnis 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m arçó 2 1 HV1 arzón 2 1 HC1 arção 2 1 HV1 

2009 cantĭo , ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f cançó 2 1 HV1 canción 2 1 HC1 canção 2 1 HV1 

2010 l. vg. coleo, -onis de 

cullĕus, -i 

3 4 2 L.HV1.L m colló 2 1 HV1 cojón 2 1 HC1 colhão 2 1 HV1 

2011 prĕhensĭo (prensĭo), ōnis, 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f presó 2 1 HV1 prisión 2 1 HC1 prisão 2 1 HV1 

f. 

2012 rătĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f raó 2 1 HV1 razón 2 1 HC1 razão 2 1 HV1 

2013 sătĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f saó 2 1 HV1 sazón 2 1 HC1 sazão 2 1 HV1 

2014 lectĭo, ōnis, f. 

L.HV1.L (1) 

3 4 2 L.HV1.L f lliçó 2 1 HV1 lección 2 1 HC1 lição 2 1 HV1 

2015 sphaerŏīdes, is, adj. 

L.HV1.X (72) 

3 4 2 L.HV1.L m esferoide 4 2 HV1.L esferoide 4 2 HV1.L esferóide 4 2 HV1.L 

2016 acritūdo, -inis 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f acritud 3 1 L.HC1 acritud 3 1 L.HC1 acritude 4 2 L.L1.L 

2017 *actitūdo 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f actitud 3 1 L.HC1 actitud 3 1 L.HC1 atitude 4 2 L.L1.L 

2018 altĭtūdo , dĭnis 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f altitud 3 1 L.HC1 altitud 3 1 L.HC1 altitude 4 2 L.L1.L 

2019 amplĭtūdo, ĭnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f amplitud 3 1 L.HC1 amplitud 3 1 L.HC1 amplitude 4 2 L.L1.L 

2020 anĭmal, -ālis 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m animal 3 1 L.HC1 animal 3 1 L.HC1 animal 3 1 L.HC1 

2021 anulāris 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m anular 3 1 L.HC1 anular 3 1 L.HC1 anular 3 1 L.HC1 

2022 aptitūdo 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f aptitud 3 1 L.HC1 aptitud 3 1 L.HC1 aptitude 4 2 L.L1.L 

2023 bibĭtor, -ōris 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m bevedor 3 1 L.HC1 bebedor 3 1 L.HC1 bebedor 3 1 L.HC1 

2024 brĕvĭtas , ātis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f brevetat 3 1 L.HC1 brevedad 3 1 L.HC1 brevidade 4 2 L.L1.L 

2025 cardĭnālis , e 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m cardenal 3 1 L.HC1 cardenal 3 1 HC.L.HC1 cardeal 3 1 HC.L.HC1 

2026 cārĭtas , ātis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f caritat 3 1 L.HC1 caridad 3 1 L.HC1 caridade 4 2 L.L1.L 

2027 castĭtas , ātis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f castedat 3 1 L.HC1 castidad 3 1 L.HC1 castidade 4 2 L.L1.L 

2028 cavĭtas, -ātis 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f cavitat 3 1 L.HC1 cavidad 3 1 L.HC1 cavidade 4 2 L.L1.L 

2029 cĕrĕālis, e 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m cereal 3 1 L.HC1 cereal 3 1 L.HC1 cereal 3 1 L.HC1 

2030 circŭlāris , e 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f circular 3 1 L.HC1 circular 3 1 L.HC circular 3 1 L.HC 

2031 clārĭtas , ātis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f claredat 3 1 L.HC1 claridad 3 1 L.HC1 claridade 4 2 L.L1.L 

2032 cūrĭālis , e 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m curial 3 1 L.HC1 curial 3 1 HC1 curial 3 1 HC1 

2033 dĕĭtas , ātis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f deïtat 3 1 L.HC1 deidad 3 1 L.L.HC1 deidade 4 2 L.L1.L 

2034 dĭgĭtālis , e, adj. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m digital 3 1 L.HC1 digital 3 1 L.HC1 digital 3 1 L.HC1

453 


2035 aequĭtas , ātis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f equitat 3 1 L.HC1 equidad 3 1 L.HC1 equidade 4 2 L.L1.L 

2036 funĕrālis, e 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m funeral 3 2 L.HC1 funeral 3 2 L.HC1 funeral 3 2 L.HC1 

2037 gĕnĕrālis, e, adj. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m general 3 1 L.HC1 general 3 1 L.L1.L geral 3 1 L.L1.L 

2038 germĭnālis, e, adj. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m germinal 3 1 L.HC1 germinal 3 1 L.HC germinal 3 1 L.HC 

2039 grăvĭtas, ātis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f gravetat 3 1 L.HC1 gravedad 3 1 L.HC1 gravidade 4 2 L.L1.L 

2040 hospĭtālis, is, m. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m hospital 3 1 L.HC1 hospital 3 1 L.HC1 hospital 3 1 L.HC1 

2041 infĭdēlis, e, adj. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m/f infidel 3 1 L.HC1 infiel 2 1 HC1 infiel 2 1 HC1 

2042 jŭvĕnīlis (jŭvĕnāl- ), e, 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m/f juvenil 3 1 L.HC1 juvenil 3 1 L.HC1 juvenil 3 1 L.HC1 

adj. 

2043 lassĭtūdo, ĭnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f lassitud 3 1 L.HC1 lasitud 3 1 L.HC1 lassitude 4 2 L.L1.L 

2044 lătĕrālis, e, adj. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m lateral 3 1 L.HC1 lateral 3 1 L.HC1 lateral 3 1 L.HC1 

2045 lātĭtūdo, ĭnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f latitud 3 1 L.HC1 latitud 3 1 L.HC1 latitude 4 2 L.L1.L 

2046 lēnĭtas, ātis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f lenitat 3 1 L.HC1 lenidad 3 1 L.HC1 lenidade 4 2 L.L1.L 

2047 lītŏrālis, e 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m litoral 3 1 L.HC1 litoral 3 1 L.HC1 litoral 3 1 L.HC1 

2048 lŏcūtor (lŏquūtor), ōris, m. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m locutor 3 1 L.HC1 locutor 3 1 L.HC1 locutor 3 1 L.HC1 

2049 longĭtūdo, ĭnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f longitud 3 1 L.HC1 longitud 3 1 L.HC1 longitude 4 2 L.L1.L 

2050 magnĭtūdo, ĭnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f magnitud 3 1 L.HC1 magnitud 3 1 L.HC1 magnitude 4 2 L.L1.L 

2051 mănŭāle, is, n. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m manual 3 1 L.HC1 manual 2 1 HC1 manual 2 1 HC1 

2052 mīlitāris , e 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m militar 3 1 L.HC1 militar 

3 1 L.HC1 militar 3 1 L.HC1 

2053 mŏnĭtor, ōris, m. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m monitor 3 1 L.HC1 monitor 3 1 L.HC1 monitor 3 1 L.HC1 

2054 multĭtūdo, ĭnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f multitud 3 1 L.HC1 multitud 3 1 L.HC1 multitude 4 4 L.L1.L 

2055 nātūrālis, e 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m natural 3 1 L.HC1 natural 3 1 L.HC1 natural 3 1 L.HC1 

2056 nŏvĭtas , ātis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f novetat 3 1 L.HC1 novedad 3 1 L.HC1 novidade 4 2 L.L1.L 

2057 ordĭnālis, e, adj. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m ordinal 3 1 L.HC1 ordinal 3 1 L.HC1 ordinal 3 1 L.HC1 

2058 părĭtas, ātis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f paritat 3 1 L.HC1 paridad 3 1 L.HC1 paridade 4 2 L.L1.L 

2059 parvĭtas, ātis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f parvitat 3 1 L.HC1 parvedad 3 1 L.HC1 parvidade 4 2 L.L1.L 

2060 pectŏrālis, e, adj. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m pectoral 3 1 L.HC1 pectoral 3 1 L.HC1 pectoral 3 1 L.HC1 

2061 piscātor, ōris, m. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m pescador 3 1 L.HC1 pescador 3 1 L.HC1 pescador 3 1 L.HC1 

2062 pĭĕtas, ātis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f pietat 3 1 L.HC1 piedad 2 1 L.HC1 piedade 3 2 L.L1.L 

2063 plēnĭtūdo, ĭnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f plenitud 3 1 L.HC1 plenitud 3 1 L.HC1 plenitude 4 2 L.L1.L 

2064 princĭpālis, e 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m principal 3 1 L.HC1 principal 3 1 L.HC1 principal 3 1 L.HC1 

2065 prŏbĭtas, ātis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f probitat 3 1 L.HC1 probidad 3 1 L.HC1 probidade 4 2 L.L1.L 

2066 pulchrĭtūdo (pulcr-), ĭnis, 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f pulcritud 3 1 L.HC1 pulcritud 3 1 L.HC1 pulcritude 4 2 L.L1.L 

f. 

2067 pūrĭtas, ātis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f puritat 3 1 L.HC1 puridad 3 1 L.HC1 puridade 4 2 L.L1.L 

2068 qualĭtas, -ātis 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f qualitat 3 1 L.HC1 calidad 3 1 L.HC1 qualidade 4 2 L.L1.L 

2069 quālĭtas , ātis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f qualitat 3 1 L.HC1 cualidad 3 1 L.HC1 qualidade 4 2 L.L1.L

454 


2070 quantĭtas , ātis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f quantitat 3 1 L.HC1 cantidad 3 1 L.HC1 quantidade 4 2 L.L1.L 

2071 rectĭtūdo, ĭnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f rectitud 3 1 L.HC1 rectitud 3 1 HC1 rectitude 4 2 L.L1.L 

2072 rītŭālis, e 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m ritual 3 1 L.HC1 ritual 2 1 HC1 ritual 2 1 HC1 

2073 sānĭtas, ātis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f sanitat 3 1 L.HC1 sanidad 3 1 L.HC1 sanidade 4 2 L.L1.L 

2074 sanctĭtas, ātis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f santedat 3 1 L.HC1 santidad 3 1 L.HC1 santidade 4 2 L.L1.L 

2075 servĭtūs, ūtis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f servitud 3 1 L.HC1 servitud 3 1 L.HC1 servitude 4 2 L.L1.L 

2076 singŭlāris, e 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m singular 3 1 L.HC1 singular 3 1 L.HC1 singular 3 1 L.HC1 

2077 sōlĭtas, ātis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f soledat 3 1 L.HC1 soledad 3 1 L.HC1 saudade 3 2 L1.L 

2078 summĭtas , ātis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f summitat 3 1 L.HC1 sumidad 3 1 L.HC1 sumidade 4 2 L.L1.L 

2079 tempŏrālis , e, adj. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m temporal 3 1 L.HC1 temporal 3 1 L.HC1 temporal 3 1 L.HC1 

2080 termĭnālis , e, adj. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m terminal 3 1 L.HC1 terminal 3 1 L.HC1 terminal 3 1 L.HC1 

2081 trādĭtor , ōris, m. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m traïdor 3 1 L.HC1 traidor 2 1 HC1 traidor 2 1 HC1 

2082 trinĭtas, -ātis 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f trinitat 3 1 L.HC1 trinidad 3 1 L.HC1 trindade 4 2 L.L1.L 

2083 unĭtas, -ātis 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f unitat 3 1 L.HC1 unidad 3 1 L.HC1 unidade 4 2 L.L1.L 

2084 vanĭtas, -ātis 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f vanitat 3 1 L.HC1 vanidad 3 1 L.HC1 vanidade 4 2 L.L1.L 

2085 verĭtas, -ātis 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f veritat 3 1 L.HC1 verdad 2 1 HC1.HC verdade 3 2 L1.L 

2086 verticālis 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f vertical 3 1 L.HC1 vertical 3 1 L.HC1 vertical 3 1 L.HC1 

2087 visuālis 

L.HV1.X (49) 

3 4 2 L.HV1.L m visual 3 1 L.HC1 visual 2 1 HC1 visual 2 1 HC1 

2088 actĭo, ōnis 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f acció 3 1 L.HV1 acción 

2 1 HC1 acção 2 1 HV1 

2089 cautĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f caució 3 1 L.HV1 caución 2 1 HC1 caução 2 1 HV1 

2090 cessio , ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f cessió 3 1 L.HV1 cesión 2 1 HC1 cessão 2 1 HV1 

2091 coctĭo, -ōnis 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f cocció 3 1 L.HV1 cocción 2 1 HC1 cocção 2 1 HV1 

2092 cŏlŏphon, -ōnis, m. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m colofó 3 1 L.HV1 colofón 3 1 L.HC1 colofão 3 1 L.HV1 

2093 dictĭo , ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f dicció 3 1 L.HV1 dicción 2 1 HC.HC1 dicção 2 1 HV1 

2094 scorpĭo, ōnis, m. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m escorpió 4 1 L.HV1 escorpión 3 1 HC1 escorpião 3 1 HV1 

2095 factĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f facció 3 1 L.HV1 facción 2 1 HC1 facção 2 1 HV1 

2096 fictĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f ficció 3 2 L.HV1 ficción 2 1 HC1 ficção 2 1 HV1 

2097 fissĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f fissió 3 1 L.HV1 fisión 2 1 HC1 fissão 2 1 HV1 

2098 flexĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f flexió 3 1 L.HV1 flexión 2 1 HC1 flexão 2 1 HV1 

2099 fractĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f fracció 3 2 L.HV1 fracción 2 1 HC1 fracção 2 1 HV1 

2100 frictĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f fricció 3 1 L.HV1 fricción 2 1 HC1 fricção 2 1 HV1 

2101 functĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f funció 3 1 L.HV1 función 2 1 HC1 função 2 1 HV1 

2102 fūsĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f fusió 3 1 L.HV1 fusión 2 1 HC1 fusão 2 1 HV1 

2103 gestĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f gestió 3 1 L.HV1 gestión 2 1 HC1 gestão 2 1 HV1 

2104 histrio, ōnis, m. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m histrió 3 1 L.HV1 histrión 2 1 HC1 histrião 3 1 L.HV1

455 


2105 lĕgĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f legió 3 1 L.HV1 legión 2 1 HC1 legião 2 1 HV1 

2106 laesĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f lesió 3 1 L.HV1 lesión 2 1 HC1 lesão 2 1 HV1 

2107 lōtĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f loció 3 1 L.HV1 loción 2 1 L.HC1 loção 2 1 HV1 

2108 lūdĭo, ōnis, m. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m ludió 3 1 L.HV1 ludión 2 1 HC1 ludião 2 1 HV1 

2109 mansĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f mansió 3 1 L.HV1 mansión 2 1 HC1 mansão 2 1 HV1 

2110 mentĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f menció 3 1 L.HV1 mención 2 1 HC1 menção 2 2 HV1 

2111 minctĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f micció 3 1 L.HV1 micción 2 1 HC1 micção 2 1 L.HV1 

2112 missĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f missió 3 1 L.HV1 misión 2 1 HC1 missão 2 1 HV1 

2113 mōtĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f moció 3 1 L.HV1 moción 2 1 HC1 moção 2 1 HV1 

2114 nātĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f nació 3 1 L.HV1 nación 2 2 L.HC1 nação 2 1 HV1 

2115 nōtĭo , ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f noció 3 1 L.HV1 noción 2 1 HC1 noção 2 1 HV1 

2116 optĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f opció 3 1 L.HV1 opción 2 1 HC.HC1 opção 2 1 HV1 

2117 passĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f passió 3 1 L.HV1 pasión 2 1 HC1 paixão 2 1 HV1 

2118 pensĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f pensió 3 1 L.HV1 pensión 2 1 HC1 pensão 2 1 HV1 

2119 pōtĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f poció 3 1 L.HV1 poción 2 1 HC1 poção 2 1 HV1 

2120 portĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f porció 3 1 L.HV1 porción 2 1 HC1 porção 2 1 HC1 

2121 pressĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f pressió 3 1 L.HV1 presión 2 1 HC1 pressão 2 1 HV1 

2122 punctĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f punció 3 1 L.HV1 punción 2 1 HC1 punção 3 1 HV1 

2123 quaestĭo , ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f qüestió 3 1 L.HV1 cuestión 2 1 HC1 questão 2 1 HV1 

2124 ratĭo, -ōnis 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f ració 3 1 L.HV1 ración 2 1 HC1 ração 2 1 HV1 

2125 rĕgĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f regió 3 1 L.HV1 región 2 1 HC1 região 3 1 L.HV1 

2126 sanctĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f sanció 3 1 L.HV1 sanción 2 2 HC1 sanção 2 1 HV1 

2127 sectĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f secció 3 2 L.HV1 sección 2 1 HC1 secção 2 1 HV1 

2128 sessĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f sessió 3 1 L.HV1 sesión 2 1 HC1 sessão 2 1 HV1 

2129 tālĭo , ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m talió 3 1 L.HV1 talión 2 1 HC1 talião 3 1 HV1 

2130 tămărix , īcis, f., 3 4 2 L.HV1.L m tamariu 3 1 L.HV1 tamariz 3 1 L.HC1 tamariz 3 1 L.HC1 

2131 tensĭo , ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f tensió 3 1 L.HV1 tensión 2 1 HC1 tensão 2 1 HV1 

2132 torsĭo , ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f torsió 3 1 L.HV1 torsión 2 1 HC1 torção 2 1 HV1 

2133 tractĭo, -ōnis 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f tracció 3 1 L.HV1 tracción 2 1 HC.HC1 tracção 2 1 HC.HV1 

2134 unctĭo, -ōnis 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f unció 3 1 L.HV1 unción 2 1 HC1 unção 2 1 HV1 

2135 ūnĭo , ōnis, f. & m. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f unió 3 1 L.HV1 unión 2 1 HC1 união 2 1 HV1 

2136 vīsĭo , ōnis, f. 

L.HV1.X (1) 

3 4 2 L.HV1.L f visió 3 1 L.HV1 visión 2 1 HC1 visão 2 1 HV1 

2137 emphyteusis, ĕos, f., = 

ἐμφύτευσις 

3 4 2 L.HV1.L f emfiteusi 4 2 L.HV1.L enfiteusis 4 2 L.HV1.HC enfiteuse 4 2 L.HV1.L

456 

Etymon 

L.HV1.X (Gk 1st decl)(1) 


2138 tympănītes, ae, m., = 

τυμπανίτης 

L.HV1.X (1) 

3 4 2 L.HV1.L f timpanitis 4 2 L.L1.HC timpanitis 4 2 L.L1.HC timpanite 4 2 L.L1.L 

2139 mĕdĭōcris, e 

HC1.L.X (1) 

3 4 2 L.HV1.L m mediocre 4 3 L.L1.L mediocre 3 2 L1.L medíocre 4 3 L1.L.L 

2140 căpĭtālis , e 

HC1.L.X (3) 

3 4 2 L.HV1.L m/f capital 3 1 L1.HC capital 3 1 L1.HC capital 3 1 L1.HC 

2141 interprĕs, ĕtis, m.& f. 3 4 3 HC1.L.L m/f intèrpret 3 2 HC1.HC intérprete 4 3 HC1.L.L intérprete 4 3 HC1.L.L 

2142 sătellĕs, ĭtis, m.& f. 3 4 3 HC1.L.L m satèl·lit 3 2 HC1.HC satélite 4 3 L1.L.L satélite 4 3 L1.L.L 

2143 prōconsul, is, m. 

HC1.L.X (3) 

3 4 3 HC1.L.L m procònsol 3 2 HC1.HC procónsul 3 2 HC1.L procônsul 3 2 HC1.L 

2144 ĕpenthĕsis, is, f., del gr. 

HC1.L.X (2) 

3 4 3 HC1.L.L f epèntesi 4 3 HC1.L.L epéntesis 4 3 HC1.L.HC epêntese 4 3 HC1.L.L 

2145 prŏboscis, ĭdis, f., = 

προβοσκίς 

HV1.L.X (1) 

3 4 3 HC1.L.L f probòscide 4 3 L1.L.L probóscide 4 3 HC1.L.L probóscide 4 3 L1.L.L 

2146 rōbīgo (rūb-), ĭnis, f. 

HV1.L.X (4) 

3 4 3 HV1.L.L m roví 2 1 HV1 robín 2 1 HC1 rubim 2 1 HV1 

2147 impūbes, ĕris, adj. 3 4 3 HV1.L.L m impúber 3 2 L1.HC impúber 3 2 L1.HC impúbere 4 3 L1.L.L 

2148 ĭnūtĭlis, e, adj. 3 4 3 HV1.L.L m inútil 3 2 L1.HC inútil 3 2 L1.HC inútil 3 2 L1.HC 

2149 ŏrīgo, ĭnis, f. 3 4 3 HV1.L.L m origen 3 2 L1.HC origen 3 2 L1.HC1 origem 3 2 L1.HV1 

2150 imbēcillis (inb-), e, adj. 

HV1.L.X (4) 

3 4 3 HV.L.L m/f imbècil 3 2 L1.HC imbécil 3 2 L1.HC imbecil 3 2 L1.HC 

2151 ĭmāgo, ĭnis, f. 3 4 3 HV1.L.L f imatge 3 2 L1.L imagen 3 2 L1.HC imagem 3 2 L1.HV 

2152 immōbĭlis, e, adj. 3 4 3 HV1.L.L m immoble 3 2 L1.L inmueble 3 2 L1.L imóvel 3 2 L1.HC 

2153 nŏtābĭlis , e, adj. 3 4 3 HV1.L.L m notable 3 2 L1.L notable 3 2 L1.L notável 3 2 L1.HC 

2154 praefātĭo, ōnis, f. 

HV1.L.X (3) 

3 4 3 HV1.L.L m prefaci 3 2 L1.L prefacio 3 2 L1.L prefácio 3 2 L1.L 

2155 dĭœcēsis, is, f. = 

διοίκησις 

3 4 3 HV1.L.L f diòcesi 3 3 L1.L.L diócesis 3 3 L1.L.HC diocese 3 2 L.L1.L 

2156 dĭaerĕsis, is, f., = 

διαίρεσις 

3 4 3 HV1.L.L m dièresi 4 3 L1.L.L diéresis 3 3 L1.L.HC diérese 4 3 L1.L.L 

2157 synaerĕsis

457 

Etymon 

L1.L.X (1) 


2159 arĭes, -ĕtis 

L1.L.X (3) 

3 4 3 L1.L.L m ariet 3 1 L.HC1 ariete 3 2 L1.L aríete 4 3 L1.L.L 

2160 artĭfex, fĭcis, m. 3 4 3 L1.L.L m artífex 3 2 L1.HC artífice 4 3 L1.L.L artífice 4 3 L1.L.L 

2161 partĭceps, -ĭpis, m. 3 4 3 L1.L.L m partícip 3 2 L1.HC partícipe 4 3 L1.L.L partícipe 4 3 L1.L.L 

2162 pontĭfex (pontŭ-), fĭcis, m. 

L1.L.X (4) 

3 4 3 L1.L.L m pontífex 3 2 L1.HC pontífice 4 3 L1.L.L pontífice 4 3 L1.L.L 

2163 cinnăbăris , is, f. 

(cinnăbări , is, n. en 

mss.), del gr. 

3 4 3 L1.L.L m cinabri 3 2 L1.L cinabrio 3 2 L1.L cinábrio 3 2 L1.L 

2164 flexĭbĭlis, e, adj. 3 4 3 L1.L.L m flexible 3 2 L1.L flexible 3 2 L1.L flexível 3 2 L1.HC 

2165 *fusibĭlis 3 4 3 L1.L.L m fusible 3 2 L1.L fusible 3 2 L1.L fusível 3 2 L1.L 

2166 zingĭbĕri or zimpĭbĕri, 3 4 3 L1.L.L m gingebre 3 2 L1.L jengibre 3 2 L1.L gengibre 3 2 L1.L 

indecl. n., = ζιγγίβερι 

L1.L.X (15) 

2167 Nāĭăs, ădis, f., = Ναϊάς 3 4 3 L1.L.L f nàiada 3 3 L1.L.L náyade 3 3 L1.L.L náiada 3 3 L1.L.L 

2168 ālĭpēs, ĕdis, adj. 3 4 3 L1.L.L m/f alípede 4 3 L1.L.L alípede 4 3 L1.L.L alípede 4 3 L1.L.L 

2169 antĭphrăsis, is, f, del gr. 3 4 3 L1.L.L f antífrasi 4 3 L1.L.L antífrasis 4 3 L1.L.HC antífrase 4 3 L1.L.L 

2170 antĭthĕsis , is, f., del gr. 3 4 3 L1.L.L f antítesi 4 3 L1.L.L antítesis 4 3 L1.L.HC antítese 4 3 L1.L.L 

2171 ăpŏdŏsis , is, f., y este 

del gr. 

3 4 3 L1.L.L f apòdosi 4 3 L1.L.L apódosis 4 3 L1.L.HC apódose 4 3 L1.L.L 

2172 cānĭtĭes, em, ē (other 

cases not in use), f. 

3 4 3 L1.L.L f canície 4 3 L1.L.L canicie 3 2 L1.L canície 4 3 L1.L 

2173 canthăris, -ĭdis, f., y este 

del gr. 

3 4 3 L1.L.L f cantàrida 4 3 L1.L.L cantárida 4 3 L1.L.L cantárida 4 3 L1.L.L 

2174 congĕner, -ĕris 3 4 3 L1.L.L m/f congènere 4 3 L1.L.L congénere 4 3 L1.L.L congénere 4 3 L1.L.L 

2175 mĕtăthĕsis, is, f., = 

μετάθεσις 

3 4 3 L1.L.L f metàtesi 4 3 L1.L.L metátesis 4 3 L1.L.HC metátese 4 3 L1.L.L 

2176 mētrŏpŏlis, is, f., = 3 4 3 L1.L.L f metròpoli 4 3 L1.L.L metrópoli 4 3 L1.L.L metrópole 4 3 L1.L.L 

μητρόπολις 

2177 palmĭpes, pĕdis, adj. 3 4 3 L1.L.L m palmípede 4 3 L1.L.L palmípedo 4 3 L1.L.L palmípede 4 3 L1.L.L 

2178 părăphrăsis, is, f. 3 4 3 L1.L.L f paràfrasi 4 3 L1.L.L paráfrasis 4 3 L1.L.HC paráfrase 4 3 L1.L.L 

2179 părălysis, is, f. 3 4 3 L1.L.L f paràlisi 4 3 L1.L.L parálisis 4 3 L1.L.HC parálise 4 3 L1.L.L 

2180 pĕriphrăsis, is, f. 3 4 3 L1.L.L f perífrasi 4 3 L1.L.L perífrasis 4 3 L1.L.HC perífrase 4 3 L1.L.L 

2181 pyrămis, ĭdis, f., = 3 4 3 L1.L.L f piràmide 4 3 L1.L.L pirámide 4 3 L1.L.L pirâmide 4 3 L1.L.L 

πυραμις 

HC.HV1.X (5) 

2182 rĕprĕhensor, ōris, m. 3 5 2 HC.HV1.L m reprensor 3 1 HC.HC1 reprensor 3 1 HC.HC1 repreensor 3 1 HC.HC1 

2183 agrimensor 3 5 2 HC.HV1.L m agrimensor 4 1 HC.HC1 agrimensor 4 1 HC.HC1 agrimensor 4 1 HC.HC1

458 


2184 benefactor, -ōris 3 5 2 HC.HV1.L m benefactor 4 1 HC.HC1 benefactor 4 1 HC.HC1 benfeitor 3 1 HV.HC1 

2185 difficultas, -ātis 3 5 2 HC.HV1.L f dificultat 4 1 HC.HC1 dificultad 3 1 HC.HC1 dificuldade 5 2 HC.L1.L 

2186 interventor, ōris, m. 

HC.HV1.X (1) 

3 5 2 HC.HV1.L m interventor 4 1 HC.HC1 interventor 4 1 HC.HC1 interventor 4 1 HC.HC1 

2187 mĕtămorphōsis, is, f., = 3 5 2 HC.HV1.L f metamorfosi 5 2 HC.L1.L metamorfosis 5 2 HC.L1.HC metamorfose 5 2 HC.L1.L 

μεταμόρφωσις 

HC.HV1.X (2) 

2188 antecessor, -ōris, m. 3 5 2 HC.HV1.L m antecessor 4 1 L.HC1 antecesor 4 1 L.HC1 antecessor 4 1 L.HC1 

2189 praedēcessor, ōris, m. 

HV.HC1.LX (1) 

3 5 2 HC.HV1.L m predecessor 4 1 L.HC1 predecesor 4 1 L.HC1 predecessor 4 1 L.HC1 

2190 antecēdens, -entis 

HV.HV1.X (11) 

3 5 2 HV.HC1.L m antecedent 4 1 L.HC1 antecedente 5 2 L.HC1.L antecedente 5 2 L.HC1.L 

2191 apparātor, -ōris 3 5 2 HV.HV1.L m aparador 4 2 L.HC1 aparador 4 1 L.HC1 aparador 4 1 L.HC1 

2192 calcŭlātor , ōris, m. 3 5 2 HV.HV1.L m calculador 4 1 L.HC1 calculador 4 1 L.HC1 calculador 4 1 L.HC1 

2193 cŏadjūtor , ōris, m. 3 5 2 HV.HV1.L m coadjutor 4 1 L.HC1 coadjutor 4 1 L.HC1 coadjutor 4 1 L.HC1 

2194 dĭăgōnālis , e, adj. 3 5 2 HV.HV1.L f diagonal 4 1 L.HC1 diagonal 3 1 L.HC1 diagonal 3 1 L.HC1 

2195 imperātor, -ōris 3 5 2 HV.HV1.L m emperador 4 1 L.HC1 emperador 4 1 L.HC1 imperador 4 1 L.HC1 

2196 glădĭātor, ōris, m. 3 5 2 HV.HV1.L m gladiador 4 1 L.HC1 gladiador 3 1 L.HC1 gladiador 3 1 L.HC1 

2197 lēgislātor, ōris, m. 3 5 2 HV.HV1.L m legislador 4 1 L.HC1 legislador 4 1 L.HC1 legislador 4 1 L.HC1 

2198 laborātor, -ōris 3 5 2 HV.HV1.L m llaurador 3 1 L.HC1 labrador 3 1 L.HC1 lavrador 3 1 L.HC1 

2199 nŭmĕrātor, ōris, m. 3 5 2 HV.HV1.L m numerador 4 1 L.HC1 numerador 4 1 L.HC1 numerador 4 1 L.HC1 

2200 rătĭōnālis, e, adj. 3 5 2 HV.HV1.L m racional 4 1 L.HC1 racional 3 1 L.HC1 racional 3 1 L.HC1 

2201 ventilātor, -ōris 

HV.HV1.X (2) 

3 5 2 HV.HV1.L m ventilador 4 1 L.HC1 ventilador 4 1 L.HC1 ventilador 4 1 L.HC1 

2202 imperātrix, -īcis 3 5 2 HV.HV1.L f emperadriu 4 1 L.HV1 emperatriz 4 1 L.HC1 imperatriz 4 1 L.HC1 

2203 gĕnĕrātrix, īcis, f. 

L.HC1.X (8) 

3 5 2 HV.HV1.L f generatriu 4 1 L.HV1 generatriz 4 1 L.HC1 generatriz 4 1 L.HC1 

2204 allicĭens, -entis, m. 3 5 2 L.HC1.L m al·licient 4 1 L.HC1 aliciente 4 2 HC1.L aliciente 4 2 HC1.L 

2205 deficĭens, -entis 3 5 2 L.HC1.L m deficient 3 1 L.HC1 deficiente 4 2 HC1.L deficiente 4 2 HC1.L 

2206 aequĭvălĕns, -entis 3 5 2 L.HC1.L m equivalent 4 1 L.HC1 equivalente 5 2 L.HC1.L equivalente 5 2 L.HC1.L 

2207 expĕdĭens, -entis 3 5 2 L.HC1.L m expedient 4 1 L.HC1 expediente 4 2 HC1.L expediente 4 2 HC1.L 

2208 b. lat. extravăgans, antis 3 5 2 L.HC1.L m extravagant 4 1 L.HC1 extravagante 5 2 L.HC1.L extravagante 5 2 L.HC1.L 

2209 impaenĭtens, entis, adj. 3 5 2 L.HC1.L m impenitent 4 1 L.HC1 impenitente 5 2 L.HC1.L impenitente 5 2 L.HC1.L 

2210 ingredĭens, -entis 3 5 2 L.HC1.L m ingredient 4 1 L.HC1 ingrediente 4 2 HC1.L ingrediente 4 3 HC1.L 

2211 rĕcĭpĭens, -entis 3 5 2 L.HC1.L m recipient 3 1 L.HC1 recipiente 4 2 HC1.L recipiente 4 2 HC1.L

459 

Etymon 

L.HC1.X (1) 


2212 āmănŭensis, is, m. 

L.HV1.X (2) 

3 5 2 L.HC1.L m/f amanuense 5 2 L.HC1.L amanuense 4 2 HC1.L amanuense 4 2 HC1.L 

2213 *amicĭtas, ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f amistat 3 1 HC1 amistad 3 1 HC1 amizade 4 2 L1.L 

2214 hērēdĭtas, ātis, f. 

L.HV1.X (2) 

3 5 2 L.HV1.L f heretat 3 1 HC1 heredad 3 1 HC1 herdade 3 2 L1.L 

2215 infantĭo, -ōnis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L m infançó 3 1 HV1 infanzón 3 1 HC1 infanção 3 1 HV1 

2216 *aculeōne(m), m. 

L.HV1.X (78) 

3 5 2 L.HV1.L m agulló 3 2 HV1 aguijón 3 1 HC1 agulhão 3 2 HV1 

2217 activĭtas, -ātis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f activitat 4 1 L.HC1 actividad 4 1 L.HC1 actividade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2218 admonĭtor, -ōris, m. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L m admonitor 4 1 L.HC1 admonitor 4 1 L.HC1 admonitor 4 1 L.HC1 

2219 affinĭtas, -ātis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f afinitat 4 1 L.HC1 afinidad 4 1 L.HC1 afinidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2220 alacrĭtas, -ātis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f alacritat 4 1 L.HC1 alacridad 4 1 L.HC1 alacridade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2221 anxiĕtas, -ātis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f ansietat 4 1 L.HC1 ansiedad 3 1 L.HC1 ansiedade 4 2 L.L1.L 

2222 antīquĭtas , ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f antiguitat 4 1 L.HC1 antigüedad 4 1 L.HC1 antiguidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2223 aspĕrĭtas , ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f asperitat 4 1 L.HC1 asperidad 4 1 L.HC1 asperidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2224 atrocĭtas, -ātis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f atrocitat 4 1 L.HC1 atrocidad 4 1 L.HC1 atrocidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2225 auctorĭtas, -ātis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f autoritat 4 1 L.HC1 autoridad 4 1 L.HC1 autoridade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2226 auxĭlĭāris, e 3 5 2 L.HV1.L m auxiliar 4 1 L.HC1 auxiliar 3 1 HC1 auxiliar 3 1 HC1 

2227 bĕātĭtūdo , ĭnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f beatitud 4 1 L.HC1 beatitud 4 1 L.HC1 beatitude 5 2 L.L1.L 

2228 bĕnignĭtas , ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f benignitat 4 1 L.HC1 benignidad 4 1 L.HC1 benignidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2229 calamĭtas, -ātis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f calamitat 4 1 L.HC1 calamidad 4 1 L.HC1 calamidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2230 callosĭtas, -ātis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f callositat 4 1 L.HC1 callosidad 4 1 L.HC1 callosidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2231 capacĭtas, -ātis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f capacitat 4 1 L.HC1 capacidad 4 1 L.HC1 capacidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2232 carnālĭtas , ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f carnalitat 4 1 L.HC1 carnalidad 4 1 L.HC1 carnalidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2233 carnosĭtas, -ātis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f carnositat 4 1 L.HC1 carnosidad 4 1 L.HC1 carnosidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2234 celerĭtas, -ātis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f celeritat 4 1 L.HC1 celeridad 4 1 L.HC1 celeridade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2235 cīvīlĭtas , ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f civilitat 4 1 L.HC1 civilidad 4 1 L.HC1 civilidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2236 compŏsĭtor (conp- ), ōris, 3 5 2 L.HV1.L m compositor 4 1 L.HC1 compositor 4 1 L.HC1 compositor 4 1 L.HC1 

m. 

2237 commūnĭtas , ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f comunitat 4 1 L.HC1 comunidad 4 1 L.HC1 comunidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2238 concussĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f concussió 4 1 L.HC1 concusión 3 1 HC1 concussão 3 1 HC1 

2239 conformĭtas, -ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f conformitat 4 1 L.HC1 conformidad 4 1 L.HC1 conformidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2240 contūsĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f contusió 4 1 L.HC1 contusión 3 1 HC1 contusão 3 1 HC1 

2241 convectĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f convecció 4 1 L.HC1 convección 3 1 HC1 convecção 3 1 HC1 

2242 conventĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f convenció 4 1 L.HC1 convención 3 1 HC1 convenção 3 1 HC1

460 


2243 dēformĭtas , ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f deformitat 4 1 L.HC1 deformidad 4 1 L.HC1 deformidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2244 dīversĭtas , ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f diversitat 4 1 L.HC1 diversidad 4 1 L.HC1 diversidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2245 dīvīnĭtas , ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f divinitat 4 1 L.HC1 divinidad 4 1 L.HC1 divindade 4 2 L1.L 

2246 excelsitūdo 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f excelsitud 4 1 L.HC1 excelsitud 4 1 L.HC1 excelsitude 5 2 L.L1.L 

2247 extĕrĭor, -ōris 3 5 2 L.HV1.L m exterior 4 1 L.HC1 exterior 3 1 HC1 exterior 3 1 HC1 

2248 fămĭlĭāris, e 3 5 2 L.HV1.L m familiar 4 1 L.HC1 familiar 3 1 HC1 familiar 3 1 HC1 

2249 fātālĭtas, ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f fatalitat 4 1 L.HC1 fatalidad 4 1 L.HC1 fatalidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2250 fēlīcĭtas, ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f felicitat 4 1 L.HC1 felicidad 4 1 L.HC1 felicidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2251 fĭdēlĭtas, ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f fidelitat 4 1 L.HC1 fidelidad 4 1 L.HC1 fidelidade 4 1 L.HC1 

2252 fīnālĭtas, ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f finalitat 4 1 L.HC1 finalidad 4 1 L.HC1 finalidade 4 1 L.HC1 

2253 hĭlărĭtas, ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f hilaritat 4 1 L.HC1 hilaridad 4 1 L.HC1 hilaridade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2254 hūmānĭtas, ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f humanitat 4 1 L.HC1 humanidad 4 1 L.HC1 humanidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2255 humidĭtas, -ātis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f humiditat 4 1 L.HC1 humedad 3 1 HC1 humidade 4 2 L1.L 

2256 hŭmĭlĭtas, ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f humilitat 4 1 L.HC1 humildad 3 1 HC1 humildade 4 2 L1.L 

2257 identĭtas, -ātis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f identitat 4 1 L.HC1 identidad 4 1 L.HC1 identidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2258 infĕrĭor, ius, adj. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L m inferior 4 1 L.HC1 inferior 3 1 HC1 inferior 3 1 HC1 

2259 infīnĭtas, ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f infinitat 4 1 L.HC1 infinidad 4 1 L.HC1 infinidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2260 ingrātĭtūdo, ĭnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f ingratitud 4 1 L.HC1 ingratitud 4 1 L.HC1 ingratidão 4 1 HV1 

2261 intĕrĭor, ĭus, gen. ōris 3 5 2 L.HV1.L m interior 4 1 L.HC1 interior 3 1 L.HC1 interior 3 1 L.HC1 

2262 mĕmŏrĭāle, is, n. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L m memorial 4 1 L.HC1 memorial 3 2 HC1 memorial 3 2 HC1 

2263 mendīcĭtas, ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f mendicitat 4 1 L.HC1 mendicidad 4 1 L.HC1 mendicidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2264 b. lat. minoritas, tatis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f minoritat 4 1 L.HC1 minoridad 4 1 L.HC1 menoridade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2265 nātīvĭtas, ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f nativitat 4 1 L.HC1 natividad 4 1 L.HC1 natividade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2266 nĕcessĭtas, ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f necessitat 4 1 L.HC1 necesidad 4 1 L.HC1 necessidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2267 offĭcĭālis, is, m. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L m oficial 4 1 L.HC1 oficial 3 1 HC1 oficial 3 1 HC1 

2268 orbĭcŭlāris, e, adj. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L m orbicular 4 1 L.HC1 orbicular 4 1 L.HC1 orbicular 4 1 L.HC1 

2269 ŏrīgĭnālis, e, adj. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L m original 4 1 L.HC1 original 4 1 L.HC1 original 4 1 L.HC1 

2270 partĭcŭlāris, e, adj. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L m particular 4 1 L.HC1 particular 4 1 L.HC1 particular 4 1 L.HC1 

2271 păternĭtas, ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f paternitat 4 1 L.HC1 paternidad 4 1 L.HC1 paternidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2272 plūrālĭtas, ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f pluralitat 4 1 L.HC1 pluralidad 4 1 L.HC1 pluralidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2273 postĕrĭtas, ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f posteritat 4 1 L.HC1 posteridad 4 1 L.HC1 posteridade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2274 praecautĭo, -ōnis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f precaució 4 1 L.HC1 precaución 3 1 HC1 precaução 3 1 HV1 

2275 prōclīvĭtas, ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f proclivitat 4 1 L.HC1 proclividad 4 1 L.HC1 proclividade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2276 prōgĕnĭtor, ōris, m. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L m progenitor 4 1 L.HC1 progenitor 4 1 HC1 progenitor 4 1 HC1 

2277 prō˘prĭĕtas, ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f propietat 4 1 L.HC1 propiedad 3 1 L.HC1 propriedade 4 2 L.L1.L 

2278 prospĕrĭtas, ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f prosperitat 4 1 L.HC1 prosperidad 4 1 L.HC1 prosperidade 5 2 L.L1.L

461 


2279 rhīnŏcĕros, ōtis, m., = 

ῥινόκερως 

3 5 2 L.HV1.L m rinoceront 4 1 L.HC1 rinoceronte 5 2 L.HC1.L rinoceronte 5 2 L.HC1.L 

2280 sătĭĕtas, ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f sacietat 4 1 L.HC1 saciedad 3 1 L.HC1 saciedade 4 2 L.L1.L 

2281 sēmĭvŏcālĭs, e, 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f semivocal 4 1 L.HC1 semivocal 4 1 L.HC1 semivogal 4 1 L.HC1 

2282 sĭmĭlĭtūdo, ĭnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f similitud 4 1 L.HC1 similitud 4 1 L.HC1 similitude 5 2 L.L1.L 

2283 sŏcĭĕtas, ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f societat 4 1 L.HC1 sociedad 3 1 L.HC1 sociedade 4 2 L1.L 

2284 subtīlĭtas, ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f subtilitat 4 1 L.HC1 sutilidad 4 1 L.HC1 subtilidade 4 2 L.HC1 

2285 sŭpĕrĭor , ĭus 3 5 2 L.HV1.L m superior 4 1 L.HC1 superior 3 1 HC1 superior 3 1 HC1 

2286 triplicĭtas, -ātis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f triplicitat 4 1 L.HC1 triplicidad 4 1 L.HC1 triplicidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2287 unicĭtas, -ātis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f unicitat 4 1 L.HC1 unicidad 4 1 L.HC1 unicidade 4 2 L.L1.L 

2288 urbānĭtas , ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f urbanitat 4 1 L.HC1 urbanidad 4 1 L.HC1 urbanidade 4 2 L.HC1 

2289 variĕtas, -ātis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f varietat 4 1 L.HC1 variedad 3 1 L.HC1 variedade 4 2 L.L1.L 

2290 vēlōcĭtas , ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f velocitat 4 1 L.HC1 velocidad 4 1 L.HC1 velocidade 4 2 L.HC1 

2291 vēnālĭtas , ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f venalitat 4 1 L.HC1 venalidad 4 1 L.HC1 venalidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2292 ventōsĭtas , ātis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f ventositat 4 1 L.HC1 ventosidad 4 1 L.HC1 ventosidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2293 vĭcissĭtūdo , ĭnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f vicissitud 4 1 L.HC1 vicisitud 4 1 L.HC1 vicissitude 4 1 L.HC1 

2294 virginĭtas, -ātis 


3 5 2 L.HV1.L f virginitat 4 1 L.HC1 virginidad 4 1 L.HC1 virgindade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2295 ĕpīscŏpātus, ūs, m. 4 5 2 L.HV1.L m episcopat 4 1 L.HC1 episcopado 5 2 L.L1.L episcopado 5 2 L.L1.L 

2296 pontĭfĭcātus, ūs, m. 

L.HV1.X (193) 

4 5 2 L.HV1.L m pontificat 4 1 L.HC1 pontificado 5 2 L.L1.L pontificado 5 2 L.L1.L 

2297 abductĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f abducció 4 1 L.HV1 abducción 3 1 HC1 abdução 3 1 HC1 

2298 abjectĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f abjecció 4 1 L.HV1 abyección 3 1 HC1 abjecção 3 1 HV1 

2299 ablatĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f ablació 4 1 L.HV1 ablación 3 1 HC1 ablação 3 1 HV1 

2300 ablutĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f ablució 4 1 L.HV1 ablución 3 1 HC1 ablução 3 1 HV1 

2301 absorptĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f absorció 4 1 L.HV1 absorción 3 1 HC1 absorção 3 1 HV1 

2302 acceptĭo, -ōnis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f accepció 4 1 L.HV1 acepción 3 1 HC1 acepção 3 1 HV1 

2303 accessĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f accessió 4 1 L.HV1 accesión 3 1 HC1 acessão 3 1 HV1 

2304 additĭo, -ōnis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f addició 4 1 L.HV1 adición 3 1 HC1 adição 3 1 HV1 

2305 adhaesĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f adhesió 4 1 L.HV1 adhesión 3 1 HC1 adesão 3 1 HV1 

2306 adiunctĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f adjunció 4 1 L.HV1 adjunción 3 1 HC1 adjunção 3 1 HV1 

2307 admissĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f admissió 4 1 L.HV1 admisión 3 1 HC1 admissão 3 1 HV1 

2308 adustĭo, -ōnis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f adustió 4 1 L.HV1 adustión 3 1 HC1 adustão 3 1 HC1 

2309 affectĭo, -ōnis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f afecció 4 1 L.HV1 afección 3 1 HC1 afecção 3 1 HV1 

2310 afflictĭo, -ōnis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f aflicció 4 1 L.HV1 aflicción 3 1 HC1 aflição 3 1 HV1 

2311 agnatĭo, -ōnis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f agnació 4 1 L.HV1 agnación 3 1 HC1 agnação 3 1 HV1

462 


2312 allusĭo, -ōnis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f al·lusió 4 1 L.HV1 alusión 3 1 HC1 alusão 3 1 HV1 

2313 alluvĭo, -ōnis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L m al·luvió 4 1 L.HV1 aluvión 3 1 HC1 aluvião 3 1 HV1 

2314 ambitĭo, -ōnis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f ambició 4 1 L.HV1 ambición 3 1 HC1 ambição 3 1 HV1 

2315 aspersĭo, -ōnis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f aspersió 4 1 L.HV1 aspersión 3 1 HC1 aspersão 3 1 HV1 

2316 assertĭo, -ōnis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f asserció 4 1 L.HV1 aserción 3 1 HC1 asserção 3 1 HV1 

2317 assumptĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L assumpció 4 1 L.HV1 asunción 3 1 HC1 assunção 3 1 HV1 

2318 astrictĭo, -ōnis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f astricció 4 1 L.HV1 astricción 3 1 HC1 adstrição 3 1 HV1 

2319 attentĭo, -ōnis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f atenció 4 1 L.HV1 atención 3 1 HC1 atenção 3 1 HV1 

2320 attractĭo, -ōnis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f atracció 4 1 L.HV1 atracción 3 1 HC1 atracção 3 1 HV1 

2321 attrītĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f atrició 4 1 L.HV1 atrición 3 1 HC1 atrição 3 1 HV1 

2322 auditĭo, -ōnis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f audició 4 1 L.HV1 audición 3 1 HC1 audição 3 1 HV1 

2323 āversĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f aversió 4 1 L.HV1 aversión 3 1 HC1 aversão 3 1 HV1 

2324 chămaelĕon , ōnis, m. y 3 5 2 L.HV1.L m camaleó 4 1 L.HV1 camaleón 4 1 L.HC1 camaleão 

este del gr. 

2325 centŭrĭo, ōnis, m. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L m centurió 4 1 L.HV1 centurión 3 1 HC1 centurião 3 1 HV1 

2326 cŏactĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f coacció 4 1 L.HV1 coacción 3 1 HC1 coacção 3 1 HV1 

2327 cognĭtĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f cognició 4 1 L.HV1 cognición 3 1 HC1 cognição 3 1 HV1 

2328 collātĭo (conl- ), ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f col·lació 4 1 L.HV1 colación 3 1 HC1 colação 3 1 HV1 

2329 collectĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f col·lecció 4 1 L.HV1 colección 3 1 HC1 coleção 3 1 HV1 

2330 collīsĭo (conl- ), ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f col·lisió 4 1 L.HV1 colisión 3 1 HC1 colisão 3 1 HV1 

2331 combustĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f combustió 4 1 L.HV1 combustión 3 1 HC1 combustão 3 1 HV1 

2332 compassĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f compassió 4 1 L.HV1 compasión 3 1 HC1 compaixão 3 2 HV1 

2333 complexĭo (conp- ), ōnis, 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f complexió 4 1 L.HV1 complexión 3 1 HC1 compleição 3 1 HV1 

f. 

2334 commūnĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f comunió 4 1 L.HV1 comunión 3 1 HC1 comunhão 3 1 HV1 

2335 condĭcĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f condició 4 1 L.HV1 condición 3 1 HC1 condição 3 1 HC1 

2336 confectĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f confecció 4 1 L.HV1 confección 3 2 HC1 confecção 3 2 HC1 

2337 confūsĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f confusió 4 1 L.HV1 confusión 3 1 HC1 confusão 3 1 HV1 

2338 congestĭo, -ōnis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f congestió 4 1 L.HV1 congestión 3 1 HC1 congestão 3 1 HV1 

2339 conjunctĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f conjunció 4 1 L.HV1 conjunción 3 1 HC1 conjunção 3 1 HV1 

2340 cōnexĭo (conn- ), ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f connexió 4 1 L.HV1 conexión 3 1 HC1 conexão 3 1 HV1 

2341 consumptĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f consumpció 4 1 L.HV1 consunción 3 1 HC1 consumpção 3 1 HV1 

2342 contorsĭo, -ōnis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f contorsió 4 1 L.HV1 contorsión 3 1 HC1 contorção 3 1 HV1 

2343 contrītĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f contrició 4 1 L.HV1 contrición 3 1 HC1 contrição 3 1 HV1 

2344 convictĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f convicció 4 1 L.HV1 convicción 3 1 HC1 convicção 3 1 HV1 

2345 convulsĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f convulsió 4 1 L.HV1 convulsión 3 1 HC1 convulsão 3 1 HV1 

2346 crĕmātĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f cremació 4 1 L.HV1 cremación 3 1 HC1 cremação 3 1 HV1

463 


2347 dēceptio , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f decepció 4 1 L.HV1 decepción 3 1 HC1 decepção 3 1 HV 

2348 dĕcŭrĭo , ōnis, m. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L m decurió 4 1 L.HV1 decurión 3 1 HC1 decurião 3 1 HV1 

2349 dēfectĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f defecció 4 1 L.HV1 defección 3 1 HC1 defecção 3 1 HV1 

2350 dējectĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f dejecció 4 1 L.HV1 deyección 3 1 HC1 dejecção 3 1 HV1 

2351 dēvōtĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f devoció 4 1 L.HV1 devoción 3 1 HC1 devoção 3 1 HV1 

2352 dīgressĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f digressió 4 1 L.HV1 digresión 3 1 HC1 digressão 3 1 HV1 

2353 dīlātĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f dilació 4 1 L.HV1 dilación 3 1 HC1 dilação 3 1 HV1 

2354 dīlectĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f dilecció 4 1 L.HV1 dilección 3 1 HC1 dilecção 3 1 HV1 

2355 dīmensĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f dimensió 4 1 L.HV1 dimensión 3 1 HC1 dimensão 3 1 HV1 

2356 disjunctĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f disjunció 4 1 L.HV1 disyunción 3 1 HC1 disjunção 3 1 HV1 

2357 dissensĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f dissensió 4 1 L.HV1 disensión 3 1 HC1 dissensão 3 1 HV1 

2358 editĭo, -ōnis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f edició 4 1 L.HV1 edición 3 1 HC1 edição 3 1 HV1 

2359 effūsĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f efusió 4 1 L.HV1 efusión 3 1 HC1 efusão 3 1 HV1 

2360 elatĭo, -ōnis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f elació 4 1 L.HV1 elación 3 1 HC1 elação 3 1 HV1 

2361 ēlectĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f elecció 4 1 L.HV1 elección 3 1 HC1 eleição 3 2 HV1 

2362 emotĭo, -ōnis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f emoció 4 1 L.HV1 emoción 3 1 HC1 emoção 3 1 HV1 

2363 aequātĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f equació 4 1 L.HV1 ecuación 3 1 HC1 equação 3 1 HV1 

2364 ērōsĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f erosió 4 1 L.HV1 erosión 3 1 HC1 erosão 3 1 HV1 

2365 ēruptĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f erupció 4 1 L.HV1 erupción 3 1 HC1 erupção 3 1 HV1 

2366 exactĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f exacció 4 1 L.HV1 exacción 3 1 HC1 exacção 3 1 HV1 

2367 exceptĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f excepció 4 1 L.HV1 excepción 3 1 HC1 excepção 3 1 HV1 

2368 excursĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f excursió 4 1 L.HV1 excursión 3 1 HC1 excursão 3 2 HV1 

2369 exemptĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f exempció 4 1 L.HV1 exención 3 1 HC1 isenção 3 1 HV1 

2370 explōsĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f explosió 4 1 L.HV1 explosión 3 1 HC1 explosão 3 1 HV1 

2371 expressĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f expressió 4 1 L.HV1 expresión 3 1 HC1 expressão 3 1 HV1 

2372 extorsĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f extorsió 4 1 L.HV1 extorsión 3 1 HC1 extorsão 3 1 HV1 

2373 fruĭtĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f fruïció 4 1 L.HV1 fruición 2 1 HC1 fruição 2 1 HV1 

2374 gestātĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f gestació 4 1 L.HV1 gestación 3 1 HC1 gestação 3 1 HV1 

2375 grădātĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f gradació 4 1 L.HV1 gradación 3 1 HC gradação 3 1 HV1 

2376 illātĭo (inl-), ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f il·lació 4 1 L.HV1 ilación 3 1 HC1 ilação 3 1 HV1 

2377 illūsĭo (inl-), ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f il·lusió 4 1 L.HV1 ilusión 3 1 HC1 ilusão 3 1 HV1 

2378 inflexĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f inflexió 4 1 L.HV1 inflexión 3 1 HC1 inflexão 3 1 HV1 

2379 infūsĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f infusió 4 1 L.HV1 infusión 3 1 HC1 infusão 3 1 HV1 

2380 immersĭo (inm-), ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f inmersió 4 1 L.HV1 inmersión 3 1 HC1 imersão 3 1 HV1 

2381 inspectĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f inspecció 4 1 L.HV1 inspección 3 1 HC1 inspecção 3 1 HV1 

2382 intentĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f intenció 4 1 L.HV1 intención 3 1 HC1 intenção 3 1 HV1

464 


2383 irrīsĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f irrisió 4 1 L.HV1 irrisión 3 1 HC1 irrisão 3 1 HV1 

2384 lŏcūtĭo (lŏquūtio), ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f locució 4 1 L.HV1 locución 3 1 HC1 locução 3 1 HV1 

2385 luxātĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f luxació 4 1 L.HV1 luxación 3 1 HC1 luxação 3 1 HV1 

2386 mīgrātĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f migració 4 1 L.HV1 migración 3 1 HC1 migração 3 1 HV1 

2387 mūnītĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f munició 4 1 L.HV1 munición 3 1 HC1 munição 3 1 HV1 

2388 mūtātĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f mutació 4 1 L.HV1 mutación 3 1 HC1 mutação 3 1 HV1 

2389 nătātĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f natació 4 1 L.HV1 natación 3 1 HC1 natação 3 1 HV1 

2390 nŏtātĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f notació 4 1 L.HV1 notación 3 1 HC1 notação 3 1 HV1 

2391 objectĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f objecció 4 1 L.HV1 objeción 3 1 HC1 objecção 3 1 HV1 

2392 oblātĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f oblació 4 1 L.HV1 oblación 3 1 HC1 oblação 3 1 HV1 

2393 obsessĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f obsessió 4 1 L.HV1 obsesión 3 1 HC1 obsessão 3 1 HV1 

2394 obventĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f obvenció 4 1 L.HV1 obvención 3 1 HC1 obvenção 3 1 HV1 

2395 occāsĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f ocasió 4 1 L.HV1 ocasión 3 1 HC1 ocasião 3 1 HV1 

2396 occlūsĭo, -ōnis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f oclusió 4 1 L.HV1 oclusión 3 1 HC1 oclusão 3 1 HV1 

2397 ŏmissĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f omissió 4 1 L.HV1 omisión 3 1 HC1 omissão 3 1 HV1 

2398 ŏpīnĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f opinió 4 1 L.HV1 opinión 3 1 HV1 opinião 3 1 HV1 

2399 oppressĭo (obp-), ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f opressió 4 1 L.HV1 opresión 3 1 HC1 opressão 3 1 HV1 

2400 ōrātĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f oració 4 1 L.HV1 oración 3 1 HC1 oração 3 1 HV1 

2401 ŏvātĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f ovació 4 1 L.HV1 ovación 3 1 HC1 ovação 3 1 HV1 

2402 perceptĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f percepció 4 1 L.HV1 percepción 3 1 HC1 percepção 3 1 HV1 

2403 percussĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f percussió 4 1 L.HV1 percusión 3 1 HC1 percussão 3 1 HV1 

2404 perdĭtĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f perdició 4 1 L.HV1 perdición 3 1 HC1 perdição 3 1 HV1 

2405 perfectĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f perfecció 4 1 L.HV1 perfección 3 1 HC1 perfeição 3 1 HV1 

2406 persuāsĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f persuasió 4 1 L.HV1 persuasión 3 1 HC1 persuasão 3 1 HV1 

2407 perversĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f perversió 4 1 L.HV1 perversión 3 1 HC1 perversão 3 1 HV1 

2408 pĕtītĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f petició 4 1 L.HV1 petición 3 1 HC1 petição 3 1 HV1 

2409 plantātĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f plantació 4 1 L.HV1 plantación 3 1 HC1 plantação 3 1 HV1 

2410 pollūtĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f pol·lució 4 1 L.HV1 polución 3 1 HC1 polução 3 1 HV1 

2411 pŏsĭtĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f posició 4 1 L.HV1 posición 3 1 HC1 posição 3 1 HV1 

2412 possessĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f possessió 4 1 L.HV1 posesión 3 1 HC1 possessão 3 1 HV1 

2413 prostrātĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f postració 4 1 L.HV1 postración 3 1 HC1 prostração 3 1 HV1 

2414 praecessĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f precessió 4 1 L.HV1 precesión 3 1 HC1 precessão 3 1 HV1 

2415 praecīsĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f precisió 4 1 L.HV1 precisión 3 1 HC1 precisão 3 1 HV1 

2416 praedictĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f predicció 4 1 L.HV1 predicción 3 1 HC1 predição 3 1 HV1 

2417 praelātĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f prelació 4 1 L.HV1 prelación 3 1 HC1 prelação 3 1 HV1 

2418 praesumptĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f presumpció 4 1 L.HV1 presunción 3 1 HC1 presunção 3 1 HV1

465 


2419 praetensĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f pretensió 4 1 L.HV1 pretensión 3 1 HC1 pretensão 3 1 HV1 

2420 praeventĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f prevenció 4 1 L.HV1 prevención 3 1 HC1 prevenção 3 1 HV1 

2421 praevīsĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f previsió 4 1 L.HV1 previsión 3 1 HC1 previsão 3 1 HV1 

2422 prōcessĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f processió 4 1 L.HV1 procesión 3 1 HC1 procissão 3 1 HV1 

2423 prŏfessĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f professió 4 1 L.HV1 profesión 3 1 HC1 profissão 3 1 HV1 

2424 prŏfūsĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f profusió 4 1 L.HV1 profusión 3 1 HC1 profusão 3 1 HV1 

2425 prōmissĭo, ōnis f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f promissió 4 1 L.HV1 promisión 3 1 HC1 promissão 3 1 HV1 

2426 prōmōtĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f promoció 4 1 L.HV1 promoción 3 1 HC1 promoção 3 1 HV1 

2427 prōpensĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f propensió 4 1 L.HV1 propensión 3 1 HC1 propensão 3 1 HV1 

2428 prōportĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f proporció 4 1 L.HV1 proporción 3 1 HC1 proporção 3 1 HV1 

2429 prōscriptĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f proscripció 4 1 L.HV1 proscripción 3 1 HC1 proscrição 3 1 HV1 

2430 prospectĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f prospecció 4 1 L.HV1 prospección 3 1 HC1 prospecção 3 1 HV1 

2431 prōvīsĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f provisió 4 1 L.HV1 provisión 3 1 HC1 provisão 3 1 HV1 

2432 pūnītĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f punició 4 1 L.HV1 punición 3 1 HC1 punição 3 1 HV1 

2433 rĕbellĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f rebel·lió 4 1 L.HV1 rebelión 3 1 HC1 rebelião 3 1 HV1 

2434 rĕcensĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f recensió 4 1 L.HV1 recensión 3 1 HC1 recensão 3 1 HV1 

2435 rĕceptĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f recepció 4 1 L.HV1 recepción 3 1 HC1 recepção 3 1 HV1 

2436 rĕcessĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f recessió 4 1 L.HV1 recesión 3 1 HC1 recessão 3 1 HV1 

2437 redactĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f redacció 4 1 L.HV1 redacción 3 1 HC1 redacção 3 1 HV1 

2438 rĕdemptĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f redempció 4 1 L.HV1 redención 3 1 HC1 redenção 3 1 HV1 

2439 rĕflexĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f reflexió 4 1 L.HV1 reflexión 3 1 HC1 reflexão 3 1 HV1 

2440 refractĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f refracció 4 1 L.HV1 refracción 3 1 HC1 refracção 3 1 HV1 

2441 rĕlātĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f relació 4 1 L.HV1 relación 3 1 HC1 relação 3 1 HV1 

2442 rĕlĭgĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f religió 4 1 L.HV1 religión 3 1 HC1 religião 4 1 L.HV1 

2443 rĕmōtĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f remoció 4 1 L.HV1 remoción 3 1 HC1 remoção 3 1 HV1 

2444 rĕpressĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f repressió 4 1 L.HV1 represión 3 1 HC1 repressão 3 1 HV1 

2445 repulsĭo, -ōnis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f repulsió 4 1 L.HV1 repulsión 3 1 HC1 repulsão 3 1 HV1 

2446 rĕcīsĭo, ōnis, m. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f rescissió 4 1 L.HV1 rescisión 3 1 HC1 rescisão 3 1 HV1 

2447 rĕsectĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f resecció 4 1 L.HV1 resección 3 1 HC1 ressecção 3 1 HV1 

2448 rēstrictĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f restricció 4 1 L.HV1 restricción 3 1 HC1 restrição 3 1 HV1 

2449 lat. med. retorsiōne, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f retorsió 4 1 L.HV1 retorsión 3 1 HC1 retorsão 3 1 HV1 

2450 rĕtractĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f retracció 4 1 L.HV1 retracción 3 1 HC1 retracção 3 1 HV1 

2451 rĕversĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f reversió 4 1 L.HV1 reversión 3 1 HC1 reversão 3 1 HV1 

2452 rĕvīsĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f revisió 4 1 L.HV1 revisión 3 1 HC1 revisão 3 1 HV1 

2453 rĕvulsĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f revulsió 4 1 L.HV1 revulsión 3 1 HC1 revulsão 3 1 HV1 

2454 sēcessĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f secessió 4 1 L.HV1 secesión 3 1 HC1 secessão 3 1 HV1

466 


2455 sēcrētĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f secreció 4 1 L.HV1 secreción 3 1 HC1 secreção 3 1 HV1 

2456 sēdĭtĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f sedició 4 1 L.HV1 sedición 3 1 HC1 sedição 3 1 HV1 

2457 sēlectĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f selecció 4 1 L.HV1 selección 3 1 HC1 selecção 3 1 HV1 

2458 sensātĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f sensació 4 1 L.HV1 sensación 3 1 HC1 sensação 3 1 HV1 

2459 septentrĭo, ōnis, m. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L m septentrió 4 1 L.HV1 septentrión 3 1 HC1 setentrião 4 1 L.HV1 

2460 sŏlūtĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f solució 4 1 L.HV1 solución 3 1 HC1 solução 3 1 HV1 

2461 subjectĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f subjecció 4 1 L.HV1 sujeción 3 1 HC1 sujeição 3 1 HV1 

2462 summissĭo (subm- ), 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f submissió 4 1 L.HV1 sumisión 3 1 HC1 submissão 3 1 HV1 

ōnis, f. 

2463 subventĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f subvenció 4 1 L.HV1 subvención 3 1 HC1 subvenção 3 1 HV1 

2464 subversĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f subversió 4 1 L.HV1 subversión 3 1 HC1 subversão 3 1 HV1 

2465 successĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f successió 4 1 L.HV1 sucesión 3 1 HC1 sucessão 3 1 HV1 

2466 sūdātĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f sudació 4 1 L.HV1 sudación 3 1 HC1 sudação 3 1 HV1 

2467 suggestĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f suggestió 4 1 L.HV1 sugestión 3 1 HC1 sugestão 3 1 HV1 

2468 suppressĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f supressió 4 1 L.HV1 supresión 3 1 HC1 supressão 3 1 HV1 

2469 suspensĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f suspensió 4 1 L.HV1 suspensión 3 1 HC1 suspensão 3 1 HV1 

2470 temptātiō, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f temptació 4 1 L.HV1 tentación 3 1 HC1 tentação 3 1 HV1 

2471 trādĭtĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f traïció 4 1 L.HV1 traición 2 1 HC1 traição 2 2 HV1 

2472 transactĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f transacció 4 1 L.HV1 transacción 3 1 HC1 transacção 3 1 HV1 

2473 transcriptĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f transcripció 4 1 L.HV1 transcripción 3 1 HC1 transcrição 3 1 HV1 

2474 b. lat. transfixĭo, -ōnis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f transfixió 4 1 L.HV1 transfixión 3 1 HC1 transfixão 3 1 HV1 

2475 transgressĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f transgressió 4 1 L.HV1 transgresión 3 1 HC1 transgressão 3 1 HV1 

2476 transĭtĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L m transició 4 1 L.HV1 transición 3 2 HC1 transição 3 1 HV1 

2477 transmissĭo , ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f transmissió 4 1 L.HV1 transmisión 3 1 HC1 transmissão 3 1 HV1 

2478 vacatĭo, -ōnis 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f vacació 4 1 L.HV1 vacación 3 1 HC1 vacação 3 1 HV1 

2479 vocatĭo, -ōnis 

L.HV1.X (3) 

3 5 2 L.HV1.L f vocació 4 1 L.HV1 vocación 3 1 HC1 vocação 3 1 HV1 

2480 anadiplōsis, y este del gr. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f anadiplosi 5 2 L.L1.L anadiplosis 5 2 L.L1.HC anadiplose 5 2 L.L1.L 

2481 anastomōsis, y este del 

gr. 

3 5 2 L.HV1.L f anastomosi 5 2 L.L1.L anastomosis 5 2 L.L1.HC anastomose 5 2 L.L1.L 

2482 mĕtempsychōsis, is, f., = 

μετεμψύχωσις 

HV1.L.X (1) 

3 5 2 L.HV1.L f metempsicosi 5 2 L.L1.L metempsicosis 5 2 L.L1.HC metempsicose 5 2 L.L1.L 

2483 vĕnĕrābĭlis , e 

L1.L.X (1) 

3 5 3 HV1.L.L m venerable 4 2 L1.L venerable 4 2 L1.L venerável 4 2 L1.HC 

2484 haemorrhŏis, ĭdis, f. 3 5 3 L1.L.L f hemorroide 4 2 HV1.L hemorroide 4 2 HV1.L hemorróides 4 2 HV1.HC

467 

Etymon 

L1.L.X (2) 


2485 aborigĭnes (pl.) 3 5 3 L1.L.L m aborigen 4 2 L1.HC aborigen 4 2 L1.HC aborígene 5 3 L1.L.L 

2486 cŏtylēdon, ŏnis, f., = 

κοτυληδών 

L1.L.X (1) 

3 5 3 HV1.L.L m cotilèdon 4 2 L1.HC cotiledón 4 1 L.HC1 cotilédone 5 3 L1.L.L 

2487 ĕphēmĕris, ĭdis, f., 3 5 3 L1.L.L f efemèride 5 3 L1.L.L efeméride 5 3 L1.L.L efeméride 5 3 L1.L.L 

HV1.X (1) 

2488 *cosuetumen < 

consuetūdo, -ĭnis, f. 

L.HV1.X (18) 

3 6 3 HV1.L.L f costum 2 1 HC1 costumbre 3 2 HC1.L costume 3 2 L1.L 

2489 animalĭtas, -ātis 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f animalitat 5 1 L.HC1 animalidad 5 1 L.HC1 animalidade 6 2 L.L1.L 

2490 animosĭtas, -ātis 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f animositat 5 1 L.HC1 animosidad 5 1 L.HC1 animosidade 6 2 L.L1.L 

2491 consanguĭnĭtas , ātis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f consanguinitat 5 1 L.HC1 consanguinidad 5 1 L.HC1 consanguinidade 6 2 L.L1.L 

2492 copiosĭtas, -ātis 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f copiositat 5 1 L.HC1 copiosidad 4 1 L.HC1 copiosidade 6 2 L.L1.L 

2493 Christĭānĭtas , ātis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f cristiandat 3 1 HC1 cristiandad 3 1 HC1 cristandade 4 2 L1.L 

2494 *inimicĭtas < inimicitĭa 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f enemistat 4 1 HC1 enemistad 4 1 HC1 inimizade 5 2 L1.L 

2495 intellectŭālis, e, adj. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L m intel·lectual 4 1 L.HC1 intelectual 4 1 HC1 intelectual 4 1 HC1 

2496 longănĭmĭtas, ātis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f longanimitat 5 1 L.HC1 longanimidad 5 1 L.HC1 longanimidade 6 2 L.L1.L 

2497 multĭplĭcĭtas, ātis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f multiplicitat 5 1 L.HC1 multiplicidad 5 1 L.HC1 multiplicidade 6 2 L.L1.L 

2498 ōtĭōsĭtas, ātis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f ociositat 5 1 L.HC1 ociosidad 4 1 L.HC1 ociosidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2499 perpendĭcŭlāris, e, adj. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L m perpendicular 5 1 L.HC1 perpendicular 5 1 L.HC1 perpendicular 5 1 L.HC1 

2500 pŏpŭlārĭtas, ātis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f popularitat 5 1 L.HC1 popularidad 5 1 L.HC1 popularidade 6 1 L.HC1 

2501 possĭbĭlĭtas, ātis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f possibilitat 5 1 L.HC1 posibilidad 5 1 L.HC1 possibilidade 6 2 L.L1.L 

2502 prŏbābĭlĭtas, ātis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f probabilitat 5 1 L.HC1 probabilidad 5 1 L.HC1 probabilidade 6 2 L.L1.L 

2503 sensĭbĭlĭtas, ātis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f sensibilitat 5 1 L.HC1 sensibilidad 5 1 L.HC1 sensibilidade 6 2 L.L1.L 

2504 superfluĭtas, -ātis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f superfluïtat 5 1 L.HC1 superfluidad 4 1 L.HC1 superfluidade 5 2 L1.L 

2505 universĭtas, -ātis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f universitat 5 1 L.HC1 universidad 5 1 L.HC1 universidade 6 2 L.L1.L 

2506 visualĭtas, -ātis, f. 

L.HV1.X (7) 

3 6 2 L.HV1.L f visualitat 5 1 L.HC1 visualidad 4 1 L.HC1 visualidade 5 2 L.L1.L 

2507 benedictĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f benedicció 4 1 L.HV1 bendición 3 1 HC1 bênção 2 1 HV1 

2508 ērŭdītĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f erudició 4 1 L.HV1 erudición 3 1 HC1 erudição 3 1 HV1 

2509 invŏlūtĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f involució 4 1 L.HV1 involución 3 1 HC1 involução 3 1 HV1 

2510 pŏpŭlātĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f població 4 1 L.HV1 población 3 1 HC1 população 3 1 HV1 

2511 pondĕrātĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f ponderació 4 1 L.HV1 ponderación 3 1 HC1 ponderação 3 1 HV1

468 


2512 rĕprĕhensĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f reprensió 4 1 L.HV1 reprensión 3 1 HC1 repreensão 3 1 HV1 

2513 calefactĭo, -ōnis 

L.HV1.X (58) 

3 6 2 L.HV1.L f calefacció 4 1 L.HV1 calefacción 4 1 HC1 calefacção 4 1 HC1 

2514 abnegatĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f abnegació 5 1 L.HV1 abnegación 4 1 HC1 abnegação 4 1 HV1 

2515 adiuratĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f adjuració 5 1 L.HV1 adjuración 4 1 HC1 adjuração 4 1 HC1 

2616 admonitĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f admonició 5 1 L.HV1 admonición 4 1 HC1 admonição 4 1 HV1 

2517 advocatĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f advocació 5 1 L.HV1 advocación 4 1 HC1 avocação 4 1 HV1 

2518 allocutĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f al·locució 5 1 L.HV1 alocución 4 1 HC1 alocução 4 1 HV1 

2519 apparitĭo, -ōnis 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f aparició 5 1 L.HV1 aparición 4 1 HC1 aparição 4 1 HV1 

2520 appositĭo, -ōnis 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f aposició 5 1 L.HV1 aposición 4 1 HC1 aposição 4 1 HV1 

2521 bifurcatĭo, -ōnis 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f bifurcació 5 1 L.HV1 bifurcación 4 1 HC1 bifurcação 4 1 HV1 

2522 circumspectĭo , ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f circumspecció 5 1 L.HV1 circunspección 4 1 HC1 circunspecção 4 1 HV1 

2523 b. ll. coalitio, -onis 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f coalició 5 1 L.HV1 coalición 4 1 HC1 coalizão 4 1 HC1 

2524 coarctatĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f coartició 5 1 L.HV1 coartación 4 1 HC1 coarctação 4 1 HV1 

2525 conflāgrātĭo , ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f conflagració 5 1 L.HV1 conflagración 4 1 HC1 conflagração 4 1 HV1 

2526 conformātĭo , ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f conformació 5 1 L.HV1 conformación 4 1 HC1 conformação 4 1 HV1 

2527 constellatĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f constel·lació 5 1 L.HV1 constelación 4 1 HC1 constelação 4 1 HV1 

2528 dēlectātĭo , ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f delectació 5 1 L.HV1 delectación 4 1 HC1 deleitação 4 1 HV1 

2529 dēnŏtātĭo , ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f denotació 5 1 L.HV1 denotación 4 1 HC1 denotação 4 1 HV1 

2530 dēpŏsĭtĭo , ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f deposició 5 1 L.HV1 deposición 4 1 HC1 deposição 4 1 HV1 

2531 dēprĕcātĭo , ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f deprecació 5 1 L.HV1 deprecación 4 1 HC1 deprecação 4 1 HV1 

2532 disquīsītĭo , ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f disquisició 5 1 L.HV1 disquisición 4 1 HC1 disquisição 4 1 HV1 

2533 ēbullītĭo , ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f ebullició 5 1 L.HV1 ebullición 3 1 HC1 ebulição 3 1 HV1 

2534 ēdŭcātĭo , ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f educació 5 1 L.HV1 educación 4 1 HC1 educação 4 1 HV1 

2535 ēlŏcūtĭo , ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f elocució 5 1 L.HV1 elocución 4 1 L.HC1 elocução 4 1 L.HV1.L 

2536 ĕquĭtātĭo , ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f equitació 5 1 L.HV1 equitación 4 1 HC1 equitação 4 1 HV1 

2537 ēvŏlūtĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f evolució 5 1 L.HV1 evolución 4 1 HC1 evolução 4 1 HV1 

2538 exhālātĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f exhalació 5 1 L.HV1 exhalación 4 1 HC1 exalação 4 1 HV1 

2539 expectātĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f expectació 5 1 L.HV1 expectación 4 1 HC1 expectação 4 1 HV1 

2540 ĭnānītĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f inanició 5 1 L.HV1 inanición 4 1 HC1 inanição 4 1 HV1 

2541 indīgestĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f indigestió 5 1 L.HV1 indigestión 4 1 HC1 indigestão 4 1 HV1 

2542 indignātĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f indignació 5 1 L.HV1 indignación 4 1 HC1 indignação 4 1 HV1 

2543 induratĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f induració 5 1 L.HV1 induración 4 1 HC1 induração 4 1 HV1 

2544 insurrectĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f insurrecció 5 1 L.HV1 insurrección 4 1 HC1 insurreição 4 1 HV1 

2545 intellectĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f intel·lecció 5 1 L.HV1 intelección 4 1 HC1 intelecção 4 1 HV1 

2546 interdictĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f interdicció 5 1 L.HV1 interdicción 4 1 HC1 interdição 4 1 HV1

469 


2547 interjectĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f interjecció 5 1 L.HV1 interjección 4 1 HC1 interjeição 4 1 HV1 

2548 intersectĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f intersecció 5 1 L.HV1 intersección 4 1 HC1 intersecção 4 1 HV1 

2549 iurisdictĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f jurisdicció 5 1 L.HV1 jurisdicción 4 1 HC1 jurisdição 4 1 HV1 

2550 mălĕdictĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f maledicció 5 1 L.HV1 maldición 3 1 HC1 maldição 3 1 HV1 

2551 mănūmissĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f manumissió 5 1 L.HV1 manumisión 4 1 HC1 manumissão 4 1 HV1 

2552 occaecātĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f obcecació 5 1 L.HV1 obcecación 4 1 HC1 obcecação 4 1 HV1 

2553 oppŏsĭtĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f oposició 5 1 L.HV1 oposición 4 1 HC1 oposição 4 1 HV1 

2554 pĕrōrātĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f peroració 5 1 L.HV1 peroración 4 1 HC1 peroração 4 1 HV1 

2555 persĕcūtĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f persecució 5 1 L.HV1 persecución 4 1 HC1 persecução 4 1 HV1 

2556 praecognĭtĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f precognició 5 1 L.HV1 precognición 4 1 HC1 precognição 4 1 HV1 

2557 praepŏsĭtĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f preposició 5 1 L.HV1 preposición 4 1 HC1 preposição 4 1 HV1 

2558 prōsĕcūtĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f prossecució 5 1 L.HV1 prosecución 4 1 HC1 prossecução 4 1 HV1 

2559 pū˘trĕfactio, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f putrefacció 5 1 L.HV1 putrefacción 4 1 HC1 putrefacção 4 1 HV1 

2560 rădĭātĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f radiació 5 1 L.HV1 radiación 3 1 HC1 radiação 3 1 HV1 

2561 rĕpercussĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f repercussió 5 1 L.HV1 repercusión 4 1 HC1 repercussão 4 1 HV1 

2562 rĕpŏsĭtĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f reposició 5 1 L.HV1 reposición 3 1 HC1 reposição 3 1 HV1 

2563 rĕpŭtātĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f reputació 5 1 L.HV1 reputación 4 1 HC1 reputação 4 1 HV1 

2564 rĕsŏlūtĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f resolució 5 1 L.HV1 resolución 4 1 HC1 resolução 4 1 HV1 

2565 rĕsurrectĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f resurrecció 5 1 L.HV1 resurrección 4 1 HC1 ressurreição 4 1 HV1 

2566 rĕvŏlūtĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f revolució 5 1 L.HV1 revolución 4 1 HC1 revolução 4 1 HV1 

2567 sălūtātĭo , ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f salutació 5 1 L.HV1 salutación 4 1 HC1 saudação 4 1 HV1 

2568 sătisfactio, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f satisfacció 5 1 L.HV1 satisfacción 4 1 HC1 satisfação 4 1 HV1 

2569 superstitĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f superstició 5 1 L.HV1 superstición 4 1 HC1 superstição 4 1 HV1 

2570 sŭpīnātĭo , ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f supinació 5 1 L.HV1 supinación 4 1 HC1 supinação 4 1 HV1 

2571 suppŏsĭtĭo, ōnis, f. 

L.HV1.X (6) 

3 6 2 L.HV1.L f suposició 5 1 L.HV1 suposición 4 1 HC1 suposição 4 1 HV1 

2572 bipartitĭo, -ōnis 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f bipartició 5 2 L.HV1 bipartición 4 1 HC1 bipartição 4 1 HV1 

2573 consternātĭo , ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f consternació 5 2 L.HV1 consternación 4 1 HC1 consternação 4 1 HV1 

2574 crucifixĭo, -ōnis 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f crucifixió 5 2 L.HV1 crucifixión 4 1 HC1 crucifixão 4 1 HV1 

2575 dēpraedātĭo , ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f depredació 5 2 L.HV1 depredación 4 1 HC1 depredação 4 1 HV1 

2576 praetĕrĭtĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f preterició 5 2 L.HV1 preterición 4 1 HC1 preterição 4 1 HV1 

2577 trībŭlātĭo , ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f tribulació 5 2 L.HV1 tribulación 4 1 HC1 tribulação 4 1 HV1 

L.HV1.X (2) 

2578 alienatĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f alienació 6 1 L.HV1 ajenación 4 1 HC1 alienação 4 1 HV1 

2579 stĭpŭlātĭo, ōnis, f. 3 6 2 L.HV1.L f estipulació 6 1 L.HV1 estipulación 5 1 HC1 estipulação 5 1 HV1

470 

Etymon 

L1.L.X (1) 


2580 ĕlĕphantĭăsis, is, f., del 

gr. 

L.HV1.X (2) 

3 6 3 L1.L.L f elefantiasi 6 2 L.L1.L elefantiasis 5 2 L1.H elefantíase 6 3 L1.L.L 

2581 fămĭlĭārĭtas, ātis, f. 3 7 2 L.HV1.L f familiaritat 6 1 L.HC1 familiaridad 5 1 L.HC1 familiaridade 6 2 L.L1.L 

2582 particularĭtas, -ātis, f. 

L.HV1.X (11) 

3 7 2 L.HV1.L f particularitat 6 1 L.HC1 particularidad 6 1 L.HC1 particularidade 7 2 L.L1.L 

2583 animadversĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 7 2 L.HV1.L f animadversió 6 1 L.HV1 animadversión 5 1 HC1 animadversão 5 1 HC1 

2584 annuntiatĭo, -ōnis, f. 3 7 2 L.HV1.L f anunciació 6 1 L.HV1 anunciación 4 1 HC1 anunciação 4 1 HV1 

2585 capitulatĭo, -ōnis 3 7 2 L.HV1.L f capitulació 6 1 L.HV1 capitulación 5 1 HC1 capitulação 5 1 HV1 

2586 circumlŏcūtĭo , ōnis, f. 3 7 2 L.HV1.L f circumlocució 6 1 L.HV1 circunlocución 5 1 HC1 circunlocução 5 1 HV1 

2587 commĭsĕrātĭo , ōnis, f. 3 7 2 L.HV1.L f commiseració 6 1 L.HV1 conmiseración 5 1 HC1 comiseração 5 2 HV1 

2588 interlŏcūtĭo, ōnis, f. 3 7 2 L.HV1.L f interlocució 6 1 L.HV1 interlocución 5 1 HC1 interlocução 4 1 HV1 

2589 mōrĭgĕrātĭo, ōnis, f. 3 7 2 L.HV1.L f morigeració 6 1 L.HV1 morigeración 5 1 HC1 morigeração 5 1 HV1 

2590 pācĭfĭcātĭo, ōnis, f. 3 7 2 L.HV1.L f pacificació 6 1 L.HV1 pacificación 5 1 HC1 pacificação 5 1 HV1 

2591 praedestĭnātĭo, ōnis, f. 3 7 2 L.HV1.L f predestinació 6 1 L.HV1 predestinación 5 1 HC1 predestinação 5 1 HV1 

2592 rĕsuscĭtātĭo, ōnis, f. 3 7 2 L.HV1.L f ressuscitació 6 1 L.HV1 resucitación 5 1 HC1 ressuscitação 5 1 HV1 

2593 subordinatĭo, ōnis, f. 3 7 2 L.HV1.L f subordinació 6 1 L.HV1 subordinación 5 1 HC1 subordinação 5 2 HV1 

2594 transfĭgūrātĭo , ōnis, f. 

HC1.X (121) 

3 7 2 L.HV1.L f transfiguració 6 1 L.HV1 transfiguración 5 1 HC1 transfiguração 5 1 HV1 

2595 aphthae, ārum, f., = 

ἄφθαι, 

1 2 2 HC1.L f afta 2 2 HC1.L afta 2 2 HC1.L afta 2 2 HC1.L 

2596 alba, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f alba 2 2 HC1.L alba 2 2 HC1.L alba 2 2 HC1.L 

2597 alga, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f alga 2 2 HC1.L alga 2 2 HC1.L alga 2 2 HC1.L 

2598 arca, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f arca 2 2 HC1.L arca 2 2 HC1.L arca 2 2 HC1.L 

2599 ansa , ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f ansa 2 2 HC1.L asa 2 2 L1.L asa 2 2 L1.L 

2600 asthma, y este del gr. 1 2 2 HC1.L f asma 2 2 HC1.L asma 2 2 HC1.L asma 2 2 HC1.L 

2601 barba, ae 1 2 2 HC1.L f barba 2 2 HC1.L barba 2 2 HC1.L barba 2 2 HC1.L 

2602 barca , ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f barca 2 2 HC1.L barca 2 2 HC1.L barca 2 2 HC1.L 

2603 bucca, ae, f., voz de or. 

Celta 

1 2 2 HC1.L f boca 2 2 L1.L boca 2 2 L1.L boca 2 2 L1.L 

2604 bursa 1 2 2 HC1.L f bossa 2 2 L1.L bolsa 2 2 HC1.L bolsa 2 2 HC1.L 

2605 burra , ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f borra 2 2 L1.L borra 2 2 L1.L borra 2 2 L1.L 

2606 brŏchus, brocchus , 

broccus, a, um, 

1 2 2 HC1.L f broca 2 2 L1.L broca 2 2 L1.L broca 2 2 L1.L 

2607 bulla , ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f butlla 2 2 HC1.L bula 2 2 L1.L bula 2 2 L1.L 

2608 capsa , ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f caixa 2 2 HV1.L caja 2 2 L1.L caixa 2 2 L1.L

471 


2609 călĭda (calda ), ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f calda 2 2 HC1.L calda 2 2 HC1.L calda 2 2 HC1.L 

2610 caltha , ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f calta 2 2 HC1.L calta 2 2 HC1.L calta 2 2 HC1.L 

2611 calva , ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f calba 2 2 HC1.L calva 2 2 HC1.L calva 2 2 HC1.L 

2612 canna , ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f canya 2 2 L1.L caña 2 2 L1.L canha 2 2 L1.L 

2613 charta , ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f carta 2 2 HC1.L carta 2 2 HC1.L carta 2 2 HC1.L 

2614 cella , ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f cel·la 2 2 HC1.L celda 2 2 HC1.L cela 2 2 L1.L 

2615 comma , ătis, n., del gr. 1 2 2 HC1.L f coma 2 2 L1.L coma 2 2 L1.L coma 2 2 L1.L 

2616 cuppa 1 2 2 HC1.L f copa 2 2 L1.L copa 2 2 L1.L copa 2 2 L1.L 

2617 crusta , ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f crosta 2 2 HC1.L costra 2 2 HC1.L crosta 2 2 HC1.L 

2618 crista , ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f cresta 2 2 HC1.L cresta 2 2 HC1.L cresta 2 2 HC1.L 

2619 crypta , ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f cripta 2 2 HC1.L cripta 2 2 HC1.L cripta 2 2 HC1.L 

2620 concha , ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f conca 2 2 HC1.L cuenca 2 2 HC1.L conca 2 2 HC1.L 

2621 chorda , ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f corda 2 2 HC1.L cuerda 2 2 HC1.L corda 2 2 HC1.L 

2622 costa , ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f costa 2 2 HC1.L cuesta 2 2 HC1.L costa 2 2 HC1.L 

2623 culpa , ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f culpa 2 2 HC1.L culpa 2 2 HC1.L culpa 2 2 HC1.L 

2624 lat. v. falla, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f falla 2 2 L1.L falla 2 2 L1.L falha 2 2 L1.L 

2625 flamma, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f flama 2 2 L1.L flama 2 2 L1.L flama 2 2 L1.L 

2626 forma, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f forma 2 2 HC1.L forma 2 2 HC1.L forma 2 2 HC1.L 

2627 fossa, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f fossa 2 2 L1.L fosa 

2 2 L1.L fossa 2 2 L1.L 

2628 funda, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f funda 2 2 HC1.L funda 2 2 HC1.L funda 2 2 HC1.L 

2629 gemma, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f gema 2 2 L1.L gema 2 2 L1.L gema 2 2 L1.L 

2630 glossa, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f glossa 2 2 L1.L glosa 2 2 L1.L glossa 2 2 L1.L 

2631 gŭmma

472 


2644 mamma, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f mama 2 2 L1.L mama 2 2 L1.L mama 2 2 L1.L 

2645 manna, ae, f., = μάννα 1 2 2 HC1.L f mannà 2 1 L.L1 maná 2 1 L.L1 maná 2 1 L.L1 

2646 mappa, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L m mapa 2 2 L1.L mapa 2 2 L1.L mapa 2 2 L1.L 

2647 b. lat. marca, y este del 1 2 2 HC1.L f marca 2 2 HC1.L marca 2 2 HC1.L marca 2 2 HC1.L 

germ. 

2648 marga, ae, f., de or. celta 1 2 2 HC1.L f marga 2 2 HC1.L marga 2 2 HC1.L marga 2 2 HC1.L 

2649 massa, ae, f., = μάζα 1 2 2 HC1.L f massa 2 2 L1.L masa 2 2 L1.L massa 2 2 L1.L 

2650 matta, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f mata 2 2 L1.L mata 2 2 L1.L mata 2 2 L1.L 

2651 menta (mentha), ae, f., = 

μίντη 

1 2 2 HC1.L f menta 2 2 HC1.L menta 2 2 HC1.L menta 2 2 HC1.L 

2652 mensa, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f mesa 2 2 L1.L mesa 2 2 L1.L mesa 2 2 L1.L 

2653 merda, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f merda 2 2 HC1.L mierda 2 2 HC1.L merda 2 2 HC1.L 

2654 murra (alt. myrrha), ae, f., 1 2 2 HC1.L f mirra 2 2 L1.L mirra 2 2 L1.L mirra 2 2 L1.L 

= μύρρα 

2655 missa, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f missa 2 2 L1.L misa 2 2 L1.L missa 2 2 L1.L 

2656 musca, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f mosca 2 2 HC1.L mosca 2 2 HC1.L mosca 2 2 HC1.L 

2657 multa (mulcta), ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f multa 2 2 HC1.L multa 2 2 HC1.L multa 2 2 HC1.L 

2658 murta, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f murta 2 2 HC1.L murta 2 2 HC1.L murta 2 2 HC1.L 

2659 naphtha, ae, f., 1 2 2 HC1.L f nafta 2 2 HC1.L nafta 2 2 HC1.L nafta 2 2 HC1.L 

2660 nassa o naxa, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f nassa 2 2 L1.L nasa 

2 2 L1.L nassa 2 2 L1.L 

2661 *natta, var. del b. lat. 1 2 2 HC1.L f nata 2 2 L1.L nata 2 2 L1.L nata 2 2 L1.L 

matta 

2662 nympha , ae, f., del gr. 1 2 2 HC1.L f nimfa 2 2 HC1.L ninfa 2 2 HC1.L ninfa 2 2 HC1.L 

2663 nōrma ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f norma 2 2 HC1.L norma 2 2 HC1.L norma 2 2 HC1.L 

2664 olla, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f olla 2 2 L1.L olla 2 2 L1.L olha 2 2 L1.L 

2665 unda, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f onda 2 2 HC1.L onda 2 2 HC1.L onda 2 2 HC1.L 

2666 orca, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f orca 2 2 HC1.L orca 2 2 HC1.L orca 2 2 HC1.L 

2667 palma, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f palma 2 2 HC1.L palma 2 2 HC1.L palma 2 2 HC1.L 

2668 [uva] passa; passus, a, 1 2 2 HC1.L f pansa 2 2 HC1.L pasa 2 2 L1.L passa 2 2 L1.L 

um

473 


2677 prensus, a, um 1 2 2 HC1.L f pressa 2 2 L1.L presa 2 2 L1.L pressa 2 2 L1.L 

2678 VL. posta< pŏsĭtus, a, um 1 2 2 HC1.L f posta 2 2 HC1.L puesta 2 2 HC1.L posta 2 2 HC1.L 

2679 pugna, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f pugna 2 2 HC1.L pugna 2 2 HC1.L pugna 2 2 HC1.L 

2680 pulpa, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f polpa 2 2 HC1.L pulpa 2 2 HC1.L polpa 2 2 HC1.L 

2681 puncta, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f punta 2 2 HC1.L punta 2 2 HC1.L ponta 2 2 HC1.L 

2682 ruptus, a, um 1 2 2 HC1.L f rota 2 2 L1.L rota 2 2 L1.L rota 2 2 L1.L 

2683 salsus, a, um 1 2 2 HC1.L f salsa 2 2 HC1.L salsa 2 2 HC1.L salsa 2 2 HC1.L 

2684 sanctus, a, um 1 2 2 HC1.L f santa 2 2 HC1.L santa 2 2 HC1.L santa 2 2 HC1.L 

2685 sectus, a, um 1 2 2 HC1.L f secta 2 2 HC1.L secta 2 2 HC1.L secta 2 2 HC1.L 

2686 silva, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f selva 2 2 HC1.L selva 2 2 HC1.L selva 2 2 HC1.L 

2687 sextus, a, um 1 2 2 HC1.L f sexta 2 2 HC1.L sexta 2 2 HC1.L sexta 2 2 HC1.L 

2688 serra, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f serra 2 2 HC1.L sierra 2 2 HC1.L serra 2 2 HC1.L 

2689 serva, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f serva 2 2 HC1.L sierva 2 2 HC1.L serva 2 2 HC1.L 

2690 sexta [hora]

474 

Etymon 

HC1.L (prothesis) 


2712 sponsus, a, um 1 2 2 HC1.L f espòsa 3 2 L1.L esposa 3 2 L1.L esposa 3 2 L1.L 

2713 sporta, ae, f. 1 2 2 HC1.L f esporta 3 2 HC1.L espuerta 3 2 HC1.L esporta 3 2 HC1.L 

2714 stuppa, ae, f., = στύππη 1 2 2 HC1.L f estopa 3 2 L1.L estopa 3 2 L1.L estopa 3 2 L1.L 

2715 stella, ae, f. 

HV1.X (16) 

1 2 2 HC1.L f estrella 3 2 L1.L estrella 3 2 L1.L estrela 3 2 L1.L 

2716 aula , ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f aula 2 2 HV1.L aula 2 2 HV1.L aula 2 2 HV1.L 

2717 aura , ae, y este del gr. 1 2 2 HV1.L f aura 2 2 HV1.L aura 2 2 HV1.L aura 2 2 HV1.L 

2718 brūma , ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f broma 2 2 L1.L bruma 2 2 L1.L bruma 2 2 L1.L 

2719 causa, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f causa 2 2 HV1.L causa 2 2 HV1.L causa 2 2 HV1.L 

2720 cēna, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f cena 2 2 L1.L cena 2 2 L1.L ceia 2 2 HV1.L 

2721 cēra , ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f cera 2 2 L1.L cera 2 2 L1.L cera 2 2 L1.L 

2722 clāva , ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f clava 2 2 L1.L clava 2 2 L1.L clava 2 2 L1.L 

2723 cauda (cōda), ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f coda 2 2 L1.L coda 2 2 L1.L coda 2 2 L1.L 

2724 cōda, ae, del lat. cauda, 

lat. vulg. 

1 2 2 HV1.L f cua 2 2 L1.L cola 2 2 L1.L cola 2 2 L1.L 

2725 causa, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f cosa 2 2 L1.L cosa 2 2 L1.L coisa 2 2 HV1.L 

2726 crēta , ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f creta 2 2 L1.L creta 2 2 L1.L creta 2 2 L1.L 

2727 quādra , ae, f. lat. tardío 1 2 2 HV1.L f quadra 2 2 L1.L cuadra 2 2 L1.L quadra 2 2 L1.L 

2728 cūra , ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f cura 2 2 L1.L cura 2 2 L1.L cura 2 2 L1.L 

2729 dūpla , ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f dobla 2 2 L1.L dobla 2 2 L1.L dobra 2 2 L1.L 

2730 nāna , ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f nana 2 2 L1.L enana 3 3 L.L1.L anã 2 2 L.HV1 

2731 aera , ae, f. 

HV1.L (prothesis) (12) 

1 2 2 HV1.L f era 2 2 L1.L era 2 2 L1.L era 2 2 L1.L 

2732 scāla, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f escala 3 2 L1.L escala 3 2 L1.L escala 3 2 L1.L 

2733 squāma, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f escama 3 2 L1.L escama 3 2 L1.L escama 3 2 L1.L 

2734 scaena, ae (scēna), f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f escena 3 2 L1.L escena 3 2 L1.L cena 2 2 L1.L 

2735 scrība, ae, m. 1 2 2 HV1.L m escriba 3 2 L1.L escriba 3 2 L1.L escriba 3 2 L1.L 

2736 sphaera, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f esfera 3 2 L1.L esfera 3 2 L1.L esfera 3 2 L1.L 

2737 spīca, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f espiga 3 2 L1.L espiga 3 2 L1.L espiga 3 2 L1.L 

2738 spīna, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f espina 3 2 L1.L espina 3 2 L1.L espinha 3 2 L1.L 

2739 spīra, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f espira 3 2 L1.L espira 3 2 L1.L espira 3 2 L1.L 

3740 spūma, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f espuma 3 2 L1.L espuma 3 2 L1.L espuma 3 2 L1.L 

2741 schēma, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f esquema 3 2 L1.L esquema 3 2 L1.L esquema 3 2 L1.L 

2742 stēla, ae, f., = στήλη 1 2 2 HV1.L f estela 3 2 L1.L estela 3 2 L1.L estela 3 2 L1.L 

2743 *stēva, dialect.de stīva, 

ae, f. 

1 2 2 HV1.L f esteva 3 2 L1.L esteva 3 2 L1.L esteva 3 2 L1.L

475 

Etymon 

HV1.L (43) 


2744 Fauna, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f fauna 2 2 HV1.L fauna 2 2 HV1.L fauna 2 2 HV1.L 

2745 fī˘bra, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f fibra 2 2 L1.L fibra 2 2 L1.L fibra 2 2 L1.L 

2746 Flōra, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f flora 2 2 L1.L flora 2 2 L1.L flora 2 2 L1.L 

2747 phōcă, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f foca 2 2 L1.L foca 2 2 L1.L foca 2 2 L1.L 

2748 crēta, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f greda 2 2 L1.L greda 2 2 L1.L greda 2 2 L1.L 

2749 īra, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f ira 2 2 L1.L ira 2 2 L1.L ira 2 2 L1.L 

2750 lē˘pra, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f lepra 2 2 L1.L lepra 2 2 L1.L lepra 2 2 L1.L 

2751 lībra, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f lliura 2 2 HV1.L libra 2 2 L1.L libra 2 2 L1.L 

2752 līma, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f llima 2 2 L1.L lima 2 2 L1.L lima 2 2 L1.L 

2753 līra, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f lira 2 2 L1.L lira 2 2 L1.L lira 2 2 L1.L 

2754 plāga, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f plaga 2 2 L1.L llaga 2 2 L1.L chaga 2 2 L1.L 

2755 lūna, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f lluna 2 2 L1.L luna 2 2 L1.L lua 2 2 L1.L 

2756 mēta, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f meta 2 2 L1.L meta 2 2 L1.L meta 2 2 L1.L 

2757 mīca, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f mica 2 2 L1.L mica 2 2 L1.L mica 2 2 L1.L 

2758 mītra, ae, f., = μίτρα 1 2 2 HV1.L f mitra 2 2 L1.L mitra 2 2 L1.L mitra 2 2 L1.L 

2759 Mūsa, ae, f., = Μοῦσα 1 2 2 HV1.L f musa 2 2 L1.L musa 2 2 L1.L musa 2 2 L1.L 

2760 nauta, ae, m. 1 2 2 HV1.L f nauta 2 2 HV1.L nauta 2 2 HV1.L nauta 2 2 HV1.L 

2761 pausa, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f pausa 2 2 HV1.L pausa 

2 2 HV1.L pausa 2 2 HV1.L 

2762 poena, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f pena 2 2 L1.L pena 2 2 L1.L pena 2 2 L1.L 

2763 pīla, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f pila 2 2 L1.L pila 2 2 L1.L pilha 2 2 L1.L 

2764 plāga, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f plaga 2 2 L1.L plaga 2 2 L1.L plaga 2 2 L1.L 

2765 plāna, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f plana 2 2 L1.L plana 2 2 L1.L plana 2 2 L1.L 

2766 plūma, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f ploma 2 2 L1.L pluma 2 2 L1.L pluma 2 2 L1.L 

2767 prīmus, a, um 1 2 2 HV1.L f prima 2 2 L1.L prima 2 2 L1.L prima 2 2 L1.L 

2768 prōsa, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f prosa 2 2 L1.L prosa 2 2 L1.L prosa 2 2 L1.L 

2769 rūga, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f rua 2 2 L1.L rúa 2 2 L1.L rua 2 2 L1.L 

2770 rūta, ae, f., = ῥυτή 1 2 2 HV1.L f ruda 2 2 L1.L ruda 2 2 L1.L ruda 2 2 L1.L 

2771 saeta (sēta), ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f seda 2 2 L1.L seda 2 2 L1.L seda 2 2 L1.L 

2772 tēla , ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f tela 2 2 L1.L tela 2 2 L1.L tela 2 2 L1.L.L 

2773 tina 1 2 2 HV1.L f tina 2 2 L1.L tina 2 2 L1.L tina 2 2 L1.L 

2774 vāra , ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f vara 2 2 L1.L vara 2 2 L1.L vara 2 2 L1.L 

2775 vēna , ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f vena 2 2 L1.L vena 2 2 L1.L veia 2 2 L1.L 

2776 vīta , ae 1 2 2 HV1.L f vida 2 2 L1.L vida 2 2 L1.L vida 2 2 L1.L 

2777 āra , ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f ara 2 2 L1.L ara 2 2 L1.L ara 2 2 L1.L 

2778 dīva (dia ), ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f diva 2 2 L1.L diva 2 2 L1.L diva 2 2 L1.L

476 


2779 fāma, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f fama 2 2 L1.L fama 2 2 L1.L fama 2 2 L1.L 

2780 glūma, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f gluma 2 2 L1.L gluma 2 2 L1.L gluma 2 2 L1.L 

2781 fata, f. (< fātum, i, n.) 1 2 2 HV1.L f fada 2 2 L1.L hada 2 2 L1.L fada 2 2 L1.L 

2782 hōra, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f hora 2 2 L1.L hora 2 2 L1.L hora 2 2 L1.L 

2783 ōchra, ae, f., del gr. 1 2 2 HV1.L f ocre 2 2 L1.L ocre 2 2 L1.L ocre 2 2 L1.L 

2784 ōda, ae, f., del gr. 1 2 2 HV1.L f oda 2 2 L1.L oda 2 2 L1.L oda 2 2 L1.L 

2785 pāla, ae, f. 1 2 2 HV1.L f pala 2 2 L1.L pala 2 2 L1.L pá 1 1 HV1 

2786 lāna, ae, f. 

L1.X (40) 

1 2 2 HV1.L f llana 2 2 L1.L lana 2 2 L1.L lã 1 1 HV1 

2787 ala, ae, f. 1 2 2 L1.L f ala 2 2 L1.L ala 2 2 L1.L ala 2 2 L1.L 

2788 bŏa, ae, f. 1 2 2 L1.L f boa 2 2 L1.L boa 2 2 L1.L boa 2 2 L1.L 

2789 capra , ae, f. 1 2 2 L1.L f cabra 2 2 L1.L cabra 2 2 L1.L cabra 2 2 L1.L 

2790 Der. regres. del lat. 1 2 2 L1.L f caca 2 2 L1.L caca 2 2 L1.L caca 2 2 L1.L 

cacāre 

2791 căsa , ae, f. 1 2 2 L1.L f casa 2 2 L1.L casa 2 2 L1.L casa 2 2 L1.L 

2792 *cova 1 2 2 L1.L f cova 2 2 L1.L cueva 2 2 L1.L cova 2 2 L1.L 

2793 lat. tardío [charta] data 1 2 2 L1.L f data 2 2 L1.L data 2 2 L1.L data 2 2 L1.L 

2794 schŏla (scŏla), ae, f. 1 2 2 L1.L f escola 3 2 HC.L1.L escuela 3 2 HC.L1.L escola 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2795 spătha, ae, f. 1 2 2 L1.L f espasa 3 2 HC.L1.L espada 3 2 HC.L1.L espada 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2796 spătha, ae, f., = σπάθη 1 2 2 L1.L f espata 3 2 HC.L1.L espata 3 2 HC.L1.L espata 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2797 stŏla, ae, f., = στολή 1 2 2 L1.L f estola 3 2 HC.L1.L estola 3 2 HC.L1.L estola 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2798 strŏpha, ae, f., = στροφή 1 2 2 L1.L f estrofa 3 2 HC.L1.L estrofa 3 2 HC.L1.L estrofe 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2799 fĕra, ae, f. 1 2 2 L1.L f fera 2 2 L1.L fiera 2 2 L1.L fera 2 2 L1.L 

2800 fŭga, ae, f. 1 2 2 L1.L f fuga 2 2 L1.L fuga 2 2 L1.L fuga 2 2 L1.L 

2801 gŭla, ae, f. 1 2 2 L1.L f gola 2 2 L1.L gola 2 2 L1.L gola 2 2 L1.L 

2802 gŭla, ae, f. 1 2 2 L1.L f gola 2 2 L1.L gula 2 2 L1.L gula 2 2 L1.L 

2803 făba, ae, f. 1 2 2 L1.L f fava 2 2 L1.L haba 2 2 L1.L fava 2 2 L1.L 

2804 fī˘bra, ae, f. 1 2 2 L1.L f fibra 2 2 L1.L hebra 2 2 L1.L fibra 2 2 L1.L 

2805 Hydra, ae, f., = Ὕδρα 1 2 2 L1.L f hidra 2 2 L1.L hidra 2 2 L1.L hidra 2 2 L1.L 

2806 lŭpa , ae, f. 1 2 2 L1.L f lloba 2 2 L1.L loba 2 2 L1.L loba 2 2 L1.L 

2807 mĭna, ae, f. 1 2 2 L1.L f mina 2 2 L1.L mina 2 2 L1.L mina 2 2 L1.L 

2808 mŏla, ae, f. 1 2 2 L1.L f mola 2 2 L1.L mola 2 2 L1.L mola 2 2 L1.L 

2809 mŏra, ae, f. 1 2 2 L1.L f mora 2 2 L1.L mora 2 2 L1.L mora 2 2 L1.L 

2810 nŏta , ae, f. 1 2 2 L1.L f nota 2 2 L1.L nota 2 2 L1.L nota 2 2 L1.L 

2811 papas (pappas), ae & 

ătis, m. 

1 2 2 L1.L m papa 2 2 L1.L papa 2 2 L1.L papa 2 2 L1.L

477 


2812 pē˘tra, ae, f., = πέτρα 1 2 2 L1.L f pedra 2 2 L1.L piedra 2 2 L1.L pedra 2 2 L1.L 

2813 pyra, ae, f., = πυρά. 1 2 2 L1.L f pira 2 2 L1.L pira 2 2 L1.L pira 2 2 L1.L 

2814 rŏsa, ae, f 1 2 2 L1.L f rosa 2 2 L1.L rosa 2 2 L1.L rosa 2 2 L1.L 

2815 rŏta, ae, f. 1 2 2 L1.L f roda 2 2 L1.L rueda 2 2 L1.L roda 2 2 L1.L 

2816 lat. vulg. socra, ae, 

f.

478 

Etymon 

HC.HV1.X (54) 


2845 albūra 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f albura 3 2 HC.L1.L albura 3 2 HC.L1.L alvura 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2846 angīna 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f angina 3 2 HC.L1.L angina 3 2 HC.L1.L angina 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2847 annōna 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f annona 3 2 L.L1.L anona 3 2 L.L1.L anona 3 2 L.L1.L 

2848 armāta, f. de armātus 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f armada 3 2 HC.L1.L armada 3 2 HC.L1.L armada 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2849 Harpyia (trisyl.), ae, f , y 

este del gr. 

1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f harpia 3 2 HC.L1.L arpía 3 2 HC.L1.L harpia 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2850 b. lat. ascēta, y este del 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L m/f asceta 3 2 HC.L1.L asceta 3 2 HC.L1.L asceta 3 2 HC.L1.L 

gr. 

2851 āthlēta , ae, com. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L m/f atleta 3 2 HC.L1.L atleta 3 2 HC.L1.L atleta 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2852 censūra , ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f censura 3 2 HC.L1.L censura 3 2 HC.L1.L censura 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2853 cinctūra , ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f cintura 3 2 HC.L1.L cintura 3 2 L.L1.L cintura 3 2 L.L1.L 

2854 collēga (conl- ), ae, m. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L m col·lega 3 2 HC.L1.L colega 3 2 L.L1.L colega 3 2 L.L1.L 

2855 cortīna , ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f cortina 3 2 HC.L1.L cortina 3 2 HC.L1.L cortina 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2856 cultūra , ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f cultura 3 2 HC.L1.L cultura 3 2 HC.L1.L cultura 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2857 cognāta , ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L e cunyada 3 2 L.L1.L cuñada 3 2 L.L1.L cunhada 3 2 L.L1.L 

2858 discrētus, a, um 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f discreta 3 2 HC.L1.L discreta 3 2 HC.L1.L discreta 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2859 dyspnoea , ae, f., del gr. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f dispnea 3 2 HC.L1.L disnea 3 2 HC.L1.L dispneia 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2860 doctrīna , ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f doctrina 3 2 HC.L1.L doctrina 3 2 HC.L1.L doutrina 3 2 HV.L1.L 

2861 gĭngīva , ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f geniva 3 2 L.L1.L encía 3 2 HC.L1.L gengiva 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2862 gangraena, ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f gangrena 3 2 HC.L1.L gangrena 3 2 HC.L1.L gangrena 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2863 scriptūra, ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f escriptura 4 2 HC.L1.L escritura 4 2 L.L1.L escritura 4 2 L.L1.L 

2864 sculptūra, ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f escultura 4 2 HC.L1.L escultura 4 2 HC.L1.L escultura 4 2 HC.L1.L 

2865 structūra, ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f estructura 4 2 HC.L1.L estructura 4 2 HC.L1.L estrutura 4 2 L.L1.L 

2866 factūra, ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f factura 3 2 HC.L1.L factura 3 2 HC.L1.L factura 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2867 fissūra, ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f fissura 3 2 L.L1.L fisura 3 2 L.L1.L fissura 3 2 L.L1.L 

2868 fontāna, ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f fontana 3 2 HC.L1.L fontana 3 2 HC.L1.L fontana 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2869 fortūna, ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f fortuna 3 2 HC.L1.L fortuna 3 2 HC.L1.L fortuna 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2870 fractūra, ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f fractura 3 2 HC.L1.L fractura 3 2 HC.L1.L fractura 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2871 germāna, ae, f., 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f germana 3 2 HC.L1.L hermana 3 2 HC.L1.L irmã 2 1 HC.HV1 

2872 formīca, ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f formiga 3 2 L.L1.L hormiga 3 2 L.L1.L formiga 3 2 L.L1.L 

2873 junctūra , ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f juntura 3 2 HC.L1.L juntura 3 2 HC.L1.L juntura 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2874 lamprēda 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f llamprea 3 2 HC.L1.L lamprea 3 2 HC.L1.L lampreia 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2875 lactūca, ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f lletuga 3 2 L.L1.L lechuga 3 2 L.L1.L leituga 3 2 L.L1.L 

2876 lectūra, ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f lectura 3 2 HC.L1.L lectura 3 2 HC.L1.L leitura 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2877 mantīsa (mantissa), ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f mantissa 3 2 HC.L1.L mantisa 3 2 HC.L1.L mantissa 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2878 membrāna, ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f membrana 3 2 HC.L1.L membrana 3 2 HC.L1.L membrana 3 2 HC.L1.L

479 


2879 mensūra. ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f mesura 3 2 L.L1.L mesura 3 2 L.L1.L mesura 3 2 L.L1.L 

2880 mistūra (mix-), ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f mixtura 3 2 HC.L1.L mixtura 3 2 HC.L1.L mistura 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2881 oblātus, a, um 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f oblata 3 2 L.L1.L oblata 3 2 HC.L1.L oblata 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2882 octāva, ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f octava 3 2 HC.L1.L octava 3 2 HC.L1.L oitava 3 2 HV.L1.L 

2883 urtīca, ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f ortiga 3 2 HC.L1.L ortiga 3 2 HC.L1.L urtiga 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2884 panthēra, ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f pantera 3 2 HC.L1.L pantera 3 2 HC.L1.L pantera 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2885 persōna, ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f persona 3 2 HC.L1.L persona 3 2 HC.L1.L pessoa 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2886 piscīna, ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f piscina 3 2 HC.L1.L piscina 3 2 HC.L1.L piscina 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2887 ruptūra, ae,f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f ruptura 3 2 HC.L1.L ruptura 3 2 HC.L1.L ruptura 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2888 sardīna, ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f sardina 3 2 HC.L1.L sardina 3 2 HC.L1.L sardinha 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2889 *subtāna, de subtus, adv. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f sotana 3 2 L.L1.L sotana 3 2 L.L1.L sotana 3 2 L.L1.L 

2890 textūra , ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f textura 3 2 HC.L1.L textura 3 2 HC.L1.L textura 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2891 tinctūra 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f tintura 3 2 HC.L1.L tintura 3 2 HC.L1.L tintura 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2892 tonsūra , ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f tonsura 3 2 HC.L1.L tonsura 3 2 HC.L1.L tonsura 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2893 tortūra , ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f tortura 3 2 HC.L1.L tortura 3 2 HC.L1.L tortura 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2894 unctūra , ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f untura 3 2 HC.L1.L untura 3 2 HC.L1.L untura 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2895 lat. tardío ventōsa, ae 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f ventosa 3 2 HC.L1.L ventosa 3 2 HC.L1.L ventosa 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2896 verbēna , ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f berbena 3 2 HC.L1.L verbena 3 2 HC.L1.L verbena 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2897 verrūca , ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L m berruga 3 2 L.L1.L verruga 3 2 L.L1.L verruga 3 2 L.L1.L 

2898 vertēbra , ae, f. 

HC.L1.X (1) 

1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f vèrtebra 3 3 HC1.L.L vértebra 3 3 HC1.L.L vértebra 3 3 HC1.L.L 

2899 eschăra, ae, f., = ἐσχάρα 

L.HC1.L (7) 

1 3 2 HC.L1.L f escara 3 2 HC.L1.L escara 3 2 HC.L1.L escara 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2900 dēfensa , ae, f. 1 3 2 HV.HC1.L f defensa 3 2 L.HC1.L defensa 3 2 L.HC1.L defesa 3 2 L.L1.L 

2901 dēfensa , ae, f. 1 3 2 HV.HC1.L f devesa 3 2 L.L1.L dehesa 3 2 L.L1.L devesa 3 2 L.L1.L 

2902 Syringa , ae, f., 1 3 2 HV.HC1.L f xeringa 3 2 L.HC1.L jeringa 3 2 L.HC1.L seringa 3 2 L.HC1.L 

2903 lībertus, a, um 1 3 2 HV.HC1.L f lliberta 3 2 L.HC1.L liberta 3 2 L.HC1.L liberta 3 2 L.HC1.L 

2904 praebenda, ae, f. 1 3 2 HV.HC1.L f prebenda 3 2 L.HC1.L prebenda 3 2 L.HC1.L prebenda 3 2 L.HC1.L 

2905 tētrarches, ae, m., del gr. 1 3 2 HV.HC1.L m tetrarca 3 2 L.HC1.L tetrarca 3 2 L.HC1.L tetrarca 3 2 L.HC1.L 

2906 pūpilla, ae, f, 

HV.HV1.L (28) 

1 3 2 HV.HC1.L f pupil·la 3 2 L.HC1.L pupila 3 2 L.L1.L pupila 3 2 L.L1.L 

2907 aurīga , ae 1 3 2 HV.HV1.L m auriga 3 2 HV.L1.L auriga 3 2 HV.L1.L auriga 3 2 HV.L1.L 

2908 aurōra , ae, f. 1 3 2 HV.HV1.L f aurora 3 2 HV.L1.L aurora 3 2 HV.L1.L aurora 3 2 HV.L1.L 

2909 bālaena (bālēna ), ae, f., 

y este del gr. 

1 3 2 HV.HV1.L f balena 3 2 L.L1.L ballena 3 2 L.L1.L baleia 3 2 L.L1.L 

2910 cautēla , ae, f. 1 3 2 HV.HV1.L f cautela 3 2 HV.L1.L cautela 3 2 HV.L1.L cautela 3 2 HV.L1.L

480 


2911 caelāta 1 3 2 HV.HV1.L f celada 3 2 L.L1.L celada 3 2 L.L1.L celada 3 2 L.L1.L 

2912 clausūra, ae, f. 1 3 2 HV.HV1.L f clausura 3 2 HV.L1.L clausura 3 2 HV.L1.L clausura 3 2 HV.L1.L 

2913 quādrīga , ae, f., 1 3 2 HV.HV1.L f quadriga 3 2 L.L1.L cuadriga 3 2 L.L1.L quadriga 3 2 L.L1.L 

2914 quaestūra , ae, f. 1 3 2 HV.HV1.L f qüestura 3 2 HC.L1.L cuestura 3 2 HC.L1.L questura 3 2 HC.L1.L 

2915 lātrīna, ae, f. 1 3 2 HV.HV1.L f latrina 3 2 L.L1.L letrina 3 2 L.L1.L latrina 3 2 L.L1.L 

2916 lōrīca, ae, f. 1 3 2 HV.HV1.L f lloriga 3 2 L.L1.L loriga 3 2 L.L1.L loriga 3 2 L.L1.L 

2917 mātrōna, ae, f. 1 3 2 HV.HV1.L f matrona 3 2 L.L1.L matrona 3 2 L.L1.L matrona 3 2 L.L1.L 

2918 nātīvus, a, um 1 3 2 HV.HV1.L f nativa 3 2 L.L1.L nativa 3 2 L.L1.L nativa 3 2 L.L1.L 

2919 nātūra, ae, f. 1 3 2 HV.HV1.L f natura 3 2 L.L1.L natura 3 2 L.L1.L natura 3 2 L.L1.L 

2920 ūrīna, ae, f. 1 3 2 HV.HV1.L f orina 3 2 L.L1.L orina 3 2 L.L1.L urina 3 2 L.L1.L 

2921 pāgānus, a, um, adj. 1 3 2 HV.HV1.L f pagana 3 2 L.L1.L pagana 3 2 L.L1.L pagã 2 1 L.HV1 

2922 pīrāta, ae, m., = πειρατής 1 3 2 HV.HV1.L m pirata 3 2 L.L1.L pirata 3 2 L.L1.L pirata 3 2 L.L1.L 

2923 plēbēĭus (-ējus), a, um, 1 3 2 HV.HV1.L f plebea 3 2 L.L1.L plebeya 3 2 L.L1.L plebeia 3 2 L.L1.L 

adj. 

2924 praetūra, ae, f. 1 3 2 HV.HV1.L f pretura 3 2 L.L1.L pretura 3 2 L.L1.L pretura 3 2 L.L1.L 

2925 rāsūra, ae, f. 1 3 2 HV.HV1.L f rasura 3 2 L.L1.L rasura 3 2 L.L1.L rasura 3 2 L.L1.L 

2926 rēgīna, ae, f. 1 3 2 HV.HV1.L f reina 3 3 L.L1.L reina 2 2 HV1.L rainha 3 2 L.L1.L 

2927 rēsīna, ae, f. 1 3 2 HV.HV1.L f resina 3 2 L.L1.L resina 3 2 L.L1.L resina 3 2 L.L1.L 

2928 sūtūra , ae, f. 1 3 2 HV.HV1.L f sutura 3 2 L.L1.L sutura 

3 2 L.L1.L sutura 3 2 L.L1.L 

2929 tūtēla , ae, f. 1 3 2 HV.HV1.L f tutela 3 2 L.L1.L tutela 3 2 L.L1.L tutela 3 2 L.L1.L 

2930 ūrēthra , ae, f., y este del 1 3 2 HV.HV1.L f uretra 3 2 L.L1.L uretra 3 2 L.L1.L uretra 3 2 L.L1.L 

gr. 

2931 ūsūra , ae, f. 1 3 2 HV.HV1.L f usura 3 2 L.L1.L usura 3 2 L.L1.L usura 3 2 L.L1.L 

2932 vāgīna , ae, f. 1 3 2 HV.HV1.L f vagina 3 2 L.L1.L vagina 3 2 L.L1.L vagina 3 2 L.L1.L 

2933 vāgīna , ae, f. 1 3 2 HV.HV1.L f beina 3 2 HV1.L vaina 2 2 HV1.L bainha 2 2 HV1.L 

2934 vēsīca, ae, f. (mss. 1 3 2 HV.HV1.L f veixiga 3 2 L.L1.L vejiga 3 2 L.L1.L bexiga 3 2 L.L1.L 

vessīca) 

L.HC1.L (29) 

2935 rĕmissa, ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f remesa 3 2 L.L1.L remesa 3 2 L.L1.L remessa 3 2 L.L1.L 

2936 agenda 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f agenda 3 2 L.HC1.L agenda 3 2 L.HC1.L agenda 3 2 L.HC1.L 

2937 ălumna , ae 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f alumna 3 2 L.HC1.L alumna 3 2 L.HC1.L aluna 3 2 L.L1.L 

2938 ărista , ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f aresta 3 2 L.HC1.L arista 3 2 L.HC1.L aresta 3 2 L.HC1.L 

2939 Kalendae (Cal-; often 

written K), ārum, f. 

1 3 2 L.HC1.L f calenda 3 2 L.HC1.L calenda 3 2 L.HC1.L calenda 3 2 L.HC1.L 

2940 b. lat. *cappella, dim. de 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f capella 3 2 L.L1.L capilla 3 2 L.L1.L capela 3 2 L.L1.L 

cappa, 

2941 căterva , ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f caterva 3 2 L.HC1.L caterva 3 2 L.HC1.L caterva 3 2 L.HC1.L 

2942 căverna , ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f caverna 3 2 L.HC1.L caverna 3 2 L.HC1.L caverna 3 2 L.HC1.L

481 


2943 cŭculla , ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f cogulla 3 2 L.L1.L cogulla 3 2 L.L1.L cogula 3 2 L.L1.L 

2944 cŏlumna , ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f columna 3 2 L.HC1.L columna 3 2 L.HC1.L coluna 3 2 L.L1.L 

2945 cŏrolla , ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f corol·la 3 2 L.HC1.L corola 3 2 L.L1.L corola 3 2 L.L1.L 

2946 gĕnesta o gĕnista, ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f ginesta 3 2 L.HC1.L ginesta 3 2 L.HC1.L giesta 3 2 L.HC1.L 

2947 gĕnesta or gĕnista, ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f ginesta 3 2 L.HC1.L hiniesta 3 2 L.HC1.L giesta 3 2 L.HC1.L 

2948 mătaxa, ae, f., = μάταξα 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f madeixa 3 2 L.L1.L madeja 3 2 L.L1.L madeixa 3 2 L.L1.L 

2949 mĕdulla, ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f medul·la 3 2 L.HC1.L médula 3 3 L1.L.L medula 3 2 L.L1.L 

2950 pălaestra, ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f palestra 3 2 L.HC1.L palestra 3 2 L.HC1.L palestra 3 2 L.HC1.L 

2951 păpilla, ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f papil·la 3 2 L.HC1.L papila 3 2 L.L1.L papila 3 2 L.L1.L 

2952 plăcenta, ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f placenta 3 2 L.HC1.L placenta 3 2 L.HC1.L placenta 3 2 L.HC1.L 

2953 pŏlenta, ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f polenta 3 2 L.HC1.L polenta 3 2 L.HC1.L polenta 3 2 L.HC1.L 

2954 quĕrēla o quĕrella, ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f querella 3 2 L.L1.L querella 3 2 L.L1.L querela 3 2 L.L1.L 

2955 rĕpressus, a, um 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f represa 3 2 L.L1.L represa 3 2 L.L1.L represa 3 2 L.L1.L 

2956 rĕpulsa, ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f repulsa 3 2 L.HC1.L repulsa 3 2 L.HC1.L repulsa 3 2 L.HC1.L 

2957 rĕtortus, a, um 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f retorta 3 2 L.HC1.L retorta 3 2 L.HC1.L retorta 3 2 L.HC1.L 

2958 săgitta, ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f sageta 3 2 L.L1.L saeta 3 2 L.L1.L seta 2 2 L1.L 

2959 sĕcundus, a, um 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f segona 3 2 L.L1.L segunda 3 2 L.HC1.L segunda 3 2 L.HV1.L 

2960 Sĭbylla, ae, f.,= Σίβυλλα 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f sibil·la 3 2 L.HC1.L sibila 3 2 L.L1.L sibila 3 2 L.L1.L 

2961 sŏphista, ae, m., = 1 3 2 L.HC1.L m/f sofista 3 2 L.HC1.L sofista 

3 2 L.HC1.L sofista 3 2 L.HC1.L 

σοφιστής 

2962 tăberna , ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f taverna 3 2 L.HC1.L taberna 3 2 L.HC1.L taverna 3 2 L.HC1.L 

2963 *tragella, de tragŭla 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f tragella 3 2 L.L1.L traílla 3 2 L.L1.L trela 2 2 L1.L 

L.HV1.L (49) 

2964 ămīca 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f amiga 3 2 L.L1.L amiga 3 2 L.L1.L amiga 3 2 L.L1.L 

2965 arēna 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f arena 3 2 L.L1.L arena 3 2 L.L1.L arena 3 2 L.L1.L 

2966 ăvēna , ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f avena 3 2 L.L1.L avena 3 2 L.L1.L aveia 3 2 L.L1.L 

2967 catēna, ae 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f cadena 3 2 L.L1.L cadena 3 2 L.L1.L cadeia 3 2 L.L1.L 

2968 campāna, ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f campana 3 2 HC.L1.L campana 3 2 HC.L1.L campana 3 2 HV.L1.L 

2969 candēla , ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f candela 3 2 HC.L1.L candela 3 2 HC.L1.L candeia 3 2 HV.L1.L 

2970 căthēdra , ae, f., del 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f càtedra 3 3 L1.L.L cátedra 3 3 L1.L.L cátedra 3 3 L1.L.L 

gr.καθέδρα 

2971 cĭcūta , ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f cicuta 3 2 L.L1.L cicuta 3 2 L.L1.L cicuta 3 2 L.L1.L 

2972 Chĭmaera , ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f cimera 3 2 L.L1.L cimera 3 2 L.L1.L cimeira 3 2 L.HV1.L 

2973 scissūra , ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f cissura 3 2 L.L1.L cisura 3 2 L.L1.L cissura 3 2 L.L1.L 

2974 clŏāca , ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f cloaca 3 2 L.L1.L cloaca 3 2 L.L1.L cloaca 3 2 L.L1.L 

2975 cŏquīna , ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f cuina 2 2 HV1.L cocina 3 2 L.L1.L cozinha 3 2 L.L1.L

482 


2976 cŏmētes , ae, m., del gr. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L m/f cometa 3 2 L.L1.L cometa 3 2 L.L1.L cometa 3 2 L.L1.L 

2977 cŏrōna, ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HC1.L f corona 3 2 L.L1.L corona 3 2 L.L1.L coroa 3 2 L.L1.L 

2978 quăterni , ae, a, adj. pl. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f quaderna 3 2 L.HC1.L cuaderna 3 2 L.HC1.L caderna 3 2 L.HC1.L 

2979 cŏlūbra , ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f colobra 3 2 L.L1.L culebra 3 2 L.L1.L cobra 2 2 L1.L 

2980 diaeta, ae, del gr. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f dieta 3 2 L.L1.L dieta 3 2 L.L1.L dieta 3 2 L.L1.L 

2981 stătūra, ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f estatura 4 2 L.L1.L estatura 4 2 L.L1.L estatura 4 2 L.L1.L 

2982 fĭgūra, ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f figura 3 2 L.L1.L figura 3 2 L.L1.L figura 3 2 L.L1.L 

2983 gălēna, ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f galena 3 2 L.L1.L galena 3 2 L.L1.L galena 3 2 L.L1.L 

2984 gallīna, ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f gallina 3 2 L.L1.L gallina 3 2 L.L1.L galinha 3 2 L.L1.L 

2985 fărīna, ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f farina 3 2 L.L1.L harina 3 2 L.L1.L farinha 3 2 L.L1.L 

2986 hyaena, ae, f., = ὕαινα, 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f hiena 2 2 L1.L hiena 2 2 L1.L hiena 2 2 L1.L 

2987 ĭōta , ae, f., del gr. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f jota 2 2 L1.L jota 2 2 L1.L jota 2 2 L1.L 

2988 lăcūna, ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f llacuna 3 2 L.L1.L laguna 3 2 L.L1.L laguna 3 2 L.L1.L 

2989 latrīa, ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f latria 3 2 L.L1.L latría 3 2 L.L1.L latria 3 2 L.L1.L 

2990 măgīa, ae, f., = μαγεία 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f màgia 3 3 L1.L.L magia 2 2 L1.L magia 3 2 L.L1.L 

2991 mărīnus, a, um 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f marina 3 2 L.L1.L marina 3 2 L.L1.L marinha 3 2 L.L1.L 

2992 Mŏnēta, ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f moneda 3 2 L.L1.L moneda 3 2 L.L1.L moeda 3 2 L.L1.L 

2993 Murena (alt. Muraena), 

ae, f., = μύραινα 

1 3 2 L.HV1.L f morena 3 2 L.L1.L morena 3 2 L.L1.L moreia 3 2 L.L1.L 

2994 nŏvēnus , a, um 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f novena 3 2 L.L1.L novena 3 2 L.L1.L novena 3 2 L.L1.L 

2995 ŏlīva, ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f oliva 3 2 L.L1.L oliva 3 2 L.L1.L oliva 3 2 L.L1.L 

2996 pyrītes, ae, m., = πυρίτης 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f pirita 3 2 L.L1.L pirita 3 2 L.L1.L pirita 3 2 L.L1.L 

2997 plănēta, ae, m. 2 3 2 L.HV1.L m/f planeta 3 2 L.L1.L planeta 3 2 L.L1.L planeta 3 2 L.L1.L 

2998 pŏēta, ae, m. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L m poeta 3 2 L.L1.L poeta 3 2 L.L1.L poeta 3 2 L.L1.L 

2999 prŏphēta & prŏphētes, 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f profeta 3 2 L.L1.L profeta 3 2 L.L1.L profeta 3 2 L.L1.L 

ae, m., = προφήτης 

3000 prŏpīna, ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f propina 3 2 L.L1.L propina 3 2 L.L1.L propina 3 2 L.L1.L 

3001 quĭētus , a, um 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f queda 2 2 L1.L queda 2 2 L1.L queda 2 2 L1.L 

3002 Chĭmaera, ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f quimera 3 2 L.L1.L quimera 3 2 L.L1.L quimera 3 2 L.L1.L 

3003 rĕsēda, ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f reseda 3 2 L.L1.L reseda 3 2 L.L1.L reseda 3 2 L.L1.L 

3004 lat. med. retīna < rete 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f retina 3 2 L.L1.L retina 3 2 L.L1.L retina 3 2 L.L1.L 

3005 rŭīna, ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f ruïna 3 2 L.L1.L ruina 2 2 L1.L ruína 3 2 L1.L 

3006 sălīnae, ārum, f. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f salina 3 2 L.L1.L salina 3 2 L.L1.L salina 3 2 L.L1.L 

3007 sălīva, ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f saliva 3 2 L.L1.L saliva 3 2 L.L1.L saliva 3 2 L.L1.L 

3008 sĕquēla o sĕquella, ae, f. 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f seqüela 3 2 L1.L secuela 3 2 L1.L sequela 3 2 L1.L 

3009 sentīna, ae, f. 1 3 2 HC.HV1.L f sentina 3 2 HC.L1.L sentina 3 2 HC.L1.L sentina 3 2 L.L1.L 

3010 tiāra, y este del gr 1 3 2 L.HV1.L f tiara 3 2 L.L1.L tiara 2 2 L1.L tiara 2 2 L1.L

483 


3011 tribuna

484 


3042 nuptĭae, ārum, f. plur. 1 3 3 HC1.L.L f núpcies 3 3 HC1.L.HC nupcias 2 2 HC1.HC núpcias 2 2 HC1.HC 

3043 uncĭa, ae, f. 1 3 3 HC1.L.L f unça 2 2 HC1.L onza 2 2 HC1.L onça 2 2 HV1.L 

3044 orbĭta, ae, f. 1 3 3 HC1.L.L f òrbita 3 3 HC1.L.L órbita 3 3 HC1.L.L órbita 3 3 HC1.L.L 

3045 parvŭlus, a, um 1 3 3 HC1.L.L f pàrvula 3 3 HC1.L.L párvula 3 3 HC1.L.L párvula 3 3 HC1.L.L 

3046 pascŭa, ae, f. 1 3 3 HC1.L.L f pasqua 2 2 HC1.L pascua 2 2 HC1.L páscoa 3 3 HC1.L.L 

3047 pinnŭla, ae, f. 1 3 3 HC1.L.L f pínnula 3 3 L1.L.L pínula 3 3 L1.L.L pínula 3 3 L1.L.L 

3048 purpŭra, ae, f. πορφύρα 1 3 3 HC1.L.L f púrpura 3 3 HC1.L.L púrpura 3 3 HC1.L.L púrpura 3 3 HC1.L.L 

3049 pustŭla, ae, f. 1 3 3 HC1.L.L f pústula 3 3 HC1.L.L pústula 3 3 HC1.L.L pústula 3 3 HC1.L.L 

3050 salvĭa , ae, f. 1 3 3 HC1.L.L f sàlvia 3 3 HC1.L.L salvia 2 2 HC1.L sálvia 2 2 HC1.L 

3051 septĭmus, a, um 1 3 3 HC1.L.L f sèptima 3 3 HC1.L.L séptima 3 3 HC1.L.L sétima 3 3 L1.L.L 

3052 spongĭa o spongĕa, ae, 1 3 3 HC1.L.L f esponja 3 2 HC1.L esponja 3 2 HC1.L esponja 3 2 HV1.L 

f., = σπογγιά. 

3053 yllăba, ae, f., = συλλαβή 1 3 3 HC1.L.L f síl·laba 3 3 HC1.L.L sílaba 3 3 L1.L.L sílaba 3 3 L1.L.L 

3054 thapsĭa , ae, f., del gr. 1 3 3 HC1.L.L f tàpsia 3 3 HC1.L.L tapsia 2 2 HC1.L tápsia 2 2 HC1.L 

3055 tertĭae , ārum, f. 1 3 3 HC1.L.L f tèrcia 3 3 HC1.L.L tercia 2 2 HC1.L tércia 2 2 HC1.L 

3056 tessĕra , ae, f. 1 3 3 HC1.L.L f téssera 3 3 L1.L.L tésera 3 3 L1.L.L téssera 3 3 L1.L.L 

3057 tippŭla 1 3 3 HC1.L.L f típula 3 3 L1.L.L típula 3 3 L1.L.L típula 3 3 L1.L.L 

3058 transfŭga , ae, m./f. 1 3 3 HC1.L.L m/f trànsfuga 3 3 HC1.L.L tránsfuga 3 3 HC1.L.L trânsfuga 3 3 HC1.L.L 

3059 uncĭa , ae, f., 1 3 3 HC1.L.L f unça 2 2 HC1.L uncia 

2 2 HC1.L unça 2 2 HV1.L 

3060 ungŭla , ae, f. 1 3 3 HC1.L.L f ungla 2 2 HC.L uña 2 2 L1.L unha 2 2 L1.L 

3061 valvŭla, dim. de valva 1 3 3 HC1.L.L f vàlvula 3 3 HV1.L.L válvula 3 3 HC1.L.L válvula 3 3 HC1.L.L 

3062 victĭma , ae, f. 1 3 3 HC1.L.L f víctima 3 3 HC1.L.L víctima 3 3 HC1.L.L vítima 3 3 L1.L.L 

3063 virgŭla, dim. de virga 1 3 3 HC1.L.L f vírgula 3 3 HC1.L.L vírgula 3 3 HC1.L.L vírgula 3 3 HC1.L.L 

3064 vespĕra , ae, f. 

HV1.HV.X (1) 

1 3 3 HC1.L.L f vespre 2 2 HC1.L víspera 3 3 HC1.L.L véspera 3 3 HC1.L.L 

3065 trāchīa , ae, f. 

HV1.L.L (107) 

1 3 3 HV1.HV.L f tràquea 3 3 L1.L.L tráquea 3 3 L1.L.L traqueia 3 2 L.L1.L 

3066 fīlĭa, ae, f. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f filla 2 2 L1.L hija 2 2 L1.L filha 2 2 L1.L 

3067 būcĭna (not buccĭna), ae, 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f botzina 3 2 L.L1.L bocina 3 2 L.L1.L buzina 3 2 L.L1.L 

f. 

3068 clausŭla , ae. f. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f clàusula 3 3 HV1.L.L cláusula 3 3 HV1.L.L cláusula 3 3 HV1.L.L 

3069 cōpĭa , ae, f. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f còpia 3 3 L1.L.L copia 2 2 L1.L cópia 2 2 L1.L 

3070 cōpŭla , ae, f. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f coble 2 2 L1.L copla 2 2 L1.L copla 2 2 L1.L 

3071 cōpŭla , ae, f. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f còpula 3 3 L1.L.L cópula 3 3 L1.L.L cópula 3 3 L1.L.L 

3072 crāpŭla , ae, f. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f cràpula 3 3 L1.L.L crápula 3 3 L1.L.L crápula 3 3 L1.L.L 

3073 cūrĭa , ae, f. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f cúria 3 3 L1.L.L curia 2 2 L1.L cúria 2 2 L1.L

485 


3074 aemŭlus , a, um 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f èmula 3 3 L1.L.L émula 3 3 L1.L.L émula 3 3 L1.L.L 

3075 ārĕa, ae, f. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f era 2 2 L1.L era 2 2 L1.L eira 2 2 HV1.L 

3076 scrōfŭlae, ārum, f. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f escròfula 4 2 L1.L.L escrófula 4 2 L1.L.L escrófula 4 2 L1.L.L 

3077 ēthĭcus, a, um 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f ètica 3 3 L1.L.L ética 3 3 L1.L.L ética 3 3 L1.L.L 

3078 fā˘brĭca, ae, f. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f fàbrica 3 3 L1.L.L fábrica 3 3 L1.L.L fábrica 3 3 L1.L.L 

3079 fābŭla, ae, f. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f faula 2 2 HV1.L fábula 3 3 L1.L.L fábula 3 3 L1.L.L 

3080 faecŭla (fēcŭla), ae, f. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f fécula 3 3 L1.L.L fécula 3 3 L1.L.L fécula 3 3 L1.L.L 

3081 fērĭa, ae, f. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f fira 2 2 L1.L feria 2 2 L1.L feira 2 2 HV1.L 

3082 fā˘brĭca, ae, f. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f farga 2 2 HC1.L fragua 2 2 L1.L frágua 2 2 L1.L 

3083 glōrĭa, ae, f. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f glòria 3 3 L1.L.L gloria 2 2 L1.L glória 2 2 L1.L 

3084 grātĭa, ae, f. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f gràcia 3 3 L1.L.L gracia 2 2 L1.L graça 2 2 L1.L 

3085 fābŭla, ae, f. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f faula 2 2 HV1.L habla 2 2 L1.L fala 2 2 L1.L 

3086 fēmĭna, ae, f. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f fembra 2 2 HC1.L hembra 2 2 HC1.L fêmea 2 2 L1.L.L 

3087 sēpĭa , ae, f., del gr. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f sípia 3 3 L1.L.L jibia 2 2 L1.L siba 2 2 L1.L 

3088 lāmĭna, ae, f. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f làmina 3 3 L1.L.L lámina 3 3 L1.L.L lâmina 3 3 L1.L.L 

3089 līnĕa (līnĭa), ae, f. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f línia 3 3 L1.L.L línea 3 3 L1.L.L linha 2 2 L1.L 

3090 lūnŭla, ae, f. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f lúnula 3 3 L1.L.L lúnula 3 3 L1.L.L lúnula 3 3 L1.L.L 

3091 māchĭna, ae, f. = μηχανή 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f màquina 3 3 L1.L.L máquina 3 3 L1.L.L máquina 3 3 L1.L.L 

3092 [ars] mē˘trĭca < 

mē˘trĭcus, a, um = 

μετρικός 

1 3 3 HV1.L.L f mètrica 3 3 L1.L.L métrica 3 3 L1.L.L métrica 3 3 L1.L.L 

3093 mīmĭcus, a, um, adj., = 

μιμικός 

1 3 3 HV1.L.L f mímica 3 3 L1.L.L mímica 3 3 L1.L.L mímica 3 3 L1.L.L 

3094 naufrăgus, a, um 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f nàufraga 3 3 HV1.L.L náufraga 3 3 HV1.L.L náufraga 3 3 HV1.L.L 

3095 nausĕa, ae, f., = ναυσία, 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f nàusea 3 3 HV1.L.L náusea 3 3 HV1.L.L náusea 3 3 HV1.L.L 

3096 nautĭcus, a, um, adj., = 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f nàutica 3 3 HV1.L.L náutica 3 3 HV1.L.L náutica 3 3 HV1.L.L 

ναυτικό 

3097 pāgĭna, ae, f. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f pàgina 3 3 L1.L.L página 3 3 L1.L.L página 3 3 L1.L.L 

3098 pīnĕa, ae, f. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f pinya 2 2 L1.L piña 2 2 L1.L pinha 2 2 HV1.L 

3099 *pulĭca

486 


3107 taenĭa , ae, f., del gr. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f tènia 3 3 L1.L.L tenia 2 2 L1.L ténia 3 3 L1.L 

3108 tībĭa, ae, f. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f tíbia 3 3 L1.L.L tibia 2 2 L1.L tíbia 3 3 L1.L 

3109 trāgŭla , ae, f. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f tralla 2 2 L1.L tralla 2 2 L1.L tralha 2 2 L1.L 

3110 ūvŭla, dim. de ūva 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f úvula 3 3 L1.L.L úvula 3 3 L1.L.L úvula 3 3 L1.L.L 

3111 vīpĕra , ae, f. 1 3 3 HV1.L.L f vibra 2 2 L1.L víbora 3 3 L1.L.L víbora 3 3 L1.L.L 

3112 vīnĕa , ae 

L1.L.X (64) 

1 3 3 HV1.L.L f vinya 2 2 L1.L viña 2 2 L1.L vinha 2 2 V1.L 

3113 aquĭla 1 3 3 L1.L.L f àguila 3 3 L1.L.L águila 3 3 L1.L.L águia 3 3 L1.L.L 

3114 ălŏē , ēs, gr. 1 3 3 L1.L.L m àloe 3 3 L1.L.L áloe 3 3 L1.L.L aloé 3 1 L.L.L1 

3115 amphŏra, y este del gr. 1 3 3 HC1.L.L f àmfora 3 3 HC1.L.L ánfora 3 3 HC1.L.L ânfora 3 3 HC1.L.L 

3116 arĕa 1 3 3 L1.L.L m àrea 3 3 L1.L.L área 3 3 L1.L.L área 3 3 L1.L.L 

3117 LL biblĭa , ae, f., del gr. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f bíblia 3 3 L1.L.L biblia 2 2 L1.L bíblia 3 2 L1.L 

3118 bŏrĕas, ae, m., del gr. 1 3 3 L1.L.L m bòrees 3 3 L1.L.HC bóreas 3 3 L1.L.HC bóreas 3 3 L1.L.HC 

3119 căprĕa , ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f càbria 3 3 L1.L.L cabria 2 2 L1.L cábrea 3 3 L1.L.L 

3120 cămĕra (că-măra), ae, f., 

= καμάρα 

1 3 3 L1.L.L f cambra 2 2 HC1.L cámara 3 3 L1.L.L câmara 3 3 L1.L.L 

3121 schĕdŭla, ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f cèdula 3 3 L1.L.L cédula 3 3 L1.L.L cédula 3 3 L1.L.L 

3122 cĭthăra , ae, f., del gr. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f cítara 3 3 L1.L.L cítara 3 3 L1.L.L cítara 3 3 L1.L.L 

3123 chŏlĕra , ae, f., del gr. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f còlera 3 3 L1.L.L cólera 

3 3 L1.L.L cólera 3 3 L1.L.L 

3124 crĭtĭcus , a, um, adj. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f crítica 3 3 L1.L.L crítica 3 3 L1.L.L crítica 3 3 L1.L.L 

3125 dŏmĭna, ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f dona 2 2 L1.L doña 2 2 L1.L dona 2 2 L1.L 

3126 gr.-llatí epŏcha 1 3 3 L1.L.L f època 3 3 L1.L.L época 3 3 L1.L.L época 3 3 L1.L.L 

3127 scăpŭla, ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f escàpula 4 3 L1.L.L escápula 4 3 L1.L.L escápula 4 3 L1.L.L 

3128 scōrĭa, ae, f., = σκωρία 1 3 3 L1.L.L f escòria 4 3 L1.L.L escoria 3 2 L1.L escória 3 3 L1.L 

3129 spăthŭla, ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f espàtula 4 3 L1.L.L espátula 4 3 L1.L.L espátula 4 3 L1.L.L 

3130 stătŭa, ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f estàtua 4 3 L1.L.L estatua 3 2 L1.L estátua 4 3 L1.L 

3131 stĭpŭla, ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f estípula 4 3 L1.L.L estípula 4 3 L1.L.L estípula 4 3 L1.L.L 

3132 făcŭla, ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f fàcula 3 3 L1.L.L fácula 3 3 L1.L.L fácula 3 3 L1.L.L 

3133 fămŭla, ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f fàmula 3 3 L1.L.L fámula 3 3 L1.L.L fâmula 3 3 L1.L.L 

3134 fătŭa, ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f fàtua 3 3 L1.L.L fatua 2 2 L1.L fátua 2 2 L1.L 

3135 fĕrŭla, ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f fèrula 3 3 L1.L.L férula 3 3 L1.L.L férula 3 3 L1.L.L 

3136 fŭrĭa, ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f fúria 3 3 L1.L.L furia 2 2 L1.L fúria 2 2 L1.L 

3137 gălĕa, ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f gàlea 3 3 L1.L.L gálea 3 3 L1.L.L gálea 2 2 L1.L.L 

3138 hibrĭda or hybrĭda (ibr-), 1 3 3 L1.L.L m híbrida 2 2 L1.HC híbrida 3 3 L1.L.L híbrida 3 3 L1.L.L 

ae, m.& f. 

3139 hĕdĕra (ĕdĕra), ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f heura 2 2 HV1.L hiedra 2 2 L1.L hedra 2 2 L1.L 

3140 fŏvĕa, ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f foia 2 2 L1.L hoya 2 2 L1.L fóia 2 2 L1.L

487 


3141 lămĭa, ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f làmia 3 3 L1.L.L lamia 2 2 L1.L lâmia 2 2 L1.L 

3142 plŭvĭa, ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f pluja 2 2 L1.L lluvia 2 2 L1.L chuva 2 2 L1.L 

3143 lŏgĭca, ae, f., = λογική 1 3 3 L1.L.L f lògica 3 3 L1.L.L lógica 3 3 L1.L.L lógica 3 3 L1.L.L 

3144 măcŭla, ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f màcula 3 3 L1.L.L mácula 3 3 L1.L.L mácula 3 3 L1.L.L 

3145 mănĭca, ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f mànega 3 3 L1.L.L manga 2 2 HC1.L manga 2 2 HV1.L 

3146 mĕtŏpa, ae, f., = μετόπη 1 3 3 L1.L.L f mètopa 3 3 L1.L.L metopa 3 2 L.L1.L métopa 3 3 L1.L.L 

3147 mĭnĭmus , a, um 1 3 3 L1.L.L f mínima 3 3 L1.L.L mínima 3 3 L1.L.L mínima 3 3 L1.L.L 

3148 nĕbŭla , ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f neula 2 2 HV1.L niebla 2 2 L1.L névoa 3 3 L1.L.L 

3149 *novĭa 1 3 3 L1.L.L f núvia 3 3 L1.L.L novia 2 2 L1.L noiva 2 2 HV1.L 

3150 *orŭla, dim. de ōra, ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f orla 2 2 HC1.L orla 2 2 HC1.L orla 2 2 HC1.L 

3151 pălĕa, ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f palla 2 2 L1.L paja 2 2 L1.L palha 2 2 L1.L 

3152 pătĕna. ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f patena 3 2 L.L1.L patena 3 2 L.L1.L patena 3 2 L.L1.L 

3153 pătĕra, ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f pàtera 3 3 L1.L.L pátera 3 3 L1.L.L patera 3 2 L.L1.L 

3154 pătĭna (pătĕna), ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f pàtina 3 3 L1.L.L pátina 3 3 L1.L.L pátina 3 3 L1.L.L 

3155 pā˘trĭa, ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f pàtria 3 3 L1.L.L patria 2 2 L1.L pátria 2 2 L1.L 

3156 pĭlŭla, ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f píndola 3 3 HC1.L.L píldora 3 3 HC1.L.L pílula 3 3 L1.L.L 

3157 plătēa (alt. plătĕa), ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f plaça 2 2 L1.L plaza 2 2 L1.L praça 2 2 L1.L 

3158 *radĭa o *ratĭa 

(Coromines) 

1 3 3 L1.L.L f raça 2 2 L1.L raza 2 2 L1.L raça 2 2 L1.L 

3159 rĕmŏra, ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f rèmora 3 3 L1.L.L rémora 3 3 L1.L.L remora 3 2 L.L1.L 

3160 *retĭna 1 3 3 L1.L.L f regna 2 2 HC1.L rienda 2 2 HC1.L rédea 2 2 L1.L.L 

3161 rŏtŭla, ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f ròtula 3 3 L1.L.L rótula 3 3 L1.L.L rótula 3 3 L1.L.L 

3162 săpĭdus, a, um 1 3 3 L1.L.L f sàvia 3 3 L1.L.L sabia 2 2 L1.L sabia 2 2 L1.L 

3163 samăra, ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f sàmara 3 3 L1.L.L sámara 3 3 L1.L.L sâmara 3 3 L1.L.L 

3164 sătĭra, ae, f., 1 3 3 L1.L.L f sàtira 3 3 L1.L.L sátira 3 3 L1.L.L sátira 3 3 L1.L.L 

3165 sătrăpa, ae, m., = 1 3 3 L1.L.L m sàtrapa 3 3 L1.L.L sátrapa 3 3 L1.L.L sátrapa 3 3 L1.L.L 

σατράπης 


3166 *sapĕa 1 3 3 L1.L.L f saba 2 2 L1.L savia 2 2 L1.L seiva 2 2 HV1.L 

3167 tăbŭla , ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f taula 2 2 HV1.L tabla 2 2 L1.L tabla 2 2 L1.L 

3168 tenĕbrae, -ārum 1 3 3 L1.L.L f tenebra 3 2 L.L1.L tiniebla 3 2 L.L1.L treva 2 2 L1.L 

3169 tinĕa, ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f tinya 2 2 L1.L tiña 2 2 L1.L tinha 2 2 L1.L 

3170 tribŭla, tribla 1 3 3 L1.L.L f trilla 2 2 L1.L trilla 2 2 L1.L trilha 2 2 L1.L 

3171 tŭnĭca , ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f túnica 3 3 L1.L.L túnica 3 3 L1.L.L túnica 3 3 L1.L.L 

3172 vĕnĭa , ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f vènia 3 3 L1.L.L venia 2 2 L1.L vénia 3 3 L1.L 

3173 vĭŏla , ae, f. 1 3 3 L1.L.L f viola 3 2 L.L1.L viola 2 2 L1.L viola 3 3 L.L1.L 

3174 vĭdŭus , a, um 1 3 3 L1.L.L f vídua 3 3 L1.L.L viuda 2 2 L1.L viúva 2 2 L1.L

488 


3175 *volŭta, por volūta 1 3 3 L1.L.L f volta 2 2 HC1.L vuelta 2 2 HC1.L volta 2 2 HC1.L 

3176 hĕdĕra (ĕdĕra ), ae 

HC.HC1.L (21) 

1 3 3 L1.L.L f eura 2 2 HV1.L yedra 2 2 L1.L hera 2 2 L1.L 

3177 exorcista, ae, m. 1 4 2 HC.HC1.L m/f exorcista 4 2 HC.HC1.L exorcista 4 2 HC.HC1.L exorcista 4 2 HC.HC1.L 

3178 apertūra 1 4 2 HC.HV1.L f apertura 4 2 HC.L1.L apertura 4 2 HC.L1.L apertura 4 2 HC.L1.L 

3179 adventūra 1 4 2 HC.HV1.L f aventura 4 2 HC.L1.L aventura 4 2 HC.L1.L aventura 4 2 HC.L1.L 

3180 commissūra , ae, f. 1 4 2 HC.HV1.L f comissura 4 2 L.L1.L comisura 4 2 L.L1.L comissura 4 2 L.L1.L 

3181 conjectūra , ae, f. 1 4 2 HC.HV1.L f conjectura 4 2 HC.L1.L conjetura 4 2 L.L1.L conjectura 4 2 HC.L1.L 

3182 corruptēla, ae, fl 1 4 2 HC.HV1.L f corruptela 4 2 HC.L1.L corruptela 4 2 HC.L1.L corruptela 4 2 HC.L1.L 

3183 dĭarrhoea , ae, f., del gr. 1 4 2 HC.HV1.L f diarrea 4 2 L.L1.L diarrea 3 2 L.L1.L diarreia 4 2 L.L1.L 

3184 disjunctīvus, a, um 1 4 2 HC.HV1.L f disjuntiva 4 2 HC.L1.L disyuntiva 4 2 HC.L1.L disjuntiva 4 2 HV.L1.L 

3185 ĕnergīa , ae, f., = 

1 4 2 HC.HV1.L f energia 4 2 HC.L1.L energía 4 2 HC.L1.L energia 4 2 HC.L1.L 

energeia, gr. 

3186 gălactītes, ae, m. 1 4 2 HC.HV1.L f galactita 4 2 HC.L1.L galactita 4 2 HC.L1.L galactita 4 2 HC.L1.L 

3187 impostūra, ae, f. 1 4 2 HC.HV1.L f impostura 4 2 HC.L1.L impostura 4 2 HC.L1.L impostura 4 2 HC.L1.L 

3188 iuventus, -ūtis 3 4 2 HC.HV1.L f joventut 3 1 HC.HC1 juventud 3 1 HC.HC1 juventude 4 2 HV.L1.L 

3189 părallēlus, a, um 1 4 2 HC.HV1.L f paral·lela 4 2 HC.L1.L paralela 4 2 L.L1.L paralela 4 2 L.L1.L 

3190 părentēla, ae, f. 1 4 2 HC.HV1.L f parentela 4 2 HC.L1.L parentela 4 2 HC.L1.L parentela 4 2 HV.L1.L 

3191 praefectūra, ae, f. 1 4 2 HC.HV1.L f prefectura 4 2 HC.L1.L prefectura 4 2 HC.L1.L prefeitura 4 2 HV.L1.L 

3192 sacristia, b. lat. del lat. 1 4 2 HC.HV1.L f sagristia o 4 2 HC.L1.L sacristía 4 2 HC.L1.L sacristia 4 2 HC.L1.L 

sacra 

sacristia 

3193 sĕpultūra, ae, f. 1 4 2 HC.HV1.L f sepultura 4 2 HC.L1.L sepultura 4 2 HC.L1.L sepultura 4 2 HC.L1.L 

3194 lēthargĭa, ae, f., = 

ληθαργία 

1 4 2 HC.L1.L f letargia 4 2 HC.L1.L letargia 3 2 HC1.L letargia 4 2 HC.L1.L 

3195 mŏnarchĭa, ae, f., = 1 4 2 HC.L1.L f monarquia 4 2 HC.L1.L monarquía 4 2 HC.L1.L monarquia 4 2 HC.L1.L 

μοναρχία 

3196 pythōnissa, ae, f. 1 4 2 HV.HC1.L f pitonissa 4 2 L.L1.L pitonisa 4 2 L.L1.L pitonissa 4 2 L.L1.L 

3197 prō˘pāganda 1 4 2 HV.HC1.L f propaganda 4 2 L.HC1.L propaganda 4 2 L.HC1.L propaganda 4 2 L.HC1.L 

HV.HV1.L (17) 

3198 armātūra , ae, f. 1 4 2 HV.HV1.L f armadura 4 2 L.L1.L armadura 4 2 L.L1.L armadura 4 2 L.L1.L 

3199 crĕātūra , ae, f. 1 4 2 HV.HV1.L f criatura 4 2 L.L1.L criatura 3 2 L.L1.L criatura 4 2 L.L1.L 

3200 quādrātūra , ae, f. 1 4 2 HV.HV1.L f quadratura 4 2 L.L1.L cuadratura 4 2 L.L1.L quadratura 4 2 L.L1.L 

3201 discīplīna, ae, f. 1 4 2 HV.HV1.L f disciplina 4 2 L.L1.L disciplina 4 2 L.L1.L disciplina 4 2 L.L1.L 

3202 ĕrēmīta, ae., m. 1 4 2 HV.HV1.L m eremita 4 2 L.L1.L eremita 4 2 L.L1.L eremita 4 2 L.L1.L 

3203 īrōnīa, ae, f. 1 4 2 HV.HV1.L f ironia 4 2 L.L1.L ironía 4 2 L.L1.L ironia 4 2 L.L1.L 

3204 narrātīvus, a, um 1 4 2 HV.HV1.L f narrativa 4 2 L.L1.L narrativa 4 2 L.L1.L narrativa 4 2 L.L1.L 

3205 nĕgātīvus, a, um 1 4 2 HV.HV1.L f negativa 4 2 L.L1.L negativa 4 2 L.L1.L negativa 4 2 L.L1.L

489 


3206 pŏlītīa, ae, f. 1 4 2 HV.HV1.L f policia 4 2 L.L1.L policía 4 2 L.L1.L polícia 4 2 L.L1.L 

3207 b. lat. praelātūra 1 4 2 HV.HV1.L f prelatura 4 2 L.L1.L prelatura 4 2 L.L1.L prelatura 4 2 L.L1.L 

3208 prŏphētīa, ae, f., = 

προφητεία 

1 4 2 HV.HV1.L f profecia 4 2 L.L1.L profecía 4 2 L.L1.L profecia 4 2 L.L1.L 

3209 euphōnia, ae, f. 1 4 2 HV.L1.L f eufonia 4 2 L.L1.L eufonía 4 2 L.L1.L eufonia 4 2 L.L1.L 

3210 mĕlōdĭa, ae. f., = μελῳδία 1 4 2 HV.L1.L f melodia 5 2 L1.L.L melodía 5 2 L1.L.L melodia 5 2 L1.L.L 

3211 symmē˘trĭa, ae, f., = 

συμμετρία 

1 4 2 HV.L1.L f simetria 4 2 L.L1.L simetría 4 2 L.L1.L simetria 4 2 L.L1.L 

3212 symphōnĭa, ae, f., = 1 4 2 HV.L1.L f simfonia 4 2 L.L1.L sinfonía 4 2 L.L1.L sinfonia 4 2 L.L1.L 

συμφωνία 

3213 thĕōrĭa , ae, f., del gr. 1 4 2 HV.L1.L f teoria 4 2 L.L1.L teoría 4 2 L.L1.L teoria 4 2 L.L1.L 

3214 vēsānĭa (vaesā- ), ae, f. 

L.HC1.L (13) 

1 4 3 HV1.L.L f vesània 4 3 L1.L.L vesania 3 2 L1.L vesânia 3 2 L1.L 

3215 abbatissa, ae, f. 1 4 2 L.HC1.L f abadessa 4 2 L.L1.L abadesa 4 2 L.L1.L abadessa 4 2 L.L1.L 

3216 cătăpulta , ae, f. 1 4 2 L.HC1.L f catapulta 4 2 L.HC1.L catapulta 4 2 L.HC1.L catapulta 4 2 L.HC1.L 

3217 cătăracta, ae, f. 1 4 2 L.HC1.L f cataracta (ull) 4 2 L.HC1.L catarata 4 2 L.L1.L catarata 4 2 L.L1.L 

3218 scŏlŏpendra, ae, f. 1 4 2 L.HC1.L f escolopendra 5 2 L.HC1.L escolopendra 5 2 L.HC1.L escolopendra 5 2 L.HV1.L 

3219 mater, -tris, madre, y - 

arca, a imit. de patriarca 

1 4 2 L.HC1.L f matriarca 4 2 L.HC1.L matriarca 3 2 HC1.L matriarca 4 2 L.HC1.L 

3220 offĕrenda 1 4 2 L.HC1.L f ofrena 3 2 L1.L ofrenda 3 2 HC1.L oferenda 4 2 L.HV1.L 

3221 pătrĭarcha, ae, m. 1 4 2 L.HC1.L f patriarca 4 2 L.HC1.L patriarca 3 2 HC1.L patriarca 4 2 L.HC1.L 

3222 *poetissa 1 4 2 L.HC1.L f poetessa 4 2 L.L1.L poetisa 4 2 L.L1.L poetisa 4 2 L.L1.L 

3223 rĕprĭmendus, a, um 1 4 2 L.HC1.L f reprimenda 4 2 L.HC1.L reprimenda 4 2 L.HC1.L reprimenda 4 2 L.HV1.L 

3224 sălămandra, ae, f., = 

σαλαμάνδρα 

1 4 2 L.HC1.L f salamandra 4 2 L.HC1.L salamandra 4 2 L.HC1.L salamandra 4 2 L.HV1.L 

3225 sycŏphanta (sūc-), ae, 

m., = συκοφάντης 

1 4 2 L.HC1.L m sicofanta 4 2 L.HC1.L sicofanta 4 2 L.HC1.L sicofanta 4 2 L.HV1.L 

3226 trăgăcantha , ae, f., del 

gr. 

1 4 2 L.HC1.L f tragacanta 4 2 L.HC1.L tragacanta 4 2 L.HC1.L tragacanta 4 2 L.HV1.L 

3227 lat. mod. varicella, falso 1 4 2 L.HC1.L f varicel·la 4 2 L.HC1.L varicela 4 2 L.L1.L varicela 4 2 L.L1.L 

dim. de variŏla 

L.HV1.L (47) 

3228 ănĕmōnē, ēs, f., = 

ἀνεμώνη, 

1 4 2 L.HV1.L f anemone 4 2 L.L1.L anémona 4 3 L1.L.L anémona 4 3 L1.L.L 

3229 anthrăcītes , ae, m., y 

este del gr. 

1 4 2 L.HV1.L f antracita 4 2 L.L1.L antracita 4 2 L.L1.L antracite 4 2 L.L1.L 

3230 ăpăthīa , ae, f., del gr. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L f apatia 4 2 L.L1.L apatía 4 2 L.L1.L apatia 4 2 L.L1.L 

3231 arborēta, pl. de 

arborētum 

1 4 2 L.HV1.L f arbreda 3 2 L1.L arboleda 4 2 L.L1.L arvoredo 4 2 L.L1.L

490 


3232 abellāna [nux], de 

Avella, ciudad de 

Campania 

1 4 2 L.HV1.L f avellana 4 2 L.L1.L avellana 4 2 L.L1.L avelã 3 1 L.HV1 

3233 axĭōma , ătis, n., y este 

del gr. 

1 4 2 L.HV1.L m axioma 4 2 L.L1.L axioma 3 2 L1.L axioma 4 2 L1.L 

3234 ăpŏthēca , ae, f., y este 

del gr. 

1 4 2 L.HV1.L f bodega 3 2 L.L1.L bodega 3 2 L.L1.L bodega 3 2 L.L1.L 

3235 candĭdāta , ae, f. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L f candidata 4 2 L.L1.L candidata 4 2 L.L1.L candidata 4 2 L.L1.L 

3236 cantĭlēna , ae, f. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L f cantilena 4 2 L.L1.L cantilena 4 2 L.L1.L cantilena 4 2 L.L1.L 

3237 cĕphălaea , ae, f. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L f cefalea 4 2 L.L1.L cefalea 4 2 L.L1.L cefaleia 4 2 L.L1.L 

3238 coenŏbīta , ae, m. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L m/f cenobita 4 2 L.L1.L cenobita 4 2 L.L1.L cenobita 4 2 L.L1.L 

3239 cŏmĭtīvus , a, um, adj. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L f comitiva 4 2 L.L1.L comitiva 4 2 L.L1.L comitiva 4 2 L.L1.L 

3240 concŭbīna , ae, f. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L f concubina 4 2 L.L1.L concubina 4 2 L.L1.L concubina 4 2 L.L1.L 

3241 consutūra, v. lat. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L f costura 3 2 L1.L costura 3 2 L1.L costura 3 2 L1.L 

3242 Christĭānus , a, um, adj., 

y este del gr. 

1 4 2 L.HV1.L f cristiana 3 2 L1.L cristiana 3 2 L1.L cristiana 4 2 L.L1.L 

3243 dĕĭcīda , ae, m. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L m/f deïcida 4 2 L.L1.L deicida 4 2 L.L1.L deicida 4 2 L.L1.L 

3244 dĭăbētes , ae, m., del gr. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L f diabetis 4 2 L.L1.HC diabetes 3 2 L.L1.HC diabetes 3 2 L.L1.HC 

3245 ĕlĕgīa, ae, f., del gr. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L f elegia 4 2 L.L1.L elegía 4 2 L.L1.L elegia 4 2 L.L1.L 

3246 emphysēma, del gr. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L m emfisema 4 2 L.L1.L enfisema 4 2 L.L1.L enfisema 4 2 L.L1.L 

3247 ērŭdītus, a, um 1 4 2 L.HV1.L f erudita 4 2 L.L1.L erudita 4 2 L.L1.L erudita 4 2 L.L1.L 

3248 stătĭo, ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f estació 4 1 L.HV1 estación 3 1 HC1 estação 3 1 HV1 

3249 frātrĭcīda, ae, m. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L m fratricida 4 2 L.L1.L fratricida 4 2 L.L1.L fratricida 4 2 L.L1.L 

3250 gentĭāna, ae, f. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L f genciana 4 2 L.L1.L genciana 3 2 HC.L1.L genciana 4 2 HC.L1.L 

3251 hypŏthēca, ae, f., = 

ὑποθήκη 

1 4 2 L.HV1.L f hipoteca 4 2 L.L1.L hipoteca 4 2 L.L1.L hipoteca 4 2 L.L1.L 

3252 hŏmĭcīda, ae, m.& f. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L m/f homicida 4 2 L.L1.L homicida 4 2 L.L1.L homicida 4 2 L.L1.L 

3253 ĭdĭōta, ae, m. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L m idiota 4 2 L.L1.L idiota 3 2 L1.L idiota 4 2 L.L1.L 

3254 inquĭlīnus, a, m. & f. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L f inquilina 4 2 L.L1.L inquilina 4 2 L.L1.L inquilina 4 2 L.L1.L 

3255 lĭtănīa, ae, f. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L f lletania 4 2 L.L1.L letanía 4 2 L.L1.L litania 4 2 L.L1.L 

3256 margărīta, ae, f.= 

μαργαρίτης 

1 4 2 L.HV1.L f margarida 4 2 L.L1.L margarita 4 2 L.L1.L margarita 4 2 L.L1.L 

3257 mĕdĭcīna, ae, f. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L f medicina 4 2 L.L1.L medicina 4 2 L.L1.L medicina 4 2 L.L1.L 

3258 nĕbŭlōsus, a, um, adj. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L f nebulosa 4 2 L.L1.L nebulosa 4 2 L.L1.L nebulosa 4 2 L.L1.L 

3259 noctĭlūca , ae, f. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L f noctiluca 4 2 L.L1.L noctiluca 4 2 L.L1.L noctiluca 4 2 L.L1.L 

3260 offĭcīna, ae, f. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L f oficina 4 2 L.L1.L oficina 4 2 L.L1.L oficina 4 2 L.L1.L 

3261 pănăcēa, ae, f. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L f panacea 4 2 L.L1.L panacea 4 2 L.L1.L panaceia 4 2 L.L1.L 

3262 parrĭcīda, ae, m.& f. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L m/f parricida 4 2 L.L1.L parricida 4 2 L.L1.L parricida 4 2 L.L1.L

491 


3263 pŏsĭtūra, ae, f. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L f postura 3 2 L1.L postura 3 2 L1.L postura 3 2 L1.L 

3264 prōstĭtūtus, a, um 1 4 2 L.HV1.L f prostituta 4 2 L.L1.L prostituta 4 2 L.L1.L prostituta 4 2 L.L1.L 

3265 proxĕnēta, ae, m. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L m proxeneta 4 2 L.L1.L proxeneta 4 2 L.L1.L proxeneta 4 2 L.L1.L 

3266 rĕcĭdīvus, a, um 1 4 2 L.HV1.L f recidiva 4 2 L.L1.L recidiva 4 2 L.L1.L recidiva 4 2 L.L1.L 

3267 septĭmāna, ae, f. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L f setmana 3 2 HC.L1.L semana 3 2 L.L1.L semana 3 2 L.L1.L 

3268 Sybărīta, ae, m. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L m/f sibarita 4 2 L.L1.L sibarita 4 2 L.L1.L sibarita 4 2 L.L1.L 

3269 sympăthīa, ae, f., = 

συμπάθεια 

1 4 2 L.HV1.L f simpatia 4 2 L.L1.L simpatía 4 2 L.L1.L simpatia 4 2 L.L1.L 

3270 synăgōga, ae, f., = 1 4 2 L.HV1.L f sinagoga 4 2 L.L1.L sinagoga 4 2 L.L1.L sinagoga 4 2 L.L1.L 

συναγωγή 

3271 synăloephē (-līphē, - 

loepha), ēs, f., = 

συναλοιφή 

1 4 2 L.HV1.L f sinalefa 4 2 L.L1.L sinalefa 4 2 L.L1.L sinalefa 4 2 L.L1.L 

3272 tertĭāna , ae, f. 1 4 2 L.HV1.L f terçana 3 2 L1.L terciana 3 2 L1.L terçã 2 1 HV1 

3273 trādĭtĭo , ōnis, f. 3 4 2 L.HV1.L f tradició 4 1 L.HV1 tradición 3 1 HC1 tradição 3 1 HV1 

3274 iugulāris 

L.L1.L (5) 

3 4 2 L.HV1.L f jugular 3 1 L.HC1 yugular 3 1 L.HC1 jugular 3 1 L.HC1 

3275 ăgōnĭa, ae, f.

492 


3287 absentĭa , ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f absència 4 3 HV1.L.L ausencia 3 2 HC1.L ausência 3 2 HV1.L 

3288 călumnĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f calúmnia 4 3 HC1.L.L calumnia 3 2 HC1.L calúnia 3 2 L1.L 

3289 căruncŭla , ae, f., dim. de 

caro 

1 4 3 HC1.L.L f carúncula 4 3 HC1.L.L carúncula 4 3 HC1.L.L carúncula 4 3 HV1.L.L 

3290 cătastrŏpha , ae, f., del 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f catàstrofe 4 3 HC1.L.L catástrofe 4 3 HC1.L.L catástrofe 4 3 HC1.L.L 

gr. 

3291 scĭentĭa , ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f ciència 4 3 HC1.L.L ciencia 2 2 HC1.L ciência 4 3 HV1.L.L 

3292 clēmentĭa , ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f clemència 4 3 HC1.L.L clemencia 3 2 HC1.L clemência 3 2 HV1.L.L 

3293 concordĭa , ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f concòrdia 4 3 HC1.L.L concordia 3 2 HC1.L concórdia 3 2 HC1.L 

3294 dēmentĭa , ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f demència 4 3 HC1.L.L demencia 3 2 HC1.L demência 3 2 HV1.L.L 

3295 discordĭa , ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f discòrdia 4 3 HC1.L.L discordia 3 2 HC1.L discórdia 3 2 HC1.L 

3296 dyspepsĭa, ae, f., del gr. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f dispèpsia 4 3 HC1.L.L dispepsia 3 2 HC1.L dispepsia 4 3 HC1.L 

3297 distantĭa , ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f distància 4 3 HC1.L.L distancia 3 2 HC1.L distância 4 3 HV1.L 

3298 dŏlentĭa , ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f dolença 3 2 HC1.L dolencia 3 2 HC1.L dolência 3 2 HV1.L 

3299 axungĭa , ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f ensunya 3 2 HC1.L enjundia 3 2 HC1.L enxúndia 3 2 HV1.L 

3300 ĕpīstŏla, ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f epístola 4 3 HC1.L.L epístola 4 3 HC1.L.L epístola 4 3 HC1.L.L 

3301 essentĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f essència 4 3 HC1.L.L esencia 3 2 L.HC1.L essência 3 2 L.HV1.L 

3302 eurythmĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f eurítmia 4 3 HC1.L.L euritmia 3 2 HC1.L euritmia 4 3 HC.L1.L 

3303 fācundĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f facúndia 4 3 HC1.L.L facundia 3 2 HC1.L facúndia 3 2 HV1.L 

3304 frāgrantĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f fragància 4 3 HC1.L.L fragancia 3 2 HC1.L fragrância 3 2 HV1.L 

3305 funambŭla, ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f funàmbula 4 3 HC1.L.L funámbula 4 3 HC1.L.L funâmbula 4 3 HV1.L.L 

3306 gălaxĭas, ae, m. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f galàxia 4 3 HC1.L.L galaxia 3 2 HC1.L galáxia 4 3 HC1.L 

3307 gymnastĭcus, a, um, adj. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f gimnàstica 4 3 HC1.L.L gimnástica 4 3 HC1.L.L ginástica 4 3 HC1.L.L 

3308 industrĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f indústria 4 3 HC1.L.L industria 3 2 HC1.L indústria 3 2 HC1.L 

3309 infantĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f infància 4 3 HC1.L.L infancia 3 2 HC1.L infância 3 2 HC1.L 

3310 instantĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f instància 4 3 HC1.L.L instancia 3 2 HC1.L instância 3 2 HC1.L 

3311 lĭcentĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f llicència 4 3 HC1.L.L licencia 3 2 HC1.L licença 3 2 HC1.L 

3312 mĭnuscŭlus, a, um 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f minúscula 4 3 HC1.L.L minúscula 4 3 HC1.L.L minúscula 4 3 HC1.L.L 

3313 mŏdestĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f modèstia 4 3 HC1.L.L modestia 3 2 HC1.L modéstia 3 2 HC1.L 

3314 mŏlestĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f molèstia 4 3 HC1.L.L molestia 3 2 HC1.L moléstia 3 2 HC1.L 

3315 ophthalmĭa, ae, f., del gr. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f oftàlmia 4 3 HC1.L.L oftalmia 3 2 HC1.L oftalmia 3 2 HC1.L 

3316 paeninsŭla (pēn-), ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f península 4 3 HC1.L.L península 4 3 HC1.L.L península 4 3 HC1.L.L 

3317 pŏtentĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f potència 4 3 HC1.L.L potencia 3 2 HC1.L potência 3 2 HV1.L 

3318 praesentĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f presència 4 3 HC1.L.L presencia 3 2 HC1.L presença 3 2 HV1.L 

3319 prōvincĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f província 4 3 HC1.L.L provincia 3 2 HC1.L província 3 2 HV1.L 

3320 prūdentĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f prudència 4 3 HC1.L.L prudencia 3 2 HC1.L prudência 3 2 HV1.L 

3321 regĕntĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f regència 4 3 HC1.L.L regencia 3 2 HC1.L regência 3 2 HV1.L

493 


3322 respublĭca, ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f república 4 3 L1.L.L república 4 3 L1.L.L república 4 3 L1.L.L 

3323 sĕquentĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f seqüència 4 3 HC1.L.L secuencia 3 2 HC1.L sequência 4 2 HC1.L 

3324 sententĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f sentència 4 3 HC1.L.L sentencia 3 2 HC1.L sentença 3 2 HV1.L 

3325 sŭperbĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HC1.L.L f supèrbia 4 3 HC1.L.L soberbia 3 2 HC1.L soberbia 4 3 HC1.L.L 

3326 substantĭa, ae, f. 

HV1.L.L (42) 

1 4 3 HC1.L.L f substància 4 3 HC1.L.L sustancia 3 2 HC1.L substância 3 2 HV1.L 

3327 ărānĕa , ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f aranya 3 2 L1.L araña 3 2 L1.L aranha 3 2 HV1.L 

3328 artērĭa , ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f artèria 4 3 L1.L.L arteria 3 2 L1.L artéria 3 2 L1.L 

3329 astūtĭa , ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f astúcia 4 3 L1.L.L astucia 3 2 L1.L astúcia 3 2 L1.L 

3330 audācĭa , ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f audàcia 4 3 L1.L.L audacia 3 2 L1.L audácia 3 2 L1.L 

3331 blasphēmĭa , ae, f., del 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f blasfèmia 4 3 L1.L.L blasfemia 3 2 L1.L blasfémia 3 2 L1.L 

gr. 

3332 calvārĭa , ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f calavera 4 2 L1.L calavera 4 2 L1.L caveira 3 2 HV1.L 

3333 caldārĭa , ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f caldera 3 2 L1.L caldera 3 2 L1.L caldeira 3 2 HV1.L 

3334 cĭcōnĭa , ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f cigonya 3 2 L1.L cigüeña 3 2 L1.L cegonha 3 2 HV1.L 

3335 cŏlōnĭa , ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f colònia 4 3 L1.L.L colonia 3 2 L1.L colônia 3 2 L.L1.L 

3336 cōmoedĭa , ae, f., del gr. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f comèdia 4 3 L1.L.L comedia 3 2 L1.L comedia 3 2 L1.L 

3337 corrīgĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f corretja 3 2 L1.L correa 3 2 L1.L correia 3 2 L1.L 

3338 custōdĭa , ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f custòdia 4 3 L1.L.L custodia 3 2 L1.L custódia 3 2 L1.L 

3339 cŭtīcŭla , ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f cutícula 4 3 L1.L.L cutícula 4 3 L1.L.L cutícula 4 3 L1.L.L 

3340 dēlĭcĭa , ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f delícia 4 3 L1.L.L delicia 3 2 L1.L delícia 3 2 L1.L 

3341 dēsīdĭa , ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f desídia 4 3 L1.L.L desidia 3 2 L1.L desídia 4 3 L1.L 

3342 strătēgĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f estratègia 5 3 L1.L.L estrategia 4 2 L1.L estratégia 4 3 L1.L.L 

3343 extrānĕus , a, um 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f estranya 3 2 L1.L extraña 3 2 L1.L estranha 3 2 HV1.L 

3344 febrīcŭla, ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f febrícula 3 3 L1.L.L febrícula 3 3 L1.L.L febrícula 3 3 L1.L.L 

3345 fīcārĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f figuera 3 2 L1.L higuera 3 2 L1.L figueira 3 2 HV1.L 

3346 fŏcārĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f foguera 3 2 L1.L hoguera 3 2 L1.L fogueira 3 2 HV1.L 

3347 ecclēsĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f església 4 3 L1.L.L iglesia 3 2 L1.L igreja 3 2 L1.L 

3348 incrēdŭlus, a, um 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f incrèdula 4 3 L1.L.L incrédula 4 3 L1.L.L incrédula 4 3 L1.L.L 

3349 incūrĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f incúria 4 3 L1.L.L incuria 3 2 L1.L incúria 3 2 L1.L 

3350 injūrĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f injúria 4 3 L1.L.L injuria 3 2 L1.L injúria 3 2 L1.L 

3351 insānĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f insània 4 3 L1.L.L insania 3 2 L1.L insânia 3 2 HV1.L 

3352 mātrīcŭla, ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f matrícula 4 3 L1.L.L matrícula 4 3 L1.L.L matrícula 4 3 L1.L.L 

3353 mĭnūtĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f minúcia 4 3 L1.L.L minucia 3 2 L1.L minúcia 3 2 L1.L 

3354 *montānĕa, de mons, 

montis 

1 4 3 HV1.L.L f muntanya 3 2 L1.L montaña 3 2 L1.L montanha 3 2 HV1.L 

3355 nŏvācŭla, ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f navalla 3 2 L.L1.L navaja 3 2 L.L1.L navalha 3 2 L.L1.L

494 


3356 nĭvārĭus , a, um 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f nevera 3 2 L.L1.L nevera 3 2 L.L1.L neveira 3 2 L.HV1.L 

3357 părōdĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f paròdia 4 3 L1.L.L parodia 3 2 L1.L paródia 3 2 L1.L 

3358 pēnūrĭa or paenūrĭa, ae, 

f. 

1 4 3 HV1.L.L f penúria 4 3 L1.L.L penuria 3 2 L1.L penúria 3 2 L1.L 

3359 paeōnĭa, ae, f., = παιωνία 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f peònia 4 3 L1.L.L peonía 4 2 L.L1.L peónia [pjo- 3 2 L1.L.L 

3360 pĕrītĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f perícia 4 3 L1.L.L pericia 3 2 L1.L perícia 3 2 L1.L 

3361 prĕcārĭus, a, um, adj. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f pregària 4 3 L1.L.L plegaria 3 2 L1.L plegaria 3 2 L1.L 

3362 pŏētĭca, ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f poètica 4 3 L1.L.L poética 4 3 L1.L.L poética 4 3 L1.L.L 

3363 prōsāpĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f prosàpia 4 3 L1.L.L prosapia 3 2 L1.L prosápia 3 2 L1.L 

3364 prŏsōdĭa, ae, f.,= 

προσῳδία 

1 4 3 HV1.L.L f prosòdia 4 3 L1.L.L prosodia 3 2 L1.L prosódia 3 2 L1.L 

3365 rādīcŭla , ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f radícula 4 3 L1.L.L radícula 4 3 L1.L.L radícula 4 3 L1.L.L 

3366 rhapsōdĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f rapsòdia 4 3 L1.L.L rapsodia 3 2 L1.L rapsódia 3 2 L1.L 

3367 rŏsācĕus, a, um 1 4 3 HV1.L.L f rosàcia 4 3 L1.L.L rosácea 4 3 L1.L.L rosácea 3 2 L1.L.L 

3368 trăgoedĭa , ae, f., del gr. 

L1.L.L (81) 

1 4 3 HV1.L.L f tragèdia 4 3 L1.L.L tragedia 3 2 L1.L tragédia 3 2 L1.L 

3369 apicŭla, ae, f. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f abella 3 2 L1.L abeja 3 2 L1.L abelha 3 2 L1.L 

3370 ăcācĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f acàcia 4 3 L1.L.L acacia 3 2 L1.L acácia 3 2 L1.L 

3371 acidĭa, del gr. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f accídia 4 3 L1.L.L acidia 

3 2 L1.L acídia 3 2 L1.L 

3372 *acucŭla, dim. de acus 1 4 3 L1.L.L f agulla 3 2 L1.L aguja 3 2 L1.L agulha 3 2 L1.L 

3373 ănăphŏră , ae 1 4 3 L1.L.L f anàfora 4 3 L1.L.L anáfora 4 3 L1.L.L anáfora 4 3 L1.L.L 

3374 antipŏdes, y este del gr. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f antípoda 4 3 L1.L.L antípoda 4 3 L1.L.L antípoda 4 3 L1.L.L 

3375 ăpŏcŏpē , ēs, f., y este 

del gr. 

1 4 3 L1.L.L f apòcope 4 3 L1.L.L apócope 4 3 L1.L.L apócope 4 3 L1.L.L 

3376 areŏla 1 4 3 L1.L.L f arèola 4 3 L1.L.L areola 4 2 L.L1.L areola 4 2 L.L1.L 

3377 argutĭa 1 4 3 L1.L.L f argúcia 4 3 L1.L.L argucia 3 2 L1.L argúcia 3 2 L1.L 

3378 ervĭlĭa , ae, f. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f arvella 3 2 L1.L arveja 3 2 L1.L ervilha 3 2 L1.L 

3379 aurĕŏlus , a, um 1 4 3 L1.L.L f aurèola 4 3 L1.L.L aureola 4 2 L.L1.L auréola 4 3 L1.L.L 

3380 aurĭcŭla, ae, f. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f aurícula 4 3 L1.L.L aurícula 4 3 L1.L.L aurícula 4 3 L1.L.L 

3381 băsĭlĭca , ae, f., y este 

del gr. 

1 4 3 L1.L.L f basílica 4 3 L1.L.L basílica 4 3 L1.L.L basílica 4 3 L1.L.L 

3382 celtolat. camĭsĭa , ae, f. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f camisa 3 2 L1.L camisa 3 2 L1.L camisa 3 2 L1.L 

3383 *campanĕa, de campus 1 4 3 L1.L.L f campanya 3 2 L1.L campaña 3 2 L1.L campanha 3 2 HV1.L 

3384 cănīcŭla , ae, f. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f canícula 4 3 L1.L.L canícula 4 3 L1.L.L canícula 4 3 L1.L.L 

3385 *carrarĭa, de carrus 1 4 3 L1.L.L f carrera 3 2 L1.L carrera 3 2 L1.L carreira 3 2 HV1.L 

3386 castănĕa , ae, f. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f castanya 3 2 L1.L castaña 3 2 L1.L castanha 3 2 L1.L 

3387 centŭrĭa , ae, f. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f centúria 4 3 L1.L.L centuria 3 2 L1.L centúria 4 3 L1.L

495 


3388 cerasĭa (

496 


3421 mollĭtĭa (mollĭcĭa), ae, f. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f mol·lície 4 3 L1.L.L molicie 3 2 L1.L molícia 3 2 L1.L 

3422 nōtĭtĭa , ae, f. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f notícia 4 3 L1.L.L noticia 3 2 L1.L notícia 3 2 L1.L 

3423 aurĭcŭla, ae, f. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f orella 3 2 L1.L oreja 3 2 L1.L orelha 3 2 L1.L 

3424 ŏvĭcŭla (ŏvĕ-). ae, f. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f ovella 3 2 L1.L oveja 3 2 L1.L ovelha 3 2 L1.L 

3425 părăbŏla, ae, f. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f paraula 3 2 HV1.L palabra 3 2 L1.L palavra 3 2 L.L1.L 

3426 părăbŏla, ae, f. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f paràbola 4 3 L1.L.L parábola 4 3 L1.L.L parábola 4 3 L1.L.L 

3427 părŏchĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f parròquia 4 3 L1.L.L parroquia 3 2 L1.L paróquia 3 2 L1.L 

3428 partĭcŭla, ae, f. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f partícula 4 3 L1.L.L partícula 4 3 L1.L.L partícula 4 3 L1.L.L 

3429 pā˘trĭcĭus, a, um, adj. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f patrícia 4 3 L1.L.L patricia 3 2 L1.L patrícia 3 2 L1.L 

3430 pellĭcŭla, ae, f. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f pel·lícula 4 3 L1.L.L película 4 3 L1.L.L película 4 3 L1.L.L 

3431 pī˘grĭtĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f peresa 3 2 L1.L pereza 3 2 L1.L preguiça 3 2 L1.L 

3432 perfĭdĭa, ae, f. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f perfídia 4 3 L1.L.L perfidia 3 2 L1.L perfídia 3 2 L1.L 

3433 pŏlygăla, ae, f. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f polígala 4 3 L1.L.L polígala 4 3 L1.L.L polígala 4 3 L1.L.L 

3434 prīmĭtĭae (prīmĭcĭae), 1 4 3 L1.L.L f primícia 4 3 L1.L.L primicia 3 2 L1.L primícias 3 2 L1.HC 

ārum, f. 

3435 prīmĭpăra, ae, f. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f primípara 4 3 L1.L.L primípara 4 3 L1.L.L primípara 4 3 L1.L.L 

3436 prōpŏsĭtus, a, um 1 4 3 L1.L.L f proposta 3 2 HC1.L propuesta 3 2 HC1.L proposta 3 2 HC1.L 

3437 rē˘lĭquĭae, ārum, f. pl. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f relíquia 4 3 L1.L.L reliquia 3 2 L1.L relíquia 3 2 L1.L 

3438 rĕmĕdĭum, ii, n. 2 4 3 L1.L.L m remei 2 1 L.HV1 remedio 3 2 L1.L remédio 3 2 L1.L 

3439 rhētŏrĭca, ae, f. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f retòrica 4 3 L1.L.L retórica 4 3 L1.L.L retórica 4 3 L1.L.L 

3440 *revolŭtus, por rĕvŏlūtus, 

a, um 

1 4 3 L1.L.L f revolta 3 2 L.HC1.L revuelta 3 2 L.HC1.L revolta 3 2 L.HC1.L 

3441 *riparĭa< rīpa, ae, f. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f ribera 3 2 L.L1.L ribera 3 2 L.L1.L ribeira 3 2 L.HV1.L 

3442 sandărăca, ae, f., = 1 4 3 L1.L.L f sandàraca 4 3 L1.L.L sandáraca 4 3 L1.L.L sandáraca 4 3 L1.L.L 

σανδαράκη 

3443 saxĭfrăgus, a, um 1 4 3 L1.L.L f saxífraga 4 3 L1.L.L saxífraga 4 3 L1.L.L saxífraga 4 3 L1.L.L 

3444 sortĭcŭla, ae, f, 1 4 3 L1.L.L f sortilla 3 2 L1.L sortija 3 2 L1.L sortilha 3 2 L1.L 

3445 tristĭtĭa , ae, f. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f tristesa 3 2 L1.L tristeza 3 2 L1.L tristeza 3 2 L1.L 

3446 vesicŭla, dim. de vēsīca 1 4 3 L1.L.L f vesícula 4 3 L1.L.L vesícula 4 3 L1.L.L vesícula 4 3 L1.L.L 

3447 victōrĭa , ae, f. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f victòria 4 3 L1.L.L victoria 3 2 L1.L vitória 3 2 L1.L 

3448 vĭgĭlĭa , ae, f. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f vigília 4 3 L1.L.L vigilia 3 2 L1.L vigília 3 2 L1.L 

3449 variŏla, y este del lat. 1 4 3 L1.L.L f verola 3 2 L1.L viruela 3 2 L1.L varíola 4 3 L1.L.L 

varus 

HC.HV1.X (15) 

3450 agricultūra 1 5 2 HC.HV1.L f agricultura 5 2 HC.L1.L agricultura 5 2 HC.L1.L agricultura 5 2 HC.L1.L 

3451 agrimensūra 1 5 2 HC.HV1.L f agrimensura 5 2 HC.L1.L agrimensura 5 2 HV1.L.L agrimensura 5 2 HV.L1.L 

3452 architectūra 1 5 2 HC.HV1.L f arquitectura 5 2 HC.L1.L arquitectura 5 2 HC.L1.L arquitectura 5 2 HC.L1.L

497 


3453 cĕphălalgīa, ae, f., 1 5 2 HC.HV1.L f cefalàlgia 5 3 HC1.L.L cefalalgia 4 2 HC1.L cefalalgia 5 3 HC.L1.L 

3454 b.lat.mănŭfactūra 1 5 2 HC.HV1.L f manufactura 5 2 HC.L1.L manufactura 5 2 HC.L1.L manufactura 5 2 HC.L1.L 

3455 apoplexĭa, y este del gr. 1 5 2 HC.L1.L f apoplexia 5 2 L.L1.L apoplejía 5 2 L.L1.L apoplexia 5 2 HC.L1.L 

3456 euchăristĭa, ae, f. 1 5 2 HC.L1.L f eucaristia 5 2 HC.L1.L eucaristía 5 2 HC.L1.L Eucaristia 5 2 HC.L1.L 

3457 lat. mediev. ănăchōrēta , 

ae, m. 

1 5 2 HV.HV1.L m/f anacoreta 5 2 L.L1.L anacoreta 5 2 L.L1.L anacoreta 5 2 L.L1.L 

3458 hypŏtēnūsa, ae, f., = 1 5 2 HV.HV1.L f hipotenusa 5 2 L.L1.L hipotenusa 5 2 L.L1.L hipotenusa 5 2 L.L1.L 

ὑποτείνουσα 

3459 littĕrātūra (lītĕr-), ae, f. 1 5 2 HV.HV1.L f literatura 5 2 L.L1.L literatura 5 2 L.L1.L literatura 5 2 L.L1.L 

3460 praerŏgātīva, ae, f. 1 5 2 HV.HV1.L f prerrogativa 5 2 L.L1.L prerrogativa 5 2 L.L1.L prerrogativa 5 2 L.L1.L 

3461 tempĕrātūra , ae, f. 1 5 2 HV.HV1.L f temperatura 5 2 L.L1.L temperatura 5 2 L.L1.L temperatura 5 2 L.L1.L 

3462 dĭācŏnissa, ae, f. 1 5 2 L.HC1.L f diaconessa 5 2 L.L1.L diaconisa 4 2 L.L1.L diaconisa 4 2 L.L1.L 

3463 pănēgyrista, ae, m. 1 5 2 L.HC1.L m panegirista 5 2 L.HC1.L panegirista 5 2 L.HC1.L panegirista 5 2 L.HC1.L 

3464 sacerdotissa 

L.HV1.X (10) 

1 5 2 L.HC1.L f sacerdotessa 5 2 L.L1.L sacerdotisa 5 2 L.L1.L sacerdotisa 5 2 L.L1.L 

3465 *aquileata 1 5 2 L.HV1.L f agullada 4 2 L1.L aguijada 4 2 L1.L agulhada 4 2 L1.L 

3466 antĭpăthīa , ae, f., del gr. 1 5 2 L.HV1.L f antipatia 5 2 L.L1.L antipatía 5 2 L.L1.L antipatia 5 2 L.L1.L 

3467 biblĭŏthēca, ae, f., y este 

del gr. 

1 5 2 L.HV1.L f biblioteca 5 2 L.L1.L biblioteca 4 2 L.L1.L biblioteca 5 2 L.L1.L 

3468 collegiāta 1 5 2 L.HV1.L f col·legiata 5 2 L.L1.L colegiata 4 2 L1.L colegiada 5 2 L1.L 

3469 compatrĭōta , ae, m. 1 5 2 L.HV1.L m/f compatriota 5 2 L.L1.L compatriota 4 2 L.L1.L compatriota 5 2 L.L1.L 

3470 haerĕsĭarcha, ae, m. 1 5 2 L.HV1.L m heresiarca 5 2 L.HC1.L heresiarca 4 2 HC1.L heresiarca 5 2 L.HC1.L 

3471 infantĭcīda, ae, m.& f. 1 5 2 L.HV1.L m/f infanticida 5 2 L.L1.L infanticida 5 2 L.L1.L infanticida 5 2 L.L1.L 

3472 pĭnăcŏthēca, ae, f. 1 5 2 L.HV1.L f pinacoteca 5 2 L.L1.L pinacoteca 5 2 L.L1.L pinacoteca 5 2 L.L1.L 

3473 rĕmissĭo, ōnis, f. 3 5 2 L.HV1.L f remissió 4 1 L.HV1 remisión 3 1 HC1 remissão 3 1 HV1 

3474 tyrannicīda 

L.L1.X (22) 

1 5 2 L.HV1.L m/f tiranicida 5 2 L.L1.L tiranicida 5 2 L.L1.L tiranicida 5 2 L.L1.L 

3475 allēgŏrĭa , ae 1 5 2 L.L1.L f al·legoria 5 2 L.L1.L alegoría 5 2 L.L1.L alegoria 5 2 L.L1.L 

3476 ănătŏmĭa, ae, del gr. 1 5 2 L.L1.L f anatomia 5 2 L.L1.L anatomía 5 2 L.L1.L anatomia 5 2 L.L1.L 

3477 ănōmălĭa , ae, del gr. 1 5 2 L.L1.L f anomalia 5 2 L.L1.L anomalía 5 2 L.L1.L anomalia 5 2 L.L1.L 

3478 ăpŏlŏgĭa , ae, f., y este 

del gr. 

1 5 2 L.L1.L f apologia 5 2 L.L1.L apología 5 2 L.L1.L apologia 5 2 L.L1.L 

3479 ăpostăsĭa , ae, f., y este 

del gr. 

1 5 2 L.L1.L f apostasia 5 2 L.L1.L apostasía 5 2 L.L1.L apostasia 5 2 L.L1.L 

3480 astrŏlŏgĭa , ae, f., y este 1 5 2 L.L1.L f astrologia 5 2 L1.L.L astrología 5 2 L.L1.L astrologia 5 2 L1.L.L 

del gr. 

3481 astronomĭa, y este del gr. 1 5 2 L.L1.L f astronomia 5 2 L1.L.L astronomía 5 2 L1.L.L astronomia 5 2 L.L1.L 

3482 autonomĭa, y este del gr. 1 5 2 L.L1.L f autonomia 5 2 L.L1.L autonomía 5 2 L.L1.L autonomia 5 2 L.L1.L

498 


3483 cătēgŏrĭa , ae, f., y este 

del gr. 

1 5 2 L.L1.L f categoria 5 2 L.L1.L categoría 5 2 L.L1.L categoria 5 2 L.L1.L 

3484 cosmōgrăphĭa , ae, f. < 

κοσμογραφία 

1 5 2 L.L1.L f cosmografia 5 2 L.L1.L cosmografía 5 2 L.L1.L cosmografia 5 2 L.L1.L 

3485 dysentĕrĭa , ae, f. 

499 


3509 contrōversĭa , ae, f. 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f controvèrsia 5 3 HC1.L.L controversia 4 2 HC1.L controvérsia 4 2 HC1.L 

3510 dĭălectĭca , ae, f. 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f dialèctica 5 3 HC1.L.L dialéctica 4 3 HC1.L.L dialéctica 4 3 HC1.L.L 

3511 dīlĭgentĭa , ae, f. 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f diligència 5 3 HC1.L.L diligencia 4 2 HC1.L diligência 4 2 HV1.L 

3512 ēlŏquentĭa , ae, f. 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f eloqüència 5 3 HC1.L.L elocuencia 4 2 HC1.L eloquência 4 2 HV1.L 

3513 ēmĭnentĭa , ae, f. 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f eminència 5 3 HC1.L.L eminencia 4 2 HC1.L eminência 4 2 HV1.L 

3514 ĕpĭlēpsia, ae, f. 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f epilèpsia 5 3 HC1.L.L epilepsia 4 2 HC1.L epilepsia 5 3 HC1.L.L 

3515 flatulentĭa, ae, f. 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f flatulència 5 3 HC1.L.L flatulencia 4 2 HC1.L flatulência 4 2 HV1.L 

3516 *influentia 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f influència 5 3 HC1.L.L influencia 4 2 L.HC1.L influência 4 2 HV1.L 

3517 negligentĭa 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f negligència 4 3 HC1.L.L negligencia 4 2 HC1.L negligência 5 3 HV1.L.L 

3518 observantĭa, ae, f. 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f observança 4 2 HC1.L observancia 4 2 HC1.L observância 5 3 HV1.L.L 

3519 ŏpŭlentĭa, ae, f. 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f opulència 5 3 HC1.L.L opulencia 4 2 HC1.L opulência 5 3 HV1.L.L 

3520 pătĭentĭa, ae, f. 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f paciència 5 3 HC1.L.L paciencia 3 2 HC1.L paciência 5 3 HV1.L.L 

3521 paenĭtentĭa, ae, f. 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f penitència 5 3 HC1.L.L penitencia 4 2 HC1.L penitência 5 3 HV1.L.L 

3522 pestĭlentĭa, ae, f. 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f pestilència 5 3 HC1.L.L pestilencia 4 2 HC1.L pestilência 5 3 HV1.L.L 

3523 praecedentĭa, ae 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f precedència 5 3 HC1.L.L precedencia 4 2 HC1.L precedência 5 3 HV1.L.L 

3524 praepŏtentĭa, ae, f. 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f prepotència 5 1 HC1.L.L prepotencia 4 2 HC1.L prepotência 5 3 HV1.L.L 

3525 praescĭentĭa, ae, f. 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f presciència 5 3 HC1.L.L presciencia 3 2 HC1.L presciência 5 3 HV1.L.L 

3526 prōvĭdentĭa, ae, f. 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f providencia 5 3 HC1.L.L providencia 4 2 HC1.L providência 5 3 HV1.L.L 

3527 rĕdundantĭa, ae, f. 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f redundància 5 3 HC1.L.L redundancia 4 2 HC1.L redundância 5 3 HV1.L.L 

3528 rĕpugnantĭa, ae, f. 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f repugnància 5 3 HC1.L.L repugnancia 4 2 HC1.L repugnância 5 3 HV1.L.L 

3529 rĕtĭcentĭa, ae, f. 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f reticència 5 3 HC1.L.L reticencia 4 2 HC1.L reticência 5 3 HV1.L.L 

3530 rĕvĕrentĭa, ae, f. 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f reverència 5 3 HC1.L.L reverencia 4 2 HC1.L reverência 5 3 HV1.L.L 

3531 săpĭentĭa, ae, f. 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f sapiència 5 3 HC1.L.L sapiencia 3 2 HC1.L sapiência 5 3 HV1.L.L 

3532 somnŭlentĭa (somnŏl-), 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f somnolència 5 3 HC1.L.L somnolencia 4 2 HC1.L sonolência 5 3 HV1.L.L 

ae, f. 

3533 subsistentia, ae, f. 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f subsistència 5 3 HC1.L.L subsistencia 4 2 HC1.L subsistência 5 3 HV1.L.L 

3534 transcendentĭa , ae, f. 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f transcendència 5 2 HC1.L.L transcendencia 4 2 HC1.L transcendência 5 3 HV1.L.L 

3535 turbulentĭa, ae 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f turbulència 5 3 HC1.L.L turbulencia 4 2 HC1.L turbulência 5 3 HV1.L.L 

3536 vĕrēcundĭa , ae, f. 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f vergonya 3 2 L1.L vergüenza 3 2 HC1.L vergonha 3 2 L1.L 

3537 vĭŏlentĭa , ae, f. 1 5 3 HC1.L.L f violència 5 3 HC1.L.L violencia 3 2 HC1.L violência 3 3 HV1.L.L 

HV1.L.X (18) 

3538 ăcădēmī˘a, ae, f. 1 5 3 HV1.L.L f acadèmia 5 3 L1.L.L academia 4 2 L1.L academia 5 3 L1.L.L 

3539 cătēchūmĕna , ae, f. 1 5 3 HV1.L.L f catecúmena 5 3 L1.L.L catecúmena 5 3 L1.L.L catecúmena 5 3 L1.L.L 

3540 cătēnārĭus, a, um 1 5 3 HV1.L.L f catenària 5 3 L1.L.L catenaria 4 2 L1.L catenária 5 3 L1.L.L 

3541 caerĭmōnĭa, ae, f. 1 5 3 HV1.L.L f cerimònia 5 3 L1.L.L ceremonia 4 2 L1.L cerimónia 5 3 L1.L.L 

3542 cornūcōpĭa , ae, f. 1 5 3 HV1.L.L f cornucòpia 5 3 L1.L.L cornucopia 4 2 L1.L cornucópia 5 3 L1.L.L

500 


3543 quādrāgēsĭma , ae, f. 1 5 3 HV1.L.L f quaresma 3 2 HC1.L cuaresma 3 2 HC1.L quaresma 3 2 HC1.L 

3544 mănŭārĭus, a, um 1 5 3 HV1.L.L f manera 3 2 L1.L manera 3 2 L1.L maneira 3 2 HV1.L 

3545 māchĭnārĭus, a, um 1 5 3 HV1.L.L f maquinària 5 3 L1.L.L maquinaria 4 2 L1.L maquinaria 5 3 L1.L.L 

3546 ŏpĕrārĭa, ae, f. 1 5 3 HV1.L.L f obrera 3 2 L1.L obrera 3 2 L1.L obreira 3 2 HV1.L 

3547 parsĭmōnĭa (parcĭmōnĭa), 1 5 3 HV1.L.L f parsimònia 5 3 L1.L.L parsimonia 4 2 L1.L parcimónia 5 3 L1.L 

ae, f. 

3548 pertĭnācĭa, ae, f. 1 5 3 HV1.L.L f pertinàcia 5 3 L1.L.L pertinacia 4 2 L1.L pertinácia 5 3 L1.L 

3549 sanguĭnārĭus, a, um 1 5 3 HV1.L.L f sanguinària 5 3 L1.L.L sanguinaria 4 2 L1.L sanguinária 5 3 L1.L 

3550 sanctĭmōnĭa, ae, f. 1 5 3 HV1.L.L f santimònia 5 3 L1.L.L santimonia 4 2 L1.L santimónia 5 3 L1.L 

3551 secretarĭa< sēcrētārĭum, 1 5 3 HV1.L.L f secretària 5 3 L1.L.L secretaria 4 2 L1.L secretária 5 3 L1.L 

ii, n. 

3552 serpentārĭa, ae, f. 1 5 3 HV1.L.L f serpentària 5 3 L1.L.L serpentaria 4 2 L1.L serpentária 5 3 L1.L 

3553 sōlĭtārĭus , a, um 1 5 3 HV1.L.L f soltera 3 2 L1.L soltera 3 2 L1.L solteira 3 2 HV1.L 

3554 tăbernārĭus , a, um, adj. 1 5 3 HV1.L.L f tavernera 4 2 L1.L tabernera 4 2 L1.L taberneira 4 2 HV1.L 

3555 tertĭārĭus , a, um, adj. 

L1.HV.X (1) 

1 5 3 HV1.L.L f tercera 3 2 L1.L tercera 3 2 L1.L terceira 3 2 HV1.L 

3556 pĕrĭphĕrīa, ae, f. 

= περιφέρεια 

L1.L.X (17) 

1 5 3 L1.HV.L f perifèria 5 3 L1.L.L periferia 4 2 L1.L periferia 5 2 L.L1.L 

3557 acrimonĭa 1 5 3 L1.L.L f acrimònia 5 3 L1.L.L acrimonia 4 2 L1.L acrimónia 4 2 L1.L 

3558 alopecĭa, y este del gr. 1 5 3 L1.L.L f alopècia 5 3 L1.L.L alopecia 4 2 L1.L alopecia 5 2 L1.L 

3559 ămygdălĭnus , a, um 1 5 3 L1.L.L f amigdalina 5 2 L.L1.L amigdalina 5 2 L.L1.L amigdalina 5 2 L.L1.L 

3560 ăvārĭtĭa , ae, f. 1 5 3 L1.L.L f avarícia 5 3 L1.L.L avaricia 4 2 L1.L avareza 4 2 L1.L 

3561 cathedratĭcus 1 5 3 L1.L.L f catedràtica 5 3 L1.L.L catedrática 5 3 L1.L.L catedrática 5 3 L1.L.L 

3562 chĕlīdŏnĭas, ae, m. = 1 5 3 L1.L.L f celidònia 5 3 L1.L.L celidonia 4 2 L1.L celidônia 5 3 L1.L.L 

χελιδονίας 

3563 *cupiditĭa

501 


3572 repraesaliae, b. lat. 1 5 3 L1.L.L f represàlia 5 3 L1.L.L represalia 4 2 L1.L represália 4 2 L1.L 

3573 synōnymĭa, ae, f., = 

συνωνυμία 

L.HV1.X (6) 

1 5 3 L1.L.L f sinonímia 5 3 L1.L.L sinonimia 4 2 L1.L sinonímia 5 3 L1.L.L 

3574 abbreviatūrus, a, um 1 6 2 L.HV1.L f abreviatura 6 2 L.L1.L abreviatura 5 2 L.L1.L abreviatura 6 2 L.L1.L 

3575 īdōlŏlatrīa, ae, f. 1 6 2 L.HV1.L f idolatria 5 2 L.L1.L idolatría 5 2 L.L1.L idolatria 5 2 L.L1.L 

3576 ĕtymŏlŏgĭa, ae, f. 1 6 2 L.L1.L f etimologia 6 2 L.L1.L etimología 6 2 L.L1.L etimologia 6 2 L.L1.L 

3577 physĭŏlŏgĭa, ae, f., = 

φυσιολογία 

1 6 2 L.L1.L f fisiologia 6 2 L.L1.L fisiología 5 2 L.L1.L fisiologia 5 2 L.L1.L 

3578 gĕnĕālŏgĭa, ae, f. = 

γενεαλογία, 

1 6 2 L.L1.L f genealogia 6 2 L.L1.L genealogía 6 2 L.L1.L genealogia 6 2 L.L1.L 

3579 āĕrŏmantīa, ae, f., = 

ἀερομαντεία 

HC1.L.X (20) 

1 6 2 HC.HV1.L f aeromància 6 3 HC.L1.L aeromancia 5 2 HC1.L aeromancia 6 2 HV.L1.L 

3580 adolescentĭa, ae 1 6 3 HC1.L.L f adolescència 6 3 HC1.L.L adolescencia 5 2 HC1.L adolescência 5 2 HV1.L 

3581 acquiescentĭa 1 6 3 HC1.L.L f aquiescència 6 3 HC1.L.L aquiescencia 5 2 HC1.L aquiescência 5 2 HV1.L 

3582 bĕnĕfĭcentĭa , ae, f. 1 6 3 HC1.L.L f beneficència 6 3 HC.L.L beneficencia 5 2 HC.L beneficência 6 3 HV1.L.L 

3583 bĕnĕvŏlentĭa, ae, f. 1 6 3 HC1.L.L f benevolència 6 3 HC1.L.L benevolencia 5 2 HC1.L benevolência 5 2 HV1.L 

3584 circumfĕrentĭa , ae, f. 1 6 3 HC1.L.L f circumferència 6 3 HC1.L.L circunferencia 5 2 HC1.L circunferência 5 2 HV1.L 

3585 expĕrĭentĭa, ae, f. 1 6 3 HC1.L.L f experiència 6 3 HC1.L.L experiencia 4 2 HC1.L experiência 5 2 HV1.L 

3586 inconscientĭa, ae, f. 1 6 3 HC1.L.L f inconsciència 6 3 HC1.L.L inconsciencia 4 2 HC1.L inconsciência 5 2 HV1.L 

3587 intellĕgentĭa (intellĭg-), 

ae, f. 

1 6 3 HC1.L.L f intel·ligència 6 3 HC1.L.L inteligencia 5 2 HC1.L inteligência 5 2 HV1.L 

3588 jūrisprūdentĭa , ae, f. 1 6 3 HC1.L.L f jurisprudència 6 3 HC1.L.L jurisprudencia 5 2 HC1.L jurisprudência 5 2 HV1.L 

3589 magnĭfĭcentĭa, ae, f. 1 6 3 HC1.L.L f magnificència 6 3 HC1.L.L magnificencia 5 2 HC1.L magnificência 5 2 HV1.L 

3590 mălĕdīcentĭa, ae, f. 1 6 3 HC1.L.L f maledicència 6 3 HC1.L.L maledicencia 5 2 HC1.L maledicência 5 2 HV1.L 

3591 mĭsĕrĭcordĭa, ae, f. 1 6 3 HC1.L.L f misericòrdia 6 3 HC1.L.L misericordia 5 2 HC1.L misericórdia 6 3 HC1.L.L 

3592 mūnĭfĭcentĭa, ae, f. 1 6 3 HC1.L.L f munificència 6 3 HC1.L.L munificencia 5 2 HC1.L munificência 5 2 HV1.L 

3593 ŏboedĭentĭa (obed-), ae, 

f. 

1 6 3 HC1.L.L f obediència 6 3 HC1.L.L obediencia 4 2 HC1.L obediência 4 2 HV1.L 

3594 omnĭpŏtentĭa, ae, f. 1 6 3 HC1.L.L f omnipotència 6 3 HC1.L.L omnipotencia 5 2 HC1.L omnipotência 5 2 HV1.L 

3595 LL omnipraesentĭa, ae, f. 1 6 3 HC1.L.L f omnipresència 6 3 HC1.L.L omnipresencia 5 2 HC1.L omnipresença 5 2 HV1.L 

3596 LL omniscĭentĭa, ae, f. 1 6 3 HC1.L.L f omnisciència 6 3 HC1.L.L omnisciencia 4 2 HC1.L omnisciência 4 2 HV1.L 

3597 praeēmĭnentĭa, ae, f. 1 6 3 HC1.L.L f preeminència 6 3 HC1.L.L preeminencia 5 2 HC1.L preeminência 5 2 HV1.L 

3598 prōtūbĕrantia, ae, f. 1 6 3 HC1.L.L f protuberància 6 3 HC1.L.L protuberancia 5 2 HC1.L protuberância 5 2 HV1.L 

3599 rĕmĭniscentĭae, ārum, f. 

HV1.L.X (3) 

1 6 3 HC1.L.L f reminiscència 6 3 HC1.L.L reminiscencia 5 2 HC1.L reminiscência 5 2 HV1.L 

3600 octōgēnārĭus, a, um 1 6 3 HV1.L.L f octogenària 6 3 L1.L.L octogenaria 5 2 L1.L octogenária 5 2 L1.L

502 

3601 părĭĕtārĭa, ae, f. 1 6 3 HV1.L.L f parietària 6 3 L1.L.L parietaria 4 2 L1.L parietária 4 2 L1.L 

3602 sexāgēnārĭus, a, um 

L1.L.X (1) 

1 6 3 HV1.L.L f sexagenària 5 2 L1.L sexagenaria 5 2 L1.L sexagenária 5 2 L1.L 

3603 antŏnŏmăsĭa , ae, f., = 1 6 3 L1.L.L f antonomàsia 6 3 L1.L.L antonomasia 5 2 L1.L antonomásia 5 2 L1.L 

ἀντονομασία 

HV.L1.X & HV1.L.X (2) 

3604 ŏnŏmătŏpoeïa, ae, f., = 

1 7 2 HV.L1.L f onomatopeia 6 2 L1.L onomatopeya 6 2 L1.L onomatopeia 6 2 L1.L 

ὀνοματοποιΐα, 

3605 septŭāgēnārĭus, a, um 1 7 3 HV1.L.L f septuagenària 7 3 L1.L.L septuagenaria 5 2 L1.L septuagenária 5 2 L1.L

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 

Sonia Ramírez Wohlmuth is an instructor at the University of South Florida with teaching 

responsibilities in the School of Library and Information Science and the department of World 

Languages. Her educational preparation began with a bachelor’s degree in Spanish with a 

French minor from the University of Georgia, a master’s degree in Spanish (with a specialization 

in linguistics) from the University of Illinois, and a second master’s degree in Library and 

Information Science from the University of South Florida. A dedication to pursuit of knowledge 

and teaching has led to various career paths—as language instructor, bilingual representative for 

the Department of Labor in Illinois, free-lance translator, subject specialist at the University of 

Georgia Library, and her current position at the University of South Florida where she regularly 

teaches information literacy courses for undergraduates as well as Spanish language and 

linguistics undergraduate courses at intermediate and advanced levels. She completed 

requirements for the Ph.D. in Romance languages (with specialization in Spanish linguistics) at 

the University of Florida in December 2008. 

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