fontes historiae nubiorum - Digitalt - Universitetet i Bergen

FONTES 

HISTORIAE 

NUBIORUM 

Vol. II

FONTES 

HISTORIAE 

NUBIORUM 

TEXTUAL SOURCES FOR THE HISTORY OF THE MIDDLE 

NILE REGION 

BETWEEN THE EIGHTH CENTURY BC 

AND THE SIXTH CENTURY AD 

VOL. II 

FROM THE MID-FIFTH TO THE FIRST CENTURY BC 

Edited by 

Tormod Eide, Tomas Hägg, Richard Holton Pierce 

and LåszIO Török

Published with a grant from The Norwegian Research Council 

Editors' address: 

University of Bergen 

Department of Greek, Latin and Egyptology 

Sydnesplassen 7 

N-5007 Bergen 

Institutt for klassisk filologi, russisk og religionsvitenskap 

Seksjon for gresk, latin og egyptologi 

Universitetet i Bergen 

All Rights Reserved 

ISBN 82-91626-01-4 

ISSN 0804-9408 

Printed in Norway 1996 

John Grieg AS, Bergen

CONTENTS 

Introduction 355 

A General Note to the Meroitic Texts 359 

A Further Note to the Translations of the Egyptian Texts 362 

Abbreviations 367 

Periodicals and Series 367 

Other Abbreviations 368 

Bibliographical List 370 

The Sources 393 

(67) Talakhamani. Evidence for reign 393 

68 The plague of 430 BC starts in Aithiopia. Ca. 430-400 BC. Thucydides 2.48 

393 

Irike-Amanote. Titles 396 

Irike-Amanote. Evidence for reign. Regnal years 398 

71 Inscription of Irike-Amannote from Years 1-2 (Kawa IX). Second half of 

the 5th cent. BC 400 

72 Donation text of Irike-Amannote (Kawa X). Second half of the 5th cent. 

BC 428 

73 Donation text of Irike-Amannote from Year 19 (Kawa XI). Second half of 

the 5th cent. BC 431 

74 Donation text of Irike-Amannote from Year 25+X (Kawa XII). Second 

half of the 5th cent. BC 432 

Baskakeren. Evidence for reign 435 

Harsiyotef. Titles 436 

Harsiyotef. Evidence for reign. Regnal years 437 

78 Annals of Harsiyotef from Year 35. First half of the 4th cent. BC 438 

Akhratari. Titles. Evidence for reign 464 

Amanibakhi. Evidence for reign 465 

81 Mortuary stela of Amanibakhi. Second half of the 4th cent. BC (?) 465 

Nastaseri. Titles 467 

Nastaseri. Evidence for reign 468 

84 Stela of Nastaseri from Year 8. Second half of the 4th cent. BC 471 

84a Nectanebos II's flight to Aithiopia. 4th cent. BC. Ephorus in Diodorus 

Siculus 16.51.1 501

Fontes Historiae Nubiorum II 

85 Alexander and Queen Candace. Hellenistic period. Ps.-Callisthenes, 

Alexander Romance 3.18; 3.21.1-3; 3.22.2-5, 7-8 503 

(86) Aktisanes. Titles. Evidence for reign 511 

87 Temple building inscription of Aktisanes from Nuri. Ca. 300 BC 513 

88 Aktisanes. Ca. 320-305 BC. Hecataeus of Abdera in Diodorus Siculus 1.60- 

61.1 5/5 

Aryamani. Titles 521 

Aryamani. Evidence for reign. Regnal years 522 

91 Donation stela of Aryamani, Years 3-9 (Kawa XIV). Early 3rd cent. BC 522 

92 Fragments of a stela of Aryarnani, Years 9-24 (?) (Kawa XV). Early 3rd 

cent. BC 528 

Kash(...). Evidence for reign 532 

Irike-Piye-qo. Evidence for reign 533 

Sabrakamani. Titles. Evidence for reign 533 

96 Inscription of Sabrakamani (Kawa XIII). First half of the 3rd cent. BC 534 

97 An Aithiopian attack on Elephantine. Papyrus letter. 3rd cent. BC 536 

98 Buhen, South Temple, Greek graffito. 4th-2nd cent. BC 538 

99 Buhen, South Temple, Greek graffito. 3rd cent. BC 540 

100 The earliest Hellenistic writers on Aithiopia. Ca. 300 BC and later. Pliny, 

Naturalis historia 6.183 541 

101 A piece of zoological lore. Ca. 300 BC. Dalion in Paradoxographus 

Vaticanus 2 542 

102 On the ethnography of Aithiopia and sub-Saharan Africa. Ca. 300 BC. 

Dalion in Pliny, Naturalis historia 6.194-195 544 

103 On the geography of Aithiopia. 3rd cent. BC. Aristocreon in Pliny, 

Naturalis historia 5.59 546 

104 On the geography of Aithiopia. 3rd cent. BC. Aristocreon in Pliny, 

Naturalis historia 6.191-192 547 

105 On the name Candace. 3rd cent. BC. Bion of Soloi in Schol. Act. Apost. 

8.27 549 

106 On the name Candace. 3rd cent. BC (?). Bion of Soloi (?) in Ps.- 

Oecumenius, Commentary on Act. Apost. 12, ad 8.27 550 

107 On Aithiopian kingship. 3rd cent. BC. Bion of Soloi in Athenaeus 13.20, 

566c 551 

108 Itineraries. 3rd cent. BC. Bion of Soloi in Pliny, Naturalis historia 6.177- 

178, 180-181; 191; 193 552 

109 A description of Aithiopia. 3rd cent. BC. Eratosthenes in Strabo 17.1.2 557 

110 On the reasons for the Nile flooding. 3rd cent. BC. Eratosthenes in Strabo 

17.1.5 561 

111 On the name Meroe. 3rd cent. BC. Eratosthenes in Strabo 17.1.5 563 

350

Contents 

112 The Nubian nome list of Ptolemy II. Philae, Temple of Isis. After ca. 274 

BC 564 

Arkamaniqo (Ergamenes I). Titles 566 

Arkamaniqo (Ergamenes I). Evidence for reign 566 

Amanislo. Titles. Evidence for reign 568 

116 Earliest Greek source for the Blemmyes. First half of the 3rd cent. BC. 

Theocritus 7.111-114 569 

Amanitekha. Titles. Evidence for reign 570 

King [...] sp-cr113-n-Imn Stp.n-W. Titles 571 

King [...] sp-


142 Description of Aithiopia. 2nd cent. BC. Agatharchides in Diodorus 

Siculus 3.2.1-7.3 638 

143 On Aithiopian tribes. 2nd cent. BC. Agatharchides in Diodorus Siculus 

3.8-10 650 

144 Ptolemy II in Aithiopia. 2nd cent. BC. Agatharchides in Diodorus Siculus 

1.37.5 655 

145 Ptolemy II in Aithiopia. 2nd cent. BC. Agatharchides, On the Red Sea 

1.20 656 

146 The Nubian gold mines. 2nd cent. BC. Agatharchides in Diodorus 

Siculus 3.12 657 

147 On burial customs among the Trogodytes. 2nd cent. BC. Agatharchides in 

Diodorus Siculus 3.33.2 659 

Queen Shanakdakheto. Son of Itê name 660 

Queen Shanakdakheto. Evidence for reign 661 

Tafiyidamani. Titles 662 

Tafiyidamani. Evidence for reign 664 

152 Meroitic stela of Tafiyidamani from the Arnim temple at Gebel Barkal. 

Late 2nd or early lst cent. BC 665 

153 Meroitic votive stela of Tafiyidamani from the Apedemak temple at 

Meroe City. Late 2nd or early lst cent. BC 671 

154 Mortuary inscription of Tsemerese from Faras. Late 2nd or early 1st cent. 

BC 672 

155 Mortuary inscription of FIllhror from Faras. Late 2nd or early lst cent. BC 

675 

156 Egyptian forces stationed at Philae. 118-116 BC 676 

157 Privileges granted to the temple of Chnum in Elephantine. 117- 115 BC 

678 

158 On Aithiopian kingship. Late lst cent. BC. Nicolaus of Damascus in 

Stobaeus, Florilegium 4.2 683 

Nagyrjinsan[...]. Evidence for reign 685 

King Horus Evidence for reign 686 

Aqrakamani. Evidence for reign 686 

162 Dakka, inscription from the reign of King Aqrakamani. 29 or 25 BC (?) 

687 

163 Cornelius Gallus on his Nubian campaign: Latin. 29 BC 689 

164 Cornelius Gallus on his Nubian campaign: Greek. 29 BC 694 

165 Cornelius Gallus on his Nubian campaign: Hieroglyphic. 29 BC 696 

166 Augustus' war with Meroe. AD 14. Res Gestae Divi Augusti 26.21-22 700 

167 Diodorus Siculus on his sources for Aithiopia. lst cent. BC. Diodorus 

352 

Siculus 3.11.2-3 704

Contents 

168 Dakka, Greek votive inscription. 13 BC 706 

169 Philae as border between Egypt and the land of the Aithiopians. 7 BC 709 

170 The visit of Aithiopian deities to Philae. Late lst cent. BC-early lst cent. 

AD 711 

171 Iunius Sabinus on the conquest of the Aithiopiart tribes. Late lst cent. BC 

7/3 

(172) Teritecias. Evidence for reign 715 

173 Dakka, Meroitic inscription of Teritecjas, Amanirenas, and Akinidad. 

Late lst cent. BC 715 

174 Stela of Teritecjas from temple M 600 at Meroe City. Late 1st cent. BC 717 

(175) Queen Amanirenas. Evidence for reign 718 

176 The Hamadab Stela of Amanirenas and Akinidad. Late lst cent. BC 719 

(177) Queen Amanishakheto. Evidence for reign 723 

178 Fragments of the Amanishakheto Stela from Meroe City. Late lst cent. 

BC-early lst cent. AD 724 

(179) Prince Akinidad. Evidence for career 725 

180 Dendur, Demotic inscription of Swnj. 11/10 BC (?) 728 

181 Dakka, proskynema of Slw. 10/11 AD 731 

182 Philae, Demotic inscription of Rqe. 30 AD 732 

183 Philae, Demotic inscription of Able. 48 AD 733 

184 Kalabsha, Demotic agreement. 50 or 64 AD 735 

185 Dakka, Demotic inscription of Able. 57 AD 736 

Contents of FHN III-IV 739 

353

INTRODUCTION 

As was stated in our first volume, the aim of Fontes Historiae Nubiorum is to 

present the main textual sources, both literary and documentary, for the history 

of the Middle Nile Region between the eighth century BC and the sixth century 

AD, in their respective original languages as well as in new English translations, 

each accompanied by an historical commentary. For a more detailed 

statement of our aims and for an account of the background of our undertaking, 

the reader is referred to our introduction to that volume; at this place, only 

some basic facts of importance for the user will be repeated. In addition, we 

shall be more specific than earlier on some points particularly raised by the present 

selection of texts. 

The scholarly translation and the historical commentary are the core of the 

work, whereas the publication of the texts themselves makes no claim to originality: 

this is true especially for the literary sources. In the case of the documentary 

material—the inscriptions and papyri—a more active editorial policy has 

sometimes proved necessary, so that the texts we present are at places not identical 

with those of any of the previous editions, but the result of our scrutiny of 

the material at our disposal, including published photos, and of our evaluation 

of the suggestions put forward by scholars in the field. 

The scope of the collection is inevitably limited to published texts. We regret 

that we had to omit several texts in various languages discovered in the 

last few decades but unfortunately still withheld from general use. Moreover, 

we have deliberately omitted a number of other texts, namely those judged to 

contain no independent historical information (such as numerous topical 

mentions of the Blemmyes in Greek and Roman literature). The names (titles) 

and the evidence for the reigns of the rulers of Kush are discussed separately, as 

important sources of political history, cultural contacts, and chronology. Bold 

numbers in bold brackets ((67), (69) etc.) distinguish these categories of evidence 

from the source texts proper which bear bold numbers without brackets (68, 71 

etc.). 

We have tried to avoid the use of unclear, idiosyncratic, or controversial 

historical and geographical terms in our commentaries. "Nubia" is used in its 

widest historical sense and not as a geographical term (except for "Upper Nubia" 

and "Lower Nubia"). The geographical term "Middle Nile Region" includes 

Lower and Upper Nubia as well as the central Sudan and is not employed 

in a (chronologically or politically) definite historical meaning. The 

terms "Kush" and "Kushite" denote the indigenous state that emerged after the 

withdrawal of the New Kingdom Egyptian provincial administration under


Ramesses XI and lasted until the second half of the 4th century AD. They thus 

include the so-called Napatan and Meroitic periods as well. 

The geographical and political term "Aithiopia" (in its Greek spelling, to 

avoid confusion with modern Ethiopia) is used whenever the classical sources 

we are commenting on use this notoriously vague term themselves; in these 

texts, reference normally is to the Nile Region south of Egypt. 

Though this is in the end a team-work, a certain division of labour has been 

both necessary and natural. The selection of sources was made by Låszlô Tör,A 

(LT), who also wrote the historical comments. Richard Holton Pierce (RHP) 

translated the Egyptian texts, hieroglyphic as well as Demotic and (in Vol. III) 

Coptic. Tormod Eide (TE) and Tomas Flägg (TH) produced the Greek and Latin 

translations and are also responsible for the "Introductions to source" preceding 

those texts and for the philological notes to the translations. These translations 

were also subjected to thoroughgoing discussion among TE, TH, and 

RHP, so the initials added there denote only who made the first draft—and had 

the final say. The Meroitic sources, finally, are treated by LT (of course, no consecutive 

translation of these can be provided). 

Each source text is presented in such a way that it may be consulted separately; 

but the translation itself is only part of the whole, and it is necessary, in 

order to assess it correctly, to read the entry in its entirety, including the introduction 

and notes, and to follow up the internal references that are supplied. 

The translated text extracts, of various genre and function, can be interpreted 

and used for historical conclusions with some confidence only if their respective 

nature and context are properly understood. 

For the Greek and Latin literary sources, there is first a "Source bibliography", 

listing selected works that illuminate the nature and context of the literary 

work from which the extract is taken. The "Introduction to source" attempts 

to present to readers not familiar with Greek and Latin literature the basic 

facts about the particular author and his work; but there is also discussion of 

special source problems, with references to the scholarly debate, which may also 

be useful for people with a prior working knowledge of Classical texts in general. 

Consultation of the footnotes to the translations is likewise important 

since they indicate, among other things, the places where the translation given 

is open to doubt for various (textual or interpretational) reasons. 

The documentary sources in Greek and Latin are presented in a corresponding 

way, explaining in the introduction the historical context and function or 

genre of the inscription or papyrus/parchment text in question, as well as giving 

the basic bibliographical guidance for those who wish to go further. For 

practical reasons, different procedures have been chosen for the reproduction of 

the texts themselves. Sometimes, for the benefit of the modern reader, we have 

divided the text (and the translation) into its structural parts; sometimes, particularly 

in the case of very fragmentary texts, we have deemed it necessary instead 

to follow, line by line, their original disposition on the stone or papyrus. 

356

Introduction 

We have not, however, found it advisable, for our purpose, to try to indicate in 

any more precise way the probable extent of the lost parts of fragmentary texts; 

most lacunas, short or long, are simply marked with three dots in square brackets: 

[...]. 

For the Egyptian texts a somewhat different format has been adopted. All 

the information that would correspond to what is given about the Greek and 

Latin sources in the "Source bibliography" and most of that which would appear 

in the "Introduction to source", are included in the historical "Comments". 

Between the "Transliteration and Translation" and the "Comments" 

there is sometimes inserted a "Note to the Translation" which contains further 

information, some of which would, in the case of the Greek and Latin sources, 

be found in the "Introduction to source". This difference in part reflects the less 

developed state of the literary analysis of the Egyptian texts from the Sudan, 

and in part the greater uncertainty inhering in the translations. The nature of 

the problem was discussed in the "General Note to the Translations of the 

Egyptian Texts" in Vol. I; additional information, especially concerning the 

Demotic texts, is supplied below under the heading "A Further Note to the 

Translations of the Egyptian Texts". 

The treatment of Meroitic texts is another matter; the text is here immediately 

followed by the "Comments", in which translation of those parts that admit 

a rendering is integrated. See further below, "A General Note to the Meroitic 

Texts". 

The historical comments are similarly structured for all the various types of 

text. They discuss the historical implications of each text, with ample references 

to handbooks and scholarly works. To follow up these references, given in the 

form: Author's name, year of publication, and page, the reader has to turn to 

the alphabetic Bibliographical list at the beginning of the volume. At the same 

place, there are also lists of other abbreviations used in this volume. 

The final section, Contents of FHN III - IV, gives a preview (adding some basic 

bibliographical information) of what source texts will be treated in the next 

volume. Readers are kindly asked to submit to the editors suggestions for other 

texts that they think should be included, as well as corrections and supplements 

to those published here. Such material, as well as interpretative analyses by 

others supplementing our comments, may be included in the fourth and last 

volume, together with the relevant indices. 

We already extended the corresponding invitation in Vol. I and are very 

grateful to the colleagues and friends who have taken the time and trouble to 

send us their observations and suggestions.94 Some of this expert advice has 

94By the time the present volume was handed over to the printers, the following reviews of Vol. 

I were known to us: Inge Hofmann in Orientalia 64, 1995, 473-474; J.G. Manning in Bryn Mawr Review 

96.4.3. Among those who have sent us personal communications, we wish to thank, in particular, 

Prof. Stanley Burstein (Los Angeles) and Dr. Adam Lajtar (Warsaw) for their detailed and 

constructive criticism. 

357


been taken ad notam already in the preparation of the present volume, other 

changes will be made in Vol. III, as may be seen from the preview of its contents. 

We wish to express our sincere thanks to all who have contributed to 

making this collection as useful a tool as possible for future research. 

358 

Bergen in March, 1996 

Tormod Eide Tomas Flägg Richard Holton Pierce Låszlé Török

Introduction 

A General Note to the Meroitic Texts 

The Kushite royal and temple inscriptions were written in Egyptian hieroglyphic 

until the 3rd-2nd century BC. In the course of the 2nd century BC a 

hieroglyphic as well as a cursive script began to take shape in Kush, the former 

for the writing of monumental texts, and the latter for "private" inscriptions 

and administrative documents in the Meroitic lartguage. Its 23 hieroglyphic 

signs were borrowed from the Egyptian hieroglyphic script, while the 23 cursive 

signs, each corresponding to a hieroglyphic one (Fig. 1), show the impact of 

Egyptian "abnormal hieratic" (see, with the literature of earlier research, Priese 

1973b). Unlike Egyptian script, however, Meroitic script includes vowel notations 

and constitutes a syllabic system in which every symbol represents a consonant 

plus the vowel a, except when followed by another symbol indicating 

the vowel i, o, or e. A symbol for the vowel a is only writeten at the beginning of 

a word (Hintze 1978, 93 f.). The earliest surviving Meroitic hieroglyphic inscription, 

the name of Queen Shanakdakheto in Temple F at Naqa (see (148)), can be 

dated to the late 2nd century BC; and the earliest preserved document in the 

4 e 4,:z>G 

/ 

h 

/ o IIJ 3 (s) 

m y tt vi/ s (se) 

P 3 w L k 

r91‘ V b Å /;1 q 

GD L P Y t 

y m 

[-L n 1=' 4- to 

X 71" 

.. (n e) ilt X, d 

. , word 

= (-4-1 r . . divider 

Fig. 1. The hieroglyphic and cursive forms of the Meroitic script with their phonetic values (after 

Hintze 1978, 93). 

t) 

359


cursive writing (Hintze 1959, 36, fgm. of the offering table of King Tarekeniwal) 

similarly dates from the late 2nd century BC. 

The Meroitic hieroglyphic and cursive scripts were deciphered by F.L1. Griffith 

(1909a, 1911, 1911a, 1912) on the basis of Meroitic royal names recorded in 

both Egyptian and Meroitic scripts. Griffith also succeeded in identifying important 

elements of the grammatical structure of Meroitic, and his analysis of the 

Meroitic funerary texts made possible the understanding of a number of words 

(among them numerous loan words from Egyptian) and of some phrases. 

According to the testimony of loan words in Egyptian texts, the Meroitic 

language was spoken in Nubia in the period of the Egyptian New Kingdom (cf. 

Priese 1968b). While it is generally assumed that Meroitic was originally the 

spoken tongue of the population(s) of the Butana region and while it may perhaps 

also be supposed that its northward spread started in the Napatan period, 

the history of the language remains, for lack of documents, unknown. Meroitic 

is not a Hamito-Semitic ("Afro-Asiatic") language (Hintze 1955); it is an agglutinating 

language and has no genders. It was suggested that it is related to the 

"Eastern Sudanic languages" (Trigger 1964, 1973; cf. Thelwall 1989). At the same 

time, with great caution, the structural parallels between Meroitic and Old Nubian 

already assumed by Lepsius (1880, cxxi-cxxvi) were recently reconsidered by 

Hintze (1989) who came, however, to the conclusion that a genealogical relationship 

between Meroitic and Old Nubian cannot be demonstrated. He also 

pointed out that the present knowledge of the Eastern Sudanic Language Group 

does not allow the direct comparison of Meroitic with any individual language 

of the Group. 

Although the Meroitic language remains, in spite of the efforts of F.L1. Griffith 

and of scholars of the subsequent decades, so far undeciphered,95 our 

understanding of the structure of the mortuary texts and of certain expressions 

in other types of inscriptions, as well as of certain grammatical structures, and 

our knowledge of a number of words (mostly titles, toponyms, theonyms, and 

terms of family relationships) make it nevertheless possible, and also necessary, 

to include here some of the more important Meroitic documents on account of 

their obvious historical value. While of course no consecutive translations can 

be provided,96 we republish here on the basis of the Paris Wpertoire d'Epigraphie 

W.roffique (REM) partly, or fully, the more important royal titularies and 

95Cf. Griffith 1909, 1911, 1911a, 1912, 1916, 1917, 1922; for the monumental undertaking of the 

Paris REM see the articles of J. Leclant, director of the project, further A. Heyler and others in issues 

1 ff. of MNL; and cf. Hainsworth—Leclant 1978; for further research see esp. Hintze 1960, 

1963, 1973a, 1974, 1977, 1979; Hofmann 1981; Priese 1968, 1971, 1973b, 1976, 1977a; Trigger—Heyler 

1970; Zibelius 1983; for further literature see references in the studies listed above and see also 

Török 1988, 331 f., Bibliography 7a, b. 

96 For tentative "translations" of monumental texts see Millet 1973 (REM 0094, cf. FHN III, 300); 

Hofmann 1981, 279 ff. (REM 1003, cf. 177). 

360

Introduction 

inscriptions with notes on words and expressions the meaning of which can be 

established with a reasonable degree of certainty. 

In the segmentation of the texts we follow the REM editions. In the transcription 

of the Meroitic cursive signs ii is used and the transcription ne of the 

REM is not employed on account of the widely used transcription ii in royal 

names (e.g., Tariyidamani). On the other hand, the transcription § used in earlier 

editions of Meroitic texts is replaced by the more recent transcription s; 

while instead of the earlier s we have, as also used in the REM, se. An uncertain 

reading of a sign is marked by an * before the sign. 

As for the signs employed in Meroitic hieroglyphic and cursive texts as 

word dividers, the three vertically arranged dots in "archaic" inscriptions will 

be marked „, and the two vertically arranged dots in "transitional" and "late" 

inscriptions will be marked „ in the transcriptions presented in FHN II and III. 

361

Fontes Historiae Nubiorum 11 

A Further Note to the Translations of the Egyptian Texts 

In this second volume of sources there appear some of the last texts currently 

known to have been written in Egyptian hieroglyphics in Nubia. Though they 

do not differ greatly in content from those that preceded them, they are, if possible, 

still more difficult to translate; and even an expert of Macadam's stature 

has characterized them as "barbarous and unsightly" (Macadam 1949, 81). The 

causes of this state of affairs were multiple, but the root cause was probably that 

the cultural tradition supporting the use of Egyptian hieroglyphs in Nubia, 

though waxing and waning as political conditions affected the flow of cultural 

information between Egypt and Nubia, progressively weakened and was ultimately 

displaced as indigenous Meroitic traditions emerged. In all likelihood, 

this process took place among the members of a minority elite that was dependent 

on the Nubian monarchy and temples and that included an important 

component of persons who had their education in Egypt or in a milieu in Nubia 

that maintained intimate ties with Egypt and whose members mastered the 

language spoken in Egypt. 

Because the ancient Egyptian language was in continuous use in one form 

or another for over three thousand years and during that time underwent all 

the changes that normally manifest themselves in language, the student of ancient 

Egyptian has to distinguish between scripts and stages of language. 

In terms of structure and vocabulary, Egyptian can meaningfully be roughly 

divided, in chronological sequence, into Old, Middle, and Late Egyptian, followed 

by Demotic and Coptic. Modern students are usually introduced to each 

of these separately, but the main cleavage among them groups Old and Middle 

Egyptian on one side and Late Egyptian, Demotic, and Cop tic on the other.97 

From its inception, what is now called Middle Egyptian became a classical standard, 

comparable to Latin in Western traditions, and was studied and used for 

culturally elevated purposes as long as the Pharaonic tradition survived. The 

spoken language continued to change, however; and as a consequence a cleft 

opened between this "traditional Egyptian" and current Egyptian that forced 

scribes to study the former as a language different from the latter. Of course, 

levels of proficiency varied; and, as was stated in the "General Note to the 

Translations of the Egyptian Texts" in FHN I, it is not always clear how closely 

the standards of later usage conformed to those of earlier times. 

In terms of scripts, there were, first of all, the hieroglyphs, which in their 

fullest execution were discrete pictures, each conforming to the artistic canons 

of their day. They constituted, above all, a monumental script and, being characteristically 

employed to write important texts, they tended to encode the classical 

language. When the hieroglyphs were written in ink on papyrus, ostraca, 

and the like, the scribes tended to write them swiftly in simpler, cursive forms 

97Cf. Vernus 1979, 81-82, for a clear and succinct statement on this matter. 

362

Introduction 

that exhibit differing standards of calligraphy over time. This cursive writing is 

referred to in modern literature as "hieratic", using a term first employed by 

the ancient Greeks. It went its own way, and over the centuries the forms of the 

signs came to differ so much from the corresponding hieroglyphs that a scribe 

would have had to be specially trained to transcribe a hieratic into a hieroglyphic 

text. Since the hieratic script was also used to write mundane documents, 

it tended, although the medium of a learned elite, to embody more 

nearly current language. By the sixth century BC, there arose a script, itself derived 

from hieratic, that was so far removed from the hieroglyphs and from 

their hieratic counterparts that it was regarded as a separate script, now referred 

to in modern literature as demotic, again using a term borrowed from Greek.98 

This script became the vehicle for the latest phase of Pharaonic Egyptian and 

continued in use for the better part of a millennium. Both script and language 

were characteristically, though not exclusively, used for business and administrative 

purposes. Consequently, during the period when the texts in this corpus 

were written, there were three scripts, hieroglyphic, hieratic, and demotic, and 

two languages, Traditional and Demotic Egyptian, for fully educated scribes to 

master.99 

In Pharaonic Egypt student scribes began their education, not with hieroglyphs 

as modern students do, but with hieratic or demotic (Vernus 1990, 37). 

There may well have been scribes who went no further but applied their skills 

solely to the practical business of state and temple; but those who did advance 

to a higher education were initiated into the sanctities of the hieroglyphs. Indeed, 

proof of knowledge of the three scripts and the languages they embodied 

later became a legal prerequisite for priestly status. 

AS far as is known, a text that was to be memorialized in stone was first 

drafted on papyrus in a cursive script before it was sketched out on the stone 

that was to bear it. We are not well informed about procedures followed in Nubia; 

but if, as is likely, they were much the same as in Egypt, then as many as 

three persons might be involved: a scribal author to write the original, a lapidary 

scribe to transcribe the cursive text into hieroglyphs and transfer it to the 

stone, and a stone-mason to do the actual carving. It is also possible that one 

and the same person might on occasions have performed the first two or all 

three of these roles. Whatever the case in this regard, transcribing from a cursive 

exemplar to a hieroglyphic text required special knowledge that a docu- 

980n the emergence of Demotic see Vleeming 1981. 

99The famous Rosetta Stone, which belongs to the period covered by this volume, records a decree 

that was to be inscribed in both hieroglyphs (s4 n mdw ntr, "the writing for words of god", 

Rosetta Stone, hieroglyphic version, line 14 = sh md-ntr, demotic version, line 32 = rà .epà 

TpdwaTa, "the sacred characters", Greek version, line 54) and demotic (s n y, "documentary 

writing", hieroglyphic version, line 14 = sh (n) gct, demotic version, line 32 = tà.),xoSptoz. yptgatcc 

= "the native characters", Greek version, line 54) as well as in Greek. 

363


mentary scribe might lack or possess only imperfectly.10° Thus, in addition to 

all the pitfalls alluded to in the Note in Volume I, a translator must also consider 

the possibility that signs carved on stone, and so often identified only at 

the expense of long scrutiny, are, in that state, corruptions of their exemplars. 

In a shrinking milieu, perhaps staffed predominantly by documentary scribes 

with little or no training in the hieroglyphs, the likelihood that such distortions 

might have been produced increases.101 

Another problem that arises in the wake of the changes that took place in 

the Egyptian language concerns ancient orthography and modern transliteration. 

In general, Egyptian signs record the consonants in a word, but not the 

vowels; and the hieroglyphic signs and their hieratic and demotic equivalents 

were, fundamentally, very stable. There were, of course, variations in style and 

execution; but the basic set of signs remained the same as long as the Egyptian 

writing system existed. Moreover, the way words were written tended to remain 

stable as well; and particularly in hieratic and demotic writing it would 

appear that scribes tended to write words as groups of signs rather than to spell 

them out sign by sign.102 Insofar as scribal practice stabilized the writing both of 

the signs and of the words, it contributed to masking changes in pronunciation. 

But scribes were not uniform in this regard; some "modernized" their writing 

to a greater or lesser degree, others were more "conservative". Hence one and 

the same word may appear in different writings in different texts. In the majority 

of instances, experienced readers will recognize the underlying unity, but 

not always. Moreover, Egyptologists are not in full agreement about the 

phonemic and phonetic values of the alphabetic signs.103 So what transliteration 

is one to adopt? Should one transliterate the signs that appear in the text 

strictly according to the standard values one has adopted for them? If one does 

this, then users for whom a transliteration ought to be helpful may have difficulty 

tracing transliterated words to the proper entries in dictionaries and lexica. 

For example, the Egyptian word for "god" is generally entered in reference 

works under the transliteration ntr. In texts it is sometimes spelled out in full, 

but often it is abbreviated to a single sign. Most frequently this sign is the one 

generally held to be a cloth wound on a pole, but sometimes it is written with 

the sign that pictures a star. In early writings of the word for "god", the sign 

transliterated t seems to have been pronounced tsh; but in later occurrences it 

undoubtedly had the value t, as is shown by instances in which the hieroglyph 

for t replaced it. The writings with the star-sign occur after the change from tsh 

to t had taken place, so a transliteration ntr would be appropriate. Furthermore, 

"On this subject see Vernus 1990, 35-53. 

101 For a documented instance of a scribe who knew hieratic but possessed an inadequate knowledge 

of hieroglyphs, see Zauzich 1992, 619-626. 

1020n this see, most recently, Quack 1994, 51, referring to Brunner 1957, 66-69. 

103See Schenkel 1990, 24-57. 

364

Introduction 

Coptic shows us that the word was pronounced nûte in late times; and other 

evidence confirms that the loss of final r occurred long before the Coptic period. 

Thus, a transliteration nt would be entirely appropriate for the period of our 

corpus, and in fact there are texts in Late Temples which include puns that only 

become evident when this transliteration is used. Clearly, a rigid policy of 

transliteration creates its own problems. The transliterations given in this corpus 

are inconsistent. Sometimes they point to standard entries in reference 

works, sometimes they directly reflect the translator's ideas about state of the 

text. In a few instances, a transliteration consistent with the text is followed by a 

pointer in parentheses to the common citation form. To have striven for consistency 

would have thrown up a host of problems to attempt to solve which 

would have prolonged the labor involved in preparing the Egyptian texts disproportionately 

to the gain one could reasonably anticipate. On the other hand, 

to have eschewed transliteration would have made it harder to recognize translator's 

errors and deprived some readers of useful guidance. 

lI(HP] 

The following signs have been used in the transliteration and translation of 

Egyptian: 

Enclosing damaged words or parts of words restored by modern writers. 

Enclosing words the reading or translation of which is open to question. 

In transliterations, enclosing words not written by the scribe but probably 

present in the spoken language; in translations, enclosing words 

added by the modern writer to clarify the sense. 

< > Enclosing words omitted in error by the scribe. 

l I Enclosing words to be deleted. 

In the transliteration of Egyptian we have used Peter Der Manuelian's copyrighted 

DyPalatino font, which we purchased from him in 1993. 

365

Periodicals and Series 

ABBREVIATIONS 

ADAW Abhandlungen der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 

Berlin. 

AHB The Ancient History Bulletin, Calgary. 

AJA American Journal of Archaeology, Princeton. 

ANRW Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römischen Welt, Berlin-New 

York. 

ANM Archeologie du Nil Moyen, Lille. 

APF Archiv für Papyrusforschung und verwandte Gebiete, Leipzig. 

ASP American Studies in Papyrology. 

ÅAT Ågypten und Altes Testament. Studien zu Geschichte, Kultur 

und Religion Ågyptens und des Alten Testaments. 

Wiesbaden. 

BASP Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists, Toronto. 

BIFAO Bulletin de l'Institut FraNais d'Archeologie Orientale, Le Caire. 

BzS Beitråge zur Sudanforschung, Vienna. 

CAA Corpus Antiquitatum Aegyptiacarum. Loose-Leaf Catalogue of 

Egyptian Antiquities. Mainz. 

CAH The Cambridge Ancient History, Cambridge. 

CdE Chronique d'Egypte, Bruxelles. 

CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, Berlin. 

CRIPEL Cahier de Recherches de l'Institut de Papyrologie et 

d'gyptologie de Lille. Lille. 

CSSH Comparative Studies in Society and History. 

EAZ Ethnographisch-archåologische Zeitschrift, Berlin. 

tTrav Etudes et Travaux, Warsaw. 

EVO Egitto e Vicino Oriente. Rivista della Sezione orientalistica 

dell'Istituto di storia antica dell'Universitå di Pisa, Pisa. 

FGrH F. Jacoby: Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, Leiden. 

GM Göttinger Miszellen, Göttingen. 

GRBS Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, Durham N.C. 

JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society, New Haven. 

JARCE Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, Boston. 

JdI Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Berlin. 

JEA Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, London. 

JRS Journal of Roman Studies, London. 

Kêmi Kêmi. Revue de philologie et d'archeologie egyptiennes et 

coptes, Paris. 

LAAA Liverpool Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology, 

Liverpool.


LdÄ Lexikon der Ägyptologie, Wiesbaden. 

MDAIK Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archåologischen Instituts 

Abteilung Kairo, Berlin/Wiesbaden/Mainz. 

Meroe Meroe. Istoriya, istoriya kultury, jazyk drevnego Sudana, 

Moscow. 

MIO Mitteilungen für Orientforschung, Berlin. 

MNL Meroitic Newsletter, Paris. 

Nubica Nubica, Internationales Jahrbuch fiir åthiopische, meroitische, 

und nubische Studien, Köln, Warsaw. 

OGIS W. Dittenberger (ed.): Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae, 

Lipsiae 1903-1905. 

ÖAW Phil. 

-hist. Kl. 

Denkschr. 

Sonderbd. Nterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophischhistorische 

Klasse, Denkschriften, Sonderband, Wien. 

PG J.-P. Migne (ed.): Patrologiae Cursus Completus. Series Graeca, 

Paris 1857-1866 (repr. Turnholti). 

PSBA Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, London. 

RAC Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum, Stuttgart. 

RAPH Recherches d'arch&dogie, de philologie et d'histoire, Le Caire. 

RE Pauly's Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, 

Stuttgart. 

SAK Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur, Hamburg. 

SAOC Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization, Chicago. 

SB F. Preisigke et al. (eds.): Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus 

Ågypten, Strassburg, Wiesbaden. 

SEG Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum, Leiden, Amsterdam 

STB Sudan Texts Bulletin, University of Ulster. 

TAPhA Transactions of the American Philological Association, Decatur. 

WZHU Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Humboldt-Universitåt, 

Berlin. 

YCS Yale Classical Studies, New Haven. 

ZÅS Zeitschrift für ågyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde, 

Leipzig-Berlin. 

ZDMG Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlåndischen Gesellschaft, 

Wiesbaden. 

ZPE Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, Bonn 

Other Abbreviations 

AD Anno Domini, (year) after Christ (or of the Common Era, CE). 

Bar. Pyramid burial in the royal cemetery of Gebel Barkal (see 

Bibliography, Dunham 1957). 

Beg. N. Pyramid burial in the royal cemetery of Begarawiya North (see 


368

Abbreviations 

Beg. S. Pyramid burial in the cemetery of Begarawiya South (see 


BC (year) before Christ (or before the Common Era, BCE). 

Boston 

MFA Boston, Museum of Fine Arts. 

Cairo JE 

(with Inv. 

no.) Cairo, Egyptian Museum, Journal d'Entre. 

cf. confer, compare. 

cm centimetre(s). 

col. text column. 

East. 

ed. edition, edited (by). 

eds. editors 

e.g. exempli gratia, for example. 

et al. et alii, and others. 

f. following (page). 

fasc. fascicle. 

ff. following (pages). 

fgm. fragment. 

fig. figure. 

ibid. ibidem, (at) the same place. 

Le. id est, that is. 

inscr. inscription. 

Inv. Inventory. 

Kawa Kawa (inscr. from, see Bibliography, Macadam 1949). 

Khartoum 

(with Inv. 

no.) Khartoum, Sudan National Museum. 

km. kilometre. 

Ku. el Kurru (grave, see Bibliography, Dunham 1955). 

loc. cit. locus citatum, the place cited (above). 

North. 

n.d. no date. 

No., no. Number. 

Nu. Pyramid burial in the royal cemetery at Nuri (see Bibliography, 

Dunham 1955). 

op. cit. opus citatum, the work cited (above). 

Papyrus. 

Pl. Plate. 

South. 

TIP Third Intermediate Period. 

West. 

369

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E. Seidl: Der Eid im ptolemåischen Recht. München. 

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P.L. Shinnie: Meroe A Civilization of the Sudan. 

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Shinnie-Bradley 1980 

Shirun-Grumach 1993 

Skeat 1973 

Skeat-Turner 1968 

Spalinger 1978 

Speidel 1988 

Spiegelberg 1910 

Spiegelberg 1913 

Stadelmann 1978 




Sticker 1910 

SWrk 1977 

Strauss 1975 

Thelwall 1989 

Thiessen 1994 

Thomas 1975 

Thomas 1978 

T15rök 1977 

Török 1977a 

Abbreviations 

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A. Spalinger: The Reign of King Chabbash: An 

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M.P. Speidel: Nubia's Roman Garrison. ANRW 

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W. Spiegelberg: Die demotischen Papyri Hauswaldt. 

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R. Stadelmann: Tempel und Tempelnamen in 

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G. Sticker: Abhandlungen aus der Seuchengeschichte 

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L. SWrk: Hyåne. LdÅ III, 91-92. 

Chr. Strauss: Ertrinken/Ertrånken. LdÅ II, 17-19. 

R. Thelwall: Meroitic and African Language 

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H.J. Thiessen: Varia Onomastica. GM 141, 89-95. 

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387


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388

Abbreviations 

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389


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Winnicki 1978 

Winter 1981 

Winter 1982 

Wissmann 1976 

Wissmann-Hoefner 

1952 

Witek-Brakmann 1993 

Zabkar 1975 

2abkar 1978 

2abkar-Zabkar 1982 

Abbreviations 

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391


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392

(67) Talakhamani. Evidence for reign. 

THE SOURCES 

The King's Son-of-Rê name is inscribed on his (badly preserved, but originally 

rather finely executed) granite funerary stela found in situ in the chapel of his 

pyramid grave Nu. 16 (Dunham 1955, fig. 161, now in Boston, Museum of Fine 

Arts, unregistered) and is also recorded in the Great Inscription of his successor 

Irike-Amannote at Kawa (71). According to 71 he was the direct predecessor of 

Irike-Amannote, who was, however, the son of King Malowiebamani (for this 

king see FHN I (55)). It may thus be assumed that Talakhamani was the 

younger brother of Malowiebamani (cf. Dunham-Macadam 1949, 149, genealogy) 

and inherited the throne from him according to the principle of collateral 

succession (cf. FHN I, Comments on (2), (19), (28), (37) and see TbrOk 1995, Ch. 

17.7). The succession Malowiebamani—Talakhamani is indicated not only by 

the text of 71 but also by a gilded electrum band with incised double cartouches 

of King Malowiebamani Iipr-1(3--R (cf. FHN I, (55)) found in Nu. 16 (Dunham 

1955, 208, fig. 161, in FHN I, 301 [comment on (55)] mentioned erroneously as 

found in a secondary position) and made originally for Malowiebamani but actually 

used by Talakhamani. His reign is dated to the second half of the 5th century 

BC on the basis of his place in the royal sequence. 

[LT] 

68 The plague in 430 BC starts in Aithiopia. Ca. 430- 400 BC. 

Thucydides 2.48. 

Source bibliography 

Dover 1973 

Gomme-Andrewes- 

Dover 1945-1981 

Hornblower 1991 

Luschnat 1970 

Morgan 1994 

K.J. Dover: Thucydides. Oxford (Greece & Rome. 

New Survey of the Classics. 7). Oxford. 

A.W. Gomme-A. Andrewes-K.J. Dover: A Historical 

Commentary on Thucydides. Vol. 1-5. Oxford. 

S. Hornblower: A Commentary on Thucydides. Vol. 1. 

Oxford. 

0. Luschnat: Thukydides der Historiker. RE Suppl. 12, 

1085-1354. (Also available as off-print, Miinchen 21978.) 

Th.E. Morgan: Plague or Poetry? Thucydides on the 

Epidemic at Athens. Transactions of the American 

Philological Association 124, 197-209.

Rhodes 1988 

de Romilly 1962 

Wade-Gery 1970 

Warner 1972 


Thucydides: History II, ed. with translation and 

commentary by P.J. Rhodes. Warminster. 

Thucydide: La guerre du Moponnèse. Livre II. Texte 

&abli et traduit par J. de Romilly. Paris. 

H.T. Wade-Gery: Thucydides. Oxford Classical 

Dictionary. 2nd ed. Oxford, 1067-70. 

Thucydides: History of the Peloponnesian War, transl. 

by R. Warner. Harmondsworth (Penguin Classics). 

Introduction to source 

Thucydides, Athenian general and historian, wrote a history of the so-called 

Peloponnesian war between Athens and Sparta 431-404 BC. He began writing 

immediately at the outbreak of the war (1.1.1), but the work was left unfinished, 

the narrative ending abruptly in the year 411. Passages show, however, that 

Thucydides lived to see the end of the war. The work, being thus written over a 

long period of time, shows signs of different stages of composition; and it is not 

always easy to see to which stage, "early" or "late", the various parts belong, and 

so to assess the degree of maturation and reflection behind them. For a short 

introduction to the problems connected with the genesis of Thucydides' history, 

the lexicon article by Wade-Gery (1970) is recommended; for fuller treatment 

see Luschnat (1970) and Appendix 2 in vol. 5 of Gomme-Andrewes- 

Dover (1945-1981). 

Thucydides' history shows the influence of the intellectual climate in 

Athens in the age of the sophists, both in its language and style, in his scientific 

and non-religious attitude, and in his criticism of popular belief about the past 

and of earlier treatments of Greek history by poets or story-tellers (Thuc. 1.20- 

22). Thucydides himself claims to have scrutinized his sources with care whenever 

he could not rely upon autopsy, and to have sought to avoid his own subjective 

impression (1.22.2 f.). 

The present text is from a lengthy digression in Book 2 on the plague that 

ravaged Athens in 430-29. Thucydides speaks here, as the text shows, from personal 

experience. For the numerous attempts at identifying the disease, and for 

Thucydides' possible indebtedness to the Greek medical writers of the fifth century, 

see Gomme in Vol. 5 of Gomme-Andrewes-Dover (1945-1981, 148-53), 

Hornblower (1991, 316 f.), and Morgan (1994). 

Gomme-Andrewes-Dover (1945-1981) gives a historical commentary to the 

complete work of Thucydides (without the Greek text or translation). Hornblower 

(1991), the most recent commentary (also without the Greek text), of 

which only the first of two volumes (books I-III) has been published, is intended 

to be of service also for readers with little or no knowledge of Greek, in 

that the Greek lemmata include the English translation by B. Jowett (1881), of 

which the author is preparing a revised edition. For Book 2, from which the 

present text is taken, Rhodes (1988) is even more useful for Greekless readers, 

394

The Sources 

because it offers an English translation facing the Greek text, and commentaries 

based on the translation. Of English translations of the complete work available 

today the one by Warner (1954) may be recommended (reprints 1972 and later 

include an introduction by M.I. Finley). 

Dover (1973) offers succinct and expert introductions to the state of research 

regarding Thucydides' text, style and composition, his use of speeches, his 

trustworthiness etc. 

Our text is based on the edition of de Romilly (1962) in the French bilingual 

series Collection des Universit6 de France. 

Text 

48 [1]"Hpato 1‘e TO p.èv IrpciiTov, dç Xytcn, MOtarcia; trig iyrc'ep AiyUrc- 

TOD, 'Tretta Kai ç A'iyinrcov Kca All315Tiv 

riv tiv noX,X.Tjv. 

KaT£311 Kast 

[2] 'Aerivaicov 7c6Xtv a1nvcdo)ç , iccà 

TO 7C1XiSTON/ v T4'.)Fletpoutsi, ijvato Toiv OnrOpdyncov,cÌ)CY'CE EX£Xell t:.)TC' 

a1)T65"V dç O nEkanovv1"161.01 Odepgcoca ..:313e13?,:tixotev Opatcx. Kpijvai 

1)csav ccircOOt. "Tatepov & KO ç ttsjv åvco irô2iv d4i10ETOKat 

EONMCSKCYV 7C0XX4') 11311. 

gEV ov TCEpst CCUTafi 0Sg 'EleaCTTOytyvOSCYKEI 

1.81(.6TTI; a.()' öto Ebcôç ).V yEvECTOal, aUTO, &CSTlva, 

TO6005T1I g£Tc430i11; iicavàç ivat Siivainv Ç T6 getaatijaca CSXET.N/ Ey(i) 

OiOv te .yiyveto 2 .k(t) åNi 'nç YKOM.5v, 1TOTE 

kruircrol, 1.11:;0 ACTT' OCV £X01. npostScb; jn åyvoelv, tairra Srliåcyco ccirc4:5 

TE VOCYlka, al)Tåg iScbv XXoDçTrOCCSX0V- CCC; 

vicp 0157U00 

[3] AEyETCO 

Kai icnpôç Kat. 

Translation 

48 [1] [The plaguel started first, it is said, in Aithiopia south of Egypt, and then it 

spread both to Egypt and Libya, and to the greater part of the King's land.104 [2] It 

struck the city of the Athenians suddenly, and seized first the people of Piraeus, 

so that they even claimed that the Peloponnesians had poisoned their cisterns 

(at that time there were not yet any springs in Piraeus). Later it reached the upper 

city too, and the number of dead then rose even more. 

[3] Let each, be he doctor or layman, give his opinion about the probable origin 

of the plague and say what causes for such a change he thinks would be able 

to have the power to effect this upheaval.105 I for my part shall describe how it 

104 1.e. the Persian empire. 

105To many this sentence has seemed intolerably tautological, as the words here translated "be 

able to" and "have the power to" mean more or less the same thing, similarly the words for 

"change" and "upheaval" may seem repetitive. Consequently, there are editors and commentators 

who have suggested deleting some of the words as explanatory comments that have crept into 

the text during its transmission. Our translation is based on the assumption that the text as 

transmitted is sound, and that the verbosity reflects Thucydides' involvement in a matter of great 

importance to him. 

395


developed, and, having been myself struck by the disease and having myself 

seen others suffer from it, I shall give an account which one can study and 

thereby, having some foreknowledge, readily recognize the disease should it 

ever strike again. 

Comments 

[TE] 

The introduction to the best description of the symptoms and process of pestilence 

(the actual nature of the epidemic remains, however, debated, cf. Bengtson 

1977, 229 and note 2; and recently: Morgan 1994) in classical literature is included 

here because it commences with the statement that the Athenian plague 

in 430 BC originally started in Aithiopia. Although there is no independent evidence 

to support Thucydides' information or to allow a demographic assessment 

of the consequences of the plague, at least its Egyptian origin seems probable 

in the light of the descriptions of the pestilence symptoms in PHearst 11,12 

ff. and the London Medical P (cf. Goedicke 1984, 918; for the plague in Egypt see 

also Sticker 1910, 135 ff.). Greek writers usually localized the origins of plagues 

in Egypt. However, Strabo (17.3.10), referring to Poseidonius of Apameia (cf. 

Reinhardt 1953, 682), believed that plague often originated in Aithiopia and 

also tried to give a scientific explanation based on the dryness of that country. 

This view may derive from information concerning the observation made by 

the Egyptians that plague starts with the end of Inundation and is thus associated 

with the low Nile (the observation is reflected in hemerological literature, 

see the texts concerning I prt 1 as an unlucky day, Leitz 1994, 205 ff.). Cf. also 

FHN III, 241. 

(69) Irike-Amannote. Titles. 

[LT] 

Sources: 1. Kawa Inscriptions IX (71), X (72), XI (73), XII (74); 2. shawabti figures 

from Nu. 12, Dunham—Macadam 1949, 11b, only Son-of-Rê name; 3. fallen 

blocks from chapel of Nu. 12, Dunham-Macadam 1949, 11c, Dunham 1955, figs 

162, 164, Pl. LVI/D, E; 4. offering table from chapel of Nu. 12, Dunham 1955, fig. 

164, only throne and Son-of-Rê names. 

Titles/documents 1. 

396 

Horus name K3-nht It-m-W3st 

"Mighty-Bull Appearing-in-Thebes" 

Nebty name It-tnv-nb 

"Seizer-of-every-land"

The Sources 

Golden Horus name Wg-h3swt-nb(wt) 

"Subduer-of-every-land" 

Throne name Nfr-ib-Rc 

"Rê-is-One-whose-heart-is-beautiful" 

Son-of-Rê name rk-Imn-nwtj 

2. 3. 4. 

Hr-t;wj 

Mry-Wt 

"Beloved-of-Maat" 

lry-M3(t 

Nfr-ib-W Nfr-ib-Rc 


Nfr-ib-W as the name of an obscure king of the Fourteenth Dynasty is disregarded 

here, cf. ibid., XIV 23): the adoption of the throne name of a memorable 

enemy of Kush (see FHN I, (36), 41 - 43) cannot be explained as accidental or a 

consequence of ignorance but rather as an act of magical reversal of history. 

The imperialistic titulary Irike-Amannote assumed on his ascent to the 

throne was maintained in his monuments erected at Kawa until the 25th+x 

regnal year (74). A largely different titulary (3, above) occurs in the inscriptions 

of the King's mortuary chapel, in which the aggressive overtone of the earlier 

titulary is no longer present. The new Nebty name repeats the unique Nebty 

name of Atlanersa (FHN I, (30)); while the new Golden Horus name, with its 

curious archaism (cf. the Horus and Nebty names of Userkaf, Fifth Dynasty, 

Beckerath 1984, V 1) and orthodox conservatism as to the concept of the king 

secu ring Equity, may have been based on a title of the Theban High Priest of 

Amiin Herihor as king.106 The actual reasons for the change in the titulary remain 

obscure: at all events, the titulary recorded on the walls of the King's 

mortuary chapel indicates that a radical shift had occurred in Irike-Amannote's 

political ambitions late in his reign or that the inadequacy of the imperialistic 

policy suggested by his original titulary had been realized towards the end of his 

life.107 

[LT] 

(70) Irike-Amannote. Evidence for reign. Regnal years. 

According to 71 Irike-Amannote was a son of King Malowiebamani (see FHN I, 

(55)) and the direct successor of King Talakhamani (see (67)), who was probably 

the younger brother of Malowiebamani. His reign is dated on the basis of his 

place in the royal succession and the dating of his pyramid burial Nu. 12 in the 

royal necropolis of Nuri to the second half of the 5th century BC (Dunham 

1955, 1 ff., 211 ff.; Török 1988, 177). This speculative dating seems to be corroborated 

by the titulary Irike-Amannote assumed on his ascent to the throne. As 

suggested above in the Comments on (69), his titles indicate a policy aimed at 

the restoration of Kushite rule in Egypt. The revolts between 414-413 and 404 

BC against the Persian occupiers108 could have presented an opportunity for an 

106Karnak, Temple of Khons, forecourt, KRI VI, 724,6; Beckerath 1984, XX 10bis G 2; Grimal 1986, 

301. Note that Atlanersa's whole titulary bore the stamp of Third Intermediate Period Theban 

inspiration, FHN I, 211, comment on (30). 

107 Priese 1977, 358, however, suggests the titulary in the chapel might have been specially 

created for the "dead ruler" and assumes that similar "mortuary" titularies were also made for 

Akhratati and Nastaseii. While for Akhratafi no evidence seems to support such a possibility, a 

special titulary for Nastaseii may be attested on a fallen block from his chapel at Nu. 15, see 

Dunham 1955, fig. 191. 

108C1. Lloyd 1983, 286 f.; the rebellion of Inarus between c. 463-462 and c. 449 BC seems too early in 

the light of the relative chronology of the Kushite kings. For this rebellion see also Kienitz 1953, 

69 ff. 

398

The Sources 

intervention in affairs in Egypt: Egyptian rebels may have asked for Kushite 

aid. However, our sources are silent about an actual Kushite involvement. 

According to 71 he was 41 years old when he succeeded Talakhamani on the 

throne, an age which appears to be consistent with the generation/age relations 

within the framework of collateral succession. The revolt of the Rhrh nomads 

living between the Nile and Atbara north of Meroe City after the death of Talakhamani 

and before the enthronement of Irike-Amannote, though its historicity 

should not be doubted only because it is described in 71 as a consequence 

of the chaos ensuing after the death of a king, seems nevertheless to 

have been a minor conflict. Still, according to 71, after his enthronement at 

Napata, while en route to Kawa and staying at Krtn, Irike-Amannote was also 

compelled to send his army to fight against Meded (Medja ?) nomads who were 

raiding the vicinity of Krtn (on the right bank, opposite modern Korti [?], cf. 

Macadam 1949, 59); the territories captured in the course of these conflicts, together 

with the families living there, were donated to the Temple of Amun at 

Pnubs (modern Tabo on Island Argo, cf. Jacquet-Gordon et al. 1969). No other 

events are known from his reign: the fragmentarily preserved inscriptions 

Kawa X-XII (72-74) record subsequent donations made to the Amim temple at 

Kawa. Dunham supposed that the queen (whose name on her shawabti figures 

is unintelligible, cf. Dunham 1955, figs 198, 208) buried in Nu. 33 was a contemporary 

of Irike-Amannote (ibid., 216 f.); beyond this suggestion, no guesses can 

be made concerning his family. The style and tenor of his inscriptions at Kawa 

reflect a conscious traditionalism, although his enthronement record (71) also 

indicates changes in the accents and details of Kushite kingship ideology. His 

pyramid burial is one of the largest at Nuri (cf. Dunham 1955, fig. 162, Pl. LV, 

and Map); and finds from his mortuary chapel (ibid., Pl. LV/F) indicate a mortuary 

cult which may similarly have been co-determined by his unusually long 

reign. 

Year 1 

Source: Kawa IX=71. 

Year 19 

Source: Kawa XI=73. 

Year 25+x=74. 

[LT1 

399


71 Inscription of Irike-Amannote from Years 1-2 (Kawa IX). Second half of the 

5th cent. BC. 

Inscribed as a graffito on the E wall, S side of the Hypostyle Hall of Temple T at 

Kawa. Macadam 1949, 50-67, Pls. 17-26. 

Text and translation 

(1) 1:fit-sp 1.t ibd 2 fl-iw sw 24 

First regnal year, second month of Summer, 24th day, 

hr hm n 

under the majesty of 

Hr K3-nht 1:3

m-ht pr bik r pt 

after the falcon went forth to heaven; 

The Sources 

in nsw T3-r-h-lmn hrw> 

namely, king Talakhamani, j, 

(5) m hnw n


S3 R< [1-r-k-Imn-niwt] (11)

The Sources 

[ — — ] ns(y)t [— ]=f [nt](20)f pw 

[ — — ] rkingship1 [ — ] of his, (20) it is his. 

rd.n=f n=i [ — ] 

because he has given me [ — 

dd.(i)n=sn n=f 

Then they said to him, 

rd n=k it=k — '=k nb r — — ' 

"rMayl your father, Amim, give you all your — ' 

(21) bbt nfr iry n=i it=i [Imn 

(21) the beautiful wonder that my father, [Amim,] performed for me 

m] ibd [-] prt sw 19 nt h


c3=sn r gy 

for they are more numerous than the sand." 

hm=f 

Then His Majesty said, 

mi n=i it=i Imn 

"Come to me, my father 

rd.n=k n=i nsyt m m$ 

for you have given me the kingship in truth. 

(26) di=k n=i hpg=k 

(26) Give me your scimitar, 

di=k S'fyt=k [m] hnw h3swt bgw nty m phr n spd tn 

and put awe of you among the desert lands that are in revolt and that are surrounding 

this nome." 

rdt m m (27) r hw hw=sn 

Then the army was sent (27) to fight with them, 

wnn[=f] hms m hnw n ht=f nn m=f r=sn 

while he stayed in his palace without going against them. 

rrge (28) n hm=f ir h3y [im=slmnh 

Then the army (28) of His Majesty made a great blood bath among them. 

[ - - - 1 

[...] 

bh pw ir.n h3styw 

Off fled the desert dwellers, 

shs(29)=sn hr mr=sn 

running (29) away as fast as their legs could carry them. 

wn.in m in hm=f hr m sn m-hnt=sn 

So His Majesty's army went rafteri them, 

hr (30) S1113111 im=sn 

making (30) a slaughter among them. 

wn.[Irt] nhnw nb hmwt nbt nty m sp3t tn 

Then all the young men and all the women who were in this nome 

404

The Sources 

hr it (31) hikw nb mr=sn n mnmn [ — — lnbt 

were seizing (31) all the plunder they wanted in cattle [ — — ] of all kinds. 

wnn.in hm=f 1:1« hr=s (32) r wr m dd 

Then His Majesty was greatly exultant (32) because of it, saying, 

it=i Imn nb nswt Tiwy di.n=f] mii=i f=f m hrw pn 

"My father Amen[4*, Lord of the Thrones of Two-lands (Egypt) has let] me behold 

his awesomeness on this day." 

wn(33)(.i)n t pn r drw=f hr nhm [ — — — m dd] 

Then (33) this entire land was cheering [ , saying,] 

nsw n miwt 

"0 new king! 

nfr-hr (34) pw m wn m$ 

Handsome (34) is he indeed. 

nn ms snnw[=f 

[His] like has not been bom. 

it=f p]w Irrin 

Amån i[s his father], 

mwt=f pw Mwt 

Måt is his mother, 

mwt=f pw (35) [1st 

[Isis] (35) is his mother. 

Hr pw m wn 

He is Horus indeed! 

nn hpr [ — — —] m rk=f 

There does not happen [ ] in his time." 

hit-sp lt ibd 3 rnw sw 19 

First regnal year, third month of Summer, 19th day. 

(36) riìpw ir.n hm=f r Dw-mb 

(36) Off went His Majesty to Pure-mountain (Gebel Barkal) 

[r irt hsst] it=f nb nst Tiwy 

[to do what] his father, Amen-I*, Lord of the Throne(s) of Two-lands (Egypt), 

praises. 

405


(37) ph.n=f r pw-mb n [ibd] 3 [mw sw 2]8 

Then (37) he arrived at Pure-mountain (Gebel Barkal) in the third [month] of 

Sum[mer, 2]8th [day]. 

gm pw iry.n hm=f r pr-nsw 

Off went His Majesty to the royal residence 

(38) rd n=f ndy nt rhbi [n 

(38) that he might be given the rceremoniall cap [of Bow-land (Nubia)]. 

gm pw ir.n=f r hwt-ntr nt it=f 'Imn-(39)W hr-ib Dw-wrb. 

Off he went to the temple complex of his father, Amen-(39)IU, who resides in 

Pure-mountain (Gebel Barkal). 

dd.in hm=f m-lYh ntr pn 

Then His Majesty said before this god, 

hr=k it=i 1:)s it ntrw 

"I have come before you, my noble father, father of the gods, 

di=k n=I (40) nswt m nb T3wy 

that you may give me (40) the kingship as Lord of Two-lands (Egypt); 

ntk pw nsw mn[h n] ntrw rmtw 

(for) you are the beneficent king of gods and men." 

rh,.n dd.in ntr pn ps 

Then said this noble god, 

[di=i] n=k nswt (41) m nb T;wy 

"[I shall give youl the kingship (41) as Lord of Two-lands (Egypt), 

di.n=i rsy mht imnt iibt 

because I have placed South, North, West, and East 

[ — — ] nb luswt hr thwy[=k 

every — — I and the desert lands." 

[h

The Sources 

(43) sSrw risw w nw 'fl-mhw me ipdw w [m-b3h] ntr pn 

(43) abundant byssus of North-land (Lower Egypt) and of the South (Upper 

Egypt), and many (other) things before this god. 

hit-sp 2t ibd 1 3ht sw 9 

Second regnal year, first month of Inundation, 9th day. 

hd pw (44) hm=f 

Downstream sailed (44) His Majesty, 

hr grg spit nb ph.n=f r=sn 

(re)founding all the nomes nome after he arrived at them, 

[hr sh


nn rm.tw nhn m m§ nw hm=f 

without any youth in His Majesty's army being wept over. 

(49) ibd 1 3ht sw 26 n rwh. 

(49) First month of Inundation, 26th day, in the evening. 

ph.n hm=f r Gm-(p;-)Itn 

As His Majesty arrived at Finding-(the)-Aton (Kawa), 

tw hmwt hr nh(50)m n hm=f 

the men and women were ch(5meering His Majesty. 

pw iry.n hm[=f r hwt-ntr] n it=f Imn-W Gm-(p;-)Itn 

Off went [His] Majesty to the temple complex of his father Amen-Re of Finding-(the)-Aton 

(Kawa); 

[di.n]=f b(51)w m t hnkt 

and presented a great (51) offering 

m t hnkt k3w ;pdw [ht] nb nfr 

of bread, beer, bulls and birds, and every good thing. 

[rdi.n=f sh] ntr pn 1:)s n hrw 3 

[and caused this noble god to ap]pear (in procession) for three days. 

dd [n=f ntr pn 

[The]n [this god] said [to him, 

rdi.n1=1 (52) n=k t; nb rs mht imnt hbt 

"I [have given] (52) to you every land, South, North, West, and East." 

rd n=f pdt hn, s'srw=s n bi[; 

Then there was given to him a bow together with its arrows of bronze 

... rarrnyl. 

r1 

(53) dd n =f ntr pn 

(53) Then this god said to him, 

rd n=k pdt pn r b nb grn[=k] im 

"This bow is given to you (to be) with you to every place where you go." 

dd [n=f hm]=f 

His [Majesty] said [to him], 

408

The Sources 

(54) cli=k n=i he kl hr-tp b 

"May you give me a long life on earth, 

rd.n=k n=1 mi ir.n=k n nsw I-r-r [1113 hrw] 

after you have given to me as you did for king Alara, [justified]." 

dd.[n=f n=f] 

Then [hel said [to him], 

ir.n=i n=k ht nb nt m ib=k 

(55) "I have (already) done for you everything that is in your heart." 

ddin hm=f n 

Then His Majesty said to his army, 

swg it(=i) Imn Gm-(p3-)Itn 

"Do homage to (my) father Amfin of Finding-(the)-Aton (Kawa). 

ibd 2 3ht (56) sw 1 

Second month of Inundation, (56) lst day. 

ph.n hm=f r spd tn Pr-nbs rn=s 

Then His Majesty arrived at this nome, called Pnåbs. 

pw ir[y.n]=f r hwt-ntr n it=f (57) Imn-W hr-ib Pr-nbs. 

Off he we[nt] to the temple complex of his father (57) Amen-Rê who resides in 

Pn0bs, 

rd.n=f bw 

presented a great offering 

m t hnkt kw pdw ht nb nfr n it=f Imn 

of bread, beer, bulls and birds, and every good thing. 

rd.(58)n=f sh ntr pn 

and caused (58) this god to appear (in procession). 

dd n=f ntr pn 

Then this god said to him, 

rd.n=i n=k nsw nht 

"I have given you a mighty kingship, 

di(=i) n=k t3 nb rs mht imnt iffit 

(even as) I give you every land, South, North, West, and East. 

409


rd.(59)n=f hrw 5 nt 11 

He (59) gave him 5 days of appearance (in procession), 

di=f 

(even as) he gave: 

hmw hmwt 12 

man- and maidservants: 12, 

hrt 1 hrd 1 

hrd-roll of cloth: 1, 

bb wM3

The Sources 

rd.n=f h(64)< ntr pn 1;.s 

and caused this noble god to (64) appear (in procession). 

hms pw ir.n hm=f m sp3t tn 

Here stayed His Majesty in this nome, 

hr sh< ntr pn m hrew'=f nb n ibd 2 3ht 

causing this god to appear (in procession) in every festival in the second month 

of Inundation. 

(65) dd.in ntr pn ps n hm=f 

(65) Then this noble god said to His Majesty, 

di=k n=i 3hwt r-it=w m-

tbw 3 

fib-vesse1: 1, 

(69) s 25 

(69) men: 25 

hrt n s-nsw 4 

hrd-roll of byssus: 4, 

prhk n Kmt 1 

and Egyptian prhic: 1. 


gm.n hm=f mi(t) n (70) ntr pn it.n-s yw m rhd-spl 42 

[Th]en His Majesty found the road of (70) this god after the sand had taken it in 

regnal year 42, 

nn rn ntr pn hr mi(t)[=f — — 1(71) sp3t tn 

without this god having gone upon [his] road [ (71) this nome. 

[

The Sources 

r[din=f she ntr pn 4)s m wh; 

He ca[usled this noble god to appear (in procession) by night, 

wnn nri< nb (75) rmt nb bs m drtr=sn' 

all the soldiers (75) and all the people (went) with torches in their hands. 

[p]rr.n ntr pn 

As soon as this god came out 

wnn ntr pn hr phr niwt=f 

and as soon as this god went around his city, 

wn.in ntr pn (76) 1:)s hr 1-.1« m hnw n rrif [pn] r wr 

then this noble (76) god rejoiced very greatly in the midst of the multitude. 

[wn]n hm=f hr fi (77) wy=f m 

In joy His Majesty was holding up (77) his arms, 

ib=[f] rrn rwt1 m-bil3 it=f ntr pn ps 

[his] heart rin joy' before his father this noble god. 

irr fiw hmwt hr nh(78)m m dd 

and the men and women were che(Nering, saying, 

hnm S3 [I-in] it 

"The son is united with (his) father!" 

[wch.(i)n] ntr pn hr htp m 

[Then] this god proceeded to rest in his palace. 

ibd 3 (79) iht sw 1 

Third month (79) of Inundation, lst day. 

rdi.n=f sh, ntr pn jps [m] dvs,r3w 

At dawn he caused this noble god to appear (in procession). 

phr.n=f niwt=f 

As he went around his city, 

wnn [ntr pn ps] hr (80) r wr m hnw n tiw hmwt 

[this noble god] was rejoicing (80) greatly amid the men and women, 

413


wnn hm=f hr fi cwy=f [m] l m-bih ntr pn (81) ps 

while His Majesty was holding up his arms [in] joy before this noble (81) god, 

ir fiw hmwt [hr nhm] 

and the men and women [were cheering]. 

pw [ir.n] ntr pn r pr=f 

[In camel this god into his house. 

r[f — — —] n hm=f 

No[w ] of His Majesty 

(82) lw sn-nsw hnwt n Kmt mwt-nsw [ — — ] 

(82) while the King's sister, Mistress of Egypt, King's Mother [ 

wnn[=s htw] m nv-ib hr (83) rI133 S3=SW 

she was in a state of joy, happy to (83) see her son appearing as king 

[ — — rl-r-k-Irrin-niwtl (84) 1-111 dt 

[ I rIrike-Amannotel, (84)may he live for ever, 

hr st-Hr mi R dt nbh 

appearing upon the Horus-throne, like 1.*, for ever and ever. 

ibd 3 iht sw 7 

Third month of Inundation, 7th day. 

[ — — ] His Majesty [ ] (85) he, 

m.tn hr ht=tn hr [ — —] rrn dd' 

"Look, you are on your bellies [ ] rsaying', 

m n=i it=i 

"Come to me, my father Amim. 

di=k (86) n=1 hist nb nty bd [ — — ] 

Give (86) me every desert land which is in revolt [ ] 

sdm=k [n]=i 

Listen to me. 

rd=k nfr (87) t3 pn m h(i)w=i 

Let this land (87) be good in my time." 

414

[ — — ] hr ir r[ — ]=k 

[ ] doing r—'[ ] you. 

The Sources 

[hm=f1 hr [n]n ky hne=f (88) wp-hr=f wew 

`Thenl [His Majesty] was standing without anyone else with him, (88) just he 

a lone. 

1n e3[wy] hr=f 

The doors were closed upon him 

hr rni51 [ — — ] m dw3w m mg[r 

as he rinvoked' [ ] at dawn and in the even[ing]. 

(89) nn wrhw=f sw m e[ntyw ml hrw 4 

(89) without anointing himself with m[yrrh for] 4 days. 

wn.i[n mge m t3w] hmwt msw-nsw (90) smrw nb nt pr-nsw 

Th[en the multitude of men] and women, royal children, (90) and all the 

"friends" of the royal residence 

hr rdl.n=lsn hr ht=sn m-b4.1 ntr pn 

were on their bellies in the presence of this god 

iw nn wrhw=sn (91) m enty 

without having anointed themselves with myrrh. 

wnn hr-tpw nw hm=f hr dw3w [ — ]bw — ] 

The leading men of His Majesty were worshipping [ — ]r — '[ — ] 

r shtp ib (92) n ntr pn n hm=f 

in order to put at rest the heart (92) of this god for His Majesty 

r rd sdm=f dd[t.n]hm=f nb 

so as to make him listen to all that His Majesty said. 

ibd 3 3ht sw [ — 

Third month of Inundation, [ —] day. 

[wn.in] rhml=f hr ir 1:)3w (93) e3ty m-b3h ntr pn 

[Then] His Majesty was making a great (93) offering before this god. 

1n e3wy m hwt-ntr tn [ — — 

(while) the doors of the temple complex were closed [ 

[ehe.n hm=f hr ek 

Then His Majesty entered 

415


wn]n=f hr dd ht nb nty (94) m ib=f 

and said everything that (94) was in his heart. 

wn ,3wy m hwt-ntr 

Then the doors in this temple complex were opened, 

d[d].n hm=f n smrw nt pr-nsw 

and His Majesty said to the "friends" of the royal residence, 

my(95)w i[3]wy n it=1 'Imn 

Give (95) praise to my father Amim 

di=f [ — ... — 

that he may give [ 

nh iw nn] hyt nbt (96) im=f 

and a long life without] any illness (96) in it. 

di=f n=i lyst nb nty b[cl — ... — 

and that he may give to me every desert land which is in revolt [ 

— ] hm=f [ — — —] bn, hmw-ntr (97) bn, sg-mcht-ntr 

[n=s]n [— —] hwt-ntr 

] His Majesty [ ] Akhebamani together with the prophets (97) and the scribe 

of the temple archives went [ ] the temple complex, 

dd [n=i ht] nb dd n=i it=i (98) m hnw n m nb n hm=f 

"Tell [every]thing that my father Arnem said (98) in the midst of the entire army 

of His Majesty [for me]." 

[m] pw iftn=sn] hr dd [ht nb m hnw n rrt] pn 

Off [they went] telling [everything in the midst of] this ar[my]. 

wn.in hm=f (99) hn smrw bn, ms, mnb n' bm=f br [ — —] m sp3t tn [ — — 

mntr pn' 

Then His Majesty (99) together with the "friends" and the rentirel army rof1 His 

Majesty [ — — ] in this nome [ — — I rthis god'. 

wn.in hm=f k r hwt-ntr (100) hr wdn m-hh it=f Imn 

Then His majesty entered the temple complex (100) and made offering before 

his father Amån. 

wn.in rhml[=f] hr ir sntr rrn frtc11 [rn it=f1 ntr pn 

Then [His] rMajestyl performed (the rite of) burning incense rbefore the nose' 

[rof his father'] this god. 

416

The Sources 

[cld].in ntr pn di=i n=k 1.111 nb 

Then this god [said], "I am giving you all life." 

(101) dd.in hm=f n smr[w nt] pr-nsw 

(101) Then His majesty said to the "friends" of the royal residence 

hn [hmlw-ntr [hm]wt-ntr [mbw] hryw-hb 

and the [pro]phets, [pro]phetesses, [zvaab-priests], and lector priests, 

m 13(102)wy n it=i Imn 

"Give pr(102)aise to my father 

wn[rh tn'] r tr n sntr m fnd [ — — ] nn iw=sn 

rDre[ss yourselves1] for the time of the (rite of) burning incense before the nose 

[ — — ] without their coming. 

dd=i m-(103)b3h it=i 

I shall say be(1o3)fore my father 

di=k iw=f n=i m wn 

'Let him come to me in very truth.' 

[ — — —]Int dd=i m tt 

[ according to what I am saying at this moment. 

di[=f] dd n=i rmt nb (104) nh=k 

May [he] cause everyone to say to me, (104)'May you live!' 

di=f n=i enh nb hr=f 

May he give me all life under him!" 

[wn.in s]rnrw hr dw; hm [n] 

[Then the "fr]iends" began singing the praises [of] the Son-of-Rê: Irike-Amanno 

te 

m-b3h it(105)=f Gm-(pi-)Itn 

before his (105) father Amen-l* of Finding-the-Aton (Kawa) 

di=f n=f fnh nb dd wis nb snb nb 3w-ib nb 

that he might give him all life, all stability and dominion, all health, all happiness 

[— – ] nb hh m hb-sd cg-wr 

all [ — – ], millions of sed-festivals, in very great numbers, 

417


hr st-Hr (106) mi Rc dt nhh 

and appearing on the Horus-throne (106) like Rê for ever and ever. 

is gm.n hm=f 113y[w] w3w r rw[;s1] m sjyt tn 

Now His Majesty found that (some) rhalls' were fallen into ruin in this nome. 

kd(107)1w.n=f sn n m3wt 

So he (107) built them anew. 

is hm=f rhl[— — — ] nfr [ — — ] "Imn1 [ — — ] 

Now His Majesty [ ] good [ — — ] rAmiml [ — 

[r

dd ntr pn 

this god said, 

rdi[.n=i n=k — — ] (116) Sw 

"[I shall] give [you (116)him. 

dd=f n=f 

and he said to him, 

The Sources 

di=i n=k t [nb rs mht] imnt [fibt] 

"I shall give you [every] land, [South, North], West, and [East]. 

rd=i n=k mi [di]=i n nsw hrw] 

I shall give to you as I [gave] to king [Kashta, justified]." 

(117) dd.in ntr pn ps in hm=f 

(117)Then this noble god said to His Majesty, 

[— — ] r pr-nsw hr rs'[—]rnbl 

"[ ] to the royal residence [ — ] rall'. 

— — Iftmn'(118) i-hr rd h s hm-ntr r pr-nsw 

Then [His Majesty] said r — ' (118) cause that a prophet carry it to the royal residence, 

dd [ — — ] rmn — tn' r residence-nsw 

say rthis — ' to the royal residence. 

dd.(i)n ntr pn 

Then this god said, 

nn fi sw (119) s rib r pr-nsw wp nsw ds=f 

"No one shall (119)carry it to the royal residence except the king himself." 

[ — — ] pr r [ ] n rhwtl-ntr [t]ri 

[ ] go forth to [ — — ] of this rtemple complex' 

[ — ]=f hw=f s 

rhel [ — ] together with him a man 

(120) [ —] sw [ - ] m hnw n 

(120) [ — ] him [ - ] in the midst of his army. 

[ ] took [ 

419


srml[rw — — — l'swyl (121) dd=rtl tn 

the "fri[ends"1 went [ ]r — ' (121) say r — ' 

rd n=1 it=i [ — — I 1:m=k r [ — — — 

my father Amim give to me [ I together with you to [ 

—1rtln bm=f ir rmiltt 

— ]r - ' His Majesty do rlikewisel. 

sw 23 

Third month of Inundation, 23rd day. 

(122) ibd 3 113t 

wnn[ — —]rrd rl [ — — — I ntr pn [ —]n hm=f m-bih ntr pn 

rThenl [ ] — ' [ this god r— ' [ — I rtol His Majesty before this god, 

di=k in=k ht nb rm hpg [ — — ] 

(123) "rMay you cause and bring' everything rthrough your might' [ ] Irike- 

Amannote." 

(124) rh di.n hm=f m-bih [ntr pn — — ] 

(124) List of what His Majesty gave before [this god ] 

(125) 1:1W rribysrti[ — — 

(125) together with r— l[ ] 

(126) hm 24 hW [ — — 

(126) servants (male and female): 24, together with [ I 

Comments 

[RHP] 

This inscription, found in 1930-1 by the Oxford University expedition under the 

direction of F.L1. Griffith, was fairly well preserved (apart from damage to its 

lower part caused by fire in antiquity and by the fall of a column [Macadam 

1949, 51]) when it was photographed and copied by the expedition but was seriously 

damaged by rainfall already before 1935 (ibid.). Its present condition is 

unknown. The text was carefully incised (with a number of signs being executed 

in sunk relief) in 126 vertical columns on the S half of the E wall of the 

Hypostyle Hall and occupied a surface of c. 1.10 x 7.227 m, i.e., almost the entire 

plinth zone from floor to relief base line and from the Pronaos Door to the SE 

corner of the Hypostyle, under the relief representing Taharqo "presenting the 

house to his owner", i.e., the Temple to Amiln of Kawa (cf. FHN I, 25). The 

columns were written from left to right (i.e., starting from the Pronaos Door). 

The text records the enthronement of Irike-Amannote and his donations to 

the Temple of Amim at Kawa. Section 1 of the text (cols 1-2) starts with the dating 

and the five-part titulary (cf. (69) 1) and section 2 (cols 3-6) continues with 

420

The Sources 

the death of Talakhamani, Irike-Amannote's predecessor at Meroe City and the 

news of the rebellion of the Rhrh nomads. Section 3 (cols 6-21) describes the 

"election" of Irike-Amannote; section 4 (cols 21-35) the campaign against the 

rebels. Section 5 (cols 35-43) records Irike-Amannote's journey from Meroe City 

to Napata and his enthronement at Napata; in section 6 (cols 43-48) his journey 

to Krtn and a conflict with the Meded nomads are described. Section 7 (cols 49- 

55) records Irike-Amannote's arrival at Kawa and his enthronement in the 

Temple of Arnim, while section 8 (cols 55-63) describes his enthronement in 

the Amiin temple at Pnubs and lists the King's donations to this god. In section 

9 (cols 63-81) he sails back to Kawa, celebrates a festival of Amim of Kawa, 

makes donations, participates in clearing the avenue leading to the temple and, 

subsequently, causes a night and a day procession of the god. Section 10 (cols 81- 

92) records the visit of the Queen Mother to Kawa, and section 11 (cols 92-106) 

describes the concluding episode of the enthronement process. Finally, section 

12 (cols 106-126) records donations to the Amiin Temple at Kawa and an encounter 

between the King and Amen-Rê of Kawa. 

The inscription has been variously judged as imitating in style the Kawa 

texts of Taharqo (FHN I, 21, 22, 24, 25) and Anlamani (ibid., 34) and as reflecting 

the education of an individual scribe in a period when Egyptian was no longer 

the spoken language in Kush (Macadam 1949, xiii) or as having "still a rather 

clear language but a very bad epigraphy which presents quite fantastic aspects" 

(Leclant 1972, 131) or as being composed in "a bad, since no longer spoken, 

Egyptian" (Wenig 1980, 1181). It continues the tradition of the Kushite enthronement 

records (FHN I, 22 [Taharqo], 29 [Tanutamanil, 34 [Anlamani], 37 

[Aspeltal; for detailed comments on the genre see esp. FHN I, 225 ff., 246 ff.), 

presents a clear picture of the conceptual foundations of the Kushite kingship 

in the 5th century BC, and gives a description of the rites of enthronement. 

In contrast to the rest of the known Kushite royal inscriptions (for Gebel 

Barkal see Reisner 1931, 80 ff.; for Kaw? see Macadam 1949, passim, 1955, 62 ff.), 

which were written in those parts of the temples which were accessible to the 

public and could thus have been read aloud by the priests to the illiterate (cf. 

Bleiberg 1985/86 10; Török 1995a), 71 was engraved on one of the walls of the 

Hypostyle at Kawa and was therefore inaccessible. Its inaccessibility as well as 

the actual wall on which it was placed give further emphasis to the deepest 

layer of the text, i.e., the "record" of the King's mystic initiation by his divine father 

into the royal office. The inaccessability of the inscription may, however, 

also reflect the increasing isolation of the Egyptian language in Kushite society. 

The place choosen for the inscription: under the relief representation of the rd 

pr n nb=f, "presenting the house to its owner"-episode of the temple inauguration 

rituals (cf. Montet 1964; Reymond 1969, 256 f.; Zibelius-Chen 1985 and 

Comments on FHN I, 25) may have been intended to link Irike-Amannote 

with Taharqo, the founder of the temple, a glorious predecessor, and to associate 

his enthronement record with the Hypostyle as the scene of Amim's barque 

421


procession (cf. Barguet 1962, 311 ff.; Stadelmann 1978, 176 ff.; Stadelmann 1979, 

313 ff.), i.e., with the scene of the god's oracular announcements (cf. Assmann 

1991a 108)—in this context the scene of the oracular legitimation of the king (cf. 

FHN I, 37 lines 16 ff., and see FHN I, 247 f. with literature, comment on (37))— 

and of subsequent episodes of the coronation (as is indicated by the enthronement 

records as well as by the Taharqo- and Aspelta Chapels in the Hypostyle 

Hall, Macadam 1955, 83 ff, Pls. XVII f. which may have been coronation chapels, 

cf. Barguet 1962, 316 ff.). 

The events described in the text start with Irike-Amannote's succession and 

span the period from day 24 of the 2nd month of Summer (§mw), i.e., Payni 24, 

in his first regnal year to Year 2, day 23 of the 3rd month of Inundation (3ht), i.e., 

Athyr 23: a period of five months. Obviously, the regnal year-number changed 

on day 1 of3ht, i.e., on New Year's Day (and the anniversary of the accession was 

antedated on 1 3ht of Year 1). In section 2 (for section 1 see (69) 1) the death of 

Talakhamani at Meroe City—where also Irike-Amannote was residing 

"amongst the Royal Brethren" (cf. FHN I, 21 line 9, 37 line 18)—is reported; 

chaos immediately arises (the coincidence may be noted here that Talakhamani's 

death occurs in the period of the Theban mortuary feast Ijb nfr n 

int, the "Beautiful Feast of the Valley"; for its celebration in the Late Period see 

Graefe 1985, 188). While the desert nomads (whom Harsiyotef was also to fight 

later, see 78) may really have invaded the settlements of the northern Butana 

on learning of the death of the ruler, their raid stands" in the text for the threat 

of the annihilation of order in the world and the cosmos. The desperate state of 

mankind is expressed by the words of the army and its captains in section 3, 

which describes the King's "election" or legitimation in the human sphere (cf. 

Comments on FFIN I, 34, 37). The "election" is dramatically presented in two 

subsequent scenes involving the army, the captains, Irike-Amannote, and the 

courtiers (on the similar, yet more complex dramatic construction with 

speeches, dialogues and choruses in FHN I, 37 see my comments, FHN I, 247). 

In the first scene the representatives of the army go to their captains in the 

Palace at Meroe and repeat the ancient complaint: "We are wandering as a herd 

without herdsman" (in New Kingdom Amiin hymns: Assmann 1983, 153; cf. 

FHN I, 37 lines 4 f.). In the second scene the captains go to Irike-Amannote, 

who seems to be there in the company of courtiers. Moved by what the army 

and its captains have said, he decides to go to see his divine father Amen-We' of 

Napata. The legitimation in the human sphere concludes with the choir of the 

courtiers (and the army?) assuring Irike-Amannote of his predestination. 

The world can only be saved when a new king ascends the throne. The legitimacy 

of Irike-Amannote as predestined son of Amiln and son of King Malowiebamani 

(note the patrilinear accent in the case of a collateral succession) is 

voiced by the army and then also by the courtiers. As opposed to a commonly 

held opinion in Nubian studies where the classical tradition (cf. FHN I, 65, 20 

[1], in this volume 105-107, 142 5, 158) is largely misunderstood (cf., e.g., Priese 

422

The Sources 

1978, 85; Wenig 1980, 1181; contra: Török 1986, 24 ff.; 1988, 127 ff., 225 ff.; n.d. Ch. 

12, 14) and is treated without confronting it with the Egyptian New Kingdom 

concept of "election" (for the issue see the brief summary by Kuhlmann 1979), 

the "election" as described in section 3 is a preamble to the oracular decree in 

which Amen-Rê announces the legitimacy of the heir to the throne, accepts 

him as his son, and installs him in the royal office (for the form of the oracular 

decree see FHN I, 61, 248, Comments on (8), (37)) and can by no means be interpreted 

as an election from among candidates with equal chances. In the sentences 

placed in the mouth of the representatives of the army the traditional 

royal functions are briefly summarized: "he who nourishes..." (cf. FHN I, 38 1 f.; 

in this volume 84 2 f.), creator of life and justice, excellent of judgement.113 Presented 

as properties of the "good herdsman",114 these adjectives represent a 

condensed discourse on the royal office as it was understood in terms of the 

New Kingdom concept of the ruler's rôle in the maintenance of Equity and also 

as influenced by the Amim theology of the late period.115 

In the last "chorus" of the courtiers (col. 21) an allusion is made to a 

"wonder" performed by Amån for Irike-Amannote in "the ... month of Winter, 

day 19 [of the first yearr (for the emendation see Macadam 1949, 55 note 38), 

which day is determined as the day of Irike-Amannote's appearance as King. 

While the use of the expression "wonder" indicates the influence of earlier 

texts in the Kawa temple,116 the date in the season of pr.t can only refer to a 

date before Irike-Amannote's actual succession: as section 1 reveals, Talakhamani 

died only in the 2nd month of Summer. In Macadam's view (1949, 

55 note 38) we have here a reference to Irike-Amannote's co-regency with Talakhamani 

starting some time in the season of pr.t, i.e., c. 2 to 6 months before 

Talakhamani's death. While an actual coregency cannot be proved for lack of 

evidence (for the difficulties of the evaluation of evidence of coregencies see, 

however, Murnane 1977 31 f.), an "election" by the predecessor in a similar 

manner and similar tone to that of Shebitqo and Taharqo (FHN I, 21 9; 22 14) 

may well be imagined. If so, Irike-Amannote clearly backdated the beginning of 

his first regnal year to 3ht 1 (as also the beginning of Year 2 to was dated ffit 1, instead 

of next §mw 28, i.e., the day of his "appearance as King" in Napata, see section 

5); and in this way the "election" by Talakhamani falls within Year 1. It is 

worth stressing that we have here one of the infrequent cases where antedating 

113For the association with Ptah and Thoth see 84 3; for its Memphite [and Ramessidel roots see 

Grimal 1986, 236 f., 345 f., 430 ff. 

114For the history and complex meaning of the notion see MUller 1961. 

115For the ideological background cf. also KRI I, 65.10 [Sethi I] "the good herdsman [niniw nfr] 

who provides for the life [enh] of his army, father and mother to all"; for the "loving care" as 

political paradigm of the royal duties see Wilson 1951, 120. 

116See FHN I, 24 23 [Alara's ascent to the throne as bbt; for the possible models of the whole sentence 

see ibid., 21 12 and cf. Macadam 1949, 55 note 38. 

423


the ascent to the throne to New Year is clearly attested (cf. Aldred 1969; Derchain-Urtel 

1985; Gutgesell 1985). 

Shortly after the events described in section 3, alarming news arrives at 

Meroe about the approaching nomads. In section 4 Irike-Amannote prays for 

Amfin's aid and sends his army against the nomads, while he remains in the 

palace (like Anlamani, whose text may have also served as a stylistic model for 

Irike-Amannote's account in a similar situation, FHN I, 34 17). This passage 

may suggest either that the land was under the direct rule of Amrin in the period 

between the death of a king and the enthronement of his successor (cf. 

Török 1995, Ch. 14), or that the army wasn't generally led into battle by the king 

himself (Shebitqo sent Taharqo as leader of his army to Palestine in 701 BC, see 

Kitchen 1986, § 128, 346). The victory over the rebels is celebrated as a proof of 

Irike-Amannote's divine sonship (according to the traditional Egyptian concept, 

both as son of Arnrin and as incarnation of Horus). As is indicated by the 

epithet nfr-ljr, "Fair-of-Countenance", the text eulogizes the King as garantor of 

the proper functioning of the cosmos.117 

Section 5 records the journey to, and the coronation at, Napata. After a 

journey of 9 days Irike-Amannote arrived there on day 28 of the 3rd month of 

Summer. On first receiving the Kushite skullcap-crown,118 Irike-Amannote 

proceeds to the Temple of Amrin and seems to be led directly to the sanctuary 

where, apparently in the course of a "Königsorakel", i.e., an intimate encounter 

with the god, he receives universal power.119 

The "coronation" is followed by offerings and gifts to the god and the 

priesthood (?). Irike-Amannote stays more than one month (from Epiphi 28 to 

Thoth 9; note that also Nastaseri would stay for more than one month at Napata 

after his coronation, 84 16 f., 22 f.) at Napata. There can be no doubt that the 

117Cf. for the association of the epithet with Rê: Grimal 1986, 363 note 1027 and see also 387 note 

1318 [on Ramesses III as hrw-lb lyr Mig oil Nfr-lyr, "Horus who rejoices in Macat as He with the fair 

countenance"], with Atum: 382 note 1303, with Ptah: 386 note 1318, as royal epithet of Ramessides, 

e.g., 570 note 59. 

118 As is irtdicated by the cap-determinative; cf. also FHN I, 37 22 f. [termed sdn], in this volume: 

78 11 f. [sh(w)1, 84 43 [s/z(w)]) in the Palace (the text leaves no doubt as to the place where the capcrown 

was kept, although pr-nsw may also stand for a sanctuary, cf. the Luxor temple [1p.t-swt] 

mentioned as pr-nszv in Horemheb's coronation text, Gardiner 1953 25; and note that the Amim 

temple at Napata was similarly called 'Ip.t-swt, see 78 18, 25, 26. The cap-crown, however, together 

with "all the crowns of the kings of Kush and their dominion-scepters" was kept, in Aspelta's 

time, in the sanctuary of the Amiin temple at Napata, see FHN I, 37 22 ff. 

119 For the "Königsorakel" cf. FHN I, 8 1-13, 29 33 f., 34 25 ff.; in this volume 84 30 f.; for the notion 

of the universal rule deriving from New Kingdom Egyptian kingship ideology see Grimal 

1986 56 ff. A formal difference may be stated between two kinds of oracle received by a king. The 

first kind of oracle was received publicly from the divine image emerging in his barque [hq, "in 

appearancel in the outer sanctuary or in one of the courts of the temple. The second kind was received 

in the sanctuary without attendants from the "permanent" [Ittp, "resting"] image of the 

god. For these issues in particular, and on Egyptian Third Intermediate Period concepts connected 

to oracles see Römer 1994, 135 ff. 

424

The Sources 

main reason for this was the celebration of the New Year in the first month of 

the Inundation, between 30 Mesore and 4 Thoth, and the confirmation of royal 

power at the beginning of the 2nd regnal year (for the probable Egyptian models 

see Goyon 1972 19 ff.). He departed, as reported in section 6, on Thoth 9 (which 

would coincide with the last day of the rites of the confirmation of royal power 

according to PBrooklyn Mus. 47.218.50, see Goyon 1972, 42) for Krtn. His journey 

is compared to the journey of Rê, in the course of which he re-creates life 

in the land and cares for the gods after the period of chaos (for the notion 

"setting in order each nome" in particular, and for the whole passage in general, 

cf. FHN I, 34 7 f.). He appears as creator and universal ruler when crushing 

the intruding Meded.120 

Section 7 describes the enthronement ceremonies at the Amim temple at 

Kawa, where Irike-Amannote was received with the acclamation of the people 

in the evening of Thoth 26. After a three-day temple festival ordered by the 

King, Amim of Napata granted him kingship and he received a bow and arrows 

from the god as an insignia of universal rule ("I give to thee every 

land..."). The subsequent dialogue between the King and the god, doubtless 

performed in the intimacy of the sanctuary as a "Königsorakel", further underlines 

the enthronement character of the Kawa ceremonies. In his prayer the 

King asks for kingship and refers to the kingship of the founder of the dynasty 

Alara (cf. FHN I, (2), 21 16 f., 24 23 f.; in this volume 84 8, 15 f.) and thus to dynastic 

continuity. The concluding sentence of the section directed by the King to 

his army may allude to a public announcement of Amim's decree proclaiming 

Irike-Amannote's kingship (cf. FHN I, 8 1-13 with Cornments, 29 32 ff. with 

Comments) as is reported in more detail in lines 96 ff. (see below, on section 

11). 

The association of Amim of Kawa with the bow and the arrows and his presenting 

the King with these as royal insignia occurs for the first time in 71 and 

may be regarded as a Kushite feature. In Egypt Amim is not associated with the 

bow, which is recorded as having a significance in the realm of kingship dogma 

only in the reliefs of Taharqo's Edifice beside the Sacred Lake at Karnak, where 

the God's Wife performs the rite of shooting arrows in order to purify the universe 

(in the rites of protection at the cenotaph of Kffin Djeme, Parker-Leclant- 

Goyon 1979, 61 ff.). While a connection between this rite and the original significance 

of the bow of the king of Kush can be assumed but not proved, the unfolding 

of the, in its tone and iconography rather un-Egyptian, warrior aspect of 

the Nubian Amån is attested by the monuments of the subsequent centuries 

(cf. Onasch 1993 242 f.). 

According to section 8, Irike-Amannote stayed only briefly at Kawa and left 

for Pnubs already on Paophi 1. After arriving at Pnubs he proceeded to the 

120For the Meded as a nomad Beja tribe living in the area between the Nile and the Red Sea cf. 

Adams 1979; Updegraff 1988, 55 ff., and see also 78 78, 81, 85, 89; 84 61, 64 f. 

425


Temple of Amt.in of Pnubs, "his father", where the god was "caused to be made 

to appear", i.e., his statue was brought on its barque from the sanctuary to the 

hypostyle where he proclaimed Irike-Amannote's universal kingship probably 

by oracular decree (the procedure conforms with the canonical form of 

"Königsorakel" received from the divine image emerging in his barque from 

the sanctuary; for the standard contents of the "speech" directed by the god to 

the king [confirmation of the king's divine sonship; granting of universal kingshipl 

cf. Römer 1994, 147). As a manifestation of reciprocity (cf. FHN I, 144, 155 

f., Comments on 21, 22), Irike-Amannote dortates captured territories and families 

to Ami'm of Pnubs. While this donation—like that made later to Amim of 

Kawa (see section 9)—attests to the landed properties of the temples as well as 

to the attachment of tribal units to the temples for the performance of services 

of the cult (cf. Priese 1978, 82), the location of the territories (for a tentative 

identification of Skst with Tangussi [= Segasam of Juba, cf. FHN III, 186] see 

Priese 1984, 494) and the ethnic identity of the families remain obscure. It also 

remains undecided whether the lands in question were all captured from the 

Rhrhs and/or the Meded (cf. Macadam 1949, 61 note 110). 

In section 9 the King returns to Kawa on 23 Paophi in order to celebrate the 

feast of Amitn of Pnubs which thus corresponded in date with the Opet festival 

(cf. Murnane 1981). Furthermore, a close connection between the rites of the 

Opet festival at Karnak (cf. FHN I, 9 25 f.) and the festival of Arniin of Kawa is 

indicated by the fact that also the latter included a nocturnal procession which 

was performed on the eve of a great daytime procession (see FHN I, 9 26 on the 

hb grh, "Feast of Opet by Night" and hb mn-m-lAhst, "festival [of] Abiding-in- 

Dominion [Thebes]"). The great emphasis laid on the King's participation in 

the feasts and the culminat;on of the nocturnal festival with the jubilant words 

of the crowd, "The son is united with his father", recall the close association of 

kingship and the Opet festival in New Kingdom and Third Intermediate Period 

Egypt (cf. Murnane 1981, 576; for Horemhab's [Dyn. 18] coronation as "part" of 

the Opet festival see Gardiner 1953). 

The enthronement process continues in section 10. The Queen Mother is 

reported to visit Kawa in order to see, as Isis saw Horus, her son crowned as 

King upon the throne of Horus (cf. FHN I, 22 17 ff.; 35, 22 ff.) Subsequently 

(section 11), the King enters the sanctuary and is closeted with the god without 

any attendants (cf. FHN I, 29 8; 34 25 ff.; in this volume 78 10 ff.; 84 14 f.). He 

spends four days and four nights there (as later Nastaseft, 84 30 f.). Meanwhile, 

the royal family, the army, the "chief men of His Majesty" and the crowd are at 

prayer. The mystic union of the King with his divine father—which is splendidly 

rendered in the description of Piye's "beholding his father We" in his sanctuary 

at Heliopolis (FHN I, 9 100 ff.)—seems in this particular case to represent 

a variant of the rite of smn lw, "affirming the heir" (cf. Goyon 1972, 46 ff.; for its 

connection with the enthronement rites Derchain-Urtel 1985, 530). This rite is 

followed by an offering, whereafter the King returns to the sanctuary and a 

426

The Sources 

"Königsorakel" follows. At the King's emergence from the sanctuary, orders are 

given to proclaim publicly (i.e., before the army, the courtiers and the people 

[?]) what Amiin said to the King, i.e., to read the oracular decree in which 

Amim granted kingship to Irike-Amannote (cf. FHN I, 8 1-13, 29 32 f.). At this 

proclamation are also present the enigmatic Akhebamani (judging by the name 

perhaps a royal prince?), the prophets, and the scribe of the temple archives. 

The unfortunately badly damaged columns 92-100 seem to have described an 

event similar to the experience of Alexander the Great at Siwa (cf. Kuhlmann 

1988, 129 ff., 151 ff.). 

In the concluding section 12 the text records temple restoration work ordered 

by the King, and further donations and revenues. In columns 112-126 the 

badly damaged inscription records another dialogue between the King and the 

god, occurring probably in the intimacy of the sanctuary. The dialogue is about 

the reaffirmation of Irike-Amannote's kingship and closes with a procession of 

the divine image from the temple to the royal palace. The procession itself is 

preceded by an oracle: first, the King expresses his wish (since, as also earlier in 

the text, it is the King who decides about festivals and processions in cases 

when a festival is not fixed in the calendar) that (the image of) the god be carried 

by a prophet (?) to the palace, whereupon Amiein "says" that "no one shall 

carry it to the royal residence except the King himself" (col. 119). Finally, on 

Athyr 23 the King appears once more in the presence of the god with donations. 

An analysis of the text as to its genre—it is usually defined with some 

vagueness as an "enthronement record"—cannot be carried out here, but is reserved 

for FHN IV. It may be noted, however, that, however greatly the style of 

71 was influenced by the earlier monumental texts of Taharqo and Anlamani at 

Kawa and by other earlier texts existing in other Kushite temples and known to 

the author(s) of 71, this latter text is more homogeneous than earlier Kushite 

royal texts insofar as it has an almost day-book character. The eulogies of the 

king, his prayers, and the theological discourses usually delivered by different 

participants in the enthronement procedure, play a far more important rôle in 

texts like, e.g., FHN I, 37, which present a more direct reproduction of the enthronement 

procedure as a ritual drama (FHN I, 247, comment on 37). In 71, 

eulogies, prayers, and discourses on reciprocity between King and god are not 

rendered in the same detail throughout the text: while the legitimation in the 

human sphere (section 3) seems only slightly condensed, the individual 

"coronations" at Napata, Kawa and Pnubs are described very briefly. On the 

other hand, reports on the conflicts with the Rhrhs and Meded as well as the 

descriptions of the festivals arranged by the King and his religious activities, 

e.g., clearing the avenue of the Kawa temple, are meticulous; and the text on 

the whole shows rather clearly the synthesis of two sources: the written tradition 

of the enthronement rites, and an actual day-book or annalistic practice. 

This latter lends the inscription a rather unusual flavour of "historicity" (for 

427


the issue see recently Hallo 1990; Hoffmeier 1992), which does not, however, alter 

the fact that the text as a whole is notwithstanding a discourse on order in 

the cosmos and the world, i.e., on the King's divine sonship, on royal duties, 

and on Equity created in the framework of vertical reciprocity (god-king-men). 

71 (as also 78 and 84) is connected to the "Königsnovelle" tradition by the presence 

of the oracular moments throughout the narrative (for the "Ki5nigsnovelle 

see Hermann 1938; for the significance of the "indirekte Orakelwiedergabe" 

in the "Ii.nigsnovelle"-genre see recently Shirun-Grumach 1993, xiii ff., 

121 ff.). 

[LT] 

72 Donation text of Irike- Amannote (Kawa X). Second half of the 5th cent. BC. 

Inscribed as a graffito on the S face of the N jamb of the door between the First 

Court and the Hypostyle Hall of Temple T at Kawa. Macadam 1949, 68-69, Pls. 

27-28. 


(1) [h3t-sp x ibd y z sw k] 

[xth regnal year, yth month of z, kth day]. 

hr hm n 

under the majesty of 

Hr K3-nht He-m-W3st 

Horus: "Strong-bull", "Appearing-in-Dominion (Thebes)", 

Nbty It-bw-nb 

(2) Two-Ladies: "Seizer-of-every-land", 

FIr-nb 1,ATf-h3swt-nb 

Golden-Horus: "Subduer-of-every-land", 

Nsw-bity Nfr-lb-R1 

King-of-Upper-and-Lower-Egypt: "Rê-is-One-whose-heart-is-beautifull, 

(3) r5;4W1 1-r-k-Klmn-niwt 

(3) Son-of-Rê: Irike-Amannote, 

dt 

may he live for ever, 

mr(y) [1]mn-[R], hr(y)-ib Gm-p3-Itn 

beloved of [A]men-[R]ê, who resides in Finding-the-Aton (Kawa), 

428

(4) di q111 mi R dt nnh 

given life, like Re, for ever and ever. 

The Sources 

dd.in hm=f m-b3h ntr pn rps' 

Now His Majesty spoke before this noble god 

n it=f Irnn-W hr-ib Gm-(p3-)Itn 

(5) (even) to his father Amen-Re, who resides in Finding-(the-)Aton (Kawa), 

Imr di nh mi R dt nbh 

lbeloved, given life, like Re, for ever and ever. 

dd.in hm=f m-b3h [it=f] (6) Irrin-W Gm-(p3-)Itn} dd 

Now His Majesty spoke before [his father] (6) Amen-Re of Finding-(the-)Aton 

(Kawa)}, saying, 

di(=i) k 

"(I) give you: 

nit1 27 r—"wr-hk3tl 

rbar1ey1 27 rwere-hekatl-measures 

b(d)t 9 r—"Iik3tl 

spelt 9 r— "hekatl-measures 

in rit' b(d)t (7) n h3t 

as rbarley' and spelt [—] in rhekati-measures (7) rthe best quality' 

nit] 25 r— —"hk3tl 

rbarley"— —', 25 rhekati-measures 

b(d)t 9 r-1 n rhk3t' 

spelt 9 n—' in rhekati-measures 

in nit" bdt 

as rbarleyl and spelt. 

i nty nb 72 n wr hk3t 

ramounting in all to' 72 rwere-hekatl-measures 

ir=f sm3c [r] (8) ip nb nfr 

He prayed [nforh] (8) every good nthing', 

429


The Sources 

73 Donation text of Irike- Amannote from Year 19 (Kawa XI). Second half of the 

5th cent. BC. 

Inscribed as a graffito on the S face of the N jamb of the door between the First 

Court and the Hypostyle Hall of Temple T at Kawa. Macadam 1949, 70-71, Pls. 

27-28. 


(1) [1:Ht-lsp 19 ibd 4 prt [sw] 3 

Nineteenth [regnal] year, fourth month of Winter, 3rd [day] 

m-13h hm=f n (sic) 

before his majesty of 

Hr K;-nht FI,-m-W;st 

Horus: "Strong-bull", "Appearing-in-Dominion (Thebes)", 

Nbty tiw-nb 

(2) Two-Ladies: "Seizer-of-every-land", 

Hr-nb Wcf-h;swt-nb 

Golden-Horus: "Subduer-of-every-land", 

Nsw-bity Nfr-ib-W 

King-of-Upper-and-Lower-Egypt: "Rê-is-One-whose-heart-is-beautiful", 

(3) S;-1-(< 

(3) Son-of-Rê: Irike-Amannote, 

nh snb dt 

may he live and be healthy for ever, 

mr(y) hr(y)-ib Gm-p(3)-Itri hr122 dt 

beloved of Amen-Rê, who resides in Finding-the-Aton (Kawa), for ever. 

(4) S3 Imn-Rc 

(4) The son of Amen-Rê, Irike-Amannote, 

iw=f sq.lh mi 

he vivifies like 

iw=f kd mi P(5)th 

he builds like P(5)tah, 

122For 

431

iw=f rh mi Dhwty 

he is wise like Thoth. 

iw m n=n nsw n t w3(6)'—'123 

The r— of the' king went rto the — (6) 


dd.n hm=f (n) smrw nb nt pr-nsw dd 

His Majesty spoke to all the "friends" of the royal residence, saying, 

I.di it rmi [— —I (7) rwr(t)-hk3l n in nb rt3l 1[-]n nn r—i 

"Give barley rone [— — 1 (7) rwere-hekatl-measures to all the army ' 

Comments 

[RHP] 

For the place of the text see 72, Comments. Measurements unknown. The text, 

dated Pharmuthi 3 of the 19th regnal year and consisting of the King's full titulary 

(cf. (69) 1), is somewhat damaged and the exact meaning of its second part, 

which is introduced by a brief, but powerful eulogy of the King (cf. 71, Com- 

ments on section 3), remains obscure. Only so much seems clear, namely, that 

the donation was preceeded by a public vow by Irike-Amannote made before 

the courtiers and the army (?). 

[LT] 

74 Donation text of Irike -Amannote from Year 25+X (Kawa XII). Second half of 

the 5th cent. BC. 

Inscribed on the N face of the S jamb of the door between the First Court and 

the Hypostyle Hall of Temple T at Kawa. Macadam 1949, 71-72, Pls. 29-30. 


(1)hit-sp 25+x ibd 2 3ht sw 10 

(1) Twenty-fifth+x regnal year, second month of Inundation, tenth day, 

br bm [n 

under the Majesty [of 

HrK3-nht W-m-1(2)W3st 

Horus: "Strong-bull", "Appearing-in-1(2)Dominion (Thebes)", 

Nbty [It-]bw-nb 

Two-Ladies: "Seizer-of-every-land", 

123 0r: lw gm.n rsgw'-nsw n't 1/\4w;t'? 

432

The Sources 

Hr-nb W

ntrw nb ntrwt nb n 

0 all gods and goddesses of 


(7) [ — — — 1 r-1 [ — ' Imn-R< (n) Grn-p-Itn 

(7) ...I Amen-Rê (of) Finding-the-Aton (Kawa), 

i.ir p R (8) [ — — 1 r— ' [ — 1 rir=wl [ — 11.1r=f m [ - p3 

Prê did (s) rthey did' he did rin' [ -] the 

(9) [ — — ] dd i (n) Gm[-p-Itn — ] 

saying, "0 Amen-Ré (of) Finding-the-Aton (Kawa), 

[ — — ] n r—i=k [ — — ] 

(10) ... your `—', Amen-Rê 

(11) [ —— 

... rlife" 

] tenb' [ — — ] 

[— — r—1 [— — 

] 

(12)[— — ] r--' [ — —] 

(13) [ — — 

(13) [ — — [ 

[RHP] 

Note to the translation 

Egyptian monuments of all periods abound with texts that refer to donating cattle 

to temples and sacrificing them to gods, and ancient pictures often show the 

animals in procession, garlanded for festival offering. There are also a number 

of Nubian sources, like this one, that contain similar references; and a further 

link between Egypt and the Sudan is to be found in the practice of artificially deforming 

the horns of cattle. In reliefs at Karnak in Egypt from the time of 

Thutmose IV, for example, long-horned oxen (iw3) and short-horned-cattle 

(wndw) are pictured in procession, and it is the long-horned oxen that have 

their horns artificially deformed. Two important articles, one by Leclant (1956), 

the other by Letellier (1994), provide a good starting point for following up the 

network of links between Egypt and Nubia that involves cattle in ritual contexts. 

[RHP] 

Comments 

This inscription is larger (measuring 1.05 x 1.24 m) and finer in execution than 

72 and 73. It is inscribed in sunk hieroglyphs in vertical columns starting from 

the W edge of the jamb (thus unlike 72 and 73, where the signs [as well as, curi 

434

The Sources 

ously, the crio-sphinx beneath the inscriptions] face the interior of the sanctuary), 

thus facing the Forecourt. The text dates to a regnal year higher than 25, 

Paophi 10, consists of a full titulary (cf. (69) 1) and a fairly long eulogy of the 

King, and records donations made to Amen-Rê of Kawa; from col. 6, however, 

the inscription is badly damaged. 

The adjective "the chosen one" opening the eulogy refers to the divine origins 

of Irike-Amannote's kingship (standing doubtless for "elected by Amim"; 

cf. the epitheta of Ramesside and Third Intermediate Period rulers in Grimal 

1986, 201 ff.) and, as indicated by the next epithet "whose monuments are beautiful 

in Finding-the-Aton (Kawa)", to his actual enthronement in the Kawa 

temple. As pointed out by Macadam (1949, 72 note 4), the latter epithet was 

copied from the S wall, E half, of the First Court where it occurs as Taharqo's 

epithet in a scene showing Taharqo being conducted by Monthu or Khonsu (?) 

and Atum into the presence of Amen-Rê (Macadam 1955, 69, Pl. Xb). The scene 

is labelled "Amen-Rê, the goodly procession to Gematon [Kawa]", and may in 

some way refer to an earlier stage of Taharqo's enthronement (at Napata?), or 

else to his coronation at Kawa, the more so since Amen-Rê makes the following 

speech: "[I give] thee the Delta, Upper Egypt and Lower Egypt, like Rê, for 

ever" (Macadam 1955, 69). The theme of divine election is also hinted at in the 

following epithets. Being elected "foremost of a million men" is a variant of a 

recurrent New Kingdom epithet (cf. Grimal 1986, 204 ff.) and is coupled with 

the notion of the King's "desire" to build temples, i.e., to fulfill his royal duty 

towards the gods and their cults, also in one of Taharqo's Kawa inscriptions 

(FHN I, 25 6 f.). In terms of reciprocity, Irike-Amannote is granted kingship by 

Amen-Rê of Kawa with the words referring to the King's secret knowledge (cf. 

72, Comments, end). 

[LT] 

(75) Baskakeren. Evidence for reign. 

Baskakeren's titulary is not preserved. His filiation and family relations are 

unknown: Dunham's suggestion (Dunham-Macadam 1949, 143; Dunham 1955, 

218) that he was son of Malowiebamani (cf. FHN I, (55)) is without any foundation. 

To judge by the diminutive size (12.30 x 12.30 m) of his pyramid, his reign 

was short and perhaps also insignificant (the pyramid graves of Analmacaye 

[Nu. 18, cf. FHN I, (46)], Nasakhma [Nu. 19, ibid., (54)], and Talakhamani [Nu. 

16, (67) in this volume] are of a similarly small size; and their owners too may 

be regarded as having had brief and insignificant reigns). He was nevertheless, 

as indicated by finds of gilded electrum finger-caps and rosettes from his plundered 

grave (Macadam 1955, 219), buried in a proper manner. His granite mortuary 

stela (now Khartoum 1859; ibid., fig. 169, Pl. LXIX/C) is inscribed with a 

short formula in neatly incised Egyptian hieroglyphs. 

[LT] 

435

(76) Harsiyotef. Titles. 


Sources: 1. 78; 2. Kawa, Temple T, "Dais Room" (Room D), Throne name and 

Son-of-We name (Kawa L) in a graffito representing the King offering a necklace 

and pectoral to Amiin of Kawa, Macadam 1949, 91, Pl. 37, Macadam 1955, Pl. 

XXI/b; 3. Son-of-Rê name on a fallen block from chapel of Nu. 13, Dunham- 

Macadam 1949, 143 28d, Dunham 1955, fig. 170; 4. Son-of-Rê name on the back 

of a usurped sandstone heart scarab from Nu. 13, Dunham-Macadam 1949, 143 

28a, Dunham 1955, fig. 171. 

Titles/documents 

1. 2. 

Horus name K;-nht 

"Mighty Bull, Who-appears-in-Napata" 

Nebty name Nd-ntrw 

"Who-seeks-the-counsel-of-Gods" 

Golden Horus Wfti-h3swt-nbt 

"Subduer, Given-all-the-desert-lands" 

Throne name 

Son-of-Rê name 

S;-mri-Imn 

"Beloved-son-of-Amån" 

s3-mri-Imn 

3. 4. 

Hr-s;-it.f 

Comments 

Harsiyotef's titulary conveys a strong connection with the sanctuary of Amån 

at Napata, which played a greater rôle in his ascent to the throne than required 

in the succession of most of his ancestors and successors. At the same time, 

great emphasis is laid in it on the concepts of dynastic tradition and continuity. 

The Horus name repeats the Horus name assumed by Piye (FHN I, (5) 1), while 

the Nebty name contains an allusion to the intricate notion of ndti connected to 

the concept of the king's divine sonship and especially to 

"Horus-champion-of-his-father" (Greek Harendotes), the prototype of royal 

succession and garantor of Osiris' resurrection (from the Pyramid Texts; cf. 

Meeks 1977, 965), a royal and solar god. It seems to indicate, like the Golden Horus 

and the Son-of-Ré names, a difficult case of succession, in which Harsiyotef 

was compelled to emphasize by the means at his disposal his sonship, his status 

both as heir and incarnation—perhaps against another heir of a similar de 

436

The Sources 

scent, but actually more unambiguously predestined for succession. This impression 

is further strengthened by the adoption of the Golden Horus name of 

the King's second predecessor Irike-Amannote (cf. (69) 1), especially as the revival 

of the Golden Horus name of a king's penultimate predecessor is otherwise 

unparalleled. The throne name conveys the concept of divine sonship as 

well as Harsiyotef's indebtedness to Amiin of Napata. His Son-of-I-* name was 

obviously adopted on his ascent to the throne and gives expression to the concept 

of the king as the incarnation of Horus. 

[LT] 

(77) Harsiyotef. Evidence for reign. Regnal years. 

Although his legitimacy had to be established in a less self-evident manner 

than customary, Harsiyotef reigned for an unusually long period: indeed, the 

thirty-five years attested in his Annals (see 78), beyond which he still continued 

to occupy the throne for an unknown period, represent the longest recorded 

reign in Kushite history. Judging by the number of punitive expeditions and 

armed conflicts listed in 78, his reign was eventful and, in view of the geographical 

and political range of the expeditions and conflicts, can also be judged 

as a period of expansion and empire-building. No absolute dates are known or 

can be inferred from the Annals; in the framework of the traditional relative 

chronology based on Reisner's speculations, Harsiyotef is dated to the first third 

of the 4th century BC (Dunham 1955, 3; Török 1988, 178). 

According to 78, Harsiyotef was the son of queen Ts-m3-nfr (traditionally 

Kushiticized as Atasamalo, cf. Dunham-Macadam 1949, 143) who bore the traditional 

titles usually found in titularies of Queen Mothers: mw.t nsw sn(.t) nsw 

hnw.t n K , "king's mother, royal sister (=wife), mistress of Kush" (cf. FHN I, 37, 

Comments). The identity of his father is unknown, though Harsiyotef's own titles 

(cf. (76)) seem to indicate that he was the son—even if not the predestined 

heir—of a king. Reisner's suggestion, also repeated by Dunham and Macadam 

(Dunham-Macadam 1949, 143; Dunham 1955, 221), that he would have been a 

son of Irike-Amannote, cannot be proved. His wife B-h-y-r-y (rendered by 

Dunham-Macadam 1949, 143 as Batahaliye), a sn.t nsw hm.t (nsw) i, "royal sister 

(=wife), great royal wife", is depicted in the lunette of 78. Dunham-Macadam 

(1949, 149) make him the father of Kings Akhratafi ((79)) and Nastasefi ((82) - 84), 

a hypothesis which cannot be substantiated. 

78 lists Harsiyotef's donations to different sanctuaries in the land, thus giving 

a useful overview of cults in 4th century BC Kush; the donation of timber 

originating from Irkir.t (Zibelius 1972, 87 s.v. jrkrk: perhaps a district of Punt) 

and subsequently gilded in Napata indicates the range of commercial contacts. 

In Years 2, 18 and 23, thus fairly regularly, punitive expeditions are led against 

the Rhrh nomads because they invaded the Island of Brwt (i.e., the "island of 

Meroe", the area of the northern Butana, cf. Zibelius 1972, 106 f.). The pattern is 

437


the same as in 71 (see Comments there). In Years 3, 5 and 6 the King fights the 

Mddt (Meded nomads?). In Year 11 an expedition is sent against rebels laying 

siege on the town of

dd-mdw in (Imn-W) 

Utterance by (Amen-Rê), 

The Sources 

di(=i) n=k nh ws nb dd nb snb nb ;w-ib nb 

"(I) am giving to you all life and dominion, all stability, all health, and all happiness. 

di(=i) n=k rnpwt nhh dt 

(I) am giving you an eternity of years for ever." 

THE RIGHT-HAND-SCENE 

UNDER THE OUTSPREAD RIGHT-HAND WING OF THE SUNDISC 

(one line, reading right to left): 

BhcIty ntr nb pt di nh 

The Behdetite, the great god, lord of heaven, given life. 

IN FRONT OF AND ABOVE A CRIOCEPHALIC AMEN-RE, STANDING, FACING RIGHT 

(two lines, reading from left to right): 

(1) cld-mdw in Imn.W nb 

(1) Utterance by Amen-Rês, lord , 

Iir(y)-ib (2) li)w-mb 

who dwells in (2) Pure-mountain (Gebel Barkal) 

di dd w;s 

given life, stability, and dominion. 

ABOVE THE KING, STANDING, FACING LEFT, OFFERING 

(two columns, reading left to right): 

(1) Nsw-bity S;-mr(y)-1mn 

King-of-Upper-and-Lower-Egypt: "Beloved-son-of-Amiln", 

S3-IZ 1-.1r-s;-it=f 

(2) Son-of-Rê: "Horus-son-of-his-father" (Harsiotef). 

ABOVE A QUEEN, FACING LEFT, STANDING BEHIND THE KING, HOLDING A SISTRUM 

IN HER RIGHT HAND 

(two columns, reading left to right): 

(1) mwt-nsw sn(t)-nsw hnwt n K Ts-m;-nfr 

(1) King's mother, king's sister, mistress of Kush, Tshis-ma-nufe. 

439

THE LEFT-HAND-SCENE 


UNDER THE OUTSPREAD LEFT-HAND WING OF THE SUNDISC 

(one line, reading left to right): 

Bhdty ntr c; nb pt di

The Sources 

Nbty (2) Ncl-ntrw 

Two-Ladies: (2) "Who-seeks-the-counsel-of-the-gods", 

Hr-nb Wcf.ti luswt nbt 

Golden-Horus: "Subduer, rGiven-lall-the-desert-lands", 

Nsw-bity S3-mr(y)-Imn 

King-of-Upper-and-Lower-Egypt: "Beloved-son-of-Amim", 

S3-Re nb Thvy 

Son-of-Rê, Lord of Two-lands (Egypt), 

nb b(w) 

Lord of Appearances, 

(3) nb ir ht 

(3) Lord of Performing Rituals, 

s R n ht mr(y)=f 

son of Rê of his body, whom he loves, 

Hr-s3-ih=f

(7) dd=w n=i i dd 

(7) They spoke to me, saying, 


h(3)y hwt-ntr n n Npt br t wsht (8) n mht 

"The ternple complex of Amiln of Napata has collapsed in the court (8) of the 

north." 

snd=1 

I was afraid, 

Ing rmt bw 1 dd 

and I questioned an old man, saying, 

ih t3(9)w 

"What is thi(9)s?" 

dd=f n=i idd 

He spoke to me, saying, 

wlyb p(3)=k CIrt iry=1 kdiw (10) iry=1 wd3 =f 

"Let your hand be active. I (= you) shall build. (10) I (= you) shall make it 

sound." 

dit-st 11=1 m-b3h Npt p(3)=1 i(11)t nfr i dd 

Behold, I went before Amim of Napata, my (11) good father, saying, 

my dit n=1 p3 n p3 t3 Nhs 

"Give me the crown of the land of Nubia." 

dd (12) n=1 Npt 

(12) Amim of Napata said to me, 

idi n=k p3 shw n p3t Nhs 

"To you is given the crown of the land of Nubia. 

di=1 (13) n=k p3 4 1c4:1w n p3 t3 driw=f 

I give (13) to you the 4 corners of the land in its entirety. 

di(=i) n=k p3 mw nfr 

(I) give to you the good water (i.e. the inundation). 

di(=i) n=k (14) pt mw hw3 nfr 

(I) give you (14) a sky of good rain. 

di(=i) n=k sbiw nb hr tbwy(15)=k 

(I) give you every rebel under your (15) sandals. 

442

The Sources 

(3)b Lir il hr (I)3t=k bn iw=f nfr 

The enemy that comes against you will not fare well. 

(3)b(16) mtw=k Lir kn hr (1)3tw=k bn iw=f bpr p(3)=f(17) hp rdwytw=f 

The enemy (16) of yours that goes against you, it will not be, (neither) his (17) 

might (nor) (17) his rfeetl. 

m3=1 irf Fl


wn mi=1 (25) rrf n-pr Ipt-swt Npt 

When, however, I saw (25) the temple, the Karnak of Amiin of Napata, 

iw mn nbw hr-r=f 

without any gold on it, 

di=i (26) hr n-pr Ipt-swt 

I put (26) on the temple, Karnak, 

wp-s(t) ht nbw dbn 40 irw nbw pg 51(27)20 

specification, rtotall: gold, deben-weight 40; making: gold, thin sheets, (27) 5120. 

mtw dd=w n=i i dd 

When they spoke to me, saying, 

iw=f gnw pr-snwt n nbw 

"It lacks a shrine of gold." 

(28) i.ir=i in=f p; ht ndt 1-r-k3-r-t 

(28) I brought the acacia wood of Arkure.126 

1-1‘nr ir=1 (29) di=i in i Npt 

Furthermore, I (29) had (it) brought to Napata. 

di=i dit nbw hr p(3)=f hrwy 2 nbw dbn (30) 40. 

I had gold put on its two faces: gold, deben-weight (30) 40. 

di=i dit m hnw n p(3)=f pr-hd nbw dbn 20 

I had put in its treasury: gold, deben-weight 20, 

irw nbw 100 

making: gold, (deben-weight) 100. 

(31) i Npt 

(31) 0 Amfin of Napata, 

di=i (32) n=k tgr n hh (33) timy' [— — I dbn 4 

I gave (32) to you a neck-ring (33) [ — — deben-weight 4, 

twtw n (34) niwty nty msny (35) n nbw 

an image of (34) Arrffin the city (god) which is made by the meseney-process (35) 

in gold, 

126Cf. Zibelius 1972, 87. 

444

3 ntr (36) n nbw nty msny r2' 

The Sources 

together with rdivine triad(s)' [ —J (36) of gold, which are made by the meseney- 

process, r2' 

(37) 1:in R nty msny lt 

together with a (statue of) We, which is made by the meseney-process, 1; 

hn rflhl n nbw 3 

(38) together with rmirror(s)1 of gold, 3; 

hn (39) wch n nbw 2 

together with (39) pectoral(s) of gold, 2; 

hn, i-(4o)b-n-k3-n n nbw 13(41)4 

together with b(4o)eads of gold, 13(41)4; 

hn bd dbn 100; 

together with silver, deben-weight, 100; 

hn m(42)hn n hd lt 

together with a vessel (42) for milk of silver, 1; 

hn, h-;-(43)n n nbw 1t 

together with a hara-(43)vessel of gold, 1; 

hn, s-k3-n (44) hd 5 

together with a sekara-bowl (44) of silver, 1; 

hfl h-3-n (n) hd (45) lt 

together with a hara-bowl of silver, (45) 1; 

hri mhn (n) hd 1 

together with a mehen-bowl of silver, 1; 

hri


hn m-g3-t-m-(49)y bb 

together with megatem(49)iy-vase(s), bronze, r51; 

rbn-hr-m;w1 bb (50) 2 

together with vase(s) rwith a lion's-face', bronze, (50) 2; 

hn lir(y)-sty bb 2 

together with 5-branched candlesticks, bronze, 2; 

1;1W (51) lbw(t) 1313 1 

together with (51) an offering-table, bronze, 1; 

hn s-k3-n bb (52) 15 

together with sekara-bowls, bronze, (52) 15; 

bn< p3-dnw bb 5 

together with '—'s, bronze, 5; 

bnc (53) p3-

The Sources 

kd=1 (60) n=k ihy n 1w3 mhw (61) 154 

I built (60) for you its stall for long-horned oxen, 154 (61) cubits (square ?). 

[`m331=1 w hwt-ntr ist(y)t (62) riw iw wn h(3)y 

Whether I [rsawl] a temple complex (62) (or) a small chapel which was fallen 

into ruin, 

gn(63)=1 1 dd 

I (63) inquired, saying, 

ih t31 

"What is this?" 

dd.n=i 1(64) Cid 

and I spoke, (64) saying, 

iw is nsw Kmt kdiw(65)=1 n=k 

"Behold, (as) king of Egypt, I (65) (re)built (them) for you, 

di=i di htp-ntr 

and I had divine offering given." 

hr (66) 

And more(66)over: 

di=1 n=k rjWl 500 

I gave you rlong-horned oxen', 500 (head); 

di=i (67) n=k irt mhn 2 mnw (68) sp-sn 

and I gave (67) you milk, mehen-jugs, 2, day (68) after day. 

di=i m=k dw3w s; 10 

I gave you worshipers, phyles, 10; 

di=i n=k (69) b(3)k t3 50 hmt 50 ir (70) 100 

I gave you (69) prisoners, male 50, female 50, making (70) 100. 

1 Npt bn iw ip (71) n=k 

0 Amûn of Napata, (although) you have (71) no account,127 

ink =i' di n=k p(3) rity srs(72)r 

it is I rmyse1f1 who gave you what is requir(72)ed. 

127"Keep no account"? 

447

hr dit-st 

And, behold: 


lid-sp 2 3bd 3 prt sw 23 

Second regnal year 2, third month of Winter, 23rd day. 

i(73)w=f h3ty sblw 

he ca(73)me, (to wit,) a leader of rebels, 

ns(s)=f (74) R-h-r-h-s; 

that it might do (what) harm (it could), (74) (to wit, the land of) Rehrehsa128. 

iw r'(75) my=f hpvvy 

But Amiin (75) cut his forces to pieces, 

di(76).tw r=i 

and they were delivered (76) into my hands. 

i.ir=i knw irm=f 

Against him I performed mighty deeds 

(77) bd[blw m mity sp-sn 

(77) and made a slaughter as well! 

h3t-sp 3 3bd 2 prt sw 4 

Third regnal year, second month of Winter, 4th day. 

ir=i knkn(78)w irm sbiw Mddt 

I fought (78) with the rebels of (the land of) Metete,129 

My=f (79) m mity 

and I slaughtered it (79) as well. 

mtw=k 1.ir n=i 

(But) you it was that acted for me. 

I-pt-sp 5 313c1 2 ri-Ew sw 12 

Fifth regnal year, second month of Summer, 12th day. 

S3-W (80) Hr-s3-it=f 

(of) the Son-of-Rê: (80) "Horus-son-of-his-father" (Harsiotef), 

128Cf. Zibelius 1972, 144, and lines 100 and 106 below. 

129The land of the Medjay? Cf. Zibelius 1972, 133-137, and lines 81, 85, and 89 above. 

448

The Sources 

p(3)=k ft nfr 

Your awesomeness is good. 

ntk iÅr n=i 

It was you that acted for me. 


(89) hbw n=1 wr Mddt i dd 

(89) The chief of Metete133 sent to me, saying, 

ntk p(3)=1 ntr 

"You are my god. 

ink p(3)=k b3(90)k 

I am your ser(90)vant. 

ink shmt 

I am a woman. 

my 1-r=1 

Come to me." 

di=f in n=1 p3 idnw m d(r)t (91) w s 

He had the rdeputyl brought in the hand (91) of a man 

sw3=i 

that I might withdraw. 

11=1 i-ir Irrin Npt p(3)=1 it nfr 

I came to (you) Amun of Napata, my good father, 

(92) di=i n=k 1w3 3t 

(92) that I might give you many (head of) long-horned oxen. 

1:13t-sp 11 3bd 1 prt sw 4 

Eleventh regnal year, first month of Winter, 4th day. 

di=i rni=f p(3)=1(93) m hr 

I sent my (93) army against Akne134 

1-t3bw p(3)=1 1331( G3-s3-iw 

on account of my servant Gasau, 

133The land of the Medjay? Cf. Zibelius 1972, 133-137, and lines 78, 81, and 85 of this text. 

134 Pliny's Acina? Cf. Zibelius 1972, 101. 

450

The Sources 

(94) wp-st rn=w B-n-g3 hn S3-imn-s3 

(94) Specification, their names: Braga and Saamanisa. 

ph Swnt 

(When) Aswan was reached, 

ir=f Ic(95)nw 1-r3-m=f 

he135 did b(95)attle with it. 

h3y=f B-n-g3 1:1w S3-imn-s3(96) p(3)=w nb sp-sn 

He slaughtered Braga and Saamanisa, (96) their lords! 

p(3)=k gft nfr ntk 1.1r n=1 

Your awsomeness is good. 

p(3)=k ft nfr ntk Ur n=1 

You (yourself) it was that acted for me. 

h3t-sp 16 3bd 1 3ht sw 15 

Sixteenth regnal year, first month of Inundation, 15th day. 

(97) ir=i dit mi p(3)=1 rri§ hn, htr hr sblw M-h-lw=f 

I sent my army and cavalry against the rebels of Mekhuf. . 

iry knknw 1-n-m p(3)=1 rriS 

(98) Battle was done with rny army, 

1-13y=f sw 

It slaughtered it. 

hdc=w (99) tp-13w=w 

They captured (99) their cattle. 

h3t-sp 18 3bd tpy prt sw 13 

Eighteenth regnal year, first month of Winter, 13th day 

Hr-s3-it=f 1-111 dt 

(of) the Son-of-Rê: "Horus-son-of-his-father" (Harsiotef), may he live for ever. 

lw (100) sbiw R-h-r-h-s3 wp-st rn=f Hr-w3 p(3)=w nb (101) m-hnw B3-n-w3-t 

Rebels of Rehrehsa136 (100) came—specification, his name: Kharawe—(1o1) (all 

the way) into Birawe (Meroe). 

1350r: it. The reference of the pronoun is ambiguous and may refer either to Gasau or to the army. 

136 Cf. Zibelius 1972, 144, and lines 74 and 106 of this text. 

451

di=1 wrd n=f 

I rmade him weak'. 

p(;)=k ft nfr 


p(3)=k (102) i3p nhty 

Your (102) scimitar is mighty. 

knnw(=i) i-n-m=f 

(I) fought with him. 


ir=i h3y=f (103) hy 

I slaughtered him, (103) a great slaughter. 

ir=i rktw=f 

I defeated him. 

ntk i.ir n=1 

(But) you it was that acted for me, 

mtw h3styw (104) dwn=f hr-lb grh 

and the desert dwellers (104) rose up in the middle of the night 

ir=f mr=f 

and he fled. 

h3t-sp 23 3bd 3 (105) gmw sw 29 

Twenty-third regnal, third month (105) of Summer, 29th day 

S3-W Hr-s3-1t=f nh dt 


iw=f p wr h3st Rh-rh-s; (106) 1-n-w3 

He came, (to wit) the chief of the desert people Rehrehsa,137(106) Arawe, 

i-n-m p(3)=f mnb sp sn' m-hnw 131-n-wl-t 

with his rlord1 (right) into Birawe (Meroe). 

di=1 kn(107)w 1-n-m rh3y=f h3y ,31 

I had battle (107) joined and had him slaughtered a great slaughter; 

rrk.tw n=f1 

and he was defeated 

137Cf. Zibelius 1972, 144, and lines 74 and 100 of this text. 

452

dwn(108)w n=f' 

and (108) was driven off. 

di=i 133y=f 

I had him killed, (to wit) Shaykara, 

The Sources 

iw=f ir=f (109) srsr im=f 

when he came (109) to plead for himself. 

p(3)=k Sft nfr 


p(3)=k hpS knw 

Your scimitar is victorious. 

p3 wr (110) rr-gsl[=i] iry Sw3=f 

The chief (110) rat [my] side' made him withdraw. 

ir=f p(3)=i mS p(3)=i htr wci; 

He made my army and my cavalry safe. 

h3t-sp (111) 35 3bd tpy prt sw 5 

Thirty-fifth (111) regnal year, first month of Winter, 5th day 

S3-W Hr-s3-it=f nh dt 


ir=i hbw n=f Imn (112) Npt p(3)=i it nfr i dd 

I sent to him, (i.e.) Am0n (112) of Napata, my good father, saying, 

in mtw=i dit Smi p(3)=1(113) m hr h3st Mhty 

"Shall I send my (113) army against the desert land Mekhty?" 

ir=f hbw n=i Irrin Npt i (114) dd 

He sent to me, (i.e.) Amfin of Napata, (114) saying, 

my dit Smi=f 

"Let it be sent!" 

ir dit=i Smi=f n rsi3(115)wrdl s 50 

I sent it, the rmutila(115)torsl, men: 50, 

453


hn< m htr m 4 luswt Mhti nty (116) Tkrt't 

together with the cavalry rof the four desert lands of138 Mekhty which (116) is 

(in)' Taciotshe; 

My=f w 

and it slaughtered them. 

bn-pw=w 113 im=w 

They did not leave (any) among them. 

bn-pw=w dit (117) n-w3t im=w 

They did not give (117)way among them.139 

bn-pw=w dit rd.wy=w 

They did not rlet them take to their heels'. 

bn-pw=w dit=w (118) cl3d3=w 

They did not rgive (118) their heads'. 

bn-pw=w t pclt 

They did not the bow. 

ir=w h(3)k p(;)=w nbt 

They captured their lord. 

(119) dd=w n=i (120) i dd 

(119)They spoke to me, saying, 

hy hwt-ntr 

"A temple complex has collapsed 

n 313c1 3 prt (121) hrw n Pth 

in the third month of Winter, (121)the Day of Ptah." 

kdiw=i n=k 

I (re)built (it) for you. 

(122) kdiw=1 hwt-ntr Nbw-(123)nh 

(122)I built the temple complex Gold-(123)of-Life, 

nty ht pr 6 

the rmain building of which has' six chambers, 

138 11one supplies the preposition r, "to, against", then the force is sent "against Mekhty"; and 

this is more in keeping with what is written in lines 113-113. 

1390r: They offered them no escape. 

454

The Sources 

nty ht w(124)11; 4 en 

the rmain building of which has' 4 co(124)lumns as well. 

3(125) mtw dd=w n=1 1(126) dd 

They (125) spoke to me, (126) saying, 

pr n nsw 

"The royal residence has collapsed, 

mn (127) nty gmi s m-hnw 

there not being (127) any place into which people go." 

kd(128)1w=1 pr n nsw pr(129)w n Npt pr 60 

I (re)buil(128)t the royal residence and chamber(129)s in Napata, chambers, 60, 

di=1 (130) kd p; sbty 

I had (130) the enclosure wall surround (it) as well. 

(131) kdiw=1 T;-r; 

I built Tara, 

ic,h lt mhw 50 

(132) one side being 50 cubits, 

(133) ir 4 keh mhw 200 (134) en 

(133) making four sides, cubits 200, (134) as well. 

di=i dg; n=k gn(135)w 6 

I had 6 palm (135) groves planted for you 

gnw n i(136)rr lt 

together with a vine(136)yard (with each), 

ir 6 hry Npt 

making 6 in Napata. 

(137) di=i n=k b nwt nfr(138)w hry 133-n-w;-t ir 6 

(137) I gave you the beautiful palm groves (138) in Birawe (Meroe), making 6. 

(139) d1=1 w3h htp-ntr rgrhl (140) We 

(139) I had founded a divine offering, for one (140) rnightl, 

It 115 rhk;t" 

barley: 115 rhekatl-measures; 

455

dt 38 (141) thk3t-1 

spelt: 38 (141) rhekatl-measures, 


ir it bdt 153 (142)rhl

(159) di=i he Wsir 2 hr N-113-n3-t 

The Sources 

I had two Osirises appear in procession in Nehane,143 

di=1 he Wsir 1st hr Pr-gm-t 

(160) I had Osiris and Isis appear in procession in House-of-Finding (Kawa), 

di(161)=i he Wsir 3 hr Pr-nbs dt 

and I had (161) three Osirises appear in procession in Pnubs (Tabo), for ever. 

[RHP] 

Comments 

Harsiyotef's Annals, inscribed in 161 horizontal lines (front: lines 1-30; left side: 

31-73; verso: 74-118; right side 119-161) on the four sides of a granite stela measuring 

215 x 70 x 34 cm, was discovered in the First or Outer Court (room 501) of 

the Amim temple at Gebel Barkal (Napata) and removed in 1862 to Cairo 

(Reisner 1931, 83 no. [53]; PM VII 218). The text was first published by Mariette 

(1867, Pl. 11) and then edited in the Urk. (III, 2, 113-136). 

The lunette is decorated with two symmetrically rendered, incised scenes in 

the tradition of Taharqo's Kawa V stela (FHN I, 22; note the inversed arrangement 

of the directions. On 78 Arnim of Napata stands in the right half of the 

lunette with his back to the inscription column in the centre of the lunette, 

while on 22 Amån of Kawa, depicted in the left half of the lunette, turns outwards 

from the axis of the lunette and thus looked towards the N when the 

stela stood at its original place in the Forecourt of Temple T at Kawa in front of 

the E wall facing S. On the assumption that the directions of the ram-headed 

Amun of Nubia [i.e., of Kawa at Kawa and of Napata at Gebel Barkall, i.e., looking 

"from the S" towards the N, and of the human-headed Amun of Thebes 

looking "from the N" towards the S, respectively, were de rigeur, we must suppose 

that, if magnetic N was observed, 78 originally stood with its front turned 

towards the main temple entrance; and since "local" N at Napata is almost 

identical with magnetic S, it may be supposed that if "local" N was observed, 

the front of the Harsiyotef stela faced the interior of the temple. An orientation 

according to "local" N is supported, and thus the above-suggested original 

placement of 78 is apparently corroborated by FHN I, 9 which probably stood in 

the First Court of the Amiin temple at Gebel Barkal with its front turned towards 

the temple entrance; for in its lunette Amån of Thebes looks from the 

"local" N towards the "local" S. It is seemingly contradicted, on the other hand, 

by FHN I, 8, found in the First Court of the same temple, fallen from a position 

in which it had been standing facing the same temple entrance [cf. Reisner 1931, 

82, 88 f.; Dunham 1970, Plan V, socket 1 in B 5011 but with Amån of Napata 

turning towards "local" S. However, the place where 8 was found could not 

143The area of Korti (Macadam), Dongola el-Aguz (Sauneron and Yoyotte), or Adu on the Island 

of Sai (Arkell)? Cf. Zibelius 1972, 139. 

457


have been its original one; for the First Court was built only after Piye's Egyptian 

campaign, while 8 dates from early in his reign). 

From the extended wings of the sundisc are suspended uraei crowned with 

the White (above the scene with the Theban Arnim) and the Red crown (above 

the scene with the Nubian Amim), respectively; these protect the Son-of-Rê 

name of Harsiyotef. The right-hand scene in the lunette shows Harsiyotef wearing 

the Kushite skullcap-crown with the double uraeus on his brow (cf. Török 

1987, 4 ff. Type A I), broad necklaces, a royal kilt and an animal tail, but wearing 

no sandals. He offers a pectoral and necklace to the ram-headed Arn0n of Napata. 

He is followed by his mother Ts-m3-nfr (in the modern literature rendered 

usually as Atasamalo) who wears a skullcap with one uraeus and a streamer,144 

a tight-fitting ankle-length skirt, a coat, and sandals, shakes a sistrum, and performs 

a libation offering. The left-hand scene depicts the King in the same attire, 

offering a pectoral and necklace to the human-headed Amån of Thebes. 

He is followed by his wife B-h-y-r-y (in the modern literature rendered usually 

as Batahaliye) wearing a skullcap with one uraeus and with the plumes and 

sundisc of Hathor (cf. Török 1987, 22 Type B XVII), an artkle-length skirt, a coat 

tied over her left shoulder and sandals. She shakes a sistrum and performs a libation. 

The two scenes show the ruler in the full possession of his royal power: 

the offering of the pectoral and necklace is, e.g., the concluding scene of the relief 

cycle depicting Taharqo's enthronement in Temple T at Kawa (Macadam 

1955, Pl. XXII/b; for the significance of pectoral offering cf. Frandsen 1987; Török 

1994, 19 f.). The message of the iconography is reinforced by the utterance of 

Amtan of Napata and Amim of Thebes in the inscriptiort column between the 

two figures of the god (cf. 72, Comments) which hints at the secret knowledge 

received by the king at his enthronement which enables him to maintain the 

functioning of the cosmos and the world. 

Section 1 (lines 1-4) records the date of the inscription and Harsiyotef's fivepart 

titulary ((76) 1). Section 2 (lines 4-8) records Harsiyotef's "legitimation", 

while section 3 (lines 8-10) records a "counsel" received by Harsiyotef. In section 

4 (lines 10-17) Harsiyotef visits Amån of Napata who promises him the kingship; 

an omen is also described. In section 5 (lines 17-22) the enthronement of 

Harsiyotef at Napata, Kawa, Pnubs, and Trt is recorded. In section 6 (lines 22-71) 

the King's temple building activity and donations made to Ami'm are recorded. 

Section 7 (lines 72-118) presents the list of his wars. In section 8 (lines 119-130) 

we read about two further construction works initiated, as it seems, by oracles; 

and section 9 (lines 131-145) records the King's plantations and summarizes his 

building activities. Finally section 10 (lines 146-161) records a number of festivals 

caused by Harsiyotef in different sanctuaries of the land. 

144 This is the earliest attested example of this type of crown appearing as an equivalent of a 

male crown seen on relief representations of Taharqo in the Gebel Barkal Amiln temple, cf. Török 

1987, 22 Type B XVII and 12 f. Type A IV, respectively. 

458

The Sources 

The text of the stela is dated to the second month of pr.t 13 (Mechir 13) of the 

thirty-fifth regnal year and is written from the perspective of a long and eventful 

reign. Nevertheless, the introductory sections (3-5, lines 8-22) record the circumstances 

of Harsiyotef's succession and the process of his enthronement; and 

the annalistic sections (6-10, lines 22-161) record his building activities, wars 

and religious activities, principally, if not exclusively, from the perspective of 

legitimacy. The introductory sections clearly indicate a case of succession where 

the predestination was far from being obvious, and they record Harsiyotef's ascent 

to the throne as the result of a "deal" betweert him and Amiin of Napata, 

while the rest of the text presents the proofs for the positive results of this deal: 

the fulfillment of the reciprocity between the two partners. Sections 3-5 attest to 

the survival of both the principal elements of the legitimacy concepts (divine 

sonship, reciprocity between god and king) and the legitimating rituals 

("election" and enthronement in the course of a "coronation journey", including 

the oracular decisions of the god and the repeated "Königsorakel" rites) of 

earlier times (cf. FHN I, 29, 34, 37; in this volume 71) and to the use of textual 

records concerning these concepts and rites by the author of the text of 78. The 

text of 78 is based, in addition to using such records—which existed, as may be 

assumed, partly in the form of monumental royal inscriptions of the types of 

the above-mentioned ones—mainly on documents of annalistic type(s): it 

would seem that the author drew information from separately kept temple annals 

and royal annals. Hence the structuring of the text. The temple building 

and donations and religious festivals are related in a different detail and also 

with the use of a different stylistic repertory than the wars and occur on separate 

blocks. Furthermore, the wars are recorded according to a strictly chronological 

system and most of them are described "historically", which is not uniformly 

the case of the rest of the topics treated in the inscription. 

Unlike other royal inscriptions of a related character, 78 does not record a legitimation 

of the heir in the human sphere (cf. FHN I, 21 7 ff.; 22 14 f.; 34 5 ff.; 37 

3 ff.; in this volume 71 3 ff.). Though in a retrospective written 35 years later an 

omission of details might occur without any ulterior motive, both the titulary 

of Harsiyotef (see (76), Comments) and the manner of his divine election suggest 

that his legitimation had not taken the usual course but started instead 

with what seems to have been a solicited oracle. In section 2 the King himself 

says that the land was given to him by Amûn of Napata "from the moment I 

desired my crown"; and his divine election is expressed, remarkably, by the sentence: 

"and his (i.e., Amtan's) eye looked favorably on me". Section 3 relates 

that Harsiyotef was "spoken to"145 and told that Amiln of Napata was granting 

him the land of Nubia (D-nlysy, the ancient Egyptian term for Nubia, not frequently 

used in Kushite inscriptions, cf. 91). 

145 For the expression cf. Wb IV, 409 and see also Ray 1976, 55 text 13 line 8; the context is obviously 

oracular, see below. 

459


In a manner not more closely defined, and by unspecified person(s), the 

King is told that the temple complex of Arniin of Napata, "the court of the 

north",146 has collapsed. That this communication is an oracle is revealed by 

Harsiyotef's reaction: he is afraid, being presumably shocked by the encounter 

with the divine, and asks "an old man" to explain the meaning of his dream147 

just as he would react later in his reign when he learned about the bad state in 

which other temples were (see Section 8). The answer of the "old man" is 

rather cryptic: he urges Harsiyotef to construct a building and to "make it 

whole"; the first expression usually occurs in the context of the royal duty to 

build temples of the gods in 78 as well as in earlier texts (cf. FHN I, 29 19, 22; 37 

13, 15, 17, 19). Beyond doubt, the counsel relates to the "collapsed" temple building. 

The most striking feature of the oracle is, however, that it requires explanation: 

i.e., it is not a "Königsorakel" which has the nature of a revelation and 

does not need to be interpreted148 but the sort of oracle that is usually received 

by a "commoner"—which is in a remarkable contradiction with the actual contents 

of the oracle, viz., the royal duty of temple restoration. 

Thus both the "legitimation" and its interpretation are uncommon. Nevertheless, 

apart from the non-royal type of the solicited oracle, the "counsel" received 

by Harsiyotef represents a remote echo of the dream of the future 

Thutmose IV, another ruler whose succession was probably not entirely regular 

(cf. Bryan 1991, 38 ff.), as it was described in his Sphinx Stela (Urk. IV, 1539-1544; 

Zivie 1976, 125 ff.; cf. Hermann 1938, 13; Bryan 1991, 144 ff.). Harsiyotef was 

taken into the presence of Amiln of Napata, where he received a "Königsorakel" 

(Section 4) in which the god promised him universal kingship. However, 

also this "Königsorakel" needs confirmation in the form of a miraculous 

omen: this is a h

The Sources 

tion of what "Amim of Napata had spoken" to the Arnims of Kawa and Pnubs 

and to Bastet of Trt refers here to "Königsorakel" received at the stations of the 

coronation journey; it may also refer at the same time to the oracular decree the 

King received at Napata (cf. FHN I, 8, Comments on lines 1-13; 29, Comments 

on lines 32 ff.; in this volume 71, Comments on section 7). The identification of 

Trt with the Cadata/Radata of the Bion toponym list (where, according to Pliny, 

a golden cat [=the goddess Bastet] was worshiped, cf. 108) in the region of Napata 

is rather probable (cf. Hofmann 1971, 24; Zibelius 1972, 179 f.). The visit took 

place as the last episode of the coronation journey. Remarkably, the last episode 

of the traditional New Kingdom Egyptian enthronement rites is the suckling of 

the king (see Leclant 1961, 260 ff.; Török 1995, Ch. 13). The association of Bastet 

with royal legitimacy is also attested to by the epithet s3-Bstt in Piye's late titulary 

(FHN I, (5) 10). 

Section 6 presents a long list of temple restorations and donations (for the 

Puntite [?] origin of the timber used for the temple of Pr-§nwt [Grimal 1981, 104: 

the Amfin temple at Napata] see (77)). Apparently, all were carried out at the 

sanctuary of Amen-Rê at Napata, including the restoration of the "House of 

Million Years", the traditional designation of royal mortuary cult temples in 

New Kingdom Egypt (and the name of the Ramesseum in Thebes West, hwt nt 

hh m rnpwt hnmt W3st, "House-of-Million-Years-United-with-Thebes", cf. 

Stadelmann 1979, 178 f.). Since in New Kingdom Egypt (for Thebes see Stadelmann 

1979, 1985) the royal mortuary cult was associated with the cult and the 

temples of Amim, the House of Million Years at Napata may be identical with 

the great Amiin temple itself, but, more probably, designates a part of it. 

Section 7 lists Harsiyotef's wars: 

1. 2. 3. 4. 

Date of 

foe scene description 

beginning of conflict 

III prt 23 Rhrhs N Butana (?) stereotype 

II prt 4 Mddt E Desert (?) stereotype 

II smw 12 Mddt at Inrmr.t (?) detailed 

II §mw 4 Mddt E Desert (?) detailed 

Y. 11, I prt 4 rebels qn3.t (Mirgissa?) detailed 

Y. 16, I 3lit15 MIjiwf Lower Nubia stereotype 

Y. 18, I prt 13 Rhrhs at Meroe City detailed 

Y. 23, III §mw 29 Rhrhs at Meroe City detailed 

Y. 35, I prt 5 Mhiwf Lower Nubia detailed 

It emerges from the dates in columns 1-3 that the majority of the conflicts 

(five campaigns) started in the season of prt and these were directed mostly 

against the nomads in the N Butana (Rhrhs) or E of the Nile in the Kawa re 

461


gion (Mddt = Meded?); one expedition, however, went in I prt to Lower Nubia. 

Three campaigns started in the season of §mw, two of them against the Meded 

(?) and one against the Rhrhs; while only one campaign started, against rebels 

in Lower Nubia, in the early part of 311t.It would thus seem that some campaigns 

were deliberately initiated in a season better suited for warfare, and it 

may perhaps also be suggested (on the assumption that in the early 4th century 

BC there was a discrepancy of c. 9 months between the calendrical and the natural 

years) that the majority of the expeditions started after the season of the Inundation. 

This is especially interesting in the case of the campaigns to Lower 

Nubia (Years 11, 16, 35), which were thus carried out at the time of low Nile. As 

to the significance of the calendrical dates, the campaign in early 3ht in Year 16 

against the Mddt may also be interpreted as a "ritual war" after the New Year. 

Column 4 refers to the type of comment added to the basic annalistic data in 

the inscription. The different amounts of detail may indicate that the royal 

archives contained yearly records of varying meticulousness but may also indirectly 

indicate that some campaigns were minor, and perhaps less successful, affairs 

and therefore recorded retrospectively only in a stereotypical manrter 

while other campaigns were on a larger scale. In some of the reports the details 

are embellished with traditional formulae of great antiquity. E.g., in Year 6 the 

vanquished chief of the Mddt seeks for peace with the words: "I am a woman", 

recalling Piye's Great Triumphal Stela (FHN I, 9 149 f.). It is difficult to decide 

whether, and when, the King led an expedition in person, unless it is stated 

clearly, as in the case of the Lower Nubian campaign of Year 11, that the King 

sent his "servant" Gasau against the rebels. The wording of the reports on the 

campaigns in Years 5 and 6 against the Mddt, in Year 11 against the rebels laying 

siege to the town of q.cmt, and in Years 16 and 35 against rebels in Lower Nubia 

is rather clear as to the absence of Harsiyotef from the fighting. Some of the reports 

abound in details: the narrative on the war in Year 35 seems, e.g., to contain 

a passage (lines 116-118) on a surpise attack. The language is, however, 

rather too poetical, and the interpretation of the passage remains doubtful. 

The conflict of Year 11 is particularly interesting as regards a Kushite presence 

in Lower Nubia. The possession of the town of krn.t, if identical with Mirgissa, 

indicates not only control of the territory as far north as the Second 

Cataract but also of the territory between the Second and First Cataracts. The defeated 

rebels fled to Swn.t (Aswan), i.e., to Egyptian territory, which indicates 

Egyptian participation in or support for their attempt to destroy Harsiyotef's position 

at qcm.t. The name of one of the leaders of the rebels, S-Ymn-s, may be that 

of a local chief with an Egyptianized or Kushiticized cultural background. 

The conflicts not only indicate an increasing Kushite presence in Lower 

Nubia but also describe a recurrent problem in internal politics, viz., the position 

of the apparently wealthy cattle-breeding nomads on the fringes of the 

kingdom (the Mddt) and within its borders (the Rhrhs). In Years 18 and 23 the 

Rhrhs had to be fought at the City of Meroe; and, remembering that they had to 

462

The Sources 

be pacified by Irike-Amannote before he could start his coronation journey to 

Napata (71 5 ff., cf. Macadam 1949, 54 note 12), there can be no doubt that they 

had been living for a long time on the Island of Meroe N of Meroe City and 

thus were Kushite subjects. The recurrent conflicts indicate not only that they 

may have been difficult subjects, but also that their wealth in cattle represented 

a source of (prestige) income for the Kushite ruler also beyond the—presumably—legally 

established tribute or taxes. 

Section 8 records two building campaigns. Both were prompted by what 

seem to be oracular "commands" of the god: they are introduced like the oracle 

in Section 3 with the words: "They spoke to me saying". The first concerned the 

restoration of a temple called Nbw-n-p;-nh (Grimal 1981, 105:Nwb-n-p3-nh). The 

oracle is dated to the third month of prt, the day of Ptah, i.e., Phamenoth 1, 

originally the day of a local Ptah feast at Memphis which by the New Kingdom 

was a national feast celebrated at Thebes as Pth m hbf n chl pt, "Ptah-in-His-Feastof-Lifting-the-Sky", 

and later, as a consequence of the assimilation of Ptah with 

Amfm, as 'Imn m hbf n pt, "AmCm-in-His-Feast-of-Lifting-the-Sky". It cannot 

be decided, however, whether the feast in Kush was inspired by earlier 

(Twenty-Fifth Dynasty) contacts with Thebes or was taken over from a later 

Egyptian festival calendar (cf. Altenmiiller 1975, 177). The second, undated, oracle 

initiates the restoration of the pr-n-nsw at Napata, a royal palace (which is 

obviously not identical with Harsiyotef's residential palace) and of sixty houses 

(the latter were also provided with an enclosure wall: hence presumably 

priest's houses in a temple temenos?). Section 9 records donations of gardens in 

the neighbourhood of Napata and Meroe City and of garden products to Amim 

of Napata. The donation of gardens at Meroe City indicates a wide dispersion of 

landed estates of the individual sanctuaries in the land. 

Finally, Section 10 records without dates, festivals of gods celebrated 

throughout the country: of Osiris in (Sedeinga in Lower Nubia N of the 

Third Cataract, cf. Vercoutter 1961, 101 note 2; Zibelius 1972, 97), Osiris in the 

City of Meroe, Osiris and Isis in M-r;.tLt (Defeia in the Khartoum area, Vercoutter 

1961, 97 ff.; Zibelius 1972, 125; the temple was probably built or restored by 

Aspelta, for his sphinx from Defeia see Vercoutter 1961), four festivals of Osiris 

and Isis in G;rr.t (?), a festival of Osiris, Isis and Horus in Shr;s;.t (Vercoutter 

1961, 101 note 2: Sakolkhe of Ptolemaios; Zibelius 1972, 151: unidentifiable), 

Osiris and Amfin in Sk;r3g3.t(Sakolkhe of Ptolemaios = Saco[l]a of Juba at the 

junction of Nile and Atbara, in the N Butana, cf. FHN III, 186; Zibelius 1972, 

152), Horus in KLmtl.t (unidentified), Rê in M§;.t (= Mht, Abu Simbel, Zibelius 

1972, 126 f.), Onuris in j.t (unidentified), Osiris in Napata and in Nh3n3.t 

(Macadam 1949, 79: in the region of Korti; Zibelius 1972, 139: on the island of 

Sai?), Osiris and Isis in Pr-gm.t (Kawa) and Osiris in Pr-nbs (Pnubs). This geographical 

distribution is not without interest: 

463


Between the First and Second Cataracts: 

Between the Second and Third Cataracts 

Between the Third and Fourth Cataracts 

Northern Butana 

Khartoum area 

(79) Akitrataii. Titles. Evidence for reign. 

Abu Simbel 

Sedeinga 

Sai (?) 

Tabo 

Kawa 

Napata 

Mum.t (?) 

Sic;r3g3.t 

Meroe City 

Defeia 

[LT] 

Titles 

1. Statue from the Arnfin temple (B 500) at Gebel Barkal (Napata), now Boston 

MFA 23.735, Dunham-Macadam 1949, 141; Dunham 1970, 23, fig. 16. 2. Son-of- 

Rê name on a block from chapel of Nu. 14, Dunham-Macadam 1949, 141; Dunham 

1955, fig. 188. 


Horus name 

Throne name 


1. 

Ki-nht Tm Nd-it=f 

"Mighty-Bull Whose-arm-is-powerful 

Protector-of-his-father" 

Nfr-ib-W 

The Sources 

see Grimal 1986, 568 with note 46; in general cf. Wildung 1975, 15). The direct 

model for the title may, however, have been the Horus name of Nectanebos I 

(Beckerath 1984, XXX H 1-4). If so, Akhratari's assumed chronological position 

would also be supported by a post quem (Nectanebos I reigned between 380-362 

BC). It cannot be entirely excluded that Akhratari also assumed the latter's 

Golden Horus name (see the fragmentary titulary in document 2, and cf. Beckerath 

1984, XXX G 1-2). His Throne name repeats the Throne name of his third 

predecessor Irike-Amannote (see (69) 1-4) which indicates Akhratari's descent 

from Harsiyotef who similarly emphasized the notion of dynastic continuity 

with Irike-Amannote (cf. (77), Comments). 

Akhratari's Gebel Barkal statue, though far smaller (height with head and 

feet missing 0.855 m), was carved in the tradition of Twenty-Fifth Dynasty and 

early Napatan period royal cult statues from Gebel Barkal (cf. Dunham 1970, Pls 

VII-XXII, note the archaizing belt with cartouche); but its flat, smooth modelling 

and lack of anatomical detail also indicate the impact of contemporary 

Egyptian sculpture. 

[LTI 

(80) Amanibakhi. Evidence for reign. 

Amanibakhi's ('lmn-bhi) titulary is not preserved, and his filiation and relationships 

are unknown. Though his burial at Nuri could not be identified, his 

round-topped granite mortuary stela (see 81) and granite offering table 

(Dunham 1955, 272, fig. 213 B) found in a secondary use in "Church 100" in the 

territory of the Nuri cemetery strongly indicate that he had been buried in this 

royal necropolis. He is allotted a place in the royal sequence between Akhratari 

and Nastaseri in an entirely hypothetical manner, though the character of his 

monuments does not contradict a dating to the second half of the 4th century 

BC (cf. Hintze 1959, 24). 

[LT] 

81 Mortuary stela of Amanibakhi. Second half of the 4th cent. BC (?). 

Boston MFA 21.3236. Leprohon 1991, 127-130. 


LUNETTE 

In front of Isis, under outspread wings of sundisc (one column, reading from 

right to left): 

(1) 1st 

(1) Isis 

465


In front of Osiris, under outspread wings of sundisc 

(two columns, reading from right to left): 

(1) Wsir hnt(y) (2) Irrint(yw) 

(1)Osiris, Foremost (2)of the Westerners 

In front of King, under outspread wings of sundisc 

(one column, reading from left to right): 

(1) Imn-bh 

(1) Amani-bakhi 

MAIN TEXT (six lines, reading from right to left): 

(1) dd-mdw in Wsir Nsw-bity Imn-bh hrw 

Utterance by the King-of-Upper-and-Lower-Egypt Amani-bakhi, justified: 

inr.ril=i 

(2) Irhavel brought rin my hand'. 

inr.n1=1 Wsir s(3)[-lrn=i' hr3' 

I rhavel brought Osiris (3) r — — 

di=k k W-r-rsl-n-dy (4) hr s3w=k 

May you cause Wrrsmndyto enter (4) protecting you 

shr(5)=f n=k sbyw=k 

that he may (5) overthrow for you your enemies 

(6) r—"ivsi m hsf n-di iw'=k 

(6) 

[RFLP] 

Comments 

The round-topped granite stela (height 56.5 cm, width 40.0 cm, depth 21.8-24.0 

cm) was found in a secondary position (together with the King's granite offering 

table, Dunham 1955, 272, fig. 213/B) in "Church 100" at Nuri. The scene in 

the lunette shows the figures of the King on the right (facing left), protected by 

the outstretched wings of the sundisc, wearing an ankle-length tunic and a coat 

tied over his right shoulder (for the origins and development of the dress see 

Török 1990) and, separated from the King by an offering table loaded with 

loaves of bread, the mummiform Osiris and, behind him, Isis. The god wears 

an atef-crown and a broad collar, and holds a crook and a flail. The goddess 

wears on her head the st sign and is clad in a tight-fitting robe. The neatly engraved 

text reproduces traditional formulae in a language judged by Leprohon 

466

The Sources 

(1991, 127) to be "largely unintelligible written in the pseudo-Egyptian often 

found in Sudanese stelae from this period"; a view which is not entirely shared 

by the editors of the FHN. 

(82) Nastaseii. Titles. 

Sources: 1. Stela from Year 8, Berlin Ägyptisches Museum 2268 (.84), Schäfer 

1901, 96. Only Son-of-Rê name: 2. on the silver handle of a bronze mirror Khartoum 

1374, from Nu. 15, Dunham-Macadam 1949, 145; Dunham 1955, fig. 193. 3. 

Shawabti figures from Nu. 15, Dunham 1955, fig. 203. 


1. 2. and 3. 

Horus name K3-nht Mr-Psdt tic-m-Npy 

"Mighty Bull, Beloved-of-the 

Ennead, Appearing-in-Napata" 

Nebty name Nebty 

Golden Horus 

Throne name K3-nh-Re 

"Rs-a-living-ka" 


Comments 

The structure of the titulary and the majority of the individual titles are unusual, 

the more so because the titulary introduces a text of truly monumental 

character and the anomaly indicates an attempt at the autonomous use of concepts 

and language. At the same time, however, an—at least temporary—abandonment 

of the tradition of the five-part titulary seems obvious too. 

In the Horus name is also included the traditional utterance about the enthronement 

at Napata first assumed as Horus name by Piye (cf. FHN I, (5) 1) 

and resurrected by Harsiyotef (in this volume, (76) 1). There are no Nebty and 

Golden Horus names (the epithet Hr 1c;ptpt tw=f sHw hr dbw following in line 1 

the Son-of-Rê name was believed by Dunham-Macadam 1949, 145 and, after 

them, Beckerath 1984, Anh. 27 G., to have been intended to be a Golden Horus 

name, but it is more probably the first phrase in the eulogy of the King). 

Though the throne name is unique, its structure is not unusual and apparently 

had been based on a traditional Kushite throne name type consisting of the element 

1c3-1Z(see FHN I, (52), Cornments). 

[LT] 

467

(83) Nastaseri. Evidence for reign. 


While the name and identity of Nastaseri's father remain unknown, his 

mother, Pelkha, is represented in the lunette of Nastaseri's Annals (84) where 

she bears the titles "mother of the king, royal sister, mistress of Kush". The second 

of these titles seems to indicate that she was the wife of a king; consequently, 

Nastaseri was the son of a ruler (Dunham-Macadam 1949, 145 suggest 

Harsiyotef; but Harsiyotef and Nastaseri are separated from each other by two or 

three ruler generations). In the lunette of the Annals Nastaseri's wife, queen 

Sekhmakh, is also represented, bearing the titles of a "king's daughter, king's 

wife, mistress of Egypt". Besides 84, from his reign only objects from his burial 

Nu. 15 (Dunham 1955, 246-250), among them a splendid bronze mirror with inscribed 

(cf. (82) 2) silver handle,149 and the burial itself, have survived. The 

burials of Pelkha and Sekhmakh could not be identified, but the latter's grey 

granite funerary stela (Khartoum 1853) was found in a secondary position built 

into a Meroitic wall in room 551 of the great Amån temple (Khartoum 1853, 

Dunham 1970, 34, Pl. XXXIV, bottom lines of hieroglyphic text cut off, only an 

unintelligible photograph published; a better photograph: Wenig 1978, Cat. 73). 

It was in all probability carried over as building material from the cemetery of 

Nuri on the opposite bank of the Nile. 

The only surviving textual document of Nastaseri's reign, i.e., his Annals 

(=84) from his eighth regnal year, lays special emphasis on the King's close dy- 

nastic ties with Harsiyotef. As to their conceptual accents, structure, and style, 

the documents of Harsiyotef and Nastaseri represent a rather homogeneous 

and special unit within the continuum of Kushite royal monuments. They 

may be regarded, even if they stand alone in a cultural vacuum—for only very 

few monuments of other sorts are preserved from the reign of either ruler—as 

documents of a new imperial era of prosperity and territorial expansion. 

Though the new era is intellectually anchored in earlier Kushite tradition, a 

shift of accents can be observed in the enthronement rituals and in the genre of 

the monumental royal texts: the prominence of warfare not only suggests a 

conscious emphasis on the concept of legitimacy "proved" by triumph, but 

primarily indicates an offensive policy. As suggested above (see (70)), this policy 

was probably initiated by Irike-Amannote and was necessarily directed against 

Egypt, as its direct (and first?) target was the control of the poorly populated but 

strategically important Lower Nubian area which was part of Kush until the 

early 6th century BC when it came under Egyptian control (cf. FHN I, (36), 41- 43, 

64). By the 4th century BC, however, Egyptian supremacy seems to have given 

way to some political independence for the local "princes". 

149 Dunham 1955, 249, fig. 193, Pl. XCII/B-F; it closely follows a handle type with bold relief 

images of four goddesses [Shabago, Boston MFA 21.3181 or the Theban triad+the king [Amaninataki-lebte, 

Wenig 1978, Cat. 115]; on Nastasefi's mirror handle: the Theban triad+Hathor. 

468

The Sources 

In different ways, both Harsiyotef and Nastaseri strongly emphasize their 

connection with Irike-Amannote, though wisely embedding it in the concept of 

dynastic continuity from Alara. Harsiyotef's Annals also convey the impression 

that the period after Irike-Amannote's reign was one of troubled internal politics. 

Harsiyotef himself seems to have enforced his succession; and dynastic 

conflicts, or at least radically changing interpretations of individual successions 

and their legitimacy are also suggested by changes in the royal burial grounds. 

While Irike-Amannote, Baskakeren, Harsiyotef, Akhratari, Amanibakhi, and 

Nastaseri were buried in the traditional royal necropolis of Nuri opened by 

Taharqo (see FHN I, (19)), there was a ruler whose name is not preserved and 

whose reign is hypothetically dated between Harsiyotef and Akhratari (Dunham 

1957 6)—but could be dated with equal justification before Harsiyotef or after 

Akhratari—who was buried at el Kurru, in the cemetery of the pre-Twenty- 

Fifth Dynasty ancestors and the kings and queens of the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty 

(Dunham 1950). Since his pyramid Ku. 1 is one of the largest of the Kushite 

royal pyramids (and Ku. 2, the pyramid of his queen, is the largest in the section 

of the queens at el Kurru), the significance of the change of the royal burial 

place for one single generation by this anonymous ruler cannot be underestimated. 

Just as the move from Nuri to el Kurru is suggestive of a re-emphasis of 

dynastic continuity with the earliest great kings as well as of a conflict or discord 

with the house of the immediate predecessors buried at Nuri, so too is the 

return to Nuri in the next generation indicative of the physical or ideological 

disruption of the line of the king of Ku. 1 and the restoration of the line of his 

immediate predecessor. The "episode"—in fact, judging by the size of Ku. 1 and 

2, by no means a brief or poor one—of the reign of the king of Ku. 1 is a chapter 

in the story of Harsiyotef's succession and, in broader terms, in the story 

starting with Irike-Amannote's new, aggressive policy. 

For lack of evidence, the course of the story remains only vaguely understood. 

Looking at it from the perspective of Egypt, however, we find that it was 

part of a broader context. Irike-Amannote's aggressive titulary assumed on his 

ascent to the throne (see (69) 1, (70)) indicates a political intention generated by 

information arriving in Kush about the struggle going on in Egypt between the 

Persian rulers and the "nationalist" rebels whom Amyrtaeus led into revolt in 

404 BC. After the death of Darius II, Amyrtaeus (probably a Hellenized form of 

Imn-ir-di-s, cf. Meulenaere 1973, 253), the only king of the Twenty-Eighth Dynasty 

(404-399 BC), was recognized all over Egypt, except in Elephantine where 

the Jewish colony accepted his rule only from 400 BC (Kraeling 1953, 283). 

Jewish opposition to the anti-Persian party might well have involved Kushite 

support, sympathy, or intent to exploit the instability in Egypt. The Twenty- 

Ninth Dynasty (399-380 BC) entered the scene with violence (Kienitz 1953, 78 f.) 

and ruled over a country that was disturbed by a constant, bitter struggle for 

power (cf. the Demotic Chronicle, for literature see Kaplony 1974; for dynastic 

conflicts see Traunecker 1979, 432 ff.). The Thirtieth Dynasty (380-343 BC) was 

469


confronted in the beginning with internal opposition, and then by the threat of 

Persian re-occupation. Egypt escaped invasion in 373, and the next thirty years 

were those of a renaissance of Pharaonic culture, though far from being free 

from internal trouble. 

In 343 BC the Persians invaded the country; and the last king of the Thirtieth 

Dynasty, Nectanebos II, fled to Upper Egypt (for the history of the period cf. 

Lloyd 1983, 340 ff.) where he apparently managed to maintain his rule for another 

two years. There he might have received Kushite support or tried to involve 

Kush in his cause as is indicated by the story recorded by Diodorus 16, 51, 

1 (=84a) that he fled from the army of Artaxerxes to Aithiopia. Diodorus' story 

derives from the work of the 4th century BC historian Ephorus and, hence, is 

given credence by Burstein (1989a, 225 f., contra Török 1989, 70) who also interprets 

Nectanebos's Nubian flight, as does earlier literature (cf. Lloyd 1983, 346, 

according to whom the flight to Nubia followed Nectanebos's two year stay in 

Upper Egypt), as a sign of a good relationship between the last king of the Thirtieth 

Dynasty and the ruler of Kush. 

The flight of Nectanebos II to Nubia is connected in the literature (Kienitz 

1953, 135; Hintze 1959, 17 ff.) with an event in Nastaseft's first regnal year (see 84 

39 ff.), viz., Nastaseri's campaign against Kambasawden, identified as the Egyptian 

"Gegenkönig" Khababash in the time of Arses (?) and Darius III around 

338/7-335 BC,150 who appeared with a fleet in Lower Nubia. After his victory 

over Kambasawden, Nastaseri is recorded as having conquered lands between 

Krtpt (?) and Trdpht (?) in Lower Nubia and as having taken Kambasawden's 

cattle. On the assumption—unsupported by any independent evidence—that 

Nectanebos's flight to Nubia and the Kambasawden conflict in 84 coincided, 

these latter details suggested to writers on the period that, if Kambasawden and 

Khababash were identical, then Khababash would have been a prince of Lower 

Nubia who "would have eventually come into conflict with Nastasen by espousing 

the interests of Nectanebos II and then having himself proclaimed 

pharaoh" (Grimal 1992, 381). The Egyptian evidence concerning Khababash 

(Kienitz 1953, 135, 185-189; Meulenaere 1975; Spalinger 1978; cf. also Johnson 

1984, 111; Huss 1994, 11) strongly suggests his Libyan origin and Lower Egyptian 

background (for the circumstantial evidence of the Satrap Stela [Urk. II, 11 ff.; 

Bianchi 1983] concerning the pre-Macedonian date of his reign see the remark 

in Török 1989, 70). But if he was not a Nubian prince, he must either have been 

taken into the protection of a Lower Nubian prince, or have himself conquered 

territories in Lower Nubia after his expulsion from Egypt. Finally, the possibility 

must also be taken into consideration that Khababash was not identical with 

Nastaseri's opponent Kambasawden (for this last-mentioned interpretation of 

150 For the identification: Hintze 1959, 17 ff.; for the chronology of and evidence for Khababash's 

reign Kienitz 1953, 135, 188; for a dating to 343-338/7 BC see Spalinger 1978, 142 ff.; a different, 

less probable dating to 333-331 BC: Welles 1970. 

470

The Sources 

the evidence see also Katznelson 1966, 89 ff.; Spalinger 1978, 147). Be this as it 

may, knowledge of the power relatiorts during the sad decade of the second Persian 

occupation of Egypt (343-332 BC) and the subsequent years may have further 

convinced the ruler of Kush that the policy initiated by Irike-Amannote 

and Harsiyotef and aimed at a complete occupation of Lower Nubia was correct 

and that the times were opportune. 

Ever since Hintze's suggestion that Kambasawden might be identical with 

Khababash (Hintze 1959, 17 ff.), Nastaseri's chronological position has been 

made dependent on Khababash's, whence it is generally supposed that Nastaseri's 

Year 1 is to be dated to the time around Khababash's last year, i.e., 336/5 

BC (thus also Török 1988, 178). As demonstrated above, the case is not unambiguous; 

and I prefer here to disregard Khababash's dating and to assign Nastaseri 

a place in the royal chronology in more general terms in the second half of 

the 4th century BC, with a preference for the last third of the century. 

In 84 Nastaseri records the wars of the first eight years of his reign: their 

number is large, and they reflect a difficult period in which the territorial integrity 

of the kingdom inherited from Harsiyotef had to be defended against rebening 

local princes in Lower Nubia and rebels and invading nomads in the 

South. Following Kambasawden's defeat (see above), Nastaseri made donations 

to temples in the Lower Nubian towns 7.3-nm-nw-t and S3-1(3-s3-1(3-di-t (?) which 

indicates the existence of cult institutions of an Egyptianized or Kushiticized 

type in that area. Subsequently, expeditions were sent against the territories of 

Mhndqnntt (?), R3-b3-rw (?), licrkr (?), and 'Irrs. In the course of the last-named 

campaign the prince of Mht, i.e., Abu Simbel (Zibelius 1972, 86) was taken prisoner, 

thus this conflict is again to be localised in the Lower Nubian area. Furthermore, 

campaigns were sent against the Mh§rhrt (?), the M3-y-lc; (?) and the 

well-known Mdd (Meded) nomads living E of the Nile (cf. 71, Comments) and 

invading, like their ancestors in the previous centuries, the area of Kawa. 

[LT] 

84 Stela of Nastaseil from Year 8. Second half of the 4th cent. BC. 

Berlin Agyptisches Museum 2268. Urk. 111.2, 137-152. 


UNDER WINGED SUNDISC (one column, reading right to left) 

N-i-s-t3-s-ne 

Nastasen 

Bhdt(y) ntr nb pt di qi.11 w;s 

The Behdetite, the great god, lord of heaven, given life and dominion. 

471

LEFT HALF 

TITLE OF HUMAN-HEADED AMeN 


Imn-W nb nswt T3wy hnt(y) Ipt-swt 

Amen-Rê, lord of the Thrones of Two-lands (Egypt), foremost of Karnak, 

di nh dd w3s nb mi Rc dt 

given all life stability, and dominion, like I*, for ever. 

dd mdw 

Utterance: 

di.n(=i) n=k t3w nb luswt pdt psclt 

I have given you all lands, desert countries, and the Nine Bows, 

dm3 hr tbwy=k 

bound together under your sandals, 

miR dt 

like Rê, for ever. 

THE KING 

Nsw-bity K3-111-3-W 

The King-of-Upper-and-Lower-Egypt: "Rê-is-a-living-ka", 

S3-W 

Son-of-Rê: Nastasen. 

IN FRONT OF KING 

rd wd3 n it=f 

Giving a pectoral to his father. 

BEHIND THE KING 

TITLE OF QUEEN 

sn(t)-nsw mw(t)-nsw hnwt KS P-r-h3 

The king's sister, king's mother, Mistress of Kush, Pelkha. 

rdi.n=51 p3sh m Npy 

She gave the diadem in Napata 

472

The Sources 

dd smn.n it=s k3 n p3h3 1:Ir-3hty 

because her father established the shrine of the headcloth of We-Harakhty. 

ir sg=s n=k 

Playing her sistrum for you. 

RIGHT HALF 

TITLE OF RAM-HEADED AMON 

Npt hr-ib mb ntr hnt T3-Stt 

Amiin of Napata, who dwells in mountain (Gebel Barkal), the great 

god, foremost of Bow-land (Nubia). 

di=f 1-111W3S nb dt 

He gives all life and dominion for ever. 

dd mdw 

Utterance: 

dd mdw 

Utterance: 

di.n(=i) n=k crih w3s nb dd nb snb nb 3w(t)-ib 

I have given you all life and dominion, all stability, all health, and happiness. 

di.n(=i) k rnpwt nhh Fj hr st-Hr dt 

I have given you endless years appearing on the throne of Horus for ever. 

rd(t) wd3 n it=f 

Giving a pectoral to his father. 

di(=i) ir n=k nbw dbn n ibd sp 4 

I had made for you a deben-weight of gold in (Repeat) four times. 

s3(t)-nsw rhm(t)l-nsw rhnwtl Kmt S-h-rn3-h 

The king's daughter, king's rwife, mistress' of Egypt, Sekhmakh. 

p 

MAIN TEXT 

(1) h3t-sp 8 3bd tpy prt SW 9 hr 

(1) Regnal year 8, first month of Winter, 9th day, under 

473


Hr K3-nht Mry-Psdt I=P-m-Npy 

Horus: Mighty bull, Beloved-of-the-Ennead, Appearing-in-Napata, 

Nbty S3-W Hr 

Two-Ladies: Son-of-I*: Nastasen, The Horus, 

ptpt t3y=f sbiw hr tb(wy) 

the bull who tramples those who rebel against him under (his) sandals, 

p3 (2) I113 in Iry

S3 1st 

son of Isis; 

sdr 

the powerful one, 

gm n3 ntrw iry (4) ms 

rwhose birth (4) the gods decided'; 

hw T3wy 

who protects Two-lands (Egypt); 

S3-1".( 

Son-of-Rê: Nastasen. 

S3 Imn 

the son of Ami2m, 

The Sources 

sriu< m pt 

who rputs (things) in order' in heaven, 

ti=1 rhltl=tn 

I have (hereby) informed you, 

Nsw-bity K3-

dd=i w dd 

and I spoke them, saying, 


im-tn s(6)y wIjl3 s n-m=n wp n p3y=n sr 

Come, g(6)o, (and) look for rhiml with us (i.e., me), rnamely,' our prince!" 

dd=w =1 dd 

They spoke me, saying, 

bn lw=n siy n-m=I152 

"We should not go with you.153 

ntk p3y=f 'r{nv‘,T} nfr 

It is you that are his "good son". 

ir=f mr n=k Npy (7) pyltwl=k it nfr 

He wanted you, (to wit) Amim of Napata, (7) your good father." 

cii=1 th3m dw3 

I had (people) summoned early the next day, 

ph=i r 

and I reached Asterese.154 

di=i sdr sw p=i 1:)q) 

I had my r---1 pass the night 

sdm=f (read: =i) m Npy 

He (for: I) heard from Napata. 

dd=w 

They said, 

i(8)w=f mdynt t nbitl 

"He (8) he shall every land." 

hrp=i dw3w 

I arose early at dawn, 

ph=i 

and I reached Teqi. 

152 Read: =k. 

153Text: "me". 

154 An otherwise unknown oasis in the Bayuda Desert (Priese 1963, 24, n.2). Abu Tuleih? Cf. Zibelius 

1972, 92-93. 

476

The Sources 

sw p; m3

ph r Pr-e; 

and I reached the Great House. 


1r=w (13) n 1-r=1 rmt c; h(m)-ntr 'Imn dr=w 

They (13) rmade obeisance' to me, (to wit) all the notables and priests of 

iry=w sm3 1-r=i n nb 

They blessed me, (to wit) every mouth. 

ti=1 si hry 

I had (everyone) go up 

(hr) wn sb3 c; 

and opened the great portals. 

iry=w iry =1 p3 wn iw (14) iry p3=1 srh rh3t nfr' 

They made for me r— ' to (14) make my titulary r— 

s'Ipt-swt Pr-nbw 

making Karnak and the House of Gold great. 

cld=1 n=f Npy py=i it nfr mdt=i p3 wnwn nb{t} m ht=1 

I told him, (to wit) Amûri of Napata, my good father, my affairs, all that was in 

my heart; 

iw scirn (15) n-m=1 'Imn Np p3=1 r3 

and Arrulln of Napata (15) listened to me, (i.e. to) my speech. 

di.n=f =1 'Imn Npy p3=1 it nfr 

He gave me, (to wit) Amiin of Napata, my good father, 

ns(yt) n p3 t3 n Sti 

the kingship of the Bow-land (Nubia), 

p3 iyy nsw Hr-s3-it=f 

the crown of king "Horus-son-of-his-father" (Harsiotef), 

(16) nht nsw P-(nh)-1-13-r3 

(16) and the power of king Pi(ankh)y-Alara. 

3bd3 3ht sw rqlsyl 

Third mortth of Inundation, last day. 

di=111 Npy p=1 it nfr 

I had Amfirt of Napata, my good father, appear (in procession) 

478

(r) bl r3-pr c3 

and come outside the great temple. 

The Sources 

di=f =I ns(yt) p(3)t3 St(y) 1-r3-t(17) rpdt psdt' p3 r d(b)' 2 p3 4 Isl:tw 

He gave me the kingship of the Bow-land (Nubia), Are, (17) the Nine Bows, the 

Two Banks (of the Nile), and the Four Corners (of the Land). 

dd(=i) py=i mdt nfr y-r-m{t}=f P3-W 

I spoke my good speech with him, (to wit) Pfe; 

dd=i n=f Np t mdt 

and I spoke to him, (to wit) AmCin of Napata, this speech, 

ntk p3 nty iw(18)=k iry sw =I 

"You are the one who (18) did it me. 

ir=f sdm =1 t3 nb rm nb 

You (text: he) made every land and every people listen me. 

di=k r=I m B3-n-w3-t 

You had the call (go out) for me from Barawe (Meroe), 

ii=i i-iry-n=k 

that I should come to you. 

di=k =I n p3 T3-St(y) 

You made it rsubjectl to me, (to wit) the rulership of the Bow-land (Nubia) 

i(19)w bw rdi sw rm m nsw 

for (19) men did not make him (for: me) king 

hlw py=f 24 

on the day, its 24th; 

di.n=k n=i t. 

(rather) you gave me rulership." 

iw wn rmw sdr hn rmw r— —'w nb(t} rhrl w3t 

When all the powerful men and r-1 men were r0n1 the road, 

hnhn(=i) (20) bf(t)-rhrl 

I danced (20) before Rê, 

ph(=i) hr st r-1 

(I) reached the place rof sacrifice'. 

479

til(=i) 1W32 


(I) rtookl two (head of) long-horned oxen. 

si(=i) hr(y) 

(I) went up, 

hms(=i) rhrl bdy (n) nbw 

(and I) sat down upon the throne of gold 

m 'Ipt-swt (n) nbw luyb(t) m hrw pn 

in the Karnak of gold, the shade, on this day. 

dd=w rmw nb dd 

They spoke, (to wit) all the people, saying, 

(21) iw=f iry nfr mdt (n) rmw nbIti 

(21)"He will make things good for everybody. 

di=f n=f 'Imn Npy t nh wd3 snb n p3 T3-St(y) 

He gave to him, (to wit) Amiin of Napata, the rulership—life, prosperity, 

health—of the Bow-land (Nubia). 

S3-W si hr(y) 

The Son-of-Rê: Nastasen is gone up 

hms hr bdy (n) nbw m h3yb(22)(t) m hrw pn 

and is seated on the throne of gold, in the shad(22)e, on this day. 

iw=f iry nsw hms nmm m B-n-w3-t 

He will be king, dwelling and r-1 in Berawe (Meroe)." 

313c1 1 prt sw 12 

First month of Winter, 12th day. 

ti=i m hd i-ir 'Imn Pr-gmt pw=1 it (23) nfr. 

I had (us) go and sail downstream to Amån of House-of-finding (Kawa), my (23) 

good father. 

di=1 'Imn Pr-gmt 

I had Amån of House-of-finding (Kawa) appear (in procession) 

li i-b-b-n Pr-3 

and come outside the Great House. 

cld(=i) p3y=i mdt nfr 1-n-m=f p1-Rc 

(I) spoke my good speech with him, (to wit) Prê, 

480

The Sources 

di.n=f =i ns(yt) (24) n Sty 

after he gave me the kingship (24)of Bow(-land), 

di=f =i p3


cld py=1 mdw nfr n-m=f (29) P3-IZ 

I spoke my good speech with him, (29) (to wit) Prê. 

dc1=1 =f 1.dd=f =1 

I told him what he had said me, 

mdw nfr dr Imn P3-gmt P3-nbs ntrw (30) dr 

(i.e.) all the good words of Amfin of House-of-finding (Kawa), Ainfin of Pnubs 

(Tabo), and all (30) the gods. 

hnhn(=i) 

(I) danced, 

ph(=i) hr st `—' 

(I) arrived at the place of r—i, 

rt3l(=i) 1w3 2 

(I) rtookl two (head of) long-horned oxen. 

si(=i) hry m p3 rim(3)'w 

(I) went down into the rtabernaclel, 

scir(.1) grh 4 

(I) spent four nights, 

iry(=i) p3 (31) nb{t} hrw 4 

and (I) did all the (31) `—' for four days. 

sly(=i) hry 

(I) went (back) up, 

ph(=i) hr st r—i 

(I) reached the place of r--1, 

rt3l(=1) 1w3 2 

and (I) rtookl two (head of) long-horned oxen. 

k(=i) m hwt-ntr 

(I) entered the temple complex 

hms=i (text: =f) hr p; sk3 m (32) Pr-3 nbw 

I (text: he) sat on the throne in (32) the House-of-r—1 of gold. 

sw 24 

The 24th day (of the month). 

482

The Sources 

siy(=i) hry i-ir B3stt hr(yt)-ib T-13-t py=i mwt nfr 

(I) went up to Bastet who dwells in Tele,155 my good mother. 

=1

it 1(3-n-n 4 

honey, kurara-vessels: 4; 

rityw 3 hipt 

(and) myrrh, 3 rhekatl-measures; 


(36) twtw n Irrin (n) Pi-gm-Itn nbw 1 

(36) image of Amiln of Finding-the-Aton (Kawa), gold: 1; 

rn nHr n nbw 2 

r---' of Horus of gold: 2, deben-weight 3; 

msdy hd 3 

mesed-vessels, silver: 3; 

k;-ch n hd 3; 

kutsha-vessels of silver: 3; 

ipt n hd 7 

apot-vessels of silver: 7; 

dmd 12 (sic), dbn 134. 

total, 12 (correct to: 13), deben-weight 134; 

1(3-13-r3 bb 2 

ku/ara-vessels, bronze: 2; 

hi(37)yt n mhr irt hmt 13 

cups (37) for milk-jugs, copper: 13; 

hnt n hnkt hmt 2 

beer jars, copper: 2; 

bb 6 

ha/a-vessels, bronze: 6; 

k3s bii 12 

kus-vessel, bronze: 12; 

msd hmt 6 

mesed-vessel, copper: 6. 

di=1 ir n=k Imn m ipt bd tpy mw sw rky 

I had made over to you, 0 Amûn in Opet, (in) the first month of Summer, last 

day: 

484

iw3 s(38)b 

long-horned oxen, castra(38)ted, 

ri ri 2 

r—l-cattle, r_i: 2; 

rb31 2 

r 1: 2; 

r_i nw rh31 1 

r-1-catt1e, r-1: 1; r—i: 1; 

bnw sm —] m — ] rrnpti 

benu-cup r — ' [ — [ — ryear', 

hy-n-13-t-133 bi3 16 

khiralatba-vessel, bronze: 16; 

th bi3 2 

tekh-vessel, bronze: 2; 

rb bi3 10 

reb-vessel, bronze: 10; 

lz)(39)t3 bh 2 

baa(39)tsha-vessel, bronze: 2; 

113 rbIS3i hmt 2 

ape-vessel, r—i, copper: 2; 

il 

Kambasawdenr-' came. 

The Sources 

`—' 2 

r—': 2; 

dmd 4 

total 4; 

dmd 2 

total 2; 

di(=i) sy r—' pdt m D3-r3-t 

(I) had a rforce' of bowmen go from Tshare.156 

thy 

Great slaughter. 

p3=f r-1 nb 

all his r—' 

h(3)1c(=i) wh n d nb (n) p3 w(r) 

(I) captured all the transport ships of the chief. 

di(=i) =f h3y 

I inflicted a slaughter on him. 

156 Cf. Zibelius 1972, 190. 

rh3" 2 dmd 4 

r—i: 2; total 4; 

485


b(=i) p3=fbwy nb (40) dybn nb lw; nb mn nb 

(I) seized all his lands, (40)all domestic animals, all long-horned oxen, all herds, 

nty senh irt nb rt3(1)" n K3-r3-tp-t ri T3-13-w-dy-t 

all that sustained eyes (i.e. people), from Kuratape157 to Tarawdie158. 

di(=i) sw n p3 nt k3k1 

I gave him/it to that which r-1 

iw h3y n-im{t}=f 

since slaughter was in it;159 

iw s(41)enh ir n-im{t}=f 

rin order to' let (41) live rthe people in it' 

iry=1 thnw n ne wet 

I made rescue for r — — ' 

d1=1 sw m T3-n-m-nw-t 1w3 hw 12 

I gave it rinl Taramnue,160 (to wit) protected long-horned oxen: 12 (head), 

p n Np iw.in=w hr m Np 

the property of Amim of Napata, which they brought down from Napata. 

3bd 4 (42) iht sw 26 

Fourth month (42) of Inundation, 26th day, 

h3w msw Si-Re N-1-s-b-s-ne 

the birthday of the Son-of-Res: Nastasen: 

di(=i) sw m S3-k3-s3-k3-dy-t 1w3 n md 6 

(I) gave it in Sakusakudie,161 (to wit) r—' long-horned oxen: 6 (head), 

p n Npt p3=I it nfr lw=w 11 Iir Np (43) 

the property of Amim of Napata, my good father, coming from Napa(43)ta. 

313c1 4 3ht e(rky) 

Fourth month of Inundation, last day (of the month), 

157 Cf. Zibelius 1972, 164; cf. lines 43-44. 

158 Cf. Zibelius 1972, 180. 

159 Or: in order to slaughter in it. 

160Cf. Zibelius 1972, 176. 

161 Cf. Zibelius 1972, 152. 

486

The Sources 

hw (n) dit sw pi sh n S;-Rc N-I-s-b-s-ne 

the day (of) giving it, (to wit) the seh-crown, to the Son-of-}M: Nastasen. 

cli=i iry n=k Np ktkt nit1 12 rhiptl 

I had made (over) to you, Amtin of Napata, rat once', rbarleyl: 12 rhekatl-measures, 

ndwt wd srk t (n) K3-13-(44)tp-t 

and fresh netshu-plants and serek-plants from Kulatepe162 to Taralqe.163 

di=i iry n=k lrnn Np p3=1 it nfr hffis hr T3-k-h-t-t 

I had made (over) to you, Amiin of Napata, my good father, (an endowment 

for) lamps in Taqtae.164 

di(=i) iny n=k h(;)k 

(I) had booty brought to you: 

iw; 300 mnmn 300 nbl 200 

long-horned oxen: 300 (head); livestock: 300 (head); rmenl: 200. 

Np (45) piy{t}=k {w} i,jp 2 nty bpr py{t}=k f nfr 

0 Amiin of Napata, (45) your two arms are what did (it), your awe is good. 

di=i n=k Np Rtk Wps mr—lk-w-w; (r) dr 

I gave you, 0 Amiln of Napata, all of Reteqe165 and Wepes166 in r— — — 

pyltl=k{w} t-k-b p3w (46) t3 hmt dmd 110 

Your rshare (of the booty)' (46) men and women, total: 110. 

hr kt 

And another (matter) again: 

iry=1 di si t() pcit hr sbyw M-hi-n-d-k-nn-t-t 

I had the archers go against the rebels of Mekhindekennete.167 

iry=w knkn n-m{t}=f 

They did battle with him. 

162 Cf. Zibelius 1972, 164; cf. ln. 41. 

163 Cf. Zibelius 1972, 176. 

164 Cf. Zibelius 1972, 182. 

165 Cf. Zibelius 1972, 145. 

166 Cf. Zibelius 1972, 104. 

167 Cf. Zibelius 1972, 127-128. 

487

luy 

Great slaughter. 

{n} pi (47) wr IyrOlk 

its (47) chief, Ayonku. 


di(=i) h(3)k hmt nb dbnt nbt nbw 

(I) took all the women, all the cattle, much gold: 

1w3 209659 mn(mn) 505349 hmt (48) 2236 ikyt n K3-b-r-dy-t 322 rhk3f 

long-horned oxen: 209,659 (head); livestock: 505,349 (head); women: (48) 2,236; 

sesame of Kutardie:168 322 rhekatl-measures. 

di=1 dit sw n pi 1(31c; iw ir shr-1nw t3 nb169 

I had it given to the `—' in order to r--1 every land. 

di=i iry n=k Np lubs hr K;-t3-1-(49)dy-t ikyt 12 . 

I had made for you, Amim of Napata, a (donation of) lamps at Kutal(49)clie,170 

sesame: 12 . 

di=i iry n=k hr-st bb 2 

I had made for you 2 large bronze lamps, 

di=i h=w hr n-p(r) W3st 

and had them set up in the temple of Dominion (Thebes). 

Np py=i it nfr 

0 Amiln of Napata, my good father, 

di=i iry n=k ktkt it 6 rhIc3t"hr 

I had barley, 6 rhekatl-measures, given to you rat once' in Kutaldi(sme. 171 

di=i wn n-pr n iw3 n nbw ik p(3) n Np p=i it nfr 

I had the temple of the Long-horned Bull of Gold, the rimagel, the one of 

Amiin of Napata, my good father, opened. 

kt 

Another (matter) again. 

168Cf. Zibelius 1972, 164; cf. ln. 48-49, 49-50. 

169This passage, which is in part repeated below in hne 40, is particularly difficult to construe 

and interpret. 

170Cf. Zibehus 1972, 164; cf. 1n. 48, 49-50. 

171Cf. Zibehus 1972, 164; cf. ln. 48, 48-49. 

488

The Sources 

di=i si t(3) pdt hr sby 1-1(3-(51)13-k3-r-rol-t 

I had the bowmen go against the rebel(s) of Rebala172 and Aku(51)lakurrol.173 

di=i h3y 

I caused a great slaughter. 

rt3l(=i) p3 w(r) 

(I) seized the chief, Lubrolden, 

p3y=f nbt n nbw nn ip 

all his property in abundant gold, beyond reckoning, 

iw3 203,216 mn(mn) 603,107 hmt nb 

long-horned oxen: 203,216 (head), livestock: 603,107 (head), all the women, 

p3 nty (52) lw=w sq-111ir n-im=w nb 

and all that (52) by which a person is kept alive. 

sw p3 w(r) Np py=i it nfr 

I gave him, (to wit) the chief, to Amun of Napata, my good father. 

pyltwl=k hpg sdr py{t}=k s-h nfr 

Your arm is strong, your rcounsell good. 

hr 

And again: 

di=i msh ,s(53) e3 hr sbyt 

I sent many (53) levies (lit.: calls) against the rebel country Arrasa.174 

di=i h3y 


di=i t3 p3 wr n M3-1:13-t 

I had the chief of Mahae,175 Absrol seized. 

13(3)k(=i) hmt nbt dybnty nbt 

(I) captured all the women, all the domestic animals, 

nbw dbn 1212 

gold, deben-weight: 1,212, 

172 Cf. Zibelius 1972, 144. 

173 Cf. Zibelius 1972, 95. 

174 The region of Abu Simbel, cf. Zibelius 1972, 86. 

175Abu Simbel ?, cf. Zibelius 1972, 126-127. 

489

1w3 22120 (54) 

long-horned oxen: 22,120 (54) (head); 


hmt nbt mn(mn) 55200 

all the women, and livestock: 55,200 (head). 

di(=i) sw p3 wr py=f{r} §13 Imn Np py=1 it nfr 

I gave it, (to wit) the chief and his property, Amfin of Napata, my good father. 

py{tw}=k rn nfr p;y={tw}=k §f nfr 

Your great name is good, your awesomeness is good. 

kt 

Another (matter) again. 

di(55)=I si=f t pclt hr sbyt M-b-§-r-h-r-ti 

I (55) had it, (to wit) the bowmen, go against the rebel land of Makhsherkharta.176 

di=1 lyy 


di=1 t p3 wr p3 nty iw=f{r} senh irt n-im=f nb{t} hmt nbt 

I had the chief and all that by which he sustains people and all the women 

seized. 

di=i rs'w hr-r=1 

I put it under me (i.e, took possession of it). 

h(3)(56)k(=i) iw; 203146 mnmn 33050 

(I) cap(56)tured long-horned oxen: 203,146 (head); livestock: 33,050 (head). 

Imn Npy py=i it nfr 

Amtin of Napata, my good father, 

p3y{tw}=k bp§ sdr py{t}=k rn c; nfr 

your arm is strong, your great name is good! 

kt ql (57) 

Another (matter) again. (57) 

176Cf. Zibelius 1972, 128. 

490

The Sources 

di=1 si c§ hr sbyt M3-y-rol-k3-t 

I had many levies (lit.: calls) go against the rebel country of Mayrolkue.177 

ir=f ny n=i sbyt hr nh3 n S3-n-s3-n-t 

It resisted me, the rebel country, at the Sycomore-of-Sarsare.178 

di=1 knkn r3-m{t}=f 

I caused fighting with it. 

d1=-1 1-13y 


(58) iry=1 t3 py=f wr T3-m3-h-y-ti 

(58) I had its chief, Tamakheyta, seized. 

di=i h(3)1.p3y=w hmt nbt dybnt rib 

I caused to be plundered all their women, all the domestic animals, 

nbw dbn 2000 1w3 35330 mn(mn) 55(59)526 

gold: 2000 deben-weight, long-horned oxen: 35,330 (head), livestock: 55,(59)526 

(head), 

p3 nty iw=w srih ir n-im{t}=f dr 

(in short) all that by which people are sustained. 

cl1=f =1 Imn Npy p3y=1 it nfr t3 nb{t} 

He has given me, (to wit) Amiln of Napata, my good father, every land. 

p3y=f hrg sdr 

His arm is strong. 

p3y=f gfy nfr 

His awesomeness is good. 

(60) p3y=f rn nfr mi pt 

(60) His great name is good like heaven. 

1r=f iry =1 Imn Npy py=i it nfr 

He has done (all these things) for me, (to wit) Amiln of Napata, my good 

fa the r. 

hr kt 

And another (matter) again: 

177 Cf. Zibelius 1972, 120. 

178 Cf. Zibelius 1972, 151. 

491


iry=w pn nkt n hr-ib P3-gm-1(61)tn 

They overturned property of Amiln who dwells in The-finding-A(61)ton 

(Kawa), 

 

The Sources 

nkt n ht wd3 n B3st hr-r1b1 Trt 

(namely) property consisting of things that come to Bastet who dwells in Tarae,181 

ri3bys' nsw nh wd; snb (65) 1-s-p-1-t3 

a rfoundationl of king, 1.p.h., (65) Aspelta. 

ii=w p3y=1 (read: n3y=i) `13bysl 

They came, (to wit) my rvotive offerings'. 

di=i n=s B3st hr-rib' T3-n.t p3y=1 (read: t3y=i) mwt nfr 

I gave (them) to her, Bastet who dwells in Tarae,182 my good mother. 

di.n=s=f (sic) =1 py=s snw c3{t} nfr 

She gave it me, (namely) her great and beautiful `—', 

hwt t nfr r-1 (66) py=s f nfr dd 

a great, beautiful old age, r-1 (66) her beautiful awesomeness, saying, 

p3y1twl=k w13t p3w 

"It is your protection, 

p3y1twl=k r—' p3w 

it is your r—i." 

83 mtw=f iry =1 Npy p3y=1 it nfr 

r---' it was he that acted me, (to wit) Ami'm of Napata, my good father. 

se3 mtw(67)=f iry nfr py=1 rhbysl 

it was (67) he that made my rvotive offering' good. 

p3y=f 1-31A sdr 

His arm is mighty. 

hr 1 Np py=i it nfr 

And as for (you), 0 Amiln of Napata, my good father, 

mdt p3 nty iw=k rg n' 

the matter, that which you rsilencel, 

b(68)w iry=s dy 

does (68) not happen. 

181Cf. Zibelius 1972, 179; cf. lines 32 and 65. 

182Cf. Zibelius 1972, 179; cf. lines 32 and 64. 

493

hr in-lw snw r3=k r—' 

And if your r---' mouth r--', 


bn-di=w snbw Irt n-im=f hr pt 

rthey do not have that by which people gain sustenance under the sky'. 


[RHP] 

With the stelae of Harsiyotef and Nastasen, a cleft begins to open between the 

documents written in Egyptian in the Kingdom of Kush and those written in 

Egypt itself. The forces operating to produce this chasm have been variously assessed. 

At one extreme is the view that the scribes in Sudan were incompetent 

in Egyptian, at the other is the view that this was a conscious and intentional 

movement away from Egyptian standards. For example, is the peculiar grammar 

of some of the sentences in this text a reflection of Meroitic word order, or 

is it better to see it as an indication that the verb with a suffix pronoun as its 

subject was reinterpreted as a morphological unity, a conjugated verb in the 

sense of Greek and Latin? 

L. Green's study of Egyptian words for dancing based on an examination of 

their determinatives provides some information that can be adduced to support 

the interpretation of the verb hnhn in lines 19 and 30 as meaning "to 

dance" (Green 1983, 34). 

[RHP] 

Comments 

This beautifully carved granite stela (height 1.63 m, width 1.27 m, thickness 

0.298 m) was found in 1853 at New Dongola (in the Letti Basin, from where the 

fragment of a granite obelisk of Atlanersa [cf. FHN I, (30)] also originates) by 

Count W. von Schlieffen and presented to King Friedrich Wilhelm IV by Abbas 

Pasha. The stela was deposited in the Königliche Museen (later Staatliche 

Museen, Ägyptisches Museum). Its text, with a German translation, was first 

published by Heinrich Schäfer (1901) and then included by him in the Urk. (111,2 

137 ff.); it was subsequently published by Budge (with an English translation, 

Budge 1912, 140 ff.) and longer passages from the text were also translated into 

German by K.-H. Priese (Priese 1963). 

It seems highly probable that the stela comes from the Temple of Amiin at 

Gebel Barkal (Napata), as is indicated by the representations and texts in the 

lunette: the inscription was dedicated to the Amian of Thebes and the Amian of 

Napata in the same manner as other monumental stelae found in that temple 

(cf. FHN I, 29, in this volume see 78). The hieroglyphic text is engraved in 68 

horizontal lines (26 lines on the front and 42 lines on the back of the stela). The 

top of the round-topped stela is bounded by the winged sundisc from which extend 

two uraei. The uraeus above the right-hand scene with Amian of Napata 

494

The Sources 

wears the Red Crown, while its pendant over the left-hand scene with Amiin 

of Thebes wears the White Crown. The two uraei enclose the cartouche of Nastaseri. 

The two scenes are divided in the centre of the lunette by two vertical 

columns of inscription recording identical utterances by Amûn of Thebes and 

Amån of Napata concerning Nastaseri's kingship. In the right-hand scene the 

King stands before the ram-headed Nubian Amån. He wears the Kushite skullcap-crown, 

a diadem with one uraeus above his brow and streamers (the 

uraeus is crowned with the Double Crown of Egypt), a broad collar, armlets and 

bracelets and is dressed in a pointed kilt. From his belt hangs an animal tail. He 

wears no sandals. The King approaches the god, offering him a pectoral and a 

necklace. He is followed by his wife Sekhmakh. She wears a diadem with 

streamers and has one uraeus above her brow and the Hathor crown superstructure 

with two tall plumes on her head. She is clad in an ankle-length tunic 

and a coat and holds a sistrum in her right hand while pouring out a libation 

from a vessel in her left. In the left-hand scene the King stands in front of the 

human-headed Theban Am0n. He is dressed as in the opposite scene, but 

wears a diadem with a double uraeus and offers a necklace and a pectoral. He is 

followed by his mother Pelkha dressed like Sekhmakh but wearing a skullcap 

with diadem and streamers and one uraeus; she shakes the sistrum and performs 

a libation offering. The iconography closely follows the lunette scenes on 

78, and we can also draw the same conclusions as to the assumed original place 

of the stela in the Gebel Barkal temple (see 78, Comments, introduction). The 

significance of the scene does not require special explanation here (see 78, 

Comments; for the meaning of the sistrum I refer to Comments on FHN I, 37). 

The text accompanying the representation of Pelkha seems to allude to her descent 

from a king, who is associated here with the "shrine of Rê-Harakhty" 

(according to Schäfer 1901, 89 this may designate the chapel in which the royal 

crowns were kept; and he refers to Aspelta's Election Stela, cf. FHN I, 37. See, 

however, in this volume 78, Comments on section 5 of the text). We may perhaps 

detect here a faint echo of the ancient concept of legitimation by the female 

line of succession which had still been fully vindicated in the enthronement 

of Aspelta c. two and a half centuries earlier (see FHN I, 37, Comments). 

Section 1 (lines 1-4) consists of the dating, the King's titulary, and a eulogy of 

him. Section 2 (lines 4-11) records Nastaseri's legitimation in the human 

sphere; section 3 (lines 12-22) describes the coronation in Napata. In section 4 

(lines 22-25) the coronation at Kawa is recorded, while section 5 (lines 25-26) describes 

the coronation at Pnubs. In section 6 (lines 26-32) the King's return to 

Napata and rites performed there are recorded, while section 7 (lines 32-33) 

records a coronation ceremony performed subsequently at Trt. Section 8 (lines 

33-39) describes Nastaseri's return to Napata and a final act in the enthronement 

process and records donations made to Arnem. of Napata. Section 9 (lines 

39-46) records the campaign against Hmbswtti and its aftermath. Section 10 (lines 

495


46-67) describes Nastaseri's subsequent wars against seven different enemies. 

The final Section 11 (lines 67-68) presents a brief eulogy of Amrin. 

The connections between Nastaseri's Annals and Harsiyotef's stela from 

Year 35 (see 78), as to composition, style, and conceptual background, are obvious. 

It seems, however, that the later text, although its author(s) recounted the 

events of a period of only eight years, had to be based on a rather poor and incomplete 

archival material for the "historical" part of the narrative. The wars, 

in contrast to Harsiyotef's campaigns, are undated. The only dates mentioned 

in connection with the war against Ilmbswtri clearly derive from the archive of 

the temple to which the King made donations from the war booty, and not 

from the daybooks that recorded the course of the conflict itself. Like these two 

dates, also the rest of the dates that are recorded in the inscription are connected 

to events in the temples. It would thus seem that the two main archival 

sources from which the author(s) of 84 drew their informations, i.e., the temple 

archives and the daybooks of the royal court, were kept according to different 

standards. 

Section 1. The text is dated to the first month of prt 9 in Year 8, thus indicating 

that the erection of the stela coincided with, and was probably part of, the 

celebration of the anniversary of the King's coronation (for the dates of the enthronement 

process see below). Here the titulary consists only of the Horus and 

the Son-of-Rê names; while the Throne name occurs first in section 2, which 

may be explained as reflecting a different attitude towards the royal titulary 

prevailing in Nastaseri's time. Such a development should not necessarily be 

regarded as a sign of the disappearance of the Egyptian-type five-part titulary 

and of the concepts connected with it or of an increasing isolation of Kush from 

Egypt. The lack of Golden Horus and Nebty names is characteristic of the titularies 

of the Persian conquerors (Twenty-Seventh Dynasty); no Nebty name is 

recorded for Nepherites I, no Golden Horus and Nebty names for Psamuthis 

(Twenty-Ninth Dynasty); and while the kings of the Thirtieth Dynasty had full 

titularies, Khababash assumed only throne- and Son-of-Rê names (cf. Beckerath 

1984, XXVIII-XXXI A). The incomplete Egyptian titularies of the period preceding 

Nastaseri's reign may perhaps explain the incomplete titularies of Irike- 

Amannote's successors. Harsiyotef's titulary represents an exception; yet his 

reign in all probability coincided with the Egyptian Thirtieth Dynasty, and his 

complete titles might have followed the contemporary Egyptian example as 

another attempt at counterbalancing his enforced succession. His example was 

not followed by his successors, for also the rulers of the second Persian occupation 

had incomplete titularies, until Aktisanes (see (86)) was again confronted 

with models provided by the full Egyptian titularies of the early Ptolernaic period. 

While the titulary itself is incomplete, it is accompanied by a long eulogy ot 

the King of a type encountered in inscriptions of Tahargo (ct. IN 1, 21 1 ft., 22 

1 ff.) Tanutamani (28 1 ff.), and Aspelta (38 1 ff.) but which has a, albeit second- 

496

The Sources 

hand, Ramesside flavour (cf. Grimal 1986, 403 ff. and see also FHN I, 21, Comments 

on section 1 of the text) and which, lending him divine adjectives, 

stresses the King's power as triumphant warlord. Some traditional elements 

originate, on the other hand, from the repertoire of the Theban and Napatan 

Amån cult: the King is, e.g., swift of stride (cf. FHN I, 24 23). Other epithets repeat 

phrases from the traditional Kushite discourse on the King's rôle as creator, 

garantor of universal order and nourisher of mankind (cf. FHN I, 9 14 ff.; 

37 15 f. and see Török 1995, Ch. 19.3-19.6). The structure of the eulogy was based 

on models also used in the time of Irike-Amannote (see 71 4 f. and cf. Grimal 

1986, 236 f.). The epithets concerning the King's divine sonship are similarly archaizing: 

Nastaseri is son of Isis, like Ramesses II (KRI II, 786.15; Grimal 1986, 

158 note 470) and Piye (FHN I, (5) 5, 6). 

The opening of section 2 illuminates one of the functions of the monumental 

royal inscriptions and also gives a precise definition of the genre of their 

great majority: it announces that in the following "The King-of-Upper-and- 

Lower-Egypt, K3-nh-1Z, the Son-of-Rê, Lord-of-Two-Lands, Nastaseri, may he 

live for ever, he says". The text is thus a royal speech (cf. FHN I, 8 1: P-1-


for which he is qualified by his divine sonship. It remains unknown, whether 

he also received an oracle at T - 1p: the association of the place with the founder 

of the dynasty, Alara, would seem suggestive of such an event. 

Section 3 records the first phase of the enthronement rituals in the Amrin 

temple at Napata. Nastaseri is received at the temple gate by an acclaiming 

crowd of grandees and Amrin priests. He enters the temple and proceeds directly—but 

probably not before undergoing the purification ceremony to which 

lines 13 f. may allude—to the sanctuary where he receives a "Königsorakel" 

(see 71, Comments) and the kingship of Nubia (the traditional Egyptian term 

T3-sti is employed) from his divine father. Dynastic tradition both in terms of 

Nastaseri's direct political and dynastic ancestry and in the sense of the origins 

of the Kushite kingship is emphasized in the utterance of the god, who grants 

the King the crown (i.e., the Kushite skullcap) of Harsiyotef and the power of 

Alara. The utterance is modelled on a traditional formula also employed in 

earlier texts, although not in a similarly condensed form but rather as a part of 

the overall discourse on legitimacy (see Irike-Amannote, 71 12, 54, 114 ff.). Especially 

as it is rendered in 84, the formula presents a striking view of a continuity 

anchored in two different forms of the "past" (decidedly at variance with the 

Egyptian concepts of "close" and "remote" past; cf. Gundlach 1986). 

The divine utterance is followed by the emergence of the god from the sanctuary, 

doubtless on his processional barque, and the public announcement of 

his decree concerning Nastaseri's kingship which is here defined, most remarkably, 

both in concrete geographical and in mythological terms. While Nubia 

and Aloa (?) mark the rule over Kush, the Nine Bows, the two banks of the 

river, and the four corners of the world refer to universal kingship. The special 

mention of Aloa (Alwah), if 'Irt is correctly identified with the region of Soba in 

the Khartoum area (cf. Zibelius 1972, 87 f.), is remarkable and may reflect a recent 

expansion of Kushite control in that region which already seems to have 

been controlled to an extent by Aspelta (cf. 78, Comments on Section 10 of the 

text). The procession of Amfin is dated IV ffit 1. The date is important: it might 

occur that the date of the public announcement of the legitimation through 

"Königsorakel" would be regarded as the date of the appearance as king. That 

this is not the case will be revealed by a later remark, made in lines 43 f., that 

Nastaseri received the crown on the last day of IV dit. In fact, the enthronement 

rites at Napata are not concluded with the above-discussed procession. On an 

unspecified day or days, Nastaseri subsequently has an intimate encounter with 

his divine father; he performs a dance before Amen-Rê at a public festival 

(though the King's ceremonial hnhn dance has ancient Egyptian roots, it does 

not occur in any earlier Kushite enthronement record; for the dance cf. Brunner-Traut 

1985, 226 with notes 7, 8); performs offerings; ceremonially mounts 

the steps of the "golden throne" in 'Ipt-swt (i.e., the Amrin temple at Napata); 

and is acclaimed. It would seem that the "appearance [as king]", i.e., the act of hl 

(usually translated as "enthronement", "coronation", "ascent to the throne", 

498

The Sources 

"epiphany"; cf. Barta 1979, 532) is identical with the mounting of the steps of 

the throne and appearing seated on the throne. This act may well have occurred 

on the last day of IV 3ht. The King leaves Napata only twelve days later, 

on I prt 12. Although the day of his arrival at Napata was not precisely recorded 

(presumably it occurred on the day of the public proclamation of his legitimation 

by the god on IV 3lit 1), the enthronement rituals must have taken place 

there during at least the whole fourth month of 311t. The first twelve days of prt 

may have been a period of festival after the "appearance as king" (whereas it 

may be noted that in Egypt, and presumably in Kush as well, IV was the period 

of the Khoiak festival, concluding on IV 3ht 30 with the erection of the 

djed-pillar; on this day was celebrated the burial of the dead Osiris in the 

Netherworld while I prt 1 was the feast of Horus' ascent to the throne, cf. Alliot 

1954, 561 ff.). This timetable corresponds rather closely with Irike-Amannote's 

timetable, whose enthronement rites at Napata started on III §mw 28 and lasted 

till I 311t 9. He too received the crown and the "Königsorakel" on the day of his 

arrival; and a series of further (undescribed) rites followed in the course of the 

following fourth month of §mw; while the beginning of I dit in all probability 

was filled by the New Year rites. Curiously, we do not find in the record of Nastaseri's 

enthronement at Napata any hint at his birthday, which fell—as we 

shall learn in Section 9—on IV 3ht26, thus a few days before his "appearance as 

king". 

Section 4. On I prt 12 the King leaves for Kawa by boat. Arriving at Kawa, he 

receives a "Königsorakel" from the god who emerges from the sanctuary in his 

barque. Amrin of Kawa grants Nastaseri universal kingship, as is especially 

emphasized in the text, with the same words as did Amrin of Napata, and gives 

him his mighty bow (this insignia first occurs in Irike-Amannote's enthronement 

record, see 71 52 and Comments). The enthronement ceremonies are 

concluded with Nastaseri's appearance on the "golden throne" at Kawa. 

In Section 5 the King's undated journey to Pnubs is reported, where Amrin 

of Pnubs grants him a "Ki5nigsorakel" in a similar manner as at Kawa, and 

gives him his hriw (aegis?, determinative: animal hide). Subsequently, the King 

appears on the "golden throne". 

As recorded in Section 6, Nastaseri returns from Pnubs to Napata and on II 

prt 19 a procession of the Amrin of Napata takes place in the course of which— 

probably in the framework of a "dialogue" consisting of the King's report on his 

enthronement at Kawa and Pnubs, his prayer, and an oracular answer of the 

god—his kingship receives conformation. The rites continue with a hnhn 

dance before the god (cf. above, on Section 3) and the offering of two oxen. After 

this the King descends to a subterranean room (?) where he spends four days 

and four nights. As this rite takes place after the King's return from the coronation 

journey to Kawa and Pnubs, we have reasons to believe that it derived 

from the Egyptian New Kingdom rite of smn iug, the "affirming the heir". The 

same rite took place in the course of Irike-Amannote's enthronement process 

499


at Kawa, after he had been "crowned" at Kawa and Pnubs (see 71 87 ff., and see 

Comments on Section 10 of the text). 71 also informs us that during these four 

days and four nights the ruler was closeted with the god without any attendants. 

The scene of the rite at Napata is enigmatic: it is called wd;, a word of unknown 

meaning (could it derive from wc/3/.t, the place where the dead meet 

Amen-Rê in New Kingdom texts? cf. Wb. I, 403). After four days Nastasefi 

emerges from the scene of his intimate encounter with his divine father, sacrifices 

two oxen to him, enters the temple and mounts the steps of the "golden 

throne". The "golden throne" was thus in the temple. 

This episode is followed (Section 7) by another coronation episode at Trt in 

the Bastet temple which was also visited by Harsiyotef (see 78 22; for its identification 

with Radata in the Fourth Cataract area see ibid., Comments). The journey 

to Trt starts on II prt 24. At Trt Bastet gives to Nastaseri many years of life, 

and sucks him (for the rites at Trt see 78, Comments). From Trt Nastaseri returns 

to Napata (Section 8) where the final episode of the enthronement process 

takes place on II prt 29: Amiln of Napata emerges from his sanctuary on his 

processional barque and reaffirms Nastasefi's universal kingship. The King appears 

once more seated on the "golden throne". The description of this ceremony 

concludes with the donation of gardens and a vineyard in Napata and 

gardens in Meroe to Amim of Napata, as well as of various incenses, golden 

statues and temple vessels. A second donation of sacrificial animals and temple 

vessels is dated to I §inw 30, i.e., three months after the final episode of the enthronement. 

Section 9 describes the campaign against Kambasawden in Lower Nubia. 

The problem of Kambasawden's identity was discussed above in (83) where it 

was also shown that his identification with the Egyptian usurper Khababash is 

not sufficiently supported by the evidence. Only so much emerges clearly from 

the text, that Kambasawden possessed a fleet, which was captured after Nastaseri's 

army—despatched from a place called D3-n-t which Priese identified 

with ed Dirr between Maharraqa and Qasr Ibrim in Lower Nubia (Priese 1984, 

488)—had slaughtered his men. Following the decisive battle, Nastaseri. takes 

Kambasawden's land and cattle and makes donations to the temples (?) in 

r3m-nw.t and S3-1(3-s;-k3-dLt (?) from the possessions of Amfin of Napata, thus 

indicating thus that these temples (?) had unjustly suffered in the course of the 

conflict, or that the inhabitants of these places had supported him against the 

rebels. The donation to the second-named place is dated to the King's birthday, 

IV 3ht 26. This date and the next date, which introduces the utterance on the 

donation of the occupied lands to Amfin of Napata, i.e., the reference to the 

anniversary of the day—the last day of Khoiakh, i.e. IV3ht 30—indicate that the 

war against Kambasawden was fought towards the end of Year 1. The bulk of 

the booty, animals, men and women, is donated to Amfin of Napata. 

Section 10 records other wars in the period between the end of Year 1 and 

the date of the erection of the stela in Year 8. Of these, only two can be localized 

500

The Sources 

with some probability. In the course of the campaign against 'Irrs the prince of 

Mht, i.e., Abu Simbel (Zibelius 1972, 86), is taken prisoner; and the opponents in 

two later conflicts, the Mdd or Meded nomads, are known to have lived in the 

desert E of the Kawa region. In one case Nastaseii punished them because they 

looted the Temple of Arnim at Kawa. Another time they came into the possession 

of some valuables from the treasury of the Bastet temple at Trt; this affair 

does not seem to have been solved by force of arms but through negotiations 

(?). The booty collected after each successful campaign is precisely listed. The 

amounts of gold and cattle are astonishing, but perhaps not entirely impossible, 

provided that the foes were cattle-breeders whose wealth in cattle had a prestige 

character, which was perhaps not unlike the wealth in the Kushite kingdom itself. 

The text concludes with an epigrammatic utterance (Section 11) on the concept 

of order in the world, according to which (1) nothing can exist which is not 

said (?) by Amim and (2) without Amim's creative word (?) there would be no 

nourishment for mankind. Here we discern once more a remote, but distinct 

echo of the Amiln theology of Third Intermediate Period Egypt as it was 

adopted by the Kushites (cf. FHN I, 26, Comments); if our interpretation of the 

passage is correct, we also have here a remarkable allusion to the concept of the 

god's creative word (for its occurrence in Kushite texts cf. Török 1995, Ch. 21). 

[LT] 

84a Nectanebos II's flight to Aithiopia. 4th cent. BC. 

Ephorus in Diodorus Siculus 16.51.1. 


Fischer 1896 

Sherman 1963 

Sordi 1969 

Diodori Bibliotheca historica, ed. C.T. Fischer. Vol 4. 

Leipzig. 

Diodorus of Sicily, with an English Translation by C.H. 

Sherman. Vol. 7: Books XV. 20-XVI.65. London- 

Cambridge, MA (Loeb Classical Library). 

M. Sordi: Diodori Siculi Bibliothecae liber sextus 

decimus. Florence. 


The historian Ephorus of Cyme (in Aeolis, Asia Minor) is the author of what 

may be called the earliest Greek universal history, covering the period from after 

the Trojan war—disregarding the mythical past—down to his own time, ca. 

340 BC. The work is known only from the use later writers made of it, in particular 

the geographer Strabo (on whom see FHN III, 187) and Diodorus Siculus 

for his books 11-16. On Diodorus in general see 167, for his use of Ephorus in 

book 16 see Sordi (1969, XII-XXX; Greek text of Diodorus, Book 16, with introduction 

and notes in Italian). 

501


Text 

TOTE Sà getå tiv Tf% B01)13dcatou napå8omv cà kouraiic6Xç KatanX,oryelzat 

lecce' ågoXoyiav nape86Oricsav to% Ilipacet;. 'Ev & tfi M41(1)E1 

Statpil3cov ô PaoiXzi) NEK'CavEPCsO Keit Ompciiv TTIN, to3v 7t6XECON/

The Sources 

suggestion depends, again, on the identification Kambasawden-Khababash, 

which is, however, rather improbable (see (83)). 

[L`11 

85 Alexander and Queen Candace. Hellenistic period. 

Ps.-Callisthenes, Alexander Romance 3.18; 3.21.1-3; 3.22.2-5, 7-8. 


Burstein 1989 S.M. Burstein: SEG 33.802 and the Alexander 

Romance. ZPE 77, 275 f. 

Haight 1955 Pseudo-Callisthenes: The Life of Alexander of 

Macedon. Trans. & ed. E.H. Haight. New York. 

Kroll 1926 Historia Alexandri Magni (Pseudo-Callisthenes). 

Recensio vetusta. Ed. W. Kroll. Berlin. 

Merkelbach 1977 R. Merkelbach: Die Quellen des griechischen 

Alexanderromans (Zetemata, 9). 2. Aufl. unter 

Mitwirkung von J. Trumpf. München. 

Merkelbach 1989 R. Merkelbach: Der Brief des Dareios im Getty-Museum 

und Alexanders Wortwechsel mit Parmenion. ZPE 77, 

177-280. 

Reardon 1989 Collected Ancient Greek Novels. Ed. B.P. Reardon. 

Berkeley-Los Angeles-London. 

Snowden 1983 F.M. Snowden, Jr.: Before Colour Prejudice: The 

Ancient View of Blacks. Cambridge, MA-London. 

Stoneman 1991 The Greek Alexander Romance (Penguin Classics). 

Trans. R. Stoneman. Harmondsworth. 

Stoneman 1994 R. Stoneman: The Alexander Romance: From History 

to Fiction. In: J.R. Morgan & R. Stoneman (eds.): Greek 

Fiction: The Greek Novel in Context. London-New 

York, 117-129. 

van Thiel 1974 Leben und Taten Alexanders von Makedonien. Der 

griechische Alexanderroman nach der Handschrift L 

(Texte zur Forschung, 13). Hrsg. und übers. von H. van 

Thiel. Darmstadt. 

Wolohojian 1969 The Romance of Alexander the Great by Pseudo- 

Callisthenes. Trans. from the Armenian version by A. 

M. Wolohojian. New York-London. 


The Life of Alexander of Macedon (BiN 'AXEcicvSpou MaiceMvo, the title 

given in some manuscripts) or the Alexander Romance, as it is generally called 

nowadays, is a composition that merits both these designations, but is not adequately 

characterized by either. Its outer form is that of a biography: it follows 

503


its hero, Alexander the Great (356-323 BC), from conception to burial, and recounts 

the events of his life in what purports to be the chronological order. On 

the other hand, what is actually told about him sometimes has little or no relation 

to historical fact: it is an historical novel, or a heavily romanticized biography, 

with many imaginative and fantastic accretions to the historical core. 

Both authorship and date of composition are unknown. The ancient ascription 

to the historian Callisthenes, who followed Alexander on his campaign 

and was executed for alleged treason, is manifestly wrong. The oldest version 

which we are able to reconstruct on the basis of the surviving Greek 

manuscripts—called "Recension A"—may be as late as ca. AD 300 (cf. Merkelbach 

1977). But certain parts of it no doubt originated already in the decades following 

Alexander's death; and some scholars even believe that the main traits 

of the Romance took form already at that stage, probably in early Hellenistic 

Alexandria and as a manifestation of Egyptian nationalism (cf. Stoneman 1991 

and 1994). 

Among the constituent parts are a number of letters to and from Alexander 

which may have formed an independent novel-in-letters before they were incorporated 

into the Romance.184 Be that as it may, while not being authentic, 

these letters seem to belong to the older material in the Romance, and their 

contents sometimes to have some claim to historicity. Thus, in the Candace 

episode, narrated in Book III, Chapters 18-24, the letters in Ch. 18 would seem to 

be the core, to which was subsequently added a novelistic intrigue in the course 

of which Alexander actually meets the Queen of Meroe (for a source-critical 

analysis of the episode, see Merkelbach 1977, 146 f.; cf. also van Thiel 1974, 190 

f.). Our extract contains the exchange of letters (Ch. 18) and some descriptive 

parts of the following narrative (from Chs. 21-22) which may have been culled 

from the original collection of letters (thus Merkelbach 1977, 146). 

Our text and translation are based on W. Kroll's edition of Rec. A, but exclude 

most of its supplements. It is true that this recension has obvious lacunas 

in the text and that the later recensions and the early versions in other languages 

sometimes exhibit a fuller and more coherent story; but it is dif ficult to 

separate original elements from gratuitous supplements, and it seemed best, for 

the present purpose, to present the oldest version as far as possible in its pure 

state, only adding in the footnotes some supplements based on the later 

sources. 

Rec. A was translated into English by E. H. Haight (1955). Rec. B is most conveniently 

available in the edition of MS. L by H. van Thiel, with a parallel 

German translation; this edition also forms the basis of the English translation 

by K. Dowden in Reardon (1989, 650-735). The English translation by R. Stone- 

184 The amalgamation of this novel-in-letters with the postulated historical narrative source 

may have taken place earlier than Merkelbach (1977) believed, cf. Burstein (1989); or there may 

have been some letters of a similar type already in the narrative source, as Merkelbach (1989, 

280) suggests. 

504

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.uwzzaaun uollU30113VXa S1I :aAppzaS ffizImopoj atp zoj ILITIODDPO poz,j Äq papadsns uunar-IL8/

The Sources 

Translation 

18 [1] After Alexander had written this letter to Aristotle,191 he led his army to 

Semiramis' palace.192 He earnestly desired to see it, for it was very famous in 

the whole country and in Greece. 193 [2] A woman ruled over the city, she 

was extremely beautiful, in the prime of life,194 and of Queen 

Semiramis.195 To her Alexander sent a letter with the following contents: 

[3] "King Alexander greets Queen Candace of Meroe and the rulers subject to 

her. When I came to Egypt, I learned from the priests there and saw graves and 

houses of yours showing that you196 had ruled over Egypt for some time and 

that Ammon had gone to war together with you.197 But after a short time, 

again at Ammon's oracular bidding, you departed for your own city. [4] That is 

why I am sending this letter to you: bring Ammon's shrine and image to the 

frontier, so that we may sacrifice to him. If you do not want to come with him, 

then let us consult together forthwith in Meroe. Send word to us here what 

you have decided." 

[5] And Candace wrote him back: 

"Queen Candace of Meroe and the rulers subject to her greet King Alexander. 

On that occasion, Ammon proclaimed that we should march against Egypt, 

but now he tells us not to move him or to let anyone else approach the city. 

Those who come to us we are to ward off and treat as enemies. [6] Do not despise 

our colour, for we are whiter and more brilliant in our souls than the 

191 A long letter on Alexander's adventures in India, 3.17.9-42. The Candace episode is obviously 

misplaced in the Romance; it belongs logically to Alexander's early visit to Egypt and the Oracle 

of Ammon (1.30.2-7), but is now placed after his Persian and Indian campaigns (Merkelbach 1977, 

146). 

192 The author has confused Semiramis' palace (=Babylon) with that of Candace (= Meroe). It is 

evident from the following letters that we are not in Mesopotamia, but in a country bordering on 

Egypt, i.e. Aithiopia. It is possible that the confusion has to do with the existence of a Babylon 

in Egypt as well (cf. LdA 1.4, 1973, 592). 

193There is obviously a lacuna here in Rec. A. The Armenian version, Ch. 225, may give an idea of 

what originally stood in the text (Merkelbach 1977, 146): "For the city was walled around by 

natural rocks; it was three stadia long and wide, and it was enclosed by 120 doors. The outside of 

these doors was decorated with iron and copper, for there was much iron in their land. And the 

whole city was made up of stone residences" (trans. Wolohojian 1969, 131). 

194 The Greek words used here (uarig iXtciaç zuyx,d(vounct) literally mean "being of middle 

age"; but obviously the connotation is a positive one, which our translation attempts to bring 

forth. 

195 This presentation of Queen Candace is probably defectively transmitted; other versions have 

more details (her name, that she was a widow, had three children etc.). 

196 The corresponding verb is in the plural, so the reference is not to Candace personally, but to 

"you the Aithiopians" (as it is also in the preceeding pronoun "(of) yours", and further on till the 

end of the paragraph). 

197 Cf. Herodotus 2.29.7 (FHN 56): "They (=the people of Meroe) go to war whenever this god 

(=Zeus) bids them through oracles, and wherever he bids them." 

507


whitest among your people.198 We are as much as 80 skytalai199 ready to do 

harm to those who attack." 200 

"You will do right to honour Ammon before other gods. [7] My ambassadors 

are bringing you 100 ingots of solid gold, 500 Aithiopian youths, 200 parrots, 200 

apes (sphinx),201 and for our god Ammon, protector of the Egyptian frontier, a 

crown of emeralds and unpierced pearls, 10 chains bearing seals 80 ivory 

caskets. [8] The species of wild beasts sent by us are 350 elephants, 300 leopards, 

80 rhinoceroses, 4 panthers,202 90 man-eating dogs in cages, 300 fighting-bulls, 

90 elephant tusks, 300 leopard skins, 1500 staffs of ebony.203 [9] Send at once 

whom you want to pick up these gifts, and write to us when you have conquered 

the world." 

21 [1] On his way (to Meroe) Alexander marvelled at the marty-coloured 

mountains of rock-crysta1,204 reaching up to the clouds in the sky, and at the 

trees with their lofty foliage, laden with fruit. They were not like those of the 

Greeks, but wonders of their own; [2] for the apple trees glinted gold like the 

the lemon trees among the Greeks, and there were bunches of 

grapes that you could not hold in one hand, and pomegranates with the circumference 

of ...,205 larger than melons. [3] Large numbers of snakes were 

198Snowden (1983, 103) gives this and other examples of a tradition in classical thought that distinguishes 

between "outer blackness and inner whiteness". 

199The basic meaning of the Greek word iutdX is "staff"; it occurs in various figurative senses, 

but the one obviously needed here—the designation for a military unit of some kind—is not registered 

in the standard lexica. Translators put forward various suggestions: "phalanxes" (Haight), 

"Reiterregimenter" (van Thiel), "squadrons" (Wolohojian, Dowden), "flame-throwers" 

(Stoneman). The figure 80 is not in MS. A, but in B and other versions. 

200 Merkelbach (1977, 146) reasonably suggests that Candace's (first) letter ended here. There 

was then a reply by Alexander, omitted by Pseudo-Callisthenes, in which Alexander stated that 

Ammon had acknowledged him as his son and prophesized that he would become master of the 

whole world (cf. the end of Candace's [secondl letter). Candace gives in and sends another letter, 

as follows. Without the supposition of an intervening letter, Candace's change from firm resistance 

to acquiescence is difficult to explain. 

201 That the word sphinx here refers to a kind of ape considered typical of Aithiopia, is evident 

from other classical authors: Agatharchides fr. 73 MUller, Strabo 16.4.16, Pliny NH 8.72, 

Aelianus NA 16.15. 

202 The numbers for the various commodities given in the different manuscripts, recensions and 

versions vary greatly. Here, some editors (including Kroll 1926) prefer to read 4000 panthers instead 

of 4, which involves only a minute difference in the Greek writing of these numerals. 

203 For similar lists of Aithiopian gifts or tributes in classical authors, cf. Herodotus 3.97.3 (FHN 

57) and Athenaeus 5.35 (201a). 

204 0ur translation is based on the supposition that the word Xiøou "stone" (in the genitive case) 

is to be understood after -rfjg lqyoatc(X,XoOdpou: "of rock-crystal [stone]". Rec. B instead puts in 

the word yfç "land", meaning "of the Crystal Country" (thus Stoneman). This may be the original 

reading, but it seems more probable that it is a trivializing conjecture of some scribe or redactor. 

208 The Greek text of Rec. A has Ttiiv PaXåvoiv, "acorns", which obviously does not fit the context; 

but the whole passage is corrupt (cf. the notes to the text), so this word may be an intrusion or 

508

The Sources 

wrapped around the trees, and (there were) lizards bigger than ichneumons,206 

apes no smaller than the bears among the Greeks, and countless other animals 

of various colours and strange shapes. 

22 [21 He saw (in Meroe) the palace shining with golden ceilings and stone walls. 

There were beds with silken covers, wrought in gold, and couches with feet of 

pearls and beryl. The head-rests were held together with thongs of leather,207 

and tables studded with ivory pegs ..208 so that they (i.e. the votive statues?) 

could not be counted because of their great number. [3] There were scythed chariots 

wrought out of porphyry with their charioteers and horses (represented) so 

that they seemed to be starting to run, and elephants carved from the same 

stone, trampling the enemy under foot and twirling their adversaries with 

their trunks. [41 And there were whole temples carved, columns and all, from a 

single stone, and statues of barbarous gods with a murderous appearance which 

inspired a measure of fear in onlookers, and beams roofed over as high up in 

the sky as plane trees or cypresses. [5] A river was flowing there, gushing forth 

water mingled with gold, like another Pactolus.209 ...210 

... [7] The next day Candace took Antigonos (=Alexander) by the hand and 

showed him translucent bed-chambers made of a diaphanous211 stone, with 

the result that one could tell from inside, through the marble, when the sun 

was rising. And there was a dining hall in there of incorruptible wood, which 

cannot rot or burn. [8] A house had been built not with its foundation fixed on 

corruption—or a deliberate change after xast iSotai. "and pomegranates" had been corrupted into 

icåpola = Jffipucc: "nuts having the circumference of acorns" (but then the following "larger than 

melons" became absurd). Rec. B has solved the crux in its own way: "nuts having the circumference 

of melons". 

206 0n the Herpestes ichneumon or "Pharaosratte", 65 cm. long and with a tail of 45 cm., see LdÅ 

3.1, 1977, 122 f. 

207 This is an interpretative rendering of what one might translate literally: "were wrapped 

with bindings of leather thongs". 

208 There seems to be a lacuna of some lines here. Again, the Armenian version gives an idea of 

what may have fallen out in Rec. A: "and there was the offering of work made of turquoise. And 

the columns were Numidian, the capitals of which were of shiny black Indian wood. And there 

were votive statues of men made of fine copper; and these could not be counted because of their 

great number" (trans. Wolohojian 1969, 136). Rec. B at this place also speaks of "countless bronze 

statues" (Stoneman). 

209 A river in Ancient Lydia (today Sart Çayi in Western Turkey) which carried a mixture of gold 

and silver (elektron). 

210 The transmitted Greek text gives no coherent meaning at this place. Haight's rendering (1955, 

113) may well capture the general meaning: "There were rows of pepper trees, hung with ripe 

fruit." 

211 The Greek adjective used here, dEpitri; derived from «p, "air", obviously denotes a quality 

opposite to "dense", i.e., using the appropriate English technical term, "rare" (= "characterized 

by wide separation of component particles", Webster); but since the translation "rare stone" 

might give readers the wrong impression, we have chosen the less literal rendering 

"diaphanous". 

509


the ground, but affixed to huge square timbers, and it was drawn on wheels by 

twenty elephants. Wherever the king went to attack a city, he stayed in this. 

[THI 

Comments 

According to Agatharchides of Cnidos (see 144), Aithiopia was not penetrated 

by the Greeks before Ptolemy II. Nevertheless, there existed in Hellenistic literature 

a tradition concerning the activity of Alexander in Aithiopia, as is indicated 

by 85, as well as by Lucan, Phars., 10.272 ff., Johannes Lydus, De mens., 

4.107 and by Arrian's (Anab., 7.15.4) reference to an Aithiopian embassy to 

Alexander in 324 BC. On this basis, Burstein suggested that Callisthenes led an 

expedition to Aithiopia in Alexander's reign (Burstein 1976); this suggestion 

remains, however, far too hypothetical (cf. Desanges 1978, 247; Desanges 1992, 

367; Burstein 1993, 41). Only so much seems certain, that Arrian's data (Anab., 

3.2.7) concerning the stationing of an Egyptian frontier force at Elephantine corresponds 

with reality (cf. also Winnicki 1978, 88). 

In view of the presumed date and Alexandrian origin of the Alexander 

Romance (see Introduction to source), it may well be supposed that the occurrence 

in it of Candace as queen of Meroe goes back to the lost work of Bion of 

Soloi (see 105, and cf. 106 - 109); while other details of the "letters" exchanged between 

Alexander and Candace reflect knowledge of Herodotus' description of 

Aithiopia (cf. FHN I, 56, 57). Other information, e.g., on Aithiopian gifts and 

tribute, could have been taken from other, now lost, Hellenistic literary works 

dealing with Egypt's southern neighbour. 

The iconographical and textual evidence (cf. Hofmann 1977a and see (175), 

(177), (212)) leaves no doubt as to the actual significance of the Kushite word 

behind the Grecized "Candace": it was a title and not a personal name. Its 

meaning is, however, debated: the word is usually interpreted as designating 

the "Queen Mother" or "Mother of the [reigning] King" (Haycock 1965; Wenig 

1967; Wenig 1978a; Priese 1978). For lack of sufficient evidence it cannot be decided 

whether this interpretation should be preferred to Hofmann's suggestion 

(Hofmann 1977a) that the word candace derives from Meroitic kdis, kdite, kdiw 

(?) "sister" and hence would have meant "[king's] sister" (cf. also Hofmann 

1981, 288 f.), or to Millet's idea that Meroitic k-tke meant "female (living?) 

hand", a title that would have been a derivative of an epithet of the Meroitic 

ruler (Millet 1973, 39 f.; in terms of this hypothesis it would be more logical, 

however, to trace back the Meroitic title to the title drt ntr [n 'Imn], "hand of the 

god [of Arnim]" of the Theban God's Wife of Amun, cf. Troy 1986, 188 B/32). 

The first ruling queen of Kush is attested in the late 2nd century BC (see (148), 

(149)), which also supports the view that the origin of the title candace could 

not have been the title of a ruling queen. 

In its general tenor, 85 18 [3] f. recalls the Herodotean topos about the antiquity 

of the Aithiopians (see FHN I, 61 and cf. 142); but, in more concrete terms, 

510

The Sources 

it is based on the information Herodotus (FHN I, 60, 63) also conveyed about 

the rule of the Kushite kings of the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty in Egypt and about 

the Amim oracles (cf. FHN I, 56, 59). The description of the land of Meroe in 21 

[1] ff. contains information from now lost Hellenistic work(s) describing 

Aithiopian flora and fauna; while 22 [2]-[8] can be regarded as a novelistic text 

that also includes minor details of ethnographic origin (such as the head-rests 

of beds held together with thongs of leather) and exotically exaggerated descriptions 

of early Hellenistic buildings for royal receptions. The throne (?) room on 

wheels may go back on the wheeled throne of the Persian rulers described by 

Herodotus as diphrophoroumenoi (Herodotus 3.146; cf. Alföldi 1950, 542); but it 

may also reflect knowledge about the triumphal procession of Ptolemy II in 

Alexandria (cf. 144, 145) in which the image of Dionysos, with whom the king 

was identified, appeared on the back of an elephant in a cart (Athen., Deipn., 

5.200) and in which twenty-five elephant-drawn chariots also participated (ibid., 

5.200, 202). Most remarkably, in one of the chariots drawn by elephants there 

was a golden effigy of Alexander flanked by the images of Victory and Athena 

(ibid., 202). 

[LT] 

(86) Aktisanes. Titles. Evidence for reign. 

Titles 

Sources: 1. Lost building inscription from Nuri (87); 2. Khartoum 5227, sandstone 

slab from the forecourt (B 501) of the Amiin temple at Gebel Barkal with 

Throne- and Son-of-Re' names, Dunham 1970, 34, Pl. XXXVII; 3. Khartoum 

5225, door jamb (?) from Gebel Barkal with Throne- and Son-of-Rê names, 

Macadam 1947, 93 f. 


Horus name 

Nebty name 

Golden Horus name 

Throne name 


1. 

K3-nht Mry-Wt 

"Mighty-Bull", "Who-loves-Macat" 

Wr[-mnw m pr it=f Imn] n Npt 

"[Whose-monuments-]are-great-Un-the-house 

of-his-father-Amiln-lof-Napata" 

scnhy rhyw 

"Who-vivifies-the-rhyt-people" 

Mn-M;et-R Stp.n.-Imn 

"Rê-is-One-whose-Ma

2. 3. 


Mn-M;ct-W stp.n-Imn Mn-M;et-W Stp.n-Imn Mrj-['Imn] 

"Rê-is-One-whose-Ma

The Sources 

1987, 88, 151 f., 182, 115 f., respectively); while K3-nht Mry-MSt stands alone as a 

Horus name in the titularies of Thutrnosis I, Ramesses II, Queen Tewosret, 

and, in the Third Intermediate Period, Osorkon II and Shoshenq III (Beckerath 

1984, XVIII/3, XIX/3, 8, XXII/5, 7; for Osorkon II and Shoshenq III see also Bonhême 

1987, 152, 116, respectively). The latter Horus name also appears in a later 

titulary, which might have served as direct model for G3tisn's Horus name; viz., 

in Philip Arrhidaeus' titulary (Beckerath 1984, Argeaden 2). A similar style is 

discernible in the throne name of G3tisn, which originates in one of Ramesses 

II's throne names (Beckerath 1984, XIX /3 T 9) and was apparently adopted 

through the mediation of the throne name of Ptolemy I Soter (Beckerath 1984, 

Ptolemåer 1). The Nebty name is not preserved, though behind the epithets appended 

to it Priese (1977, 360 ff.) again sees Ramesside prototypes also employed 

in TIP eulogies. The Golden Horus name similarly contains a list of epithets, 

suggesting the influence of Ramesside models, the first of which also occurs in 

TIP titularies and eulogies (cf. Herihor in the Khonsu temple at Karnak: Grimal 

1986, 232; Tanutamani in FHN I, 29 14 f.) and could also have been modelled 

upon Anlamani's Nebty name Sn13-ibw-t3vy, "Nourisher-of-the-Hearts-of-Two- 

Lands (Egypt)" (FHN I, (33)). The whole of the name, however, presents an abbreviated 

discourse on the King's divine sonship and has, as Priese has shown 

(1977, 364 ff.), its roots in Kushite documents of the post-Twenty-Fifth Dynasty 

period; while he also points out early Ptolemaic parallels to the last epithet 

(Ptolemy IV: "saving shield behind Edfu", Priese 1977, 365 f.; the notion was 

also closely associated with Arnim in the New Kingdom and the TIP, cf. Grapow 

1983, 172). 

Apart from 87, no monument is preserved from G3tisn's reign. The mention 

of him in Hecataeus' work (see 88) indicates a contact with early Ptolemaic 

Egypt which was of a nature that necessitated presenting the Aithiopian king to 

the Ptolemaic Egyptian public as a positive figure. The Egyptian contact is also 

indicated by the fine style of 87, as far as one can judge from so small a fragment; 

and the King's building activity at Gebel Barkal, probably in the great 

Arniin temple itself, is attested by the same inscription. 

[LT] 

87 Temple building inscription of Aktisanes from Nuri. Ca. 300 BC. 

Priese 1977, figs. 1, 2. 


(1) [I-.13t-sp x ibd y z swl 20 

(1) [xth regnal year, yth month of zth season,] 20th [dayl. 

nh hm n 

(Long) live the majesty of 

513


Hr (2) [K3-nht Mry-Wt 

Horus: (2) ["Mighty-bull", "Who-loves-Ma

The Sources 

ir.n=f m] mnw(16)[=f n it=f 

what he made as his (16) [monument for his father Amen-Rê, 

nb nswt T3wy hnt Ipt-s]wt hr-lb p; (17) [Dw wrb 

lord of the Thrones of Two-lands (Egypt), foremost of Karnak, who dwells in 

the (17) Pure-mountain (Gebel Barkal): 

irt n=f hwt-ntr rrw m inr] n bi; [ — — ] n 40 [ 

making for him a new temple complex of] grit[stone ] of 40 [ ] 

[RHP] 

Comments 

The red sandstone block,212 measuring 3.82 m (height) x 0.31 m (width) x 0.20 m 

(depth), was discovered by the Lepsius expedition on May 31 1844 at Nuri, presumably 

in the vicinity of Nu. 6; and the relief decoration and inscription on its 

front was drawn by M. Weidenbach. The block was left at the site and has been 

seen no more. Weidenbach's unpublished drawing was re-discovered by Karl- 

Heinz Priese who published it with a detailed and fascinating commentary 

(Priese 1977). 

The block, as drawn by Weidenbach, represents the left half of a jambshaped 

architectural member; the measurements of the fragment also indicate 

that it was sawn off from a thicker block of stone and used secondarily in this 

form as building material at Nuri. The text itself, which was inscribed in horizontal 

lines under a relief representation (showing the human-headed Theban 

Arnim facing right and wearing a tall feather crown and, on the lost right half 

of the block, probably the King facing left and standing before the god), leaves 

no doubt as to the block's original context: it was an inscription erected in some 

temple building at Napata and commemorated a construction executed during 

the reign of King Aktisanes (C3tisn). A pendant relief, with the continuation of 

the text, or another, parallel, text, and showing the King before the ram-headed 

Amiin of Napata, may be imagined to have existed on a matching door jamb. 

[LTI 

88 Aktisanes. Ca. 320-305 BC. 

Hecataeus of Abdera in Diodorus Siculus 1.60-61.1. FGrH 264 F25. 


Bertrac-Vernire 1993 Diodore de Sicile: Bibliothèque historique. Livre I. 

Texte &abli par P. Bertrac et traduit par Y. Vernière. 

Paris. 

212For the regular use of yellow or grey-brown sandstone in the New Kingdom buildings at Napata, 

as opposed to the red sandstone used for Twenty-Fifth Dynasty and later structures, see Reisner 

1931, 76 ff. 

515


Burton 1972 A. Burton: Diodorus Siculus Book 1. A Commentary. 

(Etudes prdiminaires aux religions orientales dans 

l'empire romain. 29). Leiden. 

Dihle 1962 A. Dihle: Zur Hellenistischen Ethnographie. In: Grecs 

et barbares. Entretiens sur lantiquité classique. 8. 

Vandcevres-Genève. (Reprinted, with 'Nachtråge', in 

A. Dihle: Antike und Orient. Gesammelte Aufsåtze, ed. 

V. Nischl, H. Petersmann. Heidelberg 1984.) 

Jacoby 1912 F. Jacoby: Hekataios aus Abdera. RE 7, cols. 2750-2769. 

Stuttgart. 

Jacoby 1940 F. Jacoby: Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker. 

Dritter Teil A. Leiden. 


Dritter Teil A: Kommentar. Leiden. 

Murray 1970 0. Murray: Hecataeus of Abdera and Pharaonic 

Kingship. JEA 56, 141-171. 

Murray 1973 0. Murray: The date of Hecataeus' work on Egypt. JEA 

59, 163-68. 

Schwartz 1885 E. Schwartz: Hekataios von Teos. Rheinisches Museum 

40, 223-62. 

Schwartz 1903 E. Schwartz: Diodorus von Agyrion. RE 5, 663-704. 

Stuttgart. 

Spoerri 1959 W. Spoerri: Spåthellenistische Berichte über Welt, 

Kultur und Götter. (Schweizerische Beitråge zur 

Altertumswissenschaft. 9). Basel. 


Hecataeus of Abdera213 (Thrace), ethnographer/historiographer with a philosophical 

bent, belongs to the beginning of the Hellenistic period. His date is inferred 

from the information that he was a pupil of the sceptic philosopher 

Pyrrho, and the statement (Diodorus Siculus 1.46.8) that he was in Egypt (Thebes) 

during the reign of Ptolemy I. 

Hecataeus is reported to have written books On the Poetry of Homer and 

Hesiod, On the Hyperboreans, and on the history of Egypt (the title is variously 

given). None of his works are preserved under his name, but his book on Egypt 

is believed to be the basis for the greater part of the first book of Diodorus Siculus' 

Bibliotheke or World history (i BC), which deals with the theology (chs. 11- 

29), geography (30-41) history (42-68), and customs (69-98) of Egypt. The reasons 

for ascribing Diodorus' sections on Egypt to Hecataeus were first set out in detail 

by Schwartz (1885), then, with some modifications, in his important RE-article 

213 In some ancient sources and modern literature the island of Teos is given as his place of origin. 

He is to be distinguished from Hecataeus of Miletus, the fore-runner of Herodotus (see FHN I, 56). 

516

The Sources 

on Diodorus (Schwartz 1905). Schwartz, who considered Diodorus an unoriginal 

and thoughtless compiler, believed practically the whole of Diodorus, Book 

1, to be copied (sometimes in abbreviated form) from Hecataeus. He was in the 

main followed by Jacoby (1912), who in his great collection of Greek historical 

fragments reproduces virtually the whole of Diodorus 1.10-98 under Hecataeus' 

name (Jacoby 1940), indicating passages or remarks believed to be insertions by 

Diodorus himself, cf. also his discussion in the commentary volume (Jacoby 

1943, 75-87). 

In more recent years there has been a greater appreciation of Diodorus' own 

contribution to his work, both in style and thought (see 167 for a general introduction 

to Diodorus); and the theory, widely accepted earlier, of Diodorus' dependence 

on Hecataeus has been questioned. The shift was introduced by Spoerri 

(1959), who argued that Diodorus' cosmogony and account of the origin of 

civilization and religion (chs. 7-13) reflect theories current in Diodorus' time, 

and that the ascription to Hecataeus is mistaken (but his scepticism with regard 

to Hecataeus' importance for Diodorus is extended also to the rest of Book 1, see 

p. 205). Burton (1972) admits the possibility that Diodorus in Book 1 also has 

used authors considerably later than Hecataeus and that some passages may be 

his own contribution. Her views are adopted by F. Chamoux's 'Introduction 

g&i&ale' in Bertrac-Vernière (1993, XXVIII f., cf. also Vernière ibid. 13 f.). Murray 

(1970, 144 f., n.6), on the other hand, agrees in the main with Jacoby's conclusions. 

He points to evidence that Hecataeus' book on Egypt was written between 

320 and 315 BC, or before 305 at the latest (143f.), a date argued further by 

Murray (1973). 

In spite of these uncertainties we give the present text under Hecataeus' 

name, but caution readers that the accuracy with which Hecataeus is reproduced 

cannot be determined. 

Hecataeus' work on Egypt belongs to the utopian or romantic genre of 

ethnography and historiography popular in the Hellenistic age (Jacoby 1912, 

2755); for the idealizing tendency and elements of Ptolemaic propaganda see 

further ibid. 2760-65, Jacoby (1943), Murray (1970, 166 f.). For a general account 

of the nature of Hellenistic ethnography see Dihle (1962). 

The present text, which precedes the section on Egyptian kingship (chs. 69- 

73) is from the historical account of the Egyptian kings (42-68). Both these sections 

are marked by an ethical tendency which Murray (1970) believed to be 

Hecataeus' own contribution. In addition to Egyptian priestly sources Hecataeus 

probably also used earlier Greek accounts, notably Herodotus (Murray ibid.), in 

the historical section. 

Our text is based on the edition of Bertrac-Vernière (1993). 

Text 

60 [1] Metå tal-STON/ TOV pacylx.oc auxvdt tdiv Staöccg.t,vow åpviv 

brpaav dwaypaqril noUcii; S' iiatepov yeveoit 

517

.mocto»rionoDodu 

noddpixi 53A1.1. A9 'A1tgA3IN 133y1.910g 4Old(OXA,3 A1091.1.1931)3,1. 17331. `101.12194v 

Altid/0 A1t1 02„AX)941)13A70 501AX)941a3y31 0.03,9.01 50o31paasi ctoi, [i] 19 

51010.D3 AltOodliolg 53 A9A/0)11 

5001.1711 Ao»Od011. 533.xocx3dlto 5clo .5aokpy3u altu )4.3 510A01.31-1 5xr@kx) ,nox 

ioiao cbg u1xod(1) .oaxaolou Acoilcudo non 5pc140 5.xn. 531mo1D1 5a039x1p 

5Q,Jyyou i noyxnkpa A91 xxim n 1010)31 Ào709331.931)a)t 11)141170d)a21. 20Ary 

`531A051.X9 A1119X)1 ix»t `5):)&2X Rodolio 51u, 313 531A0d1.331.chok Altrim»N 

[011 .rnesnwoXlmi AL A201.d02110 ALu. 59d2L 50)3999 51u, 51toclowtil» 

-xx) `5x:I39x 5Qoin.)o 't,c131L 51a Au33tio nolid mo01t0n32L4 nodoup AC011191.1dX 

AC01 A993X9 A0)1A7J2.1 12o)t noriltd xr.dcoX 5p 531„x3jubt 5ollig xyv, [6] 

'AUX0A)?9A1Yy 10A311900Ak10 5)011.1112L3 50.0yy)? 5901 

59d1L 51?2, x:12,73)1 314T1 `5xuxaom9x) x.9111-1 5Q01 uumonvorkty 531x9j0dlwal9 

5a.oW 5mix9n.39lt1uL4 51tXcbp 5Q,o2„ 334t11 5coug `modn-A Alu. .Laai. 

513 5Qo1(pa ,9 3D1)14unN [8] .x.ocbuu 13D93Å, in. 5C0y31A/01/ tp)t A0A311d13 99319 

010.01 1)3)1 ù»ocf(1) A3 c10)99 A11,93 A0A.R0 5(10X131 C101 39 51:s1n '5o9ida1ty)o 

51tdltyu )ocicoX Al.,119.);) dx:1 1 Ai 1.3XM3u [L1 .imltdio4 A()1A0)11tA10 A)311)319 

ALA12.1C0d0A10 59d11 A0)1 A993X9 A0)1A101L (10y1014/0 501A0X1td/02L (t02. modmari 

to 5»lciaz 1)331 0.01119kly 51u, 5loidoo3rl 51o1 59du ltA31113)1 39 1t1g3pr [9] 

./w0130(1.3d0,1)990d11. »dao 

ycotomd, AC0d0111)1.10 A9)1 501)0110)12/11a9 aoi olop A11 Aly021 510.01131 àoil 

51u 51o19XD 5102, A3 A391)10)1)3)1 5Ddlu,mu1 5Q.ol nougm ,9 ARY113102.no 

`5aox4r1D)oxi939mtot 5Qoi 5n1AD2.19 A3910deill, `50A311101)Itl021 A111)?101.1031.19 

A.0)19.X) A1DCOAR,1019 Alu. ,1031. `5)01kckl0)00)1. 5/01A9 Au»cnil1N4 A3 5901 5x)dcoX 

51u, 5no p dx»1 AcpA,DAaD [9] .5(1014d0)1111,10 51,34»o 5cod3XDoyo 3190 

5(10X0A3 5901 5/09C,01/0ADO 319.0 `5p3„Drry 5Qoi, isdau u A0191 A3931

The Sources 

flicted punishment in transgression of the law, a great number he deprived of 

their property, and towards all he behaved with contempt and in a generally arrogant 

manner. [21 Up to a certain point his victims put up with this, being in 

no way able to defend themselves against those with greater power; but when 

Aktisanes, the king of the Aithiopians, went to war against him, then the majority 

took the opportunity of their hatred215 and revolted. [3] He was therefore 

easily vanquished, and Egypt fell under the rule of the Aithiopians. Aktisanes, 

however, bore his good fortune humanely and treated his subjects fairly. [4] 

Thus he devised a special way of dealing with robbers in that he neither had 

the guilty killed nor let them go completely unpunished. [5] For after having 

assembled from the whole country those who had been accused of a crime and 

having arranged a completely fair investigation of them, he gathered together 

all those who had been convicted, had their noses cut off and settled them way 

out in the desert where he founded a city called Stump-noses (Rhinocoloura) 

after the fate of the inhabitants. 

[61 This city, situated at the border between Egypt and Syria, not far from the 

seashore that passes along there, is bereft of almost all the necessities of human 

life. [71 The surrounding country is all saline soil, and inside the walls there is 

only a little water in wells, and even that is brackish and quite bitter to the taste. 

[8] He settled them there in order that they should not treat innocent people 

outrageously by continuing the kind of life they had led formerly and also that 

they should not pass unnoticed when mingling with other people.216 

[9] Still, thrown into a desolate country that offered almost nothing that 

could be of use, they contrived to find a way of life that was adapted to their 

impoverished environment, as nature forced them to think out all kinds of 

remedies for their lack of resources. r101 Thus they cut reeds in the neighbouring 

district, split them, and manufactured long nets;217 placing these along the 

shore for many stades they made catches of quails; for these birds come in from 

the ocean in great flocks. By hunting these they collected a sufficient amount to 

feed themselves. 

61 [1] When this king died the Egyptians regained their power and made 

their countryman Mendes king, he whom some call Marrhos. 

215 Some editors and translators adopt Dindorf's correction of the participle ka36vre; 

(nominative plural masculine) to 2+46v-ro; (genitive singular neutre) to make it agree with 

"hatred". This would give the more natural sense "their hatred seized the opportunity". 

216 The last sentence ("that they should not pass unnoticed") is of course the motive for the mutilation, 

not for the settling of the offenders in a far-away place. This inaccuracy may indicate 

that Diodorus was abridging his source. 

217 The Greek word for "nets" used here (Xiva, plur.) is the word for "flax", and for things made 

out of flax (cord, thread, net, cloth). The nets described were probably made with flax, the split 

reeds being used for the support or framework of the nets; see Comments below. 

CrEl 

519


Comments 

The Aithiopian king Aktisanes appears in Hecataeus's story as the opponent of 

Amasis, the penultimate ruler of the Twenty-Sixth, Saite, Dynasty. Amasis was 

regarded in Egyptian tradition as a usurper and traditionally described in a hostile 

manner (Såve-Söderbergh 1946, 69 f.; Meulenaere 1951, 85 ff.; 1973a, 181) 

ever since Herodotus (2.162, 172 ff.). He also appeared as a hero of tales about 

bibulous kings (as indicated by Herodotus' story, which was based on several 

sources also including such tales, cf. Goedicke 1979, 495). No conflict between 

Egypt and Kush during the reign of Amasis (570-526 BC) is recorded in the preserved 

evidence; and a Demotic papyrus fragment from 529 BC attests peaceful 

contacts between the two countries (see FHN I, 51, Comments). While Hecataeus 

seems to follow the literary pattern set by utopian treatises on Aithiopia 

and especially by Herodotus' "Aithiopian logos" (FHN I, 65) in contrasting a 

tyrant with a blameless Aithiopian, he may well have used a Kushite royal 

name known to his contemporaries in order to underline the historicity of his 

story about Amasis. That the story is chronologically unrealistic is also indicated 

by its end, where Mendes is made successor of Aktisanes in Egypt (on 

Hecataeus and his sources see recently Burstein 1992). 

The association of Aktisanes with justice is determined by the utopian pattern, 

and it may seem that the portrayal of Amasis as an as abuser of law is included 

only in order to provide contrast. Curiously, however, Amasis was also 

known in Egyptian tradition as a law-giver (on his actual law reform see 1953, 

xvii ff.; Lloyd 1988, 220 ff.): thus Hecataeus or his source(s) either suppressed 

that tradition here, or followed Herodotus in depicting Amasis' shifting career 

from the rebellion against his lawful predecessor to the restoration of Egypt to 

her former grandeur. 

The variety of Hecataeus' sources is revealed, however, by the ethnographic 

detail concerning the "long nets" with which the Stump-noses caught birds. 

While it cannot be excluded that the description of the nets may have been 

based on actual information from Aithiopia; the nets themselves seem to have 

been of the same type as the nets used in Egypt for catching the bird pirt 

(Coturnix coturnix, a species of Phasanidae, cf. Martin 1986, 1051; Guglielmi 

1986). The association of the Stump-noses with such an occupation may indicate 

an Egyptian source in the background of this passage; for in Egypt bird 

catchers were, besides always being mentioned together with fishermen 

(whence perhaps the association of the sea with bird catching in the story), regarded 

with very little respect (cf. Martin 1986, 1052). 

[LT] 

520

(89) Aryamani. Titles. 

Source: Kawa XIV (91). 

Horus name 

Nebty name 

Golden Horus name 

Throne name 


The Sources 

K3-nbt Mry-W 

"Mighty-Bull, Beloved-of-RU 

Wsr-M3q-W Stp.n-W 

"R&is-One-whose-Maeat-is-mighty, Chosen-of-Rê" 

n Imn Iry-Imn, Epithet: Mry-Imn 

"Son-of-Amim, Aryamani" 

Epithet: "Beloved-of-Amim" 

Comments 

Like Aktisanes' titulary, Aryamani's titles are of an archaizing character and go 

back to Ramesside models. Both his Horus and Throne names derive from the 

titulary of Ramesses II (Beckerath 1984, XIX/3 H 3; T 9-11); but in the TIP 1


(90) Aryamani. Evidence for reign. Regnal years. 

The name and titles of King Aryamani are attested in the text of Kawa Stela 

XIV (cf. (89) and 91) which with its "poor Egyptian" (Macadam 1949, 78) induced 

a generally accepted dating of this king, together with Aktisanes ((86) - 88), 

Kash(...) ((93)), Irike-Piye-qo ((94)) and Sabrakamani ((95), 96) who are likewise 

associated with Ramesside-type titularies and inscriptions in "poor Egyptian", 

to the period around or after Nastaseri (Macadam 1949 72 ff.; Hintze 1959, 23; 

Wenig 1967, 42; Priese 1977, passim; Hofmann 1978, 30 ff. etc.). This dating is 

not accepted, however, by Goedicke and Morkot (see (86)), who regard these 

kings as rulers of Kush in the "dark period" after the Egyptian withdrawal from 

Nubia under Ramesses XI. Until new evidence emerges to support this latter 

view, a late dating appears preferable on account of the Egyptian of their inscriptions 

and of the early Ptolemaic affinities of their titles. 

Aryamani's filiation and family relations are unknown. On the basis of 

stylistic and archaeological considerations, Macadam also assigned Kawa XV 

(92) to Aryamani. If this attribution is correct, the highest attested regnal year of 

the King is 24. Because this is such a long reign, Wenig (1967, 42) and Hofmann 

(1978, 35) assigned to him as his burial place Bar. 11, the largest pyramid of the 

southern section of the Gebel Barkal royal necropolis, a suggestion somewhat 

better founded than the previous ones made by Dunham (1957, 6: Bar. 14) and 

Hintze (1959, 23: Bar. 7; 1962, 19: Bar. 15). Macadam also suggested that the 

uninscribed reliefs of Temple B at Kawa date from Aryamani's reign (Macadam 

1949, 77, 79; Macadam 1955, 20 f.). The iconography and style of these reliefs indicate, 

however, a dating to the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty period (cf. Török 1995, 

Ch. 16). 

Years 3-9 

Source: Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek Æ.I.N. 1708,91. 

Years 9-24 

Source: British Museum 1777 (fgm. A), Kawa XV (fgm. B)=92. 

91 Donation stela of Aryamani, Years 3- 9 (Kawa XIV). Early 3rd cent. BC. 

From the first court of Temple A at Kawa. Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 

Æ.I.N. 1708. Macadam 1949, Pls. 32-33. 


LUNETTE 

522 

[LT]

The Sources 

IN FRONT OF KING, FACING RIGHT (two columns, reading right to left): 

(1) nb 1.3wy Wsr-M3ct-W Stp-n-Rc 

Lord of Two-lands (Egypt), "Strong-is-the-Macat-of-Rê, Chosen-of-Rê", 

nb hpg 

(2) Lord of the scimitar, Aryamani. 

BEHIND KING (reading right to left): 

s; {n} q-th {n} h3 mi Rc nbb dt 

The protection of life (be) about , as (it is about) Rê, for ever and ever. 

BEFORE THE SEATED FIGURE OF AMEN-RE (two (?) columns, reading left to right): 

[ ] rhb-sdi 

[ ] rsed-festivali. 

IN FRONT OF MUT,STANDING BEHIND AMEN-RE 

(one column, reading left to right): 

dd-rrndwl (i)n Mwt nbt pt 

Utterance by Mut, mistress of heaven. 

IN FRONT OF KHONSU, STANDING ON A DAIS BEHIND MuT 

(one column, reading left to right): 

dd-rrndwl (i)n Hnsw-m-W3st 

Utterance by Khonsu-in-Dominion (Thebes). 

MAIN TEXT (seventeen lines, reading from left to right) 

(i) [1:33]t-sp 3 3bd 1 sw [ - ] 

(1) Third regnal-year, first month of Inundation, [ — ] day. 

K3-nht mr-W 

(Long) live Horus: "Strong-bull, beloved-of-Rê", 

NbtY r—lf 

Two-ladies: 

[Nsw-bity ] 

[King-of-Upper-and-Lower-Egypt: ] 

S3-n-Imn l[mn-i-lr-y 

Son-of-Amiln: [Alryam[ani], 

523


nh wd3 snb dd W3S 

may he live, be prosperous, be healthy, endure, and exercise dominion, 

mi R dt 

as Rê (does), for ever. 

(2) i Gm-(p3-)Itn 

(2) 0 Amen-Rê of Finding-(the-)Aton (Kawa), 

ink p3y=k `133k' 

I am your rservant' 

[ — — pliy=k shprw=k 

[ — — y[our creations of you, 

p;y=k mniw (3) nfr 

your good (3) shepherd 

my=k mnr131 rinn hr — — l3yrsl[ — — — r - 

your rexcellence ' very great, noble, 

Imn-R‹ Gm-(p3-)Itn 

0 Amen-Rê of Finding-(the-)Aton (Kawa), 

di(=i) n=k t3 rn m3w' p; pr iryt 

(I) gave to you the r — the house of r(cultic) action' 

(4)iw t3y=k r 

(4)your r —1 being r 

di(=i) n=k n lsbh 

(I) gave to you r - 1 

r ir n=k r - 1 im=s 

in order to make for you r - in it, 

1-, 3 1 wr Sps 

r dbh nh wd; snb m-=k 

in order to pray for life, prosperity, and health from you. 

di(=i) n=k r - - (5) — — 

I gave to you r — — (5) — — ' 

mtw=k p; [ — — — —1 

yours (is) the [ — — — — — — 

524

The Sources 

mtw=k di Iyy (n) p3 D-Nhsy 

runtill you gave the headcloth of Nubian-land. 

(6) p3=k — — — 

(6) ryour — — — 

i (n) Gm-(p3-)Itn 

0 Amen-Rê (of) Finding-(the-)Aton (Kawa) 

r — ' [ — — —]rp3 dd i.ir n=k dhmtiw] 

r —i [ — —] rthe statement that r — ' made for you 

imy ptrr' p3(7)ry=ki hr 

Let r1 behold (7) ryourl face. 

bw hpr wdn n=k p; 3 ribwi 

rIs it not a fact that the 3 roxen' are offered to you?' 

hw dit mn=w ski[ - ]rsw' 9 

h3t rnpt ph rnpt 

starting the beginning of the year the end of the year 

mtw nb n p; [ —] (8) [rth] wd3 snb 

rand the lord of thel [ — [ (8) prosperity, health, (and) long life. 

ntk p3 nsyt [ — — ]r im [ —]r— — — 

Yours is the kingship [ 

Imn-W nb r - Gm-(p3-)Itn1 

0 Amen-Rê, Lord rof Finding-(the-)Aton (Kawa),' 

di.n(=i) n=k [ (9)[ _ ]r 1 6 rp31 [ 

gave you [ (9) - Ir 6 r-i [ — [ r 

h3t rnpt ph rnpt 

starting the beginning of the year the end of the year 

rir n - [ — —]r — — nfr wr 1:)s 

rmake festivaP {— — [ r — — — ' very beautiful and noble. 

rtw=k dit nt p3y=w — wd3 snb 

life, prosperity, and health 

525


(10) r — imr — — 1:13t 1 wdn — ' [ — — — ] — ' cnh wch snb rii [3w] 

(10) r life, prosperity, health, r(and) [long] life'. 

[ — — ] r — — ' h3t-sp 21 3bc1 2 (11)3htSW 19 

[ ] — — ' 21st regnal year, second month (11) of Inundation, 19th day, 

iw=i dit rinhl n=k hrikt 10 

I causing to be given to you beer, 10 jugs; 

rhr p; — 6' [3e 1:13t rnpt 1 ph rnpt 

' [starting the beginning of the year] the end of the year, 

mtw=k dit n=i nh wch snb [3w — — — 

and you gave to me life, prosperity, health, and ra [long1 life [ 

13 nbt 1.[ — 1(12) lyt rnpt ph rnpt 

every r — ' which [ — (12) starting the beginning of the year] 

the end of the year. 

rcli(=i)l n=k hd nmst 2 n ir n hnkt 

r(I)1 gave to you silver, 2 nemeset-vessels, for making beer 

— ' [ — — ] ki nsy(t) rm-c=ki 

— ' [ ] lofty ror kingship rfrom you'. 

(13) di(=i) n=k nmms(t) 1 

(13) (I) gave you a nemeset-vase. 

133t-sp 8t (n) p3 nsw rs3 Rc n ht=f' [ — — 

Eighth regnal year of the king, the Son-of-Rê of his body, Aryamani [ ] 

— ' k3 2 r — 80' [ — — ] 

r two bulls, ri 80 [ — — ] 

di(=i) n=k r — — ' 

(I) gave you r — — ' 

Int-sp 9t [ — I 

Ninth regnal year [ — 

There are the remains of four more lines (14-17), but these contain only the 

barest traces of writing and not a single word that can be identified with assurance. 

526


The Sources 

In Macadam's editio princeps (1949, 78), he declared this text to be largely unintelligible; 

and the present translation reflects a similar assessment. Macadam attributed 

this state of aff airs to the author of the text having been a native 

speaker of Meroitic "whose knowledge of Egyptian was poor, and whose script 

poorer" (loc. cit.). Strictly speaking, we do not know whether the author and 

the person who actually wrote the text on the stela were the same or, if not, 

how much control the author may have exercised on the work of the writer. I 

suspect that some of our problems arise from the fact that the text was written 

in a cursive hand, the signs of which were difficult to transcribe into hieroglyphs. 

In the present case, the author's text may well have been quite intelligible 

before it passed through the hieroglyphic filter onto the stone. 

[RHP] 

Comments 

This partly preserved sandstone stela (1.61 x 1.3 x 0.21 m, with its lower portion 

missing) was found lying on its face on the floor of the first court of Temple A, 

between the W wall of the court and the W column row where it was secondarily 

used as part of a floor built around the 1st century BC (cf. Macadam 1955, Pl. 

21). Its original place is unknown. The round-topped stela is inscribed, under a 

lunette scene in flat raised relief, in horizontal lines with an Egyptian text 

judged by Macadam "barbaric" (1949, 76). From the originally c. 20 lines of the 

text (see Macadam 1949, 76 f. on the condition of the stela when discovered, and 

on its subsequent breaking) 13 are preserved to various extents. 

The top of the stela is bounded by the winged sundisc. The scene in the 

lunette represents an enthroned human-headed Amiin of Thebes facing left. 

The god wears a tall plumed crown with sundisc and streamer. Behind him 

stand Mut, wearing the Double Crown of Egypt, and Khonsu. In front of each 

member of the Theban triad is an offering stand with a libation vase and a lotus 

flower. The King stands, facing right, before the deities and offers them incense. 

He wears a Kushite skullcap-crown (apparently without a diadem, uraei and 

streamers) and a bell-shaped skirt with a sash tied in front218 and an animal tail 

suspended from his belt; he also wears sandals. Above his head and cartouches 

hovers a vulture. Between the King and Arnim three sacrificed oxen are represented. 

The names of the King and the gods are incised on rectangular raised 

tablets which are, as remarked by Macadam (1949, 76), similar to those in funerary 

chapel reliefs in the royal cemetery of Beg. N. at Meroe. The whole of the 

scene seems to bear the influence of mortuary offering scenes. 

218 As observed by Macadam 1949, 77, the dress is similar to the royal dress represented on the E 

and W walls of the sanctuary of Temple B at Kawa, see Macadam 1955, Pl. VII; for the dating of 

these reliefs to the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty period and a discussion of them see Török 1995, Ch. 16. 

527


The text is partly incised and partly executed in sunk relief. It starts with a 

dating to Year 3 and the King's protocol (see (89)) and with a prayer to, or eulogy 

of, Amen-Rê of Kawa, which renders the lunette scene with the representation 

of Amim of Thebes somewhat curious. The preserved epithets of Amim recall 

FHN I, 25 5; in this volume 71 20 and, on the whole, are indebted to earlier 

Kushite texts (for the "good shepherd" cf. FHN I, Comments on 37 4 f.). The rest 

of the inscription records building activities, among them the erection or 

restoration of a "house of [culticl action" which Macadam (1949, 79) identifies, 

probably wrongly, with Temple B. It may be noted that the expression used to 

denote the temple (cf. Macadam 1949, 79 ad line 4, with reference to Wb. V 25 

[1]) seems to have been used only in the Ptolemaic and Roman periods, which 

gives further support to our late dating of Aryamani. In line 13 a Year 8 and a 

Year 9 can be read. Like FHN I, 24 represents a continuation of Kawa III 

(Macadam 1949, 4 ff., Pls. 5-6), i.e., of the record of the donations of Taharqo 

made between Years 2 and 8, 91 is continued by a new stela erected around Year 

24 (92). 

[LT] 

92 Fragments of a stela of Aryamani, Years 9- 24 (?) (Kawa XV). Early 3rd cent. 

BC. 

From the first court of Temple A at Kawa. Fragment A: British Museum 1777 

(in two fragments); Fragment B: left at the site (in two pieces). Macadam 1949, 

Pl. 34. 


FRAGMENT A (six columns, reading from right to left): 

(1) [ rk3 3' [ 

[ ] rthree bulls' [ I (traces of numbers) 

rmtw=k dit n=i' nh wdi snb 

rand you give me' life, prosperity and health. 

n bit-sp [ 

in regnal-year [ 

[ 11-131 n3bd 43ht sw 26 

(2) [... r13' in the fourth month of Inundation, 26th day: 

rim 100 — — ' 

r100 lotuses, — — ' 

528

cbl-mb 4' 

rtshal-waab-oxen, 4 (head); 

rffil-web7 

tshal-waab-oxen, 7 (head); 

Imist 14 

beer, 14 (jugs). 

3bd 2 rprtl sw 29 

Second month of tWinter1, 29th day: 

rehl-web7 

tshal-zvaab-oxen, 7 (head); 

bnist [ 

beer, [ 

(3) [ 

(3) [ I 

flpd 4 prt sw 29 

Fourth month of Winter, 29th day: 

rch 5' 

rtsha-oxen, 5 (head)'; 

hnkt r141 

beer, r141 (jugs); 

3bd 2 Smw sw 21 

Second month of Summer, 21st day: 

rch=i n=k' 

rI gave you' 

nbw [ —1 

gold, [ —]; 

c13-w137 

tsha- waab- oxen, 7 (head); 

hnkt r141 


The Sources 

529


mtw=k dit n=i ,nb wch snb 

and you gave me life, prosperity, and health. 

313d 2 Smw (sw) 28 

Second month of Summer, 28th day: 

[...] (4) [ 

ffid 3 [Smw] sw [ —1 

Third month of [Summer], [—] day: 

rchl-mb 5 

tshal-waab-oxen, 5 (head); 

hnkt '141 


rchi-mb 5 

r tsha'-waab-oxen, 5 (head); 

hnkt r14' 


h3t-sp r231 

rTwenty-third' regnal-year: 

dgd 1 3ht sw 

First month of Inundation, day: 

p(;) hb n (n) rGmpItfll 

The festival of Amån of rFinding-the-Aton (Kawa)'. 

fficl 2 3ht sw 28 

Second month of Inundation, 28th day: 

rnn 20 

calves, 20 (head); 

530 

l 6 

6;

313d 2 3ht sw 9 

Second month of Inundation, day 9: 

rk3 n' p(3) hb 

rbulls for' the festival: 

r_l 23 

— -oxen', 23 (head); 

rk31 26 

rbullsl, 26 (head); 

The Sources 

mtw=k dit nr=I 1111 wch snb' 

and you shall give rme life, prosperity and healthl 

[ [ [ ... (6) ] 

FRAGMENT B (four columns and eight lines, reading from right to left): 

COLUMNS: 

(1)[ mtw=irk di't nr=1"nhl wch snb. 

and you shall give tme life, prosperity and health' 

[ di]t=i1 n=k nbw r — ' 

(2)[ rIl [give] to you gold, r — ' 

ri 

(3 ) [ ] 

(3) [] ri 

(4 ) [ 1 

(4 ) [ I 

LINES: 

(5) — — nb rkn,vi [ 

— — ' all, rbulls" [ 

— (12) (barest traces of numbers) 

(6) —(12) (untranslatable traces) 

531



With regard to the significance of these texts Macadam (1949, 81), who first 

edited them, remarks, "Barbarous and unsightly as these inscriptions are, they 

are unique of their kind and represent the only examples of Sudanese Egyptian 

so far known from their period. The Barkal pyramids of the kings of this age 

are uninscribed. The sanctuary of Temple B at Gematen, which we believe to be 

of the same date, while it is covered with reliefs, provides nothing in the way 

of inscription beyond a few name-labels ." 

[RI-111 

Comments 

This deep red sandstone stela was found in pieces in the SE corner of the forecourt 

of Temple A. It originally measured ca. 1.47 x 1.08 x 0.29 m, and was clumsily 

inscribed with an Egyptian hieroglyphic text in columns (fgm. A) and in 

columns and lines (fgm. B). Macadam (1949, 80), judging 92 by its style, attributed 

it to King Aryamani, which also seems to be supported by the contents 

of the text, which apparently records royal offerings and donations between 

Year 9 (?) and Year 23 (?). The structure of the preserved text is simple: the individual 

sections repeat the same formula: 1. date; 2. destination: donation to 

Amim; 3. the donation; 4. purpose of the donation: the god is expected to give 

the King life, prosperity, and health. The formula is an utterly reduced discourse 

on the concept of reciprocity between god and king. According to line 4, 

the Feast of Amiln of Kawa was celebrated on I iht 1, thus indicating that the 

tradition of the inauguration of the Am0n temple (Temple T) of Kawa at the 

New Year, i.e., on the first day of the first month of the season of Inundation in 

ca. 680 BC (see FHN I, 25 1 ff.), was reverently maintained. 

[LT] 

(93) Kash(...). Evidence for reign. 

King Kash(...) is attested by a fragmentary cartouche impressed on a gold leaf 

(length ca. 7 cm) belonging originally to a wooden casket (?) and discovered in 

Temple A at Kawa (Macadam 1949, 90, Pls 35, 38). The cartouche probably enclosed 

the King's Son-of-Rê name, which is only partly legible, and the epithet 

Mry - 'lmn. This name type suggests a dating of this otherwise completely unknown 

ruler to the period between Aktisanes (cf. (86)) and Sabrakamani (cf. 

(95)). The attempts that have been made to assign a burial place to Kash(...) are 

not supported by any evidence (Hintze 1962, 19: Bar. 7; Hofmann 1978, 66 

[regarding the name as belonging to a queen]: Bar. 8; Törl5k 1988, 178: Bar. 15). 

[LT] 

532

Irike-Piye-qo. Evidence for reign. 

The Sources 

King Irike-Piye-qo is attested in an inscription erected by his successor Sabrakamani 

(Kawa XIII, see 96). His filiation and family relations are unknown. The 

name contains the components Piye, written as the name of his great predecessor 

(see FHN I, (5)) and meaning perhaps "king" in later Kushite usage,219 and 

Irike, which in Meroitic (yerike) has the meaning "begotten of". Accordingly, 

following Macadam's suggestion (ibid.), Irike-Piye may be interpreted as "Begotten 

of the King". The name is complemented with the element -qo, which 

occurs in a great number of Kushite royal names as well as in the preserved 

non-royal name material of the Meroitic period (for the evidence, and the 

grammatical ambiguities connected with the use of -qo as a suffix see Hofmann 

1981, 52 ff.). Its meaning is obscure. 

As a consequence of the dating of Sabrakamani's inscription to the first half 

of the 3rd century BC (see (90)), his predecessor Irike-Piye-qo is allotted an approximate 

date in the early 3rd century BC. His burial place is unknown. In the 

literature various graves in the Gebel Barkal necropolis have been associated 

with him (Dunham 1957, 6: Bar. 18; Hintze 1959, 23 and Hofmann 1978, 35: Bar. 

15; Hintze 1962, 19: Bar. 11; Wenig 1967, 42: Bar. 14); all these attributions are, 

however, mere guesswork. 

[LT] 

Sabrakamani. Titles. Evidence for reign. 

Titles 

Source: Kawa XIII(96). 

Throne name 


H,-m-[N]p(t) 

"Appearing-in-Napata" 

Sbrk-Imn 

Evidence for reign 

Sabrakamani's reign is attested only by his Kawa inscription (96) which belongs 

to a small group of texts from Kawa generally dated to the first half of the 3rd 

century BC (cf. (90)). He has a place in the relative chronology of the rulers only 

insofar as he mentions his predecessor Irike-Piye-qo (see (94)) in his inscription. 

The suggestions concerning his burial place are completely hypothetical 

(Dunham 1957, 6: Bar. 7; Hintze 1959, 23: Bar. 18; Hintze 1962, 19: Bar. 14; Wenig 

1967, 42: Bar. 15; Hofmann 1978, 68 and TOrök 1988, 178: Bar. 7). 

219Cf. Macadam 1949, 73; for names of Kushite queens consisting of the element Pj see Leclant 

1982, 1047 f. note 1. 

533


Comments 

Sabrakamani's Throne name was apparently modelled on the Horus name assumed 

first by Piye on his ascent to the throne in Napata (FHN I, (5) la) and imitated 

centuries later by Harsiyotef ((76) la) and, in an extended form, by Nastaseri 

((82) la). The notion "appearance as king" as the basis for a Throne name 

is completely unusual (in connection with Rê [e.g., Ity-nfr-Rc], however, it occurred 

in some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period throne names, cf. 

Beckerath 1984, V/5, XIII/24, XIV/25 [?]); and it may reflect a certain ignorance 

on the part of the creator(s) of Sabrakamani's titulary as to the traditions and 

conceptual background of the royal titulary. 

[LT] 

96 Inscription of Sabrakamani (Kawa XIII). First half of the 3rd cent. BC. 

Kawa, Amiin temple (Temple T), doorway between the First Court and Hypostyle 

Hall, S face of N side of passage. Macadam 1949, Pls. 27, 31. 


( 1) [ 

(1 ) [.. 

' hm=f [ 

' His Majesty [ 

(2) { hw}n nfr mwrt 

[ ] a beautiful [you]th, whose love , 

m [rb]wn m' rnpwt 3r91 [ — — 

being ra [y]outh of' years, [ — — ] 

(3) [ 

{ 

r lirl S3' l[mn]1 P-(nh)-1-r-k-k nr-u hrw 

rnamely the son of' A[miln] Pi(ankhi)-yerike-qo, justified, 

m [h]nw 1:1{pn}=f [ — 1 

in {this} his palace. [ — ] 

dd.in r-1 (4) [ 1 

Then said (4) [ 

nb=n rpwl S3-R( Imn-s-13;-r-k nh dt mr [ —] — ' 

Our lord rhe is', the Son-of-Rê, Sabrakamani, may he live for ever, rbeloved 

of' [ — ] r — ' 

(5) [ rnr [ — 

(5) [ ] — '-ka-i, beloved of [ — — ] 

534

The Sources 

rrh.n ky' [ — ] rin1 S;-W "Imn-s-19;-r-kl 

rknew another' [ —] rbyl the Son-of-Rê rSabrakamanil 

(6) [ ] rint nb s 39 

[ ] every man, 39 men, 

idi(=i) 3hwt nb wp-st 

(and) (I) give all lands; specification thereof: Sha r— 

[ ] n pr-nsw [ 

(7) [ ] of the palace [... ] 

(8) [ (n) Gm-(p)-titn' [ I 

(8) [ Amen-]R& of Finding-(the-)Aton (Kawa) [ ] 

(9) [ — — — — ' 12 deben-weight r — — — ' 

(10) [ I — 4318 n rPsdti 

(io) [ ] r — ' 4,318 richai for the rEnneadi 

(11) [ ...] r — ' nb nt rpr n' Gm-Itn Pr-nbs [ — ] 

(11) [ ] r— ' every of the rtemple of' Finding-(the-)Aton (Kawa) and Pnubs [ 

— ] 

(12) [ ] rki n' Nsw-[bity] tl


The structure of the inscription was probably similar to that of Kawa IX (71), 

as to its introductory part, consisting of a dating, a condensed description of 

Sabrakamani's legitimation in the human sphere and of his enthronement at 

Kawa (?); this introduction is followed by a list of donations. The text seems to 

have closed with an utterance concerning Amiln of Kawa (and Pnubs?) granting 

universal kingship to Sabrakamani in return for his gifts. 

In col. 1 there is no space for a five-part titulary, only for a dating and 

Sabrakamani's Throne and Son-of-Rê names; col. 2 seems to have contained an 

introductory sentence similar to that in col. 3 of 71: "Now it happened in the 

time of His Majesty that His Majesty was sitting among the king's brothers", for 

the continuation, i.e., the statements concerning the king's age at the time of 

his predecessor's death, and the death of the predecessor in his palace, are identical 

in the two texts. Instead, however, of a detailed narrative as in 71, the Sabrakamani 

inscription continues with a very brief description of his legitimation. 

Since the text is much destroyed from col. 6 onwards, no analysis of these sections 

can be presented; we may note, however, the virtual conformity of the 

procedure as it might have been summarized in 96 with the practice as rendered, 

though in greater detail, in 71. 

[LT] 

97 An Aithiopian attack on Elephantine. Papyrus letter. 3rd cent. BC. 

SB I 5111, III 6134. 


Bevan 1968 

Sachau 1911 

E. Bevan: The House of Ptolemy: A History of Egypt 

under the Ptolemaic Dynasty. Chicago. [Revised 

reissue of the 1927 edition.] 

E. Sachau: Aramäische Papyrus und Ostraka aus einer 

jiidischen Militår-Kolonie zu Elephantine. Leipzig. 


This letter to Ptolemy II is preserved on a fragmentary papyrus (Sachau 1911, 

No. 48 + Pl. 39) found in Elephantine and dated by W. Schubart on paleographical 

grounds to the first half of the 3rd century BC. We reproduce the text as it is 

presented in Sachau (and in SB), with one exception mentioned in a footnote 

to the translation. 

There is an English translation, with brief comments, in Bevan (1968, 77). 

Text 

[Ba]aild Ilto2LEgaion xaipElv. Ileptodog 'Apva6[1:1flog ...1 

2 [..»..[..] KCerPriaav AiOiorce Karl E]TCOXI,OpK[T1151:Xv ...] 

3 [ ] cppaxtei)o) kyd) KcI.L Si50 OCSEX(1)01, at[a(24.1,0"V(?) ...] 

4 [ ]a[.]v iir 1301i0Clav 

536

Translation 

The Sources 

To [Ki[ng Ptolemy, greeting. Pertaios, son of Arnou[phis ...] 

2 [...] the Aithiopians came down an[d l]aid sieg[e to ...] 

3 [...] I, together with two brothers, am constructing defences [...]220 

4 [...1 to the rescue and we killed (?)221 [...] 

Comments 

On the basis of the dating of the papyrus to the first half of the 3rd century BC 

(see Introduction to source), the letter is associated (Bevan 1927, 77) with the 

large-scale and highly successful Aithiopian expedition of Ptolemy II around 

274 BC mentioned by Theocritus (Id. 17, 87) and Agatharchides (in Diodorus, 

1,37.5.144; for the great triumphal procession of Ptolemy at Alexandria after the 

war see Athenaeus, Deipn., 197 ff.; Rice 1983). It may also be interpreted as indicating 

that the fortification of Elephantine was insufficient in the period it 

refers to (for the archaeological evidence of the Late Period, Ptolemaic, and 

Roman city walls see Kaiser et al. 1982, 274, fig. 1). It would be mistaken, however, 

to identify the conflict hinted at in 97 as the reason for Ptolemy II's 

Aithiopian campaign or to see the whole reason for it in frontier skirmishes 

even if the pretext—in line with the ancient tradition of bellum iustum—f o r 

the military action was Kushite activity in the frontier region (the propagandistic 

explanation survives in Book I of Agatharchides' "On the Erythraean Sea", F 

17, see Burstein 1986, 17; 1989, 51; 1993, 42). It would seem that Kush reacted to 

the news of the conquest of Egypt by Alexander the Great and the changes in 

Egypt during the first decades of the new rule by strengthening her position in 

Lower Nubia and with incursions into Egyptian territory. A punitive action directed 

against Nubia already around 319/8 BC by Ptolemy I seems to be referred 

to in the Satrap Stela (Urk. II, 11 ff., Huss 1994, 93 f.). 

While it may well also have included the pacification of the frontier area after 

a century of Kushite expansion towards the north (cf. (77), (83)) and possibly 

also have been intended to curb the tendency of Upper Egyptian "nationalists", 

to avail themselves of Kushite aid against the Ptolemaic rule (see, for the subsequent 

period, 133, 135), the Aithiopian campaign of Ptolemy II seems nevertheless 

to have been motivated primarily by the need to have secure access to 

African war elephants. Ptolemy II was now cut off from India, which up to this 

220At the end of line 3, the editors suggest the supplement m[a.OuOv(?) "st[ationl". We find 

this too uncertain to be brought into our text, especially since it does not seem to fit the syntax. 

Schubart (in Sachau 1911) also (tacitly) disregards this supplement when he tentatively reconstructs 

the text: "Nimmt man ein nicht belegbares KIXTIX(13,paleceixo an, so mug dies in einem 

Nebensatze stehen; der Sinn dUrfte etwa sein: ~rend ich mit meinen BrUdern ein Schanzwerk 

(IcardeOpayua) mache, kamen die zu Hilfe, und wir toteten...." 

221Bevan (1968, 77) translates "we took up ..." which, in view of the fragmentary state of the 

text, is equally possible. 

[TH] 

537


time had been the source of war elephants, and their numbers in the Ptolemaic 

army had fallen to a critical level in the course of the first third of the 3rd century, 

because by then the beasts Ptolemy II inherited from his father were too 

old. The Kushites, masters of the territories south of the Fifth Cataract where 

the African elephants lived, did not know how to train them and were certainly 

unprepared for their long-distance transport. The elephant supply could 

thus only be secured if Egyptian experts (cf. 120, 121) could travel and practice 

unhindered their profession of capturing the animals in Aithiopia, and if the 

enormous task of the transport could be based on Ptolemaic trading stations to 

be established along the Red Sea coast within, or close to, Aithiopian territory 

(cf. Fraser 1972 I, 179 f.; Scullard 1974, 123 ff.; Hofmann 1975, 53 ff.). Accordingly, 

it was necessary to intimidate Kush from the very outset (cf. T13rök1987a, 153; 

Burstein 1993, 46). On the other hand, peace in the frontier area could best be 

maintained by the annexation of Lower Nubia as far south as the Second 

Cataract (see Theocritus, Id. 17,86 f. on Ptolemy II "cutting off a part of Black 

Aithiopia"; cf. Burstein 1993, 42). The principal reason for the conquest of 

Lower Nubia was, however, the acquisition of the gold mines in the Eastern 

Desert (see 146). The Egyptian territorial expansion is commemorated, though 

in an indirect way, by the list of Lower and Upper Nubian nomes bringing tribute 

to Isis inscribed in the temple of the goddess at Philae (112; for a similar inscription 

from the reign of Ptolemy VI see 137). 

[LT] 

98 Buhen, South Temple, Greek graffito. 4th- 2nd cent. BC. 

SB I 302. Caminos 1974, Pl. 96.2. 


Caminos 1974 R.A. Caminos: The New-Kingdom Temples of Buhen. 

Vol. 1. London. (Archaeological Survey of Egypt. 

Memoir 33.) 


In column 39 of the South Temple in Buhen—now in the rebuilt temple in the 

court of the Sudan National Museum, Khartoum—"near the lower end of the 

upper drum, facing north and west, is a Greek graffito, incised in large characters, 

which occupies a space about 1.42 m. wide and 45 cm. high" (Caminos 

1974, 79). It has been variously dated from the 4th to the 2nd century BC. 

Our text, based on the facsimile of the inscription in Caminos (1974, Pl. 96.2; 

translation and bibliography p. 79), is virtually identical with Sayce's text as reproduced 

in SB I 302. 

538

The Sources 

Text Translation 

Pasime- 

2 VTK KbplivediN : B. 2 nes of Cyrene : B. 

3 'IOCCYCOV Kupmalog . A 3 Jason of Cyrene . A222 

[TH] 

Comments 

The place where the graffito was incised, viz., the lower part of a column in the 

forecourt of the temple,223 indicates that at that time the building was not 

sanded up and was probably in use as a sanctuary. Built originally by Hatshepsut 

on the site of a Twelfth Dynasty temple and dedicated to Horus of Buhen, 

later extended by Thutmosis III (PM VII, 133), the South Temple (so named in 

order to distinguish it from the Temple of Isis, North Temple, at Buhen) was 

restored and altered by Taharqo (Caminos 1974, 3, 58 ff., 85 f.). The use of the 

temple during the Ptolemaic occupation is attested by 98 and 99, and in the subsequent 

period, when a part of Lower Nubia was again under the sovereignty of 

the kings of Kush, by a Meroitic graffito with archaic lettering (REM 0086, cf. 

TOrOk 1984, 177 type X.1). 

Being unable to date the visit of Pasimenes and Jason from Cyrene with any 

precision, we cannot decide whether they passed Buhen with Ptolemy II's invading 

army (see 97, Comments), were turists and/or explorers of Aithiopia in 

the ensuing period of good contacts between Egypt and her southern neighbour, 

or were perhaps members of an elephant hunting expedition (cf. Pr&ux 

1957, 310; Hofmann 1975, 68), or, as is the most likely, were soldiers belonging 

to a military detachment stationed in Buhen (such an identification is not contradicted 

by the suggestion put forward by Bingen 1973, 144 f., that the writers 

of the Buhen graffiti are identical with the [Jas]on and Pasimenes, similarly of 

Cyrene, who left behind a graffito in the Paneion at El Kanais on the ancient 

road leading from Edfu to the gold mines at Barramiye in the Eastern Desert). 

In fact, Buhen seems to have been the site of an Egyptian frontier fort after the 

annexation of Lower Nubia by Ptolemy II (cf. Burstein 1993, 43. For soldiers 

from Cyrene in the garrison at Elephantine in the 2nd c. BC see Winnicki 1978, 

95). 

ELTI 

222The significance of the letters B and A following the names and ethnica is unknown. They may 

be figures, 2 and 1, respectively. 

223 Note that Caminos' numbering of the forecourt columns is not identical with the numbering 

used in PM VII, 133 ff., where column c = Caminos' column 39. 

539


99 Buhen, South Temple, Greek graffito. 3rd cent. BC. 

SEG XXVI 1720. Masson 1976, 311, fig. 3. 


Masson 1976 0. Masson: Nouveaux graffites grecs d'Abydos et de 

Bouhen. CdE 51, 305-313. 


On a sandstone block from the South Temple at Buhen was found a Greek graffito, 

consisting of three lines with one word in each. It is now in the rebuilt 

temple in the court of the Sudan National Museum, Khartoum. The letters are 

between 1.2 and 4 cm high. The inscription is placed between two painted figures, 

see Comments. 

The inscription was first published by Masson (1976, 311-313), who dates it in 

the 3rd century BC. 

Text 

Ms?4y3.7trcN I Nomrriviou I BaplcaIN 

Translation 

Melanippus, son of Numenius, from Barke.224 

Comments 

[TH] 

The graffito was incised on a wall decorated with painted ritual scenes: to the 

left of the three lines of inscription, the upper half of a figure wearing a skullcap 

with a fillet and one uraeus and a tall plumed crown superstructure on a 

flat base are visible. He is represented spearing an enemy (or enemies) whose 

figure(s) was (were) painted on the block beneath, now lost. As clearly indicated 

by the streamer which hangs down in an unnatural, angular manner from the 

fillet, the figure is divine and not royal, as suggested by Masson 1976, 311 (for 

the canonical representation of the royal streamers see Törfflc 1987, figs 1-37; for 

the divine streamer see, at random, ibid., fig. 38). 

The block was found in a secondary position, built into the gateway connecting 

the E front of the temple with the S pylon tower of the temenos wall and 

giving access in the Meroitic (?) period to the temple entrance (cf. PM VII, 132, 

plan; Caminos 1974 I, Pl. 9). Presumably it originates from one of the screen 

walls (?) or a chapel (?) added by Taharqo to the pharaonic temple building. To 

judge by the painted decoration, it comes from an interior (which cannot be reconstructed 

on the basis of the surviving archaeological evidence, cf. Caminos 

224Barke was an important city in Cyrenaica (Libya); it lost its importance when Ptolemais was 

founded some time before 267 BC (cf. SEG XXVI, No. 1838). 

540

The Sources 

1974, I 58, 85 f.), which seems to have been more or less intact, but perhaps not 

in proper use, at the time when the graffito was incised by Melanippos from 

Barke, possibly a soldier of the Ptolemaic garrison stationed at Buhen like the 

authors of 98. 

[LT] 

100 The earbiest Hellenistic writers on Aithiopia. Ca. 300 BC and later. 

Pliny, Naturalis historia 6.183. FGrH 666 Tl. 



Dritter Teil C. Leiden. 


For a general introduction to Pliny the Elder, Roman administrator, general, 

and encyclopedist (born AD 23), and his Naturalis historia, see FHN III, 195. 

None of the works Pliny refers to here are preserved today, and most of the 

writers are known only or mainly through Pliny's use of them (Dalion [cf. 101, 

102], Aristocreon, Simonides the Younger, Basilis). Artemidorus of Ephesus (ca. 

100 BC) was a traveller and geographical writer much used by later authors. 

Timosthenes (3rd cent. BC) wrote a work On harbours in the form of a 'periplus' 

(sailor's handbook), likewise known only through quotations in later authors. 

For Eratosthenes, mathematician, astronomer, and geographer (3rd cent. 

BC), see 110, and for Bion see 105. 

Our Latin text is based on Jacoby (1958), Nr. 666, Tl. 

Text 

Simili modo et de mensura eius varia prodidere, primus Dalion ultra Meroen 

longe subvectus, mox Aristocreon et Bion et Basilis, Simonides minor etiam 

quinquennio in Meroe moratus, cum de Aethiopia scriberet. Nam Timosthenes, 

classium Philadelphi praefectus, sine mensura dierum LX a Syene Meroen 

iter prodidit, Eratosthenes D-Cxxv, Artemidorus DC, Sebosus ab Aegypti extremis 

15-(.rxxV, unde proxime dicti 

Translation 

In a similar way they [i.e. travellers] have given varying reports on its [i.e. 

Aithiopias] measurements225. The first was Dalion, who sailed far beyond 

Meroe, then Aristocreon, Bion, and Basilis; Simonides the Younger even 

stayed for five years in Meroe while he was writing on Aithiopia. Timosthenes, 

who commanded the fleets of Philadelphus, reported that the journey from 

Syene to Meroe took sixty days, but provided no measurements; Eratosthenes 

225 Meaning, as the sequel seems to show, measurements of the distance Syene-Meroe. 

541


says 625 miles, Artemidorus 600; Sebosus says that from the northernrnost part 

of Egypt it is 1675 miles, a distance given by the authors just mentioned as 

1250.226 

[TEl 

Comments 

Contacts between Egypt and Aithiopia were frequent during the period between 

the military expedition of Ptolemy II Philadelphos around 274 BC (see 144 and 

97, Comments) and the beginning of the Upper Egyptian revolts of Hor-Wennofer 

and Ankh-Wennofer (207/6-186 BC, see 133, 135). The commercial contacts 

necessitated a good knowledge not only of the trade routes but also of the 

environment and people of Aithiopia; in addition to the authors and users of 

the more practical descriptions of the country and the travel itineraries, however, 

Hellenistic ethnographers too took a great interest in the circumstances of 

Egypt's southern neighbour. Among the travellers who arrived in the wake of 

the explorers, elephant hunters, tradesmen, artisans and ambassadors, itinerant 

philosophers and adventurers might also have visited and studied Aithiopia. 

In turn, they all may have left behind there a smattering of knowledge about 

the Mediterranean world which added to the significant Hellenistic element in 

the Kushite art of the 3rd to 1st centuries BC (cf. Burstein 1970, 98 f.; 1993, 43 ff.; 

Török 1988, 269 ff.; 1989, 59 f., 71 f.). In his work quoted here, however, Pliny 

was only interested in descriptions concerned with the topic of his natural history. 

Some of the data he collected, although in some cases of such a contradictory 

and irrelevant nature as, e.g., the distances quoted in 100, will be repeated 

here partly on account of the political-historical information hidden in it, and 

partly because it provides important details for the investigation of Meroitic 

settlement history. 

[LT] 

101 A piece of zoological lore. Ca. 300 BC. 

Dalion in Paradoxographus Vaticanus 2. FGrH 666 Fl. 




Ziegler 1949 K. Ziegler: Paradoxographoi. RE 18.2A, 1137-1166. 


This text is from a collection of ancient wonder-tales referred to as Paradoxographus 

Vaticanus, from a 15th century manuscript in the Vatican containing 

226 The distances are variously given in the manuscripts. 

542

The Sources 

among other works 67 paradoxographic excerpts (Ziegler 1949, 1162f). The text 

given here is based on Jacoby (1958) 666 Fl. 

For Dalion cf. 100 and 102. 

Text 

AaXicov (1)TICfiV v tfl npo".Yril "Cdh! Ai0101C1K6iv, EN, Ttj Ai€11437tiq Oripiov yivca0at 

KpOTMV icaXoillevov, Toi-STO 4)X4.51..tevov 7.cpO ETCOLUXEL; Kat – 

aKol)Elv TO-Sv 21.,C0‘,01)g£Wint, Ka'1. gcicktaTOC TOG Ov6wrra ToTiv ircaöiwv. Nuicti) 

Sse pxl:51.1.evov X&X TOC Ov011ata, K&l ècpôcvcc Tdc irouiMa xatarkflpoicsic– 

OVTal, '67C' OdYCIY6. 

Translation 

Dalion says in the first book of his Aithiopica that there is in Aithiopia a beast 

called cr(oc)otta.227 This animal approaches the enclosures228 to listen to people 

talking, and particularly to hear the names of the children. Approaching during 

the night it utters the names, and when the children come out it devours 

them. 

[TEl 

Comrnents 

The brief description of the habits of the "crocotta"—i.e., the striped African 

and Asian hyena229—from the lost work of Dalion (cf. 100), however fabulous 

it sounds, seems to preserve a piece of ethnographic knowledge based on actual 

information collected in Aithiopia. The "enclosures" may well refer to the enclosures 

of round huts in an Upper Nubian village as represented, e.g., on a 1st 

c. BC painted table amphora from Faras (grave 1087, Griffith 1924, Pl. XLVIII/7; 

for the dating see Török 1987a, 193 ff.) and on the bronze bowl from the Karanog 

grave of the 3rd c. AD Lower Nubian viceroy Malotori (Wenig 1978, Cat. 

196; for Malotori see FHN III, 269). The notion of the protection of children 

from the hyena reflects the frightening image of this animal in Egyptian New 

Kingdom-Late Period beliefs (cf. SWrk 1977). The striped hyena may also have 

played a role in Meroitic folk tales, as is suggested by a painted vase from the 1st 

century AD decorated with scenes of an animal fable (2abkar-2abkar 1982, fig. p. 

46; Hofmann 1988). The story about the hyena which "utters" the child's name 

in order to have power over it might have belonged to the sort of tale intended 

to protect a child by frightening it away from danger, but it also may have re 

227 The manuscript reading is xpOttav; the reading Kopoicktav has also been suggested. 

228 The Greek term used here (bzowX1;) is not a common word, and may have been chosen by 

Dalion to give an ethnographic flavour to the narrative. Possibly it refers to an enclosure like 

that now called a zariba in Arabic. 

229 Cf. the inscription accompanying the representation in the Nile mosaic from Praeneste, Meyboom 

1995, 116 ff.; Meyboom suggests that the word preserves the Aithiopian term for the animal. 

543


flected a belief that the name and the person are inseparable and that possession 

of the name suffices for possession of the person (cf. also Leitz 1994, 287). 

For further information on the hyena in ancient folklore see Witek-Brakmann 

(1993). 

[LT] 

102 On the ethnography of Aithiopia and Sub - Saharan Africa. Ca. 300 BC. 

Dalion in Pliny, Naturalis historia 6. 194-195. FGrH 666 F3. 

Source Bibliography 

Jacoby 1958 

Rackham 1942 

F. Jacoby: Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker. 


Pliny: Natural History, trans. H. Rackham. Vol. 2, Libri 

III-VII. London-Cambridge, MA (Loeb Classical Library). 



and encyclopaedist (born AD 23), and his Naturalis historia, see FHN III, 195. 

For Dalion cf. 100 and 101 in this volume. 

Our Latin text is based on Jacoby (1958), Nr. 666, F3. 

Text 

[194] Ab ea vero parte Nili, quae supra Syrtes maiores oceanumque meridianum 

protendatur, Dalion Vacathos esse dicit, pluvia tantum aqua utentes, Cisoros, 

Logonporos ab Oec(h)alicibus dierum V itinere, Usibalchos, Isbelos, Perusios, 

Ballios, Cispios. [195] reliqua deserta, dein fabulosa: ad occidentem versus Nigroe, 

quorum rex unum oculum in fronte habeat, Agriophagi pantherarum 

leonumque maxime carnibus viventes, Pamphagi omnia mandentes, Anthropophagi 

humana carne vescentes, Cynamolgi caninis capitibus, Artabatitae 

quadrupedes ferarum modo vagi; deinde Hesperioe, Perorsi et quos in Mauretaniae 

confinio diximus. Pars quaedam Aethiopum locustis tantum vivit, 

fumo et sale duratis in annua alimenta; hi quadragesimum vitae annum non 

excedunt. 

Translation 

[194] Dalion says that along the part of the Nile that stretches beyond the Greater 

Syrtes and the southern ocean there are the Vacathians, who live only on 

rainwater, the Cisorians, the Logonporians, who live five days' journey from 

the Oechalicians, the Usibalchians, Isbelians, Perusians, Ballians, Cispians. [195] 

The rest is uninhabited, he says, and further on are fabulous regions: Towards 

the west live the Nigroes, whose king has only one eye, (placed) in his forehead, 

the Wild-animal-eaters (Agriophagi), who live mainly on meat from 

panthers and lions, the All-eaters (Pamphagi), who devour anything, the Man- 

544

The Sources 

eaters (Anthropophagi), who live on human flesh, the Dog-milkers (Cynarnolgi), 

who have dogs' heads, the Artabatitans,23° who roam around on all 

fours like animals; then the Hesperians, the Perorsians, and those whom I 

have said live on the confines of Mauretania. Some of the Aithiopians live 

solely on locusts, which they preserve by smoking and salting so as to have 

food through the year; these people do not live beyond the age of forty. 

[TE] 

Comments 

This passage from Dalion's work as excerpted by Pliny is included here in order 

to reveal the extremes to which information—which derived to a great extent 

from second-hand sources and from reports of travellers who could not directly 

communicate with the local people—could be distorted in Hellenistic ethnography. 

The interest of Dalion and his contemporaries was caught by the great 

variety of peoples living beyond the Greek world and by the opportunity their 

curious appearance, ways of life, customs and habits provided for philosophical 

discourse. A certain amount of data on the ethnography of Aithiopia collected 

by Pliny in Book 6 of his Naturalis historia (177-197) preserves, however indirect 

and garbled, information concerning peoples living on the southern confines 

of ancient Aithiopia. As argued by Kendall (1989, 690 ff.), a part of the 

monstrosities derives in fact from misunderstood reports on facial mutilations. 

While the peoples with flat faces, or without upper lips etc., described in 6.187 f. 

become, if we accept Kendall's interpretation, less absurd, those listed in 102 

clearly belong, at least in the form as Dalion characterizes them, to the world of 

fable and parable. 

The Cynamolgi or Dog-milkers are treated as a separate people from the 

Cynocephales or the people who have dogs' heads in Agatharchides, On the 

Erythraean Sea, 61 (cf. Burstein 1989, 107 f.). They are important for an assessment 

of the "reality" of Dalion's description; for, as is shown by Ctesias' "Indica" 

(early 4th century BC, cf. Jacoby 1922; FGrH, 3C1, 688 F 46a-b), they were originally 

described as fabled inhabitants of India and were then "arbitrarily transferred 

to Africa" (Burstein 1989, 107 note j) obviously already by Dalion's source 

or perhaps by Dalion himself (Burstein op. cit., loc. cit. does not consider 102 as 

indicative of the date of the emergence of the Cynamolgi as an Aithiopian 

tribe). It remains obscure, however, whether it was Dalion or Pliny or a third 

author between them who united the Dog-milkers with the Cynocephales. 

[L11 

230Rackham (1942) 482 suggests that the real name was Tettarabatitae (which in Greek could be 

understood as "Four-walkers"). 

545


103 On the geography of Aithiopia. 3rd cent. BC. 

Aristocreon in Pliny, Naturalis historia 5.59. FGrH 667 Fl. 


Jacoby 1958 

Rackham 1942 



Pliny, Natural History, trans. H. Rackham. Vol. 2, Libri 

III-VII. London-Cambridge, MA (Loeb Classical Library). 



and encyclopaedist (born AD 23), and his Naturalis historia, see FHN III, 195. 

For Aristocreon cf. 100 and 104. 

Our Latin text is based on Jacoby (1958) No. 667 Fl. 

Text 

Dicionis Aegyptiae esse incipit [Nilus] a fine Aethiopiae Syene; ita vocatur 

paeninsula M passuum ambitu, in qua castra sunt, latere Arabiae. Et ex adverso 

insula est IIII Philae, DC p. a Nili fissura, unde appellari diximus Delta. Hoc 

spatium edidit Artemidorus, et in eo CCL oppida fuisse; Iuba CCCC p.; Aristocreon 

ab Elephantide ad mare DCCE. 

Elephantis insula intra novissimum catarracten 1111 p. et supra Syenen XVI 

habitatur, navigationis Aegyptiae finis, ab Alexandria DLXXXV p.: in tantum 

erravere supra scripti. Ibi Aethiopicae veniunt naves: namque eas plicatiles 

umeris transferunt, quotiens ad catarractas ventum est. 

Translation 

It [the Nile] becomes part of Egyptian territory on the Aithiopian border at 

Syene; that is what a peninsula one mile in circumference is called, in which 

there is a military camp, on the Arabian side. On the other side, four miles 

away, is the island of Philae, 600 miles from where the Nile branches, which is 

the reason for the name Delta, as I have said.231 This is the distance reported by 

Artemidorus, who further said that there were 250 towns along that reach; Iuba 

says this distance is 400 miles; Aristocreon says 750 miles from Elephantis to the 

sea. 

The island of Elephantis, 4 miles north of the last cataract and 16 miles 

south of Syene, is inhabited; it marks the end of Egyptian navigation, at a distance 

of 585 miles from Alexandria; this shows how mistaken the writers men 

2311.e. by forming the shape of a triangle (when viewed from the Mediterranean), like the Greek 

letter delta (å), as Pliny has explained in ch. 48. 

546

The Sources 

tioned above have been. To this place Aithiopian boats come;232 they can be 

folded and transported on the shoulders each time one arrives at the cataracts. 

[TE] 

Comments 

In the passage quoted here Pliny excerpted geographical data from Aristocreon 

and compared the distances given by him with distance data of Artemidorus of 

Ephesus (who wrote a geography of the world in which Aithiopia was described 

on the basis of Agatharchides' On the Erythraean Sea, cf. Bunbury 1883 II, 61 ff.; 

Fraser 1972 I, 549 f.; Burstein 1989, 38 f. and see 142) and Juba (cf. FHN III, 186). 

In the periods when the works of Artemidorus and Juba were written, and 

also when Pliny himself was writing, the political border between Egypt and 

Aithiopia was not at Syene (Aswan) but further south (from about 274 BC at the 

Second Cataract; from the late 2nd century BC onwards at Hiera Sycaminos [cf. 

Tiirök 1988, 274]; see 141, 156, 163-165). Aristocreon, however, wrote his—now 

lost—work around the end of the 4th century or in the early 3rd century BC (cf. 

Heibges 1912, 852), and could thus speak of Syene as the political border and 

also in the sense of the ancient notion of the border between the two countries 

which among the Egyptians, in profane as well as religious texts, was traditionally 

put at Syene or Elephantine opposite Syene (cf. Sethe 1901; Desanges 1969, 

141 note 5). It cannot be decided, however, whether Aristocreon in fact visited 

Aithiopia as Pliny says (cf. 100). 

For the situation of the Ptolemaic and Roman military camp "of Syene on 

the Arabian side", i.e., the east bank of the Nile, see Winnicki 1978, 96 f.; Speidel 

1988, 773 f. The island of Philae was of course on the "other side" insofar as 

it was west of Syene; the distances are all incorrect. The most important information 

provided by the text is the remark about the Aithiopian boats coming to 

Elephantis (=Elephantine), doubtless as a trading centre. 

[LT] 

104 On the geography of Aithiopia. 3rd cent. BC. 

Aristocreon in Pliny, Naturalis historia 6.191-192. FGrH 667 F3. 




232Reading veniunt with some manuscripts; Jacoby (1958) prints the reading veneunt ("are sold"). 

The reading conveniunt ("assemble"), printed by Rackham (1942), seems to have arisen out of the 

desire to accommodate the verb to the adverb of place ibi ("there", not "thither"); but ibi veniunt 

("come there") is not peculiar in the Latin of Pliny's time. 

547




and encyclopaedist (bom AD 23), and his Naturalis historia, see FHN III, 195. 

For Aristocreon cf. 100 and 103. 

Our Latin text is based on Jacoby (1958) No. 667 F3. 

Text 

[191] Aristocreon Libyae latere a Meroe oppidum Tollen dierum V itinere tradit, 

inde dierum XII Aesar oppidum Aegyptiorum qui Psammetichum fugerint; in 

eo prodente se CCC habitasse; contra in Arabico latere Diaron oppidum esse eorum. 

Insula in Nilo Sembritarum reginae paret. [192] Ab ea Nubaei Aethiopes 

dierum VIII itinere—oppidum eorum Nilo inpositum Tenupsis—, Sesambri, 

apud quos quadrupedes omnes sine auribus, etiam elephanti; at ex Africae 

parte tptoenbani thonenpanit, qui canem pro rege habent, motu eius imperia 

augurantes, Harusbi oppido longe ab Nilo sito, postea Archisarmi, Phalliges, 

Marigarri, Chasamari. 

Translation 

[191] Aristocreon relates that on the Libyan side [of the Nile] the town of Tollen 

lies at a distance of five days' journey from Meroe; from there it is twelve days' 

journey to Aesar, the town of the Egyptians who fled from Psammetich, a town 

of 3000 inhabitants; opposite, on the Arabian side, is the town of Diaron, which 

belongs to them. 

There is an island in the Nile, belonging to the Sembrites, which is under 

the rule of a queen. [1921 From this island it is eight days' journey to the 

Aithiopian Nubians (Nubaei)—their town, Tenupsis, is situated on the Nile—, 

and the Sesambrians, among whom all quadrupeds lack ears, even the elephants; 

on the African side are the ...233 who have a dog as king, from whose 

movements they divine its commands, the Harusbians, who live in a town 

situated far from the Nile, further the Archisarmians, the Phalliges, the Marigarrians, 

the Chasamarians. 

[TE] 

Comments 

Aristocreon, as indicated by this excerpt from his lost work, also studied 

Herodotus' description of Aithiopia (see FHN I, 56). While, however, the journey 

from Meroe to the Deserters took 56 days according to Herodotus, Aristocreon 

knows only of a 17 days travelling distance. The towns of Aesar and Diaron 

belonging to the invented (Herodotus?) people of the Deserters (for the 

classical tradition on these see FHN I, 56, Comments, end) are unidentifiable 

233 For ptoenbani thonenpani in the Latin text editors have suggested various ethnic names. 

548

The Sources 

(for the argurnents against the identification of Diaron/Daron with Daro in one 

of Ezana's 4th century AD inscriptions [FHN III, 297] by Lloyd 1976, 127 see FHN 

I, loc. cit.). So too is their island with its queen. Tenupsis occurs in the form 

Tenessis in Strabo, 16.4.8. Also the latter author places Tenessis in the neighbourhood 

of the Sembritae (i.e., the Deserters), but he assigns the queen to the 

Deserters as their ruler. So it seems that Strabo's source was close to the 

source(s) used by Aristocreon; consequently, it may also be supposed that Aristocreon's 

Tenupsis (as is also indicated by the sequence of the description: Aesar 

on the W bank, Diaron and all that is described after it on the E bank or towards 

the E) denotes the Hinterland of the Red Sea coast. 

[LT] 

105 On the name Candace. 3rd cent. BC. 

Bion of Soloi in Schol. Act. Apost. 8.27. FGrH 668 Fl. 




Schwartz 1897 E. Schwartz: Bion von Soloi. RE 111.1, 483. 


Among the ancient comments (scholia) on the Acts of the Apostles 8.27 ("And 

behold, an Ethiopian, a eunuch, a minister of the Candace, queen of the Ethiopians...", 

see FHN III, 194) is preserved an explanation of the name Candace. 

The authority to which the commentator refers is Bion of Soloi, a little known 

writer of (probably) the early 3rd century BC who was the author of a lost historical 

work entitled Aithiopika and consisting of several "books". According to 

Pliny (NH 6.183), Bion had visited Aithiopia himself, and to judge from the 

quotations preserved in Pliny (cf. below, 108), his work contained a fairly detailed 

geographical description (Schwartz 1897). 

We follow the text given by Jacoby (1958, 280 f.). 

Text 

Kav6(ixiv Ai.8i07CE irdaav Toi) p0C6L2hOg inyc,poc KaXcnictiv. Gi'rco.) 

Bicov v rcpår(p AiOtonticcik: "Aiøioiceç TO'bg 130Cmcov noccpoc, (Y6K £10:1)alvouM, 

(;); OviCX; 1;1.01);1WOU rrocpa&Macn. leOccrrou 'ffiv jurrpa 

Kako'i5M Kav6OCK1v." 

Translation 

Candace is what the Aithiopians call every mother of a king. Thus Bion in the 

first book of his Aithiopika: "The Aithiopians do not reveal who are the fathers 

of their kings, but these are traditionally regarded as sons of the sun. The 

mother of each king they call Candace." 

[TH1 

549


Comments 

The first part of Bion's statement reflects a knowledge of the Egyptian concept 

of the king's divine sonship, a dogma which was fundamental to the Kushite 

kingship ideology too (for Egypt see Grieshammer 1976; for Kush, Török 1995, 

Ch. 15), as well as of the king's Son-of-Rê name that was assumed on his ascent 

to the throne in both countries (for these issues see the royal titularies in FHN 

I, II passim and see, e.g., FHN I, 37). For the title Candace see 85, Comments in 

this volume). 

[LTI 

106 On the name Candace. 3rd cent. BC (?). 

Bion of Soloi (?) in Ps.-Oecumenius, Commentary on Act. Apost. 12, ad 8.27. PG 

118, 161d. 


Baldwin 1991 

Beck 1959 

B. Baldwin: Oikoumenios. In: A.P. Kazhdan (ed.): The 

Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium. Vol. 3. Oxford, 1518. 

H.-G. Beck: Kirche und theologische Literatur im 

byzantinischen Reich. München. (Handbuch der 

Altertumswissenschaft XII.2.1.) 


Oecumenius (Oikoumenios) was a Christian theologian and exegete in 6th-century 

Byzantium, whose best known work is a commentary on the Apocalypse 

of the New Testament (Baldwin 1991). Other exegetical works have also been 

attributed to him, though with little or no foundation. The commentary to the 

Acts of the Apostles from which our extract is taken, probably belongs to the 

late 8th century AD and thus has nothing to do with Oecumenius (Beck 1959, 

417 f.). 

Such Byzantine exegetical works built on an unbroken tradition of commentaries 

on the Biblical texts; and the fact that our anonymous 8th-century 

theologian provides concrete information about ancient Aithiopia does not 

mean that he himself had access to an ancient work like the Aithiopika of Bion 

of Soloi (on whom see 105), which is likely to be the ultimate source for the information: 

long after the Aithiopika itself had been lost, quotations from it 

were transmitted from commentator to commentator to explain, as we can see 

in 105, the famous passage in the Acts of the Apostles 8.27 on the Aithiopian 

eunuch who was a minister of Candace. 

Since this text is not included among the Bion fragments in FGrH, we reproduce 

it according to PG 118, 161d. 

550

Text 

The Sources 

fuvaùEç ö jnov EKEiv% tflç Ai01.07ria; jlv Kcà "fi Kav8doe1 xcerdic Stoc- 

,5ov jiic , ç ôsiwaiixo; imfjpxe tUJ.LicLÇ Tebv PocatXucciriv eTicsaupciiv. 

'Icrcov Ou KaNIMKTiv AiOione; Tudaccv tv TCY6 f3anXo)ç j.urrcpa 

Kockoiimv, kneuSii Iceetpa A'iOioitcç oimc åvoul4ovatv, cb; Ovta; u`toi); 

1XiOD Teapoc&Maaw. -recicatoi) & "rilv liTypcx KaXoiim KavMuciv. 

Translation 

Women ruled that Aithiopia (referred to in the Acts), and (this) Candace was 

also one in their line of succession; and the eunuch was her keeper of the royal 

treasuries. It should be known that Candace is what the Aithiopians call every 

mother of a king since the Aithiopians do not refer to the father, but these are 

traditionally regarded as sons of the sun. The mother of each king they call 

Candace.234 

Comments 

See 85 and 105, with Comments. For Act. Apost. 8.27 see FHN III, 194. 

107 On Aithiopian kingship. 3rd cent. BC. 

Bion of Soloi in Athenaeus 13.20, 566c. FGrH 668 F2. 


Jacoby 1958 

Kaibel 1887-90 

Gulick 1961 


{TH} 

Jacoby: Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker. 


Kaibel: Athenaei Naucratitae Dipnosophistarum 

libri XV. Vol. 1-3. Lipsiae. 

Athenaeus: The Deipnosophists. With an English 

translation by C.B. Gulick. Vol. 1-7. London-Cambridge, 

MA. 

Athenaeus, bom in Naucratis in Egypt and later working in Rome, lived 

around AD 200. There survives by his hand a very extensive work entitled 

Deipnosophistai, "The Learned Banquet". It has been characterized as "an ency- 

clopedia in the form of a dinner conversation" and is a mine of information on 

ancient literature, history, and culture because in their conversation the thirty 

scholars who participate in the symposium quote extensively from earlier authors, 

most of whose works are otherwise lost to us. The accuracy of the histori 

234The explanation given here, without mention of the source, is almost identical, word for word, 

with the quotation from Bion in 105. The singular "father" (rto-tk)a) for "fathers" (ircer4)a) is 

probably just a transmission or printing error. 

551


cal information thus transmitted is of course dependent on what the ultimate 

literary source is in each case. 

In Book 13 (of a total 15), ch. 20, the conversation has turned to the topic 

"beauty". Homer's Helen and her divine beauty are mentioned, then King Priam's 

remark to Helen as they look down from the city walls of Troy and catch 

sight of Agamemnon (Iliad 3.169 f.): "I have never seen anyone so beautiful 

and majestic, he looks like a king." This, by association, leads to the short note 

on Aithiopian kingship. 

The authority to whom Athenaeus refers in this case is Bion of Soloi, on 

whom see 105. 

We follow Jacoby's (1958, 281) text. The only critical edition of Athenaeus' 

whole work is by Kaibel (1887-90). His text is also the basis of the Loeb Classical 

Library edition by Gulick (1961, first publ. 1927-41); our extract is in Vol. 6, 58 f. 

Text 

KocOicrunv E Kdt 7C0X,k01. K&XiOtO1JÇ mX:ecc, 

'AOOorocrot KocXoil..tevm A0io1rEç, dSç Oriat Biow 

Translation 

Many even used to make the most beautiful men their kings, as the so-called 

immortal Aithiopians do to this day, according to Bion in his Aithiopika. 

[TH1 

Comments 

The above-quoted passage in Athenaeus' work is in the Utopian tradition and 

gives only a brief summary of Bion's remarks on Aithiopian kingship. While 

other remarks of Bion (cf. 105 and 106) reflect some knowledge of certain 

Kushite (and /or Egyptian?) concepts of kingship, 107 was based entirely on 

Herodotus' work (for the election of the most beautiful man as king cf. FHN I, 

65 20 [2]). 

[LT] 

108 Itineraries. 3rd cent. BC. 

Bion of Soloi in Pliny, Naturalis historia 6.177-178; 180-181; 191; 193. FGrH 668 

F4-6. 


Jacoby 1958 

Rackham 1942 

552 



Pliny, Natural History, trans. H. Rackham. Vol. 2, Libri 

III-VII. London-Cambridge, MA (Loeb Classical 

Library. 352)

The Sources 



and encyclopaedist (bom AD 23), and his Naturalis historia, see FHN III, 195. 

For Bion cf. 105 in this volume. 

Our Latin text is based on Jacoby (1958) No. 668 F4-6. 

Text 

[177]Nos oppida, quo traduntur ordine, utrimque ponemus a Syene. [178] Et 

prius Arabiae latere gens Catadupi, deinde Syenitae; oppida Tacompson, quam 

quidam appellarunt Thaticen, Aramam, Sesamos, Andura, Nasarduma, Aindoma 

Come cum Arabeta et Bogghiana, Leuphitorga, Tautarene, Emeae, Chiindita, 

Noa, Goploa, Gistate, Megadale, Aremni, Nups, Direa, Patigga, Bagada, 

Dumana, Radata—in quo felis aurea pro deo colebatur—, Boron, in mediterraneo 

Mallo proximum Meroae. Sic prodidit Bion. 

[1801 Ex Africae latere tradita sunt eodem nomine Tacompsos altera sive pars 

prioris, Mog(g)ore, S(a)ea, Aedosa, P(e)lenariae, Pindis, Magassa, B(h)uma, 

Lint(h)uma, Spintum, Sidop(t), Gensoe, Pindic(i)tor, Ac(h)ug, Orsum, Suara, 

Maumarum, Urbim, Mulon—quod oppidum Graeci Hypaton vocarunt—, 

Pagoarta(s), Zamnes—unde elephanti incipiant—, Mambli, Berressa, Coetum. 

Fuit quondam et Epis oppidum contra Meroen, antequam Bion scriberet deletum. 

[181] Haec sunt prodita usque Meroen, ex quibus hoc tempore nullum prope 

utroque latere exstat: certe solitudines nuper renuntiavere principi Neroni 

missi ab eo milites praetoriani cum tribuno ad explorandum, inter reliqua bella 

et Aethiopicum cogitanti. 

[191] Bion autem Sapen vocat quod ille Aesar, et ipso nomine advenas significari. 

Caput eorum in insula Sembobitin, et tertium in Arabia Sinat. Inter 

montes autem et Nilum Simbarri sunt, Phaliges, in ipsis vero montibus 

Asachae multis nationibus. Abesse a mari dicuntur dierum V itinere; vivunt 

elephantorum venatu. 

[193] Bion et alia oppida in insulis tradit, a Sembobiti Meroen versus dierum 

toto itinere XX: proximae insulae oppidum Seberritarum sub regina et aliud 

Asara, alterius oppidum Darden; tertiam Medoen vocant, in qua oppidum 

Asel; quartam eodem quo oppidum nomine Garroen. Inde per ripas oppida 

Nautis, Madum, Demadatin, tSecandum, Collocat, Secandet, Navectabe cum 

agro Psegipta, Candragori, Arabam, Summaram. 

Translation 

[177]We shall list the towns on both sides [of the Nile] in the order given by 

my sources, beginning from Syene. [178] First on the Arabian side is the people 

of the Catadupians, then the Syenites; the towns of Tacompson, which some 

have called Thathice, Aramam, Sesamos, Andura, Nasarduma, Aindoma 

Come with Arabeta and Bogghiana, Leuphitorga, Tautarene, Emeae, Chiindita, 

553


Noa, Goploa, Gistate, Megadale, Aremni, Nups, Direa, Patigga, Bagada, Dumana, 

Radata—where a golden cat235 used to be worshiped as a god—, Boron, 

and, in the interior, Mallo, close to Meroe.236 This is what Bion writes. ...237 

[180] On the African side these places are reported: Tacompsos (another town 

of the same name as the one previously mentioned or a part of it), Mog(g)ore, 

S(a)ea, Aedosa, P(e)lenariae, Pindis, Magassa, B(h)uma, Lint(h)uma, Spintum, 

Sidop(t), Gensoe, Pindic(i)tor, Ac(h)ug, Orsum, Suara, Maumarum, Urbim, 

Mulon—a town which the Greeks have called Hypaton—Pagoarta(s), 

Zamnes—from that point on there are elephants—, Mambli, Berressa, Coetum. 

There was once also a town Epis opposite Meroe, but it had been destroyed before 

Bion wrote, as he says. 

[1811 These are the names given as far as Meroe, but today238 almost none of 

these towns exists on either bank; at least the praetorian guards under the 

command of a tribune sent on an exploratory mission by the emperor Nero, 

who was contemplating, among other wars, also one against Aithiopia, recently 

reported to him that these places were deserted. 

[1 9 1] Bion, however, gives the name of Sapes to the town which he 

[Aristocreon] calles Aesar and says that this name itself means "new-comers", 

that their chief town is Sembobitis, on an island, and that they have a third 

town Sinat in Arabia. Between the mountains and the Nile are the Simbarrians 

and the Phaliges, but in the mountains themselves the Asachans, who consist 

of numerous tribes. They are said to live at a distance of five days' journey from 

the sea; and they make their living by hunting elephants. 

[1931 Bion also mentions other towns situated on islands, from Sembobitis to 

Meroe, altogether a journey of 20 days: there is on the nearest island the town 

of the Seberritans, ruled by a queen, and another called Asara, and on the next 

island a town called Darden; a third island they call Medoe, in which there is a 

town called Asel; a fourth island is called by the same name as its town, Garroe. 

Further on along the banks there are the towns of Nautis, Madum, Demadatin, 

tSecandum, Collocat, Secandet, Navectabe with the territory of Psegipta, Candragori, 

Arabam, Summaram.239 

[TE] 

235 The Latin word felis is used not only of cats, but also of other small carnivorous animals, such 

as the marten and the polecat; the Greek word used by Bion may well have been gale, "weasel" or 

"marten". The adjective aureus may mean "(made) of gold" or "gilded", or refer to the colour only 

("golden", "bright yellow"). 

236 Meroae (the dative case) is an emendation of the manuscript reading Meroe (the nominative 

case), which would give the sense "and inland Mero, near Mallos", so Rackham (1942); the case 

of Mallo cannot be determined morphologically. 

237 For the passage omitted here see FHN III, 186 . 

238 1.e. in Pliny's time. 

239 Several of the names in this list suspiciously resemble Latin words, and the manuscripts show 

variations in spelling. The context seems to indicate that the names are in the nominative case, 

but some of the endings look like Latin accusatives. 

554

The Sources 

Comments 

The itineraries of Bion—i.e., his lists of place-names given in a geographical 

order, from N to S, on the "Arabian side" of the Nile, i.e., the E bank and the 

"African side", i.e., the W bank—were compiled on the basis of data collected by 

travellers and were meant to serve travellers who undertook the adventurous 

task of journeying to the interior of Aithiopia. Although the place-names, as 

they are preserved in various spellings and merged with each other or ignorantly 

dissected in the various manuscript copies of Pliny's work, may appear 

utterly unrealistic (and so they did to most earlier writers on the history of the 

Middle Nile Region), they represent in fact an extremely valuable source. 

Thanks to the investigations of Karl-Heinz Priese (Priese 1973; 1973a; 1975; 1976; 

1984), the majority of the Aithiopian toponyms recorded by Bion and other 

Hellenistic and Roman writers can be identified with toponyms in Hieroglyphic, 

Demotic, Meroitic, Coptic, Arabic sources as well as with modern placenames. 

Consequently, 108 and related sources serve as a firm basis for research 

into the settlement history of the Middle Nile Region (cf. Priese op. cit.; for an 

evaluation of the settlement history and the recent literature on this subject see 

conveniently Tiirök 1988, 205 ff.). Table A below presents a coordinated 

overview of Bion's E and W bank lists with eventual earlier, and (if identifiable) 

modern names of the settlements. It is based on Priese 1984 (for diverging 

identifications see, however, Török 1986, Nos 29, 59, 63, 81; for a confrontation 

of the itineraries of Bion with those of Juba [FHN III, 186], the Petronius expedition 

[ibid., 204], and the Neronian expedition [ibid., 206] see Ti5rök 1988, 209-13). 

Table A 

East bank West bank Egyptian Meroitic Modern 

Between the First Cataract and Maharraqa 

Catadupians; 

Syenites Swnw Aswan 

Tacompsor. Tacompson T;-q-rm-p-s Maharraqa 

Thaticen Maharraqa 

Betzveen Maharraqa and the Second Cataract 

Mogore Ikhmindi 

S(a)ea Sye/Siye Mediq 

Aramam 1-3-m-1 Wadi el Arab/ 

aturma 

Sesamos/Sesamum Sedosa (?) Sdose Wadi el Arab/ 

es Sebura 

Plen 

[LT] 

555

Ariae (?) or 


Sapele (?) Sapele (?) Shablul (?) 

Andura 1-n-r-w3-r' Adere/Dor ed Dirr 

Ariae (?) Nlote Aniba/Karanbg 

Pindis Pedeme Qasr Ibrim 

Magassa Masmas (?) 

Andumana(s) (3-d-w-mn Adomn Arminna 

I(n)doma cd-m.t Abu Simbel 

Curambeta/ 

come Arabeta (?) Qrbe Abu Hoda (?) 

Bogghi M-13; (?) Beqe/Boqh Ballana 

Analeu (?) Amod Qustul 

Phitor[..1 Phrse Phrse Faras 

Tantarene Tketore 

Buma B(w)hn Buhen 

(A)lintuma (I)-;-n-tm Abka West 

Between the Second and Third Cataracts 

Spintum 

Sidopt 

Emeae MI-w / 1V1~3-'3 Firka 

Chiindita 

Gensoe Ginnis 

region of Semna ? 

region of Sonqi ? 

Pindi(mis?) Pedeme Amara West 

Noa / Ataea Hw.t-Ty Atiye Sedeinga 

Golpoa/Goploa 

Gistate 

Megada 

Gale 

Citior/Citora 

South of the Third Cataract 

Achug/Gugo Koka 

Aremni Arme Kerma 

Orsum (?) 

(P)nups Pr-nbs Tabo 

Direla Agada (?) 

Patigga Pr-gm-Itn Kawa 

556 

Suara Sor-tod 

Maumarum Sagaba (?) 

Urbim Urbi 

Mulon Handak

Bagada 

Dumana 

Cadata/R(h)adata 

The Sources 

Megauda 

Pagoel Baga 

Artas/ArteArgi 

ZamnesTamba(narti)/ 

Tergis (?) 

MambliGanetti (?) 

Duffar (?) 

Beressa 

CoetumK;-rw-t(?)-n(?)Korti 

Between the Fifth Cataract and Meroe City 

Boron 

Mallo (?) 

Epis 

Places south of Meroe City 

Summarum 

Arabam 

Gori 

Candra 

Secande/Secandum 

Darden 

Asara/Aesar 

oppidum Se(m)berritarum 

Sobore 

l-r(-I)b(-i-)-k-rw-b 

Skdi 

109 The geography of Aithiopia. 3rd cent. BC. 

Eratosthenes in Strabo 17.1.2 (p. 1096.6-1097.13 Meineke). 


Fraser 1970 

Jones 1949 

Kramer 1852 

Meineke 1853 

Pfeiffer 1968 

Shendi (?) 

Wad ban Naqa 

Qerri 

Kadaro 

Saqadi 

Shamfur (?) 

[LT] 

P.M. Fraser: Eratosthenes of Cyrene. Proceedings of the 

British Academy 56, 175-207. 

Strabo: The Geography. Vol. 8. With an Eng. trans. by 

H.L. Jones. London & Cambridge, MA (The Loeb 

Classical Library). 

Strabonis Geographica. Recensuit G. Kramer. Vol. 3. 

Berolini. 

Strabonis Geographica. Recognovit A. Meineke. Vol. 3. 

Leipzig (repr. 1913). 

R. Pfeiffer: History of Classical Scholarship. From the 

Beginnings to the End of the Hellenistic World. Oxford. 

557


Romm 1992 J.S. Romm: The Edges of the Earth in Ancient Thought: 

Geography, Exploration, and Fiction. Princeton, NJ. 


Eratosthenes of Cyrene (Libya) is the first systematic and scientifically based geographer 

of the Hellenistic world. He was bom in 276 BC (or earlier) and died at 

the age of 82. Though he studied both in his native Cyrene and in Athens, most 

of his life and career is connected with Alexandria in Egypt and the learned institution 

created and supported by the Ptolemaic kings, the Museum (Mouseion). 

He was a literary critic, as well as a poet himself. He is said by Suetonius to 

have been the first to call himself a "philologist" (philologos), but this designation 

should not be taken in its modern restricted sense. In fact, Eratosthenes 

was one of the most versatile of the scholars and scientists of 3rd century 

Alexandria, writing not only on literary topics such as Old Attic Comedy, but 

also on mathematics, astronomy, chronography, philosophy, and—most importantly—on 

geographia (a word possibly coined by him), "description of the 

earth", and geometria, "measurement of the earth". 

As a geographer, Eratosthenes strives to establish a scientific basis for his description 

of the earth. In contrast to his contemporaries, he rejects the authority 

of Homer in geographical matters (cf. Romm 1992, 185-187) and tries to arrive at 

a more exact knowledge through critical examination of the reports of actual 

travellers to distant countries, such as those who followed Alexander the Great 

on his campaigns. He is not known to have been a field explorer himself, but 

obviously made extensive use of the rich collections of the Alexandrian library. 

One special interest of his, as will be seen in the present extract, is the measurement 

of distances between places and even of the circumference of the 

earth; and, seeing the nature of the data and instruments at his disposal, 

"modern scientists are always amazed how near he came to the truth" (Pfeiffer 

1968, 165). 

For a description and discussion of Eratosthenes' work, see Pfeiffer (1968, 

152-170); for an assessment of his achievement, cf. also Fraser (1970). 

Like all his other writings, Eratosthenes' Geographica (in 3 books) is preserved 

in fragments only. Later geographers often criticize him, but use his 

work frequently, with or without acknowledgement of their source. The present 

fragment owes its survival to the fact that the Greek writer Strabo (ca. 

64/63 BC - after AD 23) quotes it at the beginning of the last book of his Geography, 

devoted to Egypt and Nubia as well as to Libya and Mauretania. As is generally 

the case with "quotations" in ancient works of literature, we cannot expect 

the kind of literal reproduction of the source that we are used to in modern 

scholarship; but we have no specific reason to believe that the information 

conveyed here does not derive from Eratosthenes, whom Strabo names both 

before and after the quotation (17.1 fin.: 'Here we must first present Eratos 

558

The Sources 

thenes' views"; 17.3 init.: "This, then, is what Eratosthenes says"). On Strabo 

generally, see FHN III, 187. 

Since there exists no modern critical edition of Strabo's Book 17, we have 

taken Meineke's Teubner text of 1853 as our point of departure but have also 

consulted the critical notes in Kramer's edition (1852) and in the Loeb Classical 

Library edition (Jones 1949). Any deviations from the text of Meineke are indicated 

in the notes to the translation. There is a complete English translation in 

Jones (1949). 

Text 

(1)116't 61) TOii 'ApaPiou KOkrcou ataSiou 84.xelv 

tav NE12", naparckijmov ON/Tå t ypågaldcm N xellikvq) åvå- 

TrOcktv. Puç yåp, 4niv, årca Mcp61; 1t tÇ PKTOU 84.6X1X,i01) 

k7ITål(06i01) 6Ta8i01);, 7T6Xtv avacrup«.ei Irpå; gEarlliPpiav icat tV 

xeiRepivilv SUatv c'og tp ?dotç Kål bzTåle06i01) CSTUSi01.), Kål C5XES6v 

Tl dcvtcipa Kocrå MEp011v tôiroiç icà ç tv Al113


Translation 

He [Eratosthenes] says that the Nile is at a distance of a thousand stadia240 west 

of the Arabian Gulf and is shaped like the letter N written the other way round. 

For it flows, he says, northwards from Meroe about 2 700 stadia, then turns 

again towards the south and the winter sunset for about 3 700 stadia. Having 

arrived at regions approximately corresponding to that of Meroe and having 

advanced far into Libya, it makes a second turn and flows northwards 5 300 stadia 

to the great cataract, turning slightly aside towards the east. It then flows the 

1 200 stadia to the smaller cataract at Syene, and another 5 300 to the sea. 

Two rivers discharge their water into it, flowing from some lakes in the east 

and enclosing Meroe, an island of considerable size. One of them is called Astaboras 

and flows on its eastern side, the other Astapous; but some call it Astasobas, 

saying that the Astapous is another river flowing from some lakes in the 

south, and that this river makes up almost the whole straight part of the Nile; 

its flooding is caused by the summer rains. 

Beyond the confluence of the Astaboras and the Nile, at a distance of 700 

stadia, lies the city of Meroe, with the same name as the island. There is said to 

be another island beyond Meroe which is occupied by the fugitives from Egypt 

who defected in the time of241- Psammetich. They are called Sembrites, as being 

immigrants. Their ruler is a woman, but they are subject to Meroe.242 

To the north, on each side of (the island of) Meroe, live along the Nile and 

towards the Read Sea the Megabaroi and the Blemmyes, who are subject to the 

Aithiopians but are neighbours of the Egyptians; and along the sea live the 

Troglodytes.243 There is a distance of about ten or twelve days' journey between 

the Troglodytes opposite Meroe and the Nile. 

To the left of the course of the Nile, in Libya, live the Nubai, a large tribe, 

beginning at Meroe and continuing as far as the bends of the river. They are not 

subject to the Aithiopians but are divided into several separate kingdoms. 

[TH] 

240The exact measure of the Eratosthenian stadion is a matter of dispute; recent writers on the 

subject suggest 157.7 m, 166.7 m, and 184.98 m. 

241Like Jones (1949, 4 n. 2) we here retain the reading of the manuscripts (see Kramer ad loc.), krit 

"in the time of", instead 

FHN I, 56). 

of accepting with Meineke the conjecture 1±76;) (as in Herodotus 2.30.3, 

242Some change the text here to make it agree with Strabo 16.4.8 (FHN III, 189), substituting 

brapxoixyrK for iirceocoi)oum; the ensuing text might be rendered "to whom Meroe too is subject". 

But this emendation is rather drastic, and Strabo probably followed different sources at the two 

places. In addition, if one decides to harmonize the two passages, it is not self-evident that it is 

17.1.2 that should be changed, since it agrees with Herodotus (2.30.5, FHN I, 56): "... they gave 

themselves over to the king of the Aithiopians". 

243For the name Troglodytes or Trogodytes, see FHN I, 66, Comments. 

560

Comments 

The Sources 

Eratosthenes' description of Nubia was based on data collected in the Middle 

Nile Region by explorers and travellers of various professions who visited 

Aithiopia during the decades following Ptolemy II's military expedition around 

274 BC (see 97, Comments; 144). 

The correctness of his description of the course of the Nile from Meroe to 

Syene (Aswan) is astonishing indeed, even if the actual orientations do not correspond 

exactly with our modern map. The distances are, of course, not precise 

either. It is noteworthy, however, that the description is given from S to N, i.e., 

in a downstream direction and thus as if from an "Aithiopian perspective". 

The "big cataract" is identical with the Second Cataract, which represented the 

greatest obstacle to Nile traffic. The Butana region between the Nile and the Atbara 

is generally described as an island in ancient literature. Eratosthenes' 

Astaboras is identical with the Atbara, while the Astapous is called to-day Blue 

Nile and the Astasoba of the anonymous author(s) quoted by him is the White 

Nile (cf. Schäfer 1895). 

The use of ethnographic literature found by Eratosthenes in the Alexandrian 

library is reflected in some of his less exact remarks. The island beyond 

(i.e., south of) Meroe inhabited by the Deserters derives from Herodotus (2.30; 

see FHN I, 56). The Deserters or Sembrites also occur in other works dependent 

on early Hellenistic Alexandrian geography and ethnography (in this volume 

see 104). The placing, on the other hand, of the Megabaroi and the Blemmyes 

east of the Nile and the Trogodytes along the Red Sea coast in the Eastern 

Desert between the Egyptian frontier and the latitude of Meroe City seems realistic 

if we accept that these names designate different (groups of) Beja tribes (cf. 

Updegraff 1988, 62 f.). The—at times challenged—supremacy of the kings of 

Kush over them was touched upon in the Comments on FHN I, 34, 50, and in 

this volume on 71, 76, 84. The name Nubai seems to designate a nomadic people, 

apparently one of the Nubian-speaking peoples some of which were settled 

in the Upper Nubian Nile Valley already as early as the New Kingdom (cf. 

Priese 1973 passim; 1978, 76). The Nubai living west of the Nile in the 3rd century 

BC will appear in the historical record in the 4th century AD as invaders in 

the Butana and Upper Nubia (cf. FHN III, 297). 

110 On the reasons for the Nile flooding. 3rd cent. BC. 

Eratosthenes in Strabo 17.1.5 (p. 1101.18-31 Meineke). 


For Source bibliography and Introduction to source generally see 109. The present 

passage is not as clearly marked by Strabo as a quotation from Eratosthenes 

as that in 109; but there are still good reasons to believe that Eratosthenes, who 

[LT] 

561


became attached to the library of Alexandria in the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus, 

is his source here as well. 

Text 

dcpxalm CTTOX,OCCW:1)TO TrXECW, o 8' iiatspov ccimizzat, 

OEN7T£; 1)CSOOVIO intO 4113pcov OEplv6W ipoi5.tEvov TOv NeiXov, Tfi; AiBto- 

Itia; tf1ç vo icXDÇotvTç, KOLL Xtc èv toi; ECTX6T01; OpEat, 

7tabacq.1-vow & r(iiv 6143pcov rrocu011EV1VKat' Okty0v "CTIv rrX,1141:UpiScr 

Toi-YTO8' ntip wikicsra 8fikov 7CX£01)61,rOv 'Apcifkov KO22rov 

iervval.tcogoilxipou Kcit £KICEIITCOpkvot £TC't riv 'CCik 6.2,(1)0(VCCOv 

01-pocv, Kal 'rveç Ucci xpEica. napoiuvov £KEi6E âvöpcç irpoxetpi- 

EcrOca 'roç rflç Aiyimrov PamUcc; roi) Ginot yap 

b1:96vri5av t(tiv "COLO'lYCCOv, IStalt EpOVTO) S' ô(131,X68EXkl)og 7CKX11OEiÇ , 41)11- 

1..CYCOp6w ici.t Stå tiv OCGO£N,Elav toi) aô.tcnoç Staycoya Ocei twa; Kcit 

Translation 

.tyrci)y Katvorpa. 

The ancients understood, mostly by guessing, as later generations by becoming 

eyewitnesses, that the Nile is filled by summer rains when Upper Aithiopia is 

being deluged, especially in the most distant mountains; and when the rains 

cease, the flooding gradually ceases. This became particularly evident to those 

who sailed on the Arabian Gulf as far as the Cinnamon-producing country and 

to those who were sent out to hunt elephants, or whenever some other needs 

urged the Ptolemaic kings of Egypt to detach men thither. For these kings took 

an interest in such things, in particular Ptolemy surnamed Philadelphus, who 

favoured research and because of his frail body always sought to find some distractions 

and novel amusements. 

{TH} 

Comments 

Strabo here discusses the problem of the inundation of the Nile and presents 

the views of a number of writers on it, presumably as a result of literary research 

he had conducted before he accompanied his protector Aelius Gallus, 

Prefect of Egypt, on his Nile voyage (cf. Honigmann 1931, 91 and see FHN III, 

187). The knowledge conveyed by the above-quoted passage, which probably de- 

rives from Eratosthenes' lost work (see Introduction to source), reflects the discoveries 

made by the explorers of the early Hellenistic period who visited 

Aithiopia in the course of the first half of the 3rd century BC. The ancient Egyptians 

did not see any causal connection between the rains in Aithiopia and the 

Nile inundation; it is only Taharqo's inscription from Year 6 (see FHN I, 22 9) 

that comes close to an association of the two as coincidental phenomena (cf. 

Zivie 1983, 204). Herodotus denied altogether the occurrence of rain in Aithiopia 

(2.20-22). Strabo, however, believes that the fact that "the summer rains are 

562

The Sources 

the cause of the risings [of the Niler was already known to Homer, and then to 

Aristotle and Callisthenes as well (17.1.5). While reflecting a correct understanding 

of the connection between the summer monsoon rains and the inundation, 

Eratosthenes' description is rather sketchy as to the whole of the process 

of inundation. The remark on the reasons for the intellectual interests of 

Philadelphus, the probable founder of the Library of Alexandria (cf. Fraser 1972 

I, 320 ff.) and a great ruler whose long reign abounded in success, is certainly id- 

iosyncratic. 

111 On the name Meroe. 3rd cent. BC. 

Eratosthenes in Strabo 17.1.5 (p. 1102.6-12 Meineke). 

For Source bibliography and Introduction to source, see 109. 

Text 

[LT] 

Kal.t[36m1; A'iyurrrov KaTa6X(bv npofiX0E Kat tép 'rfiç MepOri 

ge-ca Tcik Aiywcriffiv' Kal&i KL TaiivOga 'rfi; TE VTI:5(.9 Kak. ri r6XEt. 

TO'CYCO nap' KEtVOU TeOfivai (Ixxatv, kicEi tflç OciSekci)fig denoOavoix-,T% al)T6), 

Mep6%. o & yuvalica (Paat tv buovulliav cv xapiaccro ocim) 

Ocv0pconov. 

Translation 

When Cambyses had occupied Egypt, he even advanced as far as Meroe with 

the Egyptians; and it was indeed he, it is said, that gave this name to both island 

and city, because his sister Meroe died there. Some say it was his wife; anyway, 

he conferred the name on it to honour that woman. 

[TH] 

Comments 

This passage from Eratosthenes' work is included here in order to illustrate the 

etymologies of names that frequently occur in works of ancient authors. The 

origin of the legend concerning the name of the city of Meroe is obscure and 

there existed variants of it. While, according to Eratosthenes, it was captured by 

Cambyses and renamed by him after his sister or wife (probably a reflection of 

Ptolemaic brother-sister marriages), Diodorus (1.33) believes that it was 

founded by the Persian king and named after his mother. 

In fact, Meroe City existed already by the 7th century BC (cf. Shinnie-Bradley 

1980; Török n.d.). The first known occurrence of the place-name B;-r-w; in a 

Kushite document is in the great Kawa inscription of Irike-Amannote (see 71 5) 

written in the second half of the 5th century BC (Garstang-Sayce-Griffith 1911, 

26 mention a [now lost and unillustrated] fragment of a stela of Aspelta from 

Temple M 250 at Meroe City with the place-name A/13r which, if the reading 

563


is correct, would be the earliest attested occurrence of the toponym); however, 

in the form Mepén the name was already known to Herodotus (FHN I, 56). In 

Meroitic texts it occurs in the form Bedewe. The kingdom of Kush was known 

in the Roman world as kingdom of Meroe. 

112 The Nubian nome list of Ptolemy II. Philae, Temple of Isis. After ca. 274 

BC. 

Inscribed in the standards of figures of nomes bringing tribute to Isis, base zone, 

Room I, S, W, N sides. Urk. II, 12.27. 


(1) Snmwt 

Senemut (Biga Island) 

Flwt-hnt 

(2) Nearer-compound (Philae) 

(3) Pr-mrt 

(3) House-of-rthe-margin-of-the-desert' 

(4) B;kt 

(4) Taxer (Quban, Contra Pselchis) 

(About six nomes missing.) 

(5) Itfy (= Itfit)244 

(5)Atefat (Sedeinga) 

(6) T3-w3d 

(6) rGreenl-land 

(7) P;-nbst 

(7) House-of the-zizyphus-tree (Pnubs) 

(8)P-t-tn-1l-Yr1245 

(8) Patana 

(9)Nipt 

(9) Napata (Gebel Barkal) 

244Itfit was a source of flint, cf. Aufrère 1991, 565 and note 41. 

245For Pr-gm-Itn, Kawa? 

564

(10) Mi-r-w3-1 

Meroe 

Ph(w)-1


in the inscriptions of the Apedemak temple at Musawwarat es Sufra with the 

general meaning "Nubia" (Hintze 1962, 27 f.; Hintze et al. 1993, 81; for Kenset 

see 2abkar 1978). 

Arkamaniqo (Ergamenes I). Titles. 

Sources: N wall, mortuary chapel of Beg. S. 6, Dunham 1957, fig. B/14; offering 

table Khartoum 27, Sayce 1909, 193, Pl. 25/1; PM VII, 257; Hofmann 1978, 39. 

Throne name 


"The heart-of-R&rejoices" 

Comments 

Owing to a lack of other evidence than the cartouches inscribed in his mortuary 

chapel reliefs, it cannot be decided whether Arkamaniqo assumed a five-part 

titulary or only cartouche names on his ascent to the throne (for the probability 

of the latter and the tradition of "incomplete" titularies see (82) and 84, Comments). 

The Throne name imitates, in a very remarkable manner, that of the Egyptian 

Twenty-Sixth Dynasty king Amasis; no other occurrence thereof is known. 

An explanation for this is suggested in (114). 

Arkamaniqo (Ergamenes I). Evidence for reign. 

King Arkamaniqo's filiation and family relations are unknown. His dating is 

established on the basis of his identification with the Ergamenes occurring in 

Hellenistic literature and on the basis of Agatharchides' remark (see 142) that 

this Ergamenes was a contemporary of Ptolemy II (285/82-246 BC). He is, accordingly, 

allotted a place in the relative royal chronology in the second quarter of 

the 3rd century BC (cf. Hofmann 1978, 37 ff.; Török 1988, 178). 

Arkamaniqo's reign is attested in Kush solely by his pyramid burial Beg. S 6 

(Dunham 1957, 27 ff.), the first royal burial in the region of Meroe City, where 

his cartouches are inscribed in the mortuary cult chapel (see (113)). Since, however, 

he is identified with the King Ergamenes who, according to Agatharchides 

(in Diodorus 3.6, see 142), was a contemporary of Ptolemy II Philadelphus, 

Arkamaniqo-Ergamenes I (for Ergamenes II see (128), (129)) is generally 

regarded in the literature as a sort of "heretic" king who, by means of a royal 

coup d'&at, put a violent end to the "rule" of the priests of Amån of Napata, 

thereby separating state and church, and removed the centre of the kingdom 

also geographically from the sphere of these priests by transferring the "capital" 

566

The Sources 

from Napata to Meroe (e.g., Hofmann 1971, 77; Adams 1977, 305, 311; Hofmann 

1978, 41; Hintze 1978, 94 f.). 

The interpretation of Agatharchides' Ergamenes story as a royal revolt 

against the suffocating power of the priesthood of Am0n over the institutions 

of the kingship can be seen to be wrong if one realizes the unbroken continuity 

of Kushite kingship ideology with the cult of Amfin of Napata at its centre and 

the continuity of Napata as one of the capitals of the land (and not the capital: 

for the existence of several capitals at the same time see rflirök 1992) during and 

after the reign of Arkamaniqo. The Ergamanes-story more likely reflects another 

kind of discontinuity: viz., the coming to power of a new dynasty. While 

Arkamaniqo did not in fact "transfer the capital", he did transfer the royal 

burial ground from the neighbourhood of Napata, i.e., from the area that was 

traditionally connected with the founders of the kingdom of Kush who originated 

from there (cf. FHN I, (2)), to the neighbourhood of Meroe City. His actual 

tomb, Beg. S. 6, which is situated at the lower edge of the hill occupied by 

Begarawiya South Cemetery, a necropolis where aristocrats and royal wives had 

been buried since Kashta's and Piye's reigns (cf. Dunham 1963), can most likely 

be interpreted as an interment in his ancestors' burial place. Otherwise, the 

burial of a ruler in a low-lying, peripheral part of a non-royal cemetery would 

be more than unusual: indeed, Arkamaniqo's second successor opened a new 

royal burial ground (i.e., Beg. N.) close to Beg. S. on the top of another hill (see 

(117)). The Ergamenes-story in Diodorus also hints at the violent circumstances 

of the emergence of the new dynasty, though transferring it into the realm of 

the Herodotean motif of the massacre of priests. 

Arkamaniqo's Throne name lends further support to the above-sketched interpretation: 

the adoption of the Throne name of Ahmes/Amasis, who did not 

hide from his contemporaries the fact that he violently deposed his predecessor 

(for his stela from Year 1 see Meulenaere 1973a, 181), indicates that the Kushite 

king deliberately and pointedly associated himself with an Egyptian king who 

was known to posteriority as a usurper. Significantly, the most important features 

of Amasis in Herodotus' description, i.e. that he was a usurper in the beginning, 

and a "lover of the Greeks" later (2.178), may also be extracted from 

Agatharchides' Ergamenes-portrait. While other elements of the Ergamenesstory 

come in fact from different tales in Herodotus (see 142, Comments), this 

parallelism is more likely to be historical, and is part of the parallelism felt and 

brought to expression by Arkamaniqo himself (for a detailed discussion of such 

an interpretation of the data see Ti5rök 1992a). 

In accordance with the terminological consensus in the literature, yet laying 

stress on the fact that with Arqamani a new dynasty of southern origins had 

emerged, and not that the capital of the country was transferred from Napata to 

Meroe, we shall henceforth use Meroe and Meroitic when speaking of the 

kingdom of Kush. 

[LT] 

567


(115) Amanislo. Titles. Evidence for reign. 

Titles 

Sources: 1. Secondary cartouches on the granite lion statues of Amenophis III 

("Prudhoe lions") transferred by Piye (?) or Amanislo (?) from Soleb to Gebel 

Barkal, British Museum 1, 2, Dunham 1957, fig. B/9c; 2. Beg. S. 5, mortuary cult 

chapel, N and S walls, Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 3/F, H. (It was suggested 

that a fragmentarily preserved Son-of-Rê name found on a column drum at 

Semna might be that of Amanislo: Dunham-Janssen 1960, fig. 4, Pl. 88/b. On account 

of its uncertain reading, this name is not listed here.) 

1. 2. 

Throne name nh-nfr-ib-Rc 

"Neferibrê-lives" "Neferibrê-lives" 


Epithet: "Beloved-of- 

Amtin" 


Amanislo's filiation and family relations are unknown. It was speculated that 

the owner of Beg. S. 4, Kanarta who bears the title "Mother of 

Pharaoh" (on an unpublished offering table, the reading of which could not be 

checked, see Dunham 1957, 186, fig. 121), was the wife of Arkamaniqo and the 

mother of Amanislo (cf. Dunham 1957, 9; Hofmann 1978, 43; for her iconography 

as Queen Mother see Török 1987, 43). If this is correct, the Year 20 + X in a 

badly damaged inscription on the N wall of Kanarta funerary cult 

chapel (Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. III/ A) may refer to the regnal year of 

Amanislo in which his mother was buried (cf. Hofmann 1978, 43 f.). His place 

after Arkamaniqo in the relative chronology of the rulers of Kush was suggested 

on the basis of the location of his pyramid grave Beg. S. 5 in the Begarawiya 

South Cemetery (cf. Dunham 1957, 6, 37). If in fact he reigned for more 

than twenty years, Amanislo may hypothetically be dated to the middle decades 

of the 3rd century BC. 

Amanislo's cartouches on the Soleb lions, the most splendid lion sculptures 

ever made in New Kingdom Egypt, indicate—irrespective of the question of 

whether it was he or a predecessor that transferred them to Napata /Gebel 

Barkal— restoration activity on a rather grand scale. As it seems (see Kendall 

1991, 309), they were re-erected flanking the entrance avenue of Palace B 1200 

(the ancient royal ceremonial palace contemporary with the early Temple B 

800) which connected the Palace with the sanctuaries built into the lower part 

of the cliff (B 200, 300, 1100, cf. Kendall 1991, fig. 1). The restoration of the royal 

palace which was used by the kings during their coronation ceremonies at Napata 

by the successor of Arkamaniqo, the—wrongly—supposed hero of the 

568

The Sources 

coup d'&at against the priests of Amim of Napata (see (114), Comments), certainly 

speaks against any breach with Napata and supports the above-suggested 

interpretation of the Ergamenes-story (see (114), Comments; 142, Comments). 

Amanislo appears as Amonasro in Auguste Mariette's libretto for Verdi's 

Aida. 

[LT] 

116 Earliest Greek source for the Blemmyes. First half of the 3rd cent. BC. 

Theocritus 7.111-114. 


Gow 1952 

Dover 1971 

Theocritus, edited with a translation and commentary 

by A.S.F. Gow. Vol. 1-2. Cambridge. 

Theocritus: Select Poems, edited with an introduction 

and commentary by K.J. Dover. Basingstoke-London. 


The poet Theocritus was a native of Syracuse in Sicily, but came to Alexandria, 

the centre of learning and literature in the Hellenistic age, where he seems to 

have been under the patronage of Ptolemy II Philadelphus. His poems also 

show familiarity with the island of Cos, the setting of the poem from which the 

present text is taken. 

Theocritus owes his literary fame to his being regarded as the founder of the 

pastoral or bucolic genre. His pastoral poems typically depict the charm and 

daily life of the Greek countryside, with shepherds exchanging songs about 

love, Pan and the Nymphs. The present text is from such a poem. The lines 

quoted here, which give the earliest mention of the Blemmyes in Greek literature, 

belong to one of the songs contained in the poem: the singer asks Pan to 

assist a friend in a love affair, and lists the ills he wishes upon Pan in case he 

refuses his assistance. 

The fullest commentary on Theocritus is Gow (1952), with Greek text and 

English translation. The shorter commentary by Dover (1971) is also much to be 

recommended. 

Text 

EN; 3"H8coveiv Ifev v dipsat xeigau cq 

'EPpov nåp notagOv turpociii.tvo "Apietcp, 

04-.)et rcup.dermcn nap' MOIOnecycn volid)m; 

rcipq "57t0 Bksi.r6wv, 80ev NeiXo; Opatck. 

569


Translation 

In midwinter may you [Pan] be in the mountains of the Edonians,246 

turned towards the river Hebrus, near to the Great Bear,247 

and in summer may you herd your flock among the most distant of the 

Aithiopians, 

beneath the rock of the Blemmyes, whence the Nile can no longer be seen. 

[TE] 

Comments 

Theocritus owed his knowledge of the existence of a people called Blemmyes to 

the early 3rd century BC Greek explorers of Aithiopia (cf. 100). He correctly associates 

them with the "most distant" Aithiopians (a reminiscence of the utopian 

character of the blameless Aithiopians living on the periphery of the known 

world), and their "rock" may derive from a definition of the habitat of the 

Blemmyes given by Theocritus' source in relation to one of the Nile cataracts 

(cf. Updegraff 1988, 62). For the Blemmyes in earlier sources see FHN I, 34, 50, in 

this volume 71, 76, 84, 109. 

[LT] 

(117) Amanitekha. Titles. Evidence for reign. 

Titles 

Source: cartouches on block from S wall relief of the (destroyed) mortuary cult 

chapel of Beg. N. 4, Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 4/D; Beckerath 1984, Anhang 

h. 

Throne name rMnh-lb-W 

"R&is-One-whose-heart-rendures'" 

Son-of-Rê name Imn-tih3 


King Amanitekha was the first ruler of Kush to be buried in the North Cemetery 

at Meroe-Begarawiya. Though his tomb Beg. N. 4 (Dunham 1957, 52 f.) receives 

a great importance through its position, the tomb itself was of a rather 

small size and seems to have had only two subterranean chambers, as opposed 

to the canonical three of the great majority of the earlier and later tombs of 

rulers (for the destruction of the tomb caused by E.A.W. Budge's excavation see 

246 The Edonians, a people of Thrace, represent the extreme North , where the winter is cold, contrasted 

in the following with the extreme South, represented by the Aithiopians, where the 

summer is dry and hot. 

247 1.e. the constellation, the notion being that the closer one gets to the extremities of the earth, 

the shorter the distance to the celestial bodies; cf. 142 (Agatharchides in Diod. Sic. 3.2.1): "the 

region closest to the sun" (of the Aithiopians). 

570

The Sources 

Dunham 1957, 53). His filiation and family relations are unknown, and the dating 

of his reign to the second half of the 3rd century BC is suggested on the basis 

of the location of his tomb in the necropolis (cf. Hofmann 1978, 46 ff.). 

Comments 

The poor preservation of Amanitekha's cartouches does not allow an analysis 

of his Throne name which may have been a Kushite construction modelled 

upon a related TIP (Twenty-Third Dynasty ? or Piye ? see FHN I, (5) 7d) Throne 

name (Mn-hpr-Rc) rather than an imitation of the identical Throne name of the 

obscure Fourteenth Dynasty Menibre (Beckerath 1984, XII/40) or of the Lower 

Egyptian contemporary (?) of Piye Menibre (Beckerath 1984, XXVB/e). 

It is worth noticing that the three earliest rulers of the new dynasty buried 

in the area of Meroe City (cf. (114), Comments) had throne names containing 

an utterance concerning ib R. Though titles consisting of this element (FHN I, 

(33), Anlamani, Nebty; (35), Aspelta, Golden Horus) already occurred in earlier 

Kushite titularies, it is the two occurrences of the Throne name in the 

titularies of Irike-Amannote ((69)) and Akhratari ((79)) that concern us here; for 

these too are connected with the first three generations of an apparently new 

dynasty (cf. (79), Comments). It was pointed out above ((113), Comments) that 

Hnny-lb-R in Arkamaniqo's titulary indicates a deliberate association of Arka- 

maniqo with Amasis in order to allude to his founding of a new dynasty by violent 

means. While the traditional notion of Mn-ib(-R

Comments 


The Golden Horus name found on the stray blocks from the area of Beg. N. 16 

was doubtless modelled on Ptolemy III Euergetes' Golden Horus name Wr-phty 

fri-Jhw(t) nb-h3bw-sd-mi-Pth-T3tnn ity-mi-R< (Beckerath 1984, Ptolemäer 3 G); a title 

referring to the king's duties towards his divine father (cf. Grimal 1986, 167 ff. 

with notes 500-512, examples from Ramesses II to Pinodjem I) and to his piety 

and creative role, it was formed in Egypt on the basis of New Kingdom concepts 

and models (cf. for Ramesses XI and Herihor: Grimal 1986, 520 f. with note 372). 

It is more difficult to point out the actual model(s) for the King's Throne 

name (without Epithet). Besides a New Kingdom example: viz., Thutmose III's 

Nebty name sp-

The Sources 

Peremans-van't Dack 

1952 W. Peremans-E. van't Dack: Prosopographia 

Ptolemaica. Vol. 2. (Studia Hellenistica, 8.) Louvain- 

Peremans-van't Dack 

1975 

Wilcken 1912 

Witkowski 1911 

Witkowski 1913 


Leiden. 

W. Peremans-E. van't Dack: Prosopographia 

Ptolemaica. Vol. 8. (Studia Hellenistica, 21.) Lovanii. 

L. Mitteis-U. Wilcken: Grundzüge und Chrestomathie 

der Papyruskunde. Band 1: U. Wilcken: Historischer 

Teil, 2: Chrestomathie. Leipzig-Berlin. 

S. Witkowski: Epistulae privatae graecae quae in 

papyris aetatis Lagidarum servantur. 2nd ed. Lipsiae. 

S. Witkowski: Quaestiones papyrologae, maximam 

partem ad epistulas pertinentes. Eos 19, 19-38. 

This papyrus letter was found in the Fayyum in Egypt; and the name of the 

sender, Manres, points to the Fayyum as its place of origin (Wilcken 1912, 534). 

So, as Wilcken remarks, if the letter ever reached the elephant hunters, they 

must have brought it back home again. 

The text was first published by Mahaffy (1893, 135 f., with supplementary 

material in Mahaffy 1894, 8, and Mahaffy-Smyly 1905, 149; no photo provided). 

It was reedited in Wilcken's Chrestomathie, in which there is also a discussion 

of its historical implications. We mostly follow Wilcken's text (1912, 533-535, 

No. 452, with bibliography and comments) which is based on inspection of the 

original. An improved rea ding in line 19 and a new supplement in line 20 are 

due to Witkowski (1913, 23-30), who also had included the letter in the second 

edition of his collection of private papyrus letters (Witkowski 1911, 39-42, No. 

24). 

Text 

Mocvpil; NEKTEvi.13t ' 'A ti.13Et' 248 IIETO[aipEl] I 'Ap.OUCEI (?) ' "Qpou' 249 

Tun.[ ] I EptEi)T1 ZOv0o,')UT:t250 FIET[ ] I A...T1 FIETEX6ivtl A..[ ] Is "Qpo» 

[....]... "Col; 'C' [åkkol]; 7COkital; I TCC(.61, xaipetv. 

ppetx3OE ruiwce;, K&Ç åNi [iryl]aivOI[gE]v Kcà aôtoi. flapayev- 

Oue[vo] (lacuna of at least one line)110 ktriv ]atv I ot.[ 1.K..[ I I Mi 

oi)v Oktyotifux*YTITE, I åk,Å.' dc.v8pical3e, ôXiyoç I 7à13 X136vo 

"cotp,(115Etat yåp i &ctSoy I Ka,i. K]UvirfOi bri.X.EXzyplvotI Ei[csi, oi] 

248 Written above the line; according to Witkowski (1913, 23), it should rather be inserted before 

Nektenibi and possibly be read 'ApiPet. 

249 Written above the line. 

250Reading by W. Clarysse as reported in Peremans-van't Dack (1975, 225, No.4506), replacing 

Mahaffy's (1893) csov.ECOTIn and Wilcken's (1912) Zov.d3yet. 

573

Fontes Historiae NubiorumIl 

j.té24kolvte; napayevb3lOat [1.1E]tå Toi3 atpcertryoi5. I Ilqpatql.i. S[ Kcit 

`1-1120poicov rc624cN nop]Eia25i I cruvT61.t.o.) kovta I mit i2L.E- 

(1)avtrryå[d v BepEjvixit xet icast aini) (lacuna of perhaps several 

lines) I ypOcycict got, icap' 125turii ky£VETO TI:Y6 Cfit01), I OCS' 01.`) 

2,..ecl)av-rrjyå KatEl7tOvtiCTO1 xast itxpi .61..toi[v]I ‘PrEivw0e, coç åv 

irytaiivovta i)j.tdc; 18(4tev. 13° "Eppco(cs0e). ('Etoy;) icSI [(1)uoi]cgt] l. 

Translation 

Manres greets Nektenibis, Atibis, Peto[sirisl, Amphitis (?), A[...]nis son of 

Horos252 (?), Teo[...], Herieus, Sonthoys, Pet[...], A[...1, Petechons, A[...], (5) Horos, 

Pakereus, Hieron253 [...] and all his o[ther] compatriots. If you are all well, it is 

fine, and we too are in good health ourselves. 

When [..1254 came here [...] (10) us [...].255 Do not be fainthearted, but keep up 

your spirits. You have only a little time left, (15) for your relief is being made 

ready, and the hunters who will come with the strategos are (already) selected. 

There will also shortly come to you from (20) Heroonpolis [frei]ghters carrying 

[...]256 of wheat, and the elephant ship in Berenice is ready too [...]257 

Write to me what (25) price the graM reached at your place after the elephant 

ship sank. Do your very best, so that we may see you in good health. (30) Farewell. 

Year 24(?),258 [Phao]ph[i] 20. 

Comments 

Though the letter was written by Egyptian subjects and sent from a place under 

Egyptian supremacy to the Fayyum in Egypt, it has, though indirectly, a bearing 

on Kushite history. In the course of the 3rd century BC Ptolemaic interest in the 

251 Reading and supplement by Witkowski (1913, 24), replacing Wilcken's I1apo-ov-rat - - 

Mahaffy (1893) in the editio princeps also read icapsatca, but Smyly in Mahaffy-Smyly 

(1905, 149) preferred rzccpftTovtat and was followed by Wilcken. 

252 Although Wilcken (1912, 535, note on line 1) states: "Vatersnamen sind nicht hinzugefilgt", 

this is the natural way to interpret Horos in the genitive written above the line after A...vet; and 

it is so interpreted also in the list of hunters in the Prosopographia Ptolemaica (Peremans-van't 

Dack 1952, 236, No. 4466). 

253 Apparently the only Greek name in the list. Witkowski (1913, 23) doubts the reading and instead 

suggests 1.pavt. 

254Lacuna of one line, i.e., room for two or three words. 

255Another two lines in which only a few letters are visible. Obviously, somebody has arrived in 

Fayyum bringing a message from the elephant hunters, which expressed their misgivings and impatience. 

256 Figure indicating the quantity missing (earlier attempts to read the figure as 1800 or 48 

artabas are rejected by Wilcken 1912, 535). 

257 Lacuna of several lines. 

258 Wilcken (1912, 535) notes that the reading of the last figure is not quite certain and that the 

whole papyrus should be thoroughly checked once more. 

574

The Sources 

eastern trade (for a discussion of Ptolemaic commercial policy see Fraser 1972 I, 

176 ff.) resulted in the re-opening of the canal between the Nile and the Red Sea 

(at Pithom), in an Egyptian expansion along the African and Arabian coasts of 

the Red Sea, in the establishment of harbours from Suez to the straits of Bab el- 

Mandeb, and in the organisation of the capture of African elephants on 

Aithiopian territory. The beasts were captured by Egyptian experts, and their 

transport was carefully organised from a port under Ptolemaic supremacy 

(Ptolemais Theron) on the Red Sea to a harbour further north (Berenice Trogodytica) 

whence they went overland (via el Kanais, cf. 98, Comrnents) to Edfu 

and then to Memphis and Alexandria (for the organisation of the elephant capture 

and transport see in detail Desanges 1970 [where also the evidence for the, 

rarely used, alternative transport route on the Nile is discussen Fraser 1972 I, 

176 ff.; Hofmann 1975, 98 ff., with literature). 

The fragmentarily preserved text of 120 informs us about the organisation of 

the elephant hunters under the command of a strategos (on his one-year 

tenure see Kortenbeutel 1931, 41; Hofmann 1975, 98) and about how the 

hunters stationed in the hunting foundations were provisioned and about the 

elephant transport. Grain for the hunters' stations was shipped from Heroonpolis 

(=Pithom) in Egypt via the Red Sea canal re-opened by Ptolemy II and the 

Red Sea to Berenice (Trogodytica) where it was probably transferred to an elephant-transporting 

boat. This latter sort of vessel seems to have transported 

grain on the way back from Berenice after the delivery of the elephants coming 

there from the south; unless, as reported in 120, it sank en route with the heavy 

and problematic cargo of elephants (for the risks involved in the transport of 

the beasts and the frequent catastrophes see Agatharchides Fgm. 85a, Burstein 

1989, 140 ff.; and cf. Hofmann 1975, 100 f.). The issue of the price of wheat raised 

in the letter also indicates that the elephant hunters living in the stations at the 

Red Sea had to acquire their grain supplies from what they were paid (on its 

amount in 223 BC see 121). 

[LT] 

121 Payment of elephant hunters. 223 BC. 

PEleph 28. Wilcken, Chrest. 451. 


Wilcken 1912 L. Mitteis-U. Wilcken: Grundzüge und Chrestomathie 




This papyrus letter was found in Elephantine in Egypt. Neither sender nor addressee 

gets his actual place of residence specified. 

575


We follow Wilcken's (1912, 532 f., No. 451) reedition of the text which is 

based on inspection of the original. 

Text 

M njaapxo; [AvT]tin±tpcp xaipetv. 'EirsatrikKagEv I Havialcco Stecypdwat 

duca ti% v 'ApcnvOm tpocrcri I Arunitp[i]cp ypap.p.aTEI To3v 8[1.1 

'Av8poviicao Kuvriyv 1 cÒate toiç dcvaEuyvliown 1.te'rà flet0oXciou dcv6pdcat 

aka 15 ONJOSVION/ dacO 'ApTquaiou `wç liccv4tob ii(rivoiv) (nikocvra) p 

'Acg, àvtavcpowévo1 & Tot3 rcpo8o0vto -col; TcpoIecrcoaTecXElatv eiç 

g(fiva) 'AptEi4iat]ov259 (öpecx,gdiv) F, Tdc Xotrc6 (TC(Xecvta) 13 'Aco. Eiwxpriltdertaov 

I oi)v KaOan 'yypccrctca. I "Eppcoao. ("Erou;) KE Ociiu0 a. 

110 (2nd hand) 'ArrokkcoviSEt. EuvxprwtOctumv Ka06tt )1yparurat.. I (3 r d 

hand) "Eppaxm. ("Ezovg) xe Ociive 

Translation 

Mnesarchos greets [Ant]ipatros. We have sent word to Paniskos260 to pay from 

the bank in Arsino261 to Demetrios, the scribe (grammateus)262 of the 

hunters263 of Andronikos,264 so that the 231 men who are marching with Peitholaos265 

(5) will have their pay from Artemisios to Panemos: 3 months, 2 talents, 

1860 (drachmas). Deducted what was already given for the month Artemisios 

to those sent in advance, 60 drachmas, the rest is 2 talents, 1800 (drachmas). 

Process in accordance with what is written. Farewell. Year 25, Thot 21. 

(10) (2nd hand) To Apollonides. Process in accordance with what is written. 

(3rd hand) Farewell. Year 25, Thot 21. 

Comments 

This letter is included here in order to complement the information presented 

by 120. The fairly substantial payment (4 silver [?] drachmas per day, cf. Hofmann 

1975, 99, with references to earlier literature on the amount indicated in 

121) to the elephant hunters, who were Egyptians (or Egyptian Greeks), carried 

out their work in Aithiopian territory, and were entirely, as it seems, under the 

259 The last three words were written above the line. 

260A royal bank director (trapezites) in the Apollinopolite nome in Egypt, known from another 

papyrus (PEleph 15). 

261 According to Wilcken (1912, 533), probably a village in the Apollinopolite nome. 

262 Wilcken (1912, 533) translates Intendant, "quartermaster". 

263 Probably the name of special troops sent to the Red Sea coast to hunt elephants. 

264 According to Wilcken (1912, 533), the preposition used here (81.å) denotes Andronikos as the 

recruiting officer, rather than as the commander of the troops. 

265 Probably identical with the Pytholaos mentioned by Strabo (16.4.15, 774c) among the leaders 

of the elephant expeditions. 

576

The Sources 

command of their Egyptian strategos, was carefully arranged by their employers. 

[LTI 

122 The failure of Philopator's elephants in the battle of Raphia. Ca. 150 BC. 

Polybius 5.84.3-7. 


Paton 1923-27 

Pdech 1977 

Polybius: The Histories. With an English translation by 

W.R. Paton. Vol. 1-6. London-Cambridge, MA (Loeb 

Classical Library.) 

Polybe: Histoires, Livre V. Texte &abli et traduit par P. 

Ndech. Paris. (Collection des Universit& de France.) 


The historian Polybius, bom ca. 200 BC, was a native of Megalopolis in the 

Peloponnesus (Greece). As a leading politician in the so-called Achaean League 

he was among a thousand Achaeans deported to Rome after the Third Macedonian 

War (171-168 BC) as hostages on account of their policy during the war. 

In Rome, however, Polybius became a friend of the leading families; in particular 

he became attached to Scipio Africanus as adviser and travelling companion 

and accompanied him on his military expeditions to Spain and North Africa. 

Polybius thus writes from personal experience in political and military matters 

at the highest level, both Greek and Roman. His work is a general history, 

the main theme being Rome's rise to world power from 220 BC (Second Punic 

War) to 146 BC (destruction of Carthage and Corinth). It consisted of 40 books, 

of which about one third has survived (the first five books and part of the sixth, 

the remainder in excerpts). 

In his work Polybius frequently expresses his views on history and his intentions 

as a historiographer. His work is "pragmatic history", dealing with the 

actual events and actions (contrasted 9.2.1 with histories dealing with "genealogies, 

myths, colonizations, kinship ties, and founding of cities") intended to 

give instruction to men of action, not enjoyment to the many. Thus Polybius' 

work stands apart from the sensational, romantic, or "tragic" histories that are 

characteristic of the Hellenistic age. 

The present extract is from Polybius' description of the battle of Raphia 

(Palestine) during the Fourth Syrian War (217 BC). 

The most recent edition of Polybius' Book 5 is by P&Iech (1977), on which we 

have based our text. In English translation Polybius is available in the Loeb 

Classical Library (Paton 1922-27). 

577

Text 


84 [3] "ECTTI yåp i tciv Çfrivpårn TOlcc5T11 cmi_trtÅkavtoc Keit napeg- 

[3aX6vta Toi)g OMvta ek StEpEtMgEva 

xcipa;, 'xoç (5cv KataxparfIcsav tij Suvåget Oåtepov xpdi tiv Ocecpoi) 

Trpovoinfiv. [4] Otav S' i1rcLE yKXtVcLV rekåytov ?,,å1313, turpoicricet toïç Oöoi3m 

Kaesånep o Taiipot to-k Kepamv. [5] Tå & irXeicrta Tdiv toi IIToXegaiou 

Onpicov årceöetkia tvgånv, Orcep Ooç Tst 7COLE1v A1,131)KOT,; kX:E- 

11XX61. [6] ti]v yåp Oagijv iceit clx.ovrjv oi) 1..ivo1.crtv, 1±Xå Ka‘. KOCTOLICE7CkT 

gvot liky£13N xo Tisiv (.'lk 7' 4toi.. SoKei, 4)d)youcnv eiffleo.); 

årcoaTi'll_tato Toi) X,e4ocvta. Keit T6Te alWél311 yeve.yOat.. [7] 

TO'UTOW StatapaxOvuov Kcà icpå; 'COL; OCI)Tdiv 'COc.£1.; 61W(01301)1.tvOW TO 

g'ev Otyriga TO fItoXegaiou Tn.eOlievov Uni) to)v Oripicov .\,,å(2 AVE, 

Translation 

84 [3] .. For the method of fighting of the animals [i.e. the elephants] is in general 

terms as follows: They thrust their tusks against each other and lock them, 

whereupon they push with their great might, struggling to gain ground, until 

one of them has overpowered the other and pushed aside its trunk. [4] Once it 

has turned its adversary so as to attack it from the side, it gores it with its tusks 

like bulls do with their horns. [5] Most of Ptolemy's animals, however, shied 

away from the battle, as is usually the case with Libyan266 elephants; [6] they 

cannot stand the smell and sounds of the Indian elephants, but are actually terrified 

by their size and strength, it seems to me, and immediately flee from 

them even before they come close. [7] This is also what happened on this occasion. 

When these [elephants] had been thrown into confusion and were 

pushed back onto their own lines Ptolemy's Guard came under pressure from 

the animals and gave way. 

[TEl 

Comments 

Ptolemy IV Philopator's army fought the decisive battle in the fourth Syrian 

war against Antiochus III at Raphia on the border between Egypt and Palestine 

ca. 33 km SE of Gaza on 22 June 217 BC (cf. Volkmann 1959, 1682 ff.). Although 

Antiochus III lost the battle, the superiority of his Indian elephants over 

Ptolemy's African beasts was, as described by Polybius, obvious; and the experience 

gained at Raphia (cf. also Diodorus 2.16; Aelian, NA 2.11) discredited 

African elephants as beasts of battle and led to a rapid decline in their import 

from Aithiopia. Within a decade the relations between Aithiopia and Egypt 

turned hostile; and the Upper Egyptian revolt against the Ptolemies, which enjoyed 

an Aithiopian support (see 133, 135), rendered commercial contacts completely 

impossible for a time. 

ELT] 

266 I.e. African. 

578

The Sources 

123 Mention of Blemmyes in 220/19 BC. 

PHauswaldt VI, Spiegelberg 1913 and Liiddeckens 1960. 


IN A STANDARD DEMOTIC LEGAL INSTRUMENT DOCUMENTING A MARRIAGE: 

(1) ... 

(Dating formula for September/October 219 BC) 

dcl Brhm n ms n Kmy 

Said (the) Blemmy of birth in Black(land) (Egypt), 

Hr-m-hb s Hr-pa-Ist mwt=f Wn-is 

Horemheb, (who is) son of Horpaêse, (and) whose mother is Wenêse, 

n shmt 

(2) to (the) woman 

Ta-is ta mwt=s T3-irt-drt 

TaêSe, (who is) daughter of Khahôr, (and) whose mother is Tairetsh6ret: 

ir=y t=t (n) hmt 

I have taken you to wife.267 


This text is readily accessible in LLiddeckens (1960, 52-55), who gives abundant 

references to his predecessors. On p. 238 he offers comments on the ethnic designation 

Blemmy and a further reference to demotic Pap. Rylands 16, dated 

April 5, 152 BC (pp. 89-92), which records another marriage of a Blemmy born 

in Egypt to an Egyptian lady. 

[RHP] 

Comments 

The marriage settlement in PHauswaldt VI records the marriage of a Blemmy, 

Harmais, to an Egyptian woman. As pointed out by Zyhlarz (1940-41, 6 ff.) and 

Updegraff (1988, 59 f.), both Harmais and his father Harpaesis have in their 

names the element fir which is characteristic for Blemmy names occurring in 

documents of later centuries too (Eide-Flägg-Pierce 1984 = FHN III 331- 343 passim; 

Török 1988a, 64 ff.). Another marriage settlement of a later date, PHauswaldt 

XV (Spiegelberg 1913), concerns Harmais' son Pabus who is said there, 

however, to be a Mhbr, i.e., a Megabaros (cf. Möller 1918). Thus it seems that the 

267 Lit.: I have made you as wife. 

579


Megabaroi, who are customarily mentioned together with the Blemmyes in ancient 

literature (cf. 109), were a people that constituted a branch of the Blemmy 

complex living E of the Nile between the latitude of the Egyptian frontier and 

the Fifth Cataract. In the Ptolemaic period Blemmyes came as military settlers 

to Egypt (for policemen originating from the Eastern Desert throughout Egyptian 

history see, with literature, Såve-Söderbergh 1941, 139 f.; Bietak 1982) 

where they married Egyptian women. Their descendants appear for generations 

in legal documents as Blemmyes (cf. 136 and Updegraff 1988, 60 f.) or, curiously, 

as Persians (by this period the term "Persian" has no ethnic connotation: it is 

used to indicate persons of military descent, see Pestman 1994, 91). 

[LT-1 

(124) Arnekhamani. Titles. 

Sources: 1. Bronze head from Kawa, British Museum 63585, Macadam 1949, Pl. 

38 No. XLIV; 2. Musawwarat es Sufra, Apedemak temple, S front, Hintze 1962, 

23 No. 4, Hintze et al. 1993, fig. 27 (=126); 3. Ibid., N front, Hintze 1962, 23 No. 5, 

Hintze et al. 1993, fig. 36 (=126); 4. Ibid., W front, Hintze 1962, 22 f. No. 1; 5. Musawwarat 

es Sufra, Great Enclosure, Room 516, columns, Hintze 1971, 241 figs 

20, 21. 

Titles/Documents 

1. 2. 

Throne name Hpr-1(;-R< Hpr-k;-R< 

"Re-is-one-whose-ka-comes-into-being" 

Son-of-Rê name Irnh-Imn Mri-Imn Irnh-Imn

Comments 

The Sources 

In Arnekhamani's surviving monuments the King's Horus, Throne, and Sonof-Rê 

names are attested; it is uncertain whether he ever assumed a five-part 

titulary. While his Horus name is attested only on one of the walls of the 

Apedemak temple at Musawwarat es Sufra (3) and while his Throne name occurs 

both on the Kawa head (1; for the head see Wenig 1978, Cat. 133) and on 

the walls of the Apedemak temple (2, 3, 4) in the same form, the Epithets added 

in the cartouche of his Son-of-Rê name vary significantly. As argued by Hintze 

(1962, 14 f.), the King's Son-of-Rê name was successively altered at least twice. 

The earliest form was Arnekhamani (1), which was expanded into 

Arnekhamani


sawwarat es Sufra (see Hintze et al. 1971), is not preserved, his son bears the 

name Trky and the titles "Priest of Isis of 'Ipbr-enh (Musawwarat es Sufra) and 

Yrbjklb (Wad ban Naqa?)" (Hintze 1962, 25 Nos 9 f.=127; for the place-names see 

ibid., 20 f.) in the same temple and is identified with Arnekhamani's successor 

on the throne King Arqamani (Ergamenes II, see (128), (129)). 

The preserved monuments from his reign, the Apedemak temple (Hintze 

1962; Hintze et al. 1971; Hintze et al. 1993) and parts of the Great Enclosure (for 

preliminary reports on the excavations see Hintze 1971), and a royal palacetemple 

complex (for its function see Török 1992, 121 ff.) at Musawwarat es 

Sufra, belong to the most significant achievments of Kushite culture. While 

the participation of Egyptian artists in the planning and execution of the 

Apedemak temple and the impact of Philae on its inscriptions (cf. Onasch 1984, 

139; 1993) are obvious, the relief representations testify to the emergence of 

Kushiticized Egyptian cults (Arensnuphis, cf. Wenig 1974) and the cults of 

Kushite deities (Sebiumeker, ibid.; Apedemak, cf. 2abkar 1975) as well as to 

changes in kingship ideology. The developments in religion and kingship ideology 

indicate an archaizing tendency,268 determined probably by the necessity of 

legitimating a new dynasty. At the same time, however, the accentuation of the 

warrior and desert-hunter character of Amim of Napata, Apedemak, Arensnuphis, 

and Sebiumeker and their association with the ideology of kingship 

seem to have been determined by the cultural traditions and milieu of the Butana 

region, whence the family of the new rulers originated (cf. (113), (114), 142, 

Comments). At the same time, in the emphasis laid on the warrior aspect of 

the images of the ruler and the principal gods of the pantheon one may recognise 

the imprint of a period of conflicts (for specific developments in arts as, 

e.g., the inclusion of the elephant in the iconography of triumph see Török 

1988, 270 f.). 

Arnekhamani is supposed to have been buried in Beg. N. 53 (Dunham 1957, 

57 f., cf. Hintze 1962, 17; Wenig 1967, 43; Hofmann 1978, 54 ff.). 

[LT] 

126 Apedemak hymn from the Apedemak temple at Musawwarat es Sufra. Ca. 

221 BC. 

South front, Hintze 1962, fig. 9 No. 11; Hintze et al. 1993, figs. 30a-30b. 


INSCRIPTION 11 SUPPLEMENTED BY INSCRIPTION 12 

(in columns, reading right to left): 

268 For the pre-Twenty-Fifth Dynasty roots of the Apedemak cult see Török 1990; for Arensnuphis 

see Wenig 1974 and Török 1990; 1995a Ch. 16. 

582

The Sources 

(1) cld-mdw (i)nd-hr=k Iprmk nb Tw3irk 

Utterance: Hail to you, Apedemak, Lord of Tw3irk; 

ntr nb Ipbr-q-11-3 

Great God, Lord of 

ntr mnh hnt(y) D-sti 

(2) Beneficent God, Foremost of Bow-land (Nubia), 

m31 rsyt [wslr bpS 

Lion of the South, Whose scimitar is strong, 

ntr II n (3) n=f 

Great God, Who comes to him who calls (3) upon him, 

rmn sk3 h(3)p hbr269 

rBearerl of the secret, (Whose true) being is concealed, 

iwt(y) m3=f in ir nb ir s(4)[—} n t3w hmwt 

without his being seen by anybody. Who performs (4) [—] for men and women, 

iwt(y) hsf m pt 

without being repelled in heaven (or on) earth. 

ir hrt n s nb Irn r} (5) m rn=f pfy n rs wd3 

Who makes food for all people, (5) in this his name of "Sound Guardian". 

wtdt (for: wdy ?) hh=f r hft(6)=f 

Who rshoots' his fiery blast against his (6) enemy; 

m [rri]=f pfy n 

in this his name of "He-whose-might-is-great"; 

sm3{t} sbiw rn t(7)[-1 

Who slaughters rebels with (7) r-1; 

thyt (for: thy) nb r=f 

' all who transgress against him 

ir swt n ty n(8)[ — — 

Who makes places for those who (s) [ 

[ — —] n n=f nb 

[Who — ] for everyone who calls upon him; 

269 For: hpr. 

583


nb hsw §fi(t)=f 

Lord of praises, Awe of whom is great, 

rr-n1f [ — — lti'bi m hnw n KnInls.t 

— 11 — — — ' within Kense (Upper Nubia); 

kn n m wt (for: wd ?) 

Brave and strong in rcommandl: 

li n=k hk(3)[w — — 

so that there come to you the ruler[s — — 

[RHP] 

Comments 

The S front of the Apedemak temple is decorated with a monumental one-register 

sunk relief representing King Arnekhamani and Prince Arka adoring 

(King) and censing (Prince) six male gods: the lion-headed Apedemak, the human-headed 

Theban Arnfin, Sebiumeker, Arensnuphis, Horus and Thoth. The 

text published here under 126 accompanies Apedemak's majestic figure; he is 

depicted wearing a hemhem-crown and carrying a bow and arrows in his right 

hand and with his left extending a scepter decorated with his own image towards 

the King. He also holds the end of a rope by which a prisoner is bound in 

his right hand. In his right hand the prisoner carries a fillet with one uraeus, 

apparently indicating that he is a rebel prince (Hintze 1962, Pl. V). 

While the great majority of the inscriptions carved on the walls of the 

Apedemak temple at Musawwarat es Sufra were directly modelled on Egyptian 

texts from the TIP, the Late Period, and the early Ptolemaic period, or were 

composed on the basis of Egyptian texts (Hintze 1962, 21 f.), the Apedemak 

hymn, though it also includes notions and concepts adopted from Egyptian religious 

texts, may be regarded as genuinely Kushite (ibid.). As was shown by 

Hintze (1962, 22, 28 ff.) in his analysis of the hymn and by 2abkar, who investigated 

it in the context of the god's iconography (1975, 13 ff. and passim), the borrowed 

elements originate from epithets of lion gods or gods in the form of a 

lion who are distinguished in their Egyptian context as deities "of southern 

(i.e., Nubian) origin". 

Apedemak is in the hymn lord of Tw3irk, probably identical with Naqa 

(Hintze 1962, 20), and Ibpr-

The Sources 

priesthood which had access to ancient Kushite religious texts (for the possible 

pre-Twenty-Fifth Dynasty origins of Apedemak see Török 1990). 

[LT1 

127 Isis hymn from the Apedemak temple at Musawwarat es Sufra. Ca. 221 BC. 

South front, Hintze 1962, fig. 21 No. 26; Hintze et al. 1993, fig. 29. 


INSCRIPTION 26 (four columns, reading left to right): 

(1) dd-mdw ind-hr=t 1st 

(1) Utterance: Hail to you, Isis, 

ntrt (2) mwt ntr [nfrw=s] 

Goddess, (2) Mother of a god, Who created [her perfection], 

[Wcht] (3) wrt hk3t nb(t) brw m [ — 1 

Edj(3,27° (3) Whose magic is great, Lady of crowns in the [ — I, 

(4) dsr st=s m wh m hh 

(4) Whose seat is prominent in the (Solar) Bark of a Million Years.271 


The lacunae have been filled using the fully preserved parallel texts from Philae. 

[RHP] 

Comments 

The goddess Isis is represented in the S front relief of the Apedemak temple 

protecting King Arnekhamani (Hintze 1962, Pl. IV). Though she is associated in 

the Musawwarat temple with Apedemak as his consort and forms a triad with 

him and Horus (in which Apedemak replaces Osiris, cf. abkar 1975, 9, 14), the 

hymn accompanying her figure is entirely based on an Isis hymn from Philae 

(cf. Hintze 1962, 43 ff.) known from the Kiosk of Nectanebos as well as from the 

Mammisi (Ptolemy II or III). The adoption of this particular hymn was doubtless 

promoted by its close association with kingship dogma: Isis as km; nfrw=f (in 

the text is only km31"....1preserved, Hintze's emendation km; nfrw=s [1962, 44] was 

based on the already corrupted models from Philae; for the reconstruction of 

270Edj6, lit.: the Green, the name of a cobra-goddess. 

271 The Bark of a Million Years, i.e. the bark in which the sun sails across the sky. Does the m 

(for: n) indicate that the text was reinterpreted here: "in the (Sun's) bark for millions of years"? 

585


the original km; nfrw=f see Onasch 1990, 51 note 12), "she who creates his (i.e., 

the King's) beauty" refers to the goddess as source of royal power (cf. Bergman 

1978, 186 f.). 

[LT] 

(128) Arqamani (Ergamenes II). Titles. 

Sources: 1. Philae, Arensnuphis temple, S enclosure wall; the same, Dakka, 

Ergamenes chapel, Dunham 1957, fig. D/24G; 2. Kalabsha, Arensnuphis temple 

(now on Elephantine), Beckerath 1984, Anhang 37; 3. Beg. N. 7, chapel, N wall, 

Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 4/E; 4. Ibid., coffin-bench, Dunham 1957, fig. 

D/24D (a): front, (b) front, (c) front, (d) S side; 5. Ibid., W wall, Chapman-Dunham 

1952, Pl. 5/B. 


Throne name 


Horus name 

Throne name 


Horus name 


Drt-enh-lmn, Epithet: Tit-Re 

"Living-hand-of-AmCm", Ep. "Image-of-R"e" 

Epithet: enh-dt 

Arqamani, Ep. "Living-forever, Beloved-of-Isis" 

Dr(t)-ntr-n-pr=f kd-e i[ Stp.n-Imn-r-sweb-t3w 

"The-God's-hand-in-his temple, whose-arm-isfraised1 

[...], chosen-of-Amim-to-purify-the-lands" 

Prt-enh-Imn, Epithet: ? 

"Living-hand-of-Amitn" 


Arkamani, Ep. "Living-forever" 

Kgy ntry-bpr Wp-(t) ntr-hpr 

"The Kushite, Whose-coming-into-being-is divine" 



4. 

Son-of-Rê name (a) Epithet: enh-dt 


Son-of-Rê name (b) Mkltk 

Son-of-Rê name (c) MkItk Istrk (?) 

Son-of-Rê name (d) Istrk 

586

The Sources 

5. 

Son-of-Rê name Epithet: q-111-clt 


Comments 

The three preserved Horus names of Arqamani are without analogues in Egyptian 

or Kushite titularies, though the element Ntr(y)-hpr in the two Horus 

names occurring in the mortuary chapel of Beg. N. 7 (3) appears in Egyptian 

Horus names (Sesostris III, Beckerath 1984, XII/5). It seems to have arrived here 

through TIP mediation (cf. Bonhme 1987, 88 f., 147). One of the Horus names 

in Beg. N. 7, Kgy Ntr-hpr, is particularly interesting since it emphasizes Arqamani's 

being "the Kushite" and connects it with his divine quality as well as 

with his function as performer of the rituals. The notion of the ruler's being a 

manifestation of divinity, his divine quality (Blumenthal 1970, 95), is also 

prevalent in the Epithet tit 1Z (1) appended to the Throne name at Dakka and 

Philae (cf. Grimal 1986, 128 ff.; for the limits of the king's divine quality see, 

however, Ockinga 1984, 122 ff.; Schade-Busch 1992, 80; the issue as far as 

Kushite kingship dogma is concerned requires a new investigation, cf. Onasch 

1990, 68 ff.). 

Arqamani's Throne name at Philae and Dakka (1) and his Horus name at 

Kalabsha (2) qualify him as "Living hand of Amiln" and as "Hand of the god", 

respectively. It seems that the title corresponds only formally, and not at all as 

to its content, with the identical earlier, New Kingdom and TIP, title of certain 

queens and God's Wives of Amiin and thus with the concept of the god's hand 

as means of self-creation (with reference to Ami.in and Rê see Troy 1986, 16, 23). 

Instead, the title "Living hand of the god" stresses the ruler's function as lord of 

rituals, and, as the Horus name in Kalabsha says, purifier and sustainer of his 

land. In this sense, the notion conveyed by the Throne name at Philae and 

Dakka and the Horus name at Kalabsha seems to have been associated with 

Ntry-hpr as well as It was suggested (Millet 1973, 39 f.) that the Son-of-Rê 

name Mkltk in Beg. N. 7 (4) might be the Meroitic equivalent of the Egyptian 

"Hand of the god". In the present state of our knowledge of the Meroitic language, 

however, rteither this view, nor its refutation (Hofmann 1981, 288 f.) is 

fully convincing. We are also unable to explain why a different Son-of-Rê 

name occurs in the mortuary cult chapel; and it is also obscure why it should be 

a translation of the King's Horus name. 

In sum, it would seem that the titles discussed so far were determined primarily 

by the concept of the ruler as high priest of the cults. One is tempted indeed 

to bring the general tenor of these titles into connection with the career of 

Arqamani before his succession: if he is in fact identical with Prince Arka, 

"King's Son, Priest of Isis of 'Ipbr-rth (Musawwarat es Sufra?) and Irbiklb (Wad 

ban Naqa?)" in the Apedemak temple at Musawwarat (Hintze 1962, 25, Nos 9 

f.), his education as a priest may have influenced the composition of his titu 

587


lary. On the other hand, it cannot be accidental that he appears as purifier of the 

land at Kalabsha: the titles may also well have had the intention of giving expression 

to the notion of "restoring order" in Lower Nubia after the expulsion 

of the Ptolemies. The observance of ritual purity was, remarkably, an issue emphasized 

by Piye when he contrasted himself with his Egyptian enemies (FHN 

I, 9 97 and esp. 150 ff.), whereas the political meaning is obvious (cf. also Baines 

1995, 36). 

Unlike the titles discussed so far, the Epithet added to Arqamani's Son-of-Re 

name at Philae, Dakka, and Beg. N. 7 (1, 5) has nothing unusual in it, being 

modelled on the Epithet in the Son-of-Rê names of Ptolemy IV Philopator 

(Beckerath 1984, Ptolemäer 4) and Arnekhamani (see (124) 4). For the writing of 

Arqamani's Son-of-Re name in (2) see Priese 1968, 184 f. 

[LT] 

(129) Arqamani (Ergamenes II). Evidence for reign. 

Since Arqamani is probably identical with the Prince Arka represented in the 

company of King Arnekhamani in several reliefs of the Apedemak temple at 

Musawwarat es Sufra (cf. Hintze et al. 1971), he is generally considered to have 

been the son (also indicated by his title "King's Son", see Hintze 1962, 25 Nos 9 

f.) and successor of Arnekhamani (Hofmann 1978, 57, rejects such a family relation; 

in view, however, of the known Kushite succession principles [cf. rIrök 

1995, Ch. 12, 17.7], this type of representation can only indicate a father-son relationship). 

The direct succession is also indicated by Arqamani's adoption of the 

Epithet nh dt Mri2ls.t in the Son-of-Re name of Arnekhamani, which the latter 

has, in turn, assumed in his later reign (cf. (124), Comments). It is also supported 

by the fact that Arqamani as well as his successor Adikhalamani (see 

(131), 132) were active in the Dodecaschoenus (i.e., Lower Nubia between 

Syene/Aswan and Takompso/Maharraqa). 

For the appearance of Arqamani as a builder of sanctuaries on Philae 

(continuation of the building of the temple of Arensnuphis started by Ptolemy 

IV, PM VI, 210 f.; for the building chronology see Winter 1981), Dakka ("Chapel 

of Ergamenes", i.e., the core of the temple of Thoth of Pnubs, the building of 

which was, however, likewise started by Ptolemy IV, PM VII, 46 f.; for the 

chronology see Winter 1981) and Kalabsha (predecessor sanctuary of the Mandulis 

temple, cf. Arnold 1975; Henfling 1978, 295, unpublished) can only be explained 

as brought about by the revolt in Upper Egypt and the secession of the 

Thebaid between 207/6-186 BC which apparently presented Meroe with the opportunity 

to re-conquer the Triacontaschoenus, which had been occupied by 

Ptolemy II around 274 BC (cf. 97, Comments; 144). Such a chronology of Arqamani's 

and Adikhalamani's activity is also strongly supported by the fact that 

their buildings were completed after the end of the revolt and the restoration of 

Ptolemaic power in the Triacontaschoenus by the successors of Ptolemy W (for 

588

The Sources 

Philae see Borchardt 1906, 365; Winter 1981, 512, for Dakka PM VII, 40 ff.; for 

Debod ibid., 1 ff.). 

The unusually strong religious tone in Arqamani's titulary (cf. (128)) may 

also be interpreted as a political program: in the re-conquered Triacontaschoenus, 

the King intends to appear as the restorer of the ancient cults and hence of 

the integrity of the country. While thus appearing as an opponent of Ptolemy 

IV, the adoption of the latter's epithet "Living-forever, Beloved-of-Isis" seems 

to give expression to the claim that it is Arqamani, and not Ptolemy IV, who is 

the rightful "Living-forever, Beloved-of-Isis" (significantly, the Upper Egyptian 

rebel Hor-Wennofer assumed the same epithet on his coronation at Thebes in 

205 BC, see Pestman 1965, 158; Zauzich 1978a; Clarysse 1978). 

The occurrence "together" of the cartouches of Arqamani and Adikhalamani, 

on the one hand, and of Ptolemy IV, on the other, on sanctuaries in the 

Dodecaschoenus gave rise to the notion of a "Meroitic-Egyptian cooperation" or 

even "condominium", a rather strange idea which was widely accepted in the 

literature (cf., e.g., Alliot 1951, 1952; Emery 1965, 225; Trigger 1965, 120 f.; Shinnie 

1967, 41; Wenig 1975; Huss 1976, 179 ff.; Adams 1977, 335; Hintze 1978, 96). 

The idea of "cooperation" in the building of temples could only be maintained 

in ignorance of the building history of the actual sanctuaries. Winter's research 

(for a summary of his work which is still unpublished in detail see Winter 

1981) has demonstrated that the activities of Ptolemy IV, Arqamani, Adikhalamani, 

and the later Ptolemies can be associated with individual building periods 

which are datable according to the changes in control of the Dodecaschoenus 

before (Ptolemy IV), during (Arqamani and Adikhalamani) and after 

the secession of the Thebaid (Ptolemy V and successors). Furthermore, a 

"condominium" seems a nonsense in the context of the administration of a 

province; and it is also difficult to imagine how the financial maintenance of 

the temples in question would have looked in the framework of such an arrangement 

(cf. Török 1980 77 ff.; Török 1988, 271 ff.). 

Arqamani was buried in the pyramid tomb Beg. N. 7 (Dunham 1957, 63 ff.). 

The preserved (N, W and S) side walls of his mortuary cult chapel show a 

strong influence from Philae (cf. Yellin 1979); at the same time, however, the 

King is shown in the N and S wall reliefs receiving mortuary offerings in the 

company of his wives, like Anlamani (Nu. 6, N wall, Dunham 1955, Pl. XX/A; 

Török 1987, fig. b, 2nd half of the 7th century BC, cf. FHN I, (33)), the anonymous 

king buried in Ku. 1 (S wall, Dunham 1955, Pl. 5/A, B; Török 1987, fig. e, 

early 4th century BC) and Nastaseri (Nu. 15, S wall, Dunham 1955, Pl. LXII/D; 

Török 1987, fig. d, last third of the 4th century BC, cf. (83)), but unlike his immediate 

predecessors Amanislo (Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 3/F, G, cf. (115)) 

and Amanitekha (ibid., Pl. 4/D, cf. (117)) who are depicted in their mortuary 

chapels under the protection of a goddess. Thus, one of the main features of the 

cultural milieu emerging with the new dynasty of Arkamaniqo (cf. (113), (114)) 

and especially with the reign of Arnekhamani, viz., an articulation of tradi 

589


tional concepts, frequently of an archaizing character, through the employment 

of expressive means borrowed from Egypt, continues to be prevalent during 

Arqamani's and Adikhalamani's reigns (cf. (130), (131)). 

(130) Adikhalamani. Titles. 

Sources: 1. Debod, Temple of Amilin of Debod and Isis of Philae, Griffith 1912, 

32; Beckerath 1984, Anhang 38; Philae, Stela of Adikhalamani (.132), Farid 1978, 

Pl. 9; 2. Beg. N. 9, chapel, S wall, Dunham 1957, fig. E/40. 


Throne name 

Son-of-I* name 


Tit-n-R Stp-ntrw 

"Image-of-R& Chosen-of-the-gods" 

Idhr-Imn, Epithet: ilh-clt Mri-ls.t 

Adikhalamani, Ep. "Living-forever-beloved-of-Isis" 

Tabirqa (?) 

Comments 

The Throne name is composed of two epithets, the first of which also occurs in 

Arqamani's Throne name in Philae and Dakka (see (128) 1); while the second, 

Stp-ntrw, is enough of a commonplace in the divine origins of royal power to 

have been formulated independently from any prototype. However, it cannot 

be overlooked that Stp-ntrw was also assumed as Golden Horus name by Amasis 

of the Twenty-Sixth Dynasty (LR IV, 114 IV B, on a stela from Elephantine; 

121 XXVII, offering table from Abydos; 123 XLIII, provenance ?; XLV A, naos 

from Athribis; cf. also Traunecker 1979, 408 ff.). Since Arkamaniqo, the first 

ruler of the dynasty to which Adikhalamani also belonged, modelled his 

Throne name upon Amasis' Throne name in order to emphasize a parallelism 

between himself and an earlier Egyptian usurper (see (113), Comments), we 

have good reason to suppose that Amasis' titulary could be found in some 

archives in Meroe and was repeatedly used as a prototype. 

The Epithet in the Son-of-Rê name repeats a model provided by epithets assumed 

by Adikhalamani's two predecessors Arnekhamani and Arqamani (see 

(124) 4 and (128) 3-5). The occurrence of a different Son-of-Rê name in the mortuary 

chapel of Beg. N. 9, if this burial is correctly attributed to Adikhalamani 

(cf. (131)), would repeat the case of Arqamani (see (128) 4). 

[LT] 

590

The Sources 

(131) Adikhalamani. Evidence for reign. 

On account of his activity at Dabod (see PM VII, 1 ff.) which occurred in a sanctuary 

the construction of which was started by Ptolemy IV (for the building 

chronology see Winter 1981) and on Philae (cf. 132), Adikhalamani's reign is 

dated to the period of the Upper Egyptian revolt between 207/6-186 BC, in 

which the rebels were supported by the contemporary kings of Meroe, i.e., Arqamani 

and Adikhalamani (cf. 133, 135) and during which Lower Nubia was 

cut off from Ptolemaic central authority. This situation was exploited by Meroe, 

which temporarily re-established its rule over the stretch of the valley between 

the First and Second Cataracts. 

Hofmann (1978, 58 f.) put forward the interesting, but unlikely and unproved 

suggestion that Adikhalamani was an independent Lower Nubian 

ruler (Kleinidinig) in the period of Ptolemy IV and Arqamani. Even if Hofmann 

could not have known the publication of Adikhalamani's Philae stela 

(132), it is curious that she did not realize the complete improbability of a situation 

in which the ruler of Meroe, to whose kingdom Lower Nubia belonged 

some 80 years earlier, and the Kleinkönig of Lower Nubia would peacefully 

build sanctuaries in Lower Nubia in the same period and put their respective 

cartouches on their walls—in Hofmann's hypothesis, they even would have 

done so concurrently at the same place, i.e., on Philae. 

Adikhalamani's identification as ruler of Meroe, as was already suggested by 

earlier writers (e.g., Reisner 1923, 75; Hintze 1962, 16 f.; Winter 1981; Török 1980; 

1988, 179), seems beyond doubt also for another reason. In his Debod chapel— 

which would deserve a separate investigation—he is "Beloved of Apedemak" 

(Hintze 1973; the name of the god is written here as P3-1r-mky, "the Protector", 

which seems to be an Egyptian pseudo-etymology of Meroitic Apedemak, transcribed 

'Iprmk in the hieroglyphic inscriptions of the Apedemak temple at Musawwarat 

es Sufra). Since the cult seems to have been restricted to the southern 

parts of the kingdom of Meroe, as is strongly argued by Hofmann (1978, contra 

2abkar 1975), this epithet indicates that the centre of his realm is in the south 

and not in Lower Nubia. 

According to Hintze (1962, 16 f.; cf. also Wenig 1967, 43) he was identical 

with Tabirqa (?), the owner of Beg. N. 9 (Dunham 1957, 66 f.). This suggestion 

receives strong support from the fact that Beg. N. 9 directly follows in time Beg. 

N. 7, the tomb of Arqamani; and as the succession of the two rulers appears beyond 

doubt, also the attribution of Beg. N. 9 to Adikhalamani appears likely indeed. 

[LT] 

591


132 Fragment of a stela of Adikhalamani from Philae. Ca. 207/6 - 186 BC. 

Farid 1978, Pl. 9. 


LUNETTE 

SCENE ON LEFT SIDE OF LUNETTE: 

IN FRONT OF THE KING'S FACE (two columns, reading right to left): 

(i) nb Dwy: Tit-Rc Stp-n-ntrw 

Lord of Two-lands: Image-of-Rê Chosen-of-the-gods; 

nb 1-/: Idhr-Imn nh dt mr 1st 

(2) Lord of crowns: Adikhalamani, may he live for ever, beloved of Isis. 

IN FRONT OF THE KING, BELOW HIS ARMS (two columns, reading right to left). 

(1) hnk irp n it=f mwt=f 

Offering wine to his father and his mother 

ir{n}=f di q1.11 

(2) that he may be granted life. 

BEHIND KING (one column, reading right to left): 

(1)s nh ws h3=f rnl[b mi F.. dt] 

(1) rA111 protection, life and dominion are behind him, [as (they are behind) Rê, 

for ever.] 

IN FRONT OF KHNUM'S CROWN (three columns, reading left to right): 

(1) F_Inm-R nb Snmwt 

Khnum-Ré, Lord of Senemut (Biga Island), 

shn nfr (3) n Hwt-Hr 

(2) the good consort (3) of Hathor. 

IN FRONT OF KHNUM'S LEGS (one column, reading left to right): 

(1) nhp(=i) pr=k m r-1[ — — ] 

(1) (I) am working at the potter's wheel that you may come forth from 

— 

592

The Sources 

IN FRONT OF HATHOR'S CROWN (two columns, reading left to right): 

(1) Snmwt irt 

Hathor, Senemut (Biga Island), Eye of 

nb(t) pt hnwt lw-rk 

(2) Lady of heaven, Mistress of Final-island (Philae). 

IN FRONT OF HATHOR'S LEGS (one column, reading left to right): 

(i) di.n(=i) n=k h r nb — — 

(1) (I) have granted to you joy every day — — ] 

IN FRONT OF A CRIOCEPHALIC MUMMIFORM GOD (two columns, reading left to 

right): 

(1) P3-nty--n-p()-iw-web ntr Sps 

The-one-who-is-on-the-pure-island, the noble god, 

hnt(y) st dsrt wr Sf(y)t 

who is before the holy place, whose awesomeness is great, 

mr 1Vbet r — ' — — 1 

beloved of Maeat, r — ' — — ] 

di.n(=i) n=k ehe Ic; — — 

(2) (I) have given you a long life — — I 

SCENE ON ON RIGHT SIDE OF LUNETTE: 

IN FRONT OF THE KING'S FACE (two columns, reading left to right): 

(1) nb T{wy: Tit-Re Stp-(n-)ntrw 

Lord of Two-lands (Egypt): Image-of-Rê Chosen-(of-)the-gods; 

nb hew: Idhr-Imn enh dt mr 1st 

(2) Lord of crowns: Adikhalamani, may he live for ever, beloved of Isis. 

IN FRONT OF THE KING'S ARMS (two columns, reading left to right): 

(1) ir(t) sntr Isbh n it=f (2) mwt=f 

(1) Performing censing and libation for his father (2) and his mother 

ir{n}=f di enh 

that he may be granted life. 

593


BEHIND KING (one column, reading left to right): 

(1) s3 enh h3=f nb mi 

(1) All protection, life, and dominion are behind him, as (they are behind) Itê 

[for ever.1 

IN FRONT OF OSIRIS' CROWN (two columns, reading right to left): 

(1) Wsir ntr e3 nb lw-web 

Osiris, the Great God, Lord of Pure-island (the Abaton), 

nb lw-rk nb Hnt-t3 

(2) Lord of Final-island (Philae), Lord of rFore-land' 

IN FRONT OF OSIRIS'S LEGS (one column, reading right to left): 

(i) dLn(=i) snd=k m h3st nb 

(1) (I) have put fear of you in every foreign land. 

IN FRONT OF ISIS'CROWN (two columns, reading right to left): 

(i)Ist di enh nb lw-web lw-rk 

(1) Isis, who gives life, Lady of Pure-island (the Abaton) and Final-island 

(Philae). 

IN FRONT OF ISIS'LEGS (one column, reading right to left): 

(1) di.n(=i) n=k phty mi s3(=i) [Hr] 

(1) (I) have granted you power (just) as (I once did to my) son [Horus]. 

IN FRONT OF A HIERACOCEPHALIC MUMMIFORM GOD (two columns, reading right 

to left): 

(1) P3-nty--n-p(3)-1w-web ntr gps 

The-one-who-is-on-the-pure-island, the noble god, 

hnt(y) 1w-k3 imn-rn=f m st sgr 

who is before Lofty-mount (Qaw el-Kebir), whose name is hidden in the 

Place-of-silence, 

di.n(=i) n=k nsyt ctt 

(2) (I) have given you a great kingship. 

594 

[RHP]

The Sources 

Comments 

This stela fragment (material not stated in the publication) was found during 

the dismantling operations, among reused blocks from a temple of Amasis and 

Nectanebos I under the pavement of the Hypostyle of the Isis temple. It measures 

0.43 (height) by 0.74 (width) by 0.18 (depth) m. While of the stela text itself 

only the traces of the first horizontal line remained, the lunette is almost completely 

preserved. The top is bounded by the winged sundisc. In the right half of 

the lunette Adikhalamani is depicted offering incense and libation to Osiris 

lord of the Abaton, Philae and Hnt-t3 (for Hnty-t3 as Domain of Khnum on the 

one hand and, on the other, as a designation for the southern parts of Nubia in 

association with Hathor-Tefnut see Meeks 1980, 48 with note 11), Isis, and the 

hawk-headed god P3nty n p3 (identical with the god ntywy worshiped in 

the 10th Upper Egyptian nomos, local god of Tbw and Dw k3[Qaw el-Kebir, see 

Brunner 1973, 300], whose original duality is indicated by the two different 

forms on the stela; the god was identified in the Ptolemaic period with Antaios. 

His appearance in the context of the Adikhalamani stela may have been determined 

by the cult of Osiris of Dw-k3 also attested at Philae; in the Ptolemaic 

temple of Osiris at Dw-k3, Qaw el-Kebir, a dedication to Antaios was found, see 

Beinlich 1983). The King wears the Double Crown of Egypt. In the left half he is 

shown offering wine to Khnum-Rê, Hathor, and the ram-headed P3nty n p3 iwwqy. 

Here he wears a Blue Crown with ram's horns supporting uraei and Ma'atfeathers, 

and a superstructure composed of a sundisc flanked by uraei and supported 

by ram's horns. 

In the inscriptions accompanying the offering scenes Adikhalamani appears 

as son of Osiris and Isis and thus as heir of Osiris on his throne, from whom he 

receives universal kingship. The same is granted by P3 nty n p3iw-wb in both his 

forms. The represerttations in the lunette reflect a cult milieu belonging purely 

to Philae without any apparent Meroitic feature. The "Egyptianness" of the 

lunette relief is also obvious as regards the regalia, especially the Blue Crown 

and its superstructure, which are never worn by a Kushite ruler in Kush (cf. 

Török 1987). Significantly, the only surviving analogy to Adikhalamani's 

iconography in the left half of the stela can be found in Arqamani's chapel in 

Dakka (interior N wall, Arqamani offering a collar to Amen-Rê of the Abaton, 

Roeder 1930, Pl. 84; Török 1987, type A XI No. 73) where, however, the relief 

program was originally conceived for Ptolemy IV and was later usurped by Arqamani 

(cf. Winter 1981). It cannot be excluded, however, that the unusual epithet 

of Osiris, "Lord of Hnty -t3", hints at Hathor who is associated on the one 

hand with Khnum and especially with Arensnuphis as a form of Khnum (cf. 

Meulenaere 1977) and, on the other, with the legend of Hathor-Tefnut's return 

from Nubia (into which Arensnuphis is incorporated through his association 

with Onuris, cf. Winter 1973), allusions to which frequently occur in Dakka and 

other Lower Nubian sanctuaries (cf. Junker 1911, 47 ff.). An assimilation of 

Arensnuphis to Osiris would occur later in the late lst century BC Dendur 

595


temple (cf. Winter 1973, 248). In this indirect manner, a southern association 

for the deities in the lunette is established, giving a nice example of how the 

archives on Philae were used by the Egyptian priests working for Meroitic kings 

(for the inscriptions of the Apedemak temple at Musawwarat es Sufra from the 

same aspect see Hintze 1962, 22, 28 f.; 126, Comments). 

The signs remaining from the main text are not legible, except for ntrw, "...] 

gods [...", at the end of the first line. It is thus impossible to determine the genre 

of the text: it might have been historical as well as a record of temple donations. 

[LT1 

133 An episode of the Upper Egyptian revolt. 187 BC (?). 

PBerlin Dem. 15527, Zauzich 1978. 


(1) hrw Hr Krd 

(1) The voice of Horos son of Kolluthos 

m-133h(2) Ns-p3y=w-bwy Hnm-m-ffit Wsir-[wr] (3) n3 mbw Hr-wr 

before (2) Spotus, Khnumemakhe, and Osoroeris, (3) the priests of Haroeris: 

I ty p Re(4) ky p3=w 

0 may Rê make (4) their lives long! 

bpr ibt 3 prt sw 17 

On the 17th of the third month of Winter (Phamenoth) 

ty=y iy r Pr-iw-rk 

(s) I came to Philae 

irm Gm=w-hp s Pa-rt 

(6) with Komoapis son of Parates, 

Pa-bwy (7) s3Pa-hy 

Patus (7) son of Pakhois, 

Pa-nfr S3 Gm=w-hp 

and Panuphis son of Komoapis, 

(8) dd lw=n wSt 

(8) that we might worship 

iw=n (9) Irm=tn 

and that we (9) might visit you. 

596

dd=w n=n 

They (the people on Philae) said to us, 

(10) kn=w n=w r rsy r p3 t3 Nhs 

"The are gone off south to Nubia." 

in gm=s r 1.131=tn 

(n) Did you (really) think 

The Sources 

dd bn-iw=n ir p3 rwS (13) fi nty iw=tri hn=s hw (14) r-hr=tn 

(12) that we wouldn't be (more) worried (13) (about) how you were than (14) you 

(yourselves would be)? 

lw=n snt n Hnm (15) n hw r-hr=tn 

We fear Khntim (15) more than you (do) too. 

st-tb3 (16) nb r.Sp=n n p3 iwn 

Every (16) misfortune we received on the voyage, 

(17) 1.1r=n ir=w tb3 n3 mtw (18) rn=w 

(17) we endured them because of the matters (18) in question 

r dit wch n3=n ntrw 

in order to preserve our gods. 

(19) 1.1r p3y bk ph r-r=k 

When this letter reaches you, 

r1mn1272 r p3=tnirpy 

(20) come (back) to your temple! 

(21) py=tn t3w my wd3=f 

(21) Your life's breath, may it be preserved! 

(22) m-ir ir wS n II r Pr-w13(23) n p3 grh. 

(22) Don't stop coming to Pure-house (the Abaton) (23) in the night! 

m-ir dit (vo., 1) htbt p3 ntr (2) r vsz gy 

Don't let (vo, 1) the god be rslainl (2) in some way (or other)! 

n=y (3) Ni-nfr-ib-W p3 hm-ntr Hnm 

I have asked (3) Nanufabrê, the prophet (hont-priest) of Khnum 

2720r read: im tn ? 

597

tb3(4) p3 wdy (n) m irpyw 

about (4) the welfare of the temples. 

(5) mn d3 nb 

(5) There is no damage. 


1.1r=y ph (6) r Swn n rhy n sw 15 

In the evening of the 15th I reached (6) Syene; 

ir=y (7) n; mtw n Swn n sw 16 

and I did (7) the business in Syene on the 16th. 

(8) bn-pw=y srf r li r (9) irm=tn 

(8) I did not spare any time in coming to visit (9) you, 

iw=y hrp (10) r il r Pr-(1w-)rk n p3 hrw 

(but) got up early (10) to come to Philae today 

dd (11) iw=y ehe irm=tn 

so that (11) I might visit you 

iw=s (12) (n) h3t=y 

as it was (12) in my heart (to do). 

1.1r=tn ip (13) n-im=n r hyr 

(But) you account (13) us an enemy. 

(14) m-nfr hd=n i-ir (15) p; ntr hw r-hr=tn 

(14) (In fact,) we are better disposed toward (15) the god than you (are). 

i.ir=tn (16) nw r p3y bk 

As soon as you (16) see this letter, 

m-ir hrr (17) r pe=tn irpy 

don't delay (coming back) (17) to your temple. 

sh Hr 

Horos wrote (this) 

(18) h3t-sp 18 ibt 3 prt sw 17 

in regnal year 18, third month of Winter (Phamenoth), day 17. 

1-ir-hr (vacat) n3 webw Hnm 

(19) For (space for seal) the priests of Khnum. 

598 

[RHP]

Comments 

The Sources 

The letter PBerlin Dem. 15527 addressed by a certain Horos, son of Kolluthos, to 

three priests of Haroeris was probably found during the excavations conducted 

by Rubensohn and Zucker on Elephantine in 1906-1908. 

133 hints in even more general terms at the support rendered by Meroe to 

the Upper Egyptian rebels between 207/6 and 186 BC than 135 and the Greek literary 

tradition preserved in Photius, Bibl. 250, 20 (=145). If it is correctly dated to 

the reign of Ptolemy V Epiphanes, i.e., to April 23 187 BC (for doubts see Zauzich 

1978, P. 15527, remark p. 3), it reveals that during the reign of the usurper 

Ankh-Wennofer the temples in Syene/Aswan and Philae were not inaccessible 

to an official (? i.e., Horos) arriving there on temple inspection (?). Horos, after 

having carried out his task at Syene, wants to see three priests of Haroeris, viz., 

Spotus, Khnum-em-akhet, and Osoroeris, but, to his great surprise, he learns 

that they had left for Nubia: not very far from Elephantine, however, for they 

came home every night. It would appear that the reason for their hasty departure 

was an involvment in the revolt, as is indicated by Horos' enquiry concerning 

the situation of the Khnum temple at Elephantine. He is assured by a 

priest of the said temple that his sanctuary hasn't suffered any damage. If such 

an interpretation of the letter is correct, it may also be stated that the three 

priests were involved on the usurper's side and sought refuge in the land of his 

supporter, the king of Meroe (cf. 134). 

The Upper Egyptian revolt (Sethe 1917; Praux 1936; Pestman 1965) started 

in Year 16 of Ptolemy IV Philopator (in this year Edfu was already under the 

control of the rebels); and, on capturing Thebes in 205 BC, the leader of the 

rebels, Hor-Wennofer (Hr-wn-nfr, cf. Zauzich 1978; Clarysse 1978) was crowned 

king. His acceptance by the Theban priesthood as legitimate ruler is indicated by 

his epithet "Beloved of Arnim" (for his documents see Pestman 1965). Hor- 

Wennofer, whose latest recorded regnal year is 6 (reigned thus 205-199 BC), was 

succeeded by his son (?) Ankh-Wennofer (nh-wn-nfr) who reigned for 14 years 

(199-186 BC) and whose rule was finally crushed in Year 19 of Ptolemy V 

Epiphanes, on 23 Epeiph (27 August) 186 BC. (For evidence for at least two temporary 

restorations of Epiphanes' rule in the Thebaid in his Years 7 [199 BC] and 

15 [191 BC] see Pestman 1965; Skeat 1973, 170 f.) 

The Upper Egyptian revolt presented an excellent opportunity for Meroe to 

re-conquer Lower Nubia between the First and Second Cataracts. It appears 

likely that no progress beyond the First Cataract was intended and the border 

between the Meroitic kingdom and the kingdom of Hor-Wennofer and Ankh- 

Wennofer was secured by some sort of agreement, which also resulted in the 

participation of Meroitic troops on Ankh-Wennofer's side in the fight against 

the Ptolemaic expedition led by the general Comannos (cf. 135 and Helck 1977). 

The military support received from Meroe does not necessarily imply that, 

as suggested by Sethe (1917, 42 ff.; accepted by Alliot 1951, 423 f.; Pestman 1965, 

160 f.; Huss 1976, 183), Hor-Wennofer and Ankh-Wennofer were themselves 

599


Nubians. Their Upper Egyptian activity was a part—apparently the most successful 

part—of a nationwide revolt against Ptolemaic rule which had its roots, 

supporters, and leaders in Egypt and which also continued after Ankh-Wennofer's 

fall (cf. Sethe 1917, 49; Volkmann 1959, 1699 ff.). While the rebels obviously 

welcomed Meroitic aid, their "nationalist" aims would hardly have encouraged 

a foreign intervention. 

[LT] 

134 Second Philae Decree of Ptolemy V Epiphanes. The participation of Meroites 

in the Upper Egyptian revolt. 185/4 BC. 

Urk. II, 217-230. 


(The hieroglyphic transliteration and translation are in plain text, the demotic 

in italics) 

hrw pn shi 

hrw ilypn wt 

On this day, a decree (made by) 

On th[isl day (there was) a decree 

lw imyw-n n-prw 

ir m mr-§nw 

the superintendents of the temples, 

which was made by the lesonis-priests 

[bryw-sti 

(omitted?) 

the keepers of the secrets, 

(omitted ?) 

mbw-ntr r bw dsr 

[irm zvb[w] nti §tn (r) p; nti wq) 

the priests who enter the sacred place 

[and thel priest[s] who go to the pure place 

[FtW (3) mdw-ntr 

[Irm m shwl mdw-[ntr]w 

[and the scribes] (3) of the god's words, 

[and the scribes1 of the [godls' words, 

600 

1:imw-ntrl 

lrm n3 hm-ntwl 

the prophets] 

and the prophets 

sm,r ntrw m st.t.sn 

r fr mnh n [n3 ntrw] 

and adorn the gods with 

their garments 

to clothe [the gods],

hn, tyw pr-cnb 

The Sources 

irm m shw pr-

mr nsw 

1— ... —1 

the beloved of the King, 

1...1 


hr(i) hrp nfrw 

ffiry] n n3 hypIgs(w) 

the commander-in-chief of the cavalry, 

[commander] of the cavalry-commanders (hipparchoi) 

brsd3nyks 

(4) [3rstnks 

Aristonicus, 

(4) [Arislonicus, 

m rstl 3wmnws 

(r-)db; 3[mns1 

rabour Eumenos, 

about Eu[menos], 

p3 Irsd3nygws 

S3 3rstnks1 

son of Aristonicus, 

son of Aristonicus] 

nty imyw imy-ibw tp nw hm=f m dd 

nti hn[w] n3 r”'il[w] [dd 

who is among the Top Favorites of His Majesty, saying, 

who is among the rFavorites, [saying, 

The Sources 

hn< tsw n[t] Nhsw dmd=sn hric=f 

irm p3 m§/e n n3 'Ig§w (l.)Irtwtw inn=f 

together with the band of Nubians who had joined him; 

together with the armly of the Kushites that was joined with him, 

rslm3.n=f sn 

lw=f fhldfb=w 

he (Eumenos) has slaughtered them 

he (Eumenos) having Isllaughl.tered them 

3 111 m snti pn 

lwl=f dit q:g p; s3b (n) rn=f 

and seized that insurgent 

halving arrested the rebel 

1(3=sn 

lw=w dd 

they (the priests) said: 

they (the priests) saying: 

namedalive. 

Hrribl 

lw=f


hn wn m hnt 13w(t).sn mnht r 3w=sn 

[t3=w1 i3w(5) [1:1ri dr=w1 

and those who are in charge of their excellent offices in their entirety, 

Land their] offices (5) [above, all of them]273 

r rib=snl mnh hr ntrw 

[r h=w mnhly3(t) n3 ntrw] 

their hearts being well disposed toward the gods, 

[their hearts being well disposed toward the gods,] 

iw=sn sr spr m-b3h hm=f n 313c1 4 §mw sw `31 dd 

[iw=w dbly] m §s [ ... I I ... 1 

(and whereas) they laid a petition before His majesty, saying: 

[(and whereas) they beseeched] earnes tly [ ... I I ... 1 

hf=k sn[ti pn 

[ n p3 mlh 1.1r=w irm=f 

"You have taken [that] insurg[ent 

m lrwnnfl rir h(n)=f1 

I -- I flp3m1h 1.1r=w irm=f 

— — — — made with him' 

[ — — I in the battle they fought (lit.: did) with him 

[h31t-sp r191 313d 3 §mw (11) [sw 23] 

nly3t-sp 19 ibd 3 §mzv sw 23 

(in) the r19thl [regnall year, third month of Summer, (11) [23rd day], 

in the 19th regnal year, third month of Summer, 23rd day 

[iw]_f [ ]rm l[ 

w=fnh 

he [being] ralivel. 

he being alive. 

[sm3]=sn rs3=fl 

rnl [p3=f 

They [killed] rhis son' 

they having killed [his son — 

[ —]1(4 — ] sblw 

] — ' [ — ] rebel 

273 0r: 'their high offices'. 

604

hne rpcitl nt Nh[sjw rsbil hn


this reason only the passages mentioning the Meroites participating in the revolt 

are quoted here (Winter 1982, 1028 mentions the unpublished Cairo stela 

27/11/58/4 with a parallel text of the hieroglyphic variant). A demotic graffito 

from Aswan (Bresciani-Pernigotti-Foraboschi 1978, 141 no. 43) attests that Syene 

/Aswan was held by Meroitic forces between the tenth and sixteenth regnal 

years of Ptolemy V (ca. 195-189 BC; for the text see FHN IV, Addenda). 

While in the hieroglyphic text, according to the Egyptian tradition, the 

leader of the rebels is not named, and the rebels are referred to with the word 

sbi (in Greek texts on the revolts under Ptolemy IV and V: OccrEr-le%, or dcrCOCTTOCV 

Te, cf. Sethe 1917, 42; Huss 1994, 96) signifying the mythic enemy of the gods 

(for the association of the political opponents with Seth cf. Koenen 1959; 

Onasch 1976, 150 f.). After the Upper Egyptian revolt was crushed, the land of 

the Meroites would be identified with the land of the enemy of Horus and Rê 

in the inscriptions of the Edfu temple (Sauneron-Yoyotte 1952, 178, 194 with 

note 2; Onasch 1977, 333). 

As the text of the decree reveals, the report on the events in the Thebaid was 

presented to Ptolemy V in Alexandria by Aristonicos on Mesore 3 (September 

6) 186 BC, ten days after the victory of Comannos (in the hieroglyphic text 

minws) over Ankh-Wennofer, who is named in the demotic variant of the decree 

as "the enemy of the gods Ankh-Wennofer" (Urk. II, 221,8). Doubtless for 

propagandistic reasons, and not as a statement on ethnic identity, in the Demotic 

variant his name is also appended with the determinative of foreign 

peoples (Urk. II, 217,10; 221,8; 228,9). In addition he is qualified as the foremost 

of the rebels in Egypt (Urk. II, 221,9, Demotic, (1.)ir lr h3t n bks hnw Kml, see Sethe 

1917, 44); his activity in Upper Egypt is characterized as a series of crimes against 

temples and their priesthood, and he is accused of forceful extortion of tribute 

and abuse of irrigation works (Sethe 1917, 45). 

The manner of the Meroitic participation is indicated by the qualification of 

the Nubian army in the hieroglyphic as well as in the Demotic versions with 

the expression "who they have united themselves with him (i.e., Ankh-Wennofer)". 

While Ankh-Wennofer's son is killed in the final battle, Ankh-Wennofer 

himself is, after his army of Nubians has been defeated, taken prisoner on 

Epiphi 23 (August 27 186 BC) and brought to Alexandria where Aristonicos 

pleads for amnesty for him.275 The subsequent fate of Ankh-Wennofer remains 

unknown. After all these preliminaries, the text records the royal decree 

that the taxes from Upper Egypt, which could not be collected up to Year 19, are 

ter the elimination of Ptolemy VII Neos Philopator from their list, by Chauveau 1990; cf. also 

Huss 1994, 10 [not accepted by Hölbl 1994]. 

275 Huss 1994, 119 with note 300 suggests that the Egyptian priesthood was in the position of exerting 

a certain influence on Ptolemy V in the defense of the "nationalist" rebels; but he also notes 

that in the text of the Second Philae Decree it is the army officer Aristonicos and not a priest 

who asks the king for mercy. In the reading of Müller [1920, 75] the Decree does not tell about a 

plea for amnesty but simply reports that Ankh-Wennofer was killed. 

606

The Sources 

relinquished. It is decided furthermore that statues of the king as "Lord of Victory" 

(Ptwlmys nb kn[d]) should be erected in all sanctuaries of the land; in the 

lunettes of the copies of the Decree to be put up in the temples the king was to 

be represented in the act of the killing an enemy; and, finally, the day of the delivery 

of the triumphal report by Aristonicos as well as the day of the victory 

over the rebels was to be celebrated in the temples every year (Sethe 1917, 47). 

[LT] 

135 Sehel, Famine Stela. Incomes from the Dodecaschoenus. Early 2nd cent. BC 

(?). 

Barguet 1953. 


EXCERPT FROM MAIN TEXT (columns 23-32, reading right to left): 

htp-di-nsw n 

An offering which the king gives to Khnum-I*, 

nb I


hnserth htblw 

and those who give (new) life to rwhat lies dormant' 

ici q-tm (= ihmt) hnr mmt nb wn hnt itrw lpw 

by irrigating the river-banks and the new lands that are in these leagues, 

mh.tw fllw=s(n) wd3t=k 

their harvests shall be put into your granary 

m h3w r p(25)=k wn hnt 'Iwb 

over and above your shapstre which is in Elephant-town (Elephantine). 

w13-rmw nb grgw nb 

(As for) all fishermen, all hunters, 

h3mw sht 3pdw hn bhs nb 

all who net and snare birds and game 

sht rruyw nb hr lust 

and all who trap lions in the desert, 

st m r-10 m sbw m nn r 3w=sn 

I tax them orte tenth of the catch of all these 

bhsw nb ms hmwt hnt itrw ipw 

(and I demand) all the young animals to which the females in these leagues 

give birth in [their entirety]. 

(26) di mhtmw m igriw igrw) nb mnw n r nb 

(26) The branded animals shall be given in all burnt offerings and daily sacrifices. 

13w di r-10 m nbw 3bw hbn 

And there shall be given one tenth of the gold, ivory, ebony, 

ndm sty hrds (= hrst) shrt diw 

carob wood, ochre, carnelian, seheret-mineral, tiu-plants, 

nfw ht nb 

nefu-plants, and all (kinds of) wood, 

ht nb in Nhsyw (n) F-Int-hn-nfr Kmt 

(i.e.) everything that the Nubians of Beyond-the-final-frontier (Nubia south of 

the border with Egypt) bring to Egypt, 

608

The Sources 

hn, s nb (27) grn r


hrt rd(t) r-10 m c3wt gt3w 

And there shall be given one tenth of the precious stones and the stones from 

the quarries 

Mw m gs=s hrw inrw hr bbt 

that are brought from up in the mountains, (i.e.) stones from the east. 

hn wn mr hi tnw nbw hd hmt 3wt n m3ct 

And there shall be an overseer who measures the amount of gold, silver, copper, 

and truly precious stones, 

ht r.3b gnwtyw r hwt nbw 

(i.e.) the things which sculptors requisition for the "compound of gold" 

(31) ms qimw r sh spw wn sh3 

in order to produce sacred images and to restore statues that are damaged 

hrtc tbh nb nn sw im 

and any (other) necessities which are not there. 

rdi ht nb hnt wd3t r mswt m whm 

Let everything be put into the storehouse for restoration, 

iw rh ht nb wn w(3)s brd hwt-ntr=k 

when everything that is fallen into ruin in your temple complex is known, 

r wn=s mi shr m sp tpy 

so that it may be as it was in the Beginning. 

sphr wt (= wd) tn hr ,h,yt trn' bw dsr m sg 

(32) Inscribe this decree on a stela in a sacred place in writing 

hr nty hpr mi i.rddl 

because (it) happened as was said277 

hr 1-1y 

(and) on a writing board 

wn mdw-ntr m r-pr sp sn hr=f 

so that the divine decree may be in the temple twice concerning it (the donation). 

psg m grg m sb3yt 

He who spits (on it) is in the wrong (and destined) for punishment. 

277 0r: "it shall happen as has been said". 

610

The Sources 

Imyw-r3 n mbw Imyw-n s nb nw hwt-ntr 

The overseers of waab-priests and the overseer of each man of the templecomplex 

r rIr(t)l mn rn=i m hwt-ntr Hnm-Rc nb flpw sdr nhh 

rshall cause' my name to abide in the temple-complex of Khnum-Rê, Lord of 

Elephant-town (Elephantine), forever mighty. 

[RHP] 

Comments 

The text of the so-called Famine Stela was carved in thirty-two columns on the 

surface of a rock at the S end of the island of Sehel, an island N of Philae in the 

region of the First Cataract. Above the text is a relief scene depicting King 

Djoser of the Third Dynasty before the deities of the Cataract region, Khnum, 

Satet, and Anuket. Though dated to Djoser's reign and purporting to be a decree 

of this king, the inscription and relief scene were in fact carved at a much later 

date, probably in the reign of Ptolemy V Epiphanes (Barguet 1953, 33 ff.; 

Wildung 1969, 90; Lichtheim 1980, 94 f.). The creation of such a fictitious decree 

was doubtless motivated by the donation of the Dodecaschoenus, i.e., the Nile 

Valley stretch between Syene/Aswan and Takompso (for the toponyms cf. 108, 

Comments, Table A; for the history of the Dodecaschoenus cf. Sethe 1901; Desanges 

1969) to the Temple of Isis of Philae by Ptolemy V after the crushing of 

the Upper Egyptian revolt in 186 BC and the re-occupation of this territory after 

it had been seized from Meroe (cf. 137). That donation annihilated the ancient 

rights of Khnum of Elephantine, who had earlier been the owner of the taxes 

levied on the river trade and the royalties of the mines of the Dodecaschoenus 

(for the donation of Ramesses III see Sethe 1901, 26 ff.). Wildung 1969, 88 ff. argues 

that this decree is a Ptolemaic re-edition of an early Twenty-Sixth Dynasty 

edition of a Third Dynasty text and reconstructs the text history as follows: the 

original text by Djoser had been intended to give expression to Djoser's claim to 

authority over the area from Gebel el-Silsile to Aswan; the early Twenty-Sixth 

Dynasty re-edition indicated Saite rule over Lower Nubia after the fall of the 

Kushite Dynasty; and the final re-edition conveyed Ptolemy V's claim to be the 

legitimate ruler of the Dodecaschoenus re-conquered from the Meroites. While 

the text reveals the great care with which the authors of both successive re-editions 

handled their Urtexte and even amended them (cf. Wildung 1969, 90 F.), 

its special bias, viz., the defense of Khnum's priority against the expanding cult 

of Isis of Philae, expressed in terms of religious concepts, and, more realistically, 

in the reassertion of his ownership of the Dodecaschoenus, shows that the the 

priests of the temple of Khnum were its authors. 

From the text only the donation dated to Djoser's reign is translated here, 

because it gives a picture of the composition of the incômes expected from the 

Dodecaschoenus and, in this way, reflects its resources. Though it may be sus 

611


pected that the donation preserves fragments of the prototypes, its re-edited 

form is indicated, e.g., by the definition of the extension of the Dodecaschoenus 

with reference to Takompso, a toponym first occurring in the TIP (for the documents 

of Taharqo's sanctuary of Amiln of Takompso see Winter 1982, 1025 

with note 19). 

The donation is embedded in a longer narrative of literary character, telling 

about a famine lasting seven years (a motif originating perhaps in the Old Testament, 

cf. Zibelius 1977) caused by a series of bad inundations. The distressed 

king laments the horrible state of his land and turns for advice to the chief lector-priest 

of Imhotep who, after consulting his sacred books, tells the king about 

the origin of the inundation at Elephantine and about Khnum's power over 

this place. He also informs the king about the wealth of the region (of the Dodecaschoenus) 

belonging to Khnum. After this, the king sees Khnum in his 

dream and receives the god's promise concerning the end of the famine. In return, 

Djoser makes his donation of the incomes of the Dodecaschoenus to him. 

[LT] 

136 Mention of Blemmyes around 180 BC. 

PDodgson, Griffith 1909 100-109 and Cenival 1987 3-11. 


(i) ibd 4 3ht sw 21 

(1) Fourth month of Inundation, 21st day. 

dd n=1 p3 hrd r.ms=w (n) Yb (2) Ns-p3-mdy s3 n-di-ir-hms-nfr 

The Child(-God) who was bom (in) Elephant-town (Elephantine), (2) Espmêti, 

son of Petarhensnilfi, spoke to me, 

iw=y (n) nw (3) (n) I-Inm Stt nk 

as I was at the gates (3) of Khnum, Satis, and Amakis, 

1w=y q-.1c (n) t3 nti iw=w wh3 st 

waiting for what they would demand (i.e., the will of the gods) 

(4) (n) p3 nti 1w=w gm n=f bwt 

(4) (from) him against whom they find a sacrilege, 

iw=s dit st (n)-d(r)t=1 

since they put it278 in my hand(s), 

278 An oracular response? 

612

dd (5) ir syhyh=f 

saying, (5)"Chastize him!" (as follows): 

ink Wsir Ns-p3-mty Hnm 

"I am Osiris Espmêti, son of 

(6) r.ddy st (n) Ptn s; Pri-(n-)p3-wr 

(6)Tell Petra, son of Pshenpok 

The Sources 

bn-pw=y dit c=w rn=k (7) p; rn r-di n=k td=k mwt 

'I did not let them utter your name, (7) the name your mother gave you. 

iw=w rn=k dd Ptr3rh' (s3) (8) P3-di-ir-hms-nfr rn=k 

They shall call your name Petra, (8) (son of) Peteharhensnafi, your (new) 

name,279 

(n_.)twzso gm-,y 1331=k 

because I have found out your innermost thoughts (lit.: heart). ..." 

Lines 9 to 20 go on to record the culprit's noisy, quarrelsome, and above all 

drunken behavior that disturbed the god's sleep and provoked his wrath. 

Among other abominations, says the text, 

(20) hwy=k t rswt' r bnr hr p; mtg n h3t-rnpt 

"You threw the rcoverl out with the rwinel of rthe beginning of' the year, 

i(w)=k swr irm n3 Brhw 

(21)while you were drinking with the Blemmyes, 

dd pi 31-n hpr (22) rwhe r-hr=y iw=y hr3e 

saying, 'Herdsman, night (n) has come upon me while I have been partying. 

sny p; nw (23) (n) p; kbh r-lw=f r-hr=y 

The time (23) for the libation has passed while it (the night) was upon me.' ..." 


I have followed Griffith's courageous practice with regard to the passages above 

(Griffith 1909, 103) and have tried to "translate every legible word in spite of the 

nonsense that results". Users of this corpus will discover that I have not infrequently 

proceeded in the same fashion elsewhere. 

279In the interpretation of this passage I follow Thiessen 1994, 94-95. 

2813Forr ntt, cf. Cenival 1987, 5. 

[RHIP] 

613


Comments 

As argued by Roeder (1959, 333 ff.), this papyrus, which erny (1958, 203) dated 

to around 180 BC, records protocols of trials of men for violently disturbing the 

peace on the island of Philae. The one referred to here concerns a certain Petra 

son of Pshenpoêr, whom an oracle finds guilty of having desecrated offering 

wine dedicated to Osiris in a drinking party in which also Blemmyes had participated. 

As stressed by Updegraff (1988, 60), the importance of this data lies in the 

fact that in it we find men of Blemmyan origin as part of a mixed multi-ethnic 

society. The interpretation of the drinking of the wine of Osiris, which must 

have been illegally appropriated, as a crime leaves no doubt as to the nature of 

the party: it is clearly not the banquet of a religious association,281 as Bonnet 

(1952, 172-3) maintained, and thus the drunkenness of the culprits is not of the 

normally accepted kind (cf. Brunner 1985). For further remarks on this text see 

Bresciani (1988). 

[LT1 

137 The Nubian nome list of Ptolemy VI. Philae, Temple of Isis. Ca. 163-145 BC. 

Junker 1958. 


The two registers consist of processions in which the king and queen lead fecundity 

figures, who symbolize places in Nubia and bear offerings characteristic 

of them. 

WESTWALL 

FIRST PANEL OF THE REGISTER 

TEXT IN FRONT OF KING PTOLEMY VI (four columns, reading from right to left): 

(1) Nsw-bity 'Ilv-n-Ntrwy-prwy 

The King-of-Upper-and-Lower-Egypt: Heir-of-the-Gods-Epiphanes, 

Stp-n-Pth-Hpr 

Chosen-of-Ptah-Khepri, Who-exercises-the-Maat-of-Rê-Amån, 

S3-Re Ptwlmys cnh dt mr-Pth 

(2) Son-of-Rê: Ptolemaios, may he live for ever, beloved of Ptah. 

(3) Ntrwy Mr-mwt 

(3) The Two Gods Philometor. 

281 For the archaeological evidence for such associations from Meroitic Nubia see Millet 1984, 114 

f . 

614

The Sources 

TEXT BEHIND KING PTOLEMY VI (one column, reading from right to left): 

(1) cnh W3S h3=f mi R dt 

(1) Life and dominion are behind him as (they are behind) Rê for ever. 

TEXT IN FRONT OF QUEEN CLEOPATRA (one column, reading from right to left): 

(1)hipt nb T3wy KI3wptr; 

(1) The Mistress, the Lady of Two-lands (Egypt), Cleopatra. 

TEXT BEHIND KING PTOLEMY VI AND QUEEN CLEOPATRA 

(two columns, reading from right to left): 

(1) ii.wy=n hr=t Ist 

(1) We are come to you, Isis, 

di 1-111 nbt 13t-wcb 

Giver of the water of life (the inundation), Lady of Pure-mound (the Abaton), 

hnwt nb Iw-rk hIpt h3swt rsy 

Mistress, Lady of Final-island (Philae), Ruler of the Southern Countries. 

in=n (2) n=t rm Mhw' 

that we may bring (2) to you Upper and Lower Egypt 

hw= n=t rhrwl 

We have struck down rrebellionl for you 

di=t (text =f) n=t 3w-ib n sn=t Wsir 

that you may give joy to your brother Osiris 

rr n' rdt m ~-hrw 

in justification 

di=t n=f [ — 

and that you may give to him [ — 

SECOND PANEL OF THE REGISTER 

IN FRONT OF THE FECUNDITY FIGURE (three columns, reading right to left): 

(1) ii.n Nsw-bity Im-n-Ntrwy-prwy 

(1) Here comes the King-of-Upper-and-Lower-Egypt: Heir-of-the-Gods- 

Epiphanes, 

615


Stp-n-Pth-Hpr lry-m3et-Re-Imn 

Chosen-of-Ptah-Khepri, Who-exercises-the-Maeat-of-I*-Amim, 

(2) in=f n=k bt nb nfr web 

that he may bring to you everything good and pure 

r kbh im tp sw 10 nb n(n) ir 3by 

(3) to make offering therewith at the beginning of every (ten-day) week, without 

cease. 

THE NAME OF THE FECUNDITY FIGURE ON THE STANDARD ON ITS HEAD: 

Snmt282 

Biga Island 

BEHIND THE FECUNDITY FIGURE (two columns, reading right to left): 

(1) ii.n Nsw-bity Iwe-n-Ntrwy-prwy 


Epiphanes, 

Stp-n-Pth-Hpr Iry-rmet-Re-linn 

Chosen-of-Ptah-Khepri, Who-exercises-the-Maeat-of-R&Amim, 

hr=k Wsir Wn-nfr ntr nb [—] 

unto you, Osiris Onnophris, the great god, lord of the Abaton, 

in=f rnl[=k] (2) irtt imyt bh 

that he may bring rtol [you] (2) milk r — — ' 

ndm imy rmndwy pr m hs3t 

sweet, what is in the two breasts, and comes from Hesat, 

beh=k (text: =f) im 

tht you (text: he) may be inundated with it, 

enh=k (text: =f) im m dt dt 

and may live therefrom for ever, 

rnp=hew=k [im] 

and that you limbs may be rejuvenated in it. 

282For an alternative identification of Snmt as the narrow frontier area between Egypt and 

Nubia and the fortress there see Jaritz 1993, 115-119. 

616

THIRD PANEL OF THE REGISTER 

The Sources 


(1) ii.n S3-W Ptwlmys cnh dt mr Pth 

Here comes the Son-of-Rê: Ptolemaios, may he live for ever, beloved of Ptah, 

in=f n=t smr nw T3-(3)sti 

(2) that he may bring to you semer of Bow-(3)land (Nubia) 

r di[t] k3t nb im=f 

to give every work with it. 


Bhn 

Buhen 


(1) ii.n S3-W Ptwlmys q-111 dt mr Pth 

(1) Here comes the Son-of-Rê: Ptolemaios, may he live for ever, beloved of Ptah, 

hr=t Tfnt rwrt nb 13t-mb' 

unto you, Tefnut, the great, Lady of Pure-mound (the Abaton), 

hr [sw3] (2) [-]w hm=s 

[worship]ing (2) your (text: her) majesty 

lw tlw Si3 hr 1S1113 n=s sns 

while Authoritative Utterance and Perception formulate worshipful words for 

her, 

r tpyw dw hr nhm hr-h3t=s 

and those who are on the mountain shout acclamations before her. 

FOURTH PANEL OF THE REGISTER 




Epiphanes, 

Stp-n-Pth-Upr 

Chosen-of-Ptah-Khepri, Who-exercises-the-Maat-of-R&Arniin, 

617


(2) hr=t Hwt-Hr wrt nb Snmt 

unto you, Hather, the great, Lady of Senemet (Biga Island) 

in=f n=t mfg (= mfk3t) m i(w)n=f rn3 

(3) that he may bring to you turquoise in its true color 


T3-w3cIt 

rGreenl-land 


(1)11.n Nsw-bity Im-n-Ntrwy-prwy 

Here comes the King-of-Upper-and-Lower-Egypt: Heir-of-the-Gods- 

Epiphanes, 

Stp-n-Pth-Hpr 

Chosen-of-Ptah-Khepri, Who-exercises-the-Maat-of-Itê-Amtin, 

hr=t Hwt-F.Ir wrt nb Snmt 

unto you, Hathor, the great, Lady of Senemut (Biga Island), 

M=f n=t rrdwy snbi' 

that he may bring to you r — — — ' 

lcdt tfy hp(r)=f hr-h3t 

(2) that form (in which) it was aforetime, 

hft iw hm=s m B-gm 

after her majesty came from Bugem, 

r (= 1w) w hr-h3t=s 

while Shu was before her, 

hr hb n 1(3=s r rnfr nfr' wr 

dancing for her ka-spirit rvery beautifully'. 

FIFTH PANEL OF THE REGISTER 


(1) ii.n S3-1-(c Ptwlmys nb dt mr h 

(1) Here comes the Son-of-Rê: Ptolemaios, may he live for ever, beloved of Ptah, 

618

The Sources 

br=k Hr-p(3)-brd 

unto you, Horus-the-child (Harpocrates), 

(2) in=f n=k (3) sw3d-tp 

(2) that he may bring to you (3) rtop quality 

m inw rnwl T3-sti 

as products of Bow-land (Nubia). 

THE NAME OF THE FECUNDITY FIGURE ON THE STANDARD ON TTS HEAD: 

P3-nbs 

Pnubs (Tabo) 

BEH1ND THE FECUNDITY FIGURE (two columns, reading right to left): 

(1) ii.n S3-1Z‹ Ptwlmys nb dt mr Pth 

Here comes the Son-of-R& Ptolemaios, may he live for ever, beloved of Ptah, 

hr=k Hr-p(3)-hrd s3 1st nb 13t-rk 

unto you, Horus-the-child (Harpocrates), son of Isis, lord of Final-island (Philae), 

in=f k [ — — — 

that he may bring you [ 

is Nfryw hr rshkrl 

(2) while the Nfryw-Apes adorn (ryourl) limbs, 

3byw sr r iwt=sn t[ — — — 

panthers rand giraffes — — ' [ ]. 

SIXTH PANEL OF THE REGISTER 


(i) li.n Nsw-bity Iwc-n-Ntrwy-prwy 


Epiphanes, 

Stp-n-Pth-Hpr lry-m3ct-W-Imn 

Chosen-of-Ptah-Khepri, Who-exercises-the-Maat-of-1*-Amån, 

in=f n=t bks hr mn=f 

(2) that he may bring to you magnetite from his mountains, 

619


(3) pr im hr dw nw T3-sti 

(3) come forth from on the mountain of Bow-land (Nubia). 


P-t-n-;-t 




Epiphanes, 

Stp-n-Pth-Hpr Iry-M3

The Sources 


Nipt 

Napata 

BEHIND THE FECUNDITY FIGURE (four columns, reading right to left): 

(1) ii.n S3-W Ptwlmys

Fontes Historiae Nubiorum H 


Mi-r-w3-t 

Meroe 


(1) ii.n Nsw-bIty 1wc-n-Ntrwy-prwy 


Epiphanes, 

Stp-n-Pth-Hpr lry-m3

The Sources 

hr=t Ist di enh nb 14-web 

unto you, Isis, giver of the living-waters (the inundation), mistress of Puremound 

(the Abaton), 

(2) [ rb3W1 

(2) [ jr-1 

EAST WALL 

FIRST PANEL OF THE REGISTER 

TEXT IN FRONT OF KING PTOLEMY VI (four columns, reading from left to right): 

(1) Nsw-bity lwe-n-Ntrwy-prwy 

The King-of-Upper-and-Lower-Egypt: Heir-of-the-Gods-Epiphanes, 

Stp-n-Pth-Hpr Iry-mgt-Re-Imn 

Chosen-of-Ptah-Khepri, Who-exercises-the-Maeat-of-Rê-Amiin, 

S3-I.Z Ptwlmys enh dt mr-Pth 

(2) Son-of-Rê: Ptolemaios, may he live for ever, beloved of Ptah, 

(3) Ntrwy Mr-mwt 

(3) The Two Gods Philometor, 

TEXT BEHIND KING PTOLEMY VI (one column, reading from left to right): 

(1) enh ws 1:13=f mi R dt 

(1) Life and dominion are behind him as (they are behind) Rê for ever. 

TEXT IN FRONT OF QUEEN CLEOPATRA (one column, reading from left to right): 

(1) hIc3t nb Dwy Khwptn 

(1) The Mistress, the Lady of Two-lands, Cleopatra. 

TEXT BEHIND KING PTOLEMY VI AND QUEEN CLEOPATRA (two columns, reading 

from left to right): 

(1) ii.wy=n hr=k Wsir 

(1) We are come to you, Osiris, 

ntr nb Weby 

great god, Lord of Purity (the Abaton), 

In=n n=k ht nb nfr web ndm 

that we may bring to you all things good, pure, and sweet, 

623


(2) r kbh im tp sw 10 nb 

(2) in order to make offering therewith at the beginning of every (ten-day) week. 

st ipw mr 1st nb lw-rk 

This is the place Isis, Lady of "Final-Island" (Philae), loves, 

m hrnwb n sn=s m Snmt 

in r--1 for her brother Osiris on Senemut (Biga Island), 

rshr ngn1 r=f 

driving revill away from him. 

SECOND PANEL OF THE REGISTER 

IN FRONT OF THE SCENE (two columns, reading left to right): 

(1)11.n S3-Rc Ptwlmys nb dt mr h 


hr=k Wsir 

(2) unto you Osiris 

in=f n=k Hwt-hnt 

that he may bring to you Nearer-compound (Philae) 

rhr ht nb nfr 

bearing all things good and pure. 


Hwt-hnt 

Nearer-compound (Philae) 

THIRD PANEL OF THE REGISTER 


(1)11.n Nsw-bity Im-n-Ntrwy-prwy 


Epiphanes, 

Stp-n-Pth-Hpr Iry-m3

The Sources 

in=s n=t B3kt hr


3bw hr h3t=sn hbn hr ph=sn 

ivory in front of them and ebony behind them, 

bnwt n p(3) dw hrt 

and bnw-stone from the mountain of the high country. 

IN FRONT OF THE FECUNDITY FIGURE (three columns, reading left to right): 

(1) ii.n Ptwlmys 1111 dt mr Pth 

Here comes the Son-of-Ré: Ptolemy, may he live for ever, beloved of Ptah, 

hr=t nb Snmt 

(2) unto you Hathor, Lady of Senemut (Biga Island), 

(3) in=f n=t 1‘./Wm 

(3) that he may bring to you Miam (Aniba), 

hr ht nb 

bearing everything. 


1Wm 

Aniba 

FIFTH PANEL OF THE REGISTER 




Epiphanes, 

Stp-n-Pth-Hpr lry-m3q-W-Imn 

Chosen-of-Ptah-Khepri, Who-exercises-the-Maat-of-R&Amiln, 

hr=t Hwr-F.Ir nb Snmt 

unto you, Hathor, Lady of Senemut (Biga Island), 

hnwt nb pr-ms hnt st wrt 

mistress, lady of the Mammisi, foremost of the great seat, 

in=f n=t Mhyt hr ht nb r hr-ib=sn 

(2) that he may bring to you Mehit, bearing every thing rin their midst': 

626

w df hkk nbs 

r_ zizyphus. 

The Sources 


(1) II.n Nsw-bity Iv‘g-n-Ntrwy-prwy 


Epiphanes, 

Stp-n-Pth-Hpr 

Chosen-of-Ptah-Khepri, Who-exercises-the-Maat-of-I*-Amim, 

hr=t 1st nb 13t-mb 

(2) unto you Isis, Lady of Pure-mound (the Abaton), 

(3) dsr st=s hntl3t-r1c nb h3swt rsyw 

(3) (she) whose seat is sacred, foremost of Final-island (Philae), Lady of the 

southern countries. 

THE NAME OF THE FECUNDITY FIGUREON THE STANDARD ON ITS HEAD: 

Mhyt 

Mehit 

AT THE END OF THE SCENE(two columns, reading left to right): 

(1) ii.n S3-Rc Ptwlmys rftj clt mr Pth 

(1) Here comes the Son-of-Itê: Ptolemaios, may he live for ever, beloved of Ptah, 

hr 1st nb nb h3swt rsy 

unto you Isis, Lady of Final-island (Philae), Lady of the southern countries, 

in=f n=t h3swt Nh(2)sw 

that he may bring to you the countries of the Nu(2)bians, 

hr ht nb pr m T3-W3w3t 

bearing everything that comes forth from Wawat-land (Lower Nubia): 

nbw hd hmt hsbd in3< mfk 

gold, silver, copper, real lapis-lazuli, real turquoise. 

SIXTH PANEL OF THE REGISTER 


627


(1) ii.n S3-R< Ptwlmys q11tj dt mr Pth 


hr Ist 

(2) unto Isis 

In=f n=t (3) snn nw T3-Sti 

that he may bring to you (3) green felspath of Bow-land (Nubia). 


Nhr 

Nahor 

AT THE END OF THE SCENE (two columns, reading left to right): 

(1)11.n S3-R< Ptwlmys dt mr Pthl 

(1) Here comes the Son-of-Rê: Ptolemaios, [may he live for ever, beloved of 

Ptah], 

hr=t Ist nb lw-rk 

unto you Isis, Lady of Final-island (Philae), 

In=f n=t ph nw Stt 

that he may bring to you Farthest Bow(-land) (Nubia), 

[ —]=f n=t 3w nb [ — m [ - 

he [ — I for you very (kind of) precious stone [ - 

m inw m w Iwntyw 

as produce, on the arms of the Trogodytes. 

SEVENTH PANEL OF THE REGISTER 

]r-1[ - 


(1) ii.n Nsw-bity (left blank) 

Here comes the King-of-Upper-and-Lower-Egypt (blank), 

hr[=t] Ist 

(2) unto [you] Isis, 

In=f ri=t (3) hts pss 

that he may bring to you (3) the noble Ifts-mineral 

628

ir k3t nb 

do every work . 

The Sources 


Itfyt 

Atefit 

AT THE END OF THE SCENE (two columns, reading left to right): 

(1) rii.n1 (blank ?) 

Here comes (blank ?), 

[hr=t di


missing from the earlier list: viz., /1/13cm (Aniba), Mhyt (Abu Simbel, cf. Zibelius 

1972, 126 f.), Nhr (?), and Bhn (Buhen). On the other hand, Pr mr.t (Parembole), a 

place in the neighbourhood of Debod, which was listed in 112, does not occur in 

137. For the nome-names and the significance of the list cf. 112, Comments and 

see also 138, 141. 

138 Debod, building inscription of Ptolemy VI Philometor. 172-170 BC (?). 

OGIS I 107. SB V 8461. 


Dittenberger 1903 

Zucker 1911 

Zucker 1912 


W. Dittenberger: Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae. 

Vol. 1. Lipsiae. 

F. Zucker: Von Debod bis Bab Kalabsche. Vol. 2. (Les 

temples immerg& de la Nubie.) Le Caire. 

F. Zucker: Von Debod bis Bab Kalabsche. Vol. 3. (Les 

temples immergs de la Nubie.) Le Caire. 

On the second gateway (pylon) of the temple of Isis in Debod there is carved the 

following building inscription. Our text follows that of Dittenberger (1903, 186 

f., No. 107, with a bibliography of earlier publications of the inscription). Zucker 

(1912, 1), on inspection, found nothing to correct in Dittenberger's text; for a picture 

of the pylon, see Zucker (1911, Pl. 4). 

Text 

iyrcsepf3acrt.t) FIroX.Eg[aiou Kai [3amPLicTa% KXcorcåtpa, å.Sek4i%] 

ccà ylvcn Kôç, EIECilv 431, 

TruXov]. 

Translation 

X0 [ 1.111 TI5]p(.0v , IM151.leCtst cD[vvoç 0£01; TO 7Cpci- 

On behalf of King Ptole[my and Qu]een Cleopatra, his [sister] and wife, the gods 

Philo[meto]res, (was dedicated) [this propylon] to Isis and [the gods] who sha[re 

the temple]. 

[TH] 

Comments 

After the final crushing of the revolts in the Thebaid (cf. 137, Comments) and 

the re-conquest of the Triacontaschoenus from Meroe construction was resumed 

at the Isis temple of Dabod. Here work on a chapel was started before 

207/6, i.e., the date of the secession of the Thebaid, by Ptolemy IV and was continued 

thereafter by the Meroitic king Arqamani (see 129). The chapel was ex 

630

The Sources 

tended into a temple by Ptolemy VI, whose building inscription 138 commemorates 

the completion of the propylon probably around 172-170 (Huss 1994, 24). 

[1:11 

(139) King Evidence for reign. 

According to Lepsius (LD Text V, 303) in the mortuary cult chapel of Beg. N. 8 

(Dunham 1957, 68 ff.) a fragmentarily preserved royal name was found in one 

of the wall reliefs, of which only the signs [...]mr[...]t were legible. The location 

of Beg. N. 8 in the cemetery as well as the style and the iconography of the mortuary 

cult chapel reliefs (Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 5/C, D; see especially the 

representation of the queen behind the figure of the enthroned King receiving 

mortuary offerings, cf. (129), Comments, end) indicate a dating of King 

to the decades after Arqamani's reign. 

[LT] 

140 Provisions requested from Nubia for Philae. 149/8 BC. 

SB VIII 9737. I. Philae I 12bis. I. Prose 19. 


A. Bernand 1969 


Bingen 1994 

Segre 1939 

A. Bernand: Les inscriptions grecques de Philae. Vol. 1: 

Epoque ptol&naïque. Paris. [=-I. Philae I.] 

A. Bernand: La prose sur pierre dans l'Egypte 

helMnistique et romaine. Vol. 1-2. Paris. [=I. Prose.] 

J. Bingen: Epigraphie grecque d'Egypte: la prose sur 

pierre. CdE 69, 152-167. 

M. Segre: Epigraphica V. Frammento di 

Bulletin de la Société Archologique d'Alexandrie 33, 

325-332. 


This fragmentary inscription is written on a dark granite stela. Only the left half 

of the lower part of the stela has been preserved, constituting a rectangle 26 cm 

high and 28 cm wide; the letters are 1 cm high. The stela is known to have been 

brought from Aswan to Cairo, and is now in the Græco-Roman Museum in 

Alexandria (Inv. No. 22690); that it originally came from Philae is a conjecture 

based on its contents (line 8 Mandulis, line 9 Philae). 

The inscription was first published by Segre (1939). We mainly follow the 

text given by A. Bernand (1969, 126-137, No.12bis, with translation and comments; 

also 1992:1, 56 f., and 2, 56 f., No. 19), correcting it in a few places285 on 

285Line 2 yEvriOciarn for Bernand's yev(r)Ociarit, line 4 icarå ullva for Bernand's uflva, line 5 

icepa[i.ticov ...] for Bernand's Kepauicov[- - -], line 14 va for Bernand's iccit ìva, line 16 Elimixcll 

for Bernand's EU[r6xE11, line 17 (i'cou) for Bernand's rouç. Segre (1939, 325) is correct in all 

631


the basis of the photos Bernand himself prints of the stone and of a squeeze 

(1969, Pl. 35), and also suppressing some of the proposed supplements.286 It 

should be noted, however, that much of the translation is still based on modern 

supplements—probably as much as half of each line is missing on the 

stone. Thus, whereas the general structure of the text may be correctly restored, 

rto weight should be put on any details in the bracketed parts of the translation. 

Text 

2 . Kdt v tfit yevriOciarit xpciat, irpoc[68cov tOv TOTE 6v—] 

3 ta tcOv AlOtOrccov btapxovta cbot[... IcapaicakCaa(?) ... ô atpa]- 

4 tTyyôç broill6EN7 ittvxatå gfiv[a CYUNIT(41. / £71180Ofival(?) 6i.T01)]287 

5 åptaPo3v tpuitcovta, divau Kcpab_ticov ...] 

6 Epiew OkiefK Takavia 8.6o Sta[...] 

7 Taal.IEN/01., EX(.011Ev Tak TE Oucyia icat 'ràç irovSå toit 

8 MovöoiAcixm 

TO% Katål 

Ocaij i_tclriatau Repcbt icat ci; tdckka tå volit6gcva 

9 cl)ila TOirot; itp 'CE CYO"6 Ka[l tiç 30001.7d66'N xåt TO"."W TåCVCOv ledt 

toiv Tcpay6—] 

vcov 601.Y VUN/1. Sc Tcpompailic[vot TE Ouaiaç Ka'1. 'tàç TTCCW6aava–] 

11 vecikat, 8e6gEOcic cYuu, c't Solc[cl, repocrugat tdit cyuyycvd] 

12 Keil iyrcogyrwatoypacixot ölccog ypayrit, iva Stampfit 

13 icatå gfiva Ta npoicci(11e)va iiriOv rc[apaXcilccov 

14 va iv xataxoXobOilt Tol; [irpO-cepov£7cucexo)pril_tvot; ...] 

15 Kal. Nti3v irpocstczal.t.Cvot. TO'6[Tou öè yevopCvou, kacigeOa iJ.tïç TE icai] 

16 TO 'tEpOv nEOIXavOpcormi_tvot. 

17 (ftaK) ky, Mcx[cip ...] 

these places (but a couple of the mistakes were introduced in his supplemented version p. 330). A. 

Bernand I. Prose (1992:1, 57) reproduces his mistakes from I. Philae I; cf. the comments in Bingen 

(1994, 154 f.). 

286 E.g., we have not adopted A. Bernand's supplement of two lines before line 1: [Bamkei, Itrokc— 

gaiwt )ccit 13amkicsarg 10,..corcCerpat Oro-ig illtkowitopm] I [xecipEtv o iepeI; Toi3 v DiXcag 

MovöouXztiou eseoii j.eyitou. brEtSii], "[To King Ptolemy and Queen Cleopatra, the gods 

Philometores, greetings from the priests of Mandulis of Philae, the greatest god. Whereas ...1". 

As Bingen (1994, 154 f.) points out, the text is addressed to the king in the singular. 

287 Segre, followed by Bernand, also supplies jièv after crirou; but there is no & after divou in line 

5 to warrant that supplement. 

632

The Sources 

Translation 

[...] and in the shortage which arose when [our] rev[enues ..,288 the stra]tegos 

[summoned(?) ...1289 phoj[.. 290 who was then] governing the Aithiopians, and 

arranged [to be given] to us a month[ly subvention] (5) of thirty artabas [of grain, 

...] jars of wine, [...] two talents weight of woo1,291 [...] so that we should have it 

for th[e sacrifices and libations in the temple] of Mandulis, the greatest god, [and 

for the other customary rites in the] region of Philae on behalf of you and [the 

queen and] your [children and ancest]ors. 

(10) Now that we are proposi[ng to re]new [the sacrifices and libations], we 

ask you, if you see f[it, to order ..., the kinsman] and secretary of correspondence 

(hypomnematographos), to [write to] Ph(?)[...292 so that he keeps up] the 

monthly subvention [to us] mentioned above without f[ailing either in attention 

or goodwill] and so that he abides by what [has] already [been undertaken 

.1293 (15)and what has now been decreed. 

1[f this happens, we and] the temple [will have] profited from your benevolence. 

F[arewell]. Year 23, (in the month) Mech[eir]. 

[TEl] 

Comments 

In 150 BC the Triacontaschoenus, i.e., the reach of the Nile Valley between the 

First and Second Cataracts, which was re-occupied by Egypt after the Upper 

Egyptian revolts were crushed (cf. (129), (131), 132 -135, 137, Comments), was 

fused into one administrative unit with the Thebaid (Bevan 1927, 294 f.) under 

the authority of the strategos and later the epistrategos of the Thebaid. As 140, 

an unfortunately very fragmentary text, indicates, the "Aithiopian", i.e., non- 

Egyptian population of the area south of Philae was subordinate to an official 

288 Segre (1939, 330), followed by Bernand, supplies npon[ôöwv Seq...tvcov kuliv], "when [our] 

rev[enues failed]", but stresses the purely conjectural character of the supplement. 

289 Segre (1939, 330), followed by Bernand, supplied rcapco(aX&ra;, apparently in the meaning 

"appealed to" (Bernand: "fit appel å"). As an alternative, if the relations between the two parties 

were less friendly, he suggested kiccorayxciaa„ "forced". We hesitantly keep rcapa— 

KoO kaac as a possible supplement, but render it "summoned" in accordance with our general interpretation 

of the context and of the relationship between the strategos and the ruler of the 

Aithiopians in the Triacontaschoenus (cf. Comments). It should be noted, however, that at this 

crucial point in the inscription, its fragmentary state precludes any certainty about the actual relationship 

between the two rulers. 

290 As Segre (1939, 329 n. 2) remarks, the last letter of this name preserved on the stone need not be 

an I; it may as well be part of an M or N or any Greek letter beginning with a vertical stroke. 

291 The artaba corresponds roughly to 30 litres, the talent to 40 kilos. 

292 Segre (1939, 330), followed by Bernand, guesses that the same person is referred to here as in 

line 3 and thus supplies The (13, however, is uncertain ("quasi sicuramente conservato", 

says Segre 1939, 329); and anyway so is the identification of the two persons; cf. the supplement 

TOte, "then", in line 2, which would indicate a change of ruler (or, possibly, of Phoi...'s own position, 

as Segre himself suggests). 

293 Segre (1939, 330), followed by Bernand, also suppl es i)re' cxtofi, "by him", consistently with 

the dubious supplement 43[ot...] in the preceding line. 

633

Fontes Historiae Nubiorum Il 

who was himself probably an "Aithiopian" and subordinate to the strategos. 

The "Aithiopians" are mentioned in general terms in the text, i.e., it is not 

specified whether all non-Egyptian communities in the Triacontaschoenus or 

only a part of them are meant. The mention of their own governor without a 

further specification favors, however, the first possibility. They are, according to 

140, obliged to deliver regular provisions to the Temple of Mandulis at Philae, 

a sanctuary built by Ptolemy V Epiphanes (for its remains see Dewachter 1970; 

for the monuments of the cult of the local god of Talmis and the controversial 

views concerning his origin see Henfling 1980) and in all probability also to 

other temples in the Triacontaschoenus. The provisions: grain, wine, and 

wool, indicate mainly agricultural communities. 

The importance of 140 lies in the fact that it attests the existence of and also 

gives an idea about the size and the political organisation of, a non-Egyptian, 

"Aithiopian", i.e., in general terms Meroitic, population in Lower Nubia. It 

seemed until quite recently that the surveys and excavations in the Triacontaschoenus, 

also including the UNESCO Campaign between 1959-1969, had failed 

to bring new discoveries that would alter the traditional statement that Lower 

Nubia was largely uninhabited between the Napatan period and the ist or 2nd 

century AD (for a summary of the views see Adams 1976). However, the analysis 

of the Lower Nubian toponyms (see 108, Comments), the re-analysis of the 

historical sources (cf. Török 1979; 1986, 69 ff.; 1987a, 159 ff.; 1988, 273 ff.), new excavations 

producing archaeological evidence for the existence of settlements 

from the 3rd century BC onwards (see Fernandez 1983; 1984), a more independent 

analysis of earlier and new finds (Williams 1985; 1991), and a new 

chronology of Meroitic painted pottery also including the re-dating of its early 

phases to the 2nd half of the 2nd century BC (Tbriik 1987a, 188 ff.; 1987b; cf. also 

Török n.d.) has resulted in a re-assessment of Lower Nubian settlement history. 

It could be stated that, contrary to earlier views, Lower Nubia was inhabited, 

however sparsely, ever since the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty period (cf. 78, 84 and see 

also Török 1995, Ch. 2-4). The Bion itinerary from the early 3rd century BC (108) 

lists a number of settlements which went back to earlier, New Kingdom and /or 

Twenty-Fifth Dynasty antecedents, and which apparently also constituted the 

bases for a re-settlement program carried out during the reigns of Arqamani 

and Adikhalamani, i.e., the period of the Meroitic re-occupation of Lower Nubia 

after a period of Egyptian dominatiort (cf. 85, Comments, (129), (131)): at 

least, the considerable size of the non-Egyptian population living in the Triacontaschoenus, 

as is indicated by 140, points to the result of such a re-settlement 

process. It also would appear that it was not only a strategic consideration but 

also the density of settlement in Lower Nubia and the nature of the communities 

in which the non-Egyptian population lived that brought about the unification 

of the government of the Triacontaschoenus with the administration of 

the Thebaid. Finally, the proportions of the "Aithiopian" ethnics in the area 

may also explain the apparent similarities between the administration of the 

634

The Sources 

Triacontaschoenus and the government of other external territories occupied 

by the Ptolemies (see Mooren 1977, 127 ff.). 

141 Towns founded by Ptolemy VI in the Triacontaschoenus. Ca. 151- 145 BC. 

OGIS I 111. SB V 8878. IThSy 302. E. Bemand 1992, No. 14. 


A. Bernand 1989 A. Bernand: De Thèbes å Syène. Paris. [. IThSy.] 

E. Bernand 1992 E. Bernand: Inscriptions grecques d'Egypte et de Nubie 

au Mus& du Louvre. Paris. 

Dittenberger 1903-05 W. Dittenberger: Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae. 

Vol. 1-2. Lipsiae. 

Heilporn 1990 P. Heilporn: La provenance de la cl&licaceI. Th. Sy. 302. 

CdE 65, 116-121. 

Huss 1994 W. Huss: Der makedonische Winig und die 

ågyptischen Priester. Studien zur Geschichte des 

ptolemåischen Ågypten. Stuttgart. 

Schubart 1910 W. Schubart: Dodekaschoinos. ZÄS 47, 154-157. 

Strack 1897 M. L. Strack: Die Dynastie der Ptolemåer. Berlin. 

Strack 1976 M. L. Strack: Inscriptiones Graecae Ptolemaicae. 

Chicago. [Reprint of the appendix of Strack 1897.] 

Wilcken 1906 U. Wilcken: Ober W. Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci 

Inscriptiones Selectae I. APF 3, 313-336. 


The present inscription is written on a granite stele of unknown provenance294 

(now in the Louvre, R&erve Napol&m, MA 1676). It was first published by 

Strack (1897, 251; 1976, 37: No. 95), then republished with a commentary (in 

Latin) by Dittenberger (1903, 190 f., No. 111). The text in SB V 8878 reproduces 

that of Dittenberger. It has, in recent years, been republished twice, each time 

with bibliography, critical notes, French translation and extensive commentary 

(A. Bernand 1989, 260-266 + Pl. 144, No. 302, and E. Bernand 1992, 45-51 + P1.12, 

No. 14). 

Our text mainly (exception: line 30) follows that of E. Bernand (1992), which 

is practically identical with that of A. Bernand (1989; differences only in lines 16 

and 20). The two Bernands, in turn, apart from minor changes in the delimitation 

of supplements, differ from Dittenberger (1903) only in accepting a couple 

294 The assumption of earlier editors from Strack (1897) to A. Bernand (1989) that this inscription, 

like IThSy 303, derives from Es-Sehel (Setis) halfway between Elephantine and Philae, 

has recently been contested by Heilporn (1990; SEG XL 1577), who instead argues for Elephantine 

or Syene. 

635


of supplements suggested by Wilcken in an important review (1906, 323; cf. Dittenberger 

1905, 542f.) and by others (lines 16, 17, 20). 

Text 

Bam2L,Ei Ilto?,.qtaio» iccà[3amXiaant I KX.,Eotcåtpca trji åSEX[cp,fli, 

erikogijtopcy[1], I xcå toi; '1015TOW TEKvol. 102å. "Ai.uov I C(1.51. KCI(‘. XVO'l)[13£1 

K] [-H]pen [tilt /OCIEL 15Kal Etia {T111 

[1 'Avoinc [ Kasl 

ALOV1)(7(01 1 T6i1 Kal HET£1.13rag. K[a] t àXXoç I O£01; 

l)TCEp BotjOuo TO'ij Nucoatpåtob I Xpucraopo.), TO'(5 &puoj.tato- 

$xioç I iccà atpattryoi3 Kcà [ Kti] GTOD tr][1] Tpuxicovta- 

GX0iNiCOI TrOXECON, CDIX01.11-1tOp145{431 1Kdl. KXEoitåtpa;, 

si[v]oia; ve[x]ev I 1); 'xcov StatsX[el] np[ck TE TON/ [3aata] I Kai. tv 

Poccrikuyaocv K[Cå, TOG TEKva al'UTC:thi, 

'Hpc&8rç Alwo4vto II?p[yochtivå 115"Rik Sux&S[xco]v Kc yewbv [Tc' 

ålvs5pciiv I ICCfi poipapoç Emjvig içcà [y£13]p04:1Y6XCC1 Kal Enst T63N, (:.(V(.0 

Tôlfwv [tetaygvog] Kai I TcpocinitN toti Xv[o.-613cco] ic[cit åpx]tatoktat[]; 

TO-SN, v 'EXE(pavtivit [Kai. 'A[36tcol] iccå (Dikai.; 1201..sp631 

1C12à oåkX01. riEpErt; {TCEVT10C4)U2da1 Toi. 5 Xv61.1,0) NE1311)13 [Kcà Os0.3v 

'AösX4)(6%/ 113£65v EUspyste-Sv [KC6 0£6jv ellkO]1CCCTI5pC0v1 ICCA. 0£63v 'Ent- 

4pav6iv iccit 0soi Ei'»t&ropoç Kai Osôiv 131.Xogr1t6pow, 

o tffiv] cn5vo6ov 125 auvecncq..tvo[t sç TO v Zij-ret] isp6[v,] I Orce.) 

åycoat[v ttgisiv IltokEgociou "C]ETO1) 1 3OCMX£0) Karll t[li]ç [13]acytXiacyn[ç] 

icà to3v ITEKVaW Ce6Tv [vIocucsicc; lo[p]tåt; Ka[i] I tv yev0ktov tpav 

[Tilv BoTj]0ou 130 icatå TOv Keigevov [auvoStx]Ov vågo[v.] 

chv tå Ovôpåta 'Un[oyyparctai]. 

Translation 

To King Ptolemy and Queen Cleopatra his sister, the gods Philometores, and 

their children, and Ammon alias Chnubis, and Hera alias Satis, (5) and Hestia 

alias Anukis, and Dionysos alias Petempamentis, and the other gods, 

on behalf of Boethos, son of Nikostratos, from Chrysaoris (Caria in Asia 

Minor), chief of the bodyguard (archisornatophylax), governor (strategos) and 

founder of the cities Philometoris and Cleopatra in the (10) Triacontaschoenus, 

because of the good will he always shows t[o the king] and queen and th[eir 

children], 

(from) Herodes, son of Demophon, from [Pergalmon, (15) diadochos,295 

leader of men,296 commandant of Syene, defender of the [wicker-work barri]er 

295 A court official. 

296 A. Bernand (1989, 265), referring to M. Holleaux in Études d'pigraphie et d'histoire grecques 

3 (1942) 1-14, trartslates "officier å la disposition", explaining: "C'est un officier sans commandement 

effectif". This seems unlikely in the context, and is in fact a misrepresentation of what Holleaux 

actually wrote in his contribution entitled "HFEMSIN TNEES2 It is to this 

latter title Holleaux ascribes the indicated sense, whereas he agrees with Wilcken and others in 

636

The Sources 

(?) (gerrophylax),297 [in charge]298 of the Upper Topoi, priest (prophetes) of 

Ch[nubis], ke[eper of the sacred] vestments (archistolistes) in the temples of 

Elephantine, [the Abaton] and Philae, 

(20) and the other [pries]ts [of the five-fold o]rder299 of Chnomo Nebieb 

(Khnum, the great lord of Elephantine) [and of the gods Adelphi and] gods Euergetae 

and gods Philopatores and gods Epiphaneis and god Eupator and gods 

Philometores, 

who have (25) organized the cult association in the temple [in Setis], in order 

that they may celebrat[e in the honour of Ptolemy] the King and the Queen and 

their children y[early] festivals and the birthda[y of Boelthos (30) in accordance 

with the law [concerning cult associat]ions300 (currently) in force. 

They [have signed] their names below. 

Comments 

The inscription of unknown provenance (but doubtless from the Thebaid and 

probably from Philae; for its dating cf. Thomas 1975, 91 f.; Huss 1994, 114 n. 270) 

records a dedication to Ptolemy VI Philometor and Cleopatra II (Cleopatra III in 

describing the inieuibv ETC'åvSpoiv as "un officier de troupe, de grade plus ou moins élevé, sp& 

cialement affect, semble-t-il, au commandement de l'infanterie" (p. 3). 

297 Reading [yrp]pookig as suggested by Schubart (1910) after the discovery at Maharraqa (Hiera 

Sykaminos) of another (fragmentary) inscription (SB I 1918) in which the same Herodes of 

Pergamon appears carrying (in the extant parts of the inscription) the titles Ile]ader of men", 

gerrophylax and "[in charge of the D]odecaschoenus". The new title gerrophylax is explained by 

Schubart (156): "yéppov ist ein Geflecht und kann auch einen geflochtenen Schild bedeuten; hier 

aber mue man jedenfalls an eine aus Flechtwerk hergestellte Verschanzung denken, an einen Verhau, 

der aus Faschinen gebaut ist. Das pagt weniger zu Syene und Philå als zur Sndgrenze, der 

Gegend von Hiera-Sykaminos, eben der Stelle, von der unsre Inschrift [the one newly discovered 

in 19101 stammt." Thus the earlier suggestions by Strack and Dittenberger: [Op]o(IniXa, "[frontier] 

guard", and by Wilcken (1906, 323): [OpelooXec, "[desert] guard", need not be considered any 

more. A. Bernand (1989, 265) now adduces another support for the title gerrophylax, the abstract 

noun yeppo4roXcocia, in a newly discovered inscription from Philae (IThSy 320, 12; SEG XXVIII, 

1978, 1484; dated 116 BC); and E. Bernand (1992, 47) reports that the second p is in fact visible on 

our stone. So what remains is to give a credible explanation (and satisfactory translation) of the 

title; pace Schubart, it seems unlikely that a compound with -4niXot. should denote the means of 

defence, rather than (as in the other titles cited) what is defended or guarded. 

298 With the supplement [TeTayl..tvo;] suggested by É. Bernand (1992, 47) instead of [Tc9c0ei;] of 

the earlier editions which he finds too short for the lacuna. 

299 Reading Reperig [itcvt]avX1aç with É. Bernand (1992, 302) who reports that acp is visible on 

the stone before as read by Strack. The supplement [e' g]u?‘„iN had already been suggested 

by W. Otto in Wilcken (1906, 323). A. Bernand (1989, 261 f.) prints (by mistake?) the text 

[irpclç Ti% ttev]TaWda; while reporting in his critical notes that the stone has lAcDTAIAL 

300 Reading [auvoSuc]Ov wigo[v], as suggested by Wilcken (1906, 323), instead of [13ccalkuc]Ov 

vôgo[v] "with the [roy]al law (currently) in force", which is Strack's supplement, adopted and 

defended by Dittenberger (1905, 542f), A. Bernand (1989, 266) and E. Bernand (1992, 51). Wilcken 

doubts that the feasts of this cult association would have been regulated by a "royal" law. His 

supplement is now also supported by Huss 1994, 49 n. 99. 

[TH] 

637


the new numbering; cf. Huss 1994, 10) made on behalf of Boethos, strategos of 

the Thebaid and the Triacontaschoenus (for his career see Thomas 1975, 36 f. [as 

"military strategos' with authority on Egypt's southern border, 91 f.]; Mooren 

1975, Nos. 053, 0062, 00139, 00229; Mooren 1977, 87, 115 f.), by Herodes, commandant 

of Syene/Aswan (for his career see Mooren 1975, Nos. 0149, 0215, 

0221, 0022, 0069; for his civil and priestly functions cf. Huss 1994, 73 ff.; for similar 

dedications from the Philae area, including also further inscriptions set up 

on behalf of Boethos, cf. Maehler 1970; Maehler 1992). 

From the viewpoint of the present collection of sources we are interested in 

the mention of Boethos' foundation of cities in the Triacontaschoenus. Although 

the sites of the cities of Philometoris and Cleopatra cannot be identified, 

it may be that Boethos in fact re-founded and re-named already existing settlements. 

It was suggested (Griffith 1924, 118; cf. also Haycock 1972, 235 f.) that they 

lay at Dakka and Buhen, i.e., opposite the entrance to the Wadi Allaqi (cf. 146) 

and at the southern border of the Triacontaschoenus, respectively. 

The strategic significance of these sites is obvious. It would appear, however, 

that by this time effective Ptolemaic control was restricted to the Dodecaschoenus; 

and in this case the (re-)founded cities can only be identified with 

places north of Hiera Sykaminos. This is also confirmed by Herodes' titulary as 

it appears in another inscription mentioning him (SB I 1918, see above the footnote 

to the translation of the title gerrophylax). 

[LT1 

142 Description of Aithiopia. 2nd cent. BC. 

Agatharchides in Diodorus Siculus 3.2.1-7.3. 


Bommelaer 1989 Diodore de Sicile: Biblioth&lue historique. Livre III. 

Texte &abli et traduit par B. Bommelaer. Paris. [Vol. 3 

of the Budé edition of Diodorus.] 

Burstein 1989 Agatharchides of Cnidus: On the Erythraean Sea. Trans. 

and ed. by S.M. Burstein, London. 


(Etudes prliminaires aux religions orientales dans 

l'empire romain. 29.) Leiden. 

Desanges 1993 J. Desanges: Diodore de Sicile et les &hiopiens 

d'Occident. Acadmie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres. 

Comptes rendus des sances. Paris, 525-541. 

Dihle 1962 

A. Dihle: Zur Hellenistischen Ethnographie. In: Grecs 

et barbares. (Entretiens sur classique. 8.) 

Vandcevres-Genève. [Reprinted, with 'Nachträge', in 

A. Dihle, Antike und Orient. Gesammelte Aufsätze, ed. 

V. Pbschl, H. Petersmann. Heidelberg 1984.] 

638

The Sources 

Erskine 1995 A. Erskine: Culture and Power in Ptolemaic Egypt: The 

Museum and Library of Alexandria. Greece & Rome 42, 

38-48. 

Fischer 1896 Diodori Bibliotheca historica, ed. C.T. Fischer. Vol. 4. 

Leipzig. 

Henry 1974 Photius: Bibliothèque. Vol. 7. Texte &abli et traduit par 

R. Henry. Paris. (Collection Byzantine.) 

Oldfather 1935 Diodorus of Sicily, with an English translation by C.H. 

Oldfather. Vol. 2: Books II 35-IV 58. London-Cambridge, 

MA (Loeb Classical Library.) 

Palm 1955 J. Palm: eber Sprache und Stil des Diodoros von 

Sizilien: Ein Beitrag zur Beleuchtung der 

hellenistischen Prosa. Lund. 

Peremans 1967 W. Peremans: Diodore de Sicile et Agatharchide de 

Cnide. Historia (Wiesbaden) 16, 432-455. 

Sacks 1990 K.S. Sacks: Diodorus Siculus and the First Century. 

Princeton. 

Schwartz 1894 F. Schwartz: Agatharchides (3). RE 1.739-41. Stuttgart. 

Sherman 1963 Diodorus of Sicily, with an English translation by C.H. 

Sherman. Vol. 7: Books XV.20-XVI.65. London- 

Cambridge, MA (Loeb Classical Library.) 

Vogel 1888 Diodori Bibliothece historiae, recogn. Fr. Vogel. Lipsiae. 


Agatharchides of Cnidus (SW Asia Minor), bom around 200 BC, is the author 

of histories of Asia (in 10 books) and Europe (in 49 books), a book On the Red 

Sea, besides works of which only the titles are known (Schwartz 1894). None of 

these works has been preserved under his name; our knowledge of them rests 

on the use other authors made of them: Diodorus Siculus (for whom see 167, 

Introduction to source), the geographer Strabo (lst cent. BC, see see FHN III, 

188), and Photius, Patriarch of Constantinople (9th cent. AD, see 145). These authors, 

however, reproduce Agatharchides with varying degrees of fidelity: 

Photius follows Agatharchides' text fairly accurately, but allowed himself to 

leave out passages which he found irrelevant to his purpose. Diodorus is more 

inclusive; on the other hand, he does not copy his sources word by word, but 

seeks to avoid stylistic unevertness by adapting them to his own manner of 

writing (Palm 1955, 15-55). He may not have copied Agatharchides directly, but 

through the intermediary of the geographical writer Artemidorus of Ephesus 

(lst cent. Bc), the author of a work on Mediterranean countries and peoples 

which included extensive excerpts from Agatharchides (Burstein 1989, 22; 

Bommelaer 1989, XII-XIII). 

The precise relationship between the texts of Agatharchides and Diodorus 

cannot be determined today. Our excerpts from Diodorus' Bibliotheke that have 

639


been shown with some certainty to originate from Agatharchides we present 

under Agatharchides' name in order to place them in their proper chronological 

order. We do not thereby imply that the passages translated here reproduce 

word by word what Agatharchides wrote. Diodorus probably adapted the text to 

his own manner of writing, and may have added elements from other sources. 

(Artemidorus, the probable or possible intermediary between Diodorus and 

Agatharchides, is known to have copied his sources faithfully.) 

Agatharchides belongs to the great compilers of Hellenistic historiography. 

For Egypt and Aithiopia, however, his writings are considered of original 

value. As secretary to the diplomat and scholar Heracleides Lembus he had 

close contacts with influential persons at the court of Ptolemy VI. Diodorus 

Siculus claims to have had access to the royal archives, basilika hypomnemata:301 

"Some of my information I have obtained from the royal hypomnemata, 

some from what I have heard from eye witnesses" (3.38.1); but his knowledge 

of these hypomnemata is most probably derived from Agatharchides (Peremans 

1967; Sacks 1990, 85 f.). 

Desanges (1993) discusses the sources for the present text and the following 

(143) and their implications for our understanding of the way Greek geographical 

writers organized the geographical space of Aithiopia and its population. 

For an evaluation of Agatharchides' ethnographical excursuses in general and 

his scientific and philosophical background see Dihle (1962, 213-26) and 

Burstein (1989, 26-29). His value as a source derives from the importance of the 

documentary material he consulted rather than from autopsy (Burstein 1989, 

17). 

Our Greek text is based on the edition of Diodorus by Bommelaer (198')), but 

textual problems are discussed in the notes wherever the variations affect the 

sense. 

Text 

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gem-1143piav obcativTa; nt0ocwiv Eatil ltp6r01); lY/L0 Tfig yfig kcooyovilcsigat, 

npo(pavg iyrcåpxst Obtam. Tfi; yåp nepi tôv fiktov OEpxaiaç åvaipectv- 

01')6Tig Tip,1 yfiv &ypåv oixyav ti [ö'e] iccerå T63v ök(Ov yEveCTIN, leaL 

cooyovoixTil, Ehcèç Eivat TOv yy.xycOtto.) TOrcov Ovta toi3 iXiou 7Cp6.cov 

EVEyKEtV clYixya; kinirUxou; 

301 The royal archives may have been kept in the Library of Alexandria, which was itself part 

of the palace complex of the Ptolemaic rulers. On the role this institution played in the policy of 

those kings see, most recently, Erskine (1995). 

640

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Translation 

2 [1] Now, they relate302 that of all people the Aithiopians were the earliest, and 

say that the proofs of this are clear. That they did not arrive as immigrants but 

are the natives of the country and therefore rightly are called autochthonous is 

almost universally accepted. That those who live in the South are likely to be 

the first engendered by the earth is obvious to all. For as it was the heat of the 

sun that dried up the earth while it was still moist, at the time when everything 

came into being, and caused life, they say it is probable that it was the region 

closest to the sun that first bore animate beings. 

[2] They further write that it was among them that people first were taught 

to honour the gods and offer sacrifices and arrange processions and festivals 

and perform other things by which people honour the divine. For this reason 

their piety is famous among all men, and the sacrifices among the Aithiopians 

are believed to be particularly pleasing to the divinity. [3] As a proof of this they 

refer to the probably oldest and certainly most admired poet among the Greeks; 

in the Iliad [1.423 f.1 he describes Zeus and the other gods with him as going to 

Aithiopia for the sacrifices that are given to them annually and for the common 

feast among the Aithiopians themselves: 

For Zeus went to the blameless Aithiopians by the Ocean 

yesterday for a meal, and all the gods went with him. 

[4] They also say that their piety towards the divine has clearly earned them the 

favour of the gods, since they have never experienced domination from 

abroad; in fact, they have always kept their freedom and lived in peace with 

one another, and although many mighty enemies have marched against them, 

none has succeeded in his plan.303 

3 [1] They say, for instance, that Cambyses made an expedition against them 

with a great force, but lost his whole army and also came in the greatest danger 

302 The Greek verb used here, historein, is the Herodotean term for inquiry, empirical investigations, 

and earlier translators have seen here a reference to works by historians. The use of this 

verb in post-classical Greek, however, seems to us not to warrant this interpretation here. 

303 Reading ou?flç with the best manuscripts (and Bommelaer 1989); Vogel (1888) and Oldfather 

(1935) read bui3oXil; "hostile attempt", "assault" (though Oldfather seems to trans.ate 

baBobXfj;: "succeeded in his undertaking"). 

644

The Sources 

himself. And Semiramis, widely known for the greatness of her designs and 

deeds, did not penetrate far into Aithiopia before she abandoned her campaign 

against this whole nation. When Heracles and Dionysos marched against the 

whole world with their followers, it was only the Aithiopians beyond Egypt 

that they did not subdue because of the piety of the men and the impossibility 

of the undertaking. 

They [i.e. the Aithiopians304] say that the Egyptians are settlers from among 

themselves and that Osiris was the leader of the settlement. [2] They say that the 

whole of what is now Egypt was not a country, but sea at the time when the 

world first was formed. Later, however, as the Nile, when rising, carried down 

the mud from Aithiopia, Egypt was little by little accumulated. That the whole 

of their country has been heaped up by the river is most clearly shown by what 

is happening at the mouth of the Nile: [31 as ever new mud is amassed every 

year at the mouths of the river, one sees the sea being forced back by the deposits 

and the land increasing correspondingly. 

The customs of the Egyptians, they say, are for the most part Aithiopian, the 

settlers having preserved their old traditions. [4] For to consider the kings gods, 

to pay great attention to funeral rites, and many other such things, are 

Aithiopian practices, and also the style of their statues and the form of their 

writing are Aithiopian. [5] The Egyptians, it is explained, have their distinctive 

systems of writing,305 one named 'common', that everybody learns, another 

called 'sacred', that only the priests among the Egyptians know, who learn it 

from their fathers as a secret tradition. Among the Aithiopians, however, everybody 

uses these signs. 

[6] Also the way the priestly colleges are organized is said to be almost the 

same in both nations. For all who have to do with the cult of the gods, they 

maintain, are [ritually] pure: the priests are shaved in the same way, they have 

the same robes and the type of scepter shaped like a plough, which also the 

kings have, who use tall pointed felt hats ending in a knob, with the snakes 

that they call asp (aspis) coiled round them; this last feature seems to indicate 

that those who dare to attack the king will meet their fate through lethal bites. 

[7] The Aithiopians also relate many other things about their antiquity and 

their settlement of Egypt, about which there is no pressing need to write. 

4 [1.] About the Aithiopian writing which is called 'sacred'306 among the 

Egyptians, however, I should say something, in order not to omit anything of 

304 The use of the reflexive pronoun in the Greek text ("from among themselves") makes it clear 

that "they" here refers to the Aithiopians. 

305 Reading 1.8imw ypawiCerow with the manuscripts (and Bommelaer 1989). Vogel (1888) and 

Oldfather (1935), following an emendation by F. A. Stroth (1784), read Syrro)v... ypappitow, 

"two systems of writing". 

306 By translating "sacred" we follow the text of Bommelaer (1989), who adopts a suggestion by J. 

Jouanna. Other editors read "hieroglyphic" with one of the manuscripts (the others omit the 

word altogether: "the so-called Aithiopian writing among the Egyptians"). In all other instances 

645


what is said about their history. Now it so happens that their characters resemble 

animals of all kinds, extremities of the human body, and also tools, in particular 

those of the carpenter. For it is not by the collocation of syllables that 

their writing expresses the underlying meaning, but by the image of the things 

that are drawn and by conveyance of meaning through common exercise of 

memory. [2] For they draw e.g. a hawk, a crocodile, a snake, and, of the human 

body, an eye, a hand, a face, and so on. Now a hawk to them signifies everything 

that is rapid, since this animal is probably the fastest of birds. This idea is 

then appropriately conveyed to all that is rapid or closely related to rapidity, 

more or less as I have said. 

The crocodile signifies all kinds of evil, the eye is a guardian of justice 

and protector of the whole body. Of the extremities, the right hand, with its fingers 

extended, signifies providing a livelihood, while the left hand, with closed 

fist, signifies guarding and protection of property. 

The same principle applies also to the other signs, those derived from the 

body, from tools and from everything else. By paying attention to the image of 

each sign, and training their minds through practicing and memorizing for a 

long time, they read with fluency all that is written. 

5 [1] Of the customs among the Aithiopians not a few appear to be very different 

from those of other peoples, especially as regards the election of kings. 

The priests first select the best candidates from among themselves, and from 

among these selected men the multitude then chooses as king him whom the 

god seizes307 while being carried about in a procession in a traditional manner. 

They then immediately prostrate themselves before this man and honour him 

as a god, in the belief that the rule has been placed in his hands through the 

providence of the divinity. 

[2] Having been chosen king, he leads the kind of life that is prescribed by the 

laws and in general acts according to ancestral tradition, bestowing upon no 

man either benefit or punishment contrary to the rules established among 

them from the beginning. It is customary among them that none of the subjects 

be put to death by the king, not even when a man who is sentenced to death 

clearly deserves the punishment. Instead, the king sends one of his servants to 

the transgressor with a death sign; and when the man sees this signal, he immediately 

withdraws to his own house and ends his life. To flee one's own 

country to a neighbouring country and pay the penalty of changing one's fatherland, 

as is done among the Greeks, is in no way permitted. [3] Thus it is told 

that a man, when the death-bringing sign was sent to him by the king, attempted 

to flee from Aithiopia; but when his mother, upon learning this, 

Diodorus refers to this writing as "the sacred", and this reading is also supported by the 15th 

Century Latin translation made by Poggio Bracciolini. 

3137The verb used here (XagNcvetv) is the common Greek word for "take hold of", "grasp"; in the 

situation described, however, the meaning seems to be "take possession of" (in a religious sense). 

This use of the verb is paralleled elsewhere in Greek literature (see note in Bommelaer 1989). 

646

The Sources 

tightened her belt around his neck, he dared in no way to resist with his hands 

but allowed her to strangle him to death in order not to bring an even greater 

shame upon his family. 

6 [1] The strangest thing, however, is the circumstances that surround the 

death of their kings. In Meroe the priests who busy themselves with the worshiping 

and honouring of the gods, the highest and most powerful class in the 

society, send a message to the king whenever it occurs to them, ordering him to 

die. [2] This is an oracle sent them by the gods, they pretend, and a command 

from the immortals must in no way be neglected by a mortal being. They also 

give other reasons likely to to be accepted by simple minds brought up in the 

old and ingrained traditions and lacking a reason for protesting against arbitrary 

commands. [3] In former times the kings were subject to the priests, without 

being vanquished by arms or any force at all, but overpowered in their 

minds by just this kind of superstition. At the time of Ptolemy II, however, 

Ergamenes, king of the Aithiopians, who had received instruction in Greek 

philosophy, was the first who dared disdain this command.308 [4] With the determination 

worthy of a king he came with an armed force to the forbidden 

place where the golden temple of the Aithiopians was situated and slaughtered 

all the priests, abolished this tradition, and instituted practices at his own discretion. 

7 [1] As to the custom concerning the king's friends, however, curious 

though it is, I was told that it has been preserved up to our age. They say that it 

is the practice among the Aithiopians, when the king has had a part of his body 

mutilated for some reason or other, that all those who are closest to him lose 

that part also, deliberately; for instance, they regard it shameful, if the king has 

a leg mutilated, that his friends are swift of foot and accompany him when he 

goes somewhere without all of them limping like him. [2] Just as faithful 

friendship means to share sorrows and pains, and to partake in all good and 

bad things alike, so it is thought out of place not to have physical pains too in 

common. They say it is also customary that the kings' companions voluntarily 

die together with them and that this way of death is honorable and a proof of 

true friendship. 

[3] For this reason one does not easily conspire against the king among the 

Aithiopians, as all his friends take care of his safety and their own in the same 

measure. These customs, then, prevail among the Aithiopians who live in the 

capital and those who dwell in the island of Meroe and the region close to 

Egypt. 

[TE] 

308 "Command" translates npocs'råyl.tato; an emendation by P. Wesseling (editor of Diodorus, 

Amsterdam 1745); Bommelaer (1989) returns to the manuscrIpt reading rcpckwatog, "thing", 

"matter". 

647

Comments 


Diodorus' rendering of Agatharchides' description of Aithiopia is quoted here 

in extenso in order to give a good example of the Aithiopia-image in Hellenis- 

tic ethnography in general and in Alexandrian literature in particular (on 

Agatharchides see most recently Dihle 1994, 86 ff.). It depicts the land and its 

inhabitants on the basis of the Greek tradition reaching back to the Homeric 

picture and organically incorporates its utopian features which also influenced 

Herodotus' Aithiopia-image (cf. FHN I, 56-66). 

The historical discourse starts with a statement about the Aithiopians being 

an autochthonous people and an explanation of this fact by their closeness to 

the Sun (cf. Dihle 1962, 210 f.); and the piety of the utopian people is given historical 

dimensions through the—entirely fictitious—description of Cambyses', 

Semiramis', Heracles' and Dionysos' futile campaigns against their country (for 

the narrative sequence: description of Aithiopians—description of the Nile, cf. 

Homer, Odyssey 5.282, 287; Aeschylus, Prometheus Vinctus 807-809; for Herodotus' 

Cambyses story see FHN I, 65). The notion of the Aithiopian origins of 

Egyptian culture also reflects the utopian view of the connection between the 

Sun and the genesis of culture and leads to the ethnographic layer of the tradition 

(cf. Dihle 1962, 211 ff.), which, as regards this particular issue, may well 

have absorbed an Aithiopia-image that emerged in Ptolemaic Egypt and that 

depicted the southern country in a "nationalist" manner (cf. Lloyd 1982) as the 

home of traditional religious values that were regarded as lost in Egypt (cf. the 

role of the Kushites in the Demotic Petubastis story [the episode concerning 

Inaros' armour], Krall 1903, 19 ff.; Spiegelberg 1910, 43 ff.; Bresciani 1969, 655 ff.; 

for the topos of the greater antiquity of Aithiopian culture see also Lucian, 

Iupp. Trag. 42; De sacr., 2; Philops., 4; De astrol., 3 f.; Heliodorus, Aithiopica, pas- 

sim [cf. FHN III, 274]). 

The analogies drawn by Agatharchides between Egyptian and Aithiopian 

customs are doubtless based on realistic information, even if the commentary 

concerning the Aithiopian origins of Egyptian traditions and also a part of the 

explanations are incorrect and indicate an Egyptian rather than an Aithiopian 

source. While the observations concerning kingship, funeral rites, and style of 

statues are of a generalizing nature, the description of the writing systems 

shared by the Aithiopians and the Egyptians refers to Egyptian Demotic 

("common") and hieroglyphic ("sacred") writing. As is well-known, the 

Kushite royal- and temple inscriptions were written in Egyptian hieroglyphic 

until the 3rd-2nd century BC; and in the course of the 2nd century BC a hieroglyphic 

as well as a cursive script began to take shape in Kush for the writing of 

monumental texts (in hieroglyphs) and "private" inscriptions and administrative 

documents (in cursive writing) in the Meroitic language. The 23 hieroglyphic 

signs were borrowed from the Egyptian hieroglyphic script, while the 23 

cursive signs, each corresponding to a hieroglyphic one, show the impact of the 

Egyptian "abnormal hieratic" (see, with the literature of earlier research, Priese 

648

The Sources 

1973b). It is more than doubtful, however, that Agatharchides could have been 

informed about the existence of the Meroitic cursive writing, since its earliest 

surviving example (Hintze 1959, 36, fgm. of the offering table of King 

Tarekeniwal) dates from the late 2nd century BC (according to Wenig 1980a, 104 

it was developed in the course of the 3rd century BC, but he cannot present 

dated examples). Agatharchides' commentary on the types of hieroglyphs reveals 

an ignorance of the actual use of this script. 

In the most-quoted sections of the description of Aithiopia (3.5-7) Agatharchides, 

and/or his sources, amalgamate Herodotean motifs with more recent 

information of various sorts. As shown by Dihle in a fascinating study (Dihle 

1962, 223 ff.), Agatharchides focused his interest as an ethnographer on the 

problem of how it is possible for people to maintain traditions and customs 

which cannot be explained on the basis of common sense and which, though 

they have a negative impact on human actions, can nevertheless be maintained 

merely because they are in accordance with certain religious concepts. 

The Ergamenes story is intended to demonstrate such a case, and at the same 

time to present an example of the superiority of Greek philosophy to such traditions 

since it is the Greek education of Ergamenes that enables him, as a cultural 

hero, to put an end to the tyranny of the priests: the reader is confronted 

with a victory of Xoytawk (reasoning) over Selmöccti.tovia (superstition). Agatharchides' 

motivation is in this sense also formulated with sufficient clarity in 

3.6.2-3. 

The story has a distinct Herodotean layer: the massacre of the priests recalls 

a frequent motif in Herodotus (also occurring in the story of the Aithiopian 

king Sabacos, 2.137, cf. FHN I, 63, Comments; see furthermore Hdt. 7.39; for the 

motif see Hofmann-Vorbichler 1979, 76 ff.). The motif of the election of the 

most handsome man as king (cf. FHN I, 65 20 ff.) is, however, transferred to the 

realm of the Aithiopians living beyond Meroe (3.9). The Ergamenes story is introduced, 

instead, with a description of the oracular confirmation of royal legitimacy. 

The information on this practice may have derived from Egypt as well 

as from Meroe (cf. 71, 78, 84, Comments); but its amalgamation with the motif 

of the kingship of a person selected from among the priests points towards a 

tradition also preserved by Plato (Politicus, 290d-e) and Plutarch (De Iside et 

Osiride, 9.354B, Griffiths 1970, 130 f.). According to the latter, in Egypt "kings 

were chosen from among the priests or warriors, the latter class being held in 

respect and honour for its bravery, the former for its wisdom. A king chosen 

from among the warriors instantly became a priest". 

This tradition (see again, in a more detailed rendering complemented with 

Herodotean motifs, in 3.9.4) doubtless derives from genuine information and 

points, as we suppose to have been the case among Agatharchides' sources, to a 

"nationalist" discourse on Egyptian kingship (cf. Török 1986, 28 f.). The identification 

of Ergamenes—who was, according to Agatharchides, a contemporary of 

Ptolemy (II Philadelphos)—with the historical Arkamaniqo ((114), for the iden 

649


tification see Hintze 1962, 16 f.; Priese 1968, 184 ff.) highlights, however, the historical 

elements in the story which I accordingly interpreted as consisting of information 

about a violent dynastic change in the kingdom of Meroe (Török 

1992a; and see (114)). While such an interpretation is supported by the evidence 

of Arkamaniqo's burial place, it remains obscure what elements of the story 

can, besides the basic statement on some sort of violent change brought about 

by the King, be brought into connection with Meroe, and what elements were 

added to this core in Egypt. Such an addition may be the motif of suicide, also 

occurring in Herodotus' Sabacon story (2.137), which may reflect knowledge 

about a form of ancient Egyptian capital punishment employed in the—in the 

sources, understandably, very rarely indicated—cases of conspiracy against 

Pharaoh (cf. Weber 1977, 989 f.; Schlichtling 1984, 829 f.; Zibelius-Chen 1990, 

356). 

143 On Aithiopian tribes. 2nd cent. BC. 

Agatharchides in Diodorus Siculus 3.8-10. 

For Source bibliography and Introduction to source see 142. 

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`531noyayu ncoXlch. ncol )13 'Al9(1012/(110331. )311(09 01 0,09311 1dX311 tonrico 

-ldau10,g 1913 'ACOA4131 A(01 5i)odo9 51m. n1)1ncodX ç 101A3 .lonarloy-vogodu 

cogpo d32.no9xox 539(01 )?2, ncoacy.oi. xng 19(1011/(1XD3i A3991]/0 MO1 

`nxnaud2Ln,3 n43., pox A)01XdX)A011 

A3 5)31 5(1013()(1.3 5)03940£1 13X3 570y0&311C,1 AC)1)011(1303t AC)1 5)01 50d21 1)3)1. 

`5M131.1021 1)331. 51.3yulmg l3d34) chok 31 57000d1 .nodMalg 'myx»t b 5odad 

11 1193 54A3111331. 1.1(1tIly 4.1 A3 51u 5ndcoX noylaN noi xdou 51ti [1] ot 

'A001310)d2/ A0)1 Al3A)0XL(11 50.0A0T1 170A13 5o.o}» 5aonar1anQg 

A01913y1/ (b113y02/ A3 5(101 531A0A1chl `513)(11Md IDIA(10d1,70 5701A0d30701.9 i)13d 

-2AX) 5(101 rn,g wp .5mciouo..3 51u, nlU1011rnl3 nlp. )319 1)39970A(1.9 510yX0 

5101 Al3d(10311.113 5(1010.01 50.0A011 10A311(10/4 'A1DC1.0113A02/X) A011111 01 02.(101 

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5aonorl 5m 'AILXd ti wpogigoadou 5lo49dlontax 51431)o1Dal3111.21,3 51131 

199


Tot; 'Xem. KaTocciroyd;. Su3 ic.à 7tEpli.taX1itN 43

The Sources 

Some of them are armed with shields of raw oxhide and short javelins, 

others with spears without a thong, sometimes also with wooden bows four 

cubits [1m 80] long, with which they shoot by bracing the foot against it; when 

all their arrows have been spent, they continue fighting with wooden clubs. 

They also arm their women, defining for them a military age. It is customary 

for most of these women to have a bronze ring through one of their lips. 

As to clothing, some of them have none at all, but live naked all the 

time; only against the burning sun do they provide themselves protection by 

whatever means is at hand. Some cut the tails off the behind of their sheep and 

cover their hips with them, letting it hang down in front like private parts. 

Some also use the hides of their animals, others cover the body as far as the 

waist with girdles which they plait from the hair of the animals, as the sheep 

among them have no wool because of the special nature of the country. 

For food some gather the plants that grow in water and sprout spontaneously 

in lakes and marshy places, others strip branches off the tenderest kind 

of tree, with which they also shade and cool their bodies during the midday 

heat. Others again sow sesame and lotus, while some nourish themselves with 

the softest roots of reeds. Not few of them are also trained in archery and shoot 

with great accuracy many of the birds with which they satisfy the needs of the 

body. But most of them live all through their life on the meat, milk, and cheese 

that their cattle give them. 

9 [1] About the gods the Aithiopians who live beyond Meroe have two different 

notions. They believe that some of them have an eternal and indestructible 

nature, for instance the sun and the moon and the whole universe; others, 

they think, have a share in mortal nature and have through their virtue 

and charity toward all men obtained immortal honours. [2] Thus they worship 

Isis and Pan, and in addition Heracles and Zeus, believing that these gods, in 

particular, are the benefactors of the human race. A few of the Aithiopians believe 

that there are no gods at all; therefore they utter words of abuse against 

the sun as their greatest enemy at sunrise, and flee to the marshy parts of the 

region. 

They also have strange customs as regards their dead. Some get rid of 

them by throwing them in the river, regarding this the finest burial. Others 

pour glass around the dead and keep them in their houses, believing that the 

traits of the deceased ought not to be unknown to their kinsmen, and that family 

members ought not to forget their close relatives. Some also put them into 

clay coffins and bury them around their temples, and an oath sworn by these 

they consider the strongest of all. 

Kingship is by some entrusted to the most goodlooking, since they regard 

both, kingship and good looks, as gifts of chance. Others hand the rule over to 

those who are the most careful cattle-keepers, in the belief that only they will 

provide for their subjects in the best way. Some also assign this honour to the 

richest, thinking that only they are able to assist the multitude since they have 

653


the means ready at hand. There are also those who elect as kings the men who 

excel in courage, judging those who are ablest in war the only ones who deserve 

to obtain the chief rank. 

10 [1] In the Libyan part of the country along the Nile there is a region of special 

beauty; it produces plentiful and varied food, and against excessive heat it 

offers the refuge of the marshes as convenient relief. Therefore this territory is 

disputed between the Libyans and the Aithiopians, and they constantly fight 

wars over it. [2] But also numerous elephants come from the interior to frequent 

this region, according to some because of the richness and pleasantness of 

the grasslands, since wonderful marshy meadows stretch along the riverside, 

where plenty of food of all kinds is growing. [3] So when they have got the taste 

of the rush and the reeds, they stay on because of the sweetness of the food, and 

destroy the livelihood of the people. For this reason the inhabitants are forced 

to flee this territory, being nomads and tent-dwellers, and on the whole define 

their homeland by what is most opportune. 

The herds of wild animals just mentioned leave the interior of the country 

for want of food, since all that grows on the ground withers away quickly; 

for because of the excessive heat and lack of water in wells and rivers, the food 

becomes hard and scarce. 

As some say, there are snakes of wondrous size and number in the socalled 

"wildlife country", and these attack the elephants at the watering places. 

When the elephants turn to resistance, they entangle their legs in their coils 

and keep on forcing and squeezing with their fetters until the animals fall 

foaming to the ground by their weight. Then they gather to devour the fallen 

beast, overcoming it easily because of the animal's inability to move. 

But we are still left with the question as to why the snakes in the pursuit 

of their habitual food do not follow the elephants to the river region mentioned 

above; they explain that snakes of this size avoid the flat ground and 

constantly dwell close to the mountains, in the ravines that are of some size 

and the caves that have depth. That, they say, is why they never leave these 

advantageous and habitual places, since it lies in the nature of all animals to 

follow their instincts in such matters. 

So this is as much as we have to say about the Aithiopians and their country. 

[TE] 

Comments 

Agatharchides displays an interest in the religion of foreign peoples; and his attitude, 

in keeping with which he gives an objective description of what he 

learns from his sources without condescension or scandalized comments, contrasts 

remarkably with, e.g., Herodotus' style (cf. Dihle 1962, 221 f.). As pointed 

out by Dihle, he regards the improbable custom of self-mutilation of the king's 

friends in Aithiopia as a tradition which constitutes an organic part of a social 

654

The Sources 

context; yet, at the same time, he also indicates that such a context is inferior to 

the rational way of the life of a society that is guided by Greek philosophy. His 

remark in 3.9.1 about the "atheists" living beyond Meroe contains a "rationalistic" 

explanation of the emergence of gods from the powers of the nature. The 

description of the various modes of burial (3.9.3) reflects Egyptian customs and 

beliefs; the "burial" in the river may refer to the Egyptian concept of the deification 

of the drowned (cf. Strauss 1975, 18 f.). 

144 Ptolemy II in Aithiopia. 2nd cent. BC. 

Agatharchides in Diodorus Siculus 1.37.5. 


For Source bibliography and Introduction to source in general see 142. This particular 

extract is from Diodorus' account of the Nile (1.32-41.9) for which 

Agatharchides is believed to be the ultimate source, see Burton (1972, 21-25) for 

a recent discussion. Agatharchides' digression on the Nile was also used by the 

geographer Strabo (17.2.1-3), see FHN III, 187. 

Text 

yåp åpxaicov xpOvow Ocxpt FITOXfiletiou TCY6 11)IXOCISEX(POD 1rpo— 

ccyopEDOévtoç Ol)X öitüç tivE; t(ijv 'EXXijvcov i)nepffiakov ç AiOtoniocv, 

Ock?L' oi)& ppi. Tuiv 8pow tfi; AiyUTCTOU rcpoaav431-pocv. o{'rcoç voc 

nOicv-roc ijv tå nepi TOICOU; ta1)t01) ircoprek bruciv&uva. toi) 

TCpoctprigvou 3acnxk(.0; 'Ex211vi.K11 vcL&iç dç MOtoidav Tcpdyrou 

crmatei)aavto; bteyvoicsOl t KLC tV x()Spav tal)triV doep1[3cyrepov durO 

TO'UTCOV TC-tjV XpOvwv. 

Translation 

From the earliest times down to Ptolemy surnamed Philadelphus not only had 

no Greeks penetrated into Aithiopia, they had not even come as far as to 

Egypt's borders, so inhospitable in every way were these regions and so downright 

dangerous. But the above-mentioned king, with a Greek army, was the 

first who made an expedition into Aithiopia; and from that time knowledge 

about this country has been more accurate. 

Comments 

[TE] 

Though Agatharchides' remark on Ptolemy II's Aithiopian campaign around 

274 BC and its consequences is correct (cf. 97-100, Comments), his claim that no 

Greeks penetrated into Aithiopia before Philadelphos' reign may be disputed 

on account of the presence of Greek mercenaries in the army of Psammetich II 

in 593 BC (cf. FHN I, 41-43). The reference to the dangers and inhospitality of 

655


the region beyond Philae may, however, reflect the memory of conflicts between 

Egypt and Aithiopia before and after Ptolemy II's reign (cf. 133- 135, 137). 

145 Ptolemy II in Aithiopia. 2nd cent. BC. 

Agatharchides, On the Red Sea 1.20 


Henry 1974 

Treadgold 1980 


[LT] 

Photius: Bibliothèque. Vol. 7. Texte &abli et traduit par 

R. Henry. Paris. (Collection Byzantine.) 

W. T. Treadgold, The Nature of the Bibliotheca of 

Photius. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington DC. 

For Source bibliography and Introduction to source in general see 142. The present 

extract is from Agatharchides' work On the Red Sea, of which substantial 

portions have been preserved by Photius, classical scholar and Patriarch of Constantinople 

(9th cent. AD). Parts of the work are also quoted by Diodorus Siculus 

(cf. 146) and Strabo. 

The so-called Bibliotheca of Photius consists of a collection of excerpts from 

ancient Greek authors or summaries of their works, in all 280 sections of various 

length from a wide selection of texts, pagan and Christian. Many of the 

works excerpted are otherwise lost; particularly for Greek historical and geographical 

literature of the Hellenistic age the Bibliotheca is an invaluable 

source. For an introduction to the Bibliotheca see Treadgold (1980). 

Our text is based on the French bilingual edition of Photius' Bibliotheca b y 

Henry (1974). All preserved portions from Agatharchides' On the Red Sea are 

available in English translation in Burstein (1989), where also an analysis of the 

nature and the value of the work is found. 

Text 

"an lito2LEgaio, IlYnaiv, ci; TOv Kcetå Meuincov 7c6X.Egov dc.nè tri 

Èkkåöo ILEVTUKOCTiOU; CTUVEXEEV 1,7C7CEI, CitSV toÇ 1rpoICIV6UVE15EIN 1.1.EX- 

XOUMN, Kai Kocarryougvolg, 6 itÂiOoç 0i)alv £1CaTI5v, 07EXIC71101) lrEpikOrpce 

Tpdritov creoka; yåcp 0C6TOI; TE Kal, TOI; iititotç d(VE8WKE 7C1,kTIT12, 6C; O'l 

KUTå Tilv xd)pav £KEivliv irpoacryopeimyucn Kc'tcsa;, GXTTE netv Kpi)ntetv TO 

cyciSga rekiw To-iv ,»Cla4.1.65v. 

Translation 

Ptolemy, he [Agatharchides] says, selected from Greece five hundred cavalrymen 

for the war against the Aithiopians. Those of them who were to run the 

greatest risks and act as leaders, one hundred in number, he dressed in a kind 

of armour; for he distributed both to them and to their horses coats made of 

656

The Sources 

felt, which the people in that region called kases, made to cover the whole body 

except the eyes. 

[TE] 

Comments 

Kortenbeutel (1931, 42) and Desanges (1978, 281 f.) regard this passage as a reference 

to the final act in the Upper Egyptian revolt of 207/6-186 BC (see 133, 134, 

Comments). On account of its context in Agatharchides' work, viz., in a speech 

of an adviser of Ptolemy II delivered to his sovereign on the reasons for the 

war against Aithiopia (see Verdin 1983; Burstein 1989, 25; Desanges 1992, 368), it 

must, however, be connected with the Aithiopian campaign around 274 BC (cf. 

97 -100, 144, Comments). As Burstein (1989, 52 note 3) pointed out, kases was in 

reality a Persian term of a possibly Semitic origin. 

146 The Nubian gold mines. 2nd cent. BC. 

Agatharchides in Diodorus Siculus 3.12. 


Text 

12 [1] HEp yåp T1:g c'riàç Tf% AirSICTO'D leCit TT1 'ApaPia; 

TE A0oitiaç TOITOg kGTIN )(,CON,1.ttockka iroX,?Lå Koit gEyåXec xpucroii, 

mwayol.tvoi.) 7rOkkoi) TroUll icalcona0Eiå TE Keit Souråvm. Tiç yåp 

(ACYT1; 4rti6E1. Kak. 61,04"Uåg 1Cdt Xf3aç oi5rnç j.tc,cppau Til 

imepPocXkoixsa; 

tfi 7agrcp6tritt, o't 7r1)06E8pel'xsawre; Tol".; peTaXkucol: pyol. T4.) 

XEDK6T11T1 6-1,0C(1)cpu6aag Keit 7EcCLÇ Tdc; 7rEplIagnollEVa (IrUcseig 

TCkTfilBet kpy4oi_tvcov KaTC46KEUCKODM TON, X ppa6v. [2] O yåp 

'riç AdylinTOD Tai); KaKOUpyiQC i(ceraStKaCTOvta Ka toç icatå 

nOkel.wv cci.vtakonta0vra;, u Toi) &c3oXcLTç irepurecy6wcag 

leCit 6tå Ougiw Ei; (frll?LaKdc; ICC(paötSop.Evou; TrOTE1.1EVoci)T0i), 7COTE, 

IIETOC 7rOcall; cruy-yeveiag dcOpoicsavieg napecötö6am npOg ifiv Tofi xpucrofi 

lie-caUEiccv, 64.ta 1,1Ev tu.wviav Xcq.113Ocv0vtegnapå Teiiv KoccaywocY0vICOV, 

8-tå Tv kpyccol..tvcov tEydXaç 1tpo6oDç X.tPåvovte;. 

O 6 napa8o0v.ce; 1.12EN/ 

8e8q..tévoi, npoalcapTepoliat toiç p7oç avvexcii Kcit ge0' fil_tpocv KCit 61' 

TO TEX,1100; ON/TE, nåvTe 7cSai, 

OXfig Tfig voictOg, åvånavatv ièv o1)8E1iav XagNivovteg, Spacygoii 

IravTO; Eipy6lievol (Irokaicai. yåp E1C alpaTtambv PapPdcpcov icà 

Toci; &aXxroç &cx6pwç paRtEvcov bzpeaTfilcao-tv, (.`,66'CE tiiva Sinracy0ca 

81' kaXiag i(111,X,ocv0poinou ztvåg brreiewg cl)Oelp(fi TWOC Td5v EITIL6TaToiw- 

Tcov. 

Tfig SE 'cOv xpuabv o15oTç yfig tv gEN, 6K2ApoTOcTriv 7Cupst 7r0X,X6i 

ica.6cravteg Koit itouavteç xaix\ifiv irpomiyobat Tisiv Stå Tuiv Xel.pdiv 

657


Katepyaaiav- tijv & åvettiv Ittpotv Kål getpicp irOv() Siwattrly 

i)ireiKetv katottlic3,3 cytöljpcp KOCTOMOVOiiot inptåSe; dod;npoi5vTCOv åVOpCti-- 

1rOW. [5] Kai. Tfl; v OX,N npayttaTEia; ô TOV kiOov Staxpivow texvitriq 

KaOrrycitca icc totç kyycLoi..tvolg imoSeiKvuat. T63v ö rcpi) zffir åtuxiav 

taircriv 6c1toSetv3vTcov o iev aïtcnoç xt1 Sta«povte Tintim pciiç 

itjv ttapttapiovaav .7r-epav xön-roucnv, 43.6 TxVITV totç pym, dt2,,X3( piav 

npocrå-yovteg, nrov6toDç Staxåntovic, (YUK Ocv 

StOcilmat Tfig ålroaTtXPoixTrig ittpa;. 

[6] Ot`yrot tv utiv 3tå tàç êv Tåt; 310.iput Kcqntàç Keå OKO2t6TT1Tå 

6K6TEI StaTpii3OVTE; X1')xV01) bti TdiV IIETGYILCOV itE1nyy!évouç irEpt«pourn. 

ito?Xa63ç irpôç tàç T11; icétpczç 816tita; ttEtaaxittccriovre Tå 6€6ttaTa 

Icatal3åkkoumv Eiç ë6aoçTå katottoi)tteva Opaixrttata- Kål TO1-5TO 

&&aXEirtte)Ç vepyaiim ltpèç bt-tatårou PotpUtritå Keit 7LXITyå. 

Translation 

12 [1] In the farthest part of Egypt and the areas bordering on Arabia and 

Aithiopia is a region with many large gold mines, where gold is extracted in 

great quantity through much suffering and expense. The earth is naturally 

black, with strata and veins of marble that are remarkable for their whiteness, 

surpassing all shining substances in their brilliance. Those who have taken 

charge of the mining produce the gold through the great number of workers. [2] 

For the kings of Egypt collect those who have been condemned for a crime and 

prisoners of war, and even those who have fallen victim of false accusations 

and have been sent to prison because of [public] indignation, sometimes only 

the persons themselves, sometimes together with all their families, and deliver 

them to work in the gold mines. Thus they both inflict punishment upon the 

condemned and at the same time receive great revenues through their labours. 

Those who have been handed over, many in number, all in chains, toil 

with the work continuously both by day and all through the night, without a 

pause, and are carefully prevented from any means of escape; for they have set 

over them guards consisting of barbarian soldiers who speak a different language, 

so that nobody can corrupt any of the overseers by talking to him or appealing 

to human kindness. 

The hardest parts of the earth that contains the gold they burn with a 

great fire to make it it friable, and then proceed to work on it by hand. But the 

soft rock, which can be made to give way by a moderate effort, is broken with 

iron quarrying tools by countless wretched men. [5] The whole operation is directed 

by a specialist who knows the stone and guides the workers. Of those 

who have been consigned to this misfortune, the strongest strike the sparkling 

rock with iron hammers, without bringing any skill to the work, just brute 

force. They cut subterraneous passages, not in a straight line, but where the 

veins of glittering rock lead them. 

658

The Sources 

[6] These men spend their time in darkness because of the twistings and 

turnings of the tunnels, and they therefore carry lamps attached309 to their foreheads. 

And frequently they contort their bodies according to the peculiarities of 

the rock, and throw on the ground the fragments that they break loose. This 

task they carry on unceasingly, under the heavy blows of the overseer. 

[TE] 

Comments 

The mines, in which the work is described so brilliantly by Agatharchides (for 

his style cf. Dihle 1962, 213 ff.; Fraser 1972 I, 546, II, 786 note 219; Burstein 1989, 

21 ff.), may be located in general terms in the important gold-mining area of the 

Wadis Allaqi and Gabgaba in the northern region of the Red Sea Hills opening 

from the Lower Nubian Nile Valley in the region of Takompso-Quban (cf. Vercoutter 

1959; Gundlach 1976a, 735 f.; 1976b, 743 f.; Burstein 1989, 59 note 4; 

Klemm-Klemm 1994, 206 ff.). Their acquisition doubtless represented a major 

motivation for the northern expansion of the Kingdom of Kush in the course 

of the 5th and 4th centuries BC (cf. (70), (77), (83)) and in the 3rd-2nd centuries 

BC (i.e., during the Upper Egyptian revolt, cf. (129), (131)) on the one hand, and 

for the Ptolemaic occupations of the Dodecaschoenus (around 274 BC, cf. 97, 

Comments) and then of the Triacontaschoenus (after 186 BC, cf. 135, 137, 138, 

140, 141) on the other. The source used here by Agatharchides consisted, as to 

the methods of prospecting and mining, of a precise technical description. It 

was probably written in Agatharchides' time and thus refers to the methods of 

the 2nd century BC rather than to Ptolemy II's times; and the description of the 

appalling conditions added to it by Agatharchides indicates the latter's disappointment 

in the contemporary regime in Egypt which he condemned as a 

tyranny (cf. Fraser 1972I, 543, II, 779 note 185). 

[LT] 

147 On burial customs among the Trogodytes. 2nd cent. BC. 

Agatharchides in Diodorus Siculus 3.33.2. 


Text 

Tapalg öè navrekciiç iX?ayjivatç ptåoucst. yåp Tdiv rcaXur6- 

pow X1Yyoç 6Tjaecvte; TOW TE'CEkElYTTIKOTO)V ta a4tocta npoadurrovat TOv 

eci)x,va "Cd% G1Xcrn , 0vtEç TOv vexpåv nvo; åvaark.tato (3å2k.,- 

Xoben ?LiOot xetponXnElm yekdivTe;, Ccv O'cou rcept 

309 Reading nErtnypkvou; an emendation adopted by Oldfather (1935). The manuscripts (and 

Bommelaer 1989) have nenpaygarewevoug, 'fabricated'; Photius (cf. 145) has 'with lamps 

bound to (npocs8e8givou;) their foreheads'. 

659


xoScravreg dacoxpiAgom tå aoil.tata. TO TEXElYtalov cfryôç i

The Sources 

ingly, that its owner was identical with the queen represented in Beg. N. 11 

(Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 7/A, B) accompanied by a prince just as the 

builder of Temple F at Naqa also appears in the interior reliefs of this sanctuary 

(Hintze 1959, fig. 7, Pls VI- VIII). The titles Nsw-bit also occur without feminine 

endings in a representation of Queen Bartare (Beg. S. 10, Dunham 1957, 

fig. C/23) and Queen Amanitore is similarly nb-(w) and Nsw-bit nb Dwy 

on the bark stand from Wad ban Naqa (LD VI, 55a; FHN III, (212)). 

[LT] 

(149) Queen Shanakdakheto. Evidence for reign. 

According to the surviving evidence, Queen Shanakdakheto is the first ruling 

queen on the throne of Kush. On the basis of the location of her pyramid Beg. 

N. 11 (Dunham 1957, 72 ff.) in the royal cemetery of Begarawiya North, she is 

dated approximately to the late 2nd century BC, a dating also supported by the 

style and iconography of her monuments. 

Although her filiation and family relations remain unknown, representations 

of her in the mortuary chapel reliefs of Beg. N 11 (Chapman-Dunham 

1952, Pl. 7/A, B) and in a basalt statue group (Cairo CG 684, Wenig 1978, Cat. 

135), probably originating from a mortuary cult temple (?) at the royal necropolis 

(for the provenance see Herzog 1977) and regarded as her mortuary cult 

statue, convey a rather clear statement about her legitimacy in the terms of 

iconography. In all three representations, a queen is depicted, wearing crowns 

associated with ruling kings (cf. Török 1987, Nos 120, 128, 143) and the threepart 

royal costume introduced in the 3rd century BC (see Török 1990), in the 

company of a man who is indicated by his simple diadem and costume to have 

been a non-ruling member of the royal house.311 With his right hand, he 

touches the streamers on the Queen's crown (Beg. N. 11) or the crown itself 

(Cairo CG 684), by which gesture—as is indicated by its original context in Egyptian 

iconography, viz., the legitimation of a king by a god (for a Kushite example 

see the lunette of Aspelta's Election Stela, cf. FHN I, 37)—he confers the 

royal power on the Queen (see Tbrök 1987, 48 f.). 

It would thus seem that the legitimacy of a ruling queen required a strong 

and constantly employed312 iconographical device which could easily be "read" 

and understood as a statement about a special dynastic relationship which secured 

her succession. It cannot be accidental that the same iconographical formula 

was employed by Amanirenas, the next ruling queen to follow Shanakdakheto 

on the throne of Meroe some one hundred years later (see (177)). The 

311His elevated status is emphasized in the chapel reliefs in Beg. N. 11 by his royal-type necklaces 

and his three pairs of anklets decorated with a double royal cartouche; moreover, his coat 

is also fastened with a brooch in the shape of a double cartouche. 

312See also the reliefs of Shanakdakheto's Temple F dedicated to Amiin at Naqa, Hintze 1959, 

Pls VI-VIII; cf. LD I 145; for the unusual iconographical program see Török n.d., Ch. 36. 

661


actual relationship between Shanakdakheto and the prince represented in her 

company cannot be established; it seems probable, however, that he was a 

crown prince who died before he ascended to the throne, while Shanakdakheto 

was his daughter or wife who succeeded in vindicating his rights. 

The—unfortunately badly damaged—reliefs of Shanakdakheto's Temple F 

at Naqa (cf. Hintze 1959, fig. 7, Pls III-VIII; Török n.d., Ch. 36) and the well-preserved 

decoration of her mortuary cult chapel Beg. N. 11 with their rich and in 

some respects innovative iconography and artistic quality as well as the architecture 

of the latter monument indicate a remarkable intellectual milieu. The 

mortuary cult chapel reliefs amalgamate knowledge of Egyptian prototypes 

with iconographic types apparently created in Meroe; for example, the representation 

of the specifically Meroitic funerary rite of the "neck dance" as part of a 

procession of musicians, singers, and dancers (Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 8/B; 

for a similar representation on a late lst century BC-early 1st century AD 

painted vase from Meroe City see Kendall 1989, fig. 2; the theme also occurs on 

an unpublished bronze vessel from one of the Hobagi mound graves, communication 

of Dr Patrice Lenoble). 

[LT] 

(150) Tailyidamani. Titles. 

Sources: 1. Boston MFA 24.856, bronze cylinder from the Inner Court (B 502) of 

Amun temple B 500, Gebel Barkal, Dunham 1970, fig. 39, (hieroglyphic); 2. the 

same, REM 1140 (Meroitic cursive); 3. Boston MFA 23.736, Tariyidamani Stela 

from the approach of Amun temple B 500, Gebel Barkal, Dunham 1970, Pl. 

XXXIX; Hintze 1960; REM 1044A=152 (Meroitic hieroglyphic); 4. Ibid., in line 1, 

REM 1044B (Meroitic cursive); 5. Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery 22.258, Tariyidamani 

tablet from Meroe, Apedemak temple, REM 0405B=153 (Meroitic cursive); 

6. Paris, Mus& du Louvre 11157B, sandstone statuette of lion-headed god, 

provenance unknown, Griffith 1912, Pl. XLI/127, REM 0127 (Meroitic cursive). 


Throne name 



1.2. 

Tny-Imn 

Triyi-ImnTriyidmni qo 

3.4,5,6. 

Triyidmni, Epithet:Triyidmni 

wte lhte 

Comments 

In 1) the Throne and Son-of-Rê names are the same, but are differently written: 

the first is rendered with the Egyptian hieroglyphic signs t- n (ii)- y - d- Ymn (for 

662

The Sources 

the replacement of signs of a similar appearance see, however, Hintze 1960, 

141); in the latter 'Imn is followed by the figure of a lion which Hintze (ibid.) interpreted 

as a determinative with the meaning triyi, Meroitic "lion". 

The identity and the different renderings of the two names are curious, and 

they seem to indicate that in Meroitic there existed no equivalent of the fivepart 

titulary traditionally rendered in Egyptian hieroglyphs. While Throne 

names and Son-of-Rê names rendered in Egyptian as well as in Meroitic hieroglyphs 

continue to be carved on royal monuments otherwise inscribed exclusively 

in Meroitic cursive (cf. FHN III, (191), (211), (212), (217), (227), (228), (259)), 

the abandonment of Egyptian hieroglyphic as the language and script of royal 

inscriptions and its replacement by the Meroitic language and script (for the 

texts the cursive script, for royal names, temple inscriptions, and, exceptionally, 

for royal mortuary offering tables, the hieroglyphic script) coincides with the 

disappearance of the five-part titulary. The last preserved Horus name, written 

in Egyptian hieroglyphs, occurs in the chapel of Beg. N. 20 dated to the first half 

of the lst century BC (see (160)). The first example of the new, genuinely 

Meroitic, royal protocol can be found in Tariyidamani's Gebel Barkal stela (152 

1): it consists of the title qore, i.e., the Meroitic word for "ruler" (Griffith 1916, 

124), which also designates the reigning queens; and the "personal name" of 

the ruler. 

That both the Egyptian hieroglyphic language and script and the five-part 

Egyptian titulary were abandoned at the same time cannot be accidental, even if 

documents such as (160) clearly indicate that individual rulers might occasionally 

assume an Egyptian titulary. The surviving evidence strongly suggests, 

however, that such cases were incidental and were apparently determined by 

archaizing trends which can also be recognized in the Egyptian hieroglyphic 

names of the coregents Natakamani and Amanitore (cf. FHN III, (211), (212)). 

The differently written, but otherwise identical Throne and Son-of-Rê names 

of Tariyidamani seem to represent the first, hesitating, attempt to create a 

Meroitic rendering of the royal titulary: while there is only one royal name— 

which, judging by the canonically recurrent element "Amani", Amrin, in the 

overwhelming majority of the Meroitic royal names, was nevertheless assumed 

on the ascent to the throne—, it is used both as a Throne name and as a 

Son-of-Rê name. This duplication of the royal name seems to have been restricted 

to Tariyidamani and appears to be determined by the initial uncertainty 

caused by the fact that the ruling king could only have been referred to by the 

name that he assumed on his succession; this name was thus of a double nature, 

being once both a "personal name" and a "throne name". This uncertain- 

ty would disappear in later royal names, and the Egyptian hieroglyphic titles 

Nsw-fflt and .53-R< are added to the cartouche name only in cases where there are 

in fact Egyptian throne names (for such cases see the list above); if there is no 

Egyptian throne name, the cartouche containing the Meroitic hieroglyphic 

663


name may be complemented with the Egyptian hieroglyphs for Nb-Dwy or the 

like. 

While in 2) the name of the King ends with the enigmatic -qo, a name element 

also present in Twenty-Fifth Dynasty names (Shabaqo, Shebitqo, Tahargo), 

in 3) it receives a Meroitic epithet, viz., wte Ihte. While lh seems to have the 

meaning "great, big" (Griffith 1911, 10, 23, 96 [note]; Hintze 1963, 18 No. 206); the 

meaning of wte, though it occurs in several other documents (cf. Hofmann 

1981, 319), is obscure. Its context in Tariyidamani's cartouche as well as in other 

documents, however, favors Priese's (1977, 47 f.) suggestion that the word 

would have the meaning "life" (cf. also Zibelius 1983, 75 for a "translation" of 

the epithet as "dem wte gegeben ist/sei/werde"; one is tempted indeed to compare 

it to Egyptian di 

[LT] 

(151) Tariyidamani. Evidence for reign. 

The filiation and family relationships of Tariyidamani are unknown. The dating 

of his reign, as immediate successor of Queen Shanakdakheto (see (148), 

(149)), to the late 2nd or early lst century BC was suggested with reference to the 

early ("archaic", for a chronological analysis of Meroitic paleography see cf. Griffith 

1911, 17 ff.; Hintze 1959, 67 f.) character of his Meroitic cursive inscriptions 

and on the assumption that he was buried in Beg. N. 12 (Dunham 1957, 74 f.), 

i.e., the pyramid grave of the generation following the burial of Queen 

Shanakdakheto, Beg. N. 11 (Hofmann 1978, 78 f.; Dunham 1957, 7; Hintze 1959, 

33; Wenig 1967, 43, however, regarded Tariyidamani as identical with King Horus 

K3-nht LI, the owner of Beg. N. 20, see also (160)). 

The earliest monumental royal inscriptions written in the Meroitic language 

and cursive script are preserved from Tariyidamani's reign; 152, though its 

text remains largely incomprehensible to us, indicates through the theonyms 

mentioned in it as well as through the representations in its lunette the continuity 

and unchanged importance in kingship dogma of the cults of Amrin of 

Napata and Amrin of Thebes and the existence of numerous other cults too. 

The votive tablet with inscription 153, which was found in the ruins of an 

Apedemak temple probably erected originally by Tariyidamani at Meroe City (cf. 

Török n.d., Ch. 4), bears witness to the continued importance of the cult of the 

lion-headed Nubian god (cf. 126) and, with its remarkably fine reliefs, indicates 

a cultural milieu in which an archaizing trend—using stylistic elements 

adopted from Twenty-Fifth Dynasty and Early Napatan reliefs—is amalgamated 

with the influence of late Ptolemaic Egyptian art. The iconography of the representations 

is, however, distinctly Meroitic (on the tablet from Meroe City see 

also Wenig 1978, Cat. 121) like that of monuments from the late 3rd century BC 

(e.g., the reliefs of the Apedemak temple at Musawwarat es Sufra). If Beg. N. 12 

is correctly identified as Tariyidamani's burial place, its splendid mortuary cult 

664

The Sources 

chapel reliefs may also be quoted s examples of the trend indicated above (cf. 

Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 10). 

[1-T1 

152 Meroitic stela of Taiiyidamani from the Amem temple at Gebel Barkal. Late 

2nd or early lst cent. BC. 

Boston MFA 23.736. REM 1044; cf. Hintze 1960 Pls XXXI-XXXIV (photographs 

and transcription); Dunham 1970, Pls XXXIX-XLII (photographs and reproduction 

of rubbings); Leprohon 1991, 144-148 (photographs). 


Found in situ standing in front of the S tower of the First "ylon of Temple B 

500, opposite the Khaliut Stela (FHN I, 40), flanking the processional avenue of 

the temple. 

For the script and language of the text see the General Note to the Meroitic 

Texts in the Introduction. The text of 152 is given here in its entirety because it 

is the earliest monumental royal inscription in the Meroitic language and is 

almost completely preserved,. 

Text 

RECTO 

CARTOUCHE IN LUNETTE: (150) 3. 

MAIN TEXT 

(1) qore„, TiVidamani aleqese,„ iblp Mni (2) si mde lw,„ terite„, 

Amnpte*,*,*, tese lw„, te (3) ritkto„, 

qes„, sorse„, iplte„, eqehm (4) de,„ 

n14.1pom„, kek„, tqfi 1„, qes„, ihlbto„, 

ab(5)rse 1„, eked,„ kdise 1,„ erk„, 

esebe„, nt[lk (6) Amnp,„ arreto„, 

mk lte„, ntkte„, Amn(7)pte„, eqeti she„, 

eqelohe„, 

Amnp„, qoro (8) mrthe„, edbfi 1„, Mno 1„, Am[np]te 1„, Aqe(9)dise 1„, Wos,„ 

thii„, mtot*iwhne 1„, Amnp„, qoro (10) ahboroteti 1„, Amnb 1„, [...1 (11) *1,„ 

Mne meke 1„, Mkedo,„ phtotfi 1„, Mt 1 (12) tepede„, htebeme*yose 1„, Mk lte wi 

12 (13) aqqibese *120„, 

(Am)np„, apnewke„, ame(14)ri„, mrmse li„, eqe [...1 

r mlote*y (15) ete*pnk„, stn 10 

[...]tepi„, ttri ten (16)we*kid„, eqesero(r),„ a*s*rlitofi„,mse(„,) 

(17) wte mro si„, 

eqeti phe,„ 

mrhi kefi„, teri(18)tibre„, 

665


gore mdese 3„, ti mhe„, pteno 3 (19)apette 1„, sber 1„, dd 1,„a[..]„, 

aripe[..](20)amote„, mrm 8„, 

nmrolde„, s gorese„, mse 3 (21)ti mhe(„, pteno) 3„, apette 1„, sber 1,„ dd 1 

(22) a[...]*bete leb„, tbi (23) te[...]am(ote,„) mrm (9,„) 

[...]*ke„, amotror (24)ameloloke„, imlotror„, wtotrse 3„, iddne (25) ssime„, 

Amnise 3„, 

areri *1*i„, egeti pbe,„ 

a(26)triti,„ ss mrte 1„, imlotror„, wtotrse 1,„ qo (27) leb„, Amnp„, idebh„, 

atr*hli 1„, *hrto 

mk (28) abenbidpete wi„, abenbk„, e*phwri„, eph*w(29)ri„, i*phbh„, 

mrhdtose,„ hrph sem lo 1„, tre(30)k„, adt wi„, ipk„, Amnp,„ 

yotre mle wideto 

(31) pmsen„, eqelohe lb,„ 

Ariteriyose 1„, mero(32)se li si,„ tesont,„ eqelohe lh 1„, 

qo leb„, (33) elbto„, 

Amnp„, atoo lb„, itwdto 

nir,„ ket*p (34) wi„, ibln Mnise 1„, yo*npbto 

Aro„, eqe (35) hrphri wi*t„, 

geper„, ado 1,„ tedeqe 1„, e1h,„ 

ihhtto 

VERSO 

(36) sede*w tbe t*he 1w„, qes molk„, 

seb (37) eget*he *kwi,„ 

itt*mito,„ 

kelw„, tbi ble (38) pqr gorise 1,„ itnkk„, ihlhto„, 

(39) seb 1„, ed kete„, kek„, dgnik„, nmrok (40) yoto„, 

sbw wkete„, qesri,„ 

kelw„, ssm(41)rte 1,„ holk„, 

tme„, pkr tr gori(42)se„, kdise lhe no 1„, qes,„ itnk (43) ihlhto„, 

seb 1,„ ed kete„, kek„, yoto 

*wkete,„ adb wse li„, ipl*e mo kete 

dqn*i *b*rri„, *sgtdon„, kek„, Amnp(46)te„, mk shri 1„, irhto„, 

idktey„, ar(47)mi Mnise„, s qorose„, Amnptese (48)yotkto,„ 

edeke,„ adbite li„, imli(49)ri,„ ndeye lte„, ynkteketo„, 

Amnp (5()) kek„, Sor„, sberhi„, ipleto„, 

mk„, Sor (51) lhe ple,„ Amni s kdite„, Wos*t sy*e(te) (52) Art syete,„ s wey„, 

senbote„, [...] (53)te lise mdedewi k,„ es*h*te 

s wey„, senbote„, [...]te lise medewi k„, es*h*te 

[..]ribe[...] (54)ke„, senbote„, ptri lise,„ dq*n*i,„ ere tese,„ 

Amnp„, ne(55)*tese *mlo *1„, *eqe[...]*de[lw*o 

(56)seb„, at[...] (57)kdi 1„, [..]w,„ q[...]me„, q(58)ryone*w[..]„, mr tb 

r ke lw„, apeirse*bo (59) se wi„, mrmr lw,„ 

666

The Sources 

adenodorte [...]*i[k I m]e (60) s Mni„, esetesi„, er„, syt 1„, moste(61)[..]q„, mrotese 

adose bose wi„, mr (62) mr 1w,„ 

s wey hlbe tke„, s qr li (63) *p[...]se„, attiw„, alwi lh 1„, ere te (64) se„, 

*fite„, Amnpte„, pelhelq„, [...](65)[...]rte„, 

npletno wi„, trw[...](66)[...]nide„, tereqebte,„ 

d[...](67)t„, *bilk hlbi wi,„ mdetese,„ p[...] 

RIGHT SIDE 

(68) *ahle qo leb (69) *a *500 tero 1,„ am (70) w*kbhte„, 

Am(71)npte„, eqetid 

(72) attiw„, alwi *1 (73) dtrep[.] 1w„, hl (74) bi wido„, edeto„, 

(75) Amnp„, nehose (76) dqni„, bereqo*b (77) artroti„, ah (78) plete„, apreq(79)n„, 

seb lhe noke (80) *k*e[lot„, nbrtd (81) ado bese 1„, yo (82) plet„, erew ke„, (83) 

iplemb,„ sthii,„ (84) bere ke,„ agen (85) li„, erese„, mede (86) wi„, yoto,„ 

s q*dte (87) lise,„ *sbe[..] be (88) re ke,„ a*roqi„, (89) tm„, qorte drte (90) aqqe„, qorte 

(91) msyose„, [.]*eto„, 

gor(92)te„, tqeyose li (93)Hrote„, m*wetre li (94) qo leb trohe li (95) *wi„, mke„, 

[..]ed[..](96)td„, *kdi 1„, emo[..](97)1,„ ntk *1,„ wb 1 me(98)dewite li„, yod(99)r*pt„, 

Amnp„, *fite (100) se 1„, 

seb„, ayo*1 (101) pe[..]bede li,„ mho (102) ken„, tilte„, qes (103) 1*h 1 [...] 

[...]se (104) 1„, (105)[...]a[...](106)[...](107)to,„ 

ere[...]de (108) yo [...](h)1(bi)ti,„ a(109)meloloke 1,„ mse 3 (110) iphto,„ 

pwore„, s (111) sor 1„, ameri 5 (112) *ip(h)*to„, 

Arnni 1 (113) d*e [..]„, iphto„, 

pti (114) phe*te„, p hol 8 (115) *iphto„, 

qo leb de (116) bh„, 

akli„, [...] 

LEFT SIDE 

(117)[...]d[li„, [..] 

(118) *A*m*n*p*te„, a*t*to*mi[.] (119) itwd*to„, 

ibereq*o (120) k,„ ilolto„, 

dgen*i (121) w 1„, itrek„, asr (122) deb 5000,„ npte wel (123) nlo 1„, akitkto„, 

as (124) r meke,„ idrite„, nd (125) kete„, 

qo leb„, Amn(126)pte„, idebhi„, 

seb„, (127) *krte dse 1 *7 k,„ be (128) shto„, 

kedd„, npte (129) p 1w„, qes,„ ihl*hto„, 

(130) tqri 1,„ abrse 1„, e (131) kedtd„, kdise 1„, er (132) td 

ayot„, Amnp (133) *rite sem lo 1,„ 

ese (134) be„, Amni„, elh„, 

mr (135) de qorisew„, s mde (136) se 1w„, inweto„, 

qo (137) leb„, edebh„, 

*krte (138) dse„, hrphe sem (139) lo 1,„ tk lise„, wdto (140) artde„, krte d 

667


(141) sete„, tkk,„ ahotoil (142) qorte,„ drteyose (143) 1„, ek edeto„, 

nhror (144) wide 1„, ekedeto,„ 

k(145)di,„ stebese,„ drit(146)ro„, shse li,„ hol *k (147) leb„, as 

hdose,„ te(148)dd„, 

qo leb„, ahro (149) te wideb wit,„ eked (150) bto,„ 

krte dse,„ hrp(151)he sem lo 1„, tkto 

(152) qorte„, dhe leb„, wi (153) debese„, aroqi*t(154)m,„ tdhseii,„ wer(155)k„, 

seb„, erewese 1*43(156) se wi„, aw„, i[...]*bh„, 

(157) dqni,„ ibtd[...]r(158)q„, hrw„, [...1*ki„, 

a*to (159) sedew„, *a*to mlo (160) qes„, hol k„, 

seb„, (161) eqe*t*h[...] 

Comments 

The granite stela, which measures 158 cm (height) x 53 cm (width) x 27 cm 

(depth), was inscribed on its recto and verso and its right and left sides with a 

Meroitic text in the Meroitic cursive script in horizontal lines divided by horizontal 

incisions. The front side of the lunette is decorated with the winged 

sundisc which is flanked by two uraei wearing the Red (left) and the White 

(right) crowns and which protects Tatiyidamani's cartouche (see (150) 3). Beneath 

the winged sundisc and the cartouche, there is a double scene which is 

divided from the text of the stela by a frieze of four bound prisoners flanking 

four bows. While the winged sundisc and the prisoner frieze are executed in a 

flat sunk relief, the main scene is incised, except for one of the Amiln figures 

(left scene half) which is rendered in a flat sunk relief too, thus indicating that 

the rest of the lunette relief remained unfinished. The scene in the left half of 

the lunette shows the King offering wine and a necklace to the ram-headed 

Amfin who is accompanied by Mut. The King wears the Kushite skullcapcrown, 

a diadem with two uraei (wearing the Red and White Crowns) and 

streamers (see Török 1987, 4 ff.), a short robe with a fringed shawl and a tasselled 

cord across his right shoulder (see Török 1990), as well as armlets, 

bracelets, and sandals. In the right half of the lunette he is represented in the 

company of a lion and slaying an enemy who is at the same time also attacked 

by the lion. They are in the presence of the ram-headed Amûn, who holds a 

was-scepter in his left and extends towards the King a scepter in the shape of a 

snake crowned with a sundisc (for this scepter type, associated with Rê in his 

night journey, see Kaplony 1986, 1375 with note 30). In this scene the King is 

shown wearing a collar necklace, the tripartite Meroitic royal costume (cf. 

Török 1990) and the Kushite skullcap-crown with diadem and one uraeus 

crowned with the sundisc (?) and streamers, as well as armlets, bracelets, and 

sandals. In a remarkable manner and style, also the verso of the lunette is decorated 

with a figure of Tariyidamani in raised relief facing right and standing on 

a prisoner; he is flanked by the incised figures of the human-headed Ami'm of 

Thebes (left) and the ram-headed Amån of Napata who are touching his el 

668

The Sources 

bows in the gesture of "election" and legitimation (cf. Török 1990; Wenig in: 

Hintze et al. 1993). The King wears the Kushite skullcap-crown with diadem 

and two uraei crowned with the Red and White Crowns and a crown superstructure 

with four tall feathers (usually associated with Onuris and Arensnuphis, 

cf. Török 1987, type A XIII), ram's head ear pendant(s), a broad collar 

necklace, armlets and bracelets. He is clad in a long tunic with a lion skin 

draped over his right shoulder and also wears ornate sandals. In his right hand 

he carries a palm leaf scepter, while with his left he touches the right shoulder 

of his divine father the ram-headed Amim of Napata. 

The two faces of the lunette summarize, in a highly traditional manner in 

powerful images, the basic concepts of Meroitic kingship ideology. The concepts 

of divine sonship, "election", and legitimation are depicted in the seemingly 

simple verso scene, which also incorporates the notion of the victory over the 

enemies, hints, by means of the animal skin, at the King's function as High 

Priest of the cults, and associates him through the feather crown with Arensnuphis, 

a Meroitic god who emerged in close association with kingship ideology 

in the course of the early Meroitic period (cf. Wenig 1974; Török 1990; 

Rirök 1995, Ch. 16). The two recto scenes are associated with the ruler acting as 

a victorious warlord who annihilates the enemies of order and receives eternal 

renewal of his kingship from Arni.in as is indicated by the snake scepter (right 

half of lunette); the reciprocity between Ami'm and his son the ruler is visualized 

in the left half of the lunette where the king offers wine and a necklace (for 

the context of the latter scene in coronation cycles cf. Frandsen 1987 and see 

Török 1994, 20). 

The stela was erected in front of the First Pylon of the great Amfin temple at 

Napata, close to the gateway at the S side of the processional avenue: a site 

which indicates that its representations as well as text were destined to be seen 

and comprehended by the people. Owing to our present state of knowledge of 

the Meroitic language, the contents of the text remain obscure. The occurrence 

of names of gods, frequently coupled with toponyms, as well as the numerals 

seem to indicate lists of donations made to various sanctuaries; while the recurrent 

mentions of Qes, i.e., Kush and of high official titles may be interpreted 

as referring to a narrative framework such as wars and/or movements of the 

King through his land. 

Remarks on words with known meaning are made below with reference to 

the lines of the text in which they occur. 

/. qore=king; aleqese appears as introductory word, e.g., on the Amanishakheto 

"obelisk" from the late Amfin temple at Meroe City (178, cf. Hintze 1960, 142; 

Töriik n.d., Ch. 31), further in REM 0075, 0619B, 1003 line 16, and seems to signify 

"monument, inscription" (Hintze 1960, 142). 

Amripte.Amim of Napata; for this writing of Amnpte see also REM 0664. 

Qes=Kush; see also lines 3, 4, 36, 40, 42, 102, 129, 160.—For eqe as a "temporal 

prefix" in narrative texts see Hintze 1960, 143 f. 

669


kdi=woman (Griffith 1911, 120; 1916, 123 f.). 

Amnp Arreto (probably Arre-se-lo)=Amiin of Opet (Luxor) of Arere (Wadi 

es-Sebua?, cf. Török 1979, 19 f.). For Amnp see also lines 6, 7, 9, 27, 30, 33, 49, 55, 

75, 99, 132.—In mk lte the word mk probably signifies "deity" (Griffith 1911, 34). 

Amnpte= Amûn of Napata, see also lines 45, 64, 70,125. 

8. The word edhno/yidljno is associated with numerals in inscriptions recording 

donations (?) or taxes (?), see Török 1984, 175 ff.; here it similarly introduces a 

list of some sort containing numerals appended to the following theonyms: 

Mno=Amim (8); Amnpte=Amiln of Napata (8); Aqedise=Khonsu (identified 

on the basis of REM 0009, name in Meroitic hieroglyphs in the representation 

of the god) (8-9); Wos=Isis (9); Amnp=Amiln of Luxor (9); Amnb=Am0n of 

Pnubs (?) (10); Mne=Amiin (11);Mk="deity" (12). 

17. wte mrosi cf. wte-lhte in (150) 3. 

for ssime cf. the priestly title ssimete, Török 1977, 416. 

Imlotror: probably a personal name. 

29. hrpb(ri): title frequently occurring in monumental texts as well as funerary 

inscriptions (cf. Hintze 1960, 148 f.) cf. also line 35. 

38. pqr qori-se= "pqr of the king", the highest attested official title in Meroitic 

inscriptions, see Török 1977a 34 ff.; cf. also lines 41 f.: pkr tr qori-se; for pqr/ pkr 

tr qori-se as title of crown princes see REM 0005, 0017, 0020, 1044. 

46 f. Amnpte=Amån of Napata; mk=deity. 

47. Mni=Arnim; Amnpte=Amtin of Napata. 

Wost (?) Sye(te)=Isis of Sye (Sai); for the identification of the toponym see 

Priese 1984, 492 (Egyptian 

Art Syete=Horus of Sye (Sai); for the toponym cf. REM 0268, 1090, 1091. 

Medewi-k=Meroe (City); for the suffix -k used with site-names see Griffith 

1912, 30; for Medewi see also lines 85; 97 f; for the writing Bedewi see, e.g., REM 

0089, 0370, 0521, etc. 

55. Amnp=Amilin of Luxor; m/o=good (cf. Griffith 1911, 41 note 1; for its use in 

the mearting of Egyptian ~-hrw, "justified", see Priese 1971, 285 § 1.44). 

59. Adenodor-te: unidentified toponym. 

68. qo="(living) person", cf. Griffith 1917, 167; Hintze 1960, 148 ad line 26; Priese 

1971, 279 § 1.22.1;-leb: plural of article -1;plural suffix (cf. Hintze 1963, 3; Priese 

1971, 276 f. § 1.12, 1.13.1, 1.15.1). 

108. blbiri: title of official, apparently mainly in Lower Nubia, cf. REM 0129, 0132, 

0219 0518, 1025, 1090, 1091, and Hofmann 1981, 103. 

108 f. ameloloke: title of official. 

111. Ssor: priestly title, see Török 1977, 414 ff. (interpreted, with reference to Old 

Nubian sol, "book", cf. Hintze 1963, 7, as equivalent to Graeco-Egyptian ispo- 

Wal-tlicerelk). 

122. Npte=Napata, see also line 128. 

124. Meke: theonym, cf. REM 1003. 

670

The Sources 

138. hrph(fi): title of official, cf. REM 0081; attested, e.g., in 0247, 0501, 1088 as 

Inphri Phrs-te, "hrphil in Faras". 

158 ff. ato=water (Griffith 1911, 23, 44 f.); at m/o=good bread (ibid., 49): the ex- 

pression containing these words is related to the "Benediction" formulae A and 

B (cf. Hintze 1960, 160) of the mortuary offering table texts. 

[L11 

153 Meroitic votive stela of Tafiyidamani from the Apedemak temple at Meroe 

City. Late 2nd or early 1st cent. BC. 

Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery 22.258 (WAG 213); REM 0405; Garstang-Sayce- 

Griffith 1911, 62 ff., Pls I, LXIII; Wenig 1978, Cat. 121. 


This small dark red schist tablet, measuring 17.8 cm (height) x 9.1 cm (width) x 

1.7 cm (thickness) was discovered in the Apedemek sanctuary (Temple M 6, see 

Török n.d., Ch. 4) at Meroe City. For the script and language of its inscription 

see the General Note to the Meroitic Texts in the Introduction. 

Text 

OBVERSE 

RIGHT COLUMN 

[...1 

(1)A(pe)(2)dem(k) 

(3)Triyi[1(4)dmni(5)pwrite (6)elhte 

(7)dqri(8)to *mewi(9)to 

*Mno (1())qo*re 1 (11)w„ ewke(12)nki„ 

A(13)pedemki 

LEFT COLUMN 

[about 9 lines destroyed] 

(10)w[...] (11)1„, e[..] (12)k kte 

(13)Ape(14)demki 

OBVERSE 

(1)*ato(2)w*t li 

(3)eto*h(4)to„, 

*mk (5)dqri (6)*te 

Comments 

The Taiiyidamani tablet is decorated on both sides with sunk reliefs of an exceptionally 

fine quality and high artistic niveau. The votive plaque is incompletely 

preserved: the upper left corner with part of the left inscription column 

671


of the obverse and the King's crown, and with part of Apedemak's crown on 

the reverse, is missing. Also the bottom is broken off with the loss of the legs of 

the figures on both sides from knees down; the obverse is also damaged in the 

King's chest zone, and his right hand and left arm are completely lost. The obverse 

is decorated with the standing figure of King Tariyidamani turning right 

as if he were "facing" Apedemak on the reverse of the tablet. His right arm is 

raised, and in his right hand he holds a scepter (?) or extends it towards the god 

in the gesture of adoration (?), while with his left hand he holds the end of his 

fringed sash as is done in Meroitic enthronement cycles in the scene depicting 

the "tying-on" of the royal coat (see Török 1990, 158 ff.). He wears the hemhem- 

crown (cf. Török 1987, 15 f. Type A X) with streamers, ram's head ear pen- 

dant(s), necklaces, armlet(s) and bracelet(s), and is dressed in a patterned kneelength 

tunic and a medium-wide fringed sash. A tasselled cord (see Török 1990) 

is slung over his right shoulder. The royal sash is associated with the Nubian 

warrior and hunter gods, and especially with Apedemak (see Török 1990, 171 

ff.). In the obverse relief of the Taftyidamani tablet the King is doubtless shown 

receiving the sash from Apedemak as insignia of royal power. The reverse relief 

shows the standing lion-headed god Apedemak turning left and extending 

the sign of life towards the King. He wears the hemhem crown, a collar necklace 

and a pectoral, as well as armlets and bracelets, and holds in his right hand 

a standard with his own image and a sheaf of durra (probably a symbol of fertility 

and abundance). He is clad in a haltered garment and a short apron. 

The right text column in front of the King obviously gives his dedicatory 

"speech" which starts with the naming of the deity and contains the words 

pwrite and elhte which regularly occur in temple inscriptions in the contexts of 

utterances concerning things received from, and/or given to, deities (cf. Zibelius 

1983, 41 ff.). Interestingly, it also contains the name of Amim in an association 

with the word for "ruler": Mno qore-1(lines 9 f.). As to the brief text of 

the reverse, it appears to contain the words ato=water and mk=deity and may 

refer to a thing, here water, e.g., libation, given to/received by the god or possibly 

to water given by the god to the King (?). 

[LT] 

154 Mortuary inscription of Tsemerese from Faras. Late 2nd or early lst cent. 

BC. 

REM 0543. 


154 was found by F.L1. Griffith in the course of the excavations conducted at the 

Meroitic cemetery at Faras in Lower Nubia (Griffith 1922; 1924, 141 ff.), the 

necropolis in which the "viceroys" of Lower Nubia, their officials, the local 

priesthood, and their families were buried between the late 2nd century BC and 

the 3rd-4th centuries AD (for the dating of the cemetery on the basis of grave 

672

The Sources 

typology see Griffith 1924; for the ceramic evidence see Török 1987a, 188 ff.; 

1987b; and see literature quoted in 140, Comments). Like the great majority of 

the funerary stelae and offering tables inscribed in Meroitic cursive, 154 too was 

found without a grave context, and thus its dating can be established only on 

the basis of the features of the inscription itself. On the script and language see 

further the General Note to the Meroitic Texts in the Introduction. 

Text 

(1)*W*o*s*i„ (2)A*s*oreyi(3)„ 

Tsemerese qo„ pesto lo„ 

(4)(Dsdye)„ edh lo„ 

ant(5)„ Bleli„ erike lo„ 

ato mlo„ (6)*elhte„ 

at m(7)lo ihr(te)„ 

(8)Wosi„ Asoreyi„ 

Comments 

The paleographical character of Tsemerese's (REM 0543 suggests a reading of 

the name as Tsemereh) funerary inscription, the use of the early form edh-lo instead 

of the later form tedh-lo of the filiation word (cf. Hofmann 1981, 168 ff.), 

and the brevity of the text indicate an early dating, Le., in or not long after the 

period in which the Tariyidamani inscriptions were written (see (150) - 153). 

The text consists of 3 of the 4 sections usually found in Meroitic non-royal 

funerary inscriptions (for the structure and symbols used here see Hintze 1959, 

34 ff.; Hofmann 1981, 15 ff.): 

I. Invocation of Isis (=Wosi) and Osiris (=Asoreyi); 

II. Nomination: A) name of the deceased: Tsemerese qo (where qo probably 

has the meaning "is/was he", cf. Hofmann 1981, 52); the name is complemented 

with his title pesto (see below). 

name of the mother of the deceased and the filiation word edh (with the 

suffix -1o)meaning "bom by": Dsdye edh-lo, "born by Dsdye" (cf. Hofmann 1981, 

168 ff.). 

name of the father of the deceased and the filiation word erike (with the 

suffix -1o) meaning "begotten of; the name of the father is complemented with 

his title (see below): ant Bleli erike-lo, "begotten by the priest Bleli". 

III. Description: in 154 missing. 

IV. Benediction consisting of an utterance concerning funerary offerings 

(ato m/o=good water; at mlo=good bread, cf. Griffith 1911, 44 f., 49) and a concluding 

invocation of Isis and Osiris. 

This structure, i.e., the sequence Invocation—Nomination—Benediction is 

characteristic for all non-royal funerary inscriptions from the Middle and Late 

Meroitic periods (i.e., 2nd century BC-4th century AD, the times when funerary 

inscriptions were erected in Meroitic cursive); but, almost without exception, 

673


they also include a Description (III) presenting the titles of the deceased according 

to a rigidly set cursus honorum (see Millet 1981; Török 1977; 1979) and those 

of his relatives, listed according to the rules of the same system of cursus hono- 

rum. The royal funerary formulae on offering tables preserved from the same 

period (see Hintze 1959) likewise consist of three parts: Invocation-Nomination-Benediction, 

but the Nomination does not consist of titles, there is never 

a Description section, and the royal Benediction formulae differ from the ones 

employed by non-royal persons (ibid.). 

By the simplicity and brevity of its text and the lack of a Description 154 

seems to indicate rather clearly that the non-royal funerary inscription formula 

developed on the basis of the royal type. The addition of a Description points 

towards Late Period Egypt as a source of inspiration for the development of 

mortuary inscription formulae, but the detailed—and increasingly voluminous—recording 

of the offices held by the deceased and by his relatives bears 

indicate not only the existence of an intricate administrative system (see Török 

1977, 1977a, 1979; Millet 1981; O'Connor 1993, 86 ff.) but also to a clearly articulated 

hierarchical structure within the governing elite and to a "social" consciousness 

which was central to the identity of the individual in this world as 

well as in the Netherworld. 

Tsemerese's title pesto is usually interpreted (see, with literature, Török 

1977a, 1979) as deriving from the Egyptian p3 s; nswt, "king's son" (cf. Griffith 

1912, 47 note 5), a derivation doubted by Hintze (1973, 335) and Hofmann (1979, 

63 f.). A different derivation was recently suggested by Professor Ulrich Luft 

(verbal communication) from the Egyptian title pa- t3- §t- rsi, "belonging to (i.e., 

the praeses of) the southern nome", i.e., of the 1st Upper Egyptian nome of Elephantine, 

occurring in the Demotic PBerlin 13543 from the late 2nd century BC 

(114 BC [?], see Zauzich 1978, P. 13543 lines 2, 8; for the "southern nome", 

see ibid., P. 13582 line 3 [488/7 BC]; P. 15522, line 5 [Ptolemaic]). 

In Meroitic documents, as is also indicated by the occurrences of the title as 

pesto Akiii - te, "pesto in Akiri.Lower Nubia" (REM 0247, 0277, 0278, 0521, 1088; 

for Akiii see Griffith 1925, 261), it designates a sort of governor who, as can be 

established on the basis of the Descriptions with cursus honorum (cf. Török 

1977, 1977a, 1979; Millet 1981), occupied the highest post in the administration 

of Lower Nubia and was directly subordinate to the ruler only (see FHN III, 265, 

271). The creation of his office was in all probability already anticipated in some 

form in the course of the organisation of the Lower Nubian part of the kingdom 

during the Meroitic re-occupation of the Triacontaschoenus in the period 

of the Upper Egyptian revolt (see (129), (131)). A complex "provincial" administration 

was then necessitated by the Meroitic northern expansion starting some 

time in the second half of the 2nd century BC. Although no literary sources are 

preserved to attest explicitly to a withdrawal of the southern limit of Ptolemaic 

control from the Second Cataract to the area of Takompso, i.e., the southern 

end of the Dodecaschoenus, archaeological finds from Lower Nubia and espe 

674

The Sources 

cially from Faras indicate with sufficient clarity that Meroitic authority was established 

south of Takompso by the last third of the 2nd century BC (cf. Török 

1987a, 159 f.). In the early phase of the development of the Lower Nubian government 

structure, the office of the pesto was, as is indicated by 154, not yet 

connected with the highest echelon of the elite but was rather an administrative 

post to which members of the professional bureaucracy, i.e., members of 

the priestly class, were appointed (for the social connections of the prophets in 

Meroitic documents see Török 1977): Tsemerese himself was the son of a 

prophet (for ant as deriving from Egyptian hm-ntr see Griffith 1911, 57; Hintze 

1963, 10 No. 51; Török 1977, 416). 

[LT] 

155 Mortuary inscription of HIlhror from Faras. Late 2nd or early lst cent. BC. 

REM 0521. 


The mortuary inscription REM 0521 was found in the cemetery of Faras 

(Griffith 1924; 1925a). For its script and language see the General Note to the 

Meroitic texts in the Introduction. 

Text 

(1)Wosi (2)Soreyi 

1-_111(3)hror qo(,), 

Arostekl„ d(he) (4)10„ 

E[..]eqethe erike (lo,), 

sm (5)t lh lo„ 

qoreri lh lo„ 

an„(6)t„ Mnp„ (7)bedewi (8)te lise (9)10„ 

pesto(10)„ akiri te lo„ 

wyeki*te (11)amodte lo„ 

wyekite wi (12)tkw„ Sor„ dlitwkete(y) (13)te lo„ 

aki(14)likw (15)hrimli„ (16)yirek(17)e lo„ 

itebereke„ set (18)ki yiwdke lo„ 

mft ke li„ mlo (19)10„ 

Wosi„ Soreyi„ 

h mlo 1(20)„ hol kte„ 

(21)ato mhe„ hte„ 

(22)sso I„ qestki [...] lo„ 

mho (23)br 1„ kedekdili„ Are(24)detni„ Are lo„ 

qor„ (25)mlo lo„ 

mk 1„ mlo lo„ 

slh„ mlo lo„ 

675


(26)ahrrb„ tketore te (27)li ahrrb„ amod te li (28)tereki„ tkbhe lo„ 

qetede (29)11„yedeykete lo„ 

Comments 

155 is dated to the late 2nd or early lst century BC on the basis of its paleography 

and its use of the early form of the filiation words (dhe and erike, cf. 154, Comments). 

That it is later than 154 is indicated by the more complete structure (for 

the types cf. 154, Comments) which now also includes, following the Invocation 

and the Nomination, a Description with a list of H11hror's own titles and 

the titles of his relatives. The Benediction is followed in an unusual manner by 

what seem to be epithets and a complex consisting of toponyms. 

2-4. Hllhror was son of Arostekl and E[..]eqethe. 

4-13. HIlhror's titles include smt-lh, "great smt" (for lh see Griffith 1911, 10, 23, 

96), qoreii-lh, "great qoref1"; qorefi is an office the name of which was formed 

from the title qore, ruler (cf. Hofmann 1981, 62; Török 1979, 42 ff.), ant Mnp 

Bedewi-te-li-se, "prophet of Amiln of Luxor in Meroe (City)", pesto Akifi-te, "pesto 

of /in Lower Nubia" (cf. 154, Comments), wyekite Amod-te, "wyekite in Amod/ 

Qustul" (for Meroitic Amod, Analeu in the Bion itinerary, see 108, Table A and 

Comments). The list seems to contain offices held at the same time rather than 

occupied sequentially and listed as a cursus honorum. 

19-22. Benediction, cf. Hofmann 1981, 195 f.. 

24-25. These lines appear to say that Hllhror was m/o, "good" (Griffith 1911, 41 

note 1), with the qor(e), "ruler", mk, "deity", and s-lh, "great person" (cf. Priese 

1971, 285; Hofmann 1981, 69, 93 f. 

26-28. Tketore.Aggeteri S of Sedeinga, cf. Citora in 108, and see Török 1988, 210 

f.; Amod.Qustul (see above, notes on lines 4-13). For an analysis of this verbal 

complex see Hintze 1979, 56; Hofmann 1981, 246 ff. 

156 Egyptian forces stationed at Philae. 118- 116 BC. 

SB I 3448. SEG VIII 788. I. Philae I 20. 


A. Bernand 1969 A. Bernand: Les inscriptions grecques de Philae. Vol. 1. 

Epoque ptolmaïque. Paris. [.I. Philae I.] 


This text was inscribed on an altar which was found built into a wall in the 

temple of Isis at Philae. The block is 46 cm high and 68 cm wide, and the letters 

676

The Sources 

are 2.5 cm high. The last two lines seem to have been added later, by another 

hand, after the stone had been damaged313 (A. Bernand 1969, 198). 

Earlier publications from R. Lepsius onwards are specified in A. Bernand 

(1969, 197-205, No. 20), whose text we mostly follow, having checked it against 

the photos he provides (Pl. 41). He also supplies critical notes, a French translation, 

and a detailed commentary. 

Text 

[KoX]Otveat, flowi EU6Scot xcci. 13c[6t] 

2 [Zco]tflpt Arigigpto; 6 avyy[vii;] 

3 [Koå, k]Rtatpirrlyo; ica't awat[1176S] 

4 [T11 EATI3OC1,80; ccà ypaKtatei)g Tf.1[ ...] 

5 [Kal. k]y arokettai&t. tetem.t[vat 81.)Vål1s1;] 

6 [neWlecci xcå imalca't xcit vauttica[i] 

7 TOV [364tOv 

8 rA17.CO[Mkonii.01) TO3V &C(. - - &5X,COV314 

9 kflpo[u]på.pxou (1).tXxiiv. 

Translation 

To [Kol]anthes,315 to Pan Euodos316 and to the [Sa]viour Go[d] this altar (was 

dedicated by) Demetrius, the kinsm[an and glovernor general (epistrategos) and 

gover[nor] (strategos) [of the Th]ebais and secretary of th[e ...],317 (5) and (by) the 

forces] statio[ned i]n Ptolemais, [inflantry, cavalry, and nav[y], when [A]po[l]lonius, 

diadochos,318 was [g]arrison com[m]ander (phrourarchos) of Philae. 

[TH] 

313 Apparently, the damage which prevented the continuous writing of Sta - - S6)(6)v in line 8, is 

of the same kind as that which made the beginnings of lines 1-6 unreadable. There is obviously 

the possibility that lines 8-9 are unconnected with the main inscription. 

314 Bernand's text has the supplement [iccit] at the end of the line; but this seems superfluous, once 

the [814A supplied by some at the beginning of the line has been dropped and FAIrcoRIX(oviou 

cdiv Sta - - Såxwv becomes the first part of a genitive absolute. 

315 A little-known Egyptian god, whose name is attested in other (Demotic, Hieroglyphic, Greek) 

documents as well (A. Bernand 1969, 199-201). 

316 This epithet probably means "of pleasant journey" (thus A. Bernand 1969, 201, "de la Bonne 

Route", referring to L. Robert), an apt name for a god worshipped by soldiers, as Pan was in Egypt 

during the Hellenistic period, apparently referring to his role as a protector of desert travellers. 

317 Various supplements have been suggested: 'rfl[ç auvOSoy] "the cult association" (which 

Bernand adopts), 3ouX11;] "the council", or tfil; Suvdcu.ao;l "the force". The only thing 

which seems reasonably certain is that the Greek word missing is a feminine noun in the genitive 

case. 

318 A court official. 

677


Comments 

Demetrios, epistrategos and strategos of the Thebaid is identified by Mooren 

(1975, 94 No. 056) with the kinsman and epistrategos Demetrios (attested in 

Wilcken 1957, 162 I line 17, II lines 29, 31, III line 2 dating from February to July 

117 BC), an official who was active in the reign of Ptolemy VIII Euergetes II 

(Ptolemy VII of the new numbering, cf. Huss 1994, 10). 

Koenen (1959, 103 ff.) suggested that the text of the altar erected in the court 

in front of the Isis temple at Philae attests the presence of forces concentrated at 

Philae after a revolt against Ptolemy VIII led by a certain Harsiese, who was 

crowned king in Upper Egypt, was crushed. The donations and building activity 

of Ptolemy VIII in the Dodecaschoenus (for the donation of a naos in Dabod 

and the building of a pronaos in Dakka see Roeder 1911, 118 ff.; PM VII, 5, 43 f.) 

as well as the units mentioned in 156 probably indicate a reinforcing of the 

Ptolemaic presence in the frontier era in the period following the revolt. 

[111 

157 Privileges granted to the temple of Khnum in Elephantine. 117- 115 BC. 

OGIS I 168, II and VII. SB V 8883. C.Ord.Ptol. 59. IThSy 244, II and VIII. I. Prose 

24, fl and VI11. 




Dittenberger 1903-05 

Lenger 1980 

Marshall 1916 

Piejko 1992 

Schroeter 1932 

Strack 1897 

Strack 1976 

Wilcken 1906 

678 

A. Bernand: De Thèbes å Syène. Paris. [=IThSyl 

A. Bernand: La prose sur pierre dans l'Egypte 

hell&listique et romaine. Vol. 1-2. Paris. Prosel 

W. Dittenberger: Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae. 

Vol. 1-2. Lipsiae. 

M.-T. Lenger: Corpus des Ordonnances des Ptole-mes 

(C. Ord. Ptol.). 2nd ed. Bruxelles. 

F.H. Marshall: The Collection of Ancient Greek 

Inscriptions in the British Museum. Vol. 4:2. Oxford. 

F. Piejko: The Relations of Ptolemies VIII and IX with 

the Temple of Chnum at Elephantine. Bulletin of the 

American Society of Papyrologists 29, 5-24. 

F. Schroeter: De regum hellenisticorum epistulis in 

lapidibus servatis quaestiones stilisticae. Diss. Lipsiae. 

M.L. Strack: Die Dynastie der Ptolemåer. Berlin. 

M.L. Strack: Inscriptiones Graecae Ptolemaicae. 

Chicago. [Reprint of the appendix of Strack 1897.1 

U. Wilcken: Ober W. Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci 

Inscriptiones Selectae I. APF 3, 313-336.

The Sources 


On a large granite stela (365 x 50 cm.), found in Aswan and now in the British 

Museum, there is inscribed, in reversed chronological order, a series of ten 

Greek documents concerning the temple of Khnum in Elephantine. The middle 

part of each of the first 59 lines is in a good state of preservation, whereas 

lines 60-75 have been more severely mutilated. However, since the stone was 

cut up lengthwise and only the middle section is preserved (for a visual display 

of the disposition of the text on the stone and its state of preservation, see 

Strack 1897, 266 f.=1976, 52 f., and Marshall 1916, 201), the text of lines 1-59 too is 

in fact extremely defective, with perhaps as much as one third missing at the 

beginning of each line and one third at the end. As the letters are of different 

size in different parts of the inscription, the number of letters to supply varies 

between the lines. The display of the text below makes no attempt to indicate 

the extent of the missing portions. 

This important and intriguing inscription was first published by A.H. Sayce 

in 1887 and has since appeared in various versions, some of which were based 

on new collations (see A. Bernand 1989, 194 f., and 1992:2, 64 f., for an annotated 

list of publications and discussions). 

We reproduce, in their chronological sequence, documents VI11319 and II. 

Regarding document II, we mainly follow the text320 edited by Lenger (1980, 

No. 59), who also gives a comprehensive bibliography and some comments. 

For document VIII, which is not included in Lenger (1980), we base our text on 

Dittenberger (1903, No. 168, lines 53-59), also taking account of suggestions in an 

important review by Wilcken (1906, 325-333; cf. Dittenberger 1905, 545-548), and 

on Marshall (1916, 198-202, No. 1066). Both texts have also been checked against 

A. Bernand (1989, 194-219, with facsimile Pl. 109 taken over from Marshall 1916, 

200), whose readings we have adopted in a few places (lines 25, 55, 66).321 

Both texts have recently been treated by Piejko (1992, apparently without access 

to A. Bernand 1989), who tries to reconstruct the whole inscription. He 

provides extensive supplements, a full English translation, and a discussion of 

style and contents. A couple of his supplements have been adopted in our text, 

but we have not considered it proper in a collection of historical sources to follow 

him in his more hypothetical restoration work; nor have we adopted the 

majority of the supplements recorded or suggested in A. Bemand (1989, 1992). 

319Corresponding to Dittenberger's (1903) No. VII, since he did not distinguish lines 51-52 as a 

separate document. 

320But we keep the continuous line numbering of Dittenberger (1903), Marshall (1916), A. Bernand 

(1989) and other editors of the whole inscription. 

321In two other places we have concluded, after comparing his apparatus criticus and the facsimile 

he provides, that his deviations from earlier editions are printing errors rather than improved 

readings (lines 53 and 59), in spite of their identical reappearance in A. Bernand (1992:1, 

63-73, with abbreviated commentary in 1992:2, 64-67, No. 24). 

679


Instead, in most instances, we prefer to present the text as fragmentary and incoherent 

as it appears today on the stone. 

Text 

VIII 

53 [Baatkit FIToXEttaixot icat [3actkicyarit KX.somiTpat tfil dc8E4nIt] Ka't 

[3acn?Li.;:smIt KXoiu±tpa t1i rt4vaucil, OE01; Ei)Epy[Tat, xaipEtv] 

54 [...] IcaTå Luilvriv Opot). o[i) Sta]XeinottEv Ei[x4tEvot322 ...] 

55 [... '61.1]1"v xast Tolg Tåcvot; iyytEiav daT[ovia]v Eiryripiav V[...] 

56 [... v 'EX]Epavrivnt LEpaii 8E8oaattvou dtpxaicav xat [...] 

57 [...]ç KCA. aixyrripai 'r6itoç itapopiotç Tfit Aithoiciat 0[...] 

58 [...]Epa323 nap' i)j.to7w &o.tEpEiaç npoillyttE0a npo[...] 

59 [... XV01:41(.0 N[EMI3], yEcopyowvti 8' Ei; TO v 'EX[Epayrivit 

1 

60-65 tiny fragments of text only 

66 [... MECTOp]fi; ETO'D TpiT[01) icci 7CENT11KOCYCOii ...] 

II 

15 [BacsiXtaaa KXEorcarpct icat [3acst?tet) ItroXEtt]ato; To-t kv 'EXEpavTivnt 

'tepE.0cn T[ot'i Xvoi)13a) NIEfkit Icast OECtiv 'ASEX466v icat 0Ediv] 

16 [EUepyETdiv Icat OEuiv (1)12t07LOCC6NOV Kc.à OE03V 'El11141)aNiciiV Ka't OE0ii 

Eintatop0 Kal Osdi[N, (DIXoturraipcov caï OE0'6 VE01) 4:11Xoruiropo; 

Kal 8E0113] 

17 [EUEpyrou Kal OE6SV eltXottriTtiptov Sorct=iptov xailpEtv. napayryovOTEg 

El; 'roç xa0' .i)tt[et TO7cou; ...] 

18 [...] 8' kiri, mwopia; To-jv A1,131.61CCOV Kal EXO[VTE ..] 

19 [... K]ata 2tOyov £711TEXEI6Oal 'rotç OEoïç TOCV01.11.6[liEVa ...] 

20 [...]V tivrpcôvTaw baTEXE-tcrOal. irpocsTETOc[xattEv otSv (DopttaOrt td 

tY1ryyEvc Kcii.aTpaTrrydit] 

21 [lCcà kinaTpaTrrydit 

Ka'C' '^CO [...] 

napa324 Tip/ iyrcIotcEtpvtiv al'ArTaly 8t8opvv 

22 [... OlV]E1) niiç àptc 3aç 8taKoaia. it-txtopotitte[v 8' i)ttilv icast 

ava0Ecnv 1); 1tot3TE onXiiç irot-] 

23 [aaaElat i)Tcp 'r ii6v xoti [3aatkicsmi KXEcritaT]pag Tflg a8E24t1 

TE tati XV01)131.EiOu 1c,Z[allEiou ] 

24 [... KaTå Tilv] irptk itç El)VOLOCV gEyaXottEpti TO [...] 

25 [... pptocs]f)E. vacat kau; SentEpou, TizEpPEpETatou [... MEaopti; ...]. 

322Supplement by Piejko (1992). 

323 Dittenberger (1903, following Wilhelm) supplies: re»a "beyond"; but an adjective in the 

comparative form is perhaps more likely before the genitive (cf. Piejko's [j.tviwtrl brul)aveat] - 

poc). 

324supplied by Wilcken (1906, 329), but not adopted in Lenger's text (1980). 

680

The Sources 

Translation 

VIII 

(53) [To King Ptolemy and Queen Cleopatra the sister] and Queen Cleopatra the 

w[ife], to the gods Euergetae, greetings [from ... and] from those at the mountain 

of Syene. 

We do not cease325 pr[aying (?) to give] (55) to [yo]u and your children 

health, fredom from t[oil],326 happy old age [...]. 

[...] temple in Elephantine held in honour from ancient times and [...] 

[in the ...] and rugged places on the confines of Aithiopia [... 

of (?) your magnificence, we have been induced [..1327 

to [the go]d Chnumo N[ebieb] (Khnum the Great, lord of Elephantine), and of 

[the land] that is cultivated for the [temple] in Ellephantine ...1. 

(60) [...] 

(65) [... (in the month) Mesor]e, [fifty-] thi[rd] year (of the reign of Ptolemy 

vn)328 [...] 

II 

(15) [Queen Cleopatra and King Ptolem]y to the priests in Elephantine of 

[Chnubo Nebieb and of the gods Adelphi and the gods Euergetae and the gods 

Philopatores and the gods E]piphaneis and the god Eupator and the gods 

Philometores and the god New Philopator and the god Euergetes and the gods 

Philometores Soteres, greeting. 

Having arrived in yo[ur parts 

and being] on the confines of the Aithiopians and hav[ing ...] 

accordingly, to perform the custom[ary rites] to the gods [...] 

325 Accepting Piejko's (1992, 22 f.) suggestion o[i) StalX.Einowv for Strack's (1897) ô [xceral- 

X.einogev and Dittenberger's (1903, following Mahaffy) n[oU]à einogev, adopted also by 

Marshall (1916, 200: "seems to me a certain restoration"), although Wilcken (1906, 333) too had 

rejected the reading n, opting for T. A. Bernand (1989) prints: n[oX)1.]å c'inop.cv ei[àç tcai 

Ouciag knitEXutivteg rotç Orolg], without (207) recording in his critical notes the source of the 

latter supplement. 

326 Accepting Marshall's (1916, 202) reading and supplement, also adopted by A. Bernand (1989). 

Piejko (1992) does not seem to be aware of Marshall's improved reading (or of his edition at all) 

and thus offers a supplement based on Dittenberger's (1903) old text: frytei[av gopølv, "heal[th, 

beaut]y". 

327 Though with only an exiguous basis in the letters actually preserved on the stone, Piejko's 

(1992, 12) reconstruction of this passage may be quoted to give an impression of what might have 

been the general drift of the text: "[Whereas the aforementioned] temple [in] Elephantine has 

been renowned from remote and [ancient times, and is counted to the first class of temples venerated 

throughout the Kingdom, we resident in the desolate] and rough places on the confines of 

Ethiopia, [infested with wild beasts and waterless, have resolved and have been] induced [to 

make some] pro[vision to render] more [conspicuous our gratitude and remembrance] of your magnificence." 

The description of Nubia supplied here has no more specific basis than general Greek descriptions 

of wild and desiccated areas (see Piejko 1992, 23 f.). 

328 1.e., in September, 117 BC. 

681


(20) appertaining [...] to perform. 

Thus, [we halve ordered [Phommus the kinsman and governor and governor 

general [... in addition to1329 the stipulated33° subvention being given331 

each year [... 

w]ithout payment two hundred artabas. 

We [also] authoriz[e you to dedicate the stela you ask for, on behalf of us and 

Queen Cleopatlra the sister in the temples of Chnubo and S[atis 

in accordance with your] good will towards us and magnificently for the [... 

(25) Farewelll. Second year (of the reign of Cleopatra III and Ptolemy IX), (in 

the month) Hype[rberetaios Mesore 

[TH] 

Comments 

This incompletely preserved inscription contains an "honorific decree" (cf. 

Piejko 1992, 13) formulated by the assembly of the priests of Khnum of Elephantine 

in order to commemorate the visit Ptolemy IX Soter II (in the new 

numbering Ptolemy VIII, cf. Huss 1994, 10) paid to Elephantine in August/September 

115 BC (lines 1-14). To the honorific decree (1) are appended the 

texts of nine letters concerning the affairs of the Temple of Khnum: (2) Letter of 

Cleopatra III (in the new numbering Cleopatra IV, cf. Huss 1994, 10) and 

Ptolemy IX to the priests of Khnum concerning a subvention for the maintenance 

of the cult and permission (for the need to obtain special permission to 

erect of a stela in the temple precincts see Huss 1994, 58 note 162) to erect a stela 

commemorating this act (lines 15-25); (3) The request submitted by the priests 

for the endowment and the permission granted in the first letter (lines 26-31); 

329There are two alternative interpretations of this passage (Wilcken 1906, 329; Lenger 1980, 

176): either the two hundred artabas (of grain) are supplied in addition to (Wilcken's supplement 

Trapå) a yearly subvention earlier agreed upon; or there may be just one subvention now agreed 

upon which states two different commodities, as Piejko (1992, 10) suggests: "... we give each year 

[... x artabae of wheat without payment and] two hundred artabae [of barleyl without payment." 

A. Bernand (1989) similarly supplies Icoura and translates "selon la subvention definie". 

We prefer the former alternative which seems to fit the structure of the text best. 

330Wilcken (1906, 329) gives parallels for the use of i»coxcineat meaning "festgesetzt, ausgesetzt 

sein". Piejko (1992, 10), in accordance 

"below specified". 

with his general interpretation of the passage, translates 

331Accepting Wilcken's (1906, 329) conjecture 818opkvriv. The stone has AIAOMENS2N, which 

Lenger (1980) prints without making a choice between the different interpretations suggested. 

Strack (1897) reads SiSoKeve3v, whereas Dittenberger (1903, following Mahaffy) prefers to divide 

the letters differently: SiSogev v, "we give of that which...". Marshall reverts to 

StSoi.ikvcov (1916, 199: "a gen. absolute in parenthesis—'there being given yearly...'"). Piejko 

(1992) prints (without comment) SiSogtv ciiv, and translates "Accordingly we give"; but the form 

(.7)v for oiw is unlikely here, and Wilcken's conjecture again seems to be the best expedient. (A. 

Bernand 1989, 215, mistakes Wilcken's conjecture, as accepted by Schroeter (1932, 93-99, Nos. 54- 

57), for a suggested (but false) readingand consequently never enters the real discussion.) 

332I.e., in August/September, 115 BC. Both the Macedonian and the Egyptian name of the month 

was given. 

682

The Sources 

(4)-(7) Four letters concerning inter alia the rights of the Khnum temple in the 

administration of the island of Pso (lines 32-52); (8) A petition to Ptolemy VIII 

Euergetes II (144-116 BC; in the new numbering Ptolemy VII) and Cleopatra III 

written by the priests of Khnum (lines 53-66). (9-10) Two very fragmentary letters. 

Here letter (8) (=Lenger 1980, No. 59) is presented first because it is an earlier 

document (dated September 117 BC) among the letters included in the 

framework of the decree; and it is followed by letter (2). 

In letter (8) the priests emphasize the great antiquity, rank, and respectability 

of their temple, a notion frequently occurring in petitions of a similar nature 

(for analogues see Piejko 1992, 19 f. note ad lines 40-42; and cf. also 135) and emphasize 

in poetically exaggerated language the hardships inflicted upon them 

by living "on the confines of Aithiopia". This introduction is intended to support 

their request, to have the revenues imposed on the temple land alleviated 

(?). When compared to the Famine Stela (cf. 135), a fictitious decree written by 

the priests of the same temple in the early 2nd century BC in order to support 

their claim to the ownership of the incomes from the Dodecaschoenus, the petition 

directed to Ptolemy VIII indicates a changed situation in which claims of 

such a magnitude can no longer be asserted. It may be irrelevant that the document 

does not make any mention of the Dodecaschoenus as a real or potential 

source of any sort of income; but the special description of Elephantine as a 

place "on the confines of Aithiopia" seems to reinforce the evidence of settlement 

archaeology mentioned in the Comments on 154 (cf. also 140, Comments) 

and suggests that at this time the Dodecaschoenus was no longer under the 

firm control of Ptolemaic Egypt. 

Letter (2) was written by Ptolemy VIII and Cleopatra III on the occasion of 

their visit in August/September 115. It decrees the establishment of a temple 

endowment corresponding to the request in letter (8). 

[LT] 

158 On Aithiopian kingship. Late lst cent. BC. 

Nicolaus of Damascus in Stobaeus, Florilegium 4.2. FGrH 90 F103m. 


Jacoby 1926 

Wachsmuth-Hense 

1884-1912 


Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker. Vol. II A. 

Berlin. 

Ioannis Stobaei Anthologium, rec. C. Wachsmut, 0. 

Hense. 5 vols. Leipzig. (Repr. Berlin 1958.) 

Nicolaus of Damascus, Greek historian and philosopher of the lst cent. BC, 

wrote among other works a world history, in 144 books, from the earliest times 

to the end of the lst century BC, a panegyric account of the early years of the 

683


Emperor Augustus, and a "collection of strange customs" (Synagoge ethon) in 

the paradoxographic tradition. Only fragments of his works are preserved, as 

quotations in later authors. Extracts from the last-mentioned work, to which 

the present text belongs, are found in the Florilegium compiled for educational 

purposes by Ioannes Stobaeus (i.e. from Stobai in Macedonia) in the 5th century 

AD, in the section entitled 'On Laws and Customs' (Peri nomon kai ethon), vol. 

4, p. 155-162 in Wachsmuth-Hense (1884-1912; for the present text see p. 157). 

The historical fragments of Nicolaus of Damascus are collected by Jacoby 

(1926, 324-430), on whose edition (FGrH 90 F103m, p. 385) we have based our 

text. 

Text 

MEILOILE; 'COC; à&?4àç 1.1(50,:ima icoit StocSoxOt xcetaXeircoucnv 

OL PacnXEI; o 'roiç aurv COL.X,å Toig T(th/ 1:13E)403"V 1;t0T4 Crtav 15' ô 61a- 

£1C TCCivTOW ai1.10lXlm,drratov a`tpaiivtai 

S*1.1.Evo; 11.1, TOv KOCX,X16TON, 

pama. acncaiim c43etav iccà 811COLLOGI)Vriv. aecupot S' 

oidat Kai v tcLtç OSolg Kelgbreov TcoXICtiv ai)& dÇ KXEICTEl. 

Translation 

Aithiopians have a particular respect for their sisters; the kings do not leave the 

succession to their own but to their sisters' sons. When there is no successor, 

they choose as king the most handsome of all and the most warlike. They cultivate 

piety and righteousness. Their houses have no doors; and although there 

are many things left lying in the streets, no one ever steals them. 

[TE] 

Comments 

The brief passage on Aithiopian kingship reflects several sources, among which 

Herodotus' work, which is responsible for the remark on the election of the 

most handsome and most valiant as king, can easily be identified (cf. FHN I, 65 

20, and Comments). It can be interpreted as a completely misunderstood 

utopian rendering of the Egyptian and Kushite concept of the king's legitimation 

in the human sphere and his "election" by the gods (cf., e.g., FHN I, 34, 37, 

in this volume: 71). Priese (1981) interpreted the role of the royal sisters, as indicated 

by Nicolaus, as evidence for the prevalence of brother-sister marriages 

in the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty and the subsequent Napatan and Meroitic dynasties, 

in terms of which the succession of the princes bom by the eldest royal sister-wife 

were legitimated (Priese 1981, 50). The Twenty-Fifth Dynasty genealogy 

reconstructed by Priese on the basis of Nicolaus' remark is, however, contradicted 

by the available evidence (cf. Kitchen 1986, Table 11; Török 1995, Ch. 12, 

17, 18, Table II). A female line of succession is, however, attested in the surviving 

evidence as a concept as well as an actual factor co-determining legitimacy 

and succession (cf. FHN I, 37, Comments); and therefore Nicolaus' remark may 

684

The Sources 

in fact be regarded as information he received from a source describing—as it 

would seem, through a number of mediations—a feature of royal succession in 

Kush. 

While Nicolaus' immediate source might have been Hecataeus of Abdera, 

Agatharchides, or another writer in the early Ptolemaic period (cf. Otto 1913, 

85), the original information probably reflects a still earlier period. The reality 

of the original information is further enhanced by the precise formulation, 

which also contradicts Priese's exclusively "matrilinear" reconstruction of the 

Kushite succession (cf. Török 1986, 37 ff.; 1988, 136), viz., that the throne was 

inherited frequently by the sons of king's sisters and not by king's sons. This indicates 

quite clearly that Nicolaus' remark goes back to information about a 

complex succession structure in which patrilinear descent was reinforced, complemented, 

and regulated by a female line of succession of queens who were, in 

a restricted and special sense, vehicles of succession but who were by no means 

the exclusive bearers of legitimation (cf. Török 1995, Ch. 17, 18). 

[LT] 

(159) Nqyrjinsant..1. Evidence for reign. 

King Nqyrjinsn[...] (cf. Beckerath 1984, Anhang 39 j) is attested by an incompletely 

preserved cartouche inscribed in Egyptian hieroglyphs on an offering 

table fragment found in Beg. N. 13 (Dunham 1957, fig. 48, Pl. XLI/D). Because of 

this find, Beg. N. 13 (Dunham 1957, 75 f.) is regarded as the burial place of 

Nagyrjinsan[...1 (Dunham 1957, 7; Hintze 1953, 33; Wenig 1967, 43; Hofmann 

1978, 78 f.; Török 1988, 179); and the king's reign is dated, on the basis of the location 

of this pyramid burial in the Begarawiya North necropolis, to the first 

half of the lst century BC. The mortuary cult chapel reliefs of Naqyrjinsan(...)'s 

assumed pyramid burial (Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pls 11/A, B, 12/A) show the 

strong influence of the chapel reliefs of Beg. N. 12 (Tariyidamani, Chapman- 

Dunham 1952, Pl. 10; cf. (151)). In the S wall relief (ibid., Pl. 11/B) the king 

(Nagyrjinsan[...1?) is shown holding a bow, a royal symbol first mentioned as a 

gift from Amfin of Pnubs in Irike-Amannote's great Kawa inscription (71 49 ff.) 

and first depicted in a coronation cycle on column 9 in front of the throne 

roc)m ("Temple 100") in the Great Enclosure, Musawwarat es Sufra (3rd century 

BC, Wenig 1974, fig. 13; for an interpretation see Török 1990, 158 ff. and fig. 21/4; 

Hofmann 1978, 78 erroneously maintains that the earliest representation of a 

ruler with bow is in Beg. N. 13). In royal images of subsequent generations the 

bow would appear as a regular feature of the iconography of rulers of either sex, 

and indicates a new emphasis of the ruler's quality as triumphant warrior and 

as desert hunter; qualities which associate him/her with the Nubian warrior/ 

hunter gods. 

[LT] 

685


King Horus Evidence for reign. 

The fragment of a Horus name reading Horus "Horus, Mighty-Bull 

[...1", was discovered on a block from the pylon of the mortuary chapel of Beg. 

N. 20 (LD Text V, 295; Dunham 1957, fig. D/25). King gsp-rth-n-Imn (see (118), 

Arnekhamani ((124) 3) assumed a Horus name with K3-nlit in Meroe, and 

Mighty-Bull also appears in the titularies of Ptolemy IX Soter II (116-110, 109- 

107, 88-80 BC; Beckerath 1984, Ptolemåer 9 H 2; in the new numbering Ptolemy 

VIII; cf. Huss 1994, 10), Ptolemy XII Neos Dionysos (80-58, 55-51 BC; Beckerath 

1984, Ptolemåer 12; in the new numbering Ptolemy XI) and Ptolemy XV (Caesarion) 

Philopator Philometor (41/36-30 BC; Beckerath 1984, Ptolemåer 13c H 4; in 

the new numbering Ptolemy XIV). On the basis of its location, Beg. N. 20, and 

hence the reign of its owner, are dated to the period directly following the reign 

of the owner of Beg. N. 13, who was identified with King Naqyrjinsan[...] (see 

(159)). Although we have no better chronological indices than the relative 

chronological order of the pyramid burials Beg. N. 11 (Skanakdakheto, see 

(149)) — Beg. N. 12 (Taftyidamani, see (151))—Beg. N. 13 (Naqyrjinsan[...], see 

(159))—Beg. N. 20, the last one of the series may be dated hypothetically to the 

middle decades of the lst century BC; and its owner seems to have been a contemporary 

of Ptolemy XII. 

The only recorded relief (S wall) from the mortuary chapel of Beg. N. 20 

(Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 12/B) is rich in remarkable archaizing details (as, 

e.g., the horns of Amån worn by the King at his temples, cf. TörU 1987, 45 f.; 

for their significance cf. Russmann 1974, 27; Pamminger 1992, 111 ff.) as well as 

in innovations in the realm of the royal symbols (e.g., the double tasselled cord, 

cf. Török 1990, 168 f. and the lion figure guarding the King's coat, ibid., 161 f.), 

indicating the continuity of the cultural trend observed in the monuments of 

the previous three royal generations (cf. (149), (151), (159)). 

[LT] 

Aqrakamani. Evidence for reign. 

King 4.crg-3nm (probably from Meroitic Aqrakamani) is attested by a Demotic inscription 

from Dakka (see 162) which is dated to his third regnal year. While 

the editor of the text, F.L1. Griffith (1937, 23) dates it on paleographical grounds 

and in general terms to the lst century AD, at the latest, according to a more recent 

suggestion (Törbk 1980, 80 f.) at Dakka an inscription could be dated with 

the regnal year of a Meroitic ruler only during the period of the Meroitic occupation 

of the Triacontaschoenus, i.e., 29 BC or the second half of 25 BC (cf. 166, 

Comments; FHN III, 190, 204, 205 and see Török 1989-1990). Without any detailed 

argument, Hintze (1959, 33) dates Aqrakamani to the beginning of the 

2nd third of the 2nd century AD artd allots him Beg. N. 40 as burial place. Hofmann 

(1978, 111, 113), dates 162 to around AD 50, and identifies Aqrakamani, 

686

The Sources 

hypothetically, with the owner of pyramid Bar. 9 (a tomb dated by its inventory 

to the 2nd-3rd quarters of the lst century AD, see Tön5k 1989, 129 Nos 66-68). 

[1:11 

162 Dakka, inscription from the reign of King Aqrakamani. 29 or 25 BC (?). 

Griffith 1937, 22 f. Dakka Nos. 15, 17; Burkhardt 1985, 98 f. 


DAKKA 15 

(1)b p3y gy p3 rhm-ntf 3nw. . . p; yt n m Pr-3w 

Copy of this of the Kings 

Irm rMln3I p3 mr-m§ p; rt n Pr-3 

and rMlenai, the district-commissioner, the agent of Pharaoh, 

pi rt n 1st p3 wb n 

the agent of Isis, the waab-priest of Isis, 

hr t3y mdt nfr r.ir=f rn" "Ist' 

(2) runderi this good thing that he did rfor Isis' 

(n) t; §bt n p; t3w n Pr-3 r §nt=f 

(in) exchange for the breath of the King for his nostril, 

dd rti §Insw (n) ti ntrt 3t 1st rtb Pr-iw-w13 Pr-iw-lk 

namely, the services for the great goddess Isis, mistress of the Abaton and (of) 

Philae, 

(3) ti §bt n pi q-th n m dt 

(3) in exchange for the life of the Kings again, for ever. 

sh sh (n) ht-ntr n 1st Pr-iw-wcb Pr-lw-lki 

Written by the scribe of the temple-complex of Isis of the Abaton and of Philae 

Hr-m-3ht S3 Pi-di-Hr 

Harmakhis son of Petehetr. 

(4) mtw ti knbt it Ir rp3yl sh n rwp" . . . (5) pi-hrw' 

(4) And the great council made rthisl writing of rjudgement ... (5) today'. 

DAKKA 17 

687


(1) lpt-sp 3 ibd 4 prt tqlcy' 

(1) Third regnal year, fourth month of Winter, rlast day', 

n Pr-e3 ;1

The Sources 

The unusual character of the political situation indirectly described by 162 

and FHN III, 249 is also indicated by the explicit association of these texts with 

Meroitic rulers and by the high titles of the officials mentioned in them. Otherwise, 

a number of Demotic graffiti record the activities of non-Egyptian officials 

titled mr m§


Treu 1973 M. Treu: Nach Kleopatras Tod (P. Oxy. 2820). Chiron 3, 

221-233. 


This famous trilingual inscription was discovered in 1896 in front of the temple 

of Augustus at Philae, where it had been reused, cut in two, in the foundations 

of an altar. The stela on which it was carved is of pink granite, measuring 

153 x 108 cm. Beneath a pictorial representation in relief with hieroglyphic legends, 

there is first a hieroglyphic inscription in 10 mutilated lines (165), then 

the present Latin one in 9 lines, and at the bottom a Greek inscription also in 9 

lines (164). The supplements in the middle of each line in the text given below 

try to retrieve what was lost when the stela was cut in two vertically. 

The Latin inscription is more monumental than the Greek one (the Latin 

letters are 2.5-3.5 cm high, the Greek ones 0.9-1.2 cm). While conveying basically 

the same message, the two texts differ in details. The Latin version is most 

probably the original one, but the Greek text does not seem to be simply a translation; 

through minute manipulations (changes of word order, etc.) it gives the 

Greek-Egyptian reader an even more glorious picture of Gallus' own achievement 

than the official Latin version, which concedes the emperor a somewhat 

more prominent role.333 One is reminded of Gallus' tragic fate: perhaps because 

of his imprudent self-assertion in his position as prefect of Egypt, he was recalled 

by Augustus, but forestalled an impending trial for treason by committing 

suicide in 26 BC (cf. Boucher 1966; Treu 1973; Koenen-Thompson 1984, 141 

f.). 

The many earlier publications and discussions of the inscription are listed 

in E. Bernand (1969, 35-47, No. 128, with Pl. 94-97), whose text we follow. He 

also supplies critical notes, a French translation, and a detailed commentary. 

Text 

C(aius) Cornelius Cn(aei) f(ilius) Gallu[s, eq]ues Romanus, 

post reges I a Caesare deivi f(ilio) devictos praefect[us Alex]andreae et Aegypti 

primus, defectioni[s] I Theb aidis intra dies XV, quibus hostem v[icit bis 

a]cie, victor, V urbium expugnator, Bore[sejlos, Copti, Ceramices, Diospoleos 

Meg[ales, Op]hieu, 

ducibus earum defectionum inter[ce]I5ptis, exercitu ultra Nili catarhacte[n 

transd]ucto, in quem locum neque populo I Romano neque regibus Aegypti 

[arma slunt prolata, Thebaide communi omn[i]Ium regum formidine subact[a], 

333 The commentary of É. Bernand (1969, 40-47) focuses on the differences between the Latin and 

Greek versions, perhaps overinterpreting them at places, as pointed out by Hauben (1976). For the 

only substantial difference (lines 7 f. contra 17), see the footnote to our translation of the Greek 

text (164). Cf. also the discussion in Treu (1973, 225f.), Koenen-Thompson (1984, 135-137) and Burstein 

(1988). 

690

The Sources 

leg[atis re]gis Aethiopum ad Philas auditis, eo[dem] I rege in tutelam recepto, 

tyrann[o] Tr[iacontas]choe(ni) in fine Aethiopiae constituto 

die[is] I patrieis et Nil[o adiut]ori d(onum) d(edit). 

Translation 

Gaius Cornelius, son of Gnaeus, Gallu[s], Roman [kn]ight (eques); 

first prefe[ct of Alex]andria and Egypt after the kings had been subdued by 

Caesar Divi filius (son of the Divine lulius Caesar), victor over the revolte[d] 

Thebaid within fifteen days, during which he [twice] d[efeated] the enemy [in 

b]attle, and conqueror of five cities: Bore[sis], Koptos, Keramike, Diospolis 

Mag[na, Op]hieon, 

after having cau[gh]t the leaders of their revolts (5) and [brou]ght the army 

beyond the Nile Cataract, a region to which neither the Roman people nor the 

kings of Egypt ha[d mar]ched, and having subjected the Thebaid, the common 

horror of a[l]l the kings, given audience to ambass[adors from the ki]ng of the 

Aithiopians at Philae, received the sa[me] king under his protection, and installed 

a ruler (tyrannus) over the Tr[iacontas]choenus on Aithiopian territory,334 

gave (this) gift to the ancestral go[ds] and to the Nil[e his help]er.335 

[TH] 

Comments 

This much discussed (cf. E. Bernand 1969, 35 f.; see recently Burstein 1988; Bresciani 

1989) hieroglyphic, Latin and Greek inscription of C. Cornelius Gallus, 

first Roman prefect of Egypt (from August 30 to 26 BC),336 friend of Augustus 

and Vergil, poet of renown337, dated to Pharmuthi 20 of Year 1 of Augustus, 

i.e., April 17, 29 BC, was set up to commemorate the crushing of a revolt in the 

Thebaid and a campaign to Lower Nubia and its consequences. Though the sequence 

of the three inscriptions on the stela is 1) hieroglyphic, top section (here 

165), 2) Latin, middle section (here 163), 3) Greek, bottom section (here 164), we 

334 The reading in fine, here translated "on territory", is uncertain (cf. É. Bernand 1969, 38 f., for 

a multitude of earlier suggestions) and cannot be verified in the photo of the squeeze (ibid. Pl. 97). 

Mazzarino (1982, 312-320) argues for the reading inde, meaning "from this region" with reference 

to the ethnic origin of the tyrannus: the text would specify that the ruler of the Triacontaschoenus 

appointed for Aithiopia (Aethiopiae, dativus commodi) was himself from the Triacontaschoenus. 

Historically plausible as this interpretation is (cf. Comments), neither Mazzarino's 

literary parallels for the Latin usage nor his epigraphical arguments are quite convincing. A 

reading in line 8 which at the same time explained the Greek lill5% in line 18 would be desirable. 

335 For an interpretation of the phrase "the Nile his helper", see Koenen-Thompson (1984, 137- 

141). 

336 Cf. Boucher 1966, 47, 501; Bureth 1988, 474 f. (with the list of classical sources on him); Bastianini 

1988, 503. 

337 Cf. Luck 1961, 47 ff.; Anderson-Parsons-Nisbet 1979; Crowther 1983; Petersmann 1983; cf. also 

Geraci 1988, 399 note 71 

691


present them here in a different order on account of the difficulties posed by 

the hieroglyphic version and in the conviction that it was the Latin text that 

was first composed and that served as the model for the Greek version. It 

should also be stressed that the three versions differ from each other on a 

number of points, the most radical differences occurring between the hieroglyphic 

version on the one hand and the Greek and Latin versions on the other 

(see also Wilcken 1897). These differences may be highly relevant from the 

point of view of the authorship of, and the different political considerations 

underlying, the individual versions; but their analysis does not belong to the 

concerns of the present publication. 

The stela was carved from the material used for royal monuments and in 

their traditional shape. In the lunette, the outstretched wings of the sundisc 

protected the sunk relief representation of a triumphant horseman and a vanquished 

enemy; the figure of the victorious warrior is also protected by the 

names of the three principal deities of Philae and the three principal deities of 

Elephantine, inscribed in hieroglyphs arranged in vertical columns on his right 

and left sides, respectively. A horizontally carved hieroglyphic legend above his 

head identifies the horseman as "prefect of [Alexandria and of (?)] Egypt, [whose 

beautiful name is] Krnrwys" (Bresciani 1989, 95 and figs. 1 a, b;), i.e., as C. Cornelius 

Gallus. As Wilcken already pointed out (1897, 78 ff.), the royal iconography 

of the relief and the tenor of the inscriptions, in which it is entirely the prefect 

himself and not his emperor who is praised as a victor, represent an early 

case of Gallus's hybris that led to his fall (for his monumental portrait statues 

erected in Egypt see Grimm 1970, with fig. 1; for his other monuments in Egypt 

Bureth 1988, 474 f.; Huzar 1988, 354; for the history of his disgrace cf. Schmitthenner 

1969, 470 f.). 

The introduction of the Latin and Greek variants indicates the new situation 

ensuing after the Roman conquest of Alexandria and Egypt, the suicide of 

Cleopatra on August 12, the murder of Ptolemy XV (Caesarion; in the new 

numbering Ptolemy XIV, cf. Huss 1994, 10), the last Ptolemaic king somewhat 

later in 30 BC, the declaration of Octavian's (the later emperor Augustus) kingship 

on the first day of the Egyptian New Year (1 Thoth), and the appointment 

of the first prefect of Egypt (cf. Reinmuth 1954 2353 ff.; Hölbl 1994, 223 ff.). The 

reason for the victorious campaign led by Cornelius Gallus to Upper Egypt and 

commemorated in the texts of the stela was a revolt in the Thebaid. As 

recorded by Strabo (17.1.53, see FHN III, 190), the revolt was directed against the 

collectors of the new taxes imposed by the new ruler of Egypt (cf. also Montevecchi 

1988, 460 ff.). It may appear that the sequence of the events was not due 

to chance: first the crushing of the revolt and the capture of the rebel-held 

towns of Boresis (?), Koptos, Keramik (modern Medamud), Diospolis Megale 

(Thebes, modern Karnak) and Ophieion (Thebes, modern Luxor); then the 

campaign to Lower Nubia, and finally the reception of the Meroitic envoys. As 

happened earlier (cf. (129), (131), 133 - 137), the Upper Egyptian rebels might also 

692

The Sources 

on this occasion have received help from Meroe; and in turn, Meroe in all 

probability tried to exploit first the opportunity presented by the troubled times 

in Egypt around 30 BC and then the Upper Egyptian revolt and to re-occupy the 

entire Lower Nubian Nile Valley as far north as the First Cataract at Syene/ 

Aswan. The extent of the Upper Egyptian revolt is indicated by the towns captured: 

they are close to Thebes (the site of Boresis, however, is unknown). 

While Gallus' boasting that the whole of the Thebaid was not conquered by 

the Ptolemies and that the First Cataract not passable before him (cf. the similar 

statement made by Agatharchides in connection with Ptolemy II in 144) is 

completely unjustified and absurd, the measures he took in the conquered 

Lower Nubian area indicate quite clearly that he intended to restore the Triacontaschoenus 

as a special administrative unit attached to the Thebaid—as it 

had been after the re-conquest of Lower Nubia and the crushing of the smaller 

revolts in Upper Egypt between 168-163 by Ptolemy VI (cf. 137, 141) — in order to 

be able to block a Meroitic advance and to sever any links between Upper Egypt 

and Meroe as potential allies against the Roman rule. While the restoration of 

the Ptolemaic Triacontaschoenus followed naturally from the basic similarity 

of the situations during and after the revolts under the Ptolemies and the actual 

conflicts to be dealt with by Gallus, the re-establishment of a Ptolemaic 

governmental institution also corresponded to the general policy followed by 

Augustus in the course of the transition from Ptolemaic to Roman government 

in Egypt (cf. Geraci 1988, 387 ff.; Huzar 1988, passim). 

The installation of a "tyrannos" over the Triacontaschoenus, although the 

identity of his person and the scope of his power remain obscure, appears to fit 

into the same picture; and the term "tyrannos" indicates a native chief of the 

type represented by the "Aithiopian" official governing the non-Egyptian population 

of Lower Nubia in 149/8 BC (see 140). According to a fascinating hypothesis 

put forward by Cyril Aldred (1978, 30 f.), he might have been identical 

with the Kuper, for the cult of whose deified sons Augustus erected the temple 

of Dendur. 

While the model for the establishment of a buffer zone in a conquered territory 

was provided by the Ptolemaic Triacontaschoenus, its status as defined by 

the term proxenia in the Greek version ("public friend") also corresponded to 

Augustus' foreign policy in this period of his reign, which was in fact a continuation 

of Republican foreign policy (cf. TörU 1989-1990). The Latin version "in 

tutelam recepto" is of course quite unambiguous as to the political reality of a 

vassal chiefdom and as to further plans concerning Meroe's fate. The establishment 

of a vassal chiefdom on a territory conquered from Meroe represented 

a first step towards establishing a client kingdom and iater annexing the 

whole kingdom of Meroe (in the view of Burstein 1988 Meroe also accepted, 

with the establishment of the vassal Triacontaschoenus, the status of a protectorate 

and payed tribute). Such a current of events was, however, in reality 

promptly prevented by Meroitic opposition (see 166, FHN III, 190, 204, 205); and 

693


any intention of annexation was abandoned when the new concept of Roman 

foreign policy emerged in the late 20s BC (cf. Meyer 1961 3 ff.). 

It must be noted, however, that it is the issue of proxenia where the Greek 

and Latin versions differ the most radically. While in the Latin version the expression 

eo[deml rege (i.e., the king of Meroe) in tutelam recepto, "received 

(their) king under his (i.e., Gallus's!) protection" clearly indicates the establishment 

of a vassal kingdom, in the Greek text we read instead about negotiations 

conducted with the ambassadors of the king of Meroe, as a result of which 

Gallus was given the status of a public friend by the Meroitic ruler and not vice 

versa. Even though proxenia—a political notion unknown in Egypt and thus 

also to the contemporary readers of our text—signified a mutual obligation, the 

utterances of the Greek text remain nevertheless highly contradictory, a fact 

which can only be explained by the intention of the author(s) of the three versions, 

to accentuate the events differently for the different groups of people 

who read them. Note the addition of "the Roman people" to the "kings of 

Egypt" in the statement about Gallus's being the first to bring an army beyond 

the (First) Cataract. The Thebaid as "common horror of all the kings" refers in 

all probability to the long series of revolts against the Ptolemies (cf. (129), (131), 

133). 

The thank-offering to the Nile puts Gallus again into the role of the ruler of 

Egypt (and he initiates here a tradition for his successors in the office, cf. Bonneau 

1970). The epithet of the Nile, "helper", repeats perhaps also an epithet of 

Neptune (cf. CIL XIV 3558, Aust 1894, 366) and, if so, refers to the Nile as having 

been "helpful" in the course of the boat journey of Gallus's army to Upper 

Egypt. 

[LT] 

164 Cornelius Gallus on his Nubian campaign: Greek. 29 BC. 

Cairo 9295. CIL III suppl. 14147. OGIS II 654. I. Philae II 128b. 


Text 

110 [F]delog Kopvijkto;, rvaiou Vuk,få.U[o;, innei)]ç Twaicov, 

1.1ETå tv KcierdcXvolv TO-SvI v Aiy6imot f3acsiow Tcpciito 

Kaia[apo; trj; Aiy6Tetuu xatacyTaOci;, Onf3ail8a OIrcoatdicsav kv 

neviElcaiSsica i pcaç &ç [v nap]atga Katå icp6cro; vuerjaag, CYlW T6it 

TO1); illyegiva; Tdiv dcvl-ttaogaivcov tv, 7r.v[Te TE TC6]XEL; Tà; 1.1.£"V 

68o tåg Eise. noktopKi[ce;] I KataX,a1361.tevo, Bopficnv, KOzrov, 

KEpaguerilv, AuSairlokiv liEydtkriv, '04nflov, 

xa't aiw tfli. tpatiat i115.7tepdcaag tiw KoetapOncrriv, åpottou atpatia[t 

'cfK côpIaç Tcpå oci)toii yevol_tv%, icoit cY6gicacsav t[v] I OriPoitöa 

intoTaydaav totç PamXzikytv [imoTOcMa;, SeWl_tev6 TE Tcpal3a; MElt 

694

The Sources 

Oncov èv (DiNca; Koci irpoeviav icapå roi3 paat.X&.NMa[ktiv, 761pavv6v te 

Tptaxovtaaxoivou Torcapxia[d I juäç èv AiOtonim IcaTaatTjaa, 

Oeotç ncerpkboig, NleiX,q) avvkijntopl. xap-tatijpux. 

Translation 

(10) [G]aius Cornelius, son of Gnaeus, Gall[us, Roman knighlt, 

who after the destruction of the kings of Egypt was the first to be appointed 

over Egypt by Caes[ar]; who twice in fifteen days defeated [in balttle and by force 

the revolted Thebaid, capturing the leaders of those arrayed against him, and 

took fi[ve ci]ties, some by storm, others by siege: Boresis, Koptos, Keramik[e, 

Diosplolis Magna, Ophieon, 

and with the army (15) went beyond the Cataract, [the countlry having before 

him been impassable for armies, and [subject]ed the whole of the Thebaid 

which had not been subjected by the kings, and received ambassadors from the 

Aithiopians in Philae, and o[btained] from the king the status of public friend 

(proxenia),338 and installed a ruler (tyrannos) over the Triacontaschoenus, one 

district of Aithiopia, 

to the ances[tral gods, to the N]ile his helper, as a thank-offering. 

Comments 

[T1-1] 

For the historical background and the differences between the renderings of the 

events in 163 and 164 see 163, Comments. Note the addition of "the Roman 

people" to the "kings of Egypt" in the statement about Gallus' being the first to 

bring an army beyond the (First) Cataract. 

[LT] 

338 This, though seemingly implying a reversal of the roles stated in the Latin version (163), is 

what the Greek actually says. Cf. Burstein (1988, 18, with refs. to earlier discussion of the implications) 

who translates: "he (sc. Gallus) accepted a proxeny from the king" and comments: "the 

phrase in question actually implies that what was established at Philae was not friendship between 

Meroe and Rome but a personal tie between the king of Meroe and Gallus." But the Greek 

version distorts the historical facts here, Burstein argues, the Latin original rightly stating that 

the Aithiopian king was received into Roman protection (tutela). 

695


165 Cornelius Gallus on his Nubian campaign: Hieroglyphic. 29 BC. 

Cairo 9295; Erman 1896. 


LUNETTE 

Upper register at the top of the lunette, of which perhaps a third is lost at the 

top and of which perhaps somewhat less than half of the right hand side is 

preserved: 

THE WINGED SUNDISC, WINGS SPREAD, WITH PENDANT URAEI: 

UNDER THE LEFT WING OF THE DISC (on the right of the stela) AND IN FRONT OF 

THE URAEUS, FACING RIGHT (one line, reading from right to left): 

nb Msn ntr nb pt silz) ‘, Tt pr [ 

Lord of Float (Edfu), Great God, Lord of Heaven, Whose plumage is multicolored, 

Who comes forth [ 

LOWER REGISTER (of which a vertical strip in the middle was destroyed when 

the stela was sawn in two): 

THREE COLUMNS ON THE LEFT OF THE CENTRAL SCENE (reading from right to left): 

(1) dd-mdw in Wsir ntr nb I3t-mbt 

Utterance by Osiris, the Great God, Lord of Pure-mound (the Abaton). 

dd-mdw in 1st wrt mwt ntr hnt I3t-webt 

(2) Utterance by Isis the Great, Mother of the God, Preeminent in Pure-mound 

(the Abaton). 

(3) cld-mdw in Hr Bhdt ntr nb pt nb 14-mbt 

(3) Utterance by Horus of Behdet, the Great God, Lord of Heaven, Lord of Puremound 

(the Abaton). 

THREE COLUMNS ON THE RIGHT OF THE CENTRAL SCENE (reading from left to 

right): 

(1) dd-mdw in Hnm nb Kbh ntr e; nb tD-Sty' 

Utterance by Khnum, Lord of Cold-water (the First Cataract), the Great God, 

Lord of Bow-land (Nubia). 

dd-mdw in Spdt nb 13bt 

(2) Utterance by Sopdu, Lord of Elephantine. 

696

The Sources 

(3) dd-mdw in


(4) ClE —I Nhs FInw 1711 sWg (or: iw , or: tw;) bric rirwrw §t; r-1[ — — lw 

Iw/rdrw [w]bn 

(4) r — Nubian r — '-people in applause together with r — — '-lands 'land 

rto the limit'. 

h[-1=f r;TInv nw r 3ITI [-] (5) lw Mmw ntt snf§[-] Mw§;w 

He r — — '-lands r — ' (5) to Manu 341 r 

sq:3.n=f hwt sw3d [—]-ntr 

He erected a (temple-)complex, causing the god's r — ' to flourish, 

srhtlp [ — r-i 

causing to be satisfied [ — — ]-images. 

hnk.n=f 3hw n ntrw krd (krty) 

He donated lands to the gods of the Two Caverns342 

s

shtp.n=f wrw nw K§ 

He pacified the chiefs of Kush, 

The Sources 

s§`—' [--1 wrw p4t Mntyw 

— — [ — —1 the chiefs of the bowmen of the Mentiu-people. 

swg n=f Ist-Rnn(w) 

(The place) Isis-the-nourisher did him honor 

wrw[=sn] m 

when their chiefs were on Final-island (Philae). 

rhl[-]rbl[-] (9) rricy't nw rFlpryl rhinw n ht=sn 

r — r (9) r of their things 

iw st [— — — — 1r-1 nw hip-hprw 

to the rplace ' of Pure-mound (the Abaton) of the god whose form is hidden 

hnt wrw nw Twy 

before the chiefs of Two-lands (Egypt). 

htr (10) rbm (or: 3h)' 

Tax [ —] (10) rmight (or: beneficence)', 

di=sn brkcflyt=f wsr r— — ' 

that they may give 

mi [ — — —]rK;sri enh dt 

like [ I rCaesari, may he live for ever. 


Lyons and Borchardt (1896, 471) report that the letters of the inscriptions wepe 

originally painted red and that the traces of paint offered some, though not 

very much, assistance in reading them; and Daumas (1952, 265) says the same 

about the hieroglyphs. At the outset the hieroglyphs were ineptly executed, presumably 

because the granite into which they are cut is very hard and made it 

difficult to to give the signs their distinctive forms; and they subsequently suffered 

severe damage. So the text is very difficult to read, and there are very few 

readings that are are so secure as to warrant their being used to faund a historical 

interpretation on their testimony alone. 

As Bresciani (1989, 95) rightly observed, the normal "may he live for ever" 

is lacking after the name in the cartouche above the rider in the ltmette. This 

strengthens the credibility of her reading of the name as Comelius; but since 

she nowhere says whether this reading was taken fmm the stone or from a


photograph or squeeze, it is well to exercise some caution. It would certainly be 

a bold step to base a reading solely on the published photograph. 

The panel in the lunette deserves a full study of its own. Bresciani's remarks 

(1989) are germane and deserve to be followed up. 

There is no solid case for interpreting as "Alexandria" as is sometimes 

done (cf., e.g., Bresciani 1989, 94). 

[RHP] 

Comments 

For the historical background see 163, Comments. 

166 Augustus' war with Meroe. AD 14. 

Res gestae Divi Augusti 26.5. 


Brunt-Moore 1967 

Gagé 1977 

Volkmann 1969 

[LT] 

Res gestae Divi Augusti. The Achievements of the 

Divine Augustus. With an introduction and 

commentary by P.A. Brunt and J.M. Moore. Oxford. 

Res gestae Divi Augusti ex monumentis Ancyrano et 

Antiocheno Latinis Ancyrano et Apolloniensi Graecis. 

Texte &abli et commenté par J. Gage". 3rd ed. 

(Publications de la Faculté des Lettres dede 

Strasbourg. Textes d'&udes. 5.) Paris. 

Res gestae Divi Augusti. Das Monumentum 

Ancyranum. Herausgegeben und erklärt von H. 

Volkmann. 3rd ed. (Kleine Texte für Vorlesungen und 

Dbungen. 29/30.) Berlin. 


At his death in AD 14 the Emperor Augustus left behind a record of his 

"achievements" (res gestae) with instructions that the text be inscribed on 

bronze tablets to be placed in front of his mausoleum (Suetonius, Life of Augustus 

101.4). Of this inscription no trace has been found; but in the 16th century 

inscriptions bearing copies of the Latin original and of a Greek version, 

both in a damaged state, were discovered in the temple of the Goddess Roma 

and Augustus in Ancyra (Ankara), in Roman times the capital of the province 

of Galatia (hence the name of Monumentum Ancyranum has been given to 

this copy of the Res gestae). In addition, fragments of other copies of the text, 

Greek and Latin, have been found later in different cities in Asia Minor, so that 

the text is now virtually complete, either through combining the various fragments 

or through reliable supplements on the basis of the parallel Greek and 

Latin texts. 

700

The Sources 

Our text is based on the edition of Volkmann (1969), but we have omitted 

his use of varying type-faces to indicate the different origins of the readings, retaining 

only the brackets to show the lacunae in the Latin text of the Monu- 

mentum Ancyranum. The restorations in this extract can be considerPd secure 

because of the support of the Greek version; we have therefore left out the 

brackets in our translation. Also omitted here are the strokes, similar to an 

acute accent (so-called apex) used in Latin inscriptions to indicate long vowels. 

References to the Monumentum Ancyranum are conventionally made by 

chapters, the chapter division following the inscription's arrangement of the 

text (the numbering is modern). We have for convenience also adopted the division 

into sections established by Gag (1977). Superscript numbers refer to the 

lines of the columns (this extract belonging to col. 5). We have marked line 

breaks in the Latin text with vertical strokes. 

The Latin text in its entirety, with an English translation and commentary, 

is given by Brunt-Moore (1967). A fuller presentation is offered by Gag (1977), 

with both the Latin and the Greek text and notes (but no translation). 

Text 

Meo iussu et auspicio ducti sunt I [duo] exercitus eodem fere tempore in 

Aethiopiam et in Ar[a[biam, quae appel I 20[latur] Eudaemon, [magn] aeque 

hos[t]ium gentis utr[iu[sque cop[iae] I caesae sunt in acie et [c]om[plurla oppida 

capta: In Aethiopiam usque ad oppi Idum Nabata pervent[um] est, cui proxima 

est Meroe. In Arabiam usque I in fines Sabaeorum pro[cess]it exercitus ad oppidum 

Mariba. 

Translation 

By my command and under my auspices two armies were led at about the same 

time into Aithiopia and into the Arabia called (20) Felix, and great numbers of 

both enemy peoples were killed in battle and many towns were captured: In 

Aithiopia one came as far as the town of Nabata, to which Meroe is very close. 

In Arabia the army advanced as far as the town of Mariba on the borders of the 

Sabaeans. 

{TEI 

Comments 

In the summer of 25 BC Augustus ordered Aelius Gallus, second Roman prefect 

of Egypt (26-24 BC, cf. Bureth 1988, 475), to launch an expedition against 

Arabia Felix. The expedition was motivated by the wealth of Arabia and the 

commercial capacity of the Red Sea and may be regarded as one of the last acts 

of an expansive foreign policy which was abandoned after the failure of the two 

campaigns described with an epigrammatic brevity in 166 (for the Arabian 

campaign see Strabo, 16.4.22-24, 17.1.53 [cf. FHN III, 190]; Cassius Dio, 53.29.3; 

Pliny, N.H., 6.160; Josephus, A.J. 15.317; and cf. Wissmann 1976; for its topogra 

701


phy: Wissmann-Hoefner 1952; for its date [to be preferred to the chronology 

suggested by Jameson 1968]: Aly 1957, 165 ff.; Desanges 1988, 7 note 12). At the 

same time, a new prefect was appointed in Egypt in the person of C. Petronius 

(Josephus, A.J. 15.307; Cassius Dio, 54.5.4; Brunt 1975, 142; for his career see Bagnall 

1985; Bureth 1988, 475). Aelius Gallus went to Arsinoe to join in the preparations 

for the Arabian expedition, then proceeded, after some months, to 

Leuke Kome whence he departed for the expedition, taking with him almost 

the half of the forces stationed in Egypt (c. 8 000 of the 16 800 men in the three 

legions and the 5 500 in the auxiliary forces, cf. Anderson 1952, 250). Following 

Aelius Gallus' departure, armed Meroites crossed the First Cataract, attacked 

Philae, Syene/Aswan and Elephantine, and carried off prisoners and statues of 

Augustus (for the events in detail see 168, Comments; FHN III, 190, 204, 205). 

The account Strabo presented of the reasons for the Arabian undertaking of 

Aelius Gallus in Book 16.4.22 (=167) gives the impression that the expedition 

against Arabia was planned together with an expedition against Meroe as part 

of a larger project. This is also confirmed by the introduction to 166: "At my 

command and under my auspices..." However, before the intended expedition 

against Meroe could have been properly prepared, the Meroites acted first, as it 

seems, directly on receiving the news about the withdrawal of considerable 

military forces from Egypt. 

The Res Gestae, stating that Roman armies were led almost at the same 

time to Aithiopia and Arabia Felix, relates the two wars within the same sentence 

and as two analogous events, claiming that in both countries vast enemy 

forces were annihilated and numerous towns captured; Aithiopia was penetrated 

as far as Napata "to which Meroe is very close"; and Arabia as far as the 

town of Mariba in the territory of the Sabaeans. While the remarkable stylistic 

homogeneity of the two intertwined reports is usually noticed, the suggestion 

that the stylistic parallelism corresponds to an actual historical parallelism 

(Török 1986, 253; 1988, 277; 1989, 78 ff.) has not been accepted. According to 

Burstein (1989, 226 f.), in the Res Gestae failures are "not concealed by deliberate 

misstatements of fact but by silence". However, Burstein defends the historicity 

of the two statements made by Augustus in 166 in the belief that both the Arabian 

and the Aithiopian wars may be interpreted as successful. As to the Arabian 

undertaking, its failure was also described by Strabo (16.4.23-24), who laid 

the blame for it on treachery and on the enormous difficulties presented by a 

barren country of roadless deserts (cf. Anderson 1952, 250 ff.). In reality, Mariba 

was an unimportant town and not identical with the capital of the Sabaeans 

(ibid., 877); by mentioning it, however, Augustus intended to give the impression 

that the capital had been taken. Similarly, also the mention of Napata as a 

town "very close to Meroe" manipulates the facts in order to make people believe 

that even though the city of Meroe itself, with which Aithiopia was identified 

in Roman geographical knowledge, could not be captured, its region was 

nevertheless penetrated. 

702

The Sources 

The historicity of 166 was already doubted by Inge Hofmann (1977, 198 ff.), 

who presented a detailed discussion of the topographical aspect of the Aithiopian 

expedition as reported by Pliny, N.H. 6.181 f. (=FHN III, 204), and came to 

the conclusion that Petronius could not have completed a journey to Napata 

from Alexandria and back again between the late summer or autumn of 25, 

when the Meroites attacked Philae, Syene, and Elephantine, and the late winter 

of 24 BC, when Augustus received the Meroitic prisoners on his return from 

Spain (Cassius Dio 53.28.1; cf. Schmitthenner 1969, 459 note 238; it is, however, 

also possible that the expedition was already concluded by the winter of 25, 

when the temple of Janus was closed in Rome, ibid., 455). 

Thus, while the expedition could have lasted 6-7 months at the most and 4- 

5 months at the least, the march from Syene/Aswan to Napata alone would 

have taken more than 2 months (cf. Lloyd 1976, 117, 121; Hofmann 1977, 198 ff.). 

Hofmann's suggestion that Napata was not in fact reached is also supported by 

the list of towns reported by Pliny to have been taken by Petronius: Pselchis 

(Dakka), Primis (Qasr Ibrim), Bocchin (Ballana), Forum Cambusis (Faras), Atteniam 

(Mirgissa, for the identifications cf. Priese 1984) and Stadissim, identified 

with Saras (Meroitic Sdos) at the Second Cataract (Török 1979, 8 f., 16 f.). Still, 

according to Hofmann's discussion of the evidence, the sack of Napata was added 

as propaganda, but contrary to the facts, to the reports on the war, and in 

reality Petronius' army had to return from the Second Cataract region for the 

same reason that Aelius Gallus' army did from Arabia. The reasons of the return 

from Nubia are, however, given so as to convey the impression that they 

would have become imperative only after Napata had been reached: viz., that 

after the capture of Napata Petronius "found himself unable to advance farther, 

on account of the sand and heat" (Cassius Dio, 54.5.6, see FHN III, 205). 

The above reconstruction of the events suggested by Hofmann (1977) and 

Török (1989-1990) is, however, opposed by Burstein (1979; 1989, 226 f.) and Desanges 

(1992, 369). While, as indicated above, their acceptance of the historicity 

of 166 is greatly influenced by their acceptance of the historicity of Augustus' 

statement concerning the Arabian campaign, the interpretation of the reports 

on C. Petronius' success seems in fact to depend on the evidence of the toponyms: 

for, according to Desanges, Bocchin is identical with the B6gkhis of 

Stephanus of Byzantium (s.v.) in the region of the Third Cataract, while Priese 

(1984, 489) identified it with Ballana, a place north of the Second Cataract—an 

identification which is in accordance with the identification of the Stadissim of 

Pliny with a place at the Second Cataract (Török 1979, 8 f., 16 f.: Meroitic Sdos; 

Priese 1984, 490: New Kingdom D - '- s3--tj,Ptolemaic Tasitia, modern Abka). It 

seems probable, however, that Stephanus' identification of 136gkhis was based 

on a confusion of the Third Cataract with the Second Cataract. 

While in Hofmann's interpretation Petronius' itinerary would be in accordance 

with a campaign led to Lower Nubia in order to reconquer and pacify the 

Triacontaschoenus between the First and Second Cataracts, it automatically 

703


poses logistic problems if viewed as the itinerary of a campaign directed against 

Napata. A journey that would continue from the Third Cataract (if Stadissim is 

to be localized there!) on the Nile cannot be accomodated within the max. 6-7 

months of the whole campaign from Alexandria to Napata and back. But 

wherever Stadissim was, if we want to believe that Petronius in fact captured 

Napata, we also must suppose that he took the desert road. In this case, however, 

he would have been forced first to turn back from Stadissim and travel 

north as far as the region of modern Korosko whence he could then take with 

his army the desert road to Abu Hamed—from where, however, he still had to 

reach Napata (a further distance of c. 200 km). But if this route had been taken, 

the 6-7 months would not have been enough to cover it; in 6-7 months one 

could reach Napata and return to Alexandria only if the shortest direct route 

were taken, without the detours indicated above. 

Strabo records (17.1.53-54, FHN III, 190) that when Petronius asked the 

Meroites about their motives for attacking Philae, Syene and Elephantine, they 

answered that they had been mistreated by the nomarchs, i.e., tax-collectors (for 

the nomarch as tax-collector see Wallace 1938, 333 ff.; Thomas 1978, 194; Montevecchi 

1988, 443). Considering this detail together with Strabo's description 

(ibid.) of their primitive equipment and more than insufficient "army" organisation, 

we may well conclude that the first act of the war between Augustus and 

Meroe was nothing other than a popular uprising in the Triacontaschoenus 

against the Roman vassallage established as a result of Cornelius Gallus' campaign; 

it seems, however, that a Meroitic army under the command of King 

Teritegas (cf. (172)) also departed from the south to give support to the rebels (cf. 

163 - 165; for the further course of the war see 168, Comments; FHN III, 190, 204, 

205). 

167 Diodorus Siculus on his sources for Aithiopia. lst cent. BC. 

Diodorus Siculus 3.11.2-3. 


Bommelaer 1989 Diodore de Sicile, Bibliothèque historique. Livre III. 

Texte &abli et traduit par B. Bommelaer. (Collection 

des Universit& de France.) Paris. 


(Etudes prliminaires aux religions orientales dans 

l'empire romain. 29.) Leiden. 

Bertrac-Vernière 1993 Diodore de Sicile, Bibliothèque historique, Livre I. 

Texte &abli par P. Bertrac, traduit par Y. Vernire. 

(Collection des Universit& de France.) Paris. 

704 

[LT]

The Sources 

Palm 1955 J. Palm: eber Sprache und Stil des Diodoros von 

Sizilien: Ein Beitrag zur Beleuchtung der 

hellenistischen Prosa. Lund. 

Sacks 1990 K.S. Sacks: Diodorus Siculus and the First Century. 

Princeton. 

Schwartz 1903 E. Schwartz: Diodoros (38). RE V.1, 663-704. Stuttgart. 


Diodorus Siculus ("the Sicilian") of Agyrium in Sicily (lst cent. BC) lived in 

Rome, but also spent time in Egypt. His world history (Bibliotheke) in 40 books 

reached from mythical times to Caesar's Gallic Wars; the first six books dealt 

with the mythical past (prior to the Trojan War), books 7-17 with the period between 

the Trojan War and the death of Alexander the Great, 18-40 with the 

Hellenistic age. Books 1-5 and 11-20 are extant, the rest is known from fragments 

and excerpts by other authors. 

Diodorus made use of a great many earlier historical and geographical writers 

and often acknowledges his sources. Most of these writers have since been 

lost, and the question of Diodorus' use of his predecessors has been the object of 

some controversy. The basic work on Diodorus' sources is the lexicon article by 

Schwartz (1903). Schwartz' low opinion of Diodorus' work as nothing but a series 

of excerpts has, however, beert greatly modified in later years as scholars 

have become more appreciative of Diodorus' own contribution in sifting his 

enormous material, imposing his pattern on it, and giving the work his personal 

style (for Diodorus' style see Palm [1955]). As also the present extract 

shows, Diodorus did exercise his personal judgment on his sources and also relied 

on his own investigations. 

For the sources of Book 1 in particular, see Burton (1972) 1-34 (cf. 88, Intro- 

duction to source); and for recent reappraisals of Diodorus in general, see Sacks 

(1990) and the "Introduction g&l&ale" by F. Chamoux in Bertrac-Vernière 

(1993, VII-LXXVI). 

We have chosen to present the excerpts from Diodorus under the name of 

the source he used even when there may be some doubt on that point, and we 

discuss the relationship between Diodorus and his source in each case (for 

Ephorus see 84a, for Hecataeus of Abdera 88, for Agatharchides of Cnidus 142 - 

147). 

For an introduction to the manuscript tradition of Diodorus see P. Bertrac in 

Bertrac-Vernière (1993, LXXVII-CLXIV). In the English bilingual series Loeb 

Classical Library Diodorus was published by various editors 1933-67. In the 

French bilingual series Collection des Universit& de France (the "BucIC' series) 

publication is on-going; for Book 1 see Bertrac-Vernière (1993), for Book 3 

Bommelaer (1989), on whose edition we have based the present text. 

705

Text 


11 [2] 'Aya0apxiöri; lakv yåp å Kvi8to 8cirrpgc pipx,q) t(i5v TCEpl, 

'Aaiav, xoit å '&ç oxypa4iaç auvretågevo; 'AptegiStopN (') 

Katå TI)N, OyMiv 13i13Xov, xai 'rwç tpot A1,7157Ctlp Katol.K015WCW, 

iatopTIKOTE; Tål TckeIata "Ceiv npoetptivew vTcdcat axESOv ElettlYaåv- 

01)01. [3] Kast yåp xecer Ov icatptiv rrapePa? .,ogev dç Alytyrctov, nokkol; 

1.1v Tdiv i.EpEOW EvEt1)X011Ev, alYle OXiyat xcit irpeaPeii-rat åna 

AilYLOTCla; irap01361,v X6yoç ilecigeOa. Hap' div åleptI36ig icaa.ra 

rro06gevot, icà Tcri); 2.45ycro; "r6W LaTopucciiv Xy,avteç, TOI; Ilå,XICYCOC 

abjt4govai3atv åxakovElov tv åvaypati:Iilv 7ce1toti'n.W3a. 

Translation 

11 [2] Agatharchides of Cnidus, however, in Book 2 of his history of Asia, and 

the geographical writer Artemidorus of Ephesus in his Book 8, and some others 

settled in Egypt have investigated most of what I have written above, and have 

hit the mark in almost everything. [3] For I have also myself talked to many of 

the priests during the time I visited Egypt,343 and came into conversation with 

not a few representatives344 who were present there from Aithiopia. It is on the 

basis of my careful questioning of these men and of my scrutiny of the writings 

of the historians that I have written this account in conformity with those in 

closest agreement.345 

[TEl 

Comments 

On Diodorus' sources for Aithiopia cf. 142, Comments. 

168 Dakka, Greek votive inscription. 13 BC. 

SB V 7944. SEG VIII 860. Wilcken, Chrest. 4. 


E. Bernand 1983 E. Bernand: Inscriptions Grecques d'Egypte et de Nubie. 

Wpertoire bibliographique des IGRR. Paris. 

tiv 

[Ur] 

343 Diodorus' visit to Egypt took place in the 180th Olympiad (1.44.1; 46.7), i.e. 60-56 BC. The 

length of his stay cannot be determined precisely, but his language may indicate that it lasted for 

some time, maybe several years. For Diodorus' mentions of his visit to Egypt see Sacks (1990) 161 

with note 1. 

344The Greek word used here is also the word for ambassador, and is sometimes so translated, but 

it may also refer to e.g. commercial agents. 

345 Literally "those agreeing most"; it is not clear whether this means "where there is agreement 

between a majority of my sources" or "where the agreement is closest". The structure of the sentence 

may indicate that Diodorus tested his written sources against the oral information he had 

received, and gave preference to material on which the two types of sources were in agreement. 

706

E. Bernand 1994 

Geraci 1971 

Ruppel 1930 

Wilcken 1912 

The Sources 

Reflexions sur les proscynemes. Melanges Frallois 

Kerlouegan (Annales litteraires de l'Universite de 

Besallon, 515). Besallon, 43-60. 

G. Geraci: Ricerche sul Proskynema. Aegyptus 51, 3-211. 

W. Ruppel: Der Tempel von Dakke. (Les temples 

immerges de la Nubie. Vol. 3.) Le Caire. 

L. Mitteis-U. Wilcken: Grundzilge und Chrestomathie 




This inscription was found in the temple of Dakka (Pselkis) in the Dodecaschoenus. 

It belongs to the prolific epigraphic category of proskynemata, i.e., inscriptions 

carved in honour of a god by a traveller who passes his shrine or a 

pilgrim who has come expressly to pay hommage to the god in question. The 

act of carving a proskynema implies a wish to have one's name eternally connected 

with the name of the god whose protection one seeks; the two names 

thus constitute the essence of the proskynema. But many proskynemata are 

much more elaborate; on the various formal patterns, see the detailed analysis 

presented by Geraci (1971) and the comments by E. Bernand (1994). 

Our text and translation are based on Wilcken's edition (1912, 10 f., No. 4), 

which, using an improved transcript made by Lepsius, corrects and supplements 

the text presented by earlier editors. Especially important is the improved 

reading of the date which places the inscription in year 17 of the reign 

of the Emperor Augustus, i.e. 13 BC, instead of some time in the reign of 

Hadrian as supposed earlier. Ruppel (1930, 31-33, Gr. 42, with Pl. 25b), who republished 

the proskynema with translation and comments, presents a text substantially 

identical with that of Wilcken.346 For a recent bibliography to the text, 

see E. Bernand (1983, 84, No. 1359). 

Text 

'Apiroxpd; ii"KO) dcvaPaivcov1.1.[E]ta E[...] 

2 7rpECF3Eutal3 KOCslTai.tiou ypogigatkog rEpOd 

3 TTIN1icupiav paaikusaav icà TO 1Cpoa[K1ivriga] 

4 knOriaa US5E nap[å] reupicp 'ENt[T] ...] 

5 K[a]'t 4.1cecoii347 x[a]t 'AvOoixsN K[art AXe-] 

6 (Tou) Kociaa(po;) Mexertp ...1. 

346They differ only, in a couple of insignificant instances, in their delimitation of supplements. 

347 = kgautoii. 

707


Translation 

I, Harpocras, travelling upstream t[o]gether with E[...1 the ambassador and 

Tamias348 the scri[be] [tol our Lady the Queen (the goddess Isis), have come and 

made my ob[eisance] (proskynema) here befo[re] our Lord Herm[es ...1 (5) b[olth 

for myself a[n]c1 for Anthousa a[ri]d for [Ale]xa[n]dria. In the year 17 of Caesar 

(Augustus), (in the month) Meche[ir...]. 

[TH] 

Comments 

Following the first act in the war between Rome and Meroe in 25-24 BC, Le., the 

uprising in the Triacontaschoenus and its crushing by Petronius, the ruler of 

Meroe offered to give back the prisoners taken in Egypt and the statues of the 

Emperor (cf. FHN III, 190, 204, 205). On his way back to Alexandria, Petronius 

re-fortified Qasr Ibrim, the Lower Nubian fortress which played an important 

role in the first part of the war, and left it garrisoned with 400 men and provided 

with food for two years. Doubtless, this time the Triacontaschoenus was 

annexed to the Empire (though not the whole kingdom of Meroe, as suggested 

by Jameson 1968, 83; cf. Török 1989-1990, 177). Two years later, in late winter 22 

BC (for the date see Török 1989-1990, 188 note 61) the Meroitic queen marched 

with her army to Qasr Ibrim where, however, C. Petronius arrived first. The 

queen did not risk battle and so negotiations were started some time in the 

spring or summer of 21 BC, after a period the events of which remain unknown 

to us. The queen's envoys were escorted to the island of Samos to meet 

Augustus, and a peace treaty was concluded there in the winter of 21/20 BC. 

Augustus relinquished the tribute that would be due to be imposed on the 

Meroites as a consequence of their defeat and gave up the stretch of the Nile 

Valley between Takompso and the Second Cataract: but fully annexed the region 

north of Takompso, i.e., he now drew the southern frontier of Egypt at the 

southern end of the Dodecaschoenus. While a territory of strategic and economic 

importance was thus incorporated into Roman Egypt, the vassal "chiefdom" 

of the Triacontaschoenus was given up, and the plans for the conquest of 

all of Meroe and the establishment of a client-kingdom of Meroe were, in the 

spirit of Augustus' new foreign policy, now abandoned (for the replacement of 

the expansive policy by a defensive foreign policy see Meyer 1961, 3 ff.; and see 

Whittaker 1994, 26 ff.). 

Roman policy in the Dodecaschoenus was wisely tactful and cleverly continued 

to use the native administrative structure that already existed there 

from Ptolemaic times (cf. 140 and see 180 - 185). The Dodecaschoenus was administered 

by the governor (strategos) of the nome of Elephantine and Ombos, 

who was subordinate to the governor-general (epistrategos) of the Thebaid (cf. 

Bell 1952, 286). An imposing temple building and restoration activity took place 

348 0r: Tamios. 

708

The Sources 

in the area (for the connections with local non-Egyptian cults cf. Török 1989- 

1990, 180 ff.); and, as is demonstrated by late lst century BC-lst century AD 

Meroitic material culture and by changes in religion and kingship ideology occurring 

in this period (cf., e.g., TI5rök 1989, 97 ff.), the contacts established between 

Roman Egypt and Meroe after the war were doubtless inspiring as well 

as economically lucrative. 

168, a votive inscription from Dakka inscribed on the E thickness of the pylon 

entrance of the Thoth temple (Roeder 1930, Pl. 25/b), belongs to the evidence 

of the interest of Egyptians in the cults of the Dodecaschoenus and is also 

presented here in order to demonstrate once more (cf. Török 1986, 265 f.) that it 

does not contain the record of a Meroitic embassy sent by a Meroitic queen to 

Augustus, as was suggested by Wilcken (1912, 10 f.) and believed by Hintze 

(1969, 26) and Hofmann (1977b, 205). It is, instead, the monument of the pious 

visit of Harpocras, doubtless of Egyptian nationality, who arrived at Dakka in 

the company of E[...] and Tamias (or Tamios) from the north and performed an 

offering and wrote his proskynema (i.e., perpetuated by an inscription their 

prostrate presence before the god Hermes [Thoth] of Dakka; for the genre of 

proskynemata see Geraci 1971) for himself and for Anthousa and Alexandria 

(probably members of his family). While the nationality and the significance of 

the ambassadorship of E[...] remain unknown, Tamias/Tamios is apparently a 

priest of Isis of Philae, who is frequently referred to as "Lady the Queen" (cf. 

Bergman 1968, 152 f.). It would thus seem that Tamias/Tamios escorted the distinguished 

pilgrims Harpocras and E[...] (the latter may have been Harpocras' 

companion also in an official mission) on their excursion by boat (note the expression 

"upstream") to the temple of Dakka; his presence in the party might 

have been official and at the same time a customary gesture of courtesy. 

[1,11 

169 Philae as border between Egypt and the land of the Aithiopians. 7 BC. 

I. Philae II 142. 


E. Bernand 1969 E. Bernand: Les inscriptions grecques et latines de 

Philae. Vol. 2: Haut et bas empire. Paris. [= I. Philae IL] 


Inscription, measuring 140 x 150 cm, on the south pylon of the temple of Isis on 

Philae, height of letters 40-60 mm. The top line is 7.25 m above ground level. 

The epigram is written in the so-called elegiac metre, characteristic of this 

literary form, with alternating dactylic hexameters and pentameters. The text is 

predominantly in the Doric dialect. 

709


We give the text of Bernand (1969, 78), but have added, on the basis of the 

photo he provides (PL 16), parentheses and dots to indicate letters that have 

been wholly or partly lost through damage to the stone. 

Text 

Kaiaapt 

Kar(tAlov) 

xovropriSovrt xcit Curcipwv irpatiovrt, 

7uv txt rx Zuvèç xcapk 'Ekt-u0cpiox, 

Secnofratt Etip~ ir tait 'Acii8o; Ciarpox Coul.cra 

5 13111å6N, öç awrilp 7ç évkirtÅE wyuç 

tapitt xi-rpait tål Kati.luo; éyvinr L'-erticE 

ypå141', åx' rAÅEIW8Pou 8l£13P0 PoVov x6),10, 

lecit piyav ric grycilkowl Touppfiviov, Civ8pa Sixatov, 

Airittuo mitact; Si.purzov éyquiva, 

crulkin LVECITCaCOGENr, br' dç 168€ wiaw McOADv 

zd ô goov itviji mv 0ovik Wo8Ozavixit 

& «Wlect Ocovriivn ica V v ikpc% itiyinctoto 

izptet xat AiAtirxwv ..yr"k Optov vairct;. 

Kan.liob toi5 Koit 

15 Nixtivopo 

zoi3 Nuctivo[pod 

rErob;) ry KaicrapN, 

41)age-virk 

bet &iÀoi avatrryoii. 

Translation 

Cat(ilius?)349 

To Caesar, Lord of the sea and Master of the continents, 

Zeus blyerator, (born) of Father Zeus, 

Ruler of Europe and Asia, star of the whole 

5 of Greece, who rose great as Saviour Zeus, 

Catilius made the holy inscription on the sacred stone, 

having arrived here from the city of Alexander, 

and inscribed on the stone (the name of) the great Turranius of great 

ancestors, a iust man, 

excellent governor of the whole of Egypt, 

IO in order that every visitor to this island shrine 

shall praise the benefactor of the land. 

349The stone cutter seems to have begun by engraving the name of Catilius, but broken off after 

three letters. If Cataius' name was intended, the case carmot be determined. Catilius' signature is 

added at the end (IL 14-16). 

710

The Sources 

Philae calls out: "I am the beautiful border of Egypt 

and the far-off limit of the land of the Aithiopians". 

Of Catilius, also called 

15 Nicanor, 

son of Nicanor. 

Year 23 of Caesar('s reign), 

on the 12th of the month Phamenoth, 

Neilos being strategos. 

Comments 

In his proskynema (cf. 168) written in the form of an epigram Catilius refers to 

the traditional Egyptian notion of Philae as the southernmost point of Egypt 

and its southern border beyond which, independently of the actual political 

conditions in Nubia, there is another world in which no Egyptians, but only 

Aithiopians are living. The same notion occurs in Pliny's description (N.H. 

12.19=FHN III, 208) according to which Syene/Aswan is finis imperii, "the end 

of the Empire"; while in fact the Dodecaschoenos was part of Egypt, as is attested, 

e.g., by FHN III, 210 and 220. 169, though in an indirect manner, thus indicating 

the special political status of the neighbouring territory inhabited by 

Aithiopians. This special status is also reflected, e.g., in the definition of the location 

of Dakka as lying, according to CIG 5078, "between Egypt and Aithiopia". 

(For the issue of "frontier" see also Whittaker 1994, 1 ff., 26 ff.) 

170 The visit of Aithiopian deities to Philae. Late lst cent. BC- early lst cent. 

AD. 

I. Philae II 158 I-II. 


E. Bernand 1969 E. Bernand: Les inscriptions grecques et latines de 

Philae. Vol. 2: Haut et bas empire. Paris. [-=I. Philae II.] 


Inscription with two epigrams on the south pylon of the temple of Isis on Philae, 

on the same wall as the epigram of 169. The second epigram is 3.10 m above 

ground level. 

The epigrarns are written in the same meter as the epigram of 169, but with 

some irregularities (instead of alternating hexameters and pentameters, the 

first epigram has two successive hexameters in vv. 5-6, the second likewise in 

vv. 5-6; v. 7 of the first epigram has two too many syllables). 

frEl 

711


We reproduce here the text of E. Bernand (1969, 128), who also provides a 

photo of the inscription (Pl. 8). The quality of this photo does not enable us to 

check the readings and indicate missing or damaged letters. 

Text 

"HkOop.ev Ai7i)7CTMO icépaç, rcepucaX,Åka vficrov, 

"kn6N yalav knovOgEvoi, 

Kat NEikov 13a0i)xcLa, ôç Mywurov nok6o43ov 

etiv ho; aget Kataapoç irroxiat. 

5 Xatp, avaaaa xaipot 0' Otga Zapan-t, 

yalav N/avuicpa vaiwv, "APatov nokticrEl.tvov, 

adxYN ç KpONIOD kg7C6plov. 

aXko. 

Nficsov Alyimoto tpaç, icEpucaXUa, aqtvifiv, 

AiOuinwv rcp6a0ev, dc4)-tai.tevoi, 

NeiXe» notai_wit vaçdwwcopalicsa, 

gi.0ou; di vacY6; ijyayov Aie-u5nwv 

5 yaiav ç tetp1v, nupT46pov, d(,Viwpov, 

fiv nåvte; [3potoi Otv6pc x0ovi. csEgytivoumv. 

Translation 

We are come to the limits of Egypt, to the fairest of islands, 

to behold the land of Isis, Inachus' daughter, 

and the deep stream of the Nile, which keeps Egypt prosperous 

year by year for the good fortune350 of Caesar. 

5 Hail, beloved mistress, and hail to you too, Sarapis, 

who dwells in the land across the water, most holy Abaton, 

and may you send us safely to Cronus' emporium. 

Another: 

Having arrived at the island, the limits of Egypt, most beautiful, holy, 

(place) of Isis, in the face of Aithiopia, 

we saw in the river Nile fast-sailing ships 

which carried the Aithiopians' shrines, worthy of the gods,351 

5 to our land, the wheat-bearing, worth a visit, 

which all mortal men on earth revere. 

3500r "through the good fortune"; the force of the dative rinux'tmg is not obvious. 

3510r "worth seeing". 

712 

[TEl

Comments 

The Sources 

170 records, in general terms and in a poetical style, the visits to Philae of the 

barks of Aithiopian deities, i.e., of deities worshiped in the sanctuaries of the 

Dodecaschoenus. In keeping with Egyptian tradition, the gods possessed sacred 

ships which in great solemnity carried their portable boatshrines and images on 

the Nile to other sanctuaries during certain festivals (cf. Kitchen 1973). Boat 

processions of this kind provided an opportunity for the entire population living 

between the two sanctuaries to participate in the festival. In the Ptolemaic 

and Roman periods the sanctuary of Isis was famous for the boat processions 

connected with the festivals celebrated there, and especially with the great 

Khoiakh festival that began in the fourth month of the season of Inundation 

(cf. Junker 1911,passim; Merkelbach 1963, passim; Stadelmann 1982, 1162). The 

visits of the "Aithiopian" deities to the Isis temple indicate the existence of a 

homogeneous cultural milieu in Lower Nubia which also included the sanctuaries 

of Philae. The particularly close relationship between the Aithiopians of 

the Dodecaschoenus and the cult of Isis at Philae (cf. FHN III, 210, 240, 265- 267, 

324) may have its roots in the solemnly performed visits paid to Isis by the gods 

worshiped in their country; close connections between the cults of the same 

gods also existed in the less elevated and more practical sphere of temple administration 

(cf. 180- 185). 

[LT] 

171 Iunius Sabinus on the conquest of the Aithiopian tribes. Late 1st cent. BC. 

I. Philae II 159. 


E. Bernand 1969 

Desanges 1988 

Speidel 1988 


É. Bernand: Les inscriptions grecques et latines de 

Philae. Vol. 2: Haut et bas empire. Paris. [=. I. Philae II.] 

J. Desanges: Les relations de l'Empire romain avec 

l'Afrique nilotique et &ythr&nne, d'Auguste å 

Probus. ANRW II 10.1. Berlin-New York, 3-43. 

Nubia's Roman Garrison. ANRW II 10.1. Berlin-New 

York, 767-98. 

Epigram on the south pylon of the temple of Isis on Philae, on the same wall as 

the epigrams of 169 and 170, and composed in the same meter. 

The inscription has been rubbed away at the bottom left corner, see the 

photo offered by É. Bernand, whose published text we reproduce here (t. Bernand 

1969, 138, Pl. 12). 

Speidel (1988, 778-9) gives an English translation of the epigram and comments 

on military matters. 

713

Text 


'II:y6vto; v0a xf3Ivo, xcov Trupent8a nOrynav, 

beto, D.Yrivaia; kawlw kow aTpocridc, 

å nav(Eo)ptel5o1aa vol; kyOtvoxycv iducxm; 

Eiatv kleaCtgEtv K661.10v buataiikvav. 

5 [AiOuincov yåp? (1)]0Xa gEgrivOta PcoguXiSatm 

[yuccicrot no?Xlckg xev'X(.0 1 (3(.WL,Ot. 

icourål tôte Kai[cr]apo åvijp, 

a-c«)o; åpg6aaTo. 

Translation 

Iunius Sabinus, with his Ityraid352porpe353, 

came here, leading a swarm of the Syene army, 

which in solemn festival with novel choruses glorified 

Isis, she who knows how to save the world. 

5 [For] [after having vanquished?] the tribes [of the Aithiopians?354] who 

raged against Romulus' descendants, 

he came here with his [many?] herds. 

[During?] the fray, you will say, then Caesar's man, 

[...] and fitted on his crown. 

[TE] 

Comments 

The Greek epigram of Iunius Sabinus was carved into the relief representing 

Ptolemy XII Neos Dionysos (in the new numbering Ptolemy XI, see Huss 1994, 

10) smiting his enemies on the outer front of the W tower of the First Pylon of 

the Isis temple at Philae (cf. PM VI, 214; E. Bernand 1969, 138), a place doubtless 

chosen consciously for a secondary inscription of a triumphal character but disguised 

as an adoration in which a Roman officer boasts of his role 'in the Petronius 

campaign. According to 171, Iunius Sabinus, though in rank no more than 

the prefect of one cohort, was commander of the entire force of three cohorts 

stationed at Syene/Aswan (Speidel 1988, 778 explains his authority by the close 

proximity of the three cohorts and their common tasks in the defence of the 

Thebaid and Lower Nubia), including the Ituraean cohort identified by Speidel 

with the cohors Sabini also attested to have been stationed at Dakka during the 

reign of Augustus (1988, 777 ff.). The epigram also indicates with sufficient clarity 

that Iunius Sabinus commanded his three cohorts in the war with Meroe 

3521.e. belongMg to the cohors II Ituraeorum, see É. Bernand (1969, 140). 

353 Porpe means a brooch or clasp. Various explanations of its use here, or corrections of the text, 

have been proposed, see E. Bernand (1969, 141 f.). Speidel (1988, 779) reads the first letter as a 

kappa, and suggests that mipa, "cohort", was meant, thus "with, i.e. commanding, the Ituraean 

cohort". 

354Desanges (1988, 18 n. 67) considers "Trogodytes" here as an alternative to "Aithiopians". 

714

The Sources 

under C. Petronius (see 166, 168, with Comments) and that he inscribed 171 after 

the conflict ended with the victory of the Romans, i.e., some time in the 

spring or summer of 21 BC. 

(172) Teritegas. Evidence for reign. 

Teritecias is attested in two Meroitic cursive inscriptions as Teriteqse qore, King 

Teritecias: in a graffito in the Dakka temple (=173) and in the text of a stela from 

Meroe City (=174). The graffito at Dakka, in which the name of the King occurs 

together with the names of the Candace Amanirenas (see (175)) and the pqr 

Akinidad (see (179)), could only have been written in a period when a Meroitic 

ruler could enter the Dodecaschoenus as the overlord of that territory; such periods 

were the Meroitic revolt in the Triacontaschoenus before April 17 29 BC 

(cf. 163 - 165) and the Meroitic occupation of the Triacontaschoenus in 25 BC (cf. 

168, Comments; FHN III, 190, 204, 205). According to a reconstruction of the 

events suggested by Griffith (1917, 159 ff.), Monneret de Villard (1938, 14 f.), 

Macadam (1955, 22 f.) and Hintze (1959, 25 f.), the Dakka graffito was written in 

25 BC in the course of the progress of the Meroitic military expedition (which 

came to the aid of the rebels, cf. 166, Comments) towards the region of the First 

Cataract, before the attack on Philae, Syene/ Aswan and Elephantine was 

launched. It is supposed that Teritecias died shortly afterwards; and in the description 

of C. Petronius' campaign, in the course of which he forced the 

Meroitic army to flee back from the First Cataract area to Dakka and there challenged 

it to battle, Strabo (17.1.53=FHN III, 190) already speaks of the "generals 

of Queen Candace" seeking refuge on a "neighbouring island". This Candace is, 

apparently, identical with Queen Amanirenas who assumed the title qoro, 

"ruler", after Teritegas' death (see (175)). 

Several pyramid tombs have been taken into consideration as possible 

burial places of Teritecias, whose name, however, has not been found inscribed 

in any tomb at Meroe or Barkal (Dunham 1957, 7: Beg. N. 21; Hintze 1959, 27, 

Wenig 1967, 43, Hofmann 1978, 98 ff. and Török 1988, 180: Bar. 2; Wenig 1973, 

157: Beg. N. 14). None of these guesses has so far been substantiated. 

[LT] 

173 Dakka, Meroitic inscription of Teritegas, Amanirenas, and Akinidad. Late 

lst cent. BC. 

REM 0092. 


The eighteen lines of this Meroitic cursive inscription are contained in a royal 

cartouche clumsily engraved in an upright position and topped with a sundisc 

and two shu feathers (Griffith 1912, Pls XII, XIII) near to the top of the front of 

715


the W pylon tower of the Thoth temple at Dakka (cf. PM VII, 41 ff.). For its 

script and language see the General Note to the Meroitic Texts in the Introduction. 

Text 

(1)Teriteqse (2)qore„ Ren(3)se kdke„ 

(4)Akidd pqr (5)skte [...] 

(6)abrse (li) (ke)(7)deto 

kdise (1i) ke(8)deto 

*a*s[...] 

a(9)brse (li) (ke)d(eto) 

(10)*kdi(se li ke)(11)de(to) 

[...](12)11 

abrse li *ke(13)deto„ 

kdise li a(14)redeto 

adb wi„ (15)wke*rik*n„ 

ahmo(16)r„ pelmosriyi 

a(17)hro qe*deti r„ (18)sek 

Comments 

Since the surface of the pylon on which 173 is engraved is undecorated and 

uninscribed, the inscription cannot be dated on the basis of its relationship to 

the building, and anyway the pylon itself is undated (cf. PM VII, 40 ff.; Bresciani 

1974, 988). It must have been built, however, before 13 BC since 168 was inscribed 

in that year on the undecorated E thickness of the pylon entrance. An 

even earlier building date seems to be indicated by REM 0093 (see (179)), the 

Meroitic graffito of Akinidad, which was engraved into the surface of a relief 

(PM VII, 43 [3]) representing Isis and an unidentified king on the opposite, W, 

thickness of the pylon entrance. 

The inscription contains the names of King (Meroitic qore) Teritegas, the 

Candace (Amni)rense (for the full form of her name see 174, (175), 176; for the 

title Candace meaning probably "royal sister" see 85, Comments) and the pqr 

(for the title cf. 152, comment on line 38) Akinidad. The text following the royal 

names contains a series of identical structures consisting of the words abr 

meaning probably "man" (cf. Griffith 1916, 123; Hofmann 1981, 348) and kdi 

which doubtless means "woman" (Griffith 1911, 120; 1916, 123 f.; Priese 1971, 

279 § 1.23.2; Hofmann 1981, 348). The word adb in line 14 is supposed to signify 

"land" or "province" (Griffith 1916, 170; Hintze 1963, 24 No. 325; Hofmann 

1981, 349); while pelmos in line 16 is a title borrowed from the Egyptian (p3-mr— 

m§c, cf. Griffith 1911, 9; 1912, 38, 51) where it originally had the meaning "general" 

(cf. Schulman 1964, 41 ff.). In lst century BC and later Demotic texts (cf. 

Griffith 1937, 293) mr-m§c occurs, however, in a different meaning. Though the 

Demotic title is translated by Griffith as strategos, its holders are actually offi 

716

The Sources 

cials who have a leading role in the government of the Dodecaschoenus and 

are active in the financial administration of the temples. The badly damaged 

letters after deto in line 8 were read as as[...] and supplemented as As[oreyil, i.e., 

the invocation of Osiris, by the editors of the REM. The reading cannot be confirmed 

on the basis of Griffith's photograph (1912, Pl. XIII) and an invocation of 

Osiris in an inscription in the Thoth temple is inherently unlikely as well. It 

would thus seem that the text had no religious character; being neither a 

proskynema nor a dedication, it seems rather to have been an historical record. 

[L11 

174 Stela of Teritecias from Temple M 600 at Meroe City. Late lst cent. BC. 

Garstang-Sayce-Griffith 1911, Pls XIX, LXVIII; REM 0412. 


This unusual oval, granite stela (measurements and present whereabouts unknown) 

was discovered in one of the rooms of Temple M 600 at Meroe City (for 

the building see Garstang-Sayce-Griffith 1911, 17 ff.; Török n.d., Ch. 43). For the 

script and language of the text see the General Note to the Meroitic Texts in the 

Introduction. 

Text 

BEHIND ISIS 

(1)eke(2)te„ (3)Wos (4)wke„ (5)1tk (6)to 

BEHIND KING 

(1)eke(2)te„ *W(3)*s„ wi(4)*de 1„ (5)etk(6)tete (7)wi„ 

m(8)seq(9)nei*d (10)yi 

BELOW SCENE 

(1)Teriteqse„ qor*o 

(2)Amnirense„ kd*ke 

(3)Akinidd„ ss„ (4)[...]te lo 

Comments 

The front of the stela is decorated with a crudely incised scene representing 

King Teritecias before Isis. The top of the stela is bounded by the winged sundisc. 

Under the wings the frames for three vertical inscription columns for the 

"speech" of the goddess and another three for that of the King were engraved, 

but left uninscribed, obviously on account of the small space they provided. Instead, 

the utterances of the goddess and the King were clumsily inscribed behind 

their figures. The goddess occupies the left half of the scene and, turning 

right, she holds in her left hand a lotus scepter and extends a palm branch to 

717

Fontes Historiae NubiorumII 

wards the King with her right hand; from the palm branch enh signs are directed 

towards the King's nostrils. The King stands before the goddess and lifts 

his right arm in the gesture of adoration, while in his left hand he holds a uraeus 

(?) scepter. He wears the Kushite skullcap-crown with diadem and streamers; 

on his brow rears a uraeus wearing a tall feather crown. The King is clad in 

a short tunic and wears a sash and, slung across his right shoulder, a tasselled 

cord (for the costume see Török 1990). He also wears ornamental sandals. Between 

the goddess and the King stands, on top of a conical stand, a libation vessel 

with two ladles suspended from its rim. 

While the inscriptions accompanying the two figures in the scene remain 

incomprehensible, in both of them we may recognize the name of the goddess 

Isis (Ws and Wos). It is worth noting that both inscriptions start with the word 

ekete (cf. Hofmann 1981, 311 f.). The text below the scene contains the names of 

the King (cf. (172)), the Candace Amanirenas (cf. (175)), and the pqr Akinidad 

(cf. (179)). 

[LT] 

(175) Queen Amanirenas. Evidence for reign. 

Queen Amanirenas is attested in four inscriptions. In two of these, i.e., the 

Dakka graffito 173 and the Teritecps Stela from Meroe City (see 174), she has the 

title kdke, Candace. In the inscription on a bronze naos from Temple T at Kawa 

(Macadam 1949, 100 No. 28, Pls 49, 50; REM 0628) and in the text of one of the 

Hamadab stelae (see 176) she has the titles qore, "ruler", and Candace. While in 

173 and 174 she thus appears as the non-ruling partner (probably wife) of King 

Teritecias, the latter two texts commemorate her rule after the death of Teritegas 

(cf. (172)). According to a generally accepted interpretation of the documents in 

which her name is recorded (cf. ibid.), Amanirenas is thought to be identical 

with the one-eyed Candace who was C. Petronius' opponent in the war between 

Rome and Meroe between 25 and 21/20 BC (cf. Strabo 17.1.53 f.=FHN III, 190, 

and see 168, Comments). If Strabo's information concerning the family relationships 

of his Candace is correct, her son mentioned in Strabo 17.1.54 is probably 

identical with Akinidad, who occurs in all her known monuments (cf. 173, 

174, 176, (179)). 

Though her name is not attested in its mortuary chapel, the pyramid Bar. 4 

(Dunham 1957, 86 ff.) is traditionally regarded as Amanirenas' burial place 

(Dunham 1957, 7; Hintze 1959,27; Hofmann 1978, 99 f.; hesitatingly: Török 1988, 

180); Wenig, however, suggested Beg. N. 21 (Wenig 1967, 43). The reliefs in the 

mortuary chapel of Bar. 4 represent a ruling queen wearing the Double Crown 

of Egypt (Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 13/C) as well as the skullcap with double 

718

The Sources 

uraei and a Hathor crown superstructure,355 which would not contradict the attribution 

of the pyramid to her. Also the preserved items of the grave inventory, 

including the fragments of fine glass vessels of types dated to the Augustan 

through Flavian-Neronian periods (see Török 1989, 124 f. Nos 31-37) seem 

to support such an attribution (the reservations voiced in Török 1989, 124 f. ad 

No. 36, 37 are not compelling). 

[LTI 

176 The Hamadab Stela of Amanirenas and Akinidad. Late lst cent. BC. 

- XXXII; REM 1003. 

British Museum 1650. Griffith 1917, Pls XXXI 


This stela of Queen Amanirenas and pqr Akinidad was discovered by John 

Garstang at the site of Hamadab, an unexcavated settlement 2 km S of the centre 

of Meroe City (cf. Garstang 1914-1916, 7 f., 14 f.), standing in situ on one side 

of the entrance of a small temple which belonged to an extensive sacral building 

complex (cf. Török n.d., Ch. 96). On the other side of the entrance was found 

another monumental stela erected by the same queen (in its badly damaged 

text, however, only Akinidad's name is preserved) which was left, on account 

of its poor preservation, at the site (REM 1039). 174 is a sandstone stela the 

height of which is 258 cm. Horizontal lines were engraved to frame 45 lines of 

inscription; the text actually occupies only 42 lines, however. The execution of 

the inscription is uneven, and especially in the lower part of the stela is hardly 

legible (cf. Garstang 1917, 162). 

The largely damaged and lost top of the stela contained a double scene. In 

the left half of the lunette were represented. the Queen and the pqr standing before 

a deity, probably Amûn , who was facing left; in the right half the Queen 

and the pqr were represented standing before a goddess, perhaps Mut, who was 

facing right. In both scenes the Queen wears an ankle-length tunic, a coat and 

sandals; the prince is apparently barefoot and is clad in a tunic and a coat. He 

carries a sceptre in the right-hand scene. Below these scenes a prisoner frieze 

with the representation of ten bound enemies lying on their bellies is preserved 

(cf. 152). The execution of the incised representations is remarkably 

clumsy. 

For the script and language of the text see the General Note to the Meroitic 

Texts in the Introduction. 

Text 

(1)Amnirense„ qore li„ kdwe li„ yitnidebhe 1„ 

qore(Myi„ Aki(2)nidd„ pqrfiyi„ pestofiyi„ 

355Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 13/D (the drawing has, erroneously, both uraei wearing the 

White crown); cf. Török 1987, 22 Type B XVII. 

719


pqr„ qorise 1„ qor„ hrphe 1w„ qes„ a(3)rmeyose li„ 

qor„ hrphe I„ ahro*se*1„ atbe„ tmot„ hrphe„ armi 1„ (4)qes to„ 

abrse I„ yekedi„ kdise 1„ arse li„ *tk*k„ yemoqe„ qebese wi„ (5)yerki„ 

armesye lhe„ adbite„ qeper„ abr 32„ kdi 135„ qo leb„ yed(6)hi„ 

arbhteke„ pqr li„ yedo„ qes li„ imloke„ 

*trodeb„ abe*pb„ msed*e*I*ri (7)riro„ edeteq„ *mro*ri*1„ *lro*ri *lb*k*te„ 

eqelbhe„ 

yedk„ aro bel„ s*kte„ qesto„ 

qo(8)r„ hrphe 1„ ahro qese 1„ atbe tmot„ hrphe 1„ qes„ npto„ 

aro bel„ 

abrse (9)I„ yekedi„ kdise I„ arse li„ *tk*t„ emoqe„ qebese wi„ erk„ 

*skte„ aro bel(„) (10)adhite„ perite„ abr 100„ kdi 100 [...1„ qo leb„ 

apotebese„ *tk*k„ m*ki*ri„ y (11)*q*o*r„ mki *weste 1„ 

abrse I„ yeked„ kdise I„ arese li„ *tk*k„ emoqe„ qebe(12)se wi„ yerki„ 

apese„ *bmki„ wete Ihe„ 

adhite„ prite„ abr 58*,*, kdi 223„ qo (13)leb„ apote„ qebese„ yetkbhi„ 

yqo*I„ me*h„ aleqe„ qesto„ 

alle leb aberse (14)1„ yeked„ kdise I„ arse li„ *tk*k„ deqeb ese wi„ a*wete„ 

etkbhi„ 

arkedni*,*, (15)*aqebese wi„ erbhi„ 

al*leb *s*o„ pertese„ qes„ qo leb wi„ hrphri„ mle kse Ike„ 

(16)aleqese wide *1*0„ eqete*d*l*b*h*i„ 

seb„ q(o) leb witese„ yesebe„ ns„ ns *I„ 

qor„ a(17)*te„ eqepi„ mede wite 1„ *a*y*o*s[..]*esbi„ *tk*k„ dd„ 

(seb„) qo leb„ witese„ ye(18)*se*be qebese wite„ 

sb *I„ mded wite li„ qor„ nl„ [...] *I„ yedhbh„ 

A*m*n[.] (19)*ri„ qor„ mlo Ih„ Amnp„ *pn*k*k„ ahro„ hrphte„ [.]*b*w*ike„ 

*wido„ 

qo leb„ ye*b*e (20)*1„ yesebe witese„ ns„ n*s *I„ 

Amnp„ yiroh„ mdewi„ 

seb„ krte li„ art(21)13nki„ terike 1„ tewwibh*e„ 

seb„ meke„ adb*l*elhe„ enoqe„ 

seb„ mdeybe li„ *sg*tese(22)ri li„ adblelh„ *lbrete„ qes li„ holitke„ 

seb„ seb Ihe„ eno wite„ w*lbrte„ hr(23)pheke„ s wido„ irhhi„ 

seb wi„ eqese wi *I„ ekte„ 

kdise 1w„ abrse 1w„ yemoqe (24)eqebese wit„ w*kbte„ 

terike Ihe„ etewwite„ m*mo li„ d*mbe li„ mdeweyi„ *m*pde[1(25)*yi„ *bi*k„ 

wwi ke *w*i„ *kde y*e*k„ abri *k„ wi 3348 

wwi ke wi„ erote„ tinrike (w) (26)likidbte„ ase*nte„ qer lise 1w„ asr„ ahidebh„ wi 

1626 

Akinidd (27)qo pqr lo pesto lo„ 

pqri lke„ Mno„ n li„ eqe*thri 

ant„ Mno (28)tese Ike„ Mno„ n li„ eqe*thri„ 

720

The Sources 

pqri li„ pesti li„ tbi tnideb (29)I3e„ 

qore bki„ npbil3„ amre„ *mbr*l*oseti„ 

Amni„ arrese (30)se„ prtedse„ hrphe„ wse 1„ lk 1„ 

seb„ krte li„ artbnoke wi (31)tefike 1„ tewwibhe„ 

seb„ meke„ adb *1*i Ihe„ enoqe„ 

seb„ mtey (32)be li„ *sq*tesefi li„ adb*l*i lh„ *lbrete„ qes li„ holiteke„ 

se(33)b„ seb Ih„ eno wite„ w*lbrte„ hrphe ke„ s wido„ ithhi„ 

seb wi„ (34)eqese wi*t„ ekte„ 

kdise lw„ abrse lw„ emoqe qebese wi 1„ w(35)*kbte„ 

*pede kese Ike„ hrphe ke„ qo leb„ 

wte dete„ Mk„ wite pid*e (36)1ke„ 

qo„ 1 hrphe„ p*b*o li„ tkk [...]„ 

*wte dete *leb k„ a*hi 1„ p 1 (37)ke„ 

wte dete„ Amnpte„ pide *lke„ 

*seb„ wrewhe li [.]*p[..]*e*m (38)Mke no wi„ tefike 1„ (1/t)br ke„ 

qorteb„ etkbhe 

hr(ph)e„ w(39)se 1„ tkt„ Amni„ arresese„ Amn(40)p„ nete se li„ *A*m*np„ pide 

lke„ 

qo leb„ (s/w)tedebte„ 

seb„ tefike lhe„ 

wwi ke wi„ e (41)roHte„ tinnki„ wlikidbte„ ase*nte„ qer lise (42)1w„ asr„ 

ahideb*b*e wi 1032*,*, 

Comments 

Griffith (1917) interpreted the texts of the two Hamadab stelae as records of the 

war against Rome in 25-24 BC. In Vogliano's (1940, 69 ff.) and Hintze's view 

(1959, 25 f.) they record the initial episode of the war only, viz., the successful attack 

on Philae, Syene and Elephantine. This interpretation of the two inscriptions 

is based first of all on the occurrences in their text of the words Arme and 

Qes, which were identified as Rome and Kush. While Hofmann's (1981, 291 ff.) 

arguments against these identifications remain unconvincing, the restriction of 

the supposed contents of the narrative to the first episode of the war is improbable. 

Strabo's (FHN III, 190) account does not leave any doubt as to the unbroken 

course of the conflict from the Meroitic attack against the Egyptian towns 

through C. Petronius' counter-attack and the Meroitic defeat at Pselchis/Dakka 

to the expulsion of the forces of Queen Amanirenas from Lower Nubia (cf. 166, 

168, Comments). Consequently, the erection of a Meroitic triumphal stela directly 

after the successful attack against Philae, Syene and Elephantine is improbable. 

It cannot be ruled out, however, as Hofmann did, that the two stelae 

were set up after the end of the war in 21/20 BC and that their text was formulated 

as a triumphal inscription, independently of the actual course and outcome 

of the conflict. 

721


The text of 176 was analysed in great detail by Hofmann (1981, 288 ff.). Since 

her remarks, though they provide an excellent insight into a number of grammatical 

problems, do not render possible an historical reconstruction of the presumed 

contents of the text, in the following only the secure anthroponym and 

toponym identifications will be pointed out. References will be made to the 

lines of the text. 

1.-2. Amanirenas has the titles qore, "ruler", and kdwe (=kdke), Candace (cf. 85, 

Comments). Akinidad, whose name and titles are introduced with the obscure 

compound qore(ii?)-yi (cf. Hofmann 1981, 262 f.) that includes the word meaning 

"ruler", is pqr (cf. 152, comment on line 38), pesto (for the title as "viceroy" 

or "governor" of Lower Nubia see 154, Comments). The repetition in lines 2-3 

of the title pqr qori-se, "pqr of the ruler" seems to belong to the opening sentence 

of the narrative part of the text. 

2-3. The long sentence(s) beginning with the words pqr qori-se-1 qor hrphe lw qes 

arme-yose-li may, if the interpretation of the words qes and arme is correct, open 

the narrative on the conflicts with Roman Egypt. 

4 and passim. abr=man (cf. Griffith 1916, 123); kdi=woman (Griffith 1911, 120). 

5 and passim. In qo-leb, qo is interpreted to mean "living person" by Griffith 

(1917, 167), Hintze (1960, 148 ad line 26, here see 152) and Priese (1971, 279 § 

1.22.1);-leb is the plural of the Meroitic "article" -1i/lo (cf. Hintze 1963, 3; Priese 

1971, 276 f. § 1.12, 1.13.1, 1.15.1). 

13. apote=envoy, from Egyptian wpwti; cf. Griffith 1911, 10; Hintze 1963, 10 No. 

49. 

18-19. An utterance beginning (?) with the word qor, "ruler", and referring to 

Amn=Ami.in, A mnp=ArMin of Luxor and containing the adverbs mlo=good 

(Griffith 1911, 41 note 1) and /h=great, big (ibid., 10, 23, 96). 

20. Amnp=Amim of Luxor; Mdewi=Meroe (?; but see Hofmann 1981, 309). 

26ff With the name and titles of Akinidad, apparently a second part of the narrative 

is opened; while in the first part the mentions of men and women and 

quantities may perhaps have referred to captives or the like, the second part, 

beginning with mentions of Mno=Amfin and a prophet (ant; see 154, Comments), 

seems to refer to royal actions connected with cults. 

As shown by Hofmann (1981, 326), a precise addition of the numbers of abr, 

man, and kdi, woman given in the course of the narrative is to be found in line 

25. In this fact Hofmann sees a confirmation of the impression she received 

from the grammatical analysis of the text, viz., that both 176 and REM 1039 are 

donation texts. In her view this donation-text character excludes the presence of 

a historical narrative in the same inscription and, in support of her interpretation 

of 176, she also refers to parallel expressions occurring in 176 and 152 further 

in REM 0094 (FHN III, 300) which she also regards as "purely" dedication 

texts. However, donations may well be listed at the end of a historical narrative 

too; and the large numbers of men and women given in the text of 176 fit 

722

The Sources 

much better into the context of a record of a war than of a donation text (for the 

usually small number of people "donated" to temples cf. 71). 

[1:11 

(177) Queen Amanishakheto. Evidence for reign. 

Queen Amanishakheto's reign is attested by 1) her cartouches on two blocks 

from Temple T at Kawa (Macadam 1949, 117, No. 106, Pl. 35; Dunham 1957, fig. 

A/7; REM 0706); 2) a granite stela discovered by Garstang in the forecourt of the 

late Amim temple at Meroe City (REM 1041; for fragments discovered at later 

dates see Hintze 1960, 134); 3) her cartouches from the palace at Wad ban Naqa 

(Vercoutter 1962, fig. 12; REM 1055A); 4) an unpublished stela from Qasr Ibrim 

now in the British Museum (Plumley 1971, Pl. 8); 5) her cartouche on the pylon 

of Beg. N. 6 (REM 0055, 0056); 6) her presumed funerary offering table from Beg. 

N. 6 (Hintze 1959, 45 ff. Nos 8a-8b). 

Her name occurs in the following forms: 

Mnishte (in Meroitic hieroglyphs) 

Am(ni)sheto qor kd(ke) (in Meroitic cursive) 

(Am)nishete (in Meroitic hieroglyphs) 

Amnisheto qo mlo wi„, 

Amnsheto qore. 

The chronological position of her reign is indicated by the fact that her 

name occurs together with the name of Akinidad in Temple T at Kawa (see 

source 1 above: REM 0705) and in the unpublished Qasr Ibrim stela (source 4 

above). Following Hintze's (1959, 26) suggestion and accepting the consensus 

(cf. Hofmann 1978, 108 f.), she is regarded here as the direct successor of 

Amanirenas; and her reign is accordingly dated to the last years of the lst century 

BC and the early lst century AD. 

According to the incompletely preserved offering table from Beg. N. 6 (see 

source 6 above), Queen Amanishakheto was the daughter of a lady called 

Ar[...]thwit (Hintze 1959, 48 regards her, without providing any evidence for his 

suggestion, as daughter of King Amanikhabale; for the latter see FHN III, (191)). 

It thus seems that she wasn't the daughter of her predecessor Amanirenas (see 

(175)). Her title "Candace" in source 2 may indicate that she was a royal wife (cf. 

85, Comments), so it also appears possible that she was, like Amanirenas, married 

to Teritegas and that she became the successor of Amanirenas as ruler of 

Meroe because, for reasons which remain unknown to us, Akinidad wasn't accepted 

as a legitimate heir to the throne (cf. (179)). The legitimacy of Amanishakheto 

was secured, like that of Queen Shanakdakheto, through a male 

member of the royal family. In the mortuary chapel reliefs of Beg. N. 6 she is 

represented being "crowned" by a prince (Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 16/A,B) 

according to the iconographical pattern of Shanakdakheto's representations (cf. 

(149)). 

723


The prosperity of her reign is indicated by her building activity at Kawa (cf. 

Macadam 1955, 23 f.) and Wad ban Naqa (for the sumptuous building cf. Vercoutter 

1962; Wenig 1978, 72) and attested by the splendid collection of jewels 

(see recently Priese 1992, with earlier literature) discovered by Ferlini (1837) in a 

recess behind a "ba house entrance" (shaped as a naos front; cf. Priese 1992, 16) 

on the front side of the pyramid of Beg. N. 6, close to its top. The exceptionally 

fine pieces include, besides remarkable Roman (?) and/or Roman Egyptian imports, 

a series of gold seal rings with the representation of the "divine birth" of 

the Queen and her legitimation by Arniin of Napata (cf. Török 1987, 39 ff.; 

Priese 1992, 44 ff., figs 42-44). Amanishakheto is represented on the pylon of her 

funerary cult chapel Beg. N. 6 (Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 17) as a triumphant 

warrior spearing her enemies and wearing a royal costume which associates 

her with the Nubian warrior and hunter deities (cf. Török 1990, 168 ff.). 

[LT] 

178 Fragments of the Amanishakheto Stela from Meroe City. Late lst cent. BCearly 

lst cent. AD. 

REM 1041. 


These fragments of a finely executed granite stela were discovered by Garstang 

in the W corner of the forecourt of the late Amim temple at Meroe City (cf. 

Shinnie-Bradley 1980, 91, Pl. XXXVII; Török n.d., Ch. 31) and "restored", i.e., cemented 

in, in situ in the form of a small obelisk. At a later time, however, the 

"obelisk" was deliberately broken. Fragments of the stela were registered by 

Hintze (1959, 46, Pl. IX) and B.G. Haycock (unpublished) and unpublished fragments 

are also preserved in the collection of the School of Archaeology and 

Oriental Studies of the University of Liverpool (see Török n.d., Ch. 31). 

For the script and language of the inscription see the General Note to the 

Meroitic Texts in the Introduction. 

Text 

FRAGMENT A 

(1)(al)eqese„, Am(ni)(2)sheto,„ qor„, kd(ke 1,„) (3)pe wide„, m(lo) [...]1i„, arse li 

ke,„ (4)yithe„, 

*m*d*,*, dhi lw 1538 qo leb ede brht [...] 

(5)[...1deqeni ke[...] 

(6)[...]dtret[...] 

(7)[...]qorte 1[...] 

FRAGMENT B 

(1)[...]arse like [...] 

(2)[...]Amnp[...] 

724

(3)[...]elbt[...] 

(4)[...]abr wi 1032 kdi 2623 be qore lw[...] 

(5)[...]Aqedise[...] 

FRAGMENT C 

(1)[...]ephe mlo wi[...] 

(2)[...]akipl[...] 

(3)[...]akiple[...] 

(4)[...]epbe qe[...] 

FRAGMENT D 

(1)[...]akiplet[...] 

(2)[...]ephle kdi[...] 

(3)[...]ihlh*t[...] 

(4)[...]deqeni ke wlIkriyi[...] 

FRAGMEN'T E 

(1)[...]imlet,„ deqeni wi lik[...] 

(2)[...]13t,„ abr 1,„ 

The Sources 

Comments 

A 1-2. To judge by the sequence of the word aleqese occurring, as a rule, in 

Meroitic texts in a context that suggests the meaning "monument" or the like 

(see comment on line 1 of 152) and the name and the titles of Amanishakheto, 

Fragment A appears to contain the introduction of the stela inscription or of a 

topical unit thereof. 

A3ff;B1ff appear to record events or royal acts concerning large numbers 

of people, both men (abr) and women (kdi) and Amism of Luxor (Amnp) and 

Khonsu (Aqedise, see comment on line 8 of 152) are also mentioned. 

(179) Prince Akinidad. Evidence for career. 

Prince Akinidad is attested at Dakka in two Meroitic cursive graffiti: 1) together 

with King Teritaqas and queen Amanirenas as Candace in 173; 2) alone in a 

graffito (REM 0093) inscribed on the W thickness of the pylon entrance of the 

Thoth temple (cf. PM VII, plan on p. 42) opposite 168; 3) on a stela from Meroe 

City Temple M 600 (.174) in the company of King Teritegas and Amanirenas as 

Candace; 4) on a bronze naos from Kawa, Temple T (Macadam 1949, 100 No. 28, 

Pls 49, 50; REM 0628), together with Queen Amanirenas as ruler and Candace 

(cf. (175)); 5) on masonry blocks from Kawa, Temple T (British Museum 1774, 

Macadam 1949, 117 No. 105, Pl. 58; REM 0705), together with Queen Amanishakheto; 

6) in the texts of the stelae from Hamadab, REM 1003=176 and 1039, 

[Lii 

725


together with Queen Amanishakheto; 7) in the text of an unpublished stela 

from Qasr Ibrim (Plumley 1971, Pl. 8), together with Queen Amanishakheto; 

and 8) on masonry blocks from the cella of Temple M 250 at Meroe City 

(Garstang-Sayce-Griffith 1911, Pl. LXII/2; REM 0402). His name and titles occur 

in these documents in the following forms: 

Akidd pqr (Meroitic cursive) 

Akini(d)d pqr (Meroitic cursive) 

Akinidd (Meroitic cursive) 

Akinidd pqr qori-s pesto sew Qes-te (Meroitic cursive) 

Akinidd (Meroitic hieroglyphs) 

Akinidd pqr pesto pqr qori-s (Meroitic cursive) 

? 

Akinidd qe pqr qori-s pesto (Meroitic hieroglyphs). 

To judge by the absence of any title in document 3 (=174), the stela from 

Temple M 600 at Meroe City seems to represent the earliest source for 

Akinidad's career. His occurrence in a royal donation text as one of the donators 

indicates that he is a member of the royal family; this is also suggested by 

the fact that in hieroglyphic inscriptions his name is written in a cartouche. Although 

his identification as a crown prince in the documents where he appears 

in the company of King Teritegas and queen Amanirenas would seem likely, it 

is contradicted by his subsequent career: he never became a ruler, but continued 

to appear at the side of two successors of Teritegas, Queen Amanirenas and 

Queen Amanishakheto. The ambiguity of his position, i.e. his royal context on 

the one hand, and his acting as an official on the other, is obvious. While royal 

princes without any visible role in the government of the kingdom are frequently 

represented from the late 3rd century BC onwards,356 Akinidad's office 

as governor of Lower Nubia (see below) is quite unusual. An explanation for 

his unusual career should, however, be sought for in the actual historical situation 

prevailing at the time of his appointment as pesto, and not, as was suggested 

by Hofmann (1977a; 1978, 96), by recourse to the hypothesis that he, and 

other men with the title pqr, were "Vezirs" of the kingdom and were of nonroyal 

descent. Akinidad's royal descent seems beyond doubt if we accept the 

chronological outline sketched in the Comments on (172) - (179); for in its 

framework Akinidad must be identical with the son of the Candace mentioned 

by Strabo 17.1.54 (=FHN III, 190, cf. here (175), Comments). 

The Dakka graffiti REM 0092 (=173) and 0093 were written in the course of 

the war with Rome after the successful Meroitic attack on Philae, Syene and 

Elephantine in 25 BC (cf. 166, Comments; (172)). In them Akinidad appears as 

pqr, a title already occurring in the Tariyidamani Stela (152 38: pqr qori-se, "pqr 

of the king") and attested from the lst century AD in the titulary of princes of 

356Cf. (128); for the evidence of the reliefs in the royal mortuary cult chapels see Chapman- 

Dunham 1952, passim. 

726

The Sources 

royal blood (cf. FHN III, (213)) as well as in titularies of Lower Nubian pestoprinces, 

in whose careers this title represents the highest possible rank (cf. 

Török 1977a). While pqr may thus originally have had the restricted meaning 

of "royal prince" or the like, from the 2nd century AD onwards it could also be 

conferred upon high dignitaries of non-royal descent in the provincial administration 

(see ibid., and Török 1988, 248 f.; owing to lack of data it remains unknown, 

whether the extension of the title to non-royal persons also meant that 

it was no longer used by royal princes). 

Akinidad was pqr during the life of King Teritecias; in the reign of Queen 

Amanirenas he was also pesto and sew Qes-te, "sew in Kush (?)".357 While the 

second title remains incomprehensible for us, in all probability the title pesto 

marks the office of the governor (in the literature frequently "viceroy") of 

Meroe's Lower Nubian "province", called in Meroitic documents Akifi (cf. 155 

9 f.), between the Egyptian frontier and the Second Cataract (cf. 154, 155, and see 

Török 1977; 1979, 109 ff.; 1988, 246 ff.). If the generally accepted chronological 

scheme is correct (cf. (172), (175), (177)), the appointment of Akinidad, a royal 

prince, as governor of Akifi happened after the peace treaty between Augustus 

and the envoys of the Meroitic queen was concluded on Samos in 21/20 BC (cf. 

168, Comments) and signals the importance for Meroe of the territory which 

formerly belonged to the vassal Triacontaschoenus created by Cornelius Gallus 

(cf. 163 - 165), the Meroitic re-organisation of which now became possible. 

Besides the two Hamadab inscriptions (see 176) erected in the reign of 

Queen Amanirenas and the Qasr Ibrim stela set up under the reign of her successor 

Queen Amanishakheto, the rank and official realm of Akinidad is indicated 

most strikingly by his building activity. At Kawa he carries out restoration 

work (the extent of which can, however, not be defined) in the company of 

Queen Amanishakheto. His name is written there in a royal cartouche. His 

name and titles are also inscribed in cartouches on the relief blocks (Garstang- 

Sayce-Griffith 1911, Pl. XXXV/1) preserved from Temple M 250 at Meroe City 

(cf. FHN I, (36)) which was rebuilt by him in a most remarkable archaizing style 

(see Török n.d., Ch. 27). These cartouches, topped by the image of the bee from 

the title of the ruler, occupy the space between the figure of the god worshiped 

in the sanctuary (probably Amiln; only a ram's horn and an uraeus are preserved 

from his crown) and the figure of Akinidad standing before the god and 

receiving life from him. Though represented without any regalia and wearing 

only a simple princely diadem over his natural hair, Akinidad nevertheless 

appears here in an iconographical context which normally is exclusively royal: 

in a temple relief, it could only be a ruler who, as high priest, performs the cult; 

357 Hofmann 1981, 291 f. doubts that Qes was the Meroitic equivalent of Egyptian Kg/ IC;s / 1(§1/ 

Kw§/ KiW K§wi, although she refers to the Demotic graffito Philae 410 (FHN III, 249) written for 

a Meroite in which the land of Meroe is termed T3 n Nhs as well as K. 

727


and it could only be an actual ruler who thus receives legitimacy and power 

from the gods. 

[111 

180 Dendur, Demotic inscription of Swny. 11/10 BC (?). 

Griffith 1937, 33 f.: Dendur No. 1; Burkhardt 1985, 103 f. 


(1) h3t-sp 20t Swny 

(1) Twentieth regnal year, in the time of Suny, 

p; mr-mg p3 rt n 1st 

the district-commissioner and the agent of Isis. 

P3-q-im(2) s3 P3-di-Wsi[r] p3 nti dd 

Pakh6m, (2) the son of Petosiris, the lesonis-priest, (it is) who says 

n Pa-t3-rtn1 S3 P3-di-Ist p3 hm-ntr 

to Patatenen, the son of Petisis, the prophet 

hn n3 1-31-yw (3) r13 rtw n T3-h3t-d 

and the elders (3) and the agents of Tahatsh (Dendur): 

mn-mtw=y rwylAri (4) r-hr=rtnh 

I have no rdisputei (4) with ryoui 

rirmi p3 hry Pa-Ur p3 ntr n Klt 

randi the Lord Pah6r, the god of Korte. 

[p3] ,nb (5) r-lw.ir=rki [riri] n=ri' 

[The] oath (5) which ryoui (sing.) shall [rtakei] for rmei 

n p3 [rhrwil [n t3] mtt n Pr-iw-mb 

[rtodayl in the] midst of the Abaton, 

da rni(6) ri m-s3 he,J. dbn 1 

saying, "r-1(6) apart from that one deben-weight of silver, 

bw ir=n di (7) ... n T3-I3t-d 

we do not pay (7) (anything) to Tahatsh (Dendur); 

bw ir p3 hry (8) di 

nor does the Lord (8) Pah6r pay (anything) 

728

The Sources 

(r-)db3 t3 mtyt (9) n 1st nti lw=f r‘nrs r-i-irt=s 

in return for the r--' (9) of Isis which he cares for." 

(10) ink 1:tt 

(10) As for me myself, 

n-di ir=w n=i p3 q.111 (11) nti sh hri 

when they have taken for me the oath (11) which is written above, 

wy=y n.im=w (m-)b3h 1st 

I rshall be' far from them before Isis 

(12) n b iswt n p3 bw (13) n n3 Pr-nv (14) dt 

(12) in requital for the rbreath' (13) of the kings, (14) for ever. 

(15) sh P3-q-tm S3 P3-di-Wsi(16)r p; mr-gn 

(15) Written by Pakh6m, son of Petosi(16)ris, the /esonis-priest, 

(17) (n) d(r)t=f hf 

(17) by his own hand. 


In the course of the Ptolemaic Period and subsequently during the early Roman 

Period the activities of the provincial governors called strategoi358 came increasingly 

to be concerned with civil rather than military affairs. At the same 

time there continued to be strategoi who were "generals" in the strict sense, 

and the provincial officials continued to control military and police forces. In 

an attempt to capture the composite role of the provincial strategos I have chosen 

to translate the word by "district-commissioner", thereby inviting a comparison 

with the role of the British Colonial Official in Sudan. I have also used 

this translation for the mr-m§e in the Dodecaschoenus even though his status 

and role may not be the same as that of the provincial governor. 

[RHIP] 

Comments 

Inscriptions 180, 182 - 185 are selected from the monuments of the administration 

of the Roman Dodecaschoenus in the period between the reign of Augustus 

and the late 50s AD. While recording different agreements concluded between 

inhabitants of the regiort, formulated in the form of an oath (Burkhardt 

1985, 29 ff.) in the presence of the mr m of the Dodecaschoenus and inscribed 

on a temple wall according to contemporary Upper Egyptian legal practice (cf. 

Kaplony-Heckel 1963 and see the Demotic inscriptions Nos 57-65 in Philae, 

358 Xrpatriyoi is a Greek plural form. EzpaC1ry6;, the original meaning of which was "leader of 

an army", is often translated "general". 

729


Griffith 1937, 54 ff.; Burkhardt 1985, 123), these texts also bear witness to the preeminent 

role played by members of non-Egyptian elite families in the administration 

of the region. 

The list of the attested non-Egyptian holders of the title mr m§e of the Dodecaschoenus 

ranges from Mn'e, 29 or 25 BC (?) (see 162) through Swny, 11/10 BC 

(?) (180), Slw, AD 10/11 (181), Rqe, AD 30 (182) to Able (also written Abli, Abla) 

who is attested between AD 48 and 57 or (if 184 dates from AD 64) between AD 

48 and 64 (for the next occurrence of an agent of Isis in the preserved evidence 

see FHN III, 231). 

Since the details of the legal transactions recorded in the texts do not directly 

concern the topics dealt with in FHN and require a special treatment by an expert 

in legal history (cf. Seidl 1929), it may suffice to point out, as to the sorts of 

the legal matters touched upon in 180, 182 - 185, that, however limited they are 

in number, they seem to include a range of issues involving family and inheritance 

law, cases of financial transactions, and leases similar to the far more extensive 

corpus of Ptolemaic (from about 200 BC) and early Roman Upper Egyptian 

Demotic temple oaths (cf. Kaplony-Heckel 1975, 1201 f.) 

It would seem that the Demotic oaths taken by Meroites reflect the activity 

of the mr tri§ as a sort of appellate judge.359 The official activity of the mr rti§ as 

he appears in the texts quoted here is that of a civil servant who is, however, 

closely connected with the (probably first of all financial) administration of the 

domain of the Isis temple at Philae. His authority extends, as shown most 

clearly by the three documents of Abla (183 - 185), over the whole of the 

Dodecaschoenus. All known holders of the title mr m§c who are of non-Egyptian 

origin combine the office of mr m§c with that of ri n 1s, agent of Isis;360 the 

earliest of them, who served during the reign of the Meroitic king Aqrakamani 

is, however, also a n an agent of the king (see 162). The intertwining of 

the civil administration of the Dodecaschoenus with the administration of the 

domain of Isis apparently follows from the fact that the bulk of the land in the 

region was the property of the Temple of Isis at Philae (cf. 112, 137, Comments). 

At all events, the administration of the domains of other temples in the region 

was also under the authority of the mr m§‹ , as is indicated by 181, written by 

Slw, mr ms and agent of Isis of Philae and of Thoth of Pnubs/Dakka. 

180 was inscribed on the W end of the N wall of the pronaos, i.e., in the public 

part, of the temple of Dendur which was dedicated by Augustus to the deified 

brothers Peteisis (133-c/PIst)and Pahor (B3-n-kir), sons of Kuper (Qwpr/ Qpr), 

359 In the contemporary Demotic oaths Philae 57-61, Griffith 1937, 54-56, the oath is not ordered 

by the mr m, who is not mentioned at all, which may indicate that the cases mentioned in these 

texts were settled by a lower instance, a lay or a military tribunal (for the latter see graffito Ph. 

58, Griffith 1937, 54, 29 AD); cf. Kaplony-Heckel 1975, loc. cit. 

360 For a r (alternate transliterations: rd or rt) of Isis of Koptos between ca. AD 14 and 68, see the 

monuments of Parthenios published by Farid (1978). His Greek monuments translate q by irpo— 

atåtrig. 

730

The Sources 

who was perhaps identical, according to a fascinating suggestion put forward by 

Cyril Aldred (1978, 30 f.), with the Meroitic tyrannos appointed in 29 BC by Cornelius 

Gallus (cf. Török 1989-1990, 180 f.; and see also 163-165). 

[Lrn 

181 Dakka, proskynema of Slw. 10/11 AD. 

Griffith 1937, 25: Dakka No. 29; Burkhardt 1985, 99. 


(1) rn=f mnl dy (m-)b3h Dhwty (n) P3-nbs p; ntr 

His name endures here in the presence of Thoth of Pnubs (Tabo), the great 

god. 

Slw; p3 mr-m< 

Selwa, the district-commissioner (stra tegos), 

p3 rt n 1st n Pr-w

Fontes Historiae Nubiorum 1.1 

182 Philae, Demotic inscription of Rqe. 30 AD. 

Griffith 1937, 53: Philae No. 54; Burkhardt 1985, 105 f. 


(1)fut-sp 16 ibd 4 knw sw 19 

(1) Sixteenth regnal year, fourth month of Summer, 19th day, 

n Tybrys (2) Gysrs p3 ntr p3 k (n) p3 ntr

The Sources 

(n) t3I (n) p3 hrw r bry (15) (n) rnpt nb dt 

from this day forward (15) each year for ever. 

[RHP] 

Comments 

The text of 182 was inscribed on the SW jamb of the great pylon of the Temple 

of Isis. For its historical background see 180, Comments. 

[LT1 

183 Philae, Demotic inscription of Able. 48 AD. 

Griffith 1937, 53 f.: Philae No. 55; Burkhardt 1985, 106 f. 


(1) h3t-sp 8t ibd 4 prt sw 21 

(1) Eighth regnal year, fourth month of Winter, 21st day, 

n Tbyrs Glwts Gysrs (2) Sbst Grmnks 3wtgre p3ntr 

of Tiberius Claudius Caesar (2) Augustus (Sebastos) Germanicus, Imperator 

(Autokratår), the god. 

p; b13(3) r-iw-ir 3ble p3 mr-ing< p3 rt n 1st 

The settlement (3) which Able, the district-commissioner and agent of Isis made 

irm P3-r-p3-1;iwt (4) p; ssmst 

with Pshenphowt, (4) the ssimeste, 

irm n3 rmtw 

and the people of Peihoi 

hn b wsh (5) dd 

in the forecourt (of the temple), (5) saying: 

ct=y rsp-sni 3w1e n p3 te n "Ist' 

"I have separated out (lit.: cut off) one rby one' 3zole of (or: for) the nome of 

s4.T n n; rmw (n) P3-ey-by 

one for the people of Peihoi; 

[ky (6) n p3 mr-mc 

[another one] (6) for the district-commissioner; 

n p; hhmti 

one for the hhn3t1-officia1; 

733


n fl mimi n 

[one] for the cmimi-official of [ — 1; 

(7) n p3 'S

The Sources 

a "ssimeste",361 and the inhabitants of Peihoi (P3-


rshl P3-sn-2 (12) p3 rmrl [ —I p3 rhri pr-,nh' I — — 

rWritten by' Psensnaw, (12) the roverseer of' [ — ] and the rhead of the House 

of Life' [—I. 

(13) r— — ' p3 hm-ntr n-ir-hr (14) 3b1y p3 mi~ irm [ — — 1 

(13) r— — ' the hont-priest, in the presence of (14) Abli, the district-commissioner 

and [ — — 

(15) [ — n p3 rntr [ — 

(15) 

[ — of the rgod' [ — ]. 

In}rntw [ —... (16) —I glyl [ (17) [ — —] 

And [ — (16) — I burnt offerings [ G7)[ ...] 


There is scarcely a word which is important for the interpretation of the structure 

and meaning of this text that is not open to well founded doubts. The 

lengths of the lacunae are also uncertain in some cases. 

[RHP] 

Comments 

This agreement, concluded before Able, mr tn§

The Sources 

1.1W (3) Ì-Jr' s; h[ni 

and (3)11-16r" son of [Teltosirisl, and ... 

hrg P3-di-lr-bms-nfr S3 [ — ]-'Ist 

and Petearensnuphis son of [—]êse, 

(4) hw t3c3t (n) ru mbw n 1st irm n3 wnw n Ist 

(4) and the company of the waab-priests of Isis and the shrine-openers of Isis 

r ir=f 

are to take 

n rmt Krt b3k n Ist [n Pr-]lw-mb (5) Pr-iw-lk 

for the man from Korte, servant of Isis [of the Ab]aton (5) and Philae, 

s3 Kn p3 tun-ntr fut (n) Krt 

Harsise son of Kare, the first hont-priest of Korte, 

irm ru 131-[3]w(6) n Krt 

and the el[de]rs (6) of Korte, 

(n) hft-h(r) Dhwti (n) P3-nbs p3 ntr 

in the forecourt of Thoth of Pnubs, the great god, 

(n) tut-sp 4t tpl 313t sw 28 

in the fourth regnal year, the first month of Summer, 28th day, 

(7) Nrn3 Glwts Gysrs Sbst3 Grmnks (8) 3wtkrtr3 p; ntr 

(7) of Nero Claudius Caesar Germancus (8) Imperator (Autocrator), the god, 

1-Ir-hr 3b1 p3 mr-ng< p3 rt n Ist dd 

in the presence of Abla, the district-commissioner and agent of Isis, saying: 

p3 (9) [q]' nb nti rili 

(As for) all the (9) [rcult-]servicel which rcomesl, 

r p3 wrk r (r) Pr-iw-lk r-r3=f 

the r—i shall come to Philae, rto its gate', 

(1()) [rmtw=w dit' n; rmtw (n) Krt Igns 2t (n) p3 wrk n 1st (n) Pr-lw-lk 

[ ] the men of Korte, 2 r— for' the r—' of Isis of Philae. 

[sh rttm-ntr n'] Wsir 1st 

(11) [Written by the rhont-priest of.1] Osiris and Isis, 

737


Wn-nfr s3 ITIr-wd3 sh (n) hwt-ntr n 1st (n) Pr-Iw-wcb Pr-3-Ik 

Onnophris son of Harutsha, scribe of the temple-complex of Isis of the Abaton 

and Philae. 

[RHP] 

Comments 

185 is the only one of the inscriptions recording oaths taken in the presence of a 

non-Egyptian mr m§‹ of the Dodecaschoenus which belongs to the type using the 

formula lzp; enh, "text of the oath" (Burkhardt 1985, 30, 70). It records an agreement 

concluded before Abla (see 183, 184) and was inscribed on the S face of the 

NW corner pillar of the pronaos of the Temple of Thoth at Dakka. 

[LT] 

738

CONTENTS OF FHN 

The list below shows what texts, according to our present plans, will be treated 

in FHN III, with the basic bibliographical references added. 

Volume III: From the First to the Sixth Century AD 

(186) Queen Nawidemak. Evidence for reign 

186a Juba in Pliny, N.H. 6.179. The toponyms of the Middle Nile Valley 

187 Strabo 1.2.25 and 17.2.2-3. Description of Aithiopia 

188 Strabo 1.2.32. Philae is inhabited by Egyptians and Aithiopians 

189 Strabo 16.4.8-13, 17. On Aithiopian tribes 

190 Strabo 17.1.53-54. The war between Rome and Aithiopia 

(191) Amanikhabale. Titles. Evidence for reign 

192 Meroitic stela of King Amanikhabale from Meroe City. Middle of the lst 

cent. AD (REM 1038 and REM 1001) 

193 Pomponius Mela 3.85. Description of Aithiopia 

194 Acts of the Apostles 8.26-40. The conversion of Candace's treasurer 

195 Pliny, N.H. 5.53. The sources of the Nile and the geography of Aithiopia 

196 Pliny, N.H. 2.189. The physical appearance of the Aithiopians 

197 Pliny, N.H., 7.27. The longevity of the Aithiopians 

198 Pliny, N.H. 6.189. Aithiopian tribes 

199 Pliny, N.H. 7.31. Nubian tribes 

200 Pliny, N.H. 8.26. On the Trogodytes 

201 Pliny, N.H. 37.69; 37.92; 37.126; 37.156; 37.165; 37.167; 37.169; 37.177; 37.182. 

On Aithiopian minerals 

202 Pliny, N.H. 6.172 f.; 8.32; 8.69. On the fauna of Aithiopia 

203 Pliny, N.H. 13.43; 13.47; 13.90; 16.160; 17.133; 18.100; 19.161; 20.36; 23.72; 

27.11-12. On the flora of Aithiopia 

204 Pliny, N.H. 6.181 f. The Nubian campaign of C. Petronius 

205 Cassius Dio 54.5.4-6. The Nubian campaign of C. Petronius 

206 Pliny, N.H. 6.184-186. Nero's centurions in Aithiopia 

207 Cassius Dio, 62.8.1. On the proposed Neronian expedition to Aithiopia 

208 Pliny, N.H. 12.19. The map of Aithiopia made by Nero's centurions


209 Seneca, N.Q. 6.8.3. The Neronian expedition to Aithiopia 

210 Philae. Greek inscription of the inhabitants of Philae and the Dodecaschoenos. 

Ca. AD 69-79 (t. Bernand 1969, no. 161) 

Natakamani. Titles. Evidence for reign 

Queen Amanitore. Titles. Evidence of co-regency 

Prince Arikankharor. Titles. Evidence 

Prince Arkhatani. Titles. Evidence 

Shorakaror. Titles. Evidence for reign 

Amanitaraqide. Evidence for reign 

(216a) Aryesebokhe. Evidence for reign 

Amanitenmomide. Titles. Evidence for reign 

218 Plutarch, Ant. 27.3. Queen Cleopatra speaks to the Aithiopians and Trogodytes 

in their own languages 

219 Plutarch, De Is. et Osir. 13.356B; 39.366C. On the mythical queen Aso of 

Aithiopia 

220 The Roman road between Syene and Hiera Sycaminos in ca. AD 103-105 

(CIL 111, 14148) 

221 Dio Chrysostomus 32.36. Aithiopians in Alexandria. Ca. AD 105 

222 Ptolemy, Geogr. 4.7.5 ff. Description of Aithiopia 

223 Ptolemy, Geogr. 8.16.8. Geography of Aithiopia 

224 PMilano 40. A conflict between Romans, Aithiopians and Trogodytes in 

the 1st cent. AD 

Amanikhatashan. Evidence for reign 

Tarekeniwal. Evidence for reign 

Amanikhareqerem. Titles. Evidence for reign 

Ariteilyesebokhe. Titles. Evidence for reign 

229 Maharraqa. Demotic inscription of Pa[1. 2nd cent. AD (Griffith 1937, no. 

Mah. 1) 

230 Aelius Aristides, Or. 36.48; 36.55. The Dodecaschoenos in the second half 

of the 2nd cent. AD 

231 Philae. Demotic inscription of Paêse. 2nd cent. AD (Griffith 1937, no. Ph. 

251) 

232 Philae. Demotic inscription of Sosen. AD 190/91 (Griffith 1937, no. Ph. 223) 

233 Ravennatis Anonymi Cosmographia 5.28. Geography of Aithiopia 

234 Cosmas Indicopleustes, Top. chr. 11.60 ff. Copy of the inscription of a king 

of Aksum (Adulitana II). 2nd or 3rd cent. AD 

740 

Amanikhedolo. Evidence for reign 

Takideamani. Evidence for reign

Contents of FHN III-IV 

(237) Mashaqadakhel (?). Evidence for reign 

238 POxy. IV,735. The last mention of the Coh. II Ituraerorum equitata at the 

Egyptian-Aithiopian frontier. AD 204 

239 Syene. Inscription with the last mention of the Cohors I Flavia Cilicum 

equitata at the Egyptian-Aithiopian frontier. AD 217/8 (Dessau 8919) 

240 Philae. Greek inscription of the inhabitants of Philae and the Dodecaschoenus. 

Ca. AD 213-217 (E. Bernand 1969, no. 179) 

241 Cassius Dio 76.13.1. Pestilence in Aithiopia (?) in AD 200 

242 Philostratus, Vita Apoll. 6.2. The silent trade at the Egyptian-Aithiopian 

frontier 

243 Philae. Demotic graffito of Makaltami. Early 3rd cent. AD (Griffith 1937, 

no. Ph. 344) 

244 Dakka. Demotic graffito of Bêk. Early 3rd cent. AD (Griffith 1937, no. Dak. 

33) 

245 Philae. Demotic graffito of Wayekiye (A). AD 227/8 (Griffith 1937, no. Ph. 

421) 

246 Medik. Meroitic funerary inscription of Wayekiye (A). First half of the 3rd 

cent. AD (REM 0089) 

247 Medik. Meroitic funerary inscription of Taêse, wife of Wayekiye (A). First 

half of the 3rd cent. AD (REM 0088) 

248 Kalabsha. Greek decree of the strategus of Omboi and Elephantine concerning 

swines in the temple of Mandulis. About AD 235 (OGIS 210) 

249 Philae. Demotic graffito of Mnitwi and Hornakhtyotef II. Middle of the 3rd 

cent. AD (Griffith 1937, no. Ph. 410) 

250 Philae. Demotic graffito of Hornakhtyotef II. Middle of the 3rd cent. AD 

(Griffith 1937, no. Ph. 257) 

251 Dakka. Hieroglyphic and Demotic graffito of Hornakhtyotef II. Middle of 

the 3rd cent. AD (Griffith 1937, no. Dak. 30) 

252 Philae. Demotic graffito of Wayekiye (B). Middle of the 3rd cent. AD 


253 Philae. Demotic graffito of Atengeytenrie. Middle of the 3rd cent. AD 


254 Dakka. Demotic graffito of gereri. Middle of the 3rd cent. AD (Griffith 

1937, no. Dak. 31) 

255 Dakka. Demotic graffito of Shetelten. Middle of the 3rd cent. AD (Griffith 

1937, no. Dak. 32) 

256 Philae. Demotic graffito of Pathorês. Middle of the 3rd cent. AD (Griffith 

1937, no. Ph. 255) 

257 Philae. Demotic graffito of Pathofes. Middle of the 3rd cent. AD (Griffith 

1937, no. Ph. 257) 

741

Fontes Historiae Nubiorum Il 

258 Johannes Zonaras 12.21B. Pestilence in Aithiopia ca. AD 250-253 

(259) Tegorideamani. Titles. Evidence for reign 

260 Philae. Demotic graffito of Pasan. AD 253 (Griffith 1937, no. Ph. 416) 

261 Philae. Demotic graffito of Tami. Ca. AD 253 (Griffith 1937, no. Ph. 417) 

262 Philae. Demotic graffito of Wygte. Second half of the 3rd cent. AD (Griffith 

1937, no. Ph. 254) 

263 Philae. Demotic graffito of Wygte. Second half of the 3rd cent. AD (Griffith 

1937, no. Ph. 403) 

264 Karanog. Meroitic funerary inscription of Netewitar. Middle of the 3rd 


265 Philae. Greek inscription of Abratoeis (Abratoye). AD 260 (E. Bernand 1969, 

no. 180) 

266 Philae. Greek inscription of Tami. AD 260 (E. Bernand 1969, no. 181) 

267 Philae, Meroitic Chamber. The inscriptions of a Meroitic embassy to Philae. 

Second half of the 3rd cent. AD (REM 0097-0111) 

268 Karanog. Meroitic funerary inscription of Khawitaror. Second half of the 

3rd cent. AD (REM 0247) 

269 Karanog. Meroitic funerary inscription of Maloton. Second half of the 3rd 


270 Karanog. Meroitic funerary inscription of Abratoye (Abratoeis). Second 

half of the 3rd cent. AD (REM 0321, 1088) 

271 ?-:aras.Meroitic funerary inscription of Makheye. Second half of the 3rd 


272 Philae. Demotic graffito of Teos (Djed-hor). AD 273 (Griffith 1937, no. Ph. 

252) 

(273) Malociorebar. Evidence for reign 

274 Heliodorus on Aithiopia. Aithiopika 8.1; 8.16.4; 9.22.1; 10.11. 

Tamelordeamani. Evidence for reign 

Yesebokheamani. Evidence for reign 

277 Meroe City, Apedemak temple. Meroitic dedication of Yesebokheamani. 

Late 3rd cent. AD (REM 0407) 

278 Claudianus, Carmina min. 25.70 ff. The defence of the Egyptian border in 

AD 283 

279 Paneg. Maximini. A war between Meroe and the Blemmyes. Around AD 

291 

280 Paneg. Constantii. A victory over Aithiopians and Blemmyes. AD 297/8 

(?) 

281 Johannes Zonaras 12.31. Diocletian marches against the Aithiopians 

742

Contents of FHN 

282 Historia Augusta, Tyr. trig. 22.3-6. The intended campaign of Mussius 

Aemilianus against the Blemmyes 

283 Historia Augusta, Quadr. tyr. 3.1, Aurel. 33. Firmus' Blemmyan friends 

and Aurelian's Blemmyan captives 

284 Historia Augusta, Prob. 17.2-3. The Blemmyes support an Upper Egyptian 

revolt in AD 280 

285 Meroe City. Greek inscription of a king of Aksum. 3rd or 4th cent. AD 

(Hägg 1984, 436) 

286 Meroe City, temple KC 102. Greek inscription of a king of Aksum. 3rd or 

4th cent. AD (Flägg 1984, 436 ff.) 

(...) k (...). Evidence for reign 

(.) Evidence for reign 

Pat(.)rapeamani. Evidence for reign 

Amanipilade. Evidence for reign 

291 Arminna West. Meroitic funerary inscription of Sakhiye and Taysiye. AD 

3rd or 4th cent. (REM 1063) 

292 SB I, 4223. Concentration of military forces at Philae in AD 322 

293 Eusebius, Vita Const. 4.7. Aithiopian and Blemmyan envoys in Constantinople 

in AD 336 

294 Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 2.1. On the queens of Aithiopia 

295 Fl. Abinnaeus on his praefecture at a federate group of Blemmyes in AD 

337-338 

296 Sancti Pachomii Vita Prima Graeca 85. Barbarian attacks in Upper Egypt. 

Ca. AD 390 

297 Musawwarat es Sufra, Great Enclosure. Latin graffito. 3rd or 4th cent. AD 

(CIL III, 83) 

298 Aksum. Inscription in Greek of Ezana. Middle decades of the 4th cent. AD 

(E. Bernand et al. 1991, no. 270bis) 

299 Aksum. Christian inscription of Ezana in Greek. Middle decades of the 4th 

cent. AD (E. Bernand et al. 1991, no. 271 

300 Kalabsha. Meroitic inscription of Kharamadoye. 5th cent. AD (REM 0094) 

301 Vita Senutii. On the king of the Blemmyes (Zoega 1810, 36 f.) 

302 Philae. Demotic graffito with mention of Blemmyan activities in AD 372- 

373 (Griffith 1937, no. Ph. 371) 

303 Ammianus Marcellinus 22.15.2. Aithiopians of Elephantine and Meroe 

304 Ammianus Marcellinus 22.15.21, 24. The hippopotamus in the land of the 

Blemmyes 

305 Epiphanius, De XII gemmis, 244. Blemmyes in the Dodecaschoenus in 

about AD 394 

743


306 Philae. Hieroglyphic and Demotic graffito of Esmêtakhom. AD 394 


307 Historia monachorum 1.2. Aithiopian attack against Syene 

308 Claudianus, Carmina min. 28, Meroe and the habitat of the Blemmyes. 

Around AD 404 

309 Olympiodorus, frgm. 1.37, in Photius, Bibl. 62a.9-26. Olympiodorus in 

Lower Nubia. About AD 423 

310 Kalabsha, temple of Mandulis. Greek inscriptions of King Tamalas (SB I, 

1521-1523) 

311 Kalabsha, temple of Mandulis. Greek inscription of King Isemne (SB I, 

1524) 

312 Tafa. Greek inscription (SB I, 5099) 

313 Talmis, Greek inscription of the klinarchoi (SB V, 8697) 

314 PLeiden Z. The petition of Bishop Appion. Around AD 425-450 

315 Philae. Greek inscriptions of worshippers of Ptireus (E. Bernand 1969, nos 

190-192) 

316 Theodoretus, Graec. affect. curatio 9.928. On the customs and habits of the 

Aithiopians. Before ca. AD 449 

317 Kalabsha, temple of Mandulis. Greek inscription of King Silko. Ca. AD 453 

(OGIS I, 201) 

318 Priscus, frgm. 21. The war of Rome against the Noubadians and the 

Blemmyes 

319 Greek letter of King Phonen. 5th cent. AD G. Rea, ZPE 34 [1979], 146 ff.) 

320 Coptic letter of Viventius to Tantani. 5th cent. AD (Cairo, Coptic Museum 

reg. no. 76/50A) 

321 Coptic letter of Eihataki to Tantani. 5th cent. AD (Cairo, Coptic Museum 

reg. no. 76/50B) 

322 Coptic letter of Mouses to Tantani. 5th cent. AD (Cairo, Coptic Museum 

reg. no. 76/50B) 

323 Zosimus, Historia nova 1.71.1. Blemmyes participating in a Theban revolt 

under the emperor Probus 

324 Philae. Greek graffiti commemorating the conversion of the Isis temple. 

Early 6th cent. AD (E. Bernand 1969, nos 200-204) 

325 Philae. Greek graffito of a Christian Nubian (E. Bernand 1969, no. 205) 

326 PBerol. 5003. Greek Blemyomachia. Ca. 5th cent. AD. 

327 Acta Arethae et sociorum. The emperor Justin promises to send Nubian 

and Blemmyan soldiers to Ella Asbeha, king of Aksum, in AD 524 

328 Procopius, De bello persico 1.19.28-35. The withdrawal of the Roman frontier 

in AD 298 

744

Contents of FHN 

329 Jordanes, Romana 333. The defeat of the Nubians and Blemmyes in ca. AD 

452-453 

330 Dendur. Coptic inscription of King Eirpanome. AD 559 or 574 (A.M. 

Blackman: The Temple of Dendur. Cairo 1911, 36 f.) 

331 Coptic and Greek document from Gebelen. Donation and 

manumission within a family (BKU III, 350) 

332 Coptic and Greek document from Gebelen. Acknowledgement of debt 

(BKU III, 361) 

333 Coptic and Greek document from Gebelen. Acknowledgement of debt 

(BKU III, 359) 

334 Greek document from Gebelen. Royal disposition (SB IH, 6258) 

335 Greek document from Gebelen. Acknowledgement of debt (BKU 

360) 

336 Greek document from Gebelen. Royal disposition (SB III, 6257) 

337 Greek document from Gebelen. Acknowledgements of debts (SB X, 

10553) 

338 Greek document from Gebelen. Acknowledgement of debt (SB III, 6259) 

339 Coptic and Greek document from Gebelen. Royal disposition (P.Köln 

ägypt. 13) 

340 Greek document from Gebelen. Acknowledgement of debt (SB X, 

10552) 

341 Greek document from Gebelen. Acknowledgement of debt (BGU III, 

796) 


795) 


797) 

Volume IV: Interpretative essays. Addenda et Corrigenda. Indices. 

745

fontes historiae nubiorum - Digitalt - Universitetet i Bergen

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