Wolinska, T. - Filipczak, P. (Eds.) (2015) Byzantium and The Arabs - The Encounter of Civilizations (Byzantina Lodziensia XXIII) Part3

PART
III
Hassan Badawy, B Aej Cecota, Marek μ. Dziekan,

Teresa Wolinska, Marta Wozniak
After the Conquest
Hassan Badawy. Beazej Cecota
I. Administration of the Arabic World:

from TribalisBtt to the Umayyad Caliphate
Ι.Ι. Pre-Muslim Power Structures ‫ ئ‬the Arabian Peninsula

‫ ’ل‬he process that drove the creation of the Arab state was determined
by the tough desert environment of the Arabian Peninsula'. The life of nomads
in its central region was a struggle for survival. A slightly better situation was to
٠ Ι.Α. A1 - A d a w i,An-Nuzum al-islamyya, Cairo 1972., pp. 65-69, 75-85.

516 III. After the Conquest
be found with the inhabitants of South Arabia, living both in rural and urban ar-
eas with close proximity to ports: important centres of trade with the Far East It
was the part of Arabia where, relatively early, state organisations emerged. What
triggered this process was the need to organise cooperation in order to maintain
the dam ofMa’rib. Another factor facilitating unification was the necessity of en-
suring control over trade routes. However, the realisation of these objectives was
difficult for the inhabitants of south Arabia, which is demonstrated by the de-
struction of the irrigation system, a result of insufficient maintenance. Following
a huge flood, the great dam of Ma’rib was damaged’ and a process of large-scale
migration of the local population occurred. At the time when the state structures
were weakened, this part of the Arabian Peninsula was under Ethiopian control.
Even prior to this, communities of the region were subject to cultural infiltration
from the older, well-developed cultures of Ethiopia and Persia. There were also
religious reasons for the Abyssinian intervention in the area, which is described
in detail in another chapter of this book ٠
On the remaining territories of the Atabian Peninsula the autonomy of
particular tribes resulted not only in the lack of a single centre of power, but
also a transience and ijnpermanence of alliances between them. Because of this,
the administrative institutions created by the Arabs in the pre-Muslim period
were based on tribl and clan structures.
The principal leader - responsible for looking after a tribe’s interests - was
a phylarch (a Greek term is used in this context, since that is how Roman and later
Byzantine authors wrote about tribal leaders)’. His duty was to prepare his tribe to
take military actions as required by tradition and the economic situation.
The position of a phylarch was not hereditary: instead the leader was selected
by the tribal council (madjlisal-kabila), consistingofrepresentatives ofthe families
of the tribe. The title was awarded for life and could only be divested in the event
I More about the subject of rivalry between tribal groups form the North and South
can be found in: R. M a r i n - G U z m a n, Arab Tribes, the Umayyad Dynasty, and the Abasid
Revolution, AJISS 2.1.4,2.004, pp. 58-59.
’ I Muller, Marib, [in:] El) vol. VI, pp. 559-567.
4 See the chapter Difficult Neighbours. Enemies, Partners, Allies by Teresa Wolinska.
s a. V. M ‫ ال ة‬e ‫ ًا‬s o ١١١ The Use ofthe Term Phylarchos in the Roman-Byzantine East١TV¥.
88, 1991, pp. Ζ91-2.95. The scholar believes that the term phylarch was used in a very broad
meaning, not only with reference to leaders of tribes allied with Byzantium. I. Shah id, Byzan-
tiam and the Arabs in the Foarth Century١١s١١١n‫>؟‬ton ١9‫؟‬u١p. ‫لآل‬6٦٠‫اًااًحة ل‬١ Rome and the Arabs.
A Prolegomenon to the Sdy ofByzantiam and the Arabs١ls١١١١١‫>؟‬toi4١ ‫ألوا‬١ p. ‫آآل‬٠١٦‫أل‬.‫ ًا آل‬٠û"<‫؟‬
‫ةاًاآم؟‬١١١١١ Römische Vena tang im nomadischen Umfeld. Ethnarchen, Phylarchen and Strategen in
der Provinz Arabia ‫ د‬I. bis ins 3. Jahrhandert١\١[١٦\ Verwaltete Nomaden - Mobile Viehzüchter und
DienstleisterzwischenAutonomieundstaatlicherAnbindung) ed. K. Franz, Halle 07, pp. 45-77.
I. Administration of the Arabic World... 3‫ل‬7
of a serious defeat. The duties of a phylarch were not limited to military action, but
were also concerned with foreign policy (forming and breaking alliances), provid-
ing the tribe with suitable economic conditions and wielding judicial power. Such
features as wisdom, pride, consequence, honesty, eloquence, courage, sense of jus-
tice, hospitability andgenerositywere expected ofthe leader. He had to distinguish
himself as kind, caring, clever, diplomatic and clear-minded^.
In some tribes the leader was called emir, which was supposed to stress his
military capabilities. Other tribes preferred the title sayyid ("master"). Yet an-
other group of tribes adopted the title shayh ("the elder”), pointing to the lead-
er’s wisdom, knowledge and experience. The word ،arrab (“carer”) highlighted
his predisposition to provide safety to the whole tribe. To recapitulate, the trib-
al title of a leader was supposed to reflect ambition and temperament, both of
the ruler and the tribe he lead7.
The status of the head of a tribe was emphasised by certain external signs.
The tent of the phylarch was different from the others. It was of red fabric, and
pitched on the highest point of the terrain, whfle an ever-burning fire made it
easy to find. In front of the phylarch’s quarters, dogs were kept, in order to raise
alarm whenever a stranger approached.
Although the majority of tribes were autonomous, in some areas tribes ere-
ated supratribal unions as of a kind of federation, as exemplified by groups unit-
ed under the leadership of the Kindites (Banu Kinda^ in central Arabia®. Across
various historical periods certain groups of Arabs - the Nabataeans, Palmyrenes,
Ghassanids and the Lakhmids - gained control over lands situated on the bor-
der with Byzantium. Thus, they were under the influence of neighbouring for-
eign Empires: the Romans/Byzantines and others. None of these powers were
eager to welcome a strong nation on the Arabian Peninsula. On the other hand,
though, no one among them ever managed to dominate the Arabian Peninsula
(this despite the existence of a land known asArabia Petraea under Roman and
Oman control, which accepted the authority of Persia for some time).
In the process of creating supratribal structures, cities were an important fac-
tor. The first were buflt on caravan trails - to be more precise, in places where car-
avans made an extended stop. An example of such a city was Mecca’. In the first
6 ‫أ‬.‫ألشم‬. ‫األشم‬-Kàaw ٠١٠١ An-Nuzum٠٠.١ ρρ٠ ‫و‬-‫وا‬١١٩* ‫ةةةؤ‬٦٩٠EisagogeSten istoriu totb isU-
mikou kosmou, vol. I, Thessalonike 1005, pp. 92.-93.
7 Μ. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Les institutions musulmanes, Paris 1950,
pp. 146-147.
8 Ι.Α. Al-Adawi, An-Nuzum..., pp. 2٠5_2٠7, 67‫ ؛‬H. B a d a w y, Eisagoge..., vol. II, Thes-
salonike 2.ΟΙΟ, pp. 158-171.

‫ و‬Ibn Hisham, pp. 96, 119, 13Ι) 13Χ) 133, 137, 138, 140 (ed. Μ.Κ. Harras)‫؟‬
M a s ٠ Ù d ϊ,νοί. Ι,ρρ. 2.62.-2.63,2.64,169; I. s h a h î d, Byzantium and Arabs in theFifth Century,
half of the fifth century the city became the residence of Kusayy, progenitor of
the Kuraysh tribe. At first glance the choice was not obvious. Mecca was located
in Al-Hid a , in a relatively infertile region at the base of a mountain. One moti-
vation for Kusayy to settle there was, undoubtedly, the presence of an important
caravan trail from Yemen to the Mediterranean Sea running through this area.
Therefore the location of Mecca had a strategic character, from an economic per-
spective. From the first moments of its existence Mecca was in conflict with its
neighbours from the north and from the south, which was caused, at least in
part, by competition over trade. This left its mark on the relations between Mec-
ca and the Jewish tribes of Yathrib (later MedinaJ. This urban centre was a rival
of Mecca but its importance gradually declined as Mecca developed, although its
role in trade remained significant. Yathrib, inhabited by various Arab and Jewish
tribes, was a place of coexistence for many regional ethnic groups'Q.
It is worth devoting a passage of this chapter to the way in which Mecca was
governed, as the models created then were employed later in the Caliphate. Xuyayy
ruled the city in an authoritarian manner with the assistance of a council called
the al-mäU (‫’')المأل‬. It consisted of representatives of four districts, into which
the city had been divided soon after the Kuraysh gained control over it . Kusayy
granted certain privileges to selected famflies, whose members would later monop-
olise trade'’. Their descendants would become rulers of the Arab world. Among
them we must list Hashimite (HashimitesJ Muhammad (610-652.), ‘All ibn Abl
Talib (656-661), Umayyad Mu'awiya (660-661), Abbasid Abu al-Abbas Ab-
du’Uäh ΑΙ-Safläfi (750-754) and Fatimid Abdallah al-Mahdl (909-954).
1.2. The Influence of Islam‫ ؛‬from a Religious Community

to the Muslim State
For the above-described approach to ruling a city, the birth of the new reli-
gion emerged as a challenge. Spiritual bonds were more important for believers
gathered around Muhammad than were their connections with Mecca, when
Washington 1989» pp. 332-350; G. z i d an, Al'Arab kablal'islam, Cairo n.d., pp. 178-181,
275-280; w. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad. Prophet and Statesman, Oxford 1975,
pp. 7-13; Ι.Α. A1 - A d a w i, Al-Nuzum..., pp. 54-61.
’٥ R.B. Winder, Al-Madina, [in:] El, vol. V, pp. 994-1007.
n Ibn Hisham, vol. I, pp. 99, 104, 107; M a s ٠ ü d Ϊ, vol. I, p. 269; I. A. Al-Ad aw i,
Αη-Nuzum..., pp. 60-65.
'٤ ‫?سيير‬, pp. 60-65.
٠3 Ibn Hisham,vol.I,p.99, iO7;I.A.Al-Adawi,٥tf-Afoz«tf?...,pp.63-65٠
I. Administration of the Arabic World... 3‫ل‬9
Muhammad stayed in Mecca, the umma (‫ )انة‬was a monoethnic (Arab) commu-

nity, but it consisted of many tribes. Good relations between members of umma,
the safety provided through mutual aid, and the sense of justice resulting from
partial redistribution ofgoods seemed to be sufficient elements to encourage con-
version to the new religion. Harmonious coexistence between the members of
the community was viewed as a sign of God’s blessingi4. Initially, however, many
citizens of Mecca were not interested in the teaching of Muhammad. The Proph-
et’s sermons attracted only a small part of the local community - about seventy
families - mostly of little prominence. The religious prohibition on profiteering
had no effect on the biggest merchants in the city; these, at the beginning, paid
no attention to the new faith, which was spreading among less privileged classes
of the society.
Rigorous criticism of economic and social customs led to the first open con-
flict between the Muslim community and Meccan elites in 616 AD’‫؟‬. This was
seemingly connected to the sphere of doctrine, as Islam was alleged to insult
the traditional faith of the Arabs. The real cause, however, was probably a per-
ceived threat to businesses of the Kuraysh, who were apprehensive about the ele-
ments of the Prophet’s teachings in which he criticised accumulating riches. One
of their sources of income was the arrival or pilgrims at ΑΙ-Kata. The conflict
between followers of the new religion and supporters of the old order reached
its climax when Abu al-Hakam, Abu Sufyan and Suhayl ibn ‘Amr became heads
of the latter group. Leaders of the Kuraysh noticed that Muhammad’s movement
was not just one of many religious options emerging at that time, but that its aim
was to take power.
The Kuraysh would not countenance abandoning their ancestors' faith and
they did not want any change to the existing social system, which was working to
their benefit. They thought that their relatives’ conversion to the new faith un-
dermined their position and, thereby, put Muhammad in an important position
in the society of Mecca'**. They were simflarly worried that Muhammad, who
proclaimed himself the Messenger of God (RasulAllahy7, would gain a signifi-
cant political role and gain power . Trying to defy the successes of Muhammad’s
followers, Abu Sufyan declared a boycott of Muslims and their supporters in
Mecca, where a lot of wealthy merchants still lived. This boycott also applied to
14 Μ. Al i. The Religion oflslam, Lahore 1916, pp. 6-13.

15 Kuran, 83; Μ. R o d i n s o n, Islam et capitalisme, Paris 1966, pp. 36-44, 113-138.
16 Ibn Hisham,pp. 163, 173,116,148,178,317.
17 15,1; 68,51; 81,17.
*8 N. Sadawi, Ad-Daula al-arabijja al-islamijja (1-132 h/622-750 m), Cairo 1967,
pp. 36-46; w. Montgomery Wat t, Muhammad at Mecca, Oxford 1953,Ρ.1Ι.
members of the Hashimites family, who were related to the Prophet but were not
Muslims, and belonged to the ruling circle. The intention behind this decision
was to force the Hashimites to persuade Muhammad to abandon preaching his
teachings. Due to the boycott, Muslims and their relatives found themselves in
a difficult situation, but this did not break the Prophet. The only choice this left
was to leave Mecca. Muhammad met with the representatives of Yathrib, who
asked him for his intervention in a conflict between two tribes: Banu Aws and
Banu alKhazradji‫؟‬. The religious environment of Yathrib seemed to be friendly
to Muslims, due to the presence of adherents of monotheistic religions (Jew-
ish tribes and Arabs professing Judaism), while local representatives promised
Muhammad fraternity and their protection against the mutual enemy٤٥.
When Muhammad, together with a group of Arabs- converted to Islam
(called Al'Muhädßrün)) arrived at Yathrib, an agreement reached in Mecca
between representatives of Banu Aws and Banu al-Khazradj was put to work.
The deal covered issues such as providing accommodation, joint defence and
brotherhood (taakhi). It was also decided that the possessions oiAl-Muhadjirun,
and those citizens ofMedina who supported the Prophet (called Al'Ansaf) were
to become their common property. In that way, Muhammad replaced a tribal in-
stitution with a new one, not derived from the traditions of the tribe. Blood ties
( ،asabiya) were supplanted by religious bonds, which would later be regulated
in the Kuran - The Believers are hut a single Brotherhoods. The system of joint
property was abolished later in the Prophet’s time, when the economic situation
oίΑΐ-Muhädjirün improved.
The fact that Muhammad had left Mecca had a significant influence on
the umma,, which was then in its formation. From the year 622, when Muslims
arrived at Yathrib (later MedinaJ they were surrounded, on the one hand, by new
citizens just converted to Islam, and on the other, by tribes who did not accept
their faith. Thus, it turned out to be essential to determine a platform for re-
lations between these groups. At that time, Muhammad established a kind of
alliance, joining the tribes of Medina with Meccan emigrants. This was codified
‫ة ة الًا‬0٢١‫حآلآل‬٢‫طاا‬٦‫يني‬٢‫ ا‬as ٢‫ عأل‬Card or Constitution ofMedina (Sahifat al-Madi-
٠
na-) ‫ )صحيفة المدينة‬or simply Al-Sahifa (‫“)الصحيفة‬. Unfortunately, we do not know
19 Ibn H i s häm, vol. II,pp. 55,55.

1° A. Al-Kasem,DiblumasijjatMuhammad) chartum 1971,pp. 15-15; N.Sadawi,
Al-Daula..., pp. 46-49·
1١ Kur’än١ 40‫و‬١‫آ‬٠. Ihefaithjul are indeed brothers ‫ةآأا‬٢‫اةا‬. A. ‫ عجًا‬١٦ ٩ara٦١١٠١ The Believers
are hut a single Brotherhood (transl. A. Yusuf Ali).
n There is a vast literature on the subject of the so-called Constitution ofMedina. Among
the most important works, see: R.B. Serjeant, The aConstitution ofMedina”) IQ 7.1 “2.. 4‫ل‬9‫ه‬٠
I. Administration of the Arabic World... 52.1
this document in its original version, since it is preserved only in accounts given
by later chroniclers, among whom the most significant is Ibn Ishak*3.
If umma is to be widely understood as a cluster of city dwellers, subordinat-
ed to Muhammad’s orders, then it can be stated that the Constitution ofMedi-
na was a pillar of the new umma. In this particular period we must distinguish
umma in the, above mentioned, broad meaning and in a narrow sense, meaning
only a religious community of Muslims*«.
To be more precise, it must be emphasised that the Constitution ofMedina
applied to Muhadjiuns, Ansars (al-Änsär) and the citizens of Medina of Jew-
ish origin, Arabs of the Jewish or Christian faith, who immigrated there from
the north and south, settlers from the whole Byzantine Empire, Persians, Ethi-
opians, Indians, Aab followers of Zarathustra, polytheists (αΐ-mushrikün), hyp-
ocrites (αΐ-munäfikün, i.e. those who pretended to be Muslims) and even disbe-
lievers (al-käßrün). Αΐ-Sahïfa enabled coexistence and exhorted mutual respect
for different religions and tribes, which can even be shown in the Kur an in Sura
٦٠9١The Disbelievers ‫أما‬- KäßrünT.
Since the Hidjra (62.2 AD) Muhammad was not only a religious but also
a political leader . In Yathrib he could freely introduce rules of the new religion,
Vp. 6‫آل‬-‫’آ‬, Μ. ‫آآةلآل‬١‫ةار‬١‫\ل‬١‫ألع‬, The First Written Constitution in the World: An Important Doc-
ument of the Time of the Holy Prophet, Lahore 1975; R.B. Serjeant, The Sunnah Jamiah)
Pacts with the YathribJews, and the Tahrim of Yathrib: Analysis and Translation ofthe Documents
Comprised in the so called “Constitution ofMedina٦ BSOAS 41, 1978, pp. 1-42.; u. Rubin,
The “Constitution ofMedina٩ some noteS) StI 61,1985, pp. 5-15Î G. Schalle r,Die “Gemeinde-
Ordnung von Medina - Darstellung eines politischen Instruments. Ein Beitragur gegenwärtigen
Fundamentalismus-Diskussion im Islam, ‫اشم‬١‫ضل‬١‫ ا؟ةوآ<؟آلم‬Α٦ ‫ة‬١‫ًا عد‬١ “Constitution ofMedina“,
\m٠٦ Muhammad in History, !bought, and Culture: An Encyclopedia ofthe Prophet ofGod,vo١٠A,
eds. c. Fitzpatrick, A. Walker, Santa Barbara 1014, pp. 115-115.
‫ أ‬Ibn Ish vol. II, ρρ.147-150 (ed. Cairo 1999).
2-4 This chapter does not present the authors views on umma as a tribal or religious com-
munity; this discourse has been held for many years. Since the subject is unusually complicated,
its foil analysis cannot be included in the chapter, which is supposed to synthesise the organisa-
tion of the early Caliphate. The discussion has recently been elaborated on by M.J. Al-Faruqi
(4Umma.٠ The OrientalistsandtheQuranic ConceptofIdentity,]]S 16.1,1005, pp. I -54), in whose
text forther reforences can be found.
‫ آلل‬Kur ,an, ‫ل‬0‫لهأأا و‬١‫خ‬. A. ‫اا د ؛دال‬٠١٦ Say: o ye that reject Faith!/1 worship not that
which ye worship,/ Nor willye worship that which I worship./ And I will not worship that which ye
have been wont to worship/ Nor willye worship that which I worship./ Toyou beyour way, and to me
mine.١‫ اغدًا ألخكل‬٢‫ةاةته‬ ٠ ‫طةاآةآلم‬١‫اآف‬٦ Say, ofaithless ones!/1 do not worship what you worship,/
nor do you worship what I worship‫؛‬/ nor will I worship whatyou have worshiped/ nor willyou wor-
ship what I worship./ To you your religion, and to me my religion.
16 His contemporaries were aware of that and started dating the New Era from 611 AD.
Ibn H i s h ä m, vol. II, pp. 198-199; w. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad in Mecca...,
52,2, III. After the Conquest
which led to an inevitable confrontation between the new umma and its allies
with the Kuraysh*7, who realised they had lost control over the course of events.
Ever since their position as regional leaders started diminishing. The existence of
Muslim community in Yathrib posed a threat to the monopoly the Kuraysh had
in controlling trade between the East and the West . Their natural reaction was
to try to destroy the umma.
After 62,9/630 AD, that is, after Muhammad took over Mecca, the econom-
ic and organisational foundations of the Muslim community (the umma un-
derstood as a strictly religious grouping) began to develop. The tribal alliance
that supported the Prophet and treaties made earlier with citizens of Mecca were
invalidated and Arab tribes were forced to convert to Islam (often only formally)
and to acknowledge the authority of Muhammad^.
The Prophet changed the relations between the tribes. The model of teach-
ing about umma, organised along a system different from tribal was supposed
to guarantee both internal and external peace’٥. This target was successfully
achieved, to a large extent, providing safety on desert routes and suppresing con-
flicts, at least temporarily’'. The rivalry between tribes from the north and from
the south of the peninsula revived in the time of great conquests and moved to
the areas conquered by the Arabs’*.* 31
pp. 89-95‫ ؛‬idem, Hidjra, [in:] El, vol. Ill, pp. 566-567‫ ؛‬Μ. Hodgson, The Venture oflslam.
Conscience and History in a World Civilization, vol. I, Chicago 1974, pp. 10-11 (giving a descrip-
tion of the interconversion of the Christian solar year and the Muslim lunar year)‫ ؛‬F.A. Sham-
s i, TheDateofHijrah, IslSt 2.5,1984, pp. 189-2.2,4,189-5 2.5‫ ؛‬K.Kocielniak, Czas i historia
wislamie. KalendarxipodstawychronologiimuzulmanskiefKtakfrw .‫أ‬٠‫آلل‬
7‫ ع‬w. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad in Mecca..., pp. 95, iozsqq; H. B a d a w y,
Eisagdge..., vol. I, pp. 154-147‫ ؛‬A. Al-Kasem, Diblumasyat Muhammad, Khartoum n.d.,
pp. 11٠ 16, 19,15,141-144.
ύ ٦‫ل‬.١‫لم‬١‫ل‬١‫اآاك‬١ Muhammads Curse of Mudar and the Blockade of Mecca, ١¥‫ةآلةد‬٢‫ د‬٦١٠٠٦١
1988, pp. 149-164.
19 The key source here is the Qur’an, which references the events of this period, e.g. 9:1-119.
See ‫ه‬0٦‫ةب‬.‫ألةاال\ةاكًاآةلآل‬١ Documents diplomatiques sur la diplomatie musulmane à Epoque
du Prophete et des khalifes orthodoxes, Beyrouth 1985, pp. 66-91, 560-569; Α.Α. Futajh, Al·
Alakatalcharid ali-daulatal-islambi-Al-Η a ١cto ιοού,ρρ. ‫آ — آلو‬0‫آل‬.
3٥ W Montgomery Watt, Muhammad in Mecca..., pp. 81-85; A. A1 - K a s e m,
Diblumasyat..., pp. II-16.
31 It is definitely worth familiarising oneselfwith the full text ofxixeConstitution ofMedina.
For the text, with its variations coming from different sources and corrections, which accompa-
nied the creation of umma, see: Ibn Hisham, vol. II, p. 541 ; A b û ٠ U b a y d, pp. 101-107;
Ibn Kathir, Tarikh, vol. Ill, pp. 114,116; M.Hamidullah, Documents sur la diplomatic
musulmane..., I, pp. 4, 541; w Montgomery Watt, Muhammad in Mecca..., p. 95; Ι.Α.
Al-Adaw i, Αη-Nuzum..., pp. 114,117,116; A. A1 - K a s e m, Diblumasijjat..., pp. 141-144 -
the latter work mentions Sahif. The final, fifty-second chapter merits particular attention.
’٤ R. Marin-Guzman, Arab Tribes..., pp. 59-60.
I. Administration of the Arabic World... 5*3
The unification of the Arab tribes showed the inadequacy of tribal leader-
ship to the emerging Arab statehood. It turned out to be essential to introduce
a common economic, defensive and foreign policy on the Arabian Peninsula”.
In order to achieve it a new governance model had to be implemented”. This in-
troduction encountered two obstacles to be overcome. The first one was the lack
of sufficient fimds, which would cover the cost of development and operation of
the new administrative structures. The other problem was with achieving the re-
alisation of the centralised power structure. Local leaders were reluctant to obey
orders from Medina. An additional issue resulted from the fact that the new
state structures were "imposed" on the already existing community.
When a new administrative division of Arabia was to be made, it was espe-
cially important that it coincide with prior tribal organisation, so that no tribe
would feel aggrieved by the loss of part of their territory.
It was also characteristic that after dividing Arabia into provinces, leaders were
chosen from among young warriors, who were expected to be more loyal than
old chiefs’‫؟‬. It is also worth mentioning that it is in the time of Muhammad that
the first activity of the new state on the international arena can be observed. Its
manifestation was the expansion of the territory under Muslim rule. The territorial
growth took place towards both the north and the south of the Arabian Peninsula.
In the latter, the city of Aela (Aqaba) was conquered, which was synonymous with
gaining control over shipping in the northern waters of the Red Sea’*.
Muhammad died in Medina in 652. AD in the arms of his wife ‘Â’isha’7.
Before his death he managed to unite within the new community many tribes of
33 See, for particular accounts, the text lyyAl-Sahif.: Ibn Hi sham, vol. Ill, p. 341,٠ Abu
٠ U b a y d, vol. I, pp. 0-107. See also: A. A1 - K a s e m, Diblumasijjat...,pp. 11,16-19,141-144.
34 Kuran, 105:1-5, 106:1-4; Ibn Hisham, pp. 37, 41, 43, 47-51; I. shahid. Two
Quranic Suras: al'FilandQurys, [in:] idem, Byzantium and the Semitic Orient) Ashgate 1988,
art. XII, pp. 419-436; idem, Byzantium and theArabs in the Fifth Century, Washington 1989,
pp. 350, 360, 376; A. Nour, The Quran, n.p. n.d., pp. 15-19, 30-39.
35 S.A.Q. Al-Husaini, Arab Administration, Cairo 1958, pp. 44-49; Ι.Α. A1 - A d a ٠
w i, Αη-Nuzum..., pp. 118-131 ; H. I. H a s s a n, A. H a s s a n, Αη-Nuzum al'Islamiyya, Cairo
1970, pp. 17-18, 119-130, 168-169,191-194.
3٥ B a 1 ä d h U r Ï, Futuh, vol. I, pp. 71,73,118; Theophanes, AM 6113 (for informa-
tion on the first Muslim attack on Byzantine territories). See also: ch. Nomikos, £ mache
tön Mothon kai ٥ tafos tou Gkiafar El Tagiar, EBBS 3, 1916, pp. 97-100; E. Vr a n o U s i, By-
zantinoarabica: OiProtoiArabobydzantinoiPolemoisten Palaistine, IordaniakaiFoinike١Sym ‫آل‬١
1979, pp. isqq; F. B U h 1 ,Muta, [in:] El, vol. VII, pp. 756-757; F. Donner, The Early Islam-
ic Conquest, Princeton 1981, p. IO I ; W.E. K a e g i, Byzantium and the Early Islamic Conquest,
Cambridge 1993, pp. 66, 71-74, 88; P. B r o w n, ٥ Kosmos tes Ysteres Archaiotetas 150-750 m.
Cb., Athens 1998, pp. 101-106.
37 N. Abbott, Aishah. The Beloved ofMuhammad, Chicago 1941; w Montgomery
Wa 11, Muhammad *٠« Mecca..,, p. 117; idem, (Aishah bintAbiBakr, [in:] El, vol. I, pp. 307-
32,4 III. After the Conquest
the Arabian Peninsula, some ofwhom converted to Islam. In the ideological sphere,
the Prophet gave the Arabs a new supratribal substance and a religious legitimacy.
Due to these achievements, Muhammad was regarded as perfect, although it must
be stressed that his descendants never tried to make him a divine personage’8.
Muhammad left neither successor nor political testament. As a consequence,
after his death umma found itself in crisis. This situation forced the tribal leaders
to work out a compromise solution by appointing as successor to the Prophet
his loyal companion, Abu Bakr (632-634)39, who was granted the title of caliph
(khalifah Rasul Allah), becoming the first of the so-called orthodox or rightly
guided caliphs (al-Khulafa αΙ-Räshidüri).
Abu Bakr belonged to the most faithfill of the Prophet’s follower ٥. He was
a good merchant and proved also to be a ruthless leader. The task he faced was
difficult, as the federation of tribes supporting Muhammad did not guarantee
stability or permanent peace. This resulted from the fact that the agreements
reached by the Prophet with particular tribes were of a personal nature. These
bound Muhammad with particular tribal leaders for as long as the signatories
lived. Moreover, these treaties were not always connected with converting to Is-
lam. Leaders made agreements with Muhammad with the aim of ensuring their
economic and military safety, which participation in umma provided. After
the Prophet’s death the Arabs started to rethink the value of the community.
The new leader of umma had to overcome difficulties resulting from the ques-
tion of whether there was a need for the continued existence of the Arab tribes’
alliance. Its stability was put to the test as the tribes’ Islamisation was still super-
ficial and they were reluctant to pay zakat (charitable tax) to Medina, but also
‫آل‬0‫ج‬١ ‫ نآطشم‬arVas, Believing Women in Islam: Unreading Patriarchal Interpretations ofthe Quran,
Austin 2.002.»pp. 125-126.
58 Kuran, 47 (.Muhammad); Ibn Hisham, vol. I, pp. 159, 178‫ ؛‬w. Montgom-
ery Watt, Muhammad in Mecca..., pp. 26-2.8, 256-240‫ ؛‬F. B U h 1, Α.Τ. We 1 c h, Muham-
mad) the Prophet ofIslam, [in:] El, vol. VII, pp. 360-576. The rc is a huge body of literature on
Muhammad; here we restrict ourselves to mention of only the most important works: u. Ru ٠
١٥ ‫ ’ا‬n, The Eye ofthe Beholder: The Life ofMuhammad as Viewed by the Early Muslims (‫ أر‬Textual
Analysis), Princeton 1995; Μ. Hamidullah, The Life and Work ofthe Prophet oflslam, Elam-
abad 1998; T. Andrae, Mohammed: The Man and His Faith, Dover 2000; The Biography of
Muhammad: The Issue ofthe Sources, 2000 ‫ف‬.‫ةباآل‬0‫لألأأ‬,‫اآعةةا‬.
39 Η.Ι. Hassan, A. Hassan, Islamic Institutions, Cairo 1970, pp. 18, 20, 54-58.
40 On Abu Bakr and his policy see in particular: Μ. M U r a n y i,Ein neuerBericht iiherdie
Wahl des ersten Kalifen Abu Bakr, Ara 25,1978, pp. 255-260; w. Madelung, The Succession
to Muhammad. A Study ofthe Early Caliphate, Cambridge 1997, pp. 2.8-57; K.Athamina,
The Pre-Islamic Roots of the Early Muslim Caliphate: the Emergence ofAbu Bakr,١‫لة‬76, ‫ألووا‬,
ΡΡ.Ι-32.
I. Administration of the Arabic World... 3‫ئ‬5
due to the growing aversion to this central power. What is more, the ambitions
of families and tribal leaders wanting full independence became more visible.
Abu Bakr ,s first move was to send letters to the chiefs of the tribes, in which
he appealed to them to remain in the alliance, as it had been in the time of
Muhammad. He supported his appeal with the statement that joint campaigns
outside Arabia would bring them greater benefits than the spoils of intertribal
war ‫ا‬. This was an announcement of aggression of the Muslim state in the Med-
iterranean world. Abu Bakr’s invitation did not, however, convince all tribes.
The apostasy ofYemeni, Omani, Nadjdan and other tribes led to the first civil war
among Arabs after the death of Muhammad. The period of the so-called ridda
war ٤ started. With the help of‘Umar ibn Al-Kha#äb and the Muslim commu-
nity, Abu Bakr pursued a policy of reunification by persuasion and the sword*‫؟‬.
During his two-year reign he had to face numerous conflicts among the tribes in
order to impose upon them a reintegration to the umma H. The victory of Abu
Bakr ended with the slaughter of those who tried to break away from the Arab
union, and undoubtedly changed the fate of the Arab world.
The conversion to the monotheistic faith proposed by Muhammad to
the citizens of Mecca and Medina was, simultaneously, an invitation to unifica-
tion. The Arab world ofthe seventh century was just maturing to approve of such
a unity and, although in the time of Muhammad the Arabs’ readiness to submit
to a single centre ofpowerwas notyet visible, the unification ofthe tribes accom-
plished (not without violence) by his successor, Abu Bakr (632.-634) proved to
be long-lasting*‫؟‬.
The fact that, on this occasion, the newly-created Arab state stood the test
of time allows US to formulate one more hypothesis. The idea of joining forces
and creating a supratribal community, driven by a simple survival instinct, had
been put forward several times even before the birth of Islam. Thus, the common
claim that it was the religion that led to the awakening of ethnic consciousness
41 Μ. Ham idu 11 ah,Documents...,pp. 33zsqq, 371 sqq.

41 IS. ‫ألة‬٢‫د‬١‫لكًاة؟ل‬٠ Αΐ-Riddah and the Muslim conquest of Arabia, Toronto, ١’7‫ول‬٦
E. Landau-Tasseron, The Participation of Tayyi in the Ridda, JSAI 5, 1984, pp. 5 3-71Î
M.١.¥Aster, The Struggle against Musaylima and the Conquest of Yamama,١SM 1002 7‫أ‬١,
pp. ‫آ‬-‫<هآل‬٠١‫ عدةج‬eke ‫أ‬١ Tribes in Pre- and Early Islamic Arabia,\‫آلأز‬٠٨٠‫اًااعها‬١ Peoples, Tribes and
Society in Arabia around the Time ofMuhammad,knham 200S,art٠X١٩pp. ١-‫آلا‬.
45 Baladhur ï,Fütuh, vol. Ι,ρρ. 113-12.0; E.s. Shoufan Ϊ,ΑΙ-Riddah...-, E. Landau-
Tasseron, The Participation..., pp. 53-71.

44 Baladhurl, Futuh, vol. I, pp. 113,120,125; Μ. L e c k e Γ,ΑΙ-Ridda, [in:] El, vol. XII,
suppl., pp. 692.-695; M.J. K i s t e r, The Struggle..., pp. 1-56.
45 N.Sadawi, Al'Daula..., pp. 92., 99-104; Ph.K. Hitti, History of theArabs, Basing-
stoke-New York 2.002, pp. 140-146.

52.6 III. Alter the Conquest
of the Arabs can be reversed: perhaps the creation of Islam resulted from the need
for unification of the Arab tribes. Undoubtedly, this view requires fiirther research.
The short reign of Abu Bakr, which was frill of wars, did not admit any op-
portunities to develop the administrative system introduced by Muhammad.
Changes were only introduced by the second of the caliphs - ‘Umar ibn Al-
Khattab, who ruled for a whole decade, from 654 to 644 AD. His reign was an era
of great Arab conquests . The large scale of the expansion demanded changes in
the management of the rapidly growing country. It was at this time that some of
the mechanisms operating in Byzantium were employed*?. ‘Umar implemented
an administrative reform in new circumstances, facing problems resulting from
the need to unify the territories, which differed in terms of tradition, language
and religion. A new, previously unlcnown challenge emerged: gathering and shar-
ing numerous movable assets obtained as spoils from the conquered territories,
apportioning lands on the new terrain and managing permanent incomes from
tributes (taxes) exacted from the infidels. In particular, collecting and managing
poll taxes (djizya) from non-Muslim inhabitants of the conquered lands were an
issue not only of logistic but also of political and religious nature*8.
Apart from retaining the former Byzantine system of administration in
Egypt and Syria, ‘Umar made a number of novel measures, which were contin-
ued by his successors. He created Diwan, that is an office of state administration,
as we would say today, to handle the census of the Muslim population and deter-
mine their incomes*‫؟‬. Also among these innovations was Baytal-Mal, a treasury
aimed at collecting and storing the spoils of wars, and responsible for the finan-
cial aspects of the state’s operation.
The whole series of reforms undertaken by the caliph is often referred to as
‘Umar ‫ ت‬Constitution. The ruler declared that no religion other than Islam was le-
gal on the Arabian Peninsula. Therefore, he ordered that Jews from Khaybar and
46 Ι.Α.Al'Adawi,An-Nuzum...,pp. 146-253.
47 To what extent the Muslim administrative system used previous Byzantine patterns is
still debatable - compare: s. O’Sullivan, Early Umayyad Syria. A Study of its Origins and
early Development, St. Andrews 2002 [unpublished PhD thesis], pp. 130-140.
48 This topic is covered in greater detail in the chapter Economic Institutions ofEarly Islam.
Ihe Creation ofBayt al-Mäl (‫)بيت اكال‬. From Tribal Treasury to the “Ministry ofFinance".
49 Baladhuri, Futuh, vol. II, pp. 454, 45٥, 458; T a b a r Ϊ, Tarikh, vol. IV, p. 2IOÎ vol. V,
p. 23 (ed. Cairo 1970); Α.Α. Duri, Diwan, [in:] El’٠ vol. II, pp. 323-327. ‘Umar included in
this registry all members of the umma, talcing into account, among other factors, their relation to
the Prophet and the role they played in the stabilisation the new state (Abu Y ü s u f, p. 46 - ed.
Cairo 1968). The first censuses in the world of Islam were motivated by economic considerations.
The list included all Muslims, regardless of origin, Arabic or otherwise. Compare e.g. Tabari,
Tarikh, vol. IV, ρ.210 (ed. Cairo 1970): Baladhuri, Futuh, vol. II, ΡΡ.550, 55 2..
I. Administration of the Arabic World... 317
Christians from Nadjran be banished. According to Philip Hitti, ‘Umar’s inten-

tion was to establish a religious and military community consisting of Arab Mus-
lims. In order to achieve this, he forbade Arab conquerors to possess land outside
the peninsula and commanded Arabs from the conquered territories to dwell in
strictly defined places, maintaining their racialpurity, as Hitti put it. The subju-
gated population was socially underprivileged in comparison to the conquerors
(e.g. in administrative matters). However, after conversion to Islam, non-Arab
subjects could be exempt from taxes (except zakat, which was regarded as a re-
ligious duty). It is still a matter of significant dispute as to whether ‘Umar intro-
duced the land tax (kharaj) and poll tax (djizya). Contrary to Muslim tradition,
it is today supposed that the division into these two taxes did not yet exist in
the time of‘Umar and that both of these terms mean, generally speaking, a trib-
Ute. ‘Umar is credited with dividing the spoils into two categories: movable assets
and prisoners (ghanima), granted only to soldiers, and land and money (fay ’),
which belonged to the whole community‫®؟‬. These incomes were supposed to be
collected in a single treasury, the Bayt al-Mäl, which will be described in a sepa-
rate chapter.
The succession of‘Uthman ibn ،Affän took place at the time when the Mus-
lim state had become the most powerfol in the region, its territory reaching
central Asia. The greatest achievement of the third caliph, which left its mark
on the history of the Muslim world, was the codification of the holy book of
Islam - the Kuran - and proclaiming Arabic its only language, which led to
the Arabisation of the conquered tribes‫*؟‬. In the context of shaping the nation’s
governance, both of these facts were meaningfol. After all, the Kuran was con-
sidered to be the basic source of law‫؟؟‬.
The death of‘Uthman, his assasination in Medina in 656 AD‫*؟‬, once again
undermined the unity of the Arabs, and the appointment of his successor, 'All,
was questioned, and this in turn led to a civil war. This event must have shale-
en the foundations of the administrative system of the newly born Arab state.
When describing the Arab administration of this period, the reader’s attention
must be drawn to one particular fact - as his residence 'Ali chose Mesopotamian
ΑΙ-Kùfa. The religious and political position of this city increased significandy.
5٥ Ph.K.Hitti,#Z٠y...,pp. 169-172..
5٠ A. A1 - G i n d [,Atwar as-sakafaal-arabijja, n.p. n.d.,pp. 85-89,176-177‫ ؛‬w. Μ ο n t ٠
gomery Wa 11, Α1.Τ. We 1 c h. Der Islam, vol. I, Mohammed und die Frühzeit, islamisches
Recht, religiöses Leben, Stuttgart 1980, pp. 176, 178, 180.
‫ا‬٤ Μ. A1 i. The Religion oflslam,..., pp. 2.6, 2.8,2.9.
55 Μ. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Les institutions..., pp. 45-52..
5 Ibn Kutayba, vol. I,pp. 37, 40.
The administrative centre of the state was, for the first time in history, moved
outside the Arabian Peninsula‫؟؟‬.
An analysis of the achievements ofthe period following the death ofMuham-
mad shows how great the state-building effort of that time was. The new phe-
nomena - the unification of the tribes, setting down the text of the Kuran and
the territorial expansion of the country - generated a need to modify the extant
forms of community governance. At first, due to the lack of experience in these
matters, the Byzantine system of administration was adopted, along with its fill
potential. Further changes were made during the reign of the Umayyad dynasty.
1.3. Management of the Umayyad Caliphate
Under the reign of the Umayyad dynasty the period of great conquests end-
ed. The territory intended to be governed by the administrative machine spread
from the Pillars of Hercules, through Tripolitania, Cyrenaica, Egypt, the Ara-
bian Peninsula, Palestine, Mesopotamia, Armenia, and Persia up to the Indus
River. The end of the era of conquest brought a certain stabilisation, though
on the other hand, also an exhaustion of an important source of income - war
spoils.
The foundation of the power of the Umayyad family is entwined with
the name of Mu awiya, the first caliph of the dynasty. His final victory over 'Ali
and assumption of power over the whole umma meant breaking not only with
the tradition of the so-called righteous (orthodox, rightly guided) caliphs, but
also with the model of a state regarded as a conglomerate of tribes, governed
by a ruler, who was chosen by their representatives‫?؟‬. Even before Mu'awiya
gained power over the whole country, he demonstrated that he would aim for
a thorough modernisation of the caliphate, through introducing some well-tried
administrative models of the Byzantine Empire and, to a smaller extent, Sassanid
Persia. During his service as governor of Syria, Mu'awiya surrounded himself
with advisers and secretaries who had experience with Byzantine administra-
tion and who came from Christianised south-Arabian tribes that had arrived in
5‫ ؟‬Ibn K u t a y b a, vol. I, pp. 5 3, 62.

56 S.N. Fisher, The Middle East, London-New York 1971, p. ٥9sqq; The Cambridge
History ofIslam, vol. I, Cambridge 1977, p. 74; I.M. L a p i d u s, ‫ بر‬History ofIslamic Societies٠
Cambridge 2002, pp. 37, 54; Ph.K. Hitti, History...) pp. 206-214.
57 According to some interpretations, Muwiyas aim was not to take the role of caliph, but
rather to gain autonomy in his own province: M.Hinds, The Siffin Arbitration Agreement)JSS
17,1972, pp. 93-1*3·
I. Administration of the Arabic World... 52*9
Syrian lands before the conquests of the righteous caliphs, such as Banu Kalb8‫؟‬.
What is more, in order to protect his Syrian subjects, he limited the number of
immigrants from the Arabian Peninsula that could settle and permitted such set-
dement only in the areas neighbouring Byzantium. This let him recruit soldiers
to the army and continue to invade the territories of the Empire with the greatest
possible reduction of costs* 59. It must also be added that despite the opposition of
Mecca and Medina, he initiated the construction of a fleet, knowing that with-
out it he would not be able to initiate a long-lasting war with Byzantium*٥.
It would not have been possible to introduce these policies without the sup-
port of a part of the Arab ruling class. A good example of a person in whom
the old world of Christianity and the new world of Islam are entwined is Amr
ibn Sufyan Abu 1-Α ،war al-Sulami, who is connected with the followers of Abu
Sufyan. In his earlier life he was probably a Christian (inheriting the faith from
his mother); he converted to Islam only after the fall of Mecca. In the time of
‘Umar he played a definite role in the invasion of Syria. Later, in the years 655-
654 he was one of the main proponents of creating an Arab navy and a com-
mander of the first sea expedition to Cyprus, Crete and Rhodes**.
During his caliphate. Mu 'awiya continued the policy of following Byzan-
tine solutions. He kept rules drawn from Roman law and supported the system
of ikta, which was concerned with transferring state lands to the caliphs clients
{mawäla}) who then held it on the basis of a hereditary lease and had to pay
a suitable tax (as mukta c - beneficiaries). In this way it became possible to re-
claim a number of wastelands, e.g. those of southern Iraq, taking advantage of
the fact that the Kuan made no mention of this form of land transfer . At
the same time, he retained the right of Byzantine origin, to take over the inher-
itance of foreigners, which enabled -seizing the estates of Byzantines who had
emigrated from Syria after the Arab conquest. This let him create his personal
domain, as the first caliph, which later became the basis for the dynastic might of
‫ *آل‬١‫د‬٠‫ةةةج‬٩ ‫ةة‬١ Historia biata arabskiego. Ohres klasyczny: od staro^ytnoéci do konca

epoki Umajjadôw (750)) Warszawa 1999, p. 157sqq.
59 Ibidem) p. i6osqq.
٥٥ Ph.K. H i 11 i, History,.,) p. I93sqq.
٥* Tabari, Tarikh) I, 2.820-2.82.6, V, 2.58-2.62.. cf. W.E. Kaeg i,Byzantium....,p. 2٠46sqq;
‫ا‬.‫أ‬.٢‫ذ‬0‫هةأاآ‬١1‫ عط‬Conquest ofAnd‫ ؛‬A Source-Critical Study in tbe Historiograph oftbe Early
Medieval Near East١\uv٨ The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East: Problems in the Literary
Source Material) eds. A. Cameron, L.I. Conrad, G.R.D. King, London 1992., p. 362.sqq;
l ‫ال‬- ٢‫اةةح‬٠١ Population Census and Land Surveys under the Umayyads (4‫ل‬-‫ل‬32‫ا‬66‫ل‬-7‫ك‬0(١‫ةا‬
81, 2.006, p. 354sqq.
٥٤ H. L a m m e n S)Etudessurleregnedu califeomaiyadeMo’awialet) Paris-Leipzig-Lon-
don 1907, p. 2٠36sqq.
the Umayyads*’. Ikta is also connected with the first censuses, thanks to which it
became possible to suitably reorganise the fiscal system of the emerging country.
As it can be concluded from the research of Wadad al-Qadi, representatives of
the Sufyanid line of the Umayyad dynasty, which began with Mu 'awiya, based
their census methodology upon Byzantine and Sasanian practices, drawing on
the experience of former imperial officials. In Egypt they sought support from
Coptic clergymen**. His research further states that the Sufyanids did not create
a national model of making censuses at all, and that their policy in this matter
consisted purely of incidental reactions to improprieties*‫؛‬.
The original administrative division of the caliph’s nation was also based
on regulations borrowed from the Byzantines and the Sasanians. Thus, seem-
ingly perforce, the country was initially divided into three main units governed
by emirs. These were Syria and Mesopotamia, with its capital in Damascus: Iraq
and the eastern provinces, with capital cities in Αΐ-Küfa and Basra: and Egypt
and North Africa, whose administrative centre was first Misr al-Fustat and later
Cairo**. In the following period the country became divided into six provinces:
Great Syria (Filastn, AlUrdunn, Dimashk, Hirns and Kinnasrln), Upper Meso-
potamia, i.e. Al-Jazeera (also including Armenia, Azerbaijan and eastern edges
of Asia Minor), Lower Mesopotamia with capitals in Basra and Wasica (this be-
ing Iraq, Khuzestan, Fars, Kerman, Makran, Sistan, Sind, Tabaristan, Khorasan,
Mawarannah), the Arabian Peninsula (ΑΙ-Hidjäz, Nadjd, Yemen, Al-Yamama^,
Egypt, and Ifrkiya (covering, apart from the area of today’s Tunisia, western
Maghreb and Arabic Spain*?). Through utilising the abilities of Christians -
former Byzantine officials, who were entrusted with the government of Syria -
Mu awiya managed to introduce a reform of the centra offices of the Caliphate.
From the ideas of Sardjun ibn Mansur (son of Sergius, financial administrator
of Damascus, who had surrendered the city, to the Arabs in 635) the caliph or-
ganised various offices, through which the state could function appropriately.
The most important of them was Diwan αΙ-Kharâjy an office of taxation, which
will be fiirther described in another chapter of the book.
The military Diwan (Diwan al-Jund) was a "ministry of war”, in charge
of the recruitment of soldiers. This office held censuses on the basis of which
٥’ Ibidem, p. 2٠49sqq.
W.A1- Qäd i. Population Census..., p. 341 sqq.
64
G١ Ibidem,‫؟‬. ١6‫ج‬
66 d Haw ‫؟اًااا‬٠ <١ The First Dynasty of Islam. Ibe Umayyad Caliphate AD 00I-7SO,
Carbondale-Edwardsville 1987,p. 35sqq.
67 D.Madeyska, Historia swiata arabskiego..., p. 197sqq.
!.Administration of the Arabic World... 33‫ل‬
the army recruitment was carried out. It must be emphasised that Mu awiya
appointed a supratribal army, one that can be called the army of the caliphate.
This was a real blow for the tribal system. To a large degree, it was modelled on
the Byzantine army (for example in weaponry and uniform). From the time of
Marwanids, the commander-in-chief was the caliph himself: he lead the army
recruited, to a large degree, from Syria, from the people whose loyalty was guar-
anteed to the Umayyads. The army was not only a tool of military policy but also
an instrument which centralised the country".
The fleet (al'USÎül) was organised during the same period, also on the basis of
the Byzantine model. Since the Arabs had no sea-going experience, the caliph’s
fleet consisted, almost entirely, of ηοη-Arab nations, mostly Egyptians, Syrians
and Byzantines. With the fleet, the Arabs were set to become a seafaring power
and the Byzantine Empire gained an enemy on the Mediterranean Sea. The mil-
itary Diwan was one of the earliest, as it is said to have been established as early
as in the time of caliph ‘Umar‫؟‬.
The second office was Diwan al-Barid) the postal service, which was organ-
ised during the reign ofthe Marwanidlineofthe Umayyads and based on theByz-
antine and Persian models. The post constituted a very important element of
the state administration, which became particularly significant in the extensive
country. It guaranteed effective communication within the caliphate and swift
circulation of information between the government agencies, which systemat-
ically received news about any rebellions and unrests in provinces. The third of
the offices. Diwan al-Rasa ]il, the office of correspondence, was actually the cen-
tral office (chancery) of the caliphate. The seal office {Diwan αΙ-Khätam) was,
among other duties, responsible for confirming the validity of correspondence
and the caliph’s orders. The last of the offices. Diwan al-Kharaj was in charge of
introducing and collecting taxes.
Those who governed provinces had considerable scope of action, foremost
from the fact that, in the event of war, they could call the army and command
troops. They frequently appointed governors of smaller holdings or cities from
among their own tribesmen. For example, the governor of Iraq (724-738),
Khalid ibn ‘Abd Allah al-Kasri, appointed his brother the governor of Khoras-
an. It must be pointed out that, in such situations, once-local tribes acquired
‫ اه‬R. Marin-Guzmâ n, Arab Tribes..., p. 69.

‫ ألع‬V.McGî aw Donner, Centralized Authority and Military Autonom) in the Earl) Is-
lamic Conquest, \vn*٨ Ihe B)zantine and Earl) Islamic Near East١No\.٦YV, States, Resources and
Armies. Papers of the !bird Workshop on Late Antiquit) and Earl) Islam, ‫ةح‬٠ A.Carneron,
Princeton 1995,p. 555.
352, III. After the Conquest
great influence across the country. Some - especially tribal leaders and those
who were, at the same time, governors and local commanders - were influential
enough to consider rebelling against the caliph, and in fact this did happen quite
often. Therefore, caliphs sometimes dismissed governors who grew too inde-
pendent and dangerous, or those who were embroiled in continuous tribal Strug-
gles and were not able to control their region. However, those who stayed loyal
while, at the same time, belonging to the Umayyad family, could take advan-
tage of the new system, e.g. becoming owners of some very attractive properties.
Special favour was given to those governors who were appointed by the caliph
himself ( ,umma[}) and whose duty was to lead new expeditions against foreign
enemies. They had the right, at least in most cases, to divide the spoils freely?®.
The capstone of the administrative activity of Mu 'awiya was the establish-
ment ofahereditarypost of caliph. In 679 AD he appointed his son-Yazid-his
successor, which was legitimised by representatives of all the provinces of the ca-
liphate, who swore an oath of allegiance to him?'. There are many inaccurate ac-
counts of the issue of supreme authority in the Muslim empire, which was caused
mainly by the’negative opinions about the Umayyad caliphs that were formulât-
ed in the Abbasid period. Supporters of latter dynasty accused the Umayyads of
undermining the authority of the caliph and limiting his role to a purely civilian
one, without any religious meaning. Recent research, conducted by, among oth-
ers, Abedel Rahman Tayyara and Khalil Athamina, contradicts these interpre-
tations. The former studied the prophetic functions?! connected with exercis-
ing the post of caliph. According to this researcher, for the early Muslim period
we can discuss an intense search for the foundations of Muhammad’s religion
in the Christian and Jewish tradition, whose inseparable elements, according
to A.E.-R. Tayyara, were the prophetic abilities of the ruler?’. The caliph’s dual
fonction of (mulk wa-nubuwwa) has been noted by many his-
torians?*. Tayyara precisely dates the emergence of this prerogative of a Muslim
7٠ R.Marin٠Guzmn, Arab Tribes..,) p. 66.
71 Ph.K. H i 11 i, History...) p. 196.

71 On the subject of prophetism in early Islam see: Α.Η. Siddiqui, Prophethood in Is-
lamt Karachi-Lahore-Dacca 1968,passim;J. Al-Haq q. Epistemology ofProphethood in Islam)
٦aw4,٦9%7١pp٠s٦-7٦٠,L.١sUtVo١N١Kings, Prophets and the ‘Ulama in Medieval Islamic Advice
Literature,?*‫آلا ؛‬١ ‫<؟ووا‬١‫الًج‬٠ ‫ا‬0‫آ‬-‫أا‬0٠١٢‫لألذ‬0١‫ ’اه‬ÛSOÏÏ, Prophecy and Holy Men in Early Islam,
.١ Ihe Cult of the Saints in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages: Essays on the Contribution
٧‫ا‬٢‫ا‬٠
ofPeterBrown) eds.J. Howard-Johnston, Ρ.Α. Hayward, Oxford 1999, pp. 2.41-2.61.
7١ A.¥٠.n ‫إلة‬7‫ة ًاة‬, Prophethood and Kingship in Early Islamic Historical Thought,‫؛‬٠١
1O٠M٠ ‫ل‬0‫ةا‬٩٩٦٠‫ًاعةل‬٣‫ا‬١ Prophethood and the iÎakingÎslamic Historical Identity,‫اةب‬¥¥ ‫ال‬€١
1015,pp. 1-18.
74 A. AV- Aimeh, Muslim Kingships: Power and the Sacred in Muslim, Christian and
Pagan) London-New York 1001,p. 4isqq; u. Rub in. Prophetsand CaliphS) [in:] Methodsand
ruler to the late Umayyad period, the first quarter of the eighth century, probably
to the reign of‘Umar II, associating this phenomenon with the person of cadi
'Amir ibn Shaahll ibn 'Abd al-ShaBi It was in this period, according to Tay-
yara, that Muslim accounts of Solomon, the "king and prophet" were created?‫؟‬.
Khalil Athamina has made a detailed recapitulation of sources concerning
the ways in which the post of a caliph was taken in the early Muslim period. First
of all, it must be emphasised after this author that, in accordance with the tradi-
tion included both in Kuran and in hadlths, neither in the time of Muhammad
nor after his death any stable rules regarding the election of a successor were
established?^. Contrary to later interpretations, which would give exclusive right
of inheritance for his legacy to the members of the Kuraysh family, the fact that
the Prophet did not make a decision brought chaos, which the ruling class tried
to overcome by reference to pre-Muslim customs. Athamina pointed out a cus-
tom well-rooted in the Arabic tradition, the role of dhu al-täj, that is a "holder
of the crown". This term (interchangeable with malik) was used with reference
to'the leaders of tribal "kingdoms”??. The researcher also stressed that in the Ar-
abic tribal tradition, the term ahi al-bayt denoting a family did not embrace rel-
atives but also people of similar interests, common aims etc. The ruler decided
who would belong to a family in this meaning of the word?٥. The requirement of
the unanimous agreement of all the interested parties as to the particular candi-
date derived from the pre-Muslim tradition, called mashura - a deeply rooted
tribal custom, which Mu 'awiya did not dare to change, appointing his son Yazid
the successor.
The role of Mu 'awiya in strengthening Arab power in the conquered ar-
eas cannot be overestimated. It is not easy to maintain brevity when present-
ing the achievements of this caliph in the process of laying the foundation of
the Muslim state. One may say that he adjusted the young political organism to
contemporary administrative and fiscal standards. He did not concern himself
with the fact that the Byzantine and Persian patterns he emloyed were not always
lory in the Study ofIslamic Origins, ed. H.Berg, Leiden-Boston 2.003,ρρ٠73-99;Ρ. Crone,
God’s Rule: Government and Islam, New York 2.005, p. I isqq.
75 A.E.-R. Tay yara. Prophethood and Kingship..., p. 9 isqq. It should be noticed that it
could have also been Sulayman, the predecessor of‘Umar II, who, according to some accounts,
was fascinated with the figure of Solomon and was said to have been planning to move the capital
of the Caliphate to Jerusalem.
76 K. Athamina, Ίhe Pre-Islamic Roots...,pp. 1-3.
77 ‫اًااًعهأ‬١ The Tribal Kings in Pre-Islamic Arabia. A Study oftbe Epitbet Malik or Dbu Al-
Taj in Early Arabic Tradition, QREA 19, 1998, pp. 19-37.
78 Idem, The Pre-IslamicRoots..., pp. 9-15.
79 Ibidem, p. I9sqq.
in accordance with the rules of Islam. Exemplary of this is his use of a maksura,
a curtained bower within a mosque, where he was separated from the rest of
the umma (in contrast to the simple customs of the orthodox caliphs). In this
can be seen a certain aspiration for the sacralisation of the ruler . It is worth
stressing that Mu awiya chose Damascus for his capital city: a large urban centre,
which was to aspire to be the Constantinople of the Arab world
'.
* Once in Da-
mascus, the position of caliph would acquire a dazzling allure when seen through
the eyes of Byzantium and Persia. We can say that here, on the River Barada, did
the time of the real Muslim monarchy start .
We should also mention that, in accordance with Arabic tradition, the son
of Abu Sufyan belonged to the so-called duhat: in literal translation, "geniuses”,
who were tasked with expanding the might and power of the caliphs’ empire *).
He was also said to possess the trait of hilm - attributed only to outstanding
individuals - reason, wisdom, generosity, gentleness and understanding: the fea-
tures of a real ruler . It should be added that the depiction of this sovereign on
Muslim sources is not so explicit. Authors who were critics of Mu awiya, such
as Abu Mikhnaf or Nasr ibn Muzahim, accuse him of indecision and a tenden-
cy to avoid confrontation. According to their narrative. Mu'awiya simply did
not merit the throne
* ‫؟‬. This criticism cannot however change the fact that his
8٥ Some scholars claim that this was equivalent to transforming from the republican to
a monarchical model of governance. It was noticed as early as the Middle Ages, see, e.g. Ibn
Khaldun, pp. 112.-116 (particularly the chapter concerning the transformation of the Cali-
phate into a kingdom).
8‫ ا‬A. von Kremer, The Orient under the Caliphs, Calcutta 192.0, pp. 133, 186;
Μ.ΑΙ-Khudari, Tarikh al-Tashri al'Islami, vol. I, Cairo 1934, pp. 503-505, 567, 630-634;
AM. ‫<؟ةةج‬١‫هعد‬١ Apparition et chute des Fatimides en ¥‫عأجالعفى‬٠ Histoire politique, ‫آسطخم‬١‫ع‬
‫ أ‬4, ‫آلولجل‬٦ ‫إل يالة ها نآ اآل‬١ The Administrative Organization ‫ ه‬Egypt ajier the Arab
Conquest. Similarities andDijferences to the Byzantine Model١٦١٦essa\4À ٦994,ρρ. S4-G١7<‫؟‬SS٩٩.
81 Α.Μ. Mague à, Apparition..., pp. 14-15, 61-65.
8’ Although it is regarded as a controversial practice to call the caliphs country an “empire”,
especially due to the lack of a lexical equivalent in Arabic sources, some scholars, such as Hugh
Kennedy, claim that the Caliphate had all the features of this kind of political entity and thus
the use of this term is, by all means, justified. See: H. K e n n e d y, TheDeclineandFalloftheFirst
Muslim Empire, Isl 81, 2.004, p. 3sqq.
8٠ H. Lammens, Études sur le siècle des Ommayyades, Beyrut 1930, pp. 2.7-163;
JJ. Saunders, ‫ بر‬History of Medieval Islam, London 1965, pp. 59-70; G.R. Haw ting.
The First Dynasty oflslam..., pp. 2.4-45; D.Madeyska, Historia swiata arabskiego..., pp. 155-
170; Ph.K. Hitti, History..., pp. 189-198; H. Ke n n e d y. The Prophet and the Age ofthe Ca-
liphates. The Islamic Near Eastjrom the Sixth to the Eleventh CenturyAonAon-NewXotk. 1004,
pp. 82.-90.
85 It is probable that E Wilfred was influenced by these two Arabic authors when he was
name was respected even under the reign of the Abbasids, who fiercely opposed
the preceding Umayyads". The rule of Mu 'awiya was also positively described
by Christian chroniclers, who appreciated the freedom he granted to religious
organisations.
The second important stage of reforms of the caliphate, implemented
by the Umayyads, occurred during the reigns of two of the Marwanid line of
the dynasty - Abd Al-Malik and Al-Wald I. These reforms are commonly as-
sociated with the Arabisation of the county?. They were designed by ΑΙ-Hajjäj
ibn Yusuf, a man of humble origin, who gained a high position in the country
through his military career . The greatest element of this reform was the intro-
duction of the Arabic language to public administration, replacing the'previous-
ly used Greek. Implicit in this change was a need to replace a part of the clerical
personnel. Analyses of Egyptian papyri, especially the work of Nikolaos Gonis
and Petra Μ. Sijpesteijn, shed light on the composition of the staff in the ear-
ly Muslim period. The later author mentions a case of Athanasius, a pagarch of
Hermopolis ‫ و‬His letter to his subordinate Shenoute, in which he informed that
the emir had ordered the collection of taxes, survived. Athanasius was worried
that his subordinate taxpayers would flee, so he commanded that any spotted fu-
gitives be captured and sent to him. In the light of this document, it must be con-
eluded that the pagarch was responsible for sending taxes to the Muslim treasury.
He was also entitled to employ coercive measures against those who avoided this
obligation. Athanasius was probably a Christian, who had also performed a cler-
ical fimetion in the Byzantine period’®. Interestingly, in his text he used the term
٠ ١‫(؟لت‬.٠ Ibe Succession to Muhammad*.

‫لماآيال‬ A Stud} of tbe Earl} Caliphate, 7٠1٢‫ووآ ععةةسذ‬
ourselves draw this opinion from: K. Ke she, when Did Muawiya Become Caliph‫ ا‬JNES 69,
1010,p. 5٤sqq.
86 Ch. Pel la t, ‫ غ‬culte de Muawiya au IIIe siècle de Î’hégire, StI 6,1956,pp. 53_66;Τ.Ε1-
W١٠١٥ù,Ihe Redemption of Umayyad Memor} b} tbe Abbâsids,١NÎS 6‫آ‬١ ιοοι,ρρ. ‫أ‬4‫ل‬-‫أ‬6‫آل‬.

87 G.R. H a w t i n g. The First Dynasty oflslam..., p. 9sqq.
88 R.Marin-Guzmâ n ,Arab Tribes..., pp. 69, 88-89 (footnote 57 therein).
%‫اة‬٠ ٠١‫اعأةحدأ‬٠١’ ‫اآ‬ ‫و‬, The Arab Conquest ofEgypt and tbe Beginning ofMuslim Rule,
[in:] Egypt in the Byzantine World300-700, ed. R.s. Bagnall, Cambridge-New York 2.007,
pp. 445-446. For a review of research conducted to date on the creation of the authority of
the Arabic conquerors in Egypt: Ρ.Μ. Sijpesteijn, shaping a Muslim State. The World of
aMidEigbtb-CenturyEgyptian Official, ‫صسًا‬ιοη,ρρ.6‫وم‬-‫آأ‬.
9٥ He could also be a newly-converted Muslim. John of Nikiu, a chronicler who wrote about
‫ نألدسشم عه‬congest ‫يأةأة‬٠٠ many oftbe Egyptians, wbo bad been false Christians denied
tbe boly orthodoxfaitb ^...١ and embraced tbe religion ofthe Moslem, tbe enemies ofGod, and accepted
the detestable oftbe beast, this is, Mohammed, and they erred together with those idolaters, and took
arms in tbeir bands andfougbt against tbe Christians ‫ تأألدًا لع‬٢‫ ًاد‬٦٩٠‫ا‬١‫ف‬١‫ل‬,٢‫لالالذ‬١ ٦ο,ρ. 1Ο٦١.
andrismos, meaning tax, which had been collected in Egypt during the Byzan-
tine reign. Similar nomenclature for tribute can be found in two documents
from the first decades of the eighth century, which were analysed by N. Gonis*';
these are dated according to the Roman system**, we will now make the state-
ment that, although the method of tax collection had not changed significantly
from the Byzantine times, the allegation of passivity levelled towards the first
Umayyads*’ does not seem justified, we have information about numerous in-
novations introduced by Muslim governors, especially in Egypt. Administrative
units were merged (e.g. Arcadia and the Thebaid^, while others were divided
(Heracleopolis into Upper and Lower divisions for example)*«. An increase in
the number of documents issued is also apparent*‫؟‬. Moreover, the administrative
system was centralised: pagarchs became direct subjects of an Arab governor
Thanks to these reforms - attributed to Abd Al-Malik and ΑΙ-Walïd I as
their introduction lasted between ten and twenty years, leaving some uncertain-
ty as to which was the initiator - Arabic acquired the status of the language
of the well-educated elite, replacing Greek in this role. The reforms opened
the clerical occupation to the urban communities of the Arabs. This change of
official language seems to be natural, if we consider the stage of the country’s
development and the time which had passed since the Arabic conquest of Syria
and Egypt . It must be admitted that ΑΙ-Walïd I tried to limit the number of
officials of the Christian faith**, though this command was not followed with en-
thusiasm, which is documented in Byzantine sources'٥٥. One element of the Ara-*9
‫ األ‬N.G onvsjwo Poll-Tax Receiptsjrom Early Islamic Egypt,].‫؟؟‬،. ٦μ,ιοοο١ρρ. 4٦‫آل‬٠-‫آلا‬٠

9‫ ع‬Different systems of measuring time existed contemporaneously in Egypt for a long
time. For more detailed information on this topic, see: R.s. Bagnall, Κ.Α. Wo rp, chron-
ological Systems ofByzantine Egypt, Leiden-Boston 2.004. This paper contains numerous usefol
appendices, which might be helpfol for converting between dates given according to Diocletian’s
era and those dated in years after the Hidjra. See: ibidem, pp. 500-512..
9’ w. A1 - Qad i, Population Census..., p. 564.
94 It cannot be taken for granted that these changes were not introduced by the Byzantines
as part of restoring their authority over Egypt from the Persians. Compare: Ρ.Μ. Sijpestei-
’١ ‫آل‬١ The Arab Conquest ofEgypt..., p. 44‫؟‬.
9٩ Ibidem,p. 444.
‫أل‬6 ‫ة‬.١.‫ةًااًةلمة‬, Conquest and Fusion. The Social Evolution of Cairo AD 042-‫ةل‬50,‫طقل‬
1977, p. 19.
97 Ph.K. Hitt i, History...) pp. 2.2.1-2.2.2..
98 G.R. Haw ting. The First Dynasty oflslam...) p. 64.

9‫ ؟‬c. Brockelmann, History ofthe Islamic Peoples, London 1964, p. 84sqq.
‫ ا‬٥٥ Theophanes, although he perceived the change of official language to Arabic as a form
of persecution against Christians under Umayyad rule, did add that this command was not impie-
mented too strictly: this as, up to his time (the beginning of the ninth centuty), it was possible to
encounter Christian officials in the court of the caliph. Theophanes, AM 6199, p. 576.
bisation was the unification of the monetary system - the replacement of solidi
and Persian coins with gold dinars and silver dirhams. The first characteristically
Arab money began to be minted at the end of the seventh century‘®‘.
The third stage of the Umayyad’s state reforms, not entirely successfirl, was
an attempt to Islamise the empire. Although the tax exemption for Muslim ne-
ophytes introduced by ‘Umar II was quickly cancelled by his successors due to
a drastic depletion of state incomes, it did contribute to the conversion of Chris-
tians to Islam‘®*. The reform greatly influenced the image of‘Umar II in Byz-
antine sources. Theophanes the Confessor depicted him as one of the most an-
ti-Christian rulers in history. In one account, the author compiles a list of almost
everything that could be considered an anti-Christian decision by the Umayyads,
about whom he wrote’٥5.
In addition to detafling these slights, the historian also mentioned the tax
exemption of Muslim converts'٥4. Theophanes considered this move to be a fur-
ther repressive action against Christians‘®*. It is an understandable attitude, since
the rescript had encouraged Christians to abandon their faith and convert to
Islam. It is worth adding that, for the same reason, ‘Umar II was perceived in an
utterly different way to the other Umayyad caliphs in the, subsequent, Abbasid
period. Characteristic of this retained respect is the fact that his grave was not
profaned; as such his tomb was treated unlike those of the other Umayyad ca-
liphs. Indeed, among the Abbasids his piety was so deeply respected that one
caliph, ΑΙ-Muhtadï, took him took him to be the epitome of a model ruler*.
|٥٠ In Poland, the subject of Byzantine and Arabic minting in this period was researched
by: S. S k o w r ο n e k, Trett i temat monet bizantynskich, BNum 39, 1969, pp. 735-758: idem,
Wczesnoarabskie nattadoumictwa monet bizantynskich, BNum 41, 1969, pp. 781-783.
|٥٤ H.A.R. Gibb, The Fiscal Rescript ofVmar II) Ara 21955, pp. 2.-7Î D.Madeyska,
Historia huiata arabskiego...) p. 179; G.R. Haw ting. The First Dynasty oflslam..., p. 7٥sqq.
٠٥’ Theophanes described *Umar II as a fanatical follower of Islam, one who even tried to
convert the emperor himself, and at the same time a keen persecutor of Christians. It is worth
mentioning that many eastern sources do not give such a negative portrayal of the Umayyad ruler.
Theophanes, AM 6110, p. 399. Cf. K. Koscielniak,Polemika muzulmansko-chrzetti-
jariska na podstawie korespondencji przypisywanej kalifowi uTHajjadzkiemu ،Umarowi II (t 720)
icesarzowi bizantyjskiemu Leonowi III (1741)' FHC 8,2002, pp. 97-105: B. Ce co ta, Wybrane
zagadnienia z korespondencji mtztbnanskochrzeScijan kiej napodstawie Historii kali/όιυ Ghe-
W0nda١\uv٨ Per aspera ad astra. Material) zXVI Ogôlnopobkiego Zjazdu. Historykôw Studentow,
vol. XIV, Krakow 2008, pp. 27-44.
٠٥4 Theophanes, AM 621o,p. 399.
٠٥5 The same image of the effect of‘Umar’s rescript is conveyed by Coptic historiography.
History ofthe Patriarchs١vo\.٦YV١p٠7i٠
٠٥٥ J.Hauzihsk i)Burzliwedziejekalifatu bagdadzkiego, Warszawa-Krakôw 1993,p. 174.
Hassan Baawy
2٠ Economic Institutions of E ly Islam

The Creation of Bayt al-Mäl (‫)ريت سل‬
From Tribal Treasury to the "Ministry of Finance”
Before Islam became the dominant religion in the Arabian Peninsula,

the economy of this region ftmctioned within small, separate communities, both
family and tribal. Social bonds and the needs of tribe members stemmed from
an old tradition of common origin and common interests of a particular group*.
Another factor affecting the development of social relations and governance
mechanisms of the primitive economy was organically connected with the natu٠
ral environment of the peninsula^.
An important element in the evolution of the governance system of fi-
nance essential for the tribe’s fimctioning and, sometimes, for conquests organ-
ised by its members was the institution of the "House of Money” (Bayt al-Mäl·)
‫ )ريب سلل‬- which soon began to play role similar to today’s of central bank or
ministry of finance (we must remember that a comparison like this should not
be treated literally, their only aim is to facilitate reading).
Analysing the development of Bayt al-Mäl we can investigate into the pro-
cess of evolution of economic administration of the early Muslim state. Such
a research should be based on all available sources contemporary to the events
described therein. Still, in the case of early Arab accounts, it is difficult to discuss
the texts focused on economic issues due to their style and language’, as they are
purely literary texts.
' ‫آل‬٩‫ةةةه‬٦٩, Introduction to the History of Islamic World, ‫ا لءال‬١ ‫لم‬٦‫اًادكلهةةعأل‬١‫أ غع‬٢‫آلآد‬١
pp. 99, 119, I33sqq, 174, 188, i٥4sqq, 2.09-2.11.
‫ ق‬Ibn Khaldun (ed.A. Abd Wahid Wafi),pp.77-8o.See:I.A.Al-Adawi ١
Al-NuzumAl-Islamya, Cairo 1972., pp. 5-7.
5 There are sources and many tax consulting books referring strictly to the technical as-
pects ofthe Islamic economy-e.g. Abu 'ubayd Αΐ-Qäsim Ibn Sallam(d.838
2.. Economic Institutions of Early Islam... 539
The present text is an attempt to systematise the knowledge about the eco-
nomic structure of the initial stage of the caliphate. Our discourse will be based
on the analysis of the work of newly-created institutions, such as Baytal-Mal and
Bayt al Mai al-Muslimin (‫ )بيت ظل المسلمين‬later referred to “Public Bayt αΙ-ΜαΓ.
We have taken into account the circumstances in which these institutions were
established and their evolution, assuming that they were created out of a deep
need to share resources owned by local communities. To a large extent, the chap-
ter is based on the analysis of sources from the Arabic cultural circle, which,
hopefully, will fill the gaps in the contemporary scientific discourse devoted to
the beginning of Islamic economy. Sholars point out that the principles of Bayt
al-Mäl have not been sufficiently analysed. E. Levi-Provencal has investigated
the matter in detail, but only in the area of the Iberian Peninsula, while more
general information has been prepared by c. Cahen in his irreplaceable Encyclo-
paedia ofIslam4.
i.i. Creation of the Muslim State and Its Major

Economic Institutions
It is not an easy task to find traces of fimctioning of even one econom-

ic institution, or the activity of any economic system commonly accepted
by all tribes of the Arabian Peninsula before the birth of Islam. Tribal relations,
both in internal and intertribal aspect, were based on ephemerl historical iden
4‫دلالخم‬, ‫ أأ‬ΜΑ١١ Ike Book ofRevenue: Kitab al-amwal (Tbe Great Books ofIslamic Civilization)»
transl. Ι.Α.Κ. Nyazee, Reading 2.005; A1 - M ä w a r d Ϊ (d. 1058 AD, 450 AH), Al-Ahkam
al-sultâniyyawa-al-wilâyâtal-iyya١ionàon٦996٦Kitâbal-Kbaraj١yfK١٥ü٦{usu£٢à٠79^
AD, 182. AH); Kitab οΙ-Kharäj by Yahya Ibn Adam (d. 818 AD, 2.03 AH); Kitab al-
kharaj wa-sinaat al-kitaba (Book ofthe Land Tax) by Ku dam a ibn Dja'fad. 948 AD,
337 AH) contains rich information in particular for Biladaisham, Land Laws and economic
policy during the reign of *Umar Ibn Abd al Aziz (the Pious), etc. The books of Al-Fikh - in
general - offer very usefill historical material of great importance in comparison to other sourc-
es. All the above-mentioned specialised Fikh (Kutub Al-Fikh) primary sources depend mainly,
in selecting and interpreting their data, upon two earlier but categorically "official” documents,
which can easily be characterized as the Sources of the Sources (Masader Αΐ'ΑιυωαΙϊη-, Masader
Αΐ-Masäder, ‫)مصادر األولبن او مصاحر المصاحر‬, i. e. the Holy Bible of Islam - the Kur’än (often
called "First Book of the Arabs”) and also: Al-Sahifa٠ Sahifa al-Madina or Dustur Al-Umma, i.e.
the Constitution ofthe Umma. The former is dated 610 to 632., and the latter, probably, to 62.2.-630.
4 E.Levi-Provençal, Histoire de l’Espagne musulman, vol. III, Paris 1947, pp. 1-54;
R. Man tran. L’expansion musulman, VHe-Xle siècle, Paris 1995, p. 2.48; c. Cahen,Baytal
Mal١v١n٠٨ ΕΙ١νο\. ‫أ‬١ p. 6٦‫هل‬. a. ‫ دف‬Mez, Islamic Civilization in tbe 4tb Century Hegira,
vol. I, Cairo 1957, pp. 191-192..
tity and more or less stable alliances, such as the tribal union of Ghassanids in
the north-western part of the peninsula, Lakhmids in the north-east and Kinda
in the central part‫؟‬. Political organisations of this kind dominated the internal
relations on the Arabian Peninsula as early as two centuries before the birth of
Muhammad**. The biggest social group in this area had always been a tribe -
the centre of all forms of settlement, whose members obeyed the common, un-
written law.
The nature of a desert and landform features of the Arabian Peninsula pre-
vented the emergence of big, densely populated centres, where stable social re-
lations, crucial for the creation of a country, could be formed. In other words, it
was the desert nature of the Arabian Peninsula that largely caused the preserva-
tion of the tribal lifestyle, way of thinking and acting?.
After the triumph of Islam, when Muhammad decided that his headquarters
would be in Medina٥ (previously Yathrib), the process of building administra-
tion and financial organisation of the new country began. One of the first legal
regulations was a document known as The Charter ofMedina (‫)وديقة المدينة‬, which,
in early Arabic sources, is quoted as the Constitution ofthe Community (Dustur
al-Ummah; ‫ دستور األمة‬or As-Sahifa; ‫و(صحيفة المدينة‬. This document regulated
the relations between Muslims and Jews'٥, but, it also included parts concerning
economic issues for the followers of Islam’ 1. The text determined basic economic
rules ofthe Muslim country. Within their scope, certain traditional norms, such
as the system of ransom (nizam alfadiya aw diya; ‫ )نظام الفدية او الدية‬or the rules of
paying debts etc. were maintained‘*.
5 For the tribe and the tribal system, see: Ibn Khaldun (ed. Tunis 1991), pp. 70, 74-
75, 84‫ ؛‬Ι.Α. A1 - A d a w i, Nuzum..., pp. I -4, 9-ΙΙ.

6 Η.Ι. Hassan, Α.Ι. Hassan, Islamic Institutions) Cairo 1970, pp. 17-18, 167-168.
7 Ι.Α.Al-Adawi,Afoz«w...,pp. 1-4,9-11.
8 Ibn Hi sham, ٧ol. II, Ρ.119 (ed. Cairo 1957); Η.Ι. Hassan, Α.Ι. Hassan, Islam-
*٠c...,pp. 168-169.
9 On the Constitution ofMedina see: M.S.Q. Al-Husaini, Arab Administration, Cairo
1958‫ ؛‬R.B. Serjeant, The “Constitution ofMedina٦ IQ7, 1964, pp. 3-i6;M.Hamidul-
Yih,Ihe First Written Constitution in the World: An Important Document ofthe Time ofthe Holy
Prophet١u١٦ote ‫آلآلولم‬, passim’, ‫آآحها‬
٠ \١ Documents sur la diplomatique musulmane a Epoque du
Prophete et des khalifes orthodoxes,êYr^t ‫جول‬١٢‫ح‬.‫ «؟‬٢‫ةأل‬١.‫ًاحا‬١ Die «Gemeindeordnung <υοη Me-
dina” - Darstellung eines politischen Instruments. Ein Beitrag zur gegenwärtigen Fundamental-
ismus-Diskussion im Islam, Ku‫>؟‬s١٥ut‫؟‬٠ ‫آلهكآلل‬, passim-, MlYket, Constitution ofMedina,\^’١
Muhammad in History, Thought, and Culture: An Encyclopedia ofthe Prophet of God,\oYA,eàs.
c. Fitzpatrick, A. Walker, Santa Barbara 2.014, pp. 113-115.
٠٥ Ibn Hisham, vol. II,P٠I5O;I.A.A1-Adawi, Afaz«m...,pp. 12.7-132..
II Ibn H i s h ä m, vol. II, p. 119.
IZ Ibn Hisham,νοΙ.ΙΙ,pp. 119-1Ζ3.
1. Economie Institutions of Early Islam... 541
These earliest legal regulations were essential to solve the problem of war
spoils (،al-ghanaim;‫’*)الغنائم‬. Although, according to Ibn Hisham, the first plun-
der of Muslims consisted only of the Kuraysh camels with a consignment of rai-
sins and a couple of prisoners, soon after that the followers of Muhammad faced
the need to divide the spoils obtained after the battle of Badr (62.4 AD, 2, AH),
during which they captured the whole camp of the KurayshH.
In order to avoid any disagreement, the first regulations concerning the di-
vision of loots were precisely outlined in Sura 8 of the Kuran, entitled The spoils
of war ٢Al-Anfäl٠١ ‫سوده العسق‬١٦ They ask you- concerning the anjal./ Say, “the anfal
belong to Allah and the Apostle"./So be wary ofAllah and settleyour differences,/and
obey Allah and His Apostle,/ shouldyou befaithful ٢‫ث‬٢‫ آلةهز‬0‫ ئشآلعًاةكه ةعفأل‬ο£
wars enabled further conquests and helped to maintain the Muslim fighting spirit,
which was important during expeditions against the enemies of the umma. Their
significance can be proven by the fact that even the Prophet himself had an offi-
c.ial called “the writer of spoils of God’s Messenger" (katibghanaim Rasül Allah‘,
16 (‫كاتب غنانم رسول الله‬. However, in the time of Muhammad, no budget surplus
was being collected. The sources of income were limited to utilising natural re-
sources of the peninsula and their management was based on fairly simple rules,
designed for a particular tribes. At that stage, there was no need for creating an
institution which would control the finances of the forming state. All political,
administrative, economic and military fimetions were in the hands of the Prophet.
After the death of Muhammad in 6 3 2. AD, his descendants entered the path
of conquest . The first caliph and successor was Abu Bakr, who ruled between
632. and 634 AD. His reign begen the era of the so-called “orthodox” or “right-
guided” caliphs (al-khulafa ar-râshidûn\; 8‫ا(الخلغا الراشدون‬٠ which lasted from
63 2, to 656 AD (or, depending on interpretation, to 660 AD). As a caliph, Abu
I’ For the war code of Islam and the institution of Al-Ghanaim distribution among
the State Central Treasury {Bayt al-Mäl) and Muslim warriors, see: Kuran, Sura Al-Hashr
(59,7). Ibn Ishak, pp. 157-160, 2.39, I53sqq, 156-57 (ed. Τ.Α. s a a d, T. B a d a w y). See
also: Η.Ι. Hassan, Α.Ι. Hassan,Islamic....pp. 151-155.
‫ ا‬Ibn Hisham, vol.!, Ρ.18 Tabari, τ٠٥, II, 457 (ed. Cairo 1961); Ibn al-
A t h ϊ r. Usdal'ghabah, II, 130.
IS Kuran, 8:1.
Jahshiyari, p. Ilibn al-Athir, Usdal-ghabah, III, p. 304.
17 Ph.K. Hitti, History of the Arabs, New York-London 1970, p. 139sqqî EM. Don-
n e r. The Early Islamic Conquests, Princeton 1981, pp. 91-110, 151-171Î H. B a d a w y Intro-
duction..., pp. 15 5sqq, 158-163‫ ؛‬H. Kennedy, The GreatArab Conquests: How the spread of
Islam Changed the World We Live ίη,ίοηάοη ١ passim·, IG. Η ϋ ‫ ال‬١‫ه اًا ع‬١ In God’s Path:
The Arab Conquests and the Creation ofan Islamic Empire١٢h£٢>tà io١١١passim.
18 Al'khulafau Ar-rashidiin or “the rightfill successors of the Prophet Muhammad”.
Bakr took over all the functions performed earlier by Muhammad. Thus, he contin-
ued the Prophet’s activities, especially in the field ofadministration and economy, un-
like his successor and the second caliph TJmar (643-644), referred to as “innovator"
(al-mubtadi ‫)ارتدع‬- During the reign of Abu Bakr the country was economically
weak, while in the time of TJmar, it entered a period of economic prosperity. Ac-
cording to the sources, in his speech on assuming the office of caliph, Abu Bakr said:
I have been given the authority over you, and I am not the best ofyou. If I do well, help
me; and if I do wrong, set me right. Sincere regard for truth is loyalty and disregard for
truth is treachety. The weak amongst you shall be strong with me until I have secured
his rights, if God wills; and the strong amongst you shall be weak with me until I have
wrested from him the rights of others, if God wills, obey me so long as I obey God
and His Messenger. But if I disobey God and His Messenger, you owe me no obedien-
ce. Arise for your prayer, God have mercy upon you ‫و‬
The reign ofAbu Bakr lasted about 2.7 months. Although it was short, it left
its mark in history, especially due to the restoration of unity of the Arab tribes
and the initiation of the invasion of two contemporary empires: the Byzantine
Empire and the Sassanid lands. Having stabilised the situation on the peninsu-
la and finished the so-called “Wars of Apostasy" (hurüb ‫لح‬7‫;لص‬٦‫حروب الردة‬
I)٦ Abu Bakr (known to the Byzantines as Abubacharos)" sent troops against
his powerful neighbours. Therefore, he initiated the actions which, within a
century, led to the creation of one of the biggest empires in history. Thus, he
did not have much time to manage the matters of the state, which meant that
he had to depend on his advisors. One of them was 'Umar Ibn al-Khattab,
the subsequent caliph (634-644).
TJmar , the second caliph, continued the policy of conquest . In 634 AD
(13 AH) he conquered Syria٦ in 636 (15 AH) he took Palestine and.
'9 Μ. R i d a h, Al'khulafa ar-rashidun, ed. A1 ٠ s h e i k h Kh.M. Shiha,Bajrut 2.007,

P.i5٠f.4:
’‫ والضعيف ليكم قوي‬,‫ المدق أمام والكنب خيانة‬,‫يهاالنلن ن وليت طيكم *وبت بخبركهم فان اخطت فأعينوز وان أسك فقورني‬١‫اأ‬
‫ فانه اليدهه قوم االضربهم الله بآلنل‬,‫ اليدع احد منكم الجبان‬,‫’ذي ض أظ له حقه والقوي هندي ضعيف حتى آخذمنه الحق ان شاء ابذتعش‬
‫أطيعوني ماأطعت الذورسوله فاذا عصيت الذورسوله فالطاعة لي‬
‫أ‬.‫ قوموا الى مالتكم رحمكم للذ‬١‫عليكم‬
‫ هع‬Baladhur ï,FütuhI, pp. 115-110, 12.5-12.8. See also: Q.I. M U h a m m a à,Al-Sîyâsah
αΐ-mätiyah li-AbïBakrαΙ-Siddiq, Cairo 1990, pp. 99, .101,12.5-151.
XI Theophanes, AM 6114, 61 ٤5,p. 536.
XX The commendable acts and traits of *Umar were numerous, warranting the work of many
scholars who authored chapters, books and volumes in praise of his great virtues and achievements.
Many scholars wrote about *Umar to an extent that some scholars authored a whole book specif-
ically about his virtues and deeds. Among them were Ibn al-Djawzi, who authored a bullty book
compiling Umars laudable deeds and Al-Suyûtï.
٤’ Baladhuri, Fütuh, p. 12.8.
X* Baladhuri,Fütuh,p. 164.
1. Economie Institutions of Early Islam... 345
after the battle of Al-Kadisiya, Iraqi‫؟‬. At the beginning of the fifth decade of
the century his army entered Egypt and then the Byzantine Exarchate of Af-
rica". During the reign of the caliphs who followed the Arab expansion led
to the enlargement of the territory of the country, which eventually embraced
the eastern part of the Mediterranean, including Cyprus and the neighbour-
ing lands*? and most of the Sassanid Empire. The borders of the new coun-
try reached the Indus River in the East, the Oxus River (Amu Darya) in
the North and the West African coast of the Atlantic Ocean (Bilad Al-Magh-
rib') ‫)بالد المغرب‬. Early Arabic sources mention neither Muslim settlements
nor any strongholds from the pre-Umayyad period on the Iberian Peninsula.
It is obvious that such a rapid expansion created of a totally new political and
economical reality. The Muslim umma left its previous boundaries and formed
a huge country. The grandeur of the treasures obtained by the Arabs in wars they
fought can be exemplified by the conquest of ΑΙ-Mada in (Ctesiphon, the capital
city of the Sassanid state) in 637 AD. The Muslims are believed to have found
there gold and silver tableware and carpets of the length of 60 ells, embroidered
with gold andjewelst8. In another place, known as Djalala r, the Arabs captured
reportedly 30 million dinars, one fifth ofwhichi.e. 6 million, was, in accordance
with the rules of Kuran, sent to the caliph٤9. He then distributed the money to
the faithfil . After the conquest of the city of Nahavand in 641 AD, the invad-
ers would win the great treasures of king Khusraw‫!؟‬.
The war spoils impressed the Muslims - caliph TJmar is said to have had
tears in his eyes when he saw the amount of riches, gold, silver and precious
stones in the mosque awaiting distribution‫*؟‬. In this emergent situation, the rul-
er had to take certain measures which would enable him to control, organise and
legislate the distribution of goods. Thanks to them - especially in the areas where
state organisation, incorporating a financial system, was known - the territories
previously belonging to Byzantium or Persia - the first Islamic institutions start-
ed to emerge.‫؟؟‬
‫ أ‬Baladhurl,Futuh)p. 295.
16 Baladhurl,Futuh)pp. 249-267.
٤7 Baladhurl, Futuh) pp. 128-151, 181-187.
٤٥ Tabari, Tarikh, IV, 17.
٤9 Ph.K. Hitti, History ofthe Arabs..!) p. 157. The Kur an defines the detail for the distri-
bution ٥f the booty among the warriors and the Public Treasury - Baytal’Mal.
’٥ Tabari, Tarikh) IV, 29; Ph.K. Hitti, History ofthe Arabs...) pp. 15 5-159.
51 Tabari, Tarikh) IV, 116-117; Ph.K. Hitti, History ofthe Arabs...) pp. 156-157.
’٤ Abù٠Ubayd,pp٠ 355-356.
” Primary Arabic sources, the multilingual papyri emphatically included, reveal the great
influences of the former Byzantine administrative and financial system on the newborn Arab
Therefore, 'Umar Ibn al-Khattab is considered to be the founder of the or-

ganisation of the Muslim state. From the historical perspective, his policy con-
tributed to ensuring the continuity of fimction of the formerly Byzantine admin-
istration, including the tax system in the area of Syria, Palestine and Egypt under
the reign of new rulers. Texts written on papyruses, particularly those which are
bilingual, prove the great influence of the Byzantine tradition on the organisa-
tion of the early Muslim country.
The result of the conquests was the multiplication of the Arabs’ wealth’*. In
formation about the fortunes of a couple of participants of the described events
can attest to this statement. For example, one of Muhammad’s commanders, and
his close associate at the same time, Al-Zubayr Ibn al- 'Awwam died leaving $2
thousand dinars and 55.million dirhams. Similarly, 'Uthman ibn Affan (644-
656) left 150 thousand dinars and I million dirham in addition to an estate
worth 100 thousand dinars”.
Islamic Caliphate, from its very beginnings, especially in Egypt after its Arab conquest. Such in٠
tense presence of the former Byzantine administration is apparently noted not only in the scope
of multidisciplinary use of Byzantine terminology, which is of great importance, but mainly in
the use of the Greek language in their official correspondence. For more details see: A.J. But-
‫ًاعل‬١ The Arab Conquest ofEgypt and the Last Thirty Years ofRoman Dominion, 02٢‫ًاالد‬0‫وا ةآ‬١
p. 59‫ ;ل‬Η.Ι. Bell, The Administration ofEgypt under the Umayyads, BZ 2.8, 192.8, pp. 2.78-286;
A. Grohmann, Arabic Papyri in the Egyptian Library, vol. I-VI٠ Cairo 1954; N. A b b o 11,
Tbe Kurrah Papyrifom Aphrodito in the Oriental Institute,c\٢٢٩‫>؛‬o ‫وا‬٦‫آل‬٠,‫ء‬.١‫لم‬0١‫فد‬١.١٠‫ ًاة‬à١LAd٠
ministration civile de Γ Egypte Byzantine, Paris 1949; A. Grohmann, From the World ofAra-
bic Papyri, vol. Ι-ΙΙ, Cairo 1952J Karayannopulos, Die Entstechung der byzantinischen
Themenordnung, ‫وآلول آلطسعآل‬١ ’ ¥٠٠ Asht٠Î١A Social and Economic History ofthe Near East
in the Middle Ages١?>erke\٩ ‫وا‬76٠١ ‫آل‬٩. ‫ ة ة ة آل‬w Ύ١ The Administrative Organization ofEgypt of-
ter the Arab Conquest. Similarities and Differences to the Byzantine Model, 4٦‫اصأل‬٢‫د‬٢‫ا‬١‫ووا غأل‬١
pp٠70-7S٠,١i.١٩٠\\\oowiVa٠١The History ofthe Conquests ofEgypt, Being a Partial Translation
oflbn AbdAl-HakamsFutub Misr and an Analysis ofthis Translationjucson ‫آلووا‬
PhD thesis] ;E. Dimitriadou Badawy, Command Route in Egypt According to Edictum
XIII ofJustinian and Umar Ibn Al-Kbattabs Correspondence (527-654 AD), ٧١٠٢١٠٦١ Historiogra-
phy in Egypt 284-641AD. Historical, Ecclesiastical, Documentary, and Archaeological Evidence.
Tbe Second International Conference on Christian Egypt, Cairo 5-7 May 2015 ‫ًالم‬0‫هآ‬٢0‫آ‬٢١٠‫ا‬٢١٠‫ع‬١٦
١٩.‫ةةةآل‬٦٩, Byzantium post-Byzantium in Egypt ajter the Arab conquest. Continuity or dis-
continuity?, ١٢٢٢٠٨ Life in Egypt dui٩ng the Coptic Period. Tbe First International Coptic Studies
Conferrence (forthcoming).
34 See also: E. Ash tor. Social and Economic...) pp. 22-2.6.
55 M a s ’ ύ d Ï, II, 541. It is worth mentioning that caliph *Uthman was very rich and great
businessman ofpre-Islamic Mecca-Makkah. After the rise of Islam he became also great sponsor
of the Islamic movement.
i. Economic Institutions of Early Islam... 545
2.1. Creatio» of Bayt al-Mâl -

a Central Financial Institution of the Country
It is supposed that the first caliph, Abu Bakr, established an institution

whose role was to manage the common wealth of the forming Muslim country’^.
It is possible that it was a consequence of the increase in revenues of the admin-
istration of Medina, after the conquests of the territories of Syria and Mesopota-
mia. As Al-Suyütï wrote, Abu Bakr:
possessed ungua ded Bayt al'Mäl in Sankh, a district of Medina, where he had his
house. The caliph was asked: why doyou not appoint a guard? .And he answered: Bayt
al-Màl has got a lock and I willgive all it contains to people, as long as it^the treasury -
ed.] is not empty. And when he moved to Medina, he also moved the Bayt al'Mäl to
his house.’?
Al-Kalkashandl confirmed this fact, pointing out that the caliph-to-be gov-
erned the Bayt al-Mäl during the reign of Abu Bakr. Therefore, this institution
must have been created before the second caliph took power .
TJmar fostered the title of Amir αΙ-Mu'minin, "Prince-Commander of
the faithfol" (‫)اميرصؤمنين‬, willing to project his utterly different idea of the state’’.
Once the caliphate guaranteed itself regular income from taxes, which happened
as a result of 'Umar’s decision to leave lands in the conquered territories in
the hands of their previous owner®, as long as they paid khardj (‫ )الفراج‬and poll
tax, djizya (‫ الجزية‬-‫ )ضريبة الراس‬- the Bayt al-Mäl had to become an independent
institution, the central treasury of the state*!. Apart from the institutional mean-
ing, the term "House of Money” could also be understood literally, denoting
the building in which collected goods could be kept safely. Once a year the treas-
ury was visited by the caliph, which was mentioned by Ibn al-Djawzi . The head-
quarters ofjBaytal'Mdl acquired a new political significance when, after TJmar’s
death, the new caliph was chosen*’.
’6 QI Muhammaά,Αΐ-Siyasah...,pp. 9-11,55sqq.
’7 Suyütï, 79;Ibn al-Athlr, ‫ كسهصًا‬II, 42,2..
’8 Çalkashandl, 1,45‫ل‬٠
‫ ’و‬Ibn al-Djawzi, Manakib, pp. 45-48, 59-60: H. Badawy, The Administrative
Organization.pp. 54-65.
4٥ Idem, Introduction..., pp. 165-168.
41 Abu YaTa,i88;Abü Yüsuf,2٠4;BalädhurI, ۶۵ta#,52٠5;Ibn al-Djawzi,
Manakib, 94; A b Ù 'ubayd, 85; Yahya Ibn Adam, p. 2.7.
41 Ibn al-Djawzï,٥٥a, 106.
4’ Balàdhurï,^«٥,v, zilbn al-Athlr, ‫ كسهصًا‬III, 68.
'Umar believed to codify the rules of collecting kharaj (depending on har-

vest and the cost of irrigation) and djizya, paid by the People of the Book ( ,Ahl
αΙ-Kitâb', ‫'ا‬Ahlaz-dhimma', ‫ أهل النمة‬-‫)اهل الكتاب‬. The latter has ever since been paid
depending on individual income. Today we could say that three income tax
thresholds existed: the wealthiest paid 48 dirhams, the moderately rich 2.4, and
the poorest 12. dirhams**. It must be emphasised, though, that during the reign
of the first Umayyads, the terms kharaj and djizya were used interchangeably and
meant simply tribute. Not until the end of this dynasty’s reign were these two
words distinguished and their meanings systematised.
The transition from tributes collected during a war to the duty paid in cash
in the areas where military actions were over caused the need to create Bayt ah
Mai and forced the authorities to investigate the way in which similar institu-
tions fimctioned in neighbouring countries. On the conquered northern territo-
ries of Syria and Mesopotamia the first tribute in cash was collected in 640 AD
(2.0 AH), after the end of military operations. It was not a coincidence that in
the same year TJmar called upon an institution referred to as office or council
(al-dïwârr, ‫؟*(الديوان‬.
A novelty in the economic policy of Umar was the diversification of remu-
nerations paid from Bayt al-MäP* - during the reign of Abu Bakr the faithfirl
had the right to equal shares*?. Caliph 'Umar carried out a census and created
a kind of "property qualification", which divided those entitled to take advan-
tage ofBaytal-Malinto several categories. As it was mentioned by Al-Tabari*8,
TJmar appointed three Ku aysh secretaries ordering them to make a record of
all the people, starting from the family of the Prophet. The criteria determining
the amount of received benefits depended on the following factors: faithfidelity
to the principles of Islam, the period of affiliation to the umma, the level of
wealth at the moment of converting to Islam and needs after the conversion.
Each category had a proportional share in Bayt al-Mäl. This practice was also
continued by the third caliph, TJthman Ibn 'Affan, while his successor 'Ali
re-established the rule of treating all Muslims equally, which was practised
by Abu Bakr.
44 During his reign in Medina (611-631), Muhammad established a tax at the level of I
dinar per year per person.

45 MäWardΪ, 199;Tabari, Tarikh,IV, 109; Ibn Tab tab ä, 83; Ibn Khaldun,
II, 17; B a 1 ä d h U r Ϊ, Futuh, 550; Ibn a 1 - D j a w Z Ϊ, Manakib, pp. 99-ΙΙΙ.
46 Tabari, Tarikh, IV, 110; Ma war di, 100; Abü YaTa, m;Abü Yusuf, 46;
Μ. Rid ah, Al-Khulafaa Al-Rashidun..., pp. 118-msqq; H. Badawy, Introduction...٠

pp. 163-165,£342343.
47 Ibn a 1 - A t h i r, Usdal-ghabah, II, 411.
4»Tabari,7^ ٠٥,IV,no;Mäwardi,ioo;Abü Ya<la,m;Abû Yü su £46.

4‫ و‬Abu Ya ٠ la. 111.
2,. Economic Institutions of Early Islam... 547
"The House of Money" faced a serious trial during the reign of caliph
TJthman (644-656), and his policy of dividing the resources of Baytal-Mäl ac٠
cording to his own judgement - he is believed to have said: This is the money of
God. I can give it to anyone I want and take it away jrom anyone Iplease50SI55- ١‫هع‬
*54
to the rise of opposition and resulted in a rebellion against the ruler . Unlike
TJthman, 'All - the fourth of the caliphs (656-661) - tried to reinstate the rule
ofequal shares from the times ofMuhammad and Abu Bakr . It was, however, an
anachronistic solution in the context of the complex social system of the Muslim
state. In comparison with the era of Muhammad and his first successors, the ad-
ministrative machine was already well developed. Therefore, the rules the Bayt
αΙ-MäFs operation were distant from tribal laws. This institution managed both
the private weath of the caliph and public property.
Because of the lack of the Arabic model of economic policy, a Persian ad-
ministrative system was employed on the ethnically and religiously homogenous
Arabian Peninsula, while Syria and Egypt adopted the Byzantine system based
on old imperial civil service. This situation continued until the reign of Abd
al-Malik Ibn Marwan, who replaced the Byzantine and Persian solutions with
a new model based on Arab officials and so-called mawäli (Muslims non-Arab).
This forced Arabisation of the administration‫’؟‬. The stabilisation of the mon-
archy by Umayyad caliphs, resulted in the transformation of Bayt al-Mäl from
a religiously-driven treasury (of the faithfol), to a State Treasury‫*؟‬.
1.5. Headquarters of Bayt al-Mäl
Sources do not indicate explicitly where the headquarters of Bayt al-Mäl

were located. In the time of Abu Bakr, "The House of Money” was proba-
bly situated in his home in Medina‫؟؟‬. However, after conquests and the ter-
ritorial expansion of the country, the amount of revenues received by Bayt
al-Mäl convinced 'Umar to move the headquarters to the great mosque
5٥ Makdisl, V, 2.02..
SI Ya < k ù bï, II, 93; Ibn a 1 - D j a w z 1 Manakib, loi; T a b a r Ϊ, Tarikh, IV, 2.2.6, 2.83:
M a k d i s ϊ, V, 2.02.; Baladhuri, Ansab, V, 52.-53; Ib n a!-Athïr, Usd αΐ-ghäbah, III,
114—11 5.
μ Djahiz, 2.42.1 takhri, 54.
55 Ibn Khaldun, II, 18; Mawardi, 201-205; Djahshiyari, 38, Nuwayri,
VIII, 198. On the Islamization of the conquered communities see: I. H a Γ a k a t, Al'Siyasah wa
Al-Mugtama’fiAl-AsrAl-Amawi, Marocco 1990,pp. 145-148, 55‫ل‬5‫ت‬-‫ل‬٠
54 I.Harakat, AlSiyasah..., pp. Ζ56-32.5; H. B ad a w y, Introductioni.., pp. 190-193.
55 Ibn al-Athir, Usdal-ghabah, II, 42.2..

in Al-Küfa‫؟‬٥. The construction of the mosque was commissioned in 658 AD (17

AH) to one of his commanders (Sa 'd ibn Abi Wakkäs). Opposite the building,
within a distance of only 200 cubits, Bayt al-Mäl and the house of Sa d were
located‫?؟‬.
According to other sources the building was situated near Där αΐ-lmära
(‫)دار االمارة‬, the headquarters of the administration, close to that mosque. From
other accounts it can be concluded that it could have been located inside the
temple. This seems likely, as in Islam the main mosque of a city (often called
the Great Mosque or Friday Mosque) was a practical centre of lawmaking, exer-
cising justice and finance management. It was also the teaching centre the meet-
ing place of the local community and the authorities^. The Bayt al-MâÎs build-
ing acquired a separate importance when the seniors met therein to elect a new
caliph after the death of TJmar .
2.4. Management of Bayt al-Mäl
The office in charge of Bayt al-Mäl - the Diwan Bayt al-Mäl - was con-
sidered to be the most important part of administration^. It was managed
by the caliph himself, who had full authority over the institution'. Thus he
could, at least theoretically, allocate the gathered resources however he wanted.
The Umayyads used the collected riches to demonstrate their power, generosity
and luxury. Also the Abbasids were a rather high-spending dynasty". The staff of
the office of the Bayt al-Mäl consisted ofrepresentatives oflslamised non-Arabic
tribes (“clients", mawâlî), especially those of a Persian origin, as well as Christians
andjews٥’.
56 Tabari, Tarikh, IV, 135.

57 Ibn a 1 - A t h ϊ r, Usd αΐ-ghäbah, VII, 75;Tabari, Tarikh, IV, 45; M. R i d a, Al-khu-
lafa..., pp. 155-157, 187-188, i8o-i8i.
5٥ Mak di si, 157Î Ibn R U s t a, 116; A. M e z, Islamic Civilization..., pp. 220-221;
E. Ty a n. Histoire de Torganization depays dTslam, Lubnan 1960, p. 406.
5‫ ؟‬Baladhurl, Ansab, vol. V, p. 21 ; I b n al-Athir, Usd αΐ-ghâbah, III, p. 68.
٥٥ A. M e z, Islamic Civilization..., Ρ.131.
A.s. A m ٠٢٢١Muchtasartarich Al-Arab wa-at-tamadun al-islami١Ca٢٢0 ‫ول‬٦‫آل‬١‫<؟‬٠
٥٤ Ibn Hudjdja al-Hamawi, 315; Mas'ûdï, III, 344; Tabari, VIII,
2.52.-25 3; Ibn al-Athir, Usd αΐ-ghäbah, VI, 433-434Î L.A. s i d i j U (s e d i 11 o t), Tarikh
Al-Arabal-aam, Cairo 1948, p. 223.
A.vo٢٢ K٢e٢٢٢e٢١ The Islamic Civilization and the Extent to which it Has Been Injlu-
enced by Foreign Ideas١Ca.١٢o 47٢‫<؟‬١ρ. 7 ‫؟‬٠٠١١٦ ‫اح‬١‫ط‬١‫ ل‬s e ٢٢١ Das arabische Reich and sein Sturz,
Cairo 1958, pp. 27-31.
i. Economie Institutions of Early Islam... 349
As it has already been mentioned, under the reign of the first rules of
the Umayyad dynasty, the administrative issues of many regions were still in
the hands of the Byzantines and the Persians. During the reign of Mu awiya
I, the founder of this dynasty, the governor of Iraq was accused of employing
the Persians to collect kharadj. He defended himself by saying:
When I employed the Arabs and they did not fulfil their duties, they claimed that I of-
fended their tribe by lowering their wages and thus hurt them. If I leave them without
supervision, it will mean that I do not care about the God’s money (‫)المال العام مال الله‬.
Therefore, I concluded that the Persians are the best at collecting taxes, the most re-
*«
liable.*
Using the services of ηοη-Arabic Muslims, especially representatives of

the People of the Book continued during the reign of the Abbasids. Abu Al- 'Ab-
bas as-Saflah, the first caliph from the Abbasid dynasty, left Khalid Ibn Barmak,
for whom he had great respect, in the office of the head of jDiwan al'Kharaj (
‫ )ديوان الخراج‬and Diwan Al-Jund (militaty-‫ )ديوان الجند‬until 752. AD (155 AH)6s.
It was probably prohibited, or at least looked upon with reluctance, to appoint
representatives of the People of the Book to offices in Mecca. It is possible that
the contemporaty law which forbids non-Muslims to enter the city is a simple
continuation of the steps taken in the times of the Abbasids. This issue is still
awaiting a research.
Ζ.5. Revenues ofBaytal-Mal
The main source ofincome for the caliphate was the tax called‫)الغئ)كةر‬, men-
tioned in Sura 59 of the Kur an entitled The Gathering66 (Al-Hashr;‫)عبورة النثر‬,
which described the conflict with the Banu Nadir tribe٥7. According to the defi-
nition,‫ دوم‬consisted of all tributes collected in circumstances other than war
with the infidels, such as income from tributes specified in international treaties,
poll tax and revenues from kharadf, i.e.:
*4 Baladhurl, Ansab, IV, 109; Tabari, Tarikh, V, 522-525.

*5 D j a h s h i y ä r Ï, 89; T a b a ΓΪ, Tarikh, VII, 458, 460, 465,467.
٥٥ Kuran, 59.
٥7 Ibn Taymiyya, p. 38jBalâdhurï, vol. I. pp. 18-25, I b n His ham,
pp. 121-156.
٥8 Mawardl, 126‫ ؛‬Abu YaTa, 120; Yahya Ibn Adam, 18; Abu 'Ubayd,
5 61 ‫ ل‬Kuran, Al'Anfal·, Ibn Hisham, pp. 277-29 E.Lokkegaard, Fay), [in:] El, vol. II,
that which was obtained without force in a conquered city (mainly real es-
tate) - unlike war spoils gained in battles, including movables and goods referred
to asghanima (‫;)غنيمة‬
- poll tax, paid by those who, in Ku an, were called the People of the Book’;
- double zakat paid by the tribe of Banu Taghlib, according to an
agreement made with caliph TJmar* 70*
;
- taxes on goods belonging to merchants who originated from the Peo-
pie ofthe Book;
- taxes on goods, paid by infidels who entered the territory of the Is٠
lamic country?'.
An important role in the system 0‫ كؤآلا‬was played by kharadj, which was re-
garded as the oldest tax of the Islamic world, having been collected since the time
of 'Umar, in a scope that was proportional to the area of the land owned. Khardj
was probably defined by caliphs?*, as the Qur’an did not mention it - in the time
of the Prophet the needs of Islam were catered for by war spoils (al-ghanaim)٠
Kharaj was collected from three kinds of estates:
- lands abandoned by previous owners and cultivated by Muslims7374 77
*76
;
- lands obtained by force, which belonged to Islam (w٠?4;
- lands granted on the basis of an agreement or a treaty - in such a case
the amount of the tax depended on the size of the area, location and the volume
of production?‫؟‬.
The poll tax, djizya (‫ )الجزية‬also belonged to thefay) system. The etymology
of the name is not certain. Some researchers claim that the word is of Persian
origin, while others say that is comes from an Arabic term djazawhose semantic
scope was very wide and denoted either a punishment or a reward (literally "pay-
back")?٥. Djizya was imposed on infidels inhabiting the territory of the caliphate,
with the exception of women, children, the demented and monks. The exemp-
tion also applied to the blind, disabled, chronically ill, unable to work, the el-
derly, idolaters and apostates??. In the first years of Islam djizya did not apply to
PP. 869-870; Ph.K. Hitti, History ofthe Arabs...,pp, 170,172.; Ι.Α. Α1-Α daw !,AFNuzum...,
pp. 2.41-2.42..
‫ وه‬Su 1,198.
70 S ù 1 ï, 199; B a 1 ä d h U r ï, Futuh, 2i7;Yahyâ Ibn Adam, 62.
7٠Slï,i99;Abü'Ubayd,25٠ ،
7X Mawardl, i46;Abü Ya'la, 146.
75 T a b a r ï, Ikhtilaf 224; Mawardi, i38;Abü Ya’la, 132.
74 Tabarï,^Â٠^224;Mâwardï, i38;Abü Ya‫ ا‬la, 132.
7‫ ؟‬٢abarï,٠٥^2i8;Mawardï,i38;Abù Ya'la, 130-131.
76 Mawardi, i4z;Abü Ya٠la,i37٠
77 Μ award 1,144; Abu Ya’la, 138; Abu Yü s U f, 127; Baladhuri, Fûtuh, 76;
T a b a r ï, Ikhtilaf, 207.
i. Economic Institutions of Early Islam... 351
the Arabs who remained faithfid to their polytheistic religion - they were faced
with a choice: conversion to Islam or death?8. Later, when the Muslim country
was also inhabited by Jews and Christians, djizya applied to them too, since it
was considered to be a fee which guaranteed the protection of Muhammad him-
self9. The tax differed in amount for particular tribes and areas. During the reign
of caliph TJmar, the inhabitants of Syria paid djizya in the amount of 4 dinars,
while in the As-Sawad province (south Mesopotamia) it was at the level of 48, 2.4
or 12, dirhams respectively, depending on wealth8٥.
There were many attempts to change the amount of djizya. Mu awiya want-
ed to increase it for the Copts. The governor of Iraq, Muhammad al-Hajjaj ibn
Yusuf (641-714) imposed it on those who converted to Islam. His decisions
were revoked by caliph 'Umar II Ibn 'Abd al-Aziz, who ruled between 717 and
720 AD. In his letter to the governor of Egypt we can read that the Prophet of
God was not sent as a collector 0‫؛‬tributes bat as a proponent offaitb in Go،f١ .١‫لل‬
AD (512. AH) another attempt was made at extending the scope of the tax, by its
imposition on monks and the sick. This initiative, however, was not successfirl .
In conjunction with the expansion of Islam, djizya, paid at the end of each year,
lost its meaning as a source of state income*’. Zakat (‫ )ازكاة‬was a form of obligato-
ry charity collected from wealthy Muslims. In the religious sense it was supposed
to cleanse the believers.
Zakat in the tradition of Islam is more than just an ordinary tax. It plays
a significant role both in the spiritual and social sense (Dar al'Islam; ‫)دار االسالم‬.
Rather than being treated as a source of state revenue, it is one of the pillars of
religion, often mentioned in the Kuran78 84*
*81
79and in hadlths. According to its prin-
86
ciples, zakat is collected and distributed to the poor at a local level . At the be-
ginning of its existence it was probably a form of intertribal alms. For this reason
caliph TJmar approved of collecting double zakat (sadaka) from Arabic Chris-
tians of the Banu Taghlib tribe instead of djizya, when they threatened to leave
Däral-Isläm*6.
78Abü ’ubayd, 2.7.

79 £9; Balâdhurï,E£ta۵, 71.
‫ ها‬Abu <ubayd, 55, 56, 98, 198; Sülï, 5‫ ;لة‬Abü Yusuf, 12.4; Baladhurï,
Fütuh,3i6.
81 Ibn a 1 - D j aw z [Akbar, p. 132..
8 Ibn Bitkp.83.
85 Kudama ibn Dja*far,p.2 ٠5i.
84 Kuran, 7,156; 19,31; 9,5; 2.1,72.; 2.3,4; 17,3; 30,59; 31,3; 41,7٠
8‫ ؟‬Mawardi, I zo; A b Ù ٠ubayd, 595٠

86 Baladhuri, Futuh, 2.2.18-6 ‫ ;ت‬A b Ü ’ubayd, 72.2.-72.3.
352- III. After the Conquest
Finally, the revenues of the Islamic state were supported by a tax called 'ushr
(‫)العشر‬,i.e. fees for importing and exporting goods, amounting to one tenth of
their value; thus it can be compared to the tithe, known from other ancient and
medieval tax systems. 'Umar was the first to impose such fees٥7. Muslim lawyers
opposed the caliph, indicating that this tax was borrowed from infidels and thus
it originated from outside the Dar αΐ-lsläm.
!here was also another type of this specific tithe, referred to as 'ushr al-ard
(‫)خر األرض‬, which can be translated as "land tithe", imposed by Muhammad him-
self !his fee was equivalent to one tenth of the value of the land, if the land was
watered with rain and did not require irrigation, or one twentieth if it required
artificial irrigation, !his tax is sometimes perceived as a type of zakat88. With
the expansion of Islam, the tithe became the main source of income for the state.
Apart from the above-mentioned taxes, the state obtained revenues from
baths, graveyards and inns. In subsequent periods, mills and public houses were
also taxed٥9. During the reign of the Abbasids, the caliph started to take over
properties of those who did not have any heirs, !his source of income, however,
was surely not ofaregular nature^ Despite the existence of all of the above men-
tioned taxes there were moments in which the Bayt al-Mâl was not able to face
up to the financial needs of the state.
2.6. Public Spending
!he earliest state expenditure was allocated for remuneration of Muslim

soldiers. It was a kind of an irregular state benefit ( 'ata, ٠‫او(العطا‬, which was sup-
posed to enable them to cater for their basic needs, !he '^system lets US under-
stand the economic situation of the Muslim state in its early period. In granting
it, the orthodox caliphs acted in accordance with tribal reasoning^, !he resourc-
es were divided evenly - during the reign of Abu Bakr and 'All - or according
to certain established norms, previously mentioned, under 'Umar’s rule, !hese
benefits were paid from the resources accrued in the Bayt al'Mäl according to*9
8?Abu cUbayd,7i3٠
88Baladhurl, Futuh, 8 5 ; A b Ü 'ubayd, 644.
8‫؟‬Tabari, Tarikh, VII, 653;Ya'kübï, III, I IO.
9٠âlkashandl. III, 460‫ ؛‬Tabari, Tarikh, X, 44.
‫ او‬c. Cab en, 'ata, [in:] El, vol. I, pp. 72.9-730; Μ. Rida KAl-khulafL, pp. 118-12.0;
Ι.Α. A1 - A d a w i, Al-Nuzum..., pp. 2.48-2.5 2..
91 M ä W a r d I, p. 100; A b ü Ya٠la,p.i2.2.;TabarI Y^Ä,vol.III,p.6i4;Abü 'U·
bayd,p. 335;Baladburï, Futuh, p. 5 5 7; M a k r ï Z i, p. 151.
2,. Economic Institutions of Ear y Islam... 355
١‫ًا حأل‬0١‫ل‬٢‫ال‬٧‫ك‬١‫ل‬٦‫أ<؟‬١‫اعخ‬. ‫ الع؟‬eî٢s and warrant officers, who will pa) scribes, represent-
atives and secretaries and the) will pa) beneficiaries 0‫؛‬their hoasehol^?١.Oî\^^
the reign of the Umayyads and the Abbasids the division of revenues was utilised
in the political struggle for keeping the power.
Under the rule of the Abbasids 'ata was replaced with arzak (‫ آلإلرزوه‬-
a permanent salary for officials and soldiers* . Arzak was also paid to all those
9596
97
who served at the caliph’s court. The payment covered both the salary and a kind
of debenture that could later be exchanged for its value in cash9٥.
When the institution of state finances became filly established, the resourc-
es from the “House of Money” were used for the following purposes:
- the construction of public structures (mosques, canals, dams, etc.)9?;
- securing the needs of the population (providing food during droughts,
for pilgrims and people during Ramadan, and accommodation for travellers)98;
- fimding the army and building military infrastructure (supplies, equip-
ment, supporting units - needed for suppressing rebellions - and maintenance
of frontier fortifications)99;
- creating an intelligence network, which quickly (during the reign of
Uthman) became an important state institution, comparable to today’s secret
service٠٥٥.
It ought to be explained that in the entire discourse concerning the expenses
of Bayt al-Mäl, only the area of the Arabian Peninsula is taken into account.
although taxes were collected from all the provinces of the country. The manage-
ment of incomes and expenses of the treasury was decentralised. After covering
the costs of the fimctioning of provinces, all the surplus was sent to the “House
ofMony”٤٥’.
‫ ’و‬Tabari, Tarikh, IV, 49; Makrlzi, I, 150.

‫ أو‬Tabari, Tarikh, vol. VII, pp. 161, 42.6; Sùlï, p. 2.2.4; M a k Z i, p. 151; I b n Al-
Athlr, Tarikh, vol. Vp. 2.91; vol. VIII,p. 143 (ed.Beirut 1956).
95 Ibn al-Athlr, Usd al’ghabah, VI, 2.2.1.
96 Tabari, Tarikh, VIII, 95; III, 615; Sa’alibi, pp. 18, 2.2.; Baladhurl, Fütuh,
pp. 2.1 o, 564; Mawardi, 2.ΟΖ; Abu Ya T a, 2.2.3; s ä b i: p. 2.89; Ibn M a n ? ü r, 1,457.
97 Tabari, Tarikh, VII, 655; X, 711; Makkl, vol. Ill, p. Ζ57; MakdisI, 12.1; Ibn
Kathlr, Tarikh, XI, 68; Sab i: 2.80.
98 Ibn Kathlr, Tarikh, VII, 90; Makrlzi, I, 151; Ya’kùbï, II, 19; Makkl, III,
02.; Baladh ur !,Ansab, V, II Tabari, Tarikh, VI, 32.7, 567; VIII, 142..
99 Tabari, VIII, 44; IX, 57, 645; X, 410; I b n al-Athlr, Usd akghabah, VI,
57; Ibn Kathlr, Tarikh, X, 147,2.87; XI, 150.
‫ا‬٥٥ Tabari, VIII, 96, 157, 158; Ibn Kathlr, T^x, 147-148.
،‫ اه‬T ab arl, X, 2.69; Baladhur 1,‫ههـ‬, V, 2.2.0; Ibn al-Athlr,Usdal-gha-
bah,V, 191; Ibn Tab at aba, 136.
Establishing the Muslim administration was a long-lasting and complex

process. It led to the creation of a complicated administrative machine alongside
the caliph and his direct advisors. The Arab expansion resulted in the need to
create an organisational model, which, at least at the beginning of the nation’s
existence, was based on the structure of a military unit. In the early expansion
period of Islam, the administration had to be autonomous and self-sufficient,
in part because of the geographical dispersion of the country and the lack of
means of transport, but also due to the character of the local soil and specific
needs of Arab soldiers, which were different from the requirements of the local
communities. On the conquered lands a representative of the caliph, a military
commander, who also possessed civil power, organised the economic administra-
tion in a military way.
The stabilisation of the borders of the Muslim state in the Middle East and
the limitation of war expenses resulted in a budgetary surplus, both from war
spoils and taxes. These resources were transported to the capital of the caiphate
and collected in Bayt al-Mäl.
The basic question that emerged at the very beginning of existence of this
institution concerned the distribution of the collected goods. Its later utilisation
for the operations of the state (the army, public works, social policy, and adminis-
tration) led to a deficit. However, this process occurred only after the division of
resources into private (Baytal-Mälal-khässa;‫ )بيت مال الخاصة‬and public funds
(Baytal-Mälal- ٠Ammax ‫)بيت المال العامة‬, the latter similar to a state treasury‫ ؛‬as
has been mentioned, this took place during the reign of Mu 'awiya. The implica-
tions of the separation private and public fonds became visible when the caliph
demanded that abandoned areas on the conquered territories to be regarded as
his own property.
The reign of the Umayyad dynasty (661-750) was crucial for shap-
ing the administrative (and economic) system of the caliphate. At that time
the model of a nation changed from religious-military to political. It was also
then that the nomadic lifestyle of the people was replaced by a settled, one, as
the conquered tribes were subjected to Arabisation and Islamisation. Stabili-
sation of the monarchy led to transformation of the "House of Money" from
a religious treasury to a state one. The evolution of Bayt al-Mäl can be divided
into three periods:
— Baytal-Mäl of wartime, providing a simple way of sharing spoils;
- Baytal-Mäl of budgetary surplus, in the time of intensified Islamisation;
— the Äz^٥-A£ofa developed state, an institution independent of theca-
liph and possessing its own mechanisms of operation.
In the third period the "House of Money" did not differ much from today’s
2.. Economic Institutions of Early Islam... 355
ministry of finances, in which the resources do not come from war spoils, but
from taxes imposed on citizens. It did not, however, have the right to create eco-
nomic policy or any tools which would empower-it.
When studying the history of the Baytal-ΜάΙ) we also investigate the causes
of changes occurring in the economic institutions, both at the time of Islamic
expansion and in the period of stabilisation. Similarly, while analysing the evo-
lution of the operations of the "House of Money”, we are able to learn about
the development of the economic policy of the Muslim state.
Marta Wozniak
5. Christian Communities in the Territories Conquered

by the Arabs (the Seventh-Eighth Centuries)
The expansion of Islam in the first two centuries of its existence was quite
unprecedented. Accompanied by the establishment of a new political order, it
seemed to occur irrespective of whether Muhammad was initially considered to
be a prophet sent down for all mankind or for the Arabs only*. The new religion
spread rapidly not only because of military victories* “ which it owed to the ef٠
fort of all free, fit, and adult men who placed their trust in the Prophet’ - but
also due to an attraction exercised by its religious formula and tolerance with
which its followers treated the conquered population. An individual was to find
happiness within the ummay the Muslim community, where everyone, at least
formally, was to enjoy equal rights.
In the Middle East and North Africa, Christianity, partly due to the col
lapse of its political and theological unity, grew increasingly weak . The Arab in-
vaders found it disintegrated and tormented by theological disputes concerning
the nature of the Christ. These religious controversies undermined the strength
of both the Byzantine orthodoxy and the imperial rule as well. The main reli-
gious movements that emerged out of these controversies came to be known as
1 s. Bashear, Arabs and Others in Early Islam, Princeton 1997, pp. I, 16 (where one
can read the Prophets words: I shall be the head ofall the seed ofAdam).
X The Arab viewpoint of the conquest is to be found in the selection of Arab chroniclers‘
accounts of the reigns of particular caliphs. E.w. Brooks, The Arabs in Asia Minor (641-750)
from Arabic Sources,]US 18, 1898, pp. 182,-208.
’ In theory, military service was mandatory, but in practice it was possible to provide
a replacement ‫أصئلم‬1١.‫ةج‬.‫ ألآ‬orner, Aristocratic Violence and Holy War. Studies in tbeJihad and
the Arab-Byzantine Frontier,New Haven ‫وآلل‬6١‫ج‬٠ ‫لل‬٠
4 R.¥\etc١aer,The Cross and the Crescent: The Dramatic Story ofthe Earliest Encounters
between Christians and Muslims,ionàon 1004, p. 6.
5. Christian Communities in the Territories Conquered'... 557
Nestorianism and Monophysitism (the followers of the latter were often called
the Jacobites)‫؟‬. At the turn of the sixth and seventh centuries, the authorities’
attempts to advance one more definition of the Christ, rather than healing reli-
gious divisions, resulted in the outbreak of further schisms6.
Both the Byzantine Church and Roman emperors vehemendy fought east-
ern heresies. In the Islamic state, the position of the Jacobites and the Nestorians,
whom new rulers treated better than they did the members of other Christian
groups, was not bad. The security brought by the victorious Arabs to the life of
religious communities in Egypt and the Middle East was something of which
these communities, refusing to accept the Chalcedonian creed, could not dream
in Byzantium. Upon entering Jerusalem in 637, Caliph Umar, in undertaking
to protect the Christians, uttered the following words: I guarantee the safety of
their life, their property, their children, their churches, their crosses and everything
they have7. It is worth noting that no Christian group was excluded from this
pledge of protection. Of course, it was only the Jacobites and the Nestorians,
persecuted in Byzantium, to whom the life under these guarantees was clearly an
improvement on what they had experienced under Byzantine rule. For the or-
thodox Christians, who had previously enjoyed the support of the Byzantine au-
thorities, the situation changed for the worse.
Regardless of what has been said above, it must be noted that the Muslims
did not offer the Christians much that went beyond a relative safety - a gener-
al protection of life and property, and freedom of religion. Under Islamic law
١ ‫آل قآل‬٩‫هحةةة‬١ Syrian Christians in Muslim Societies. An Interpretation) Princeton

1970, p. 7. Today the Assyrian Church of the East and the Syrian Orthodox Church consider
the namcsjacobites and Nestorians to be derogative, preferring the use of two other terms: Assyri-
ans and Arameans. However, in the first centuries after the advent of Islam the words in question
did not carry pejorative connotations and were used by members of these groups themselves.
And it is in this context that I use them in this chapter. At the same time the term Monophysites
was coined by the Melkites in the eighth century and was designed to depreciate the opponents
of the Chalcedon arrangements. In fact, the followers of some of the branches of the movement
referred to as Monophysitism were Miaphysites (they did not deny Christ’s human nature, as did
the Monophysites, but believed that Jesus was one person with two natures, human and divine,
which blended into one).J.A. Evan sjustynian i imperium bizantyjskie, transl. B. Godzins-
k a, Warszawa 2.008, p. 171.
٥ There appeared, among others, the movement of the Monothelites. During the Cru-
sades, it almost ceased to exist as his most important members, the Maronites, recognized the su-
preme authority of Rome. For more on the Maronites see: Μ. Mo ch, Swoi i obey. Tozsamosc
KoptôwiMaronitôwwarabskichtekstachkultUTy١lkXsuuo١.١٠pp. ‫آلآا‬٠٠‫أآلل‬
■7 ١. ١osep١٦١ Muslim Christian Relations and Inter Christian Rivalries in the Middle
East.'IheCaseoftheJacobitesinanAgeofTransition'ïsbLyivhP'io.
the Christians were granted the status of the dhimmi (the protected minority)*.
The dhimmi made up the group of second-class citizens. In addition, it is also
necessary to distinguish between the formal status enjoyed by the Christians
and the way in which they were actually treated. These may have been consistent
with one another, but may also have been significantly different. The Muslims
enjoyed a privileged position. The Christians formed a distinct community and,
as such, were subject to discrimination. Sometimes they had to wear humiliating
dress setting them apart from the rest of the Muslim society. Sometimes their
churches and monasteries were plundered and their property robbed by jealous
neighbours. However, such injustice was not something to which they were reg-
ularly subjected. Some Muslim rulers and lawyers tried to provide the Christians
with legal protection. Judged by the standards of the time, the Muslim conquer-
ors were quite fair and tolerant.
The purpose of this chapter is to present the life of Christian Churches in
the seventh and eighth centuries in some of the areas conquered by the Arabs:
the Levant, Mesopotamia, Egypt and the Caucasus. The paper is divided into
two parts. The first aims to offer a general description of the life of all Chris-
tians remaining under Muslim rule, while the second, more analytical, deals with
some specific Christian Churches existing in the Islamic state. Ku anic com-
ments concerning Christians and the treatment they received from the Muslims,
as well as the way in which they responded to it, are discussed in the first part. As
the social problems discussed in this contribution were deeply interconnected
with theological ones, I address them both, intertwined". A separate discussion
will be devoted to some language issues.
The second part deals with some Christian Churches that operated un-
der Islamic rule: the West Syrian Church (the Jacobite Church), the East Syr-
ian Church (the Nestorian Church), the Coptic Church, and the Armenian
Church. I shall focus on the relations between the Arabs and the communities
whose lands fell under Muslim domination, paying special attention to the Ar-
8 The term is usually used to refer to a pact of unlimited duration, under which the Mus-
lim community offered hospitality and protection to the followers of other revealed religions
(the Jews, the Christians and the Sabeans) as long as the latter were prepared to accept the Mus-
lims’ domination. C.Cahen, Dhimma, [in:] El, vol. II, p. 2,2.7.
‫ذآ أل‬.٦‫ع ح‬١ o r ١ Islam and Dhimmitude: where Civilizations Collide١MaàVsoû Ιθϋΐ١ρ. 1.٦
٠٥ J.Josep h, Muslim-Christian..., p. 13. However, some scholars consider such a tolerant
attitude to be nothing but a myth and, in trying to prove the opposite view, attempt to pro-
vide evidence of a great number of persecutions and humiliations suffered by both the Jews and
the Christians alike. See: B. Ye ’ o r, Islam..., pp. 89-102..
" M.Lew ‫ ’ا‬٢‫عأل‬١ od konjntacji do dialogu - historia relacji pomi d ‫ آل‬chrzricijanstwem
a islamem, PR 2 (240), 2011, p. 138.
5. Christian Communities in the Territories Conquered... 359
abs’ relations with the Jacobites - the largest group living in the Syro٠Palestine'٤.
The Nestorians were based mainly in Persia and Mesopotamia, and were not in
any significant way connected with the region of Syria. In Egypt, religious con-
troversies led to the emergence of two Christian Churches - the Melkite Church
and the Coptic Church. The latter played a leading role in the whole province.
From the perspective of Constantinople, these were all unorthodox churches,
as was the Armenian one, the last to which I am going to devote my attention
here. Its development was halted by the Persians who in turn were forced out of
the region by the Arabs.
5.1. Christians in the Kur’än and in the Teachings of Muhammad
Pronounced in Muslim tradition are the Prophet’s interactions with Chris-

tiars’. So too is the fact that his advent was foretold in the Gospel«. In Sirat
Rasül Alläh by Ibn Ishäk, quoted by Goddard, there are five references to these
encounters which took place on several occasions. These concerned:
- the Prophet’s meeting with the Monk Bah a٠5;
- the Prophet’s conversation with Waraka Ibn Nawfal, a cousin of his wife
Khadidja;
- the refige offered to the Muslims by a ruler of Aksum (Ethiopia/Abyssinia);
- the visit of a delegation of Christians from Nadjran to Medina;
- the Prophet’s letters to Christian rulers whose states bordered the Arab
lands.
It is difficult to say whether our sources provide US with reliable accounts
of Muhammad’s encounters with Christians. It is also impossible to determine
the impact these contacts had upon the Prophet’s religious views'*. However, it
II R.M. Haddad, Syrian Christians...٠ p. 7٠

١' The Early Christian-Muslim Dialogue: ‫ ع‬Collection of Documents fom the First Three
Islamic Centuries, 632-900 AD: Translations with Commentary, eà.NA.N ew ً‫ًاا‬٧‫آلة‬١‫آل‬٩‫ًاة‬£‫ةةا‬
1993,PP. 1-2,.
14 According to the Kur’än (61:6),Jesus prophesied the coming of the Comforter (14,17 ‫;ل‬
16,12-14). The messenger was to be named Ahmad (resemblance to the name Muhammad).
Kur’an١p. 37‫و‬٠١٠٦٩ o sow sk*١٠. Problem uwierzytelnienia poslannictwa Mahometa w swietle Ko-
ranu, STV 1/2., 1964, p. 374.
15 In the tradition of Middle Eastern Christians this person is equated with Saint Ser-
gius. For more on the figure see: B. Rogge ma. The Legend ofSergius Bahira: Eastern Chris-
tian Apologetics and Apocalyptic in Response to Islam, The History of Christian-Muslim Relations,
Leiden-Boston 2009.
16 H. Goddard, Historia stosunkôw chrzefcijansko-muzubnaiiskich, transi, s. Z,ale w-
ski, Warszawa 2009,pp. 32-36.
is quite plausible that some of them actually took place - for example, those in
Aksum and Medina.
The main reason why the Prophet decided to host a delegation of Christians
from Nadjran - of all his interactions with Christians the accounts of which are
found in the sources this one is most likely to have actually occured - was to per-
suade them to convert to Islam. However, the visitors refosed to accept the offer.
References to this event can be found in the Kuran:
Indeed the case ofjesus with Allah/ is like the case of Adam:/ He created him from
dust,/ and said to him: Be, and he was./ This is the truth from your Lord,/ so do not be
among the skeptics./ Should anyone argue with you concerning him,/ after the know-
ledge that has come to you/ say Cornel Let US call our sons and your sons,/ our women
and your women,/ our souls and your souls,/ then let US pray earnestly/ and call down
Allahs curse upon the liars.*7
The fragment quoted above can be considered to represent an exemplary

way of presenting religious disputations in Muslim sources from the ninth and
tenth centuries'^. However, historical reality was not always folly consistent with
the Kur anic tradition.
Some respect accorded to the People of the Book in the Rur an, as well as
Muhammad’s private life, prove that the Prophet’s attitude towards the Chris-
tians was not unambiguously negative. At the end of his life, he had a beautifol
Coptic girl named Mary as his concubine‘‫؟‬. The couple even had a son, Ibrahim.
However, the boy died while still an infant, before reaching the age of two.
Although Christianity was present in the Arabian Peninsula long before
the birth of Muhammad, the Arab conquest entailed a significant change in
the relations between the Muslims and the Christians. The provinces of the Byz-
antine Empire conquered by the Arabs were inhabited by the predominantly
Christian population. In Persia the Christians, mostly Nestorians, formed a sig-
nificant minority. The annexation of these territories obviously made it necessary
for the Arabs to define anew their attitude towards the Christians.
The Kuran finds religious pluralism permissible. The point repeatedly made
in it is that the Lord, had it been His wish, would have made all people into a sin-17
18
17 Kuran, 17:1 (all Kuranic translations in this chapter by *Ali Quli Qara’i).
18 Μ. Sadowski, Teologia arabskich chrzefcijan. Novum czy déjà vu?, KWT.UMK 2.6.1,
1014, p. 20.
‫ ول‬١.‫اًاةألل‬٠١ Maria the Coptic١\vn٠٨’t àem. Unmasking Muhamn^Ts Life, Behind the Veil,
vol. II, n.p. 1008, pp. 63-65. The Prophet also had a Jewish wife, Safiya. Sh. Aleem, Prophet
M h mmad(s) and His Family: A Sociological Perspective,^Vooïï١٦û‫>؟‬toû 1ΟΟ7١Ρ٠ ‫اا‬%.
5. Christian Communities in the Territories Conquered... 3‫لة‬
gle nation. But He opted for the plurality of religions and nations^. The Holy
Book of the Muslims calls on all religious communities to rival in performing
good deeds, mentioning the Christians, the Jews and the Sabeans by name".
Remarks concerning the non-Muslims appear in the Kuran in different
contexts". Their analysis allows US to distinguish three phases reflecting changes
in the relations between the umma and the non-Muslims and corresponding to
the Prophet’s meetings with the Polytheists in Mecca, with the Jews in Medina
and with the Christians in northwest Arabia^’. The Prophet believed that he was
God’s messenger, with his prophecy being only the last one in a series of proph-
ecies that had previously been brought to the Jews and Christians by Abraham
(called in Arabic Ibrahim), Moses (Musa) and Jesus ( Isa)* . It was on this ground
14*16
17
that he expected the followers of these religions to accept his teachings. The re-
jection of his ideas by the Jews filled him with resentment, but he still hoped that
the Christians would prove more responsive to his message1‫؟‬. The greatest num-
ber of favourable comments on Jesus and his followers originated in this period
of Muhammad’s career:
Surely you will find/ the most hostile of all people towards the faithful/ to be the Jews
and the polytheists,/ and surely you will find/ the nearest of them in affection to
the faithful/ to be those who say We are Christians/ That is because/ there are priests
and monks among them,/ and because they are not arrogant ٥
In a detailed study of Muslim commentaries on the Qur’an’s verses devoted

to Christians, Jane D. McAuliffe refers to a number of texts which betray a pos-
itive attitude towards, if not all, then at least some Christian groups1?. How-
ever, says McAuliffe, the Muslims’ approval of Christianity was always quali-
fied - restricting itself exclusively to the Kur’anic Christians’, those who accepted
Muhammad’s prophecy1®.
‫ هع‬Kuran, 5:4841:8 ;16:93 ‫ ؛‬11:118‫؛‬.

u I.J. Boullata, Fa-stabiq Ί-khayrat: A Quranic Principle of Interfaith Relations) [in:]
Christian-MuslimEncounters,eds.Υ.Υ.Haddad,w.z,.Haddad,Gainesville 1995,pp.43-44.
n H. G o d d a r d, Historia...) p. 37.
x١١.1‫؟ًال\دالاًحةأةة‬٠١ The Quran on Other Religions, ‫لس‬ ١ Muslim Perceptions oj Other
Religions. A Historical Survey, ed. idem, Oxford-New York 1999, p. 3.
14 H. G odd a rd, ‫كسر‬...,p. 38.
xs Ibidem٠p. 9‫آل‬٠
16 Kuran) 5:85.
17 Kuran) 3:55; 3:199; 5:66; 2.7:52.-55; 57:2.7.
1% ‫دآلز‬.‫ابج‬٢‫اخمذ‬٦‫د‬١‫خ‬£‫حًا‬١ Quranic Christians, An Analysis of Classical and Modem Exegesis,
Cambridge 1991, pp. 2.87-188.
562. III. After the Conquest
With time, as the contacts between the followers of both religions became
more frequent and the Christians’ resistance to Islam more obvious, the tone of
the Ku an grew harsher:
Fight those who do not have faith in Allah/nor [believe] in the Last Day,/ nor forbid/
what Allah and His Apostle have forbidden,/ nor practice the true religion,/ from
among those who were given the Book,/ until they paid the tribute out of hand,/
degraded*‫؟‬.
The People of the Book are the Jews and the Christians, and this fragment
must have been brought into being when the relations between the umma and
these groups grew tense’®.
Although Christians are never explicitly referred to in the Ku an as
mushrikun* I (those who are accused of shirk) that is, polytheism or idolatry) or
kafirun (those who do not believe), some verses at least indirectly suggest that
they are guilty of these sins:
They are certainly faithless who say,/ Allah is the Messiah, son ofMaryd But the Mes-
‫هاةة ساألهاة‬١ o Children ofIsrael„ Worship Allah, my Lord and your Lord.( ٦‫أل‬٩
are certainly faithless who say,/ Allah is the third [person] ofa trinity,! while there
is no god except the One God./ If they do not relinquish what they say,/ there shall
befall the faithless among them a painfol punishment.’*
Although Christians do not consider their God to be only one of the three,
it can be assumed that the Muslims understood the doctrine of the Holy Trinity
in such a simplified and distorted way, thus accusing the Christians of shirkn.
And unbelievers were to be subject to judgment. The Kur anic verses revealed in
the earlier, Meccan period, left the judgment to God, while those revealed later,
in the Medinan period, turned it over to the earthly community of Muslims* 34.
33
31
The Torah and the Gospel are amicably mentioned in the Holy Book of Is٠
lam which does not fail to do justice both to their anteriority and to their divine
0‫اًااعلًا‬
٠ asweVV. Yet before it the Booh ofMoses/ was a guide and a mercy,/and this is
*‫ ؟‬Kuran, 9:19.
’٥ H. G o d d a r d, Historia..., p. 40.
31 The term was used to refer to polytheists from the ‫؟‬uraysh tribe from which Muham-
mad was descended. For more on the Prophet’s conflict with mushrikun in: Β.Β.Η. Abu Ba-
kar, Confict Between the Prophet Muhammad and the Mushrikun ofQuraysh During the Meccan
Period in Arabic LiteraturkonAcm 77‫وا‬٠
3* Kuran, 5:75-76.
33 H.Goddard,#t٥r*٠a...,p.42..
34 D. Marshall, God) Muhammad and the Unbelievers, London 1999, pp. 59,157.
5. Christian Communities in the Territories Conquered... 3‫ه‬3
Λ Book which confirms it,/ in the Arabic language,/ to warn those who do wrong,/
and is a [bearer of] good newsfor the virtuous’5. In the pages of the Ku an, God
even instructs the Muslims to, when in doubt, turn their eyes to the People of
the Book, the Christians and the Jews’*, to whom the Scripture - the Torah,
the Psalms and the Gospel - was previously entrusted. So ifyou are in doubt/
about what We have sent down to you,/ ask those who read the Book/ ١revealed١
beforeyou./ The truth has certainly come to youfromyour Lord‫؛‬/so do not be among
the skeptics}!. The verse 46 of the Sura 2,9 clearly offers a perspective of inter eli-
gious understanding:
Do not dispute with the People of the Book/ except in a manner which is best,/
barring such of them as are wrongdoers,/ and say We believe! in that which has been
sent down to us/ and bos been sent down to you;/ our God and your God is one \and
the same١, and to Him do we submit.
Later, the controversy surrounding this verse made it necessary for the fol-
lowers of all three religions to put forward arguments lending credibility to their
respective ScdptuxtS’.‫ سد‬they say, “No one shall enterparadise/ except one who is
a Jew or a Christian”./ Those are their ١Jlse١ hopes!/ Say, “Produce your evidence,/
shouldyou be truthju’*.
It is worth noting that it was not long before the Muslim scholars began
to deploy the argument that the Christians changed God’s original message,
and that some of their dogmas were not grounded in the Bible but in the deci-
sions of church councils. The Muslims’ doctrine on the falsification of the Bible
(tahrif) applied, as Michal Sadowski reminds US, both to the Old and to the New
Testament whose respective texts were believed to have been either distorted or
falsified altogether ٥. The Muslims considered the fragmentation of the Church
to be evidence of the Christians’ departure from the truth.
Also from those who say. We are Christians,/ We took their pledge;/ but they forgot
a part ofwhat they were reminded./ So We stirred up enmity and hatred among them/
55 Kuran, 46:12.
36 Later, the term was extended to include the Zoroastrians and even Hinduists. G. Va j -
d a,Ahlal'Kitab, [in:] El, vol. I, p. 164.
57 Kuran, 10:94.
58 Kuran, 1:111.
5‫ ؟‬S.H. Griffith, Gospel, [in:] J.D. McAuliffe, Encyclopaedia ofthe Quran, vol. II,
Leiden 2002, pp. 542-545; R. Caspar, J.M. Gaudeul, Textes sur le “tahrif”, Islch 8, 1980,
p. 6‫أ‬٠١ Muslim Perceptions oj Other Religions: a Historical Survey, ‫هح‬.١٦ ‫اآحةًاةة‬١‫د‬١‫عأد‬١٦٩‫يآلع‬
York-Oxford 1999, p. 45.
4٥ Μ. Sadowski, 7£٥/θ£ϊ’α...,ρ. 225.
until the Day of Resurrection/ and soon Allah will inform them/ concerning what
they had been doing.*’
The Arabs referred to those whom they were willing to regard as adhering to
the true Gospel - written in al- ٠ibraniyya - as nasärä٠ initially using this term for
denoting Judeo-Christians, probably the Ebionites, who observed the Law of Mo-
ses and forswore earthly wealth - of which, by the way, they spoke quite warmly^.
To conclude this section, the Ku an contains both positive and negative
opinions about the Jews and the Christians. On one hand members of these
religions are considered to deserve protection as the People of the Book and
on the other they are accused of rejecting Muhammad’s teachings and of being
‫ الئلفرأ‬ο٢shirk ‫ ةاًاة‬kuj?١.
3.2,. The Muslims’ Attitude towards the Christians

in Muhammad’s Lifetime
Muhammad’s arrival in Medina made it necessary to regulate the relations

between the newly founded Muslim community and the members of other reli-
gions living in the city: the Jews, the Christians and the Pagans. On the Prophet’s
initiative, the so-called Constitution ofMedina, a very important document in
the history of early Islam, was proclaimed. It defined the rights and duties of
different Arab tribes, thus putting an end to their feuds, and asserted the role
of Medina as a sacred place where all violence is forbidden. Remarkably liber-
al, it went very far in its tolerance for other cults and religions, guaranteeing
the non-Muslims personal safety, protection of women and freedom of religion.
Imposing new taxes to support the community in times of conflict, it established
the system of courts for resolving disputes. Since some of these disputes involved
bloody vengeance, it helped to fend off the outbreak of destructive vendettas.
The document stated absolutely clear that the Jews preserved their religion and
theMuslims theirs, and that the Jews should pay nafaka44 - just like other mem-
bers of the umma all of whom were supposed to unite in the struggle against
the enemies of the signatories to the Constitution. The members of the umma
41 Kuran, 5:12,; H. G o d d a r d, Historia..., p. 14.

4 H. Bin Ta 1 a 1, Christianity in the Arab World٠ Amman 1994, pp. 11 - 1 ‫ت‬.
4’ H. G O d d a r d, Historia..., p. 43.
44 Nafaka referred to financial support which under Islamic law a husband was required
to offer to his wife or wives, or to alimony which he paid to his wife and children after divorce.
5. Christian Communities in the Territories Conquered... 5٥5
were also urged to support each other with counsel, to remain true to their word,
to repudiate the evil and to abstain from behaving in a wicked way towards their
allies*‫؟‬.
A few years later, in 62.8, Muhammad launched an attack on a rich oasis,
Khaybar, inhabited mainly by the Jews. The attackers acted on the pretext that
the Jews of Khaybar offered shelter to their brethren from the Banti Nadir, who
had been banished from Medina, and entered into alliance with Mecca. Af-
ter a six-week siege, the Muslims finally broke Khaybar’s resistance. Local Jews
saved their lives but lost their land. They Iso had to surrender half their crops to
Muhammad who, in addition, was free to withdraw from the agreement at any
time, ordering their expulsion from the oasis*٥.
Around 650, the Muslims reached an agreement with other religious com-
munities. The adoption oflslambythe Himyarites-Semitic people from south-
ern Arabia - occasioned the following remark about the Jews and the Christians:
If ajew or a Christian becomes a Muslim, he becomes a believer with all the rights and
duties. He who wants to adhere to his own religion, whether he is a Jew or a Christian,
will not be urged to renounce his beliefs. He must pay taxes.45
*4748
A similar statement was repeated a few months later, in the midst of much
more dramatic circumstances. A delegation led by Khalid Ibn Al-Walid was
sent to Nad an with a goal to present its inhabitants, mosdy Christians, with
an ultimatum: either, within three days, they will convert to Islam or their city
will be attacked. Most opted for the conversion**. Those who refosed to accept
the Prophet’s religion had to pay a tribute. All the inhabitants were obliged to
abstain from exercising usury; in return they were assured of the absolute safety
of both their priests and their churches*‫؟‬. Such an approach to non-Muslims,
which can be called a compromise, typified Muhammad’s activity in its late stage
and consisted in leaving the Christians and the Jews to their own devices as long
as they were prepared to obey the Muslim authorities, which primarily involved
paying taxes these authorities imposed‫®؟‬.
45 Quot. from J. Danecki published in: PR I, 1993, pp. 43-44. See also: H.God-
dard,Historia...,p. 45.
Αβ Ibidem١p. 46.
47 Ibn Ishakp. 643.
48 Ibn Ishäk,pp. 510-518.
4‫ و‬The text by Ibn Sa٠d is quoted from: w. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Me-
dina, Oxford 1981,pp. 359-360.
5٥ H. G o d d a r d, Historia..., p. 47.
3.3. The Muslims’ Attitude toward the Christians

after Muhammad’s Death
It-was the Prophet’s interactions with the Jews, much more frequent than
his encounters with the Christians, that served as precedents on which, after
his death in 632., his followers relied in developing two main attitudes towards
the non-Muslims. The first, highly antagonistic, manifested itself in the expulsion
by the Prophet’s followers of the Jews and the Christians from Arabia. The sec-
ond, prevalent during the Muslim expansion, seemed to be more conciliatory‫'؟‬.
The final stage of Muhammad’s activity was marked by significant hostility
towards the Jews and the Christians, resulting in the outburst of the persecu-
tion of non-Muslims right after the Prophet’s death. Patricia Crone and Michael
Cook are of the opinion that the Muslims’ military raids on the lands border-
ing Arabia, which took place right after 632., were the most cruel - as illustrat-
ed, for example, by the fate of the members of the Byzantine garrison in Gaza
whom the Muslim conquerors left with a hard choice: the conversion to Islam or
death. Having refosed to accept Islam, the soldiers were murdered‫*؟‬. The burn-
ing of churches, the destroying of monasteries and the desecrating of crosses all
came about just in this period - for example, in Sinai. This led to a decrease in
the number of Christian pilgrimages which, however, did not disappear alto-
gether, continuing into the tenth century, approved of by the Muslims because
of the financial gains that went with them‫’؟‬.
Things were no better in Arabia, from which, within ten years of Muham-
mad’s death, all Jews and Christians were expelled. The Muslim accounts of these
expulsions differ from one another in some details - A1-Wâkidï reports that Ca-
liph 'Umar expelled'-the Jews from Al-Hida 4‫؟‬, while according to At-Tabari
they were expelled from Khaybar‫؟؟‬. TJmar’s orders regarding Christians were
no different, although there is evidence to suggest that Nad an still remained
SI Ibidem١p. ‫وآل‬.
SX p. c r o n e, M. c ο o k, Hagarism. The Making ofIslamic World, New York 1977, pp. 6٠
Ι2.Ο.
١١ ‫ لميأغًا‬1\‫ألة‬١ Ihe Cult ‫ي‬St. Katherine ofAlexandria in Early Medieval Europe, ‫آتس‬٠
shot-Burlington 1988, p. 43. The decrease in the number of pilgrims affected the quantity and
quality of devotional articles and the objects of religious art - after the conquest such objects
were produced rarely and only in a few places. Thessalonica and Constantinople rose then to
the position of important centres attracting pilgrims. G.Vikan, Early Byzantine Pilgrimage
Art, Washington 00» p. 87.
54 w ä k i d Ϊ, vol. I, pp. 176-180.
5‫ ؟‬Tabari, Tarikh, vol. Ill, pp. 105-111 (ed. M.A.F. Ibrahi m).
5. Christian Communities in the Territories Conquered... 3‫ة‬7
their home throughout the two centuries which folowed this caliph’s reign*.
The tradition which credited the Prophet with the rejection of the possibility of
the co-existence of two religions in Arabia was used by the Muslims as a justifica-
tion for the removal of all non-believers from their lands‫?؟‬.
Muslim sources offer different accounts of the conquest. Generally, the Ar-
abs, following something of an established pattern, presented besieged cities
with an ultimatum: either the inhabitants will surrender, thus saving their lives
and property; or they will resist, thus making the terms under which to surrender
much harsher - the existing churches will be turned into mosques, and the erec-
tion of new ones forbidden. Faced with such an alternative, many cities chose to
surrender. Some, however, fiercely resisted‫®؟‬.
A case in point here is the capture ofJerusalem without a fight. Patriarch So-
phronius was designated to negotiatie the terms of surrender on behalf of the in-
habitants of the city the takeover of which was carried out under Caliph TJmar’s
personal supervision. Sitting on a donkey led by his servant, the caliph entered
Jerusalem without pomp and signed apeace treaty with Sophronius, from whom
he received the keys to the city. Under the agreement, the Christians and their
churches were given TJmar’s protection‫؟؟‬. Then, the caliph gave orders to clear
the area of the Temple Mount and build there a wooden mosque. The mosque was
built on the site where the so-called Farthest Mosque (αΙ-Masjidal-Äksä, known
simply as Al'Aksa), built by the Umayyads in 715, is now standing. The Christian
Arabic tradition holds that the caliph dropped the idea of praying in the Basilica
of the Holy Grave in order to save it from being turned into a mosque. Instead,
he prayed in front of the church, where the Dome of the Rock, erected at about
the same time as Al'Aksa, is still to be found. As a consequence, the city centre
shifted from the area within which the Basilica of the Holy Grave was situated to
‫آل‬6 ١‫ك‬.٦‫أ‬٠ ‫اًااًةألئأاًاا‬١ Christianity among the Arabs in pre٠IsUTnicTimes١bïïàoïï79٦‫؟‬١

‫ اًااًا‬٠
ρ٠ 3٥7٠
57 This hadith, despite its popularity in the Middle East, is dubious and many western
authors mention it without providing its source. Hadi th similar in content can be found in Sahih
Muslims collection (vol. XIX, No 4366): ’Umar bin al-Chattab said that he heard the Prophet
(peace be with him) say "I will expel the Jews and Christiansjrom the Peninsula and there will be
no one left except Muslims”. In Saudi Arabia to this day neither the Christians nor the Jews are
allowed to practice their religion publcly. !he latter are even forbidden to enter the country -
they cannot legally obtain visas, w. Lingle, R. Delaney, Burning Questions about Islam:
A Panoramic Studyfor Concerned Christians) Bloomington 2.ΟΙ Ι,ρ. 7‫ل‬٠
8‫ ؟‬On the surrender of the cities to Muslim invaders see: Μ. LevyRubin, Non-Mus-
lims in the Early Islamic Empire: From Surrender to Coexistence١Canbl‫>؟‬e ‫الهال‬١‫أ‬٩‫ب‬. ‫اآل‬-‫اب‬٠
59 s. Run ci ma n )Dzieje wypraw krzyzowych, vol. I, Warszawa 1987, pp. 3-4.
the one occupied by a Jewish temple and new Muslim places of worship٥٥.
Umar ordered the Arabs to refer to the Temple Mount as MadinatBayt al-
Makdis. The remaining part ofJerusalem was to be called Iliya’ - after the name
with which the centre was “christened” by the Romans in 70 'Aelia Capitolini
With time, the Arabs began to refer to the Temple Mount as al-Haram al'Sharif
and to the city as Bayt al~Makdis (the Noble Sanctuary). Finally, the city began
to be called ‫ سهير‬alsharif (the Noble City). After 'Umar proclaimed Jeru-
salem to be the third most important Muslim city (along with Mecca and Medi-
na), the traditional interpretation of the Kur an was changed in such a way as to
accommodate the city’s new status. The islamization of the centre commenced
in the first year after Hidjra, that is, in 632.. During their prayers, the Muslims
began to turn to Jerusalem, with which the tale of Muhammad’s night journey
to heaven came to be linked". It was only after thirteen years that the direction
of the prayer was changed to Mecca. In 638 Jerusalem was incorporated into
the Caliphate*. However, despite this incorporation the city managed to pre-
serve its Christian character. Bearing witness to this is Mu 'awiya’s decision, after
his-rise to power in 661, to pray at Golgotha, in the Garden of Gethsemane, at
Mary’s graved
After it became clear that Byzantium definitely had lost Syro-Palestine,
and the whole of the conquered territory came under the Aab administration,
the relations between the Christians and the Muslims stabilized. All civil and
military power rested with the Arab conquerors, while the non-Muslims, in re-
turn for the payment by all free and adult males of a special tax called djizya,
preserved the right to exercise their religion‫؟‬. The term djizya was taken from
the fragment of the Kur an quoted above indicating that it was necessary for
the People of the Book to pay a levy (djizya)66.
The life of the Christians in the Muslim state was regulated in detail in the so-
β0٥ ١‫ج‬٠٢‫ ًاذ‬0‫حآل‬١‫ةج‬.٢‫ ذ‬ok١Hagarism....١pp.٦s4-٦ss٦Jerusalem. Its Sanctity and Centrality

tojudaism, Christianity and Islam, ed. L.I. Levinde) New York I ‫ووو‬, p. XXIII.
61 J.M. L i n q U i s t, The Temple oj'Jerusalem, London 08, p. 184.
61 In describing Muhammad’s night travell, the Qur’an (17:1) says: Immaculate is He who/
caried His servant on a journey by night/،from the Sacred Mosque to the Farthes Mosque. ‫ط‬٠١‫سل‬
012. there existed the so-called Holy Place in Mecca, while the Farthest Mosque was a metaphor
which some understood as indicating a dwelling-place in heaven.
63 Μ. Gil,‫ ؛‬History ofPalestine) 634-1099, Cambridge 1997, pp. 70-71.
64 K.S.Tt ‫أاا‬٠ 0‫اًا‬١ Caliphs and !heir NonMuslim Subjects: A Critical Study oj the Cove-
nantofUmar, Abingdon-New York 08, pp. 102-103.
65 Muslim law schools differed in the method of calculating djizya. M.Khadduri, War
and Peace in the Law ojlslam١ck. I،oo6١p. ‫ةوآ‬.

66 H. G o d d a r d, Historia..., p. 63.
called 'Umars Pact. Although it is regarded as the agreement which this ruler
concluded with the population of the conquered territories, it probably came
into being much later . Following the Kurans call for paying taxes and enduring
humiliation, the Pact explains in more detail what meeting this demand actually
involves. Under the Pact, the population inhabiting the conquered territories,
in addition to being banned from criticizing Muhammad and the Kur’än, could
not engage in military operations and offer assistance to enemy spies, could not
erect new churches and reconstruct those that have been destroyed, could not
eat pork and drink wine in public places, and could not marry Muslim women
and wear obtrusive clothes. At the same time, the agreement required the Chris-
tians to remain always loyal to Muslim rulers and to practice their religion only
in private without displaying the symbols of the cross publicly".
From the extended version of the Pact one learns that the Christians had to
swear to abstain, among other things, from carrying the Bible and crosses in re-
ligious processions - especially during Easter and on Palm Sunday - persuading
the Muslims to convert to Christianity, riding on horseback using saddles and
building houses taller than those built by the Muslims67 *69. The document quoted
here, which was probably brought into being in the second century after Hidjra,
shows that the Arabs, besides treating the Christians as second-class citizens, also
viewed them as dhimmi (protected), the people of the Covenant ٥.
The term dhimma appears in the Kur’än twice, on the occasion of Muham-
mad’s crackdown on the wicked, that is, those who violate the covenant. In the era
of the Arab conquests, the term began to be used for denoting the agreements
reached between the conquered population and Muslim rulers. There existed
precedents for such a policy: the Sassanids attempted to secure the loyalty of
the subjects by resorting to a variety of legal regulations and by promising pro-
tection and limited religious freedom to those who agreed to pay taxes?’.
It should be kept in mind that not all Christians living in the East fell under
Muslim domination. The Empire, even after losing Egypt and Syria, still con-
trolled most of its former territory. In spite of the fact that the Byzantine-Arab
frontier in the Taurus Mountains was stable, the rivalry between the Byzantines
67 One of the proofs lies in the fact that during the reign of *Umar djizya (head tax) was
not yet distinguished from kharaj (land tax), although both are mentioned in the Pact.
6 8 A.s. Trit ton. The Caliphs..., pp. 5-6.
69 ‫كظر‬, pp. 6-8.
7٥ H. G o d d a r d,Historia..., p. 65.
70٦ ‫ءأل‬. ‫ةح‬٢‫ًاد‬٩١ Religious Communities in Lute sassnin and Early Muslim Iraq,
JESHO 17,1974, pp. 113-135،
370 III. After die Conquest
and the Arabs, both on land and at sea, continued. There also existed something
of a cultural and intellectual exchange between the two?٤. Byzantine artisans were
sent by Emperor Justinian II (685-695,705-711) to caliph Αΐ-Walïd (705-715)
in order to carry out the interior decoration of the Great Mosque in Damascus
and of the Prophet’s Grave in Medina™.
After resigning themselves to their fate. Middle Eastern Christians were al-
lowed to practice their religion. Christian clergymen called for submission to
earthly authority, promising in return eternal life in heaven. They attempted to
rationalize the status of the inhabitants of the conquered territories and to con-
sole the faithful by arguing that Jesus was superior to Muhammad and Christi-
anity theologically superior to Islam. The humiliations the Christians suffered
were not as great as to lead to mass conversions, and some Christians did as well
in economically as their Muslim neighbours™.
5.4. The Christian Response to the Advent of Islam
The first Christian interpretations of Islam were centred around social and
political rather than religious issues. In the seventh century, in Syria, people were
more aware of the rise of a new empire than of a new religion™.
After some time, the Christians began to feel the need to find a theological
explanation of the advent of the Muslims?*;. In the New Testament Jesus is shown
meeting with a Canaanite wornan (Mt I 5,21 2,8) and a Roman centurion (Mt,
5-15), listening to their pleas, which testifies to his openness towards the pco-
pie of different ethnic origin??. According to Magdalena Lewicka, Saint Paul,
in his Areopagus’ address, laid the foundation for an interreligious dialogue?®.
However, it is the Old Testament - the Book of Genesis, to be precise - that ex-
plains the origin of the Muslims in a story about Abraham’s sons - the first-born
‫ نآآلآلتًا‬oswot ‫ألا‬١ Byzantium and the Arabs. War and Peace between Two World Ciuili-
sations, [in:] idem, TheArabs, Byzantium and Iran, London 1996, art. XIII, pp. 1-2.4.
1} H. G o d d a r d, Historia..., p. 67.
74 ‫ل‬. ‫ ل‬o s e p h, Muslim-Christian Relations..., p. 14.
IS ‫ آلآل‬r o ck, Syriac Views on Emergent Islam, ١٨٢١٠٠٨ St dies on the First Century ojIslamic
Society, ed. G.H.A.yn boll, Edwardsville 1982., p. 15.
76 Christian sources from before the lifetime ofjohn of Damascus are characterized in: A.-
L.de Pré mare. Les Fondations de rislam. Entre écriture et histoire, Paris 2.002, pp. 595-469.
77 Messe١.s١ Some Biblical Considerations Relevant to the Encounter Between Tra
dirions, [in:] Christian-Muslim Encounters, eds. Υ.Υ. Haddad, w.z,. Haddad, Gainesville
I995٠pp٠ 57-58.
78 Μ. !,e wick a, Odkonfrontacji..., pp. 159-140.
Ishmael, who was banished to the desert along with his mother, a slave woman
named Hagar, and the younger son Isaac whom Abraham had by a legitimate
wife, Sarah. The former was supposed to become father of all the Arabs, while
the latter was destined to be father of all the Jews. The Book of Genesis contains
٢‫ث‬0‫ًا ئة‬0١‫ )؟اًاةط‬promise·. And God said no Abraham ٢...١ And also of the son
ofthe bondwoman will I make a nation, because he is h seecP٥.٦n chapter ‫ آللم‬ο£
the Book, Ishmael’s twelve sons are mentioned before the twelve sons of Isaac -
in part for the sake of balance and in part to underline the fact that they also
form something of a sacred community*’.
In the mid-seventh century, an Armenian bishop, Sebeos, claimed that
Muhammad owed his success to having a good knowledge of the Law of Moses
and to teaching the Arabs about Abraham’s God. According to Sebeos, the Arabs
and the Jews were agreed that both people descended from the same Patriarch**.
An anonymous Nestorian monk, whose work was written in Iraq around 670,
claimed that Ismailis’ conquests were driven by a desire to follow in Abraham’s
steps. The offerings they made to God were a part of the old tradition*’.
The Muslims made no secret of their belief that they were folfilling God’s
will and that one of their goals was to correct the teachings ofjesus. It quickly
became clear that Islam posed a challenge for the older religion. The Christians,
who considered themselves to be in possession of ultimate divine revelation, un-
derstood that the Muslims would not accept their position. This led them to
elaborate a specific interpretation of Islam - or rather interpretations, for there
quicldy appeared differences of opinion concerning the new religion between
the Christians from the East and those from the West .
In the Middle East, Christians interpreted the advent of Islam in terms of
thejudgmentwhich God passed on those who strayed from thepathofrighteous-
ness. The Nestorians and the Monophysites in turn pinned the blame on the ad-
vocates of the decisions of the Council of Chalcedon. Severus Ibn Al-Mukaffa ',
the bishop of Ashmunein, and a Coptic editor of the Lives ofthe Saint Church,
wrote ١‫ عط‬the Lord abandoned the Rowan arm) as punishmentfor clinging to
the corruptedJaith andfor injlictig the anathemas on the old Fathers in connection
79 After her name Syrian writers called all Muslims mhagrajje. S.H. Griffith, Syriac
Writers on Muslims and the Religious challenge ofIslam,?\s٢ata١٩ 2.ο٦ι,ρρ. ‫و‬-‫اآ‬٠

8٥ Gen. 2.1,12.-15.
81 G. von Rad, Genesis» A Commentary, London 1961, p. 258.
8 Sebeos, p. 2.58.
%١ ‫ةجز‬٠٢‫ةةحألاًد‬١ The Earliest Christian Theological Response to Islam, ‫آل لحآل‬, ‫آآلوآ‬١
pp. 2.65-2.67.
٥4 H.Goddard,î٥ria...,p.52.
with thefr role in the Concil of Chalcedon . ‫ تشم‬few ٢‫أح‬١‫ئ‬١‫ةحاًال‬١‫ًاعأة‬١ ‫آا ؟اه‬
٠ ١‫أ‬٩‫حأ‬٠
tation was still adhered to. It was a reaction to the mistreatment ofUpre-Chalce-
don" Christians by Byzantine authorities in Egypt and Syria".
In Egypt, the Copts suffered harassment from the orthodox Patriarch Cyrus,
known by the Arabs as AlMukawkis (which means "the one who comes from
the Caucasus"), who served as governor under Emperor Heraclius. He launched
a wave of terror which the Egyptians had not experienced since the Great Perse-
cution taking place during the reign of Diocletian. Cyrus’ policy may have un-
dermined the loyalty of some of the Copts to the Empire. Some Middle Eastern
Christians remained true to the decisions of the Council of Chalcedon, !hey
came to be referred to as the Melkites (after the Syrian word malka denoting
a king) because of their adherence to the Byzantine liturgy and due to their alle-
giance to Byzantine emperors8?. The Melkites gave birth to a different interpre-
tation of Islam, John of Damascus being one of its proponents. Although he was
probably unacquainted with the Kuran*86 88, he had a good command of Arabic
87
and a good knowledge of Muslim religious rituals - his father served as an offi-
cial at a caliph’s court and John, in his youth, was, according to legend, friendly
with Yazld of the Umayyad dynasty. In his opinion, the simplest way of convey-
ing the essence oflslam lay in treating it as one of the Christian heresies89.
In De Haeresibus (‫ا‬On Heresies), John lists one hundred heresies known to
previous theologians, adding Islam as heresy one hundred and one9٥. Although,
John admits, Muhammad brought monotheism to the pagan people, he did so
by turning the pages of the Old and New Testament in a random manner, and,
in creating a new system, he relied on the assistance of an Arian monk. There-
fore, Islam should be rejected as the deceptive superstition ofthe Ishmaelites and
th ^forerunner of the Antichrist. John applied the last term to the religion and
not to the Prophet, as would often be the case with different authors later9*. Like
other Byzantine polemicists, he was familiar with the Arabic tradition that orig-
inated in the pre-Islamic era - for example, with the cult of the Morning Star .
He also had a knowledge of Kuranic Christology and theology, demonstrating
it especially in the discussion of the religious sources of Islam: Judaism (mono
8$ W.H.C. Fr end, The Rise oftheMonophysite Movement) Cambridge ‫ل‬97‫ق‬٠ p. 3 53٠

86 H. G o d d a r d, Historia...) p. 5 3٠
87 Today, the name is used to refer to Christians from the Middle East who adheres to
the Byzantine rite.
w ΐ ‫؛‬١١, On the Tractate ofJohn ofDamascus on Islam١Ml 47‫ا‬١‫آ<؟وآ‬١‫و لمآل‬٠
8‫ و‬John of Damascus, De haeresibus) col. 764.
9٠ M.Sadowski, Τ/٠ϊ...,ρ.2,ΐ3.
‫ او‬H. Goddard, Historia...) pp. 56-57.
9‫ ع‬J.Meyendorff, Byzantine Views on Islam) DOP 18, 1964, Ρ.118.
theism), Arianism (the Word and the Spirit considered as created beings), and
Nestorianism (the doctrine that saw Jesus Christ as a human being)’’. Given
the above, one cannot fully agree with Rollin Armour who wrote:
In responding to Islam, John of Damascus and other Greek authors put forward
a number of erroneous interpretations and false accusations which, while helping to
forge Christian identity, were of no help in dealing with Islam’s religious and theolo-
gical principles, as well as with the integrity of faith and life typifying this religion*.
There is uncertainty as to who wrote Disputatio Saraceni et Chritiani (A Con-

versation between a Christian and a Muslim}, It is attributed either to John of Da-
mascus or to his student Theodore Abu Kurra” - though it seems more likely
that it was the latter who wrote the work which was something of a guide for
Christians willing to discuss religious issues with the Muslims’7. It is also evidence
ofjohn of Damascus’ participation in more or less formal discussions with Mus-
lim theologians’*. The issues dealt with in the treatise were the focus of kalam" -
a Muslim theology that began to develop in the mid-eighth century - and con-
95 Μ. Sadowski, Teologia..„ p. 113.

‫آل مو‬. Armour, Islam, cbrzeScijanstwo i Zachod. Burzliwe dzieje wzajemnycb relacji,
transi. I. No wick a, Krakdw 1004, pp. 89-90.
‫ او‬Born around 740/750 in Edessa Theodore Abu Kurra played an important role in
a controversy between the Christians and the Muslims over the unity of God. !he Muslims ac-
cused the Christians of believing in three gods. Abu Kurra argued that the Bible’s testimony
suffices for one to recognize divinity of all the persons in the Holy Trinity - the Father, the Son
and the Holy Spirit. In addition, out of consideration for those who did not share Christian
dogmas, he also resorted to Aristotle’s arguments on the unity of being. S.L. Hussein ‫دى‬
Christian-Muslim Debate on tbe Unity of God: Three Christian Scholars and Their Engagement
with thelslamic Thought (9th Century CE‫و‬, Leiden 1014, p. 61. For more on Theodore Abu Kurra
see. ‫ا‬.¥‫ أخ‬ciew s ١٢١٠, Dialog Teodora Abu Kurra ze hoiatem islamu - zarys problematyki,Sem
33,1013,pp. 177-191.
9٥J. Meyendorff, Byzantine Views..„ p. 117.
97 H. G O d d a r d, Historia..„ p. 57.
‫أل‬% ‫دآ‬.‫ ز‬s ‫ةةألة‬١ John ofDamascus on Islam: “The Herety of the Ishmaelites”,ie١Aen ‫ول‬7‫أ‬,
pp. ١٠٤١٠- ١.Ί٠,John ^Damascus. A Dialogue between a Saracen and a Christian١\١.w٦U.S.S e ‫ اة‬e,
Quran and Bible, London 1978, pp. 63-70.
99 From the Muslim point of view kalam was formal and speculative reasoning applied
in religion. It constituted a logically regulated way of cartying out disputations in such a way
as to justify religious doctrines based on generally accepted principles. S.H. Griffith, Faith
and Reason in Christian Kalam: Theodore Abu Qurrab on Discemingthe True Religion, \rn٦\
¥kSam٠\r,١.S.٦٩*veAsen, Christian Arabic Apologetics during the Abbasid Period (750-1258),
Leiden 1994, p. 3; Μ. Sadowski, Chrzetcijanska arabskojçzyczna literatura apologetyczna
BliskiegoiSrodkowego Wschodu wokresieAbbasydôw (75O-IO5O),STHS٢٥ ٦٤, ٤٠٦٤, p. <3١٠.
cerned the relation between God’s omnipotence and man’s free will, as well as
the identity of God’s Word!٥٥.
To conclude this section, in the initial period of Muslim-Christian contacts,
there emerged three main ways of interpreting Islam. The new religion was seen
as the fulfillment of God’s promise given to Abraham and Ishmael, as God’s judg-
ment against the Chalcedonians, and as one of the Christian heresies. In the ninth
centuty, there began to appear new, more negative interpretations of Muhammad’s
religion. However, their discussion lies outside the scope of this paper.
5.5. The Arabization of the Language of the Christians

‫ ئ‬the Middle East
The Arabic language constituted one of the elements of the new cultural
context in which the Christians of the region were placed. At the end of the sev-
enth century, following 'Abd al-Malik’s order, Arabic began to take the place
of Greek and Persian as the official language of the state‘٥*٠* Determined to
defend their own religion, the Christians in the Middle East had to address
themselves to the task of translating works which were of crucial importance
for their religious beliefs. The adoption of Arabic by Christian churches that
remained under Arab domination had no impact either on. their doctrine or
their liturgy'٥٤. It also did not entail any changes in the content of their sacrcd
books. The transition to the new language was necessary as the faithful used it
in their everyday life'٥’.
The Arabic language served as the medium without which the intellectual
encounter between the Christians and the Muslims would have been impossi-
ble. However, a serious problem lay in the fact that theological terminology was
absent from Arabic which until the eighth century was not the language of the-
ology or philosophy. Thus, it became necessary to elaborate a vocabulary to be
used in the Muslim-Christian dialogue. The process of creating this vocabulary
involved providing commonly used words with uncommon meanings٠٥4.
’٥٥ H. G o d d a r d, Historia,...) p. 5 8.
’٥’ Μ. Sadowski, Teologia...) p. Z15٠
‫ ’إه‬See, for example, the Arab profession of faith by Abu leurra. I. D i c k, Deux écrits inédits
de Théodore Abuqurrd) MU7Z, 1959, pp. 53-67.
*٥5 Μ. Sadowski, Teologia...) p. Z19.
’٥4 S.H. Griffith, The Church in the shadow ofthe Mosque) London Ζ008, p. 94.
Of course, it was only gradually that Arabic managed to replace Syrian^‫ ؟‬or
Greek. Syrian, used in the monasteries in the fifth and sixth centuries, divided
itself into two groups: western (used today in the liturgy by the Melkite Church,
the Syrian Orthodox Church and the Maronite Church) and eastern (preserved
today by the Assyrian Church of the East). Although Syrian as the language of
the communities mentioned above played an important role in almost the whole
of the Christian East, its role in Palestine was not very significant ٩ At the be-
ginning of the eighth century, Greek still dominated Palestine’s church culture?,
serving as the language of theology and liturgical celebrations. It was also used
in administration and during Church councils’٥8. Only in the liturgy of Oriental
Churches did it have to give way to Syrian٥9.
As Michal Sadowski remarks, it was not until the turn of the eighth and
ninth centuries that Greek fell out of use in Palestine, which was an important
factor in the Arabization of the region"®. The fimdamental Christian texts began
to be translated into Arabic as early as the eighth century, including the Bible,
patristic writings, homilies, hagiographies, confessions and legal canons regulat-
ing the life of the Church. Christian apologetic works in Arabic also date back
to the eighth century. It is worth noting that the transition to Arabic took longer
in the regions where Syrian remained dominant, and Christian apologetic texts
were the first to be translated there into Arabic".
5.6. The Syrian Churches
On the eve of the Arab conquest of the Middle East, both the Jacobite and Ne-
storian churches were subjected to legal discrimination - the Byzantine emperors
|٥5 I refer here to eastern Aramaic dialect used in the region of Edessa (today in Turkey)
which survives in the liturgy ofsome eastern Churches. For more on the issue, see: A.Tronina,
Wprowadzenie dojçzyka syryjskiego,¥ê\ce
١٥* SH. G ‫اأ‬ ٠ ١ Melkites, Jacobites, and the Christological Controversies in Arabic in
٠ ££‫ألاا‬
Third/Ninth-Century Syria, v١n٦\ Syrian Christians ander Islam. The First Thousand Years, ‫ةع‬.
D.Thomas,Leiden-Boston-Koln 2.ΟΟΙ,pp. 9, 16.
v٠7 ‫ االًآحةل‬From Aramaic to Arabic: the Languages ofthe Monasteries ofPalestine in the Byz-
antine and Early Islamic Periods١OGP ‫لأل‬,‫ووآ‬7١‫ج‬. ‫آ آ‬٦٠‫ ع ه ا‬m, Greek into Arabic: Life and Letters
in the Monasteries ofPalestine in the 9،b Century‫ ؛‬the Example ofthe "Summa Theologiae Arabica”,
Β56, 1986, p. 120.
٠٥٥ Μ. Sadowski, Teologia..., p. 217.
٠٥9J.Corbo n, LÉglise des Arabes, Paris 1977, pp. 40-41.
٠٠٥ Μ. Sadowski, Teologia..., p. 218.
١١١ S.H. G ‫ل ًا‬ ٠ ١ The Monks ofthe Palestine and the Growth of Christian Literature in
٠ ££‫ألأا‬
Arabic, MWo 78, 1988, pp. 5-6.
recognized only the Melkite Greek Patriarch of Art och who accepted the deci-
sions of the Council of Chalcedon"*.
The Nestorians found refoge in Persia, where they were safe from the em-
peror’s wrath. The situation of the Jacobites was subject to change depending on
the political line pursued by the ruler. In the reign ofjustinian I, attempts were
made to find the common ground between the Jacobites and the Orthodoxes,
but to no effect. After the reign of this emperor, the persecution of the Jacobites
increased.
The arrival of the Muslims, despite their poor knowledge of the differences
existing between Christian churches, changed the situation. Although the Chris-
tians were granted the status of the dhimmi and were made to pay djizya, which
led some of them to decide to convert to Islam"’, those who found shelter in
the mountains preserved a significant autonomy"*. In addition, some Syrian
Christians, capitalizing on the cultural advantage they had over the Arabs, man-
aged to secure for themselves the appointment to important positions, which
at first they were allowed to hold without having to renounce their religion"‫؟‬.
It was sufficient for them to adopt some elements of the Arab culture such as,
for example, the language. The Islamization was a slow process, stretching over
almost three centuries.
The patriarch Yso’yahb III (died in 6 5 9) wrote that God, in giving the Arabs
their victory, entrusted them with the role of the custodians of the Christian
faith. He dismissed the charges that the Arabs tried to convert the Christians to
Islam. In his opinion, it was the weakness of the Syrian clergy which was to blame
for such conversions"^. The patriarch Timothy in turn appreciated the fact that
tn The orthodox Melkites, although they also li٧ed in Syria’s rural areas, were most in٠
fluential in the cities which remained under Byzantine rule. For more on the Melkites, see:
١‫ء‬.¥،0‫ة‬٢‫اآلحا‬
’ ’ ١ Grecy i Arabowie. Historia Kokiola melkickiego (katolickiego) na ziemiach
‫ألةا‬
zdobytychprzezmuzulmandw (634-1 ‫ل‬5‫ل‬6(١¥‫غذ‬٢‫يآلد‬ΟΟ.٠
3‫ اا‬Worthy of mention here is the opinion expressed by Daniel c. Dennett, who disco٧-
ered that the taxes the Muslims imposed on the dhimmi were not much higher than those im-
posed by previous rulers (the Byzantines and the Sassanids). The taxes levied by the Muslims
may have encouraged religious conversions because they were imposed on groups (the clergy and
aristocracy) that had earlier been exempted from paying taxes. S.H. Griffith, Conversion and
the Poll Tax in Early Islam, Cambridge 1950.
114 N. A w d e, N. L a m a s s U, N. A1 - ‫ ل‬e 1 o o, Modem Aramaic (Assyrian/Syriac) Dictio-
nary & Phrasebook, New York 07, p. 8.
‫ وا‬A.s. Atiya,HistoriaKosciolôw wschodnich, Warszawa 1978,p. 168.
116 s. Brock, Syriac Views.,., p. 15. For more on the views held by this patriarch see:
‫ ال ًاحة‬eUen, Early Eastem-Syriac Perception ofIslam in Ishojahb III Letter Epistula-
rum (640-660): No Earlier Christian Sou^rces۶r a Christian-Muslim Relationship?,^’^ Byzan
3٠ Christian Communities in the Territories Conquered... 377
the Muslims abandoned idolatry and polytheism in favour of the worship of

One God. This, he believed, enabled them to earn the respect of both the Lord
and many people Timothy) opinion seems to suggest that initially the Chris-
tians in Syria did not view their new rulers as the followers of a religion different
from their own. Some Syrian historians considered Caliph TJmar to be more
merciful than ،til the rulers before him"*.٦‫ عأل‬aorvjmous ‫ة‬١‫ ًاف‬ϋ£١‫ خأل‬Chronicle
up to 819 seems to share this point of view’'9. However, the Chronicle up to 1234
contains the sentence which significantly change the view of the ruler: 'Umar
was a good and merc^î^l man, a۶iend oftruth andjustice who turned awa)jrom
the eoil. But he was agreater opponent ofthe Christians than an) ofthe kings before
him11°. This source also offers examples of anti-Christian laws introduced by this
ruler. However, it should be kept in mind that it was brought into being many
years after the events which it describes’".
In the first years which followed the Arab conquest, the Christians were al-
lowed to enter the mosques, their testimonies were heard in courts of law, and
their court service was highly praised'". In addition, there was a striking differ-
ence in the conditions of life enjoyed by Christians living in the cities on one
hand and Christians living in rural areas on the other. While the latter bowed
under the weight of the land tax exacted by cruel bailiffs, the former, feeling se-
cure and often held in high regard, could make fortunes through trade or money
loans. Christian monasteries, where Muslim rulers liked to stay during their trips
and where they often held meetings with tribe leaders, enjoyed a special position.
Monks could cultivate the land undisturbed and produce wine, deriving huge
profits from its production’!’.
The Syrian Christianity reached the pinnacle of its development in the era
of the Umayyad dynasty. The first generations of Muslim officials, lawyers or
tium in Earl) Islamic S)ria: Proceedings ofa Conference Organised b) the American Universit) of
Beirut and the University ofBalamandfJune 18-19, 2007, eds. Ν.Μ. El-Cheikh, s. O’Sul-
livan, Beirut 2.ΟΙ Ι,ρρ. 43-48.
117 S. B r o c k, Syriac Views,.., p. 16.
١‫ا‬% Chronicle of4‫ة‬4‫ة‬١‫الآل‬. ‫وأ‬٠
‫ "أل‬Chronicle up to gi9١p. .‫ألا‬
٥" Chronicle up to I234١p. 307٠
'1' ‫آل‬. s ٢‫األ‬’ ٢١‫ت‬١ The Christian Communities ofPalestine Jrom B)zantine to Islamic Rule.
‫ د‬Historical and Archeological 8.‫(س‬١١‫آال‬٠١‫ات‬٢‫أع‬٢‫آلووالاًد‬١‫حل؟‬
١ .‫وةإ‬
٠ 11 For example, a Christian known as Al-Akhtal (“a chatterbox") was appointed to the po-
sition of court poet (640-710), and John of Damascus’ father served as advisor to Caliph ’Abd
al-Malik. S.Kh. Bukhsh, Studies: Indian and Islamic, London 2001,ρ. 119.
5‫ اا‬Ibidem,?. 118.
theologians were poorly educated and, as such, had to rely on the support of
Christians and people acquainted with Hellenistic thought. In the new environ-
ment, members of Syrian churches seemed to be better off than under Byzantine
rule'*4. With the end of Umayyad rule in 750, the process of the institutional-
tion of the Muslim theocracy forged rapidly ahead and the Syrian Christianity
passed from the phase of its development to that of its decline'**.
5.6.1. The Jacobite church

Generally speaking, under Muslim rule the Jacobites’ religious freedom
was greater than (it had been the case) in Byzantium. Seeking inspiration from
more culturally advanced people and, displaying willingness to learn from oth-
ers, the Arabs showed a certain degree of tolerance towards the non-Muslims.
Therefore, the Jacobites were welcome at the caliph’s court'". The removal of
the borders which existed in Asia in the era of Persian and Byzantine domination
enabled the Jacobites to expand their missionary activity - especially in Persia
and Mesopotamia, where they had already managed to establish their presence.
Khusraw II Parviz’s first wife, Shirin, was a Jacobite'*?. A Jacobite monk, Maru-
tha (62.9-649), active towards the end of the Sassanid times, was elevated to
the position of the bishop of Tikrit'*٥.
One can thus argue that, despite sporadically occurringpersecutions, the first
centuries which followed the Arab conquest brought stabilization to the life of
the Jacobites. Arab rule also witnessed the development of literature and schol-
arship, including hagiography, historiography, astronomy, natural sciences and
medicine. Syrian and Arabic were used for writing. With time, however, the use
of the former limited itself only to the liturgy'*‫؟‬.
Tbe Jacobite patriarch John I (651-648) was reputedly the first to translate
fragments of the Bible from Syrian into Arabic' ’٥. The bishop of Tirkit, Marutha,
114 R.M. Haddad, Syrian Christians...) p. II.

١١١ Ibidem١p. 11.
116 A.s. Atiya,Aftrt٥r/a...,p. 168.
117 For more on the issue see: w. B a u m, Shinn: Christian, Queen, Myth ofLove: a Woman
ofLate Antiquity. Historical Reality and Literary Ejffect٠٣١scaxaway 1004.
‫ذآ‬.١.¥‫ةةف‬١ Churches ofEastern Christendom ^-om AD 451 to the Present Time١٦b
Tork-London 00 p. 457.
9‫ ائ‬A.s. Atiya, Historia..., p. 169.
13° There is an ongoing discussion whether there existed the translations of the Bible
into Arabic before Islam. However, even if this was the case, none of them survives now, see:
‫ا‬.١‫ د‬em ٠١t ٠١٠١ Muslim Exegesis ofthe Bible in Medieval Cairo Najm al-Din al-Tùjt’s (d. 716/1516).
Co۴n۶^ênta^ on the Christian Scriptures. A Critical Edition and Annotated Translation with an
Introduction, Leiden 2,015, pp. 62,-65.
whom I have mentioned above, was a distinguished theologian, bearing the title
of Maphrian of the East. Today, this fimction is purely honorary, but at the time
under discussion maphrians performed a very important role in the areas which
remained beyond the reach ofpatriarchs. They were active in the territories dom-
inated by Nestorianism. Born in Persia and educated in Edessa, Marutha settled
in the Monastery ofMar Mattai, eagerly defending the doctrine ofhis Church in
Persia and Mesopotamia.
As Aziz Atiya rightly notes, Severus Sebocht (died in 667) deserves credit
for being a pioneer of the Syro-Hellenistic science. He is known to have studied
philosophy, mathematics, astronomy and theology. The monastery in KJnnasrin
where he resided became an important centre of the Jacobite intellectual life.Ja٠
cob ofEdessa (6 33 -708) - a bishop, theologian, exegete, grammarian, philosopher
and historian - also spent his early days in the monastery. A prolific author, he pre-
pared a revised translation of the Old Testament and wrote biblical commentaries.
He contributed to the standardization of the Syrian liturgy by composing a new
anaphora, baptism rituals, wedding ceremony, and a liturgical calendar. He also
wrote a grammar of the Syriac language and a monumental chronicle - a continua-
rion of the work by Eusebius of Caesarea. Except for a few pages, the whole chron-
icle is lost ‫ا‬. But there survives an uncompleted work by Jacob of Edessa entitled
Hexaemeron (syr. Al-Aksamiran, SixDays). Having the creation of the world as its
main topic, it also describes a Utopian state where people live united under one re-
ligion. References to the issues that might antagonize the Muslims or the Jews are
omitted from the work. What does shine through in it is a proclivity for the Arab
mystic philosophy. In addition to being a writer, Jacob was also a church reformer
known for his attempt to bring a stricter discipline to the monastic life. However,
his efforts encountered opposition from a group of monks whose cause was em-
braced by patriarch Julian II. As a gesture ofprotest, Jacob burned the transcripts of
old canons in the gate to the patriarch’s residence, thus making his superior aware
that he was bitterly opposed to the canons*’*. Later, he roamed from monastery to
monastery, writing and delivering his sermons until his death in 708. Hexaemeron
was completed by Jacob’s student George, the bishop of the Arabs (686-72.4). In
Alula (the province of Αΐ-Küfa), where the seat of his bishopric was located, he
wrote numerous theological and philosophical treatises defending the doctrine of
his Church against Nestorianism'”.
131 A.s. Atiya, Historia..., p. 170.

١١1 ‫ةتمثكةآل‬.٦‫ع‬١‫عال‬١ Jacob ofEdessa and Canon Law, \‫ا‬٢‫ا‬٦١ Jacob ofEdessa and the Syriac
Culture ofHis Day, ed. R.B. ter Haar Romeny,Leiden 2.008,p. 83.
1’3 For more on the problem, see: Ι.Α. Barsoum, The Scattered Pearls: a History ofSyriac
Literature and Sciences, Piscataway 2.003, pp. 354-558.
The West Syrian Church was also, at least in some measure, successfill in
its evangelization efforts. Atiya mentions the conversion of Elias, a dyophysite,
who became a Jacobite patriarch (709-714), having abandoned his earlier views
after studying works by Severus of Antioch. Elias tried to justify his decision in
an apologia which he wrote as a response to the letter of the Melkite bishop,
Leon’4. Another patriarch, Cyriacus of Tikrit, became famous for preaching
gospel among the Armenians. His successor, Dionysius of Tel Mahre, author of
the chronicle covering the years 581-841 (that is, from the accession of emperor
Maurice to Theophile’s death) made a number of visits to the courts of different
rulers seeking their support in his dispute with rebel monks. He appeared in
Egypt, Baghdad and Damascus'’‫؟‬. In Baghdad, he met a Christian king of Nu-
bia, who also arrived in the city to pay respects to caliph Al-Mu 'tayim. This was
a difficult period for the Jacobite Church riven by internal divisions and facing
persecutions from the Muslims'’*.
Against all odds, the Jacobites managed to preserve a significant autonomy.
All caliphs were concerned with was whether djizya and khardj were paid regu-
larlyorwho occupied patriarch’s throne. Thanks to Christian libraries, Christian
schools and scholars, the Arabs were able to absorb the achievements of Hellen-
istic culture. Still in the reign of the first Abbasid caliphs, most Christians en-
joyed much freedom, engaging in trade and using some of the profits it brought
to build new churches and monasteries. The situation of the Jacobites was to
change for the worse in the centuries to come'’?.
5.6.1. TKe Nestorian Church (the Church of the East)

The position of the Nestorian Church under Sassanid rule was difficult. This
is why some of its leaders hoped that the Arab invasion would result in the im-
provement of the lives of the members of their community. In 637 the Muslims
seized control of the Persian Capital in Seleucia-Ctesiphon, soon taking over
the whole state. Six years later, they reached the borders of India. The last Sas-
sanid ruler, Yazdegerd III, who tried to save his life by fleeing his country, was
killed in 651 in the Marv oasis by one of his subjects. The Arabs became Persia’s
only rulers. During the reign of the Rightly-Guided Caliphs and the Umayyads,
who moved the capital of the Empire from Mecca to Damascus, Persia was
134 A.s.Atiya,Æfor^...,p. 171.

‫ وول‬He was sent to southern Egypt by the caliph in order to stifle the Copts’ uprising, see:
The Oxford History ofHistorical Writing, 400-1400, vol. II, eds. s. F o o t, Ch.F. Robinson,
Oxford 2,012., p. 175.
1 36 A.S.Atiya,#^٥r^...,p.i72..
١V7 Ibidem,‫؟‬. ‫ا‬7‫ب‬٠
3٠ Christian Communities in the Territories Conquered... ‫و‬8‫ل‬
one of the provinces of the great Arab state. It was only in the Abbasid era that
the centre of the state shifted forther to the east, to Baghdad, and Persia regained
some of the influence it had once had. This shift affected the situation of the Ne-
storians. The Nestorian Church preserved some of the privileges it had enjoyed
under Sassanid rulers*’8. It should be recalled here that the Nestorians’ status
was officially determined during the Council held in Seleucia in 410 and then
affirmed by Yazdegerd I (399-42.0). Muslim rulers did not override these de-
cisions, recognizing the special status the Nestorians had earlier been granted.
However, this does not mean that under Muslim rule the Nestorians were given
political rights or were exempted from paying taxes the Persians had levied - on
the pretext of the war with Byzantium Shapur II doubled the taxes and Khusraw
I imposed the head tax in return for the exemption from mflitary service. On
the other hand, it seems that the Muslims were more favourably inclined towards
the Nestorians than towards any other Christian community'”.
According to some Nestorian legends, Yso’yahb II (62.8-643/644) estab-
lished a friendly relationship with Muhammad. The Prophet reputedly presented
the patriarch with a document conferringon eastern Syrians certain privileges, to
be confirmed later by two caliphs - TJmar and 'All ٥. The latter was also given
credit for granting the Nestorians forther rights in return for keeping his army
in Mosul supplied with food and water. Scholars, who find these accounts false,
believe that Christians created them with a view to improving the position of
their Church. Twenty years after the Muslim invasion, the bishop of Adiabene
wrote that the Prophet’s followers were not as unjust as expected and did not
differ from the Christians in respecting the clergy and the churches***.
It is worth noting that the seizure of power by the Abbasid dynasty brought
about no changes in the Nestorians’ position. Under Abbasid rule, the Nesto-
rian patriarch was the most important Christian dignitary in the whole Cali-
phate***, and Nisibis, Jundishapur and Marv flourished as centres of Syrian cul-
ture. Theology, phflosophy, history, medicine and natural sciences were taught
in schools located in these cities. Ancient Greek texts were translated into Syrian
and then into Arabic 5. Working at the court of two successive caliphs as scribes.
‫ آلآل‬r o e١ChristiunsintheSasanian Empire: A Case ofDivided Loyatiies١\١n.*.١ Religion

and National Identity) ed. s. Mews, Oxford 1981, p. 12..
139 A.s. A t i y a, Historia,..) p.2.30.
١Α٠ Ibidem,p. ‫لآلأ‬.

'A' ‫اآا الدل‬ ٠ e. The Nestorian Churches. A Concise History ofNestorian Christianity in Asia
from the Persian Schism to theModem Assyrians) London 1937, pp. 89-90.
141 J.J osep h, Muslim-Christian Relations...) p. 2.6.
*45 N. Awde, N. Lamas su, N. Aljeloo, Modem Aramaic...) p. 8; w.s. Me-
ً‫ائ‬١‫الل‬0١‫ألعل‬, A Short History ofSyriac Christianity to the Rise ofIslam١Chvco ‫أألوآ‬١‫ اج‬٦%‫أ‬.
translators or medics, Nestorians were generally respected'«*. Thorough and effec-

tive, they also knew how to make themselves indispensable to their new rulers'*‫؟‬.
Although Christianity and Judaism were displaced from Arabia in the sev-
enth century, the church activity did not entirely come to an end there (for exam-
pie, the Nestorian synod was held in 676 in the south of the peninsula). Nomad-
ic tribes, for example Banu Salih, remained Christian as late as 82.3 where they
suffered persecution by caliph Al-Ma’mùn. It was not until the end of the ninth
century that Nestorianism disappeared altogether from Arabia. We do not know
anything about the communities converted to Christianity in Central Asia in
the fifth-eighth centuries. Some Christian groups must have still been living
in the area at the time under consideration, since in 781, a Turkish ruler wrote
a letter to patriarch Timothy (778-82.0) whom he asked to send a bishop to
take over the leadership of the Christians living in his state. Timothy also sent
a bishop to Tibet'*٥. Later, the Nestorians left Samarkand, Bukhara or Tashkent
and travelled firrther to the east where they tried to preach the Christian gospel
to the Tartar tribes’*?.
It has recently been discovered that Nestorians reached as far east as Chi-
na. Their first mission was sent there in 635, when the office of the Patriarch of
the Church of the East was held by Yso’yahb II (62.8-643/644). Its dispatch is
proved by a stone stele which Jesuit missionaries discovered in 162.5 in Shen-
si’*«. A long inscription in Chinese commemorates spreading the religion oflight
[Christianity] in the Middle Kingdom. The emperor read the Scripture and or-
dered that it be distributed in his state. Then, he issued a decree ordering the erec-
tion of a monastery. By the end of the seventh century the Nestorian Christianity
had found followers in ten Chinese provinces, where it grew until the ninth cen-
tury, the evidence of which is provided, for example, by Arab travel accounts'*’.
Even in this period, though, Nestorians failed to entirely avoid persecutions.
Sometimes radically inclined Muslims stood behind their outbreak and some-
times dissensions between Christians themselves, their different intrigues, caused* 48
‫ا‬44 ‫ ات‬e ٢‫أم‬١ Historie de LE lise Orient: chrétiens d’Irak, d’Iran et de Turquie,hris
1995,P. 157.
145 A.s. Atiya, Historia...) p. 2.3 3٠
٦46 ‫لمآ‬٦‫عاًاآحاة‬١٠‫ه‬١ Christians in Persia: Assyrians, Armenians, Roman Catholics and

Protestants) Abingdon-New York 2.ΟΙ I, p. 40.
147 A.S. Atiya, Historia...) p. 2.2.4.
48 ‫ ا‬PY. Saeki, TheNestorian Monument in China) London 1916.
'4‫ ؟‬A.S. Atiya, Historia...) p. 116. For a detailed account of the activity of the Nestorians
in China under Mongol rule see: Li Tang, East Syriac Christianity in Mongol-Yuan China)
Wiesbaden 2.011.
5. Christian Communities in the Territories Conquered... ‫و‬8‫و‬
the intervention of outsiders. In the brief reign of TJmar II (717-720), the op-
pression consisted mainly in the imposition of heavy economic burdens or in
the attempts to coerce conversion to Islam by threats of death٤5٥. It was not until
the reign of TJmar H’s successors - that is, in the latter half of the eighth century
which lies beyond the scope of this paper - that the persecution of Christians
assumed a more acute form - for example, with the destruction of churches or
the assault on Christian women
** ‘.
Gradually, the Nestorians, along with other Christians living in the Middle
East, were losing their strong position. When caliphs abandoned Seleucia-Cte-
siphon to build a new capital of their state in Baghdad, Patriarch Hananyeshu
II (774-779)151 also decided to move his operation there. His decision can be
regarded as indicating that the state began to exercise increasing influence upon
the Church. And it was not long before caliphs designated themselves as arbiters
adjudicating on different church disputes, including those regarding authority
over the .Church
*** On the other hand, patriarchs began to be dispatched to
the Byzantine court as legates representing Muslim rulers. This led them to be-
come more engaged in secular matters, sometimes to the point of being trans-
formed into lay officials who, in an effort to secure for themselves particular po-
sitions, failed to prevent themselves from yielding to corruption
.
*** Members of
the lower clergy, underpaid and with no chance for nomination to any office,
often converted to Islam*‫*؟‬. Worse stfll, the relations between western and east-
ern Syrians were very tense, riven with conflicts and mutual accusations, which
had the effect of making caliphs view these Christian communities as unable to
protect their own interests
** 6.*1
'١٥ ‫ألءاشم‬. van Goràet, Christianity in Persia and tbe statas ofΝοη-Mwslims in Iran,
Lanham 2ΟΙΟ,p. 50.
151 A.s. A t i y a, Historia...) p. 231.
ISI Thanks to caliphs’ favours and to bribery, the patriarch Hananyeshu II rose to political
prominence. In addition to his own people, he also represented, in the Muslim lands, the Greeks,
the Jacobites and the Melkites.
153 The Metropolitans of seven cities (Jundishapur, Al Basra, Mosul, Irbil, Bethjarma,
Hulwan and Nisibis) gathered during the election of the new patriarch. Each of them was accom-
panied by three subordinate bishops. The patriarch elected by this assembly received investiture
from the caliph who exerted a great influence on the process of election, see: S.Kh. Bukhsh,
Studies...,p. 134.
154 A.S. Atiya,Historia...) pp. 233-234.
'SS 1 ٦‫ع‬١‫لم ال ع‬Λ Q n١ Conversion to Islam in Syria and Palestine and tbe Survival ofChristian
Communities, ‫اتزل‬٠٦ Conversion and Continuity: Indigenous Christian Communities in Islamic
Lands) 8th to 18th Centuries) eds. M.Gervers, R. Bikhazi, Toronto 1990, p. 304.
156 R.Le Coz,Historie...)p. 208.
5.7. Ihe Coptic Chuh
We know very little about the first decades of Arab rule in Egypt. Although
there survive a great number of Arab chronicles relating to the period under con-
sideration, none of them was written earlier than the ninth century, that is, two
hundred years after the events dealt with here. Non-Muslim sources, too, origi-
nate in periods later than the conquest?. However, it is certain that the Arabs
had got to know Egypt, Constantinople’s granary, prior to the advent of Islam.
'Amr ibn al-'As, the conqueror of this province, led in his youth caravans to
the valley of Nile and marveled at the wealth of Alexandria. He felt great pride
when informing *Umar of the conquest of the city which had 4000 palaces,
4000 bathhouses, 400 theatres, 12.00 vegetable stores and 4000 Jews paying tax-
es’٩ Interestingly, the caliph was not much impressed by the news, rewarding
the messenger with a loaf of bread, a bottle of olive oil and a few dates'9‫؟‬. The lo-
cal population that survived the attack on the city was shown mercy: those who
wanted to leave were allowed to do so, and those who wanted to stay were not
forced to convert to Islam. The latter were only required to pay the land tax as
long as the flooding of the Nile guaranteed good crops'٥٥.
All the evidence suggests that it was not the caliph who ordered the burning
of the most famous book collection of antiquity. The library is more likely to
have suffered at the hands of monks or fanatical Christian groups at the turn of
the fourth and fifth centuries. The Arabs were willing to learn from those whom
they conquered and whose cultural standards were higher than their own. Illus-
trating this is an account offered by Al-Tabari of the encounter between Muslim
commander and some local Copts: *Amr Ibn al-ÂS) agreat warrior and conquer-
or, decided to give a Bedouin feast on that occasion. He ordered the slaughter of
a camel, to be later boiled in salty water. Sedn‫آلأ (؟‬١‫ةهقتخ ء‬١ wete
their traditional clothes, bite into the meat and slurp a soup, the Copts walked
away, convinced that theywere dealing with people who were rude and uncouth.
Having noticed their disapproving reaction, 'Amr ordered his men to put on
the same clothes as those worn by the Egyptians. The Copts who arrived the fol-
'S7 VM. s ‫ ’ا‬٠١ p e s t e ٠١٠‫ ا‬٢‫ا‬١ The Arab Cowquest ofEgypt and tbe Beginning ofMuslim Ride,
[in:] Egypt in the Byzantine World) 300-700, ed. R.s. Bagnall, Cambridge 1007, p. 438.
'١% K.Sitt١’٠ü١ Lifting tbe Teil: Too Centuries of Travellers, Traders and Tourists in Egypt,
London-New York ZOI Ι,ρ.ι 54.
159 Th. Vrettos, Alexandria: City ofthe Western Mind, New York 01, pp. 2.13-114.
'Go Μ. ‫ اعشم‬-‫ةاأالةة‬ ٠ MarsoU History ofEgyptfom tbe Arab Conquest to tbe Present,
Cambridge Ζ007, p. 1.
‫دأل‬٦‫ الةةعلتس‬saw somethingvery diferentjrom what they bad seen the previous da).
Servants offered then* an array 0 Egyptian disbes wbicb tbe) ate. ^Tbe Copts١ left
in disbelief saving tbat they bad earlier been deceived ‫آلع‬.
ΑΙ-Tabari’s account manifests the Arabs’ capability of adapting to local con-
ditions, their awareness of dealing with more culturally advanced people, and
their openness to local customs'". Under 'Umars Pact) the Copts were given
the status of the dhimmi - the people who were protected but who certainly
were not treated in any preferential way’٩ Like other Christians under Muslim
rule, the Copts were subject to different restrictions - for example, they were
required to wear some distinctive clothes and were banned from riding horses.
However, in practice these laws were only rarely enforced’**.
The direct consequence of the Arab conquest was the Coptic Patriarch Ben-
jamin’s return from exile, in which he had spent more than a decade’**. Enjoying
'Amr’s support, Benjamin assumed the leadership of the Coptic Church, forgave
those who were guilty of apostasy from Monophysitism and opened up a num-
ber of new churches and monasteries, which he often visited, tightening their
discipline and ensuring the observance of the canon law by their members’**.
The Copts seized a number of temples and religious buildings from the Melkites.
They also replaced Greeks in administrative positions, although the Arabs did
not remove the Byzantine administration in order to find favors with the Copts.
They simply wanted to make.sure that taxes were efficiently collected. 'Amr’s
steps yielded a revenue of zoo million gold dinars, excluding gifts in kind٤٥7.
His successors further increased this revenue, which entailed the outbreak
of a number of uprisings’". However grateful for the religious tolerance dis-
played by the Arabs, the Copts tried to avoid economic exploitation. Such an
attitude translated into mass conversions to Islam, which in turn had aparadoxi-
ca effect - rather than encouraging such conversions, the Arabs, fearfill oflosing
161 Tabari, Tarikh, vol. IV, pp. 109-110.

١61 ١’٠ ïïke ΐ١ Kopula w architekturze arabsko-muzulmanskiej w pierwszych wiekach isla-
mu, Warszawa 2.ΟΙΟ [unpublished MA thesis], p. 8.
16‫ و‬A.s.Atiya,Historia...,p. 109.
Ibidem, ‫لآل‬٠7‫أ‬.
'65 The patriarch was forced by the imperial governor, Cyrus, to flee to the monastery of St
Macary. Benjamins brother joined the rebellion against Cyrus and was executed, see‫ ؛‬S.J. Davis,
The Early Coptic Papacy. The Egyptian Church and Its Leadership in Late Antiquity: The Popes of
Egypt, vol. I, Cairo-New York 2.004, Ρ.119.
166 A.Grillmeier, Th. Hainthaler, Christin Christian Tradition, From the Council
ofChalcedon (451) to Gregory the Great (590-604), vol. II, p. 4٠ London 1996, pp. 81-84.
167 A.S. Atiya, Historia..., p. 7 ‫ ت‬٠
168 A.L.Al-Sayyid M a r s o t, A History..., p. 6.
their profits, sought to discourage the Copts from accepting their religion’**. On
the other hand the Copts were drawn to Islam for its straightforwardness. In
contradistinction to the Church troubled by Christological conflicts, the Mus-
lims’ religion was based on belief in God to whom everyone could turn without
the intermediary role of clerical hierachy'7٥.
From what has been said above it follows that the Arabs were mainly in-
terested in preserving the status quo - the well-to-do Copts steadily supplying
the state budget with financial means. To be sure, there occured periods of op-
pression or even persecutions. However, their occurence had more to do with
the whims of individual rulers than with the conduct of any clear-cut policy. In
the period under consideration, the Copts elaborated a model of peaceful coex-
istence with the Muslims - an achievement for which they did not have to pay
with the loss of their identity. As Aziz Atiya concludes, the revival of the Coptic
culture which ensued filled the gap opened up by the Byzantine civilization’s
gradual disappearance from the region’?* *.
5.8. The Armenian Church
In the first half of the seventh century, right before the Arab invasion,
the Paulician heresy, based on the belief in two Gods and two acts of creation,
divided the Church in Armenia. Persecuted by the Byzantine authorities and
the Church hierarchy, the Paulicians, accusing the members of this hierarchy of
a lavish lifestyle, did not shy away from violence. They also sought the support
of the Arabs who, while fighting against the Greeks, found nothing wrong with
the local Church’?*. The Byzantine Empire, in turn, strove to preserve its rule at
least in western Armenia, frowning upon the emancipatory ambitions of the Io-
cal populaton.
This Greek-Arab rivalry in Armenia undermined the Armenians’ political
position but did no harm to the Church which, remaining in no danger of im-
perial intervention, emphasized its disapproval of the Chalcedon decisions and
refrised to be united with Constantinople'?’.
169 AS. Atiya, Historia...) p. 71.

‫آل‬7‫ ه‬Μ. ‫آل‬٩‫ةأآاًاة‬١ o dialogu cywilizacji czyli o potrzebie akceptowania innych, .\‫ةًاأ‬٢‫آلا‬
‫ل‬. zdanowski, Warszawa 04, p. 12.5.
*7' AS. Atiya, Historia...) p. 72.
‫ا‬7‫ ا‬٦٩.G.Garso٠Îa ‫اآ‬١ The Paulician Heresy: A Study ofthe Origin and Development ofPau-
licianism in Armenia and the Eastern Provinces ofthe Byzantine Empire١Ha‫؛‬gae-hr٠١s ‫هوا‬7١‫ج‬٠ ‫وآ‬١٠
!73 A.s. Atiya, Historia...) p. 282.
Catholicos Hovhannes, called the Philosopher, in addition to authoring nu-

merous theological tracts and drawing up reforms aimed at tightening discipline
in the Church, was also a diplomat who tried to better the life of his people.
Legend wound itself around his encounter with caliph TJmar II in 719174. To
welcome the ruler, who considered himself to be the Prophet’s successor and
a pious Muslim, catholicos put on extremely resplendent clothes. When asked
by the caliph if Christ had not taught modesty, Hovhannes showed him a sack-
cloth made of goat wool which he was wearing on naked skin. TJmar II con-
eluded that no one could bear such suifering without God’s help and promised
to do everything which the saint man was going to ask him. Catholicos wanted
the ruler to ban forceful conversions to Islam, to grant religious freedom and to
exempt the Church and the clergy from taxes. Fulfilling these requests, the ca-
liph also freed the Armenians from their Damascene captivity, into which they
had been taken during the war 5.
Having received the guarantees for which he asked, Hovhannes broke rela-
tions with Byzantium, got rid ofphilhellenes and cracked down on the Paulicians
who moved to the West. The policy aimed at achieving independence from Byz-
antium found its expression in the synod called by catholicos to Manzikert in 72.6.
After 'Umar H’s death, power was assumed by Yazid II (72.0-72.4) who
ordered the destruction of Christian pictures. Fortunately for the Armenians
his rule did not last long. Although 'Umars Pact remained in force through-
out the period under consideration, its regulations which banned erecting new
churches and restoring the old ones were not meticulously observed - the exist-
ing temples were embellished with mosaics and icons; the new ones were built of
stone and also splendidly decorated'^.
However, Muslim-Christian relations in Armenia also had a darker side to
them - due to the outbursts of violence and persecutions which happened from
time to time, the catholicoi had to intervene in the Caliphate’s capital on behalf of
the rest of the faithfill. Arab rulers treated them as chieft of the Armenian people.
The seventh and eighth centuries mark the most important period in
the history of Muslim-Christian relations. It was in the first centuries of Islam’s
174 Important in the context of the Byzantine-Arab relations is Leon III’ letter to *Umar II,
in which the emperor responds to the caliph’s request for information on the Christian faith, its
dogmas and divisions within the Church. In his response the emperor draws both on the Bible
and on the Kur an, stressing the fact that Islam is also divided. A.Jeffery,^ GhevoncTs Text of
the Correspondence between'Umar II and Leo ΙΙΙ,ΗΓλ ‫آل‬7١ ‫ههوأ‬١‫ألزآل‬. ‫وهأ‬-‫اآلآل‬.
'75 SÄ. ١‫ةاد‬0‫اآا أ‬١ The Armenians in the Medieval Islamic World. Ibe Arab Period in
Arminyah - 7th to IIth Centuries, vol. I, New Brunswick 1011, pp. 71-75.
176 A.s. A t i y a, Historia..., p. 183.
existence that the two monotheistic religions came into contact with one an-
other and became familiar with one another’s beliefs and rituals. The analysis of
both Christian and Muslim sources shows that the relations between the two
were very complex. In this initial period of contacts, there existed a variety of
attitudes which the Muslims and the Christians adopted towards each other.
Christian commentators interpreted Islam’s victory in a variety of ways. Either
they regarded the Arab invasion as expressing the fulfillment of God’s promises
given to Abraham and Ishmael, or treated it in terms of the punishment inflicted
by God on Christians for departing from the orthodoxy, however the latter was
understood, or simply saw it as the divine retribution for various sins. Still others
viewed it as an example of one of the Christian heresies.
The Muslims, on the other hand - despite the Kurans ambiguous view of
the Christians and some persecutions to which they were subjected right after
the Prophet’s death - developed a peacefill attitude towards the non-Muslims.
The latter were guaranteed personal safety, property rights and freedom of religion
but had to bear some financial burdens and were subject to some social restric-
tions. The relations between religions often assumed the form of trilateral relations,
those between the followers of Islam, Judaism and Christianity - with the Chris-
tians usually enjoying a better position than the Jews. Muhammad’s contacts with
the latter were more frequent, which found its reflection in the Kuran.
The Islamization of the conquered population proceeded gradually. Be-
cause of the ambiguity of the word 'aslama.' to be found in Arab sources and
meaning both the acceptance of Islam and surrender, the process is not easy to
reconstruct. No Muslim government strove to exterminate the Christians, and
attempts aimed at their mass conversions were made onlyvery rarely. As the Peo-
pie of the Book the Christians were guardians of their own, though incomplete,
divine revelation and, as such, deserved to be granted a degree of autonomy, to
have their own leaders and to enjoy their own specific rights. At the same time
they were second-class citizens, subject to Muslim rule and required to pay tax-
es. The religious freedom they enjoyed prevented them from disappearing into
the sea of Islam.
To survive as a distinct community, the Christians developed several "cul-
tural strategies". While some of them were employed quite extensively, oth-
ers were used only sporadically and only within specific groups. According to
Heleen Murre-van den Berg, these strategies involved reinterpreting pre-Islamic
Christian heritage, assimilating some of the elements of the Islamic culture and
isolating themselves from the Muslim environment 7.
*77 The second strategy was prevalent during the reign of the Abbasid rulers (the eleventh
to twelfth centuries) while the third in the thirteenth to eighteenth centuries, although other
5. Christian Communities in the Territories Conquered... ‫؟‬8‫و‬
The first strategy was prevalent in the first two centuries after the advent
of Islam, and the contacts between the Christians and Muslims that took place
in this period can be referred to as “isolated development". Both religions lived
in parallel to each other, with no bridges spanning them and with no profound
knowledge of one another. The Christians remained true to their local traditions
and languages, and it took some time before they began to understand the sig-
nificance of the Arabic language. By assimilating it, they to great degree assimi-
lated Arab culture. Christian and Muslim thought began to permeate each other.
Christian communities played a significant role in building Muslim civilization,
which, quite paradoxically, was a major factor in the decline in the number of
Christians in the Middle East.
forms of acculturation were also present in this period. Introduction, [in:] Redefining Christian
Identity Cultural Interaction in the Middle East since the Rise ofIslam, ‫ةةح‬.١.١٠‫ الًة ال‬٢‫ح‬٠١٠‫اآ‬١‫ك‬١
H.L. Murre-Van den Berg, Τ.Μ. van Lint, Leuven-Paris-Dudley 2.005, p. VIII.
Marek m. Dziekan
4. The Byzantines in the Context of the Kur’ân
Thejirst encounter between Islam and Byzantiam was colored by positive per
ceptions ofByzantium’s monotheism and ofits upright ruler, Heraclius. Yet the em٠
pire’s influence was most strongly felt as a model state, particularly in the early Is-
lamic period, when the Muslims had no compunction about imitating the forms
and practices of their imperial rival in developing what would ultimately become
a distinctive Islamic civilization - writes the Lebanese scholar of the Arab-Byzan-
tine relations, Nadia Maria El Cheikh . She concludes that the Arab-Byzantine
relations underwent different stages, finally assuming a hostile character, which
continued well into the times of the Crusades*. The Arabs’ positive attitude
towards the Byzantines is attested to in the Kur’an with regard to the period
prior to the Conquest. However, there are some fiadlths which seem to be her-
aiding future, much worse relations’. The death of Muhammad in 63z marked
the end of the friendship - although for almost a decade to come, until emperor
Heraclius’ death in 641, the Arabs’ view of the Byzantines was not unambigu-
ously negative. The Arabic tradition, for example, created a positive image of
Heraclius, whom it held up as a model of perfect ruler. However, it is difficult
to state unambiguously whether positive references to the Byzantines found in
the Kur an are connected with the image of Heraclius, or the emperor’s good im-
age is linked to the tradition which turned him into an archetype of perfect ruler
already towards the end of the old Arabic period, or he figures in texts pertaining
to this period by way of a backward projection, as in the accounts of Heraclius’
meeting with Kuss ibn Sa 'ida al-Iyadl, the old-Arabic orator, the bishop of Nad-
jan, whose opinion was held in high regard by the Prophet himself*. The dif
‫ ا‬Ν.Μ. E1 c h e i k h, Byzantium Viewed by the Arabs, Cambridge Mass. 2.004, pp. 54-55.
‫ ع‬Ibidem, pp. 216-2.30.
3 Ibidem, pp. 64-65, 70 and elsewhere in the same chapter.
4 ΜΜ.ϋτΛάαη, Quss Ibn Saida al-Iyadi. Legenda ‫آلغ‬cia i twôrczosci١١LSu٦N?L ‫ووا‬€١

PP. 8-9.
4. The Byzantines in the Context of the Kuan 591
ficulty lies mainly in the fact that the texts relating to the Kur’än, on which we
rely, come from a much later period, when Byzantium was already considered
the greatest enemy of the Muslim state.
4.1. The Byzantines in the Kur’än
My aim here is to examine the Kuranic contexts of the image of the Byzan-
tines in the early Arabic culture. It would certainly be a mistake to assume that,
since the holy book of Islam - the Kur’än - is the source of this image, the con-
texts in question pertain only to this early period. The followers of Islam are
known for treating the.Kur’än as the extra-temporal source of any knowledge.
Consequently, the image of Byzantium contained in it should be regarded as
a constant element in the Muslims’ perception of the Empire.
4.Ι.Ι. Sùi-a 30. TheByzantines (Al'Rüm), the verses 2,-4
]‫[(ا)الم‬
‫ اآلوم‬٠‫) هت‬2(
‫) هع أذنى األزض ؤم كن بئي غبهم صإلون‬3(
‫) فى بطح ضنث لله األنن ين فجالوين بغث ؤيؤكب يفئ الثينون‬4(
(ι)Α. L. Μ.
(2) The Romans have been defeated
(3) In a land close by; but they, [even] after [this] defeat of theirs, will soon
be victorious-
(4) Within a few years, with Alläh is the Command, in the Pastast and in
the Future: on that Day shall the Believers rejoice -
(5) With the help of Alläh‫؟‬.
Sura 30. TheByzantines (Al-Rüm) was revealed around 615/616. Ofkey im-
portance in our context are the verses 2-4: those which include information on
the defeat and victory of the Byzantines (the first verse is a basmala that does not
fall within the content of the text proper). These ayats - up to the sixth one -
form a distinct part of the Sura that is unrelated to the remaining ones. In a style
5 Kuran, transi. Y. A1 i (all K r’änic citations after this translation).

proper to itself, the Kur’än is not specific about the episode to which it only
vaguely refers, although there is no doubt that the fragment in question concerns
historical events. At the same time, as is stressed by some Muslim commentators,
it also points to the events taking place in the filture.
The German arabist, Theodor Noldeke, in reference to dating the revelation
of the Sura, writes:
The first ٧erses of the Sura 50. must have been revealed after the Byzantines had con-
ducted their unfortunate war with the Persians close to the border with Arabia. Ho-
wever, it is difficult to define which of the numerous defeats the Byzantines suffered
till after the Hidjra be meant here‫ ؛‬particularly as the older Muslim writers, who re-
port these events in a confused and unreliable manner, are not corroborated by relia-
ble Byzantine testimonies. The usual statement is, that here that defeat is meant which
the Byzantines suffered at AdhUat and Basra, or in Mesopotamia, or in Palestine (...).
Perhaps Muhammad had no specific event in mind.٥
However, there is no doubt that the Sura is bound up with the Byzan-
tine-Persian wars waged at the beginning of Heraclius’ reign. The details of
the commentary reflecting the Muslims’ view of the events will be analyzed be٠
low. The course of the events is well-known and described in every handbook on
the history of the Middle East in the seventh century For this reason, I will
confine myself only to providing a brief summary of these events. It can be said
that Persia’s hostfle attitude towards Byzantium came in the wake of emperor
Maurice’ fall in 60Ζ. The Persians refused to recognize Phocas, the new emper-
or, and gave vent to their discontent by starting hostilities the direct cause of
which was the outbreak of the uprising in Edessa whose leaders sought Persia’s
support. The bloodiest confrontation between Persia and Byzantium came in
604. The Persians, led by shah Khusraw, seized control of a significant part of
the Great Syria. In 611, they conquered Antioch. It was not until the reign of
emperor Heraclius (610-641) that the situation began to change®. However,
in the years that followed, the Byzantines were still on a losing streak. In 613
they lost Damascus and in 614 Jerusalem - to mention only the most important
6 T. Noldeke, F. Schwall y, Geschichte des Qorans, vol. I, Leipzig 1909, pp. 149-150.
7 On this issue see: o. Boiakov, Istorija Chalifata, vol. I, Islam V Aravii. 570-633,
Moskva 1989, pp. 137-140; B. skldanek. Historia Persji, vol. I, Warszawa 1999, pp. z$4-
6 5‫ ;ق‬W.E. K a e g i, Heraclius, Emperor ofByzantium, Cambridge 2,003, pp. 156-191 ‫ ن‬The Cam-
bridge History ofthe Byzantine Empire c. 500-1492, ed.J. Shepard, Cambridge 2.008, pp. 150-
156; Historia Iranu, ed. A. K r a s n o wo 1 s k a, Wroclaw 2.ΟΙΟ, pp. 251-252.
% ١.¥. H ‫ ه ا ة‬οπ١ Byzantium in tbe Seventh Century. The Transformation of a Culture,
Cambridge 1997; W.E. K a e g i, Heraclius..,,passim.
4٠The Byzantines in the Context of the ‫؟‬ur an 395
losses the Empire suffered in the Arab context. The Persians behaved like barbal·
ian invaders. They plundered, burned and carriedjeople ojfinto captivity. At that
stage everything worked in theirfavor - writes Bogdan Skladanek In addition,
the Byzantines also had to struggle with the attacks of the Avars. The Persians
continued seizing new territories, including Egypt and Middle Anatolia. How-
ever, after attacking Rhodes, they ran out of steam. Besides, the victories they
won did-not entail strengthening Persia as a state, which Heraclius managed to
use to his own advantage, and the tide of the war turned. In 62.7, the emper-
or invaded Mesopotamia and inflicted defeat on the Persians at Nineveh. Shah
looked arou, d or someone whom he could blameôr the defeat. One ofthe Persian
commanders, a Shahrbaraz'Q, was to be made a scapegoat, but he fed abroad**.
A coup d’etat took place in Persia. Khusraw was overthrown in 62.8 by his son
Kavadh II who immediately sent peace offers to Heraclius.
Muslims were devastated by the initial defeats of the Byzantines whom they
supported as the People of the Book. The Meccans, on the other hand, most of
whom were stfll polytheists, took the side of the Persians. The view that the Sura
quoted above refers to the events under discussion is supported by a number of
Ku anic exegetes. In this contribution I wfll rely on the most important, classic
commentary by Abu Dja 'far al-Tabar . Significandy, it is also one of the most
‫ و‬B. Skladanek,HistoriaÆerÿ*...,p. 2.55.

٠٥ Most probably the real name of this person was Farrukhan. Shahrbaraz probably re-
fers to the fimction he performed - literally the wild hoar of the Empire. It is also mentioned
in non Arab sources, including the Byzantine ones. The mutiny he led even swept him into
the throne, which, however, he occupied for two months only. The story which Al-Tabari tells
about Farrukhan and his brother Shahrbaraz is only one of the existing versions of it.
٠٠ B.Skladanek,HistoriaPersji...,p. 1$6.
11 Abu Dja'far Muhammad al-Tabari (838-92.3) - one of the most distinguished schol-
ars of the Arab-Muslim world in the Middle Ages, a theologian, historian and an exegete of
the Kuran. His most influential and best known works are his Kuranic commentary, Djami
al'bayan ‫ا‬an ta* wil al-Kur*àn, the first and probably the most important one, running to 30
volumes, drawn on extensively by later exegetes, and Kitab akhbar Tarikh al-rusul ιυα-al-mulük,
work in many volumes dealing with the world history up to the ninth century. It covers legends,
the Arab pre-history, the life of the Prophet Muhammad, and the Arab conquests. The scholar-
ly literature on this author, also in western languages, is huge: F. Sezgin, Geschichte des ara-
bischen Schrifttums, vol. I, Leiden 1967, pp. 32.3-32.8; C.E. Bosworth, At-Tabari, [in:] El,
vol. X, pp. 11 -15 ; VI. Beljaev, Predislovie, [in:] Istorija at-Tabari, Takent 1987, pp. 5-13;
‫ةب‬.‫ةج‬. Th’ïàan, Bagdad mityczny. opispowstania miasta w Histoni At-Tabariego, SM 6,
‫ألألو ل‬, pp. ٦٠١-m٦ ‫الًةألة دءألة كآل‬١ Poetics ofIslamic Historiography. Deconstructing of Tabari’s
History, Leiden-Boston 2.004,‫ ;?صم‬J.Danecki, Podstawowe wiadomolci٥ islamie, Warsza-
wa2007,pp. 76-77; F.A.Jakubowski, [in:] Abu öa’far Muhammad ibn
Garir ATabarl, Historia prorokôw i krôlôw. Z dziejôw Bizancjum (do polowy VII w.).
Târïh ar-rusul wa-aÎ-mulük, Poznan 2.ΟΙ I, pp. XXIV-XLII.
detailed and extensive commentaries available. Αΐ-Tabarï deals with some con-
troversies surrounding the Kuranic verses under discussion. Here is the transla-
tion of the relevant fragment.
The Byzantines ha٧e been defeated” (Sura 3٠:‫)ة‬. The recitators differ from each
other in reading this fragment.
Most of cities’ recitators (amsar), read Ghulibat Al-Rûm with damma'4 over the let-
ter ‫مض‬, which means that the Persians defeated the Byzantines. They follow Ibn
TJmar and Abu Sa’id٠٥ in saying: Ibn Wâkî' told us: my father told me quoting
Al-Hasan al-Djafarl and SalIt who said: I heard Ibn TJmar recite: 'Alif. Lam. Mim.
Ghalabat Ar~Rum - the Byzantines were victorious”®. He was asked: o, Abu 'Abd
al-Rahman, whom did they defeat? He replied: The province of Syria. However, I am
of the opinion that the only right and true lesson is: lAlif. Läm. Mim. the Romans
have been defeated’, with damma over the letter ‫مض‬, for this is the interpretation
accepted by most recitators, ffthis is the case, then the way the words should be expia-
ined is as follows: ‘The Persians defeated the Byzantines’. Other commentators hold
the same view. (...) Ibn 'Abbäs٠9 said: the Muslims wanted the Byzantines, the people
of the Book, to win, while the idolater ٥ wanted the Persians to win, as the latter also
worshipped idols. They told Abu Bakr about it and he reported this to the Prophet
who recited: Verily, they will be defeated. He conveyed this message to the idolaters
and they replied: Let US make a temporary peace. If you win, things will be this way
for you and if we win things will be this way for US. Then they concluded a peace tre-
aty for five years. This period elapsed and they did not become victors. Abu Bakr told
the Prophet, Peace be upon Him, about it and He replied: Let this be about ten years.* 20
18
15
'١ Kuran, ٦Ο٦1 ‫ةلم‬١‫ ةًال‬Xl-Rüm, ٠١‫ع‬٠ the Romans’, ١’‫ أ‬means *m ÙÙS case - the Byzantines‫؛‬
Some fragments that, in being grammar commentaries, are not directly bound up with the issue
under discussion have been omitted from this translation, as have the repetitions of some lines.
All the omissions (except for isnads, that is, chains of narrators) are marked by square brackets.
‘4 Damma is a vocal sign that stands for u.
15 'Abd Allah Ibn TJmar (died 692.), the son of the caliph TJmar Ibn al-Kha. Ibn
al-Athlr, Usdal-ghabah, vol. Ill, pp. 340-345; Ν.Μ. LlCheikh, Muhammadand Heracli-
us: A Study in Legitimacy, StI 89, 1999, Ρ.358.
'6 Probably Abu Sa'id al-Khuâri, the Prophet’s companion who reported hadlths (died
in 693). See: F. Sezgin, Geschichte...) vol. I, pp. 505, 789; Μ.Ζ. Siddiqi, Hadith Literature:
Its Origin, Development and special Features,ùm١٥ûà‫>؟‬e .‫آلوول‬,‫ج‬. ‫ألل‬
7‫ ا‬The Prophet’s companion, died in 632..
18 The full chain of narrators is mentioned here in order to demonstrate the style of this
account; in the texts that follow this one I mention only the last one in the chain of narrators,
since the foil isnads are irrelevant for our analysis.
19 'Abd Allah Ibn 'Abbas (died around 686), theologian, the first exegete of the Kuran,
and one of the first followers of Islam, cf. L. Veccia Vaglieri, AbdAllah B. αΙ-Abbâs, [in:]
EL vol. I, pp. 40-41; Μ.Μ. Dziekan, Pisarze arabsko-muzulmanscy VII—XX w., Warszawa
2.003,p. 57.
20 The Meccans who did not accept Islam.
4٠ The Byzantines in the Context of the Kuran 595
Sa’id added: a few [bid']n is less than ten. Then the Prophet said: The Byzantines
were defeated and then they were victorious. It concerns these words: The Byzantines
were defeated in a land close by; but they, after this defeat of theirs, will be victorious
within a few years. With God is the Decision, both in the past and in the future. And
on that Day the faithful will rejoice at God’s victory“. Sufyan’ then said: I was told
that they became victorious on the same day when the battle of Badr took placed
Ibn 'Abbas said: The words from 'Alif. Lam. Mim. The Romans have been defeated’
to the words *and on that Day they will rejoice’ concerned the Persians and the By-
zantines. First the Persians defeated the Byzantines and then Byzantium won a victo-
ry. On the day when the battle between the Persians and the Byzantines took place,
God’s Prophet fought against the idolatrous Arabs. The People of the Book defeated
the idolatrous Persians [ 'Adjam in Arabic] and the faithfill rejoiced that God gave
victory to them and to the People of the Book who also fought against the idolaters.
'Atfyya said٤١: I inquired Abu Sa'id al-Khuçfari about it and he replied: there was
a battle between Muhammad, God’s Prophet, and the idolatrous Arabs and between
the Byzantines and the Persians. God gave US victory over the idolatiOus Arabs and
the People of the Book owed Him a victory over the worshippers of fire [madjùs in
Arabic]. It concerns the words ‘and on that Day the faithfiil will rejoice’.
Tkrima reported^: Byzantium and Persia were at war with each other in a land close
by. It is said that Adhru’at was then the closest land. That is where the battle took
place, and the Byzantines suffered a resounding defeat. This event was reported to
the Prophet, Peace be upon Him, and to his companions when they were in Mecca. It
saddened them immensely because the Prophet did not want illiterate worshippers of
fire to defeat the People of the Book of Byzantium^. But the Infidels of Mecca were
delighted and cursed. They met the Prophet’s companions. Peace be upon Him, and
said: You are the People ofthe Book as are the Christians and we are illiterate. And our
brothers from Persia inflicted defeat on your brothers from Byzantium. If you started
fighting against US, we would recognize you. Then God revealed: ‘the Byzantines were
defeated in a land close by, but they, after this defeat of theirs, will be victorious within
a few years. With God is the Decision, both in the past and in the foture. And on that
‫ اح‬In Arabic "a few years” is bid'sinin. In their commentaries exegetes often raise the ques-
tion of to how many bid) that is, "a few” refers.
11 Kurdnt 30:4-5.
13 Sufyan Ibn TJyayna (7Ζ5-8II), a distinguished commentator of tradition, exegete and
a Muslim lawyer. F.Sezgin, Geschichte.!.) vol. I, p. 96.
4‫ ع‬The first victory the Muslims won over the Kraysh in 62.4.
15 Aiyya Ibn S’ad al-Kufi (died in 72.9), one of the most important interpreters of
the Kur’än. F.Sezgin, Geschichte...) vol. I, pp. 30-31.
٤٥ An expert on hadiths and exegete of the Kuran, died in 72.3. F.Sezgin, Geschichte...)
vol. I, p. 2.3.
17 The old name of the city Daraa.
18 In Arabic original there is an interesting play on words here. The Persians are called "il-
literate” - ummiyyun) which is designed to contrast starkly with those who have Scripture - Ahl
al٠Kitäb.
Day the faithful will rejoice at God’s victory’. Then Abu Bahr addressed the infidels:
Did you rejoice at your brothers’ victory over our brothers? Do not rejoice. God will
not gladden your eyes. Verily, God Almighty, Byzantium will defeat Persia. He infor-
med our Prophet, Peace be upon Him, about it. Then ubayy Ibn Khalaf said*’: you
lie, Abu Fudayl! To this Abu Bahr replied: You are a liar, God’s enemy! I will leave ten
she٠camels as'a pledge and so will you. If Byzantium defeats Persia, you will pay. We
will wait three years. Then Abu Bahr went to the Prophet and told him about every-
thing. The Prophet replied: That is not what I said, bid’ amounts to between 5 and
9. Go bach to him, raise the bet and extend the deadline. Abu Bahr left and, having
met Ubayy, ashed: Do you regret? - No, I do not. - Then I raise the bet and extend
the deadline: one hundred she-camels and nine years - Agreed.
Thrima reported: There was a woman in Persia who gave birth to heroic hings only.
Khusraw summoned her and said: I want to send the army to fight against Byzan-
tium and I want to put one of your sons in its command. Who is best suited to this
tash? She pointed to one and said: this one is more cunning than a fox, sharper than
a shrihe, this is Farruhhan, he is more piercing than the blade of a spear, and this is
shahrbaraz, he is greathearted. Put any one of them in command of your army. I will
appoint the greathearted - and he selected Shahrbaraz. The latter set out to fight aga-
inst the Byzantines and won, destroying their cities and clearing their olive groves.
Abu Baler said’٥: I told 'Ata’ al-KhuräsänI’٠ this story and he asked: Have you not
seen Syria? I replied: No, I have not!. Then He said: If you were there you would
see destroyed cities and grubbed-up olive groves. Later, when I got to Syria, I saw
everything. 'Ata’ al-Khurâsânï said: Yahya Ibn Ya'mar told me that the emperor
sent the man known by the name of Kitma” at the head of the Byzantine troops,
and Khusraw sent shahrbaraz. Both armies met near Adhru’at and Bosra, and it was
the forthest Syria for them. Persia attacked Byzantium and won a victory. The infidel
Kuraysh were pleased about what happened while the Muslims were discontent. And
God revealed: *Alif. Lam. Mim. The Romans have been defeated in a land close by’.
Tkrima later told the same story and added: Shahrbaraz crushed them and, destroying
their cities, reached the Gulp*. Then Khusraw passed away. Shahrbaraz and his men
received the message about his death. Then the Byzantines stopped them and killed
them. Ikrima said in his account: when Persia defeated Byzantium Farrukhan was
sitting and drinking. He said to his men: I saw myself sitting on Khusraw’ throne.
The king who learned about this wrote to shahrbaraz: when you receive my letter,
send me Farrukhan's head. He answered the letter: My King, verily, you will not find
a man like Farrukhan. He is filled with vengeance and strength to strike at the ene-
9‫ ع‬One of the most implacable enemies of the Prophet, killed in the battle of Uhud in 615.
‫ز‬٠ It is difficult to say which Abu Bakr is meant here - it cannot have been Abu Bakr as-
،‫؟‬iddlfc who died in 634 and who, consequently, could not have met 'A٠/a’ al-Khurâsânï.
‫' اؤ‬Ata’ al-Khurâsânï (670-757), an exegete of the Kuran and traditionist.
μ Yahya Ibn Ya'mar (died in 707), an exegete of the Kuran and author of the oldest
surviving work on the ways reciting the Kur’än ckiraa). F. Sezgin, Geschichte.„) vol. I, p. 5.
” Attempts to identify the person have been unsuccessfol.
34 The text probably refers here to the Mediterranean Sea.
4. The Byzantines in the Context of the Kuran 597
٠ my - so do not do it. Now the king answered the letter: He enjoys significant support
among the Persians. Send me his head as soon as you can. Shahrbaraz did not carry
out this order, which angered the king who did not answer the letter. Instead, he sent
a mail to the Persians: I dismissed Shahrbaraz and put Farrukhan in command. And
he attached a small note to the mail: when Farrukhan is appointed and Shahrba-
raz submits to his brother, give it to him. when Shahrbaraz read it he said: I listen
and I am obedient! He descended from his seat and put Farrukhan on it, giving him
the letter. Farrukhan then said: Bring Shahrbaraz here. He then ordered his men to
decapitate him. Yet he said: Do not do it until I draw up my last will and testament.
This is so - he said and ordered that a receptacle be brought to him. He took three
letters out of it and said: in all of these letters I interceded with Khusraw on your
behalf, and you wanted to kill me because of one letter. He relinquished his authority
and wrote to the emperor of Byzantium: I would like to discuss something with you
but I cannot write about it. That is why we should meet free to face. Take fifty Byzan-
tines with you and I will take fifty Persians. The emperor arrived with five hundred
thousand Byzantines and observed the road carefully. He was afraid that he had been
deceived. However, he noticed Shahrbaraz approaching with fifty men. Rejoicing at
their meeting, they entered a special tent which had been put up especially for them.
Each of them was carrying a knife. They called in an interpreter. Me and my brother
are those who, through courage and cunning, destroyed your cities. Khusraw grew
envious of our success and wanted me to kill my brother, but I refused. Then he or-
dered my brother to kill me. So we decided to throw over Khusraw and support you
against him. The emperor said: You did the right thing. Then they pointed at one
another which meant that they were supposed to guard their secret. It would spread
very quickly if it got out. He said: of course. And they both killed the interpreter,
each of them using his own knife. Soon Khusraw died by God’s will. The news reached
the Prophet on Al-Hudaybiyya day. He rejoiced as did everyone who was with him’‫؟‬.
Katada said’٥: Alif. Läm. Mim. The Romans have been defeated. They were defeated
by the Persians in a land close by, but after this defeat of theirs, they will be victorio-
us. He said: When God revealed these verses the Muslims believed their Lord and
knew that the Byzantines would defeat the Persians. They bet the idolaters five young
she-camels that within five years the Byzantines would defeat the Persians. In making
the bet, the Muslims were represented by Abu Bakr while the idolaters by Abu ubayy
Ibn Khalaf. When the appointed period was running out and the Byzantines did not
defeat the Persians the idolaters asked about their prize. The Prophet’s companions
asked him about it too and he replied: you made a mistake by fixing the period of less
than ten years, for “a few" is a figure between three and ten, so you need to extend
the period. They did so, and God gave Byzantium victory over Persia at the end of
55 The agreement concluded in 618 between Muhammad and the Meccans which allowed
the Prophet to enter Mecca in 63 o and seize control ofit.M.Gaudefroy-Demombynes,

Narodziny islamu, transl. Η. ο 1 ‫ ؟‬d Z k a, Warszawa 1988, pp. 12.2.-12.5.
56 Katada Ibn Di 'ama (679-73 5) - blind since his birth and known for excellent memory,
he was a reporter of hadlths and genealogy. F. s e Z g i n, Geschichte...) vol. I, pp. 31-32.; Ch. Pel-
1 a t, Katada Ibn Di 'ama.) [in:] El) vol. IV, p. 748.
these "a few” years. It happened during the return from Al-Hudaybiyya. The Muslims
rejoiced at the agreement that had been reached and at the fact that the People of
the Book defeated the worshippers of fire. And in this way Allah strengthened their
faith as in His words: And on that day the faithfill will rejoice at Gods victory.
(...) 'Abd Allah said: the Persians defeated the Byzantines. The idolaters wanted Persia
to defeat Byzantium, while the Muslims wanted the Byzantines to defeat the Persians
because the former are the People of the Book and, as such, are closer to their own reli-
gion. That is why, when the verses from *the Byzantines were defeated’ to ‘within a few
years’ were revealed, they said: Abu Bakr, your companion says that Byzantium will
defeat Persia within a few years. Yes - he said. Then they asked: Do you want to bet?
And they bet him four she-camels for seven years. Seven years elapsed and nothing
happened. The idolaters recalled this fact and began to put pressure on the Muslims
who told the Prophet about it. The Prophet asked: what do you mean by "a few
years”? they said: Less than ten. Then he replied: Then there are two years left. Final-
ly riders arrived bringing information that Byzantium defeated Persia. The Muslims
were very glad and God revealed: lAli. Laf. Mim. The Romans have been defeated’. It
is the promise of Allah. Never does Allah fail from His promise’?! 'Abd Allah said:
And Byzantium survived (...)
Ibn 'Abbas said: (...) as far as ‘they will be victorious’ [sayaghlibün] is concerned, most
recitators reads it withover the speech sound ‫'ض‬, and it needs to be read as
Alif. Läm. Mim. Ghalabat Ar-Rüm, vfuih ‫؛‬aha over ghayn, so as to١٥e ‫ فق‬to recite
sayughlabün [‘they will be defeated’] with damma over^‫ ؛‬Then it can be interpreted as
meaning: after their victory over Persia they will be defeated by the Muslims. Thus eve-
rything falls into place”. The words would not make much sense if one putfatha over
the letter^'. It is because we move from the event that has already happened to the one
that may happen. It would mean the a destruction of one information by the other. As
far as the words: ‘within a few years’ are concerned, we have already mentioned disa-
greements among the exegetes concerning the meaning of "a few” and we have found
the right solution. That is why there is no point in going over this again here.4٥
The commentary begins with what appears to be a very learned philological

discussion, which, however, is of concern not only to philologists. It indicates
two stages of the Byzantine-Persian wars. The second ٠٥ is regarded as recount-
ing the events of 614 - especially the Persian conquest ofjerusalem, the city that
had already become very important to the Muslims. The âyâts 5-4 herald Byz-
37 The beginning of the verse 6.

’8 Fatha - in Arabic script a diacritical sign denoting a.
39 For more on this issue see: T. Noldeke, F. Schwall y, Geschichte des Qorans..., p. 149,
footnote 7.
4٥ Al-Tabari, Tafsir, vol. XVIII, pp. 446-459.1 omit brief remarks on the verses ‫ و‬and
4 as they repeat the information given above. Α1-Τabargives an account of these events in his
History in the chapter on king Khusraw Parwiz, the son of Hurmuz (especially pp. 181-187). In
this account Al-Tabarfin part repeats fragments included in his Tafsir. He also refers to son e
Quranic expressions (explaining, for example, how the term “the closest country” needs to be
understood).
antium’s future victory over pagan Persia. Many Muslims consider these vers-
es to be of special importance as they testify to the truth of the Kur’än, clearly
to be given credit for rightly predicting the future course of events - not only
in eschatological terms, but also with regard to ordinary, earthly affairs. It is in
view of such an approach to the Kur’än that this philological discussion acquires
its significance. For according to the second version, rejected by Al-Tabari; it is
the Byzantines that ended up defeated. And to accept their defeat is to support
the view remaining at odds with a generally positive image of the Byzantines held
by the Muslims at the time of the Prophet Muhammad. That clearly suggests that
this second version must have appeared when the Muslims had already begun to
view the Byzantines as their greatest enemies. Our attention must also be paid
to the lexicographic remarks concerning the word bid ' - "a few". These remarks,
too, imply a prophetic perspective, for the accuracy of the K’änic statement
depends here on what exactly is the number to which the word “a few" refers.
Of course, it is difficult to state which events constituted the turning points
mentioned above. As Theodor Noldeke has rightly observed: even Αΐ-Tabari’s
knowledge is not sujficient toJill this gap.
The fragment presented above shows the interconnections between the dif-
ferent sides of the conflict, as well as the impact which the events in Syria had
on the people of Mecca. It also contains some interesting detafls on a number
of historical figures like, for example, Shahrbaraz. As a typical representative of
the Arab chronicle-writing, Al-Tabarinot only perfectly demonstrates the mood
prevalent in Mecca in the period with which he deals, but he also offers some in-
sight into the worldview typical of the Arab-Muslim culture.
4.1.2. Süra 3.ImransFamily (Al Imran)) verse 64
‫ ازا فحلوئن‬١‫)ض ها عل الكتاب تفالو|لىككة حواء ?ثيقاؤئم أألتع األاللة وأل الرك ؤ ائؤالغط يشثيايكثا دبجا ض ثوه اش وه تولوكثويآلاخهذكو‬64(
Say, “O People of the Book! come to common terms as between between

us and you: that we worship none but Allah; that we associate no partners with
Him; that we erect not, from among ourselves, lords and patrons other than
Allah". If then they turn back, say ye, "Bear witness that we at least are Muslims
(bowing to Allah’s Will)".
Byzantium does not appear here expressis verbis, but all the most important
commentaries clearly indicate the historical context of this verse. Ibn Kath r '
writes in his Tafsir.:
41 ‘Ind ad-Dïn Ibn Kathïr (1500-1575), one of the most famous Arab historians and
traditionists of the late Middle Ages. His most important work is a history of Islam Αΐ-Bidäja
The words refer to the People of the Book, the Jews, the Christians and all who follow
in their steps. “Say: o, the People of the Book! Come to the word”. It is about a usefol
word, which he described later, saying: “the same for you and for us”. Thus it has to be
equitable between you and us.
And he goes on to explain: that we will not worship except God and not associate
anything with Him. No idol, no cross, no statue, no fire nor anything else. We should
worship One God only who has no companions. That is a message sent by all pro-
phets. God Almighty said: we sent no messenger before you to whom we would not
give revelation: ‘Triere is no god but ‫ أل‬therefore worship and serve Me’ [2.1, 25].
And he said: we assuredly sent amongst every people a Messenger (with the Com-
mand): ‘Serve Allah and eschew Evil’ [16, 36]. And he said: so that none of US cho-
oses anyone else for his lord, except God. Ibn Djuraydj explains«*: So that none of US
makes others commit a sin against our Lord. Tkrima said: they prostrated themselves
before each other.
He said: If then they turn back, say^’: ‘Bear witness that we at least are Muslims (bo-
wing to Allah’s Will)’. That is, if they turn away from these words and from this call,
bear witness to the submission to God-ordained authority.
We have referred to the commentaries by Αΐ-Bukhäri4’, who, in giving his account,
followed Αζ-Zuhrî*4445, Ubayd Allah, Ibn 'Abd Allah, Ibn Mas'üd4‫؟‬, Ibn 'Abbas,
*47
Abu Sufyan4*. Abu Sufyan came to emperor Heraclius. The emperor asked him abo-
ut God’s messenger’s descent. Peace be upon Him4?, about his traits and about his
message. He answered him truthfolly. At that time Abu Sufyan was still a pagan and
accepted Islam sometime later. His acceptance of Islam took place after the Al-Huday-
biyya agreement and before the takeover of Medina.
ιυα-an-nihäja (TheBeginningandtheEnd). He is also author of a famous commentary on Islam

and a short histoty of the Sacred Book of Islam (.Façlailal-Kurdn). Cf. H. L a o u s t. Ibn Kathir٠
[in:] El) vol. Ill, pp. 817-818; Μ.Μ. Dziekan, Pisarze arabsko-muzubnanscy..., p. 64.
41 A lawyer and expert on fiadlths, died in 767. F. Sezgin, Geschichte..., vol. I, p. 91.
4ï Kathir refers here to a collection of hadiths by Al-Bukhari (died in 870) - one of
the most distinguished traditionists. See: Ch. Melcher t)Al-Bukhârî) [in:] ‫’اك‬,vol. II, pp. 54-
S%٠١KI ϋ s ٢ ‫ا‬٠‫ا آل ف‬٠‫ةآلة‬١ Tradycja muzulmanska na tie akulturacji chrzdcijansko-islamskiej od VII
do X w.: genea, historia i naczenie zapoiyezen nowotestamentowych w hadisach١¥،takbw ‫أ‬00‫ا‬١
pp. 121-125.
44 A traditionist, historian and a connoiseur of poetry, died in 74z. He is described as
theJirst one who transmitted tradition - awwal man asnada al-hadith. V. s e ‫ نأ أ‬٢‫ا‬١ Geschichte...,
vol. I, pp. Ζ80-Ζ83.
45 He lived in the seventh centuty and was one of the scNcnfakihs/fukaha * of Medina.
4٥ He died around 653, a Kuraysh leader from the Umayyad family/line. At first, he
was the Prophet’s enemy, but he went over to his side. He was father of the first caliph from
the Umayyad dynasty. Mu 'awiya. See: w. Montgomery Wat t )Abu Sufyan) [in:] El) vol. 1,
p. 3;U. Madeyska, Abu Sufyan) [in:] Maly slownik kultury swiata arabskiegO) Warsza١va
1971, p. 2,3.
47 In conformity with the rule I decided to follow here, this is how I translate an Arab
euVoçïsalaAllahu ’alayhi wa-sallam.
It is presented in the hadlth as follows: Heraclius asked Abu Sufyan:

- Are you unfaithfol?
I answered: No, we have known him for a long time and we have never heard him
do any such thing.
And Abu Sufyan went on: that is all I could add.
And it was all about the way he spoke: Then the letter from God’s Messenger, Peace be
upon Him, was brought ٥ and he read it. It said as follows:
In the name of Mercifol God. From Muhammad’s, God’s Prophet, to Heraclius,

the great ruler of Byzantium. Peace be upon him who follows the right path. And he
goes on: Next, I summon thee with the appeal of Islam: become a Moslem and thou
shalt be safe. God shall give thee thy reward twofold. But if thou decline then thee will
sin like all your subjects*’, ،o People of the Book! come to common terms as between
us and you: That we worship none but Allah‫ ؛‬that we associate no partners with Him;
that we erect not, from among ourselves, lords and patrons other than Allah’. If then
they turn back, say ye: ‘Bear witness that we [at least] are Muslims [bowing to Allah’s
Will]’ (Sura 5:64).
48 There exists a huge body of orientalist and Muslim literature on Muhammad’s letter
to Heraclius (I present the letter below): ‫مل‬. c act an i, Annali dellTslam, vol. I, Milano 1905,
pp. 751-754; Μ.Η. Haykal, The Life ofMuhammad) n.p. 1976, pp. 574-575; Μ. Gaude-
froy-Demombynes, Narodziny..., pp. 152.-154; Μ. Hamidullah, Six originaux
des lettres diplomatiques du Prophète de l’islam. Etude palèograpbique et historique des lettres du
Prophète, Paris 1985; H.M.B.U.D.M. Ahmad, Zycie hoiçtego Proroka Muhammà, transi.
M.Nowak, Islamabad 1994, pp. 116-151; Μ. Hamidullah, ‫ ط‬lettre du Prophète à Hèra-
clius etlesortdeToriginal) Ara 1.1,1995, pp. 97-110; Ν.Μ.Ε1 Cheikh, Byzantium...)Pp٠43~
‫ه‬6٠‫ ا‬caàem, Muhammad and Heraclius..., pp. ‫آل‬-‫اأ‬٦‫دا‬. ‫ء‬٢‫ةةًاتأد‬١ Heraclius in Early Islamic
Kerygma,\u\٠٦ The Reign ofHeraclius (610-641): Crisis and Conjrontation,eàs.G.١٦e٠\n’ïïïk١
Β.Η. S toi te, Leuven-Paris-Dudley MA 2.ΟΟΖ, pp. 115-156; s.z. Mirza, Oral Tradition
and Scribal Conventions in the Documents Attributed to the Prophet Muhammad, ‫ اتلتخ‬Afoot
2,010. Μ. Rodinson makes no mention of the Prophet’s letter (Μ. Rodinson, Mahomet)
transi. E. Michalska-Novak, Warszawa 1994), while I. Hrbek and K. Petrak make only
a passing reference to it (I. H r b e k, K. p e t r a c e k, Mahomet) transi. G. Matuszynski,
A.Mrozek, Warszawa 1971,pp. 105-106). However, those authors, too, neglect to mention
that Heraclius was one of those to whom the Prophet was to send his letter.
49 There appears here a problematic word which has already received a lot of attention
from scholars. In Ibn Kathlr it is arisiyyun) while in Al-Tabaris History - akkarun. L.I. Conrad
provides an account of the scholarly discussion devoted to the word (L.I. Conrad, Heraclius
in Early...) pp. 12.7-12.9). Most convincing seem to be the views suggesting that the word refers
to Arianism or generally to “heresy"; as far as akkarun - “peasants” is concerned, in some sourc-
es there appears here the wordfalldhun. For the sake of simplicity, as the problem is irrelevant
for our analysis, I translate the word as “subjects”, drawing here on A. Abul Hasan Alim Nadwi
^.A.١A.A٠’^Âw٠١.١Muhammad Rasulullah.lhe Apostle ofMercy,âi^fo^nA.,p٠2.٩o*.tbe rest of
your subjects andfollowers) and Μ.Η. Haykal (The Life...) p. 565). Μ. Hamidullah offers the fol-
‫ ألحسآدمسط‬paysans retombera sur toi ٢La lettre...,^. ‫وو‬١.
Muhammad Ibn Ishak and others mentioned that the beginning of the Sura
*Imrans Family up until the verse eighty-some was revealed on the occasion of
the arrival of a delegation from Nadjan. Az-Zuhri recounted this: [The people
of Nadjran] were the first to pay djizya and there is no doubt that the verse of
djizya$1 was revealed after the capture [of Mecca], what is then a connection
between what Muhammad Ibn Ishak and Αζ-Zuhrï say and the assertion that
the verse was recorded in the letter to Heraclius before the capture? This can
be answered in a variety of ways. First, it was revealed twice, for the first time
by Hudaybiyya and then after the capture of Mecca. The other possibility is that
the beginning of the Sura *Imrans Family up until that verse was revealed on
the occasion of the arrival of a delegation from Nadjran and that the verse itself
was revealed earlier. And Ibn Ishäks testimony about eighty-some verses is not
reliable in view o he proof provided by Abu Sufyan. The third possibility is that
the delegation of Nadjran arrived before Al-Hudaybiyya and what they brought
had nothing to do with djizya but was aimed at reinforcing their request. Thus it
can be regarded as having served as a way of confirming the peace (...). Fourth, it is
also possible that the verse was not yet revealed at the time when Gods messenger.
Peace be upon him, ordered the inclusion of it in his letter to emperor Heraclius.
It was only later that Qur’an’s proper fragment was sent down as remaining in line
with these words.**
In the above commentary only a letter to emperor Heraclius is men-

toned. Although the focus of this paper is on Byzantium, it must be added
that similar letters were, according to Islamic tradition, sent to other rulers
of the neighboring countries. The letters sent by the Prophet, which I would
like to present here in greater detail, are discussed by ΑΙ-Tabarï in the chapter
on the events taking place in the seventh year after Hidjra„. As usually, he
mentions several, slightly different versions. Below I quote two complementa-
ry variants:
Ibn Ish äk (died in 768) was a historian and Prophet Muhammad’s first biographer.
His most important work is Prophet’s biography that survives only in Ibn Hisham’s modified ver-
sion entitled Sirat Muhammad Rasul Allah or AsSira an-nabawiyya. F. Sezgin, Geschichte...)
vol. I, pp. 188-2.90; J.B.M. ‫ ل‬ones, Ibn Ishak, [in:] El) vol. Ill, pp. 810-811 ; Μ.Μ. Dziekan,
Pisarzearabsko-muzulmanscy...) p. 61.
$1 Pertaining to djizya (a tax levied on an Islamic state’s non-Muslim subjects) is 19 verse
of Sura 9.
μ Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, pp. 5 5-57. Two historical comparisons irrelevant for the problem
under discussion are omitted from this translation.
5‫ ؟‬For the translation of the text I rely on the following edition: Tabari, Tarikh, cd.
M.A.F. Ibrahim,vol. II,pp. 644-646.
4. The Byzantines in the Context of the Qur’an 405
In that year, in the month Dhü al-Hidjdja54 the Prophet, Peace be upon him, sent
Hatib Ibn Balta a 5 of the tribe Lakhm, (...) to Al٠Muâwîs١٥, Shudja' Ibn Wahb54 *S758
55
(...) to AI-Harith Ibn Abl Shamir al-Ghassani‫’؛‬, Dihya Ibn Khalifa al-Kalbi‫ ’؛‬to
the emperor [kaysar]. He sent Salit Ibn 'Amr al- 'Amiri 'Amir Ibn Lui to Hawza Ibn
Ali al-Hanafi٥٥. And he sent Abd Allah Ibn Hudhafa al-Salmi،! to Khusraw [Ki-
srä]6[ And 'Amr Ibn Umayya ad-Damiri*’ to Negus [Αη-Nadjäshi]64.
Gods Prophet, Peace be upon him, sent Salit Ibn 'Amr (...) to Hawza Ibn Ali, the ru-
1er of AlYamama. And he sent Al- 'Ala’ Ibn al-Hadrami*‫ ؟‬to Al-Mundhir Ibn Säwä66
(...), the ruler of Al-Bahrayn, Amr Ibn A1-Ä5،7 to Azdits Djayfar Ibn Djulandä and
Abbad Ibn Dju!andä٥٥, the rulers of Oman. He sent Hatib Ibn Abi Balta’a to Al-
54 I Dhü al-Hidjdja 7 year from Hidjra corresponds to I April 62.9. There are different
accounts of when the envoys in question set out on their mission. Some sources say that they
all set out at the same time, others that at intervals. See: Μ. Hay Lal, TheLife..., pp. 564-565.
55 He died around 684. He was the Prophet’s companion and one of the earliest followers
of Islam. He took part in the first most important battles fought by the Muslims.
6‫ ؟‬See below.
57 He was the Prophet’s companion and one of the earliest followers of Islam. He
participated in Hidjra to Abyssinia.

58 Governor of Damascus from the Ghassanid tribe.
9‫ ؟‬Dihya Ibn Khalifa al-Kalbi (died around 670). The Prophet’s companion, he is a mys-
terious figure. According to some accounts, he was so beautiful that Archangel Gabriel him-
self assumed his form. He participated in the Battle of the Trench and in the battle ofYarmuk.
H. L a m m e n s. Ch. Pellat, Dihya (orDahya) b. Khalifa al-Kalbi, [in:] El) vol. Ill, pp. 174-
2.75.
٥٥ A tribe leader and old Arabic poet.
‫ اه‬The Prophet’s companion. Ibn al-Athir, Usdal-ghabah, vol. Ill, pp. 2.11-2.15.
‫ إه‬Khusraw II Parviz (591-62.8), a Persian ruler from the Sassanid dynasty. B. skla-
d a n e k. Historia Persji...) p. 2.56‫ ؛‬S.A.H.A. Nadw i,Muhammad..., pp. 2.54-2.56.
٥’ The Prophet’s companion and his close associate. Ibn al-Athir, Usd αΐ-ghäbah)
vol. IV, pp. 193-194.
٥4 Negus was an official title borne by Abyssinia’s rulers. In our case the text refers to a ruler
who is known in the sources as Al-Asham Ibn Abdjar. See: E. van Donzel, Αη-Nadjäshi)
[in:] El) vol. VII pp. 862.-864.
٥5 The Prophet’s companion. Ibn al-Athir, Usdal-ghabah) vol. IV, pp. 74-75.
٥٥ A ruler from the area of Persian Gulf. A Christian in the Pre-Muslim period, he con-
verted to Islam and contributed to the spread of the new religion. J.M. Kist er, Al-Mundhir
B. Säwä) [in:] El) vol. VII, pp. 570-572..
٥7 Amr Ibn Al-Äy (594-around 664), one of the most distinguished leaders of the early
Islam and conqueror of Egypt. A.J. We n s i n c k, Amr b. al- 'AS) [in:] El) vol. I, p. 451Î F. B o -
c h e ή s k i, Amr ibn al-AS) [in:] Maly slownik...) pp. 59—60.
٥8 Oman’s rulers were converted to Islam by Amr Ibn Al-Äy. As S.A.H.A. Nadwi says
that djulanda is not a proper noun but the name of religious leader. S.A.H.A. Nadwi, Let-
ters to Monarchs) http://www.nusrah.com/en/his-biography/Mubammad-rasulullah/575.let
ters-to-monarchs.htm.
-Mukawkis, the ruler of Alexandria (...). And the Prophet sent Dihya Ibn Khalifa al"
-Kalb! and Al-Khazradjl٥’ to emperor Heraclius, the ruler of Byzantium, when he
arrived with a letter from the Prophet, Peace be upon Him, he placed the letter be-
tween his thighs and side.
The context of sending these “ambassadors” (accoimts do not tally here) was
interestingly described by Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam in Futuh Misr {The Conquest of
Egypt). Living before Al-Tabari‫ ؛‬Ibn 'Abd al-Hakamô was the historian who,
in writing the work mentioned above, drew on Ibn Ishäk.
In the sixth year after Hidjra of God٠s Prophet, Peace be upon Him, the Prophet re-
turned from Al Hudaybiyya and sent his men to rulers. (...) One day He ascended
the minbar, praised God and said: Next I wish to send some of you to alien kings, but
do not disperse like the Jews in front ofjesus, Mary’s son. God, Praise be unto Him,
revealed to Jesus that he must send his men to earthly kings, so Jesus sent Apostles.
Those who were sent to the nearby territories were pleased, those sent far away, were
not, and they said: I do not like it is me whom you send there. To this Jesus said: God
Almighty, I ordered my disciples to do as You told me, but they were not pleased with
it. Then God revealed: I will give you an advice! And suddenly they all began to speak
different languages. Each of them spoke a language used in a land to which he was to
be sent. To this Muhadjir said: o, God’s Prophet, we will never speak against your
orders. Send US wherever you want ‫ا‬
Thus, Muhammad’s alleged correspondence covered the regions of Syria,

northern and eastern part of the Arabian Peninsula, Iran, Ethiopia, Egypt and of
course Byzantium. In what follows I shall focus on the last two territories, as well
as on the two figures that played important roles in their respective histories:
Heraclius and Al-Mukawkis.
The question of the authenticity of the letters mentioned above remains
open to debate, as does the fact of Muhammad sending his emissaries to the rul-
ers of the neighboring countries. That the envoys were actually dispatched is
accepted by all Arab authors - classical, post-classical, those living in the nine-
teenth century?!, and modern. In the mid-nineteenth century the issue began
to attract the attention of orientalists. It can be said that contemporary scholars
69 AlKhazradjl Ibn 'Amir, Dilya’s grandfather. Tabari, Tarikh) vol. II, p. 646, footnote I.
70 Ibn 'Abd al'Hakam (died in 871), an Arab lawyer and historian, he is in the first place
known for the work quated above, that is, the oldest description of the Muslim conquest of
Egypt. F. Rosenthal, Ibn ,Abd al-\\akam, [in:] El) vol. Ill, pp. 674-675.
7‫ ا‬Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, Ρ.64. cf. Ibn Hisham,ed. A. Hidjazi as-Saqa,
vol. IV,pp. 339-450.
71 Ab. h-٦٩as"tr٦١ Kitab al-istiqsa li-akhbar duwal al-Maghrib ‫ع‬1-‫د‬٩‫غة‬١ ‫هح‬. ‫ةب‬. ٦‫أللم ل‬-
man, vol. I, Bayrut ΖΟΙΟ, p. 3Ζ9.

4. The Byzantines in the Context of the Kur an 405
tend to regard these accounts as having had no basis in reality. This view rests
on a thorough analysis of ηοη-Arab sources and of a variety of Arab texts that
differ from one another both in terms of the details they contain and in terms
of the way they treat the issues considered by western historiography as frmda-
mental, such as, for example, chronology™. Muhammad’s correspondence with
Khusraw, being part of the same corpus of texts as the letters under discussion, is
viewed by the Russian scholar Aly Kolesnikov as authentic™.
It would be difficult to find a present-day Muslim historian of the ear-
ly Islam who denies the authenticity of the events in question, the more so as
the exegetic literature considers them to be part of the sacred history of Islam.
Muhammad Husayn Haykal (died in 1956), the author of one of the most pop-
ular biographies of the Prophet, abstained from providing any critical comment
on the issue™. The Pakistani scholar Abul Hasan Nadwi (died in 1999) also did
not question the belief that the events alluded to in the accounts quoted above
actually took place. The same holds true for Muhammad Hamidullah. Neither
in his monograph nor in the article published in one of the leading journals in
Arabic studies, I have mentioned above, does he attempt to cast any doubts on
the historicity of the events in question. Μ.Η. Haykal and S.A.H.A. Nadwi seem
not to notice the western discussion of the topic, although it is highly unlikely
that these scholars - both of whom draw on western literature - are unfamil-
iar with it. Worth noting is also the opinion expressed by the Christian Arab
from Lebanon, Nur Salhab, the author of many books on Islam. Convinced of
the reliability of the accounts in question, he considers the doubts held by west-
ern scholars to be unserious and unjustified?*.
The Prophet’s letters are also important for the history of international
relations in the Muslim world. This aspect of the issue has received much at-
tention from the Moroccan scholar from the University of Al-Jadida, Muham-
mad Bu Bush. Containing references to a number of other Arab publications
on ١‫ ذمطمأ حأل‬work ،Alaqat al-dawliyah ۶aUslam (International Rela-
tions in Islam)77 provides an analysis of diplomatic missions from the times of
the Prophet. Ν.Μ. El Cheikh, whom I have already mentioned and whom one
can situate at the intersection of Western and Middle Eastern traditions, shies
75 A little regard for chronology and a mythical thinking typify Arab historiography,
sometimes also contemporary one.

74 ‫غ‬.١‫د‬٠‫عا‬sÏÏ ‫ألا‬ ٠ ٠‫ال‬١DueredaktiipismaMuchammedasasanidskomusachu ChosrovuII
Parvizu, PPSb 17.80, 1967, p. 74.
75 Μ.Η. Haykal, The Life..., pp. 574-579 (the first Arabic edition: Cairo 1955).
7 6 N. Sal hab, Fi khuta Muhammad, Bayrut 1971,p. 2.77.
77 Μ. B u Bush, ‘Alaqatal'dawltyahfidl-Islam, Dimashk Ζ009, pp. 96-104.

away from giving an unambiguous support to one of the two sides of the con-
troversy. To conclude this remarks, the Arab-Muslim world counts the informa-
tion about those emissaries as referring to real historical events which one has
no reason to call into doubt. It is adduced in proof of Muhammad’s foresight and
political sagacity and serves as a point of departure for the study of international
relations, law, and the history of diplomacy in the Muslim Middle East.
However, Muhammad Bu Bush departs from the truth when he says that
western scholars accept the historicity of both the legations and the letter 8.
While there are some doubts about the authenticity of the former, there is al-
most absolute agreement about the falsity of the latter. Robert B. Serjeant argues
that Muhammad may have corresponded with Byzantine and Persian officials, if
only because of Kuraysh extensive trade with those empires. However, it seems
impossible that he could send so provocative letters to Heraclius and Khusraw, as
even at the moment of his death he did not exercise control over the whole Ara-
bian Peninsula??. Μ. Gaudefroy-Demombynes also doubts that such events ever
took place. According to him, the question of the letters to the monarchs has
been distorted by tradition^. A similar view is held by w. Montgomery Watt
in Muhammad at Medina81. Many students of Islam do not consider the issue
to be worthy of mention and, consequently, it remains altogether omitted from
their works. One may argue that orientalists are willing to refer to it only when
writing detailed biographies of those who can be assumed to have played any role
in this history. Indeed, in itself, it is not regarded as an important aspect of either
the history of Byzantium or the life of the Prophet.
4٠2٠ The Prophets Letter to Emperor Heraclius
There exists an extensive literature on the Arab-Byzantine contacts during

the reign of emperor Heraclius (610-641)8*. The letter which Heraclius sent to
7* Ibidem١p. ‫الالءا‬
79 R.B. Serjeant, Muhammad’s Letters to Foreign Monarchs and Governors, [in:]
The Cambridge History of Arabic Literature. Arabic Literature to the End of Uma ad Period,
eds. A.E.L. B e e s t ο η, Τ.Μ. ‫ ل‬ohnstone, R.B. Serjeant, G.R. Smith, Cambridge 1985,
Ρ.141.
8٥ Μ. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Narodziny islamu..., p. 131.
8* w. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Medina, Cambridge 1956, pp. 345-347
(ExcurseD. Muhammad’s Letters to thePrinces). For Μ. Hamidullahs comments on the opinions
expressed by w. Montgomery Watt see: M. Hamidullah, Six originaux..., pp. 84-87.
31 In addition to the works I have already mentioned see: WE. Kaegi, Heraclios and
the Arabs, GOTR 27, 1982, pp. 109-13 3; L. p o U Z e t, Le hadith d’Heraclius. Une caution by
4. The Byzantines in the Context of the Çur’ân 407
Muhammad Ibn 'Abd Allah of Medina, almost the emperor’s peer, is believed
to concern an interesting aspect of the Byzantine-Arab relations and, as such, is
almost always given wide coverage in works devoted to them. The letter was sent
right after the relics of the Holy Cross were returned to Jerusalem - regained
by Heraclius from the Persians who had brought them out of the Saint City .
The story appears in a number of classic Arab works, including various reli-
gious texts as well as those which, according to western taxonomy, can be assem-
bled under the rubric of historiography**. In his Tafsir Al-Tabari gives the fol-
lowing account of the mission to Heraclius on which Muhammad was to send:
[Abu Sufyan] said: Dihya Ibn Khalifa al-Kalbi presented him with the Prophets
letter: In the name of God, most gracious, most merciful. From Muhammad, God’s
Prophet, to Heraclius, the great ruler of Byzantium. Peace be upon him who follows
the right path. Next, I summon thee with the appeal of Islam: become a Moslem and
thou shalt be safo. God shall give thee thy reward twofold. But if thou decline then
thee will sin like all your subjects85.
Ibn Shihab az-Zuhri said: A Christian bishop whom I met at the time of Abd al-Malik
Ibn Marwän8٥ told me that he was well-informed about this matter concerning Pro-
phet. Peace be upon Him, and emperor Heraclius. He said: when the Prophet’s letter
arrived, along with Dihya Ibn Khalifa al-Kalbi, Heraclius took it and placed it between
his thighs and his side. Then he wrote to a man in Rome, who spoke Hebrew, describing
in detail the whole thing. The Roman answered: Verily, it is the Prophet to whom we are
looking forward, there is no doubt about it. Follow his path and believe him.
He summoned Byzantine patriarchs who gathered in a citadel. The gates were closed
behind them. He looked at them from his platform as he was afraid of their reaction.
I gathered you here for a good cause. I received a letter from this man, calling on me
to accept his religion. Verily, by God, he is the Prophet to whom we have been looking
forward and whom we find in our books. Then follow him, believe him and we will
save ourselves in this world and in the afterlife.
He went on: they were indignant at what he said and turned to leave but the citadel’s
gates were closed. Heraclius said: Turn them back - and he was afraid of them - and
said: o. The Byzantines, I told you what you have just heard to test the strength of
your faith in view of what happened. I rejoiced at what I saw. Then they fell to their
knees before him. The gates were opened at his order and they left.
zantine à la prophétie de Muhammad١\١i١.٦\ La Syrie de Byzance à l’islam. VII'-VIII siècles, ‫ألي‬

P. Canivet, J.-P. Rey-Coquais, Damas 1992., pp. 59-66‫ ؛‬W.E. Kaegi, Byzantium and
theEarly Islamic Conquests, Cambridge 2000. It comes as a surprise that the last scholar does not
refer in any way to the previous research into the letter.
85 Μ. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Narodziny islamu..., p.31 ‫ت‬.
8* The version from the collection of hadiths Sahih by Αΐ-Bukhäri was discussed by L. Pou-
zet in the article mentioned above.
85 Al'Akkarun.
86 A caliph from the Umayyad dynasty. He ruled in the years 685-705.

(...) A scholar reported that after Diha Ibn Khalifa al-Kalbl came to Heraclius and
presented him with a letter from Allah, Peace be upon Him, the emperor said: Verily,
by God, I know that your master is a real prophet and that he is the one to whom we
have been looking forward and whom we find in our book, but I am afraid of the By٠
zantines. If it were not for that, I would follow him. Go to the archbishop«? and tell
him about your master - he is more powerfol in Byzantium than I am and wields
greater influence. See what he will tell you.
He said: Dihya came to him and told Heraclius about the letter from God’s messenger.
Peace be upon Him, and about the message itself The archbishop said: Yes, verily, your
master is a real prophet, we know his character traits and his name is to be found in
our books««. Then he entered, took off his black robe and put on the white one. After
that he took his stick and addressed the Byzantines gathered in the Church, saying:
we received the letter from Ahmad«’ who calls on US to believe in Allah. I declare that
there is no other deity but One God and that Ahmad is his servant and prophet.
He said: And they made a lunge at him and beat him- to death, when Dihya returned
to Heraclius and told him about everything, the emperor said: That is what I told you:
I am afiraid of them. Archbishop, by God, was stronger than me and wielded greater
influence over them than I do.
(...) A man living in Syria for a long time said: when Heraclius wanted to set out from
Syria to Constantinople and got word of God’s Prophet, Peace be upon Him, he gathe-
red the Byzantines and addressed them in the following way: o, the Byzantines, I have
something to tell you. Give some thought to it because it may be good, what do you
mean? - they asked. He replied: you should know that this man is a real prophet. He
is to be found in our book. We can recognize him by the traits through which he was
supposed to distinguish himself Follow him and we wfll save ourselves in this world
and in the afterlife. They said: Should we come under Arab rule while were are richer
and more numerous than they are and our country is greater than theirs.
He replied: Lets US then pay him djizya every year. Break his bones on my behalf and
I will have a rest from fighting against him, giving him this in return. They replied:
are we supposed to demean ourselves before the Arabs in return for kharaj while we
are wealthier and more numerous and our country is wealthier. No, by God, we will
never do it!
87 There appears here a mysterious word whose meaning is not clear. In some versions it
ÏS Dugbatir/Dagbatir/Dugbatur, ‫ا عاس‬٠٢‫ ا‬otVets Sugbatir/Sagbatir ‫ةآلا‬١‫ ألذ‬sad ٢‫؟‬١ or dad ٢d١ ‫آة‬
the beginning - in Arabic the letters differ from one another only in the presence, or absence,
of the dot). In the edition of which I make use here, there appears the form Sughäjir, while in
the edition used by Fl Cheikh (Byzantium..., p. 47) there appears Dughatir. she treats the word
as denoting the name of a bishop. Μ. Hamidullah argues it is the name of an office: Véveque
“autocrator”, ou dugatur des Arabes (La Lettre..., pp. 97-98). I decided to translate the phrase
sagbatir al-uskufas arcbbisbop.
88 This may be a reference to the issue of Paraclete, widely discussed in Muslim-Christian
disputes. For more on the issue see: w.p. Tu r e k, Ahmad-Paraklet-Mani. spojrzenie na kon-
trowersyjny werset6i,6Koranu, [in:] spotkania ArabistyczneIII, ed. F. G ό r s k a, Krakdw 2.000,
pp. 11-16. It can also be indicated by the introduction in the Prophet’s letter to Heraclius.
٥9 Prophet Muhammad sometimes goes by the name Ahmad.
He said: Let US appease him by giving him the lands of Syria and he will leave me in
possession of Ash-Sham‫( ®؟‬...) To this they answered: Are we supposed to give him
the lands of Syria that are the hub of Ash-Sham? We will never do this!
When thy refused to accept his proposal, he said: Now you see that you have won
by forbidding him to cross into your territory. Then he mounted his mule and went
away in the direction of the road leading to Ash-Sham. After that he said: Peace be
upon the Syrian land, farewell! And he left for Constantinople.
Al-Tabaris work does not contain the full text of the letter. His version is in
many respects inaccurate. Below, I quote what appears to be the fullest version of
this monument. Here is an alleged original of Muhammad’s letter to Heraclius’*:
Transcription‫*؟‬:
‫من مجه عبد الله ورسوله‬.‫بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم‬
‫الى هرقل عظيم الروم وسالم على من اتبع الهدى اما بعد‬
‫فإني أدعوك بدعاية االسالم أسلم تسلم اسلم يؤتك الله‬
‫أجرك مرتين فإن توليت فعليك إثم اليريسين ويا أهل الكتاب‬
‫تعالوا إلى كلمة سواء بينناوبينكم أال نعبد إال الله‬
‫وال نشرك به شينا وال يتخن بعضنا بعضا أربابا من‬
‫دون الله فإن تولوا فقولوا اشهدوا بأنا مسد‬
‫لمون‬
9٥ In the early Islam the term Ash-Sham meant the so-called Great Syria. It was also used to
denote the old Damascus. The fragment refering to a division Ash-Sham/Syria is rather unclear.
‫ او‬http://t1.hespress.com/files/fromprophetetocesar__851343i88.jpg.
91 Transcription according to Μ. Hamidullah (La lettre.,.) p. 98), without taking into
account vocal and punctuation signs that are the author’s interference. The division of particular
lines is in conformity with the manuscript.
[Beneath, seal with inscription:]

Translation:
In the name of God Gracious and Merciful. From Muhammad, God’s servant and
Prophet,
to Heraclius, Byzantium’s great ruler. Peace be upon him who follows the right path.
Next, I summon thee with the appeal of Islam: become a Moslem and thou shalt be
safe.
God shall give thee thy reward twofold. But if thou decline then thee will sin like all
your subjects.
،0 People of the Book!
Come to common
terms as between US and you: That we worship none but Allah‫؛‬
that we associate no partners with Him‫ ؛‬that we erect not, from among
ourselves, lords and patrons other than Allah’.
If then they turn back, say ye: *Bear witness that we [at least] are Muslims [bowing to
Allahs Will]’.
[Beneath seal with inscription:]
God
Prophet
Muhammad
In his History, AlYalubi” adds Heraclius’ response to the letter from the Muslim
Prophet:
To Ahmad, God’s prophet. Peace be upon Him, whom Jesus prophesied, from the em-
peror, the king of Byzantium. Your messenger brought me Yu letter. Yrily, I bear
witness that you are God’s prophet whom we find in the Gospel. Jesus, Mary’s son,
foretold your coming. I called on the Byzantines to believe in You, but they refoscd.
It would have been better for them to believe me. I want to stand by you, to serve you
and to wash your feet.94
As mentioned above, many western scholars treat the episode as nothing

but a legend. However, Arabists are prepared to admit that such a mission may
have taken place. For the Byzantinist, Walter Kaegi, this, too, is a possibility
that cannot be ruled out - but, as he says, such a mission, when sent, would
have been completely ignored by the Byzantines, leaving Muhammad’s emissary
with no chance of being received at the imperial court . Ahatanhel E. Krymsky
ends his discussion of the topic with the following conclusion: It goes without
9’ Ahmad Ibn Abi Ya Taib ΑΙ-Ya kùbï (died in 897), a geographer and historian, his most
known work is Kitab αΐ-buldän (Book ofcountries). M.Q. Zaman, Al-Υα 'kubi [in:] £/, vol. XI,
pp. 157-2,58; J. B i e 1 a w s k i, Klasyczna literatura arabska, Warszawa 1995, pp. 187-188.
94 Ya k bï٠P.399(d.Abd al AmirMuhna).
95 W.E. Kaegi,Heraclius...,p. 2.36.
4. The Byzantines in the Context of the Çur’ân 4‫لت‬
saying that Heaclias disregarded Difiya Ibn Khalifa*. ‫ دآل‬١‫ل‬١‫ال كذ‬ ٠ ‫ اطحتة‬١‫ئط‬
Krymskiy does not entirely reject the possibility of the emperor receiving the let-
ter. Unambiguous about the whole story is Leone Caetani who calls it apocryphal
and legendary*?. Be that as it may, for western scholars the problem lies mainly in
the letter itself. In the nineteenth century, doubts about its authenticitywere raised
by Ignaz Goldziher, and then by Leone Caetani and Frants Buhl, of which Μ. Ha-
midullah eagerly informs US - himself convinced of its veracity**. He also gives
a detailed account of the history of the manuscript which the emperor received**.
In Six originaux des lettres du Prophète, he refers to what he claims is the opinion of
anonymous experts from the British Museum who subjected the letter to chemi-
cal analysis and examined it using ultraviolet rays. This, says Hamidullah, enabled
them to prove that it originated in the times of the Prophet. Their findings were
then confirmed by dr. Reed from the University of Leeds. However, it comes as
a surprise that this information is not included in the text the author published
in 199 5 in "Arabica". After all, it could dispel the doubts held by western scholars.
In 1997, King Hussein ofjordan announced on television that he was in posses-
sion of the document®. Ν.Μ. El Cheikh, without expressinghis own opinion on
the subject, provides information that the authenticity of the letter is questioned
by the Iraqi scholar, Suhayla al-Jabburi'®'.
4.5. The Letter to ΑΙ-Muâwîs
l-Mukawks ‫( إه‬also Maqawqas) is a name which Arab sources give to one of

the Coptic Patriarchs of Alexandria. The origin of the name is not quite clear,
analysis is to be found in a monograph by Alfred J. Buttler on the conquest of
Egypt’. This author indicates a number of Arabic sources (Αΐ-Balädhuri -
the ninth century, Al-Tabari Eutychius - the ninth/tenth century, Severus of
ΑΙ-Ashmùneyn - the tenth centuty, Ibn al-Athlr - twelfth century, Yakut al-
Hamawl - the twelfth/thirteenth century, Abu Salih - thirteenth century, Ibn
96 Α.Ε. Krymskij, Istorija musuVmanstva) Moskva zo٠3,p. 12.5.

97 L. c a e t a n i, Annali..., p. 731.
98 Μ. Hamidullah,[،،lettre...)p. 99.
99 ‫كظر‬, pp. 107-1 IO.
٠٥٥ See:N.M. El Che {[[)MuhammadandHeraclius...) p. 11, footnote.3‫ق‬٠
٥''Ibib.
ι°ζ The analysis of the letter in: Μ. H a m i d u 11 a h. Six originaux...) pp. 95-107.
'٥١ ‫بىشم‬٠ ‫ذآ‬١‫أعاأأد‬١ The Arab Conquest of Egypt and the Last Thirty Years of Rowan
Dowinion١٢٥x£oÎà ‫و آ‬0‫أ‬١ Appendix c. On the Identity ofΑΙ-Muka kas’.
Khaldun - fourteenth century), where this figure appears. Ofcourse, Al-Mukawkis

also appears in all of the works devoted to the life of the Prophet I have mentioned
here. Here is the alleged original of the Prophet’s letter to Al-Mukawkis'®*:
The alleged original of Muhammad’s letter to AlMukawkis‫؟‬
‫ من مجه عبدالله ور‬.‫بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم‬

‫سوله إلى المقوقس عظيم القبط وسالم على‬
‫من اتبع الهدى أما بعدفإني أد‬
‫عوك بدعاية االسالم فاسلم‬
‫تسلم يؤتك اللهاجرك مرتين‬
‫فان توليت فعليك اثم القبط‬
‫يا أهل الكتاب تعالوا إلى كلمة‬
'٥* http://werzit.com/intel/history/islam/Moqoqas.jpg. The manuscript is located at

the Topkapi Museum in Istanbul: http://iosminaret.org/volz/issuei/topkapi_museum.php.
'٥‫ ؟‬Source: http://werzit.com/intel/history/islam/Moqoqas.jpg [dostçp z 4٠ΟΖ.ΖΟΙ4١.
The manuscript is located at the Topkapi Museum in Istanbul: http://iosminaret.org/volz/is-
suei/topkapi.museum.php [access 4.ΟΖ.ΖΟ14].
٠٥٥ According to the edition: F.-A. Belin, Lettre à M, Reinaud, membre de rinstitutsur
un document arabe related Mabomet١١A 4١ ٦^S4١PP٠
4. The Byzantines in the Context of the Çur’ân 4‫ل‬3
‫سواء بينناوبينكم االنعبدإالالله‬

‫وال نشرك به شينا وال يتخن بعضنا‬
‫بعضا أربابامن دون الله فإن‬
‫تولوا فقولوا اشهدوا بانامعد‬
‫لمون‬
[Beneath seal with inscription:]
‫الله‬
‫رسول‬
‫ي‬
Translation:
In the name of God the Gracious, the Merciful. From Muhammad the Apostle of of
God and His Prophet
to Al-Mukawkis, the chief of the Copts. Peace be upon him who follows the guidance.
Next, I summon thee with the appeal of Islam:
become a Moslem. If you become Muslim God shall give thee thy reward twofold.
But if thou decline then on thee is the guilt of the Copts.
،o People of the Book!
come to common
terms as between US and you: That we worship none but Allah:
that we associate no partners with Him: that we erect not, from among
ourselves, lords and patrons other than Allah’. If then
they turn back, say ye: *Bear witness that we [at least] are Muslims [bowing to Allah’s
Will]’.
[Below, seal with inscription:]
God
Prophet
Muhammad
To Kaj Ohrnberg we owe a summary of the hitherto conducted research

into the subject. As Ohrnberg writes, nowadays it is widely held that the source
mentions a Melchite patriarch ofAlexandria, Cyrus. However, there is no doubt
that other persons are also referred to by this name in Arab texts which often
confie historical facts with legends. That the person in question should be iden-
tified as Cyrus is corroborated by a comparison between Arab, Byzantine and
Coptic sources^?. In the last category one can include, for example, the chronicle
ofjohn. Bishop of Nikiu. Cyrus, transferred to Egypt by Heraclius, arrived there
|٥7 See, amongothers: John of N i k i u, indices: J. p a 1U c k i,Jan z Nidus, [in:] Ency-

klopedia Katolicka, vol. VII, Lublin 1997, col. 92.6.
in 631. (One should pay attention to the divergences in dating). Before his stay
in Egypt, he had served as Bishop of Phasis (Poti), !he term Al-Mkkis is
likely to be connected with Caucasus. Cyrus’ successor, Benjamin, was also called
AlMukkis (or simply Mkawks) by Arab chroniclers, !he period in which
the latter held his office is described in the sources as tenyears during which Her٠
aclius and Al-Mukawkis ruled Egypt. In a variety of other texts, AI-Mukawkis is
presented as Viceroy ofEgypt, whom he was to be in the reign of Healius'٥٥.
Thus, the term (leaving aside its unclear etymology) should be regarded as hav٠
ing denoted the "ruler of Egypt" in general, !his view finds confirmation in die-
tionaries of the classici Arabic.
For the account of Hatib’s visit to the patriarch of Alexandria I rely on Futuh
‫ ممد‬by Ibn Abd aHakam:
Hatib set out with the Prophets letter and when he got to Alexandria he found
Mukawkis sitting on a platform. He swam up to him on sea, and when he was close
to him he indicated the letter from God’s Prophet which he was holding with two
fingers. When Mukawkis spotted Hatib, he ordered him to give him the letter. He told
him to get closer and when he read the letter he said: what, if he is a prophet, pre-
vented him from summoning me and presenting me with his message? To this Hatib
replied: and what prevented Jesus, Mary’s son, from telling those who rejected him
not to do it? He fell silent for an hour and then he repeated his question. Hatib gave
the same answer and fell silent. Hatib said: there was a man before you who thought
that he was the Greatest Lord and God wrought vengeance on him and you should
take revenge for him. Think of others not of yourself Verily, the earthly world is yours
and you will lose it only to what is better, that is, to Islam. Nothing campers to Islam.
Moses’ prophecy about Jesus is like Jesus’ prophecy about Muhammad, and we sum-
mon you to Qur’an just like you summon Torah’s believers to the Gospel. We are not
trying to make you turn away from Messiah’s religion, we are guiding you towards it.
Then he read the following letter: In the name of God, the Gracious, the Mercifol.
From the Apostle of Allah to the Mukawkis, chief of the Copts. Peace be upon him
who follows the guidance. Next, I summon thee with the appeal of Islam: become
a Moslem and thou shalt be safe. God shall give thee thy reward twofold. But if thou
decline then on thee is the guilt of the Copts. ،0 People of the Book! come to com-
mon terms as between US and you: That we worship none but Allah‫ ؛‬that we associate
no partners with Him; that we erect not, from among ourselves, lords and patrons
other than Allah’. If then they turn back, say ye: ‘Bear witness that we [at least) are
Muslims [bowing to Allah’s Will]’, when he read it he put it into a casket made of
ivory and sealed it.
(...) At night Al-Mukawkis sent for Hatib, and the interpreter was the only person he
was with, and he said: Tell me about things I am going to ask you about. I know that
your master selected you, sending you here. He said: I will answer truthfolly to any of
A.J. Buttler, TheArah Conquest..., p. 517.

4. The Byzantines in the Context of the Kuran 4‫ ل‬5
your questions. He asked: what does Muhammad call on US to do? He said: He wants
you to worship one God only, associating nothing with Him, rejecting everything ex-
cept Him. He also calls on you to pray. He asked: How many times do you pray? He
replied: Five times during the day and night, we fast in Ramadan and make pilgrimages
to God’s House. He instructs US to respect treaties and to abstain from eating carrion
and blood. He asked: Who follows him? He answered: Young people from his tribe
and others. He asked: Are his people persecuted? He answered: Yes. Describe him to
me - he asked. He described as well as he could. There are some things left which you
have failed to take into account - he said. There is red in his eyes, tell me what disrin-
guishes him - there is a sign of prophecy between his shoulder bones, he rides a mule,
wears a coat and lives on fruit and crumbs. And he does not mind whether something
concerns his cousin or uncle. Yes, these are his traits - he answered. Αΐ-Muâwîs said
to this: I knew that one more prophet was about to appear, but I thought he would
appear in Syria. This is where all prophets before him came from. It turns out that he
appeared among the Arabs, in the land of misery and toil. However, the Copts will not
listen to me to follow him and I do not want them to know about our conversation.
Word will spread about him in the country and his men will get to US to reveal what
we were talking about. And I will not say a word to the Copts. Go back to your master.
(...) Then he summoned a writer fluent in Arabic and the latter wrote: From Muham-
mad Ibn 'Abd Allah to ΑΙ-MuÀawAis, the Copts’ leader. Peace! Next, I read Your letter
and understood its purpose. Your message. I recognized You as the prophet, although
I thought he would appear in Syria. I hosted generously your messenger and I send you
two girls who are respected among the Copts, a robe and a mule which you can ride.
Peace be upon you.'٥9
Muhammad’s concubine, Mary the Copt, was to be one of those girls"٥.

The Prophet’s letter to ΑΙ-Muâwîs, the first in the Corpus*" has been con-
sidered a forgery ever since it was discovered by western scholars"!. This papy-
rus manuscript was found by the French Egyptologist, Étienne Barthélémy, in
1852. in a monastery in Akhmim. In 1854, François-Alphonse Belin published
its critical edition. As Theodor Noldeke remarks, "chancellery style" was at that
time much less cufic in character. The seals used as a substitute for signature were
made of clay. Colourfol seals were not used. What is more, the letter of this kind,
apart from the name of the sender, should also contain the name of the person
‫ وه ا‬Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, vol. I, pp. 65-67.

I!٥ Μ. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Narodziny islamu..., pp. 181-183; F. Buhl,
Mariya, [in:] El, vol. VI, p. 575.
Ill Μ. Hamidullah, Six originaux..., p. 99.
m In the first edition of his Geschichte des Qorans (Gottingen 1860, p. 140) Th. Noldeke
leaned toward the view that the document is authentic. However, in the reprint of the work from
1909 he clearly rejects his previous opinion. See: T. Noldeke, F. Schwall y, Geschichte des
Qorans..., p. 190, footnote. 3. Μ. Hamidullah says that this change was introduced by the editor
ofthe second edition ofthe book, F. Schwally (p. 101).
entrusted with the task of delivering it' 15. The way in which Hamidullah tries to
refiite these arguments in his own edition of the letter is rather unconvincing.
Much speaks in favour of the interpretation that Muhammad’s missions
to the rulers of the neighbouring countries had no basis in reality. At the same
time, it seems to be designed to .legitimate Muhammad’s prophecy and the whole
umma by Christianity' 14. Such a phenomenon, referred to as a backward projec-
tion or creative retrospective, is often the case in both historical and pseudohis-
torical literature. And it is not something to be considered typical of Arab-Mus-
lim culture. The Mexican scholar, E. Florescano, comments on this principle in
the following way:
Every time a social movement wins, imposing its rule on the society, it becomes a me-
asure of history. It rules over the present, defines the future, and arranges the past. It
dictates what, and why, deserves to be remembered. (...) The selective and pragmatic
reconstruction of the past is as old as the human history itself It serves as a way of
identification, explains the origins of [various phenomena], legitimizes the established
order, gives meaning to the life of the nations and individuals, justifies the right of one
group to rule over the other, creates reality, and promotes projects to be realized in
the near future.''‫؟‬
There is no doubt that this way of using history played a specific role in
Christian-Muslim disputations that took place in the Middle East in the period
under consideration’**.
Finally, worthy of note is some inconsistency with which the earliest Arab
sources (or considered as such) treat the Byzantines. The Ku nie contexts ana-
lyzed above are at odds with a part of the Prophet’s Tradition, regarded as having
been brought into being during his lifetime, (although it was written/recorded
two centuries later). In ΑΙ-Bukhäri’s collection of hadlths*'?, in the Book ofjihad
{Kitab al-jihad), there is a short chapter entitled what was said about thefight
with the Byzantines (Ma kilafi kital Al-Rüm). It concerns itself with only one
hadlth, narrated by the Prophet’s known companion (sahabiyyd) Umm Haram
٠٠’ T.Noldeke, F. Schwall y, Geschichte des Qorans..., p. 190.

٠ ٠4 Ν.Μ. El c h e i k h, Muhammad and Heraclius..., p. 2.1 î e a d e m, Byzantium..., p. 54.
I analyse a similar phenomenon in reference to an alleged Christian in my Quss Ihn Saida al’
Iyâdi....١pO5sim.
"0١ ¥‫ل‬.‫اآل‬0‫ةعأ‬٢‫اآة‬١ Od historii - pomnika wladzy do historii wyjasniaj٩cej١ ١٦٢٧١ Po
co nam historia?, transi. M. M r ό z, Warszawa 198 5, p. 71. See also: ‫ل‬. Szacki, Tradycja, Warsza-
wa 1971,pp. 174-175·
٠٠٥ R.B. Serjeant, Muhammad's Letters..., p. 14z.
٠7‫ ا‬Bukhari, vol. Ill, pp. 1069-1070, hadlth 2.766 (ed. Damascus 1995).
4. The Byzantines in the Context of the KuΓ an 4‫ت‬7
Bint Milhan (died around 647/648)118. As she was to bring Islam to Cyprus, she
is known as Shahidat al'Bahr, that is, "Martyr of the Sea". Her grave is believed
to be found in Larnaca in tekke Hala Sultan"9. According to ΑΙ-Bukhâri, Umm
Haram heard the Prophet say: Thefirst warriors of my umma who will conquer
the city will beforgiven ofall their sins.
Ibn Hanbal’s Musnad carries a similarly negative connotation. It includes
the remark that Antichrist (Äd-Dajjäl - whose advent is to be considered as
a sign of the end of the world) will come only after the Byzantines have been
defeatedly. However, it seems that these traditional accounts the authenticity
of which has long been a topic of concern to a great number of scholars simply
reflect the way in which Byzantium was viewed by Muslims later on. This tradi-
tion must have emerged when the latter had already stopped regarding the Byz-
antines as their potential allies and begun to treat them as their greatest enemies.
Of course, it remains to answer the question of whether the events dealt with in
this contribution actually took place. As it seems, Muslims scholars will differ
considerably from their western colleagues in answering the question. For them,
the events under discussion form part of a sacred history, and sacrum clearly pre-
vents them from accepting the facts.
‫سه‬
118 Ibn al-Athir, Usd αΐ-ghäbah, vol. VII, pp. 317-318 (biographical entry 7403)·
‫ واا‬N.Papalexandro u, Hala Sultan Tekke, Cyprus: An Elusive Landscape ofSacredness
in a Liminal Context,]MGS 2,6.2., 2.008, pp. 2.51-181.
‫ هعل‬Ibn H a n b a 1, vol. I, p. 177, hadith 1543 (ed. Bayrut 1993).
Teresa WoliNska
5. The Arabs and Islam in the Eyes of the Byzantines
5.1. The Arabs in Byzantine Eyes
In the opinion of Bert de Vries, from the Byzantine point of view the Arabs
were as mysterious and invisible as their desert ^٠٠٠١ like shadow gures seen through
a sand stormI. This kind of view, although suggestive, was not true, at least for
the people of Syria, Palestine and Egypt, who - which has been demonstrated
elsewhere in this book - had had multidimensional relations with Arab tribes.
For the inhabitants of Constantinople, or to be more precise - for the European
part of the empire, and particularly for their intellectual circles, who tended to
trust ancient writers rather than contemporary accounts - the situation could
look different.
The Byzantines inherited from their Greek and Roman ancestors a varie-
ty of stereotypes and prejudices regarding Arabs/Saracens/Ishmaelites. Their
prototype can be found as far back as in the famous verse of Genesis, in which
Ishmael is described as a wild man\ Referring to the Old Testament, Joseph
Flavius added his own remarks, which reinforced the negative opinion about Ar-
abs who - according to him - were unfaithfol and ungodly, greedy and treacher-
ous’. Arab women would be famous for making poisons*.
An interesting example of one of the most stereotypical perceptions of
the Arabs can be found in Aesop’s fables. One of them is a story of Hermes’
‫ا ًا ال ع ه كآل ا‬٠e s, On the Way to Bosra: Arab Settlement in South Syria Before Islam -
the E^t,idence۶om Written Sources١\m٦\ Hereux qui comme Ulisses a fait un beau voyage*. Move-
ments ofPeople in Time and space, eds. N. N a g U i b, B. d e Vries, Bergen 2.ΟΙΟ, p. 75.
٤ Gen, 16,12..
’Joseph Flavius, XV, 5, 5 (that accusation would fall in Herod’s speech to his
army).
Joseph Flavius,XVII, 4, I.
5. The Arabs and Islam in the Eyes of the Byzantines... 4‫ت‬9
carriage in which he used to transport bad habits and distribute them among
peoples. When the carriage had a crash in Arabia, the local people stole its con-
tent, as they believed that it was of great value. So they became false and treach-
erous more than any other nation - no truth could pass through their mouths‫؟‬,
!he fact that it was the god of merchants and thieves who fell their victim adds
extra flavour to the story. Numerous sources in which the Arabs were described
as thieves and robbers go perfecdy well with this fable*, !heir neighbours per-
ceived them as militant and inveterate looters?. It is a dangerous “ethnos - con-
eluded Ammianus Macellinus*. Telling of an attack of some unidentified bar-
barians on the hermits in Rouba, Cyril of Scythopolis described them as Saracen
by nature9. !hey were seen as enemies from whom the eastern provinces had
to be defended'Q. Attention was paid to other negative features of their nature,
!heophylact Simocatta assessed them shortly as incredible and disloyal". De
Vries suggests that the negative stereotype may have resulted from the fact that
the Romans failed to subordinate the people of Arabian Peninsula'*.
For many Byzantine writers their neighbours from the Peninsula were noth-
ing but barbarians. It was caused by the fact that the information about them
reached the empire at the peak of dramatic events, usually raids. Eusebius of
Caesarea noticed that in the times of persecution of Christians in the empire,
the barbaric Saracens captured some of those who had sought refuge in the de-
sert and killed many others'‫؟‬.
!he belief that the Saracens were Skenites, nomads dwelling in tents, per-
sisted for a long time'*. Such description can be found in Macellinus, who
١ Aesop, Fables, ‫اال‬٠ ١‫ أل‬٦‫ع‬١‫ل‬7. ‫ا‬٠١ Bizantini versus Saraceni. Un’accusa ،Tidolatrk Ae
88.2,, 2.014, p. 2.87.
٥ Joseph Flavius, XV, ΙΟ, ‫ أل‬Pliny, VI, 16; Ammianus Marcellinus,
XIV, 4, 5.
7 Ammianus Marcellinus,XIV,4, 3.
8 Ammianus Marcellinus, XIV, 4, 7.
‫ و‬Cyril of Scythopolis, Vita Sabae, 14. Further references to Cyril in this chapter
after the edition by E. Sc h w a r t z.
٠٥ B. de Vries, On the Way to ‫دى‬..., p. 75; D.D. Grafton, “The Arabs” in
tbe Ecclesiastical Histvrians of tbe 4<‫اال‬5‫ د‬Centuries: Effects on Contemporary CbristianMuslim
Relations, HTS 64.1, 2.008, p. 178.
” Theophylact Simocatta, III, 17, 7.
π B. de Vries, ‫ تخرن‬the Way to Bosra..., p. 81.
1’ Eusebius of Caesarea,##, VI, 42.; D.D. Grafton, ‫ممسد‬..,p. 179.
14 Skenites whom we now call Saracens - Ammianus Marcellinus, XXII, 15, 2..
See also: Ammianus Marcellinus, XXIII, 6, iEvagrius Scholasticus, III,
!٠١٦١٦٠١^barbaricSkenites‫؛‬
42.0 III. After the Conquest
maintained that even when camping, they remained in motion aU the time.
They had no permanent homes, nor did they stay in the same place for long.
The chronicler said with emphasis that an Arab wife married her husband at one
place, bore his children at another, and kept raising them somewhere else still'‫؟‬.
It was emphasised that Saracens neither tilled the soil nor planted trees and they
did not know corn or wine'٥. Marcellinus tried to convince his readers that he
had personally learned about it . If we were to believe Greek or Roman writers,
the Arabs would feed on wild birds and animals, milk, and herbs. The descrip-
tion of the fertile land of Arabia Felix, known from the narrations by Philos-
torgius, changed that picture considerably'^. The Greek narrative sources were
generally overlooking the Arab role in the trade between Byzantium and India
Relatively much attention was paid to the religion of the people of the Pen-
insula. Despite that it would be difficult to reconstruct the Arab pantheon based
on the testimonies of the ancient and Byzantine writers . The information
delivered is fragmentary, most often a curiosity rather than a serious lecture.
In the Life ofSt, Hilarion, Jerome described a meeting of an ascetic from Gaza
with a few Saracens during their festivities devoted to Lucifer - the Morning
Star . They were also known to worship the moon". Philostorgius delivered
information about the cult of the Sun and Moon among the Himyarite tribe in
the south of the Peninsula". Nonnosus, a sixth century writer, heard of a holi-
day devoted to a god, during which the Arabs were coming to some place twice
‫ ج‬year: in the Spring for one month and after the summer solstice - for another
two". At that time all intertribal conflicts were suspended**. It is possible that
the same holiday was seen by Anonymous of Piacenza, on his way to the Holy
Land in the sixth century*‫؟‬. John of Damascus, who lived in the early eighth cen-
15 Ammianus Marcellinus, XI^ 4, 5-5.

'٥ Ammianus Marcellinus, XIV, 4, 5.
'7 Ammianus Marcellinus, XIV, 4, 6.
’8 Philostorgius, III, 11.
'‫ و‬ft. L a u z i, Bizantini versus Saraceni..,) pp. 195-500. Some information has been pre-
served by Arab historians (Αΐ-Kalbï, AlTabar).
‫ ئ‬Jerome, Vita Hilarionis) 15, col. 41; Nilus, III, Iz, 13-18‫ ؛‬ft. Lauzi, Bizantini
versus Saraceni......) p. 2,94.
‫ ات‬Ammianus Marcellinus (XXII, 3, z) writes about sacrifices to Luna offered
by Julian during his expedition against the Persians, ft. L a u z i, Bizantini versus Saraceni٠..,ρ. Ζ94.
٤٤ Philostorgius, III, 4, 4a. According to this author the Arab worshipped demons as
well by erecting monuments following local tradition.
٤’ Nonnosus, pp. 4-7. Nonnosus wrote about various Saracens - from Phoinikon,
behind the Taurus Mountains.
14 Nonnosus, pp. 4-7٠
٤‫ ؟‬Anonymous p‫؛‬acentinus,38.
5. The Arabs and Islam in the Eyes of the Byzantines... 42*1
tury, maintained that the Arabs worshipped a stone which was in fact the head
of Aphrodite Habar*. His record seems to be a blend of information about
the role of ΑΙ-KaBa in beliefs of the inhabitants of the Peninsula and about
the pre-Muslim cult of the goddess AlLat. John’s information was later repeated
by other authors as well.
What evoked particularly morbid fascination were the alleged bloody sac-
rifices, which included also human offerings, described by some authors, includ-
ing Pseudo-Zachariah, Nilus of Sinai, Procopius, and Evagrius. According to
Nilus, the people of the Arabian deserts did not worship any god at all, only
the Morning Star to which they made bloody offerings*®. He described in detail
the ceremony of sacrificing a white camel ‫ و‬Evagrius, writing about the baptised
Lakhmid, ΑΙ-Nuumän, informed that prior to his conversion he had himself
made offerings of humans*®.
Some of the authors noted the details of the Arab appearance. Pliny de-
scribed their headgear, haircut and the habit of having beards**. Later authors
pointed out their modest and mostly incomplete clothes. Ammianus Marcelli-
nus maintained that they wore only a coloured cloak that would reach down to
their loins**. Patriarch Sophronius was startled and slightly disgusted by TJmar’s
simplicity of both robes and manners**.
Greek, Roman and Byzantine writers also paid attention to the everyday life
of Arabs and emphasised their passion for carnal pleasures. Marcellinus main-
tained that Arab men would jmarry their wives for a limited time only and after
that the women were free to leave their husbands’4. Sozomen emphasised that
٤٥ John of Damascus, De haeresibus, c (CI), 78-94. See: w. z e 1 a z n y, Patrys-

tyczne biadectwa prôb dialogu miçdzy chrze^cijanami Λ islamem, ١١١٦٠١ Wczesne cbrzescijanstwo
a religie, eds. I.s. Ledwori, Μ. Szram, Lublin ZOIZ, p. 309; E. L a U z i, Bizantini versus Sal·
aceni....... pp. 300-305. Accusations of idolatry appeared also in other Byzantine texts, not cited
here because they were written much later.
17 Pseudo-Zachariah, VIII, ‫;؟‬Nilus, III, 12,,13-15,1 Ιΐ Procopius, De bellis,
II, 2.8, 12.-13 ; Chronicle ofSeert, vol. ΙΙ/Ι, 18, p. 13 3 ; E V a g r i u s Scholasticus, VI, 2.2..
Nilus, III, Iz, 13-18.
‫ و‬Nilus, 111,12., 2.4-13, II.
’٥ Evagrius Scholasticus, VI, 22. There is no doubt that the offerings were made
to "Aphrodite". Having been baptised, AlNuuman had her gold statue melted down and gave
the gold away to the poor.
‫ ال‬Pliny, VI, 2.8.
μ Ammianus Marce!linus,XIV,4,3٠
55 Theophanes,AM61 Z7,p. 339;Michael the Syrian,XI,7,vol.II,pp.42 ٠5-
416 (Michael praised ‘Umar’s modesty); Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, D
administrando, i9٦¥،.Kok٠٦e١ïuk١GTecyiArabowie. Historia Kosciola melkickiego (katol-
ickgo)naziemiacbzdobytychprzezmuzulmandw (01004 ‫ة‬4-‫ل‬5‫ت‬0(١¥‫عغ‬0١‫ي‬, p. Go.
’4 Ammianus Marcellinus, XIV, 4, 4.
42,2. III. After the Conquest
the Arabs wanted to have children - it was important to them, like to most bar-
barians”. Herodotus and Strabo, and subsequently Sozomen as well, recorded
the ancient practice of circumcision, popular among the people of the Peninsu-
la*6. The latter saw the coincidence of that practice and of other customs (pro-
hibition to eat pork, similar rituals) with the laws of the Jews’7. That observa-
tion, combined with the knowledge of the Arab tribes, originating from Ishmael,
led him to interesting conclusions. He believed that the Saracens had distorted
the teachings of their forefather, Abraham, which had not been written down
until the times of Moses, and began borrowing traditions from their neigh-
bours’8. Therefore the Arabs would have had adopted Judaism, which they in
turn abandoned in favour ofpolytheism. Some ofthem, however, following their
subsequent relations with Jews returned to the old laws’9. As we have stated in
the chapter devoted to the Arab neighbours of Byzantium, Judaism had indeed
been present in the Arabian Peninsula before Islam, also among the Arabs, which
Sozomen rightly noted. He was also correct when he wrote about acceptance of
Christianity by some ofthe people of the Peninsula, as a result of meetingpriests
and monks from the neighbouring deserts^®. Greg Fisher believes that the opin-
ion of Sozomen, and of other Byzantine writers who connected Arabs with Ish-
maelites and derived their origin from Abraham, was in fact depreciative, as thus
their false religion was presented as related tojewish machinations41. The whole
issue does not seem as simple, though, because, as descendants of Abraham,
the Arabs were not only related to Jews, but to Christians as well.
The question which attracted particular attention was the skill of Arabs
as warriors. David D. Grafton has remarked that the Saracens were known to
Byzantine historians of the fourth and fifth century for their warlike ability and
polytheist beliefs4*. lam barbarian and soldier, Arethas, a Ghassanid, would say
to Justinian I . That utterance, later included in the writings of Michael the Syr-
ian, perfectly conveys Byzantine views on their Arabic neighbours.
55 Sozomen, VI 8.
’6 Sozomen, VI, 38, n;Philostorgius, III, 4. Herodotus wrote about it with re-
gard to Egyptians (II, 37, 2), Phoenitians and Syrians (II 104, 3-4). Strabo believed that Jews
were descendants of Egyptians (XVI, 2, 34; XVII, 2., 5).
57 Sozomen, VI, 38.
58 Sozomen, VI, 38.
59 Sozomen, VI, 38.
4° Sozomen, VI, 38. He gave the example of Zokomos and his tribe.
4١ G.¥ ‫ا‬٠‫ ألة‬et. Between Empires. Arabs, Romans and Sasanians in Late Anti٩uity١٢<٦fcrtà
201 I, pp. 166-167.
4‫ ع‬D-D. Grafton, “The Arabs”.., p. 183.
4’ Michael the Syrian, IX, 29, p. 247 (also about eating of camel meat).
5. The Arabs and Islam in the Eyes of the Byzantines... 4‫ة‬3
Zosimus, too, described them as excellent warriors and f’antastic horse-

men ٩ Two centuries later, a similar opinion was expressed by Evagrius**. Am-
mianus Marcellinus compared the Arabs to hawks, stalking their prey and attack-
ing like flash of lightning*^. Arab cavalry was particularly highly valued, thanks
to its speed, owed to its horses and camels*?. According to Joshua the Style,
it chased Roman troops after their !successful clash with the Persians at Tell
Beshmai ٠ As we have remarked somewhere else in this volume, the Tanukhids
of Queen Mavia (Mawiyya) displayed their excellent skills during the struggle
against Goths and in defence of Constantinople after the defeat in the battle of
Adrianople (378)49. Emperor Valens took advantage of their military skills in
the campaign against the Scythians, i.e. Goths, who proved absolutely helpless
when facing Saracen horses and spears. Although they attempted to use a trick, it
did not help much and they were slain by the Saracen troops‫؟‬٥. The fear among
the Goths was so great that they preferred to surrender to the Huns on the north-
ern bank of the Danube rather than to go on fighting, concluded Zosimus, per-
haps somewhat exaggerating**.
But the Arabs themselves proved helpless when faced with regular Roman
army‫*؟‬. Their warfare style was such - according to Evagrius - that only Saracens
could defeat other Saracens. Emperor Maurice found himself in an uncomforta-
ble situation when his ally, Al-Mundhir, refosed to set off across the Euphrates to
fight the Arabs in Persian service‫’؟‬.
Although stereotypical and unfavourable opinions about the Arabs were
dominant among the Byzantines, there were exceptions as well. Cyril ofScythop-
olis, while writing about making a camp by Christianised Arabs, described some
of the works they had done, including building a cistern, a bakery, cells for monks
and a church or chapel**. Evidendy, he did perceive them as more than just
44 Zosimus, IV, 2.2.» 1-3.

45 Evagrius Scholasticus, Vo.
46 Ammianus Marcellinus, XIV, 4, I. Unfortunately the book about the reign of
Marcus Aurelius, with more space devoted to Saracens has not been preserved.
47 Ammianus Marcellinus,XIV,4, 3.
48 Joshua the Stylit e, 51 (transi. A. L u t h e r; further references according to this
edition).
49 Ammianus Marcellinus, XXXI, 16, 5-7; Socrates, V, ijSozomen, VII,
I -2.; Theodore Lector, 2.19, ρ.7$; D.D. Grafton, *(]he Arabs”..., pp. 184, 186.
5٥ Zosimus, IV, 2.2., 1-3.
51 Zosimus, IV, 2.2., 3.

μ Zosimus, III, 2.7, I (Arab allies of the Persians would run away along with them
upon seeing the Romans).
55 Evagrius Scholasticus,V, 2.0.
54 Cyril of Scythopolis, Vita Euthymii, 15.

savage barbarians. Theodoret of Cyrus‫ ؟؟‬also had a good opinion about Arabs,
however only about those that have become Christians. One of them, named
Abbas, led an ascetic life under the guidance of a certain Maronas‫*؟‬. Such an
attitude should not be surprising: if the Arabs were Ishmael’s descendants, they
should be treated like brothers by Christians.
It is notable that we hear more positive opinions about the Arabs from
the individuals who had direct contact with them, rather than from those who
knew them only from stories or accounts. This can be clearly seen in the works
of Cyril of Scythopolis, in particular in his Lives of the Monks ofPalestine. In
the times of persecution of Christians in Persia, the shah ordered Aspebetus,
th tphylarchos of "Persian Arabs" to guard borders and prevent Christians from
fleeing to Roman lands. The latter not only failed to obey the shah’s orders, but,
filled with compassion, helped Christians instead‫?؟‬. Even more curiously, at
the time he himself was still a pagan. Only later, forced to escape to the Romans,
he became Christian8‫؟‬. The Arabs could be gratefill, too - four Saracens rescued
in the desert by St. Sabbas repaid him by bringing him bread, cheese, and dates‫’؟‬.
Maris, the uncle of Arab sheikh. Terebon, joined the monks and devoted his
estate to the welfare of a monastery**. Arab phylarchs, allied with Byzantium,
used to warn monks and hermits of the dangers from their pro-Persian COUS-
ins*'. Many were coming to listen to the advice of holy men or ask for healing**.
St. Simon enjoyed particularly great fame among them*’.
The positive opinion about Saracens, expressed by monks, resulted from
the fact that their relations with the nomads were complex. Ulf Scharrer defined
‫ ؟؟‬Theodoret, De natura,} col. 949; HR, VI, 4 (they would boast of being descendants
of Ishmael).
5٥ Theodoret,IV,II.
57 Cyril of Scythopolis, VitaEuthymii, Io.
5٥ Cyril of Scythopolis, IO. Futhymius, who had healed Aspe-
bet’s son, contributed to his conversion. Aspebet’s son, under his Christian name of Peter, be-
came the first bishop of the Arabs and took part in the Council of Fphesus. See: Cyril of
Scythopolis, VitaEuthymi) 15;PRLEII,pp. 169-170 [Asphebetus].
5‫ ؟‬Cyril of Scythopolis, Vita Sabae, 13.
٥٥- Cyril of Scythopolis, VitaEuthymii, Io.
‫ اه‬Cyril of Scythopolis, 13.
61 Theodoret, HR, XXVI, 16 (A paralysed chief of one of the tribes asked for healing.
Symeon did so in return for baptizing).
٥’ Theodoret, HR, XXVI, 13, 16, 18. According to Theodoret testimony, they
would come by thousands. Later on an unknown writer added that the Ishmaelites renounced
the cult of Aphrodite and smashed the idols before the saint (XXVI, 13). Arabs were probably
among the inhabitants of Djabala in Syria, south of Latakia (Theodoret, HR, XXVIII, 1-5).
5. The Arabs and Islam in the Eyes of the Byzantines... 4‫ئ‬5
them as conflict and symbiosis**. On the one hand, they often fell a victim of
Arab raids, on the other - they could sometimes count on assistance from their
nomadic neighbours. Nilus of Sinai was writing about some Arabs of the Pharan
Valley who had defended the ascetics against fellow Arabs from Eluza , even
before theywere converted by Moses the Pharanite (Nilus described them as pa-
gans). Even after the Muslim invasion on 645 the monks could count on defence
by the Arab warriors of Pharan".
The generally poor opinion about the ethnic group as a whole might hard-
ly regard its particular members. Pseudo-Zachariah left a very good account of
phylarch Al-Ajfar (Tapharas)*7, whom he characterised as wise, brave and excel-
lent in military art . Byzantine authors wrote with some reverence even of their
enemies, e.g. about Al-Mundhir III from the tribe of Lakhmids.
5.2. Intellectual Argument with Islam
The Muslim invasion of the territory of the empire made Byzantines see
the Arabs chiefly as God’s enemies*’, or a tool through which He punishes Chris-
tians for their sins. Trey were perceived as ruthless raiders, robbing the goods of
the Byzantines and enslaving them. As we have been trying to point out in an-
other chapter, during the initial raids their victims remained practically unaware
of the religion of their invaders. Among the Arab warriors there were both ar-
dent Muslims, close to Muhammad, but also freshly converted individuals, who
probably hardly understood the Prophet’s message70. The situation was getting
٩ ‫ ًا ًاةألاًةال‬er. The Problem ofNomadic Allies in the Roman East١\m٦\ Kingdoms and
Principalities in the Roman Near East, eds. T. K a i s e r, Μ. F e c e 11 a, Stuttgart 2,0 0 p. 2,66.
٥5 V.Christides, Once again the “Narrations” ofNilus Sinaiticus, B 43, 1973, p. 42.. Al-
though the source is mostly a product of imagination, it contains real elements as well. There are
many manuscripts of Nilus’ text, though it still lacks a critical edition. The only available edition
is in PG 79, cols. 583-694. An abbreviated version of The Life ofNilus can be found in: Basilii
imp. Menologium, ed. J.-P. Migne, [in:] PG 117, cols. 2.56-Ζ57.
٥٥ F. Nau,^ texte grec des récits du moine Anastase, och 2., 1900, pp. 87-89.
٥7 Τφαράς-John Malalas,XVIII, 2,6;Jacob of Edessa,p. 2.40 [319].
٥٥ Pseudo-Zachariah, IX, 2.. In the Latin version he was described as: vir bellicosus
AC sapiens, et armis Romanoram multum exercitatusA. S\١.a\Aà٢Byzantium and the Arabs in
the Sixth Century, vol. Ι/Ι, Political and Military History, Washington 1995, p. 64) explains that
by religious sympathies of the author.
‫ وه‬Theophanes,ΑΜ6ι65,ρ. 353٠
7٥1‫ز؟عةلثآل‬٠ Initial Byzantine Reactions to the Arab Conquest,^*^ The Expansion of
the Early Islamic State, ed. F.M. Donne r. Aidershot 2,008, p. 114.J. Tolan is of similar opinion.
42.6 III. After the Conquest
eyen more complicated due to the fact that Christian Arabs fought on the side
of the empire. When the presence of Muslims on the territories torn away from
Byzantine rule became permanent, it forced the Christians living there to define
some attitude in face of the new, rapidly developing religion. While historians
referred to the theological issues only marginally, those issues were absolute-
ly essential for theologians, and the burden of the ideological struggle against
Muhammad’s religion rested upon their shoulders.
Although in the turmoil of war there was no time for a serious exchange
of views, the "debate” between Christian and Muslims commenced even during
the Prophet’s life?!. Later tradition impelled the cliphs to make efforts to pres-
ent Islam to other nations as well. The hadlth attributed the custom of sending
letters in praise of the new religion to neighbour rulers and encouraging them
to convert to Muhammad^. One of such letters was to have been addressed
to Emperor Heraclius?’. The likelihood of such a correspondence is discussed
by Marek Μ. Dziekan in this volume.
It seems worthwhile, however, to bring up a narration, popular in the Muslim
tradition, about an alleged meeting of Heraclius and Abu Sufyan, a prominent
citizen of Mecca and future father-in-law of the Prophet. It has been preserved
in several versions in Al-Bukhârï’s collection of hadlth?*. In the longest version,
the emperor had a wish to learn about Muhammad and called Abu Sufyan, who
was on his way with a Kuraysh caravan, to Jerusalem?‫؟‬. All of the described
events were said to have taken place during the armistice between the Kuraysh
١٠‫ آ‬oVm, Reactions chrétiennes aux conquêtes musulmanes. Étude comparée des auteurs chrétiens
de Syrie et Espagne, CCM 44,1001, pp. 550-551.
7' ‫آ <؟اآخًاحةلآل‬0‫ةعااًاع‬ ٠ ١ Defending the "People ofthe Truth” in the Ear Islamic Peri-
od. The Christian Apologies ofAbu Ra>itah١ùvàen-ôst٠ïï ιοοβ,ρ. ‫آل‬.
7‫ ع‬A. A b e 1, La lettre Polémique dArethas à l'émir à Damas, B 14, 1954, pp. 549-55٥.
Sebeos, 56- there is information about a letter sent by the caliph to emperor Constantine
(actually to Constans II).
75 The story about the correspondence between Muhammad and the emperor can be found
in a hadith in the collection of Al-Bukharl (vol. I, I, no. 6; ed. Μ. Muhsin Khan -all refer-
ences in this chapter according to this edition). The description can be found in: L. p o U Z e t, Le
hadith d’Heraclius: une caution byzantine a la prophétie deMuhammad١\^n٠١ La Syrie de Byzance
à Islam VIIe-٢ΙΙΡ siècles. Actes du Colloque international Lyon-Maison de lOrient Méditerra-
néen, Paris-Institut duMonde Arabe, 11-15 Septembre 1990, eds. p. Canive t,J.-P. Re y- c o -
quais, Damas 1991,pp. 59-65·
74 B U k h ä r ï, I, 16; II, 48; XLVIII, 846‫ ؛‬LU, 60,191,111; LUI, 599; LX, 75; LXXIII, Io;
LXXIV, 177; LXXXIX, 504; M.Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Narodziny islamu, transi.

H.oldka, Warszawa 1988,pp. 151-154.
75 Bukhari, I, 16; LIII, 599. Heraclius chose him, since he was Muhammad’s relative
(Bukhari, LII, 191).

and Muslims, before Abu Sufyan converted to Islam. Despite that, listening to his
answers, Heraclius was said to have believed that Muhammad was indeed a true
prophet ٥. He agreed to accept the letter from the Prophet via the governor of
Bostra??. Abu Sufyan concluded that Heraclius was scared of Muhammad, and
was made to think that the latter would become a great conqueror someday .
Afterwards, some mysterious voice told him he would be defeated by circum-
cised men, so he decided to exterminate all Jews. Later on he learned (through
an envoy of the king of Ghassanids) that the Arabs were circumcised too, and he
understood that the time of their reign was coming. Having arrived in Homs,
he gathered his top dignitaries and announced that conversion to Islam was
the only chance for the empire to survive. As they strongly opposed, he explained
that he only wanted to test their Christian faith ‫ و‬Another hadith informs that
Heraclius in fact recognised Muhammad as a prophet . According to some oth-
er version of that narration, cited by Maurice Gaudefroy-Demombynes, the em-
peror would send Muhammad’s letter to a certain patriarch, as more competent
in the questions of faith. The latter during a meeting (services?) at a church was
supposed to have announced his conversion to Islam, but the angry crowd killed
him upon hearing that . Those narrations, albeit fictional, shows the Muslims
desired acceptance of their beliefs by some external authority in order to prove
that the message of the Prophet was convincing also for their enemies.
While the above examples of religious exchange of information seem to be
the product of their authors alone, it is true that already during the conquest there
were meetings between the caliphate leaders and representatives of local popu-
lation. Since the latter, not infrequently, chose bishops as their representatives,
especially in the cities, the meetings sometimes turned into religious disputes,
particularly when the Muslims encouraged the Christians to convert to Islam.
A good example of such an event was a debate that took take place on 9 May 695
between the Patriarch of Antioch, John and Amr ibn Al-Ây. What is interesting,
the debate was observed by a group of Christians of different denominations,
including Christianised Arabs^. The record shows how little both parties knew
7٥ Bukhari, I, 16; LX, 75. Abü-Sufyan emphasised that Muhammad told Muslims to
do good, pray, stay clean and be on good terms with relatives (Bukhari, LXXIII, I o).
77 Bukhari, I, ‫ل‬6‫ أ‬LU, 191î LII, 2.2.1; LXXIV, 2.77. Another hadith was telling that Her-
aclius wanted to leam about Muhammad upon receiving a letter from him (Bukhari, LX, 75).
78 Bukhari, I, 16; LII, 191.
79 Bukhari, I, 16; LX, 75.
8٥ Bukhari, II, 48; XLVHI, 846; LII, 60.
81 Μ. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Narodziny islamu..., pp. 155-154.

81 John and the Emir} 7-9 (fiirther references after F. Naus edition).
about each other’s faith’. The patriarch, supported by other Church dignitar-
ies٥4, seemed to be unaware of the fact that according to Muhammad’s learning
Christ was the Word of God to Muslims too٥5. At no point of the discussion did
he quote the Kur an, which should not be surprising, as its final version did not
yet exist then. On the other hand, no verses from the Bible were quoted in ‘Amr’s
arguments, either. When Amr rejected the Book ofProphets, the patriarch did
not remind him that Islam recognised Old Testament prophets as well, and con
fined himself to quoting the Torah". ‘Amr could not understand why the Chris-
tians differed in faith, although they believed in the same Gospel . However, he
did not fail to notice the major difference between Christianity and Islam, when
he tried to negate the divinity of Christ . Distrustful of the bishop, he sought
confirmation of Biblical verses from a Jew, not known by name٥9. The lack of
knowledge did not mean lack of interest. ‘Amr was interested in the Christian
law. According to Michael the Syrian he wanted to learn Christian writings, too.
At his request the patriarch had them translated into Arabic, which would have
been done by some Christianised Arabs‫؟‬٥.
With time the Byzantines expanded their knowledge about Islam from
Christians under the Arab rule who were able to read both the Bible and
the Kur an, and translate them into Arabic, Greek or Syriac. The Muslims - ex-
cept for converts - knew only Arabic, which is why the knowledge of the Bible
among Arab scholars was fairly poor until tenth century, whereas the knowledge
of the Christians about Islam expanded quickly‫'؟‬.
Having got acquainted with the rival, the Christians could undertake a bat-
tie on words and arguments. There was another important reason why, from
the early eighth century, the Christian elite began to confront themselves with
the Muslim challenge. After the few decades that followed the conquest one
8’ The text was written۶٥٠#۶tawandsent toother bishops. Michael the Syrian,

vol. II, pp. 431-431.
84 John and the Emir, IO.
٠١ !he Early Christian-Muslim Dialogue: ‫ د‬Collection of Documents Jrm the First !hree
Islamic Centuries, 632-900 AD: Translations with Commentary, ed. Ν.Α. Newman, Hatfield
1993, p. 8.
86 John and the Emir, 6.
٠٦ John and the Emir -1..
٠٠ John and the Emir,
8‫ و‬John and the Emir, 6.
9٥ Michael the Syrian, vol. II, pp. 431-431. Here the Arab leader demanded
a Gospel which would conform with the Qur’an.
‫ او‬It ought to be remembered that Anastasius of Sinai did not call that religion by name
and mentioned neither Muhammad, nor the Kun. J. Tolan, Réactions chrétiennes..., pp. 354-
could hardly believe that the situation would rapidly change and that the ca٠
liphs’ rule would be overthrown. At some point the Byzantines had to accept
the idea that getting rid of the invaders from the occupied territories would not
happen as quickly as they had expected. That kind of thinking could be observed
as early as in the works of Sebeos and Anastasius of Sinai۶٤. Dionysius of Tel
Mahre did not believe in an imminent expulsion of Muslims, either, although he
trusted that the next generation would live to see it Ghewond was of a similar
opinion and perceived the ftilfilment of King David’s prophecy in a civil war be-
tween the Ajrabs, trusting that God would not forsake the faithfill . But when
the hopes did not come true, one had to accept that the role of Christians was to
survive in an alien, often hostile environment and to keep their faith. Another
obligation was to keep up the spirit of fellow believers.
This was even more important considering that the new religion seemed at-
tractive to many inhabitants of the seized territories^. Conversions were taking
place even during the conquest, yet they were insignificant in number and were
met with condemnation*. But then the situation got worse. That was the result
of both top-down action, initiated by the caliphs, and of individual missionary
activities taken up by zealous Muslims. Despite the prohibition of forced con-
version contained in the Kuran?, and protection extended to the People of
the Book for as long as they paid taxes, the belief in the superiority of Islam over
other religions made lives of members of said religions difficult. Such a policy
was initiated already by the Umayyads, exemplified by the so-called Covenant
of Umar”. Building the mosque of the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem - a sa-
91 W.E. K a e g i, Initial Byzantine Reactions..., p. III.

95 Dionysius of Tel M a h r e, p. I ; J. F1 o r i, L1Islam et la fin des temps. Vinter-
pretation prophetique des invasions musulmanes dans la chrétienté médiévale,١>at٠١s ιο٠7١ρ. ‫لل‬%.
94 G h e w o n d, 5‫ ا‬19‫ ا‬2.0; ‫ل‬. Flori, LTslam..., pp. 119-12.0.
95 In the Apocalypse ofPseudo-Methodius we find a prophecy that it was going to happen

(Pseudo-Methodius, XII, 5-6). It was in fact a description of the actual status. What is
important, the author emphasized, that those who renounced their faith did so with no compul-
sion, beatings or torment (XII, 5), but freely (XII, 6).
96 John of N i k i u wrote of examples like that (CXIII, I, p. 181; eds. R.H. Charles,
D. L i 11; all references to this source after that edition). After the capture of Caesarea, Tripoli
and Tyre many citizens of those cities accepted Islam, cf D.J. Constantelos, The Moslem
Conquest ofNear East as Revealed in Greek Sources ofthe yillb and the vnrb Century,^ 4‫أ‬١ ‫ول‬7‫أ‬١
p. 549. The chronicler maintains that they did it because of fear.
97 Let there be no compubion in religion. Kuran,.‫دسأاديحا‬
٠ .٦]١‫ةد‬١‫’العشمًال‬١
‫ وو‬For example by raising taxes, removal from public space or change of the monetary sys-
tern. s. Kaeting To en i es. Defending..., p. 15.
99 There is huge literature on this subject. Probably the most important is: A.s. Tr i 11 o n.
Caliphs and 'Iheir Νοη-Muslim Subjects. A Critical Study ofthe Covenant of Umar, Ntàn&àon-
cred place for Jews and Christians alike - had a symbolic dimension^. The du-
ability of Arab power also made people convert to Islam'®', when the number
of converts began to grow, one had to explain why so many were listening to
Muhammad. The initial explanation that it was only ignorance and emotionality
of the Arabs which decided of his success‫ عها‬proved insufficient.
The Church certainly felt threatened and was aware that counteractions were
necessary*®’. From the early eighth century we can observe flourishing of polem-
ic literature. It was intended primarily for Christians, whom it was to give argu-
ments in the discussions with followers of Islam and to encourage them to stand
by the faith of their forefathers. Among the texts written at that time, we should
mention the alleged answer of emperor Leo III to TJmar H’s letter'®«, anonymous
apology of Christianity, dated by Khalil s. Samir to 738 or 771'®’, testimony of
٦٩ew ١‫ًادد‬١‫ء‬ See ‫ف‬٠. Α.Ν ο ‫ألأ‬١ Problems ofDiferentiation between Muslim and Non-Mus-
lim: Re-reading tbe “Ordinances of Umar”,\١iv٨ Muslims and Others in Earl? Islamic Society
R. H o y 1 a n d. Aidershot 2.004, pp. 103-12.4.
'٥٥Réactions chrétiermes...١١p. ١١١٠٠nA ttk. Early Christia Reactions to
the Building ofthe Dome ofthe Rock inJerusalem) ChrV 2, (8), 2.ΟΟΙ, pp. 2.2.7-2.41; o. Grabar,
Ihe Umayyad Dome ofthe Rock in Jerusalem, ١١٦9١9‫اشم‬٢‫ ًاال‬١ρρ. .١١-‫أة‬
‫ اها‬G h e w o n d, 43; ‫ ’ل‬F1 o r i, L’Islam...) pp. 119-110.
‫عشم لمها‬.-٦‫أل‬. ‫ ألعل‬o ١‫إل ًا د‬١ Polémique byzantine contre ITslam (νΐΙΙ-ΧΙΙΙ s.)١ ٦‫ طش‬٦‫و‬٠7‫ا‬١
pp. 137-140. E.g. Arethas defined Muslims as emotional, unable to act reasonably or to think
logically. A re th as,p. 196.
'٥١ ‫اشم‬. ‫ ’اآإلعًااشم‬0‫*( م‬Perception de Islam et traductions du Coran dans le monde byzan-
tine greC) B 75, 2.005, p. 2.5) writes about a hazard to the very existence of the Church. J. Tolan
{Reactions chrétiennes...) p. 358) believes that the scale of conversions made Christian theologians
define the place of Islam in history.
’٥٠ Leo III, cols. 315-314; A. Abe 1, ‫ ط‬lettre Polémique...) pp. 348-349. Although
Leo Ill’s response to the caliph is dated to 719, the text preserved in Ghewond was written later.
Bedrosyan considered it to be interpolation and did not add it to his translation of Ghewond.
‫آل‬٠‫ ًا‬more on ‫عطأ‬١ see: A.١e‫؟؟‬re^١ G ond’s Text ofthe Correspondence between *Umar II and
Leo III, HTR 37, 1944, pp. 169-331 (here we can find the English translation of the letter).
The scholar thinks that its author was Leo Syncellus, contemporary to Nicetas cibidem) p. 348),
and it was addressed to Ibrahim ΑΙ-Nagïramï, (Α.Α. Va s i 1 i e V, Byzance et les Arabes) vol. ΙΙ/ΙΙ,
transi. Η. Grégoire, Μ. Canard, Bruxelles 1930, p. osqq).
|٥5 The scholar is inclined to accept the earlier date(K.S. Samir, Une apologie arabe du chris-
tianisme d’époque umayyade?) POr 16, 1990/1991,p. 91). On that apology, see: Μ.Ν. Swan-
son. Beyond Proojtexting: Approaches to the Qur’an in Some Early Arabic Christian Apologies,
MWo 88.3-4, 1998, pp. 197-319. The manuscript of the apology can be found in the Library of
Congress (Sinai ar. 154). The text, along with the English translation, was published at the end
of nineteenth century: Μ. Dunlop Gibson, Studia Sinaitica) vol. VII, London 1889,
pp. 1-36 (translation); 74-107 (Arabic text). K.s. Samir (Une apologie arabe...) pp. 85-89) has
pointed out serious errors in both reading the Arabic original and in the translation..
5. The Arabs and Islam in the Eyes of the Byzantines... 431
John of Damascus’ (first half of eighth centuty)‘٥٥, and homilies of bishop Mar
Aba II (641-751) from southern Iraq and katholikos of the Assyrian Church of
the East 7. Fairly close to the discussed times is the polemic of patriarch Timothy
with caliph Al-Mahdi (781) and a religious dialogue from Jerusalem, known also as
the account from a meeting ofajacobite monk with the emir of the city (ca. 8οο)ι٥8.
In the following centuries we can observe a veritable avalanche of polemic
literature, but as it goes beyond the frames of this monograph, we shall refer
to it only in passing’. It should be noted though, that as the time went on,
Christian writings in Arabic played more and more important role in the discus-
sion with Muslims, which was caused by the popularity of that language'‘®, and
by the fact that some of the Arab rulers were interested in religious issues and
themselves initiated debates. The Nestorian katholikos, Timothy (717-823),
laid out the Christian doctrine upon request of caliph ΑΙ-Mahdf“. Although he
wrote in Syriac, the Arabic version of his work is better known to the public. His
successors decided to debate with Muslims in their language.
To all those who plunged into reading, it became evident that the Bible and
the Kuran were irreconcilable. Particularly disputable were the dogmas of In-
carnation and of the Holy Trinity"*. Step by step, Christians understood that
Islam was not a heresy of Ishmaelites, as John of Damascus had claimed, but an
entirely separate religion. Two contradicting phenomena contributed to such an
understanding: more and more common conversions to Islam and persistence of
Christian communities on Islamic territories“’.
٠٥٥ John was also the author o !Disputatio Saraceni et Christiani. See: A. Argyriou, Per-
ception...,p. 2.7.
٠ ١‫خ‬١‫غ‬١ Political Power and Right Religion in the East-Syrian Disputation be-
‫ها‬7 ‫ء‬٠‫ز‬١‫ًااحلم‬
tween a Monk ojBet Hâlê and an Arab Notable١\٨ïï٠\The Encounter ofEastern Christianity with
Early Islam, eds. E. Grypeou, D.R. Thomas, Μ. Swanson, Leiden 2.006, p. 15 5sqq.
٠٥8 The Early Christian-Muslim Dialog..., pp. 269-554 (the text preserved only in frag-
ments, pp. 282-540).
I‫ آله‬Of particular importance were the texts by Al-Kindi (c. 820), Nicetas of Byzantium
(ninth century) and Bartholomew of Edessa (tenth century). I have devoted a separate article to
the polemic between Christians and Muslims: T. Wo 1 i ή s k a, Elity chrzescijanskie wohec islamu
(VII-X w.), VP 64, 2015, (forthcoming), where I have also discussed the worlcs chronologically
beyond the frames of this book.
"٥ Ml SaAowsVA, Chrzricijanska arabskojçzyczn literatura apolgyczna Blisgo
iSrodkowego Wschodu w okresieAbbasydôw (750-1050), STHSO 5 2,2012, pp. 90-92ÎJ. To lan.
Réactions chrétiennes..., p. 5 54. s. KaetingToenies (Defending..., p. 19) has used an adequate term
the new linguafranca to define the process of Arabisation.
٠٠٠ Timothy’s Apology,pp. 1-162.
1'1 s. Kaeting Toenies, Defending..., p. 5; Μ. Sadowski, Chrzelcijanska...,
pp. 100-104.
٠٠’ s. Kaeting To e n i e s,Defending..., pp. 5-6.
Besides the two mentioned above, among the subjects discussed in dis-
putes there was the issue of recognizing Muhammad as a prophet, the status
of the Kur an and Gospels and their credibility, as well as differences in the le٠
gal and religious practices. While Christian polemists questioned the value of
the Kur an, their Muslim opponents accused them of falsifying parts of the Bi٠
ble"4. Sandra KaetingToenies emphasised that many of the issues were not new
to Christians, !hey had already been accused with similar charges by Jews (abso-
lute monotheism, problems with incarnation)"*.
!he first preserved Christian apology was of Melkite authorship"^, !he in-
troduction made numerous references to the Kuran''7, demonstrating a good
knowledge of the Muslim Holy Book, !hat fact has made Khalil Samir think that
he did not live in an isolated Christian ghetto, but must have actively participat-
ed in the Arab culture"®, !hat probably influenced his narration - a non-aggres-
sive, conciliatory lecture of the doctrine, which would demonstrate Christianity
as good for mankind"‫؟‬, !he first part was a collection of arguments supporting
the authenticity of the Holy Trinity dogma'٤٥, followed by the idea of Incarna-
tion, pointing out that God spread His Word to defeat Satan, free mankind from
sin and provide resurrection". In that way the basic points of disagreement be-
tween both religions were set up.
!he writings ofjohn of Damascus (ca. 674-749), a member of its Christian
elite, had a much greater response than the text quoted above. Living in a Mus-
lim neighbourhood gave him the opportunity to thoroughly study the new re-
ligion. !he description of Islam contained in the final chapter of the treaty On
Heresies'll is his own'*’. John knew the Kur an, if not from personal lecture, then
certainly second hand. He quoted it, albeit only short passages and not very pre-
''4 Ibidem, pp. 8-9; Μ. Sadowski, Chrzeicijanska..., pp. 95-97.

ns s. Kaeting Toe n ies,Defending...,p. 7.
"٥ K.S. Samir, Une apologie arabe...) pp. 91, 105. The author emphasizes that Melkites
were dominant among the Christians of Damascus and it was not by accident that the first Chris-
tian text in Arabic was Melkite.
"7 Ibidem١p٠97٠
"% Ibidem١p. .‫ا‬٢‫آلد‬
‫ ”و‬Ibidem, p. 105. The scholar pays attention to the other features of the discussed text:
lacking philosophical arguments, homiletic Style and being base on the Bible and patristic liter-
ature (ibidem, p. osqq).
11‫كظر ه‬, pp. 97-98.
ΠΙ Λ^^,ρρ.ΙΟΟ-ΙΟΖ.
'XX Ibidem١p .‫ آلو‬.
’John of Damascus, De haeresibus, c (CI). In describing other heresies the au-

thor sought inspiration in the earlier treatises.
cisely‘*4. He defined Suras as writings (γραφα()‘*‫؛‬, as though they were separate

texts. His opinion had influence on many Byzantines‘**. Historians (primarily
Theophanes the Confessor and George the Monk), as well as theologians, uti-
lised the arguments from his work.
Characterizing the religion of Muhammad (whom he called Mamed) John
reached for the Kur an and called up the most essential parts of its teaching.
He paid particular attention to Islamic monotheism, by quoting the verse that
He begetteth not) nor is He begotten‘*7 and to those elements of the new religion
which were at odds with Christianity. He emphasised that for Islam’s faithfid
Christ was the God’s Word and Spirit, but not His Son; that according to them
He was God’s slave and was not crucified (only His shadow was) - but ascended
up to Heavens‘**. According to Muslims, Jesus himself was to reprove His disci-
pies when they regarded Him to be the Son of God‘*9. In the opinion of Father
Jan w Zelazny, the rejection of Christ’s divinity was the chief characteristic of
Islam noted by John of Damascus‘’®.
Most of the information delivered by John about the Muslim religion was
correct. He knew that its followers could not celebrate Shabbat, get baptised,
or drink wine. They could eat food forbidden by the Torah (but he did not say
which),but they could noteat other kind offood(hedid notsaywhich either)'’‘.
Still, the information was not free of errors. We do not know from where he ob-
tained the information that Saracens got circumcised along with their wives'’*.
114 E.g. he concluded his polemics with a free verse of the Kuran (5:11$). See also: A. Ar-
gyri OU, Perception..., pp. 2.8-Ζ9.
٠٤١ John of Damascus, c (CI), 95,149, 152.. He named Sura 4
(The Women)) 5 (7‫ ط‬Table spread) and 1 (The Heifer). He also considered Kur’anic the text
She-Camel ofGod (c [CI], 114), which is not in the Kuran.
116 His works were translated into Arabic and used by Muslim theologians as well.). To -
1 a n. Réactions chrétiennes..., p. 358.

117 A"*.4-111:1 ,‫لظ‬
18 ‫ ا‬John of Damascus,De haeresibus,c (CI), 17-31.
19 ‫ ا‬John of Damascus, De haeresibus, c (CI), 17-31, p. 135; George

the Monk, p. 700 (ed. c. de B o o r = IV, 3 5, 7, ed. J.-P. Migne, col. 868); Μ. Sad-
owski, Chrzeicijanska..., pp. 98-100.
I’٥ J.w. Zelazny, Patrystyczne..., p. 309. At the same time he emphasised that according
to the Kuran God at Christ’s request, had sent down to Him and the ones who accompanied
him thta table set (Kuran, 5:114-115).
131 John of D a m a s c u s,De haeresibus, c (CI), 151; George the Monk,p. 700
(ed. c. de Βοογ = IV, 2٠3 5, 6, ed.J.-P. Migne, col. 868).
’’!John of Damascus, De haeresibus, c (CI), 151.
It is also difficult to say where he found the text God’s She-Came/133, which was
neither in the Kur an, nor in the Muslim tradition.
John refuted the charge of adding associators (έταίριστάς) to God, i.e. be-
ing polytheist ٩ He accused Muslims of inconsistency, saying that if they re-
garded Christ as God’s Word, they regarded Him as God at the same time, as
the Word and Spirit were inseparable in the one in whom they existed'’‫؟‬. He
rejected the critics of the cult of the Cross, and accused the Muslims of idolatry.
He maintained that they worshipped the Morning Star and a stone which was
the head of Aphrodite Habar (he certainly meant Al-Ka'ba)٤’٥. He must have
been aware that an accusation like that was indefensible in his times - for he
added that the Arabs used to be idolaters until the times of Heraclius'’?, but
now (i.e. in the early eighth century) they were simply heretics'’®, !hey believed
that Abraham and Hagar used to make love on that stone or that Isaac was to be
sacrificed thereon’?.
Trying to stand up to Islam, the Christians had to attack its founder. John of
Damascus spoke of him with contempt as of afalseprophet (ψευδοπροφήτης)!40.
He emphasised that there was no-one to witness that his mission was from God -
because he had received his revelation in a dream, and nobody had announced
his coming4!. When it turned out that the Kuran in fact did contain references
to the Bible, announcing the arrival of Muhammad’4*, the Muslims were accused
of falsifying the Scripture.
Muhammad’s revelations were explained rationally and in a way that was de-
rogatory to him at the same time. Theophanes knew that Muhammad was to have
It is possible that the story of a she-camel, who is the mother of a baby-camel, although
no male has inseminated her, was a mocking paraphrase of the Gospel (c [CI], 114-148).
!’4John of D am as cus,٥£ ‫كمدة‬, c (CI), 6ι-68,ρ. 136. He referred to thene-
gation ofchrist’s divinity in the Kur’än (among others: 1:116; 5:73; 7:33; 19:35). He pointed
ont that the Muslims themselves distinguished between God and Spirit.
'5‫ ؟‬John of Damascus, De haeresibus, c (CI), 69.
‫’ا‬٥ John of Damascus, Dtf haeresibus, c (CI), 78-94; J.w. Zelazny, Patrysty٠
££«£...,p. 309.
’John of Damascus, De haeresibus, c (CI), I o; Contra Muhammad, col. 1448.
’’8 John of Damascus, De haeresibus, C (CI), I o.
’59 John of Damascus, De haeresibus, c (CI), 78.
'4° John of Damascus,Dehaeresibus,C (CI), IO.
’4’ John of Damascus, haeresibus, c (CI), 3 z; J.w. Zelazny, Patrystyczne...,
p. 309. John ofDamascus pointed out that Muhammad forbade Muslims doing anything unwit'
nessed and he himself could not provide a witness. Those arguments were subsequently^ repeated
by other writers. Further on that: A.-Th. Kh o U r y)Polemique...) pp. 11-13,19-30, 105-109.
'41 Kuran, 1:119; 7:1 57; 61:6.
obtained his message from God through Archangel Gabriel, but he rejected that.
He maintained that Muhammad had suffered from epilepsy, which disturbed
and grieved his wife Khadidja. To explain his attacks, Muhammad was to tell her
he was having visions that caused loss of consciousness. She did not trust him
at first, but when his words were confirmed by a certain monk, expelled (from
Byzantium?) for unorthodox views, she began telling other women of the tribe
that her husband was a prophet. The new beliefs (heresy for Theophanes) started
to spread, first secredy, then through war, finally in the open. All that would last
for 2,9 years'**. According to another version, Muhammad was to have a dream
about the archangel, which he took for reality'**. In the most extreme interpreta-
tion, Muhammad was tormented by demons'*‫؟‬.
Not only Muhammad’s teaching, but also he himself was attacked. It was
reminded that he had been an orphan with no means to live, who owed his riches
to a woman. According to Theophanes, Muhammad used to work for a rich wid-
ow Khadidja, leading caravans between Palestine and Egypt. He later married
her, thus obtaining her estate'**. John of Damascus accused him of immoral con-
duct - he allowed other men to have four wives and as many concubines as they
wished, as well as the right to walk out on their wives, because he had himself
desired another man’s wife'*?. The Prophet was also blamed for disloyalty, lies,
licentiousness, lack of education, and impiety. Christian polemists maintained
that he had not been worthy enough to be a real envoy of God'**.
145 Theophanes, AM 612.2.. A similar but abbreviated story was cited in: George
the Monk, pp. 698-699 (ed. c. de B o o r = IV, 2.3 5, 3, ed. J.-P. Migne, col. 865). Also
Bartholomew of Edessa informed of Muhammad’s epilepsy (Bartholomew of Edessa,
col. 142.8).
44‫ ا‬John of Damascus, De haeresibus, c (CI), 45; A.-Th. Khoury, Polemique...)
p. 79.
45*48Abu Kurra, opusculae> 2.0, cols. 1545-1548‫ ؛‬A.-Th. Khoury, Polemique,..) p. 79.
1*
44
146 Theophanes, AM 6112.. Later authors made the story more colourful, writing
about Muhammad’s poor look and miserable existence in his childhood (1Contra Muhammad)
col. 1448). Due to his ugliness Khadidja would not want to sleep with him. They said that he had
been the son of a slave woman, Amina, and at the same time he would not have been the son of
Abd Allah. Bartholomew of Edessa described colourfully how Muhammad’s grandfather went
to the market with his son to find him a woman slave, and then Amina got pregnant, it was not
certain if with Abd Allah or with one of the shepherds. Muhammad would be born at a pasture
and brought home on camel manure. Cfi: Bartholomew of Edessa, col. 1415‫ ؛‬A.-Th.
¥،‫أل‬OU ٩١Polemique...١p.
4‫ ?ا‬John of Damascus, De haeresibus) c (CI), 95.
48‫ ل‬A.-Th. Khoury (Polemique...) pp. 59-102.) discusses Muhammad’s life, particularly his
moral attitude, as it was described by enemies of Islam (ibidem) pp. 87-102.).
43 6 III. After the Conquest
The Kuran, another objects ofpolemic attacks, was presented as a false scrip-
ture.John of Damascus suggested that Muhammad (Mamed) had read the Old
and New Testament by chance and had been taught by a certain Arian monk, as
a result of which he had scribbled some laughable writings and was telling every-
body he had obtained them by God'٩ For that reason Islam was, according
to John, a deceptive cult, herald of Antichrist, and a heresy'5٥. The presence of
the Old andNewTestament elements in Muhammad’s teachingwould have been
borrowed from Jews and heretics during his business trips when he had worked
for Khadldja’‫'؟‬. It was said that some heretic monk used to teach Muhammad'‫*؟‬.
There was a dispute about who that monk may have been: according to some au-
thors he was Arian'‫؟؟‬, according to others - Nestorian and Hesychast. He would
have been responsible for Muhammad’s idea of Christ, usually perceived as Ne-
storian, although Anastasius of Sinai saw connection between Muslim beliefs
and Monophysitism*‫*؟‬.
Having questioned the Ku an and criticised Muhammad himself, the po-
lemists made conclusions about Islam as a whole. It was regarded as a false reli-
gion, which would be attested by contradictions a true religion could not have.
It was emphasised that its practices did not provide salvation and it did not offer
a better morality than other religions. They turned down the idea of successive
religions, according to which Judaism was followed by Christianity, which in
turn would be followed by Islam’‫؟؟‬.
The polemists stressed the essential difference in the method of distribution
of Christianity and Islam - the former spread the Good Tidings by the force of
its message, the latter - by force alone. Already Abraham the Jew, in the Teaching
‫ ا‬John of Damascus, De haeresibus, c (CI), I o-16. In another place he assessed

the opinion presented in Sura 2. as ridiculous (c [CI], 1‫)؛‬.
'5٥ John of Damascus, De haeresibus, c (CI), I.
'‫'؟‬Theophanes, AM 612.2.; George the Monk, pp. 699-700 (ed. c. de

B o o r = IV, 2.35, 6, ed.J.-P. Migne, col. 865Α-Β).
IS* John of Damascus,D^^ra^wi,C(CI)٠ 10-16.'Thatmonkappearedinsourc-
es under the name of Bahia or Sergios Bahia. The story of a Christian who had recognised
a prophet in Muhammad appeared first in Muslim sources and it was later picked up by the writ-
ings of Christian authors, who changed its connotation. More on that: B. Rogge ma. The Leg٠
end ofSergius Bahira. Eastern Christians Apologies and Apokalyptic in Responce to Islam١idàen-
Boston ‫أ‬00‫و‬٦ s. Get’ô, The Legend of the Monk Bahia, the Cult of the Cross and Iconoclasm,
[in:] La Syrie de Byzance à rislam νΊΙ'-ΤΊΙΙ' siècles..., pp. 47-58‫ ؛‬A. B a h ko u. The Christian
Legend ofMonk Bahira. The Syriac Manuscript ofMardin 259/2: Study and English Translation,
n.p. 2006.
'55 John of Damascus, De haeresibus, c (CI), 10-16. Repeated by Abù Kurra.
!54 For more on that, see: J. To 1 a n. Réactions chrétiennes pp. 3 54-35 5.
155 A.-Th. Khoury, Polémique..., p. 45.

ofjacob, pointed out the fact that Muhammad had arrived with the sword and
army, which proved that he indeed was not a true prophet 5٥.
Attacking Islam, polemic texts often reached for moral issues. We have men-
tionedjohn of Damascus who accused Muslims of circumcising women'57. Also
polygamy and position of females in Islam was rejected'5٥.
Regardless of the intellectual level, knowledge and literary skills of particular
authors, they used similar arguments. They focused on fighting the new religion
and defending Christian dogmas. The intensity of Islam’s assessment varied as well.
Theophanes did it quietly, avoiding emotional expressions. The writings of George
the Monk about Muhammad, his teaching and followers were diametrically differ-
ent and foil of pejorative expressions'‫ و‬For John of Damascus the Muslims were
barbarians, invaders, usurpers and destroyers of social and religious order ٥. He
wrote about them with irony and sarcasm. Although he tried to keep up his temper
at first, he could not keep it up for long and said at one point that into thesouls of
asses, whereyou [theMuslims], too, likebeastsaredestinedtogo'G[. It is difficult there-
fore to agree with the suggestion that John avoided using the name of the Prophet
because he was afraid of potential repressions for insulting him'".
The above examples, although incomplete, are still representative, and show
that at first the Christians did not attempt to confront the challenge of a new,
competitive monotheistic religion. They were initially not aware of the changes
that were taking place in the Arabian Peninsula, and treated the invaders like
loot-hungry nomads. They did not know their religious views and had no chance
learn them due to the lack of Muslim writings. An additional complication was
the fact that some of the Arab tribes had been Christianised prior to the birth of
Islam. If we add that Islam made references to the Old and the New Testament,
it is easy to understand that the victims of the first Arab raids did not know who,
from the religious point of view, they were dealing with. This is why Christian
sources initially spoke of the Arabs as pagans. Christian writers remembered
that before Islam the invaders used to worship idols. Some even maintained that
'١e Doctrina IacobhV, 6‫ل‬١ pp. 0‫ا‬0‫و‬-‫أا‬.

IS? John of Damascus, De haeresibus, c (CI), 9 5.
'١٥ John of D a m a s c U s, De haeresibus, c (CI), IΟ-16. cf. Kuran, 2:223 {Jour wives
are as a tilth untoyou).
IS9 J.v. Maksimov has found nearly a hundred invectives in his text (Georgij Amartol ob
islame, [in:] Vizantijskie socinenija ob islame, ed.Ju .‫؟‬.Maksimov. Moskva 2012, p. 66).
16٥ A.Zhyrkowa, Wstçp, [in:] Jan Damascenski, Dialektyka albo rozdzialyfilo-
zofazne. De haeresibus, transl. A. Zhyrkowa, Krakdw 2011,Ρ.2Ι.
'٥' John of D a m a s c u s,De haeresibus, c (CI), 147-148.
161 J.w. Zelazny, Patrystyczne..., p. 3 IO.
Muhammad in fact had never abandoned the faith of his forefathers. Others ac٠
cused him of atheism.
Then there came the opinion that Islam was a Christian heresy. The common
features and differences of both faiths were pointed out - the rejection of divin-
ity of Christ must have been alien to Monophysitesi63. When Christian authors
became better acquainted with the Muslim writings they began to understand
the scale of differences. The assessment of Islam gradually evolved from a sect of
Hagarenes to its recognition as a separate religion, competitive to Christianity,
grown out of idolatry and with elements borrowed from different sources'**. In
spite of that, as Sandra Kaeting Toenies has noticed, the Christians, particularly
those living under the Muslim rule, still tried to find out any common points
with Islam, for example they emphasised numerous references to prophets in
theKur’an'٥5.
163 Cf J.Gnilka, Die Nazarener und der Koran. Eine Spurensuche, Freiburg 1007.
The scholar is of a different opinion, his views being closer to Nestorian.
٠٥* TheEarly Christian-Muslim Dialog...,?. 719. cf. the description of Islam in A g a p i U s,
p. 457 [197].
٠٥‫ ؟‬s. Kaeting To e n i e s, Defending..., p. 9.
Marta Wozniak
6. A Byzantine Heritage? Outline ofArt and Architecture

of Early Islam (Seventh-Eighth Centuries)
The emergence of the Arab-Muslim Empire is an example of one of the fast-

est processes of creating a political and cultural superpower in the history of
the world. Semites from the heart of the Arabian Peninsula, deprived of any sig-
nificant achievements in the field of culture apart from orally transmitted poetry,
within one century dominated a territory spreading from the Western edges of
Europe through North Africa and up to Central Asia, becoming patrons of art and
representatives of highly developed culture of those times. It was possible thanks
to the rales of Islam, which aimed to eradicate tribal, clan and national divisions.
The Arabs managed to bring other Semitic, Iranian and Turkish tribes, and even
Persians, creators of an ancient civilization, within the orbit of their own religion
and culture. This process was facilitated by a widely-spread custom of mixed mar-
riages (exogamy), which was characteristic for the umma, the Muslim community,
especially during the time of its greatest growth as a civilization*.
The Arabs were eager to adopt the artistic, architectural, scientific, phil-
osophical and literary achievements of conquered tribes*. Using elements of
various artistic traditions of the territories they tried to give them hallmarks of
homogeneity. The Muslim attitude to art in the early period was determined
by the harsh lifestyle of the former desert-dwellers, although we must also re-
member Arab elites, who did not exist in a cultural void before Islam and became
‫ ا‬Μ.Μ. Dziekan,Dziejekulturyarabskiej, Warszawa 2.008,p. 13.

2 K. Estreicher, Historia sztuki w zarysie, Krakow 1988, pp. 2.2.2.-2.2.3; J.Pijoan,
Sztuka islamUi [in:] J. A U b o y e r, J. o s t i e r, J. p i j o a n, Sztuka Iwiata, vol. IV, Warszawa
1990, p. 205; M.w. Alpatow, Historia sztuki, vol. II, sredniowiecze, transi. Μ. Kurecka,
W. W i r p s z a, Warszawa 1991, pp. 34-35; Robinson, Islam, transl. J. Pierzchala,
Μ.Μ. Dziekan, Warszawa 1996, pp. 232.4; Historia sztuki, vol. V, Bizancjum i islam, transl.
Μ. Pabisiak, Krakow 2.ΟΙΟ, p. 156.
familiar with achievements of other ethnic groups during trading expeditions’.

The Umayyad period (661-750) is often regarded as the formative period of
Islamic art. During the initial years, although Arabic was already an official lan-
guage and Islam the dominant religion of the lands united under the Umayyad
reign, artists created their works according to previously established rules.
The main artistic influences came from late antique naturalistic Graeco-Roman
tendencies, which were predominant on eastern coast of the Mediterranean.
They were complemented by more formal patterns developed by the inhabitants
of Byzantium and Persia, visible especially in metalwork and depictions of ani-
mais, plants and humans. Moreover, certain elements of Mesopotamian, Visig-
othic, Berber, and Asian styles could be discerned. In time, however, Muslim
artists developed new techniques, forms and conventions, distancing themselves
from the listed patterns«.
The principal aim of the art of Islam was to serve the needs of the new reli-
gion and various aspects of social and economic life. Buildings of sacral charac-
ter, such as mosques and sanctuaries, were erected. Architecture played the key
role, whfle the other types of art played only secondary roles and were dependent
on it‫؛‬. Art remained at the service of rulers, who not only founded mosques, but
also built palaces, schools, hospitals, bath houses, caravanserais, and later also
mausoleums. In the case of the Islamic world, we can talk of dynastic art and
styles typicl for particular dynasties*.
The purpose of this chapter is to present the art of Islam in the seventh and
eighth centuries, i.e. during the period of the Umayyad dynasty. It is necessary to
outline its characteristic features, in particular its iconoclastic tendencies. Since
architecture held the highest importance in the discussed period, it is going
to be the main focus of the paper, and the most significant religious buildings
(the Dome of the Rock, the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus) and secular con-
structions (the so-called “desert palaces") are going to be described. It needs to be
emphasised that the distinction between religious and secular art is made purely
by convention - similarities between these forms are often more important than
3 The Prophet himself was reported to have visited Bostra (in modern day Syria), which
was famous for its monumental buildings. A. Balli an. Country Estates. Material Culture, and
the Celebration ofPrincely Life: Islamic Art and Secular Domain,\m٦\ Byzantium and Islam. Age
of Transition, /)-9*1) Century, ed. H.c. E V a n s, B. R a 11 i f f, New York 2.012., p. 102..
4 M.w. Alpatow, Historiasztuki..., pp. 54-55.
5 ‫ل‬. B i n O U S, Μ. H aw a r i, Μ. M a r i n, G. öneg, Islamic Art in the Mediterranean,
٧m٠ i١ The Umayyads: The Rise ofIslamic Art, Amman ٦7‫أ‬0‫ا‬0١‫ج‬. ٠

6 Ibidem١p. ‫آلا‬.
6. A Byzantine Heritage? Outline of Art and Architecture... 441
differences?. We are going to depict relicts of Umayyad decorative art and coins,
which constitute a valuable source of information on the subject of the ofEcial
ideology and the policy of a ruler who commissioned their minting®.
6.1. Characteristic Features of Islamic Art
Although Islam lacks an in-depth reflection on aesthetics, it does not mean

that it did not create its own ideal of beauty - connected with God and his great-
est creation, the human being*. Beauty from the Muslim point of view requires
symmetry, balance and contrast, which is particularly visible in Arabic embel-
lishments and calligraphy’Q. Muslim art, whose aim is to emphasise God’s glory,
is permeated with the spirit of unity - the repetitiveness of arabesque" is reflect-
ed in the rhythm and rhymes of poetry and melodic line of traditional Arabic
music. Muslhn art is mostly non-realistic and ηοη-mimetic - its main form of
expression is abstraction, though does not mean that it is plastically poor".
There is a common belief that art of the analysed area was aniconic , al-
though nothing really indicates that early Muslim theology condemned images.
According to some accounts, in Al-Ka 4‫لط‬, Muhammad personally prevented
one of the paintings depicting Mary with baby Jesus kneeling from destruction -
having entered the temple he placed his hand on this image and said: Destroy all
the paintings except those underm) hands^.
7 A. Balli an. Country Estates...' p. 2.ΟΟ.

% C.Voss, Arab-Byzantine Coins: Money as Cultural Continuîty١\m٦١ Byzantium and Is-
lam...'?. 136.
9 Μ.Μ. Dziekan, ‫ضدن‬...,p. 335.
Ι٠ K. Estreicher, Historia sztukip. 2.2.7; J.Pijoan, Sztuka islamu...' pp. 2.36-38;
F. Robinson, Islam...' pp. 2.00-2.03.
‫ اا‬An arabesque consisted of floral elements, which were stylised, densely distributed and
filled the whole surface of the composition. M.W. Alpatow, Historia sztuki...' pp. 43-47.
u ١. ‫ ‘ا آل‬aA o s ‫ ا‬ο ٢‫ذأل‬١ Sztuka cenniejsza niz zloto. Opowie^ o sztuce europejskiej naszej ery,
Warszawa 04, pp. 70-71; Μ.Μ. D zielt an, Dzieje...' pp. 336-337; Historia sztuki...' p. 139.
13 For more information about iconoclastic tendencies in Islam see: G. Marçais, ‫صن‬
question des images dans fart musulman,^ 7٠‫لعل‬-‫جل‬١٢‫ال‬.٢‫ة أح‬٦‫ًاةد‬١ Islam and Icon-
oclasm١٧١n٦١ Iconoclasm. Papers Given at the Ninth spring Symposium ofByzantine Studies, Uni-
versity ofBirmingham, March 1975' ed. A. B r y e r, J. H e r r i n, Birmingham 1977, pp. 45-52..
14 Al-Ka ba in Arabic means a cube. The most important Muslim temple is not a mosque
but is situated within a mosque in Mecca. It has been a place of veneration since even before
Islam. Μ.Μ. Dziekan, Dzieje...' pp. 341-348.
'S ‫كآ‬.٢‫أذ‬٦‫د‬٠١‫آةألط‬١‫ل‬١‫ دل‬٢‫ةةد‬١ The Image ofthe World: Notes on the Religious Iconography of
Islam١١١n٠^Late Antique and Medieval Art ofthe Mediterranean World, ‫ةح‬.‫آل‬1‫آل‬٩ ϋ ‫ ة هًا ًا ًا‬ÏÏ ‫اآ‬١
Malden-Oxford-Victoria 2.007, P. 193.
Unlike the Old Testament, the Kuran does not contain a prohibition of
producing images of living creatures. However, orthodox Muslim researchers
indicate particular passages of Kuran whose interpretation can serve as a basis
for iconoclasm. One of them comes from Sura 59:2,4 {The Exile} and states: He
is Allah) the Creator‫ لح‬the Maker‫ لح‬the Former16. Apart from pointing to God as
the source of any creation, it does not contain an explicit prohibition of pro-
ducing any kinds of images. It was sunnah, the Prophet’s tradition, that limit-
ed the believers’ possibilities of artistic expression. Particular hadiths, such as
the one about the meeting of Muhammad and his wife 'Ä’isha, contain a ban on
creating images:
Her room was separated with a curtain, on which where were paintings. The Prophet
torn them apart and said that on the day of resurrection those will suffer greatest tor
ments who imitate the work of God’s creation. Then 'Ä’isha ordered to make sitting
pillows filled with palm tree leaves. Muhammad did not condemn it
states ١‫ ئط‬angels do not enter any bouse in which there is

‫تخ‬١‫دك‬٢‫ ًاحأل‬١‫ألأاهةب‬
a painting8. The oldest hadiths explicitly prohibiting the creation of images
originate from the ninth century. Muslims became critical of paintings only in
the eighth century - at the exact time of the Christian iconoclasm'*. Followers
of Islam were then forbidden to depict God, human beings and animal ٥. It was
an extraordinary coincidence that the same issue gained equally grand signifi-
cance for the two great religions simultaneously, in the during the eighth centu-
ry reign of the Umayyad caliphate. One of the most eminent Christian writers,
John of Damascus, from the Manu family, which played an important role in
the Umayyad administration, was an individual who contributed substantially
’٥ All Quranic translations in this chapter by *Ali Qu i Qara’i.

7‫ا‬ J. D a n e c k i, Arabowie, Warszawa zoo I, p. 194.
'8 F. B1 i s s, Zum Beispiel Islam im Alltag, Göttingen I998,p. 133.
‫ وا‬J. Pi) o an, Sztuka islamu..., p. Ζ08. According to Christian sources - Muslim texts
make no mention - Umayyad caliph Yazid II proclaimed an edict, in which he forbade the de٠
piction of human figures and ordered the destruction of Christian crosses. A. Grabar, Eicon٠
oclasme byzantin: le dossier archéologique, Paris 1984, pp. 155-156. Researchers do not agree on
the extent to which this order was enforced. As Danuta Madeyska writes {Historia iwiata
Ærabskiego. Ohres klasyczny: od staroiytnosci do konca epoki Umajjadôw (75٠(١lrsm ‫وووآ‬١
p. ٦^٦١٠٠ It can be assumed that this order was probably implemented only in Damascus and areas
closest to the centre ofpower.
٤٥ Muslim tradition emphasises that this prohibition refers to depicting living creatures.
Thus, artists used various ways to highlight that their works are related to beings devoid of a spir-
it. For example, they were shown without a head or with a line over the neck. A. w٩ s, Anikon-
iczny obrazBoga w islamie, Art 6, Ζ009, p. 7.
to restoring icons in the Church to their prominent place; by linking them to

the idea of salvation he gave a new meaning to their creation. In Islam there was
no one to undertake such a task: according to the Muslhn doctrine, the words
of God contained in Kuran were the key principles. The Prophet only conveyed
them - thus the Kuran could easily replace paintings^‘. The theories ofjohn of
Damascus were of no importance to Muslims, since they rejected the teaching of
Jesus Christ’s divine nature and considered Christians, who worshipped icons,
to be idolaters".
In the time of Muhammad and his direct successors, the straggle against imag-
es was aimed at eradicating polytheism. Several centuries later new argumentation
appeared: a fight against human arrogance became the centre of attention. Muslim
scholars explained that only God was entitled to create. A human, when drawing
living beings, usurped God’s rights. Furthermore, worshipping statues, even those
depicting God, was, as a matter of fact, a veneration of idols. That was an emer-
gence of a rale, which still remains in force today, according to which it is a sin to
reproduce any forms, not only gods or humans, but also animals, birds andplants٩
As Polish researcher of Islamic art, Kazimierz Eyszcz, says:

The process was greatly influenced by literary tradition recorded in the form of
the aforementioned hadiths, which referred to personal experiences of people from
the closest surrounding of Muhammad, or confirmed by those who, in the eyes of
the believers, deserved to be trusted, !he time of the openness of the new religion
and its continual expansion was followed by stagnation and a phase of consolidating
the rules of the new faith. One of the signs of the solidification of doctrine was a radi-
cal limitation of the freedom of using paintings.***
Although some scholars claim that Islam contributed to intensifying

the iconoclastic controversy in the Christian world, this thesis lacks sufficient
evidence. George Ostrogorsky suggests that what influenced the decision of em-
peror Leo III, who banned the making of depictions of Christ and his saints, was
the ruler’s eastern origin*. On the other hand, John of Damascus, another rep-
resentative of Christian elites of Syria, supported the creation of icons. Thus, it
is most probable that controversies connected with veneration of paintings had
1' Historiasztuki...١p. ‫وآلل‬.

** E. Cruikshank ï) Q àà)Image...)?. 193.
‫ آللم‬Historia sztuki...١p. .‫وآلل‬
‫ل‬4 ٦‫ء‬٠‫أآل آلا‬٢‫أ‬١ Malarstwo wiwiataroroe a tendencje ikonoklastyczne w sztuce islamu, 6‫ أتآلشم‬١
09, Ρ.16.
1$ G. Ostrogorski, Dzieje Bizancjum, tlum. H. Evert-Kappesowa et al.,
Warszawa 1967, p. 18$.
existed in the Mediterranean region before Muhammad’s activity. Both Islam

and Christianity eventually decided that creating images was legitimate, basing
this thesis on their doctrines - in Christianity God becomes a human, a visible
figure, thus paintings are justified; in Islam the rejection of the dogma of incar-
nation results in approving the rightness of a claim that Allah can only symbolise
a word". Therefore, it cannot be proven that Islam inherited the Christian tradi-
tion concerning this issue*?. It rather referred to ideas from the Old Testament.
Clear evidence that the matter of figurative representations was yet unre-
solved in the first centuries of Islam is present in the fact that quite a lot of depic-
tions of people and animals from this period remain. The first Muslim caliphs al-
lowed their palaces to be decorated with scenes of hunts and even the painting of
naked human figures. Despite eluding the ban or interpreting it in a way which
enabled artistic presentations of living beings, God remained an "inviolable" re-
ality in Muslim art .
From the beginning, rather than paintings, it was sculptures which aroused
most controversy, being equated with pagan idols, against which the zeal of
the followers of the new religion was chiefly aimed. It can be proven by a fre-
quently-quoted passage of Kuran (5:90): o you who havefaith! Indeed wine,
gambling, idols ad divining arrows are abominations of Satan’s doing, so avoid
them, so thatyou may befelicitous. Interestingly, the term idol denoted everything
that cast a shadow. Sculptures and cult object of other religions were destroyed
if there was any suspicion that they might have been objects of idolatry. As
K. hyszcz concludes:
The dispute on the issue of the origins of iconoclasm still causes disagreement among
researchers. Muslim scholars point to the initiating role of Byzantium, while chri-
stians emphasise the decisive influence of Islam. ‫و‬
6.2. Architecture and Art after the Rise of Islam
Arabic architecture from the time of Djahiliyya (lack of knowledge, igno-

rance) - including their greatest monument, ΑΙ-Kaha - did not present sig-
nificant artistic value. More interesting achievements in the field of construe-
16 Historiasztuki....,pp. 139-140·
11 ft. Cruikshank Dodd,/mf...,p. 194.
8‫ ئ‬A. ١٩ s,Anikoniczny..., p. 7.
‫ ول‬K. lyszcz, Malarstwo..., p. ٦6٠١ V. Ct one, Islam, Judeo-Christianity and Byzantine
Iconoclasm,\١n٠.١ The Formation ofthe Classical Islamic World, 0‫ى‬١‫ طت‬Arab-Byzantine Relations
in Early Islamic Times.٠ ed. Μ. Bonner, Aidershot 2.004, pp. 361-597-
ton can be attributed to representatives of the culttires from the peripheries of

the Peninsula: the Lakhmids, the Ghassanids and the Yemeni. Abu Muhammad
al-Hasan ibn Ahmad al-Hamdani described throne halls topped with domes,
built by the latter tribe. This text, however, referred to semi-mythical construe-
tions, so it cannot be taken literally’®. The most famous building constructed in
pre-Muslim Yemen was the royal Ghumdan Palace, which became a symbol of
splendour, wealth and royal power .
Since the Arabs did not have their own traditions in the area of architecture,
they had to model their constructions on the achievements of the neighbouring
civilizations: Byzantium and Persia. This is noticeable both in secular and in re-
ligious buildings’*. The earliest monument of Muslim architecture - a mosque
created through adapting the house of the Prophet in Medina - was a very sim-
pie construction. The existing building together with the adjacent yard was sur-
rounded with a wall. Next to the Prophet’s house a mosque was built from palm
tree stumps and its roof was covered with palm leaves”. The following mosques,
emerging in ΑΙ-Kùfa (658-659), Bostra (658-659) and Al-Fustat (642.), which
do not exist anymore, were also very simple in their structure’*. The first admin-
istration buildings, such as daral-imara in ΑΙ-Kùfa and in Damascus (after 644)
did not have any artistic value - they played a purely practical role. Apparently
the first of the Umayyad caliphs. Mu 'awija, ordered the restructure of his quar-
ters after being told by a Byzantine envoy that its upper part was suitable for birds
and the lower, for rats”.
The main difference between the early (685-714) and late (72.4-750) peri-
ods of Umayyad art consists of the role of carved decorations and reliefs. Until
72.4 AD relief sculptures were infrequent compared with mural and floor mo-
saics. Even in the case of those monuments in which sculptures and reliefs are
5٥R. Ettinghausen, o. Grabar, Μ. Jenkins-Madina, Sztuka i architektura

islamu 650-12$()) Warszawa 2.007, p. 4.
١' N.N.U 0\‫الاًد‬١ The Dome oftbe Rock, tbe Kaba and Gbumdan: Arab Myths and Uma-
yyadMonumentS) Muq IO, 1995, p. 61.
١1 ‫مةب‬١‫ألمعةلمل‬ ٠ ‫ا‬٠١ Tbe Byzantine Heritage in tbe Dar alslan: Churches and Mosques in
al-Ruba between tbe Sixth and Tweh Centuries١w٩i6١ 1OO9١PP.6٠ ‫ل‬-‫آل‬
‫” ل‬. p i j o a n, Sztuka.pp. 2.08-2.09; R. Ettinghausen, o. Grabar, Μ. Jen-
kins-Madina, Sztuka.,.) p. 5; Historia sztuki...) p. 141; A. p e t e r s e n. Dictionary oflslamic
Architecture) London 2.002., p. ‫ل‬8‫ل;ؤ‬. Sauvage t, La Mosquée Omeyyade de la Médine. Étude
sur les origines architecturales de la mosquée et de la basilique١Vai\s 47‫ول‬٠
١٠ V ٠١٠٠١ O an, Sztuka..., p. ‫ا‬0‫و‬٦١٩. ‫أةدادافآل‬١ The Meaning of tbe Umayyad Dome of
the Rock) Muq 6) 1990, pp. 12.-2.1; i d e m, The Dome of the Rock Revisited: Some Remarks on
al'Wasitis AccountS) Muq IO, 1995, pp. 67-75.
’5 N. R a b b a t, The Meaning...) p. 12..
the only decorations, they appear to be much more modest than artefacts from
the later Umayyad period. Moreover, the techniques and subjects of these depic-
tions are conservative - neither religious nor secular works contain images of
living creatures. The main materials are marble and stone; stuccos appear very
rarely. However, it is possible to encounter numerous marble capitals, columns
.and panels, in reused this use resembles early Christian spolia37.
6.5. Examples of Religious Architecture‫ ؛‬The Dome of the Rock

in Jerusalem and the Great Mosque in Damascus
One of the most characteristic monuments of the world of Islam, not sim-
ply for its artistic merit but also for its nature as an example of purely Muslim
architecture, is the Dome of the Rock (Kubbatas-Sakhra) in Jerusalem’8. Earlier
buildings were of a utilitarian nature - they did not aim to be beautiful, only use-
fol for the faithfol who came to the mosque in order to pray. Kubbat as-Sakhra
is regarded as a milestone in the history of Islamic architecture owing to the fact
that, since the time of its construction at the end of the seventh century, it has
not undergone any major change, thus it is now the oldest - almost unchanged -
monument of the first centuries of Islam’‫؟‬. Interestingly, it is of singular and ex-
traordinary construction - no cases of copying its form are known to US in later
Muslim architecture* 4041
39
38
37.
The Dome of the Rock was completed in the years 691-692 during the reign
of 'Abd al-Malik ibn MaWn, the fifth caliph of the Umayyad dynasty4'. In an
١G ‫اآ‬٠٦ ‫اآآة<؟\ة‬١ The Stylistic Origins of Umayyad Sculpture and Architectural Decoration»
Wiesbaden 1004, p. 51.
37 Spolium (pl. spolia) "spoil", "loot”) is another technique of using an older architectural
element (a column, a stone detail etc.) in a new building.
38 According to some researchers, the choice ofjerusalem - not Damascus, the Umayyad
capital - to build this mosque is significant, as it indicates willingness to emphasise the conti-
nuity and the dialogue between Islam and the preceding monotheistic religions -Judaism and
Christianity. F.B. Flood, Faith) Religion and the Material Culture ofEarly Islam, [in:] Byzan٠
tium and Islam..,) p. 2.46. Geographer Αΐ-Mukaddasî (born. 945/946), quoted by F.F. Flood (p.
2.48), wrote that both the Dome of the Rock and the Great Mosque of Damascus were to be
a visual counterbalance to beautifully decorated Christian churches.
39 Μ. Pi nicer, Kopula...) p. 5 5; o. Grabar, The Formation oflslamicArt) New Haven-
London I973,pp. 48-67,71-74.

40 Ibidem١p.%o.
41 The reasons for constructing this building are still being discussed by scholars. One of
the theories holds that Abd al-Malik wanted to change the direction of the hadjdj, the Mus-
inscription on one of the wails, the name of the ruler-founder was replaced with
the name of an Abbasid caliph, Al-Ma’mün, but no attempt was made to change
the date of the completion of the building4*. Kubbat as-Sakhra is situated on
the Temple Mount in Jerusalem, near the Al-Ak?ä mosque*’ and the Jewish Wail-
ingWall. It is built to an octagonal plan (each side is 2.0.59 m long), with a cen-
trally located double dome with a diameter of 2.0.44 m*41 . The central plan con-
4445
46
nected to the dome resembles the design of Byzantine churches. The tradition
of constructing buildings of this type in the areas of Syria and Palestine has long
history, dating back to Roman times, when a central plan, columns and a dome
were the basic architectural elements of mausoleums4’.
Keppel A.c. Creswell connects the design of the Dome of the Rock direct-
ly to three Byzantine buildings. The first, no longer extant, is the cathedral of
Bostra (511-515), whose structure was topped with a dome based on a tholo-
bate supported by a row of columns and pillars. According to Creswell, the next
stage of development of the structure of the central buildings can be Church of
the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem, which was built in 3 2.7-3 3 5 AD. It is a build-
ing based on a circular plan with two arcades consisting of columns and pillars.
These two constructions are linked by an arcade with pillars interweaving with
columns and the proportions of a drum4*. The architectural concept of the Dome
of the Rock was also influenced by the shape of the Chapel of Ascension on
the Mount of Olives in Jerusalem (before 378 AD). The chapel was built on an
lim pilgrimage, from Mecca to Jerusalem, since the cities of the Prophet were at that time in
the hands of anti-caliph Abd al-Allah az-Zubayr. E.Herzfeld, The Genesis ofIslamic Art and
the Problew ofMshatta,\m٦\ Early Islamic Art and Architectare. The Formation ofthe Classical Is-
lamic Worlds, vol. XXIII, ed.J.M. Bloom, Aidershot Burlington 2.002., p. 1. See also: A. E1 a d,
Why Did Abd al-Malik Build the Dome ofthe Rock? A Re-Examination ofthe Muslim Sources,
[in:] Bayt al-Maqdis. Abd αΙ-Malik's Jerusalem, vol. I, eds. J. R a b y, ‫ل‬. ‫ ل‬o n e s, Oxford 1995,
pp. 33-52.; Historiasztuki...,p. 156.
41 K.A.C. Creswell, The Origin ofthe Plan ofthe Dome ofthe Rock, London 1924, p. 5.
45 The Byzantines would give Αΐ-Walïd II many gold dinars for the construction of Al-Afc‫؟‬ä
(705-712.) and send 100 well-trained craftsmen and 40 shipments of mosaic pieces (tessera) to
decorate the temple. R.w. Hamilton, The Structural History ofthe Aqsa Mosque, Jerusalem
‫وآ‬47٠,‫آل‬٩.‫اآًاح اة‬١ Recherches sur la mosquée al-Aqsa et sur ses mosaïques, .‫آل أدكلشم‬١ ٦‫و‬6‫آل‬١‫بآلآل‬
‫ال‬. Ch ‫ةعهخأةاًا‬
٠ ١ Periplus ofthe Byzantine-Arab Cultural Relations,\٦u٠٨ Cultural Relations be-
tween Byzantium andtheArabs, eds. Υ.Υ. H i j j i, V. c h r i s t i d e s, Athens 2.007, p. ‫و‬
44 Μ.ν ‫أا‬ ’ ١‫ًاط‬١ Kopula w architekturze arabsko-muzubnanskiej w pieruszych wiekach isla-
mu, Warszawa 2.010, [unpublished MA thesis], Ρ.55; Historiasztuki..., p. 156.
45 j. p i j o a n, Sztuka..., p. 2.09. For information of the use of a dome in Muslim art see:
o. Grabar, The Islamic Dome, JSAH 2.2., 1963, pp. 191-199.

46 K.A.C. Creswell, The Origin..., pp. 2.6-27; Historia sztuki..., p. 156.
octagonal plan 7. Recapitulating his analysis of the genesis of the form of Kubbat
as-Sakhra, the author made a simplified outline of its development:
- a circle inscribed in a circle (the Church of the Holy Sepulchre);
— a circle inscribed in an octagon (the Chapel of Ascension);
- a circle inscribed in an octagon, enclosed in a circle in a square (the Cathe-
dral ofBosra);
— a circle inscribed in an octagon, enclosed in an octagon (the Dome of
the Rock mosque)**.
According to Marguerite van Berchem, who described the decorations of
the Dome, the mosaics in Kubbat as-Sakhra were made by Christians and main-
tained in a Byzantine style*9. Their characteristic features are a golden back-
ground and the absence of any depictions of living creatures. Van Berchem clas-
sified and described the following motifs: leaves of acanthus and other plants,
scrolls, trees, horns, shells, vases, baskets, bowls of fruit, crescents, stars, jewels,
stylized wings, palm trees, conventionalised depictions of flowers, tangles, and
palmettes (Fig. ι)‫؟‬٥.
Among all this abundance of varied forms, the most extraordinary elements
are adornments such as crowns, bracelets, earrings, necklaces and breastplates.
Depictions of jewellery appear almost exclusively on the interior of the octag-
onal colonnade - in the most important part of the building‫'؟‬. The gems pre-
sented in the ornamentation of the Dome of the Rock are all of Byzantine or
Persian style‫*؟‬. Thus, they probably symbolise empires conquered by the Arabs.
Oleg Grabar noted a simflar manner of using such decorations, among others, in
the Hagia Sophia church in Constantinople, where Byzantine rulers had once
housed crowns‫’؟‬. At the same time, Grabar pointed to a connection between this
phenomenon and the Muslim tradition, under which an assortment of objects
were sent to Mecca and laid in Al-Ka Ba‫*؟‬. In this context there can be seen two
possible explanations of placing images of jewels on the mosaics of the Dome
of the Rock‫؟؟‬. According to one interpretation, crowns and other valuables are
47M. P i n k e Γ, Kopula...» p. 44.

48K.A.C. Creswell, The Origin.,., pp. 19-30.
Α9 Μ. ‫ةال‬٢‫ ا‬berchem. The Mosaics of the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem, ٧m٦\
K.A.C. Creswell, Early Muslim Architecture, Oxford 1969, pp. 140, 311.
s° LA.C.C,c esweA\, Early Muslim Architecture...,pp. 151-191.
SY ٢‫ال‬٢‫ة أذ‬١‫ًاةه‬١ Umayyad, Dome ofthe Rock in Jerusalem, 47 ‫آل أدكجشم‬١ ‫وآلآلل‬١‫؟‬٠.
SX Ibidem,‫؟‬. ‫ء‬
‫ ب؟‬Ibidem,*‫؟‬. 4‫و‬
4‫ ؟‬M.Pinker,â۶«a...,p.4.٥
5‫ ؟‬O. G r a b a r, UmayyadDome..., p. 51.

a reference to Byzantine and Muslim motifs and their aim is to emphasise the ho-
liness of the place. The other account states that Byzantine and Sassanid insignia
were used as a symbol of the acts of humility of the defeated rulers and their
acknowledgement of Islam’s superiority - they are a form of trophies captured
from the enemies‫*؟‬.
Fig. I. A mosaic from the interior of the Dome of the Rock, created around 690-691 AD.
In the central part of the composition there is a depiction of a vase filled with plants
such as acanthus leaves) on a golden background. The whole arrangement is complemented
by a geometric floral ornament on its edges (all copies in this chapter
by Elzbieta Myflinska-Brzozowska).
This analysis of the decorations in the Dome of the Rock would not be
complete without addressing the inscriptions on the interior. They occupy about
2.40 m - 12.8 m outside the building and 112, m inside it. They have been de-
scribed by Max van Berchem‫?؟‬. The inscriptions are one of the earliest- examples
of Arabic script. It is Kufic in style, mostly devoid of diacritical marks. Christel
Kessler has proven that almost all letters with diacritical marks are situated on
the interior of the arcade, in polemical texts directed against Christianity‫*؟‬. They
56 Μ. Pinker, Kopula..., p. 46.

7‫ آل‬Μ. ‫ نآ الًة ال‬e ‫ آ‬٢‫اًااً حأل‬١ Matériaux pour un Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum. Mémoires
publies par les Membres de la Mission Archéologique Française au Caire١Và ‫أول‬7١‫جالآل‬. ‫آلأأ‬-‫آل‬7‫ة‬
١* ‫ألنًا‬. ¥‫ اًاع\ةةغ‬Abd αΙ-Malihs Inscription in the Dome of the Rock: A Reconsideration,
JRAS IOX, 1970,p. IO.
could have been inspired by passages from the Gospel referring to salvation,
which graced the Church of the Holy Sepulchre‫?؟‬.
Oleg Grabar claimed that the inscriptions in the Dome of the Rock convey
two main messages٥٥: evangelism, exhorting conversion to Islam and confirma-
tion of the superiority of Islam over older religions, especially Christianity.
Having analysed the location, plan and decorations of the Dome of the Rock,
the mentioned scholar concluded that the construction should be viewed with
reference to two groups: People of the Book, which means followers ofjudaism
and Christianity, the two religions whose continuation was Islam and the Mus-
lim people. Kubbatas-Sakhra was intended to be a symbol of the power of Islam
and the Umayyads over Syria and Palestine. The choice of the Temple Mount was
consistent with a centuries-old tradition of emphasising the status of Islam as
having “sealed" the two preceding religions. The mosaics depicting the insignia
of Byzantine and Persian rulers were to be symbols of their defeat in the battles
against the Muslim army (although it could not be claimed that the Byzantine
emperor was totally defeated by the Arabs). The inscriptions highlighted the ba-
sic rules of the new faith, in particular monotheism. Moreover, the selection
of Kur anic quotations was anti-Christian in nature and pointed to the errors
which the followers of this religion made in their doctrine (the key issue being
the dogma of the Holy Trinity), as well as encouraging conversion to the only
correct faith - Islam٥'٠
A Christian building often compared to the Dome of the Rock is the Church
of the Nativity, with its decorative mosaics. These depictions consist of floral and
architectural motifs, images of altars, crosses and books, as well as inscriptions.
Each of these elements is present in earlier-built churches of Syria and Palestine
or in Byzantine iconography. We can highlight especially the motif of the grape-
vine; verdant shoots growing from decorated vases are a common feature of
the Dome of the Rock and the Church of the Nativity. In fact, it is a part of
a classic repertoire transferred to Christian art from the Mediterranean world,
which can be exemplified by the church of St. George in Thessalonica. The motif
of grapevine was commonly used in Egypt, Syria and Palestine in the fifth-sixth
centuries, and later returned in Umayyad art, e.g. in the decorations of the Great
Mosque of Damascus".
s‫ ئآل ؟‬USS e١The Temple ofjerusalem and Its Restitution b) ٠٥bd al-Malik b. Ma٣wan١١tK٦
13/2.4, 1997/1998, p. 18.
٥٥ O. G r a b a Γ, Umayyad Dome...) p. 55.
‫ اه‬Μ. P i n k e r, Kopula...) p. 49.
،1 Ibidem,?. ‫ةوا‬٠
The history of the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus is particularly interest-

ing - it was created in the years 706-715 on the site of the Roman-era Temple of
Jupiter, rebuilt by emperor Theodosius the Great and converted into St. John’s
church in 579 AD6’. Umayyad caliph ΑΙ-Walïd I transformed the Christian
church into a Muslim temple in 691, but, in keeping with tradition, retained
the relic of St. John the Baptist’s head6*. As a result of its numerous alterations
the mosque looks rather eclectic: it consists of a spacious rectangular yard, sur-
rounded by porticos on three sides. The latter prove the Byzantine influence6’. In
the southern part of the budding there is a prayer hall with an elevated transept,
which is perpendicular to the Kibla wall and three naves parallel to it. Today,
a large dome stands above the centre of the transept63 . According to Al-Mudd-
*6667
69
68
asi, it used to be situated in the middle opposite the mihrdb6?. This account from
the tenth century might suggest that the dome of the Damascus mosque was
not initially located in the same place, but in the mihrdb section. An analysis of
the plans of an assortment of mosques proves that domes were usually situated
close to the prayer niche".
Prior to its destruction in 1985, the Great Mosque held the largest surface
covered with gold mosaic - around 4000 square m. It decorated the outer ele-
vation of the gallery (on the side of the yard) and its interior. The mosaics were
also placed on the facade of the prayer hall (again on the side of the yard). They
originated from the period of Umayyad foundation and later Seljuq reconstrue-
tion. The preserved fragments show a resemblance to Byzantine mosaics, known
for example from the Basilica of SantApollinare Nuovo in Ravenna, although
some scholars claim that they are more closely related to Roman paintings in
Pompeii. They do not depict human beings or animals, but contain coherent
63 The history and architecture of the mosque have attracted scholars for a long time.
Among earlier works the following are especially worth mentioning: A.c. Dickie, The Great
Mosque of the Omeiyades, Damascus, PEQ 29, 1897, pp. 268-528: R. Phene Spiers,
The Great Mosque ofthe Omeiyades,‫كصده‬, ArchRev 8,1900, pp. 80-88, Ο-114,158-169:
٢١. Gt ‫ًاة دآلة‬١ Lagrande mosquée de Damas et les origines architecturales de lamosquée١\١n٦\Syn-
thronon. Art et archéologie de lajin de ،Antiquité et du Moyen Age. Recueile d’études par A. Grabar
et un groupe des ses disciples, Paris 1968, pp. 107-114.
P i j o a n, Sztuka..„ pp. 209-211. Apart from the “chapel”, where the relic is locat-
ed, there is also another, with the head of imam AlHusayn, worshipped especially by Shiites.
Μ.Μ. Dziekan,Dzieje...,p. 555;Historiasztuki..„Ρ.157.
‫اله‬. Pijoan, Sztuka..„ p. 211: V. Christides, Penplus..„ p. 29: Historia sztuki..„
Ρ.157.
66 Μ. Pinker,‫شجير‬...,p. 64.
67 Muâddasi, Ρ.157.
68 Μ. Pinker, ‫شجير‬..., p. 65.
69 Μ. al-A sad. Histoneal Artistic Introduction) [in:] The Umayyads: The Rise..„ p. 49.
compositions of floral (Fig. 2.) and architectural motifs - they create images of
perfect cities and palaces surrounded by greenery. Both of the preserved frag-
ments are based on a similar structure. In the lower panel water and fruit trees
are depicted; above them there are groups of buildings with facades dominated
by ancient co!umns?٥.
Fig. 2,. The Great Mosque of the Umayyads in Damascus. This mosaic bears a developed floral
ornament style from a period slightly exceeding the scope of this paper - the latter half
of the eighth century - in which is continued the patterns created in the Umayyad era.
It adorns the outer surface of the so-called Dome of the Treasury, a small construction, situated
inside the courtyard of the Great Mosque. The building was created around 790,
during the reign of the first Abbasids
The iconography of the mosque’s mosaic causes interpretational problems.

There are three theories regarding the question of its interpretation. It might de-
pict Damascus in late antiquity together with the River Barada flowing through
it; these scenes may be the cities which were included in the new empire; thirdly,
states the last hypothesis, these images may present the Muslim paradise?'. In any
case, the exceedingly high level of artistry suggests that the mosaics were made
by craftsmen brought from Constantinople?*.
As can be concluded from these overviews, the decorations of temples from
the period of the first caliphs, the Dome of the Rock and the Great Mosque
of Damascus, often include decorative motifs such as acanthus and grapevine
?٥ For more information on this subject, see: B. F i n s t e r. Die Mosaiken der Umayyaden-
moschee von Damaskus, KO 7, 1972., pp. 83-136; F.B. Flood, The Great Mosque ofDamas-
cus. Studies on the Makings ofan Umayyad Visual Culture١idàen 100 V, Μ. ‫ ال‬an ‫أعذآ‬٢‫عأل‬٢‫ا‬١١
The Mosaics ofthe Dome..., ‫ألأل‬.
7‫ا ا‬.‫االآ‬٩‫ أ‬ak, Architektura Wielkiego Meczetu Umajjadôw w Damaszku,\n١٠٦\ Azja i ٠٠
ka: innosc - odmiennosc - rôznorodnosc, eds. p. B a c h t i n, M. K1 i m i U k, Warszawa 1014,

pp. 55-56.
71 M. al-A s ad, HistoricalArtistic..., p. 49.
6. A Byzantine Heritage? Outline of Att and Architecture... 453
leaves, which appeared from late Antiquity in both Christian and in pagan tern-
pies?’. K. Eyszcz states that the preserved fragments of mosaics in the Damascus
mosque contain depictions of landscapes and architecture, remaining in the cir
cle of Hellenistic tradition?*.
6.4. ،،Desert Castles” as an Example of Umayyad Secular Architecture
In the first centuries of Islam Muslims built mosques, palaces and strong-
holds, drawing mainly on Christian and Persian architectural patterns. The best-
known constructions are the so-called "desert castles" (‫ط‬٢(‫ ا‬which, in contrast
to the common meaning of the word, were also buildings of non-military char-
acter, serving caliphs as seasonal residences. The majority of them fell into ruin,
and their poor state of repair complicates research. Additional problems result
from the unstable political situation in the region. Other difficulties are connect-
ed with the uneven distribution of this kind of monument in the Islamic world?‫؟‬.
Their analysis can thus be based on archaeological research and studies ofhistori-
cl accounts. However, we should not underestimate the efforts of the French In-
stitute of the Near East in Beirut, under whose aegis a monumental monograph
on the subject of the constructions in question has recendy been published?^.
There are numerous theories concerning the reasons for building these de-
sert residences. They played the role of caravansaries, providing travellers with
an opportunity to rest and replenish their water supplies. They were regarded as
the meetingplaces of the rulers and local Arabic tribes, and so also hadapolitical
fimction??. K.A.C. Creswell, a famous English researcher of Muslim architecture
compared them to Roman villas and perceived them as a sign of the Umayyad
7١ ^٠ ‫ لمآل‬aV>V> at, Umayyad Architecture: A spectacular Intra-Cultural Synthesis in Bild-

alsham,٧‫اًاأ‬٦١ Residences, Castles, Settlements. Transformation Processes jrom Late Antiquity
to Early Islam in Bilad al-Sham, Proceedings of the International Conference held at Damascus,
5-9 November 2006٠ eds. K. Bartl, Α.Αΐ-RazzaqMoaz, n.p. 2.009, PP. 15-18.
74 K. L y S Z C z, Malarstwo..., p. 15
7‫ ؟‬They were usually built on fertile soils in the East from Damascus. At the same time
pilgrimage trails and trade routes were also taken into account. A. Balli an, CountryEstates...,
p. 1٠3١’ ١. S auva‫؟‬٠et١ châteaux umayyades de Syrie. Contribution à Pétude de la colonisation
arabe aux I" et II siècles de l’Hégire١KE٦ ١s١ ٦9۶7١ρρ. ‫ل‬-‫وه‬.
7β ‫ الحآل‬GenequanA, Les établissements des élites omeyyades en Palmyrene et au Proche
Orient, Beyrouth 2012.
77 There is epigraphic evidence that palaces replaced monasteries as a meeting place for
tribes inhabiting the desert. A. Balli an, CountryEstates..., pp. 2.03-2.04.

caliphs’ preference for desert lifestyle?**. On the other hand, a French historian and
orientalist Jean Sauvaget claimed that they were not only places of entertainment
and rest, but also agricultural centres. The irrigation systems, canals and aqueducts,
apart from supplying palaces with water, irrigated fields in their surroundings™.
Denis Genequand emphasised the political and economical aspects of the work-
ings of "desert casdes", describing each of them in detail . Desert palaces were sur-
rounded by gardens that substituted for farmlands, for example in Kasr al-Hayr
aishark‫م‬, whose layout might have referred to the images of paradise^.
Many of these constructions were built in haste, using materials of low qual-
ity. A simple square plan with towers in the corners was dominant; later rectan-
gular layout was introduced
* ’. They differed in size: Kasr Kharana was 40 m
long and 40 m wide, while the complex in 'Andjar was 400 m long and o m
wide
*4. Rulers wanted to complete the construction of their quarters as soon as
possible, at the beginning of their reign: thus they often demolished their pre-
decessors’ buildings in order to demonstrate their domination. What is more,
the dismantled structures were a perfect source of building materials for new
*
constructions 5.
Arabic documents mentioning castles are relatively late, written down either
by enemies of the Umayyads or by their successors, the Abbasids, who tried to
tarnish the reputation of the first Muslim dynasty. That is the reason why Ab-
basid literature often depicted Al Wald II as a drunken philanderer and a bon
vivant, who led a pleasant life in his desert residence. Other Umayyads were ac-
cused of ignoring the rules of Islam and striving for wealth". It was believed that
the glory of kings became evil when it was transferred to architecture. Lavish
buildings created by the Umayyad rulers were supposed to have been construct-
ed at the cost of their subjects
*?.
78 K.A.C. Creswell, Early Muslim Architecture...) p. 409.

7‫ و‬٢‫د‬٠٢‫ ًاث‬1١٥ ‫ًاة‬١ Umayyad “Palace” andAbbasid “Revolution”,‫^؟‬، ‫ألل‬, ‫وآ‬6‫آل‬١‫آلج‬٠7‫ي‬٠
٥* D. Genequand, Les établissements...)passim (mainly pp. 579-595).
8‫ ا‬The basic analysis of Kasr al-Hayr ashsharki: D. Genequand, Les établissements...)
pp. 95-159. Also compare: D.M. Schlumberger, Les fouilles de Ka$r-el'Heîr el-Gharbi
(1936-1938). Rapportpréliminaire) Sy 2.0.4,1959, pp. 195-575: i d e m,DeuxfresquesomeyyadeS)
Sy 2.5, 1946, pp. 86-102..
٥٤ M. P i n k e r, Kopula...) p. 51.
*١ Historia sztuki..., p. ‫أ‬٩7٠,‫ةآل‬.‫الًًاحلمة‬١ Notes sur architecture des chateaux Omeyyades,
Alsi 11/12, 1946, pp. 72.-97.
84 Μ.Μ. Dziekan,‫مسير‬...,p. 562..
85 M.Pinker,‫شجير‬...,p. 49.
٥٥ A. Balli an. Country Estates...) p. 2.ΟΟ.

»7 0. Grab ar. From Dome ofHeaven to Pleasure Domey JSHA 49, 1990, p. 2.1.
6. A Byzantine Heritage? Outline of Art and Architecture... 45 5
Out of a dozen or so buildings dated to the Umayyad times, the best pre-
‫هعالاًعة‬ are wortYi menùoà‫<؟‬٠٠ Kbirbat al-Minja, Kzisr ‫فأ‬٣‫ع‬١ Kasr al-Hayr
asb-Sbarqi٦Kbirbat al-Mafdjar١anàMshattâ٢٠a\.s٢>b٦Nn١٥١٢١٦ename٢>£Mshat-
88(‫نمك‬. In many there are elements depicting landscapes and architecture. This can
be observed in the extant ruins that have been discovered on the border between
Syria and Jordan, e.g. inKasral-Hayr orMshattd* *9.
Thebest-preserved desert palace is Kasr'Amra in Jordan, discovered by Alois
Musil in June 18‫و‬8‫هو‬. It is a relatively small construction, consisting of two main
parts. One of them is a large basilican hall covered with a triple-barrel vault and
surrounded by two rooms with windowless apses. Another part is a bath consist-
ing of three rooms, one of which is topped with a barrel vault, the second, a cross
vault and the third, a dome and two semi-domes. It must be emphasised that in
desert conditions a bath is one of the clearest signs of luxury‫’؟‬.
Fig.3. Wall painting from a presence chamber in the desert palace in Kasr 'Amra
from the first half of the eighth century, depicting a woman with bare breasts
An example of figurative art from the Umayyad period
88 o. Grab ar, UmayyadPalaces Reconsidered) AOr 23, 1993, p. 93٠

*9^.٤‫؛‬s٠zc.٠z.١Malarstuo...١p.١٩٠١١k٠١V١.١١en١٥ranà٠IslarnicArtattheCrossroads.East
Versus West at Msbatta, ‫اآاا‬٠٦ Essays in Islamic Art and Architecture in Honor ojKatharina Ot-
to-Dom, ed. A. Daneshvari, Malibu 1981, pp. 63-86.
9٥ A. Musil, Kusejr Amra, Vienna 1907Î K.A.C. Creswell, Early Muslim Architec-
ture...) p. 253; A.J aussen, R.Savig nac )Mission archéologique en Arabie, vol. Ill, Paris 1922Î
M.Almagro et a 1.,QusayrAmra,Madrid 1975.
‫ل او‬. Pijoan, Sztuka,..) P.2IIÎ Μ. Pinker, Kopula...) p. 53; Historia sztuki...) p. 160.
The Kasr Amra Patace is famous for extraordinary and relatively wellpre-
served wall paintings. They originate from the first half ofthe eighth century and
depict the so-called "six kings’: musicians, young men, women with bare breasts
and other naked figures in a very realistic way (Fig. 3)‫؟‬٤. All the frescos reference
the Hellenist art of Syria‫’؟‬. Figurative depictions were created without any major
limitations, which can be proven by artefacts from this period, which show peo-
pie, animals and even mythical creatures.
The dome i nKasr Amra is the onlyonepreserved in Umayyad palaces. With
its depictions of constellations, it referred to the so-called “heavenly domes” -
a motif known from antiquity. Undoubtedly, this theme was drawn from the art
of earlier inhabitants of Syria and Palestine, i.e. Romans and Byzantines‫«؟‬. Fritz
Saxl, an Austrian art historian, claims that the painter who created this work
must have copied the image of the sky from a Greek book, since the position of
the constellations are not consistent with the arrangement seen by observers in
the sky, but it is rather its mirror image, seen by God5‫؟‬.
A very impressive - twelve times the size of other buildings of its kind‫؟‬٥ -
unfinished palace in Mshatta (Fig. 4) was probably also topped with a dome.
This structure was independently discovered by two researchers - Austen Henry
Layard in 1840 and Henry Baker Tristram in 1872,97. The grounds of the palace
are surrounded byawall, 147 mon each side. It is flanked by twenty-five towers‫؛‬
the interior is divided into three parts. The central part consists of an entrance
hall, barely preserved, which continues into a spacious courtyard. In the north
wing of the palace there is a basilican throne hall, above which the dome was
probably mounted. Assuming that it was hemispherical, we can suppose that it
rose up to 13 m8‫؟‬. Presumably, it was surrounded by three semi-domes‫؟؟‬.
Irving Lavin linked the dome room in Mshatta with the Latin current of tri-
corium - a room with three apses'٥٥. He claimed that the Umayyad construction* 9
9٤ j. p i j o a n, Sztuka..., p. 2.11. On the subject of nudity in depictions of Kasr 'Amra see:

G. Fowden, Qusayr *Amra. Art and the Umayyad Elite in Late Antique Syria} Berkeley-Los
Angeles-London o 4, pp. 57-64‫ ؛‬o. Grabar, The Six Kings at Qusayr Amrah} AOr I, 1954,
pp. 185-187.
93 K.A.C. Creswcl [Early Muslim Architecture...} p. 2.68; Historia ‫’ضد‬..., p. 160.
j. P i j o a n, Sztuka...} p. ili; Μ. Pinleer, Kopula...} p. 55; Historia sztuki...} p. 160.
9S¥.Six١.١TheZodiacofQusayrAmra١\nv٨١LA.٢,.٢٠resvfe١٦,EarlyMuslimArcbitec٠
tare...,pp. 189-^95.
96 A. B a 11 i a n, Kasr al-MshattU} [in:] Byzantium and Islam...} pp. 2.09-2.11.
‫؟‬٦ ¥،‫د‬.٢‫ت‬٢‫اف يالةحآذ‬, Early Muslim Architecture...,‫؟‬. ‫دءآلآل‬.
98 Ibidem} p. 5 59; j. p i j o a n, Sztuka...} p. 2.12..
99 Μ. Pinker, Kopula...} p. 56; Historia ‫’ضد‬..., pp. 160-161.
'٥٥ ١‫اآ ’ا الة ل‬١ The House ofthe Lord: Aspects ofthe Role ofPalace Triclinia in the Architecture
ofLate Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, ‫شم‬١‫ جأل‬44, ‫وا‬6‫أ‬,‫ؤآل‬. ٦.
is an epigone ofthe /٥^/ Syrian tradition drawn directly from the Byzantines^!,
^ree small domes were probably also located above the rooms in towers, which
reached beyond thewallinthe throne part ofthepalace.lt is possible that latrines
were situated in these towers!٥٤ - it is suggested by particularly bored stones‘٥5.
Fig. 4. A stone relief gracing the facade of the desert palace in Mshatta, made in the 5. decade
of the eighth century. One of many masterfill, low-carved elements, whose purpose was to de-
corate the outside surface of the walls in caliph Αΐ-Walïd Il’s residence. Its characteristic feature
is elaborate ornamentation, consisting mostly of floral motifs - acantlius leaves and grapevine
sprouts. Sometimes images of animals, including various birds, lions and mythical creatures
appeared on the facade of the palace.
Another non-preserveddome may have graced the Khirbatal-Mafdjarpàce>

also called Hisham palace’Q**. It would most likely have been located above the bath
complex. The same kind ofvaultwas built overasmall room attached to the pool!٥5.
It is worth emphasising that the done ٥٥, whose form had been known for
centuries to builders from Persia, Rome and Byzantium, and its shape - reflecting
the symbolism of the sky, power and divinity - became distinctive features of Is-
lamic architecture and its indispensable component. The earliest Muslim palaces,
from the period of the Umayyads, were strongly influenced by the architecture of
Rome and Byzantium. In the process of their construction, the Arabs adopted not
only their predecessors’ form of a dome but also the additional meaning ascribed
to it. Therefore, Arabic-Muslim architecture contains the heavenly symbolism of
domes (Kasr ‫ا‬Amra) and the symbolism of power (the throne hall in .7‫ه'(سسد‬
٥'' Ibidem,‫؟‬.!!..
'QI K.A.C. Creswell, Early Muslim Architecture..., pp. 355, 359،
٠٥’ Μ. Pinker,Kopula...,p. 57٠
1٥4 R.w. Hamilton,KhirhatalMajjar, Oxford 1959,- H.G. Franz,Das Omayyaden-
schloss von Khirbatal-Majjar, FF 30, 1956, pp. 2.98-305.
*٥5R. Ettinghausen, o. Grabar, Μ. Jenkins-Madina, Sztuka..., p. 39.
٠٥٥ It is impossible to define the date of creation of the first building with a dome. It is
estimated that the earliest of them were built at the end of the fourth millennium BC in the Near
East. Μ. Pinker, Kopula..., p. II.
1٠7 Ibidem١p.6٦.
.458 III. After the Conquest
6.5. Decorative Art in the Time of the Umayyads
Umayyad decorative art, realised in products of handicraft (metalwork,

weaving, pottery and ivory work) is even more difficult to research than archi-
tecture. Many objects were produced in the same way as before the emergence
of Islam, thus the majority of them cannot be dated properly, if found outside
the original context. It is difficult to identify whether a particular item is of
Umayyad, Byzantine, Sassanid or Coptic origin. In the Umayyad epoch these
so-called "minor arts" played a secondary role compared to mosaics, architecture
and sculpture: all integral parts of architectural constructions.
As it has already been mentioned, figurative depictions did not appear in
the context of cult. They were eliminated from the mainstream of the Muslim
civilization and allowed to exist only on the periphery of it. The Arabs compen-
sated for this lack by developing incredible abilities to create 0rnaments'٥٥ on
wood and plaster panels, tiles on walls and fired-clay mosaics. They drew inspira-
tion from the world of plants - motifs of leaves, flowers and braches were stylised
to such an extent that they became difficult to recognise. Overlapping geometri-
cal patterns, rhombuses and polygonal figures covered whole surfaces'®‫؟‬.
One field allowing artists to escape from religious limitations was handi-
craft. Various materials, such as wood, clay, metal, glass, fabric and paper, were
utilised. In pottery, methods of glazing were various, for example, the produc-
tion of polychromed vases"®. Wondrous glass products were decorated with gold
and colourfol enamel and in metalwork‫ ؛‬bronze was encrusted with silver and
copper. Fabrics and carpets with geometric, animal and anthropomorphic pat-
terns of the highest quality were made"'. However, in accordance with the one
restriction, depictions of humans and animals could not dominate over other
floral or geometric elements.
Reliefs were a rarity. When they appeared on sculptures and statues, they
were usually nearly flat. It is worth referring to an example of such decorations
in 'Andjar and Kasr Kharana, which we have previously mentioned. Andjar
٠٥8 K.F St re ich er. Historia sztuki...,?. 116;]. Pion, Sztuka...,?. 140. On the subject
of ornamental motifs in the art of early Islam see: M.Moraitou, Ornamental Motifs in Early
Islamic Art١\nv٨ Byznatium and Islam..., .‫آلاأ‬-‫وأأ‬
‫ !وه‬K. Pst reicher. Historia sztuki..., pp. 116-113; ]. Pijoan, Sztuka..., p. 2.40.
*٠٥ F. Ro b i n s o n,۵‫^ط‬..., pp. Ζ04-2.05.
٠٠٠ K. Fstreichel* *. Historia sztuki..., pp. 116-118; ]. Pijoan, Sztuka..., p. 2.40;
j. B i n o U s, M. H a w a r i, M. M a r i n, G. ö n e g, Islamic Art in the Mediterrenean..., p. 17;
F. Robin son, Islam..., pp. 206-09.
(in todays eastern Lebanon) is an Umayyad architectural complex, erected

on the basis of Byzantine patterns. Its decorations were carved in stone: orna-
ments joining arcaded windows, stylised acanthus, heads in niches surrounded
by plants. The methods of carving were various - sometimes smooth and flat, at
other times deeper and more detailed***. Another technique consisted of using
casting molds: some casts survived in, among other places, KasrKharana, dated
on the basis of graffiti to the years 661-684. The upper part of the facade and
walls of the rooms were decorated with stuccos in the shape of medallions and
stylised trees resembling Sassanid artefacts"’.
In no other field is the connection between Byzantine and Muslim trends so
visible as in material culture. In the first decades after the conquest, items which
were produced and traded did not differ much from those from before the Arab
invasion. A sufficient example of this might be glass vessels, such as the decorated
jugs used by Muslim, Christian and Jewish pilgrims, or clay lamps decorated with
crosses and inscriptions - either Arabic or Greek* *4.
6.6. Coins
The Muslim monetary system from the Umayyad epoch went through three
phases of development. The first lasted from 692. to 694 AD and was charac-
terised by the use of images of emperors and religious symbols borrowed from
the Byzantines and Sassanids. The second stage (694-697) was a time of depict-
ing so-called standing caliphs in Sassanid robes. The third phase, from 697 until
the end of the rule of the Umayyads in 750 was a period of minting coins with
Arabic religious inscriptions**5.
In the occupied areas Arabic conquerors encountered two fiflly-fiinctioning
monetary systems - Byzantine and Sassanid. In Byzantium gold denominated
big transactions, while in small ones, copper coins were used. Byzantine coinage
remained in circulation for many years after the Muslim conquest - copper coins
untfl 658, gold untfl 696. Coins minted on the orders of the Umayyad rulers
bore the symbol of a cross for a long time - probably to avoid causing displeasure
in R. Tai gam. The Stylistic Origins„,) pp. 37-39.

II’ Ibidem) p. 39.
114 A. Balli an. Country Estates.„) p. 2,05.
ns ‫دلال‬. ‫ آل‬ate s, Ibe Coinage of Syria under tbe Umayyads, 692-750 AD١\m٦\Ibe IV
International Conference on tbe History of Bild al-Sbdm during tbe Umayyad Period, ‫آلهع‬٠
Μ.Α.BakhitR.Schick,Amman 1989,p. 196.
among Christians, who constituted the majority of the community of the re-
gion. When caliph Mu 'awiya (661-680) did commission the minting of coins
without the sign of a cross shortly after 660, they did not meet with much ac-
ceptance"^.
Umayyad coins in the first period differed from Byzantine ones only in
an inscription in Arabic stating the name of the mint and an affirmation that
they were fit for use (jSalih or Tayyib). In the course of time, they were replaced
by coins depicting a caliph in standing pose on the obverse"?. On the reverse
there was the letter Af (in the Byzantine system denoting the value 40) or a frag-
mentary cross from the emperor’s solidus. Coins of this kind were a transitional
form, being minted several years before Marwan’s reform. Folles introduced by it
differed significantly from the earlier coins, as the majority of them contained
the shahäda, the Muslim profession of faith, on the obverse and reverse: There
is no god but God. Muhammad is the messenger of God. Some coins were deco-
rated with pictures; others had a name of the governor who had commissioned
the minting on the reverse, or the name of the mint.
On the other hand, in the Persian territories, the most commonly used were
silver Arab-Sassanid coins known under the middle-Persian name drachma or
dirham. They were usually decorated with a portrait of a Sassanid ruler with an
inscription and an ornament; on the reverse side there was a Zoroastrian altar
with sacrifices. The main difference between Sassanid and Arabic-Sassanid coins
was the addition of an inscription in Arabic on the latter ones, although this is
not an exact rule. The issue of the monetary system may be proof of the contin-
uous nature of administrative and economic life in the early years of the Muslim
reign on Persia"8. On the orders of 'Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan (685-705), in
Damascus, the minting of new gold and silver coins began to replace the pre-
viously used Byzantine coins. This most significant reform of the fifth caliph"’
became the main cause of the war against the Byzantine emperor Justinian II,
who refused to accept tribute from the Arabs paid in the new gold coins'٤٥. Soon
116 c. Fo s s, Arab-Byzantine Coins..., p. 136.

117 Some researchers believe that on a number of coins an image of the Prophet was depict-
‫ةح‬. Ibûlem١p. 7‫آلا‬٠

118 More about Arabic-Sassanid coins in:J.Walker,A Catalogue of the Muhammadan
Coins in the British Museum: A Catalogue of the Arab-Sassanian Coins. Umai d Governors in
the East, Arab-E h halites, ‘Abbasid Governors in Tabaristan and Buhhârâ١١jOûàon .‫آموآ‬
‫ ول ا‬Ph. Grierson, The Monetary Reforms of Abd al-Malik, JESHO 3, 1960, pp. 141-
2.64. The caliph reformed the administration, entrusting it to the Arabs and introducing Arabic
as the official language. He also organized a mail service.
no M.L. Bates, The Coinage ofSyria..., p. 101; c. Fos s, Arab-Byzantine Coins..., p. 137.
6. A Byzantine Heritage? Outline of Art and Architecture... 4‫لة‬
Muslim currency gained its own iconography - decorations consisting of Arabic

inscriptions’*’.
The openness of the Arabs and their willingness to learn from the conquered
tribes were crucial for the spectacular development of the culture of the Muslim
Empire in the first centuries of Islam. During the reign of the Umayyads the tra-
dition which would be drawn on in the following centuries was shaped. On
the other hand, some manifestations of artistic work which had been important
in the seventh and eighth centuries, such as mosaics and figurative sculptures,
lost their significance in the subsequent period. Robert Hillenbrand described
Umayyad art as eclectic, experimental and propaganda. It was eclectic since it
attracted artists from the Greco-Roman world, Mesopotamia, Iran and Central
Asia to come to Syria; it was experimental because it produced combinations
of forms and themes in an unprecedented way; and it was propaganda as many
of its works promoted the power and greatness of the Umayyad Arabic-Muslim
state and its caliphs.
A false image of rapid change alleged to have taken place in the Near East
alongside the transfer of authority in this area from Byzantine to Muslim hands
lingers on. In fact, the process of cultural transformation was gradual in nature
and did not make a complete break with the previous tradition. Some of its el-
ements survived under the new conditions. Large-scale Umayyad foundations
did not start until 685, when caliph 'Abd al-Malik gained power. His reign had
a fimdamental impact on the Islamisation of the southern Mediterranean, al-
though even he quite frequently deferred to Byzantine inventions and prece-
dents. As Kazimierz Eyszcz highlighted in his article:
The dynamically developing new religion needed new iconographie forms, enabling
the identification of its creators. In such a huge conglomerate of nations and cultures,
various artistic traditions existed and the first caliphs, who possessed both religious
and secular power, treated plastic arts in a rather liberal way. Since, in the first phase
of the Muslim expansion the Arabs did not yet have their own artists, it seems obvious
that, in the early decades, well-qualified Byzantine and Sassanid craftsmen were em-
ployed. They continued the patterns of late antiquity, early Christianity and Persia.'"
The result of their efforts was the utilisation of both Christian and pagan
motifs (among others, Hellenist) in ornamentation, visible in the Great Mosque
of Damascus and in desert palaces.
Ill On the obverse it read: There is nogod other than God, no one can equal him, on the re-
verse; God is the only God, eternal and indivisible, ho was not bom and has no equal.
Ill K. Ly sicijMalarstwo...,?. 15.
The oldest preserved Muslim palaces, dating back to the turn of the sev-
enth and eighth centuries, demonstrate the adoption of Byzantine and Persian
forms and solutions by the Arabs, as well as the liberal attitude of the Umayyads
to depicting living beings (e.g. naked women from the frescos in Kasr ’Amra).
The. domes topping these palaces are also a continuation of ancient traditions,
a reference to the symbolism of power and the practice of covering the most im-
portant places with this kind of vaults (throne hall in Mshatta, for example).
Following the process of the adoption of this architectural form by Arabic build-
ers, we need to stress the context of Syria and Palestine as a region, wherein new-
ly-arrived conquerors from the Arabian Peninsula became an inherent part of
a centuries-old tradition of constructing dome-topped buildings.
Religious rules prevented some types of depictions in the plastic arts of Is-
lam from developing equally dynamically to others. Later attempts to overcome
these restrictions contributed to abloom of architecture and ornamentation con-
nected to it. In great measure, the art and construction of early Islam were a con-
tinuation of Byzantine patterns, but also drew on other traditions. Moreover,
they contained some added value - the principle of unity in multiplicity. Despite
the lack of homogenous origins, the Arabs managed to give their art a coherent
aesthetic form, using elements drawn from various civilizations. The tradition
shaped in the seventh century still remains, especially in sacred architecture.
‫بها‬
Blazej Cecota, Marek μ. Dziekan, Teresa Wons a
Sources - a Brief Overview
Marek μ. Dziekan
A Short Review ofArab Sources
B yzantium bordered the areas of Arab culture, hence references to

the Byzantine Empire can be found in a great variety of texts to which this cul-
ture gave birth. Primary sources on which we rely for studying the history of Byz-
antine-Arab relations are very heterogeneous. In addition to texts that are strictly
historical in character (assuming there exist Muslim-Arab writings which actual-
ly deserve to be classified under this category), the corpus of the sources in ques-
tion also includes literary works. The complexity of the corpus is clearly seen in
the difficulty one encounters in trying to fit medieval Arab writings into western
genre typology. The boundary between fiction and non-fiction literature is often
fluid, and a simflar problem appears when one attempts to draw a distinction be
tween religious and secular texts. Of course, all of this does not prevent US from
464 Sources - a Brief Overview...
attempting t٥ classify this material. However, none of those classifications can be

regarded as entirely successful.
An attempt to characterize and classify Arab sources from the perspective of
our knowledge of Byzantium was made by Nadia Maria El Cheikh in the preface
to her work Byzantium viewed by the ArabsI. The typology offered by the Leb-
anese scholar , although it should not be entirely rejected, needs to be supple-
mented. This concerns in the first place poetry which is entirely omitted from
her account (as opposed to artistic prose)’.
The belief that it would be a mistake to exclude poetry from the discussion
presented below is based on my own scholarly experience concerning the study of
the history of Islamic civilization, as well as on the opinions held by other authors.
Tadeusz Lewicki, a distinguished expert on the history of Islamic culture and its
relations with the Slavs, also does not omit these kinds of texts from his worker-
abic Sources on the History ofthe Slavic Peoples٠. Lewicki analyzes a brief fragment
of the Umayyad poet, Al-Akhtal. Indeed, many scholars consider it legitimate to
treat fictional stories as historical sources. This very fact can be viewed as form-
ing something of a methodological justification for the inclusion of poetic texts
in the discussion ofthe Arab sources on the history of Byzantine-Arab relations.
Needless to say, however, such sources require a specific approach and interpreta-
tion A literary work constitutes (or can constitute) a model of reality. As Jerzy
٦0‫آل‬0‫أل‬١‫ةعأالة‬٦ tojillamodel withJwtional material essentially does not ndermine
the truth on the leoel ofthe class offacts rejecting important aspects ofrealify ٠
All works on the history of the Arabian Peninsula in the early medieval pe-
riod start their overview of primary sources with a discussion of the old Arabic
poetry called diwan al'Arab, that is, the Arabs’ archive. To this day, Arabists re-
gard it as an important historical source?. However, one needs to admit that in
Ν.Μ. El Cheikh, Byzantium Viewed by the Arabs, Cambridge Mass. 04, pp. 5-15.
I In this overview I decided to confine myself to the period prior to the Crusades that
significantly changed the way in which Christians were perceived in the Islamic world. Sources
concerning the epoch to which this monograph is devoted may contain - are even certain to
contain - a different vision of intercultural contacts.
‫ إ‬Ν.Μ. El Scheikh discusses poetry in the entry: Rüm, [in:] El, vol. VIII, pp. 601 -606.
4 Zrodla arabskie do dziejôw Slowianszczyzny, ed.T. Lewicki, vol. I, Wroclaw-Krakow
19'56, pp. 5-9 (along with detailed commentary).
s ١.wo١ ’ ٢٦e‫ألء‬ow‫ااة‬١Powidchistorycznawswiadomokipotocznej.Zarysproblematykh
Krakow 1989,p. 102..
6 ١٠٦op ‫لألذادًا‬,Problem)metodologicznekorzystaniazezrodelliterackich wbadaniubisto-
rycznym, [in:] Dzielo literackiejako zrodlo historyczne, ed. z. s t e f a n o w s k a, Warszawa 1978,
Ρ.15.
7 Among fundamental works concerning the history of the Muslim-Arab historiography
one needs to mention: E Rosenthal, ٥ History of Muslim Historiography, Leiden 1951‫؛‬

our case old Arabic poetry is of little use. The only conclusion to be drawn from
it with regard to Byzantium is that in the pre-Muslim period the Arabs did not
treat it as a foreign state. The Empire is mentioned in poems by Imru Al-Kays
(died around 540), by Al-Ahä, who is known for his travels (sixth—seventh cen-
turies), and by Amr ibn Çamï’a (448-540). References to Byzantium are also
found in the Prophet’s most famous panegyrist, Hassän ibn Tbit. However,
these references, as I have mentioned, are not very rich in content and, as such,
can be referred to as “signals”. A phrase derived from a description of a mount
offered by Tarafah ibn al-Abd can serve here as a good example: it isjust like
the bridge ofRum who busjust ،uowed. to reinforce all ofits walls with bricks*. As-
Salt (sixth-seventh centuries), father of the well-known poet, Umayyah ibn Abi
as-Salt, in turn, in describing a man, says that the man is more generous than
Emperor Heraclius‫؟‬.
The Kuran and Sunnah, that is, the Prophet’s tradition, form another corpus
of the texts that concern US here. The Byzantines appear in the Kuran twice, first
in the verses 2. to 4 in the Sura 50, which, revealed in 616, even bears the title
Ar-Rüm {The Romans, i.e. The Byzantines) and second in the Sura 3, entitled
Imrans Family {Al <Imran) and revealed around 62.4 (verse 64). I shall return to
this fragment later.
Sunnah, which is also called "tradition", forms a theory and practice of
the Muslim orthodoxyltis madeupofhadiths, that is, tales reporting the teach-
ings, deeds, and sayings of the Islamic prophet, Muhammad. Each of the hadlths
contains a chain of narrators {isnad) and the text proper (‫ن‬matn). Sunnah be-
gan to be recorded in the eighth century, that is, in the period in which most of
those who remembered the Prophet and thus could actually report his words
were no longer alive. The main texts of the Islamic tradition were then brought
T. Khali di, Arabic Historical Thought in the Classical Period, Cambridge 1994; F. s e z g i n,
Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, vol. I, Leiden 1967 (respective chapters); Α.Α. Duri,
The Rise ofHistorical Writing among the Arabs,Vùû٢ex٠ïï ‫جول‬٠ ‫ ة ’ا‬em, Arabic Historiography,
[in:] Culture and Learningin Islam, ed. E. Ihsanoglu, Beirut 2.003, pp. 487-510; H.Ken-
ne‫الد‬, Wielkie arabskie podboje. Jah ekspansja islamu zmienila swiat, ‫أألغسلم‬٠١Ak١Wais7.a-
wa 2.ΟΙ I, pp. 21-38. In Polish this issue is discussed in greatest detail byj ό z e f B i e 1 a w s k i
(Klasyczna literatura arabska, Warszawa 1995) and by the author of this contribution (Dzieje
kultury arabskiej, Warszawa 2.008).
٥ Poezja arabska. Wiek VT-ΧΙΠ. Antologia, ed.J.Danecki, Wroclaw 1997, p. 50. The text
was translated byj. Danecki and A. Witkowska.
9 Tabari, Tarikh (ed. M.A.F. Ibrahim, vol. II, p. 147).
٠٥ In Polish, a detailed discussion of the sunnah can be found in the work: K. Kosciel-
n ‫ا‬٠ ak, Tradycja muzubnanska na tieakulturagichrzekijansko-islamskiejod VIIdoXto. Geneza,
historia i znaczenie zapozyczen notootestamentotoych to hadisachkâkw 1ΟΟ٦.
into being. Most important are the two works entitled Sahih> hat is, the. proper
(collection oftradition) by Αΐ-Bukhäri (810-870)’' and by Muslim Ibn al-Hadjd-
jadj (817-874). These hadiths, apart from developing Kur'anic motifs, add some
new and significant elements to the Islamic image of Byzantium. This question
was also dealt with elsewhere in this book, as was the issue of the commentary
literature of which most important are the works by Abu Dja'far Muhammad b.
Djarir al-Tabari (died in 915).
As the dates of the authors' lives mentioned above suggest, most sources,
with the exception of old Arabic poetry and the Kuran, come from the pe-
riods following the one on which we focus here. With regard to the times of
the prophet, of the rightly-guided caliphs, or of the Umayyad dynasty, that is,
at least to the latter half of the seventh century, one can hardly talk about any
Arab historical literature, or about any form of Arab prose. Poetry was the only
genre that flourished in the period. Holding special significance for the Arabs,
it formed the quintessence of their culture. Prose, both artistic and quasi-schol-
arly, appeared as late as the ninth century. To be sure, the first historian, Wahb
ibn Munabbih (died in 718), lived during the reign of the Umayyads, but his
work does not survive. We are familiar only with those of its fragments which
Al-Tabari inserted in his own work.
Within the prose conventionally described as historical, it is possible to
distinguish a few genres. The so-called sira, that is, the lives of the Prophet are
chronologic lly the oldest ones. Most famous among them is Sirah Rasul Allah,
that is. Life ofthe Messenger of God by Ibn Ishäk (died in 768). The original text
does not survive and we have to rely on its translation by Ibn Hisham (died in
854). Bound up with Muhammad's life are also the so-called maghazi (military
conquests). However, these kinds of texts focus exclusively on the Prophet's
deeds and, as such, contain no references to the Byzantine Empire.
Following the taxonomy introduced by Nadia Maria El Cheikh, it is advis-
able to offer a more detailed discussion of the so-called^«#. In western schol-
arship the term is usually translated as “conquests" (I dealt with this problem in
Ave ckapter The Arabs before Islam - the Birth of the Neto Religion). One futh
give an account of the Arab conquests of successive territories‘*. Insofar as the re-
lations between Byzantium and the Arabs are concerned, three works come to
the fore: FutHh alsham (The Conquest ofSyria) by Abu Isma'il al-Azdi (the eight
I‫ ا‬For detailed information about modern editions of the sources, discussed in this contri-
‫دآل‬١‫اأد‬٠‫ اًا‬see Bibliography, Sources.
n For more details see: L.I. Conrad, Futüh, [in:] Encyclopedia ofArabic Literature) eds.
J.s. Meisami, p٠ Starkey, vol. I, London-New York 1998, pp. 2.37-2.40.
6. A Byzantine Heritage? Outline of Art and Architecture... 4‫ة‬7
century)13١ Futuh cConquests) by Ibn A'tham al-Kufi (ninth/tenth centuries) and

FutuhMisr (The ConquestofEgypt) by Ibn (Abd al-Hakam (died in 870). Worthy
of mention in our context is 'Awana Ibn al-Hakam, whose work, too, touches
upon the Arab conquests’«. However, one needs to bear in mind the fact that
these works are in part a compilation and amplification of earlier texts that have
not been.preserved to the present day. Futuh αΐ-buldän by ΑΙ-Balädhuri which
forms something of an encyclopedic compendium of the Arab conquests - or-
ganized in geographical order, from Syria to the east - is undoubtedly the most
representative work of the genre in question. The work is treated as a turning
point in the history of the genre-futuh that appeared later were nothing but
mediocre compilations’‫؟‬.
Arab chronicles figure prominently among the sources on Byzantine-Arab
relations. According to Nadia Maria El Cheikh, works that were brought into
being prior to the end of the ninth century are particularly important, meaning
‫ حًاعأل‬Kitab al-akhbar at-tiwal (The Book ofthe Long Narratives١١٥Ύ ‫حلهااةهلالشم‬١‫ةًال‬
ad-Dinawari (died in 895) and Tarikh (History) by Al-Ya'kbï (died in 897). In-
terested in the history of the outside world, these authors devoted much space to
the Caliphate’s neighbours: Byzantium and Iran.
However, there is no doubt that it is Tarikh ar-rusüï wa-aï-mulük (History
ofthe Prophets and Kings) of Al-Tabari that remains the most important work
of the Arab classical historiography. With its title usually shortened to Tarikh
(History), it deals with the history of the world from its creation to the author’s
days - its last record concerns 915. In writing this great compilation, Al-Tabari
drew on the work of some ofhis most distinguished predecessors, often abstain-
ing from providing the source of his information. This, however, was common
practice in the Middle Ages and cannot be considered to have typified the Arab
authors only. Another author of this kind of "world history" is Ibn al-Athir (died
٠ ١‫ح‬٦‫آل‬١.‫آل‬٩‫ ةل‬Kitab αΐ-kämilji αΐ-tarikh (The Complete History) Vs somexVmes
‫اآا‬
considered to be a continuation of the work by Al-Tabari.
Al-Mas’ùdî (died in 956) is another historian who needs to be mentioned
here, even though his work does not lend itself to simple categorization. We
owe mach of oar knowledge to this historico-geographical work. Entitled «Maraj
adh-dhahab wa maîdin al-jawhir" (“The Meadows of Gold”) and replete with
anecdotal and legendary material, it presents as with information on history,
13 On this issue see also: S.A. Mo u rad. On Early Islamic Historiography: Abü Ismail al·
Azdi and His Futuh αΙ-Shäm, JAOS 12.0.4, 2.000, pp. 577—595.
’4 Fragments ofhis works survive only in works by other authors. Α.Α. Dur '[)Arabic His-
toriography..., p. 495.
'5 L.I. Conrad,Ε٠...,ρ. 2.39.
geograph), legends, and anecdotes ofthe Muslim world in the tenth century-vàs
Jef Bielawski‘*. The Meadows of Gold is an abridged compilation prepared
by Al-Mas'üdï himself of his two other works, neither of which, however, sur-
vives. The Arab historian declares:
What led me to write this book of history regarding kings and prophets, their coun-
tries and their peoples, lost in the darkness of the past, was a desire to follow the exam-
pie of sages and the learned. I wanted to save for the world that which remains worthy
of mention, some specific, profound knowledge.’?
In addition to chronicle writing, the Muslim world had a particular liking

for what can be classified as biographical dictionaries. The multi-volume work
by Ibn Sad (died in 845), entitled Kitab al-Tabaqat αΐ-kubrä, that is. The Book
ofthe Major classes (of he Prophet’s Companions١, ‫؟‬jzves ‫ اًاة‬account 0‫حألا ؟‬١‫ةعالل‬
of Muhammad and his companions. Ranging in time to the author’s days, it still
remains a valuable historical source. Ibn Sa'd’s work is one of the first to be in-
eluded in the genre called tabakat, which literlly means "classes”.
Important biographicl dictionaries were also written by Yakut al-HamawI
(died in 12.2.9) and Ibn Khallikan, the latter lived at the turn of the classical and
post-classical era (died in 12,82.). Contrary to what its title suggests, the work
by Khatib al-Baghdadl (died in 1071) Tarikh Baghdad (.A History ofBaghdad)
can also be considered to belong in the genre in question.
Descriptive geography, initially tied up with history, gradually separated it-
self from it. The first work that can be included under the category "geography"
Vs Kitab al-Masalik wa-al-mamalik (The Book ofKingdoms and Roads١٦١٥n¥k-
rradadhbih (died in 88‫و'(ؤ‬. A special place among geographical sources is held
١٥Ύ Kitab al-a Idk an-nafasa (The Book ofPrecious Necklace) ٠^rVtteu١ö٢١١٥n١kustÄ
(tenth century), it contains the most detailed Arab description of Constantino-
pie of the time.
The so-called adab literature, which significantly augmented the Arabs’
knowledge ofByzantium, constitutes a phenomenon that is not easy to define‘‫؟‬.
J. Bi elawski, Klasyczna literatura..., p. 176.

’7 Mas'udi, vol. I,Ρ.Ι2..
8‫ ل‬Travel literature is omitted from this brief contribution. It came into being at a later peri-
od and reflected the situation that existed in Byzantium at that time. It pertained to the Umayyad
era only to a very limited extent. Nevertheless, this kind of literature too contained some histor-
ical references.
،9 The monograph by Janusz Danecki contains an excellent analysis of adab as a complex
phenomenon’. ‫ل‬.‫حاًاةدآ‬٢١‫اع‬٠١ Literatura i kultura w imperium kalifow. Studium tworczosci ada-
bowej al-Mubarrada١٦Waiszawa ‫أألو ا‬.
6. A Byzantine Heritage? Outline of Art and Architecture... 4،9
It seems to be best defined by the term "didactic entertainment". Plain in form, it

entertained the readers by providing them with knowledge of various topics. An
adab work, without offering a chronological or a consistent exposition of a given
problem, was usually made up of anecdotes, poems, or stories - sometimes com-
pletely made up and sometimes based on facts - that dealt with both serious and
trifling issues. These works were thus in part literary and in part encyclopedic
in nature. They can give US much information on both the history of Byzan-
tium as well as on the situation that existed in the Empire during a given author’s
life. However, culling it usually requires a lot of effort. Al-DjahiziO (died around
969), Ibn Kutayba (died in 889), and Al-Mubarrad" (died in 989) are among
the most distinguished representatives of the genre under discussion.
The Byzantine motifs to be found in the poetry of the Umayyad period are
dispersed. The same holds true for the pre-Muslim lyric. This literature simply sig-
nals that the Arabs were aware of the existence of the Byzantine Empire. In a more
tangible way, Byzantium appears in works brought into being in the Abbasid peri-
od. However, these works contain references only to the period in which they were
written - which is beyond the chronological scope of this contribution.
Reminiscences of the Umayyad epoch appear in folk literature, Sirat Amir
Hamza (Siratal-amiraDatal-Himma). Created orally and disseminated through-
out the Arab world, Sirats are a form of chivalric romances. It is difficult to indicate
the exact time of their appearance. The process of their formation continued for
centuries. Still unstandardized, today sirats can be found in various printed versions.
The life ofthe tide princess forms the pivot 0٤‫سدك‬٠#‫ د‬It is placed against
the background of historical events among which the Byzantine-Arab wars clearly
stand out. However, Sirat is not a historiographic text. It mixes facts with fiction,
sometimes giving a true account of events and sometimes not. However, there is
no doubt that this work, intended for a large audience, played a significant role in
shaping the image of the Arab-Byzantine relations in the Caliphate’s society".
In the above I presented a brief overview of the sources that can be used in
the study of the Arab-Byzantine relations. Some of those sources are discussed at
greater length in the chapter entitled The Byzantines in the Context oftheKuran.
The chapter provides examples of particular sources, thus allowing the reader to
!٥ In Poland the life and work of Al-Djâhïz is presented in works: K. Skarzyns-

ka - ‫ آل‬o ‫ ألء‬e ‫ ة‬ska, Pochwala sztuki slowa. Al-Gahizijego teoria komunikacjLlxsiawa ‫ا‬00‫و‬٠١
‫ ع‬a ‫ ة‬e m, Αΐ-Gähiz and His Theory 0 Social Communication١1ais2٠awa 1O٦O٠
u For comparison see: J. Danecki, Literatura i kultura...,passim.
Il For comparison see: D. Madeyska, Historia i legenda w aSiracie Zat al-Himma٦
POrient 5,1981, pp. 2.53-2.45; Μ. Canard, Delhemma. Épopée arabe desguerres arabo-byzan-
tines, [in:] id e m, Byzance et les musulmans du Proche Orient, London I975,pp. 2.85-300.
obtain a better understanding of their specific character. In the chapter I aiso

discuss some methodological problems typifying the research into the history of
the Muslim world and stemming from a special character of these sources, some
of which are held sacred. In my opinion, this issue is particularly important for
scholars from western culture who, unlike Muslims, do not treat these texts as
sacred. This factor often becomes an obstacle that turns out to be too difficult for
Muslim scholars to overcome.
w
Blazej Cecota, Teresa WoliNs a
Greek, Syrian and Coptic Sources for the History

of Byzantine-Arabic Relations in Sixth-Eighth Century
The presentm٥n٥graphc٥versaperiodofseveral centuries. Thesource base for

Byzantine-Arabic relations is relatively abundant and diverse. It consists of histori-
ographic and chronological texts, apocalyptic andhagiographical works, polemical
and normative texts, military treatises, and inscriptions. It is also multilingual. Al-
though for a Byzantinist it is the Greek sources1 that play the leading role, Coptic,
Armenian and Syrian’ texts are also important in our research. Their authors were
.usually Christians ofvarious denominations (Orthodox,Monophysites and Nesto-
rians), but sometimes also Jews and pagans. Moreover, due to the topical diversity
of the monograph, the authors ofparticular chapters employ own source bases. For
example, when writing about nomenclature and stereotypes of Arabs, it was neces-
saty to refer to texts which are much older than the period that is the subject of our
research, i.e. the classic Greek and Roman literature (works by Pliny the Elder ,1 *4
1 The fact that all scholars studying Byzantine-Arabic relations face similar problems has
been noted by: A. Cameron, The Literary Sourcesfor Byzantium and Early Islam, [in:] La
Syrie de Byzance à ITslam, VIP—yup siècles. Actes du Colloque international, Lyon-Maison de
!’Orient Méditerranéen, Paris-Institut du Monde Arabe, 11-15 Septembre 1990, ‫ةهع‬.‫آل‬.٢،‫اًاة‬١’‫ر‬
vet et, J.-P. Rey-Coquais, Damas 1991, pp. 5-15.
Z General information: O. Jurewicz, Historia literatury bizantynskiej. Zarys, Wroclaw
1984. More details about these authors in (alphabetic order) see: Μ.Ε. Colonna, Glistorid
bizantinidalIVal XVsecolo١NO١٠.٦١Storiciprofani١٦٩ip٢٨٠Y 6‫آلول‬.
5 General characteristics in: s.p. Brock, A Brief Outline of Syriac Literature, Kottayam
I997,p.nosqq.
4 For information about the author and his works refer to: M. B e a g o n, Roman Nature.
The Thought ofPliny the Elder, ٢‫ًاأد‬0‫أووأ ةأ‬٦٦.١١‫ة‬١‫ آلألجًاد‬Pliny the Elder’s Natural History.
Ihe Empire in the Encyclopedia١Oy£otà 1004.
Strabo‫ ؟‬and Ammianus Marcellinus*, to name just a few), the Bible, with
a special focus on the Old Testament and Joseph Flavius?. A detailed review of
sources used in this book would require a separate monograph. For this reason,
the overview of sources, will be limited to a general characteristics of particular
types of sources, with more attention only to the texts are most important for the
subject. The authors of paticular chapters have supplemented our data with the
characteristics of sources they used.
Among the historiographic sources there are both first-hand accounts and
texts written during later periods, based on earlier works, which have been lost.
This also applies to the sources concerning Byzantine-Arab relations before
and during the conquest. The former category is represented by, among oth-
ers, the most eminent chronicler of the sixth century, Procopius of Caesarea®,
whosc History ofthe Wars') contains information on Justinian’s policy regarding
the Arabs and information about Arab allies in the service for the Empire. His
account, describing the course of events at the end of sixth century was comple-
mented by his follwers - Agathias Scholasticus and Theophylact Simocatta'٥.
s G. ‫غ‬١‫ل‬٠١‫ة‬٢١ Strabon et la science de son temps,Vans 66‫وأ‬٠١ Strabone.Contributi allo studio

della personality e dellopera, vol. Ι-ΙΙ, ed. EProntera, Perugia 1984-1986.
، Hl ٢‫ذ‬٢‫أل‬0‫ةة‬, ،Ammianus Marcellinus a literatura grecka i rzymska, 4‫وا هب‬١ ‫آلوا‬١
pp. 2.89-506; I. Lewandowski, Historyk ginqcego swiata, M 48, 1995, pp. 559-549;
‫ آ نأالآل‬o ‫عألة‬١ ،Ammianus Marcellinus. Studien zum Geschichtsdenken im vierten Jahrhundert n.
chr.١¥،iakow 2009·, The Late Roman World and Its Historian: Interpreting ?Immianus Marcelli-
nus, eds. J.w. Drijvers, D. Hunt, London 1999.
7 We mean in particular hi sjewish Antiquities. For Flavius Josephus and his works refer to:
H.St.J. Thackera y,Josephus, theMan and the Historian, New York 192.9; H. Schrecken-
berg, Bibliographie ZU FlaviusJosephus, Leiden 1968 Leiden 1979]. Basic information about
this image of the Arabs in Greek historiography is given by Michel Whitby cGreek Historical
!^îting after Procopius: Variety and Vitality١\uv٨ The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East,
vol. I, Problems in the Literary Source Material, eds. A. Cameron, L.I. Conrad, New Jersey
1992., pp. 74-80).
8 There is vast literature on the subject of Procopius and his works. Here we quote only ba-
sic sources, in which a reader will find forther references: A. Cameron, ProcopiusandtheSixth
Century, London 1985; G. Greatrex, The Dates ofProcopius Works, GRBS 18,1994, pp. IO I-
‫أل‬4٠١ ‫اشم‬.‫فةاعآل‬١‫ةخ‬١ Procopius oj Caesarea: Tyranny, History, and Philosophy at the End ojAn-
tiquity, Philadelphia 2.004.
‫ و‬Full bibliographical record of each source quoted in this monograph can be found at
the end of the book in Bibliography.
|٠ A. Cameron, Agathias, Oxford 1967; o. Jurewicz, Historia„., pp. 44-45, 107-
no; Μ. Whitby, Greek Historical Writing..., pp. 2.5-80, particularly pp. 50-58, 47-54;
A. ‫ مآل‬AeHs, The Historical and Religious Views ojAgathias: A Reinterpretation,^ 6‫و‬١ ‫وألوا‬١
pp. 206-252..
Greek, Syrian and Coptic Sources for the History... 475
The history of Byzantium under the reign of Heraclius, especially his struggles
with the Persians, is the topic of the writings of George of Pisidia". A great
wealth of information on this subject can also be found in the chronicle ofJosh-
uathe Style**.
The Ecclesiastical History by John of Ephesus is another important work
for the studies of Byzantine-Arabic relations on the eve of the invasion. John,
the resident of Amida, wrote his chronicle in the second half of the sixth cen-
tury, and brought his narration up to the year 585*5. Of the two initial parts
of his work only fragments have been preserved in the writings of Dionysius
of Tel Mahre and Michael the Syrian. However, the third part, which is essen-
tial from the point of view of this monograph, has survived, and provides US
with an account of events from the second half of the sixth century. Since John
was a Monophysite, he showed interest in his fellow believers - the Ghassanids,
Arabic allies of Byzantium. We owe him valuable information concerning the
measures taken up by thejaphnid family, who ruled the that, to defend Mono-
physitism, and their involvement to calm down the disputes inside that denom-
ination. Other sources, such as lives of saints and hermits from Sinai and Syrian
deserts, are an invaluable source of history of early Byzantine-Arab relations. Es-
pecially important are the texts by Cyril of Scythopolis*4, Theodoret of Cyrus*‫؟‬,
John Moschus*6 and Anastasius the Sinaite*?. Important but scattered informa-
11 j. Howard-Johnston, The official History ofHeraclius> Persian Campaign, [in:]

The Roman andByzantineArmy in the East) ed.E. Dubrowa, Kraktiw 1994, pp. 57-87.
'1 ١Uar.t, Greek Historiography and the Chronicle ofJoshua the Stylite, \πν٨ Ajter
Bardaisan Studies on Continuity and Change in Syriac Christianity in Honour ofProfessor Han.
J.W. Drijvers, eds. A.c. Klugkist, G.J. Rein ink, Leuven 1999, pp. 317-32.7; idem. Two
Syriac Writersfom the Reign ofAnastasius: Philoxenus ofMabbug andJoshua the Stylite,Ha IO,
2.006, pp. 175-193.
13 To learn more about this subject see: R. Duval, La littérature syriaque, Paris 1907,
pp. ٦Gi-٦Gy,١.١. ‫ ال‬an G‘rrrke٦١ John ofEphesus. A Monophysite Historian in Sixth-Century
Byzantium, Groningen 1995; P.G. Rahme, Les écrivains syriaques, [in:] Sources syriaques. Nos
sources. Arts et littérature syriaques, η.ρ. 1005, PP. 196-197‫ ؛‬H.G.B. Te U le, Syriac Historiogra-
phy, [in:] ibidem,pp. 319-330.
١* ‫اًااًحالمعتآل‬١ Kyrillos von Skythopolis,\١rv٨ Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexi-
kon, vol. IV, Herzberg 1991, cols. 897-899.
‫ آلل‬T.^Î١٥i١.û٢i٦k١Iheodoret of Cyrrhus: the Bishop and tbe Holy Man, ‫تخ اتللالشم‬١‫ه‬٠‫ًا‬
1ΟΟ1٠١ ¥u-G. ٦١‫آل‬7‫حةةح‬١‫عاًاخ‬١ Iheodoret von Kyros, \١‫ات‬٠١ Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchen-
lexikon, vol. XI, Herzberg 1996, cols. 936-957.
٦β ‫رآل‬. Trapp, Johannes Moschos, \vrv٨٠. Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon,
vol. III, Herzberg 1991, pp. 491 -491.
17 Apart from theological works signed with the name of Anastasius, there are three (A,
B, c) corpora of stories about miracles (Narrationes). More on this subject can be found in:
tion about the Arabs can be found in Ecclesiastical Histories by Eusebius of Cae-
sarea٠8٠ Phdostorgius'9, Socrates Scholasticus*0, Hermias Sozomen', Evagrius
Scholasticus", and the New history by Zosimus*3.
Additional remarks can be found in the chronicle ofjohn Malalas*‫ ؛‬and in
the existing fragments of the works by John of Antioch*‫؟‬. Strictly religious texts,
such as Old Testament commentaries, in which a lot of attention was devoted to
Ishmailites, are also important.
‫آل‬.‫اآل‬١‫ةةل‬٠ ‫الًا‬١ Démons et Sarrasins, fauteur et le propos des Diegémata steriktika dAnastase le
Sinaite) TM II, 1991, pp. 581-408; O. ‫ ل‬u r e w i c Z, Historia,..) pp. 10-12.1 ;J. Haldon,
The Works ofAnastasius ofSinai: A Key Source of the History ofSeventh Century East Mediter-
ranean Society and Belief) [in:] The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East) vol. I, Problems in
the Literary Source Material...,pp* ‫ل‬٠7-‫ا‬4‫و‬.
18 For more information on the subject of works of Ecclesiastical historians, see:
G.E. CEesnut,The First Christian Histories: Eusebius, Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoretand
EvagriuS) Paris 1977. On Eusebius of Ccsarea see: H.J. Lawlor, Eusebiana: Essays on theEc-
clesiastical History ofEusebius, Bishop of Caesarea, ٢‫ًالد‬0‫·عأوأ هآ‬, ‫اشم‬. ‫ ا‬OU ‫أللم‬, Eusebius and
the Birth of Church History,١١n٠^ The Cambridge History ofEarly Christian Literature,^.
E Yo u n g, L. Ay res, A. Louth, Cambridge 2.004; Reconsidering Eusebius: Collected Pa٠
pers on Literary, Historical) and Theological Issues) eds. s. I n o w 1 o c k i, cl. Z a m a g n i,
Leiden 2.011.
‫ وا‬H. Leppin, Heretical Historiography: Philostorgus) StPatr 54, 2.001, pp. 111-12,4;
G.١١٨٠arasco,The Church Historians (II): Philostorgius and Gelasius of Cyzicus, \uv.١ Greek
and Roman Historiography in Late Antiquity. Fourth to Sixth Century AD, eà.G. Marasco,
Ldàen-Eoston ιοο٦,ρρ. ‫آلأ‬7-‫ج<؟أ‬١ Filostorgio: Cultura,fedeepolitica in unostorico ecclesiastico
del Vsecolo, ‫ف‬. G.M ‫ ة أ ة‬s c 0,‫ ةاًااًدكآل‬2.00‫؟‬, Philostorge et l’historiographie de lAntiquité tardive/
Philostorgim Kontext der spatantiken Geschichtsschreibung, ‫هع‬.‫دآ‬.‫ إلة هب‬e .‫آ‬,‫د\أآل‬١‫ أًاةعأذ‬2‫ آ م‬٦
’ ٢‫الأ‬١‫ع‬١ Socrates of Constantinople - Historian of Church and State, b
٦.٦‫أل‬١‫اًااةد‬
Arbor 1997; H. Leppin, The Church Historians: Socrates, Sozomenus, and TheodoretuS) [in:]
Greek and Roman Historiography..., pp. ‫وال‬-2.‫آل‬4٠,٦‫ال‬.‫ ال‬an Nu££eVen١ Un héritage de paix et de
piété. Étude sur les Histoires ecclésiastiques de Socrate et Sozomène,Le\m 2.00‫؟‬
‫ ائ‬H. Lepp i n. The Church Historians...) pp. 2.19-2,54; p. van Nu ffelen, ‫ «لمع‬héri-
tage...,passim.
n P. Allen, Evagrius Scholasticus) the Church Historian) Louvain 1981; H. Leppin,
Evag^ûs Scholasticus oder: Kirchengeschichte und Reichstreue,Man 6, 2.00‫ ؟‬pp. .‫ل‬4‫ا‬-‫آلألآ‬
١٠١ lA.Go‫؛؟‬art٠ Zosimus: The First Historian ofRome’s Fall, ٦97‫ضآللآلعشم‬, ١٠,ρρ. 4‫اا‬-
441 ; J.H.W.G. Liebeschuetz, Pagan Historiography and the Decline of the Empire) [in:]
Greek and Roman Historiography...,pp. .‫ا‬77-‫آلآأ‬
١٠* Studies in John Malalas. Australian Association for Byzantine Studies, ‫ةع‬.‫دآل‬.١‫ آ ؛ك‬٩ s,
Syàney 0‫وول‬٠١ eaàem,The Beginning ofByzantine Chronography.John Malalas,\١n٠٨ Greek and
Roman Historiography...) pp. 497-517; M. Wh i tby, Greek Historical Writting...)pp. 60-65.
5‫ ع‬o. Jurewicz, Historia...) pp. ΙΙΙ-ΙΙ2.; s. Panagiotis, Untersuchungen zum
Geschichtswerk des Johannes n Antiocheia,٦١٦cssa\on١١à ‫وآلول‬٠,‫آل‬.١‫الحاآةاي‬ ٠ , Neues zur "Johan
neischen Frage“?) BZ 99, 2.006, pp. 5 5 5-549.
Valuable information can be obtained from the chronicles of Zachariah

Rhetor, Jacob of Edessa and Dionysius of Tel Mahre (ninth century)٩ The first
of the author, a monk from Northern Mesopotamia, was writting the sixth cen-
tury. Unfortunately, the original Greek text of his chronicle has not survived
and we are only able to use the Syrian translation, prepared and completed by an
anonymous writer named Pseudo-Zachariah. The original Syrian fragments en-
compass the years 48 9٤7‫ل‬-5‫ة‬. Jacob of Edessa٩ born near Antioch, usedEcclesi-
astical History of Eusebius of Caesarea٤9 completed and continued the narration
up to ‫ة‬9‫ه’ئ‬. His edition covers the times of the Arab expansion in Persia and
Byzantium. Dionysius of Tel Mahre, born at end of the eighth century in Edessa,
was the author of a historical text, devoted to secular and ecclesiastical history,
from the beginning of the reign of Emperor Maurice (58z AD) until the death
of Theophilos (84z)*'. His work was frequently used by later authors, especially
Michael the Syrian and Gregory Bar Hebraeus’^, and partial reconstruction of
the content is possible on the basis of the fragments preserved by those authors,
particularly of Michael the Syrian. An attempt to reconstruct the original text
of Dionysius has been made by Andrew Palmer (٠Dionysius Reconstituted, [in:]
The Seventh Century in the West-Syrian Chronicles, Liverpool 1995, pp. ΙΙΙ-ΖΖΙ).
16 P.G. Rahme, Les écrivains..., p. 197; s. B r o c k, Syriac Historical Writing, [in:] idem.
Studies in Syriac Christianity. History, Literature and Theology, Ks١١‫>؟‬t ‫أوول‬, pp. ‫ها‬-‫آلآ‬٦
n sk٠ï١ Introduction١\Vn٩ Pseudo-Dionysius ofTel-Mahre Chronicle (known also as
the Chronicle ofZuqnin), vol. Ill, ed., transl. idem, Liverpool 1996, p. XIVsqq.
‫حكأآل أآل‬٠‫ذآ‬.‫عآ‬١‫حال‬١ Syriac...١p٠ ٦‫وا‬,’ ‫آل‬. K١٦en٠ Zachariah Scholasticus and the Historia Ec-
clesiasticaofEvagrius١١TS٦١٦9%o١pp٠47١.-4l١٦.K٦ ’ s٢.١Die sog. Kirchengeschichte des Zacharias
Rhetor, [in:] Syriaca, ed. Μ. Tam eke, Münster 2.002., pp. 77-99; G. Greatrex, Ze Pseu-
do-Zachariae de Mythèlene et !,historiographie syriaque au sixième siècle, \hv٦ L’Historiographie
syriaque, ed. Μ. D U b i e, Paris 2.009, pp. 55-55.
1% ΎΛ٠ Statovdq ‫ة‬١‫*لع‬١ Slownik wczesnochrzekijanskiego pismiennictwa Wschodu. Liter-
atury arabska, armenska, etiopska, gruzinska, koptyjska, syryjska, Warszawa 1999, cols. 106-108;
Jacob ofEdessa and the Syriac Culture ofHis Day, ed. R.B. ter Haar R o m e n ‫نمن‬, Leiden-Bos-
ton 2.008; s. Brock, Syriac HistoricaL·, p. 8.
19 A Syrian Hawhab, known as Eusebius wrote in Greek in the third century. P.G. Rahme,
Lesécri ns٠..١p. 6‫وآ‬.
3٥ H.G.B. Teule, Syriac..., pp. 5 50-5 51. Subsequent anonymous authors, students ofJa-
cob, brought it up to the year 710 (P.G. Rahme, Les écrivains..., p. 197; Μ. s t a r o w i e y s k i,
Slownik..., col. 108).
31 H.G.B. Te u 1 e, *Syria..., p. 55z; A. p al m e r, Dionysius: Introduction, [in:] The Seventh
Century in the West-Syrian Chronicles١u٦ierpoo\ ‫آلوول‬١‫<آللآل‬٠‫اج‬0‫ه‬٠
μ P.G. Rahme, Les écrivains..., p. 197; R. Duval, La littérature..., pp. 400401, 408-
4ii;D. Weltscke, Les trois grandes chroniques syro-orthodoxes des ΧΙΡ-ΧΙΙΡ siècles, [in:]
L’Historiographiesyriaque...١pp٠ ‫أ‬٢‫د‬7-‫آلآلآ‬.
The name of Dionysius (Pseudo-Dionysius) is also associated with the so-

called Zuqnin Chronicle”. Classic edition of the Syriac text was prepared
١٥Ύ ١.‫ذآ‬. ‫ةألح‬١‫ه‬0‫^ أ‬Incerti auctoris Chronico« Pseudo-Dionysianum vulgo dic-
tum, Paris 192.7-1955 [:CSCO 91,104, Scriptores Syri, 45,55, ser. Ill, vol. I-
II]). The author of the chronicle was most probably Joshua, a Syrian monk
from Zuqnin monastery. The first three parts of his work are based on other
sources, such as the accounts of Eusebius, Socrates Scholasticus and John of
Ephesus’«. Part four contains a lot of information concerning Byzantine-Ar-
abic relations, and internal affairs of the Caliphate. Although it is generally
devoted to the events during the Abbasis era up to the year 775, which is
significantly beyond the time scope of this monograph (apart from the short
outline of the years from 587 to 715), it contains a great amount of valua-
ble information of the Umayyad era. We have access to translations of this
chronicle prepared by Amir Harraka (The Chronicle of Zuqnin, vol. Ill-IV,
AD 488-77S, Toronto 1999) and Witold Witakowski (The Syriac Chronicle
ofPseudo Dionysius of Tel Mahre (known as the Chronicle ofZuqnin), vol ٦‫أل‬١
Liverpool 1996)”.
A text that is especially important for investigating the course of events
connected with the Arab conquest of Egypt and the anaysis of Arab policy in
the conquered territories was written by John, bishop of Nikiu, a Coptic histo-
riographer from the seventh century, an eyewitness to the Muslim invasion of
this province. His Chronicle ofthe world, dating back to the mid-seventh centu-
ry, was probably written in Greek, and some fragments, dealing exclusively with
Egypt’ were written in Coptic . Later on it was translated into Arabic and in
1602 into Ethiopian. It covers the history of the world from the times of Adam
and Eve until the year 645. The narration, however, is missing several fragments,
among others one particularly important part containing the account of the
events of 610-640 AD, which is crucil for understanding of the first years of
Arab expansion. Unfortunately, the source is not quoted in any of the Byzantine
33 s. B r o c k, Syriac Historical...' pp. ΙΟ-15; M. s t a r o w i e y s k i, Slownik...' col. 53.

34 H.G.B. Teule, Syriac...' p. 51 ‫ ; و‬s. B r o c k, Syriac Historical...' pp. 5-7.
‫اشم آلآل‬. Hat ‫ )حآلة آ‬La victoire arabo-musulmane selon le chronique de Zuqnin (VIIIe siècle).
[in:] LfHistoriographie syriaque...' pp. 89-105.
36 R.H. Charles, D. Litt, Introduction' [in:] The Chronicle ofjohn. Bishop ofNikiu
translated from Zotenbergs Ethiopie Text' transl. iidem, London-Oxford 1916, pp. IV-V;
‫ةج‬.١‫لم‬0‫ةاًااة‬ ٠ 0‫اًا‬١ Notes sur le texte deJean de Nikiou١\m٠.١ IV Congresso Internationale di Studi
Etiopici' vol. II, ed. E. c e r li 11 i, Roma 1974» pp. 12.7-157; J. Howard-Johnston, Wit-
nesses to a World Crisis. Historians and Histories ofthe Middle East in the Seventh Century, Ox-
fordoo, p. 182..
texts, thus there is no possibility of reconstructing the missing fragments. The sit-
uation is further complicated by the fact‘that the original chronicle of John of
Nikiu has been lost. There are only two manuscripts, one from the seventeenth
century, and the other from the eighteenth century. These copies were based on
different editions of the text . Nevertheless, the chronicle ofjohn of Nikiu is an
invaluable source for the study of the Arab conquest, the attitude of the local peo-
pie to the invaders, Muslim policy towards the people of Egypt and the begin-
nings of the organisation of provinces. To understand the particular character
of John’s account it is necessary to study texts of other Coptic authors, among
others, his successor to the bishopric, Menas of Nikiu 8. The first attempt at ed-
iting the chronicle ofjohn of Nikiu was made by a French orientalist Hermann
loterkr‫<؟‬٢chronique de Jean, évêque de Nikiou. Texte etbiopien١Vax١.s ‫ل‬%%‫آل‬١.٦‫ات‬
6‫ل‬9‫ ل‬the text was translated from French into English by Robert Henry Charles,
who also corrected his predecessor’s mistakes. Currently, a new translation of
the chronicle is being prepared by Phil Booth from the Faculty of Theology and
Religion at the Oxford University’’.
Another witness of the Arabic expansion was an Armenian chronicler, Sebeos,
the author of the History ofEmperor Heraclius, covering the period from the end of
the fifth century until the second half of the seventh century. Not much is known
about the life of the historiographer. He was a bishop, and he took part the Coun-
cil of Dvin in 645 AD. He provided US with information about the Persian do-
minion over Armenia and the wars between Byzantium and the Persians which
directly preceded the Arabic expansion. The text, which continues up to the year
661, closes with the description of the first Arabic successes in the seventh cen-
tury*٥. This work is also important for another reason: although Sebeos did not
37 More about John of Nikiu can be found in: A. Carile, Giovanni di NikiuS) cronis-
ta bizantino-copto del VII secolo, FR 4, 1981, pp. 105-155; o. Jurewic.z, Historia..., p. 111 ‫ن‬
Ρ.Μ. Frase [John ofNikiou, [in:] The Coptic Encyklopedia, ed. A.s. Atiya, New York 1991,
pp. ‫ل‬٦66-‫آ‬٦67٠‫اتآلع‬0‫ اًاةاإل‬ά, Seeing Islam as Others Saw It: A Survey and Evaluation ofChris-
tianJewish and Zoroastrian Writings on Early Islam, Princeton 1997, pp. 152.-156; H. Suer-
mann, Koptische Texte zur arabischen Eroberung Ägyptens und der UmayyadenherrschajMCopS
4, 2,002.» pp. 167- i86;J.Howard-Johnston, Witnesses to a World Crisis..., pp. 181-189.
38 The key works of Mena are: The Life ofIsaac ofAlexandria and the Martyrdom ofSaint
Macrobius (transi. D. Bell, Piscataway ΖΟΟ9‫=؛‬Ι988]).

١‫ و‬٦‫ل‬١‫ ء‬ttanAatkm, ‫آح‬١‫! ةءلألأ‬he Chronicle ofjohn ofNikiu: Ethiopie Text with Translation
and Commentary, ‫ ألأل‬to١٥e puMveà٠m Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium. Series
Aethiopica.
4٥ For information about Sebeos see: R.w. Thomson, The Armenian Text, [in:]
The Armenian History Attributed to Sebeos, transl. idem, Liverpool 1999, pp. 51-78; The
Heritage ofArmenian Literature. From the Sixth to the Eighteenth Century, ‫ةةع‬٠ ‫لمشم‬.‫هًاألآلز‬ ’ -
share the religious views of the supporters of the Council of Chalcedon, he did not
perceive Arabic invaders as liberators from their yoke.
In order to understand the reactions of the people of the invaded provinc
es to Arab conquest, it is necessary to analyse the apocalyptic literature: such
texts as the account of a converted Jew (Jacob’s Doctrine}
'
* , the Vision ofDaniel
and the Apocalypse of Pseudo-Ephraem, Andrew the Fool and Pseudo Athana-
sius. A particularly important place among them is occupied by the Apocalypse
of Pseudo-Methodius , which has survived in several languages. It is ascribed
to Methodius, the bishop of Patara. Its author lived in the seventh century and
oryginated from a Syrian-Persian community and was an eyewitness to the Ara-
bic invasion’. The text was written at the end of that century, probably between
682.-692., as a reaction to the policy of Abd Al-Mlik and the Christians’ con-
version to Islam, which was a consequence of the pressure he exerted.
**
To the above list of sources we should add religious texts, such as homi-
lies and letters of Sophronius, the patriarch ofjerusalem, which were written in
the fourth decade of the seventh century
* ’ and the work ofJohn Penkaye. The lat-
ter text, although it aspires to being a chronicle, is closer to historical theology
.
**
There are also accounts of first disputes (real or fictional) between Muslims and
Christians, and the correspondence attributed to Byzantine rulers, caliphs etc.
Hagiographie sources are a separate group; worth mentioning is a story
of the sixty martyrs of Gaza (written before the eleventh century)
*
?, as well as
yan, G. Basmajian, E.s. Franchuk, N. Ouzounian, Detroit 02., pp. 81-95;

).Howard- Johnston, Witnesses to a World Crisis...) p. 7isqq.
١.‫ آل‬١‫ أم‬٠١‫>د‬Islam et lajin des temps. L’interpretationprophetique des invasions musulmanes
dans la chrétienté médiévale١h٦٦s 1ΟΟ7١ΡΡ7٠ ‫آلأا‬-‫أل‬٠
41 The texts in known in Syrian, Latin and Greek versions, there is also an Old Church
Slavonic translation. Further information about each of the versions can be found in the chapter:
Resistance, Passivity or Collaboration?
*’ For information about the author and the time of creation see: Μ. Starowieyski,
A. Ύΐϋ ‫ اكًا‬ÏÏ a, Apokalipsa Pseudo-Metodego. Wstçp i bibliograjia, \Vn٠٨ Apokryjy syryjskie, ‫ف‬.
Μ. Starowieyski, Krakow 2.011, pp. 200-108.
** G٠ ١‫اًااحا‬
’ ‫ألاًاا‬
’ ١ Pseudo-Methodius und die Legende vom römischen Endkaiser, \١‫اًا‬٦\
The Use and 4buse oj Eschatology in the Middle Ages, eàs. ‫لآلب‬. ‫ ال‬er١٥ eke, ‫دآل‬. ‫آآل\ةألاًع ال‬١
A. Welkenhuysen, Leuven 1988, pp. 82.-111; A. Cameron, The Eastern Provinces in
the /٠’ Century AD. Hellenism and the Emergence ofIslam, e‫ة‬àe Changing Cultures in
Early Byzantium, vol. IV, Aidershot 1996, p. Ζ98.
45 The most important are: Christmas homily from G^Êasterhomily from 637 and synod-
ical letter to patriarch Sergius. About the works by Sophronius see: O.Jurewicz, Historia...)
pp. 115-116.
46 Μ. Starowieyski, slownik..., col. 114; H.G.B.Teu 1 e, Syriac...) pp. 341-342..
47 The text is known in two versions. In the first one, the person who supports the soldiers
is patriarch Sophronius, in the second one - Florent {Legenda sancti Floriani et sociorum suorum,
the lives of Eastern saints written by John of Ephesus , deeds of Saint Gregen-
tius, the lives of Symeon the Stylite the Younger, sixty martyrs ofjerusalem and
many others^.
Valuable information about the invasion of the Arabs on Byzantine territo-
ry, and its direct consequences, was provided by later historians, among whom
the most significant was, undoubtedly, Theophanes Confessor, the author of
Chronographic. His text, a chronicle of world history from the beginning of
the world until the year 813 and a continuation of the work by George Syncel-
lus, is an example of a particular genre. The text by Theophanes is invaluable
for learning about the so-called dark ages in the history of the Empire, when
Byzantine historiography collapsed. In many cases we do not have other historio-
graphic sources for the history of the seventh-eighth centuries than Theophanes’
ChronographiaI Moreover, the author devoted much attention to the expansion
of Islam and Byzantine-Arab relations.
Another Byzantine text worth mentioning is Historia syntomos by Patriarch
Nicephorus‫!؟‬, who lived between 758 and 82.9. Like Theophanes, Nicephorus
ed. H. Delehaye, AB 2.3,1904, pp. 303-307). More on this subject see: D. Woods, TheEar-
ly Recension oftbe Passion oftbe 60 Martyrs of Gaza (BHL 5‫ة‬72٣‫\م‬١‫ًا‬١‫ر‬٦ Tbe 60 Martyrs of Gaza
and tbe Martyrdom ofBisbop Sophronius ofJerusalem, ‫آلل سعف‬, ιοο٦,ρρ. 0‫ل‬44-‫آلل‬.
4% ‫اللمآ‬١‫ ًا ه‬e-Mouw ‫ةة‬١ Les sources de hagiographie syriaque١^٦ ‘ Sources syriaques...,
Ρ.317.
49 G. H U X1 e y. The Sixty Martyrs ofjerusalem, BMGS 16, 1977, pp. 369-374; O. ‫ ل‬U r e -
wie Z, Historia..., pp. 74-75.
‫؟‬٥ The literature devoted to Theophanes and his works is vast. Worth mentioning,
among others, are: A.s. Proudfoot, The Sources of Theophanesfor the Heraclian Dynasty, B
44,1974, pp. 367-439; C.Mango,07&٥ wrote the Chronicle of Theophanes?) ZRVI 18, 1978,
pp. 9-17; L.M. Whitby, The Great Chronographer and Theophanes, BMGS 8, 1982/1983,
pp. I -20; o. ‫ ل‬U r e w i c z, Historia...) pp. 3 3- 3 5‫ ن‬I. R o c h o w, Byzanz im 8. Jahrhundert
in der Siebt des Theophanes. Quellenkritisch-historischer Kommentar zu den Jabren 715-813,
٠ ٠١١ Concerning tbe Literary Technique of Tbeopbanes tbe Con-
’ ‫د‬١‫لة ًا ة د‬
١‫ًاةل‬١‫لووأ اآل‬٠١١٠٦٩. ‫ا‬١١
fessor, Bsl 56, 1995, pp. 317-322; c. Mango, Introduction) [in:] The Chronicle of Theoph-
anes Confessor. Byzantine and NearEastem HistoryAD 284-813) eds. c. M a n g o, R. s c o 11,
G. Greatrex, Oxford 1997, pp. XLIII-C; p. Yannopoulos, Les vicissitudes historiques
de la Chronique de Theophane,^ 7٠, ιοοο,ρρ. ‫اآل‬7-‫آلآلآل‬, ’ ‫اًاآعةل‬
٠ ١ Comme le dit Georges le Syn-
celle ou, je pense, Tbéopbane,^ 74,1004, pp. 46‫وبأ‬-‫آ‬٠١ Mompa, ZbieznoSC losw a zbieznosé
narraeji. o strukturze i autorstwie "Chronografi” Teofanesa١١١n.١ Sredniowieczna wizja swiata.
Jednoléczy rôznorodnott, eds. T. Wo 1 i ή s k a, M.J. L e s Z k a, Lôdz 2009, pp. 146-15 5; Ya n -
nopouYosV., Theophane de Sigriani le Confesseur (759-818). Un beros orthodoxe du second
iconoclasme, 1 ‫نطآعسآل‬Ό٦3١’ Mompa, In search for the own words of George Syncellus and
Tbeopbanes tbe Confessor: The authorship oftbe Chronographia reconsidered ‫ًاا‬٢‫ًاؤ‬٦‫أل‬٢٢‫ًاآد‬١‫(؟اًال‬١٦‫ةج‬١
Paris 2015).
51 For information about the life and works of Nicephorus, see: p. Alexander, The Pa-
triarcb Nicephorus of Constantinople: Ecclesiastical Policy and Image Worship in the Byzantine
had aristocratic background, which let him obtain good education. In this way,
he was able to make a career at court, in the imperial chancery, where he eventual-
ly attained the post of a secretary, like his father Theodore. Apart from numerous
theological texts, he has aso left some historiographic works, such as the afore-
mentioned Historia syntomos, in which he described the history of the Empire
from the death of Emperor Maurice (602.) to the reign of Constantine V (70s of
the eighth century).
Some extra information about Byzantine perception of the Arabs is included
in Chronikon syntomos by George the Monk, called Hamartolos (the Sinner). We
do not really know anything about the author. For his work, George Hamartolos
obtained information from the account of Theophanes the Confessor and patri-
arch Nicephorus, so most of fragments concerning the early period of the Arab
conquest are exact copies of the information mentioned by both of the earlier
authors. The original narrative of George Hamartolos deals mostly with the re-
lations from 813-842,5*.
While analysing the situation of former Byzantine territories under Mus-
lim rule, we must refer to the texts which were made in the areas within this
paper’s scope of interest: in Armenia, Egypt, and Syria. The History ofthe Patri-
archs ofAlexandria^ is important for learning about the Muslim rule in Egypt.
This compilation is usually attributed to Severus, the bishop of Hermopolis, also
called Severus ibn al-Mukaffa'. He was born about 915 in so-called Old Cairo.
Initially, he performed a clerical fonction (his secular name was Abu Bishr ibn
al-Mukaffa'). Then he became a monk and soon a bishop of Hermopolis in The-
baid, in upper Egypt. This appointment took place either during the episcopa-
cy of Theophanes (953-956) or Menas (956-975). Severus was one of the fist
Copts for whom Arabic became the first language.
Among later texts one should mention a work by Armenian historian Ghe-
wond, the author of the History of Caliphs. It contains a lot of precious infor
Empire, Oxford 1958, p. 54sqq٠, o. Jurewicz, Historia..., pp. 135-137Î Ε.Α. Fisher, Life
ofthe Patriarch Nikephoros I ofConstantinople,\m٦\ Byzantine Defenders ofImages. Eight Saiwts*
Lives in English Translation, ed. Α-Μ. Talbot, Washington 1998, pp. 2,5-142..
SI H. ‫ًاع<؟اًال\ةآل‬١ Die hochsprachliche profane Literatur der Byzantiner, ‫وا آلطفلآلنيج‬7‫ج‬
pp. 547-551 î o. Jurewicz, Historia..., pp. 157-159; D. A f i η ο g e η ο V, The Date of Geor-
gios Monachos Reconsidered,^ 7٠,1‫او‬١ ‫وووا‬,‫جج‬ ١ . ‫ه‬٦7-‫هه‬٦ te^àô١à,Tbe Middle Byzantine
Historians, Basingstoke 05, Ρ.114.
١١ ‫ ألطشم‬the History ofthe Patriarchs ofAlexandria ‫ شًاةلم‬Ta’rih Batarikat al-Kanisah al٠
Misriyah), also called th cLives ofthe Holy Church, see: j. den Hcije r, History ofthe Patriarchs
ofAlexandria, [in:] The Coptic Encyclopedia, vol. IV, ed. A.s. A t i y a, New York 1991,pp. 1258-
‫جاا‬٠١ ‫ ’ا‬dem, Coptic Historiography in the Fatimid, Ayyubid and Early Mamluk Periods.Mehn
2.1,1996, pp. 67-98.
mation about Byzantine-Armenian relations and the attitude of the Armenians

towards the imperial reign and basileis themselves54. Also Kitab al-Vnwan
by Agapius, a Melkite bishop of Membij in Syria (tenth century) made an im-
portant contribution to the research on Byzantine-Arabic relations55. However,
the most important work was the chronicle by Michael the Syrian, a patriarch
of the Jacobite Church between 1166 and 1199 AD* 5*. The chronicle is a clas-
sic example of general history, recounting events from the time of Adam up to
the days of the author. Numerous copies of that paper show that it must have
been very popular. What makes the chronicle valuable is the fact that it is based
on sound, reliably quoted sources5®.
Apart from the sources written in Syriac or Coptic texts5’ of Christian au-
thors written in Arabic are also important for research concerning Byzantine ter-
ritories under Muslim reign. The most significant of them are the works by Elias
of Nisibis (early eleventh century) and Gregory Bar Hebraeus (twelfth centu-
ry)*٥. The latter, active in the thirteenth century, left US various historical works,
written in Syriac and in Arabic. He was interested in both ecclesiastical history
and secular events. Similarly to Michael the Syrian, he based his account on earli-
er texts, employing Syrian, Persian and Arabic sources. Nestorian Elias of Nisibis,
the archbishop of this city at the beginning of the eleventh century, wrote also in
Syriac and Arabic .
54 About Gbewond and his work see: z. Arzoumanian, Studies in Armenian Histo-
riograpb?، Bishop Sebeos, Gewond he Priest, Kirakos of 4‫هأاعن‬،‫حأل‬١‫ألآل‬١‫ألآللةةلل‬١‫ ة‬٦‫لةو‬,‫؟؟‬٠ ‫إأ‬-‫آل‬٦

The Heritage ofArmenian Literature...,‫؟؟‬. ‫ا‬40-‫ل‬6٢‫د‬,٠‫ز‬٠‫آل‬.١‫خألةة‬٠ Le problème de l’authenticité et
de la valeur de la Chronique de GewondAuvA Arménie et Byzance - histoire et culture١hris 6‫وول‬١
pp. 119-12.6; M. Starowieyski, slownik..., p. 142,. The fimdamental work on this subject is,
unfortunately, not available in any of the major European languages: N. Akin i an, Ghewond
erets’patmagir, Vienna 1950.
55 Α.Α. Vasiliev,Introduction , [in:] Agapius (Mahboud) de Mebidj,‫كهير‬-
toireuniverselle, ed. A. Va s i 1 i e V, [in:] PO 8/5, Paris I9i2.,pp. 599-550.

5 6 On this subject, among others: w. Wrigh t, A short History ofSyriac Literature, Lon-
don 1894, p. 2٠5osqq; R. Duval, La littérature syriaque,..) p. I9٥sqq; J.B. Chabo t, Littérature
syriaque, Paris 1955,p. 12٠5sqq; H.G.B. Teule, Syriac...) pp. 3 32.-3 3 5; s. Brock, Syriac His-
torical...) pp. 15-17.
57 H.G.B. Teule, Syriac...) p. 3 34.
58 Ibidem,pp. 334-335.
‫ ألآل‬Ibidem,.‫؟‬
٥٥ w. Wright, A short History...) pp. 2.68-2.81; H.G.B. Teule, Syriac...) p. 32.6;
D.Weltscke, Les troisgrandes chronique...) pp. 12.3-131.
‫ اه‬J.B. Chabo t, Littérature syriaque...) p. I i8sqq; H.G.B. Te U 1 e, Syriac...) pp. 342.-343;
‫ نآك‬ottut, La circulation des informations historiques entre les sources arabo-musulmanes et sy-
riaques: Elié de Nisibe et ses sources,\١n٠;\ L’Historiographie syriaque...,٦4 .‫؟؟‬ν-٦47٠
482. Sources - a Brief Overview...
Studies of the history of the Middle East would not be complete without
reference to several anonymous Syrian chronicles٩ The most important of them
is Chronicle up to 1234, covering both ecclesiastical and secular history, from
the beginning of the world until the years 1103-120463. We must also mention
an anonymous Syrian source from the beginning of the eighth century (so-called
Chronicle up to 724)64, ١‫ حألذ‬Nestorin Chronicle ‫ ةحًااًع؟عًا طما‬to as Chronicle of
Seert)65 and a few other texts, which are traditionally named after the year when
their narration stops (e.g. Chronicle up to 819, or Chronicle of 846)^1 Another
important set of information can be obtained from Mozarabic works, first of aft
‫ غ‬Chronicle up to 754,known as Continuatio Hispana^.
For understanding the attitude of the Byzantines to Islam, polemic works
seem essential. The discussion with Islam was initiated by John of Damascus, and
regarding his followers, an important role was played by Nicetas of Byzantium,
Bartholomew of Edessa, Euthymius Zygabenus and Theodore Abu Kurra*65 68
69.
In order to understand the complicated religious situation on the territories
of Syria, Palestine and Egypt, it is essential to analyse conciliar and synodical acts,
correspondence of innportant figures representing the Churches of the area, and
normative sources. This is the reason for numerous references made in this paper
to Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum, published by E. Schwartz. For our study,
the mentioned above works by Church historians proved to be of equal value.
On the other hand, the research of Byzantine administration on the discussed
6‫ًا‬ ‫؛‬, Les chroniques brèves syriaques, ‫لماط‬ LHistoriographie syriaque..., pp. s٦-
87.
65 H.G.B. Te U le, Syriac..., p. 337; s. B r o c k, Syriac Historical...y pp. 17-19.
64 s٠v> ‫ آ‬o ٢k, Syriac Historical..., p. ‫او‬١ κ.ν ‫ًاحالًًااة‬١ Une chronique syriaque contemporaine
de la conquête arabe. Essai d’interprétation théologique etpolitique,\^*;\ La Syrie de Byzance a lis-
‫»رط‬..., pp. 31-46.
،١ ‫اآل‬٢‫ذ‬.١‫ذ‬٠‫عآ‬١‫ل‬١‫ع‬١ L’abrégé de la chronique ecclesiastique (Muhta ar al-ahbar αΙ-Bi'iyya)
et la Chronique Séert. Quelques sondages, \uv٨ L’Historiographie syriaque..., pp. ‫ا‬6‫آ‬-‫ل‬7’7١‫ا‬
J.M. F i e y, Ichodnah, métropolite de Basra, et son oeuvre, os 11,1966, pp. 431 -450; p. N a U ٠
t i n, L’auteur de la chronique de Séert: Iwdenah de Basra, RHR 186.2, 1974, pp. 113-126‫؛‬
J.M. Fiey, Ichodnah etla Chronique de Séert, POr 6-7, 1975/1976, pp. 447-459.
٥٥ ‫ ًا آلآل‬o ck, Syriac Hist0rical...١p. 4‫ل‬٠١ The Seventh Century in the West-Syrian Chronicles,
including Two Seventh-Century Syriac apocalyptic Texts and an Historical Introduction,
A. p a 1 m e r, s. B r o c k, R. H o y 1 a n d, Liverpool 1993, p. 75sqq.
٥7 ٢٨£, Introduction,^*^ Conquerors and Chroniclers ofEarly Medieval spain,eà.١
transi, idem, Liverpool 1999, p. XVsqq; idem. Chronicle 754, [in:] Medieval Iberia. Readings
from Christian, Muslim andjewish Sources, ed. O.R. Constable, Philadelphia 1997, p. 29.
68 D.J. Saha sjohn ofDamascus ٥» Islam, Leiden 1972‫ ؛‬A. ‫ مل‬OU th, St.John Damascene:
Tradition and Originality in Byzantine Theology, 1ΟΟ$.
69 o. ‫ ل‬U r e w i c z, ‫لسئنيير‬..., pp. IOO-103.
Greek, Syrian and Coptic Sources for the History... 4‫ة‬5
territories requires an extensive use of inscriptions (especially the collection Les

inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie) and, which is natural in this case, legal
sources. Another important group of documents are the lists of the cities and
provinces, represented by such works as Synekdemos by Hierocles, Description
ofthe Roman world (.Descriptio orbis romani) attributed to George of Cyprus or
Christianikétopographia by Cosmas Indicopleustes?٥.
Only upon collecting the data from all said sources we can make out a rela-
tively complete picture of the relations between Byzantium and its Arab neigh-
bours from sixth to mid-eight century.
٦٥ Ibid.
Abbreviations
AAA.‫؟‬ Annales Archéologiques Arabes Syriennes

AAE Arabian Archeaology and Epigraphy
AASS Acta sanctorum, vol. Ι-LXIH, Paris 1865-1940
AB Analecta Bollandiana
ABC. SB Acta Biologica Cracoviensia. Series Botanica
ABH Acta Botanica Hungarica
ABY Archäologische Berichte aus dem Yemen
ACO Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum
ACr Analecta Cracoviensia
Ae Aevum. Rassegna di scienze storiche, linguistiche e filologiche
AEt Annales d’Ethiopie
AEu Acta Euroasiatica
AHC Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum
AHL Archaeology and History in Lebanon
AHR The American Historical Review
AHSt Analecta Hierosolimitikes Stachiologias
AIsl Ars Islamica
AJA American Journal of Archaeology
AJISS American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences
AnC Antiguedad y Cristanismo
486 Abbreviations
And Al-Andalus
ANES Ancient Near Eastern Studies
ANRW Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt. Gescbicbte und Kultur Roms im spie-
gel der neueren Forschung, vo١. ١١ Kon den Anfangen Roms bis um Ausgang der
Republik, Bd. 1-IV, ed. H. Temporini, New York-Berlin 1971-1975‫ ؛‬vol. II.
Principal Bd. ΐ-χχχνίΐ, eds. Η. Temporini, w. Haase, New York-Berlin
1974-.
AOr Ars Orientalis
Ara Arabica
ARAM ARAM. Society for Syro-Mesopotamian Studies
Arb Arabia
ArchRev The Architectural Review
ARev Asiatic Review
Art Arteria
ArtB The Art Bulletin: a quarterly published by the College Art Association of America
ARw Archiv fiir Religionswissenschaft
ATa Antiquité tardive
AUL.FH Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica
B Byzantion
Ba Baal
BALAC Bulletin d’ancienne littérature et d’archéologie chrétienne
BASOR Bulletin of the American School of Oriental Resarch
BCH Bulletin de correspondance hellénique
BEO Bulletin d’Ëtudes Orientales
BF Byzantinische Forschungen. Internationale Zeitschrift fiir Byzantinistik
BMB Bulletin du Musée de Beyrouth
BMGS Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies
BNum Biuletyn Numizmatyczny
Bsl Byzantinoslavica. Revue internationale des etudes byzantines
BSOAS Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies
BSOS Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, University of London
Byz Byzantina / Βυζαντινά. 'Επιστημονικό Όργανο Κέντρου Βυζαντινών 'Ερευνών
Αριστοτέλείου Πανεπιστημίου
ByzS Byzantine StudiesEtudes byzantines
BZ Byzantinische Zeitschrift
BZNW Beihefte zür Zeitschrift für neutestamentliche Wissenschaft
echo Collectanea Christiana Orientalia
CCM Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, XXII siècles
CDCS Cambridge Dictionary of Classical Cioilisation, eàs. G. ‫آلاألآل‬
٠ ٨٩١ ١. ‫ ًاعةاًاح ال‬٠
spoel, D. Mattingly, Cambridge 2006
Abbreviations 487
ChH ChurchHistory
ChrV Christianskij Vostok / XpncTMaHCKMH BocTOK
CRAJDBL Comptes-rendus des seances d^ 1 Academie des inscriptions et Belles-Lettres
csco Corpus scriptorum Christianorum orientalium
CTu Les Cahiers de Tunisie
DArch Les Dossies d’Archeologie
DM Damaszener Mitteilungen
DOP Dumbarton Oaks Papers
DR The Downside Review. A Quarterly Journal Published by the Monks of Downside
Abbey
DSP Dokumentysoborôwpowszechnych
E Eos. Commentarii Societatis Philologae Polonorum
EEBS Epeteris Hetaireias B antinon spoudon /ΈπετηριςΈταιρείαςΒυζαντινών Σπουδών
EKB Encyklopedia kultury bizantynskiej, ed. o. ‫ ل‬u r e w i c z, Warszawa 1002.
EHR English Historical Review
El Encyclopaedia oflslam (Leiden-London, 1960-2.005, ’2.007-)
Ele Electrum
ΕΟ ËchosdOrient
EPh Ekklesiastikos Pharos
ERev The Ecumenical Review
ETL Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses
FF Forschungen und Fortschritte
FHC Folia Historica Cracoviensia
FHG Fragmenta historicorumgraecorum, ed. c. M Ü11 e r, vol. I-V, Paris 1841-1870
FR FelixRavenna
GA Graeco-Arabica
GOTR Greek Orthodox Theological Review, The
GRJBS Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies
Ha The Harp
HeC LHellenism contemporain
HeyJ The Heythrop Journal
Hi Historia. Zeitschrift fiir alte Geschichte
HSCP Harvard Studies in Classical Philology
HTR The Harvard Theological Review
HTS Harvard Theological Studies
HUS Harvard Ukrainian Studies
HZ Historische Zeitschrift
IEJ Israel Exploration Journal
488 Abbreviations
IGLS Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie, eds. L.Jalabert, R. Μ O U t e rd e٠

C.Mondesert, Paris 1919-1970
IJNA The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology
IQ The Islamic Quarterly
Ir I enikon. Quarterly Journal Published by the Monks of Chcvctogne
Isl Der Islam
Islch Islamochristiana
IslSt Islamic Studies
Istn Istina
Ita Italica
JA Journal asiatique
JAC Jahrbuch fiir Antike und Christentum
JAEIBL Qadmoniot. Journal for the Antiquities of Fretz-Israel and Bible Lands
JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society
JCopS Journal of Coptic Studies
JeAr Jewish Art
JECS Journal of Early Christian Studies
JEU Journal of Ecclesiastical History
JEaCS Journal of Eastern Christian Studies
JESHO Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient
JHS Journal of Hellenic Studies
JIS Journal of Islamic Studies
JLA Journal of Late Antiquity
JMGS Journal of Modern Greek Studies
JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies
JÖB Jahrbuch der österreichischen Byzantinistik
JPOS Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society
JRA Journal of Roman Archaeology
JRAS Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
JRS Journal of Roman Studies
JSAH Journa of the Society of Architectural Historians
JSAI Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam
JSyS Hugoye. Journal of Syriac Studies
JTS The Journal of Theological Studies
K Klio. Beitrage zur alten Geschichte
KH KwartalnikHistoryczny
KO Kunst des Orients
KWT.UMK Teologia i Czlowiek. Kwartalnik Wydzialu Teologicznego UMK
Abbreviations 489
LAn Liber Annus

M Meander. Rocznik poswi‫؟‬cony kulturze éwiata starozytnego (1946-1996 Mean-
der. Miesiçcznik powiçcony kulturze swiata starozytnego; 1997-04 Meander.
Dwumiesi‫؟‬cznikpo£wi‫؟‬cony kulturze Swiata starozytnego; 2005-2012. Meander.
Kwartalnik poswi‫؟‬cony kulturze swiata staro^tnego)
Man Mediterraneo antico
MDALAK Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts. Abteilung Kairo
MeEn Medieval Encounters. Jewish, Christian and Muslim Culture in Confluence and
Dialogue
MeMe Mésogeios-Méditerranée
MGH.AA Monumenta Germaniae historica, Auctores antiquissimi
MGH.SS Monumenta Germaniae historica. Scriptores
MHE Miscellanea Historiae Ecclesiasticae
Mil Millennium. Jahrbuch zu Kultur und Geschichte des ersten Jahrtausends n. ehr. /
Yearbook on the Culture and History of the First Mfllennium C.E.
MLFP Modern Languages Faculty Publications
Msla Le Monde slave
MSNAF Mémoires de la Société nationale des antiquaires de France
Mu Le Muséon
Muq Muqarnas. An Annual on the Visual Cultures of the Islamic World
MUSJ Mélanges de !’Université Saint-Joseph, Beirut
MWo The Moslem World
NCB New College Bulletin
Nu Nubica
OCh O riens Christianus. Hefte fiir die Kunde des christlichen Orients
OCP Orientalia Christiana Periodica
ODB Oxford Dictionary ofByzantium, ed. A. K a Z h d a n. New York-Oxford 1991
OS L’Orient syrien
OSu Orientalia Suecana
PAM Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean
Par Parnassos / Παρνασσός
PCBE Prosopographie Chrétienne du Bas-Empire١R.oma ‫ألوا‬-
PEQ Palestine Exploration Quarterly
PG Patrologiaecursuscompletus, Seriesgraeca, ed. J.-P. Migne, Paris 1857-1866
PH Przeglqd Historyczny
PL Patrologiaecursuscompletus, Seneslatina,ed.J.-P. Migne, Paris 1844-1880
PLRE The Prosopography ofthe Later Roman Empire,
vol. I, A.D. 260-39٠۶, eds. Α.Η.Μ. Jones,J.R. Martindale,J. Morris, Cam-
bridge 1971
490 Abbreviations
vol. II, A.D. 395—527, ed.J.R. Martindale, Cambridge 1980

vol. Ill, A.D. 527-6413 ed.J.R. Martindale, Cambridge 1992.
PO Patrologia orientalis
POr Parole de lOrient
Por Porphyra
POrient Przegl d Orientalistyczny
pp Past and Present: Ajournai of Historical Studies
PPSb Pravoslavnyj Palestinskij Sbornik / IIpaBOCAaBHbiM riaAecTMHCKHH cöopHMK
PR Przegl d Religioznawczy
PS Patrologiasyriaca, ed.R.G raffin, Paris 1894-19^6
PSAS Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies
PH Piotrkowskie Zeszyty Historyczne
QREA Al-Qantara Revista de Estudios Arabes
RB Revue biblique
RE Paidys Real-Encyclopadie der classiscben Altertumswissenscbajt, eàs. G.ÎÏSSO٠
wa, w. Kroll, Stuttgart 1894-1978
REB Revue des etudes byzantines
REG Revue des etudes grecques
REI Revue des etudes islamiques
Rel Religion
RH Revue historique
RHE Revue d’histoire ecclesiastique
RHR Revue de !’histoire des religions
RIBLA Revue de !’Institut des belles-lettres arabes
RTOA Revue internationale des droits de !’Antiquité
RKult Roczniki kulturoznawcze
RMPh.NF Rheinischen Museum fiir Philologie. Neue Folge
ROC Revue de lOrient chrétien
RSI Rivista storica italiana
RSO Rivista degli studi orientali
RSR Revue des sciences religieuses
RTK Roczniki Teologiczno-Kanoniczne
RTL Revue theologique de Louvain
RTNW Rocznik Towarzystwa Naukowego Warszawskiego
SAI Studia Arabistyczne i Islamistyczne
SCH Studies in Church History
Sem Seminare. Poszukiwania Naukowe
Si Signs
Abbreviations 49‫ل‬
SJT The Scottish Journal of Theology

StHAJ Studies in the History and Archaeology ofjordan
STHSO Studia Teologiczno-Historyczne Él^ska Opolskiego
StI Studia Islamica
StPatr Studia Patristica
StPB Studia patristica et Byzantina
STV Studia Theologica Varsaviensia
StZHistUJ Studenckie Zeszyty Historyczne Uniwersytetu Jagielloriskiego
SUFED Sakarya Universitesi Fen Edebiyat Dergisi
SvEA Svensk Exegetisk Arsbok
Sy Syria. Archéologie, art et histoire
Sym Symmeikta / Σύμμεικτα
Taw Αΐ-Tawhïd
TM Travaux et mémoires du Centre de recherches d’histoire et civilisation byzantines
TPAPA Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association
Ty Tyche. Beiträge zur Alten Geschichte, Papyrologie und Epigraphik
uss U Schylku Starozytnoéci. Studia Zrddloznawcze
VC Vigiliae christianae: A Review of Early Christian Life and Language
VP Vox Patrum. Antyk Chrzeécijahski
w Vizantijskij vremennik / BmaHTMMCKMH BpeMeHHHK
WDr w Drodze
WH War in History
ZAC Zeitschrift fiir antikes Christentum / Journal of Ancient Christianity
ZDMG Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft
ZDPV Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins
ZNW Zeitschrift fiir die neutestamendiche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der älteren
Kirche [/ des Urchristentums]
ZPE Zeitschrift fiir Papyrologie und Epigraphik
ZRVI Zbornik Radova Vizantolo kog Instituta / 36ορΗΗΚ PaAOBa BH3aHTOAOiiiKor
HiiCTMTyTa
ZSSR.RA Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung fiir Rechtsgeschichte, Romanistische Abteilung
ZNDS Damaskin. Zurnal Nizegorodskoj duchovnoj seminarii / AaMacKMH. }KypHaA Hh-
xeropoACKOM AyxoBHoii ceMMHapMM
no date
no place
Bibliography
Sources
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Theodori Abucarae Contra haereticosjudaeos et Saracenos Paria opuscula١١١n٠٦ PG ‫و‬7٠٢‫هل غك‬6‫ل‬-
٠٠
ι6 9
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‫آل‬٠.‫\آل‬١‫اًااةةذ‬
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Facundus Hermianensis, ContraMocianum, [in:] PL 67,cols. 855-868.
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٦١‫اة اآد‬-‫ألأاشم‬٦‫ًا‬٠ Usdαΐ-ghdbah^â'râtal-shbhn.p.n.à.
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AbiHafs Umaral٠Fârü٩١ùïto ‫اًا‬٠‫ة‬٠
‫إ‬١‫اة اآد‬-١‫د‬١ ’ ‫ل"أيالة‬, Manakib, AmirΑΐ-Mu'minin, UmarIbn Al-Khattab١eà. ‫دشملمآل‬-٩‫لمل\أة‬١
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١٠١٥ Π ‫لل‬١‫ةل‬٠١‫ة‬٠١‫اة ة‬-١‫ة\آلآةب‬٦،‫ا‬١αΙ-Mukhtär minkitab Ibamaratal-auräk١Ca١٠to ‫وا‬7‫ا‬.
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Ibn Kathir, TheLifeoftheProphetMuhammad)vol. 1-IV,transi.R.Le Gassick,η.ρ. ζοο6.
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Un colloque dupaâi^chejean avec l’émir des dgareens etfaits divers des annes 712 ‫غ‬7‫ل‬6,‫ةع‬.,‫تةأا‬١‫اك‬
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Vita Baradei, [in:] Anecdota syriaca, cd.J.P.N. Land, vol. II, Leiden 1795, pp. 364-385.
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Zitie i zizn ixe «UO svjatych otca nasego Feodora, archiepiskopa Edessk0g0١eà.N.G.V ‫اةة‬٠\١ ‫ة الح‬١\
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5 66 Bibliography
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Index of People
A mi), witness of Prophets deeds 403

Äbän Ibn Al-Walid, Muslim leader 2,43 Abd Allah Ibn ‫؟‬ays, Muslim leader 2.38,
’Abbad Ibn Djulanda, Arab leader 403 2.41-2.42., 2.51
Abbas, ascetic 2.45-2.48,-2.58, 186, 193, 414, Abd Allah Ibn Khurz, Muslim leader 2.41
505, 5‫ة‬5,‫هة‬7 Abd Allah Ibn Masada, Muslim leader 2.42.
Abbas, persecutor of Christians 145-148, Abd Allah Ibn 'Umar, son of the caliph
2.58,186,193,414, 503, 565, 607 ’Umar Ibn al-Khattb 394
Abbas Ibn Al-Walid, Muslim leader 146—147 Abdallahal-Mahdi,caliph (909-934) 318
Abbasid(s), dynasty of 15,90,318,331,335, Abdullah ibn Saad ibn Abi as-Sarh, Muslim
557, 548-349, 552.-555, 375, 580-381, leader 150
388,447,451,454, 469, 555-554 Abraham, bibl. 13-14, 2.7, 36-37, 2.07, 2.96,
’Abd al-Allah az-Zubayr, anty-caliph 446 308, 361, 370-371, 374, 588, 42.2., 454,
Abd al-Aziz ibn Walid, Arab leader 146,148 436, 506
Abd al-Aziz, Muslim leader, governor of Abraham, brother ofJustus 2.96
Egypt 2.53,186,304 Abram (Abraha), Arab ruler Himyarite)
’Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan, caliph (685- 197-198
705) 407 Abram, Byzantine envoy 199
Abd al-Rahman Ibn Khalid, Muslim le- Abu ’Abd al Rahman, witness of Prophet’s
ader 140-141 deeds 394
Abd Allah, Arab leader 138,144-145 Abu Al-Abbas as-Saffah, caliph (750-754),
Abd Allah. Muhammad’s father 43 5 518,349
’Abd Allah Ibn ’Abbas, theologian 394 Abu al-Hakam, Arab leader 319
’Abd Allah (’Abd Allah Ibn Hudhafa al-Sal- Abu AyyubAl-Ansari, Muslim leader 2.58
568 Index of People
Abu Bakhriyya, Muslim leader 158 Aesop, fabulist 418-419

Abu Bakr, caliph (651-654) 118, 115, 156, Agapius, writer 185-186, 102., 2.06-2.07,
2.71, 2.73, 3٠7, 314-32.6, 541-541, 345- 2.2.1, 2.61,185, 502., 458, 481,494
347,352. Ahmad, see Muhammad the Prophet 559,
Abu Bakr, unknown, witness of Prophet’s de- 408,410,445
eds 594,596-598 Ahrweiler Hélène 158,148-149
Abu Bakr al-Siddlk, see Abu Bakr *Ä’isha, Muhammad’s wife 441
Abu DjaYarLakhmid ruler 171 Al-Akhtal,poet 577,464
Abu Da far Muhammad b. Djarir al-Tabari, Al Ala’ Ibn al-draml, Prophet’s compa-
see Al-Tabari nion 405
Abu Fudayl, witness of Prophet’s deeds 596 Al-Asfar (Tapharas), Arab leader 415
Abu Hanlfa ad-Dlnawari, writer 467 Al-A'shä, poet 465
Abu Ismail al-Azdl, historian 466-467, 548 Α1-Α h m Ibn Abdjar, ruler of Ethiopia, 405
Abu Karib, Arab leader 175-176, 186-187, Al-Athlr, Muslim writer 158-159,141-2.41
196,101 144,158,405,411,417, 467
Abu Kurra, scholar 575-574, 435_43٥, 481, AlAws,ethn. 49
493 Al-Azd, ethn. 167, 169
Abu AWar al-Sulaml, Arab leader 519 Αΐ-Balädhuri, historian 90, 159-160, 2.75,
Abu Mikhnaf, Arab writer 554 176,184,189, 511,411,467
Abu Muhammad al-Hasan ibn Ahmad al- Αΐ-Bukhäri, scholar 400,407,416-417
-HamdanI, scholar 445 Αΐ-Djäh, scholar 469
Abu Said al-Khudari, reporter of Tra- Αΐ-Hajjäj Ibn Yusuf, Muslim leader 555
dition 594-595 Al-Harith, Arab leader 164, 168, 169, 181,
Abu Çâlih, Arab writer 411
Abu Shamir, see Gabalas 168 Al-Harith (Arethas), Arab leader (Ghassa-
Abu Sufyan, Arab leader 76-77, 191, 519, nid) 48, 69, 148, 167, 171
32.9,334 Al-Harith ibn Djabala al Ghassani, see Al-
Abu Sufyan, envoy to Heraclius 115, 400- -Harlth 175, 178-179, 181
401,407, 416-417 Al Harith III, king of Petra 45
Abu Talib, Muhammad’s uncle 194 Αΐ-Harïth Ibn Abl Shamir al-Ghassanl, Mus-
Abu Tammam, Arab poet 175 lim leader 405
Abu ubayda ibn al-Jarah, Muslim leader 115 Αΐ-Harith the Kindite, Arab chief 165-166,
Abu ubayy Ibn Khalaf, enemy of the Pro- 181
phet 597 Αΐ-Hasan al-Djafari, reporter of Tra-
Abubacharos, see Abu Bakr 541 dition 594
Acacius, patriarch of Constantinople (471- Al-Jabburi Suhayla ‫أ أ ه‬
489)155-157,139 Αΐ-Kalbï, scholar 410
Acacius of Beroea, bishop 105 AlKalkashandl, Muslim historian 545
Adam, bibl. 556, 560, 476,481 Al-Khazradj, ethn. 49, 510
Adbeel, Ishmael’s son 14 Αΐ-Khazradjï Ibn 'Amir, Diha’s gran-
Adi, Arab leader 160-161, 168 dfather 404
Adi, poet 194 Αΐ-Kindï, writer 451
Adid, Arab leader, 101 Al-Kutba’, scholar
AdiyU, Thlaba’sson 175 Al-Lät, myth. 6, 44-45, 50, 55-59, 61-71,
Aelius Gallus, Roman military leader 41 74-78,81, 411
Index ٥f People 5‫ة‬9
Αΐ-Mahdï, caliph (775-785) 318,431 ‘All [ibn Abi Talib], caliph (656-661) 518,
Al-Mâlikï, writer 180, 508 52.7,547
Al-Ma’mün, caliph (813-833) 381,447 ‘AliQuliQarai 6‫آل‬٠١
Al-Mas‘üdï, historian, geographer 194, 467- Alilat, see Al Lt 55-56
468, 508 Ambros (Amr), Arab leader 187,199
Al-Mubarrad, scholar 469 Ambrose, bishop 118
Αΐ-Muhtadï, caliph (866-869) 337 *Amir Ibn Sharahil ibn ‘Abd al-Sha’bï,
Αΐ-Mukaddasï, geographer 446,451, 508 cadi 333
Al-Mukawkis, see Cyrus and Benjamin, pa- 'Amir Ibn Yazid, Muslim leader 2.42,
triarchs of Alexandria 8, 371,403-404, Ammianus Marcellinus, historian 32., 151,
411-415 419-42.1,42.5,471
Al-Mundhir III ibn al-H rith, son of Arethas, Ammonius, monk 155-154,494
Ghassanid ruler (569-581), 187,193 Amorcesus, see Imru al-Kays, Arab leader
Al-Mundhir III ibn Αΐ-Nu’man, Lakhmid ru- Amorkeos, Arab military leader 187
1er (505/5-554), 195 Amphilochius, bishop 134
Al-Mundhir Ibn Säwä, ruler of Al-Bah- Amr ibn ‘Adi, Arab leader (Lakhmid) 160-
rayn 403 161,169
Αΐ-Mu’tasim, caliph (833-841) 380 Amr ibn al Äs, Muslim leader 2,14-2.2.5,119,
Al-Nu‘män II [ibn al-Aswad], Lakhmid mill 179,182., 194,2.96,198, 304, 384,42.7
tary leader (497-503) ‘Amr ibn ‫؟‬amia, writer 465
Al-Nu‘män III Abu ‫؟‬abus, see Al-Nu‘män III ‘Amr ibn Murra, Muslim leader 142.
ibnal-Mundhir 46 ‘Amr ibn Sufyan al SulamI ibn al-Hakam, Mu-
Al-Nu‘män III ibn al-Mundhir, Lakhmid slim military leader 467
ruler (580-601), 47, 155, 157, 164, ‘Amr Ibn Umayya (‘Amr Ibn Umayya ad-
171,171,193,194 -Damiri), Muhammad’s envoy 161,403
Al-Nu‘män VI ibn. al-Mundhir, Ghassanid ru- Anastasius II (Artemius), emperor (713-
1er (581-583), 180, 194 715) 2.63-2.64
αΙ-QâdiIVadâd Anastasius, monk 304
Al-Suyütï, muslim historian 341, 345, 511 Anastasius I, emperor, 89, 139-141, 144, 152.,
Al-Tabari (Abu Dafar al-Tabari), histo- 155, 169-171, 177, 189, 196, 199, 2.90,
rian passim 191
Αΐ-Uzzä,myth. 6, 50, 55-56, 59-61,67-69, AnastasiusSinaite,writer 13
71-78,81,156,178 Anatolius, patriarch of Constantinople (449-
Al-Wad , muslim historian 140-141,145- 458)116,111,133
146,148,156,161, 366 Andrew, cubicularius 1.94, 157, 159, 189,
Al-Walid I, caliph (705-715) 136,145, 147, 475,478
2.84,555-556,451 Andrew the Fool, saint 189,478
Αΐ-WalïdII,caliph (743-744) 447,454,457 Anna Comnena, writer 81,494
Αΐ-Walïd Ibn Hisham, Muslim leader 148 Anonymous of Piacenza, writer 410
Al-Ya٠kübi, historian 138-143, 145-148, Anthimus, patriarch of Constantinople
156,161,165,410,467 (SÎ5-SJ6) 145-146
Al-Zamakhshari, writer 71 Anthony the Chozebitehagiographer 177
Al-Zubayr Ibn al-’Awwäm, Muslim le- Antoniadis-BibicouHélène ‫أل‬٦
ader 344 Aphrodite, myth. 55-56, 61, 68-69, 78-81,
Alexander the Great 30, 300 178,411,414,434
57٠ Index ٥f People
Aphrodite Habar, myth. 78, 80,81,411,434 Atiya Aziz Suryal 379, 380, 386
Aphrodite Urania, myth. 55-56 *Atiyya (*Atiyya Ibn Sad al-Küfï), interpreter
Apollinaris of Laodicea, theologian 95, 53z o Kuran 395,467
Aratius Kamsarakan, Byzantine military le- Aurelian, emperor (2.70-2.75) 31-32., 45,
ader 163 161
Arcadius, emperor (395-408) ΙΖ4, i6z, 544 AvnerUre ‫ل‬7‫آل‬
Areobindus, Byzantine military leader 165 Aws ibn Hajar, poet 78
AreobindusMarcialis,Flavius III Azar, Muslim military leader 2.45
Arethas (Αΐ-Harïth), Kindite military, see Al- Azarethes, Arab military leader 172., 184
-Harlth, the Kindite
Arethas, etnarch ZOI B
Arethas, son ofTaalabana 167 Baal, myth. 45,486
Arethas, writer 2.3,430 Baalshamin (Baal Shamin), myth. 45, 65-66
Arethas, see Αΐ-Harïth ibn Djabala Baanes (Vahan), Byzantine military le-
Arethas IV, Nabatean king 61 ader 2.2,5, 2.44
Arethas of Caesarea, bishop Ζ89 Baccharos, see Baqtari Ibn Al-Hassan, Muslim
Aristolaus, official 107 leader ■2,64
Aristotle,philosopher ‫ال‬5‫ا‬373‫ىلةا‬ Badicharimos, see Ma٤dlkarib 164
Arius, presbyter 94 Bah a, monk 2.94,359
Armour Rollin s. ٦7٩ Bar Hebraeus, see Gregory Bar Hebraeus
Arrianus, Flavius, Greek historian 56 Bar Kokhba, Jewish leader 50
Arsenius, prefect of Egypt 138 Bardaisan of Edessa, writer 473, 564
Artabasdus Dimaksean 310 Barsauma, archimandrite 112., 114, 130, 15 5,
Artemis, myth. 14 496
Asad Abu Karib, Muslim military leader 196 Barthélemy Etienne 4‫ألا‬
Asolik of Taron, Armenian writer Ζ64 Bartholomew of Edessa, writer 79, 431, 435,
Asouades, Arab phylarch 18 3 48z
Asoudos (Al-Aswad), Arab phylarch 165 Basil, official 118,12.5,2.54
Aspar, Byzantine military leader 115, iz8, Basil of Seleucia, bishop 12.5
163 Basil the Great, bishop 118
Aspebetus, Arab leader 4Ζ4 Basiliscus, emperor (475-476), usur-
A Salt, fahter of poet Umayyah ibn Abl a^- per 134-136
-‫؟‬alt 465 Beaucampjoelle
At al-Khurâsànï, exegete ofKur’än 396 Becker Carl Heinrich ‫أ‬7‫أ‬ r
At Ibn Rafi*, Muslim leader Ζ54 BedryanRobert 4‫مح‬
Atargatis, myth. 6ι-6ζ, 64_65,53Ζ Belin François-Alphonse 4‫آلا‬
Athenodorus, see Vahballatus 63 Belisarius, Byzantine military leader 146,
Atfar (Asfar, Tapharas), see Tapharas Djaba- 177-178, 180, 183, 185-186
la 168,177,42.5 Benjamin, Coptic patriarch of Alexandria
AthaminaKhalil 33Ζ-333,430,43z (62.3-662.) 198,304,385,414
Athanasius,pagarchofHermopolis 335 van Berchem Marguerite 44‫>؟‬
Athanasius, patriarch of Alexandria (3Ζ8- vanBerchemMax 449
339; 346-373) 96, 99, 106, 118, ΙΖ4, Beroniscianus, official 1zz
136,141^89,478 BielawskiJOze‫ ؛‬4‫آلة‬
Athena (Minerva), myth. 58,63 Bonus, patrician 11 5
Index of People 571
Bonosus,official III Constantine I the Great, emperor (306-

Booth Phil 178, 310,477 337)101,117,157
Bousquet Georges-Henri 170,171 Constantine III, emperor (641) 2.15,221-111
Bowersock Glen ‫اآل‬ Constantine IV, emperor (668-685) 2.81,
Bralewski Slawomir ‫أو‬ 303
Brock Sebastian 190 Constantine V, emperor (741-775) 480
Bu Bush Muhammad 405-406 Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, emperor
Buhl Frants Peder William 411 (913-959) 80, 85, 180, 2.77, 301, 42.1,
Bukharin Mikhail Dmitrievic ‫لمآل‬١‫آل‬4‫آلآلل‬ 497-498
Busr Ibn Abi Artat (Bousour) 139-141,153, Constantine Lardis, official 108
160 Constantius II, emperor (337-361) 161,196
ButlerAljdJoshua ‫أآللم‬ CookMichael 308, 366
Cosmas,official 2.3,138,180,2.91,483,498
c Cosmas Indicopleustes, monk, traveller 2,3,
180,2.91,483
CaetaniLeone 156,170-171,198,411
CabenClaude ‫وآلآل‬ Creswell Keppel-Archibald Cameron 447١4‫آلآل‬
Calandion, bishop 138 CronePatricia 156, 2.36, 308, 366
Callinicus, Byzantine military leader 161, Cyriacus, patriarch of Constantinople (596-
167,183 606) 2.08
Callinicus of Baalbek, developer of Greek Cyriacus of Tikrit, bishop of Antioch (793-
Fire 161 817) 380
Cyril, bishop of Alexandria (411-444) 98-
Cambyses, king of Persia 19,55,304
CanardMarius 171,174-176,197-198 109, 113, 118-114, 116, 118, 137-138,
Candidian, official 104 141-144,146,180
Carterius, Flavius, official 111 Cyril of Scythopolis, hagiographer 35-36,
CecotaBlazej ‫آل‬٠‫آل‬ 151, 171, 183,101,191-191,419,42.3-
Cecropius of Sebastopolis, bishop 119 42.4,473
Celestine, bishop of Rome (411-431) 100, Cyrus, bishop of Alexandria (631-641) 68,
103,496 109, III» II$٠-118, 130, 144, Ι4٥, 149»
Chabus(Ka‘b), Arab military leader 178 130, 3 ,198 ,179 ,‫ا‬3‫ا‬θ6, 310» 372,» 385»
CharanisPeter ‫وألم‬ 413-414» 42.4» 473
CharlesRobertHenry 178,477
Christides Vassilios ١6100 4١ ‫ةا‬١ D
chrysaphius, official no, 113, 115, 115, Dalmatius, ascetic 105
118-119 Damasus, bishop of Rome (366-384) 95
Chrysos Evangelos ‫ا‬74١ ‫>؟لمآل‬ Daniel, bibl. 189, 301
Ciprianus, Byzantine military leader 161 Daniel of Scetis, ascetic 151
Claudius Ptolemy, geographer 31 Daniel Sffiopites, patrikios 163
Comentiolus, official 108 David, king of Israel, bibl. 15» 115,2.19, 2.37,
Constantius, emperor (337-361) 161, 196 156,42.2., 42.9
Constans II, emperor (641-668) 111, 140, Décobert Christian 175-176
2.53» 2.55-2.57, 2.59,181, 303,42.6 Dennett Daniel Clement ‫آل‬7‫ة‬
Constantelos Demetrios]. 153,171,177,183, Dhu Nuwas, Arab ruler 41,196-198,101, 51 ٥
194,198,301,311 Dilya Ibn Khalifa al-Kalbl, Prophet’s compa-
Constantina, empress 108 nion 403-404,407-408
572- Index of People
Diocletian, emperor (184-305) 31, 88-89, Epiphanius, writer, bishop of Salamis 67,
II I, 336, 371, 519, 544, 595 145,499
Diodorus, bishop of Tarsus 96, 144, 146 Esimiphaeus (Esimphaios), Arab leader (Him-
Dionysius of T Mahre, chronographer 168, yarite) 199
183,188, 380,419,473, 475 Eudocia, emperors sister 100, 133,12.1
Dionysius (Pseudo-Dionysius), Byzantine Eudotian, patriarch Cyrus’ brother-in-
writer 476 -law 306
Dionysus, myth. 56 Eugenius, Byzantine military leader 164, 167
Eulogius, patriarch of Alexandria (581-
Dioscur, patriarch of Alexandria (444-454)
608) 313
109, 113-114, 116-117, Ι1Ι-Ι11,
Eulogius, official 113
114-116, 118, 130, 131-133, 144
Euphemia, slave 113, 138, 2.84
Djabala ibn Al-Ayham, Arab leader (Ghassa-
Euphemius, bishop 139,141
nid) 176,195,101,115,311
Eusebius of Ancyra, bishop 115
Djabala ibn Α1-Η rith, Arab leader (Ghassa- Eusebius of Caesarea, bishop, historian 3$,
nid) 170, 171-173
66, 69, 579, 419, 474-475
Djadhlma, Arab leader (Tanukhid) 160 EusebiusofDorylaeum, bishop 98, 109, 114,
Djafnids, dynasty of 168,173, 176, 186-٠ι 91, Ill, 115
194,101,103 Eusebius of Pelusium, bishop 131
Djayfar Ibn Djulanda, Arab leader 403 Eustathius of Berytus, bishop 110, 115
Djunada ibn Abl Umayya, Muslim leader 161 Euthymius Zygabenus, writer, theologian 3 5,
Domentianus, Byzantine military leader 131, 81,481
306 Eutyches, heresiarch, archimandrite 50,
Dornnus, bishop of Antioch 109, 11 5 109-114, 116-118, 110-113, 115,
Dormer Fred McGraw 176 118-131, 133, 137, 139, 145-144
Douan, see Yusuf Dhü Nuwas 101 Eutychius, Arab writer, historian 183, 411
DulaurierEdouard 4‫ول‬ Evagrius Scholasticus, historian 69, 134-136,
Dumah, Ishmael’s son 14 411413,474
Dushara, myth. 44, 56, 60, 61, 67 Eve, bibl. 473,476
Dziekan Marek Marian 416
F
FabiaEudocia,empress 111
Facundus, bishop 146-147, 500
EickhojfEkkehard ‫آلا‬٢‫د‬١‫أ‬6‫ة‬
Fadala Ibn ‘Ubayd, Muslim leader 140-141,
El Cheikh Nadia Mara 390, 405, 408, 411,
157,160
464,466—467
Farrukhan, Persian commander 393, 396-
Elat, myth. 57
397
Elesboas (Ella Atsbeha/Asbeha) 100-101, see
Felix III, bishop of Rome (483-491) 136-
also Kaleb
137,139
Elia bar Shinaya, see Elias ofNisibis Fisher Greg 33,37,188,190,141
Elias, Jacobite bishop of Antioch (709-714) Flavian, bishop of Constantinople (446-
380 449) ΙΙΟ-ΙΙ1, 114, 116, 118, 110-
Elias, bishoji ofjerusalem (494-5 i 6) 140 III, 113, 115, 118, 130, 135, 137-138,
Elias of Nisibis, monk, writer 138, 2.4-142,, 140, 144
144-146,161,188, 481 Flavius Areobindus Marcialis see Areobindus
Eph’alIsrael ‫آلأ‬١‫أ‬7‫وي‬ Marcialis, Flavius
Index of People 575
Flavius Arrianus, historian, see Arrianus Fla- Gregory the Black, slave 184
vius Gregory the Great, bishop of Rome (590-
Flavius Carterius, see Carterius, Flavius 604) 108,515
Flavius Josephus, see Joseph Flavius Gregory the Wonderworker, bishop 96
Florentius,patrician no Grouchevo) Alexandre G. 77‫ا‬74١ ‫أ‬
FlorescanoEnrique 4‫آ‬6١‫لآلآل‬ von Grunebaum Gustave Edmund 4‫ا‬7‫لقآل‬
Fiori Jean 188-189, 2.95, 2.99, 302.-505, Guilland Rodolphe 164
42.9-430,478
Florian, saint 185,188,506 H
Habib, Muslim leader 510
G Habib Ibn Maslama, Muslim leader 159
Gabalas (Djabala), son of Ghassanid Al- Hadar, Ishmael’s son 14
Harith (Arethas) 155, 164, 167-168, Hadrian, ennperor (117-158) 15,515
173 Hagar, bibl. 15-14,16-17,' 55-57,178,191,
Gaudejoy-Demomb nesMaurice 406,417 305,371,434
GaukotvskiMichal s%١6٦ Haldonjohn 85,87-90,118
GelzerHeinrich !‫آلل‬ Ham, bibl. 15,191
GenequandDenis 454 Hamidullah Muhammad 401, 405, 408-
George,bishop 579,455 409,411,415-416
George, Byzantine commander 510 Hamiltonjames, English traveller 70
George Cedrenus, historian 80 Hananyeshu II, Nestorian patriarch (774-
George Syncellus, Byzantine historian 479 778) 585
George the Chozebite, saint 177 Hasan ibn alNuuman, Muslim leader 155
George the Monk, chronicler 79 80-81,455, Hashim ibn ‘Abd Manaf, Muhammad’s great-
437, 480 -grandfather 195
Germanus, patriarch of Constantinople Hhimites, dynasty 518,510
(715-750) 78,165-166,197, 501 H ib Ibn Abi Balta’a, Muhammad’s
Gero Stephen ٦٠7 envoy 405
Ghewond, writer 419-450, 480-481 Hawza Ibn ‘Ali al-Hanafi, Arab leader,
Gil Moshe 11% poet 405
Gindibu, Arab 18 HaykalMuhammadHusayn 405
Gnufas, Arab military leader 177 Helena, emperor Constantine’s mother 115
GoiteinShelomoDov 11% Helpidius, comes sacri consistorii 113-114
Gold her Ignaz 4η Heracleonas, Heraclius’s son 111
GonisNikolaos ٦6‫آل‬٦‫آل‬-‫آل‬ Heraclius I, emperor (610-641) 8, 48, 80-
Gorgon, myth. 64-65 81, 84-85, 86-91, 93-94, 175, 180, 195,
GoubertPaul ‫آلوآ‬ 101, 105, 109-111, 114-117, 150, 151,
Grabar Oleg 448,450 145, 2.80, 501-505, 508-509, 511, 514,
Grafton David D. 411 571, 590, 591-593, 400-402., 404, 406-
Gregentius, saint 180, 1ΟΟ-1ΟΙ, 479, 507, 411,413-414,42.6-42.7,434,473
52.4 Heraclius the Elder, father of emp. Herac-
Gregory, official 108 lius 194,110
Gregory Bar Hebraeus, historian 71, 111. Heraclius the Younger, see Heraclius I
146,184-185,188,198, 475، 475, 481 Hermes, myth. 19,418
Gregory of Nazianzus, bishop 118,114 Hermias Sozomen, see Sozomen
574 Index of People
Herod, bibl. 50-51,418,609 Ibn Khallikan, scholar 468

Herodotus,historian Ζ9, 55-56,42.2., 501 Ibn Khurradadhbih, geographer 468
Hezidus (Yazid), Arab leader 178 Ibn ‫؟‬utayba, scholar 469
Hierocles, Byzantine writer 48 5 Ibn Masud, fak h 400
Hieronymus, theologian 5 5, 67, 505-504 Ibn Rusta, geographer 468
Hilarion, ascete 67, 152., 2.92., 40 Ibn Sa’d, historian 565,468
Hilarius, deacon 114,118 Ibn Shihab az-Zuhri (Αζ-Zuhrï), Arab histo-
HillenbrandRobert ‫م‬6‫ل‬ rian 407
HimeriusommanderofByzantine navy 505 Ibn Waki, reporter of Tradition 594
Hind, wife of Al-Mundhir III 165, 178 Ibrahim, Muhammad’s son 560-561
Hisham Abd AlMalik, caliph (72.4-745) Ibrahim Αΐ-Nagïramï, emir 450
Hitti Philip Khun 49, 2.2.5, 251-131» 157, ’Ikrima, expert on hadiths 595-59٥» 400
171» 173» 336 Illus, official and military leader 158,169
Hormisdas, bishop ofRome (514-513) 141- *Imad al-Dïn ibn Kathir (Ibn Kathir), Arab
141, 144-145 writer 599,401
Hovhannes the Philosopher, catholicos 587 Imru always, Arab leader (Lakhmid) 46,
Howard-Jobnston James Douglas 161 161, 165, 166, 199, 101, 465
Hoyland Robert G. 1٦Ο١ 161 Imru Al-Kays, poet 166» 465
Hubal, myth. 50,74 Imru al-Kays, Amr’s son 161
Hubar, myth. 79 Imru al-Kays (Amorcesus) 165, 199, 2.02.
Hudjr Akil al-Murar, Arab leader 164 Irenaeus, official IOZ, 109
Hurmuz, father of Khusraw II Parwiz 598 Irenaeus of Tyre, bishop 115
Hussein, king ofJordan 411 ٠Isä 561,see also Jesus Christ
Isaac, bibl. 56, 571, 454
I Isaac of Antioch, writer 68
Ibas of Edessa, bishop 115, 118, 144, 146 Isaac Benjamin H. 6‫ا‬٦
Ibn ٠Abbas (Abd Allah Ibn *Abbas), theolo- Isaias, monk 158
gian 394—395» 398, 400 Isdigousnas, Persian envoy 178
Ibn ‘Abbas Ibn ‘Umar, Muslim leader 158 Ishmael, bibl. 15-19, 55, 55-57, 500, 571,
Ibn Abd aHakam, historian 467 574,588,418,42.2., 42.4
Ibn Abu Khabsha, Muslim leader 148 Ishtar, myth. 14-15, 64-65
Ibn alAim, Muslim writer 145 Iyad ibn GhanmalFihrl Arab leader 508
Ibn al-Athir, historian 158-159, 141-141,
411,467 ‫ل‬
Ibn al-Djawzi, Arab writer, sholar 541, 545 Jacob, dispute participant 2.96
Ibn al-Zubayr, Muslim leader 145,158 Jacob Baradaeus (Jacob ofTella), bishop 148,
Ibn A‘tham al-Kufi, historian 467 189-190, Ζ90
Ibn Djuraydj, expert on hadiths 400 Jacob of Edessa, bishop, historian 579, 475
Ibn Habib, historian 169 Jankowiak Marek ‫ا‬6‫أ‬-‫أ‬6‫ب‬
Ibn Hanbal, theologian, jurist 164, 417 Jeremiah, bibl. 502.
Ibn Hawkal, historian 5 8, Jerome, theologian 55, 68, 95, 152., 154,
Ibn Hisham, Arab writer 541,401,466 191-191, 42.0, 505-504, 52.0
Ibn Is k, Arab historian 194, 511, 559,401, Jesus Christ 115,561,575,445
404 Jetur, Ishmael’s son 2.4
Ibn Khaldun, Arab writer 411 Jezidas (Yazid), Arab leader 199
Index of People 575
Jirjis (George), see Bahia Julian, emperor (361-363) 151, 161, 180,
John, Byzantine commander 311,514 101,40
John, Byzantine commander in Maros 514 Julian II, bishop of Antioch (686-708) 379
John, magister officiorum 106-107 Julian, envoy 181, 199-100
John, prefect 506 Julius, bishop 114
Jonh, official 511 Julius, bishop of Rome (357-551) 96,156
John, son of Lucas, Byzantine envoy 571 Justin I, emperor (518-517) 141-145, 155,
John I, bishop of Antioch (418-441) 97,104- 165,171,191,197
105, 107-108 Justin II, emperor (565-578) 187, 191, 199,
John I, jacobite bishop of Antioch (651-648) 101,106-107
196,301,578 Justinian I, emperor (517-565) 7-8, ΙΟ-ΙΙ,
John II, bishop of Constantinople (518- 14, 17-18» 48, 85,' 141-148, 155, 158,
510) 141 171, 175-174» 177-178, 181, 188-195»
Jolm II, bishop of Rome (533-535) 145 198-199, 101, 106-107, 118-119, 111,
John III, bishop of Alexandria (680- 376,411,472.
689) 304 Justinian II, emperor (685-695705 ‫؛‬-
John Cataias, official 117 711) 143,145,370,460
John Chrysostom, bishop of Constantinople Justus, disputeparticipant 196
(398-404)96,114 Juvenal, bishop ofJerusalem (451-458) 115,
John Malalas, chronicler 180,184 I٤5, 152.-155,557
John Moschus, Byzantine writer 68, 151-
153.191.475 K
John of Damascus, anti-Islamic polemist, the- Kaegi Walter Emil 91,115,110,50^,410
ologian 13, 35, 78-81, 189, 370, 371- KaetingToeniesSandra 451-451,458
575» 577,42.0, 451-457» 442.-445,481 Kaisos, Arab leader 166,199-101
John of Ephesus, bishop 13, 187, 189, 193, Kadiya, Egyptian 311
475,476,479 Kaleb, Arab leader 197
John of Germanicea, bishop 111,130 ‫؟‬atada Ibn Di’äma (Katada), reporter of
John of Nikiu, bishop, historian 13, 109, hadiths 597,551
151, 177-179, 181, 188, 191, 303, 506, Kavadh I, king of Persia 155,165
514,555 Kavadh II, king of Persia 595
John Penkaye, Christian writer 505-306, Kawar Irfan 170,176, 180, 191, see also
478 hid Irfan
John Talaia, bishop 136 Kedar, Ishmael’s son 14
John the Baptist, bibl. 96, 190,451 Kedemah, Ishmael’s son 14
John the Glutton, Byzantine military le- Kennedy Hugh 54, 118, 151, 156-157, 155,
ader 185 2.74, 2.76,554
John Zonaras, 160 Kessin Christel
Jordanes, historian 69 Keturah, Abraham’s wife 57
Joseph, bibl 15 Khadidja, Muhammad’s wife 559,455-456
Joseph, Flavius, historian 16, 50,418,472. Khalid Ibn ‘Abd Allah al-‫؟‬asrï, governor of
Joshua the Stylite, chronicler 167, 169, 501, Khorasan 551
42.5.475 Khalid ibn al-Walid, Muslim leader 18, 76-
Joshua, Syriac monk 476 77, 188, 195, 114-116, 176, 184, 511,
Jordan, emperor (565-564) 89,151
576 Index of People
Khalid ibn Barmak, official 549 Magnus,silentiarius III, 187, 195

Khalid ibn Djabala 171, 178 Magnus the Syrian, Byzantine aristocrat 187
Khatib al-Baghdadl, historian 468, 506 Mahomet, see Muhammad (Muhammad Ibn
Khoury Adel-Iheodor ‫ألوا‬١4٦‫آل‬ ٠Abd Allah)
Khoury Rashad Odetallab ‫وأ‬% Maisr Ibn Mask, Muslim leader 2.59
Khusraw I (Anushirvan), king of Persia (551- Malchus, ascetic 165,508
579( 49, 178, ‫ول‬2.,5‫ل‬0,5‫ل‬4,58‫ل‬٠ Malchus, captive 152,
Khusraw II (Parviz), king of Persia (590- Malech George David ‫وأة‬
618) 91, 181, 106, 109, HI, 578, 591- Malichus II, king of Petra 58
595, 597-598,405,405-406 Malik Ibn ’Abd Allah, Muslim leader 141-
Kitab Shakir 7‫آل‬ 2,42.
Kitma, envoy of emperor 596 Malik Ibn Fahm al-Azdl, progenitor of Lak-
KrimskyAhatanhelJubimovic4*0 hmids 46
KulakovskijJulianAndreevic !‫آله‬ Malik Ibn Hubärä (Malik Ibn Hubayra), Mu-
Krra Ibn Shark 154 slim leader 2.41
Kuss Ibn Sä’ida al-Iyàdï, Arabic orator 590 Mamas,official no
Mamed 455, 456 see also Muhammad
L Manat, myth. 6, 50, 5 5, 62., 65, 69,75-76, 82.
LauiEgle Mango Cyril 167, 2,65
Lavin Irving 456 Mani, religious leader 144,408, 562.
LayardAusten Henry 46‫؟‬ Mansur, family of 44z
Leo I, emperor (457-474) 155,165,187 Manuel, Byzantine military leader 2.5 2.
Leo III, emperor (717-741) 587, 450, 445 Mar Aba II, bishop 451
Leo I, bishop of Rome (440-461) 111,115 Marcian, emperor (450-457) 115-117, 120,
Leo Syncellus, Byzantine writer 450 12.2.-12.8,150-155
Leon, Melkite bishop 580, 587 Marcian of Bethlehem, monk 157
Leontius,official ZIO Marcian of Heraclea, traveller 51
Lévi-Proven‫؟‬alÈvariste ٦‫>؟آل‬ Marcus Aurelius, emperor (161-180) 42.5
LewickaMagdalena 370 Mardasan, Muslim military leader 167-168
Lewicki Tadeusz 464 Marina, emperors sister 100
Lilie Ralph-Johannes 87-88,111 Maris, Arab 146,42.4
Lucifer, bibl. 67, 410 Maronas, ascetic 42.4
MarrouHenri-Irenee 4‫ل‬٦
L Martin I, bishop of Rome (649-655) 505
LyszczKazimierz 76,445-444,455, Martina, empress 94,2.15,2.2.0-2.2.2.
MartindaleJohnRobert ‫ا‬7‫أ‬
M Marutha, monk, bishop 578-579
M‘an Ibn Yazld, Muslim military leader 141 Marwan I Abd al-Hakam, caliph (684-685)
Madlkarib, Arab ruler of Kinda 164 2.55,2.45
Madlkarib DjaTar, Himyarite ruler 165, 196 Marwan II, caliph (744-750) 186
Macdonald Michael c. A. 4‫آلب‬-‫ب‬ Marwan Ibn Αΐ-Walïd, Muslim leader 147
Macedonius, bishop of Constantinople Marwanid, dynasty 157,145,551,555
(495-511) 159,141-141 Mary, mother of Jesus 67, 95, 96-98, 104,
Macedonius, official 111 115, 119-150, 560, 561, 568, 404, 410,
Madeyska Danuta 171 414, 441
Index of People 577
Mary the Copt, Muhammad’s wife 415 Muhammad, founder of Islam, Prophet 46,
Maslama, Muslim leader 139,145-148,158, 48-49, 51-54, 68,70,72., 74-77,79,157,
164-168 01, 05, 2.17-2.18, 113-114, 2.٤8-2.1۶,
Massa, Ishmael’s son 14 2.41, 2.8 ,2.76-2.75 ,‫ا‬7‫ل‬ο, i8i, 2.84, 2.93-
Mas'üdï, historian 88, 161, 194, 317-318, 2.95, 306, 3II, 518-316, 318, 331-533,
344, 348,467-468, 508 340-341, 544, 346-347, 351-351, 356,
Maurice, emperor (581-601) 11,69,89,153, 359-361, 364-366, 368-371, 374,
180, 193-195,106-109, 2.11-21, 2.14, 381, 388, 390, 391-393, 395, 397, 399,
119, 114, 311, 380, 391, 413, 417, 475, 401-401, 404-407, 409-410, 411-416,
480 415-418, 430, 431-438, 441-445, 460,
465—466,468
Mavia(Mawiyya), queen 13, 161-161,413
Muhammad alHajjaj ibn Yusuf, governor of
Maximian, bishop of Constantinople (431-
Iraq 351
434) 107-108
Muhammad Ibn ’Abd Allah, see Muhammad,
Maximus the Confessor, bishop 199, 303,
founder of Islam 407,415
309, 508
Muhammad Ibn Malik, Muslim leader 141
Mayerson Philip 110,198, 313
Muhammad Ibn Marwan, Muslim military
McAuliffeJane Dammen ٦6‫ل‬
leader 143-145,147
Melechus Podosacis, Arab leader 31 Muhammad Zayd ibn Harith, Muslim leader
Meletius, clergyman 95
113
Memnon, bishop 104-106 Murph)C.C.R. ٦٦
Menas, bishop of Alexandria (956-975) 480 Musa 361 see also Moses, bibl.
Menas (Mena), bishop of Nikiu 477 Musa ibn NuSayr, Muslim leader 151
Menas, Byzantine military leader 131 Mus’ab Ibn al-Zubayr, Muslim leader 143
Menas, Egyptian 311 MusilAlois 33,455
Methodius, the bishop 189, 199-300, 301, MuslimIbnal-Hadjdadj,scholar 466
311,419,478,495,511,554 MyHinska-BrzozowskaElzbieta 449 ‫وذ‬١
Mibsam, Ishmaels son 14
Michael the Syrian, historian 144, 157, 161, N
166, 168, 180, 185, 198, 304, 410, 473, Naaman, Arab military leader 177
475,481 Nadwi Abul Hassan Ali 4٠‫ا‬١4٢‫آلد‬١4٢‫ألد‬
MillarFergus 18 Naphish, Ishmaels son 14
MiottoMarco ‫ا‬٦‫ة‬-‫ا‬6‫ه‬١‫وا‬٦ Narses, official, Byzantine military le-
Mishma, Ishmael’s son 14 ader 108-109
Molon, Greek writer 36 NaSrIbnMuzahim,Arabwriter 334
Moorheadjohn ‫ةوا‬١٦٦٦ Nasrids, dynasty of 157,186,103
Morony Michael G. ‫وأا‬ Nau François 189,191,189-191,196,417
Moses, bibl. 50, 361-361, 364, 371,414,411 Nebajoth, Ishmael’s son 14
Moses, anti-Arian bishop, hermit 161, Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon 15
Moses of Pharan (Moses the Pharanite), Nemesis, myth. 65
monk 154,415 Nestorius, bishop of Constantinople (418-
Muawiya, caliph (661-680) 14, 2.2.4, 2.2.6, 431) 97-109, 116,118, 110, 113, 115-
2.33-2.35, 2,39-141, 148, 150-151, 116,118-131,135,137-138,143,146
2.55-2.57, 2.59, 2.61-163, 173,191, 303, Nicolle David 1٦7
305,318, 32.8—335, 349, 351, 354, 460 Nicephorus, bishop of Constantinople (806-
Mughira, Arab leader 77 815), writer 163,130,479-480
578 Index of People
Nicephorus Callistus, historian 163 Philotheus, scholar 2.3,510

Nicephorus Uranus, Byzantine writer 173 Philoxenus (Xenias), bishop 140,
Nicetas of Byzantium, theologian 79-81, Philoxenus, Egyptian 311,
430-431,48z Phloris, Byzantine military leader 2.62.
Nicetas, son of Gregoras 210,213 Phocas, emperor (602.-610) 87, 195, 2.07-
Nilus of Ancyra, ascetic 68 111) II4) 2.18, 312., 314, 39z, 537
Nilus of Sinai, ascetic 154,421,425 Photinus of Sirmium, theologian 98
Noah, bibl. 291 Photius, bishop ©Constantinople (858-867;
Noldeke Theodor 188, 258, 392399, 415 877-886), scholar 12.0, 166, i8z, 197,
Nonnosus, writer 420 199,509-510
Nonnosus, Byzantine envoy 166, 182, 199- PigulevskaNinaViktorovna ‫ل‬67 ‫آ‬6‫و‬١ ‫ا‬74٠‫ا‬7‫آل‬
200 Plato, philosopher 94, 178, 181-19Ζ
VVmta, magister militum ٦٠7
o Pliny the Elder, scholar 2.7, 29, 31, 34-35,
(Sulli nShaun ‫هآلا‬ 42.1,471
Odaenathus II, king of Palmyra 45 Podozakis (Malechus Podosaces), Arab phy-
Ogaros (Hudjr), Arab military leader 155, larch 151
164-166, 167, 168, 196 Porphyry, philosopher 66
OhmbergKay 413 Praesentius, official 208
OikonomidesNikolaos (Nikos) ‫آلاا‬ Priscus of Panium, Byzantine writer 163
Origen, theologian 56, 509 Procopius of Caesarea, historian 8, 14, 17,
Osiris, myth. 14 37, 166, 172-174, 177-178, 183-186,
Ostrogorski Georgije 7‫وأ‬ 188, 192, 197-200, 421,472
Proculus, proconsul of Asia 113-114
p Proterius, bishop of Alexandria (451-
Pallada, see Athena 63 457)132.-133,137,201
Paul, apostle 176, 189, 193, 207, 312,370 Pseudo-Athanasius, Byzantine writer 478
Paul of Emesa, bishop 107-108 Pseudo-Ephraem, Byzantine writer 478
Paul of Samosata, theologian 98 Pseudo-Hyginus, writer 34
Paulinus,clergyman 95 Pseudo-Methodius, apocryphes author 289,
Pelagius I, bishop of Rome (555-561) 147 300,311
Pertusi Agostino 2‫بل‬ Pseudo-Zachariah, Syrian writer 135» 153»
Peter, bishop of Alexandria (477-489) 124 156, 177, 184, 186,421,42.5,475
Peter, bishop 424 Ptolemy (Ptolemies), dynasty of 31, 34,42.
Peter, official 208, 424, Pulcheria, empress 100, 102, 115, *2.3» 12.8-
Peter, Aspebet’s son, 424 12.9,133
Peter Mongus, bishop 136-139
Peter the Fuller, bishop of Antioch (471-
R
488)134, 136,138 Rabbi Simon,Jewish scholar 305,5‫إ؛‬
Peter the Iberian, monk 132,138
Rabel II Soter, king of Petra 57
Peters Francis Edward 150,160,201
Renatus, presbyter 114
Petronas, Byzantine military leader 262
Reparatus, bishop 147
Philippicus, emperor (711-713) 180
Retso Jan
Philostorgius, Church historian 37, 196-
Robin Christian ٦(>7-‫ل‬6‫ة‬١‫ا‬0٠١‫لم‬٠‫أ‬
197, 42.0, 42.2., 474, 510, 544, 546 RodinsonMaxime
Index of People 579
Romanus, Byzantine military leader 155, SetilkingofEgypt 14

164, 167 Severus, bishop of Antioch (512.-538) 140,
Romanus, dux of Palestine 155, 164, 167 142.-143,145,380
Rowahu, family of 58 Severus Ibn Αΐ-Mukffa' (Abu Bishr ibn al-
RubinBerthold 7‫ل‬٦ -Mukffa’), bishop 371,480
Rufinus, Byzantine envoy 172, 182 Sewerus Sebocht 379
Severus ofAl-Ashmuneyn, Arab writer 411
s Shahidlrfan 32., 34,84-90,158,162., 170-171,
Sabbas, saint, monk 138,152, 292,424 174-175,177,185,195,100, 2.92.-2.93
Saborius, strategos (Sabur Aprasit’gan) 240, Shahrbaraz, Persian commander 393, 396-
157,2.59 597,599
sad ibn AblWaks, Muslim leader 348 Shalmaneser III, king of Assyria 28
Sadowski Michal 363,375 Shamash, myth. 64
Safiya, Muhammad’s wife 360 Shams, myth. 45
Sad bin Zayd, Arab leader 76 Shapur II, king of Persia 381
SalhabNusri 40‫؟‬ Shenoute,Egyptian 335
Salt Ibn 'Amr al-'Ämiri ’Amir Ibn Lu’ï, Pro- Shirin, Khusraw Parviz’s wife 378, 518
phet’s companion 403 Shudja' Ibn Wahb, Prophet’s companion 403
Sarah,bibl. 24, 35-37, 371 shurahbll bin Has ana, Muslim military le-
Sardjun Ibn Mansur, son of Sergius 330 ader 224
Sartabias, from Damascus 303 <υοη Sievers Peter 2‫؟؟‬
Sartre Maurice 22 Sijpesteijn Petra Maria ‫ألآلآل‬
Sassanids, dynasty of 157, 369, 376, 459 Simon, saint, ascete 424
Satan, bibl. 68, 75, 277,432,444 Simon, bishop 304-305,424
Sauvagetjean 454 SkladanekBogdan ‫آلوآل‬,
Sawad, Arab of the Tamlm tribe 274, 351 Socrates Scholasticus, historian 474,476
SaxlFritz 46‫؟‬ Solomon, bibl. 14,25,50,305,333
Sayfibn‘Umar, Muslim writer 228 Sophronius, bishop of Jerusalem (634-
ScharrerUl6,424‫ ؛‬24١ ‫؟‬ 638) 153, 227—229, 282—284, 286,
Schlumberger Daniel 74‫ل‬ 288, 292, 296, 299, 301-302, 310, 3٠07,
Schwartz Eduard 35,291,482 421,478
Scott Roger 26‫؟‬ Sozomen, Hermias, historian 36, 102, 154,
Sebendis(Sabinus),Egyptian 311 161-162,421-423,474
Sebeos, Armenian bishop, chronicler 23, Stein Ernst 116,213
150, ‫ا‬5‫ اة‬5٥1, 5٥5, 507-59, 571, 419, Stephen II, bishop of Antioch (477-
477 479) 158
Seleucids, dynastyof 42 Stephen, bishop 210
Seos, patrician 203 Stephen, bishop ofJerusalem 286
Sergius, bishop of Constantinople (610-63 8) Stephen, official 163
205,211,213,215-217 Strabo, Greek geographer 27, 29-50, 150,
Sergius, Byzantine military leader (7* Cen- 422,472.
turu)2i3,276 Strategius, Byzantine envoy 92, 181,212
Sergius, deacon 182 Stratos Andreas N. 262‫آ‬-2‫ع‬
Sergius,official 330 Suermann Harald 04‫؟‬
Serjeant Robert Bertram 406 Sufyan Ibn ’Awf 241-242, 262
580 Index of People
Sufyan Ibn ’Uyayna (Sufyan), commentator Theodore Askidas, bishop 146

ofTradition 395 Theodore Carteroukas, Byzantine military
Sufynid, dynasty of 2.57,550 leader 2.45
Suhayl Ibn Amr, Arab leader 319 Theodore Lector, Byzantine writer 2.3
Sulayman, caliph (715-717) 555 Theodore of Mopsuestia, bishop 96-97,144,
Sulayman Ibn Muadh, Muslim military le- 146
ader 164-167 Theodore Rsthumi, Armenian ruler 309
Summus, Byzantine envoy 181-181 Theodore the Georgian, writer 302.
Sumyafa Aswa (Sumu-yafa), see Esimpha- Theodoret of Cyrus, bishop 68, 109, III,
ios 197 12.8, 144, 146
Symeon of Beth Arslan, bishop 171, 188, Theodosius I, emperor (579-595) 86, 96,
197-198,2.00 451
Symeon the Stylite, ascete 154,18ο, 44‫ا‬ Theodosius II, emperor (408-450) 97, 100-
Symeon the Stylite the Younger, ascete 479 101-103, 105-106, 109-116, 12,1, 12.8-
Synodus, Egyptian 311 119,135,165
Theodosius III, emperor ( 715-717) 165-166
Theodosius, bishop ofAlexandria (555-536)
T
158,145
Talasius of Caesarea, bishop 115
Theodosius, monk 131-133,138,145,
Tapharas Jabala, Arab military leader 168,
Theodosius, son of emperor Maurice 109
177, 42.5 Theophanes the Confessor, chrono-
Tarafah ibn al-Abd, scholar 465
grapher 13, 80, 85, 165, 167-168, 199,
TayyaraAbedel-Rahman 551
111, 110, 113-118, 138-148, 151-160,
Tema, Ishmael’s son 14,114,510
161-168, 177-181, 183, 185, 188, 301,
Terebon, Arab leader 414
515, 33‫'ة‬337< 433, 435, 437, 479-480
Thalab, Thalabane (Thalaba), Arab military
Theophile, emperor (819-841) 380
leader 168 Theophile of Edessa 161
Tha٠laba, Arab military leader, father of Are-
Theophile, bishop of Alexandria (385-
thas 155, 167-170 411) 114,380
Tha'laba, mother of Arethas (?) 167-168 Theophylact, bishop ofjerusalem 186
Thalaba ibn Amr ibn Αΐ-Mudjälod ibn Amr Theophylact Salibas, Byzantine military le-
ibn Adi ibn Amr ibn Mazin ibn Al-Azd, ader 145
Arab military leader 169 Theophylact Simocatta, Byzantine writer 13,
Theodahad, king of Goths 145 419,472.
Theodora, empress 143-144, 146, 148, 171, Thomas II, bishop of Constantinople (667-
181,189,190,519 669) 165
Theodore, bishop of Alexandria (608-610) Thomas of claudiopolis, bishop 197
Tiberius I (Constantine), emperor (578-581)
Theodore, bishop 148, 189 30, 187, 195,106,109, 311
Theodore, brother of Heraclius 114 Tiberius II, emperor (698-705) 145
Theodore, Byzantine military leader 131- Tiberius III, emperor (698-705) 164
131,307,311,514 Timostratus, brother of Rufinus, Byzantine
Theodore, dux 180,507,511,314 envoy 171
Theodore, sakellarios 115 Timothy II Ailuros (the Weasel), bishop of
Theodore Abu Kurra, Arab Christian wri- Alexandria (457-460151 (477-475
ter 575,482. 134-136
Index of People ‫و‬8‫ل‬
Timothy II Salophakiolos, bishop of Alexan- Vitalis, Apolinarys disciple 95

dria (460-475; 477-482) 154,156 de Vries Bert 2.2., 2.94,418-419
Timothy III, bishop of Alexandria (517-555)
198,201 w
Timothy, catholicos 576-577,451 Wahb ibn Munabbih, historian 466
Topolskijerzy 464 Waraka Ibn NawfalKhadidas cousin 559
Traian, emperor (98-117) 251 WellhausenJulius ‫آلأ‬6١‫وآلا‬
Traian, Byzantine mflitary leader 185 WolfKenneth Baxter 1‫؟‬%
Traian Patricius, Byzantine writer 262 Wolinska Teresa 41,47,516
Tristram Henry Baker 456
Tyche, myth. 65,491
Y
Yahya Abd al-Hakam, Muslim military le-
u ader 2.45-2.44
ubayd Allah, reporter of Tradition 400
YahylbnYa'mar, exegeteofKuran 596
*ukba Ibn Amir, Muslim military leader 241
Yakut al-Hamawi, Arab writer, geo-
Tka Ibn Nfi’, Muslim military leader 241
grapher 411,468,514
‘Umar I (‘Umar ibn al-Khaflab),caliph (654-
Yazdegerd I, king of Persia 581
644) 225, 227-250, 258, 254, 285-284,
Yazdegerd III, king of Persia 580
296, 501, 507, 509-510, 525-527, 529,
Yazld I, son of Muawiya, caliph (680-
551, 542.-548, 550-552., 557, 566, 568-
685) 2.55-2.56, 2.45,2.57-2.58, 2.61-2.65,
569,581,584,594, 421
‘Umar II Ibn ‘Abd Α1-Άζϊζ, caliph (717- 505,552.-555
Yazid II, caliph (72.0-72.4) 2.85, 572, 587,
720) 247,2.68,284-285,555,557,559,
442.
551,577,585,587, 450
Yazld, fleet commander 2.67
‘Umar Ibn Hubayra (Oumaros), Muslim le-
ader 265 Yazld,Muawiyasbrother 2.2.4-22.5,2.59-2.41,
Umayyad (Umayyads), dynasty of passim 2.45, 2.48, 267, 292, 505, 552.-555, 572.
Umayyah ibn AbiaSalt, poet 465 Yazid ibn Abu Sufyan 224-225
Umm Haram Bint Milhan, Prophet’s compa- Yazld Ibn Abu Khabsha 248
nion 416 Yazid Ibn Hunain 245
Urania, myth. 29,55-56 Yazid Ibn Saghara, Muslim military le-
Uranius, geographer 51,54 ader 241,261
Uranus, myth. 56, 175 Yazid Ibn Zubayr, Muslim military le-
Uspienski Fiodor 297 ader 245
‘Uthman, son of Al-Walid 246-247 Yso’yahb II, Nestorian bishop (628-
‘Uthmanlbn'Aflan, caliph (644-656) 527 645/644) 581-582
Yso’yahb III, Nestorian bishop (649-
V 659) 507,576
Vaballathus, Zenobia’sson 45 Yüsuf Dhü Nuwas, Himyarite ruler 196-198
Valens, emperor (564-578) 161-162,425
Valentinian III, emperor (42.5-455) 115 z
VasilievAleksandr Aleksandrovic 7‫وأ‬ Zachariah Rhetor, historian 69,475
Vigilius, bishop of Rome (557-555) 146- Zarathustra 521
147,52.9 Zeno, emperor (474-475) 2.9, 155-159,
Vitalian, bishop of Rome (657-67*) 141, 149,154,169,542
265 Zenobia ofPalmyra, queen of Palmyra 161
582* Index of People
Zokomos, Arab leader 161, 411 Zuckerman Constantin 2.12.» 2.56

Zonaras, see John Zonaras Zuhayr ibn Janab al-Kalbl, historian 76,
Zosimus, historian 42,3, 474 403-404, 407-408
ZotenbergHermann 2.78-2.79,310,477
Zubayr ibn Αΐ-Awwäm, Muslim military le- z
ader 2.31 Zelaznyjan 433
Index of Ethnie ,
and Geographic Names
Al-Hidjaz 3, 38, 42.-43,

49, 51-52., 55, 69,
Abydos 14, 303 71-73, 76-78,81, 179, 195, 2.01, 2.2.7,
Abyssinia 51,100,359,403 318,330,366
Acre 14,90 Αΐ-IJïra 46-48,155,157,165,167,169-170,
Adata 149 177,179,188,192.-193,199,2.03,2.2.4
Aden 3,38,40 Al-Hudaybiyya 55,597-398,400,402., 404
Adhruh (Adhru’at) 118, 391, 395-396 Al-Jabiya
Adrianople 161,107,2.17,413 -٠‫؛‬ 38, 2.2.7,2.19 30
Aegean Sea 150,161 AlKaba 49, 5٤-55, 75-76, 78-79, 81-82.,
AeliaCapitolina 368 2.97, 5 ‫؛‬9,42.1,454,441,444,448
AbKadisiya 345
Africa 4, IO, 10, 87,109,111-113, 2.34, 2.52-,
AbKarak 2.13
2.54, 2.80,330,343,356,439
Aila/Aela (Aqaba) 313 AbKiswa 188
Ajnadayn 115 AbKufa 46, 2.54, 52.7, 550, 348, 379,445
AbKüt 2.36
Akkar II
Akronion 149 AbMada’in, cf. Ctesiphon 307,343
Aksum (Ethiopia/Abyssinia) 51, 197, 2.54, Albina 9,595
559-560 AbNabek 175
AbNadjaf 46
A ula 379
AbAkhrim 146 AbRakka 2.2.7,2.35
AbBahrayn 403 AbRusafah,cf.Sergiopolis !53
AbBaa 383 Al-Sarh 252,255
AbUrdunn 330
AbDjabiya 47-48,170-171,188
AlFustat 445 AbYamama 38,350,403
AbHadid 2.47 AbYarmuk 2.15-116,2.30
584 Index of Ethnic and Geographic Names
Aleppo 160,164,180 Arcadia 100, 336

Alexandretta bay (Iskenderun Korfezi) 8 Ardaluniya 2,46
Alexandria 96,98-100, ΙΟΙ 1,103-104,106- Armenia 92., 2.06, ill, ii6٠ 2.19. 2.40, 143,
108, 113-114, 116, 114-116, 118-119, 2.45-2.47, 149, 2.57, 2.64, 2.66, 2.77, 2.79-
131-134, 136-139, 14Χ-146, 148, 189, 2.80, 309, 318, 33٥٠ 386-387, 477« 480
198, 101, 110, 113, 130-131, 150, 151, Asanites, ethn. 151
154,166,179,181,186,190,198, 306- Ascalon 153
311,314,384, 404,411,413-414 Ashmunein 371
Amanian Gate (Bahçe Geçidi) 8 AshSham 409
Amanus (NurDaglari) 8 Asia Minor (Asie Mineure) 6, 8, 86, 88,
Amaseia (Amasia) 149 92., 148, 2.ΙΙ, 2.13-2.14, 2.2.1, 2.2.6, 2.2.9,
Amasia(Amasya) 147,181 Χ38-Χ49, 2-53, 160-157 ,55‫ا‬, i62.-2.63,
Amida 19,155,170,171,111,117,473 165-2.66, 2.68, 330, 356, 511, 553, 557
Amorion 146,149,157-159,165,181,185 Asia 6, 8, 17, 4٠» 86, 88, 92., 103, 113-114»
Amuk8 III, 12.7, 148, 2.ΙΙ, 2.13-114, 2.2.1, 2.2.6,
Anatolia 88, 195, 111, 116,169, 311, 393 2.2.9, 2.38-2.49,155, ‫ا‬55‫ ا‬157-160,161-
Amatolikon, theme 165 163, 165-166, 168, 3‫ا‬7‫ ا‬330, 356, 378,
Ancyra 68,115,149 381-381, 439, 4‫له‬٠ 5‫اث‬٠ 553, 557, 5‫ة‬3
*Andjar 454,458,607 As-Sawad 351
Anti-Lebanon 16,10 As-Suwayda* 169
Antinoe 306 Assyria 15,2.8
Antioch in Pisidia 139-140,147,181 Assyrians, ethn. 33, 55, 357, 381-381, 554,
Antioch on the Orontes (Antioch) 517 563-564
Apennine Peninsula 106 Atlantic Ocean 343
Aphrodito 154,343,515 At-Taif 70-71,77
Aqaba 10,11, 58, 163, 313, 556, 591 Avars 93,106-107,109, II 1,115-116,118,
Arabia 6, 19, 11-11, 14-Χ5, 27-52, 34-43, 393
47-51, 55, 57-60, 61-63, 67-70, 78, Aws,ethn. 49,75-76,78,3x0
89-90, 150-15Χ, 154-157, 159, 161, Axum 100
163-167, 169, 171-173, 175, 177-183, Ayla (Eilat) 12.8
190, 195-ΧΟ1, ΧΧ4, Χ31, 2.54, 2.73, Χ84, Azar 145
191-191, 316-317, 313, 315, 333, 361, Ad ts 403
365-367, 38Χ, 391,419—410, 486 Azerbaijan 33٥
ArabiaDeserta 38,114,549
Arabia Felix 38-39,41,180,410 B
Arabia Petraea 7‫بةلعح‬٠‫لب‬ Babal-Mandab 40
Arabian Peninsula 6-7, 19, 11-13, 15, 18, Babylon 2.6,130-Χ3Χ, 2.51,2.79, 304,310
31, 35, 38-39, 4Χ, 46, 50, 73, 88, 150- Badr 51,174,341,395
151, 158-160, 164, 186, 193, 195-196, Baetica 66
198, 101, 106, 118, 111-113, 154, 2.70, Baghdad 380—381, 383,468, 501
Χ91, 315-317, 3x33x4, 3x6, 3x8-330, Bahnasa 178
338-340, 347, 353, 360, 404, 406, 419, Bahrain 3,38,46,178x55
411,437,439, 461, 464 Balkans 93, Χ06-107, Χ09, 2.11, Χ16-117,
Arabs, ethn. passim 110-1x1,530
Arados 11,177,554 Bau al-Khaadj, ethn. 320
Arameans,ethn. 357 Banu Aws, ethn. 510
Index of Ethnie and Geographic Names 585
Banu Ghassan, ethn. 6, 166, 183 Cairo 20, 0,480

Ban djr, ethn. 164, 166, 168, 196 Callinicum 177,183-185,198
BanU Kalb, ethn. 319 Cappadocia 2.40,2,45-2.50,2.55,2.81
Banu Kaynuka, ethn. 52. Carthage 147 09,2.2.1,2.95
BanU Kinda, ethn. 6, 164,178,181,317 Caucasus 06, 2.16, 358, 372., 414
Banu Kurayza, ethn. 51
Central Asia 17, 2.39, 32.7, 382., 439,461
Banu Nadir,ethn. 51,349,565
Chalcedon 6, 106, 112., 114, 116-119, 12.1-
Banu Salih, ethn. 161, 175, 582.
141, 144-145, 147» III, 2.57-2.59,167,
BanuTaghlib,ethn. 350—551
Banu Tanukh, ethn. 6, 160-161, 173 357, 371-372., 376, 383-386, 478, 52.3,
Banu Tha‘laba, ethn. 167-1^0 52.8, 533-534, 546, 549, 551, 556-557
Barada 334,451 Chalcis 160,179,184,188,2.2.6
Barada River Charsianon 2.49
Bargylus 11 Chersonesus 134
Basra 330,391,481,519,549 Chhim 12., 563
Bay of Aqaba 11 China IO, 2.55, 382., 544, 556
BayofSosthenios 167 Chinden, ethn. 166,199
Bedouins, ethn. 17-18,120,171,515 chozeba, Laura of 2.77
Beirut 9-13, 16,453 Chrysopolis 2.49,2.65
Bekaa 11,16,11 Cilicia 7, 96, 142., 145-149, 160-161, 166,
Belen 8 177
Berbers,ethn. 33,151 Cilician Gates 149,165
Beroea 105,151 Claudiopolis 141,197
Beth-Jarma 383 clysma 150, 546
Bethlehem 137,151,301 Colonea 140
Biladal-'Arab 38,49 Constantia in Cyprus 177
Bilbays 130
Constantinople 6-7, 78, 87, 93-94, 96-103,
Bithrapsa 164
105-108, no. III, 116-117, 119-111,
Bithynia 138,149,168
114, 116-118, 130-131, 133-142.,
Bosphorus 119,156,167
144-148, 161, 186-189, 191, 195, 199,
Bostra (Bosra, Busra alsham)
2.05-106,108, no, 112., 115-118, 111,
British Isles 185
130,131,139-140,142., 2.47-148,2.50-
Bryas 167
Bukhara 381 151, 153, 155-168,190, 198, 303, 3٥5,
Bulgars, ethn. 93,117 313, 334, 359, 366, 384, 386, 408-409,
Burd) Al Hamam 148 418.42.3.448.452., 468,474,479
Byblos9, 11,14, 594 Copts, ethn. 131, 153, 198, 304-306, 351,
Byzantine Empire passim 372., 380, 384-386,415-415,480
Byzantines, ethn. passim Cordoba 66
Byzantium passim Crete 9,151,319,547
Crimea 134
c Ctesiphon 47,117-118,307,545,580,383
Caesarea 8-9, II, 32., 35, 37, 66, 69, 115, Cyprus 9, 14, 2.30, 143, 150-151, 177, 181,
115, 133, 146, 173, !«3, 116-2.17, 149, 319,343,417,483
157, 177-178, 185, 189, 308-309, 579, Cyrenaica 318
419,419, 471, 474-475 Cyzikus z6o
2.71, 2.77-2.79, 2.81, 186, 188, 190, 192.,

Dabik 264 194-195,198, 500, 303-308, 310-314,
Dacia 66 316, 318, 330, 334-336, 345-544, 547,
Dagestan 236 551, 357-559, 569, 372., 380, 384-385,
Damascus (Dimashk) 18,23,55,43-44,78- 395, 405-404, 411, 413-414, 418, 455,
81, 85-88, 90, 163, 169, 181, 188, 211, 450, 4٥7,476-477, 480, 482.
125, 235, 258, 176-277, 281, 284, 289, Egyptiansethn. 18, 116, 118,178-179, 298,
505-505, 509, 550, 554, 570, 572.—575, 307,331, 335, 572., 584, 42.2
377, 580, 392., 405, 4٥9, 416, 420-421, Eleutheropolis 138,182
451-457, 440, 442.-445, 445-446, Elusa 154
453-45٥, 460-461,482 Emesa II, 16, 45, 85, 87, 89-90, 107-108,
Damietta 251,279,311 225-226,309
Danube 19,207,209,423,526 Ephesus 6, 14, 13, 50, 69, 101-106, 108,
Dara 153,177,179,185,206,227,277 110-118, 110, 113, 115, 119-131, 135,
Daraa 395 157, 146, 175-176, 180, 187, 189, 192-
Dastakert 217 194, 202-103, o, 42.4, 473, 476, 479
Dathin 124,276,308 Ethiopia 40-41, 51, 195-200, 300, 316, 359,
Daybul 254 404
Dayral-Cjrab 38 Euchaita 273,177
Dead Sea 10,42,282 Euphrates 17-18, 26-27, 44, 158, 170, 193,
Develt 217 2.49,42.5
Diocaesarea 121 Europe 4, 19,40, 53, 149, 366,439
Diyarbakir 19
Djabal Ithllb 60 F
Djabal Qalamun 16 Fahl 20
DjabalRam (DjabalRamm/DjabalRam) 58 Far East 293, 316, 382
Djabal Says 174 Fars (GreekPersida) 254,330
Djalua 343 Fayyum 231,178,306,310
Djaziratal-Arab 38 Fertile Crescent 11,18
Djillik 188 Filastn 84,90,330
Doryleum 249 Galatia 247-249
Duma(DumatAl Jandal) 67 Gangra (‫؟‬ankiri) 134,149
Dumayr 188 Ganjak 180,216
Gaza 9,66,138,156,163,110,224,230, 276,
E 282-283, 2.88, 296, 309, 313, 366, 420,
Ebionites, ethn. 364 478
Edessa 31, 79, 86, 115, 12.8, 144, 146, 148- Gepids, ethn. 93
149, 152, 170, 177, 2.07, 221, 117, 262, Germanicea 121, 130, 243,149
280, 300-501, 505, 507-509, 575, 575, Ghab 21
579, 592., 42.5, 451,45 5, 475, 482 Ghassanids, ethn. 6, 33, 47-48, 86, 151,
Egypt 7, 10, 15, 2.0, 24-25, 31, 43, 45, 88, 158-159, 164, 166-175, 177-184,
92, 98-99, 103, 126, 118-133, 158, 186-195, 101-203, 219, 113, 191, 193,
142-143, 148, 154, 157, 161, 163, 198, 295, 312, 317, 540, 42.7, 445, 475
210-212, 214, 220-221,119-155, 2.57, Ghatafan, ethn. 75,76
250, 251-253, 255-256,166-167, 269, Ghazala (Gazeion) 246-147
Index ٥f Ethnie and Geographic Names
587
Golan Heights 312 Ifrikiya 330

Goths, ethn. 145,162,423 Illyria 117,121,128
Great Rift Valley 20 Illyricum 2,07
Great Syria 3 30, 392,4٠9 India 40, 157, 255, 293» 380,420
Greece 9,164,212,291 Indians 32.1
Gulf of Aqaba 20, 163 Indus River 32.8,343
Gulf of Eilat 20 Iram 58, 60
Iran 47, 158-159, 277, 293> 507, 370, 382-
H 383» 404» 461» 467
Hadramawt 39-40 Iraq 38, 46, 157, 160, 180, 124» 229, 234,
Haeraklea 249 2.36-237, 293, 329-33!» 543» 349, 351,
Hagarenes, ethn. 5,23,26, 36, 291,438 369,371,431
Halys River 249 Irbil 383
Haran, cf Pharan 313 Isauria 239, 2.42, 246-249» 2-77
Hawn 28, 30, 57, 59-60, 169 Ishmaelites,ethn. 5,22-27, 36-37, !53, 3٠5,
Hebdomon 260 372-373, 418, 422,424,431
Hegra (Mada’in Salih) 59-60,62 Israel 20, 27, 30, 305, 362
Heliopolis 231 Istanbul 149,411
Hephthalite Huns, ethn. 162 Italy 10, 43, 115-116, 145, 206, 211-213,
Heracleopolis 336
Heraldea 141,246, 248,560
Hermel 12
Hermiana 147 Jerusalem 14, 18, 25, 86-87, 93, 125, 132.-
Hermon 16
133» 137-138, 140, 154, 211, 217»
Hermopolis 335,480 227-229, 232, 266, 282, 286, 288, 296,
Hermos, river 249
300-304, 308-310, 333» 357, 367-368,
Hexapolis 240,257,281
392, 398, 407, 426, 429-431, 446, 478-
Hihglands at the Eastern Edge of Wadi Ara-
479
ba-Jordan Garben 20 Jews, ethn. 37, 46, 50-51, 54, 86, 179, 196,
Him? 85,89 198, 208, 214, 221, 228, 273, 280-281,
Himyar 39,41,531,549 284, 291, 295-296, 303, 307-308, 320,
Himyarites, ethn. 37, 40-41, 160, 164-166,
326, 340, 348, 351, 358, 361-367, 371,
169, 171, 180, 182, 190,196-200, 365 379, 384, 388, 400, 404, 422, 427, 43٥<
Homer tes, ethn. 37,195-196,199, 201
432,436,471
Jiyeh 12,563
Homs 11, 16, 225, 235, 309, 427 Jordan (river, state) 16, 20, 22, 45-44, 57-
Hulwan 383
58, 86-87, 91, !53, 162, 191, 2.2.3, 235,
Huns, ethn. 117, 162,423, 561 292,411,455
Hurad 72,77 Judaean Desert 138
Jundishapur 381,383
Iberia 243,482,565
K
Iberian Peninsula 339,343
Kadisha 13
Ibiza 252
Kairuan 252
Iconium 249,285
Kalos Agros 267
Kalub 310 Lebanon 11-13, 15-16, 2.0, 186, 405, 459»

485, 519, 52.3, 556, 566, 591, 593’ 596’
Karin 179, 309
Karnav 40 599,602., 607
Karsatas 304 Leontes (Nahr al-Lï. an!) 11,16
Kartalimen 167 Levante, 358, 556
Karyun 131 Libya 103,2.10
Kasr alAjayr alsharki 176,454 Libyan Desert 2.2.0
Kasr ’Amra 455-457,461,604 Litani 11,16
KasrKharana 454, 458, 606 Lombards, ethn. 2.06, 2.11,2.2.1
Katabanians, ethn. 40-41 Lycaonia 2.49
Kerman 330 Lycia 150,153,2.56, 2.61
Khangara 147 Lycus 149
Kharijites, ethn. 133 Lyon 51, 47, 57, 65, 159,194, 416, 471
Khaybar 49-50, 52.6, 565-566
Khazars, ethn 116,168 M
Khazradj, ethn. 49 Maadd 158, 164, 166, 199,101
KhirbatalMafdjar 455,457 Mabbug, cf Hierapolis 140, 473, 547» 564
Khirbat al-Minja 455 Maghreb 330
Khirbet es-Sané 65-64 Mahra 38
Khirbet et-Tannur 44, 61-61 Ma‘in 39-40
Khirbet Wadi Swane 64—65
Majorca 151
Khorasan 330-331
Makran 330
Khuzestan 330
Malatya Ζ44
Kilùnas 2.78
Manùf 181
Kindites, ethn. cf. Ban Kinda 6, 158, 164-
Manzikert 387
169, 171, 181, 199,101,517
Makna 118
Kinnasrin 47, 330, 379
Kizikos 16ο Mardasan 167-168
Kopros 178 Mardj Rähi٠z 224
Kos 61,150,177 Ma’rib 59-41,46, 167, 169, 316
Kudâ،a 160, 161, 180 Marmara 167
Kudayd 73-74,76 Maros 314
Kraysh, ethn. 46, 49, 51-55, 71, 74-76, 78, Marv 380-381
157, 2.05, *2.9, 518-519, 511, 533, 341, Ma’sal aljumh 167
546, 561, 595-596, 400, 406, 416 Mawarannahr 330
Kustantin 146 Meander 149, 489
Kybistra 148 Mecca 38, 48-53, 73-76, 78-80, 81, 105,
Kyklobion 160,167 117, 113, 119, 181, 191, 194, 317-315,
32.9, 344, 349, 361, 365» 368, 580, 595,
397, 399, 402., 416( 441, 44٥, 448
L
Lakhmids,ethn. 5,46-48,69,156-158,160, Meccans 52.-53,393-394,397
165, 167, 169-175, 177-179, 181-184, Medeia 149
186, 191-195, 101-103, 2.2.4, 2.91, 293, Medina (Madinah al Nabi - the City of
2.95,317,340, 42.5,445 the Prophet)
Mediterranean 8, 11-15, 17-18, 10, 40, 43,
Laodicea 95,2.49,53^,544,549
Latakia 9, 11,116-117, 309, 414 57, 66, 119, 118-119, 2.57, 147, 150-
Index of Ethnic and Geographic Names 5‫ة‬9
252, 254-255, 318, 325, 331, 343, 396, 2.35, 252, 2.“72.« 2,89, 2,93« 298, 300, 32٠9,
440-441,444,450, 461,473 33‫ <ت‬334, 343, 42,5, 429, 455, 457, 461,
Mediterranean Sea 8, 12-13, 17-18, 20, 40, 472.-473
43,318,331,596 Neocaesarea 249
Melitene 239, 243-244, 247, 249 New Rome 126,143,531
Membij 481 Nicea 116-117,125,135,249
Menorca 252 Nicomedia 107, 246, 249, 265
Mesopotamia 9, 17-18, 28, 44, 46, 57, 84- Nile 28,230-233,384
85, 88, 149, 154, 156, 177, 182, 190, Nineveh 217, 393
206, 211, 216-217, 227, 233, 238, 243, Nisibis 149, 152, 155, 179, 238, 240-24*,
254, 273, 290, 295, 328, 330, 345-346, 244-248, 261, 288, 381, 383,481
351, 358-559, 378-579, 392.-393, 461, Niti 190,552
475 Nitria 152
Middle East 4, 7, 15, 21, 23, 32, 38-39, 45, North Africa 4, IO, 209, 234, 252, 330, 356,
48, 61, 64, 148, 262, 295, 314, 328, 354, 439
356-357, 367, 571-372, 574-375, 385, Nubia 380
388-589, 592, 406, 416, 476, 482 Numidia 299, 309
Minoans 42
Misral-Fus.Za/ 330 o
Moab 42, 165 Old Rome 127
Moesia 207, 564 Oman 3, 38-39,41,178, 317,403
Mongols, ethn. 286 Orient 18, 20, 32, 47, 57, 92, IOI, 103, 105,
Mopsuestia 96-97, 144, 146, 244-245 112, 118, 121, 124, 133, 136, 153, 159,
Mosul 581,585 190, 07, 2.37, 152.) 194, 304, 32.3, 334,
Mount Sinai 155,292 382,426,453,469, 471
Mshatta 455-457,462 Orontes (Nahr al-٠À‫؟‬Ï) 16,527
Mudar, ethn. 168-169 Osroene 227
Mushallal 75 Oxia 267
Mu’ta 20,220,225,512-315,52.5 Oxus River (Amu Darya) 343
N p
Nabatea 42-44, 55-62, 66-67, 71 Palestine 8, 10-13, 18-21, 24-25, 28, 42.,
Nabateans, etlm. 5,42-44,60, 67 83-84, 86-89, 91-93, III, 12.8, 131,
Nadjd 5,38,350 133, 138, 150, 152-156, 161, 164-165,
Nadjdjar 181 172, 180, 182, 190, 193-194, 2.00, 203,
Nadjan 41, 46, 171, 190, 197, 200, 52.7, 211, 214, 218-221, 223-224, 227-230,
559-360, 365-566, 390, 402 235, 277, 281, 286, 290, 292, 295, o ,
Nahavand 545 308, 310, 312-313, 328, 342., 344, 359,
NahralH bani 16 368, 375, 377, 383, 392, 418, 42.4, 435,
Nakhla 71-72,76-77 447,450,456,462,482
Namara 46, 202 Palmyra (Tadmur) 17-19, 43-45, 55, 62.-
Nrid 182, 192 66,71,161,175,181
Nawa 188 Palmyrenes 317,527
Near East 8,10,17-18,24,2.8,55,68,87,89, Pantelleria 252
149-150, 153, 157-158, 202, 213, 2.2.1, Paphlagonia 249
590
Index of Ethnie nd Geographic Names
Parthian Empire 160

Patara 478 R
Peloponnesus 206 Raithou in Sinai 191
Pelusium 152,250 Ravenna 09,1 ,2.2.1,451
Pentapolis 507, 509 Red Sea 20,16, 73, 154, 158, 250, 254, 525
Pergamon 265,52.1 Rhine 19
n—151I-149 ,140 ,94 ,^9 ,89 ,48-44 ,17 ‫ت‬,
Persia Rhodes 14,245,250,255 08,32.9,393,52.0
Romans, ethn. 17-19, 50,53,4^,45,67,151,
155,157- 158, 160, 162-165, 165-167,
‫ا‬7٠-‫آ‬7‫أ‬١ 155, 157, I (So, 165, 169, 173, 177, 180,
«74, 177—178, 180-182.,
184-185, Ι٢89, 192, 194, 2.00, 2.02., 182, 185, 242, 290, 295, 502, 508, 517,
206,209, 2II-: 368, 591, 594-398, 419, 422-424, 456,
٠ '212, 2.15, 2,18, 2.0, 2,2,4,
254, 266, 274, 291, _‫رر‬, .7‫ر‬, ?٧(, ‫<بعو‬ 465
2.95,195,505,514, Rome 10, 19, li, 30-52,, 45,89,95-96,100,
316-517, 32.8, 554, 343, 359-300, 57‫غ‬,
378-585, 592.-593, 395-399, 42.4, 440, 104, 112, 121, 126-129, 151, 134, 136,
445, 457, 460-461, 475 159-141, 145-147, 155, 158-159, 170,
Persians, ethn. 8, 18, 25, 29, 41, 47, 55, 57, 208, 265-264, 557,457
85-87, 91-95, 150-155, 157-158, Rouba 419
162-165, 165-166, 169-171, 175-178, Ruwwafa 54
180, 182, 184-185, 187, 193-194,
198-199,2.11-215,215-217,220-221, S
275-^74, 2.77, 295, 302, 507, 32.1, 336, Saba* 59-42
349, 359, 381, 392.-395, 397-398, 407, Sabeans 40,42,558,561
420, 425,439,473,477 SakaXois?) 278
Petra 27,4^-44, 56, 58-62, 67, Salkhed 57-58
74, 152., 189,
335 Salamis 67, 250
Pharan (Ferain) 24, 51, 153-154, 515, 425 Salihids,ethn. 6, 55,158,162,164,17
Phasis (Poti) 414
205,295
Philippopolis 217 Samaritans, ethn. 180
Phoenicia 85,87,89-90, 154-155, 157, ι6ι٠
Samarkand 582
164,177, 2.05 Samarra 15
Phoenitians, ethn. 422
Samma 175
Phoenix 250,255,255
Samosata 98, 244
Phoinikon 420 Samud, ethn. 54
Phrygia 249, 257
Pillars of Hercules 528 Saaens,hn. .٢٦-„.., -‫ لم‬8 !‫ه‬:,
Pisidia 202, 215-216, 578 <7‫ة <ة‬. So-8i. 150-1‫'؛؛; ;ذأل ؛؛‬٠
‫وأ‬-*»,. ‫ع‬47٠ ‫ع‬4‫و‬٠
281,473,501
‫ل رم‬7‫ع‬-‫ل‬74< 178-179. ‫ل'ئ!ل‬8‫ئخل‬8‫ع‬,
Plateia 267
Podanos (the Cilician Gate) 249
Pompeii 451
515,418-420, 42.2.-424, 43 3
Pontus 105,121,127,249 Sardes 265
Pylai 268 Sarqaye, ethn. 51
Sassanid Persia 46, 206, 528
Q Satyros 267
Qana 40 Saudi Arabia 54,41,67,567
Scetis 152,499
Index of Ethnic and Geographic Names 591
Sebasteia (Sivas) Ta'izz 49

Sebastopolis 119,2.45 Tanukhids (Tanukhs), ethn. 158, 160-161,
Seleucia (in Isauria) ZO5,Z95,4Z5
Seleucia Pieria 9,176 Taranton (Darende) 2.44
Seleucia-Ctesiphon 580,585 Tarkhamakh 2.47
Sergiopolis 47, 155, 164, 188, 190, 195 Tarsus 96,144,146,2.41,554
Sharaba 58-59 Tartar, ethn. 58z
Shensi 58z Tashkent 58z
Shibam 40 Taurus 8, 17, Ζ49, 569,4ΖΟ
Sicily 48, 195, 115, 151-151, 154, 157,159, Tayma’ 49-50
z8i,5O5 Tayyaye,ethn. Ζ5,51,54,155
Sidon 9-ΙΖ, 14, 140, ζζ6, z6i TellBeshmai 4Ζ5
Siffin Ζ55 Tendunias Ζ78
Sinai Peninsula zo, 68, Ζ50 Thalabites, cf.BanuThalaba 167-168,170
Sind Ζ56, Ζ54, 550 Thaqif
Sirmium (now Sremska Mitrovica) 98, Ζ07 Thebaid 556,480
Sisaunon 178 Theodosiopolis (now Erzurum) 185, ZII,
Sision (Susana) Ζ45 Ζ44
Sistan 550 Thera (Santorini) z68
Skenites, ethn. 5, Ζ5, Ζ7-50, 5Ζ, 155, 164, Therasia z68
167-168,419 Thessalonica ζο6, 566,450
Slavs, ethn. 95, Ζ06-Ζ07, Ζ09, Ζ16, Ζ18, Ζ40, Thracia Ζ67
464 Thracian Heraclea 141
Smyrna Ζ50, z6o Tiberias zo, ΖΖ5
Southern Arabian Middle State 40 Tibet 58z
Spain 158,550,48z Tigris River 19, Ζ18
Sudan z8 Tihama 58
Suez Canal Ζ50 Tikrit 578,580
Suriya Ζ46, Ζ48 Timna* 40
Susaita (Black Stone) 79 Tripoli (Tripolis) 9,11,14,70, ΖΖ7, Ζ55, 509,
Syllaion in Pamphilia z6z 419
Synnada Ζ49 Tripolitania ZIO, 5Ζ8
Synopa Ζ49 Tonis Ζ9
Syria passim Tuku Damsis Ζ78
Syrian Desert 18,58 Tunis Ζ55, 540
Syrian Gates Tunisia z‫؟‬z, 550
Syrians,ethn. Ζ55, 55Ι,58Ι,585,4ΖΖ Turkey 8,19-ΖΟ, 154,144,147,155,575
Syro-Arabian desert z8 Turkish tribes, ethn. Ζ16,459
Syro-Palestine 7-8, 11-15, 18-Ζ1, 85-84, Tyana Ζ45,Ζ49, z8i,z86
87-89,91,559,568 Tyre4,9, IO, II, 14, 9٠, 155,116,419
T u
Tabaristan Ζ56, 550 Uhud 5Ζ, 76, 596
Tadmur, cf. Palmyra Uruk 14
V Y
Venus 41,56, 67 Yakapmar 2.44
Yamama 58,178,114,550,405,541
w Yarba 118
Yarmuk 10,48, 195,101,115-116,150, 509,
Wadlet-Teim 16
Wadi alAraba 10,114 512., 405
Wadi al Si hn 55 Yathrib 49-50, 51, 75, 75, 181, 105, 117,
Wadi Ma’sal 167 180, 518, 510-511, 540
Wadi Ramm 58 Yimen 5, 11, 58-59, 41-41, 51, 65, 166-
Wad d 70 167,180,101,518,550, 445,485
Wasica 550 Yemeni, ethn. 58,515,445
Wasit 156 Zafar 41, 196
Zahle II
Zenobia 17,51,44-45,65, 161
Zuqnin, monastery 475-476
Illustrations
Photographs by
Pawel Filipczak
1-6, 9-15,16-19, ΖΙ-16, ?0-57)
hukasz Gaszewski
)7-8, 14-15’ 2,0’ ٤9-2٠7’ 58-59(
Marta Wozniak
(40-45)
Txt by
Pawel Filipczak
Illuscrarions
I. Baqir Mountains (Jabal Baqir), Jordan. A mountain ridge above the Gulf of Aqaba sur-
rounds the city front the east and north-east. The east bank ofjordan River is situated north
of the ridge.
1. Sea coast at Sidon (Sayda, Lebanon) with a thirteenth-century castle with granite columns
from the Roman times, used to reinforce the construction. Columns like these were often used
in Crusaders’ castles of the Middle East.
5 96 Illustrations
5. Bostra (Busrä al-shäm), Syria. The city of Bostra ١vas once the capital of the Byzantine province
of Arabia. A Roman theatre of the second century A.D., rebuilt and fortified in the fifth and sixth
century, ftom the mid-thirteenth century used as a fortress. Basalt blocs give it a distinctive, dark look.
4. Gerasa (Djarash) Jordan. A rare oval forum, dated - like a temple of Zeus in the bottom part
of the photo - to the first and second century AD, surrounded by a colonnade. Parts of a water
supply system, which was still used as late as in the seventh century, have survived in the centre
of the forum. Gerasa was captured by the Arabs in 656 and destroyed in the earthquake of 749.
Illustrations
.‫ا‬:‫ا‬
‫دؤراب‬
‫نذرن‬
‫ه‬:
if
‫أل‬
٦٠٠٦, ١٠ ‫ًا ؛‬
5-6. Tyre (Sur), Lebanon, the capital city of the province of Phoenicia (Phoenice Parai-
ia). An important ecclesiastic centre; place of the synods of 5 5 5 and 515 and an im-
portant place of commerce and craftsmanship. Seriously damaged in tile earthquakes
of 501 and 551 and rebuilt: seized by the Arabs ca. 658. A number of Byzantine sar-
cophagi have survived in the AI-Bass district (a cross and part of inscription can be
seen on the photo). In the district of Al-Mïnâ there is a well-preserved Roman street
with a colonnade and remains of a Byzantine floor mosaic.
598 Illustrations
7-8. Byblos (Djubayl). In the Roman times Byblos was a small town, less important than
Tyre or Sidon, but thanks to a harbour it became an important trade centre. The col-
onnade and theatre are dated to the early third century AD. The theatre has been
reconstructed in ca. 1/5 of its original size and moved from its original location to give access
to older archaeological layers. From the fourth century AD Byblos was the seat of a bishopric.
The capture of the city by Arabs in ca. 656 did not put a stop to its normal course of life.
Illustrations 599
9. Apamea (Afin iya, Syria). The capital of the province of Syria Secunda, one of the biggest
cities of Syro-Palestine. The photo shows the main street {cardo maximus)٠ flanked by col-
umns with distinctive spiral grooves (second half of second century). The city was destroyed
in an earthquake in the first half of sixth century and rebuilt by emperor Justinian. Occupied
and looted by Persia in 611-618, it was captured by the Arabs in 656.
to. Palmyra (Tadmur, Syria). Part of the so-called Great Colonnade, the main street, leading
from the Grand Arch to a tetrapylon seen in the background. North-west of it there was emper-
or Diocletian's camp. The monumental buildings of Palmyra were devastated between fourth
and sixth century. Justinian rebuilt city walls; the city was a military fortress up to Heraclius'
times. Captured by Arabs in 634.
6 οο Illustrations
II. Beirut (Lebanon). Roman thermae with sub-floor heating (hypocaustum) excavated
in the centre.
11. Beirut. Colonnade at cardo maximus 15. Beirut. Columns with a richly decora-
- the main street of the city in the Roman ted architrave. Excavated 1946 in the centre
and Byzantine era. One of the few remains of the city (Place de Etoile), where in the Ro-
of that time. The city was almost totally de- man times there probably was a forum. Today
stroyed in the earthquake of5 ‫ ؛‬I. Rebuilt some the columns stand in front of the National
time later, it was captured by the Arabs in 655. Museum.
In the Umayyad period the city was a small
but important harbour.
Illustrations 6 ΟΙ
14-15. Beirut. St. George Cathedral of the Greek Orthodox Church. In 1994-1997 archaeol-
ogists from the American University of Beirut excavated Byzantine mosaics in the church base-
ment.
16. Beirut. National Museum. A mosaic, dated to the fifth or sixth century AO, found in the so-
uthern strburbsofthe city, depictingjestts the Good Shepherd, surroirnde'd by animals. The mo-
saic was partly damaged during the Lebanese civil war (1975-1990).
602. Illustrations
17-18. Petra (Jordan). Floor mosaics, showing Christian symbols and mythological figures
from the so-called Byzantine Church, built in the late fifth century, redecorated in mid-sixth
and destroyed in the early seventh century.
Illustrations
‫غيج‬
‫حه‬٠‫ح!ر‬ ‫ة‬
‫؛‬Λίΐ
fr
J.i
_____________________
n
19. Mädaba (Jordan). A mid-seventh century floor mosaic from the Church of St. George,
with a map of the Middle East.
10. Faqra. Lebanon. In the upper parts of Mt. Lebanon, at about 1550 m above sea level there
are imposing ruins of pagan temples, devoted probably to Adonis and Astarte. In the late Roman
Empire, most probably in the fourth century, a church was built in the ruins. A nave with the ad-
jacent rooms and a stone with an encircled cross have survived until today.
Illustrations 605
15-2.4. Natron Valley (Wadi al-Natrun), Egypt. A big monastic centre between todays Cairo and Al-
exandria. In the photo there is the Monastery ofSt. Paisios, founded in the fourth century. Thick walls,
small windows and other defonsive parts should provide security during raids of Arab nomads.
15-16. Natron Valley. A Syriac monastery founded in the sixth (according to some sources
in the fourth) century. The monastery, raided by the Arabs, was rebuilt in the mid-ninth century.
606 Illustrations
17-2.9. Bait al-Dïn, Lebanon. A palace of Emir Bashir Shihab II (eighteenth/ nineteenth cen-
tury) has a huge collection of early Byzantine mosaics, most of which were found in villages
by the sea or in Mount Lebanon, in Jiyyeh (ancient Porphyrion), Bait Mari, Zahtani and Ansar.
Illustrations 607
50. Kasr al-Hläbät (50 km north-east of Amman), Jordan. A castle form the first half of eighth
century, built by caliph Al-Malik, in the place of a Roman military camp.
‫ أ‬I. Kasr Hammam al-Sarakh (50 km north-east of Amman),Jordan. Umayyad baths. You can
see tlie remains of the heating system (caldarium).
6ο8 Illustrations
:‫ا‬٠ -
‫ ا‬.‫جدد‬
‫دح‬
31. Kasr 'Amra (50 km north-east of Amman),Jordan. One of desert castles; a tri-nave construe-
tion with a barrel vatrlt. composed of a reception room and thermae, built by calipli Àl-Walïd
in the first half of the eighth century.
33٠ Kasr 'Amra. A wall painting on the vault of caldarium, depicting the northern sky
with the signs of the zodiac.
Illustrations 609
3 4. Kasr Azk, Jordan. A fortress of black basalt, in the Roman times knosvn as Basienis ( 100 km
north-east of Amman). Built by the Romans to control the border, ١vas later used by the Byzan-
tines and Umayyads as svell. Rebuilt in the present form in the first half of the thirteenth century.
35. Amman (ancient Pliiladelphia), Jordan. The palace of the Umayyads. Built in the mid-eighth
century by caliph Hisham. Some parts of the building remind the Taq Kasra - the monumental
palace ensemble in Ctesiphon, the capital city ofSassanid-era Persia.
Illustrations 611
5 8. 'Andjar, Lebanon. The Great Palace, the biggest residence of Umayyad caliphs, discovered
during the archaeological excavations in 1949. Tie walls and arches have been reconstructed.
5 9٠ 'Andjar. The city was built in the early eighth century (probably during the reign of Al-Walid
or Al-Abbas), on a rectangular plan, surrounded by walls and with the Roman streets plan.
The city was intersected by the two crossing streets {cardo and decumanus maximus). Inhabited
during a few decades, it was abandoned most probably in the same eighth century.
6 12. Illustrations
40. Damascus, Syria. The Umayyad Mosque, built 706-715 by Αΐ-Walïd and Al-Malik
in the place of the Basilica ofjohn the Baptist (erected on the ruins ofthe former temple ofju-
piter in the fourth century AD). The photo depicts the House of Treasury, founded in 789.
It is possible that the Bayt al-Mäl was located there during the reign of the Umayyads.
41. Damascus, Syria. The Umayyad Mosque. According to the tradition which dates back
to the Byzantine era, the head ofjohn the Baptist was kept in a small chapel of the main hall.
Illustrations 613
4 Jerusalem, Israel. Dome on the Rock. A shrine on the Temple Mount, built in the late seventh
century during the reign of Al-Malik, in the place where Muhammad is believed to have had a rev-
elation known as al-Miradj (ascension). A view from the Western Wall, also known as the Wail-
ing Wall, the only preserved part of the Second Temple ofJerusalem, destroyed by the Romans
in 70 AD. Tie existing part of the wall, however, was erected in the late first century BC during
the construction works in the times of Herod the Great.
45. Jerusalem. Al-Akä mosque. Erected on the Temple Mount in the vicinity of the Dome
on the Rock to commemorate al-’Isrâ\ or Muhammad's revelation, during which he rode on his
steed, Burak to “the farthest mosque” in Jerusalem.
614 Illustrations
44. St. Catherine Monastery (Dar al-Qiddisa Katrin ), Sinai, Egypt. Erected in the mountain
area of southern Sinai, in a valley at the foot of Mount St. Catherine. Emperor Justinian had
the ١valls built to protect the monastery from nomadic raids. He also ordered a basilica to be
erected in the place where earlier there was the Chapel of the Burning Bush. In the seventh cen-
tury the monastery was granted special privileges by Muslims. By Muhammad's own decision
the monastery was exempt from taxes.
45. Cairo, Egypt. The Coptic Orthodox Chirrch of St. Virgin Mary (known also as the "Hanging
Church” or ΑΙ-Mu'allaka). Built probably at the end of the seventh century, in the place of an old-
er Christian temple, which may have come from the end of the third century. The two bell towers
were added as late as in the nineteenth century.
Byzantina Lodziensia
1997-1015
SVawomw ٦‫ذ‬٢‫طل‬$‫ذأل‬١ Imperatorz} poznego cesarstwa ٩mskiego

wobec zgromadzen biskupôw١lôÀ7. 7‫ووا‬7‫ةةل‬. ٦‫و‬٠
^Les empereurs du Bas-Empire romainface aux conciles des ‫عالخ‬٩\‫كحل‬١
II.
Made^Kokoszko, Descriptions ofPersonal Appearance
in John Malalas' Chronicle١k٥ài ‫<؟ووآل‬١‫ةة‬. ٦‫؟‬Λ.
III.
Mélanges d'histoire byzantine offerts à oktawiuszjurewicz à l’occasion de Son
soixante-dixième anniversaire, red. Waldemar Ceran, Edz 1998, SS. 109.
IV.
Miroslaw Jerzy Leszka, Uzurpacje w cesarstwie bizantynskim w okresie
odiydopolow)IXwieku,löAi ‫وووا‬١‫ةآل‬. ١‫ومل‬.
Ûsurpations in B antine Empirejrom the 4‫ م‬to the Halfofthe 9٠b Centurf\

V.
Malgorzata Beata Leszka, Rola duchowienstwa na dworze cesarzy
wczesnobizantynskich, Lodz 2,000, ss. 1,6.
٧lhe Role oftbe Clergy at tbe Earl) Byzantine Emperors Court١
VI.
Cetan, Historia i bibliografia rozumowana bizantynologiipolskiej
(1800-1998), tom Ι-ΙΙ, Lodz ΖΟΟΙ, ss. 786.
History and bibliography raisonne ofPolisb byzantinology (‫ل‬800-‫ل‬99‫(ة‬١
VU.
١‫أاة‬٠‫يآلةاآل‬١e٩ keszka, Wizerunek wladcowpierwszegopanstwa bulgarskiego
w bizantynskich zrodlachpisanych (1^111 -pierwszapolowa XII wieku),
Lodz 2005, ss. 169.
^"Ibe Image oftbe First Bulgarian State Rulers shown in the Byzantine Literary
Sources ofthe Periodfrom the VIII to the First Halfofthe XII Centuries^
VIII.
letesalVmska, Sycylia wpolitycecesarstwa bizantynskiego w νΐ-ΙΧwieku,
Lodz 2005, ss. 579.
^Sicily in Byzantine Policy, 6‫ا‬-9‫ ’اا‬Century^
IX.
Made٠١¥،٠koszko, Ryby i ich znaczenie w zyciu codziennym ludzi poinego
antyku i wczesnego Bizancjum (III-VII w.),kôài ‫ألد‬, ss. 44‫أل‬.
^The Role ofFish In Everyday Life ofthe People ofLate .Antiquity and Early
Byzantium (III-VIIc.)١
X.
Slawomir Bralewski, Obrazpapiestwa w historiografii koscielnej wczesnego
Bizancjum,Lodz 2000, ss. 554.
^L'image de la papauté daws l'historiographie ecclésiastique

du baut Empire B anting
XI.
Byzantina Europaea. Ksiçgajubileuszowa ojiarowana Profesorowi Waldemarowi
Ceranowi, red. Maciej Kokoszko, Miroslawj. Leszka, Eodz 2007, ss. 575.
^Byzantina Europaea. Studies Ojfered to Processor Waldemar Ceran١
XII.
‫آلسألآل‬١‫ اشءجلل‬Bunty i niepokoje to miastacb wczesnego Bizancjum
(IVwiek n.e.), EodZ 2Ο٥9٠ ss. 256.
٢Ibe Riots and Social Unrest in Byzantine Cities in tbe Fourth Century Æ0\
XIV.
١0‫ةعالأدأعأععا‬١ Ideal kobiety wpismacb kapadockicb Ojcow Kosciola
ijana chryzostoma, Eodz 2012, ss. 480.
Îbe Ideal of Woman in tbe Writings oftbe Cappadocian Fathers oftbe Cburch
andJohn Chrysostom^
XV.
MttosYaw١.iesika١ Simeon I Wielki aBizancjum. zdziejowstosunkow
bulgarsko-bizantynskich w latach 893-927,10^2 2O١١,SS.
١Symeon I the Great and Byzantium. Bulgarian-Byzantine Relations, 893-92^

XVI.
Macie) Kokoszko, Krzysztofjagusiak, Zofia Rzeznicka, Dietetyka isztuka
kulinama antyku i wczesnego Bizancjum (ΙΙ-ΚΙΙ w.),cz‫؟‬s٢L١ Zboza i Produkt)
zbozowe wzrodlach medycznychantyku iBizancjum (H-yIIw.),
Lodz zo 14, SS. 671.
^Dietetics and Culinary Art ofAntiquit) and Earl) Byzantium (Ill'll c.)»
I: Cereals and cerealproducts in medical sources ofantiquit)
and earl) Byzantium (ΙΙ-ΙΙ c.)١
XVII.
Andrzej Kompa, Miroslaw J. Leszka, Teresa Wolinska, Mieszkancy stolicy
swiata. Konstantynopolitanczycy mid) starozytnosciq a ‫دعسهأكأل‬,
Lodz ΖΟΙ4, ss. 490.
Înhabitants oftbe Capital oftbe World:

Ihe Constantinopolitans between Antiquit) and the Middle Ages١
XVIII.
Hàemar Ceran, Artisans et commerçants à Antioche et leur rang social
(seconde moitié du siècle de notre 1 ‫(عًاع‬١‫أةةا‬O٦(١SS. 1)6.
XIX.
Dietetyka i sztuka kulinama antyku i wczesnego Bizancjum (11-yiI ‫أ‬0.(‫د‬٦‫ةةأ‬١‫ا‬١
Pokarm dla data i ducha, red. Macie) Kokoszko, Lodz ΖΟ14, SS. 607.
^Dietetics and Culinary Art ofAntiquity and Early Byzantium (11-yiI c.),
‫لل‬٦ Nourishmentfor the Body and Sou^
XX.
Macie) Kokoszko, Krzysztofjagusiak, Zofia Rzeznicka, Cereals ofantiquity

and early Byzantine times: wheat and barley in medical sources
(second to seventh centuries AD), Lodz zo 14, ss. 516.
XXI.
üe١ Cecota, .Arabskie oblçzenia Konstantynopola w VII-VIII wieku.
Rzeczywistosci mit, Lodz ZOI5, SS. il 5
Vlhe -Arab Sieges ofConstantinople in tbe Seventh and. Eighth Centuries-,

Myth and reality
XXIV.
Ιέ X.’Bî’ioxotîsW, Soja - upersonijikowana Md oc Boia. Dzieje
wyobrazeA w krg kultury bizantynsko-slowianskiej ١hài 1Ο٦ ‫أل‬١ SS. 47%٠
^Sophia - the Personification ofDivine Wisdom: the History ofthe Notion

in the Byzantine-Slavonic Culture^
UNIVERSITY OF LÖD٤
WALDEMAR CERAN RESEARCH CENTRE FOR THE HISTORY AND CULTUREOF THE
MEDITERRANEAN AREA AND SOUTH-EAST EUROPE, CERANEUM
ul. Matejki 31/38

90-137 Lodz, Polska
ceraneum@uni.lodz.pl
slawomir Bralewski
Zofia A. Brzozowska
Blaze) Cecota
Pawel Filipczak
Teresa Wolinska
FACULTY OF PHILOSOPHY AND HISTORY

DEPARTMENT OF BYZANTINE HISTORY
ul. A. Kaminskiego 17a

90-119 Lodz, Polska
bizancjum@uni.lodz.pl
Marek Μ. Dziekan
Marta Wozniak
FACULTY OF INTERNATIONALAND POLITICAL STUDIES

DEPARTMENT OF MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA
ul. Narutowicza 59a

90-131 Lodz, Polska
kbwism@uni.lodz.pl
Hassan Badawy
ARJSTOTLE UNIVERSITY OF THESSALONIKI

FACULTY OF PHILOSOPHY
54114 Thessaloniki, Greece

Editors
Teresa WoUÄska
is a professor at the Lodz

University. Her scholarly
interests include the history
of the Byzantine Empire be-
tween the fourth and eighth
centuries, with a research
focus on the relations be-
tween Byzantium and the
countries of the Barbarian
West and the Papacy, as well
as on the eastern part of the
Empire, the Caucasus re-
gion in particular. She is
the author of a monograph
on Byzantine SicUy.
PaweiFilipczak
is an adjunct at the
Department of Byzantine
History at the Lodz
University.
His scholarly interests
concentrate on the history
٥f the late Roman Empire,
mainly on the history of ur-
ban communities, especially
those inhabiting Antioch
on the Orontes, as well
as on the imperial adminis-
tration, especially in Syria.

Wolinska, T. - Filipczak, P. (Eds.) (2015) Byzantium and The Arabs - The Encounter of Civilizations (Byzantina Lodziensia XXIII) Part3

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Wolinska, T. - Filipczak, P. (Eds.) (2015) Byzantium and The Arabs - The Encounter of Civilizations (Byzantina Lodziensia XXIII) Part3

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PART

Hassan Badawy, B Aej Cecota, Marek μ. Dziekan,

After the Conquest

Hassan Badawy. Beazej Cecota

I. Administration of the Arabic World:

Ι.Ι. Pre-Muslim Power Structures ‫ ئ‬the Arabian Peninsula

٠ Ι.Α. A1 - A d a w i,An-Nuzum al-islamyya, Cairo 1972., pp. 65-69, 75-85.

salonike 2.ΟΙΟ, pp. 158-171.

1.2. The Influence of Islam‫ ؛‬from a Religious Community

Muhammad stayed in Mecca, the umma (‫ )انة‬was a monoethnic (Arab) commu-

14 Μ. Al i. The Religion oflslam, Lahore 1916, pp. 6-13.

19 Ibn H i s häm, vol. II,pp. 55,55.

41 Μ. Ham idu 11 ah,Documents...,pp. 33zsqq, 371 sqq.

Tasseron, The Participation..., pp. 53-71.

stoke-New York 2.002, pp. 140-146.

Christians from Nadjran be banished. According to Philip Hitti, ‘Umar’s inten-

1.3. Management of the Umayyad Caliphate

5‫ ؟‬Ibn K u t a y b a, vol. I, pp. 5 3, 62.

‫ *آل‬١‫د‬٠‫ةةةج‬٩ ‫ةة‬١ Historia biata arabskiego. Ohres klasyczny: od staro^ytnoéci do konca

‫ اه‬R. Marin-Guzmâ n, Arab Tribes..., p. 69.

7٠ R.Marin٠Guzmn, Arab Tribes..,) p. 66.

71 Ph.K. H i 11 i, History...) p. 196.

٠ ١‫(؟لت‬.٠ Ibe Succession to Muhammad*.

W١٠١٥ù,Ihe Redemption of Umayyad Memor} b} tbe Abbâsids,١NÎS 6‫آ‬١ ιοοι,ρρ. ‫أ‬4‫ل‬-‫أ‬6‫آل‬.

‫ األ‬N.G onvsjwo Poll-Tax Receiptsjrom Early Islamic Egypt,].‫؟؟‬،. ٦μ,ιοοο١ρρ. 4٦‫آل‬٠-‫آلا‬٠

98 G.R. Haw ting. The First Dynasty oflslam...) p. 64.

2٠ Economic Institutions of E ly Islam

Before Islam became the dominant religion in the Arabian Peninsula,

i.i. Creation of the Muslim State and Its Major

It is not an easy task to find traces of fimctioning of even one econom-

75, 84‫ ؛‬Ι.Α. A1 - A d a w i, Nuzum..., pp. I -4, 9-ΙΙ.

'9 Μ. R i d a h, Al'khulafa ar-rashidun, ed. A1 ٠ s h e i k h Kh.M. Shiha,Bajrut 2.007,

Therefore, 'Umar Ibn al-Khattab is considered to be the founder of the or-

2.1. Creatio» of Bayt al-Mâl -

It is supposed that the first caliph, Abu Bakr, established an institution

'Umar believed to codify the rules of collecting kharaj (depending on har-

dinar per year per person.

Μ. Rid ah, Al-Khulafaa Al-Rashidun..., pp. 118-msqq; H. Badawy, Introduction...٠

4»Tabari,7^ ٠٥,IV,no;Mäwardi,ioo;Abü Ya<la,m;Abû Yü su £46.

1.5. Headquarters of Bayt al-Mäl

Sources do not indicate explicitly where the headquarters of Bayt al-Mäl

55 Ibn al-Athir, Usdal-ghabah, II, 42.2..

in Al-Küfa‫؟‬٥. The construction of the mosque was commissioned in 658 AD (17

2.4. Management of Bayt al-Mäl

56 Tabari, Tarikh, IV, 135.

Using the services of ηοη-Arabic Muslims, especially representatives of

Ζ.5. Revenues ofBaytal-Mal

*4 Baladhurl, Ansab, IV, 109; Tabari, Tarikh, V, 522-525.

74 Tabarï,^Â٠^224;Mâwardï, i38;Abü Ya‫ ا‬la, 132.

7‫ ؟‬٢abarï,٠٥^2i8;Mawardï,i38;Abù Ya'la, 130-131.

76 Mawardi, i4z;Abü Ya٠la,i37٠

78Abü ’ubayd, 2.7.

8‫ ؟‬Mawardi, I zo; A b Ù ٠ubayd, 595٠

2.6. Public Spending

!he earliest state expenditure was allocated for remuneration of Muslim

‫ ’و‬Tabari, Tarikh, IV, 49; Makrlzi, I, 150.

Establishing the Muslim administration was a long-lasting and complex

5. Christian Communities in the Territories Conquered

١ ‫آل قآل‬٩‫هحةةة‬١ Syrian Christians in Muslim Societies. An Interpretation) Princeton

5.1. Christians in the Kur’än and in the Teachings of Muhammad

Pronounced in Muslim tradition are the Prophet’s interactions with Chris-

II R.M. Haddad, Syrian Christians...٠ p. 7٠

The fragment quoted above can be considered to represent an exemplary