Historiographical Approaches To Past Archaeological Research. Gisela Eberhardt Fabian Link (Eds.)

Historiographical
Approaches to
Past Archaeological
Research
Gisela Eberhardt
Fabian Link
(eds.)
BERLIN STUDIES OF THE ANCIENT WORLD

writing the history of archaeology has become
increasingly diverse in recent years due to developments
in the historiography of the sciences and the human-
ities. A move away from hagiography and presentations
of scientific processes as an inevitable progression has
been requested in this context. Historians of archae-
ology have begun to utilize approved and new histo-
riographical concepts to trace how archaeological
knowledge has been acquired as well as to reflect on the
historical conditions and contexts in which knowledge
has been generated. This volume seeks to contribute
to this trend. By linking theories and models with case
studies from the nineteenth and twentieth century, the
authors illuminate implications of communication
on archaeological knowledge and scrutinize routines
of early archaeological practices. The usefulness of
different approaches such as narratological concepts
or the concepts of habitus is thus considered.
32 berlin studies of
the ancient world
berlin studies of the ancient world · 32
edited by topoi excellence cluster

Historiographical Approaches
to Past Archaeological
Research
edited by
Gisela Eberhardt
Fabian Link
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CONTENTS
gisela eberhardt – fabian link

Historiographical Approaches to Past Archaeological Research.
Introduction — 7
marianne sommer
(Net)working a Stone into a Tool. How Technologies of Serial
Visualization, Arrangement, and Narration Stabilized Eoliths as
Archeological Objects — 1 5
irina podgorny
Towards a Bureaucratic History of Archaeology. A Preliminary Essay — 4 7
amara thornton
Social Networks in the History of Archaeology. Placing Archaeology in
its Context — 6 9
géraldine delley
The Long Revolution of Radiocarbon as Seen through the History of
Swiss Lake-Dwelling Research — 9 5
ulrich veit
Objects of Knowledge in Modern Settlement Archaeology. The Case of
the Iron Age Fürstensitze (‘Princely Residences’) — 1 1 5
marieke bloembergen and martijn eickhoff

The Colonial Archaeological Hero Reconsidered. Post-Colonial
Perspectives on the ‘Discovery’ of the Prehistoric Past of Indonesia — 1 3 3
felix wiedemann
Stones and Stories. On the Use of Narratological Approaches for Writing
the History of Archaeology — 1 6 5
fabian link
“More Important than all Technical Features Would Appear to Us the
volkliche Differences”. Gotthard Neumann and the völkisch Thought in
German Prehistory, 1920s to 1960s — 1 9 1
serge reubi
Why is the Dialogue so Difficult between the Historiography of the
Social Sciences and the Historiography of Science? — 2 2 3
Gisela Eberhardt – Fabian Link
Historiographical Approaches to Past Archaeological

Research. Introduction
Summary
For many years now, developments in the historiography of sciences and humanities have
led to the call for a revised history of archaeology and a move away from hagiography and
presentations of scientific processes as an inevitable progression. Historians of archaeology
have begun to utilize approved and new historiographical concepts and tools to trace how
archaeological knowledge has been acquired as well as to reflect on the historical conditions
and contexts in which this knowledge has been generated. This volume seeks to contribute
to this trend. By linking theories and models with case studies from the nineteenth and
twentieth century, the authors illuminate implications of communication on archaeologi-
cal knowledge and scrutinize routines of early archaeological practices. The usefulness of
different approaches such as narratological concepts or the concept of habitus is thus con-
sidered.
Keywords: History of archaeology; history of science; historiographical approaches.
Ausgehend von Entwicklungen in der Geschichtsschreibung von Natur- und Geisteswissen-

schaten wird seit vielen Jahren auch eine veränderte Historiographie der Archäologie(n)
gefordert und die Abkehr von Hagiographie und Darstellungen wissenschatlicher Prozes-
se als unvermeidlichem Fortschreiten. Archäologiehistoriker/innen nutzen bewährte und
neue historiographische Konzepte und Instrumente, um zu untersuchen, wie archäologi-
sches Wissen erworben wurde, und um die historischen Bedingungen und Kontexte der
archäologischen Wissensgenerierung zu reflektieren. Zu diesem Trend will der vorliegen-
de Band beitragen. Die Autorinnen und Autoren verknüpfen Theorien und Modelle mit
Fallstudien aus dem neunzehnten und zwanzigsten Jahrhundert, um Auswirkungen von
Kommunikation auf den archäologischen Wissensprozess zu beleuchten und Routinen frü-
her archäologischer Praktiken zu hinterfragen. Überprüt wird auf diese Weise der Nutzen
verschiedener Ansätze wie narratologischer Konzepte oder des Habituskonzepts.
Keywords: Geschichte der Archäologie; Archäologiegeschichte; Wissenschatsgeschichte;

historiographische Ansätze.
Gisela Eberhardt, Fabian Link (eds.) | Historiographical Approaches to Past Archaeological Research |
Berlin Studies of the Ancient World 32 (ISBN 978-3-9816384-1-7; URN urn:nbn:de:kobv:11-100233492) |
7
How to write the history of archaeology? For many years now, developments in the his-
toriography of the sciences and the humanities have led to the call for a revised history of
archaeology and a move away from hagiography and presentations of scientific processes
as an inevitable progression. Historians of archaeology have begun to utilize approved
and new historiographical tools in order to trace how archaeological knowledge has
been acquired as well as to reflect on the historical conditions and contexts in which
this knowledge has been generated. Thus, past achievements of the archaeological dis-
ciplines are no longer presented without historiographical reflection. It is understood
that the goal of archaeology’s history cannot be “to legitimize current practices by giv-
ing them a respectable ancestry”1 and the risk of ‘presentism’ or ‘present-centeredness’,
resulting in studies carried out from a present perspective with an according modern
agenda, has been identified.2
Actual history of science, respectively of archaeology, is supposed to trace the pro-
duction of scholarly knowledge instead of reviewing past research from a more advanced
modern view or to extract normative guidelines for current research.3 It aims at scrutiniz-
ing concepts and practices in light of their historical contexts, asks how discoveries were
made and how they were identified or defined as such, how archaeological research cat-
egories developed, in what ways they were conditioned by social and political interests,
or how specific topics were emphasized by biographical aspects, individual preferences
or social interaction. However, in order to trace how archaeological knowledge has been
produced and to reflect on the historical contexts in which this knowledge has been gen-
erated, it is important to carefully inspect the historiographical approaches, the models,
theories and methods that are applied, and to discuss their merits and limitations in
light of the specific needs of the historian of archaeology.
Still, there is an alternative perspective claiming that the history of archaeology is
considered to be complementing theoretical discussion, critically assessing modern ar-
chaeological practices and enabling archaeologists “better to understand the orientation
of current research and potentially enable changes.”4 This way of investigating histori-
cal sources is based on archaeological research, i. e. on modern scientific standpoints
and current questions, and not on ideas of the past (that might no longer be central to
modern research). Bert Theunissen therefore suggested to rather characterize those “as
scientific criticism or scientific review than as history of science.”5 In order to tell stand-
points apart it is indeed important to clearly distinguish studies aiming at normative
guidelines for today’s archaeology from actually historical analyses of past archaeologi-
cal research.
1 Corbey and Roebroeks 2003, 1. the history of science see Hagner 2001.
2 Kaeser 2008, 11. 4 Gramsch 2006, 15. – Translation by the authors.
3 For detailed information on objectives and trends in 5 Theunissen 2001, 150.
8
introduction
Most of the authors’ ideas collected here were first presented during a workshop in
2010, entitled “New historiographical approaches to archaeological research”. The work-
shop explicitly focused on discussing methodologies and sought to raise questions con-
cerning not yet approved approaches towards the history of archaeology. It thus aimed
at exploring and possibly broadening the spectrum of available historiographical frame-
works, concepts, and methods for novel histories of archaeological research.
However, the appropriateness of the term ‘new’ in the workshop’s title has been
questioned by the participants (contribution Serge Reubi).6 It was claimed that the ap-
plication of methods of literary studies (contribution Felix Wiedemann) or prosopog-
raphy (contribution Amara Thornton), the consideration of social entanglements and
communication structures behind scientific facts and processes following Ludwik Fleck
(contribution Marianne Sommer), Bruno Latour’s model of actor-networks (contribu-
tions Amara Thornton, Géraldine Delley) or Pierre Bourdieu’s habitus concept (contri-
bution Fabian Link) are not new but have been utilized in investigations for decades.
While this stands without question, it does not, however, hold true for the history
of archaeology. Such models and theories were first applied to the history of archaeol-
ogy only around the beginning of the twenty-first century, when the trend was to make
history of archeology a more significant part of history of science. Since then histori-
ans of archaeology have regularly questioned the notions of continuous advancement
and cumulative progress of concepts and knowledge in archaeological research. Accord-
ingly, historians of archaeology have made various efforts to approach past research from
different starting points and all sorts of new perspectives were embraced. Thus, new
key aspects were discovered ater the history of archaeology took its ‘practical turn’ at
the beginning of the twenty-first century. In consequence, there have been various in-
vestigations, publications and conferences concerning the history and sociology of ar-
chaeological practices, notably field work practices.7 In addition, with the adoption of
new research perspectives, the scope of sources widened as well. For one, the research
network “Archives of European Archaeology” was launched in 1999 claiming to more
intensively investigate unpublished material since previous histories of archaeology had
mainly been dealing with published sources of past research only. The network’s pri-
mary focus is the exploitation of all sorts of “archives of the discipline”, be it the unpub-
lished material in libraries, museum depots or government archives.8 Another kind of
new sources introduced to the history of more recent archaeological research were oral
histories, e. g. interviews with former staff members of particular excavations or senior
scholars.9 The revival of history of archaeology did not only offer new research opportu-
6 Reubi in this volume, esp. 225. 07/07/2015); Schlanger 2002; Schlanger and Nord-
7 E. g. Lucas 2001; Davidovic-Walther 2009; Eberhardt bladh 2008; Huth and Moro Abada 2013.
2011; Jensen 2012. 9 Smith 2006.
8 http://www.area-archives.org/index.html (visited on
9
nities or open new source categories. Methodological issues were also raised anew taking
up points from historiographies of other scientific disciplines as e. g. scientific biography
as a research method.10 This volume seeks to contribute to the presented trend by link-
ing theories and models with case studies and rearrange the sets in which archaeological
thinking is believed to develop.
Marianne Sommer discusses the implications of communication on scientific
knowledge. She deals with the controversies regarding the scientific evidence of the
so-called eoliths in eighteenth and nineteenth century archaeology, i. e. the question
of whether these objects were archaeological artifacts or created by natural processes.
Sommer follows Ludwik Fleck among others in explaining how the popularization of
scientific knowledge is less a top-down phenomenon but rather a cycle which again gen-
erates scientific knowledge. Thus, Sommer shows how scientific objects, namely eoliths,
came into being by verbal and visual communication, and by their incorporation into
current thinking patterns such as evolutionary progression.
Irina Podgorny tracks back routines of early archaeological observation and doc-
umentation methods. How the practices of other fields not only influenced but also
shaped the archaeological grip on evidence is presented in her contribution in detailed
case studies. Political administrative forms, engineering drawings and medical perspec-
tives could impact the ways in which archaeological features were seen and recorded.
It becomes apparent how complex the origins of communicative practices are and how
these practices – instead of being invented in matter-of-factly scientific strategies – reg-
ularly evolved out of habits and routines.
Amara Thornton presents a combined approach that consists of biography, proso-
pography and network analysis to identify the specific participants and members of early
archaeology in twentieth century British Mandate Palestine and Transjordan. She broad-
ens the scope of already known network categories such as disciplinary or gender-based
networks attempting to meticulously encompass all parties that have been involved in
defining and establishing the discipline of archaeology in early twentieth century Pales-
tine and Transjordan. She thus explores how the wider archaeological network, includ-
ing protagonists such as professional archaeologists, political authorities or private elites,
operated.
Géraldine Delley researches the so called ‘natural science methods revolution’ in
Swiss archaeology that is related to radiocarbon and tree-ring dating methods. She in-
vestigates the impact of these two methods on the research practice of the archaeology of
ancient Swiss lake-dwellers between 1950 and 1985. Delley shows the profound changes
that methods from the natural sciences provoked within Swiss archaeological research of
the 1960s. However, these changes were primarily not rooted in a general modernization
10 Kaeser 2004; Link 2014.
10
introduction
in the sense of progress, but were influenced by other activities of scholars generally, e. g.
mobilizing financial resources from politicians by applying certain rhetorical strategies.
How scientific objects come into being in archaeological research is the topic of
Ulrich Veit’s contribution. Drawing on Hans-Jörg Rheinberger’s conception of ‘experi-
mental systems’, Veit focuses on the case of Iron Age ‘princely seats’ (Fürstensitze). In do-
ing so, he presents a discourse that has undergone many years of discussion and critique
within the German community from a previously unknown perspective. Veit traces how
this epistemic object developed in several steps of knowledge transformation and reveals
that the places of archaeological research are not scientific environments themselves,
but results of concrete processes followed by researchers with different social groups
involved.
Three case studies on the presentation and self-presentation of colonial archaeolo-
gists in Dutch East India during the 1920s and 1930s are explored by Marieke Bloem-
bergen and Martijn Eickhoff. Referring to post-colonial theory, the authors investigate
to what extent early archaeology continues to affect the archaeology of post-colonial
Indonesia and whether the idea of colonial archaeologists as actual ‘discoverers’ of the
prehistoric past remains valid until today. Bloembergen and Eickhoff are able to show
that the creation of archaeological knowledge not only reproduced colonial hierarchies
but included various forms of indigenous involvement as well.
Felix Wiedemann considers the possibilities of applying narratological concepts for
studying the historiography of archaeology. Drawing on Hayden White, Paul Ricoeur
and others, he uses for one the example of archaeological narrations from the nineteenth
and early twentieth century on human migration in the Near East. Wiedemann analyzes
how archaeologists arranged supposed historical events (such as migrations) within their
accounts to arrive at coherent plots. The historical role that was ascribed to migrating
groups or ‘peoples’ such as “founders or destroyers of human culture” relied less on
archaeological findings but rather on the composition of a specific plots, subject to the
political context of the time.
Fabian Link explores the epistemic changes in the scientific constructions of prehis-
toric archaeology from the 1930s to the 1960s, taking the example of the East German
archaeologist Gotthard Neumann. For this purpose, he uses a combined approach of
conceptual history and Bourdieu’s field- and habitus-theory. Focusing on the impact
of völkisch thoughts in Neumann’s publications he argues that the importance of these
ideas in prehistory was strongly linked with the social interactions Neumann had with
Nazi politics but, primarily, with the professional success he had with this strategy.
In the closing contribution, Serge Reubi takes up the discussion about the alleged
‘novelty’ of the approaches adopted in this volume. Examining the differences between
historiography of the natural sciences and historiography of the social sciences including
archaeology, Reubi discusses the difficulties of establishing joint methodological stan-
11
dards due to the different research traditions of the two fields. In his view, most history
of the social sciences is still concerned with normative ideas within one discipline. Such
history – as for example the history of archeology – does not go beyond the space of estab-
lished perspectives of the discipline under examination. Due to this “single-disciplinary
approach” historians of archaeology are unable to escape the ‘presentist trap’. Reubi sees
this buttressed by the name of our workshop in 2010, when we identified approaches as
“new” because we had in mind an ‘isolated’ history of archaeology instead of regarding
archaeology as one field within a general history of science. He claims that historians of
archaeology are to give up single-disciplinary approaches and should consider a broader
view by embracing approaches from other disciplines and experts from a general history
of science.
This book includes a wide range of concepts, from the history of experimentation
in the life sciences to methods drawn from literary studies, and it is written by archae-
ologists, historians of modern history and historians of science. Its aim is thus to add
to the demanded ‘modernized’ history of archaeology, that is, to a multi-disciplinary
approach in researching the history of archaeology.
We would like to thank the Excellence Cluster Topoi for making the fruitful work-
shop possible on which the present book is based and for having the volume published.
Within Topoi scholars examine the relation between spatial orders and knowledge in
antiquity. Like all research enterprises, their projects are based on questions, methods
and concepts established for decades within their disciplines. This was accounted for
during the first phase of Topoi, when the research group CSG-V provided a platform
for the investigation and discussion of the history of archaeology in general, and also a
framework for our workshop.11 Each of the contributions here have been peer-reviewed
twice, and we are most thankful to all anonymous reviewers for their valuable feed-
back and comments that helped in improving the papers. Furthermore, many thanks
are due to all participants of the workshop in 2010, especially the speakers Felicity Bo-
denstein, Stefanie Klamm and Pamela Jane Smith who did not see their papers through
to publication. Last but not least we wish to thank Alison Borrowman, Joshua Crone,
Will Kennedy, Nadine Riedl, Jutta Schickore and Dominika Szafraniec for their essen-
tial contribution to this volume with regards to content, proofreading, typesetting and
organization.
11 The research group CSG-V (short for “Cross- on 07/07/2015). – Special thanks go to Kerstin Hof-
sectional-group V”) was a subsection of mann, coordinator and creative mind of the CSG-V,
research area E in Topoi I (2007–2012): for her support in every respect.
http://www.topoi.org/group/e-csg-v-topoi-1/ (visited
12
introduction
Bibliography
Corbey and Roebroeks 2003 Jensen 2012

Raymond Corbey and Wil Roebroeks. “Does Dis- Ola W. Jensen. Histories of Archaeological Practices:
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Epistemology. Ed. by Raymond Corbey and Wil museet, 2012.
Roebroeks. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University
Kaeser 2004
Press, 2003.
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gischer Wissensproduktion. Eine kulturanthropologis-
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che Wissenschaftsforschung. Altertumskunde des
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online-Beiträge zur ur- und frühgeschichtlichen temporary and Historical Archaeological Practice. Lon-
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rations in the History of Archaeology. Introduc-
Hagner 2001 tion”. Antiquity Special Section 76 (2002), 127–131.
Michael Hagner. “Ansichten der Wissenschafts-
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Huth and Moro Abada 2013 Books, 2008.
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duction: Contextualizing Recent Developments in Smith 2006
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13
Theunissen 2001
Bert Theunissen. “Does Disciplinary History Mat-
ter?” In Studying Human Origins: Disciplinary History
and Epistemology. Ed. by Raymond Corbey and Wil
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GISELA EBERHARDT
Dr. phil. (Berlin 2008), is an archaeologist and Dr. Gisela Eberhardt

historian with special interests in the history and Freie Universität Berlin
epistemology of archaeological research and knowl- Exzellenz Cluster Topoi
edge. As editor at the Excellence Cluster Topoi, she Hittorfstr. 18
is responsible for the book series and the ejournal 14195 Berlin, Germany
of Edition Topoi at Freie Universität Berlin. E-Mail: gisela.eberhardt@topoi.org
FABIAN LINK
Dr. phil. (Basel 2012), is assistant in history of Dr. Fabian Link

science and the humanities at Goethe-University Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main
Frankfurt. The focus of his research is on the his- Historisches Seminar – Wissenschatsgeschichte
tory of archaeology and medieval studies in the IG-Farben-Haus
Nazi regime and on the history of the social sci- Norbert-Wollheim-Platz 1
ences during the Cold War. 60629 Frankfurt am Main, Germany
E-Mail: f.link@em.uni-frankfurt.de
14
Marianne Sommer
(Net)working a Stone into a Tool. How Technologies

of Serial Visualization, Arrangement, and Narration
Stabilized Eoliths as Archeological Objects
Summary
This paper deals with issues surrounding so-called eoliths in the nineteenth and early twen-
tieth century: Were these very crudely chipped stones from European Tertiary deposits really
human-made? The focus is on the visual, spatial, and narrative arguments used by some of
the eoliths-proponents. One powerful strategy consisted in integrating the supposed tools
into existing geological, archeological, and paleoanthropological series, relying on estab-
lished scientific knowledge and the wider cultural significance of the serial. However, the
flints first had to be translated in cascades of inscriptions from actual stones in situ into draw-
ings and series of drawings in publications to eventually gain a high level of abstraction as
elements in formalized tables of juxtaposed series. My discussion of the eoliths focuses on
these aspects in the production of knowledge in transit between communities, spaces, and
media.
Keywords: History of archeology; history of paleoanthropology; knowledge circulation; eo-

liths; human evolution; visualization; serialization.
Dieser Beitrag setzt sich mit den historischen Kontroversen um die sogenannten Eolithen
auseinander: Waren diese sehr rudimentär abgeschlagenen Steine aus europäischen Terti-
ärschichten tatsächlich das Resultat menschlicher Arbeit? Der Fokus ist auf die narrativen,
visuellen und räumlichen Argumente einiger Eolithen-Verfechter gerichtet. Eine wirkmäch-
tige Strategie war die Integration der vermeintlichen Werkzeuge in geologische, archäolo-
gische und paläoanthropologische Serien, um damit an etabliertes Wissen und an die kul-
turelle Bedeutung des Seriellen anzuschließen. Zuvor mussten die Feuersteine jedoch in
Transkriptionskaskaden von Objekten in situ in Zeichnungen und serielle Abbildungen in
Publikationen übersetzt werden, um schließlich den Abstraktionsgrad von Elementen in
hoch formalisierten Tabellen einander gegenübergestellter Serien zu erreichen. In meiner
Diskussion nehme ich diese Aspekte der Wissensgenerierung im Transit zwischen unter-
schiedlichen Gemeinschaten, Räumen und Medien ins Visier.
15
marianne sommer
Keywords: Geschichte der Archäologie; Geschichte der Paläoanthropologie; Wissenszirku-

lation; Eolithen; Evolution des Menschen; Visualisierung; Serialisierung.
I am grateful to the American Museum of Natural History for giving me access to the Os-
born Papers in the Special Collections Library, and to the incredibly helpful staff of the
archive. I would also like to thank the editors of the Notes and Records of the Royal Society of
London for giving me permission to base this article on Sommer 2010. Special thanks are
due to Gisela Eberhardt and Fabian Link for the organization of a wonderful conference in
2010 and the editing of the volume. The research for this contribution has been carried out
within the project ‘History Within: The Phylogenetic Memory of Bones, Organisms, and
Molecules’ that was financed by the Swiss National Science Foundation.
In 1921, the paleontologist and president of the American Museum of Natural History
(AMNH), Henry Fairfield Osborn, ordered a series of supposed stone tools by letter
from the English amateur archeologist James Reid Moir. Reid Moir had been digging
in East Anglia and brought to light what he took to be human-made tools from Ter-
tiary deposits. The human workmanship of such stones was very controversial, but by
the time Osborn ordered the series, the crudely chipped flints, to which I will generally
refer as eoliths, were at the height of their acceptance in the international scientific com-
munities as human-made tools. Eoliths extended the antiquity of hominids in Europe
from the Pleistocene into the Tertiary; they expanded the archeological record from the
Paleolithic into the Eolithic. When he ordered a series, Osborn was in the last steps of
preparing a new exhibition hall on human evolutionary history. The AMNH should not
fall short of its British counterpart, the British Museum of Natural History, where the
keeper of paleontology, Arthur Smith Woodward, had included eoliths in the exhibit as
early as 1909.1
Ludwik Fleck has described the communication of scientific knowledge as integral
to the formation of a scientific fact in his canonical Entwicklung und Entstehung einer wis-
senschatlichen Tatsache of 1935.2 The communication from specialists to non-specialist
audiences goes along with the translation of the cautious formulation of a phenomenon
in a scientific journal article into the objectifying and generalizing language of the text-
book and popular text that harden the finding into a fact. Fleck regarded this process
rather as a cycle than as a one-way transfer, because popular science forms the specific
1 American Museum of Natural History, Special Col- 2 First translated into English in 1979 as The Genesis
lections Library, Henry Fairfield Osborn Papers MSS and Development of a Scientific Fact, eds.: T.J. Trenn
O835 (hereater AMNH, Osborn Papers), correspon- and R.K. Merton, Chicago: University of Chicago
dence with J. Reid Moir, Box 15, Folders 15–17. Press.
16
(net)working a stone into a tool
public opinion and the worldview that influence the specialist as part of the wider cul-
ture. Fleck therefore already reinterpreted the process of popularization, which has since
become a central concern for historians of science.3 Except as an actor category, the
term popularization has been largely abandoned in its nineteenth-century meaning of a
one-way communication of objective scientific knowledge from its hermetically closed
context of discovery to a diffuse mass of people who are in need of education. Popular-
ization in this sense was understood as an instrument of social progress, of secularization
and rationalization. While we still see in the communication of scientific methods and
contents a factor of socio-cultural change, our understanding of the practices, sites, pro-
tagonists, media, and forms of representation that partake in the generation, communi-
cation, and adaptation of knowledge about the natural world has become considerably
more complex and diverse.4
In his keynote lecture for the Three-Societies Meeting in Halifax of 2004,5 James Sec-
ord has suggested to unite the diverse approaches in the history of science and science
studies under the label “knowledge in transit”.6 The label not only suggests a symmetrical
treatment of scientific knowledge production with popular and indigenous knowledge;
it, too, goes along with an understanding of all science as a form of communication. We
may object to this move by pointing to the fact that science in action is also about the
lack of communication, about black-boxing processes and the materialization of theo-
ries and concepts in technological setups and natural phenomena as brought to light by
scholars in the tradition of historical epistemology.7 The communication of knowledge
depends on the representation and re-representation of phenomena prior to circulation,
with Latourian cascades of inscriptions that are as much processes of translation as the
circulation of objects of knowledge between diverse geographical, social, and cultural
spheres.8 The lesson from a knowledge-in-transit approach remains, however, that we
need to take account of the non-Western, the non-elite, and the non-male. The history
of science since the cultural turn has expanded its sources to include the subaltern, the
vernacular, and the market- and media-oriented products of popular culture as much
as the so-called high culture of literature and the arts. We turn to the places and media
where scientific practices, forms of representation, values, and ideas are communicated,
negotiated, transformed, and rejected.
The AMNH is one such place, and my research into its history has shown how
the collection of data, their interpretation, and the representations of the findings in
expert and popular contexts all have to be seen as intimately linked; knowledge was in-
deed in transit: in movement, translation, and transition between people, spaces, and
3 Fleck 1936; also Fleck 1935. Science, and the History of Science Society.
4 For a classical treatment, see Cooter and Pumfrey 6 Secord 2004.
1994. 7 Rheinberger 1997.
5 The British Society for the History of Science, the 8 Latour 1987, ch. 6.
Canadian Society for the History and Philosophy of
17
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Fig. 1 Showcase in the Hall of the Age of Man at the American Museum of Natural History in the 1920s.
media. At Osborn’s time, the AMNH was a site where humans, discourses, and objects
from various social, cultural, and geographical contexts met in the production and con-
sumption of knowledge about the natural world, and from where hybrid objects were
internationally distributed. Among these were eoliths: They traveled as stones, as casts,
as photographic representations and drawings, and re-represented in diagrams, tables,
and narratives. As a result, when the Hall of the Age of Man finally opened to New
Yorkers and visitors to the city in 1924, they did not encounter the contested history of
the eoliths, or carefully phrased statements and hypotheses. They encountered rock-hard
facts. They saw artifacts let behind by European hominids of the Tertiary. They also saw
casts of fossil bones, busts of extinct hominids, and murals showing entire life-scenes
from evolutionary history that were expertly set in communication with each other to
provide a panoramic view and the necessary spectacle to engage the visitor attuned to
the visual culture of the great exhibitions and circuses.9
Fig. 1 represents one of the pieces of the exhibit – if a rather drily didactic one. From
this showcase, the visitor may have learned about man’s place among the primates. The
genealogy of the primates is a branching structure, and the line leading from the last
common ancestor of all lines, Propliopithecus – here signified by a jaw –, to living humans
is empty. There are no fossils to document our history and evolution from Oligocene
times. But the message is ambiguous, because the horizontal series of skulls might be
read as a descending ladder from modern white man (No. 11 in the legend), via Cro-
Magnon, Neanderthal, Piltdown, Pithecanthropus (the bust in the middle – today called
Homo erectus), gorilla, chimpanzee, and orangutan, down to the gibbon.
9 See Halttunen 2008.
18
In a special issue of the journal History of Science, Nick Hopwood, Simon Schaffer,
and James Secord have brought together articles on the role of seriality in the long nine-
teenth century.10 Series became important in periodical publication, production pro-
cesses, and economic management. From their application in mathematics, the words
series, série, and Serie entered philosophical and social programs, historical reconstruc-
tions, and the sciences of statistics, geology, paleontology, chemistry, botany, and an-
thropology. While the social, economic, and cultural was increasingly serially organized
(such as in literary publication, workflows, travel experience, photography, and cinema),
the natural, too, seemed to be serially structured. The question of the existence of pro-
gressive forces and developments in heaven and on earth troubled the sciences. In order
to capture such spatio-temporal phenomena, researchers innovated and adapted serial
iconographies: In geology, new visual techniques allowed to get beyond the mapping of
the superficial distribution of minerals to seemingly render transparent vertical stratifi-
cation; embryologists produced serial images of developmental stages; even electromag-
netic phenomena were communicated in series of images documenting serial experi-
mentation. However, as the papers collected in History of Science render evident, iconic
and narrative seriality was not simply suggested by the scientific practice or the natural
phenomena under investigation. Rather, processes of translation, manipulation, and ab-
straction were involved in the production of iconic and textual – or mobile – series. This
suggests that the power of series was such that scientists worked hard to exploit their ap-
peal. They developed serial visual rhetoric for making spatial and temporal successions
compelling, not only in communication between experts but also to larger publics. Seri-
alized forms of imagery and publication, series of museum displays, and serial exhibition
of objects drew on and encouraged the serialization of everyday experience.11
But series were never uncontested. This is inscribed in the AMNH showcase. The
contradiction between the two messages of, on the one hand, a bushy family tree and, on
the other, a scala naturae arrangement of the horizontal skull series captures something
significant about the time. Around the turn to the twentieth century, the paleoanthro-
pological and archeological communities mostly abandoned the linear view of evolu-
tion held by their predecessors; partly due to the discovery of many more fossils, they
adopted branching models of human descent. This did not mean, however, that they
also abandoned all notions of progressive development.12 Correspondingly, Constance
Areson Clark has convincingly shown that a public trained to literacy in the visual lan-
guage of progress – in which the series played a crucial role – may have read images as
conveying linear progressive development even where such was not consciously com-
municated.13 Furthermore, as illustrated by the primate tree, the visual rhetoric of the
10 Hopwood, Schaffer, and Secord 2010. 12 Sommer 2007, Part II.

11 Hopwood, Schaffer, and Secord 2010, 251–285. 13 Areson Clark 2001.
19
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series was not abandoned when the ancestral line of living humans was cleared from
fossil remains, which were relegated to sidelines; rather, we will see how series were
made to work differently, a process that rendered them dangerously ambiguous. The
same points may be made with regard to the verbal representation of human evolution-
ary history that strongly relied on literary genres and cultural tropes that facilitated the
rendering of evolutionary history as a series of progressive stages. However, narratives
were much more contextual and idiosyncratic than Misia Landau has suggested with
her reduction of evolutionary scenarios to an arrangement of a fixed set of elements in
a single narrative structure.14
In general, anthropologists and archeologists in the early decades of the twentieth
century continued to use many of the tools of the trade established in the nineteenth
century. They drew evolutionist analogies between stages of biological, cultural, and
mental evolution, and between so-called primitive or savage and prehistoric peoples
and cultures. It is only through this continuity that artifacts of a certain prehistoric cul-
ture could still stand in for a fossil human type. The early split between the anthropoid
and hominid lines, visualized in the primate tree of Fig. 1, was justified in the exhibition
guidebook by supposedly human-made tools from the European Miocene – by eoliths.
It was the tool-making ability of Dawn Man – as the hypothetical human ancestor was
called – that put at a distance the cultureless ape. In other words, different series – the ge-
ological, archeological, and paleoanthropological series – could mutually reinforce each
other and fill each other’s gaps. In order for series to do this powerful work, however,
eoliths first had to be translated in cascades of inscriptions from actual stones in situ
into elements in highly formalized tables of juxtaposed series. Series circulated through
the international networks of archeologists and anthropologists in several degrees of
abstraction from the typological tool series to the column of archeological cultures in
context. In agreement with the analytical turns towards the visual, the narrative, the
spatial, and the performative, my discussion of the eoliths therefore focuses on these
aspects in the production of knowledge in transit between communities, spaces, and
media.15 The series is key here, because serialization is a technology of visual narration
that performs compelling arguments for spatio-temporal processes.
In this way, in following the process of (net)working stones into tools, I hope
to shed new light on the history of eoliths as an example of how scientific knowl-
edge is produced, circulated, and in transformed, but also stabilized, in the interaction
between different scientific communities. Previous engagements with the discourses
around eoliths have aimed at the unraveling of a forgery,16 the explanation of the reso-
lution of a controversy within the history of Paleolithic chronology and classification,17
14 Landau 1991. 17 O’Connor 2003; O’Connor 2005; O’Connor 2007,

15 Bachmann-Medick 2009. ch. 5.
16 Spencer 1988.
20
or at an ontology of current views, even the understanding on the basis of cognitive

science, specifically cultural cognition,18 with the processes of visualization, narrativiza-
tion, and spatialization playing a marginal role at best. From my different perspective, I
begin with the work of Gabriel de Mortillet to illustrate how the eoliths profited from
the persuasive power of the serial in Western cultures. I then turn to Great Britain to
focus on Reid Moir’s detailed work of translating eoliths into stones marked by human
intention and integrating them into particular typological, archeological, geological,
and production series. At the end, I return to the American scene and ask what kind
of work the eoliths and their serial integration performed in the novel paradigm of a
branching hominid phylogeny in which no known fossils were considered ancestral to
modern humans.
1 Gabriel de Mortillet: The first eoliths and the performance of

progress in France
If the year 1859 brought a consensus with regard to the coexistence of humans with the
extinct Pleistocene fauna, the rejection of a conservative Biblical timeframe for the age
of humankind opened up vast spaces of time for investigation. How far back could hu-
man history be traced? In France, the acceptance of human antiquity was followed by
a controversy about eoliths, supposedly human-made flint tools from Tertiary deposits.
Gabriel de Mortillet (1821–1898) of the École d’Anthropologie in Paris was the most
prominent supporter of the dawn tools and the creator of the term Eolithique, the Dawn
Stone Age, which for him referred to the Tertiary period. But de Mortillet is most re-
membered today for his classification of the Paleolithic industries as a progressive series
from the Chellean or Acheulean, to the Mousterian, Solutrean, and finally to the Mag-
dalenian. By the time de Mortillet accepted the supposedly Eolithic stone tool cultures,
his archeological system was already in place.
That the archeological series was part of a larger scheme becomes evident in the pre-
historic section of the Universal Exhibition in Paris of 1867, for which de Mortillet had
been responsible. The series of world fairs organized in the Western metropolises of the
nineteenth century itself epitomized stages in the progress of industry and empire. In the
case of the history of industry (l’histoire du travail) at the Parisian Universal Exhibition,
the exhibits occupied the first concentric ring around the central garden in the oval exhi-
bition building. Each nation filled a section of the ring, with the most important nations
appearing first and being allotted larger sections.19 Within the territory of each nation,
18 Ellen and Muthana 2010. verselle_de_1867.png?uselang=de (visited on

19 See image at http://commons.wiki- 07/07/2015).
media.org/wiki/File:Exposition_uni-
21
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the halls were ordered chronologically, from prehistory to the present. From the main
entrance, the visitor could either enter Great Britain or France, but de Mortillet used the
guide he wrote for the prehistoric exhibits to suggest turning let and beginning the tour
with France (moving clockwise).20 Here, France’s technological progress unfolded be-
fore the visitor’s eyes from the hall La Gaule avant l’emploi des métaux to those celebrating
recent innovations. Within the prehistoric part of this progress, the halls represented the
Paleolithic, Neolithic, dolmen, lake-dwelling, Celtic, Gaul, and Gallo-Roman periods.
Within the Stone Age hall, artifacts were again arranged chronologically on the basis of
archeological sites.
Thus, de Mortillet led the visitors on a tour through the inner exhibition circle dur-
ing which the prehistoric epochs were repeated in national sections, pointing to the
parallel development in different geographical regions. He also directed the guide read-
ers towards more current technologies and customs found in the exhibits of the civilized
nations that indicated continuity in form or use beyond prehistory. At the same time, he
drew attention to the galleries on the colonies of France and of other European nations.
Here, he referred the visitors to the similarities with objects from Western prehistory –
illustrating the possibility that the universal technological development may take place
at different times for different peoples. In other words, de Mortillet used his guide narra-
tive, the architecture of the exhibition, and the serial arrangement of the exhibits in space
to enact for the visitors what he conceived of as the great laws of human evolution. They
should witness the law of universal human progress, the law of similar developments in
all human races, and the great antiquity of humankind. In doing so, de Mortillet em-
phasized that l’histoire du travail illustrated by the progressive series in material cultures
signified a respective mental and anatomical progress.21
In his guide through the 1867 exhibition, de Mortillet assured the reader that the
French committee had taken particular care to exclude from the Paleolithic exhibits any
object the origin or authenticity of which was doubtful. There was therefore no trace of
Tertiary Man, such as had been brought forward by Jules Desnoyers in 1863. But ater
the Universal Exhibition, the reports grew, and some of the Tertiary stones claimed to
have been shaped by an intelligent toolmaker were accepted by French prehistorians of
great renown. These de Mortillet included in Le Préhistorique: Antiquité de l’homme of 1883
as positive proof of Tertiary Man in Europe. He explained that “[f]ollowing an excellent
method applied in geology, – one is not to forget that paleoethnology is directly derived
from geology, – I have given each period the name of a very typical site […]”.22 Thus,
the geological series literally became the series of cultural stages. De Mortillet therefore
20 Mortillet 1867. découle directement de la géologie, – j’ai donné à

21 On the exhibit see also Schlanger 2006. chaque époque le nom d’une localité bien typique
22 “Suivant une excellente méthode adoptée en géolo- […].” Mortillet 1883, 29, my translation in main
gie, – il ne faut pas oublier que la paléoethnologie text.
22
described not only the human industries and their distribution from the Eolithique to
the Neolithique, but also gave an account of the geology, fauna, flora, and of possible
fossil human remains, for each epoch. In other words, he verbally painted the grand
story of human evolution as the geological, paleontological, paleoanthropological, and
archeological series in parallel progression. This method pointed to a void in the pale-
oanthropological series vis-à-vis the Eolithic cultures, because de Mortillet rejected the
human remains that had been reported for Tertiary deposits. However, where there were
tools, there must have been a shaper. De Mortillet therefore invented Anthropopithecus,
a missing link between the highest anthropoid ape and the lowest savage that had fash-
ioned the eoliths from France and Spain and that had evolved into the Neanderthals
and eventually the Cro-Magnons.
As Michael Hammond has described in a by now classical paper, de Mortillet’s lin-
ear view of human evolution was strongly interwoven with his politics.23 He extrapo-
lated the prehistoric progressive series of biological, cultural, and mental development
to an inevitable historical succession from the reign of the nobility, to the reign of the
bourgeoisie, and finally to the reign of the socialists. In other words, the eoliths fitted
well into the pattern of lawful series found to prevail in geology, anthropology, arche-
ology, as well as history that were internationally commemorated in such events as the
Universal Exhibition.
2 James Reid Moir: The production of series and the serial

production of Eoliths
The British, too, had had their reports of eoliths, and the controversy became most
heated around the work of the Ipswich amateur archeologist James Reid Moir and his al-
lies. Those who did not accept the human workmanship of the eoliths generally brought
forward the following set of objections that denied the integration of eoliths into mean-
ingful series: Paleontologically, an Oligocene and Eocene hominid appeared to be an
impossibility due to the state of evolution of the entire mammalian branch at this early
epoch. Geologically, forms identical to the so-called eoliths could be picked up from
many a modern beach or gravel. Paleoanthropologically, those eoliths that were taken
from older strata were not part of a human settlement or shelter, but integral to geo-
logical formations, themselves oten thrown violently into place. Technically, sea waves,
river torrents, and ice sheets, sudden changes of temperature, pressure or compression
through landslides, folding, etc. were observed to produce eoliths naturally. Moreover,
eoliths could be reproduced mechanically and were even among the spontaneous prod-
ucts of a cement-mixing machine.
23 Hammond 1980.
23
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The eoliths-proponents answered the critique on the one hand by focusing on hu-
man intentionality. The question of human design had already been foremost for de
Mortillet, who treated the visible traces of human intentional action on a stone in some
detail. There can certainly be made an argument for the evidential strengths of single
tool representations. The simplicity, regularity, and repetitiveness in design that were
associated with the traces of human intention on stone were visually formalized for
paleoliths, and relied on by the eoliths-proponents in their visual arguments for artifi-
ciality. There exists considerable scholarship on visualizations of entire prehistoric life
scenes with regard to their persuasiveness for certain theoretical stances, their conser-
vatism, and their gender and race stereotypes. There has been far less analysis of the
history of lithic visualization. The development of a universal language in lithic draw-
ing, the pervasiveness and advantages of drawing over photography, and the role of the
concept-content of images in the history of archeology still present promising research
questions.24
But even more strongly than the particularity of an individual tool, a series could
help a stone type’s establishment as human artifact. This is a strategy that Reid Moir
made wide use of. Of particular importance in Reid Moir’s textual and visual arguments
was a specific type of eolith: the so-called rostro-carinate. It was an invention of Ray
Lankester, the former Oxford zoologist and director of the British Museum of Natural
History.25 During the initial decades of the twentieth century, Reid Moir and Lankester
discovered and described eoliths from below the Upper Pliocene marine deposit referred
to as Crag, which covers a considerable part of East Anglia.
The rostro-carinate was so central for the integration of the Tertiary tools into the ex-
isting classification of sites and technologies because it could function as a missing link.
In order to refute the general belief that the Sub-Crag eoliths had no cultural relation-
ship to the paleoliths, Reid Moir experimentally produced a typological series from the
earliest eoliths to the earliest paleoliths. The intermediate stages of the process of fash-
ioning paleoliths from eoliths he identified with actual stones (‘tools’) found at different
sites that he arranged in an analogous series. In the sense developed by Steven Shapin
and Simon Schaffer, this experimental and evidential re-enactment of tool-type evolu-
tion could be virtually witnessed by means of visual representation and distribution in
renowned scientific journals.26
Fig. 2 is a schematic representation of a rostro-carinate that Reid Moir copied from
Lankester which emphasizes its characteristic carina (keel) and beak. Fig. 3 shows how it
is produced: A flake is detached from a potato-shaped flint to produce the ventral plane,
blows are then applied at a particular angle to both sides of the surface to form the keel,
finally the ventral side is flaked to achieve a concave form. Fig. 4 is a representation of the
24 Lopes 2009. 26 Shapin and Schaffer 1985.

25 Lankester 1912.
24
Fig. 2 ,Rostro-carinate‘ eolith according to Reid Moir and Lankester.
typological evolution from the earliest Eolithic types into the rostro-carinate illustrated
on the basis of actual ‘tools’ – it shows the same general steps as the experimental pro-
duction, that is the flaking of the carina and the beak. Reid Moir wanted to demonstrate
that the rostro-carinate type existed at different stages of refinement that characterized
different Eolithic cultures. Moreover, he believed that the finished rostro-carinate could
be flaked into a Paleolithic tool type to provide an entire series. Again Reid Moir came up
with a series of actual stones that matched his experimentally produced stages. Figures 5
to 14 represent such a series of stones from various sites that showed bilateral flaking to
form a beak, flaking of the stern, flaking of the ventral and dorsal planes, and then the
gradual extension of the keel until it met the stern. The next steps were represented by
Paleolithic tools called Chelles, in which Reid Moir still recognized a keel.27
27 Reid Moir 1916.
25
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Fig. 3 Experimental production of rostro-carinate.
Fig. 4 Alleged precursors of the rostro-carinate form.
26
Fig. 5 Ater Reid Moir.
27
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Fig. 8 Ater Reid Moir .
28
29
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30
Reid Moir’s production of evidence through serialization gained strong support when
he discovered what seemed to be a Pliocene workshop actually containing different
stages of the tool-shaping process from the rostro-carinate to the earliest Chellean
types.28 It was in fact this new evidence of an in situ series that convinced the great
French archeologist Henri Breuil of the human workmanship of these tools, and that
led to a peak of eoliths acceptance in Europe and the U.S. Of course, the experimental
28 Reid Moir 1921.
31
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Fig. 15 Stratigraphical Table of East Anglian deposits containing implements ater Reid Moir.
and typological series had ramifications beyond the archeological series. Reid Moir fur-
ther abstracted his serial representation of a serial production and analogous evolution
process into tables with parallel columns. In these highly schematized representations,
the overlapping arguments from series – geological, cultural, typological, and processual
– were played out simultaneously.
However, one column is conspicuously missing from Reid Moir’s table shown in
Figure 15: the one showing the fossil hominid remains. Reid Moir was aware that in
this visual argument the placement of fossil human bones in the column adjacent to
the tool cultures at the same level as the Eolithic industries would be the strongest sup-
32
port for their human workmanship. He therefore was not content with the introduction
of fossil-less taxa, as de Mortillet had done, but set out to find the remains of an eoliths-
shaper. As early as October 1911, he thought his wish had come true, when a partial
human skeleton was found beneath the Chalky Boulder Clay near Ipswich. Reid Moir
sent the bones of the possible maker of the Suffolk eoliths to no lesser authority than the
anatomist Arthur Keith, conservator of the Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons.
Although Keith found that the bones were of a modern anatomy, could not be said to
be fossilized (mineralized), and still contained a comparatively high percentage of or-
ganic matter, he concurred with Reid Moir’s ascription of the skeleton to the Pliocene.29
At least the anatomical features fit into the growing belief that hominids of a relatively
modern body had existed much earlier than so far suspected. Ipswich Man never gained
general acceptance, but as the belief in eoliths grew, many scientists tried to fill the void
in the paleoanthropological column. There was first of all Piltdown Man, a spectacular
discovery made in a late Pliocene or early Pleistocene deposit at Piltdown, in Sussex, in
1911 and 12. Piltdown Man was a forgery; but it took decades to expose the bones as
that of a modern human skull and an orangutan jaw.30 Besides Piltdown Men, Homo
erectus-like races were proposed as having roamed Pliocene England. In his book The
Antiquity of Man in East Anglia, Reid Moir, too, suggested the necessity of a paleoanthro-
pological series matching the archeological one:
So far as actual evidence of man’s former presence goes, we have in East Anglia,
as those who have read these pages will, I think, agree, a wonderfully complete
record of nearly every stage in human progress from the earliest and most prim-
itive flint implements, to the advanced types made at the close of the Stone Age.
Thus, it is possible, that what is now England was the home of the earliest men,
and there can be little doubt that if a tithe of the money spent upon researches
in other parts of the world were expended upon archaeological work in East-
ern England, still further and more important discoveries, bearing upon the
question of man’s origin, would be made.31
The progressive series of archeological cultures through the series of geological layers
referred to the existence of a series of hominid types that must have improved step by
step in anatomy and mind. That such a success story had taken place on the soil of Reid
Moir’s home country made English archeology appear like a patriotic duty. However,
such interpretations of local series were by then contested. In fact, it was especially this
aspect that had been strongly opposed by eoliths-skeptics such as the famous French pa-
leontologist Marcellin Boule. Due to their migratory model of human evolution, they
29 Reid Moir and Keith 1912. 31 Reid Moir 1927, 162.

30 Sommer 2008.
33
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had no problem accounting for the sudden appearance of a relatively sophisticated cul-
ture in Europe, the Chellean, without any precedent. They had no need of eoliths and
their derivates.32 To the contrary, for Reid Moir and Keith, the search for the remains of
modern Englishmen in Pliocene deposits was embedded in the idea that each modern
human race had evolved a long time ago in the area where it was now found.
While the evolutionary scenarios that emphasized migration oten drew direct par-
allels to historical and contemporary processes of imperialism, Keith might well have
been motivated by a desire to distance the ‘European races’ from non-European ones
– and ultimately the English from the rest of Europe – by providing them with long
parallel evolutionary lines. During the war years, Keith began to develop the theory that
human evolution had been driven by racial conflict; he even suggested that current na-
tions were in a race-formation process. Lankester, on his part, seems to have envisioned
the shapers of the eoliths as pertaining to the Nordic master race.33 In his 1912 paper,
he speculated that the Tertiary tools of Suffolk and Kent were made at a time when Eng-
land was still connected to Scandinavia by a land bridge. The Pliocene races might thus
have reached England from the very north of the European continent. Clearly, the idea
of a Tertiary toolmaker in England flattered British national pride: “There is, perhaps,
no other part of the world richer in remains of our remote ancestors than that of Suffolk
and Norfolk […].”34
3 Henry Fairfield Osborn: Eoliths and a story of serial progress

free from apish stain
When the eoliths traveled to America, the paleontologist and president of the AMNH,
Henry Fairfield Osborn, eventually became so enthralled with the visions of prehistory
they held that he financially supported Reid Moir’s research and used his tight network
with the English and French communities to help stabilize them as tools.35 This move
coincided with the apex of the tendency of thinking of modern human anatomy in
terms of a great antiquity. Osborn eventually made the hominid line bypass even that of
the anthropoids. In the United States, evolutionary theory and Osborn in person were
attacked by William Jennings Bryan and like-minded in the upsurge of religious funda-
mentalism, and the bulk of the spite was directed at the ‘ape theory’ of human origins.
In combination with Osborn’s own religious background, much has been made of this
context by historians of anthropology in explaining Osborn’s Dawn Man theory as a
strategy to soten protest and to gratify his own desire for the compatibility of religion
32 Boule 1905. 34 Reid Moir 1927, Preface.

33 Sommer 2007, 197–212. 35 AMNH, Osborn Papers; Sommer 2010.
34
and evolution. In this view, it was for religious and political reasons that Osborn freed
human ancestry from the stain of the ape and the primitive.36
However, Osborn’s extreme Dawn Man theory was rather the apotheosis of preced-
ing international tendencies than an altogether local and idiosyncratic phenomenon.
It was furthermore in line with a set of theories that located the origin of the hominid
branch in Eocene lemuroids or tarsioids.37 Although the specific American religious
context is important for this acumination, there are other developments that need to
be taken into account. Osborn did not immediately embrace the English eoliths and
the Piltdown fossils – those hallmarks of speculation about a dawn-age human ancestor
of relatively modern anatomy. In the book Men of the Old Stone Age of 1915,38 he only
included a quick note on the tools found in Europe and claimed to be of Tertiary age.
He shared the doubts of the great men of archeology.
By the time Osborn changed his mind about the supposedly Tertiary European
bones and tools, several developments had converged. He had become aware of a quasi-
modern horse in the Pliocene. Drawing inferences from the paleontological on the pa-
leoanthropological series, this Pliocene horse alerted Osborn to the possibility of ho-
minids of a relatively modern anatomy in this early epoch. Furthermore, in 1917, bone
fragments of a second Piltdown Man had been discovered that swerved general opin-
ion in favor of acceptance, and that Osborn went to examine in the British Museum in
1921. In the summer of the same year, Osborn visited the British sites in East Anglia
and Suffolk, and Reid Moir’s discovery of a workshop containing a production series
finally did its part in convincing him of the existence of Tertiary Man. On his return
to New York, Osborn made this conviction public in Natural History,39 and soon there-
ater, it was confirmed by the leaders of the archeological community, Breuil and Louis
Capitan. From there, the acceptance of eoliths grew to a peak and the East Anglian
tools found their way into the Hall of the Age of Man and the Archeological Hall at the
American Museum of Natural History. Osborn eventually published newspaper articles
to create a stir among those who still clung “fondly to the ape ancestry theory”. It was
only now that he pushed to their conclusion the dawn-man theories that were associated
with European Tertiary Man as toolmaker.40
When Osborn expelled the ancestors of the great apes from the hominid line, the
branch leading to modern humans became long indeed; and there were no fossils let to
36 Areson Clark 2008, ch. 6, here especially 115–116; Reid Moir (Box 15, Folders 15–17), N. Nelson (Box
Gould 1989; Rainger 1991, 231–232; Regal 2002, 16, Folder 11), G. E. Smith (Box 20, Folders 15–16),
particularly 154–173. and A. Smith Woodward (Box 23, Folder 31); for
37 Drinker Cope 1893, 316–335; Wood Jones 1919; the quote see letter from H. F. Osborn to J. Reid
Wood Jones 1929. Moir, February 1, 1927, Box 15, Folder 16. – Reid
38 Osborn 1916 [1915]. Moir did not agree that his discoveries contradicted
39 Osborn 1921; also Osborn and Reeds 1922. a common ancestry for apes and humans (Feb. 5,
40 AMNH, Osborn Papers, correspondences with J. 1927).
35
marianne sommer
occupy it. However, this did not amount to a denial of evolution – as has sometimes been
suggested. There was nothing a priori ‘creationist’ about this move. As we have seen, an-
thropologists searched for the fossil remains of Dawn Man and used non-ancestral ho-
minids as models for ancestral ones of a more distant age. Most importantly, the eoliths
and their evolution were the strongest precarious ‘evidence’ for the dawn men and their
ascent. This is where series retained their persuasive power.
Osborn’s Man Rises to Parnassus: Critical Epochs in the Prehistory of Man of 1927 was
designed as another edition of Men of the Old Stone Age. However, because Osborn had
“witnessed proofs of the existence of intelligent man and his flint culture over 1,250,000
years ago”, a new title seemed in order. Osborn’s conception of human evolution was
so processual that it was theatrical; he made it unfold in front of the reader’s eyes in a
series of acts that successively fleshed out the parallel geological, archeological, and pa-
leoanthropological series for each horizontal layer. To this purpose, he used Aeschylus’
description of the progressive development of human reason, language, and the prac-
tical arts and sciences in “Prometheus Bound” – his account of man’s gradual rise to
Parnassus – as a structuring device.41 For good reason, the book is not titled ‘Man’s Rise
to Parnassus’, but Man Rises to Parnassus. Its form imitates the Greek drama, including
prologue and epilogue. The rising of man towards the top of Parnassus is re-enacted as
driven by demigods like Prometheus, by the pioneers and innovators of humankind.
As a mechanism for man’s gradual rise, Osborn suggested a steady increase in in-
telligence in a process of co-evolution with tool technology. He traced the insights into
the role of a trained hand in mental development back to Anaxagoras:
Expressed in modern terms, manual training is one of the modes of mental

training. In this sense the use of the hand becomes one of the causes of the
development of the brain. In my own observation, in the enormously long pe-
riod of the Stone Age the working of flint tools was the chief stimulus to the
working of the mind. So there is a strong prehistoric argument for this thought
of Anaxagoras.42
This is where the Tertiary tools from East Anglia came in that were now given a full
chapter. Osborn in fact based the first acts in his drama of human evolution mainly on
the eoliths. In absence of fossil evidence of Tertiary humans, Osborn’s performance of
the Dawn Man drama only worked if tool cultures could stand in for hominid types. Os-
born therefore experimented on his own tool typological evolution – or more precisely,
he forced his curator Nels Nelson to do so. Fig. 16 is a beautiful series of archeological
cultural layers combined with the attempt to establish evolutionary lines throughout
the typologized series. And just like the fossil evidence was inferred to reach back to an
41 Osborn 1927a, ch. 1. 42 Osborn 1927a, 11.
36
Fig. 16 “Rough scheme suggest-

ing some of the possible genetic
relationships of the successive
levels of typical stone implements
found in Western Europe”. Draw-
ing by Nels Nelson.
37
marianne sommer
Fig. 17 Visualization of prehistoric and recent racial stocks by Osborn.
as-yet unfound Dawn Man, at the beginning of this tentative cultural evolution stands
a hypothetical universal tool. That there was a connection to the by now tree-like struc-
ture of hominid phylogeny becomes clear from the Osbornian imagery. In Fig. 17 the
“[p]rehistoric and recent racial stocks” are inferred in certain cases from osseous remains
and in others from archeological finds.
The inference of hypothetical dawn men from Eolithic cultures depended on the
intertwining of series that we have seen carried out in France as well as England. In Os-
born’s table that was included in the 1924 guide to the Hall of the Age of Man, a cultural,
a racial, and a paleontological series were visually brought together, so as to make the
viewer mentally substitute the gaps in one column with the content from both or one
of the other two (Fig. 18). If such images did not suggest to the museum visitors parallel
progressive lines of parallel progress in culture, anatomy, and environment, I know not
what would have. Of course, as Figures 16 and 17 illustrate, for Osborn, these columns
did no longer represent simple evolutionary series. His ascent of man was complicated
by his viewing every material evidence of hominids as a kind of shadow of what had
already happened on the line leading to living humans. Nothing seemed good enough
for Dawn Man.
But even as shadows of true ancestors, Osborn wanted to rehabilitate the prehistoric
human types. His advocacy of their manual dexterity and correlated mental prowess on
the basis of eoliths was itself a spiritual quest. The long search for the bones of the perfect,
large-brained Dawn Man, to fill the void created by the Eolithic cultures in our direct
ancestry, was never achieved; but there was hope in his shadows:
38
Fig. 18 Osborn’s 1923 sequence of Palaeolithic men and animals.
On Sunday morning, July 24 [1921], ater attending a most memorable service

in Westminster Abbey, the author repaired to the British Museum to see the fos-
sil remains of the now thoroughly vindicated Dawn Man of Great Britain [i. e.
Piltdown Man, M.S.]. The few precious fragments of one of the original Britons,
39
marianne sommer
which had been preserved in a steel fireproof safe from the bombs thrown by
German aviators and which will probably be thus guarded from thieves for
all future time, were taken out and placed on the table by Smith Woodward
[keeper of palaeontology at the BMNH and strong promoter of Piltdown and
eoliths], so that full and free opportunity was given for the closest comparison
and study.43
This scene of worship at both the religious and the scientific altar represents the climax
of Osborn’s quest for the origin of human spirituality. The scene at once makes clear
that religion and science are not at odds; that his scientific search for truth is inspired by
a belief in God. But scientific truth will not be obstructed by religious fundamentalism,
or by enemies of civilization such as the Germans, and certainly not by common thieves.
The scientific fetish presented to Osborn on the museum’s altar is palpable evidence of
the victory of scientific reason over religious superstition and human barbarism. The
relic of Tertiary Man – with his large brain case – suggests the noble history also of the
direct human line, man’s steady rise to Parnassus. The house in which it is worshipped is
a house of science that stands for equal opportunity, openness, and democratic exchange
in a common search for knowledge. But despite this hopeful tenor, the events in world
history cast a doubt on the optimistic universal progressive series; a doubt that is audible
in Osborn’s Man Rises to Parnassus: Will the human races continue to rise each to its own
capacity? Or will the current interbreeding of types, the lack of struggle in the modern
environment, or the puncture of this tranquility in the brutality of war, continue to
sap man’s virility, as foreign influence had degraded Neanderthaloid culture, as the lush
jungle habitat had once kept back the apes, and as some prehistoric tribes had been
extinguished by others? At stake was the next stage in human serial ascent.
4 Finis
From the times of de Mortillet, eoliths had been incorporated into pre-existing notions
of technological progress, celebrated for example at the great expositions. They were
transferred from a very controversial status to a short life as scientific facts through the
hard work of translation by English paleontologists and archeologists who gave them
strength through incorporation into series: typological series, production series, cul-
tural series, and geological series that themselves were transfused by the notion of linear
progress in culture, body, and mind. This idea of progress as structuring the history of
life, and human life in particular, lost some of its power towards the end of the cen-
tury. Simultaneously, scenarios of human evolution began to take the shape of ‘trees’
43 Osborn 1927a, 52–53.
40
with many dead-ending branches. In the dawn-man theories, there were no fossils to
animate the long surviving line. This at first glance seems to signify a vehement break-
down of the serial argument. However, as in the case of Osborn, inferences about the
human ancestral line could be made from Eolithic cultures, from non-ancestral fossils
that could stand in as models for earlier ancestral ones, and also still from ‘primitive
living humans’.
In spatial arrangements, verbal performances, and visual representations of human
evolutionary history, the parallel progressive series continued to structure an overall
steady progress propelled in a mutual catalyzing between environment, tool-invention
and -fashioning, motor skills, intelligence, and psychology. This not only hints at some
continuity in scientific argument and thought. The retaining of verbal and visual strate-
gies from the old paradigm also increased the problem of unambiguous knowledge tran-
sition, especially to wider publics, as I have discussed at the beginning of the paper for
the primate tree in the Hall of the Age of Man showcase. Finally, from their beginnings,
eoliths were not purely epistemic, but also political objects. They became enmeshed in
views of the prehistoric past that carried diverse but strong lessons for the present: the in-
evitable succession of political systems in socialist aspirations, the long history and noble
identity of European nations increasingly in competition, and the warning against inter-
breeding and other supposedly negative consequences of modernization. These histories
and their incumbent futures were themselves serially structured; the spatialization, nar-
ration, and visualization of series of objects, events, and developments on all levels from
tool typology to universal progress mutually reinforced each other and gave the eoliths
the evidential power that fed back into the series.44
44 Sommer 2010; Sommer 2004.
41
marianne sommer
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Illustration credits
1 Osborn 1923, 5. Courtesy The American Mu- tesy Wiley-Blackwell. 12 Reid Moir 1916, 207,
seum of Natural History. 2 Reid Moir 1916, Fig. 10. Courtesy Wiley-Blackwell. 13 Reid
198, Fig. 3. Courtesy Wiley-Blackwell. 3 Reid Moir 1916, 208, Fig. 11. Courtesy Wiley-Blackwell.
Moir 1916, 199, Fig. 2. Courtesy Wiley-Blackwell. 14 Reid Moir 1916, 209, Fig. 12. Courtesy Wiley-
4 Reid Moir 1917, 42. Courtesy Wiley-Blackwell. Blackwell. 15 Reid Moir 1935, 344. Courtesy
5 Reid Moir 1916, 200, Fig. 3. Courtesy Wiley- Wiley-Blackwell. 16 Henry Fairfield Osborn Pa-
Blackwell. 6 Reid Moir 1916, 201, Fig. 4. Cour- pers, Box 16, Folder 11, MSS O835. Courtesy The
tesy Wiley-Blackwell. 7 Reid Moir 1916, 202, Fig. American Museum of Natural History, Special Col-
5. Courtesy Wiley-Blackwell. 8 Reid Moir 1916, lections Library. 17 From Osborn 1927b, 482,
203, Fig. 6. Courtesy Wiley-Blackwell. 9 Reid Fig. 1. Reprinted with permission from AAAS.
Moir 1916, 204, Fig. 7. Courtesy Wiley-Blackwell. 18 Osborn 1923, 32, Fig. 8. Courtesy The American
10 Reid Moir 1916, 205, Fig. 8. Courtesy Wiley- Museum of Natural History.
Blackwell. 11 Reid Moir 1916, 206, Fig. 9. Cour-
44
MARIANNE SOMMER
holds the chair of Kulturwissenschaten at the Dept. Prof. Dr. Marianne Sommer
for Cultural and Science Studies at the University of Universität Luzern
Lucerne. She has widely published on the cultural Seminar für Kulturwissenschaten
history of the human origins and earth sciences, und Wissenschatsforschung
including genetic approaches to evolution and Frohburgstr. 3
history. She specifically focuses on the processes of 6002 Luzern, Switzerland
production, mediatization/reconstruction/exhibi- http://www.unilu.ch/deu/kulturwis-
tion, and circulation of such knowledge into other senschaten_769096.html
disciplines, diverse publics, politics, literature and E-Mail: marianne.sommer@unilu.ch
the arts.
45
Irina Podgorny
Towards a Bureaucratic History of Archaeology.

A Preliminary Essay
Summary
This paper shows that the protocols for observing and recording employed by different bu-
reaucratic departments of state administration were fortuitously incorporated into the prac-
tices of several disciplines, including archaeology. Circulars or questionnaires, inventories
and records, the French model for post-mortem medical examinations, and the protocols
used by topographers, pilots, and military engineers moved from bureaucracy to scientific
practice. Thus, objects were brought into collections having been formatted by procedures
inherited from diverse traditions of state administration, construction, or commercial pro-
cedures.
Keywords: Post-mortem medical examinations; archaeological recording; military engi-

neers; instructions; Spanish monarchy; bureaucracy; political curiosity.
Der Aufsatz zeigt, dass in staatlichen Administrationen angewendete Verfahren der Beob-
achtung und der Aufzeichnung auf zufällige Weise in die Forschungspraktiken verschie-
dener Wissenschaten eingingen, so auch in die Archäologie. Rundschreiben oder Frage-
bögen, Bestandslisten und Berichte, das französische Modell medizinischer Post-mortem-
Untersuchungen sowie Verfahren, die Topographen, Piloten und Militäringenieure verwen-
deten, gingen aus der bürokratischen in die wissenschatliche Praxis über. Die archäologi-
schen Objekte, die in die Sammlungen kamen, waren somit (wissenschatlich) aubereitet
mittels Verfahren, die ursprünglich für die staatliche Verwaltung, die Konstruktionstechnik
oder die Wirtschat entwickelt worden waren.
Keywords: Medizinische Post-mortem-Untersuchungen; archäologische Aufzeichnung;

Militäringenieure; Anleitungen; spanische Monarchie.
This paper originated in the debates resulting from the Workshop “New historiographical
approaches to archaeological research” held in Berlin in September 2010. It was also dis-
cussed at the workshop “Materiality and Cultural Transfer” (TU-Dresden) and in the frame-
work of the Internationales Kolleg für Kulturtechnikforschung und Medienphilosophie
47
irina podgorny
(IKKM) at Bauhaus Universität Weimar. Its present version owes much to the comments and
suggestions of Bernhard Siegert, Daniel Gethmann, Stefanie Gänger, and Michael Cuntz. I
am indebted to Gisela Eberhardt, Fabian Link, and two anonymous referees for their helpful
comments, and to Ellen Garske and Ruth Kessentini for their never-ending help through-
out my research. Wolfgang Schäffner, Máximo Farro, and Maribel Martínez Navarrete read
and commented on earlier drats of this paper written during my stay at the Max Planck
Institut for the History of Science, Department 3 (Prof. Rheinberger) and finished during
my stay as a Georg Forster Research Award fellow (Alexander von Humboldt Foundation)
at the Lateinamerika Institut (FU-Berlin).
1 Introduction
In the early 1950s, André Leroi-Gourhan described prehistory as practiced by three kinds
of prehistorians: the professionals (préhistoriens de métier ), the grands amateurs, and the pe-
tits amateurs, the latter being the most abundant group, composed of priests, physicians,
university professionals, teachers, workers, boy and girl-scouts, students, and young peo-
ple in general. Leroi-Gourhan concluded: “Notre milieu de préhistoriens est donc un
milieu foncièrement composé d’amateurs dont la formation scientifique est très vari-
able.”1 According to him, professionals and vocational scientists should work together
following the instructions set by metropolitan institutions or professional archaeolo-
gists. And indeed, Leroi-Gourhan published his seminal work Les Fouilles préhistoriques
with the explicit goal of providing such a set of instructions. However, as Courbin re-
marked: “À Pincevent même, A. Leroi-Gourhan a commencé par utiliser les coupes ré-
sultant de l’ancienne exploitation de la sablière.”2 Thus, excavation techniques and pro-
cedures used in the operation of a quarry have determined what archaeologists could
observe and how they were observing, a situation that, far from being unique, can be
found in many episodes of the history of archaeology. Subtle drits, unexpected trans-
fers, and contingencies shape scientific practices.3 This is one of the reasons that have led
historians of science to look for unexpected articulations as a way to understand scien-
tific change.4 In this framework, the history of procedures and protocols has assumed a
central role in a historiography that examines the forces that shape knowledge through
technical media and the repetition (or emergence) of the programmed gestures.5
Whereas the attempts to standardize scientific observation by instructions has been
the subject of research in fields such as botany or anthropology,6 less attention was paid
1 Leroi-Gourdan 1950, 1. 4 Cf. Rheinberger 1997; Galison 1997.

2 Courbin 1987, 328, referring to the year 1964. 5 Kittler 1985, see also Blair 2010.
3 Cf. Coye 1997; Rowley-Conwy 2007. 6 Bourguet 1997; Kury 1998; Puccini 1995.
48
towards a bureaucratic history of archaeology
to the impact that the existing expertise, material conditions or the training that ‘ama-
teurs’ received in other disciplines had on archaeological practices. Far from being “un-
educated people,” many of them, as Leroi-Gourhan admitted, were actually trained in
how to organize facts and data in other fields. Thus, Patrick McCray argues that amateurs
or vocational scientist cannot be treated as merely passive collectors of data.7 Undoubt-
edly, instructions shaped the way in which they organized data and objects. However,
the way in which these instructions related to the collectors’ former training and, more
importantly, how this training and the existing order of information shaped the profes-
sional practices of modern archaeology, if at all, still deserves further research.
Around 1900 archaeologists addressed the crucial role of record keeping as “the ab-
solute dividing line between plundering and scientific work, between a dealer and a
scholar”.8 In that sense, objects had to be properly recorded, collected, stored, linked to
those recorded facts that give them historical and scientific value; if not, museums would
simply be houses of “murdered evidence”.9 In modern archaeology, creating data became
a procedure for grouping and locating objects, both in the fabric of excavation and in the
repository of artifacts. However, this linkage of things took place ‘on the move’.10 Antiq-
uities and fossils, for instance, were traded and introduced into the circulation of goods
by several agents: physicians, priests, military engineers, bureaucrats, consuls, quacks as
well as local and traveling experts. All of them, for ordering what they collected, auto-
matically appealed to what they had learnt to do as part of their everyday practices. This
commerce shaped the ways of collecting, storing, and classifying objects as well as a new
remote scientific space where scientists depended on personal networks that included
many local people engaged in other activities, such as colonial bureaucracy, the Church,
or medicine. Thus, physicians described objects following their medical observational
protocols; military engineers and field workers used theirs to give sense to things or
objects not described before.
While for many years this was happening in a contingent but quite performative
way,11 by the late-nineteenth century the bureaucratic system of recording was incor-
porated into archaeological practices defining the essence of archaeological method.12
Excavation and recording began to be taught in universities and systematized in hand-
books for students and professionals. Around 1900, several handbooks were published
presenting the field as a space to be controlled by the archaeologist, who was defined as
the ever-present excavation supervisor. Once archaeologists started organizing the pro-
fessional teaching of field practices, they considered themselves responsible for a task
that required an “engineering training of mind and senses” and the “combination of
7 McCray 2006, 636, see notes 5 and 6 for specific lit- 10 Cf. Appadurai 1986.
erature on archaeology. 11 In the sense of Tanner 2008.
8 Petrie 1904, 48. 12 Petrie 1904.
9 Cf. Podgorny 2008.
49
irina podgorny
the scholar and the engineer, the man of languages and the man of physics and mathe-
matics”.13 This was not expressed as an outlook, but reflected something that was already
happening: the systematization of the techniques for recording and grouping facts and
objects. Archaeological recording combined the descriptive skills of the scholar with the
protocols of surveying and legal medicine as well with the methods of book-keeping and
accounting, including listing, inventories, and catalogues.14 Thus, protocols of observa-
tion, grouping, and the description of ‘what is before the eye’ actually originated in
state or private administration. Along with these techniques, archaeological data collec-
tion methods appear to be connected with the bureaucratic (colonial) system and its
instructions on what and how to observe. In order to analyze the emergence of this fun-
damental relationship between objects and recording, this essay, inspired by the work
of Spanish historians of science from the last thirty years and German media histori-
ans Wolfgang Schäffner,15 Bernhard Siegert,16 and Arndt Brendecke,17 will first refer to
the role of management of information and bureaucracy in the Spanish Empire.18 Sub-
sequently, three paradigmatic procedures will be taken into consideration in order to
show a constellation where bureaucratic practices and manual expertise contributed to
make visible new objects from the South American past: 1. military engineering and
2. post-mortem medical examination and 3. land administration and transportation of
antiquities.
2 Bureaucracy and media history
Whereas Harold Cook has been analyzing the Dutch experience to study the connec-
tions between the rise of global commerce and the development of global science,19
German media historians Wolfgang Schäffner and Bernhard Siegert have proposed to
look at the Casa de Contratación (established in Seville in 1503) and the Council of the
Indies (1520) as two of the institutions connected with the emergence of modern knowl-
edge and the reliable gathering of “experience” and data.20 Far from the ‘protestant val-
ues’ and Puritan ethos, beyond the social origins of the members of the Royal Society,21
Schäffner and Siegert analyzed how bureaucrats and bureaucratic devices that emerged
in the Spanish Monarchy shaped a new way of both assessing what reality was and gov-
erning what the king would never see with his own eyes. This kind of ‘telemathic rep-
13 Petrie 1904, 3 and 33. 2012.

14 See, among others, te Heesen 2005. 18 López Piñero 1979; Pimentel 2003.
15 Schäffner 1999; Schäffner 2001; Schäffner 2002. 19 Cook 2007.
16 Siegert 2000; Siegert 2003; Siegert 2006; see also 20 Schäffner 2001; Siegert 2003, in particular Part 1,
Siegert and Vogl 2003. ‘Die Große Bürokratie’, ch. ‘Bürokratie und Kosmo-
17 Brendecke 2009a; Brendecke 2009b; Brendecke graphie in Spanien 1569–1600’.
2009c; Brendecke 2010; Brendecke 2011; Brendecke 21 Cf. Shapin and Schaffer 1985.
50
resentation,’ based on bureaucratic media of transmitting data from the New World to
Spain, created new kinds of evidence.22 Inspired by media philosopher Friedrich Kittler
and by the seminal work of the Spanish historian of science, José María López Piñero,23
Schäffner und Siegert turn functionaries and devices of the Casa and the Council – maps,
reports, instructions, memoranda – into key actors in the making of modern Europe.
Paraphrasing Bernhard Siegert, whereas until the sixteenth century, governance was pos-
sible only by the presence of the king, in Spanish America, information media from
the Casa de Contratación, namely a space controlling bureaucracy, took the place of the
Sovereign.24 Furthermore, Arndt Brendecke has focused on the Spanish Monarchy in or-
der to understand the crucial relationship between “Empirie-Gebrauch und kolonialer
Herrschat”.25 Thus, in current historiography the rise of modern knowledge is primarily
a result of the development of modern commerce as well as the Spanish colonial admin-
istration with their procedures and protocols. Brendecke’s investigation is founded on
two basic premises:
First, we assume that the process of European expansion had a formative influ-
ence on the emergence of the modern European culture of empirical knowl-
edge. Colonial rule intensified the need to produce reliable descriptions of re-
mote realities, hence, to systematically acquire empirical knowledge, to legit-
imize it by means of standard methods or authorities and to arrange it in such a
way that decisions could be made on that basis in Europe. At first this task was
performed not by scientists but, in the case of Spain in particular, by royal offi-
cials – “bureaucrats,” if you will. This leads us to the second assumption, which
is that significant elements of the modern culture of empirical knowledge can
only be understood in relation to the practices of dominion and administration
that took shape during the period of expansion and colonization.26
The Casa and the Council, on the other hand, are deeply connected with the expansion
of (rag) paper as the reliable medium for recording, transmitting, archiving, and finally
22 Schäffner 1999; Schäffner 2001; Mundy 2000. Instanzen zu autorisieren und so aufzubereiten, dass
23 López Piñero 1979. man auf dieser Basis in Europa Entscheidungen
24 Siegert 2003, 67–68. treffen konnte. Diese Aufgaben wurden zunächst
25 Brendecke 2009a. nicht von Wissenschatlern erledigt, sondern, gerade
26 Brendecke 2009a, 12. – Translation by the author. im Falle Spaniens, von königlichen Amtsträgern,
Originally: “Erstens wird davon ausgegangen, dass von ‘Bürokraten’, wenn so man will. Es wird deshalb
der Vorgang der europäischen Expansion die Entste- zweitens angenommen, dass signifikante Elemen-
hung der modernen empirischen Wissenskultur te der modernen empirischen Wissenskultur nur
Europas prägte. Kolonialherrschat verschärte die dann zu verstehen sind, wenn man sie in Bezug
Notwendigkeit, verlässliche Beschreibungen ent- zu den Herrschats- und Verwaltungspraktiken
fernter Wirklichkeiten zu produzieren, also Empirie stellt, die sich in der Expansions-und Kolonialzeit
systematisch zu erfassen, durch feste Methoden oder herausbildeten.”
51
irina podgorny
governing of data.27 In a recent lecture, James Secord has recalled that the history of
paper manufacture is generally seen to belong to the mundane history of everyday tech-
nology, an approach that diminishes the fact that the circulation of the raw materials
of literary production are potentially important elements in achieving knowledge.28 If
knowledge and ‘paperwork’ went together,29 this connection was particularly relevant in
the realms of the Spanish Monarchy, where paper was established as a medium of distant
administration.30 Knowing and governing was linked to ways of remote witnessing, the
creation of reliable forms of transmission of data and experience, and its accumulation
and processing in Seville/Cádiz, for many years not only the most important Spanish
administrative centers but also the relays of the commerce with the Indies and Genoa,
the Atlantic, the Mediterranean, and the Pacific.31
In particular, the systematic collecting as well as the making knowledge available
to the court and the Council began in the early 1570s, with the creation of the position
of the Major Cosmographer-Chronicler of Indies and an ordinance decreeing that every
functionary of the Crown in the Americas was committed to the permanent description
of those territories.32 But Brendecke states:
In structural terms, though, one can say that in an expansive empire, such as
that of Spain, knowledge at the center failed to keep pace with the empire’s
growth. On the contrary: that portion about which the sovereign had imme-
diate and personal information grew ever smaller, the number of mediation
processes ever greater. Thus the importance of mediality increased, i. e., of pro-
cesses of mediation on the part of human agents (officials, visitadores, viceroys)
and media (reports, witness statements, geographical maps). In their different
ways, they promised to provide access to that which was remote, but they also
produced a particular ‘mediacy’ that cut the sovereign off from direct knowl-
edge of his empire.33
27 On the history of expansion of paper in Europe and dríguez 2004; Siegert 2003, 85–91.
in the Americas, see Balmaceda 2004; Burns 1981; 33 Brendecke 2009a, 17–-18. – Translation by the au-
Calegari 1986; McCrank 1993; Giry 1925; Thiel thor. Originally: “Strukturell lässt sich aber sagen,
1932; also Siegert 2003; Siegert 2006. dass in einem expansiven Reich, wie dem spani-
28 See Jim Secord, „Darwin on Paper: From Rags to schen, die Kenntnis des Zentrums dem Wachstum
Wood-pulp“, Institute’s Colloquium, Max Planck des Reiches nicht hinterherkam. Im Gegenteil: Der
Institute for the History of Science (Berlin) on Anteil, über den der Herrscher unmittelbar und
March 18 2014, also in Uppsala on May 25, 2014: persönlich Bescheid wusste, wurde immer kleiner,
http://www.vethist.idehist.uu.se/index.php/semi- die Zahl der Vermittlungsprozesse immer größer.
nars/page/60/eng/ (visited on 07/07/2015). Es gewann also ‘Medialität’ an Bedeutung, d. h. Ver-
29 Latour 1990. fahren der Vermittlung durch dazwischentretende
30 Schäffner 2002; Siegert 2003; Brendecke 2009c. Personen (Amtsleute, Visitatoren, Vizekönige) und
31 H. Chaunu and P. Chaunu 1955–1960; García Medien (Gutachten, Zeugenaussagen, Landkarten).
Fuentes 1980; García Baquero 1976; Otte 1996; Pike Sie versprachen auf je eigene Weise, das Ferne ver-
1962. fügbar zu machen, produzierten aber auch eine
32 See Vila Villar, Acosta Rodríguez, and González Ro-
52
The history of “political curiosity”, says Brendecke,
is full of promises to provide the sovereign with omnividence, a panoptic over-

view, and to place useful helpers, selfless advisors and perfect media at his dis-
posal. That it always turns out differently though, that the ruler and his thirst for
knowledge can never extricate themselves from the political fabric surrounding
them, is worthy of great attention.34
Because the sovereign’s contemporaries are aware of the opportunities to bring their
own interests into play: “Already the many intermediaries, the agents of the sovereign’s
curiosity, ensure that the king is not fed with information alone but, essentially always,
with interests as well.”35
What is called “a bureaucratic history of knowledge” here, is a history of the media
that resulted from the intersection of political curiosity and the interest of curious indi-
viduals. It is a history of displacements, a constant back and forth between administrative
practices and bottom-up initiatives; it is a history of encountering the automatisms of
filling out forms with both curiosity and new facts.
This essay refers to a constellation from the Spanish domains ater the Bourbon
Reforms of the eighteenth century36 and to the administrative structures adopted and
transformed ater their independence in the early nineteenth century.37 Whereas the
new independent republics had to create a new administration apparatus, bureaucrats,
bureaucratic writing and forms survive political changes.38 Bureaucrats continued do-
ing what they used to do, paper forms continue being used until they cease to exist. In
doing so, agents and paper forward these forms they contain or they are used to corre-
spond not only to the new political structures but also to new fields of expertise: former
colonial functionaries or state employees were involved – by chance, duty, or private in-
terest – in the collection of antiquities and fossils. Confronted with unknown realities
– such as the ruins of an ancient city in Chiapas, or the skeleton of an unknown animal
eigentümliche ‚Mittelbarkeit‘, die den Herrscher von Originally: “Schon die vielen Vermittler, die Agen-
unmittelbarer Kenntnis seines Reiches abschnitt.” ten herrschatlicher Neugier, sorgten dafür, dass
34 Brendecke 2009a, 18. – Translation by the author. der König niemals bloß mit Information, sondern
Originally: “… ist voller Versprechungen, dem im Grunde immer auch mit Interessen beschickt
Herrscher Allsicht, einen panoptischen Überblick wurde.”
zu verschaffen und ihm nützliche Helfer, selbst- 36 See, for instance, Capel Sáez 1983.
lose Ratgeber und vollkommene Medien an die 37 The Bourbon Reforms attempted to change the
Seite zu stellen. Dass es dann dennoch immer an- complex administrative system introduced by the
ders kommt, dass sich der Herrscher und seine Habsburgs in Spanish America.
Wissbegier nie aus dem Gefüge des Politischen, 38 See Kaka 2012 on bureaucracy and writing; So-
das sie umgibt, herauslösen können, verdient hohe colow 1987 and Podgorny 2011b on the bureaucrats
Aufmerksamkeit.” in the Rio de la Plata Provinces.
35 Brendecke 2009a, 19. – Translation by the author.
53
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in the Pampas – they did what they were used to doing: they filled or generated descrip-
tions that followed the protocols set in the realm of “political curiosity”.39 In doing so,
they introduced forms from state administration to disciplines that were in the making.
However, it is worth remarking that far from ‘instructions’ set by the State, learned so-
cieties, or professional bodies, what is at stake here is the problem of how to deal with
the unknown and the contingent encounter of forms, media, particular individuals.
3 Military engineering
In the Spanish domains, the ruins of ancient cities were approached in two different
ways: as a work of art, to be described by the antiquarians, and as an engineering prob-
lem. Engineers were an essential part of the Spanish bureaucratic system. They were also
in charge of recording and describing the ruins according to the procedures set by the
central administration in Madrid and in the viceroyalties. They used the same matrix
and tool for this observation that they did to describe the environment and social life
in the Americas:40 A number of engineers, pilots and officials of the Royal Navy (Real
Armada) destined for Naples, California, the Chiapas jungle or Asunción in Paraguay,
even without ‘instructions’ knew how to organise the historical and contemporaneous
narratives of the territory and its inhabitants according to a matrix incorporated into
the work of the Royal Corps. The description of the topographic, physical and moral
conditions included an overview of the history of the occupation of the territories of
the Americas, the boundaries of the provinces, the layout and quality of the land, cli-
mate and winds, waters and rivers, minerals, plants, birds and land mammals, insects
and reptiles, inhabitants and a statistical profile of the population. The practices of an-
tiquarians, mathematicians, lawmakers and surveyors came together in those reports,
which was useful both for governance and settlement strategies. The visit to the archives
– available for consultation only by permission of the king – was combined with field
measurements and coordination of local data. A political essay was a summation of prac-
tices for collecting and processing data, including details of plants and animals. Their
job of analyzing materials from antiquity was no different from their tasks as reporters
on contemporary life in the New World. Methods on how to dig, register, draw up plans,
and take measurements were problems let to the engineers and surveyors and were not
reflected in the antiquarians’ publications.
Military engineers in Spain were employed as technicians for military and civil
works, which required the skills of drawing façades and ground plans, of measuring
elevations as well as knowing arithmetic and practical geometry. In the Academy of
39 Sensu Brendecke 2009a. 40 Podgorny 2007.
54
Barcelona, for example, engineers were trained in general arithmetic, practical and spec-
ulative geometry, calculus of the size of plane figures and bodies, theory of plane table
and leveling, drawing, and plotting of plans and profiles.41 In the Spanish Empire –
both in Europe and America – the military engineers, architects and professionals were
educated in mathematics and drawing in the military academies and were oten called
upon to observe and work in the technical description and recovery of ancient ruins.
Because of their work in construction, they were also engaged in the discovery of buried
antiquities.42
The work done in Pompeii, Herculaneum and Stabiae by the military engi-
neers Pierre Bardet (1742–1744), Karl Weber (1750–1763), and Francisco de La Vega
(1764–1804) reflects the development of excavation methods from a mere search for an-
tiquities to a process that included the design of plans and interest in architecture.43
As Parslow has shown, Weber proposed excavating Herculaneum following the lines of
the streets and actively pursued investigations of the urban fabric as a whole. His in-
terests extended to both public and private architecture and he showed a concern for
the context of his discoveries. He was interested in where the objects were displayed
and how they had been meant to be viewed in antiquity, how individual spaces worked,
and what architectural clues could be read to determine how architectural units func-
tioned.44 However, as Mora underlined, one cannot describe the Bourbon excavations
as the emergence of a new technique for the study of antiquity.45 These excavations were
not the method for a new archaeological science; they were the common techniques and
practices of engineers, architects, topographers, and mining experts.
The military engineers’ vision was also determined by ‘architectural iconography’
and by their training in the rules for ordering and grouping things on maps and in
reports. Military and civil engineers, as it is well known, were central to the French ex-
peditions to Egypt and Morea, and also to the new field of prehistory.46 Although the
large-scale excavations of the Vesuvian cities of Pompeii and Herculaneum did not forge
a method to be applied to other cities, the survey techniques used there by engineers and
surveyors created a parallel history to the philological tradition for the study of antiq-
uity. Engineers, following their contemporary procedures and protocols of description,
created a corpus of documents, which referred to the cultural history and life of ancient
cities. Hidden by a tradition rooted in the work of Johann Joachim Winckelmann or in
philology, the engineers have been as invisible as the remains that were discovered.
41 Capel Sáez 1983, 124. 44 Parslow 1995, 4.

42 Mora 1998, 90. 45 Mora 1998, 60.
43 Parslow 1995; Podgorny 2007. 46 Bourguet et al. 1998; Coye 1997.
55
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4 Post-mortem medical examinations
Among the many agents involved or interested in excavations and the study of ancient
human bodies, unrolling of mummies, and prehistoric remains were also physicians
and surgeons. Histories of archaeologies and archaeological societies are full of titled
medical doctors. However, not much attention has been paid to the practices in dissec-
tion and the protocols of post-mortem medical examinations and their connection with
the history of archaeological observation. Post-mortem medical examinations and the
relationship between doctors and surgeons and the bodies found in public places or the
corpses of people who died suddenly, violently, or due to poison or errors in medication
has a long history.
The legislation of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic initiatives system-
atized the knowledge that came from translations of different languages and medical
traditions. In this framework, a series of works was published that systematized the pro-
cedures for opening cadavers during judicial medical examinations. Out of this grew a
fundamental difference between the examination of the corpse’s exterior and the general
anatomical dissection. The initial examination was no longer limited to just a body lying
on a table, but also included the location where the corpse had been found, its proximity
to other places, the prints or marks found on the ground, the machines or instruments
that could be found there, etc. Thus, the field examination of the corpse began to in-
clude the context around it. The record of this examination, from which new judicial
evidence would be constructed, included the anatomical description of the body, the
relationship between the body parts, measurements, height, birthmarks, size, age, sex,
weight, clothing and any other information deemed to be useful. The special dissection
of the body parts was preceded by a very detailed observation of the skin, the position of
the feet and the state of the hands, with the aim of understanding the situation or atti-
tude in which the subject had died. The general examination of the body was followed
by one of the head and a detailed documentation of the ear canals, nasal cavity, neck,
thorax, and abdomen.47
The principal idea was to omit nothing, avoiding any error that could condemn
or free another individual and to get as close as possible to an all-encompassing ob-
servation.48 Unlike the examinations of those who died of illness, where repetition of
examination was possible because the causes repeated themselves, the observation of a
person who died of violent causes created a unique situation where the circumstances of
death were different with each victim and, in a poorly conducted autopsy, one risked re-
moving the traces accidentally. The corpse of a person that had died by unnatural causes
was transformed into irreplaceable evidence that would only reveal itself once to the
47 Chaussier 1816. 48 Chauvaud 2000; Menentau 2004.
56
observer as an act created by man and with special characteristics in every case. In this
sense, judicial observation adopts a similar character to those observations done during
a voyage of exploration, precisely because of the experience’s unrepeatable nature.
At the same time, the judicial autopsy makes the crime a peculiar, profoundly his-
torical event. The protocols try to document evidence and that, at the same time, will
disappear in the very act of observation, which is an unavoidable step in finally autho-
rizing the body’s burial. By doing so, the evidence will be contained in the media in
which it is documented.49
The systematization of the medical observation reports was framed, precisely in this
dynamic, as the examinations destroyed the evidence through the visual inspection and
the need to register information in order to present the complete evidence to the judge.
In the early nineteenth century, a “rapport” was the document written by one or more
doctors at the request of the appropriate authority about a particular fact. It aimed to
document the evidence together with its context allowing the required conclusions to be
drawn by the judiciary or the administration. Given that the life of the citizens depended
upon it, the rapport required absolute clarity and discretion. Moreover, the author had
to be understood by the magistrates who were unfamiliar with the technical terminol-
ogy of medicine. When examining a corpse, it was recommended that special attention
be paid to the clothing and the location of any objects around the body. If it was nec-
essary to describe the trajectory of a wound caused by a pointed or sharp instrument,
attention should be paid to the distribution and relationship between the elements that
constituted the evidence.50
The protocols for post-mortem medical examinations created the matrix that was
used to group details registered in a context of the deposition of corpses, again as
part of the judicial evidence. In countries affected by the Napoleonic reforms, such
as the nineteenth-century Spanish-American republics, surgeons and physicians were
appointed as external experts for the police. These surgeons not only analyzed mur-
dered people: they learned how to register facts that could be connected to the crime
or enlighten observers on the circumstances in which it had occurred. As analyzed else-
where, these judicial archives can help us understand the protocols for describing ru-
ins and fossils that were emerging in the first part of the nineteenth century in the
parallels between the practices and routines of medicine and the new prehistoric re-
search.51 As Jakob Tanner points out, bureaucratic routines and administrative mea-
sures had a performing power.52 Surgeons and physicians used to fill out protocols and
reports to describe corpses using the same standards automatically incorporating these
49 Podgorny 2003. 51 Podgorny 2011a.

50 Moreau 1827, 455–456: “Rapport”. 52 Tanner 2008.
57
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bureaucratic routines into other domains and including the description of remains from
the distant past.
5 Fossils, garbage and mosaics
Ater their independence, the governments of the new republics from Spanish America
recruited various individuals in Europe to compose new technical corps that, upon ar-
rival, found a different situation from what was promised, a circumstance that was to be
repeated indefinitely. In the1820s and 1830s another actor appeared on stage: the consuls
of the countries that recognized the existence of the new republics. Great Britain, France,
the United States of America and the Kingdom of Sardinia, Savoy and Piedmont sent or
appointed their representatives to promote and protect the commercial interests of their
countries. The consuls actively collected objects, maps and documents from these terri-
tories and rapidly constructed chains of information, linking educated people, in partic-
ular compatriot physicians and merchants, who could collect new data from different
parts of the territory. All these actors exchanged data and objects in the form of commer-
cial transactions, complimentary gits or diplomatic gestures. The corpus of documents
produced by the Spanish military engineers or the Jesuits’ manuscripts, kept as confiden-
tial information of the colonial administration would lose this feature in the atermath
of the independence due to the instability of the new governments and the inability
to control them. Paradoxically, they would be deemed new discoveries and used as evi-
dence of Spain’s veiled intentions for its colonies. The copies of maps and manuscripts
were then transformed into a commodity, which, depending on their originality and
rarity, could command a high monetary value in Europe. Under these circumstances,
the manuscripts were introduced in scholarly circles, in private collections or on edi-
tors’ tables. The publication, circulation and dissemination of these reports awakened
an unusual ‘fever’ for collecting fossil skeletons, antiquities, and colonial documents
that display how scientific and commercial value fed into one another.
For instance, in the Río de la Plata provinces news of these fossils emerged thanks
to the chain of information that linked the field with the Buenos Aires landowners (‘es-
tancieros’): the dry season revealed a considerable number of skeletons, and the farm
labourers reported the remains of dead animals, following instructions regarding hy-
giene in these rural areas. In 1819, Juan Manuel de Rosas, owner of one of the estancias
where huge bones were being found, compiled a series of instructions for the adminis-
trators of his extensive estate in the pampas. These instructions defined a hierarchy of
observers and emphasized the need for constant observation and the recording of even
small events. Every man on the estancia who was able to read and write kept pen and
paper at hand to register observations that would be forwarded to his superiors. Even in
58
the private domain, administration had adopted the forms of remote ruling. Years later,
Rosas, as governor of the province between 1829 and 1832, would have an excellent re-
lationship with the British consul, who benefited indirectly from the instructions Rosas
gave to estancia administrators to keep an eye on the bones of dead livestock in order to
maintain the ranches in clean and proper order.
Garbage must be deposited in the place selected to dispose of it. In no way

should there be scattered bones […] Men should not live surrounded by rub-
bish. I insist: it is unacceptable for bones and little bones to be scattered every-
where, everything must go to the rubbish dump […] Skeletons of every kind of
animal, regardless of their quality, must be gathered in a place devoted to this
end. Therefore, there must be no skeletons in the field, all must be collected
and brought together for the branding of livestock.53
In one of the moves that characterized the configuration of knowledge, procedures relat-
ing to the hygiene of rural establishments were fortuitously incorporated into compara-
tive anatomy. In this case, thanks to the diplomatic skills of the British consul in Buenos
Aires, the giant bones were transferred from the garbage pit into the anatomists’ hands.
With some of these bones, in the late 1830s and ater long controversies, Richard
Owen in London created the genus Glyptodon for an armoured fossil mammal from
South America, roughly the same size as a small car.54 For many years, reports on the
fragments of what seemed to be the carapace of a gigantic armadillo had been sent to
the collections in Buenos Aires, London, Montevideo, Paris, Rio de Janeiro, and Berlin.
When Glyptodon was defined as a giant cataphracted mammal in late 1838, no single
complete carapace of this animal had been seen in Europe: the shells had been well
preserved as a whole while in the earth, but once they were exposed to the air they
broke into pieces. Therefore, the new genus was created on the basis of a tooth and a
sketch sent in a letter from Buenos Aires55 and the carapace would only arrive in London
several years later as a result of a commercial transaction between a local collector and
the Royal College of Surgeons in London. The details of the first successful attempt to
ship a shell to Europe display the intricacies of such enterprises and the combinations
of skills and knowledge required to ship fossils abroad.
The local provider of bones was Pedro de Angelis (1784–1859), a Neapolitan
antiquary, collector of colonial documents, dealer in bones and other vestiges from
the South American past.56 Aware of the interest that fossil bones had for European
anatomists, de Angelis invested in fossil collections in order to resell them at good price.
He employed local people to search for bones in different localities of Buenos Aires and
53 Rosas 1908, 28 and 31. 55 Podgorny 2013.

54 Rupke 1994. 56 See Sabor 1995.
59
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bought books from London and Paris. He learnt how to classify what he was gathering
in his collections. Furthermore, he developed a technique for preventing the cracking
of the glyptodont’s carapaces: the moment it was drawn out of the earth, he applied a
coat of pitch, resin, and plaster from Paris to the inside of it to prevent its crumbling
into pieces and then protected them with sheepskins and ponchos. As he explained,
four specimens had to be sacrificed to transmit one and a half and he had to send a
great quantity of so called tesserae taken from other individuals for completing a single
shell. De Angelis remarked: “The restoration can be affected as is done in the case of
separate ancient mosaics. The thickest disks belong to the upper part of the Shell where
the rosettes are most marked. They gradually diminish at the edge of the Carapace”57 .
The principal parts were numbered and it sufficed to place the numbers next to each
other to re-compose the armor.
The comparison with ancient mosaics was not just a metaphor:58 it was a clear indi-
cation about how to proceed and also of the knowledge and skills employed to preserve
the shell. Pedro de Angelis, a former preceptor of Joachim Murat’s family in the court of
Naples, was well acquainted with the works done in Pompeii, Stabiae and Herculaneum.
Murat, as King of Naples, in 1808 had ordered that the floors of the Naples Royal Society
be paved with some of the mosaics extracted from the ruins.59 The transportation of the
mosaics to the Accademia Ercolanese and the museums of Portici and Borbonico, had
required not only a great deal of work but also to study the ancient techniques employed
in mosaic pavements and the creation of devices to remove the mosaics from the ruins.
Thus, antiquarians and engineers in charge of this transportation analyzed the mortar
and the cement that were used to keep the tiles or square tesserae together by direct ob-
servation and by studying the ancient sources. Following Pliny’s descriptions, the nine-
teenth century constructors made use of rubbish, charcoal, sand, and lime well mixed
with small cinders. Observations of broken mosaic pavements showed that the natural
soil had been filled up with materials such as plaster (in which the tesserae were set),
stone pitching, ashes, and residues of burnt matter.60 At the same time, the reconstruc-
tion of the mosaics was done based on the depictions and plans of military engineers in
the eighteenth century and those that the Napoleonic commissioners could find in the
archives of Naples.61
57 Pedro de Angelis to William Clit, Buenos Aires, palmo quadrato (around 100,000 per square me-
August 12 1841, Translation of a letter respecting ter). – Niccolini 1832; Burmeister 1870–1874. I
the Glyptodon and Mylodon by R. Owen, received am thankful to Juan Fernícola for his insight on
November 1841, Natural History Museum Archives, glyptodonts’ osteoderms.
London, LMSS C11 BRN 31229. 59 Milanese 1998.
58 Whereas a glyptodont’s carapace is composed by 60 Clarke 1832, 10.
about 1000 osteoderms, the mosaics discovered in 61 Pisapia 2002, 111.
Pompeii in the 1830s had about 7000 pieces per
60
As Maria Stella Pisapia noted, in the 1810s the use of ancient marbles and mosaics
to pave modern floors followed not the desire of restoration but the contemporary taste,
namely the adaptation of ancient objects to a practical end, i. e. they were recomposed
according to the spaces to be paved by adding tesserae from other mosaics or sources of
stone tiles.62 In this very same sense, Pedro de Angelis was trying not to obtain an ani-
mal from the past but a “museum specimen,” the object that the British museums were
urging him to ship. For removing and transporting the carapace he resorted to the same
procedures, materials, and techniques used to reconstruct mosaic pavements. In doing
so, he made up a new object that brought together the tesserae of different specimens,
the skills that artisans used for paving, and the expertise acquired in Naples to transport
ancient mosaic patterns from the field to the museum. Furthermore, he translated the
Plinian vocabulary that antiquarians used for the mosaic tiles to name the pieces that
formed the carapace of the new animal: tesserae. When the bones arrived in London
in late 1841, the reconstruction could only be done with the help of those instructions
explaining which fragment went with what in order to reconstruct the whole pattern of
the bone tesserae.
Many authors have noted the importance of the eighteenth century Bourbon excava-
tions of Pompeii for understanding the kind of questions posed by Spanish and Spanish-
American antiquarians.63 What is less commonly known is the impact that Pompeii
had on the creation of South American fossil mammals. Martin Rudwick, however, has
noted, the impact of Pompeii on natural history and on Cuvier’s research program.64
Cuvier, in fact, wanted to render his reconstructions of extinct animals authoritative
and “to ‘revive’ these strange animals in the mind’s eye – just as the antiquarians tried
to bring Pompeii back to life.” Rudwick also compared the work of antiquarians with
the methods of comparative anatomists by underlining Cuvier’s appeal to naturalists
to imitate antiquarians methods.65 Pedro de Angelis had not only met Cuvier when he
lived in Paris, he was also aware of Cuvier’s research program and, before Cuvier died
in 1832, de Angelis corresponded with him and offered to Paris the bones he collected
in Buenos Aires. But in the case of de Angelis’ transactions, it is clear that the impact
of Pompeii on the practices of comparative anatomy followed more complicated path-
ways and do not directly reflect Cuvier’s ideas. As mentioned before, the excavations
and survey of Pompeii, rather than transforming the practices of antiquarians, created
a constellation that associated the military engineers’ bureaucratic procedures with the
study of antiquities. In this frame, the archaeological object was connected to the bu-
reaucratic system of colonial administration, shaped by instructions on what and how
to observe. Plans, drawings, and measurements made and used by the engineers created
62 Pisapia 2002. 64 Rudwick 1997, 34.

63 Alcina Franch 1995, Cañizares Esguerra 2002. 65 Rudwick 1997, 35–41; Rudwick 2005, 370.
61
irina podgorny
‘portable antiquities’ that shaped the coming into being of the archaeological object. In
the case of de Angelis and his reconstructions of fossil skeletons, one could say that the
animals ‘emerged’ from engineering recording practices and the artisanal expertise to
reconstruct a mosaic pavement.
6 Concluding remarks
In the Río de la Plata Provinces, as throughout the Spanish Empire, the former offi-
cials had introduced a system of providing data according to the instructions handed
down from the Iberian Peninsula. The bureaucratic practices of the artillerymen, the
draughtsmen, scribes, clergymen or surgeons of unknown biography and the papers
from transatlantic communications would be responsible for shaping the world gov-
erned from Seville, Cádiz and Madrid. Once the colonial tie was broken, a collector’s
sociability, driven now by private interests, continued working on the basis set by distant
administration.
This paper argued that the protocols for observing and recording employed by
different bureaucratic departments of state administration contributed to the creation
of a matrix that would be fortuitously incorporated into the practices of several disci-
plines, including archaeology. Circulars or questionnaires, inventories and records, the
French model for post-mortem medical examinations, and the protocols used by topog-
raphers, pilots, and military engineers would move from bureaucracy to scientific prac-
tice. Thus, objects were brought into collections having been formatted by procedures
inherited from diverse traditions of state administration, construction, or commercial
procedures.
Scientific practices are shaped by the articulation of different agents and cultural
spheres. Practices, protocols and procedures used in one field drit into another with
such an unperceivable pace that they normally go unnoticed in the routines of ev-
eryday scientific life. Public notaries witnessing facts and signatures, surgeons record-
ing post-mortem examinations, military engineers drawing plans, surveyors measuring
the landscape, officials answering questionnaires, clerical officers arranging inventories,
priests compiling data from their parishes, and traders preparing their catalogues all con-
tributed in some way with their expertise to shape the practices of modern archaeology.
In that context, the archaeological object was connected to the bureaucratic system of
administration, that moved to archaeology without intention of the actors. These drits
not only traversed disciplines, they also crossed time and space, traditions, and linguis-
tic barriers. In that sense, working on the genesis of these practices requires openness to
cross contemporary disciplinary borders and to rethink the geography of knowledge.
62
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67
Amara Thornton
Social Networks in the History of Archaeology.

Placing Archaeology in its Context
Summary
This paper explores the value of social networks in the history of archaeology, combining
them with biography and prosopography to produce a practical method for examining the
development of the discipline, and an alternative to the traditional history of archaeology
narrative. It presents broad categories for the interpretation and visualization of social net-
works, illuminated by case studies focusing on linked political and archaeological networks
in early British Mandate Palestine and Transjordan. Social networks are a tool for under-
standing the historical context of archaeological work, and can be utilized to explore the
role of men and women, politicians, soldiers, artists, architects, funders and others, in the
excavation, interpretation, presentation and reception of archaeology.
Keywords: Archaeology; social networks; biography; prosopography; history; British

Mandate Palestine and Transjordan.
Der Artikel untersucht die Bedeutung von sozialen Netzwerken in der Geschichte der Ar-
chäologie. Im Rückgriff auf biographische und prosopographische Ansätze soll eine geeig-
nete Methode zur Untersuchung der Entwicklung des Fachs herausgearbeitet werden und
eine Alternative zu den traditionellen Erzählungen in der Archäologiegeschichte. Anhand
einer Fallstudie über die miteinander verbundenen politischen und archäologischen Netz-
werke in den frühen britischen Mandaten Palästina und Transjordanien werden allgemeine
Kategorien für die Interpretation und Visualisierung von sozialen Netzwerken diskutiert.
Die Analyse sozialer Netzwerke gibt Einblick in den historischen Kontext archäologischer
Arbeit und erlaubt es, die Rollen von Männern und Frauen, Politikern, Soldaten, Künstlern,
Architekten und Sponsoren bei der Ausgrabung, Interpretation, Präsentation und Rezepti-
on von Archäologie zu untersuchen.
Keywords: Archäologie; soziale Netzwerke; Biographie; Prosopographie; Geschichte; briti-

sche Mandatsgebiete Palästina und Transjordanien.
69
amara thornton
Thanks are due to the Syndics of Cambridge University for permission to quote from their
archives, Ian Carroll and Rachael Sparks (UCL Institute of Archaeology), Felicity Cobbing
(Palestine Exploration Fund), Silvia Krapwiko (Israel Antiquities Authority), Gisela Eber-
hardt, Fabian Link, Andrew Garrard, Tim Schadla-Hall, John Thornton, Linda Heywood
and the British Academy.
1 Introduction
In March 1929, Agnes Conway arrived in Jerusalem. She planned to survey Petra, a mon-
umental Nabataean site in the British Mandate Territory of Transjordan. Agnes Conway
was a trained historian and museum curator; an alumna (sans degree) of Newnham Col-
lege Cambridge. She had been associated with the British School at Rome, and a student
at the British School at Athens.1 Struck with Petra ater a 1927 trip there she was given
the opportunity to investigate the site for herself, using her father’s connections with the
wealthy Mond family to secure funding for a two month excavation at Petra. The Chief
Inspector of Antiquities in Transjordan, George Horsfield, had granted her permission
to work at the site; the funds she raised enabled them to conduct the first ‘scientific’
excavations at Petra.2
Agnes Conway and George Horsfield’s 1929 excavation at Petra incorporated a num-
ber of interconnected networks centering in London and Jerusalem. Piecing together
these networks reveals the historical context of archaeology in British Mandate Palestine
and Transjordan. They highlight archaeology’s position within the political administra-
tions in London and Jerusalem and, through the role of the British School of Archaeol-
ogy in Jerusalem (BSAJ), they played a pivotal role in forming a social and intellectual
hub for Palestine and Transjordan that was considered politically valuable by Mandate,
Foreign Office and Colonial Office officials. Hitherto neglected contributors to archaeo-
logical research are exposed through visualizations of the networks using three broad re-
lationship categories, personal, transactional and organizational, linking people to each
other and to related organizations or institutions.
As Shapin and Thackray noted, drawing a definitive framework around the idea of a
‘scientist’ oten eliminates those people who shaped a discipline without directly engag-
ing in it as a full-time occupation.3 Macleod’s examination of political-scholarly network
in relation to government grants to the Royal Society is a particularly useful example
of the benefits of extending prosopographical studies outside disciplinary boundaries.4
1 See Evans 1966; Thornton 2011b. way were married in Jerusalem on 28 January 1932;
2 See Conway, A. 30 August, 9 September 1928. Di- Thornton 2011a.
ary Entries. Cambridge University Library: MSS 3 Shapin and Thackray 1974, 3–4.
Add 7676/Z30. George Horsfield and Agnes Con- 4 MacLeod 1971.
70
social networks in the history of archaeology
Lines must be drawn, for practicality of scope if nothing else, but they need not be dis-
ciplinary. In order to examine a social network in any comprehensive sense sponsors,
patrons, friends, spouses, teachers, families, clubmates should all be considered; this
information builds up a more complex picture and contributes to reconstructing and
interpreting the historical context. In this way, the history of archaeology moves beyond
the still popular narrative of great excavators, sites and objects, towards a more nuanced
understanding of archaeology within social, cultural, political and economic arenas. It
presents a broader view of contributors to the archaeological field, incorporating indi-
viduals such as politicians, funders and administrators amongst a host of archaeologists,
artists, architects, assistants, volunteers and labourers present on site, as recent scholar-
ship on the history of Egyptology and the history of the British School at Athens have
shown.5
While many prosopographical and biographical studies in the history of archaeol-
ogy focus on intellectual and disciplinary history and the reception and impact of re-
search, the following examination derives and evolves from the author’s doctoral thesis,
which uses these three relationship types to examine the role and value of social net-
works in analyzing the social history and professionalization of British archaeology in
the Eastern Mediterranean and Middle East, and its links to institutions and movements
both within and outside the scholarly community, between 1870 and 1939.6 This article
first presents a brief overview of the value of a combined social network, prosopography
and biography approach to evaluating archaeology’s impact beyond the discipline.7 It
then discusses the broad framework for archaeology in Mandate Palestine and Transjor-
dan, highlighting the political, intellectual and social organizations involved.8 It next
applies the method to analyze the contexts of the BSAJ government grant and the 1929
Petra excavations as case studies, examining the function of small-scale social networks
in more detail. It concludes by reflecting on the value of studying these networks for
interpreting and analyzing the impact of archaeology in non-academic settings.
2 Combining social networks, prosopography and biography
2.1 Social networks for historical analysis
Networks have become an increasingly popular medium of exploration. In the past two
decades network analysis and prosopography, the study of a group of people linked by
5 E. g. Bierbrier and Naunton 2012; Quirke 2010; Gill 7 This is based on the methodology presented in
2011. Thornton 2011a, ch. 1.
6 This examination derives and evolves from the au- 8 See also Gibson 1999; Thornton 2011a; Thornton
thor’s doctoral thesis of 2012, Thornton 2011a. 2012a.
71
amara thornton
common interests, have been used to reconstruct historical intellectual, political and
business networks in a variety of contexts.9 A wide range of scholars draw on published
sources for prosopographical data and use quantitative methods to explore historical
periods or themes.10 Many of these quantitative methods incorporate complex mathe-
matical models to produce almost impenetrable visualizations of a particular network
over a period of time.
As Verbruggen outlines in his overview of the subject, using social networks for the
purposes of historical reconstruction continues to be problematic for historians given
the fragmentary nature of historical archival material.11 Considering the problems in-
herent in using published prosopographical lists with organized, assembled, predeter-
mined categories,12 as Schlanger discusses,13 assessing archival documentary material,
though not without its problems such as organization, manipulation or removal by own-
ers, executors or archivists, can allow researchers to deepen their understanding of his-
torical context and complicate, change or enhance the narratives presented in published
sources.
Social network analysis and actor-network theory, as outlined notably by Bruno La-
tour,14 provide useful practical tools for exploring and understanding a network in a
given historical context. These methods also, crucially, enable a researcher to look be-
yond the boundaries of a field, subject or geographical area.15 Emirbayer and Goodwin
outline a number of key terms in social network analysis that influenced the research
presented here.16 They define network analysis as a means of “investigating social struc-
ture”, and the social network as sets of relations in that structure linking “actors” (e. g.
groups, organizations, individuals) together.
Their work stresses the importance of understanding the ties between people and
organizations, and the need to include a broad definition of “actors” in any analysis of
social networks.17 Stevenson and Greenberg provide further insight into investigating
social networks.18 Their research presents a valuable case for a nuanced understanding of
strength and weakness in ties, as outlined initially by Mark Granovetter.19 Additionally,
they highlight the complexities of personal agency within what they term a “political
opportunity structure”, in which the actor on the “periphery” of a network is able to
use his or her position on the edge of power to act quasi-independently of the “central”
network; conversely an actor in the “center” of the network might have less ability to
act due to ties within the established framework.20 The center versus periphery theme
9 E. g. Brayshay, Cleary, and Selwood 2005; Keats- 14 Latour 2005.

Rohan 2007. 15 Thornton 2011a.
10 Bearman 1993; Rosenthal et al. 1985; Verbruggen 16 Emirbayer and Goodwin 1994, 1414 and 1417.
2007. 17 Emirbayer and Goodwin 1994, 1417.
11 Verbruggen 2007, 579–581. 18 Stevenson and Greenberg 2000.
12 See Kay 2007. 19 Granovetter 1973.
13 Schlanger 2002, 130. 20 Stevenson and Greenberg 2000, 651–657
72
is particularly important for the history of archaeology, which during this period (like
today) was considered to be outside the political sphere despite its place within the
administrative framework.21
2.2 Prosopography, biography and the history of archaeology
The history of archaeology has only recently begun to have a notable historiography
of its own, in which archives are used alongside published sources as essential tools
for exploring disciplinary development.22 Biography is an unceasingly popular method
for exploring archaeology’s past,23 as it has been in the history of science.24 As Kaeser
notes, alongside biography prosopography is also valuable.25 Both prosopography and
collective biography26 have been used in various ways for charting the history of ar-
chaeology, and in particular have enabled more detailed explorations of the history of
women in archaeology27 and the history of specific sub-disciplines such as Egyptol-
ogy28 and Romano-British archaeology29 , or institutions such as the British School at
Athens.30 However, prosopographical compilations tend to focus on the archaeologists
themselves; few branch out of the ‘scientific community’, as Shapin and Thackray urge
so powerfully in their 1974 investigation into nineteenth century science.31
Identifying relationships can circumvent artificial borders such as geographical, dis-
ciplinary and gender-based themes in the history of archaeology.32 Padgett and Ansell’s
exploration into the role of the Medici family in the fiteenth century identifies nine
different kinds of connection, including economic, political and personal links.33 They
also acknowledge that strength and weakness within these ties is determined through
inductive reasoning, highlighting the importance of the researcher’s interpretation in
social network analysis.34 For the research presented here, three broad categories of re-
lationship were identified and defined (see Tab. 1).
These categories, represented by three different colors, enable illustrative visualiza-
tions36 of social networks to be created, enhancing the prosopographical and biographi-
21 Thornton 2011a. 31 Thornton 2011a. – Who Was Who in Egyptology (Bier-

22 E. g. Schlanger and Nordbladh 2008; P. J. Smith brier and Naunton 2012) includes funders, politi-
2009; Gill 2011. cians and military officers particularly interested
23 E. g. Kaeser 2008; Givens 2008 [1992]; Murray in Egyptology. See also Fabian Link’s article on the
1999b. German Castle Society network, which explores the
24 See Söderqvist 2013. political and economic contributions to this circle
25 Kaeser 2008, 13. (Link 2009).
26 E. g. Murray 1999a. 32 Thornton 2011a.
27 E. g.Cohen and Sharp-Joukowsky 2004; Díaz- 33 Padgett and Ansell 1993, 1265–1266.
Andreu and Sørensen 1998. 34 Padgett and Ansell 1993, 1274–1275, n. 28.
28 Bierbrier and Naunton 2012. 35 Padgett and Ansell 1993, 1266 n. 16.
29 Wallace 2002. 36 The visualizations here (Figs. 1–4) have been created
30 Gill 2008, Gill 2011. by the author; distances between ‘actors’ are used
for clarity only.
73
amara thornton
Organisational Formal or informal membership in an organisation. A relation-

ship of participation, rather than merely a paid service, it differs
from a transactional relationship (defined below). Examples
include: serving on a board of trustees, organising committee
or council; election to a learned society or club; being an em-
ployee within an organisation.
Transactional The exchange or transfer of resources, knowledge and/or
connections. Examples include: sponsorship/funding, employ-
ment/training, logistical/practical assistance.
Personal Friendship or familial relationship. As Padgett and Ansell have
explained, this type of relationship can be difficult to define.35
They chose to assess such relationships conservatively; the same
approach has been adopted here.
Tab. 1 Categories of relationships, adapted from Thornton 2011a.
cal elements of the social history of archaeology. While they could be further subdivided
as Padgett and Ansell’s work demonstrates, the simplicity of the three broad categories
helps to create meaningful visualizations, which in turn may lead to more detailed ex-
ploration and analysis within archival or published sources. Additionally, categories may
be juxtaposed if necessary – for example, blue transactional relationship lines and green
organizational relationship lines could highlight two different facets of an individual’s
connection to an organization. Being paid for a job is a transactional relationship, while
contributing to the management or administration of an organization or group is an or-
ganisational relationship.37
The contexts of the BSAJ grant and Conway and Horsfield’s 1929 Petra excavation
provide examples of how a combined prosopographical, biographical and social net-
work method can be used to investigate the history of archaeology in British Mandate
Palestine and Transjordan. This method exposes a number of key players; some fit within
the stringent definition of a ‘scientific’ discipline, others do not. Using the three relation-
ship categories identified above, the following sections will reconstruct this historical
network, simultaneously revealing the political, social and economic context of archae-
ological work in British Mandate Palestine and Transjordan.
37 Thornton 2011a.
74
3 London, Palestine and Transjordan: Archaeological and

political networks
Examining the organizational networks involved in the management of archaeology

in Mandate Palestine and Transjordan reveals how archaeology fitted within local and
imperial contexts. By assessing these groups in London and Jerusalem it is possible to
see the impact of archaeology across national borders, and how decisions made by a
small network of men and government departments in London affected a larger group
of archaeologists, officials, expats and local communities in the Mandates. For the most
part analysis of archaeology and its impact continues to remain outside of or marginal
to the interests of historians of Mandate Palestine and Transjordan.38 However, Shimon
Gibson’s 1999 article on British archaeological institutions in Mandate Palestine and
Nadia Abu el-Haj’s exploration of archaeology’s role in the development of the state
of Israel both specifically address this gap.39 A special issue of Public Archaeology also
examines the interplay between archaeology and heritage tourism in Mandate Palestine
and Transjordan from a number of angles.40
The early post-war period (1919–1920) is a critical one in the history of archaeology
in the Holy Land. Systems were set in place for managing archaeological exploration,
excavation, research and conservation that governed the way archaeological activity was
conducted in the following decades. As the First World War drew to a close archaeo-
logical groups in London and Jerusalem began to organize the management of antiq-
uities and conservation of archaeological sites, developing the examples of antiquities
services in Cairo and Constantinople to meet this new administration.41 There were sev-
eral groups involved in constructing a management system for archaeological activity in
post-war Palestine. The London-based Archaeological Joint Committee (AJC) and the
Jerusalem-based International Archaeological Advisory Board (IAAB) provided advice,
while the Department of Antiquities of Palestine (DAP), the British School of Archae-
ology in Jerusalem (BSAJ) and the Pro-Jerusalem Society (PJS) actively promoted ar-
chaeological exploration in various forms and formed significant social, intellectual and
political spaces for the promotion and discussion of archaeological work (see Fig. 1).42
By the end of 1918, the Foreign Office had solicited the British Academy to establish
the Archaeological Joint Committee (AJC).43 The AJC brought together representatives
of London-based museums, learned societies and British schools of archaeology with
38 E. g. Abū Nūwār 2006; Adelson 1994; El-Eini 2006; 40 Thornton 2012b.

Fromkin 1989; Kedourie 2004; Salib 1993; Wasser- 41 Gibson 1999; Thornton 2011a; Thornton 2012a.
stein 1978; Wilson 1987) 42 Gibson 1999; Thornton 2011a.
39 Gibson 1999; Abu El-Haj 2001. 43 Kenyon 1920, 5; Gibson 1999, 128.
75
amara thornton
interests in the region to advise on archaeological policies.44 The Director of the British
Museum and President of the British Academy, Frederic Gerard Kenyon, was the AJC
Chairman.45 With the AJC’s formation a government-sanctioned advisory board was
born lobbying for archaeology and providing scientific expertise for a government em-
barking on a new era of imperial expansion through the Mandate system.
The AJC’s remit was publicly presented in the British Museum’s 1920 handbook,
How to Observe in Archaeology, which drew together expertise on archaeological methods,
interpretations and antiquities legislation for the ordinary educated traveller embarking
on a journey to “the Near and Middle East” – defined as Greece, Asia Minor, Cyprus,
Syria, Egypt, Palestine, and Mesopotamia. By 1929, the AJC was highlighting its place as
the middleman between the academy and government and at the forefront of the archae-
ological sector. In a second edition of How to Observe their approved “Proposals for the
Administration of Antiquities in Mandated and Similar Countries”, dated November
1921, laid out principles for (Western) archaeological exploration and research. These
included the need to encourage local contributions to and support for archaeological
research, the creation of museums in country, controlling (though not ending) the divi-
sion of antiquities between excavators and government, and managing the provision of
excavation permissions to restrict unskilled or untrained persons from access to sites.46
Inside Whitehall,47 in 1919 George Nathaniel Curzon became Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs, heading the Foreign Office. Curzon was deeply interested in expanding
British educational activity overseas and in encouraging and harnessing British expatri-
ate communities’ ties to Britain.48 Supporting British archaeological research in Pales-
tine fitted into these plans; by 1920 Curzon was also lobbying for support for Britain to
manage protection of Palestine’s standing monuments.49 Unlike Britain’s involvement
in India, Egypt and Sudan, Palestine presented a different kind of administration, dic-
tated by the League of Nations Mandate Agreement. Before and during the War, the For-
eign Office had managed British interests in “foreign countries” such as Egypt, Greece,
Italy and the Ottoman Empire50 , and the India Office managed the British Raj in India,
as well as Mesopotamia (Iraq) ater the war until the British Mandate was firmly estab-
lished there. With the Mandate for Palestine and Mesopotamia in hand, from 1922 an
44 See Kenyon 1920, 5. How to Observe in Archaeology the British government in general (see Burns 1921,
(1920, 1929) contains a complete list of organiza- 7).
tions represented on the AJC. The AJC is also re- 48 See Fisher 2009, 2 and 24.
ferred to in documents as the Joint Archaeological 49 BSAJ. 3 Jan 1920. Minutes of Organising Commit-
Committee. tee. Minute Book 1: 1918–1960. Palestine Explo-
45 Thornton 2011a. ration Fund Archives.
46 Hill 1929, 112–114. 50 Before the Great War the Ottoman Empire included
47 The term “Whitehall”, deriving from the street in “Turkey in Asia” incorporating what became Man-
London where many of the chief departments of the date Palestine, Transjordan and Iraq.
British government are located, is used to refer to
76
important change occurred: the Colonial Office, and specifically its Middle East Depart-
ment (initially under Winston Churchill as Secretary of State for the Colonies), began
overseeing the affairs of the British Mandates in Palestine, Transjordan and Iraq.51 In
Palestine (and later Transjordan), a Crown-appointed British High Commissioner was
at the head of the administrative structure.52
All of these factors had an impact on archaeology. In practice, the AJC in Lon-
don advised members of the Middle East Department on matters of the administration
of archaeology and a representative of the Middle East Department, Gerald Clauson,
sat on the Committee.53 The High Commissioner of Palestine communicated through
the Middle East Department on matters concerning archaeology (Fig. 1). Although the
Palestine administration operated in a semi-autonomous fashion, the Colonial Office
had an overarching view.54 From their Downing Street office CO officials supported is-
sues of importance to British interests, as will be seen from the evaluation of the role of
the BSAJ in Palestine.
By 1920 in Jerusalem John Garstang was joint Director Department of Antiquities of
Palestine and the British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem. The Palestine Exploration
Fund and the British Academy had set up the BSAJ in 1918 and recruited Garstang. Fred-
eric Kenyon was BSAJ President, and its Vice-Presidents were Edmund Allenby, a Field
Marshal who had led British forces to occupy Jerusalem in 1917, and Palestine’s High
Commissioner Herbert Samuel. These organizational relationships illustrate the links
between the emerging British administration in Palestine and archaeology.55 Garstang
was subsequently appointed Director of the Department of Antiquities in Palestine, re-
sponsible for managing archaeological sites throughout Palestine, which until 1923 in-
cluded the land that became Transjordan.56 As BSAJ Director he trained prospective
archaeologists and carried out research agendas.57 Garstang balanced the interests of
the various local and foreign schools and societies of archaeology in the region, which
had representatives on the International Archaeological Advisory Board (IAAB). IAAB
members were chosen by the High Commissioner, with Garstang as Director of An-
tiquities as Chairman.58 Although classified as “non-political”, like the AJC in London
51 Kirk-Greene 1999; Goode 2007, 188; Mercer, 57 The duties of the BSAJ director are clearly delin-
Collins, and Harding 1921; Steiner 1969, 214; eated in Myres, J. L. 7 November 1926. “Memo-
Thornton 2011a; Thornton 2012a. randum on the Status and Functions of the British
52 Luke and Keith-Roach 1930, 207. School of Archaeology in Jerusalem”. T161/1256.
53 Thornton 2011a; Hill 1929, 12. The material hereater referenced T161/1256 is
54 Thornton 2011a. the “British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem
55 See BSAJ 1920; Gibson 1999; Thornton 2009a; – Grant” folder, containing Foreign and Colonial
Thornton 2011a. Office correspondence with the Treasury and min-
56 Article 21 of the Mandate agreement outlined the utes between Treasury officials concerning the BSAJ
management of archaeology in Palestine. The Man- grant. T161/1256 is held at the National Archives in
date Agreement is printed in full as Appendix I in Kew.
The Handbook for Palestine and Transjordan (1930). 58 Luke and Keith-Roach 1930, 87; Thornton 2011a.
77
amara thornton
advised civil servants in Whitehall the IAAB advised the Palestine Department of Antiq-
uities on technical and general matters concerning archaeology. IAAB members were
also consulted on granting permissions to excavate.59 A representative of the Palestine
Government’s Public Works Department, Austen St Barbe Harrison, Chief Government
Architect, also sat on this board.60
Garstang was also part of the Pro-Jerusalem Society (PJS), an organization created
and sustained by Ronald Storrs, Governor of Jerusalem from 1917 to 1926 to protect
and restore the historic center of Jerusalem.61 In the PJS representatives from the nu-
merous archaeological, religious and political communities in Jerusalem were drawn
together. Although financed privately, the network of administrative officials involved
in PJS activities informally cemented it within the governmental structure until its clo-
sure in 1926. It represented the thrust of the early Mandate administration’s enthusiasm
for the new post-war era in Palestine. The Department of Antiquities financially sup-
ported some PJS projects, and John Garstang was both a Council Member and (from
his BSAJ address) a Subscriber.62 Storrs, Garstang and representatives from the French
and American Schools also joined other local scholars in the Palestine Oriental Society,
which met four times a year for scholarly lectures on subjects concerning archaeology
and local culture.63
In the early 1920s, the land east of the Jordan River, originally part of the Palestine
Mandate, became the Kingdom of Transjordan. It was excluded from the terms of the
Balfour Declaration relating to Jewish settlement.64 Abdullah, son of Sherif Hussein
who had been involved in the Arab Revolt, became King (Emir) of Transjordan in 1921.
This new country had a separate Mandate from 1923 with a British Resident and Assis-
tant Resident to be Britain’s representatives. The High Commissioner for Palestine took
on an additional role as High Commissioner for Transjordan, to retain general oversight
of the Mandate.65
According to the terms of Article 3 of the Transjordan Mandate, all government
departments were to have Transjordanian directors.66 British officials were occasionally
put in place to advise (and in the case of antiquities effectively to manage) departments
59 Anonymous 1920, 1922a; Thornton 2011a. – Anony- published in the Journal of the Palestine Exploration
mous 1922a. Rough Statement of progress of Society.
scheme for Excavating Mount Ophel. Israel Antiqui- 64 Salib 1993, 88.
ties Authority Archive. IAA ATQ 1789 Box 4. 65 Luke and Keith-Roach 1930, 421–422; Salib 1993,
60 Thornton 2011a. – Harrison, A. 18 July 1927. Candi- 83–88; Thornton 2011a; Thornton 2012a. – See Wil-
date’s Separate Statement. Israel Antiquities Author- son 1987, Salib 1993 and Abū Nūwār 2006 for fur-
ity Archives: Harrison Legacy Box. ther details of Transjordan during the Mandate Era.
61 See Wharton 2008. 66 The Mandate Agreement for Transjordan is
62 Anonymous 1919; Anonymous 1926; Ashbee 1921, reprinted as Appendix II in The Handbook for Pales-
xv and 97; Garstang 1922; Storrs 1949, 311; Thorn- tine and Transjordan (1930); Luke and Keith-Roach
ton 2011a; Thornton 2012a. 1930, 463; Thornton 2011a; Thornton 2012a.
63 POS 1920. – Papers from these lectures were later
78
Fig. 1 The framework for archaeological administration in Mandate Palestine and Transjordan c. 1927. – Only
a selection of members/organizations/departments are shown here. For a full list of the members of the Pro-
Jerusalem Society, the Archaeological Joint Committee and lists of officials in the Middle East Department and
the Palestine Administration departments see Ashbee 1921; Hill 1920; Hill 1929; Mercer, Gent, and Harding 1927.
(see Fig. 2). The new Transjordan Mandate included separate provision for antiquities.67
From 1923, the Department of Antiquities was created under the nominal leadership
of Riza Tewfik Bey, secretary to the Transjordanian Prime Minister.68 Garstang at the
Palestine Department of Antiquities initially took practical responsibility for Transjor-
dan’s archaeology by sending former BSAJ student George Horsfield to begin protect-
ing Transjordan’s standing monuments and antiquities through a small-scale program of
preservation and restoration, instigated at Abdullah’s request. Eventually Horsfield was
assisted by an Englishman, Reginald G. Head, and Ali, who came from Jerash, a village
and archaeological site north of Transjordan’s capital Amman. Ali became a personal
friend of Horsfield’s.69
As in Palestine, the context of archaeology during this period in Transjordan was in-
herently a matter of politics. Examining archaeology’s place within its political and
economic context is critical to understanding its relationship within the administrative
67 Thornton 2011a; Thornton 2012a, 201. 69 BSAJ 1924a, 77; Thornton 2009b; Thornton 2011a;
68 Albright 1924, 3. Thornton 2012a, 201.
79
amara thornton
Fig. 2 Government administration during the Mandate in Palestine and Transjordan 1927 (e. g. Mercer, Gent,
and Harding 1927, 505).
framework. As discussed in detail below, it is clear that although archaeology was periph-
eral within British governmental structure, being a small department in small, newly
formed administrations within the larger remit of the Foreign and Colonial Offices, it
was considered and consciously framed by these Whitehall departments as important to
British prestige.
80
4 Center and periphery: The British School of Archaeology in

Jerusalem
4.1 The BSAJ in London
It is possible that the traveller will begin his journey at a point other than the
capital. Inquiries should be made at the London head-quarters of the Schools
concerning residents at such places who may be able to give advice to intending
travellers.
– How to Observe in Archaeology70
The British Schools of Archaeology were important centers for information exchange.
They were created as hubs for scholars and travellers as well as a training facilities for
giving practical field experience and research opportunities. By the Mandate period the
British Schools at Athens (founded in 1886) and Rome (founded in 1901) were well
established, and seen as such by the officials at H. M. Treasury, who had sanctioned
annual £500 grants to both Schools since 1895 and 1905 respectively.71 The Treasury file
relating to the BSAJ’s government grant reveals a debate within the British government
in London that highlights the BSAJ’s position as both a center and a periphery in the
Mandate context.
Fisher’s work on the Foreign Office’s short-lived Committee on British Communi-
ties Abroad shows that in the wake of victory in the First World War the British govern-
ment was attempting to revitalize British strength and international impact.72 For the
Foreign and Colonial Offices in particular the British Schools of Archaeology fed into
this plan. The British School at Athens (BSA) was seen within Whitehall more broadly
as a visible symbol of the potential for increasing what we would now call British ‘sot
power’ in foreign countries, and encouraging nationalist feeling and imperial support
among British expat communities, given the “public service” (possibly a euphamism
for intelligence work) that certain BSA students and staff had undertaken during the
First World War.73 Consequently it was considered to be worthy of continued Gov-
ernment financial support.74 The potential for enhanced diplomatic cultural relations
through the British Schools’ staff and students was particularly meaningful in light of
70 Hill 1920, 9. BSA staff and students.

71 Thornton 2011a. – On terms of grants to the British 74 E. g. [Illegible], 27 February 1920, Treasury minute,
Schools at Athens and Rome, see Sperling, R., T161/1256; Myres, J. L. 7 November 1926, “Memo-
19 Feb 1920, Letter to Secretary to the Treasury, randum on the Status and Functions of the British
T161/1256. School of Archaeology in Jerusalem”, T161/1256. –
72 Fisher 2009. For the concept of sot power see Nye 2008.
73 Gill 2011: (Ch 13) discusses the wartime work of
81
amara thornton
the Committee’s research.75 Their 1920 report stated that the British schools of archaeol-
ogy contributed to British scholarly prestige, and that the British students who attended
them had the opportunity to make their mark on both local and international levels.
It concluded the section on archaeology by emphasizing that these contributions were
valuable enough to merit Governmental financial support.76 These qualities were con-
sistently championed by the BSAJ’s Council members and officials at the Foreign Office
and the Colonial Office in London, and submitted as evidence to Treasury officials for
the need for government support for the newly established BSAJ.77
As Macleod’s study of the history of the Royal Society’s Government grant shows,
personalities and relationships within and between learned societies and the Treasury
are key to understanding the management and financing of science at a governmental
level.78 In the case of archaeology, Treasury officials were willing to maintain the levels
of support given to the British Schools at Athens and Rome which had by that time been
established long enough to prove their value – especially considering their wartime con-
tribution. However, they felt the viability of the newly formed BSAJ was unclear, and
that its emphasis on Biblical archaeology was less valuable in terms of “importance” and
subscriptions than the classical archaeology dominating BSA/BSR research projects.79 In
addition, as the BSAJ was situated in a newly defined mandated territory (under British
administration but with duties to report to the international League of Nations), it was
neither a foreign country nor a colony in the traditional sense.80 While both the For-
eign and Colonial Offices acknowledged the BSAJ’s potential value for scientific pres-
tige and diplomatic relations, and supported applications by BSAJ Organising Commit-
tee/Council members for a Government grant on the same terms as the British Schools
at Athens and Rome, successive Foreign Office and Colonial Office officials (and through
them BSAJ Council members Kenyon, D. G. Hogarth, and J. L. Myres) had to push to
convince the decision makers at the Treasury of the new School’s value and potential.81
75 See Fisher 2009. – Fisher suggests that the Commit- February 1927, Treasury minute “Government grant
tee on British Communities abroad could be con- to BSAJ”, T161/1256.
sidered the precursor to the British Council (Fisher 80 E. g. Graham, A. 5 March 1922, Treasury minute,
2009, 38–39). T161/1256.
76 HoC 1920, 10. 81 Oliphant, L. 13 March 1922, Letter to Treasury,
77 Myres, J. L. 7 November 1926. “Memorandum on T161/1256; Meiklejohn, R. S. 23 March 1922,
the Status and Functions of the British School of Treasury minute, T161/1256; Grindle, G. 21 April
Archaeology in Jerusalem”, T161/1256; Amery, L. 21 1926, Letter to Treasury, T161/1256; Myres, J. L. 7
April 1926, Letter to Treasury, T161/1256; Davies, H. November 1926, “Memorandum on the Status and
E. 21 March 1922, Treasury minute; Shuckburgh, J. Functions of the British School of Archaeology in
19 November 1926, Letter to Secretary to Treasury, Jerusalem” T161/1256; Shuckburgh, J. 21 February
T161/1256. 1922, Letter to Treasury, T161/1256; Hogarth, D. G.
78 MacLeod 1971. n. d. Letter to W. Churchill, T161/1256; Hogarth,
79 E. g. Headlam, M. F. 20 January, 9 June 1926, Trea- D. G. & Kenyon, F. G. 1 February 1922, Letter to W.
sury minutes, T161/1256; W., A. 18 Feburary 1927. Churchill, T161/1256.
Letter to L. Amery [Drat]. T161/1256; W., A. 10
82
In part, the framework for archaeology in Palestine encapsulated a certain ambigu-

ity in the early Mandate period – John Garstang sat at the head of the Department of
Antiquities of Palestine and the BSAJ. From the center of operations in Whitehall, Trea-
sury officials felt that the Mandate government should take responsibility for financial
support of the BSAJ in addition to the Department of Antiquities of Palestine.82 How-
ever, under pressure from the Foreign Office, and, as Deputy Comptroller of Supply
Services R. S. Meiklejohn put it, with the weight of BSAJ’s “distinguished patronage”
and “eminent” Council members, the Treasury conceded that as a British school training
British students (rather than a Mandate school) the BSAJ merited a government grant.
Finally, £200 was awarded to the School from the Treasury’s Special Service Fund in
1922.83
The following year the Treasury sanctioned financial support through the Civil Ser-
vice Estimates Class IV (Science, Education and Art) Scientific Investigations vote for a
£500 per annum grant for three years. However, unlike the terms given to the British
Schools at Athens and Rome, the funding was given on the condition that the BSAJ
provide match funding through public subscription.84 While much of the BSAJ’s match
funds were gathered in Britain through its office at the Palestine Exploration Fund, the
financial accounts that the BSAJ produced to send to the Treasury also reveal the local
network of BSAJ subscribers in Jerusalem. The nature of the funding agreement made
it necessary for the School to cultivate ‘local’ support in both the UK and Palestine.
Among its Jerusalem-based subscribers were members of the Palestine government –
the High Commissioner Herbert Samuel (donating £E5), Ronald Storrs (subscribing
£2.2.0), Norman Bentwich of the Judicial Department (subscribing £2.2.0), Herbert E.
Bowman of the Education Department (subscribing £E2.5.0) and A. M. Hyamson of
the Immigration Department (subscribing £E2) – as well as Dr John Strathearn from
Jerusalem’s Opthamalic Hospital (£E10.24.0) and Annie Elizabeth Landau, principal of
the Evelina de Rothschild School for Girls (subscribing £2).85
The role of the Foreign and Colonial Offices cannot be underestimated when con-
sidering the history of the BSAJ. Foreign Office and Colonial Office officials were re-
garded as highly important figures to the BSAJ’s Council members, and to all the British
Schools abroad. BSAJ Council President (and former British School at Athens student)
John Linton Myres’ 1926 “Memorandum on the Status and Functions of the British
82 The complexities of funding the Palestine Mandate T161/1256; Barstow, G. L. 6 April 1922, Letter to
administration, and evidence of battles between Undersecretary of State, Colonial Office, T161/1256.
the Foreign and Colonial Offices and the Treasury 85 BSAJ 1924b – The amounts given are in the abbrevi-
over the question of financing Mandate Palestine are ated form of pre-decimal British currency – pounds
discussed in B. J. Smith 1993. (£), shillings (s) and pence (d) as originally listed
83 Oliphant, L. 13 March 1922, Letter to Treasury, in the BSAJ’s published accounts. Amounts des-
T161/1256; Meiklejohn, R. S. 23 March 1922, Trea- ignated £E refer to pounds issued by the Bank of
sury Minute T161/1256. Egypt, used in Palestine at the time.
84 Davies, H. E. 21 March 1922, Treasury minute,
83
amara thornton
School of Archaeology in Jerusalem” acknowledged the Foreign Office’s important role

as middleman between the British Schools and the UK government, and its “sympathy”
and “steady and most effective support” with the Schools’ “projects and difficulties”.86
This relationship becomes even clearer considering that Curzon’s support for ar-
chaeological research in Palestine (and particularly for the British School of Archae-
ology in Jerusalem) continued until his death. The BSAJ Annual Report for 1925 be-
gan with the Council’s “wish to put on record their sense of the loss which has been
suffered by the death […] of its Vice-President, the Marquis Curzon of Kedleston”. The
relationship continued, though with the election of Secretary of State for the Colonies
Leopold Amery in his place. The new Palestine High Commissioner Herbert Plumer
joined Amery, former High Commissioner Herbert Samuel, Field Marshal Edmund Al-
lenby and the Archbishop of Canterbury in the BSAJ Vice-Presidential team.87
4.2 The BSAJ in Jerusalem
On arrival in the country of his choice [the traveller, A. Th.] is recommended to

[…] take an early opportunity of getting in touch with the local British Archae-
ological school […] where he will receive advice what to look for and where and
how to look, and assistance in procuring suitable equipment. Thus the traveller
who starts from Athens or Jerusalem should apply at the British School of Ar-
chaeology.88
By 1929, despite the cessation of the government grant from 1928 and a formal split be-
tween the BSAJ and the DAP, the BSAJ was firmly established as a center for scholarship
and advice, and a forum for Jerusalem ‘society’ – a 1925 notice in the Palestine Bulletin
(an English-language newspaper in Jerusalem), records in its “Social and Personal” col-
umn that the High Commissioner Herbert Samuel attended K. A. C. Cresswell’s lecture
on “Moslem Architecture” held at the School.89 Examining Agnes Conway’s letters and
diary entries from the spring of 1929 showcases the BSAJ as the hub that its Council
members had been assiduously promoting to Treasury officials. Conway’s archive also
indicates that as a newly arrived archaeologist, she was immediately introduced to the
archaeological community in Palestine, the men and women attached to the various in-
ternational schools, illustrating the value of the School for scholarly networking. She
recorded in her diary that:
I must say it’s awfully nice to be met here, find everything arranged, + a pro-
gramme complete + just to be taken in hand. [George Horsfield] is introducing
86 This typescript memorandum can be found in 88 Hill 1920, 8.

T161/1256. 89 Palestine Bulletin 1925.
87 BSAJ 1926.
84
me to all the schools + archaeologists, so that I can use their Libraries […] It
really is wonderful coming back to Jerusalem ater exactly 2 years in such a
privileged position. I can’t tell you how happy I am […]90
At the BSAJ, she met John Crowfoot, Garstang’s successor as Director, and his wife,
Molly, who Conway wrote “knows everything about weaving”.91 She also met several
BSAJ students who helped her prepare for the forthcoming excavation: Dorothy Garrod
advised Conway on food supplies for Petra and Elinor Ewbank provided her with books
on surveying techniques. Garrod, Ewbank and Mary Kitson-Clark, whom Conway met
on her way to Jerusalem, were about to begin their own excavations at El-Wad Cave.92
During her stay in Jerusalem Ewbank, Conway and Kitson Clark took a day trip to visit
a Russian nuns’ commune in Ain Karin (Ein Kerem).93
The Dominican scholar Pere Savignac of the French École Biblique was also in-
troduced to Conway; he promised to join the Conway-Horsfield party for part of the
excavation.94 The relationship between the British and French Schools was close at the
beginning of the BSAJ’s history. The School’s minute book shows that John Garstang
initiated friendly relations with the French School, and George Horsfield, had spent
some months studying at the École Biblique during his BSAJ training.95 W. F. Albright,
Director of the American School, was also introduced to Conway during her time in
Jerusalem and she was taken through the School’s Library.96 Albright lectured to BSAJ
students, and helped to solidify the close relationship between the British and American
Schools.97 Both Savignac and Albright worked with Horsfield to excavate or survey sites
in Transjordan.98
Another person whom Conway met on arriving in Jerusalem was Horsfield’s close
friend Austen Harrison, the Chief Architect for the Palestine Government Department
of Public Works, mentioned briefly in the preceding section. Harrison was already in-
volved in designing and building the Palestine Archaeological Museum (now the Rock-
efeller Museum), which eventually provided offices for the Department of Antiquities
90 Conway, A. 1 March 1929, Letter to “Jinky and Baby 94 Conway, A. 7 March 1929, Letter to “Jinky and Baby
Brother”, University of Cambridge Archives: MSS Brother”, Cambridge University Library: MSS Add
Add 7676/R261-638/R435. 7676/R261-368/R436.
91 Conway, A. 28 February, 10 March 1929, Diary 95 British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem, 19
Entries, Cambridge University Library: MSS Add February 1919, Minute Book 1: Palestine Explo-
7676/Z31. – Garstang resigned his positions at the ration Fund Archives; Horsfield, G. c. 1924–1936,
British School and the Department of Antiquities in typed statement, “Mr Horsfield’s File”, Israel Antiq-
1926. Molly Crowfoot’s expertise cemented her role uities Authority Archives: IAA ATQ 4088/Box 5.
as an eminent textile archaeologist (Crowfoot 2004). 96 Conway, A. 1 March 1929, Diary Entry, Cambridge
92 See Callander and P. J. Smith 2007. – Conway, A. University Library: MSS Add 7676/Z31.
22 February, 3 and 10 March 1929, Diary Entries, 97 British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem, 26
Cambridge University Library: MSS Add 7676/Z31. September 1921, Minute Book 1: Palestine Explo-
93 Conway, A. 16 March 1929, Diary Entry, Cambridge ration Fund Archive; see also Gibson 1999.
University Library: MSS Add 7676/Z31. 98 E. g. Albright 1924; Bellamy 1988, 370.
85
amara thornton
as well as exhibition space for the collection of artefacts excavated in Palestine.99 Harri-
son’s close relationship to the archaeological community had begun just ater the war in
Athens, where Harrison was a visiting architect at the British School at Athens.100 Har-
rison also drew plans and interpreted some of the BSAJ’s early excavations; these plans
and notes were published in the School’s Bulletin.101
For Agnes Conway, George Horsfield brought everything together. She wrote in a
letter that “Mr Horsfield is complete master of the situation here. Talks fluent Arabic,
knows everybody + is perfectly calm + capable”.102 However, she was able to make her
own contribution to the initial plans for the work through financing. Horsfield had min-
imal funding for his own excavations, so Conway’s personal connection with the Mond
family was particularly useful.103 A family of industrialists and scientists, the Monds
were interested in Palestine affairs and were family friends of the Conways.104 Alfred
Mond, a Liberal Member of Parliament, was President of Economic Board for Pales-
tine.105 He also gave money to the Pro-Jerusalem Society.106 As the Minister of Public
Works during the First World War Alfred Mond took a lead role in creating the Imperial
War Museum, bringing in Martin Conway, Agnes Conway’s father, as its first Director
General, while Agnes Conway herself worked on the Women’s Work Sub-Committee.107
Alfred Mond’s brother Robert Mond was one of the BSAJ’s most generous financial
supporters; he had established a prehistoric research studentship at the BSAJ to which he
contributed £500, along with making other regular donations and acting as the School’s
Honorary Treasurer.108 Robert Mond was also a long-time supporter of John Garstang’s
work, having been a member of two of Garstang’s “Excavation Committees” funding
research in Asia Minor and Sudan before the First World War.109 Henry Mond, Alfred
Mond’s son, contributed £500 to the Conway-Horsfield Petra expedition, with the expec-
tation of a detailed report on the site’s potential.110 The networks involved in Agnes Con-
way’s welcome to Jerusalem as a scholar and archaeologist bring together twin strands
of archaeological research: British-based funding and the social-intellectual nexus of the
BSAJ in Jerusalem. This nexus was itself comprised of London and Palestine based po-
litical and scholarly actors.
99 See Fawzī 2006. – Harrison, A. 1 February 1929. Let- 105 See Anonymous 1922b.
ter to E. T. Richmond, Israel Antiquities Authority 106 Storrs 1949, 311.
Archives: Harrison Legacy Box. 107 See Evans 1966; Kavanagh 1994; Thornton 2011a.
100 Harrison, A. 18 July 1927. Candidate Separate State- 108 Gibson 1999.
ment. Israel Antiquities Authority Archives: Harri- 109 Thornton 2011a; Thornton 2013.
son Legacy Box. 110 Conway, A. 5, 9 September 1928, Diary Entry, Cam-
101 E. g. BSAJ 1922, pl. I; Harrison 1925; Thornton bridge University Library: MSS Add 7676/Z30; Con-
2011a. way, A. 7 February 1929, Diary Entry, Cambridge
102 Conway, A. 19 March 1929, Letter to “Jinky and University Library: MSS Add 7676/Z31; Horsfield,
Baby Brother”, University of Cambridge Archives. G. 28 April 1929, Petra Excavation Diary, UCL Insti-
MSS Add 7676/R261–638/R438a+b. tute of Archaeology Archives: Horsfield Collection
103 Thornton 2011a. Box 8; Thornton 2011a.
104 See Greenaway 2004.
86
5 Conclusion
The case studies presented here encapsulate both the ideal and the practical in the history
of archaeology. Evaluating the terms of and networks behind the BSAJ’s government
grant highlights a debate in the heart of Whitehall about the role of British schools of
archaeology and the political and intellectual value of archaeological research: whether
it was part of British prestige or a “scientific luxury” during post-war economic aus-
terity.111 In the early years of the Mandate the Foreign and Colonial offices supported
the BSAJ to enhance British prestige in a new British-led administration and develop a
closer relationship with Britons overseas as part of a wider imperial agenda. While the
Treasury reluctantly designated funding for a brief period, ultimately its officials sought
to avoid committing British taxpayers’ money to risky new ventures overseas in a new
and untested political framework. By the late 1920s, Whitehall’s support had been re-
moved despite the best efforts of Foreign Office and Colonial Office officials and archae-
ologists, creating an even more pressing need for generating support through public
subscription.
The local network on the ground in Jerusalem was well developed by the time Agnes
Conway arrived in 1929. When the framework of administration as shown in Figures 1
and 2 are combined with the three relationship categories, a new and more nuanced
interpretation of the ‘archaeological network’ appears. In Figs. 3 and 4, the blue trans-
actional relationship lines show just how many people were contributing to archae-
ological research in Palestine and Transjordan, whether through training or funding,
while red lines show how personal familial and friendship links were an important part
of the development and financing of archaeological work there. Green organizational
relationship lines illustrate the connections between the archaeological and the politi-
cal administration, and highlight the role of the various Jerusalem and London based
groups in bringing the archaeological and political worlds together, while the under-
lying framework (in Figs. 1 and 2) demonstrates just how ‘peripheral’ Departments of
Antiquities were from the ‘center’ of politics in London, and even the center of politics
within the Mandate administrations.
The links between Transjordan and Palestine are also revealed more clearly. For ar-
chaeology, these links were even closer when considering that George Horsfield, the
British ‘advisor’/Chief Inspector to the Transjordan Government on antiquities, was
trained in Jerusalem and had personal and professional connections to the archaeolog-
ical community there, shown in Fig. 3 with transactional, organizational and personal
relationship lines. Evaluating evidence using these three broad relationship types en-
ables a researcher to move beyond a segmented approach to history and archaeology.
111 E. g. McNeill, R. M. 13 December 1926, Treasury

minute, T161/1256.
87
amara thornton
Fig. 3 The London-Jerusalem-Transjordan network with relationship links.
The relationship approach can create space for the contributions of ‘outsiders’ who are
still regularly dismissed or excluded from the traditional history of archaeology narra-
tive. It also serves to highlight areas where relationships might exist, indicating places
for future research.
All the people discussed in this paper had some part to play in the development of
the discipline; either through their work as archaeologists; through collective affiliation
with or membership in training facilities, learned societies and committees; by provid-
ing financing, logistical support or skilled expertise; or through association with the
‘political’ side of archaeology, working for a government department or taking part in
a government initiative. The history of archaeology should recognize and accept these
members of the archaeological ‘fringe’ with the ‘scientists’ much more frequently; an-
alyzing their collective activities will help us appreciate how archaeology developed.
Political support, while rarely substantially financial, enabled much work to be done
by ‘qualified’ archaeologists; personal connections, such as Agnes Conway’s friendship
with the Mond family, ensured that individual projects were able to come to fruition.112
112 Thornton 2011a.
88
Fig. 4 The BSAJ’s relationship links.
Analyzing the BSAJ’s networks contributes to our understanding of how different gov-
ernment departments and administrations view and interact with archaeology. On a
small scale, Agnes Conway’s experience highlights Jerusalem as a social and intellectual
center for Mandates, and an important base for archaeological work in both Palestine
and Transjordan. The BSAJ’s London and Jerusalem networks on a wider scale reveal a
transnational impact despite the School’s ‘new’ status. These networks worked to main-
tain Britain’s scholarly presence in Jerusalem during the Mandate period; their legacy
ensures that the BSAJ continues to exist today.
89
amara thornton
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Thornton 2013 Wharton 2008
Amara Thornton. “‘… A Certain Faculty for Ex- Annabel Wharton. “Jerusalem Remade”. In Mod-
tricating Cash’: Collective Sponsorship in Late ernism and the Middle East: Architecture and Politics in
19th and Early 20th Century British Archaeology”. the Twentieth Century. Ed. by Sandy Isenstadt and
Present Pasts 5.1 (2013), 1. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10. Kishwar Rizvi. Seattle: University of Washington
5334/pp.55. Press, 2008, 39–60.
Verbruggen 2007 Wilson 1987
Christophe Verbruggen. “Literary Strategy dur- Mary Christina Wilson. King Abdullah, Britain and
ing Flanders’ Golden Decades: Combining Social the Making of Modern Jordan. Cambridge: Cam-
Network Analysis and Prosopography”. In Prosopog- bridge University Press, 1987.
raphy Approaches and Applications: A Handbook. Ed.
by K. S. B. Keats-Rohan. Oxford: Unit for Psopo-
graphical Research, Oxford University, 2007, 579–
601.
1 Amara Thornton. 2 Amara Thornton. 3 Amara Thornton. 4 Amara Thornton.
AMARA THORNTON
PhD (UCL, 2011) is a British Academy Postdoctoral Dr. Amara Thornton

Research Fellow at the Institute of Archaeology, UCL Institute of Archaeology
University College London (UCL). Her post- 31–34 Gordon Square
doctoral project is “Popular Publishing and the London
Creation of a British Archaeological Identity in WC1H 0PY, United Kingdom
the 19th and 20th centuries”. She also collaborates E-Mail: amara.thornton@ucl.ac.uk
on the Filming Antiquity project, digitizing 1930s
excavation films.
94
Géraldine Delley
The Long Revolution of Radiocarbon as Seen through

the History of Swiss Lake-Dwelling Research
Summary
This paper reassesses the implementation of radiocarbon dating in archaeology based on

the technique’s development while researching ancient lake dwellings in Switzerland be-
tween 1950 and 1970. The aim is to explain archaeologists’initial failure to accept the re-
sults obtained by this method. Two key issues are thereby the core focus of this analysis.
The first concerns the disciplinary context that influenced the reception of 14C dating
among prehistorians. The second deals with methodological discussions concerning 14C
dating and dendrochronology, being radiocarbon dating’s most related chronological tool.
While dendrochronology and 14C were first complementary in the 14C calibration process
since the 1960s, it was then quickly realized that dendrochronology produced more detailed
temporal data due to the good preservation conditions of wooden structures at Swiss lake
dwellings and thus competed with 14C results. In fact, this competition had to do with the
two differing methodologies of data acquisition and time measurement.
Keywords: History of science; 14C; dendrochronology; Swiss lake-dwelling research.
In diesem Artikel soll die Anwendung der Radiokarbondatierung in der Archäologie neu
untersucht werden, basierend auf ihrer Entwicklung während der Erforschung der Schwei-
zer Seeufersiedlungen zwischen 1950 und 1970. Ziel ist es zu erklären, warum die Archäo-
logen die durch diese Methode gewonnenen Resultate zunächst nicht akzeptieren konnten.
Zwei Schlüsselfragen leiten die Untersuchung: Die erste fragt nach dem disziplinären Kon-
text, der die Rezeption von 14C unter Prähistorikern beeinflusste. Die zweite bezieht die
methodologischen Aushandlungen über C14 und der damit verbundenen Methode der
Dendrochronologie mit ein. Während sich C14 und Dendrochronologie seit den 1960er
Jahren im Kalibrationsprozess ergänzten, lieferte die Dendrochronologie darüber hinaus
Einzeldaten, die gerade im Bereich der Pfahlbauten mit ihrer guten Holzerhaltung der
C14-Datierung rasch Konkurrenz machten. Tatsächlich hing diese Konkurrenz mit den un-
terschiedlichen Arten der Datengewinnung und Zeitmessung zu tun.
Keywords: Wissenschatsgeschichte; 14C; Dendrochronologie; Schweizer Pfahlbaufor-

schung.
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géraldine delley
I would like to particularly thank Marc-Antoine Kaeser (Laténium, Neuchâtel ), Serge Reubi
(Centre Marc Bloch, Berlin), Janet Regan (Fribourg) and Judith Kaplan (Max Planck Insti-
tute for the History of Science, Berlin) for their helpful suggestions.
1 Introduction
American researchers developed the 14C dating method about 1950. In the last decades
of the twentieth century, methodological handbooks and historical accounts of archae-
ology promoted this as a highly valuable tool – particularly with regard to the revision of
Neolithic and Bronze Age chronologies in Europe and to the understanding of cultural
change during these periods.1
However, this literature has tended to characterize the development of the method
as linear in its trajectory and constant in its effects. For example, Colin Renfrew has re-
inforced this view by focusing primarily on the heuristic impact of the method on the
development of archaeological thought.2 This leading British archaeologist and early
proponent of the 14C dating method used the word “revolution” to describe the inven-
tion, arguing that the scientific community experienced a paradigm shit with regard to
the interpretation of cultural change once it had embraced the reliability of 14C.3 Need-
less to say, this description of the archaeological community’s reception of the method
is partial – it represents the point of view of one archaeological radiocarbonist.
The historiography of radiocarbon dating has tended to focus on the success of the
method as well as on its heuristic significance for the development of archaeology, em-
phasizing revolutionary moments of methodological innovation. Moreover, due to their
common interest in promoting a linear and progressive narrative of archaeological prac-
tice, the authors of these publications draw a stark dividing line between archaeology
before and ater radiocarbon.4 As Renfrew puts it:
Sixty years ago, it was in general not possible to date archaeological finds
with precision unless these could be related to one of the historical calendars,
whether Egyptian, or Chinese or indeed Maya. Vast parts of the globe lacked
any secure chronology. Dating was nowhere possible before about 3000 BC.
Now a secure chronology is available everywhere, so long as organic materials
are available for dating.5
1 Renfrew 1973; Stöckli 1986, 13. lutionary discovery” (Crawford 1952, 177).
2 Renfrew 1973. 4 E. g. Evin and Oberlin 1998; Renfrew 1973; Renfrew
3 Renfrew 1973; Renfrew was not the first one to use 2009.
this term. In 1952, O.G.S. Crawford, the editorialist 5 Renfrew 2009, 122.
of the British journal Antiquity, talks about a “revo-
96
the long revolution of radiocarbon
This historiography also suggests that, once they appeared, the results produced by this
method were quickly accepted without dispute. Such a one-sided historiography has
many shortcomings. First, though this literature generally emphasizes the origin and
development of radiocarbon in laboratories and the results contributed by this tool to
the study of prehistory, it has not sufficiently documented the processes by which the
prehistorians adopted this tool during the second half of the twentieth century. Second,
the socio-political context surrounding the production of this method in the 1950s has
not been accounted for, despite the decisive role it played in the rapid pace of develop-
ment and diffusion.6 Third, the disciplinary historiography has misrepresented the long
lapse of time between the invention of the method and the recognition of its results by
members of the archaeological community. In other words, this historiography does
not give a satisfying description of the relationship between the tool and its potential
users – in this case archaeologists. Finally, the integration of dendrochronology into the
calibration of 14C is generally treated as a mere technical detail, which obscures the im-
portant role this second method played in the gradual acceptance of radiocarbon dating
by archaeologists.
Based on an analysis of the development and reception of 14C and dendrochronol-
ogy in Swiss lake-dwelling research,7 we seek to explain the gap between archaeologists’
recognition of the methodological innovation and their acceptance of results thereby
obtained. Ater 1854, when the first lake-dwelling settlements were discovered by the
antiquarian Ferdinand Keller, such settlements quickly became a very popular domain
of research.8 Given the wet atmosphere of these areas, organic remains – including those
of wood constructions, seeds and plants – were very well preserved, which encouraged
naturalists and archaeologists to collaborate. Since the 1950s, the excellent conservation
of such organic remains has enabled 14C and dendrochronology to be used in parallel.
Focusing on the period between the 1950s and the 1970s, our analysis hinges on two
key issues. The first concerns the disciplinary matrix – between the humanities and the
natural and exact sciences – that influenced the reception of 14C among prehistorians.
During this period, Swiss prehistorians tried to stabilize their discipline and to improve
its standing among the sciences. Collaborations with natural and exact sciences were
seen by some prehistorians as a mean of reinforcing their own discipline. The seductive
power of the 14C method was particularly strong due to its origin. Alliances between
prehistory and nuclear physics were also highly regarded by the National Science Foun-
dation. The second issue involves the methodological negotiations between 14C and
dendrochronology.
6 There are some exceptions, however, which mostly see Billamboz 2004.
concern the history of the method in the United 7 Delley (in press).
States. Marlowe 1980; Marlowe 1999; Nash 1999; 8 Kaeser 2004.
Nash 2000. Regarding Europe and Germany, also
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géraldine delley
We pursue two avenues of analysis in what follows: one structural, and the other bi-
ographical. Regarding structure, we will situate the development of the method in pre-
existing political and social contexts (i. e. the pacification of nuclear research programs
ater WW II), and related, though external, technical innovations (i. e. dendrochronol-
ogy for the calibration of 14C) that played a decisive role for the stabilization of 14C in
the field of archaeology. In particular, we will tackle the structural features of the allied
disciplines (nuclear physics and botany) involved in the development and application
of the method in archaeology, as well as the epistemic impact of dendrochronology’s
ability to inscribe probabilistic time upon a “real-year” calendar. The biographical point
of view aims at shedding light on the fate of these two methods in the daily practice
of archaeology. The ways in which archaeologists reacted to this innovation differed de-
pending on their personal epistemological orientations and research backgrounds.
2 Diabolizing Milojčić and making dissidents invisible
According to the disciplinary historiography, the entire archaeological community

quickly accepted radiocarbon as a decisive tool. Only one European prehistorian is
supposed to have resisted: the German archaeologist Vladimir Milojčić. A professor
of prehistory at the University of Heidelberg, Milojčić published a book in 1949 on
the chronology of central and south-western Europe,9 which he had established using
the common archaeological method of cross-dating. Like many of his contemporaries,
Milojčić combined a diffusionist perspective on the question of culture change with the
study of artefact assemblages in closed contexts such as tombs. If these contained objects
imported from Egypt, Crete or Greece – cultures that used texts and calendars before
the rest of Europe – this provided archaeologists with a means for building absolute
chronologies. But even early radiocarbon evidence called these archaeological chronolo-
gies into question, and with the advent of calibrated dates in the mid-1960s, this inter-
pretative system was further eroded.10 If Milojčić had criticized the new method with
good reason, his skepticism can’t be interpreted merely as an ideological rejection of
a high chronology for the Neolithic and the early Bronze Age in Europe. In rejecting
this possibility, Milojčić was seen by radiocarbonists as someone who either didn’t want
to put forth the effort to understand the details of radiocarbon dating, or as a narrow-
minded traditionalist who refused to engage with specialists from other disciplines.11
His opposition, however, stemmed from different issues, among them, the power dy-
namics between archaeology (assigned to the humanities) and the natural and exact sci-
ences. He developed his objection in an article published in Germania where he clearly
9 Milojčič 1949. 11 Schwabedissen and Münnich 1958.

10 See Ferguson, Huber, and Suess 1966.
98
expressed his opposition to the monopolization of crucial chronological questions in

archaeology by the radiocarbon method.12 Even if Milojčić was the most visible repre-
sentative of the opposition to the 14C method in archaeology,13 it appears that many of
his contemporaries were also skeptical, though they were less vocal or simply declined
to state their position. The unreliability of the results obtained by the 14C method in
those years was a primary cause of such resistance. Another point was certainly, as Milo-
jčić pointed out, the fact that archaeologists already had their own dating methods; as
long as the new approach didn’t deliver reliable results, i. e. results in accordance with
archaeological chronologies, there was no need to give too much weight to the 14C
dates. Nevertheless, as mentioned above, archaeologists did take notice of this innova-
tion. Moreover, the seductive power of 14C, as well as of the natural and exact sciences,
remained decisive for archaeologists.
3 The relationships between the sciences around and after the

1950s
The establishment of the 14C dating method in America was facilitated by nuclear
research infrastructures and the competencies of scientists involved with the military-
industrial complex. The context of the Manhattan project, which led to the fabrication
of the atomic bomb, was especially significant in this regard.14 Beginning in the late
1940s, many scientists specializing in nuclear physics found new research opportunities
in the development of non-military applications – for example, in medicine, agronomy,
energy production, and isotopic dating methods. In most industrialized countries, gov-
ernments subsequently invested in these domains, a move that is exemplified by the
political program “Atoms for Peace”, launched in mid-1950s America. In Switzerland,
politics and science were similarly linked in the case of the National Science Foun-
dation, where a fund was specifically created in 1958 for financing basic and applied
research in the nuclear domain. From 1945 until this date, nuclear research had been
overseen by a Commission for atomic science, which depended directly on the Swiss
government for financial and scientific support.15 Such massive investments furthered
and contributed to the diversification of several disciplines – archaeology, geology, cli-
matology, and botany among them – and led, notably, to the 1957 creation of a radiocar-
bon laboratory in Berne, entirely financed by the National Science Foundation. Fully
integrated with the knowledge-production regime which was implemented during the
12 Milojčič 1957. 14 Marlowe 1980; Marlowe 1999.

13 Milojčič 1957; Milojčič 1958; Milojčič 1959; 15 Joye-Cagnard 2010, 118.
Milojčič 1964.
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géraldine delley
Cold War in the framework of nuclear pacification programs, “a grouping of institu-

tions, beliefs, practices, politic and economic regulations which delimitates the mode
of being sciences”,16 the 14C dating method has, since its origin, had significant social
and cultural authority among the sciences.
State administration and control beginning in the middle of the twentieth cen-
tury changed the relationships between the humanities and the natural and exact sci-
ences in a way never witnessed before. Indeed, most industrialized nations developed
government-supported institutions responsible for administrating scientific research be-
tween the interwar period and the 1950s. The structuring effects of such institutions –
the Centre national de la recherche scientifique, the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschat, the Na-
tional Science Foundation in Switzerland and Belgium, among other examples – were
important. Concretely, while these institutions were created to support science, espe-
cially in the domain of basic research,17 they also defined priorities and norms that were
intended to accommodate new expectations regarding the relationship between science
and society.18 In addition, they incorporated new categories of actors (administrators
and policy makers, for example), and this modified the position of scientists and the
place of science in competitions among nations. In such competitions, roles for the hu-
manities and sciences clearly emerged. For a discipline like archaeology, alliances with
well-established and authoritative sciences, such as physics, helped increase both the
authority of the discipline and its visibility among scientists and the general public.19
Besides promising to yield knowledge in the domain of prehistory, collaborations
between archaeologists and physicists were also thought to be a way of increasing the
scientific status of results at a time in which procedural reproducibility and quantita-
tive methods were so important. The establishment of a 14C laboratory in Bern in 1957
reveals such interests: In this case, the prehistorian Hans-Georg Bandi (1920-) initiated
alliances with physicists for precisely these reasons. Together with Max Welten, a botanist
with similar interests in 14C dating, and the nuclear physicist Hans Oeschger, Bandi cre-
ated a 14C laboratory at Bern’s Institute of Physics.20 What is more, from 1957 on, they
managed to obtain the support of the National Science Foundation, which encouraged
archaeologists in the use of this method. Through 14C dating, archaeology thus ben-
efitted directly from the powerful position physics, and in particular nuclear physics,
occupied among the sciences ater World War II.
Archaeologists also characterized the use of natural scientific evidence in prehis-
toric research in terms of its modernity, despite the fact that such evidence had been in
16 Pestre 2003, 35. – Translation by the author. 20 Archives of the Swiss National Science Foundation,
17 Fleury and Joye 2002. Bern. Application no. 962 (H.-G. Bandi and M. Wel-
18 Concerning the influence of the Swiss National Sci- ten), 16.5.1956. Division I; Application A 42, In-
ence Foundation on the development of Swiss ar- termediate report 1.4. 1959-31.3.1960, 11.4.1960.
chaeology, see Delley 2013. Division II; Application A 228, 7.6.1962. Division II.
19 Bourdieu 2001, 134.
100
circulation since the 1860s.21 In the field of wetland archaeology, the 1954 centennial an-
niversary of the discovery of the lake-dwellings presented a good opportunity for touting
the newfound scientific quality of this field of research. Walter Guyan (1911–1999), who
excavated an important lake-dwelling settlement at Thayngen-Weier and was in charge
of editing Das Pfahlbauproblem (The Lake-Dwelling Problem), the book published in
honour of the commemoration, clarified in the introduction to the volume that the au-
thors “tried to discuss the problem taking into account in particular the progresses of
the methods and of the ‘Hilfsmitteln’” – namely those tools stemming from the natural
sciences.22 Emil Vogt (1906–1974), curator at the Swiss national Museum and professor
of prehistory at the University of Zurich, was heavily involved in the publication of Das
Pfahlbauproblem,23 in which the first 14C dates concerning Swiss prehistory were pub-
lished. Vogt deliberately emphasized in a letter to the book’s editor that “this volume
is not a commemorative volume, but a collection of more scientific works on the lake-
dwelling problem”.24 This generation of prehistorians underlined the modernity of their
research by drawing attention to the use of “scientific tools” derived from the natural
and exact sciences. Presenting prehistory as a multidisciplinary field of research was all
the more important when such a definition was one of the priorities articulated by the
new scientific administration. Depicting prehistory as a unified element within mod-
ern science as a whole became part of the rhetoric chosen by members of the National
Science Foundation to exemplify a new way of practising scientific research:
In recent decades, a new ‘style’ of research has been affirming itself in many ar-
eas of science. Major projects can no longer even “get off the ground” without
cooperative work from veritable groups of scientists: a result of ever increasing
specialization. The business of an excavation, for example, was in the last cen-
tury the work of someone such as Schliemann, assisted by his wife and a few
faithful handlers of the pick and shovel; today it is necessary that the archaeolo-
gist and the prehistorian collaborate with the physicist (in physical procedures
to determine dates), with the botanist (in pollen analysis), with the specialist
in dendrochronology (in the determination of annual layers in the trunks of
trees), with the parasitologist (in the determination of the internal parasites of
the inhabitants), with the entomologist-archaeologist (in the determination of
insects for prior periods), with the palaeontologist and with the chemist.25
The scientific tenor of these excavations was also thought to provide a guarantee of objec-
tivity. It became necessary for these scholars to emphasize field observations and empiri-
21 Kaeser 2011. Vogt. Swiss National Museum Zurich. – Translation

22 Guyan 1955. – Translation by the author. by the author.
23 Vogt 1955. 25 Von Muralt 1963, 13. Thanks is due to Yan Overfield
24 Letter Vogt to Guyan, 14.7.1954, Correspondence Shaw for translating the quote.
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cal data collection, rather than interpretation. This helped them to establish boundaries
between their own research practices, which they defined as modern and scientific, and
those of previous generations of antiquarians and amateurs, reaching back to the nine-
teenth century. This supposedly more objective approach, focusing on concrete facts,
was on display in a documentary entitled Lake Dwelling Research in Switzerland.26 This
film was ostensibly produced for the same commemorative purposes as the 1955 vol-
ume entitled Das Pfahlbauproblem. Unlike the book, however, it was intended for a wide
public including amateurs as well as specialists. The documentary produced by the ar-
chaeologist Hans-Georg Bandi devoted considerable space to issues of methodology and
procedures, and was filmed in such a way as to emphasize the scientific nature of Swiss
archaeology. Steps taken by archaeologists and naturalists in the film were depicted as in-
errant and systematic, while interpretive discussions of their findings are almost entirely
absent, leaving even more place for empirical observations. The promotion of objective
practices made it possible to counterbalance the subjective dimension of the debate re-
garding the position of the lake-dwelling villages, a debate which has taken place be-
tween German and Swiss archaeologists since the 1920s.27
Regarding the institutionalisation of 14C, the creation of a laboratory in Bern –
which benefited, as we have shown, from the Swiss government’s massive financial in-
vestment in nuclear research – anticipated what would become a common implementa-
tion of the method in archaeology. While the method was developed between 1949 and
1955, for a significant number of Swiss archaeologists its utility and necessity was still
not yet obvious at the end of the 1950s. The expense of radiocarbon dating was a sig-
nificant obstacle for archaeologists. However, with support from the National Science
Foundation, they were able to reap the benefits of free dating – given that the laboratory
itself was financed by the same institution. In this way, the National Science Foundation
indirectly promoted the use of 14C amongst archaeologists. Nevertheless, there were rel-
atively few demands for archaeological determinations between 1957 and the 1970s, as
compared with requests for botanical and geological samples.
In sum, if the pragmatic and positivist rhetoric of Swiss archaeology could be ful-
filled by scientific procedures imported from other domains – physics, geology, botany
– practitioners continued to interpret 14C results with caution. In truth, the results ob-
tained by the method were imprecise and inconsistent; laboratories in this case do not
appear to have mastered the situation, despite claims to the contrary.
26 Bandi 1960. 27 See Rückert 1998, 87–88; Kaeser 2004, 107–108.
102
4 Concepts and categories are discipline-bound
There were other important reasons why the collaboration between different parties in-
volved in the development and application of the method faltered. First, physicists and
archaeologists did not agree on the meaning of a reliable method, and, by extension, a
reliable date. While the ability to reproduce measurements on different equipment was
a primary concern for physicists and chemists, from the point of view of archaeologists,
the result of the measurement had no value in itself; rather it only took on meaning
in an archaeological context. Unlike physical scientists, who believed that a date could
be published as soon as it had been obtained in independent laboratory contexts, ar-
chaeologists maintained that the value of a result could only be established within the
context of archaeological observation – involving stratigraphy, cultural-historical com-
parisons, and typology, for instance. A 14C date would be judged true or false only on
the basis of its correspondence to results from these other domains, which were the tools
archaeologists had traditionally used to establish their chronologies. These two different
conceptions of what constituted acceptable methodology were not readily compatible,
and this misunderstanding had far-reaching disciplinary ramifications that bring us back
to the complexity of collaborations between natural sciences, exact sciences, and the hu-
manities.
Second, as already mentioned, archaeologists had long presumed 14C dates to be
true only in cases where these dates could be corroborated by archaeological chronolo-
gies. If 14C dates called these traditional chronologies into question, the dates tended to
be ignored and were not included among archaeological results. Until the 1970s, when
the first calibration curve was produced, archaeological chronologies were the primary
means for verifying the reliability of radiocarbon dating in the absence of historical
calendars – among laboratory researchers as well as archaeologists. This explains why,
for three decades following the first tentative use of radiocarbon dating, prehistorians
published essentially uncalibrated radiocarbon dates which more or less corresponded
to archaeological chronologies, without estimating equivalencies in calibrated, i. e. cal-
endar years. Such calibrated results nevertheless became available in the mid-1960s,28
but they indicated that the European Neolithic was much older and had lasted much
longer than archaeologists had been able to establish on the basis of traditional meth-
ods alone. In 1970, measurement of Neolithic piles at Auvernier-La Saunerie confirmed
a new high chronology of the European Neolithic,29 but despite Swiss prehistorians’
28 Ferguson, Huber, and Suess 1966. tained were 3700 and 3760 ± 40 BC, which means
29 Suess and Strahm 1970. – The results published by 1000 years older than the uncalibrated 14C dates
Ferguson et al. in 1966 were based on the measure- (Ferguson, Huber, and Suess 1966, 1177). In 1970,
ment of the Neolithic piles of Thayngen-Weier and the Neolithic piles of Auvernier-La Saunerie mea-
Burgäschisee, two Middle Neolithic sites (Pfyn and sured using the 14C method and subsequently cal-
Cortaillod cultures) of Switzerland. The results ob- ibrated were assigned to Late Neolithic levels. The
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familiarity with questions of dendrochronology, references and commentaries regard-

ing these new results were rare. To understand this wait-and-see attitude, we must first
consider the fact that the community of prehistorians didn’t believe in such high dates
– which means a middle Neolithic beginning around 3600 BC instead of 2600 BC –
and preferred to ignore them.30 Indeed, Swiss prehistorians were waiting for these new
dates to be confirmed by the continuous oak dendrochronological referential curve. The
German botanist Bruno Huber had started to build this referential curve in the 1940s31
based on measurements of oak wood samples taken from historic and prehistoric build-
ings in Southern Germany and in Switzerland. Many Swiss archaeologists who were
involved with the excavation of lake-dwelling settlements from the 1950s onwards took
part in this project. This referential curve, on which each oak dendrochronological curve
produced for prehistoric settlements had to be correlated in order to date the settlements
in real years, would not be established until the middle of the 1980s.32 Until this date,
Swiss archaeologists maintained that new 14C chronologies had to be taken with pre-
caution. So there was a clear discrepancy between, on the one hand, the development of
the method and its implementation, and, on the other hand, the full-fledged acceptance
of its results, signalled by their integration into archaeological reasoning.
5 A genuine interest in naturalist methods, but doubts about

14C: Emil Vogt
The tentative attitude archaeologists showed towards 14C results did not derive from a
refusal to collaborate with other disciplines. The case of Emil Vogt is a good example.
Vogt debated the question of method, and, given his position as curator at the Swiss
National Museum and professor at the University of Zurich, his views had considerable
influence. In the context of lake-dwelling excavations, Vogt did not hesitate to assert
his point of view when excavators failed to adhere to procedures he had mandated con-
cerning the surface of the excavations, the documentation of discoveries, and especially
the drawing of archaeological remains in situ. Like German prehistorians active in the
domain of Moorarchäologie (archaeology of marshes) – Gustav Schwantes,33 Hans Rein-
erth34 and Hermann Schwabedissen35 – Vogt believed in the potential of palynology,
botanics and (since the 1950s) dendrochronology as means of furthering knowledge
about lake-dwelling settlements. Vogt was especially interested in the question of the
result obtained was 2400 BC instead of 2000 in un- 32 Becker, Billamboz, and Egger 1985.
calibrated years. 33 Schwantes 1939.
30 Drack 1969; Stöckli 1986, 13. 34 Reinerth 1940.
31 Huber 1941; Huber and Jazewitsch 1958. 35 Schwabedissen 1949.
104
positioning of the lake-dwelling settlements, which he situated on the shore and not in
the lakes.
The first 14C dates obtained in Copenhagen on the basis of Swiss prehistoric re-
search, came from the settlement of Egolzwil 3, a site Vogt identified as the most ancient
Neolithic settlement in Switzerland following excavations there at the beginning of the
1950s. The impulse to date samples from Egolzwil 3 didn’t come from Vogt himself,
however, but from the Danish sedimentologist and botanist Jens Troels-Smith, a mem-
ber of the Moorlaboratorium at the National Museum of Copenhagen. Troels-Smith, who
had been collaborating since the beginning of the 1950s with Vogt and other Swiss ar-
chaeologists who were part of his circle – especially Josef Speck, Walter Guyan, and
Hans-Georg Bandi – was interested in Egolzwil 3 due to its presumed high antiquity.
With the 14C determinations he sought to establish whether the Swiss Neolithic was
older or younger than the Danish Neolithic. Troels-Smith had already studied botanical
evidence coming from these two areas, and had also established palynological calendars
for Switzerland and Denmark. 14C measurements would now date such climatic and
environmental events absolutely, and further, would determine when neolithization, as
a cultural and social event, occured in both of these areas.36
While Vogt admired Troels-Smith’s methods of observation compared to the ap-
proaches of other Swiss botanists, which he found a bit outdated37 – he nevertheless
remained cautious about the results provided by 14C determinations. Regarding the
first results obtained at Egolzwil, Vogt said:
Your first radiocarbon dates contain a very large margin of error. I wouldn’t dare
to calculate an average from these two results. In itself, the date of 2600 would
fit well, whereas the date of 3200 looks too old. I agree with you when you say
that it is too early for concluding anything from these two measurements.38
Hence, it is no surprise that when Hans-Georg Bandi asked Vogt to furnish some archae-
ological wood samples from the Swiss National Museum in 1954 – his aim being to cal-
ibrate new equipment at the laboratory in Bern – Vogt answered that recent communi-
cations published on the method were far from satisfactory. He mentioned in particular
the dating of the site known as Zug-Sumpf, which Frederik Zeuner derived at the Uni-
versity of London, as well as the results obtained for Egolzwil 3 and Thayngen-Weier.39
It is important to note that Vogt’s position was not unique. Reviewing the 14C dates of
Egolzwil 3, the prehistorian Marc-Rodolphe Sauter also emphasized that the 14C dates
36 Troels-Smith 1955; Troels-Smith 1956. dence Vogt. Swiss National Museum Zurich. –
37 Letter Vogt to Guyan, 12.5.1952. Correspondence Translation by the author.
Vogt. Swiss National Museum Zurich. 39 Letter Vogt to Bandi, 21.5.1955. Correspondence
38 Letter Vogt to Troels-Smith, 5.3.1953. Correspon- Vogt. Swiss National Museum Zurich.
105
géraldine delley
didn’t fit well with the shallower chronology most prehistorians had adopted: Sauter be-
lieved that many cross-checks needed to be done in order to satisfy archaeological and
naturalist requirements.40 Thus, despite his profound interest in applying the natural
sciences to prehistory, on the questions of chronologies, Vogt didn’t expect much of the
14C method. Like many contemporary archaeologists, his epistemological orientation
when it came to dating methods was oriented towards typology and cross-dating. For
Vogt, results brought by physicists should first confirm the chronologies established by
archaeologists before their contribution to the business of archaeology could be evalu-
ated properly.
6 Reconciling two conceptions of time
Alongside archaeological chronologies, dendrochronology became a second safeguard

for archaeologists using 14C methods – both in the context of lake-dwelling research
and in archaeology more generally. As a method that was external to archaeology, den-
drochronology revealed 14C inconsistencies. Moreover, in the 1960s this method be-
came the most expedient way to transform 14C dates into real calendar years and has
remained so ever since. The symbolic capital of dendrochronology was thus reinforced,
just as its potential to generate highly precise dates had already been recognized.
In the eyes of archaeologists, dendrochronology and 14C didn’t have the same
heuristic potential. Since the mid-1960s, dendrochronology had been central to the
interpretation of lake-dwelling villages – it contributed to the production of detailed
relative chronologies of settlements, the restitution of different phases of construction,
and the analysis of phases of abandonment and occupation, to name some examples –
whereas radiocarbon had primarily been a means of obtaining an average dating of the
different phases of occupation witnessed by a given a settlement.41 And while archaeol-
ogists didn’t expect precise results from the radiocarbon method, they were also aware
of its inaccuracy: “We will convince physicists and also some archaeologists that for once
archaeological pieces of evidence about relative continuities are more evident than their
measurements.”42 In Feldmeilen-Vordefeld, Twann and Auvernier-La Saunerie archaeol-
ogists clearly exposed these problems by comparing the results of dendrochronology
with those of 14C.43 The critical benefit of dendrochronology, as compared with 14C
hence became greater and greater in a wetland context. For archaeologists such as Alas-
dair Whittle and Jean-Paul Demoule, 14C gives a false impression of continuity within
40 Sauter 1955, 152. 43 Winiger 1976; Furger 1980; Schifferdecker et al.

41 Furger 1980; Gallay 1965; Schwab 1989. 1989, 25.
42 Winiger 1976, 55. – Translation by the author.
106
a site occupation and between different cultural phases due to the margin of error ac-
companying each date.44
Nevertheless, the relationship between 14C and dendrochronology was not a strug-
gle between two absolute dating methods. The disagreement between these two meth-
ods had rather to do with the differing conceptions of time they reproduced. While ar-
chaeologists faced difficulties with the interpretation of 14C time, which was cast prob-
abilistically, dendrochronological and archaeological time could easily be compared,
given that the unity of time – one tree ring produced annually – corresponded directly
to the rhythm of an annual calendar. This was true despite the fact that archaeologists
did not immediately gain access to an absolute dating method. Indeed, until the end of
the 1970s, dendrochronology only yielded relative dating means.
One of the specific qualities of the method that was quickly appreciated by archae-
ologists was that it could, in a best-case scenario, measure time within an error margin of
one year. This meant that archaeologists could measure the durations recorded in prehis-
toric materials – piles and timbers used in building and renovating prehistoric villages,
as well as diverse artefacts made of wood – to an accuracy of a few years, which was
uncommon for this kind of research. The many different construction and renovation
phases witnessed by these settlements could thereby be revealed. Moreover, given the
high precision of the dating process, the analysis of wood could provide archaeologists
with a relative calendar of the occupations and abandonments of the sites that could be
compared with environmental data (e. g. climatic changes, lake levels) and also with ar-
chaeological calendars (typology, artefact importations, cultural changes, and the like).
The ability to establish, within a short period of time, regular phases of occupation and
abandonment along the lakeshores caused by high water periods constituted a decisive
conceptual change in the interpretation of the lake-dwelling settlements.
Furthermore, dendrochronology motivated archaeologists to explore several of the
cultural, social and historical choices made by prehistoric people more fully than the
radiocarbon method. The analysis of wood provided insight into the priorities of lake-
dwelling builders with regard to the age, size and species of the trees that were chosen.
By regrouping pieces of wood according to felling year and examining the ways in which
trees grew, dendrochronologists could classify trees that came from the same zones in
tandem. The repetition of such observations, correlated with current botanical obser-
vations in the forests, confirmed that prehistoric people controlled and managed their
forests, which in turn pointed to territorial organization in timber cultivation. This may
well have led to inter-settlement organization, which made it possible to study prehis-
toric occupation in a large zone such as Auvernier Bay, excavated between 1969 and 1975.
The cultural dimension of dendrochronological time was that much more significant
in the 1960s and 1970s, when the study of relationships between man and his natural
44 Whittle 1988; Demoule 1995.
107
géraldine delley
environment became a renewed source of preoccupation within contemporary society

as well.
7 When wood produces effects
Toward the end of the 1950s, the popularity of dendrochronology in lake-dwelling re-
search was on the rise. However, in the context of non-wetland archaeology, where wood
was rarely preserved, dendrochronology had not been at issue. Archaeologists in non-
wetland environments thus had much higher expectations for the 14C method. In fact,
increasing disappointment was also more strongly felt in this milieu, especially when
the results delivered by the 14C method failed to match archaeological assumptions.
However, as mentioned before, archaeologists who dared to take a clear position on the
method were few, and rather than unleash a critical explosion in print, they protested
via a “silent mutiny”.45 This phenomenon can be seen indirectly from the large number
of articles published by radiocarbonists during the second half of the 1950s (written ei-
ther by physical scientists or by archaeological devotees) intended to convince skeptics
to make use of the 14C method, despite some methodological difficulties laboratory
workers were still trying to understand.
From that time on, the role of dendrochronology became decisive for the stabiliza-
tion of the 14C method. When physicists at the end of the 1950s discovered that the
amount of 14C had not been constant in the atmosphere over time, it became obvious
that all the dates obtained by this method were in need of correction. Dendrochronol-
ogy appeared to be the best solution. Samples of prehistoric woods from living sequoia
gigantea, living and fossilized pinus aristata from California, and prehistoric oak piles
from Swiss lake-dwelling settlements were sent to 14C laboratories in Europe (Heidel-
berg, Copenhagen, and Groningen) and America (e. g. La Jolla, where a special pro-
gram on 14C calibration was started at the end of the 1950s). Such “trading zones”,46
in which collaborations among archaeologists, dendrochronologists and physicists in-
tensified over time, provided radiocarbonists with an “artificial reality”47 – a calibration
curve by which calendar dates eventually could be obtained. This new curve yielded re-
sults in a time that could finally be understood by archaeologists in real solar years. In
other words, prehistoric wood was an intermediary: through processes of calibration,
it helped translate probabilistic time into a historical or calendar time accessible to ar-
chaeologists.
However, the contributions of dendrochronology were not limited to the calibra-
tion process. Dendrochronology also afforded archaeologists an opportunity to recon-
45 Callon 1986, 201. 47 Galison 1996, 142–151.

46 Galison 1996.
108
cile themselves to the 14C method, which experienced many set-backs in these years
and produced inconsistent results that archaeologists did not take seriously. While physi-
cists tried to suggest the method was under control48 and required only minor adjust-
ments, some prehistorians, who upheld the reliability of the method, tried to harmo-
nize two worlds separated by an epistemological boundary. The role these archaeologists
played in such transformation processes corresponds to Latour’s translator.49 Among
them were Harm Tjalling Waterbolk (1924-), who trained as an archaeologist and a
botanist in Holland and spent his mature career at the Biologisch-Archaeologisch Insti-
tuut in Groningen, and Hanjürgen Müller-Beck (1927-), who trained at the University
of Tübingen as a specialist on the Palaeolithic with a strong naturalist orientation. Both
emphasized in the 1960s that archaeologists had to have reliable results in order to trust
the method. But in light of the fact that significant work had yet to be done before the
method could produce reliable results, it was deemed important to keep archaeologists
informed about it and to try to convince them, despite the situation, that 14C could
be useful in the field of archaeology. To achieve this, Waterbolk and Müller-Beck used
very concrete case studies to demonstrate the potential of the method.50 Such examples
contrasted with the theoretical ones physicists used.
Müller-Beck’s demonstration regarding the 14C results obtained from the impor-
tant lake-dwelling settlement at Burgäschisee is telling.51 Müller-Beck tried to reconcile
these results with other methods commonly used in prehistory (typological, botani-
cal, and stratigraphic) in addition to dendrochronological evidence. Marshalling these
various tools, Müller-Beck tried to relativise the importance of absolute dating in ar-
chaeology by turning the discussion towards the questions of duration – which he un-
derstood to fit better with archaeological observation52 – rather than fixing the debate
on the question of the precision of the 14C results, as was usually the case. At stake in
his demonstration were not precise dates, but rather reliable durations that were not
competing with archaeological chronologies. In other words, Müller-Beck tried to fa-
miliarize archaeologists with dendrochronological time, in order to steer their expecta-
tions towards the 14C method. Despite this interesting perspective, Müller-Beck’s way
of conceiving time remained mostly limited to the context of lake-dwelling research,
where dendrochronology was always more closely aligned with the archaeological ap-
proach, and especially with the interpretation of the settlements. Given the subsequent
development of dendrochronology in this context, it continued to be easier to relativize
14C here than in dry-land archaeological contexts.
48 Broecker and Kulp 1956; Barker 1958. stabilizing the 14C dating method in the field of
49 Latour 2005, 37. – As translators, these intermedi- archaeology.
ates tried to convince different actors – archaeolo- 50 Waterbolk 1960; Müller-Beck 1961.
gists who were not convinced by the method – in 51 Müller-Beck, Oeschger, and Schwarz 1959.
order to rally them behind the common cause of 52 On this question see also Olivier 2001.
109
géraldine delley
8 Conclusion
Before the 1970s, 14C dating did not satisfy the archaeological community. Even though
the German archaeologist Vladimir Milojčić has usually been thought to be the only
figure to resist the method, many sceptical archaeologists remained silent and are thus
absent from disciplinary histories of the method. Based on the analysis of the recep-
tion of 14C within Swiss lake-dwelling research, this paper has aimed to shed light on
why 14C continued to seduce members of the archaeological community despite ob-
vious problems. In the 1950s, new expectations defined by the norms and priorities
of scientific administrators were increasingly appropriated by archaeologists, who took
over the promotion of the sciences in prehistory. But the situation was still more com-
plex. If the power dynamics between the humanities, natural sciences, and exact sci-
ences encouraged some archaeologists to highlight their collaborations with other re-
search domains beginning in the 1950s, they remained tentative when it came to 14C
results. In fact, these results could call traditional archaeological chronologies into ques-
tion. Dendrochronology, however, produced accurate durations rather than absolute
dates, and thus was not in direct competition with archaeological chronologies. The
dendrochronological approach to temporality grew increasingly popular among pre-
historians working in the field of wetland archaeology. Distinct from the kind of results
archaeological chronologies could produce, dendrochronology also opened up new di-
mensions in the interpretation of archaeological time, both from a material and cultural
perspective. Furthermore, through the calibration process, dendrochronology came to
play a decisive role in the recognition and stabilization of 14C in the context of archae-
ology. Its power to translate radiocarbon calendars into calendar years has progressively
helped archaeologists reconcile themselves to the 14C method.
110
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GÉRALDINE DELLEY
Dr. phil., is a post-doctoral researcher in the project Dr. Géraldine Delley

“History of motorway archaeology in Switzerland Institut d’archéologie
(1958–2010)” (University of Neuchâtel). Her PhD Université de Neuchâtel
focused on the various collaborations between Laténium
physicists, botanists and prehistorians, within the 2068 Hauterive, Switzerland
framework of the development of 14C and tree-ring E-Mail: geraldine.delley@unine.ch
dating methods. Her research interests concern the
history of archaeological practices and the politics
of archaeology in the twentieth century.
114
Ulrich Veit
Objects of Knowledge in Modern Settlement

Archaeology. The Case of the Iron Age Fürstensitze
(‘Princely Residences’)
Summary
This paper attempts to analyze modern settlement archaeology as a kind of ‘experimental

system’ that by technical means generates new ‘objects of knowledge’. The productivity of
such a perspective can be demonstrated by looking more closely at the development of
modern settlement archaeology in Germany during the late nineteenth and early twentieth
century. The objects of knowledge that constitute this field of research were not present from
the beginning, but developed only gradually out of field archaeological practice. During this
‘experimental’ process on-site observations were combined with insights from more or less
distant contexts, oten in a quite unsystematic manner. Among the more complex objects
of knowledge generated by modern settlement archaeology is the so-called Fürstensitz, or
princely residence, of Central European Iron Age research.
Keywords: Pre- and protohistory; settlement archaeology; Iron Age; history of archaeology;
history of science; experimental systems; objects of knowledge.
In diesem Beitrag wird die moderne Siedlungsarchäologie als eine Art ‚Experimentalsystem‘
analysiert, das durch technische Mittel neue ,Wissensobjekte‘ generiert. Die Produktivität
einer solchen Perspektive wird durch die genauere Betrachtung der Entwicklung der mo-
dernen Siedlungsarchäologie in Deutschland im späten 19. und frühen 20. Jahrhundert ver-
anschaulicht. Die Wissensobjekte, die dieses Forschungsfeld konstituieren existierten nicht
von Anfang an, sondern entwickelten sich sukzessive aus der feldarchäologischen Praxis.
Während dieses ‚experimentellen‘ Prozesses wurden Feldbeobachtungen mit Beobachtun-
gen aus mehr oder weniger entfernten Kontexten mitunter in einer ziemlich unsystemati-
schen Art und Weise miteinander verknüpt. Eines der komplexeren Wissensobjekten, das
die moderne Siedlungsarchäologie geschaffen hat, ist der so genannte ‚Fürstensitz‘ der mit-
teleuropäischen Eisenzeitforschung.
Keywords: Ur- und Frühgeschichte; Siedlungsarchäologie; Eisenzeit; Archäologiegeschich-

te; Wissenschatsgeschichte; Experimentalsysteme; Wissensobjekte.
115
ulrich veit
1 Introduction
One of the more complex objects of knowledge generated by modern settlement ar-
chaeology is the so-called Fürstensitz (princely residence) of Central European Iron Age
research. This concept, which is still used today to describe a special form of concentra-
tion of political and economic power in early Iron Age Central Europe, was explicitly
formulated by Wolfgang Kimmig (1910–2001) in the late 1960s in reference to his own
fieldwork on the Early Iron Age hill-fort called Heuneburg near Hundersingen in the
Upper Danube region in Southern Germany.1 Today Fürstensitze are either seen as a his-
torical reality beyond any reasonable doubt,2 or as a theoretical construct that has to be
carefully checked against the available archaeological evidence – and possibly modified
or even abandoned.3 It is no secret that my own preferences rest on the side of the latter
position.4 My objections are less directed towards the model itself, as presented in the
1960s by Kimmig, than towards its uncritical application in the decades that followed.
Fity years ago, Kimmig’s model clearly stimulated Iron Age research, but in the course
of time the concept has become more and more of a burden for the development of
appropriate ideas concerning social and cultural developments in the middle of the 1st
millennium B.C.
Such reflections are of no immediate relevance to this paper and therefore need not
be substantiated here. Instead, I will try to consider the problem here mainly from the
perspective of an external observer. Thus, I discuss the Fürstensitz neither as a historical
reality, nor as a model which requires further verification. Instead, in the context of this
paper, Fürstensitz is primarily meant to designate an “epistemic object”5 produced by
(prehistoric) archaeologists to help bring the available evidence into a form that allows
insights into the (political) structure of Iron Age societies of the Northern Alpine region.
Consequently, my reflections will focus on the 1950 and 1960s, when the ‘epistemic
object’ Fürstensitz was coined. But my primary concern is not to re-evaluate this defini-
tion in the sense of a legitimization or a critique. By historicizing and contextualizing
the Fürstensitz concept I hope to reveal a special epistemic constellation characteristic of
prehistoric research in the middle of the twentieth century.
2 Epistemic objects in prehistoric archaeology
In the sciences, epistemic objects are means to create reliable, new knowledge concern-
ing the structure of the world in which we live. They are able to accomplish this task only
1 Kimmig 1969. 4 E. g. Veit 2000.

2 E. g. Biel 2007. 5 Rheinberger 2001.
3 E. g. Eggert 1989.
116
objects of knowledge in modern settlement archaeology
in combination with ‘technical objects’ (particle accelerators, for example). The latter’s
task is to function reliably and flawlessly.6 Technical objects also play a significant role
in the fabrication of archaeological knowledge. This is especially obvious with regard to
the multitude of archaeological field techniques, but it also applies to many processes
in the field of archaeological find analysis, such as the seriation of find complexes or the
cartographic representation of spatial distributions, that are primarily of a technical na-
ture. These techniques should not be seen as isolated scientific tools, but as more or less
closely related to the ‘epistemic objects’ or ‘objects of knowledge’ under examination.
In the context of settlement archaeology for example ‘the culture layer’, ‘the post hole’,
‘the pit house’ and ‘the dwelling pit’ may be regarded as typical objects of knowledge.
These objects were not present from the beginning, but developed only gradually out of
archaeological fieldwork undertaken in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century
on a relatively small number of key sites.7
Apart from such elementary objects of knowledge, prehistoric archaeology, and in
particular settlement archaeology, has created much more complex objects of knowl-
edge. A good example is ‘pile dwelling’, an object of antiquarian research in the second
half of the nineteenth century. Its discovery (or rather ‘construction’) is strongly associ-
ated with the work of the Swiss historian and antiquarian Ferdinand Keller (1800–1881).
Keller based his conclusions concerning prehistoric relics found together with impres-
sive fields of wooden posts at the shores of many Swiss lakes on experience gained while
exploring Swiss and English prehistoric dry land sites.8
Thus, the pile dwelling phenomenon ultimately came into existence in a process
that could be characterized as ‘experimental’. But this process clearly was not limited
to on-site observations. Rather the information gathered ‘in the field’ was combined
in an imaginative way with observations from more or less distant contexts. The un-
systematic method repeated itself, as observations in foreign contexts used as analogies
were not themselves investigated thoroughly; instead, seemingly relevant ‘facts’ were
taken from general education. In this sense field archaeology should not be regarded
as a closed experimental system that produces results only through highly controlled
processes conducted onsite. To the contrary, systems of this kind are not only open to
external influences, but would not work without such external input.
Processes similar to those at work in pile dwellings in the nineteenth century can
be detected in early research on prehistoric fortifications (Burgenforschung ). Both fields
of research contributed considerably to the development of modern settlement archae-
ology, and hence to the discovery that discolorations in the soil (representing post holes
6 Mehrtens 2008, 37; see also Rheinberger 2001. lithic site of Köln-Lindenthal.
7 As e. g. the Bronze Age settlements Römerschanze 8 Cf. Trachsel 2004.
near Potsdam and Berlin-Buch or the early Neo-
117
ulrich veit
or pits) could be used to reconstruct the outline of buildings and even of whole settle-
ments. In this context it is necessary to mention the excavations of Carl Schuchhardt
(1859–1943) in the Roman legionary camp at Haltern in Westphalia as well as in the
prehistoric ‘castles’ of northern Germany.9 These were among the first attempts at re-
constructing architectural structures built without stones.
From this point it was only a small step to the large-scale excavations carried out in
the first half of the twentieth century, for example by Werner Buttler (1907–1940) and
Waldemar Haberey (1901–1985) at Köln-Lindenthal10 or by Gerhard Bersu (1889–1964)
on the Goldberg hilltop near Nördlingen.11 These archaeologists exerted a strong influ-
ence on more recent settlement archaeology, not only in Germany (Kimmig and other
archaeologists of the next generation took part in the Goldberg excavation and gained
their first field experience here) but for example also on the British Isles, where Bersu
involuntary spent several years during World War II.12
3 The Fürstensitz-concept as a complex object of knowledge
The development of even more complex objects of knowledge like the Fürstensitz or as
well the so called Herrenhof – ‘chief’s farmstead’, a large enclosed complex – of later
prehistory becomes intelligible only in such a context. Their ‘creation’ is to be seen in
the context of large, state-financed excavation projects in post-war Germany, such as the
Heuneburg excavation in south Germany13 or the excavation at the Feddersen Wierde
near Cuxhaven,14 which offered an opportunity for refining such initially vague objects
of knowledge as the Fürstensitz or the Herrenhof by means of systematic excavation and
documentation of larger parts of selected, well preserved sites. They relied from a tech-
nical point of view on the experience of an older generation of excavators, who had
passed down their knowledge to a younger generation of archaeologists, mostly during
fieldwork.
In the case of the Heuneburg, the term Fürstensitz first occurs in the subtitle of
a report on the 1950s excavations directed by Kurt Bittel (1907–1991) from Tübingen
University and Adolf Rieth (1902–1984) from the Tübingen unit of the State Heritage
Management Program.15 Both referred to older publications from the 1870s by Eduard
Paulus (‘the Younger’, 1837–1907), who had persisted in viewing the mound of the He-
uneburg hill-fort as related to some adjacent tumuli. These tumuli – due to the rich
grave finds discovered during unsystematic excavation in one of these burial mounds –
9 On Schuchhardt see: Grünert 1987. 13 Kimmig 1968; Kimmig 1969; Kimmig 1983.
10 Buttler and Haberey 1936. 14 Haarnagel 1979; cf. Burmeister and Wendwowski-
11 Cf. Parzinger 1998. Schünemann 2006.
12 Evans 1989; Krämer 2001. 15 Bittel and Rieth 1951.
118
had been labeled the ‘Hundersinger Fürstengrabhügel’, prince’s burial mounds of Hun-
dersingen.16 Yet, only in 1921 was Walter Veeck (1886–1941) able to prove by means of
small-scale excavations that a tentative connection existed between these tumuli and the
hilltop-site.
It was not until 1948 that the first systematic topographic and archaeological survey
of the site, with its surrounding ramparts and ditches was initiated. The results of the
1950s excavations have been summarized by Bittel and Rieth in a small booklet which
appeared in 1951 (Fig. 1). Here the late nineteenth century argumentation that used
the funerary evidence to give meaning to the adjacent settlement site has been reversed
for the first time. Bittel and Rieth claim that their excavation of the defensive structures
of the site (Fig. 2) has, for the first time, justified labelling Heuneburg a Fürstensitz of
the Early Iron Age. Furthermore, the neighborhood of the large mounds and princely
burials seemed to fit into this picture.17 The authors also mention the absence of undis-
turbed, peaceful development within the settlement, since the excavations revealed at
least three successive defensive systems of differing structure as well as signs of destruc-
tion and fire. Finally, Bittel and Rieth sketch out a working program for the years to
come that was supposed to solve open questions by means of systematic archaeological
fieldwork.
In 1951, Wolfgang Kimmig and Wolfgang Dehn took over as directors of the Heu-
neburg project. In the decades that followed it was Kimmig, who had followed Bittel
as head of the Institute of Pre- and Protohistory at Tübingen University, who primarily
carried on the research and popularized the Heuneburg within archaeological circles
and beyond (Fig. 3). In diverse publications he elaborated on the conclusions of Bittel
and Rieth. A short publication from 1955 exhibits a certain terminological change, with
Kimmig replacing the term Fürstensitz with the term Adelssitz (‘noble seat’), emphasiz-
ing the aristocratic structure of the supposed ruling elite of the Heuneburg. Kimmig
claimed that the political structure as described in Caesar’s report on the Gallic war
(58–52 BC) may well have been in existence half a millennium earlier.18 Although this
argumentation was at that time widely accepted among his colleagues, Kimmig’s termi-
nological proposal, which he renewed in his programmatic paper of 1969, did not prove
successful in the long run.
In 1968 – ater 14 years of systematic fieldwork on the Heuneburg – Kimmig pub-
lished a first synthesis in the form of a guide addressed to the wider public. Here he pre-
sented the Heuneburg as a citadel for the nobility quite different from medieval castles
(Fig. 4). Far from emphasizing the uniqueness of this site, Kimmig argued that citadels
16 For details see Schweizer 2006, 82–85, with 17 Bittel and Rieth 1951, 53.
references. 18 Kimmig 1955, 301.
119
ulrich veit
Fig. 1 Cover of the booklet

“Die Heuneburg an der oberen
Donau” of 1951.
of this kind may have existed at a distance of 15 to 20 km. Only later did Kimmig at-
tribute a much more exclusive character to his Fürstensitze, which is made clear by the
distribution map he added to a number of his publications.19 This map (Fig. 5) was
reproduced with minor modifications by many scholars in the decades that followed.
But let me come back to the guide from 1968, the interpretative parts of which re-
mained practically unchanged in a new edition published in 1983. Here Kimmig gives a
vivid description of how he imagined Early Iron Age society in south-western Germany.
He confronts the reader with a ruling dynasty, vassals and slaves, as well as with farm-
ers, cratsmen and priests. In the center of Kimmig’s ideas stands a kind of charismatic
leader, ruling the Heuneburg-region with ‘patriarchal calm’:
19 Kimmig 1983, 9; Kimmig 1990.
120
Fig. 2 Topographical situation of the Heuneburg-hillfort ater Kurt Bittel and Adolf Rieth in 1951.
We may think of this man as a dynamic ruler, who had at his disposal the means
to rebuild the settlement mound and thereby to create a power center of his
own dynasty. This man obviously was conscious about his descent, since he
placed emphasis on being buried in the middle of his people.20
Kimmig concludes that, although the “name and dynasty of the citadel’s noblemen will
be wiped out forever […] fourteen years of patient and planned research were enough to
generate a historic landscape from what had been a terra incognita.”21 Here it becomes
clear that Kimmig’s reasoning is informed by an implicit analogy between the planned
layout of the Heuneburg settlement and the systematic, long-term research on the site.
This places Kimmig and his fellow excavation directors residing in Hohentübingen cas-
tle, where the Institute of Pre- and Protohistory of Tübingen University has been housed
since the early 1920s,22 in a certain sense at the same level as the ruling elite of the Early
Iron Age. In both cases a kind of ‘dynastic structure’ is visible (although in academic
circles descent normally lacks a biotic element). I will not go into the details of such an
20 Kimmig 1968, 100. Translation by the author. 22 Veit 2006.

21 Kimmig 1968, 119.
121
ulrich veit
Fig. 3 Wolfgang Kimmig

(1910–2001) in 1955 at his office
at the Institute for Pre- und Pro-
tohistory of Tübingen university,
located in Hohentübingen castle.
ethno-psychoanalytic perspective within the history of archaeology,23 since the informa-

tion given so far is sufficient to illustrate the dominant role of historical imagination in
Kimmig’s work. He sketches out a historical scenario, but eventually leaves it to others
to check the ‘facts’ carefully against the archaeological evidence.
Indeed, many problems concerning the structure of Iron Age society seem to have
been solved before excavation had even begun. This may be illustrated by the following
citation: “We still don’t know to what extent the inner area of the Heuneburg was cov-
ered with buildings. However, the existence of a market run not only by local farmers
is most likely.”24 Kimmig was convinced that foreign traders also offered goods and lux-
uries at this market. Given the rudimentary state of the typographic and comparative
analysis of the materials discovered during the excavations on the Heuneburg before
1968, it is astonishing to be confronted with such a detailed reconstruction. Apart from
Riek’s publication of his pre-war excavations in the Hohmichele burial mound in 1962
in the new monograph series Heuneburgstudien, publications on material from the He-
uneburg did not appear until the 1970s and 1980s starting with Günter Mansfeld’s 1974
work on the fibulas.
23 For the theoretical background of such an approach 24 Kimmig 1968, 122.

cf. Erdheim 1982.
122
Fig. 4 Reconstruction of the Heuneburg with fortifications and buildings by Wolfgang Kimmig in 1968.
The stratigraphic sequence and the architectural evidence were finally published be-
tween 1989 and 1996 by Egon Gersbach,25 who joined the project in 1963 and was re-
sponsible for all organizational and technical aspects of the excavation. From this time
on a clear division of work becomes apparent. While Gersbach organized and supervised
the more practical activities on the site, Kimmig concentrated his activities on integra-
tive and comparative work. His interest was less focused on details than on the large
lines of a historical interpretation. And quite similarly to his supposed Fürst with his far
reaching contacts, Kimmig cared about the international recognition of the Heuneb-
urg project. In this context it proved particularly useful for him to have been in contact
with French prehistorians for decades.26 In France, similar archaeological situations of
hillforts surrounded by large burial mounds became apparent. In particular, the pro-
tohistoric monuments around the Mont Lassois in Burgundy seemed to reproduce the
pattern discovered in the region of the Heuneburg.27
25 Gersbach 1989; Gersbach 1995; Gersbach 1996. heritage in France during the German occupation
26 His contacts can be traced back to his activities in (see Olivier 2004).
the office responsible for the protection of cultural 27 Cf. Brun and Chaume 1997.
123
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Fig. 5 Spatial distribution of the Fürstensitze according to Wolfgang Kimmig in 1990.
Even though Kimmig strongly emphasized the important role of large systematic ex-
cavations in answering historical questions on an interregional scale, his procedure at
first sight seems to deviate considerably from an ‘experimental system’ that regularly pro-
duces knowledge basically by technical means. Nevertheless, Kimmig’s relatively simple
concept of the Fürsten- or Adelssitz as outlined in his paper from 1969,28 effectively stim-
ulated empirical research well beyond the Heuneburg area in the decades that followed.
For the Heuneburg itself, examples of this more experimental approach can still
be found around 1970. A paradigmatic case is Jörg Biel’s thesis on prehistoric hilltop-
28 Significant features were the division of the settled the vicinity of the Fürstensitz and the presence of im-
area between acropolis and suburbium, the exis- ported goods, especially from the Mediterranean,
tence of rich burials under tumuli (Fürstengräber) in inside the settlement and in the lavish tombs.
124
settlements in south-western Germany.29 Even though this study was published nearly
twenty years ater Kimmig’s paradigmatic paper, it was written in Tübingen at the high-
time of the Heuneburg excavations (Biel presented his thesis to the faculty in 1972).
Against this background it is not surprising that a chapter on Early Iron Age hilltop
settlements is the most important part of the book. Here Biel tries to demonstrate the
spatial efficacy of the Fürstensitz Heuneburg by means of a differentiated chronological
analysis of the archaeological evidence from various hilltop sites in the vicinity of the
Heuneburg.
Biel bases his argumentation on a distinction between four types of hilltop sites in
the Early Iron Age30 , the third of which he labelled “Fürstensitz”:31 Type I comprises
very small settlements located on hilltop positions, but lacking fortifications (this type
is of minor importance for subsequent argumentation); Type II comprises real hilltop
settlements in extreme positions, that is to say sites far away from the communication
routes, and partly at high elevations. According to Biel’s analysis these locations are
chronologically restricted to the early ‘Hallstatt D’ phase from around 650 BC;32 Type III
comprises fortified settlements in favorable positions close to communication routes like
the Heuneburg. For this category the term Fürstensitz is reserved; Type IV designates real
hilltop sites which have fortifications, but which – unlike type II settlements – typically
existed over the whole time span under investigation.33 This last type according to Biel is
to be found only beyond the territories of the Fürstensitze. In Biel’s view it seems possible
that these smaller hilltop settlements had a lasting existence when they lay outside the
sphere of influence of a Fürstensitz (which according to Biel may have had a radius of up
to 50 km). This seems to be confirmed by the spatial distribution of the sites presented
by Biel on a small map (Fig. 6).
New research from the last few decades in this region has invalidated the conclu-
sions Biel drew from this representation.34 What seems important to me in the context of
the arguments presented above is that by making things visible, Biel – in a limited sense
– brought the Fürstensitz into being as an object of knowledge. By producing chrono-
logical charts as well as distribution maps, Biel made the Fürstensitz a reality even on
a nonverbal level. In any case its character changed from that of an evocative historical
term borrowed from historical studies to a ‘real’ object of knowledge that at least in part
had been constructed experimentally.
Biel’s arguments certainly might have been much stronger had he not attempted to
formulate a particular historical interpretation of his observations at a very early stage in
his analysis; he may indeed have stopped a promising ‘experimental’ process too early. In
29 Biel 1987. 32 Middle of 7th to middle of 5th century BC.

30 The Early Iron Age includes the prehistoric phases 33 That is, in archaeological terms, from early Hallstatt
‘Hallstatt C’ and ‘Hallstatt D’, from around 800 BC D to Latène A/B: 7th to 4th century BC.
to the middle of the 5th century BC. 34 Cf. also Biel 2007.
31 Biel 1987, 145–150.
125
ulrich veit
Fig. 6 Chronological and spatial

distribution of Hallstatt-period
hilltop sites in southern Würt-
temberg (southwestern Germany)
according to Jörg Biel in 1987.
any case it seems possible to imagine an archaeology with a much stronger emphasis on
such practices of pattern recognition independent of concepts borrowed from (written)
history. In this context mention should be made of more recent approaches that try to
replace such evocative terms as Fürstensitz with more neutral terms such as ‘central place’
or ‘complex center’.35 On the other hand, the historical narratives which result from such
approaches appear pale und lifeless to many scholars even today.36
According to Wolfgang Ernst there is a fundamental difference between ‘cold’ ar-
chaeological fieldwork and ‘hot’ historical imagination:
An abyss separates both practices. […] It is the practice of historians to write

a plausible history from fragmentary textual evidence in archaeology. Exactly
here lies the difference between the archaeological field […] and the archive-
fictions of the historians.37
Later on, Ernst continues:
35 Cf. Gringmuth-Dallmer 1996. Textbefunden in Archiven plausible Geschichte

36 Cf. Biel 2007; Kolb 2007. zu schreiben. Genau hier unterscheidet sich das
37 Ernst 2004, 237. – Translation by the author. Origi- archäologische Feld (im doppelten Sinne) von den
nally: „Eine Klut trennt die beiden Praktiken […]. Archiv-Fiktionen der Historiker.“
Es ist die Praxis der Historiker, aus fragmentarischen
126
Excavators ‘on the site’ deal with material rather than verbal contexts, in collab-
oration with technicians rather than scholars specialized on texts. The scientific
scope of work of prehistorians cannot be fixed with the historian’s vocabulary.38
Applying this distinction to the example presented in this paper, we may be inclined
to look at Kimmig as representing the part of historical imagination and Biel as repre-
senting the part of archaeological fieldwork. A closer look shows that the situation is
more complicated. As I have already tried to demonstrate, we certainly find elements
of ‘cold’ archaeological reasoning in the publications of Kimmig, as well as strong ele-
ments of ‘hot’ historical imagination in Biel’s contributions. And as far as I can see, such
a dichotomy is implicit to all archaeologies.
4 Conclusion: Settlement archaeology as an experimental system?
The thesis behind this paper is that historiographical concepts developed within modern
history of science, like ‘experimental system’, ‘epistemic object’ or ‘object of knowledge’,
are perfectly applicable to prehistoric archaeology. The Fürstensitz discourse within Iron
Age research has been used as an illustration. At a very early stage in Kimmig’s research,
a certain configuration of data became visible, which – according to his expectations of
how Iron Age society worked – forced him to see the archaeological evidence as having
a special ‘form’ or ‘Gestalt’. This Gestalt he labeled Adelssitz, and he formulated at the
same time some rather vague criteria for identifying such higher-order settlements in
the archaeological record. The task of making this specific Gestalt (for which a majority
of scholars preferred to use the term Fürstensitz) visible in the archaeological evidence,
Kimmig largely let to others. This was achieved by field work combined with attempts
to present the emerging spatial pattern by means of maps, chronological charts and
other kinds of illustrations (representing ‘technical objects’). Along the way, the nature
of the epistemic object called Fürstensitz permanently changed. Vague and blurred at the
beginning it underwent a process of stabilization that was combined with a process of
‘black boxing’.39 This means that the experimental system at work not only produced
new knowledge, but at the same time even erased the complex process by which it came
into existence.40 Nowadays we have the means to gain a deeper understanding of these
processes that ultimately gave rise to prehistoric archaeology as it is practiced today. To
38 Ernst 2004, 247–248. – Translation by the author. kann nicht mit dem Vokabular der Historiker fix-
Originally: „Ausgräber befassen sich vor Ort eher iert werden.“
mit materiellen den verbalen Kon/texten, im Team 39 Cf. Latour 1999.
mit Technikern eher denn mit Textgelehrten. Das 40 Cf. Stoff 2008, 50.
wissenschatliche Arbeitsfeld der Prähistoriker
127
ulrich veit
accomplish this aim it will be necessary to conduct more detailed analyses emphasiz-
ing the particularities of archaeological field practice and diverse techniques used by
archaeologists in subsequent phases of archaeology’s development. These studies will
clearly be able to demonstrate the inadequacy of the famous term ‘science of the spade’,
to which many archaeologists still proudly refer today.
128
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Veit 2006
Ulrich Veit. “Notizen aus der Provinz: Zu den
Anfängen ur- und frühgeschichtlicher Forschung
an der Universität Tübingen”. In Die Anfänge der
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1 Bittel and Rieth 1951, book cover. 2 Bittel Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Mainz.
and Rieth 1951, Plan 1. 3 Fischer, Kim- 6 Biel 1987, Abb. 42. Courtesy Landesamt für
mig, and Planck 2002, 17. 4 Kimmig 1968, Denkmalpflege im Regierungspräsidium Stuttgart.
Abb. 25. 5 Kimmig 1990, Abb. 5. Courtesy
ULRICH VEIT
Dr. phil. (Münster 1989), Habilitation (Tübin- Prof. Dr. Ulrich Veit
gen 1999), is a Professor of Pre- and Protohistoric Universität Leipzig
Archaeology at Leipzig University. Among his re- Historisches Seminar
search interests are: Prehistoric Europe from the Professur für Ur- und Frühgeschichte
Neolithic onwards, burial archaeology, social ar- 04109 Leipzig, Germany
chaeology, settlement archaeology, archaeological E-Mail: ulrich.veit@uni-leipzig.de
theory and method, history of archaeology.
131
Marieke Bloembergen and Martijn Eickhoff
The Colonial Archaeological Hero Reconsidered.

Post-Colonial Perspectives on the ‘Discovery’ of the
Prehistoric Past of Indonesia
Summary
Taking as its starting point a collection of (auto)biographical narratives on the academic ca-
reers of Dutch prehistorians Van Stein Callenfels, Van Heekeren and Van der Hoop, this pa-
per discusses the phenomenon of the ‘colonial archaeologist as hero’ from both a historical
and a theoretical (post-colonial) perspective. We thus reconsider those colonial archaeolo-
gists who, according to traditional histories of archaeology, ‘discovered’ the prehistoric past
of Indonesia during the 1920s and 1930s. We do this in order to gain a better understanding
of the colonial dimension of research into the prehistory of the Dutch East Indies and the
way it continues to affect the archaeology of post-colonial Indonesia. We focus on the dy-
namic social and cultural contexts within which the archaeological research was developed
and conclude that the creation of knowledge of the prehistoric past included various forms
of indigenous involvement.
Keywords: Post-colonialism; history of archaeology; prehistory; Dutch East Indies; Indo-

nesia; biographies; legacies of colonialism.
Dieser Aufsatz behandelt das Phänomen des ‚kolonialen Archäologen als Helden‘ aus his-
torischer und postkolonialer Perspektive. Im Zentrum stehen (auto-)biographische Erzäh-
lungen über die akademischen Laubahnen der niederländischen Prähistoriker Van Stein
Callenfels, Van Heekeren und Van der Hoop. Wir erörtern die Rolle der drei kolonialen
Archäologen, die nach herkömmlicher Geschichtsschreibung in den 1920er und 1930er
Jahren die prähistorische Vergangenheit Indonesiens ‚entdeckten‘. Unser Ziel ist ein besse-
res Verständnis der kolonialen Dimension der Vorgeschichtsforschung in Niederländisch-
Ostindien und deren Auswirkungen auf die Archäologie Indonesiens in postkolonialer
Zeit. Wir fokussieren auf die kulturellen und sich dynamisch verändernden Kontexte und
Praktiken, in welchen die archäologische Forschung stattfand und zeigen, dass bei der Her-
stellung archäologischen Wissens verschiedene Formen indigener Beteiligung wichtig wa-
ren.
133
Keywords: Post-Kolonialismus; Geschichte der Archäologie; Prähistorische Archäologie; Nieder-

ländisch-Ostindien; Indonesien; Biografien; Erbe des Kolonialismus.
In this article we reconsider the apparently fixed image of ‘the colonial archaeologist’
from a historical and a theoretical (post-colonial) perspective. We focus on the (auto)bi-
ographical narratives of a group of colonial archaeologists who worked in the Dutch
East Indies and carried out research into the so-called ‘prehistoric’ past in the first half
of the twentieth century. Thereby, we examine the way these narratives functioned as
authoritative prescriptions for understanding and dealing with Indonesian prehistory.
By analysing the transformations of the status and significance of these colonial archae-
ologists and their academic work across regime changes in colonial and post-colonial
Indonesia, we hope to provide balanced insights into the cultural and socio-political
ramifications and the continued effects of colonial-era prehistoric research.
Our focus on ‘colonial archaeologists’ is motivated by the realization that, in tradi-
tional histories of colonial archaeology, in which new discoveries are the main impetus
for a progressive understanding of the early past, the personality of the archaeologist is
oten regarded as pivotal. We are told time and time again that the colonial archaeolo-
gist obtained his leading position in the research field solely on the basis of his talents
and an all-absorbing vocation, whereas other relevant factors are obscured.1 As a rule,
this colonial archaeologist is a male adventurer who travels to exotic places to look for
traces of the material culture of the past. Women do not generally play a significant
role in these quests.2 Oten a loyal indigenous guide comes to his aid, and eventually
the archaeologist becomes acquainted with other local people as well. Despite these
contacts, the life-stories of colonial archaeologists generally confirm the colonial ‘gaze’
on the prehistoric past of colonial societies as lost worlds waiting to be discovered by
westerners. The colonial archaeologist might be an eccentric, but he ultimately turns
from social outsider to public hero, thanks to his discoveries.3 To the present day, the
image of the colonial archaeologist remains fixed and strong and apparently unaffected
by decolonization;4 in contemporary popular culture, Indiana Jones represents him par
1 Cf. Abir-Am 1982, 285. between archaeology and imperial politics around
2 For the contemporary gendered dimensions of ar- the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries,
chaeological fieldwork, see: Moser 2007. Cf. Mc- it merely reproduces archaeological hero stories and
Clintock 1995, 1–17. the exotic fascination with ‘the other’. One of the
3 For a classic example of this perspective, see Ceram main questions of this exhibition is: “Who were
1949. the pioneers that discovered and excavated the ar-
4 See, for example, the exhibition Das Grosse Spiel. chaeological sites and monuments?” (“Wer waren
Archäologie und Politik (The Great Game. Archaeol- die Pioniere, die archäologische Stätten und Monu-
ogy and Politics) of 2010 in the Ruhr Museum Essen. mente entdeckten und untersuchten?”). As a result,
Although the exhibition recognizes the connections
134
the colonial archaeological hero reconsidered
excellence. Referring to this phenomenon, Neil A. Silberman speaks of the fable of the
archaeologist as hero and of a basic pattern of adventure that is endlessly repeated in
the histories of archaeological discoveries.5 As a result, the heroic narrative pattern has
deeply influenced the public understanding of archaeological work in general.6
In the Dutch East Indies of the 1920s and 1930s, as elsewhere in Asia, prehistory
and the researcher that ‘discovered’ it had begun to fascinate diverse audiences. The
collecting of stone tools was a booming activity, practiced by professionals and ama-
teurs alike. For those researchers involved, the notion of human evolution did not pose
the problem it had for many in the nineteenth century in the context of a creationist
worldview. As a result, newly acquired knowledge of the prehistoric past was considered
highly modern. The fact that the information gathered in this new field of knowledge
was ordered as a story of linear (although in Asia sometimes impeded) advancement,
only added to its modern status. In the Dutch East Indies, prehistorians concluded that,
during Palaeolithic, Mesolithic and Neolithic times, there had been many connections
with and migrations between different parts of Asia; famous excavations included those
along the north-east coast of Sumatra (where shell mounds or kitchen middens were ex-
cavated) and those at the Guwa Lawa Bat Cave near Madiun.7 Researchers also believed
that, in some parts of the colony, the prehistoric past still continued into the present,
a view they gathered from the continuing use of stone axes and the absence of a tradi-
tion of writing. Consequently, archaeological knowledge was essentially connected with
colonial hierarchies of a social and cultural nature.
At the same time, however, ‘archaeological’ sites were the objects of many other
parallel processes of appropriation. At a local level, people living nearby, for example
engaged, or re-engaged with such sites; but it was only from the 1900s onwards that
state-supported institutions intervened more seriously, situating sites in the national
domain.8 In addition, in the context of the dissemination of knowledge about these
sites, a generation of young nationalists from Java and Sumatra also became fascinated
by images of the old Hindu and Buddhist empires that had ruled the archipelago ages
ago and that now were encountered in the maps, research-proceedings and conservation
projects of colonial archaeology. These reconstructions of the great ‘Indonesian’ empires
indigenous local or national perspectives on, and published autobiographical or travel accounts as
appropriations of archaeological sites and objects part of their excavation reports, cf. Belzoni 1820;
are hardly touched upon. See brochure Das Grosse Layard 1849; Schliemann 1881.
Spiel, Ruhr Museum Essen 12-2/13-6 2010; cf. Trüm- 6 Silberman 1996, 251–252.
pler 2008a, 16; Trümpler 2008b, 105–113; Bernbeck 7 Bernet Kempers 1982, 19–22; Tanudirjo 1995,
2011. 68–70; von Heine-Geldern 1945; Soejono 1969.
5 Silberman thus referred to nineteenth-century Eu- 8 For local perspectives on archaeological sites in the
ropean archaeologists such as Giovanni B. Belzoni, nineteenth century, see: Bloembergen and Eickhoff
Austen H. Layard and Heinrich Schliemann, who 2013a.
135
of the past fuelled their dream of a great national Indonesian future.9 Likewise, the ex-
cavations of a prehistoric past stimulated a national self-awareness; ater decolonization,
prehistory would, as a result, become an integral part of Indonesia’s national past.10
In order to get beyond the colonial gaze – for example, the exclusive focus on the
heroic colonial archaeologist and his discoveries – post-colonial historians have, since
the 1970s, been developing concepts and strategies to identify, criticize and deconstruct
the so-called colonial discourse.11 They understand this discourse as a system of state-
ments within which the supposed centrality and modernity of Europe is related to the
supposed inferiority of the colonized races and societies. As a result, the imperial power
perceives itself as having a duty to advance the civilization of the colony through force,
trade, administration, and cultural and moral improvement.12 Post-colonial theory ex-
plicitly invokes discussions on topics such as suppression, resistance, representation,
difference, gender, place and the sacred, as well as responses to European imperial mas-
ter discourses, like history, philosophy and linguistics.13 What interests post-colonial
historians and social scientists is the relation between knowledge and power and the
development of cultural representations of colonial society that made colonialism self-
evident – to both the colonizers and the colonized. Relevant questions in this context
are: to what extent, why and how were these images internalized? To what extent, how
and why did these images persist ater political decolonization? And how can we recover
‘agency’ and ‘history’ for the subjected ‘others’ in colonial regimes? Pointing to the re-
lationship between imperialism and history writing, Gyan Prakash raises the question
of
how the history of colonialism and colonialism’s disciplining of history can be

shaken loose from the domination of categories and ideas it produced.14
Acknowledging the importance of academic self-reflection, Dipesh Chakrabarti, in his

famous essay “Provincializing Europe”,15 presented a number of suggestions for achiev-
9 Reid 1979. Cf. Bloembergen and Eickhoff 2011. societies and peoples by trying to demonstrate that
10 See the work of the Indonesian Minister of Educa- they lacked the initiative to develop on their own.
tion, Muhammad Yamin, who argued, with classical The assumption that the culture of these subjected
archaeological and prehistoric findings (rock paint- ‘others’ had been static since prehistoric times justi-
ings in South Sumatra) as proof, that the white-red fied the European colonial project, cf. Trigger 1984;
colors of the Indonesian national flag were already cf. Trigger 1989, 110–147. For a recent overview of
key to a unified Indonesian people in prehistoric the history of post-colonial studies, see: Roque and
times (Yamin 1953). Wagner 2011, 6–13. For archaeologists inspired by
11 Bruce Trigger is an early example of an archaeolo- post-colonial studies, see: Lydon and Rizvi 2010. Cf.
gist who tried to define the phenomenon of colonial González-Ruibal 2010 and Gosden 2012.
archaeology. He did this in 1984 by stressing the re- 12 Ashcrot, Griffiths, and Tiffin 2007, 36–38.
lationship between the nature of archaeological re- 13 Ashcrot, Griffiths, and Tiffin 2006.
search and the social milieu in which it is practiced. 14 Prakash 1995, 4–5.
Colonial archaeology, according to Trigger, served, 15 Chakrabarty 2008.
wherever practiced, primarily to denigrate native
136
ing this goal. He argues that the categories of European thought (including the concept
of historicizing) are simultaneously both indispensable and inadequate when writing
about the non-European world. He therefore stresses the importance of questioning the
structure of a chosen narrative and of making it heterogeneous by including multiple
perspectives, ambivalences and contradictions, and by “translating across cultural and
other semiotic systems”.16 Other scholars advocate a more complex understanding of the
colonial past as a global phenomenon.17 Cooper, for example, emphasizes that empires
entailed diverse networks and power structures that established circuits along which
personnel, commodities and ideas moved and that, as a consequence, created multiple
hierarchies in both the metropolis and in colonial society. Simultaneously, so he stresses,
circuits were at work that escaped the control of the colonial state. Empires reproduced
difference, but dealt with structures from within that “complicate the relationship of
ruler and ruled, of inside and outsider,” as well.18
Inspired by Chakrabarti and Cooper, in this paper we consider colonial archaeolog-
ical activities, not only as part of a colonial regime of truth and power, but also as an as-
pect of a dynamic field of diverse involvements, exchanges and interferences – including
indigenous ones.19 In our project on the history of archaeology and heritage formation
in colonial and post-colonial Indonesia, we decided to make so-called archaeological
sites our central focus and question what kind of encounters and interventions took
place there and under what constraints.20 What position does the “colonial archaeolo-
gist” have in this constellation? What role do authority, force and violence play? What
kind of dissemination and appropriation of site-related objects, documentation and im-
ages can we trace, from a local to a global level? This approach helps us to get beyond an
exclusive focus on colonial discourses and, following Lynn Meskell, to recognize that
archaeology essentially deals with the diverse ways in which meanings and identities
are attributed and negotiated.21 It furthermore enables us, following Margarita Díaz-
Andreu, to focus on players other than the colonial archaeologists, who, according to
Díaz-Andreu, “by getting involved, (…) challenged the rules of the game”.22
Thus, when dealing with the prehistoric archaeology of colonial and post-colonial
Indonesia, our site-based approach enables us to avoid an exclusive fixation on the re-
lationship between archaeology and (colonial) state formation23 , and the related phe-
nomenon described by Susan Legêne and Henk Schulte Nordholdt as ‘colonial deter-
minism’. They stress – with good reason, as we will show – that archaeological sites in
16 Chakrabarty 2008, 17, 43 and 45–46. 21 Meskell 1998.

17 Roque and Wagner 2011, 5. Cf. Raben 2013. 22 Díaz-Andreu 2007, 6–10, 239–244 and 402–409.
18 Cooper 2005, 48–53. 23 For a historical analysis of the phenomenon of colo-
19 Cf. Roque and Wagner 2011, 17–23; Stoler 2011, nial archaeology, with a strong focus on its rela-
35–66; Stoler 2009. tionship with the state cf. Anderson 1991, 155–185;
20 For this project see: http://ghhpw.com/sbs.php (visi- Cohn 1996, 76–105.
ted on 07/07/2015).
137
contemporary Indonesia are not necessarily defined by, nor today necessarily a represen-
tation of, colonialism; this is the case, even if colonial relations have played a crucial role
in transforming them into archaeological sites.24
In order to understand when, how and to what extent Dutch pre-historians work-
ing in the colony transformed into archaeological heroes, and for whom, we will follow
a three-level enquiry in this article. First, we will focus on three publications of a more
or less biographical or autobiographical character, each narrating the life story of one
of three selected prehistorians: Pieter Vincent van Stein Callenfels, Hendrik Robert van
Heekeren and Abraham Nicolaas Jan Thomassen à Thuessink van der Hoop. Taken to-
gether, these narratives offer a first introduction to the diverse prehistoric activities that
were carried out in the first half of the twentieth century and the way they were per-
ceived by a wider, Dutch-speaking audience. These publications concern the popular
biography Iwan de Verschikkelijke. Leven en werken van Dr. P.V. van Stein Callenfels (Ivan the
Terrible. Life and Work of Dr. P.V. van Stein Callenfels),25 the autobiographical travel-
ogue De onderste steen boven. Belevenissen van een globetrotter (Uncovering the Truth. The
Adventures of a Globetrotter), written by van Heekeren,26 and the obituary of A.N.J.Th.à
Th. van der Hoop, written by the Dutch archaeologist (and former director of the Colo-
nial Archaeological Service) August Bernet Kempers, and published in 1969 in a Dutch
academic journal.27
How did these hero stories represent the discovery of the prehistoric past of the
Dutch East Indies and how did they transform this into a story in which Dutchmen took
the lead, while women and explorers of other nationalities were marginalized? Secondly,
via an alternative focus on the encounters and practices in which colonial archaeology
was embedded at both excavation and museum sites, we will explore how the production
of knowledge of the prehistoric past entailed various forms of indigenous involvement.
How do the three narratives of the selected life stories relate to these alternative involve-
ments? Ater all, the biographies were published in Dutch, and in the Netherlands, and
were therefore difficult to access for most Indonesians. Thirdly, we focus on the effect of
decolonization on the image of archaeologists and the representations of the prehistoric
past in Indonesia. Our interpretations are based on observations during research trips to
Indonesia in 2010 and 2011, and on discussions we had with Indonesian colleagues. To
what extent do the traditional hero narratives shape the Indonesian understanding of
the prehistoric past, or prehistoric studies as practiced nowadays in important academic
and heritage institutions in Indonesia?
24 Legêne and Schulte Nordholt 2015, 8. 26 Van Heekeren 1969.

25 Swanenburg 1951. 27 Bernet Kempers 1969.
138
1 Three ‘heroes’ of prehistoric archaeology in the Dutch East

Indies
In the biographical narratives of the three ‘heroes’ of prehistoric archaeology which we

discuss in this section, the basic pattern of adventure is undeniably present. The sto-
ries are closely intertwined and although the selected prehistorians, of course, had very
different personalities, their stories are, to a large extent, comparable, as our protagonists
all worked in the same institutions and dealt with the same concepts of the past.
The author of the popular biography of Van Stein Callenfels, B.D. Swanenburg,
was a close friend of his central character.28 Swanenburg aims to describe the life of the
archaeologist, who was born in Maastricht in 1883 and died in Colombo (Ceylon/Sri
Lanka) in 1938. The book is essentially a collection of anecdotes, but at the same time
it contains precise descriptions of some of Van Stein Callenfels’ excavations. We read
how Van Stein Callenfels (Fig. 1) went to the Dutch East Indies in 1904 and embarked
upon a career as a civil servant at the center of the Dutch colonial administration, in
Buitenzorg (Bogor). This career choice was, however, not a great success, and for a few
years he went ‘native’, in the sense that he lived in a Javanese village without a regular
income. It was, according to his biographer, during this time that Van Stein Callenfels
became familiar with the culture of the Javanese people. Following this episode, he was
employed on a coffee plantation and was able to initiate his private research into an-
tiquities. Soon aterwards, Van Stein Callenfels, by now a self-made archaeologist, was
transformed into a public figure who, notwithstanding his eccentricity and unconven-
tionality, was supported by the colonial government. In 1915, he became an employee of
the Archaeological Service (Oudheidkundige Dienst) of the Dutch East Indies (established
in 1913) and started conducting research into the so-called Hindu-Javanese past. Van
Stein Callenfels went back to the Netherlands and wrote his doctoral thesis in Leiden
in the years 1921 to 1924.29 Ater this, he returned to the Dutch East Indies, where he
focused more and more exclusively on prehistory. He became an internationally recog-
nized specialist, who played an active role in organizing the dialogue with prehistorians
working in other parts of Asia. It was on his initiative that the Congress of Prehistori-
ans of the Far East, founded in 1932, began to meet every three years.30 By the time of
his death, he was a renowned, even legendary, archaeologist. His gigantic stature and
unorthodox behaviour might have turned him into the colonial cult figure nicknamed
“Ivan the Terrible”; nonetheless, he did possess diplomatic skills. He took part in interna-
tional academic networks and was oten asked by the colonial authorities to show official
28 The author introduces himself as a friend halfway dung, during the Fourth Pacific Science Congress,
through the book, cf. Swanenburg 1951, 110–111. where, owing to the persistence of Van Stein Cal-
29 Van Stein Callenfels 1925. lenfels, a meeting of prehistorians was organized; cf.
30 Hanoi 1932, Manila 1935, Singapore 1938. – To ini- Soejono 1969, 75; von Heine-Geldern 1945, 157.
tiate this congress was decided for in 1929 in Ban-
139
Fig. 1 Colonial archaeologist Van Stein Callenfels (with beard and white tropical suit) with workmen and visi-
tors at the Guwa Lawa excavation.
guests round on archaeological sites.31 Although the book was published in 1951, it does
neither mention the Indonesian revolution nor the Indonesian war of decolonization
against the Dutch Empire. As such, it is a pure and, in a certain way, nostalgic celebration
of the heyday of colonial archaeological activity in the Dutch East Indies.
“Uncovering the truth. The adventures of a globetrotter”32 (Fig. 2) is an archaeolog-
ical autobiography, written in 1969 by Hendrik Robert van Heekeren, who was born in
Semarang in the Dutch East Indies in 1902 and died in 1974. In this book he describes
how he – a tobacco planter and (volcanic) mountaineer – started conducting research
into the prehistoric past during the 1930s.33 The autobiography has a decidedly different
character from the biography of Van Stein Callenfels, as it has a different timescope. Van
Heekeren discusses his pre-wartime archaeological activities in the Dutch East Indies and
his private archaeological ‘excavations’ during the Japanese occupation and the Pacific
War, when, as a forced labourer in the construction of the Burma railroad in 1943, he
secretly collected prehistoric flints; from there he moves on to his archaeological work
31 Jaquet 1989; cf. http://www.historici.nl/Onder- 33 Van Heekeren had published his first book about
zoek/Projecten/BWN/lemmata/bwn3/steincallenfels his ‘tropical’ travels and volcano climbing activities
(visited on 07/07/2015). in the Dutch East Indies under the pseudonym Hy-
32 De onderste steen boven. Belevenissen van een globetrotter, bride, see Hybride 1940.
Van Heekeren 1969.
140
Fig. 2 Cover of the autobi-

ographical travelogue of Van
Heekeren.
in Indonesia ater independence. From 1946 to 1956, Van Heekeren worked as an offi-
cial prehistorian for two successive Archaeological Services – the Dutch colonial Service
(from 1946 to 1949) and the Indonesian Archaeological Service (the Djawatan Purbakala,
later Dinas Purbakala), which was established in 1946. During the chaotic years of the In-
donesian Revolution which followed the unilateral proclamation of the Indonesian Re-
public by its president Soekarno and its vice-president Mohammed Hatta on 17 August
1945 and which lasted until 1949, two archaeological services operated simultaneously;
one in Batavia (today’s Jakarta), headed by the Dutch, and one in Yogyakarta, headed
by the Indonesians. In this period, Van Heekeren was based in Batavia and worked as a
curator at the Museum of the Batavian Society of Arts and Sciences (today’s Museum Na-
sional ). He returned to the Netherlands in 1956 and subsequently conducted prehistoric
research around the world (in Tanzania, the Netherlands Antilles and Thailand, among
other places).
141
The author of the obituary of A.N.J.Th. à Th. van der Hoop, the archaeologist Au-
gust Bernet Kempers, had, as librarian of the Batavian Society, been a close colleague
of Van der Hoop in Batavia. The obituary appeared in 1969 in the Bijdragen tot de Taal-,
Land- en Volkenkunde, a scholarly journal of another learned society based in the Nether-
lands, which, ater decolonization, continued its research, focusing on the linguistics,
anthropology, and history of Southeast Asia, and more specifically of Indonesia.34 Van
der Hoop, who was born in Arnhem in 1893 and died in The Hague in 1969, initially
found fame in the Netherlands as an ‘hero of aviation’. In 1924 he was a member of the
first crew to fly from Schiphol/Amsterdam to Batavia.35 Van der Hoop and his crew re-
ceived a hero’s welcome on their return to the Netherlands. He was honoured in many
ways: he was depicted on a Dutch 75 cent air stamp commemorating this flight; a memo-
rial stone was unveiled in the city of Medan (Sumatra). In 1931, Van der Hoop went back
to the Dutch East Indies to collect archaeological information on the stone culture of
the Pasemah region in Sumatra for his PhD thesis at Utrecht University.36 In 1934, as
Dr Van der Hoop, he started working as curator for the Museum in Batavia. He became
active in many scholarly fields (prehistory, ethnology, Hindu Javanese history, colonial
history) and – being a civil servant – also got involved with modernizing the museums
in the Dutch East Indies. When the Japanese occupied the Dutch East Indies in March
1942, Van der Hoop was initially allowed to remain in office at the museum, whereas
most of the other Dutch colonials were interned. During this period he collaborated
with his Japanese superiors, such as C. Koda of the Japanese military administration,
who was in charge of the direction of the museum and who generally considered the
museum and its collection to be important; eventually, in April 1943, Van der Hoop was
himself interned. He was released in 1945 and repatriated to the Netherlands in 1946. In
1947, he returned to Indonesia in order to work for the Archaeological Service based in
Batavia. In 1950, political developments made him decide to return to the Netherlands
for good. By that time, he was 57 years old. His life as an archaeologist was finished,
but in the Netherlands he remained active in several cultural fields. For instance, he got
involved with the dissemination of knowledge about the Dutch colonial culture of the
early modern period.37
The first thing that is apparent when analyzing these narratives about the three pre-
historians is that it was self-evident that the prehistoric past was there; it only had to be
discovered. Wherever the archaeologist traveled in the Indonesian archipelago, the early
34 Bernet Kempers 1969. Bernet Kempers, a specialist 35 Van der Hoop 1925.
in Hindu-Javanese archaeology, was a close colleague 36 Van der Hoop 1932. – He received his PhD in 1932.
of Van der Hoop in Batavia for many years. In the 37 For Van der Hoop and the “Stichting Cultuur-
obituary he is, therefore, able to describe Van der geschiedenis Nederlanders Overzee” (Foundation
Hoops’ academic career in conjunction with more for Cultural History of Dutchmen Overseas), cf.
private stories and personal impressions. For Bernet Lunsingh Scheurleer 1987.
Kempers cf. Soekmono 1994.
142
past always seemed to have let its traces. With regards to Van Stein Callenfels and his
early (primarily Hindu-Javanese) archaeological research on Java’s past, we read about
the rhythm of travel and the related archaeological activities:
And so he travelled […] time and again […], in order to inspect, to excavate,
to decipher, to discover […], to replace [….], to restore […], to retrieve, and
to do everything he considered important for Java’s archaeological treasures, to
which he gave his heart.38
When reading Van der Hoop’s dissertation, it becomes clear that for him it was “the
road” that organized his work. It not only functioned as a grid within which to arrange
his observations, but also as a model to offer his readers a way to verify these observations.
In his first chapter, called “The Palembang-Pageralam road” he writes:
In describing the megalithic remains in South Sumatra, we will take the order
of the sequence in which a traveller, traversing the country by the main roads,
would meet with such remains.39
For Van Heekeren, travel, adventure and archaeological research were closely con-
nected.40 In his later years, he speaks of a certain restlessness that made him travel. At
the same time, he considers travelling to be the inescapable fate of the prehistorian.41
The modern age allowed him to travel by airplane and motorboat, but he also used ca-
noes and rats, or just walked into the jungle.42 He also recollects that, when he was
appointed to the Archaeological Service in 1946, a colleague from London, Prof. Fred-
erick Zeuner, wrote to him: “You are working in an almost completely unexplored area
and may well make great discoveries.”43 It is this self-image and self-fashioning as adven-
turous male explorers that eventually enabled colonial archaeologists to become public
heroes. However, at the same time, as competitive colleagues, they sometimes critically
evaluated each other in this respect. Van Heekeren, for example, was annoyed by the way
Van Stein Callenfels made a grand entrance to the harbor of Makassar, like a celebrity.44
On the other hand, the biography of Van Stein Callenfels also stresses that he was a lonely
38 Swanenburg 1951, 56. – Translation by the authors. Stein Callenfels’ favorite adventure books were:
Originally: “En zo reisde Callenfels […], keer op “The three musketeers” and “The count of Monte
keer […] om te controleren, te inspecteren, te ont- Cristo”, both by Alexandre Dumas. Cf. Swanenburg
graven, te ontcijferen, te ontdekken, om […] te her- 1951, 6.
plaatsen, om […] te herstellen, om […] te achter- 41 Van Heekeren 1969, 143.
halen, en om verder alles te doen, wat hij in het 42 Van Heekeren 1969, 176–177. It is with great pride
belang achtte van Java’s archeologische schatten that he quotes someone describing him as a man
waaraan hij zijn hart verpand had.” with an “indomitable scientific spirit” (Van Heek-
39 Van der Hoop 1932. eren 1969, 145).
40 In his autobiography he mentions the adventure 43 Van Heekeren 1969, 106.
books of Karl May and Gustave Aimard he read 44 Soejono 1975, 108.
when he was a child (Van Heekeren 1969, 2). Van
143
person. His death from a heart attack in a hotel room in Colombo resembles the end
of a tragic hero.45 The image of the archaeological hero was also echoed in later repre-
sentations, in literature, as well as film. According to Swanenburg, Van Stein Callenfels
in all probability inspired Sir Arthur Conan Doyle when he was creating the figure of
the aggressive, dominating “Professor Challenger” in his novel The Lost World, which was
published in 1922, given the fact that the two of them met in 1913 at the Galle Face Hotel
in Singapore.46 Van Heekeren’s account of finding prehistoric axes while performing
forced labour on the Burma railroad and the fact that a Japanese guard forced him to
throw them away made it into the script of the film The Bridge on the River Kwai. Yet,
these scenes were ultimately cut from the movie.47
For Van Heekeren, who, ater decolonisation, continued to carry out research into
Indonesian prehistory, oten at the invitation of, and in collaboration with, Indonesian
colleagues, the ideal of ‘post-colonial friendship’, especially between a guru (teacher) and
his former students, was an important aspect of being an archaeological hero. In his trav-
elogue, he recounts that young Indonesian students see him as such a hero; but, stressing
his own unpretentiousness, he adds: “in the Far East, it is easy to become a legendary
figure.”48 For him, this friendship was, de facto, an essential condition for continuing his
research in Indonesia. This notion of friendship thus obscured the complex interdepen-
dencies and role-reversals that were at work in the exchange between this now former
colonial archaeologist and his now post-colonial Indonesian archaeological colleagues.
During his return travels to Indonesia, Van Heekeren felt welcome, but he was also aware
of his new subordinate position, as he warned against colonial nostalgia. With regard
to the colonial period, he concluded that, although some Indonesian people refer to it
as “normal” times, nobody really wants these times to return.49 However, at one point
in his autobiography, he himself cannot suppress his nostalgia when speaking of the
old generation of colonial archaeologists. He mentions Dubois, Von Koenigswald, Op-
penoorth, Van Stein Callenfels and Van der Hoop in this respect as “Dutchmen” who
made their mark, even though their research tradition in the Netherlands had come to
an end.50 This list is a clear example of the way that the ‘discovery’ of Indonesian pre-
history was turned into a story in which Dutchmen took the lead, whereas the role of
Indonesians, women and explorers of other nationalities was obscured.51
45 Swanenburg 1951, 177 and 266. marginalization, see the work of Lenore Se-
46 Swanenburg 1951, 46. lenka, who organized an expedition to Trinil in
47 The role was played by the anthropologist Karl Hei- 1907–1908, the eccentric cousins Paul and Fritz
der, cf. Soejono 1975, 109. For the discovery and Sarasin from Switzerland who ‘discovered’ the so-
history of the stones cf. Van Heekeren 1969, 51–57, called Taolian culture of Southwest Sulawesi at the
67, 145 and 165. beginning of the twentieth century or the explorer
48 Van Heekeren 1969, 181. W. Rothpletz, who, due to his ‘neutral’ Swiss na-
49 Van Heekeren 1969, 181. tionality, was able to work during the Japanese oc-
50 Van Heekeren 1969, 177. Cf. Bernet Kempers 1982. cupation. See: Selenka and Blanckenhorn 1911; P.
51 For some examples of this gendered national
144
Van der Hoop, who started his career as an aviation hero, did not manage to attain
archaeological hero status in the same way as Van Stein Callenfels or Van Heekeren.
His museological and bureaucratic activities in the mid- and late 1930s may not have
let much room for achieving this status. The fact that he could continue his work in
the museum of the Batavian Society under the Japanese occupation – thus allowing the
Japanese to show their commitment to the Asian dimension of the collection – might,
in the eyes of Dutch colonials, have made him a collaborator. It seems however, that
they used this term exclusively to denounce Indonesian nationalists like Soekarno, who
saw the Japanese occupation as a first step towards the national liberation of Indonesia.
Furthermore, Bernet Kempers describes Van der Hoop in his obituary as a cynical person
who kept people at a distance, while he glosses over his homosexuality as his “being
different”.52 Being an unmarried gay man must have made Van der Hoop’s social position
vulnerable, especially in the late 1930s, when, in the Dutch East Indies, homosexuals,
including those in higher social echelons, were prosecuted.53 This vulnerability is also
highlighted in the anecdote in which it is related that Van der Hoop no longer felt at
home in the Indonesia of the 1950s, as he was forced to live in the garage of his former
villa.54 His cynical worldview with regard to decolonization had already risen to the
surface when the aviation monument in Medan commemorating his flight to Batavia
in 1924 was restored and inaugurated for a second time in the late 1940s, having been
destroyed during the Japanese occupation. Van der Hoop supposedly remarked that he
was probably the first person ever to witness the inauguration of the same monument
to himself twice.55
2 ‘Reconsidering’ the prehistorians of the Dutch East Indies
Without the specific cultural and socio-political contexts of the colonial society in which
they operated, Van Stein Callenfels, Van Heekeren and Van der Hoop would never have
been able to make their archaeological discoveries and would never have become ar-
chaeological heroes. In order to develop a balanced understanding of these contexts,
beyond an exclusive focus on the colonial discourse, we concentrate in this section on
the encounters and interventions that took place at the archaeological sites which our
protagonists selected to carry out their research. Starting with the (auto)biographical
narratives and using additional archival material, we aim to analyze the interaction in
these encounters between, on the one hand, the colonial/academic regime of truth and
power and, on the other hand, the words, visions and agency of indigenous people.
Sarasin and F. Sarasin 1905; Rothpletz 1951, 77–126. 54 Bernet Kempers 1969, 424.
52 Bernet Kempers 1969, 402. 55 Bernet Kempers 1969, 406.
53 Bloembergen 2011.
145
Reconstructing the involvement of indigenous people from the evidence in the se-
lected texts is not an easy task. In the obituary of Van der Hoop, Bernet Kempers does
not mention Indonesian participants as having any role. The narratives on Van Stein
Callenfels and Van Heekeren are different in this respect. A conservative colonial world-
view is manifested throughout Ivan the Terrible. Van Stein Callenfels is repeatedly quoted
as saying that there are “toeans” (masters) and “koelies” (coolies), thus confirming the
traditional hierarchy of colonial society.56 One of many anecdotes in the book corre-
sponds directly with this notion of colonial hierarchy: when Van Stein Callenfels was
being transported by sedan chair, from his position above them, he loudly compared his
carriers to wheels.57 The biographer also stresses that Van Stein Callenfels strongly dis-
liked the ethical polities of the first decades of the twentieth century (the Dutch version
of the civilizing mission of the European colonial powers).58 He criticized the modern
colonial style of the 1920s and 1930s, which he simply described as playing tennis and
going to swimming pools. Van Stein Callenfels himself was a hard worker and famous
for drinking many bottles of beer, smoking heavily and talking loudly when attend-
ing parties at the colonial club. It was this kind of behaviour in public that resulted in
his nickname “Ivan the Terrible”. But this attitude did not make him any less popular
among colonials in the Dutch-Indies: on the contrary, Van Stein Callenfels became what
might be described as a colonial cult figure. Paradoxically, his anti-modern lifestyle, at
the same time, created less distance between himself and the Javanese.59 Apparently, at
least according to Swanenburg, he was a popular figure among the Javanese people, who,
given his weight of 150 kilos and his height of 1.92 meters, perceived him as being an
incarnation of the wayang figure of Koembakarna (a giant with a massive appetite and
a good character) from the Ramayana epic.60
As mentioned earlier in this text, in his autobiography Van Heekeren stresses his
friendship and contacts with his Indonesian colleagues who worked at the Archaeological
Service in the 1950s. At that time, a few of them were being educated with the ultimate
aim of taking over this service from the Dutch.61 The description of his first return trip
to Indonesia in 1968 tells us how complex these relations had become. Although his
main aim was to prepare the new edition of his The Stone Age of Indonesia (first published
in 195762 ), he was also interested in the development of post-colonial Indonesian soci-
ety. He witnessed, for example, the effects of the anti-communist violence of 1965 and
embarrassed his hosts by asking questions about these events.63 Van Heekeren, however,
does not reflect on the colonial nature of his work in the colonial past. It is quite clear
56 Swanenburg 1951, 83 and 250. 60 Swanenburg 1951, 43.

57 Swanenburg 1951, 150. 61 Van Heekeren 1969, 178–179; cf. Bloembergen and
58 Swanenburg 1951, 83. For Ethical Politics, see: Eickhoff 2011, 421 and 425–426.
Locher-Scholten 1981; Bloembergen and Raben 62 Van Heekeren 1957.
2009. 63 Van Heekeren 1957, 185 and 192.
59 Compare with Drieënhuizen 2012, 316.
146
that Van Heekeren enjoyed a warm welcome from his former colleagues, like R.P. Soe-
jono, one of the prominent first generation, post-independence prehistorians of Indone-
sia. But it is also obvious that feelings of friendship helped to hide the inconveniences
caused by the new post-colonial role-reversals and interdependencies. Still, he saw his
own return primarily as moral support for Indonesia. The colonial bias that had once
made him self-evidently ‘the teacher’ and Indonesians people unable to cope on their
own obviously still permeated Van Heekeren’s worldview.
From the early nineteenth century onwards, archaeological sites in the Dutch East
Indies were visited for various reasons by travellers, including indigenous people, from
the colony and from abroad.64 In addition to, in some cases, merely living close to the
sites, indigenous people were also able to fulfil diverse roles or positions in the exca-
vations which took place during the colonial period, serving for instance as foremen,
workmen or informants. In Van Stein Callenfels’ book we find, for example, some refer-
ences to a foreman called Moenaf, who is praised for his devotion to his excavation work
(Fig. 3).65 Whereas the workmen remain unmentioned (although they do sometimes ap-
pear in illustrations), local people living close to the site do play a role in the book. We
learn that they sometimes reburied archaeological findings because they feared “soesah”
(problems).66 They play an indirect role as well, as Van Stein Callenfels’ wider knowl-
edge of Javanese culture enabled him to recognize figures from the wayang stories in
temple reliefs.67 Both Van Stein Callenfels and Van Heekeren do, however, sometimes
speak of the people as still living – or almost living – in the Stone Age.68 Nevertheless,
when Van Heekeren describes the culture of indigenous people he meets during his
many travels, he does not perceive their culture as static. On the contrary, he focuses on
the processes of modernization.69
When exploring what actually happened on location during an archaeological ex-
cavation, the archives of the Batavian Society offer some important research opportu-
nities.70 In the archive, we find additional information on “meneer Moenaf” (Mister
64 Bloembergen and Eickhoff 2013a; Bloembergen and clear. Some say they have disappeared. We are still
Eickhoff 2013b. searching, but we have so far been unable to trace
65 Swanenburg 1951, 224 and 229. them, partly because, what is known to be let of
66 Swanenburg 1951, 83. them (the glass negatives collection) is inaccessible.
67 Swanenburg 1951, 98–101. Interviews by Marieke Bloembergen with Ekowati
68 Swanenburg 1951, 143 and 188; Van Heekeren 1969, Sundari (head of the Archaeological Department
178–179. at the Museum Nasional, Jakarta 12-12-2012 and
69 Van Heekeren 1969, 99. 5-12-2010); with Junus Arbi and Saifal Majahid (De-
70 The whereabouts and state of the archives of the partment of Culture and Tourism – under which
Dutch Colonial Archaeological Service, split up the Archaeological Service resorted until 2012 –
and made inaccessible ater several movements and Jakarta, 2-2-2011), and with the senior archaeologist
reorganizations of the Indonesian Archaeological Mundardjito (Emeritus Professor at the University
Service in the 1950s, 1960s and early 1970s, are un- of Indonesia, Jakarta, 25-6-2012).
147
Fig. 3 Foreman, probably ‘Meneer’ Moenaf, at work.
Moenaf). In a letter from 1935, Van der Hoop recommends him to a plantation owner
who wanted to start excavation work ater discovering prehistoric flints:
I can send you Mister Moenaf of the Archaeological Service. He knows Van
Stein Callenfels’ research methods. Once you have told him where to excavate,
he can work independently and we can be confident that everything will go
fine.71
In 1932, Van Stein Callenfels even asked the Batavian Society not to fire Moenaf, al-
though the economic crisis made severe budget cuts unavoidable.72
From correspondence like this, we are able to ascertain that colonial archaeology
was, in fact, not a project executed by colonial scholars alone – it never had been. Of
course, there were barriers: the letters of Anna Jacoba Resink-Wilkens, a collector of Ja-
vanese antiquities based in Yogyakarta, teach us how Indonesian workman were, against
their will, excluded from archaeological knowledge by Van der Hoop, and how Van der
71 Van der Hoop to A. Dünnwald (Mojokerto), is. Wanneer u hem aangeet, waar er gegraven moet
10-1-1935. KBG DIR No. 1059, ANRI, Jakarta. – worden, kan hij verder zelfstandig werken en wij
Translation by the authors. Originally: “U kunt de hebben de zekerheid dat het goed gaat.”
beschikking krijgen over den Heer Moenaf van den 72 Van Stein Callenfels to C.C.F.M, 28-6-1932. Le
Oudheidkundigen Dienst, die geheel door Dr. V. St Roux, KBG DIR No 1051, ANRI Jakarta.
C. gevolgde methode van ontgraving op de hoogte
148
Fig. 4 Unknown Indonesian,

probably a workman, at the
Gunung Kidul excavation.
Hoop discounted local sources, in this case the Javanese court chronicles (Babad ), kept in
the library of the sultan’s palace in Yogyakarta. The letters show us that Resink-Wilkens
tried to transgress these same ‘colonial’ barriers. In 1934, she wrote Van der Hoop a
slightly indignant letter:
One of the coolies who worked for you at the Goenoeng Kidoel excavation
visited me and asked me if I could explain to him and his fellow coolies what
the excavation had been about.73
Interestingly enough, in his later publication, Van der Hoop did include ‘local’ perspec-
tives on the stone box graves he had excavated. He mentions that the graves are still
there because local people are afraid to re-use the stones. One family who did so was
later stricken with physical and mental illness.74
73 Resink-Wilkens to Van der Hoop, 15-1-1934. KBG U bij de opgraving in Goenoeng Kidoel geholpen
DIR No. 1058, ANRI, Jakarta. – Translation by the heet, en die mij kwam vragen of ik hem en zijn
authors. Originally: “Ik deel u dit mede na een be- medehelpers kan inlichten wat de bedoeling was
zoek dat ik gehad heb van een van de koelies die
149
A year later, in a letter to Van der Hoop, Resink referred to a conversation with Sul-
tan Hamengkubuwono VIII from Yogyakarta regarding the same excavation. She reports
that the sultan has developed his own interpretation of the excavation site, on the basis
of one of the babad kept in the library of the palace, the Babad Giyanti. He relates the
excavation to a historical battle that took place in 1756, in which the principalities of
Surakarta and Yogyakarta and the Dutch East India Company (VOC) were involved, as
described in this babad.75 However, Van der Hoop is not convinced and, in his reply to
the letter, he recounts that he has already discussed this topic with the sultan. He con-
tinues in a denigrating manner: “His Highness has the tendency to connect everything
with ‘saja poenja boekoe geschiedenis”’ – ‘I own history books’.76
These incidents clearly indicate that colonial archaeological knowledge was not
solely confined to the ambit of a colonial regime of truth and power, as the coolies
developed an interest in it during excavation works and later even tried to renegotiate
their subordinate position as workers. Moreover, the knowledge was partly incorporated
into – and maybe even contested by – the coexisting knowledge systems of the Javanese
elite.
3 Colonial archaeological ‘legacies’ in contemporary Indonesia?
This section is dedicated to the question to what extent the traditional hero narratives
shape the Indonesian understanding of the prehistoric past as it is practiced today in
important academic and heritage institutions in Indonesia. We try to answer it on the
basis of some observations we made during our research trips to Indonesia in 2010 and
2011 and by referring to the discussions we had during those trips with Indonesian
colleagues. We will, furthermore, base our conclusions on a comparison of catalogues
of the prehistoric collection – now kept in the Museum Nasional in Jakarta – dating from
colonial and post-colonial times.
The Museum Nasional, which houses important and famous archaeological and
ethnographical collections from Indonesia, is generally seen as an important tool for
nation building.77 In this museum, there is a special prehistoric section that was no-
tably once the responsibility of Van Stein Callenfels, Van Heekeren and Van der Hoop,
van die ontgraving”. For Resink-Wilkens, cf. Drieën- 76 Van der Hoop to Resink, KBG DIR No. 1060,
huizen 2012, 227–291 and 314–319. ANRI, Jakarta. – Translation by the authors. Orig-
74 For the excavation, cf. Van der Hoop 1935, 85 and inally: “Z.H. heet altijd de neiging de dingen
90. in relatie te brengen met ‘saja poenja boekoe
75 Resink to Van der Hoop, 9-4-1935. KBG DIR No. geschiedenis’”.
1060, ANRI, Jakarta. 77 Anderson 1991, 178–185; McGregor 2004, 26.
150
although the collection itself, as such, began to be assembled in the mid-nineteenth cen-
tury.78 The museum is older still. It goes back to the foundation in 1778 of the Batavian
Society of Arts and Sciences. In 1779, this society started to collect objects donated by
the society’s members, and to put them on public display. The history of the society is
strongly connected to the history of the Dutch empire and colonial and post-colonial
Indonesia. During the British Interregnum (1811–1814), the Lieutenant-Governor of
Java, Thomas Stamford B. Raffles, was, for example, appointed president of the Society.
It then witnessed a “reanimation”, as one of Raffles’ biographers would later write.79 In
the course of the nineteenth century, the society continued to collect archaeological,
ethnographical and anthropological objects and it was able to show acquisitions from
those regions of the archipelago which had newly been brought under Dutch colonial
rule, oten by the use of violence. As a result, the collections grew considerably. The mu-
seum also acquired objects relating to prehistory from Europe and the Netherlands. In
1868 a new building at the Koningsplein (Royal Square) was inaugurated; it remains in
use to this very day.80 The museum gained a new role in the context of the ethical poli-
cies of the first decades of the twentieth century. As a result, the ideal of guarding and
preserving local traditions – that were defined, collected and displayed in an essentialist
way by the museum curators – became more and more important to the museum.81
During the Japanese occupation of the Dutch East Indies from 1942 to 1945, the
Dutch staff of the museum were interned. In the period of Indonesian revolution
and colonial warfare that followed the Japanese capitulation on 15 August 1945, the
archipelago came to consist of areas occupied by the Indonesian Republic and areas
that were still under Dutch colonial rule. First the museum was in Indonesian hands and
then it passed into Dutch hands again. Ater the Dutch recognized Indonesian indepen-
dence in December 1949, the museum officially became Indonesian, with a staff con-
sisting mainly of Indonesians. The Batavian Society was renamed Lembaga Kebudayaan
Indonesia (the Indonesian Culture Council) in 1950. In 1962, it was transferred to the In-
donesian government, ater which the museum became known as Museum Pusat (Central
Museum). In 1979, it was officially renamed Museum Nasional.82 In 2007, the museum
was enlarged considerably when a new wing was opened, consisting of spacious exhibi-
tion rooms and new offices; the façade of this new building is a precise copy of the 1868
building.83
In the displays of the museum – which we studied in 2010 and 2011 – the history of
the museum itself is hardly touched upon. In the new building, some information plates
78 For an early account of the history of this specific 81 McGregor 2004, 25.
collection, cf. Van der Hoop 1941, XI-XIV. 82 McGregor 2004; http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Na-
79 Boulger 1897, 177. For the “reanimation” cf. Groot tional_Museum_of_Indonesia (visited on
2009. 07/07/2015).
80 Groot 2009. 83 Sitowati and Miksic 2006, 37–72 and 287–289.
151
mention that parts of the collection were acquired in colonial times during military
campaigns, and there is a bust of Raffles in the colonial furniture department of the
old building.84 There are also portraits on display of Eugène Dubois, the discoverer of
so-called Java Man, and of E.W. van Orsoy de Flines, the museum curator who donated
his collection of Chinese porcelain to the museum in 1932.85 The history of collecting
is not a topic touched upon in the prehistoric section at all, whereas in the catalogue
Icons of Art from 2006 this history is referred to only briefly. The information plates for
the prehistoric displays do not mention that it was Van Stein Callenfels who donated
his private collection of prehistoric flints to the museum in 1933; they also refrain from
mentioning that he, in the capacity of curator, put together the first display in the same
year.86 However, behind the scenes, the legacy of Van Stein Callenfels was kept alive for
a long time. A portrait of him, painted by the curator Dadang Undensja in 1971 from a
photograph, used to furnish the old museum office. In the portrait, Van Stein Callenfels
is praised as “Perintis penggalian arkeologi secara sistematis di Indonesia”, ‘the pioneer
of systematic archaeological excavations in Indonesia’. The painting was removed when
the office was converted into an exhibition room. When the staff recently moved to
offices in the new wing, the painting did not become part of the new interior and was
put into storage.87 For Van Heekeren, the situation is different. The information plates
on the classification of bronze axes do refer to his (post-colonial) archaeological work;
the plates also mention that the classification was eventually “accomplished by R. P.
Soejono”.88
Part of the display seems to follow the original arrangements, as employed by Van
Stein Callenfels and his successor, Van der Hoop, exactly; in the showcase on the Neo-
lithic period, a prehistoric kapak longlon – oval (or round) stone axe – is put next to
a comparable axe from contemporary Papua. The information plate explains that “the
tool is still in use in the hinterland of Papua.”89 Analogous to this, in 1938, Van der Hoop
spoke of a “Papoea-neolithicum”, that only ended when the Europeans arrived and in-
troduced the use of iron. The stone axes were, according to Van der Hoop, still in use,
although iron axes had gained in popularity.90 At first sight, the contemporary display
in the Museum Nasional seems to be an example and continuation of a colonial practice
described by Ian J. McNiven and Lynette Russel; they observed how indigenous people
84 Sitowati and Miksic 2006, 51. This bust (a copy of 85 Sitowati and Miksic 2006, 60.
the original kept at the Royal Asiatic Society in Lon- 86 Sitowati and Miksic 2006, 61; Van der Hoop 1941,
don) was a git of the Malayan branch of the Royal XI.
Asiatic Society on the occasion of the 150th an- 87 Interview with Ibu Ekowati, by Marieke Bloember-
niversary of the Batavian Society in 1929 and meant gen, 15th December 2010, Jakarta.
to emphasize Dutch-English friendship. See: “De 88 Van Heekeren 1958.
Raffles Herdenking”, De Indische Courant, 24-12-1929; 89 Compare with Van Stein Callenfels 1934; Van der
“De buste van Raffles naar het museum”, Het nieuws Hoop 1948, 18–19; Van der Hoop 1941, 166–167.
van den dag voor Nederlandsch-Indië, 10-12-1929. 90 Van der Hoop 1938.
152
had been turned into “living fossils” through the labelling of certain groups in society
as “primitive”, lacking history or development.91 Against this background, the question
is raised to what extent our observation confirms Katharine E. McGregor’s conclusion
about the Museum Nasional. She states that the Indonesians inherited it from the Dutch
and thereby perpetuated, even today, some parts of the colonial “agenda”, such as “a
discourse about primitiveness”, static representations of ethnicity and the connected hi-
erarchy of cultures.92
Interestingly, for the contemporary Indonesian members of the museum staff re-
sponsible for the display, the problem is non-existent, as the concept ‘primitive’ is not
viewed as being antithetical to modernity. During an interview, curator Ni Lu Putu
Chandra Dewi stresses that the display visualizes the prehistoric base of some contem-
porary social and cultural phenomena in Indonesia, such as, for example, the use of bark
cloths or the making of pottery:
Some aspects of prehistory are still alive in society. They are the “base” of reli-
gion, ancestral cult, and technology: stone and metal […]. They show the visitor
that objects similar to those that were made in prehistory are still in use. The
Papua society is a living tradition, in the sense that they include traditions in
the modern era.93
Following the Indonesian archaeologist Daud Tanudirjo, we can relate this stance to the
nationalist conviction that the indigenous Indonesian population in the (prehistoric)
past developed their own culture without any external influences. This is the so-called
“local genius proposition”, which Dutch and British archaeologists developed in colo-
nial times, but which the first generation of post-colonial Indonesian successors strate-
gically reformulated. Indonesian archaeologists were keen to demonstrate that indige-
nious prehistoric cultural traits were still dominant in the later Hindu-Buddhist and
Islamic cultures, thereby relativizing the dominant thesis of foreign (Indian) influences
being manifest in Indonesia’s Hindu-Buddhist past civilizations.94 It is a revealing ex-
ample of the phenomenon whereby the objects and displays in a post-colonial museum
can be interpreted and re-interpreted in many ways simultaneously.
91 They regard this as a “product of nineteenth-century 93 Interview with Ibu Ekowati, Ni Lu Putu Chandra
social evolutionism”, cf. McNiven and Russel 2005, Dewi and Dhyanti Soekarno, by Martijn Eickhoff,
51. In the contemporary Western world the concept February 4, 2011, Jakarta.
‘primitivism’ is, indeed, oten regarded as a perpet- 94 Ayatrohaedi 1986; Tanudirjo 1995, 71. For the ‘lo-
uation of the colonial discourse. Offering a differ- cal genius’ proposition that stressed the connec-
ent perspective, the anthropologist Nicolas Thomas tion between the prehistoric (megalithic) and later
pleads that it be regarded as “a historically situated Hindu-Javanese cultures in Indonesia cf. von Heine-
expression” which, on that account, can serve first Geldern 1945, 152–153. Still influential to the ‘In-
and foremost to make the limits of the colonial per- dianizing’ thesis is the work of George Coedès, cf.
spectives visible. Thomas 1994, 10 and 170–195. Coedès 1968.
92 McGregor 2004, 26.
153
According to the historian J.M. Mackenzie, who studied the “mutation” of colonial
museums into national museums, these multi-levelled appropriations also existed before
decolonization.95 In the archive of the Batavian Society we, indeed, find clues that sup-
port this observation. In 1935, for example, a Japanese prince and hundreds of Japanese
sailors visited the museum in Batavia.96 And a year later, a spokesman of the Islamic
Muhammadiyah organization, that year celebrating its 25th anniversary, announced a
visit to the museum by about 2000 of its members.97 We can only speculate about what
precisely the Japanese prince and sailors or the members of the Muhammadiyah orga-
nization were looking for in a museum that primarily honoured the Hindu-Javanese
past and the ethnic diversity of the Dutch East Indies. But, in the context of both the
rise of Japanese pan-Asianist thinking, and, at a local level, of nationalist consciousness
among Indonesians, this was a place where such visitors could and may have looked
for, respectively, a Greater Asian or an Indonesian spirit: thereby the visitors may have
‘externalized’ the colonial worldview that was undisputedly present in the museum, as
well.98
A comparison of the various catalogues of the prehistoric department of the Mu-
seum of the Batavian Society published in the years 1934–1955 and written by the three
prehistorians who take center stage in this paper might give us some clues as to how the
museum decolonized in the early post-colonial era. How were colonial legacies, with
regard to the prehistoric collections, defined and dealt with? The first catalogue on pre-
history (in Dutch) appeared in 1934 and was written by Van Stein Callenfels;99 revised
editions of this catalogue by Van der Hoop appeared in 1939 and 1948; an Indonesian
language edition appeared in 1941. It was not until1955, six years ater the Dutch let In-
donesia, that another catalogue of the museum’s prehistoric objects was produced. Van
Heekeren wrote this catalogue, entitled “Prehistoric life in Indonesia”, in English.100
In the first catalogue the traditionally western-based narrative on prehistoric man
is given a clear colonial basis. Ater an introduction on prehistory in general, the first
chapter of the catalogue is called “The Palaeolithicum outside East Asia”; considering the
fact that this chapter actually starts with a description of Palaeolithic cultures in France,
it could just as well have been called “The Palaeolithicum in Europe”. But writing “out-
side East Asia” when dealing with prehistoric objects from Europe – including Dutch
ones – can be regarded as a way of connecting the western narrative about prehistoric
man to a colony-centred point of view. Mackenzie recently wrote of this phenomenon:
95 Mackenzie 2009, 265–277. 1066.

96 Van der Hoop to Van Stein Callenfels, 3-4-1935. 98 Recent studies on Japanese pan-Asianism include:
KBG DIR No. 1016, ANRI, Jakarta. Cf. “Het Japan- Aydin 2007; Duara 2010; Mark 2006; Katzen-
sche Eskader”, Soerabaijasch Handelsblad, 3-4-1935. stein and Shiraishi 1997; Saaler 2002; Saaler and
97 President of the ‘Comite van Ontvangst Congres Koschmann 2007.
Moehammadijah Ke 25’ to the executive committee 99 Van Stein Callenfels 1934.
of the Museum in Batavia, 7-7-1936. KBG DIR No. 100 Van Heekeren 1955, 6.
154
“Museums in imperial territories represented the western view on the world, but were
inevitably differently focused from those in Europe.”101 In catalogues published in sub-
sequent years, this colony-centred Western perspective is maintained. However, in 1955,
six years ater the Dutch let Indonesia, when a catalogue of prehistoric objects was once
again produced, a clear change of outlook is presented. It leads to, first, a decolonization
and, then, a nationalization of the prehistoric past.102 Ater a chapter on prehistory in
general, there are four chapters on “Prehistoric Indonesia”. The author, Van Heekeren,
explains in his introduction that he removed all European (including Dutch) objects
from the display in the museum. There was no “space” available – and they were “really
out of place” there, or so he states. The world in which people who had a base in colo-
nial society could feel connected to Europe or the Netherlands in the Museum of the
Batavian Society – via prehistoric objects – had vanished.
From this we are able to deduce that, in the context of decolonization, the archaeo-
logical knowledge itself was considered neutral, whereas the focus – the connection with
Europe and the Dutch “motherland” – had to change. Another example is the miniature
version of Van der Hoop’s Fokker F-VII airplane which, in colonial times, hung above
a huge three-dimensional map of the Dutch East Indies in the Batavian Museum. Back
then, it represented a Dutch colonial-hegemonic bird’s-eye view of the colony. Nowa-
days, this model is part of the display on the history of transport – Van der Hoop’s name
and his famous flight in 1924 are mentioned on the information plate, but the object it-
self primarily illustrates just one of many possible ways that personnel and commodities
once traveled through Indonesia.
What happened – against this background – to the image of the colonial archae-
ologists, who embodied the colonial connections par excellence? Did the herostories
continue to function as authoritative prescriptions for understanding and dealing with
Indonesian prehistory? When looking at present-day academic and heritage institutions,
many “traces” of colonial archaeologists can be found. Nurhadi Rangkuti, director of
the Balai Arkeologi Palembang (the archaeological research center of Palembang), says,
for example, during a 2010 interview, with regard to Van der Hoop and his dissertation
(of 1932) on the megaliths in the Pasemah-area of Sumatra:103
He is our important reference. He documented, using photographs, and gave

clear descriptions. Since Van der Hoop, there has not been a publication to
match the one he produced. When he photographed sites, the features are clear.
It is good documentation, taken from many angles. […] For us,Pasemah and
Van der Hoop are one. If we talk of Pasemah, our minds think of Van der Hoop.
101 Van der Hoop 1948; cf. Mackenzie 2009, 5. 103 Van der Hoop 1932.
102 Van Heekeren 1955, 6.
155
He is the pioneer; it is comprehensive.104
Leading Indonesian archaeologists from the Universitas Gadja Mada (UGM) in Yo-
gyakarta, which was founded in 1949, likewise regard the colonial archaeologists as their
“founding fathers”.105 The relationship between the individual archaeologist and them
is oten defined in terms of family relations. In an interview in 2010, Inayati Adrisijanti
M. Romli, who started her archaeology studies at UGM in 1963, explains:
I have been educated by generation number one. Their teachers were the Dutch.
I knew Bernet Kempers and Van Heekeren. Mr. van Heekeren wanted the first
generation to call him “oom” (uncle). To me, Van Heekeren said: “You can call
me ‘opa’ (grandfather)”. Ater 1965, when I was writing my “scriptie” (thesis),
I met “opa Bob” in Jakarta. Later he visited Yogya. Yeah, it felt like family. He
was the teacher of my teacher.106
Timbul Haryono, who started his studies at the UGM in 1964, explains in 2011 that he
belonged to “the second Indonesian generation”:
Archaeology in Indonesia was “Nederland” orientated. Later it became more di-

rected towards Australia and the US. The Dutch created an awareness amongst
the people that enabled them to study archaeology. Our first knowledge of the
temples was given to us by the Dutch.107
Following this line of reasoning, R. P. Soejono, who worked at the Universitas Indonesia
in Jakarta and at the Pusat Penelitian dan Pengembangan Arkeologi Nasional (Arkenas, the
National Archaeological Research Institute)108 , states during an interview in 2010:
They [the Dutch colonial archaeologists, M. B. and M. E.] knew that Indonesia
had a great past. We continued on that track.109
104 Interview with Nurhadi Rangkuti by Martijn Eick- was the pioneer of academic research and the father
hoff, March 22, 2010, Palembang. of archaeological work in Indonesia). Cf. Soekmono
105 Discussion ater the authors’ presentation of the pa- 1994, 274.
per “The colonial archaeologist” during the confer- 107 Interview with Pak Timbul, by Marieke Bloem-
ence “Sites, Bodies, Stories” at the UGM Yogyakarta, bergen and Martijn Eickhoff, 21th January 2011,
August 8, 2009. Yogyakarta.
106 Interview with Inayati Adrisijanti M. Romli, by 108 The Arkenas arose from the division, in 1975, of the
Marieke Bloembergen and Martijn Eickhoff, 22th former Dinas Purbakala into two distinct institutes,
January 2010, Yogyakarta. For a clear example of one focusing on research (Arkenas), the other on
this perspective, see the obituary of Bernet Kempers, preservation politics. Cf. De Groot 2009, 6.
written by Soekmono. According to Soekmono, 109 “Ze [de koloniale archeologen, M. B. and M. E.] wis-
Bernet Kempers was “de pionier van de universi- ten dat Indonesië een groot land was geweest. We
tairestudie van de Indonesische archeologie en de gaan dat voortzetten.” Interview with R.P. Soejono
vader van het archeologisch werk in Indonesië” (he by Martijn Eickhoff, 25 February 2010, Jakarta.
156
Moreover, the Indonesian archaeologists that took over the archaeological work from
the Dutch, were, as in colonial times, public figures. But, as is illustrated by the bio-
graphical sketches in Soejono’s Festschrit from 2006,110 or by the Indonesian Wikipedia
page on Soekmono, who is considered to be the Indonesian founder of Indonesian ar-
chaeology, instead of stressing the adventurous aspects of archaeological work, as the
colonial archaeological heroes used to do, emphasis is now placed on professional aca-
demic background – including a national research infrastructure and an international
research network.111 When contemporary Indonesian archaeologists refer explicitly to
the colonial archaeologist, it is their academic output they honour and not their colo-
nial, adventurous lifestyle. The colonial archaeologists might have been founding fa-
thers, but the real professionalizing of the prehistoric archaeology of Indonesia has only
taken place in the post-colonial era, thanks to the support of the benevolent Indonesian
state, so seems to be the hidden message.
4 Concluding remarks: Post-colonial Indonesia and the ‘gift’ of

the colonial archaeologists
If we analyze the (auto)biographical narratives selected for this paper to uncover the
way colonial archaeologists ‘discovered’ the prehistoric past of the Dutch East Indies,
we can certainly gain some insight into the multiple cultural and social ramifications of
prehistoric research in colonial times. Together with publications and archival sources,
these narratives are able to reveal that the creation of knowledge of the prehistoric past
entailed indigenous contributions. However, the processes for gaining access to and au-
thority within this field, and for obtaining credit for this knowledge were still shaped
by colonial circumstances. As a result, the general public, who were familiar with the
archaeological hero stories, considered the colonial archaeologists themselves to have
discovered the early prehistoric past of the Dutch East Indies, almost like lone travellers.
The hero stories of the three men – taken together – made sure that the discovery of the
prehistoric past became a Dutch success story in which Dutchmen had taken the lead.
Yet, archaeology not only reproduced colonial hierarchies, but was also part of al-
ternative, potentially overlapping ‘worlds of identification’ and knowledge systems. As
the diverse visitors to the museum of the Batavian Society or the letters of Resink to Van
der Hoop show, the status of the archaeologist, archaeological knowledge and archaeo-
logical displays was, as a result, appropriated and questioned from diverse perspectives.
Colonial archaeologists could, for that reason, hardly escape the cultural dynamics that
110 See for example: Simanjuntak 2006. 07/07/2015).

111 http://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Soekmono (visited on
157
surrounded and complicated their work; in a colonial context, archaeologists were any-
thing but lone travellers.
Ater decolonization, when Indonesia became a ‘national reality’, Indonesian ar-
chaeologists were able to visualize the (pre)historical roots of the new state with the
help of materials and documentation collected by scholars – and the networks in which
they were embedded – in colonial times. The colonial archaeologists involved were hon-
oured for that ‘git’ and appropriated by Indonesian archaeologists as family members,
while their colonial and sometimes even racist worldview was regarded as irrelevant and-
glossed over. In the context of decolonization, archaeological knowledge dating from
colonial times was considered neutral, whereas the focus – the connection with the
Dutch motherland – changed. Moreover, the Indonesian archaeologists that took over
the archaeological work from the Dutch were, as in colonial times, public figures; but
instead of stressing the adventurous aspects of their work, they now emphasized their
state-supported professional academic background.
Against the background of this process, and in reaction to what Susan Legêne and
Henk Schulte Nordholt have coined ‘colonial determinism’, which is visible in many
postcolonial approaches to the study of knowledge and power, we advocate in this paper
a different approach towards colonial legacies in present day post-colonial archaeologi-
cal knowledge. It strikes us as more rewarding to analyze the practices of excavation and
the formal, scholarly and alternative forms of knowledge production in which the work
of the colonial archaeological heroes was embedded, and to consider the later transfor-
mations of the status and meaning of these archaeologists and their academic work as a
process of appropriation, in which the Dutch empire was scored off by the greatness of
the Indonesian past.112 Contemporary post-colonial Indonesian archaeology may still
be state-centered and in that role it may, as the example of the axe from Papua shows,
still overrule the diverse ways meanings and identities are attributed and negotiated on a
local level.113 But we hope to have shown that too exclusive a focus on colonial legacies
impedes a balanced understanding of the successful efforts of the first – post-colonial –
generations of Indonesian archaeologists to decolonize.
112 Cf. Soejono 1997. 113 Cf. Marwoto-Johan 2012; Moore 2003, 13–14.
158
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Neil A. Silberman. “Promised Lands and Chosen
werken van Dr. P.V. van Stein Callenfels. Maastricht:
Peoples: the Politics and Poetics of Archaeological
Leiter Nypels, 1951.
Narrative”. In Nationalism, Politics and the Practice
of Archaeology. Ed. by P.L. Kohl and C.P. Fawcett.
Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University
Press, 1996, 249–262.
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Tanudirjo 1995 Van der Hoop 1938

Daud A. Tanudirjo. “Theoretical Trends in Indone- A.N.J. Th. à Th. (Abraham Nicolaas Jan
sian Archaeology”. In Theory in Archaeology: a World Thomassen à Thuessink) Van der Hoop. “De Prae-
Perspective. Ed. by P.J. Ucko. London: Routledge, historie”. In Geschiedenis van Nederlandsch Indië. Ed.
1995, 61–75. by F.W. Stapel. Vol. 1. Amsterdam: N. v. uitgevers-
maatschappij “Joost van den Vondel”, 1938, 9–111.
Thomas 1994
Nicholas Thomas. Colonialism’s Culture. Anthropol- Van der Hoop 1941
ogy, Travel and Government. Princeton: University A.N.J. Th. à Th. (Abraham Nicolaas Jan
Press, 1994. Thomassen à Thuessink) Van der Hoop. Catal-
gus der Praehistorische Verzameling. Bandoeng: A. C.
Trigger 1984
Nix, 1941.
Bruce G. Trigger. “Alternative Archaeologies:
Nationalist, Colonialist, Imperialist”. Man. The Van der Hoop 1948
Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 19.3 A.N.J. Th. à Th. (Abraham Nicolaas Jan
(1984), 355–370. Thomassen à Thuessink) Van der Hoop. Korte Gids
voor de Praehistorische Verzameling van het Koninklijk
Trigger 1989
Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschap-
Bruce G. Trigger. A History of Archaeological Thought.
pen door P.V. van Stein Callenfels. 3rd ed. Bandoeng:
Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University
A.C. Nix & Co, 1948.
Press, 1989.
Van Heekeren 1955
Trümpler 2008a
Hendrik Robert Van Heekeren. Prehistoric Life in
Charlotte Trümpler, ed. Das Grosse Spiel. Archäologie
Indonesia: A Short Guide to the Prehistoric Collection of
und Politik zur Zeit des Kolonialismus (1860–1940).
the Lemgaba Kebudajaan Indonesia. Djakarta: Batavi-
Köln: DuMont, 2008.
aasch Genootschap and Kunsten en Wetenschap-
Trümpler 2008b pen, 1955.
Charlotte Trümpler. “Die moabitischen Fälschun-
gen”. In Das Grosse Spiel. Archäologie und Politik zur Van Heekeren 1957
Zeit des Kolonialismus (1860--1940). Ed. by C. Trüm- Hendrik Robert Van Heekeren. The Stone Age of
pler. Köln: DuMont, 2008, 105–113. Indonesia. Verhandelingen van het KITLV 21. Den
Haag: Nijhoff, 1957.
Van der Hoop 1925
A.N.J. Th. à Th. (Abraham Nicolaas Jan Van Heekeren 1958
Thomassen à Thuessink) Van der Hoop. Door de Hendrik Robert Van Heekeren. The Bronze-Iron Age
lucht naar Indië. Amsterdam: Scheltens & Giltay, of Indonesia. Verhandelingen van het KITLV 22.
1925. Den Haag: Nijhoff, 1958.
Van der Hoop 1932 Van Heekeren 1969

A.N.J. Th. à Th. (Abraham Nicolaas Jan Hendrik Robert Van Heekeren. De onderste steen
Thomassen à Thuessink) Van der Hoop. Megalithic boven. Belevenissen van een globetrotter. Assen: Van
Remains in South-Sumatra. Zutphen: W. J. Thieme, Gorcum, 1969.
1932. Van Stein Callenfels 1925
Van der Hoop 1935 Pieter Vincent van Stein Callenfels. De Sundamala
A.N.J. Th. à Th. (Abraham Nicolaas Jan in de Hindu-Javaansche kunst. PhD thesis. Leiden:
Thomassen à Thuessink) Van der Hoop. Universität Leiden, 1925. unpublish.
“Steenkistgraven in Goenoeng Kidoel”. Tijd- Van Stein Callenfels 1934
schrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 75.2 Pieter Vincent van Stein Callenfels. Korte Gids
(1935), 83–100. voor de Praehistorische Verzameling van het Koninklijk
Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschap-
pen. C. A. Nix, 1934.
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Yamin 1953
Muhammad Yamin. 6000 Tahun Sang Merah-Putih.
Jakarta: Siguntang, 1953.
1 Swanenburg 1951, 112. 2 Van Heekeren 1969, der Hoop 1935, 9.

book cover. 3 Swanenburg 1951, 241. 4 Van
MARIEKE BLOEMBERGEN
is a cultural historian, specialized in colonial and Dr. Marieke Bloembergen

post-colonial history, in particular of Indonesia. Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en
Her research interests include the political dynam- Volkenkunde
ics of knowledge production in (post-)colonial Reuvensplaats 2
Indonesia, in a widening, inter-Asian and global 2311 BE Leiden, The Netherlands
context. She works as senior researcher at the E-Mail: bloembergen@kitlv.nl
Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and
Caribbean Studies in Leiden (KITLV).
MARTIJN EICKHOFF
is a cultural historian who specializes in the histor- Dr. Martijn Eickhoff

ical culture of regime change and mass violence in NIOD – Institute for War,
Europe and Asia. His research interest includes the Holocaust and Genocide Studies
history of archaeology and heritage formation in to- Herengracht 380
talitarian and colonial settings. He works as senior 1016 CJ Amsterdam, The Netherlands
researcher at NIOD – Institute for War, Holocaust E-Mail: m.eickhoff@niod.knaw.nl
and Genocide Studies in Amsterdam.
164
Felix Wiedemann
Stones and Stories. On the Use of Narratological

Approaches for Writing the History of Archaeology
Summary
The last decades have seen considerable debate among theorists and historiographers about
the extent to which historians resort to literary modes of representation and how far histor-
ical accounts owe their persuasiveness and explanatory power to narrative structures. As a
result, the investigation of historical accounts using methods drawn from literary studies has
become a highly diversified and rather confusing field. There is, of course, no reason to be-
lieve that the tendency to resort to particular narrative patterns has played an less important
a role in the field of archaeology. Nevertheless, it is only recently that scholars have begun
to apply narratological concepts in their investigations of the history of archaeology. A brief
look at archaeological representations of human migrations demonstrates the usefulness
of such approaches. Since these accounts usually cover long periods of time and encom-
pass several historical actors and spaces, archaeologists have made use of certain narrative
strategies in order to arrange their facts and to transform them into more or less coherent
stories.
Keywords: History of historiography; history of archaeology; narratology; migration narra-

tives.
Die Frage, inwieweit sich Historiker literarischer Techniken bedienen und ob die
Erklärungs- und Überzeugungskrat ihrer Darstellungen auf vorgegebenen narrativen
Strukturen basiert, ist von Geschichtstheoretikern und Historiographiehistorikern der letz-
ten Jahrzehnte viel diskutiert worden. Entsprechend hat sich die Untersuchung historio-
graphischer Werke mit literaturwissenschatlichen Methoden zu einem komplexen und zu-
nehmend verwirrenden Feld entwickelt. Es gibt freilich keinen Grund zu glauben, narrative
Strukturen seien in der Archäologie von geringerer Bedeutung. Trotzdem sind narratolo-
gische Überlegungen erst in den letzten Jahren auch auf die Geschichte der Archäologie
angewendet worden. Der Nutzen dieser Ansätze lässt sich besonders gut am Beispiel archäo-
logischer Wanderungserzählungen aufzeigen. Weil diese Darstellungen in der Regel weite
Zeiträume abdecken und verschiedene historische Akteure und Räume zusammenfassen,
165
felix wiedemann
greifen Archäologen auf spezifische Erzählstrategien zurück, um ihre Fakten zu sortieren

und in mehr oder weniger kohärente Geschichten zu transformieren.
Keywords: Historiographiegeschichte; Archäologiegeschichte; Narratologie; Wanderungs-

narrative.
The article discusses initial considerations on migration narratives which I was able to
formulate during research fellowships at the Excellence Cluster Topoi (CSG-V) in 2010
and 2011. Since 2014 further research on the subject was made possible by the Deutsche
Forschungsgemeinschat (project WI 4102/2-1 „Wanderungsnarrative in den Wissenschaten
vom Alten Orient. 1870–1930“ at the Institut für Altorientalistik, Freie Universität Berlin).
Hugo Winckler, the excavator of the Hittite Capital Hattusa,1 wrote prolifically on the
history of the ancient Near East at the turn of the twentieth century. Most of his arti-
cles and essays were written in an explicitly gemeinverständlich (popular) style and were
obviously aimed at a readership among the so-called educated public, beyond academic
circles. Although Winckler’s controversial ideas would ensure that he remained an out-
sider in the scholarly world, some of his concepts turned out to be very influential for
the study of antiquity.2 Most important in this regard was his general theory on mi-
grations in the ancient world, or rather, throughout human history. Starting from the
assumption that the cradle of early civilization – ancient Mesopotamia – had been peri-
odically devastated by nomadic peoples, Winckler came up with the following general
conclusion:
Die Geschichte des Altertums bis auf den Beginn des sogenannten Mittelal-
ters zeigt ein unauhörliches Autauchen nomadischer, unzivilisierter Stämme,
welche in die Kulturländer eindringen – oder auch selbst eine Kultur entwick-
eln – um damit zu ansässigen Kulturvölkern zu werden und ihr Geschick im
mehr oder ot auch bis jetzt weniger hellen Lichte der Geschichte zu erfüllen.
Der Übergang zur Seßhatigkeit ist mit einem Wechsel der Lebensbedingungen
verbunden, der sich um so schneller vollzieht, wenn die Eroberer sich in das
warme Nest einer schon entwickelten Kultur hineinsetzen, der aber in jedem
Falle eintritt, auch wenn der langsamere Vorgang der Erarbeitung einer Kultur
vorliegt.3
In essays written in flowery and metaphorical language like that above, Winckler expa-
tiated on the way that ‘uncivilized’ Semitic tribes of the Arabian Desert shaped them-
1 Alaura 2006. Marchand 2009, 236–244.

2 Renger 1979, 164-165; Carena 1989, 96–112; 3 Winckler 1903, 3.
166
stones and stories
selves into distinctive peoples (such as the Canaanites, the Amorites, the Aramaeans and
last but not least the Arabs) between 3000 BC and 1000 AD and “flooded”4 the region
of the “Fertile Crescent.”5 He explains that these former predators, if not parasites, ul-
timately settled down and themselves developed into civilized peoples (Kulturvölker).
Thus, Winckler’s condensed and dramatic account links together what are in fact very
different occurrences taken from different historical contexts and compresses them into
a more or less coherent narrative spanning over 4000 years of the region’s history. It is the
particular structure this narrative takes that is of greatest relevance for my purpose here:
Winckler’s narrative presents history as a circuit – describing the supposed never-ending
process of migration and acculturation, destruction and foundation of culture. Natu-
rally, his contemporaries would already have been quite familiar with circular narratives
(meaning narratives featuring the repetition of certain plot points), since migrations
had always played a vital role in traditional accounts of the ‘rise and fall’ of great em-
pires or civilizations. Thus, one can assume that Winckler’s approach owes its persuasive
power in no small degree to his use of a well-known narrative structure. As I mentioned
above, Winckler was never part of the academic establishment, and his writings – mostly
published in journals and periodicals of which he himself was the editor – were more
popular than academic in nature. Therefore, one could argue that his choice of type of
narrative would have had less of an impact on academic archaeology. However, things
are more complicated than that: Writing a historical narrative always requires the adop-
tion of some kind of narrative strategy, and there is no clear demarcation line between
popular and scientific writing.
In the following, ater briefly outlining the debate about narratological approaches
to the theory of history, I will discuss these approaches and how they can be applied
to the history of archaeology. I have chosen, for that purpose, to focus on two aspects,
selected with the two central aspects of the debate in mind – the relationship between
author and narrator and the role of certain narrative structures or plots.
To examine that first aspect, I will look at the self-representations of excavators as
protagonists in archaeological accounts of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
The central question here is how the results of archaeological research are represented and
rendered to the public in a particular era, and how these modes of representation changed
over time. I will then apply the concept of generic plot structures, developed by narra-
tological theorists, for archaeological accounts on human migrations in the nineteenth
and twentieth centuries and discuss the usefulness of this concept for the historiography
of archaeology.
4 Winckler 1905, 3. few years later by the archaeologist James Henry

5 The term “Fertile Crescent” itself was coined a Breasted (Breasted 1916, 100).
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1 Narratological approaches to the history of historiography
Discussion of literature and historiography’s similarities and differences is, of course,

anything but new, Aristotle being among those who have addressed the topic in the
past.6 Although reflections about the meaning of narratives in modern historiography
began to emerge with the American analytical philosophy of history in the 1960s,7
the current debate was clearly triggered and has been shaped by Hayden White’s fa-
mous Metahistory.8 Another important contribution from the perspective of philosoph-
ical hermeneutics was made in the 1980s by Paul Ricoeur in Temps et Récit 9 – to name the
other of the two most prominent approaches. Since then, the investigation of historical
accounts using the methods of literary studies has developed into a highly diversified
and rather confusing field.10 Nevertheless, the initial question was quite simple: to what
extent do historians resort to literary modes of representation, and how far do historical
explanations owe their persuasiveness and explanatory power to narrative structures?
In view of the fact that it is the historian’s task to arrange the occurrences or events
they are depicting in a certain temporal order, fill in gaps unmet by written and un-
written sources and, last but not least, transform all the information into a meaningful
story, it seems obvious historians must of necessity rely both on their own imagination
and on certain narrative strategies. The writing of history, then, is never just a matter of
reconstructing and interpreting facts; it always also involves an act of composition and
the combination of disparate elements, a transformation of contingency into coherency
that can be described with Paul Ricoeur’s famous definition of a plot as the “synthesis
of the heterogeneous.”11 Thus, narratological approaches to historiography focus less on
the epistemological question of how historical facts are generated by the historian than
on this arrangement of selected events into a sequential and hierarchic order, their eval-
uation and composition to create a certain plot. White coined the term emplotment for
this, meaning the imposition of a certain plot-structure upon a set of events and the re-
sulting transformation of simple chronicles into “stories of a particular kind.”12 Accord-
ingly, the explanatory power of historical accounts rests heavily upon the persuasiveness
and “followability”13 of certain repetitive plots which must be identifiable and regarded
as convincing and sufficient by the reader. The point here is that one could always ar-
range the events in a different order and thus relate the same occurrences in different
ways by using different “modes of emplotment.”14 Consequently, White regards histor-
ical narratives simply as “verbal fictions,”15 and explicitly blurs if not demolishes the
6 See the comments in his Poetics (§ 9). 11 Ricoeur 1984, 66.

7 Danto 1965. 12 White 1973, 7.
8 White 1973. 13 Ricoeur borrowed the term from W.B. Gallie 1964,
9 Time and Narrative, White1984–1988 22–51.
10 Scholz Williams 1989; Clark 2004, 86-105; Eckel 14 White 1973, 7.
2007. 15 White 1978, 82.
168
stones and stories
traditional boundary between historiography and literature: “Viewed simply as verbal

artifacts histories and novels are indistinguishable from one another.”16 Of course, asser-
tions like this have provoked a great deal of opposition – both from historians and from
narratologists. Critics have insisted what they see as a fundamental difference between
“fictional narratives” and “factual narratives,”17 and rightly pointed out that White com-
pletely ignores the problem of historical referentiality; others have simply accused him
of de-legitimizing historiography as a scientific practice. Furthermore, fierce controversy
emerged about the ethical consequences of what seemed to be White’s postmodern rel-
ativism in the early 1990s.18
Space constraints preclude a presentation of the whole debate surrounding Metahis-
tory here, but with respect to these general pitfalls Ricoeur’s more cautious observa-
tions about the relationship between literature and historiography seem to offer a more
promising approach. Ricoeur neither assigns history and literature to completely sepa-
rate spheres, nor ignores the differences between them. Instead, he focuses on areas of
overlaps between them and on the ways they have been adapted: the “interweaving of
history and fiction.”19
The strictly structuralist and a-historic character of White’s approach appears to be
its most problematic aspect: referring to Northrop Frye’s famous classification,20 White
identifies only four “modes of emplotment” – romance, tragedy, comedy and satire –
which, in the end, correspond with the four classical Aristotelian tropes21 and which he
presents as “archetypes.”22 Thus, he regards these variants as universal and immutable.
However, the empirical basis for this highly general assertion is very limited: White
draws on seminal nineteenth century works of historiography and philosophy of history
only, simply disregarding the differences between such texts and the historical writing
produced during the last century. Although he does try to take political context into
account, connecting the four modes of emplotment with specific “modes of ideological
implication,”23 his typology leaves the relationship between emplotment and ideolog-
ical implication unclear and inadequately defined. Just as the structuralist narratology
of the 1960s has been challenged and edged out by diachronic approaches that focus
on the historical and cultural dependency of narrative patterns and their variability,24
White’s critics have convincingly demonstrated the need to embed historical narratives
in their cultural, political and ideological contexts.25
16 White 1978, 122. 19 Ricoeur 1988, 180–193.

17 Genette 1990. 20 Frye 2000.
18 The discussion was focused on the representation of 21 White 1973, 29–31.
the holocaust (see the articles in Friedlander 1992). 22 White 1973, 9 and 38.
His most prominent critic was Carlo Ginzburg 23 White 1973, 22–29.
(Ginzburg 1992) who puts Whites ignorance of ref- 24 Nünning 1999; Nünning 2000; Erll and Roggendorf
erentiality and relativism close to the position of 2002; Fludernik 2003.
right-wing holocaust deniers. 25 Rüth 2005; Saupe 2009.
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felix wiedemann
However, White is not the only scholar to established a typology of historical narra-
tion. The most influential of the other typologies – in the German context – is certainly
that of Jörn Rüsen. Actually, Rüsen does not address the relationship between litera-
ture and historiography in general; instead he focuses on historische Sinnstitung through
narration, meaning the way that historians use different narratives to make sense of the
contingencies of history. He distinguishes four “functional types of historical narration”:
the traditional, the exemplary, the critical and what he calls the genetical narrative.26
However, since the connection between these types of narration and specific political
and cultural contexts is again highly unspecified, the problem of context and variability
remains the same. Even more problematic is the evolutionary, if not teleological, as some
critics have argued,27 character of Rüsen’s approach: he describes a “logical progression”
from one type to the next and leaves no doubt that the “genetical narrative” is the most
advanced and scientific approach.28
Of course, scholars of historiography have also borrowed many other concepts from
narratology, and from literary studies more generally. The most important in this con-
text is the differentiation between author and narrator. The question here is whether
or not this distinction can be applied to historiographical accounts. According to the
French narratologist Gérard Genette, for instance, this is precisely where the fundamen-
tal difference between “fictional narratives” and “factual narratives” lies: in historiog-
raphy, in contrast to fiction, he argues, author and narrator are identical, because the
historian has to assume full responsibility for his narrative. Thus, any claims and theses
put forth can be ascribed to the historian as an individual under the rules of scientific
historiography.29 However, others have countered this by pointing out that the fact of
authorial responsibility does automatically mean that an identifiable narrator is neces-
sarily absent from all historiographical accounts. One need only think of the common
use of the personal pronoun we in scientific texts: Usually, the we in question does not
refer to a group of authors but instead suggests the individual author’s affiliation with
an imagined scientific community.30 Moreover, history can be told from very different
perspectives and thus by different kinds of narrators.31 As a case in point, Axel Rüth,
26 Rüsen 2001; Rüsen 2005. I cannot go much into de- torical change by identifying the structural devel-
tail here. However, to put it in a nutshell, Rüsen’s opments and by presenting history as a dynamic
typology can be summarized as follows: The “tradi- process (see the table in Rüsen 2005, 12).
tional narrative” is focussed on founding myths and 27 Rieckhoff 2007, 20–21.
aims at the construction of identities; the “exem- 28 Rüsen 2005, 15. Furthermore, he clearly identifies
plary narrative” corresponds to the famous phrase the genetical type with the German approach of
of historia magistra vitae and thus bases upon the idea social history (Gesellschatsgeschichte) as most promi-
that the study of the past should serve as a lesson nently represented by his Bielefeld colleague Hans
to the future; the “critical narrative” is simply char- Ulrich Wehler.
acterized by the negation of established narratives; 29 Genette 1990, 763–770.
and, last but not least, the “genetical narrative” en- 30 de Certeau 1988, 63–64.
ables the historian to grasp the complexity of his- 31 Rüth 2005, 32–36; Bernbeck 2010, 240–42.
170
stones and stories
in his criticism of White’s a-historic approach, shows how the presence of the historian
as narrator has changed since the nineteenth century. Taking up a concept developed
by the film theorist Seymour Chatman,32 he distinguishes between the “covert narra-
tor” in traditional historical accounts and the more “overt narrator” which emerged in
the historiography of the twentieth century: whereas older accounts are for the most
part narrated by a hidden (‘covert’), omniscient, or at the very least “objective” narrator,
modern-day historians usually reflect on the limitations imposed by their own social or
cultural context, and thus could be considered to be “overt narrators.”33
2 Archaeologists as narrators
There is, of course, no reason to believe that the tendency to resort to particular narrative
patterns has been any less influential in the field of archaeology: like ‘ordinary’ histori-
ans, archaeologists have to arrange their facts in a certain sequence, fill in the gaps in
the archaeological and historical record, and, last but not least construct comprehen-
sive narratives in order to relate their results to existing interpretations, as well as to
render them to the public. To do so, they rely on the same narrative strategies that histo-
rians use. However, theorists and historians of archaeology have only recently begun to
apply narratological approaches to archaeological accounts. Both Manfred Eggert and
Ulrich Veit draw heavily upon Rüsen’s typology in their examinations of archaeologi-
cal narratives.34 Others have used White’s approach to deconstruct what they regard as
the “master narratives” in archaeology,35 or to propose new modes of interpretation and
representation.36 However, in order to avoid the pitfalls associated with White’s struc-
turalism and keeping in mind the developments and changes of archaeological writing,
the development of a more diachronic approach would appear necessary, one that can
help scholars to understand the transformation of archaeological narratives against the
backdrop of their political and cultural contexts.
Studies on the relationship between science and literature have clearly depicted the
interrelations between fictional and archaeological writing in the nineteenth century.
Christiane Zintzen37 and Kathrin Maurer38 , in particular, have shown how archaeo-
logical accounts of the nineteenth century were shaped by certain narrative patterns
borrowed from the realist novel. Furthermore, Zintzen identifies a fundamental inter-
relation between archaeology and modern literature, which she puts down to the way
32 Chatman 1978, 196–260. 36 Leskovar 2005.

33 Rüth 2005, 21. 37 Zintzen 1998.
34 Eggert 2002; Eggert 2006, 211–219; Veit 2006. 38 Maurer 2006.
35 Rieckhoff 2007.
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felix wiedemann
that archaeology, with its focus on fragments and the discontinuity of the finds, perfectly
reflects, the fragmentary character and the discontinuity of modern life and culture.39
Be that as it may, I would now like to focus on one particular aspect: the way ar-
chaeologists have presented themselves in their own narratives. Most interesting in this
regard are those parts of archaeological texts that are devoted to the circumstances and
process of particular excavations. In examining these, one should bear the most obvious
innovation of historical writing in the nineteenth century in mind: the introduction of
the doubled narrative.40 Whereas running text is reserved, for the most part, for the main
story, historiographical accounts usually contain an additional section that reports how
historians arrived at their conclusions. According to the new standards set for scientific
historiography, most notably by Leopold von Ranke, this “secondary story” – intended
more for colleagues than for the wider public – is usually hidden in footnotes.
The footnotes form a secondary story, which moves with, but differs sharply
from the primary one. In documenting the thought and research that under-
pin the narrative above them, footnotes prove that is a historically contingent
product, dependent on the forms of research, opportunities and states of par-
ticular questions that existed when the historian went to work.41
This implied a kind of imperative, according to which the historian should be more or
less absent from the main narrative; in other words, the covert narrator was the ideal
of classical historicism. Ranke himself expressed this demand very radically in a famous
phrase telling of his wish to erase his self in order to let the facts speak for themselves:
“Ich wünschte mein Selbst gleichsam auszulöschen und nur die Dinge reden, die mächtigen Kräte
erscheinen zu lassen […].”42 This is not the place to discuss this oten misinterpreted dic-
tum, to determine whether Ranke succeeded in fulfilling this aspiration in his own work
or whether it has never been more than just a pious dream of humble historians.
Whatever the case, false modesty is the last thing that one can impute to the ar-
chaeologists of the nineteenth century, and thus no comparable dictate was passed on
to that field. Generally, the section reporting how the excavator found and unearthed
material remains took a prominent position in archaeological writings, forming part of
the running text. Thus, in contrast to the historiography of the time, in archaeological
narratives these “secondary stories” included a personal appearance by the archaeolo-
gists themselves. In fact, large portions of the archaeological writings of the day were
devoted to the stresses and strains the excavators endured. Furthermore, the more for-
eign or even exotic the setting of the story (the location of the excavation) appeared, the
39 Zintzen 1998, 16. 41 Graton 1999, 23.

40 Rüth 2005, 45–47. 42 Ranke 1877 [1859], 103.
172
stones and stories
more the narrative’s focus concentrated on the figure of the excavator. Since archaeolog-
ical accounts of the time had a more-or-less autobiographical character, archaeologists
were neither “covert” nor “overt narrators”: they served as the actual protagonists of their
narratives. Looking at these accounts and their transformations in the late nineteenth
and early twentieth centuries, one can already distinguish the emergence of different
types or modes of representation, which later established themselves in public culture
as stereotypical key roles for the archaeologist. Cornelius Holtorf has identified four such
types of representation: the archaeologist as adventurer, the archaeologist as detective,
the archaeologist as the source of profound revelations and the archaeologist as someone
who takes care of ancient sites and finds.43
The presentation of the archaeologist as heroic adventurer is definitely the oldest
one of these. A good example for this is the famous report Nineveh and its Remains by
Austin Henry Layard.44 The subtitle of that work already signals it compendious and
heterogeneous character; it also indicates that the ancient Assyrians are only one of mul-
tiple subjects covered: With an Account of a Visit to the Chaldean Christians of Kurdistan, and
the Yezids or Devil-Worshippers; and an Enquiry into the Manners and Arts of the Ancient Assyri-
ans. Thus the entire first volume deals with Layard’s own experiences and adventures in
the contemporary Near East – his encounters with ‘wild peoples’, seedy characters and
strange customs. In other words, as one of his modern biographers has put it, Layard
presented himself as Indiana Jones avant la lettre.45 Upon its publication, Nineveh and
its Remains smoothly fitted into the tradition of travelogues and adventure stories, and
it was perceived precisely as such by contemporaries. Generally speaking, the adventure
novel was one of the common modes of representation in the scientific writing of the
time. The scholarly travelogue, in particular, constituted a special narrative type asso-
ciated with certain features. For the most part, these reports tend to reveal the heroic
and virile virtues of a male traveler, corresponding to those of the familiar figure of the
lonesome cowboy, who faces perils and hardships in an alien but fascinating environ-
ment. The Near East, with its extreme climatic and political conditions, seemed to offer
a particularly suitable setting for this kind of story.46 The travelers, who were mostly
British due to the power relationships of the time, enjoyed an enormous popularity in
their homeland and established a special “English romance with Arabia”.47 However, as
German-Ottoman ties grew stronger, more and more Germans and Austrians entered
the arena, including Max von Oppenheim and Alois Musil, who would later become
prominent excavators. Hence, to return to the comparison between historical and ar-
chaeological writings, in the latter, the structure of the doubled narrative seems to be
reversed: the public appeal of archaeological reports was based less on the, rather scanty,
43 Holtorf 2007a, 63–75. 46 Wiedemann 2009.

44 Layard 1849. 47 Tidrick 1981; also Ure 2003.
45 Larsen 1996, 52.
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felix wiedemann
depictions of ancient history than on the “secondary story,” which contained a suspense-
ful depiction of the journey that brought the archaeologists to the discovery of their
‘remains’.48 With their obvious references to the genre of travelogues, their focus on
excavations’ adventurous dimensions and their effective self-representations of archaeol-
ogists as scientific heroes, books like Nineveh and its Remains were typical products of the
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Other famous examples for this include, of
course, the writings of Heinrich Schliemann, who drew upon the same literary genres:
the contemporary adventure story and the travelogue.49 One still finds representations
of Layard, Schliemann and other pioneers of the discipline as adventurers or modern
heroes in more recent popular accounts of the history of archaeology. Kurt Wilhelm
Marek’s (alias C. W. Ceram) Götter, Gräber und Gelehrte50 is perhaps the best example,
with its revealing subtitle (in the original German edition) “a novel of archaeology”; but
there are also quite recent books that refer to this period as the “heroic age of archaeol-
ogy.”51 However, taking into account the specific historical context from which these re-
ports emerged appears to be a more productive approach than that offered by Holtorf,52
who views this narrative as manifestation of an “archetypical narrative structure.”53 The
context, in this case, is the age of European imperialism and colonialism. The relevance
of that context becomes clear with a look at the standardized narrative structure. Fo-
cused on the archaeologist, representing a male European hero, who is forced to prove
himself in a mostly non-European setting, these accounts can be regarded as a narrative
appropriation and exploitation of unknown spaces.
These accounts are also inextricably linked to the presentation of the archaeolo-
gist as a source of “profound revelations”54 about history and human nature in general,
which corresponds to the third type of representation in Holtorf’s classification. Far
from merely excavators of material remains, archaeologists of the nineteenth century
regarded themselves as rebels against a what they saw as a limited historical conscious-
ness. In contrast to traditional historians they were able to bring the past back to life.
A good example for this is the famous book “The resurgent Babylon” (Das wieder entste-
hende Babylon) by Robert Koldewey,55 who tried to resurrect the ancient Mesopotamian
metropolis by unearthing its ruins and ultimately rebuilding the city in a completely
new context: the Berlin Vorderasiatisches Museum. It is, however, essential to note that nei-
ther Layard, Schliemann nor Koldewey nor any of the other famous archaeologists of the
48 It is however interesting that Layard later tried to 52 Holtorf 2007a, 64.

separate the two narratives: in addition to his later 53 Furthermore, Holtorf refers to the highly problem-
books on archaeological excavations he wrote an- atic concept of the mythical “hero” as delineated by
other influential travelogue on his early travels the controversial Jungian mythologist Joseph Camp-
through Persia (Layard 1894; see Ure 2003, 19–24). bell (Campbell 2008 [1949]; see on this Ellwood
49 Zintzen 1998, 257–340; Samida 2010. 1999).
50 Ceram 2008 [1949]. 54 Holtorf 2007a, 84–91.
51 Beyer 2010, 65. 55 Koldewey 1913.
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stones and stories
time had trained as philologists before they became excavators. In fact, they distanced
themselves more or less openly from the established academic world and especially from
the historians whose adherence to written sources seemed to them to be rather outdated.
Archaeologists like Schliemann or Hugo Winckler, mentioned above, presented them-
selves simultaneously as both scholars and academic outsiders, drawing upon an emerg-
ing anti-scientific sentiment at the turn of the twentieth century.56 Furthermore, it has
never been more than a short step from the idea that archaeologists rescue and unveil
hidden pasts to the idea that they actually redeem entire epochs, cultures and peoples
from oblivion. Due to the assumption that archaeological knowledge had the potential
to change our fundamental concepts of human culture, the act of unveiling the past
became charged with religious importance. It is because of this partial overlap between
archaeological and religious narratives that references to archaeology have played such
an enormous role in modern western esotericism. While esoteric writers in the late nine-
teenth century, such as Helena Petrovna Blavatsky,57 were already referring to a hidden
knowledge of the past, modern proponents of the occult, such as Erich von Däniken,
now present themselves consistently as representatives of a “forbidden archaeology,”58
in pursuit of a “stigmatized knowledge.”59
One could regard these self-representations, or role patterns – the adventurer, re-
deemer of the past or scholarly outsider – as the teething troubles of a discipline as it
transforms itself “from treasure-hunting to science.”60 At least with respect to the public
representation of the discipline, though, these roles have not lost their predominance;
one could suggest that Indiana Jones has not ceased to serve as a more-or-less uninvited,
but constant companion of the archaeologist. However, it should be emphasized that
these clichés and narratives, far from being just annoyances imposed by the media, were
originally invented by archaeologists themselves.61
In any case, both the representation of the archaeologist as heroic adventurer and
discloser of the secrets of the past and the interweaving of the genres of archaeological
texts with travelogues and esoteric literature, can be regarded as features specific to ar-
chaeology. There are other archaeological self-perceptions and references that do have a
lot in common with historiography. Most important in this context is the relationship
with crime fiction and the identification of historians and archaeologists with detec-
tives. Accordingly, comparisons between criminalist and historical methods have been
popular among scholars since the nineteenth century.62 Drawing upon this analogy,
the German documentary series “History” presents historians as “the detectives of his-
tory”; in the same way, popular books on archaeology refer to excavators as “detectives
56 Marchand 1996; Marchand 2009. – However, 59 Barkun 1998.

Winckler was a trained philologist (assyrologist). 60 Beyer 2010.
57 Blavatsky 2008 [1888]. 61 Holtorf 2007a; Kaeser 2010.
58 Däniken 2003. 62 Bähr 2006; Saupe 2009; Holtorf 2007b, 75–83.
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felix wiedemann
of the past”63 or “time-detectives.”64 According to a famous essay by Carl Ginzburg,65

this analogy became established during the rise of the “evidential paradigm” at the turn
of the twentieth century. Astonishingly, Ginzburg made no mention of archaeological
practices in this context. In fact, drawing parallels between the archaeological work and
police investigations has long been an established device in archaeological writings: the
excavation site appears as the crime scene, the archaeologists as detectives trying to re-
construct the past by analyzing material traces and collecting clues.66 It is interesting,
however, that references to criminology did not become commonplace in archaeology
until the turn of the twentieth century and the rise of the natural sciences. Archaeol-
ogists then felt increasingly called upon to emphasize the sophisticated methods that
enable them to produce an ostensibly exact knowledge of the past. This had important
repercussions for archaeological writing: underlining the adventurous character of the
excavation no longer appeared sufficient for this purpose so the focus of the archae-
ological narrative shited to the act of deciphering the past using scientific methods.
This corresponds with a general change in the representation of scientific expeditions
ater the turn of the twentieth century. Instead of focusing on the person of the ex-
plorer, discoverer and discloser, reports focused more and more on anonymous experts
and specialists.67 Hence, figures such as the detective came to replace the popular self-
representation of archaeologists as adventurers and heroes. Moreover, despite the fact
that scholars have, rightly, pointed out the flaws and pitfalls of this analogy,68 the “crime
scene syndrome”69 remains highly important in both popular and scientific representa-
tions of the archaeological work even today.
3 The case of migration narratives
The usefulness of narratological approaches to the history of the discipline becomes even
more obvious with a look at concrete narrations. The main questions here are how ar-
chaeologists draw narrative connections between material finds and the written sources
and previously published historical interpretations, and whether they refer to certain
plots when doing so. For this kind of investigation, the most promising approach ap-
pears to be one that focuses on the representation of certain types of incidents – especially
on those kinds of occurrences that are believed to recur repeatedly through the whole
course of history.
63 Korn 2007. Hausers, and Dudde 1999; Mante 2003; Korn 2007.
64 Fagan 1995. 67 Torma 2011, 216–220.
65 Ginzburg 1989. 68 Holtorf 2003; Holtorf 2004; Holtorf 2007b.
66 Gründel and Ziegert 1983; Neuhaus 1999; Platzek, 69 Kaeser 2010, 54.
176
stones and stories
This definitely includes the history of human migrations – a field which is still one of
the most important subjects in archaeology. In this sense, a historical (or archaeological)
migration narrative is one specific way of representing and retelling the story of human
migration in a given context. Since a migration narrative describes the movement of hu-
man beings through time and space, it expresses an “intrinsic connectedness of temporal
and spatial relationships” and thus can be regarded as one of the central chronotopes of
archaeology, to use Mikhail Bakhtin’s famous concept.70 Furthermore, the reconstruc-
tion of migration routes has always been linked to the question of the origins of certain
peoples or ‘races’: traditional narratives of migration usually tell a linear story, covering
the departure of a certain group at its mythical Urheimat, the migration itself and finally
its definitive settling in the new territory. To that extent, they simply meet the basic –
Aristotelian – definition of stories, namely they have a discernible beginning, a middle
and an end. As a result, historical accounts of migrations usually cover long periods of
time – sometimes ranging from an Urheimat up to the present. To create such accounts,
archaeologists make use of a common narrative strategy, compressing long-term histor-
ical changes in order to transform them into single events – an “effect similar to that of
a speeded-up film”.71 Of course, migration narratives are far from immutable and have
always been affected by political and cultural change. This becomes obvious with a look
at the representation of human migrations in the late nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries. What is most striking in connection with these accounts is the fact that at
the time archaeological interest was almost exclusively focused on the “Wandering of
Peoples,”72 meaning the movement of whole groups or collective entities, for example,
certain nations, peoples or ‘races’. Following Ricoeur73 one can identify these groups
as the “quasi-characters” of migration narratives. Furthermore, in historical surveys this
kind of mass movement of people served as a central marker or turning point, permit-
ting the demarcation of different periods. Most important in this context is, of course,
the role of the so-called Völkerwanderung as a watershed between classical antiquity and
the Middle Ages. In this sense, migrations – or to be more precise, the migrating peo-
ples – were seen as responsible both for the destruction of whole civilizations and for the
founding of new ones. Thus, migrations played a vital role in the classical narrative of the
rise and fall of cultures and empires. As I have already shown, Winckler used migrations
exactly in this way to construct his circular narrative. But how did archaeologists arrive
at the “quasi-characters” of their narratives? In other words, how did they identify and
distinguish different migrating peoples and how did they compose coherent narratives
on the basis of the material remains they excavated?
70 Bakhtin 1981, 84. 72 Haddon 1911.

71 Ricoeur 1984, 109. 73 Ricoeur 1984, 200–202.
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felix wiedemann
Up until the second half of the nineteenth century, historians usually drew upon
philological methods to distinguish one ethnic group from another and to reconstruct
the origins and roots of migration. However, having lost much of its persuasive power at
the end of the century, philology began to appear less and less adequate to this purpose.
The colonial penetration of what had, for Europeans, until then been almost completely
unknown territory resulted in a massive extension of the geographical and ethnologi-
cal knowledge base, which in almost no respect accorded with the traditional narratives
set down in the written sources. However, the emerging science of archaeology, with its
spectacular successes in excavating and visualizing the past, seemed poised to fill this gap
by drawing upon new (material) sources and introducing new methods to historical re-
search – methods borrowed, for the most part, from the increasingly influential natural
sciences.74 The introduction of anthropological methods and narratives into historical
writing was archaeology’s contribution to the debate on the supposed origins of certain
peoples or races. Most important in this context was (physical) anthropology,75 as a new
methodological framework for the interpretation of certain kinds of objects. These in-
cluded not only skull and skeletal finds, but also excavated monuments. Thus, statues,
reliefs and other ancient representations of human beings were perceived less as artificial
or typological portrayals than as one-to-one reproductions of the physical appearance
of past peoples. This proved especially important for the identification of supposedly
culturally gited races. Accordingly, archaeologists tried to determine what race the an-
cient Egyptians or the Babylonians belonged to by studying representations of them on
historical monuments.76 Furthermore, the spatial and temporal dissemination of cer-
tain anthropological types was seen as indicating the origins and roots of migration
of certain races from antiquity to modern times. In contrast to traditional philological
methods, anthropological investigation led not only to an important extension of the
temporal (as well as the spatial) perspective, but enabled the connection of two differ-
ent kinds of narratives which had been separate up to then: the longue-durée histories
of (physical) anthropology, with its biohistorical narratives,77 – meaning the history of
mankind in general, the development and dissemination of different races according to
the geographical conditions, etc. – and ethnohistorical narratives in a more narrow sense
– meaning the history of civilization, the recorded history of a single people, etc.
The cardinal problem associated with this new kind of archaeological interpretation
involved aligning the material finds with the written sources and existing philological
classifications. Although some observers were fully aware of the differences between lin-
guistic and anthropological concepts,78 in practice the mixture of classifications was in-
74 Trigger 2006; Eberhardt 2011. 76 Wiedemann 2010.

75 Unlike in the Anglo-American context, the Ger- 77 Lipphardt 2008, 35–38; Lipphardt and Niewöhner
man term Anthropologie (without further attributes) 2007.
meant just physical anthropology and should not be 78 See for instance Meyer 1910, 73–75.
confounded with cultural anthropology.
178
stones and stories
creasingly predominant in archaeological and historiographical works – with the result

that certain groups of peoples, which had previously been classified as language families,
were promoted to anthropological types or races that exhibited specific physical traits.79
Furthermore, since archaeological research was dependent on public support (just as it is
today), producing narratives of general interest was of great importance. One could not
rely upon anthropological data alone to produce such a narrative. The shape of a skull
or the representation of some unknown human being on a monument remains more
or less meaningless without a relevant story behind it. What really mattered here was to
get the skulls and monuments to speak by putting them into a certain narrative context.
This, of course, could not be done without referring to written sources and existing inter-
pretations. Assigning different anthropological types to well-known subjects of history
appeared to offer a way to visualize the central peoples and races of the ancient world.
To give an example, the representation of human beings found on Mesopotamian mon-
uments were immediately related to the Bible and used for a typological interpretation
of the peoples of the ancient Near East.80 The aim of establishing a complex ethnohis-
torical cartography of the entire region, from antiquity to modern times, required the
comparison of material from different epochs. Accordingly, a change in representations
was taken as evidence for mass migrations, or at least for violent incursions by foreign
invaders. This kind of reasoning seemed to offer a way to identify the racial character of
several historical peoples and a way to verify their origins and routes of migration.
Finally, the lingering importance of the written sources resulted in a great similarity
between archaeological and historical accounts of migrations. This becomes clear with
a look at the plots and role patterns common in the nineteenth and early twentieth cen-
turies, which cannot be reduced to White’s four-type classification. One can identify a
restricted number of relatively flexible migration narratives with certain plots, roles and
patterns of sequence in these texts. Individual narratives contradict one another and can
appear almost incompatible, but in a way they all belong to the same mode of historical
representation and explanation. With respect to the protagonists or “quasi-characters,”
most archaeological accounts of migrations relied on a narrative pattern which can be
characterized as ‘heroic’. Accordingly, migrating peoples were presented as – physically
as well as morally – superior conquerors or bearers of civilization, and the Völkerwan-
derungen were elevated to the status of crucial factors explaining historical changes.81
This is, then, to a large extent consistent with White’s description of the “Romance” as a
79 However, an increasing awareness of the difference an “Oriental race” (Kiefer 1991; Wiedemann 2010;
between anthropological and philological concepts Wiedemann 2012).
led to the establishment of new classifications in 80 Rawlinson 1862; Meyer 1913.
physical anthropology. The best example in this 81 Chapman and Hamerow 1997; Trigger 2006,
context is the substitution of the philological term 314–385.
“Semitic race” by the anthropological concept of
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felix wiedemann
“drama of self-identification symbolized by the hero’s transcendence of the world of ex-

perience”.82 It has been clearly shown that the rise of archaeological “migrationism” and
“diffusionism”83 was closely connected with the politics of nationalism and imperial-
ism:84 For obvious reasons, stories about the diffusion of culture and migrating carriers
of civilization appeared in an especially flattering light to those European nations who
regarded their own colonial expansions as cultural missions. The most important ex-
ample in this context is the Aryan or Germanic myth, i. e. the idea that the Aryan or
Indo-Germanic peoples had appeared in every historical context as bearers of culture
– a “civilized people” (Kulturvolk) par excellence. As is well known, this narrative fitted
perfectly into racial and extreme nationalist – völkisch85 – concepts of history86 which
emerged ater the turn of the twentieth century. In this context, the focus of represen-
tation shited more and more from bearers of culture to ruling castes of conquerors; in
other words, the image of the Aryans as Kulturvolk was partly replaced by the concept
of Herrenvolk. However, Marxist archaeologist Gordon Childe’s adaptation of ideas ex-
pressed by the völkisch prehistorian Gustav Kossina clearly demonstrates that this kind
of “migrationism” is not associated only with a specific set of ideological or political
convictions.87
The colonial narrative and the heroic epic did not remain unchallenged however
and were thus just two options available for representing the history of invasions. An
alternative narrative focused more on the violent character of invasions: archaeologists
presenting the history of invasions from the perspective of the conquered peoples es-
tablished a narrative type that might be called ‘tragic’. Most influential in this context
was the general theory on human migrations in history put forth by the Leipzig geog-
rapher Friedrich Ratzel. Proceeding from the assumption that there is a fundamental
dichotomy between sedentary peoples and nomads, Ratzel believed he had detected
a historical law under which what were called Kulturgebiete (meaning areas populated
by sedentary peoples) were periodically overwhelmed by nomadic invaders from the
surrounding deserts and steppes, who steam-rolled over them.88 The immediate adop-
tion of Ratzel’s theory in anthropological and archaeological writings of the time was
due in no small part to his alluring imagery: Using metaphorical language suggestive
of thermodynamic forces, he called the areas populated by nomadic peoples “cauldron
of peoples” (Völkerkessel) in which the masses were brewed and bubbled until the “caul-
dron” exploded and the nomads flowed into the Kulturgebiete.89 In this form of narrative,
82 White 1973, 8. the so-called völkisch movement (Puschner 2001).

83 Adams, Van Gerven, and Levy 1978. 86 Häusler 2004; Wiwjorra 2006.
84 Trigger 2006, 202–204. 87 Trigger 2006, 235–248; Veit 1984.
85 The untranslatable (Hutton 2005, 7–13) term 88 Ratzel 1890, 8–10.
völkisch refers to a distinctive branch of the extreme 89 Ratzel 1898, 69.
national right in early twentieth-century Germany:
180
stones and stories
migrations tended to be presented not as the result of social transformations or environ-

mental changes, but through imagery of volcanic eruptions, leading Ratzel to refer to
migrations as “floods of peoples” (Völkerfluten).90 Applied to ancient history this meant
that migrations and invasions were portrayed as tragedies, with the immigrants or in-
vaders presented as barbaric villains who were to blame for the destruction of civiliza-
tion. In ancient Near Eastern studies, for instance, historians and archaeologists pointed
to a number of such barbaric invasions of Semitic peoples from the desert in order to
explain what they saw as ups and downs in Babylonian culture.91 The most influential
author in this context was that same Hugo Winckler, whose circular narrative of the
history of the ancient Near East simply represented the rigorous application of Ratzel’s
theory. Thus, Winckler described the Arabian Desert as a “chamber of Semitic peoples”
(semitische Völkerkammer) and tried to distinguish different “waves of peoples” (Völker-
wellen) which invaded the lands of the Fertile Crescent and destroyed the civilizations
that existed there.92
Of course, the history of migrations was presented in ways other than through the
heroic and the tragic narratives. The most influential among these other narratives was
the romantic narrative of cultural pessimism. Against the backdrop of the discontent
with modern civilization emerging in fin de siècle Europe, interpretations of human his-
tory and culture were subjected to fundamental changes and re-evaluation. Attitudes
toward culture and civilization grew increasingly ambivalent; ultimately people began
to see them as manifestations of decadence. In this light, the supposed destruction of
civilizations by outside invaders took on a different appearance: sedentary civilizations
of antiquity began to be depicted as morally or racially degenerate while invading ‘wild
peoples’ from outside began to embody natural virtues such as moral purity, virility and
artlessness. In narratives of this type, historians and archaeologists could simply refer to
the traditional myth of the ‘noble savage’. In the context of the history of the Near East,
this topos was represented by the “Noble Bedouin.”93 We see this in Berlin Orientalist
Otto Weber’s eulogizing of the role of the ‘Semitic’ Bedouin in the history of the ancient
Near East, for example. Weber refers to the invasions of the “brave sons of the desert”,
who represent a pure and original element (urwüchsiges Element), refreshing the deca-
dent and dying cultures of ancient Mesopotamia.94 Furthermore, this narrative made it
possible to draw a parallel between the ancient Germans and the Arabs, as both were pre-
sented as ‘young peoples’ who had destroyed the decadent civilizations of late antiquity.
Arthur Ungnad, for instance, a German assyriologist who was later to become an enthu-
siastic supporter of National Socialism, did not stop at underlining the nomadic roots
90 Ratzel 1923, 74. 93 Toral-Niehoff 2002.

91 Wiedemann 2010. 94 Weber 1902, 3–4.
92 Winckler 1899.
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felix wiedemann
of Germanic and Semitic peoples, but even speculated about the existence of racial con-
nections between them.95 In a sense, one could see this as transformation of the heroic:
whereas the attribute of the heroic was ascribed to the founders or distributers of culture
and civilization in the imperial or colonial myth, the narrative of cultural pessimism
reserved heroic features for the destroyers of culture.
4 Migrating narratives
To sum up, archaeologists have always told the history of human migrations in different
ways and made use of different narrative patterns. What is crucial here is the possibility
to narrate the same occurrences – in this case the same migration processes – in multiple
ways: The archaeologist’s choice of the heroic (colonial), the tragic, the romantic or the
circular narrative to relate the history of a certain migration has never been dictated by
facts or finds but is a question of, to use White’s famous term, emplotment. The same ap-
plies to the assignment of particular roles to certain historical subjects. What this means
with regard to the archaeological accounts of human migration in the nineteenth and
early twentieth centuries, is that the representation and valuation of certain historical
subjects as heroes or victims, founders or destroyers of human culture, was relatively
arbitrary. Nevertheless, the flexibility of this ‘casting’, the ease with which one role could
be exchanged for another, was restricted by contemporary nationalist and racist resent-
ments and prejudices. As a case in point, presenting African peoples or ‘Negroraces’ as
the primary bearers or carriers of human civilization obviously seemed impossible to
the archaeologists of that era.
However, neither the (self-)representation of excavators in archaeological writings
or in popular culture, nor migration narratives are immune to change, and thus neither
should simply be attributed to archetypes or cognitive patterns. Both have always been
subjected to continual change. Hence, like historical narratives in general, they must be
analyzed against the backdrop of their specific cultural and political contexts. It seems
clear, for example, that both heroic narratives analyzed above – the presentation of the
excavator as heroic adventurer and the identification of certain heroic peoples – perfectly
corresponded to the colonial and imperialist contexts in which they took shape.
The purpose of this paper was to demonstrate the possibilities and the usefulness of
narratological concepts for the historiography of archaeology. Yet, further investigation
could shed light on the general dissemination of these narratives beyond the disciplinary
95 Ungnad 1923, 5. It is most important to mention other Semitic peoples. Accordingly, Ungnad could
that according to a new anthropological classifica- speculate about racial relations between the Ger-
tion ater the turn of the twentieth century, the Jews mans and the Semitic Arabs without including the
were no longer grouped into the same category as Jews (see Wiedemann 2012).
182
stones and stories
borders of archaeology (and history). This, of course, would raise new questions, such
as whether one could identify specific scientific or literarily contexts from which central
narratives or metaphors originally emerged and reconstruct their ‘migration routes’ –
meaning the ways they were adapted and transformed in different disciplines.
183
felix wiedemann
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FELIX WIEDEMANN
Dr. phil. (Berlin 2006) is a researcher at the Institut Dr. Felix Wiedemann
für Altorientalistik, Freie Universität Berlin. His Freie Universität Berlin
project “Migration narratives in Ancient Near Institut für Altorientalistik
Eastern Studies” is sponsored by the Deutsche Fabeckstr. 23–25
Forschungsgemeinschat. His further academic in- D-14195 Berlin, Germany
terests include history of historiography, orien- E-Mail: felix.wiedemann@fu-berlin.de
talism, anti-Semitism, racism and new religious
movements.
189
Fabian Link
“More Important than all Technical Features Would

Appear to Us the volkliche Differences”. Gotthard
Neumann and the völkisch Thought in German
Prehistory, 1920s to 1960s
Summary
This paper examines the theoretical and methodological value of combining Begriffsgeschichte
(conceptual history) with Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of habitus and social field by focusing
on definitions of the völkisch thought in German prehistory. The theoretical perspective in
this paper is that concepts on the semantic level are interlinked with historical processes in
the social space, or the scientific field in this example. On the one hand, it is evident that
völkisch elements belonged intrinsically to prehistoric archaeology in its development as an
autonomous discipline in the scientific field. On the other hand, racist and völkisch thoughts
were a result of the heteronomization that was enforced during the Nazi regime, when pre-
historic archaeologists tried to use the Nazis to establish their discipline in academia.
Keywords: Habitus- and field-theory; Begriffsgeschichte; völkisch thought; prehistory; Nazi

regime.
In diesem Artikel frage ich nach der theoretischen und methodologischen Tragweite einer
Kombination von Begriffsgeschichte und Pierre Bourdieus Habitus- und Feldtheorie. Der
Ansatz wird am Beispiel eines Definitionsversuchs völkischen Denkens in der deutschen
Prähistorie ausgelotet. In dieser theoretischen Perspektive sind Denkhaltungen auf der se-
mantischen Ebene mit historischen Ereignissen und Prozessen im sozialen Raum, das heißt
in diesem Fall im wissenschatlichen Feld, verknüpt. Auf der einen Seite kann dadurch ge-
zeigt werden, dass völkische Elemente zur Entwicklung der prähistorischen Archäologie
als selbständiges Forschungsfeld gehörten. Auf der anderen Seite wird deutlich, dass rassis-
tisches und völkisches Denken das Resultat einer Heteronomisierung der Prähistorie war,
die sich während des NS-Regimes massiv verstärkte, als deutsche Prähistoriker versuchten,
mit Hilfe einer Zusammenarbeit mit NS-Politikern ihren Forschungsbereich akademisch
zu etablieren.
191
fabian link
Keywords: Habitus- und Feldtheorie; Begriffsgeschichte; völkisches Denken; Prähistorie;

NS-Regime.
I would like to thank Colleen Moore (UNC Chapel Hill/Indiana University) for her editorial
skills to make this text readable and Christopher Browning (UNC Chapel Hill) who made
the text understandable through his challenging questions. Also, I would like to thank Dana
Schlegelmilch, Gisela Eberhardt and Felix Wiedemann for their critical comments.
1 Semantic structure and the scientific field
Recent studies in the history of science and the humanities have effectively used ap-
proaches of conceptual history and historic semantics for explaining discursive transfers
of terms and concepts between scientific communities and between the scientific field
and other social fields, such as politics, economics, and the public.1 Yet, most of these
studies lack a theoretical discussion of the ways that concepts were interrelated with
the trajectory of the researchers who developed these theories and methodological ap-
proaches in their social context. In this paper, I argue that one was closely linked to
the other: semantic structure and the development of concepts are interconnected with
social processes and historical incidents. To illustrate my theoretical assumption, I will
examine the role and function of the völkisch thought in German prehistory. I will con-
sider how the usage of this concept was determined by the situation of prehistory in
the scientific field as well as by the specific habitus of prehistoric archaeologists, and
how this situation, reciprocally, influenced the meaning of völkisch thinking during the
Nazi regime, taking into account that, in this period, prehistory was established as an
academic discipline at German universities. In addition, I will look at the development
of völkisch thoughts ater the fall of the Nazi regime, arguing that these thoughts had to
be transformed and adapted to the new political situation of the German Democratic
Republic (GDR) and the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG).
To exemplify the meaning and function of völkisch elements in German prehis-
toric archaeology in the first half of the twentieth century, I will focus particularly
on one example, namely, the Thuringian prehistoric archaeologist Gotthard Neumann
(1902–1972). Neumann serves as a gauge for my argument because his professional ca-
reer spans from the 1920s through the Nazi regime to the GDR. Yet, focusing on Neu-
mann as a unique example would define my approach as neo-historicist, which is why I
will, with the help of the method of prosopography, relate Neumann’s habitus and his
1 See Eggers and Rothe 2009; E. Müller and

Schmieder 2008.
192
gotthard neumann and the völkisch thought
scientific thoughts as well as his social position in the scientific field to those of other
German prehistoric archaeologists.
According to Reinhart Koselleck, the use of specific terms in language is dependent
on contemporary incidents: there is a structure of historic incidents and a structure of
the terms and concepts that interact with one another in a reciprocal manner.2 As I
said above, most studies of the history of concepts lack theoretical and methodological
definitions of the social structure under examination. To conceive the social structure
theoretically, I will define it with the help of Pierre Bourdieu’s habitus- and field-theory.
In Bourdieu’s theory, the social space of individuals is the social field, which is speci-
fied in several subfields such as the political, the economic, or the scientific field. This
differentiation is a main characteristic of every modern Western society.
The field, in this case the scientific field, is a net of objectified relations between the
agents’ positions, whereupon the analysis of these relations locates the position of an
individual in the field.3 The position of a scientist or a scholar in the scientific field is
strongly dependent on his specific habitus. Habitus is the expression of lifestyle, tran-
scending individual and collective forms of practice.4 Moral and political values as well
as scientific thinking form the habitus of a scholar. The scholars are not aware of their
habitus, rather their habitus is a result of their specific socialization in family, school,
and university, which directs their agency.5 Both, habitus and social field, are mutually
interrelated with each other.6 The scientific field is constituted by the habitus of the
scholars and, simultaneously, the field constitutes their habitus. In other words: the sci-
entific field is the radius of operation of the various forms of the scholars’ habitus.7
There are two main groups of individuals in the scientific field: one group holds the
powerful positions (dominants); the other aspires to these positions (dominated). The
battle between these groups is the normal condition of the scientific field. In order to
attain dominant positions, newcomers, who are always in a dominated position, need
to accumulate scientific capital,8 which includes scientific and technical knowledge or
academic titles and publications: in short, scientific authority. This sort of capital is only
significant in the scientific field. Scientific authority can be accumulated by the exchange
of types of capital from other fields, for example, economic and social capital from the
political field.9 Types of capital mobilized from other fields can be used effectively in the
scientific field only if researchers transform them completely into scientific authority,
because scientific authority is the only kind of capital that really counts in the scientific
field. Furthermore, this transformation is possible only if the scientific field has achieved
a symbolic autonomy from all other fields, an autonomy which contains rules and values
2 Koselleck 2006 [1986], 56 and 62–63. 6 See Bourdieu 1974, 19–20; Bourdieu 1998, 20.
3 Bourdieu 1999, 365. 7 Raphael 1991, 241.
4 Bourdieu 2009 [1976], 179 and 182. 8 Bourdieu 1976, 92–93 and 96.
5 Bourdieu 1974, 40; Bourdieu and Wacquant 1996, 9 Hachtmann 2007, 36.
102. Also see Raphael 1991, 239.
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that matter solely in this field.10 Within the scientific field, the process toward autonomy
is a characteristic of particular disciplines or sub-disciplines as well. For the scientific
field, autonomy means only symbolic autonomy, not economic autonomy, which the
scientific field can never achieve because it is always economically dependent on other
social fields.
Ater graduation from university, newcomers entering the scientific field have two
strategic opportunities: namely, either to follow the dominants and their orthodox opin-
ions, methods, and approaches, or to adopt a revolutionary strategy and struggle against
orthodoxy. Of course, these two strategies should be understood as a simplification of so-
cial reality. To follow the dominants (orthodox strategy) does not mean that newcomers
stubbornly follow the professors in an obsequious way; it allows that younger scholars
build upon, expand, or modify existing paradigms, models, or interpretations. How-
ever, they don’t challenge the paradigms established by their masters. In contrast, the
revolutionary strategy, which Bourdieu calls heterodox, encompasses for example the
founding of new journals or the establishment of new methods and theories in order to
break the doxa or scientific paradigm established by the dominant group.11
It is most important that both kinds of dominated scholars, the orthodox and the
heterodox, respect the rules of the scientific field and share the goal of accumulating
as much scientific authority as possible. They both fight with ‘permitted’ or ‘legitimate
weapons.’12 Permitted weapons are tools or means for accumulating scientific authority
considered as ‘legitimate’ in the scientific field. These rules are defined by the dominat-
ing, powerful scholars, but they are also traditionally established over the course of the
historical development of the scientific field and of a discipline in particular. I would
like to explain this principle with the help of two examples. To found a new journal in
which a group of authors challenges the scientific assumptions of older and established
scholars is a ‘legitimate weapon’ (and a heterodox strategy) in the acquisition of scien-
tific authority. To suppress a dominant scholar from his position with the direct help of
politicians is an ‘illegitimate act,’ because the younger scholar is not fighting with sci-
entific means but with political ones. The heterodox strategy becomes illegitimate only
with the usage of weapons that are not permitted by the scientific field. This Bourdieu
calls a heteronomous strategy. Illegitimate weapons can include political power or eco-
nomic means that allow researchers and scientists to attain powerful positions in the
field that they would never have achieved if they had fought the battle with ‘legitimate
weapons.’
Using Bourdieu’s theory for analyzing the development of German prehistory and
the role the völkisch thought performed within it, I want first of all to determine whether
völkisch thoughts entered into prehistory from outside the scientific field, presumably
10 Bourdieu 1998, 120–121. 12 Bourdieu 2001, 51.

11 Weber 1984, 342.
194
from the political field, or if this concept was from the beginning a part of prehistory,
genuinely developed by prehistoric archaeologists.
2 Prehistory and the völkisch thought
As Peter Rowley-Conwy demonstrates, the concept of ‘prehistory’ and as chronological

term originated in Scandinavia. It was developed by the Danish historian and philologist
Christian Molbech in the early 1830s. The emergence of these terms was connected with
the aim of eighteenth-century scholars to focus on early myths and legends “to extract
the kernel of historical truth” in them and to name the era before 800 AD as ‘prehis-
toric.’ For the investigation of this period, scholars should examine artifacts, namely the
material remnants of ancient people, as C. J. Thomsen proposed.13 Since these artifacts
did not represent any evidence regarding historical developments, the focusing on cul-
ture, religion, and myth was crucial for the development of prehistoric archaeology. This
has also to do with the fact that Nordic mythology was very popular among the Scan-
dinavian public, which is why prehistoric archaeologists could make use of this public
resonance in order to expand their research field.14 In addition, the political and intel-
lectual debates between Danish and German claims on Schleswig and Holstein in the
1840s and 1850s proved to be crucial for the further development of prehistoric archae-
ology. For example, the Danish scholar J. J. A. Worsaae used archaeological evidence to
counter the historical argumentation of German philologist Jacob Grimm.15 The close
connection between myth, nationalist thinking and ethnic and racial constructions in
the development of prehistoric archaeology established the concept of the existence of
an ‘eternal’ and constant Volksgeist (folk spirit) of ethnic communities.16 The role of the
völkisch thought in prehistoric archaeology, especially in Germany and Austria, has to
be seen in the context of this development.
The term völkisch is closely related to specific social groups of the life-reform move-
ment and to political groups, as well as to individual advocates summarized in what
we call today the völkisch movement.17 These groups originated in the late nineteenth
century and gained social relevance and political power in the 1920s.18 There is no co-
herent translation of völkisch in the English language. Völkisch means folkish and eth-
nic, but it also encompasses the meaning of nationalist and sometimes, but not always,
‘racial’ and racist. Völkisch thinking could also relate to culture or cultural phenom-
ena. Significant for this term, however, is the fact that it was from its origins linked
to a biological-organic concept of people. The nearest translation in English would be,
13 Rowley-Conwy 2006, 107–109. 16 Brather 2004, 29–52 and 77–89.

14 See Ross 2003. 17 See Breuer 2008.
15 Rowley-Conwy 2006, 112–120. 18 Puschner 2001.
195
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therefore, ethnic-nationalist or ethnic-racial. Although apolitical groups within the life-

reform movement as well as some letist groups used the term Volk in their alternative
ideas on how German society should be organized, the semantic connection of Volk
and race, and, related to that, of tribe or league, was mainly found in right-wing Ger-
man political movements.19 Only right-wingers labeled their own political group as
völkisch. These groups not only consisted of politicians but were also comprised of right-
wing scholars or public intellectuals, such as Houston Stuart Chamberlain, a member
of the Alldeutscher Verband (Pan-German League), or the scholars Martin Spahn and Max
Wundt, who were members of the Völkisch Reich-Committee of the German National
Party (Völkischer Reichsausschuss der Deutschnationalen Partei ).20
In the political philosophy of these thinkers, Volk is the starting point and central
category.21 At the fin de siècle, Volk functioned in the political language as a term distinct
from the concept of nation and the Wilhelmine constitutional state.22 In Germany, Volk
characterized a certain group that was constituted through biological criteria, lifestyle,
and customs.23 Based on the geopolitical assumptions of the nineteenth-century ge-
ographer Friedrich Ratzel or the cultural historian Karl Lamprecht, German scholars
connected the biologically-culturally defined Volk with the Boden (soil) on which the
Volk lived and in which it was rooted. During the 1920s, this concept was transformed
into the idea of Raum (space), in particular a biological-cultural Volksraum or Kulturraum
(people’s space or cultural space).24 Soil or space and Volk formed an organic entity that
became an ethnic group distinguishable from other ethnic groups by its arts and crats,
for example. Such an ethnic group was on the smallest scale a family, on the middle
level a tribe, and on the largest scale a Volk and a ‘race’. In addition, Volk had a temporal
dimension: by exploring the space and the cultural findings therein, one could examine
the ancestry of the contemporary people. Epistemologically, the study of ancient ethnic
groups through the examination of the contemporary Volk was only possible with the
assumption of a stable biological substratum that outlived historical development. An-
other element that was crucial for these political groups was the German nationalistic
aspect. The mindsets of völkisch thinkers were determined not only by an ethnic-racial
philosophy of history and sociology, but also by the belief that one group was superior
to all other ethnic groups in world history. For the majority of those German intellec-
tuals, this group was the Germanen (Germanics) and the German Volk which developed
from the Germanen, a notion which they regarded as an objectively given element.25
19 Koselleck 1992b, 390; Muller 1987, 20. Verband.

20 BAR, R 8048/315, fol. 5: Letter dated 8 August 1916, 21 Herbert 1996, 59.
Houston Stewart Chamberlain to J. F. Lehmanns 22 Koselleck 1992a.
(publisher); BAR, R 8048/223, fol. 60: Letter dated 23 Koselleck 1992a, 383.
16 October 1924, Völkischer Reichsausschuss der 24 See T. Müller 2009.
Deutschnationalen Partei to the Alldeutschen 25 Koselleck 1992b, 144.
196
In Germany, prehistoric archaeology became more and more specified at the exact
time of the emergence of the first intellectual supporters of the völkisch movement. In
the late nineteenth century, researchers with various different backgrounds engaged in
prehistoric archaeology. Some were architecture historians, philologists, and classical ar-
chaeologists who began to shit their focus from antiquity to the remains of the Stone,
Bronze, or Iron Ages (in the categories of today), as for example Carl Schuchhardt, the
director of the department of prehistory at the Ethnological Museum in Berlin. Others
were non-academic archaeologists who organized themselves into historical-cultural as-
sociations.26 Gustaf Kossinna, a scholar of German philology who turned to prehistory
and received an applied professorship at the University of Berlin in 1902, claimed that
there was a direct correlation between ethnicity, language, and archaeological objects.
He summarized his approach in the following phrase: “Clearly outlined archaeological
cultural provinces always correspond to specific peoples or tribal communities”27 . He
and his followers believed that the Germanic element was an a priori material as well as
immaterial (spiritual) entity.28
To understand the connection between völkisch thoughts in prehistory and the de-
velopment of prehistory from a minor research area in the scientific field to a relatively
autonomous and academically established discipline, I have to explain some of prehis-
tory’s structural characteristics around 1900. The development of prehistoric archae-
ology from a predominantly laymen-practice to a scientific discipline was part of the
establishment of the disciplinary structure of the scientific field that happened in the
course of the nineteenth century and that proved to be characteristic for science and the
humanities until today.29 Disciplines are defined as stable social organizations in the sci-
entific field, in which scientific knowledge is produced.30 Several elements are crucial for
such organizations. There must be a community of communication, in which scholars
debate about methods, contents and aims of their discipline.31 Even though many Euro-
pean prehistoric archaeologists advocated a highly nationalist attitude, they developed
an international scientific community. Since the mid-nineteenth century, scholars vis-
ited museums abroad and maintained international correspondence about the newest
developments in their research field. Books written in other languages were translated
and there were also international congresses for prehistoric archaeology.32 Important el-
ements for the development of such a community was the establishment of standardized
knowledge one finds in lexica and journals as well as the development of well-defined
objects of research and specific methods for investigating these objects.33 Further, it is
26 See Marchand 1996, 154–156 and 162–180. 32 Kaeser 2008; Rey 2002.
27 Cited in Klejn 2008, 317. My translation. 33 Clark 1974; Krohn and Küppers 1989, 105; see
28 Kossinna 1911; see Veit 2000. also Guntau and Laitko 1987, 22; Reinhardt 2006,
29 See Stichweh 1984. 386–388; Weingart, Carrier, and Krohn 2007,
30 Laitko 1999, 31; Morell 1990. 1983–184.
31 See Weingart, Carrier, and Krohn 2007, 41.
197
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most crucial for scientific disciplines that they have a system of symbolic reputation and
institutions that exclude laymen.34 Prehistory had such characteristics and, therefore,
it was a scientific community that was not yet completely established at the German
universities of the 1920s.
This lack of academic acceptance rooted in the epistemological and methodolog-
ical characteristics of prehistoric archaeology. Prehistory belonged to the humanities
but was one of the newer cultural research areas such as Volkskunde (folklore studies),
relying on material, empirical evidence and using methods from the natural and tech-
nical sciences, such as those from physical anthropology. While the classics could refer
to high-end aesthetics that corresponded to the tastes of the upper bourgeoisie, prehis-
toric archaeologists principally researched small, broken fragments of brown or black
colored pots or holes in the ground.35 Prehistory scholars did not research the classi-
cal world; rather, they studied the history of ‘barbarians’ such as the Germans or the
Celts. This was one of the reasons why prehistory had problems in gaining credibility
in the scientific field. Prehistory was therefore in a dominated position in the scientific
field of the early 1930s, although a relatively large community of researchers existed.
Prehistoric archaeologists did not possess enough scientific authority in the scientific
field to establish academic institutes to a significant extent, even though they held some
strong positions in museums or worked in antiquities and monuments offices in several
regions in Germany. Thus, although prehistoric archaeology in Germany was clearly a
scientific community in the 1920s, academia was still dominated by the classics and by
philology.36
Finding themselves in dominated positions in the scientific field, Kossinna and
others tried to import forms of capital from other social fields to reinforce prehistory.
Kossinna was not the only archaeologist who championed völkisch interpretation, but he
was one of those researchers that chose a heteronomous strategy because he used politics
as a means to gain a powerful position in the scientific field. For him, völkisch-nationalist,
neo-conservative, and imperialistic cultural-political organizations such as the Pan-Ger-
man League (Alldeutscher Verband ), the German League (Deutschbund ), the Nordic Ring
(Nordischer Ring ), or the Gobineau Society (Gobineau-Gesellschat ) offered promising re-
sources.37 Already in 1925, Kossinna collaborated with the German-Völkisch Freedom
Party (Deutschvölkische Freiheitspartei ), the NSDAP (National Socialist German Workers’
Party), and the Economic Association (Wirtschatliche Vereinigung ) in proposing that the
Prussian State Diet (Preußischer Landtag ) encourage prehistory in public schools, teacher
training, and universities.38 Kossinna offered scientific expertise to these groups, which
were constructing a völkisch identity based on the ‘glorious history’ of the Germans and
34 Guntau and Laitko 1987, 40. 37 Grünert 2002, 310, 312–315.

35 See Eberhardt 2011, 151–188. 38 Pape 2002, 167.
36 See Wiwjorra 2002.
198
were therefore optimally served by the theory that Europe’s high culture originated in
the ‘Germanic race’ that had come from Scandinavia and the northern German regions.
This relationship produced an intermingling of political-philosophical ideas with sci-
entific problems,39 a sort of scientization of politics and, mutually, a politicization of
prehistory.
Yet, to portray the völkisch thought solely as an element taken from outside the scien-
tific field and adapted by those prehistory scholars who held dominated positions in the
field and intended to bolster their positions with the resources of right-wing politicians
is to tell only one part of the story. It is dangerous to argue that the völkisch element in
prehistory was not scientific or that it was divided from ‘real research,’ because this line
of argument separates Nazi and völkisch ideology from scientific principles. This sepa-
ration was created by prehistory scholars ater World War II in order to legitimize their
work and allow them to continue it ater the fall of the Nazi regime.
In prehistory, there existed a genuine scientific theory, namely, an ethnic epistemol-
ogy of material culture. The central assumption of this particular theory was the sup-
posed connection between cultural phenomena and material biological entities, which
were the Völker (peoples). From the perspective of habitus- and field-theory, the differ-
ence between constructions we call völkisch and this scientific ethnic-historic principle
was the degree of credibility. Whereas völkisch assumptions were usually Germanocen-
tric, taking the ‘high culture’ of the Germanen and their origin from the north (Nordic
theory) as a given fact, the Germanics in the genuinely scientific approach were not
the core figures but only one of several Völker, besides the Celts or the Slavs. Kossinna
was a representative of the Germanocentric version owing from his heteronomous strat-
egy. Representatives of the more credible approach were the well-known archaeologist
Carl Schuchhardt or his student Wilhelm Unverzagt. Although they worked together
with so-called völkisch researchers around the network of German Ostforschung (Eastern
Studies),40 which attempted to legitimize German claims ater 1918 on lost territories
in Eastern Europe, Schuchhardt’s assumptions, theories, and methods had more cred-
ibility in the scientific field and above all in prehistory than those of Kossinna. In this
case, völkisch-ethnic thoughts were part of prehistory’s development as an autonomous
scientific discipline. It marked prehistory as symbolically distinct from other disciplines
such as the classics.
In summary, völkisch concepts originated in two ways in German prehistory: first,
they were a result of the import of radical right-wing ideas from the political field; sec-
ond, there was a genuinely scientific völkisch-ethnic epistemology that served as a so-
cial distinction between prehistoric and classical archaeologists. Whether völkisch ele-
ments in prehistory were regarded as scientifically legitimate depends very much on the
39 See Bourdieu 1998, 19 and 59–60. 40 See Burleigh 1988, 56 and 66; Grunewald 2009.
199
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amount of scientific credibility these concepts had in the scientific field. Direct imports
of racial or völkisch ideology from the political field without a complete transformation
of them into the language and scientific values of prehistory did not have much credi-
bility.
3 Habitus, concepts, and social structure: Gotthard Neumann’s

trajectory
3.1 Gotthard Neumann’s habitus
Gotthard Arno Ernst Neumann was born in Schwabsdorf in the administrative dis-
trict of Weimar in Thuringia. He was socialized in a milieu that can be characterized
as a mixture between petit bourgeois and educated middle-class, for which a national-
conservative mindset and evangelical-Lutheran religious values were significant. Neu-
mann’s father was first a pastor, but turned to be a teacher around 1900. He later be-
came a senior teacher and principal of the Realgymnasium (high school with a focus on
sciences) in Weimar and was a representative of the Landtag (state diet) for the German
People’s Party (Deutsche Volkspartei ) from 1920 to 1924. His father was an intellectually
active man, who was particularly interested in science. Thus, Gotthard Neumann’s fam-
ily was closely connected to the region of Weimar and the state of Thuringia.
Already during his high school years, Neumann was interested in archaeology and
went to the privately hold lectures of the archaeologist Wilhelm Dörpfeld in Jena, whose
excavations in Olympia and Troy became very famous.41 Neumann studied prehistory,
history, auxiliary science of history, and German philology in Jena, Munich, and Mar-
burg. Besides of that he was also interested in classical archaeology, art history, diluvia
geology, physical anthropology, philosophy, religious studies, and ecclesiastical history.
Neumann studied with scholars who predominantly advocated a positivistic scientific
practice in terms of collecting and categorizing artifacts and human remnants, such as
Gustav Eichhorn in Jena, the geologist Ferdinand Birkner, and the physical anthropol-
ogist Rudolf Martin in Munich. Particularly Eichhorn, who was the head of the pre-
historic institute at Jena University, was very influential on Neumann,42 and from the
prehistoric archaeologist Walter Bremer in Marburg, Neumann learned to connect aca-
demic and applied science, archaeology and conservation.43
41 UAJ, D 3194: Personal file Prof. Dr. phil. Neumann, 42 See Grabolle, Hoßfeld, and Schmidt 2003, 871 and
Gotthard, Curriculum vitae Gotthard Neumann, 877–878; Peschel 2010, 70. See Birkner 1913; Proc-
dated 1 October 1938, fol. 2–4; Gotthard, Curricu- tor 1988, 142.
lum vitae Gotthard Neumann, dated 29 August 43 Schuchhardt, Jacobsthal, and Macalister 1926, 283.
1953; BAR, R 4901/13272, fol. 147, no. 6919. Also see Klüssendorf 1999.
200
In December 1926, Neumann graduated at the University of Marburg in prehistoric

archaeology with Gustav Behrens and Paul Jacobsthal who rated his dissertation as “very
good” and “excellent.”44 Shortly ater graduation he became first a volunteer, then assis-
tant at the State Museum of Mineralogy, Geology, and Prehistory (Staatliches Museum für
Mineralogie, Geologie und Vorgeschichte) in Dresden.45 This trajectory shows that Neumann
was interested in the development of a purely scientific approach to analyze prehistoric
artifacts and that he was a practitioner who preferred applied science to theory. This
kind of scientific practice was very common in prehistoric archaeology. Due to the lack
of academic institutes, scholars such as Martin Jahn and Walther Schulz had to prove the
relevance of their research field for the public by working on excavations, in museums,
and monuments offices, proving that archaeological research mattered for society.46
The majority of Neumann’s professors in history and philology represented the
type of the ‘German mandarin’ (Fritz K. Ringer). They usually advocated a national-
conservative attitude, rejected the political system and the culture of Weimar Repub-
lic, and welcomed the authoritarian order the Nazis propagated. Geist (spirit) and Kul-
tur (culture) were the most important elements of their habitus.47 Yet, some of Neu-
mann’s teachers were more than national-conservative. For example, the Marburg his-
torian Edmund Ernst Stengel advocated an anti-Semitic mindset and later supported
the Nazis,48 and the philosophers Bruno Bauch and Max Wundt propagated strongly
völkisch-nationalist and anti-Semitic ideas. For them, the Jews were fremdvölkisch (belong-
ing to a different Volk) and could never be considered as German.49 For others, such as
Karl Helm, who taught Altgermanische Religionsgeschichte (history of the old-Germanic re-
ligion), and the philologist Hans Naumann, völkisch ideas such as the ‘Germanic spiritual
world’ (germanische Geisteswelt ) were at the core of their intellectual agenda.50 This mix-
ture between a positivistic epistemic practice in archaeology applying ‘objective’ meth-
ods and a conservative, völkisch and anti-Semitic mindset was crucial for Neumann’s
scientific habitus.
Neumann, as many other prehistoric archaeologists, such as Herbert Jankuhn or
Hans Reinerth, belonged to a generation that was “too young of having been drated
into the German military, and too old of having experienced the Great War as a dis-
tanced event.”51 He belonged to the ‘war youth generation,’ whose members were born
between 1900–1910. The members of this generation oten advocated right-radical or
neo-conservative ideas, because they had lost confidence into the bourgeois values of
their fathers and oten experienced material poverty as a result of World War I.52 This
44 UAJ, D 3194: Personal file Prof. Dr. phil. Neumann, 48 See Grundmann 1968; Klee 2005, 601.
Gotthard, Curriculum vitae Gotthard Neumann, 49 Sluga 1993, 84, 94 and 112–118.
dated 1 October 1938, fol. 2–4. 50 Pöthe 2003, 851.
45 Grabolle, Hoßfeld, and Schmidt 2003, 877. 51 Wildt 2005, 172.
46 Mehrtens 2006, 317. 52 Herbert 1996, 43; Wildt 2002, 46–52.
47 See Gottwald 2003, 913–914; Pöthe 2003.
201
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was also a reason why Neumann concentrated on practical archaeology; he had to work
on excavations and in the monuments office in Hesse as preservationist when he stud-
ied in Marburg in order to finance his studies.53 One of the main characteristics of this
generation was the longing for a spiritual interpretation and experience “of the big pic-
ture, of the völkisch and social problems”54 . For Neumann, this aspect was crucial, and
he interpreted and experienced the “big picture” by researching the culture of the past
in his Heimat (habitat) Thuringia. The first article Neumann published during his last
year as a student demonstrates this mindset. In this article, he discussed the influences
of modern technology on the German people in the manner of German Kulturkritik. He
thought that one should find counterweights to technology and velocity of life which
dominated Weimar Republic. People should “bethink themselves of the particular ele-
ments of our being and how we came to be as that, they should collect and herd these
elements as a holy legacy of simpler but richer times.” According to Neumann, this was
the only way to “ground the own emotional life on the basis of a real insight into the
Volk”, which one could attain by a “yearlong examination of the landscape of the Heimat,
nature, prehistory, history, custom and art, in short, of our complete Heimat -culture”55 .
Thus, Neumann both welcomed modern technology and modern scientific methods
and advocated völkisch and anti-modern ideas at the same time.56
3.2 Neumann’s ethnic-völkisch concept
The first extended scientific article based on his dissertation Neumann published in
1929 in the Praehistorische Zeitschrit (Journal for Prehistory) on the The Classification of
the Bell Beaker Culture.57 In this article, Neumann proposed a reordering of the cultural-
chronological system of Thuringian prehistoric findings. The main concept in his pub-
lications from 1928–1932 was Kultur (culture). Kultur meant foremost material culture,
but from the beginning this concept implied an ethnic idea: material culture always de-
rived from and thus referred to a certain ethnic group. Neumann presented himself as
a scholar in the tradition of Kossinna. Nonetheless, he was trying to modify Kossinna’s
Nordic interpretation.58 Thus, he agreed with Kossinna’s ethnic approach in general
but disagreed with the assumption that European high culture must have originated
in northern Europe in prehistoric times. In contrast to Kossinna, Neumann did not
deduce his theoretical assumptions from linguistic methods;59 rather, he concentrated
only on material culture. Advocating the assumption of an inherent connection between
53 UAJ, D 3194: Personal file Prof. Dr. phil. Neumann, 56 For this kind of mindset see Herf 1984.
Gotthard, Curriculum vitae Gotthard Neumann, 57 Neumann 1929; see Neumann 1930b.
dated 1 October 1938, fol. 2–4. 58 Neumann 1930b, 45; see Neumann 1928.
54 Herbert 1991, 116–117. My translation. 59 Andresen 2004, 99.
55 Neumann 1926. My translation.
202
ethnic groups and material objects, Neumann viewed Kultur as the link between mate-
rial culture and ethnicity. Neumann, following Kossinna, called the particular human-
biological entity Gruppe (group), Volk, or Volksgruppe.60 The connection between an eth-
nic Gruppe and archaeological objects led to the characterization of peoples through an
analysis of types of objects, and vice versa. To these two elements Neumann added a
third aspect, which he did not explicitly use as a term: namely, space, which is very ob-
vious in his usage of techniques such as cartography. This relates to Kossinna’s approach
of so-called settlement archaeology, the core concept of which was that the history of
ancient tribes or völkisch groups was a sequence of migrations.61 Therein, maps were
an important tool to show the migrations of the Völker. Thus, for Neumann, a certain
material Kultur referred to a Gruppe that could be examined by researching archaeolog-
ical objects in a specific space. This space was the settlement area of the group, which
could be limited by the characteristics of archaeological objects; differences between the
forms of those objects and other ones correlated to different ethnic groups. Therefore,
the diffusion of material objects enabled Neumann to analyze the migration of those
groups.
The core concept in Neumann’s approach was ethnicity. He defined ethnicity not
only by material objects, but also by time: “Some centuries later, probably in Slavic time,
the mound was broken up and the precious part of its content was robbed”62 . In this
example, a certain ancient period is ethnicized by referring to the term slawisch (Slavic).
But Neumann took a critical approach to the ethnic concept in prehistory. For example,
he rejected his colleague Werner Radig’s simplistic associations of archaeological things
with ethnic categorizations. According to Neumann, Radig neglected the fact that Slavic
ceramics could also have been used by German settlers, and, therefore, the connection
between archaeological artifact and ethnicity was problematic for him.63 Indeed, Neu-
mann wanted to use only “streng wissenschatliche” (strictly scientific) criteria for his
ethnic constructions. And, in contrast to colleagues such as Hans Reinerth or Herbert
Jankuhn,64 Neumann did not apply the Nordic idea.
At the same time, Neumann used methods from physical anthropology and racial
theory. According to him, the mitteldeutschen Kulturgruppen (middle German culture
groups) belonged to branches of the kurzköpfigen Glockenbechervolkes (short-capped bell
beaker people).65 As many scholars of the Kossinna group,66 Neumann connected racial
categories with his semantic net of Gruppe, Kultur, and archaeological objects. It is im-
portant for understanding this early period of Neumann’s trajectory that he – contrary
60 See Brather 2004, 65. 64 See Reinerth 1925, 19; see Jankuhn 1941/42.
61 See Andresen 2004, 95–99. 65 Neumann 1929, 36.
62 Neumann 1930c. 66 See Kossinna 1936.
63 Neumann 1930a.
203
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to Kossinna – hardly used the term ‘race’ concerning physical anthropology, but pre-
ferred Gruppe and Volk. In addition, Neumann used only strictly scientific language and
terminology in his publications and avoided any nationalistic-chauvinistic terms. Neu-
mann’s and Kossinna’s works differ not only in their use of language, but also in their
understanding of certain concepts. For Neumann, ‘race’ was a genuinely scientific sort
of umbrella category which had to be differentiated by Völker and Gruppen. For Kossinna,
‘race’ was equivalent to the Indo-Germanics, who were for him the bearers of biological
and cultural superiority. In Kossinna’s scientific thinking ‘race’ appears as a key con-
cept.67
In summary, there were five major differences between Neumann’s ethnic-völkisch
concepts and those of Kossinna and his school. First, for Neumann, the Nordic the-
ory was not central to his research. Second, ethnic constructions were only valuable if
he could prove them by a critical examination of the connection between people and
material culture and not by a priori assumptions. Third, Neumann had a genuine mate-
rial culture-based approach and was not influenced by linguistic methods. Fourth, even
though Neumann used the term race, he used it not as a major concept but as a category
among many others. Fith, he did not link Volk and race with nationalistic thoughts.
3.3 Neumann’s trajectory and the institutional situation of prehistory at the

University of Jena
In the late 1920s, Neumann decided to vote for völkisch political groups and, around
1930, for the NSDAP.68 It is difficult to state whether his voting choice resulted from a
radicalization of his political mindset during his student years – in the early 1920s, he
preferred the Deutsche Volkspartei (German People’s Party), in which his father had been
active – or a strategic or opportunistic one. Whichever the case, it is necessary to empha-
size two circumstances that contextualize this shit. First, the NSDAP in Thuringia con-
stituted the first Nazi government in Germany in the early 1930s;69 second, Neumann,
being a native Thuringian, was very much attached to the native soil as his Heimat.70
Neumann had negotiated with government officials in Thuringia before 1930 to get a
position at the Germanic museum in Jena. Since the museum’s director Gustav Eich-
horn had died in 1929,71 Neumann’s decision to vote for the Nazi party appeared to
be profitable: with the help of the Nazi minister of Thuringia, Wilhelm Frick, Neu-
mann, at the age of twenty-eight, was appointed the head of the Germanic Museum in
Jena and assistant professor in the Department of History at the University of Jena in
67 Andresen 2004, 103. 70 Peschel 2010, 71.

68 Grabolle, Hoßfeld, and Schmidt 2003, 879. 71 See Peschel 2010, 69–71.
69 Fleischhauer 2010, 63–67.
204
November 1930.72 Neumann’s first career step was, therefore, at least partly the result
of a heteronomous strategy.
This heteronomous strategy becomes more obvious later. Ater 1930, Neumann ac-
cumulated more and more social capital due to his interaction with the Nazi party. He
became a member in Alfred Rosenberg’s Battle League for German Culture (Kampbund
für deutsche Kultur )73 and in its sub-organization, the Reich League for German Prehis-
tory (Reichsbund für deutsche Vorgeschichte),74 in which he took a position as a regional
leader of Thuringia.75 With the support of Fritz Sauckel, the later Reichsstatthalter (gov-
ernor of the Reich in Thuringia), Neumann was able to establish the first supra-regional
excavation law in Thuringia in 1932.76 In Neumann’s case, couplings between science
and politics were particularly promising before the so-called seizure of power by the
Nazis. However, enforcing one’s position in the scientific field with the help of politi-
cians was equal to fighting for power in the field with ‘illegitimate weapons.’
Neumann was thereby only one example of many German prehistoric archaeolo-
gists: similar cases include his East German colleagues Martin Jahn and Walther Schulz,
or Hans Reinerth, Herbert Jankuhn, Kurt Tackenberg, and Bolko von Richthofen, all
of whom also engaged in Nazi politics. Most of them were Kossinna scholars. Kossinna
and his disciple Reinerth, for example, were more extreme than Neumann because they
engaged more actively in Nazi cultural politics; Kossinna became one of the founding
members of Alfred Rosenberg’s Battle League.77 German prehistory scholars consid-
ered Nazi politicians, such as Rosenberg or Heinrich Himmler, and their worldviews as
a resource for advancing the academic establishment of prehistory. For Nazi-ideologists,
reciprocally, prehistory offered scientific authority to their racist and völkisch ideology.
As mentioned above, prehistory around 1933 was still in the process of achieving sci-
entific autonomy; its scholars had to fight for acceptance and authority in the scientific
field, which was dominated by the canonical disciplines.78 Although university insti-
tutes, museums, and journals in prehistory were being developed, they had not yet been
completely established. In 1929, only six ordinary and extraordinary chairs of prehistory
72 UAJ, D 3194: Personal file Prof. Dr. phil. Neumann, 75 ThHStAW, Der Reichsstatthalter in Thüringen,
Gotthard, Curriculum vitae Gotthard Neumann, no. 440, fol. 78–79: Letter dated 4 August 1937,
dated 1 October 1938; ThHStAW, Thüringisches NSDAP-Gauleitung Thüringen to Reichsstatthalter
Volksbildungsministerium, no. 21858, fol. 3: Let- in Thüringen. Also see APM/Korrespondenz Rein-
ter dated 22 October 1930, Thüringisches Volksbil- erth: Letter dated 24 March 1933, Hans Reinerth to
dungsministerium to Gotthard Neumann. Also see Gotthard Neumann; NL Neumann, file “Kyhäuser
BAR, R 4901/13272, p. 147. – Grabungen und Werk”: Letter dated 3 July 1933,
73 Since 1934: NS-Kulturgemeinde (Nazi Culture Hans Reinerth to Gotthard Neumann.
Community). 76 Neumann 1932, 192.
74 UAJ, D 3194: Personalfragebogen Gotthard Neu- 77 Grünert 2002, 308–309 and 317–318; see Bollmus
mann, dated 31 July 1934; APM/Akten Reichsbund: 2002.
Fragebogen Deutsche Vorgeschichtsforscher u. 78 Wiwjorra 2002, 82.
Vorgeschichtsfreunde, dated 16 Sepember 1935.
205
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at German and Austrian universities had been founded. The most important institu-
tions for archaeology, such as the Institute of Archaeology of the German Reich (Archäol-
ogisches Institut des Deutschen Reichs)79 or the Roman-Germanic Commission (Römisch-
Germanische Kommission), were predominantly managed by scholars of the classics who
occupied the powerful positions in the archaeological disciplines.80 Prehistory’s situa-
tion would change profoundly ater 1933/34. By 1942, prehistory was well established
at German universities. In the early 1940s, twenty-five chairs at universities existed, of
which seventeen were full professorships.81 This extraordinary success was only possible
through the exchange of sorts of capital between prehistoric archaeologists and Nazi
politicians.82
On a micro-scale, this development becomes obvious regarding Gotthard Neu-
mann’s career, which took off ater 1933. In 1934, he became the Staatliche Ver-
trauensmann für vor- und frühgeschichtliche Bodenaltertümer (State Representative of Prehis-
toric Relics)83 under the sponsorship of Fritz Sauckel. Although he had done this job
since 1932 voluntarily, he now received a salary. In 1935, Neumann received the position
of the first curator of the Museum of Prehistory in Weimar.84 The preliminary peak of
Neumann’s career was marked by the offer of the official extraordinary professorship at
Jena University in the same year,85 even without having finished his second thesis (Ha-
bilitationsschrit ), and the establishment of the prehistory journal Der Spatenforscher (The
Spade Researcher) in 1936 with the support of Wilhelm Frick86 as well as of a new sci-
entific monographic series called Irmin in 1939.87 These instances of the consecration
of archaeological knowledge were important steps toward the status of prehistory as an
academic discipline at Jena University.
One detail concerning this development is very important: in the early 1930s, when
prehistory was not yet fully institutionalized at German universities and scholars de-
79 Later Deutsches Archäologisches Institut (German Ar- 6919.

chaeological Institute). 85 ThHStAW, Thüringisches Volksbildungsminis-
80 Altekamp 2008; Junker 2001, 505–506. terium, no. 21858, fol. 16: Beschluss des Thüringis-
81 Grabolle, Hoßfeld, and Schmidt 2003, 868. chen Staatsministeriums, dated 10. April 1934; fol.
82 See Bollmus 2002, 37; Pape 2002, 168. 35: Letter dated 18 February 1935, Gotthard Neu-
83 BAR, R 4901/13272, fol. 6919. mann to the Thüringischen Volksbildungsminis-
84 ThHStAW, Thüringisches Volksbildungsminis- ter; UAJ, D 3194: Letter dated 12 June 1934, Fritz
terium, No. 21858, fol. 6: Letter dated 19 Septem- Sauckel, Der Reichsstatthalter in Thüringen; ThH-
ber 1932, Thüringisches Volksbildungsministerium StAW, Der Reichsstatthalter in Thüringen, no. 440,
to Gotthard Neumann. Also see UAJ, D, 3194: Let- fol. 94: Letter dated 2 February 1937, Fritz Sauckel
ter dated 23 May 1935, Thüringisches Ministerium to Gotthard Neumann.
für Volksbildung to Gotthard Neumann; ThH- 86 UAJ, C, 799, fol. 152: Letter dated 24 February 1939,
StAW, Thüringisches Volksbildungsministerium, Gotthard Neumann to the Thüringische Minister
no. 21858, fol. 35: Letter dated 18 February 1935, G. für Volksbildung, F. Stier.
Neumann to Thüringischer Volksbildungsminister; 87 UAJ, D 3194: Personal file Prof. Dr. phil. Neumann,
UAJ, D 3194: Personal file Prof. Dr. phil. Neumann, Gotthard, Curriculum vitae Gotthard Neumann,
Gotthard, Curriculum vitae Gotthard Neumann, dated 1 October 1938, 2–4.
dated 1 October 1938, 2–4; BAR, R 4901/13272, fol.
206
cided to implement a heteronomous strategy to obtain more authority in the scientific

field, prehistory had not yet attained an entirely symbolic autonomy. Thus, when schol-
ars imported sorts of capital from the Nazis, they could not transform it completely
into the specific scientific language and rules of prehistory, because these components
did not yet exist. This circumstance led to a more or less direct import of elements from
Nazi ideology into the scientific concepts of German prehistoric archaeologists.88
3.4 Conceptual developments and semantic changes, 1933–1945
Ater 1933, there was, first, a change concerning the place of Neumann’s publications.
Whereas he had published his first articles in journals with high credibility in the sci-
entific field, he now started to publish in popular cultural and in Nazi journals.89 He
followed exactly the demand that Nazi science and culture politicians imposed upon
the scientific field: namely, that scientific research should be addressed more to ordinary
Germans than to academics.90 Prehistoric archaeologists such as Neumann considered
this demand as a chance to popularize the contents of prehistory in order to create social
relevance. This stance was another heteronomous element in the strategy of Neumann
and his fellow colleagues, because they did not follow the rules of the scientific field but
those of the field of power.
As the Nazis preferred the racial and Germanocentric idea of German prehistory,
Neumann began to treat the Germanenfrage (Germanic question) more frequently than
he had before 193391 and thereby imported more and more ideas and concepts from the
political field into prehistory. In 1934, he spoke about the “politische Karte Thüringens”
(political map of Thuringia) in prehistoric times.92 He created an analogy between the
prehistoric periods and the contemporary Third Reich. A new term in Neumann’s con-
structions was Stamm (clan, tribe),93 which was an ethnic category between the terms
Gruppe and Volk. In the same context, he wrote about “das gute germanische Blut” (the
good Germanic blood), which was used together with the term deutsches Reich (German
Reich).94 Thus, Neumann changed his categories from Kultur and Gruppe to the seman-
tic net of Blut, germanisch, deutsch, Reich, Stamm, Volk. Blut, germanisch, deutsch, Stamm,
and Volk were ethnic attributions; the terms Reich and in addition Boden were spatial
representations of these ethnic categories. Combining both referred to the blood-and-
soil-ideology of Nazi ideologues like Richard Walter Darré. This development does not
mean that Neumann abandoned the terms Kultur and Kulturgeschichte (cultural history);
rather, they had become more and more interchangeable with more biological terms.95
88 See Bourdieu 1998, 19. 92 Neumann 1934c, 12.

89 Neumann 1933a; Neumann 1933c; Neumann 93 Neumann 1934c, 1.
1934b; Neumann 1934a; Neumann 1935c. 94 Neumann 1934c, 2.
90 Grüttner 2000, 565. 95 Neumann 1933a, 10.
91 See Neumann 1933b, 1.
207
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This process of a biologization of cultural history was linked to an intensified use of racial
concepts that had become virulent since the establishment of the Nazi regime, which
was another demand Nazi science politicians placed on the scientific field: namely, to
focus more on the ‘racial question.’ The semantic change here was that Neumann now
combined the term Rasse with nordisch (Nordic) and indogermanisch (Indo-Germanic),
which became synonymous with Aryan. From an ethnically unspecified focus, Neu-
mann started to concentrate more on the ‘Nordic race,’ which was the Germanen.96 It
was exactly for this concept that Neumann had criticized Kossinna some years before.
It is noteworthy that Neumann was unable to create a very consistent scientific the-
ory in the sense of a Nordic ‘racial’ conceptualization. He remained biased in this re-
spect. Yet, in 1935, he gave a speech on the occasion of the celebration of Jena University,
in which he praised Nazi rule and took a stance against the Germanocentric prehistoric
archaeologists at the same time.97 The problem of the Celts, for example, who many
prehistoric archaeologists considered to be non-Germanic, Neumann solved by integrat-
ing them into the category of Indo-Germanic Volk.98 This assumption differed from the
knowledge constructions of other prehistoric archaeologists. In contrast to researchers
such as Jankuhn, von Richthofen, or Reinerth, Neumann did not want to elevate the
Germanics above than the Celts; rather, he intended to develop a scientific concept for
a völkisch categorization of ethnicity in prehistory beyond a Germanocentric classifica-
tion.99 He treated the Slavs slightly differently than the Celts. According to Neumann’s
argumentation, the Slavs were also originally an Indo-German people, but their Volkstum
(nationhood, folklore) degenerated and became inferior to that of the early Germanen
and the Germans in a later period of ethnic differentiation. In the course of the 1930s,
Neumann increasingly considered the Slavs to be an inferior Volk by characterizing their
archaeological remnants as the products of their inferior culture.100 According to him,
only German influence could bring a higher developed material culture to the Eastern
regions.101 The evaluation of certain ethnic groups as superior or inferior was definitely
a new element in Neumann’s publications.
Whereas Neumann retained more or less stringent völkisch-ethnic concepts for the
analysis of ancient cultures during the Nazi regime, the exchange of sorts of capital with
the Nazi politicians led to the import of more and more political problems into the
research questions of prehistory, because Neumann was unable to transform his mobi-
lized kinds of capital from the political field completely into scientific authority and
credibility. Both thought structures intertwined as time went on. As a result, Neumann
treated political questions by scientific means: “the clarification of all questions relating
to the recovery of the Germanic East ater the Slavic flood from the seventh until the
96 Neumann 1934b, 14. 99 Neumann 1935a, 143.

97 Neumann 1935b, 5–9. 100 Neumann 1935b, 141.
98 Neumann 1934b, 22. 101 Neumann 1935d, 142.
208
ninth century A.D. is the foremost purpose of German historic and prehistoric research
for national political reasons.”102
At the same time that Neumann imported ideas from the political field, he con-
ceptually consolidated his earlier approaches for the analysis of archaeological findings
through ethnicity. In 1936, Neumann published a short programmatic article, in which
he presented the future order of archaeological findings in the Jena Museum. Neither
typological nor chronological criteria were conducive anymore; a “biological and his-
torical key” was central now. Archaeological objects in the collections were to be or-
dered along the following categories: “1. The cultures of the Neanderthal and Loess-races
(Paleolithic Age). 2. The cultures of pre-Indo-Germanics ([Indogermanen] Middle Stone
Age). […] 7. The cultures of the Celts (Bronze, Iron, Latène Age: Southern culture cir-
cle). The cultures of the Germanics […].”103 Neumann’s reordering of the archaeological
knowledge system suggested that there was a teleological line from the primeval Volk, the
Indo-Germanic Urvolk (primeval people), to the germanisch-deutsche (Germanic-German)
ethnic group that was thought to have developed in the twelth century A.D.104 Neu-
mann established a biologization of cultures and historic periods. He substantiated this
new order by arguing that the old chronological ordering of archaeological objects was
wrong because it implied the same kind of cultural development for every ancient cul-
ture in Europe and the Near East, an idea which was rooted in Enlightenment thought.
According to Neumann, this meant a generalization of the cultural development of all
archaeological cultures, which signified for him a kind of internationalism of scientific
knowledge.105 Rather, he assumed that every culture or ethnic group should be analyzed
from the standpoint of its own specificities and spatial origins.106 Similarly, right-wing
scholars, such as the philosopher and sociologist Hans Freyer or the legal scholar Carl
Schmitt, assumed that knowledge had no validity on an international level. Rather, they
claimed that ‘particular norms’ were significant only for particular peoples, because
these norms developed from the particular space in which these peoples were living.
Thus, for Germans, only German law was valuable and not the principles of Roman
law. Likewise, for Germans in the contemporary Third Reich, only the norms coming
from German soil should count, such as the supposedly genuine German form of social
organization, the Volksgemeinschat ; liberal values, universal ethics, or human rights were
illegitimate ideas for the ordering of German society, because they had originated in
French and English Enlightenment culture.107 Like Neumann’s assumption, this theory
found its equivalents in Nazi ideology such as Rosenberg’s idea that there was no law
102 Neumann 1935d, 140. My translation. 105 Neumann 1939, 134.

103 Neumann 1936, 44. My translation. 106 Neumann 1939, 135.
104 Neumann 1934a. 107 Muller 1987, 29–30.
209
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as such, but only laws that had originated from a ‘particular völkisch order.’ The ideolog-
ical principles of National Socialism, such as the creation of an ethnocracy by ‘racial’
categorizations and imperial nationalism, could be such ‘particular laws.’108
In January 1941, Neumann had to serve in the Wehrmacht in Ukraine. During this
time, he radicalized his concepts toward open anti-Semitic racism. As a soldier in the
signal corps, he found the time to do some small excavations109 and cooperated with
archaeologists who ‘saved’ (i.e., stole) cultural artifacts on Rosenberg’s order.110 Neu-
mann reported his scientific discoveries in two articles. There he characterized the local
people as ‘racially’ inferior to the Germans in the sense of an underdeveloped culture.
He linked this construction with an anti-Semitism that had not been of interest to him
until that moment. Expressions such as jüdisches Unwesen (Jewish shallowness)111 were
linked with fremd (strange), whereas the contradictory semantic bundle was organisch
(organic) and Boden. Accordingly, he characterized Jews as inorganic and not rooted in
the soil; they were a threat to the local people and to the Germans. In Neumann’s eyes,
Jews were not represented in archaeological cultures because they had been strangers
to East European soil from the beginning of their settlement in those regions.112 This
anti-Semitic semantic became highly virulent regarding the war of extermination in the
East, directed by the SS and the Wehrmacht. Neumann’s scientific and political con-
structions were crucial for the question about which kind of “order semantic,”113 and
völkisch-racist thinking was the discursive core of the mindsets of German intellectuals
and academics toward genocide and the legitimization of the Holocaust, even though
Neumann had never been involved in any genocide activities.114 There is no doubt that
Neumann was not alone in this mindset, but there is also no doubt that other intellec-
tuals who were involved in the war in the East and who had a mentality and a position
in the Wehrmacht similar to Neumann’s recovered their sense of human rights during
the war of extermination in the East,115 whereas Neumann radicalized his ‘racial’ and
political categories.
3.5 Neumann’s career until 1945
Let me summarize briefly what has been said so far. From the beginning of his career,
Neumann subscribed to an ethnic concept for the analysis of archaeological objects. This
was a völkisch-ethnic epistemology, in which the terms group and Volk were central. By ex-
changing kinds of capital with Nazi politicians in Thuringia, Neumann added elements
108 See Paxton 2005, 84. 112 Neumann 1942, 18.

109 Neumann 1941, 35–39. 113 Raphael 2001; Raphael 2004.
110 Neumann 1942, 18; see Heuß 2000. 114 Fritzsche and Hellbeck 2009, 337–339.
111 Neumann 1941, 39. 115 See Jarausch 2008, 36–42.
210
from völkisch and Nazi ideology to his thinking, a union which resulted from the non-
autonomous situation of prehistory in the scientific field. This situation meant that Neu-
mann’s völkisch-ethnic approach adhered to a völkisch-ethnic-racial-Germanocentric con-
cept, which he transformed into open racism during his service in the Wehrmacht. At
the same time, Neumann still differed in his ideas from the hardliner Germanocentrics
and from Nazi ideologues: for him, the Celts were originally an Indo-Germanic peo-
ple, as were the Slavs, even though he believed that the latter had degenerated in the
following centuries.
It is difficult to say to what extent this difference of semantics caused Neumann’s
career to come to a standstill in the late 1930s. Unlike other prehistoric archaeologists,
he did not obtain a full professorship until 1945, when his position was finally con-
verted into a full chair ater several trials by the principals of Jena University, Abraham
Esau and Karl Astel.116 As Neumann was serving in the military on the Eastern Front
at that moment,117 the conversion did not take effect. Altogether, one may also ask why
Neumann had to perform military service from 1941 until the end of World War II and
remained at the rank of a constable,118 a military career that was not very common for
university professors, who usually reached higher ranks.119
There were two reasons for Neumann’s failure to accumulate successfully more so-
cial capital. First, concerning Neumann’s engagement with Nazi organizations, one no-
tices that there was a certain lack of enthusiasm on Neumann’s part. To be sure, Neu-
mann was a member of the Nazi League of Old Fellows (NS-Altherrenbund ) and the Nazi
League of Teachers (Nationalsozialistischer Lehrerbund ),120 and he was also a Patronizing
Member of the SS (Förderndes Mitglied der SS).121 However, he did not engage actively
in more important Nazi organizations that would have provided him with a certain
amount of social capital, which for academics were primarily the SS and, in the first years
of the regime, the Nazi League of University Teachers (Nationalsozialistischer Deutscher
Dozentenbund ). Today, it is not possible to determine whether Neumann had become a
116 ThHStAW, Thüringisches Volksbildungsminis- cipal of the Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena to

terium, no. 21858, fol. 47: Letter dated 11 Febru- Thüringischer Minister für Volksbildung.
ary 1939, Prof. Porzig, dean of the Faculty of Phi- 117 UAJ, D 3194: Personal file G. Neumann, Perso-
losophy at Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena, to nalakte, no. 1100.
Thüringischer Minister für Volksbildung. Also 118 Grabolle, Hoßfeld, and Schmidt 2003, 881.
see Vorschlag zur Ernennung des planmässigen 119 See K. J. Arnold 2008, 57–59.
ao. Professors Dr. phil. Gotthard Neumann zum 120 APM/Akten Reichsbund: Fragebogen Deutsche
ordentlichen Professor in der Reichsbesoldungs- Vorgeschichtsforscher u. Vorgeschichtsfreunde,
gruppe H1b oder der ihre entsprechenden Landes- dated 16 September 1935.
besoldungsgruppe. An den Herrn Staatsminister 121 ThHStAW, Der Reichsstatthalter in Thüringen,
und Chef der Reichskanzlei des Führers und Reich- no. 440, fol. 78–79: Letter dated 4 August 1937,
skanzlers/an die Ministerialgeschätsstelle bei der NSDAP-Gauleitung Thüringen to Reichsstatthal-
Universität Jena, gez. Knopp, dated 24 June 1944. ter in Thüringen.
Also see Letter, dated 10 August 1944, the prin-
211
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member of the NSDAP or not; we only know that he applied for membership.122 Con-
trary to Neumann, more ingrained Nazi-scholars such as the East German prehistoric
archaeologist Walther Schulz became members of the SA and the NSDAP.123 Further-
more, Neumann had some conflicts with important Nazi politicians, such as Robert
Ley, who wanted to create a student hostel out of Neumann’s institute in 1941,124 and
Wilhelm Reinhard, the chief of the veteran league Nazi Soldiers’ League ‘Kyhäuser ,’ with
whom Neumann had to cooperate because Reinhard financed a huge excavation project
in Thuringia.125
Second, there was a change in Nazi science policy in the late 1930s, which was re-
lated to the establishment of Hermann Göring’s ‘Four Year Plan’ in 1936. While Nazis
politicians ater 1933 initially encouraged professors and junior scholars who were con-
firmed Nazis or young researchers who focused on the Germanenfrage, the direct prepa-
ration for war ater 1936 demanded different kinds of expertise, namely, that of the
‘hard sciences,’ such as armament technology or agronomics.126 Prehistory undoubtedly
worked as part of the cultural war policy of the Nazis by rescuing, stealing, and research-
ing archaeological objects in occupied countries. But prehistoric archaeologists did not
produce any goods that could be directly used for warfare. Neumann probably found
himself in a similar situation; his research was not considered important enough to be
boosted during the war.
3.6 Neumann’s trajectory and semantic transitions, 1945–1972
Neumann was released from Jena University in late 1945.127 His minor position and
lack of support in the scientific field were important reasons for his release. In addi-
tion, he had relations to the social group surrounding Hans Reinerth, Kossinna’s most
famous acolyte, whom the scientific community ater 1945 characterized as the Nazi
archaeologist.128 Of course, finding a scapegoat was a post-1945 strategy of those archae-
ologists who held more powerful positions in the field than Reinerth and others. Ater
some years of exclusion from the scientific field, Neumann again became an assistant
professor at the Institute for Prehistory in Jena and, finally, received a full professorship
in 1953.129 Neumann’s trajectory was very similar to that of his older colleague in the
GDR Walther Schulz, who received a position at the University of Halle in the same
122 Grabolle, Hoßfeld, and Schmidt 2003, 879; for an- mann to Captain a. D. von Schlick. See Aly and
other opinion see R. Müller 2001, 95. Heim 1991, 50–68.
123 See Eberle 2002, 38–39, 98, 117. 126 Flachowsky 2008, 232.
124 Grabolle, Hoßfeld, and Schmidt 2003, 879; for an- 127 UAJ, D 3194: Friedrich-Schiller-Universität (Prof. Dr.
other opinion see R. Müller 2001, 95. Zucker, Dr. Bense) to G. Neumann (not dated).
125 NL Neumann, file “Kyhäuser – Grabungen und 128 See Halle 2002, 22–36.
Werk“: Letter dated 17 January 1943, Gotthard Neu- 129 R. Müller 2001, 95.
212
year, ater he had been disqualified from academia.130 In the end, Neumann received
exactly the position he wanted to achieve since his student years, even though he was
excluded from academia a couple of years. In the GDR, he became a member of the
Liberal-Demokratischen Partei Deutschlands (Liberal-Democratic Party of German) and en-
gaged in the evangelical church of Thuringia.131 It was very common for scholars and
scientists in East, but even more so in West Germany, to appeal supposedly Christian-
humanistic and non-political values ater 1945.132
This repositioning in academia in the then established GDR required specific se-
mantic and epistemic transitions of the former völkisch and ‘racial’ knowledge order.
Neumann continued to publish scientific articles in the early 1950s. Phrases such as
“das landfremde Volk der Glockenbecherleute” (the bell beaker people being foreign
to the soil) or the continual usage of the term Gruppe indicated a re-combination of
older terms and the addition of new ones.133 Whereas soil, ethnicity, and archaeologi-
cal objects still shaped a semantic bundle, ‘racial’ concepts, above all the Nordic theory,
or methods from physical anthropology were not in use anymore. This becomes most
obvious in the usage of the word Leute (people, without racial connotation), which Neu-
mann added to Volk and Gruppe. It was possible for Neumann to combine terms such as
Volk and Volksgemeinschat with the doctrine of the German Democratic Republic (GDR),
whereas ‘racial’ categories were unacceptable. Thus, he removed biological and racial el-
ements from his prehistoric scholarship through a reinvention of the term Kultur in the
period ater 1945, and – parallel to that – through an enforced shit of his focus from
Germanics to Celts and Slavs. This shit does not mean that Neumann only revitalized
his terminology and conceptualization from the 1920s. Instead, the ethnic categories in
Neumann’s concept of prehistory were transformed ater 1945; the term combination
deutschmittelalterliche Scherben(German-medieval ceramics)134 shows that the ethnic term
deutsch was still semantically linked with mittelalterlich (medieval) as a historic period.
Therefore, the linkage between ethnic and material culture and historic periodization
that could be converted into a materialistic-Marxist approach endured beyond the end
of the Nazi regime. Exactly the same conceptual transitions and transformations are
to find in works of other East German scholars who had made career during the Nazi
regime and continued their academic trajectory in the GDR, such as Martin Jahn, who
focused on the concept of Kulturgruppen (culture groups) in the 1950s.135
130 Eberle 2002, 390. 133 Neumann 1954, 8.

131 Vgl. R. Müller 2001, 106. 134 Neumann 1957, 32.
132 See Rabinbach 2003. 135 Jahn 1952.
213
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4 Conclusion: The völkisch thought and the establishment of

German prehistory
The völkisch-ethnic concept in German prehistoric archaeology, originating in the sec-

ond half of the nineteenth century, cannot be considered as “pseudo-science,” as Bettina
Arnold proposed.136 Instead it had the following functions in German prehistory: First,
in the period from the late nineteenth century to the 1920s, it served as a tool of dis-
tinction. The völkisch-ethnic concept – the linkage of the ethnic terms Volk, Gruppe, and
Rasse with geographical and temporal categories – was an element of the identity of
this emerging discipline, drawing boundaries between it and others such as the classics.
Ethnicity in prehistory appeared as an important element in achieving an autonomous
position as a discipline in the scientific field. This does not mean that ethnicity did not
play any role in the classics. Ater 1933 in particular, many scholars turned to the Nordic
theory and connected the classic Greek culture with the Germanenkultur in middle Eu-
rope. Sparta, too, served as a model for legitimating historically the bellicose and racist
social model of Nazi Germany.137 But, in contrast to prehistory, ethnicity in terms of a
biological ‘racial’ interpretation has never been a tool of symbolical distinction in the
scientific field.
Second, the völkisch concept was closely related to political right-wing groups, with
which the archaeologists surrounding Kossinna had close relationships. In the early
1930s, above all in Thuringia, the most promising of these parties was the NSDAP.
Neumann chose from the beginning of his career a heteronomous strategy, using the
right-wingers to attain a strong position in the scientific field that he could not achieve
by fighting with the ‘permitted weapons’ of the scientific field. Because prehistory was
not yet a symbolically autonomous and fully established discipline, prehistoric archae-
ologists such as Gotthard Neumann imported political problems, semantics, and terms
into the language and the concepts of prehistory.
Third, for prehistory as a discipline, the exchange of kinds of capital between ar-
chaeologists and Nazi politicians was a success story. Through the predominantly het-
eronomous strategy adopted by scholars, prehistory was established in the 1930s and
1940s and held onto this position even ater 1945 in the GDR and the FRG. This was
only possible because prehistoric archaeologists developed their main epistemological
principles, such as the ethnic concept, before the Nazis came to power. Therefore, they
were able to adapt the main elements of the Nazi ideology as easily as they renounced
Germanocentric and ‘racial’ categories ater 1945. Even though Neumann lost his job
as a professor at Jena University, he regained his position in 1953, having abandoned
136 See B. Arnold 2006. 137 See Altekamp 2008, 167–191.
214
völkisch-Germanocentric and ‘racial’ thoughts but having re-combined and transformed

the völkisch-ethnic concept.
5 Archival Records and Abbreviations
APM
Archiv des Pfahlbaumuseums Unteruhldingen/Bodensee: files “Korrespondenz
Reinerth”, “Akten Reichsbund”.
BAR
Bundesarchiv Berlin-Lichterfelde, Bundesarchiv, Koblenz: files “R 26/III 1, R 490/
13272, R 8048/223, R 8048/315, R 4901/13272”.
NL Neumann
Nachlass von Gotthard Neumann (personal papers of Gotthard Neumann), verwa-
ltet von Karl Peschel: file “Kyhäuser – Grabungen und Werk”.
ThHStAW
Thüringisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Weimar: files “Thüringisches Volksbildungsmin-
isterium, no. 21858”, “Der Reichsstatthalter in Thüringen, no. 440”.
UAJ
Universitätsarchiv Jena: files “BA 2055, D 3194”.
215
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FABIAN LINK
Dr. phil. (Basel 2012), is assistant in history of Dr. Fabian Link

science and the humanities at Goethe-University Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main
Frankfurt. The focus of his research is on the his- Historisches Seminar – Wissenschatsgeschichte
tory of archaeology and medieval studies in the IG-Farben-Haus
Nazi regime and on the history of the social sci- Norbert-Wollheim-Platz 1
ences during the Cold War. D-60629 Frankfurt am Main
E-Mail: f.link@em.uni-frankfurt.de
222
Serge Reubi
Why is the Dialogue so Difficult between the

Historiography of the Social Sciences and the
Historiography of Science?
Summary
In this paper, I observe that the historiographies of the social sciences differ sensibly from
those of the sciences. I start by proposing a three-part typology of this specific develop-
ment and then look for the origin of these separate historiographies. I test three groups of
hypothesis: (a) the social sciences are so much different from the ‘hard sciences’ that it is
impossible to understand them using concepts and methods which have mostly been de-
veloped within the historiography of the ‘hard sciences’; (b) the second hypothesis assumes
that the object changes less than the look at it: hence, sharing their object, it suggests that
these historiographies differ because the identity and aims of the scholars who write them
differ; (c) it is neither the object nor the historiographers which differ, but their relation.
Keywords: Historiography of social sciences; historiography of science; discipline; presen-

tism; historicism; disciplinary function of history.
Im vorliegenden Aufsatz beobachte ich, dass sich die Geschichtsschreibung der Geistes-
und Sozialwissenschaten unterscheidet von jener der Naturwissenschaten und schlage ei-
ne dreifach gegliederte Typologie dieser spezifischen Entwicklung vor. Im Anschluss fra-
ge ich nach den Ursprüngen der genannten Ansätze und untersuche drei Hypothesen: a)
die Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaten unterscheiden sich so sehr von den ‚exakten‘ Wissen-
schaten, dass es unmöglich ist, sie mit Konzepten und Methoden verstehen zu wollen, die
aus der Geschichtsschreibung der Naturwissenschaten hervorgegangen sind. b) die Unter-
suchungsobjekte ändern sich weniger als die Betrachtungsweisen. Nicht unterschiedliche
Objekte sondern unterschiedliche Identitäten und Ziele der Historiker/innen bedingen al-
so die abweichenden Geschichtsschreibungen. c) Weder die Untersuchungsobjekte noch
die Historiker/innen in den beiden Bereichen differieren voneinander, sondern ihre je spe-
zifische Beziehung zueinander ist ausschlaggebend für die profunden Unterschiede.
223
serge reubi
Keywords: Geschichtsschreibung der Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaten; Geschichtsschreibung

der Naturwissenschaten; Disziplin; Präsentismus; Historismus; disziplinäre Funktion von Ge-
schichte.
The first paragraphs of Henrika Kuklick’s introduction to her edited volume A New His-
tory of Anthropology1 summarized several important problems of the contemporary his-
toriography of the social sciences2 and interestingly pointed out the specific path which
it is following:
This collection will appeal to a range of readers, anthropologists and historians

prominent amongst them. For historians, the value of its essays will be their
contextualization of anthropological ideas and practices in specific times and
places. Anthropologists will find not only discussions of the discipline’s major
branches but also analyses of portions of its history that rarely feature in its oral
tradition […]. The classic typology of historians of the human sciences is Stock-
ing’s, a dichotomous scheme of ideal types: “presentists” and “historicists”. Pre-
sentists […] frame their accounts in contemporary terms, oten seeking lessons
from the past for the present: their tone may be celebratory, as they trace an-
tecedents of ideas and methods now considered commendable, or mournful,
regretting the loss of exemplary practices. Historicists […] are not explicitly
concerned with contemporary standards and debates: they show that when we
read old texts as if they had just been written, we frequently misunderstand
their authors’ intended meanings.3
For obvious reasons, the curious tone of these few introductory sentences strikes every
scholar aware of the innovations which have revolutionized the history of science in
the last thirty years. First, Kuklick stretches the value of ‘contextualization’ as if it was a
1 Kuklick 2008. cultural study of the human being (archaeology, an-

2 Interestingly, the English language offers no unan- thropology, …) and the biological (medicine, phys-
imously accepted word to designate the various ical anthropology). Hence most of the disciplines
disciplines which are united in the French sciences appear simultaneously in different categories, a fact
humaines or the German Geisteswissenschaten. As a which underlines the imprecision of the division: it
matter of fact, in English, these disciplines are dis- is a convention, as Roger Smith puts it (Smith 1997;
tributed in four, partly overlapping, categories: the 4, 17; see also Smith 1999, Reubi to be published).
social sciences, which comprise anthropology, soci- Put shortly, the word is missing, and so, probably,
ology, archaeology, history, geography, linguistics, does the concept – which may be, in part, an expla-
economics and psychology; the behavioral sciences, nation for its curious historiography. In this paper,
which are composed of psychology, anthropology, following Porter and Ross 2003 and against Kuck-
and the cognitive sciences; the humanities which lick, I will use the category “social sciences”.
consist of art, literature, history, linguistics and an- 3 Kuklick 2008, 1.
thropology; the human sciences, which gather the
224
why is the dialogue so difficult
new concept, yet, when her volume was published, David Bloor’s principle of causality4
had already been recognized, and questioned, for more than three decades. Second, she
does not name Bloor’s concept, even though it is most improbable that she is unaware
of it, but rather uses the less specific word ‘contextualization’. Last, she indicates that the
question of contextualization constitutes a ‘classic’ problem for the historiography of
the social sciences which has been identified by George Stocking who labelled the two
possible postures of the historian of social sciences, presentism and historicism. Thus, in
short, Kuklick’s introduction does not only show that the historiography of the social
sciences uses different concepts than the other historians of sciences; it also indicates
that it does not fall within the scope of the chronology of what could be labelled the
general historiography of science5 and, nevertheless, tackles the same questions. Hence,
this example addresses the question whether all sciences are objects of equivalent interest
for the history of science. I will argue that it is not the case, and in particular that the
social sciences are given a specific place in the historiography and that their histories
differ sensibly from the ones of the hard sciences. This is not a problem, of course; the
problem is rather that the historians act as if the social sciences were studied like the
hard sciences’ disciplines, while, in practice, they are not.
Hence this paper will slightly broaden the scope of the “new historiographical ap-
proaches to archaeology”6 and apply the question to the case of the other social sciences.
As Kuklick’s example shows, the limits of the historiography of archaeology, which
Gisela Eberhardt and Fabian Link have pointed out, can indeed be observed in the his-
tory of anthropology, but also in the history of history, linguistics, or sociology. In most
of these fields, as Raymond Boudon has shown,7 it can be seen that the historiographies
do not match the historiography of the hard sciences. The authors who have decisively
contributed to the general field of the history of science, from David Bloor8 to Barry
Barnes and Steve Shapin9 , and from Pierre Bourdieu10 to Bruno Latour11 , are barely
referred to; the questions which they raise, the methods which they use, and perspec-
tives which they follow are mostly different, and, when similar, their origins are not
mentioned.
The aim of this paper is to identify the reasons for this specific path. To do so, I
propose to identify the types of historiography which historians of the social sciences
write and observe that they differ strongly from hard science’s historiography. Secondly,
4 Bloor 1976. paper presented in September 2010 in Berlin was

5 The general historiography of science consists of the named: “New Historiographical Approaches to Ar-
study of natural, physical, and medical sciences. It is chaeological Research”.
hence limited to what English names “science” and 7 Boudon 1992, 304.
what French describe as sciences dures. In this paper, 8 Bloor 1976.
to mention this limited segment of historiography, I 9 Barnes and Shapin 1979.
will use the formula: history of hard sciences. 10 Bourdieu 1984.
6 The workshop during which the first version of this 11 Latour 1984; Latour 1989.
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I will submit for discussion three hypotheses which may explain the reasons for the
mutual distrust by the historians of ‘general science’ and the historians of the social
sciences in both the tools developed and the results obtained. Finally, I will suggest that,
since it was a historical process which gave this orientation to the historiography of the
social sciences, there are possibilities to end this mutual distrust.
1 The historiography of the social sciences – an attempted

typology
Over the past 40 years, the historiography of the social sciences has produced an incred-
ible volume of work which presents so many national, institutional, or epistemological
varieties that it is merely impossible to keep the overview. And even if it was possible,
the few pages of this modest contribution would not suffice to describe these in any sat-
isfying way. However a quick glance at a representative selection of publications on this
topic may suggest dividing them into three broad and partly overlapping categories:12
philosophical, disciplinary, and historicist historiography.
1.1 Philosophical history
The studies within the scope of the philosophical approach present three characteris-
tics. In the first place, they are normative studies of a discipline, in the sense that Gas-
ton Bachelard intended when he asserted that “en opposition complète aux prescriptions qui
recommandent à l’historien de ne pas juger, il faut au contraire demander à l’historien des sciences
des jugements de valeur.”13 These studies analyze a discipline’s past in order to help schol-
ars to improve their practice of the discipline. Secondly, these studies ground almost
solely on published texts and are therefore limited to a history of published ideas. They
neither consider the history of scientific practice nor question the financing problems in
science, which is considered a purely cognitive activity. Lastly, they focus on one specific
discipline. To be sure, a few cross-disciplinary studies have been attempted, among them,
Georges Gusdorf’s De l’histoire des sciences à l’histoire de la pensée14 and Michel Foucault’s
Les mots et les choses.15 As the first general studies of the social sciences, they were crucial
since they contributed to validate these activities as legitimate objects of the philosophy
12 It is important to underline that this typology is by 120–121), nor does it have an absolute character
no means a chronology. As Blondiaux and Richard (Blondiaux and Richard 1999, 116).
have shown, the historicist turn in the history of the 13 Bachelard 1972, 141.
social sciences does not occur synchronically in the 14 Gusdorf 1966.
different disciplines (Blondiaux and Richard 1999, 15 Foucault 1966.
226
of science and emancipated them from the domination of the practitioners’ historiogra-
phy. Moreover, they shaped later studies by attempting to understand the social sciences
through the study of their past, thus redefining the past as a key to the essence of science.
Finally, they attempted to identify the nature of the matter unifying the social sciences.
Although they shared very different views (anti-humanist vs. humanist), followed differ-
ent processes (unconscious vs. conscious), and had different perspectives (discontinuity
vs. continuity), they tried in their more or less accurate studies of the history of the so-
cial sciences, to identify the processes, changes and continuities which have led to the
birth of the social sciences and, with more ambition, to understand what has been their
conception of the human being.
What is more interesting for this paper, however, is the development of this nor-
mative philosophy within each of the individual social sciences, all of which share this
type of literature. In the history of archaeology, studies like Laurent Olivier’s Le sombre
abîme du temps16 correspond to this. Archaeology, he argues, shouldn’t try to put to-
gether again the events of the past but must understand the modes of memory processes
through materiality. In the history of history, Michel De Certeau’s L’écriture de l’histoire17
or Paul Veyne’s Comment on écrit l’histoire18 also fit into this first category, identifying
the essential characteristics of historiography and the problems arising from the use of
specific tools or concepts. James Clifford and George Markus’s Writing Culture19 tackled
the same questions for anthropology. The majority of these texts indeed make use of the
history of these various disciplines to identify their current problems and to discover
their essence by studying its past. Hence, although these studies may present significant
methodological propositions, they differ sensibly from the historians’ or the practition-
ers’ positions: essentialist and anachronical, their analyses are more valuable to the prac-
titioners because they are bonnes à penser. Interesting for their reflexive perspective, the
philosophical essays may hence present a normative dimension.
1.2 Disciplinary history
This normative dimension is a characteristic which is again found in the second, disci-
plinary approach. In contrast to the philosophical approach’s consideration of processes,
however, this historiography focuses on analyzing what falls within the scope of a dis-
cipline and what is of interest for their practitioners today. As Bruno Latour puts it,
they study the “stabilized state of affairs”, rather than the “affair being stabilized”20 –
or in Bourdieu’s words, they are concerned by the opus operatum, rather than the modus
operandi.21 Identifying the discipline-in-the-past to the discipline-in-the-present, these
16 Olivier 2008. 19 Clifford and Marcus 1986.

17 Certeau 1975. 20 Latour 2005, 1.
18 Veyne 1971. 21 Bourdieu 1997, 86.
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historians assume that there are things such as anthropology or archaeology, and do not
try to understand the processes which have created them. Hence, they reify and natural-
ize the various fields of research.
Moreover, a disciplinary historiography is also a historiography which disciplines.
Judith Schlanger22 and Claude Blanckaert23 have shown that the writing of a history
is generally a constitutive (and last) step in the formation of a discipline. The quest for
“epistemic heroes”24 and “forgotten precursors”25 falls within its scope. While this is
globally true, it is a particularly important process in the social sciences in the context
of the reflexive turn. In the historiography of anthropology, for example, the reflexive
move of the 1970s which resulted from a profound legitimacy crisis influenced many
works. Hence, chronology has worked here as a mise en ordre of the disciplinary land-
scape. As exemplified in Raymond Aron’s Etapes de la pensée sociologique,26 history is a
pretext to clear discussions about the contemporary state and the future of a discipline
and Jean Jamin could explicitly link both issues: “l’ethnologie est entrée dans une phase de
remaniement, qui passe peut-être par une réévaluation de son histoire”.27 Thus, written by lead-
ing scholars of the field, disciplinary history aims at the reproduction of the relations
among the actors of the field and perpetuates the state of the discipline. Alternatively, it
may be written by ambitious newcomers who use history to redefine the doxa and the
limits of the field.28 In both cases, history is used to discipline the discipline and this
is why this historiography usually appears in the introduction of popular disciplinary
handbooks. As a consequence, numerous publications written by practitioners follow
this path29 and dominate this historiography.30
These disciplinary histories mostly follow what George Stocking (and Kucklick,
ater him) has named a presentist view of a discipline’s history. This view, Stocking has
argued, is the position where the historian tends to demand of the past something more
than simply why, where, and how something has happened. The past must be related
to, and even useful for, furthering his professional activities in the ongoing present. It
has a normative commitment, like Butterfield’s whig interpretation of history,31 and
wrenches the individual historical phenomenon from the complex network of its con-
temporary context in order to see it in abstracted relationship to analogues in the present.
While it is worth noting that this distinction echoes, but never explicitly refers to, the
broader and famous controversy of the 1950’s between Gaston Bachelard and Alexan-
dre Koyré, Stocking asserts that it is of particular importance to the historiography of
the behavioral sciences. If this is so, the explanation should be found, in his view, in
22 J. Schlanger 1992. 1983, XVII.

23 Blanckaert 1995. 28 Bourdieu 2001, 72–77.
24 Bourdieu 1984, 34. 29 Kuper 1975; Daniel and Renfrew 1962; Daniel 1981.
25 Kaeser 2001, 202. 30 Blondiaux and Richard 1999, 116.
26 Aron 1967. 31 Butterfield 1931.
27 Jamin 1988, 474; see also: Lepenies and Weingart
228
the fact that social sciences are, in Kuhn’s words, mostly pre-paradigmatic32 ; hence, this
historiography is more likely to be open to certain vices of presentism than the general
historiography of science: “When there is no single framework which unites all the work-
ers in the field, but rather competing schools, historiography simply extends the arena
of their competition”.33 It means that the history of the social sciences is consubstantial
to their practice.34 Adapting Clausewitz’s dictum, one might say that historiography is
merely a controversy pursued by other means.
1.3 Historicist history
The historicist approach constitutes the origin of the last type of social-sciences histori-
ography, which, like Kuklick’s volume, aims at contextualizing the production of knowl-
edge. Noël Coye’s analysis of archaeological practice,35 Nathan Schlanger’s studies of the
relations between nation-building and science36 or Marc-Antoine Kaeser’s biography of
Edouard Desor37 are some publications of the historiography of archaeology which fit
this category; Bertrand Mueller’s use of Lucien Febvre’s book reviews to write the French
founder of the Annales’ biography38 or Claude Blanckaert’s study of the relations be-
tween anthropology and politics39 are their counterparts for history or anthropology.
Thus, these historians of the social sciences adopt various questions and methods from
the general historiography of science. However, although one may find for obvious rea-
sons numerous exceptions in the historiography of psychology and of governance,40
rarely do they affiliate themselves to the different trends of the historiography of sci-
ence which invented them, and seldom do they acknowledge their debts – they content
themselves with the claim of being historicists. They adopt a contextualist view; analyze
practices; study unpublished material which is not a priori a scientific archive; follow the
relationships between and among the public, policymakers, and the sciences; examine
controversies and relate context to science; or seek to understand the processes by which
these disciplines were constituted. However, they barely mention the research in other
fields, specifically in the history of hard sciences, and do not use their results. In other
words, studying similar objects using a similar perspective is not a sign for sharing a
disciplinary field. They do not refer to each other, and publish in different journals, as
one may observe from the case of the historiography of anthropology or archaeology.
Historians of the social sciences indeed have their own journals and some disciplines
even have their own publication or series (History of Anthropology, Bulletin of the History
32 Kuhn 1962, 15. 37 Kaeser 2004.

33 Stocking 1968, 8. 38 Müller 2003.
34 Matalon 1992, 9. 39 Blanckaert 2001b.
35 Coye 1997. 40 See for example: Danziger 1990; Morawski 2005;
36 N. Schlanger 2002. Carson 2006; Rose 1996.
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of Archaeology), or readers.41 Moreover, historians of the social sciences are organized in

specific societies (ESHHS), and are present at separate conferences. To put it clearly: they
belong to a distinct discipline.
Broadly, the situation already described by Friedrich Engels42 is thus the following:
Research in the history of social sciences fits into a normative history of ideas, with a
philosophical and a disciplinary pole, and neglects the recent developments in the his-
toriography of science. Another group of historians of the social sciences shares topics,
methods, and perspectives with the vast majority of historians of science, but clearly con-
stitutes a different community of research. As Theodore Porter and Dorothy Ross have
put it, “actors in this field […] have not always been aware of one another, and some
perhaps have discovered only recently that all along they have been writing this species
of prose”.43 At the end of the day, these three types of historiography of the social sci-
ences share features that differ significantly from those in the general historiography of
science; these common differences (might) explain why historians of the social and the
natural sciences do not explicitly share their historiographical methods and perspectives;
they most probably explain why one may talk about “new approaches” for innovations
of more than thirty years.
2 The origins of separate communities
Nevertheless, it is interesting to understand why and how this situation occurred. Of

course, no simple answer is available here and various paths of explanation should be
explored. In my view, three hypotheses might be pursued, which I wish to offer for dis-
cussion. The first hypothesis suggests that the objects of these two disciplines are merely
too different to be examined in the same way. The second tracks the identity and aims
of the scholars who write these different historiographies and wonders if the difference
originates here. The third supposes that the origin of these two different conceptions of
the historiography of science lies in the relation between the objects and the observers
or, in other words, between and among the knowledge-in-the-past, the knowledge-in-
the-present and the observer.
2.1 Objects
The first proposition is that the objects observed in the social sciences and in the hard
sciences are too different for their historiographers to share disciplinary elements. There-
fore, so this proposition, they use different concepts and publish in different journals.
41 Murray and Evans 2008. 43 Porter and Ross 2003, 9.

42 Boudon 1992, 303.
230
Chemists, ater all, study molecules, while theologians study sacred texts, and this is
why they use different tools, follow different aims, and publish in different journals.
The most important series on the topic such as the Cambridge and the Norton History
of Science series follow this pattern too and have published special volumes dedicated
to the social sciences. The hypothesis is hence that concepts and methods in the history
of science were developed within the study of a specific object, the hard sciences, and
they cannot be used in another domain. To be sure, this is far from being a new hypoth-
esis. Wilhelm Dilthey already proposed a similar position44 and Charles Perry Snow had
argued that the humanities and the natural sciences were parts of two different, incom-
mensurable cultures.45 More recently, Wolf Lepenies’s view was still very much alike
when he suggested in Die drei Kulturen that the history of sociology should be analyzed
with the tools of literary analysis, rather than of the history of science, because it was
more of an aesthetic than a cognitive activity.46 Thus he agreed with Raymond Boudon
who argued that the social sciences followed four different goals – cognitive, aesthetic,
critic, and cameralist – which explained their greater diversity. Quite in opposition to
the hard sciences which, he suggested, were only cognitive, the cameralist social sciences
could not favor the accumulation of knowledge since they necessarily constituted a situ-
ated knowledge. This, according to Boudon, explains the need for history in the social
sciences.47
This hypothesis is tempting48 – although the idea following which the hard sciences
would not be situated knowledge seems quite outdated – because it can help to under-
stand why methods and concepts in the history of social science have developed in a
specific way, and in a particular chronology. Since the object differs, the relevant ques-
tions and the legitimate controversies are not necessarily the same and, if they are, they
do not have to follow the same chronology. This hypothesis is also appealing because
it calls into question the hard sciences’ imperialism,49 which lits these disciplines to
a scientific benchmark; transposed to historiography, it would assert that the methods
which allow historians to study the past of these sciences must work to understand the
history of other sciences.50 It is eventually an intriguing hypothesis, because it finds an
echo in the very proposal of the STS which asserts that places play a role in the consti-
tution of science.51 Thus, the essential differences between the social and other sciences
would be rooted in the various loci in which they are practiced.
However, this hypothesis is problematic: The idea that the social sciences and hard
sciences are so different is, as I have already pointed out, an old serpent de mer. From
44 Dilthey 1883. 47 Boudon 1992, 306–311.

45 Snow 1959. 48 See also Smith 1997, 13–19.
46 Lepenies 1985. – Jerome Kagan recently pursued the 49 Matalon 1992, 9.
same argument and suggested that there were three 50 Porter and Ross 2003, 6.
incommensurable cultures: the social sciences, the 51 Livingstone 2003.
humanities and the natural sciences (Kagan 2009).
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Dilthey’s Verstehen and Erklären to Kuhn’s pre-paradigmatic science, concepts have been
proposed by many scholars to explain this putative difference without any of them
ever standing out. This is not entirely surprising, for the distinction, in many respects,
does not appear to be meaningful. The study of scientific practices, rather than ideas,
or essences, has thus allowed one to construct communities of knowledge which are
transversal to the social sciences – hard sciences border, as Robert E. Kohler has con-
vincingly shown with the category of collecting sciences, uniting archaeology, zool-
ogy, ethnography or botanic52 or as Ian Hacking has done with interactive and non-
interactive kinds.53
Aside from these transversal categories, the social sciences and hard sciences present
more similarities than it has previously been thought. As Claude Blanckaert has shown,54
the relations between science and society as well as the processes of emergence are iden-
tical in both the social and hard sciences. While he admits that these are less visible in
the social sciences, he suggests searching for the origin of this phenomenon not in some
undefined, essential difference, but rather in the fact that the social sciences are less of
an issue than the more strategic, expensive hard sciences. They are indeed quite identical
and, if something is of interest here, it might be to identify the origin of this distinction
and what is at stake in this historical, but naturalized difference.55 Hence, the validity
of the category has to be questioned and, although it is certain that what is understood
today as social sciences does not overlap what was understood 100 years ago, it is still
unknown, as Porter and Ross have underlined,56 if what is branded and united under
the label ‘social sciences’ shares enough features in synchrony.
2.2 Observers
The second hypothesis turns away from the object and focuses on the identity of the
historians of science and social sciences. It is known that before the late 1970s, the vast
majority of historians of science were either philosophers or practitioners of their own
discipline. This is true for the hard sciences, as Thomas Kuhn, David Bloor or Alexandre
Koyré testify, while the examples of Robert Lowie, Raymond Aron or Colin Renfrew and
Glyn Daniel show that the same goes for the social sciences.
However, from the 1970s on, a community of scholars has emerged in the study
of hard sciences who are neither philosophers nor practitioners. Inventing a tradition
which goes back to Karl Mannheim, Max Scheler or Ludwig Fleck, they proposed an
objectifying and distant look at the sciences of the past, which quickly dominated the
field. Many of these studies of science have been identified as a reaction to the realm
52 Kohler 2007. 55 Smith 1997, 7.

53 Hacking 1999. 56 Porter and Ross 2003, 1.
54 Blanckaert 2001a, 15.
232
of big science in the 1950s and 1960s. The critical posture towards the Cold War and
eurocentrism contributed to an ideological position opposed to science, rationality and
progress and led to a general critique of power and knowledge. In this process, the hard
sciences have been analyzed and criticized from the outside as being part of the con-
demned military-industrial, capitalistic complex and, as Dominique Pestre has argued,57
the aim of these studies was to de-essentialize and to demystify science, among others
by showing its diversity, its contingency and its practices.
For the social sciences, the movement was both similar and different. A critical view
in anthropology or in history appeared in the 1970s (e. g., Paul Veyne, Michel de Certeau,
or James Clifford), which was rooted in the same phenomenon found in the general field
of science: Anthropology’s relationship to the colonial power or to the military (Project
Camelot), or history’s reification of past traditions to invent national, or local, or reli-
gious identities, showed significant similarities to the other sciences. However, contrary
to the hard sciences’ case and although there are some rare exceptions,58 the critical move
came from within. While this is quite understandable for history at least, it nevertheless
constituted a decisive difference with numerous and important consequences.
Three of them should be pinpointed. Firstly, the insider’s view favors a presentist
perspective. This is of importance, because the social-science historians’ critical view is
not solely rooted in the anti-science movement, but also in the reflexive turn. In this
context, history is not simply a way to criticize science, but also a path to better, and
renew the orientations of the single disciplines. Hence, the presentist perspective reifies
the discipline, and promotes the actual state of the discipline to a benchmark. They look
for operating ancestors, take the discipline for granted, and rarely question its coming
into being. Secondly, the internal critique is not weaker, but may be less conflictual. It is
not a war between sociologists and scientists; it is rather a discussion among practition-
ers of a same discipline about the state of an art whose axioms are shared. Because of
that, the fronts stiffen less and a dialogue in which everyone has the same competences
appears. Lastly, the histories which they write are locally competent, i. e. at the scale of
a single discipline and nation. Thus, an historian of anthropology will rarely mention,
nor be concerned with, the naturalist perspectives of his objects of study, because today’s
anthropologists do not master these issues; similarly, they also will not be able to pro-
duce transdisciplinary studies, because it is not of any interest for the discipline, despite
what such studies can bring, as Peter Galison has demonstrated59 . This limited field of
competence also hinders their joining the community of the historians of science and
they remain identified as archaeologists, anthropologists, or linguists. In other words,
they are amateur historians.60
57 Pestre 2006, 6. 59 Galison 1996.

58 Porter and Ross 2003, 8. 60 Blanckaert 1988, 451–452.
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Institutionally, this has important consequences: as amateurs, they develop their

networks in their own professional and disciplinary fields, that of archaeology, anthro-
pology, or geography, and this explains their publishing in specific journals; as ama-
teurs, they are also financed by institutions of their own field, which, of course, favor
research in their field. Thus, this volume is limited to the history of archaeology, as was
the workshop and while the scope could have broaden to epigraphy or papyrology, it
would most probably not have been to that of geography or psychology; the scholars’
publishing strategies finally proceed from these links to one specific discipline and they
do not indicate a social science’s historians strong wish to talk to historians of science.
Hence, in spite of the quantitative importance of the social and social sciences in the
contemporary university and in spite of the social scientist’s interest in their own his-
tory, this historiography finds little echo among the historians of science and remains
of little interest.
However, this hypothesis isn’t entirely satisfying either because it appears that is not
so much the identity of these scholars – both the historians of science and the historians
of social sciences are social scientists, what delegitimizes the difference between amateur
and professionals61 – which is at stake, but rather the question of their relationship to
their object. Some study themselves or their own tradition, others study external objects.
The position is different. This leads to the last hypothesis.
2.3 Relationships
The last hypothesis supposes that the important difference lies neither in the object, nor
in the historian, but in their relationship. We observed this earlier in what I called the
disciplinary function of historiography, which arises from a new type of relationship be-
tween observer and object. Since Henri-Irénée Marrou,62 social scientists and historians
have been aware of the ambiguous connections between historiography and the histo-
rian. His famous “l’histoire est inséparable de l’historien” stressed the impact of the scholar’s
present, social and cultural references and Weltanschauung on his scientific work. The is-
sue for the historiography of the social sciences, if similar, is slightly more complex. As in
Marrou’s case, the construction of the past is mediated through the historian’s present.
But the present comprises a conception of the present discipline itself. Therefore, history,
or the discipline-in-the-past, is shaped by the discipline-in-the-present. Simultaneously,
the discipline-in-the-present is of course historically determined, which means that the
discipline-in-the-past shapes also the discipline-in-the-present. This double relation is
important for the historiography of the social sciences since it links the discipline-in-
the-past and the discipline-in-the-present through the mediation of the historian. And
61 Blondiaux and Richard 1999, 115. 62 Marrou 1954, 47.
234
it is all the more so when the historian is a historian-cum-practitioner-of-the-discipline

as it is so oten the case for the historiography of the social sciences. Hence, it offers the
possibility that the historian uses the past to build the discipline in the way he wishes it
as a practitioner of the discipline whose history he is writing. Thus the relationships be-
tween object and scholar are multiplied, because the historian relates both to the object
in the past and the object in the present.
The historiography of the social sciences is therefore much less autonomous than
the general historiography of science. The past is at stake, for the discipline in the present
and for its historiography which is in return a weapon to control the present and the
past. This explains why it is considered a sphere with a high value coefficient, and this
is why it has been generally dominated by the big names of the field. It comes with
important symbolic capital within the disciplinary fields and constitutes a major issue.
For this reason, and for the motives proposed by Boudon63 as well as in stark contrast to
the historiography of other sciences, disciplinary histories are central for the education
of the students in the social sciences. Historiography is a means to reproduce or change,
and in any case direct, the future of the discipline.
This is significant for the argument. The development of a new historiography and
sociology of general science indeed brings new actors into the field of the historiography
of sciences. Moreover, these actors are quite powerful ones. Their professionalship, their
external view, and the growing place of science studies in the academic world give them
major symbolic capital and thus menace the field of the historiography of sciences and
for those dominating this historiography. As I have argued, the threat is even greater in
the case of the historiography of the social sciences, since mastering the past helps to
shape the discipline’s present. If in the case of the hard sciences, the intrusion of these
new methods has transformed the field of the history of science with some violence,
in the history of social sciences both history and the discipline itself are at stake. The
issue is hence much more critical for the dominants who may lose on both counts.
Their position as historians dictates their position as archaeologists, anthropologists, or
geographers. Therefore, the reluctance of the historians of the social sciences to the new
developments of historiography is bigger.
At the same time, one might think that the historians and sociologists of science
would invest the history of the social science and make it their territory. But they do
not and do not show more interest in the object “social science” than the historians of
social sciences for the new tools. This is true for several reasons: First, the social sciences
are of little importance in the scientific field. They are thought to spend less money, do
not develop in the big science, and seem of little ideological or political use. They don’t
develop in big institutions, which are studied in the frame of the sociology of scientific
63 Boudon 1992, 306–311.
235
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organizations. They are also insignificant in the social field, since they do not raise fun-
damental questions as the genetically modified organism, or the global management of
the swine flu. Moreover, the social sciences have strongly criticized their own practices
and principles in the wake of the reflexive turn; thus the desacralization of science, which
was an important aim of the Science Studies, is not an issue any more. In addition, the
hard science’s imperialism mentioned above lets one believe that the social sciences are
like any other science, and hence that there is no interest in studying their specific case.
Finally, most leading names in the history of science have studied the hard sciences, and
both the institutions’ force of inertia and the laws of imitation maintained them for
long in the core of interest.
Thus, this relational issue between the past, the present, and the viewer may ex-
plain the state of the historiography of the social sciences. On one hand, the distrust
towards new historiographic trends is a reassuring posture for disciplinary historians:
Rejecting these methods, concepts, and results delays the arrival of new actors and the
transformation of the discipline. On the other hand, the historicist historians have been
entangled in an isolated field designed by the presentist historians and neglected by the
historians of science and have developed their own concepts and methods. Sometimes
similar to those of the other historians, sometimes different, they only rarely mention
their affiliation, if any. They only raise the flag of historicism as if it was sufficient to
identify them. As a matter of fact, historicist historians of the social sciences, satisfied
and obsessed by the founding separation of presentism underlined by Kuklick,64 but
insufficiently examined and certainly less significant than it is generally assumed,65 may
have neglected another dividing wall which isolated their historical object and its histo-
rians from the general history of science. Hence they must act now, so that they do not
become the new presentists of the historians of science, ater winning the battle against
presentism – which would thus consolidate a seducing but uncompletable comparison
in the context of this paper with the nineteenth century historicists who won the battle
against romantic historians before losing against the nomothetic historians influenced
by sociology.
3 Conclusion
I have argued that the historiography of the social sciences follows a specific path. Con-
sidering the hypotheses suggested above, I would like to offer some modest solutions
to change the situation. First, historians of general science and historians of the social
sciences study the same object. Thus, there should be no objection to sharing methods
64 Kuklick 2008, 1. 65 Blondiaux and Richard 1999, 110–112.
236
and concepts. Second, the identity of the scholars is not an issue; what matters is their
relationship to the objects. Hence, historians of social sciences need to rid themselves
of their disciplinary perspective rather than excluding other historians. Not only should
they abandon studies which focus on one single discipline, but they must eliminate the
presentist perspective. To achieve this, a possible path would be to open up their field
and invite historians of science to consider their topics in order to re-shape the field
dominated by the presentist views. The issue here is to abandon the “ghetto mental-
ity”66 which dominates the field and become professional. In this respect, it is of central
importance to reject the idea that the history of archaeology or the history of anthropol-
ogy are merely dynamic subfields of archaeology or anthropology.67 In addition, they
should, fully use and recognize the heuristic capacities of new historiographical trends.
Nevertheless, this should not be an unconditional surrender. Historians of the social
sciences should make use of their specific case studies, no longer with the aim of de-
veloping parallel concepts and methods, but to participate in the elaboration and the
modification of the history of science’s general concepts through their own results. Even-
tually, they must claim the value of their own concepts, such as the presentist-historicist
distinction and all the critical thought born in the reflexive turn, to promote them as
useful concepts in the general field of science.
In this respect, if I may express myself in military terms, these solutions address the
question of the strategic relevance of a workshop on “New historiographical approaches
to archaeological research”, which constituted the starting point of this publication. First,
the adjective “new” has to be questioned. What is our posture, if we assert that these
thirty years old methods and trends are new, since we all know they are not? It puts us in
an outsider position. Furthermore, it is limited to archaeology, most probably because of
some institutional motives which have been indicated earlier. Hence it perpetuates the,
incorrect, idea following which history of archaeology would be apart from the history
of sciences. The tactical relevance of this is perfectly clear, since we are still, obviously,
cornered in an uncomfortable situation with disciplinary historians who are dominant
in our discipline pushing us on one side, and advocates of the STS-field, which are dom-
inant in the social sciences’ field, pulling us on the other. However, strategically and
quite to the contrary to Blondiaux and Richard’s proposition, it is crucial to take root in
the field of the history of science rather than turn back to the disciplines again.68 To do
so, it may be interesting, ater harvesting the results of the mentioned workshop, to go
two steps further: First, another workshop might be organized, which would overstep
the disciplinary boundaries, and address these issues again at the general level of the
social sciences; second, ater having assessed our achievements, we should confront the
general historiographies of science, to understand what our specialization in the science
66 Collini 1988, 398. 68 Blondiaux and Richard 1999, 123.

67 Handler 2000, 3.
237
serge reubi
studies’ field can bring to the whole field. Here we shall question whether and how the
tools developed in the STS work (or not) with our object and try to contribute to their
improvement or the invention of new tools. And, in this process, archaeology, standing
at the interface between the natural and social sciences, will again, but for other reasons,
have to be in the middle of the interest.
238
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serge reubi
SERGE REUBI
Dr. phil. (Neuchâtel, Paris 2008), is a Swiss Science Dr. Serge Reubi
Foundation postdoc and a visiting scholar in Berlin Centre Marc-Bloch
(Centre Marc-Bloch, Max-Planck Institut für Wis- Friedrichstrasse 191
senschatsgeschichte and Humboldt University) 10117 Berlin, Germany
and Cambridge. He is currently working on the E-Mail: serge.reubi@gmail.com
project “Picturing Culture: Aerial Photography,
Maps, and the Scholar’s Self in the Interwar Period,
French Social Sciences”.
242
gisela eberhardt, Dr. phil., is an archaeologist and
historian with special interests in the history and epis-
temology of archaeological research and knowledge. As
editor at the Excellence Cluster Topoi, she is responsible
for the book series and the ejournal of Edition Topoi at
Freie Universität Berlin.
fabian link, Dr. phil., is assistant in history of science

and the humanities at Goethe University Frankfurt.
The focus of his research is on the history of archaeol-
ogy and medieval studies in the Nazi regime and on
the history of the social sciences during the Cold War.
Within the berlin studies of the ancient world

series, monographs and volumes of all fields of ancient
studies are published. These publications form the
results of research conducted within the Excellence
Cluster Topoi. The Formation and Transformation of
Space and Knowledge in Ancient Civilizations, a research
association between the Freie Universität Berlin and
the Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin as well as the
partner institutions Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie
der Wissenschaften, Deutsches Archäologisches Institut,
Max-Planck-Institut für Wissenschaftsgeschichte and
Stiftung Preußischer Kulturbesitz.
The series is part of the research platform Edition Topoi
and fully accessible at www.edition-topoi.org.
ISBN 978-3-9816384-1-7
32 berlin studies of
the ancient world
www.edition-topoi.org

Historiographical Approaches To Past Archaeological Research. Gisela Eberhardt Fabian Link (Eds.)

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Historiographical

BERLIN STUDIES OF THE ANCIENT WORLD

edited by topoi excellence cluster

© 2015 Edition Topoi / Exzellenzcluster Topoi der Freien

Printed and distributed by

First published 2015

gisela eberhardt – fabian link

marieke bloembergen and martijn eickhoff

Historiographical Approaches to Past Archaeological

Keywords: History of archaeology; history of science; historiographical approaches.

Ausgehend von Entwicklungen in der Geschichtsschreibung von Natur- und Geisteswissen-

Keywords: Geschichte der Archäologie; Archäologiegeschichte; Wissenschatsgeschichte;

10 Kaeser 2004; Link 2014.

Corbey and Roebroeks 2003 Jensen 2012

Dr. phil. (Berlin 2008), is an archaeologist and Dr. Gisela Eberhardt

Dr. phil. (Basel 2012), is assistant in history of Dr. Fabian Link

(Net)working a Stone into a Tool. How Technologies

Keywords: History of archeology; history of paleoanthropology; knowledge circulation; eo-

Keywords: Geschichte der Archäologie; Geschichte der Paläoanthropologie; Wissenszirku-

9 See Halttunen 2008.

10 Hopwood, Schaﬀer, and Secord 2010. 12 Sommer 2007, Part II.

14 Landau 1991. 17 O’Connor 2003; O’Connor 2005; O’Connor 2007,

or at an ontology of current views, even the understanding on the basis of cognitive

1 Gabriel de Mortillet: The first eoliths and the performance of

18 Ellen and Muthana 2010. verselle_de_1867.png?uselang=de (visited on

20 Mortillet 1867. découle directement de la géologie, – j’ai donné à

2 James Reid Moir: The production of series and the serial

24 Lopes 2009. 26 Shapin and Schaﬀer 1985.

Fig. 2 ,Rostro-carinate‘ eolith according to Reid Moir and Lankester.

27 Reid Moir 1916.

Fig. 3 Experimental production of rostro-carinate.

Fig. 4 Alleged precursors of the rostro-carinate form.

Fig. 5 Ater Reid Moir.

Fig. 6 Ater Reid Moir.

Fig. 7 Ater Reid Moir.

Fig. 8 Ater Reid Moir .

Fig. 9 Ater Reid Moir.

Fig. 10 Ater Reid Moir.

Fig. 11 Ater Reid Moir.

Fig. 12 Ater Reid Moir.

Fig. 13 Ater Reid Moir.

Fig. 14 Ater Reid Moir.

28 Reid Moir 1921.

29 Reid Moir and Keith 1912. 31 Reid Moir 1927, 162.

3 Henry Fairfield Osborn: Eoliths and a story of serial progress

32 Boule 1905. 34 Reid Moir 1927, Preface.

Expressed in modern terms, manual training is one of the modes of mental

41 Osborn 1927a, ch. 1. 42 Osborn 1927a, 11.

Fig. 16 “Rough scheme suggest-

Fig. 17 Visualization of prehistoric and recent racial stocks by Osborn.

Fig. 18 Osborn’s 1923 sequence of Palaeolithic men and animals.

On Sunday morning, July 24 [1921], ater attending a most memorable service

43 Osborn 1927a, 52–53.

44 Sommer 2010; Sommer 2004.

Areson Clark 2001 Gould 1989

Mortillet 1883 Rainger 1991

O’Connor 2007 Reid Moir 1917

Osborn 1923 Reid Moir 1935

Schlanger 2006 Sommer 2008

Wood Jones 1929

Towards a Bureaucratic History of Archaeology.

Keywords: Post-mortem medical examinations; archaeological recording; military engi-

Keywords: Medizinische Post-mortem-Untersuchungen; archäologische Aufzeichnung;