4.the Iliad. A - Commentary VI. LIBRO 21-24

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Kirk, G. S. {Geoffrey Stephen)
T h e Iliad, a commentary
Includes bibliographical references and i n d e x e s .
Contents: v. 1. Books 1 4 v. 6. Books 21 24
Nicholas Richardson.
1. Homer. Iliad. 2. Achilles (Greek mythology) in
literature. 3. Trojan War in literature. 1. Richardson,
N.J. (NicholasJanus). II. Homer. Iliad. 111. Title.
PA4037.K458 1985 883'.OI 84-11330
isbN o 521 30960 3 hardback

ISBN o 521 31209 4 paperback
AO
N 4
G N R A L D I T R G . S . K I R K
o l u - • • o k s 1 -
NICHOLAS RICHARDSON
The Iliad: a commentary
Volume vr. books 21-24

This volume
is dedicated to
Jenny, Alexis, Penelope, Andrew and Catherine
and to the memory of

H. C. A. Gaunt, T. E. B. Howarth, F. W. King, J. G. Stow
This is the sixth and final volume of the major Commentary on Homer's //* >- ued
under the General Editorship of Professor G. S. Kirk. It consists of introductory
chapters dealing with the structure and main themes of the poem, book division, the
end of the lit in relation to the Odyssty, and the critic m and interpretation of the
Homeric poems in antiquity. The commentary follows. (The Greek text is not
included.) This volume contains a consolidated index of Greek words in all six
volumes. This project is the first large-scale commentary in English on the Iliad for
nearly one hundred yean, and takes special account of language, style, thematic
structure and narrative technique, as well as of the cultural and social background
to the work.
The Commentary is an essential reference work for all students of Greek litera-
ture, and archaeologists and historians will also find that it contains matters of
relevance to them.
A fr»-1I n r '-»rv-i '»i i f r \ r n l i m

CONTENTS
Preface page xi
Abbreviations xiv
INTRODUCTION
1 Structure and themes i
(i) Structure i
(ii) Themes 14
2 Two special problems 20
(i) Book division 20
(ii) The end of the Iliad in relation to the Odyssey 21
3 Homer and his ancient critics 25
(i) From Homer to Aristotle 25
(ii) The Hellenistic period 35
(iii) Rome (to the Augustan period) 40
(iv) Later Greek criticism 43
(v) Neoplatonists and Christians 46
COMMENTARY
Book 21 51
Book 22 105
Book 23 164
Book 24 272
General index to Volume VI 363

índex of Greek words for all volumes 369
ix
A fr i«-»I sstn rtft-iK^-u '-»rvi ^ i ifr/-w-f-> ! ( m

PREFACE
It is just over a century since Walter Leaf published the first edition o his
great commentary on the Iliad (1886-8), in which he set out 'to offer a
guide to students anxious to know more of Homer than they can learn from
elementary school-books'. It is a mark of the difference between the Victo-
rian age and ours that what a business man and banker could then accom-
plish in his spare time should now require the sustained energies and varied
expertise of five classical scholars. One of the advantages, however, of this
collaboration has been the range of different approaches adopted through-
out these six volumes, for it is as true today as in Leaf's time that 'when
once the strict limits of a verbal commentary are passed, it is hard to know
which path to choose from the many which open into the world revealed to
us by the Homeric poems*.
That this venture has indeed been a genuine work of collaboration is
largely due to the careful guidance and painstaking labours of its general
editor Geoffrey Kirk, to whom I wish to pay the warmest tribute of thanks,
not only for his original invitation to take part, but also for his sharp-eyed
diligence and determination in seeing the project through to its completion.
It is a rare privilege to join a group of scholars in studying one of the
Homeric poems at such a detailed level over a prolonged period of time,
and in the process the Commentary itself has come to resemble an old and
familiar friend, much-loved in all its singularities, even if tiresome at times,
and to which one * ultimately reluct nt to bid farewell. For thi opportu-
nity I am profoundly grateful.
Some particular biases and shortcomings should be mentioned here. Had
I attempted a more comprehensive review of modem econdary literature,
this work would have been scarcely begun, let alone finished. I tried as a
rule to approach the text with a fresh mind and to analyse my own response
to it, before considering the views of others. I have al o attempted to keep
in mind the needs of a varied audience: despite its technicalities I should
like th's volume to be accessible (for example) to undergraduates as well
as to the increasingly select company of specialists. Professional scholars
may feel that at times too subjective a note ounded, wherea students
may sometimes find the style too compressed and technical. It has not
proved entirely easy to strike the right balance, nd it was only as the work
progressed that a more natural and leisurely style of commentary seemed
to develop of its own accord
xi
A fr• 1 n r '-»rv-i '»i i f r \ r n l i m

Preface
In the last volume of this eries cross-references are inevitably numerous,

and I hope that this will be re arded as a useful aid, rather than as a
deterrent to reading. I have also paid particular attention to what struck
me as the i dividuality of Homer's language, as an antidote to excessive
concern for its formular quality (cf. M. W. Edwards, vol. v, pp. 53-5 and
Richardson in Bremer, HBOP 165-84), and I hope that the frequency of
references to unusual words will not irritate the reader. It must be admitted
that I have relied mainly on LSJ and concordances in doing this, and have
only checked a sample of words with the data base of the Thesaurus Lingua
Graecae (including nearly all 'absolute hapaxes'). It would certainly be inter-
esting to make more extensive earches, but I do not think that the overall
picture would be substantially altered by doing so.
The first part of the Introduction, on structure and themes, is not in-
tended as a dogmatic or canonical statement of received opinions (which
would be impossible), but rather as an exploration of some of the pos-
sibilities. In the section on structure a good deal of space has been given to
theories of ring composition, if only in order to draw attention to what
seemed a rather neglected approach. The discussion of themes is inevitably
somewhat impressionistic, given the allowances of space.
The roll-call of tho who have contributed to the making of this volume
is long, and even then I am conscious that some names must have been
omitted. Love of Homer (and of Greek literature) dates from my school days
at Winchester, where besides those masters named in the dedication I am
grateful for the teaching o f j . B. Poynton and Colin Badcock. It was fostered
at Oxfofd by many, including my tutor Colin Hardie and supervisor Martin
West, and by the encouragement of Hugh Lloyd-Jones. As a tutor myself,
I owe a great deal to the work and inspiration of my colleagues, especially
Jasper Griffin, Colin Macleod, Richard Rutherford and Oliver Taplin. I
have also gained immeasurably from the constant contact with Homer and
the stimulus of fresh responses provided by teaching pupils over 23 years at
Merton. In 1962 1 had the good fortune to work at Mycenae with the late
Lord William Taylour, Barbara Craig, Lisa French and others. Enthusiasm
for the archaeology of the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages, encouraged also
by the teaching of the late Dorothea Gray, has remained strong ever since.
Like lexicographers, all commentators are shameless plagiarists. I have
found Leaf invaluable, and have gained much from Malcolm Willcock's
concise but perceptive commentary. Amcis-Hentze I have not used system-
atically but from time to time. For book 23 Chantraine and Goube are
useful, and for book 24 Colin Macleod has set a standard I could not hope
to equ 1.1 al owe much to the new series of commentaries on the Odyssey,
edited by Alfred Heubeck and others, and to Martin West's work on
Hesiod.
Work on the book itself was made possible above all by four terms of
xii
A fr• 1 n r '-»rv-i '»i i f r \ r n l i m

Preface
sabbatical leave granted by my College between 1985 and 1991. At all

stages I have received many detailed comments on my drafts and constant
encouragement from my collaborators, and it has been a great pleasure
to share the work with them all. In addition, Richard Rutherford read
through and commented on the whole work. I am especially grateful to
him, and al o to Jasper Griffin, for discussion of the Introduction. My debt
to Oliver Taplin is long-standing: he lent me his own commentary on Iliad
22.1 -120 (including some notes by Colin Macleod), and more recently the
opening chapter of his new book Homeric Soundings, and I have enjoyed our
stimulating discussions of Homer over many years. John Boardman, Vassos
Karageorghis and Mervyn Popham have all een the commentary on book
23, and I have benefited greatly from their detailed observations on some
of the archaeological issues in that Book.
Many others have helped with specific questions, by sending me their
own works, and in various other ways, and it is impossible to list them all.
I am aware of debts of thanks to my colleague at Merton Tom Braun,
Jan Bremer, Hector Catling, Joost Crouwel, Malcolm Davies, Vincenzo
di Benedetto, Garth Fowden, Oliver Gurney, Irene de Jong, James
Hooker, Gregory Hutchinson, Peter Jones, Robert Lamberton, Françoise
Létoublon, Edmond Levy, Franco Montanari, Judith Mossman, Roger
Moorey, Peter Parsons, Simon Pembroke, Angeliki Petropoulou, Walter
Pdtscher, Maurice Pope, James Porter, Simon Pulleyn, Christopher Smith,
Maro Theodossiadis and Stephanie West.
My greatest practical debt is to Rachel Chapman, who (as Rachel
Woodrow) produced three successive and virtually impeccable drafts of the
whole work from my execrable script over a period of six years. Her immea-
surable patience and astounding accuracy must be my only excuse for
failing to carry out this long and tediou labour myself, and I c nnot th nk
her adequately for all that she has done over such a long period. Like the
other authors in thi s ries, I have very much appreciated the care taken by
the staff of the Press in the production of these volumes, and wish to thank
Pauline Hire for her diplomatic and patient assistance throughout, and
Susan Moore for her highly skilful and nsitive copy-editing.
Finally 1 am immensely grateful to my wife Jenny and our children for
their tolerance of much scholarly eccentricity and for rescuing me from
excessive absorption in the past. T o them I dedicate this book, and also to
the memory of four of my teachers at Winchester,
fv6a |i€ TO TrpcÔTov Xiyvpflç frniprçaav àoiSîfc.
Merton College, Oxford N. J. R.

July 1991
A.M.D.G.
xiii
A fr• 1 n r '-»rv-i '»i i f r \ » - n l i m

ABBREVIATIONS
Books
Alexiou, Ritu I Lam ni M. Alexiou, The Ritual Lament in Greek Tradition

(Cambridge 1974)
Ameis-Hentze K. F. Ameis and C. Hentze, Homers ilias (Leipzig 1913;
repr. Amsterdam 1965)
Apthorp, MS Evidence M.J. Apthorp, The Manuscript Evidencefor Interpo-
atio in Homer (Heidelberg 1980)
Arch. Horn. Archaeologia Homerica: Die Denkmäler und das frùhgriechische
E s9 edd. F. A at and H.-G. Buchholz (Göttingen 1967- )
Arend, Scenen VV. A rend, Die typischen Scenen bei Homer (Berlin 1933)
Beazley, ABV J. D. Beazley, Attic Black-figure Vase» ainters (Oxford
l 956)
Beck, Stellung G. Beck, Die St Hung d s 24 Buches der Ilias in der alten
Epentradition (diss. Tübingen 1964)
Boiling, External Eviden e G. M. Boiling, Th Ext nal Evidence for Interpo-
lation in Homer (Oxford 1925)
Bremer, HBOP Ho : Bey nd Oral Poetry, edd. J. M. Bremer, I.J. F. de
Jong, and J. Kalff (Amsterdam 1987)
Buffière Mythes d'Homère F. Buffîère, Les M thes d'Homère et la ensée
recque (Pari* 1956)
Burkert, Religion W. Burkert, Greek Religion: Archaic and Classical (Ox-
ford 1985); Eng. trans, by John Raffan oîGri cht h R ligio der rch i chen
und klassischen Epoch (Stuttgart 1977)
Cà la, In ' Omerici F. C" sola, I ni Omeri i (Rome 1975)
Chantraine, Diet. P. Chantraine, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue
gr cq (Paris 1968-80)
Chantraine, GH P. Chantraine, Grammaire hom riqu i - n (Paris 1958-
63)
Chantraine and Goube P. Chantraine and H. Goube, Homère, Iliade
A'V///(Paris 1972)
Chios Chios: a Conferenc at the Homereion in Chios /<?&>, edd J. Boardman
and C. E. Vaphopoulou-Richardson (Oxford 1986)
Coldstream, Geom trie Gr ece J. N. Coldstream, Geometrie Greece (London
'977)
Cook, Troa J. M. Cook, Th Troad: an Archaeo ogical and Topographical
Study (Oxford 1973)
xiv
Abbreviations
Crouwel, Chariots J. H. Crouwel, Chariots and Other M ans of Trans-

port in Bronze Age Greece (Amsterdam 1981)
Davies, EGF M. Da vies, Epicoru Graecorum Fragmente (Göttingen 1988)
Deichgräber, Letzte Gesang K. Deichgräber, 'Der letzte Gesang der
Ilias', Abhandlungen der Mainzer Akademie der Wissenschaften und Literatur,
Geistes- und sozialwiss. Klasse, 1972, No. 5
de Jong, Narrators I. J. F. de Jong, Narrators and Focalizers: the Presentation
of the Story in the Iliad (Amsterdam 1987)
Delebecque, Cheval E. Delebecque, Le Cheval dans PIlia (Pari 1951)
Denniston, Particles J. D. Denniston, The Greek Particles (and edn, Ox-
ford 1951)
Edwards, HP! M. W. Edwards, Homer, Poet of the Iliad (Baltimore and
London 1987)
Eiliger, Darstellung der ndschaft W. Elliger, Die D rs ellmg
chqft in der griechischen Dichtung (Berlin 1975)
Erbse H. Erbse, Scholia Graeca in Homeri Iliadem i - v u (Berlin 1969-68)
Fenik, TBS B. C. Fenik, Typical Battle Scenes in the Iliad {Herrn s
Einzelschritten 21, Wiesbaden 1968)
Fenik, Tra iti n B. C. Fenik, ed., Horn : Tr iti d I v it (Le'den
>978)
Fittschen, Sagend rst II ngen K. Fittschen, Untersuc ngen £ B gi
Sagendarstellungen bei den Griechen (Berlin 1969)
Fränkel, Gleichniss H. Frankel, Die homerischen Gleichnisse (Göttingen
1921)
Friedrich, Verwundung W. H. Friedrich, Verttmndung und Tod in der Ilias
(Göttingen 1956)
Frisk H. Frisk, Griechisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch (Heidelberg 1954-
73)
Gardiner, Sport E. N. Gardin r, Gre k Athl ti Sports r F s ' (s (Lo -
don 1910)
Gordesiani, Kri erien er Schriftiichkeit R. Gordesiani, Krit ' d
Schriftlichkeit und Mündlichkeit im homerischen Epos (Frankfurt 1986)
Griffin, HLD J. Griffin, Homer Life and De th (Oxford 1980)
Grube, Greek and Roman Critics G. M. A. Grube, The Greek and Roman
Critics (London 1965)
Hainsworth, Od. Alfred Heubeck, Stephanie West and J. B.
Hainsworth, A C mrrten ry H mer's Odyssey vol. 1 (Oxford 1988)
Hall, Barbarian E. Hall, Inventing the Barbarian (Oxford 1989)
Hardie, Cosmos and Imperium P. R. Hardie, Virgil*s Aeneid: Cosmos
Imperium (Oxford 1986)
Harris, Athletes H. A. Harris, Greek Athletes and Athletics (London 1964)
Heibig, Homerische F os W. Helbig, Das hom rische Epos aus en
Denkmälern erläutert: archäologische Untersuchungen (2nd edn, Leipzig 1887)
xv
A fr• 1 nr '-»rv-i I im
Abbreviations
Heu beck, Od. Alfred Heubeck and Arie Hoekstra, A Commentary on

Horn s Odys y vol. 11 (Oxford 1989)
Higbie, Measure and Music C . Higbie, Measu a d Music: En ambement
and Senienc Structure in he Iliad (Oxford 1990)
Hoekstra, Od. Alfred Heu beck and Arie Hoekstra, A Commentary on
Homer's Odyssey vol. n (Oxford 1989)
HyDem» HyAp, HyHerm% HyAphr Horn n Hymns to Demeter, Apollo,
Hermes, Aphrodite
Johansen, Hi i E rly Greek Art K . F. Johansen, The Iliad in Early Greek
Art (Copenhagen 1967)
Kakridis, Ho R visited J. T. Kakridis, Homer Revisited (Lund 1971)
Kak idi , Resea ches J. T . Kakridis, Horn ric R searches (Lund 1949)
Kirk, Songs G. S. Kirk, Th Songs of Homer (Cambridge 1962)
Krischer, A" nven ' T . Krischer, Formale Ko 1 tion n der hom rischen
Fpik (München 1971)
Kullmann, Quellen W. Kullmann, Die Quellen d Ilias (Wiesbaden
i960)
Kurtz and Boardman, Burial Customs D. C. Kurtz and J. Board man,
Greek Buna Cast (London 1971)
Lamberton, Homer the Theologi n R. W. Lamberton, Homer the Theolo-
gian: Jieoplatomst Allego icat Reading an the Growth of the Epic Tradition
(Berkeley 1986)
Lamberton and Keaney, Homer's Ancient Read rs R. W. lamberton and
J. Keaney, edd., Homer's Ancien Readers: the Hermeneutics of Greek Epic's
Earliest Exegetes (Princeton 1992)
Leaf W. Leaf, The Iliad 1-11 (2nd edn, London 1900-2)
Leaf, Troy W. Leaf, Troy (London 1912)
Leftandi I M. Popham, L. H. Sackett and P. G. Themelis, edd., Lefkandi
/. The It n Age (London 1980, 2 vols.)
Lehn, D Aristarchi studiis K . Lehrs, De Aristarchi studiis homericis (3rd
edn, Leipzig 1882; repr. Hildesheim 1964)
Leumann, HW M . Leumann, Homerische Wörter (Basel 1950)
Lfgr xi on s frühgri ch'sch n Epos, edd. B. Snell and H. Erbse
(Göttingen 1955- )
LI MC xtc Iconograpfoaem Mythologia* Classic 1.1- (Zürich 1981- )
Lohmann, Andromache-Szenen D. Lohmann, Die Andromache-Szenen in der
Ilias (Hildesheiro (988)
Lohmann, Reden D. Lohmann, Die Komposition der Reden m der Ilias
(Berlin 1970)
Lorimer, HM H. L. Lorimer, Homer and the Monuments (London 1950)
L-P E. Lobcl and D. L. Page, Poetarum Lesbi rum Fra menla (Oxford
»955)
xvi
Abbreviations
LSJ H. Liddell, R. Scott and H. S. Jones, A Gr ek-English Lexicon (9th

cdn, Oxford 1940)
Macleod, Iliad XXIV C. W. Macleod, Homer, Hi Book XXIV (Cam-
bridge 1982)
Martin, Language of Heroes R. P. Martin, The Language of Heroes: Speech
andPerfo one int Iliad (Ithaca 1989).
Mazon P. Mazon, Homère, Iliadet Tome iv, Chants xix-xxiv (Paris
1981)
Meister, Kunstsprache K. Meister, Die homerische Kunstsprache (Leipzig
1921)
Monro, HG D. B. Monro, A Grammar of the Homeric Dialect (2nd edn,
Oxford 1891)
M oui ton, Similes Carroll Moulton, Similes in the Ho c Poems
(Hypomnemata 49, Göttingen 1977)
Mueller, Iliad M. Mueller, The Iliad (London 1984)
M-W R. Merkelbach and M. L. West, edd., Fragmenta Hesiodea (Ox-
ford 1967)
Nagler, Spont neity M . N . Nagler, Spontaneity and Tradition: a Study in th
Oral Art of Homer (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1974)
Neumann, Gesten und Gebard G. Neumann, Gesten G bär en in
griechischen Kunst (Berlin 1965)
Nilsson, GgrR M. P. Ntlsson, Geschichte der griechischen R ligion 1 (3rd edn,
München 1967)
OCT Oxford Classical Texts: Homeri Opera /- V: i-ii (Iliad) edd. D. B.
Monro and T . W. Allen (3rd edn, Oxford 1920); ni-iv (Odyssey) cd.
T. W. Allen (2nd edn, Oxford 1917-19); v (Hymns, etc.) ed. T. W. Allen
(Oxford 1912)
Owen, Story ofthe Iii E. T . Owen, The St ry of the IV (Toronto 1946)
Parker, Miasma Robert Parker, Miasma (Oxford 1983)
Parry, nguage A. Parry, The Language of Achill s Other Papers (Ox-
ford 1989)
Parry, MHV A. Parry, ed., The Making of Homeric Vers . The Collected
Papers of Milman Parry (Oxford 1971)
Pfeiffer, History of Classic I Sch I rship R. Pfeiffer, History of Classical
Scholarship from the Beginnings to he Hellenistic Age (Oxford 1968)
PMG Poetae Mtha Grata ed. D. L. Page (Cambridge 1962)
Reiner, Die rituelle Totenklage E. Reiner, Die rituelle Totenklage der
Grie hen (Stuttgart-Berlin 1938)
Reinhardt, luD K . Reinhardt, Die Rias und ihr Dichter, ed. U. Hölscher
(Göttingen 1961)
Richardson, Hymn to Demeter N. J. Richardson, The Horn ric Hymn to
Demeter (Oxford 1974)
xvii
Abbreviations
Ruijgh, T£ piqu C. J. Ruijgh, Autour de 'TI pique*: études mr la syntaxe

grecque (Amsterdam 1971 )
Schadrwaldt, Außau W. Schadewaldt, Der Aufbau der Ilias (Frankfurt
am Main 1975)
Schadewaldt, Iliasstudien W. Schadewaldt, Iliasstudien (Leipzig 1938)
Schadewaldt, VHWW W. Schadewaldt, Von Homers Welt und Werk (3rd
edn, Stuttgart 1959)
Scheibner, Außau G. Scheibner, Der Außau des 20 und 21 Buches der Ilias
(Leipzig 1939)
Schulze, Quaestiones Epicae VV. Schulze, Quaestiones Epicae (Gütersloh
1892)
Segal, Mutilation of th Co pse C. Segal, The Theme of the Mutilation of the
Corpse in the Iliad (Leiden 1971)
Shipp, St ies G. P. Shipp, Studi s in the guage of Homer (2nd edn,
Cambridge 1972)
Silk, Iliad M. S. Silk, The Ilia (Cambridge 1987)
Stanford, VI sses Them W. B. Stanford, Th Ulysses Them (Oxford
«968)
Stengel, Opferbràuch P. Stengel, Opferbräuche der Griechen (Leipzig 1910)
Strasburger, Kl inen Kämpfer G. Strasburger, Die kleinen Kämpfer der Ilias
(diss. Frankfurt 1954)
Thornton, Supplication Agathe Thornton, Horn r*s Iliad: its Composition
andth Motif of Supplication (Got tin gen 1984)
Usener, Verhältnis der Odyssee zur Ilias K . Usener, Beobachtungen zum
Verhältnis der Odysse z r Ilias (Tübingen 1990)
van der Valk, Researches M. H. A. L. H. van der Valk, Researches on the
Text n Scholia of th Iii 1-11 (Leiden 1963-4)
Vent ris and Chadwick, Docum nts M. Ventris and J. Chadwick, Docu-
ments m Mycenaean Ore k (2nd edn, Cambridge 1973)
von Kamptz, Personennamen Hans von Kamptz, Homerische Personennamen
(Göttingen 1982)
von der Mühll, H p mn a P. von der Mühll, Kritisches Hypomnema zu*
Ilias (Basel 1952)
Wace and Stubbings, Companion A. J. B. Wace and F. H. Stubbings, A
Com anion to Homer (London 1962)
Wackernagel, Kleine Schriften J. Wackernagel, Klein Schriften
(Göttingen 1953-79)
Wackernagel, Sprachlich Unt rs ch ngen J. Wackernagel, Sprachliche
Untersuchungen zu Homer (Göttingen 1916)
Wade-Gery, Poet of Iii H. T . Wade-Gery, P tofth Ilia (Cambridge
>952)
Wehrli, Allegorischen D utun F. Wehrli, Jjur Geschichte der allegorisch n
Deutung Homers im Altertum (Leipzig 1928)
xviii
Abbreviations
West, Greek Metre M. L. West, Greek Metre (Oxford 1982)

West, Od, Alfred Heu beck, Stephanie West and J. B. Hainsworth, A
Cm ryo Homefs Odyssey vol. 1 (Oxford 1988)
West, Pt lemaic Papyri S. West, The Ptolemaic Papyri of Homer (Köln and
Opladen 1967)
West, Theogony M. L. West, Hesiod, Theogony (Oxford 1966)
West, Works and Days M. L. West, Hesiod, Woks and Days (Oxford 1978)
Whitman, HHT C. H. Whitman, Homer and the Heroic Tradition (Cam-
bridge, Mass. 1958)
Wilamowitz, IuH U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, Di IV H
(Berlin 1916)
Wilamowitz, Untersuchungen U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, Hom-
erisch Untersu ungen (Berlin 1884)
Willcock M. M. Willcock, The Iliad of Homer i - n (London 1978-84)
Journals
AJA A eri an Jo lof Archa ology

AJP American Journal of Philology
AR Archaeological R ports
BICS Bulletin ofth Institute of Classical Studies
BSA Annual of he British School at Athens
CJ Classical Journal
CP Classical Philology
CQ, Classical Quarterly
CR Classical Review
G&R Greece and Rome
HSCP Harvard Studies in Classical Philology
JHS Journal of Hellenic Studies
MDAI(A) Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts (Athen. Abt)
MDAI(R) Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituís (Röm. Abt.)
MH Museum Helveticum
PCPS Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Soci ty
REA R vu d s u s ana nnes
TAPA Transactions of the American Philological Association
TCS Tale Classical Stu i s
ZPE Zeitschriftfur Papyrologie and Epigraphik
NOTE
The text used is the O C T (see Abbreviations). As in previous volumes *//.'
means 4the Iliad*9 lOd.' 'the Odyssey\ Early epic fragments are cited from
both the O C T and Davies,
xix
I /-»frrs • /-» L / \ h #-* k<> • JS I-M »•/• "H IM -»I • rv^

Abbreviations
| marks the beginning or end of a verse. The abbreviation '(etc.)* after a

Greek word means that the total includes all relevant terminations. Greek
names are transliterated according to the rules laid down in vol. i, x.
References to the scholia follow the system set out in vol. i pp. 41 IT., i.e.
'Am/A 1 means 'Aristonicus in MS A \ etc. lSchol. Ge' means the 4 cholia in
codex Genavensis 44'. Papyri of Homer are cited as in the O C T , except that
'schol. pap. xn (Erbs )* r fers to the commentary (probably by Ammonius)
in P.Oxy. 221, printed in Erbse vol. v, pp. 78-121, and *pap. 249 and 271
(Mazon)' in the notes on 21.513 a n t * 2 2 - 2 55 rc ^ cr 1 0 the numbering in
Mazon's Bude edition. *MSS' refers to manuscripts after c. A.D. 600.
xx
A .1 .
INTRODUCTION
i* Structure and themes
Ut pictura poesis: erit quac si propius stes

tc capiat magis, et quaedam si longius abstes.
Horacc, Ars poetica 361-2.
Das Organische ist schwcr begreifbar.

Schadewaidt, Iliasstudicn 159.
(i) tractvre
That the Iliad, despite its size and complexity, is a poem with a coherent
structure would probably not be contested by many nowadays. How that
structure may be analysed, however, is still an open question. Aristotle's
characterization of it as a unified plot with beginning, middle and end
might seem a simple and uncontroversial starting-point, but equally hi
comparison of an epic or dramatic work to a living organism serves as a
warning against over-simplification. In the end one may well come to the
conclusion that there are several possible ways of describing the poem's
construction, none of which definitely excludes the others.
Some of these have already been briefly reviewed by G. S. Kirk in his
Introduction to books t - 4 (pp. 44-7), where he considers the merits and
disadvantages of dividing the poem into sections of four or six books, or
a 'three-movement' structure. Before examining any such theories, how-
ever, it would be as well to emphasize that the division of the Iliad into
twenty-four books was surely not a feature of its original conception (see
pp. 21-2). These divisions do, in fact, usually come at natural breaks in the
narrative, but these are not always the most significant ones, and in some
cases (for example between books 20 and 21) the division cuts into what is
better regarded as a single sequence of events. The Odyssey seems to fall quite
easily into four-book sections, and one can readily conceive that this might
correspond to a series of separate recitations (e.g. two a day over period
of three days), whereas a four-book structure does not seem to work so well
A of 1 1 r-w- '»i ifnrr I im

Structure and themes
for the Iliad.1 Books 1 - 4 can be seen as an extended prologue, if one likes,
before the first main episode of the actual fighting (the arist ia of Diomedes),
but 4422ff. seem to mark a new start with the beginning of serious fighting,
and the break at the end of book 4 is not a strong one. The end of book 8
works much better, it coincides with the end of a day's fighting, and
the narrative clearly builds up to a climax here, before the Embassy to
Akhilleus. It might be po sible to see this as the end of the first major
'movement* of the battle, with the Greeks suffering a reversal and the plan
of Zeus beginning to take real effect. Thus if one thinks in terms of three
major 'movements' (corresponding perhaps roughly to Aristotle's begin-
ning, middle and end, or to the three parts of a trilogy), 1-8 could theoreti-
cally form the first. In reality, however, book 9 continues the action of that
day into the night, and the Greek leaden only go to bed after the return of
the Embassy from Akhilleus. The Doloneia is clearly an interlude (whether
original or not), and it seems more appropriate therefore to see the second
movement of the poem as beginning with book 11, the dawn of the great
day of batde which extends right through to 18.239-42.
The end of book 12 also marks a high point in the action, the moment
when Hektor breaks through the Achaean Wall and the Greeks flee to the
ships, and this is followed by a major retardation (books 13-14), w hen
Poseidon rallies the Greeks and Zeus is put to sleep by Here. The end of 12
falls quite close to the poem's central point, and it shows Hektor at his most
terrible and destructive (12.437-68: see on 12.457-66; also vol. iv, p. 39, on
the summary at 13.345-60). On the other hand, within the great battle of
books i t - 1 8 it is off-centre, and the breach in the Wall is only the fint
major event in the sequence leading up to 16.122-4, where the fint Greek
ship is fired. The death of Patroklos at the end of book 16 could also be seen
as a moment of climax, marking the end of either a four-book section or the
econd third of the poem, but again the action is carried over into the
struggle for his body, which stretches forward a far as 18.238.
The case for a division into four sections of six books is also briefly
discussed by G. S. Kirk (vol. 1, p. 45). It would theoretically be possible to
see book 6 as the end of an introductory block, in which the main characten
are presented to us, 12 as the central climax, and 18 as marking the
turning-point before Akhilleus' return to fight. But again, as Kirk shows,
such an analysis is somewhat arbitrary and unsatisfactory.
n recent scholanhip there has been a stronger tendency to emphasize
the idea of a tripartite structure or 'three-movement' compo ition, one
which could correspond to recitation over three days, but would not neces-
sarily coincide with the ancient book-divisions. An early exponent of this
1 A cmc has, however, been made by Thormon, Supplication 46ff. See alio vol. iv, p. 39.
*
approach was J. T. Sheppard, whose (now unfashionable) Pattern of the Iliad

(London 1922) saw the first movement as stretching up to the end of the
Emb y to Akhilleus (1-9), the second as covering the single long day
of the central books of fighting (11-18), and the last as reaching from
the dawn of 19.1-2 to the end of the poem, from the reconcili tion of
Agamemnon and Akhilleus to the funeral of Hektor. Within these sections
he attempted a more detailed structural analysis, and he pointed to some
recurrent themes which helped to emphasi e the poem's structure, p rticu-
larly at the beginning and end (cf. especially Pattern of the Iliad 204-10). In
this way he anticipated and helped to inspire the later and more elaborate
*ring composition1 analyses ofJ. L. Myres and C. H. Whitman.
A similar analysis was made by H. T. Wade-Gery in his Po t of t Iliad
(Cambridge 1952) 15-16. His three recitations covered books 1-9, 10-
18.353 (when Patroklos' body is received by Akhilleus), and 18.354 t o
end of 24. Schadewaldt (Aufb 24) likewise divides the poem into books
1-9» 1 1 - 1 8 and 19-24, and he points to the fact that the action of both
books 9 and 18 extends into the night, at the end of the first two movements,
with these two nightfalls coming appropriately at the close of the first two
days of recitation. He too goes on to give a more detailed structural analyst
of the poem, into seven separate parts (39-74).*
The three-movement theory has most recently been advocated by O.
Taplin (Homeric Soundings^ Oxford 1992). He emphasizes the recurrence of
major motifs at key points in the composition, i.e. books 1 , 9 - 1 1 , 1 8 - 1 9 d
24 (which he sees as major weight-bearing scenes, or the four dividing piers
of a three-arched structure), especially the quarrel and reconciliation o
Akhilleus and Agamemnon, the episodes where Thetis visits Akhilleus (in
1, 18 and 24), and the recurrent scenes of supplication or pleas for ransom,
involving Khruses in 1, the Embassy in 9 and Priam in 24. He po'nts out
that references to 'tomorrow* are clustered most frequently towards the ends
of the first and second movements (at 8.470-2,8.497-565,9. 40,9.356-61,
9.682-3, 9.707-9, and 18.134-7, 18.254-83, 18.303-4), thereby support-
ing Schadewaldt't observation about the nights of books 9 and 18, since
these references would act as signposts for an expectant audience at the end
of the day's recitation.
These views are clearly attractive, whether or not one accepts the sugges-
tion of a three-day period for recitation. One might object that divi on into
books 1 to 9, u to x8, and 19 to 24 would make the last movement
noticeably horter than the other two, but that is not n cess rily a dr w-
back. Despite the variety of views over exacdy where the divisions should
fall, one may still gree that analysis into three major movements can be
• Cf. al«o Silk, Iliad 37: hb three parts consist of books 1-0, 10-17, 18-34
a significant and valuable way of articulating the poem, drawing attention

to some of the most important episodes in the development of the plot, and
emphasizing their relationship.
A different form of structural analysis advocated by some modern schol-
ars is ring composition. This does not necessarily conflict with other types
of division. The first to argue this in detail was Myres in 1932, taking his
cue from Sheppard.* Unfortunately Myres' attempt to see the poem as
analogous to early Greek art, and especially to large-scale Geometric vas -
paintings, was received sceptically by many scholars. A priori, however,
there seems no reason why an epic poet (especially one whose own visual
imagination was so highly developed) should not have thought of his work
as a series of'panels* in a large-scale visual structure, as Myres argued.
Ring composition itself is certainly a fundamental technique of Homeric
epic (sec vol. v Introduction, pp. 44-8), and again there seems no a priori
reason why a poet should not use this technique (whether fully consciously
or not) in the construction of his whole work as well as in composing
episodes or scene . Myres drew attention to a series of remarkable corre-
spondences between the opening and closing sections of the Iliad. O f these,
the ones which have most impressed recent scholars are those between books
1 and 24, whereby the themes of book 1 are echoed in reverse order in the
final Book.4 But Myres also saw detailed parallelism between books 2 and
23, 3 and 22, and so on. Somewhat unexpectedly, however, he viewed book
9 as the centre-piece of the whole structure, and this involved some awk-
ward and unconvincing expansion and compression in other parts of his
overall schema ('Last book* 280).
A similar analysis, made independently of Myres, was attempted by
1 J. L. Myres, T h e last book of the Iliad\ JHS 52 (193a) 1264-96 (referred to here as 'Last
book'). An interesting earlier attempt to compare the Iliad's narrative structure with Geomet-
ric art was made by Fr. StahKn, *Der geometrische Stil in der Ilias', Phtlolo us 78 (1933)
780-301. He bases his theory to a large extent on the movements of the fighting to and fro
over the plain of Troy. By coincidence Thornton use» the ebb and ow of bait! as one of the
main criteria in her analysis of the poem's composition {Supplication 46-63 and 150-63),
although she does not seem to know of Stalin's analysis. For a more recent attempt to draw
analogies between the Iliad and late Geometric art, and between the Odyssey and early
Orientalizm art, see B Andreae and H. FUshar, 'Strukturaquivalenzen zwisthen den hom-
erischen Epen und der fruhgriechi*ehen Vasenkunst*, Poetiea 9.2 (1977) 217-65. They argue,
however, that the Iliad has a basically triadic structure (books 1 - 7 , 8 - 1 8 , 19-24).
1 Parallel verses were already noted in 1876 by R. Peppmuller in his ComrnenUtr d
tunatd&tm&gsUn Buc/us da Ilias (Berlin 1876). C. Rothe {Die Iltas als Dichiuxg, Paderborn
1910» 329) more perceptively used the parallelism in the acfon and time-scheme of the two
books as evidence for unity of composition. Cf. also Stahlin, op. cil 296 -301, and for other
forerunners of Myres cf. Beck, Stellung 53 n. 1. The parallelism between books 1 - 3 and 22-4
is already noted by C. M. Bowra, Tradition and Design in the Iliad (Oxford 1930) 15-17. After
Myres see especially Whitman, HHT 256-60, Beck, Steil rig 53-65, Reinhaidt, luD 63-8,
Lohm nn, rt 169-73, K acleod, Ili XXIV 32-4. Muell , II 64-5, 166-76. Silk, Iliad
38-9.
A
Whitman (HHT 249-84, and chart at end of book). His schema is more
evenly distributed, since he sees books 11 - 1 5 as the main central panel, with
9 answered by 16, 8 by 17, and so on. Once again, however, Whitman's
analogies with Geometric art, together with the fact that he pursued hi
analysis into such detail, led to his theory being given a sceptical reception.
The most recent exponent of this approach is R. Gordesiani, in Kriteri
der Schri/tlichkeit d Afu i hkeit t homerischen Epos (Frankfurt 1986) 26-67.
This makes book 12 central, with it balanced by 13, and so on. The
variations between these three scholars over the central section of the poem
re notable, suggesting that such theories become progr ively less satis-
factory as one approaches the central episodes.
It seems nevertheless worthwhile to review this type of analysis, and
above all to ask, if one accepts the comparison between books 1 and 24, how
far into the poem it might be justifiable to see such ring composition as
extending. Could it be carried right through, or is it most prominent at
beginning and end as a narrative frame, and if so, does it gradually fade out
as we approach the central part of the work? What follows is an attempt to
examine this question in more detail, but it should be treated as an explor-
atory essay of a somewhat speculative kind.
Book 1 is clearly marked off from what follows, just as book 24 stands
apart from what precedes to some extent (see on 2.1-2 and 24.1-21): they
form the Prologue and Epilogue to the work. Book 1 begins with a proem
referring to Akhilleus' wrath as the cause of many deaths, and to the
unburied bodies which were to be the prey of dogs and birds (1-5). Book
24 ends with the most famous example of these, Hektor, receiving burial.
As the poem begins with Akhilleus, so it ends with Hektor (1.!, 24.804). The
first scene of book 1 has been described as a miniature version of the main
plot (Schadew Idt, //« st ien 147-8; see also R . J . Rabel, AJP 109 (1988)
473-81): the dishonour shown by Agamemnon to Apollo's priest leads to
disaster (due to divine displeasure), and this is followed by aton ment nd
reconciliation. The theme of the old priest's supplication (here rejected) is
picked up in book 9, with the Embassy to Akhilleus, and this in turn is
echoed by Patroklo ' supplication of him in 16, but it is mirrored and
reversed most clearly in 24, when old Priam comes to Akhilleus and is
received by him, and this is emphasized by several close verbal echoes (see
on 24.501-2, 24.556-8, 24.560-2, 24.568-70, 24.571).
In book t the rejection of Khruses leads to the plague and funeral pyres
of the Greeks (1.50-2). Apollo, who sets the poem's action in motion
( i . 8 - i o ) , is here een as bringer of divine punishment and death. In book
24 Apollo again sets in motion the train of events (32-54), but this leads to
reconciliation and the partial restoration of moral order with the funeral of
Hektor. In both cases, however, Apollo shows himself to be a god concerned
A
with the moral qualities of pity and respect, for Khruses and for Hektor.
Moreover, his role at the beginning and end is not confined to these pas-
sages. In book I he appears in the central and final scenes, as god of
purification and healing, and of music and dance (313-17,430-74, 601-4),
and in 24 he is mentioned at the beginning (18-21) as the god who pre-
serves Hektor's body from disfigurement, and this is echoed once more near
the end in Hekabe's lament (757-9). In this last passage Apollo*s 'gentle
darts' bring death, but it is an honourable and beautiful one, in balanced
contrast with the terrible effect of his arrows in book 1 (43-52).*
The plague in book 1 leads to the quarrel of Akhilleus and Agamemnon
and the seizure of Briseis, and this in turn to Thetis' visit to her son.
Meanwhile the journey to Khruse to return Khruseis and appease Apollo
is described. Thetis then visits Zeus and begs for his help. Finally Here
quarrels with Zeus, and Hephaistos makes peace. The sequence is repeated
in reverse in 24: the dispute in heaven over Hektor's body, where Here
again leads the opposition, is followed by Zeus's summoning ofThetis, with
orders to Akhilleu to yield to entreaty, her visit to her son (sec on 126-42),
and finally by Priam's journey and the ransoming of Hektor (cf. Myres,
•Last book' 287-8 and fig. 8, Whitman, HHT 259, M cleod, Ilia XXIV
33). The opening theme of Agamemnon's violent conduct is divided be-
tween the scenes involving Khruseis and Briseis, who are to some extent
doublets (cf. Reinhardt, luD 42ff.), and this complicates the parallelism
with the last Book, but nevertheless the overall correspondences seem clear
enough.
T o these must be added a certain degree of parallelism in the time-
scheme of the two Books.* The plague lasts nine days, and on the tenth
Akhilleus summons an mbly (1.53-4). twelfth day after thi
Thetis visits Zeus and Here quarrels with Zeus (i.493ff.). In book 24 this
scheme is reversed: on the twelfth day (i.e. since Hektor's death: sec on 31)
the gods quarrel and debate the fate of the body. That night Priam visits
Akhilleus, nd at dawn next day he returns to Troy (695-7). The prepara-
tions for Hektor's pyre last nine days, and on the tenth the body is burnt
(664-5, 784—7; see on 660-7, nd 788-801 for further echoes of book 1).
Myres and Whitman went on to argue for a further correspondence of
days between books 2-8 and 11-23, but their counts do not tally with each
other. There is some confusion here, which seems due to the fact that the
three days of books 19-23 (Akhilleus* aristeia, Patroklos* funeral and the
Games) are to be included within the twelve-day period mentioned at 24.31
* Cf also 94.602-9, where Apollo and Artemii kill the Niobids, in punishment for Niobe's
boasting.
• Myres, 'Last book* 285-7, Whitman, HHT 257-8, Macleod, Iliad XXIV 32-5. Beck,
SUllu*£ 53ff., has useful criticism and discussion.
*
(see commcnt). One cannot therefore count these three days as parate and
parallel to the three days following book i, as Myres and Whitman do. It
does, however, look as if the poet may be echoing the time-scheme of the
opening Book at the close, at least in his emphasis on the periods of nine plus
one and twelve days. On its own this is not a particularly significant point,
given the tendency of Homeric epic to use these lengths of time elsewhere,
but it does add another element to the overall correspondences of the two
Books.
It is natural and appropriate that Homer should recapitulate motif and
scenes at the end in such a way as to reflect the opening of his poem and to
give a sense of closure, especially in relation to the major themes of quarrel
and reconciliation, anger and appeasement, supplication rejected and re-
ceived. It is possible that the ending of the Odyssey (whether part of the
original composition or not) is similarly designed to echo some of the
leading themes of the opening episodes.7 Moreover, the prominence of
Apollo at the beginning and end of the Ili d may be partly p r lleled by
his role at the climax of the Odyssey% where the killing of the suitors occurs
on the feast-day of the archer-god (20.276-8, 21.265-8). It would be
tempting to see this as a sign that the poems could have been designed for
recitation at one of the great festivals of Apollo, such as the Delian one
described in the Homeric Hymn to Apollo (146-76, and cf. Wade-Gery, Poet
of Iliad 16-17), but of course other occasions arc possible (sec vol. iv,
Introduction, p. 38).
That book 2 is broadly paralleled by book 23 is less obvious, but seems
nonetheless true. After the compressed and dramatic narrative of book 1,
the pace slows almost to a halt, and the focus 1 broadened to encompass the
armies as a whole, and especially the Greek army, its leaders and its men,
their actual statistics (in the C t logue of Ships) and their morale. As with
much of the material in books 2-7, we are looking back here towards the
beginning of the Trojan War, the portent at Aulis and the marshalling of
the ships, and over its subsequent course. Book 23 (although different in
general tone from book 2) again gives us a final panorama o the Greeks
and their leaders, and as with much of the material in the later parts of the
poem, it anticipates developments beyond the end of the poem, especially
in some of the events of the Games (see on 262-897). A specific link between
these two Books is the fact that the main action of both is sparked off by a
dream scene, in book 2 the deceptive Dream ent by Zeus to Agamemnon
(x —36), in 23 the dream of Akhilleus in which Patroklos' ghost tells him to
bury his body as soon as po Mble, nd speaks of Akhilleus' own imminent
' Cf. Myra, ' L u t book' 267; Heubeck on 04. 34.413-548. 451-62,472-88. For • survey
of views on the ending of the Odyssey cf. S. West, 'Laertes revisited', PCPS 215 (1989) 113-43.
A ofr/->»-1 I r\»- -mti '»I i f n r r I i m

Structure an themes
death (62-108). These are the only extended dream scenes in the Ilia (un-
1 we count 24.682-9, which ' not actually said to be a dream; 10.496-7
and 22.199-201 are brief references), whereas they are commoner in the
Odyssey. Their r rity in the Hi strengthens the case for seeing a parallel-
ism between them, as a marker of the balance between these two Books.1
T h e correspondences between books 3 and 22 are much closer. The duel
of Paris and Menelaos, which needs to be considered together with its
immediate sequel, the breach of the truce by Pandaros in book 4, takes us
back to the origins of the War, with the conflict between the two contestants
for Helen, and the original guilt of the Trojans as accomplices of Paris is
echoed within the poem in Pandaros* treachery (cf. especially 4.155-68,
where Agamemnon predicts their ultimate punishment by Zeus). With this
inconclusive affair we should contrast the duel of Akhilleus and Hektor,
which seals Troy's fate. But there are more specific links which suggest that
the poet may be aware of what he is doing here. Book 3 begins with Paris
coming forward boldly to i sue a challenge to fight, but retreating in dismay
at the sight of Menelaos, like a man seeing a snake in the mountain-glens
(15-37). Hektor rebukes him, and he then offers to fight a duel with Helen's
former husband (38-75). In 22 Hektor waits to fight Akhilleus outside the
Scaean gate, undeterred by the pleas of his parents, like a deadly mountain-
snake waiting in its lair to attack a man (93-7; see comment), but when
Akhilleus comes nearer he flees (131—7). Again the two imiles act as
signposts for the parallelism between the two duels, and the scene in 22
gains in irony by comparison with 3, where Hektor rebuked Paris for his
cowardice.
At 3.12iff. Iris comes to Helen, disguised as a daughter of Priam, and
finds her at home weaving a tapestry depicting the sufferings of the Trojans
and Greeks on her behalf. She invites her to come and watch the duel
from the walls, and Helen goes out, wearing her veil, and shedding a
tear, accompanied by two maids, to the Scaean gate. There follows the
Teikhoskopia, where she joins Priam and the other elders and identifies
some of the Greek leaders for him (146-244). In book 22 Priam again
watches from the walls (25ff., where 46-8 re cmblc 3.236-8). After
Hektor's death he and Hekabe lament him (405-36), while Andromakhe,
unaware of his death, is at home weaving a decorative tapestry (440-1
* It is natural that nearly all of the heroes, including some minor ones, who compete in the
Games should be mentioned in the Catalogue of Ships; only Epeios is not. But it is possibly
igni cant that at the end of the Achaean Catalogue th poet hould pause to dtscuss who were
the best horses and men, and in doing §0 should single out those of Eumeios (763-7; cf.
713-15). Both Eumeios and his hones only reappear in the chariot-race (23.288^.). If this
passage in book 2 1 an anticipation of the Games it is also appropriate that in the following
passage the poet should describe how Akhilleus* Myrmidons console their inactivity with
athletic exercises {773-5).
8
Structure and them s
echoes 3.125-6). Hearing the lamentation she rushes out, telling two of her
maids to come with her, and when she reaches the wall and sees Hektor
dead he faints, and her head-dress and veil fall from her head (437-74).
She then recovers and utters her own lament (475-515). There is a poignant
contrast here between the unhappy woman in book 3 who was the cause of
the War, and who wishes she and her present husband were dead, and the
innocent wife in 22 whose fate is linked so closely to that of Troy's defender.
In book 3 the Teikhoskopia is followed by the solemn ceremony of
oath-taking between Agamemnon and Priam, laying down condition for
the duel, including the return of Helen and her property and further
compensation by the Trojans if Menelaos wins (245-302). Priam then
leaves, unable to bear to see the fight (303-13). In 22 Hektor debates
whether to return Helen and the property, and offer in addition to divide
all Troy's wealth between the two sides, but rejects this as useless (111-30).
When he confronts Akhilleus he proposes that they make a divinely sanc-
tioned pact that the victor will return the body of his enemy, but Akhilleus
replies that no such agreements or oaths are conceivable between them
(254-69), and he again rejects Hektor's final plea for burial (337-54). In
books 3 - 4 the Trojans are morally on the wrong footing with regard to their
oaths, whereas in 22 it is Akhilleus who, in rejecting the normal conventions
of war and in his subsequent mistreatment of the body, will eventually
arouse the gods' displeasure (cf. 22.356-60, 24.23-76, 24.107-19). The
ceremonial formality of the duel in 3 (cf. also the duel between Aia and
Hektor in 7) contrasts with the complete lack of such formality in 22.
At the end of the duel in book 3 Paris is rescued by Aphrodite, concealed
in a cloud, and Menelaos is left vainly searching for htm (380-461). There
follows a debate in heaven over Troy's fate (4.1-74), involving a proposal
by eus for a peaceful solution, countered by Here's violent protest. This
leads to Athene's deception of Pandaros (75-104). These motifs of divine
rescue, debate, and deceit recur a number of times els where, and so it may
be less significant, but it is still interesting that we find them at the end of
book 2! and in 22. Here Agenor, whose duel with Akhilleus anticipates
Hektor's in various ways, is rescued by Apollo, who decoys Akhilleus into
vainly pursuing Apollo himself (21.595-605; 21.597-8 ~ 3.380-2). In 22
Zeus propos to rescue Hektor, but Athene protests strongly and he yields
to her, as he had yielded to Here in book 4 (22.166-87; 22.185 ~ 4-37»
22.186-7 = 4.73-4). Athene then deceives Hektor into facing Akhilleus
(226-305). In both cases the various divine manoeuvres are designed to
bring a stage cl r Troy's eventual fall. It is also striking that the motif of
divine rescue, which is used to dose the duel in book 3, should occur to the
poet at the end of 21, just be/ore the duel with Hektor, at point where it
has much less functional significance than some of the other motifs we have
A o fr /-> »-1 /-» I r\»- -mti 'ÎI i f n r r I irvi

Structure and th mes
considered, as well as in the course of 22 itself, where rescue is proposed but

rejected.
The rest of book 4 consists of preliminaries to the first clash of both
armies, with Agamemnon's review of his troops and leaders, which seems
to be a further stage of the process of general survey of the armies seen in
book 2 and the Teikhoskopia (cf. 4.223-421 with comments). Finally battle
is joined (422-544). The next major episode, however, is the ariiteia of
Diomedes in book 5. It has often been observed that Diomedes is a more
straightforward and les tragic counterpart to Akhilleus (cf. Reinhardt, luD
124), and his exploits here resemble in various respects those of Akhilleus in
books 20-1, the corresponding section at the end of the poem.
In particular, both heroes have duels with Aineias, ending with Aineias'
divine rescue (5.166-453, 20.158-339), both fight with gods, and in both
cases the pro-Greek gods triumph in conflict with th pro-Trojan ones. The
Aineias episodes naturally evoke other parallels, such as the references to his
ancestors Tros and Ganymede, and the divine Trojan horses (5.221-3,
5.260-73. 20.221-35), and there are parallels of phrasing in the duels
themselves (see on 5.167, 5.302-10, 5 . 3 1 1 - 1 2 , 20.259-352, 20.285-7,
20.288-91, 20.319).
There arc, however, even closer resemblances between the scenes in 5
and 21 where Aphrodite and Ares are wounded (5 330-430, 5.711-909,
21.385-434; cf. also 21.505-14). In 5 Aphrodite is wounded by Diomedes
with Athene's aid and Athene and Here exult over her, and in 21 with
Here's support she is knocked out by Athene, who triumphs over her. In 5
Aphrodite is then consoled on M l Olumpos by her mother Dione, a motif
obliquely echoed by Zeus's consolation of Artemis in 21 (505-14, where
509-10 = 5.373-4). In 5 Here and Athene prepare, with Zeus's permis-
ion, to fight Ares, and Diomedes and Athene together wound Ares, who
goes to Zeus to complain. In the Theomachy the gods are fighting with
eus's expre permission (20.23-5), and Ares is knocked out by Athene in
a scene which explicitly echoes the one in 5: Ares angrily recalls his earlier
defeat at 21.396-9, and his treachery in helping the Trojans instead of the
Greeks is mentioned in both cases (5.832-4, 21.412-14).
The ignominious treatment of these pro-Trojan deities in both episodes is
contrasted with the dignity of Apollo. In 5 he warns Diomedes that mortals
should not try to fight against gods, and rescues Aineias, setting him down
in his temple at Pergamon and creating an image of him to be fought over
(432-53). In 21 he refuses to fight Poseidon, saying that it is absurd for gods
to fight over mere mortals (461-7), and at the end of the Theomachy he
enters Troy to protect it, persuades Agenor to face Akhilleus, and then
rescues him and enables the Trojans to escape (515-17, 538-611).
Thes parallels between the two oris ai of Diomedes and Akhilleus can
10
be explained as due to the general thematic resemblances of the two epi-

sodes, and one can view the Theomachy in 20-1 as echoing the earlier
conflicts of the gods in 5. A further thematic link (suggested by Myres,
'Last book* 281-2) is less obvious, but worth considering: the tailpiece to
Diomedes' aristeia is his meeting with Glaukos in book 6, ending with
the exchange of arms, where Diomedes gains gold armour for bronze
(6.234-6). This motif of the hero's acquisition of new golden armour, which
here comes at the end of his most successful exploits, in the case of Akhilleus
precedes and heralds his entry to battle, with the creation of the new divine
armour by Hephaistos in book 18. T h e episode in 6 is relatively minor
and has puzzled scholars (see on 6.234-6), whereas the theme is greatly
expanded in 18, but it may be that the thematic links between Diomedes
and Akhilleus have helped to suggest its introduction in book 6. In terms of
ring composition the appearance of this motif after Diomedes' aristeia and
before that of Akhilleus would fit the overall hema well. f
After the battle scenes of books 5 - 6 come Hektor's visit to Troy and his
meetings with his mother Hekabe, Helen and Paris, and Andromakhe. In
structural terms these quieter, domestic episodes may be counterbalanced
by the scenes in books 18-19 in the Greek camp, of Thetis' second visit
to Akhilleus (leading to her vi it to Hephaistos), the reconcili tion of
Agamemnon and Akhilleus, and the accompanying laments for Patroklos.
In both cases we are made acutely aware that the leading heroes them-
elves, Hektor and Akhilleus, are soon to die (cf. 6.367-8,6.407-93,18.94-
126, 19.408-24), and both accept this fact in similar words (cf. especially
6.486-9, 18.115-21). We see both heroes reactin to the emotional pres
sures of those most dear to them. Akhilleus has no wife or children with him
at Troy, but in lamenting Patroklos he also thinks of his father and son, back
at home (19.321-37). Hektor's preoccupation with his pressing duty as a
oldier is such that he refuses hi mother's offer of wine and Helen's of a
seat (6.258-68, 6.354-62), as Akhilleus, because of his grief for Patroklos,
refuses to eat until he has fought, although here this motif assumes far
greater significance (19.199-214, 19.303-8).
After book 6 the case for structural correspondences of this kind becomes
less strong. Book 7 contains the formal duel of Hektor and Aias, followed by
a truce for burial of the dead of both sides and the building of the Achaean
Wall. The first day of fighting ends (undramatically) at 7.380, and the truce
occupies two more days (see on 7.433). Book 8 covers one more whole day
of fighting. It begins with the momentous decree of Zeus forbidding the
* Other possible links are the parallel glorification by Athene of Diomedes at 5.1-8 and
Akhilleus at 18.203-31, and the echo at a 1.462-6 of the simile comparing men to leaves at
6.146-9.
If
A ofr/->»-1 I r\»- -mti 'ÎI i f n r r I i m

gods to intervene, which is lifted in book 20. Battle is joined and fortunes
fluctuate, but after Here nd Athene have been pr vented from helping the
Greeks the Trojans are dominant and the plan of 7eus is clearly taking
effect (cf. especially Zeus's prophecy at 470-83). The scene is set for the
Embassy to Akhilleus in book 9.
As Kirk observes (vol. u, pp. 230-1,293), by contrast with what precedes
books 7 and 8 seem les clearly motivated within the poem's design, al-
though the building of the Wall is an important preliminary to the great
central battle, and book 8 does move the plot an important stage further
forward. In terms of overall ring composition one might well be inclined to
see Akhilleus* rejection of the Embassy in book 9 as answered (to some
extent) by 16, where he allows Patroklos to fight (Whitman, HHT279-83).
The opening scene of 9, where Agamemnon weeps like a dark spring
(13-15), ' echoed in the simile describing Patroklos' tears (16.2-4), a
marker which could be regarded as similar to the two dreams in 2 and 23,
or the similes at the beginning of 3 and 22. Akhilleus' renewal of his
complaint about Agamemnon (16.49-63: see comments) clearly echoes
book 9 (especially 644-55), a n d when the first ship is fired he allows
Patroklos to fight, again mindful of his promis to Aias in 9 (16.122-9).
At the same time, Akhilleus' rejection of Agamemnon's offer in 9 is not
finally reversed until their meeting in 19, and equally the fighting in 16,
especially the major duels of Patroklos with Sarpedon and Hektor, if they
do have a structural counterpart in the earlier books, could possibly find
this in the duel of Aias and Hektor in 7.10 We are then left with the
narratives of more general fighting in 8 and 17, both of which broadly show
the Greeks under increasingly severe pressure, and both have a similar
function. As 8 prepares for the plea to Akhilleus in 9, 0 1 7 sets the scene for
Akhilleus' final entry into battle, whose prologue occurs in 18 (cf. 165-238).
The scene with which 8 ends, however, the Trojan assembly on the plain
by night, in which Hektor confidently predicts the defeat of the Greeks, is
only answered or balanced at 18.243-314 (see comments), the correspond-
ing assembly at nightfall where he refuses to take Pouludamas' advice to
withdraw into Troy (18.303-4 = 8.530-1; cf. Whitman, HHT 277-8).
Thus in these parts of the poem it would still be theoretically possible to
discover certain major corresponding episodes, but the sequence would
become less regular. We have now reviewed the first nine and last nine
books, leaving only the interlude of the Doloneia and books 11-15.
1 1 - 1 2 the Greeks suffer a scries of major reverses, with the wounding of
several leaders, Hektor's aristeia, and the battle for the Wall. In 13-14 they
enjoy a respite and some majo successes, aided by Poseidon and Here's
lt Cf. or example Gordcsiani, Kriterien drr Sckrifllkkkeit 32-3, 44-6.
12
A
Structure and them s
deception of Zeus, until Hektor is eventually knocked out by Telamonian

Aias and the Trojans flee. This process is again reversed in 15 after Zeus has
awoken, when further prophetic speech by Zeus (49-77) looks forward as
far as the capture of Troy. This is echoed by another programmatic passage
at 592-614, and it marks the beginning of a major forward movement in
the plot, which then advances without any more large-scale retardations
until the end of the poem. Meanwhile the other main strand of the plot has
been spun between books 11 and 15, with Patroklos' mission to Nestor and
consequent delay to help Eurupulos (11.596-848), resumed at 15.390-405
when he sets off to return to Akhilleus' hut. Book 15 builds up to a great
climax (rather as 12 does, but still more intensely), with the aristeia of
Telamonian Aias, as the Greeks are forced back step by step to the defence
of the ships, culminating in repeated calls by the leaders of both sides to
fight harder (especially 484ff., 56off., 66iff., 773ff.), and a great eries of
similes (592-636). There is o strong break at the end of this Book and the
battle for the ships continues directly at i6.i02ff., after the dialogue o
Patroklos and Akhilleus.11
This surely illustrates the important fact that any structural correspon-
dences such as have been suggested here between the earlier and later parts
of the poem must be seen as in counterpoint with the main forward move-
ment of the narrative, which works in a series of increasing waves, with
peaks and corresponding troughs between them. The difference depends on
whether one considers the poem from a static, visual point of view (as in
Myres' and Whitman's theories), or from a dynamic and aural one. An
audience unfamiliar with the work can only do the latter, but a composer
who has developed and expanded his work gradually over a long period of
time can do both. In fact, it is probably best to view any ring-composition
theory of this kind from the standpoint of the poet who is operating on th
level both of detailed composition and also of large-scale planning. In doing
the latter he will naturally take most care over the opening and closing parts
of his work, where consequently we find the clearest correspondences, pro-
viding the narrative 'frame' (cf. Whitman, HHT 258-9, Mueller, Ilia 175,
Silk, Iliad 39).
Thus we begin with the intensely compressed action of book 11 followed
by the broader, panoramic view of 2. The focus then narrows to the duel
and its aftermath in 3-4, and this is followed by the major battle sequence
in 5 in which the first aristeia is described and Greek natural supremacy is
emphasized. Then come the quieter but emotionally charged episodes in
Troy which arise from this, and so on. The poet is working with large-scale
11 For the structure of booki 1 1 - 1 5 sec also on 11.426-7 ( 1 1 - 1 3 seem to form 'some kind
ofinternal unit*) and on 14.1-152, 15.263-404.
«3
Structure and th mes
blocks of scenes of contrasting character, just as he constantly maintains

variety of pace and tone at a more detailed level. T h e overall pattern of the
poem seems to fall broadly into three main sections or 'panels', the opening
one with Akhilleus' withdrawal, leading up to book 9, the central Books of
the great battle, whether we sec thi as running from 11 to Patroklos'
intervention in 16 or (perhaps more convincingly) from n to 18, and the
clos'ng section involving Akhilleus* return to fight. In terms of the poem's
larger theme of the War as a whole, the first part is to some extent retrospec-
tive and the last is prospective, and the balance and contrasts are clearest
between the opening and closing sections.
The visual analogies suggested by the ring-composition theory are, as had
been said, only one type of approach. Given the fundamentally formular
character of Homeric composition, certain leading themes will tend to recur
several times throughout a large-scale composition, and here compari on
with musical motifs (or leitmotifs) also can be relevant. 1 * It has been the
special merit of Schadewaldt and Reinhardt and their followers that they
have concentrated attention on the significance of such recurrent themes,
the interrelationships between different episodes which they suggest, and
the effects of foreshadowing and anticipation which they involve (vol. v, pp.
7 - 1 0 ) . Typical motifs and themes have already been considered in vol. n
(pp. 15-27), and composition by theme is discussed in vol. v (pp. 1 1 - 2 3 ) . "
Something more, however, needs to be said briefly in conclusion about the
poem's major themes and their development.
(II) Themes
Any ttempt to categori e such themes 1 bound to be somewhat arbitrary

and impressionistic, even more so than in the case of analyses of structure.
Nevertheless, such analysis can be illuminating, whether it is purely inter-
nal, considering only the poem itself, or comparative, identifying narrative
motifs and patterns shared with other literary works.
The primary theme of the Iliad is stated in the opening lines: it is the
wrath of Akhilleus and its fatal results (1.6-7). T h e Ilia is concerned
with passion (TTA6OS, both emotion and suffering), whereas the Odyssey's
ubject is said to be 6v6pa . . . TroXCrrpoTTOV, a man, his character (f$os)
and his experiences, although these too involve suffering. The Iliad takes its
1 1 This suggests one of the dangers inherent in any approach which tries to carry ring
composition too far, if this involves singling out particular episodes as significantly b 1 need at
the expense of others of a similar type: for example, the duels in 7 and 16, as opposed to those
of 16 and 22 which also have close links with each other.
11 Cf. also Edwards, HPf 7 - 1 2 and 61-70, and 'Tcfos and transformation in Homer', in
Bremer, HBOP 47-60
14
Stru ture and th mes
beginning from the quarrel of Agamemnon and Akhilleus (1.6-7), tracing

the immediate cause of this and following its consequences. Passion leads to
strife, in this case a form of O T A O I S within the Greek army, due to a dispute
over a woman. This theme mirrors the cause of the Trojan War itself, the
passion of Paris for Helen, which led to the strife between Greeks and
Trojans. Similar processes are at work both internally (within one society)
and externally (between different peoples). Attempts to mend the quarrel
of the Greek leaders are as fruidess as efforts to resolve the War peacefully,
and whole nations suffer from the passions of their rulers (as Horace says in
his summary of the Iliad's significance in Epist. 1.2.6-16). The leading
theme of the poem is thus linked closely to the broader theme which makes
it an Hi , the Trojan War as a whole. In both ca s, the outcome f strife
is the death of many on both sides (1.3-5). Passion, war, and death are the
basic ingredients which go to make up much of this work.
The opening lines, however, also introduce another essential element: the
poet begins by asking a goddess to sing of the wrath, and concludes the
proem with 4and the plan of Zeus was fulfilled* (1.5). The narrative of the
quarrel starts by asking, not what human action sparked it off, but 'which of
the gods* (1.8). Behind the sufferings of mortals lies the will of the gods, and
only divine inspiration can enable the singer to know what are the hidden
springs of human action. The relationship of gods and men is as much a
theme of the poem as the ones we have already identified. Moreover, it is
closely linked to these, incc death and immortality are oppo ite sides of a
ingle concept, and this is what divides men and gods most fundamentally.
This boundary is more clearly marked in the Iliad than in other early Greek
epics.
Divine will governs the order of the world, and this order is defined in
terms of such concepts as uoipa, a word most often used in the Iliad in the
context of a man's life and death, but one which can also be applied more
generally to aspects of human society and its ordering. Thus from the
specific theme of gods and men we move on naturally to the broader issues
of social order and heroic ethics, such themes as honour (TiuVj), respect
(a(6cb$) and pity (EXeo$), and the conventions governing behaviour between
different classes of people, men and women, rulers and ruled, Greeks and
non-Greeks, old and young, one's family, (fivoi, suppliants, and so on.
These ethical issues take us beyond the specific terms of the Iliad's story (in
contrast to others), but they help to define the limits within which it
operates. The working-out of the consequences of passion, war and strife
is en very much in ethical terms. How f r particular form of conduct,
such as those of Agamemnon and Akhilleus, Hektor and Paris, Patroklos
and others, are justified, the nature of human responsibility for error, the
operation of what Homeric poetry describes as frrn, and the processes of
«5
Structure and th m s
restitution, reconciliation and atonement: all of these are ethical issues

fundamental to the poem, and help to give it its moral character. Ultimately,
it is surely to a large extent these aspects, together with the poet's insight
into human character, which lead us to regard this as one of the greatest
works of European literature still today.
Although the Iliad encompasses the Trojan War as a whole together with
many earlier events, and although the poet's geographical terms of refer-
ence are wide, the essential plot is highly concentrated. In this resp ct it is
very different from the Odyssey. It covers the events of a limited number of
days, and its main scenery i the plain of Troy, which (like the battlefields
of northern France in the First World War) has few features or landmarks.
The starkness of the setting is impressive: the destructive forces of War have
obliterated nearly all creative aspects of nature and landscape. It has been
observed too that there is hardly any 'weather' in the poem's action, beyond
the monotonous recurrence of sunris , noon and sunset, the welcome respite
of nightfall and the ominous return of dawn, and the supernatural phe-
nomena of thunder and lightning, eerie mists blotting out the battlefield, or
bloody rain, all signs of divine involvement in the conflict.
The range of dramatis ersona of the action itself is also limited almost
entirely to the distant world of gods and heroes, warriors whose life seems
to be devoted mainly to fighting. It is very noticeable in this respect how
relatively slight and debatable are the differentiating marks which might
distinguish th Greeks from their eastern enemies, the Trojans and their
allies.14 The main distinction on the human level is not between Greeks and
oreigners, but between different levels of society, rulers and ruled (PamXfjes
and dtûos). We sec very little of the latter in the Iliad. The only really
•unheroic' characters are Thersites and Dolon, and even they may perha s
belong rather to the 'upper' than the 'lower' classes (see comment on 2.212).
Both names suggest that they represent types. The scenes involving them
offer interludes of comic relief. They are dose in tone and content to the
Odyss , and it is significant that Odysseus is prominent in both of them. The
episode with Thersites resembles the boxing-match in which he beats up the
beggar Iros (Od. 18.1-107; *** a k ° o n 23*7®4)i the Doloneia displays
his special Odyssean skills in deception. In the Games for Patroklos we meet
a similar comic character from a lower order of society, Epeios (the carpen-
ter of the Wooden Horse) in the boxing and weight-throwing events (see on
653-99,665,840). In general, however, in the poem's action on the human
level we do not find the range of characters which appears in the Odyssey,
such as slaves, farmers, craftsmen and merchants, and which makes that
poem seem so much closer to the life of the poet's own day. Even priests or
** Cf. the scepticism of Hall, Barbarian, especially 19-55; hut for some possible differences
between the two d see on 31.130-2, 24495-7, 24.719-22 (para. 4).
16
Ao l A f i n l rsh rM-tirii-M r \ r ~\rv"i 1 1 ifr/-\ -»I i m

seers often appear in the Iliad only to be killed, and may themselves be
aristocratic.
This bleak concentration of theme and focus is to some extent relieved by
the similes, with their vivid and refreshing vignettes of the world of the poet
and his audience, the peaceful, everyday world of Ionia in the eighth
century B.C., filled with such a wealth of details of landscape, weather,
country and domestic life, and so on. The Shield of Akhilleus also gives us
a microcosm of the contemporary world, in its main aspects of war and
peace, countryside and town. The poignant domestic scenes of life in Troy
and of Hektor's family add great depth, but essentially they heighten the
path of the War, with all its human loss. Hektor's impending death hangs
heavy over his meetings with his family in book 6. O n the Greek side we
have the shadowy figures of the captive women, among whom only Brise"
is briefly but movingly characterized (1.348, 19.282-302), and the many
moving references to the families who have been left at home. These reach
their culmination in the meeting between Priam and Akhilleus in book 24,
where the theme of fathers and sons, important throughout, is most power-
fully represented by Priam's appeal (see on 24.486-506, and vol. v, p. 10).
As a foil to the bleakness of the human tragedy there is the 'divine
comedy' of Olympian society, with its scenes of family quarrels and feuds.
Without such contrasts the endless tale of killing would seem unbearable.
Yet even the gods, for all their apparent freedom from care, are in fact
inextricably and p ionately involved in human affairs, and are themselves
deeply affected by the sufferings of those whom they love (cf. especially
Griffin, HLD 179-204).
We have briefly reviewed the broader thematic outlines of the poem:
passion and its moral effects (ir68os and fiBos), war and peace, gods and
men, Achaeans and their enemies. Within thi framework we might ask
whether it is possible to define certain leading motifs (or 'narrative pat-
terns') which recur ignificantly throughout the work and help to give the
poem its shape. This may well be an even more subjective venture than our
speculat'ons so far, but nevertheless worth the attempt.
The Trojan War itself begins with the abduction of a woman, and this
motif is repeated in the quarrels of K h niseis and Briseis, involving the anger
of (successively) Apollo, Agamemnon and Akhilleus. This pattern occurs
also in the story of Demeter and the rape of Persephone. Both Demeter nd
Akhilleus withdraw in anger, causing devastation. Attempts are made to
appease them with offers of recompense, but these fail. Eventually they do
return, and there is a reconciliation with the offending parties.11 This
narrative pattern governs the plot of the Iliad up to book 19. Interwoven
*
Cf. M. L. Lord, 'Withdrawal and return: an epic «tory pattern in the Homeric Hymn to
14
Demeter and in the Homeric Poemi\ CJ 6a (1967) »41-8; Edwardj, HPI 6a,
«7
A ofr/->»-1 I r\»- - m t i ii f I i m
Structure and th m s
with it is another major theme, that of the death of the hero's closest friend,
his grief and subsequent vengeance: this strand of the story effectively
begins with book 11 and takes us up to book 22 or 23 (Edwards, HPI8-9,
63). It is this above all which gives the plot its most tragic quality. T h e story
could well have ended there, with Hektor's death or Patroklos' burial, but
the typical theme of the fate of a dead warrior's body is here developed into
a remarkable conclusion, with Priam's visit to Akhilleus to recover his son's
corps (Edwards, HPI 9 - 1 o, 79-81).
These three themes are, however, themselves closely linked by repeated
patterns. All three involve grief or anger at the loss of a loved one (Helen,
Khruseis, Briseis; Patroklos, Hektor), the infringement of honour which
this implies, and the need to recover what has been lost (although in the
case of Patroklo and Hektor this can only be the body). In the case of the
women and Patroklos anger and grief lead to vengeance and the desire for
compensation.
A motif which recurs significantly throughout is that of supplication, and
this has been seen by some as one of the key themes of the poem (cf.
especially Thornton, Su plication 113-42). In book 1 the rejected supplica-
tion of Agamemnon by Khruses leads to his prayer to Apollo for vengeance,
and Akhilleus' request to Thetis leads to her successful supplication of Zeus.
In 9 the Embassy, although not originally seen as supplication, is viewed in
these terms by Phoinix and Diomedes (9.501, 9.502-12, 9.698): this again
fails. In 16, however, Akhilleus yields to Patroklos' plea to pity the Greeks,
to the extent that he allows him to fight instead. Finally, having refused
Hektor's repeated requests for burial in book 22 (the culmination of all the
'suppliant scenes* which occur in the actual fighting), he gives way at last
to Priam.
Agathe Thornton argues that this motif is closely linked to the theme of
Arrj. Agamemnon is a victim of this because of his treatment of Khruses
and Akhilleus, and Akhilleus because of his own refusal to give way to the
Embassy. This leads to the involvement of Patroklos (cf. especially 11.602-
4). Patroklos too fails to heed Akhilleus' warning not to attack Troy, and is
implicated in the process as a largely innocent victim, and equally Hektor
is doomed because he refuses the advice of Pouludamas in book 18. These
examples take us beyond the suppliancy theme itself. But the close associa-
tion between Prayers (AiTal) and Ate is clearly expressed in Phoinix' speech
to Akhilleus (9.496-514), where he describes how Prayers are the daughters
of ,eu himself, who come fter Ate to heal the harm; if one hears them they
help one, but if one rejects them they ask Zeus to send Ate as retribution.
This clear warning is not heeded by Akhilleus, who loses Patroklos as
a result. But in the end, after his reconciliation with Agamemnon and
Hektor's death, he accepts the orders of Zeus (himself the guardian of
18
Aof/M-inl rsh rM-tirii-M r \ r ~\rv"i 1 1 ifr/-\ -»I i m

Structu e d them s
suppliants) to hear the prayers of Priam (cf. Thornton, Supplication 135-6,

140-1). This theme of suppliancy thus does much to articulate nd shape
the main movement of the plot, as well as carrying great weight in terms of
the poem's moral significance.
Finally, Akhilleus' rejection and later acceptance of the claims upon him
of his fellow-men highlight another essential aspect of the poem, that of the
isolation of this hero from society, which is linked to hi fore nowledge of
impending death. This theme was to have powerful repercussions in later
Greek literature, especially in the tragedies of Sophocles, several of whose
heroes seem to have inherited from Akhilleus their own rugged and solitary
grandeur.
T o isolate, as we have done, certain themes in this way from the com-
plexity of such a vast work is clearly a highly selective process, and it would
be possible to argue that the poem's significance depends as much on other
factors as it does on these. One might object that more weight should be
given to the themes ofhonour (TIM^) and fame (KAIOS), which are fundamental
to heroic narrative, and which govern the behaviour of all the leading
characters in the poem. Alternatively, in stressing the emotional and moral
aspects, have we failed to give due value to the role of the poem as a histon a
document in antiquity, and one with great patriotic appeal? One can point
in this respect to certain crucial themes, such as the extraordinary concept
of a single, united expedition of Greek peoples against their eastern neigh*
bours in the heroic age, the strains and stresses involved in holding this
together, the lack of clarity over the expedition's overall command, and the
resulting clash of leaders with different claims to pre-eminence. The picture
which the Hi presents is in this respect curiously imilar to that of the
Odyssey, where settled government is disrupted by the absence of the titular
ruler of Ithac and the issue of succession to the kingship is unclear. It is
hard to believe that such situations have no historical basis, and th*s suspi-
cion * confirmed by Hesiod, whose Works and Days is remarkably outspoken
against the local rulers, who are portrayed as corrupt and greedy (cf. for
example his 6copo$dyous paatXfJas of Erga 38-9 with the accusation that
Ag memnon i a tr\uop6po$ PoaiAars at //. 1.231). By contrast, Hesiod's
picture of the honest peasant farmer and his lazy, dishonest brother has its
d o e counterpart in the loyal and disloyal retainers of Odysseus.
Such historical or semi-historical issues are, however, rather shared be-
tween the Ilia and Odyssey than peculiar to one poem. Further discussion
of them would be beyond the scope of this Introduction, but see J. B.
Hainsworth, vol. ra (pp. 32-53).
»9
2* Two pedal problem
(i) Book division
There is no pos'tive evidence that the division of the Iliad or Odyssey into
twenty-four books, numbered with the letters of the Ionic alphabet, was
made before the Alexandrian period. In the fifth and fourth centuries B.C.
several authors refer to episodes or sections of both poems by titles, such as
Aioirf)&€os AptCTTclT) (Hdt. 2.116, quoting 6.289-92), iK^-nrpov -rrapdSoois,
Ncaw Kcrr6Xoyo5 (Thuc. 1.9.4, | - IO -4)t Arrctl, Tnxonaxla (PI. Crat. 428c,
Ion 539s), 'AAkIVOV ¿riT6Aoyos (PL Rep. 614B, Arist. Po t. 145532, Rhet.
1417a 13), Nhrrpa (Arist. Poet. i454b3o). It i ignificant that Herodotu
quotes part of book 6 as from Diomedes' arisleia (which is the title of book
5 in our MSS), and that the reference in the Po It s to the *story told to
Alkinoos' is not to part of Odyssey 9 - 1 2 , but to Od. 8.52 iff. This indicates
that in the classical period such titles did not correspond with our book-
divi "ons, and taken by it If th' tend to suggest either that the div* ion
was not yet made, or that if it was, it was not so widely used as to affect the
older division by episodes.1*
The evidence of the Ptolemaic papyri b hard to assess.17 There b nothing
to m rk the end or beginnin of a book of Homer in surviving papyri of the
third or second century B.C., but few contain the junction between two
books, and the left-hand margin is complete in only one case. In two papyri
of the Odyssey, thought to belong to the second half of the third century B.C.,
the beginning of a roll or column apparently corresponded with Od. 9.1 and
21.1, and the second of these may possibly have contained only book 21. A
few (3 or 4?) imilar cases are thought to occur in the later Ptolemaic period,
but not all of these are certain. On the other hand, from the first century
A.D. onward the end of a book b regularly marked by a coronb and tide.
Moreover, the first attestation of book-numbering in Alexandrian scholar-
ship is in the late second century B.C., the Commentary on E (book 14) of
Apollodorus of Athens (cf. Erbse m 557).
The only ancient authors who attribute the divbion of the poems into 24
books to particular scholars are Ps.-PIutarch (Vita Horn. 2.4) and Eustathius
(5«29ff.). The first makes it the work of T&V ypauMorriKwv TWV mpl
*Apl<rrapxov» the econd (whose whole account is confused) fAristarchus
and after him Zenodotus*. Against Ps.-Plutarch's attribution to Aristarchus
10A long catalogue of such tides for episodes is given by Aelian ( V H 1314)-
" Cf. Wot, Ptolemaic P pyri 20-3.
20
Two special problems
(or Aristophanes) it has been argued that they would surely have made Od.
23.296 the end of a book, since they regarded th* as the 'end of the Od ss
But this would have resulted in a book of only 296 verses, which could well
have been regarded too short. Lachmann nd Wilamowitz a ued that
the division was made by Zenodotus, who is also thought to have composed
an essay on the number of days in the Iliad** Alternatively, it has been
suggested that the innovation made by the Alexandrian holars was not
the division into books, but simply the use of letters of the alphabet for them,
the div' ion itself being older.10
Those who prefer an earlier date for the book-division tend to associate
it with rhapsodic practice, and the use of the term fxx\ftp6ia for a book
might support this.10 But this clashes with the evidence that titles of ep'sodes
ran over book-divisions before the Hellenistic period. T o some extent,
however, the div sions presumably d'd correspond with rhapsodic breaks,
in so far as they came at significant breaks in the narrative. It has also been
rgued that the division works better for the Iliad than for the Odyssey, where
it results in some rather short books, and that the Alexandrians would have
been more rational.11 But once the division was made for one poem, it is not
surpn ing that the me system should have been imposed on th other.
It must be admitted that the evidence is not sufficient to allow us to give
a precise date for book-division. Even the early Ptolemaic papyri which
seem to have begun a roll or column at (for example) Od. 9.1 or 21.1 may
well have done so simply because these marked the beginning of signifi-
cant sections of the poem (Ody eu ' account of hi W nderings, and the
Trial of the Bow). But such evidence as there is does seem to point to the
Alexandrian period as the time when this innovation was made, rather
than to an earlier date.1*
(il) The end of the Ilimd in relation to tke Odymmmy
It has often been claimed that book 24 is clos r in language and theme to
the Odyssey than the rest of the Iliad is, but very varying conclusions have
been drawn from this claim."
Cf. Pfdffcr, His ory o Classical Scholars p 116—17, Wilamowitz, Ifntertnchun en 369, and
Nickau, A£XA (1972) ».v. Zenodotos (3), 6-7.
Cf. P. Mason, Introduction * Til (Paris 1912) 138^
» Cf. Mazon, loc. erf., J. A. Notopouka, HSCP 68 (1964) 11-12, West, Papyri 20
and West, Od 39-40, G. P. Goold, Illinois Classical Studies 2 (1977) 26-90.
n West, Ptdmau Papyri 19 and West, Od. 40 n. 19.
M See also vol. iv, p. 31 n. 47 'after Apollonius Rhodius'. O. Taplin, Homme So tags
(Oxford 1992) 285-93, has a detailed examination of the actual book-divisions of the Iliad in
relation to the poem*s narrative structure.
M Peppmuller listed Odyisean features and argued that book 24 was later than most of the
Odyssey (Comment* dis vierund&vanzifsten Baches der Hias, Berlin 1876, xxxi-xl). Some later
analysts followed him, others (e.g. Cauer and Wilamowiti) thought that 24 and the Odyssey
i l
A ofr/->»-1 1 r\»- -mti -»I im

First we must ask whether in fact 24 really docs differ from the rest of the
lli in this respect. My own impression is that it does. T o begin with, one
can see this simply from a survey of the density of comments which look
specifically to the Odyssey for parallels rather than the Iliad, i.e. about one
in 5 or 6 verses of book 24, a frequency much greater than in other parts of
this Commentary." This survey covers a wide range of features - linguistic,
stylistic and thematic - and on its own tells one little. It is also open to the
objection that a commentator already aware of earlier attempts to connect
book 24 to the Odyssey is more likely to notice such parallels here than
elsewhere. However, the resemblances are particularly impressive when one
considers the structure of scenes in 24.
It is surely significant that the narrative of the Odyssey opens in a way
which is very close to the opening part of 24 (see on 22-76, 33, 33-4, 38,
77-119). The gods take pity on Odysseu as they do on Hektor, despite
the hostility of Poseidon to Odysseus and the pro-Greek gods to Hektor.
Athene's protests to Zeus in both Odyssey 1 and 5 resemble those of Apollo
in Iliad 24. In each case Zeus agrees, and a double plan is put into action,
which involves sending Athene and Hermes to Telemakhos and Kalupso,
just as Zeus sends Iris to Thetis nd then to Priam in the Iliad. Hermes
is also involved in the case of Hektor: unable to steal the body, he later
come instead to escort Priam on his journey. Moreover, the beginning of
Apollo's protest at the hard-heartedness of the gods is echoed by Kalupso
when she is visited by Hermes (24.33, Od. 5.118), although here the motif
is used in a different way; the journey of Iris to Thetis resembles that
of Hermes to Kalup o, both being described by a simile about fishing
were the work of the same poet or circle of poets. Leaf (n 536) held that this Book 'resemble*
I, K, and Y, in its kinship to the Odysseyt but to a greater degree than any of them', concluding
that 'if in the M^vif we have the Aischylos, in this last book we have at once the Sophokles and
Eunpidcs of the Epos*. But F. M. Stawell, in Homer and the Iliad (London 1909) 93ff. and 238ft,
argued, with detailed evidence, that book 24 was no more Odysscan in style and language than
books 1 or 22.1-404. Cf. from the same "old unitarian' camp J. A. Scott, Tht Unity of H met
(Berkeley 1921) 73-t05.
Later Reinhardt {luD 469-505) took up arms against the analysts and reviewed some of
the main parallels, arguing in favour of the strong influence of book 24 on the Odyssey.
He was followed by Beck, who noted more cases of possible influence {Sullimg 102-9, a n d
Pkilologus tog (1965) 1-29). Deichgriber, however {Letztt Gesong 114-17), observed that the
similarities could be due to the use of common traditional materia).
A brief attempt to identify some Odysscan features in the Iliad is made by E. K. Borthwick,
Odyss Elements tn the Iliad (Inaugural Lecture given at Edinburgh University on 2 May
1983). The relationship of the Odyssey to the Iliad is revi wed more generally by R. B.
Rutherford, in 'From the Iliad to the Odyssey\ BICS 38 (1991-2). Cf. also Usener, V is
der Odysse* iw Ilias.
M The frequency naturally varies widely, e.g. 1 in 45 verses of book 5, 1 in 10 of book 22, 1
in 13 of book 23. A short episode such as the sea-journey to Khruse (1.430-87) may be
exceptional (about 1 'n 6.5), and the subject-matter accounts for this (see on 1.432-9, 434);
but I do n t believe that the density is so high over any other whol Book.
22
*
(24.80-2, Od. 5.51-4); and Hermes1 journey at 24.331-48 is echoed closely

at Od. 5.29-49.
The preparations for Priam's journey involve a number of motifs which
recur in the Odyssey, especially the details of the gifts and the waggon,
Hekabe's reactions, and the libation, prayer and omen before departure
(see on 150, 190, 191-2, 200-16, 228, 229-37, 259-61, 263, 264, 277-8,
281-321, 292-8, 308-13). The journey itself, and the return to Troy next
day, naturally have parallels in Odyssean overland journeys. But it is the
major episode where Hermes and Priam meet and talk which bears the
closest resemblance to Odyssean scenes, especially those of Hermes' visit to
Kalupso, hi meeting with Odysseus in book 10, and other meetings between
Athene and Odysseus or Telcmakhos (sec on 333-48,347-8,348,349-442,
360-3, 375-7, 397-8). There is also a significant parallel here between the
piety of Priam and that of Laertes at the end of the Odyssey (see on 425-8),
which is one aspect of a larger issue, that of the parallelism between the
endings of the two epics, both of which involve a sympathetic study of the
aged father of one of the leading heroes, as well as the description of a
funeral, and a 'moral ending'.
The portrayal of Akhilleus* quarters, and of Priam's visit and supplica-
tion, again have their closest parallels in the Odyssey (see especially on
469-691, and on 448-56,450-1,452-3,472-6,475-6,482-4» 553~5t 55®»
587-90, 633-76). Akhilleus* great speech of consolation to Priam (518-51)
has many Odyssean features of expression (see on 518, 524, 525-6,527-33,
529-30, 538-40, 543-6), and its moral themes (the importance of endur-
ance, the uselessness of grief, the need to accept the will of the gods, etc.)
find their clearest echoes in the Odyssey. Moreover, given the close relation-
ship which we have seen between this Book and the opening of the Odyssey,
it seems only natural to believe that Zeus's words at Od. 1.32-43, about how
men blame the gods unfairly for all their troubles, take up and comment on
Akhilleus' words about the Jars of Zeus at 24.527-33 (as bT on 527-8
already surmised; see on 527-33).
Among many other parallels one deserves to be singled out here:
Hekabe's and Helen's laments, with their restrained pathos, seem to be
echoed together in the touching speech of Odysseus' mother's ghost to him
in the Nekuia, when she describes how she died of longing for him and for
his gentleness (Od. 11.197-203; see on 757-9, 768-72).
Finally, as Macleod rightly says (Iliad XXIV 15), at the end of the Iliad
the gods 'appear as what they are throughout the Odyssey, the guarantors of
justice and kindness among mortals*. The moral tone of book 24, on both
the divine and human levels, anticipates that of the Odyssey, just as much as
its language, themes and scenic construction.
What conclusion are we to draw from these observations7 Clearly there
23
B of m l r \ »*i • i-M »-r KVI >M -»I • w^

is a range of possible explanations, as always in such cases of epic parallels.

Few nowadays would agree with the old analytical view rhat book 24 is
later than and influenced by the Odyssey. More would side with Reinhardt,
seeing the Odyssey as the work of a poet particularly heavily influenced by
this part of the Iliad. Some, however, will prefer Deichgraber's view, that
the resemblances are due to common use of traditional elements. This last
view may seem to some extent satisfactory, but on its own it is surely not
enough to explain what appear to be such major differences between this
Book and the rest of the Iliad. It is surely more likely that the composer of
the Odyssey had the end of the Iliad especially in mind, whether or not both
poems are by the same author. It is, however, tempting to go a step further,
and to see the similarities as due to the fact that when Homer gave the end
of the Iliad the form it has, the Odyssey was already taking shape in his mind:
i.e. not only is a single poet the composer of both, but their composition
actually overlapped to some extent. Thus we find that not only does the
Iliad itself form a great and complex ring-structure, whose end echoes and
resolves the themes of its beginning, but it is also inseparably linked or
dovetailed thematically with the Odyssey, as if the two works could really
almost be regarded as one great epic continuum, stretching from the Wrath
of Akhilleus to the safe homecoming and triumph of the last of the heroes,
Odysseus.
24
1
3« Homer and his ancient critics
(i) From Homer to Aristotle* *
The Homeric poems, and especially the Odyssey* have much to say about
singers and audiences, and it is possible to construct from them a kind of ars
poeticaThe singer's status, his ethical, didactic and commemorative roles,
the emotional impact of song, the questions of originality, of poetic tech-
nique and inspiration, of credibility, truth and fiction: these are all themes
which arc reflected in what the poet himself says, and they anticipate much
that will be important in later criticism. The Odyssey even contains the first
example of explicit criticism of epic song, together with an answer to this.
When Phemios sings of the painful return of the Achaeans from Troy,
Penelope weeps, and then asks him to change the subject, because it is so
distressing for her personally. Telemakhos replies:
My mother, why do you begrudge the faithful bard the right to give
pleasure in whatever way his mind prompts him? It is not bards who are to
blame; no, surely Zeus is to blame, who allots to mortal men whatever he
wishes for each. And this man should not be criticized if he sings of the
Danaans' fate: for men always give more renown to that song which is the
latest to circulate among its hearers. (1.346-52)
It can also be argued that the Odyssey itself, in its implied ideals of survival
at all costs, homecoming and domestic harmony, forms the first commen-
tary on - and criticism of - the IliadV What is clear, at any rate, is that the
composer of the Odyssey has learnt a great deal from the extraordinary
M A version of much of this section appears as 'Aristotle's reading of Homer and its
background' in Lambcrton and Keaney, Hermit's Ancient Readers.
** Cf. especially W. Marg, Homer aber die Dichtung (and edn, Münster 1971), H. Frankel,
Earty Greek Poetry and Philosophy (Oxford 1975) 6-25, J. Svenbro, La ParoU tt le marbn (Lund
1976) 11 -45, Macleod, Iliad XXIV t - 8 and ColletUd Essays (Oxford 1983) 1 - 1 5 , G. B. Wal h.
The Varieties of Enchantment (Chapd Hill 1984), C. Segal, 'Bard and audience in Homer', in
Lamberton and Keaney, Homer's Amienl Readers, S. Goldhill, The Potfs Voitt (Cambridge 1991)
56-68.
" Cf.J. Griffin, in Bremer, HBOP 101: 'The poet of the Odyssey u aware of the Iliad and, in
important respects, composing in response to it; his response makes him the first of literary
critics'; and ibid, toa: 'A marvellous creation . . . fit for the greatest of all heroes; yet grim
and terrifying, immoderate, never to be repeated. That, perhaps, was the final judgment of
the Odyssey on the Mad: Cf. also R. B Rutherford, 'From the Iliad to the Odyssey', BICS
38(1991-2).
25
1
Homer and iris ancient critics
achievement of the earlier poem, and his work may well be seen as a poetic
reflection on the Iliad, as well as a complement to it.
One of the most fundamental issues which the narrative of the Odyssey
seems to reflect, whereas there is no hint of this in the Iliad, is the question
of the Actional character of epic. By making Odysseus himself the supreme
master of false tales, by telling the incredible tales of his wanderings in his
own mouth, and then by stressing on two occasions his resemblance to a
skilful singer whose words carry conviction, however strange they may be
(Od. 1 1 . 3 6 3 - 9 , 17.513-21), the poet indirectly draws attention to this issue.
It is surely significant that the verse which describes the disguised Odysseus*
skill in deceiving his own wife by his narrative, lax* yt06ca TTOXACX Acycov
irvpotoiv ¿uoTa ( 1 9 . 2 0 3 ) , is so close to that of Hesiod's Muses in their
famous address to him (Th. 2 7 - 8 ) : T8ucv ytvSca troAAA Myciv I T V P O I O I V
6poTa, | T5UEV 6 * CUT* ¿O&toucv AArj6ia yr]puoao6ai. Here for the first time the
Muses pose the problem explicitly: if they can sing both truth and credible
fiction, how is one to distinguish between them?
During the archaic period this will be a growing preoccupation Solon's
dismissive TTOXAA Y C U S O V T A I ¿roi5ol (fr. 2 9 West) anticipates the more
detailed criticisms of the sixth-century B.C. philosophers Xcnophanes,
Heraclitus and probably also Pythagoras, and Stesichorus' explicit rejec-
tion of the Homeric and Hesiodic accounts of Helen and the Trojan War.
Xcnophanes is concerned to combat the epic portrayal of the gods as
anthropomorphic and fallible, and the popular acceptance of Homer as
a religious teacher ( D - K 2 1 B 1 0 - 1 2 , 1 4 - 1 6 ) . Heraclitus attacks the philo-
sophical authority of both Homer and Hesiod ( 2 2 A 2 2 , B 4 0 , 4 2 , 5 6 ,
5 7 , 106). Hesiod's breadth of learning (TroXuuotSiii) should not be mistaken
for wisdom (B 4 0 ) , and Homer, although wiser than all other Greeks,
was unable to solve a children's riddle, the riddle of the lice (B 5 6 ) . Homer
and Archilochus deserve to be expelled from poetic contests and flogged,
presumably on moral grounds, and for misleading people (B 4 2 ) . Accord-
ing to later legend, Pythagoras was said to have seen Homer and Hesiod
being punished in the Underworld, because of their lies about the gods
(Hieronyinus of Rhodes, fr. 4 2 Wehrli). Meanwhile Stesichorus produced
his own version of the story of Helen, in which she never went to Troy, but
stayed in Egypt throughout the War, whilst a phantom of her appeared
at Troy (PMG 1 9 2 - 3 ) . The phantom Helen was destined later to have
philosophical repercussions, as a symbol of human illusion for Euripides,
Plato, and the Neoplatonists.18
M Revising Homer's version of the Trojan War remained a popular game throughout
antiquity: cf. especially Hdt. 1.112-20, Dio Chrys Or 11, Philostratus, Heroins, and the
accounts ascribed to Dictys and Dares.
26
1
Such attacks, however, did not prevent people from appealing to Homer
as a historical source for political reasons, as Athens is said to have done
early in the sixth century in her dispute with Megara over Salamis (Arist.
Rhet. I375b30). The Athenian claim to Sigeum in the Troad was based at
least partly on their participation in the Trojan War, as portrayed in the
Iliad (Hdt. 5.94.2). We hear more of such appeals later, during the Persian
W a n (Hdt. 7.161.3, 7.169, 7.171, 9.27.4). The authority of Homer in
sixth-century Athens is shown most clearly by the regulation that the
Homeric poems alone should be recited at the Panathenaia (Lycurgus, In
Leocratem 102,1socrates, Parug. 159, PI. Hipparchus 228B).M Although we are
never explicitly told that 'Homer* means exclusively the Iliad and Odyssey,
that is probably what is meant by the fourth-century B.C. authors who first
mention this rule, and it seems quite possible that these two poems were
already being distinguished from the other early epics loosely associated by
tradition with Homer's name.
Towards the end of the sixth century, we begin to hear of an attempt to
meet the attacks of the philosophers on their own ground through allegory,
in the work ofTheagenes of Rhegium, who is said to have been the first to
use this method. The context in which this is mentioned is that of allegorical
interpretations of the Theomachy in Iliad 20 and 21, in terms of the conflict
both of physical elements and also of moral or psychological forces ( D - K
8.2). This episode makes a natural starting-point for such interpretations,
although exactly what Theagenes' own theory was is unclear. However, it
looks as if he discussed the Homeric text in some detail, since a variant
reading is ascribed to him in the Scholia ( D - K 8.3), and he is said to have
been the first person to write on Homer's poetry, life and date, as well as on
the Greek language in general (8.!, IA). Thus we find linguistic study
already closely linked to allegorical interpretation at this early stage of
scholarship.
These various responses to Homer or epic in general continue through
the literature of the fifth century. Pindar is clearly sensitive to philosophical
criticism of the kind expressed by Xenophanes, and he is also concerned
with problems of truth, credibility, and the fictional character of poetry.
The classic case is his rationalization of the myth of Pelops in Olympian 1,
where he comments on the deceptive charm of poetic tales (iiOfot), their
power of lulling us into accepting the marvellous and fabulous as credible
(O. 1.25ff.). More specifically, in Nemean 7, he speaks of Homer's exaggera-
tion of the truth about Odysseus, and the way in which he persuades us to
suspend our disbelief: 'I think that the story of Odysseus was exaggerated
beyond what he experienced, because of the sweet words of Homer: for
w Cf vol. iv, pp. 30-1.
27
1
there is an impressive dignity about his fictions and winged craft, and poetic
skill deceives, leading astray with fables: the generality of men has a blind
heart* (M. 7.2off.). At the same time, however, the shame of the suicide of
Ajax was counterbalanced by the honour paid to him by Homer, *who set
all his valour upright again, telling of it in accordance with his wand of
wondrous verses, as a theme for later singers to play on* (/. 4.4iff.). And
just before his criticism of Homer in Nemean 7 he refers to the idea of
commemorative poetry as a 'mirror for noble deeds' (K. 7.14-16). Here
already we see the tension between the ideas of epic song as commemora-
tion, reflecting a true image, and poetic fiction as a distorting medium.*
Like Pindar, the historians Herodotus and Thucydides attempt a ration-
alizing approach. Herodotus argues that Homer's story of Helen at Troy
cannot be true, for if she had been there the Trojans would surely have
given her back, and he accepts the alternative version which left her in
Egypt. Homer, he says, knew the truth, but rejected it as less appropriate
(iCrnpmf|s) for his poetry (2.112-20). He also observes here that the epic
Cyprus cannot be Homer's work, as it disagrees with the Iliad over Paris'
journey to Troy (2.117). Elsewhere (4.32) Herodotus doubts whether the
Epigonoi is Homeric. Thucydides draws detailed deductions about the his-
torical nature of the Trojan War and early Greek society from Homer and
other epic poetry, whilst stressing the tendency of poets to exaggeration
(1.1-22). Thucydides' respect for Homer as a source is striking, although
there is a strong note of disparagement in Perikles' funeral speech, where he
says that Athens does not need a Homer to sing her praises, nor any poet
whose verses will give a momentary pleasure, only to be contradicted by the
truth of history (2.41.4).
So far we have to some extent been considering attitudes to epic as a
whole, rather than more detailed discussion of Homer or anything ap-
proaching literary criticism in a modem sense. Close analysis and discussion
of problems there must always have been, and this is already attested for
Theagenes, but it is with the sophists that such discussion begins to emerge
into the f o r e g r o u n d T h i s was encouraged by their special interest in
language and also in the use of poetic texts to underpin their own theories.
Echoes can be detected in chapter 25 of Aristotle's Poetics and in the surviv-
ing fragments of his Homeric Problems (see below). Debate about the detailed
interpretation of a text (such as Simonides* poem on virtue in Plato's
Protagoras) led naturally to the search for the underlying sense, the Crrr6voia.
For men like Protagoras, the early poets were really sophists in disguise,
* On these passages of Pindar see a bo Richardson, 'Pindar and later literary criticism in
antiquity', Papers *f the Liaerp—l Latin Seminar 5 (1985) 364- 9, F.J. Nisetich, Ptnd and Homer
(Baltimore 1989), and G. Nagy, Pindar's Homer (Baltimore 1990) especially 414-37.
M Cf. Richardson, PCPS aoi (1975), 65-81.
28
1
Homer and his ancient critics
clothing their philosophical wisdom in a popular dress (PI. Prot. 316D-E,

Tketut. I 8 O C - E ) . From this could develop more elaborate and extraordi-
nary allegorical constructions, such as that of Metrodorus of Lampsacus,
interpreting the whole of the Iliad in terms of Anaxagoras' cosmology ( D - K
61 A 3-4).** Philodemus describes such theories as the work of maniacs,
and they were liable to give the whole practice of allegory a bad name.
Anaxagoras himself seems to have been far more cautious: he is said
to have been *the first to show that Homer's poetry concerned valour
and justice' ( D - K 59 A I §11). This sounds not so very different from
the popular view reflected in Aristophanes' Frogs, that Homer teaches
'marshalling of armies, forms of valour, arming of men for war' (io34ff.).
This kind of ethical or educational approach is echoed by Niceratus in
Xenophon's Symposium, when he says that his father Nicias made him
learn the whole of Homer's poetry by heart, as part of the education of a
gentleman (3.5). Later on he claims him as a source of information on all
kinds of ethical and practical subjects (4.6-7), as does the rhapsode Ion in
Plato's dialogue (537Aff.). It is, incidentally, in these contexts that we hear
the names of the various supposedly leading interpreters of the Homeric
poems. Apart from Metrodorus, these include Stesimbrotus of Thasos,
Anaximander and Glaucon. It is surely significant that we know so little
about most of them: their views and theories about the poems were over-
taken by those of later critics. But Stesimbrotus was the teacher of the
first person definitely known to have 'edited' the text of Homer, the epic
poet Antimachus of Colophon: here we seem to glimpse the beginnings of
scholarship in its later Hellenistic and modern sense.*9
Many of the major sophists, on the other hand, are known to have
used Homeric themes and characters as vehicles for the expression of their
own ethical or rhetorical ideas. We see this clearly in the debate between
Socrates and Hippias over the relative merits of Akhilleus' and Odysseus'
characters (Pi. Hippias Minor), in Gorgias' Helen and Palamedes, or in the Aias
and Odysseus of Antisthenes. The long list of essays on Homeric subjects
ascribed to Antisthenes includes many which probably set out to draw
moral lessons from the poems (PCPS 201 (1975) 77-81). Socrates himself
»eems to have been fond of using Homer to illustrate a point, if we can judge
from Xenophon and Plato, and sometimes this takes the form of moral
allegory: for example the Sirens' charms strike at those ambitious for fame,
and it was gluttony that turned Odysseus' men into swine, and self-restraint
that saved Odysseus himself (Xen. Mem. 2.6.10-12, 1.3.7). In Plato's
For detail* «ec PCPS »01 (1975) 68-70.

n Cf. Pfriffer, History 9/ Ctessitsi Scholarship 35-6. But Antimachus' edition may have been
rather a critical work, diKusinf a »eriei of emendation*: cf. N. G. Wilson, CR 19 (1969) 369.
29
Apology (28c) Socrates defends himself from the charge of deliberately

courting death by appeal to the precedent of Akhilleus.
This moralizing view of Homer may well have found its culmination as
far as the classical period is concerned in the early fourth-century Mouseion
of Alcidamas. In this he seems to have collected traditional stories about the
early poets, including the old tales of the contest of Homer and Hesiod and
their respective deaths, in order to illustrate the moral value of their works.
It is likely that this is one of the works which Plato has in mind when he
attacks such an approach in book 10 of the Republic, and questions whether
Homer ever was of any practical or civic use to anyone.*4 Alcidamas seems
to have admired Homer's poems especially for their ethical realism, and he
called the Odyssey a 'fine mirror of human life* (Arist. Rhet. 1406^2). He
also spoke of the honours paid to Homer and other poets, a theme which
Plato again treats with sarcastic scepticism.
By contrast with this type of viewpoint the sophist Protagoras ( D - K 80
A 30) gives us what seems to be the first example of interpretative criticism
of a more structural type, embedded by chance in a papyrus commentary
on Iliad 21 (sec on 205-327). He apparently observed that the battle of
Akhilleus with the river-god Skamandros was designed to form a transition
from Akhilleus' previous exploits to the battle of the gods ('and perhaps also
to increase Akhilleus* importance', adds the scholiast). Thus, in addition to
showing a linguistic interest in Homer, exemplified by his criticism of the
poet for addressing the Muse in the imperative ( D - K 80 A 29), Protagoras
may have taken a broader interest in the poet's compositional techniques.
But such instances are rare and hard to detect at this period.
The attitude of Plato to Homer is deeply divided: on the one hand a deep
and abiding love of the poet, whose influence on him (as Longinus ob-
served: 13-3-4) can be detected at every turn (he quotes him some 150
times**); on the other, strong misgivings about the rôle of poetry in the
philosophical life. His own work may be viewed as a philosophical alterna-
tive to traditional literary forms, especially epic and drama, and his own
myths as designed to replace those of Homer and Hesiod. At the end of the
Republic (614B2-3) the story of Er is said to be 'not a tale told to Alkinoos,
but rather that of a courageous man . . . * (oO . . . 'AXidvou ye dnrôAoyov . . .
AAV AXKÎMOU pèv Av5pôç ...). Homeric fiction gives way to a tale which
conveys philosophical truth in mythical form.
Allegory for Plato, although he plays with this method from time to time,
is no answer to the problem of poetry. There is no way of discovering
** Cf. Richardson, CQ, 31 (1981) 1 -10.

n Cf. G. E. How«, 'Homeric quotations in Plato and Aristotle', HSCP 6 (1895) 153-a to,
J. Labarbe, L'Homhe de Platon (Liège 1949).
30
1
whether or not a particular interpretation of the text is correct. You cannot

prove this philosophically, and even if you could ask the poet, he could not
tell you. Poets are mouthpieces of divine inspiration, hence essentially irra-
tional, unable to give an account (XAyos) of what they mean. Poetry is of
no use as a direct source of knowledge.9*
O n the other hand, the emotional power of epic and dramatic poetry is
immeasurable. The intense sensations of pity and fear, already noted by
Gorgias in his Defence of Helen (D—K. 82 B I 1.9)» are experienced by Ion
the rhapsode and his audience at the high points of his recitation of Homer
(I<m 535 B _ C )- In the Republic the potentially damaging effect of such
emotional scenes in Homer and tragedy on our own characters is one of the
main themes in Plato's attack on poetry, combined with the more direct
onslaught on the falsehood of poetic portrayals of gods and heroes. The
stories, untrue and immoral as they are, influence our own behaviour in
turn, and the insidious pleasure which they arouse must be resisted. Finally,
in book 10, comes the deeper attack on artistic irfuTjonts in general, as an
illusory portrayal of what is itself only a world of appearances. Here the old
idea of narrative or dramatic poetry as a mirror of life, and hence as morally
valuable, is explicitly rejected.
Despite the attack on Homer as the 'first of the tragedians' in the Republic,
Plato clearly has a deeper admiration for him than for the tragedians
themselves: in the Laws, for example, he dismisses tragedy as suitable for
women, teenagers, and the general crowd, whereas epic is for otder and
wiser men (658D-E). T h e end of the Republic throws down the challenge
which will lead to Aristotle's defence of both Homer and tragedy, when
Socrates invites poetry to produce a justification of her value, 'as we are
conscious of the fascination which she holds for us', especially when she is
approached through the medium of Homer (607B-8B).
Plato's philosophical views hardly constitute an interpretation, although
he often quotes the poet to illustrate a point, thereby sometimes suggesting
a particular interpretation of individual passages. Aristotle, on the other
hand, is said to have 'discussed Homer in detail in many dialogues, admir-
ing and praising him' (Dio Chrys. Or. 53.1). There was a strong ancient
tradition that Aristotle gave his pupil Alexander the Great a special text
of the Iliad. Alexander's own passion for Homer must derive in part
from Aristotle's influence, and the work On Kingship which he wrote for
Alexander can hardly have failed to make use of Homer for this purpose.*7
In his surviving works Aristode quotes Homer some 114 times, with a strong
** For Plato's views on allegory cf. J. Tate, CQ, 23 (1939) 149-54, 94 (1930) 1 -10, S.
Weinitock, Pkilologtu 8« (1996) 191-53.
*7 C f Pfeiffer, History tjCUusital SckoUrsh' 71-2, Aristotle, FregmmSs, cd. Rote, 408-9.
31
1
49
bias towards the Iliad (as in the case of Plato), and these quotations show
his fondness for the poet, whom like Plato he often uses for illustration.** For
example in the Nicomachean Ethics the observation that people do not like to
be reminded of benefits conferred on them is backed up by a reference to
the scene of Thetis' supplication of Zeus in Iliad i, where she tactfully omits
to mention the service she had done for him in the past in rescuing him from
an Olympian conspiracy, although Akhilleus had reminded her of it {EJs'
1124b! 2-17). This surely shows a close and sensitive psychological reading
of the text, whether or not the observation is originally due to Aristotle
himself.
The Aristotelian work entitled Homeric Problems (frr. 142-79 Rose) must
reflect the whole tradition of detailed discussion of the text down to
Aristotle's time as well as his own observations, and chapter 25 of the Poetics
is a summary of the same subject, with an attempt for the first time to
systematize the methods which can be used to solve difficulties.** Here he
states the fundamental principle, so often ignored by both earlier and later
critics, that poetry is not subject to the same criteria as other arts and
sciences (1460^3-15). If a scene achieves the kind ofeflects which are
described in the Poetics as desirable, then minor faults of accuracy, coher-
ence, and so on, are irrelevant. With this simple observation most of the
trivial objections of earlier pedants such as Zoilus are swept away. Thus, the
pursuit of Hektor by Akhilleus is impossible in practice, but the dramatic
effect is overwhelming (1460^3-6). Moral criticisms (such as those raised
by Plato and others) can be answered by appealing to historical context or
the conventions of the poet's day: for instance in the Problems Aristotle
compares Akhilleus' brutal treatment of Hektor's body with a later
Thessalian practice, to show that it was not unique to this scene in Homer
(fr. 166). Religious beliefs may simply reflect those of Greek society at that
stage of development, and so it is misguided to attack them from a modern
viewpoint. Careful examination of the poetic context is also important in
dealing with moral issues. For instance, Agamemnon lets Ekhepolos off
military service, on payment of a horse, and this sounds like bribery (Iliad
23.295fr.): but he was right, said Aristotle in the Problems, to prefer a good
horse to a useless man (fr. 165)! Alternatively, if something is untrue or
historically impossible, it may be justified as idealization. Finally, many
M Cf A. Romer, 'Die Homercitate und die homerische Frage des Aristoteles', Sil^b. Bayer.
Akad. (1884), 264-314, and G C. Howes, HSCP6 (1895) 210 37.
" Cf. vol. iv, p. 23; Pfeiffer, History of Classical Scholarship 69fr., Römer, op. eil., R.
Wachsmuth, De Aristottlis stadäs Homericis capita selecta (Berlin 1863), M. Carroll, 'Aristotle's
Poetics Ch. X X V in the light of the Homeric Scholia' (diss. Baltimore 1895), A. Gudeman,
RExiu 251 iff., H. Hintenlang. 'Untersuchungen tu den Homer-Aporiendes Aristoteles' (din.
Heidelberg 1961), A. R. Sod a no, Rendiconti dtW Accademia di Archeologia, Letlere e Belle Arti di
Mapoli 40 {i960) 227-78, G.L. Huxley, Proceedingstfthe Royal Irish Academy 079(1979) 73-81.
1
minor problems of interpretation and consistency can be solved by adopting

a more flexible approach to the text and considering alternative ways of
taking it, instead of assuming that the first or most obvious interpretation
must be correct. T o us these principles may seem largely obvious, but it is
surprising how easily they can be forgotten by modern as well as ancient
critics.4*
The Homeric Problems constituted a preliminary ground-clearing exercise
of a practical kind in preparation for the more theoretical approach of the
Poetics as a whole. In the main body of this work Aristotle is primarily
interested in tragedy, and sees Homer very much in dramatic terms. But
despite his eventual conclusion in chapter 26 that tragedy is superior to epic
because of its greater dramatic immediacy and concentration (reversing
Plato's preference for epic), his intense admiration for Homer shines
through again and again. Here for the first time the fundamental differ-
ences between the Iliad and Odyssey and other epic poems are clearly stated.
Homer is outstanding for his dramatic qualities and his portrayal of charac-
ter through speeches (i448b34~6, 6oa5~n). His plots, even if necessarily
less strictly unified than those of tragedy, are far more so than those of other
ep'c poets, whose works are essentially episodic and often centred on a single
character or concerned with a sequence of unrelated actions, rather than
aiming at unity of action (51316-30,5ga30-b7,62b3-11). He was the first
to use all the forms and parts of epic (as defined in Aristotle's chapters on
tragedy), and to do so successfully, and he surpasses all others in style and
thought (59b! 2-16). Moreover he has taught other poets the art of making
fictions plausible (6oai8ff.), and in his more marvellous episodes his bril-
liance conceals the improbability in a way which a lesser poet could not
have achieved (6oa34~b2). Given Aristotle's generally evolutionary ap-
proach it is really very remarkable that he should see the Homeric poems
as so highly developed artistically, although they stand relatively early in
his conspectus of literary development.
Aristotle provides the answers to Plato's main attacks on epic and tragedy
in his discussion of the nature of poetic imitation, and his account of the
Kddapcis achieved by tragedy. The first reinstates poetry in general as a
philosophically serious pursuit, and the second gives to tragedy a special
value on the emotional plane. Aristotle never explicitly ascribes to epic a
similar cathartic function, but the close analogies he draws between epic
and tragedy do surely imply that epic can act in a similar way. More
specifically the fact that epic in his view should have reversals, recognitions
and sufferings (TTaWiuorra), and should produce similarly powerful effects
M C£ W. B. Stanford's lively book Emtmits 9/ Patty (London 1980) for a demonstration

of this fact.
33
1
offccTTAt]{jis,must point this way. The implication of Aristotle's final com-

parison of epic and tragedy is most probably that the kind of pleasure which
both should arouse is similar and should be associated with an emotional
icd6apois, but that tragedy does this more powerfully and effectively than
epic. At the same time, the Iliad is evidently much closer to tragedy than
the Odyssey, for it is concerned above all with suffering and emotion (trAOos),
whereas the Odyssey is primarily concerned with fjOos ( 5 9 ^ 4 - 1 5 ) , and its
happy ending is more like that of a comedy (53a30~9). Where the Odyssey
seems to come closest to tragedy in Aristotle's view is in its recurrent use of
the device of recognition (59b 15). This is a theme to which Aristotle devotes
considerable attention, and it surely deserves more than it has received in
modern criticism both of Homer and the Poetics.*1
Aristotle's admiration for Homer is focused especially on the extraordi-
nary skill with which he creates a single, unified story out of a vast and
highly diversified body of material, incorporating many subsidiary episodes
without allowing us to lose sight of the main theme. When he comes to
discuss the differences between epic and tragedy (in chapter 24), he shows
that epic has certain significant advantages because of its much greater
scale. This gives it grandeur (and the heroic metre adds to this, by its more
stately character), and also allows for more variety, which is linked to its
more episodic nature. The chief technique for creating this variety is the
description of different sequences of events which are happening at the same
time, i.e. the epic poet's ability to freeze one sequence and shift the scene,
returning later to the point where he left off. This superiority of epic is
connected with its narrative mode, because events do not have to be en-
acted visually. This also gives it greater scope for 'the marvellous' (T6
0avyaor6v) f as in the pursuit of Hektor, which would be impossible on the
stage. Here Aristotle picks up the criticisms of earlier readers such as Pindar
and Thucydides of the tendency of epic poetry to exaggeration, but makes
a special poetic virtue out of this, rather than a fault. He goes on to link it
with Homer's exceptional skill in creating plausible fictions, which is based
on the building-up of enough realistic circumstantial detail to make his
fantasies credible. This again is presumably particularly a feature of the
more leisurely descriptive and narrative mode of epic as opposed to tragedy,
and it leaves us with the paradox that Homer's mastery of fiction is espe-
cially to his credit, whereas in the past it was as the master of truth that he
was most admired.
Although much of what Aristotle says here apparently applies to epic in
*' Terence Cave'* Recognitions (Oxford 1988), however, redreae* the balance; cf. also Sheila
Murnaghan, Disgust and Recognition in the Odytsty (Princeton 1987), Richardton. 'Recognition
scenes in the Odysaey and ancient literary criticism'. Papers of tht Liverpool iMtn Stumor 4 (1983)
319-35, S. GoldhiU, Tht Poet's Voice (Cambridge 1991) 1-24.
34
1
genera), it is clear that it is really Homer whom he has in the forefront of

his mind throughout. This does not mean that he would have recommended
taking him as the model for a new epic poem, which he explicitly says
should be much shorter, in fact as it turns out about the length of
Apollonius* Argonautica (145(^17-22). There is conflict here between his
intense admiration for the Homeric poems, which prevents him from criti-
cizing them as too long and complex or too episodic, and his preference for
a more compressed and unified structure. But he did not set out to write a
treatise on epic in the Potties, and so we must not press him too hard for
consistency on this subject Doubtless he could have replied that in works
on the scale of the Homeric poems one must take a broad view of the overall
effect, and not subject them to the kind of detailed scrutiny which might be
appropriate to works on a smaller scale.
Aristotle's whole approach to poetry is conditioned by his status as Plato's
successor, and this affects his view of Homer too. He shares Plato's intense
love and admiration for the poet, and wishes to rescue him from the attacks
of Plato and earlier philosophers and critics. T o do so, however, he shifts
the focus right away from the preoccupation with the gap between Homer's
portrayal of divine or heroic ethics and later moral beliefs, and also between
the aesthetic criteria suitable for an early epic poem and those governing
the literature of the classical period. The essential criterion is no longer
that of literal truth but of dramatic effectiveness and credibility, and in aes-
thetic terms Aristotle's approach, although technical, is extremely flexible.
Homer's status as the ancestor of tragedy allows him the credit for having
anticipated in so many respects the most powerful form of poetry ever
conceived, and at the same time his use of the epic narrative mode gave him
a wider scope, which enabled him to become the supreme 'master of fiction'
at a remarkably early stage in its development.
(ii) The Hellenistic period
The work of the three major Alexandrian scholars has been discussed by
R. Janko in his Introduction to vol. iv. 4t As he says, Zenodotus' criteria for
establishing a genuine text seem to show no awareness of Aristotle's work
on Homeric problems, and although Aristophanes was more conservative
he was also over-inclined to object to passages on grounds of impropriety.
Aristarchus, however, set out to distinguish what was truly Homeric in this
tradition from what he regarded as 'Cyclic' interpolations, in a way which
could be considered as following broadly in Aristotle's footsteps, and hi*
** See also J. Porter, 'Herrneneutic lines and circles: Aristarchus and Crates on Homeric
exegesis', in Lamberton and Keaoey, Homo's Ancient Readers.
35
1
approach is a good deal more enlightened than that of his predecessors."

Many of his critical observations remain immensely valuable todav. Never-
theless, he can still employ the same kind of ethical and aesthetic criteria as
earlier scholars in a way which Aristotle would have considered narrow-
minded. Whether he actually knew the Poetics itself directly is doubtful,
since an ancient tradition held that the esoteric works of Aristotle disap-
peared from circulation for a century or so, in the early second century
B.c.44 T h e Homeric Questions, however, and On Poets of Aristotle will have
been available to him, and would have given a reasonable idea of his views.
T h e early Stoic philosophers took a lively interest in the interpretation of
poetry, for which they favoured a broadly allegorical approach. It remains,
however, very questionable whether any of them actually went in for exten-
sive allegorical readings of the Homeric poems, as opposed to selecting
particular passages or myths in order to support their own philosophical
theories.4* Their chief purpose seems to have been to identify the gods of
Homer and Hesiod with cosmic elements and forces, using etymology to
support these identifications, an approach which is recognizably similar to
the allegorical methods of earlier philosophers. It is true that according to
Dio Chrysostom (Or. 53.4) Zeno followed the lead of Antisthenes in arguing
that 'the poet has written some things according to opinion and others
according to truth, in order to save Homer from apparent self-contradiction
where inconsistencies are supposed to exist in his narrative'. Dio adds that
whereas Antisthenes stated the principle without elaboration Zeno demon-
strated it in detail (6 KO6* IKCKTTOV T W V ITTI P pov$ töfjAoxjfv). If, however,
he had wanted to allegorize the poems in a thorough-going way, he would
presumably have tried to show that even the most objectionable passages
were true if correctly understood, as the later allegorist Heraclitus did. 44
There is no trace of allegorical interpretation of specific Homeric episodes
in what little we know of Zeno's Homeric Problems, and in his essay On How
to Listen to Poetry he may have suggested ways of reconciling mythology with
modern religion and ethics, as Plutarch does in his work with this title, but
without necessarily using physical allegory. 49
M For tome specific parallels between Aristarchus and Aristotle see Porter, 'Hermeneuiic
lines and circles', section t, H. Erbse, Beiträgt ivn Verständnis der Odyssee (Berlin 197a) 166-77;
cf. also R. Meijering, Literary «utd Rh tonte! Theories in Creek Schotim (Groningen 1987).
" Strabo 608-9, Plut- Smlb 26.
Cf. Wehrl», Allegorischen Dntmg, Ph de Lacy, *Stoic views on poetry', AJP 69 (1948)
9 4 1 f r , Bufftere, Myihts d'Homhe, and A. A. Long, T h e Stoics as readers of Homer', in
Lamberton and Keaney, Homer's Ancuni Rtoders.
« Cf. Wehrli, Allegorischen Drulung 65.
" For specific interpretations by Zeno cf. SVF1 frr. too, 103,153- 70. Plutarch's essay (A/or.
14*.-37») gives an excellent survey of traditional moralizing approaches to Homer, and of how
the poet's educational value could be preserved against criticism. CT D. Babut, PluUrqm et It
Stoicismt (Paris 1969) 87fr., L. J. R Heirman, "Plutarch de ndwutispMtii' (diss Leiden 1973).
and the commentary on this e»ay by E Valgiglio (Turin 1973).
36
1
Cleanthes' interests seem also to have been mainly etymological (SVF

1535, 539-42, 546-7) and this is even more the case with Chrysippus (SVF
n 1021, io6i«f too). The Concise Hellenic Theology of Cornutus in the first
century A.D. is a dry handbook which shows the heaviest debt to these early
Stoic methods, and it is significant that it betrays no real interest in poetry
for its own sake. We perhaps come a little closer to such an interest in the
work of Zeno's pupil Ariston of Chios, if it is the case that he attached
importance to euphony, and held that the trained ear, rather than reason,
should be the judge of this.4*
The two main surviving works of Homeric allegory are the Homeric
Problems of Heraclitus (usually thought to be c. first century A.D.) and
the essay On the Life and Poetry 0/ Homer attributed to Plutarch. Heraclitus'
book belongs to the general class of works which set out to defend Homer
against the attacks of Plato - works which proliferated in the first and
second centuries A . D . 4 9 He owes a certain amount to the early Stoics,
but much also to other earlier and later allegorists, although the question
of his sources is still a matter of debate.*0 The other work (which seems
to be later than Heraclitus) is a diverse compilation which aims to show
Homer as master of all arts, including (besides poetry and rhetoric) physics,
ethics and theology." It uses allegory as one of its techniques of interpreta-
tion, drawing on the Stoics but also showing a marked Neopythagorean
tendency. It sets out to make Homer the ancestor of all philosophical
schools, an idea satirized by Seneca (Ep. 88.5): as he says, if Homer is master
of many conflicting doctrines then he must be really master of none.** Stoic
allegories also find a place from time to time in the Homeric Scholia and
Eustathius, but again mediated by and combined with later sources.**
Apart from the Alexandrian scholars the most important and original
figure in Homeric scholarship of the Hellenistic period is Crates of Mallos,
a contemporary of Aristarchus, who criticized many of his theories.*4 Crates
in turn expressed his own estimate of his superiority over Alexandrian
M Ariston's view« have to be reconstructed from the criticisms of Philodemus, and so remain
rather uncertain: cf. C. Jensen, Pkiloimtts titer die GtdichU (Berlin 1923) taSff
•* Cf. S. Weinstock, Philologus 8a (1926) 145ff.
M Cf. Buffiere's introduction to the Budt edition of Heraclitus (Paris 1962).
u On its character, date, and relationship to Plutarch's works cf. Wchrii, Alltgeriuhen
Dentvmg 3fT., Bernadakis, Plutarch vn (Leipzig 1896) biff., Buffiire, Mythu f Homert 72ff., Babut,
PUttarpu el te Stoidsme »6iff.
M C f also Philodemus' criticism (M. n 111 Sudhaus).
M Cf. K. Reinhardt, D* Gratconm theobgia capita due (Berlin 1910) 77ft, van dcr Valfc,
Rutarches 1 479ft
M Cf. J. Helck, 'De Cratetis Malkotae studiis critkii quae ad Iliadem spectant' (diss. Leipzig
1905) and De Cratetis studiis ... quae ad Odysseam spectant (Progr. Dresden 1914), Wehrli,
Altegoriscken Datftmj 4off., H.J. Mette, SpAairopoiia (Munich 1936) and Parateresis (Halle 1952),
Pfeiffer, History if Classical Scketarski 238-45, Porter in Lamberton and Keancy, Homer's
Ancient Readers.
37
1
scholarship by his proud claim to be a Kpmx6$, rather than a mere

ypaypumx6$, and he defined the critic's task as irderns Xoyixifc frmcrr^MTis
Ijjrrrctpov cTvat, in contrast to the narrow philological interest of the
ypauMOTiK^s (fr. 17 ed. Mette, Sphairopoiia). As with the earlier Stoics, by
whom he was influenced, it is doubtful whether Crates went in for extensive
and detailed allegory of the poems as a whole. A reasonable interpretation
of a reference to him by Philodemus is that he was much less extreme in
hb approach than Metrodorus (see p. 29 above). His allegorical views
were also combined with a good deal of more routine philological work
on the text. Moreover where he does allegorize this is in connexion with his
specific interest in Homer as a potential source of cosmology and scientific
knowledge.
An example of this is his interpretation of Agamemnon's shield (H.
11.32-40) as a 'representation of the comas* (Mette, Sphairopoiia fr. 23a-c),
which seems to have been worked out in considerable detail, if we can judge
from Eustathius (828.39^)." The shield's complex workmanship (it is
called TroXv8al6aXov) mirrors that of the cosmos, and it is 'man-encircling'
because the human race forms part of this. Its ten concentric bronze circles
represent the *bra2en heaven' (//. 17.425), corresponding to the five parallel
circles, i.e. the two 'colures' which link the solstitial and equinoctial points,
the galaxy, zodiac and horizon. The stars are represented by its twenty
bosses of white tin (and so the central boss of black tcOavos is presumably the
earth). It resembles the aegis of Athene (//. 5-738ff.), Zeus's daughter, and
Agamemnon himself is compared to Zeus (2.478, io.5ff.), again suggesting
the shield's significance.
The Shield of Akhilleus is the subject of even more extensive allegories of
a similar kind, in both Heraclitus' Homeric Problems (43-51) and Eustathius
(1 i54.42ff.). These differ from each other, and that of Heraclitus looks as if
it might well derive ultimately from Crates, as he takes great trouble to
establish Homer's knowledge of a spherical earth (44-7; cf. On the Life and
Poetry of Homer 104-6, 109-10). This in turn was one of the main aims of
Crates." By contrast, Eustathius names his source as Demo, a learned lady
mentioned as an allegorist by him and the Scholia elsewhere.*7
Crates' scientific interest led him to discuss details of Homeric astronomy
and geography both in the Shield of Akhilleus and elsewhere. Thus he
M For details of this, the various ancient allegories of the Shield of Akhilleus, and their
possible relevance to Virgil's Shield of Aeneas sec also Hardie, C M W J and hmptrium 340-6, arid
'Imago tmmdi: ccwmological and ideological aspects of the Shield of Achilles', JfHS 105 (1985)
it-31.
M Cf. Mette, Sphaxropciia 43ff., Wehrli, AlUgorisdun Dtmhmg 28ft Heraclitus differs from
Crates, however, in his explanation of the Homeric phrase 9o4) v6£ (Hcrad. 45, Crates fr. a8a
Mette), and his direct source may be Posidonius (cf. D.L. 7.144).
" On Demo see Reinhardt, Dt Gtaecontm tkelogia 48?., Kroll, RESuppl. m 33iff.
38
1
interpreted the doves (irtAciai) which bring ambrosia to Zeus in Od. I2.62ff.
as the Pleiades (frr. 26a and 27) and he may well be the source of an allegory
of Nestor's cup (//. 11.632-5) given by Asclepiades of Myrlea, in which the
doves on the cup are the Pleiades, its golden studs are stars, and the cup
itself is again a 'representation of the cosmos' (Ath. 4890^).
It had been traditional to locate the voyages of Odysseus in the western
Mediterranean, although such speculation was dismissed by Eratosthenes
with the famous remark that 'you will find the places visited by Odysseus
when you have discovered the name of the cobbler who sewed up the bag
of the winds' (Strabo 1.2.15)! Aristarchus also believed that such specula-
tion was misplaced, and he disagreed with Crates, who wished to locate the
wanderings in the Atlantic or 'Outer Sea\ M Crates ingeniously suggested
that the Laestrygonians lived in the distant north, because Homer says that
a herdsman there can earn a double wage, and that 'the paths of day and
night are close together' (Od. 10.8iff.), which he took to imply the short
summer nights of the far north. Likewise the Cimmerians, living at the edge
of Ocean, under perpetual cloud and darkness (Od. i i.t3ff.), must be near
one of the Poles, and he preferred to read 'Cerberians* here (frr. 37-8). In
his spherical earth Hades was at the Antipodes, and Ocean ran both along
the equator and from north to south, dividing the earth into four equal
sections (frr. 34-5). His cosmology was equally symmetrical, and even the
allegorist Heraclitus finds somewhat far-fetched Crates' interpretation of
Hephaistos* fall to earth (//. 1.590-4), where his arrival on Lemnos at
sunset is explained as meaning that Zeus wished to measure the universe,
and so threw two firebrands at equal speed, from heaven to earth and from
east to west, one being Hephaistos, the other the Sun (Heraclitus 27).
This concentration on the harmony and balance of the cosmos is surely
echoed by Crates* view of the aesthetic aspect of Homer's poetry. Like
Ariston he seems to have emphasized the importance of euphony and
good composition as the sources of the pleasure of poetry. Behind this
there must He the atomist tradition (cf. Democritus, D - K 68 B 21?) which
saw close analogies between crroixcTa as elements of the cosmos and as the
letters from which words and so discourse in general are composed, a
tradition taken seriously also by Lucretius (1.196-8, 2.686-94). M
Suetonius (De grammaticis et rhetoribus 2) treats as a landmark in the
development of scholarship at Rome the visit of Crates in 168 B.C. He came
M Cf. Lehrs, D* Arutarcki ihuiiit 34iff., Mette, Spfairopoiie fr. 31. An ccho of the contro-
versy appears in P. Oxy. 2888 col. iii.iff.

** Cf. Jensen, Pkilodtmus ibtr die GeditAk «46^, Wehrti, AlUgoriuken Dmwig 49?., Mette,
Pemtertsis jgfT., J. Porter, Crmacht ErtpUouti 19 (1989) 149-78 (especially 171-4); also
P. Friedlander, 'Patterns of sound and atomistic theory in Lucretius*, in PfbUmt dtr
Lkkretfersihmg ed. C.J. Classen (Hildesheim 1986) 291-307.
on a mission from the King of Pergamon, broke his leg in a drain, and spent
his convalescence giving lectures there. It was these lectures which first
stimulated the Romans to pursue the more detailed study of poetry. But it
was not only Roman scholarship which benefited, for it seems highly likely
that Crates was one of the influences which led later Roman poets to take
both cosmology and allegory in general so seriously."
(ill) Rome (to the A n g a i t u period)*1

Study of Homer at Rome must really date at least from the time of Livius
Andronicus' translation of the Odyssey into Saturnian verse in the late
third century B.C. Livius seems to have used some form of Homeric glossary
for this, if not a more detailed commentary." The choice of the Odyssey
rather than the Iliad is interesting, as the Romans, like the Greeks, quoted
the Iliad far more, although both were used as school texts. The legends
linking Odysseus with southern Italy and Sicily must have made him
popular, and Livius himself probably came from Tarentum."
But it was Ennius who claimed to have inherited the *oul of Homer, in a
vision in which Homer is clearly portrayed as a source of philosophical
knowledge of the cosmos.** Ennius' introduction of hexameter verse also
marks the beginning of a more truly Hellcnized literature at Rome. This is
the time when we begin to hear of quotations of Homer by leading Romans
such as Cato the Elder, Aemilius Paullus, and his son, the younger Scipio.
Lucilius, Scipio's friend, reflects Hellenistic literary theory when he says
that Homer's critics do not find fault with his work as a whole but only with
individual parts of it (401-10 Warmington)." Among such common sub-
jects of criticism he mentions Homer's marveb, his JUta monstra such as
Polyphemus and his giant walking-stick (520-3)." About this time or
soon afterwards the Iliad was also translated into Latin hexameters by both
Cn. Matius and Ninnius Crassus (Fragmenta Poetarum Latinorum, ed. Morel,
pp. 48-9, 51). Later, Cicero's versions of passages from Homer are more
interesting, and his frequent quotations in letters are a good index of the
semi-proverbial character of much of Homer for the cultured Romans of the
** Cf. Hardie, Cosmos and Imfterium 3 7 - 9 (etc.).

See especially J. Tolkiehn, 'De Homeri auctoritate in cotidiana Roma no rum vita*. Johrb.
Jitr class. Phil. Suppl. 33 (1896-7) 221-89, * n d Homer und dit rmistht Potsu (Leipzig 1900),
A. Ronconi, hterprtti Latini & Omtro (Turin 1973).
•• Cf. Ronconi, of. cit. 13^., H. Frankel, 'Griechische Bildung in altrbmischen Epen',
Hermes 67 (1933) 3o6fF.
•» On Odysseus in Italy cf. E. D. Phillips, JHS 73 (1953) 53fF.
M On Ennius' vision cf. Hardie, Cosmos and Imptntm 76-83.
M Cf. C O. Brink. Horact on Potty 1 (Cambridge 1963) 6off., and o (Cambridge 1971) 359^.
•• Cf. Quint. 8.3.34, * [Longinus] 9.14.
40
1
58
late Republic.*7 Most curious of all is the ¡lias Latino, an epitome of the Iliad
in 1,070 verses which is influenced by Virgil and Ovid, and which devotes
over half its lines to the first five books.** Together with the later prose
accounts of the Trojan War attributed to 'Dictys' and 'Dares* this poem
became an important source for the western Middle Ages, when knowledge
of Greek was lost.
The admiration of Lucretius for Homer is clear (cf. especially Lucr.
1.124-6, 3.1037-8), but for both explicit criticism and implicit interpreta-
tion we must turn rather to Horace and Virgil. The first part of Horace's
second epistle (Ep. 1.2.1-31) reads almost like a summary of the whole
earlier tradition of moralizing interpretation of Homer, especially of the
Odyssey.** Horace declares Homer to be a better guide to ethics than the
philosophers Chrysippus and Crantor. The Iliad shows clearly the effects of
passion as a disruptive force in human society; the Odyssey by contrast gives
us in Ulysses a valuable model of virtue and wisdom, portraying his broad
experience of the world, his endurance, resilience, and resistance to tempta-
tions, which preserved him from the fate of his companions. They in their
turn, like the worthless suitors of Penelope or the idle youth of Alkinoos'
court, may be regarded as models of ourselves: unless, that is, we can rouse
ourselves from our lethargy and get down to some useful work! Otherwise
we too shall suffer the evil effects of our passions.
In his Ars poetica Horace's concern is as much aesthetic as moral, and
in his approach to Homer he treads closely in the footsteps of Aristotle.
Thus the brief, allusive proem to the Odyssey is contrasted with the typically
inflated 'cyclic' prelude, and he praises Homer's rapidity in moving directly
in medics res, his avoidance of a tediously chronological structure, his unity
of plot, and the credibility of his fictions (136-52). But, as Lucilius had
observed, in works on such a scale some faults are inevitable, and yet they
do not spoil the effect of the whole (347-60).
Like Horace, Virgil shows in his Aeneid that he has learnt from Aristotle
and later Hellenistic critics how to follow in Homer's track, to imitate his
virtues and also as far as possible to avoid his faults.7* Like Horace too, he
clearly views Homer through the moral and cosmological spectacles of
earlier Greek critics and philosophers.71 Aeneas* adventures represent his
n Cf. Ftagmenla Poetanm Latinontm, ed. Morel, pp. 73-7, Tolkiehn, De Horn, amctontate 259?.,
Ronconi, op. cit. 4iff., V. Clave), Dt M. T. Cicerone Graeconm interpreU (Paris 1968).
** Cf. Poetae Latins minorts m 3, ed. Vollmer, and Tolkiehn, op. tit. 96ft.
M Cf. E. Kaiser, MH 21 (1964) 109^., 197«"., J. Moles, Papers if the Liverpool Latin Seminar 5
(«985) 34-9» together with S. Eidinow, CQ,40 (1990) 566-8.

n Cf. especially R. Heinze, Virgils epische Techak (3rd edn, Leipzig and Berlin 1915). G.
Knauer, Die Aeneis and Homer (Gottingen 1964), R. R. Schlunk, The Homeric Scholia end the
Aeneid (Ann Arbor 1974).
n For Homeric allegory and the Aeneid see especially Hardie, Cosmos and Imperium.
progress towards the divinely ordained goal of Rome's foundation, taking

us a stage further along the road towards the spiritual epics of Dante or
Milton, but this notion of a moral or spiritual Odyssey is already present in
ancient readings of the Odyssey itself. Aeneas is to a certain extent a hero
with Stoic characteristics, in his submission to fate, his control of his emo-
tions, and his triumph over fortune through endurance, although Virgil
wisely never allows this aspect to obliterate his human fallibility.
Virgil's gods too are on the whole more remote and august than those of
Homer, above all in the Iliad. Direct intervention in human affairs, espe-
cially to do harm, is usually through intermediary figures (Aeolus, Somnus,
Allecto, etc.), avoiding some of the problems which Homer had posed
for Plato, and there are clear signs of physical or cosmological allegory
here: Jupiter's will is identical to Fate, Juno represents the elemental forces
of disorder, Venus those of harmony; and just as Here was equated with air,
so Juno is mistress of the powers of the air or winds (i.78ff., etc.), Diana is
the moon (9-403ff.), Apollo the sun (u.9i2ff.), and Iris the rainbow
(4.700ft, etc.). 71 Virgil seems to allude to earlier interpretations of divine
epithets, such as those which linked Pallas with TTAXACIV or Tritonia with
Tpctv (i.39ff., a.i69ff., 2.226ff.). 7S Moreover, where Homer has divine com-
edy, such as the scandalous tale of Ares and Aphrodite (Od. 8.266-366), in
his parallel scene Virgil substitutes a cosmology sung by Atlas' pupil Iopas
(Aen i.74off.). The song of Demodokos had already been interpreted as a
cosmic allegory (cf. Hcraclitus, Homeric Probl ms 69, Ps.-Plut. On th Life
and Poetry of Horn r 99-101), and Clcanthes had made Atlas a representation
of Stoic Providence.74
One of the most acute problems of Homeric criticism was the credibility
of Homer's speciosa miracula, as Horace called them. Virgil on the whole
avoids the more fantastic aspects of the scenes he imitates, and where he
does introduce the bizarre or supernatural it is usually for a specific purpose
linked to his main narrative aims, as for example in his omens, visions and
prophecies. And as Odysseus' travels were described in the words of the hero
himself, a device by which the poet could distance himself from his fictions,
so too Virgil's account of the visit to the Underworld ends with Aeneas and
the Sibyl leaving by the gate of false dreams (»6.893-9). This episode
resembles the myths of Plato, designed as fictional images of philosophical
truth, and the Neoplatonist character of the vision of Rome's future and the
doctrine of reincarnation supports this form of interpretation.74
n Cf. Heinze. op. at. 293^., Knauer, op. at. 289-90.
" Schlunk, op. at. ijfT. In general cf. G. J. M. Bartelink, Etjmologis<nmg bij Vergtlius
(Amsterdam 1965).
M Knauer, op. at. 168 n. 2, Buffiere, MjUus tflfomlrt 150, t68fT., Hardie, Cosmos and Imfxrium
52-60.
" Cf. also Hardie, Cosmos and Impcrium 66-83, f* A. WeM, 'The bough and the gate*,
in Oxford Readings in Vergil's Aeneid, ed. S.J. Harrison (Oxford 1990) 224-38.
42
1
These are just a few of the ways in which Virgil shows himself sensitive
to the earlier history of Homeric interpretation and criticism, so that the
Aeneid in turn becomes a 'reading' of the Homeric poems, just as the Odyssey
could be viewed as a commentary on the Iliad.
(iv) Later Greek criticism
Much of the significant literary criticism of later antiquity bears a heavy

debt to Aristotle's pioneering work, and this is especially true of the treatise
On Style attributed to Demetrius, whose date is uncertain, but must be
somewhere between the third and first century B.C." In his discussion of
what he defines as the four main styles, plain, grand, elegant and forceful,
Demetrius quotes many examples from Homer, especially to illustrate the
grand style. It is clear that many of his quotations are standard, as they
occur either in Aristotle himself, or in later sources such as Quintilian,
Dionysius of Halicamassus and Ps.-Plutarch's Life and Poetiy of Homer, or
else are singled out for praise by the Homeric Scholia.
Demetrius shows a special interest in euphony, sound effects and rhythm,
an interest which he shares with Dionysius and the exegetical Scholia.77 In
his discussion of language and figures of speech he builds on Aristotelian
foundations, and many of his detailed observations are interesting and
memorable. For example, he preserves for us the dictum of Theophrastus,
that
not everything should be given lengthy treatment with full details, but some things
should be left for the hearer to grasp and work out for himself: for if he infers what
is omitted by you he becomes no longer just your hearer but your witness, and one
who is also more favourable, since he thinks himself intelligent, and that you have
given him the opportunity to exercise his mind. To tell your hearer everything
as if he were a fool suggests that you are underrating him (329).
This is related to the Homeric narrative principle formulated by

Aristarchus of T6 OICOTTCOUCVOV, whereby the poet takes many things for
granted, or alludes to them in passing.7*
Dionysius' treatise On the Arrangement of Words (composed in the Augustan
period) is the work of a versatile essayist and historian.** His originality for
us lies primarily in the fact that he is the first surviving critic who attempts
a close critical analysis of extended passages of literature. Dionysius himself
claims to be breaking new ground here (4), and it is clear that he finds his
task a difficult one. He is concerned above all with the effects of word-order,
" Cf. Grube, Greek and Reman Critics 110-21. D. C. Innes in D. A. Russell and M.
Winterbottom, Ancient Literary Crittcism: the Principal Texts in New Translahaeu (Oxford 1972)
i7>-»«3-
n Cf. Richardson, CQ.30 (1980) 283-7. n Cf. Richardson, C&30 (1980) 271.
n Cf. the Loeb edition of Dionysius by S. Usher, vol. n (1985) 3-243.
43
sound and rhythm, and he sees Homer as a master-craftsman in all these

respects (cf. 16 6 TTOAU^COVÓTCTTOS ¿nrrávTwv TTOIT^TGÓV T5yi)po$, etc.). A
good instance of Dionysius* technique at work is his elaborate analysis of Od.

11.593-8, the famous description of Sisuphos in Hades (20). M Dionysius'
account of how the words and rhythms mirror the sense is obscure in some
details, but he is undoubtedly right to draw attention to these aspects of the
poet's technique. As Pope put it:
See Dionysius Homer's thoughts refine,

And call new beauties forth from cv'ry line!
{Essay on Criticism 665-6)
It is probably to the late Hellenistic and early Roman periods that

much of the critical and interpretative material preserved in the b T Scholia
belongs, and they are an invaluable source for us, filling out the more
sketchy and theoretical picture given by the critics. A detailed discussion of
what they have to offer is given in C(¿ 30 (1980) 265-87.* 1 Likewise, we
can gauge the extent of ancient discussion of Homeric speeches from the
many works of rhetorical theory which quote and analyse them.** Perhaps
the best summary, however, of the value of the Homeric poems as a whole
for the ancient orator is given by Quintilian (io.t.46-51). As Okeanos b
the origin of all waters, so Homer omnibus eloqtientiae partibus exemplum et orlum
dedity a claim which Quintilian goes on to illustrate with admirable concision.
T h e most unexpected and original work of ancient literary criticism b
the treatise On the Sublime attributed to Longinus, which must belong to
the first century A.D. or later." More than any other ancient writer, the
author of this work succeeds in expressing for us his sense of Homer's
genius and superiority to all man-made rules of art, although at the same
time he believes that natural genius does need to be controlled and guided
by certain methods and precepts (2.1-2).
T h e origins of his enthusiasm for Homer must lie in the earlier admiration
(reflected as we have seen in Plato and Arbtotle) for h b more dramatic and
emotionally charged episodes and for his ability to evoke wonder and
surprise (TÓ Oaupocrróv, barXrîs: cf. [Longinus] 14). It b in the famous ninth
chapter, one of the finest passages of ancient criticism, that he has most to
say about the poet as a model of greatness of thought (the first of Longinus'
*• Cf. Demetrius 72 for a briefer allusion.

*' See abo R. Meijering, Literary end Rhetorical Theories in the Greek Scholia (Groningen 1987),
and K. Snipes, 'Literary interpretation in the Homeric Scholia: the similes of the Iliad', AJP
109 (1988) 196-222.
** C I the Index to Spengel, Rhtt. gr. 111 518-22, Ps.-Plut. On the Life amé Poetry of Homer 15-
90,161-74, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Ojotada (ed. Usener and Radermacher) n 3 toff., etc.
n C t D. A. Russell's edition (Oxford 1964), Grube, Greek and Roman Critics 340-53.
44
five sources of sublimity) .** Here it is especially his descriptions of the

supernatural that arc singled out for praise, such as the cosmic leap of
Here's horses (It. 5.770-2), the introduction to the Theomachy [It.
21.388 + 20.61-5), a n d Poseidon's journey across the sea (It. 13. i8fT. +
20.60). T o these are added two heroic examples, the awful silence of
Telamonian Aias in the Underworld (Od. 11.563) and Aias' prayer to Zrus
for light (//. 17.645-7). It is during this discussion that he makes the
celebrated remark that 4Homer has done his best to make the men of the
Trojan War gods and the gods men',** commenting that such episodes as
the Theomachy are 'blasphemous and improper unless interpreted aliegori-
cally' (9.7).
These examples (combined most remarkably with quotation from the
account of Creation in Genesis 1) lead on to the memorable passage con-
trasting the Iliad with the Odyssey as works of irdOos and fj&os respectively .*•
The Odyssey is a work of old age, essentially an epilogue to the Iliad. It is all
story-telling, in which the fabulous and incredible have replaced the dra-
matic intensity of the earlier poem. Odysseus' wanderings are like the
'dreams of Zeus', 17 although they are still the work of genius, and in the
descriptions of Odysseus' household realism has replaced emotional power,
making them a kind of'moral comedy'. In this comparison there are many
points which recall earlier criticism, but nowhere else are the differences
between the two poems so well expressed.
Another celebrated passage is the discussion of literary imitation (13.2-
14), where a list of those authors traditionally seen as most inspired by
Homer is given - Herodotus, Stesichorus, Archilochus, and above all Plato
- and the nature of this form of inspiration is discussed. Here Plato's
greatness of style is seen as the direct result of his aspiration to reach
Homer's height. This paradoxical view of Plato as the inheritor of Homer's
genius rather than his enemy is common among the Neoplatonists, one of
whose aims was to put an end to the ancient quarrel between poetry
and philosophy.**
Finally this work gives us the classic statement of the superiority of
fallible greatness over mediocre perfection (32.8-36.4): it is better to be
** C t Gibbon's comment (quoted by Russell in his edition of Longiaus, 89): T h e ninth

chapter is one of the finest monuments of antiquity . . . I almost doubt which is most sublime,
Homer's Battle of the Gods or Longinus' apostrophe to Terentianus upon i t '
w Cf. C5c. Tmse. 1.65 Jhf«*«/ kmc Hemenu et hamam sd de*$ treoufenhet; dumm maUm ad
mr, Philostr. Her. 2.19.

** Cf. C. Gill, a The tOmjpathos distinction in rhetorical and literary criticism', CQ_ 34 (1984)
149-66.
n Cf. Hor. AP 359, Quint. 6.9.29,10.1.46, Plut. Mor. 709», Dio Chry». Or. 11.129.
m Cf. S. Weiiutock, Philclopu 8a (1926) 121-53, Buffcre, Mytius fHcmbt 19^., Russell on
[Longinus] 13.3 (pp n6fT.).
45
like Homer or Plato, who aim high and sometimes fail, than to play safe and
never leave the ground. Sublimity raises man to the divine level and it is
this which guarantees immortality to literature. And yet, he adds, ideally
nature's greatness should be aided by art, if true perfection is to be achieved
(3^4)-
After the technicalities of Hellenistic scholarship, the elaborate systems of
rhetoric and the complex ingenuities of the allegorists, to read 'Longinus*
on Homer is like emerging from the cloud enveloping a great mountain's
lower slopes, and suddenly seeing around one the towering Alpine peaks.
These peaks were there, but as we struggled painfully upwards through the
mists of learning and speculation we could not see them clearly. The view
may be selective, neglecting the quieter beauties of the valleys, but no other
ancient work did so much in the immediately pre-Romantic period in
Europe to encourage admiration for the genius of Homer, who was in so
many ways far removed from the politer standards of that age.
(v) Neoplatonists «ad Christians

Glimp es of a Neoplatonic or Neopythagorean view of Homer have already
been detected in Ennius' vision of the poet and in Aeneas' visit to the
Underworld. But explicit Neoplatonist allegorization of Homer begins to
appear in the first centuries A.D., from Plutarch onwards, and continues
down to its final flowering in the work of Proclus, in the fifth century.**
The first figures of real significance are Numenius and Cronius, in the later
second century A.D., but their ideas are preserved only by later authors,
especially the third-century author Porphyry in his essay on the Cave of the
Nymphs in the Odyssey (13.102-12).*°
Porphyry himself also wrote a Homeric Questions, some of which survives
intact, and parts of which are quoted in the Homeric Scholia.*1 This marks
the culmination in antiquity of scholarly work on Homeric problems, draw-
ing on Aristotle and his predecessors and on later scholarship. T o this work
we owe the famous principle that Homer is his own best interpreter:
" Cf. especially Buflttre, Mythes d'Homhe 393-582, A. D. R. Sheppard. Studies on tht$th and
6lh Essays of Protlus' Commentary on the Republic (Hypomnemata 61, Gottingen 1980),
Lamberton, Homer the Theologian, and his T h e Neoplatonists and the spiritualization of
Homer', in Lamberton and Keaney, Homer's Antient Readers.
m For Porphyry's De Aniro fymphantm cf. his Opuscule Selecta, ed. A. Nauck (Tcubner 1886),
and the translations by Buffiere, Mythes d'Homhe 595-616, and R. Lamberton (Barrytown,
N.Y.: Station Hill 1983).
w Qyatstionum Homerwarum ad IliadrmjOdysstam Reliquiae, ed. II. Schrader (2 vols., Teubner
1880- 90), and Quaestimum Homeruarum liber /, ed. A. R. Sodano (Naples 1970). Schrader's
reconstruction of the lost work is, however, very speculative: rf. H Frbse, Beitrage zur
Vberlie/erwng der Iliasstholien (Zetemafa 24, Munich i960) 17-77.
46
1
cfc aCrr&s uiv karrbv tA -rroAAd 'Optjposfc^nyerrai{Quaest. hom., ed. Sodano,

p. 1.1 a - 1 4 ) , a principle which corresponds with the actual practice of
Aristarchus, whether or not he actually stated it in these terms.**
Porphyry's combination of this traditional type of exegesis (which itself
sometimes uses allegory as one of its techniques) with the systematic allegory
of his Cave of the Nymphs is not really so unusual as has been thought, for the
evidence suggests that earlier allegorists from Theagenes onwards, and espe-
cially Crates, could go in for a similar combination of interests, and allegory
itself developed from a close study of the language of texts." His De antro
itself, however, has been described as 'the earliest surviving interpretive
critical essay in the European tradition'.*4 It is certainly the most remark-
able and imaginative reading of Homer which survive» from antiquity.
The passage in Odyssey 13 describes a cave in the bay of Phorkus, the
old man of the sea, in Ithaca, where Odysseus is landed on his return home.
At the bay's head is an olive tree, and nearby is the lovely, shadowy cave,
which is sacred to the Naiads. In it there are bowls and amphorae of
stone, where bees make their honey, and great stone looms, where the
nymphs weave robes of sea-purple. It has two springs of ever-flowing water,
and two entrances to north and south, the first for mortals, the second for
gods. Later, Athene and Odysseus store his treasures in the cave and sit
beneath the sacred olive tree to plan the suitors' destruction (366ff.).
Porphyry dismisses the suggestion that this is simply a real cave and
nothing more, and equally that it is just poetic fantasy. The poet wishes
us to ask what he really means by this detailed and mysterious description.
The answer is that the cave is the material world, as in Plato's Republic,
and the Naiads are souls, whose sea-purple robes on stone looms represent
flesh and blood covering the bones of material bodies, by which the souls
become incarnate. The honey bees are the souls of the just, bees being
holy and honey symbolic of purity and freedom from corruption. The souls
enter and leave the cave by the two doorways, entering as mortals and
leaving as divine (and the symbolism of north and south is elaborately
explained). The olive tree is sacred to Athene, goddess of wisdom, and it
is at the head of the harbour because wisdom governs the world, Athene
herself being born from Zeus's head. The olive's leaves are dark and light,
symbolizing the hope of suppliants, who hold an olive branch, of passing
from darkness to light, and the evergreen olive's fruit is a reward for labour
as in the prizes of olive oil at the Panathenaia, just as the eternal Wisdom
gives us prizes for running life's race.
•» Cf. Pfriffcr, History ofQassuel Scholarship «26-7.

** Cf. Richardion, PCPS 201 (1975) 67ff, Lambmon. Homer the Thiol on 109-10.
** Lamberton, Homer the Theologian 1 ao.
47
1
Horn r and his ancient critics
Odysseus lays aside his material possessions and sits down beneath the
olive tree with Athene, who transforms him into a beggar. So we must
humble ourselves, give up our material concerns, and deliberate with
Athene how to overcome the treacherous passions which arc our enemies.
Odysseus himself is the man who endures all the stages of reincarnation,
until he is finally freed from the world of matter, when he "arrives at a place
where men do not know the sea', according to Teiresias' prophecy (Od.
11.121 ff.).
This extraordinary allegory could hardly be further removed from the
limpid simplicity of Homeric narrative style, but it is a remarkable testi-
mony to the regenerative power of Homeric poetry, which could still evoke
such interpretations after nearly a thousand years of tradition. Porphyry's
allegory (based on the works of Numenius and Cronius) fits into the wider
context of Neoplatonist views on the poems in general, for which one needs
to look especially to Proclus.** In these the Trojan War itself becomes
an image of life on earth, Helen being the beauty of the world of the senses
over which souls struggle. The Trojan Helen herself is only an §T6a>Xov, as
in Stesichorus and Euripides, this world being only an image of reality.
Troy or Ilion represents matter (OXrj, 1X0$), and the Greeks are souls which
eventually escape and return to their true, spiritual home. The ten-year
War symbolizes the ten periods of i ,ooo years of successive reincarnations.
As we have seen, Odysseus' wanderings again represent the soul's exile, the
sea is the material world, and his trials are the soul's conflict with passions
and temptations, leading to her final victory.
These wider allegories are explicitly prompted by the aim of defending
Homer against the criticisms of Plato, and of reconciling poet and philoso-
pher, and this aim is linked to an elaborate theory of poetry which restores
the status it had originally enjoyed, as capable of expressing the highest
forms of truth about the world M . From the work of Porphyry or Proclus it
is a very easy step to that of the early Christian apologists (especially Justin,
Clement and Origen), who set out to defend Christianity against the pagan
tradition, using allegory either to reinterpret Biblical myths or else to show
how Greek myths really foreshadowed the truths of Christianity.*7 In this
complex process Homer played an important role, and on the whole he
continued to enjoy a relatively privileged status as the conveyor of divinely
** Cf. Sheppard, op. a/., Lamberton, Homer the Theologian 197-232.

" Cf. Lamberton, Homer the Theologian 162-97.
" Cf. especially H. Rahner, Griethische Mylhen in christluhe Dtvlung (Zurich 1957), G.
Glockmann, Honur n drr fnhchristlichen Literatur bis Justinus (Berlin 1968), N. Zeegers-Van der
Vorst, Les Citations its poHts grtes chtz Its aftologistts rhr/tirns du ¡It sitclt (Louvain 1972), J.
Danidou, A History of Christian Doctrine 11. Gospel Message nd Hellenistic Culture (London 1973),
J. Pepin, Mytht tt alligont (2nd edn, Paris 1976), Lamberton, Homer the Theolo tan, espcriall)
78-82, 233ft.
48
1
inspired truth, despite the general hostility of the apologists towards pagan
religion and myths. Through this channel the allegorical tradition passed to
Byzantium, to the Latin Middle Ages, and ultimately into the Renaissance.98
Viewed from a modern perspective, ancient criticism and interpretation
of Homer may well seem curiously unbalanced, especially because of its
emphasis on morality and its allegorical tendencies. But we should bear in
mind first of all the unique status of the Homeric poems in antiquity, and
secondly the fact that all forms of literary interpretation are in a certain
sense a form of allegory, since they seek to draw out of a text more than is
directly expressed by the words themselves. This applies as much to modern
criticism of Homer as to ancient, and from this viewpoint it is not unreason-
able to see this present series of commentaries on the Iliad as the continua-
tion of a tradition which stretches back through Byzantium to Alexandria,
and beyond this to the first tentative efforts to expound the poem of which
we are aware, in the fifth and sixth centuries B.C.
** This b not the place to pursue the story further. For Byzantium and the Renaissance cf.
R. Browning and A. Grafton in Lamberton and Keaney, Montr's Ancient Readers, P. Cesaretti,
Alltgoristi di Omen a Bisanzio (Milan 1991 ). For general surveys of later interpretation of Homer
cf. G. Finsler, Homer in der Jfnzeit (Leipzig 1912), J. L. Myrea and D. Gray, Homer and his Critics
(London 1958), H. Clarke, Homer's Readers (Newark 1981). Stanford, Ulysses Thane, follows
the fortunes of Odysseus through the centuries, as do B. Rubens and O. Tapiin in An Odyssey
round Odysseus (London 1989), and K. C. King docs the same for the hero of the Iliad in Achilles:
Paradigms of the War Herofrom Homer to the Mid le Ages (Berkeley 1987}. For Homer in English,
French and German literature and criticism see also G. de F. Lord, Homeric Renaissance: the
Odrssey of Georgt Chafiman (London 1956), D. Knight, Pope and At Heroic Tradition (Yale 1951),
D. M. Foenter, Homer in English Criticism (Yale 1969), H. A. Mason, To Homer through Pope
(London 1972), K. Simonsuuri, Homer's Original Genius (Cambridge 1979), N. Hepp, 'Homère
en France au xvi* siècle*, Atti della Aceademia d lie Science di Torino. Classe di scienze morali, sloriche
et Jitologiche 96 (1962) 383-508, and Homire en France a* xttV siiclt (Paris 1968}, T . Bleicher,
Homer in dtr deutschen Literatwr '450-/740 (Stuttgart 1972).
49
I
COMMENTARY
BOOK T W E N T Y - O N E
This Book cannot be considered separately from book 20. The framework
of both consists in the scenes describing the Batde of the Gods. A t the
opening of book 20 Zeus urged the gods to intervene directly in the conflict
(a reversal of the situation at the beginning of book 8), on the grounds that
otherwise Akhilleus might sack Troy before the due time; and a grandiose
passage described the cosmic effects of their entry into battle (47-66). After
this prelude to the Theomachy the theme of direct conflict between the gods
was left suspended, while Akhilleus clashed with Aineias, skirmished with
Hektor, and killed other Trojans. It is resumed at 21.328-514, where a
series of actions between opposing deities takes place (cf. 14.402-522^, for
a similarly suspended sequence).
The earlier part of book 21 leads up to this through a succession of
climactic scenes, centred on the theme of the battle in and with the river
Skamandros. The Book opens with a brief but vivid description of half of
the Trojans trapped and slaughtered in the river (1-33), followed by two
major scenes in which Lukaon (34-138) and Asteropaios (139-201) are
killed and their bodies disposed of in the stream. These actions arouse
Skamandros' anger. He appeals to Akhilleus to desist, and then begins to
attack him directly and protect the Trojans. In danger of being over-
whelmed Akhilleus prays to Zeus, and is encouraged by Poseidon and
Athene. Skamandros in turn calls to Simoeis for support, and begins to
overpower his opponent (205-327).
This conflict between Akhilleus and the river-god, itself an intensely
dramatic episode, leads into what is really the first major scene of the
Theomachy, the clash of Skamandros and Hephaistos, water and fire (328-
82), already foreshadowed in the list of divine combatants at 20.33-40 (and
67-74). Once again the tone of this scene is intense and powerful.
By contrast, the battles or squabbles of the major Olympian deities,
Athene and Here against Ares, Aphrodite and Artemis, together with
Hermes* light-hearted avoidance of conflict with Leto, may at first seem
trivial, although Apollo's refusal to fight his uncle Poseidon strikes a deeper
note (383-513). T h e tone is similar to that of the scenes in book 5, where
51
1
Book Twenty-Two
Athene helps Diomedes to defeat Aphrodite and Ares, and there are echoes
of these scenes which should probably be seen as part of a larger pattern of
correspondences between the 'Diomedeia* and books 20-1 (see Introduc-
tion, 'Structure and themes1). But the divine battles in book 2! do have
their functions within the poet's design. Not only do they give a cosmic
dimension to Akhilleus' own aristeia, forming a series of stages leading up to
the final confrontation between him and Hektor (cf. the interesting early
comment on this technique by the sophist Protagoras, cited on 205-327),
but throughout the Books in which Akhilleus is in action there abo run the
themes of the imminent threat of Troy's destruction and of its constant
postponement. Skamandros' defeat by Hephaistos eliminates one divine
protector, the city's chief river-god (cf. 21.372-6, where he swears not to
defend Troy on the day of its sack); and the rout of three other pro-Trojan
deities symbolizes their powerlessness against the forces of Here and Athene
(cf. especially Athene's vaunt at 428-33). The lack of dignity with which
this is accomplished has moral implications, suggesting the false position of
the gods who are supporting a city doomed for Paris' treachery: his actions
were instigated by Aphrodite, leading to the hateful war of which Ares is
the embodiment (compare 5.832-4 and 21.412-14, where Athene accuses
Ares himself of treachery in deserting the Greeks for the Trojans). O n the
Theomachy see also 383-5130.
The one god who preserves an awe-inspiring dignity on the Trojan side
is Apollo, and it is appropriate that after the other deities have withdrawn
he should enter Troy, in order to protect it from destruction. The Book
closes with a rapid sequence of scenes which form a prelude to book 22 and
anticipate some of its themes (see on 5 1 4 - 6 1 1 ) .
T h e analysis by Scheibner (Aufbctu) makes many excellent points on this
part of the poem. See also Whitman, HHT 2 7 2 - 3 on the structure of books
2 0 - 1 , and Bremer's discussion of the role of the gods in terms of narrative
technique in HBOP 31-46.
1-33 Prelud : many of the Trojans take refuge in th river Skamandros, and are
slaughtered by Akhilleus
In this opening scene the similes of slaughter and panic ( 1 3 - 1 6 , 2 2 - 6 and
29) are a continuation of those (of forest fire and threshing) at the end
of book 20 (490-9). For other sequences of similes running over book-
divisions, see on 9.4-8, 16.823-6.
1 — 1 6 The sound-patterns of this passage are analysed by A. B. Lord
in Wace and Stubbings, Companion 200-1, and cf. Elliger, Darstellvng der
Landschaft 72-3. T h e references to the river in 1 - 2 and 1 5 - 1 6 frame the
description, and it is mentioned in the centre of the passage (8). Descrip-
tions of river-battles of this kind seem to be rare in earlier Near Eastern
52
Book Twenty-One
literature, but cf. the Egyptian accounts of the battle of Kadesh (A.
Gardiner, The Kadesh inscriptions of Ranussts //, Oxford i960, to, 3 0 , 3 9 - 4 1 ) ,
where the Hittites are said to be driven into the Orontes and massacred,
and a Hittite story of someone (Tudhalijas?) being driven into and pursued
across a river, published by K . K . Riemschneider, Journal of Cuneiform
Studies 16 (1962) 1 1 0 - 2 1 .
1 - 1 1 This long periodic sentence, with quite heavy enjambment, acts as
an excellent introduction to the scene of carnage.
= 14 433-4, 24.692-3. T h e ford is mentioned as a landmark in all
these passages, rather than as a crossing-place. T h e scholia are in doubt
whether ir6pos means 'ford' or 'stream', but it is usually taken as the former.
It has not featured as part of an actual batde scene until now, since at
14.433-9 it is a resting-place for Hektor on the way back to the city.
T h e phrases which the poet uses to refer to the river Skamandros in this
Book and elsewhere form an extensive formular system.
Nominative
143, 212, 228 uoTau&s ßa0u6(vr|s |
329, 20.73 utyas w r a u ö s ßaövßivtft |
130noTapös Trip töppoos ApyvpoSlvrjs |
304 I cOpO Trorapöt
161 iTÄfVro £6os KfXäSuv
Cf. 12.21 5T6s T« ZKdjjav6pos |
Accusative
8 ts TTOTapÖV ClAfOVTO ßaGOppOOV &pyupo5(VT)V
206 TT&P TTOTOPÖV Trt^0pV|crT0 Siv^cvra |
603 Trdtp TTorayöv ßaduSiv^cvTa XicäiJiavßpov |
25 Trorapolo Kcrrd 6«ivoio £&6pa |
332 I E6v6ov ßiWjEvrar
352 T6 7T£pl KOX6 ßk6pa &A»S T r o T a p o I o TO$UKH
Cf 7.329 ¿Oppoov £xäuav6pov |

Genitive
1 - 2 - 14 433-4. 24-692-3:
6XK' 6T€ Trdpov T£ov tvppcios TTOTOMOTO
Hdv6ou 5IW)CVTO; 6v ¿OdvoTos Tfccrro Ztvs
15 HdvOov pa6u8»vêvTos |
148 ZtcapdvSpou CIV^CVTOS |
268 (itya Kvua Cwrerlos Trcrrapoto |
326 TropÔpcov 6* dpa KOpa Stfirrrfos TTOTCXPOTO
(5iIirrrtos TTOTapoIo 16.174, 17.263, 3 x Od.)
53
Book Twenty-Two
Cf. also (above) 2 1 . 2 5 TTOTOÂOTO KOTTA Bcivolo ^¿c6pa |

1 1 . 4 9 9 1 ¿ x f a * ^P irorapoTo iKatuicvSpov
Dative
Cf 5 . 3 6 tir' TY'&VTI ZxaudvSpG) |
Note also the use of:

2 1 . 9 CCITTA ptttipa | ~ 8.369 Z w y d s OBcrros alird |
238, 244, 3 6 1 , 382 KaXd £&6pa | (see on 238)
352 (above) TA TTEP\ KOTAI /&6PA &AIS TTOTOUOTO TTC$0KEI
3 5 4 | ot Karris KOXA
365 | <2>s TOO KOAA (STCGPA
218 tpcmivd £&6pa | (see comment)
See also Elliger, Darstellung der Landschaft 54.

3-11 b T comment on Akhilleus' feat of dividing the enemy into two
groups, and pursuing some towards the city and others into the river. Cf.
1 6 . 3 9 4 - 8 , where Patroklos drives the Trojans towards the ships and cuts off
their retreat, and 1 0 . 3 6 3 - 4 .
4 - 5 There may be a hint of retribution in this reference to the previous
day's troubles for the Greeks. For 4 cf. 6.41 Trp6s ir6Aivf f j trip ol &AA01
ATV£6UCVOI foptavro, and 2 1 . 5 5 4 ^ti rap ol 6AA01 6TU£6UCVOI
KXoviovTat.
6 Trf4>v£6Tts: only here, 528, 5 3 2 , and 22.1, always of the Trojans, where-
as we have m4>cvyoi at 609, TTt$cvy6Tis Od. 1.12. T h e original formation
was probably t i T t y i r y f w h i c h became on the analogy of
9u(a, after the loss of the digamma (Chantraine, Diet. s.v. $cvyto 1). T h e
poet may use it in preference to Trt$cvy6Tt$ because he wants to suggest the
noun ('rout'), a stronger expression than
t)tpa 6' "Hpr|: this was later used to support the allegorical identification
of Here with air (cf. Buffiire, Mythes tTHombe io6ff.). Here's intervention
seems perfunctory, but such brief interventions are a feature of this Book.
T h e mist stops the Trojans from escaping to the city, but the poet says no
more about the fate of this group.
8 paOOppoov: elsewhere of Okeanos (2X //., 2X Od.). Cf. 130 m>Taji6s
Ttcp tOppoo? ApyvpoSlvris. <&pyvpo6ivTft is used likewise of Peneios at 2 . 7 5 3 .
9 — 1 0 T h e noise and confusion are emphasized by the onomatopoeic
words Trarrdyc*), Pp&xc, laxov, <&XaX^*rcp (so T ) . ppaxtiv is most often used
of the clash of armour, but it occurs again at 387 in a similar verse, oOv 5*
firccrov neydA^ nerrdyep, pp&X C 6' cOpcta yjMw. For OITTA see on
8.369.
1 2 - 1 6 This vivid simile catches in only three verses the effect of the
Trojan panic. Axpis (only here in Homer) can mean 'locust', 'grasshopper*
54
1
Book Twenty-Two
or 'cricket', but as it is presumably destructive here, 'locust' seems the best

equivalent; cf. M. Davies and J. Kathirithamby, Greek Insects (London
1986) 135-44, a n c * Gow on Theocr. Id. 5.108 and CR 6 (1956) 92. The
scholia say that this method of driving locusts out of the crops was practised
in Cyprus, but it would presumably have been familiar to the poet's audi-
ence also. There is a parallel to this simile in the Flood story as told in the
Mesopotamian epic Atrahasis. Cf. S. Dalley, Mythsfrom Mesopotamia (Oxford
1989) 32-3: 'Nintu was wailing . . . | Would a true father (?) have given birth
to the [rolling?] sea | (so that) they could clog the river like dragonflies?'
The contrast of fire and water foreshadows the conflict of Hephaistos and
Skamandros, as does the association of Akhilleus with fire, which is frequent
in books 18-22: see on 22.317-21.
l a The scholia note how the tone of the simile is raised by the language,
especially îiri1}? and fiepWovTctt ('take wing*).
16 KEA46GW: 'sounding'; cf. 18.576 trip TroTctp6v KSAASOVTCI. HRIU!£
hnrcov Tt Kal <5rv8pa>v resembles 11.525 ITTTTOI TE Kal aCrrol and 23.242
KorfovT* hripl^ ITTTTOI TE KCCI &v6pe$.
17 6 SioycWjs: 6ioyev^s is used of various heroes, 7X //., but only here
with a definite article. Cf. 6 yipwv 1.33 with comment.
Akhilleus leaves his spear on the bank, but at 6 7 - 7 0 he is using it again.
As Aristarchus observed (Arn/A), this is a typical example of the poet's
economy in taking unimportant details for granted (Konrdt t6 oiamtopfvov).
Cf. b T 1.449 etc., and CQ_30 (1980) 271.
18 kekAi(x£vov pvpiKfjoiv is a suitable topographical detail. S e e o n 3 5 0 - 1 ,
and cf. 6.39, 10.466-7. Saipovi Taos (9X //.) is usually applied to a sudden
destructive attack.
19 Cf. 23.176 X 0 ^ 1 ^ 6T]1C6COV' KOCK& bk $pcol P^6rro fpya.
2 0 - 1 Cf. 10.483-4 (with KTITVE . . . y a l a instead of TVTTTC . . . G8cop). The
substitution of aluorri GSoop for the more usual alpcm yata (3X //.) creates
a rare type of hiatus.
22—6 This simile makes a good companion to the previous one. There
the movement was from land to water: here pursuer and pursued are both
in the water (cf. bT).
aa uryaK^jTTis is used elsewhere of a ship (3 x //.) or the sea (Od. 3.158).
It is usually translated 'with mighty hollow', 'capacious' (cf. Leaf, LSJ). But
the influence of KT^TOS is surely felt, and the poet perhaps intended 'mon-
strous'. Cf. Od. 12.96-7 ScAîvd; TT... Kal el iro8i uetôv tAqoi | Kfj-ros . . . ,
the only other instance of dolphins in Homer.
23 Atiitvos c06puou: the epithet occurs only here in //.; cf. Od. 4.358,9.136
Aiirfjv cOopyos.
34 Cf. 3.25 JJ&Aa y6p TE KcrreofMei, in the same position in the verse, in a
simile about a lion.
55
1
Book Twenty'Orte
st6 irrwocov \md KprjuvoOs: the river has sleep banks (cf. 171-5, etc.).
TTTOkXJCJOV ('cowered') is effective, as at 14.
26—32 Akhilleus takes twelve prisoners, to be offered as a blood-price for
the killing of Patroklos. He had vowed to do this when Patroklos' body was
first brought back to him (18.336-7), and he fulfils his promise at 23.175-6.
Within the action of the Iliad itself prisoners are not taken elsewhere: see
on 11.111, 13off.
28 This is suitably solemn: a four-word verse with heavy spondaic
rhythm at the beginning.
29 te0t|ttotgs f)UT€ ve£poOs: cf. 4.243 with comment. Trihyncos recurs at
64 of Lukaon. This is the third simile from the animal world in this section,
each one belonging to a different element (air, water, land).
30-1 There is pathos, emphasized by aCrrol, in the use of the captives'
own clothing to tie them up: so bT. The thongs are usually taken as belts.
For tvTMiVroiaiv lutaoiv | cf. 10.567(0.), and for tn\ crrpcTrroTo» x»TCOOI cf.
5.113 OTperrroio x>*t<ovo$ with comment. The best sense for arprrrrds is
probably 'strongly-woven'.
34-138 Akhilleus meets Priam's son Lukaon, whom he had previously captured and
sold. Ransomed by Eftion of Imbros, Lukaon had eventually returned to Troy. He
supplicates Akhilleus, who kills himt throws him into the river, and makes a contemptu-
ous speech oier him which angers the river-god
This famous scene has been described as 'the climax of the set of supplica-
tions in battle* (Griffin, HLD 56 n. 12), although one should really reserve
this description for Hektor*s plea at 22.337-60. It is also the climax of all
the contests involving lesser warriors (Strasburger, hleinen Ktmpfer 85).
Akhilleus has already refused to spare Tros, a significant anticipation of this
scene (20.463-72). At 11.101-12 Agamemnon killed Priam's sons lsos and
Antiphos, whom Akhilleus had previously captured and ransomed. A simi-
lar motif occurs in the combat between Aineias and Akhilleus in book 20,
where we hear of how Aineias had been attacked and pursued by Akhilleus
on a previous occasion, but escaped (89-96, 187-94). This was when
Akhilleus sacked Lurnessos and Pedasos, and Pedasos was the home of
Lukaon's mother (21.84-7). There is another thematic link in that on this
occasion Apollo is disguised as Lukaon when he urges Aineias to fight
Akhilleus (20.81). We had already heard of Lukaon at 3.333, where Paris
put on his breastplate before his duel with Menelaos (cf. Schadewaldt,
Iliasstudien 49, Fenik, TBS 82-3). Cf. also Akhilleus* killing of Poludoros
(20.407-18): both are sons of Priam and Laothoe, and are linked at 21.84-
91, 22.46-53.
b T (34) comment on this scene as an example of TrcpiTT^Ttia, and add that
56
Book Twenty-Two
the details make the story vividly realistic. The basic structure is typical,
consisting of (a) the meeting of the two warriors, (b) speeches, and (c)
conflict, but in other respects it is highly individual.
34-48 These verses form one long periodic structure, explaining
Lukaon's situation.
36—7 This is similar to the surprise attack on Aineias when he was
cattle-herding, and on Isos and Antiphos when tending sheep, although
here Akhilleus comes at night. Akhilleus refers to his many sleepless nights
of campaigning at 9.325-7. AXcoVi here means 'orchard*.
37—8 ¿piviAv... 6prrT}Kas: a 'whole and part' construction. Cf. 24.58, Od.
18.396. 6pTrr|£ occurs only here in Homer; cf. Hes. Erga 468, etc.
The verses are reminiscent of 4.485-6 (simile), where a chariot-maker
cuts down a poplar to make a felloe for a chariot: Tfjv \ikv 9* ApyaTOinyyds
dtv^jp aT6covt oi8/|pa> | t^tranx', 6$pa ITW -rrtpiKaXXii 5f$pco. On the
dvTvycs ('chariot-rails') see Lorimer, HM 326; J. Wiesner, Arch. Horn, F
15-16. The scholia and Eustathius object to the use of wild fig branches for
a rail, as being easily broken, but according to Theophrastus [HP 5.6.2)
wild fig being tough is easily bent, and so was used to make hoops for
garlands and other things. In Theocr. Id. 25-247ff. it is heated in order to
be bent into a chariot-felloe.
39 AvcoYorov: 'unforeseen* (cf. oTopon); only here in Homer (AVGJVOTI Od.
4.92), emphasizing the irony and pathos of Lukaon's fate after he had
already escaped death once at Akhilleus' hands. After the enjambmcnt of
34-8 the end-stopped verse is powerful.
40—8 These verses summarize Lukaon's past life and adventures, about
which we hear again at 54-9. 74-96.
40—1 Euneos, son of Iason and Hupsipule, supplies wine to the Greek
army from Lemnos at 7.467-75. At 23.740-9 we learn what the price of
Lukaon was (&vov fttatct . . . 'lijoovlCtrc EOvrps 746-7): a very valuable
silver mixing-bowl of Sidonian workmanship, given by Euneos to Patroklos;
from 21.79 it appears that this was worth a hundred oxen! By this precious
object the poet links the fates of Lukaon and Patroklos. See 23.740-9^, and
cf. Griffin HLD 17-19 o n other cups with symbolic significance.
¿nipacro: 'exported for sale'; aorist of iripvriui (related to TrepAaj). This
aorisi form occurs several times in book 21 (58, 78, 102, 454), and 4 times
in Od. 14-15.
42-4 Lukaon was ransomed by a family friend, Eetion of Imbros, who
has the same name as Andromakhe's father and the father of the Trojan
Podes (17.575). He sent him to Arisbe on the Hellespont (cf. 2.836), perhaps
for safe-keeping there. CrrTtKirpo^v/ywv (cf. 20.147) implies that Lukaon had
to slip away unnoticed in order to get home.
45—8 There is strong pathos in the contrast between Lukaon's brief spell
57
1
Book Twenty-Tuo
of happiness among his family and friends and his impending death. For the
twelfth day as a significant one cf. 1.425, 1-493, 24-31» 24.413 etc. Verses
46-7 are echoed at 80-4, 92-3.
47—8 There is grim irony in the addition of Kotl OOK £0£\OVTCI V&06cn,
especially as vfopai is normally used of returning home (cf. v>6crros).
Lukaon's several journeys and homecoming are only the prelude to his final
journey to the house of Hades. Cf. 23.51 v^P^v . . . vfco0ai Cttt6 (6$ov
¿lip&VTA. For KAL OOK kO&ovia cf. 36.
49—53 Lukaon's helplessness is emphasized by this complex sentence, in
anticipation of his desperate plea for salvation. His lack of armour enables
Akhillcus to recognize him at once (cf. bT). yvyv6v is emphatic at the
beginning of the verse: cf. e.g. 17.122, 17.693, 18.21, 22.510. For o06* fyev
EyX°* 22.293 *X6 utiAivov lyxos (Hektor).
53—63 Akhilleus* speech of amazement is full of mocking irony. He
speaks of Lukaon almost as if he had already been killed at their previous
encounter, and there is word-play in 56-7, which would normally refer to
death, but can be taken also of Lukaon's westward voyage into slavery.
53—4 * 20.343-4 (54 » 13.99, '5-286 followed by oTov ...).
57 olov often occurs after an exclamation or similar sentence, e.g.
13-^33» »5287, * 7-5 8 7. Od. 1.32, 5.183, 11.429.
57—63 Akhilleus contrasts Lukaon's escape from the sea with his coming
journey under the earth (59 ** 63).
58 Afjpvov is fjyotfteriv: cf. 2.72^ (dative). The island was sacred to
Hephaistos. The perfect form Trnrtprjuivos occurs only here. The later
perfect passive of iripvtiui is -niirpTipai, rriTTpapai.
59 There is striking alliteration, assonance and echo here: TTAVTQS &A6s
TTOAIRJS, 6 TTOAIOS ¿¿KOVTOCS ¿pCrcci. n6vro$ &A6$ iroAtffc occurs only here.
D. H. F. Gray ('Homeric epithets for things', CQ41 (1947) 1 «2) observes
that TTAVTOS is most often used of the deep sea, &As of the sea round the coast,
and this expression 'is unique in implying that the difference has been
wholly forgotten*. tr6vros is related to Latin pons, Eng. 'path', etc.: cf.
Chantraine Diet. s.v.
60— x Cf. 20.257-8 AAA' &ye Baaaov 1 yet/cope©' <5tAAf|Acov
fcyxelTjoiv (cf. Od. 20.181, 21.98).
61 6$pa T5c*>uai ivl <J>piolv Sarico is a unique expression. Cf. &}>pa:
T6couca -hev (3X //., 1 x Od.)> 6$pa Satloo (ax //., t x Od.). The expanded
expression is presumably designed to increase the irony.
62 KEt&v is euphemistic for Hades.
63 y f j <£vol£oo$ is an adaptation of $ual£oo$ aTa (3.243, Od. 11.301, in
both cases of the Dioskouroi: see on 3.243-4). There is a variant reading
$uo(£coo$ here, which occurs in late Greek (and cf. schol. pap. xn (Erbse)
col. 11 2, 4). Leaf would like to read y a l a $Co(£coos, ^tc Kpcrrep6v trcp tpuKEi,
58
1
Book Twenty-Two
for no good reason, As at 3.243, Od. 11.301, there is surely an effect of

contrast in the idea of the life-giving, or grain-bearing, earth keeping a
dead hero. Actually it will be the sea which finally receives him: 125-7!
The repetition of the verb at the end of 62 and 63 (cf. 59) is emphatic.
( 4 - 7 3 Akhilleus' attack coincides dramatically with Lukaon's assump-
tion of a suppliant position, as he slips in under the thrust of the spear and
seizes his opponent's knees with one hand, and the spear with the other to
prevent another throw. bT observe that the scene is described in a very
graphic way. The significance of gestures is maintained later in this episode,
when Lukaon lets go of the spear and sits down with hands outspread in
despair (Reinhardt, luD 436-9). For seen» of supplication in Homer and
later literature cf. J. Gould, 'Hiketeia', JHS 93 (1973) 74-103 (esp. 80-1
on Lukaon and other rejected suppliants in Homer). See also 1.512-13^,
20.463-72n., and Thornton, Supplication 111-42.
64 For TeO^TTws see on 29.
65-6 Schol. pap. xn (Crbse) col. n 5 - 1 1 refer to Stesichorus (PMG 273)
in a discussion of these verses, possibly in order to give a parallel for a long
speech by someone about to die, who wishes to gain time.
67—70 T assumes that Akhilleus does not throw his spear, but thrusts
with it, following Aristarchus' rule that oCrr6£o> is only used of thrusting (cf.
Lehrs, De Aristarchi stu iis 5iff.). Verses 67-9 resemble in construction
20.468-9, where Tros seizes Akhilleus' knees as Akhilleus strikes him.
69-70 tyx«i»i... IMvn = 20.279-80 (without • • • &v6poufoto). In
70 torrj is effective. For the rest of the verse cf. 15.317, 21.168, again of
spears sticking in the ground (AiAatducva -opivTi &"*>)• Aristotle
commented on these personifications of inanimate objects in ep'c as ex-
amples of vivid metaphorical expression (Rhet. 141 ib3i-12ato). See also
4.126n. Apcvai is from 6G> ('take one's fill'). 6v6poptoio ('human') is usually
an epithet of skin, flesh or blood (cf. 17.571» 20.100, 4X Od.).
7a This additional gesture of supplication shows Lukaon's terror.
73 Aristarchus (Did/A) did not read this verse in his text. The majority
of MSS read AKKT6UCVOS instead of $cov/)oas, and Didymus reports a variant
Koci {>' 6Ao$up6ii€Vos. A speech of supplication is introduced simply by
lAloorro youvcov at 6.45, by yowa£4or6riv at 11.130 and by Alacrrro . . .
youvoOiuvos at 15.660. Cf. also Od. 10.264-6, where most MSS and two
papyri omit 265. The verse occurs after Aioorro at Od. 8.344-6, and after
yoOvcov tAArrdvcuoa at Od. 10.481-2 (although here too some MSS omit
it). Van der Valk defends it, reading Aioo6ucvos (Researches u 49off.), but it
could well be an addition, as Apthorp argues (MSEvidence 147-52,195-7).
74-916 Lukaon's speech is both a plea for mercy and a lament for his
death, which he foresees as virtually inescapable. He begins by appealing to
his claim on Akhilleus as one who has received hospitality from him as a
59
1
Book Twenty-Tuo
captive, a fact which creates a religious bond between them (cf. Gould,
op. cil. 79). The rest of the speech emphasizes his misfortune in meeting
Akhilleus again after his escape, the pathos of his mother's loss of both her
sons, and finally the fact that, although he is Priam's son, he does not have
the same mother as Hektor, the chief target of Akhilleus* hatred.
74 Cf. Od. 22.312 = 344 (Leodes and Phemios), yowoOpai o\ 'OBuaaeO'
ov 5t 11' aftfeo Ka( [X*fcA£qcrov.Akhilleus has, however, lost his sense of a!6d>s
and fAcos: cf. especially 24.44-5, and see on 22.82. The relationship of this
scene to those in Od. 22 (where Leodes is killed but Phrmios spared) is
discussed by Usener, Verhaltnis der Odyssee iur ¡lias 131-40.
75—€ These verses mean that Lukaon already has a suppliant claim on
Akhilleus (cf. bT): he is *as good as a suppliant'. For &VTI here cf. 8.163, Od.
8.546. Verse 76 puzzled the early critics of Homer, and Stesimbrotus of
Thasos explained it on the grounds that non-Greeks such as Lukaon only
ate bread made of barley (cf. PCPS 201 (1975) 73-4)! Presumably it means
that when captured Akhilleus was the first Greek with whom Lukaon
shared bread (cf. Od. 6.175, 7.301, 8.462, schol. A and Porphyry). 4 lt would
be incongruous to offer food, the source of life, to someone, and then take
away his life. And he mentions Demeter to evoke religious scruples . . . One
should admire the poet's inventiveness: in putting a speech in an enemy's
mouth he still finds a plausible argument for his salvation' (bT).
79 Lukaon implies that Akhilleus has profited greatly by his earlier
capture. AAÂvco occurs only here in //.; cf. Od. 15.452, 17.250, 20.383,
always of profits from the sale of people.
80—5 Lukaon's agitation produces a run of enjambed verses with sen-
tence-breaks in mid-verse, or 'skewed* sentences as defined by Higbie,
Measure and Music 77, 112-20; cf. 24.469-76 with comment.
§0 It looks as if Lukaon had to pay back to Eetion the price of his
freedom. We also learn that Euneos made a profit of two hundred per cent
on his buying and selling of this slave. The scholia oddly took Xuiit|v as an
optative referring to Lukaon's hope of being rescued again (cf. 99), which
is impossible. It must be aorist passive indicative.
80-4 These verses recall 46-7 (BaS* ~ poipa), and 80-1 are echoed by
«55-6.
S3 For this kind of assumption of divine hostility cf. 2.116 etc. and
Parker, Miasma 201.
84—5 iuvuv666tov hi ue p^Trjp ydvcrro ...: cf. 1.352 pfjTtp, tnti p' Irocis
y i uiwv0d8i6v rap I6vra (Akhilleus); 15.612 (Hektor). All three are
doomed: cf. io6ff. Lukaon's use of this phrase suggests a bond with
Akhilleus. The emphasis on Laothoe leads up to his final plea (95-6).
85—7 Laothoe and her father Altes, ruler of Pedasos, arc mentioned
again by Priam at 22.48-51 in connexion with Lukaon and Poludoros. The
60
1
Book Twenty-Two
Leleges (cf. 10.429, 20.96) were one of the peoples of the Troad, and
Pedasos and the river Satnioeis must lie in the southern Troad (see on
6.21-2).
85-6 "AATao . . . "AATIW: for the epanalepsis cf. 157-8, 2.671-3, c t c - The
variant "AATO(O) could be the original reading in 86 (cf. Leaf). Akhilleus
has sacked Pedasos (20.92), and this may have given rise to the variant
reading ¿kvaoof in 86 (some city texts, one papyrus and several MSS).
Aristarchus read the present, probably rightly: the city seems to be still
inhabited at 6.34-5: vcfo IcmndevTos ¿OppclTao Trap' 6x&*S I n^Baaov
allT6!V/|V.
87 al7rV)€i$ occurs only here as an alternative for atmtv6$, and then in
Hellenistic poetry. Our MSS read fori instead of fcrri, but Strabo (605)
argues for frrl, since Satnioeis is a river, not a mountain (cf. T).
88 On Priam's polygamy see 24.495-7 n -
89-91 Cf. 20.407-18 for Poludoros' death. For 8«poTopô«is cf. 555,
23.174, and dnroScipoToirfjac») -fiv 18.336, 23.22 (all of Akhilleus); Od.
22.349 (*n a suppliant speech again). This shocking word evokes greater
pity for Lukaon. For irpuXieocn ('armed warriors') see on 5.744. Poludoros'
rash courage was emphasized at 20.411-12.
9a laorra»: the variant loercon would be more vivid, and is possibly right.
93 href hrtXcuToi y? 6crlpcov: the formula recurs at 15.418, and for the
divine agency cf. 47, 82-4.
94-6 Verse 94 = 1.297 etc. (7X //., 6x Od.); 96 — 17.204 (TOO ...).
The repetitions give no grounds for believing the verses to be an addition
(as Leaf argues). All that Lukaon has said leads up to this final, desperate
plea.
95 ¿poyAorpios: the word recurs at 24.47, and thereafter rarely, in late
Greek. Zenodotus read loy&rrpios, comparing 24.496 Iffe be vr)6uos, but no
other compounds of Ta occur in Homer (cf. Arn/A).
96 tvT)ta: 'with this epithet of Akhilleus' friend he thinks he may soften
him, by teaching him to emulate his friend's kindness' (bT). Ironically, the
reference to Patroklos' death only sparks off Akhilleus' bitter reply. The
verse echoes 17.204, in the speech by Zeus prophesying Hektor's death,
when he puts on Akhilleus* armour after killing Patroklos, and the epithet
is nearly always applied to Patroklos in the poem (see on 23.252).
97—8 Cf. 11.136-7, where Agamemnon refuses to spare the two sons of
Antimakhos, especially 137 iiEtXixfois frrferoiv, ¿tyiiXiKTov 5' 6-rr' ¿bcouaav
(see comment).
99*113 Akhilleus' speech sums up the difference between the 'normal'
conditions of war, before Patroklos' death, and the brutality of the present
situation. He accepts Lukaon's allusion to their earlier bond of €«vfa, call-
ing him $fAo$ (106), and thereby suggesting a sense of sympathy which is
61
1
Book Twenty-Two
developed in the reference to his own impending death, although at the

same time there is a note of bitter irony in his use of the word 'friend*. The
contrast with the ferocity of Agamemnon (6.46ff., 11.131ft.) is striking. Cf.
Griffin (HLD 55): 'Agamemnon is ruthless and unreflective; Achilles kills in
a passionate revenge, but not in blind ferocity. He sees his action in the
perspective of human life and death as a whole, the perspective which puts
slayer and slain on a level, so that it is more than a mere colloquialism that
he calls Lycaon "friend*' as he kilb him.' Cf. also W. Marg, Die Antike 18
(1942) 175-6; Schadewaldt, VHWW a6off. Nevertheless, we must not
exaggerate Akhilleus' sympathy here: the contemptuous tone of 122-35
shows us his other side.
The structure of the speech is effective. It begins with a single-verse
sentence, rejecting Lukaon's plea. The main reason is then given in two
balanced, contrasting sentences, 100-2 irplv piv . . . and 103-5 6* . . .
(note also 102 Tpoxov . . . , 105 K<X1 -rrdvTcov Tpoxov . . . ) . The 'consolatory*
section which follows (io6ff.) consists of a series of short, staccato sentences
with no enjambment, often with a break at the caesura. The questions (106,
108) add to the tone of familiarity. Finally a solemn three-verse sentence
announcing Akhilleus' own death expands the point of 110, leaving behind
a strong sense of the inevitability of the whole process of mutual slaughter.
99 W|Tric: the opening word of Akhilleus' speech at once obliterates any
hopes of mercy (cf. bT). For WJTTIE at the beginning of a verse in a speech
cf. 16.833 (Hektor to the dying Patroklos), 18.295 (Hektor to Pouludamas),
22.333 (Akhilleus to the dying Hektor). See also on 2.38, and vol. v,
Introduction, p. 43.
100—2 Leaf notes the rarity ofirpiv as a conjunction in this position, i.e.
preceding the main clause (cf. Od. 14.229), and the unique combination of
iTplv . . . T<typa . . . Thus nplv carries an unusually heavy emphasis here.
¿TTicnreTv aYoipov f^pap is also a unique expression, instead of the normal
TT6TPOVfrtTiorciv,although aTotpov ^pap alone is formular. For n cf. 9.645.
103-5 Cf. 47-8, 82-4, 92-3. Akhilleus confirms Lukaon's fear and gen-
eralizes his experience. MAiou may represent 'IXloo (cf. 2-5i8n.). In 105 Kal
emphasizes TTAVTCOV. iripi 8 ' aO . . . TraiBcov incidentally answers Lukaon's
plea that although Priam's son he is not Hektor's full brother.
106—7 In 106 the juxtaposition of friendship and death makes a bitter
contrast, and KATSOV« KO! NDRRPOKXOS echoes &AA& . . . 06VE KAL ov>. For a
similar sentiment cf. 15-139-40, where Athene consoles Ares for the loss of
his son. Callisthenes, Aristotle's nephew, is said to have quoted 107 to
Alexander at the time when Alexander had begun to turn against him
(Plutarch, Alex. 54). For 6 m p crfo TTOAA6V ¿PEIVCOV cf. 7.114, 16.709.
In later Greek literature the reflection that all men must die is a standard
62
1
Book Twenty-Tuo
motif in speeches of consolation for the death of a loved one (e.g. Menander
Rhetor ed. Russell and Wilson p. 162, with comments), and Akhilleus
himself has already referred to the fact that not even Herakles, dearest
of men to Zeus, escaped death, in relation to his own impending fate
(18.115-21). Here however this theme seems to serve primarily to justify
Akhilleus* desire for revenge. See also on 18.117-19.
109 TTOTp6s •. • AyaOoTo, 8cA . . . piVrrip: cliiastic contrast of noble father
and divine mother.
1 1 0 I M stands for ITTCCTTI (cf. Od. 11.367). This was Aristarchus' interpre-
tation, and it seems likely to be correct.
i n — 1 3 Cf. the solemn prophecies of Troy's fall at 4.164-8, 6.448-9
loorrai fjpap 6T* &v TTOT' 6ACOAQ "lAios lp^|..., and see on 4.163-5. In 1 v 1
the careful enumeration of the three parts of the day, unique in Homer,
adds to the solemnity of Akhilleus' prediction. 6E(AT) occurs only here in
Homer, but is common later. Cf. ScieAos at 232, Od. 17.606 SEIcAOV ^tiarp
(Od. 17.599 StieAifyxas). In 112 "Api) probably means *in battle*.
113 'He is confident that no one will kill him in close combat* (bT and
schol. pap. xii (Erbse)). Akhilleus appears uncertain whether he will die
from a spear-cast or arrow-shot, although at 277-8 he says that his mother
prophesied his death from 'Apollo's swift shafts', which suggests an arrow.
More details about his death are given at 18.96, 19.416-17. 22.359-60: all
of these together fit the story in the Aithiopis and later literature in which
Akhilleus was shot by the arrow of Paris, with Apollo's aid (Homer, O C T
vol. v, p. 106.7-9 « Davics, EGF p. 47.20-3, Apollodorus, Epit. 5.3, Virgil,
Aen 6.56-8, Ov. Met. i2-597ff.). For the increasing prominence of the
theme of Akhilleus' death in Iliad 18-24 see on 18.95-6.
114—19 The strong enjambment in this description of Lukaon's killing
binds the whole sequence of actions closely together. Verses 117-18 arc
particularly vivid, with the monosyllabic 60 standing at the beginning of
the verse. Cf. the analysis by Friedrich, Verwundung 100-2.
114 Cf. 425. The other parallels for ACrro yoi/vcrra Kai $!Aov f^Top are all
Odyssean (8x ). Cf. yoOvcrr* tAvoev | 8x //.; $(Aov f)Top | 1 4 X II.
1 1 5 - 1 7 Cf. 14.495-7, and for x«p€ TitTAooas also 4.523,13.549. In these
passages, however, the victim spreads out his hands after he has been struck
or as he is dying. Here Lukaon lets go of Akhilleus' spear and knees before
he is struck, which Gould suggests may symbolize the fact that he is 'no
longer a suppliant in the full ritual sense when he is killed' (op. cit. 81). But
Lukaon's gesture really indicates his despair. Cf. the paralysis of Deukalion
at the prospect of his impending death, at 20.480-2.
117-19 For 117-18 cf. 16.339-40 6 6* Crrr' oOcrros a0x*va OcTvf | rirjvtAccos,
•rrav 6* tloco !6v £{<t>os, and for cf. Od. 16.80, 21.341, II.
63
1
Book Twenty-Tuo
10.256 $Aayavov &u<J>r|K£$. The rare phrase perhaps draws attention to the
effectiveness of this prolonged stab wound (Friedrich, Verwundung 102).
Verse 1 1 9 = 1 3 6 5 5 .
130*38 Akhilieus' unnecessary and contemptuous action and his in-
sulting speech anger the river-god, who begins to think of direct interven-
tion. For this type of thematic anticipation cf. vol. v, Introduction, p. 21.
1 3 3 — 3 The scholia report a variant fjao, which comes from Od. 1 8 . 1 0 5 ,
2 0 . 2 6 2 , and cannot be right here, a ' omiM)v | alp' gives us three accusatives
together, unless a* is cr(oi) as in 1.170. Aristarchus firmly supported cb-mAr)v
against amiAfjs (the reading of most of our MSS), which looks like an
attempt to correct the text. Normally a corpse was washed before burial:
here the fish will lick it clean. <5rrroAtxuccv occurs only here in Homer; cf.
Atxpov Hes. Th. 8 2 6 , AIXP<5C£EIV A<pis 2 3 5 , etc. 6RKT}6£CS means 'uncaring' (cf.
2 4 . 5 2 6 ) . But the KT}8OS which they will not provide is above all that of
proper burial and mourning, and the point is stressed by ov6i at prjTTjp ...
yoârrai.
123-5 Akhilieus picks up Lukaon's references to his mother (84^.).
Lukaon's funeral procession and burial will be replaced by his journey
down the river to the sea. AA6$ eCp&x K6ATTOV is a unique variation of the
formula 6AA6AOT)S tOpta K6ATTOV ( 1 8 . 1 4 0 , Od. 4 . 4 3 5 ) . As the maternal earth
receives the dead normally, so here the sea will do so, in its 'ample bosom'.
For o06i ot n/jTTjp | tvtepivT) Aex&ocn yofyrrrai cf. 2 2 . 3 5 2 - 3 , 2 2 . 8 6 - 7 (both
to Hektor, the first by Akhilieus). For other references to the grief of parents
or family in vaunting speeches cf. 14.501 ff., 1 7 . 2 7 - 8 .
136-7 Usually an unburied body suffers mutilation from dog* and birds
(1.4-5 etc.). This is a grim variation on the theme, in which the effect is
made more eerie by the vivid picture of the fish darting through the dark
waves, just under the rippling surface of the sea, as the pallid corpse floats
among them. Soon we shall hear how Asteropaios* flesh actually is devoured
by eels and fish (203-4). Cf. Segal, Mutilation of the Corpse 30-2.
liiAaivov $pTx* ¿matÊi means 'will dart up to [or under] the dark ripple'.
For cf. 7 . 6 3 - 4 , 2 3 . 6 9 2 , Od. 4.402 (always in association with p£Aas).
Atcraco always has a long a elsewhere in Homer, but usually a short one in
later poetry. The variant CrrraAu^« was actually preferred by Philetas and
Callistratus, because they took as meaning 'chill' and thought that the
fish avoided the cold by diving to the bottom! KC $dryijai ('who shall
eat') implies intention. The phrase d p y f r a 5T)M6V only occurs elsewhere at
1 1 . 8 1 8 , in a similar context: &CTEIV kv Tpolrj TAXLAS KVVOS dtpyfcTi Brjuco. The
colour contrast with piAaivccv ^plka is vivid.
1 3 8 The opening spondaic word $&ip€o6' is emphatic and contemp-
tuous.
130-5 These verses were athetized by Aristophanes, who thought that
64
1
Book Twenty-Tuo
they had been added to give a reason for the river's anger. He also objected
to the use offiriOd(131), perhaps because he took it here as meaning 'often'
(as Am/A do). Probably the underlying reason was that Aristophanes
found the verses shocking (cf. PI. Rip. 39 IB). Didymus suggests that as
Aristarchus did not defend them he may have agreed with Aristophanes.
130-2 For ttotw6$ . . . tOppoo$ 6pyupo6(vrjs cf. 8. 8r)0d means 'over a
long period* ('depuis longtemps'). The verbal echo 6t}66 perhaps under-
lines the ironic tone.
A bull is sacrificed to Alpheios at 11.728, and river-gods could themselves
be portrayed as bulls or as bull-headed in later art and literature. At 237 the
river will actually be described as bellowing like a bull. Skamandros has a
priest (5.77-8), as Sperkheios has a sanctuary and altar at his springs,
where sheep are offered (23.147-8). On the cult and iconography of river-
gods see Nilsson, GgrR 236-40, Burkert, Religion 174-5.
Sacrifices to river-gods were commonly lowered into the water itself.
Horses were thrown into the sea by the Argives at a place where a fresh-
water spring rises (Pausanias 8.7.2; cf. Fraser's note), and the Rhodtans
were said to throw a chariot and four horses into the sea as an offering to
the sun each year (Festus p. 190 ed. Lindsay). But the custom of sacrificing
horses to rivers is not typically Greek. The Magi in Xerxes' army sacrificed
white hones to the river Strymon (Hdt. 7.113), and horse-sacrifices were
common among the Scythians (Hdt. 4.61), Massagetai (Hdt. 1.216) and
Parthians (Tac. Ann. 6.37). It is possible that the custom mentioned by
Akhilleus b intended to be specifically Trojan rather than Greek, pact Hall
(Barbarian 43-4).
«36-8 For Skamandros* growing anger see on 120-38
137 The variant $6voio for TT6VOIO recurs at 249 in a similar phrase, and
it was the reading of Aristophanes there, whereas Aristarchus (Arn/A) read
TT6VOIO. But TT6VO$ is used elsewhere in the context o f fighting (11.601,
16.568, etc.).
139-204 AkhilleusfightsAsleropaiot, kills him, and leaves his body in the river
The Form of the fight is as follows:
f 39~47 Akhilleus attacks Asteropaios, whose genealogy is given. Aster-

opaios stands his ground.
148-60 Akhilleus asks his name and origin and Asteropaios tells him.
161-8 Asteropaios throws both spears at once, hits Akhilleus' shield
with one, and grazes his arm with the other.
169-72 Akhilleus throws and misses, and the spear sticks in the river-
bank.
65
1
Book Twenty-One
173-82 Akhilleus attacks with his sword, as Asteropaios tries unsuccess-

fully to pull the spear out or break it, and Akhilleus kills him
with a blow in the stomach.
182-99 He strips his armour and boasts over the body.
200-4 He then pulb out the spear, and leaves the body to be eaten by
the eels and fish.
Although much of the structure is typical (see especially on 16.335-41,

and Fenik, TBS «45-6), the poet uses the river-setting for significant details
and also Astcropaios' own character. He was mentioned at 12.102, 17.217,
17.351-5, but not in the Catalogue at 2.848. He is the son of Pelegon, and
grandson of the great river Axios, the modern Vardar, which flows down
through Macedonia into the sea near Salonika (see on 2.848-50). Special
prominence is given to his parentage here (and apart from Axios his parents
and grandparents are only mentioned here in the Ilia ). Akhilleus explicitly
stresses that the river Skamandros has been of no more help to him than his
own ancestry (184-99). The poet has chosen this particular victim care-
fully: there is a cruel irony in the manner of his death (203-4), and his
descent from Axios is an added reason for Skamandros' support (145-6),
and for his anger at his death (cf. bT 145-6, 192). Is he Homer's own
creation?
Astcropaios is a formidable opponent, who does remarkably well. He
stands up to Akhilleus and is the only hero who actually succeeds in
wounding him slightly. He does not give up after his initial failure, but tries
bravely to pull Akhilleus' spear from the bank. His ambidexterity is an
added advantage (162-3). AH this is in marked contrast with the preceding
scene, where Lukaon was utterly helpless from the start.
141 flr)Ary6vos: Pelegon is presumably the eponymous ancestor of the
Pelagones, who lived in the region of the Axios (Pelagonia). Cf. Strabo 331
(fr. 38 and 39, Eust. 1228.12). The Pelagones were sometimes identified
with the Giants (Call. Hy. 1.3; cf. also Philodemus, De pulate 248V, p. 25
Gomperz, quoted by Erbse on Schol. 21.141), and the name Pcriboia
appears again as that of the daughter of Eurumedon, king of the Giants and
wife of Poseidon, at Od. 7.56-9 (where 57 142 here). Astcropaios aroused
considerable interest later: a monograph on him was written by Ptolemy
Pindarion (Wilamowitz, Kleine Schriften iv 143), and schol. pap. xu (Erbse,
on 21.163) cites a fragment of lyric poetry about him (PMG 501).
For "A£ios c0puph6po$ cf. 2.849 c t c * "A£iou evpv/ ^¿ovros. cvpvpk0po$
recurs only in Nonnus and Quintus of Smyrna.
145 8wo SoCpc: a warrior often carries or brandishes two spears, but
here both will be used together (162-8).
66
Book Twenty-Tuo
146 5o»KTa^vtov ('slain in battle') only recurs at 301; cf. dprit^crros,

&pT)Yirr6y£vos. It is echoed by ¿56i£f (147).
148-51 Verses 148-9 = 6.121-2, in the meeting of Glaukos and
Diomedes, which this episode resembles (see below). In 150 T(? IT66EV ELS
<Srv6p£>v occurs nowhere else in //., but 7X Od. (1.170 etc.). Cf. 6.123 tIs 61
<RU ICTCTI, îpiarf, KorraBvT^TCAV &v6pa>7Tcov; and similar enquiries at 15.247
and 24.387. Verse 151 •= 6.127. This grim statement implies that 150 also
asks about Asteropaios* parentage.
152—60 Asteropaios* reply is brief and to the point, being largely com-
posed of conventional motifs. The last sentence suggests that he does not
want to waste time exchanging the courtesies of heroic war. His opening
question was more effective as an introduction to Glaukos' famous compari-
son of men to leaves (6.145). Like Glaukos, Asteropaios too gives his parent-
age but not his name, which would be unnecessary. Cf. 24.397, Od. 6.196,
15.267.
155 6oXixryx^|S is an absolute hapax. For other descriptions of the
Paeonians see on 16.287-8.
155-6 f\6c . . . sIXViXouGa is very similar to 80-1. The motif of the late-
comer to the war occurs at 10.434, *3-36i, 13-792-4, 16.811, and here it
adds to the poignancy of the hero's death. Asteropaios could theoretically
have been mentioned in the Catalogue, since less than ten days have elapsed
since the events of book 2. Hence a verse was inserted in some texts into the
Paeonian entry after 2.848, in order to introduce him (cf. T on 21.140,
schol. pap. xii (Erbse) 21.155).
158 This verse is omitted by several MSS. It is a variant of 2.850, which
a few MSS read here. It might be thought to weaken the brevity of this
speech, but it is natural for Asteropaios to dwell on his ancestry, and cf. the
repetition at 85-6.
162 TTrjXuiSa U<XIT)V: Eustathius (1229.39) notices the variety of expres-
sions for Akhilleus' spear in this episode: 169 u£X(t)V lOirrrrlwva, 172 pclXiuov
fyxos, 178 66pv pciXivov Alcaddao, 200 xAtaiov fyxof-
dpapTQ . . . &i*$ls: Asteropaios throws both spears at once (sc. 0AAtv).
(63 irtpi5t£io$ occurs only here in Homer (cf. Aristophanes etc.); it must
mean 'ambidextrous' in this context. &p$i64£ios would not fit the metre.
165 ** 20.268. On its own (i.e. apart from 20.269-72) this line most
naturally implies that the gold layer is on top (see on 20.268-72).
166-8 hrtyp6pSr)v ('with a graze') occurs only here in Homer; cf. Orph.
Lithica 365. X"p6s means 'arm' here, and & in 167 is the spear. Verse 168
resembles 15.317 (and see 21.69-7on.).
169-70 NHrmricova occurs only here, and means 'straight-flying'; cf.
20.99 100 P&os irfcTrr'. Zenodotus* reading I&VKTICOVO, supposed to
67
1
Book Twenty-Two
mean 'straight-grained', is ingenious but less relevant. Verse 170 is very

similar to 140.
«71—a 'It is dramatically effective for Akhilleus to be wounded and to
miss his opponent' (T). Mtoooirayis occurs only here in early Greek litera-
ture (cf. Nonn. D. 1.233), and means 'driven into the ground up to the
middle*. This anticipates Asteropaios' hopeless struggle to pull the spear
out. Aristarchus preferred pccrcrcmaA^s (Did/A), which is read by some
manuscripts, and was presumably intended to mean 'quivering up to [or in]
the middle'.
1 7 4 - 9 Asteropaios' desperate efforts to pull out the spear and then to
break it are vividly described. For Tpis . . . fMqs {176-7) cf. Od. 21.125-6.
Ufdiriui with the genitive is a normal construction. Most manuscripts read
{Mri or piri, neither of which is probable. T h e pattern 'three times . . . but on
the fourth .. .* is a common one: see on 22.165, and for Tpls . . . Tpl$ . . . T6 61
T^rporrov . . . see also on 16.702-6. In 178 5r£ai ('to break*) is from <5rywpi.
180—1 trap* 6u$aA6v . . . KdAuyev * 4.525-6 (see comment). x ° ^ 6 c s
only occurs in these two passages in Homer; cf. HyHerm 123, etc.
18a tvl oTfjteooiv 6po0aa$: this brutal action goes beyond that of Hektor
at 16.862-3.
183 •• 13.619, 17.537. At 23.560-2 and 807-8 Akhilleus will offer
Asteropaios* breastplate and sword as prizes in the funeral glmes for
Patroldos.
184—99 T h e main theme of Akhilleus* speech of triumph, the genealogi-
cal comparison, is standard in heroic confrontations: cf. especially Aineias
at 20.200-58 (with comments). But he displays an arrogance which goes
still further than his speech over Lukaon's body (the opening of which is
echoed at 184). The contemptuous and constant references to rivers (185,
186, 190,191,192,196) rise to a magnificent, cosmic climax in the dismissal
of even Okeanos, the source of all the waters of the world, as no match for
the thunderbolt of Zeus. It is a superb piece of rhetoric, but seriously
miscalculated, for Akhilleus himself will soon prove to be no match for
Skamandros, whom he dismisses so boldly at 192-3.
1 8 4 - 5 Kpovlwvos | i r o i o i v refers to Akhilleus* ultimate descent from Zeus
(188-9). b<yryac&TI (read by Aristarchus, Arn/A, and most MSS) is prefer-
able to the accusative here, as it stands in a clause which is independent of
the infinitive tpiClucvai and so follows the construction of TOI.
186-7 refers to 157. yivos, meaning 'offspring* (cf. 6.180, 9.538)
or 'by birth", balances yevc^v. Notice the parallel structure of these verses,
as in 20.206-9, 1.280-1, etc.
190— X T£> ('therefore') seems slightly incongruous here (rather in the
manner of children arguing who say 'so there!'), plv . . . a t m are virtually
equivalent to 'just as . . . so'.
68
1
Book Twenty-Tuo
For áXt(iupr}<vTCúv cf. Od. 5.460, where it refers specifically to the river's
mouth, where it meets the sea. This stately compound was later thought to
suggest the actual sound of the river running into the sea: cf. Eusc. 1230.42 ol
tv *rfj 4X1 pupópcvoi, TOUTÉOT» nrr¿t í^x0^ ^ O V N S . . . »cal <¡>$ 4v ownGéonpóv
T15 ebro», popuúpovrs;; Leaf * where it murmurs against the brine*. The basic
seme ofpúpopen is not certain (cf. Chantraine, Diet.; Frisk).
otOrt is Aristarchus' reading for 6' CSOTE (cf. 4.238). iroTápoio is-elliptical,
meaning 'than the offspring of a river'.
190—3 Akhilieus means Skamandros, rather than Axios. For 193 cf.
8.210 OCK dv tycoy' ÉdéAoipi Ail Kpovlwvt páxeofeu.
194 Akheloos, the great river of north-west Greece, and the longest one
in Greece, was always regarded as specially important, and in later litera-
ture the name was sometimes used as a metonym for 'water' in general (cf.
Erbse on schol. 194). It b mentioned only here in Homer, although another
river of this name in Lydia occurs at 24.616.
For o06i in 194 Aristarchus wanted to read oOrt. o O r t . . . oú&é is perfectly
possible (Denniston, Particles 193), and may be what he intended (rather
than oGn . . . oCrrt). For o 0 5 t . . . o05é . . . (4not even . . . nor') cf. Kühner-
Gerth n 294.
195 Megacleides and Zenodotus wanted to omit this verse, in order to
make Akheloos the origin of all rivers, and Pausanias' text does not seem to
have read it (8.38.10). Aristarchus and virtually all our MSS keep it.
Modern scholars have tended to side with Zenodotus, but the line is surely
genuine. How could Akheloos be the origin of the whole sea? Verse 195
accords with 14.201, 14.246 (see comments); cf. also Hes. Th. 337-70,
where Okeanos b the father of rivers and springs, and A. Lesky, Tha tta
(Vienna 1947) 81-2.
For ftaOvppeiTao . . .'QKEOVOTO cf. Hes. Th. 265 'fhaavoio fkrik/ppcfTao,
and 18.607 iroTapoio plya o6évos 'ftxtavoTo. Leaf rightly calls this 'one of
the most majestic lines ever written'. The polysyllabic phrase at each end of
the verse frames the simpler piya ofHvos in the centre, with a balanced
structure of epithets and nouns. The splendid compound epithet
PocfappciTiK occurs only here in Homer (cf. Hes. Th. 265), and the repeated
trávres . . . nSoa . . . irfioon . . . and alliteration of 196-7 add to the effect.
Cf. the grandeur of 7.422 AxaXappclToo paOuppóou 'Otctávoio, and
14.246, 18.399.
197 ^pelara: only here in Homer; cf. HyDem 99, etc.
199 auapay/|0T): a vivid word for the crack and rumble of thunder and
a memorable ending to thb speech. Ebewhere in Homer it occurs only at
2.210, of the sea breaking on the shore, and 2.463, of the Asian meadow,
crowded with clamorous birds (see on 2.462-3). Cf. Hes. Th. 679, 693
(Titanomachy).
69
1
Book Twenty-Tuo
aoo The poet here carefully notes Akhilleus' recovery of his only spear,
which Asteropaios was unable to draw from the river-bank.
201—4 These verses echo the theme of 120-7. Ap$e*nivovro (203),
'tended', is ironic, as at 23.184. It is used of care for a wounded man at
4.220 and 16.28. As in the cruel parody of Lukaon's funeral, the care of
Asteropaios' body falls to the eels and fish, who attack the place where his
flesh is most tender. tyx^^S only recurs at 353 in Homer; cf. Archilochus
189 West, etc.
204 The four-word verse with its repeated participles ('cropping . . .
shearing*) dwells dispassionately and clinically on this unpleasant scene,
before our attention is diverted elsewhere. The fact that fcphrrtoGai is
usually applied to animals peacefully cropping grass, grain etc. adds to the
macabre incongruity, and the precise word hnvtyplStof ('around the kid-
neys') appears to be an absolute hapax. See also Richardson in Bremer,
HBOP 170.
505-557 Skamandros intervenes. Akhilleus' slaughter of the Paeonians arouses the

river, who asks him to desist. When Akhilleus faih to comply he complains to Apollo
and then pursues Akhilleus over the plain. Akhilleus appeals to £eus, and Poseidon and
Athene come to his aid. Akhilleus attacks the river, who asks Simonsfor help and begins
to overpower him
This is an intensely dramatic episode, in which we sense something of

Akhilleus' own elemental power. In one or two places, however, the course
of events has seemed to some readers slightly disjointed. Akhilleus appar-
ently agrees to the river's request to drive the Trojans out of his waters and
not to choke his streams (221), but Skamandros at once complains to
Apollo, and Akhilleus then leaps into the water (227-34). I s tbis a sign that
the poet originally had a version without the episode of Akhilleus' actual
fight with the river (cf. Leaf)? That seems most unlikely, as there would be
little point in introducing Skamandros at all. Akhilleus in fact only agrees
to drive the Trojans out of the river, but refuses to stop slaughtering them,
and his defiant words at 224-6 cause the river-god to make his appeal
to Apollo. A further apparent difficulty is that at 2 9 1 - 2 Poseidon pro-
mises Akhilleus that the river will soon desist, but this only happens after
Hephaistos' intervention at Here's request (328-82). It looks as if the poet
is duplicating the motif of divine aid in order to show us the weight of
support behind Akhilleus, and also as a preparation for the actual conflict
between the gods a* 385-514. T h e fight with the river is itself a stage in this
process of climax, as was acutely observed by the sophist Protagoras (schol.
pap. x n (Erbse) on 240).
2 0 5 TTaiovas ImroKOpucrrds: see 16.287-8 with comment.
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1
Book Twenty-Tuo
207-8 Cf. 16.451-2 h/l Kporrepfi Oapivi} j x^P*7' n<rrp6KAoto . . .

6auf)voi.
209-12 Cf. 5.677-80, where Odysseus kills several Lycians, especially
679-80 Kal vO K* ITI irAiovas Awfoav »crdve 5io$ '08uaa£vs. I pf) ftp*
6£u v6rja€ plyas KOpuSaloXos "Enrcop . . . ; and for this sequence in general
(catalogue of victims followed by hostile intervention, often divine) see on
16.415-18.
Mudon is perhaps related to the Paeonian place-name Amudon (2.849,
16.288). It is also the name of a Paphlagonian (5.580). Cf. von Kamptz,
Personennamen 309. Ophelestes is possibly an Illyrian name (von Kamptz
148-9, 256). It is applied to a Trojan at 8.274.
213 A few MSS omit this verse, perhaps because of homoeoteleuton with
2t2. It could, however, have been added because it was thought that the
river-god could not address AkhiIleus unless he took human form, and if it
were not there we should not really regret its absence. Aristarchus (Did/A)
found support for both derdyevos and E166UEVOS, and both forms occur
elsewhere (see on 16.710-11). IK Ôiyôrro (or bc$d£y£ARO) is the reading of
a few MSS for ty&yôrro, and is much better with the genitive construction.
Aristarchus' omission of bk (Did/A) produces an awkward asyndeton.
2x4-21 Skamandros' request is courteous, considering Akhilleus' be-
haviour so far.
2 1 4 - 1 5 mpi . . . dv6p&v means 'beyond all men*. For aim/Act sec
on 5.403-4. The emphatic runover word 6v6pcov and fool aCrroi frame 215.
216-17 The Geneva scholia say that Skamandros' real intention is to
lure Akhilleus into the water to drive out the Trojans, so that he can then
be destroyed. This is supported by Scheibner (Aujbau 36), but seems over-
ingenious.
218 £porrtiv& £&0pa: a unique phrase, particularly effective by contrast
with the river's pollution (cf. bT), a contrast implied also by 219-20
(especially &Xa STav); Arn/A misses the point. See also on 238, and
Richardson in Bremer, HBOP 171.
290 The verse is made ugly by the repeated sigmatism, and the echo of
OTciv- . . . mreiv- . . . , suggesting the horror of the scene. For AiWjAcos ^de-
structively'), cf. ATSTJXOS 2.455, etc.
221 &yn M* fry*! occurs only here in //., twice in 0d.y both times in
the same phrase as here (3.227, 16.243).
223—7 Akhilleus' assent is at best very perfunctory, referring presumably
to Skamandros' request at 217, and the main weight of his reply is on
his desire for more slaughter. In 225-6 "Eirropi . . . drvnpliiv go together, fl
wv . . . fj rev . . . ('whether . . . or . ..') seems better than placing a colon
after Avrtpiriv and making this a separate 'either . . . or . . s e n t e n c e (fl . . .
fj...).
71
1
Book Twenty-Two
909-32 Apollo was last seen rescuing Hektor from Akhilleus at 20.443-
54, and he is not mentioned again until 435. For the time being nothing
comes of this appeal to him, but the poet wants to concentrate on
Skamandros himself at this point, and the appeal stresses the river-god's
desperation. In fact, Apollo does fulfil Zeus's instructions at 5 1 5 - 6 1 1 , where
5 1 6 - 1 7 recall 20.30.
Zeus's actual instructions were that the gods should give aid to both sides,
lest Akhilleus should sack Troy (20.23-30). What Skamandros says is per-
fectly in accord with this. True, Zeus had said nothing about a time-limit,
but the point presumably is that the gods should continue to give support
throughout the day's fighting.
2 3 1 - 2 Tpcool . . . ¿POVEIV resembles 15.255 (of Apollo). For the limit
indicated by 231-2 cf. 11.193-4, I 7-454~5- phrase 6eUAo$ 80wv
suggests that originally 6cfcAo$ referred to the setting sun, but the etymology
is not certain. oxidêiv occurs only here in Homer; cf. Hes. Th. 716 (kotA 6*
kndaoav), etc.
233—50 Virtually all this passage concentrates on the river's actions. T h e
style and structure reflect this: notice the very high frequency of cnjamb-
ment, especially periodic and progressive. In 18 verses these two types occur
12 times, i.e. 6 6 % , more than twice as often as the average frequency noted
by Parry ( M H V 254: 24.8% in 600 verses of Iliad 1 - 6 ) . This is naturally
accompanied by a high frequency of internal pauses. T h e effect is of a great
piling-up of sentences, as the river deploys all its forces to defeat Akhilleus.
Verses 2 4 1 - 8 are discussed by Higbie, Measure and Music 118-19. She also
notes the low density of formulae in this passage.
234 T h e compound ¿rrrataociv occurs only here in Homer, later in fifth-
century literature. For oTGpcm 0Owv cf. 23.230, the only other occurrence
of the phrase in Homer, Hes. Th. 109, 131, and see Richardson on HyDem
14. One should perhaps read Qutcov (Chantraine, GH1 372).
235 Trdvra 6' 6pivc £&dpa KUKtbpcvo;: the triple trochaic break in each of
the first three feet has a restless effect which suits the theme of confusion; see
on 406-11.
236 — 344. For &A»s locxv a minority of M S S read iaav &A15, which
Leaf prefers on the grounds that the p of AAis is usually observed, although
cf. 17.54 66' &A»s in the same position, again with -AT* before a vowel. But
in any case &A»s hardly ever occurs before the bucolic diaeresis (Od. 15.77,
15.94 only), whereas it is common after the main caesura.
237 u£uuku>s f)0rt TCtOpos: perhaps because (as later) rivers were seen as
sometimes taking the form of a bull. Schol. B refers here to Archilochus'
portrayal of Akheloos as a bull, in his fight with Herakles (fr. 287 West). Cf.
S. Tr. 10-14, with P. E. Easterling's comments; also Atrahasis (S. Dalley,
Myths from Mesopotamia, Oxford 1989, 31): *The Flood roared like a bull.'
72
1
Book Twenty-Two
238 cdco: cf. 16.363 (3rd person sing. impf. as if from 960x11). KOCAA £&6pa
recurs 6x in book 21, but nowhere else in //. (cf. Od. 11.240). So it need not
be merely 'formular'. See on 218.
239 T and Eustathius (1233.64) acutely observe that the repeated -391
endings suggest the broad and calm expanse of the river, as saviour of the
Trojans. This effect is increased by the slow pace of the spondaic opening
and the way in which the words grow in length.
140 Schol. pap. xn (Erbse) compares Od. 11.243-4 (Turo and Poseidon):
7Top$0peov 6* 6pa kOpo ircpicrTdOr) oOpcT Taov, j ta/pTcottv, KpOvftv 61 fk6v
OVTYR^V TC y w a i k a .
241-2 The Shield was Hephaistos* work, and so its mention here is
particularly suitable (so T). For eTxe in 242 a minority of MSS read eta,
which is possible.
243—6 'be £>I£GOV is relevant, as this tree has deep roots: hence it carries
all the bank with it' (bT). SKO&TV occurs only here in Homer, later in
Herodotus etc. yfÔpcoocv means 'dammed'. See on 5.87-8,15 356-7. The
fallen tree enables Akhilleus to escape from the water.
246—7 The variant Alpines for 61VTJS is less suitable in this context, where
the river is in motion. In 247 the variant ncSiovSc (A, schol. pap. xn) may
have been designed to avoid the genitive mSfoio for 'over the plain*, a
common construction (2.785 etc.). Zoilus criticized Homer here because
Akhilleus does not use his chariot and immortal horses (schol. Ge 21.256),
and schol. pap. xn (Erbse, on 246-7) answers this pedantic charge.
249—50 &KpoKcXaivi6c*>v means 'with darkening crest', a vivid Homeric
hapax (cf. Nonnus, D. 18.156) which fills the first hemistich. Cf. (3.799
KvpT& âAT)pi6covTa. For t v a . . . 6A6AKOI cf. 137-8, and for p i v . . . *Ax»AAI}a
(e.g.) Od. 6.48.
«51*64 The river's pursuit of Akhilleus is expressed in two contrasting
similes, a short and rapid one describing Akhilleus' flight, and a more
leisurely and detailed one for the pursuit.
S 5 1 - 6 This description is similar to that of 22.138-44: 138 rir|A«t5ri$
hr6pou<yfi...; 139-42 simile of hawk, tAa$p6Tcrros Trrrf^v&v,... oTurja*...
f) 616' OrronOa $opc?Tai...; 141-4 flight and pursuit.
<51 6oov T' hrl 5oup&s ¿pc*)iV for this and similar estimates of distance see
on 15.358-9.
«52—3 Eagle-similes occur elsewhere at 15.690 (Hcktor), 17.674
(Menelaos), 22.308 (Hektor), Od. 24.538 (Odysseus). In all these passages
it is the eagle's swoop which is described, except in book 17 where it is
primarily its sharp sight. Philetas read 6micrr' for oTpcrr' in 252, and some
scholars read pcAavdoaou ('black-eyed'), but cf. oTpr)oe(v) 22.140,22.308 =
Od. 24.538, and 16.752 oTua X£OVTO$ fxcov. An extraordinary conjecture,
attributed to Aristotle, was M*Aocv6o-rov ('black-boned'), apparently relying
73
1
Book Twenty-Two
on Democritus' view thai eagles have black bones (68 B 22 D-K.)!

Aristarchus wanted to read TOU as enclitic for *nvo<;, although the Homeric
form is Ttu. T h e problem here was the use of the article with (hjpnTfjpos, but
this can be explained as identifying the type of eagle concerned, 'a dark one,
the hunter*. It may be the one described at 24.316 as uop^vdv 0TjpTj"riip',
6v Kal TTCPKV6V KaX£ouaiv, although they are possibly distinguished in Arist.
HA 9.32. Cf. A. Ag. 115, Fraenkel ad loc.% W. G . Amott, CQ,29 (1979) 7-8.
Ingeniously, Ahrens conjectured p£Xav6perou for uiXavo? TOU, because the
eagle in Archilochus 178 (West) is black-tailed.
«53 KdpTioro?: this is echoed in Arist. HA 9.32, 6i8b26, where the black
eagle is said to be KpdTtOTos. For 6s TC . . . COKICTTCK; 7I£TCT)VWV cf. 15.238
(Apollo compared to a hawk).
254 frrrl «rrftOtoat... KOvdpiC*: cf. 13 497-8, with comment.
357—64 This is one of Homer's most attractive and lively similes. Part of
its effect comes from the contrast between the violent scene of the river-god's
pursuit and the peaceful picture of the gardener. Cf. the simile likening the
destruction of the Greek wall by Apollo to a child destroying a sand-castle
at 15.361 - 4 . T h e scholia notice the change of style here: 'he moves from the
powerful style to the plain and florid' (bT; cf. schol. Ge). Douris of Samos
failed to see this, and censured the simile as inappropriate to the scene
described (FGH 76.89). Demetrius however singles it out as a model of
vividness (¿vdpyeta) arising from precise, detailed description {On Style
209). Virgil's admiration is shown by his imitation at G. 1.104-10. There is
another agricultural simile at 346-7, where the wind dries a newly watered
plot of land, a good contrast with this one.
T h e remarkably high frequency of hapax legomena adds greatly to the
precision of the simile (6xrrrjy6s, pdoctXXa, ¿ruApn, tpr^ls, "npoaXrjs):
cf. Richardson in Bremer, HBOP 172-3. ¿x iy ^ c T T < K r a r e later, but ¿x* 1 ^»
¿XCTSVCIV are commoner. For ATT6 KP/|VTFT pcXav06pou cf. 16.160 (with com-
ments on 16.156-63). In 258 08<rri is preferable to the variant 05orros.
p&ctXXa ('mattock') recurs in the fifth century, but cf. Hes. Erga 470 (etc.)
poK&TV Au6prj ('trench') is doubtful in Sappho fr. 174 L - P and is found in
Hellenistic poetry. It survived in Thessalian and crops up now and then in
late prose, ^x^ 0 ^ 0 (4 X M-) m c a n s 'impediments' here, vprj^ls ('pebble')
recurs in Hipponax (128.3 West) etc.; vpT|$os occurs nowhere in archaic
literature.
In 261 there is assonance of x , K and X, and K£XapC(civ is onomatopoeic
(cf. 11.813, Od. 5.323). 6xX«v recurs in fifth-century literature, but cf.
12.448, Od. 9 242 for 6XX(£EIV. irpoaXtfis ('sloping') reappears in Hellenistic
poetry, and survived in Cypriote, Arcadian and Laconian. For 4>Wtvci with
6 cf. 9.506, 10.346.
364 fool . . . 6v6pwv: this gnomic hemistich, which only occurs here,
74
1
Book Twenty-Two
neatly rounds off the comparison. Such aphorisms are more usually ex-
pressed by characters in the poem than by the narrator (cf. vol. v, Intro-
duction, p. 6).
«65—98 Akhilleus' inability to resist leads him to complain to Zeus, and
Poseidon and Athene encourage him.
965—71 For 6cct6KI 8' ¿ppfymc... TOCTCTAki p i v . . . cf. 22.194-7. In 266 -7
Akhilleus has the impression that all the gods are against him. For 6inrerto$
TTOTayoio see on 16.174. 2®9 "nMî means 'struck*, apparently the basic
sense of the verb (Chantraine, Diet, s.v.); cf. 12.285, Od. 5.389, and see on
17.750-1. In all four passages the verb is used in connexion with water. In
268-71 'he river seems at one moment to be pounding Akhilleus' shoulders,
whilst at another its current undermines his legs. CnrlprrrTc ('eat away from
below', 'undercut') is a vivid compound found only here and in Quintus of
Smyrna (9.377).
973-83 Akhilleus' complaint to Zeus is not untypical of the disappointed
Homeric hero: cf. 3.365 (Menelaos), 8.236 (Agamemnon), 12.164 (Asios),
13.631 (Menelaos), all beginning ZcO Trd-rep . . . But Akhilleus* protest also
reveals his greatness: it is not death he fears, but an ignoble death. Cf. the
famous prayer of Aias at 17.645-7, that the Greeks may perish at least in
the daylight (bT ad loc., [Longinus] 9.10, and bT 21.273, 21.276, 21.279).
373-4 cos . . . oaoxrat means 'to think that not one of the gods has
undertaken to rescue me, pitiful as I am'. The complex word-order may be
due to the tendency of pronouns to come early in the sentence (see on 347).
firctTa . . . TrdOoipi implies 'if I escape I should not mind dying later'.
376-8 Akhilleus' disappointment suggests that Thetis' prophecy of a
heroic death had consoled him (see on 113). In II. 6&ynv and related words
are only used of the gods (12.255, I 4- ai 5» » S ^ « . »5-594. 2* 604, 24-343)-
Verse 278 is a powerful four-word one, framed by Xai^pots . . . pcAicaaiv,
to describe his death.
379-80 'Not just death in battle, but at the hands of the best of the
enemy, is his wish' (bT). For &s • • - Apioros cf. 23.348. The vulgate reading
liTpor^' (for y ' tTpaf*) is found only here and as a variant at 23.348,
whereas trpa$ov as intransitive is regular in Homer. Verses 277-80 are
echoed by Sophocles (PA. 334-6):
NE. Tf0vriK£v, Av5p6s ou5tvo{, 6co0 6* (mo,
to£ci/t6s, ¿>s Myovoiv, be Oolfkw 6apct$.
OI. AAA' eiryeWjs pfcv 6 trravcov n Bavtbv.
381-3 Verse 281 — Od. 5.312, at the end of a speech in which Odysseus
fears an unheroic death at sea and wishes he had died at Troy, where he
would have won fame and received proper burial (cf. A. B. Lord, The Singer
of Tales, Cambridge, Mass. 1960, 196-7, and Usener, Verhdltnis der Odysste
75
1
Book Twenty-Tuo
zur Mas 141-7 for comparison of these two scenes). Virgil's Aeneas echoes
them both (Aen. 1.94-101). In 282 ¿px&vra means 'trapped*. ircriBci
cnj$opp6v stresses the pathetic and dishonourable nature of this fate,
cruôpf&s only occurs here in //., jx Od. For HvauAos ('torrent-bed') see on
16.70-1, and for ¿rrroipoij of water sweeping someone away cf. 329, 6.348.
28*4-6 It is unusual for gods to appear together to encourage a hero.
Their failure to do much more than give encouragement was explained by
Aristotle as due to the fact that it was Hephaistos who was Skamandros'
opponent (schol. pap. XII (Erbse) on 286; cf. b T on 288-91). However,
Athene does in fact give Akhilleus the strength to resist the river-god
(299-304).
285 It is also unusual in the Iliad for the human form taken by a deity to
be so unspecific. Cf. 13.357, where Poseidon particularly wants to remain
anonymous. At 213 the river wishes Akhilleus to know who he is, and
presumably the same applies here.
Xftpl 61 xcipc* tatp^VTfs: this phrase occurs only here for the usual
formula with a singular verb, fcv 6' &pa ol X£,Pi- Cf. 6.233 T*
&AA/)Acov Aa^rr^v tea) TTICTTOXTOVTO.

287 TOTCM: unless this is a careless use of a formula, it presumably means
'among them' (cf. Od. 5.202, 7.47). But the verse could be a later addition
(see on 290-2, 298).
Gods and other visionary personages commonly say 'be not afraid'.
Cf. 24.153-4, 2 4 . 1 7 1 - 4 with comments, and for U^TI TI TDPFKI also Od.
7.50-1.
289 t7riTapp66o>: cf. 5.808 Toiri ol 4yd>v hriT6ppo6os fja ( ~ 828), etc.,
and 4.390 Toirj ol frrippo6o$ fiev "AG/jv^, etc. The derivation of 47rnr£ppo8os
is unknown; see on 4.389-90.
290-2 Aristarchus athetized 290 because Poseidon does not give his own
name, although he had taken the form of a man, and so Akhilleus could not
know his identity (Arn/A). It is certainly true that when a god reveals
himself as such he normally does give his name (see Richardson on HyDem
268). Schol. pap. xn (Erbse) adds that on his departure Poseidon does not
encourage Akhilleus by any clear sign, and Skamandros' violence does
not abate (305-6). Seleucus defended the verse in a work Karri TCOV
'ApiorApxou <n)|tf(u>v, pointing out that Poseidon and Athene had already
indicated their divinity by their pledge of greeting and by verse 289; and he
also answered a criticism of ZTJV6$ braiv/)oavTO$ on the grounds that Zeus
had not sent them, by saying that this could be taken for granted (KOTT6 T6
oiom&ittvov). It comes as a surprise, therefore, to learn that in another
work (AiopdcoTiicd) Seleucus athetized 290-2! These verses were not in the
Cretan edition (schol. pap. xn (Erbse)).
Zrjv6s (wonv^cravTos may simply refer to Zeus's permission to the gods to
76
1
Book Twenty-Two
intervene in the battle. But 292 is a weak verse: Acoâv on its own (without
genitive or participle) is odd, and the verb otherwise only occurs in Homer
at Od. 9.460 (Aw$/)aiw icaxwv); and ov eTocai avr6$ is rather pointless.
All three verses may be a later addition. In this case, 287 might also have
been added. Cf. Boiling, External Evidence 189-90. Apthorp however defends
the verses (MS Evidence 77-8).
293 a! KS iri^nat: cf. 1.207 W^H comment (Athene to Akhilleus), Od.
1.279 (Athene in disguise to Telemakhos) aol 8 ' crimp TTVKIVQS CnroW|aopai,
aT KE triOrâi.
295—7 MAityt: the 'only example of from a proper name and equiva-
lent to pure gen. without local reference' (Shipp, Studies 307). On these
forms cf. Chantraine, GH 1 238-9. The poet could have used MAfou (or
MAtoo?) as at 104. 6s w $vyqoi means 'whoever of the army «capes*. For
Sl&opev Tot cf- the variant at 2.15 6l6o|icv 61 ol iOx°S
¿ptofott.
298 Only Poseidon has spoken, unless we omit 287 and 290, but in itself
this is not a serious objection. Cf. 10.349, where Didymus quoted 298 in
support.
2 9 9 - 3 0 4 The gods' intervention enables Akhilleus to hold his own
against Skamandros for the time being. There follows a brief, vivid picture
of the flooded plain, with weapons and corpses floating everywhere, and
Akhilleus in the midst.
301—2 Cf. A. Ag. 659-60 ¿p&pcv ¿rvOoOv TriAcryos AlycrTov vexpoTs |
AvSpcov 'Axoncbv vounicoT? T* tpeiTrfots, and Virgil, Aen. 1.100-1 ubi tot Simois
correpta sub undis \ scuta virum galeasque it fortia corpora volvit. For 6criKTaptvcov
al£t)£>vcf. 146.
302-4 For TOU 6' . . . inVi8a cf. 269 6 6' vyixn frootrlv frrrf|6a, with
yoOvar* ¿6duva at the end of 270. irp6s £6ov . . . 6v* I60v means 'as he
rushed straight on against the current'. This need not mean that Akhilleus
is going 'upstream*, but rather that he holds his footing against the cur-
rent. For <5cv' I8uv cf. Od. 8.377, where the sense is 'straight upwards' (cf.
Hainsworth). loxtv ('checked') is read by Aristarchus and a few of our MSS,
against the vulgate k^X^. and is clearly the more precise word here. The
second hemistich of 304 picks up 299, rounding off this passage about
Akhilleus' response.
305-27 Skamandros appeals again, this time to Simoeis. Once more
nothing comes of this (cf. Eust. 1237.47, and see on 229-32); but it gives
the opportunity for a magnificent speech, which characterizes the river-
god. As at 233-50 enjambment is frequent, with emphatic runover words.
At 312-15 there is a series of vivid verses with a sense-pause at the caesura,
as Skamandros gives a list of urgent instructions to his brother (see also
detailed comments on 311-15). At 316-23 he threatens Akhilleus with a
77
1
Book Twenty-Tuo
new form of burial, in a picturesque description which echoes the ironic

theme of Akhilleus' own treatment of Lukaon and Asteropaios ( 1 2 2 - 3 5 ,
2 0 0 - 4 ) , a n d >s similar to the type of mocking speech made by a successful
warrior over his opponent (cf. Scheibner, Aufbau 99 n. 2).
3 0 5 - 7 For 3 0 5 cf. 2 4 8 ovhk T* IArjyc 8I6$ uiyas, and for A/|yeiv uivos see
on 1 3 . 4 2 4 . K6puooE 8i KOpa means 'reared up his crested wave*; cf. 4 . 4 2 4
TT6VTCP ut£v TC TTpcoTa KopOacnai (with comment), etc. T h e use of the active
here may be a secondary development; cf. 2 . 2 7 3 Tr6Aep6v TC KopOaacov,
Leumann, HW 2 1 0 . For the river Simoeis see on 5 . 7 7 3 - 4 , where the con-
fluence of the two rivers is mentioned.
3 1 0 For Kcrrdt p66ov in this position cf. 1 8 . 1 5 9 , 1 8 . 5 3 7 .
3 1 1 - 1 2 T h e rhythm of AAA' frrApuvs TAXIOTCX marks the urgency.
6po60vciv is normally used of rousing persons in the Iliad; cf. Od. 5 . 2 9 2
TT&cras 8* 6p68w€v ¿¿AAas.
3 1 3 - 1 5 T<rrn is imperative singular, like 5 a f w ( 9 . 7 0 ) . T h e opening
spondaic word, the lengthening of 84 and the simplicity of Mtya Kuya all
contribute to the impression of a single, towering wave. T h e onomatopoeia
and assonance of 6pvpay66v ¿ptve are effective, as also the parallelism of
6p66uvov . . . 6puuay56v . . . T h e heavy, spondaic phrase $iTpo>v teal Aacbv
recurs at 1 2 . 2 9 , where Poseidon destroys the Greek wall. T h e indefinite
expression firypiov ftvSpa is probably derogatory as at 8 . 9 6 (see on 2 2 . 3 8 ) .
For 8f| vOv Kponr&t cf. 5 . 1 7 5 , 16.424 | 6<ms 681 Kpcrrfei . . . , and for
Miyovcv 8* 6 y t Ttra 6EOTOI cf. 5 . 4 4 0 - 1 I«I8L (HoTaiv | To' WtAt ^pov&tv.
3 1 6 — 1 7 'He has excellently listed all the attributes on which Akhilleus
especially prided himself, his courage, appearance, and armour' (bT). Cf.
3 . 5 4 - 5 OUK &V TOI XPORTONTI utOapis T<IR TC 6<bp* 'A$PO5LTQS, | ^ TC T 6 TT
eT5os, AT* IV icoviqai M«Y«ftl5- T 6 TEOXCCC KOA6 means 'those arms of his, fine
as they are'. VTI68T occurs only here in Homer; cf. Hes. Th. 5 6 7 etc., and II.
1 0 . 1 0 VEI66CV.
317—18 T h e arms lying in the mud of the river bed make a memorable
picture, which contrasts with the flotsam of armour at 300-1. Cf. Clarence's
dream of drowning in Richard IH (Act 1 Sc. iv 2 4 - 3 3 ) :
Methought I saw a thousand fearful wracks;

A thousand men that fishes gnaw'd upon;
Wedges of gold, great anchors, heaps of pearl,
Inestimable stones, unvalu'd jewels,
All scatter'd in the bottom of the sea.
Some lay in dead men's skulls; and in those holes
Where eyes did once inhabit, there were crept,
As 'twere in scorn of eyes, reflecting gems,
That woo'd the slimy bottom of the deep,
And mock'd the dead bones that lay scatter'd by.
78
1
Book Twenty-Two
318—19 The sound-patterns are noticed by T (319): strong repetition of

k in 318, and of a and x in 319 (silt and shingle silently sweeping over the
bones). IXvs ('mud', 'slime') is a Homeric hapax (cf. Hdt. 2.7, etc.).
319 clAOaci) yap66o»oiv: instead of the usual winding-sheet his body will
be wrapped in sand. Cf. Od. 14.135-6 f) t6V y* tv irAv-rcp $&yov lx&0 5,
dcrria 6* aCrroO J KHTCCI hr* fj-ntfpov \YAP<5R6CII ctAvpiva TroAArj.
This is the only example in Homer of clAOco in the active (cf. Aratus
432). It is probably a secondary formation from the perfect passive cTAuyai
(Chantraine, GH1 131, 442). The variant IACKTCO ('I will slime him down
with sand', Leaf) does not occur in surviving literature. The assonance of
tAOo; . . . IIAUCTCO is effective.
Xtpa6o$ is another Homeric hapax; cf. Sappho 145, Akaeus 344 L - P etc.
It means either 'shingle' or else all the rubbish and silt collected in the
river-bed. The variant <*x*pa8o$ was supported by iroAuoxipafios in
Euphorion fr. 25 Powell (schol. Ge), but x^pa&os (neuter) is the regular
form. It is probably related to X^PM<xs ('stone') and perhaps also xap46pa
('ravine'); cf. Chantraine, Diet. s.v.
320-1 Cf. the collecting of the bones after Patroklos* and Hektor's fu-
nerals at 23.252-3,24.792-4; 6AAcyov is used in this context at 23.253.
is another rare word for silt, only here in Homer. Cf. Nicander, Th. 176,
Charito 2.2, and docbSw A. Supp. 31. This great heap of silt will be
Akhilleus' burial-mound!
323 TvufJox^s: this (genitive of t v u P o x ^ ) is the reading of Crates,
whereas Aristarchus (Arn/A) read TvpPoxotâ(ai), the aorist ofTvu£oxo«Tv,
which occurs at Hdt. 7.117 and elsewhere. For XP*^ M|v forou with genitive
cf. 9.75 etc. The aorist infinitive is not elided elsewhere, and "Tvupoxoffaal
Miv would be a very awkward expression (cf. Leaf). TVM0OX6TJ occurs no-
where else, but cf. A. Th. 1022 Tvupoxôs, S. Ant. 848 tvpP6xcootos-
324—7 This is really the climax of the episode so far, as the river-god
raises himself aloft in a single towering wave, 'seething with foam and blood
and corpses'. The incongruity is like that in James EIroy Flecker's poem The
Old Ships :
Who knows how oft with squat and noisy gun . . .

The pirate Genoese
Hell-raked them till they rolled
Blood, water, fruit and corpses up the hold.
KUKtopcvos . . . 60o>v . . . poppvpeov 6$pcf>... TTOp^C/pfov all contribute to

the idea of a seething, boiling wave, popuupctv is onomatopoeic, and always
used elsewhere in the formula 6$po> poppuposv -ovra (18.403, 5.599).
iTopfvpeov can be translated here 'heaving', or 'surging': cf. 1.482, Od.
2.428, 11.243, a n d tropÔpciv, with Chantraine, Di t. s.v. For tropûptov
79
1
Book Twenty-One
. . . &Eip6iievov cf. Od. 11.243-4 (quoted in comment on 240). KCTTA 8* fjpee

TTriAetcova means 'and he began to overpower the son of Peleus'.
328-82 Herl asks Hephaistos to burn up the plain and the river, and he does so, until
Skamandros asks him to stop, and promises Here not to help the Trojans any more. She
agrees, and Hephaistos desists
Hephaistos' attack on Skamandros was anticipated at 20.36 and 40, and

73-4 (if those verses are original), and it leads in turn to the battle between
the other gods (21.383-514). For later interpreters this opposition of fire
and water gave a starting-point for cosmic interpretations of the
Theomachy (cf. Buffiere, Mythes <T Homhe looff.). Hephaistos has a Trojan
priest at 5.9-10, but is named among pro-Greek gods at 15.214. Here is
closely associated with her son here, as (for example) in 1.571 -600.
309 For vtyas TtoTapds PoOuSIvtjs see on 1-2.
331 KVAAOTT65IOV: 'little club-foot'; see on 18.369-71. Aristarchus
(Arn/A) considered the epithet inappropriate here, but it is possible that he
did not actually athetize the verse (cf. Erbse ad loc.). Plutarch (Mor. 35c)
points out that in Homer such an address is not a reproach: evidently the
epithet was defended by some as a sign of familiarity.
331—a ftv-ra . . . elvai: 'for it was against you, as we supposed, that
swirling Xanthos was matched in battle*. This refers back to the pairing of
these two gods at 20.73-4 (c*- ^vro . . . at 73).
333 AAA* hrdpuve T6x«crra: the repetition of this from 311 stresses the
opposition of water and fire, and the fact that Here*s appeal answers that
of Skamandros to his brother.
-MÂUOKCO 8I $A6ya TTOAA/JV: note the strong plosive alliteration. For
TTtâOoKcoGcn ('manifest') cf. 12.280, of snow sent by Zeus. It is an unusual
word to apply to the elements, suggesting their divine or portentous nature.
334-5 Violent winds or storms in Homer arc often seen as the result of
more than one wind blowing at once: 2.145, 9.5, 11.306-7, 16.765, 23.194-
230, Od. 5.295-6, 5.331-2. Apytcrrao N6roio refers to a south wind which
clears the sky of clouds; cf. 11.306. cloopai ('I shall hasten*), is from Icyat;
cf. Chantraine, GH1 293, 412. Zenodotus took it as 'I shall know', reading
6poaaa, and ^ in 336. ££ &A66cv occurs nowhere else.
336—7 6m6 . . . k^joi is a tmesis and Kf|cn optative. $Alyua occurs only
here in early Greek literature. Later it is nearly always used in a medical
sense (Hdt. 4.187, Hippocrates, etc.).
338 fcv 8* OGT6V let Ttvpi means 'set him on fire*; cf. 10.88 -9 T6V . . . Ztus
Ivfrpcg TT6VOI(7I. For MT)8* . . . Apnr) cf. 20.108-9, and on &p€TT) ('threat') see
' 7429-3
341—a AKAPCCTOV iriJp . . . 8eo-m6a£s trOp: note the elegant variation of
80
Book Twenty-Two
formulae. They serve different functions, after a consonant or a vowel, and

<7X*iy BfoinSal; would be unattractive.
345-56 The theme of'burning' is emphasized by the constant repetitions
throughout this passage: 343 . . . TrOp 6alrro, Kent 6i viKpoOs..., 345 nav 5'
t^qpAv&ri TrtSlov . . . , 347 . . . Ay^pAvq . . . , 348 t(frpAv(h) trcSlov TTOV,
kA6 8* Apa vcKpovs, 349 k^cv . . . $A6ya TrapâvAaxxav, 350 x a i o v r o . . . , 351
Kcrirro 6i . . . , 356 Kairro 8* . . . Cf. also 353 Tilpovr' . . . , 355 Ttip6n*voi . . .
There is a good deal of assonance and alliteration throughout. The two
passages describing the burning of the plain and the river are balanced
(343-9 and 350-6, with transitional sentence at 349; sec also on 350-6).
The whole episode brilliantly describes the gradual, inexorable spread of
the blaze, until it finally attacks the river-god himself.
3 4 3 * 4 irporra \ibi is not answered until 349. The scholia here (and at
365) raise the question why Akhilleus was not affected by the fire, and
compare the way in which Skamandros kept the Trojans in his waters
without their coming to harm (238-9).
344 «• 236. ccOTAV is masculine, and at 236 refers to the river, whereas
here it ought to refer to the neuterTOSIOV.The verse could be an example
of careless repetition by the poet, or a later expansion.
345-9 For the simile, again drawn from the peaceful and orderly life of
the farmer, see on 257-64. Again there is a high proportion of unusual
words: both ^rjpatvciv and Ay^paivtiv, though common later, occur only
here in Homer, vtoapSifc nowhere else; tOiipciv is virtually unique (ftfeiprrai
Orph. Arg. 932). Hesychius explainsttteipi)with tmiicAtlas Agttbar), but the
derivation is unknown. If it is related to ftfcipa the sense 'comb', 'rake'
would be reasonable. AAGOT1) can be used of any piece of cultivated land or
of a threshing-floor, and it is not clear exacdy what the agricultural process
involved here is supposed to be.
346 For 6 s 8' AT' AmopivAs Boptrj? cf. Od. 5.328, in a simile of chaff being
blown about. vtoap84a means 'freshly watered'.
347 XCRFP*1("v As TIS £6cipq: as often in the similes we have the reaction
of the human participant or observer introduced. Cf. 8.559 TC
$ptva TTOIUTJV, Od. 6.106 ytyr)dc & T* $ptva Aryub, It. 4.275-9, 4.455, etc.
Here Frankel (Gteicknisse 46) says that the reaction of the man in the simile
suggests the Greeks' sense of relief at Hephaistos* rescue of Akhilleus. But (as
at 257-64) there is surely also a contrast between the scorching destruction
caused by Hephaistos and the beneficial results of the drying wind.
It is interesting to find inv outside the relative clause, when A? TIS ptv
would have been possible. Enclitic pronouns tend to come in second place
in the sentence, or as near the opening as possible: cf. Wackernagel, Kleine
Sckrjften 1 1-103, especially 3-4.
350-6 Hephaistos' effect on the river is expressed in two balanced
81
1
Book Twenty-Tuo
sentences of three verses each (350-2, 353-5), with a third single-verse

sentence describing the burning of the river itself. Note the emphatic posi-
tion of icalovTo . . . KCtlrro . . . Tdpovr' . . . Kairro (cf. KTJCV 349), and the
careful parallelism of 350 with 351, and of 352 with 354 (which incidentally
helps to explain the use of TA as a heavy syllable at the beginning of 352).
350-1 T h e trees are elm, willow, tamarisk; the plants celandine (?)f
reeds, galingale (for A<OT6S see on 14.347-8). O n the realism of this descrip-
tion of the banks of Skamandros see Leaf, Troy 10: 'Today the river-channel
through the plain is marked by the line of low willows and elm bush« . . .
and the tamarisks spread from the banks in thick copses, making with their
young shoots at the end of April conspicuous patches of dull crimson.'
3 5 0 TrriXtcn it xcri Men: Leaf reads simply xori (for TI Kerf), with one MS,
because the digamma of ITIOI is observed at Od. 10.510. But one should not
expect consistency over this point in Homer.
3 5 1 Cf. Od. 4.603 CB Ivl U£v AWT6S troAOs, tv & KOrrcipov. ©puov occurs as
the name of a place by the Atpheios at 2.592, HyAp 423 (cf. II. 11.711
0pv6caoa). It is not certain which plant is referred to here as Aarr6$,
celandine, trefoil, and clover all being suggested (see on 14.348).
35a Ta TTtpl...: see on 3 355-60, and Chantraine, GH1 103.
353 Tifpovr': 'were troubled', 'were distressed'; it is always a strong word
in Homer and later. For rt xai ly&Ocs cf. 203. Athenaeus (299D)
says that the eels show how deep down the fire has reached, as they live in
the slime of the river-bed. o! KOTA 6lva$ is like 11.535,20.500 al mpl 6(^pov.
354 KupfoTcov: 'one could not find a more expressive word' (bT). T h e
alliteration of kappa in this verse underscores the verb.
355 iroXup^Tios 'Hâferroto: this is the only place in Homer where
"noAOprjTis is used not of Odysseus, and in the nominative ( i 8 x //., 68x
Od.). Cf. 367 "HâlcrToio -rroACtypovos, Od. 8.297, 8.327 TroAu^pouos
*H$alcrroio; It. 1.571 'Hâiaros KAvTOTfyvrjs, 1.608 etc. "H$aICTTOS . . .
I6uirjcn irpcriTlScaoi. The four-word verse effectively closes this part of the
description. For its structure cf. 363.
3 5 6 xalrro 6' Is TTOTOUOTO: this is not exactly a periphrastic use of Ts, as
the river's strength is really being burned away. Cf. 23.720 Kporrepf) 8' fyev
Ts' 06I/OTJOS, and Ts &v£pou -010 a x //., 3X Od. The digamma of Is is usually
observed (at least 2X //., 8 x Od.), but cf. 17.739 for another neglect
(Chantraine, GH 1 143).
357 The verb &vn$epf£€iv recurs at 488. At 411 laoâpi^cts/Avrt^cpl^cis
are variants (and at 357 loo^cpl^civ occurs in some MSS). Cf. Avrt^ptofat
1.589, 21.482, Od. 16.238.
358 ool y ' . . . fAcy&ovri: 'against you, blazing thus with fire*.
3 5 9 — 6 0 Skamandros seems to say 'as long as you stop, then for all I care,
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1
Book Twenty-Two
he can drive the Trojans out straight away, and put an end to Troy'. For
the river-god's indifference to Troy's fate cf. 373-6. The possibility that the
Trojans may desert the city is envisaged at 22.381-4. Ti poi . . . Apwyifc;
means 'What (share) do I have in combat and aid?'
361 +f| occurs only here in Homer for 4he spoke', instead of fj. AvA 6*
tyXui ('bubbled up') is a vivid expression which anticipates the simile. The
compound occurs only here and in a papyrus fragment of prose, the simple
verb first in Aeschylus.
363-5 Another simile from daily life, and again one of Homer's more
unusual comparisons. It describes lard being melted in a cooking pot.
Cf. Od. 12.237-8 (Kharubdis compared to a boiling cauldron); 20.25-30
(Odysseus tossing like a roasting paunch full of fat and blood). For the
unusual language and sound-effects see on 363-4.
36s d>s 81 . . . m/pl iroXX$: cf. Od. 12.237 &S tv mrpl iroXXcp.
could originally have been cf. 11.554
363 p£X5tiv does not occur again until Hellenistic poetry, and
<SRRTAXOTP€^/JS only in a second-century A.D. verse inscription. i*iX6civ (cf.
'melt*; ApaXSOvco?) was ousted in common Greek by T^KCIV. There was a
protracted debate in antiquity about the reading of the first two words
of this verse, and Kvi<rnv ucXSAucvo; represents the view of Aristarchus
(Arn/A) and others. ptX66itfvos is then middle, agreeing with AI£r|S. Among
several alternatives Kvfcrg iicX&oufrov (Crates and others) is possible. It
was suggested in antiquity that the original reading might have been
MEAAOMENO, i.e. ucXSoirivou, and that the transcriber! to the Ionic script
altered this to iuA66ucvo$. For this theory cf. Chantraine, GH 1 5IT. and
R. Janko in vol. rv, Introduction, pp. 34-7.
This is an impressive four-word verse, with opening spondaic word fol-
lowed by three polysyllabic words, in which the repeated nasals, liquids
and sibilants may suggest the sizzling of fat in the cauldron. If so,
Aristarchus' reading has a further advantage thereby. The stately character
of the verse contrasts piquantly with its homely subject.
364 &M0OX65T)V ('bubbling up') again occurs only here and at HyHerm
426 in early epic. Once more, note the effect of the liquid and nasals, in
contrast to the dry, crackling consonants of Cm6 Si §uXa K&yicava tcttTon.
Kdyxavos occurs only here in //.; cf. £0Xa Kdyxava Od. 18.308, Kdyxava
naXa HyHerm 112.
365 TTVpl fXtyrro, IM 8' 08a>p: an awkward, uneven rhythm for the
verse-ending, describing the water's turmoil. IJk picks up (cf (362), as often
in the similes, and the whole verse recapitulates 361, rounding off the
passage.
366-7 o06* KteXc TTpop&iv means 'he had no mind to flow on' (Leaf). For
83
1
Book Twenty-Tuo
Tclpe . . . iroAttypovos cf. 355. In 367 Leaf takes fMrtyt as a genitive (cf. 295),
but one could take ¿tt-rirfj on its own, and 'Hâlcrroio pirjî as 'through the
might of Hephaistos'.
368—76 The river's appeal to Hephaistos has no effect, and he makes an
even more urgent protest to Here.
3 6 8 C f . Od. 2 2 . 3 1 1 e t c . Kal p i v Ai<7a6u*vo$ I t r t a TrrepdevTa Trpocrr|05a.
369 ty6v £6ov txpoa ic^Sttv probably means 'has attacked my stream, so
as to vex it*. Cf. Od. 21.68-9 oT T68C 6&pa | txparr* kr8i£p£v »cal mvûcv.
370 fiAXcov: i.e. me above all other allies of Troy. For oO . . . atTi6$ elu»
cf. 19.86 ty& 6* OOK OTTI6S ctpt...
37a fcycbv ¿NTOTTCTVAOUAI: pap. 1 2 (3rd cent, B.C.) reads tycb (or
At'iyco) utvos, thus avoiding repetition with 373, but such repetition with
variation is a common device of emphasis.
373-6 Here, as elsewhere in the poem, Homer looks forward beyond the
bounds of his work, to Troy's destruction. Skamandros' defeat has elimi-
nated a major defender of the city (cf. Whitman, HHT 272). This kind of
bargaining reminds us of the dreadful pact struck between Zeus and Here
at 4.25-67, and the scene between Zeus and Poseidon at 7.443-64 (cf.
12.10-35).
374-6 These verses repeat 20.315-17 (see comment). There, however,
the oath was sworn by the gods who were Troy's worst enemies. The
majority of MSS have CaioufcvT), Sal&xn at 20.317 (actually read by Leaf
there, but unlikely to be right), whereas this occurs in a minority at 21.376.
5&rvrai | Kaiopivri, tcafooot 6' is again emphatic repetition.
377-8« This echoes 328-42 at the beginning of the episode (330 » 378,
33" ~ 379» 34 2 ~ 3^0» thus rounding it off effectively. Here had antici-
pated this moment already (340-1).
377-8 At 377 pap. 1 2 gives as variants 8cd ACUKCOACVOS "Hpn and fk>orms
irdrvia "HpTj, and at 378 it offers two alternative verses: occrriKa uciAixlotoi
TTpoariOSa âlSipov vl6v (cf. 6.214; 6.144, 21.97), and aOr!*' dp*]
"Hâurrov Trpoac^&vet <nr[fpxoMtvTi irep.
379 TIKVOV dyaxAi S: 'the epithet is appropriate to Hephaistos' victory'
(bT). C£ 17.716 dycocAets McvtAac, and AyaicAôs of heroes at 16.738,
23-529 ( -57i 'AyctKAiios).
l 6
379—80 oO ydp louccv . . . OTU^CAI^CIV: cf. Skamandros' impatient ques-

tion at 360. This view is repeated with greater eloquence by Apollo at
462-7, and the same theme has occurred at 1.573-6 and 8.427-31.
Hephaistos' intervention was necessary, but it is nevertheless undignified for
him 'to jostle (crrv$£A{(Hv) an immortal god in this way for the sake of
mortals'. dOdvarov 8cdv . . . ppoTcbv are in contrast as often.
38a 'And backward rolled the wave along the lovely streams': a quiet
close to this violent scene. KcrraoEUEotiai recurs only in late epic (Quintus of
84
1
Book Twenty-Two
Smyrna 4.270, Nonnus, D. 5.353). Pap. 12 apparently read Karkrxrro, and

this recurs in a few MSS; KOCTIOOVTO may have been found obscure. After
382 it adds the verse K&p £>6ov( fl 16 trdpoifav Ifi icaXAippoov 08cop.
383-313 The other godsfight.Ares attacks Athene, who knocks htm out with a stone.
Aphrodite rescues him, but Athene, encouraged by Here, knocks her fiat as well.
Posei on invites ApoUo tofight,reminding him of Laome on's treachery to them, b t
Apollo declines. Artemis reproaches him, and Here abuses her and boxes her ears.
Hermes refuses tofightLeto. Artemis goes to £eus and complains about Here's treatment
of her
This episode picks up and at the same time rounds off those passages at
20.33-40 and 67-74 where the gods are paired against each other, thereby
providing a frame to the intervening scenes. Here Aphrodite, mentioned at
20.40, is introduced as an extra victim of Athene, together with Ares.
That association reminds us of book 5, where Diomedes wounds both with
Athene's help (311 -430, 793-909). Artemis' complaint to Zeus also resem-
bles 5.370-415, where Aphrodite goes to her mother Dione for consolation,
and 5.868-87, where Ares complains to Zeus.
The opening section of the Theomachy (20.1-74) suggested a conflict on
the cosmic scale, affecting all levels of the universe (especially 56-66): it
won the praise of Longinus for its sublimity (9.6). The episode in book 2t
has seemed to many a terrible anticlimax after this grandiose prologue, and
all the more so after the battle with the River. 'The Theomachy is one of
the very few passages in the Iliad which can be pronounced poetically bad',
declared Leaf categorically (Introduction to book 21).
From one point of view the episode is the culmination of the process
earlier in the Book whereby the gods were drawn progressively further into
the conflict. In a more significant way, however, it provides an essential
respite, between the intense scenes preceding it and the real climax of
Akhilleus' combat with Hektor (to which 520-611 are simply the prelude).
One can, if one wishes, speak here of'comic relief*, as with the divine scenes
in books 5 and 14, and certainly the contrast between the frivolity of the
gods' squabbles here and the deadly earnest of the mortal conflicts could
hardly be more acute. But more important functions of this episode can be
defined: it emphasizes the vast gulf between mortal and immortal con-
cems, and throws into even greater relief the tragedy of events on earth
(cf. Griffin, HLD, esp. 179-204; Reinhardt, JuD 446-50). It is surely also
a significant point that this episode symbolizes the almost total collapse of
the pro-Trojan forces in heaven, and so foreshadows Troy's fall (cf. 428-
33, 516-17, 522-5, 583-9). Only Apollo remains free to act, in order to
postpone the time of doom for the city.
85
Book Twenty-One
The structure of the episode is worth attention:
383-90 Here checks Hephaistos. Zeus laughs at the sight of the other
gods fighting
391-415 Arcs defeated by Athene
I (comic)
416-34 Aphrodite knocked out by Athene
435-69 Apollo refuses to fight Poseidon (serious)
470-96 Artemis beaten by Here
| (comic)
497-504 Hermes refuses to fight Leto
5 ° 5 _ , 5 Artemis complains to Zeus about Here, and he laughs at the
sight of her.
The laughter of Zeus on Olumpos frames the whole episode. In 391-434

the Ares and Aphrodite scenes are clearly parallel. The Aphrodite scene is
also echoed by the Artemis one, but this b contrasted with the important
exchange between Apollo and Poseidon, which forms the central panel of
the episode (see on 435-69), and this in turn makes a good contrast with
the lighter scene in which Hermes declines to fight with Leto. Thus all the
episodes in the conflict are linked in a series of interlocking pairs.
383-4 These transitional verses seem to add little to what has already
been said.
385 tp»s . . . ffeppiOuia: 'momentous conflict'. Cf. the metaphorical use of
ppfOciv to mean 'be preponderant', 'be mighty', at 12.346 etc.
386 8lx« • • •ftryro('blew in different directions' like contrary winds): an
appropriate expression for if this originally refers to a 'breath-spirit'.
This may well be an echo of 20.32, where the gods go to war, 5!xa 6ui*6v
txovrts.
387-8 A 'tricolon crescendo' to describe the cosmic sound effects. Note
the staccato rhythm of the four opening dactyb in 387, and the heavy
spondaic ending with final monosyllable. Verse 387 resembles 9, and here
too in pcyAAc* "TTOT&ycp f3pdx* 6' cupcia x ^ v sound echoes sense. Cf. the
grandiose sound effects in the prologue to the Theomachy, at 20.47-53 an< *
20.56-66. For TrcrrAycp most MSS have the commoner but less vivid word
ApAScp, but two papyri support TrorrAyGJ.
388 6k crdXiriy^cv vtyas oupavAs: the scholia (A and schol. Ge)
note the reference to a trumpet here, whose use the poet knows but does
not attribute to heroic times (cf. 18.219n.). The verb does not recur be-
fore Xenophon. The 'trumpeting heaven' announces the start of battle
(so bT). Cf. 17424-5 oi6^pcios 6* 6pv/uay8ds | x&fovov oOpavdv TK€ . . .
This is a variation on the typical theme of the sound effects which signal
the opening of a major combat: cf. especially 11.45-6 (thunder by Here
and Athene for Agamemnon), and 2.465-6, 2.781-5, etc. (Scheibner,
Aufbau 70).
86
1
Book Twenty-Tuo
This verse was famous and often quoted in antiquity. Critics were divided
between those who admired the metaphor and those who found it out of
place. Cf. Demetrius, On Style 83 (disapproving: it produces uiKpotrphma);
Pliny, Ep. 9.96.6 (we must consider carefully whether such expressions are
incredibilia ...et inania, or magnified eaelestia); [Longinus] 9.6 (quoting 388
with 20.61 -5); sc hoi. bT (general approval of appropriateness, novelty and
striking effect); Aristides Quintilianus 2.9 (84) pp. 52.3 J. (at first sight
inappropriate, but made effective by the way it is used); Philostr. Her. 2.19
p. 162.32 K. (along with the rest of the Theomachy praised for its dramatic
effect but criticized theologically); Hermog. id. 2.4 (318) p. 334.25 R. (as
an example of poetic licence, with II. 5.749, 13.29); Eust. 1242.27 (mixed
criticism and approval). Cf. W. Bühler, Beiträge zur Erklärung der Sehn/t vom
Erhabenen (Göttingen 1964) a6ff., Russell on [Longinus] 9.6.
388-90 For the scansion ¿IE see on 10.532. &Te 54 ZcOs . •. £WIOVTOS: these
verses recall 20.22-3, where Zeus announces that he will remain seated on
Olumpos, taking pleasure in the spectacle of the battle. Zeus's delight in
the gods' quarrels shocked later critics. Aristotle (quoted by schol. Ge on
21.390) discussed the apparent contradiction between this and 5.890-1,
where Zeus hates Ares because of his perpetual love of strife. Chamaeleon
(fr. 18 Wehrli) found Zeus's apparent malevolence inexplicable. Other
commentators compared Od. 8.78, where Agamemnon rejoices at the quar-
rel of Odysseus and Akhilleus, and Menander (fr. 784 K.), where someone
says that conflict between members of his household helps to keep the family
together! Cf. also Phld. Horn col. 10.13, p. 39 ed. Olivieri.
One defence offered was that Zeus was pleased because the gods were
contending mpl Aprrife and yet without risk (T 21.389, schol. Ge 21.390).
But there is not much sign of 6prrf| in what follows (cf. Griffin, HLD 183).
It is the lack of risk which is perhaps the point: 'Zeus appears to have a just
appreciation of the whole combat as a parody of serious fighting. It is only
here and in 508 that Homer's Zeus ever goes beyond a smile, like the Zeus
of the hymn to Hermes (389), who "laughs aloud" at the tricks of his
naughty son* (Leaf on 390).
391—a The god of war begins the battle (cf. 20.38 where he leads the
pro-Trojan gods), and attacks the leading warrior-goddess. Cf. 20.133-55,
where Poseidon advises Here to keep out of the battle, unless Ares or Apollo
intervenes (138), and the gods then 'stand off'.
39a £»voT6po$: 'hide-piercing', i.e. 'shield-piercing', an unusual epithet,
only here in Homer. Cf. Hes. Th. 934 (of Ares) and Nonnus. Here Ares does
strike Athene's aegis (400-1).
394—9 Ares reveals his coarse character by his rudeness, and his vin-
dictiveness by referring to his earlier defeat, which he is not ashamed to
mention (cf. bT 396).
87
1
Book Twenty-Two
394-5 Cf. Arcs' complaint about Athene at 5 - 8 7 5 - 6 , and for the word-
ing cf. 7 . 2 4 - 5 (Apollo to Athene).
3 9 4 KwApuia: only here and at 421 in Homer; cf. Ath. 126A, 157A. The
variant Kwopv/ia is found in later Greek (LXX, AP etc.), but icwApvia is
probably original, replacing *icua-puia: cf. Chantraine, Diet. s.v.
'Dog-fly' is splendidly abusive, suggesting both the proverbial shame-
lessness of the dog and the recklessness (OApoos) of the fly. If it actually refers
to a tick, then it also suggests a love of blood (crtpo"rr6Tis 6 ton KpdTcov, T).
At 17.570-3 Athene inspires pulr)s 06poo$ in Menelaos.
395 &t}tov: only here in Homer, but connected in antiquity with atrjTov
at 18.410 (ir&cop). Aeschylus seems to have used the word to mean 'great'
(fr. 3 N.), but numerous other explanations were offered. Modern philology
has not progressed much further. Risch, in LfgrE s.v., supports a connection
with &niii, which was one ancient view. See also on 18.410.
396 F) ov P£PVQ 6TC . . . : SO also 1 5 . 1 8 (Zeus to Here), 20.188. The episode
occurred at 5 . 8 5 5 - 8 , and this reference marks the link between these two
episodes, which seem to offset each other in the poem's structure (cf. Intro-
duction, 'Structure').
3 9 5 - 6 AvfjKcv . . . 6vf)Kas: this kind of repetition does not seem to have
troubled the epic poets. Two papyri give separate variants in both verses:
395 Av&yct, 396 TvSclSf) Aiop/)6ct Avtoya$.
397 -rravAyiov fryxos: the epithet occurs only here and in Nonnus {D.
14.169). Apparently it means 'fully visible', in contrast to Athene who was
invisible at 5 . 8 4 4 - 5 . On TTOV- compounds see 22.49on. Antimachus and
pap. 12 read Crrrov6oîov, which should mean 'surreptitious' (cf. vocr$l6ios),
although the scholia were puzzled as to the sense (T 397, Eust. 1243.40). It
is presumably a conjecture, to avoid the difficulty of Athene's invisibility:
cf. West, Ptot maic Papyri 157.
3 9 8 Cf. 5.858 61& 54 xP&x KaXdv f5ayev, which this echoes.
399 6aoa lopyas: this is the reading of a late papyrus and one MS,
omitting p* (which ignores the digamma). Cf. however 22.347 oTa p* lopya$,
3.351, Od. 22.318.
440—x oty(8a: this is read by some MSS, whereas pap. 12 and the
majority have &crrri8a, but OwaavAcoaav is only used as an epithet with
aly(8a (4X II.). For the aegis see on 2 . 4 4 6 - 5 1 , 1 5 . 1 8 - 3 1 , 308-11. It is
wielded by Zeus himself at 4.167, 17.593, but more often bv Athene (2.447,
5.738, 18.204, Od. 22.297). For apcpSoAiqv, f\v etc., cf. 2.309, 20.65.
402 Pap. 12 omits this verse, which is similar to 5.844 and 15.745. It is
dispensable, but probably genuine.
403—4 These verses closely resemble 7 . 2 6 4 - 5 (Hektor versus Aias) 6AV
dvaxccoodpcvos . . . ptyav Tt. For the formular phrase Xe,Pl TrctX£it) there
was a variant llAAXas 'AO^vrj, clearly because the epithet was felt to be
88
1
Book Twenty-Tuo
unsuitable to the goddess, as the Geneva scholiast (on 424) indicates. Cf.
similarly Od. 21.6 x«pl TTotxcirj, applied to Penelope, where there was a
variant ÎXrjoiv.
4 0 5 Cf. 1 2 . 4 2 1 - 4 (a boundary-dispute in simile), and for a mark set up
by &v6pcs xrp6T€poi cf. 2 3 . 3 3 2 .
406-11 These six verses form an unusual succession whose first five feet
are all dactyls, and the initial three trochaic word-breaks in 407 produce a
markedly bumpy rhythm, as at 235, 2 3 . 1 1 6 , 2 3 . 2 6 3 , Od. 1 1 . 5 9 8 , etc.: cf.
Kirk, TCS 20 ( 1 9 6 6 ) 95ff.
4 0 7 - 9 frrrri 8 ' kretays TT¿Ac0pa Trfccbv resembles Od. 1 1 . 5 7 7 , where Tituos
hr' iwia KftTo -niXiGpa. A 7r(i)Xe6pov was either too feet long or 10,000
square feet (cf. 2 3 . 1 6 4 ^ ) . At 5 . 8 5 9 - 6 1 the wounded Ares shouts as loud as
nine or ten thousand warriors, a similar motif. The compound ¿(iâpa^cTv
occurs only here; cf. Hes. Aspis 6 4 ¿i>$ap&pt£ov. Verse 4 0 9 = 1 6 . 8 2 9
(¿TTEUXdiiEVOS).
410 vrynxm': for this word, which occurs 8 x in books 20-1, see comment
on 13.292, the only other instance in the poem. It does not occur in the
Odyssey. The vocative is used again at 4 4 1 , 4 7 4 and 5 8 5 . TTO) m p occurs only
here in Homer, and is replaced in pap. 12 by the commoner TTCO "TTOT*.
411 loo$ap(££i$: ¿vrn$€pi(cts, read by the papyrus and most MSS and
mentioned as a variant by A, would be possible here. Cf. 4 8 7 - 8 typ' fcO el6fj$
| ¿aaov $sp-ckpr\ CTP', 6TI yoi p£vo$ &VTT$epi££is. See also on 357. Again the
poet has shown an unusual fondness for one or both of these words in this
Book (and cf. 482 p£vo$ 6vn$tp£o6ai).
4 X 2 - 1 4 Cf. 5 . 8 3 2 - 4 (with comment), where Athene says that Ares has
broken his promise to her and Here that he would help the Greeks against
the Trojans, another example of cross-reference. For Tift iirjTpAs ¿ptvuas
ônroTlvois cf Od. 11.279-80, where Oidipous' Miyrp6$ fpivves cause him
many troubles after her death, and //. 9 . 5 6 6 - 7 2 , Od. 2 . 1 3 5 for a mother's
invocation of an EpivO; or ipivOcs. For the article Tift cf. Chantraine, GH11
164. The compound l^crrroTivsiv occurs only here and in the Sibylline
Oracles. 'You would pay back in full your mother's Erinyes' resembles Hes.
Th. 472 TtloaiTO 8* ¿ptvG; Trarpds tolo.
Pap. 12 offers K<X\ pTyrpds . . . ATTOTIVOIS, but also what looks like tift
above tcaf. This may be a corruption of which had already been conjec-
tured by Brugmann and could possibly be original: cf. West, Ptolemaic Papyri
1 5 9 - 6 0 , Chantraine, GH 1 2 7 3 - 4 .
415 irdXiv Tpfrrcv 6aat âcivcb: probably a gesture of aversion (see com-
ment on 3 . 4 2 7 ) .
416 Cf. 5.353 where Iris leads the wounded Aphrodite away from the
battle. The Separatists took this as evidence that the Iliad and the Odyssey
were by different poets, because in Odyssey 8 Aphrodite is married to
89
1
Book Twenty-One
Hephaistos, whereas here they assumed that Aphrodite was openly living
with Ares. The answer given to this was that the times referred to in each
case were different (Arn/A). They are of course also brother and sister, and
Ares lends Aphrodite his chariot after her wounding at 5.355-63. The
variant reading *A<|>po8iTT) is a formular doublet (see on 3.424).
$IXOUUC(6T)S would have been too cheerful in this context.
417 yoyi? 6' icrayetpeTo 9vii6v: Ar¡starchus and some MSS prefer the
imperfect here and at 15.240 (vc6v 6' ¿aaytlpeTo 6v/p6v), whereas the
vulgate reading is laayitpcrro in both cases. Ac 15.240 the aorist is better
(see comment), but here there is some advantage in the imperfect, with its
conative force.
4*®~34 Behind this scene of enmity between Here, Athene and
Aphrodite, as with 5.418-25, Reinhardt sees the story of the Judgement of
Paris (Tradition und Grist, Gottingen 1960, 27-8). See on 24.23-30.
418-30 Verse 418 5.711, 419-20 = 5.713—14, again in the context of
conflict with Ares, when Here is urging Athene to intervene.
430-3 Here's speech is brief and impatient. Cf. especially the peremp-
tory two final words of 422. xal au6* means 'there she goes again .. .' (as
in book 5). This is rather like the common use of SrjO-rt in archaic Greek
lyric poetry (cf. B. Snell, The Discovery of the A Und, Berkeley 1953, 57-8).
For ij Kuvdyvia cf. 394. The article is derogatory here (cf. Ghantraine, GH
n 163-4), an< * the echo of 394 suggests that Here is returning Ares' insult.
424-5 ForfrmeioapivT)cf. 11.367, 20.454 frmioopai, and on 21.335. The
variant tTOpcicrapivT] (Demetrius Ixion) would be possible. The runover
word flXacrf is heavily emphatic.
436 KCTVTOTARLxdovi: the variant TTOTI yQovi in some M S S would avoid
the hiatus, but frrrl is better. The variants KEITO ITTI (some M S S ) and Gttve
TTOT( (pap. 12) indicate considerable uncertainty about the reading here. It
is possible that the original form was Keicnr* brl, as WHVTO is unusual in
Homer (only Od. 6.19). Cf. Chantraine, GH 1 476; West, Ptolemaic Papyri
160. The idea of Ares and Aphrodite laid out together is highly comic.
437-33 Athene's speech resembles those of human warriors boasting
over their enemies. For 427 cf. 121, whereas for the variant •npooii08a cf.
409 (with ol). The moralizing 428-9 resemble Od. 1.47 ¿TIT6XOITO Kal
AXXos 6T»S TOIOOTA ye £>££01 (Athene speaking). For TTAVTCS 6CTOI Tptbecraiv
dpcayoi cf. 371. The phrase 'Apyflown . . . 8copT)KTf)criv occurs only here.
Cf. 12.317, 15.689 etc. AuKlajv/TpcIxov (irvxa) OcopntcrAoov. Pap. 12 reads
KuBafAipoimv, a commoner expression and one which also eliminates the
spondaic ending: cf. West, Ptolemaic Papyri 46-7, 160.
430-1 Verse 430 is similar to 589 ¿>6' hcncryXos kov Kal 6apaaX£ot
"TroX£|A»0-iYis. TX^POV£$ means 'bold', 'reckless*. For 431 tpco \itvii 6vriAo<xxa
cf. 151 = 6.127.
9°
[
Book Twenty-One
433 This verse resembles 2.133, 4-33» c t c -

434 * ,«595 (cf. 14.222). This is omitted by some MSS, and may be a
later addition. The variant reading d>s tyaO', Vj 6* tytXaeov occurs nowhere
else.
435-69 Poseidon's invitation to Apollo to fight has been thought to
contradict his attitude at 20.138-43, where he advises Here that they
should not intervene unless Ares or Apollo also interferes (cf. Leaf). But
436-7 actually seem to echo this passage (âpÇâvrcov ÈTÎpaw ~ 20.138 tl 6é
K' "Apro &PXOX7I PÀXTLS 1 OoTßos 'ATTÔXXCOV), and Arcs has in fact been
involved in the fighting. Poseidon's suggestion that Apollo should attack
first (43g 6px* • • •) also looks like an echo of his previous reluctance to start
things off.
Although Poseidon's speech is provocative, this exchange with Apollo
makes an effective contrast with the coarser scenes before and after.
Poseidon treats the need to fight primarily as a matter of honour, in the
manner of heroic duels. Apollo's reply deflates this notion: to fight in this
way over mortals is beneath the dignity of gods. This is the central scene of
the Theomachy, and it makes a deeply serious point (cf. Scheibner, Aufbau
I02ff.).
437 àp<*X*rri: only here in Homer; cf. Hdt. 1.174, c l r *
4 3 9 - 4 0 Cf. 13 355, 15.166 (Zeus older than Poseidon), and für similar
expressions 14.112, 19.219, 23.587-8.
441-57 The service of Poseidon and Apollo to Laomedon was alluded to
briefly at 7.452-3, where Poseidon says that they both built the Trojan wall
(hardly a serious contradiction, although see on 7.443-64 for other doubts
about that passage). The poet gives no reason for this period of service by
the two gods: the scholia suggest either that it was a punishment for rebel-
lion against Zeus (comparing 1.400, with Zenodotus' substitution of Apollo
for Athene in that verse), or else that they wanted to test Laomedon (cf. Od.
17 485-7). The second reason was given by Hellanicus (FGH 4.26a; cf. also
Apollodorus, Bibl. 2.5.9 and Frazer's note). The story, as told later, con-
tinued with the gods' revenge: Apollo sent a plague, and Poseidon the
sea-monster referred to at 20.145-8 (cf. ako 5.638-51). As usual, the poet
alludes to such past events in piecemeal fashion, as and when it is conve-
nient for him to do so.
Apollodorus pointed out the appropriateness of the two divine tasks,
Poseidon being worshipped as 60^6X105 KOCI 6EIISXIOV>XO$, and Apollo as
vôlMoç (FGH 244.96). A similar story was that of Apollo's service as
Admetos* herdsman (see on 2.766). Laomedon's behaviour also reminds
one of the imprisonment of Ares by Otos and Ephialtes (5.385-91). On
these stories of the binding or imprisonment of gods see K. Meuli, Gesammelte
Schriften (Basel 1975) n 1035-81, 'Die gefesselten Götter'.
9«
I
Book Twenty-Tuo
444—5 iT&p Ai6$ IX66VTES suggests that they were ordered by Zeus to do
this service, for whatever reason. frvrcOaaiiEv occurs only here in //.; for the
verb and related noun Wjs cf- Od. 4.644, 11.489, 18.357-8, and West on
Hes. Erga 602. £iyr6s is also (bund only here in Homer; cf. Hes. Erga 4
('spoken of*), and in the sense 'specified* (as here) Hdt. 1.77 etc. For the
phrase cf. HyDem 173 tn' ¿nrdpovi uio6cp.
446—7 Aridices read ^TOI M^V Y&p TYOO TT6A«OS, and Aristophanes TT6AEI
fonrAAtv. For &pptiKTOS cf. 14.56,14.68 (of the wall round the Greek camp).
448 The formula dAhroBas fAiKas poOs was used at 9.466 ( = 23.166),
and occurs 3X Od. For POVKOA&OKES cf. 5.313 etc.
449 Cf. 2.821, 11.105 nSrft Gv KvrjuoTot, 22.171 "IBrjs kv Kopv^rjoi
•noAimrOxou; more often TroAvnrlSaxos "I8rjs (5 X //.); cf. also 11.183 "l&rjs
tv Kopu^fjci... TriSrjicar^.
450—3 uto6olo TtXo? means *the due time of payment*. The epithet
"TToAvyri&fes does not occur elsewhere in Homer (cf. Hesiod etc.). The phrase
TToAuyr|9&s &pm may have a general significance (cf. Leaf), but in this
context it surely suggests relief at the end of the year*s labour, v&i prfioorro
liio66v AiravTa means 'robbed us of all our wage*, and the verb is used only
here with a double accusative; cf. Hor. C. 3.3.21 - 2 destituit d os \ mercedepacta
Laomedon (as one of the reasons for the hostility of Juno and Minerva to
Troy). For licncryAos cf. 589 u>5' fxTTcxyAos ¿cl>v . . . , and see on 1.145-6,
3.415. The structure and sound effects of this line suggest a strong, auto-
cratic ruler: Aaoii£6cov | barcryAos | ¿nrtiAVjaas 5* | ¿rrrhrEUTrg.
453-5 Such threats are commoner in the Odyssey: 18.84-7, 18.115-16,
20.382-3, 21.307-9. Here 453-7 expand the theme of 450-2. In 453 the
variant <ro( for aOv can hardly be right, as there seems to be no reason why
ApolIo*s punishment should be different from Poseidon*s.
454 ircpdav W)<TG>V frrrl TT)Ai8cf7r<5rwv: cf. 22.45 irtpvAs Wjocov hx\
TT)Ae6crrr<5rc»>v. In both verses there was a variant OrjAirrepAoov in antiquity
(in the 'city' texts at 454), taken by some scholars to mean 'fertile* (T 22.45;
cf. Call. fr. 548).
455 ¿nroA^vpEpcv was Aristarchus' reading, and it is found in a few of our
MSS, the rest having drrroK&yntev, <5rrro»c6yfiv or ¿rrroKdTmiv. It means 'peel
off' (cf. 1.236 mpl y&p (A i a vivid and crude metaphor.
drrroAtarciv occurs nowhere else in early epic, and is later used in comedy: cf.
Epich. 158, Ar. Av. 673, E. Cyc. 237 (conjectured by Ruhnken). In Cyclops
(if this is the right reading) the word also comes in a passage threatening
various dire forms of punishment.
456 The phase K£KOTTJ6TI 6up£> occurs only here in //.; cf. Od. 9.501
ftvfoppov irpo<7tyT)V KEKOTTI6TI 6VUIP, and 19.71, 22.477.
458-60 pc6* urrd with genitive is rare in Homer and early poetry
92
1
Book Twenty-Two
(cf. Chantraine, GHn 119-20: probably only 3X //., 2X Od.). ircip^ is also
unusual (from *Trcip&Eat?), recurring at 24.390, 24.433; cf. Chantraine, GH
1 57, and see on 14.198-9. For Tp&cs Crrrcp^faAoi cf. 13.621. Trp6xw here
and at Od. 14.69 (with 6Ato6at) must mean 'utterly*. Cf. also II. 9-570 where
it is used with kateSoplvr): there it is thought to have the original sense of
4on one*s knees' (Chantraine, Diet. s.v. y 6 w ) . For ovv natal Kal a!6oirjs
&A6x ota1 fyAp 148 avrols aOv -rrai&eaat Kal al8oir)S &A6xoiaiv, II. 6.250
al6o(r)s AAdxoiaiv.
461 » 1 5 2 5 3 . &va£ txAipyo? 'AIT6AACOV ( 2 X //., 1 x Od.) is a slightly less
common formula than the metrically equivalent Ai6s vl6s 'ATT6AACOV
(4X //., i x 0d.)% but was regarded by Parry as 'undoubtedly the older*
(MHV 178). It gains in popularity in the Hymns (6x HyAp, Hyllerm) over
its rival (4X HyAp, HyHerm). A»6s vl6s is actually a variant reading both
here and at 15.253; sec on that verse.
46a oa6$pova: only here in //.; cf. Od. 4.158, and caofpoouvTi, Od.
23.13, 23.30. Apollo par excellence displays this quality of aco^poouvrj. There
are good remarks on this by VV. F. Otto, The Homeric Gods (London 1954)
66, & propos of this scene.
464-6 Cf. 6.142 el 81 lis fooi PPOTCOV oT dpoOpTjs xapirdv ISouaiv... and
146-9 oTrj iTfp $OAAcov yevgifj, Tolrj 8i Kal Av8pd>v, etc. This coincidence
shows that the two passages must be related, and they are quoted together
by Plutarch (Mar. 104E-F). Leaf called the lines in book 21 'an obvious
reminiscence of the famous simile' in book 6. He also thought the phrase
ApoOpris Kapfrdv ISOVTIS 'totally incongruous', and $0AAoioiv IOIKATCS . . .
£a$Ary£c$ a 'ludicrous confusion of metaphor'; and concluded that 'it is
hard to believe that any poet could have written such a medley except in
deliberate parody'. This is a totally unfair verdict. £a$Acytcs is a strong and
effective word to describe men in the fullness of their prime, contrasting
with $6iv08ouatv which suggests a 'waning' light, as well as any kind of
decaying life. This set of images overlaps with the brief comparison to leaves
in an unusual but not inappropriate way. dpovpT)S Kaprrdv ESOVTCS is also a
singular phrase, only paralleled in Homer in the related passage at 6.142.
Cf. brl x&ovl anrov ISovrcs (3X Od.). It emphasizes the earthbound, tempo-
ral character of men, as compared with the gods (oO y&p OTTOV iBouo* . . .
5-340-
The context here is also related to that in book 6. There Diomedes says
that if Glaukos is a god he would not fight him, but if mortal he will, and
Glaukos replies, comparing men's yrvr^ to that of leaves. In book 21 one
god refuses to fight another for the sake of mortals.
For £a$Acy&s TCA&OUOIV cf. 12.347 = 360 £axpTt«s TEA&OUCTIV. (aÂcyVis
occurs only here in Homer, and nowhere later except HyHom 8.8 (probably
93
1
Book Twenty-Two
by Proclus: cf. M. L. West, CQ, 20 (1970) 300-4), an oracle quoted by

Eu&ebius (PE 3.15), and Nonnus (D. 2.26). In 466 Axt'jpioi means 'spirit-
less*, 'lifeless' (cf. 5.812, 7.100 etc.). In 467 aCrroI is 'on their own'.
468-9 The reason given by the poet for Apollo's withdrawal ironically
suggests that Apollo's speech was a discreet way of avoiding an unequal
contest. In 469 the long word TTCrrpoKaCTiyW|Toio, filling the first hemistich,
suggests the dignity of Poseidon as Apollo's uncle. Cf. the very similar con-
text of Od. 6.329-30 (Athene) a!6cro y&pfax| TTcrTpoKaaiyvTyrov, echoed at
13.341-2 &XXd TO! OVK t&Xijoa floociGdcovi (¿¿xcaOai I traTpoKaaiyW|Tcp,
and HyDem 31 (with Richardson's comments). Miy/jpivai tv TtaXApijcri
is a rather unusual phrase. Cf. 13.286 ptyl|iJ£vai tv Sat Xvypri, and tv
TTaX<itpQai(v) (IOX //.).
470-513 With Artemis' intervention we return to a more petty level.
470 TTATVIO Gqpcjv: this title of Artemis, so often used by modern scholars,
only occurs here in Homer. It may appear later at Supplementum Hetlenisticum
(edd. Lloyd-Jones and Parsons) 953.14. The scholia compare Anacreon,
PMG 348.3 SICTJTOIV* "APREMI DRJPCOV.
471 Aristarchus athetized this verse as unnecessary (Arn/A). There is
nothing objectionable about it, but equally nothing to prove that it is not
an addition. Elsewhere in Homer the epithet dryp6-repos is used as a syn-
onym for 6ypio$, of wild animals (e.g. 486). But it is quite a common title
of Artemis in later literature and cult (cf. RE s.v. Agrotera).
473-4 pkXtov... cOx°* means 'an empty vaunt', i.e. one which cost him
no effort. But the idea of futility is picked up by drvfu&Xiov OOTCOS in 474.
For dvcucbXtov cf. 5.216 AvcpcoXia, of a bow and arrows.
475-7 These verses were athetized on the grounds that they conflict with
Apollo's attitude at 468-9, and because Apollo is not a god of war (Arn/A).
These reasons do not seem strong enough for rejecting the verses, which are
probably an W hoc invention' (cf. Willcock, HSCP 81 (1977) 49-50).
For 475-6 cf. t.396-7 TTOXXAXI yApCTEOTrcrrp^ M nsy&poiaiv Axouoa |
tvxopivrjs ...» and 20.83-5, where Aineias boasts in his cups that he will
fight (¿va\nripiov TroAcyifjeiv) Akhilleus. Verse 477 is an effective four-word
one.
480 Cf. 2.277 vtiKtUiv ftacoiXfjas ¿veiSetois krei ccriv. This verse is omitted
by two papyri and most MSS, and was not in Aristarchus' texts, since the
scholia and Eustathius understand TrpoetyT) with 479. It may well be an
addition. For the construction Arrt6 KOIVOU cf. 11.56 etc. and Lehrs, Dt
Arisiarchi studiis 338-9.
481 KUOV &5E£S is used of Athene at 8.423; see on 1.225, 3.180, 22.345.
483—4 • • • AvTt<^p€aOai presumably means 'I am dangerous to
oppose in (respect of) might*; cf. 1.589, 21.411, 21.488, etc. To£o$6po{
occurs nowhere else in II. or Od.; cf. HyAp 13, 126, etc. hrel . . . W£Xr|o6a
94
1
Book Twenty-Two
explains Toô^dpa) irtp fouoT|, and ywai^l is ironic, i.e. she only kills
women, not men. For Artemis in this role cf. 6.205, 6.428, etc. It is par-
ticularly appropriate that the goddess who is herself WSTVICC STJP&V and
dypoTipri should be described as a beast of prey. The point is picked up with
heavy irony by 485-6.
485 6f)pas tvalpciv: the scholia point out that strictly speaking tvafpciv
means 'despoil' (cf. Evapa).
487-8 The apodosis b left to be understood, as at 6.150-1. Here 489-92
explain clearly enough what b implied. For the genitive froAipoto with
6at()p€vai cf. 16.211.
489-513 Here treats Artemis like a naughty child, and she responds
accordingly, as Demetrius observed (schol. Ge 491). The lack of seriousness
is emphasized by 491 (pe»5t6coaa) and 508 (f|8u yeAAooas).
490-1 t6£c( here presumably means 'bow and quiver* (cf. 502-3). In
491 OOTOTCTIV is emphatic, 'with her own weapons'. PEI6I6OXRA stresses the
comic character of the scene, but Here's smile b one of triumph, as at 434,
14.222-3.
492 tvTpoTToAiôp^vrjv: 'turning (her head) away'. There are several
variants:fcvTpoTraAifcoplvn(several MSS), hrrpoTraAiôpivTjs (Ptolemy of
Ascalon), TTOAAA Atoooptvqs (Chian and Cypriote texts).
493—6 A brief but effective simile. Cf. the simile of the hawk and pigeon
at 22.139-44: 21.493-4 OtraiGa... ry«v &s TE TTiAeia . . . fj £6 6* Cnr* TpriKOS
. . . resemble 22.139-41 f\Oit tdpKO? . . . uurr& Tp^puva iT&ctav | f) 0*
CnrraiOa ÔPITTCU . . . In 493 the light, dactylic rhythm suits Artemis* bird-
like flight. Neither the compound demrirouai (Hdt. 9.100, etc.) nor xt]pau6$
recurs in Homer. x^paiJ^S b used of a cleft where a bird nests at Arist. HA
6 ^ 3 5 and in Hcliodorus. Here Homer has already explained the word's
meaning in KOIATJV TRTRPRIV. For the rest of 495 cf. 15.27 I-6n. (274).
496 This verse elegantly repeats the most important words of 493.
497-501 Hermes light-heartedly declines to fight with Leto, and with
ironic courtesy offers her the privilege of claiming a moral victory. Hermes
the trickster b also shown as witty and carefree in the story of Ares and
Aphrodite (Od. 8.338-43).
497 5I<5CKTOPOS 'Apy«$6VTTIS: see comment on 2.103. The nominative
formula occurs first here, 5 times in book 24 and 6x Od.
498-500 These verses implicitly allude to Here's treatment of Artemis.
TrArjKTl^foGai ('exchange blows') only occurs here in Homer (cf. Ar. Ec. 964
etc.). For wp6$paooa in 500 cf. io.29on. (3X Od.).
503—3 o w a i w T o is an absolute hafiax Ugomenon. KaimvAa b a good
instance of a formular phrase which does not precisely suit its context,
as it must refer to bow and arrows together. The form Trrrnrc&Ta recurs
at Od. 22.384; cf. Chantraine, GH 1 428, 430. For prr& orpoÂAiyyi
95
1
Book Twenty-Two
Kovirjs cf. 1 6 . 7 7 5 Iv . . . Kovlrjs, of Kebriones' corpse, in a more serious

passage.
504 8vyonipo$ if thb goes with T6£a it is unusually distant from the
noun on which it depends. The alternative is to take it as genitive with KU,
'went after her daughter*, which seems more likely; cf. Chantraine, GH n
5 2 - 4 . The verse resembles 1 8 . 1 3 8 , where however TTAAIV means 'back from*.
5 0 5 AIDS WOTI X A ^ K O P c t T ^ S 8D>: s e e o n 1.425-7.
506—10 Cf. 5 . 3 7 0 - 4 , where Aphrodite falls on her mother's knees, and is
embraced by her and comforted. Verses 5 0 9 - 1 0 = 5 . 3 7 3 - 4 (sec commcnt).
Verse 510 is omitted by most MSS and could be an addition to the original
text.
In 5 0 6 Artemis behaves like a child. Cf. Call. Hy. 3 . 4 - 5 ; &pxM*voi 6TC
TrcxTp6styeCoii&T)yovdrttJCTi | waTs £TI Koupiôvaa T65E TTpoa&iire yovfja,
where 2 8 - 3 1 , with Zeus's laughter and his reference to Here*s jealousy,
seem to recall 5 0 8 and 5 1 2 - 1 3 here. Her trembling robe in 5 0 7 delicately
suggests her distress, as does the third repetition of 6aKpu6cooa at 506 (cf.
493 an<* 496).
511 lOoriâvos KeAa8ttvtf): ¿vcrri<J>avos is used of Artemis only here in
Homer, elsewhere of Aphrodite (Od. 8 . 2 6 7 etc.). For KeXa6civf) see on
16.183.
513—13 This takes us back to what sparked off the whole episode, by a
form of ring composition. But it sounds as if Artemis is blaming Here more
generally for all the divine strife occasioned by the Trojan War. Cf. 4.1 -74,
where Here refuses to accept Zeus's proposal for an end to the War. The
tone is again that of a spoilt child: 'It's all her fault!' For OTU^&IÊ in 512
see on 380. In 513 Aristarchus seems to have read vetoes' hvxfrn (cf. AT), as
at 1 1 . 6 7 0 , Od. 2 1 . 3 0 3 . The usual phrase is VETKOS 6pcop« (etc.), tox //., 3 X
Od. vtlKc(a) is read by one papyrus and two later MSS.
514-611 Apollo enters Troy to protect it from Akhilleusy whilst the other gods return
to Olumpos. Priam urges the Trojans to keep the gates open until the army is safe inside.
Apollo prompts Agenor to withstand Akhilleus, ami after a soliloquy he does so. They
Jight briefly, but Agenor is rescued from death by Ipolio, who takes his place. While
Akhilleus is pursuing him, the Trojan amy pours into the city
Apollo's concern for the Trojans brings us back to the human conflict, and
as the other gods fade from view the focus narrows to the scene which was
left suspended earlier in this Book, of Akhilleus' pursuit of the enemy. This
episode forms a prelude to book 22: cf. Priam watching from the wall, and
his concern for his people's safety ( ¿ 2 . 2 5 - 9 1 ) , role of Apollo, and above
all Agenor's soliloquy, which foreshadows Hektor's ( 2 2 . 9 8 - 1 3 0 ) . The de-
ception of Akhilleus by Apollo also contrasts with the scene where Athene
96
Book Twenty-Two
deceives Hektor after Apollo has left him (226-47), although the conse-
quences of this are far more serious. Finally the combat between Akhilleus
and Agenor resembles in one respect that of Akhilleus and Hektor (cf.
21.591-4^). Cf. Fenik, TBS213-14; M. Edwards in Bremer, HBOP50-2,
and vol. v, Introduction, p. 19.
515 <Po?pos: schol. pap. xn (Erbse) on 229-32 reads oTo$, which is possi-
ble but may be a conjecture.
516-17 The danger that Troy will fall before its due time is averted by
divine intervention, as elsewhere in the poem. Cf. 544-6, 16.698-711,
20.20-30; Fenik, TBS 154, 175-6, Reinhardt, luD I07ff., Scheibner,
Aujbau 49ff. For Cmipisopov cf. 20.30 8eI6a> PF) tccd TCTXOS Crrripuopov
2 1 5 5 Cmippopa with comment, etc.
520 irapd: Ttarpl is the reading of most MSS, in preference to the variant
ir&p Zrjvi, which would give an unattractively spondaic hemistich.
522-5 The simile resembles the more developed one at 18.207-14,
where the fire which blazes from Akhilleus* head is like the smoke and
flames rising from beacons in a besieged city. Here however it is the city
itself which is on fire, and the point of comparison is between the sufferings
of its people and those of the beleaguered Trojans. Although brief, impres-
sionistic, and somewhat repetitive in its language (523-5), it emphasizes
powerfully the sense of impending doom hanging over Troy as the result of
Akhilleus' onslaught. The brief simile at 22.408-11, comparing the lamen-
tation of the Trojans after Hektor*s death to the emotional effect of Troy's
actual fall, is the culmination of this sequence of comparisons (see also on
17.736-41). The allusion to divine wrath at 523 is relevant too, since Troy
will fall as a result of divine anger. Cf. the storm sent by Zeus as a punish-
ment for injustice in the simile at 16.384-93 (with comment), and in
general see Moulton, Similes 35-7, 106-7, 110—11.
5 2 2 - 3 Cf. 18.207 cos 8* 6T£ KQCTTVA? lebv &<nto$ al(Hp' lic^Tai. Here
hen Tat is a variant in A for the vulgate IK6VM, which should perhaps be kept,
as ficivrai could be from 18.207. Presumably the city is burning as a result
of enemy assault, although the poet does not say so.fe£>v811 pfivts &vf)K£ is
best taken as a parenthesis. For the expression cf. 5.178 xaArrrf) 516*oG tin
unvts, 22.358 and Od. 11.73 6e£>v u^wua, Od. 2.66 8ecov 6* CmoSdaorrc ufjviv.
523-5 Avfycf, j TRFIAT 8 ' Wrjw TT6VOV . . . K/J8C" tytjictv, . . . TT6VOV *al KFJ8F'
l^)K£v: the repetition is unusual, and may be intended to emphasize the
comparison. There are several variants here: 524 4$l\TrTai (cf. 2.15 etc.), 525
$6vov . . . ^Kcv/ivniccv/lTcu^cv/TToXOaTova icfjSca 0TjKtv (cf. 1.445); cC also
22.488 TT6VOS Kal 6rrtaaco.
5 2 6 - 3 6 The high frequency of periodic and integral enjambment here
suggests the urgency of the crisis.
526-9 Priam watches from the wall as at 3.146-244, where again
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1
Book Twenty-One
Agamemnon is described by him as ircAcbpiov ( 1 6 6 ) . Here too the epithet

suggests Priam's view of Akhilleus, as at 2 2 . 9 2 (see comment). In 5 2 6 the
wall is divine because it was built by Poseidon; cf. 8.519 &o5yiVrcov frrl
m/pycov. For t t e ^ ^ t c s see on 6.
530 ¿Tpvvwv is preferred by Aristarchus (Did/A) to the future ¿Tpwioov,
rightly as it introduces Priam's speech. TruAacop6? occurs first here, again at
2 4 . 6 8 1 , and perhaps 2 2 . 6 9 .
5 3 1 — 6 For Priam's instructions to hold the gates open until all are inside
cf. 1 2 . 1 2 0 - 3 TTVA^CTIV | tOp" tmKSKAiii£vas aaviSas KOTI pcncpdv 6xÂT |
<&AA* <5tvornrrrraijivas tyov (etc.).
533 The variant KAOV&I for KAOVICOV would be possible, but the participle
is a less obvious construction and preferable: 'here he is, driving them on'.
For vOv . . . iocofai cf. 2 3 . 3 1 0 TO> T ' OTW AoiyT Eacotoi.
534 &AtvT€$: this verb i» regularly used of the Trojans taking refuge in the
city ( 1 6 . 7 1 4 , <8.286, 2 1 . 6 0 7 , 2 2 . 1 2 , 2 2 . 4 7 ) .
535 brotv&ufvai was Aristarchus' reading (Did/A). The compound does
not recur until the fifth century. Some of the city texts read frr' ©eu^vcti,
and this has prevailed in our MSS. Aristarchus may have disliked the sound
of this: he also wanted to read TIRL vijas TJJLCV for vfjas FRR* tfvai at 1 8 . 1 4 .
If tmTUJtvcti can mean 'close' (5.751 etc.), presumably hTavan6tvon can
mean 'close again'. Wackernagel (Kltint SchnJUn 1 147) was unhappy about
this, but one would like to think Aristarchus was right here. For aavf6as...
&papula$ cf. 1 8 . 2 7 5 , comment.
536 AArjTat: aorist subjunctive from dAAopai. Herodian read &Ar]Tai: cf.
5 3 4 (&S TtTxos . . . AAivTts), and 1 6 . 7 1 4 H TtTxo* . . . AAfjvai. But cf. 1 2 . 4 3 8 ,
1 6 . 5 5 8 toÂaTo TITXOS (and sec on 1 2 . 4 3 8 ) .
5 3 7 For city gates and their bars see on 1 1 . 1 2 0 - 1 , 4 5 5 - 6 .
538—9 Zenodotus athetized these two verses, it is hard to believe the
reason given by Am/A, that he understood $¿0$ as 'light' rather than
'salvation', and thought it absurd for the open gates to be needed to bring
this. Probably Zenodotus objected that the verses had been added merely
to explain how Apollo comes to be outside the city in the following scene.
But they prepare us for the god's subsequent intervention.
The variant &i*Ovai for &A6AKOI in 539 could be defended on the ground
that this verb more often takes a genitive than AAaAreTv. But for the genitive
with ¿AOAKEIV rf. 2 2 . 3 4 8 , Od. 10.288, and for Aoiy6v AACXAKETV 2 1 . 1 3 8 ,
21.250.
540-3 The scene is closed by two sentences with heavy integral cnjamb-
ment. The suspension of the verb until the beginning of 542 gives promi-
nence to 541, a chiastic verse vividly describing the wretched state of the
fleeing Trojans. tcapxacAioi ('parched') occurs only here in early epic, and
then in Hellenistic poetry and later epic. The variant tcap$aA£oi fdrv')
98
[
Book Twenty-Two
would be possible, but is surely due to the replacement of a difficult word

by an easier one.
In 542 6 6k is Akhilleus. For o$c6av6v tycTr* in 542 cf. Irrrro a$e6avöv
11.165, '6.372. Aristarchus and several MSS read o$«6ava>v, the participle
of ofc6avdco, which does not occur elsewhere but would be possible.
544-6 Cf. 16.698-700: Mkx Kfv OvfimjAov Tpolrjv lAov uTes 'Axcn&v . . .
D *ATT6XA«V OoTßos . . . For this type of scene see on 5 1 6 - 1 7 . Agenor
has already played a part in the action several times, and especially in books
1 1 - 1 6 (see on 4.467-9, 11.59-60). For 'AVR^vopos ul<bv Apupova cf.
4.194 $G>T' 'AOKAT^TTIOO ulöv AyOpovo$, Od. 21.26, 4.247-8 $¿>6* 'HpoocArja,
$CORL... 66CTT), and similarly //. 11.92 6v5pa Bi^jvopa etc.
548 tcfjpo$: this is read by only one M S and also quoted by Eustathius for
the vulgate x^P0^» which is defended by Leaf and read by Allen's editio
maior. Elsewhere we have KF)pc; OOVATOIO (5X //., 1 x Od.). Death is per-
sonified at 14.23 t, 16.454, 16.682, and Leaf quotes the reading of our MSS
and Zenodotus at 1.97 XoipoTo ßapcia? x^P®* although he had
himself previously argued against this. OocvAroio X ?P°? a V C I T unusual
C
expression, but there is little support for the alternative reading, and it is an
effective phrase in itself. See also on 15.693-5.
549 $r|ycp KtxXiptvos: this topographical detail may hint at the motif of
divine detachment and ease. Cf. 7.22 where Apollo and Athene meet TrapA
and then at 58-61 they sit down as spectators of the battle ty'
OyriArj -rrorrpds a l y 16x010. At 6.237 and 9.354 a $tjyAs is closely asso-
ciated with the Scaean gate. For WKAAvtrro 8* &p' f|4pi TroXÄfj cf. 16.790
(Apollo) typi y i p ttoXX^ KCKoXuppivos &vTißöÄT]a«, and similar expressions
at 3.381, 11.751,20.444,21.597.
550-7« Agenor debates whether to fight Akhilleus or not. For this type
of monologue cf. 11.403-to, 17.90-105, 22.98-130. In all four cases the
hero is the subject of a simile just after or before the monologue. T h e closest
parallel is with Hektor's monologue at 22.98-130, where again direct flight
is considered and rejected (cl tct(v) . . . ) ; an alternative scheme is dis-
missed (d 6' Av . . . 21.556, cl 61 KEV . . . 22.111), the objection to this having
been stated (21.562 — 22.122, p/j . . . 21.563 22.123); finally the
decision is made to fight (21.566-70 ~ 22.129-30). Agenor's soliloquy
follows directly after the reference to Apollo inspiring him with courage
(547). As elsewhere in Homer, divine influence does not prevent a hero from
having to make his own decision, and here we have a clear insight into the
process by which he does so. For these monologues see on 11.403, 17.90-
105, and Schadewaldt, VHWW 300-3, Fenik, TBS 96-100, 163-4, Fenik,
Tradition 68-90, G. Petersmann, Grazer Beiträge 2 (1974) 147-69. This
type of speech is handled by the poet with considerable variation to suit
context and character. Odysseus rejects the idea of flight as dishonourable
99
1
Book Twenty-Tuo
(11.408-10), Menelaos decides on retreat as the wisest course (17.98-105),

whereas Agenor realizes that flight would be disastrous. Hektor's reasoning
is more complex: see on 22.98-130.
550 'Ax»AArja -irroAhropdov: this epithet is used of Akhilleus at 8.372,
15.77 and 24.108, of Odysseus at 2.278, 10.363, and also of Oileus (2.728),
Enuo (5.333), Ares (20.152) and Otmnteus (20.384). In the Odyssey it is
always used of Odysseus (6x ; cf. TrroAnr6p8ios 2X ). See on 2.278-9.
Aristarchus apparently discussed the epithet in his reply to the Separat-
ists, but it is not clear what line was taken by either side on this question.
He athctized 8.371-2 and 15.56-77, and Arn/A on 15.56 says that accord-
ing to Aristarchus the epithet was never used of Akhilleus (so also Cic. Ad.
Jam. 10.13.2). At 21.550 however Arn/A says that it occurs only here, and at
24.108 there is no comment in the scholia. Evidently Aristarchus' view has
become garbled in the later tradition (cf. Erbse on 21.550). Did he reject
24.108-9, and possibly also 21.550-1? He can hardly have accepted the
wretched variant 'Ax»AAIa fTqAeicova at 21.550 (Ttves AT). He probablv
thought the epithet inappropriate because Akhilleus died before the sack of
Troy, but it is fully justified by his claim to have sacked many other cities
(9.328-9 etc.). At the same time, however, it may suggest Akhilleus' role
as the potential destroyer of Troy itself (cf. 544 etc.), and hint at the way
Agenor views him as he approaches (cf. 22.92^).
551 Cf. Od. 4.427, 4.572, 10.309 FYA, TTOAAA pot Kpa&lr) rrdfxpvpt
KI6VTI. The only other occurrence ofttop^Crpcivin the Iliad neatly illustrates
the relationship between metaphor and simile (14.16-20); d>$ 6" 6rc
Trop$0pq nlAayos M^ya KOpcrn kuk^co . . . | £>s 6 ytpcov cbppaivc 5cri£6pcvo$
KCTTA 9up6v . . .
55a ~ 11.403 etc. (7X //., 4X Od.). The verse recurs in all four of the
monologues mentioned above (550-7on.).
553-5 <5> pot tycov, ft p£v vxv... also opens the other monologues. For 554
cf. 6.41 Trp&$ TT6AIV, $TOp o l &AA01 drrv£6pcvoi ôptovTo, and 2 1 . 4 Trpds
TT6AIV, f j m p *Ax<xiol &TU£6P£VOI $O£IOVTO. ô{3k>vrai, the reading of most
MSS here, is presumably due to the influence of these parallel verses. For
6ctpoTopf|crci see on 89. The same brutality of expression here emphasizes
the indignity of this cowardly end.
556-61 c( 8' dtv tyd> . . . means 'suppose I leave*, with no apodosis. Cf.
567, 2 2 . n i , and comment on 1.581. Chantraine, GH 11 362-4, has a
good discussion of the periodic structure of 556-65 and 22.111-25. The
compound CrrroKAov&ofcn occurs only here in Homer, later in Quintus of
Smyrna (14.572). 'lAVftov recurs nowhere else, and was explained as 'of
Ilios' (Did/A) or 'of Ilos* (T), the hero whose tomb is mentioned at 10.415
etc. Crates read 'l5f|Yov, as an alternative form of 'ISccTov, but it seems
awkward to describe the plain as belonging to the mountain. For 18ns
100
1
Book Twenty-Tuo
TI KVRIPOOS (559) cf. "ISTJS IV KVT)MOTCI (3X /?.), a n d 2 3 . 1 1 7 KVHUOOS . . .

7TOAVTT15OXOS "I6T|S. T h e 'thickets* (¿XOTRFJIA) of Mt Ida recur at 23.122.
560-1 toirtpios comes only here in //., fx Od. in this sense. T h e detail
of washing away the sweat in the river is a vivid touch, suggesting relief at
escape from death. For 18p& drrroyvx®*^ cf. 11.621, 22.218p£> (SrmtyOxovro,
a n d 10.572-6.
56a — 11.407, 17.97, 22.122 (monologues), and also 22.385.
563-4 . . . voôij expresses a fear that this may happen (cf. 22.123
etc.). 6frcBiip6vuvov (only here in Homer) means 'as I take myself off': a
metaphor from setting sail according to T and Porphyry (Qjuust. hom. 1
256.4, ed. Sodano); cf. dnralpciv, 'sail away', in Attic. The alliteration of
ir (TT6AIOS, TTt6Iov8() and U (\JI urrarfâs M^py^) may be accidental. Cf.
22.455-6 8t(8o> (if) . . . uoOvov ATTOTM^ÔS TT6XIOS TTC6(OV8< BIIITCN, in the
context of Andromakhe's fear that Hektor may be cut off by Akhilleus.
567 Most M S S have *rr6Atos, and this should be read here as at 2.8ti.
Korrcvocvriov occurs only here in Homer; cf. Hes. Aspis 73 etc.
568-70 There is never any allusion in Homer to the later legend of
Akhilleus' invulnerability. Tpcrr6s (Vulnerable*) is another Homeric hapax;
cf. Euripides (//«/. 8io), etc. Forfcv81 la cf. 9.319 tv 8 4 . . . , with unu ual
hiatus. T h e sense is 'he only has one life'.
570 Cf. 8.141 v w ukv y&p Tovrrcp Kpovi6r)s ZcOs KVBOS ATTA^H. Aristarchus
athetized this verse (Arn/A), regarding it as a common type of addition made
to supply a verb which can be understood with &VTJT6V . . . &v6purrroi, and
pointing out that it weakens the impression of Agenor's resolution to fight.
Hektor's monologue ends with a reference to Zeus*s decisive power (22.130),
but that is not a very close parallel, and Aristarchus could be right.
571 AAils: cf. 22.308 of Hektor's attack on Akhilleus. It means 'gathering
himself together' or perhaps 'crouching'.
573-9« Agenor is compared to a leopard which attacks a hunter and is
not deterred either by hounds baying or by being wounded. Cf. 11414-20,
where Odysseus after his soliloquy is compared to a mid boar attacked by
dogs and hunters, and 11.415 6 & T ' CLCI pafeltft IK £VA6XOIO . . . is like 573.
For the animal's fearlessness (574-5) cf. 12.45-6, in a comparison of Hektor
to a boar or lion confronting dogs and hunters: TOU 8* oO TIXM tcuSAAtuov
•c^p | TOppcI o08t t o f k l T a i . . .
573 ir6p8aAt$: on the variant <rr6p8aAis see t3.io3n. b T say that the
leopard is the most aggressive of all the wild beasts, quoting Aristotle's view
that the female of this species is more deadly than the male (HA 9.1,
6o8a33~5). Leopards occur in the similes at 13.103, 17.20.
575 OAorypds occurs only here in early epic, and later in Xenophon (Cjm.
4.5), etc. Zenodotus and others read KWuXoyvAv, and Stesichorus (PMG
255) was quoted in support of this, but this word occurs nowhere else.
101
1
Book Twenty-Tuo
576 ptv f|: Leaf observes that fj is rarely shortened (10.451, 16.515,
21.113, 23.724), and that piv is not in its normal place (i.e. after the
opening, ct ircp y&p). He thinks that inv should be omitted, and that the
variant u s (in the city texts) suggests that both may be mere stop-gaps. But
the object seems desirable here and these arguments inconclusive against it.
577-8 The phrase trepl fcovpl Tr£Tropy£vr| occurs only here. Support for
the realism of these verses came from the scholar Heracleon, who said that
he had seen this happen at Rome (bT 577).
580 This verse picks up 574-5 o65i TI . . . ôptlron (i.e. 'Bees*) and
578 trpiv y* . . . The conjunction rrpfv alone with optative only occurs
here in Homer, elsewhere with infinitive or occasionally subjunctive. Cf.
Chantraine, GH11 264-5.
5 8 4 - 9 Agenor makes the usual provocative speech before a single com-
bat. His words resemble Hektor's mocking speech of triumph over the fallen
Patroklos (cf. 16.830-6).
584-5 Verse 584 is similar to 16.708. For VTVTTVTI* see on 410. For
TtTfu^rron there is a variant TrriO^cai (most MSS), but this would have to
be middle, whereas elsewhere this tense is passive (12.345 etc.). frir' Avrrj
means 'on her account* (cf. LSJ s.v. hrl m 1).
588 For troXIcs TI tealftXtayotcf. 11.483 Tpa*s trrov iroAAol TI Kal AAwpoi.
The variant 6v6pt$ (vciiicv was considered possible by Did/A, but after tv
this is unnecessary.
587 ol xal was Aristarchus* reading (Did/A), whereas all but one of our
MSS have ol KC. In spite of L e a f s objection to the latter, m . . . ilpu6(icoâ
(future) would be exactly like 1.175,9.155» 9*297, Od. 5.36 (cf. Chantraine
GH n 226). However, Aristarchus clearly regarded tcai as having the sup-
port of the better MSS. It has the advantage of adding emphasis to Agenor's
confident assertion, and therefore seems preferable. For TOKICOV see on
15.660 and cf. Chantraine, GH 11 224 on this form.
5 8 8 IT6TMOV if&FCTS is p a r a l l e l e d b y Od. 2 4 . 4 7 1 N 6 T ^ o v tyfcfttv, and the
more common TT6TPOV hno-rutv etc. (6x //., yx Od.). For borayXos see on
452, and for 6apoaXio$ TroXitiiorr^s cf. 430 TC 6apcxxAk>i..., and 5.602
(etc.) BopooAiov TTOACtucrr^v ( 3 X //.).
590 8 The fight is briefly described, since it is really only a delaying
tactic on Apollo's part, and it soon ends in Agenor*s rescue by the god. This
may explain its unusual features. Verse 590 is an untypical one, and else-
where greaves are never actually hit in battle as in 591. Akhilleus* divine
greaves are in any case special, but the fact that otherwise greaves belong
only to the formular structure of arming-scenes has been thought to support
the view that lOicv^ptScs 'Axcnol derives from reminiscence of Late Bronze
Age warfare, when the Greeks were distinguished from other peoples by
102
1
Book Twenty-Tuo
their special greaves. As yet no examples of metal greaves have been found
between r. i too and 700 B.C. in the Greek world (for a possible L H I I I C
example cf. P. A. Mountjoy, Opuscuta Atheniensia 15 ( 1 9 8 4 ) 135—7). But
non-metallic greaves, which would not normally survive to be discovered
by the archaeologist, probably continued to be used during this period. See
also on 3 . 3 3 0 - 1 .
590 For ¿hcovTcr cf. 1 0 . 3 3 5 ( EN< ^ V < T S E ) » Od. 14.531, 2 1 . 3 4 0 (in
same position as here). For Papclrtf ¿ ^ x t cf. 1 3 . 4 1 0 ; papclat -as

XtTpcs -as 4X //., papefr) x pl e, 2 X H- The variant Traxtlrjs Xclp6? occurs
nowhere else, and derives from the formula XC,P* iraxtlrj. This verse is a
unique variation on the usual F} Kal ApirrrraAcbv Trpotci 6OXIX6OKIOV tyx©S
( 7 x //.).
5 9 1 - 4 A blow on the shin occurs elsewhere only at 4.518-19, with no
mention of a greave. This episode anticipates 2 2 . 2 8 9 - 9 1 , where Hektor's
spear hits Akhilleus' shield and rebounds. Cf. also 1 3 . 5 8 6 - 9 2 , where an
arrow rebounds off a breastplate.
59a Leaf and Allen follow La Roche in reading the variant ot for the
vulgate ptv. But & ol should mean 'around (or upon) him*, and 6p$l
8i piv 'around it* (KV^PTJV) seems possible here (cf. 1 6 . 4 1 4 etc.).
For KVTJUIS VCOTCOKTOU tcaaonlpoio cf. 6 1 3 KVTIUTBOS tavoG Kaaarrtpoio.
V€6T«VKTOS recurs only in one verse epigram; cf. 5 . 1 9 4 vconvx^s. Pure tin
would be useless as a protective metal. It looks as if there was already debate
in antiquity over this point, for Aristotle (Poet. 1 4 6 ^ 2 7 - 3 0 ) cites Kvqpls
VCOTCOKTOU Kaaonipoio as an example of an extension of meaning similar
to calling a mixture of wine and water 'wine* or iron-workers 'bronze-
smiths*, etc. This suggests that 'tin' was interpreted as meaning an alloy of
tin and another metal (cf. the commentaries of Bywater, Lucas ad toe.). As
D. Gray said (JHS 74 ( 1 9 5 4 ) 9 ) , 'the poet apologizes for the impossibility
in <!> 5 9 4 , 8to0 6* f)puKOKE 6&pa'; cf. Arn/A ( 5 9 4 ) : Hephaistos' armour is
invulnerable.
5 9 3 For ojjtpSAXcov KovdpTiac see on 2.334.
595-6 ririXitSrjs . . . | 6c\mpos is again a slightly unusual way of describ-
ing a counter-attack.
596" 8 For this type of divine rescue cf. Fenik, TBS 12. Verse 597 resem-
bles 3 . 3 8 0 - 1 T6V 8* L^ptrad* 'A^poShr) . . . fecdXiAfc 8* <5tp* FJ pi TroAArj,
2 0 . 4 4 2 - 3 T6V 8' t£f|pTTa£cv *ATT6AACOV . . . bcAAuy* 8* ftp' t\tp 1 TroAAfJ; also
11.751-2, where Poseidon rescues the Aktorione, xaXOyas typi m>AAf).
/jovx»os occurs only here in Homer; cf. fjavxlrj Od. 18.22, fjovxlws HyHerm
4 3 8 , Fôvxos Hesiod etc. For HARIUTRC vfac6ai cf. 18.240 -niiupcv . . . v&o6at,
Od. 4.8, 13.206 (IJirfpiTt vtcoSai (etc.).
599-601 Apollo's substitution of himself for Agenor is a variant of the
103
1
Book Twenty-One
trick which he plays at 5.449-53, where he replaces Aineias with an cTScoAov

over which the Greeks and Trojans fight. But it is also related to the
common motif of a god assuming a human disguise on the battlefield.
¿rrrocpyddciv comes only here in 11.\ cf. Od. 21.221. There may be word-
play with tK&pyo; in 600, as this was connected in antiquity with beds and
tTpyciv (cf. Chantraine, Diet. s.v.). Verse 600 resembles 5.450 AVTCP T* Alvciqt
TxeAov (of the fTCwAov). In 601 the repetition ttoSwv . . . Trcxrai cannot be
significant. For TrpdoOf TTO8COV cf. 16.742, Od. 22.4.
€01-11 T h b episode closes with an effective contrast between the point-
less pursuit by Akhilteus of the false Agenor on the empty battlefield, and
the crowded scene of panic as the Trojans pour into the city, without
stopping to rescue their own comrades. H i e Book ends as it began with a
Trojan rout. Cf. the description of the Greek retreat at the end of book 12,
when Hektor breaks through the gates of the Achaean wall.
605-7 f)o$ is answered by Ttypa (606), with 66Aq>... oTcri in parenthesis.
On the form for io>s in the MSS see Chantraine, GH i n . For ir&p
i r o r a i i d v pa6u6tW|FVTA LK&uav6pov see o n 1 - 2 , a n d for TVT66V CnToarpo-
Wovra cf. 9.502 | TTOAA6V CrTTdarpo&ei; 21.44 | Ev6tv CnrcK7rpo$uycbv. For
§8cAycv 'ATT6AAOJV see on 276.
606-7 These verses seem to echo the warning of Pouludamas (18.270-1,
especially 270 dcrnraokos). Cf. also 19.71-3 (72 doTracHciJs). In 607 Anti-
machus and Rhianus read M/ACTI 6 ' IMTTAT^VTO, which would suggest an even
more congested scene (also avoiding repetition of TT6AIS in 607-8); but cf.
22.12, 22.47 el? Aorv 6ACV, 6A£VTCOV.
6 1 0 - 1 1 ioouplvcos, which A and some other MSS read, seems better
than the vulgate d<nraolo>s, after dorrdaiot in 607. aatbaai, 3rd person sing,
aorist optative, is read by Aristarchus, for our vulgate odcooav (Did/A).
The singular verb would go with yoOva, and the optative would resemble
Trs^cvyoi in 609. As so often, Aristarchus prefers a less obvious reading.
104
BOOK T W E N T Y - T W O
The event towards which the action of the poem has been tending, the final
conflict of Akhilleus and Hektor, forms the theme of this Book. Its unity is
remarkable and its structure relatively simple. After the brief opening scene
in which we see Hektor alone before the walls of Troy and Apollo revealing
himself to Akhilleus, there follow three speeches. In the first two Priam and
Hekabe appeal to Hektor not to face Akhilleus ( 2 5 - 8 9 ) , and in the third
Hektor debates whether to do so or not ( 9 0 - 1 3 0 ) . This opening triad of
speech« is balanced at the end of the Book by the laments of Priam and
Hekabe ( 4 0 5 - 3 6 ) and the longer scene which concludes with the lament of
Andromakhe (437-515).
These speeches frame the action, which is in two main parts, the pursuit
of Hektor and the duel itself. The narrative of the pursuit is 'frozen' at 166,
when the gods debate the outcome ( 1 6 7 - 8 7 ) , leading to Athene's interven-
tion, and at 208-15, with extraordinary rapidity, the decisive moment is
described when Zeus weighs the fates of the two heroes, Apollo leaves
Hektor and Athene arrives at Akhilleus' side. The pursuit ends with brief
exchanges between Athene and the two opponents, encouraging Akhilleus
and deceiving Hektor into facing his enemy (216-47).
The duel itself is also framed by two exchanges between the contestants,
which centre on the fate of the loser's body ( 2 4 8 - 7 2 , 3 3 0 - 6 6 ) . The fight is
remarkably brief, and the chief impression is of the continuing divine deceit
of Hektor followed by his realization of the truth ( 2 9 6 - 3 0 5 ) , and his help-
lessness in the face of the combined forces of Akhilleus and Athene. Its
brevity contrasts with the slowness of the build-up, in which the poet
explores in depth the psychological and moral reactions of those concerned
on both human and divine levels.
The theme of the mutilation of Hektor's body now dominates, as the
Greek army insult the corpse and Akhilleus drags it behind his chariot.
Again speeches portray the triumph of the victors, contrasted with extreme
manifestations of grief at Troy, distilled above all in the laments of Hektor's
family.
The narrative is intensely dramatic almost throughout the Book, rising
to high emotional levels especially at the beginning and end. There are
fleeting glimpses of a different world, the orderly one of normal life, as in
Hektor's vision of the conversation of a pair of lovers (126-8), the reference
to the women of Troy washing their clothes outside the walls in peacetime
105
Book Twenty-Two
(153-6), and (most poignant of all) the quiet domestic scene in Hektor's
home of Andromakhe weaving and ordering the maids to heat the bath
water for his return (440-6), and the memories of their wedding-day
evoked by her veil (470-2). All of these intensify the contrast with the
grimness of what is now taking place. Poignant too is the juxtaposition of
the life-and-death struggle of Hektor's pursuit with the studied formality of
the debate in heaven over his fate, so easily and quickly resolved by Zeus's
yielding to Athene's protest (157-85).
i-24 The Trojans who have taken refuge in th city recover from their flight, but
Hektor remains outside the waits. Apollo discloses his identity to Akhilleus, who is
angry with him for having deceived him. Akhilleus approaches the walls
With the abrupt reference to Hektor's doom at 5 - 6 we are suddenly back

in the mainstream of the narrative, aware that the final conflict is soon to
happen.
1 ttc$v£6tes f|OTt vtppol: for TTCû^TES see on 21.6. Cf. 4.243, 21.29
•refhyiTdrfs -as O n vtppol -oOs. This simile anticipates the longer one
comparing Akhilleus and Hektor to a dog pursuing a fawn at 188 93. Cf.
Moulton, Similes 78-80, and on the similes in this Book in general ibid.
76-87.
a ArotfOxovTo: Aristarchus seems to have preferred d w f O x o v r o (Did/
A b T ) . Elsewhere we have I8pv> <5TITC\|A/)(OVTO 11.620, ISpcp DRRRO<f/vx8f(s
2: .561, but (XKOS AvovfOxovra 5.795, ¿cviyv/yfov $iAov i^rop (after washing)
IO-575» &vty\/xov $lAov f^TOp 13.84. These parallels suggest that ¿rrrc- is
right here. For the metaphorical use of &xtio6ai cf. 13.115, Od. 10.69,
I4 383-
3 KCKAIU^VOI KaAQaiv 4TT6A£«7IV: this surely means leaning against the
battlements rather than spaced along them (which Willcock favours). T h e
Trojans are exhausted.
4 afoce' cbpoiai KAIVOVTCS: see on 11.593. There and at 13.488 this occurs
in the context of defence rather than attack, and has been taken as referring
to a large (body?) shield planted on the ground, against which one could
lean (e.g. Letaiadloc., Lorimer, HM 188). This is implausible, and here it is
not possible as the Greeks are on the move. It might indicate a shield held
out almost horizontally, with the top end resting on the shoulder, to guard
against missiles from the walls. This seems to be the view o f T (on 11.593),
and cf. Heyne: ante iunctis ordinibus, ita ut clipeos ante se ferendo humero admotos
haberent. For a similar manoeuvre cf. 12.137-8 (with comment), Arch. Horn.
E 49 (Borchhardt).
5 - 6 W e last saw Hektor at 20.443-4, he was rescued from
Akhilleus by Apollo. Here the poet reintroduces him with dramatic
106
Book Twenty-Two
suddenness, briefly accounting for his remaining outside Troy and at the
same time announcing that his doom is impending. 6Aorf) poTpa only
occurs here, instead of poTp' ¿Aofj (ax /?., 5X Od.). For polp' hH5t)(7Ev cf.
4.517 (n.), Od. 11.292, It. 19.91-4 ("ATTI), and later expressions denoting
the 'binding' power of AvAyxii (see Richardson on HyDem 216-17). MAiou
may stand for 'lAioo (see on 21.104).
For the Scaean gate see on 3.145, 9-354- It was here that Hektor had
met Andromakhe (6.392 fT.), and here Akhilleus must eventually be killed
(22.360). Cf. Schadewaldt, VHWW 294, Elliger, DarsUllung dtr Landschaft
59-62.
7 - 1 3 Apollo's speech of self-revelation is lightly mocking (cf. 9 o054 vO
Trcb pt, 11 vv *rot... etc.). He does not say which god he is, but Akhilleus
realizes (15).
9 - 1 0 oCrr6s 9vt)t6$ kl>v 6e6v ftu^poTov are contrasted as often (cf.
21.38on.). For crv 5' Aompxts pevecrlviis cf. 4.32. Here 4.33 has been added
by one papyrus, presumably to supply an infinitive with pcvcalvcts.
11—ia Tpaxov TT6VO$ ('labour concerning the Trojans') is an objective
genitive (cf. 2.356^). means 'you have put to flight'. For LIS &OTV
&Atv cf. 47 st$ &anru AAhnxov, and see on 21.534,21.607. A i d e r s here means
'you have turned aside' (cf. Leumann, HW 208-9, Chantraine, Diet. s.v.
Aid£opcn).
13 piv is 'however' (cf. 283, and Denniston, Particles 362), and p6poipo$
'fated to die*. This personal sense recurs at Od. 16.392 = 21.162.
1 4 TT66O$ COKUS 'AXIAACOS: it is here that this fixed characteristic of
Akhilleus is most clearly embodied in action; cf. 24 etc., and W. Whallon,
Formula, Character and Context (Center for Hellenic Studies, Washington,
D.C. 1969) 14-17.
15-90 Akhilleus' angry and defiant reply was censured by Plato, who in
the Republic (391 A) quotes verses 15 and 20 among the passages which he
regards as morally reprehensible. b T (20) reply that Akhilleus shows not
arrogance but pcyaAo^pooOvri (cf. 21 p£ya fpovfov). It is typical of this
hero that even when confronting Apollo he should be so concerned with
honour (18) and revenge (20). His readiness to defy Apollo contrasts with
the helplessness of both Diomedes and Patroklos in the face of this god
(5-443-4» 164710-11).
15 IpAonpAs p": 'you have fooled me*. In Homer pAArrriiv in the sense of
harming one's wits is usually applied to divine powers: cf. 9.507, 9.512,
15.724, 19.94, Od. 14.178, 21.294 a 3- 1 4- 'he later prose word
OtopAdcpcia, which is the equivalent of flmr|.
TEWV ¿AO&TOTI TTAVTCOV: for similar complaints about the gods cf. 3.365
with comment, Od. 20.201.
16—flo f j . . . fy the repeated assertions stress Akhilleus' frustration.
107
1
Book Twenty- Tu o
17 yaTorv A6A£ clXov: cf. 2.418 Xa£ol<rro yaTav, and similar expres-
sions at 11.749, 9-6i, Od. 22.269.
!
iS—19 Verse 18 echoes 21.596. For 19 cf. 3.381 fclct pAX' TC 0C6S,
16.688-90 (with comment) etc.; 1.515 tntl oO TO»fcm6ks- Arricroto means
'in future' (6.450, 24.1 n ) . On this divine ease and irresponsibility see
Griffin, HLD 188-9.
M Cf. Od. 2.62 ^ T ' Av Apuvoiprjv, el poi Suvapls ye TrapclTj.
«a—4 A brief simile, comparing Akhilleus to a prize-winning racehorse. As
with the comparison in verse 1 this is picked up later at 162-6 by the simile
comparing Hektor and Akhilleus to racehorses. Cf. also 6.506-11, where
Paris is compared to a horse running over the plain, and the repetition of
this at 15.263-8 where it is applied to Hektor; 15.269 is similar to 22.24.
« - 3 For ITTTTOS Ae6Xo$6pos cf. 162 Ac0Xo$6poi . . . Imrroi. Ebewhere
A6Xo^6pos is used (3X //.). For ovv 6xea$iv . . . TrratvApevos mSloio cf.
23.518 -rrrijCoio TiTonvApcvo* ovv 6x fa $ 1 » 6.507 Oilfl ircSloto, 2.390, 12.58
Appa TtTcrfvcov. Verse 23 means 'who effortlessly races at full stretch over
the plain*.
«4 Cf. 15.269 "Eicroop Xcnv^pA ir65as Ka\ youvcrr' tv&pa, with
comment.
2$-8g Priam sees Akhilleus approaching the city and entreats Hektor not to face him,
describing the eoils in store for the Trojans if the city is taken, but his appeal fails.
Hekabe also vainly begs him not to stand against Akhilleus
We have already seen Priam watching anxiously from the wall at 21.526-
36. We recall also book 3, where he and the other Trojan elders watched
with Helen, and Priam took part in the preparations for the single combat
between his son Paris and Menelaos. There, however, he went back to Troy
because he could not bear to watch the fight (305-7), whereas here he is
present throughout the whole conflict. This is one aspect of the structural
balance and contrast between these two Books (cf. Introduction, 'Struc-
ture'). See also J. T . Kakridis, Homer Revisited (Lund 1971) 68ff., on the
connexions of these appeals with Andromakhe's plea to Hektor in book 6;
on the links between the speeches in 6 and 22 in general see Beck, Stellung
9 5~3* Priam sees Akhilleus shining in his armour like the Dog-Star,
whose destructive character is described. The simile suggests the way in
which Priam himself reacts to the sight of Akhilleus (cf. d e j o n g , Narrators
126). At 5.4-7 a briefer version of this simile is applied to Diomedes, and
at 11.61 - 6 Hektor in his shining armour, darting to and fro in the ranks, is
compared to an oOXios AorVjp now shining and then hidden in the clouds.
At 13.242-5 Idomeneus' armour is like Zeus's lightning. The present
comparison is echoed at 317-20, where the glint of Akhilleus' spear-point
108
1
Book Twenty- Tu o
is like the evening star at dusk. See Moulton, Similes 26-7,80-1, and Hermes
102 (1974) 392-4-
26-7 irap$aivov©' d>s T* da-rip*... 6s T* 6ir6p^s cTaiv: cf. 5.5-6 äorlp'
ÖTRWPIVCF) tvaAiyxiov, 6$ TE pdAiora | Aapnpdv -rrapâivrjai . . . , with com-
ment. The star is Sirius, the brightest of the fixed stars, and the chief star of
the constellation Canis Maior. The words 'which goes forth at harvest-time*
refer to its heliacal rising at dawn in mid-July. The following period, until
mid-September, is one of intense heat in Greece and Asia Minor, and it was
thought that Sirius was responsible for fevers at this time (cf. West on Hes.
£^0417).
27—8 For 6p(£t]Aoi 51 ol caryai cf. the simile at 13.244, where 245 = 22.32.
The obscure and impressive phrase WKTÖS ApoAy<p recurs in 317 of the
evening star, and cf. 11.173,15.324, Od. 4.841. All four examples in the Iliad
are in similes. Because of 317, and also the reference to Sirius' rising at dawn
(27), it has been taken as referring to the twilight of evening or dawn in
these two passages (Eust. 1255.5, b T 317). But Sirius would not be so bright
at such a time, and this does not seem to suit the other Homeric passages
where it occurs, in which the sense 'at dead of night' seems more appropriate
(see on 11.173, anc* West on Od. 4.841).
29 kvv' 'Opfcjvos: originally kOv' 'Qaplovos; cf. Chantraine, GH 1 16.
Akhilleus is later compared to a dog hunting a fawn (188-93). ¿rrftcAnoiv
tcaAioucxiv recurs at 506 and 18.487 = Od. 5.273. frriKATjois sometimes
means 'second name* or 'nickname', and perhaps this is the sense here (with
Sirius as the first name); see on 6.402-3.
30—2 The two hemistichs of 30 are contrasted. For KOCKÖV 8i TE erf] pa
THVKTOI cf. 13.244 6cucv0s af^pa ßpoToIoiv, 6.178 crqpa KOK6V, Od. 23.188
orfjpa ThvKTai. The word Trvprr6s occurs only here in Homer. Later it
meant 'fever', and Arn/A held that this, rather than 'heat', was the meaning
here too. Verse 32 — 13.245.
3 3 - 4 K€$aA#jv . . . x«pcrlv I uy6a' dvacrxöpfvos: striking the head with
one's hands and raising one's hands above one's head were both traditional
expressions of strong grief, found also in Greek mourning ritual: cf. Reiner,
Die rituelle Totenklage 42-3; N e u m a n n , Gesten und Gebärden 86; A l e x i o u , Ritual
Lament 6. This is echoed at the end of Priam's speech, when he tears his hair
in grief. With Avaaxdnevos one should understand x*ipas: cf. 3.362, 23.660,
23.686, Od. 18.95. <?>M&>£*V . . . p£ya 6' otpcb£as is an unusual repetition.
Priam's appeal is desperate.
3 5 - 6 6 8I TrpoTrdpoiOc TTVAACOV | krr^KCI: cf. the two Lapiths at 12.131 - 2
T&> pfcv &pa TTpouApoiBs -nvAdcov OyrjAörcov | Icrraoocv . . .
36 At this stage we know nothing of the inner turmoil which Hektor is
about to go through (98-130). For fipoTov pepa&s • •. pAxto6ai cf- >3-8o
&poTov pcpa&Ti p&xco6on |.
37 For x«pas 6pcyvu$, a gesture of entreaty, cf. 1.351 with comment.
109
1
Book Twenty- Tu o
3 8 - 7 6 Priam begins his speech by begging Hektor not to risk virtually

certain death by facing Akhilleus. He goes on to speak of the other sons he
has lost, expresses his fears that Lukaon and Poludoros may also have been
killed (cf. 20.407-18, 21.34-135), and says that Hektor is the one hope for
Troy's salvation. T h e second half of the speech (59-76) is an appeal to
Hektor to pity his father, followed by a vivid description of the horrors that
await the Trojans if the city is taken, and a terrible vision of how his own
dogs will eat his body after he is killed.
3 8 - 9 T h e oblique reference of &v£pa TOOTOV could be occasioned by the
lack of a traditional formula for Akhilleus in the accusative, with initial
vowel, and in this part of the verse. But it is effective in this context. Cf. in
Hekabe's speech 84 ¿pvve 8f|fov &v5pa; 379, 418 (<5TV£pa TOOTOV); and
similar indirect expressions at 8.96, 13.746, 14.250, 18.257, 21.314, 24 204,
24.207, 24.212. For olos ¿rvsvG'fiXAoovsee on 416.
41—3 T h e asyndeton in these verses indicates urgency. Cf. 295, 16,126-
9» 24-354~5> comments. This kind of effect is discussed by [Longinus]
(19-20) and prose examples are collected in J. D. Denniston, Greek Prose
Style (Oxford 1952) 99ff.
41 oxfrAios: since the previous and following clauses have Akhilleus as
their subject this presumably refers to him, rather than being addressed to
Hektor. At 86 however it may well refer to Hektor (see comment).
41—2 aT8t... tpol is an example of an unusual figure of speech, 4>(Xos here
implying its opposite by a kind of grim irony (cf. Am/A). For KVVCS xal
yCrrrcs ?8oi€V cf. 18.271 KVVCS KAL yvires ISovTon, and 4.237, 16.836 yvhrcs
ISovrat. This is a persistent theme throughout book 22, leading up to the
issue of Hektor's burial. Cf. 66-76, 89, 335-6, 339, 348, 354, 508 10, and
Segal, Mutilation of the Corpse 33-47. H>oiev is Aristarchus' reading here
(Did/A), whereas all our manuscripts read ESOVTOI, probably owing to the
influence of the parallel passages. The future with KCV is possible, but the
optative is better in the context of 4 1 - 3 .
4 3 ATT6 TTportrlStov &xo$ IA801: cf. 24.514 &TT6 TTpcrrrlScov fjX8* Tpcpos.
4 4 - 5 cOvis occurs only here and at Od. 9.524 in Homer, later in
Empedocles (57.2) and Aeschylus (Pers. 289 etc.). T h e loss of so many of
Priam's sons is an important theme, especially in the later books of the
poem: cf. 423-6, 24.255-60, 24.493-501, Griffin, HLD I23ff. For 45 see on
21.454.
4 6 - 5 5 As elsewhere, the poet here binds his narrative together by linking
the deaths of Poludoros and Lukaon in books 20-1 with the possibility of
Hektor's death. For Laothoe and Altes see on 21.84-7.
46—8 6uo ira75c . . . oO Suvapai I5kiv . . . TOYS POI Aao66r) T£KETO . . . : cf.
3.236-8 (Helen to Priam on the walls of Troy): 601& 8' oO 60vapai I6leiv
Koapi'jTope Xacov . . . aCrroKaoiyv/|TA>, TW poi pla yilvcrro p^rnp. T h e
110
1
Book Twenty- Tu o
context is similar in both cases: Helen searches vainly for her brothers who
are dead, as Priam here fails to find his sons.
48 Kpciouoa ywaïKCôv: Kpciouaa (the feminine of tcpcfcov) only occurs
here in Homer. Cf. the proper name Kreousa, and Hes. fr. 26.7-8 T[A]Ç
TTOTI [A]ao[6ô]r) Kpcfoua* 'Ympr^ts à[uù]pcov | [ydjvcrro . . . ; 26.31a
'Avtiôxti Kpcioi/aa; Theocr. Id. 17.132 o0$ -rfurro Kpciouaa 'Péa. It looks as
if it belonged primarily to genealogical poetry.
49 'Their father's ignorance is very pitiable' (bT). Helen's ignorance of
her brothers' deaths in book 3 evokes a similar pathos.
49-50 ^ T* irv . . . ¿TToXOaoiicO': 6v can be used with the 'modal' future
indicative, but ¿rrroAuaôitf6a is probably aorist subjunctive here; cf.
Chantraine, GH n 225-6. The variant ¿rrroAOoojifv (A) is inappropriate
here, as the middle is used of the person who offers a ransom. This allusion
foreshadows Priam's ransoming of Hektor in book 24.
49—51 There are similar passages referring to ransoming at 6.46-50,
10.378-8i (especially 378-9 lorn ydtp lv8ov | XP**^ -re), n . 131 -
5 and 22.340-1. Gifts provided by the bride's father or family on her
marriage are mentioned or implied several times elsewhere in Homer:
cf. 6.191-5, 9.147-56, Od. 4.735-6, 7.311-14, 20.341-2, 23.227-8, and
perhaps Od. 1.277-8, 2.132-3. It seems most probable (despite A. M.
Snodgrass, JHS 94 (1974) 116-17) that the conventions of marriage re-
flected in the poems involved an exchange of gifts between both sides, rather
than simply 'purchase' of the bride. Cf. M. I. Finley, Revue Internationale des
Droits de VAntiquité (3 e ser.) 2 (1955) 1 6 7 - 9 4 ™ Economy and Society in Ancient
Greece, edd. B. D. Shaw and R. P. Salter (London 1983) 233-45; W. K.
Lacey, JHS 86 ( 1966) 55-68; I. Morris, Classical Antiquity 5 (1986) 81 -138;
I. N. Perysinakis, CQ41 (1991) 297-302. See also on 88.
¿voydkAirros (51 ) is found only here in Homer, although cf. ôvopa KAUTÔV
at Od. 9.364, 19.183; for the compound epithet cf. HyHerm 59, etc.
5a—3 One should surely punctuate with a comma at the end of 52, rather
than after TTOV&cri (both are discussed by Nicanor). The former is supported
by the parallel verses at Od. 4.834 etc. fl fj8t) Té&vrjKt (-ôm) xal civ 'ATSao
Sôtiotot.
54—8 This brings Priam's argument back to his main point, the appeal
to Hektor not to risk his life too, since Troy depends on him. In 55 fiv irf)
Kal av Oâvqs means 'as long as you are not killed as well*.
56-8 Priam here puts forward several arguments together, appealing to
Hektor (a) to save the Trojans, (b) to avoid giving glory to Akhilleus, and
(¿) to save his own life. Finally (59-76) he launches into his passionate plea
to save Priam himself from a terrible fate.
59 $povéo\rr*: 'while I still have my senses', or perhaps rather 'while 1
still live': so bT, and LSJ s.v. $povéco iv.
111
1
Book Twenty-Two
60 6ucrpopo$ occurs only here and at 481 in //., 6x Od. It is confined to

speeches, always at the beginning of the verse (cf. Griffin, JHS 106 (1986)
4 1 - 2 , for such emotional language in speeches), fcirl y^paos oOSco recurs at
24.487 and 3X Od. Since Priam is already an old man y^paos is most
probably a defining genitive, 'the threshold consisting of old age', implying
that old age is itself seen as a transitional stage between life and death. Cf.
J. T . Kakridis, Gymnasium 78 (1971) 512-13.
6 1 - 5 'He anticipates the fall of Troy* (A). b T comment on the grim
economy of this catalogue of a sacked city's troubles, observing how the poet
refrains from equipping any of the nouns with the usual epithets, and
comparing 9.591-4 for a similar description; see also on 12.457-66. The
repeated participial phrases produce a relentless, monotonous effect. For
the mention of the GdtXapoi of Priam's extended family cf. 6.242-50. In a
sack the most private family rooms are desecrated.
62—4 ¿Axrifcfcras t i ©Oycrrpas... *al Wjma Tfrva | ßaXXöptva irporl yalq:
T thinks of the fate of Kassandra, raped by Locrian Aias, and of Astuanax,
who was thrown from the wall o f T r o y in later versions of the sack (Iliupersis,
O C T vol. v, p. 108.2-3 >= Davies, EGFp. 62.23-4, /lias Parva fr. 19 Allen «
Davies, EGF fr. 20; see on 24.734-9). IXKCIV is used of rape at Od. 11.580;
cf. II. 6.465 £AKT}8|JOTO. AS SchadewaldT observed (Hellas und Hesperien,
Zürich i960, 37), in such allusions to the sack o f T r o y the poet 'makes what
in the tradition is simple fact into a medium for the expression of psychologi-
cal themes*.
65 This verse has been suspected as repetitious after 62. Certainly with-
out it we should have an effective climax at 63-4, but given the style of this
passage the repetition could be original. Most MSS of Plutarch (Alor. 114A)
omit the verse, but they also omit 69-73.
66-76 The common motif of a body being eaten by dogs is here de-
veloped in a unique way, since these dogs are Priam's own. Leaf calls this
'an exaggeration of horror unlike the true Epic style*. Moreover, 7 1 - 6
correspond closely with Tyrtaeus fr. 10.21-30 West:
aloxP^v y 6 p 8F) TOÖTO, prr6 -rrpopäxoioi Tnaövra

KcToGai irpöoOc vfcov 6v6pa TTaXaiöitpov,
TßI) XCVKÖV txovTa KÄPT) -rroXiöv TT yivttov,
6vp6v (önro-TTvelovT*ftXtctpov£v xoviq,
alpcrröcvT' orlSoia $IXai; £v yspalv txovTCi —
alaypA Y* ¿•âXpoTs KCC1 vtptorjT&v IScTv,
KAI XP^ yvpvcöÖivra- VÔICTJ 64 TT6VT' BRIOIKIV,
0
6$p' ¿perrf^s f ^ s AyXa6v &v6os tyQ«

6v6pdot ptv 6rjt|TÖs löeTv, lporr6s 64 ywai£l
£CO&S KCXX6S 5' ¿v TTpopAxoioi neacov.
112
1
Book Twenty-Two
Tyrtaeus is exhorting the young men not to neglect the defence of their
eiders in battle, and many modern scholars have argued that these verses
suit the context there much better than the corresponding ones in the Iliad,
where Priam is urging his son not to face Akhilleus, and so 7 1 - 3 are out of
place. Cf. already b T 7 1 - 3 : 'this appears to be an exhortation to die, rather
than a discouragement' (etc.).
This has led to rejection of 69-76 as a later addition: cf. Leaf on 69,
Schadewaldt, VHWW 300 n. 1, Von der Miihll, Hypomnema 332-3 (with
other references), Lohmann, Reden 168. It is more probable, however, that
both Homer and Tyrtaeus are making use of a protreptic passage belonging
to the epic tradition, and that Homer has adapted it to a different context.
Priam's point is that death and subsequent mutilation of one's body are
disgraceful for an old man, and that therefore Hektor should think of the
safety of his father and his people, rather than any personal honour gained
by not running away. Verses 7 1 - 3 belong strictly within this context here.
As for Priam's dogs, cf. Segal, Mutilation of the Corpse 33: 'The threatened
mutilation of Priam by his own dogs in his own house (cf. 22.69) also
illustrates one of the broader implications of the corpse theme: that is, the
destruction of civilized values, of civilization itself, by the savagery which
war and its passions release.' It is a gruesome vision, but no more horrific
than, for example, Akhilleus' wish that he might eat Hektor's raw flesh
(346-7), or Hekabe's that she might eat Akhilleus' liver (24.212-13); cf.
also 4.34-6. For general discussion of such passages see Segal, Mutilation of
the Corpse 38-41, Griffin, HLD 20-1, 117.
In the Bias Parva Priam is killed by Neoptolemus 'at the doors of his
house' (fr. 16 Allen — Davies, EGF fr. 17): cf. here 66 irpcoTiât 6uprjai. In
the Iliupersis, however, he dies at the altar of Zeus IpKttos ( O C T vol. v ,
p. 107.30-1 •• Davies, EGF p. 62.19-20), and this is the usual version
later. In art his death is often associated with that of Astuanax, and some-
times also with the rape of Kassandra. Cf. Austin on Virgil, Aen. 2.506-58,
and sec on 62-4, 24.734-9.
6 6 - 7 aCrr6v 6* dv . . . | cb|iT)<rral IpOovaiv: for &v with the future see on
49-50. The phrase cbjiTKrral Ipuoum is applied to birds devouring a corpse
at 11.454.
68 For meaning 'limbs' here, see on 16.855-8.
69—71 Leaf punctuates with a colon after 68, making ou$ refer forward,
and o! in 70 demonstrative. That is possible, but it seems preferable with
the O C T to take oOs as picking up KUVE$ in 66, with brd KS TIJ . . . lArvrai
as a parenthesis. For TPORRR^CTS cf. 23.173, Od. 17.309 TPCNRT^fjcs KUV«S.
OvpacopoOs was Aristarchus' reading (Did/A) and that of a papyrus and a
few MSS, TtvXacopoOs being the vulgate text. 6vpaeop6$ occurs nowhere else
in Homer (cf. later 6i/pcop6s), TTvAortop6s at 21.530, 24.681. The objection
•*3
1
Book Twenty-Two
to TTvAcKop6s was that -m>Ar) refers to the gate of a city, not a house,
although TTVATJ or trOAai are sometimes used of a house-door in Attic trag-
edy (cf. LSJ). It is possible that m/AacopoOs is original, and OupacopoCr; an
ancient conjecture: so van der Valk, Researches it 140.
70-1 dAuocovTis means 'restless', 'maddened'. This form of the verb
occurs only here in epic, and nowhere else later in the present tense, but cf.
5 . 3 5 2 etc. 6A0civ. In rrepi 6vsp£>, ircpi is probably adverbial, as in mpl K-qpi
etc. ¿v TrpoOOpoioi echoes the end of 66, rounding off this passage. For the
second hemistich of 7 1 cf. Tyrt. fr. 10.27 ÔICI 6T TT6VT' taionccv.
78 Apr^Kraulvco: only here, but cf. AptityaTos, SanaxScpcvos. If one were
to write this as two words ("Aprji Kraplvcp) the parallelism and chiasmus
with the following hemistich would be more clearly brought out. The series
of dative endings, repetition of the same idea, and heavy spondaic opening
all combine to give this line a dirge-like effect. ScSotTyiilvo? -ov xaAKcj?
occurs 4X and &e6atyii£vos -01 2X in books 18-19, especially of Patroklos.
73 Kiioflai is added somewhat awkwardly (contrast Tyrt. fr. 10.22), and
the rest of the verse repeats the idea of 71 - 2 in a rather weak way. 6 m ^ccvî]
was taken as meaning 'whatever befalls him* by Leaf, but the sense 'what-
ever is visible' (i.e. of his body) is surely better (cf. Willcock).
74-6 These verses appear to have been omitted by the Hellenistic papy-
r u s ( p a p . 1 2 ) : cf. W e s t , Ptolemaic Papyri 161.
7 4 TTOAI6V T6 Kdprj TTOAI6V T€ ytvftov: cf. 2 4 . 5 1 6 for this emphatic repe-
tition (Akhilleus pities Priam). Tyrtaeus has ACUK6V . . . tedpr) m>Ai6v TE
yivtiov (fr. 10.23).
75 al6a> suggests al6o!a. Tyrtaeus (fr. 10.25) a brutally explicit, whereas
the abstract noun here implies that this form of disfigurement is a particular
affront to someone's al6a>s in general. Homeric decorum generally avoids
references to aUkria: see on 2 . 2 6 2 (the only other Homeric use of alScos in
this sense), and in general Wackernagel, Sprachliche Unlersuchungen 2 2 4 - 9 . As
with 71, tcOvcs picks up the beginning of this section of the speech at the end
(cf. 66).
7 6 TOOTO OTKTIOTOV: cf. Od. 1 2 . 2 5 8 oftenorov 6FJ KIIVO IpoTs l6ov
tytaApoiai. OTKTIOTOS occurs only here in //., but 6 x Od., always in speeches
except once ( 2 2 . 4 7 2 oTicnora).
77—8 Tearing one's hair is again a common feature of mourning ritual,
which recurs at 4 0 5 - 6 , 1 8 . 2 7 , 2 4 . 7 1 0 - 1 1 and Od. 1 0 . 5 6 7 ; see also on 3 3 - 4 .
79—81 Hekabe is more emotional. She weeps and laments, exposing her
breast. There are parallels to this gesture of exposure by women in a
conflict in Tacitus' account of the Germans and also in Irish literature: cf.
Tac. Gtrmania 8 . 1 , and Griffin, HLD 2 5 n. 6 6 . KOAIT6V ¿VICIITVT] means
'drawing open the fold of her dress'.
114
1
Book Twenty- Two
89-9 Hekabe's speech is much shorter than Priam's, hut it is a more

personal appeal for pity. It is a traditional feature of entreaties that she
should remind Hektor of what she has given him in the past (CTTTOTI . . . TCOV
p v f j a a i . . . ) . She goes on to envisage Hektor's unburied body as a prey for
the dogs, deprived of burial rites. Her thoughts turn to the funeral lament
which it would be the duty of his mother and wife to make if he dies: cf.
352-4, 426-8, 508-14, and for the laments themselves 24.719-59. Notice
also the rush of imperatives in 82-5, and the repeated vocatives of endear-
ment: Tfevov tp6v . . . $(XE T§KVOV . . . $lAov 6AAo$. The speech is echoed in
S t e s i c h o r u s ' Gayoneis b y G e r u o n ' s m o t h e r , Supplementum Lyricis Gra cis e d .
Page, S 13.2-5.
89 cctSco Kal p' lAlrjaov: so also at 21.74. ol6cbs and lAtos are crucial
concepts in these closing books of the poem, recurring at 123-4, 4'9> 24*44*
24.207-8 and 24.503.
8 3 - 4 t l TTOTi Tot . . . T&V pvfiaon: cf. 1.39 ET T t o i i TOI etc. (in a prayer),
394-407 CT 7TOT€ . . . TCOV w v piv pv/|aooa... (Thetis' entreaty to Zeus), etc.
XctOiKTiSki is an effective epithet, only here in epic; cf. Ale. 346.3 L - P oTvov
. . . AOOIKASSOV, etc. For 6t*|Tov AvSpa see on 38.
85 febv is the reading of Aristarchus (Did/A) and some of our M S S for
the vulgate lebv. Leaf also prefers &ov, but either seems possible. There are
similar variants at 4.277.
8 6 - 9 Cf. especially 352-4 ou5' D>S a i y« TTATVIO p^-R^p | Mtep£vr| AFXTEOOI
yoôrrai, 6v -HKCV aCmfi, | ¿AAA KOVIS TI KAL olcovol KOTA TTAVTO SAaovrat.
86 axiTAIOS is repeated from 41. Here however it may well refer to
Hektor, and this is how the O C T takes it. It means 'persistent', 'obstinate':
cf. oxi6«v, and the etymology of Hektor's own name implied at 24.730. It
is used by Diomedes to Nestor when he is woken up by him at 10.164, ty
Akhilleus of Patroklos at 18.13, t o Odysseus by Athene at Od. 13.293
and 20.45: so it does not need to be hostile.

87 flAov 0AAo$: the metaphorical OAAos is more effective as a term of
endearment than the variant Tfeco$. OAAos occurs in II. only here, but it is
used (metaphorically) at Od. 6.157, HyDem 66 and 187.
8 8 AAoxos iroAOBcopos: as at 6.394 (Andromakhe meeting Hektor), Od.
24.294 (Penelope). TroA08copos was interpreted as meaning that she had
received many marriage gifts from her parents (A 6.394, Am/A on 22.88;
cf. Arn/A on 2nd hemistich of 9.147); see on 4 9 - 5 1 . Hektor's own gifts are
mentioned at 472.
&vtu6s . . . p i y a v&lv means 'very far away from us*. This use of ptya with
an adverb seems to be unique, but for ptya of distance cf. 14.363 p f y a
TrpoSopcbv. The interlaced word-order is unusual, and these simple words
have great intensity.
««5
1
Book Twenty- Tu o
91-130 Hektor ignores his parents* entreaties, and waits for Akhilleus* attack. But he
then begins to debate whether or not to remain after all. Eventually he resolves to stand
firm
90—a With these transitional verses the focus moves to Hektor himself.
The repetition of the phrase o08' "Eicropi 6vp6v CmiOe -ov (78, 91) stresses
his obduracy, preparing for the simile which follows. Hektor's refusal to
listen reminds us of his earlier obduracy towards Pouludamas and others,
which he himself will soon recall (99-103).
9a *Ax»Afja TTfAcbpiov: as a t a 1.537. b o t h cases the e p i t h e t e m p h a s i z e s
Akhilleus* menacing and a w e - i n s p i r i n g approach, as seen t h r o u g h the eyes
o f Priam o r Hektor. Cf. de Jong, Narrators 129-30 (also o n t h e f o l l o w i n g
simile).
93—7 Hektor is compared to an angry and venomous snake waiting at
the entrance to its hole to attack a man. At 3.33-7 Paris retreats before
Menelaos like a man confronted by a snake; and at 12.200-7 a n c a gle is
counter-attacked by the snake which it is carrying. These passages imply
the same view of snakes as vicious and courageous creatures (cf. Frankel,
Gleichnisse 69). The snake in its lair also suggests the idea of Hektor just
outside the gate of Troy.
Notice the reversal of the simile in book 3, implying the contrast between
Paris and Hektor: there the snake is Menelaos and Paris retreats, whereas
here the snake is Hektor who stands and waits. But in book 3 Paris even-
tually does stand and fight a duel, although only after Hektor's reproaches,
whereas here Hektor's resolution breaks down and he flees. It is ironic that
the hero who had always urged on the other Trojans should here lose his
own nerve at the supreme moment of crisis. Cf. Introduction, 'Structure',
and Schadewaldt, VHWW 304-5; see also Fenik, Tradition 83-4, on the
relationship of this simile to Hektor's monologue.
93 ¿itI X * ^ this word for the snake's hole is repeated at 95, and occurs
only here in epic. Cf. Pindar, /. 8.77 etc. For 6p4<rrcpos &v6pa phr-QOi some
city texts read ¿pforcpov &v6pa SOKEVTJ. dptonpos also occurs only here in
//.; cf. Od. 10.212.
94 fJiPpcoK&s K<XK& $dppaK*: imitated by Virgil in a simile at Jen. 2.471:
coluber mala gramina pastus. Evidently snakes were believed to get their poison
from the food which they ate; this is stated by Aeltan (NA 6.4), but it is clear
that he is basing himself on Homer, whom he cites. Pliny (HN 8.139) ^Y*
that snakes have no venom when hibernating, which seems to imply the
same belief. For I6u 64 T{ piv alv6s cf. 9.553, 19.1615v
95 The phrase opcp6aA4ov 64 646opxgv only occurs here in Homer, but
cf. 3.342 6EIV6V 6cp*6pevoi, etc. The word 6pdnccov itself is related to
84pKopai, so there is probably deliberate etymological word-play here,
116
1
Book Twenty-Two
133
as the D-scholiast suggests. iAtoaöucvo? trtpi belongs to a group of
formular phrases: 1.317 ¿Aiaaopivr) mpl KOTTVO), 18.37a -ov trtpl $VCTO$,
21.11 -01 Trtpl 6tvas.
97 The verse presents a vivid detail. The shield resting on a projecting
tower, and likewise Akhilleus leaning on his spear at 225, remind T ap-
propriately of sculpture. There are similar details at 112 and 21.17-18,
2i.549(n.).
93*130 Hektor's soliloquy is the longest and most complex of its type:
see on Agenor's speech (21.550-70), which it most closely resembles. After
the poet's insistence on Hektor's determination this speech is at first sight a
surprise. But we must judge it in its context. In the eyes of those who look
on, Hektor initially displays a stubborn determination to stand firm. But
the poet reveals to us that internally he is in a turmoil of uncertainty (cf.
the reference to Agenor's courage at 21.547, followed by his soliloquy).
Hektor's reasoning culminates in the conclusion that the only practical
course is to fight, but as soon as Akhilleus is really close fear gets the upper
hand, and he Bees (131 - 7 ) . Then, deceived into thinking he has support
from Deiphobos, he again makes a stand and shows defiance (226ff.), until
he realizes the truth; then he despairs, but nevertheless displays a final,
desperate courage (296fr). This oscillation, extended here over a series of
episodes, might be seen as the forerunner of those more concentrated scenes
in tragedy (especially in Euripides) where internal debate and conflict are
shown. O n these cf. W. Schadewaldt, Monolog und Selbstgespräch (Berlin
1926), especially 1 8 9 f r ; and on Hektor's monologue the works referred to
at 21.550-70^
98-9 Verse 98 » 21.552 (see note), etc., and for & pot tycov, si plv KI . . .
see on 21.553. After 99 pap. 12 has an extra verse: Xcoßivr6$ tcsv iräoi M«TA
Tfpcocaai (e.g. yevoiyrjv).
100-10 The debate in which Pouludamas urged retreat into Troy and
Hektor rejected this advice took place at (8.243-313. Hektor actually
boasted then that he would not run away from Akhilleus (306-8), and the
poet commented that Athene robbed the Trojans of their wits when they
agreed with him ( 3 1 1 - 1 3 ) ; so here (104) Hektor refers to his disastrous
error. Because of this he is now afraid of the shame and disgrace of failure,
and feels that it is better to face his enemy. A t least he may die honourably
(105-10).
We see how preoccupied Hektor still is with honour and shame, rather
than with the sort of consideration for his people's future safety which had
dictated Pouludamas' advice, and which Priam has also been urging. There
is a significant parallel with his refusal to listen to Andromakhe's advice in
book 6 (405-65). There too Hektor was concerned above all with honour
and shame (6,442 = 22.105; n o t e a k ° the reference to Andromakhe at
1
Book Twenty- Tu o
22.88, p i c k i n g u p 6 . 3 9 4 ) . C f . J . M . R e d fie Id, Mature and Culture in the Iliad:

the Tragedy of Hector (Chicago 1975) 157-8: 'the same inner force that sent
him into battle—his aidos before the men and women of Troy—prevents
him from returning home*. bT's comment is also worth quoting: 'the poet
shows how disastrous is the love of honour ($iAo*np(a): for because he does
not wish to be called a coward (KCDC6S) by a baser man (tcaKanipou) . . . he
perishes. His reasoning displays a noble spirit, but also folly: for he wanted
to cure one evil by another.'
100 For ¿Aryxclr^v &ua(tf|oci cf. 23.408 lAryx^tlv KcrraxtOrj |. This com-
pound verb occurs only here in Homer; cf. Hes. Erga 658, etc.
1 o s wx0* Crrrd 6Aof|v: 'in the course of this (last) cursed night'. Pap.
12 replaces this by the colourless VOKTO TTOTI S v o f c p ^ V , probably because
this use of Crrrd in a temporal sense is so rare (cf. i6.202n.). For 6Aoi*) applied
to v0£ see on 16.567-8.
103 =» 5.201. Here and at 108 there was a variant icdAAiov (cf. 15.195-
9n)-
1 0 4 - 5 F o r 104 cf. 4.409 KCTVOI 84 O$RRFPT|oiv ¿rraoQaAfrjoiv d A o v r o ( o f
the Seven against Thebes), with comment. ¿rrdaGaAos and related words
occur 5X //., but 26x Od. Verse 105 = 6.442. See on 100-10 above.
106 For pVj iroTi TIJ cTuqai cf. 23.575. xaxompos AAAos IpcTo implies that
it is more dishonourable to be criticized by a 'baser' man. Hektor is con-
stantly concerned about what people will say: see on 6.459-62, 7.87-91 and
7.300-2, also 6.479-81, 16.838-42, and Martin, Language of Heroes 136-8.
t o 9 - i o T6TI means 'in that case', i.e. 'because I fear disgrace'. In 109-
10 KorraKTcivorvTa . . . aCrrto . . . is the vulgate text, but Aristarchus (Did/A)
knew KccTQXTcivavTi as an alternative, and our M S S have the variants
KcrraKTcivavTi and aCndv. Leaf comments judiciously that KcrroocTctvavTa
'has yielded as usual to the influence of the infin. with which it is closely
connected {to slay and return), and is undoubtedly more Homeric', whereas
'the dative aOr<J> seems necessary to keep up the connexion with tpol: the
acc. would be ambiguous, as it might refer to Achilles*.
110 KCV 'seems to serve here as a reinforcement of the ftv above' (Leaf).
Pap. 12 reads F| [OCO]T$ ir[p6 TT6A] rjo$ ¿OKAIIU>S 6nrr [oAkrdai, which would
be a perfectly reasonable verse, and one which avoids the correption and
awkward trochaic rhythm of aCrr$ and 6AIO$AI; but it may have arisen
owing to objection to KCV, such as is expressed by Arn/A. Cf. van der Valk,
Researches 11 566-7, Chantraine, GH 0 3 1 1 . irp6 irdArps means 'in defence
of the city*.
i t 1 - 3 0 Hektor now considers offering Akhilleus the return of Helen and
the property which Paris stole, together with the further offer to divide
all the wealth of Troy between Greeks and Trojans: this measure was
mentioned as an alternative to the sack of a city at 18.509-12. He breaks
118
1
Book Twenty- Tu o
135
off, however, reflecting that Akhilleus would not respect him but simply kill
him, unarmed as he is. Finally he resolves to fight.
m il 8i KIV . . . : see on 21.556. Here the suspension of the conditional
clause is sustained over eleven whole verses, producing an effect of climax as
Hektor's offer grows progressively more extraordinary in value, until it
reaches the point where he himself realizes that this is all just day-dreaming.
At this point (122) he breaks off, without reaching an apodosis.
n a - 1 3 For 86pv 8fc Ttpds tcT/os ipefaas see on 97. crOrds means 'on my
own', or perhaps 'unarmed', and AVTIOS perhaps 'as a suppliant' (so T).
114-18 In book 3 the duel was fought 6p$>' "EAIvij KCEI KRFJPAAI TRAAI
(70), and Agamemnon added the idea of further compensation (286-7). At
7.345-64 Paris refused to give up Helen, but was willing to return the
property and to add more from his own house. Cf. 114 and 117 with
7.350-1 'EAivrjv teal irrf)ua8' otCrrfj | Scbopcv 'ATpgflSqmv dyciv.
115-16 Cf. 7.389-90 KTVjpcrra pfcv 6a' 'AAI£av8pos KofXris tvt vrjualv |
fjydyrro TpofyvS'... For T' frrXrro VCIKEOS Apx^l cf. 11.604 (with comment)
KOKOU 8* fipa ol iriAev Od. 8.81 (of the Trojan War) TT^)U<TTO$ Apx^l-
refers to the whole of what precedes, i.e. the rape of Helen, and is attracted
to the case of &PX^)-
1 1 7 - 1 8 <Stp$is means apart from what has already been mentioned.
¿rrro8<5taofo6ai (future) is Aristarchus' reading (Did/A) for our vulgate
<3rcro8<5taaao0ai.
119 Tpcodv . . . yepoOaiov 6p»<ov: i.e. an oath taken by the elders in the
name of the people of Troy. See on 4.259 ytpouoiov a!6oira oTvov.
x a o - i Cf. 18.511 - 1 2 &v8ixa TrdvTa 84aaa$ai | »rrfjajv 6at)v irroXIcQpov
trrfipcxTov ¿VT6$ Icpycv. Here the future fx$rcxfo6ai seems to have been read
in antiquity (cf. T), and is preferable, as in 118. Verse (21 is omitted by a
papyrus and several MSS, including A. It is not really needed after 118, and
is probably an addition.
K29 For this 'break-off formula' see on 21.562.
193-5 We have seen what Hektor envisages actually happen in the case
of Lukaon (21.34-135). For the construction pf\ . . . hccopat... 6 bt p* OOK
4Arf)0Ct... cf. the train of thought in Agenor's soliloquy at 21.563-5 p^ p'
. . . VO/JOTJ . . . OOKIT' frrsiT' lorai . . . Here Txcopai means 'approach as a
suppliant (IK^TTJS)', as is shown by the use of the verb aI6&7rrai (so Arn/A,
bT). yvpu6v must mean 'unarmed', as at 21.50 (Lukaon) etc. aOrrw* ('just
as I am') is often used with an implication of helplessness, e.g. 6.400 vfymov
aCnrcos.
126-8 Whatever the poet may have intended by the phrase <5rrr6 8pu6$
0O6' ¿rrr6 Ttirpris (which occurs only here in //.), the general point is presum-
ably that any attempt at exchanging words of friendship with Akhilleus is
a waste of time. Ancient and modern interpretations are listed and discussed
1
Book Twenty- Tu o
by West on Hcs. Th. 35, who concludes that 'the truth is lost in antiquity*.
Cf. also Od. tg. 163 oO y 6 p <5rrr6 6pu6$fcooiTTaAai^drrou ou6' &nd TT^Tptis. It
may be relevant that the Hesiodic context has some resemblance to ours.
Hcsiod has just told of his meeting with the Muses, and breaks off with the
question 6AA& -rirj poi TCtvra mpl 8p0v ^ -rrcpl TrtTpr^v; He then urges himself
to get on with the job of praising the Muses (36). The first half of Th. 35 is
the same as that of 122, where again Hektor breaks off his speculations and
brings himself down to earth. In both cases something which is either
irrelevant or unrealistic is dismissed. In Hektor's case his earlier thoughts of
a treaty with his enemy now suggest to his mind the conversation of two
lovers 'from oak or from rock1: this too may be irrelevant, trivial, fanciful,
or perhaps simply long and rambling.
Whatever the original sense, to a modern reader the phrase conjures up
a pastoral scene of a (over's meeting in the countryside, which (despite
Leaf's odd view that this is 'neither Epic nor Greek') does form a suitable
context. Hektor has just referred to being killed 'like a woman', and this
is perhaps what gives rise to the idea of the two lovers conversing (cf.
13.290-in.). The effect is extraordinarily moving: 'Hektor's mind reverts
to peacetime* (Willcock), and there could be no greater contrast with the
grimness of the real situation. The effect of the reference to peacetime at
153-6 is similar. The idea of fiMa between Akhilleus and Hektor is echoed
at 2 6 1 - 7 in the elaborate simile by which Akhilleus expresses the impossi-
bility of any such agreement.
After 126 an extra verse is added by pap. 12, whose point is unclear. It
ends TTOM] uoio pepaATa SaKpu6€vro$.
197 6api#p«vai: cf. 6.516 661 fj 6Api£* yvvaiKl (Hektor and Andromakhe).
6apiorus is used again at 14.216 of love; and at i3.2gi, 17.228 of war,
probably ironically as here (sec on 13.290-1). The root noun 6 a p (in the
sense 'wife*) occurs at 5.486, 9.327; cf. 6apiorr^s of Minos as the close friend
of Zeus at Od. 19.179. The fact that the verb is used onl> here and in the
scene where Hektor converses with his own wife is surely significant, and
the echo of the earlier scene helps to remind us of what Hektor himself
stands to lose.
& TF TTorp&vos /jtdiAs TI: cf. 18.567 TrapOtvixal 6i »cal f|t8eo» ¿rraAA
$povfovT€s, 593 /jt6«oi xal napdivot AA^coiôiai. Both these verses occur in
the Shield of Akhilleus, again in peaceful scenes set into the context of war.
197-8 Epanalepsis of this type, where the second hemistich is repeated at
the beginning of the next verse, occurs only at 20.371-2 (Hektor speaking
about Akhilleus) and 23.641-2; cf. C(£,30 (1980) 282. Here the verb, also,
is repeated in 128. b T consider that the repetition reflects the talkativeness
of the two lovers. Modern scholars describe the effect as 'pathetic' or
'wistful' (Willcock, Segal, Mutilation 0/ the Corpse 35, O w e n , Story of the Iliad
120
1
Book Twenty- Tu o
222). One might compare it to a momentary 'still* in the middle of a film:

our minds rest, with Hektor's, on this scene of the lovers. Verse 128 is a
stately one, composed of four main words, with a spondaic ending. 'We may
also note how Homer, as is his custom, fills the lines [127-8] with vowels
and avoids all ugly consonantal clashes, to express the implicit pleasure of
the scene' (W. B. Stanford, The Sound of Greek, Berkeley 1967, 88). Notice
also the general chiastic effect: ¿apiûevai... Trap0*vos (etc.) . . . nap&vos
. . . 6ap{£rrov, with dAAi*jAoi«v at the end to draw the two parties together
and round off the sentence.
129-30 The two closing verses of this speech, in contrast, are rapid and
matter-of-fact, with a quick run of dactyls in both. (jwcAawipcv is intransi-
tive only here. For 6TTI T&X I<RRA the variant 6$pa T ^ K T R A (A and one
papyrus) would go with the following verse; cf. 13.326-7 6$pa T&x1<rra J
CTSOUEV TCO EOXOS 6pt£OUEV, TIS fjuTv. But it is more effective to take the
two verses separately with asyndeton. In 130 pap. 12 reads ATrrrcaipcp
Kpovf8rjs Zeus K08OS Cf. for this alternative 5.33,8.141, 21.570 (at the
end of Agenor's soliloquy). Here, however, the vulgate reading with KSV is
better.
13**87 When Akhilleusfinally bears down upon Hektor h fees. Akhilleus pursues
him around the walls of Troy three times, whilst the gods look on. Zeus asks whether
they should rescue him from death, but Athene protests that his doom has beenfixedlong
ago. %eus gives way, and Athene leaves Olumpos
In this and the following episode (188-213) the poet maintains and in-
creases the suspense by a series of different techniques, in a way which
resembles other climactic parts of the earlier battle-scenes: for this see
especially on 15.592-746, and Fenik, TBS 178.
1 3 1 - 5 This description of Akhilleus picks up 2 5 - 3 2 . It is as if hardly
any time had really elapsed, and bT comment that Akhilleus' approach,
Priam's and Hekabe's supplications, and Hektor's soliloquy are all really
simultaneous. As Owen says of this Book, 'everything is rushing to a climax,
and yet it all stands still—as when we watched Achilles coming swiftly
across the plain, the time seemed endless' (Story of the Iliad 227).
132 This is another four-word verse, comparing Akhilleus to Ares. Else-
where only Meriones is compared to Enualios, in a formular verse (2.651
etc.), but cf. (8ocp) ¿rrdXavTos (etc.) "Ap^l ( n x II.) and ppoToXoiyqj Taos
(etc.) "Apr)! (4X II.), and see on 1 3 . 2 9 8 - 3 0 3 . tcopu6dfta means 'with quiv-
ering helmet'. The word occurs only here and perhaps in Hes. fr. 1 8 5 . 1 5
M - W Kopv66]'tKos iroXiuurrtco; cf. icopvOaloXos ( 2 . 8 1 6 etc.).
133—4 As at 26-32 and 92 Akhilleus' approach inspires terror, here
especially because of the deadly spear which he brandishes. The runover
121
1
Book Twenty- Tu o
word 8«iv/)v is powerful; for a similar use cf. especially 16.788-89, where
Apollo encounters Patroklos and causes his death, and see Higbie, Measure
and Music 207- 8.
134—5 In addition to the simile at 26-32 cf. 11.595 (etc.) 6£pos mrp6s
at©op£voio I, 18.609 (koprpca âeivdrcpov irvp6$ avyrjs |, 18.136 ficAlcp
dvtdvn | (cf. 8.538). The threefold hiatus and sequence of vowel sounds
in 135 were noticed by T , who described the verse as 'rather liquid'
(vyp6Ttpo$); see also on 152. Such effects are discussed by Demetrius (On
Style 68-74), says that VÂio$ is more euphonious than f|Ato$. For other
examples in the scholia cf. CQ, 30 (1980) 286. Here one might think that the
concurrence of long vowels added to the impression of'grandeur' (as sug-
gested by Demetrius 72-3). This shows how difficult it is to describe such
effects, although that need not debar one from trying.
136—8 Two verses containing four short, sharp sentences, which describe
Hektor's terror and flight, contrast with the fluid five verses about
Akhilleus' pursuit which follow at 138-42. Note the elegant variation of the
colometry in 136-7, with o06fe . . . peveiv, a more flowing clause in enjamb-
ment, enclosed within the more staccato ones:
"Eicropa 8', <0$ ¿VATJCTCV, £Af Tpdpos- o05' <5cp' tr' §TAq
cr08i P£VEIV, 6TTIOXO iruAas Aim, Pq
For the second hemistich of 136 cf. 19.14 lAc Tp6pos, o08i TI$ ITAT) | and
20.421 o08' ftp" IT* ITATJ |, and for 138 cf. 6.505 TTOCT! KpamvoToi TTSTTOIOWS |.
Pap. 12 reads TTOOIV TOX^COI, which is commoner (4X //.).
139—44 Akhilleus pursuing Hektor is compared to a hawk in close pur-
suit of a dove, nip*o$ only occurs in one other simile in the Iliad (17.755 9),
but TpTj£ is commoner (6x), and lpTj£ and iriActa appear together in the
simile at 21.493-6: see comments.
«39 Cf. Od. 13.86-7 ou54 K£v Tpn^ | xlpicos ¿papTi'jotJEv, fcAa$p6Tcrros
"irrrtT)vcc>v, and the similar expressions at II. 15.237- 8 and 21.253.
140 olptjoc: the verb recurs at 308 ( » Od. 24.538) and 311, again in a
simile. Cf. the use of the noun oTpa in comparisons at 16.352, 21.252. On
Tp/jpwva -niAEtav see 5.77811.
141—a Orraida ô^tiTon in this context resembles 21.493 uiTcnda 6t6
Quytv a>s re -niAeia. The phrase AeAr)Ko>s occurs only here. At Hes. Erga
207 the hawk asks the nightingale TI AiArjKas; The verb is used of the black
eagle at Arist. HA 6i8b3i. Tap¿TTOTOOEI means 'makes frequent swoops'.
143 fritfTO, Tp^CE 6' "ExTcop: the lengthened vowel before Tpkrc and
break in the middle of the fifth foot make an abrupt closing rhythm. Tpfcrc
is 'fled in terror' (Arn/A, T); cf. 5.256 etc.
144 Acrivfrr|p6 yoOvcn' ¿vtbpa recurs at 10.358, and is related to
15.269 = 22.24 tanvyripd Tr66as KCtl youvcrr' fcvwpa.
122
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Book Twenty- Tu o
145—57 The poet gives us precise topographical details, which add to the
credibility and vividness of the narrative. He may also be following his
custom elsewhere of filling a space in the story, as for example where a
journey is taking place. This is suggested by bT (147-56): for other exam-
ples in the scholia see CQy> (1980) 266-7. There is a much clearer example
of this technique at 166-87 below, the debate in heaven before the climax
of the chase.
145 TTopd cncoutfiv Kcri fpivtöv f)vcu6cvra: this look-out place can hardly
be the one where Politcs is posted at 2.793. A fig-tree is mentioned as a
landmark at 6.433, 11.167: in the first case it seems to be near the wall of
Troy, which fits this passage, and it may be significant that in that passage
as well as in book 22 it is mentioned in close association with the fate of
Hektor (cf Elliger, Darstellung der Landschaß 58).
146 They follow a waggon-track which skirts the town, a short distance
outside the wall. dya£rr6s occurs in Homer only here; cf. HyDcm 177, etc.
147—56 'In spite of the loving detail with which the Iliad... describes the
double fountain under the walls of Troy, it is no longer possible to use it as
evidence: no such combination of hot and cold springs now exists in the
plain' (Leaf, Troy 48). But 'what he gives us is in fact very characteristic of
the Troad at large, though not of the immediate surroundings of Troy. The
hot springs of the Troad are as marked a feature as the cold which break
out all over many-fountained Ida' (ibid. 49-50). Already in antiquity, by
the time of Demetrius of Scepsis (Strabo 13.1.43, 602), there were no hot
springs by the walls of Troy, whereas such were known to exist on Mt Ida
(so T on 149). Two large springs, in particular, form one of the sources of
the Skamandros on Mt Ida, and some nineteenth-century travellers as-
serted that one was hotter than the other (Leaf, ibid. 50-2). The suggestion
was made by R. L. K. Virchow (Beiträge zur Landeskunde der Troas, Berlin
1880, 33-43) that the poet transferred these in his imagination to Troy,
where some springs do still exist near the walls (Leaf, ibid. 165-6). But Cook
(Troad 293) has doubts about this.
"Whatever the truth may be, presumably the poet had heard of two
springs which were regarded as a local wonder by the people of the Troad.
Why does he introduce them at this crucial point in his narrative? Partly
for the reasons mentioned already in the comment on 145-57, but also
because it is precisely at this point, when Akhilleus and Hektor reach these
springs for the fourth time, that Hektor's doom is sealed (208-13). This
is a variation of the technique which the poet uses elsewhere in order to
draw our attention to the importance of what is about to occur, whether
he does so by describing a particular object or scene in unusual detail,
or by other means such as a build-up of similes, or an invocation of the
Muses. Here, however, there is in addition a dramatic contrast between the
123
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Book Twenty- Tu o
life-and-death struggle which is taking place and the recollection of a

peaceful scene of women washing safely in the countryside near the city
walls. Cf. S. E. Bassett TAP A 61 ( 1 9 3 0 ) 1 3 8 - 9 , Schadewaldt, r / M W 308,
Elliger, DarsUtlung der Landschaft 5 8 - 9 , Griffin, HI J) 21 - 2 , 112.
147—8 Ancient scholars solved the problem of identification here by
suggesting that the springs were either fed by Skamandros underground, or
else were simply near the river (Am/A 148, Porph. 1 . 2 5 6 . 2 4 , Demetrius of
Scepsis in Strabo toe. cit.). For ZKau&v8pou 8»W|CVTOS see on 21.1 -2.
149—52 The poet dwells on the contrast between the two springs, from
one of which hot steam rises, whereas the other even in summer is as cold
as hail, snow or ice. The two couplets are balanced, but in the second there
is a climax in | x»6vi yvxprj, C&orros xpucrrAAAcp. 05cm Atopo>
recurs at 1 1 . 8 3 0 and 846. For 1 5 1 - 2 cf. 1 0 . 6 - 7 W y&XaZctv | fj VI$€T6V, 6TC
trip TF x«^>vfrrrdAuvtvdpoOpas; 1 5 . 1 7 0 - 1 vi^ds x < ^ a i a I S^P^l • • • J and
Od. 14.476-7 TrnyvAfs' avrdtp Crntpdi x'&v yivrr* ^Chx "rrdyvt), J vyv/xpi*), KQI
crciKtajai mpiTptyrro KpOaraAAos (the only other use of KpOaraAAos in
Homer).
T says of 152 'he has made the verse fluid by the use of the juxtaposed
vowels', and this verse is quoted by Aulus Gcllius 6 . 2 0 . 4 ) as a model
example of the deliberate effect ofsuainlaf, produced by the elegant use of
hiatus. See on 135, which this verse resembles in structure, and with which
it is contrasted in subject (fire and the sun, snow and ice). The spondaic
ending adds to the beauty of the verse, which must surely be the coldest in
Greek poetry.
153-6 In Odyssey 6 Nausikaa and her maids wash cTpcrra oiyaA6cvra
(26) at the TTAUVOI (40, 86) by the river's mouth: the phrase eTiiara
aiyaA6evTa and the word TTAOVOI only occur in these passages in Homer.
cnyaAAevTa, however, is used of Andromakhe's head-dress at 468; cf. fjvia
oiycxA6cvra 5 . 2 2 6 etc., fr^yta oiyaAdtvra Od. 6 . 3 8 etc. The form Aafvcot
occurs only here in Homer (cf. AdTvos 3X //., 5X Od.), and the verb trAOvco
only here in //., 5X Od2X in book 6 (31, 59).
>56 =3 9 . 4 0 3 , where Akhilleus is speaking of Troy's wealth in the past.
Here, however, it carries much greater significance.
«57-8 $cOywv, 6 8' 6TTIO6C SI&KGOV means '(one) fleeing, the other pur-
suing'. For this idiom cf. 7 . 4 2 0 , 2 4 . 5 2 7 . Verse 158 elaborates 1 5 7 , with an
elegant chiasmus.
159-66 The idea of pursuit naturally suggests a foot-race, and this in
turn generates the simile of the horse-race. But the prize here is no ordinary
one: it is Hektor's own life ( 1 5 9 - 6 1 ) .
159 Upfyov is a sacrificial animal (4X Od.). Oxen are used as prizes
in the funeral games at 2 3 . 2 6 0 . poclr^v is either an ox-hide or possibly a
shield (cf. 7 . 2 3 8 Pwv, etc.). b T say that hides were given as prizes in the
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four-yearly festival of Herakles celebrated by the people of Oita. Shields

were also sometimes given as prizes in games in the classical period, as in
the Heraia at Argos (schol. Pindar, 0. 7.152c). Here, however, with Upifiov
an ox-hide is more likely.
160 APVUO6TIV means 'they were trying to win'. For 6 T€ TTOOOIV AftAicr
yiyvrrai äv5pcü>v cf. 9.124 etc. &9Ata iroaalv fipovTo |.
161 TTcpl yv/xîi: cf. Od. 9.423 irepl HÔCHS, Od. 22.245 7T€P^ 4A^(k*)v
Ipdxovro.
16«—6 This simile expands the brief one at 22-4. It has several points of
contact with the narrative: the importance of the prize (161 ^ 163), the
speed of the horses (163 159, 166), and by implication the repeated Maps'
of the racecourse (162 mpl Tipucrra ~ 165). It also suggests the idea of
spectators: hence the gods as onlookers (166). So it not only arises out of the
preceding context, but also acts as a transitional passage to the following
scene in heaven.
For 162 cf. 22 <S>s 6* Virrros &E6Ao$6pos; 23.309 irEpl T^ppcrra. Tpc*>xav is
used of mules at Od. 6.318 and later in Apollonius (3.874 Tpcl>x«v cüpcTav
Kerr' Apa£rr6v).
164 Tphros f\k y w ^ : at 23.262-5 the first prize in the chariot-race is a
woman and a tripod together. <5rv8pö$ Kcrrcrrc9vT)o[>TOS means that it is in
honour of a man who has died. For the ancient tradition that the athletic
festivals all originated as funeral games see on 23.262-897.
164-5 Here two successive verses have spondaic endings. In 165 Tp(s i
a signal that when the fourth time comes the outcome will be decided
(208-13). same motif occurs at 5 436-9 (see comment), 16.702-6,
16.784-7, 20.445-8 and 21.176-9. Here, however, the action is suspended
at this momentous point: the picture is frozen, while the gods calmly discuss
Hektor's fate. T h e most famous example of this technique is the account of
how Odysseus got his scar, at the climax of the recognition scene with
Eurukleia (Od. 19.392-468).
TT6AIV TRIP» 5»VTJ6^TT]V: b T comment that it is 'as if they were turning on
a (compass-drawn) circle, suggesting both speed and running along a single
line'.
166 fool 8' Is TTAVTIS 6pcovTo: 8' Is is better here, for the gods looking on,
than the more commonplace variant 81 TE.
166-87 The gods are like the spectators at a sporting event. They discuss
the outcome, and they are also involved in what is going on, as in the
quarrel between the spectators of the horse-race at 23.448-98. See Griffin,
HLD 179-204 and CQ.28 (1978) 1-22.
This debate resembles that over Sarpedon's fate (16.431-61: see com-
ment for these and other scenes of this type). Zeus pities both, Sarpedon
more than Hektor because he is his own son, but Hektor abo because of his
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Book Twenty- Tu o
piety. He asks whether both should be rescued or not. Here protests that
Sarpedon's doom has long been fixed, and Athene uses the same words of
Hektor (16.441- — 22.179-81). At this point the scenes diverge. Here has
more to say about Sarpedon's fate, not all of it negative, whereas in Hektor's
case Zeus simply yields to Athene, and allows her to bring about his death.
It is clear that Zeus is not bound by the fact that a person's doom has
long ago been fixed: but the fear of disapproval from the other gods is
enough to deter him from altering this.
168 $lAov 6v6pa: 'a man 1 love*. It is curious that this very simple phrase
occurs only here in Homer. In its very plainness it carries a great deal of
emotional weight in this context.
169-70 For iu6v 8* 6Ao$upercn f j T o p | "Eiaopos cf. 16.450 TiAv 5'
¿Aoûperat fj*rop, from Here's speech to Zeus in the debate about
Sarpedon's fate.
170-2 Zeus's words imply that punctiliousness in sacrificing to the gods
creates an obligation on their part to respond favourably. Apollo makes this
point more vehemently on behalf of Hektor after his death (24.33-8), and
Zeus agrees (66-70). So also Zeus loves Troy more than any other city on
account of the Trojans' piety (4.44-9), and cf. 20.297-9 (Poseidon and
Aineias). The same motif recurs in Athene's plea for Odysseus at Od.
1.60-2, and in prayers at It. 1.39-41, 8.238-42, Od. 4.762-6, 17.240-3.
For 170 cf. 8.240 f k x o v 8T)U6V ical iinpl' IxTâ |, 24.33-4 ^ TTO®i I
"Eicrcop UTJPL' IKT|€ po&v alycov TC TtAifcov; For | "I6rjs TV KOPV/^CN cf. 11.183,
14.332, and 21.449 • • • TroXvnrrvxov. Zeus has a precinct and altar on
Gargaros, one of the peaks of Mt Ida, at 8.47-8 (cf. Cook, Troad 257-8).
For sacrifices on the citadel cf. 6.257 (prayer to Zeus).
172-3 These verses pick up 168, and 173 is also echoed at 230.
174—81 This passage is closely parallel to 16.435-43 * n related
scene discussed above. In 176 io6A6v ¿¿vTor means 'noble though he is'.
178 cb t r d T t p A p y i K i p a u v t , KzAatvc$£s: cf. 19.121 ZcO Trdrrep A p y u d p a u v c ;
for KcAaive^s (vocative, of Zeus) cf. 2.412 (see note), 15.46.
x8o tâvaAtaiv is used only here and at 16.442, and very rarely in later
literature.
182-5 Zeus's reply resembles his words to Athene at 8.38-40 (8.38 ~
182, 39-40 « 183-4). T o us it seems as if Zeus gives way all too easily, and
oO vO TI 17Tp64»povi LAVTTOPCN sounds very casual. It is as if he knew all
along that nothing could be done to save Hektor. But this debate, and
Zeus's consent, serve the dramatic function of re-enacting for us the process
of divine decision which seals Hektor's doom, just as the weighing of the
fates (208-13) gives this a final, visual expression.
185—7 £p€°v Arr^ 61*1 TOI v6o? {-rrArro is similar to the way in which Zeus
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1
Book Twenty-Two
gave way to Here at 4.37, !p£ov 6TTWSttttActs.Verses 186-7 4-73~4» again

echoing the same scene (sec comments).
T h e formular character of several parts of this scene in heaven gives it a
rather detached and stilted quality, in contrast to the intensity of the
surrounding narrative. The gods preserve an elaborate courtesy towards
each other, as if excessive involvement with the struggle on earth would be
undignified.
188-213 Akhilleus continues to pursue Hektor, preventing him from reaching the
shelter of the walls. Hektor is given a last burst of strength by Apollo: but when they
reach the springs for the fourth time %eus weighs the fates of the two men, Hektofs
doom sinks down, and Apollo leaves him
188 *&aropa . . . focus 'AxiAAcvs.' the two opposing names frame the verse.
T h e formula &K0$ AyiAAfOs (36x It.) has point here. For icXovkov fyeir' cf.
11.496 £$en? xAovfcov.
189-'go« As a fawn, started from its lair by a hound, is pursued through
mountain glens, and if it hides in a thicket the dog tracks it down, so Hektor
could not escape Akhilleus. Every time he tried to reach the sheltering walls,
Akhilleus would cut him off, and drive him towards the plain. It was just
like a dream, where neither pursuer can catch pursued, nor pursued escape.
One simile follows closely after the other, the first concentrating on
Akhilleus' relentless pursuit, the second on the frustration of both parties.
There are comparisons with frightened fawns at 4 . 2 4 3 - 6 , 2 1 . 2 9 , 3 2 - F > Cf.
also the simile at 1 0 . 3 6 0 - 4 , where Diomedes and Odysseus pursue Dolon
and cut him off, like two dogs chasing a young deer or a hare through a
wood, and 17.673-8, where Menelaos is like an eagle which spies a hare
hiding in a thicket. At 1 8 . 3 1 8 - 2 2 Akhilleus is like a lion hunting for a man
who has taken its cubs, suggesting his future hunt for Hektor as the killer of
Patroklos, now reaching its climax.
The dream simile is far more unusual. 'Comparisons which refer to
psychological states are rare in the Iliad1 (Moulton, Similes 84). At 1 5 . 8 0 - 3
Here's journey is as quick as a man's thought, and the Phaeacian ships
are 'as fast as wing or thought' at Od. 7.36. Similes describing a state of
unresolved or balanced conflict occur at 1 2 . 4 1 7 - 2 4 ( 4 1 7 oO-rt . . . AOKIOI
. . . ECCVOVTO . . . , 4 1 9 OOTTC . . . Aavctol... ¿SCrvavro . . . ) , 1 2 . 4 3 2 - 6 (432 0G8*
D>S IBOVAVTO...), 1 5 . 4 0 5 - 1 3 ( 4 0 5 - 6 ' A x a t o l . . . o05' ISCRVAVTO..., 408 0O8I
TTOTC Tpaxs . . . tSOvavTo . . . ) . These are reviewed by Frankel, Gletchnsse
58-9. The Homeric dream simile inspired Virgil's at Aen. 12.908-14, just
before Turnus' death. There it is Tumus' sense of helplessness which is
the main point of comparison.
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Book Twenty- Tu o
189 The word-order is complex. For the expression cf. 8.248 v«pp6v . . .
T£KO$ ¿Ad$oto TAXDTFT |, and 22.139 | F)(>TE tdpxos 6pc<r$tv.
191 Cf. 1 7 . 6 7 6 - 7 OUK EAoOe TTTC*>^ | 8<FRPVCO UTT' DP$TK6PCP Kcrrocxciuevo?.
For KOTani^ccs cf. 8.136 KcrTcnnYjTqv, Od. 8.190 Kcrrd 8* frm-râv. T h e
noun trrcb^ is directly related to Trrôoco (Chantraine, Diet. s.v.).
192 dvixvtvcov: this b the only example of IxveOeiv and its compounds in
Homer; for dvixveusiv cf. Arist. HA 624328 etc.; IxveOeiv Sophocles etc.
gpmSov, 6<$pa kiv cOprj: cf. 13.141 8&1 ?p-rre8ov fjos iKiyrat, 12.281
IpmBov, 6$pa KaAvyq, both in similes.
193 ou Afjdi picks up CLTTCP TC AAdrjai in 1 9 1 . iroBcbKca TTtiAiTcova ( t o x
//.) is here relevant to the context: see on 14 and 188.
194-8 These verses form a long and complex sentence describing
Akhilleus' manoeuvres, as he constantly cuts ofTHektor's line of retreat. He
must be keeping on the inside of Hektor, which strictly speaking is hard to
reconcile with their both being on the waggon-track (146): but we should
not stop to reflect on such details here.
For dxradxi 8* dpuâci« . . . dtâafkn... TocradKi p i v . . . ¿rmxrrp&faaKC cf.
2 1 . 2 6 5 - 9 6006x1 6* ¿PPÂCIC . . . | OTfjvai . . . | TOOOAKI piv pfrya Kvpa . . . |
itAd£e . . .
For irvAdcov Aap8orvidu>v see on 3.145- In 195 Leaf favours the future
dt£eo$ai, but after 6ppcrv the aorist infinitive would be normal. In 196 ol
is dative, with AAAAKOICV. Trpotrdpoitev in 197 could have either a local
or a temporal sense, but the latter seems better (so Arn/A, bT). For
¿rruxrrptyacnci T records the variant TraporrptvpaoKC, and some MSS read
AnoTptyacrKc. TTOTI TTTOAIOS is 'on the city side*.
199—201 Arist arch us (Arn/A) athetized these verses, as 'worthless
(cCrrcAeis) in style and thought', and he objected that they contradict the
simile at 1 6 2 - 6 . This shows his limitations. Leaf defends them in his note,
but reluctantly rejects them along with 202-4 in an appendix.
The repetitions are surely deliberate, suggesting constant, frustrated
effort. For ov 60vorroti (etc.) cf. the parallels quoted on 1 8 9 - 2 0 1 , and also
15.416-18 o68i SUVOVTO 10C6' 6 T6V ¿^cAdoat... 10C6' 6 T6V dxraofai...
199 6' tv ¿vetpep 0 6 . . . : as so often in similes the phrasing is untypical.
6vcipos (etc.) elsewhere occurs at the end of the verse (4X //., i o x Od.), or
before the third-foot caesura (2X II, 5X 0d.)\ and the hiatus after the
second foot is rare (cf. 4.412,5215). In $€vyovra 6icbwiv the absence of any
specified subject suits the generalizing tone and increases the compression
of the sentence.
202—4 Leaf and others have made heavy weather of these verses, whose
obvious sense is 'how could Hektor have escaped impending death, had not
Apollo given him extra strength for the last time?' It is true that they do not
add much to the story at this point, and could have been inserted as a way
128
1
Book Twenty- Tu o
of explaining how Hektor was not overtaken by Akhilleus, a problem

discussed by the scholia (bT 165, D 201). But the poet may have chosen to
raise and answer this question himself, and the mention of Apollo has point,
reminding us again of his involvement just before the moment when he will
desert Hektor (213). There may be a parallel in the rhetorical question at
Od. 22.12-14. At the moment when Odysseus hits Antinoos in the throat
the poet breaks off to ask who could have expected such an event. Both
questions draw attention to the impossibility of the situation, at a structur-
ally similar point in the narrative.
¡toa Cnre^î/ytv: there was a variant Crrrt^tfcpcv, which Aristarchus
(Did/A) seems to have favoured, and which was perhaps taken as meaning
'kept ahead o f , 'outran* (cf. Hdt. 4.125). But cf. 5.22, 16.687 Cnrtu^vyf
KFJPOT, etc.
303 trvpcrr6v TE KOD Ocrrcrrov: this emphatic expression does not recur in
//., and occurs once in Od. (20.116). It carries considerable weight here.
FLVTRR' 'A7r6AAo)v: at 16.788 (f|vrrro ydp TOI Ootpos) Apollo 'meets'
Patroklos, but in a hostile sense.
305-7 Aristotle alludes to this passage in the Poetics (1460811-17,
6ob22-6), when he says that such a scene would be impossible on the stage,
but is dramatically effective in epic. He may be responding to Megacleides,
who criticized the whole episode of the pursuit and duel as implausible (b
22.36, b T 205-7).
7rtKp& p&qiva only occurs here: cf. iri»cp6s -6v 6lor6s -¿v IOX //., IX
Od., and p&cpva | 3X It. For 207 cf. 10.367-8 tva T15 . . . | 4>6alrj
¿TCU^dpEvos ftaA&iv, 6 818cCrrtpos fAOot.
208-13 At 8.68-74 Zeus weighs the fates of the Achaeans and Trojans,
again at a decisive point in the action, the beginning of the long process of
reversal for the Greeks in fulfilment of Zeus's pledge to Thetis (8.69-70 «
209-210, 72 ~ 212), and the scales of Zeus are mentioned at 16.658 and
19.223-4. Here Hektor's fate is already decided in advance, and this is a
visual or symbolic representation of the crucial moment at which the deci-
sion becomes irrevocable.
Arn/A tells us that this scene inspired Aeschylus' play Psychostasia, in
which it was not the fates but the souls of Akhilleus and Memnon which
were weighed by Zeus: cf. TGF pp. 88-9 N. 2 pp. 374-7 Radt. But the
scene in the Iliad may possibly echo an earlier epic version of the fight
between Akhilleus and Memnon: cf. vol. v, Introduction, p. 18, and see on
16.658.
The structure of these verses is highly dramatic: 208-10 are three whole-
verse clauses (208-9 b^NG balanced. AAA* trn 5tf) . . . ical T6TC 6f)
followed by the balancing parts of 211, naming the two opposing fates. After
this leisurely build-up comes the decisive moment: 212-13 contain four
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1
Book Twenty- Tu o
sentences of extraordinary brevity, which describe Zeus lifting the scales,

Hektor's fate sinking, the descent to Hades, and desertion by Apollo. T h e
four verbs in these verses all stand first in their clauses, emphatic and
parallel. Cf. Griffin, HLD 154-5.
908 AAA* 6-RE T6 TiTaprov: as at 5.438 etc.; see also on 165.
210 TavqAcyfos OOVATOIO: this epithet occurs only in this verse ( = 8.70)
in //., 6 x Od. (2x with KF|p), and is rare in later poetry. The sense is
uncertain (see on 8.70), but it creates a leisurely and impressive phrase. For
the nature of the Kfjpc see on 9.411, 12.326-7.
212 moto6: Chrysippus wanted to read which was supposed to
refer to the centre of the scales.
213 ^X«™ 5* lis 'AtSao: probably the subject is still afoiuov fjuap. But as
his fate sinks, so Hektor in effect begins his journey to the afterlife.
Ahrcv 641 Qotpos 'AnAAAwv: Apollo's departure is instantaneous after the
weighing. His desertion of Hektor both contributes to Hektor's death and
is the result of its imminence, since the gods avoid contact with death
where possible, as Artemis leaves Hippolutos (£. Hipp. 1437-41). Cf.
Parker, Miasma 33,67. T h e awful brevity of this hemistich i rather like that
of 1.47 6 6' flic VUKT! knxws, of Apollo coming down as the god of the plague.
Notice too the vivid juxtaposition with Athene's arrival at Akhilleus' side
in 214.
214-47 Athene comes to Akhilleus and tells him to stand and draw breath. She then
goes to Hektor, disguised as Deiphobos, and encourages him to face Akhilleus.
Here begins the first stage in the process of Hektor's fatal deception by
Athene. Cf. her deceit of Pandaros (4.86-104), and her role in the second
half of the Odyssey (especially 13.296-9 and 20.345-72). The deception of
Hektor has always disturbed Homer's readers; b T comment that 'it is
inappropriate (ATOTTOV) that a goddess should deceive Hektor'. But the
Homeric gods regularly use deception to bring doom, as in cases of ATT).
214-23 Athene appears to Akhilleus in her own person, and he evidently
recognizes her at once, as at 1.197-200.
2x6 Ait $(AT $ai6ip' 'AyiAAtu: cf. 1.74 | u> 'AxiAiu . . . Ait $(Ae; 4af6i»'
'AXIAAEO | 4X //., i x Od. OeoTs ¿tticIwA' *Ax»AATO | (5X //., i x Od.) is
metrically equivalent. But Ait $lAe has point here, since Akhilleus' success
must depend ultimately on Zeus's favour, and perhaps the poet also felt
OEOT; ITTUIKCAC to be inappropriate in Athene's mouth.
2*7 'AxatoToi: either 'for the Achaeans' (which the parallel of 3 9 1 - 4
might support), or 'in the Achaeans' eyes', as at 4.95, 9.303.
2x8 ftcnrov: 'insatiate'. Sec West on Hes. Th. 714 for this form, and
comment on 5.388.
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Book Twenty-Two
919 TOfuypivov ftppt ytviofon: for the use of a direct object in this
expression cf. 6.486, Od. 9-455.
990-1 This is remarkably contemptuous towards Apollo, especially
T T p o r r p o K v X i v S d n i v o s . Akhilleus' hostility at 15-20 is similar. TrpoTrpoicvAtv-
86pcvo$ means 'grovelling in front o f , as a suppliant, like Priam when
supplicating the Trojans, KI/Aiv86pcvo$ norrA K6TTPOV, at 414; cf. Gould, JHS
93 ('973) 94~5- This vivid compound recurs at Od. 17.525, and nowhere
else in later literature.
oos Apirwc is from the aorist (6prrwov) of Avornvfco.
» 5 xaAxoyAcoxivos ('bronze-barbed') occurs only here; cf. T c r w - / T p t -
r*wxis 5-393 ^c., yX«xls 24.274.
937 Deiphobos, Hektor's brother, first appeared at 12.94 (see comment),
and then frequently in book 13, where he was wounded by Meriones
(527ff.). Book 13 is probably in the poet's mind during the following epi-
sode. For the expression cf. 13.45 <to6licvo$ KAAxorvn 64pas Karl ¿rrapta
fcw/iv and 17.555 (Athene) ilactpivr) Ooivixi &pa$ xal drrcipfo ^coWjv-
008-46 The courtesy and affection of this exchange make Hektor's de-
ception all the more poignant. Note the parallelism of the openings of the
three speeches (229, 233, 239), all stressing the speakers* earnestness and
sincerity.
329—31 For f j pAAa 6fj ae cf. 6.518 (Paris to Hektor), and for f)6no$
('trusty friend*) cf. also 239, 10.37, 23.94, • l4 l47- êms to be used
especially when referring to a brother (see on 6.518-19). Verse 230 echoes
173, and 231 « 11.348.
234 yvwrcov means 'relatives', but is used especially of brothers; cf.
17.35, A.R. 1.53 (so bT, Eust.).
139-41 This theme of supplication by one's family and companions
echoes 37-9*» » n d recur» at 9.464-5, 9.581-94.
«42 ( T f l p c T O ntv6tf Avyp<£; cf. 5.153 Ttiprro yi")paT Auyp$.
«44 fci6cn>A^: only here in epic and rare later (Solon, Phanias). Cf. 7.409
oO ydp TIS vcxOwv, and for another abstract expression of this kind
8.181 pvr)poo6vr) Tt? h u r r a irup6s 8t)foio y*v4<r8co.
«44-6 Cf. 8.532-4 itaopai it p ' . . . ATtcxrrrai, KEV t y w T6V | X ^ V
fiQcboras Ivapa ppOT&vra $4pojpai. Similar expressions occur at the end of
a speech at 130, 13.326-7, etc., especially in exhortations to a comrade (see
13.326-7n.).
«45-6 ftpTyrai... Sap^q: Bapclrj, the reading of most MSS, is supported
by the same variation of mood in such contexts elsewhere, e.g. 16.648-51,
18.308 etc. (but not 13.486); see on 18.308. b T observe the tactful way in
which Athene 'makes the danger common to them both (vurf), but gives the
victory to Hektor alone (CTO> Soupf)*.
«47 Ksp&xrvvT) occurs only here in //.; cf. Od. 4.251,14.31 (of Odysseus),
»3*
1
Book Twenty-Two
and 13.296-7 (Odysseus and Athene excel in tc£p6ea). The abstract noun is
very rare later. There is an unusually strong assonance of ita in this verse,
and the Kai is rather hard to explain.
248-366 Hrktor tells Akhilleus that he is ready tofighttand asks him to agree that the
winner should return the corpse of the loser. Akhilleus refuses to accept this proposal.
He throws and misses, but Athene returns the spear. Hektor hits Akhilleus* shi Id but
the spear rebounds. He calls to Deiphobos for a second spear, but Deiphobos has
vanished. He realizes his doom is seal d, and attacks with his sword. Akhill us closes,
drives his spear through his neck, and exults over him. Hektor entreats him to return his
body, but he again refuses. Hektor warns Akhilleus of his own impending death, and
dies. Akhilleus contemptuously dismisses the warning
Although many motifs of the duel are typical (cf. the detailed comments
which follow), what strikes one at once as unusual is, first of all, the extent
to which the combat is punctuated throughout by speeches right up to the
moment of Hektor's death, and second, the role of Athene, whose support
of Akhilleus and deception of Hektor is decisive. Neither speeches nor divine
intervention and deception are without parallels, but together they raise the
whole scene to a different plane from that of the other duels. Throughout
it we are constantly aware of the reactions and emotions of the two contes-
tants, of the issues behind the action, in terms of the future fate of Hektor's
body and the fate of Troy itself, and also of the divine hand at work
directing the course of events to their inevitable outcome. On these aspects
see also Schadewaldt, VHW W 311-23.
048—72 The exchange of speeches before a duel is in itself a typical motif:
e.g. 5-630-54* 6 . 1 2 0 - 2 3 6 , 2 0 . 1 7 6 - 2 5 8 .
248-9 Verse 248 «= 3.15 etc. (12X II.). For T6V 7rp6Tipo$ Trpookiirc cf.
5 . 2 7 6 e t c . ( I O X //.).
251 Cf. 165. 61ov must mean 'I fled' here (cf. 250 $opV)aoiiai), although
elsewhere 8U means 'he was afraid' ( 5 . 5 6 6 etc.). It is usually thought that
the verb has been affected by the influence of Sfcofau meaning 'pursue'. The
variant reading 81t$ (in 'the better texts' according to Did/A, and possibly
pap. 12) would mean 'you pursued me' (cf. 1 8 . 5 8 4 IvStecrav), and may well
be right; cf. Chantraine, GH1 293, 388, and Schulze, Quaestiones Epicae 355.
6(ca6ai ('pursue') is probably related to GICOKEIV, 6LE ('he was afraid*) to
6c(8co: cf. Chantraine, Diet. s.v. Sfcpai, 6d5co.
2 5 1 - 2 Cf. 1 . 5 3 4 - 5 ou5£ TIS {TXTJ I uclvai tmpx6pevov.
2 5 2 — 3 F o r dcvrjKt p a p . 12 r e a d s ¿tvcbyci (cf. 2 1 . 3 9 6 ) . F o r o r ^ p t v a t 6VTICC
atlo cf. 1 7 . 1 6 6 - 7 OUK IrdAoaaas I cm'ipevai &vra; 2 1 . 2 6 6 arrival £vonrrif3iov.
IXoipt K€v, f\ K£v &XoIr)v are potential optatives ('I may slay or be slain', i.e.
whether one or the other).
«54 fooOs hri6ci>ue&a: aorist subjunctive of frn8l8oo6ai, 'let us give each
132
Book Twenty-Two
other our gods', i.e. offer them as witness« of an oath (254-5). This phrase
only occurs here; cf. perhaps 23.485 irfpiScbiicOov (4let us wager*).
255 This verse is probably omitted by one papyrus (pap. 271 in Mazon's
Bude). For pAp-rupot cf. 2.302(n.). On the gods as overseers of human
affairs, especially oaths, cf. Griffin, HLD 181-2. iirioxoTros is used of an
overseer or guardian at 24.729 (of Hektor) and Od. 8.163; otherwise of a spy
at II. 10.38, 10.342. dppovfai in the sense of'agreements' occurs only here
in Homer; cf. Od. 5.248, 5.361, where it means 'joints'. It is interesting to
find it in a moral sense already in the Iliad.
956 IxucryAov: see on 1.145-6, 3.415.
857 So*1] KOUUOVITJV: this phrase recurs at 23.661. KAUUOVIF) ('endurance')
occurs nowhere else in early Greek literature, and very rarely in later
poetry. According to Plutarch [MOT. 22c) the word is Aeolic.
859 After this verse pap. t2 reads 342-3.
«60—7» Akhilleus' reply is brutal. He absolutely rejects the possibility of
any compact between them. The normal conventions of human society no
longer apply, as far as he and Hektor are concerned. He is confident of
success, and above all consumed by desire for vengeance.
*6o = 1.148, 22.344, 34-559- See on 1.148.
a6i &Acrcrn: elsewhere &Ao<rros is an epithet of &x°5 o r (24.105,
3X Od.; cf. Od. 14.174 AAaorov 666popat). Here, however, it seems to mean
'accursed', as at S. OC 1482, 1672 (and sometimes also ¿Adrrap has this
sense). The etymology is disputed: Chantraine, Diet. (s.v. ¿Adcrtcop) favours
a connexion with the verb Aa6tTv. See also 12. i63n. (AAuu ifyjus), LfgrE%.v.
ftXacrros, Fraenkel on A. Ag. 1501.
owrjuoevvas: only here in early epic, picking up dppOvtdcov, although the
verb is found at 13.381 (owtbpiOa). owt)poai>vai recurs at A.R. 1.300,
3.1 «05.
868-7 'Achilles utters more similes than any character in the poem'
(Moulton, Similes 100; cf. 16.7-ion.). This is of course not a usual type of
simile, for it expresses a proverbial truth about relationships in the world of
animals and men, and then transfers this in an unusual way to the present
situation. Cf. Hes. Erga 276-80, where the lack of 8{KTJ in the animal
kingdom is contrasted with men's possession of it as a gift of Zeus.
The verses have an elaborately balanced structure, with a three-verse
simile answered by a three-verse sentence referring to Hektor and Akhilleus:
cbsofactcm X&uot Kal 6v5p6otv 6pKia Trwrrd,

o05t XUKOI Tt ical 6pvc* ¿p<typova Oupdv Exouoiv,
&AA& KOK& fpovtouat Siainrepts ¿XA/jAounv,
QOK IOT' Ipi KOI (H FlA^ptvat, 0O8I TI vwVv
6pKiafrrcrovTon,irplv y* ^ HipAv ye TnoAvra
atporros &aat "Aprja, TaXaOpivov TToXipicrTf|v.
33
Book Twenty- Tu o
150
The order of 262-4 265-7 i s chiastic, the clauses about oaths framing
those about friendship. For wolves and lambs in similes see on 16.352-5.
«63 6u&$pova 6uu&v Ixouoiv: cf. HyDem 434, HyHerm 391 Ay6$pova
6up6v -ovras. 6po$pov&tv and 6po^pocn>vn occur in the Odyssey
(2X each), Ap6$pa>v only here in Homer.
265-7 For 265 sec on 126-8. irplv y * . . . TTOACUIOTT'IV are repeated from
5.288-9 (see comment); 267 also occurs at 20.78.
268-9 For TTciVToiTft Aprrfjs cf. 15.642 TravTolos &prr&?. It means 'all the
valour that you can display1 here. Verse 269 = 5.602. "rroXcpior/jv is re-
peated very soon after 267.
270 Cm&\v£is occurs nowhere else in //.; cf. Od. 23.287, and A.R. 4.1261.
271*2 For vOv 6' 46p6a TT6VT' drroTclacis cf. Od. 1.43 vOv 8 ' 69p6a TT6VT'
¿rrrlrias. He does not name Patroklos, but makes the reference in 272
general. For iyxti Wtov cf. 11.180, 16.699 00«v.
273—360 For the pattern of the duel cf. 11.232-40, 13.604-18, Fenik,
TBS 87-8,145-6. In each case A misses B, B hits A but fails to wound, and
A kills B.
«73 = 3-355 ctc - (7 X
74-6 Cf. 13.184 etc. AAA* 6 p£v . . . XÂKEOV fyx°S (6x //.); and espe-
cially 13.404-8 (404 — 22.274; 405-8 Idomeneus crouches under his shield;
408 T 6 8* Crnipmono XAAKZOV LYXOS ~ 22.275); 13.503-5 (503 « 22.274;
504-5 the spear sticks in the ground). Similar passages are 16.610-13
and 17.526-9. In 275 l£rro means 'he crouched down*. For xdAxtov there
was a variant PCLAIVOV (Did/A, pap. 107 Allen). For tv yaii) 6' bniryn
cf. also 10.374, where a spear passes over Dolon's shoulder and ftv yalt)
litdtyn.
276-7 Hektor's escape from being hit has momentarily raised the ten-
sion, as if this were really an open fight and he had a chance (so b T 274).
But immediately Athene intervenes to return Akhilleus* spear, unseen by
Hektor (for this motif cf. 20.324-5, 20.438-41, and sec also 16.130-54^).
This has seemed to many modern readers very unfair, robbing Hektor of
his only chance of survival. It is 'the most extreme case of divine assistance
to a warrior in the Iliad*, as Willcock says. The nearest parallel comes not
in battle but in the games, when Athene returns Diomedes' whip in the
chariot race, in retaliation for Apollo's interference (23.382-90).
Here Athene's intervention has the effect of underscoring still more
strongly the fact that Hektor is doomed, whatever he may do. But he is still
ignorant of the truth, and this makes his confident speech (278-88) all the
more ironic.
279-88 In Hektor's speech it is the short, staccato phrases at the begin-
ning and end of the verses which convey his contempt and hostility most
strongly: 279 F)PPPOTT$ . . . , 280 fj TO» y i . . . , 286 ft TOI !6<OK* 0e6$ . . . ,
1
151
Book Twenty- Tu o
288 ov y d p u$ioi Trfjpa plyiorov. These are contrasted effectively with the
longer whole-verse clauses, especially in 281-4.
380-2 f j TOI §4>ri$ y§ means 'yet you thought you did'. Given Akhilleus'
hatred of deceitful speech (9.309-13), the taunt in 281-2 is particularly
wounding. ApTienYft occurs only here in Homer and twice later, at Pindar,
0. 6.61, /. 5.46; cf. Homeric ApTtypwv, Aprbros, &pna ftv, etc.;
&pTifcTTE!cn of the Muses, Hes. Th. 29. It is odd to find it here in a bad sense,
meaning 'glib*. tirficXoTros is also only here in //.; cf. Od. 21.397 trriKAoTros
trrAeo T6£COV, and for tirfcAorros alone Od. 11.364, 13.291. PH*os 6Aicf)S TI
AdOcopcn occurred at 6.265.
283-4 For 283 cf. 8 . 9 5 MI*I -RIS TOI fcvyovri prra^ptvcp H> 66pu irfj^T), etc.,
and for 2 8 4 cf. T6V 5* tOOs PTPAWTA 2 X //., 616 81 ORFJFEGTYTVlAaoof(v) 4 X IT.
286 d>s . . . Kopiooio: 'would that you might catch it fully in your flesh'.
Cf. 14.456 AAAA T»S 'Apyficov tcApio« ypoT, and 14.463. The sense of Kopl^nv
is not easy to assess exactly here, but it may be faintly colloquial. See
however on 14.456 for another translation. For aa> tv xpot the variant tvi is
metrically preferable.
289-91 Verse 289 = 273 etc. For 290 cf. 13.160 xal f&Acv, 0O6*
A^dpapTf, KOTT' AcrrtiSa TTAVTOC' LFAT)V etc.; pkrov 06X05 5 X //. For 290-1
cf. the similar incident at 2 1 . 5 9 1 - 4 ^ . ) , and also 13 586-92, where
Helenos' arrow rebounds from Menelaos' breastplate, especially 592
TTOAA6V IRFTOIRACTYXWSFEX&SfTrrcrro Triupds 6ICTT6S-
291—2 xt'XyctTO . . . X*ip6? ** repeated from 14.406-7. x&xrcrro means 'he
was distressed', 'he was frustrated': see on 23.385.
293 KctTTj^cras: 'downcast*. Cf. Od. 1 6 . 3 4 2 KcrrV)$T)crav; Kcrrn^clri 3X //.;
2 4 . 2 5 3 Korrq^6wES. T h e etymology is unknown.
0O8' A A A ' . . . fyxos: cf. 21.50 (Lukaon) 0O6' fyev tyxos. As b T observe,
Hektor normally carries two spears, e.g. 5.495, 6.104, 11.212, 12.464-5.
So why not here? 'Perhaps he threw one down when running, KCTTA T6
CTtcoTTcbpcvov [i.e. the poet takes this for granted]', b T suggest. But in the
formal duels in books 3 and 7 the contestants only have a single spear each
(cf. 3.338, 3-34off., 7.244ff.), and Akhilleus above all has a single spear (cf.
also Kirk, Songs 190-2, and comments on 3.330-8). Surdy, however, this
is not a question which should arise. The whole dramatic effect depends on
both sides having only one spear.
294 Acucdtrms occurs only here in Homer. It is a very interesting case of
a unique epithet applied to a hero. Deiphobos is 6to«i6^s (»2.94), and in the
genitive OrcpTjvoptovTos (13.258). If one looks at Parry's list of Homeric
epithets used of two or more heroes (MHV Bg-gi), one can see that the only
existing ones to fit here are pryctA^TOpa (1 x //., 3 x Od.) and 6ioci6to (1 x
0d.\ otherwise 6toci6kt with synizesis at end of line, 3X It.). Consequently
it is possible that lack of choice was a contributing factor here. It may also
1
Book Twenty- Tu o
be relevant that Deiphobos' shield is prominent in book 13, where he

advances under cover of it, and Meriones breaks his spear on it and then
goes to get another spear ( 1 5 6 - 6 8 , 2 4 6 - 5 8 ) . There are similarities with the
passage in book 22, and later Deiphobos himself also retreats in search of a
supporter ( 1 3 4 5 5 - 9 ) . For other points of contact with book 1 3 see on
2 7 4 - 6 , 2 8 8 - 9 1 . But in any case Deiphobos' white shield leaves a significant
mark on our minds. It is as if Hektor were looking all around the battlefield
for this conspicuous sign of his brother's presence (cf. paxp6v &Gacrs, i.e. as
if he were far away), only to find emptiness and silence. For other uses of
white as a marker see 2 3 . 3 2 9 , 4 5 3 - 5 . Later this epithet is applied especially
to the army of the Seven against Thebes (A. Th. 89, S. Ant. 106, E. Phoen.
1 0 9 9 ) . Cf. also W. K . Pritchett, The Greek State at War, pt m (Berkeley 1 9 7 9 )
2 6 1 - 2 n. 90.
995 flTfi piv 86pu poncp6v: 'the poet effectively uses asyndeton here, and
the repetition also evokes great pity' (T). Technically the asyndeton is due
to the fact that F|T« (etc.) explains K6XCI. But it must surely be the most
dramatic use of this device in the poem.
295-305 As in Greek tragedy, delusion and error are followed by the
moment of discovery or recognition. Hektor knows automatically which
god is responsible ( 2 9 9 ) , as for example Akhilleus knows that Apollo has
rescucd Hektor at 20.450. He knows too that the protection afforded him
by Zeus and Apollo has gone for ever. But he resolves to die heroically.
Notice the prominence of divine agents in Hektor's view of events (the gods,
Athene, Zeus and Apollo, poTpa). At the same time, the fame which he will
win by his death depends on his own human efforts ( 3 0 4 - 5 ) .
The speech opens slowly and with great solemnity, with three end-
stopped verses, and there are only two cases of integral enjambment in what
follows ( 3 0 1 - 3 ) . This suits the gravity of Hektor's tone. Contrast, for exam-
ple, the style of 2 5 0 - 9 and 2 6 1 - 7 2 , where enjambment is much more
frequent.
996 Cf. 1.333 aCrr&p 6 Hyvco f)Oiv iv\ $pttrl $cavr)o£v Te.
997 d> Tr6rroi, f j pdXa for this exclamation cf. 3 7 3 , 1 6 . 7 4 5 C T C - F ° r
whole verse cf. 1 6 . 6 9 3 NORRP6ICAHS, 6TC 8 ^ at fteol 8dvar6v6€ K6A£CTCTOV.
300-1 For 300 cf. 1 6 . 8 5 3 (Patroklos to Hektor) = 2 4 . 1 3 2 (Thetis to
Akhilleus) 6yxi Trap&rrr)K£v 6dvcrros ical poipa Kpcrrai/|. AXIti ('escape')
occurs only here in Homer. Cf. Hes. Erga 545, and Hippocrates, Aer. 19;
¿Ascop/t 3X //.
301—9 f\ y 6 p p a . . . ¿Kr)P6Ao>: i.e. 'so, after all, that was what they really
wanted 1 .
309—3 ot p£ ... elpucxTo: Zeus supported Hektor during Akhilleus' with-
drawal, and Apollo did so until the last possible moment. Cf. Apollo's rescue
of him at 2 0 . 4 4 3 - 4 . For poipa kiÂvei cf 1 7 . 4 7 8 etc. ( 4 X II.).
136
1
153
Book Twenty- Tu o
304-5 In Hektor's final act of resolution the repeated alpha privative (cf.
386n.) and assonance of 304 add emphasis. Effective too is the power-
ful simplicity of piya TI. For pVj pAv A<rrrov8i yf cf. 8.512, 15.476
(with comment on this verse). AKACIOOS occurs only here in //.; cf. Od.
1.241 » 14.371, again of death. However, the adjective is used a x A/.,
i x Od. xal tcraoplvoiai mMaQcn recurs at 2.119 and 4X Od. Hektor's
characteristic concern with future KA4OS emerges here again (see on
106).
306—ax The last phase of the duel begins with the two heroes coming to
close combat, Hektor with his sword, Akhilleus with his spear: the inequal-
ity of the contest is clear. Each is given a simile: Hektor is like an eagle
swooping down to catch a lamb or hare, Akhilleus' spear-point shines like
the evening star, fiut the description of Akhilleus is elaborated, by reference
to the rest of his divine armour, shield, helmet and golden helmet-crest
(313-16), as if again to emphasize his superiority.
306-7 For 306 cf. 1.190 $Aoyavov 6§0 ¿pwaApev0$; 22.311 nvAaoaiv
Âoyavov 6£v. Verse 307 is an untypical description for a sword, and
AarrApT) occurs elsewhere only in the context of wounds (5X II.). Cf. 3.372
of a chin-strap, 6s ol Cm' Av&pc&vos ¿X 6 ^ Ttrcrro TpuâAcirjs. u£ycr T$
crn{3ap6v TE is elsewhere used of a shield (OAKO$), 5 X II. For the scansion
| T6 ol see on 16.228-30.
308-1 x For eagle similes see on 17.674-fi, 21.252-3, and Moulton, Sim-
iles 81-2. Verse 308 ( » Od. 24.538) is a powerful one: 'gathering himself
together he swooped like a high-soaring eagle'. The form CAfmrrVjtis recurs
only in a Homeric parody by Matro (Conv. 78), but cf | atrr6s Oynrrrfis 3X
//., IX Od. For 61A v*4>£oov Ipcftew&v cf. 5.864 IK ve$&ov tpcpewf) . . . Afjp.
The dark clouds are effective: the eagle suddenly appears through them,
swift and menacing. There may be a contrast between the eagle in the dark
clouds and the radiance of the evening star against the darkening sky in the
simile which follows at 317-21, symbolizing Akhilleus' victory and Hektor's
doom; cf. Schadewaldt, VHWW 320.
3x0 For AptrA^cov the majority of our MSS read Ap-rrA^cov, but the future
is preferable. ApaA6s ('soft', 'tender') occurs only here in //.; cf. Od. 20.14
(CTKVAAKKHT»). It is rare in later literature, but survived in Thessalian, and
is related to ApaA6Gvco etc.: cf. Chantraine, Diet. s.v.
f\ TTT<2>KCC A a y c o 6 v : "mco§ w a s o r i g i n a l l y a n e p i t h e t ( ' c o w e r i n g ' ) , w h i c h
became the n a m e of a n a n i m a l , l i k e Tpîpcov, e t c . Cf. 17.676-7 (in an e a g l e
s i m i l e ) Trrcb£ | OApvcp Crrr' Ap$iK6pco KcrraKclpcvos.
3x3 Ayplou may originally have been Ayploo; cf. 2i.i04n., etc.
3x3—90 These verses recall 19.379-83, when Akhilleus puts on his
armour, and 315-16 irtpiotrriovTo . . . dapctAs repeat 19.382-3 (see on
19.380-3). Cf. also 20.162-3 (Aincias) v€votA£<*>v t<6pv6t ppiapiy AtAp
1
Book Twenty- Tu o
154
&<m(6a 6oupTv | Trp6cr6€v fyc crripvoio, Tivacrat )ttifoc.iov *yX°S> and
Hektor's nodding plume at 6 . 4 6 9 - 7 0 .
3x5 Trrpa^dXcp: this recurs at 12.384, and probably means 'with four
bosses*; sec on 3 . 3 6 2 . For KoAorf the majority of MS5 read Sctval (Did/A, T).
Both are possible, but the emphasis on beauty would suit what follows,
especially 3 1 8 KAAAKJTOS.
316 A few MSS omit this verse, which repeats 1 9 . 3 8 3 . Pap. 12 adds
133-5 after 316.
317—ai For this simile sec on 2 5 - 3 2 , and Moulton, Similts 8 5 - 6 , to-
gether with Hermes 102 (1974) 393-4, where he says: 'Perhaps the net effect
. . . is the extraordinary distancing from the action . . . At the climax of the
poem, our attention is directed to the majestic movement of the beautiful
evening star through the heavens.'
The ostensible point of comparison is the brilliance of Akhitleus' spear-
point and that of the evening star. But the peculiar beauty of this star and
its quiet appearance in the sky contrast with the deadliness of the attack. At
the same time the evening star evokes the idea of closing day and night
drawing on, which fits the theme of Hektor's coming death.
This passage is the climax of the series in which Akhilleus or his armour
are depicted in terms of fire or light: 1 8 . 2 0 5 - 1 4 , 1 9 . 1 6 - 1 7 , 1 9 . 3 6 5 - 6 ,
>9-373-83» «9-398» 2 0 . 3 7 1 - 2 , 2 0 . 4 9 0 - 4 , 2 1 . 1 2 - 1 6 , 2 1 . 5 2 2 - 5 , 22.25-32,
22.134-5. Cf. already Eust. 1 2 5 5 . 3 1 - 4 0 , and Schadewaldt, VHWW 3 2 0
(with n. 3 ) , Whitman, HHT 1 3 2 - 4 5 .
3 1 7 - 1 $ For oTos 8 ' Aorfjp CTCTI cf. 1 1 . 6 2 oTos 8' ¿K vc$fc>v ¿va$atvrrai
oOAios 6<TTY)P, and for jirr* <5rorp6oi WKT6S dpoAy& see on 28. Imrcpos is
used only here in Homer of the evening star. At Od. 1.423 etc. it means
'evening'. For 8$ K6AAI<JTOS cf. 2 . 6 7 3 , and for comparable expressions of
supremacy in similes 1 7 . 6 7 4 - 5 , 2 1 . 2 5 3 , 2 2 . 3 0 , 2 2 . 1 3 9 etc. •
319 ¿rniAaim* ('it shone*) is an uncommon impersonal use; cf. perhaps

324 4>ortv€To. tO/|KT|s recurs only in Hellenistic poetry (A.R. 2 . 1 0 1 , etc.).
321 6ITTI CT^SIC U&AICJTA means 'where it might best yield (an opening)'.
322—3 T6crov liiv is 'to a certain extent', 'so far', as at 1 8 . 3 7 8 , 2 3 . 4 5 4 -
Verse 323 = 17.187, where Hektor actually puts on the armour of Akhilleus,
taken from Patroklos' body (and see on 18.84 f° r - • • I *aA6). It is
significant that the poet echoes 17.187 just when Akhilleus is about to
strike the fatal blow. Cf. Virgil, Aen. 12.940-52, where Aineias is driven to
kill Turnus by the sight of the belt which he had taken from the body of
Pallas.
324—6 Cf. 8 . 3 2 5 - 7 Trap' tbpov, 661 icArjts ¿rrrolpyet | avx^va TT O 1 L|0WS T£,
pAAicrra 6£ xalpiAv k m , | TTJ (>' tn\ ol pciiadrra pAAtv A(0io 6Kpi6cv-n.
$a(vrro means 'it showed', i.e. either with X P ^ understood, or imper-
sonal. Aristarchus knew of a variant $aTvcv or $aivov (Did/A, T). For
AavKaviTjv ('gullet') cf. 2 4 . 6 4 2 . The word occurs nowhere else in early epic,
1
Book Twenty- Tu o
and otherwise only in later epic and elegiac verse (A.R. 2 . 1 9 2 , etc.), usually
in the form XcuKccviv). The accusative is probably due to attraction to the
case of avx^va, as one might have expected the nominative here after
ôdvrro. Most of our MSS read XovKcrviris, which would be a partitive
genitive, and might well be the right reading Cf. Chantraine, GH 11 51,
Wackernagel, Kleuu Schriften n 1120-1.
327 «• 17.49. There is strong assonance of initial alphas here.
328-9 ActyApcryos meaning 'wind-pipe' recurs only in the medical
writers, and in Hellenistic and later verse (Nicander, Nonnus, Quintus of
Smyrna). For xaAicof&pcia cf. 11.96 <rrt$Avr)... xaAicopApcia |, 15.465 16s
XaAtcopapta. Aristarchus (Am/A) athetized 329 as ridiculous. In defence it
was said that the poet treats accidental events as if they were designed
(Arn/A, bT). T quotes Od. 9.154-5 d>paav 61 NCai$ai... alyas Apccnccjraus,
Iva Scmv^crciav trcnpoi, and 1 2 . 4 2 7 - 8 8 ' frrl N6TO$ &*a . . . 6$p' IT»
TJ)V 6Xof)v Avaprrpfjaaim XApufJSiv. T h e death-arias of operatic heroes may
be as unrealistic, but are equally essential in dramatic terms.
330—67 This death-scene, with its exchange of speeches, b closely paral-
lel to that of Patroklos at 1 6 . 8 2 7 - 6 3 (see on 8 3 0 - 6 3 , and cf. Fenik, TBS
2 1 7 - 1 8 , Schadewaldt, V H W W 2 6 2 , 3 2 3 ) :
16.829-42 ** 2 2 . 3 3 0 - 6 : boasting speech by

victor
1 6 . 8 2 9 EROVXAIIFVOS 2 2 . 3 3 0 tmvfarro
8 3 0 N&TPO*A\ FJ TTOU ?^R|A6A . . . ~ 2 2 . 3 3 1 "EKTOP\ ArAp TTOV tyrjs...
8 3 3 V^TTIE' TACOV 81 n p 6 o G ' . . . 22-333 V^MS 1 TOTO 8 ' &vsu6tv
(i.e. you did not reckon with me!) Aocrof|T/ip...
8 3 6 ok T ' £V6A6€ YORRGS H60VTCH ^ 2 2 . 3 3 5 - 6 ai PTV KOVIS FJ8' olcovol |
IAKÂOUA' AIKCOS
16.843 ~ 2 2 . 3 3 7 : the dying man replies
2 2 . 3 3 8 - 5 4 : Hektor asks for burial
and Akhilleus refuses (expanding
335-6» which is echoed by 354)
1 6 . 8 4 4 - 5 4 : Patroklos* final ~ 2 2 . 3 3 5 - 6 0 : Hektor's final speech
speech
The gods gave you victory. It I knew I could not persuade you.
was Apollo and Euphorbos, not
you, who caused my death.
But your own death is imminent, But beware of divine anger,
at Akhilleus' hands. when you die at the hands of
Paris and Apollo.
1 6 . 8 8 5 - 7 : Patroklos dies = 2 2 . 3 6 1 - 3 : Hektor dies.
16.858 - 2 2 . 3 6 4 : the victor addresses him
after hb death
155
1
Book Twenty- Tu o
16.859-61 Why prophesy my 22.365-6: I will accept my fate,

death? Perhaps I may kill when the gods fulfil it.
Akhilleus.
16.862-3 22.367: the victor withdraws his
spear from the body.
The exchange between Hektor and Akhilleus about burial (338-54) is a

crucial addition to the scheme in book 16, foreshadowing book 24.
In the two prophetic speeches (16.844-54, 22.355-60) reference to
Apollo's agency in causing Patroklos' death is echoed in Hektor's prophecy
that Apollo will cause Akhilleus' death. In both cases divine and human
agency are mentioned together.
The final replies of Hektor and Akhilleus are significantly different:
Hektor does not accept that Patroklos' prophecy will necessarily come true,
whereas Akhilleus knows that he must die soon and is willing to accept his
fate, although he wastes few words in saying so. Hektor's prophecy is the
climax of a series of references to Akhilleus' impending death (see on 21.113,
etc.).
330 For fjpiTTE 8' 4v KOVItjs cf. 5.75» 1 1 . 7 4 3 ^P47™ 6' Iv Kovir) -1301 V, and
for 6 8'ferrcuôrro5To$ 'AXIAAEV; 20.388.
33a 6-rri£to: cf. 18.216 «bTrl^rro, and 2X Od.
333 For v^mc in emphatic initial position see on 21.99, and for
AoootyT^p see on 13.254-7. Aucivtw surely means 'better than Patroklos',
in spite of bT's view that it refers to Hektor, because 'he would not have
compared himself with Patroklos'.
335-6 Cf. 11.453-5 in a boasting speech: AAA' olcovol | o>|iT)<rrol IpOouai
. . . | airrAp Ip', «T KI OAvca, KTeptoOai yf 6I01 'Axcnof; 11.452-5 also resemble
22.352-4.
335 KOV«S olcovol: cf. 1.4-5 tAcopia itux* KVVKTOIV | olcovoTol T« iram
('Hector's death is the most tragic of those rendings by dogs and birds
foretold in the proem', Segal, Mutilation of the Corpse 37); 22.354 KUV*$ THE »CAL
olcavok KOTA trAvrra BAaovrcn; 24.411 oCarco T6V yc xuves $<Jryov, 0C6' oleovof;
see on 42.
336 £Akôouo* AIKCOS: cf. 17.558 nOvfs iAirfioouoiv (of Patroklos' body).
AIKCOS occurs only here in epic, but cf. AEIK^S, and Attic alx^$, QIKW*;.
Antimachus wanted to substitute the easier reading tAxfioouoi KCCK£>$
(Did/A, T ) . We should perhaps read atic&s here (Wackernagcl, Kleine
Schriften 1 222). Shipp (Studies 24) argues that alx&s is Attic, whereas
Chantraine (GH 1 38) prefers to read <JcsjKa>s with synizesis, which seems
unlikely.
337 = 15 246; cf. 16.843 6* 6A»yo8pavk*>v irpocr^rjs, na-rpAKAei$
hnreO. For the rare word AAiyo8pAvtiv see on 15.245-6.
1 4 0
1
Book Twenty- Tu o
338 With the utmost urgency Hektor supplicates Akhilleus, by his life,
his knees, and his parents: to us a curious triad. Cf. Gould, JHS 93 (1973)
75ff., for examples of supplication by the knees. Here Hektor cannot touch
Akhilleus* knees, and so this comes under Gould's class of 'rejected
"figurative" supplications* {op. eit. 80-1, 81 n. 42). For supplication by
parents cf. 15.659-66 (parents, children, wives), 24.466-7 (parents and
son), 485-92 (father), Od. 11.66-8 (wife, father and son); similar lists occur
in S. Ph. 468-70, OC 250-1. This speech is the final one in a series of pleas
by Trojans for their lives, all vain (see on 20.463-72).
339 KVVOS Kcrra&iryai: a striking alliterative phrase. Korra8<IRNTT»v occurs
only here in It. Cf. 23.182-3 "Exropa 8* oO TI | 8axrco llpiotuiBtiv -rrupl
8crrrrip£V, &AA& Kuveaatv; Od. 3.259 kuves . . . Kcrr&avfav.
340-1 Here the theme of Hektor's ransoming is first introduced. Else-
where in the poem the defeated plead for their lives, offering ransom (cf
49-5in.), but only in this case do we hear of ransom for a dead body, for
Akhilleus has already refused Hektor's plea that he should return his body
for burial (258-72).
3 4 2 - 3 = 7.79-80, spoken also by Hektor, before his duel with Aias.
There b T comment that Hektor's concern for burial is an effective anticipa-
tion of his future fate.
344—54 Akhilleus' speech is even more brutal and passionate than his
earlier refusal of Hektor*s request for burial. But his violent words at 346-7
must be read in their context: the wish 'is meant, while conveying hatred
enough, to express that which is inconceivable' (Leaf). For this idiom, 'by
which a certainty is expressed, by contrasting it with an impossibility in the
form of a wish', see on 18.464-6. The desire to eat Akhilleus' liver is
expressed in equalty violent language by Hekabe at 24.212-14, and Zeus
ascribes to Here a similar desire that she might 'eat the Trojans raw' at
4-34-6-
The structure and style of the speech are typical of Akhilleus' more
passionate outbursts. He begins with a single-verse sentence, which immedi-
ately rejects Hektor's request. The remaining nine verses should probably
be treated as two sentences, with a stop at the end of 348 (so Leaf). After
the impossible wish and assertion of 346-8 Akhilleus repeats his rejection
even more vehemently, with two 0O8* et KCV . . . clauses (349-50, 351-2),
and the apodosis 0O8' . . . (352-3), rounded off by the repetition in 354
of the theme of 335-6. Cf. 9.379-87 0O8* cT uoi 60(6105 tt KCEI ELKOO&af t6oa
Bolrj . . . (0O8' 60' ... 0O8' 6aa . . . ) 0O8* tY 1101 T6aa Bolti 6aa . . . o08i vxv
&s . . . , in Akhilleus* rejection of Agamemnon*s offer. The prominence of
gutturals in 345, 348, 349, 354 may also not be accidental. On such sound
effects and repetition in Akhilleus' rhetoric cf. Martin, Language of Heroes
220-2. The speech rises to a climax of passionate certainty. Yet, as with his
141
1
Book Twenty- Tu o
earlier refusal to save the Greeks, Akhilleus will in the end give way. T h e
passages in both books 9 and 22 are echoed at the climax of the Odyssey, in
Odysseus* refusal of Eurumakhos' offer of recompense (22.61-4).
345 KVOV: Hektor is called a dog by Akhilleus at 2 0 . 4 4 9 ( — i t . 3 6 2 ,
addressed to him again by Diomedes), and is referred to by Teukros as such
at 8 . 2 9 9 . When used by heroes of each other in the Iliad this term of abuse
is almost always put into the mouth of a Greek speaker (e.g. Akhilleus to
Agamemnon at 1 . 1 5 9 , 2 2 5 n M 9 - 3 7 3 ) - Here it comes in a speech which is
concerned with the rôle of real dogs as eaters of corpses. Cf. M . Faust, 'Die
künstlerische Verwendung von KÛWV, " H u n d " , in den homerischen Epen',
Glotta 4 8 ( 1 9 7 0 ) 8 - 3 1 , especially 2 9 - 3 0 .
yoCrvcov youvàÇco: emphatic repetition. youvAÇopcn or yowoOyai is used
of figurative supplication also at 9 . 5 8 3 , 1 1 . 1 3 0 , Od. 6 . 1 4 9 .
347 'The placing of the long participle between adjective and noun, both
short words, gives a striking effect' (Segal, Mutilation of the Corpse 40).
34S àrraAàÀKOi: t h i s c o m p o u n d r e c u r s a t Od. 4 . 7 6 6 .
349—50 clKocrtWipiToç occurs only here, and is probably from CIKOOIV-
fynTor (cf. àpiôuôs), 'twentyfold'. Cf. Hes. Th. 240 uryVipiTa, with West's
comment, and Leumann, HW 2 4 6 - 7 . <rrfyrcja' means 'weigh out', as at
19.247, 2 4 . 2 3 2 . For CnrôaxwvTai 8i Kal &AAa cf. 1 1 4 - 1 8 CmAoxwpai... ôpa
8* . . . AAA' âiroSàaoEcrôai. This echo of Hektor's earlier speculations here
brings home to us how pointless they were.
351—a 0O8*... ripiapos: 'not even if Priam, Dardanos' offspring, were to
bid me weigh your own body against gold', i.e. to pay your weight in gold.
This hyperbole was said to have inspired Aeschylus to a literal portrayal of
the scene in his Opvyts ^ "EicTopos ACrrpa (p. 84 N. 2 » p. 365 Radt).
For aCrrôç of the body cf. i.4(n.), 9 . 5 4 7 , 2 3 . 6 5 . For X f * * ^ êpvoaofta» cf.
Theognis 7 7 - 8 TTIOTÖS àvf)p xpucoG T« KOÎ Apyùpou AvTcpûoaoOai | AÇtos.
T h e verb seems to mean 'weigh' here, from tpOttv * 'draw*. Leaf compares
EXKCIV « 'weigh' ( 2 1 2 etc.), but that refers to holding up the scales.
352—4 Cf. 21.123-4 o05é at (i/jTTjp I êv6cpévT) Atx&oai yotârraï, and
2 2 . 8 6 - 9 oO o' ÉT" tycoy« | KAaOoouai tv Aexécoot... ôv lixov aCrri], j . . . KOVES
Taxées KcrréSovrai. 'This statement not only negates the appeal to the
sanctity of parents which runs throughout the scene (338, 341, 345); it
also confirms Hecuba's near-hysterical forebodings' (Segal, Mutilation of the
Corpse 40).
354 Cf. also 3 3 5 - 6 etc., and for Kcrrà "rràvra öäaovrai cf. Od. 18.87
( — 2 2 . 4 7 6 ) (i^Sca T ' . . . KUOLV copà 8àcrao9ai. b T note the aptness
of the tmesis Kcrrà . . . SàaovTai in the context of tearing the body apart.
For other examples cf. CQ, 3 0 ( 1 9 8 0 ) 286, and A b T 15.1 with Erbse's
commentary.
142
1
Book Twenty- Thrre
159
The effect of this verse (gutturals and dentals, tmesis) is increased by the
way in which olcovoi bridges the central caesura, after a weak caesura in the
second foot:
1 2 3 4 5 6
6XX6. »ewes T€ I teal olcovoi | Kcrrá Trdcvrra 5áoo\nrai
O n the tendency towards avoidance of a break after the trochcc in the

second foot see vol. 1, p. 19. What we have seems to be an unusual type of
'rising threefolder', in which the first two cola might appear to be equal in
weight: - u u - u and vj ; but the second actually sounds heavier
owing to the three long syllables.
3 5 5 — 6 0 Hektor prophesies Akhilleus' death, as Patroklos foresaw
Hektor's.
355 Kcnra0W)OKO>v: cf. 337 óAiyoSpavécov. 'The poet marks the different
times very effectively' (bT).
3 5 6 — 7 Elsewhere TrpoTióotrouai means 'look at' (Od. 7 . 3 1 , 2 3 . 3 6 5 ) or
'forebode' {Od. 5 . 3 8 9 , 1 4 . 2 1 9 ) ; cf. ¿ocoiiat, 'imagine', 'forebode'. The sec-
ond sense is better here: 'truly knowing you well I forebode (my fate)'. For
FJ y á p . . . 6UU¿S cf. 2 4 . 2 0 5 , 5 2 1 onSfipeióv VÚ TOI ffrop (of Priam).
358 M^ TOI TI ©cwv UT^vipa yévcopai: so also at Od. 11.73 (Elpenor), the
only other instance of ufy'ipa in Homer. In both cases the anger of the gods
would be aroused by failure to give due burial (cf. Parker, Miasma 70).
Precisely what its result would be is left vague, as often in prophecies, but
it looks as if Akhilleus* death may be seen as retribution for his behaviour
towards Hektor's corpse. Cf. the ominous warning of Apollo himself at
24.50-4.
359-60 See on 2 1 . 1 1 3 , and cf. especially 1 9 . 4 1 6 - 1 7 ool aCrr£> |
liópoitióv k m 6C& TC xal ávipi tyt 5apf)vat. For évl ZKairjai TTVA^CI see on
3.145 and 22.6, and cf. 23.80-1 (Akhilleus will die 'below the walls of
Troy*). In the Aitiuopis ( O C T vol. v, ed. Allen, p. 1 0 6 . 7 - 9 = Davies, EGF
p. 47.20-1) 'Akhilleus having routed the Trojans and broken into the city
is killed by Paris and Apollo'. The Scaean gates are depicted in this context
on the Tabulae Hiacae of the early Imperial period: L/MC t.i p. 183 no. 854
(and on other portrayals in art and literature see ibid. 1 8 1 - 5 ) .
3 6 1 - 3 • • 1 6 . 8 5 5 - 7 ; 3 6 4 echoes 1 6 . 8 5 8 . See on these verses.
364 xal T€#vr)WTa: 'to address him even when dead shows the extremity
of his anger' (bT).
3 6 5 - 6 For Tédvorth cf. 1 5 . 4 9 6 | itOvAcco, 1 5 . 4 9 7 etc. | TEdvducv. The
imperative, standing alone at the beginning of the verse, is brutally abrupt
and dismissive; see on 21.128 $6€(pco6*. xrjpa . . . 6AA01 = 18.115-16, when
1
Book Twenty- Thrre
Akhilleus is replying to Thetis, after she has announced that he will die
'immediately after Hektor' (96). See on those verses.
j67-404 Akhilleus strips off Hektor's armour, and the oth Greeks stab his corpse.
Akhilleus suggests that they attack Troy, but then remembers that Patroklos is unburied.
He tells them to return to the ships with Hektor's body, singing a victory-song. He then
fastens th body to his chariot by thongs passed through the ankles, and sets off,
dragging it b hind him
O n this scene see especially Segal, Mutilation of the Corpse 41 - 2 , Griffin, HLD
47» 84-5» <38.
367 Cf. 2 1 . 2 0 0 (fcx KprjjjvoTo). T h e motif of withdrawing the spear oc-
curred after the killing of Sarpedon by Patroklos ( 1 6 . 5 0 3 - 4 ) , and Patroklos
by Hektor ( 1 6 . 8 6 2 - 3 ) . Cf. also 5 . 6 2 0 - 1 , 6 . 6 4 - 5 .
368—9 For 6 6* ¿nr* £>ii<ov Ttuxc* lovAa cf. 15.524, etc. mpiTpixttv occurs
only here in early epic, but is common later (cf. Herodotus etc.).
3 7 0 - 1 Wonder at Hektor*s beauty is combined with callous indifference,
or perhaps hatred, as the Achaeans stab his body. For the wonder of the
troops Leaf compares Hdt. 9.25.1, after Masistios has been killed at Plataia:
6 6k vcKp6s fjv 6£TJS &£to$ pcydcOfos cTvctca KCRT KAXXCOS* TWV 81 clvaca xal TOtOra
t i r o l i w §kAi7T6VT€s T<5rs t6§»s ¿ôITCOV 6er)o6ucvoi Maal<rnov.
T h e stabbing of the corpse may derive ultimately from the wish to
ensure that the dead man is really and truly dead and that his ghost cannot
harm his enemies after death. 'But Homer will not bring such horrors to the
surface, and the scene as we have it draws a great part of its pathos and
effectiveness from the heroic contrast of the impassive corpse of Hector and
the small malevolence of those who ran from him in life and can face him
only when he is safely dead. " T h e emotion (of triumph) is that of a low mob,
and it magnifies the greatness of the dead man", is the correct comment of
the scholiast' (Griffin, HLD 47). Wilamowitz made a similar point {IuH
103): 'Der Dichter hebt die Grosse Hektors durch die Niedrigkeit der
feindlichen Menge.*
Much of the effect comes from the contrast between beauty and defile-
ment, and this recurs still more explicitly at the end of this scene ( 4 0 1 - 4 ) .
For xal iTBos ¿ty^Tdv cf. Od. 6.16 xal tT8os (stc); 1T80S Ayiyrol
-6$ | 3X 11. Avovmyrf ('without wounding him') occurs only here and in
Quintus of Smyrna ( 3 . 4 4 5 ) ; cf. dvoCrrorros ( 4 . 5 4 0 ) , AOVTOS ( 1 8 . 5 3 6 ) , 'un-
wounded*. This stabbing is mentioned again at 24.421.
3 7 3 - 4 Leaf compares this grimly mocking speech with a passage in Burnt
Njal: 'All men said that it was better to be near Skarphedinn dead than they
weened, for no man was afraid of him' (cf. NjaVs Saga, translated by M .
Magnusson and H. Palsson, Penguin I 9 6 0 , p. 2 7 6 ) . Verse 3 7 2 = 2 . 2 7 1 (n.)
1 4 4
1
Book Twenty- Thrre
161
etc. For 373 cf. 16.745 & ttAttoi, f\ ndtA* 4Aa$p6s Avr'ip- <bs £fta icvptcrr^, in a
mocking speech of triumph over a fallen enemy. The verb ¿rpâ^x&w occurs
only here in //., but 6 x Od. The predominance of m, / and p sounds in this
line is very noticeable, and emphasized by the two long final words, and the
echo pdAct . . . paXaxcoTtpo^. In 374 the variant 4vhrpq8«v (imperfect) is
preferred by Leaf, who calls it 'obviously superior* to MfTpTjcriv.
375 That is, *as they spoke they stabbed him' (Arn/A, bT).
3 7 6 - 9 4 Akhilleus' first suggestion, which appears to be that they should
attack the city immediately, could reflect the sequence of events after the
killing of Memnon, when he does attack Troy and is killed (cf. the Aithiopis,
O C T vol. v, ed. Allen, p. 106.5-9 » Davies, EGFp. 47.18-21). But the risk
of such an attack is constantly present in the later books (cf. 16.91-4,
16.698-9, 18.265, 20.26-30, and Poseidon's advice to Akhilleus at 21.296-
7), and Hektor's death points forward to Troy's actual fall (410-11). T h e
poet is once again leading us to expect a sequence of events which is then
postponed.
376 = 2.79 etc. (8x //.). The verse is used several times in an address to
the Greeks in general. Zenodotus' alternative line 'ATpcl6r) tc ical 6AA01
¿tpicrrfjes navaxai&v (— 7.327, 23.236) is out of place here, as Agamemnon
is in his hut. There is another variant & $(Aoi J\poc$ Aavaol Ofpfrirovre;
*Apt)os ( » 2 . 1 1 0 etc.) in a few medieval MSS.
379 rrrtl 8f): cf. 23.2 for thb scansion of km\ (and 4X Od.); Chantraine,
GH1 103. T6V8* ftv5po is another oblique reference, as at 38 etc. Akhilleus
does not name him yet. In tool... KCOKCCV he duly acknowledges the gods'
role in his victory.
3 8 0 6$ KCTKA TTOAA' fppcêv: cf. 9.540 6S KCCK6 TTOAA* EpSfOiccv, where
Ammonius read l(p)pc£tv. Here the vulgate reading u in fact fpScoxEV,
which is less suitable in this case.
3 8 1 - 3 Akhilleus does not speak in terms of a full-scale attack, but pre-
sumably what he has in mind is the capture of Troy. For expressions like cl
8' & y r n in an apodosis cf. 24.407, Od. 4.832. For ouv Ttvxtoi TrttpT)&u>iicv
c f 11.386 ovv nOxtai utiprjddrft |; Od. 8.100 miprîopcv |. O n this form
see Chantraine, GH 1459.
383 The first alternative, desertion of the city (or strictly speaking the
citadel), is very extreme: but Akhilleus is in the first flush of his victory over
Hektor. Cf. however 24.383-5, where the same idea is envisaged.
385 This verse — 21.562 (see comment). This is the only case where the
verse does not occur in a soliloquy, but it does not seem out of place here:
in all the instances a particular train of thought is interrupted by the
realization of a factor which invalidates it.
3 8 6 AKAOR/TOS &0UH IUS recur together at Od. 11.54 and 11.72, and neither
is used elsewhere in the Iliad; cf. S. Ant. 876 &KAOVTO$ ftftAos Awpivmos.
1
Book Twenty- Thrre
For other examples of such co-ordinated epithets with negative prefix see
Richardson on HyDem 200.
387—8 6$pot... 6pcbpi}: cf. 23.47 typa (cooTcn pnrico, and 9.610 « 10.90
Kcd pot ftXa yoOvcrr' ¿pcopi]. The variant verse kv 'Apyfloiai
^tAorrroAlpoiai prrflco is quite well attested (A, Eust. and several of our
MSS).
3 8 9 - 9 0 T h e best sense here is 'and if in Hades men forget the dead, yet
even there I shall remember my dear comrade 1 , i.e. after I too am dead.
This gives a good contrast to 387-8. T mentions Od. 11.467-8, where
Akhilleus and Patroklos appear together in the Underworld, as they do also
at Od. 24.15-16. T h e compound KaraAÔeoGai occurs nowhere else in
surviving literature.
1—4 These verses echo 217-18, in Athene's promise to Akhilleus. For
391 cf. 1.473 xotA6v AtiSovrts irailôva xoupoi 'Ayai&v, and comments there.
There the paean was sung in Apollo's honour, after the prayer and sacrifice
to propitiate him for the insult to Khruses. Essentially a paean was regarded
in antiquity as a song of thanksgiving for relief from trouble, or sometimes
a song for the aversion of trouble (cf. A b T 1.473, T 22.391c): hence it could
be sung, as here, after a victory in war. There is no compelling reason to
suppose that it was addressed to Apollo here: in view of his enmity to
Akhilleus and the Greeks this seems unlikely (although von Blumenthal, RE
X V I I I s.v. Paian 2341-2, thinks that it was so). For the paean as a war-
song later cf. von Blumenthal, op. ext. 2346-8, W . K . Pritchett, Ancient Greek
Military Practices pt 1 (Berkeley 1971) 105-8.
399 Before 393 pap. 12 adds [xal TjcGvry&Ta Trip- T6cra y 6 p KOK' TPâar'
"AxenoOs.
3 9 3 - 4 Aristarchus (Arn/A) athetized these verses, 6TI napA T^JV &£(av
'AxlAAios o! X6yoi, and he referred to 16.242-4, where Akhilleus implied
that Patroklos on his own was a match for Hektor. Aristarchus' point seems
to have been that 3 9 3 - 4 overrate Hektor by comparison with this earlier
view (cf. also Eust. 1275.2iff.). b T defend the verses, saying that 'Akhilleus
makes the victory a collective one, and encouraging his supporters he says
that the Trojans' hopes are ended after Hektor's death*. This seems nearer
the mark, and the further suggestion, that the verses represent the actual
song which the Greeks are to sing, or perhaps rather the refrain, is attractive
(Eust. 1275.17ff.). T h e asyndeton after 392 is in favour of this idea, as is the
asyndetic simplicity, brevity and balance of the two separate hemistichs of
393, each composed of a 1st person plural aorist indicative verb plus a
noun-epithet object. Verse 394 is more expansive, giving the reason why
the glory is so great in a single-verse clause. Verse 393 is entirely dactylic
(Eust. 1275.18), a suitably cheerful rhythm. For 6c$ <2>$ C0X«T6<OVTO *N 394
cf. Od. 8.467 = 15.181 8scf> cb$ cOxrrocppqv. T h e same idea recurs at 4 3 4 - 5 .
146
1
Book Twenty- Thrre
163
395—404 This ten-verse passage describing the dragging of Hektor's body
is all the more shocking after the exalted tone of the previous verses. Cf.
Griffin, HLD 84-5 on verse 395: 'The immediate juxtaposition of "god-like
Hector" and "acts of humiliation'* enables the poet to bring out, without
sentimentality, the pathos of the greatest possible fall for a man, from
god-like stature to humiliation and helplessness.'
Verses 395-400 are in the poet's most matter-of-fact style, with pain-
fully precise description of how Akhilleus makes holes in the dead man's
ankles, threads them with thongs, and fastens these to the chariot. Verses
399-400, apart from the reference to the armour, could have come in any
typical scene of a departure. Verses 401-4 are also objective and detached,
and yet at the same time the verses could not express more clearly the
terrible contrast between Hektor's beauty and greatness and his present
degradation (cf. Schadewaldt, VHWW 325-6, Griffin, HLD 138). For
an anticipation of this passage in the fight over Patroklos' corpse see on
17.288-303.
3 9 5 This verse is repeated at 23.24. In < S K I K & X p^Scro tpya does ¿cucta
imply moral condemnation by the poet, or simply shame for Hektor's body?
The two alternatives are already suggested by the scholia (b 395). That we
cannot necessarily infer moral condemnation is indicated above all by
Akhilleus' own words at 335-6, ok plv . . . IXirf)aroU9* <5aKa>$: he cannot be
condemning himself there (cf. S. E. Bassett, TAP A 64 (1933) 44-6). More-
over 395 is echoed at the end of this passage by 403-4, where Zeus himself
is said to allow the disfigurement (flgudooagflcn) of Hektor's head. At
24.33-54, however, Apollo protests, accusing the gods of being 6rjAtf)povf$
because they allow this mutilation to continue (54 &ttic(£ft). Apollo says that
this is neither KdXXiov nor Apcivov (52) for Akhilleus, and may incur divine
anger (53 vspcoorn&oapcv). Despite the opposition of Here, Zeus accepts
Apollo's plea (64-76). So in the end the gods uphold the principle that
Hektor's body should not have been so treated. As we have seen, this may
also be the implication of Hektor's warning to Akhilleus at 358-60. But this
will not become clear until book 24 (although it is foreshadowed at 23.184-
91), and at 22.395 there has not as yet been any explicit condemnation of
Akhilleus' acts, however much they are portrayed as brutal and degrading.
See also de Jong, Narrators 138.
396-7 TCTpolvfiv occurs only here in //.; cf. Od. 5.247, 23.198. The term
'Achilles' tendon' derives from the use of the word "rfvovrc in this passage
(cf. Leaf ad loc.). -mipvT) b only here in early epic, but common later. For
potou; • • • UJ^VTOS cf. 23.324 ftofoioiv Ipaoiv.
399-400 For ts 8($pov 8' cf. 16.657. Verse 400 = 5.366 etc.
(3x 3X Od.).
401-4 These verses significantly echo the description of the defilement
1
Book Twenty- Thrre
of Patroklos' helmet, itself linked there with Hektor's impending doom

(16.793-800). Cf. 16.795-800:
pidv6r)oav 61 Wtipai
alpcrrt Kcrt Koviqor ndpos y t piv oO Oipis ^cv
ITTTT6KOUOV TRFJXRJKA pialvfoQai KOVITJOIV,
AAA' 6v8p6s 8f(oio K<frpr) yaptcv *rs p£TCOTTOV
£0IT' 'AxtAAôs" T6TC 61 Ztvs "ExTOpi 66>Ktv
•¡5 KEâArj $op&iv, oxc666cv 8i ol fjev 6Ac6po$.
Cf. also the defilement of Sarpedon's body by blood and dust (16.638-40),
and similar descriptions at 15 537-8, 17.51-a, 439-40; see on 16.794-800,
and Fenik, TBS 163, Segal, Mutilation of the Corpse 4 1 - 2 , Griffin, HLD
134-8. Segal comments: *Homer has reserved the more moving and solemn
effect for Hector. He has thinned out the details . . . , used three parallel
clauses with effective enjambements, and heightened this rhythmic move-
ment by a strong alliteration of k and p sounds. The language describing
the mutilation here is distinctive and nontraditional.'
In later antiquity the dragging of Hektor was defended in two ways: (a)
on the grounds that Hektor himself wanted to mutilate Patroklos1 corpse,
by cutting off his head and fixing it on stakes (18.176-7), and that in fact
Patroklos' body was dragged to and fro by Hektor and the Trojans in the
fight for its possession (17.125-6, 17.288-302, 17.389-95; cf. also 18.175-
6); cf. Schol. AB 22.397, Porph. 1 . 2 6 7 . 1 ; o n c could add that Hektor wanted
to throw the body to the dogs (17.127); (b) Aristotle (fr. 166 R.") simply
observed that Akhilleus was following an existing custom, and he supported
this with evidence that the practice continued in Thessaly (cf. Call. fr. 588).
It was said that Alexander the Great imitated Akhilleus' action, by inflict-
ing the same fate on Batis, governor of Gaza (Hegesias, FGH 142 F 5,
Quintus Curtius 4.6.29).
401 x ° " T a > I recurs at 6.509 » 15.266, in the simile about the
stall-fed horse, which in the second passage refers to Hektor's success after
he has been encouraged by Apollo.
40a KU&vEat: Poseidon is KuavoxafrTC (13*563 etc.), and the brows of
Zeus and Here are of this colour (1.528, 15.102 etc.; see on 1.528), but it
is very unusual for the epithet to be used of a hero's hair. At Od. 16.176
the hair of Odysseus' beard is called KU&veat, when he is transformed by
Athene, and there Telemakhos actually thinks that he is a god (183). By
such means, with characteristic economy, the poet draws our attention to
the contrast between Hektor's 'god-like' appearance and his defilement.
Trhvavro is the reading of a minority of MSS and T , but it is clearly
preferable to the vulgate TTIAVOVTO, or the other alternative reading
"rrl(p)TTAavTo.
148
1
Book Twenty- Thrre
165
403-4 T6T€ . . yorftj: after the three shorter enjambed clauses of 401-3
this longer sentence closes the description with a characteristic allusion to
the divine will. Cf. 16.799-800, quoted in comment on 401-4.
404 tq ¿v TTorrpiSi yorfr): a similar phrase is used elsewhere in the context
of dying in one's own land: cf. 3.244 $IATJ tv -rrorrp(6i yalrj (Dioskouroi);
8.359 4^1M<VOS TrcrrpfSt yaltj (Hektor). 'The motif of "beauty brought
low" is combined with that of "suffering in one's own country". The
bitterness of the ill-treatment of Hector's head, "which before was comely",
is increased by his enemy having power to inflict it in his own fatherland,
before the eyes of his own people' (Griffin, HLD 138; cf. 112). This melan-
choly phrase closes the narrative of Hektor's death and prepares the way
for the scenes which are about to follow. The whole of the remainder of this
Book describes the immediate reactions in Troy to Hektor's death: the
extreme grief and violent, unrestrained emotion of all the Trojans, and
above all of his own parents and his wife.
4°5~3G Hektor*s parents and the people of Troy lament his death. Priam begs them to
let him go and entreat Akhilleus for the return of Hektor's body, and Hekabe leads the
women of Troy in lam ntation
This section balances the speeches by Priam and Hekabe at the beginning
of the Book (25-89): see Introduction to book 22. The reference to the
deaths of Priam's other sons and his grief for them, but above all for Hektor
(422-6), echoes 44-55. Hekabe tears her hair (405-6) as Priam did then
(77-8), and in both cases her shorter speech complements Priam's.
Priam's speech also anticipates his actual supplication of Akhilleus in
book 24: there too he reminds him of his father Peleus (420-1 — 24.486-
92), and again speaks of his lost sons (423-8 24.493-502). There is a
reversal here, as what was prevented in book 22 becomes real in book 24
(cf. Macleod, Iliad XXIV 21-2, and Reinhardt, IuD 468-9). Moreover,
Priam's self-abasement (414) is again referred to at 24.163-5 and 24.640.
A further structural parallel can be seen between the triad of speeches by
Priam, Hekabe and Andromakhe at the end of book 22 and the laments of
Andromakhe, Hekabe and Helen near the close of book 24 (723-76). On
these links see also Beck, Stellung 71-92.
4 0 5 - 6 cos • • • ¿rrrocv: this echoes 402 Kt&pn . . . tcovlqai, as a transition to
the following scene. For TIAAC K6|IT)V see on 77-8.
4 0 6 - 7 6cn6 8I . . . TT)A6OE: SO too Andromakhe's head-dress is thrown
from her head, in the more elaborate passage at 468-72. Demeter tears her
head-dress in grief at HyDem 40-1, in a passage perhaps influenced by these
scenes (see Richardson on HyDem 3&ff. and 41). For Amapfiv... KaACrmrptiv
cf.* 18.382 AmopoKpfiSEpvos and Od. 1.334 etc. AmapA tcp^Sepva. Woven
1
Book Twenty- Thrre
materials actually h a v e oil d r i p p i n g from them at 1 8 . 5 9 5 - 6 , Od. 7.107. For

the KaXCrmrpT) (perhaps really a head-scarf rather than a veil) see on 14.184,
and Lorimer, JHM 386. T h e word itself occurs only here in //., 2X Od.
4 0 7 - 9 KOJKUOFV . . . . . . tccoKvrru) . . . olpcoyrj: KCOKOCIV is always
used of women in epic and tragedy (so b T 408 and LSJ). The repetition of
the nouns in 409, after the verbs in 407-8, and the spondaic first hemistich,
add to the mournful effect. KOJKVT6S recurs at 447, otherwise in Homer only
as the name of the river in the Underworld at Od. 10.514.
410-xi These solemn and terrible verses arc made all the more memora-
ble by the untypical language of 411. typu&oua ("beetling1) occurs only
here in Homer, although cf. 20.151 TIR' typOai KOAAJKOACOVHS. Hes. fr.
204.48 M - W , and an oracle at Hdt. 5.92P both have typutara KApivOov;
cf. Call. fr. 186.20 typu6itv IAIOV. C. M. Bowra (JHS 80 (i960) 18 «
On Gr ek Margins, Oxford 1970, 4) comments that the epithet 'not only
conveys a vivid impression of Troy on its ridge overlooking the plain but
helps by contrast to strengthen the note of menace in its coming doom. It
is a general comment on the forbidding aspect which the city presented,
especially to any possible attackers.1
opuxoiTo ('were smouldering') is paralleled in Homer only at 9.653,
where it refers to the burning of the Achaean ships by Hektor, and recurs
in Hellenistic poetry and late prose. It is a particularly ugly and gloomy
word.
For the Trojans Hektor's death means the end of Troy, and as in Priam's
earlier speech (60-76), so here we have a vision of what is to come.
4 1 9 - 1 3 So too at 18.33-4 Antilokhos holds Akhilleus' hands, to restrain
him in case he tries to kill himself in his grief at the news of Patroklos' death.
414 KUAIV66UCVOS KOTT& K&rpov: this is repeated at 24.640 of Priam, and
the same action described more fully at 24.163-5. Akhilleus' self-abasement
at 18.23-7 is similar (and compare Laertes at Od. 24.315-17). As in book
t8 we have here the first extreme reaction of grief. That such reactions
persisted in later antiquity b suggested by the criticism of Lucian, De luctm
12: 'dust b sprinkled on the head, and the living are more pitiful than the
dead man; for they often roll on the ground and beat their heads against
the earth'. Such rituab of mourning were sometimes described by the term
'self-pollution', (icorra)piaivtaâi (Parker, Miasma 40-1). In general cf. also
K . Meuli, Gesammelte Schriften, Basel 1975, 1 333ff.
415 6VOIKKA^6T}V 6vottd£cov: cf. Od. 4.278 be 8' 6VOUCCKA^5T]V . . .
6v6(ja£es. At Od. 12.250 ôvopokAi'j8t]v must be a single word, and so
perhaps here also. The insbtence on Priam's naming of each person individ-
ually stresses the desperation of hb appeal.
416-48 Priam's speech contains a high frequency of single runover
words or short phrases at the opening of a verse (420, 421, 422, 425, 426,
1 5 0
1
Book Twenty-Two
428), another way of emphasizing the urgency of his entreaty. Cf. vol. v,
pp. 42-4.
416 oTov: so too Hektor faced Akhilleus alone, although his parents
begged him not to do so (cf. 38-9). In book 24 Priam will ignore the pleas
of Hekabe, and go virtually alone to face Akhilleus (148, 177, 203, 519).
KT)66pcvo( trtp was preferred by Aristarchus (Did/A) to the variant
kt)66ij£v6v Tttp. It presumably means 'concerned though you are for me\
418 Aioocop' ('let me supplicate1) is virtually a final clause; cf. Chantraine,
GH 11 207. For drvipa TOOTOV see on 38. 6rdo6aAov 6^piuotpy6v means
'reckless*, 'violent'; cf. Hes. Th. 996 ¿rrdoflaAos ¿Ppipocpy6$ |, of Pelias,
6ppi|ioepy6s alone of Herakles at //. 5.403. 'He abuses the man whom he
wishes to supplicate' (bT).
4x9-26 Not only is the train of thought similar to that of Priam's actual
speech of supplication of Akhilleus (24.486-506: see on 405-36), with the
mention of Peleus leading on to Priam's own grief for his sons, and thus to
Hektor, but there are verbal parallels too. Cf. 419 with 24.503 cd8«To . . .
ccCr6v T* IAÔOV; 420 ~ 24.486-7; and the climactic positioning of
"ExTopos (426) with 24.501 "EKTOpa.
4x9 flv: pap. 12 reads cl, which was conjectured by Heyne and may be
right; cf. Chantraine, GH n 281-2. Leaf wanted to take fjAnrfriv as 'his (i.e.
Akhilleus') contemporaries' (cf. 16.808). But it must surely mean 'my age'.
421-a Cf. 6.282-3 y6p P , v (Paris) 'OAOptrios irfjua | Tpcoal
TT ical TTpiduc^ . . .
423—4 Pap. 12 reads TOIOVS for T6CTOOVS, perhaps to avoid repetition with
T&xorov in 424, and TCOV TTOAACOV in 424. TT)AE6AOVTA$ ('flourishin ') is
usually of plants; see on 87 $(Aov 6dAo$. For this theme of Priam's loss of so
many sons see on 44.
425 Leaf compares Jacob's 'then shall ye bring down my gray hairs with
sorrow to the grave' (Genesis 42.38). For &xo$ && cf* ! 9- , 2 5> Od. 11.208.
KorrGtytpciv (Korrolorrat) is only here in Homer, but common later.
426—8 Cf. 86-8 etc., and see on 82-9. Here Priam wishes that his son
had died in his own arms. For 427 cf. Od. 20.59 tcAalouoa Kopfoaarro, etc.,
and for 428 cf. 485, 24.727 6v T^xoptv crO Y tycb t t 6vc6p|iopoi.
429 The Trojans take up the lament, as the women do after
Andromakhe's speech at 515. The same type of refrain occurs after all the
laments in book 24 (746, 760, 776), but the verse is varied at 437 to
introduce the scene of Andromakhe at home. On such refrains cf. Alexiou,
Ritual Lament 12-13, 131H". Did/A and T quote a variant ytpovres for
iroArrai, making the verse a repetition of 19.338. This is supported by T , on
the grounds that Priam's speech is 'suitable to fathers'.
430—6 Hekabe's lament is more simple than Priam's, and also more
resigned (430-1). It is mainly concerned with Hektor's past greatness, in
« 5 «
1
Book Twenty- Thrre
contrast to his present state, a familiar feature of funerary laments in general

(cf. Thetis at 18.55-7, a m * Alcxiou, Ritual Lament 165-71). Her initial
words 'why should I live?' are also a typical way of opening a lament with
a question or a series of questions: cf. Alexiou, o/>. eit. 161-77. The speech
has an alternation of progressive and integral enjambment throughout,
which gives it a fluid quality.
430 This verse is very similar to 24.747. For this formal introduction to
a lament see on 18.316-17.
431 Tticvov, fcycb cf. the opening of Andromakhe's lament (477).
(Wopai is probably a short-vowel subjunctive, 'why should I live?'; cf.
15.194 p f o p a i etc. For alvdt ircrftoCoa Aristarchus (Did/A) read alvdr
TEKoOoa, as at 1.414 (Thetis to Akhilleus). Cf. also 18.54 (Thetis) & 1101 tycb
5€iAf|, u> pot 6uerapt9TOT6«Eta.
433 €VXGoXf| probably means 'something to boast about', as at 2.160,
4.173. 6vciap is applied to Hektor again at 486. In the singular the word
seems elsewhere in early epic to be used often to describe gods or their gifts:
cf. Od. 4.444 (Eidothce's aid to Odysseus), Hes. Th. 871 (winds), Erga 822
(days), HyDem 269 (Demeter), with Richardson's comment.
434-5 ol at 6c6v <2>s | BttStxcrr': 'who used to welcome you as a god'. The
original form may have been fi^S^crr' (see on 4.4). Cf. 394 etc., and Od.
7.71-2: nal Aacov, ol pfv (xx 6t6v elaop6wvrts | 6«5txarai pOOoioiv, 6TB
crriixTla* <5KTTU.
437-515 Meanwhile, Andromakhe sits weaving at home knowing nothing of Hektor*s

death. She has just told her maids to prepare the waterfor his bath, when she hears the
laments of Hekabe and the Trojans. Fearful for Hektor she rushes to the wall, and
when she sees htm she faints. Recovering, she laments his death, her own loss, and the
helpless plight of their son Astuanax
This great scene is the last in the narrative of Hektor's death. It takes us
back to the other scene in book 6, where the poet showed us Hektor,
Andromakhe and Astuanax together (370-502). There Hektor found his
wife watching anxiously on the wall, to which she had gone paivoixtvr) ilicuTa
(389 22.460 patvd6i Tori), and where she stood lamenting (372-3). We
heard of her father Eetion and her home Thebe, and what happened to them
and her family at Akhilleus' hands (395-8, 414-28): here we are reminded
again of her home and marriage (22.470-2, 22.479-81). Andromakhe
had warned Hektor there of what could happen to him, and of the fate
awaiting his wife and son (6.407-13, 6.429-32). Now that Hektor is dead,
she foresees this fate in vivid detail (22.482-507). We were told there why
their son was called Astuanax, and we are reminded of this again here,
although now the name has lost its meaning (402-3 22.506-7). There
152
1
Book Twenty- Thrre
169
Hektor foresaw the fall of Troy, and wished that he might die rather than
see Andromakhe a captive (6.447-65): his wish has now come true, and
Troy's fall is near.
The picture of the timid child clinging to his nurse, afraid of his father's
nodding helmet-plume, and the touching naturalness of this family scene
(6.466-84) seem to find an echo too in the realistic way in which
Andromakhe contrasts his gentle nursing with the rudeness that he will
encounter as an orphan, causing him to run in tears to his widowed mother
(22.490-504).
The scene in book 6 closed with Hektor telling his wife to go back to her
loom and domestic tasks, and to bid her maids go about their work, while
he returned to the war. She obeyed, and we last saw her among her maids,
who were lamenting Hektor as if he were already killed (6.490-502). Now
we find her again at her loom (22.440-1), giving orders to her maids for
their domestic tasks (442-4). This Book too closes with her lament, echoed
by the women. Her last words describe the clothes which they have woven
for Hektor, which will now be useless to him, and which she will burn
(510-14). Thus the scene in book 22 itself is framed by these references to
the clothes made by the women (cf. 440-1).
The two episodes of books 6 and 22 also form the same pattern in reverse
order. Andromakhe on the wall, her return home, and the premature
laments for Hektor in book 6, are reversed with the scenes in book 22 of her
at home, waiting for his return when he is already dead, then rushing to the
wall, and lamenting him.
Book 6 showed us the city which Hektor was defending, the members of
his own family for whom he was fighting, and above all the quiet, orderly
happiness of family life which he stood to lose. Here, after the intense
dramatic action of the battlefield, and the wild grief of the Trojans, we are
again transported to the orderly peace of Hektor's house: the person who is
dearest to him is the last to know the truth, although when she hears the
laments we see that her heart was full of foreboding, and she at once guesses
what has happened. The shock of seeing him dead causes her to faint: but
she recovers, and her speech is remarkably controlled, in contrast to that of
Priam. There is a practical side to her character, which appeared already
in book 6, when she actually gave Hektor a piece of tactical advice about
where to face the Greeks ( 4 3 3 - 9 ) . It was also she who was responsible for
the care of Hektor's war-horses (8.185-90), and who would receive his
armour when he came home from fighting (17.207-8). Here her thoughts
turn almost at once to their son, her chief surviving responsibility: it is his
fate, not her own, that concerns her above all. He is also, in one sense, the
image of his father, as his name suggests and as Hektor prayed that he
would be (6.476-81).
1
Book Twenty- Thrre
170
Andromakhe's lament is echoed in her final speech in book 2 4 ( 7 2 5 - 4 5 ) .
This is shorter, but again she speaks mainly of what awaits their son
(22.482-5 2 4 . 7 2 5 - 7 ) . T h e two speeches complement each other, for in
the first she imagined what would happen if he escaped death or captivity,
whereas in the second she is more realistic and faces the truth, which is that
Troy will fall and he will be enslaved or killed. This foresight parallels that
of Hektor himself in book 6, when he predicted Andromakhe's enslavement
(454-65)-
T h e admiration of ancient readers for this episode is clearly shown in the
detailed comments of the scholia (cf. 4 4 2 - 5 , 4 4 8 , 4 5 2 , 4 6 4 - 5 , 4 6 8 - 7 2 , 4 7 4 ,
487, 500, 5 1 2 - 1 3 ) . T h e effect of contrast between Hektor's death and the
scene at his home was imitated by Juvenal in the pathetic description of a
street accident in Rome, where the dead man's slaves are preparing their
master's bath and dinner, while he is already waiting to cross the Styx
(S. 3 . 2 5 7 - 6 7 ) . In a later age Thackeray too may have echocd the scene, in
Vanity Fair (chapter 32), when he describes Amelia praving for her husband
to return from the batdefield of Waterloo, while he 'was lying on his face,
dead, with a bullet through his heart' (cf. Griffin, HLD 110).
T h e scholia regard the motif of Andromakhe's ignorance of the truth as
characteristic of the pan's skill in evoking sympathy. In a comment on
17.401-2, b T compare this with Akhilleus* ignorance of Patroklos* death
and hopes of his safe return from battle, and also Dolon's expectation that
those who arc approaching him (at 1 0 . 3 4 9 - 5 6 ) are his own companions,
coming to tell him to return to Troy.
For a detailed discussion of 4 3 7 - 7 6 cf. C. Segal, 'Andromache's anagnorisis:
formulaic artistry in Iliad 2 2 . 4 3 7 - 7 6 ' , HSCP 7 5 ( 1 9 7 1 ) 3 3 — 5 7 . O n the
relationship with book 6 cf. Wilamowitz, lull 321; U. Hölscher, Gnomon
27 ( 1 9 5 5 ) 3 8 8 - 9 ; W. Schadewaidt, Hellas und H sperien (Zürich I 9 6 0 )
3 6 - 8 ; Beck, Stellung 7 1 - 9 2 ; Lohmann, Reden 9 9 - 1 0 0 , and especially his
Andromache-Szenen 63-9.
438 "Emropos is best taken with AAoyos. Leaf notes Od. 8.12 6$pa £f(voio
•mtörjofo, but here (as he says) one would expect a participle (8OV6VTO$) if
the noun were taken with Tt^M«rro. For ou y6p ot T»S 4T^TVMOS fiyyeAos
iXdcov cf. HyDem 46 our' oloav&v TIS ir) HYprvpos ÄyyiAos Â8EV.
4 4 0 - 1 Cf. Helen at 3 . 1 2 5 - 8 f) 84 piyocv Torov O^ctivc, | 6iTrXaKa
TTOPûp^v, TTOAlas 8' tvfrraorrev ä£6Aous (etc.), and see comments on
3 . 1 2 5 - 7 , 3 . 1 2 8 . There are other parallels between these two scenes: both
women leave their weaving in order to go to the wall, accompanied by two
maids, and wearing their veils ( 3 . 1 4 1 - 5 , 2 2 . 4 6 0 - 3 , 2 2 . 4 6 8 - 7 2 ) . See Intro-
duction, 'Structure', and cf. Arend, Scenen 52-3, and Lohmann, Androma he-
Szenen 5 9 - 6 2 .
44t ¿v 6i öpöva TTOIKIA' {traacre refers to weaving, not embroidery (cf.
1
Book Twenty- Thrre
171
3.125-711.). 6p6va is revived in literature by the Hellenistic poets, and
survived in Cypriote, Thessalian and Aetolian. From this evidence it seems
to mean either 'flowers* or 'figured patterns' in general (schol. Theocr.
2.59~62b). irdocrtiv also survived in Cypriote, where it is said to have the
same sense as noadAAfiv ( A T 441).
Helen was weaving scenes from the Trojan War itself, suffered for her
sake, but Andromakhe is cut off from events outside, and the contrast of her
peaceful weaving of decorative motifs with what has actually happened is
all the more poignant. 'For Andromache . . . the battle scenes are not
reducible to art. They are too much part of a terrible present . . . Her
embroidery . . . contains the symbols of the life and hope which the gods
deny' (Segal, HSCP 1971,41).
442-6 b T comment that 'he increases the pathos. For so far is she from
being aware of what has occurred that she even prepares bath water, as
though virtually seeing Hektor: and so the poet has added in sympathy the
exclamation vryiriTj, 0O6' £v6t)ctev, as if pitying her ignorance.'
4 4 2 - 4 Cf. 1 8 . 3 4 3 - 5 , 23-39-4*» especially 1 8 . 3 4 4 23.40) Ap$l mipl
crrfioai TpfrnroSa piyav, 6$pa Tdîora. This passage in book 18 concerns the
washing of Patroklos* corpse, making this an ominous echo. Moreover, the
phrase u&xti? IK VOOTÔOVTI -t (444) is always used of warriors who are fated
not to survive. Cf. 17.207, where Zeus says that Hektor will not return from
battle to Andromakhe; 2 4 . 7 0 5 (Hektor again after death), and 5 . 1 5 7 (two
warriors who will not return home). For &pp& X6rrpa see on 1 4 . 3 - 7 .
4 4 5 For VTVTTIII, o06' ¿v6r)0€vcf. 2 0 . 2 6 4 1 V^TTIOS, 0O6* H>6F)<7C; | viyrrirj 16.8;
and see on 2.38. pdXa TfjXt Aorrp&v is a new and touching variation on the
common motif of dying far from home and all its domestic comforts (cf.
Griffin, HLD 1 0 9 - 1 0 ) . Hektor is also, ironically, deprived of the washing
which was part of the ritual of preparation of a body for burial.
4 4 7 - 9 Verse 4 4 7 echoes 409. In 4 4 8 iAcAlx&n is a violent word, indicat-
ing a very strong reaction, emphasized by x<ma\ 64 ol bcrrscf KEptd;. KtpKfc
(shuttle) occurs only here in //., once in Od. ( 5 . 6 2 ) ; see on 2 3 . 7 5 9 - 6 3 . In
449 Andromakhe reacts at once, despite her agitation.
450 The structure of the verse (the opening command, followed by
two clauses of increasing length, with asyndeton) expresses her urgency.
For 5riv* the reading 6TI (two papyri and some MSS) might be right
(cf. Leaf).
451 txupi^ recurs at 2 4 . 7 7 0 ; cf. focup6s 3 . 1 7 2 , 2 4 . 7 7 0 (all in Helen's
speeches).
4 5 1 - 3 These verses are an unusually vivid physical description of her
state, with heavy enjambment. Cf. 4 6 1 , and 1 0 . 9 3 - 4 Kpa6(T) 6d pot |
OTTJO&OV bcdpaxncEi, Tpop&i 6* Cnr6 $al6ipa yvia; also 15.280. On 4 5 2 - 3 b T
compare Call. Hy. 5 . 8 3 - 4 bc6XAaaetv ydtp Avian | yebvara.
1
Book Twenty- Thrre
453 • • • T^xioaiv: she begins with the general plural, as if afraid to

name Hektor.
4 5 4 aT yAp . . . £TTOS: cf. 18.272 al yAp 8/| poi An' oOorros <3>8E y^VOITO.
4 5 5 - 6 dpaovv "Eicropa occurs 5X //., always in this position. Here the
epithet is relevant, as also at 12.60, 12.210, and 13.725. T h e point is made
explicitly at 4 5 7 - 9 , and b T compare 6.407 (Andromakhe to Hektor):
8ai|i6vit, <p6icm oc T 6 a6v P£vos. F o r 456 cf. 21.563 p ' AnTaeipopevov
TTAAIOS mSlovSs voifai), and 2 1 . 3 EvOa Sicrnjâs TOUS PTV TTC6(OV8E 6(COK€.
457-9 Cf. also 12.46, where Hektor is like a boar or lion who is fearless
in face of his attackers, Ayr|vop(r) 64 uiv 2KTCT, 16.753 ^ ¿OAEOEV AAK^
(in a simile of Patroklos). For 4 5 8 - 9 cf. Od. 1 1 . 5 1 4 - 1 5 oO TTOT* M TTATIOVT
pivcv AvSpcbv o05' ¿v APLACP, | AAAA TTOAU TrpoO&oxc, T6 6V ptvo? o08cvl EIKOOV.
Even at this moment of her supreme anxiety for Hektor's life Andromakhe's
admiration for his courage comes out. But notice also how she speaks of him
already in the past tense (so Willcock).
460 pcyApoio 8ii<70UTO paivASi Tar): cf. 6.389-90, where Andromakhe
has gone to the wall to look for Hektor paivopivq ¿iKvTa, and Hektor
drnioovro 8cbpcrros to look for her. paivASi Tor] is similar to the formular
Sotipovt Taos (6x //.). Homer knows about maenads (6.132-3), so that
could be what he means here. Perhaps, however, we are wrong to attempt
to draw a distinction between 'mad woman* and 'maenad*. T h e word
pcnvAs itself occurs only here in Homer; cf. HyDem 386, etc.
4 6 1 Cf. 452, and HyDem 293 Scfpom iraAAAucvai.
4 6 9 Pap. 12 reads [aOrApftrrtlJxaiAsJ TI irOA[as *al] uvpyov IKOVEV (cf.
6.237, where irvpyAv is the reading of most MSS).
6 3 IOTT| Trail IF|vaa* HRL TCIX«: 'it is well observed that she does not ask
the truth of others: it is the mark of an agitated spirit to want to be an
eyewitness* (bT).
464—5ftAtcApevov. . . IAKOV: the repetition emphasizes the horror of the
sight. For IAKOV AKTIBIOTM* cf. 24.417 IAKCI AKTÔTCOS, again of Akhilleus
dragging Hektor; 21.123 AKI-|6&$ with comment. Here too as with Lukaon
the body is suffering from the denial of funeral rites.
4 6 6 » 5 . 6 5 9 , 13.580 (T6V . . . ) , where it refers to death in battle.
4 6 7 ATT6 4A/XFIV Mnrvoot: *she breathed out her soul*, i.e. fainted. T h e
verb, which recurs only in Quintus of Smyrna (6.523), is probably related
to tcarrvAs. Cf. 5.698 (with comment on 696), Od. 5.468 (kokg>$) KEica$ÂTa
duyAv, of fainting.
468—73 As she faints, she throws off her head-dress: perhaps the result
of the violence of her fall, rather than a deliberate act, whereas Hekabe
threw off her veil deliberately when she tore her hair (405-7). Here the
description is far more detailed, for this is a more emotional moment and
Andromakhe b a more significant figure. Not only is her head-dress extremely
156
1
173
Book Twenty- Thrre
elaborate, but the description culminates in the history of her Kp/j8epvov: it

was a gift of Aphrodite on the occasion of her wedding with Hektor. Cf. bT
468-70: 'he reminds us of her former happiness, so that by stressing her
change of fortune he may increase the effect of pity'. There could be no
more vivid symbol of her tragedy.
468 f&fc was Aristarchus' reading (Did/A) for the vulgate The
latter would be better suited to an involuntary movement, but does riot go
well with TqAt; see on 468-72. For Biaucrra aiyaAAcvTa cf. 154 iluorra
cnyaAAcvnra. 'In both cases Homer calls up these tangible reminders of a
past happiness in a context which assures its destruction* (Segal, HSCP
»97«. 49)-
469—70 dtpm/xa . . . Kp^8«pv6v 6*: most probably the is a head-
band, the KExpityaXos a cap (or sometimes later a net) to keep the hair in
order, and the TrAocrf) 6va6&rpr| some kind of woven or plaited binding for
the hair. Over alt of these was her shawl or head-scarf, Kpi^pvov (see on
14.184). Cf. Lorimer, HM 386-9 and Arch. Horn, B 21-2 (Marinatos). The
three items in 469 are found only here in Homer, although XPUOAPTTUKOS
frrrrovs (4X //.) implies the noun &prrv£. Unless the conjecture &va6copav
is correct at E. Med. 978, AvaSiapfj reappears only in very late literature
(Nonnus, Agathias, Damascius, Photius).
470 6 ol 8c5xi . . . 'A^poSfTTj: Aphrodite's gifts can be figurative (e.g.
3.64-3), just as Pandaros' bow may be a gift of Apollo, although Pandaros
made it himself (2.827,4.105-11). It may, however, be wrong here to make
a distinction between 'literal' and 'figurative' gifts.
The Kp/)6epvov is in itself a symbol of marriage, since the Greek bride
would wear this for the wedding ceremony. The poet has characteristically
taken this motif from a typical scene (a woman normally covers her head
when going out of the house: cf. Helen at 3.141 etc.), and used it here for a
very special effect.
471-a The event was described at 6.394-8, and the expression is similar
to 16.190 f|y6yrro Trp6s Swporr' ITTII mSpc pOpia 16va.
473 yaA&p TC teal elvorrlpcs: her husband's sisters and his brother's wives.
Once again we have an echo of book 6 (378,383). The nouns recur together
at 24.769. ydAcos survived in Attic, and tv&rrip occurs in late inscriptions
from Asia Minor. These kinship terms tend to cluster around Helen and
Andromakhe (see on 3.180 and 24.762-75).
474 &tv£opIvtiv ATroA4o6ai means 'distraught to the point of death'. At
412-13 and here we have two parallel tableaux, of the people gathered
about Priam to prevent him from rushing out of the city, and the women
clustering around Andromakhe to give her support (so bT 474).
475 Cf. Od. 5.458 AAA' 6 n 61*1 IPTTWTO ical Is $ptva 0vp6s Aytp&n
and 24.349 oCrr&p ¿rot F IPTTWTO xal Is $ptva 0vp6s dyipfr). IPTTWTO is
1
Book Twenty- Thrre
Aristarchus* reading (Did/A) for the vulgate ftimwro; see on 5.697, where
Kirk prefers ¿tnrvCvOr). For teal... ¿ytpfai cf. also 4.152 &fopp6v ot £vl
o-rf|6£oaiv ¿cyipdt], and see on 15.252-3, 16.481.
476 occurs only here in Homer, and is rare later (&vaf&f)6r)v
Arat. 1070, Maximus 287). 'With deep sobs* seems a better sense than 'lifting
up her voice*. Cf. 21.364 dtupoAdSrjv, and perhaps 19.314 dSivws ¿vcvehcorro
('heaved deep sighs').
4 7 7 — 5 1 4 Andromakhe begins by lamenting the joint fate of Hektor and
herself, in a series of balanced clauses (477-84), and she returns to Hektor
and to her own inability to give him due burial rites at the end (508-14; cf.
482-3 vOv & ou u i v . . . aCrr&p t u t . . . with 508-12 vOv 61 ufcv... ¿rrdp TOI
styccr'... KOTCXÂ^CO . . . ) . The central part of the speech concerns Astuanax
(484-507). Consideration of hb fate leads to a generalizing section about
an orphan's life (490-8), with a transition at 499-500 back to Astuanax
himself, leading her to reflect on the contrast with hb past comfort and
happiness (500-4). Verse 507 is also a transitional one, leading her back to
Hektor.
There is a certain freedom in the way her thoughts develop, which seems
psychologically natural. So too b the way in which she dwells on the homely
detaib of a child's daily life, both of the orphan and the prince, and her
preoccupation with something that might seem almost trivial, and which
yet means so much to her, the lovely clothing made for Hektor which he
will never use, even in death.
This wonderful speech has (alas!) not escaped the probing scalpel of
sharp-eyed critics, from Aristarchus onwards. The Alexandrian scholar,
accustomed to the manners of a Hellenistic court, could not understand
why Andromakhe should speak of an orphan's lot in terms which he saw as
quite inappropriate for the princeling of Priam's lineage. Such general
reflections were out of place here, and 487-99 were therefore doomed to
alheUsis. Modern critics have been divided over ihe issue, some going still
further and condemning 500-5 or 500-7. Certainly, 500-4 have no point
apart from what precedes. Yet among the analysts Wilamowitz defended
the lines condemned by Aristarchus (luH 105-7), and so did Von der Muhll
{Hypomnenut 346-7).
An additional objection was made by Leaf (on 487), that 'the passage
contains ¿ma^ Aeydptva of a sort quite unfamiliar in Epic poetry;
<5nroup^<70Wiv, -rravaÂiKa, VTrenvûw, Cnrfpcoqv, &ii$i8aAf)s'. T h b draws
attention to the significant point that, as in the similes, Homer can use a
quite distinctive vocabulary when he b speaking of more everyday matters.
Leaf's view of epic propriety, like that of Aristarchus, was too narrow. For
a defence of the passage see also Richardson in Bremer, HBOP 180-3.
4 7 7 - 8 4 Andromakhe sees her fate as linked to Hektor's. She has lost her
158
1
Book Twenty- Thrre
175
home, as he foresaw the end of his city, and for each the other was all-
important (6.411-30, 6.447-65). There is careful and elaborate rhetorical
parallelism and contrast here (cf. Lohmann, Reden 99):
478 ov pèv èv Tpolq flpidpou K<rrà 8£>pct,

aCrràp êyco G^îjoiv . . .
èvSôpco 'Herlcovos...
482 vûv 6è aO piv 'AtScro 66pov$ Cnrô KeOteat yalrçç

Ipxcai, aCrràp épi «rrvyépo) êvl névOtï XCITTSIS
X^lpnv év pcyApoioi...
By this means Andromakhe suggests that their fates run parallel now, as
they did in the past. Cf. Hor. C. 2.17, especially 20-30, where Horace links
his destiny with that of Maecenas. On the linking of Thebe's fate with
Troy's see O. Taplin in Chios 18-19.
477 For "Eicrop, lyo> 80<rrrjvo$ cf. 431 TéKvov,fcycb6iiA/| at the opening
of Hekabe's lament. yiyvôpcO* is the reading of Monro and Allen, but we
should probably follow the MS reading ytlvopfO', as elsewhere, with Leaf,
and Allen's editio motor ( 1931 ).
4 7 9 - 8 0 Cf. 6.396-7 'HETÎCOV, ÔS ivouev Cmè ÎTAàKo> OATÎOOTJ, | O^^RJ
'YTTOTRXCTKÎIP . . . For 6 p ' . . . ¿OOCTCCV cf. 8.283 ^ ^PM* TVTOÔV &VTC*.
481 In Sûopopos alv6popov the variation and repetition are pathetic.
Suapopoç is used of himself by Priam at 60 (cf. 59 Ipè T6V 5Ù<TTTIVOV),
alvôpopoç only here in //., and 2X Od. For d>s pfj . . . TÉKÎCGOU cf. 17.686,
18.19 f) pf) ¿tycê yevfoGai, and for such a wish in a lament cf. Helen at
24.764, and Alexiou, Ritual Lament 178 (with n. 46).
4 8 3 'At5ao 86povç Crrrô KE06KTI ycrfr|$: cf. Od. 24.204 elv 'AT8ao 86pots, 0rr6
KEVOCOT yalrjç.
484—6 Cf. 24.725-8 tcà8 8é pc X^P^V I Achrtis iv pryâpoior TTAYÇ 8" I n
I^TTIOÇ aOrcos, | ôv -réicopev o v T* èyco TÎ Suoécppopoi, où8é piv oleo | fj^riv
ÎÇ«o6ca... For the complaint of desertion by the dead man cf. (for example)
Alexiou, Ritual Lament 176, 182-4.
484 XÎP1! recurs at 6.408, 6.432, 22.499, 24.725. In the singular this
word is used by no one else but Andromakhe in Homer, and on four
occasions in association with the mention of their son. The only other
occurrence is at 2.289 (X^P011)- v^P"0* crCrrcos means 'a mere baby*; see on
»25-
4 8 5 - 6 oOrc OÙ ToCrrcp . . . oOn 001 OOTOÇ: this transposition of pronouns
(T 485-6 dnmprrajJoA^) is emphasized by the parallelism of position at the
end of the verses. 'He has mingled the pathos wonderfully, arousing pity in
the case of each of them, the child who is deprived of his father's valour and
the father who cannot enjoy his son' (bT).
1
Book Twenty- Thrre
4 8 7 - 9 9 For Aristarchus* rejection of these verses (Arn/A) see on 4 7 7 -

514. In reality Andromakhe's vision becomes general here, because she and
her son are archetypes of all widows and orphans.
487 n6Xipov ... TToXuSctKpuv 'Ayatcov: cf. 3.165 (Priam to Helen)
•mSAcpov -rroAOCofKpw 'Axaicov | (another echo of book 3).
489 It is not really so surprising that Andromakhe should fear the loss of
her son's royal property after Hektor's death. There were other members of
the family who might step in after Priam was no longer there to defend him,
for example those brothers of Hektor whom Priam regards as idle and
useless (24.248-64). There is also the hostility between Priam's family and
that of Aineias (13.459-61, 20.178-83), and the prophecy that Aineias and
his descendants will rule the Trojans in the future (20.302-8).
¿nroupiaaouatv: this verb occurs only here in surviving literature. In
antiquity it was connected with oOpos ('boundary'), like the later &$op(-
£EO$OI ('to appropriate for oneself): so Arn/A, Eust. 1282.16. An alterna-
tive modern view (Leaf, Chantraine, GH1446, LfgrEs.v.) connects it, or the
variant ¿rrrovpf|crovaiv, with drmjOpa, ¿rrroOpas, translating 'will take away'.
T h e fact that the active rather than middle is used is not a valid objection
to the first view, which seems preferable. Notice the strong assonance of
initial alphas in this verse.
4 9 0 - 9 In this passage the verses are virtually all end-stopped, and sev-
eral have a proverbial ring to them (e.g. 490, 499).
490 TrofvaÂiKa: 'entirely cut off from his contemporaries', a good ex-
ample of the expressive quality of Greek compounds; cf. 24.255, 24.493
TravdrrroTpos, 24.540 iravawptov. Trava<f>f}X»£ occurs nowhere else in Greek
literature. M . Pope (CQ, 35 (1985) 5) notices that out of fifteen TTOV-
compound in the Iliad six occur only in the last four books, 'and this is most
easily understood as the result of a temporary inclination of the poet's mind
- especially as it is precisely in these examples that the force of the TTCCV- is
intensive (e.g. "iravninTOTpos "all-unhappy") instead of quantitative (e.g.
Travrjpipios "all-day")'. Cf. also 24.5 TTavBapArcop, 21.397 Trav&yiov,
23.532 and 547 TTavOoTcrros.
491 TT&VTCX 8' CmtpWjpuK : another unique expression. Aristarchus (A)
took the verb as meaning 'he bows his head, is downcast' (KorravtauKEv),
Ttdvra meaning 'in everything*. This would be the perfect of irrrr)pv<A>,
VTriprjpOkc, with the nu added metri gratia: so E M 777.46, and Schulze,
Quaes tiones Epicae 266-7. Cf. A . R . 2.862-3 KorrVjpuaav 8' 6cîtaaw \ 8vp6v,
Coluthus 338 Orrr)pOovoi -rrapctai (Cnrrjpuouariv ¿TTamai Tournier). For
8c8dKpwTat cf. 16.7 (with comment).
This is a fine verse, with a chiastic structure, Trdvnra and Trapeial fram-
ing the two slow, melancholy verbs. It gives a very vivid picture of the
humiliated and tear-stained child.
160
1
Book Twenty-Two
492 T h e verse is echoed at 499. Avttai presumably means 'approaches*

here.
493 Again notice the realistic visual detail: the child is trying desperately
to attract the attention of these indifferent grown-ups, perhaps also asking
for a suppliant's rights.
4 9 4 - 6 T h e tenses change here to a series of gnomic aorists.
494 KOTVXT) elsewhere in the Iliad is used of the hip-joint (5.306, 307). Cf.
however 23.34 KOTVMJPVTOV; and Od. 1 5 . 3 1 7 , 1 7 . 1 2 where KOTUAT| is used of
a beggar's cup. Various views about the word are given in Athenaeus
4 7 8 0 - 9 0 , but it must be some kind of small cup. Cf. also G . Bruns, Arch.
Horn, Q 44. TVT86V is adverbial, 'for a little*.
495 T h e repeated verb gives a pathetic close to this gnomic verse..
OropcpT) ('palate') occurs only here in poetry; cf. Hippocrates, Mochl. 39,
etc. This scene resembles Luke 16.21, where the beggar Lazarus is de-
scribed as 'desiring to be fed with the crumbs which fell from the rich
man's table*.
496—8 So too Hektor feared the shame of Andromakhe, when some
Greek would point her out in her slavery as 'Hektor's wife* ( 6 . 4 5 9 - 6 3 ) . For
the vital importance of the feast as a vehicle for honour see on 1 2 . 3 1 1 .
496 '(a boy) with both parents alive' again occurs only here
in early epic or archaic poetry; in this sense cf. PI. Lg. 927D (in a discussion
about the' protection of orphans against injury), Call. fr. 75.3; see also
L. Robert, HSCP Supp. vol. 1 (1940) 5 0 9 - 1 9 , Fraenkel on A . Ag. 1144-5
(where it is used metaphorically, as at A. Ch. 394). T h e form 8arr0s for Boris
is only found here. For brrv$£Ai(c ('shoves him away') see on 21.380.
497 6vci6c(oiotv: only here on its own, meaning 'reproaches'; cf. 1 . 5 1 9
(etc.) ¿VCI6E(OIS TRR&omv.
498 fpp* OGTG>S has a coarse, colloquial ring to it (so T ) . Cf. 2 1 . 1 8 4 | Kiio*
OUTCOS. prTa8alvuo6at recurs at 23.207, Od. 18.48.
5 0 0 - 1 With the name Astuanax we return to the particular case which
we left at 490. Cf. 6 . 4 7 4 where Hektor takes him in his arms. Still closer in
tone is Phoinix' description of how he used to take the child Akhilleus on
his knees and give him titbits of meat and wine to drink ( 9 . 4 8 5 - 9 1 ) . For
Homer's close observation of children's behaviour see also on 16.7-10,
1 6 . 2 5 9 - 6 5 . pOcXos recurs at 20.482, 2X Od.
502—4 vrymaxtutiv occurs only once in later literature, in a verse epi-
taph (RAM ( 1 8 7 9 ) 1 9 5 ) ; cf. vryrrlaxos 3X It. For tv dryicaAfStroi cf. 1 8 . 5 5 5
of boys harvesting; A b T take this as a diminutive form, suitable to the
littleness of the children. We met the nurse at 6.39gff., 6.467!^ cOvfl tvl
paAoocfj occurs 3X //., 1 x Od., in this position. OaXkov ('good cheer') is only
used here in Homer in this sense, later by Alcman and Callimachus; 66Ata
is really the plural of 6AXos, but closer in sense to ©AAiia, OaMf). T h e pathos
i6t
1
Book Twenty- Thrre
is enhanced by the triple repetition of the prepositional phrases, tv . . . Iv . . .

t v i . . . ; cf the similar effect at 2 4 . 6 1 4 - 1 5 .
505 For . . . dtpapTcov cf. 6.411 otu ¿âyapToOaq (Andromakhe to
Hektor).
506-7 O n the etymology of the name Astuanax cf. 6 . 4 0 2 - 3 , which this
recalls: T6V (>' "Eicroop KOA&OKC X»cau6rv8ptov, aCrrdtp ol AAAoi} 'Aorrudvancr'*
oTos y&p IpOrro "IAIOV "Eicrcop. This is echoed again by Priam at 2 4 . 4 9 9 . The
repetition of the name after 500 is rightly treated by the ancient commenta-
tors as a pathetic touch (bT 500): it has not pleased some modern critics.
For HRLKARJCIV see on 2 9 , and for TTUACXS xal TFIXK* uatcpd | cf. 4 . 3 4 . With the
apostrophe in 507 we return to Hektor, the subject of Andromakhe's open-
ing address ( 4 7 7 - 8 6 ) .
508 v6o$i Totrf)cw: cf. 2 4 . 2 0 8 , 24.211, and on this motif of dying (etc.)
far from one's parents see again Griffin, HLD 106-12.
509 The sound patterns of this verse are remarkable. at6Aai cOAaf
('wriggling worms'), entirely composed of vowels and liquids, is horribly
appropriate, and the verse ends with a series of harsh kappas. The whole
sentence culminates in the emphatic runover word yvpv6v.
510—14 Cf. b T 512-13: 'this is full of pathos and realistic: for together
with the dead, people also destroy their finest possessions, as a precaution
against their being used by others'. That is one possible reason for doing
this. T h e usual explanation is that the possessions are intended for the dead
man's use, as in the story of Periander's wife, whose ghost complained to
him that she was cold and naked because the clothes he had given her had
not been burnt (Hdt. 5.92T)). O n the practice among many peoples of
burying or burning a dead person's property, and the explanations given
f o r this, see E . S a m t e r , Volkskunde im altsprachlichen Unterricht 1 T e i l , Homer
(Berlin 1 9 2 3 ) 1 4 8 - 5 8 ; E. Rohde, Psych (English version, London 1 9 2 5 )
1 7 - 1 8 , 23; Kurtz and Boardman, Burial Customs 2 0 1 - 1 7 .
Here, however, the point is not that Homer ignores the belief that a dead
man could profit from such things. In addition to what b burnt by Akhilleus
on Patroklos' pyre ( 2 3 . 1 6 6 - 7 7 ) , he also promises him a share in the ransom
for Hektor's body ( 2 4 . 5 9 2 - 5 ) . T h e clothes are of no use because they cannot
serve their purpose of wrapping his body for burial (cf 16.680, 1 8 . 3 5 2 - 3 ,
2 4 . 5 8 0 - 1 , 2 4 . 5 8 8 , Od. 2 . 9 6 - 1 0 2 etc.). Instead, however, her act ol burning
them will be a kind of'substitute' funeral rite in his honour. It is all that she
can do, and it appropriately symbolizes both her devotion as a wife and her
despair at his loss.
It b appropriate that her speech should close with the thought of Hektor's
glory (icAtos), for this was the mainspring of all his actions during hb
lifetime, and thb is what will now survive for those who are left behind.
5 1 0 - t t For the thematic present form xfovTai cf. Od. 1 1 . 3 4 1 , 1 6 . 2 3 2 ,
162
1
Book Twenty- Thrre
and Chantraine, GH i 476. XrrrrA TC KOA \apitvra recurs at Od. 10.223,

where'the phrase is used of weaving again.
5x3-14 Kcrra^Xtyctv only occurs here in Homer; cf. Hes. Aspis 18 etc.
ov&kv col y* 64**05 is in apposition to the preceding verse. tyxcTo6ai again
occurs only here in Homer, hut is common later. For AXXit... TpcotAScov
cf. 24.215 AAA& 7Tp6 Tpcocov kcH TpcolABcov pa6uK6Aircov.
5x5 =24.746; see on 429. The repetition in 23.1 of the theme of 515
shows that there is a strong break at this point (see on 6.311-12).
163
1
B O O K T W E N T Y - THREE
In the life of Schiller by Frau K. von Wolzogen it is recorded that 'Schiller

once said in a melancholy mood: "If one had only lived in order to read the
twenty-third book of the Iliad, then one could not complain about one's
existence"' (Schillers Leben, Stuttgart and Tübingen 1845, 335). The gloomy
splendour of Patroklos' funeral will have appealed especially to a Romantic
of the Sturm und Drang period, but he must surely have also admired the
funeral games whose tone is so different, and whose manifold variety won
the praise of Goethe (cf. Lehrs, De Aristarchi studiis 428). In the first part of
the Book all is trdOos, but in the second the interest is above all on TjOos.
Together they make a beautifully balanced whole, and also an excellent
transition to the final scenes of the poem.
T h e Book is marked off not only by its unity of theme, but also by the
way in which the opening themes of grief for Patroklos and the fate of
Hektor's body (1 -26) are resumed at the beginning of book 24. In this part
of the poem the contrast between the treatment of the bodies of Patroklos
and Hektor is all-important, and it is recalled again at 23.179-91 where,
after setting light to the pyre, Akhilleus invokes Patroklos' spirit, saying that
he will give Hektor's body to the dogs. The poet adds that Aphrodite and
Apollo in fact protected it from harm. Against the dishonouring of Hektor
the unique honours paid to Patroklos at his funeral, the main theme of book
23, stand out in powerful contrast.
T h e funeral ends in mid-verse at 257, with a typically rapid Homeric
transition to the games. These occupy the remaining 640 verses, but more
than half (262-652) arc taken up by the chariot-race, which forms the
central panel of the Book's structure. Seven other contests follow, of which
the first three (boxing, wrestling and running) are clearly important and
occupy 145 verses in all, whereas the last four (armed duel, weight-throwing,
archery and javelin) are dealt with more briefly, in only too verses. There
is thus a marked sense of diminuendo: first the great sequence of scenes of
the funeral itself, followed by the chariot-race with all its excitement and
the complexity of its subordinate episodes, and then a series of ever-shorter
scenes, with a progressive relaxation of tension. This effect must be deliber-
ate, and those scholars who have argued that most of the final hundred
verses are a later addition seem to have missed this point. A function of the
funeral games themselves, both as heroic institution and epic narrative,
must be to defuse the intensity of passion accumulated in the struggles
164
1
Book Twenty- Thrre
181
which have preceded, leaving us at the end with a strong sense of restoration
of the normal, in terms of both emotion and conduct, in preparation for the
resolution of book 24.
In the poem's overall architecture book 23 clearly balances book 2 (cf.
Introduction, 'Structure'). Both fall into two main sections, in 2 the Achaean
assembly and the Catalogues, in 23 the Funeral and Games, themselves also
in catalogue-form. Book 2 paints a picture of a potentially demoralized and
disorderly army, whose morale is restored with difficulty by the leaders, an
ominous prelude to disasters to come, whereas in book 23 these disasters
are mosdy over, and order is restored and maintained in the games by the
firm hand of Akhilleus. Both show the whole army gathered together, for
war and for the contests which are 'the image of war without its guilt*. In 2
we hear the slow, majestic roll-call of the Achaean leaders and their fol-
lowers, whereas in 23 we bid farewell to most of the major Greek heroes of
the poem, who will not appear in its closing scenes. There are also many
echoes of episodes in the intervening narrative, and several threads which
can be traced forward beyond the story of the Iliad itself, which add to the
Book*s richness of texture.
In the funeral itself the aspect of excess in so much of the ritual is
very striking, by comparison with other epic funeral scenes. The poet is
depicting something on an exceptional scale, in keeping with the grandeur
of the poem as a whole, but above all as a reflection of the immensity of
Akhilleus* grief. The funeral procession, in which the whole army, chario-
teers in front, a vast throng of infantry behind, escort Patroklos* body and
lay their offerings of hair upon the corpse, must remind us of the funeral
scenes on the great balers of the Homeric period. The catalogue of offerings
placed on the pyre is unparalleled in scale elsewhere, and even the size of
the pyre itself ('a hundred foot square*) seems unusual, although it may be
matched in reality by the great burial mound at Lefkandi in Euboea (see
on 164). Unique too is the episode in which Iris summons the Winds to
make the pyre burn: Akhilleus b the only mortal who could evoke such a
divine response (see on 192-225).
After the intensity of the funeral, the games come as a welcome relief
and the tone b remarkably different. Akhilleus b perfectly in control, the
model &ycovo6£rr)$. There b great excitement and even laughter at times.
In the chariot-race quarrels break out among spectators and contestants
alike, and we are aware of the tensions still stored beneath the surface: but
here, in contrast to the opening of the Iliad, they are resolved, and Akhilleus
himself ensures that thb b so. T h e Book closes with Akhilleus awarding
Agamemnon the prize for the javelin, without allowing him to compete,
because he is 'supreme in power* (891). T h b courteous gesture sets the
final seal on their reconciliation, and Akhilleus* moderation and sense of
1
Book Twenty-Tuo
propriety prepare us for his change of heart when he receives Priam's

supplication.
The individual contests are full of vivid incident, but what stands out
most is the way the poet uses them to bring out, once again, some of his
heroes' strengths and weaknesses of character. It is in this sense that one can
describe them as ethical, as the Odyssey was seen to be in antiquity. Both
stand closer in some ways to later comedy than to tragedy (cf. F. Robert,
M¿langes Desrousseaux, Paris 1937, 405-16). This is nowhere more evident
than in the chariot-race. Running through its narrative can be discerned
the contrast between passionate ambition, with its disastrous results, and
reason, and also that between genuine good sense and skill misused. Nestor's
lecture to Antilokhos before the race with its sermon on piyriç (306-48) sets
the tone, and the final quarrel between Menelaos and Antilokhos is very
much concerned with these themes (566-613). After their reconciliation (a
morally "happy ending') Menelaos hands over the prize mare to Antilokhos'
companion Noemon (612-13) (surely a significant name), and Akhilleus
then awards the spare prize to wise old Nestor, whose speech of gratitude
rounds off the episode (626-50). His speech is called an alvos (652), and
it may contain a moral relevant to the chariot-race as a whole (see on
499-652).
If the whole poem until now has been largely concerned with the disas-
trous effects of strife, the games offer us a counterpart of a positive kind (like
Hesiod's 'good strife'), marking a peaceful close to the internal dissensions
of the Greeks.
f-34 When the Achaeans reach the ships, Akhilleus tells the Myrmidons to lament
Patroklos, and they drive their chariots thrice round the corpse, while he leads their
lament. He then gives them a funeralfeast
This lament is more official or ritualized than those in books 18 (314-42)
and 19 (282-302, 314-39)» as is shown by the reference to it as a ytpcrç
OOVÔVTCOV (9), and also by the motif of processing three times round the
corpse. This is echoed by Akhilleus when he drags Hcktor's body three
times round Patroklos' tomb (24.14-16), and the same motif occurs at the
funeral of Akhilleus himself (Od. 24.68-70). This is primarily a way of
paying tribute to the dead man, and perhaps also (as in other ceremonies
where something is encircled in this way) of symbolizing one's attachment
to him. This encirclement of the dead was also part of the mourning ritual
of Germanic peoples and others in the past: cf. Jordanes, Geiica ch. 49,
Beowulf 3169-72, and M. Andronikos. Arch. Horn, w (Totenkult) 14-15.
The funeral feast of the Myrmidons here precedes the burial, an order
which seems unusual. A feast follows the burial of Hektor (24.664-6,
166
1
Book Twenty- Thrre
24.801-4), and is mentioned also after the deaths of KJutaimestre and

Aigisthos (Od. 3.309-10). In the classical period and later the rrtplCiirrvov
took place after the funeral, but in the past sacrifices preceded it according
to [Plato], Minos 315c. Its placing here may be influenced by compositional
considerations, since the poet goes on directly from the burial to the funeral
games (contrast 257-8 with 24.801-2), and the feast would have inter-
rupted this sequence. Cf. also Od. 24.72-92 (burial followed by games), and
Andronikos, op. cit. 15-18. For parallels between the funeral of Patroklos
and the Thracian rites in Herodotus 5.8 see A. Petropoulou, AJP 109
(1988) 492-3.
i - i a T h e lamentation for Hektor at Troy merges with the laments for
Patroklos in the Achaean camp.
a - 5 For 2 cf. 15.233, 18.150 îOyovrts vfjds TE iccrl 'EXAfyrrrovTov
iKwvTat/lKovTO. For lire! see on 22.379. Verse 3 «= 19.277. For 5 cf. 129
ATCRRLKA MvppiixSvtcrat ^lAoirroAipoKTi riXeuot.
€ Mvpui8ov«s TorxCrrrwAoi: Cf. Aavacov -01 TOTXIRRRCBAWV -011 IOX //.
7 Crrr* 6x«tyi: elsewhere 6xc<tyi functions as a dative, here as an ablatival
form. Cf. Cmrd ( u y t y i v (24.576), Chantraine, GHi 234-41.
9 6 y&p y^por; tori 6OV6VTCOV: the relative is used for metrical reasons
instead of t 6 here, as at 12.344 = 357 & y&P 6x* ftpionrov drrrdvrtov, and
Od. 24.190 8 y&p yipas IOTI 6arv6vTcav. Cf. T 6 y&p ytpar$ FTRRL 8CCV6VTCOV 2 X
//., 1 x Od.
10 Cf. 98 6A00T0 TSTapiTcbueoâ y6oto |, 24.513 | avrT&p tmi £at y6oio
TrrdpTrrro, Od. 11.212 Kpucpoto TFrapmoueoOa y6oio |. b T quote Aeschylus
(fr. 385 N. f ): ol TOI orcvarypol TWV TT6VCOV lAyorra.
Ki 6opirÂOMCV tvOdSc TTAVTIS: at 19.206-14 and 303-8 Akhilleus refuses
to eat until sunset. It looks as if he now intends to break his fast and
share in the funeral feast, and perhaps he shares also in the meal with
Agamemnon which follows (cf. 48).
13—16 At 19.211 - 1 3 Patroklos* body was in Akhilleus' hut, whereas here
it is on the shore: it has obviously been moved in the meantime, but the
poet does not need to account for such details.
13 Wrpixots . . . famous: cf. 301, 351 Wrpixcrs WTTAICTOG' hrrroi/s |. The
phrase occurs only in book 23; cf. KCtXAlTpixcrs -<S brrrous -0» 11 x //., 3X
Od.
14 prrA 54 0^1 ©iris y6ov Tpcpov £>poi: Thetis and the Nereids joined
Akhilleus in lament at 18.35^., and at Akhilleus' own funeral they all
appear to mourn for him, and the Muses also lament (Od. 24.47-62). Here,
however, Thetis is not actually said to appear in person to the Myrmidons.
T h e mention of Thetis may be influenced by the epic tradition about
Akhilleus' death: cf Kakridis, Researches 84; vol. v, p. 18.
13—16 The repetition of SCOOVTO adds pathos, as do the runover word
167
1
Book Twenty- Thrre
SAxpuat and the wistful tone of TOTOV yAp TTAOEOV . . . Virgil imitates these
verses directly at Aen. i 1 . 1 9 1 spargitur et tellus lacrimis, sparguntur et armat in a
passage influenced by this episode {Aen. 11.188-90 23.13-14, 11.197-9
~ 23.30-3 and 166-7, 1 «201 —2 ~ 23.154-5). For pôrcopa ^6^010 see on
1
4.328.
17—18 These verses exactly repeat the description of Akhilleus' mourn-
ing for Patroklos in book 18 (316-17); see comment.
19—23 Akhilleus* speech recalls his promises at 18.333-7 and 22.354
(and cf. 21.27-32 where he took the twelve Trojan prisoners). It is echoed
at 179-83.
19 teal elv *At$ao 86110101: ''even in Hades*. Cf. the similar use of teal by
Akhilleus in this context at 22.389-90 (itv *A!$ao... teal KCTBI) and 23.103-4
(teal clv'AtSao 66110101).
20 T«Ako is probably present, 'I am already accomplishing*; see on
*79-83.
21 <bpA 8Aaaof)ai: cf. Od. 18.87 M^8E6 T' I^cpOaas 6coq xuolv d>pA
6Aaaa6ai (and similarly Od. 22.476). Here one can understand Kpla with
¿HK5C (cf. 22.347).
02—3 These verses repeat 18.336-7 (67To5€ipoToutâa>; see comment).
04 22.395 (see comment). Here it seems to refer primarily to the
immediate action of leaving Hektor stretched out face downward in the
dust (25-6), but presumably also to Akhilleus* continued maltreatment of
the body later (24.14-18).
2 5 - 8 Cf. 2 4 . 1 7 - 1 8 T6V 51 T* EOOKEV J TV K6VI b a a w a a s Trpo-rrprjvter. T h i s is
in itself an insult, as a body would normally be laid out on its back for
burial. A^KrrrAI&oGai only occurs here in Homer, and rarely in later Greek.
27 xAAxca nappafpovra occurs 3X It. For Auov 8* 0\fr|x&rs Iirrrous see
comment on 5.770-2 {adJin.) Oyrjx^S ttnroi. This epithet occurs only on
these two occasions in Homer, and later once in Philostratus. Here there
was a variant AVOVTO 8K ucovuxas TTTTTOVS (?Did/A), and a few M S S read
Ov|*xvx£vas which is a variant at 5.772 (in [Longinus] 9.5).
29 liOptoi recurs as an emphatic runover word of the whole Greek army
at 134 and 2.468. For TA$OV . . . 6 a i w ('gave a funeral feast*) cf. Od.
3.309 8 a l w TA$OV, and Baiwvai yApov 19.299, Od. 4.3. always means
'funeral rites* in Homer, never 'tomb'.
30—4 An elaborate sentence with four parallel clauses describes the feast.
Verses 30-3 consist of three clauses with emphatic repetition of initial
iToAAoi, runover in the first clause and an extended two-verse third clause:
these refer to the slaughter of oxen, sheep and goats, and pigs (suggesting
comparison with the later suooetaurilia, or sacrifice of pig, sheep and bull).
Verse 34 rounds the sentence off with a vivid description of the blood
168
1
Book Twenty- Thrre
flowing 'everywhere around the corpse*. The verses are similar to 9 . 4 6 4 -

9: ^ pfev iroXAA . . . XtaaApcvoi Kernpfjivov . . . | TTOXXA 6i tywt PFJXA KOI
ciXIrroBas {Aucas pou* | Ee$a£ovf uoAAol & CUES OOX&OVTCS 6Aoi$f) | c06p£voi
TCCVOOVTO 616 4»Xoy6s " Hâicrroio, | TTOXX6V 6' IK Kcpducov pftk/ TTIVCTO TOIO
yipovTos. Cf. Thracian funeral rites (Hdt. 5.8): ncrv-roTa crÂfcnrrcs lp/pa
eOa>xtovTcnt TrpoKXavaavTes wp&Tov.
30-1 These verses were athetized by some critics (T), on the ground that
'iron did not exist at that time*.
30 p6f$ Apyol: only here of oxen; cf. kOvi? -as (fr66as) Apyoi -0O5 3X //.,
3X Od., where it is thought to mean 'swift', and Apy^v x^*** (Od. 15.161),
where it has its basic sense of'shining*. b T objected that only black victims
were sacrificed to the dead, but suggested as one answer that they are
intended here as a feast for the living. Presumably this is correct, but the
sense here may be 'sleek*, 'glistening', rather than 'white'. Cf. Chantraine.
Diet. s.v.
6p£x&o y : this occurs only here in Homer, once in Aristophanes (Nub.
1368), and frequently in Hellenistic and later verse. It was explained here
as either 'bellowed* (cf. /boxMv), or 'stretched themselves out', 'struggled'
(cf. 6p£yco6an), or 'were cut open* (cf. 4p*xfoiv= 'rend*, 'break'). Modern
philology has favoured the second view (Chantraine, Diet. s.v.). In Hellenistic
poetry it seems to mean either 'throb', 'swell' or 'roar' (cf. Gow on Theocr.
Id. 11.43). T h e ancient interpretation 'bellow' was based on the assumption
that it was onomatopoeic (iccrrA plpi}cnv fix0^ Tpaxôs Trrrrolr)TAI T6
b T etc.), and this deserves to be taken seriously, as in the case of jbox&Iv (cf.
schol. Od. 5.402).
3 2 - 3 C f . 9.467-8 ( q u o t e d o n 30-4). Apyi68ovTcs u t s b e l o n g s t o a f o r -
m u l a r g r o u p : c f . | A p y » 6 S o v T o s uos 1 x II., 3 X Od., o v s s Apyi68ovTcs |
2 X Od., ( j u v & y p t o v & p y i 6 6 o v T a | 9 . 5 3 5 , OCJV i v a c ' ApyioBAvTcov | Od.
14.416.
34 KQTVXT*) pvrrov... alpa: literally this means 'blood drawn off in cupfuls*
(cf. Apuco). The epithet occurs only here and in Nicander (Th. 5 3 9 ) , but the
phrase is imitated by Callimachus (?) fr. 773 Pf. Ki/XudjpvTov alpa. Its
uniqueness draws our attention to the scene. Aristarchus took it as meaning
here 'abundantly enough to be taken up in cups* (Arn/A), which could well
be right in this context. Leaf argued that the blood was actually caught in
cups and then poured out as a gift for the dead man, and Mazon (REA 42
(1940) 2 5 5 - 6 ) independently takes the same view. Leaf compared the
blood for the ghosts in the Odyssey (io.535ff. etc.), and (more appropriately)
E. Hec. 5 3 4 - 8 , where Akhilleus' ghost is offered Poluxena's blood. But one
might expect the ritual to be more explicitly described, in this case. Cf. also
Andronikos, Arch. Horn, w 1 6 - 1 7 .
169
1
Book Twenty- Thrre
35-61 The leaders escort Akhilleus to Agamemnon and tnvtte him to wash, but he
refuses to do so until Patroklos is buried. He tells t em to eat and to prepare for the
funeral, and they take their supper and go to bed. Akhilleus then lies down to sleep at
the edge of the sea
37 errrouSfj means 'with difficulty', as at 2.99 etc.

38-41 For 38 cf. 1 1 . 6 1 7 ol 8 ' 6T£ 8F) KAICI^V NqA^'idScco AÎKOVTO, etc.
Verse 39 = 2.442 (with KiAEvcrc). For 40-1 cf. 18.344-5 (with comment)
Ap$l m/pl OTTjaai TplTroSa pfyav, 6$pa t A x i o t o | fldTpoKAov Aovcrctov frrro
PP6TOV alporrAcvTa. A p $ l . . . ufyav also recurs at 22.443.
4a Cf. 19.304-8, where Akhilleus refuses food because of his grief, and
HyDem 47-50 where Demeter in her grief at the loss of Persephone abstains
from both food and washing (Richardson, Hymn to Dem ter 165-8).
43 As Monro and Leaf pointed out, the use of 69 T!S TE here after the
antecedent Zfjva is unusual, since this combination of relative plus gener-
alizing TI normally refers to an indefinite antecedent. This looks like an
echo of the familiar religious formula exemplified by A. Ag. 160 Zsvs &rris
TTOT' torlv (cf. Fraenkel ad loc., and E. Norden, Agnostos Thtos, 4th edn.
Darmstadt 1956, 144-7), whereby one makes allowance for uncertainty
over the proper way to address a god. Leaf suggests 'Zeus, or by whatever
name the highest of the gods is to be called'. Oc&v Crnorros teal Apioros was
used at 19.258 ( = Orf. 19.303), in an invocation of Zeus as witness to an
oath. Here the whole verse adds a weighty religious sanction to Akhilleus'
refusal.
44 oil 6lpts: this phrase too probably implies a specifically divine sanc-
tion, as at 14.386 etc.: see Richardson on HyDem 207, where 06 6tprr6v is
similarly used by Demeter in the context of her abstention from wine,
and Parker, Miasma 68.
46 KilpaoOal TI K6PT}v recurs at Od. 4.198, and cf. Od. 24.46 Ktfpavrd TI
XaiTas. Sec on 127-53, where this is done for Patroklos.
47 Cf. &X°S KpaBlTjv *al GVYAV IKAVCI (4X II.) etc., and 22.387-8 6$p'
irv Eycoyc | £ox>!aiv prrko. The form lirrclco for urrko is due to metrical
lengthening.
48 This resembles 8.502-3 9.65-6 (cf. Od. 12.291 - 2 ) : AAA' fjTot vOv
u£v TTEtOcopcOa WKTI ucAalvr) | 66pira V ¿ôrrAtodutcofa. Akhilleus implies
that the whole idea of eating is still abhorrent and simply a matter of
necessity: hence trci6cbpc9a. Cf. Od. 7.216-21, where Odysseus describes his
stomach as o*n/ycp/|, and explains how it compels him to eat despite his
sorrow, and Od. 17.286-9, 18.53-4. The variant TcpTtcbuiOa, mentioned by
A T and found in one papyrus, is out of place, and presumably due to the
idea that TT£i(k»HK0a 6arri is an odd expression.
49 firpuvf was Bentley's reading for the MSS' Arpwov (aorist imperative),
170
1
Book Twenty- Thrre
to preserve the digamma of &va£. This is an unnecessary change, and Allen

reads ¿Tpuvov in his edition of 1931.
50 6OXJ* £m€iK*s: nearly all M S S read <b$, as in 19.147 TrapaaxMv <bs
tm«»ds (etc.). This would require the omission of 51, which could in theory
be an added verse. But it seems best to read 6aaa and keep 51.
51 vfeoOon Cord ( t y o v fcp&VTa: cf. 21.48, where vfeo6ai is used of going
down to Hades.
5 2 - 3 6$p* flroi . . . 6$6aApa>v: a rather compressed way of saying 'so that
the fire may burn him and he may be taken from our sight more quickly*.
5 4 - 8 For 5 5 - 6 cf. Od. 14.347 toovplvws Ttapdt 8Tva 8aX6airrj5 86prrov
IAOVTO. Here the adverb picks up Akhilleus' note of urgency, and the poet
describes the meal in a summary form (cf. bT). Verses 56-7 « 1.468-9 etc.
For 58 cf. 1.606 (and 3X Od.) o! KCKKEIOVTC? F£av OTK6V8< fxaoros.
59-61 As elsewhere (1.348-50, 24.3-13) Akhilleus seeks relief from his
sorrow on the edge of the sea: 'that Akhilleus lies down by the shore in the
open is a manifestation of grief (Eust. 1287.33); ' ^ e overtones of 0Tva . . .
OaXdaaris and so on are often of tension or sadness* (Kirk on 1.34: see also
on 1.350). Here, however, he is still surrounded by his companions, whereas
in books t and 24 he seeks solitude, as Odysseus does too on Kalupso*s island'
(CW. 5.81-4, 5.151-8).
61 ¿v KCr6apa> 69i: cf. 8.491 •» 10.199. bt tcaOapcp means 'in a clear space*.
The sound patterns of this verse, especially the insistent triple alliteration
of kappa and the slow, spondaic ending, focus attention on this scene of
Akhilleus lying in his misery on the seashore beside the resounding breakers.
62-108 Akhilleus sleeps, and Patroklos* ghost visits him in a dream and delivers
ins true tiorts for his funeral. Akhilleus tries vainly to embrace him, but his spirit slips
away and leaves him. He awakes and tells his companions of the vision
62 = Od. 20.56. Cf. Od. 23.342-3 6TE ol yXwus Crrrvos | AucnpcAfc frripovae,
AOoov peA£6V)pcrra OupoO. For Oirvo$ IpaprrrE cf. 24.679. pcA&qpa only oc-
curs here in //., 4X Od.
63 For W)6upos 6p$ixu0t(? cf. 14.253. In neither case is it possible to treat
vf|5upo$ as a false reading of -v f^Supos, since it opens the verse, although
that may be how the word came into being originally: see on 2.2.
64 "Eicrop* trratoocov: it seems best to take "Etrrop* as accusative rather
than dative here, 'harrying Hektor as far as Ilios': cf. 7.240, 12.308 p6dov/
Tfixos hratâi.
65 8' kn\ yv/x^ evidently a formula in such contexts, as at Od.
11.84, 11.90, 11.387, 11.467, of the successive appearances of new ghosts to
Odysseus. Here and at Od. 11.387 the 84 is apodotic. This is the only
occasion in the Iliad where a vision of a ghost is described, and the only
1 7 1
1
Book Twenty- Thrre
other dream described at length occurs at 2.5-41 (see Introduction, 'Struc-

ture'). For narpoKXiios 80A0T0 cf. 17.670, 2 3 . 1 0 5 , 2 3 . 2 2 1 . 8tiAo?o is used in
the Iliad only in this phrase describing Patroklos (17.670-73^). O n dreams
In Homer see also West on Od. 4.795!!*., and E. L£vy, 'Le reve homerique',
Ktbna 7 ( 1 9 8 2 ) 2 3 - 4 1 .
66—7 'The detailed description of the appearance of the dream-vision is
very effective: for Akhilleus still has his friend's voice ringing in his ears' ( I").
Verse 66 resembles the formular cTB6s TS TE ^VI^V T* fiyxurra feclnc«
(etc.) ( 2 . 5 8 etc.), and Od. 1.208 alvws pfcv KE$aA/)v TC KOTI fipporra xaA6
IOIKOS. It is appropriate to single out Patroklos' 'lovely eyes' here, ircpl XP°T
EIIIOTTO fenro occurs only here in //., 4X Od.
6 8 = 2 4 . 6 8 2 and 4 X Od.; cf. 2.20, 2.59. T h e context is similar in all
cases: an image of a god or a human appears to someone who is asleep or
(Od. 2 0 . 3 2 ) unable to sleep. Cf. also 1 0 . 4 9 6 - 7 , and see on 2 . 2 0 - 1 . In later
Greek literature a dream-figure is often said to 'stand over' (IIRICTT^vai) the
dreamer: cf. E. R. Dodds, The Greeks and the Irrational (Berkeley 1951)
105-6.
69*92 This is the longest speech by a dream-figure in Homer. Patroklos
begins by rebuking Akhilleus for sleeping and forgetting him. This is typical
of such scenes: cf. 2 . 2 3 - 4 . . . | oO YP^L TTOWVXIOV COSCIV . . . , 2 4 . 6 8 3 &
yipov, oO vu TICTOIyc plAti KOK6V, OTOV W CO&CI? . . . , Od. 6 . 2 5 Nai/<mc6a, T(
vO a ' d>8f ueOVjuova ycivorro u^|Tr|p; also the reproach to a sleeper at 10.159,
the opening e&Seis at Od. 4.804, and Pindar, 0. 13.67 E08CI$, AtoAI&cr paoiAcG;
A. Eum. 94 «08OIT' 6V, wfj, xal Ka0iv8oua«v TI 8ET; See also E. Levy, Kthna
7 (1982) 3 6 - 7 .
He then instructs Akhilleus to bury him quickly, explaining why, and
begs him to give him his hand for the last time, recalling their companion-
ship in life. Reference to his own death leads him to foretell Akhilleus'
impending doom, and this in turn to a further instruction that their bones
should be buried together in a single coffin: once again this leads back to
recollection of their closeness in life, as they grew up together in Peleus'
house, when Patroklos was received there in exile for homicide. Verses
8 3 - 9 1 form a ring, 8 3 - 4 being answered by 8 9 - 9 1 . Verse 92 is probably a
later addition (see comment).
H i e structure of the speech deserves attention. It begins with a series
of solemn, end-stopped sentences ( 6 9 - 7 4 ) , containing the main message
the ghost has to convey. Then the emotional level rises, as he refers to
their companionship, and it is significant that we begin to get more com-
plex sentences with some enjambment ( 7 5 - 8 1 ) . The second instruction
is expressed in three verses ( 8 2 - 4 ) , followed by the more leisurely nar-
rative development of 8 5 - 9 0 , with the closing verse 9 1 . It is typical of
Homeric psychology that Patroklos' ghost gives an extra impulsion to what
1 7 2
1
Book Twenty-Three
is already Akhilleus' own wish (cf. 52-3 and 71), as often with supernatural
motivation.
€9 AtAaaph** IrrAcv: cf. 13.269 AcAaaplvov Ippevai.
70 AxfjStts: imperfect of AKTI84OJ; cf. 14.427 dxfjScacv.
7 1 - 4 Patroklos states for the first time in Homer the common ancient
view that it was cremation or burial which enabled the soul to enter Hades
properly; hence the corollary that thereafter it would not revisit the world
above (75-6). Arn/A on 73 notes that the (athetized) second Nekuia (Od.
24.1-204) contradicts this, as there the souls of the unburied suitors meet
the other ghosts in Hades.
71 TTVACCS 'AtSao TTEPÔCO: cf. 5.646 M/Aas 'ATSao MP^CRIIV |. mpfyrco is
probably subjunctive here (Met me pass' or 'that I may pass'): see on 22.418.
7a Tf}Ai pc cTpyouoi: elsewhere we find ( f ) i p y w , Upyw, and here
the reading perhaps represents an original p' tipyouoi or p£ Ipyouoi
(Chantraine, GH1 181). For y v x a l dBcoAa Kap6vrroov cf. Od. 24.14, cIScoAa
xapdvTcov | Od. 11.476. Kapdmras alone meaning 'the dead' occurs at 3.278.
7 3 Crrrip noTapoIo: presumably this means the Styx (cf. 8.369). The
oblique reference suggests that everyone would know what is meant.
74 6v' tOpurrvAis "Ai&os 8£>: cf. Od. 11.571 KCCT' tOpvnvAfcs "A\'5os 6to. The
epithet occurs nowhere else, and like many descriptions of Hades suggests
the multitude of the dead (see on HyDem 9, 379). There is an apparent
contradiction between this statement and 71, but the topography of the
Underworld is always vague.
75 Kal pot 86$ "rfjv XC'P>: 'his gesture is here presumably intended as
an expression of both affection and farewell, as often in Greek art (cf.
Neumann, Gesten und Gebarden 49-58), rather than simply as a confirmation
of Akhilleus' pledge to bury Patroklos, as Mazon suggests (REA 42 (1940)
257). Cf. Odysseus' parting from Penelope before he went to Troy (Od.
18.257-8), where he clasps her right hand when giving her instructions
about what to do after he has gone. Patroklos' own ignorance of how useless
his request is adds to the pathos of the scene.
6Ao$Opopoci: 'I beg you'. Leaf compares 2.290 6$0povTai OTK6V$€ vfeoGai,
but there the infinitive expression gives the content of 68vpovrai.
76 Although elsewhere vioouai has a present sense, it seems to be used as
a future here. It is related to viopai, Wxrros. For hrVjv pc Trvpd$ AeAAxq-rc cf.
7.79-80, 22.342-3 &$pa Ttvp6s pc 1 . . . AcAdxcooi 0av6vTa, and sec on
* 5-350-
77—91 These verses arc quoted by Aeschines, Contra Timarchum 149,
with a text which varies considerably from our vulgate, especially from 81
onwards.
77 oO pfcv y6p: Aeschines and some of the city texts (Did/A) read oO y&p
iTk
1 7 3
Book Twenty-Three
7 8 - 9 AAA* t\ii pfcv K^p | Ap$^x av€ crrvyipr]: 'a hateful doom has gaped
around me', a vivid expression. AP$IXAOKCO occurs only here in earlv epic,
and (hen in Attic tragedy and later poetry.
fj Trcp A<5cx€ yc»v6pev6v -rrcp: one's day of death or doom is fixed at birth.
Cf. 2 0 . 1 2 7 - 8 Aacra ol ATaa | yiyvopivw ¿TT^vrjag Aiva>, OTE p»v T£KE p^TT)p,
2 4 . 2 0 9 - 1 0 , etc.
80-1 In the context of Akhilleus' death the formula 8eoTs TMCLKEA' *AX»AAEO
is pathetic.
81 Eirn4>€v€wv was the reading of Rhianus and Aristophanes (Did/A) for
the vulgate cCrrjyevecov. cvrjycvrjs occurs at 1 1 . 4 2 7 , HyAphr 2 2 9 , rarely in later
poetry, and as a proper name at Eretria in the fifth century B.C. EOrnjfcvfis
or EOOÊWIS occur as proper names several times (O. Masson, Rev. Phil. 3 9
( 1 9 6 5 ) 2 3 6 - 7 ; see also 2 3 9 - 4 0 ) , and EVT)4>EV&>VTa in epic verse at P. Oxy.
1 7 9 4 . 1 3 . But eCnyyEvfa is an abnormal formation for EvyEvfa or
whereas Evq^cv/is (cf. EO- + Aêvos) is normal. Consequently modern schol-
ars favour the latter, although it is not easy to see why this should have been
replaced by an abnormal form, or why this should have proved so dominant
in the tradition, whereas Evrj^tvkov looks as if it might be a conjecture bv
Rhianus and Aristophanes. It is also not easy to see why the Trojans should
be categorized as 'wealthy* here, in what is clearly not a formular expres-
s i o n , whereas 'noble* is thr kind of general term one might expect. It seems
better therefore to accept that the anomalous EOrjyEV^ may have already
existed in the epic tradition at the time of the Iliad.
After this the Acschines quotation adds an extra verse papvApEvov 5r|tois
'EAIvqs IVEK* fjOxopoto, which is composed of formular elements: cf. | pApv-
crodai 8T)tois(i) 4 X II.; 'EAIVTJS IVEK' Ôxipoio 9 . 3 3 9 , 'EA£VTIS TTAOIS ÔxApoio
6 x II.
8a This verse occurs only here instead of the formular AAAo 51 TOI tp&o,
ov 5' frri pAAAcoofioiv (4X //., yx Od.), which Aeschines* text reads.
Cf. 2 1 . 2 9 3 avrrAp TOI TTVKIV&S Crn-odrjaApiO', a! KE •mdt'jai, and similarly Od.
1.279. This phrasing is obviously better suited to the pleading tone of
Patroklos' ghost.
83 Tidi}p«vai: this form of TiOiptvai, lengthened metrigratia, recurs at 247;
cf. 1 0 . 3 4 TIWIUEVOS.
83—4 After 83 Aeschines* text adds two verses:
AAA' Tva TRIPCTExal aCrrdv Apoirj y a l a KEKEOOIJ (cf. 18.329)

ypvotcp §v Ap$t$opE? T6V TOI TT6PE TTOTVICI pi'jTrjp
d>S 6po0 HpA<f>Oplv TTEp . . .
The second verse replaces 92, which this version omits.

8 4 cos TPA$op4v TT6p: this (cf. Aeschines' ¿TPAôpiv TTEp) was suggested by
'74
1
Book Twenty- Three
Buttmann and La Roche, for the vulgate cbs ¿Tpd^v irtp (also in Lucian,
Paras. 47), and the variant (in two papyri, several MSS, and mentioned by
A) §Tpd$Tiut£V. The short vowel before t p (tTpA^rjv) is rare in Homer, but
it occurs where the word would not otherwise scan without distortion
('Au^rrpOcov, TTTPAKVKAOV), which is the case here, and even where it could
(âphprft, &AA6Tpto$, 'OrpwTCus): cf. Chantraine, GH 1 108. So it is not
impossible, and there is more to be said for the singular ¿Tpd$T]v, since it is
picked up by 85-90 (especially 89 90 ?v8a u« . . . Srpa$€ ...); cf. van der
Valk, Researches II 330-1.
85—90 Exile for homicide is a common motif in Homer: cf. 16.570-6, the
story of another of Akhilleus' companions, Epeigeus, who was received
by Pelcus and Thetis after he had killed his cousin. Other examples are
Tlepolemos (2.661-7), Medon (13.694-7), Lukophron (15.430-2 and
437-9), and in the Odyssey Odysseus in disguise (13 258-73), an Aetolian
(14.379-81), and Theoklumenos (15.224!^, 272-6). Cf. the simile at
24.480-3, which suggests how common this may still have been in the poet's
own times. For this motif see on 13.694-7, and Strasburger, Kleinen Kampfer
29-3» •
Peleus seems to be particularly associated with this theme of giving a new
home to exiles: besides Patroklos and Epeigeus there was also Phoinix, who
left home after a quarrel with his father over a concubine, and who in one
version of the text had considered killing his father (9.447-84).
Another way of avoiding a blood-feud was by payment of a fine to the
dead man's kinsmen (9.632-6, 18.497-508). In general see R . J . Bonner
and G. Smith, The Administration of Justice from Homer to Aristotle 1 (Chicago
'93°) ' 5 - * 1 -
In the case of Patroklos, because he was only a boy his father took him to
Peleus. Later, when Patroklos was about to join Agamemon's expedition,
Menoitios is again said to have been present in Phthic (11.765-90), and
Akhilleus speaks of having promised Menoitios that he would bring his son
back safe to Opoeis (18.324-7).
87 rraTBa . . . 'Au$i6dtja\rro$: the name also occurs at 10.268-9, where it
belongs to a man from Kuthera, and as that of the historical king at whose
funeral games Hesiod won a prize, at Hes. Erga 654-6. But there seems no
reason to suppose (as West does ad loc.) that Homer's choice of the name is
influenced by Hesiod here.
88 v/jmos, oux E&Acov: W)-mos suggests both folly and also childish irre-
sponsibility here. oCnc £&Acov makes it clear that the act was involuntary
or accidental, an interesting point in view of the later historical impor-
tance attached to the distinction between different forms of homicide.
AcrrpaydAoiai yoAcoOcls: the word AcrrpdyaAos occurs as the name
175
1
Book Twenty- Three
of a vertebra at 14.466, Od. 10.560, 11.65, but only here in Homer for the
game of knuckle-bones, which were used as a form of dice in antiquity. Cf.
Hdt. 1.94.3, where this is claimed by the Lydians as their invention, and
Laser, Arch. Horn, T 117-22. According to Did/AT the majority of early
scholarly editions (al TTACÎOUÇ TWV Kerr* &v5pa) here read âcrrporyécAijaiv
Ipiaaas, using an Ionic feminine form of the noun which was found in
Anacreon ( P M G fr. 53).
90 For ¿TpcKpc many MSS in fact read 6Tp€$E, and elsewhere ¿Tpa$ov is
intransitive (2.661 etc.), so we should probably prefer lrpE4>£ here. èv6uK«oç
recurs only 3X //., all in book 24, but i 6 x Od. 'With good will' would
perhaps give the general sense. It is used particularly in contexts of caring
for or feeding someone, and often the translation 'steadfastly' seems suit-
able, but the basic sense is not certain. Cf. Chantraine, Diet, s.v., Leumann,
//W311-12.
91 aop6ç: only here in early epic. Later it means a coffin, but it may have
originally meant simply any container (Chantraine, Diet. J.P.). Patroklos'
bones are actually put in a ^»<5cArj after the cremation, m d this is placed in
Akhillcus' hut to wait until he too has died (243-4, 252-4). Hektor's bones
arc put in a AàpvaÇ (24.795), and the scholia assume that this is what is
meant here, but it could be an urn. In actual practice, whereas inhuma-
tion burials in the late Bronze and early Iron Ages are sometimes laid in
coffins, for cremation burials, especially in the early Iron Age and Geo-
metric period, clay or metal urns are much more common: cf. Kurtz and
Boardman, Burial Customs 21-67; Andronikos, Arch. Horn, w 7 1 - 6 , 102-4;
and especially the very fine bronze vessel containing the bones of the
warrior of Lcfkandi (M. Popham, E. Touloupa and L. H. Sackett, Antiquity
56 (1982) 169-74).
93 Cf. Od. 24.73-4 B&ke 81 piVrnp | x p ^ e o v àp$>i$opfja, for Akhiileus'
burial. It is there said to be a gift of Dionusos and the work of Hephaistos.
Aristarchus saw that verse 92 had been added in order to make the passage
agree with the account in Odyssey 24, and he athetized it (Arn/A, T ) . T h e
verse is omitted by the Ptolemaic papyrus (pap. 12), and 'was not in all the
MSS* used by Aristarchus. 'This is the only place where an ancient athetesis
corresponds to an omission in a prc-Aristarchean papyrus' (West, Ptolemaic
Papyri 171). Aeschincs' text omits the verse, although the vessel is mentioned
in the verses added after line 83. Cf. also R. Janko, vol. iv, p. ¿8.
Stesichorus later embroidered the story of this vessel, making it a reward
to Thetis from Dionusos for her reception of him after his pursuit by
Lukourgos (PAIG fr. 57 ap. schol. A B D I I . 23.92; cf. 6.135-7). It may, then,
be the vessel which Dionusos carries on the François Vase, as Rumpf
suggested (Gnomon 25 (1953) 470)- It is possible that the description of
176
1
Book Twenty-Three
193
the amphora in Odyssey 24 was originally suggested by the mention at //.
23.243 and 253 of the $t&Ar) in which Patroklos' bones are to be kept until
Akhilleus' death. See also M. W. H ¡islam, TAP A 121 ( 1 9 9 1 ) 3 5 ~ 4 5 -
93 After this verse pap. 12 adds f)6u p<5tAa Kvwomov i]v ¿vtipcl^cn -rrvAqcnv,
which is borrowed from Od. 4.809, where 8 1 0 re embles //. 2 3 . 9 4 .
94 Cf. Od. 4.810 -rim*, Kaoiyvf|TT)f 6cvp' fjAv/fos; and Od. 5.87 Titm poi,
'Epiicfa xpwdpporm, clAVjAov8crs; For ÔeCti KS$<£AT) see on 2 2 . 2 2 9 . Accord-
ing to Arn/A it is an address used by a younger towards an older man, and
Patroklos was in fact older than Akhilleus ( 1 1 . 7 8 7 ) . Chamaeleon (fr. 1 9
Wehrli) read <2> 6C(T) M$dAr) here, which would be 'ridiculous when ad-
dressed to a ghost' (Did, Arn/A). After 94 pap. 12 may have had another
extra verse, and possibly two more again after 96: see West, Ptolemaic Pap ri
»72.
97—101 In the same way in Od. 11.204—22 Odysseus tries to embrace his
mother's ghost, but she slips through his hands, and when he asks her why
she explains that the soul is like a dream-image. Verses 9 7 - 8 resemble Od.
11.211 - 1 2 6$pa koI civ *At5ao $(Aas trtpl x^P* PaAAvrt | dcyô-ripco KpuEpoto
TTrapTTcbpcoBa y6oio. Here 6|i$tpaA6vTE probably governs AAAi'jAovs, as
Trrap-mbiiEoOa is usually intransitive (see on 2 3 . ( 0 ) . The variant xpucpoTo
(A) in 98 may be derived from Od. 11.212. In 97, as often, pivuvOa is
pathetic; and 98 is a powerfully constructed four-word verse, with balance
and assonance at the end of each hemistich.
9 9 ¿bp^crro XCPOL $fAqow: cf. HyDem 1 5 cbpi£oTo \Bpa\v
1 0 0 - 1 vfvxî... Trrpiyvta: cf. Od. 2 4 . 5 - 9 , where the souls of the suitors
are like squeaking bats (24.9 Trrpiyulon), and the fledgeling birds eaten by
the snake at II. 2 . 3 1 4 , lActivA . . . Trrpiyclrras. The comparison to smoke is
wonderfully effective. At Od. 11.207-8 the soul flies away endrj cTwAov xal
6velpcp; cf. also II. 18.110, where x ^ o s rises in men's breast f)Ort Kcnrv6$.
1 0 1 Ta4><bv 8 ' &v6pouatv 'Ax»AAtus recurs at 9 . 1 9 3 , 1 1 . 7 7 7 .
109 0vpiTAaT&yr)<7tv: a vivid onomatopoeic word, which occurs only
here in early Greek literature, and rarely later, although TrAonrayfiv is
commoner in Hellenistic and later poetry. Most of our MSS read auirrrcrr-
Aynorcv, presumably under the influence of the Homeric TrArayos.
hros 8' 6Ao$u8v6v IEITTE: as at 5 . 6 8 3 (see comment), Od. 19.362. 6Ao$U6V6S
('lamenting') is a Homeric gloss which recurs later in an epigram of Anyte
(AP 7 . 4 8 6 ) . According to Chantraine, Diet. s.v. 6Ao$vpoi*cn, it is a second-
ary formation, like yoe8v6$ in relation to yoep6$.
103—7 Akhilleus draws the natural conclusion from hb dream that after
all there is some kind of existence after death: the and an image
(cTdcoAov) of the person does survive. T h b suggests debate on thb subject
already in Homer's time; cf. the similar hesitancy of 24.592-3.
1
Book Twenty-Three
103-4 Tl S some of our \1SS read Tt, i.e. 'the soul and image are
something even in Hades' halls', or perhaps 'there is something . . . , a soul

and image'. This may have been what Propertius read, as his sunt aliquid
manes echoes it (4.7.1k and it seems preferable to T15, which goes rather
awkwardly with KCX* eTBcoAov. Cf. perhaps PI. Phaedo 6305 fOcXirls dpi
flval -n Tots TeTeXamiKAai ('there is some existence for the dead').

The scholia (Did?, Am/A) have a long discussion of 104, which is not easy
to disentangle (cf. van der Valk, Researches 1 540-2). The problem is that
if one takes 4>p£vcs as meaning 'wits' it is odd to say of Patroklos' ghost,
which has 'made a reasonable and intelligent speech', that it has no $p£vc$.
They first suggest that 'the verse has been intruded (IvoioeioTat) from the
Odyssey\ i.e., presumably it reflects the view expressed at Od. 10.492-5,
where Teiresias' ghost is said to differ from the others since his are
ipmSot and he alone has intelligence. An alternative view is then offered
(which seems to be that of Aristophanes), that $ptvcs has its physical sense
here, referring to part of the body (i.e. the midriff), and so it means that
the HA/XÎ has no physical existence. The scholia then quote what appears
to be Aristarchus' opinion, that 'Homer assumes that the souls of the
unburied dead still preserve their intelligence': i.e. after burial they have no
sense, but Patroklos' unburied ghost still retains this faculty. Aristarchus
probably quoted Od. 11.51-83, where Elpenor's unburied spirit converses
with Odysseus without having drunk blood, whereas the other souls are
unable to do this (cf. schol. Od. 11.51).
In addition, b T offer the explanation that Patroklos' ghost shows his lack
of sense because he wrongly accuses Akhilleus of neglecting him (cf. also
Leaf, Iliad 11 621). b T have one other suggestion, that ¿redtp . . . TT6PTTOV
means that the ghosts have some intelligence, but it is not complete; i.e. oO
TTAPTTOV means 'not altogether' rather than 'not at all'; and T quotes a
variant TTOOOI which would make this sense clearer.
As far as intelligence goes, 24.592-5 indicate that \khilleus allows that
even in Hades Patroklos may have some idea of what goes on in the world
above, and may derive satisfaction from receiving a share in the ransom
for Hektor's body. Perhaps the simplest answer is that of Aristophanes.
Patroklos' ghost apparently displayed normal emotions, it could give
Akhilleus instructions, and it looked just like him (105-7), but when
Akhilleus tried to grasp it he realized that it had no physical substance.
105 Trawuxiri: Akhilleus has the impression that his dream lasted 'all
night'; dreams often do seem to last a considerable time, even when they
are quite brief.
106 Cf. 6.373 trupyep l^fcnr^K£i yo6o>o6 T€ pupoplvTj Tt. For t$eoTVjKti
see on 68.
107 OfoxcAov: 'marvellously'; see on 3.130.
178
1
Book Twenty- Three
108 = Od. 4.183; cf. also //. 23.153 Total -nacnv luepov d>paf y6oio
ctc.
iog-26 Dawn comes, and Agamemnon orders the Achaeans to fetch woodfor the pyre
of Patroklos. Meriones takes charge of this. They take mules to Mt Ida, cut doun oak
trees, and bring them back to the sea-shore, where they lay them ready for the pyre
After the intensely emotional scenes which have preceded we have an

interlude of equally intense physical activity. The urgency and bustle is
expressed in a passage where enjambment is noticeably frequent, and in
117-26 'periodic* or 'integral' enjambment occurs in seven out often verses.
The extraordinary rhythm and sound-effects of 116 add to the impression
of great numbers of men and animals moving ceaselessly in all directions
over the hills
1 0 9 Plutarch (Mor. 1 1 4 E } quotes as Homeric pvpovUvoiai 81 TOTCJI piAas
4TT1 lampos This is composed of the first hemistich of 109 and the
second of Od. 1.423 « 18.306. It could well be due to faulty memory, or
even deliberate adaptation, rather than being a genuine variant which
would be quite out of place here. For pupoiitvoim 81 TOTOI cf. 19.340
| PUPOUIVOUS 8 ' ftpa TOOS Ye- ~ T ^ H £O6O5AKTVAOS 'Hobs resembles the
formular verse fiiios 8 ' ^piylvcia £O8O86KTVAOS 'HG>S ( 2 X //., 20X
Od.): see on 1.477. Macleod, Iliad XXIV 47-8, points out that in this poem
the appearance of Dawn is several times linked with the theme of human
sorrow or trouble: cf. 11.1-4 (Zeus sends Strife to the Greek ships); 19.1 - 6
(Thetis finds Akhilleus and the Myrmidons lamenting Patroklos* death);
23.226-8 (the flames of Patroklos' pyre die at dawn: see comment); 24.694-
7 (Hermes leaves for Olumpos as Dawn comes and Priam brings Hektor's
corpse into Troy with lamentation and groaning); 788-803 (the conclusion
of Hektor's funeral at dawn). There is something similar at 7.421-9 (at
sunrise the Greeks and Trojans prepare the dead for burial, with tears and
grief), and 433-41 (just before dawn, in the early twilight, the Greeks
gather round the pyre to build the mound and wall): the second of these
suggests a particularly eerie and melancholy scene.
l i t oOpfjds are 'mules'; cf. 1.50 | oupfjas. Many ancient copies omitted
Tt (Did/AT), which is an odd mistake. T compares the simile at 17.742-6,
where Menelaos and Meriones carrying Patroklos* body out of the battle
are like mules bringing down a tree-trunk from the mountain along a rocky
path. It is interesting that in both these scenes Meriones is involved in the
care for Patroklos' corpse: cf. also 16.632-7 (simile of woodcutters, after a
reference to Meriones).
u s M 8* dWjp ioQA6s 6po>pei: cf. Od. 3.471, 14.104 brl 8* AWpcs I06A0I
6povTo -Ten. The poet must be using hriopcopci here as a pluperfect of
179
1
Book Twenty- Three
¿TruSpopai meaning 'watch over* (cf. fcrrloupos 13.4.50). On these forms see
Chantraine, GH1 311, 426.
113 In earlier books Meriones' whole-verse formula is Mtipt6vrjs ¿rrdA-
CCVTOS 'EvuaAIco ¿v5p£i$6vTg ( 4 X //.), which would presumably have too
martial a flavour here. Having referred to him in this way here the poet
repeats this alternative formula at 124 (see comment), and we have aCrrAp/
<3cv 8' dpa MT)P»6VTIS fcpdmov 'IBouEvfjos at 23.528, 23.860 and 888.
There is no very obvious reason why the poet should select Meriones as
commander here, except perhaps that he is a minor but efficient hero, and
as a OcpAmov he is suitable for a practical but not very heroic operation.
It is worth noticing the thematic link with 17.742-6 (see on 111). For
Meriones and his formulae sec also on 13.246-8 and 249-50.
&ycrml)vopo$ "ISopEvfps: the epithet is less common than one might ex-
pect. Cf. 15 392 drycrrrVivopos EOpurrOAoio 13.756, Od. 7.170 AycrrrVj-
vopa nouAu6AyavTa/Aao8duavTa and the proper name Agapenor; see on
•3-756.
114 0AOT6UOU$ TREAFCFAS: 0Aor6pos occurs only here and at 123 in Homer,
in the second case as a noun; cf. Hes. Erga 807 etc. TTCA^KJOS recurs in the
same position in the verse at 851, 856 and 882, where ten axes are the first
prize in the archery contest: by coincidcnce they are won by Meriones
(882).
1 1 5 TCRRRA&TOUS: this epithet only recurs in Homer at 335 IOTTAIKT<P Ivl
81$pco, although we find hrrrAo&S (2.449) a n c * ^TTAEKIOS (23.436).
116 'Many times uphill and downhill, alonghill and crossways they
travelled/ dvavra and wSrravTa occur only here in Homer, rarely later and
usually together; TtApcnrra seems to occur nowhere else; cf. Homeric laavTa,
fvavTa. 66xutos occurs nowhere else in Homer, but cf. 12.148 Soxmw- T h e
verse is a particularly striking example of the poet's own skill in linguistic
innovation. T h e use of a consistently dactylic rhythm and sequence of
trochaic words is paralleled by for example Od. 11.598 aOrts ITTEITG -ni8ov8c
KVA(V8ETO Aaas 6vat8tT|S (and see on 6.2, 2 1 . 4 0 6 - 1 1 and 23.263). T h e acous-
tic jingle adds to the effect, although in a rather obvious way. This verse
has the highest number ofa-sounds in the poem. Sec also Edwards, HPl 118.
1 « 7 For the phrase kvtimoOs . . . TroAvrriBaicos "I8RJ$ sec on 8 . 4 7 - 8 , 2 1 . 4 4 9 ,
21 -559» a n d f ° r TroAvrriSa^ cf. 1 4 . 1 5 7 0 . Timber-felling is still one of the
main occupations of those who live around Mt Ida, and oak trees are
abundant there (cf. 1 4 . 2 8 7 - 8 ^ ) .
KIS 6pGs Cflfuc<i>pou$: cf. 14.398, Od. 9.186 6puolv C*fU(6potoiv |, 8pu&?
frfiKdpoio 3X Od. TOtvarjKî xÂkco is formular, 3X //., 1 x Od. This verse is
a rising threefolder.
119 ¿TrEiy6pEvot: pap. 12 reads dcpEif&pEVOi, but this has been corrected
above the verse to breiy6uEvoi. At Od. 19.252frrrEiyop^vr)is a false variant
180
1
Book Twenty-Three
for dpfißopivT), and the papyrus variant has been preferred here by some
scholars (cf. van der Valk, Researches n 563 n. 102). But there is no weight
of authority in favour of it, and the M S reading is surely correct.
1 1 9 - 3 0 Tal 61 . . . TTTTTTOV: the spondaic runover word is effective, de-
scribing the slow fall of these great trees.
130 6io7rA/tauovrt{ ('splitting1), Aristarchus' reading (Did/A) and that
of nearly all our MSS, must surely be right. At Od. 8.507 he read 8icrrrAfifai
instead of Starrpfâi. The compound recurs nowhere else.
i 9 i TAL 84 yjteva woaol SOTCOVTO: 'they divided the ground with their
feet'. This appears to mean that their hooves cut furrows in the ground, in
their eagerness to reach the plain. It is a unique phrase. At 20.394 6OT4OVTO
is used of horses cutting up the body of a fallen man with the wheels of their
chariots. There is a nice contrast with the smooth journey of Nausikaa's
mules (Od 6.318) al 8' eO pfcv Tpcb^wv, pur 84 TrAlaaovTO TTÖSCOOIV.
133 ¿ASdpcvai m6(oio: 'eager for the plain'; for EA6co6at with the genitive
cf. Od 5.210, 14.42. Pap. 12 seems to have read Upcvai mSlovB« (West,
Ptolemaic Papyri 173).
8id £wnY(ia mnevd: cf. 13.199, Od. 14.473 (with Avd and Kcrrd respec-
tively); also 21.559. The description suggests a picture of the mules eagerly
forging a path through the thickets on the mountain.
133 0Aonr6poi: pap. 12 reads d>poiaiv, which was preferred by Wilamowitz
as more vivid (IuH i n n. 1). OAoTÖpot could possibly be a gloss on Trdvrcs,
and one might object to the variation in use of the word from adjective to
noun in 114 and 123. But these arguments do not seem strong enough to
make one alter the traditional reading.
134 See on 113. Pap. 12 may have read ¿Tprjpds 6cpdrrcov (cf. Od. 4.23,
217), and it is possible that the name has been inserted to clarify the text,
as happens elsewhere (West, Ptolemaic Papyri 174). Either way, this verse
repeats 113 in ring composition, rounding off the account of the expedition.
135-6 For trrioxcpcb ('in a row', 'in order') cf. 11.668 etc. ^plov ('bar-
row', 'mound') only occurs here in Homer, instead of ivpßos, and in later
prose and poetry from the sixth century onwards. It probably had an initial
digamma. Cf. Chantraine, Diet. s.v.
127-53 Akhilleus tells the Myrmidons to arm and prepare their chariots. They do so
and then escort the body of Patroklos in the funeral procession, qfler covering it with
their hair. When they reach the pyre Akhilleus cuts off a lock of his own hair, and offers
it to Patroklos
The first part of this passage describes the ekphora or funeral procession
(cf. 24.786 t£tycpov 6pam/v *EKTOpa). Here Patroklos' body is carried by
his companions, probably on the bier (${pTpov) mentioned at 18.236 (cf.
181
Book Twenty- Three
18.233 tv Xcx&oot and 23.171 Trpös \tyta.), with an escort consisting not
only of the Myrmidons in their chariots but also of a vast number of soldiers
on foot (133-4).* s o presumably the whole army joined this great procession.
This scene inevitably invites comparison with the magnificent vases of the
Geometric period which depict funerary scenes (cf. Andronikos, Arch. Horn.
w 43-51): most of these arc of the prothesis or lying-in-state, but a few do
show the ekphora, Here the dead man is lying on a horse-drawn cart, with a
procession led by men in armour and women following behind: cf. for
example Kurtz and Boardman, Burial Customs pi. 5. This particular hater
from the National Museum in Athens also shows a chariot procession in the
register below the ekphora scene: cf. Andronikos, op. ext. 46, fig. 2. Similar
chariot processions occur in association with some of the prothesis scenes. For
an illustration of the bier being actually carried on the shoulders of a group
of men we must look at the more simple scene on a later black-figure vase
(Beazley, ABV no. 7; cf. Ath. Mitt. 5 3 ( 1 9 2 8 ) Beilage x v . 2 , Kurtz and
Boardman pi. 35). There is a more detailed discussion of the Geometric
examples, with ample illustration, by G. Ahlbirg, Prothesis and Ekphora in
Greek Geometric Art (Göteborg 1971). Whether or not they are directly
related to or inspired by epic or Homeric accounts of funerals is an open
question.
In the case of Patroklos the procession is associated with the offering of
their hair by his companions, and it is followed by a separate scene in which
Akhilleus offers a lock of his own hair, placing it in Patroklos' hands. In the
account of Akhilleus' own funeral in Odyssey 24 the Greeks likewise cut off
their hair (45-6), and this is mentioned as a regular mourning-ritual at Od.
4 . 1 9 7 - 8 . In Aeschylus' Choiphoroe ( 6 - 7 ) Orestes offers a lock of hair at his
father's grave, having first offered one to the river Inakhos in gratitude for
his nurture. Aeschylus may have had this passage of the Iliad specifically in
mind in associating these two offerings. In Iliad 23 the poet has (typically)
taken a conventional ritual and given it new and deeper significance in the
second scene of Akhilleus' offering: cf. vol. v, pp. 22-3.
Cutting one's hair in mourning was a common custom in ancient Greece
at all times, as in many other societies. In the classical period it was most
often, but not always, women who cut their hair, whereas men (whose hair
was now usually shorter, in contrast to the fashion of the heroic age) would
let their hair grow long in mourning. As Plutarch observed, mourning ritual
involves the reversal of everyday customs (Mor. 267A-B). The actual offering
of hair to the dead, or on a tomb, is less commonly attested in ancient
Greece: it seems to occur particularly, if not exclusively, in mythical con-
texts and in the cults of heroes and heroines (Nilsson, GgrR 180). Offering
one's hair to the local river, usually in thanksgiving for one's nurture, is
again more commonly attested in mythology than by historical examples.
182
1
Book Twenty- Three
But like many other ancient customs it survived in Arcadia, where the boys
of Phigaleia dedicated their hair to the river Neda (Pausanias 8.41.3). It is
not clear whether the statue which Pausanias describes near the Kephisos
in Attica of 'the son of Mnesimakhe cutting his hair for the Kephisos*
(1.37.3) is of a mythical or historical figure: quite probably the latter, but
it is significant that Pausanias calls this an 'ancient Greek custom' and
invokes this passage of Iliad 23 to support this view. Hair-offerings to the
nymphs, Artemis, Apollo, and other deities, on the other hand, sure a regular
practice in the historical period (Nilsson, GgrR 136-8).
On all of these rituals see Andronikos, Arch. Horn, w 18-20, and for hair-
offerings W. H. D. Rouse, Greek Votive Offerings (Cambridge 1902) 240-5.
For possible Minoan examples cf. E. N. Davis, AJA 90 (1986) 399-406,
R. B. Koehl, JHS 106 (1986) 99-110, and C. Doumas in ElAAfllNH
(Festschrift for N. Platon, Herakleion 1987) 151 - 9 . E. Samter, Familienfeste
der Griechen und Romer (Berlin 1901) 71-8 and Geburt, Hochzeit und Tod
(Leipzig 1911) 179-83, and S. Eitrem, Opferritus und Voropfer der Griechen und
Römer (Kristiania 1914) 344-72, are worth consulting for further details.
127 irapaxdßßaAov: this compound verb, the only Homeric instance of
one with irapcfKcrra-, occurs again at 683, and nowhere else in Homer. It
presumably means that they put the wood down alongside the place for the
pyre. The word is a good instance of a coinage which, once the poet has
introduced it, recurs quite soon by a process of association. It is found later
as a legal term, meaning 'deposit', 'make a deposition' in the Attic orators
and inscriptions.
Acrrrerov OArjv | recurs at 24.784 of the wood for Hektor's pyre, and 2.455
(see comment).
129-32 Pap. 12 diverges considerably here from our vulgate, but the text
is very fragmentary. There was apparendy at least one extra verse here. See
West, Ptolemaic Papyri 147, 175-6.
129 For MupiuSövEoai $iAoinroAliioioi in this position cf. 16.65.
130 £cbwvo6at: only here as an expression for arming, but cf.
11.15-16 (cowi/o6on Avcoyev . . . fcv 8' OCVTÖS ISOarro vcoporra XOAK6V. The
verb recurs at Od. 24.89 in the context of Akhilleus' funeral and the games
which accompany it.
131—2 tv TCVXCCRAIV t8uvov, | &v 8 ' Ißav Iv S($poiet: cf. 10.254 ¿TTAOICIV
Ivl BcivoTcriv {SUTTJV, but Od. 22.201, 24.498 Is TCVXEA 5ÜVTC/I8I/VOV; II.
93.352 &v 6' tßav Is Sl$pous (which is read here by schol. pap. xn (Erbse),
but is metrically impossible). Cf. Chantraine, GH 11 101-2 for other
examples of Iv with verbs of movement.
132 irapoißdTOi: this denotes the warrior riding alongside his charioteer.
It occurs only here in Homer, later in Attic prose and poetry. At 11.104
*AVT»$OS OÖ TRAPIßAAKI also refers to the fighting man in the chariot (there
183
1
Book Twenty- Three
explicitly distinguished from the fjvloxos), whereas at 11.522 "ExTopi trap-

ß€ßacb$ is used of the charioteer standing beside Hektor.
133 8£ VS$OS EITTETO TTC^COV: see on 4.274 &UA CTTTCTO TTC^COV.
There the metaphor is developed in the following simile, but here this would
be out of place.
134 yvptot: see on 29. There it referred to the Myrmidons, and it may do
so again here. But at 156-62 it seems that the whole army must have joined
the procession.
135—9 I-eaf observes that we have a sequence of five dactylic lines here
and at (66-70, but in both cases it looks as if this has occurred purely by
chance.
135—7 As Mazon pointed out (REA 42 ((940) 257-8), we should envis-
age the Myrmidons as covering Patroklos' body with their hair as the
procession advances. The scries of imperfects indicates this, and the result-
ing scene is more impressive and solemn than if the cutting of hair had taken
place all at once before the procession was under way. The two emphatic
runover participles KCtp6p£voi . . . &xvOitfvo$ express the leading themes of
this scene.
135 Kcrraclwoav: 'clothed*, a vivid metaphor. The form (Kcrra)civva>
occurs only here in Homer (and later at Oppian, //. 2.673), although
(KOrra)ci|jlvos is closely related. Most of our M S S read KCTTCKIWOV, and
KGrrariwoorv is due to Aristarchus (Arn/AT): similar variants occur else-
where (Chantnine, GH1 473).
136 ÖTTIÖCV 8I K&PTI Ex* 8Tos 'Ax»AAcO$: Eustathius says that Akhilleus does
this because the body is not being carried on a bier (1292.30), but it looks
rather as if this is a customary expression of closeness to the dead man. At
24.710-(2 Andromakhe and Hekabe touch Hektor's head as they express
their grief, and at 724 Andromakhe holds his head in her hands while she
sings her lament. Cf. 18.71, where Thetis holds Akhilleus' head as she
comforts him, and Andronikos, Arch. Horn w 1 1 - 1 2 .
In prothesis scenes on works of art the position at the head of the body is
evidently one of some importance, and is usually occupied by a woman, on
one occasion identified as the mother; cf. Zschietzsmann, Ath. Mitt. 53
((928) 25-6, Boardman, BSA 50 (1955) 56-7. Occasionally the dead man's
head is held in the hands of one of the mourners: a good example is on a
vase by the Kleophrades painter (R. E. Arias and M. Hirmer, A History of
Greek Vase Painting, London (962, pi. (28). Cf. Arias and Hirmer pi. 129,
Kurtz and Boardman, Burial Customs pi. (1, and other examples listed by
Neumann, Gesten und Gebärden 89 n. 369. T says (oddly) that holding the
head of the dead man was a Lindian custom.
After 136 pap. 12 has an extra verse, of which only the ending (6at£cov)
is preserved, but cf (8.27 KEITO, $(AT)9I 64 X^P^ ^MTJV $CRXWC 6at£cov.
184
1
Book Twenty-Three
«37 fcrccpov y i p . . . "Al66a6e: the closing sentence of this passage is pow-

erfully moving in its simplicity.
139 pEVoemta: from its basic sense of 'satisfactory' this comes to mean
here 'plentiful'.
140 fv6' OOT' 6AA* ¿v6rjCTi: only here and at 193 in //., but 5X Od. (with
©«Sc yAavKWTTts 'A0i^vt)), and AAA* iv6rjae occurs 5X in other phrases in that
poem.
1 4 1 - 5 3 For Akhilleus' offering of his hair see on 127-53.
142 Sperkheios is the main river of Akhilleus' homeland (see vol. 1, pp.
186, 228-9), a r , d at 16.173-8 the river-god is also said to be the father of
Menesthios by Peleus' daughter Poludore.
1 4 3 - 5 1 Akhilleus makes his speech facing westward towards his home-
land. What he says almost amounts to a rebuke of the river-god for failing
to answer Peleus' prayer.
144 &AAci>$: 'otherwise than has turned out to be the case', and so 'in
vain', a sense which is common in Attic literature (cf. A); cf. Od. 14.124.
146-8 For sacrifices to a river or spring see on 21.131.
147 Ivopxa: 'uncastrated', only here in Homer. This form of the epithet
recurs in Hippocrates (Viet. 2.49); tv6pxt)S is the usual form. b T explain its
use here as connected with the idea of water as a generative element.
148 irrjyds: Leaf takes Tit)y6$ as meaning 'waters' here, because the
sources of the river lie outside Phthie. But the springs seem the most suitable
place for an altar and precinct. The sacrifice could have involved lowering
the sheep into the water (cf. 21.132), or alternatively letting the blood flow
into it: cf. for example Hor. C. 3.13.6-8.
681 TOI ttpEvos fkop6s TT Guccis: cf. 8.48 and on 8.47-8 ad fin., Od. 8.363
IvOa 8i ol -rtpevos TC dinÊis.
150 — 18.101. This use of vOv 8i, to contrast reality with what might
have been, is typical of Akhilleus: see on 18.88.
151 ¿irdocupi: 'I should like to give', an example of the optative express-
ing a wish.
« 5 2 - 3 Akhilleus places his lock of hair in the hands of Patroklos, a
particularly touching gesture.
»53—4 These verses resemble 108-9: lamentation is connected with the
idea of dawn or sunset in each case.
t54-91 Akhilleus tells Agamemnon to send the rest of the army away to eat, while the
close associates of Patroklos prepare the pyre. The preparations are described: they
include the slaughtering ofsheep and cattle, the offering ofhoney and oil, and the sacrifice
of four horses, two dogs, and twelve Trojan captives. Akhilleus lights the pyre, and bids
Patroklos farewell, saying that h will give Hektor's body to be eaten by dogs. But the
body of Hektor is preserved by Aphrodite and Apollo
185
Book Twenty-Three
154—5 Verse 1 5 4 = Od. 16.220, 2 1 . 2 2 6 . This verse occurs only here in the
Iliad, but for the sense of 154-5 2 4 - 7 l 3 " '5-
1 5 5 — 6 0 Pap. 12 differs considerably here from the standard text: for

details see West, Ptolemaie Papyri 148, 1 7 6 - 9 .
*55 'Aycsp^pvovi ETTTE TrotpooTAs: Aristarchus (Arn/A) seems to have read
'Ayauipvova, and pap. 12 appears to read 'Ayauûjvova cZ>s Trpooiefnrev.
156—60 Cf. the advice of Odysseus to Akhilleus that the Greeks should
eat before fighting at 1 9 . 1 5 5 - 7 2 , especially 1 7 1 - 2 AAA' Ays Aadv piv CTKE6-
aaov xal 6ETTTVOV AvcoxOi | OTTAEOBCH, echoed here at 1 5 8 - 9 .
1 5 7 — 8 yooto pfcv «rrt Kal Aaai, | vOv 8 ' . . . : the construction with uiv and
6e suggests the meaning 'one can certainly (KO!) have one's fill of mourning,
if one likes: but for the moment...'
160 KI)6CO$: apparently an adjective meaning 'to be cared for', or in this
context 'to be mourned'; cf. 10)80$, K^BIOTOS, KTJBEPWV. This form occurs
nowhere else, but KrfjBeios is used at 1 9 . 2 9 4 (sec comment). There seems to
have been an alternative ancient view that the word was the genitive of
icn6os. meaning 'an object of care': cf. schol. Ai6oa ! , and Erbse on i6od.
oT T' Ayoi is the reading of most of our manuscripts and of Dionysius
Thrax, but some read ol Toryol with Aristarchus (Hrd/A). Tory6j ('leader')
occurs nowhere else in Homer, but it is used by the tragedians (always
Toy6s, except A. Eu. 296 Tayovxos), and survived in several dialects. C. M.
Bowra {JUS 5 4 ( 1 9 3 4 ) 5 6 - 7 ) and Ruijgh (ittpiqu §348) both argued that
Tayol is the correct reading here. The short alpha is morphologically correct,
and it is understandable that the rare word should have been changed to
the commoner epic one Ay6s, so they may well be right.
162 Pap. 12 adds the unnecessary verse XARRVIAAAV TE KCTTA xAiolas xal
8ETTTVOV IAOVTO ( « 2 . 3 9 9 ) , a typical 'concordance interpolation', as also
after 165.
163 KTJB&IOVES: 'kinsmen', and more specifically here those who have the
KTJSOS of attending to the funeral. It occurs only here and at 6 7 4 in Homer.
In later Greek it refers to anyone who takes care of someone or something,
hence a protector or guardian.
164 ¿KOT6MTTE6OV: only here in early epic; cf. Pindar (1. 6 . 2 2 ) , etc. The
pyre measured a hundred foot square, a vast size, equivalent to a -niAfOpov
(cf. 21.407 with comment). But the building at Lefkandi in Euboea, of the
tenth century B.C., which the excavators believe to be a heroon for the
warrior buried at its centre, measures 45 by 10 metres, and the mound
which covered it was even larger: cf. M. Popham, E. Touloupa and L. H.
Sackett, Antiquity 5 6 ( 1 9 8 2 ) 1 6 9 - 7 4 ; see also on 2 4 5 - 8 .
165 Pap. 12 adds another extra verse after this one: uup[i' AvElorra x*polv
ApT}<y6[uEVO» Kcrri0r)Kctv (with supplement by Blass).
1 6 6 - 7 6 The various objects added to the pyre are to some extent
186
[
Book Twentv-Thre
paralleled in the description of Akhilleus' own funeral at Od. 24.65-8. For

the slaughter of many sheep and oxen (166-7) °f- Od. 24.65-6 ttoAX6 6é c '
I prjAa KarrÉKTávopcv páXa Tríova Kal EXuca? Poü?. For the amphorae of
honey and oil (170-1) cf. ibid. 67-8 tcalco 6* Iv T' ¿odfpi ©ta>v Kal ¿Ativan
TTOAACÓ I Kal p£Xm yXuKcpcó.
When Odysseus summons up the ghosts he slaughters sheep so that they
may drink the blood, and he also vows to sacrifice an ox and a sheep to
Teiresias on his return home (Od. 11.29-37). In the funeral scenes it is not
made clear whether the animals are intended as offerings for the dead man,
or in order to help the body to burn, or both. The fact that Patroklos* corpse
is covered in the fat suggests that the second motive is relevant here,
although this does not rule out the first (cf. A b T 168, b T 169). Sheep and
oxen are quite often found in Greek burials of the Bronze and early Iron
Ages (Andronikos, Arch. Horn, w 87-91).
Likewise the honey and oil could be partly intended to help the fire (cf.
T 170-1), but these liquids are also used as offerings to the dead (cf.
Burkert, Religion 7 ! - 2 , Stengel, Opferbr&uche 183-6). In addition Akhilleus
pours out wine continually as he calls on the soul of Patroklos, while the
pyre burns (218-21). Similarly Odysseus pours a drink-offering to the
ghosts, consisting of honey and milk (pcXlKpriTov), wine and water (Od.
11.26-8). Such were sometimes called piiXucri^pia or pctXIyparra, i.e.
propitiatory offerings. Again, they were often made at funerals in the
Bronze and early Iron Ages, although the evidence is less easy to assess
(Andronikos, Arch. Horn, w 9 1 - 7 ) .
Akhilleus also sets on the pyre four horses and two dogs, and he adds the
bodies of twelve Trojan captives, whom he first kills (171-6). The other
funeral scenes in Homer offer no parallel for any of these. The horses and
dogs are prize possessions and close companions of the Homeric hero,
and they may be intended to accompany Patroklos' soul to Hades (for this
idea cf. for example Lucian, De luctu 14). The captives have already been
mentioned several times: after Patroklos' death Akhilleus vowed to kill
twelve Trojans because of his anger (18.336-7; cf. 23.22-3), and when he
took them prisoner it was so that they should be a TTOIW) for Patroklos*
death, i.e. as a blood-payment (21.26-8). This makes it quite clear that his
primary motive here is one of premeditated revenge.
T h e killing of horses and dogs, and probably also sometimes humans, did
take place in the Bronze and early Iron Ages in Greece. The evidence for
horses is now quite extensive, ranging from the early second millennium to
the seventh century B.C. (cf. Andronikos, Arch. Horn, w 85-7). The most
spectacular hone burials are those in the grandiose tombs of Salamis in
Cyprus, of the eighth and seventh centuries, many of which contain one or
more pairs of horses (or sometimes asses), usually together with a chariot or
187
1
Book Twenty-Three
cart (cf. V . Karageorghis, Excavations in the Necropolis of Salamis, Nicosia

1967, 1, and Salamis in Cyprus, London 1969, 23-150). T h e burials in the
great tenth-century tumulus at Lefkandi also include four horses (Antiquity
56 (1982) 171), and another burial in this cemetery contains two horses
{Archaeological Reports for ig86-y, p. 13). An interesting survival of this
practice in the sixth century B.C. is mentioned by Herodotus (6.103): Cimon
son of Stesagoras was buried together with the horses with which he had
won three Olympic victories.
Dogs are occasionally found in burials of these periods, along with other
animals (Andronikos, Arch. Horn, w 8 7 - 9 1 ) . For an example of horses and
dogs buried together in a cemetery, although separate from human tombs,
at Prinias in Crete, cf. G . Rizza, in Acts of the International Archaeological
Symposium,' The Relations between Cyprus and Crete' (Nicosia 1978) 294 7.
T h e evidence for the actual killing of humans is more debatable, but
many archaeologists believe that some cases cannot be explained away (cf.
Andronikos, Arch. Hon1. w 82 4). Again one can now add to Andronikos'
discussion the possible case of the woman whose body was found in the
Lefkandi tumulus, near to the urn containing the ashes of a warrior. Such
double burials are found elsewhere in Cyprus, Crete and mainland Greece
in this period (cf. also H. Catling, 'Heroes returned', in Festschrift for Emily
Vermeule, forthcoming). It is significant that this warrior burial at Lefkandi
shows a number of Homeric features together: cremation and the remains
of a pyre, the horses, and the fact that as well as the warrior's bones the urn
contained a decorated linen cloth (Antiquity 56 (1982) 172 3). Likewise at
Salamis the dead are cremated, the bones are sometimes wrapped in a cloth
and placed in a cauldron, and large amphorae are found which were
thought to have held oil or honey: one of them had an inscription iden-
tifying its contents as olive oil (Karageorghis, Salamis in Cyprus 26 -7, 71). In
the dromos of another tomb were found human skeletons, which the excava-
tors believed were probably killed at the time of the funeral (ibid. 30—1).
Some scholars have thought that such Homeric features at Salamis and
elsewhere in the eighth and seventh centuries could be explained as due to
the influence of epic poetry (e.g. Coldstream, Geometric Greece 349-52).
However, because of its earlier date the evidence of Lefkandi throws doubt
on this theory. It seems more likely that the poet of the Iliad was aware that
such practices existed in life, whether in the heroic past or (more probably J
in recent times. See also D. D. Hughes, Human Sacrifice in Ancient Greece,
London 1991.
Human sacrifice was a remarkably common theme of Greek mythology
at all times (cf. A. Henrichs, Entretiens Hardt xxvii (Vandceuvres-Geneve
1981) 195-235). But the most striking aspect of the funeral of Patroklos is
that all these elements, the slaughter of horses, dogs and human captives,
188
Book Twenty-Three
arc unique in the Homeric poems. The poet, it seems, is trying to portrav a
funeral of a special kind, and the excesses of destruction in which Akhilleus
indulges are above all a demonstration of his intense grief at Patroklos' loss.
166 =9.466. Sec on 23.30-4.
167—9 Verse 167 resembles 24.622 • Ihrapoi 6* E8cp6v t t xari 6^$C7TOV,
in the description of the preparations for a meal. Here the covering of
Patroklos' corpse with fat also resembles the way in which the bones are
wrapped in fat in a sacrifice to the gods. After the cremation this is what
will happen to Patroklos' bones (243-4, 2 5 a - 3 ) - U*yA8uuos 'AxiAXcCrj in «68
is unusual for Tr65a<; COKUS *A., to avoid repetition with IS TT66OS (16 297-
300n.).
169 For | Is *tr66as fe »ctâAffc cf. 18.353, and i6.64on. 6pcrr6s for 8apr6$
(cf. Choerilus 4.5, etc.), meaning 'skinned', occurs only here. There was an
ancient variant 8prrA (Did, Arn/A).
170—1 Leaf observes that irp&S ATYIA KAIVCOV suggests the type of pointed
amphora which could be propped against something or stuck in the ground,
and that the practice survived in the Attic funeral A^KU6OI which were
placed round the bier of the dead. Pointed amphorae, however, belong to
a later period than the eighth century B.C. (cf. Kurtz and Boardman, Burial
Customs 102-5).
•7« nlovpas 6* Ipiauxsvas ITTTTOVS: the horse burials of the late Bronze
and early Iron Ages are often pairs, or multiples of pairs, suitable for a
chariot or cart. For actual four-horse chariots see 11.699 and perhaps 8.185.
173 TCO ycfirvccKTicould in theory refer to either Patroklos or Akhilleus.
Eustathius (1294.18) thought Akhilleus was the owner, as he is the subject
throughout this passage, but it seems more appropriate that they should
have belonged to Patroklos. For Tponre^ês kCtvcs see on 22.69.
176 For xoAwjJ 8r)i6o>v cf. 17.566, and for KOXA 81 $pcoi irfjBero f p y a
21.19. There too it refers to great slaughter, although it is odd that here the
phrase follows rather than precedes the act of destruction. Clearly attention
is being drawn to the exceptional savagery of this action, even if we cannot
necessarily take this as implying direct moral condemnation by the poet: cf.
7.478 where Zeus himself tcax& u^Scro, and see on 22.395.
177 Ev 81 T r v p d s pivosfycccri8^peov: the epithet oi6^pto$ suggests destruc-
tiveness and relentless force (cf. the metaphorical uses of this and oiB^pcio;
at 17.424, 22.357, 24.205, 24.521). Notice the juxtaposition of comparisons
at 20.372 it inspl few«, pivos 8' cftOowi cri6tl|pto. Eustathius (1294.29)
observes that there is an exchange of images (AvTormHxxns) at 177, since the
metaphor of fire is often applied to fighting.
typa vipoiTo: 'so that it might spread', but with the associated idea of
feeding as in 182. See on 2.780 cb$ t! TI m/pl X & " V TORTCC vtpoiTo, and cf.
Hdt. 5.101 T6 -nvp trrcvtpfro T6 AOTV TTCTV.
189
1
Book Twenty- Three
179-83 See on 19-23, which Akhilleus echoes here (179 = 19). At 180
most M S S read TaXko T& uApoiOtv as at 20, but pap. 12 and a minority of
medieval texts have TCTCXCCTU^VO ¿«rrrcp, and this is mentioned as a variant
by A. Some modern scholars prefer this reading (cf. Wilamowitz, luH 73 n.
i, Leaf ad loc.). But part of Akhilleus* purpose is still unfulfilled (cf. 182-3
with 21), and there is no reason why one should not keep -nAiw and treat
it as either a future tense, or more probably a present. Cf. Mazon, REA 13
(1940) 258-9.
182-3 P a P- 1 2 reads:
TOVS &ua aoi TTAVTCCS irOp 6U<^TTII, "Eicropa 8' ouxl'

T6V8C y&p oO 6axjco rrupl KATPRV, AAAA KWEOOIV
¿>UT)CRTAIS $ a y & i v TOOA yAp KAK' ¿U/JOCRT* 'Axaiou*.
This removes the powerful metaphor of irOp I06U1, and 183 was probably
also altered to remove the effective zeugma in the use of SarrTipev. The
extra verse has a typically weak ending (cf. 22.392a).
Neither I06Uiv nor Sdrrniv is used elsewhere in Homer in this metaphori-
cal sense. Cf. Virgil, A n. 2.758 ignis edax, 4.66 est mollisfiamma medullas, with
O . Lyne, Words and the Poet (Oxford 1989) 5 1 - 6 .
1 8 4 - 9 1 Aphrodite keeps the dogs from harming Hektor's body, and
anoints it with oil to protect it from mutilation, and Apollo covers it with a
dark cloud so that the sun will not shrivel the flesh. The two main protecting
deities of Troy intervene here, Aphrodite being given the task of anointing
the body as one more suited to a female deity (cf. T 186). The passage is
echoed at 24.18-21, where Apollo alone protects the corpse with the aegis
(187 — 24.21), and at 24.418-23. Cf. also 16.666-83 (Apollo's care for
Sarpedon's body), «9.23-39 where Thetis protects Patroklos' corpse from
flies and decay, pouring ambrosia and nectar into the nostrils, and 18.351
where the wounds are filled with ointment by Akhilleus' companions. These
passages have been taken as evidence for Greek knowledge of the practice
of embalming: see also on 7.85, 19.29—39.
This is the first clear sign that the gods are concerned about the fate of
Hektor's body, and it foreshadows the events of book 24, with the allusion
to the dragging of the corpse and the use of irplv in 190, which implies that
ultimately the body will be buried. The poet is reminding us that, as so
often, Akhilleus' intentions will not be fulfilled, and he also keeps before us
the contrast between the fates of Patroklos' and Hektor's bodies.
184 AP$€TT£VOVTO: 'tended'; sec on 21.203.
186 ^pcrra Kal vCncras: a slightly unusual expression, as elsewhere (except
at Od. 1 0 . 1 4 2 8O0 T ' ^penra Kal 6O0 VUKTOS) night comes first ( 5 X //., 8 X
Od.). T h e order is presumably dictated here by metre, i.e. the position of
the phrase at the beginning of the verse.
190
1
Book Twenty-Three
£>O66£VTI . . . £Aa{Ci>: 'oil of roses', later callcd £o6ivdv (cf. Arn/AT 186).
The epithet occurs only here in early epic (cf. Bacchylides 15.34, etc.), and
£68ov first in HyDem 6, but compare the Homeric £O5O6AKTVAOS. Pausanias
(9.41.7) says that oil of roses was used as a medicine and also for preserving
wooden statues.
187 drrroSpCtyoi: 'lacerate', apparently an aorist form of ¿TroSpCnrrco.
The compound verb occurs only here and in the parallel verse 24.21 in //.,
but 3X Od. lAKUtrrd^tiv occurs nowhere else except in these two verses.
188 Kvdveov cf. 16.66 icudvcov Tpoxov vtyos as a metaphor.
188-91 The dark cloud with which Apollo covers the immediate area of
the body is a rather unusual idea, perhaps similar to the cloud or mist which
gods use to hide or rescue their favourites (cf. 3-38of. etc.).
191 'Should wither the fiesh all around on the sinews and limbs.* OKÂEI*
is aorist optative of OKIAAOO, a vivid verb which occurs only here in early
epic; cf. A. Pr. 481 KcrrecndAAovTo (of men wasting away through lack of
medicines), etc. It is related to OKEAFTAS, axXrjp6s, etc.; cf. Chantraine, Diet,
s.v. OK&Aoucn. The hiatus before TVE$ recurs at Od. 11.219, and it probably
had an initial digamma; cf. Chantraine, Diet. s.v. t$ 2.
192-235 When the pyrefails to burn Akhilleus prays to Boreas and J&phuros, and Iris
goes to summon them. She finds the Winds feasting in the home of %ephuros and gives
them Akhilleus' message. They cross the sea to Troy and fall upon th pyre, setting it
ablaze. All night it burns, and Akhilleus continually pours wine on the ground, coiling
on the spirit of Patroklos with constant lamentation
This episode in which the Winds are summoned is a curious one. We have
just heard of the care of Aphrodite and Apollo for the body of Hektor, which
prevents Akhilleus' intention from being fulfilled. The failure of the pyre to
burn is another check, and this in turn leads to further divine action. But
the intervention of Iris of her own accord is unusual (cf. 3.121 where she
comes unbidden to Helen), and it seems to be designed, like the episode as
a whole, to give added importance to the whole narrative of the funeral. At
the same time, Iris* visit to the Winds develops a momentum of its own, and
forms an interlude in the action on earth, which is a relief after the intensity
of what has preceded and a contrast with the picture of Akhilleus as he
moves restlessly to and fro throughout the following night (cf. Wilamowitz,
lull 114). There seems to be no need here to invoke the theory of Kakridis
(Researches 75-83), that the scene is modelled on one in a poem about
Akhilleus* own funeral, where the Winds might be unwilling to come be-
cause of their grief at the death of Memnon their brother, and so they must
be summoned.
The form of Iris* visit to the Winds (198-212) is also untypical, when
»9»
Book Twenty-Three
compared with other scenes describing a messenger's journey or a visit.

Normally she brings a message from a god to other gods or to mortals,
whereas here she brings a request from a mortal to gods (cf. Arend, Scenen
58). This surely underlines the importance of Akhilteus: he is the only
mortal who could evoke such a response. Iris' visit is most closely compara-
ble with that of Patroklos to Nestor at t t.644ff. There too Patroklos refuses
Nestor's offer of a seat (648 oOx !8o$ ferrl — 23.205), because of the urgency
of the situation; cf. also 6.360, where Hektor refuses Helen's offer of a seat.
Many readers have seen a touch of comedy in the portrayal of the Winds'
party, and the eagerness of all of them to have Iris sitting beside them
(202-3; already T 203), although Kakridts protested that they are only
showing proper epic courtesy (Researches 76-7, and cf. Homer Revisited (Lund
1971) 15). Iris' excuse, that she is going to join the other gods in the land
of the Aithiopes, sounds very like a 'white lie' invented on the spur of the
moment: this was already the view of some ancient scholars (bT 206a).
L. Coventry, JHS 107 (1987) 178-80, suggests that it also contributes to
the sense of the gods' detachment from the world of men (cf. b T 206b, Eust.
!296.25ff.).
Whatever the poet may have had in mind, the scene has an almost
baroque quality to it. One thinks of Hellenistic poetry, Callimachus' Lock
of Berenice for example, in which Zephuros also plays a pari.
»93 £v6* aOr' &AV £v6nat: sec on 140.
194 Cf. 1.35 "iroAXdt 8' IIRCIT' <5rm5rvfu6€ KICOV f|pa6' 6 yipat6s, Od. 2.260-1
TrjAipctxos 8' ¿rn&vevfo KKJJV . . . EOXET' 'AWjvij, etc. Sec on 1.35-6.
195 For Boptr) Kal Zi^vpcj) cf. 9.5 (with comment) Bopir^S *«*1 Ztyvpot,
TCO TF ©pi^KR)0tv irrjTov. Here too these Winds seem to have their home in
Thrace (229-30). The imperfect CrrrlCTxrro goes better here with the im-
perfects in 194 and 196 than the variant inrioxcTo, which is read by pap.
12 and some medieval MSS.
After 195 and 209 pap. 12 adds the verse 6pv£>v irpc*>Toy6vcov
•cXfiTtfjv bcorr6|iPnv, which occurs at 4.102, 4.120, and 23.864, 23.873, al-
ways in the context of prayers to Apollo by archers.
196 Pap. 12 reads TTOXXA 8* drrrocrnivSoov ^pdocrro 8Tos 'Ax»AXa>s, a very
weak variant, with unnecessary repetition of the formula for Akhilleus after
193. Akhilleus* golden cup is paralleled at 219 by his golden krater. Cf. the
very special libation vessel which he uses at 16.220-32.
197 ^XcycOoiczTo vcxpol: most M S S read vcxp6v, which would make the
verb middle instead of passive, and van der Valk supports this, since atten-
tion is focused on Patroklos rather than the dead Trojans (Researches 11 581).
It looks as if there was another ancient variant vcicp6$, as Euphorion appar-
ently used ^Xcyc8otcrro as a singular (T 197b with Erbse's comments).
198 OXrj TE OEVAITO was Aristarchus' reading (Did/A), against the variant
192
[
Book Twenty-Three
OArjv TECTEuaivrro(sc. CXVEUOI), which probably went with the reading vo<p6v
in 197. COKCX 6E Tlpis was conjccturcd by Bcntlcy for the vulgate reading ¿¡»¿a
5' Tlpis, and it is in fact read by pap. 12. T h e vulgate text probably arose
from the common formula COKECC Îpts at the end of the line ( i 8 x //.), and
the papyrus reading, which respects the digamma of ''Ipis and gives the
adverb COKCX, is clearly better (pace Leaf).
199 Pap. 12 reads EuxooArjs instead of dcpacov. For perdyyeAos see on
'5-143-5-
200-1 For the feasting of the Winds cf. Aiolos' family and their perpetual
banqueting (Od. 10.8-11, 10.60-1).
2 0 0 ZeÔ/poio SVCTCCEOS . . . evSov: i.e. in the house of Zephuros; cf. 20.13
Aios Iv8ov. Zephuros is normally a stormy wind in Homer: cf. Od. 5.295
Z^4>up6s TE 6ucrar)S, 12.289 ZE<f>0/poio SuaaEog. For 5uaaf]S cf. also II. 5.865.
2 0 1 - 2 ETTEaTri | ^riAcp eui AI©£O>: crossing or stepping on a threshold is
often a way of expressing entry to a house in epic scenes of this type (e.g.
Od. 1.680 etc.; see Richardson on HyDem 188); but usually the word for
threshold is ouSos rather than |3T]A6S. T h e latter also occurs at 1 . 5 9 1 and
15.23, in both cases of the threshold of heaven from which gods were thrown
by Zeus, and nowhere else in early epic. Later allegorists misinterpreted it
as a word for heaven or part of the heavens (cf. A b T 1.591c, with Erbse's
comments}. Quintus of Smyrna has pr|A6v Is &crrep6evTa (13.483) in a
passage about winds stirring up the sea (NB: 482 SvcraEOS).
202-3 T h e welcome of the Winds again follows a typical form for divine
visits: cf. 1.533-4 ( N - ) 6* a p a TTCCVTES DCVCATCCV | E8£COV cr<|>oO 7raTp6s
Evavrriov (of Zeus), 15.85-6 oi ISOVTES I "rravTas dvrj'iâv Kai 6EIKOCV6COVTO
SETTOCCTCTIV (of Here), HyAp 3 - 4 K a i T* dcvataoouCTiv ¿TTI OXESOV ¿PXOUEVOIO |
TTAVTES &<J>' fSpaoov. Here however KAAE6V TE PIV E!S E IKCCCTTOS is a specific
touch. Alcaeus made Zephuros the lover of Iris, and Eros their child (fr. 327
L - P ) : cf. Erbse on T 203. Later tradition saw Iris as IpcoTiK^j ( b T 5 . 3 5 3 ,
Eust. 555.30). T adds that the Winds are perhaps rather drunk (cf. T
15.86), which suits their boisterous behaviour!
204-5 Cf. 11.647-8 ndrrpoKAos 5' ¿TIPCO0EV dtvaivETo, ETTT£ TE u08ov | o^x
16os ECRRI, y E p a i E S i o T p e ^ S , OU6E -rrEiaEis.
205—7 M* this is supposed to be a subterfuge, as seems most likely, it is
similar to the false pretexts offered by Here to Aphrodite and Zeus, when
she says that she is going to visit Okeanos and Tethus (14.200- io, 3 0 1 - 1 1 ) .
For the visit to the Aithiopes cf. 1.423-4 and Od. 1.22-6 (with West's
comments, Od. p. 75).
2 0 5 - 6 For ITT' "iiKEocvoio fi>eeOpa cf. 3 . 5 FIR1 'Qxe&voio fto&oov, which a few
M S S read here. Elsewhere we find den'¡trap' 'iiKEocvoio £>O<5CGOV, 19. i, Od.
22.197. For ks yaTocv the city texts read £s Bfjuov (Did/AT).
2 0 8 - 1 0 These verses recall the wording of 194-8. For Z£<J>upov KEAOC6EIV6V
193
Book Twenty-Three
('resounding') cf. Od. a.421 ¿rxporp Zttyjpov, KEAABOVT' ITTI otvorra TT6VTOV,
and their efTect here at 212-18.
313—16 The Winds respond at once to Iris' request, and there is a vivid
description of their turbulent journey and dramatic arrival. The poet does
not give them the kind of brief speech of acceptance which would be usual
after divine requests of this kind: their reaction is immediate.
2 1 3 — 1 3 Cf. 1 2 . 2 5 1 - 2 , 13. 8 3 3 - 4 ^P® ^covi'iaors ^YÔOCTO- TOI 8' 2TY'
ITTOVTO I TEORREAII].. •
213 VTYCA KAOVIOVTI -rrdpoiOcv: the winds 'drive' the clouds before them;
cf. 1 1 . 3 0 5 CBS 6TT6TI Ztyupos VTYCA CRRV^TALFR), 1 2 . 1 5 7 &s T* 6vspos SA^S»
OKI6«VTA 6oW)AAS, and 20.492 TTAVTTJ TC KAOV&OV 6vcpos #A6ya CTAU^D&I.
Eustathius comments that the image is a military one here and at 2 1 7 4>X6y"
IpaAAov (i296.32ff.).
314 tt6vtov txavov Afjptvai: 'they reached the sea so as to blow on it*.
Presumably the infinitive here is a development from phrases such as 6*
Uvai etc., where the beginning of an action is described: cf. Od. 3.176 &pTO
8' ITT\ Aiyvs oOpos DTF pivai.
215-16 For 2 1 5 cf. 1 3 . 5 9 0 TTvoifl CNR6 Aiyupt), 18.67 Tpoiriv tpijkoAov
IKOVTO. 0fOTTi5ols trvp occurs 7X //., 1 x Od. Here the fire is caused by a
separate divine agency, but fire was in any case divine. There is an interest-
ing parallel to this god-sent wind in the description of the tenth-century A.D.
cremation of a Scandinavian chieftain on the Volga (C. Waddy and H. L.
Lorimer, Antiquity 8 ( 1 9 3 4 ) 6 2 ) : when the pyre was lit, 'an awe-inspiring
gale got up, so that the flames of the fire grew stronger and its blaze fiercer*.
Then one of the spectators said 'out of love for him, his Lord has sent the
wind to take him away this very hour*.
317—25 The repetition of nawOx1©» • • • "rcdvwxos gives added intensity
to this scene: against the background of this howling tempest, and before the
crackling flames of the pyre, we see Akhilleus slowly moving to and for
throughout the whole night, constantly pouring wine upon the ground and
calling on Patroklos* soul, his inconsolable grief being compared to that of
a father who has lost his newly married son.
217 &yu6ts $A6y' lâAAov: 'beat upon the flame together* ('as though the
blasts were missiles', comments Monro).
218 Atyicos always occurs in this place in the verse, except at 3.214
(2x //., 4X Od.). It usually qualifies the verb xAalciv, but cf. Aiykov ¿vtpcov
( 3 X //., 1 x Od.)-etc. WKVS 'AxiAAcus is a good instance of a purely formular
use of the epithet.
219-30 For | xpvaiov ix xpryr^pos cf. HyAphr 206. fcAcbv Sfrrras
&P$IKUTT*AAOV I occurs at 9 . 6 5 6 ; cf. Od. 8.89 | xal 6£-rras ApîKCrrrcAAov iA&v.
Here, however, most M S S and pap. 12 read txcov (also Did/A as a variant),
»94
[
Book Twenty- Three
211
which is clearly preferable, since Akhilleus' action is continuous. For the
same reason the present <!tyucra6|uvo$ in aao is better than the variant
dtyueadpivos. Cf. 3.295-6 oTvov 6* ¿k Kpt)T^pos &$va<76u*voi Brn-diaaiv |
(KXKOV, where again Aûoadpcvoi is a variant (as at 10.579). For the rest of
220 cf. 7.480 oTvov 8' IK Brrrdcov xau66is X*°v, a n t * 6c0t 61 yalcrv | 13.655 «
21.119» Od. 9.290.
m i For yvx^v . . . fTerrpoKXôs SnXoTo cf. 65, 105-6. Pap. 12 reads
KIKXI*)(7KWV VFVX^v TlorrpAKAou TF^vriurros, but the verse opens much more
effectively with the single spondaic word yux^v, and the reading of the end
of the verse in pap. 12 probably derives from 192. A m / A T observe that 221
is wholly spondaic. It is a very solemn four-word verse, appropriate to the
invocation which accompanies a libation (<rrrov6^|). O n such spondaic
verses and their associations cf. Edwards, HPI 118-19, West, Greek Metre
55-6, L. P. Wilkinson, Golden Latin Artistry (Cambridge 1966) 60-1. Leaf
objects that 'the original forms were certainly riorrpoKAIpcos and possibly
SpoXoTo', and so it is wrong to see any special effect here: but we have no
grounds for assuming that the words were still pronounced in this way at
the time of composition of the Iliad. Other examples of wholly spondaic
verses are 2.544, h » ^ 0 » Od. 15 334, 3 I - i 5> 22-175, 22.192. In general see
D. W. Pye, G&R 11 (1964) 2-6. O n the libation of wine to the dead cf.
Stengel, Opferbr&uche 183-6 and see on 166-76.
349—5 This is the last of a whole series of similes scattered throughout the
poem in which the theme of parents and children b applied to Akhilleus or
Patroklos, or as here to both together: cf. especially 16.7-11 (with com-
ment) where they are like a mother and daughter, and 18.318-23 where
Akhilleus' grief for Patroklos is like that of a lion which has lost its cubs, and
see the analysis by Moulton, Similes 99-106. Moulton (106) comments that
'it is of course part of Achilles' sorrow that he has failed in his promise to
Menoitios, and that he cannot restore the son to the father (cf. 18.324-7)';
and of the simile 'the vehicle fits no one more than the Priam of book 24, in
whose grief for a married son there will be, paradoxically, a ground for a
new understanding and humane respect on the part of the sorrowing hero'.
This potential link with the theme of Priam's loss of so many sons, and the
funeral of Hektor at the end of the Iliad, b surely significant. Cf. Griffin,
HLD 123: 'the bereaved father is a dominant figure in the plot from Chryses
to Priam, who appeals to Achilles in the name of another tragic father,
Peleus; it seems natural to compare Achilles' grief for Patroclus (23.222)
with that of a father mourning for hb son'. See also on 22.44.
Here the pathos is increased by the fact that the son was vvpîos, i c.
recently married but without a son of hb own, as the father is thus deprived
of two hopes at once (cf. b T 222-3, Eust, 1296.52).
1
Book Twenty-Three
T h e four verses are composed of two balanced couplets, in which 224

parallels 222 unusually closely: cos TrctTijp ou iraiSos 65upeTai 6crTEa
Kaicov | . . . COS 'AX>AEUS ¿Tapoio 65upeTO ¿crrea Kaicov.
222 cos TTOCTI^P ou TTOCISOS: cf. 9.481 cos & "re TTcrrfjp ov TtalSa <|>iAr]crq.
But such a comparison is much commoner in the Odyssey: cf. 1.307-8, 2.47
(etc.), 16.17, ll-11 '> a n d Moulton, Similes 141 - 5 .
223 vup<J>iou: only here in //.; cf. Od. 7.64-6, where it refers to someone
who had died without leaving a son, although he has produced a daughter
(cf. A b T 223). After this verse pap. 12 adds xÎP^^v 5e yuvaika yivyco
OaA&uoio VEOIO | ¿tpr)Tov 5e TOKEOCTI y6ov KAI TT£V8OS £©T)K£V, which are
adapted from 17.36-7. Plutarch (Mor. 117D) follows 223 with the second of
these verses, and then adds uouvos TT}AuyETOS TTOAAOICTIV ETTI KTE&TEcrcri,
which is derived from 9.482 (where 481 ~ 23.222). It is natural that this
simile should have suffered such expansion for emotional effect.
223—4 650pETO . . . crrevaxiicov: cf. Od. 1 3 . 2 1 9 - 2 1 6 8* 65upeTO TTarpiBa
yaTav |' £pm/£cov n a p a 6Tva . . . | TTOAA* 6Ao<f»upou£vos. '¿pnu^cov e v i d e n t l y
expresses the weary movement of a broken-hearted man' (Leaf; cf. b T 225).
It is only used here in //., and once elsewhere in Od., of the aged Laertes
(1.193); it recurs in Hellenistic and later verse. T h e present participles
which frame the verse emphasize Akhilleus' continual sorrow and its physi-
cal expression.
226-61 At dawn the fire dies down, the Winds return home, and Akhilleus Jails asleep
exhausted. He is woken by the gathering of the leaders, and tells them to quench the
Pyre, collect Patroklos' bones, and build a mound: this will be enlarged after his own
death, to cover both of them. They do as he orders, and he then makes the army sit down
and brings out prizes for the contests
This scene, marking the end of the funeral and transition to the games, is
paralleled by the conclusion of Hektor's funeral (24.788-803), where the
people gather at dawn to quench the pyre with wine ( 7 9 1 - 2 ~ 23.250-1),
and collect the bones, which are placed in a gold Aapva£, wrapped in purple
robes, and put into a grave, which is then covered by a layer of great stones
and a mound (801 ~ 23.257). But it is striking how much variety there is
in the language and ritual details of the two passages, and here our atten-
tion is focused especially on the role of Akhilleus. Cf. also 7.433-6 where the
Achaeans gather at dawn to build a mound over their dead. At Od. 24.71 —
92 Akhilleus' own funeral concludes at dawn: his bones are collected, placed
in wine and oil, and laid in a gold amphora together with those of Patroklos,
and over them and Antilokhos' remains a great mound is built. Thetis then
institutes funeral games in his honour.
226—8 T h e description of Dawn's arrival is unusually elaborate, with the
196
Book Twenty-Three
mention of the morning-star as its harbinger (cf. Od. 13.93-4): see on 109
and 2.48-9, and cf. Wilamowitz, luH 114: 'Dawn comes in its eternal
beauty, unconcerned for the tears of the mortals, who have not been re-
freshed by the night.'
226 ibxtyopof, the Morning-star (i.e. the planet Venus), occurs only
here in Homer: cf. Hes. Th. 381, where this star is the child of Dawn.
There is no reason to suppose that the form of the word is Attic, as
Wackernagel argued, since Ionic writers use io>8tv6s and similar forms
(cf. West, Theogony p. 81). Here k«xty6pos must be scanned with synizesis
(cf. Chantraine, GH 1 69-72). For *p&»>v cf. 2.49 tptouoa
(Dawn).
227 Saffron-robed Dawn spreading over the sea (cf. 24.12-13) does not
mean that the sun seems to rise from the sea, and cannot imply a poet who
lives on an cast coast as some have argued. As Leaf says, 'the dawn spreads
over the sea to any observer on the shore, whether he looks N., E., S., or W.';
cf. Wilamowitz, luH 508-9.
228 Cf. 9.212 AVT&p frrel KCTT6 m)p BETA) ical 4uapdv0T| (in a descrip-
tion of cooking).
229-30 For the home of these Winds see on 195, and for otSpom 6wasv
see on 21.234. Verse 229 is a rising threefolder.
231—5 Cf. 62-4 where Akhilleus falls asleep, exhausted after the pursuit
of Hektor. T o fall asleep at dawn is a reversal of normality, and Akhilleus*
unquiet sleep is soon broken.
231—2 Verse 231 is again a rising threefolder. For tnl YAVXVS OTTVOS
6poucrcv cf. Od. 23.342-3 (and see on 62).
233 ol 8* 'ATpftcova: i.e. 'Agamemnon and his companions'; see on
3.146-8.
234—5 ^f- 9-573 TWV 6k T&X' TTVACTS 6paSo$ *al SOOTTOS 6p&pct, and
Od. 10.556-7 KIWJJ^VCOV 6 ' trdpcov 6pa6ov xal SoCrrrov faouaas | tfjarrfvrft
Avdpoucre (of Elpenor's sudden awakening). For | l£rro 8' 6p8w8tis cf. 2.42,
with comment.
236 =7.327, 7.385. Pap. 12 reads &AA01 ¿OxWipiSfS 'Axoriol, as at 272
658.
237—8 It has been thought that quenching the pyre with wine may
be archaeologically attested at Salamis in Cyprus and also on Ischia in
the Geometric period: cf. Coldstream, Geometric Greece 349-50, P. Dikaios,
Arc ha iogischer Anieiger (1963) 154-5, G. Buchner, Expedition 8 (1966) 5 - 6 .
The unburnt vessels found at such burials may, however, have been used to
pour a libation to the dead man after the body had been burnt.
Virgil imitates this passage at Aen. 6.226-7, perhaps describing a similar
Roman ritual. Wine was certainly poured on the pyre or over the bones (cf.
Cic. Leg. 2.24.60, Pliny, HN 14.88, Petr. 65 etc.).
»97
[
Book Twenty-Three
939 Akhilleus tells the others to quench the pyre, but will himself help to
collect the bones (so T ) .
340 sO 6teryiyv6aKovTCs: cf. 470 | ev Btoryiyvobcncco, and in the burial
of the Greeks and Trojans at 7.424 fv8a Bioryvtbvai xa^rrTo>s fy AvBpa
txaarov, where the bodies are hard to recognize because covered in blood
and wounds.
dpityxx&a: elsewhere in //. only at 326 (5X Od.). Notice how the lan-
guage of this verse is echoed in the following episodes, as though it is in the
poet's mind. Pap. 12 reads &pi$pa5kos y i p twiTO.
841-8 b m o t n xal &v6pcs: cf. 21. ¡6, with comment. Pap. 12 reads
OOLTTOI TI KOCI ITTTTOI (cf 13.684, 17.644).
243*4 Cf. Patroklos' instructions to Akhilleus (80-91). Here the <J>iAArj
is most probably a broad, shallow bowl (as in classical Greek), which is
covered by fine linen (253) and kept in Akhilleus' hut until his death. Then
their bones will be buried together in the eop6? mentioned at 91 (see
comment). Cf. Andronikos, Arch. Horn, w 30, and sec on 270. 4>I<4AT} only
occurs in Homer in thb book (4X ), but is common later.
843 SiTrXorKi 8tip£>: a double layer of fat to protect the bones. Cf. BITTAC^
of a garment at 3.(26 etc. At Od. 24.72-3 Akhilleus' bones are placed in
'unmixed wine and oil* before being buried in a golden amphora.
844 tycbv "Ai6t KfvfattK»: the variant t&v for tya>v is mentioned by A, and
Arn/AT say that Aristarchus read «AcOOcoyai, whilst pap. 12 reads the aorist
tcXtvacopai. KXtOdcopat, explained as a syncopated form of «AiOOwpai mean-
ing 'journey', 'travel', recurs only in the lexicographers. These variants may
have been designed to avoid the use of "AT81 in a local sense, unusual in
Homer. The passive of tccuta) is also only found here in Homer, but the verb
is used of burial at Od. 3.16 and later. Sophocles read xcOOcopoi, since he
echoes the verse: Aj. 635 xpclaaosv y&p *Ai8qr KC68OOV 6 voar&v pdrrav, and
Ant. 911 utyrp6$ 8' tv "A160V nal TrcrrpAs KEKSV/OATOIV (cf. also OT 968, A. Pr.
570 etc.). So we should keep the vulgate reading as in the O C T . For the
idea cf. 22.482 *At5oto 66povs Crn-6 xcOOcai ya(T>s.
945-8 The tumulus will cover the pyre (255-6), which itself is a hun-
dred feet square (164). It is to be a small one to begin with, and at first a
cenotaph (cf. Od. 1.289-92,4.584), but later when both heroes' remains are
buried in it the Achaeans will make it broader and higher. Cf. Od. 24.80-4,
where the final construction is described. There it is a great mound on a
promontory looking over the Hellespont, and a landmark visible from far
out at sea (cf. similarly 7.84-90). The tumulus built over the Achaean
dead at 7.435-6 would have been a large one, and compare for example
2.811-14 where a high hill is called by the gods the 'tomb of Murine':
see on 2.813-14, 7.86 for actual tumuli in the area, and for the ancient
»198
[
Book Twenty-Three
identification of barrows near the Sigeion headland as the tombs of

Akhilleus, Patroklos and Antilokhos.
Andronikos (Arch. Horn, w 32-4) discusses these Homeric burial mounds,
and ( 1 0 7 - 1 4 ) actual evidence for tumuli. Some of the most interesting
examples from the Homeric point of view are found in northern Greece, at
Halos and Vergina (Arch. Horn, w 112 and Lorimer, HM 108-10). A t Halos
a tumulus was erected in the eighth century B.C. over the site of sixteen pyres
on which cremated human remains were found. 'Presumably they represent
a family group over which the tumulus was raised when the direct line
became extinct: no doubt each pyre was provisionally protected by a small
mound' (Lorimer, ibid., comparing 23.245-8). A t Vergina we find many
tumuli dating from the tenth to seventh or sixth centuries B.C. which have
a circular enclosure of unworked stones as a base: some are as large as
twenty metres in diameter (Andronikos, Arch. Horn, w 112). Near Larisa
two very large tumuli of the archaic period contained multiple graves, with
warrior cremation burials, some in bronze vessels 1980-1, p. 25). Such
tumuli continued in use in northern Greece into the Hellenistic period.
Similar ones of the classical period in Thrace (cf. Hdt. 5.8) are discussed by
A. Petropoulou (AJP 109 (1988) 493~5)-
2 4 6 &TTIEIK&3 TOTOV: 'just of moderate size'. &TTIEIKIi)s is normally in Homer
used in the phrase cos ¿"mEtKls, or 4TTIEIK£S with an infinitive, and this quali-
fying use of TOTOV occurs only here in II. but is common in Od. (1.209 etc.);
it may be colloquial, as if accompanied by a gesture ('just so big').
2 4 7 - 8 IUEIO } SeOrgpoi: 'after me'. This use of 5EV)TEPOS with a genitive
occurs only here in epic; cf. Hdt. 1.23 etc. Akhilleus' reference to his own
death is very objective (cf. b T 248: 'in a noble way he does not lament his
death').
251 (3a0£ia K<inTTrEa£ T&J>pTi: 'where the ash had fallen deep'.
252 ¿T(icpoio 4vt}£os: almost exclusively of Patroklos in //.; cf. 17.204, 21.96
¿Tccipov . . . §vr|£a, 17.670 §VT)Eir|S norrpoKArjos, and once of Nestor at 23.648,
just after a reference to Patroklos (see comment).
2 5 2 - 3 6OTia AEVKA I fiAAeyov: cf. 24.793 dxriia AeukA A£yovnro, and 21.321
&AAE£CXI (of collecting bones).
2 5 4 For kv KAictIi^cti 0£VTES cf. 19.280 kv KAioIi^CTI ©¿CTOCV, etc. Leaf prefers
the variant reading of some M S S kv KAICTI^ 8* MBYTES, but the generalizing
plural KAioiai is quite common (2.226-7 etc.). For ¿AVCO Arrl K<5CAUVFAV |
cf. 18.352 kv Aexêctcti 8£ 0£VTES ¿avco AITI K A A U V Y A V , where Patroklos' body
is covered in fine linen, and 24.796 Trop$v/p£ois TT^TTAOICTI kccAO^CCVTES
IXXAOCKOTCTIV ofHektor's bones. O n £av6s ('supple' or 'fine') see 5.7340. A t
Salamis in Cyprus cremated bones have been found together with or actu-
ally wrapped in fine cloth, and at Lefkandi the warrior burial has its
»99
Book Twenty-Three
funerary amphora wrapped in cloth: see on 166-76. For other examples of

this practice cf. Coldstream, Geometric Greece 196-7, 350 (the burials at the
West Gate of Eretria, c. 700 B.C.), and Kurtz and Boardman, Burial Customs
53,98-9, describing Geometric and later burials in Attica in which the urns
or cremated remains (or both) are wrapped in cloth. In the one illustrated
there (pi. 23) the ashes 'were gathered from the pyre into a purple cloth,
placed in a bronze cauldron, which was itself wrapped in cloth. T h e urn lay
in a wooden chest inside a stone box, which was buried beneath a built
tomb.' A celebrated example is that of the magnificent purple and gold
cloth found in the antechamber of the late fourth-century B.C. 'Royal
Tomb* in the great tumulus at Vergina: this was wrapped around the
cremated bones, in a gold lamax, and the similar cremation in the gold
larnax inside the main chamber was also probably wrapped in cloth. Cf.
M. Andronikos, Vergina: the Royal Tombs and th Ancient City (Athens 1984)
73» «7«» » 9 » P I s - i 5 6 - 7 -
A. Petropoulou, AJP 109 (1988) 482-95, discusses further examples from
Thrace, Macedonia and Rhodes of cinerary urns of the classical period of
gold or silver, some of which are covered by cloth, and argues that the
KAIOICCI referred to here is not Akhiileus' hut (as is usually supposed) but the
actual tomb itself (as suggested by Duntzer and Thielscher). KAIOIOI does
not have this sense elsewhere in Homer, but she quotes some examples from
Hellenistic and later epitaphs. The strongest point in her favour is 24.16,
where Hektor's corpse is dragged round Patroklos' tomb (crifaa), which is
odd if his bones are not there. But the lack of Homeric parallels makes it
hard to take the word in this sense.
3 5 5 - 6 Finally they drew the circle ("ropvcJxravrro) of the mound, and set
up around the circumference of the pyre a base of stones, which they then
covered with earth. T h e verb TOpvoOoOcn occurs only here in //., at Od.
5.249, and occasionally in late epic, but T6pvos is the common Greek word
for a type of compass for marking a circle. For fopclAia cf. 12.28, HyAp 254.
O n the tomb's construction see Andronikos, Arch. Horn, w 32, io7ff.
956 XVT^)V ^ yaTorv Ixci/av: the word yyr&s is used in Homer only to
refer to a burial mound (cf. Arn/A): cf. Od. 3.258 X ^ V ^ y a i a v lytvcrv )•
It. 6.464, 14.114 X^R^L KcrrA y a i a KOAUTTTOI/KAAiAfi |.
«57 This verse is similar to 24.801 xc^rotVT€S 8fe T6 crfjua TTAAIV KIOV
crurApfcrreiTa(followed by the funeral feast). It has been objected that xlov
b an aorist form, and so there is an awkward transition here, as in fact the
Greeks do not go away (cf. Leaf, Willcock). The poet may be using a regular
phrase to describe the end of a burial.
358 T^ccvcv cOpOv ¿rycova: 'made the broad assembly sit down'; cf. 2.191
&AAov$ T&puE XaoOs (etc.), Od. 8.260 koA6V 8* eOpvvav drycbva. Aycbv means
any gathering, and hence an assembly of spectators at a contest, or the
200
[
Book Twenty-Three
place of the contest, and then the contest itself (cf. perhaps already Od.
8-259)-
259—61 T h e general catalogue of prizes serves as the briefest introduc-
tion to the games, but by its richness of detail it marks the transition from
the solemnity of the funeral rites to the more cheerful atmosphere of the
following scenes.
Both Aristophanes and Aristarchus athetized these verses (Did/T). T h e
scholia do not say why, although b T defend the use of vr|cbv here to mean
'the place where the ships were', since the prizes were not kept in the ships
themselves (cf. 564 oicrEiJEvai xAicrir]0ev). Leaf suggests that they may have
objected pedantically to the fact that horses, mules and oxen are mentioned,
when only one of each is subsequently given as a prize, and to the applica-
tion of EK<J>EPC to such animals. We surely need an introductory passage at
this point. O f the prizes actually mentioned later, some belong to Akhilleus
(807 8, 826-9), others to Patroklos. Several have significant associations as
spoils of the War. For their values see on 269, and in general cf. Laser, Arch.
Horn, T 7 9 - 8 1 .
259 For tripods as prizes cf. 11.700 (in Elis: cf. Olympia?), 22.164, Hes.
Erga 657, with West's comment. The great series of tripods at Olympia
and other sanctuaries, beginning in the ninth century, may have been
dedications rather than prizes, although this is disputed: cf. \1. \laass, Die
geometrischen Dreifusse von Olympia (Berlin 1978) 4, Fittschen, Sagendarstellungen
31. Fittschen lists depictions of contests for tripods in eighth- and seventh-
century art (Sagendarstellungen 28-30). In addition to tripods we find shields
and horses, possibly as prizes, in some Geometric scenes of contests (And-
ronikos, Arch. Horn, w 124).
260-1 T h e phrase rrrrrovs (6*) f)tu6vous TE recurs 3X in book 24, but
(3ocov i<J>0ipcc Kiitpr^va is used only here in Homer: cf. IlyHerm (4X ); II. 9.407
ITTTTOJV £av0& KAPR^va |. Verse 261 = 9.366 (see comment).
262 8qy The games
T h e games in honour of Patroklos consist of eight contests. By far the longest

episode is the first, the chariot-race (262-652). It is followed by boxing
1652-99), wrestling (700-39), running (740-97), armed combat (798-
825), weight-throwing (826-49), archery (850-83), and spear-throwing
(884-97).
In Nestor's reminiscences a shorter list of five contests is mentioned,
boxing, wrestling, running, spear-throwing, and the chariot-race (634-42),
and Akhilleus mentions the first four of these in his speech to Nestor (621 —
3). In the Phaeacian games for Odysseus the five events are running, wres-
tling, jumping, discus-throwing, and boxing (Od. 8.120-30), but Odysseus
201
Book Twenty-Three
boasts to the Phaeacians of his skill in archery and spear-throwing (8.214-

29). Thus all the contests in the games for Patroklos recur elsewhere in
Homer except the armed duel, although some modem scholars actually
believe this to be the event from which funeral games developed (cf.
L. Malten, MDAI(R) 38 (1923) 300-40, K . Meuli, Die Antike 17 (1941)
189-208, and Der grieehische Agon, Cologne 1968, 15-67).
Nestor's games were at the funeral of Amarunkeus (630-1). In book 11
he mentions a four-horse chariot which hb father had entered for a race in
Elis, but does not specify whether this was at a funeral or not (698-
702). Several other games in Homer are funerary: 23.678-80 (Oidipous),
22.162-4 (a simile), and Od. 24.85-92 (Akhilleus). It was believed later
that all athledc festivab had originated as funeral games (cf. Pfeiffer on
Call. fr. 384.30, Erbse on b T 22.164b), and this view is supported by Meuli.
But not all games in Homer are of thb type (cf. 4.385-90, Od. 8.100-3).
The motive for holding contests at a funeral is never explained in Homer,
although 646 implies that they are designed to honour the dead man. In
addition, when Akhilleus offers Nestor a prize he says that he should keep
it as a memorial of Patroklos* funeral (618-19). The games are seen as a
great commemorative occasion. The poet does not give us any hint of
Patroklos' own spirit as taking pleasure in thb, but the idea may well have
been present in people's minds on such occasions. During the funeral itself
Akhilleus continually called upon the ghost of his friend (218-21), but after
the burning his spirit is in Hades (cf. 75-6). Whether he hears we are not
told, but Akhilleus does address him again later, and promises him a share
in Priam's gifts (24.591-5).
Structurally the games mark a transition to the last Book, preparing the
way for Akhilleus' reception of Priain. They also show us the Greek heroes,
for the last time, with many of their strengths and weaknesses of character
displayed in speech and action. T h b Book forms a counterpart to book 2,
which gave us our first picture of the Greek army as a whole: the marshal-
ling of the Achaeans for war corresponds with their gathering for the games,
war's peaceful counterpart. But the quarrels which break out among the
leaders also recall book t. There Akhilleus was the protagonist in the
dispute, whereas here by contrast he is the mediator and restorer of concord
(490-8, 555-62, 618-23). Honour is satisfied in the games and the risk of
further conflict is avoided (see on 448-98).
Some of the episodes foreshadow events beyond the poem's scope, for
example the wrestling match between Telamonian Aias and Odysseus,
which brings to mind their later contest for Akhilleus' arms. The promi-
nence of Antilokhos, and hb close friendship with Akhilleus, suggests the
role he is to play in the events described in the Aithiopis, where his death at
Memnon's hands is avenged by Akhilleus: after Patroklos' death Antilokhos
202
1
Book Twenty-Three
begins to replace him as Akhilleus' closest friend alive. We see heroes who
play no part in the main events of the poem but may have been prominent
elsewhere, such as Eumelos of Phcrai (cf. 2.712-15, 2.763-7), and Epeios
who later will make the Wooden Horse (cf. Od. 8.492-3, 11.523).
O n the early history of funeral games cf. Andronikos, Arch. Horn, w
34-7, 121-6, and Laser, Arch. Horn. T. For some literary aspects cf. M. M.
Willcock, 'The funeral games of Patroclus', BICS 20 (1973) i - n , and on
the relationship of the games to book 1 see Macleod, Iliad XXIV 29-32, and
M. W. Dickie, 'Fair and foul play in the Funeral Games in the Iliad, Journal
of Sport History n. 2 (1984) 8 - 1 7 .
262-652 The chariot race
This falls into four main sections:
(a) Preparations for the race (262-361)

(b) The race itself (362-447)
(c) The argument between the spectators Idomeneus and the lesser Aias
(448-98)
(d) The end of the race and the awarding of the prizes (499-652).
(a) 262-361 The preparations. Akhilleus offers prizes for the chariot race. The
contestants are Eumelos, Diomedes, Menelaos, Antilokhos, and Meriones. Nestor
advises Antilokhos on tactics. They draw lots for positions, and Akhilleus sets Phoinix
as an umpire at the turning-point
063—70 The list of prizes is varied: the postponement of TCO rrpomp gives
a neatly chiastic order to 265, and the placing and form of the verb is
elegantly varied: | . . . £$T)KEV | . . . KOCT^KE . . . dfjice . . . Wtya |. The
expression &c6Xa &fjK£ (etc.) is used for the first four contests of the Games
(cf. 653, 700, 740), but for the later, more minor ones &«6A.a is omitted and
the prizes are listed as objects of the verb.
363 ImrfOmv . . . TTOSCOKEOIV: cf. 376 TTOSCOK&S . . . Itnroi, 17.614
7RO8COK£AS . . . ITTTTOVS. The adaptation of this expression has led to the
transfer of the epithet from horses to riders. T mentions a variant Tmrotoiv,
clearly designed to avoid the oddity of expression, and impossible with what
follows.
363 Cf. 16.233 frri vrj6s AycoOon, and 9.128 Scbcrco 8' En tu ywcuieas
dpupova fpya I6u(as. The hiatus after yuvaTxa is inelegant, and may be due
to the combination of the two types of phrase just quoted (cf. Chantraine,
C H 1 9 1 ) . The succession of trochaic word breaks produces an uneven verse
(cf. 1 i6n.), although examples of this are not so uncommon: cf. Kirk, YCS
20 (1966) 95flf.
203
Book Twenty- Three
264 Kal TpliroS* a j T o b c v r a : this phrase recur* at 513. The epithet ('with
ears or handles') does not recur in Horner: cf. Hes. Erga 657 TplnoS'
cbTcbevTa, of the prize won by Hesiod in the funeral games for Amphidamas.
The form ouorr&is is most often used elsewhere (see West's comment).
Tripod handles (oOcrra) are mentioned at 18.378-9.
SuooKaiEiKOcrluFTpov: 'holding twenty-two measures'; cf. the similar com-
pound 8va*cai£iKoalTT!ixv (15-678), with comment. These are the only cases
in Homer of a single word filling the second half of the verse (Edwards, HP!
123), and both occur nowhere else. As this is five and a half times the
quantity held by the cauldron in 267-8 it must have been a very large
tripod bowl, but we do not know what the p^rpov here represents.
266 Cf. 655 iîit 68p/|TT]v, F| T ' AAylorr) SapdaaoOai. 65MT)TOS ought to
mean 'untamed' (cf. 10.293). Delcbecque (Cheval 160) considered it odd to
use this of a six-year-old mare, and suggested that it should mean 'hard
to maStcr', but she could have been left wild up to then. pp€$o$ fjplovov
Kviouaav means 'pregnant with a baby mule'.
267—8 For ¿rnvpov ('not yet exposed to fire') cf. 9.122 firr' ¿rnvpous
Tphro8as, and 23.270 ¿nrvporrov, 885 X^rjT* firnvpov. Here Xancdv fr*
ctVTWS (268) elaborates the point of ¿rrrvpov. For KExarv56Ta ('containing')
cf. Od. 4.96 and see on 24.192.
269 6Co> xpucoto TdXavra: cf. 614, 18.507. It is significant that two
talents of gold are assigned only as the fourth prize. Ancient discussion
concluded that the Homeric talent must have had a smaller value than in
the classical period, and Aristotle (fr. 164 R.') argued that its value cannot
have been precisely fixed (cf. A b T 269 with Erbse's commentary, and
F. Hultsch, Griechische und romische Metrologie, Berlin 1862, 128 -9). The only
weight terms used in Homer are the talent and half-talent, and these are
only applied to gold, whereas other commodities are measured in different
ways, especially in terms of oxen. Some scholars believe that the Homeric
talent was equated in value with an ox. It has been argued that there
was no attempt at standardization of weights before the introduction of
coinage, but this is a debatable point: cf. C. H. Grayson, 'Weighing in
ancient Greece' (Oxford D.Phil, thesis 1974) 285-6, 323, 326-30. In the
Mycenaean period there appears to have been a more developed system
of weights and measures: cf. Ventris and Chadwick, Documents 57-8 and
Grayson, op. cit. 674-8. The Eretria gold hoard of c. 700 B.C. contains a
number of what may be talents, as well as half pieces and fragments: P. G.
Themelis, Praktika 1980, 89-91. For discussion of relative values of the
prizes and other Homeric objects see A. L. Macrakis, Studies Presented to
Stirling Dow, ed. K . J . Rigsby (Durham, North Carolina 1984) 2 1 1 - 1 5 .
270 Ap^lOrrov $t6At)v: according to Aristarchus (Arn/A) the Homeric
is a shallow bowl-shaped cauldron, and 6p$18rTo$ means that it can
stand cither upright or upside down on its rim, but this seems unlikely. The
204
1
Book Twenty-Three
sense of the epithet was uncertain, and Athenaeus (5OOF~5OID) records

many interpretations. The most likely seems to be 'with handles on both
sides'. The word recurs at 616, and nowhere later. The 4H6ATJ existed in
Mycenaean Greek: cf. pi~je-ras, pi-at-ra in the Linear B tablets, which is
depicted in the ideograms as *a large shallow vessel, designed to expose a
large area to the fire, and provided with high-swung handles for suspension'
(Ventris and Chadwick, Documents 324-5). See also on 243-4, and F.
Brommer, Hermes 77 (1942) 361, 368-9.
271 This verse is repeated before Akhilleus' introductory speeches to all
the contests except the last two, at 456,657 (272 «= 658), 706, 752,801,830,
and occurs nowhere else in Homer, a remarkable example of a formula
confined to a single context (cf. Edwards, HSCP 74 (1970) 15, 27). Cf. in
this Book 781 6v8ov daroirnxov, perd 8* 'Apytloioiv ieitrev, 786 uciSiocov, xal
liG6ov tv 'Apytiotaiv IEITTCV, and 471 A1TGOA6S yivlr^v, prr6 6 ' "Apyiioiaiv
¿vdaoii. It looks as if the verse may have been invented by the poet for
this episode. Alternatively, it could belong to the stock of epic accounts
of games. Elsewhere we find 19.269 &VOT6S Apycfotoi $tAoirroAiiioiai
VirrtjOSa, and 2.109, 9.16 ITT«' 'Apyeioioi pmiOSa |.
9 7 3 - 8 6 Akhilleus' speech appropriately introduces the first and most
important contest, by referring to the supremacy of his own horses (cf.
2.770), and to the loss of Patroklos, their driver. This reference is developed
pathetically with the reminiscence of his gentle care for them and of their
grief for him, a motif which recalls 17.426-56 and 19.400-24.
272 =658 (with 657 = 271) at the beginning of the next episode. The
same verse (with 'ATptiScn) occurred at 1.17. Here some MSS read Apicrrfjcs
riavaxaicav | as at 236.
273 'These prizes are set down in the assembly, awaiting the horsemen':
&E6€yu£va (from &x°l' i a i ) ¡ s applied here unusually to inanimate objects.
Arn/A mention a variant ITTTTCOCTI, and T says that some took 8c6eyu£va as
from BEIKWJJI, meaning 'displayed for*.
274 M &AX<p: the hiatus at the end of the second foot is rare, especially
inside a phrase where the words cohere so closely.
276 mpipAAAFrov: 'are outstanding'; only here and at Od. 15.17 in this
sense.
2 7 7 - 8 At 16.866-7 , 7-443 - 4 learnt that the gods gave Peleus
immortal horses, presumably at his wedding to Thetis (cf. 18.84-5 an<^ s c c
on 16.140-4). Their parentage was described at 16.148-51; they were the
offspring of Zephuros and the Harpy Podarge. Here we learn that they were
a gift of Poseidon, presumably as the god of horses (so T). Leaf says that
'this is the only passage in Homer where Poseidon is brought into any
special relation with the horse', but 584-5 is surely another instance, and
perhaps 8.440-1, where Poseidon takes charge of the chariot and horses of
Zeus.
205
Book Twenty-Three
277 otCrrous: Leaf reads AUR6$, with the support of one or two MSS, but
the anaphoric use of O0T6S appears occasionally in Homer: cf. Chantraine,
GHu 157.
278 After this verse pap. 12 adds two more, <£>$ TCO y* dBAvorroi K( . . . |
OvryroOs «WovocToicri [ . . . , whose sense probably was 'They are immortal,
and mortals should (or do) not vie with immortals*; cf. Od. 5.212-13.
2 8 0 TOIOV ydtp *A£o$ ICT0A6V: pap. 12 and some M S S read TOTOV . . .
CT6EVOS. TOTOV must be a mistake, due to false assimilation with oOivos. KAIO;
§o6A6v occurs 3X elsewhere in It. and 5X Od., oOtvos §o$A6v nowhere
else. Either would be possible, but KA£O$ is more emotive and seems pref-
erable {pace van der Valk, Researches 11 n o ) . The oblique reference to
Patroklos without naming him is pathetic, as at 16 TOTOV y&p TT60EOV
Uf)crTGopa $6fk>to.
81—2 Cf. Hektor's reference to Andromakhc's care of his horses (8.185-
90). For the stress on Patroklos* gentleness see on 252. For 05 c^coiv pap. 12
and some MSS read 6 O^KOIV, and this was Aristarchus' reading, with a
comparison of 1.73 (AT). This is more euphonious. 0yp6v lAaiov ('liquid
oil') occurs only here in //., but 3X Od.
2 8 3 * 4 These verses recall 17.426-40, where the horses mourn Patroklos*
death, especially 434-40, where their stillness is like that of a funeral
they bow their heads to the ground (o06ci tvioxip^xivTe Kapfârra), and their
manes are besmirched. Cf. also 19.405-6, where Xanthos bows his head in
sorrow for Akhilleus and his mane reaches the ground. Here XCTTOI (284)
picks up the reference to the washing of their manes in 282, and the effect
of contrast is rather like that of 22.401-4 and similar passages (cf. Griffin,
HLD 135-6). The repetition in TCO y ' IOTOKSTES TTEV0E1ETOV . . . Ttb 8' IOTOTOV
&xyvuivco fcfjp dwells on this picture of the silent, sorrowing creatures: their
continual stillness is abnormal and reveals their grief.
2 8 4 Iprip45crra»: 'rest on the ground'; cf. 7 . 1 4 5 etc. OOSEI Ip«la8ii. The
form ipripiBarai recurs at 329; cf. Od. 7.95 !pT)p£6aro.
285—6 Nicanor preferred to take K<rr6 orpdTov with the relative clausc,
rather than with what precedes, but the latter seems more natural. Some
MSS read AAA* &yc 8/| at the beginning of 285, and this is occasionally used
with an address in the plural (1.62 etc.). For lirrroiaiv TC . . . xal &piiaoi
xoAArjToTaiv see on 4.366 and 11.198.
287 Aristarchus took TCXX«S as predicative, meaning 'quickly* (Arn/AbT),
comparing 880 and 19.276, and this is probably correct (although cf.
262). He also preferred to read §yEp0EV (Did/A), which is read by some of
our MSS ('roused themselves*), in preference to AycpOtv ('gathered'). But
¿yripcotiai elsewhere in Homer always seems to be used of waking up.
288FF. For the form of this list cf. 7.i62ff. cbpTO noAu irpcoTos pev <5cvcr£
<5cv8poov 'Ayaylpvwv, | TQ 5* fcirl TuBctS^ cbpTo Kparepds
[ = 23.290], | Tolat 6 ' ITT' ATOVTES (etc.), with Meriones in sixth place (cf.
206
[
Book Twenty- Three
2 3 . 3 5 1 ) ; also 2 3 . 7 0 8 , 8 1 1 - 1 2 , 8 3 6 , 8 5 9 . This listing seems to reflect the

contestant's natural order of ability.
288—9 On Eumelos, his horses, and their connexion with Apollo, sec
2 . 7 1 2 - 1 5 , 2 . 7 6 3 - 7 with comments. His father Admetos was one of the
contestants at the funeral games in honour of Pelias, a major event in early
Greek poetry and an: cf. Paus. 5 . 1 7 . 9 , LJMCi. 1 pp. 2 1 9 - 2 0 (B 7 and 10),
L. Mai ten, MDAf(R) 3 8 ( 1 9 2 3 ) 3 0 7 - 8 .
290—2 The introduction here of the horses from the stock of Tros neatly
links this episode with earlier parts of the poem, especially book 5: cf. their
description at 5 . 2 2 2 - 3 and 2 6 0 - 7 3 , their capture at 3 1 9 - 2 7 , and Aincias'
rescue by Apollo at 3 4 4 - 6 and 4 4 5 - 7 ; they arc mentioned again at 8 . 1 0 5 -
8. In the ensuing race there are further important echoes of book 5, for here
too Apollo attempts to thwart Diomedes' success, and Athene helps him, at
the same time as she robs Eumelos' horses, which Apollo had looked after,
of victory ( 3 8 2 - 4 0 0 ) .
The ancient critics (T 291) were puzzled by Diomedes' ability to take
part in the games (cf. 812-25 where he fights Aias in the duel), after he had
been wounded in battle (11.376-8), a fact which had been recalled as
recently as at 19.47-9. Given the frequency of cross-references in the games
to earlier parts of the poem this may seem odd, but presumably the poet
forgets Diomedes' wound for the purpose of these episodes. The same prob-
lem will apply to Odysseus' participation at 7090*., 755ff.
2 9 3 - 3 0 0 Menelaos competes with one of his own horses and one of his
brother's, a neat way of bringing Agamemnon into the contest, since the
poet could not easily have let him compete and lose, and a way of suggest-
ing the unity of the two Atreidai (cf. bT 293, 295). The names of the horses,
Fiery and Fleetfoot, are suitable (see on 8 . 1 8 5 ) . They are dignified with a
biographical sketch: Ekhepolos, a very rich inhabitant of Sikuon, avoided
military service at Troy by giving Agamemnon the horse Aithe. Cf. the
references to payment of a fine for this purpose by a Corinthian ( 1 3 . 6 6 9 ) ,
and to conscription by lot ( 2 4 . 3 9 9 - 4 0 0 ) . Both Corinth and Sikuon were in
Agamemnon's own territory: see on 2 . 5 6 9 - 8 0 .
Ekhepolos, son of Ankhises, has an appropriate name. Later mytho-
graphers (Acusilaus, Pherecydes) made him a descendant of Pelops (T
296), and it is interesting to find the name Ankhises in a Greek context.
Plutarch (MOT. 32F) records the dry comment of Aristotle (fr. 165 R. 3 ),
that Agamemnon rightly preferred a warlike horse to an unwarlike man!
2 9 9 £v COPUX^PCP ZIKUWVI: the epithet must originally have meant 'with
broad dancing places', but it seems to have come to be used as if it were the
same as ei/pOxcopo* and meant 'spacious'. Hence it is applied, for example,
to Hellas ( 9 . 4 7 8 ) and Elis (Od. 4 . 6 3 5 : see West's comment), etc. Sikuon's
position, by the rich plain on the north coast of the Peloponnese, would be
suitable for a wealthy owner of horses.
207
1
Book Twenty-Three
300 o y ' : the variant T66' (a few \1SS, and mentioned as a variant by /V
was read by Leaf, but TTJV TO6' is less attractive from the point of view of
sound.
icrxocvoooaav: this verb normally means 'hold back' (5.89 etc.), but could
theoretically mean 'cling to'. It is hard to see how it could mean 'desire" (vel
sim.), and we should perhaps read the variant ixavococrav, which may be
related to ix^p ('desire', A. Supp. 850), and recurs as a variant at Od. 8.288.
The verb survived in later Ionic (Herodas, Babriusj, and IxocivEtv occurs
in Callimachus fr. 178.22; cf. Wackernagel, Kleine Schriften 1 778, and see
also on 17.570-3.
301—50 T h e list of contestants is interrupted at this point by Nestor's
speech to Antilokhos, and will be concluded at 351. This gives us advance
warning that Antilokhos will play a prominent part in the race. In earlier
episodes he has appeared several times in association with Menclaos, who
will be his rival in the race: at 5.561 fl. he joined him in order to protect him
from attack by Aineias, and at 15.568^ he was encouraged by him to attack
the Trojans (cf. b T 15.568 for the suggestion that their friendship stemmed
from their being neighbours at home). At 17.65iff. Telamonian Aias asked
Xlenelaos to find Antilokhos, so that he could bring Akhilleus the news of
Patroklos' death. Thus the way is prepared for the touching conclusion to
the ensuing quarrel of Menelaos and Antilokhos (566-613).
Nestor himself is iTrrroTa by tradition [2.336 etc.) and he is descended
from Poseidon, god of horses (T 301). Among his other speeches of tactical
advice (see on 2.360 -8) is one about the use of chariots in battle (4.297-
309; see comments), and among his reminiscences are accounts of fighting
with chariots (11.71 1 - 6 1 ) and of chariot-races (1 1.698 702, 23.638 42).
Here his two speeches before and after (cf. 626—50) frame the race,
setting it in a context of traditional expertise. The first one has a typical
ring-structure (cf. Lohmann, Reden 15-181:
306 8: introduction
( a ) 3 ° 9 - 1 2: you are a good charioteer, but your horses are slower than the
rest
(b) 313-18: you must make use of ingenuity (pfjTis)
(c.) 319 -25: contrasting descriptions of the bad and good driver
(d) 326 33: description of the turning-post
(c) 334-43: positive and negative advice on how to round it
(b) 343: use your intelligence and take care!
(a) 344—8: if you turn the post well even the best horse in the world will
not catch you
T h e structure of the speech neatly mirrors that of the race, 309-25 portray-
ing the physical and psychological situation before the turn, 334-48 that
after it. with the speech pivoting around 326-33, the central description of
2 0 8
Book Twenty-Three
the turn. As such it forms a complement to the race, allowing the poet in
the following narrative to dispense for example with any further description
of the turning-post. As a general discourse on horsemanship it is a miniature
forerunner of later works on the subject such as Xenophon's. It is also a
sermon on the uses of pfj-rts (practical intelligence): cf. M. Detienne and
J.-P. Vernant, Cunning Intelligence in Greek Culture and Society (English transla-
tion, Harvester Press 1979) 11—26. O n Nestor's speeches in general see
Martin, Language of Heroes 101-13.
301 This formulation is repeated with Meriones at 351.
3 0 3 - 4 JluXoiycvfes . . . ¿»cCrrro5es: see on 2.54 riuAoiycvfos (of Nestor).
The variant iraAaiytv&t is due to 445, where they are said to be no longer
young (bT). COKUTTOSCS is a good example of a formular epithet, given the
relative slowness of these horses (so Am/A).
305 Nicanor judged it best to take els Ayot6<i with pvforro (cf. 9.102 thrtTv
cis &ya66v), and $povkav voiovri teat auras together, making an antithesis,
but perhaps PU6ETT' ELS AyaWi $povkov all go together. The phrase is charac-
teristic of Nestor: 9.102 is spoken by him, as is 11.789 6 6£ miorrat els
dyo66v irtp. Antilokhos' intelligence is often mentioned in what follows
(440, 570, 586, 603-4), and Menelaos* distress is partly because it is out of
character for him to be so reckless.
306—8 Aristarchus (Arn/A) and some MSS read ¿6(6a^cv in 307, refer-
ring only to Poseidon as god of horses, whereas Zenodotus preferred
l618aôcv, which is surely right. Zeus may be included as author of divine
gifts in general, but the emphasis can still be on Poseidon, who is especially
suitable as the great-grandfather of Antilokhos. Cf. 13.554-5, where
Poseidon protects him from the Trojan attack.
Nestor's introductory remarks are complimentary, and use the standard
rhetorical device of saying that someone does not really need advice: cf.
especially 787 el66aiv Opp' Ip&o iracnv, 4>(Aoi . . . , 1.577 tuyrpl 8* fcycb
n a p d ^ u i , xal crCrrT) ircp votoOcrT), Hes. Erga 202 v w 8" aTvov jkxoiAcGo'
£p&>, $pov£ouoi Kal aCrrots (which resemble 305); and other examples in
Macleod, Iliad XXIV 47.
309 Trcpl Tippa0': in II. always applied to the turning-post (22.162 and
6 x in book 23). At 332 etc. this is called vuooa.
3x0 p6p5urroi: this superlative form of [DpaSus occurs only here and at
530 in Homer; cf. Theocr. Id. 15.104. TCO T* ofco Aoiyi' ?oto6ai means
'therefore I think things will be troublesome for you'; cf. 21.533 v^rv o ' w
Aoiyi' tocotoi. Nestor's horses are said at 8.104 t o s ^ ow -
3x1 A^dpTtpoi: 'swifter', a comparative from the adverb &$ap, itself

treated as an adjective at Theognis 716, TCOV 6$ap rial TT68€$. It recurs only
in a fragment of Dionysius' Bassarika (frag. 5b2 Heitsch), and is noted as a
hapax by Arn/A.
3 1 9 - 1 8 pT]Tiaao6ai... p f j T i v . . . | p ^ T i . . . | pr^n . . . J pf)Ti: the rhetorical
209
Book Twenty-Three
repetition develops into a threefold enumeration of instances of pipis, de-

scribed by ancient commentators as an example of inductive reasoning
(frrrayooy^); it could be regarded as a form of priarnel {cf. Willcock), and
suits the gnomic style of this part of the speech. See also vol. v, p. 44.
314 trapcxTTpo^Cryi^cnv ('slip away past your grasp'): this splendidly
elaborate compound, with its triple prefix, occurs only here.
3 1 5 Spvropos recurs in Homer only at 11.86; cf. UXOTOPOS ( 1 1 4 , 123).
317 £p€X©ou£vT)V 6v£poioi: the exact sense and etymology of ¿pcxfcw are
uncertain. It occurs only here in //.; cf. Od. 5.83 = 157 6<5n<pvci xal
<TTOVORXF)OI KG! ¿tXysai Oupov TPFY&ov, HyAp 358 ABwijcnv ¿pexôpivii
XaXiTrfjct, and perhaps Procl. H. 7.38 tpixftopai - . - irp^caiv oCrx 6ofat$.
It is usually taken as meaning something like 'trouble', 'distress*. A b T
mention a variant fcpyoptvTjv, substituting a more common word, and there
was a variant spelling IpixOoptvriv.
3 1 9 - 2 5 T h e ancient and medieval traditions are both divided over
whether to read &XX* 65 or &XXos in 319, but ftXXos ptv is surely right here
(cf. e.g. 11.636-7). If we read &s p£v as a relative, either there is no apodosis
or the apodosis is in 321, which is unsatisfactory as this is an expansion of
320. T h e variant TrirToiSc in 319 is very weakly attested and probably a
conjecture. Ptolemy of Ascalon took 6s M^v as demonstrative, meaning 'one
man', as in later examples of 6s . . . 6 84, etc. (Hrd/A 319), which is
un-Homeric. Moreover the use of AXXd has no real point here (cf. Leaf).
320 'Thoughtlessly wheels wide to this side and that.' For &$pa64a>s cf.
426. At 309 and 466 iXlooeiv refers to taking the turn, and presumably the
point is that one should not lose time by covering unnecessary ground at
the turn (cf. 323).
3 2 1 TrX<*v6<ovTcn: only here in Homer, but common later.
322 xIpBca: cf. 515 where Antilokhos is said to have defeated Menelaos
K^pCcaiv, oO TI TAX*1 yc.
3 2 3 - 5 'Always keeping his eye on the turning-post wheels close to it, and
he does not forget how from the start to keep (his horses) taut with the
ox-hide reins, but he holds them steadily in hand, and fixes his gaze on the
competitor in the lead.' Here, as elsewhere in this episode, one might
suspect the use of the technical language of racing, for example in TOVUOT|:
cf. 16.375 TCtvOovTo pcbw/xES ITTTTOI, 475 4v ^vrr^pen TAVUCKHV, 23.403
Trralvrrov (etc.).
3 2 6 - 3 3 The turning-post is described in greai detail, suggesting that it
will play an important part in the actual race. Here however the poet
surprises us, since in the event all the attention will focus on the return lap
(373ff.). In the context of Nestor's speech, however, the circumstantial
details add credibility and focus attention on this crucial mark (326 ofjpo).
Iêaf fails to see the point: 'The whole passage is hopelessly obscure . . . 328.
210
[
Book Twenty-Three
An irrelevant line and totally unlike Homer . . . 331 . . . no evidence what-

ever in antiquity for wooden posts having been used for sepulchral monu-
ments . . . ' T o object as he does that it is odd for Nestor to know about the
race-course before Akhilleus has fixed it (358) is absurdly pedantic.
326 =0</. 11.126 (cf. Od. 23.273). Here theor\pa is (a) the turning-post,
marked out (358 crfjpTjve) by Akhilleus, (¿) a mark for Antilokhos to watch
out for, and (c) coincidentally, it may also be a funerary aqpa (331).
327 6aov T' fipyui': the phrase 6aov T' 6pyuiav recurs at Od. 9.325,
10.167, a n d 6pyuia is used only here in the Iliad.
328 T 6 piv oO Kcrrorrnj^rrai 6p0pcp: b T quote Theophrastus {HP 5 . 4 . 3 )
for the view that in some circumstances certain types of wood do' not rot, in
response to a difficulty raised by early critics as to why the post was not
rotten, of which there are echoes in Aristotle (Soph. El. i66biff., Poet.
146132 iff.). The most probable interpretation of what Aristotle says is that
an earlier Homeric scholar, Hippias of Thasos (86 B 20 D K), proposed the
reading oG instead of oO in this line, giving the meaning 'part of this is rotted
by rain* (cf. Wackernagel, Kleine Schriften i077ff.). Leaf rightly describes
this as marking 'the low water of Homeric criticism1. KararrOOttv occurs only
here and at HyAp 371; cf. mrteiv II. 4.174 etc.
329 The whiteness of the stones makes them a conspicuous mark: cf.
453-5 and on 22.294 AeuKd<rrn6a. ¿prjp&crrai means 'are fixed into the
ground 1 (so Etymologieum Magnum s.v.), or alternatively 'are propped against
it'; cf. 284.
330 4v £wox$cnv 680O: 'at the place where the track narrows' or 'at the
point where the two laps of the race meet' (cf. A T , Eust. 1304.17). In either
case, it must refer to the turning-point. §wox^| occurs only here in Homer
(cf. Aristotle, A.R., etc.).
Alios 6' l7nr68popos 6p$(s: 'and there is smooth running for horses on
either side (of the turning)'. ImrASpopos also occurs only here in early
literature, and later means specifically a race-course for chariots (PI. Crittas
117c etc.). The point presumably is that this makes it easier to risk going
really close to the turn.
331 Cf. 7.89 &v8p6s p£v T68C o^pa trAAcn KotrorreOvricoTOS. The uncer-
tainty as to whether it is a grave-marker or not is significant, suggesting that
the landscape may have had many anonymous minor monuments of this
kind (cf. 11.371-2 with comment). The objection by Heyne and Leaf that
wooden posts were not used in this way is aptly answered by Eustathius'
comparison (1304.20) with Od. 11.77 tribal T' frirl -rirpPcp £prrp6v.
3 3 2 - 3 Instead of both these verses Aristarchus apparently read axTpos
frjv, VUV au 8£TO T^ppcrr' 'AxiAAcvs, and according to T he took oxTpos as
meaning 'a root'. Why he preferred this text is quite unclear.
332 vOcraa is used only in this book of the Iliad (4X) and once in Od.
211
Book Twenty- Three
(8.121);it is rare later (Theocr. Id. 2 4 . 1 1 9 , etc.). It is probably connected

with VOOOCJ and means 'the thing which one touches* in turning, and so is
a more concrete expression than "rlppa. For ¿ITI TTpoiipoav AvOpcbmov cf.
5^37-
3 3 4 — 4 1 Nestor advises Antilokhos to steer as close as possible to the turn,
leaning a little to the lefi and urging on the right-hand horse: the left-hand
horse should just clear the turn, almost touching it with the nave of the
wheel, but avoiding a crash. Cf. the chariot-race in Sophocles' Electro
720-2:
Ktivos 8' Cm' airWjv £ax&"rT}v or/jAqv l/cav
fxpttnrr* <5al o v p i y y a , 8E£I6V 8' AVEIS
aetpalov Iirrrov cTpys T6V TrpoaxElpEvov
and Orestes' crash (743ff.).

335 ftnrAbcrcp tvl Bi^pco: cf. 436 61$pous • • • KnrXtxias, and similar ex-
pressions at Hes. Aspis 63, 306, 370. The epithet refers to the plaited leather
thongs which were used for the breastwork of the chariot: see on 5 . 7 2 7 - 8 ,
and Lorimer, IIM 326, V. Karageorghis, Sol mis v (Nicosia 1973) text
p. 7 3 , Crouwel, Chariots 5gff. Flato (Ion 5 3 7 A ) quotes KAiv&fjvai xal axrrt-s
¿uôrw iv\ 6t$pc*>, and Xenophon (Symp. 4.6) has iv££orou tnl 6i<J>pou.
3 3 6 ITT* dpicrrtpa TOTIV: 'to the left of the horses*.
337 xivaai: only here in Homer; cf. Pindar, P. 1.28, etc., also 387, 430
icivrpov, and related words. The Suda quotes the proverb WVTCTV T6V TTGOAOV
m p l Tfjv vOaoav, of impetuous haste.
339—40 For TrArjuvrj ('hub') cf. 5 . 7 2 6 with comment, and for 6odoarrai
see on 13.445-8. ftxpov must refer to the edge or surface of the turning-post.
The separation of KVKAOU TTOITVTOTO from TTAÛVT) is unusual.
3 4 2 - 3 This is a typically gnomic conclusion to the detailed advice in the
previous verses. Verse 343 recalls the point oi 3 1 3 - 1 4 , and the alliteration
of ir and $ may be designed for emphasis. There were ancient variants
&EIK(T} in 3 4 2 (Apollonius), and tcrtrEOt in 3 4 3 (T).
3 4 4 TrapEÊAAarjoGa: cf. 2 4 . 3 4 2 irapi^ • • • tAaoaav, 3X Od.
345 iTap&di}: most M S S read iTctp£A6oi, which is unusual after the sub-
junctive IATJOI, but surely not impossible (cf. Chantraine, GH ft 2 4 8 ) . T h e
optative perhaps anticipates the mood of 346: 'there is no one who may
catch you . . . nor who could pass you, not even if he were driving . . . '
3 4 6 - 7 Arion, Adrestos' divine horse, is a creature belonging primarily to
the cycle of Theban legends. He was certainly referred to in the Thebais
(fr. 4 Allen = Davies, EGF fr. 6A = Pausanias 8 . 2 5 . 8 ) , although from what
Pausanias says it looks as if his parentage was not specified there. According
to the D-scholium on 346 he was the offspring of Poseidon (in the form of a
horse) and Erinus, and this is said to derive from the Cyclic poets. As
212
1
Book Twenty-Three
Wilamowitz saw (Der Gtaube dtr Hellenen, Berlin 1931,1 399), Homer quite
possibly knew of a genealogy of this kind for Arion, but is characteristically
vague in referring to such fantastic stories, which are common in the Cyclic
poems. Cf. R. Janko, CQ36 (1986) 51-5.
348 Laomedon inherited these horses, which were also divine, from Tros:
see on 291, and especially 5.265-70. For oT Mtt&c y ' iTpotycv IcQAol cf.
21.279 &s iv6d6€ y ' frpc^* &picrros (with comment). Here too we might
possibly read Irpaôv (intransitive), with a few MSS.
3 5 0 feKdorou T T f i p c r r ' : 'the ways of achieving each thing*; cf. Od. 3.433
where a smith's tools are called iTelparra Ttxvrft, and Pindar, P. 4.220
T T f l p a r r ' &6Acov BCIKWCV, etc., and see on 6.143.
351 Meriones rounds off the list of competitors. He will come last in the
race itself, apart from Eumelos who crashes. b T suggest that the poet
includes him because he has in mind the ensuing quarrel of his commander
Idomeneus and Locrian Aias (450-98): see on 450-1, where Idomeneus is
watching the race from a vantage-point.
3 5 2 — 8 The drawing of lots determines the placing of the contestants. Cf.
7.170-99, where lots are drawn to decide who is to fight Hektor. prraoroixl
('in a line') in 358 was taken by Aristarchus as meaning that they were
drawn up in file (Arn/AT), but this seems very improbable. The point
presumably is that the person who draws first takes the inmost place on
the left, giving an advantage at the turn. We do not have much informa-
tion about starting arrangements for later chariot-races, but at Olympia
Pausanias describes a system designed to ensure that all the chariots started
in line abreast (6.20.10 -14); cf. Gardiner, Sports 453-5. The allotment here
conveniently confuses the natural order of excellence, like a handicap,
putting the best charioteer last, and Antilokhos before Eumelos.
358 ™ 757. prracrroixl occurs nowhere else.
358-61 As the turning-post is far away Phoinix is set to keep an eye
on the race at this crucial point. Cf. the judge who sits by the turning-
post in a foot-race, on a vase in Wurzburg: Harris, Athletes pi. 4b and
p. 161.
360 Phoinix is not given this description elsewhere, but this is the only
time he is named in the accusative. He was last mentioned at 19.31
361 liiiivtorro: an unusual form, presumably by metathesis of quantity
from uipv/joiTo (Chantraine, GH 1 71, 465). At 24.745 the MSS have
and later Attic has both iiciiv&to and muvgTO.
8p6pous was Aristarchus* reading (Did/AT), and it is that of a few of our
MSS, against the vulgate 5p6pou. The former would be better suited to a
race with several laps and it is not clear why Aristarchus preferred it:
8p6pou seems more appropriate here. ¿A'qOci'nv occurs only here and at
24.407 in //., but 7X Od.
213
Book Twenty-Three
(b) 362-447 The race. The start is described, and the race itself in general terms. On
the return lap Eumelos takes the lead and Diomedes is just behind, until Apollo and
Athene intervene. Athene makes Eumelos crash, and Diomedes takes the lead, with
\fenelaos behind. Antilokhos overtakes Menelaos where the track is narrow, and he has
to give uay to avoid a collision. Menelaos com latns that Antilokhos is driving
recklessly and begins to close the gap behind him
As with the battle scenes, the detailed narrative of individual conflicts is

preceded by a general description which very vividly gives a picture of the
chariots bounding over the plain, and portrays the emotions of the competi-
tors. This is followed by two 'duels*, the contests between Eumelos and
Diomedes and between Menelaos and Antilokhos (cf. A. Kohnken, Hermes
109 (1981) 144). In the first of these the gods intervene, just as in the battle
scenes, Athene aiding Diomrdcs as previously and Eumelos being helped by
Apollo, who had been the guardian of his horses at home in Pherai (cf. b T
383). In the second it is human guile that gives Antilokhos the advantage.
For artistic representations (especially the François Vase) see Johansen,
Iliad in Early Greek Art 86-92, LIAfC 1. 1, pp. 121-2.
362-73 T h e high frequency of periodic and integral enjambment adds
to the dramatic effect. T h e opening motifs of the charioteers urging on their
horses, and of the horses racing over the plain and raising clouds of dust
(362-6) are repeated more briefly at the end (371-2), rounding off the
passage. See also on 499-506.
362 &MO, i.e. all at the same moment, is much more effective than the
variant dpa. Cf. S. El. 711 - 1 3 ol 8' &ua | ttrirois ôiioKAtâavTts Evicts X6P°*V
I EOEIOOV (where the whole passage imitates this part of the Homeric race).
Virgil has this passage in mind at G. 3.103-12.
363 -ntnAqyAv 0' IpÔtcnv: this probably means that they shook the reins
on the horses* necks, as understood by Sophocles, although Delebecque
argues that IpavTES can mean 'whips* (Cheval 185), and LSJ gives this sense
here; the word is used of a whip in some late Greek passages.
364—6 êoovpévojç . . . d>Ka . . . Taxlcos: the recurrent adverbs stress the
eagerness and speed. Verse 364 is similar to 2.785 = 3.14 ¿pxopivcov- pdXa
8* coxa StêTTpqooov TTESÎOIO (and 3.13 refers to the dust storm raised by the
two armies). For 365-6 cf. also 2.150-1 TTOSCOV 6' CmévEpte KOVIT) | lorcrr'
&Eipophnr), etc. vôcrî VE&V (365) shows that the race began near the ships.
367 Cf. 1.529 XCÛTCUfcTTEppcbaavTo,Od. 2.148 prrà "irvotfjs àvépoio.
368—9 These verses suggest the dangerous bumpiness of the course, as
the light vehicles hurtle and bound over it.
. 370 TràTacroE 8è 6up6$ bedarov: cf. 7.216 Oupôs M crr^6tcai Trdrraacrfv,
13.282.
3 7 2 This verse is echoed in 449. Cf. 13.820 KOVIOVTES TTEBIOIO.
214
1
Book Twenty-Three
373—6 T h e turn is not described (see on 326-33). This must refer to the
return lap, when the horses go flat out ( 3 7 5 ) . ä y £<}>' öcAös TToAifjs must mean
that they are going back from the plain towards the sea. This is Aristarchus'
reading and that of most of our \1SS, as against the ancient variant <5KJ>'
He apparently thought the race took place between the sea and the
Achaean wall, so he presumably put the finish near the sea (cf. bT, Eust.
on 365).
3 7 5 — 6 oc<|)ap 6' ITTTTOICJI TO8T] Bpöpos means 'at once (after the turn)
the horses ran full stretch' (see on 323-5). al <Dr]PT)TI(f(8ao are the mares
of Eumelos, grandson of Pheres (2.763). Notice the distinction between
Eumclos' mares and Diomedes' stallions. Cf. 407-9, where Antilokhos tells
his stallions that it would be disgraceful to be beaten by Menelaos' mare
Aithe.
375-81 These verses are echoed in the foot-race (758-66): 758-9 resem-
ble 375-6; for iK<|>EpEiv ('race ahead') cf. also Xen. Eq. 3.4 ('run away'). T h e
vivid description of the closeness of the contestants (378-81) is echoed by
760-6; cf. especially 765 with 380-1. ¿7TißT)CTopEVoicriv (379) means 'being
on the point of mounting', as at 5.46; cf. Od. 11.608 alsi ßaA£ovn ¿OIKCOS. In
380-1 OeppETo agrees with pETa<f>pEvov as if the intervening phrase were a
parenthesis (cf. Chantraine, GH11 19). Tor the formular phrase HETCH|>PEVOV
6up6£ T' <£>nco cf. 16.791-211. T h e rest of 381 means "with their heads lying
right on top of him they sped on'. Cf. 13.385 TOO 5E TTVEIOVTE KOT' cbpcov,
1 7.502 ¿UTRVEIOVTE PETC«|>pEvcp (both of horses); S. El. 7 1 8 - 1 9 öpoO y i p An<|>i
vcÖTa Kai TPOX&V ßätTEis | f)<|>pi£ov, elaeßaAAov ITTTTIKOU trvoai; Virgil, G'.
3.11 1 (the charioteers) umescunt spumisflatuque sequentum. Demetrius (On Style
210) praises the vividness of 379-81.
3 8 2 - 4 As in the battle scenes an event which was about to happen is
dramatically averted by divine intervention (cf. Reinhardt, IuD 107ft'.).
Here one could rationalize 384 by saying that Diomedes dropped his whip,
and this is attributed to the god's action. But at 388-90 the return of the
whip by Athene must be a supernatural event, similar to her return of
Akhilleus' spear at 22.276-7,
38A C f . 5 2 7 TCO KEV (JIV TTOCpEAatTtj' 0O6' &H<}>T]piCTTOV E6T)KEV. &H<|>f)PLT7TOS
occurs only here in Homer, and then in Hellenistic and later literature. In
later Greek a drawn contest is described as iepa, because the prize was
consecrated to the god.
385 Xw°M£VOIO: this verb often indicates frustrated distress more than
anger; e.g. 22.291 etc.; cf. Arn/A, b T and A. W. II. Adkins, J//S89 (1969)
1 3 - 1 4 and 17.
387 ol 5e oi was Aristarchus' reading, whereas Ptolemy of Ascalon pre-
ferred oi 5E ol ( = sui, 'his own'): cf. Hrd/A and Erbse, Beiträge zur
I berlieferung der Ilia.sscholien (Munich i960) 317 n. 1. The latter seems
215
Book Twenty-Three
preferable for 'his own'. epAa<J>6r]aav ('were thwarted') is used, as often,

with reference to a god; see on 22.15.
3 8 8 - 9 T h e interlaced word-order is unusual, and presumably designed
to juxtapose the two gods' names in the same verse, kAE<}>T)pAuevos seems to
mean something like PAOTTTEIV here, e.g. 'thwarting', or 'frustrating'. This
rare epic word occurs only here in //.; cf. Od. 19.565 where dreams which
come through the gate of ivory (EAE<J>CXVTOS) EAEâfpovTai, ETTE' dcKp&avTa
<|>EpovTES (Privitera translates 'dannegiano', i.e. 'are harmful'); and Hes. Th.
330 where the Nemean lion IAEâtpETO <}>0A' ¿tvOpcbmov, where it must mean
'damage'. Hesychius has EAE<}>fipai- <inTaTf)t7ai, and the verb is not otherwise
attested.
391—2 KOTEOuaa echoes 383. fjÊ ('broke') is aorist from ocyvuui, con-
tracted from 2OC£E. Cf. Od. 1 9 . 5 3 9 K0CT> ccux^vas and Chantraine, GH 1
34. b T observe that this verse (and perhaps the following ones; cf. b T 396)
imitates with its roughness the sound of the breaking chariot.
3 9 2 - 4 Cf. 6.38 43, where Adrestos' horses break the end of their yoke-
pole (puuos) and run free, while he crashes (42 = 23.394); a ^ s o ' 6 . 3 7 0 - 1 ,
where manv/ horses do this at the Achaean trench.
393 &U<}>is 65o0 is 'off the track' (so b T D ) , and IAug^ 'rolled' or 'slipped'
to the ground (cf. Mazon, REA 42 (1940) 260-1).
3 9 4 — 6 Verse 394 = 6.42. All three verbs occur only in these verses in
Homer, and OpuAicnjEiv only once later in Lycophron. 7TEpi8pu<}>6Ti and
0puAix©rj are again harsh-sounding words (bT 396). T h e whole passage
very vividly describes Eumelos' crash.
3 9 6 — 7 TOO 8E ol OCTCTE . . . <}>covr) = 17.695 -6.
3 9 8 - 4 0 0 Diomedes skilfully avoids a collision and takes the lead, aided
by Athene's inspiration of his horses.
4 0 1 — 5 7 We now come to the second contest, between Menelaos and
Antilokhos, the most exciting incident in the games.
4 0 2 Cf. 1 9 . 3 9 9 opepBaAcov 5' nrrroimv IKEKAETO Ttcrrpos £010.
4 0 3 — 1 7 Antilokhos' speech of encouragement to his horses is similar to
those addressed to a human audience, with its appeal to their sense of
shame, its threat of reprisals if they fail, and its practical promise of support
at the end.
403 'Get a move on, you two as well, go flat out!' ¿uPaivetv is really an
athletic term from other sports, like KaT0cf3aiv£iv, meaning to enter the
contest (cf. 'get in there and win!'): cf. E. El. 113, Ar. Ran. 377, Ec. 478, and
Eustathius' comments here (1308.1 iff.). For TiTaivETov see on 323-5.
405-6 Aristarchus (Arn/A) athetized these two verses, objecting that
Antilokhos cannot know about Athene's aid, and also that it is not necessary
to say they are Diomedes' horses as this is clear in any case. T h e first
objection seems unreasonable, since it would be quite natural to infer divine
aid for Diomedes from Athene here from previous occasions. T h e second
216
Book Twenty-Three
point fits in w i t h A r i s t a r c h u s ' general v i e w o f the w a y in w h i c h verses are

a d d e d to fill out the sense. T h e y could h a v e been a d d e d for this reason, but
in themselves there is n o t h i n g w r o n g w i t h t h e m , oloiv 'AOTJVT) . . . I6T|KEV
resembles 3 9 9 - 4 0 0 .
408 eXeyxeiriv: cf. 342, a n d 22.100. In military speeches of e x h o r t a t i o n
the A r h a e a n s are called kXEyykes {4 242 etc.).
409 For AT6ri 6f|Aus i o u a a cf. 19.97 °HpT) OfjAus fcoucra {in the context of
Zeus, the highest g o d , being deceived b y ' H e r e , a f e m a l e ' ) . TIRJ AE{TTECT6£,
<j>Epioroi; is a n urgent a n d c a j o l i n g a p p e a l .
410 =0d. 16.440, a n d cf. II. 1.212 etc. ¿O8e y a p IÊpEco, TO 6e xal
TETEAECTUEVOV EOTOI. A verse of this kind is often used to i n t r o d u c e a threat.
411—14 Cf. 8.186-91 (with c o m m e n t ) , w h e r e H e k t o r a p p e a l s to his
horses to r e p a y the provisions w h i c h A n d r o m a k h e g a v e them: vuv not TTIV
KOHI6T]V ¿rrroTiveTov . . . 191 dAA' £<{>OPAPTE!TOV Kai OTTEUBETOV . . . Schol. A
mentions a v a r i a n t ÎOTT) for Kopi8f) in 4 1 1 , but the parallel with book 8
makes the case for KopiSrj, a n d (3ioTr) only occurs in H o m e r at Od. 4.565 (cf.
VVackernagel, Kleine Schriften 11 1 136).
4 1 2 T h i s verse w a s c o n d e m n e d by A g a r (CR 14 (1900) 4) as a b s u r d , a n d
as a d d e d to fill the sense of 4 1 1 . H e also disliked the c o n t r a c t i o n of-KTEv&i
to-KTEVEl (but cf. 15 65, 15.68, 19.104). T h e first objection is literal-minded.
4 1 3 ' I f t h r o u g h y o u r losing heart w e win a worse prize.' T h e dual
a7roKr)8r|aocvT£ w i t h <J>Epcop£6a is o d d . It is easy to say that the poet is no
longer a w a r e of the p r o p e r force of the d u a l , b u t it m a y m e a n ' y o u and I
together', or else be influenced by the other duals in this passage: cf. A r n / A ,
C h a n t r a i n c , Gil 11 27- 8. ¿(TroKr|5£Tv occurs only here in H o m e r , and once
later in S o p h r o n (78).
4 1 4 lôpapTEiTov: Did/AT mention a variant E<J>apapT£lTov, which
A r i s t a r c h u s p r o b a b l y preferred. A t 12.412 he read l<}>auapTE!TE, a n d gen-
erally he wished to read dtpapTT), aiaapTEiv etc., p r o b a b l y rightly, as the
forms w i t h omicron are likely to be d u e to A t t i c influence: cf. VVackernagel,
Sprachliche Untersuchungen 7 0 - 1 .
4 1 5 - 1 6 A n t i l o k h o s ' skill a n d watchfulness e c h o Nestor's a d v i c e (cf. 312 -
18, 323, 326), a l t h o u g h he uses a different ruse. ForCTTEIVCOTTCOEV 68CO cf.
7 . 1 4 3 , a n d 4 1 9 - 2 1 , 427 below. Trapa8up£vai ('to slip past') is aorist of
7rapa8u£o6ai, w h i c h occurs only here in H o m e r , b u t is c o m m o n in classical
Greek.
4 1 7 — 1 8 cos E<}>a8' . . . ETnSpapETrjv: this is repeated at 4 4 6 - 7 , after
M e n e l a o s ' briefer speech o f e n c o u r a g e m e n t to his horses. Cf. S a r p e d o n ' s
e x h o r t a t i o n to his men at 12.408 -12, followed at 4 1 3 - 1 4 by cos &f>a6\ ol 8E
avaKTOS uTToBEiaavTES ¿HOKAT^V | paAAov ¿TTE^piaav . . .
418—24 ' A n d soon after w a r l i k e A n t i l o k h o s saw a n a r r o w i n g o f the hol-
low w a y . T h e r e w a s a gully in the g r o u n d , w h e r e p e n t - u p torrent w a t e r had
broken a w a y part o f the track, a n d h o l l o w e d out all the g r o u n d : a l o n g this
217
Book Twenty-Three
Menelaos drove, to avoid the wheels running side by side. But Antilokhos
turned aside his horses and drove them outside the track, and diverting
them a little he kept pressing on.'
T h e exact details of how Antilokhos succeeds in overtaking Menelaos are
not immediately clear. It looks as if he is beginning to draw level at the point
where they are reaching the narrow part of the track. Here Menelaos drives
along what is left of the road, and Antilokhos begins to drive outside the
track. At some stage he has to rejoin it: when he does so, it is too narrow for
both of them and Menelaos gives way to avoid a collision (429 -37). In any
case, it is clear from the sequel that Antilokhos is engaging in dangerous and
unfair tactics, even if he never quite admits that he was guilty (cf. 570-95).
T h e attempt by M. Gagarin (CP 78 (1983) 35-9) to prove that Antilokhos
overtakes at the turn, and so is following Nestor's advice, fails to explain
satisfactorily the point of 373-5, which explicitly states that they were on
the return lap.
420 (?>GOXH6S: only here in Homer, and then in Hellenistic poetrv and
later prose. Herodian read fbooypos.
421—2 Aristophanes read EvEpOEV instead of a u a v T a (Did/T), and for Ttj
Aristarchus read fj. For EXEIV meaning 'drive' see on 13.326-7. ¿tpaTpoyia
occurs only here in Homer, and then in Hellenistic poetry; cf. Od. 15.451
dcpcrrpoxoGov (or ana Tpoxocov). It most probably refers to the two chariots
running side by side, rather than to an actual collision of wheels. Porphyry
(quoted by Erbse on 422) criticizes Callimachus (fr. 383.10) for using the
word as if it meant the same as appaTpoxia, which occurs at line 505.
424 TrapaKXivas presumably means that he followed a diversion, picking
up the sense of 423. Schol. A mentions a variant TTapaKXivfets, and a few
M S S read TrapEKKAivas, which was probably Eustathius' reading (1309.12)
and would be possible.
4 2 5 — 4 7 Menelaos' three speeches (426-8, 439-41, 443 -5) are all only
three verses long, reflecting both the urgency of the situation and also his
own laconic character (cf. 3.213-15). In 426-8 the succession of abrupt,
brief clauses is dramatically effective, and in 439-43 there is an unusual
run of five verses without any enjambment. Cf. (for example) the staccato
urgency of 16.126—30, and Higbie, Measure and Music 69-72.
426 lTT7ra^£cr9at occurs only here in Homer, but is common in classical
Greek.
427 EupuTEpr) TTapEAaaCTai ('there will be more room to pass') seems to
be the reading of T and one papyrus. EUpVTEp'Q TrapEAaaaais (optative),
read by most M S S , is possible but less attractive.
428 apnaTi Kupaas: either 'striking my chariot' or 'hitting me with your
chariot'.
430 CBS OUK &IOVTI LOIKCBS: 'as t h o u g h like o n e w h o does not h e a r ' . The
d o u b l e use o f ¿>s • • • ¿OIKCOS stresses that A n t i l o k h o s is pretending not to hear.
218
Book Twenty-Three
431—3 6croct Bk ... T6CTOOV ¿TTISPAV^TT^V: for such comparisons cf. 15.358-9
6aov t ' frrrl 8oup6$ 4parf| | yiyvrran, ¿7rrr6T' ¿rv^p o64veos mipcibuEvos tjjcn
(with commcnt); 16.589-92 6<7CTT] 6* a(yav£rjs îrrf) Tavaolo Thvxrai | F|v
T' &vf|p Trnpcbpcvos fj 4v 64$Acp . . . | T&TOOV Ixcapnoav Tpa>cs . . . ;
and similarly 10.351-4 AAA* 6T€ 8rj <5rrr4r)v 6aoov T ' ITTI oupa Tr4AovTai |
F)PI6V(A>V . . . | TW PLV HRESPAPHNV . . .
431 8(0x01/ oOpa KorrcopaSloio: 'the limits of a discus swung from the
shoulder1; cf. also 523 Is 6ioxoupa. xorrcopdSios occurs only here in Homer,
and then in Hellenistic poetry; cf. xonrcopaBAv 15.352, 23.500.
433 With a! 6* contrast 446 ol 84 of these horses; T reads TOI 64 here. One
is female, one male (295). f)p<*>iyjav ¿Trlaaco means that they slowed down
and fell behind.
435—7 An elaborate tricolon to describe the potential crash and its results.
Notice the parallel structure of the first hemistichs of 435 and 436, with their
heavy spondaic scansion and two quadrisyllabic verbs, echoed more lightly
by the verb in the same position in 437. The third, longer, clause forms the
crescendo of the series, and effectively juxtaposes the contestants1 eagerness
for victory and their humiliating fall.
435 ovyxvptiv (cf. 428 xOpoas) occurs nowhere else in Homer, but is
common later. For 6($pous . . . 40rrAeK4as cf. 335, with commcnt. Avcwrrpi^*
civ occurs only here in //.; cf. Od. 13.326 Ava<rrp44>oiiai.
439—41 Menelaos* first speech was more restrained. Now that he realizes
Antilokhos' ploy is deliberate, he vents his feelings in an angry outburst.
4 3 9 Cf. 3.365 = Od. 20.201 ZeO rr&rtp, oO TISCTETO©tcbv 6Aoompos AAAos;
also //. 15.569 (Menelaos) 'AVTIAOX', OO TIS CTETO veompos AAAos 'Axcncov.
440 Epp\ lirel oO a« . . . : cf. 8.164 Ippc . . . 4ml OOK . . . , 22.498 Ipp* oirrws*
oO 06s yc . . . , Od. 10.75 ^PP'» ^ ^ •••» e t c - ^PP* ** a coarse expression,
expressing strong emotion. For the rest of the verse see on 305. $&MCV is
imperfect here.
44k Cf. 581-5, where Menelaos challenges Antilokhos to swear an oath
that he has not deliberately used a trick to defeat him.
4 4 2 - 5 Verse 442 = 8.184. F° r lorcrrov &xwp4vto Kfjp (443) cf. 284.
| 4>6YJOOVTAI TOOTOICTI . . . | fj uptv are emphatic at the beginning of 444 and
445: 'their feet and knees will tire first beforeôu« do*. For this construction
(4>6dv€iv . . . fl ...) cf. Od. 11.58, Hdt. 6.108.
446—7 See on 4 1 7 - 1 8 .
(e) 448-98 The quarrel between Idomeneus and the lesser Aias. Among the spectators
fdomeneus says that Diomedes seems to be in the lead, but Aias abusively contradicts
him, saying that Eumelos is. Akhilleus intervenes to prevent the quart Ifrom deteriorating
This entertaining episode belongs to the type where the scene shifts from
action to debate at a dramatic point, leaving the outcome in suspense.
219
Book Twenty-Three
T h e closest parallel is with 22.166-87, where after the simile comparing

Akhilleus and Hektor to racehorses at funeral games the scene changes to
the gods as spectators debating what is to happen (see comment). The poet
shows us how violent are the emotions just below the surface: the quarrel
flares up over nothing, in the most realistic way.
The quarrels arising from the chariot-race echo the main themes of the
poem, Akhilleus' quarrel with Agamemnon and his fatal wrath. Now that
this passion has finally spent itself, it is Akhilleus himself who controls the
emotions of his companions, a remarkable reversal.
The scene also contrasts the characters of Idomeneus and Aias, the
former polite, cautious and unassertive in his opening speech (cf. 4.266-71,
with comment), the latter abusive and unreasonable, accusing Idomeneus
of the very fault from which he himself suffers most (474 with A b T , 478 -9
and 483-4). It is no coincidence that this foul-mouthed character will end
the foot-race ignominiously by slipping in cow-dung and getting a mouthful
of it, to the derision of the spectators (774-84 with A b T 777; cf. Thersites
in book 2). The lesser Aias' inability to control his tongue will ultimately
cause his destruction by the gods (cf. Od. 4.499 511, and see on 2.527).
448-9 The spectators of this race are well portrayed on the earlv-sixth-
century Attic va e painting by Sophilos, which shows them on a stepped
platform, some seated and others standing. Some of them are gesticulating
excitedly as they look towards the four horses who approach, drawing a
chariot. The nearest of the leading horses is white, outlined in purple (a
reminiscence of 453-5?), two others have black faces and purple necks, and
the fourth is black; cf. P. E. Arias, M. Hirmer and B. Shefton, A History of
Greek Vase Painting (London 1962) pi. 39; and the description by Johansen,
Iliad in Early Greek Art 91 - 2 . In the scene of the funeral games of Pelias on
the Chest ofCvpselus the spectators were also portrayed (Pausanias 5.17.9;.
Cf. also Laser, Arch. Horn, T 83-5. Verse 449 resembles 372.
450-1 b T comment that Idomeneus was clearly anxious about his com-
panion Meriones, and so went up to a vantage point to watch: not an
unreasonable guess as to why the poet should choose to introduce him at
this point. Cf. 681 - 2 , where Diomedes supports his cousin Eurualos, and
24.697-702, where Kassandre is first to see Priam's return. For kv mpKOTrfj
(451) cf. 14.8, Od. 10.146 ¿s mpicDTr/jv.
453—3 TOTO . . . iyvc«>: literally 'and hearing him while still afar urging on
his horses he recognized him'. For ¿poKXiyrqpos AxoOoas | cf. 12.273. The
chiastic structure of 452-3 is neat, the two similar verbs being juxtaposed
at the beginning of 453.
454 T6erov is 'so far', i.e. but for the mark on his brow; cf. 18.378-9,
22.322-5. fo7vi£ ('chestnut') is used only here in Homer as an adjective.
455 Triphpoxov f)VTt pfjvq: 'circular, like the (full) moon'. ircplTpoxos is
»220
[
Book Twenty-Three
found only here in Homer, later in Hellenistic poetry, etc. ni^vrj recurs in
Homer only at 19.374, aiWjVT} at 18.484.
456 =271 etc. (see comment).
457—72 Idorneneus* speech has a ring-structure (cf. Lohmann, Reden
29-30):
{457-8 Do I alone see the horses, or do you too?

(a)
144 5 9 - 6 0 The leading horses and driver seem different from before.
(b) 460-1 The others must have had an accident on the plain.
(c) 462-4 They were first round the turn, but I cannot see them now.
(b) 465-8 Perhaps the accident happened at the turn itself.
- 7 0 You look as well, for I cannot sec clearly.
(a) i469"
I470- 2 I think the leader is Diomedes.
Throughout the speech the suspense is built up, and at the end the post-
ponement of the name Diomedes, and the increasing precision of his de-
scription in 470-2, are surely designed by the poet for deliberate effect. The
frequency of integral enjambment (5X in 16 verses) reflects the excitement
of the speaker.
457 =2-79
458 aOy&£opai: 'discern', perhaps with the idea of seeing clearly (e.g. cf.
A.R. 1.155 of Lunkeus); cf. West on Hes. Erga 478, 'I suppose the essential
idea is "fix the gaze on" a particular object.' It occurs only here in Homer.
The polite question at 457-8 resembles Nestor's in a similar situation at
10.533-4-
459-60 This is directly contradicted by Aias at 480-1, echoing
Idorneneus' words, irapohtpoi ('in front') recurs at 459 and 480, and not
again until Apollonius Rhodius (4.982); cf. Chantraine, GH 1 258. For
IvCdAArrai ('appears') cf. 17.214 and 2X Od.
460—1 al 8i refers to Eumelos* mares, explained by a ! . . . fjoav. aCrroO is
'out there', with iv TTEBICO. KCIOE means 'up to that point'; Zenodotus and
Aristophanes read KCIQI.
4 6 2 - 8 What Idorneneus presumably means is that he saw Eumelos'
horses in front as they reached the turn, but could not see clearly what
happened after that as they actually went round it, and he assumes that
the accident happened there (so bT 462-3, although T adds that this
actually was the place where Eumelos crashed). Several modern scholars
have wished to delete 462-4, because they thought 462 was inconsistent
with 465-6 (e.g. cf. Ameis-Hentze, Leaf). Von der Miihll suggested read-
ing TrpoTl instead of "ntpl in 462, to remove the problem (AusgewOhlte Kteine
Schrifien, Basel 1976, 1 o - 1 1 ) .
Another objection is that if Idorneneus could see the turn he should be
able to see clearly who is in the lead on the home stretch. But Idorneneus
221
1
Book Twenty-Three
may be modestly affecting uncertainty because he does not want to show

off: this is what Eustathius quotes as the view of'the ancient commentators'
(1310.41 and 131 i.iaff.), and it looks as if this was what bT said (on 458:
one should probably read here, as in Eustathius, ©pCmrovTcn y&p cb$
¿Kpipforepov Occopcvoi Tives* <ol Kal tv fÔci KcrraAa£ovEuovTcn TCOV
TTOXAGOV, i.e. among spectators of the games some are modest and unasser-
tive, whereas others disdainfully show off their knowledge). That this is
correct is suggested both by 450-5 and also by 485-7 where Idomeneus
shows that in reality he is convinced that he is right.
4 6 2 t6s is 'those ones' (demonstrative). For Trtpl -rtpua paAovaas ('rac-
ing round the turn') cf. 639 ttAÔci TTp6c$€ £aA6vT€s, and 11.722 tls &Aa
PaAAcov. The intransitive use of fJdAAciv is very rare (cf. Fraenkel on A. Ag.
1172, pp. 5 3 4 - 5 ) , and Leaf may well be right to see its use here and at 639
as another instance of'racing slang' (cf. also 572).
463 oO Trrj: there was an ancient variant oO irco, which some of our MSS
read.
464 iTorTrralvrrov: Aristarchus (Did/AT) read Trcrrrraivrrai.
4 6 5 - 6 This is presumably an alternative suggestion to 460-1. For 0O8I
6uvdo6q cf. Od. 5.319; the usual Homeric form is 8uvf|crcrT0. Verse 466
means 'to keep good control at the post, and he failed to hold the turn'. For
cu axtfl «v cf. 325 etc.
467 ovv 8': A records a variant Kcrrd 0*, which some MSS have.
468 i^qpci>r)CTav: 'swerved off the course'; the compound verb occurs only
here in Homer, later only at Theocr. Id. 25.189 i^npwficre wAeOOov.
469 dvaora66v recurs at 9.671, and apparently nowhere else.
470—2 6OK&I . . . AiotiV^Sqs: For the effect of climax see on 457-72.
Aristarchus (Arn/A) athetized 471, as out of place in the mouth of
Idomeneus, but ¿vt^p seems to require qualification, and the line adds to
the climactic effect (cf. von der Miihll, Ausgewahlle Kleine Schriflen 9). Nei-
ther 471 nor 472 occurs elsewhere to describe Diomedes. For the phrasing
cf. 19.122 Av^p ytyov' £o6A6s, A* 'Apytloioiv AvA£ii (etc.), and 7.163
(etc.) TuSctSrjs... KpotT£p6<; Atop^Brft I- Diomedes' father Tudeus was from
Aetolia, but he himself was king in Argos (14.113-25).
473—81 Aias* reply is grossly insulting, for no apparent reason. b T (on
476) say that 'his abuse is boorish: but the poet is portraying the characteris-
tic behaviour of spectators'. The most striking feature of the speech is the
repetition of AaPpcveat... Aappeveai... AaPpay6prjv. Aa|3pory6pr|s seems to
recur only once, in Adamantius Judaeus (fourth century A . D . ) , Aa^pcuopai
nowhere else. Aappis in Homer is always applied to the violent natural
forces of wind and water, but later it is used metaphorically of rash or
loud-mouthed people (Theognis634, Simon. 177 Bergk, Pindar, O. 2.86, P.
2.87, S. Aj. 1147). These words aptly characterize Aias himself here (see on
448-98).
222
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Book Twenty-Three
474 T( Trotpos Aappcueai;: 'why have vou always had such a big mouth?'
For Trapos in this sense cf. 4.264, Od. 8.36, etc.
475 I '"n"n-oi &EpaiTTo8£<j: 3 327 is the only other Homeric instance of this
phrase; cf. HyAphr 211 | nrrrous dpaiiroSas. T h e phrase TTOAEOS TTESIOIO
SIEVTOU implies that they still have plenty of ground to cover.
476 Cf. 13.361-2, where Idomeneus is said to be pEaamoAios
('grizzled').
477 For the dual ooat with singular verb see on 12.466.
479 Aristarchus (Arn/AT) unjustly athetized this verse, because he
thought that it was added to fill up the sense of 478, and because he
misunderstood the point of "napA . . . aAAoi, which implies that Idomeneus
should not show off in the presence of his betters.
480 auTai: 'the same ones'; cf. 12.225 etc. This is much better than the
variant OCOTE.
481 euArjpa ('reins') is a rare word, only here in Homer, and later only
twice in Quintus of Smyrna (4.508, 9.156), but cf. Epich. 178 ocuAr|pa.
Evidently Neoptolemus of Parium knew- of other instances (cf. b T 481). It
may be related to Latin lora (cf. Chantraine, Diet. s.v.).
4 8 3 — 4 Cf. 3 . 3 9 = 13.769 AuCTiTapi, ETSOS apiare, ywai|jav£s, 17.142
"EKTOP, ET5OS a p i o T E , UAXRIS "ÔAAOV ¿SEUEO, a n d see on 24.261.
Aristarchus (Did/AT) read VETKOS, as do some M S S , against the vulgate
VEIKEI. KaKo<J>pa8r|s occurs only here in Homer, later in Apollonius (3.936)
and Euphorion (98.2). For OTI TOI V6OS ecrriv <5rrrT)vr)s cf. 16.35, where it is
used of Akhilleus.
485 T h e enclitic vuv occurs in Homer only here and at 10.105.
TTEpiScbueOov means 'let us make a bet'. This form of the first person of the
dual in -9ov occurs elsewhere only at S. El. 950 and Ph. 1079, an< ^ t w i c e i n
Athcnaeus 98A (as examples of false archaism). T h e variant nepi5cb|jeQa
may be right, and TTEpiSoopEOov due to Attic influence: cf. J. Wackernagel,
Vorlesungen iiber Syntax 1 (Basel 1920) 8 1 - 2 . "rrepi8i8ooâi recurs at Od. 23.78,
and several times later in comedy, suggesting a colloquial flavour. It is
amusing to find betting associated with horse-racing already in Homer.
486 tcrropa: 'arbiter'; cf. 18.501.
487 Instead of the subjunctive yvcoi^s nearly all M S S read the optative
yvotrjs, which may well be correct: cf. Chantraine, GH 11 271. Idomeneus
now shows just how sure he is that he is right.
4 8 8 - 9 8 This is a dangerous moment, as Aias springs to his feet in anger,
but the quarrel is skilfully defused by Akhilleus. Verses 490- 1 recall other
moments of crisis, where disaster is averted by divine rather than human
intervention. One also thinks of Nestor's unsuccessful attempt at mediation
between Akhilleus and Agamemnon in the quarrel in book 1 (254-84), and
that of Hephaistos in the divine scene at the end of that Book (573-83).
Verse 488 = 754.
223
Book Twenty-Three
490 'And then the quarrel between both would have gone still further.'
491 'Akhilleus as director of the games (Aycovo8£*rn$) is also in charge of
ensuring good discipline* (bT). This was an important function of the
officials who presided over Greek games in the classical period: cf. Harris,
Athletes 157-8, on measures to keep crowds of excited spectators under
control. At Olympia an early inscription calls the judges 6iarrcrrnp€$. For
icai ^d-ro uvSov A records the variant Kal Kcnripuxt, as in 734.
493—3 Verse 492 echoes 489. Verse 493 is a weak one, and KOKOT$ seems
intolerable after xaXeôTaiv: T suggests &va£, which is clearly a conjecture,
and KOK&S (in two MSS) is little better. The scansion of ATav as if it were a
spondee (orlxos Aayap6$) is also very unusual: cf. Chantraine, GH1 103-4.
The verse was rejected by Heyne, and could well be an addition.
4 9 4 Cf. Od. 6.286 nal 8 'FTAARJvepcaco, FI TIS TOIOV>T6 YC ¿>¿(01, and 1.47 cl>s
¿rrrdXoiTo KO\ &AAO$ 6 TIS TOiavrrd YE ¿>¿£01. For the optitive cf. Chantraine,
GH 11 248. In view of Akhilleus' earlier conduct it is ironic that he should
say this now.
495—8 Again the ancient commentators find this realistic in terms of
thrir own experience. Cf. T (on 497): 'this is just how some older and
steadier spectators behave nowadays at games, telling people not to antici-
pate the outcome before it occurs*.
[d) 499-652 The end of the race and the awarding of the prices. Diomedes takes the
first prize, followed by Antilokhos, Menelaos and Mertones, with Eumelos last.
Akhilleus wishes to give Eumelos second prize, but is dissuaded by Antilokhos, and gives
him an extra one instead. Menelaos accuses Antilokhos of ch ating, but is appeased by
Antilokhos' offer to give up his prize. The last prize is given to Nestor, who recalls his
own athletic exploits in youth
This remarkable scene is the denouement of the chariot-race, in which the

consequences of the earlier events are worked out and a resolution achieved.
Akhilleus considers that the prizes should be awarded according to the true
merits of the contestants, irrespective of the outcome. But this, as Antilokhos
objects, disregards the divine patronage which tipped the scales in favour
of Diomedes. The quarrel over the second prize also develops in a way
which echoes the main theme of the poem: like both Agamemnon and
Akhilleus in book 1, Antilokhos feels that he is being unjustly deprived of
his due and refuses to accept this. Akhilleus' resolution of this issue sparks
off the following protest of Menelaos: once again injured honour is at stake
and he demands justice. But this quarrel takes a very different course from
the quarrel of Akhilleus and Agamemnon, for first Antilokhos yields to the
older man, and then Menelaos gives way to him in turn, recognizing the
value of Antilokhos* past support and friendship. The touching quality of
this reconciliation is beautifully expressed by the simile at 597-600.
224
Book Twenty-Three
Finally Akhilleus, who had ignored Nestor's mediating advice in book I,

now pays a special tribute to his venerable seniority. Nestor's speech, as well
as complementing his earlier one to Antilokhos, may have a paradeigmatic
function like his other reminiscences, for his defeat by the sons of Aktor
echoes Antilokhos' defeat of Menelaos, in the suggestion that they had an
unfair advantage which they used because of their jealous eagerness for
victory (638-42; cf. 639 with 572). This final exchange between Akhilleus
and Nestor also sets the games in a wider context: Nestor will keep the prize
as a KEIPÂIOV in memory of Patroklos, whom they will see no more, and for
Nestor himself the days of heroic exploits are long over (618-23). Charac-
teristically the poet looks both to past and future here, and the whole
episode closes quietly, on a nostalgic note not unlike what we find in parts
of the Odyssey.
499-506 Diomedes' rapid arrival is described in a vivid passage which
resembles the start of the race at 362-72. In both, the main motifs are the
same: the charioteers whipping on their horses (362-4, 500), their speed
(364-5,500-1), the clouds of dust (365-6,502), and the chariots skimming
lightly over the plain (368-9, 503-6), and both are rounded off by a final
reprise of the theme of the flying horses (372, 506).
500 Cf. 15.352 pdKrriyi KcrTcopct86v ÂCCCTEV tmrous (with comment),
pdtrri is an Ionic dative of pdtms, which recurs at Od. 15.182; cf. the verb
paorico. Most of our MSS substitute the more familiar form pdortyi, which
would not scan here.
501 Cf. Od. 13.83 0vp6o* &Etp6pEvoi £(p$a trpâaouoi k4AEV8OV. The idea
is the same as at 475, hnroi dcpoliToSES.
50a jlxxOdpiyyES ipaAXov J: cf. 11.536 = 20.501. There it is used of drops
or sprinklings of blood (cf. probably jtaivco).
503-4 Cf. 2.777 ftpponra 8* EV ueTruxaap^va (with comment on 777-8).
There •nrrruKaoplva refers to chariots being 'closely covered' or wrapped
up when stored away, whereas here it must be used to describe a facing of
metal plates which covers the chariot-body: cf. 4.226 (etc.) &ppcrra TTOIKIACC
XOXKO», 10.438 &ppa 84 ol xpvocb TE KCXI dpyupco EVFLOKRYRAI(of Rhesos'
chariot), and 8.320 = 23.509 6l$poio . . . irapôrvdcovTos. Chariots plated
with precious metals are attested in Egypt in the mid-second millennium
B.C., and it is assumed that they were used also by the Greeks in the late
Bronze Age: cf. Lorimer, HM 327, J. Wiesner, Arch. Horn, r 14 and 47. The
Linear B tablets certainly attest the use of silver and bronze in connexion
with the wheels of chariots: cf. Ventris and Chad wick, Documents 369-75,
and Crouwel, Chariots 88-90. For tin as a precious metal cf. 11.25, 18.474,
etc.
The poet draws attention to the chariots* ornamentation because the
whole passage is graphic in character. T comment on 503-4: 'by emphasiz-
ing its costliness he makes us marvel at the scene. He has also given life to
225
Book Twenty- Three
the chariot, as if it were speeding on of its own accord.' Plutarch (A/or.

747E) quotes 503-4 (Appcrra . . . hrtrprxpv) as an example of mimetic
language, where the collocation and rhythm of the words imitate the sense.
His other examples (E. fr. 985 N. and Pindar, 0. 1.20-1) suggest that he
has in mind the predominantly dactylic rhythm and the lightness of sound
of ippcrra . . . Trrm/Kacuiva Kaaavrlpcp T€, and of «KU7r68coaiv frrirpcxov.
The verb means that the chariot ran closely behind the horses, as if about
to overtake them.
504-6 0O8i TI TroAAfj . . . Kovtq: T rightly comments that the hyperbole
is moderated and made credible by the use of -ROAMI. Contrast 20.226-9,
of semi-divine horses, and the imitation of 23.504-6 by Quintus of Smyrna
(4.516-17) ov5* AppicrrpoxiccS IBIeiv cfiivov ou8fc TTO6OUV | £v x©ovl ofjporra,
T6CT<TOV inn^tycpov 8p6novlirrroi. See also on 764. Apparpoxli) (505) occurs
only here in Homer, and then in Hellenistic and later literature.
5 0 7 - 1 3 After the flurry and excitement of Diomedes' arrival <rrf) ukrto
¿v dy£>vi suggests the dramatically abrupt halt of the horses, as sweat pours
from them. All is over in no time: Diomedes has dismounted and laid down
his whip, and Sthenelos has already (without delay: ou5t udrrriacv) claimed
the woman and tripod as prizes, and handed them over to his companions,
and is beginning to unyoke the horses, before Antilokhos and Menelaos
arrive. In this way the poet not only gives us a sense of the brisk and lively
scene at the winning-post, but also suggests that the others are some dis-
tance behind.
5 0 7 — 9 TTOAOS 8* &vcKf|KiEv I6p<b$: cf 13.705 TTOAOS dvcncqxlci I6pcb$, and
8.543 83 Od. 4.39 ITTTTOUS . . . »6pcbovTas. Delebecque (Cheval 54) notes the
accuracy of this description: a horse sweats especially from its neck and chest
(cf. also 11.282). Verse 509 = 8.320 (see comment).
5 1 0 — 1 3 Sthenelos, Diomedes* close companion, is a lively and energetic
character: cf. especially 4.403-10 (with comments), and perhaps also his
name and epithet here, tyOtpos £8£VEAOS suggesting strength. For ou5fe
pdrqaev | cf. 16.474, and for the prize 23.262-4. Here Aristarchus observed
that &y(iv and $£pctv are used in their proper and distinct senses (cf.
Arn/AT 512-13, and Lehrs, De Aristarchi studiis \ 37). In 513 we should keep
the imperfect LAURV, as it implies that Sthenelos was just unyoking the horses
when Antilokhos appeared. Leaf and others objected to the 0, but cf. Od.
7.74 Aum, and Chantraine, GH1 372-3.
514 NrjA/jios: as grandson of Neleus (cf. AlaxISqs of Akhilleus, etc.).
Elsewhere this b applied to Nestor.
5 1 6 — 2 7 Menelaos has caught up, as he said he would ( 4 4 4 - 5 ) , but just
faib to overtake in time. The comparison in 517-21 b unusual in being
taken from the activity described, like expressions such as 'leading by a
head'. In Bronze Age and Geometric representations the horses are usually
226
1
Book Twenty-Three
shown as very close to the chariot, and sometimes their tails appear to touch
the wheels: Cf. Wiesner, Arch. Horn, F 44 (Abb. 8), 47 (Abb. 10), Crouwel,
Chariots pi. 77, P. A . L. G r e e n h a l g h , Early Greek Warfare ( C a m b r i d g e 1973)
figs. 11, 1 4 , etc. Within 5 1 7 - 2 7 there are five examples of progressive
enjarnbment.
For 5 1 8 cf. 2 2 . 2 3 (with comment). Verses 1 9 - 2 1 are a typical expansion
of the point of comparison. ou8e TI TTOAATI is repeated from 5 0 4 , and TTOAEOS
TreSioio QEOVTOS (cf. 4 7 5 , and 4 . 4 2 4 TTOAEOS . . . ©Eoucrat) echoes 7TE5ioio
TiTaivouEvos in 518, rounding off the comparison.
523 ¿s S i a r K o u p a : 4 as m u c h as a discus-throw' (cf. 4 3 1 with comment).
SiCTKoupa is a n a b s o l u t e hapax.
5 2 5 Cf. 2 9 5 AI0T)V TT]V 'AyapEuvovEriv. Here this mare is dignified with a
whole-verse description.
5 2 6 E1 8£ K' . . . Y£VETO: cf. 4 9 0 . This is the only instance in Homer of E! KE
with the indicative (cf. an oracle in Hdt. 1.174), but KE with indicative is
commoner in the apodosis of conditionals: cf. Chantraine, GH n 283.
5 2 7 See on 3 8 2 . Zenodotus (Arn/A) read fj ¿cp<t>f)picrTov EOTIKEV here
too, but the point is surely that Menelaos would have actually defeated
Antilokhos.
5 2 8 - 9 Mripiovris . . . 'iBopEvfios is repeated at 8 6 0 = 8 8 8 , and cf. also
1 1 3 = 1 2 4 . For Soupos £pcor)v cf. 1 5 . 3 5 8 , 2 1 . 2 5 1 OCTOV T* ITTI 8oup6$ Ipcoi^ |.
5 3 0 - 1 For {3ap5icrTOi see on 310. f|Ki<rros ('weakest') occurs only here in
Homer; cf. f j K a , and Attic f ] K i c r r a . T h e epic forms have the normal Ionic
psilosis (cf. Arn/AbT). These words are thought to be related to Latin segnis
(cf. Chantraine. Diet. s.v. f ) K a ) ; a i y a ('quietly') in modern Greek has also
come to mean 'slowly'. Meriones' skills lie elsewhere, in archery and javelin-
throwing (850 91).
532—3 Eumelos is indeed a pitiful figure, as he appears dragging his
chariot behind him, and driving his horses in front, and he evokes Akhilleus'
pity. As Eustathius says, the spectacle is also slightly comic ( 1 3 1 4 . 6 1 ) .
532 Travucrrcrros: only here and at 547 (of Eumelos again) in the Iliad;
cf. Od. 9 . 4 5 2 , where it refers to the ram of Poluphemos in the speech which
its master makes to it. In all these cases there is an element of pathos, as
often with these Trctv- compounds (see on 2 2 . 4 9 0 ) .
533 For EAKGOV <5cpuocra KOACC cf. 1 0 . 5 0 5 , where a chariot is light enough
to be carried. Aristarchus (Arn/AbT) seems to have taken ¿Aauvcov
TTpocTCToGev ITTTTOUS to mean that he was walking in front of the horses,
leading them by the reins and whipping them on. More probably it means
that he was driving them in front of him (cf. Eust. 1315.1)- trpoaaoOEv
occurs only here, and is related to t r p o a c o , T T p o a O e v , TrpoacoOev; the scholiasts
compare IÔOEV in Stesichorus and Ibycus (Erbse on 533). Zenodotus read
coKEas instead, and a few M S S read pebvuxas.
227
Book Twenty-Three
534—5 Verse 534 = 16.5 (cf. also 1 1 . 8 1 4 ) . For iroBApKTis . . . 6cy6p£UE cf.
22.376-7 . . . T R O 5 6 P K T ] s 5Tos 'AXIAAEUS, | crras iv 'AxctioTcriv ETTEO T T T E P O E V T '
¿ryopEUEV.
536—8 Akhilleus tactfully avoids depriving Diomedes of the first prize: T
(538) detects signs of previous rivalry between them (cf. A r n / A T on 16.74,
referring to Diomedes' contemptuous remarks about Akhilleus at 9.697-
709), and suggests (T 536-7) that Eumelos' Thessalian origin makes
Akhilleus favour him. But the point is surely more general: Eumelos is
simply the best, and Akhilleus holds that he deserves recognition, on the
principle that &p£Tr) should not suffer because of Tuxt| (bT 5 3 6 - 7 ) , a
principle we might well expect Akhilleus to believe in.
5 3 6 AOTCT6OS: only here in Homer; cf. Hes. Th. 921 etc. (but AOIO6IOS
is commoner in classical poetry), and 23.751 Aoicr8r)i'a, 785 Aoia0r)iov .. .
CXEQAOV.
5 3 7 - 8 6E6AOV . . . 8E0TEP': the plural 8EUTEpoc in apposition to 5(E6AOV is
slightly odd but not impossible; cf. also Aoio0r)ia meaning 'as last prize' in
751. After 537 some ancient texts added two verses: TOC TPITA 8' 'AvriAoxos,
TH-pcrra £av0os MEVEAOOS, | ireprrrTa 8E MR)piovr|s 0Epcarcov ¿us ' I S o p E v f p s .
These were justly condemned by Aristarchus (Arn/AT) as un-Homeric.
5 3 9 — 4 0 T h e emphasis on the approval of the Achaeans is a relevant
point, since what Akhilleus proposes is not according to strict justice, as
Antilokhos protests. For 539 cf. 7.344 = 9.710 cos £<t>a9'- ol 8' a p a TTCCVTES
ETTT|vr)crav pacnAfjEs.
541-2 For 'AVTIAOXOS UEyaOupou NEcrropos utos | cf. 5.565, 13.400. In
542 'with a formal appeal' may be the sense of SiKq, although later it means
simply 'justly'.
5 4 3 — 5 4 Antilokhos' protest is direct and frank, as suits his youth and
friendship with Akhilleus (cf. b T 543). But he has an argument in favour of
his plea, which is that Eumelos failed to invoke divine aid. Verses 549-50
are effective with their rhetorical anaphora, suggesting how easy it would
be for Akhilleus to solve the problem. Finally 5 5 3 - 4 close the speech with
a very emphatic refusal to give up the prize, and a threat to anyone who
dares to try to make him do so. Here the echoes of book 1 are particularly
strong: cf. 1.29 TT}V 8' £yco ou AUCTGO (Agamemnon refuses to give up
Khruseis), and 298-303, where Akhilleus says that he will not fight over
Briseis (298 X£PCTl T ° l ^ycoyE nax"ncropai ~ 23.554 Xe'P£CTCTl P&XEO0ai),
but if anyone tries to take away any of his other possessions there will be
bloodshed (302 E! 81 AYE 7TEIPT}AAI... ^ 23.553 ^ P I 8' aurfis 7TEIPT}6T)TGO
. . . ) . These parallels were already noted by Eustathius (1315.29ff., 5 3 - 4 ,
65ff.). He regards 553 as a parody of 1.29, and he says that 'Akhilleus knows
by experience what it means to be robbed of one's prize', and that he
recognizes in Antilokhos' echo of his own words at i.298ff. a sign that they
228
Book Twenty-Three
both share the same nobility of character: hence he smiles at his speech. Cf.
also Martin, Language of Heroes 1 8 8 - 9 .
544 <J«t>aipr|aeCT9ai &E8AOV: cf. 1.161 (Akhilleus to Agamemnon) Kai 5r|
laoi yepas auTos &4>aipr)OEor6ai ATTEIAEIS, and 1 8 2 {Agamemnon's reply) CBS
IU' ¿«ÂIPEITAI X P U A R I T S A <t>oi(3os 'ATTOAACOV.
5 4 5 - 6 OTI oi (3AA(3EV apuaTa . . . | OCUT6S T' 4O6AOS 4cbv: PAATTTEIV is applied
to horses at 6 . 3 9 , 2 3 . 3 8 7 and 5 7 1 ; cf. 2 2 . 1 5 i p A a y a s ¿KOtEpyE, with
comment, aarros T* . . . 4cbv is an afterthought, 'and himself for all his skill'.
5 4 6 - 7 T h e principle stated here is illustrated later in the foot-race and
archery contest ( 7 6 8 - 7 2 , 8 6 3 5 , 8 7 2 - 8 1 ) .
547 TOO K' ('in that case') is Bentley's emendation. Most M S S read TO KEV,
which would mean 'therefore', and some have TOO KEV which is unmetrical.
For TravuoTcrros see on 5 3 2 .
5 4 8 Cf. 1 6 . 4 5 0 AAA* E! TOI <F>{Aos I C T T I , TEOV 8 ' 6Ao<F>0pETai i^Top, and 1 4 . 3 3 7
AAA' ei 5F) £6EAEIS KO( TOI <J>IAOV ETTAETO 6vud>. Here and at 1 6 . 4 5 0 (see
comment) Aristarchus and some of our M S S read <}>iAos, against the vul-
gate's <t>iAov, but this may well be a learned 'improvement' in both cases.
5 4 9 - 5 1 Cf. 6 . 4 7 - 9 TTOAACX 8 ' . . . K E I P R J A I A KETTO«, | XCXAKOS TE xpvcrAs TE . . . |
TCOV KEV TOI XAPTOAITO . . . (of ransom), and similarly 1 0 . 3 7 8 - 8 0 , 1 1 . 1 3 2 - 4 .
It may be more relevant that Thersites' protest at 2 . 2 2 6 - 3 4 is similar. T h e
casual order of the catalogue, together with the anaphora, are suited to
Antilokhos' tone of protest (Eust. 1315.598^).
551—a IirErra . . . Kal aCrriKa vOv: 'later . . . or even straight away now';
cf. Od. 2 0 . 6 3 otirriKa vOv, T^ ITTEITCX. For iva . . . 'Axaiot cf. 5 3 9 - 4 0 .
5 5 3 - 4 See on 5 4 3 - 5 4 . For TTEipTi8r)Tco cf. also 2 1 . 2 2 5 - 6 "Eicropi
TTEipr|6fivai | &vTi(3iT}v.
5 5 5 — 6 Akhilleus smiles, for the first and only time in the whole poem,
and is delighted by his friend's frankness. For the phrasing cf. 1.595 etc. cos
<f>onro, UEIBRIOEV 8 E , 1 . 1 2 1 etc. TRO8APKR)s 5Tos 'AXIAAEUS, 5 6 9 5 O$ ol <J>iAo$ ?)EV
¿Talpos.
558-62 Akhilleus' speech resembles that of the Phaeacian Eurualos at
Od. 8 . 4 0 1 - 5 , where in response to Alkinoos' suggestion of recompense for
his insult he offers a valuable sword to the stranger (Odysseus): SCOCTCO
ol TO5' &op T R A Y X D A K E O V , w 2TTI KCOTTTI | Apyup4ri, KOAEAV 84 VEOTTpicrrou
£A4<|>AVTOS | Au<f>i8E8ivriTar TTOAEOS 84 ol 6£iov Icrrai. Cf. D. M . Jones, Glotta
37 (195®) 115— 17, who argues that the Odyssey passage is influenced by this
one.
5 5 8 — 9 Cf. 5 9 2 - 4 EI KAI VU KEV OTKO6EV aAAo | . . . ¿TRAITTJAEIAS (etc.), and
7 . 3 6 4 = 3 9 1 TTAVT' 494AOO 66PEVAI Ka\ IT' OTKOOEV AAA' ¿tnOEivai. OTKOOEV
means 'from my store'.
5 6 0 — a This effectively recalls 2 1 . 1 8 2 - 3 , where Akhilleus despoils
Asteropaios. Cf. the use of Asteropaios' sword as a prize at 8 0 7 - 8 , and the
229
Book Twenty-Three
description of the mixing-bowl at 740-7, which recalls the story of Lukaon

(2».34ff.). These were Akhilleus' last major victims before he killed Hektor,
and the mention of these precious objects is a poignant reminder of his
recent career of destruction.
The cuirass is of bronze, to which tin has been added as a decorative
material. Either this means that the whole surface has been plated with tin
(as D. H. F. Gray thought, in JHS 74 (1954) 2), or that the bronze is
surrounded by a circle of tin overlay or inlay. The second (a surrounding
circle) seems more probable. In any case, one can compare Agamemnon's
cuirass with its bands of different precious metals (11.24-5).
561 x e ^ i a : only here in Homer, later in Pindar (N. 9.39), tragedy,
etc. ncpixcvctv is used of silver or gold ornamentation (10.294 etc.). These
words probably refer to a technique of overlay, rather than to actual
pouring of metal: see Gray, op. cil. 4, for details of how this was done. For
$csivoO Kaoronipoio | cf. 18.612 torvoO tcaoanipoto |, 21.592 vtomrKTov
Kaoorrtpoto |.
569 &u$i&c5iinr)Tai: this verb occurs only here in //., once in Od. at 8.405
(see on 558-62); cf. Bacchylides 17.105-7 xafrais xP uot ^ 7T ^°* c ° l
6(VT)VTO Tcnvicn. It ought to mean 'is set round in a circle', but in Od. it is
applied to an ivory scabbard enclosing a sword. 5IVCOT6S is used of objects
decorated with precious materials, and again the precise sense is hard to
determine: see on 3.391, and cf. the article by Jones mentioned on 558-62.
The long compound word, occupying the first hemistich, is in itself an
ornamental feature, adding dignity to the object described. The variant
6£iov ('an object of value') b probably derived from Od. 8.405.
563 Automedon is a Ocpdrrcov of Akhilleus, and next in command after
Patroklos: see on 9.209.
565 This verse is omitted by several MSS and a first-century B.C. papy-
rus. It is a slight variation of the formular verse 624 etc. (see on 1.446).
Although not essential it does round off this episode more effectively than
564 would do without it.
5(6-85 We come now to the second round of the quarrel. Menelaos'
protest is a far more solemn affair than that of Antilokhos. He is clearly
furious (567), but controls his anger. He takes the sceptre, a sign that he b
making a public speech, and appeals first to all the Achaean leaders for
impartial justice, and then to Antilokhos' own conscience. One senses that
their former friendship and Menelaos' admiration for Antilokhos' qualities
(cf. 570 7Tp6oftev irrrrvuiitvc, 581 SioTpc^ts) make the situation even more
distressing for him. As far as he is concerned Antilokhos has defeated him
by deceit and treachery. The parallel with the resentment of Akhilleus at
Agamemnon's conduct did not «scape the notice of the ancient commenta-
tors: A T (565) quote 9.375 be y i p 8/1 u' ¿tTrdrrqcrc KQI f|Arrev (cf. also Eust.
1317.14).
230
[
Book Twenty-Three
Menelaos' speech throws light on the development of Greek justice (cf.

R. J. Bonner and G. Smith, The Administration of Justice from Homer to
Aristotle, Chicago 1930, 27-8). Two ways of settling the dispute are pro-
posed, first by the arbitration of his fellow leaders, and second by an oath.
The first has the disadvantage that the arbitrators may not be impartial,
and so the judgement may be questioned later (cf. 574-8). The second is
common to many societies at an early stage in the development of a legal
system, and continued to be used in some circumstances in Greece in the
classical period. It effectively makes the gods the witnesses, and so could be
considered more secure, although Odysseus' grandfather Autolukos knew
how to circumvent divine anger, since he surpassed all men in stealing and
swearing on oath (Od. 19.395-6). Antilokhos subsequently offers Menelaos
not only restitution but damages in addition, for fear of offending him and
incurring divine displeasure (591-5).
567-9 tv 8* 6po Kt^pvlj... 'Apyclovs: cf. 2.278-81, where Odysseus holds
the sceptre and Athene as herald orders silence, and Od. 2.37-8, where the
herald Peisenor gives Telemakhos the sceptre before he speaks. The partici-
pation of the herald adds to the solemnity. For the association of the sceptre
with oaths and judgements see on 1.234-9, 2 - l o 9 » c f . especially the trial
scene at 18.505-6. Here, as at i.234ff., it is held by someone who protests
at an injustice he has suffered. In 568 X cl pt' s preferable to the variant x c P a '*
as at Od. 2.37, 18.103. For MCTTjvSa in this position in 569 cf. 24.32 (5X
Od.).
570-85 The speech has a simple ring-structure (cf. Lohmann, Reden 23):
A 570-2 Address to Antilokhos ('Av-riAoxi)

B 5 7 3 " 4 Appeal to Greeks for arbitration (AAA* Ayrr*)
C 575-8 Imaginary speech against Menelaos
B 579-80 Alternative proposal of an oath (il 8' (cyt)
A 581-5 Final address to Antilokhos ('AVTIAOX«).
570 Trp&rOtv Trrrrwutvt: sec on 305.

5 7 1 — a fj<rxwa$ ¿p^v Aprr/|v means 'you have cast shame upon my
valour'. It would be wrong to restrict the sense of Apcri^ here too closely, to
mean for example 'skill* (so Leaf). For fJAAvj*x$ see on 387, and for -rrpAoG«
0aAd>v cf. 639 "irp6o6e fktAAvTcs, and sec on 462.
574 iitoov was taken by Aristarchus as meaning 'impartially' (Arn/
ATD), probably correctly. pq8' frr* Apooyfj means 'without favour to either
side'; cf. 18.502 where the spectators at a trial are Au$ls Apcoyol.
575—8 As often in Homer fear of what men say is a potent factor. For
TTOT! TIS CTTTQOIV cf. 22.106. Verse 576 is a powerful four-word one, framed
by the contrasting names. In 577-8 the two clauses introduced by 6TI are
in parataxis, although the first is really subordinate in sense: ' ven if his
horses were worse he had the advantage in rank and power*. Verse 577
231
Book Twenty- Three
echoes the second half of 572, stressing the contrast. For ctCrr6s 84 . . . pli] Tf
cf. 9.498 TCOV ITCP Kal PCI^CAV DPRRF) npVj TC PIRJ TE.
579—80 T h e suggestion of an oath arises naturally, as if it had just
occurred to Menetaos as a better way of settling the issue, which is what
8IK6OCO presumably means here, u' probably represents the dative MOI
with trrmMj^fiv, as at 12.211. For the idea of a Straight judgement* cf.
18.508 8IKT}V lOvvTcrra ETTTOI, 16.387 0x0X165 tcpfvtkxn ©lyioras etc., and sec
Richardson on HyDem 152.
581 'AvrtAox", tl 8' ¿rye 6cGpo, Siorpc^ts echoes Menelaos' appeal to
Akhilleus at 17.685, but here the repetition of d 6' fry* after 579 suggests
Menelaos* impatience. Aristarchus athetized this verse because he thought
the honorific epithet 6ioTpt$£s unsuitable (Arn/A). T compares the use of
8Tov AAi§av8pov at 3.352, where Menelaos is praying for vengeance against
Paris, and other cases of this kind (6.377, 21.331), but Aristarchus athetized
3.352 and objected to 2 1 . 3 3 1 . Although 8iOTpc4>£$ is a formular epithet it
can still be relevant here: it is as if Menelaos is appealing to Antilokhos* own
sense of honour, and suggesting that it is not in his true character to act as
he did.
For the formular ^ Otpis tori see on 2 . 7 3 - 5 , 23-44- indicates that the
following procedure is laid down by convention or 'ritualized*.
580—5 The solemnity of the oath i< indicated by the lengthy and com-
plex prescription, with its various parenthetic and subordinate clau es.
There is a similar lengthy build-up before Agamemnon's oath at 1 9 . 2 5 2 - 6 .
Antilokhos must take hold of his whip and of the horses themselves as he
swears: cf. the oath by the sceptre which Akhilleus holds at 1.234 ( a n c *
similarly 10.321), and 1 4 . 2 7 1 - 6 where Here is asked to take hold of earth
and sea with each hand when swearing. The invocation of Poseidon may
be due to his role as god of horses, in addition to his being Antilokhos*
ancestor (see on 307).
583 For Ex* a few M S S read txwv, and Eustathius quotes this, although
his corrtmcnts evidently assume the reading Ix«. T h e whole of orirrdp . . .
IXoruvc? is in parenthesis, giving variety to the construction. £a8tv6$ OCCUR
only here in Homer; cf. Hes. Th. 195, HyDem 183, etc. Its precise sense is
not easy to pin down, but 'slender* or 'supple' seem possible.
5 8 4 - 5 For yaiiôxov twoaiyaiov cf. yaiôxos Iwoatyaios 13.43 etc., -to
-cp 9.183 etc. The terms of the oath lay stress on the element of deliberate
deceit, since Antilokhos could well have claimed that he did not actually
intend to impede Menelaos. iTeSôai is a strong word, as Eustathius ob-
serves (1317.7). It is used by Pindar in Pelops' prayer to Poseidon for victory
in the chariot-race at 0. 1.76 ir&aoov 8yx©S Olvoudou (etc.); cf. D. Gerber
(Pindar's Olympian Oru, Toronto 1982, p. 120) on words denoting binding
and impeding in magical defixiones concerned with chariot-races. Could the
232
1
Book Twenty-Three
use of this verb here be another echo of the racing jargon? Cf. also Pind. P.
6 . 3 2 TTTTTOS &pp' Irr46a (when Nestor is rescued by Antilokhos), and for 86Acp
TTEdfjaai cf. N. 5 . 2 6 .
5 8 6 For the expression TAV/T^JV 6 ' av/crCrr' . . . TTFTTWU^VOS AVTIOV rjOBa
(6x II., 4 3 x Od., but only of Telemakhos) cf. 3 . 2 0 3 etc. But here the
epithet clearly echoes and answers 5 7 0 : 'we are being told that Antilokhos
is showing himself a sensible man after all' (Parry, Language 308). Cf. for
example the use of this epithet of Pouludamas when he gives his vital
warning to the Trojans at 1 8 . 2 4 9 ^ . ) . , and of Antenor at 7.347, when he
advises the return of Helen.
587-95 Antilokhos' reply is a masterpiece of honourable conciliation,
putting all the emphasis on the rashness of youth, paying respect to
Menelaos' age, reminding him of their past friendship (594-5), and of his
own accord offering extra recompense. He cleverly avoids having to take
the oath, but at the same time does not actually admit that he cheated!
Eustathius has a long and over-ingenious analysis of his speech, designed to
show that its covert intention is to praise himself (1317.43ff.)» but both he
and bT ( 5 9 1 - 2 ) observe that Antilokhos still refers to the horse as his own
prize, which is a good point.
587-91 Cf. the progression of thought at 1 9 . 2 1 6 - 2 0 , where Odysseus
says that Akhilleus is more powerful than him, but he is older and wiser,
and goes on ( 2 2 0 ) T U TOI 47TITAI < )TCO xpaSft) puOoToiv IpoTaiv.
587-8 Unusually Antilokhos does not begin with a vocative formula, the
name being postponed to 5 8 8 , because the situation demands that he should
immediately calm Menelaos* anger. fivox«o vOv sounds colloquial: 'Hold
on, now!* For Antilokhos* youth cf. 1 5 . 5 6 8 - 7 1 , where Menelaos appealed
to him for help as the most agile of the younger Achaeans. These echoes of
their previous closeness in battle (cf. above on 5 8 1 eiorpc^) are by no
means irrelevant here. For ov 84 np^Ttpos xal 6pc(cov cf. 2 . 7 0 7 6TTA6TEPOS
y e v e f f 6 8' &pa repdrtpos, xal Apdcov.
589-90 Antilokhos seems to be echoing 3 . 1 0 6 - 8 , where again it is
Menelaos who fears that Priam's sons may not respect the oaths ( 1 0 7
CrrcpPaolq), and adds old 8' 6irAor4pcov dcvSp&v $p4v£$ fj£p46ovTai.
Menelaos 'is unusually conscious of himself as a middle-aged man' (Parry,
Language 3 2 1 ) . For similar gnomic statements about youthful folly cf. Od.
7 . 2 9 4 , Theognis 6 2 9 - 3 0 , and for the phrasing of 5 9 0 cf. 1 0 . 2 2 6 &AAd TE ol
Pp&oocov TE v6os, Armtf) 84 TE M^TI*. Arti-rf^ in these cases means 'slight',
'slender'. There is irony in the use of M^TIS here, given Nestor's remarks on
the subject ( 3 1 3 - 1 8 ) .
593—5 Tf|v 6p6pr)v means 'which I won' (aorist of Apvupoi). From cl KOI
vu KEV onwards the sentence structure becomes more complex, and we have
three consecutive verses with integral enjambment, as Antilokhos makes his
233
Book Tu ent -Three
final, more emotional point. For 5 9 2 - 5 (el K a f . . . ôuXoliir^v) see on 5 5 8 - 9 ,

and for pouAoipqv ^ cf. 1.117. 594 5iOTpe<f>£s is a nice echo of Menelaos'
use of this vocative at 5 8 1 , undoubtedly being designed to soften him (cf.
b T 5 9 4 ) . croI yc . . . IK 0vpoO TTFCR&iv means 'to fall out of favour with you*
(cf. 1 . 5 6 2 - 3 ) , and fcaluoaiv elvai &AiTp6$ 'to be culpable in the eyes of the
gods' (cf. 8 . 3 6 1 for AArrp6s). The last phrase presumably hints at the fact
that in order to contradict Mcnelaos Antilokhos would have to commit
perjury.
596-7 Antilokhos seals his reconciliation by actually handing over the
horse himself (cf. T 5 9 6 ) .
597-600 TOTO 61 Ovpos | Idv&q . . . 8vyds Idv&q: 'and his spirit | was
warmed, just like the dew upon the ears of corn | of a ripening crop, when
the ploughlands are bristling: 1 even so, Menelaos, was the spirit in your
heart warmed'.
'No poet ever wrote lines more adequate to the beauty of reconciliation
than these' (F. M. Stawell, Homer and the Iliad, London 1 9 0 9 , 8 7 ) . The simile
has a ring-structure, being framed by the repetition ofOupds IdvOrj, although
in 5 9 7 - 8 the strong enjambmcnt and prominence of IdvGq at the beginning
of the verse make these words stand out as introduction.
From antiquity onwards too much ink has been spilt over the exact sense,
tafveo probably means 'warm*, and from this it comes to mean 'soften',
'melt* (Chantraine, Diet. s.v.); it is used in a similar context at 2 4 . 1 1 9 (6uu6v
l^vr|) and Od. 2 2 . 5 9 . We should read kiparj in 5 9 8 rather than ttpoTi (as
some modern editors have done). The early-morning dew on the ripen-
ing corn is warmed and evaporated by the increasing force of the sun.
Apollonius Rhodius surely saw the point in his imitation, when he said of
Medea, as she falls in love: lalvrro 6t $p£vas dkro> | RNKOIIIVQ oT6v TC ircpl
ô&rjaiv Upoq | Tfytrrai f|cbototv laivopivrj $ahcrcnv ( 3 . 1 0 1 9 - 2 1 ) . The echo
of the Homeric simile by Aeschylus (Ag. 1 3 9 1 - 2 ) suggests the general
tone but is less close in detail: x<*lpwaav oGSiv f|TTov i\ 6ioa8crrcp | y<5cvei
OTTOPTJT6S KAAUKOS tv Aoxtvpacnv. There is also a reminiscence of 5 9 8 - 9 by
Virgil at G. 3 . 3 1 4 - 1 5 : spicea iam campis cum messis inhorruit, et cum \Jrumenta
in viridi stipula lactentia turgent. ordxus is only here in Homer, later in Hes.
Erga 4 7 3 etc. AAS^jcncciv ( 5 9 9 ) occurs only here in early Greek literature; cf.
Theocr. Id. 17.78 Ar>iov ¿A6T)OKOUOIV.
600 For this use of apostrophe, or direct address by the poet to one of his
characters, as an 'emphatic and pathetic device', see on 13.602-3, 17.674-
5 . Cf. also b T 4 . 1 2 7 ('the poet is sympathetic towards Menelaos'), and
the sensitive discussion by Parry in Language 3 1 0 - 2 6 . T (on 6 0 0 ) notes
Menelaos' characteristic gentleness; cf. b T 6 . 5 1 , 6 2 etc., CQ,30 ( 1 9 8 0 ) 2 7 2 .
For the second half of 6 0 0 cf. 2 4 . 3 2 1 = Od. 1 5 . 1 6 5 yÔqoav, Kal iraatv tv\
$P€OL OVPDS 16v6tj.
«34
I
Book Twenty-Three
6oa-si This moving speech b the last by Menelaos in the poem. He

accepts Antilokhos* apology, although still with a sharp note of warning
against making the same mistake again. Recalling all that Antilokhos,
Nestor and Thrasumedes have suffered for his sake in the past he actually
offers to give Antilokhos back the horse, as if moved by a deep impulse of
sympathetic generosity. We may well be reminded here of Phoinix' sermon
to Akhilleus on the virtues of yielding to entreaty when one b angry at
injustice {9.496-605), and of Iris' warning to Poseidon not to go on cher-
ishing resentment against his elder brother Zeus (15.200-4; at 202 Iris calb
his speech ¿nrrivte, a word used by Menelaos at 611; and cf. 211 vc|icacrT)8£l$
OTTOS(^CI) with 602-3).
603 oG TI trapi'iopos 0G6' Aeatypcov: 'in no way deranged or foolish*,
irapfjopos b applied to a trace-horse which runs beside the regular pair
of horses at 16.471, 16.474 (cf. Trapr|op(ai meaning 'side-traces' at 8.18,
16.152). Here, however, it was taken in antiquity as meaning 'deranged',
and this seems to be how Archilochus understood it: cf. fr. 130.5 West, v6ou
TTorpôpos, and 172.2 tIs odt$ -napfyipt At 7.156 it is applied to a
fallen warrior and the sense b again uncertain, perhaps 'sprawling' or
something similar; see on 7.155-6 for further discussion. For ou5' Aco($pu>v
see comment on 20.183. The original form was probably Aaatypuv; cf.
Chantraine, Diet. s.v. AAoa.
604 vOv OGTC v6ov VIKTJOI vcotr}: the heavy alliteration b surely deliberate
here, suggesting a proverbial expression, vcolq is an absolute hapax, appar-
ently meaning 'youth' or 'youthful folly', possibly formed from vfos, V*6TT)S
under the influence of Avoir) (which some scholars have wanted to read
here: Leumann, HW 228 n. 23). Hesychius glosses vioia» as A$poovvat;
cf. Wackernagel, Sprachliche Untersuchungen 242-3. Antimachus apparently
read v6riua (AT 604, fr. 138 W.), i.e. 'your plan (or ingenuity) got the
better of your good sense*.
605—6 These two forbidding verses show that Menelaos' tolerance and
gentleness have their limits. TraphreitrEV b used of Menelaos being dissuaded
from action at 7.120 (and cf. 6.61 v.l.): 'Menelaus is always being per-
suaded' (Parry, Language 320).
607—8 For 607 cf. 9.492, where it b Phoinix who is speaking. Apart from
the general exploits in batde of Nestor and hb sons one thinks especially of
5.561-72, where Antilokhos comes to Menelaos* aid against Aineias, of
15.568-91, where they fight together, and of 17.651-99, where Menelaos
asks him to bring Akhilleus the news of Patrokios' death.
610-11 Like Antilokhos, Menelaos continues to regard the horse as his
prize. Generosity does not overrule the concern for honour in the older any
more than in the younger man (cf. bT). Menelaos b concerned about what
people will think of his character (cf. 575-8). CrrrtpîaXos xal A T T I C S b
235
Book Twenty-Three
applied to Zeus by Here at 15.94, but a m o r c relevant parallel might be

16.35 T01 krrlv 6nrr|v^s), where Patroklos accuses Akhilleus of
relendess inhumanity because he has refused to show pity for the Greeks.
6x3 Nofjiiovi: after the emphasis on Antilokhos' M^TIS and intelligence
throughout the course of the preceding scenes, one can hardly avoid think-
ing that his companion's name has a point (as T notices). Cf. Od. 2 . 3 8 6 - 7 ,
4 . 6 3 0 - 7 , where an Ithacan named Noemon, son of Phronios, sensibly lends
his ship to Telemakhos (and is later said to own horses in Elis). Noemon
recurs in a list of Lycian names at //. 5.678.
612-23 F ° r prizes cf. 2 6 5 - 7 0 . The last prize is left over because
Eumelos has received an extra one, and with great courtesy Akhilleus gives
it to Nestor, the old charioteer par excellence, whose exploits on Menelaos'
behalf have just been recalled. We have travelled a long way since the
moment in book 1 when Nestor's conciliatory advice to Akhilleus and
Agamemnon was ignored, and in Akhilleus' respect for Nestor's great age
there is a foreshadowing of his attitude to old Priam in book 24.
6 1 6 - 1 7 Like Antilokhos ( 5 9 6 - 7 ) Akhilleus honours the older man by
personally handing him the gift.
618—23 Akhilleus' speech is dignified and sad. Patroklos is in his mind as
at 2 8 0 - 4 , but there is a noble restraint in the simplicity of 6 1 9 - 20: 'you will
not sec him again among the Greeks'. The speech is quite heavily enjambed,
but develops in a natural way (cf. Higbie, Measure and Music 120).
The list of contests ( 6 2 1 - 3 ) is echoed by Nestor at 6 3 4 - 7 , and with the
chariot-race makes up a kind of early pentathlon. The same order is main-
tained in the contests which follow the chariot-race, at 6 5 3 - 7 9 7 and 8 8 4 -
97. Plutarch (Mor. 639A-40A) discusses whether or not this reflects the
original order of these sports.
6x8-19 For T f j vOv ('here now') cf. 14.219 etc., and for K«p/|Xiov . . .
tiVT}ii* Ippcvai see on 4 9 9 - 6 5 2 . KEipÂtov lorco | recurs at Od. 4.600, and
Xenophanes includes among honours for successful athletes 8&>pov 6 ol
KtiiiVjXtov clrj (fr. 2.9 West).
6ax The crucial word aOrcos ('just like that', i.e. without a contest) is
emphatically placed, and then explained. For o0 yAp . . . TraXaloiij cf. Od.
8.103 T C •ROACRKJPOOVVQ TC> 246 oO yAp mrypAxoi e M v ApupovES oOSi
TraXaioral. The fact that these sports are mentioned first here, at 6 3 4 - 5 and
Od. 8.206, was taken by Aristarchus as evidence in favour of the same
author for both poems (Arn/A 621, 6 3 4 - 5 ) .
6 2 2 AXOVTICTVS occurs nowhere else; cf. AKOVTIOT^S etc. loSOoeon means
'will enter for'; Aristarchus (Did/A) and most of our MSS read this, against
the variant ¿v&Oa£ai (Plut. Mor. 639c and some MSS). Io80vo> occurs only
here in Homer (cf. Hdt. 1.193, etc.), and van der Valk argues for ¿V&OOEOI
(Researches 11 203), but tv80vo> with the accusative is normally used in
Homer of putting on clothes, except at 19.366-7.
236
[
C o p y r i g h t e d Material
Book Twenty-Three
623 x a ^ eTr< ^ v KOCTA ynpas iTTeiyei: cf. HyAphr 2 3 3 xaXrnov KCRRA yfjpas
ETrgiygv. Most M S S have ITTEICTIV (as in 1 . 2 9 ) , and this is mentioned by A as
an ancient variant, together with IKOCVEI (cf. Od. 1 R. 1 9 6 etc.) and ¿TrdcÊI (cf.
//. 8 . 1 0 8 , addressed to Nestor). frreiyEi is more graphic.
624 = 797, 1.446 (see comment).

626—50 Nestor's speech resembles in style some of his earlier reminis-
cences: cf. 6 2 9 3 0 with 7 . 1 3 2 - 3 , 1 5 7 , 1 1 . 6 7 0 - 1 , 6 4 3 with 1 1 . 7 6 2 , etc. It has
thematic links with these in the allusions to the Epeans and Bouprasion, and
to the sons of Aktor (cf. 1 1 . 6 7 1 f T . , 1 1 . 7 5 6 , 1 1 . 7 5 0 - 2 ) ; for Nestor's other
legendary and monstrous opponents cf. the Centaurs at 1 . 2 6 7 - 8 , and
Ereuthalion at 7 . 1 3 6 - 5 6 . Structurally it begins with the theme of his old
age ( 6 2 6 - 8 ) , which picks up the end of Akhilleus' speech. This leads to the
account of his youthful successes and failure in the games ( 6 2 9 - 4 2 ) . He then
returns to his age and the contrast with the young men of today ( 6 4 3 - 5 ) .
The last verses answer the first part of Akhilleus' speech, with their refer-
ence to Patroklos' funeral and Nestor's gratitude for the gift ( 6 4 6 - 5 0 ) . The
central section contains aparadeigma which may be obliquely relevant to the
contest which has just occurred (see on 4 9 9 - 6 5 2 ) . See also on 1 1 . 6 7 0 - 7 6 2 .
626 = Od. 1 8 . 1 7 0 ; cf. also II. 1 . 2 8 6 etc. (with yspov, <f>iAo$ instead of
TCKOS). It looks as if Aristarchus' text did not include this verse, since he
comments on 627 as if it were the beginning of the speech (Arn/A: OTI <5CTT6
TOO ydxp ^pKicci...). It is omitted by a papyrus and one MS, but b T discuss
the verse.
627-8 Cf. 7 7 2 (etc.) yuTa 5 ' ?6T|K£V ¿Aa^pA, TTOSCCS Kai x E ' P A S VTTEPBEV,
1 3 . 5 1 2 yuTa TTOBCOV, and Hes. Th. 1 5 0 TCOV ¿KCCTOV |j£v x £ ' P £ S ^TT' wpcov
¿ttooovTai. The construction of 627 would be smoother without 628, which
Nicanor may not have read, as he takes TTOBES • • • X £ ' P £ S a s epexegetic to
yuTa. But b T seem to have read both verses, and 628 is very suitable
to describe the action of a boxer or javelin-thrower: 'my arms do not dart
out on each side from my shoulders nimbly'. The variant ¿rrratCTaovrai is
equally possible.
629-30 ET6' D>S F)(3CBOINI . . . COS ¿TTOTE . . . : this is repeated from Nestor's
words at 1 1 . 6 7 0 - 1 , and cf. 7 . 1 3 2 - 3 , 1 5 7 . The verse recurs at Od. 1 4 . 4 6 8
(echoed at 503), in a reminiscence told by Odysseus to Eumaios, which is
called an aTvos (508) as at 652 here.
630—1 Amarunkeus is the father of Diores, one of the Epean leaders
( 2 . 6 2 2 ) , who is killed at 4 . 5 1 7 - 2 6 . Pausanias makes him an immigrant
from Thessaly ( 5 . 1 . 8 ) . For Bouprasion and the Epeans see on 2 . 6 1 5 - 2 4 .
TTCHSES 8E OECTOCV pacriAfjos &£8Aa means 'and his sons instituted games in
honour of the king'. Cf. 2 2 . 1 6 3 - 4 &£®Aov . . . &v5p6s KcrrarE9vT}cbTos, and
Hes. Erga 6 5 4 - 6 afiOAa . . . 'Au4»»6<5TUAVTOS | . . . T A 8£ . . . &8A' EOECTOV TTCXTSES
UEyaArjTopos (with West's comments). The usual later expression was 3t6Aa
£TT1 T1V1.
237
Book Twenty-Three
632—7 T h e inclusion of the Aetolians as well as the Pylians suggests an

important event, which drew people to Elis from the neighbouring areas.
Cf. 11.698-702, where Neleus sends a four-horse chariot to compete there.
In 634-7 Nestor gives us the first athletic victory catalogue, as in later
epinician poetry and inscriptions. T h e events are the same as at 621 - 3 , with
the addition of the chariot-race, which is postponed to the end because it is
an exception to his successcs. T h e name Klutomedes occurs only here in
Homer, but Enops is more common (14.445, 1 6.401). T h e coincidence
of Ankaios of Pleuron and Iphiklos must be related to their appearance
in later versions of the legend of the Calydonian boar: in Bacchylides 5
( 1 1 7 - 2 0 , 127-9) tbey are respectively the brother and uncle of Meleager.
Ankaios is the name of an Arcadian, father of Agapenor, at 2.609 ( s e e com-
ment), and the Ankaios of the Calydonian boar-hunt later has an Arcadian
origin {Apollodorus 1.8.2, Pausanias 8.4.10, 8.45.2 and 7). Iphiklos too has
a namesake, the Thessalian father of Podarkes (cf. 2.704-5, 13.698 with
comment), who was later famous as a runner iHes. fr. 62 M - \ V , Call. fr.
75.46), and who is mentioned in connexion with Neleus and Melampous at
Od. 11.287-97. But to disentangle these various legendary coincidences
here would take too long. Probably the name Ankaios has been chosen as
suitable for a wrestler: cf. dyKcts (711), dyKoAri, etc. (bT 635). T h e associa-
tion of the Thessalian Iphiklos with running may have influenced the poet's
choice of this name. Phuleus is a son of Augeias, and according to 2.625-9
he had migrated to Doulikhion after a quarrel with his father: his son \leges
commands the contingent from there at Troy (see on 2.627-30). Poludoros
is otherwise unknown: the name is that of one of Priam's sons at 20.407 etc.
6 3 4 "HVOTTOS: some M S S read OTVOTTOS, as does Plutarch (A/or. 639c),
and another ancient quotation has OaivoTros.
635 TTdAr) occurs only here in //. Aristarchus preferred ttAAtiv; Od. 8.206
has TraX-q, but in later Greek the internal accusative Tr6cAr)V is quite common
(E. Ale. 1031 etc.). 6s poi dvecnrri is 'who stood up as my opponent'. T h e
verb is used thus of boxers and wrestlers etc. at 677, 709, Od. 1 8 . 3 3 4 , S. Tr.
441.
637—42 T h e twin Aktorione were mentioned by Nestor as his opponents
in battle at 11.709-10, 750-2 (see 75on.). There they are called MoXiove,
and are said to be sons of Poseidon, who rescued them from defeat by
Nestor. At 2.620 1 the Epean leaders Amphimakhos and Thalpios are
called uTes o nev KTEOTOU, 6 5* ap* EupuTou, "AKTopicove (see commentj. So
the Aktorione mentioned here are presumably called Kteatos and Eurutos,
the fathers of Amphimakhos and Thalpios respectively. Their own sup-
posed mortal father will have been called Aktor. In the Hesiodic Catalogue
(frr. 1 7 - 1 8 M - W ) and later authors (Ibycus fr. 285 PMG etc.) they are
Siamese twins, and Aristarchus argued that this was already the case in the
238
Book Twenty-Three
Homeric version of their legends (Arn/A 638-42, Eust. i32i.20ff.). This

would explain how they were allowed to compete as a pair against Nestor
on his own, and it is possible that the poet has avoided a direct reference to
their abnormal form, whilst hinting at it in the language of 639-42 (see
comments, and cf. U. von Wilamowitz, Pindaros, Berlin 1922, 514, van der
Valk, Researches n 255). The popularity of portrayals of apparent Siamese
twins taking part in both battle and funeral scenes in Greek art of the eighth
century B.C. shows that the poet could have known such a legend, even if
these artistic representations are not of the Aktorione themselves. O n the
artistic evidence and the debate about these figures see R. Hampe in LIMC
l.t 472-6, and 1.2 364-5 for illustrations; cf. also J. Carter, BSA 67 (1972)
52-4, Coldstream, Geometric Greece 352-4.
639 TTXÔEI TTp6ofa PaA6vTes: 'forging ahead through their superior num-
ber*. This seems the simplest explanation of the phrase (cf. Eust. 1321.23IT.).
Cf. 17.329-30 7TFTTOI86TAS TE | wA^tei TE o$ET£pco, i.e. 'trusting in
superiority of number' (etc.), the only other instance in Homer of the word
TTAfjOos (TTATJOOS being commoner). For TTp6o6i POA6VTE$ cf. 572 TOUS CTOOS
rrpdode paAcbv, and see on 462. In antiquity other interpretations were
offered (cf. Arn/A 638-42, Eust. i32i.2off.). One was that the twins en-
tered several chariots and so hindered their rivals, another that those in
charge gave them an unfair advantage at the start. It looks as if Aristarchus
took TTAVjSEi as meaning 'through the support of the crowd', and explained
that the spectators allowed them to compete as a pair (Am/A; Eustathius'
account of his views seems to be confused). But this would be an extremely
compressed way of expressing this.
¿ryaara&UEVOi mpl vlxqs: 'as they were jealously eager for victory*, or
'as they begrudged (me) the victory'. There was an ancient variant
¿ryaaoaptvco (A). Cf. the quarrel of Menelaos and Antilokhos, who gets an
unfair advantage because he begrudges victory to his rival.
€40 'Because the greatest prizes were reserved for this contest.' This
follows Aristarchus and our MSS in reading trap' aCmtyt, as an equivalent
of trap* avrroTs (AbT), referring back to TirrroiCTi in 638. Cf. trap' aOrAî in
12.302, 20.140 (aCrr6$i is the vulgate reading there), and Chantraine, Gli
I 239-30. This is surely preferable to the variant trap' aCnr68i ('on this
spot'). Cf. Hdt. 5.8 (Thracian funeral games) iv TW T p i y i c r r a &6Aa
TiOrrai Kcrr& A6yov pouvopccxltis.
641 5(8upoi: only here in //.; cf. Od. 19.227 aOAoTatv 6t60poiotv.
Aristarchus held that the word meant that they were joined together,
whereas 6t6updovc (II. 5.548 etc.) meant simply 'twins': cf. Erbse on schol.
641.
64«—a 6 ptv . . . IPTTESOV f|VI6XEV': the third and last example of such
anaphora of a hemistich in the Iliad; cf. 20.371-2, 22.127-8, with
239
Book Twenty-Three
comments. Both ancient (BT) and modern commentators view the device as
intended for emphasis. It suggests that there is something quite extraordi-
nary about this pair's way of racing (cf. Eust. 1321.46^.: 'a spontaneous
way of expressing amazement'), as if the poet is hinting at their being
Siamese twins. The homoeotelcuton of F|vi6x«vcv... KIAEVEV and the echo of this
at the end of the first hemistich of 642 may also be a way of suggesting the
close co-operation of the twins. For u&crriy 1 kIAEUEV cf. 24.326.
6 4 3 £>s "»TOT' lov: cf. 11.762 &s iov, cf TTOT' lov yc, at the end of Nestor's
earlier reminiscence of war with the Epeans. Here 643-5 round off the
narrative section, returning to the theme of 626-8.
646 Leaf argued that xai here means 'also', i.e. as in the case of the men
of old, because AAA' !6i is usually followed by another imperative without
a connexion, but as he says 24.336 and Od. 18.171 may be exceptions to
this. 6£0AOICTI KTCPII'Cc means 'give him funerary honours with contests (or
prizes)'; cf. idipca, xrcpi^ca. Verse 647, referring to Nestor's prize, might
point to the second sense for ¿¿OAoiai here.
648—9 'Because you arc always mindful of me as a friend, and do not
forget the honour with which it is proper that I should be esteemed among
the Achaeans.' There are several oddities about these verses, act is rare, but
cf. 12.211, Od. 15.379. p£|ivr>ocn instead of piuvqai occurs only here in
Homer. IvTjtos presumably goes with MCU, meaning 'as being well-disposed
to you', rather than with Tipffc (as Nicanor suggested hesitantly, A 648-9).
tvTji*js is elsewhere in It. applied to Patroklos, in the formular phrases fcToripov
tvqca, iTdpoio ivrjlos (17-204 etc.; cf. 17.670 £vt)cIt)s narpoKAfjos), and the
reference to him in 646 may have suggested the word. TIM^S may be a
genitive dependent on A^)0a>, but fjs is probably a genitive of value with
Trripfjo6ai (Chantraine, C//n 56 and 57-8).
650 The prayer for divine recompense b traditional in such contexts
although not expressed in exactly these words elsewhere. Cf. 1.18-19, Od.
6.180-2, etc.
651— a Akhilleus waits courteously until Nestor has finished, as Patroklos
did at 11.655-803 (cf. T 652a). alvos (only here and 795 in It.) means 'a
tale', and usually one with a message for the hearer (cf. Od. 14.508), and
hence is used later of fables, proverbs or riddles (Hes. Ergo 202 etc.). From
being a tale it acquires the sense of an account in praise of someone (cf. Od.
¿1.110). Here bT take the word as meaning 'a story with a hidden message',
whereas Eustathius (i322-3ff.) refers it to Nestor's praise of Akhilleus. It
could also presumably refer to Nestor's own praise of himself. Cf. Martin,
Language of Heroes 106 on Nestor as 'a speaker whose rhetoric rests on eulogy'.
At 795 the word is used again with a similar potential ambiguity: there
'eulogy' seems to fit well, but Antilokhos' speech is designed to illustrate
the moral that the gods honour older men (an interesting link with the
240
1
Book Twenty-Three
exchange between Nestor and Akhilleus). Here it is tempting to side with

b T and see a reference to the paradeigmatic quality of the narrative (cf.
Schadewaldt, lliasstudien 83 and n. 2). In translation, however, one should
probably leave it open and say 'the whole tale'.
653~99 Akhilleus offers prizes for boxing. Epeios issues a challenge, to which
Eurualos alone responds. They fight, and Eurualos is knocked out
After the length and complexity of the chariot race the boxing match and
the following events are narrated on a much smaller scale. Boxing was
regarded as a major sport in ancient Greece, but some features of this scene
do suggest a contrast with what has preceded. The prizes of a mule for the
winner and a cup for the loser seem to be on a lower level; and although
Eurualos is one of the Ai-give leaders (2.565-6), his opponent Epeios is not
a heroic figure: as he says himself, he is not so good at fighting in battle
(670), and he turns out later to be the carpenter who made the Wooden
Horse (Od. 8.492-3, 11.523). In the weight-putting event he appears to
have made a fool of himself with a bad throw (839-40). His challenge
speech (667-75) *s extremely boastful and grimly humorous, in a way
typical of heavyweight boxers at all times, and some have seen him as a
brutish and ridiculous figure in this scene. But he is described as a skilful
boxer (665), and despite his dire threats he does behave generously towards
his defeated opponent, setting him on his feet again, and he is aptly charac-
terized at 695-6 as peydtOuuos (cf. R. L. Howland, PCPS 183 (1954-5)
15-16). Unlike later literary accounts of boxing matches, such as those of
Theocritus (Id. 22.27-134), Apollonius Rhodius (2.1-97) and Virgil (Aen.
5.362-484), this one plays down the brutality, and the fight itself is briefly
described. The interest is primarily in the characters as in the preceding
episodes. Cf. the somewhat comic match between the beggars Odysseus and
Iros at Od. 18.1-107, where again the fight is over quite quickly, and
attention focuses on the preliminaries. There are good accounts of the
Homeric scenes, and of ancient boxing in general, in Gardiner, Sports 17-
18,402-34, and Harris, Athletes 97-101. See also Laser, Arch. Horn, T 43-9,
and for Bronze Age boxers cf. E. Vermeule and V. Karageorghis, Mycenaean
Pictorial Vase Painting (Harvard 1982) 43-4, 93.
653 irvypaxlqs AXryeivt^s: cf. 701 TraAaiauoawns 6Aryeivffc. Both sports
were painful and dangerous and the epithet is well chosen.
654-6 fjulovov ToXccspy6v &ycov is repeated at 662. The noun-epithet
formula recurs in the genitive at 666, 2X Od. and once in HyHerm. For 655
see on 266, and for Starts dtuîxvrrEAAov see on 1.584.
657-8 « 2 7 1 - 2 . Verse 659 « 802.
660 &vacrxoutvco seems to be a technical word meaning 'putting up one's
241
Book Twenty-Three
fists' in preparation for the fight. C f 686, and Od. 18.89 X^P0^ &v£cP)(ov, 95
dvcKTXOU^vco.
660—1 T h e mythographical scholia (AD) say that Apollo was patron-
god of boxing because he defeated the brigand Phorbas by this means,
according to 'the cyclic poets'. Another legend made him defeat Ares in
boxing at Olympia (Paus. 5.7.10), and the Delphians sacrificed to Apollo
as TTUKTrjs (Plut. Mor. 724c). T h e only athletic contest mentioned as pleas-
ing Apollo on Delos at HyAp 149-50 is boxing. But he could be seen as a
god of athletic achievement in general, as K0Up0Tp6<|>0s and patron of young
men. Cf. Plut. Mor. 7 2 3 B - C : 'this god is fond of athletics and of victory . . .
and is protector of contestants'.
661 60013 Kauiiovirjv: see on 22.257. This is an endurance test. 'There were
no rounds in Greek boxing. T h e opponents fought to a finish . . . Usually
the fight went on until one of the two was incapable of fighting any more,
or acknowledged himself defeated . . . ' (Gardiner, Sports 415). Here yvcoooai
. . . 'Axoaoi indicates that the victory needed to be confirmed by the specta-
tors, whose part in deciding contests is suggested by their intervention at
822-3.
662 vekriko: ancient and medieval texts are divided between this and the
variant <}>Epkr8co. Aristarchus may have objected to this because he did not
consider $£pEiv suitable to use with an animate object (see on 2 5 9 - 6 1 ) .
664 cos ?<J>O<T\ opvuTo 5 ' OUT-IK': cf. 4 8 8 = 7 5 4 . <3cvf)p f]Os TE \xkyas TE is
applied to Agamemnon and the greater Aias at 3.167 (see comment) and
226, and both are said there to be exceptionally tall.
665 For Epeios see on 6 5 3 - 9 9 . His father Panopeus is the eponym of the
town in Phokis mentioned at 2 . 5 2 0 and 1 7 . 3 0 7 . Stesichorus portrayed him
as being made to carry water for the Achaean leaders, because of which
Athene had pity on him (fr. 200 PMG)> and later he became proverbial for
cowardice, and a butt of comedy. He may be intended as a slightly ludi-
crous figure here already.
666—75 Epeios claims automatic possession of the first prize by taking
hold of it, and he invites anyone who will to take the second, as he claims
to be 'the greatest'. There is a touch of resentment in the rather pathetic
reference to his being a poor fighter, and to boost his self-confidence still
more he threatens to 'smash' his opponent. Verses 6 7 4 - 5 a r e grimly ironic:
'Let him have his family mourners ready to carry him off!' b T comment
that the speech is 'full of character and very aggressive'.
667 Epeios ironically echoes Akhilleus' last words ( 6 6 3 ) .
670—1 ' T o admit one's weaknesses adds credibility to one's claim for
superiority' ( A b T ) ; cf. Plut. Mor. 5 4 3 F , who adds that Epeios' confession
seems rather ridiculous. For fj oOx fiAiS 6 T T I cf. 5 . 3 4 9 , 1 7 . 4 5 0 , Od. 2.312, in
speeches of protest. For U<ITXRIS imSEOouai cf. 1 7 . 1 4 2 U<ITXRIS • • • ¿BEVEO, 2 4 . 3 8 5
M<5CXTIS ¿7TE6E0ET' 'Axouoov, etc.
242
Book Twenty-Three
ou8J &pa TTCOS fjv . . . Saf)|iova <}>WTA yevkrflai: for 0O6' &pa TTCOS fjv see
1 6 . 6 0 - i n . ; and for this gnomic reflection cf. 4 . 3 2 0 , 1 3 . 7 2 9 - 3 4 , and Od.
8 . 1 6 7 - 7 7 , where Odysseus in the Phaeacian games replies to Eurualos'
taunts, saying that one cannot be good at everything. T h e Phaeacian
Eurualos, who occurs only in this episode of the Odyssey, has the same name
as Epeios' opponent, and the phrase Scrfipova <J>£rra has its only Homeric
parallel at Od. 8.159 in Eurualos' speech to Odysseus. It is hard to avoid the
suspicion that there is some reminiscence of the scene in the Iliad.
672 = 1 . 2 1 2 etc. For the variant KCCI IJI^V cf. 2 3 . 4 1 0 .
673 öcvTiKpü: perhaps 'with a straight blow' here, rather than 'abso-
lutely'. T h e threat is typical of prize-fighters in all ages. Cf. the threats of
Odysseus and Iros before their fight (Od. 1 8 . 2 0 - 4 , J 8- 2 6-33), and Amukos'
challenge at A . R . 2.57- 9.
6 7 4 — 5 For KT)6EM6VES see on 1 6 3 . There is an echo of 1 5 9 - 6 0 , where
those who have responsibility for Patroklos' burial are asked to remain
(UEV6VTGOV), and EÔIOOUOIV continues the word-play, as the verb suggests
the £»«J>op<5( or funeral procession.
676 = 3.95 etc. Epeios' speech makes the desired impact on his audience.
677—82 Eurualos is mentioned in the Catalogue of Ships as the third
Argive leader, after Diomedes and Sthenelos ( 2 . 5 6 3 - 6 ) . Diomedes is his
cousin both by blood and marriage, being the grandson through Deipule of
Adrastos, Mekisteus' brother, and husband of his aunt Aigialeia, Adrastos'
daughter ( 5 . 4 1 0 - 1 5 and T 2 3 . 6 8 1 - 2 ) . So he is indeed one of the KTI6EU6VES
mentioned by Epeios. His concern for Eurualos suggests anxiety about the
outcome, and the way in which he prepares him for the fight reminds one
of later trainers (cf. T 6 8 1 - 2 OT5E Kai Tots TTapaivEOEis T W V TraiSoTpißwv 6
TTOIRJTFJS).
677—8 Cf. 2 . 5 6 5 EupOaAos .. - ICTOOEOS <J>d>s and 6 7 8 = 2 . 5 6 6 (see com-
ment). T h e correct reading in 6 7 8 , however, may be MTJKKTTEOS or
MrjKicrT&os: see on 1 5 . 3 3 9 , 1 6 . 2 1 .
679—80 This must refer to Mekisteus, rather than Eurualos or his grand-
father Talaos. His exploit, in defeating all the Cadmeans at the funeral
games of Oidipous, is similar to that of Diomedes' father Tudeus at 4 . 3 8 5 —
90, where he challenged them to contests and beat them all, during an
embassy. It is clear that Oidipous died at Thebes in this version, and this
agrees with Od. 1 1 . 2 7 5 - 8 0 , where he remains at Thebes as king after his
wife's suicide, and with the Hesiodic Catalogue (fr. 192 M - W ) . T h e story
that he died at Athens seems to be an Athenian innovation, and the location
at Colonus may be Sophocles' own invention. 6E8OUTT6TOS might suggest
that Oidipous fell in battle: cf. 13.426 where Bovnrfjoai is used on its own
in this sense. This was Aristarchus' view (Arn/A). Alternatively it may be
used simply to mean that he had died: that is how it was taken by some
Hellenistic poets (A.R. 1 . 1 3 0 4 , 4 . 5 5 7 , Lyc. 4 9 2 ) .
243
Book Twenty-Three
683 6E ol TTpcbTOv TrapaKdßßaAev: the ^copa is the girdle or loin-

cloth, later called 6iöc£oo|ia or TTEpi^copa, which early Greek athletes wore;
cf. Od. 18.30, 1 8 . 6 7 - 9 , 18.76. Its abandonment in favour of nudity was
probably a gradual process, adopted first for running races and only later
for other contests. Cf. J . Jüthner, Die athletischen Leibesübungen der Griechen
11. i (Vienna 1 9 6 8 ) 4 8 - 5 0 , and b T 6 8 3 with Erbse's references. For
TrapaKÖtßßaÄEV see on 127; it should mean that Diomedes puts the girdle
down on the ground, rather than actually putting it on Eurualos, as he does
this himself ( 6 8 5 ) : cf. Mazon, REA 4 2 ( 1 9 4 0 ) 2 6 2 . It does not seem neces-
sary to read TTEpiKÖcßßaAE (suggested by Heyne).
684 ipdvTas eÜTpt]Tous ßoös AypaüAoio: cf. 1 0 . 5 6 7 , 2 1 . 3 0 EOTUTJTOKJIV
IpaCTi. T h e boxers bind leather thongs round their hands for protection, a
practice which continued into the classical period, when a harder type of
glove called a<f>aipou began to supersede them. T h e thongs, being softer,
were later known as UEiXixai or Iu&vtes paAaKcoTEpoi (cf. Gardiner, Sports
402fr, Laser, Arch. Horn, r 4iff.). By contrast in the fight between Odysseus
and Iros bare fists seem to have been used (Od. 1 8 . 6 6 - 1 0 7 ) .
685 This is repeated at 710, with slight variation.
686-7 Cf. 7 . 2 5 5 - 6 TCO 6 ' ¿KCTTTaCTCTOCPEVGO BoAlX* ^YX60 XEP°^V ÖTLI^CO |
crvv {>' ITTECTOV . . . For <5cvaaxou£vco see on 6 6 0 . 6p<f>co is nominative here, as
at 7 . 2 5 5 . ov/v 5E <T<|>I ßapeTai Xe*PeS ' s a vivid way of describing the
way in which the boxers 'mingle' their heavy blows.
688 xP^Ma8os: an absolute hapax, evidently onomatopoeic, to describe
the grinding of their jaws or the crack of blows on their cheeks ( A b T and
Erbse ad loc.). Hesychius mentions the related forms XPûrj and xpopos, with
similar meanings. Cf. A . R . 2 . 8 2 - 4 TOTCTI Trapfyöc T* &H<}>OT£PCO6EV | Kal
YEWES KTUTTEOV ßpvxr] 8' UTTETEAAET' 66OVTCOV I 6CT7TETO5 . . . and Virgil, A en.
5 . 4 3 6 duro crepitant sub volnere malae.
689—94 Epeios knocks his opponent out with an upper cut on the j a w , at
the moment when Eurualos is looking for an opening and evidently off
guard. The blow lifts him off the ground, and his back arches as he falls like
a leaping fish.
691 ctVToO . . . yuTa: 'for his bright limbs failed him on the spot'.
C/TTEpEitrco occurs only here in Homer, later in Plutarch, Pomp. 74.
692—4 T h e simile is brief but very effective in its details: the fish leaps
out of the shallow water near the shore, as it is stirred by the north wind,
and then disappears again into the dark ripples. Cf. 7 . 6 3 - 4 OIT] Zg<F)Opoio
¿XEuorro TTOVTOV 2TH <}>pi£ | 6pvuplvoio vkov, MEA&VE» 5E TE TTÖVTOS OTT' AÜTFJS,
and see on 7 . 6 3 - 6 and 2 1 . 1 2 6 . Here AvoarAAAETai is used to mean 'leaps up',
although it is from iraAAopai, whereas AVETTOATO in 6 9 4 is perhaps originally
from Av-ETT-AAAouai (cf. Leumann, HW 6 0 - 4 ) .
692 Cmo <J>piKO$: there was an ancient variant Crrral jbiTrfis (T), substituting
244
Book Twenty-Three
a slightly easier expression, as $pl£ should really refer strictly speaking to

the water rather than the effect of the wind.
693 Olv' iv $uKi6cvTt: the epithet ('full of seaweed', 'weed-strown') occurs
only here in Homer; cf. Theocr. Id. 11.14, 21.10, and II. 9.7 fOxos. - y£Aav
Si I Kupa x&Auycv recurs at Od. 5.353.
694 Cf. 8.85 &Ayi*|cras 8' AvhraATo; 11.732, 11.744 Arbp pfyddujioi
'Eirciol. Here too the variant AV^TTOATO- drrdtp . . . should perhaps be pre-
ferred, since there seem to be no certain examples of aCrrdp where the first
syllable falls in the second half of the foot: sec on 4.542, and cf. C.J. Ruijgh,
VEUment achien dans la langue ipique (Assen 1957) 45-6.
695-7 The aftermath is described with comic pathos. Cf. the end of
Odysseus' fight with Iros, where Odysseus drags him by the foot outside
the palace and leaves him propped against the courtyard wall [Od. 18.100-
7); also Virgil, Aen. 5.468-71 ast ilium Jidi aequalts genua aegra trahentem |
iactaniemque utroque caput crassumque cruorem \ ore eiectantem mixtosque in sanguine
denies | ducunt ad naiis.
695 $iAoi 6' Ay^crrav Iraipoi is repeated from 18.233.
697 aTpa TTOX*L/ TrrOovTa: neither the phrase aTpa TRAXV nor the simple
verb TTTveo occur elsewhere in Homer; cf. 781 6v6ov Anon ifrov.
698 AAAo^poviovrra: only here in //.; cf. Od. 10.374 ^P^v
6AAo$pov&ov, where it means 'with other things in mind', whereas here it
must mean 'dizzy' or 'groggy'; cf. Theocr. Id. 22.129 &AAo$povfcav (of
Amukos, knocked out by Poludeukes). It may be connected with VjAfAs
('distraught', 'crazy'); cf. Chantraine, Diet. s.v.
699 8tnas ApfiianrcAAov: cf. 656, 663, 667.
700-39 Akhilleus offers prizes for wrestling. Telamonian Aias and Odysseus fight.
Eventually Akhilleus stops the contest, declaring it a draw
After the decisive outcome of the boxing, involving two minor heroes, comes
the wrestling match between two leading figures, Odysseus and Telamonian
Aias, which is inconclusive. Wrestling was one of the most popular sports in
antiquity, and clearly a technique has been developed by the time of the
Iliad. The fight, however, is briefly described, and some aspects are not
explicit. Evidently it belongs to the type later known as 'upright wrestling',
whose object was to throw the opponent to the ground, as opposed to
'ground wrestling' where the struggle continued on the ground until one
contestant admitted defeat: this formed part of the pankration rather than
wrestling proper. Later contests were decided only when an opponent had
been thrown three times (cf. Soph. fr. 941.13 with Pearson's commentary).
In the Homeric fight, however, it is not obvious how many throws were
needed for victory. The fight has two main stages. In the first the two
245
i
Book Twenty-Three
opponents stand locked together, each unable to throw the other. Then to
break the deadlock they agree to lift each other off the ground. Aias lifts
Odysseus, who uses one leg to kick Aias behind the knee, so that Aias falls
backwards and Odysseus lands on top of him. Then Odysseus lifts Aias just
a little off the ground, and at the same time uses his knee against him,
probably applying pressure to one of Aias* legs to make him fall on his side;
but again this results in their both falling together side by side. At this point
Akhilleus stops the fight, telling them to divide the prizes equally: how they
are to do this is left unexplained.
The main question is whether Odysseus has gained a technical advantage
by causing Aias to fall twice, or whether the fact that he himself also falls
means that these do not count as throws. It does look as though, morally
speaking, Odysseus' greater skill (cf. 725) is prevailing over Aias' strength,
or may do so in the long run. The fact that Akhilleus stops the fight is
significant. His sympathy for Aias as a straightforward character, and his
suspicion of Odysseus' indirectness, come out strongly in book 9 (cf. espe-
cially 308 13, 622-35). The implication may be that Akhilleus does not
want to see Odysseus the victor by guile.
This contest has been seen by some modern scholars as related to the
famous one for the armour of Akhilleus at his own funeral games, which led
to Aias' suicide, an episode referred to by Odysseus himself in his meeting
with Aias' ghost at Od. 11.543-64, and related in the Aithiopis and ¡lias Parva
( O C T vol. v, p. 106 lines 1 6 - 1 7 , 2 0 - 3 — Davies, EGFp. 47. 29-30,52.3-5,
Aithiopis fr. 2 « fr. 1 Davies, I lias Parva frr. 2 - 3 « frr. 2 - 3 Davies): cf.
Kullmann, Quellen 81-2, 335. If this is right, Akhilleus' decision maintains
a balance between the two opponents broken by the later contest. On the
other hand Aias is said to be the best warrior after Akhilleus at 2.768-9,
and Odysseus himself echoes this view at Od 11.550-1, calling him second
to Akhilleus in appearance and achievements (cI8os and fpya). The
wrestling match is a more specialized activity in which skill plays a large
part, and one cannot use it as a test of dtprrf| in general.
For wrestling in early Greek art and literature cf. Laser, Arch. Horn, T 49ff.
701 iraAaiopoovvt^ ¿tXrycivps: cf. 653 Trvyuax^S AXryttvf^s.
traAaiapoavvq occurs only here in //.; cf. Od. 8.103, I2 6- According to
Eustathius (1387.40) Aristarchus read TraXatpoovvT), as in a first-century
B.C. papyrus and a few MSS; cf. Tyrt. 12.2 (West) ttccAaipoovvrft (v.l.
TTaAaiCTpoCTWTjs), Pindar, P. 2.61 iraAaipovei. See Wackemagel, Kleine
Schrijlen 1 824.
7 0 9 £imvpiftf|Tnv: this absolute hapax, meaning 'able to stand on the fire'
(cf. 267 Arrupov, etc.), belongs to a rare type of compound epithet, the
first part of which is composed of a prepositional phrase; cf. Hdt. 5.108
4y)(€ipl6eTO$. The type of vessel is discussed by Athenaeus (37Eff.).
246
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Book Twenty-Three
703 'And this the Achaeans valued among themselves at twelve oxen.'
At 6 . 2 3 5 - 6 Diomedes' bronze armour is worth nine oxen, Glaukos' golden
armour a hundred, and at 23.685 a cauldron is valued at a single ox. The
form "riov with long iota is used interchangeably with the form TTOV as at
705, according to metrical convenience.
704-5 The second prize is a skilled woman worth only four oxen. Con-
trast Od. 1.431, w here Eurukleia was bought for twenty, evidently an unusu-
ally high price. Cf. also It. 7 . 2 8 9 - 9 1 , where a special gift of honour is cither
a tripod or two horses or a concubine, Tiacrapdfknos is an absolute hapax.
706 = 2 7 1 etc. For 707 cf. 753 = 831.
708-9 The two contestants are at once contrasted by their epithets, the
huge Aias and the crafty Odysseus. Odysseus, like Diomedes, had been
wounded in the fighting at 11.434-8, and was still affected by his wound at
19.48-9, but we should not stop to worry about this (as T 709 does).
Odysseus' skill as a wrestler is mentioned again at Od. 4 . 3 4 1 - 5 = 1 7 . 1 3 2 - 6 ,
where he defeats Philomeleides on Lesbos.
709 The repetition of the preposition (<3rv . . . Avlorcrro) is unusual (cf.
Od. 5.260), and due to the influence of the usual formula without the verb,
as at 3.268, 23.755 8' *08uoe0s TroAvMryns, where 6pwro has occurred
already. For *ip5ea ET&bs cf. 322 6S 81 KE tcipSca EL6R), etc.
710-13 For 710 cf. 685. In 7 1 1 - 1 3 the two wrestlers take their stance,
gripping each other with their heads down, so that they resemble the gable
rafters of a house: cf. Gardiner, Sports 3 8 2 - 3 with figs. 3 (top left), i n , 113.
711 AyxAs normally means 'in one's arms' or 'with one's arms', and is
used before a vowel (5.371 etc.). Consequently it has been taken as a dative
form of Ayxcov (AyxAoi), whose origin has here been forgotten since it is
found before a consonant (Chantraine, Diet. s.v.). Here it perhaps means
that 'they grasped each other by the arms with their stout hands*. Cf. bT and
£ust., who comment that this form of grip is 'ancient and unsophisticated'
(TraAai6s xal dypoiKcbSris), and that they take hold under their opponents'
ribs with the right hand and grip the right elbow with the left hand.
712-13 This is the only explicit reference to a gabled roof in the Homeric
poems, although it seems reasonable to assume that Akhilleus' hut had a
pitched roof, as it is said to be thatched at 2 4 . 4 4 8 - 5 1 . Cf. Lorimcr, HM
4 1 8 - 1 9 , Drerup, Arch. Horn, o 1 1 6 - 2 0 . The passage is well illustrated by
depictions of wrestlers in Geometric and later Greek art: cf. Laser, Arch.
Horn, T 52-7, especially fig. 15.
71a APE((3OVTES: * "interchanges", i.e. rafters that meet and cross each
other' (LSJ). The word occurs only here in classical Greek literature, and
rarely in late authors. The later technical word was ovordrrai (bT), which
was used of athletes in close combat. At 12.456frrTT)uoipolis similarly used
as an epithet of bars holding the double-door of the Greek wall.
247
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Book Twenty-Three
713 — 16.213, where the verse again occurs in an architectural simile.

714—17 A detailed passage describes the effect of their effort on the
wrestlers, as in the boxing match (688-9). Verses 714-15 mean 'and their
backs creaked with the force of their strong arms as they were gripped
firmly1. Tpi£co is used of birds crying or bats squeaking in Homer (2.314, Od.
24.7), later of bones cracking, teeth grinding, etc. The formular phrase
OpaociAcov And xetp&v (11.553 etc.) is slightly strained here.
715 KOTA 61 vdrios ji&v 16pcb$ is repeated from 11.811.
716—17 Cf. 2.267 apcoSi^ 6* alyorrdeaaa ii£*ra$pivou t^vnravioTn (of
Thersites).
718 vlxqstto0T}v:cf. 767, and also 371 etc.
719 a$fjAat: the simple verb occurs only here in //.; cf. Od. 17.464.
721 The variant lOxvi'mtBes 'Axaiol is possible, as the verb is used both
transitively and intransitively in Homer, but Aristarchus preferred our text
(Arn/A). Cf. Od. 4.460 AAA' 6T€ 6f| AviAC 6 y*pwv.
734 bT explain that this is called Aaftfi, where each contestant in turn
gives the other an opportunity of lifting him. Aias' speech is typically brief,
and he leaves the issue to Zeus to decide. Cf. 17.575 wv Ail nAvTa
UtAriatt.
725 SAAou 6' oO Af)9fT* '08uaacus: 'Odysseus forgot not his (habitual)
cunning1.
726 K64/' frrntev K<I>Ar)Tra TVXWV: 'he caught and struck the back of his
knee'. KOjArjy (cf. KojAfj etc.) seems to recur only at Nic. Th. 424. OrriAuoc
Bi yina | recurs at 15.581.
737 IpaA*: Leaf prefers the variant Infer*, weakly attested but read by
A, on the grounds that the repetition of'OBuooivs in 727 implies a previous
change of subject. This seems very reasonable.
738 » 881. The fact that the crowd are astonished suggests perhaps that
they expected Aias to win!
739-31 Odysseus clearly has difficulty in lifting Aias at all, but he man-
ages to hook his knee round Aias' leg, so that they fall sideways (cf. bT,
Eust., and Gardiner, Sports 397). bT and Eust. give various technical names
for this manoeuvre. ¿yyvAnnrcj occurs only here.
733 mAvGrjoav Kovlrj: cf. 16.797.
733—6 This sequence resembles the way in which the duel between
Hektor and Aias is cut short at 7.273-81: xai vu Kt ^ty&cra' aCrroaxe8Av
oCrrdôvTO, J el pif| K^pvKEs • • • I fÂOov . . . | piaaco 6* Aiiôiipcov oxf^TTTpa
oxôv, sTtt^ t€ yOOov | KTjpuf; '!6aios . . . | "ut)Kfcn, traTBs $fAco, iroAcpf^rrc
mAxeoOov | AiiôiipGo yAp cr$&Y $tA« vtÊAqyeptra Zeus, | Ap$co 8'
OIXUTITA . . . " See on 7.273-81, and Kirk in Fenik, Tradition 38.
735 n o t f>° o n s t r u gg^ n Ki n o r wear yourselves out with your efforts.'
Cf. 12.457 c t c - ¿peioApcvos. The variant ¿piÊoflov is less vivid.

248
i
Book Twenty-Three
7 3 6 ¿¿6AIA TO' 6VCX6VTCS:cf. 823. Eustathius and the scholia are at a loss
as to how the prizes could be equally divided. The poet presumably wishes
to press on to the next contest, before his audience loses interest.
73® « 7-379 etc.
740-97 The foot race. Akhilleus offers a silver mixing-bowl as first prize, and others
for second and third. The contestants are the lesser Atas, Odysseus and Antilokhos. Aias
takes the lead, with Odysseus just behind, until Odysseus prays to Athene, who causes
Aias to slip. Odysseus wins and Aias comes second. Antilokhos is last, and makes a
diplomatic speech which leads Akhilleus to double the value of fas prize
After the two close-combat sports the foot race comes as a relief. It is a very
entertaining episode, which in several ways echoes the chariot race and
forms a kind of coda to it (cf. A. Kohnken, Hermes 109 (1981) 129-48). After
the combat between Odysseus and the greater Aias in the wresding match
we have the contrasting pair of Odysseus and the lesser Aias, who is (as his
formular epithet indicates) one of the fastest runners among the Greeks (see
on 14.521-2). Aias only just takes the lead over Odysseus, as in the chariot
race Eumelos is only just ahead of Diomedes (375-81 ~ 758-66). Towards
the end of the race (768 ~ 373) Athene's intervention in response to
Odysseus' prayer resembles the intervention of Apollo and Athene in the
chariot race, leading to Eumelos' crash and Diomedes' victory. Aias' igno-
minious defeat, which leaves him with a mouthful of dung, is appropriate
for the man who had displayed such foulness of language in his dispute with
Idomeneus (473-98). Odysseus' pfins triumphs because he prays to Athene
at the crucial moment, and she responds to her favourite as usual (cf.
782-3). Athene's treatment of Aias foreshadows his later fate, after he had
aroused her angrr by his rape of Kassandre during the sack of Troy: cf. Od.
4.499-511, O C T vol. v, p. 108.2-6 (Hiupersis), 108.26-8 (jVostoi) * Davies,
EGF pp. 62.23-7, 67.18-19 etc.
Antilokhos* role echoes his part in the chariot race. The emphasis there
on his youthful folly in the race (587-90, 604) is picked up in his speech
about how the gods favour older men (787-92), as if he is drawing the
moral of the previous episode. There is also an echo of the exchange be-
tween Akhilleus and Nestor there (615-52). Moreover, there Antilokhos
had offered to give up his prize to Menelaos, who had in turn allowed him
to keep it. Here again his diplomacy gains him a dividend, for his tactful
praise of Akhilleus leads to the doubling of his prize.
Thus as in the chariot race what gives the episode its life is the strong
focus on the heroes' characters and the interplay of this with divine
intervention.
740—9 The first prize is described at greater length than any other in the
249
Book Twenty-Three
games. It is very precious, both in the beauty of its workmanship and

by association: it belonged to Patroklos, and its use to buy Lukaon re-
minds us of one of Akhilleus' most unfortunate victims. The breastplate of
Asteropaios has already been given as a prize (560-2), and in the next
contest Akhilleus will offer the armour of Sarpedon, which Patroklos
stripped from him, and the sword of Asteropaios (797-808). Thus we are
constantly reminded of the main threads of the narrative, and the purpose
of the contests themselves. The poet does not describe these objects in detail
but indicates their value by telling their histories, a point made in Lessing's
Laocoon (translated by W. Ross, London 1836, i5off.).
T h e Sidonians have been mentioned once before in the poem, as makers
of the embroidered robes which Paris brought from Sidon on his journey to
Troy with Helen: the finest of these was offered by Hekabe to Athene's
statue (6.289-92). In the Odyssey Menelaos offers Telemakhos a silver
mixing-bowl with gilded rim, given to him by king Phaidimos of Sidon
when he stayed there on his travels; he says that this is the most beautiful
and valuable of his treasures (4.613-19 = »5-113-19)- Sidon is also re-
ferred to as "ttoAOxoAkos at Od. 15.425.
In 743-4 the Sidonians are craftsmen, whereas OOIVIKES 6v8pcs are the
merchants who bring the bowl to Lemnos. This is the only reference in the
poem to the <t>olviKtsf whereas they appear several times in Odyssey 1 3 - 1 5
(13.272 etc.), and the land (Doivixq is mentioned twice (4.83, 14.291). At
Od. 4.83-4 the Sidonians at first sight look as if they are a separate people,
but Eumaios' Phoenician nurse is from Sidon (15.417, 15.425), and the
Phoenician sailors go (home) to Zi6ovlr) at 13.272, 13.285. As a rule in
Homer it seems that the name Sidonians is applied to the Phoenicians when
at home, whereas abroad they are called Phoenicians. In some Old Testa-
ment texts referring to the Early Iron Age the term 'Sidonians* is applied
to the Phoenicians at home, including the people of Tyre: for example I
Kings 16.31, where Ethbaal, king of Tyre (e. 887-856 B.C.), is called 'king
of the Sidonians'. This title 'king of the Sidonians' for the ruler of Tyre
remained in use for over 170 years from Ethbaal's time onward, i.e. during
the ninth and eighth centuries. The basic reason was that after its destruc-
tion by the Sea Peoples Tyre had been refounded as a Sidonian town, and
it then came to dominate the area. Occasionally 'Sidon' is used in records
of the period from c. 1100 B.C. onwards to denote this area, including Tyre:
cf. W. F. Albright, Cambridge Ancient History, 3rd edn, 11.2 (Cambridge 1975)
519-20, H . J . Katzenstein, The History of Tyre (Jerusalem 1973) i29ff. It is
possible that references to Sidon rather than Tyre (never mentioned by
Homer) could be due to the tradition that this was the more important cit)
in the Late Bronze Age. But it is more likely that Sidon actually was the
centre of production for works of art.
250
1
Book Twenty-Three
Decorated stiver and bronze bowls, thought to be of Phoenician origin,

have been found in various parts of the Near Cast and Mediterranean
world, dating between the ninth and seventh centuries B.C.: cf. G. Markoc,
Phoenician Bronze and Silver Bowls from Cyprus and t Meditman an (Berkeley
1985), and AR 1984-85, p. 15 (two bronze bowls at Lefkandi, c. 900 B.C.).
Significantly, however, silver (as opposed to bronze) bowls do not seem to
appear in a Greek context before the eighth century.
It is unclear exactly how early the Phoenicians themselves began to trade
in the Aegean area. Recent finds suggest that this may have been from at
least 900 B.C. (cf. J. N. Coldstream, 'Greeks and Phoenicians in the Aegean*,
in Phonizier im West n, ed. H. G. Niemeyer, Mainz 1982, 261 75). This has,
however, been questioned (J. D. Muhly, 'Phoenicia and the Phoenicians*,
in Biblical Archaeology Today, Israel Exploration Society, Jerusalem 1985,
177-91), and some of the finds might only prove that the Greeks them-
selves were bringing these objects back from their travels, as Menelaos did
(Od. 4.615-19). The objects from Lefkandi described by M. R. Popham,
E. Touloupa and L, H. Sackett in BSA 77 (1982) 213-48, especially 242-
5, 247-8, show trading connexions with the Near East already well estab-
lished by c. 900 B.C., and at Kommos in Crete there seems to have been an
actual Phoenician settlement from at least 800 B.C. or earlier (cf. J. W.
Shaw, AJA 93 (1989) 165-83).
Greek tradition held that the Phoenicians settled in some Aegean islands
(T. Braun, CAH, 2nd edn, m.3, Cambridge 1982, 6 - 7 ) . Some historians
view these traditions with scepticism, but they should not be dismissed. The
case for Phoenicians in Thasos seems quite strong (A. J. Graham, BSA 73
(1978) 88-92), and they certainly settled in Rhodes at Ialysos, and perhaps
also in Cos (Coldstream, op. cit. 268-9). Lemnos would fit into this pattern
of Phoenician activity. The Lemnians themselves according to Homer
traded with the coast of Asia Minor: at 7.467-75 Euneos' ships bring wine
into the Greek camp at Troy and are paid in bronze, iron, hides, cattle and
slaves. This agrees with 21.40-1 and 23.746-7, where Euneos buys Lukaon
(as a slave) with this Phoenician bowl (see also on 14.230). In the Odyssey
the Phoenicians trade in slaves (14.287-98, 15.415-84). One can easily
imagine that, had Lukaon not been ransomed by Eetion of Imbros, he
might have ended up in some distant slave-market, carried there by a
Phoenician ship.
74« ¿pyupcov Kpr)Tt^pct "rm/yutvov: cf. Od. 4.615-16 ( « 1 5 . 1 1 5 - 1 6 )
Sctxrco Tot Kpiyrfjpa Tnvyuivov* &pyupeos | IOTIV ¿mas (see on 740 -9). For
T n v y u l v o v meaning ' o f fine workmanship* c f . 1 4 . 9 e t c .
74s icAXAei ¿V(KO: cf. 9.130,9.272 at (T6TC) KAAXEI MKCOV $GAa ywaiKcov;
for Ivlxa meaning 'was first* cf. 18.252, Od. 3.121.
743 2i56vis "rroAu6ai6aAoi: one might have expected ZiSAvts, since the
¿5»
1
Book Twenty-Three
Semitic name was Saida, and the iota is long in related forms, e.g. Od.
15.425 ZTScovos etc. T h e epithet TToAuBaiBocAos is only applied to craftsmen
here in Homer, elsewhere always to works of art {3.358 etc.).
744 hr' F)EPOEI6E0C TTOVTOV: only here in //.; cf. Od. 2.263 etc. (4X ), and
hv F)Epoei8Ei TTOVTCP Od. 3.294 etc. ( 6 X ). But F)£POEI8ES alone is used at 5.770
in the context of someone looking out over the sea. T h e metrically equiva-
lent ¿tt* EupEa vcoTa 6aAAocrris is used 3X //., jx Od.
7 4 5 crrfiCTav 8* £v AIPEVECROR. cf. Od. 1 9 . 1 8 8 - 9 CMIAE 8' EV 'Auviaw . . . | kv
Aipiaiv XOEAETTOTCTI . . . , Od. 12.305 OTâ-apev kv Atpevi yAaûpcp EUEpysa vfja.
As in these cases the verb probably means 'they landed' (cf. bT), rather
than 'they set it up' or 'weighed it'.
0 6 a v n 8E Bcopov EBCOKCCV: Thoas was king of Lemnos {14.230) and father
of Hupsipule, who married Iason and produced Euneos (7.468-9). T h e gift
could have been in return for the right to moor in the harbour (Eust.
1327.57), or to trade in Lemnos, but the poet does not explain.
746—7 Cf. 21.40-1 on Lukaon's purchase. At 21.79 Lukaon says that he
was sold for a hundred oxen. This was the value of the golden armour of
Glaukos (6.234—6); see also on 23.703. Was the cup alone worth this much?
748—9 These verses return to the point of 740 with greater elaboration.
With 6s TIS we must understand the antecedent 'for that man'.
7 5 1 Aoioflf)i'a: 'as last prize'; cf. 785 AoiaflrjYov . . . OCEGAOV. These a p p e a r
to be the only instances of Aoioflrjios in surviving literature; cf. 23.536
Aoioflos, and later Aoioflios. For the plural form cf. 275 TCC TrpcoTG, 538
BECRREPA. The variant Aoioflfyi (as if dative of AOIO6EUS) is rejected by T .
752—3 = 8 3 0 - 1 (cf. 271 etc., 7 0 6 - 7 ) . T h e false variant TTEipf|a£o6ov
here (Zenodotus and a few texts) is derived from 707.
754 =488, perhaps a reminder of Aias' quarrel with Idomeneus. At
14.520-2 Aias is said to be the fastest of the Achaeans in pursuit of the
enemy.
755 ^ cf. 709, 3.268. Here too as at 709ff.
6 ' 'OSUOEUS 7TOAUUR|TIS:
Odysseus' intelligence will be shown in what ensues, and the epithet is
functional.
756 At 15.569-71 Menelaos had said that Antilokhos was the fastest
runner of the younger generation (cf. also Od. 3.112, 4.202). For -noai
•NTIWRAS IVIKA cf. 2 0 . 4 1 0 7T68ECTAI 84 -TTAVTOCS ¿VIKOC.
757—67 This section resembles the opening part of the chariot race.
757 =358. Aristarchus thought this verse an addition, because of his
theory that UETorcrToixi meant 'in file', which is probably wrong (see on
352-8).
T h e chariot race itself started with a general description (362-72), of
which there is only one verbal echo (370—2 ~ 766-7), with significant
variation. This was followed by a description of the return stretch, where
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Book Twenty-Three
the horses went at full gallop, with Eumelos in the lead and Diomedes only
just behind (373-81). This is echoed by 758-66, although there is a dis-
placement of the order, in that 373 (AAA' 6TI TTVPOTOV TiXeov 6p6pov) is
postponed to 768, where it introduces the last and decisive stage of the foot
race.
758-9 These verses resemble 375-6: . . . 6$ap 8* Tirrroicrt TÄOT) 6p6uo$'
C&ICA 8* hxtna | . . . fx^pov ITTTTOI ~ TOTOI 8 ' &RR6 vOcrcrrjs ttrcrro 8p6pos' £>xa
6' hrtiTa | cp' 'OfAuförft... The description of Diomedes* horses, so close
to Eumelos that they warmed his back with their breath (377-81) is echoed
at 759-66, where the motif of Odysseus' breath on Aias' head is preceded
by an elaborate simile stressing how close he was, and the further point that
his feet landed in Aias' tracks before the dust had settled. The emphasis on
the nearness of the contestants suggests that it would take very little to
reverse the order, and whereas at 370-2 it is the contestants who urge on
their horses in their zeal for victory, here it is the spectators who urge on
Odysseus as he strives to win (766-7), as if they think that he deserves to
come first, and that Aias ought to lose.
753 — Od. 8.121. At 332 and 338 vOaaa referred to the turning-post,
whereas here it seems to be the start, and the phrase means 'right from the
start they ran at full stretch'. b T reasonably assume that the race was a
single lap, but Köhnken takes it as a 6iauAo$ as in the chariot race (Hermes
109 (1981) 133-4), and the phrase could mean that it was after the turning-
post that they began to go flat out (cf. R. D. Williams on Virgil, Aen.
5.317-18).
75g b«pip' 'OiAi68T)s: cf. 376-7 (with comment). Zenodotus read beflop'
6 *IXid6r)S (Did/A), as in other cases where Aias' patronymic occurs (see on
13.203).
759—64 This simile emphasizes the closeness of the two runners: cf. 760
&yX> pAAa, 762 &yx60t... or^öeos, 763 tyyvdtv. The weaver stands right
up to the vertical loom, and draws the horizontal shed rod (or one of two
such rods) towards her breast, in order to separate the alternate threads of
the warp (pltos). Through the opening thus created between the two sets
of threads the spool (TTTJVIOV) which carries the weft thread is passed, and
this is probably attached to the shutde (Mp*d$: cf. 22.448). Cf. H. B.
Blümner, Technologie und Terminologie der Gewerbe und Künste bei Griechen und
Römern, 2nd edn, i (Leipzig 1912) 148-54, and G. M. Crowfoot, BSA 37
(1936-7) 36~47-
Kovcov occurs only here in Homer in this sense (later in Aristophanes etc.),
but cf. 8.193, 13 407 where it refers to the rods supporting the framework
of a shield. TTTjvlov and MITOS occur nowhere else in Homer: 7rr|vfov recurs
in Theophrastus (HP 6.4) and rarely later, UITOS in classical and later
Greek. As so often the language of the simile is precise and technical.
253
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Book Twenty-Three
Frankel (Gleichnisse 78-9) suggests that the choice of simile was due to the
resemblance between the movement to and fro of the KCCVCOV on the loom
and that of the runners' feet, so close to each other and yet never meeting.
This has the advantage of drawing 7 6 3 - 4 within the field of the comparison.
760 yuvatKOS £u£covoio: word-break after the fourth trochee is rare in
Homer {'Hermann's Bridge'): cf. West, Greek Metre 37-8. It is found a
number of times before a five-syllable word, as here: cf. 10.317, Od. 1.241,
4 . 6 8 4 , 1 8 . 1 4 0 . For other comparisons drawn from women's work cf. 4 . 1 4 1 -
5 (ivory-staining), and 12.433-5 (spinning).
7 6 0 - 3 In cbs 6TE . . . KOcvcbv we must understand & Y X I again with CTT^BCOS.
For TRAPEK H(TOV ('out past the warp') cf. 2 4 . 3 4 9 e t c - T h e repetition of
orr)0£os at the beginning of 761 and 763 draws attention to the main point
of the simile.
764 T h e vividness of this verse is praised by Macrobius (Sat. 5.13.4-5):
the dust settles so soon that we sense the extraordinary closeness of the
runners' feet. Virgil's calcemque terit iam calce Diores {Aen. 5 . 3 2 4 ) , although it
has the virtue of compression, fails to match the Homeric expression, as
Macrobius admits. The poet often refers to the dust in these episodes (cf.
S ^ " 1 6 ' 372, 437» 449> 5°2, 5°4" 6 > 73 2 , 739). as in the battle-scenes.
765 This verse is a variation on 380-1. Odysseus is taller than Aias, and
so breathes down on his head (bT). AOTVJITJV occurs only here in II. and at
Od. 3 . 2 8 9 for the usual Aurpr). Here it avoids the heavy spondaic fourth foot
followed by word-break, which is relatively uncommon (cf. West, Greek
Metre 37).
7 6 7 Cf. 3 7 1 - 2 VIKT)S Upevcov, K£KAOVTO 6E OTCTIV Ixacrros | !TTTROTS • • • Some
papyri and M S S read UHEVOI, and Eustathius seems to have known a variant
UÊVCOV (as at 3 7 1 ) . For N&AOC 6E CTTTEUSOVTI K£AEUOV Eustathius compares the
proverbial orreuBovTa ¿iroTpuvEis ( 1 3 2 8 . 4 0 ^ .
7 6 8 - 7 9 T h e last and decisive stage of the race is described in two sections
of five verses each, both introduced by 6AA* 6TE SI^ . . . ( 7 6 8 - 7 2 , 7 7 3 - 7 ) ,
followed by the result in two concluding verses ( 7 7 8 - 9 ) . In the first
Odysseus prays silently to Athene, who responds by giving him an extra
burst of speed, the spurt of the runner at the end of a race. In the second
Athene causes Aias to slip in the cow-dung at the very last moment.
Odysseus then takes up the bowl, which evidently stood right at the finish
so that the winner was the first to seize it, and Aias takes hold of the ox as
second prize.
Aristarchus (Arn/A) wanted to reject 772, in which Athene gives Odysseus
a spurt: 7 7 1 - 2 are repeated from 5 . 1 2 1 - 2 , and Aristarchus argued that as
the runners were so close Odysseus should have won anyway as a result of
this help, and there was no need for Aias' slip as well. However, Kohnken
has argued in reply (Hermes 1 0 9 ( 1 9 8 1 ) i35ff.) that 7 7 2 is the answer to
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Book Twenty-Three
Odysseus' prayer to help his own running, and that 772 and 774-7 are
really simultaneous events, which the poet describes consecutively in his
usual manner. The double character of Athene's intervention is similar to
388ff., where Athene assists Diornedes positively by returning his whip and
causes Eumelos to crash.
Whether or not the two events are really simultaneous in the foot race
perhaps does not matter, as the other points made by Kohnken seem
convincing, and it is appropriate that Athene's response should be both
positive and negative. Kohnken points out that Odysseus* victory is not
simply the result of divine intervention, since it is his prayer at the crucial
moment which prompts this. As usual human and divine motivation work
together but Odysseus initiates the process, true to his character as
TroAvuqTis (755). the attribute which makes him Athene's favourite (cf.
782-3). From a spectator's viewpoint Athene represents Odysseus' ufVns,
which enables him to know when to put on the spurt, and this action
distracts Aias, who slips and falls (cf. Kohnken, op. cit. 141). But the poet
sees things differently, and he is at pains to point the moral for us twice
(782-3 and 787-92).
768 AAA* 6TE . . . 6p6pov echoes 373, but here it refers to the last part of
the race, there to the second lap. Cf. Virgil, Aen. 5.327-8 i mque fere spatio
extremo fessiqu sub ipsam | fmem adventabant... (when Nisus slips).
769 COXTTO . . . £>v KOT6 0up6v: cf. Od. 5.444 tO^crro 6v KCCT6 0v/p6v, of
Odysseus praying to the river-god when he reaches Phaeacia. The scholia
there suggest that a silent prayer is appropriate for the exhausted swimmer,
and this could apply here too (so Eust. 1329.19-20), but equally Odysseus
may not wish his rivafe to hear. Silent prayer was unusual: cf. 7.194-6 (with
comment on 195), where Telamonian Aias asks the Greeks to pray for his
success in the duel with Hektor 'silently, lest the Trojans hear, or even
openly, since after all we are afraid of no man'. Later one prayed silently
especially when wishing someone harm, or when one did not want to
disclose one's wishes for other reasons; cf. H. S. Versnel, in Faith, Hope and
Worship (ed. Versnel, Leiden 1981) 25ff.
770 For liTlppoOos see on 4.390, where it is used of Athene, and cf.
¿TrtTdtppodo? of her at 5.808 etc. Odysseus' prayer is suitably brief (bT).
77«-a See on 768-79. Verse 772 = 5.122, 13.61. T comments: 'they say
that the hands of fast runners are like wings'. Early Greek vases show
sprinters using their outstretched arms and hands: cf. Laser, Arch. Horn, T
34-6.
773 §|i*AAov braT£ao6ai AxOAov: 'they were likely to dart upon the prize'
seems less satisfactory than the variant ¿rratÊoBai, which would give the
sense 'they were on the point o f . . . ' (cf. Leaf).
774 For ¿AioOdvco cf. 20.470 (nowhere else in Homer). The is
255
i
Book Twenty-Three
answered by OUTC at 778. pAdrrrreiv here means 'disable': cf. 782, 7.271 etc.,
and for its use of a divine action see on 22.15.
775—8* The cow-dung from the sacrifice at Patroklos' funeral ( 166-g) is
another reminder, ludicrous though it may be, of the occasion of the games.
Virgil is reluctant to be so explicit in naming the dung in his imitation at
Aen. 5.328-33 (cf. 328 levi... sanguine..., and 332-3 tn ipso\... immundofimo
sacroque cruore), and he omits the picture of the loser with his mouth full of
dung, spitting it out. It is hardly surprising that the word ôvQoç occurs only
here in //. or Od.: a comic episode introduces cruder language, as at 2.212ff.,
and the poet repeats ôvôoç three times, to emphasize the effect. The usual
word for dung was Kdrrpos (Od. 9.329 etc.). ôvGos recurs (for example)
in Aeschylus' Psychagogoi fr. 275.2 N.* and Radt, a burlesque version of
Tciresias' prophecy about Odysseus' death.
777 4He who called the older man Aappayôpav (479) receives his punish-
ment in the mouth' (AbT).
7 7 9 - 8 1 It cannot be coincidental that Aias receives an ox as prize, and
the picture of him holding the ox by the horn as he spits out the ox-dung is
ludicrous. In 779 Aias is called $a(6ipo$, an epithet elsewhere reserved for
his more illustrious namesake (cf. 11.4960.): this sounds ironic here.
781 ¿non tOtov: elsewhere in Homer only at 4.426; see on 697 (TrrOovTa),
in another comic scene.
783—3 Aias recognizes that Athene is the cause. In //. she assists or
protects Odysseus at 2.i69ff., 5.676ff., t i.434ff., and especially in book 10,
where cf. 245 $iAei 8é i TTâAAas 'AO^vrj, and Odysseus' prayer to her at
278-82: KAOÔI peu, alyiôxoio Aiôç TÉXOS, ?) ri MOI atel | ÈV TTAVTCOOI TTÔVOIOI
Trapicrraaai, o08é a i A^|6w | xivûpcvos . . . Athene's 'special relationship'
with Odysseus in the Odyssey is anticipated here; cf. Stanford, Ulysses Theme
25-42.
78a tj p' ipAcrvpt 6cà TT66CXÇ: probably p' represents pi, with double
accusative as at Od. 14.178, although cf. also 571 pAâyas 6é po» frrrrous.
783 p/jTiip ¿bç: cf. the more extended simile at 4.127-33, where Athene
deflects the arrow of Pandaros to save Menelaos, like a mother keeping a
fly away from a sleeping child.
784 =0d. 20.358, 21.376. Cf. 2.270 (when Thersites has been punished
by Odysseus) ol 6è XAI àxvûpevol m p ÉTT* avrrcp F)6ù yéAaoaav, and see
comment there. That episode also involved Athene's assistance to Odysseus
(2.i6gff.) and Odysseus' triumph over an opponent who is a braggart, to
the amusement of the spectators. Odysseus' comic defeat of the braggart
Iros (Od. 18.1-117) suggests a narrative pattern here, and may foreshadow
Odysseus' later rôle in comedy (on which see E. D. Phillips, 'The comic
Odysseus', G&R 6 (1959) 58-67).
785—97 Antilokhos was mentioned at the beginning as the third runner
256
i
Book Twenty-Three
273
(756), but his part in the race was not described, as with Meriones in the
chariot race (351, 528-31). The main point is the speech which he makes
and its consequences. In tune with the laughter over Aias he smiles as he
takes the last prize, and his speech is light-hearted but pointed. He echoes
Aias* inference that the gods are behind the outcome, but draws a moral
which picks up the theme of respect for age from the chariot race. His
characterization of Odysseus as belonging to a past generation may be a
humorous exaggeration, and whatever the exact sense of couoyfcpovTa, this
word seems to have a colloquial and slightly mocking ring to it (although
Eustathius says that it is not abusive, 1330.12). A further irony is that
Antilokhos must know that Odysseus* victory was due more to his wit than
his speed: it exemplifies the kind of pfjTi* which Antilokhos tried to display
in the chariot race, and Antilokhos himself shows ingenuity in turning his
present defeat to advantage and winning the approval of Akhilleus.
785 Xoioftfjiov: see on 751.
787 «I86cnv uup' ¿p4w iraaiv, <£lAoi: for this tactful form of opening see on
306-8.
787-8 cos teal vOv...: i.e. perhaps the traditional view on this subject
still holds good. Leaf says 'as they honoured them when they were young,
so they continue to honour them when they are old', but this surely misses
the point. For the view expressed here cf. 15.204 etc.
790-1 It is unnecessary to speculate how old Odysseus ought to be (cf.
Stanford, Ulysses Theme 256, additional note). In the Odyssey Telemakhos is
a baby when Odysseus leaves for Troy (11.447-9), but such cross-references
run into difficulties. It may be fair to say that 'Antilochus was a very
young man and to such even the moderately middle-aged often seem old'
(Stanford, loc. cit.).
791 cbpoyipovra: only here in Homer; cf. Call. fr. 24.5, etc. Aristophanes
of Byzantium explained it (probably rightly) as meaning 'advanced in
years', i.e. on the verge of old age, ¿>p6$ meaning 'not yet ripe', 'early': cf.
W . J . Slater, Aristophanis Byzantii Fragmenta (Berlin 1986) 34-5. This may
be the sense in Callimachus, and probably in Arrian, ind. 9.7; cf. also AP
7.363.9, Galen 6.379. The alternative explanation ('prematurely aged')
came perhaps from interpretation of Od. 15.357 ¿v tbpqb y^porT drpctv.
Virgil's iam senior, sed cruda deo viridisque senectus (Aen. 6.304) glosses the
Homeric word in the former sense; cf. Tac. Agric. 29.4 quibus cruda et tiridis
senectus.
791-2 6pyaAiov . . . 'AxtAA«: 'and it is hard for any of the Achaeans
to compete in running (with him), apart from Akhilleus'. Antilokhos clev-
erly ends his speech with a compliment to Akhilleus, which wins his imme-
diate favour.
792 £pI6V\oao6ai appears to be aorist infinitive based on IpiSafvco. The
1
Book Twenty-Three
long iota is puzzling, since ipl5fV7&o6ai could fit into the verse, and one
would expect £pi6f|vaoQai. The ancient variant lpi£ôao6ai (T) would be
an odd formation from ¿pl^co, for which Iplaoaofau would be normal (cf.
3.223 iplocit, Od. 4-80 Iplcrcnrrai). 'Ax«AAcT with contracted -el in the dative
may be unique in Homer, since nop8« at 14.115 could be scanned riop6ii
(cf. also 24.61 llqAfi). But we do find other contracted forms of nouns in
-€us, e.g. 4.384 15.339 MqKiOTf), Od. 24.398 'OBuoa/s (cf. Chantraine;
GH1 224). It looks as if T may have wanted to read either cl pfj 'AyiAAri (so
Heyne) or el ufj 'AxiAqV with synizesis (cf. A. Ludwich, Aristarchs homerische
Textkritik 1, Leipzig 1884,492.3off.). But as Ludwich observes {op. ext. 11 258
n. 218), 'hundreds of contracted forms of all kinds are unshakeably em-
bedded in the Homeric poems: therefore it is absurd to explain a select
number of contractions as "impossible", merely because they can be re-
moved more or less easily*.
793 iro5d»cca flqActcova: after 791-2 this is an excellent example of a
name-formula directly relevant to its context.
794 The formular T6V 8* ¿TRAITTIF&ucvos TRPOATYQ TT68O$ COKVS *Ax»AAfus
is avoided here, after 793. For the alternative expression see on 3.437.
795 'Antilokhos, your eulogy shall not be spoken in vain*; for the mean-
ing of aTvos sec on 651 - 2 .
796 f)uiT6Aavrov: only here in Homer, later in Hdt. i .50, 51, etc.; see on
269. Akhilleus' gesture is a typically spontaneous response revealing again
his fondness for Antilokhos (cf. 555-6).
797 »624, 1.446; see on 1.446. The formular verse is used effectively to
close the episode.
798-897 The last four contests

The last hundred lines of this Book describe the armed combat (798-
825), weight-throwing (826-49), archery (850-83), and javelin (884-97).
Javelin-throwing is mentioned in Akhilleus* speech to Nestor (621-3), ' n
Nestor's reminiscences (637), and in Odysseus' boast to the Phaeacians (Od.
8.229). Most modem scholars have accepted this contest as part of the
original narrative, whereas many have suspected the intervening episodes
(798-883) as a later addition: cf. Lehrs, De Aristarchi studiis 429-30; K. F.
Ameis and C. Hentze, Anhang zu Homers Mas vm (Leipzig 1886) 57-61;
Leaf, Introduction to book 23, p. 469 ('a long addition absolutely devoid of
poetical merit, and standing in the harshest contrast with its surroundings
. . . ' ) ; more recently Kirk, Songs 223 ('a lamentable decline'); Chantraine
and Goube, pp. 15-17 (who are hesitant); and Willcock on 798-883 ('we
may well suspect that these three were added to the Games by a rhapsode
(or perhaps by Homer himself) after the time of the first composition'). On
258
1
Book Twenty-Three
the other hand, P. Mazon (Introduction d Vlliade (Paris 1942) 225) detects
links with the earlier contests in the way in which Meriones, so unsucces ful
in the chariot race, wins the archery, and Epeios, victor in the boxing, is
laughed at for his failure in the weight-throwing (840). Moreover, discus-
throwing and archery are mentioned as contests in the Phaeacian games
(Od. 8.129, 215-28), and discus, javelin and archery are the pastimes of the
Myrmidons at 2.773-5. The only sport not referred to elsewhere in Homer
is the armed duel. Yet this is probably a very archaic element in Greek
games, and one which survived into the historical period in Greece (cf. the
works by Malten and Meuli in the comment on 262-897 an<3 Laser, Arch.
Horn, T 186). Hence for all its strangeness it may have been something which
the poet felt ought to be included.
798-825 Akhilleus offers as prizes for th armed duel the armour of Sarpedon and the
sword of Asteropaios. Telamonian Aias and Diomedes Jight, and when Diomedes
apparently gains the advantage the Achaeans stop the contest
There are uncertainties about the course of this event. In Akhilleus' speech
proposing the contest (802-10) 805 refers to the first person who succeeds
in 'reaching fair skin*, i.e. presumably touching or striking his opponent's
body, but 806 adds 'and who touches his innards (or interior) through
armour and black blood'. This peculiar verse was athetized by Aristarchus.
Without it we should not have to assume that one opponent actually had
to wound the other, which would be extraordinary. If the verse is genuine
it must be part of an older formular introduction to such duels. In the fight
itself Aias fails to touch Diomedes' body, whereas Diomedes 'always kept
on threatening to strike (icGpt) his neck with the bright spear's point1 (821).
At this point the spectators call a halt, fearing for Aias' life, and order
the contestants to share the prizes equally. In 824-5, however, Akhilleus
awards Asteropaios' sword to Diomedes, thereby proclaiming him as victor.
Again these verses were athetized by both Aristophanes and Aristarchus,
among other reasons because they seem to conflict with the indecisive
character of the fight. They could have been added by someone who
thought that the sword should be mentioned separately, since it was the first
prize and could not be divided between both fighters (cf. 736n.), or else
because it looked as if Diomedes really ought to have won. If the verses are
genuine then Akhilleus really does consider Diomedes morally the victor,
and since there is a clear contrast between 818-19 an<* 820-1 this seems
likely to be the right answer.
798-800 The armour of Sarpedon, won by Patroklos (16.663-5), a g a > n
reminds us of the hero in whose honour the games are being held, and of
recent battles, just as Asteropaios' sword (807-8) recalls Akhilleus' exploits
259
Book Twenty-Three
(see on 560-2, 740-9). The prizes are appropriate to the contest, as in the
case of the weight-throwing (bT 826), archery (AT 850-1), and javelin-
throwing (894).
798 =884; first half of 799 = 886. &aui5a xal Tpu$<iAEiav j recurs at
18.458.
801—4 Verse 801 =s 271 etc., 802 = 659, where it is followed by an infini-
tive in 660. Here, however, one first-ccntury B.C. papyrus and several MSS
omit 804, where the corresponding infinitive occurs, and Nicanor's comments
on 802-7 strongly suggest that he did not read this verse either. It looks as if
\ristarchus must have omitted it, whether because he followed an earlier
text which did not have it, or because he deliberated cut it out, as van der
Valk supposes (Researches n 495-6). It is not easy, however, to see why he
should have wished to remove it. Nicanor argues that KEACUCIV can be used
absolutely, comparing 24.90 TITTTE pt KETVOS &VO>yi PTYAS 6E6S; and Od.
21.175 xal JB' ¿KIAEVCTE MEAAVOIOV, but these arc different, and we
cannot really do without the infinitive, especially as mpl TO>V6C cannot
easily stand on its own. Verse 804 is a suitably solemn four-word verse with
spondaic ending. Verse 803 is nicely balanced. For Topcolxpoo XOAKOV cf.
4.511 XOAk6V . . . TapECTlxpoa, 13.339-40 lyxEi-Qori | . . . &s EIxov Tapsalxpoas
(see on 13-339-44)- epithet is appropriate, suggesting the danger of the
duel (cf. Xp6a 805, 819).
805-6 At 16.314 and 322 6pE£&p£vo$ with an object is used to
denote that someone actually succeeds in wounding his opponent by a
spear-thrust. Here too it presumably means at least that the body is touched
or struck (as in fencing): so A b T and Eust. The word IvSiva occurs nowhere
else in literature, and there was debate as to whether it meant 'innards'
(so Aristarchus) or 'that which is within the armour', i.e. any part of the
body. The former seems more likely: cf. the similar formation intestinus
(Chantraine, Diet. s.v. IvSov). The second hemistich of 806 recurs at 10.298
and 10.469, where it fits the context better. Aristophanes read for 805-6
6rnT6TEp6$ KE trp6o0Ev tmypAyas ««*A6v | 4TTEU^6PEVOS 61A T*
hnta Kal $6vov dvSpcbv. This must be a conjecture to avoid the danger
implied, as Eustathius says (1331.6). Aristarchus' rejection of 806 is attrac-
tive, but it is possible that the verse is a formula inherited from contests
where blood was actually spilt.
807-8 $<5«ryavov &pyup6T)Aov (cf. 14.405 in the genitive) is a variant
formula for the more usual ¿rpyvp6r}Aov (see on 2.45). A great
Thracian sword is mentioned at 13.576-7 (see comment). The Thracians
were not far from Asteropaios' home by the river Axios (cf. 2.844-50 with
comments). Verse 808 resembles 560.
809 fyjvi\ia occurs only here and at 1.124, and nowhere else later; cf.
£uv6s, also £wf|a>v (Hesiod etc.). Although equal division of a set of armour
260
i
Book Twenty-Three
might seem difficult, this is what Hektor proposed in the case of Patroklos*
spoils (17.229-32).
810 Aristarchus athetized this verse because it seemed odd for Akhilleus
to offer a feast only to this pair of contestants. But there is a precedent at
7.313-22, where Aias was offered a banquet after his duel with Hektor, and
it is reasonable that a feast should be given to those sharing such risks (as T
suggests). A subtler explanation is offered in Plutarch's Moralia (736D), that
'Akhilleus wished that through sharing a banquet and table together the
contestants should lay aside and relinquish any anger or ill-feeling which
might have arisen during their duel.' Banquets in honour of victorious
athletes were common later, as well as the privilege of regular meals at
public expense (aiTqoi* tv TtpuTocvelcj)): cf. Xenophanes fr. 2.8-9 West, and
C. M. Bowra, Problems in Greek Poetry (Oxford 1953) 31-4.
iTapa(tf|ao|i£v: the (vulgate) reading TrapotWjCToyai seems preferable, as
it should be Akhilleus who offers the feast; cf. Od. 15.506 68om6piov
TrapaOeliiqv (of a meal), and van der Valk, Researches 11 625.
8 1 1 - 2 5 The fight itself and its conclusion are largely made up of recur-
rent elements. Verse 8 t i • 708, 812 » 290. Verses 8 1 3 - 1 5 resemble the
opening of the duel between Menelaos and Paris: 813 « 3.340, 814-15 ~
3.341-2; and 814 is almost identical with 6.120 and 20.159. Verse 816 =
3.15, 6.121, 20.176 etc. The end of 817 resembles 13.559 oxe86v 6puT)6fjvai.
For 818 cf. 3.347 etc. In 819 vO^(sv) is common in this position (13X //.),
and with 818-19 cf. 7.260 (Aias and Hektor), 12.404 ATas 8' 6crrr(6a v6£cv
¿Tr6X|icvos, 61 6icnrp6 / o08t 6i<rrrp6, and 11.352 0O6' Itcrro XP&* *aA6v,
15.529 TTVKIV6S Si ol f^picscc ecbpr£. Verses 820-1 are less formular, which
suggests that the description is designed for this scene (821 11.253 ^COEIVOG
5ovp6s 6xookV), etc.). Verse 822 11.508 T<£>faxmplScioav... 'Ayaioi, 823
~ 15.176 TrauCTdpfv6v a' bdXpjot uAxTC • •• (etc.), 23.736 &£8Aia 8* la'
AVIMVTES. The gift of the sword at 824-5 similar to that by Hektor to Aias
after their duel, at 7.303-4 <2>s &pa $ooW]ctcc$ Scoks £(90? 6pyup6qAov, | avv
•coAfw TT <f>£pcov xal (UTP^TCO TCACOJCOVI. The relationship of the formal duels
in books 3 and 7 to this passage is discussed by Kirk in Fenik, Tradition
18-40 (especially 35ff.).
811—*a It is natural that the contestants should be Telamonian Aias, the
great master of the standing fight (cf 7.2o6ff.) and Diomedes, who takes
Akhilleus' place in books 5 - 6 especially. Cf. 7.179-80, where the Achaeans
pray that Aias, Diomedes or Agamemnon may be allotted the task of facing
Hektor in the duel. One might have expected Aias to gain the advantage,
but it looks as if Diomedes is more skilled (820-1), as Odysseus appeared
to be in the wrestling match.
814 The variant Apôripwv derives from 6.120 « 20.159, where it refers
to the two armies.
261
i
Book Twenty-Three
815 This may be simply an echo of 3.342 (n.), or a traditional feature of

other duels of this type, ddpßos is a strong word, and the powerful reaction
is appropriate before such an event. The variant ilaop6covTors derives from
3-342-
617 Leaf considers this 'devoid of sense', since it is impossible to tell what
is the difference between the meaning of the two phrases. Willcock more
reasonably says that 'this describes two formal movements, the advance into
action and the attack at close quarters', comparing the formalism of karate
or bayonet drill. Presumably each contestant advances and closes with his
opponent three times, and either during or after these manoeuvres Aias hits
Diomedes' shield and pierces it, while Diomedes const an dy threatens Aias'
neck. For Tpts . . . Tpl$ see on 16.702-6.
818-21 The ancient commentators (bT and Eust.) observe that Aias'
technique is more straightforward, whereas that of Diomedes is more cun-
ning and effective, tcupctv is normally used of touching or hitting something,
but the imperfect probably means that he was trying to do so (cf. H. Ebeling,
Lexicon Homericum, Leipzig 1885-7, s.v.). The variant ¿CKOJK/JV produces a
construction with xCpciv for which there is no evidence elsewhere.
824-5 For the athetesis of these versa see on 798-825. The second
verse » 7.304, in the exchange of gifts after the duel between Hektor and
Aias.
826-49 Akhilleus next offers a very valuable lump of iron as a prize for the man who
can throw it furthest. Polupoites, Leonteus, Telamonian Aias and Epeios compete, and
Polupoites wins, with Aias second
There is only one prize for this contest (unlike all the others), the weight
itself which is to be thrown (bT 826). This is a massive lump of iron, which
Akhilleus says will be big enough to keep a farmer supplied for five years
(832-5). Elsewhere we hear of discus-throwing (2.774 c t c ). and in the
Phaeacian games this is the contest in which Odysseus shows his strength
(Od. 8.186-93), with a stone discus (190). Weight-lifting and throwing are
occasionally referred to later, bur as an exceptional feat rather than a
regular event, especially in the sixth century B.C. Cf. 5.302-8, 12.445-62,
Od. 9.481, 9.537, 10.121, where heroes and giants lift or throw massive
rocks. Two sixth-century inscriptions record the lifting or throwing of rocks
weighing 143 and 480 kilos. Cf. E. N. Gardiner, J HS 27 (1907) iff., and
on weight and discus throwing see also Gardiner, Sports 22-4, 313-37,
J. Jüthner, Die athle ischen Leihesübungen der Griechen n.i (Vienna 1968)
225-303, Laser, Arch. Horn, T 58-63.
The interest lies first in the history of the prize, which Akhilleus had taken
from Andromakhe's father Eetion; second in the information about its
262
[
Book Twenty-Three
value, which throws light on the relationship of country and town in the
Homeric period; and finally in the contestants (see on 836-8). There is an
interesting blend here of motifs suited to the 'heroic age' and the realism of
the poet's own (or recent) times (see on 826, 832-5).
826 o6Aov OCUTOXOCOVOV: cr6Aos occurs only here and in 839, 844 in
Homer; cf. Eumelos fr. 9 K . ( = A . R . 3.1372), and Hellenistic and later epic
poetry. T h e meaning is uncertain, but clearly it refers to a lump of metal of
some kind. T h e word CTOAOITUTTOS is explained by Hesychius as meaning
Uu8poKTU7Tos (|i08pos is a mass of molten metal), or 'a type of bronze in
Cyprus'. CT6AOS is probably a loan word, whose derivation is uncertain
(Chantraine, Diet. s.v.). T h e place-name Soloi in Cilicia and Cyprus may
well be connected with it.
ocurox6covos means 'self-moulded' or 'self-cast' (cf. x&xvos 18.470, with
comment on 468-73), and recurs only in Nonnus (D. 37.667). T h e form is
presumably due to metrical lengthening of OUTO-XCOVOS, and may represent
an original ccuro-xodvos with artificially lengthened a (cf. Chantraine, GH
1 82, 104), or simply be an example of 'false diektasis' (Leaf ad locVV. F.
W y a t t , J r , Metrical Lengthening in Homer, R o m e 1969, 2 2 5 - 6 ) .
There was debate in antiquity over the sense of both words: cf. A b T 826,
Erbse ad loc., and J. Juthner, Antike Turngerathe (Vienna 1896) i8ff. Modern
scholarship has been divided between explaining the phrase as referring to
a meteorite, or a mass of iron as it comes from the smelting furnace.
However, a meteorite cannot easily be forged, and the second explanation
must surely be right: cf. R . J . Forbes, Arch. Horn, K 31, and D. H. F. Gray,
JUS 74 (1954) 13. A parallel would be the mass of iron (uuBpos aiBi*jp£os)
which the Phocaeans threw into the sea before leaving home in Hdt. 1.165.
This valuable commodity was the property of Eetion of Thebe in the
Troad: this might suggest that iron was more readily available here than in
Greece itself. O n the other hand what Akhilleus says about its use by a
farmer to make his own implements indicates that knowledge of its working
was already common in Greece, and this reflects the conditions of the early
Iron Age: cf. Gray, op. cit. 1 —15 (esp. 13fF-) -
827—9 Eetion, Andromakhe's father, himself used to employ the CT6AO$
for the same purpose as in the games: with all his wealth he could afford to
treat it so lightly. Again we have an echo of Akhilleus' past exploits; on
Akhilleus' killing of Eetion see especially 6.414-28. From the spoils of
Thebe Akhilleus had won his lyre (9.186-8) and the horse Pedasos
(16.152-4), and Agamemnon had received Khruseis (1.366-9), the Apx^l
KOKcbv of the poem's story. In 829 ovv &AA0101 KT£6TECTCTI echoes 6.426(n.),
in the account of Andromakhe's family.
827 (bfTrracTKE: for this form see on 15.23-5.
830 = 2 7 1 etc. Verse 831 = 7 5 3 (cf. 707).
263
Book Twenty-Three
832—5 'Even if the victor's fertile fields are very remote indeed, he will
have it to supply his needs for five full years; for it will certainly not be
through want of iron that any shepherd or ploughman of his will have to
go to the town, but it will supply them.* This shows that a period is
envisaged in which the TT6AIS is a centre for trade in such precious commodi-
ties as iron, but a local landowner could forge it into tools on his own estates,
whether by using a skilled member of his own work-force or by employing
an itinerant smith. O n these two alternatives cf. M. I. Finley, The World
of Odysseus (and edn, London 1977) 55-6, and see also H. Strasburger,
Gymnasium 60 (1953) 99, who compares Hes. Erga 432 where the farmer
makes his own ploughs at home.
This glimpse of setUed life at home naturally introduces some Odyssean
phrases: cf. Od. 4.757 6ir67Tpo0i irlovas Aypovs, mpiTrAoplvcov ¿vtavrcov
(-ou -ou) Od. 1.16 (11.248); 11. 8.404 etc. TTtpiTcAAopivws fcvtauTous (etc.).
The present tense XP^P^voS occurs only here in Homer; elsewhere the
perfect is used; on the synizesis see Chantraine, GH 1 70. For drrcupcotiai
with genitive see on 445. The ploughman (dpoT^p) recurs in Homer
(significantly) only at 18.542, on the Shield of Akhilleus.
836-8 Polupoites and Leonteus are the giant leaders of the Lapiths
(2.738-47^), whom we last saw defending the gates of the Achaean
wall (12.127-94), their only scene together in the fighting. pcvs7rr6Acpos
noAurroirris | is used of this hero at 844, 2.740 and 6.29; cf. 848 floAuiTolToo
Kpcrrcpoio, with 12.129, 12.182 Kpcmp6v -6s rioAvmolTTjv -rjs. For Leonteus*
description cf. 16.189 ' E x ^ ^ o s KpctTtpov p^vos 'AicropiSao, and for
Aeovrsvs, 6£os "Apr|0$ (841) cf. 2.745, 12.188.
T h e greater Aias is a natural contestant here, as in the wrestling and duel.
Epeios was the heavyweight winner of the boxing match, but does less well
here. For TtAaucovtdBrjs cf. 9.622-3^
840 Epeios 'whirled the weight round and let it fly*. Cf. Od. 8.189 T6V
TTCpKrrptyas fjKi oripapfjs &rrd X€,P^S (Odysseus' discus-throw), and II.
13.204 (of a severed head) fjvee Si ptv <tycnpr|66v tAt£diievos 81' 6plAou (see
comment). At 431 a discus is described as 'thrown from the shoulder*
(KaTcopa6loio). T h e normal method of throwing a discus in antiquity was
by a circular or semi-circular movement of the body, pivoting on the right
foot: cf. Gardiner, Sports 318-37, Harris, Athletes 86-92. It has been sug-
gested, however, that the a6Aos would have been much too heavy to whirl
in this way, and consequently that the Achaeans laughed at Epeios* throw
because he had no idea how to 'put the weight', i.e. he had the strength but
not the skill (R. L. Howland, PCPS 183 (1954-5) , 6 ) -
843 Cf. Od. 8.189 (see 84on.), and 192 6 5' CnT^PTRRCRRO enfjperra TTAVTGOV.
The 'marks' are the points reached by the other throws, which are regis-
tered by the umpire (cf. Od. 8.193 where Athene does this). Aristarchus
264
1
Book Twenty-Three
athetized this verse because TTAVTCOV is used with reference to two throws
(Arn/A).
845-7 For this type of measure of distance cf. 431 - 3 6aoa Slcncou oOpa
. . . | 6v T* &<J>qK€v AWjp . . . j TOOO6V (rm8pauirr)v, and the parallels
quoted there (also 517-23). The word xaAoxrpoy occurs only here in early
literature; cf. Antimachus fr. 91 W. irAvrts 6' 4v xcfpKOT KaXaOpoiras
avarrokaaas, and A. R. 2.33, etc. It refers to a throwing-stick, which accord-
ing to the commentators was equipped with a string for holding it, and a
weight at the other end: Antimachus* epithet oOcrrotoocr? must refer to the
string which formed a 'handle' (bT 845 and references in Erbse ad loc.). It
has been compared to the bolas, 'a weapon consisting of a string with one or
more stones attached to it, which is used in Spanish America for throwing,
at and catching cattle' (J. L. Myres in E. N. Gardiner, JHS 27 (1907) 5).
Schol. b say that the KoXavpoif was used for separating cattle from a herd
(cf. Eust. 1332.47). Cf. the AaycbpoAov, discussed by Gow on Theocr. Id.
4.49. Whatever the weight of the 06X05, clearly this is meant to be an
exceptional throw.
847 Travrds ¿rya>vo$: either the whole area in which the spectators were
(cf. Od. 8.190-2), or more probably the whole of the area marked out for
the contest.
850-83 For the archery contest Akhilleus offers two prizes,for the man who hits a dove
tied to a mast and the one who hits the string. Meriones and Teukros c mpete. Teukros
fails to make a vow to Apollo, misses the bird, but hits the string and cuts it. The bird
flies up into the clouds, but Meriones quickly seizes the bow, makes a vow to Apollo,
and shoots. He hits the bird, which falls on to the mast-head, and then on to the ground.
Meriones and Teukros takefirstand second prize respectively
The last contest which actually takes place involves dramatic elements of
divinely inspired luck similar to those of the chariot race and foot race. It is
a rapid and exciting piece of narrative. Nevertheless, it has always aroused
critical objections. The most serious of these is the point already made by
Aristarchus (Arn/AT 857), that the poet should not have made Akhilleus
foresee what was about to happen by accident, the cutting of the string
which tied the bird to the mast. It is hardly surprising that Virgil avoids this
apparent oddity in his imitation (Aen. 5.485-518). Other minor objections
(cf. Leaf) are that the sudden change from narrative to direct speech at 855,
without a formal speech-introduction, is unusual, and that this transition
occurs only here in mid-verse; that 871 is oddly expressed; and that the
description of the bird being shot and dying (875-81) is very confused, as
the mast is far away (853) and yet the arrow falls in front of Meriones' foot,
whilst the bird lands on the mast before falling to the ground.
265
Book Twenty-Three
A possible answer may be that the poet is deliberately introducing a more

fantastic episode as part of his 'coda'. As so often Virgil is Homer's best
commentator, for he catches this tone of 'the marvellous' and the divinely
inspired outcome in the close of his own archery contest, when Acestes'
arrow spontaneously bursts into flames and shoots through the sky like a
comet, as a portent of things to come (Aen. 5.519-40). Here too the specta-
tors react with wonder (529 attonitis haesere animis), and this shows that Virgil
is developing the Homeric ending to this scene (881). Even Akhillcus'
foresight could be assigned to divine inspiration, since (as has often been
said) nothing in Homer occurs purely by chance (cf. 22.329^). If this
argument is dismissed as special pleading, one might ask whether a version
in which this scene did not exist at all is likely or preferable: for most of the
problems are integral to the passage and rejection of individual verses
cannot solve them.
850 TOÊUTfjai: only here in early literature; cf. Call. fr. 70.2 Pf., etc. T h e
normal classical word is TOÔTTIS ( I 1.385, etc.). For archery as a sport cf.
2.774, etc -> Od. 8.229.
IOEVTOC aiSTipov: the epithet occurs only here in Homer; cf. the (early epic)
Phoronis fr. 2.6 K . = Davies, EGF fr. 2.6, where it refers to iron in general,
and Nicander (Alex. 171), Quintus of Smyrna (6.48). Aristarchus (Arn/A)
took it as meaning 'suitable for arrows', pointing out that this made the
prize an appropriate one. T h e alternative explanation was 'dark', as in
IOEISECX TTOVTOV ( 1 1 . 2 9 8 etc.), where it should mean 'dark blue', 'violet'.
Elsewhere iron is called aiOcov (4.485 etc.) or TT6AIOS (9 366 etc.). Despite
this variation in colour-terminology, the second explanation for 16EIS seems
more likely, and fits its use in the Phoronis passage.
851 T h e prizes are 'ten (double) axes and ten single ones'. ÛJTT^XEKKOV
recurs nowhere outside this passage (cf. 858, 883). Aristarchus (Arn/A) saw
a connexion with the archery contest in the Odyssey, where the contestants
must shoot through twelve axes (19.572-81, 21.73-6, 21.120-430); cf. also
Laser, Arch. Horn, T 24 n. 109. These axes were themselves prizes won by
Odysseus (21.61-2, and cf. 117), and there too the axe-heads are of iron.
Some authorities record that TTEAEKUS and F)UITTEXEKKOV were used as mea-
sures of weight, for example in Boeotia and at Paphos in Cyprus ( T D and
Eust., Hesychius, quoted in Erbse). C. H. Grayson ('Weighing in ancient
Greece', Oxford D. Phil. Thesis 1974, 1 286) compares the Bronze Age
double-axe bronze ingots which may have been used as units of value or
weight. It is unclear whether in fact these prizes were axe-shaped ingots of
iron which could be used for arrows or other tools (like the aoAos), or
whether they were actual axes or axe-heads. For their use in battle, how-
ever, cf. 1 3 . 6 1 1 - 1 3 , 15.709 with comments, and see also H. W. Catling, in
Lefkandi 1 256. T h e one-bladed adze-axe occurs in some warrior burials of
266
Book Twenty-Three
the Early Iron Age and could be what is meant by f)imr&€KKOV. For a hoard
of 21 bronze axes with a bronze tripod in an undated burial at Mycenae cf.
AR 1985-6, p. 27.
852 Cf. 878, Od. 14.311 1OT6V . . . VT}6$ Kvavoirpcppoio, and VF6$
KVOtVOTTpOJpOtO 15.693, 8 x Od.
S53 Tpt'ipcova iriAciorv: cf. 855, 874, 22.140 (and 5.778^).
854 p/)piv6os occurs only in this passage in Homer (858 etc.); cf. Ar. Th.
928, etc. The scholia record the variants irASa for tto86s and y&p Aveby«.
b T (855) point out that the dove would be harder to hit if tied by the foot,
as it could flutter about.
855-6 The direct speech is introduced simply by Avobyn, as at 4.301-9
(see comment). This is unutual (and noted by AbT), but there is a wide
range of different examples of 'anomalous speech introductions' in Homer:
see M. W. Edwards, HSCP 74 (1970) 1-36, especially 2off. What is unpar-
alleled is the transition to speech within a verse, which leads Edwards to call
this 'the oddest speech introduction in Homer' (27). All the other contests
so far have been introduced by the same formal introduction crrf] 8* 6p96$
ical p06ov kv 'Apyciotcrtv luirtv (271 etc.). But the abbreviated style con-
tinues a stage further at 884-6, since there is no introductory speech by
Akhilleus there. For parallels to the shift from indirect to direct speech see
on 15.346-7.
®55 TO^tuciv: only here in Homer for ToÂ&oGcn (Od. 8.220 etc.), but the
normal verb in classical prose and poetry.
856 OTK6V6E: the variant xAiolqvB« is equally possible.
857-8 For the oddity of this see on 850-83. fâacov y&p KEIVOS is a
parenthesis and the $t in 858 is apodotic. The point may be that if one hits
the string one has failed to hit the target itself, but the shot is still remarkable
and deserves a prize.
859—60 Teukros, Telamonian Aias' half-brother, regularly uses a bow in
the batde-scenes (8.266-334 etc.), and is called the best Greek archer at
13.313-14. Meriones usually fights with a spear (and enters for the javelin
contest at 888), but he uses a bow at 13.650-2 (see comment), and this
suits his Cretan origins. These are the only two Greek heroes who actually
fight with a bow in the Iliad itself, though Odysseus boasts later that he
was surpassed as an archer at Troy only by Philoktetes (Od. 8.219-22).
Meriones' success may reflect his energetic, practical character (cf. 113n.),
whereas Teukros tends to have bad luck: cf. 8.324-9 where he is hit by a
stone which breaks his bow-string, and drops his bow, and 15.461-70 where
his new bow-string again breaks thanks to divine influence. For
TcuxpoTo ¿CVAKTOS cf. 13.770 (etc.) fMq 8' "EAIvoio AVCCKTOS (etc.). Verse
860 = 888.
861—a The contestants draw lots as at 352-8. The first to shoot might
267
Book Twenty-Three
have an advantage as he could hit the bird and win outright. Verse 861 =
3-3i6*{cf. Od. 10.206). For nAîpcj) Adxev cf. 24.400.
863—4 The underlying sense of dnrciXcTv seems to be 4to make a declara-
tion', and from this come the senses 'to boast*, 'to threaten', 'to promise* or
as here 'to make a vow' (cf. Chantraine, Did. s.v., A. W. H. Adkins, JHS
89 (»969) 10-12, 18-20). A first-century B.C. papyrus and a few MSS
(including T ) omit 864 ( = 873, 4.102, 4.120). This could have been added
to supply the infinitive phrase with îrelAqow; Aristarchus (Arn/AT)
glosses the verb as rtf/faro, which could be used without an infinitive, and
no comment by him on 864 is recorded. irpojT6yovos occurs only here in
Homer; cf. Hes. Erga 543, etc. The sacrifice is the same as that vowed by
Pandaros before his successful bow-shot (4.i02ff.). As Leaf observes, a
hecatomb of first-born lambs 'seems to be regarded as Apollo's fixed price
for a successful shot'. It would certainly have been a major offering.
865 'This is an incentive to piety' (bT). For uiyrjpc referring to a god
'begrudging' someone success cf. 15.473 owtyevc 8E6$ AovaoToi pcyfjpas,
which refers to the breaking of Teukros' bow-string by Zeus's power, and
Od. 3.55-6 kAOOi FTocrfiSaov yaiôx*» M7!^ piy^pqs | f|pTv cuxoplvotoi
TEAcvrqaai T<5C8« Ipya.
868 7rap<l0T): 'fell down', aorist passive of Traplqpt, only here in Homer;
cf. Chantraine, GH 1 402, 406, where the spread of aorisis in -6rjv is de-
scribed as a relatively late development in Homeric grammar.
869 The spectators applaud (cf. 847), clearly regarding this as an
achievement.
870-1 'And then in haste Meriones snatched from his hand the bow; but
the arrow he had long been holding, while Teukros was making his shot'
(cf. bT). As with the weight-throwing and javelin the same weapon is used
by both competitors (so Aristarchus, Did/A). Leaf objects that 'the idea
seems absurd, the change of subject in TOwcv is very harsh, and &s does not
mean while*. The first point seems unfair, but the second and third carry
some weight. The conjecture of Voss (on HyDem 273) cl>$ Idvvot ('so that
he might shoot') would remove these objections, but has no authority. If
<£>s can mean 'when' in Homer its use here does not seem impossible, and
the change of subject, if abrupt, is intelligible. The passage was found
difficult in antiquity, and seems to have given rise to several conjectures.
Antimachus of Colophon's reading is recorded in two different ways by A
and T (cf. fir. 139 Wyss):
(A) cnripxûcvos 8* 6pa Mrjpi6vqs ^clXrro T6£OV | xcpotv,

(T) OTTTPX6YEVDS 8* &pa Mqpi6vq$ tgcipucrc Tiwpou | T6£OV- xcpcl 8*
6YOT6V FX«V TrdrXai, CBS I6v/vtv.
It seems likely that T s version records what Antimachus actually read: cf.
Wyss on Antim. fr. 139, van der Valk, Researches 1 428-9. The Massaliote
268
1
Book Twenty-Three
text read ompxAuivos 5* fipa MrjpiAvris tnt6f|Korr* 6iar6v | ¿v yAp

X«p^lv fxev TTdXat, ¿>s TOuvev (AT). This removes part of l e a f ' s objections,
since it gives Meriones his own bow, but the reading looks like a conjecture.
8 7 3 - 3 Cf, 863-4, with comment.
874 O4/1 8' (nrd vc^fcov: cf. 16.374-5 6 ' . . . | . . . irrrA vt^cov. In both
cases most MSS rightly read Crrrai as at 15.625 (see on 16.372-6).
875—9 Trripi/yos seems to imply a tide shot, in which case it can
only have been by a miracle that the arrow fell at Meriones' feet; if the bird
was directly overhead it is equally miraculous that she should have been
able to fly to the mast "far away" (853,880) after letting the arrow through'
(Leaf). These objections have some force.
875 Tfj: '(up) there'; the variant tV|v is equally possible, but is less likely
to have been changed to Trj than vice versa.
877 f) Apvis: the article here perhaps marks the opposition with what
preceded, i.e. 'but she, the bird' (cf. Chantraine, Gli 11 161). But there are
several uses of it in books 23 and 24 in a relatively weak sense: cf. 75, 257,
465, 24.388, 24.801, Chantraine and Goube 23, Chantraine, GH it 164.
878-9 The bird resting on the mast, with its neck hanging down and
drooping feathers, is a vivid and pathetic picture. Verse 878 (cf. 852) is a
four-word one. In 879 Aristarchus seems to have read Maocev, from the
active AiA£o>, which occurs once in Lycophron, meaning 'loosen'. McroOev
(or the variant AtAo0T)) means 'dropped' or 'drooped'; cf. 15.543 e t c -
fallen warrior.
880 dxcus w emphatic here, meaning 'swiftly' (cf. Arn/AT). Elsewhere in
the Iliad the nominative singular only occurs in the formula CaKUS 'AxtAAcOs,
except 11.478 COKUS AIOTA*. Cf. 13.671-2 » 16.606-7 &*a 61 0up6$ | 4>x<et4
ATT6 UCMCW.
880-1 TFJX« 8' Arr' orCrroO | xArnrKT«: probably 'and it (the bird} fell far
from the mast* (Mazon, Willcock), rather than 'far from him' (Leaf). Cf.
16.117 TtjX« 8* An' avnrou |, 18.395 TOcrAvTOt. Verse 881 •• 728.
884-97 Finally Akhilleus offers as prizes for spear-throwing the spear itself and
a cauldron. Agamemnon and Meriones rise to compete, but Akhilleus says that
Agamemnon is the best and gives him the cauldron and Meriones the spear, without a
contest
The final scene is the briefest, bringing the marked diminuendo to a close.
Javelin-throwing was mentioned in the lists of contests at 621 - 3 and 634-8,
and cf. 2.774 etc., Od. 8.229, a n { * Laser, Arch Horn, T 53-6. It bccomes clear
that the spear will be the second prize, the valuable cauldron the first.
Akhilleus diplomatically does not allow Agamemnon to compete, but when
he says (890-1) 'we know how far you surpass all others, and how much
you were always the best in power and in casting the spear', one cannot fail
269
1
Book Twenty-Three
to catch the relevance of these words to the quarrel between the two leaders
in the earlier part of the Iliad. Contrast especially 1 . 1 6 1 - 8 , 2 2 5 - 3 0 , where
Akhilleus accused Agamemnon of taking the best of the prizes of war
without having the courage to fight for them. This brief speech seals the
reconciliation achieved in book 19.
884-6 Verse 884 = 798, first half of 886 = 799. For Ae0T}t' auupov cf.
2 6 7 aTTupov KOTTE6T|KE Aep>r|-ra (with comment). For ¿CVSEMOEVTOE cf. Od. 3 . 4 4 0
¿v ¿CVOEUOEVTI AifJiyn, 2 4 . 3 7 5 Kpiyrripa iTavdpyupov 6V6EMOEVTCC. T h e scholia
( A b T ) explain it as meaning either 'dedicatory 1 (&va6Euaria!ov) or 'deco-
rated with (embossed) flowers, which are called CCVSEMOC', and they compare
Pind. 0. 2.72 otvOena 5E xpvcroO, which are used to make necklaces and
garlands. T h e second explanation (or something like it) must be correct. Cf.
also HyHom 6 . 9 , where OCVGEUOC of orichalc and gold are used as ear-rings, IG
i 2 2 8 6 . 6 0 opuos avOencov, ix 2 . 1 6 4 B 2 5 OCVGEMOC KOTTaÊICOV (i.e. rosettes
decorating basins), and Leumann, IIH 249. Such decorative flowers or
rosettes on vases occur occasionally in the Mycenaean period, the best
example being from the Shaft Graves at Mycenae (cf. Helbig, Uomerische
Epos 3 8 6 ) . F. Canciani [Arch. Horn, N 3 9 - 4 0 and fig. 10) suggests an alterna-
tive connexion with a late Geometric or early Orientalizing-period type of
cauldron with lotos flowers on the handles, but this seems less likely.
886 f|nov£s: 'javelin-throwers', an absolute hapax, as is fjucc (891) mean-
ing 'a throw'; cf. iûi etc. (Od. 8.198 OiTEprio'Ei of a javelin-throw). Both
words could well be technical terms belonging to this sport. T h e ancient
variant FNR)MOVES (Arn/A, b T , Plut. Mor. 6 7 5 A ) , meaning 'orators' and im-
plying a reading pfjMCtcTiv in 891, would introduce a contest in speaking
which would be quite out of place here. Eustathius (i334.49ff.) notices the
absence of an introductory speech by Akhilleus and discusses reasons for
this. Abbreviation of narrative is presumably one factor (cf. 8 5 5 - 6 ^ ) ,
together with the point that his speech to Agamemnon follows so soon.
8 8 7 - 8 For 887 cf. 1.102 etc. Verse 888 = 860.
889 This combination of formulae (cf. 2 . 3 3 6 etc., 1.121 etc.) occurs only
here.
890 Cf. 6 . 1 2 5 TTOAU TTPOPE(ir)KAS airavrcov |; 1 6 . 5 4 o TE KPCTTEI -TRPO[3E[3R)KI3.
In the second case Akhilleus was referring to Agamemnon's claim to superi-
ority in connexion with his removal of Briseis.
891 5UV&UEI TE KOU f|uocoiv: an odd combination of nouns, 5UVCCMIS being
chosen by the poet perhaps because it could refer not merely to individual
physical strength but to Agamemnon's 'power' in general, although this
sense does not seem to occur elsewhere in Homer. For fjucc see on 886.
892 dAAoc: the implication is presumably 'but do not feel the need to
display your supremacy'.
894 £8£Aois: the optative makes the suggestion slightly more hypothetical
270
Book Twenty-Three
than the variant (which would be more usual after irtpcoiiEv), and
fits Akhilleus' courteous tone better. Cf. 17.488-9 el ov ye | a<I) ftHAeis
(v.l. ¿6&ots). In KlXopai y&p lycoye (cf. 18.254) the point may be 'for it is /
who am urging you to do this*.
895—7 Verse 895=2.441. Agamemnon himself gives the spear to
Meriones, and then hands the first prize to his herald Talthubios, whom we
first saw when he was ordered by the king to go and take Akhilleus* prize,
Briseis (1.318-25). Here, by contrast, Akhilleus gives a prize to the king of
his own free will, in friendship. On this quiet and dignified note the games
for Patroklos are concluded.
271
BOOK T W E N T Y - F O U R
The last book of the Iliad is remarkable for its clearly-defined theme and
structure. In this respect it resembles its counterpart, the opening Book,
whose theme was Akhilleus' anger and its consequences (sec Introduction,
'Structure and themes'). Book 24 is wholly concerned with the fate of
Hektor's body, and its keynote is pity, on both the divine and human
planes. As the poem began with Akhilleus (t.t), so it ends with Hektor
(24.804): these two are the pillars which buttress the whole work.
It is not the most obvious ending, given the tone of the rest of the
poem. This could have come after Hektor's death, or (more quietly) after
Patroklos' funeral. Alternatively, given the continuity of epic tradition,
the story could have progressed further, for example as far as the death of
Akhilleus himself. An ancient variant of the final verse in fact exists, linking
the poem to the Aithiopis (see on 804). What we have is quite different. At
the beginning of the Book we seem to revert to the tone of book 22, with
Akhilleus* repeated mutilation of Hektor's body. But then the gods arc
moved to pity, and with Apollo's speech the train of events is begun which
leads to the ransoming and funeral.
As Macleod says, the plot 'may be divided into three parts: (a) the gods
show pity, (b) a man accepts supplication, (c) a lament and burial are
achieved' (Iliad XXIV 14). If we look more closely, we can see that the
major action, Priam's visit to Akhilleus, together with his journey to and
from the Greek camp (322-718), is preceded by two main movement*, the
complex sequence of divine preparations (1-187) a n d those on the human
level (188 -321). Both involve debates, between Apollo, Here and Zeus, and
between Priam and Hckabe. This elaborate and leisurely build-up creates
great suspense, and the tension is increased throughout Priam's journey, up
to the momentous point of his appearance in Akhilleus' hut (see on 469 -
84). Relief comes with Akhilleus* response to Priam's plea, in the scene
where both men share their grief (507-12), followed by Akhilleus' great
speech of consolation (518 -51), although even then there is an ever-present
sense of Priam's danger (cf. 559-72,582-6,591-5,649 55,671-2, 683-9).
Finally the lamentations of Andromakhe, Hekabe and Helen and the brief,
restrained account of the burial close the poem on a note of quiet dignity,
not unlike the ending of some Greek tragedies.
The role of Apollo, as initiator of the poem's action, and as the agent of
its resolution, has been discussed in the Introduction ('Structure'). In book
272
1
Book Twenty-Three
24 he is above alt a god concerned with the ethical themes of pity and
respect, whose opening speech of protest against Akhilleus ( 3 3 - 5 4 ) sets the
moral tone of the Book, which, like much else, brings it closer to the Odyssey
than the rest of the Iliad (see Introduction, "The end of the Iliad in rela-
tion to the Odyssey"). This is underlined by the emphasis on Priam's piety
and extraordinary faith in the gods. In this context the lengthy scene of
the meeting between Hermes and Priam is important (see on 349-442).
Equally remarkable are Akhilleus' prompt response to Zeus's command
( 1 3 9 - 4 0 ) , his self-restraint, and his sympathy and admiration for Priam.
In the end, then, the gods do show their concern for men and their
sufferings. Although Akhilleus describes them as 'free of care1 (&KY)6&S) in
his speech to Priam (526), this is by contrast with mortals, for whom some
degree of trouble and sorrow is unavoidable. From the human viewpoint
the sufferings which the gods send may seem inexplicable, and they them-
selves may appear indifferent to men's pleas for justice. But the poet shows
that this is not the whole story, through the action of book 24 itself. O f
course, as with all endings of great narrative and dramatic works, the
resolution which this brings, satisfying and moving though it is, leaves much
that is unresolved: the implacable hostility of Here, Poseidon and Athene
to Troy (cf. 25-30), the imminent death of Akhilleus, the city's fall and all
the horrors which this will bring, and beyond this, yet more troubles in store
for the returning Achaeans. In this respect again, the //úu/'s structure
resembles that of many later tragedies, especially those of Sophocles.
On book 24 see especially Beck, Stellung, Deichgráber, Lttzte Gesang, and
Macleod, Iliad XXIV, Introduction.
1-21 The Achaeans disperse, eat their supper, and go to bed. But Akhilleus is unable
to sleep. At dawn he yokes his chariot, drags Hektor three times round Patroklos* tomb,
and leaves him stretched out face downward in the dust. But Apollo protects his corpse
from harm, covering it with his aegis
After the ending of the games, in which Akhilleus1 normality and compo-
sure were emphasized, there is a clear break, marking off this Book from
what precedes, since the opening passage reverts to the earlier motifs of
Akhilleus' grief, the mistreatment of Hektor's body, and Apollo's protection
of it; cf. especially 23.1-26, 23.178-91. The contrast between the dispersal
of the army and Akhilleus' sorrow recalls both the opening of book 23 and
23.57-61, where the army sleeps but Akhilleus lies grieving on the shore
until sleep overtakes him. The motif of a single individual's sleeplessness also
occurred at the beginning of books 2 and 10, and is repeated at 677-81. On
this theme and its use here cf. E. Minchin, Parola del Passato 40 (1985)
269-75-
273
Book Twenty-Four
I The long upsilon of AOTO ( ¡ * I A V T O ) is due to epic lengthening. For

6yo>v meaning 'gathering* see on 23.258, where the assembly for the games
begins.
2—3 pftiovTo . . . Taptrfjpfva»: 'they took thought of . . . so as to have
pleasure in them*.
3—4 b T comment on how the poet uses the respite of the games to suggest
the abatement of Akhilleus' sorrow, and then dramatically returns to this
leading theme, when Akhilleus is again left on his own. Notice the contrast
between the meal taken by the army and Akhilleus' implied abstention: this
recurs at 122-5.
4—5 ou6* piv Orrvos fipci irav8apdrrcop: the epithet occurs first here; cf. Od.
9.372-3 kA8 8i piv Crrrvos flpti TravSapArcop. It is paradoxical and virtually
concessive, as if to suggest that Akhilleus* grief was so intense as to overcome
even all-mastering sleep.
5—1« Akhilleus' restlessness i«5 most vividly expressed by 5 + 10-11, and
6 - 9 form a parenthesis, expanding the point of ^lAou tTdpov pepvqptvos.
These four verses were athetized by Aristophanes and Aristarchus for vari-
ous reasons, the main one being that they weaken the dramatic effect.
Aristarchus also objected to the use of &v6porfyra here, apparently because
he took the sense as 'courage', which he considered un-Homeric, and then
went on to argue that the word was tautologous with pivos. T o these points
Leaf adds that verse 8 is Odyssean (8.183, 13.91, 13-264), and so is the verb
-roAvmuiiv (but cf. It. 14.86), that the rare synizesis of&Ayta suggests direct
borrowing from Od. 13.263, and finally that 'the allusion to the hardships
of the sea evidently belongs to the Od. rather than the //.'
The resemblances to the Odyssey are not an argument against originality,
in view of the frequency of Odyssean language and motifs in this Book (cf.
Introduction), and the theme of endurance will be important later (see on
49 etc.). But it is true that without these verses the sense would run on
smoothly from 5 to 10, and they are too general to add much to the
portrayal of Akhilleus' grief.
6 6v8porf^TCt: the word recurs in Homer only at 16.857 ** 22.363, at the
deaths of Patroklos and Hektor; see on 16.855-8 (also for the scansion). It
must mean 'manhood', i.e. one's nature as a man, virtually one's living self
and strength, rather than 'courage*. This was the view of Aristarchus (and
b T on 16.857), although here he seems to have failed to realize that the
sense 'manhood* is possible, and that the combination with p£vo$ is similar
to the phrase 4v8po-riyra Kal f)f}r)v in 16.857.
6—8 Akhilleus longs for Patroklos, and remembers with longing all that
they had endured together, a slight but natural zeugma in the use of
•noSkov. The addition of verse 8 creates a second zeugma, as TT6AEPOV -ou$
ToXuTreOeiv is a common phrase, especially in the Odyssey (14.86, 4X Od.),
274
[
Book Twenty-Three
but m i p o v governs both 'wars' and 'waves', although it goes better with
the second noun. It looks as if there is some association here between the
senses of -nxipdco ('try', 'experience') and mlpw ('pierce', 'cut through'). In
7 the scansion ArrAaa is paralleled by Od. 1 2 . 3 9 6 DTRRAXTA TC xal cbpd, and
the synizesis AAyea occurs only here. In the Odyssey verse 8 always occurs in
the context of Odysseus' wanderings and sufferings, being preceded by the
phrases PAXA troAAA TTA8' AAyra and £ycb TTAOOV AAyea at 13.90-1,
263-4.
10-21 U p to verse 11 the description seems to refer to a single night, but
the frequentative verbs in 1 2 - 1 7 evidently describe Akhilleus' actions over
several nights: cf. especially A/|6toxcv of Dawn (t3), and the fact that the
next stage (Apollo's protest to the gods) only occurs on the twelfth day (31).
1 a - 1 3 This solitary and restless activity of Akhilleus, pacing up and
down on the sea shore, is typical of his unquiet spirit: see on 2 3 . 5 9 - 6 1 , and
cf. the sequence at 2 3 . 2 1 8 - 2 8 , where Akhilleus moves restlessly to and fro
all night long beside Patroklos' pyre, until Dawn comes, spreading her light
across the sea.
Plato's adaptation of verse 12 (Rep. 388A), TTACOT£OVT' AAOOVT' £TT! 0tv'
AX6s Arpvytroio, suggests an odd variation TTXwt&crx' AAOwv, but may be
due to misquotation from memory.
14-18 T h e threefold dragging of Hektor's body round Patroklos' tomb
repeats the initial treatment of the corpse at 2 2 . 3 9 5 - 4 0 4 , and is a kind of
tribute to Patroklos (although the tomb is empty; see on 2 3 . 2 4 3 - 4 , 2 5 4 ) ,
like the threefold procession of the Myrmidons around his body at 23.12-13.
Aristotle observed the parallel with a later Thessalian custom of dragging
a murderer round his victim's tomb (see on 2 2 . 4 0 1 - 4 ) . The optative £eO(;t»€V
indicates a repeated action ('whenever he had yoked'), and in 15
is apodotic, marking the main clause. In 17 we should perhaps follow
Herodian and most M S S in reading T6V6C 6 ' laoxev.
1 8 iv KAVI . . . npo7Tpr)VFO: cf. 2 3 . 2 5 - 6 (with comment) NPQVIA . . .
TavOooas | £v xovirjs; nporrpqvis 3 218.
18—21 At 23.184-91 Aphrodite and Apollo protect Hektor's corpse, one
with immortal oil, the other with a dark cloud. The golden aegis is a
variation of the latter, and 21 echoes 2 3 . 1 8 7 . At i5.307ff. Apollo has an
aegis, and is also clothed in cloud, and at 1 8 . 2 0 3 - 6 Athene puts the aegis
round Akhilleus' shoulders and a golden cloud round his head. Aristarchus
(Arn/A) athetized 20-1, and the scholia offer various objections: (a) the
verses are unnecessary; (6) the divine aegis should not be polluted by death;
(c) it belongs to Zeus, not Apollo; (d) the verses disagree with the account
in book 23. These are poor arguments.
1 9 Actxelr) occurs only here in //.; cf. Od. 20.308. Amx® XP°I means 'kept
away from his flesh'; cf. Od. 2 0 . 2 6 3 wpTopfas TOI A$££CO.
275
i
Book Twenty-Three
a o - i Aristarchus preferred alyi6a . . . XPW*LN V » as in 18.343 TOT6V TOI

tyo> vtyos &pîKoA0y<*> (and similarly 21.321), and Leaf reasonably assumes
that this requires the change to TTOVTI (cf. also R . R . Dyer, Glotta 42 (1964)
356). For the aegis see on 2.446-51.
22 -76 The gods pity Hektor and urge Hermes to steal his body, but Here, Poseidon
nd A then object. On the twelfth day Apollo protests at the gods' neglect of Hektor* s
corpse and support for Akhilleus. Heri answers that Akhilleus deserves more honour,
but %eus supports Apollo. He orders Thetis to be summoned so that she can tell
Akhilleus to ate pt Priam's ransom
T h e theme of the gods' pity for Hektor introduces a crucial new develop-
ment, preparing the way for Apollo's protest, and the debate gives us a last
vivid picture of the clash between pro-Greek and pro-Trojan deities, with
7eus as arbitrator. Apollo stands out as a god concerned with fundamental
Greek ethical principles, whereas Here's objections are more personal and
vindictive. Zeus's decision strikes a proper balance: the respect due to
Hektor will not detract from Akhilleus' honour. O n the overall structure of
the three speeches see Lohmann, Reden 152-4. Cf. also Reinhardt, luD
471-4, who points to the structural similarity between this scene with its
sequel and the divine assembly at the beginning of the Odyssey, leading to
Telemakhos' mission and Odysseus' rescue. In fact the parallels are even
more striking than Reinhardt observes (see Introduction, 'The end of the
Iliad in relation to the Odyssey').
«3—30 b T record that these eight verses were athetized (by whom they
do not say). They then defend 23 but reject 24-30, and ascribe this athetesis
to Aristarchus. But Aristonicus (A 25-30) records the athetesis of 25-30
only, and it looks as if this was really Aristarchus' opinion. He does not seem
to have rejected 24, since he is not said to have objected to the parallel verse
109 (although he did regard 71 - 3 as an interpolation). b T argue against 24
that the idea of Hermes' stealing the body is unsuitable for the gods (OeoTs
oO Trptrrov), and that it does not make sense to give this as the suggestion of
all the gods and then to add Apollo's speech accusing them. The idea of
Hermes' stealing the corpse is odd but not impossible, and the point about
the contradiction with Apollo's speech could equally be applied to 23,
which is presumably intended to prepare the ground for what follows
(22-760.).
T h e objections of Aristarchus to 25-30 are more serious: (a) it is absurd
to speak of all the gods agreeing, and then exclude three of the most
powerful deities; (¿) the judgement of Paris is nowhere else mentioned by
Homer, whereas it ought to have been referred to more often as an explana-
tion of the goddesses' hostility; (c) vcixxoot (29) is misused, since it cannot
276
i
Book Twenty-Three
mean 'judged'; (d) MOXAOOVVT) (30) means ywaucouavfa, whereas what

Aphrodite gave to Paris was not this but Helen, the most beautiful woman
of the time; and the word is in any case Hesiodic (cf. Hes. fr. 132 M - W ) .
T o these points b T add: (*) that gods should not show the same kind of
resentment as Akhilleus; ( / ) that Poseidon's support of the Greeks is not
explained by the story of the judgement; (g) that according to Homer Paris
was brought up and educated in the city (cf. 3.54-5)1 whereas 29 indicates
that he was a rustic; (A) that yaxAoovvr) is not used elsewhere of men, but
only of women; (t) that it is out of place for Athene and Here to engage in
a beauty-contest with Aphrodite, the goddess of love, especially as Here
elsewhere treats her as her child (14.190) and knows that she possesses all
the arts of persuasion (14.198-9). Finally b T give a list of passages where
they think that the judgement could or should have been mentioned, of
which the most striking is 4.31-2, where Zeus asks Here why she hates Troy
so much, and no explanation is offered. It should be noted that nearly all
of these objections could be avoided by the omission simply of 29-30,
leaving 25-8 unaltered.
Most analytical scholars accepted this condemnation of the passage as
conclusive, but a spirited defence was made by F. G. Welcker in Der episch
Cyclus (Bonn 1865) 113-20 (cf. also J. A. Scott, CJ 14 (1919) 326-30, and
other references in Griffin, HLD 195 n. 49). Following Welcker's lead
Reinhardt (in 1938) argued that the whole poem presupposes the story of
the judgement, but the poet keeps it in the background because it does not
suit him to attribute the gods' hostility explicitly to such a petty motivation
('Das ParisurteiP, reprinted in Tradition und Cast, Gottingen i960, 16-36).
Reinhardt's article has been proclaimed 'a landmark in Homeric studies'
(Griffin, toe. cit.), but it has rightly been pointed out (M. Davits, JHS
101 (1981) 56-62) that he does not actually offer an explanation of why
the poet should choose to mention the story at all at this point in the work,
nor does he answer some of the ancient objections, especially concerning
the awkward way in which Poseidon is sandwiched between the two god-
desses, when his hostility should be due to other reasons, and the reference
to Aphrodite's reward to Paris as uaxAoowq. Davies suggests that the
story's position near the end of the poem emphasizes that the anger of
the gods hostile to Troy still persists even then, in contrast to Akhilleus'
appeasement.
T h e lateness of the reference in the poem had already struck Eustathius
(1337.29-30). In his words, 'the poet has held in reserve to the end the
event which was most responsible for the Trojan war, thereby keeping the
hearer in great suspense'. Likewise E. Drerup compared the way in which
authors delay the solution to a puzzle until the end of a long work (Das
Homerproblem in d r Gegenwart, Wiirzburg 1921, 360 n i).
277
1
Book Twenty-Three
T h e most significant passages where Reinhardt detected the influence of

the judgement story are 4-5ff., where Zeus contrasts Aphrodite's constant
protection of Paris with the apparent indifference to the Greeks of Here
and Athene, provoking their anger and Here's outburst against Troy,
and 5.418-25 and 21.418-34, in which the two goddesses triumph over
Aphrodite and mock her as the cause of Helen's abduction (sec on
21.418-34). Moreover at 5. 130ft Athene deliberately and explicitly incites
Diomedes to wound Aphrodite and no other deity (cf. Scott, C J 14 (1919)
328). Kullmann (Qudlm 230-44) gives a list of other allusions in the poem
to the enmity of Here and Athene against Troy. But the poet could presup-
pose the legend without mentioning it explicitly, and the introduction of it
at the end still requires explanation. The passage as a whole prepares the
way for Here's protest at 56-63, and it helps to explain the reference at
107-8 to a nine-day dispute in heaven, although this would still be the case
even without verses 29-30. T h e allusion to the judgement, however, is in
the abbreviated, elliptical style typical of such epic summaries, especially
where the poet seems unwilling to be too explicit about the detaib. In
conclusion it is probably fair to say that the passage as a whole should be
regarded as part of the original poem, despite some doubts over 29-30.
The story was definitely told in the Cypria (Homer, O C T vol. v , p.
102.14-19, Davies, EGFp. 3 1 . 7 - 1 1 ) , and it appears in art from the second
half of the seventh century B.C. onwards. O n the development of the myth
sec T . C. W. Stinton, Collected Papers on Greek Tragedy (Oxford 1990) 17-75,
and I. Raab, den Darstellungen des Parisurteils in er griechischen Kunst (Bern
•972)-
04 This verse is echoed at 109. Hermes is the god of theft, as at Od.
19.394-8 and in HyHerm. The formula tOoKorros 'Apyei$6vrrr)S (etc.) occurs
only here and at 109 in //., a x 0d.y and 3X in the Homeric Hymns.
¿OOXOTTOS means something like 'keen-sighted', 'watchful'. For 'ApyfiÂvrrc
see on 2.103.
35 ¿V)vSavcv: thb anomalous form, which recurs at Od. 3.143, probably
represents )Av5ocvcv, the eta being due to the influence of the later form
f^vSavtv, cf. Chantraine, GH1 480.
3 5 - 6 o054 TTO8' *Hpr|... KoOprj: cf. 1.399-400, where these three deities
plot to bind Zeus. A personal reason for Poseidon's enmity b given at
21.441-60, when he recalls Laomedon's treachery to himself and Apollo.
For the elision offloaii66wv(i) cf. Chantraine, GH 1 86. yXavKcirmSi icoupq
occurs only here in //.; cf. Od. 2.433 (with Ai6$), 24.518 (Kovpq yAauKwiriSi
iccrt Ail ircrrpl). It is unusual to find the phrase without a reference to Zeus
as father, 8.373, where Zeus calls Athene $iAt)v yAavK&mCxx, is different.
«7 AAA* fxov && 'but they persisted (in their hostility), as . . . ' ; cf. 12.433
AAA* ? x o v &S Tf . . .
278
1
Book Twenty-Four
27-8 "IXios Ipri | Kal npiapos Kai Aa6s: these words echo 4 . 4 5 - 6 and
4 . 1 6 4 - 5 = 6 . 4 4 8 - 9 . In the first case Zeus proclaims his exceptional favour
towards Troy because of its people's piety, in his dispute with Here over its
fate. In the second passage Agamemnon prophesies its doom because of the
Trojans' treachery, and these two verses are echoed by Hektor in book 6.
Here, the expression Aaos IUHUEAIGO rTpi&uoio (as in the other passages) is cut
short to allow the powerfully contrasting hemistich ' A A E ^ d v S p o u IVEK' OTT^S,
which suggests the moral theme that a whole city suffers for one man's
error.
28 'AA£âv8pou IVEK' <5rrr)s: some M S S read ¿TPX^Si for this variation see
on 3 . 1 0 0 , 6 . 3 5 6 where the same phrase occurs. Here &TTIS is certainly more
appropriate. See also Stinton, Collected Papers 71, who quotes parallels from
tragedy (S. Aj. 643, 909, E. El. 1307, HF 917) for &TT) with a personal
genitive. It is worth noticing that without 2 9 - 3 0 one would take this phrase
as referring to Paris' rape of Helen, as at 6 . 3 5 6 and 3 . 1 0 0 (if 6TTIS is right
there).
29 6s VEiKECTCTE 6E<5CS: with a direct personal object the verb elsewhere
means 'reproach' (1.521 etc.), but from this to 'find fault with' and hence
to 'insult' is not a difficult transition. It is contrasted here with fjvrjcrE (30).
Cf. A. YV. H. Adkins, JHS 8 9 { 1 9 6 9 ) 20: 'When Paris gave his judgment
that Aphrodite had won, the other two goddesses naturally felt his words to
be hostile, and indeed would feel LAEYXEIT} at their defeat.' OTE ot UECTCTCCVAOV
TKOVTO recurs at Od. 1 0 . 4 3 5 . PARIS is a herdsman, like other sons of Priam at
1 1 . 1 0 4 6 , 1 5 . 5 4 5 - 8 , or Aineias at 2 0 . 1 8 8 - 9 0 ; cf. Stinton, op. cit. 4 7 - 9 ,
58-60.
30 f| oi TropE uocxAoowr|v aAEy£ivr|v: the noun (meaning 'madness for
sex') occurs only here in Homer, as Aristarchus observed (Arn/A 25), citing
Hes. fr. 1 3 2 M - W on the daughters of Proitos, ETVEKCC PAXAOAWNS CTTUYEPFJS
TEPEV GOAECTEV avOos. u&xAos is used again of women at Hes. Erga 5 8 6 etc.,
but once of men (Lucian, Alex. 11 u<5cxAos Kai yuvaiKopavris), and it fits
the description of Paris at 3.39-55 (39 yuvaipccvES etc.). uaxAoauvr) or its
equivalent is more usually something sent by Aphrodite as a punishment
than as a reward (cf. Davies, JHS 1 9 8 1 , 5 7 - 8 ) , but the point may be that
what appeared to be a gift really turned out to be disastrous (cf. AAEyEivfjv)
for Paris and for Troy. T h e easier variant f| ot K£xccp»OMEva 6cop' ¿vourjVE,
read by Aristophanes and some city texts (Did/A), may have been due
cither to the difficulty of the phrase or to prudishness.
31 = 1.493, where it refers to the time between Thetis' meeting with
Akhilleus and her visit to Zeus. Here (as b T observe and as 4 1 3 - 1 4 confirm)
it must mean the whole time since Hektor's death, including the three days
of Patroklos' funeral and the nine days' quarrel of the gods ( 1 0 7 - 8 ) . O n the
parallel with book 1 see Introduction, 'Structure'.
279
Book Twenty-Three
3A Cf. HyAp 1 3 0 ACrrtKa 8' AOavArqat prrqu8a OoTôs 'ATTAAACOV, and see
o n 23.569.
3 3 - 5 4 Apollo's speech opens with a dramatic and passionate protest:
0)(£TAIOI, SrjAîtiovEs are strong words. He goes on to contrast the gods'
unfair treatment of Hektor's body and their support for Akhilleus, and then
speaks at length of the extreme inhumanity of Akhilleus, his lack of normal
pity and respect, returning at the end to Hektor's fate. There are similarities
to Aias' protest at Akhilleus' rejection of their embassy, at 9 . 6 2 4 - 4 2 : cf.
especially 9 . 6 2 8 - 3 8 and 24.49. At the beginning of the poem too, Apollo
showed his concern for alScbs and IAEOS ( 1 . 8 - 5 2 ) .
33 crx^rAtoi ¿ore, 6col, 8TJA^POVES: cf. Od. 5 . 1 1 8 ox^rAtol ¿ore, thoi,
£T|A/}UOVCS ££OXOV AAACOV. There Kalupso is complaining to Hermes about
the jealousy of the gods for mortals who are loved by goddesses. OX^TAIOI
could be translated 'relentless' here. BrjAfjucov ('destroyer') occurs only here
in //., 3X Od., always in the phrase "Eyrrov fkcatAfja 0poTa>v BijA/iuova
TTAVTCOV ( 1 8 . 8 5 E T C -)L recurs in Herodotus and late prose. It is possible that
£r)A/)MCov in Od. 5.118 is modelled on this word, and the Odyssey passage may
echo this one; cf. Usener, Verhaltnis der Odyssee zur Ilias 1 4 8 - 5 5 .
33-4 Cf. Od. 1.60-1 (Athene to Zeus) ou vu T* 'OBuaatus | 'Apyeicov
trapA vrjual xapi^rro lepA £>i£cov; This protest at the beginning of the Odyssey
is parallel to Apollo's (see on 2 2 - 7 6 ) . The point is echoed and stressed by
Zeus at 6 6 - 7 0 ; see also on 2 0 . 2 9 7 - 9 , 2 2 . 1 7 0 - 2 . alycbv TE TEAEICOV occurs
only here and at 1.66.
3 5 OOK ITATITE: 'you could not bring yourselves to'.
36—7 FJ T ' AAAxcp - . . AaoTai TE: the enumeration of all those concerned
with Hektor's loss is very emphatic.
38 KâiEV . . . KTEplaatEv: the optative ending -aisv occurs only here in
Homer, apart from a possible variant reading Tioaisv at 1.42, and
KTsplaEiccv is attested as a variant by Didymus and in some MSS. A first-
century B.C. papyrus reads KTEpfouoiv. Macleod suggests that Kf)OtiEV may
have been preferred for phonetic reasons, and KTEplaatcv naturally attracted
to this form. But optative aorist in -aipt, -ais, -ai, etc. occurs a number of
times elsewhere in Homer: cf. Chantraine, GH 1 4 6 4 - 5 . mipEa xreplaatev
is 'give funerary honours to him'; KT^pas means 'offering', 'gift' ( 1 0 . 2 1 6 ,
24.235), but in the plural it is used exclusively of honours paid to the dead
at a funeral. In this sense it occurs only here in //., but 7X Od., in all but one
case with KTEpi&iv or ktepeTêiv.
39 6Aoa> 'AxiAfjt occurs only here and expresses the strength of Apollo's
feelings. The repeated vocative 6EO( (cf. 33) stresses that all the gods share
responsibility here.
4 0 - 1 Cf. Od. 18.220 OOK£TI TOI $P£VES EICTIV Ivaioipoi ou6fc vAtiua. The
moral tone naturally leads to the use of Odyssean language. For v6r)iia
yvAiaiTTov cf. Phoinix' appeal to Akhilleus not to be relentless: at 9.497
280
Book Twenty-Three
even the gods arc OTpcrrrol, at 514 honour paid to Prayers tmyvAuirrii v6ov
to6A<ov. The epithet is used metaphorically only here.
41—3 Akhilleus' inhuman savagery is compared to that of a marauding
lion. Cf. Moulton, Similes 105-6, 112-14, a discussion of Akhilleus*
lion-similes; also 16.33-5 where his lack of pity leads Patroklos to say that
his parents must be the sea and the rocks. In 42-3 the words 6S T* £ntl are
both followed by a single verb, a type of anacoluthon similar to that found
at 8.230, 17.658-64 (see comment). It is as if the ¿mi had tost its function
of introducing a clause. A T (Nicanor) propose eT£t) or clîja* in 43 to avoid
this, but this is unnecessary. Moulton (114) observes that 42-3 suggest 'that
the lion may be conceived as having better instincts, which could sometimes
restrain him'; cf. 15.586 fhjpl KCCK6V ^tfjavrt £O»KO>S, with comment on 586-8.
In 43 Pporcov seems at first sight unnecessary, but it is a god who is
speaking. Aristarchus is thought to have held that 6cr(s was properly used
in Homer only of a human meal (see on 1.5, and cf. Pfeiffer, History of
Classical Scholarship m - 1 3 ) , but there is no evidence that he wanted to
athetize 24.42-3. Possibly he took ppOT&v Sorra together here, as Lehrs
suggested (De Aristarchi studiis 87).
44-5 Pity and respect (lAeos and alikos) are keynotes of the whole of this
Book: cf. 207-8, 503, and sec on 21.74, 22.82. On the varying senses of
alBcbs ('awe', 'respect', 'shame') see J. T . Hooker, G&R 24 (1987) 121-5.
dTTcoA«a€V is a dramatic word, whether it means 'destroyed' or simply 'lost'.
Verse 45 is evidently a proverbial one, which recurs at Hes. Erga 318 (crlfkbs
T' etc.), on which see West's comments. Aristarchus rejected it (Arn/AT),
on the grounds that it was inappropriate to speak of otSc^ as harmful here,
and the verse had been added to supply a verb with the end of 44, a
common type of interpolation (cf. 558, etc.). This could well be right, as the
sense here must be 'respect', whereas in Hesiod it is rather 'shame'. It is true
that in such 'polar' expressions one often finds that in a particular context
only one of the two alternatives is relevant (cf. 10.249 &P U&A* olvci
pt^TE ti vtbcci, etc.), but here the extra verse rather weakens the rhetorical
effect.
46 U & A I I TTOU TTS . . . 6\iooon: 'I presume that a man is likely to have
lost even someone closer to him in the past*. The ironic though serious
expression resembles 18.362 (in a protest by Here), KAL pfcv TTOU T»S p&Aci
[3poT6s dv8pl TtAkxaat.
47 6uoydorpiov: i.e. of the same mother as well as the same father. The
word occurs once elsewhere in Homer at 21.95 ( s c c comment).
48 iJE&r)K£: 'he relented', i .e. after a period of grief; cf. 23.434
¿AaOvftv.
49 TAT)T6S occurs only here in Homer (cf. ¿rrArjTos, etc.), and nowhere
else in the active sense 'enduring', but such verbal adjectives can be
either active or passive: cf. 1.415 A8AKpvTos, 'without tears' etc., and
281
1
Book Twenty-Three
J. Wackernagel, Vorlesungen über Syntax i (Basel 1926) 288. MoTpai also

occurs in the plural only here in Homer, but at Od. 7.197- 8 we meet the
KAcoOts, who spin the thread of a person's destiny (see Hainsworth on Od.
7.196-8). The Moirai as a group are firmly established in Hesiod's Theogony
(217, 904-6). As Apollo is protesting at the gods' failure to intervene it
would have been less appropriate for him to ascribe endurance to the gods'
favour. This idea of the value of endurance (TAnpoativr)) is unusual in the
Iliad, and much commoner as a motif in the Odyssey and later poetry (see
Richardson on HyDem 147-8). But it is another essential leitmotif of this
Book (see especially on 518-51).
T h e solemnity of this gnomic verse is increased by its spondaic rhythm,
and the emphasis falls heavily on the opening TAT^TÖV. It is echoed by
Archilochus fr. 13.5-7:
. . . Ä A A A OEOI y i p ÄVRJKECRTOIAI KOKOIOIV

CB 4>IA* KN\ KPAT£PF)V TATUJOOWTJV EÖECTOCV
$dppOKOV.
50-4 Apollo returns at the end of his speech to the fate of Hektor with
which he began. IAKEI is heavily emphatic at the beginning of 52, and
followed by the strong expression of moral condemnation and a final warn-
ing of retribution.
5 2 ou . . . fipEivov: the ominous understatement is typical of such solemn
warnings: cf. 7.352-3 TOO OV> vu TI K^pSiov f j p i v | IXTTOUCCI £icTEA£Eo6ai, Iva
pi) £££OPEV ¿&8E, Od. 7.159, Hes. Erga 750 ou y ä p fipEivov, 759, and similar
positive assertions at 570 etc.; also Hdt. 1.187.2, etc. Apollo will in fact cause
Akhilleus' death: cf. the warning of the dying Hektor at 22.358-60.
53 b T record that this verse was athetized on the grounds that Apollo
could not describe Akhilleus as dtya66s after he had called him 6Ao6s, and
they then give the alternative explanation that the word means 'brave'
here. There is no reference, however, to the athetesis by A, and Aristarchus
is said to have read vEpEacrn&copEV here instead of our manuscripts'
VEpEOCTTjOcbpEV. Aya06s is used in its sense of 'noble' or 'outstanding', as at
1.131, etc. (see on 1.275-6); cf. A. A. Long, JUS 90 (1970) 128. For
parallels to VEPECT<7TI0£COPEV or VEPECTCTT)6CÖPEV (from -Oôpev) see Chantraine,
GH 1 64, 459. The word-order, with ol postponed, is unusual, and the
neglect of digamma in ol is also relatively rare in Homer (Chantraine, GH
1 147-8). This displacement is presumably due to the desire to put the
emphasis on dtyaöto TTEP £ 6 V N .
54 Kco$f)v . . . yaTav means 'mute earth'. For this idea of the body's
'earthly clay' cf. 7.99 AAA* OPETS pfcv TTAVTES 05top xal y a l a y^voioÖE, Soph.
El. 244 6 pfcv 6avwv y ä TE Kal ou5fcv <S>v | KEICTETOI TCCAOS, etc. Verses 5 3 - 4 arc
e c h o e d b y A e s c h y l u s i n h i s Phrygians o r Ransoming of Hektor, fr. 2 6 6 N . * a n d
Radt.
282
Book Twenty-Four
55—63 Here's reply is bitterly scornful, in a way typical of her speeches,

and as b T remark she fails to answer the main point of Apollo's charge. T h e
opening is sarcastic: 'Certainly even what you say, Apollo, could well be
true, if all of you are really going to ascribe the same status to both Akhilleus
and Hektor', an idea which, she goes on to point out, would be absurd,
given the contrast in their origins and upbringing. T h e climax comes with
her allusion to the wedding of Peleus and Thetis at which all the gods were
present, including Apollo himself, whom she ends by accusing of treacherv
because of his support for Hektor and the Trojans.
56 For this form of expression cf. Od. 15.435 EU} KEV KAI TOUT', ET uoi
EOEAOITE ye, v a u T a i (etc.).
57 T h e dramatic switch to an apostrophe to all the gods is similar to that
at 2.235, Od. 4.681-9, etc.; cf. [LonginusJ 27.3-4 f° r a discussion of this
device in Homer and later literature.
58 yvvaiKa . . . na£ov: a double accusative, as at 170 etc. This is the
emphatic point, since it will be contrasted with Here's own upbringing of
Thetis. T h e verb &f}aai occurs only here in //.; cf. Od. 4.89, HyAp 123,
HyDem 236.
5 9 - 6 0 In the Cypria ( O C T vol. v, fr. 2 Allen = Davies, EGFfc. 2) Thetis
is said to have refused marriage with Zeus as a favour to Here, and the story
of Here's upbringing of Thetis is mentioned in A . R . 4.790-8 and Apollod.
3.13.5. B. K . Braswell (CQ,21 (1971) 23-4) notes the contrast with Here's
suspicion of Thetis in book 1, and suggests that this motif may have been
invented by Homer for this occasion, to supply a reason why Here should
show special favour to Thetis and her son. Verse 60 is an effective 'tricolon
crescendo', although the first two verbs go closely together.
62—3 For the wedding of Peleus and Thetis and the gods' gifts see on
16.140- 4 and 18.429-56. Avridco is used only here in Homer in the middle,
later in Apollonius Rhodius. Here ends by rounding on Apollo again. For
?xcov <J>oppiyya cf. 1.603 where Apollo's lyre accompanies the gods' feast.
KOKCOV ETapE sounds colloquial (cf. Hes. Erga 716 KOKCOV thrapov), and the
last two phrases are powerfully compact. Apollo's treachery in 'betraying'
Akhilleus perhaps foreshadows the part he will play in causing his death
(cf. 21.277-8, 22.359-60). These verses inspired the famous speech of
Thetis in Aeschylus (fr. 350 N. 2 and Radt), where she recalls how Apollo
sang of her future happiness at her wedding, and declares that he has now
betrayed her by killing her son (7-9):
6 6' airrds Ouvcov, airros £v Ooivrj irapcbv,

OUT6$ T A 5 ' EITTCOV, aur6s ¿crriv 6 KTOVCOV
TOV T r a i S a TOV 4p6v.
64—76 Zeus diplomatically resolves the quarrel, quietly but firmly reas-
suring Here and at the same time supporting Apollo's plea.
283
Book Twenty-Four
64 There was an ancient variant Tijv Bfc piy* 6xW|oas (T), as again at
138-
65 ¿rrrooKvSiiaivE: cf. 592 OKv5|iaiv£ncv. The verb occurs nowhere else,
but is a variant form of 0Kv(0|jai meaning 4be angry' (see on 113).
66—7 Zeus implies that Akhilleus will have special honour, perhaps refer-
ring to Priam's gifts (cf n o ) , but he is unspecific about this. Verse 67
resembles and contrasts with 61.
6 8 — 7 0 Zeus amplifies Apollo's insistence on Hektor's piety (see on 33-4).
We should read d>s ('so') at the beginning of 68 (as in Allen's editio maior,
1931). Verses 69-70 = 4.48-9, where Zeus speaks of his special love for
Priam and his people.
71—3 These verses were athetized by Aristarchus, on the grounds that
Thetis was not really present with her son all the time: but the exaggera-
tion is quite natural. The verses refer back to 24 (see on 23-30). ¿Aoomev
is a short-vowel subjunctive, and KA£\|/ai is treated as if it were the object:
'but as for stealing, let us forget about it'. Antimachus read &nfy( a v o v
instead of I6oopev, evidently finding the phrase difficult. In 72 vhwv
"Exropos was an ancient variant (T), presumably because Opaovv was
thought inappropriate when Hektor was dead: cf. however 786. For OCIEI . . .
TrapuûPAcoKS cf. 4.11 aid TrapulufiAcoKE, again said by Zeus to Here, of
Aphrodite protecting Paris (see comment). For ¿u£>S VOKTCXS TE KCCI fjpap cf.
Od. 24.63.
7 4 A A A ' CT T15 KOA&TEIC: for this form of wish or polite request cf. 1 0 . 1 1 1
AAA* cl Tis Kal TOUAFIE UETOIXAPEVOS KaAteciEV, etc. Tactfully Zeus leaves open
which god should undertake this errand.
75—6 Zeus finally and briefly reveals the plan, which will dominate the
rest of the poem.
77-119 Iris visits Thetis in the sea, and summons her to Olumpos. They arrive and
Thetis is welcomed. Zeus then asks her to instruct her son to receive Priam and accept
the ransom for Hektor
Iris' summoning of Thetis is the first stage of a double action, the second
being her visit to Priam (143-87). Cf. 15.49-280, where Zeus sends Here
to summon Iris and Apollo, and then despatches Iris to tell Poseidon to
withdraw from the battle, and Apollo to rouse Hektor (see on 15.151-280).
Similarly, on a larger scale, the action of the Odyssey opens with the sending
of Athene to Ithaca and this is complemented in book 5 by Hermes' mission
to Kalupso's island. On the typical form of such divine messenger scenes see
Arend, Scenen 54-61. Iris' journey, however, is described in an individual
way, and by means of a vivid and unusual simile.
77 =8.409, 24.159. Iris responds at once.
284
Book Twenty-Three
78 Cf. 13.33 (Poseidon's cave) ucCTcrryyvs TtviBoio Kal "Ipppou

TraiiraAoâcrns (see comment), and 24.75 is EApov ?s T' "lp0pov. Samos is
Samothrace in these passages (see on 13.10-12).
79 Iris plunges into the sea with a great impact. The artificially length-
ened form PELAAVI (metri gratia) occurs only here in Greek, but cf. MEIAOVICOV.
iTreoTEvAxTjCTt is the reading of the majority of MSS, with the variants
iTTfOTOvAxtioc, ¿Treo-revAx1^» inccrTovAx«^, ¿TTEcrrsv&xia (cr) e. This com-
pound occurs only here in Homer; cf. Hes. Th. 843 iTTEarov&x1^ (with
variants). For AFPVRJ meaning 'sea' cf. 13.21 etc., and for sea or earth
'groaning' see on 16.389-92.
80-a She then plummets straight to the bottom like a lead weight at-
tached to a piece of ox-horn on a fishing-line. Cf. Od. 12.251-3:
cbs 8* 6 T * HRL i r p o f & A c o ¿ A i e u s TREPIP^WY £>Af35<O

I x W a i TOTJ AAiyoicrt 8<SAov KCTTA cTBorra p d A A c o v
¿S TT6VTOV TTpotricjt fk>6s x i p a s d r y p a O A o i o ,
and II. 16.406-8 for another fishing simile (see comment). A divine journey
is often illustrated by a simile; cf. 4.74-8, 15.78-83, 15.168-72, 15.236-8,
and especially Od. 5.51-4, where Hermes is compared to a sea-bird hunting
for fish, etc. (cf. Introduction, pp. 22-3).
poAOf&aiva occurs only here in Homer (cf. Hippocrates, Mul. 2.188,
etc.), and so does 0UCTO6S (Hdt. 2.28, 96, etc.); cf. PuaaoSopcuciv in the
Odyssey. The piece of horn was explained by Aristarchus (Arn/A; cf.
Plutarch, Mor. 977A, where this is ascribed to Aristotle, perhaps wrongly)
as being fastened to the line above the hook, to prevent the fish from biting
through the line. An alternative modern theory is that the piece of horn was
used as an artificial bait: cf. C. E. Haskins, Journal of Philology 19 (1891)
238-40. Other views are mentioned by A b T . O n early Greek fishing in
general see H.-G. Buchholz, Arch. Horn, j i69ff.
Plato (Ion 538D) has ¿MUEpauia in 81, and in 82 copqcrTâi prr* lyOOoi
Trfjuct, which correspond closely with variants mentioned by A (iriâ being
the reading of some city texts). ¿Mucuauta would be possible, but Trijpa is
said by A to be due to misgivings about applying the word xrjpoc to fish. Cf.
van der Valk, Researches 11 323-4.
83—6 O n arrival it is typical for a visitor to 'find' (eOpc) someone engaged
in a particular activity, and often surrounded by companions. Here Iris
finds Thetis among her nymphs, lamenting her son's coming death, whereas
immediately afterwards, when she and Thetis go to Olumpos, they find the
gods drinking, and Thetis is welcomed with a cup. The parallel language
of 83-4 and 98-9 points up the contrast. Likewise, when Thetis visits
Akhilleus she finds him among his companions, lamenting (122-4), a n d
again Iris comes upon Priam surrounded by his sons and with all his family,
285
Book Twenty-Four
in deep mourning for Hcktor (160-8). Cf. also L. Coventry, JHS 107
(1987) 179-80.
For the scene of Thetis lamenting among the nymphs cf. 18.35-64, Od.
24.47-59. Once again the poet looks forward beyond his work to Akhilleus'
death, and bT comment that *it is full of pathos to lament for one who is
still living.' Cf. the laments for Hektor at 6.500-2 and Priam at 24.327-8,
and CQ, 30 (1980) 269. For death 'far from home' see on 16.458-61,
538-40, and Griffin, HLD io6fT.
83 §vl orrfî yXa<J>upco: cf. 18.402fcvo-rrfji yXa<J>upa> (and 3X Od.).
85—6 Aristarchus (Arn/A) athetized 86 (cf. 16.461), as added to supply
the sense of ol fpeXXs, which he took as standing on its own, and meaning
'(the doom) which was destined for him'. This seems virtually impossible.
Rhianus read 6s T<SCX* IpcXXcv.
87 =2.790 etc.
88 This one-verse speech is urgent in its brevity (see on 20.428-9). Zcvrj
&$dtTd p/|6ca tl6a>s occurs only here in Homer; cf. Hes. Th. 545, 550, 561
(all in the context of Zeus's superiority over Prometheus), HyAphr 43, and
HyDem 321 A^piyrfp, KOX&I a TRCRR^p Zcvs 6$8ITCI el5cl>s. This expression
may be used here (instead of xaXhi CRC TTOT^P AvSpcov T€ 6e&v TC or Kp6vov
TT6IS AyxuXop^TTW) to give more weight to Iris' request. At any rate Thetis,
despite her reluctance, recognizes the urgency of the situation.
89 Cf. 18.127, 19.28.
90—2 uiyas 6E6$ picks up the solemn tone of 88. Thetis' unease at ming-
ling with the gods is caused by her grief and entanglement in mortal affairs.
Ixw 8' &x€" Axprra ©vptp b characteristic of Thetis in its tone of self-pity
(cf. 18.429-31, etc.). Verse 92, however, is resolute (p£v adversative, and
adding stress: 'I will go, all the same'), and in her recognition of Zeus's
authority she echoes his famous promise to her in book 1 (524-7). Cf. 224
(Priam resolved to go to Akhilleus), and Od. 2.318 cTpt piv, ou5' dcAirj 656s
loorrai f\v Ayopcvco (Telemakhos to the suitors). Thetis* words are similar
to the ending of Helen's speech at 3.399-412, where she refuses to obey
Aphrodite and visit Paris: cf. 410 KCTCTC 8* ¿YAW oux d p i . . . 412 FYCO 6' &yt'
AxpiTa Oupco (see on 399-412, 410-12).
93—7 Cf. the journey of Thetis and the Nereids at 18.60-8:
€>s &pa ^KOVFIAAAA XITT« airios' al 6k AVV a i n f j

8axpu6eocrai Toav, ircpl 61 xOpa OaXAaaris
^ Y W R O ' Tal 8* 6ft Tpolijv fpl^coXov IKOVTO,
AKT^V clcaviâivov ¿moxcpco . . .
For the sea dividing before the deities cf. also 13.29 (Poseidon's journey).
93—4 xdXuppa occurs only here in Homer, for KaXCrrrrprj (22.406 etc.).
Cf. HyDem 42 KV&VEOV 61 KaXvppa KOT* drpôiipwv pdXrr' ¿bpcov (with
286
1
Book Twenty-Three
comment). This is also the only place in Homer where the use of black in
mourning is mentioned: b T comment that 'black is suitable to a goddess
of the sea, and one who is in mourning*. §06os occurs only here in Homer,
later in Aristophanes (Av. 943, lyric; Lys. 1096, Laconian); cf. ¿061*15 in the
Odyssey.
97 AKT?)V 8* Kjavapaccti: this is Aristarchus' reading, and is said to be
that of'most texts' by Did/A. Our M S S have daavapaaai as in the parallel
passage at 18.68, and Leaf prefers this on the grounds that ¿âvafktlvEiv with
accusative rather than genitive is unusual. But cf. ¿rrporrrAv ¿{javdtpa (Epigr.
Gr. 782), and ¿£iK£o6ai with accusative (8.439, 9-479)-
98—xo2 For this scene of arrival and welcome in heaven cf. 15.84-8,
where Here arrives and finds the gods in assembly; they rise and greet her
with their cups, and she receives the cup offered by Themis. In 99 the
formula M&xapc? 0EOI ali-v £6VTE$ is Odyssean (4X ), and occurs only here in
the Iliad. It may be chosen to stress the contrast between Thetis' mourning
and the blessed life of the immortals. Thetis' reception is portrayed as
courtly and decorous: Athene, who sits in the place of honour at Zeus*s side,
gives up her seat to her. T quotes Pindar (fr. 146 Snell) of Athene: "nvp
Trviovros & TE KEpauvoO | ayx»crra 8E£I&V xcrrdt x^P*3 7T<*TP&S I I^fiai. Here's
greeting accords with her favour to Thetis at 59-61. There could hardly be
a more marked contrast with the balancing scene in book 1, where Thetis
visits Zeus privately, he tells her to leave before Here sees her, and Here at
once attacks him for receiving her (493-569).
toa dopEÊ TTtoucxa: 'handed it back when she had drunk*.
K03-19 Zeus*s speech is sympathetic (105), and he reassures Thetis that
he will continue to maintain the honour due to Akhilleus and herself. At the
same time he makes it plain that she must tell her son that he and the other
gods are severely displeased over the treatment of Hektor's corpse, and
announces his plan for Priam's visit to Akhilleus. Structurally the speech is
quite simple, with little enjambment, except in the final part (113-19).
104 for this form of greeting (usually friendly) to a visitor cf.
3.428 (scornful), Od. 16.23, »6.461, 17.41, and in later literature Alcaeus fr.
350.1 L - P , Theognis 511, Ar. Av. 680, Theocr. Id. 12.1-2, and other
examples quoted by Gow ad toe.
105 For GcActCTTOs see on 22.261. oT8a xal avrr6s is a touching expression
of sympathy, at the same time forestalling yet another of Thetis* outbursts
of self-pity (cf. 9m.). Cf. Od. 10.457 xal aim*), where Kirke is ex-
pressing sympathy for Odysseus* sufferings, and Od. 5.215 oT8a KCXI aCrrds
(Odysseus consoling Kalupso), etc.
107-9 These verses echo 23-4 and 31. In 108 "ExTopos vixw meaning
'the corpse of Hektor* may be paralleled by 17.240 vixv/os norrpAxAoio; such
expressions occur later (e.g. Hdt. 1.140.1, 3.16); for disyllabic vbcj\ cf.
287
Book Twenty-Three
16.521-611. In 109 the vulgate reading is ¿Tpuvcoxov as at 24, whereas the

Massaliote and Chian texts read drpOvoooiv. Either seems possible; the
former could derive from 24, but the latter could equally well be an unnec-
essarily fussy correction (van der Valk, Researches 11 167, and Macleod's
comment).
110 KOSOS must refer at least primarily to the honour which Akhilleus
will receive from Priam's ransom (cf. 119). The expression kG&os
"irpoadrrroiv is found only here in Homer; cf. Pindar, N. 8.36-7 KA§os . . .
"rrpoodvpco, etc., and the Homeric hrl KOBos Khyccv (23.400). Zenodotus and
Aristarchus (in his Against Comanus) and some of our MSS read irpoifrrrroj,
with the sense of irpoidXXco, but this verb seems inappropriate here. On the
present tense for immediate future see 16.849-500.; it is especially appro-
priate to an announcement by Zeus.
1x1 'With the intention of preserving your respect and friendship in
future*: this could mean either Zeus's respect for her or vice versa, but more
probably the former. Cf. 18.386, where Thetis is described by Hcphaistos
as ai6ofq TC TC, and similarly 14.210, 10.114.
113 axu(£0$cn in //. is used particularly of the gods (4.23, 8.460, 8.483),
once of Akhilleus (9.198). Cf. 65 AwooxuSpaivc (Here), 592 (Patroklos).
115 Hektor himself had asked Akhilleus to ransom his body if he killed
him (22.258-9).
116 OTKCV TTOOS is unexpectedly courteous after 1 1 2 - 1 5 , in harmony with
Zeus's tactful handling of Thetis. Cf. Athene to Akhilleus at 1.207, at KI
TifOriai (see comment). But there is still an ominous note of warning in tpt
. . . 6C1ot).
«17—19 This is the second prong of the double action: see 77-1190.
Before XuoaoGai (etc.) we must understand 'to tell him to*. Verses 1 1 8 - 1 9
are repeated at 146-7, 195-6, and with variation at 175-6. This fourfold
repetition is surely not just a formular device, but is designed to bring out
the importance of this central theme.
119 Cf. the gifts of Agamemnon to Akhilleus at 19.172-4: bi 6£>pa . . .
olofrco . . . Iva . . . au tyjcol afjaiv lavGrjs. This serves to remind us that it
is the second time in the poem that Akhilleus will receive gifts, laivctv seems
to be used in the Iliad particularly of appeasement: cf. 15.103, 23.598,
23.600.
120-42 Thetis comes to Akhilleus and d livers her message. Akhilleus at once consents
tao—7 Thetis' journey and arrival are described in largely formular terms,
combining features of 'messenger' and 'arrival' scenes: cf. Arend, Scenen
28ff. (especially 29 n. 1). For 122-5 s e c o n 83-6. Akhilleus' abstention from
food is emphasized by Theds in her address to him (129).
104 ivrvvovr' ¿kpurrov: the reading hovvovro must be wrong, as the
288
Book Twenty-Three
alpha of &pt<rrov is long. This is due to the tendency to write words in full
without elision in ancient texts. This word for the early-morning meal
occurs only here in //., once in Od. (16.2), as Arn/A and T note.
1 3 5 This brief description of a sacrifice is untypical. 615 AAatos is used
only here (AAtnos 4.x //., i x Od.), and the form Upcuro is odd: it is
presumably pluperfect, but one would expect a form with long iota. The
short vowel may be metri gratia (cf. Leaf, Chantraine, GH1 422).
1 3 6 - 4 3 Thetis' dialogue with her son recalls some of the language and
themes of her first visit in the balancing scene at 1.357-430. Verses 126-7
echo 1.360-1, and Thetis again begins by asking why Akhilleus is lament-
ing (128-30, 1.362-3), although here she is advising him not to go on doing
so to no purpose. Her reference to his coming death (131-2) echoes 1.417—
18, as well as her other predictions of his fate (18.95-6 etc.). Her instruc-
tions to him from Zeus (133-7) contrast with 1.393-412, where Akhilleus
charges her with his request to Zeus for honour: here (although she does not
say so) Zeus has promised him honour (110), but only if he accepts Priam's
ransom. Moreover, in book 1 Akhilleus expressed his own anger and griev-
ance at the dishonour done to him, whereas here it is the gods who are angry
with him, on account of the dishonouring of Hektor's corpse. It is in this
context that Thetis speaks of the need for Akhilleus not only to eat but also
to sleep with a woman (130-1), and although the woman is not named,
when Akhilleus finally sleeps it is with Briseis at his side (675-6). T h e poet
must surely be looking back to the theme of book 1, the quarrel over Briseis
and Agamemnon's removal of her, which Akhilleus described there in his
speech to his mother (365-92).
1 3 8 p^xpis *s used only here in Homer, and p^xpi o n c c a t 13.143, instead
of the commoner 6xpi(s), in order to avoid hiatus. For 68up6pcvos xal
Axcvcov | cf. 9.612.
1 3 9 afjv £8ECU xpa6iqv: cf. 6.202 6v 6up6v xcniScov, 6 u u 6 v I 8 O V T C S (etc.)
Od. 9.75 = 10.143, a n d <0.379 where (as here) this is combined with fasting
because of unhappiness. See also on 617.
130-3 These verses were athetized by Aristarchus (Am/A, T ) , as im-
proper for a mother to say to her son and also as unsuitable advice before
fighting. In 130 TTtp must be taken as emphasizing the whole phrase yuvaixi
. . . uicryeoBai (cf. Denniston, Particles 482). For ywancl -rrcp (in this position)
cf. Od. 11.441. For 131-2 cf. 16.852-3 (the dying Patroklos to Hektor), oO
8qv o 0 8 ' ctirr6s 6 r j p 6 v etc. (see comment).
133 Cf. 2.26 = 63 (vvv 8' tu£6ev, etc.), said by the Dream to Agamemnon.
134-7 The first three verses repeat the message of 1 1 3 - 1 5 , and 137
summarizes the point of 1 1 7 - 1 9 , without however mentioning who it is
who will bring the ransom. For U in 134, replacing t\ii in 113, cf. 20.171;
Chantraine, GH 1 264.
139-40 Akhilleus' reply is brief and to the point. He accepts at once
289
Book Twenty-Three
without showing any sign of hesitation, but his tone might seem almost
dismissive, as if he does not want to think further about the whole issue. T h e
O C T punctuates Tfj5' cfty 6s . . . , and so does Leaf. This means 'let it be so:
may he who brings the ransom take away the corpse*. TT|6E for oCnrcos or OO6E
is, however, unusual in Homer, and in cases such as 14.107, 17.640 ETT) &S
. . . means 'let there be someone who would . . . ' If we take Tfj6E in its usual
sense of 'here* and delete the colon we could translate 'let the man be here
who would bring the ransom and take the corpse*. This is still rather
awkward, and a third alternative, given by b T , was to treat EITJ as an
anomalous form of clyi [ibo), instead of T01 or lelq (19.209). This occurs
nowhere else (Chantraine, GH1 285), but it is possible that the poet took it
as such in this form of expression (see Macleod, comparing Od. 14.407-8
Tdxiord pot EvSov ¿Tatpot | ETEV). For *rrp6$povi 0i/ua> meaning 'whole-
heartedly* cf. 8.23 irp6$pcov (of Zeus), and similarly 8.39-40 = 22.183-4.
For Akhilleus* immediate assent to a divine request T aptly compares
1.216-18.
141-a This variation on the formular <2>s ol pfcv Toiav/Ta "rrp6s AXXfjXous
<5ry6pEV0V suggests with delicate pathos that mother and son remain talking
for a long time, aware of how little time Akhilleus has left to live. T o leave
them thus together is a most unusual way of closing the scene, as normally
the divine visitor would return to heaven. Another remarkable case of
unreported speech occurs in the scene between Priam and Akhilleus (632).
tv VTJCBV ¿cyupEi is a variant of VEWV (VTJWV)FCVAywvi (15.428 etc.); cf. 16.661
£v vExCftov AyupEi.
143-87 Zew instructs Iris to visit Priam, and to tell him to go to Akhilleus with gifts
of ransom, promising that Hermes will be his escort. Iris comes to Priam, andfinds him
and his family in deepest grief. She delivers her message
144-58 This is the second stage of Zeus's plan (see on 7 7 - 1 1 9 ) . This speech
is again measured in tone, especially the last part (152-8), which contains
hardly any enjambment.
144 fWtox' T0», Tlpi TaxEia: cf. 8.399 etc.
145 This is a rather compressed way of saying 'Go to Troy and tell Priam
. . . *; cf. 143, and Od. 4.775 IRF) TTOV TIS frrayyEiXTjoi xal ETOCO.
«46—7 = 1 1 8 - 1 9 . Verse 148 is an important addition, with the emphatic
oTov and the following explanatory phrase to stress it. The ancient variant
oTos (also in 177) probably arose because of the shift to direct speech in this
verse. The accusative follows on after I6vr(a) in 146, and this goes closely
with the infinitive Auaaodat.
1 4 9 - 5 1 These verses are then a kind of qualification of 148: 'let no
Trojan man go with him: but a herald should accompany him, an older man,
290
Book Twenty-Three
to drive . . . ' The herald's office and age would help to ensure safr-conduct
(cf. bT). This version differs significantly from the usual one in later art and
literature. In artistic representations of Priam and Akhilleus from the sixth
century onward, Priam was normally accompanied by a retinue of atten-
dants (sometimes including women): cf. Johansen, Iliad in Early Greek Art
1 2 7 - 3 8 (but cf. 4 9 - 5 1 for a sixth-century bronze relief on which Priam is
accompanied only by Hermes). Likewise in Aeschylus' Phrygians or The
Ransoming of Heklor the chorus was composed of Priam's attendants:
Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta m (ed. Radt) p. 3 6 4 . Cf. also LIMC vol. 1 . 1 ,
pp. 1 4 7 - 6 1 , 1 . 2 , pp. 1 2 1 - 9 . Priam's visit to Akhilleus was the most popular
scene to be represented in Greek and Roman art of all the episodes in the
Iliad (UMC 1 . 1 , p. 1 6 1 ) .
1 5 0 ^(uóvous Kcd &ua£av ¿Orpoxov: cf. 1 8 9 , 2 6 6 , 7 1 1 &iia£orv éOrpo/ov
(íjpiovilqv), Od. 6 . 3 7 I /|pióvovs xal &pa£av.
1 5 2 Cf. 1 0 . 3 8 3 Oápctt, ur)6é T ! TOI Oávcrros KorraOOpios lorco. Odvcrros and
Tápaos are virtually a hendiadys for 'fear of death'. Tápaos occurs only here
and in the repeated line 1 8 1 in Homer, but is common in Attic tragedy; cf.
Tccp^clv.
1 5 3 - 4 This kind of reassurance of divine aid is clearly traditional. Cf.
2i-288(n.), and especially 1 5 . 2 5 4 - 7 :
Bápcrct vOv* TOTÓV TOI Aoooiyrf^pa Kpovicov

"I6R¡S -rrpoéqKE irapcoráucvai Kal ápúvtiv,
Ooípov 'ATTÓAAGOVCX (etc.)
a n d Od. 4.825-8:
Oápoci, PI^SÉ TI IRÉTYXU prrót 4>pcol 8cl8i0t ÁÍRJV

Tolrj y á p ol TTOMTTÓS Épx«Tai...
TláXAos "AOnvalti...
Here, however, TTOMTTÓS is especially suitable for Hermes and is used again
of him at 1 8 2 , 4 3 7 , 4 3 9 , and 4 6 1 .
1 3 4 - 5 6s • - • Aycov... óryéryrjaiv: emphatic repetition. In 6s á£a the
first syllable is treated as long, as in 2 2 . 2 3 6 (etc.), but it seems unnecessary
to read (for example) 6s f * fi£ti (conjectured by Brandreth; cf. Leaf), loco
occurs only here ( » 1 8 4 ) in //., 4 X Od., instead of cToxo. In the later artistic
representations (see on 1 4 9 - 5 1 ) Hermes i often portrayed as actually
present in Akhilleus' hut. Cf. 4 6 0 - 9 , where he leaves Priam at the entrance.
157-8 b T comment that the three epithets &$pcov, ¿OKOTTOS and
&XiTf|iiG>v refer concisely to the three sources of wrong-doing, folly, care-
lessness and deliberate malice, and that Zeus is defending Akhilleus against
Apollo's charge at 4 0 - 5 . For the emphatic triple negative prefixes ('priva-
tive tricolon'), common in moral and religious contexts, cf. 9 . 6 3 6$p/jTt»>p
291
i
Book Twenty-Four
ócOéiiionros ávécrnos, and later examples in Fraenkel, Aeschylus, Agamemnon n

217. &CTKOTTOS ('heedless') and <5CAITT)|JCOV are found only here and at 1 8 6
in early epic; OCOKOTTOS recurs in Parmenides { 1 . 3 5 ) and tragedy, ócAiTripcov
in Hellenistic poetry. For évBuKécos ('with kindness') see on 2 3 . 9 0 . Akhilleus'
respect for suppliants and the defeated was shown in the past, before the
main action of the poem began: cf. 1 . 8 4 - 91 (Kalkhas), 6 . 4 1 4 - 1 9 (Eetion),
etc.
159 = 7 7 etc. Here, however, the poet omits any description of Iris'
journey, in contrast to 78 -82.
160-70 For Iris' arrival and the scene of mourning which she finds see
on 8 3 - 6 , 1 2 0 - 7 . this case the manifestations of grief are much more
extreme; cf. their immediate reactions to Hektor's deatfi at 2 2 . 4 0 5 - 2 8 .
160 ÉVOTTTJ is associated specifically with the Trojans at 3 . 2 , 1 0 . 1 3 ,
1 6 . 7 8 2 , 1 7 . 7 1 4 ; cf. E. Ba. 1 5 9 lv Opuyiaicri {ÔAIS IVOTTCCÍCTÍ TE.
162 SócKpi/cnv EÍIÍCCT' ítyupov: cf. Od. 1 7 . 1 0 3 etc. AÍEI Scncpua' éjiolai
TTE<}>i/p|iÉvr). The verb occurs only here in //., 5X Od.
163 ÉVWTRAS év XÂÍV^ KEKCXAVJUUEVOS literally must mean 'covered in his
cloak in such a way as to show the impression of his body' (so Arn/A,
b T ) . IVTUTTCKS occurs only here and then in Apollonius Rhodius ( 1 . 2 6 4 ,
2 . 8 6 1 ) and Quintus of Smyrna ( 5 . 5 3 0 ) ; cf. é v w m x o ('mould', 'impress') in
Aristotle etc. It could well have been coined by the poet for this occasion,
as a graphic and concise way of indicating Priam's despair. Cf. Odysseus'
covering of his head so that the Phaeacians should not see his tears at Od.
8.84 -6. Aeschylus is said to have portrayed the grieving Akhilleus and
Niobe seated in silence, with their faces similarly covered (Ar. Ran. 9 1 1 - 1 3
with Trag. Graec. Frag. 111 ed. Radt, pp. 2 3 9 - 4 0 , 265ff., 3 6 5 - 6 ) . Eustathius
(I343-6off.) links this scene in the Iliad with the Aeschylean ones. Cf. vase-
paintings of the mourning Akhilleus (Johansen, Iliad in Early Greek Art
1 2 3 - 4 , I56ff., etc.), and O . Taplin, HSCP 7 6 ( 1 9 7 2 ) 5 8 - 7 6 . In Euripides'
Hercules Furens ( 1 1 5 9 - 1 2 3 4 ) the mourning Herakles covers his head, partly
from shame and partly lest he pollute Theseus. In art the painter Semanthes
of Sicyon was thought to have been inspired by Homer in his portrayal of
Agamemnon with his head covered at the sacrifice of Iphigeneia (Eust.
loc. cit.).
163—5 Priam's rolling in and covering himself with dung echoes 2 2 . 4 1 4

(see comment). KorrapÓEiv ( 1 6 5 ) occurs only here in Homer; cf. Od. 9 . 2 4 7
ápr)crá|iEVos, Od. 5 . 4 8 2 ÉTra|ir)acxTO.
166—8 Priam's daughters and daughters-in-law lament for all those war-
riors who have been killed, not only Hektor; cf. 6 . 2 4 2 - 5 0 for the 'extended
family' structure of Priam's palace (with 2 2 . 5 9 - 6 5 ) , Od. 3 . 4 5 1 ©uyorrépES TE
vuoí TE. T h e spondaic ending cbSúpovTo of 166 is appropriate: cf. Theocr.
Id. 1 . 7 1 , 7 5 .
292
Book Twenty-Three
170 Iris speaks quietly, possibly lest she be heard by Priam's family, but
most probably to avoid alarming him (so bT); yet he is still terrified at the
divine epiphany (see Richardson on HyDem 1 8 8 - 9 0 , pp. 208 and 2 1 0 - 1 1 ) .
TVT66V means 'softly', 'in a low voice'; cf. the later U£ya, pttcpAv Aiyciv. A
god appears to one person alone at 1 . 1 9 8 , 1 5 . 2 4 3 - 6 2 .
171-4 Iris begins by reassuring Priam, a common response by gods to
the fear of those who are visited by them: see on 153-4, and cf. HyAphr 193
ddpo», ixr\bi Tt ofjoi prrdt $pe<xl 8si8i0i Alrjv, Hy. 7.55-7, etc.
1 7 a For KOK6V AOCTOU^VT) cf. 1 . 1 0 5 K<SCK* ¿aadpevos. T 6 5 * IK&VOO probably
means 'I have come to this (place)'; see on 1 4 . 2 9 8 - 9 .
173-4 Cf. 2 . 2 6 - 7 ( 1 7 4 = 27), with comment. Avev/tev kov implies that
despite the physical remoteness of Zeus he is still concerned with human
affairs.
175-87 These verses are closely modelled on Zeus's instructions at 146-
58. It is striking that Priam does not repeat Iris' promise of a divine escort
when he relates her message to Hekabe ( 1 9 4 - 6 ) , and even when he meets
Hermes he does not realize who he is. Throughout all the following episodes
Priam's journey is seen as a great and perilous enterprise. This is dramati-
cally effective and psychologically realistic. Priam's experience of divine
reassurance in no way detracts from his sense of risk and anxiety.
188-227 Briam orders his sons to prepare the waggon, and tells Hekabe of Iris' visit.
She tries to dissuade him, but he insists on going
188 = 8.425 e t c .
189—90 &pct£av . . . /jvcbyci: cf. 150 etc., Od. 6.37 fjiuAvous xal Apaâv
tyoirAfaai. The order for the preparation of the waggon is left unfulfilled,
until it is repeated at 2 6 3 - 4 more urgency, thus framing the interven-
ing scenes: cf. Edwards, HPI306.
190 trtlpivs occurs only in this episode (cf. 267) in II.; cf. Od. 15.131. It
was explained in antiquity as a wicker-work basket tied on to the top of the
vehicle to hold baggage (AbT etc.), and this fits the Odyssey passage, where
it is attached to a chariot. Cf. J. Wiesner, Arch. Horn, F 5-6.
191—a Cf. 6.288 afrrf) 6' 6AAapov KorTc^ârro KT)<i>€VTa (this contained
a store of fine garments), and for similar basement store-chambers cf. Od.
«•337-47» I5-99- 1 0 8 («5-99 //. 2 4 . 1 9 1 ) . It is dignified by the epithets
ic£6pivov C*(/6po$ov. The first occurs only here in Homer; cf. Od. 5.60 K&pou,
said to be the prickly cedar, Juniperus oxycedrus (cf. Hainsworth ad loc.). For
Cftf>6po$os cf. 3.423 0\|/6po$ov OAAapov, and 24.317. yAVjvea, from yAf^vos, is
a Homeric hapax. According to bT it survived in Elean dialect as a word for
'possessions', and it recurs in Hellenistic poetry; cf. yAt^vrj (8.164 etc.),
TpiyArjvos ( 1 4 . 1 8 3 etc.). The best sense here would be 'treasures', 'precious
293
Book Twenty-Three
things', and it may be linked etymologically with yaA^vri, y&cos, etc., with
the basic sense of'shining' (Chantraine, Diet. s.v.). For *EX<irv&£> cf. 23.268,
Od. 4.96. One papyrus reads KEXAVSEI, and there was another variant
KCKEV&I in the Massaliote text (cf. Did/A, T). Analogy with AiXoy\a etc.
suggests that x^xovSa may well be the original form (cf. Chantraine, GH1
427, Wackernagel, Kleine Schriften 1 825).
193. This verse is an untypical speech-introduction (cf. 3.161 TTplapos 6'
*EA£vrjv ¿KaXtacraTO $<ov?j). Priam calls Hekabe to join him in the store-
chamber, and then addresses her. For the scansion -dv 'Exd^v cf. 16.716-
2on.
194—9 Priam's account of his vision is extremely brief, repeating only the
crucial message (195-6 = 118-19; see on 117-19,175-87). He asks his wife
for her opinion, but when she gives it he refuses to listen: a good piece of
psychological observation. b T observe that he has already made up his
mind, but behaves in a typically human way in asking for his wife's support.
His speech contains what may be some reflections of colloquial style, such
as Baipovlr), a familiar form of address (like 'my dear') which sometimes
suggests remonstrance but here probably just affection (cf. E. Brunius-
Nilsson, AAIMONIE, Uppsala 1955, i2ff., and see on 1.561). In 197 T! TOI
$pecrlv ET&ETCU sTvat; may be a colloquial way of saying 'how does the
situation look from your point of view?', and in 198 aiv&s (like English
'terribly') is probably drawn from everyday speech: it occurs 19X in //., of
which 15 are in speeches, and 13X 0d.t always in speeches (see also on
3.158). For the form AI66EV (194, 561, 15.489) see on 15.489.
198—9 Priam's assertion that his desire to go to Akhilleus coincides with
the divine command is an example of the familiar pattern of 'double
motivation'; cf. 8.218-19, 9.702-3, 11.714-17, etc.
200—16 Hekabe reacts to Priam's proposal with horror and incredulity,
as well she might, for it sounds a lunatic scheme. Her speech is in the
strongest language, directly reflecting her deepest feelings: 'have you gone
crazy?' (201-2), 'your heart is made of iron' (205), 'a ravenous, faithless
man he is' (207), 'if only I could fasten my teeth into the middle of his liver
and eat it' (212-13). Much of this could reflect colloquial idioms. There is
frequent enjambment throughout, expressing her agitation, and in the long
sentence from 209 to 216 the sense develops and changes direction with
Hekabe's train of thought, reflecting her mixture of reasoning, pity and
bitter hatred (cf. bT 209-16, Eust. 1345.23). The protest of Eurukleia at
the news of Telemakhos' intended journey in Od. 2.361-70 may echo this
speech (24.200 ~ Od. 2.361, 203 ~ 364-5, 208-9 ~ 369-70). Cf. Beck,
Stellung 107-9.
200 For xcoKuacv see on 2 2 . 4 0 7 - 9 . For the pattern of this verse cf. 4 2 4 <2>s
yfi0n<rcv 6£ ytpcov, xal ¿uefpero P06TJ> (and 5 7 1 = 1 . 3 3 ) . ¿iiEiprro
294
Book Twenty-Three
p06a> occurs only here in //., 3X Od. (and ^PCI^CTO uOScp 5X); cf. 3.171
UtrOoioiv 6uciprro (with comments on 3.161, 437), and M. W. Edwards,
HSCP 74 (1970) 9-10. Aristarchus read &W|pero here (Did/A, T).
901-9 Cf. 5.472 "Enrrop, Trrj 8f| TOI |i£vo? olyrrat 6 irplv Ey*7**?' o!x«o6ai
is similarly used at 13.219-20. IKAC' for £KA4EO is unusual; cf. Chantraine,
GH1 73. This verb occurs only here in //., 3X Od.
203-5 These verses are echoed by Akhilleus at 519-21 (TT&S §TAT}S etc.).
oTo$ is emphatic. Hekabe has not been told this, but assumes it quite
naturally. For &v6p6s H 6<|>6dApov/s cf. 462-3, and for the oblique reference
to Akhilleus see on 22.38. For oi6V|pciov . . . f)Top cf. 22.357 f\ y i p aol ye
oi6/)pcos tv 4>pEcrl 6up6s, 20.372, etc.
After 205 there was an extra verse in some ancient texts:
AtWcvorroi TTOITJOOV "OAunina Bcbparr' IXOVTES (Am/A)
¿ddvorroi Troirioav oT oCpav6v cvpuv fyouoiv (T)
This was clearly added to supply a verb after 205.
906—8 Verse 206 is a natural form of hysteron proteron (cf. bT). cbnTjorfjs
in 207 is only used here of a person in Homer; it is justified by 22.346-7,
and echoed by Hekabe's own wish at 212-13. d>UTjcrrf|5 . . . 6 ye are a
parenthesis. For Akhilleus' lack of IAEOS and alScos see on 44-5.
908-9 &VCU&V probably means 'away from Hektor', as in 211, emphasiz-
ing the contrast with normal rites of mourning and burial; see on 22.508
(v6oî Toxfjoov). fjutvoi implies their helpless inactivity, as at 540-2 etc.
909—10 For this expression and the idea of Destiny as the spinner of one's
fate at birth cf. 20.127-8 (with comment), Od. 7.197-8. If we take d>s as
'thus' here (cf. Leaf) the sentence is complete, whereas if it means 'as* there
must be an anacoluthon at 213. The first seems slightly preferable, but
given Hekabe's state of mind the second is possible.
911 ¿pylirous occurs only here in Homer, and once in Sophocles (Ajax
237); cf. KUVES (ir66a$) ¿cpyoi (etc.) 3 X II., 3 X Od. The unusual epithet
adds vividness to what is already a painfully realistic expression.
919—13 Hekabe's wish that she might fasten on and devour Akhilleus'
liver is, in its precision of language, even more awful than the similar but
vaguer allusions to eating someone raw at 4.34-6 and 22.346-7. irpoo$Gvai
(only here in It.) is used once in the Odyssey (12.433) of Odysseus clinging
to a tree 'like a bat', to escape Skulla and Kharubdis. It perhaps suggests a
leech here.
913 T6T* &V TIT6 Ipya ylvoiTo: ancient opinion was divided between fitv
TIT<& and ftv-rrra, but in view of Od. 17.51 ( = 60) at id rro6t ZEOS Avrira Ipya
TCA&TCTTI, we should probably read the latter here too. The word seems to be
from &VT{-TITOS by haplography (cf. LfgrE s.v.); cf. TraAlvriTa Ipya 2 X Od.
914—16 Hekabe naturally remembers only Hektor's courage in facing
295
Book Twenty-Four
Akhilleus, and not his flight. KOKi£ec78ai ('play the coward') occurs only here
in Homer; cf. E. Med. 1246, etc. For 215 cf. the end of Andromakhe's speech
at 22.514 (hence probably the variant TTpis here). In 216 <J>6pov means
'flight', as often in Homer, and AAECopfis 'shelter' (cf. 15.533^).
217 This name-epithet formula for Priam is used only in book 24,
always in speech-introductions (7X), except for 483 (accusative). In the
context of Priam's journey and meeting with Akhilleus it emphasizes his
piety and godlike character.
2 1 8 — 2 7 Priam's reply is unexpectedly resolute, putting Hekabe firmly in
her place. Notice the emphatic placing of initial words in 222-6: VÊGSOS . . .
vuv 8' . . . ETJJI . . . T£9v6cp£vcct . . . FK>uAouai.
2 1 8 - 1 9 UT)8E . . . TTEAEU: KorrEpvK&vco for KorrepuKCO occurs only here. T h e
'evil omen' is Hekabe's own speech with its foreboding of death. Cf. 12.243
ETS oicovos apionros 6U0VECT6CXI TtEpt 7T<5rrpr|$. A 'bird of omen' within one's
own house would be paradoxical and even worse in its implications than
something outside one's home. Cf. Hesiod's ominous crow perching on one's
roof, Erga 747 (with West's comment). For the scansion opvls see on 12.218.
OU8E P£ TTEICTEIS (6x //., i x Od.) is extremely decisive here: cf. 18.126, in a
similar context.
2 2 0 - 4 Scepticism about or suspicion of prophecies and religious phe-
nomena or characters runs through Greek literature: in the Iliad cf. 1.106-
8, 12.237-43. Here the language echoes Nestor's when he was expressing
his opinion about Agamemnon's dream at 2.80-2 (and 222 = 2.81); see on
2 . 8 0 - 1 . In 221 P&VTJES . . . OUOCTKOOJ should probably be taken together:
0UOCTK6OS means 'one who examines a sacrifice' (cf. haruspex), and recurs in
the Odyssey (3X). Cf. the probable distinction at 1.62-3 between U&VTIS,
UpEUS and ¿VEipotroAos.
223 T h e insistence on the personal experience, by hearing and direct
vision, of a divine epiphany, is characteristic of such assertions of faith: cf.
(e.g.) Od. 3.420 (fvapyris), and in the New Testament, St John's First
Epistle 1 . 1 - 3 , etc.
224 eTui . . . laaETat: cf. 92 (Thetis).
226—7 pouAopai is an emphatic runover word: 'I am ready'. Priam ends
by expressing his willingness to die, if only he might first clasp his son in his
arms and relieve his longing for lamentation. For this form of extreme wish
('may I die if only . . . ' ) cf. Od. 7.224-5 I86vra p£ Kal Ainrot alcbv | icrfjcnv
(etc.), HyAphr 1 5 3 - 4 |3ovAoipT)v KEV ITTEITCI . . . | oris EUVFIS ITNFI&s 60vai
86pov "A't'6o$ ETCTCO. It is quite common later (cf. Garvie on A. Cho. 438, etc.).
Priam really means it here (cf. 244-6).
228—80 Priam selects the precious possessions which he will take as ransom. He then
drives the Trojans out of his palace with an angry speech, and bitterly reproaches his
296
Book T w e n t y - T h r e e
remaining sons, telling them once again to prepare and load the waggon. They obey,
and these preparations are described
The precision with which the preparations for Priam's journey are de-
scribed adds to its significance: 2 6 5 - 7 4 give an account of the equipment of
a waggon unparalleled in Homer. At the same time the tension and misery
of the old man can only find relief in the outbursts of anger with which he
drives away the Trojans and expresses his contempt for his living sons. This
is in marked contrast with the portrayal of him elsewhere as moderate
and kind (T 2 4 8 compares 3 . 1 0 3 , 2 4 . 7 7 0 ) , and the poet observes with fine
insight the state of mind of someone in this almost unbearable situation.
Cf. Reinhardt, luD 475: 'Nowhere else in the Iliad or in the Odyssey is the
character of old age portrayed thus.' In later Greek literature one could
think of parallels: above all old Oidipous in Sophocles' last play.
228 4»copiapot, meaning 'chests', recurs in Homer only at Od. 1 5 . 1 0 4 ,
where again they contain fine -nirrAoi, and the scene is one of preparations
for the departure of Telemakhos from Sparta (see on 281-321). Later it was
used only by Apollonius Rhodius (3.802) and Nonnus, but there was a
place-name Ocopiauol in Elis (Stephanus Byzantius). The etymology is
uncertain: perhaps connected with $£pco, $cbp, etc. (Chantraine, Diet. s.v.).
¿-rriffriiia is a Homeric hapax; cf. Hipponax 56, etc.
2 2 9 - 3 7 The list of gifts resembles that at Od. 2 4 . 2 7 4 - 9 , where 2 7 6 -
7 ~ II. 24.230-1, and seven talents of gold and a silver mixing-bowl are
included. Verse 2 3 2 , however, is repeated from 1 9 . 2 4 7 (with tycpev for
'OBuotus), in the list of gifts of Agamemnon to Akhilleus. Here it may be an
interpolation (see comment). The ransom would then consist of fine cloth-
ing, blankets or rugs, and precious vessels.
229 TT^TTAOI are usually women's garments, but at 7 9 6 are used to cover
Hektor's corpse at his burial, and at 5.194 to cover chariots.
230 dnrAoTs is found only here and in the repeated verse at Od. 2 4 . 2 7 6 ,
and later once in the Greek Anthology (Agathias, AP 5 . 2 9 3 ) as a noun mean-
ing 'single garment' (like dTrAqyls); cf. Si-rrAc^ ( 3 . 1 2 6 etc.), xAalva 8rrrAii
( 1 0 . 1 3 3 - 4 ) , ar> d the later BmAoTs ('double cloak'). T<5rmyr£S are rugs or
blankets used to cover furniture or beds (see on 9 . 2 0 0 ) .
231 The vulgate reading is xctAd as in Od. 2 4 . 2 7 7 , but the variant ACVK6
is more likely to be right, in view of ircpticaAAtas at 229 and mpixaAAis at
234. Whereas a xAaTvct was woollen, the $apo$ was almost certainly made
of linen, hence the colour; cf. 1 8 . 3 5 3 ^ P 6 1 ACVKCO. On these garments see
Lorimer, HM 3 7 0 - 5 , S. Marinatos, Arch. Horn, A 6 - 1 1 .
232 = 19 247. Here the verse breaks the run of the passage (i^cAe . . . IK
8 1 . . .foe8 1 . . . ) , and tyepcv is unsuitable as Priam is taking things from the
chests. Also the idea of weighing has been thought unnecessary here, as no
exact amount has been specified, but that is a minor objection. Leaf argued
297
Book Twenty-Four
oil these grounds for interpolation, and he could well be right (so also
Macleod). The reference to gold at 22.351-12 and in the later tradition of
the ransoming (see comment there) could have led to the insertion.
«33 Cf. 9.122-3 (etc.) FRRR' ¿rrrvpovs TptoroSas . . . | aI6covas A^TOS
¿cfitocn...
234—7 The most valuable object is the cup given to Priam when he went
on an embassy by the Thracians. Cf. 11.632 TT&p 81 5frras TTEpixaAA^s, 6
OTKOOEV f j y ' 6 yepaiAs (Nestor's cup). The Thracians were suitable donors,
as heavy drinkers (T), as well as near neighbours of the Trojans, tÊat^ ('a
mission*) recurs at Od. 21.20 (¿^coirjv . . . fjAOev), and later in Callimachus
(fr. 82.4 Pf.). Forlôiqv (acc. of respect, 'on a mission') cf. 4.384 etc. »aipas
means 'a present' here; see on 38. 6 yipcov in 236 perhaps has a touch of
pa the», as at (e.g.) 1.33,8.87 (so b T on both these verses), and the whole of
235-7 (o054 . . . vl6v) are added to stress the great worth of this possession,
Trtpl 8 * . . . being explanatory ('for he longed intensely ...*). The poet gives
us an insight into the old man's mind.
239 fpp€(Ti) is always a violent word (cf. 8.164 c t c - and see on 22.498),
and AtofjTyrfip is abusive (2.275, 11.385). For ¿AEyxks see on 4.242, and cf.
the abusive xdx* lAfyxear at 2.235 etc.
239—40 oO w xal upiv . . . K"n8fyrovTfs: 'Haven't you enough of your own
to weep for at home, that you have come to tend my grief?' KrjSâovrts
seems to be a word-play, for K/JSEIV means 'to cause distress', but KT)5OS etc.
is used of mourning (cf. XTJBEVEIV of attending to a corpse, i.e. burial-rites).
So here by their grief the mourners only give Priam worse distress (cf. T ) .
241 fj 6v6oao6*: this was Aristarchus' reading (Did/A), from fivopat,
meaning 'have you made light of it, t h a t . . . ? ' It looks like a conjecture for
the vulgate reading o0veo6«, which can be explained as the second person
plural indicative of 6VOMOI, with epic lengthening, or as a misspelling of the
imperfect <J>VEO9E. In both cases the sense will be virtually the same as that
of Aristarchus' reading, and the closest parallel is Od. 17.378 (Antinoos
abusing Eumaios) fj 6vooai 6ri TOI ploTov KcrriSoucnv ftvaicros (etc.). For
KpovISns Zri>s &Ayt' I8O>KE cf. 2.375; 1 8.431.
242 TTOU6* 6Aiaai T6V fiptcrrov is 'to lose the best of sons', in apposition to
fiAyea, and ¿rr&p YVDXIEOOT xal OUUES 'but you yourselves shall learn*, i.e. by
bitter experience, what this means; cf. 8.406 etc.
043-4 Cf. 18.258 £>r)tTEpoi TTOAEPIÊIV, etc. Here the comparative is redu-
plicated by uaAAov: cf. 334, LSJ s.v. uAAa 11 2.
2 4 4 - 6 aCrrAp fycoy« . . . c!cro>: for this type of 'death-wish' cf. especially
6.464-5 (at the end of Hektor's speech to Andromakhe, envisaging her
capture), and 4.182, 8.150. The reduplication of the long participles in 245
adds greater force.
247 fj, xal axTyrravfcjj 5(ETT' Avipas: cf. 13.59 K a * OKnrovlcp, and 2.207
298
1
Book Twenty-Four
&S & ye Kotporv&ov 6ierrc crrparrdv, where Odysseus is restoring order in the
army, using the sceptre to do so. 8lerre means 'he controlled them', i.e. drove
them out of the palace.
248-51 This list of Priam's sons contains some well-known names
(Helenos, Paris, Polites, Deiphobos), and others which occur only here
and may be invented by the poet for the occasion. The names Agathon,
Pammon, Antiphonos and Dios do not recur in the poem, and in the case
of ATov &yau6v there was debate as to which word was the proper name,
Phcrecydes being quoted in favour of Dios (Arn/A, T). Hippothoos recurs
as a leader of the Pelasgians (2.840), killed at 17.298-303. The shadowy
character of some of them emphasizes Priam's point that his favourite sons
are dead.
253-64 Priam's bitter invective, now directed at his own sons, begins in
a way structurally similar to the previous speech (239 ~ 253), and then
returns to the cause of his grief, with its emphatic repetition of Hektor's
name at the beginning of 254 and 258. The opening is picked up in the
magnificently contemptuous description of the remaining sons at 261-2 as
parasitic layabouts. It emerges at the end of the speech that they have failed
to react to his earlier order to prepare the waggon (189-90), and with this
renewed order the main thread of the narrative is resumed. For criticism of
Priam's sons and sons-in-law as cowards cf. also 5.472-6.
253 Kcrrq$6ves: 'downcasts', i.e. people who suffer from iccrrnêlq ('dejec-
tion'), who are Kcnrr)$&s (Od. 24.432): see on 22.293. The word recurs in
Philo of Alexandria and the scholia to Hermogenes. Such nouns in -<ov can
often be derogatory, e.g. &Aa£cbv, BrjAûcov, idvTpcov ('rogue'), Tplfkov, etc.;
cf. C. D. Buck and W. Petersen, A Reverse index of Greek Nouns and Adjectives
(Chicago 1945) 247. Aristarchus thought that the word had a feminine
connotation here, whereas Crates read KOTT)4>&S (Did/A).
255-6 These verses are echoed by Priam at 493-4, where he expands
this theme in his plea to Akhilleus; see also on 22.44-5. The highly rhe-
torical compound TTcrvdrroTpos occurs nowhere else, and could well be a
coinage of the poet (for ¿nroTpos see 388): cf. M. Pope, CQ, 35 (1985) 5,
J. Griffin, JHS 106 (1986) 41.
256 Tpolq tv cOpclq: the only Iliadic parallel (apart from 494) for this
phrase is at 774, tvl Tpolq cOpciq |. The first formula occurs 3X Od., the
second 2X.
257 Oddly enough, neither Mestor nor Troilos b mentioned ebewhere
in Homer. Apollodorus (Epit. 3.32) mentions Mestor in connexion with
Akhilleus' raid on Aineias' cattle, and he crops up in some other late
versions of the Trojan War (Dio Chrys. Or. 11.77, Dictys 6.9). The killing
of Troilos by Akhilleus was related in the Cypria ( O C T vol. v, p. 105.12 «
Davies, EGF p. 32.81-2), and was clearly a popular story, as it b often
299
1
Book Twenty-Four
shown in art from the early archaic period onwards: cf. Johansen, Iliad in
Early Greek Art 45, 53, 83, K. Schefold, Myth and Legend in Early Greek Art
(London 1966) figs. 28, 34, 35, pis. 48a, 73a, F. Brommer, Vasenlisten (3rd
edn, Marburg 1973) 357-66. The epithet hrmoxàpprjv (only here in //.,
1 x Od.) is given point by later versions of the story: on the François Vase
Akhilleus on foot pursues Troilos on horseback (Schefold, op. cit. pl. 48a),
and this was the version of ol vccoTcpoi according to Arn/A, whilst T tells us
that in Sophocles' Troilos he was exercising his horses when ambushed (cf.
Trag. Graee. Frag, iv, p. 453 ed. Radt). In Virgil he has a chariot, whose
horses bolt (Aen. 1.474-8).
258—9 Hektor's godlike status is twice emphasized by Priam (cf. 22.394,
22.434-5, a n d Griffin, HLD 81 ff.). As often the contrast between 6rv8p6ç
and OEOTO frames 259. The most godlike of Priam's sons is dead, and those
who are left seem mere nobodies to him by contrast.
260—2 The invective style evokes highly individual language: yev<rr^)ç
occurs only here in Homer (cf. Pindar, JV. 5.29, etc.); 6pxr|(nY|s recurs at
16.617 (ôpxticrr/jp 18.494); X ° P o m n r l , l *s only here in early literature (cf.
XOpomrrros HyHerm 31, etc.);fcm8/|Miosat 9.64 and 2X Od.\ àpirccKT^p only
here and in late literature (Oppian, Nonnus, Julian); finally the phrase
àpv&v /|8* ¿ptycov is Odyssean (3X ). The structure of the verses is also
effective: 260 is a balanced contrast of (rêv and 6é clauses with dactylic
rhythm, 261 a 'tricolon crescendo' with emphatic spondaic opening and the
long abstract formation xopotTvrrtqaiv giving weight to the ending, and 262
again has a climactic effect, emphasized by its spondaic ending:
1 i ( Z . . . 1 11 .. i . j .
tous Pév crnxoÂÊCT* "Apris. II toc 8' thkyyjxx TTOcvra XcXcnrrai,
: £, l L _ _ _ _ £ _
yaKrrai T' | opxrjcrrai TE, || xopoiwmriaiv apioroi,
1 - .* ,*; - « - 1 - -, 1 - - -
apvcov I t)5 cpi^cov || rmoTjutot | apTTOKTT)pEç.
The accusations remind one particularly of the Odyssey : e.g. Alkinoos' de-
scription of liars (11.363-6), the young men of Phaeacia, unwarlike and
brilliant at dancing, and the suitors of Penelope who devour Odysseus'
animals. Such derogatory descriptions are neatly echoed by Hor. Ep.
I . 2 . 2 7 - 3 1 . But cf. also II. 3.39 *» 1 3 - 7 6 9 AOorrapi, ÊÎBOS ôpicrrc, yuvaipavés,
/jfTEpoTTEvrrd, 1.231 8i)uop6pos paoïAcûs, ètrel oimBavoïoiv àvàooEis, and
3.106, where Priam's sons are described as Omp^lotAoi xal &TTICTTOI. âpicrroi
in 261 picks up and bitterly echoes vTas ôtplorovs in 255; for the word's
sarcastic use cf. 17.142, 23.483, Hdt. 3.80.4, Thuc. 3.38.5. Dancing and
fighting are contrasted at 3.393-4,15.508 (see comment). In 262 each word
has its point: lambs and kids would be particular delicacies, and èrrt6/|Mioi
is paradoxical ('robbers in your own land'); bT compare Ar. Pax 1189-90
OTKOI lifev AéovTES, èv P^X^ 8* &AcbircKES. Robbing livestock outside one's
300
community was no disgrace in heroic society, as Thucydides observed

(1.5.1); cf. Caes. BG 6.23.6 tatrocinia nullam habent in/amiam quae extra fines
cviusque civitatisfiunt (among the Germans, and especially in training young
warriors). For modern Greek parallels cf. J. Th. Kakridis, Gymnasium 78
(»97i)5i3-»5-
«63 Cf. Od. 6.57 (Nausikaa to Alkinoos) -rr<5rn"TRA $1A\ OUK &V 61^ poi
¿ÔTrAiaocias ¿TTTV|VTIV . . . As Leaf observes, 'The very different tone ex-
pressed here by the same construction shews how rash it is to put down
certain formulae as "polite" or "hesitating" requests; such a connotation
belongs to the context rather than the words.' For this construction (oOx ftv
8^) with optative), expressing a command or suggestion, gentle or contemp-
tuous, cf. 3.52, 5.456. On the relation of this episode to the scene in Odyssey
6 cf. Reinhardt, luD 474-7, Usencr, Verhaltnis der Odyssee zur liias 180-1.
364 TOOTCC refers to all the objects which Priam has brought out for the
ransom (229-35), although they are as yet still in the store-room, and so
presumably not visible (cf. 275). Tva irpiâocopcv 660T0 means 'so that we
can get going on our way', with the verb having the root sense of 'pass over',
'traverse' (cf. mpAto etc.) and 65oTo used of the space in which this occurs.
Once again the phrase as a whole is Odyssean, cf.:
3.476 êvâO* 0<J>' Apporr* firyovTcs, f v a Trp/joaijoiv 6S0T0
15.47 (EO£OV 0 $ ' Apiicrr* Aycov, 6 $ p a Trpôocopcv 66010
1 5 . 2 1 9 auTot T* &pfkxlvcoii£vr t v a Trpôccopev 660T0.
965-74 After the dramatic scene of Priam's anger and impatience the
technical account of how the waggon is prepared and harnessed makes a
complete contrast: as often in Homer, an emotional scene is followed by one
of practical action (cf. for example 23.109-26 with comment). The style is
similar to that of other technical descriptions, such as the construction of
Odysseus* raft (Od. 5.233-57) or Hesiod's instructions for making a waggon
or plough (Erga 423-36), but it is not altogether matter-of-fact: as bT (266)
say, 'the poet has dignified an everyday and commonplace action by the
variety (froixiAlg) of his poetic expressions'. The interpretation of some of
the details remains uncertain, despite more than a century of modern
discussion. Here is a provisional translation of 268-74: 'And they took
down from the hook the yoke for the mules, made of box-wood, with a knob
on it, well-fitted with rein-guides. Then they brought out the nine-cubit-
long yoke-binding, along with the yoke. And the yoke they fitted properly
on to the well-polished pole, at its front end, and put the ring over the peg,
and tied it (the binding) three times on each side of the knob, and then
bound it fast in a succession of turns and tucked it in under the hook.'
Much of the language is individual: for Trpwroiray/is, meaning 'joined
together for the first time', see on 5.194; it recurs in Hellenistic and late
301
Book Twenty-Four
Greek. T h e following are Homeric hapaxes: TTUÎVOS (fifth-century and later

literature); orn£, which later always means 'a ship's tiller'; ¿JuyoSEoyov
(Plutarch, etc.); ni^cc (Hippocrates, etc.; said to be used in Arcadian and
Doric, but cf. Tpdircâ, and the epic compounds dcpyvpo- and Kuctvo-mâ);
Kpixos (Hdt. etc.); Eorcop (otherwise only in Aristobulus' account of the
Gordian knot, FGH 139.7, quoted by Plutarch and Arrian); and yAcoxiv or
yAcoxis (cf. Sophocles etc., and the Homeric compounds T O V U - Tpi- XCCAKO-
yAcbxis, 5-393 e t c )-
This waggon is four-wheeled (324). aua£cc may have its basic sense here,
referring to the wheeled framework or chassis, Ttelpivs being the superstruc-
ture and dtTTTjvTi denoting the whole vehicle (cf. N. J. Richardson and
S. Piggott, JUS 102 (1982) 226 on Hesiod's waggon). It is usually thought
that the otr)KES were hooks or rings attached to the yoke through which the
reins were passed. T h e length of the yoke-binding, nine cubits or about four
metres, is puzzling, and it has been suggested that as well as being lashed
around the yoke and pole this was used to form 'yoke braces', which ran
forward from the pole diagonally to either yoke-arm and helped to keep the
pole level. Such braces were certainly used in Near Eastern chariots of the
Late Bronze Age, and they appear on later Assyrian reliefs: cf. \1. A.
Littauer and J. Crouwel, JHS 108 (1988) 194-6. However, given the
precision of the Homeric verses, it is odd that there is nothing in the text
referring to them. T h e KpiKos was probably a ring attached to the yoke,
which was passed over a peg (ecrrcop) fastened through the pole: it was by
removing this peg, according to Aristobulus, that Alexander undid the
Gordian knot. T h e 6|J4>CCA6S was a boss on the yoke itself, around which the
binding was passed three times, before being bound fast in a succession of
turns (IêITIS KCtTESrjCTOcv) around the pole. T h e end was then possibly tucked
under a hook on the pole, if that is what YACOXIS means: OTTO yAcoxiva
probably go together (rather than UTTO . . . EKA|jv|/av), because of the position
of 8E, and yAcoxis normally means 'a barb'. There are discussions and
diagrams in L e a f s Commentary, vol. 11, pp. 623- 7, J. Wiesner, Arch. Horn.
F 6 - 9 , t 6 - i 8 , F. H. Stubbings in Wace and Stubbings, Companion 5 3 9 - 4 1 ;
see also VVillcock's comments on 268 -74.
265-7 F°r » 2 . 4 1 3 etc. COS £<J>a6'" ol 5e ¿XVOCKTOS CrrroSEiaavTES
6uoKAr)v, and for 2 6 6 - 7 cf. 189- 90. T h e fact that the waggon is 'newly-
constructed' adds to its importance.
268—70 For KCX5 5 ' ATTO TTCCCTCTCCAOÎ c f . Od. 8.67, 105 | KCC6 8 ' ¿K
TTaoraaAdî. For some reason Zenodotus omitted 269 (Did/AT). For the
otr|K£S ('terrets', 'rein-guides') see on 16.470 -5. ¿WEdTrrjxus recurs at Od.
1 1 . 3 1 1 , HyAp 104.
271—2 Cf. 6.40, 16.371 EV TrpcoTco fbupco, and 5.729-30 where the yoke is
bound to the front end of the chariot-pole (see comment).
274 Most M S S read the unmetrical Eyvapvyav, a minority EKCtpvfav.
302
275-6 The word ¿rrrV)vrj is first mentioned here in the poem and recurs
several times in book 24. Verses 275-6 are echoed at 578-9.
2 7 7 - 8 For 277 cf. Od. 6.253 £eO£cv 8' f)pi6vovs Kporrepcbwxas. This
epithet is usually applied to horses. ¿VTcari€py6s is an absolute hapax, mean-
ing 'working in harness1; cf. Pind. 0. 13.20, A. Pers. 194 for this sense of
IvTca. The noble epic diction dignifies these homely beasts: cf. the story of
Simonides' reluctance to write an ode for a mule-race victor until paid well,
after which he wrote X ^ P 6 7 ' &EAAOTT66GOV OOyctTpcs Ttrrrcov (Arist. Rhet.
I405b23~8), and Pindar's elaborate praise of Hagesias as victor in the
mule-car race, 0. 6.22-8. Verse 278 gives them a homeland and special
association, as in the case of the Thracian cup at 234-5. T points out that
the Mysians were neighbours of the Enetoi, 66ev f|pi6vcov yivos AypoTcpAcov
(2.852; see comment), and quotes Anacreon (377 PMG): hnro&6pcov 8*
Muaol | c&pov pi^tv 6vcov. The mules are masculine here, feminine at
3»5-
279—80 Priam drives his own chariot (322), while Idaios drives the
waggon. The variant Tpcoovs in a few MSS for llptdpcp in 279 would avoid
the repetition of fTptApco in 278-9 and would make the horses belong to the
famous breed of Tros (5.222-3 etc.), but it is very weakly attested and
probably an echo of 23.291. For 280 cf. 5.271 TOUJ piv Tâaapas aOr&s fycov
¿nriTaAA' ITTI ^JfTvri. 40£«rros occurs three times in this passage (cf« 271,
275), perhaps by a simple process of association.
281-321 While preparations are being made Hekabe brings a cup of wine, and tells
Priam to make a libation, pray for a safe return, and ask for a good omen from %eus.
Priam does so and %eus sends a great eagle in response
Libation and prayer before a journey were a normal Greek practice (cf.
Burkert, Religion 71). In the Iliad the other chief occasion for this was at
the departure for battle of Patroklos (16.220-52), where Akhilleus prayed
to Zeus for his safe return (16.231-2 ~ 24.306-7), but there in vain. In the
Odyssey the Phaeacians send Odysseus on his homeward voyage with a
libation (13.36-62), but the departure of Telemakhos and Peisistratos from
Sparta is closer to this scene (15.147-81). Verses 284-6 are echoed closely
by Od. 15.148-50, and there is a similar favourable omen of an eagle, with
similar reactions. In both the Odyssean scenes the departure is accom-
panied by guest-gifts, which makes a further indirect resemblance to the
preparation of the ransom-gifts in book 24 (see on 228). See also Arend,
Scenen 77-8.
281—2 The middle £evyvuo0qv means that they supervised the yoking of
the mules and horses (cf. A b T ) . Verse 282 = 674. For TTVKIVA . . . §XOVTES cf.
Od. 19.353 itvKtvdt $p€<rt P^6E* Ixouoa. Priam and the herald have much to
think about, both here and still more at 673-4.
303
Book Twenty-Four
083—6 For 283 cf. 4*529, 16.820 dcyxluoAov 51 (£6) ol Â6e, and
¿ryxipoAov Si 0$' Â6i 5X Od. Verse 284 = Od. 15.148 (?XWV)> 285 =
15.149 (with variant tv 6£rrai ypuaitt), 286 ~ 15.150.
287—98 Hekabe naturally seeks for comfort and reassurance both in
prayer and in an omen from Zeus. Only with divine confirmation will she
acquiesce in Priam's plan.
2 8 7 - 9 For TTJ cf. 14.219, 23.618. In 288-9 ot yt ... ¿ucTo p4v . . . are
strongly contrasted, plv with the subordinate clause having a virtually con-
cessive force. For other examples of a subordinate p£v clause cf. Denniston,
Particles 378-9.
390-1 eOx«o is in synizesis: cf. 17.142 IBEUEO, etc. Imrra may mean
'in addition' (i.e. to praying for safe return), rather than 'after all that has
been said', as Leaf proposed. In 291 the specification of Zeus as god of
Ida (cf. 16.603-70.), and as watching over Troy, gives a reason why he
should respond: in Akhilleus' prayer at 16.233-48 Zeus is god of Dodona
and the Pelasgians, i.e. of northern Greece and Akhilleus' homeland. Here
KOT& . . . ¿porrai implies protection, as in the case of t$opav (etc.) later,
of the gods (cf. Griffin, HLD 181). For xoOopav -ao6ai of Zeus cf. 11.337
ifrom Ida), 13.4, and (of Artemis) Anacreon, PMG 348.6 (toKcn-op^s),
etc.
292—8 This is the only time in the Iliad where an omen is actually prayed
for: again an Odyssean motif. In 292 there was a variant I6v for TOXUV
(Did/AT and a papyrus), mentioned again as a variant at 310 by A: cf. 296
where ¿6v ftyyiAov is the correct reading. In 292 and 310 it would be
possible, E6s meaning 'his own' here and 'your own' in 310 (cf. Chantraine,
GH1 273-4). ®ut ' s k** likely to be correct here, in view of 6s it ol aCrrcp
etc. which follows, and TOXUV should stand in both verses. In 293 xai eO
xp<5rros tori piyiorov conforms to a formular pattern: TOO y i p (6 te/ 60v/ oO
TF/ xal EV) xpiros ferrl ptyiorov 6x //., 2X Od. The eagle's power is greatest,
just as in the case of Zeus, its lord. For the superlatives in such a context cf.
15.237- 8 (n.), etc., and for 6s TC . . . xal EU, with change from relative clause
to main clause 1.78-9 etc. Zenodotus' reading oO is unnecessary, but origi-
nally it may have been xal 16 Kp<5rros.
6E£I6V in 294 is emphatic, and means that the bird flics 'towards the right*
from the point of view of the observer: cf. 12.239FERRL6E£I6, 13.821 (etc.)
6E£I6S 6pvis. In 295 there was a variant xotpcov tvl (H/pu>| (A), but this would
hardly suit Priam's mood. The use of oO after cl (296) is not uncommon in
Homer: cf. Chantraine, GH 11 333.
2 9 9 - 3 0 1 Priam's answer is very brief. For the speech-introduction 299
see on 217. His pious comment (301) is similar to that at 425-8, and helps
to characterize him. aT K* ¿AEVICTIJ -TJS occurs 5 X II. ( 3 5 7 etc.), 1 x Od.
302—7 Before prayer and libation washing of hands and purification of
3°4
1
the cup was normal: 6.266-8, 16.228-30, Od. 2.261, 12.336. For 302 cf. Od.
16.152 AYÎFTOAOV TOC|iir]v ¿ T P W I P C V 6TTI TAXIOTCC. DRXVJPATOS ('pure') recurs
at 15.498, Od. 17.532, meaning 'untouched1; it is used of pure water at
Soph. OC 471,690; cf. Od. 9.205. olvos ¿tKTip&aios, and see on 15.498. Verse
304 resembles the Odyssean verse x^pvtâ 8* &u4>1ttoAos Trpox6co ¿-nix**
^¿poucra ( 6 x ) , which always occurs in the formular passage describing
preparations for a meal, x^pwpov is found only here in early literature, in a
fourth-century B.C. inscription, and in Gregory of Nyssa, but was used
in Hellenistic Greek: this is attested by Arn/A, who reports Aristarchus'
athetesis of the verse because he thought the word post-Homeric, in place
of Atpw. x^P vl y means 'water for washing the hands', and x^P v, P ov (or
XcpviÊiov in classical Greek) the basin containing this. Aristarchus may
have disliked the idea of two vessels being mentioned, and bT argue, in fact,
that x^pvtpov means the water itself (cf. Pollux 2.149). iTp6xoos occurs only
here in II. (irpoxoai 17.263). T mentions a reading of the Massaliote text
which is uncertain but seems to have ended Tapir] prrA xEP9^v ^Xovaa, thus
cutting out the iTp6xoo$ (cf. Erbse on schol. 304b). For 305 cf. 1.596
MEI6ÂAAA 6 1 Trat86s £5££CTTO x«pl KVTTEAAOV. The two verbs seem to be in a
hysteron-proteron relationship. Verses 306-7 * 16.231-2 (see comment).
308-13 Priam's prayer is again brief and to the point. Verse 308 =
3.276. Verse 309 is paralleled in Odysseus' prayer to Athene at Od. 6.327
86$ U' ts Qaifjxas $(Aov IAGEIV 1 ) 6 ' IAcciv6v, but it b significant that instead
of praying for a safe return (287-8), Priam asks to receive friendship and
pity when he comes to Akhilleus' hut, again stressing the vital theme of pity
(cf. 301 etc.), and reminding us that until now Akhilleus was his worst
enemy. Verses 310-13 on the other hand are a close repetition of 292-5.
314—16 Verse 314 s 16.249 ( a t the end of Akhilleus' prayer before
Patroklos' departure); 315 = 8.247 (see comment). Arn/A observes that
T£Att6raTOV does not mean 'physically perfect' but 'most capable of bring-
ing fulfilment'; cf. Zeus T&EIOS (A. Supp. 525-6, A. Ag. 973, Fraenkel ad toe.).
The epithet could well mean both, 'most perfect' symbolizing 'most capable
of fulfilment'. In 316 p6p$vos and TTEPKV6S occur only here in Homer.
p6p$vo$ reappears at Hes. Aspis 134, apparently again as an epithet of an
eagle, and in Aristotle (HA 9.32) the eagle mentioned here is said to be
called irXdyyos and 'duck-killer', as well as pop$v6$ (so accented), and to
haunt valleys, glens and lakes. Lycophron (838) treats it as a noun, and
so does the Suda. TTEpKv6s means 'dusky', 'dark-coloured', and recurs in
Hellenistic and later literature; cf. CmoTTEpKdôuatv of ripening grapes at
Od. 7.126. Aristarchus seems to have treated iripxvos as the substantive here
(Hrd/A). The original sense may have been 'dappled', 'with dark patches':
cf. Chantraine, Diet. s.v. The eagle in question might be the same as the one
described in the simile at 21.252-3 (see comment), although it looks as if
305
they may be distinguished in Aristotle (toe. cit.). Given the size of its wing-
span (317-19), the golden eagle would be a good candidate, as its span can
reach seven feet and it is dusky in colour. Whatever type of bird it may be,
the effect of the elaborate description is to make it more awe-inspiring, and
this is increased by the simile which follows.
3X7—19 For this kind of measure of size compare the description of
Poluphemos' club as like the mast of a twenty-oared ship (Od. 9.322-4).
For the language cf. 3.423 Ovj^po$ov OdAajJOV (Od. 2.337), Od. 4.121
0aAdnoio . . . Crvfop6$oio; It. 24.482 6vSp6$ is &$VEIOU. The singular Ouprj
occurs only here and at 453 in //., 7X Od.
In 318 Aristarchus read T0XA/|1is as one word, meaning 'well-closed* (the
word would be an absolute hapax; cf. COKAEKTTOS), and all M S S have this
reading, whereas Tryphon preferred kO XATJKT'. Aristarchus objected to the
elision of the dative plural -Tat, which seems possible given other elided
datives in iota. Against the compound word is the fact that 6pr|pebs (etc.) is
usually joined to an adverb or a dative elsewhere, but cf. 4.134, 19.396,
where it probably stands on its own. Elsewhere doors seem to have a single
KAT)1S, whether lock or bolt (cf. 12.456, 14.168, 24.455), but this may not be
a relevant objection to the plural. O n the whole it seems better to treat tO
xAtiia' ¿papula as a single phrase, rather than dividing it into two separate
epithets.
3 1 9 - 9 1 'And it appeared to them darting towards the right through (or
over) the city.* Most MSS have Crnip &crrco$, 616 being a variant in A and
a few others. The initial digamma of &OTU is usually observed, but Crnip
seems better of an eagle. Verses 320-1 are echoed closely at Od. 15.164-5,
of the portent at Telemakhos' departure from Sparta. Cf. also Od. 2.154
(two eagles) 8E£I& F\I£av 816 T' oTxia Kal TT6AIV aCrrwv. For 6up6$ ldv&r| cf.
2 3 - 5 9 7 - 8 , 23.600.
322-48 Priam and the herald Idaios set off, escorted by Priam'sfamily until they leave
the city. J£eus then instructs Hermes to conduct Priam to Akhilleus unseen by the rest of
the Greeks, and Hermes comes down to Troy disguised as a young man
At last the perilous journey begins. After the departure the whole focus in
the next 140 verses or so is on the meeting of Hermes with Priam, which
virtually replaces any description of the journey itself.
322 Most MSS read 6 yipcov £KTTOU (cf. Leaf), A and a few others 6
yepai6$ iou, which the O C T prefers. Cf. 8.44 = 13.26 fcou 8' ¿mfWiarro
61$pou, ftôrov kn\ Stypou 2X Od. There would be a point in toO, since
Priam and Idaios have different vehicles (so Macleod).
323 This verse belongs to the type-scene of departures by chariot from a
palace (Arend, Scenen 88-9), and recurs 3X in Od. of Telemakhos (3.493,
15.146, 15.191).The oTOouaa is the portico around the outer courtyard (cf.
306
Book Twenty-Four
9.472); sec Lorimer, HM 415. It is épl6ovnro$ (as a gcncric epithet) in the

Odyssey even in cases where no noisy activity is being described (3.399 etc.),
presumably because of its echoing capacity. T compares xerrà Ôcbucrra
fjXîVTa (Od. 4.72). IpiSovTToç, however, occurs only here in the Iliad, and
may well have its point, the thundering of the horses' hooves: cf. 11.152
ÈpiySovrroi trôBcç T-rrrrwv, and Reinhardt, luD 492-3. Usener, Verh Unis der
Odyssée zur Hxas 156-64, argues that the phrase is specifically designed for
Iliad 24, and only becomes a formula through its use in the Odyssey.
334 For TFrpdKUKXoç cf. Od. 9.241-2 (âpaÇai). This would be in contrast
to chariots, which were two-wheeled, although some early Greek &pa£ai do
appear to have been two-wheelers (cf. Richardson and Piggott, JHS 102
(1982) 225-9). The scansion TÎTPOKV/KAOV is meiri gratta: at Od. 9.242
TrTp&cGicAoi involves another metrical expedient, the lengthened alpha.
325 Idaios the Trojan herald appeared at 3.248, 7.276 etc.
396 For pdnrnyi KIAEVC cf. 23.642.
327-8 Despite the recent portent and Priam's vision, his family still
lament at his departure as if he were going to his death (cf. Deichgrâber,
Letzte Gesang 58-9). Cf. the lament of the women when Hektor returns to
battle at 6.500-2, and see on 24.83-6. OâvorrôvSc is used elsewhere in the
poem only of the summons to death by the gods of Patroklos and Hektor
(16.693, 22.297).
339-32 For 329 cf. Od. 24.205 ol 6* ITTII b< irôAios Korrépav, T<&xa 8'
&ypov ÎKOVTO, and for 330 cf. It. 3.313 ( T Ù pèv , . . ) . On cOpOorra Zffv cf.
8.206, 14.265 (with comment). Zeus's pity in 332 answers Priam's hopes
(301) and echoes 174 (etc.).
333-48 Hermes has not been active in the poem up to now, and even in
the Theomachy he declined to fight against Leto (21.497-501). Here he is
employed by Zeus in his role as an escort (334-5) and helper of travellers
(e.g. Od. 10.277-306), and more particularly because he has the power to
lull men to sleep with his magic wand (343-5). and so is able to conduct
Priam through the Greek camp unnoticed (337-8, 445-7). His power to
act by stealth has already been shown at 24, where the gods urged him to
steal Hektor's corpse (cf. 5.388-91, etc.). For Hermes iTopTraïoî cf. A. Eu.
90-2, S. Ph. 133, [Theocr.J Id. 25.4-6 (etc.), and for his rôle as helper of
mankind in general Od. 8.335 c t c - (&&*rop êdcov), Ar. Pax 392-4 &
4>tAav6pwTTÔTcrtt xal peyaAoSoapÔTcrrf Saiiaôvcov, etc.
Zeus's sending of Hermes is paralleled in the Odyssey, where Hermes
is treated as a messenger when he is sent to Kalupso's island to release
Odysseus, replacing Iris, who docs not appear in this poem. For 333-5 cf.
Od. 5.28-9:
TH xal 'Eppclav, ul6v $lAov, AVTIOV r)08cr
"'Eppria, où yàp aOn T6 T' &AAa m p àryy«Xôç è a a i . . . "
307
1
Book Twenty-Four
Verses 339-45 = Od. 5.43-9 (and 340-2 - Od. 1.96-8,343-4 = Od. 24.3-
4); moreover 347-8 are similar to Od. 10.278-9, where Hermes appears to
Odysseus to help him before he meets Kirke. In Odyssey 5, however, Hermes*
wand has no function and is merely an attribute (as T observes; schol. Od.
5.47); and here Hermes' disguise as a young man leads to the delightful
scene between him and the aged Priam, where the contrast of youth and
age creates a moving relationship of sympathy, whereas the same disguise
in Odyssey 10 has no particular significance (cf. Reinhardt, luD 479-82).
For other similarities with Od. 10.277-306 see on 360-3, 375-7. Usener,
Verhältnis der Odyssee zur ¡lias 165-79, argues that the whole episode of
Hermes* meeting with Priam has influenced several parts of the Odyssey.
335 For ¿Taipiooai ('act as companion to*) cf. 13.456 ¿TapicroaiTo (with
accusative), HyAphr 95-6 (Xdpnrcs) aT TE OtoTai|Traaiv ¿Tatp(£ouoi. Kai T*
IKAUES U> K* 8HAtjo6a is 'and you listen to whomever you like*; for the dative
with KAVEIV or AKOUEIV of a god hearing a mortal request cf. 5.115 (etc.) KAC8(
16.575, c t c -
336 ßäox' 16»: elsewhere this always comes at the beginning of a speech
by Zeus, with a vocative (2.8n., 5X II.). Here it is displaced by the explana-
tory clause in 334-5: Zeus treats Hermes with more elaborate courtesy than
either the Dream or Iris, and in any case, a reason for the choice of Hermes
is necessary here.
338 For this contrast between the other Greeks and Akhilleus cf. 2.674 —
17.280 T&V AAAcov Aava&v, MET' Apupova I7T)AETcova. This is the only case in
Homer where -6E is added to a personal name, as if it meant 'to the house
of Akhilleus': cf. however 'Ai66a6E ('to the house of Hades*). This exten-
sion of the usage seems natural, and is imitated by Apollonius Rhodius
(*AAKIVO6V6E, avroKacjiyvr|TI^V6E). T compares 7.312 (etc.) EIS "Ayapfcpvova.
339-45 See on 333-48 for the Odyssean parallels.
339 For Siönrropos see on 2.103. If it was thought to mean 'conductor' it
would be especially appropriate here (cf. 378 etc.).
340—a Hermes' divine sandals, which carry him over sea and land, were
portrayed as winged in archaic and later art: T criticizes Aristotle (or
perhaps Aristophanes, according to Rose) for regarding them as such here,
but why should he not be right? Cf. J. Chittenden, Hesperia 16 (1947) 101;
L. Deroy, Athenaeum 30 (1952) 59-84.
343—5 Hermes* wand has 'magical' powers: cf. Od. 10.302-6, where he
gives Odysseus the magic plant p&Av. The description of the wand sets the
tone for the whole of what is to follow, with its atmosphere of the wonderful
and supernatural. In Od. 24.1-10 he uses his wand to shepherd the ghosts
of the suitors down to Hades, and in the Odyssey (3X) and Hymns (3X)
Hermes is xpuaAppcrrns. The wand is described at HyHerrn 528-32 where it
is called TpmtrrjAov, suggesting the more elaborate form of the KTJPOKEIOV or
308
Book Twenty-Four
caduceus with which he is later portrayed (cf. Allen, Halliday and Sikes ad
loc.y and Cassola, Inni Omerici 1 6 2 - 3 , 5 4 ° ~ 1 )• Hermes' seems to have
combined the functions of a shepherd's staff, a herald's sceptre and a magic
wand. Here not only does Hermes put the Greek guards to sleep (445-7),
but he also wakes Priam secredy at 6 7 9 - 8 9 . For £&AEI (Aristarchus' read-
ing) the variant &£AT) (Did/A) is possible in such a generic relative clause,
and it is preferred by Hainsworth at Od. 5.48. In CTTTVCOOVTOS the omega is
presumably metri gratia, on the analogy of verbs such as 16pcoco etc.: cf.
Chantraine, GH1 3 6 5 - 6 .
347—8 The form aloupviyrf)p is found only here for alovpv^Tns, which
means an umpire in the Phaeacian games at Od. 8.258, and later was used
of a ruler or magistrate in various Greek states. alovuvqTtipt is Aristarchus'
reading here, with some of our MSS, the majority having aloviyrfjpi whose
meaning was variously explained (bT, Eust., and Erbse on 347). Presum-
ably alavTyrfip is a variant spelling of cdovpvTiTfip, which is probably a
loan-word (LfgrE, Chantraine, Diet. s.v.). Cf. the name AIOV^TTJS (2.793,
and 13.427 with comment). Here the most likely sense would be 'royal',
'princely'. At 397-9 Hermes says that he is a squire of Akhilleus and son of
a wealthy Myrmidon. Cf. Od. 1 3 . 2 2 1 - 3 where Athene is disguised as a
young man, 'soft-skinned, like the sons of kings'.
Verse 348 » Od. 10.279, again of Hermes in disguise as a young man.
CrrniWjTns occurs only in these verses in Homer. In later Greek CmVjvq
('moustache') is common, CrnT|v^TT|s very rare, and sometimes directly from
Homer (PI. Prt. 309B, Lucian, Saer. n ) . Hermes' youth is part of his
disguise; in early Greek art he is nearly always fully bearded: cf. L. R.
Farnell, Cults of the Greek States v (Oxford 1909) 4 4 - 6 1 .
349-442 At dusk they stop to water the horses in the river. Hermes approaches and
converses with Priam. He tells him that Hektor's body is intact. Priam offers him a cup,
which he refusest but he promises to escort him safely, and takes charge of his chariot
This episode is unusually extended, and the dialogue is more elaborate than
on other occasions in the Iliad where god and man meet. In its grace and
irony it reminds one of similar scenes in the Odyssey and Homeric Hymns,
especially the meeting between Odysseus and Athene disguised as a young
prince, at Od. 13.321 - 4 4 0 ; cf. the rdle of Athene in Odyssey 3, and still closer,
the escort and assistance of Athene in disguise to Odysseus at 7 . 1 4 - 8 1 before
his supplication of Arete and Alkinoos; and see Richardson on HyDem 98ff.,
pp. 1 7 9 - 8 0 . It is one of the most delightful scenes in the poem, and yet it is
surely not here simply for its own sake. One of its functions is to prepare for
the encounter of Priam and Akhilleus, for in the young Myrmidon prince
Priam finds someone who treats him as a father (362, 371), and whose
3<>9
Book Twenty-Four
kindness and sympathy establish a bond of trust. Hermes' admiration for

Hektor, and his account of how the gods have miraculously protected his
body, confirm Priam's own trust in divine protection and justice, and (as at
301) his piety is shown by his comments at 374-7 and 425-8. T h e irony of
these remarks, when Priam is speaking to a god, and of his attempt to give
Hermes a gift at 429 in accompaniment to his prayer for protection, is
typical of such scenes. T h e whole episode illustrates the Odyssean precept
that the gods frequent the society of men in disguise, AvOpcbtrcov Gf^piv TE
Kctl 6Uvopir]v lôpcovTES (17-487).
349 The tomb of IIos (cf. 20.230-6) was mentioned as a landmark at
10.415, 11.166, n.372.
350—1 c r r f j o a v . . Av TroTapco probably go together: cf. Od. 14.258 <rrqoa
8* §v AlyCnrrcjj TTOTCIMCO vfos, and for the river as watering-place cf. It.
18.521. They presumably stopped at the ford (cf. 692-3), and 8fj y<Jtp . . .
yaTccv explains that this was a safe time to stop as it was already dark.
352—7 This is a dramatic moment, as Idaios suddenly catches sight of an
unknown man through the gathering darkness. It is brought about by an
unusual change from the poet's normal technique, for in other scenes of
divine visitation the god's journey is usually followed by the description of
his approach to the person concerned, whom he 'finds' engaged in some
activity (as at 83,98, 122-3 etc.). Here the focus has switched from Hermes
to the travellers, and it is they whose reactions are described (cf. Edwards,
HPI307). In 353-4 the high frequency of IT- and words may be deliber-
ate; $ A T O $wvnoiv TE recurs only at Od. 4.370. In 354-5 Idaios' anxiety is
expressed by his rapid sentences with asyndeton; cf. (for example) 16.126-
9, and [Longinus] 19 with Russell's comments. Verse 354 means 'Beware,
offspring of Dardanus: there is need for a wary mind.' T h e repetition of
$pd4so • • • $pa6to$ is emphatic (cf. also 352 typdaacrro), as well as being
characteristic of such explanatory maxims: cf. 7.282, 11.793, 13-115,
15.203, Hes. Erga 352, 369. In several cases this leads to the use of an
unusual epithet or noun, as here: 11.793 "rrapal^CTis, 13.115 &KEorai,
15.203 arprnrat, Hes. Erga 369 $£i&co; hence $pa6tos, an absolute hapax
(although Hesychius has $por8&s), analogous to ¿tpi-/A-$p<rftf|s etc. For
ipyov (IOTI) with genitive meaning 'it is a matter for', and hence 'there is a
need for' cf. LSJ s.v. Ipyov iv 1, and the similar development of opus est in
Latin.
355 T&xa . . . 6tco: cf. Od. 1.251 T&xa 8/) HE Siappafaoum xal aCrr6v, and
It. 17.727 BiappaTaai. b T take it as future passive, but the middle (with
6v8pa) is possible.
35S ty' tmrcov means 'on the chariot', leaving the waggon to its fate
(bT). IITEITO means 'as the next best alternative': cf. perhaps 13.743, and
Od. 20.63.
310
Book Twenty-Four
357 Cf. 2 1 . 6 5 yoirvcov AyacrOat, 10.455 Ayd(icvos Akracoflai etc., and for
AF K* ¿Ae^crg see on 301.
358-60 Priam's reaction is very violent: the hair on his limbs stands up
('goose-flesh'), and he is paralysed with terror. bT say that the 'hyper-
baton', i.e. tmesis and word-order of ovv 5t y£povn v6os \<rroy imitates his
distress (cf. Eust. 1001.42, in a general discussion of tmesis). The motif of
'goose-flesh' occurs only here in Homer: cf. Andromakhe's physical mani-
festations of panic at 22.448, 2 2 . 4 5 1 - 3 , etc. Hesiod (Erga 539-40) has Iva
TOI TPLXES ¿TPCUKDOIV | UR)6* 6p6a\ ^piootxriv 6cip6uEvai KORRD awna, in a
different context (winter cold). kv\ yvapmroToi uIXeooi occurs at 11.669 ( ' n
a speech by old Nestor) and 4X Od., 1 x Hymns. In all these cases there is
a contrast between the supple limbs of youth and those of old age. Origi-
nally the sense may have been simply 'jointed (or flexible) limbs', but here
the poet may have intended the 'bent limbs' of old age. See on 11.669, and
cf. B. Snell, Gesammelte Schriften (Gottingen 1966) 62-4. For orf} 81 ra^cbv
c f . 11.545, 16.806.
360-3 Hermes takes Priam's hand to greet and reassure him, and asks
what he is doing in such a dangerous situation. Cf. his similar meeting
with the lonely Odysseus at Od. 10.280-2 ( 2 7 8 - 9 ~ //. 24.347-8): !v T '
&pa pot $0 yEipi tiros T' tyorr' fx T* 6v6(ia£E- | "TIT} 8f) aCrr', cb 80<rrnvE,
8t* &Kptas lpx c a i i X^P0^ &'8pis ¿¿bv;" For the gesture of reassurance
cf. also Poseidon in disguise at 14.137, Akhilleus at 2 4 . 6 7 1 - 2 , etc. For
¿piovvios see on 20.34. >s usually an epithet but stands on its own also
at 440.
362-7» Hermes addresses Priam as TTATEP at the beginning, and at the
end of his speech (with ring composition) he says that he reminds him of his
own father: this is why he will protect him. The emphasis is on the age of
Priam and his herald, and the extraordinary risks he is running. Priam
responds by calling Hermes $lAov T£KO$ (373; cf. 425FI>T£KOS), and Hermes
later compares his own aged father to Priam (398). In this exchange with
the young squire of Akhilleus we have a preview of the relationship between
Akhilleus and Priam, who is explicitly compared to Akhilleus' own father.
Priam himself has lost all the best of his sons and above all Hektor, and in
Hermes he finds the sympathy and reassurance which a son should have
given him.
363 Cf. 10.83 = 386 VVKTO 61' 6p$vaiqv, 6TE 8* eOBouai PPOTOL &AA01;
WKTO( 81' ¿cpppoolqv 10.4!, 10.142 (the night expedition there prompts
similar expressions).
365 Avdpaios occurs only here in //., 5X Od.; 8i/opcv&s KCCI dvdpaioi Od.
14.85.
366-7 Verse 366 = 653; for 60#jv... piAaivav cf. 10.394, 10.698. ¿velorra
in the plural elsewhere always refers to food (3X //., 13X Od.), but ftvsiap
327
is used of anything beneficial. For . . . ETT) cf. Virgil, Aen. 4.408 quis tibi
turn, Dido, cementi talia sensus ..
368-9 The variation in the two hemistichs of 368 is elegant. Cf. Od.
16.71 - 2 OVT6$ pfcv vios Elpl Kal ou TTCO x^pol TriiToiOa 16v8p' ¿nram>vaoâi, 6TE
T15 TTpdTEpos x<*XFir^vri, and Od. 21.132-3; II. 19.183 &v8p' ¿rn-ap&roaotiai,
6TE TIS irp6TEpos xaAETr^vrj. Here the infinitive is epexegetic with yipcov, i.e.
'he is too old for self-defence', as at 662-3, etc.
3 7 0 - 1 Failure to understand that o06£v means 'not at all' or 'in no way'
has led to the variant 0O8' &v at, and to KCK6V in most MSS, with a few
reading or E1 after it. The compound dmaXi^tiv occurs only here in
II.: cf. Od. 17.364.
3 7 2 - 7 Priam's reply is full of unconscious irony, since the young man is
indeed a divine protector, and ucxxdpcov has a double sense in 377 as it can
be applied to the gods (see also on 397-8). Despite Iris* promise that
Hermes will escort him (181-3) Priam apparently fails to realize directly
who he is, and yet as often in such cases it is as if he is half-aware of his
identity, and when Hermes reveals himself (at 460-1) he shows none of the
usual reactions of surprise etc.
3 7 3 OUTGO TTFL T68E y* & r r l . . . CI>s AYOPSUEIS sounds like a variation of more
colloquial answers such as OUTOJS, OOTGO YE TTCOS, Ecrri TOOTCX (PI. Theaet.
I6OA, 165c, Soph. 2 4 4 D ) ; cf. LSJ s.v. OUTCOS 1.
374 Did/A seems to have read E! TIS, with some of our MSS, but it is hard
to see how this can be right. ITI . . . XAL ¿JJETO stresses Priam's surprise that
the gods should indeed show concern for him, after all his sufferings. For
Ctttep^xeiv XEipa(s) of divine protection cf. 5.433 etc.
3 7 5 — 7 68onr6pos occurs only here in Homer, but cf. 66onr6piov Od.
15.506; ¿SoiTropirj HyHerm 85. otTcios is also a Homeric hapax (cf. Pindar, jV.
9.18, etc., and Homeric ¿valotpos, ££a(aios, trapalaios). It surely refers to
the fact that 'chance' meetings could be ominous or lucky, and Hermes
himself is a god of lucky chances (¿puala), as well as of ways and travellers.
Cf. his meeting with Odysseus when he is travelling on his own on Kirke's
island (Od. 10.277-306; note 277 &vTEp6AtiaEv). In 376-7 b T ingeniously
find the three 'goods' of the later philosophical schools: physique, intelli-
gence and good birth. The last, praise of parents as 'blessed' (a form of
'makarismos'), is paralleled at Od. 6.154-5 (cf. T ) , E. Ion 308, etc. For the
second hemistich of 377 cf. 387 etc.
378 =389,410,432.
379—85 T h e opening verse is traditional but especially apt here, since
Priam's words are more true than he realizes. Hermes then suggests two
possible reasons for Priam's journey. The first, to take Troy's treasures
abroad for safe-keeping, becomes the opening motif of Euripides' Hecuba,
where Priam sends his son Poludoros with the gold of Troy to Polumestor
312
Book Twenty-Four
of Thrace before the city'» fall (Hec. 1-12; cf. bT). For the second, total
desertion of Troy, cf. 22.382-3 where Akhilleus sees this as a possibility after
Hektor's death. Here too this leads Hermes on to mention Hektor's fall,
with a note of admiration and sympathy. With sensitive tact he thus intro-
duces the most important theme of this dialogue.
379 •» 1.286, 8.146, and cf. similar answer-formulae elsewhere.
380 = 10.384 etc. The verse occurs twice in book 10 and twice in book
24 (cf. 656), but 13 x Od.; see on 10.384.
3 8 1 — a Cf. 9.330 Kfipf)Xia TTOXXA ical £o6Xd |; &v6pas 6AAO6OTTOO$, 2X
Od.; Od. 13.364 lva ntp TA8C TOI c6a plpvri.
3 8 3 - 5 Cf. 22.383 ^ KcrraXclyouaiv TT6XIV DKPRJV TOOB TT£<T6VTOS. For
6EI6I6TCS in runover position followed by an explanatory clause cf. 6.137,
15.628. 21.24. Verses 384-5 delicately introduce Hektor indirectly, 4such a
man, the best, has fallen - your son', with 065 TrdYs in emphatic position. Cf.
16.521 &W)p 8' &pioro$ 6XcoXc |. oO . . . 'Axaicov probably means 'for he
never failed in battle with the Achaeans'. For pdxt|S ImScucoGai cf. 13.310,
17.142, 23.670, and for the genitive 'Ayaicov with pdxn l l -54 3 -
seems better than 'he did not fall short of the Achaeans in battle' (cf.
386-8 Priam's surprise and curiosity prevent him from answering

Hermes' questions. For 387 cf. 6.123, 15.247 TIS av ^¿purrc, and
377 paxdpcov 8* F^ loot TOKÔ>V. In 388 the vulgate reading is 6s, which
would be explanatory here (as at 434 etc.), but the exclamatory <2>s seems
more effective. For drrdTpou cf. 255 = 493 Travdrro-rpos, again spoken by
Priam. frrroTuos -¿TOTOS occur ax Od.
3 8 9 - 4 0 4 Hermes' answer is again subtle and courteous. He says that he
understands what is really uppermost in Priam's mind, the desire to know
what has happened to Hektor's body. This leads him to speak of the Greeks'
admiration for his prowess, and thence to answer Priam's actual question
about his identity. Finally he explains what he is doing, by reference to the
Greeks' preparations for battle: the motive is left a little vague, but the real
point is presumably the reminder that the present inactivity is only a
temporary lull in the conflict.
390 The first hemistich is repeated at 433. For irctpqt see on 14.198-9,
21.459. The assonance in this verse is notable: mipq: IpcTo, yEponl, xal tipcat
. . . For clpcai with accusative meaning 'you are asking about* cf. 6.239
etc.
3 9 1 — 3 For 391 - 2 cf. 6.124 oO pfcv ydp TTOT' ¿TRCORRA pdxrj tvl xvSiavcfpq,
where 123 resembles 387. The second part of 393 is a variant of the formular
SESatyplvos -ov xaXxcp.
394 fjuas . . . Oavpdôpcv is repeated from 2.320, hrradres implying
'standing idle* here.
3*3
1
Book Twenty-Four
396 vrjus eOtpy^js occurs only here in //., 2X Od., ax Hymns; cf. EVfpytos
. . . 8l$pou 2X It.
397-8 Hermes gives his origin and his father's name, this being sufficient
to identify one: see on 21.153, and for this formulation cf. Od. 15.267
'I0<5neqs y£vo$ Elpl, Trcrrf)p uol tonriv *06vaae0s, where again Telemakhos
does not name himself. The name Poluktor recurs in the Odyssey (17.207,
18.299, 22.243), arK * is suitable for a rich man, -xrcop being probably-
related to xiipas etc.; cf. von Kamptz, Personennamen §21. As at 377 there
may be irony, as Hermes himself is the 'giver of good things' (Od. 8.335
etc.). In 398 yipcov . . . d)8c stresses the bond of sympathy between this
young man and Priam. ¿>6e probably picks up cb$ ou ircp, 'even so, just as
you are'.
399-400 For 'six . . . the seventh' cf. 7.247-8. In 400 Aristarchus took
T&V uiTa together. Leaf objected that prr<fc meaning 'with' rarely takes the
genitive in Homer, but it certainly sometimes does (see on 21.458). Hermes
implies selective conscription by lot, one brother from each family (T), but
this need not have been supposed to be general.
401-4 Presumably Hermes pretends to have come on a reconnoitring
expedition (cf. bT), as in book 10, with which this scene has some points of
contact. The impatience of the Achaean army in 403-4 is similar to that of
the Myrmidons earlier in the poem (16.156-66, 16.200-9), and Hermes
seems to suggest that the leaders would like to prolong the spell of quiet but
cannot do so. In 403 Leaf follows a handful of MSS in reading o! yc, on the
grounds that o!6s 'is merely anaphoric and can have no deictic force', an
objection which seems pedantic and hard to understand. For ¿oavu£vou$
TroXipou cf. 13.315 twvpevov iroXtpoio, etc.
405—9 Priam now comes to the crucial point, asking Hermes to tell him
the whole truth* about his son's body, however awful it may be. In 407 the
runover word ETS is regarded by Leaf as 'intolerably weak for so emphatic a
position', but with EI piv it carries weight: 'if in truth you really are1; cf.
Denniston, Particles 392, and for other examples of forms of sTvai in this
position cf. 6.225, 16.515» Od.4.95, «7159. Traaav <5rXr}8ilr}v xcm&Xifjov
belongs to the Odyssean formular group (iraoav) 6Xf]8Elr|v xcrraA^co/
XORRIXEâ (6x 0d.y 1 x HyHerm). In 409 PEXETOTI Tapcbv is Odyssean: cf. Od.
9.291 pcXctorl Tapcbv, 18.339 Bii PCXEIOTI -rdrpqenv. Priam's fear that
Akhilleus has chopped the body in pieccs before giving it to the dogs goes
even further than Akhilleus' own threats.
410—23 Hermes* reply amplifies the theme of the miraculous preserva-
tion of the corpse, leading up to the emphatic statement that the gods have
taken care of Hektor after his death.
4x1 Cf. 22.335-6 pfcv KUVES W olwvol | ¿Xxqcroua*... (etc.).
4 x 2 - 1 3 XEIVOS is probably deictic: 'there he lies', as in 3.391 etc. KEITOU is
3»4
1
Book Twenty-Four
picked up by the runoverraipévcpin 4 1 4 , and KFITCN in 4 1 9 . OK>TC«>S means

'just as he was'.
4x3-14 6vco6£k6tt} . . . wipévtp 'this is the twelfth day that he has been
lying there'; see on 31. f)a>s is the vulgate reading, with the variants in
a few MSS and in one or two. As it is now night Leaf and van Iêeuwen
object to yjcos, arguing that it has come in through the influence of 1.493 ***
2 1 . 8 0 . If one reads or the use of 8uco8cK<5rrr| as a substantive can be
supported by, for example, 1 . 4 2 5 , Od. 2 . 3 7 4 . But equally these readings
could be due to scholarly qualms in antiquity over ^¿¡>s, and it may well be
used simply to mean 'day': cf. (e.g.) 1 3 . 7 9 4 etc.
4x4-15 These verses are paralleled by the description of decay at
1 9 . 2 5 - 7 , and 19.31 which is almost identical with 4 1 5 .
4x6—17 Cf. 1 2 - 1 6 , where the neutral M«vom<&8ao Oavóvros is used
instead of the more emotive koO Érétpoio $(Aoio; and for the first part of 417
cf. 2 2 . 4 6 5 IAKOV ÁKTI6É(rra>s (see comment). Here, however, the lack of due
KT}8O$ is contrasted with the gods' care for the body (422 Kf|6ovTai).
4x8—23 The divine protection by Aphrodite and Apollo was described
at 2 3 . 1 8 4 - 9 1 and 2 4 . 1 8 - 2 1 . Here it is something to excite wonder (fcrjoto):
the body's freshness (£epofyi$) would accord with the dark cloud spread
over it by Apollo to keep off the sun's rays ( 2 3 . 1 8 8 - 9 1 ) , the 'washing of
blood' and closure of wounds with Aphrodite's anointing ( 2 3 . 1 8 6 - 7 ) . The
motif of wonder here, together with the recollection at 421 of the many
wounds given by the Greeks, echoes the description at 22.369-71 of how
the Achaeans wondered (Oqâonrro) at Hektor's body as they all ran up and
stabbed him (cf. T on 2 4 . 4 1 8 and 4 2 1 ) . Cf. the reference at 2 4 . 3 9 4 T O their
admiration for him.
4x8 6qoTo, a contracted form of the second person singular present
optative of Oqéopai (cf. fodouai), is the spelling of Aristarchus (Did/T) and
some MSS. The majority have fcfoio, which presumably comes from
confusion with forms such as ftelopev etc. (cf. Monro, HG Appendix c,
pp. 3 8 4 - 6 ) . aírrósfrrriAOcóv| is Odyssean (5X ); cf. 6AAo$/oTo$frrcAOcov| etc.
in //., usually in a hostile context.
4x9 ¿cpafcis: cf. 757 épcrV)iis, again of Hektor's body. The epithet is
applied to ACOTÓ? at 14.348, just before the description of the divine cloud
from which drip shining dewdrops (350-1). In ircpl 8* aípa vévnrrai the
noun is probablv an internal accusative ('he is washed of blood'); cf. 1 6 . 6 6 7 ,
18.345 CTC »
420 piapós occurs nowhere else in Homer, and seems to keep its original
connexion with pialvco here, meaning 'stained* (with blood etc.). It reap-
pears in Heraclitus (61) and later. (oup)pOo> is also new, and recurs only at
637 (pOoav); cf. fifth-century tragedy and later poetry and prose. T de-
scribes this statement as miraculous (irapáSoôv), since wounds made after
3»5
i
death would not normally close, and there seems to have been debate over
this point going back at least to Aristotle (fr. 167 R.), whom T quotes.
4 2 2 - 3 This forms the climax of Hermes* speech: divine responsibility is
after all vindicated. In this context KIÔVTCU presumably has a double sense,
as at 21.123, 22.465, 24.417. For the form ifjos ('your') see on 15.138. T
records that 423 was athetized as unnecessary, and because the use of the
pronoun cr$i here was un-Homeric. The criticisms seem to go back to
Aristophanes. The second is untrue, and, as to the first, the verse does in
fact add something important: even if the gods could not save Hektor from
his fated death, they are still concerned for him as one who was dear to them
(cf. 33-8, 66-70, etc.). Priam's answer echoes this and draws the general
moral (425-8). Moreover, 422-3 are again echoed by Hekabe in her
lament at 749-50, just as 754-9 echo 416-21.
424 d>s ÂTO, yÔricev 8£: cf. 6.212, 17.567, 5X Od.t and for the whole
verse cf. 200.
425—8 These verses pick up the theme of Zeus's speech at 66-70: again
Priam's piety is revealed (see 30 m.). Cf. Od. 24.351-2, where old Laertes
exclaims that after all the gods do exist on Olumpos, if the suitors have truly
paid for their insolence. Both statements are thematically significant, occur-
ring as they do at the end of each poem. ¿vaioipa 8&>pa recurs in this
position in the verse at HyDem 369, of offerings to the gods. 6t6o0vai is a
unique form, presumably lengthened melri gratia, for 6i56vai, the nearest
parallel being^cuyvO|tcv (16.145); cf. Chantraine, GH1,104,486. It appears
to have troubled Aristophanes (Erbse ad toe.), and shocked Eustathius
(i357.i9ff.). In 426 el TTOT' Iqv ye ('if ever in fact he was') is a formular
phrase expressing 'nostalgia and regret at how things have changed' (Kirk
on 3. (80). Eustathius says that it is 'spoken in a very pathetic and character-
istic way, as if such a great man as Hektor never really existed' (mpmaOcot
Acy&v xal OUWJ8GJS, a>s el |if| ykyovi TTOTC 6 Toaov/Tos "Eicrcop).
In 428 TO> ('therefore') is the vulgate reading, but some MSS have TUV
(also, in T as variant), with which one would have to understand the
antecedent 'his offerings'; this, however, is rather remote. For <5nrEiiW)CTOcvTO
in this context cf. Hes. Th. 503 ol ol ¿rrreiivfyycrvro x^ptv evcpycoiAcov, Thuc.
1.137.2 aCrrtp x^P l v ¿frotiv/)aeo6ai &£iav, E. Ale. 299 au vvv poi TWV8'
dnrAuvqaat x^piv. The compound verb occurs only here in Homer. Many
MSS read trrEiivVjocnnro, and forms of this compound occur at 15.662,
17.103, but it is less appropriate here (so Eustathius). The phrase xal tv
0a\xirrot6 mp cdfarj recurs at 750, in the similar comment of Hekabe.
'429—31 After Priam's pious observation he unconsciously exemplifies
what he has said, by offering a drinking-cup to Hermes, and asking in
return for protection and safe escort with the favour of the gods, using
language typical of prayers. The AAEIOOV is a two-handled drinking-cup: cf.
316
Book Twenty-Four
1 1 . 7 7 4 , anc*
6x Od.\ for KOA6V AAEIOOV cf. Od. 4.591, 22.9. It is sometimes
a synonym for 84TTCCS ( APÎKVTTEAAOV); cf. LfgrEs.v., F. Brommer, Hermes 77
(1942) 356-7,363-4, G. Bruns, Arch. Horn. Q43. T (on 433-4) assumes that
this is the Thracian cup described at 234-5 as the most precious vessel in
the ransom (cf Eust. 135 7.3 iff.)- For (430) nipyov . . . cuv ye Ocoimv cf.
9.49 ovv y i p teco EIAÂOUGPEV, etc.
432—9 Hermes ironically again suggests that Priam is 'testing* him, since
he cannot accept a gift without Akhilleus' orders. But he promises with
great warmth to escort him wherever he wishes to go.
433 This verse echoes 390, again with assonance, and ycpaifc vtcoripou
are artfully juxtaposed. For 0O8I P£ TTEIOWS | cf. 219 etc. (6x //., 1 x Od.).
434 x&cat (with synizesis) is a modern editorial spelling (Wolf), for the
manuscripts' x£Aq (with contraction). Elsewhere in It. we find xiASai (cf. | As
x&cat at 12.235, *4-96, objecting to a suggestion), whereas in the Odyssey
we have | xal JJE X&^ct (4.812), | F) HE K£\E<?I (5.174), mos yAp ME xtAgn
(10.337). It hardly matters which spelling we choose here, but for -13 see
13.818 with comment, Chantraine, GHi 57. nap4£ 'AxiAqa means 'behind
Akhilleus' back', naphc having an implication of deception or disregard; cf.
10.391 Traphc vAov fjyays, etc.
435—6 For this mixture of reverence and fear of one's superior cf. 1.331,
3.172, etc. (with Richardson on HyDem 190), and especially Od. 17.188-9,
where Eumaios says of his master Telemakhos AAAA T6V al64opai xal 8£(6ta,
PI*) not ¿trfaaco | VEIWIR)- xaArrral 84 AVAXTGOV dalv ApoxAal. For the form
OUAEVEIV (instead of the normal OVAAV) cf. 5.48.
437-9 For&v...x£cf. 11.187etc., Chantraine, GH11 345. One papyrus
offers ool here, which Chantraine thinks could be original, but no
change seems necessary. The repetition of TTOUTT6S . . . TTOJITT6V in 437 and
439 is suitable in allusion to Hermes' role as divine escort (cf. Troinrcnos,
VJA/XOTTOPTT6S) , as at 153, 182, and again at 461. The phrase xAvrriv "Apyos
occurs only here, and presumably implies 'all the way to my home in
Greece', i.e. Pelasgian Argos in Thessaly (cf. 2.681). For tv5ux&os in 438 see
on 23.90, and for the combination of 'by ship . . . on foot (TTE£6S)' cf.
9.328-9, Od. 1.171-3 (etc.), 11.58, 11.159, Pind. P. 10.29. Here the phrase
acts as a hyperbole: 'or even (if you ask) on foot* (T). Verse 439 means *(if
I did so) no one would (dare to) fight with you, thinking lightly of me as
your escort'. Cf. 9.55 | oO TIS TOI T6V pG6ov 6v6ooErai.
440—2 Suiting action to words Hermes at once leaps aboard the chariot,
seizes the reins, and inspires the horses and mules with strength. That is all
that we hear of the rest of the journey, which is accomplished (one assumes)
with the briskness of divine inspiration. Hermes' swiftness is again stressed
at 446 (¿fyap), although there it is more remarkable. | f) xal Avatâs is
repeated at 621, of Akhilleus; cf. 1.584 <2>s &p' tyiv xal Avatâs. For 440-1
3*7
Book Twenty-Four
cf. 17.481-2 'AAKIIA£6COV fJorjOoov &pu' iiropoOaas | Kap-rraXipcos u d o r i y a

Kai fjvia "KaZfrxo XEpcriv; and for 442 cf. 17.456 ITTTTOUJIV ¿V^TTVEUCTEV (JIEVOS |.
443—6g When they reach the Achaean wall Hermes puts the guards to sleep and opens
the gates. They arrive at Akhilleus' hut, whose structure is described. Hermes opens the
great doors, and they enter. He then reveals his true identity, tells Priam to entreat
Akhilleus, and departs
4 4 3 - 7 T h e main clause after 6AA' OTE . . . comes probably at 445. T h e

guards were described as being in the space between wall and trench at
9.66-7, 9.87, etc. m/pyous VEGOV means 'the fortifications of the ships'. For
the association of Sopira with 4>vAaKTT^pEs cf. 9.66 Bop-rca T' ÔTTAiaousaOa•
4>VAAKTFJPES 8s EKCCCTTOI I Aeâcrfloov . . . In 445 TOICTI 8' E<J>' OTTVOV ixeve belongs
to an Odyssean group of phrases: OTTVOV with dative, and variations,
occurs 7X Od., 1 x HyAphr. For Hermes' soporific power cf. 343-4. a<J>ap
in 446 stresses again the divine ease with which he accomplishes what
Akhilleus says no mortal could easily do (565-7). Cf. for example the
infant Hermes' miraculous speed of action at HyHerm 15-23, 43-6, etc. For
446 cf. 21.537 01 81 avEoocv TE TTUAAS Kai ATTGOCTOV ¿xôtS-
448—56 Akhilleus' KAiair) (perhaps we should say 'quarters' rather than
'hut'; the German Lager would be a good equivalent for KAIOIR), which is
related to KAIVCO etc.) was never described in detail earlier in the poem. Here
it has become a full-scale dwelling, with thatched roof, a great courtyard,
and a heavily bolted door. Later its aT0oucra (644), p£yapov (647), and
TrpoSopos (673) are mentioned, as in the palaces of the Odyssey, although its
thatched roof and fence of stakes suggest its rustic quality (see on 4 5 2 - 3 ) .
Such a description of a dwelling-place is common at this stage of an 'arrival
scene' (6.240-50, 6 . 3 1 3 - 1 7 , Od. 5.55-75, 7.81-133, 14.5-22; cf. Arend,
Scenen 3 1 - 2 , 37-8, 4 2 - 3 , etc.), but it has its own special functions here, the
most obvious being to build up the impression of Akhilleus' greatness, as if
we saw the scene through the apprehensive eyes of Priam and Idaios (as at
352-60, etc.; cf. the onlooker's reaction of wonder at Od. 5.75, 7.82-3^
7.133). Like other forms of aO£t|ors, it prepares for the momentous meet-
ing which is to follow. Akhilleus' own physical strength is shown by the
detail of 454-6, as well as Hermes' miraculous aid. Moreover, the scale
of Akhilleus' quarters will later enable Hektor's body to be washed and
anointed without Priam's seeing it, an important precaution as the poet
explains (582-6), and will allow Priam and Idaios to sleep apart from
Akhilleus and Briseis, like guests in the Odyssey (673-6).
Thus the aggrandizement of the KAioiri (so disturbing to Leaf and the
analysts) is a natural consequence of the poet's narrative techniques, al-
though again he comes much closer here to Odyssean patterns than in the
rest of the poem.
318
Book Twenty-Four
448 This verse belongs to a formular pattern: 11.618 ol 6* 6TC 8f) KXiolqv
NTÂT]I6(6ECO <5C$(KOVTO, etc.; cf. also 431.
449 The phrasing resembles 20.146-7 (TETXOS) 0vyqX6v, T6 (WC o l . . . | . . .
TTOIEOV . . .
450-1 A gabled roof is described in the simile at 23.712-13 (see com-
ment) and is presumably meant here, since it is thatched. IpExpot | is used of
roofing at 1.39 (temple); cf. Od. 23.193 (Odysseus' bedroom) EV KO&RRREPDEV
ipevyot. Verse 451 means '(they roofed it) with shaggy thatch, reaped from
the meadows'. It is a particularly euphonious four-word verse, with strong
assonance of liquids and nasals, and a spondaic ending. The ancient com-
mentators claim that 6po$os signifies a type of straw, a view supported by
either Aristotle or Theophrastus (Pollux 10.170 = Arist. fr. 268 R.). As
Leaf pointed out, the English 'thatch' actually means 'roof' (cf. German
'Dach'), and so the interchange of sense would be natural. Apart from this
Homeric use and the Aristotelian fragment, the form 6po$o$ occurs no-
where else, and this might support a specialized sense, ¿po^nf), a later word
for 'roof', is used at Od. 22.298. Theocritus imitates XEIIKOV66EV (Id. 7.80),
Apollonius &|rf)<ravTE$ (1.688); cf. Call. Hy. 3.164 be Aeipcovo$ dnqcdpEvai.
453—3 The courtyard is surrounded by a close fence of stakes: cf.
Eumaios' farmstead at Od. 14.11-12 croupous 8' herds SXaoot Siap-irEpts
£v0a xal Ev6a, | TTUKVOUS KO! 6ap£as. cnravp6s occurs nowhere else in Homer
(cf. Hdt. 5.16, etc.), the usual word being 0x6X0*4/.
453-6 The door is held by a single great beam, called bripA/js (cf.
¿mfkfeXXEiv), and at 455 LIEYAXQV KXQT8O. hnpxîs, a Homeric hapax, occurs
rarely later (Lysias, inscriptions, epigrams). tmpp/|ooEiv recurs only at 456
(cf. 18.571 ^fjooovTEs) and is the Ionic form of tmppdaaEtv (S. OT 1244
ttuXos . . . tmppAâa* kreo, etc.), meaning 'slam shut' here. The contrast
between Akhilleus' strength and that of others is a motif which occurred at
16.140-2, 17.76-8, 19.387-9 (his spear), and cf. 5.302-4, 11.636-7 (with
comment), for similar comparisons.
457-9 The innovative contracted form d>Ê occurs only here in Homer:
cf. 446 ebiÊ, etc. Verse 458 is a variant form of 447, and 459 resembles
3.265, 8.492 ££ Tmnrcov (8*) ¿rrropdvTEs tirl \B6va.
460—7 Hermes reveals his identity just before his departure, and instructs
Priam how to approach Akhilleus. As Aristarchus observed (Arn/A 2.791),
the moment of a god's departure was one of the most usual occasions for
self-revelation: cf. 13.71-2, 21.7-13, Od. 1.319-20, 3.371-9, and see
Richardson on HyDem 188-90 (p. 208), 275ff. (p. 252). For the typical
language of this revelation see on HyDem 256-74, 268, and cf. especially
here Od. 19.548-9 (the eagle in Penelope's dream) £Y<B 8£ *roi CCIET6S 6pvi$ |
fa irApos, vvv OOTE TE6S TTACTIS EIA^XOV/OCC. IN such cases ' I have come' often
implies 'to your aid*. The runover word 'EpiiElas in 461 is emphatic here.
The rest of 461 recalls Zeus*s promise (153, 182).
3»9
Book Twenty-Four
463-70 For efoopai ('I shall hasten*) see on 21.334-5. ctcrcipi occurs only
here in //., 4X Od. In verses 463-4 v£M£OOtit6v . . . fivTqv is usually taken
to mean 'it would be offensive for mortals to entertain an immortal god in
this way face to face'. Apart from 16.192 6y$aycnra56M€vos, AycrrrA^tiv is
Odyssean (5X , once in active, otherwise middle), meaning *to greet', 'to
show affection to'. It would also be possible to take it as 'for an immor-
tal god thus to greet mortals face to face'. In the Iliad, only the remote
Ethiopians have the privilege of giving hospitality to the gods in their true
form, but in the Odyssey the Phaeacians can also do so (7.201-6). In the
past, however, the gods came in person to the wedding-feast of Peleus and
Thetis (II. 24.62-3).
4 6 5 - 7 Hermes ends by advising Priam on how to supplicate Akhilleus.
The form is traditional: for clasping the knees, and invoking the family of
the supplicated person, see on 22.338. Akhilleus' only son Neoptolemos was
mentioned by him together with his father Peleus at 19.326-37 (sec com-
ments); cf. Od. 11.492-540. In fact Priam will not only clasp his knees but
also kiss his hands, a gesture which adds a new dimension to this act of
suppliancy (478-9, 505-6), and he will invoke only his father Peleus, in
such a way as to link his own fate to that of Akhilleus* father (486-506).
468-9 <2>s... ¿ru prj is a traditional formula for departure (cf. 6.116 etc.),
and the whole sentence is echoed at 694. The usual account of human
reactions to a divine self-revelation or epiphany (see on HyDem 188-90,
275fT.) is here omitted, because it would detract from the main focus on
Priam's approach to Akhilleus. In any case, Priam had already been told
by Iris that Hermes would help him.
f6g-6gi Priam's visit to Akhilleus

In general structure the whole of this episode corresponds to the schema of
'Visit' scenes, as described by Arend (Scenen 34-53, and on 322-691 see
pp. 37-9). Normally in the Iliad the visitor enters and finds the host and his
companions engaged in some activity. He is seen, and the reaction of those
inside is sometimes described. He is then welcomed, offered a seat, and
usually invited to share in a meal. After these preliminaries conversation at
last begins. Finally, a bed is sometimes prepared for the guest for the night.
Many of the main motifs of this typical structure are present here, but the
nature of the situation gives rise to a series of significant variations, and the
extensive dialogue sections create a different narrative technique from that
of other visit scenes in the Iliad (cf. Arend, Scenen 38-9). Thus Priam is
unseen until he reaches Akhilleus. It is he who speaks first, in supplication.
The offer of a seat (522) comes in Akhilleus' reply, but this leads to his long
consolatory reflection on human misfortunes. Priam's refusal of this offer,
because of his anxiety to complete his task (552-8), stirs Akhilleus' dormant
320
1
Book Twenty-Four
anger and nearly destroys the precarious balance of sympathy just created
between them (559-70). Priam then obeys (571). The traditional schema
is interrupted by the series of actions through which the actual ransoming
is effected ( 5 7 2 - 9 5 ) , including the washing of Hektor's body, itself a feature
of a Visit scene (see on 587-90). There follows Akhilleus' invitation to
Priam to share in a meal, extended by the paradeigmatic story of Niobe
(596-620). The meal is prepared and they eat together (621-7), after-
wards no further dialogue is reported. Instead, they simply gaze in wonder
at each other (628-32), although in 632 XAL iiCOov AKOOCOV suggests that
Priam speaks. Finally Priam requests that he may be allowed to go to bed,
and preparations are made for this, but with special precautions in case his
presence is detected by the other Greek leaders, and there is further discus-
sion of the truce for Hektor's funeral (633-72). They sleep: but Priam is
soon woken by Hermes, who escorts him out of the Greek camp (673-91).
Within the Iliad the visit of the ambassadors to Akhilleus in book 9
(182-668) is the nearest parallel, and its differences are interesting. They
find him playing the lyre and singing xAte drvSp&v, accompanied only by
Patroklos, who sits in silence. They enter, and Akhilleus leaps up in aston-
ishment (193 Ta$&v). They are welcomed and seated, and food and drink
is served. There follows the dialogue (222-655), a ^ t c r which they leave,
except Phoinix who stays and sleeps in Akhilleus' quarters (656-68).
Still closer, however, is the description in the Odyssey of Odysseus' arrival
at the palace of Alkinoos, and his reception there as a suppliant (Od. 7.14^.;
cf. Arend Scenen 42-4). Odysseus is escorted by the disguised Athene as far
as the palace, and advised by her to supplicate Arete. Athene has cast over
him a cloud of invisibility as he goes on his way. At his approach to the
palace he stops and wonders at it, and it is described at length. Then he
enters and finds the Phaeacians pouring their last libation of the day. He is
still invisible until he reaches Arete. He clasps her knees, and the cloud dis-
perses. All in the palace are silent in amazement. He makes his supplication,
which is followed by a stunned silence, and sits down at the hearth. At length
the process of receiving him begins to get under way. Alkinoos takes him by
the hand, raises him and seats him on a chair, and from then on the normal
courtesies reassert themselves to a large extent. The general tone of the
Odyssean scenes is quite different, but the points of comparison are striking.
469-84 Priam enters the house, leaving Idaios outside, and finds Akhilleus who has
justfinishedeating. Unnoticed by him or his companions he approaches, clasps his knees
and kisses his hands. Akhilleus and the companions are struck with amazement
469-76 The narrative is rapid here with a very unusual run of six sen-
tences with enjambment and sentence breaks in mid-verse, a type defined
as 'skewed sentences' by Higbie, Measure and Music 77, 112-20.-
321
Book Twenty-Three
469-72 F o r 4 6 9 cf. 5 . 1 1 1 e t c . T T H T C O V S A T O XOMO& |.

4 7 2 - 6 Akhilleus sits alone, with his companions a little apart (at a
distance which respects his state of mind), except his two squires
Automedon and Alkimos, who are busy attending him. He has just finished
eating and the table is still beside him. In book 9 it was Patroklos who
sat with him while he sang, and it used to be he who served his meals
(9.186-91, 201-20, 19.315-18), and at 572-5 we shall be reminded that
they have taken the place of Patroklos after his death as Akhilleus* com-
rades. Akhilleus has broken his fast as Thetis urged him to do (128-30), and
as we shall soon hear that Priam has not eaten since Hektor's death (641-
2), and both share a meal together (621-7), the poet's mention of this
particular detail must be significant. It suggests that Akhilleus' mood is
quieter and more normal (cf. Deichgraber, Letzte Gesang 64, Macleod on
472-6, Nagler, Spontaneity 186-7). It may also add to the sense of Akhilleus
as the lordly figure (At! $(Ao$ in 472 perhaps suggests his majesty) who is in
control of the situation, as he dines among his retainers, like Alkinoos and
the Phaeacians who have just dined when Odysseus arrives (Od. 7.136-8,
188), or Menelaos who is giving a wedding-feast when Telemakhos comes
to Sparta (4.1-19): cf. Edwards, HP 1308-9.
4 7 4 For Automedon see 9.209 etc., and for Alkimos (the short form of
Alkimedon, to avoid the verbal jingle with the first name) cf. 16.197 etc.
The two recur together at 574, 19.392.
4 7 5 - 6 Cf. Od. 5.196-7 -rltei 7tA pa iraaav £6eo6V)v, | ?O6EIV xat TTIVCIV, and
| toOcov Kai Trivoov 2X Od. Verse 476 was athetized (T) on the trivial ground
that in Homer tables were not removed directly after eating: cf. Arn/A on
4.262, and schol. Od. 7.174. The problem is discussed in Athenaeus (12A-
B), where the right answer is given, that as Akhilleus is in mourning one
would not expect the table to remain throughout the following scene (so
also schol. D and T ) .
4 7 7 - 9 riplapos u£yas occurs only here. At this momentous point it is
appropriate to speak of 'mighty Priam' entering unseen, and it helps to
prepare for the shock of surprise when he is suddenly seen, present in all
his greatness.
At 8.371 Athene says that Thetis 'kissed Zeus' knees and took hold of
his chin with her hand' (which is more than she is actually said to do at
1.500-2 and 1.512-13, where she just clasps his knees); cf. Od. 14.279,
where Odysseus in a false tale supplicates the king of Egypt by kissing his
knees. Only here in Homer does a suppliant kiss the hands, a gesture which
is a sign of affection and welcome at Od. 21.225, 22.499-500, and especially
24.398. The next verse spells out the awful significance of this action. Verse
479 is a 'tricolon crescendo', with heavy opening spondaic word (8eiv6s),
followed by the more explicit 6v6po$6vovs, which in turn is 'glossed' by the
322
Book Twenty-Three
still more precise relative clause a! ol iroXtes KTAVOV uTas (cf. 16.26 m. for
such glosses on compound words). X^P®* • • • Av8po$6vous was used at
18.317, 23.18 of Akhilleus placing his hands on the breast of the dead
Patroklos. Otherwise the epithet is nearly always (e.g. 509) applied in the
genitive to Hektor ( n x ; 2X with Lukourgos and Ares). Here, in the
context of the death of Priam's sons, this creates a strange reverberation,
perhaps similar to the reversal of roles in the following simile. These verses
are echoed by Priam himself at 505-6, underlining stilt further the signifi-
cance of his action. Supplication by touching or clasping someone's hands
seems to be rare in later literature; cf. E. Hec. 273-6, 342-5. In the case of
Priam, his action in kissing the hands of Akhilleus, the killer of his sons,
perhaps 'defuses' their power to harm. The scene is portrayed on a fine
silver bowl of the Augustan period, found in Denmark: LIMCi. 1, p. 154,
no. 687.
4 8 0 - 4 This must be the most dramatic moment in the whole of the
Iliad, and its character is marked by a simile which is extremely individual.
The effect of 477-9, followed by the elaboration of 480-4, is rather like that
of a flash of lightning from a sky heavy with black clouds, followed by the
long rumble of thunder. The simile concerns a homicide who goes into exile
and seeks refuge in the house of a rich man, in the hope presumably of
becoming his retainer: for this theme see on 23.85-90. The frrrj which has
seized him could refer both to the circumstances which led him to kill and
to the disastrous consequences of the act: he has become a man 'under a
cloud' of disaster. It is this which (partly at least) causes the shock of
surprise to those into whose house he enters when he appears in the door-
way. As J. Gould remarks {JHS 93 (1973), 96 n. 111), this may not be so
far from the later idea of pollution for bloodshed. It cannot, surely, be
simply the unexpected suddenness of a stranger's appearance which is the
point of comparison with Priam's entry and actions (cf. bT, although they
also thought that the homicide was seeking purification; Macleod on 480-4:
'the bystanders are amazed simply at the unexpectedness of the arrival';
Parker, Miasma (35 n. 124: 'no more than surprise and curiosity'). But the
way in which the simile is introduced suggests that there is more to it
than that.
The aspect of the comparison which has most impressed modern readers
is the reversal of roles (already noted by Eustathius). In the narrative it is
the supplicated man who is the killer, and the suppliant who is the rich man.
Moreover, Priam is in his own homeland, whereas Akhilleus is a hostile
invader. But the emotional charge involved in both situations is similar, and
the poet has chosen an event, doubtless common in his own time, which
would suggest to his audience more directly the intensity of the moment in
the narrative. Cf. also Moulton, Similes 114-16.
323
480 &TT) "TTUXIWJ implies that &TT) has got a tight grip on the man.
4 8 A The view that the homicide seeks purification led T to say that
'this may be an anachronism', i.e. something reflecting the poet's own
times which occurs in a simile but not in the narrative, and on 11.690 T
notes that purification for homicide does not occur in Homeric society.
4 8 2 — 4 This is a variation on the common reaction of surprise at an
unexpected visitor in such scenes: cf. 9.193, 11-777 Ta^cbv 8 ' <5cv6pouaev
'AXIAAEUS; Od. 7 . 1 4 4 - 5 (silent amazement of the Phaeacians in the parallel
suppliant scene), 10.63 ol 8 ' 6v& 0up6v ¿GApffeov (Aiolos and family at
Odysseus' second visit), 1 6 . 1 2 - 1 4 TCC$WV 8 ' dv6poucE OVPCBTTJS (who drops
the vessels he is holding). 66p{3os denotes a strong reaction (cf. 23.815n.),
and this is emphasized by the repetition 66ppo$... OAPPTJOEV . . . Odppqcrav,
rounded off by ¿s AAAfjAous I8OVTO. Cf. Keats:
O r like stout Cortez when with eagle eyes

He stared at the Pacific - and all his men
Look'd at each other with a wild surmise...
In 4 8 3 npiapov 8EOEI6ECC is more than just formular, and is in fact the only
case of this phrase in the accusative (with synizesis; cf. 'AA££crv6pov
0EOEI8FO). It is not just Priam's presence, but his godlike character, that
impresses Akhilleus. See on 217, and on 472 (Ait <J>lAos), 477 (Tlplapos
485-512 Priam supplicates Akhilleus. They both weep
4 8 6 - 5 0 6 Nam epilogus quidem quis unquam poterit illis Priami rogantis Achillem
precibus aequari? (Quintilian 1 0 . 1 . 5 0 ; he may really be thinking here of the
whole of the last Book, as the poem's epilogue; see also on 776). *
Priam's entreaty is based on the comparison of himself to Akhilleus'
father, establishing a bond of sympathy between them. He begins and ends
with this theme ( 4 8 6 - 9 , 5 0 3 - 4 ) , and in both cases this leads to the reflection
that Priam is even more deserving of pity than Peleus ( 4 9 0 - 4 , 5 0 4 - 6 ) . In
the first part Priam's exceptional misfortune is developed by the theme of
the loss of so many of his children, by contrast to the survival of Peleus' only
one, and this culminates in the reference to the death of the 'only' child who
defended Troy, Hektor ( 4 9 3 - 5 0 1 ) . After this emotional climax comes the
reason for his journey, mentioned as briefly as possible ( 5 0 1 - 2 ) . O n the
overall ring-structure see Lohmann, Reden 121-2, and on this theme of
father-son relationships elsewhere in the poem see vol. v, p. 10.
4 8 6 The opening is very abrupt and direct, with no preamble. The
vulgate reading CEIO was supported by Zenodotus, ooto being that of
Aristarchus and a group of MSS. T h e possessive adjective ooto is what is
324
wanted. As with feociSta in 483, OsoTs ¿TTIEIKEAE surely has point: 'in calling
him dear to the gods and godlike he averts the risk of dishonouring a
suppliant', say bT, comparing Od. 5.447-8 on divine respect for £eTvoi.
4 8 7 TVJAIKOS occurs only here in //., 1 x Od. The phrase hrl YI^PAOS oC/6a>
was used once before in the poem, again by Priam of himself in an appeal
for pity: see on 22.60, and cf. 515-i6n.
4 8 8 - 9 mpivai^Tns occurs only here and then in A.R. 4.470; cf.
mpivairrdeiv (4X Od.) and rapix-rloves. idtrres perhaps glosses the
epithet, as in 479; cf. Od. 2.65-6 ircpucrlovas dcvOpcirrrovs | ot mpivaierdovoi.
Ap^ls seems here to mean 'around', whereas elsewhere in Homer it means
'on either side'. Priam assumes that Peleus is harassed by those around him,
just as he himself is harassed by the Greeks (e.g. cf. 6.255-6 Telpowi of the
Achaeans attacking the Trojans). Akhilleus is already anxious for his father
at 19.334-7. Od. 11.494-505 Akhilleus' ghost is eager to hear whether
Peleus has lost his kingdom, but Odysseus cannot tell him. Later legends
tilled in the story with accounts of how he was dispossessed by Akastos or his
sons: cf. E. Tro. 1126-8 with scholia, Sophocles' Peleus, TGF iv, ed. Radt,
pp. 390-2, Soph. Fragments ed. Pearson, 11, pp. 140-3, Apollodorus, Epit.
6.13, etc.
4 9 0 — a Peleus' one consolation is the news that his son is alive and hope
for his return, although there is an underlying irony here, for we have been
told so often that they will not meet again. ForfrirlT' £Airrrat... | 64*0601
cf. HyDem 35-6 ITI 8 ' ÂTTETO pryxipa KE8W)V | 6yEO0ai. The form TPOITJOEV
occurs only here in //., 6x Od.; 3X (¿TTT6) TpolTjOev I6vrra (etc.). It is natural
that it should occur more often in the Odyssey. Some MSS and one papyrus
read <5rrc6 Tpoirj0€(v) poA6irra, but -6EV is regular in such case-forms.
4 9 3 - 4 = 2 5 5 - 6 (with d> MOI tyeb...). There, however, Priam was con-
trasting the sons who survived with those who were lost, but here he
thinks only of the dead, and goes on to elaborate in more detail their
number and parentage.
4 9 5 - 7 For Priam's fifty sons cf. 6.242-6. 'It is the custom for foreign
kings to have children from several women', say bT, and it is fairly clear
that Homer is depicting Priam as a polygamous ruler, in contrast to Greek
custom (cf. Hall, Barbarian 42-3). bT list as known wives, besides Hekabe
(mother of nineteen according to 496), Arisbe daughter of Merops, Alexiroe
daughter of Antandros, and Altes' daughter Laothoe. The first two do not
occur in Homer, but the last was menuoned at 21.84-5, 22.46-8, as mother
of Lukaon and Poludoros. At 8.302-5 we also hear of Kastianeira, mother
of Gorguthion. O f Priam's fifty sons, twenty-two are menuoned in the Iliad.
Two (Mestor and Troilos) died earlier in the war (257), eleven are killed in
the course of the poem, and the remaining nine are named at 249-51. If we
exclude the three children said to be from other wives (Lukaon, Poludoros
325
Book Twenty-Four
and Gorguthion) we are left with nineteen, and so it is possible that all the
nineteen sons of Hekabe are mentioned by the poet in the course of his
narrative, although only five are explicitly said to be hers (Hektor, Paris,
Antiphos, Deiphobos, Polites). For more complete lists cf. Apollod. 3.12.5;
M . C. van der Kolf, RE s.v. Priamos, XXII, 1845-7. See also her article in
Mnemosyne 7 (1954) 9 - 1 1 for reflections on the political background to
Priam's marriages.
498—501 Priam contrasts the many whom furious Ares has destroyed
with the 'only* son whom Akhilleus has just killed, Hektor. T h e name is
postponed and stressed by its position, as at 742, 22.426, etc. O n 498 the
b scholia comment that 'in fear he does not say "you (killed)", in order
not to anger him' (cf. 520-1, 22.423), and it is true that elsewhere the
subject of yoOvorr' lAuocv is always a specific hero. But the rhetorical effect
of climax is an important factor here. Leaf objected to 498 that it was a
weak and unnecessary line, and that the rhythm was 'unusually bad and
un-Epic'. But the rhythm of the first part of 498 actually recurs at 500:
| |-u||
Really, however, TCOV TTOXACOV should be treated as a single metrical

unit:
1 2 3
| —U U — | KJKJ — KJ U— X
This is unusual, but not impossible.

O f 499 b T say that it is a form of hendiadys, meaning 'he who was the
only one to protect the city', which may be right (cf. 6.403 oTos y&p tpOrro
"lAiov "Eicrcop, and 22.507). But olos does have the implication of'the only
son who really counted at all'. &OTV teal aCrroOs means 'the city and its
inhabitants'; cf. 14.47 ^TO • • • K a f aCrroOs, Od. 9.40 ttAAiv trcpaQov, wAeaa
8* aOrous. This is the vulgate reading. The variant xal OVT6S would mean
'by himself', but after 0T05 this would hardly be necessary. In 500 7rpcbr)v
means 'lately' as at 5.832; cf. 2.303(0.). dpwduEvov m p l TTdrrpTjs appropri-
ately recalls Hektor's own exhortations at 12.243, 15-496-
5 0 1 - 2 'He does not go into detail about the gifts: for this would have
destroyed the pathos' (T on 504). Verse 502 resembles 1 . 1 3 « 372
Auo6iiEv6$ TI OOycrrpa $£po>v T' drrrcpElai' Gm-oiva, of Khruses' supplication
of the Greeks and Agamemnon, a significant echo in view of the analogies
between the opening and close of the poem: cf. Reinhardt, luD 63-8,
Macleod, Iliad XXIV 33-4, and see Introduction, 'Structure'.
503—6 The conclusion echoes the opening (486-94; cf. b T 504), but with
new developments, the appeal to reverence the gods and show pity to
Priam, and the culminating reference to his unique act of kissing the hands
326
Book Twenty-Four
of his son's killer. For 503 cf. 2 1 . 7 4 8I p' ot&o, KCC( p* iXlTjoov, 22.82
(with comments), and Od. 9 . 2 6 9 ¿XX' OTIBETO, ^¿PIATE, OEOOS (mentioned by A
as a variant reading). In view of 4 7 8 - 9 , 5 0 6 ought to mean 'to stretch the
hands (X£?PE) m y son's killer towards my mouth'. This is an unusual
sense of 6ptyso6ai, which elsewhere means 'to reach out (one's own hands)
for something', but the middle can surely also mean 'to reach to myself' as
here. The alternative, favoured by Leaf, is to translate 'to reach with my
hand (x"P0 to the mouth (etc.)', i.e. to touch his mouth or chin as a
suppliant, the gesture described at 1.501-2 etc. This is what Priam does
on a sixth-century B.C. relief inspired by this scene (Johansen, Iliad in
Early Greek Art 49-51; cf. LIMC1.1, p. 148, no. 642). Eustathius (136o-56ff.)
seems to have read Xctp°5 ¿P^€at> a n d to have taken this as referring to
Priam stretching out his hands to Akhilleus' chin. This version would give
a less complex word-order, with 6v6p6$ irat6o$6voto "TTOTI crrApac going
together, whereas with the first version there is an interlacing effect, but this
can be explained by the need to give prominence to drv>6p6s TTcn6o$6voto.
T h e epithet occurs only here in early literature (cf. Hdt. 7 . 1 9 0 , Euripides,
etc.), and echoes 479.
507 = Od. 4.113 (Telemakhos weeps when Menelaos speaks of his fa-
ther). O n the difference in tone of the two scenes cf. Reinhardt, IuD 4 9 3 - 4
(echoed by Griffin, HLD 6 7 - 9 ) .
508 Akhilleus takes Priam by the hand, a gesture of acceptance, but
instead of raising him at once from his suppliant position and seating him
(cf. 515, 522), he gendy pushes him away, overcome by emotion, and the
storm of grief breaks. For the normal sequence denoting acceptance of
the suppliant cf. Od. 7.159-71» Thuc. 1.137.1. The emotional tension or
conflict is shown by Akhilleus' gesture of pushing Priam away, which
would normally imply rejection (cf. 6 . 6 2 - 3 ^ fttev ¿xrorro x t l P' I
"ASpTjtrrov), but here is qualified by fjxa ('gently'). The sequence
is wonderfully natural and powerfully effective. Cf. J. Gould, JHS 93
(»973) 7 8 - 8 0 .
5 0 9 - 1 9 t w 6i pvrjerap vco picks u p pvrjadpEvos in 5 0 4 (cf. 4 8 6 ) , b u t
Priam's speech has recalled to both their causes for grief, and in Akhilleus'
case not just his father but also Patroldos. Cf. the effects of the laments for
Patroklos in book 1 9 ( 3 0 1 - 2 , 3 3 8 - 9 ) : in the second of these it is the mention
of Akhilleus' family left at home which stirs memories in his audience.
Likewise in the Odyssey ( 4 . 1 8 3 - 2 0 2 ) Menelaos' regret for Odysseus' absence
leads all who are present to weep, as they remember those whom they have
lost. The sentence-structure TW 84 . . . 6 p i v . . . aCrr&p 'AXIXXEVS resembles
7 . 3 0 6 - 7 , 1 2 . 4 0 0 - 4 , Od. 8 . 3 6 0 - 2 . In 5 1 0 Priam's self-abasement is clearly
described: he is 'crouched' or 'curled up' (IXuotal?) before Akhilleus' feet.
This may be a further aspect of his suppliancy (cf. 22.220-1, and Gould,
327
JHS 93 (1973) 94-5), but it surely also depicts his abject sense of grief, as
at 162-5, 22.414.
313-31 Akhilleus then raises Priam to his feet and addresses him. He asks him to
sit down, and offers him consolation, reflecting on the nature of human misfortune, and
comparing Priam's fate with that of Peleus
5 1 3 - 1 4 For 513 cf. 23.1 o avT&p frrei k' ¿Aooio TrrapTTobpfoGa yAoio, 23.98.
Chrysippus (quoted by Galen, Deplac. Hipp. 4.7.26 ed. P. de Lacy) read the
alternative verse AAV 6T* 8FJ KACXICOV TC KVAIV66UCV6S T€ KOPTODQ which is
derived from Od. 4.541, 10.499. For 514 cf. Od. 6.140 SApaos b\ tyrart (Ky<e
Kal IK 8fos ilArro yvlcov. The verse was athedzed (Arn/A) as unnecessary,
and because of Aristarchus' view that yuta referred only to the hands and
feet, not to all the limbs, and so was out of place here; see on 23.627, but
contrast b T on 3.34, who disagree. Passages such as Od. 10.361-3, 18.236-
42 suggest that yvia can have a wider sense (cf. LfgrE s.v.), and in Homer
it is quite natural for the desire for tears to be seen as something physical,
which affects the body as a whole: cf. Eust. 1362. i2ff., and R. B. Onians,
The Origins of European Thought (2nd edn., Cambridge 1954) 79.
5 1 5 - 1 6 Cf. Od. 7.168-9 (Alkinoos) xE1P&S ¿Acbv 'OSuoqa . . . | wpocv . . .
Kal ITTI OpAvou da* $acivoO. Verse 516 echoes 22.74, * n Priam's appeal to
Hektor (cf. 487^), and at last fulfils the hope of 22.418-20.
518-51 Akhilleus' speech answers and to some extent mirrors the struc-
ture of Priam's (cf. Lohmann, Reden 121-4). He begins by echoing and
sympathizing with Priam's description of his misfortunes (518-21, 493-
501). The ring-form is signalled by the repetition of &vax«o odv xcrrA 9vy6v
(518) in AVOXCO . . . o6v KOCTA 8vp6v at the end (549), although the verb is
aorist indicative in the first place, imperative in the second; and the theme
01*522-4 is picked up at 550-1 ('there is no use in grieving'). Verses 525-33
are a general gnomic section (the jars of Zeus), illustrating the moral that
all men have a certain share of miseries, and some are even worse off
because they have unmixed troubles, rather than a mixture of good and ill.
This is illustrated by the cases of Peleus and Priam (534-48), which are
compared as in Priam's speech. But whereas Priam had seen his own fate
as worst of all (493 TTOVATTOTUOS), Akhilleus shows how both old men
have had a mixture of blessings and sorrows, and Priam's reference to
Akhilleus as the son who can still give Peleus joy (490-2) is answered by the
description of himself as iravacoptov (540), a unique coinage which echoes
and contrasts with Priam's TTOVATTOTIJOS. Verses 538-40 pick up and answer
493-501: Priam's lost sons, and his 'only' son Hektor, are echoed by Peleus'
failure to have sons who will succeed, and the doom of his only son
Akhilleus. The structure of this whole section (534-48) resembles that
328
Book Twenty-Three
of 4 8 8 - 5 0 2 , since both speakers begin with Peleus, then move on to

Akhilleus, and then make the comparison with Priam. But Akhilleus' reply
is more general and reflective. In its use ofgnomai, allegory and paradeigmata
it resembles that of his tutor Phoinix ( 9 . 4 3 4 - 8 0 5 ; cf. Deichgräber, Letzte
Gesang 69).
T h e speech is consolatory and foreshadows the themes of later consola-
tiones, which express sympathy but correct the tendency to excessive grief,
by pointing out that weeping has no practical use, suffering is common to
all, others have endured worse, or that the person consoled has himself
had worse to suffer before. Cf. R . Kassel, Untersuchungen zur griechischen
und römischen Konsolationsliteratur (Munich 1958) 4 9 - 1 0 3 , and Nisbet and
Hubbard on Hör. Odes 1 . 2 4 . The Consolatio ad Apollonium quotes 5 2 2 - 3 3 as
an example of Homer's particular skill in this genre (Plutarch, Mor. 105
C-D). T h e emphasis on endurance, as man's response to the divine gift
of troubles, is standard in later literature: see on 4 9 and HyDem 1 4 7 - 8 .
In the Iliad it occurs in Dione's consolation of Aphrodite at 5 . 3 8 2 - 4 0 2 ,
where by a paradoxical reversal it is applied to divine endurance of troubles
inflicted by giants or mortals.
5 1 8 A SeiX' is often used at the opening of a speech of pity; cf. 17.201,
17.443 etc., and especially Od. 1 1 . 6 1 8 (Herakles' ghost to Odysseus) A 8E1A\
F} TIVA teal oO KCK&V p6pov F)YT)AD(EIS.
5 1 9 - 2 1 These lines echo Hekabe's at 2 0 3 - 5 (TO&S ¿6£AEIS), where see
comment. Verses 520-1 also pick up Priam's reference to his sons (493-
501), but Akhilleus is more explicit in taking responsibility for their deaths.
5 2 2 — 3 The formal invitation to the suppliant visitor to sit down, post-
poned to this late point, is here joined to the justification that they must lay
their sorrow aside. Likewise Peisistratos is embarrassed at his tears, and
Menelaos says ÎUEIS 8£ KACWOUÖV pfcv IAOOMEV (Od. 4 . 1 9 3 - 5 , 4 . 2 1 2 ) . For
AAyea . . . IACTOUEV cf. 1 8 . 1 1 2 = 1 9 . 6 5 (Akhilleus) ¿AAA TA piv TRPORRNJRXÖCN
lAoopsv Axvupsvof itEp. tv Oupcji KcrraxEiaOai means 'to lie undisturbed in our
hearts'; cf. 527, of the jars 'stored' in Zeus's floor.
5 2 4 Both the word irpfj^ts and this form of the sentiment are Odyssean:
•npiîs 6 X ; cf. Od. 10.202 = 5 6 8 AAA* ou yAp TIS Trpfîs t y l y v n o
pupop€voioiv. Here cf. also 550, echoing 524, and 1.562 Trpfjâi 8' ?MTTT)S oCr
TT 8wf|CT£ai. Herakles' words imitate Akhilleus in his reply to Meleager's
ghost at Bacchyl. 5 . 1 6 2 - 4 AAA* ou yAp T(J tonv | irpaîs TA8E pupopivois, |
Xpf) KETVO Atyetv 6TI xal PÂAEI TEAETV (cf. Maehler's comments on the rela-
tionship of this to the Iliad scene, and on the other parallels). A and T have
ou yAp T(S T ' Avuois as a variant. KpuEpoTo yöoio recurs at Od. 4 . 1 0 3 , 1 1 . 2 1 2 ;
cf. It. 13.48 KpuepoTo ^¿ßoio |. Od. 4 . 1 0 0 - 4 possibly echo II. 2 4 . 5 2 2 - 4 : cf.
Reinhardt, IuD 4 9 4 - 5 . For the theme as a later commonplace cf. Nisbet
and Hubbard on Hor. Odes 1.24.13.
329
5 2 5 - 6 If we read <*>s the construction is suspended during the long

passage on the jars of Zeus (527-33), and the apodosis comes with the
example of Peleus at 534. It seems better, however, to follow Leaf and
read in 525, with 526 explaining the previous verse: Tor in such a way
have the gods spun (destiny) for wretched mortals, that they should live in
sorrow; but they themselves are free of care*. The verb tmKAcbteiv occurs
only here in //., but 7X 0d.y and always of a god or gods allotting destiny.
For this idea, however, of the spun thread of fate see on 209-10, and cf. Od.
7.197 where the Fates are called KAWOE*. In 526 ¿xvupévois is the vulgate
reading, but &xyv\i£vou$ is well-attested, and as this is a normal Homeric
construction it is probably correct; cf. 145-8, 6.207-8, etc. óncnBées is con-
trasted with &xvupévou5. The epithet usually means 'uncared for*, but
'uncaring* at 21.123, 'T^1?)» 'without care* covers both. On the
theme of these verses cf. Griffin, HLD 189-91.
T reasonably comments that 'he means TÓ $voei OETOV (i.e. true divinity),
since he portrays the gods of poetry as experiencing sorrow', and compares
the Epicurean view of divinity. The point is rather that the gods' troubles
do not strike deep, as those of mortals do. Nevertheless, the 'carefree' gods
seem to be a step closer to the less involved deities of the Odyssey: cf. Od.
6.41-6, where 'Olumpos' is a remote place of permanent radiance and
calm, in which the gods take their pleasure for all time.
527—33 The jars of Zeus can be regarded as a moral allegory, like the
descriptions of Prayers and Ruin in the speeches at 9.502-12, 19.91-136;
but this account of the nature of evil is more down-to-earth, less abstract
than those ('not so much an allegory as a survival in popular fancy of what
may once have been regarded as a real explanation', in Leaf's view). The
popular character of the theme is suggested by its recurrence in Hesiod's
story of Pandora's THOOS (Erga 90-104; bT and schol. Erga 94 think the
Hesiodic story was inspired by the Homeric passage). The TT18OS is a large
storage jar, sunk into the floor of a store-room, as in the Mycenaean and
Minoan palaces of the Late Bronze Age. In antiquity there was doubt as to
whether Akhilleus speaks of two jars (one of evil and one of good) or three
(two of evil and one of good). Pindar (P. 3.80-1) apparently took the
second view:
Hcrv6órvcov ótoOa TTpoTépcov

fv TTCtp' krAöv Tri 1 )perra oúvSuo Baíovrrai ßpo*rois
<5t6ávcrroi.
Plato, however (Rep. 379D), took the first, although he gives a different
text for 528, KT)pa>v Ip-rrAcioi 6 pfcv É06A&V aCrráp ó BeiAwv. Aristarchus
evidently thought there were only two (Am/A 527-8; cf. Arn, Nic/A 528),
330
Book Twenty-Four
and this is surely right, hrcpos most naturally refers to one of two, and
for the ellipse of tropos pév before KCCKCOV cf. 2 2 . 1 5 7 $cúycov, 6 6 ' 6TTIO6C
SidbKcav, 7 . 2 4 0 , etc.
The language of the whole passage is untypical. T h e word TT(6OS occurs
first here; cf. Od. 2.340, 23.305. £v Aids oOSci is an unusual phrase, but
cf- 5-734» 8-385 TOfTpAs étt' oOSct, again with reference to Zeus's palace.
In 528 the form ¿ácov occurs first here, and then at Od. 8.325, 335 and 2X
in the Hymns, in the phrases 8o>Tripcs/6a>Top tócov; also 4X in the Theogony.
It must be a genitive plural of ¿Os, meaning 'of good things'; for theories
about the formation cf. Hainsworth on Od. 8.325. It should properly be
written with psilosis, ¿ácov. The hiatus before it is unusual, and the Derveni
papyrus (fourth century B.C.) quotes the line with trepos 8é V éácov, which
Bentley had conjectured: cf. the text in %PE 47 (1982), p. 12, col. xxii, line
7. But there is no obvious reason why the TE should have been lost in all
other texts, and it is more likely to be due to a conjecture. If Sarrop iáwv is
connected with Sanskrit data vásmam an initial digamma has been thought
to explain the hiatus, but there is absolutely no other trace of this; cf.
Chantraine, Diet. s.v. £0s.
In 529 the compound ¿tva-pEÍywpi occurs first here (2X 0d.)\Kaphas is
given in most manuscripts, but it is better to keep the KE here. Kvperai
(530) is the only instance of the middle of KÚpciv in surviving Greek litera-
ture; for the sense cf. Hes. Ergo 6 9 1 -IR^pcrn xupcras. In 5 3 1 XCO^TJTÓS ('de-
graded') occurs first here; cf. Hes. Aspis 366, etc. {JoúfJpaxrns (532) is a
highly individual word, which recurs in Callimachus (Hj. 6 . 1 0 2 KOK&
PoOPpoxrris) and other Hellenistic and later poetry. It was interpreted in
anitquity as meaning originally 'great hunger', 'famine', and hence (as
here) 'great distress' (AbT, etc.). T mentions that at Smyrna there was a
cult of BoOPpcoans, and that this was a deity invoked against one's enemies
(cf. Plutarch, Mor. 6 9 4 A - B ) . T h e sense 'ravening hunger' seems quite possi-
ble, in view of the connexions (as in the Odyssey) between this and the
poverty of the outcast wanderer and lack of respect for him (despite pleas
that beggars are under special divine protection). O n the intensifying sense
of 0ou- in such compounds cf. Chantraine, Diet, s.v., and see on 1 3 . 8 2 4 . T h e
comparison with the ultimate fate of Bellerophon (made by bT) is not
inappropriate:
AAA* ÓTE 8#) xaí KETVOS AMFOGFRO "traat feoiaiv,

f^TOT ó KÓnr i r e S l o v TÓ ' A A ^ i o v oTos A A c r r o ,
8 v O v p ó v x c r r é S c o v , i r d r r o v <5rv0pa>7roov AXEEÍVCOV (6.200-2)
Here too the victim of Zeus's displeasure becomes an outcast and vagrant,
wholly ATIMOS(533).
347
Book Twenty-Four
b T (527-8) suggest that Zeus's defence of the gods as not to blame for
men's troubles, at Od. 1.36-43, is designed to answer Akhilleus' words (cf.
Introduction, 'The end of the Iliad in relation to the Odyssey, and E. R.
Dodds, The Greeks and the Irrational, Berkeley 195«, 32). Notice however that
in the Odyssey Zeus does not deny that the gods are responsible for some
troubles. What he says is that men add to their proper share of these, by
their own follies (33-4). There is no direct contradiction with Akhilleus'
speech.
599-30 Cf. Od. 4.236-7 (in a consolatory speech by Helen) örräp 0E6$
dAAoTf AAAo) I ZEUS ¿ryoeOov TE KOOCÖV TE 81801, 6.188-90 ( . . . oi 61 XP^L
TrrAAjiiv fptrris), etc.
5 3 4 - 4 9 These verses apply the reflections of 525-33 to Peleus, and espe-
cially the point of 529-30, for Peleus is an example of mixed good and
evil fortune, as is Priam (543-8).
5 3 4 — 7 The exceptional favour of the gods to Peleus was shown above
all by his marriage to a goddess, and the other gifts associated with this
(16.380-1, 17.194-6, 18.84-5, 24.59-63, etc.). Cf. Hes. fr. 211 M - W ,
where at his wedding the song is Tpls pAxop AlaxlSr) xal -rrrpAxts 6Aßit TTTIAEÖ
(etc.), and Pindar, P. 3.86-96 (in a passage echoing Akhilleus' speech), etc.
But Peleus is also seen here as a rich and powerful ruler, in such a way as
to stress the comparison with Priam (543- 6). Verw 534 echoes the wording
of 16.381 etc., 536 that of 16.596 (6Aßos only here in //., 8x Od.).
5 3 8 - 4 0 Akhilleus has m mind here Priam's words about hü own lost
sons, and the death of his 'only* son Hektor (cf. 518 5m.). Verses 538-9
mean that Peleus has no sons destined to succeed as rulers (xpEiAvrwv). yoW)
occurs only here in //., 1 x Od., 2X HyAp.
In 540 TTCtvotwpios is a Homeric hapax, which recurs only in some late
epigrams. 6wpo$ in classical Greek means 'untimely*, and can be used of
death or of those who have died before their natural time. TTOvacoptos was
usually interpreted as meaning 'altogether untimely*, although an alterna-
tive view took it as 'altogether despised' (Hdn/A, Eust.). Modern scholars
have usually translated it as 'doomed to die young'. M. Pope (CQ, 35
(1985) t-8) suggests that it means 'untimely in all things', but this is
contested by A. W. James (CQ. 36 (1986) 527-9). Akhilleus' failure to
return home and care for Peleus may well be associated with the idea of
early death, as in the passage about his choice of fates at 9.410-16 and
elsewhere in the poem (4.477-9, 17.301-3). It is, however, possible that
Ttocvacbpiov has a similar general sense to the corresponding TravA-noTpos of
493, meaning 'unlucky in all ways'; cf. Leumann, HW 105, who translates
both words by '(ganz) unglücklich'.
5 4 0 - 2 In Greek society failure to care for one's parents in old age has
332
1
Book Twenty-Four
always been regarded as one of the wont faults. Here it is even worse
for Akhilleus, since he is not only unable to look after Peleus, but is forced
to waste his life at Troy, giving trouble to Priam and his children. The
emphatic Tjuai in 542 has the sense of 'I just sit around' as often (cf.
18.104 of Akhilleus, 1.134,2.137, 2 . 2 5 5 , e t c ) » a m * b bitterly ambig-
uous, 'troubling* or 'caring for', Akhilleus* lack of care for Peleus being
contrasted with hb 'concern' for the Trojans.
543-6 Axouoptv means 'we have heard tell'; cf. 14.125, etc. 6X0ios occurs
only here in /?., 14X Od. (cf. 6Xpos 536, AXpioSaipwv 3.182).
Verses 544-5 define the whole area within which Priam's kingdom lies,
surrounded by Lesbos to the south, Phrygia to the east, and the Hellespont
to the north. For the whole sentence cf. HyAp 30-45 ACTOOUS Kpi^TQ T ' ¿VTAJ
§X« . . • (37) T ' ZIYA&N MAxaposISos AloXlcovos|... TAATRAV T R T ' . . .
IKTTO Arprcb, and 2.845 &y<rovs 'EXX/JOTTOVTOS AyAppoos IVTAS tipya (see on
844-5). Avco occurs only here in the poem (cf. Od. 11.596) and appears to
mean 'out there* or 'out to sea' (cf. AvAyciv); and KctOOncpOf seems to mean
'inland' here. Makar was a legendary colonbt of Lesbos, which was called
Makaria after him. Cf. A b T and references in Erbse ad )oc.; RE s.v.
Makar(eus). T w o quotations in Plutarch and Dio Chrysostom, one second-
century A.D. papyrus and a few MSS read paxApcov, which could well be
due to an ancient conjecture (cf. van der Valk, Researches 11 597-8). The
epithet Antipcov in 545, applied only here to the Hellespont, b at first
sight puzzling, and has been explained as referring to the whole sea off
Troy and Thrace, not just the modern channel. It b called 'broad' at
7.86, 17.432. But the phrase could be influenced by memory of TTAVTOS
Amlpcov (Hes. Th. 678); cf. TTAVTOV Arrtfpova (Arbtarchus* reading in 1.350,
and Od. 4.510).
Verse 546 echoes 535-6, only adding 'sons* here to 'wealth*. Cf. Od.
14.206 AXfkp TC irAoCrrcp TT icorl utAoi. For the depletion of Priam's wealth cf.
18.288-92. Lesbos had been sacked by Akhilleus himself (9.129 etc.). T&V
in 546 presumably means 'among the inhabitants of these places', and
uncertainty about its reference perhaps led to the variant TCO.
5 4 7 - 6 Verse 547 balances 538. For 548 cf. 7.237 pAxas t* AvSporraola;
TE, and Od. 11.612.
549-51 Avox«o... c6v KOTTA 8VU6v echoes the opening theme (518), here
with strong imperatives, and 550 recalls 524. For AXlaorov ('incessantly')
of lamentation cf. 760. Verse 551 b a typically emphatic way of saying 'you
wiU not be able to bring him back to life, whatever you do\ i.e. 'even if
you suffer more yourself for hb take, it will not do any good*: Am/A
takes it this way, and compares 1.29 Tfjv 6' tycb 06 XOow irplv piv Kcd yfjpas
frrntcnv . . . It would be clearer if we place a colon after Avo tifotis. The
333
1
Book Twenty-Four
theme is common in later consolations: cf. Soph. EL 137-8, fr. 513 N.

( — 557 Radt), Hor. C. 1.24.11-18.
552~95 Priam refuses the offer of a seat, and asks AkhiUeus to release Hektors body
as soon as possible. Akhilleus, however, warns him not to anger him and Priam gives
way. The ransom is removed from the waggon, and the body is washed, dressed and put
on a bier, which is placed on the waggon. Akhilleus asks Patroklos not to be angry
because he has released the body of his enemy, and promises him a share in the ransom
That a visitor should refuse the offer of a seat owing to the urgency of
the situation is a motif which has occurred already at 6.360-2 (Hektor with
Helen), 11.648 (Patroklos* visit to Nestor) and 23.205 (Iris and the Winds).
But here, by a touch of the poet*s wand of genius, this theme suddenly takes
on great importance, since it threatens to precipitate a crisis, and shows how
in spite of the detached and gnomic speech which he has just made
Akhilleus is still in a precarious state of tension which could easily be
broken. Yet he does control himself, and in the preparation of Hektor*s body
he personally supervises what is done, and takes special care to avoid any
further risk of provocation (583-6). A final sign of the conflict of hb feelings
is his brief speech to Patroklos* spirit, in which we see the embers of the urge
for vengeance momentarily flicker into flame, and then die away for the last
time. bT (569) aptly quote the view of Aristotle (fr. 168 R.), that hb
character is 'uneven* or 'inconsistent* (¿tvcbpoAov); cf. Arist. Poet. 1454
a26-8, b 8 - t 5 and Eust. 1365.62-1366.2. An alternative view (bT 559,
569) was that Akhilleus shows anger in order to prevent Priam from upset-
ting him by his grief: thb b based on 583-6. Plutarch (Mor. 3 1 A - C ) quotes
Akhilleus* ability to master hb anger as an example of self-control and
self-knowledge. Cf. Deichgraber, Letzte Gesang 71: 'Man kann (mit
Schadewaldt) fragen: Wo kennt sonst jemand sich selbst wie Achill hier?'
There are echoes of the opening scene of the poem (cf. Introduction,
'Structure'). Priam's request to Akhilleus and his accompanying prayer for
his safe return home (554-7) are parallel to the prayer and request of
Khruses (1.17-21), Akhilleus* warning to Priam not to anger him is par-
alleled by Agamemnon's response (560, 569-70 ~ 1.26-8, 32). Both
Agamemnon and Akhilleus refer to the divine support the suppliant re-
ceives, the first with contempt, the second with respect. Priam's fear and
acquiescence are expressed in the same words as those applied to Khruses
(571 = 1.33). But in book 1 the request for ransom is refused, whereas here
it will be fulfilled. Cf. also E. Minchin, Greece and Rome 33 (1986) 11-19, on
Akhilleus' speech and the parallels with book 1.
553-5 For the subjunctive form KEITCU cf. 19.32. Chantraine, GH 1 457.
4Kq8/js has the specific sense here of'without the proper care due to a dead
334
Book Twenty-Four
body'; cf. Od. 24.187. The situation is echoed at Od. 10.383-7, where
Odysseus explains to Kirke that he cannot bear to eat until his companions
have been restored to their normal form: cf. especially 386-7 AAA* . . . |
ACoov, lv' A$6aApo?aiv T8co Iplqpas Haipous. For 555 cf. 137.
5 5 6 - 8 Aristarchus athetized 556-7 'because such prayers are unsuitable
in the mouth of Priam, and the insincerity would be obvious* (Arn/A). The
prayer of Khruses that the Greeks will take Troy and return home safely
aroused similar debate (schol. A b 1.18-19). But the parallelism of the two
passages supports the second one. Leaf objected to the lengthening of pc
in the second half of the fourth foot before trporrov, as a breach of
'Wernicke's Law', but there are a number of other exceptions to this, and
PC TTPCOTOV presumably would go closely together. Cf. his Appendix N, vol.
11, especially pp. 636-7, and West, Greek Metre 37. irpWTOv must mean
'from the very first' here.
Verse 558 is omitted by several MSS, and is ignored by the scholia and
Eustathius. In fact Herodian and Didymus discuss various explanations of
laea? which assume that it stood on its own, and Sidonius read tmi pc
TTpc&T* ¿Afrjcrocs in 557. Probably it is a late interpolation designed to com-
plete the construction of lacros, which stands on its own at 569, 684, and
elsewhere. For a similar case of probable interpolation with £av cf. 20.312
with comment. Van der Valk (Researches n 218-21; see also GRBS 23 (1982)
301-3) argues that 20.312 and 24.558 were removed from the text by
Aristarchus, but his case is not convincing. £cbetv/£cb€i xal Apav/Apg $60$
^cAioio occurs elsewhere 2X //., 5X Od., and so its appearance at Od.
10.498, in a scene probably influenced by Iliad 24, does not automatically
prove that 24.558 is genuine (as suggested by G. Beck, Philologus 109 (1965)
11). Cf. also Od. 13.359-60 o! XEV tqt irptypcov pc . . . | crurrAv TE (¿CIV, and
Od. 16.388.
559 » 1 . 1 4 8 etc.
5 6 0 - 7 0 Akhilleus* speech is framed by the warnings to Priam not to
upset him further (560, 568-70), between which are two balanced state-
ments of the divine motivation behind the scenes, first Thetis' visit to her
son (120-42), and second Akhilleus' realization that a god must have
escorted Priam. The point he is making is that given this motivation any
failure to respect Priam as a suppliant would be a direct offence against the
orders of Zeus (570). Note also the 'ring' motif of 561 AIAOEV . . . AyycAos,
570 AiAs . . . tyrrpAs.
5 1 6 0 - 3 Verse 560 echoes 1.32 p/| p' ¿p&i^c, in Agamemnon's warning to
Khruses (see on 552-95). For 561 cf. 194-5. The hemistich of 562
resembles 1.352; for the second cf. 1.538, 1.556.
5 6 5 - 7 Cf. Od. 23.187-8 (Odysseus' bed) Av8pwv 8' oO x£v TIJ
pporAs, o0& pAA* ^P&v, | £c?a PETOXAICTCTEIEV. There is more point to o08£
335
Book Twenty-Four
p&A' fi^cbv here, in relation to Priam, than in the Odyssey passage (cf.
Reinhardt, luD 483-4). In 566 the form $uAax6$, for occurs only
here in Homer, except as a proper name (6.35, Od. 15.231), and seems to be
Ionic (cf. a sixth-century inscription from Thasos, Herodotus, etc.); $6X0x05
is a minority variant, ¿ x n a is the reading of Aristarchus and a few MSS,
the majority having ¿XâS- The plural is perfectly possible, in spite of
the singular bolt of 453-5. The bolt(s) of the Achaean Wall are similarly
referred to as either singular or plural (12.121 etc., 12.455-62; see on
13.124-5). The compound prroxAtiîv ('shift by force') occurs only here
and in the Odyssey passage above, and then occasionally in Hellenistic and
later authors. But cf. 12.447-8 (in the context of breaking open the
Achaean gates with a great rock) T6V 8' oO KE 5U' ¿vipc 6f|pou Aplorco |
îfiSlcos . . . 6m' O08EO$ ¿XAICTCTEIOV, and the similar passage at Od. 9.241-2.
5 6 8 — 7 0 For b> &AyE<n A gives the commoner M $p€o( as a variant (cf.
Od. 15.486). But cf. Od. 21.88 KETTCH h DKAYETRT 6vp6s. Verses 568-70 echo
1.26-8 (Agamemnon to Khruses) pV) at, yipov . . . KIXEICO . . . | vu TOI ov
Xpotfopr) OKT^ irrpov xod cnippa OcoTo. Khruses had also invoked divine sanc-
tion (1.21), but in vain. 0O6* aCrr6v here is emphatic, 'not even yourself (for
p f j . . . oO cf. also 584, and Chantraine, GH11336-7). Verse 569 picks up 557
href pc TtpcoTov Sacra;. Verse 570 is echoed by 586. Ai6stycTp<5csrefers
specifically to Zeus's message to Akhilleus via Thetis, as well as more
generally to Zeus as god of suppliants {Od. 13.213 etc.).
5 7 1 = 1.33, making quite clear the parallelism of the two scenes.
5 7 2 - 5 Akhilleus' sudden and rapid exit 'like a lion' dramatically indi-
cates his slate of mind: cf. b T 'the simile refers both to his ease of movement
and his fierce appearance, in order that he may alarm Priam'; Moulton,
Similes 114 'the short simile flashes by with a reminder of the strength and
danger that are deep in Achilles' nature, even at the moment when he
performs an act of respect and reconciliation'. Akhilleus was compared to a
lion by Apollo at 4 1 - 3 because of his savage lack of respect and pity, but
the simile recalls earlier passages where Akhilleus and other heroes were
compared to a lion when attacking in battle: cf. 20.164-74 (TTqAEtSqs 6'
HipwOev ivavriov <£>p*ro Aicov d>$, etc.), 11.129, etc. Verse 573 belongs to the
formular pattern 'not only, with him/her (followed two attendants, etc.)',
for which see on 2.822-3, 3.143. Verse 574 recalls 474, but here the poet
adds that the two squires were Akhilleus' most honoured companions after
Patroklos' death. This echoes the description of Automedon at 16.145-6,
and at Od. 24.78-9 Antilokhos replaces Patroklos in this place of honour.
Patroklos will be in our minds, as in Akhilleus', during the following scene
(582-gon., 591-5).
5 7 6 - 8 Normally in a Visit scene the horses (and mules) would be un-
yoked on arrival (e.g. Od. 4.35-42, and similarly //. 8.433-5), but here
Book Twenty-Four
this has been displaced by the unusual nature of the scene. KaÀTjTcop ('crier',
'summoner') occurs as a proper name at 13.541, 15.419, and nowhere else
in literature; but it is surely a common noun rather than proper name here
(pace 1 5 . 4 1 9 - 2 1 1 1 . ) . Cf. Arn/A, D, and 701 KTjpuKÔ TE ÀORV|3OOBTTIV. With
due courtesy he too is seated, although on the simpler 6f<J>pos (cf. T).
Verses 578 -79 recall 275-76, where the ransom was loaded on to the
waggon. The ancient variant èO<7<7CÔTpou (Did/A, T , one papyrus, a few
MSS) would mean 'with good wheels' (cf. awTpov, 'felloe', in Pollux;
Homer's èTricrcroûTpov, 'tire'), and it occurs once elsewhere, at Hes. Aspis 273
(ÈUCTCTcÔTpou ÉIT' <5rrrr|vris). Van der Valk (Researches 11 578) thinks this is the
right reading here, and it was adopted by Leaf. The argument (cf.
Macleod) that it would be un-Homeric to vary the epithet (from 275) is
not necessarily conclusive, and the commoner ÉOÇéorou could well have
replaced the unusual word.
580—1 From the ransom itself three garments are set aside to dress and
cover the body, a X»TCOV to be placed round it, and two larger robes to put
under and over it. Hektor will thus be wrapped in Trojan clothing, rather
than Greek (cf. the fine garments referred to by Andromakhe in her lament
at 22.410-14). Cf. 18.352-3, where Patroklos' corpse is covered 'with fine
l i n e n . . . and above with a white robe'. Solon was said to have limited the
number of garments used for burial to three (Plutarch, Sol. 21.5); cf. the
fifth-century funerary law from Iulis in Ceos (IG 12.5.593.1-4): T6c]8e
[ t t t ] EV TÔV ôccvôvTor èv ê|i [ a ] TÎO[IS Tpijcri ÀEUKOÏS, o r p c o u a n Kal âvBûnorn
[KOII è]TTipÂéucrrr èÊvai 8è Kai èv è A à a [ a ] o c r [ i ] . O n this and similar regula-
tions see I. von Prott and L. Ziehen, Leges Graecorum Sacrae (Leipzig 1896)
2 1 9 , ¿ 6 3 . F o r t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f 5 8 0 cf. 1 8 . 5 9 6 x»TCÔvas . . . èOwrjTOUS, Od.
7 . 9 7 ttéttAOI . . . ÉOVVT^TOI.
582—90 Akhilleus himself supervises the washing, anointing and clothing
of the body, and it is he who places it on the bier (589). The same rituals
were performed for the body of Patroklos when it was brought back from
the battle, at 18.343-53 (washing and anointing, placing on the bier and
covering). These preparations would normally be performed by members
of the dead man's own family, and it is highly significant that they should
be undertaken by Akhilleus. The washing and anointing were strictly
speaking unnecessary since the gods had kept the body fresh and clean, and
Aphrodite herself had anointed it with ambrosial oil (413-23, 23.185-7).
The poet's careful detailing of this ritual must be designed to stress the
propriety with which Akhilleus now treats the body of his former enemy,
just as again his concern to avoid distressing Priam and causing a breach of
their understanding is emphasized. For a similar concern with funerary
ritual shown by an enemy or a stranger in tragedy cf. S. Aj. 1378-95
(Odysseus and Aias), E. Supp. 765-8, Tro. 1150-5.
337
Book Twenty-Four
¿KKOXEIV occurs first here, 2 x Od. The maids arc ordered to wash
the body in a place where Priam cannot see it, lest he should become
distressed and so risk being killed through Akhilleus' anger. The sentence
develops with an elaborate series of dependent clauses, unfolding the poten-
tial consequences. In 5 8 4 there were ancient variants K6TOV or y6ov for
x6Aov, and KOTEpOxoi for Ipuoarro (cf. oO KarrspO^ci in some MSS).
Herodian objected to yfikov and preferred y6ov, which could well be a
conjecture, but KcrrcpuKoi is possible. For tpuaavro meaning 'keep hidden'
cf. Od. 1 6 . 4 5 9 . Verse 5 8 5 echoes 5 6 8 and 5 8 6 recalls 5 7 0 , but Kerf h
Konrcncrcivcic is much more explicit. Leaf regards 586 as 'no doubt an inter-
polation', because 'the subj. AAIT^TOI after the historic tense is indefensible',
and it is more effective if the consequences of Akhilleus' anger are left
undefined, as at 5 6 9 - 7 0 . This is reasonable, but the variation between
optative and subjunctive is not so unusual (cf. 6 8 6 8, 1 4 . 1 6 2 - 5 with com-
ment, etc.), and despite the length of the periodic structure ( 5 8 2 - 6 ) the
explicit statement of 586, with all its shocking implications, should probably
stand.
587-90 Verse 5 8 7 resembles 1 8 . 3 5 0 (the washing of Patroklos' body).
But 5 8 7 - 8 also belong to the normal scene of washing someone in Visit
scenes in the Odyssey : see on 1 8 . 3 4 3 - 5 5 , and cf. Od. 3 . 4 6 7 - 8 , 2 3 . 1 5 4 - 5 , and
similarly 4 . 4 9 - 5 0 , 8 . 4 5 4 - 5 , 1 7-88-9, with Arend, Sctnen 1 2 4 n. 1. That is
why only one $apos is mentioned, instead of two. The washing of the dead
body follows the same sequence as in the normal life of the living; the poet is
adapting a motif typical of a Visit scene for a new purpose here. Placing
the body on the bier (cf. 7 2 0 , 1 8 . 3 5 2 ) was envisaged as the mother's task
by Akhilleus in his speeches to Lukaon and Hektor at 2 1 . 1 2 3 - 4 , 2 2 . 3 5 2 - 3 .
curds T6V y ' 'Ax»XcOs emphasizes Akhilleus' own participation, leading up
to his outburst in the following verses.
591—5 Akhilleus still fears the resentment of Patroklos' ghost, and prom-
ises him a share in the ransom gifts. This is one of the very few points in the
Homeric poems where we glimpse the idea that the living could fear the
continuing anger of the dead (cf. Parker, Miasma 1 3 3 - 4 ) , o r 'bat dead
might require any form of offerings after the actual burial was completed
(cf. Od. 11.29-33).
Verses 594-5 were athetized (apparently by Aristarchus: Arn/A) on the
grounds that it was incorrect for Akhilleus to speak of the gifts as a reason
for releasing Hektor's body, when he was really obeying Zeus's command.
But clearly the two motives go together, and Zeus himself had decreed that
the ransom should be paid (119,137). b T discuss how Akhilleus could make
gifts to the dead man, which shows awareness that in Homer this is an
unusual procedure. They add that it was customary to purge a murder by
material compensation (quoting 9 . 6 3 2 - 4 ) . The supposed 'materialism' of
338
1
Book Twenty-Four
Akhilleus attracted the criticism of Plato (Rep. 390E): 'we shall not allow
that Akhilleus could be so materialistic . . . as to release a dead body only in
exchange for payment, and otherwise to be unwilling to do so'. This could
be the ultimate source of the later athetesis.
In 591 $iAov 6' 6V6UT)VEV ¿raipov perhaps reminds us of the fact that
Akhilleus has up to now avoided mentioning Patroklos' name. In 592
the form oxu6uonvipcv is paralleled only by ¿nrooxOSpaive at 65 (see com-
ment). at K£ TTV&qai | civ "AiSAs ircp kov implies some doubt as to whether
Patroklos really can hear or not. Such expressions of uncertainty were
common later: cf. K . J . Dover, Greek Popular Morality (Oxford 1974) 243-6.
53/6-632 Akhilleus returns inside, sits down opposite Priam, and invites him to share
a meal, telling the story of Niobe as a precedent. The meal is prepared, they eat and
drink, and then gaze at each other in wonder
The ransoming is completed (599), and the procedure of hospitality can be

resumed even in these extraordinary circumstances. Normally a meal would
have been offered to the guests on arrival, but here this was out of the
question. Its occurrence now symbolizes and cements the bond of sympathy
between Priam and Akhilleus (cf. Griffin, HLD 16: 'eating with old Priam
resolves the passionate separateness of the hero'). A t the same time it
signifies the need for practical action in spite of grief, as was the case
in book 19, where Akhilleus had to be persuaded to allow the army to eat
before returning to battle (154-237). By contrast, however, it is here
Akhilleus himself who urges Priam to break his twelve-day fast (cf. 641-2),
and the function of the story of Niobe is to stress that this is justified
even in the case of extremest sorrow.
5 9 6 - 8 Akhilleus' seat, called a 8p6vos at 515, is here a xAiop6$. Some-
times the two are distinguished, but they can be used as synonyms, e.g.
11.623, 1 ' 645, and cf. West on Od. 1.130. Akhilleus sits 'by the opposite
wall' to Priam, a phrase used of Akhilleus sitting facing Odysseus in the
Embassy (9.218-19), and also applied to Penelope opposite Odysseus in the
Recognition scene at Od. 23.89-90. It presumably suggests some distance
or formality.
5 9 9 - 6 0 0 Akhilleus' speech is a clear example of ring-composition centred
on a paradeigmatic story (cf. R. Oehler, Mythologische Exempla in der alteren
griechischen Dichtung, Aarau 1925, 7, and Lohmann, Reden 13):
A 599-601 Your son is free: you will see him tomorrow.

B 601 Now let us think of eating,
C 602 For even Niobe did so.
D 603-12 Niobe's story.
339
C 613 She ate, when she had tired of weeping,

614-17 And now she still nurses her grief, even when turned to stone
(cf. 619-20?).
B 618-19 But come, let us also think of eating.
A 619-20 After that you can mourn your son, when you have brought
him back to Troy. He will cost you many tears.
Verses 614-17 were athetized by Aristophanes and Aristarchus (see com-

ment), and the fact that they apparently interrupt the ring-structure has
been taken as confirmation of this view. But they provide a parallel with the
conclusion of Akhilleus' speech, for just as Niobe continues to mourn her
children, so will Priam lament his son on his return to Troy (cf. von der
Mühll, Hypomnema 385, Leaf on 614-17, Macleod on 596-620).
The version which Akhilleus gives of the myth of Niobe contains some
puzzling features, which do not recur in later versions, except where these
are clearly dependent on Homer. After her children are killed they lie
unburied for nine days, because Zeus has 'turned the people to stone*, and
on the tenth day the gods themselves bury them (6to-t2). It is commonly
believed that the story has been adapted to suit Priam's situation: the motif
of Niobe breaking her fast is then an innovation. The period of her mourn-
ing for her unburied children parallels the time when Hektor has lain in
Akhilleus' hut, or else the nine-day mourning which will take place at Troy
(664-5, 784-7; cf. Eust. 1367.41fr.); and the gods* personal care for the
burial echoes the gods' concern for Hektor's body. The motif of the people
turned to stone derives from Niobe's petrifaction, and is introduced to
explain why the Niobids lie unburied. Cf. Oehler, op. cit. 5 - 7 , Kakridis,
Researches 96-105, M. M. Willcock, CQ, 14 (1964) 141-2, Macleod on
569-620; doubts about the above views are expressed by Lesky, Ä £ x v u 646
s.v. Niobe; and sec also W. Pötscher, Grazer Beiträge 12/13 (1985/6) 21-35
for a quite different view.
Whatever the truth about these details the chief point of the example is
its function as an argument a fortiori. Priam has lost many sons killed by
Akhilleus, but Niobe's were all killed together by Apollo and Artemis, and
she is (by implication) a more famous figure of the past, especially if we
accept 614-17 as genuine. Her story was later the subject of tragedies by
Aeschylus and Sophocles (TGFcA. Radt, 111, pp. 265-80, iv, pp. 363-73),
and was always popular as an exemplum (e.g. S. Ant. 824-31, El. 150-2).
6 0 1 Akhilleus' suggestion that they share a meal is all the more signifi-
cant since he has in fact recently eaten (475-6), as bT note (618-19).
6 0 2 — 9 The details of Niobe's parentage and origins varied in later ver-
sions (AbT 602, 604, with Erbse). Her father was either Tantalos (men-
tioned at Od. 11.582-92) or Pelops, and her home either Thebes or Lydia.
340
Book Twenty-Four
The number of her children also varied. The narrative is told with elegant
economy. Verse 603 is picked up at the end of this section by 609
(AAOVTO . . . AAOTCTCCV), and the balanced structure of 604 is developed in
chiastic order in 605-6 (©vycrrlpcs... ul&s • • • "rovs . . . TAS 6 * . . . ) . Like-
wise the repetition in 608-9 stresses the bitter recompense for Niobe's
boast. Verses 603-4 a r c echoed by Od. 10.5-6 (Aiolos) TOU KCTI SCOSEKO
TTCCTBES psyApois yeyAaaiv, | piv ©uyorripes, 6* uUes ^pebovrts. For
Apyvpfoio PioTo | in 605 cf. 1.49 (Apollo as plague-god), and 8.279 TAIJOU
ATT6 KporrepoO . . . AA^KOVTO. In 607 the frequentative form laAcncrro is
unique; cf. 12.435 laA£ouaa. Verse 608 means 'she boasted that Leto had
borne only two, whereas she herself had borne many'. According to Sappho
(fr. 142 L - P ) , Leto and Niobe were close friends, just as Tantalos was the
gods' companion in later legends.
610— i s For the nine-day period see on 660-7. Turning people into
stone is a common motif in folk-tales, but there may be influence from the
similarity of AaAs and Aaas (stone), as in the story of Deukalion (noted by
Eust. i367-47ff.; cf. Hes. fr. 234 M - W , Pindar, O. 9.41-6). Cf. also 2.319
Aaav yAp piv {dqxc KpAvou trAis AyxuAoprfjmo of the snake at Aulis, Od.
13.163 6s ptv Aaav ©qx£ of the Phaeacian ship turned to stone by Poseidon.
b T assume that the people are petrified as an extension of Niobe's punish-
ment (cf. Hes. Erga 240-3), but we are not given a reason.
6 1 4 — 1 7 These verses were rejected for several reasons (Am, Did/A, bT):
(i) If Niobe was turned to stone, how could she eat?

(ii) It is an absurd consolation to say 'eat, for Niobe ate and was
petrified'.
(iii) The style is Hesiodic, especially Ap$' 'AxcAcbiov ippcoaavro (616).
(iv) ¿v is repeated thrice.
(v) How can Niobe nurse her sorrows when turned to stone?
b T add
(vi) Akheloos is in Aetolia, not near Sipulos.
These objections are groundless. The origin of the story was clearly a
rock-image on Mt Sipulos, identified as the sorrowing Niobe, the water
flowing down its face being her tears, as Eustathius observed (1368.1 off.):
compare the simile at 16.3-4 ( s c c comment). This explains 617, which is
echoed by Priam at 639 (xriBca ptipia trfaaco). The image is described by
Pausanias (1.21.3). The other objections are answered by Leaf: the triple
use of ¿v is paralleled at 22.503-4 (see comment): ¿ppcoaavro of dancing
is Hesiodic (Th. 8), but a natural extension of the Homeric sense 'move
nimbly' (see on 1.529-30); an unknown Akheloos in Lydia is not strange,
since the name is applied to many rivers; finally, Niobe was turned to
357
stone not as punishment but because of her grief, which continues like
Priam's.
These are, in fact, memorable and evocative verses, whose style is not out
of place in Akhilleus' mouth. Cf. J. Griffin, JHS 1 0 6 ( 1 9 8 6 ) 5 3 : 'A last
feature of Achilles' speech... is his tendency to invoke distant places and
resounding names, lines which . . .open out into a spacious rhythm which
goes with a vision of places far removed from the battle-ground of Troy or
the crowded assembly of the Achaeans' (cf. also 56). This is especially
true of these verses, which lift Akhilleus' consolation on to a different
plane, as we rest our eyes on this great, solitary and distant figure, frozen in
the image of perpetual grief.
Eustathius (1367. i6fF.) praises the verbal echoes of the dative plural
forms in 614 and the genitive plurals in 6 1 5 - 1 6 , as well as the repetition
of the preposition in 6 1 4 - 1 5 , as adding to the beauty of the verses. For
Iv oOpECTiv OIOTT6AOIOIV I cf. Od. 1 1 . 5 7 4 . Mt Sipulos is north-east of Smyrna,
and was regarded as the home of Tantalos (e.g. Pind 0. 1.38). Verse 615
resembles 2.783 (again referring to a legendary place in Asia Minor) EIV
'Apfuots, 661 Tuôotes SppEvai cuvds; T compares Pindar (jV. 1.3)
"OpTuyia Sipviov 'ApTipiSos. The nymphs have their dwellings on Sipulos,
and dance around the local river, like Hesiod's Muses who haunt Mt
Helikon and dance round a spring on the mountain (Th. 1-8); cf. Th. 8
¿TrcppcbaavTO 6t -rrooalv. b T however offer other mythological explanations
of OEACOV cvvds, especially one which associated Sipulos with Rhea and her
daughters. Instead of'AXEACOIOV in 616 'some' read 'AXCAôiov, said to be
a river in Lydia, after which Herakles named a son by Omphale according
to T (cf. Panyassis fr. 17 K . vup<J)at 'AXEA^TIBES). A offers the variant
'AXEAÎOV. For 'AXEACJJOS as a generic name for rivers or water in general,
see on 2 1 . 1 9 4 . In 617 OE&V IK could go either with K^SECC or TT&KXEI ('by the
grace of the gods'), but the former seems more likely. For the metaphorical
use of-rrtooEi ('digests' and so 'broods on', 'nurses') see on 4.512-13. Similar
metaphors connected with food are used in the context of eating at 128-9
and Od. 10.378-9; cf. Pindar, 0. 1.55-6 KcrraTciyai ptyav ¿Apov in a
sympotic context, with Gerber's comment.
618-30 These verses resume the themes of 599-601, with o h o v in em-
phatic position. TTOAVBAKPVTOS recurs 3 X Od.; cf. iroAuSAxpuos at II. 1 7 . 1 9 2 ,
7roA06oKpvs 6 x //., and for the phrase Od. 19.404, HyDem 220 TTOAVAPTJTOS
St Tot (uoi) fcrrlv.
621-32 T h e description of the meal follows conventional patterns: cf.
Arend, Scenen 6 4 - 7 0 and Schema 8. Thus 6 2 3 - 4 = 7 . 3 1 7 - 1 8 (cf. Od.
1 9 . 4 2 2 - 3 ; 6 2 4 4 X //., i x Od.); 6 2 5 - 6 = 9 . 2 1 6 - 1 7 (Automedon here re-
places Patroklos); 6 2 7 - 8 — 9 . 9 1 - 2 , 9 . 2 2 1 - 2 , etc. A meal is often followed
by conversation (cf. 6 3 2 , and 634ff.), but here this is varied by 6 2 9 - 3 2 , a
wonderful innovation: cf. T 6 3 0 TAORA 61 IRPDS HKTTATÎV TCOV Axpoorrcov.
342
Book Twenty-Four
6 a i - a For the first hemistich of 621 cf. 440. 6iv Apyu$ov occurs only
here; cf. Od. 10.85 Apyv^01 MqXo, and Apyv$£OS. For IScpAv TE xal Ap^crrov
cf. 23.167.
6 2 9 - 3 2 The mutual admiration of the two heroes is expressed in two
balanced couplets, 631 echoing 629 with interchange of cases (diptoton) and
repetition of the full patronymic formula for Priam, 630 and 632 giving the
reasons for wonder, Akhilleus' godlike physique, Priam's noble appearance
and words. For 6aoos Irjv oT6s TE of Akhilleus cf. 21.108 ouy 6p6<?s oTos xal
kyco xaA6s TC p£yas TE; The phrase OEOTCI yAp AVTOC ¿coK£I('for he was like
the gods to look upon') is echoed at HyDem 241. In 632 the balanced
and chiastic order, with framing participles, is also effective. For Priam as
wise counsellor b T compare 7.366 Aap8avi6qs flplapos, 6cA$iv pôrcop
ATAAOVTOS. H. J. Mette, Glotta 39 (1961) 52, calls this 'one of the finest
scenes in Homeric epic'; cf. Deichgraber, Letzte Gesang 73-5.
633-76 Priam asks to be allowed to go to sleep, and Akhilleus orders beds to be

prepared wider the portico. A truce of eleven days is agreedfor Hektor's burial. Idaios
and Priam go to sleep outside, while Akhilleus sleeps in the hut with Briseis beside him
After the meal for the guests comes sleep, again a typical motif: cf. Arend,
Scenen 101-5, with Schema 12. A similar but much briefer version of the
theme occurred at the end of the Embassy, when Phoinix slept in Akhilleus'
hut (9.658-68), but the closest parallels come in Odyssey 4.294-305 and
7.335-47. Verses 643-4 9-658-9, where it was Patroklos who gave the
order to the attendants, and 675 = 9.663. At 9.664-8, however, Akhilleus
slept with a captive from Lesbos, Diomede, and Patroklos with one from
Skuros, Iphis, whereas here Briseis is mentioned for the last time, reunited
with Akhilleus (another echo of the opening of the poem), but Patroklos is
gone. In Odyssey 4 Telemakhos takes the initiative in asking to go to bed
as Priam does here (635-6 ~ Od. 4.294-5), and Od. 4.296-305 closely
resemble It. 24.643-8 and 673-6, with several identical verses (644-7 =
Od. 4.297-300,673 = 4.302). Od. 7.335-47 repeat the pattern closely, and
648 resembles Od. 7.340.
In the Odyssey it is normal for guests to sleep under the portico, rather
than within the palace (cf. Od. 3.397-403, 20.1, 20.143), and even at II.
9.662-6 Phoinix seems to be apart from Akhilleus and Patroklos, although
he is not outside. Here, however, Akhilleus gives a special justification for
Priam's sleeping outside, which is oddly introduced byfcmxEpTopkov(649-
58). Eustathius rightly observes that this speech is really a poetic device to
enable Priam to leave in secret on Hermes* orders (1370.! 1-2). Thus
another normal motif of epic hospitality is used for a special purpose (cf.
C . Rothe, Die Ilias als Dichtung, Paderborn 19to, 331). Given Priam's age
and status it could have seemed discourteous to make him sleep outside,
343
Book Twenty-Four
and that may be the point of tmKcpToulcov, which suggests some apparent
lack of respect (see on 649).
6 3 5 - 6 For A££ov ('put me to bed') cf. 14.252 EAtSja. 6<f>pa Kal f^Srj . . .
KOIUTJO^VTCS recur at Od. 4.294-5 and 23.254-5. Aristarchus and some M S S
read TravCTcbpEGa for TapirtopcBa (Did/AT), probably a conjecture since the
reason for preferring this is said to be that 'taking pleasure' in sleep would
be unsuitable (Arrprnis, Atcaipov) in this context. The same variant occurs
at Od. 23.255.
6 3 7 - 4 2 Priam's grief has manifested itself in the same way as that of
Akhilleus, in sleeplessness (3-12), self-defilement (18.22-7; cf. 22.414,
24.162-5), and fasting (19.205-14, 19.303-8). For puoccvcf. 420 (p^pvKEv).
In 637-8 there is a chiastic antithesis, the two prepositional phrases with
Cnro being juxtaposed and framed by their accompanying verbal clauses.
»tf|8Ea . . . "niaaoo (639) echoes Niobe in 617, and for 640 cf. 11.774 and
22.414. For AotvKaviift (642) cf. 22.325, with comment.
6 4 3 - 8 See on 633-76, 9.658-61. The epic word ^ y o s ('blanket') oc-
curred at 9.661 and is common in Od.; it is related to ('to dye')
etc. (cf. Chantraine, Diet. s.v. hence here -rropûpta. Cf. Ibycus
316 PMG TTOIKIAO £>£ypcrra, Anacreon 447 PMG AAm6p$upov f>iy05. For
TArnyns sec on 230. Even in what appears to be the mundanely typical
material of these verses the language and colometry are elegantly varied,
the opening infinitive phrase (644) being developed with an effective tri-
colon, the first clause in enjambment (644-45), the second (645) in
chiasmus with the first, and the third longer and more elaborate (646).
Thus the poet adds dignity to such simple, everyday actions. Likewise the
description in 647-8 of how the orders are carried out falls into two bal-
anced whole-verse clauses (almost entirely dactylic) with komoeoteleuton,
whether or not this feature was intentional. Both 8Ao$ (for 8ats) and
¿yKov&iv occur only here in //., and then in similar scenes in Od. (4.300,
7-339-40. 22.497, »3-291. 23.294).
6 4 9 For T6V 8*FCTTIKEPTOPICOVTRPOATYR) cf. 16.744, Od. 22.194. The verb
occurs only in this form in Homer. It ought to mean 'speaking provo-
catively' or something like this: cf. J. T . Hooker, CQ, 36 (1986) 32-7.
The scholia do not comment on the word, but Eustathius discusses it
(1369.54!^). He explains it as meaning urrplco; x ^ v ^ a w ('with gentle
mockery'), and adds that 'it introduces a false fear, so that the aged king
should not be upset at being forced outside,' and that this fear is strength-
ened by Hermes' warning to Priam (683-9). Leaf suggests that the word
either refers to Akhilleus' tone in speaking of Agamemnon (in which case
he means what he is saying), or else means 'bantering,' which he thinks is
a possible sense at Od. 24.240, KEpTopiots £TT£ECTCTIV; unfortunately that pas-
sage is almost as puzzling. Willcock adopts the same translation, 'in a
344
Book Twenty-Four
bantering tone', and adds *what seems to be the case is that Achilles does
not mean what he is saying', i.e. his speech is just a pretext designed by
Akhilleus to enable Priam to escape. Cf. Macleod who translates 'teasing',
'mystifying', and says that it is used here of deception, not mockery. Hooker
objects that KepTopelv does not have any inherent connotation of deception,
even if it may acquire this in some contexts. But teasing provocation often
is insincere, and this could be the point here, as if Akhilleus were to say 'I'm
afraid, old man, that you will have to sleep outside. I can't risk having you
in here, you know', in a gently provocative or mocking tone. Cf. 4.6 where
Zeus speaks with ulterior motivation and napa|3A^6T)V AyopcOcov probably
stresses the insincerity (see comment); Od. 13.325-7 (where Odysseus thinks
Athene is not telling the truth, but just teasing him); Hes. Erga 788-9 where
K^pTopa p6c£civ goes with words for deception etc.; S. Ph. 1235; E. Hel. 619,
I A 849; Theocr. Id. 1.62. KEpTopcIs often later has the sense of'you're joking,
surely!'. A further interpretation is offered by P. V.Jones, in CQ, 39 (1989)
247-50, who translates 'cutting him to the quick', and argues that the real
or popular etymology of KipiopEiv (from KT}p + -ripvciv) supports this. But
there is no sign that Akhilleus' speech has this direct effect on Priam.
6 5 0 - 3 y£pov is an advance on Akhilleus' earlier yipov (560, 599),
and it fits his semi-serious tone here. The actual chances of one of the
other leaders turning up suddenly during the night are surely slender, and
651-52 is hardly true of the recent past. In fact, it looks as iff) Oipis &rrf
is slipped in here to add a specious justification, as in the case of the testing
of the troops, at 2.73; see on 2.73-5, where Kirk says 'It can also serve,
vague as it is, to justify a kind of behaviour which a character - or the poet
himself - does not wish to spend time in elaborating further.'
6 5 3 — 5 Verse 653 = 366. This warning, together with Hermes' similar
words at 686-8, are the last we hear of Agamemnon, and they remind us
of his brutality in the early parts of the poem. AvdÂqais A0aio$ is a
euphemistically abstract expression, with two nouns in for which
686-8 are more explicit. Avois occurs only here in //., 1 x Od. Cf. 2.380
&vd0AT]<7is KCCKOG. For the shift from optative to subjunctive in 653-5 s c c
on 582-6. A papyrus and some MSS have the easier yivoiTO, but the
subjunctive suggests that the hypothetical case is likely to occur, and (pace
Leaf) seems preferable here (cf. also 686-8).
6 5 6 — 8 This essential piece of 'business', the discussion of the truce, is
neatly slipped in here at the end of the scene, so that it does not interfere
with the impact of the rest, and acts as a transition to the final scenes of the
poem. For the Odyssean verse 656 see on 380. Troomipap is an absolute
hapax, formed in an unusual way by analogy with aCrrqpap, twfjpap, etc.
On these compounds with -ripap see Leumann, HW 98-101. KTEpei'^pEV
here refers to the whole process of burial, including the preparations.
345
Book Twenty-Four
§60—7 Priarn begins his speech with a courteous introduction: 'if you
are really willing... then if you were to act as follows you would do me a
kindness'. Cf. the use of xapl&crifoci meaning 'to oblige someone' (it.23
etc.). The reason given for a long truce is the practical difficulty of collecting
wood for the pyre. In the case of Patroklos* funeral this only took part of
a day (110-26), but Priam adds that the Trojans are under siege and afraid
to leave the city. This motif is echoed at 778-81 and again at 799-800, and
this emphasis right at the end of the poem reminds us of how fragile is the
truce, and looks forward to the renewal of conflict soon to come. Aristarchus
seems to have explained the nine-day period as due to ancient custom
(Arn/A 665-6). On the other hand, at Od. 24.63-5 Akhilleus is mourned
for seventeen days and burned on the eighteenth. According to Plutarch
(Lye. 27.2) Lycurgus prescribed a limit of eleven days for mourning, and at
Athens in the classical period there was a ceremony on the ninth day aft r
the burial (T& fvorra), but here it is a question of nine days before the funeral.
However, twfjpap pfcv . . . TTj 8€x6tt| . . . is a conventional period of time
which recurs elsewhere in epic (see on 1.53-4, and Richardson on HyDem
47, p. 166). Above all it corresponds to the duration of the plague at 1.53-4,
and thus forms the outermost element in the series of structural correspon-
dences at the beginning and end of the poem (cf. Introduction, 'Structure').
One of the opening scenes is that of the plague and the pyres on which the
Greek dead are burned, and the work ends with the pyre of Hektor and his
burial.
For the funeral feast (665) see on 23.1-34, 29~"34- T o hold the feast
directly after the burning and before the burial mound is built would be
normal. In fact, the order is changed at 788-803 (see on 801-3). BaivOTo
is optative like ¿xSOpsv (16.99), SaivOcrro (Od. 18.248), etc.: cf. Chantraine,
C H 1 5 1 . Verses 664-7 have a wearisomely repetitive character, each verse
beginning with one of the series of time-references, and 667 concludes the
speech on a note of sad resignation: 'on the twelfth day then let us fight, if we
really must'.
6 6 9 - 7 0 Akhilleus' reply is brief and equally courteous. Verse 669 resem-
bles 21.223. For examples of (oral TaOra and similar expressions of assent in
classical Greek cf. £. Fraenkel, Beobaehtungen zu Aristophanes (Rome 1962)
77-89. These are the last words Akhilleus speaks in the poem. They set
the seal on his reconciliation with Priam, and leave us with an impression
of him as a commanding figure, in full control of the situation.
671—2 Akhilleus' gesture is described as one of reassurance (cf. 360-3
with comment). Grasping the hand htl xaptTo) recurs at Od. 18.258, where
Odysseus is saying goodbye to Penelope before leaving for Troy. There it
may be a gesture of farewell, and perhaps a pledge of their love (cf.
Fittschen, Sagendarstellungen 55). See also on 14.136-7.
346
1
Book Twenty-Four
6 7 3 - 6 See on 633-76, and for the -np68opo$ cf. Lorimer, HM 415-17.

TTpo6<Spco 66pou is a common type of'pleonastic* expression, as in abr6Aos
alywv (Od. 17.247) etc. Vene 674 = 282. In 675-6 Akhilleus follows his
mother*s advice (128-32), again a sign of the restoration of a more normal
pattern of life. But the mention of Briseis sleeping with him, at the moment
when we leave Akhilleus for the last time, has great poignancy, and if we
recall book 9, where Patroklos too was mentioned at this point in the
parallel scene (666-8), this adds a further tinge of sadness (cf. O. Taplin,
in Chios 17-18).
677-718 Hermes comes to Priam and urges him to leave, and he and Idaios do
so, under his escort. At the ford of the Skamandros Hermes leaves them. At dawn they
reach the city. Kassandre sees them and announces the news to the Trojans, who come
out to m et th m with Hekabe and Andromakhe, amid general lamentation
The transition from the scene in Akhilleus' hut to Troy is rapidly narrated.
The return mirrors the outward journey (a type of ring-structure), but here
the description is brief. Attention is focused on the arrival at Troy and the
intense emotional reactions which this arouses. This sets the scene for the
three great final laments of the poem (723-76).
6 7 7 — 8 6 This passage resembles the opening of book 2, where Zeus lies
awake debating what to do (677-8 ~ 2.1-2), and then sends the Dream
which reproaches Agamemnon for sleeping and urges him to action (2.5-
34). Cf. 10.1-4 (10.2 =* 24.678) where Agamemnon lies awake pondering
what to do, and see on these passages. The pattern is discussed in connexion
with dream-sequences by Arend, Scenen 61-2. E. Levy (Ktema 7 (1982)
23-41) argues that Hermes actually comes to Priam in a dream, but
this is surely not the case here.
6 8 1 For Upou? truXacopoOs cf. 10.56 $UA<&KOOV tepöv T&OS. The epithet
indicates the solemnity of their commission: cf. P. Wülfing von Martitz,
Glotta 38 (1960) 300-1.
6 8 2 = 23.68 (see comment), etc.
6 8 3 — 8 Hermes rebukes Priam for sleeping at a time of such danger. For
such rebukes by figures in visions and dreams see on 23.69-92. One could,
if one wished, see this speech as an allegory, Hermes representing Priam's
own good sense which suddenly reasserts itself, prompted by Akhilleus*
warning. But Hermes' aid goes beyond more suggestion, here as elsewhere.
In waking Priam he performs the role which is attributed to him at 24.344.
6 8 5 — 8 The ransoming itself is made the theme of Hermes* warning.
IRA!6C$ TO) . . . AeXeippivoi means 'your sons, the ones who are left behind
at home*. Trends "rot . . . would be possible for 'the sons left behind by
you'. In 686-8 we have a shift from optative to subjunctive similar to
347
Book Twenty-Four
those at 582-6, 653-5, c l c * T h e repetition of the verb in 688 adds to the

urgency.
6 8 9 — 9 1 Verse 689 resembles 1.33, 24.571 etc. Hermes himself yokes the
horses and mules and takes charge of them for greater speed, and the
dactylic rhythm of 691 (with (5>ip<|>a) is typical of such brief descriptions
ofjourneys: cf. 6.511, 13.29-30,20.497, and Richardson on HyDem 89, 171.
The end of 691 echoes and contrasts with 688.
6 9 2 - 7 Verses 692-3 H-433~4' 21-1-2- Verse 693 is omitted in two
papyri and some MSS, and is probably an addition (cf. 351 where the
river's name is not given). Verse 694 = Od. 10.307, and 695 = it. 8.1 (piv).
Hermes departs at the same point where he met them on the outward
journey, the boundary perhaps of Trojan territory, and just as he appeared
at nightfall, so he leaves at dawn. They reach Troy 'with lamentation and
groaning' soon after dawn. 'The god leaves for the home of the gods; dawn
illumines the earth where there is suffering and sorrow' (Macleod, Iliad
XXIV 48). For the imperfect IXwv cf. Od. 4.2, Chantraine, GHi 354.
6 9 7 — 9 Verses 697-8 pick up 691 ('no one saw them . . . e x c e p t . . . ' ) ; for
oü6é T15 &AAos I l y v w (etc.) . . . áXKá . . . cf. 18.404-5, and for 698 cf. 7.139
6v5pcs . . . KOAM£COVO( TE yuvaítess, Od. 23.147 ávSpcóv . . . KAXAT^cbvcov TC
ywatKwv, and HyAp 154.
6 9 9 — 7 0 2 Kassandre makes a brief but memorable appearance here. The
only other mention of her in the Iliad was at 13.365-7 where Othruoneus
was said to have tried to marry her, and she was called the fairest of Priam's
daughters (see comment). T h e comparison of her to Aphrodite fits this
description. In Od. 11.421-3 her later death at Klutaimestre's hands is
recounted by Agamemnon's ghost. b T comment that she is watching be-
cause she is deeply anxious about her brother and father, and not because
the poet has any knowledge of the tradition which made her inspired. They
compare Nestor at 10.532; one could add Idomcneus at 23.450-1 (see
comment). We cannot tell whether the poet really does have in mind her
prophetic gifts, or whether her role as announcer of sad news may have
helped to foster the later tradition of her as prophetess of doom. As often,
however, one is inclined to think that the poet knows more than he tells us,
and to read the scene in the light of what we ourselves know from later
tradition.
For 1k£At) x p u c ^ 'A$po8hr) cf. 19.282 (Briséis) where the situation is
similar: Briséis sees the body of Patroklos and laments him. Kassandre has
gone up to the highest point in the city to watch: cf. Idomeneus at 23.451.
The scene resembles the TEixocrxoTtla in book 3, where Helen watches
from the walk (161-244), a n d Andromakhe at 6.381-403. At 701
6<nv{kxÓTns ('city-crier') is an absolute hapax, with -POCÓTTJS by diectasis
from -párrris, a contracted form of -Poiy^s. Cf. 577 xaX^TOpa. These two
348
1
Book Twenty-Four
unique words for the same idea are good evidence, if such were needed, of
the great range of vocabulary which the poet had at his command. In
700-2 the sequence 'her father . . . the herald . . . and him . . . ' is dramatic.
Hektor is not named, but he is above all the one she is hoping to see.
703-6 For | KCBKUOTV T* &p* ERRCITA cf. 18.37. SYSAFC is most probably
aorist imperative, as at Od. 8.313; cf. A^rrc (778 etc.), Chantraine, GH 1
418. Kassandre dwells on the past joy of Hektor's safe return from battle
(XOtlpCTC... x&pl*a), in contrast to the present grief. Cf. 17.207 and 22.444,
where again M<^x<nS voo-iYjaavTi was applied to Hektor in the context of
his death. Here there is a bitter, almost ironic edge to Kassandre's words,
as if Homer has in mind her role as the unwelcome harbinger of grief.
707-18 Kassandre's cry is the signal for a scene of great dramatic power
(cf. bT 707-8), which recalls the scene of despair in Troy at Hektor's death
(22-405ff.). In both cases this is the prelude for the more formal laments
which follow. The technique resembles that of the battle-scenes, where
individual episodes are preceded by more general descriptions of fighting.
The impatience of Priam to make a way through the crowd is similar to the
manner in which he angrily disperses the crowd and rebukes his sons at
237-64 (cf. Deichgraber, Letzte Gesang 79). Cf. also 6.238-41, where the
women crowd round Hektor when he enters Troy.
708 For AAoxrrov see on 5.892.
7x0-13 Andromakhe and Hekabe tear their hair in mourning for
Hektor: T6V YE is accusative with TiAAioGqv, as if this meant 'they mourned
him*. This is common with verbs of mourning ritual, e.g. Hdt. 2.61 TAV &
TUTTTOVTai, E. Tro. 623 xArrcKoyAiiqv vcxpAv, etc. For the action see on
22.77-8. They also throw themselves upon the waggon, and touch the dead
man's head: cf. 724 where Andromakhe holds his head during her lament,
and see on 23.136.
713-X5 Trp6Trav fâp ¿5 /j&iov KorraSuvrra is formular (3X //., 6x Od.),
but for the whole sentence cf. 23.154-5 xal vO x* A8upouivoimv E6u $Ao$
f)cA(oio, | cl . . . EIITC . . . , with comment.
7x6-17 Priam's words are peremptory, almost harsh: 'Let me pass
through with the mules! Later you can have your fill of weeping...' Acrcote
is a 'permissive* future, as in 6 . 7 0 - 1 tirsiTa ... ovMjarre, etc. xXau6u6s
occurs only here in //., 6x Od.
718-76 Hektor is brought home and laid on a bed. By it they set singers, who lead
in singing a dirge, and the women join in keening. Andromakhe begins their lament,
followed by Hekabe and Helen. All join in lamentation
O f all the scenes of lamentation in the last third of the poem this is the
most formal. Only here is the mourning led by professional singers, who
349
sing Opfjvoi, formal laments, and the women set up an accompaniment of

cries. Against this accompaniment are set the individual spoken laments
of the women of the family, Hektor's wife, mother, and sister-in-law. These
in turn are supported by more general lamentation. The speeches of
Andromakhe and Hekabe echo and complement those in book 22 (431-6,
477-514), where again there were three speeches after Hektor's death,
Priam's being the first (416-28). There, however, the poet kept Hektor's
wife to the end, whereas here it is natural that she should lead the laments.
That Helen should be the last to speak is, however, less expected, and it is
surely significant that she, who was the cause of the war, should speak thus
so near the poem's end.
T o some extent the three laments are similar in structure. Each one is
introduced and followed by parallel verses with variations (723, 747, 762;
746, 760, 776). Each begins by addressing the dead man, as husband, son,
brother-in-law. The opening themes, Andromakhe's sense of loss of a hus-
band, Hekabe's pride that her son was and is dear to the gods, Helen's loss
of her only friend at Troy, are resumed at the end of each speech. The
central part is a narrative section, Andromakhe's vision of Troy's fate,
Hekabe's recollection of the deaths of her sons, Helen's memory of Hektor's
kindness. There is closer parallelism between the shorter speeches of Hekabe
and Helen. The openings (748-69, 762-63) are very similar to each other,
and both speeches are concerned with Hektor's his nearness to the
gods and to Helen. Both contain a contrast between Hektor and others (the
rest of Hekabe's sons, Paris and the rest of Helen's relations by her mar-
riage). On their structure see Lohmann, Reden 108-12, Alexiou, Ritual
Lament 132-3.
There is also a clear association with Hektor's homecoming in book 6.
There he was greeted by Hekabe, Helen and Andromakhe (254-62, 344-
58, 407-39), and there are many links with these scenes, for example in
Hekabe's concern there with Hektor's piety, Helen's self-reproach and
sympathy for Hektor, Andromakhe's preoccupation with her own fate and
that of her child. Each of the women speaks in character, in a way consistent
with the speeches which they make elsewhere. O n Andromakhe's lament
and its connexions with books 6 and 22 see Lohmann, Andromache-Szenen
70-4.
Finally these laments are 'praise poems', encomia, like later funeral
speeches. They praise Hektor's prowess in war, his piety, and his kindness.
Cf. Reiner, Die rituelle Totenklage 62-7, 116-20, who comments on the close
association between such praise poems and the development of epic poetry,
xAta &v8p£>v. It is appropriate that these speeches should come at the end
of the Iliad. So too, Beowulf ends in mourning and praise for the hero
(3169-82, translated by M. Alexander):
350
Book Twenty-Four
Then the warriors rode around the barrow,

twelve of them in all, athelings'.sons.
They recited a dirge to declare their grief,
spoke of the man, mourned their King.
They praised his manhood and the prowess of his hands,
they raised his name; it is right a man
should be lavish in honouring his lord and friend,
should love him in his heart when the leading-forth
from the house of flesh befalls him at last.
This was the manner of the mourning of the men of the Geats,
sharers in the feast, at the fall of their lord:
they said that he was of all the world's kings
the gentlest of men, and the most gracious,
the kindest to his people, the keenest for fame.
For a sensitive treatment of the whole theme of ritual lament see P. Levi,
The Lamentation of the Dead (Anvil Press Poetry 1984).
719-23 The body is laid on a bed within the house. This is the beginning
of the prothesis, which later would normally take place inside the house, and
which was the chief occasion for the ritual lament; cf. 19.210-13, and
Reiner, Die rituelle Totenklage 35ff. For TpTyroIs tv cf. 3.448 Iv
TprjTotai . . . Aex^cooi (with comment), and similar phrases 4X Od. The
epithet probably refers to the holes bored in the frame for leather thongs
or fibres to be passed through to support the bedding: cf. Laser, Arch.
Horn. P 30-2.
Verses 720-2 mean 'and by the bed they set singers, leaders of the
dirges, who in the mournful song themselves led the dirge, while the women
wailed in accompaniment*. The form of the sentence is broken after AOIBT^V,
and instead of the simple verb Wp^vcov, the sentence is divided into pfv
and 6£ clauses. 60166s, Opt^vos, OprjvElv, and Eâpyos occur only here in
the poem; cf. 60166s frequently in Od., 6016/) etc. in //., OpTjVEtv Od. 24.61,
E£6pXEiv common in II. Iâpyos is rare later, and particularly used in
connexion with the cults of Dionusos and Sabazios in the classical period
(E. Ba. 141, Dem. 18.260). The vulgate reading is 6prjvous, which would
presumably be taken as an epithet (cf. OpijvcoSous A T ) , and most MSS
have ££6pxoua(i) as a verb with the relative clause ol TE . . . 6oi8fjv. But
there is no evidence for this sense of Opqvos, and the word order is un-
Homeric. !£apxos and ¿£6pxciv are virtually technical terms for leading
a group of singers or dancers: cf. (¿€)nPXc y6oio 18.316, 24.723, 24.747,
24.761, and 18.605-6 etc. In the laments for Patroklos the captive Trojan
women take up the refrain (18.28-31, 18.339-42, 19.301-2), and at
Akhilleus' funeral the Nereids (presumably led by Thetis) lament and the
351
Muses sing a dirge antiphonally (Od. 24.55-61). Later, hired mourners

were not uncommon: cf. A. Cho. 733, PI. Laws 8OOE, Plut. Solon 2 1 . 4 (proba-
bly), and Alexiou, Ritual Lament 10-14. ^PH^01 themselves developed into a
particular type of lyric composition, like those of Simonides, Pindar and
others (Reiner, Die riluelle Totenklage 71-100). It is possible that even in
Homer there is a distinction between the more or less spontaneous y6o$ of
relatives or friends, and the Gpfjvo» sung by outsiders or professionals (cf.
720-1, Od. 24.60-1, Reiner, Die rituelle Totenklage 9 etc., Alexiou, Ritual
Lament 11-14).
In antiquity the practice of singing dirges was believed to be originally
non-Greek or oriental (Reiner, Die rituelle Totenklage 59-61, 66), and
ancient scholars noted that Opi^voi arc mentioned only here in a Trojan
context, and not in connexion with Patroklos (cf. T , Eust., Suda s.v.
8pT)vov$). T adds that this is a reason for athetizing Od. 24.60-1. They may
well be right to detect in this another feature differentiating the Trojans
from the Greeks (cf. von der Muhll, Hypomnema 387; Hall, Barbarian 44, is
sceptical). In the laments of Andromakhe and Hekabe, however, there is
nothing obviously foreign, and their restraint is one of their remarkable
features. In many societies such laments are primarily, or exclusively, the
affair of women; E. Samter, Volkskunde im altsprachlichen Unterricht, 1 Homer
(Berlin 1923) 124-30, collects many examples.
7 2 3 - 4 Andromakhe holds Hektor's head in her hands as she utters her
lament (see on 23.136). The poet could have used the phrase &8ivo0 ¿^rjpxc
yooio in 723, as at 747 and 761. Instead he prefers the epithet AevKwAevos
for Andromakhe, which he had used of her in book 6 (371, 377), but
otherwise reserved almost exclusively for Here (24x ; once of Helen). This
could be a further sign that he has in mind the meeting of Hektor and
Andromakhe in book 6. Mark Edwards sees this as a visual touch: 'it is
hard not to think that the change of the adjective is intended to evoke
more vividly the picture of her bare arms around the corpse' {HP! 314).
Instead of the majority reading &v8po$6voio two papyri and some MSS
have lTTTTo8(5tMOio. But 6v6po$6voio is surely better, in view of what she
will say of Hektor's prowess at 736-9. For the two formulae see on 16.717-
18.
7 2 5 — 4 5 She begins with the themes of Hektor's early death, her widow-
hood, and the fate of her child, with a clear echo of her lament in book 22
(725-7 ~ 22.482-5; cf. also 6.407-9). The one protector of Troy is gone
(728-30 ~ 22.507, 6.402-3), and she foresees the slavery in store for
herself and the other Trojan women (731-2 ~ 6.410-13, 6.450-63).
Astuanax will either follow them into slavery, or else he will be killed,
thrown from the wall by an Achaean in revenge for Hektor's killing of a
kinsman (732-8). This goes beyond any earlier prediction about his fate
352
. :..,..;,,iy.
Book Twenty-Four
(6.476-81,22.487-506). It leads to the subject of Hektor's fierceness in war

(739), which will be counterbalanced by what Helen will say of his kind-
ness, and this brings Andromakhe back to the sense of loss felt by the
people, Hektor's family, and herself above all (740-2). She closes with a
very personal touch: in dying, he could not stretch out his hands to her
from his bed, or speak a last word which she could keep in her memory to
console her grief (743-5). Just so at the end of her lament in book 22,
she spoke of the clothes which should have been used for his funeral, but
which were now no use to him. In both cases the underlying theme is the
same, the denial of the normal consolations and rites associated with death.
The speech moves naturally from one theme to the next, with a high
frequency of enjambment, so that the thematic transitions often occur in
mid-verse or mid-sentence, and many of the emphatic words (especially
verbs) occur at the beginning of verses. This flowing style is similar to
that of her speeches in books 6 and 22.
Andromakhe's vision of impending disaster is paralleled by one of the
laments at the end of Beowulf (3150-5):
A woman of the Geats in grief sang out
the lament for his death. Loudly she sang,
her hair bound up, the burden of her fear
that evil days were destined her
— troops cut down, terror of armies,
bondage, humiliation. Heaven swallowed the smoke.
735—6 She does not name him as Hekabe and Helen do, but simply calls
him 'husband'. <Srrr* at&vo? vtos <£>AEO is an unusual expression, which seems
to mean 'you have been robbed of your (proper) span of life while still
young* (cf. Eust. 1373.23). For 6AAuo6ai with <5rrr6 or be cf. 18.107, Od.
15-91 > and for s c e on 22.484. The sound-patterns of 725 are striking:
&vcp, &IT* alcovos vfos <£>A€o, K66 8i Xt')PTlv-
For the complaint of desertion in 725ff. see on 22.484-6.

7 3 6 - 8 In 726-7, irdis 6 ' . . . 6ucr<4puopoi = 22.484-5. In a natural way
at 727-8 Andromakhe speaks of her son dying when Troy is sacked, where-
as at 732-5 she envisages that he may survive, and then again that he may
be killed.
7 3 8 - 3 0 For KCTT* Axpqs in connexion with Troy*s sack cf. 13.772-3,
15.557-8, 22.411. hrloxouos ('guardian') is glossed by the relative clause;
see on 22.255. The frequentative imperfect ¿HJOXSU (cf. fcvoucn) occurs
only here. §x£S alludes to the etymology of Hektor's name (cf. T , and PI.
Cral. 393A-B), as with Astuanax (6.402-3, 22.506-7); cf. 5.473-4, where
Sarpedon reproaches Hektor for thinking that he can 'hold the city alone',
353
Book Twenty-Four
unaided by his allies. T h e chiastic order of the relative clause, with the two
verbs juxtaposed at the beginning of 730, emphasizes the main idea. For 730
cf. 4.238 (with comment), etc.
731—2 Macleod suggests that '¿x^crovrai seems to continue the word-
play, this time with a pathetic contrast: before, Hector "kept" them, now
they "will be carried ( o f f ) " ' . For ¿xeloOai in connexion with the sea cf.
Od. 5.54; it is commonly used later of being on a ship. In the Cyclic
epics and later tradition Andromakhe becomes the slave and concubine of
Neoptolemos; cf. /liupersis, O C T vol. v, p. 108.9 ( = Davies, EGF p. 62.31),
¡lias Parva fr. 19 ( = Davies, EGF fr. 20), etc.
7 3 2 - 4 0 Here Andromakhe addresses Astuanax instead of Hektor.
Whether he is actually present or not we are not told, but the pathos of the
apostrophe is the same. Cf. 741-2, where she again addresses Hektor in
mid-sentence (and b T o n 732, 739). In 732-3 Epol a C m j . . . tpy&£oio) the
frequency of vowel-sounds and hiatus is noticeable, especially in i p y a Acixla
tpy6£oio which mirrors the ugliness of what she has in mind. Again in 734
&6Aeuu>v Trp6 &vaKTo$ &u«A(xou has strong assonance. ¿pclAixos is used of
Hades and Erinus at 9.158, 9.568, the only other occurrences in the poem,
and it is echoed by 739. np6 means 'in the face of* and so virtually 'on
behalf of* (cf. 8.57).
734—9 That a child should be thrown from the walls in vengeance
would, one imagines, not be so uncommon in a sack (cf. b T 735, Eust.
1373.43), and need not reflect a precisely formed tradition. In fact,
Aristarchus (Arn/A, T ) thought that this passage was the origin of the later
legends. In the ¡liupersis Astuanax is killed by Odysseus, apparently by
being thrown from the wall: O C T vol. v , p. 108.8 and ¡liupersis fr. 2
( = Davies, EGF p. 62.30, fr. 3). In the ¡lias Parva (fr. 19.3-5 = Davies, EGF
fr. 20.3-5) Neoptolemos seizes him by the foot and hurls him to his death:
7iaT5a 8* £Acov IK K6ATTOUTORRAOK&POIOTIWIVTJS
FBF^/E iro86s Trraywv 6nr6 mfpyov, T6V 81 -ntodvra
IXAapE iropfupcos ddvorro; Kcd poTpa Kporrai^
(cf. Paus. 10.25.9). The language of this version echoes or parallels that
of the ¡liad, and it looks as if the poet is trying to outdo the Homeric
version, by substituting iro86s Trraycbv for XC1P&$ as in //. 1.591
(Hephaistos' fall from heaven). In Euripides' Troades Odysseus persuades
the Greeks that Astuanax must die, and he is thrown from the wall (721-5,
1134-5). T h e death of Astuanax was often portrayed in archaic and later
art (LIMC n.i s.v. Astyanax 1), but it is uncertain whether he is the subject
of two early representations, one on a late Geometric vase, the other on
the Myconos pithos of the early seventh century ( I / M C n . i s.v. Astyanax 1
nos. 26 and 27), although in the second case many scholars have assumed
that he is.
354
Book Twenty-Four
Andromakhc speculates that the agent of her son's death may be someone
angry over a kinsman's death at Hektor's hand. This is not precisely mir-
rored in the later versions, but that does not tell us what tradition already
existed. For vagueness over a similar future event, certainly already fixed
by legend, cf. for example Akhilleus' uncertainty about his predicted death
at 2 1 . 1 1 1 - 1 3 , with comment. O n the relationship of this passage to later
versions see also Beck, Stellung (57-68. E. Tro. 742-4 look like an echo of
this passage: (Andromakhc to Astuanax) /) TOO "rrcnrpds 6$ o ' ARY£vei*
«JRTTOKTTWR, | FJ TOTOIV 6AA01; yiyvrron acoTTjpla, | T6 8' 4o6A6v OOK h xaipdv
f\A6i 001 7Torrp6$.
The grimness of 734-5 is justified by the equally grim assertions of 736-9,
and Avyp6v 6Ac6pov (735) is echoed by £v 6at Avypfj (739), AAyca Ai/ypA
(742), as 739 also picks up 734. &va£ meaning 'master' of a slave occurs only
here in //., frequently in Od. For 738 cf. 7.105, for 737-8 cf. 19.61 TO K' OO
TACOOI 'Axoiol lAov ficrrrrrov o05as.
7 4 0 — a These verses form a tricolon crescendo: 'the people . . . his
parents . . . myself above all', with effective variation in the phrasing of
each clause. T h e subject changes in each case, as does the tense of the
verb (present, past, future), and the change to apostrophe in mid-sentence
is particularly vivid, with *Exrop in emphatic mnover position, followed at
once by ¿uol 8i. For this juxtaposition and contrast of dead man and
mourners cf. 725-6 (etc.), and Alexiou, Ritual Lament 171—7. Later, classical
laments and epitaphs often emphasize the sorrow which the dead man has
left to those who survive: S. Aj. 972-3 Atas y&p aCrroTs O0K4T' tcrrlv, AAA'
¿uol | Amcbv Avfas teal y6ovs 6iofxrrai, and (e.g.) VV. Peek, Griechische
Versinschriflen 1 (Heidelberg 1955) 697.5-6, 2002.7-8; R. Lattimore, Therms
in Greek and Latin Epitaphs (Illinois 1962) 179-82.
Verse 741 ** 17.37, w c should probably read ApprjTov in both cases
(see comment there). Cf. also 5.155-8.

7 4 3 — 5 b T (on 744) say 'this is true to life: for in one's sorrows the
last words of those dear to one are a sweet thing for consolation'. Cf.
Plut. A/or. 117B: 'if the dying man spoke to them, they always keep this in
their mind as a kindling for grief. At the end of the Agrieola (45.5) Tacitus
regrets that he and Agricola's daughter were not present at his death:
excepissemus certe mandaia vocesque, quas penitus animo Jigeremus. Cf. Alexiou,
Ritual Lament 183-4 f ° r modern Greek examples. TTVKIV6V Irros (75, etc.) has
particular force here: 'a word full of meaning', something enduring and
substantial; cf. Martin, Language of Heroes 35-6. For the optative p€pW)iiT)v
see on 23.361, and Chantraine, GH1 465.
74§ =22.515. The poet varies the verse describing this refrain after
each lament (cf. 760, 776, and see on 22.429). Here it is the women,
echoing 722, at 760 the y6os is more general, and at 776 it is the whole of
the 6f)po$ ¿rrrtfpcov.
355
1
747 This verse echoes 723 and is picked up again at 761; cf. 22.430
(Hekabe), etc.
7 4 8 - 5 9 Hekabe's lament at 22.431-6 was passionate and despairing (cf.
22.82-9, 24.201-16), but here she is unusually controlled. It is above all
her fierce pride in the greatest of her sons which stands out, and this
fits her character (cf. 22.432-6, 24.215-16). There may be an implicit
sense of triumph, that after all Akhilleus failed in his attempt to disfigure
Hektor's corpse, and all that he did was of no use to Patroklos after his
death. By contrast the theme of Hektor's piety and the special divine
protection of his body appears for the last time, and forms the chief enco-
miastic element in her lament. For this theme cf. especially 416-23, closely
recalled here by her words. The speech falls into four sections of three verses
each (noted by von Leutsch: see Leaf on 723). This gives it a steadily
measured quality.
748—50 Verses 748-49 are echoed by Helen's opening words (762-3).
For the comparison between life and death in 749-50 cf. Hekabe's first
lament at 22.435-6 (with comment on 430-6). The repetition o f m p . . .
irtp . . . stresses the antithesis: 'certainly in life you were dear to the gods:
and after all (&pa), even in death . . . ' Verse 750 resembles Priam's pious
reflection at 425-8.
751-8 Hekabe speaks as if Akhilleus had spared the lives of several of
her sons, in contrast to his savagery against Hektor. Cf. Isos and Antiphos
(11.104-6) whom he ransomed, and Lukaon (21.34!^) who was sold by
him to Euneos of Lemnos. Akhilleus himself spoke of the many Trojans
he had spared before Patroklos' death (21.99-102). In 753 Samos is
Samothrace, as at 78 etc. ¿rpixOaA&tS occurs only here in Homer, and
again at HyAp 36 "IPPPOS T ' COXTTPLVQ KAL Aqpvos
Antimachus (fr. 141 W.) apparently read )iix0aX6caaov. Callimachus (fr.
18.8 Pf.) has 6inx6aA6€ooav f)£pa of a dark sea-mist; cf. Colluthus 208
¿ p i x O a A & V T O S &rr* V^pos 6pppov IETCTCC. The word was said to have survived
in Cypriote with the sense eu&aipcov, but van der Valk doubts this [Re-
searches 1 488). There is a discussion of it in a papyrus commentary on
Callimachus (A. Henrichs, 4 (1969) 23-30, with Erbse v 509). The
chief ancient suggestions were: prosperous, rocky and steep, hard to ap-
proach or inhospitable (ftpiicTos), misty and hard to catch sight of. The
cloud of uncertainty around this foggy gloss has not been lifted by modern
scholarship (Chantraine, Diet, and LfgrE s.v., Leumann, HW 214, etc.),
unless I have myself failed to catch sight of a solution. The translation
'misty' would fit here.
¿^¿Arro vfvx^v is not a formular expression for killing someone (cf. 22.257
cn^v 6i yvx^jv A<ÂA>PAT). For TAVAQXLY X 0 ^ 1 " ? see on 23 .118. The frequen-
tative form £uoto£ci> occurs only here in //., 2X Od. (16.109 20.319); cf.
356
Book Twenty-Four
Od. 18.224 ^WTOBCTOS. Both words denote rough or brutal handling. Verse
755 resembles 51-2, 416-17. The conclusion of 756 is bitter: cf. Akhilleus'
words to Priam about Hektor at 551, o06t piv &von,|afis.
757-9 For ipof)ct$ see on 419. *Trp6a$aTOS (only here in Homer; common
in later Greek) means 'fresh'; the original sense was probably 'newly killed*
(cf. Chantraine, Diet. s.v. Orivco). Verses 758-59 resemble several Odyssean
passages referring to a sudden, painless death, sent by Apollo or Artemis or
both: 3.279-80, 5.123-4, 11.172-3, 11.198-9, 15.410 11. A quotes the
variant oTs AyovoTat p&ccaiv . . . Karorrr^vrj, which a papyrus has (and
xcrrarrtyvg in some MSS), and the 'generalizing* subjunctive seems better
here than the aorist. Apollo's protection of the body (18-21, 23.188-91)
makes this comparison particularly suitable (cf. Reinhardt, luD 484), and
these verses make a lovely, quiet close to this lament. Contrast the opening
scene of book 1 (8-52): Apollo the destroyer becomes Apollo the pre-
server, who even in death keeps Hektor's body intact (see Introduction,
'Structure', pp. 5-6).
760 See on 746, and cf. 20.31 w^^Pov 8" AAlaorov tyeipc.
762-75 Helen's speech is a masterpiece of characterization and pathos,
which should be compared with her speeches to Priam in book 3 (172-80),
and to Hektor in book 6 (344-58). There and elsewhere (e.g. 3.242, 3.404,
3.410-12) remorse and bitterness about her marriage with Paris and con-
tempt for him (cf. 3.428-36) were prominent. But her respect for Priam,
who treated her so gently (3.162-5), and her sympathy for Hektor, who
bore the chief burden of the fighting for her sake, also came out strongly
(3.172, 6.354-8). Here too she stresses Hektor's kindness, and Priam's
(770), in contrast by implication to her husband Paris and the other
Trojans. Self-reproach comes out in her wish to have died before coming
to Troy (764, if that is the right reading), and self-pity in 773-5, again
characteristic of Helen (e.g. 3.411-12, 6.357-8). There is also a note of
longing for home in 765-6, where she speaks of having been away for
twenty years: cf. 3.174-6, 3.232-42 (Idomeneus, her brothers), and Od.
4.259-64. Throughout all Helen's speeches there runs a preoccupation
with her complex family relationships, at home in Greece and here in
Troy: that is why kinship words (Sor^p, Ixup65, txup^, ir&rts, ul6$, irons,
aCrroxaatyviVrco, yvarrol, yaA6o), clvdrrcpcs) recur so often (see on 3.180).
Verses 762-63 echo 748-49. Helen uses 6aV)p of Hektor at 6.344, 6.355,
and of Agamemnon at 3.180; cf. 24.769. It must be scanned Bcrfpcov at 769,
and either thus or Sdlpcov here.
763—7 The train of thought is 'truly Paris is my husband, and I had no
right to expect such kindness from Hektor as I did from him: and y e t . . . *
764 The vulgate reading is <b$ -rrplv &$cAA* drrroMofai (as at 7.390), but
Aristarchus (Did/T) and some MSS read cS>s "nplv ¿tyeAAov 6Akr8at. At
357
1
Book Twenty-Four
3 . 4 2 8 - 9 Helen wishes that Paris had been killed in his duel with Menelaos,
but that was in an outburst of contempt against him just after that event.
O n the other hand her wish to have died herself echoes what she said both
to Priam at 3.173-5 and to Hektor, even more passionately, at 6 . 3 4 5 - 8 .
Such a wish is common in laments: cf. Hekabe at 2 2 . 4 3 1 - 2 , and
Andromakhe at 2 2 . 4 8 1 (&s &$EAAE TCK£O6OI), with comment there.
765—7 Helen's point is that it is a very long time since she left home, and
yet Hektor was never unkind to her. Twenty is a standard figure in Homer
(e.g. 13.260, 1 6 . 8 4 7 , Od. 4.360, 5 . 3 4 , and Reinhardt, IuD 4 8 8 - 9 ) . T h e Iliad
takes place in the tenth year of the war, and for a longer period twenty is
the next major figure: cf. 9.379, 22.349, 11.33-4, etc. A b T and Eustathius
explained this as due to the time taken to gather the expedition (cf. 4 . 2 7 - 8 ,
11.765-70, Od 24.115-19). One could add the wanderings of Paris on the
way to Troy ( 6 . 2 8 9 ~9 2 )» o r later traditions of an abortive first expedition
which landed in Mysia, of Akhilleus* stay in Skuros (schol. 1 9 . 3 2 6 ) , and of
the delay at Aulis before sailing for Troy, all of which were related in the
Cyclic epics (cf. Kullmann, Quellen 189-200). But this is all unnecessary,
and the poet may well have invented this detail ad hoc for Helen's speech
(cf. J. T . Kakridis, Gnomon 32 ( I 9 6 0 ) 4 0 7 ) . In the Odyssey Odysseus returns
home in the twentieth year since he left, but this does not need to be
reconciled with what Helen says. Her words at 7 6 5 - 6 are paralleled by Od.
1 9 . 2 2 2 - 3 (with reference to Odysseus); for discussion of the two passages
and their possible relationship cf. Reinhardt, IuD 4 8 5 - 9 0 , J. T . Hooker, La
Parola del Passato 1 2 7 ( 1 9 8 6 ) 1 1 1 - 1 3 .
For the pattern of 7 6 5 - 7 cf. 2 . 7 9 8 9 f\ pfcv 8F) pAAa TTOAAA p<&xas
ElafjAu6ov 6v6p£>v, | AAA* oO TTCO TOI6V6C TOCT6V5E TI Aa6v ATtcoira, and
1 0 . 5 4 8 - 5 0 , Od. 4 . 2 6 7 - 7 0 . In 7 6 7 &o\)$r)\ov is a rare word, which recurs at
9 . 6 4 7 and very occasionally later (Quintus of Smyrna 9 . 5 2 1 and late prose).
It must mean something like 'rude' or 'harmful' here; see Chantraine, Diet.
and LJgtE s.v. Cf. Od. 4 . 6 9 0 (Odysseus) OOTE TIVA ££aioiov OGTC TI
EITTCOV.
7 6 8 - 7 « This is the only case in Homer of a conditional clause with
'iterative' optative, but it is a natural corollary to temporal and relative
clauses of this kind, and is common later (cf. Chantraine, GH 11, 2 2 4 - 5 ) .
Most M S S read ¿vicrrroi, which perhaps reflects A's variant tvioaoi, itself a
possible reading. But IVIITTEIV IS commoner and occurs on its own, without
tnifaoiv etc. For yaA6co and EIVATEPES see on 2 2 . 4 7 3 . T h e contrast in 7 7 0
suggests what the rough edge of Hekabe's tongue could do, and Priam's
fatherly gentleness recalls 3 . 1 6 2 - 5 (cf. Priam's $lAov Tbcos in 3 . 1 6 2 ) . T h e
picture of Hektor's kindness to her in 7 7 1 - 2 is enhanced by the repetitions
and sentence-structure, with oO . . . . . . 0015 . . . stressing his exceptional
behaviour, ITTIECTOI . . . frniaoi framing the whole, and dryavo^poovvrj . . .
358
1
Book Twenty-Four
AyocvoTs l-niecrcn dwelling on his gentleness. There is similar pathos in the

speech of Odysseus' mother at Od. 11.202-3:
<5tAA6 |ICCT6STE TT60OS, A<5c TE PR|5EA, 4>al8iu* 'OSUCTCTEU,

a f j T ' dyctvo<|)poCTUVT) peAir)8£a 6upov ¿nTTjupa.
T h e contrast there with ols ¿ryavois PEA£ECTCTIV at 199, and the fact that 199
repeats II. 24.759, suggests that the Iliad scene is in the poet's mind here,
especially since 6cyavo<J>poovvrj occurs nowhere else in Homer (cf. 20.467
dryavo<t>pcov) or later.
773""5 Helen returns to the present, her grief at the loss of Hektor,
her self-pity and desolation. Like Andromakhe she links grief for Hektor
with sorrow for herself, and Kal in* <5cupopov recalls Andromakhe at 6.408
(cf. 24.727). T h e ending leaves a very bitter taste, with tTE^piKaatv ('shud-
der at') as the final word: cf. 19.325 £>ty£8avqs 'EA£vr)S-
7 7 6 'Not only the women lament here; for she aroused greater grief.
With the greatest pathos (IAEOS) the poet concludes the Iliad', comment b T ,
comparing later perorations. Leaf says that 'Bfjuos is nowhere else used in
the sense o{multitude', but it presumably means the whole people of Troy;
cf. 3.50 TT6AT)T TE TTOVTI TE 8T)|JKO, etc. ¿nrEipcov elsewhere in Homer is applied
to sea or land, except for Od. 8.340 8EOUOI ¿RITEIPOVES; but cf. HyAphr 120
opiAos dtTTEipiTOS, Hes. Aspis 472 Acids ¿tTTEipcov, HyDem 296 TroAvrrEipova
Aa6v.
jjj—804 Priam orders the Trojans to collect woodfor the pyre, andfor nine days they
do so. On the tenth day Hektor's body is burnt. Next day the pyre is quenched, the body
is buried, and the people hold the funeral feast in Priam's palace
By contrast with the funeral of Patroklos, and with the leisurely pace of
the narrative in this Book, the final description of Hektor's funeral rites
is economical (cf. Eust. i375-3off.), although at 788-801 the actual burial
is described in detail as at 23.250-7. T h e train of events resembles that
for Patroklos, although not always in the same order. There (unusually)
the funeral feast came before the burial (see on 23.1-34), and after the
gathering of wood (110-26) the ekphora took place (128-37), followed by
the building of the pyre (163-4), ^ burning (177-225), and burial. There
is no mention here of funeral games, which would be quite out of place; they
would not suit the state of siege and shortness of the truce. Moreover the
poet wants as quiet and simple a close as possible, with all the emphasis
falling on the burial itself. O n the order of ceremonies see M . W . Edwards,
'The conventions of a Homeric funeral', in Studies in Honour of T. B. L.
Webster (edd. J . H. Betts, J. T . Hooker and J . R. Green), 1 (Bristol 1986)
84-92.
359
Book Twenty-Four
7 7 8 — 8 1 Priam's spccch contains the briefest of instructions (778), with a

reassurance against ambush (cf. Akhilleus' promise at 669-72), echoed at
799-800. ITT^TEXAE means that Akhilleus gave orders to this effect as a
guarantee of security.
7 8 2 - 7 Ayivav recurs at 18.493, 4 X 0d.t 5X HyAp. For ficrrrrrov OXT^V in
this context cf. 23.127. The building of the pyre is taken for granted.
Verse 7855=6.175 (with £o5o8a>cnAos, which is a variant here too).
4>aEcripppOTO$ occurs first here; cf. Od. 10.138, Hes. Th. 958 <|>aEcriupp6TOU
'HEXIOIO. IT is perhaps used because of £O6O86XTUXOS in 788. is the
technical word for the funeral procession; cf. Hdt. 7.117, etc., and see on
23.127-53. Verse 787 echoes 23.165 (¿XVOMEVOI xfjp).
7 8 8 - 8 0 1 The burial takes place after dawn, as at 226-57. Cf. Od. 24.72,
and It. 7.433-6 (twilight before dawn), where 434 closely resembles 789; in
both cases we should read fjypcTO ('gathered'), with a few MSS here,
for the vulgate lypcTO ('woke up'). Verse 788 = 1.477. For this Odyssean
verse see comment there; but (pace Kirk) the echo of book 1 may be
significant. Likewise the Odyssean 790 recalls 1.57 (see comment). Both
assemblies follow immediately after the reference to 'nine d a y s . . . on the
tenth' (1.53-4,24.784-5), even if in book 24 the gathering is actually on the
eleventh day, not the tenth (but see on 801-3). Verse 790 is omitted by one
papyrus and several groups of MSS including A, and it is dispensable, but
the repetition in 789-90 is paralleled by Od. 2.8-9.
Verses 791-801 should be compared with 23.250-7, with comments.
Verse 791 = 23.250, and the first half of 801 = 23.257. But the language of
the rest is significantly varied, although the basic series of actions is similar.
In both cases, after the pyre has been quenched with wine, the bones are
gathered and covered with cloth, and a mound is built. There the tomb was
to be a cenotaph (see on 254) until Akhilleus' own death. At 23.253
Patroklos* bones were put in a golden for the time being, whereas
here the bones can be placed directly in a coffin (Xdpva£), the equivalent of
the <rop6s which will ultimately hold the remains of both Patroklos and his
friend (see on 23.91). For the word Xdpva£ cf. 18.413, the only other
occurrence in Homer. The grave is mentioned only here. xolXqv KATTETOV of
a grave recurs twice in Sophocles' Ajax (1165, 1403). Verses 797-8 seem to
indicate a layer of stones over the grave, whereas the verb x&»> (799» 801)
suggests that these are then covered by a mound of earth: see on 255-6. The
simple xXalovTES of 23.252 is here developed into the full verse 794, with
emphatic runover pup6p£voi. Verse 796 is a lovely, euphonious four-word
verse to describe the purple clothing with which the bones are covered: see
on 23.254, both for this practice and for the colour described. Verse 798
is again a majestic four-word verse of similar type and almost identical
rhythm, with three long dative forms framing the verb, which occurs only
Book Twenty-Four
here in //., 2X Od. In 7 9 9 - 8 0 0 j5>iM<t>cc is significant: there is no time to delay,

and the mention of the scouts and danger of attack are vivid touches,
reminding the audience for the last time that this is only a brief pause in
the larger action of the war. For aKorroi f)aro cf. 1 8 . 5 2 3 .
T h e effect of the great burial-mounds of the Troad such as Hektor's is
nowhere better described than by Hektor himself, before his duel with Aias,
where he speaks of how his opponent's will become a landmark for passing
sailors, who will pronounce his epitaph and so commemorate Hektor's own
fame for ever { 7 . 8 6 - 9 1 ) .
8 0 1 - 3 A t 665 Priam speaks of holding the feast directly after the funeral
on the tenth day, before the building of the tumulus, whereas it actually
occurs on the eleventh as the final ceremony, thus giving the quiet but
celebratory ending. Mark Edwards comments: 'Perhaps this implies again
the Trojans' fear of a Greek attack, but more probably it is to enable the
poet to concentrate his ending not only upon the dead Hector but also upon
the living and doomed Trojans and their city' (HPI 315). In 802 EV means
'in due fashion', like Latin rite; cf. 2 . 3 8 2 - 4 , etc. (SaivuvT*) ¿puarSIa Barra is
Odyssean ( 4 X ). For FTpi&uoio 8ioTpE<J>Eos pacnAfjos cf. 5 . 4 6 4 . That the feast
should take place within the palace, rather than near the pyre, could again
be due to the focus on Troy itself, but it may simply be the natural place for
it to be held, since Priam would be the giver of the feast. Whatever the
truth, these lines have a stately dignity appropriate to the conclusion.
8 0 4 Some ancient texts (T, one first-century A.D. papyrus) offered an
alternative ending, which linked the Iliad to the Aithiopis:
cos 01 y ' Aii<J)IETTOV TA<J)OV " E x T o p o s ' i j A 6 e 8 ' 'Apd^COV,
followed by
"ApT]os 6v/y6rrqp pEyaAf)Topos &v8po<|)6voio (T)
or
, OTpi I jp[ri]<(s> 6vy6tTTip EUEIS^JS RF£V6EALA<£>IA (pap. 104)
Cf. the summary of the Aithiopis ( O C T vol. v, p. 1 0 5 . 2 2 - 3 = Davies, EGF

p. 47.4): "APA^cov TTEVOECTIAEICC -rrapayivETai TpcoalCTUMuax'I'icrouaa,etc.
This simple but noble verse closes the poem, which began with the wrath
of Akhilleus, and ends with the burial of Hektor, tamer of horses.
361
GENERAL INDEX T O V O L U M E VI
Aeschylus: Choiphorot, 18a; fr. 350 N.\ 283; Ankaios, 238

mourning figures in, aga; Mobt, 340; Antilokhos, in chariot-race, 166, 202-3,
PtuygtSy 14a, 282, 291; Psjchagegoi, 256; 208-19, 224-36; in foot race, 249-58
Psychostasiû, 129 Antimachus of Colophon, 29, 265, 268
after life, beliefs about, 1 « psichl Antisthenes, 29, 36
Agamemnon: and Khruses, 334-5; at Aphrodite: defeated by Athene, 85-90; gifts
funeral of Patroklos, 179; in the Games, of, 157; in Judgement of Paris, 277;
165, 207, 269-71; ruthlessness of, 62, protects Hektor's corpse, 164, 185,190,
344-5 275. 3»5
Agenor, 9,96,99-104 Apollo: and death of Akhilleus, 63; and
Aias (Locrian), 213, 219-24, 249-57 Niobe, 340-1; at beginning and end of
Aias (Telamonian), 245-9, 259-62, 264 Iliad, 5 - 7 , 272-3, 280, 357; concern for
Aidos, crf&cbs, 15,6o, 115, 117-18, 280-2, Hektor's corpse, 147, 164, 185, 190-1,
295. 3«7. 3*6-7 273. 275-6.280-2.315, 357; dignity of,
Aineias: duels with and divine rescue of, 10, 10, 51-2; in conflict of Akhilleus and
56-7; family of, 160 Hektor, 128-44; ' n Games, 207,214,
Aiihe, 207, 217, 227 242, 265, 268; in the Theomachy, 85,
Aiihiopis, 63, 143, 145, 202, 246, 272, 361 91-4; rescues Trojans, 96-108
Akheioos, 69, 341-2 apostrophe, 234, 283, 354, 355
Akhilleus: and Agamemnon, 269-71, Ares, 85-90
344-5; and Agenor, 96-104; and Arion, 212-13
Antilokhos, 228-9, 258; and Asteropaios, Aristarchus, 35-6, 39, 43, 47; and passim in
65-70; and Lukaon, 56-65; and Commentary
Patroklos, 144-6,164-271, 273-5, 334. Ariston of Chios, 37
338-9; and Priam, 272-3, 320-47; and Aristophanes of Byzantium, 35,64-5, 178,
Skamandros, 30,51-6, 70-80; and 259-60, 274, 316, 340
Thetis, 288-90; at opening of Iliad, 5, Aristotle: and Homer, 31-5; Homeric
272, 361; death of, 62-3, 75,143, 174-5, Problems, 28, 3 2 - 3 , 3 5 - 6 , 76, 87, 148, 207,
198-9, 273, 285-6, 289; descent from 3>5-'6. 334; Poeties, I, 28, 33-6, 103,
Zeus, 68; in conflict with Hektor, 32, 34, 129, 211, 334; Rhetoric, 59; other works,
105-49; in Games, 200-71; mutilates 3'9
Hektor's body, 32,144-9, '68. »9°-».
272-5, 280-2; savagery of, 281; shield of, Artemis: and Niobe, 340-1; bringer of
see shield; style of speeches of 61-2, 133, painless death, 357; in Theomachy, 85-6,
«4«"3. 328-34» 339-40. 34»; «f «to fire 94-6
imagery Asclepiades of Myriea, 39
Aktorione, 225, 235-40 assonance, 58, 74, 78,81, 136-7, 139, 160,
Alcidamas, 30 3'3. 3»9. 354; s t t «fr» alliteration,
Alkimos (Alkimedon), 322 sound-effects
allegory, 27, 28-9, 30-1,36-40, 41, 42, 45, Asteropaios, 51, 65-70, 78, 229-30, «50,
259-60
46-9. 54. 80, 330, 347 Astuanax, 112-13, 152-3, 158-62, 352-5
alliteration, 58,69, 81,82, 101, 141, 148,
asyndeton, 110, 136, 146. 155,310
235; set ois« assonance, sound-effects
Ate, 15, 18, 130, 279, 323-4
Altes, 60-1, tto
Athene: aids Akhilleus, 70, 76-7, 105-6,
Amarunkeus, 237
130-6; aids Diomedes, 207, 214-7; aids
Amphidamas, 175
Odysseus, 249-56; gives up seat to Thetis,
Anaxagoras, 29
287; in Judgement of Paris, 277-9; ' n
Andromakhe, 8-9, 105-6, 115, 117-18,
Theomachy, 51,85-90
120,152-63, 206, 349-50. 352-5 AtraJusii, 55, 72
363
General index
Automedon, 32a, 336, 34a Euneos, 57,60, 251

Axios, 66 Euruatos, 241-5
Eurutos, 238-9
Beowulf, 350-1, 353
Briseis, 6, 17, 18, 389, 343, 347, 348 fame {fdtos), 19, 162, 350-1
book-division, 1, 21 - a lasting, 167, 170, 288-9, 322. 339~4°.
bT Scholia, 44, and passim in Commentary 344
Burnt Njal, 144 fire imagery, 55, 97, 138
Flecker, The Old Ships, 79
Catalogue of Ships, 7 - 8 formulas: localized, 205; metrically
Chamaeleon, 87, 177 equivalent, 90, 93; system of, 53-4;
chariot, 57, 21a, 235-6; chariot-race, umuited to context, 95; variation of,
134-5, «64-®» 201-41 80-1; set also epithets
Chrysippus, 37 four-word verses, 56, 70, 75, 82, 83, 121,
Cicero and Homer, 40-1 '77. »95. 23». 260, 319, 360-1
Cleanthes, 37,4a funeral rites, 64, 79. 115, «39" 43. »55-6,
consolation, 62-3, 328-34 162-3, «64-27«. 337-8. 346, 350-1,
Comutus, 37 359-61; set also fasting, laments,
Crates of Mallos, 37-40, 47 mourning ritual
cuirass (ihörfx), 229-30
Cjpria, 278, 283, 299 games, 124-5, 164-6, 175-6, 201-71
Geometric art, 4-5, 182, 184, 201, 226, 239,
Dawn, 179, 185, 196-7, 275, 348, 360 247. 270, 354
Deiphobos, 131-2, 135-6 gods: and destiny, 330-2; and men, 15;
Demeter, 17 divine comedy, 17; divine deceit, 9,
Demetrius, On Stjle, 43, 74,87,122, 215 •03-4, 107, 130-6; divine rescue, 9 - 1 0 ,
Demo, 38 102-4; ' n disguise, 3o6ff.; moral r6le of,
Democritus, 39, 74 22-3» «47. 273, 310; reveal their identity,
Diomedcs: and Akhilleus, 10-11; in the 76, 107, 319; show concern for Hektor's
Games, 206-7, 214-16, 219-22, 224, 228, corpse, 190-1, 276, 314-16, 356;
2 43. 259-6 2 wounded, 10; set also Theomachy
Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 43-4 Gorgias, 29, 31
Dolon, 16, 154 greaves, 102-3
dreams, 7-8, 127-8, 171-9, 216, 347
Hades, 173, 178
eagle, 73-4, 137, 305-6 hair-offerings, 181-5
Eetion of Imbros, 57,60, 152, 159, 251 hapax legomaw, xii, and passim in Commentary;
Eetion of Thebe, 262-3 absolute hapaxes, 67, 70, 79, 80. 81,89, 95,
Ekhepolos, 32, 207 101, 114, 131, 142, 146, 158, 160, 180,
Embassy to Akhilleus, 2, 3, 5, 12, 18, 321, 186, 189, 204, 210, 227, 235, 236, 244,
246, 247, 260, 270, 284, 303, 309, 310,
343
endurance (TATIMOOOVT)), 282, 328-34 345. 348-9
Hekabe, 105, 114-15, 149, 151-2, 293-6,
enjambment and runover words, 57, 72,
97,98, 122, 148, 150-1, 155, 167, 168. 3<>3-4. 349-50. 352. 353. 356-7
179, 184, 214, 218, 221, 227, 234, 287, Hektor: at end of poem, 5, 272, 361; body
32«, 344« 353. 355 protected by gods, 190-1, 275-6, 314-16;
Ennius, 40, 46 concern for fame, 117, 162, 361; death of,
Enops, 238 »39-44". etymology of name, 115, 353-4;
epafultfsis, 120-1, 239-40 funeral of, 359-61; godlike status of, 146,
Epeios, 8 n. 8, 16, 203, 241-5, a 59. 262, 264 152, 300; in conflict with Akhilleus,
epithets: glossed, 322-3, 325; significant, 105-49; mutilated by Akhilleus after
100,107, 116, 135-6, 156, 232-4, 307, death, 32,144-9, »68, »90-1, 272-5,
322-5. 347. 352. 355! i U a l s o formulas 280-2; laments for 149-63, 167, 349-59;
tthoi (iiöos), 14-15, 34, 45, 164-6 monologue of, 117-21; piety of, 126, 280,
Eumelos, 8 n. 8, 203, 207, 214-16, 221, 284, 316; ransoming of body of, 141-2,
227-8,236 272-347
364
General index
Helen, 8-9, 26,48, 118-19, >54-5. 3*8. Lucilius, 40

349-50. 353. 357-9 Lucretius, 39, 41
Hellespont, 333 Lukaon, 51, 56-65, 78,110, 229-30, 250,
Hephaistos, 51-2, 55,80-5 252. 325. 356
Heraditus, Homeric Problems, 3 7 - 8
Heraditus of Ephesus, 26 Makar, 333
Heri: and Thetis, 283, 287; as air, 54; in marriage customs, i n , 115, 152, 157
Judgement of Paris, 277-9; >n Megacleides, 69,129
Theomachy, 85-6, 94-6; supports Mekisteus, 243
AkhiUeus, 80, 283 Memnon, 129,191,202
Hermes, 22-3,85-6,95, 273, 276, 278, 291, Menelaot, in chariot-race, 166, 207-8,
306-20, 343-5, 347-®: functions of, 214-19, 224-36
307-8; wand of, 308-9 Meriones, 179-80, 213, 227, 259, 265-71
Herodotus, 28 Mestor, 299, 325
Hesiod, and Homer, 19, 26; and passim in metaphor, 87,92,93, ioo, IOI, 103,115,
Commentary 184,189,190, 342
Hippothoos, 299 Metrodorus of Lamptacus, 39, 38
Hippias of Thasos, 211 moira (and destiny), 15, 136, 295, 330;
homicide, 175,323-4 Moirai, 282
honour (TURFJ), 15, 19, u 8 , 202, 232 monologues, 9 9 - t o t , 117-21
Horace, 1, 15,41,42 motif, repeated, 9 - t o , 1 1 , 1 7 - 1 9 , 23
mourning rituals, 109, 114, 150, 181-5,
Idaios, 306-7,310, 347 288-9, 292» 340-'. 344» 346, 249; stt also
Ida, Mt, 100-1, 123, 126, 180 fasting, laments, funeral rites
Idomeneus, 213, 219-24 Mudon, 71
Ilias Latina, 41 Myrmidons, 166-7, >Bi, 183-4
¡lias Parva, 112-13, 246» 354 Mysians, 303
iHapersis, 112-13, 249» 354
Ilos, 310 Neoplatonists and Homer, 26,42, 45, 46-9
Iphiklos, 238 Nestor, 166, 201-2, 208-13, 224-5, 236-41
Niobe, 321, 339-42
Iris, 165, 191-4, 235, 284-6, 290-3 Noemon, 166,236
Nosloi, 249
Juvenal, 154
Kassandre, 112-13, 34®~9 oath,231-2
Keats, 324 Odysseus: as philosophical model, 41, 47-8;
Khruseis, 6,17, 18 comic rôle of, 16, 256-7; in the Games,
Khruses, 3, 5,18, 334-6 245-58; and passim for references to
kAmtIi) of Akhilleus, 318-19 Oifssty etc.
Klutomedes, 238 Odyssey, ending, 7; relationship to Iliad, 16,
Kteatcw, 238-9 21-4, 25-6,45, 273; and passim in
274-361
laments, 115, 149-54, 158-63, 166-8, Oidipous, 243, 297
285-6, 292, 307, 327-8, 348-59 Okeanos, 68-9, 193
Laomedon, 85,91-2, 213, 278 omen, 303-6
Laothoe, 56,60,110-11 onomatopoeia, 74, 78, 79,169,177, 244; m
Latin translations of Homer, 40-1; sot also also assonance, sound-effects
Ilias Latina Ophelestes, 71
Leikandi, 165,176, 186, 188, 199-200, 251 Othruoneus, 348
Lemnos, 251-2
Leonteus, 262, 264 paean, 146
Lesbos, 333 Paeonians, 70
Leto, 85-6,95,341 paradtigma, 225, 237, 339
libation, 194-5, 3<>3-5 Pans: and death of Akhilleus, 63,143;
Livius Andronkus, 40 Judgement of, 90,276-9
Longinus, 44-6,87, 110, 168, 283, 310 pathos (wáe05), 14-15, 34,45,164-6
365
General index
Patroklos: boyhood of, 174-6; defilement of ring composition, 3, 4-14; and passim in
his helmet, 147-8; funeral of, 164-200, Commentary (on speeches, etc.)
359-60; Games in honour of, 164-6, recitation, 2-3, 7, 20, 27
200-71; hi* Sôst visits Akhilleus 171-9
Pedasos, 56,60-1 sacrifices, 126, 280; to river-gods, 65, 185; at
Pelegon, 66 Patrokios' funeral, 185-9
Peleus, 149, 151, 172,175, «85, 195, 205, Salamis in Cyprus, 187-8, 197,199, 212
320, 324-5, 327-30, 332; wedding of, Samos ( m Samothrace), 285, 356
283,332 Sarpedon, 125-6, 148, 250, 259
Phoenicians, 250-1 Scaeangate, 107, 143, 156
Phoinix, 18, 161, 175, 213, 235, 329, 343 Seleucus, 76
Phrygia, 333 Separatists, 89-90, too
Phuleus, 238 Shakespeare, Richard III, 78
Pindar, 27-8 shield: of Agamemnon, 38; of Akhilleus, 17,
pity, 15, 60, 115, 272, 276, 280-1, 295, 38,73. '20
304-5. 3a4~7. 329. 359 Sidonians, 57, 250-2
Plato and Homer, 26,30-1,42, 45-6,47, Sikuon, 207
107, 275, 285, 330, 338-9 similes: 8, 12, 17, 22-3, 52, 54-6, 73-4,8t,
Plutarch and Homer, 36, 37, 80,93, 179, 83.93.95.97. >°i. io 5. ,0 6. 108-9,
236, 242, 261, 329, 334, 346, 355 116-17, 120-1,122, 123,124,. 125,
pollution, 323-4 127-8, 133-4, »37-8. 156. >58. «77. «79.
Poludoros, 56,60-!, 110, 238, 312, 325 184, 189, 195-6, 234, 244-5, 247. 253-4.
Poluktor, 314 256. 281, 284-5, 323-4. 336. 34»*.
Polupoites, 262, 264 divine journeys, 22-3,95, 284-5;
Porphyry: Cave of the fyrnphs, 46-8; Homeric metaphor, too, 184, 189; and structure of
Quittions, 4 6 - 7 , 218 Iliad, 8, t2, 116-17; and theme of parents
Poseidon: encourages Akhilleus, 51, 70, and children, 195-6; and world of poet,
76-7; god of horses, 205,208-9, 212-13, 17; build-up of similes before major event,
232-3; hostility to Troy, 277-9; in 123; in speeches of Akhilleus, 133-4;
Theomachy, 85-6, 91-4 language of, 158, and passim)
Pouludamas, 12, 117 psychological states in, 127-8; reversal of
prayer, 191-2,268, 316, 335; before roles in, 323-4; sequences of, 52,97,
journey, 303-5; silent, 254-5 108-g, 122. 137-8, 195-6, 281, 336; short
Priam: and funeral of Hektor, 359-61; and similes anticipating longer ones, 106,108,
theme of fathers and sons, 17, 195, 324-7; 125, 127; spectator in, 81, 125
appeals to Hektor not to fight, 105, Simoeis, 51, 70, 77- 8
108-14; helps to save Trojans from singers, 351-2
Akhilleus, 96-8; his reactions to Hektor's Sipulos, Mt, 341-2
death, 149-51; hostility between his and Skamandros (Xanthos), 30, 51-85, 309-10,
Aineias* families, 160; sons of, 160, 297, 347-8; two springs of, 123-4
299-301, 325- 6 . 328-9, 332, 347; visited Socrates, 29-30
by Iris, 284-5, 290-3 soliloquy, set monologue
prizes in games, 124-5, 201, 203-5, 241, Sophocles: Anligmt, 145; Eiettra 212, 214,
246-7, 249-52, 258, 259-61, 262-4, 215; his endings resemble Iliad's, 273;
266-7, 269-71 Ktobt. 340; Peleus, 325; PhxlocUUs, 75;
Proclus, 46, 48 portrayal of old age by, 297
Protagoras, 28-9, 30, 52, 70 sound-effects, 52, 54, 69, 71, 79, 83, 86, 92,
fisiehi and afterlife, 146, 171-2, 177-9, 202, 121, 122, 124, 141, 143, I45, 162, 171,
338-9 179-80, 225-6, 310, 348, 353, 354; stt also
Pythagoras, 26 alliteration, assonance, onomatopoeia
Sperkheios, 185
Quintilian, 44, 324 Stesichorus, 26,59, 101, 176, 227, 242
Stesimbrotus of Thasos, 29,60
ransom, 111, 141-2, 162, 272, 288-90, Sthenelos: 226
296-8, 301, 321, 334-9. 347 Stoics and Homer, 36-40
366
General index
structure of the Iliad, 1-14, 51-a, 105-6, typical scenes and motifs, 57,66, 75, 99,
to8, II6, 154,165, 202, 372-3,279,326, 100,103-4, " 7 . *3 a . »57. »9»"3.
334. 3*6, 357 214, 215, 219-20,225, 261,284-6,287,
supplication, 3, 5, 18-19, 3». 56-65, 141-2, 288, 291, 293, 303, 306,309-10, 318,
>*9. »5». 3ao~®» 3a9» 335-6 320-1,324, 334, 336-8, 339,342, 343
Tyrtaeus, 112-14
Teikhoskopia, 8.-9, 154, 348
Teukros, 265-8 Virgil, 41-3, 74, 76-7, 116, 138, 168, 190,
Thackeray, Vanity Fair, 154 197, 214, 215, 234, 241, 245, 253-7,
Theagenes of Rhegium, 27, 47 265-6, 300, 312
Tktbeis, 212-13
waggon, 293, 297, 301-3, 307. 337
Thebe, 152,159, 263
Wall, Achaean, 2,12,336
Theomachy, 10, 27, 45, 51-2, 85-96
Winds, 165, 191-7
Theophrastus, 43
word-play, 58, 104, 116-17, 298
Thersites, 16
Thetis, 167, 205; her mission from Zeus Xenophanes, 26, 236
to Akhilleus, 284-90; wedding of,
283 Zeno of Citium, 36
Thoas, 252 Zenodotus, 20-1, 35,61,69,80,98,99,101,
Thracians, 260, 298, 317 145, 209, 227, 252-3, 302, 324
Thucydides, 28 Zephuros, 193-4, 2 ° 5
time-scheme of Iliad, 6 - 7 Zeus: allows mutilation of Hektor's body,
Troad, topography of, 82, 123-4 » 47-9; as god of suppliants, 335-6; in
Troilos, 299-300, 325 Theomachy, 51, 72, 76-7, 85-7,96; jars
Trojans, possible Oriental aspects of, 16, of, 328, 330-2; orders restoration of
65, 325-6, 352 Hektor's body, 276-88, 290-3; proposes
Tros, 207, 213, 303 to save Hektor from death, 105-6, 121,
Troy: fall of, 52,63,84-5, 97, 112, 145, 125-7; sends Hermes to escort Priam,
•54» 273» 353-5; hatred of Athene, Here 307-9; sends omen to Priam, 303-6;
and Poseidon for, 273, 277-9 weighs fates of Akhilleus and Hektor, 105,
trumpet, 86 129-30
tumulus, 198-200, 360-1 Zoilus, 32, 73
367
INDEX OF GREEK WORDS FOR ALL VOLUMES
Bold roman numerals refer to the volume of the commentary in which the immediately
following Homeric book- and line-numbers occur. Italic figures refer to page-numbers in the
introduction to the volume in question, or in introductory material later in the volume.
àdrarros IV: 14.271-4 â&Aî} rv: 16.372-6

¿dopen 01:9.116 Atotfpojv V: 20.182-3
àarrrroç a : 11.169; 12.166; iv: Ainxto V: 17740-»
fiarroç VI: 22.218 ¿<0vai IV: 16.736
fißpouos IV: 13.41-2 AriMcraw m: 10.493
àfJpofàÇco m: 10.65;tV: " âtVni IV: 14.250-5; 15.626
â^pôrti IV: //; 14.78-9 ôiTTOÇ VI: 21.395
àya9ô$ l: 1.275-6; 2.408; n: 31; m: 9.341; AOAvcrros IV: to; 14.198-9; 15.84-6
iv: 13.641-2,13.666; 15.247-51; VI: &PUII ioi VI: 22.386
24-53 ÄWjvti nr: 15.121-4
àyaxXrto rv: 16.570-80; V: 17.716-19 a î y à p IV: 13.825-9
*AyatxtMv6vto$ m: 10.46; IV: 16 ATcnrri, I: 2.406, 2.527; n: 5.219-21;
âyovofpoorûvf) vi: 24.77a 7.164; m: 12.265-76; nr: 13.46; 15301-5;
AycrrràÇw VI: 24.464 v: 17.507-8
dyofTT^vcop IV: 13.756-9; VI: 23.113 ATOVT» nr: 14.458-9; v: 17.123-39
àyouôf m: 11.1-2; IV: 14.501-5 AtyaUäv I: 1.403-4
dryycAh), -m I: 3.206; 4.384; 1B: 11.140; IV: atyiXivf m: 9.15; IV: 13.62-5; 15.271-6
i3-25»~3 alyioxos n: 5.692-3; IV: 15.18-31,
dty^vwp m: 9.699 15.308-11
&yKoX($ VI: 22.503 ortyts l: 2.446-51; 4.166-8; IV: 15.308-11;
dryxàs VI: 23.711 VI: 21.400
dtywAop^Tns m: 9.37; IV: 16.431-2 atyvmôç I: 4.59-60; IV: 13.531-3
A yxuAÔToÇoç m: 10.438; IV: 16.287-90 'AHSrjs O: 5 844-5; IV: 1/; 15.247-51
àyKvAox«l>T)i IV: 35; 16.428 atScbf, atBéopan, aiSoTos l: 4.401-2; D: j / ;
àyAaTioûoa m: 10.331 5.528-32, 5.788-91; 6.166-7,6 381-5;
¿ y t a f e nr: 15.445-51; >6.185-7 7.344-6; m: 9.160-1; IV: 13.120-3;
6ywu» rv: 24; 13.165-8; «6.78-9,16.370-1 »5 657-8; VI: 24.44
âryopcOu c 2.788-9; 4.1; n: 5.218; 8.4, âtÇrjAos, àtSriXoç l: 2.318-19, 2.455-6; O:
8.28-30 5897
Ayop^ I : 4 . i ; O I : 9 . t t - i 2 ; V : 18.274-6, aTti-roç V: 18.410-11
18.497 a(6tf|p n: 8.15-16; iv. 16.364-5
DRYOOTTJI N : 11.425 aTÔouaa n: 6.242-50; V: 20.11-12; VI: 24.323
Aypôrfpoç vi: 21.471 atOpnysv^ IV: 15.170-1
ftyvpiç IV: 16.659-62 aT8w IV: 16.293-6
ftyto IV: 16.221-4 àïirf| IV: 15.709-12
àrywv n: 7.294-8; IV: 15.426-8; Vl: 23.258 dïxû$ vi: 22.336
&6Î)K6TC$ m: 10.98 otporrôcis Ol: 9.325-6; V: 19.310-13
ft&rçv IV: 13.315-16 crtpav, ATpcov 1:4.394-5; B: 5-48-5°
68MT)TOS VI: 23.266 atvaptrrft nr: 16.28-31
ànic^s n : 12.433-5; Vl: 22.395 Aiviias nr: 13.459-61, 13.481-4, 13.541-4
àoc^Xtos V: 18.77 atvôpopoç v t 22.481
369
Index of Greek words
oTvos VI: 23.652 dXç VI: 21.59

alv&s I: 3.158; m: 10.547; vr. 24.198 AAùoow vi: 22.70
alôXos i: 2.816; 3.185; D: 7.222; ID: àA^àvas VI: 21.79
12.167-70; IV: 13.66-7 àA$eatpoio$ v: 18.593-4
atirèf IV: 13.620-5 àXbrf) V: 18.561-72; VI: 21.36
altrvj I: 2.174, » 537-9. 2.603-4; «V: âponpâKPros 0:6.179; iv: «6.326-9
«3-3«7-I8, 13.769-73; «5-«®9-93. àpaX6î VI: 22.310
15.223; V. 17.364-5 ¿paÇa VI: 24.266
aTpovras V: 17.722-4 àpàpri VI: 21.259
AtoOov IV: 15.252-3 âitaprâvu ID: 9.501
oJtnpoç I: 4.164; D: 8.69-72; IV: 15.598-9 àyaprocm'is rv: 13.824; v: 17.626-55
atoios VI: 24.376 ¿MorTpoxia VI: 23.422
alm/ryr^p iv: 13.427-33 àppXi^Srjv VI: 22.475
alovpviyrfip VI: 24.347-8 6ypoXd8riv vi: 21.364
alxM^ IV: 16.313-15 àp^poolri i: 2.19; B: 5.339-42; IV:
àtw ID: 10.160, 10.532; iv: 14.37; 15.252-3 14.170-1; 16.669-73
altbv rv: 16.450-5 àpppéoioî l: 2.19; D: 5.775-7; ni: 10.41; IV:
¿ncdtKryra iv: 16.185-7 14.172-4, 14.175-7
docaAôç D: 7.421-2 äyßpOTOi B: 5.339-42; IV: 14.78-9;
âKéoiiai iv: 13.115-17 16.669-73
Anapa rv: 15.394-8 àntipopcn D: 6.338-9; IV: 15.35
éncr)6ifc vi: 21.123; 24.526 äpcfßovTts VI: 23.712
ÄKTjua IV: 15.394-8 <Mp6o> IV: 13.339-44
¿oci'ipcrros «V. 15-494"9Î ** 24.303 &Ut|TOÇ V: 19.221-4
énc^pios VI: 21.466 âpflXavos m: 10.164; rv: 16.28-31; V:
AKAOV/TOS VI: 22.386 «9-273-5
AICAFFES M: 12.318 ApiîpoxlTuv IV: 16.419—21
âxta&s VI: 22.304 ài«x8aXô«5 VI: 24.753
&K|tr)vos V: 19.163 âuucç IV: g, 16
&KpOi)v iv: 15.18-31 ApoXyôî I: 4 433-5; m: 11.173-7; «î
AKOVTIOTVS vi: 23.622 «5-323-5; 22.28
ôocwco iv: 15.236-43; 16.514-16 &MOTOV IV: 13.39-40
«KpTiOev IV: 16.548-53 &imv£ Vi: 22.469
&xpi$ vi: 21.12 ApOiion» B: 5.168-9; BI: 10.19; IV: 13.641-2;
AcpiTOS IV: 14.205-7 16.119-21
âKpoKcAaiviôojv VI: 21.249 AyOvrwp IV: 13.383-5
ionYj m: 11.631; IV: 13.322-5; 15.618-22 àpOvco IV: 16.74-7, 16.521-6
'Arropfctvc 1:2.513-15, 2.620-1; m: 11.750 àpâolT] v: 17.695-6
àAaX\>KTT)pcn m: 10.94 àp^t*ipi<rros VI: 23.382
âAaô; D: 6.139-40 Auflßporos fl: 6.117-18; m: 11.32; IV: 10,11
IB: 12.162 àufiyv^ctf i: 1.607
iXCKTTOÇ VI: 22.261 I: 1.607; IV: »3.146-8; 15-386"?
AÂÎKTOV vi: 24.429 VI: 23.562
AAIÇorvSpoç I: 3.16, 3.328-9; B: 43 AufiéAiooa I: 2.165; m: 9.683
âXéopat IV: 14.461-4; 15.223; 16.710-11 Aufièmo IV: //; 16.122-4
&M)fo$ m: 9.125 VI: 22.496
àAlacrroç IV: 14.57-63 &y$(8rros VI: 23.270
AÀiyvpûç vi: 21.190 4M$»*vkt) D: 7.433
AAIT^MCW vi: 24.157 B: 8.444-5; 24.488
ID: 9.39 àpîxÔKrKW VI: 23.79
âÂKiuoç iv: 13.292-4; 15-445-5* IV: 13.611-12; 16.825
ftXXofoç m. 10.258 &v iv: 13.126-8, 13.288-9
âXAo+povéu IV: 15.128-9, 15.244-6; VI: àvaSéouî) VI: 22.469
23.698 &va(vopat V: 18.498-500
&AÀa>ç VI: 23.144 övaKVtißaXid((o IV: 16.377-9
<&OOV6VT)$ V: 20.207-9 ftvavra VI: 23.116
370
ftvaÇ I: 2,104; IV: »3.582-3; 15.333-5, drmvOaa« iv: 15.10-13

»5 6 39-43; «6.233-48, 16.370-1, ¿rirXots VI: 24.230
16.514-16 dnToScipoTOukâ V: 18.336-7
(&va£) &va IV: 16.233-48 àTToCpvfw Vi: 23.187
àvcmdXXu v t 33.692 àrrocpyàôw vi: 21.599
ôtfonrvfc) IV: 14.436-7; »5.233-5 drrroflOyioç IV: 14.256-61
Av&rou rv: 13.216-18; 16.168-72 drrroKT]8k<> IV: 14.427-32; Vi: 23.4»3
ävacrxoM^vco VC 23.660 drrroXIiTW vi: 21.455
6va$XC*A> VI: 2L361 &rr6XXuiii v: ifijbt
âv6<irvw IV: t€, ty\ 14.340; 15.674-6; V: ànuvorfu iv: 16.83-8
»7^45-7 ¿rrravéopcn n*. 9.20
ArvSpàypia IV: 14.508-10 ¿nrroTTfrrT« IV: 14 349~53
6v6pàrro8a n: 7473-5 Anoii tOo) VI: 23.781
&v6pti4ö\mK iv: 11; 16.179-81; v. ônrooxuBpalvw VI: 24.65
17.256-9 ätroup((t<» vi: 22.489
¿tvCparffra IV: if; 16.855-8; VI: 24.6 Arrrroemfe B: 8.209-1 »; IV: i3-3'7~»8
àvCpo^ôvos m: ¡¿i 9.351; IV: i6.7»6-2o; VI: fipa IV: 15.271-6; 16.60-1
24479 àpaiôç v: 18.410-11
AvSûrrai rv: 13.222-5 àpapfcncw l: 3.330-i;iv: 13.795-9;
drviyoowTrtte IV: 16.221-4 16.211-17
drvtpoTptffo m: 11.256; IV: 16.221-4 àpyaAioç IV: 13.667-72
'Avepûpna IV: 14 307-8 Äpyrioi I: 14a; 2.333-5. 2.529-3o
àvtyiôj iv: 151 13463-7; «5-553-9 *Apyn»6vTrn IV: 16.179-81
&v«p nr. 9.30 6py«rr^ç m: 11.305-8; VI: 21.334
&vr)KOuanrta> IV: 15.236-43 Apyivétiç i: 175; 2.646-8; B: 175
drv-, 4ir«v-^wo6fv BO: 10.134; 11.266 ÄpyliTOUS Vi: 24.211
dnrfip IV: 14.91-4; 16.492-50»; V: "Apyos I: 2.108; B: 6.456-7
18.429-3V, 20.97-100 àpyvpônXoî I: 2.45; M: 1».29-31; I V : ">l
àvTipciyavTO IV: 34; 16.149-50; v: 14-238-4». «4-402-8
20.233-35 ¿pcfcov iv: 16.556-62
<5tv0»p6fiç vi: 23.885 àpe-rVi i: g.a>6
ftv6o5 1: 2 219; 4.473; iv: 13 427-33. 6pt\ m: 12,334; iv: 14.484-5; v: 18.429-35
13.481-4 àpTilSoos IV: i5-3»3-'7
ftv6partTOS IV: »4 354-62; 15. «39-4*; &pr)ncTà)*vo$ Vi: 22.72
16.262-5 àpripivos V: 18.429-35
6vnrr6iro6«ç IV: 16.234-5 "ApT|S l: 2.381. 2 479. 2-540-'. 2-767; 3-»28;
Avouai m: 10.251 4.440-1,4.491; IL- 5.3t, 5-35-6,
AvnKpü Vi: 23.673 5.829-3»; 7 208-n, 7.238 -9,7.330; nr:
âvriToç VI: 24.213 »3-3o»-3; «4 484-5:V: 20 150-2
6vTi4ep((ci> vi: 21.357. 214»» Äpryrös v: 17.37
ôvtuÇ Vi: 21.38 âpWç IV: 13 62-5
&vw v: 18.468-73; vi: 24.544 Äpicrrov iv: ¿2>TOa4- '24
drvcbicrros vi: 21.39 àpKko IV: 13-438-4»; '5-533-4
àÇivTi iv: 13.611-12 ApKios m: 10.304
&ÇuAos m: 11.155 *Ap»rros v: >8.487-9
6oXAfc IV: 15.494-9; »6.600-2 fipucrra IV: 13-533 ~ 9
AoprCjp m: 11.29-31 àpuorrpoxtTi vi: 23.505
éroâaTiTfip IV: 15 254-9 Appovfrç vi: 22.255
&OVTOS v : 18.53^-7 &çWJTt)p m: 12.384-6; IV: 16.740-4
¿rrrcaipw VI: 21.563 Apvi/pai v: 20.247
dmtiAko n: 7.224-5; VI: 23.863 &p0iT0 m: sg
AirtiAfl iv: 14.479-85 àporfip vi: 23 835
àrmipGJV VI: 24-545. 24.776 fipm/ta IV: 16.149-50
irrrtAtOpos CD: 11.354 âpptyros v: u n
4rr/)vri vi: 24.275 àpTinr^s vi: 22.281
drrnjvfo IV. 15 93-4; »6.33-5 ÄpX^) * 3-,0°; W: 13 358-60
37«
¿oàyivtos m: 10.576 aÖTws rv: »3.446-7.13.810; v: 17-143.

Aodpafvtii m: »0.406-7 17-448-50. »7 631-3; i8.iq8, 18.338-42.
"ACTIOS m : ia.q«>-6;iv: 13.383-401 '8 583-4; 20.347-SO
ficnç v i : 21-121 ftâp IV: 16.3»7-2.1)
'AcncàXaôs IV. »3.478-80 d^àpTtpos Vf: 23.3» i
AowXicos v : »q.6s-8 àâalfi V: 17.695-6
&OKto IV: »4 »78-<> â^-rusp m: 9.404-5
&OWTTOS vi: 24.157 Afticvéopcn IV: 13.613 -14
&9IMVOS IV: 14.104-8 A$l<rrni» IV: i3-245r6
ÄOTUpxts IV: 16.60 -1 tyXotauôç IV: 15.605-9
¿xnris I: 3-33Q-8, 3.335, 3.339; 4-9°->. "Axaiol I: 1^42, 2-333~5; n : 421 S-46s; m:
¿.¿48-q; n: 5 452-3. 5 - 7 9 6 - 8 : L £ ü 5 i 11.759; rv:
7.319-23, 7.267; Œ: » ».3a; rv: »3.130-1, v: 19.399-403
»3.»5q-6». i3 7«g-'8 fturrov IV: L3-599
Aaripôcis IV: 16.134-5
«SraTpAyaXoç vi: 23.88 n: s. «42-3; IV: 16.765-9
AffTußocüTr^ vi: 24.699-702 ßa9C<cwos m: 9.593
AoOtnôç vi: 24.767 ßatoxoXiTos «B: 9-593". V: 18.121-5
do^äpayos VI: 22.328 ßaduppciTTft VI: ai. 195
¿TTÄXavros iv: 11; »3-795-9; V: »7256-9 ßatvcj IV: 13.27-31
ôrrâMa) IV: 13.27-31 ßdXAcJ rv: 13.288-q, 13 761-4; »4-29:
àrdXôs B: 5.270-2; IV: 13.27-3»; V- 16.650-62, 16-737-9. 16.806-7; VI:
»8.567-8 23.462
¿rrào6aXos vi: 22.418 ßapßalvo» m : iQ-375
drrko v: 20.332-4 ßaottaüs 10:9.160-1; 10.435; » » .46; iv:
&TTj i: i .412; 2a 1U 3. »00; P- 8.236- 7; m: 13-582-3; v: «8.^6-7
9-» 16,9.502-12. 9.505; IV: 41 »3 4«~g; ß<kn« m: « ».»86
16.266-77; V: »o.8s-1^8. IQ.88; VI: ßcßpi(K/ta VI: 21.385
2428 piXTtpoç iv: 15.195-9, »5-5n-'2
¿rrt-räXXco nr: 14.200-2 péoucn i v : L5-154
frmoç IV: 14 479-85 ßTjXö* IV: 15.23-5; VI: 23.202
¿nos IV: 13 745-6 piàopai VI: 21.451
'A-rpcTSa, -oto l: 1.16; 2.iq2 ßißdr;,-¿otav IV: 13.809; 15.^06-7
érrpOyrros IV: 14.203-4; V: »7424~5 ßb] l: 2.6s8-6q; 4.386; H: S.6g8-q; V: 17 24
'ATpVTolïVT) l: 2.157; m: 10.284 pXinrrw IV: 15.48g. »5 645-52; »6.659-62;
drrra m: 9.607 vi: 22.15; 23.545, 23.774
aö v: 17.420-2; 20.215-18 ßWjTpov IV: 15.677-8
aùyà£opon rv: 13.837; VI: 23-458 pXoffvpôs D: 7^12; IV: 15.605-9
aOSâw rv: »5.113-14 ßXoovpÜTris m: 11.36
or06t rv: 13.37 pXco6f>6s IV: 13 389-9«
aùtoxof IV: 13.41-2 ßodrypia IV: 14.508-10
aûX^ B: 6.242-50; IV: 13 837 ßotlq n: 5-452-3; VI: 22159
aûA6s n: 5.182-3; V: 17.207 l: 2.408; m: 9 31-49
aOAôrmç n: 5.182-3 ôêoos IV: 13-476-7; V- 17 481-2
aöos IV: 13.404-10 ßoXto m : 9.3
aim iv: i V286-Q3; v. 17 420-2 ßäXouat m: n-3»Q
i M iv: 15.718-25; 16.633-4 Bopérfl m: g.5; IV: U 3Q4-Q
oCrrixo V: 18.98-100 PACK« iv 15-547 5«
âvrii^ >1:9.609-10 ßoOßpaxms VI: 24.«,32
AOruf|v VI: 23.765 ßovydto* nr: 13.824
avrrôto IV: 13.37 ßouAftföpos 11:5.180; m: 12.414; iv:
aÙTÔucrro* a : 5 749-52; v : 18.372-9 13.219-20
crûrrôf vr 22.351 ßouAuräs IV: 1ÎL779
aCrrooro8lT) IV: 13.322-5 ßoO* r_4.447.IB: 12.117-8; IV: I5 547"5»;
aCrroxûvos VI: 23.826 '6.63 y-7
372
ßoumis I: i.aoo, 1.551; 3.144; n: 7.8-13; IV: ßÖDIVTIPI IV: 14.198-9, 14.479-85;
//, /*; 15.49-55. 15 92; V: 18-357-9 16.812-17
ßpäoacov m: to.226 Äavaol i: 1.42; 2.529-30; H: 5.37
P(xxx«v Vl: 21.9 6<lnrTco IV: 16.156-63; vi: 23.183
Ppiîrvos IV: 13.521-5 66ok«O$ «v: 15.271-6
BpiorT)îç m: 9.132; iv: 16.56-9 BacrrrX^Tij ED: 19
ppoTÔtis iv: 14.508-10 Sorréoitai Vi: 23.12t
ßporös 11:5.339-42; IV: 5 Céypcvoç m: 9.191
ßwv 1:4.447; 0: 5.452-3; 6.117-18; ScBétcrjuai IV: 15.728-30
7.238-9, 7.240-1; iv: 35,36 5&Aos m: 10.466
6c(6ia iv: 14 43-8
ycffa n: 8.15-16; IV: 14.203-4 CciSfoKouai, SnSéxcrTO Hl: 9.196-7,9.224,
yai/)oxos a:j, m: 9.183; iv: 13.43-5, 9.671; iv:
13.83-90 CtlSoj iv: 14.43-8; vi: 22.251
yalw m: tt.81 6i(eAo$ Vi: 21.232
yâXows vi: 22.473 ôeiKavàojjKTi 1:4.4:1V: 15.84-6
y<mPp6ç IV: 13.463-7 Stftf) vi: 2 i . l i 1
ycrpkraopcn m: 9.394 fciAôç iv: 13.275-8, 13.567-9; 16.836-8
yov&u IV: 13.262-5 6««v6s iv: 14.383-7; 15 623-9; 16.104-6
yàp n 7.73, 7.328; m: 9.515; IV: 15.201-4 Scîrrvov m: 11.86; rv: 33
fdpyapos n: 8.47-8 CcipoTogko vi: 21.89
ycXàw V: 19.362-3 8atàx»Xos IV: 14.147-52
ripfivios 1: 2.336; m: 9.162 6éwas IV: 13.673
ycpoàaioç vi: 22.119 6tes iv: 341 14 383-7; 15 4-8
y i f v f » l: 4.371; n: 5.87-8; 8 . 5 5 3 ; m 64TTOS m: 11.632-5; IV: 15.84-6
11.160 Béppa IV: 16.340-1
yf\ 11:8.15-16; IV: 14.203-4; 15.18-31 Urf\ v: 17.661-3
yn6oowr) rv: 13.27-31 AcutcaMoov V: 20.478-80
yAcarro+àyoç IV: 13.4-7 ScOogat iv: 13.308-10
yXauK^ IV: 16.33-5 8«ÖT* a: 7.350; IV: 14.127-8
yXavKtÔTTiç I: 1.200; D: 6.88 ScCrrcpos IV: 16.467-9; vi: 23.248
yXt^voç H: 8.164-6; Vi: 24.192 «0:9.191; 12.147-8; iv: 35; 15.87-8
yXuxis vi: 24.274 IV: 14.364-6; 16.843-7
yvwrôî IV: 13.694-7; vt 22.234 6f]66 vi: 21.131
yövu IV: 14.436-7 S^ïos n: 5 592-5; 6.331; 7.117-19; m: 9.674
yowàÇopat m: 11.130; vi: 22.345 BtlïoTfo iv: 13.206-9
yvaAov 5 9 9 ~ , 0 ° ; V : •7-3 i 4-»8; 8T)A^MO>V vi: 24.33
19359-61 Srixârr« rv: 14.101-2
yvri I: 5.99-100; m: 9.578 6f|uoç 1: 2.212, 2.547-51, 2.549-51; m:
yuïa n: 5.122; IV: 13.510-15; vi: 24.514 12.213; IV: 16.433-9; VC 24.776
yu(jv6ç iv: 16.812-17; VI: 22.124 iv: 13.570-3; 16.736
y w v 6 u IV: 16.311-12 6nptvW)"niv IV: 3J\ 16.756
Ala, Atfii, Aiööcv iv: 15.48g; 16.173-5,
Ca^p vi: 24.762 16.231-2
6ai m: 10.408 6ià m: 11.434-6; iv: 15.37-44
Bat&o iv: 16.659-62 StdocTopoi I: 2.103; W- '4- »57-8; VI: 24.339
8oTirràtJ<vof VI: 21.146, 21.555 Staumpts n: 5.112-13; IV: 15 494-9
Bcnpôvioç I: 1.561; 2.200; 3.399; 4 3 l ~3i 8tàv8ixa OU: 9.37
6.486; Iv: j ; 13.448-9; 24194 SicnrMjouco VI: 23.120
Bcripcov i: 1.561; B: 8.164-6; Ol: 9.600; SicrirpOoiov V: 17.748
11.480, 11.792-3; IV: 5 6i8oïo6a v: 19.270
Bcrfç l: 4-5; iv: 2% 15.586-8; vi: 24.43 6i6o0van iv: 16.145-8; VI: 24.425
6df+pcov t 2.874-5; B : 5 '8«; 6.160-2; m: 6(CUMOS Vl: 23.641
11.482 Siix iv: 15.121-4
Bàxpuov IV: 14.157-8 Sfouon ne 12.304
37«
BinrnVjç IV: 16.173-5; V- 17 263-6 irios IV: 15.138; V: «9 342-3

6iT$iAos (Ait f(Xos) m : 11.419; IV: »3.674-8 Wtipco Vi: 21.347
6(101 iv: 16.386-8 WCJV m: 9.540
6IVUT6$ «: 3.391; IV: 13.406-7; VI: 23.562 tt m : 9.49; IV: i s . 3 7 2 - 6 , 15.568-71;
Ai66fv iv: <5.489 16.556-62
Bios m: Q.yift; 12.21; IV: 14-7^-7 ctoartv m: 10.299
Biorpcft^ vi: 23.581 ftorro IV: 1 5 . 1 0 - 1 3
6(OKOupa VI: 23.523 t16&o IV: 14.235-6
6l$po* n: 5.608-9, 5.727-8, 5.729-3»; «T8onat i: 2.791-V. n: 7-59~6o; i v : t3 »9»î
6.354; M: 9-20° 16.710-11,16.716-20
Aiwpiis I: 4-5»7; V: l7-47«-4 ilBuïa v : 1 7 . 3 - 6
6M^T»pa IV: 14.256-61 tÎKcnÔTipon iv: a
SoAerarro IV: 13 4 4 5 - 8 CTKOOI IV: tj\ 13.260-1
5OKko iv: 15 728-30 tlxocivflpiToç VI: 22-349
A6X&jv m : 10.314 EIXtIOuta m: 11.270
8<Spu iv: 13.246-8, 13.561; 1 6 . 1 4 1 - 4 , cIMjAou6ucv m: 9-48-9
16.812-17 tlXicov IV: 16.402-6
5oOXt) m : 9.336 ctXvfàÇw V: 20.490-2
Bovrrfeo n: 5.58; IV: 13.424-6; 15.419-21; ctAOco VI: 21.319
«6.593-9; vi *3 679 dm m: 11.808; iv. 77; 13.317-»8;
6pa(v(*> m: 10.96 14 271-4. 14-331-3; 15-«o-«3. «5-80-3;
Sperr 6s VI: 23.169 16.514-16
6pi|i0ç IV: 15.696-8 clvorripcs VI: 22.473
Bpurôpos IV: 16.633-4; VI: 23.315 elvi IV: 15.150
60vapis vi: 23.891 tTos v: 20.41-3
BuCTaptoroTÔKiia V: 18.54 f t m V: «7-237-9
8vavMa m: 9.22; IV: 34 iTpai V: 18.530-2
SOouopoç VI: 22.60. 22.481 ttoaro, KorrailoaTO Œ: 11.358; 12.118-19
SucnrépttAos IV: 16.747-8 Hat] m: 11.61
6uco»catt»Koo<urrpos VI: 23 264 tîaOa m: 10.450
6w IV 14-173 ItoKM m . i L.799; iv: 13.446-7; 15 539-45
tlCTarrrôç iv: 15.653-4
I, i IV: 13; 13.163-4, «3-492-5. «3561. e t y i IV: /8; 1 3 . 1 4 1 - 2 . 1 3 1 4 3 - 4 ; v - »7-73°
13.802-5; 1 4 1 6 2 - 3 ; 15.165-7; 16.207-9. he IV: 13-492-5: »5.78-9; 16.364-5
16.735-6; v : i 7 - 5 4 7 - 5 a ; 20.170-1 'ExàpTi IV: 16.716-20
toryri m . IL.559 facâcpyos l: 1.474; H: 5 439; 7 2 3 ; I V : '*'•>
iaBàra m: 9^123 « 5 - 2 5 a - 3 ; V I : 21.599-601
fotvôç iv: 14.172-4, «4-«75-7. 1 4 1 8 0 heafev IV: 13.107-10; 16.633-4
IOKTOUOT IV: 1 3 . 3 1 5 - 1 6 IKOOTOS m : 9.88; IV: > 5.286-93, »5.502-6;
tàpdr] iv: 13.541-4 16.168-72
tào) iv: 15.472-5; «6.95-6 feccrrnß6Xos rv: 15.231-2
èyyvaXtÇa» IV: 15 490-3 btcrrôtiPn I: 1 -65; D: 6.234-6
f y p e r o i v : 33 ÉKoréumBos VI: 23.164
èyp/|yop0ai m : 10.67, 1 0 4 1 9 bcylvopm rv: 14.1 «5-20
typiyyoprl m : 10.180-2 IKBOucv IV: 16.97-100
fyxeXuS vi: 21.203 tnîvo* m: 9.63; 11.653; IV: 15 4 5 - 6
l y x o ç 1.34', 2-332=8, 3.346-7, 3-355-6o, lxT)ß6Xos IV: 15.231-2; 16.716-20
3.379-80; n : 5.568-9, 5 623-4, 5.625-6; IKT)AOS m : 1 1 . 7 5 - 6
6.29-36, 6 . 1 2 4 - 7 , 6 . 3 0 5 - 6 ; IV: 13.292-4, baroryAos I: 1.145-6; 3.357-9. 3-4'5: «V:
13.518-20, 13.597; I6.313-»5 13.413-16; VI: 21.452
tCavôs IV: 14.172-4 facrâBios m: 10.134
IÇvov m : 9.146-8; iv: 13.365-7 'EnTÔptos m: 10.46; IV: 16
&6vcoTf)ç IV: 13.378-82 itc+ipcd vi: 23.376
itlKoot IV: ty; »3.260-1 bcfcCryco IV: 14.402-8
bioàMTiv iv: 1 5 . 4 1 4 - 1 5 , «5-539-45 èXaOvct} IV: 13.315-16; 16.467-9
HOPAI IV: 14.436-7 IACXICW VI: 22.448
37«
•EXévn ta I L.369; iv: 13.765-9 frrrlßXTtf VI: 24.453

lAtos VI: 34-44 hnypà^8t)v VI: 2L166
4At$o<poym vi: 33 388 tm6(Sc*u VI: 22.254
éàiK&ms I: I.Q8 tm6i$pi& m: 10.475
IAtÇ U: 6.434; m: 9.466-9; »3.393; IV: *tmurr6s IV: 16.548-53
15.631; IXncon v: »8.401 hrfenwa vi: 24.228
tXi«X<Tcov i v : 13.685-8 èmKcipeo IV: 15.467-70; 16.394-8
IXtaKTTdCco vi: 33.187 tiTiKfpTopko VI: 24-649
èXXi6av6ç V: 18.553-6 hriicArjois n: 6-403-3; iv: 16.176-6; vi:
'EAAol IV: 16.234-5 22.29
Dmoucn IV: 13.41-2, 13.609-10; 14.364-6; tnfcXoiroç VI: 22,281
15539-45 hrtKAûOt» vi: 24.525
(yßaiuco vi: 23.403 hritcoupos IV: 13 754-5
frmvc$pl6ioç VI: 21.204
lumuaw* IV: 13-775-87
iupopc IV: 51 15.189-93 hrivOcraco IV: 14.249
limâcTCTW v i : 22.441 tutoupos IV: 13-449-54
IUTTITTTW IV: 13.742-4; 15 56-77 hnôyopat 111:9.162
êum/pipi'iTTis vi: 23.702 hnppfiooto VI: 24.454
êv iv: 15.320-2; 16.669-73 MppoOof I: 4.389-90; n: 5.807-8
ivavTfc* IV: 13-448-9 hrlorcoiTOS m: 10.36; vi: 22.254
Ivapa KD: 10.528 trncrxüviov V: 17.135-6
tvap((u IV: 16.849-50 èTTicniôuai m: n . 3 6 - 7
fvauAoç IV: 16.70-1 bricrriov IV: 35; 15.189-93
fvStvoi Vi: 23.806 tm<rrov4x»i Vï: 24.79
§v6uicfco$ Vi: 23.90 tmax«pw ni: iu668; V: 18.66-70
tvfpnpo* IV: 15.224-5 tmrdppoÖos I: 4.389-90; B: 5.807-8,5.872-8
ivrrt1! IV: 14.180 hrrrNteiiat m: 10.46
èvrj^s vi: 21.96; 23.253, 33.648 (TTXiv m: 12.11
M IV: 13.485-6 hrôpouo« n: 5.793
twEàxiXos IV: 14.147-53 trroç IV: /gi 13-765-9; '4.233-4«; '5-35.
twéoopos v: »8-349-53 15 84-6, 1 5 1 »3-»4. «5 209-«»; v.
èwoo(yaioç IV: 14-134~5 1Q. 18-20
fvwpi iv: 14.175-7, »4-»87; 16.669-73 trrorpOvo» IV: 15 254-9
tvoirf| VI: 34.160 hrrontôCris IV: 15. 728-30
Ivopxos vi: 33 t47 lirtpxcrro BB: 12.340
tvoafxOwv iv: 13.83-90; «4-«34~5 tpàu rv: 16.207-9
tvTKTupyôs VI: 24-377 ipérrroiion VI: 21.204
tvrvnd^ Vi: 24.163 ipépiTTTO IV: 14.13-15
Ivarrra TV: 15.320-2 tp^XÔw VI: 23-3« 7
IÇàyu n: 7 336- 7, 7-435~6 IptßpeMiTns IV: 13-620-5
éÇatoios IV: 15.598-9 IpipâAaÇ m: 9.479
IÇapxoî VI: 24.721 Iply6ovwoç IV: 13.149-.54; «5 286-93
êÇtvapiÇw m: 11.368; IV: 16.849-50 IpiOoî v: 18.550-«
tÇcpcoéu vi: 23 468 êpiwç m: 9.454; VI: 21.412
tçàrin vi: 24.335 êpiowrn IV: / / ; 16.185-7; V' 20-34-5
t ^ n m: 9.100-6 "Epis, ipi* 1: 4.440-1; n: 7.« 11; v: I8.IO7-«O
IÇiîHJii IV: 13.636-9 tpiofevta iv: 13.54; 15.286-93
*6s » 9.420, « tp6s etc.; 11.142; iv: /j; tpKOf iv: 16.231-2
14 223-4.14-349; i5 «38; v: 19-342-3 ippa iv: 14 409-'2; 16.548-53
hravonri&ripi VI: 21.535 "Epi«fas IV: tj\ 15.212-17
kmit&v IV: 13.284-7 (pos IV: 13.636-9; «4-394
hrtita rv: 13.742-4; 15 92 (pmv<b> VI: 23.224
ènVjv IV: 13.284-7; 16.450-5 ippàScrro m: 12.430-«
hriVrpiuc* v: 18.208-14 ippc VI: 23.440
kniaytpv m: 9.50 Ipwpon n: 6.305-6; &J43
hrtßaivu IV: 16.394-8 èpucràpporrts IV: 15.352-4
37«
tpúu, tpOoiiai n: 8.I43Î m : 9 248; >0.44; cOxopai I: 1.90-«. «-9«; 4-4°5î n : S - " 9 ;
12.454; IV: 15.286-93, 15.348-51; VL 7.294-8; IV: 13 54; 14-364-6, 14.484-5;
33.351 V: 18.408-500
tpXarTai IV: 16.481 fOxos n: 5-283-5; IV: 15 461-5
tpxorráopan IV: 15.536; 16.481 tOytúM) vi: 22.433
(pÜ6ió$ m: 10.274—5 t^dXXopai IV: 15.645-52
ÉPCÓTI IV: 16.136-9,1&301-5 tyoiiap-rtco vi: 23.414
IPWS i: 3 442; IV: 14.294 fXPcrra IV: 13.139; vi: 21.259
COSOVCO VI: 23.622 ÎXU IV: 13-47-5«. «3-«63-4. «3 608;
IA^XCRRO O : 12.438; IV: 16.556-62 15.308-11; 16.340-1, 16.503-5
krôiw vi: 23.182 Ixco (/*x w ) W «3-336-7. 13 679-80;
Ï060Ç vi: 24.94 «5 352-4
TAOPÁW IV: 13.478-80 IwS IV: 18; V: 17.727
IOTTEO, OTTÍÍO M: 10.285 fcoo+ópo; I: 2.48-9; Vt 23.226
KMIPTOÇ vi: 21.560
vi: 22.318 Çct^Xty^s vi: 21.465
ê*nrôi*voç iv: 13.570-3 CoxpriAs Œ: 12.347; IV. 13 682-4
krraaav i: 4.33-5 {«OyXn V: 17-437-40
larri. orfi n: 5.170, 5.309-10, 5.610-11 Zéûpos VI: 23.200
l<rro>p Vi: 24.272 Zf\v, Zfjva, Znvôs m: 12.235-6; iv: ij, t8\
brxaroí m: 10.434 14-157-8, 14-264-6; 15-78-9. «5-286-93
Irai n: 6.239; ID: 9.464; IV: 15.545-6 (vyó&opov VI: 24.270
tra(i)pU;u, -owai IV: 13 4 5 s - 8 . w 24-335 Ijjyàv m: 9.186-7
èralpoç V: 17.151-2 Çtôpa I: 4 1 8 6 - 7 ; vi: 23.683
Htpoç IV: 16.179-81 m: 11.234
t06uTiTot IV: 16.608-701 Çwvwpi IV: 14-«75~7. '4-'8i; VI: 23.13O
«ûriyiv^s vi: 23.81 (fii6s iv: 16.444-9
«veíais vi: 22.319 ¿oxnYip I: 4.132-40, 4.132-3. 4-«37-8,
tvrif<vf)ç m: 11.427; VI: 23.81 4.186-7,4.213; n: 6.218-19; m: 11.234;
Eônntoç IV: 16.415-18 V: 20.413-15
lüinrfjtiiSt* VI: 21.590-8
tûKTlpevoç I: 2.501, 2.546, 2.570-5, 2.591-4; fi IV: 16.514-16
n: 17.3-4, >9*16.390-1 fi iv: 16.843-7; v: 17-170-2; 1Q.203-5
COKUKXOS IV: 13.712-18 fi (fini) m: 9.620-3
«vXrjpa vi: 23.481 ficrrai m: to. 100
èOwtfAlns IV: 16.141-4, 16.737-9; V: ' 7 9 fjylopcn m: 0.168-9
tvvai IV: 14.75-7 fiCîl IV: 16.843-7
fôÇoî m: 10.373 fjCupos m: 10.91; IV: 14.242
tCrrrXnrros VI: 23.1 23-335 fil IV: 16.514-16
tùpàÇ m: 11.251 fiépioç I: 1.497; U
cûpéa m: 9.72 Vicpo^l-rris m: 9.571
lüppttos IV: 14.433-4 firçv m: 11.808
cópuóScta IV: 16.635-7 fifip (àfip) l: 3 381-2; 0: 5.127-30. (cf.
«OpOaiTa R. 1.498-9, «V: LÎI «4-264-6 5-356! 5-775-7; & 8.15-'6; iv.
evpvTTvXr^ç V t 23.74 14.286-8
«ùpOs IV: 9; 14.134-5; «5-«89-93; 16.450-5 Aôtîoç m: 10.37; V*: 32.329; 23.94
rôpùxopoç m: 9.478; vi: 23.299 fiïa IV: 13.102-4
Wç IV: 15.138; VI: 24 528 fiïoi IV: 15 365-6
ÉOCTKOTTOÇ vi: 24.24 fimaros VI: 23.531
COaacJTpos vi: 24.578 ÂOKAtti IV: 16.183
lOoTiâvof VI: 21,511 'HXtToi m: 11.671
Worpofos IV: 13.599 fiXlßarTOS IV: 15.271-6
(Cmlxcos m: 9.20 f)XiK(r) vi: 22.419
cCrmxfc IV: 16.56-9 /)XITÓMT)VOV V: IQ.II8-IQ
cû^qulu m: 9.171 - 6 fiXó* IV: 15.128-9
lúfpwv IV: 15-95-9 fipa VI: 23.886
376
to«*66cis 01:9.149-53 Opàaoç IV: 14.414-17

ijpop L: 4.164; B: 6.455; 8-69-7»; IV: epaoOs iv: i3-7»3-5: »6.492-501, 16.603-7
15.610-14 8pf|vos vi: 24.721
fiu(6soi IB: 12.23 epfïvuç IV: 14.238-41; 15.728-30
{jiwrftfiocov VI: 23.851 0p6va VI: 22.441
^MiTàAonrrov Vt 23.796 epàvo; 10:9.200; 11.645; IV: »4-»53-5»
fjpwv vi: 23.886 14.238-41; 15.150
flv IV: 15.502-6; 16.36-45 OpuAtoaw vi: 23.396
4jv«»i6«is, Hwoa 1: 3.305; IV: 16 6pfov vi: 21.351
/jvla IV: 16.737-9 Qvycrrtpcooiv IV: 15.195-9
'HvioirtO* IV: 13.386 fe/popafcrrifc IV: 16.588-92
fjvioxfOs IV: 16.737-9 ÔWÔÇ l: 1.193-4; 3-293-4. 3-395Î 4-»52-4.
Bl: 10.292-4 4.470-2,4.524; m 5.670, 5 67»-3;
^vopéri IV: t6 6.201-a, 6.361; 7.24-5, 7-44*5. 7-52-3.
i|v»|/ IV: 16.407-8 7-»3». 7 »95; 8.38-40; IB: 9.34a, 9.496;
fjoç m: 10.507-8; IV: t8-, V: 17.727; 20.41-3 12.292-307; IV: j ; 15.252-3, 15.279-80,
•fjpa IV: 14.130-2 15.286-93, 15.320-2; 16.119-21, 16.481
Aplov vi: 23.126 TOOS, OTITIS B: /*; 6.86-98,6.269-70;
flpwç IV: 13.628-30, 13.666; 16.780-3 8.47-8; IV: 15.151-4
Aovxios vi: 21.598 6uocnc6o$ vi: 24.221
ijTop IV: 15.252-3; 16.653-7 8u6oj iv: 14.172-4
Ôytvcios iv: 15.271-6; V: 18.318 Oupoupöf VI: 22.69
yjOT« I: 2.455-83; 3.10 öwi1!, OwW) «v: 13.667-72
*H6ç. fywôiv, I: 1.447, 1.493-4; l 34\ 3-355-fio; 4-»35-6; «:
2.48-9; B: 7.381-2, 7.433, 7.451; 5.99-100; V: 20.413-15
8.508-9; D : 11.50 W>S IV: 13.102-4
ôàXayoç I: 3.174-5; B: 6.286-96,6.321-4 la IV: t6

6àAos VI: 22.87, 22.502-4 là V: 20.67-9
teppos vi: 23.815; 24.482 Icrtvw IV: 15.100-3; VK 23.598; 24.119
Wvorroç IV: 14.231; i5-494~9: »6-345"5<>. 'làovtç nr: 13.685-8
16.441-3, 16.684-7 làii l u IV: 13-54 »-4Î 16.236-8
6tä DD: 10.47-50; IV: ta lata» n : 9.325-6; nr: 14.211-13
Ofciov IV: 16.228-30 laxi v: 20.61-3
fttUiv IV: 16.185-7 ICQTF IV: 14.1
6t(vb> iv: 16.338-40,16.827-9 LYWT) IV: 13.211-13
8iTo$ Bl: 9.216; iv: 14 IM IV: /#; 14.347-8
MAyw vi: 21.276 T5T)(S) IV: 13-448-9
Miu$, Sévis fc 1.187; 2.73-5; 3r> I6V6omoi d : 12.205
»4 383-7; 15-87-8; 16.386-8; v: 20.4-5 I8pwç IV: 13.703-7
0I(MOTC$ BD: 9.156 tôpôfcra B : 11.598
feôftv V: 17.100-5, 17 477-8 I6vfa B : 9.270
•tpdrrrwv i: 1.320; 4.227, 4.229-30; n: UpVltov vi: 22.159
6.18-19; 7.165; BC 11.322; IV: 13.249-50, Upéç, Ipôç 1:4.102-3, 4-37 b ; B : 6 20;
13.386; 16.164-7 10.56-8; 1 1 8 4 - 5 ; nr: to, t», 17;
OfcmXos l: 3.130; Vi: 23.107 16.97-100,16.407-8,16.658; V:
fco-itfcnos I: 1.69-70; IV: 15.637 »7-464-5; »8 504-5
©His IV: 15.598-9; 16.570-4, 16.867 tyios IV: 15.365-6
O^Korro IB: 10.30-1; IV: 14.187 Kknrriwv vi: 21.169
OtÂvs m: 10.27, 10.216 (60$ iv: 14.402-8; 16.600-2
9V\v Bl: to. 104; 11.365; IV: 13.620-5 btdww nr: 14.298-9, 14.349-53; i5-5°2-6
e^p IV: 15.586-8 bpia nr: 15.674-6
Wfoaro vi: 24.58 Ikuui 81:9.414
OnTtOu Vi: 21.444 LAAOÇ B : 9.639
0VT1TÔS IV: 14.198-9; 16.441-3 'IXÎoç VI 21.558
606$ IV: 14.256-61; 16.422-5 IXiov IV: 15.56-77, 15.69-71
37«
Itooç I: 4.378; n: 43; 5.204, 5-445~8;m KOVWV IV: 13.406-7; VI: 23.761
12.115; «V: 151 lé-ifysoy »5-66-8 KDRRR IV: 16.104-6
"IXtô+t Vi: 21.295 NDTTFTOS IV: 15.356-7; V: 18.^64-6; VI:
ÎAOs vi: 21.318 24 797
IpàS m: iQ-475; Vi: 23.363 KORNROW VI: 22.467
Iptvai V: 20.365 Kàp IV: 1 6 . 3 8 9 - 9 2
Tpcpos TV: 14.t<)8-9 K<Stpa IV: 241 1 4 - 1 7 S - 7 ; 1 5 - 5 6 - 7 7 ; t 6 - 5 4 8 - 5 3
ïppcvai v: 20.365 Kapôs m : 9 - 3 7 8
Iviov II: 5.73; IV: 14-493-8 KapTtpôOv/yoç IV: 14-5»2; «5-33Q-6
TÇov IV: 14.433-4 KOpxaXéoç VI: 21.541
lôcrç vi: 23.850 KotolyvTytos rv: 15.545-6
loxtaipa II: 5-53" 4 Kaoo6v8pn IV: 13.365-7
liTTTTVS IV: 16.20 KaaaiTipos VI: 21.592
ImniXàTa m: 9.43a; IV: 16.193-7 KorraBripoPopéoi V: 18.300-2
hnrô&apos rv: 16.716-20 KorrativOu vi: 23.135
hnro8p6poç vi: 23.330 KCrraôvâKùï rv: 15.661-6
hnroi, -w 1: 3.11_3, 3.265; 4.141 - 2 , 4.366, KcrraîruÇ m: 10.258
4.499-500; 0: 5. ijfe 5. 194-5, 5.221-3, KorroocTcrvka rv: 14.479 85
5 236, 5- a 49-5 0 . 5-77°-2. * fr^-fr Kdrravra VI: 23.116
8.45-6,8jri3rL4 Korrcntpriv^s IV: 15.113-14; 16.791-2
ImroKiXtvôoç rv: 16.126-9 KorrototOopori VI: 21.382
hnroicopwrfis IV: 16.287-90 KcrmràXp«vos m: 11.94
ItnrôTa m: 9.16a; rv: 16.193-7 Korrcpctirw IV: i 4 ' 3 ~ » 5
Iprç IV: 15.168-72 KCRRNÎW VI: 22.2Q3
Tï ('might') VI: 21.356 KOrWjôw VI: 24-253
Ts ('sinew') vi: 23.191 KGTTCOP66IO$ VI: 23.431
loofapfû vi: 21.411 KORAÔÇ IV: 13-16G; 16.338-40
tarcop v: 18.501 Kt(v) IV: 13-126-8. 13-288-9; 14.484-5
laxavàto a: 5.89-90; IV: 15.718-25; v: xièpivos VI: 24.192
I7 S7Q-3; VI: 23.300 Ktïpai IV: 15.472-5; 16.538-47
Txovdto v: 17.570-3; vi: 23.300 Ktïvoç IV: 15 45-6; «6.650-1
lX®uô«iS *B: 9.4 W(OVT£S IV: 14.340
Txviov IV: 13.70-2 Kt(po> IV: y, 14.465-9
Ixwp n: M; 5-339~42,5-4»6,5.870-1 wïai v»: 23.461
ÎVJAÏO rv: 16.236-8 kckoScôv, -OVTO m: n . 3 3 4 ; IV: «5.573-5
làrfj m: 10.139; IV: 16.126-9 KtKX^ywv, -ovTfs m- 11.168, u.344; 12.125;
IV: ij\ »6.430
ndry V: 20.458-60 KÎKXipai n: 5.708-10; iv: »5-737~40
Kàyxatvos VI: a i .364 MKOircâv iv: »3.59-61
k66 IV: 14.438-9 KocpCrfaXo; Vl: 22.469
Kotanrropcn l: 1.582 KiXaivc^S IV: 14 436-7
KorihKàvu IV: 14104-8 KtXcrriôojv m: 12.265
KodiooGcs m: 9.488-9 KcvTéu rv: 14.214-7; VI: 23.337
koocôç IV: 16.106-11, 16.492-501, 16.684-7 icipas m: 11.385
KAX IV: 14.442-8 KtpSIov IV: 15.195-9
Katàâun V: 19.221-4 tccpidç VI: 22.448
»caAavpoy VI: 23-845 tctpTopko r v : i 6 . a 6 i
KaXi'iTtop IV: 15-419-21; VI: 24.577 KIOTÔS IV:I4-2I4-I7
icaXXlTpix«S IV: 13 818-20; 15-352-4 Ktvâp6$ IV: 13-27-3»
k<xX6Î rv: 13-611-12; t4 »75-7; »V313-17; KC06CO VI: 23.244
»6.338-40 KtfaX^ iv: 14.470-4; 16.74-7; v: 17.240-4;
KàXuKts V: 18.401 18.82
K&Xvupa VI: 24.93 KTiBépûw VI: 23.163
KaXCnrrpr\ rv: 14. »84; VI: 22.406 K^6COÇ vi: 23.160
KOppoviri VI: 22.257 KFJCOÇ IV: 13.463-7
KapôvTts I: 3 278-9 VI: 34 340, 24.54g
378
KÂios IV: 15.742-6 Kpvôtiç m: 9.2,9 64; rv: IS

K/|P 1 4.46; B: 5.811-13; 7.99-100; 8.73-4; KTfcrrt{b> IV: 16.56-9
a : 9.411; 12.326-7; I V : £ 16.684-7 Kripcrç VI: 24.38
KÎ\p IV: 16.461 icnBén Œ: iQ-334~5
KfiTOÇ IV: 13.27-31 rriAos IV: 13.492-5
Ktvupôç V: 17.3-6 KV>6VÎOÇ VI: 22.402
wxriç IV: 16.343-4 kOovoç m: 11.24; IV: 13-562-3
NAFCT m: 9.189; Vf: 34 icvavoxarfTTiç IV: 13.562-3; i y 100-3
KWoç fl: 5.2-3.5.172-3; 6-357-8; M l i Œ : icupionrà« IV: 15.535-6; 16.745-50
Q 4»3; «V: to Kv6dvb> IV: 14.71-3
kM|6tiv m: 9.11-12 KUKKdV n : 11.638-41
KArtfi IL 6.86-98; IV: U.166-Q; 16.168-72 KUAAOTTO81«V v: 18.369-71; vi: 21.331
xAi)pos IV: 15 494-9 tcvvia 1: 1.469; » 4 422-3; 6 348
KAiorft) IV: 13.260-1; VI: 24 448 Kdjißaxoi B: 5.586; IV: i5-535"6
xAiorpÀ; m: 9.200; n.623 KÛIUVSIÇ IV: 14.290-1
KAITÛJ IV: 16.389-92 icuvàyvia VI: 21.394
KAOTOTTCCKI» V: IQ.UQ-SO «win L u\ 3.330-8, 3-336, 3-37'-2; M:
KAi/rcnmVrrpti I: 1.113 10.258; 11.41; IV: 13.712-18
KAVU I: 3.86-7; B: 8.5-6; IV: 16.514-26 Kuvt&rra l: 1.225; B: 6.344
Kv/jpT] iv: 13.70-2 KCrrrpis B: 5.327-3°
KvrjMÎ5e$ l: 34', 3-330-1 tcOpottan vi: 24.530
Kvitrr) I: r i l S z l L »-447"68; 4.48-9; B: /* kûpu Vl: 23.821
wSTAoç. KOÏAOS DI: 10.525; IV: 13.107-10, iniwv I: 3.180; B: 6.344; 8.423-4; IB:
10.360-4; vi: 22.345
KOLVCRF IV: 22 KCOKVTÔS VI: 22.409
K6AO5 IV: 16.114-18 KUXCÛU VI: 22.407
B: 8.186-90; VI: 23.411 kcôAtj^ vi: 23.7^6
KOHIÇOJ IV: 14.454-7; VI: 23.286 wofôs IV: 14.16-19
KopécovT« l: 2.536, 2.542; 3-43
«covaßfca, KovapIÇco IV: 13^496-501 Aa^payôpm Vl: 23.479
Kovfa) iv: >4-143-6 Aa^priotiai V t 23 474. 23 478
xopuWïÇ VI: 22.132 Aappôç VI: 23-473~8i
MopuQcdoAos BE 11.315; v: 20.38-40 Aa<hicT)6ifc Vl: 22.83
K6puv£os IB: 9.241-2 Aafvtoç vi: 22.154
«6pus I: 2.816: 3-37'-2; 4-274» 4 - 4 a 4 " 6 ; n : Acncrfiïa IB: 12.425-6
7.206; IV: 13.130-1, 13.712-18 Aaiynpôç iv: 14.16-19; 15 269-70
K o p t o o w 1: 2.272-7; 4 2 7 4 . 4 - 4 2 4 - 6 , Aajnnrri6ns IV: 15.526
4.440-1 ; B: 7.206; IV: 13.795-9; VI: ActpTTrr6t»>VTi IV: 15526
21.306 Aav66vco IV: 13.269-71,13.720-2;
kôtoç IV: 13.516-17 '-V-S8-61
KOTOATI V t 22.494 Aa6ç iv: 17,18
KorvA/jpuTov VI: 23.34 AOKXWAOS IV: 13.126-8; V: 20.38-40
KoOprrm 9-5a9;V: «9-«92-3 AàpvaÇ vi: 24.795
noOpoç rv: 13.95-6; 15.281-5 AauKcnrit) VI: 22.325
Kporrcnôî m: i L . t i 8 - i g ; tV: 13.345-60 AIYW L: 2.435: 3-'88; IV: 13.275-8
KpcrrtpôjwÇ IV: 16.722-5 Attptôtt; IV: 13.830-2
Kpdnoî m: 10.156 AowKprros V: 17-343-4
Kpàros Bl: 9 39 XiAaxov IV: 15-348-5«
Kpttouaa VI: 22.48 A(AT]KÛ$ VI: 22.141-2
Kpdaauv iv: 14,34-, 16.688-90 AtAirivjévoi BI: 12.106
Kpi^yvov l: 1.106 A«Çâoe&JV, AéÇio IB: 9 66-7,9.617
KfrflSciivov IV: 14.184; 16.97-100; V t AcvyaAIos iv: 13.97-8
22.470 XcuKàtnns VI: 22.294
icpfcos VI: 24.272 Atv*6s IV: 13.837; 14185-6; i5-3'3~'7
Kpovkav IV: 14.244-8 AcuwûAtvos rv: 15.92
Kpöooai BL 12.258-60 Aéwv IV: Ü 5 9 2 - 5 ; V: 17133 6
37«
Xtims m: 10.460 pfAávSrros rv: 15.713-15

A^Ttos V: 17.601-a páAas IV: 16.684-7
AT)TÚ> IV: 14.313-2B; 16.849-50 píABoj VI: 21.363
XiAôpcrt VI: 2212 PIAITJ IV: »6.33-5, »6.»4i- 4
Aiyv^&oyyos m: 9. to pcAiT)6Vjs v: 17.17
AinptÛ IV: 14.461-4 ptAiropai rv: 13.636-9
Aipvwpcia iv: 14.307-8 ptpaú* I: 2.473, 2.817-18; 4.40-1, 4.73; n:
AivoOcipTjl; I: 2.539-30, a.830; U: 5.612-14 5-»42-3; 2-24-5. 2-36i 8-56-7. 8.327; iv:
Alvo* V: 18.569-70 13.77-80, i3-775" 8 7; »5-601-4; »6.754-5
Anrapo«pVj&<pvo$ IV: 16.867 píprjAi IV: 13.295-7
Aiirapó; VI: 33.406 pcvta(vo> IV: 15.601-4; 16.490-1
Ais m: 11,239; v: 17133-6 M(vk>6iÚ5 m: 12.331
Ai-ropat IV: 16.46-8 mvtxáppns iv »4 370-7; »5-583-5
Aóyos IV: 15.393 pevociKfii Vi: 23.139
AowrtWftos vi: 23.751 pcvoiváco n: 7.36; IV: 13.77-80; 15.80-3
AoTo6os vi: 23.536 pévos I: 1 . 1 0 4 - 5 ; O: 5 - » 3 5 - 6 , 5 - 3 9 5 - 6 ,
Aovco iv: 14.3-7; 15-393 SÎÁR «A 5 S62-4; 6.407-9; 7.36; 8 . 3 5 8 ;
Avtdr}, AÚKIOI I: 4.101. 4.197; I»: 5.105; m: IA.18; IV: 10, tx, 13.77-80. »3 444.
[cf. m: 12.292] »3.562-3
Aúaaa nr. 9.339 ptppT)p(4Hv n : 8 , 1 6 7 - 8
AvaowSnS IV: 13.53 1.250; 3.402; i v : 1 3 5 6 7 - 9 ; V :
p l p o i r t s i:
AO« IV: 13.402-23; 16.340-» 18.288-0
AúPn m: 9 387; 11.142 pcoai-rróAios rv: 13.361
Aorrácis m: 12.283 peo/)«? m: 12.269
Awrós rv: 14.347-8; vi: 21.351 peoaoirayfis vi: 21.172
prrá IV: 13.301-3, 13.700; 15 »»5~»9
uaivá^ VI: 22.460 prraváarrK m: 9.648; iv: 16.59
pafvopai rv: 15.601-4. 15.605-9 prraoroixi vi: 23.358
páwAAa vi: 21.259 vrrá$f>evov rv: »6.48», i6-79»-2
paKÚv IV: 16.467-9 prratatov m: »1.51-2, n.7»4
páAa I: 1.173; 3-2Q3 -8; n: 31; 5.406-9, pnoKAá^co iv: 13 279-8»
V410-H. 5.607; 6.255-7; Boia prroxî(cj vi: 24.567
páv IV: 16, {2 pérwrrov IV: 15.»00-3; »6.70-»
y á v r i s I: 1.63. 1 . 6 9 - 7 0 lUypifO IV: »3-»43-4. Vi: 34.138
pappápcos IV: 14.271-4 pfjAov O: 5.140; IV: 16.353 -5
páp-rvpo? IV: m 14.271-4 p^vipa VI: 22.358
páooopai m: 9.394 pñvis m: 9.426; IV: 13.459-61; 15-223;
páxoipa m. 1 L.844; iv: 13.609-10; v: 16.28-3»
18.597-8 p/)pu6os vi: 23.854
Maxdwv iv: 14-3-7. »4 »»5-20 prfjS IV: 36
paxAoarúvT) VI: 24.30 PL^RRWP i: L U J ; 4.328; n: 5-270-2
propon 1v:34,& »3-»»8-»9 piapós vi: 24.420
pcyáOupos IV: 13.598-600; 15.440-1; piicpó* n: 5.800-1
16.297-300 plwv©a vi: 23.97
peyaipu VI: 23.865 Mívcos IV: 14.321-2
pty<wfjrn$ in: 1 VI: 2U23 ptTOS vi: 23.762
pcyaA^-rwp m: 9.109; IV: 13.301-3; phpri 1: 4.132-40. 4-»37-8, 4-186-7; tt
15.674-6 5.316-17; IV: 16.419-21; v: 20.4*3-»5
pcyaA&xrrl IV: 16.775-6 poyocnrófcos m: 11.270; IV: 16.185-7
piyapov m: 9.144 poípa n: 5-674-6; 6.487-9; n t 10169; iv: 5;
MtenpoowT) iv: 13.107-10 13.602-3; »5 206-8; 16.852-4
pciywpi iv: »3-200-1; 14 383-7 MoAlovt m: 1 ».750; IV: 13.46; »6.692-7
pci£b>v IV: 94, .15 poAir/) IV: 13.636 -9
p«(Atvo$ rv: 13.597; 16.114-18, 16.812-17 poAúp&atva VI: 24.80
imAtxh IV: 15-74» povwOcff ni: 11.4 70
p«({ V: 19.117 poppOpw VI: 21.325
394
M0p6«$ IV: 14.182-3 ÇvW|Ta VI: 23.809

pôpos i v : j ; 15.209-11 Çuvox^ VI: 23.330
pôpcnyos IV: 15.610-14; VI: 22.13 ÇVOTÔV IV: 13.496-501; 15.388-9
pAptvoç Vi: 24.316
poCoo I: 1.1; 2.484, 2.485-6, 2.761-2; B: à IV: 13.394-40»; »6.358-63. »6 463-5,
5703 16.467-9
Ô n IV: 13.481-4
voniT&u, vortco i: 4.45; II: 6.14-15; IV: ôapIÇu vi: 22.127
15.526 ôapto-rûs IV: 13.290-1; V: 17.227-8
vavfi(v) BB: 12.225; IV: >3.700 ¿ßpipotpyös VI: 22.418
vtorros m: 9 1 4 9 - 5 3 ; n . 7 1 2 fißpipos Bl: 10.200; IV: 13.292-4,
vit? IV: 13.174-6 »3.518-20; 16.716-20
VÎK7CT1 IV: 15.406-9 Äypos v: 18.544-7
vuriw VI: 24.29 x 'OCwofvç i: 4.491
vècrap V: 19.37-8 ôfÇupôs IV: 13.567-9
vîkvi iv: 16.521-6 oîtiÇ VI: 24.269
vcpcor^Tôs m: 11.649 otKTicnos vi: 22.76
vép«n$ l: 3.156, 3.411; 4.507; D: 6.335-6; 'OftiOs ID: 11.92-100; 12.365; iv: 13,24;
8.407-8; IV: 13.120-3 13-66-7
vfpoiiat I: 2.780; vi: 23.177 otpa IV: 16.751-3
vtoap8V|$ VI: 21.346 oTvoy IV: 13.703-7
vto(r) VI: 23.604 oTos v: 18.105-6
rtos iv: 13-95-6; *5- a 4°- 1 » V: »7-35-7 6r$ iv: 15.372-6
v«6ç IV: 15.426-8, 15 693-5 oTorr« rv: 15.718-25
VKmuirrôs vi: 21.592 6t«, ötopa« 1: 1.169-71, i . 5 5 a - 9 . »-S6»;««:
vépTspoç rv: 15.224-5 5.287-9; 6.352-3; iv: i3 »49-54.
v t t A n y p ^ a IV: 13.562-3; 14.292-3; 13.262-5
»S^S*—4Î16297-300 ¿«puöns BL: 9.64; rv: 15
vKbv TV: 13.723-5; 15.391-2, 15.426-8 ôAlyos L: 2.529-30; 4.442; B: 5.800-1
vtcb-rtpoi IV: 2"j\ 13.636-9; 14.140-2, 6Apo$ m: 11.147
14.250-61, 14.317-18 ÔXOOLTPOXOS IV: 13.136-8
vnyànos IV: 14.185-6 6Xofv6v6s VI: 23.102
VT*)6upoç i: 2.1-2; BI: 10.91; IV: 14.242 öpaprfc» rv: 13.584-5
vfyacn IV: 15.601-4 6RNIXIK<N IV: 13.485-6
vrjKouorfco IV: 15.236-43; V: 20.13-18 ¿uoydarpios vi: 21.95
vrrmÎTi m: 9.491; IV: 15.362-4^: ôpolios m: 9.440; iv: 13.358
20.411-12 6po«X^ rv: 16.145-8
vi\moç I: 1.38; IV: 15.104, 15 494-9; ôwocrrixâw rv: 15.631
16.7-10, 16.46-8, 16.833-4; V: 5,51; ôp+aAés. -Acaraa B: 6.117-18; 7.267; nr:
18.293-5, 18.311; 19.85-138 13.190-4
vT)irvrnos VI: 21.410 6u«s m: 12.393
vfoopai IV: 13.185-7 fivciap vi: 22.433
voé» 1: 1.343-4 6v6o$ vi: 23.775
vùp+ioç VI: 23.223 ftvopai V: 17.25; VI: 24.241
vOv v: 17.477-8; 18.88 6vopokA/)&TP> VI: 22.415
vOooa VI: 23.332,23.758 6VOP4KXUTOS VI: 22.51
vCwco IV: 14.20-6; 16.702-6 ôÇvàws n: 5.48-50; nr: 13 584-5
v&tv IV: 13.326-7; 15.212-17 ôÇOs IV: 13.561, 13.584-5; »6.772-5
àov IV: 17
HàvOos l: 1.403-4; n : 6 . ' 7 2 ; V: 20.73-4; ô-rrdow B: 7.165; IV: 13.249-50; 15.254-9
[cf. m: 12.313] frrrXa IB: »0.254
Çtfvos, Çévoç, §«W|Tov l: 4.387; B: 6.215, ôirWnpos,-¿Tcrros m: 9.57-8; IV:
6.218-19; IV: 181 13.624-5 14.267-70
Çlfos I: 1.7; 2.45; 3.330-8; IV: 16.338-40 frmrws IV: 16
ÇOv IV: 13.736-9 àrmAb» IV: 13.378-82
ÇwcAaCrvw VI: 22.129 6pyvno VI: 23.327
37«
ôptyoMcn iv: 16.313-» 5; vi: 24.506 -iravoKÔptos VI: 24.540

Äpwfi m: 10.185 frav8aviàrwp VI: 24.5
bçcyfikà vi: 23.30 Travôyioç VI: 21.397
ôpfiTO iv: TravavSlij m : 11.709
ô p & ô * p o n p o ç V : 18.3-4 iravOoTOfToç VI: 23.532
ôpKta, ôpwoç I: 3.73-5. 3.269-70, 3.276-91, n ail laivco IV: 14.101-2
3.276-8; 4.155; B : 7.69, 7.351-3» 7 - 4 » 1 ; irapà rv: 13-775-87; 15-279-80
I V : 14.271-9 -rrapof IV: 15.270-80
öpMOi V : 18.401 iroponßdTrii vi: 23.132
ô p v r ç m: 12.200, 12.218; I V : 15.690-2 TrapaxcrraßdXXco VI: 23-»27. 23.683
ôpwui iv: 13.260-71; 15.693-5 iràpavra vi: 23. »»6
ôpo*oç vi. 24.451 frapa+fahyn m: 10.346
'OpriXoxos n: 5.541-9 ir&p6aXif IV: 13.102-4; vi: 21.573
6pX<mos iv: 14.101-2 irapi<8Ti VI: 23.868
ôpxorroj nr: 14.122-5 iracponrpo^tvyb) VI: 23.314
6pwçn, 6pcopci IV: 13.260-7«; «6.633-4 irapfiopos B: 7.155-6; 8.87-91; IV:
ô ç , b i s I V : 17; 13.QQ-101, » 3 4 8 1 - 4 ; 16.152-4,16.470-5; Vfc 23.603
14.223-4, 14.249; 15-394-8; »6.52-5, TTapÔévnos IV: 16.179-81
16.207-0. 16.444-9,16.541-7 nàpiÇ I: 3 . 1 6 ; I V : i 3 . i 7 » - 3
ô c ( o ) 0 5 IV: U . 3 9 4 - Q ; » 5 - 3 5 8 - 6 1 irapicrrcto BI: 10.291
6m I V : 13.481-4; 1 4 - 7 ' " 3 ; »6-33-5. irapofopo? VI: 23.459
»6.52-5, 16.225-7 -irapotxuKCv m: 10.252
irrt iv: 15.277-8; 16.688-90 •rnipoç iv: 15.279-80; 16.627-32; v:
ÔTéoi<nv I V : 15.490-3 17.586-8; 2ÎL121-4
frn iv: 14.71-3; »6.33-5, 16.225-7 Trdpfaois IV: 14.216-17
OÙKI I V : 15.716-17 TrSrs B: 6.498-9; IV: 13.611-12; 15.189-93
oàXôpcvoç iv: 14 83-5 t t Serai tv: 26
0 O X 0 5 V : 17 756 TrdToryoî IV: 13.282-3; vr. 21.387
ovpov m: 10.351-2 worrfip IV: U-349-53
o ù r à f y ù I V : 13.288-0,13.761-4; 16.467-9, irdrrpn IV: 13.345-60
16.806-7; VI: 2168 •mrrpoicowlyviiToç VI: 21.469
oCrra* rv: 13.446-7, 13.810 ndrrpotcXi V: 10.287-8
oûxl iv: 15.716-17 ncrrpo*Xéns IV: 909; i 6 . i i , I6.554-5
ôfc(Xw m: 11.686; TV.34 norrpÔKXns IV: 16.20
ôfiç m: 12.208 TrtSàw VI: 23.585
6 + p a I V : 15.23»-2, 15 5 4 7 - 5 » ; »6.242-8 iriia vi: 24.272
Ô f p u 6 c i $ V I : 22.411 Tnipâ: Vi: 21-459
6XTOM0N VI: 24.731 irtTpap B: 6.143; 7 »oi-2; m: 12.79; ^
^ « • " » y é S V I : 21.257 «3 358-60; V: 18,498-500. »8.50»; VI:
ôxeùS m: 12.455-6; v : 20.413-15 23-350
6yfit\(xas V: 17.90-3 Tttlptvs VI: 24.190
ôxîco vi: 21. 26 t -ttifpu VI: 24.8
TTtXcOpov VI: 21.407
i r o n & o f â v o s V I : 24.506 irtXscus IV: 13JÎ11-12; VI: 23J14
ircnfiwv*!: 1.473 rriXwp <B: 9.158
-mn-iraX6ct$ m: 12.168 ircXcoptoç I: 3.226-7; M: iQ-439; V:
i r a X c n o p o o O v T ) V I : 23.701 1 7 - 1 7 3 - 4 ; VT. 22.Q2
i r à X t ) V I : 23.635 •ntirXos IV: 14.180
iràXtv i : 1 ^ 5 9 ; B : 5.257-8. 5 835-6; I V : imw/plvos fl: 5.697-8; 7 274-6; Œ:
13.1-3 9.57-8; tL.822; IV: 13 254; »4 449-53
iraXi(bÇi$ n : 1 2 . 7 1 - 2 ; I V : ssy, 1 5 6 9 - 7 ' TT+TTOV BI: 9.25I-8
TlaXAâs n : 5.1-3; m : 10.245; IV: 15.610-14 irtirpcoToa i v : 5 ; 15.209-11
TT4XTO I V : 15.645-52 TrrrrvKaaviva vt 23.503
T r a v i r r r o T i i o s V I : 24.255 Trfrroïv B:fi.55;IV: 13.120-3; »5-436-9
T r a v a ^ f ) X i Ç V I : 22.400 irep m: 9.110; nr: 15-372-6; v : 20.20-30
rîavaxcnoi I: 2.404,2.529-30 •nipôon nr: 16.707-9
382
irapißdXXcä VI: 33.276 TToXtX IV: 13.449-54» 13-611-1». *3-73»-5.

TTtpiyXcryifc rv: 16.641-4 13.802-5; 1556-77; 16.326-9.16.653-7
TnpiRéfroç v i : 21.163 iToXuTpnpcbf B: 5.778
mpi8l6<opi vi: 23.48s •noXvtXoioßoi IV: 15.381-4
mpiSpOrrru VI: 23.395 iroXOtopßos IV: 14.200-2
mpivcntrns VI: 24.488 iroviopcn B: 5 84; IV: 13.288-9
Tltplfas V: 17.322-6 irÄvos I: 2.291; 4 456; B: 5 84,5 5» 7; 6.52a
mpKvfe VI: 24.316 TTOVTÔTTOPOS IV: 15.693-5, 1V7°4~6
Trfpvrfpi Vt: 21.40,21.58 TTÔVTOS m: vi: 21.59
nfcrcmv i: 2.237; 4-5 »»-»3Î 8.512-13 tt6tîoi rv: 13.99- »o»; 16.4Q-.50
TTrrtT]v6ç rv: 15.237-8,15 690-« -rr6p6aXtf IV: 13.102-4
irfrpri iv: 13.139 •rrôpoç vi:
-rmntâXipoç «V: 14.162-5; V: 20.34-5 TTÖptrai V: 18.401
TTtUKfSorvôs Ol: 10.fi TTopfOpfoç IV: 16.389-92; v: 17.360-2; vi:
iTttônrrai V:i7 i55 21.326
m f v û v IV: 16.827-9 iropfOfXO IV: 14.16-19; Vi: 21.551
Trnyôs m: 0.124; IV: 1 4 1 6 - i g TTÔpw, tnopov IV: 15.209-11; 16.141-4
irtjirrôs IV: »3 7°3~7 IToaciSdcav IV: 13.10-38
rîtiXfOç rv: 16.33-5,16.173-8 iroaa^pap vi: 24.657
HrptA** IV: 13.9a; 14 489-9' ttotI I V i & i z 14173. »4-396
TTTJVLOV vi: 23.762 "TTOÜ IV: 15.440-1
TRFA«S Œ: 11.375» iroOç IV: 13.383-5; L5.405; 16.297-300
Tnap m: 11.550-5 rfpàpvcios m: 11639
•mBaÇ IV: 16.825 irpéoâ rv: 14.194-7
iriOos iv: 15.680; vi: 24.527 •»rpffös VI: 24.524
-mvCKKjoo rv: 14.249 nptaplC^S ni: 1L295; iv: 13.427-33
iriovpts IV: 16; 15.680 rîplayoç IV: 13.171-3
-mfauaicco, -open ID: 10.478; VI: 21.333 irplv IV: 15 56-77; 16.627-32
TTXAÇco VI: 21.269 iTpôpcrTOv IV: 14.122-5
irXaväopai VI: 23.321 trpoWXwvos m: »0.15;IV: 13.130-»
TTX^ÖOS Vi: 23.63g irpoKpôaooi IV: »4-33-6
nXtiOOs IV: 15.294-7, 15-301 ~5 irpôtJaxos I: 3J6, 3.19-20, 3-44-5; »î
rTXtîïàB^ V: 18.486 5-«34; 7-74-5Î 8 99-'00; «v: »5 340-»
TrXiprrtfrofai vr. 21.499 irpÔMOÇ IV: 15.286-93
nXÔKapoç IV: 14.175-7 irpoTrpo*vA(v6opai VI: 22.221
ttXuvôf vi: 22.153 Kpôç IV: tj
-rrXûvc* VI: 22.155 TTpôo^fv IV: 13.502-5, 13.802-5
TtoCtivticte B: 6.117-18; i v : 15 6 4 5 - 5 » npoooréfev vr. 23.533
TTOIR)TÔÎ IV: 14.9-12 TTpéoportos VI: 24.757
tromlXos IV: 14.214-17; 16.134-5 irpoatùw VI: 24.213
•noivA IV: 13.658-9 TrpôTtpoç IV: 15. 656
tromvOu) IV: 14.153-5 irparl m: 11.831-»; IV: 19
ir6Xiç IV: 16.66-9 TTpoTiôatTopan Vf: 22.356
•noXXfe i v : 13.802-5; 14-33-6 rrpèryiT<nç m: 11.424
-iroXùaivos m: 9.673 -irpà+ams V: 19.261-3. 19.301-2
TToXuyr\Wjs vi: 21.450 TTpoftp/|Ç Bl: 10 353
TToXuSoHßaXos VI: 23.743 irp6+paooa Bl: 10.290
iroXv86xpvos IV: 14.157-8; V: 17.19a np6xvu m: 9 570; «V: »4 436-7; »6.389-9»;
iroXOSupo? vi: 22.88 VI: 21.460
iroXvr)ytpfo DI: 11.564 trpôxoos vi: 24.304
-iroXCnoirrros B: 6.48-50; Bl: iq-379 •nrpuXétS B: 5-743-4; «'• » » -47-55; ™
itoXOPTJXOS IV: 14.489-91; 16.179-92 »5-5'5-'7
îroXOyriTiÇ Vi: 21.355 irpOpvn IV: »4.31-2
•noXvnrîSaÇ b: 8.47-8; IV: 14.157-8; irpgpvôç IV: 14.31-2; »6.3»3-»5; V:
'6-233 17.617-19
TToXOnrupoî IV: 15.37»~6 vrpcbv IV: 16.297-300; V: 17.747
383
TTfxImaro*; iv: 14.295=6 aavpca-r^p m : 10.153

trpojTÂyovoç VI: 23.864 oàx/i rv: 16.358-63
TrpwTOTTcryl'fi vi: 24.267 aiAas v: 17.73g
TTpCrros iv: »3.170,13.502-5; 14 3«-«. ZcAAol IV: 16.234-5
14.295-6; 15656; 16.399-400 cnvco, -opai IV: 13.126-8; 15.272; v:
TRRIPVRI VI: 22.397 17.461-3
irrfywrw iv: 14.40 afjpa I: 1.403-4; B: 6.168-9,6,170-1.
•frroXÎTTopeoç IV: 15.56-77; TO 21.550 6.176-7,6.4»7-2O, 7 86. 7.«75-7;
irrOoooMon IV: 13-134~5 8.169-71; vi: 23.326
-irrOco vi: 23 697 atiuétvTtop IV. 15-323-5
TTTWÇ v: 17.676-8; V t 22.310 oflévoç IV: 13.246-8; V: 18.374-6
TTVKa iv: 15.685-9 atyaXöcts vi: 22.154
mjKivôf IV: 14.166-9. 14 294; »5461-^ oiCfyxtos. -tos V: 52; vi: 23. »77
m/AcKopà* VI: 21.530; 22.69 ofSripos V: 18.32-4
irûÇivos vi: 24.269 oi$A6u IV: 14.140-2
TTvp IV: 15.596; 16.293-6 IitàpavSpos H 5.35-6; m: 12.21; V: ao.73-4
•nvpyos. -T18ÖV l: 4.333-5. 4-508; B: 131 crxiAAco vi: 23.191
7.219-23, 7.219, 7-338; 8.517-2»; n»: oKlirropai IV: »6.358-63
1143 oirfirrropon iv: 14.454-7
"m/perôç vi: 32.31 «ntîrrpov l: 1.234-9; 2.86. 2,101-8. 2.109;
-nvpètopos IV: 14.122-5 B-. 7-277-8, 7 4 ' a ; m : »Q-33»~3; *V:
iru IV: 15.426-8 »3.59-61
owéeiç rv: 13-754-5; »4 225-30
IV: 16.176-8, 16.228-30 <ncO(opai VI: 24.113
Ê6#6oç m: 12,297; *v »3-59-6'. 13 406-7 o*wAnÇ IV: 13.564-6, 13-654-5
ßa6tv6$ VI: 23.583 cxôoAos iv: 13-564-6
fÀa IV: »3.»43-4; V: 17 461-3; 20.101-2 ouapayfco vi: 21.199
"Pia IV: 14.203-4; 15185-8 oyipSaAios l: 2.334; 5-302-4; 7-479:
I: 2.400-»; n: -5-373—4 »5-685-9
£ééoç IV: 16.855-8 opcp6v6s IV: 15-685-9
0c7a IV: 13.143-4; » V49Q-3; V: »7-4 6 »-3 Zpiv6«0s I: 1.39
fryvüai V: LL T i l a p v x w VI: 22.411
Êftyoç VI 24 644 aöAos VI: 23.826
^nÇr^vwp IV: 13-323-5 oôos iv: 16.249-52
•Pfyros m-10.435 oop6s VI: 33.91
VI: 21.445 aoîn IV: 15.410-13
£»v6v IV: 16.635-7 o-mTo, krrrto IB: 10.285
ßivoTÖpos vi: 21.392 oirév&o l: 3.296
IV: 14.414—17 «ririC^s Œ: »i-754
ßnrrräOKCi» IV: 15 23-5 crrrAdtx«» I: 3.295-301
ô6av6î V: 18.573-6 <rra8fn B: 7.240-1; IV: 13.312-14
£o5öciS Vi: 23.186 orâOpTi iv: 15.410-13
Êûoiiai m: 9 248. 9.396; IV: 15.18-3». crr«(optv iv: jfe i5-294~7
»5-»39-4' cmvàxw iv: 16.487-9
ÊucrràÇw vi: 24.755 crrtporrnyepéTa IV: 16.297-300
ßwxMÖS Vi: 23.420 amrrai m: 9.241-2
«rrffàvri m: 11,96; iv: 13.136-8; 16.97-100
oà»tos l: 3 330-8. 3 335'. 4-90-«; » ortyavos IV: »3.736-9
6 j i7-»8; 7.219-23, 7-245-8, 7.267; m: orTtâvôoj V: 18.485
11.485; IV: »3.130-1, »3.708-10; loTn B: 5.170. 5-3°9" IO » 5 610-1 »
14.402-8 crrfyrcoai VI: 22.350
oaXTT((fa> vi: 21.388 irrißapäs iv: »5-»25-7; »6 801-2
oaviQcs v: 18.274-6 «rrlxes i: 2.92-3; 3-Z2. 3-336-7. [cf. 3-34»1;
oaô+pwv VI: 21.462 B: 5.166
oaôo> IB: 9.424,9.681 <rnx6s IV: 16.173-5
Xapm'i&ov B: 5.663; IV: 32^> [ c f - m »3.292! <rr6pa rv: 15.388-9
384
errport6ç IV: 16.72-3 TIOTO V: 19.342-3

crrpnrTÔç I: 3.439-40; It 5.112-13; VI: 21.31 T«6Ç IV: 8; 16.64-5
crrptOyoMcn IV: 1 5 . 5 1 1 - 1 2 TÉperç l: 1 . 7 3 - 5 ; 4 394-5. 4-398. 4 408; O:
orpc^cSIvco IV: 16.791-2 6.183; 8.223-6; B : 1 1 . 2 7 - 8
orpÖMßos IV: 14.413 Tipya v t 23.309
orpofàAtyyi IV: 1 6 . 7 7 5 - 6 -rtpuiôcis IV: 16.803
ov/Adu IV: 13.201-3; 15.426-8 Ttooapàôios VI: 23.705
CTUYTTÂCXTCTYK*} VI: 23.102 TRRAYWV RV: 15.23-5
oOv IV: 13.736-9; 14.501-5 TtTpaOiAuiiVos IV: 13.130-1
o w a y i l p u IV: 15.680 TrrpâicuKAoç VI: 24.324
cwcœlpoj m : 10.499; IV: 15.680 TrrpatàAnpos n: 5 . 7 4 3 - 4 ; I V : ' 3 - 1 3 2 - 3
ovvtXtv IV: 16.740-4 •rrrpââAos B : 12.384; VI: 22.315
owfOXM^S IV: 14.465-9 T«Cfx«a I: 3.86-94, 3.195-6; 4.419; H:
owcx<$ B : 12.26 6.234-6, 6.321-4, 6.417-20; 7.122, 7.207
cvMcrrayon IV: 14.96-100 T«Ox« IV: 13.346-8; 14.9-12; VI: 23.741
owTtOriPi I: 1.76; D: 7 4 4 - 5 Tétos V: 17.727; 19.188-9
of«8av6v IV: 16.372-6 TÎJ IV: 14.218-23
ofcv66vT) iv: 13.598-600 Tê«a IV: 16.747-8
CRFCI IV: 13.47-51; 15.146-8 TTJAIWKO VI: 22.423
o^œïv IV: 13.326-7; 1 5 1 5 5 - 6 TtjAûyrtoç B : 9.143,9.482, 9.630; IV:
axc666tv IV: 16.806-7 '3-470
<7xt66v IV: 15.452-60; 16.806-7 Tfjoç V: 19.188-9; 20.41-3
cxi-rAios I: 2.112; 3.414; n: 31; m: 9.19; TÎTJ V: 17.170-2
10.164; IV: 16.203-6; VI: 22.41, 22.86; TifitÏCT» IV: 16.262-5
24-33 ti0^M<VOS B : 10.34
a w s iv: 13.769-73; 16.249-52 Tt6wv6ç B : 1 1 . 1 - 2
TÎKTW n: 6 . 1 5 4 - 5
TCRY6Ç VI: 23.160 tim/| i: 1 1 7 5 - 6
TaXâfpuv iv: 13.298-300 TipfiS ("niions) m : 9.605
Tavaôs IV: 16.588-92 TiTvaxoycn rv: 13.556-9
TavT)Aiy/|Ç VI: 22.2to TAàw D: 5.382, 5.385
Town*/« iv: 14.383-7; 16.765-9 TA^muv B : 10.231-2
TOTVOÂoios IV: 16.765-9 TÂT^TÔS VI: 24.49
TavOco vi: 23.324 Toi, Tal i v : 19, 13.358 1
Tdnniç VI: 24.230 TOTOÇ IV: 13.674-8; VI: 23.246
•ràp V: 18.182 Toîo&toot B : 10.462
TOpß&> i v : 13.284-7 TOAUTTIOW IV: 14.85-7
TctpxOw n: 7.85; IV: 16.456-7 ToÇwrfis vi: 23.850
Tàtpoç iv: 15.343-4, 15 356-7 Topvôopai vi: 23.255
Tt i: 1.218; n: 5.137-42,5 885-7; 8.186-90; ToO » oO v : 19.322-3, IQ-33'~3
iv: 1 4 . 1 6 - 1 9 , 1 4 . 1 4 7 - 5 2 , 14.484-5; Tô^pa i v : 15.231-2, V. 17.79- 8 «
15.224-5, 15.358-61, 15.702-9; v : j 7 TpàrrtÇa B : 9.216; 11.628-9
Ttîv at: 11.200-1; IV:8 Tpafcp^ iv: 14.307-8
TÎTOÇ V: 19.188-9; 20.41-3 Tptyw iv: 14.307-8; «5.605-9, 15.618-22
Tfccuoop l: 1.525-7;«!: 7.30-2. 7.70 TpTlTÔÇ VI: 24.720
TIKOÎ m : 9.444; i v : 14 TplyArivoç IV: 14.182-3
TcAapûvtos, -ià8t]ç m: 9.622-3; IV: ig; Tpl^w V t 23.714
13.66-7; 14.409-12, 14.460 TphroAoç V: 18.541-2
tiAuos VI: 24.315 Tpjç v : 18.155-6; 20.445-8
TCAéco IV: 14.194-7 Tprroyéviia I: 4 . 5 1 3 - 1 6
TÎAOÇ m: 11.439, 1 1 7 2 7 - 3 0 ; »V: 13 602-3; Tpofôtrç IV: 15.618-22
16.627-32 TpûÇco B : 9 . 3 t !
TéAoov nr: 1 3 . 7 0 3 - 7 ^ : 18.544-7 Tpw^àAfia i: 3.330-8, 3.371-2; IV:
-Hpcvos m : 12.313; IV: 14.122-5 13132-3
Téiivw IV: 13.703-7; 1 6 . 1 4 1 - 4 TVKTÔÎ IV: 14.9-12
-rilKö IV: 13.703-7 "tvpßoxöti VI: 21.323
385
TOvt) m : 12.237; IV: >6.64-5 ft\ IV: 14 499-500

njrmrtd IV: 13.388-9; 16.859-63 +T)M< IV: 13.83-90; 14.137-8; VI: 31.361
-nrr^ôv iv: 16.710-11; VI: 34.170 Ofipcs l: 1.368; 2.742-4; K : 16
Tu+Xôs a: 6.130-40; iv: 14.16-19,14.140-2 ^Wyyoym m: 10.67.10.457
TCÔÇ iv: 1443-8; 15 377-8 îdXn vi: 23.243, 23.370
fiXouwi6fis l: 3 424; IV: »4-»87-223,
ößpi? m: p.<t68; iv: 13.333-5 14.211-13; VI: 21.416
ûppiorfiç IV: 13.633-5 »IXos l: 3 30-1, 3 403; 0: .?/; 4.189;
Crypfi IV: 14.307-8 6-47»-5; 7 274-82; 8.281: m: 9.555; IV:
06«p IV: 15 3 7 - 4 4 »3-73-5Î »4 208-10; 16.450-5. 16.603-7;
-Os IV: 1 3 1 8 5 - 7 . 13 345-60; VI: 31.99-113
15.344-6; 16.176-8 tXtypo VI: 31.337
üliiwv IV: 15-494-9 fAly iv: 13 545-7
Outitv m: 10.380 ^XoToßos m: 10.416; iv: 15.605-9
inrod IV: 16.373-6 foß&>, -oüuai 10: to.io; VI: 22a 1
¿nnyvfiiiVKt VI: 23.491 fôpoç, m: Q.2; IV: 13.470
Cnrtpßaivu> m: 9.501 +otv»tô<t{ m: 10.133; IV: »6 803
CrrrtpSta V: 17.327-30 $oîv\Ç vi: 23.454
vnripémco vi: 21.271 $oWi iv: 15.631
inTtptifavéovreç m: 11.694-5 fôvos, -^ÔVTTiç I: 2.103; 4.394-5; »:
Cmipôuuos D: s-76-8. 5 376; m : 9.233; IV: 6.154-5; Z- 466; IV: 16.156-63
14250-5; 15-»35-6, 15.576-8 ôpfivon m: 10.270
vrrtp^laXos IV: 13.292-4 iv: f j \ 16.188-92
CrmiviynH VI: 24.348 fpaßfis Vi: 24.354
i m à IV: 16.200-2. 16.490-1 t p à i " iv: 14.3-7, «4-499-500; » V ' 6 0 - 7 ;
Cmôôpa l: 1.148-71; 2.217, 2.245; IV: 16.645-8
15.10-13 i: 1-103. 1.114-15, 1.188-93, 1.193-4:
CrrroXt^wv V: 18.517-19 3-108, 3-442; n: 5 326; 8.559; m: 0-342.
ttoufvTi IV: 13.306-Q 9.496; IV: 5; 14.162-5, 14294; 15.160-7;
Cxndmoç IV: 15.631 16.481; VI: 23.104
ûyi iv: 14.75-7 fplÇ 0: 7.63-6; vi: 21.126
ûvj/ncàpr^vos m: 13.132 fploaco 0: 7.61-2. 7.63-6
Oy»Trrrf|t»s vi: 33.308 tpovto vi: 22.59
ûyiirfrnXoç IV: 13.437 fùija m: 9.2; 10.31 y iv: 16.653-7
ùymtrrft m: 12.201 tOXaicos iv: 14.157-8; vi: 24.566
fOXov I: 2.362-3. 2.668--70. 2.840-1; IV:
fanvôs iv: 13 434 6, »3 837 »4-354-62
+at(vu IV: 13-375-8 •OXo-mç IV: 13.633-5
+at6i»ôci{ IV: 13.685- 8 fûÇiiX»* V: 17-U3
farivco IV: 13.275-8; 14.127-8 tCrpu vi: 24.162
fàXotyÇ l: 2.5s8, 3.77; 4.252-4,4.421-8; I t fualÇooç L 3.243-4; VI: 21.63
5.92, 5.166; 2-138-4» fOw. -opai l: 1.512-13; 6.»_49.&253
fàXapov IV: 16.104-6 •WVFCO IV: 15.35
faXqpiAa) iv: «3 795-9 ^copiapôs vi: 24 338
fàXos 1: 3.362; n: 5-743-4; 6.Q-11; m-
10.258; n . 4 1 ; IV: 13.132-3 X<iÎM IV: 13.53»-3; 16.608-701. 16.736
+àos IV: m 13-837; «4-342-5: «5 74»; XCrfpw IV: 14.267-70: 15 9 5 - 9
16.188-93 X^XMCOS o: 5 784-6; BS. 11.341; IV:
fàuyavov l: jl 1 4 5 ] B: 7.303-5; IV: »3 »83~4. »3-597; 16.114-18. 16.812-17,
14.403-8; 16.338-40 16.859-63; V: 52 ; 18.222
fàoKça IV: 13.99-101 XaXids rv: 14.290-»
t a a o o + ô v o s IV: 15.337-8 xaXitoyXûx>$ VI: 22.225
^cruXÔTtpcn iv: 22 XaXxoKopuirr^ IV: 16.534~6
îpKTTOS. f4pTcrros m: 9.110 XaXn6s 1: 2.417; 3-348-9'. 4-412-4, 4 485-6.
féprpov v: 18.336 4-510-11; B: 5.887; 7.220, 7-245-8. 7-259»
fcvryw IV: 14.80-1.14-83-5; vi: a i . 6 7-267; IV: »3 561; 15.742-6; V: 19.221-4
37«
XOXKAtvttos V: 19.25-7 XptM m: 9 1 9 7 - 8

XCtA*ox,TWV iv: 13.438-41; 15.330-6 Xpot^ IV: 14.169-5
xayawuvTR rv: 16.234-5 Xp6ga5o{ VI: 23.688
Xaptkrnpon IV: 23 Xp6voi IV: 15.51 i - i a
X<Spis iv: 14.233-41, 14.235-6, 14.267-70; Xpucrdopo? iv: 14.157-8; 15.254-9
«5.743-6; V. 17.5! -2 Xpw>n>X^Mcrro$ IV: 16.183
x6pun R 4-323; IK 7.317-18; IV: 13.81-2 XpuaMpovo* IV: 14.153-5
Xefto; IV: 16.428 Xpcis B : 10.575; IV: 13-191; 14.163-5
X«(p r. 1.88-9, «-35«. « **6; * 5«8.4.523, XVTfc VI: 23.356
4.541-3; n 5.30, 5.122,5.336-8, XuotiQn vi: 33.391; 23 385
y568-9: 6-81-2, 6.233, 6.355-7; 7-132,
7.130; nr: 13.531-3 iv: 16.582-3
X<FXX5O$ VI: 31.319 IV: 16.458-61
XipuABiov l: 4.518; B: 5303-4; m 11.264-5 yvxA * «-3; 5-295-6. 5 696; 7-»3'i w
X*PWTPOV IV: 14.157-8; VI: 24.304 »• 5»7-«9; »5 252-3; «6 *50-5
X«Opa vi: 33.561
xnp<v6s VI: 31.495 d>8« IB 10.537; 12.346; IV: 13.326-7
XAPN VI: 22.484 ¿*6aXo$ IV: 15.704-6
Xipcnpa 8:6.179-83 ¿MtOuopos IV: 15.440-I
Xmfcv 1: 3 355-6o; n: 5.112-13, 5 73*~7; ojAica IV: 13 703-7
IV: 13-438-*«; 16*19-21 (bgoylpciiv vi: 33.791
X6otvos v: 18.468-73 unro IV: 15.320-2
X6X0S I: 4.23, 4.512-13; B: 6.166-7, 6 326; &purrof V: 17.79-81, 17.687-9; 19 413-
8407-8; IV: 13.516-17; 15.223; IV: 14.294; v: 19.13-17
16.28-31, 16.203-6; V: 18.107-10 <&S IV: 13.216-18
Xop6s V: 18.590-3 ¿miXfi IV: 14.517-19
XP«Tos IB: 11.686; IV: 34 drrdM15 Vi: 23.264
387
This is the sixth and final volume of the major Commentary on
Homer's Iliad issued under the General Editorship of Professor
G. S. Kirk. It consists of introductory chapters dealing with the
structure and main themes of the poem, book division, the end of the
Iliad in relation to the Odyssey, and the criticism and interpretation
of the Homeric poems in antiquity. The commentary follows. (The
Greek text is not included.) This volume contains a consolidated
index of Greek words in all six volumes. This project is the first
large-scale commentary in English on the Iliad for nearly one
hundred years, and takes special account of language, style, thematic
structure and narrative technique, as well as of the cultural and social
background to the work.
The Commentary is an essential reference work for all students of
Greek literature, and archaeologists and historians will also find that
it contains matters of relevance to them.
Cover design by James Butler
ISBN 0-521-31209-4
CAMBRIDGE
U N I V E R S I T Y PRESS
BP/7/92 9

4.the Iliad. A - Commentary VI. LIBRO 21-24

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PUBLISHED BY THE PRESS S Y N D I C A T E OK T H E UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE

Cambridge University Press 1993

This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception

First published 1993

Printed in the United Kingdom at the University Press, Cambridge

A catalogue recordfor this book is available from the British Library

Libraiy of Congress Cataloguing in Publication data

isbN o 521 30960 3 hardback

Volume vr. books 21-24

and to the memory of

A fr»-1I n r '-»rv-i '»i i f r \ r n l i m

General index to Volume VI 363

A fr i«-»I sstn rtft-iK^-u '-»rvi ^ i ifr/-w-f-> ! ( m

A fr• 1 n r '-»rv-i '»i i f r \ r n l i m

In the last volume of this eries cross-references are inevitably numerous,

A fr• 1 n r '-»rv-i '»i i f r \ r n l i m

sabbatical leave granted by my College between 1985 and 1991. At all

Merton College, Oxford N. J. R.

A fr• 1 n r '-»rv-i '»i i f r \ » - n l i m

Alexiou, Ritu I Lam ni M. Alexiou, The Ritual Lament in Greek Tradition

Crouwel, Chariots J. H. Crouwel, Chariots and Other M ans of Trans-

Heu beck, Od. Alfred Heubeck and Arie Hoekstra, A Commentary on

LSJ H. Liddell, R. Scott and H. S. Jones, A Gr ek-English Lexicon (9th

Ruijgh, T£ piqu C. J. Ruijgh, Autour de 'TI pique*: études mr la syntaxe

West, Greek Metre M. L. West, Greek Metre (Oxford 1982)

AJA A eri an Jo lof Archa ology

I /-»frrs • /-» L / \ h #-* k<> • JS I-M »•/• "H IM -»I • rv^

| marks the beginning or end of a verse. The abbreviation '(etc.)* after a

i* Structure and themes

Ut pictura poesis: erit quac si propius stes

Das Organische ist schwcr begreifbar.

A of 1 1 r-w- '»i ifnrr I im

approach was J. T. Sheppard, whose (now unfashionable) Pattern of the Iliad

a significant and valuable way of articulating the poem, drawing attention

A ofr/->»-1 I r\»- -mti '»I i f n r r I i m

A o fr /-> »-1 /-» I r\»- -mti 'ÎI i f n r r I irvi

considered, as well as in the course of 22 itself, where rescue is proposed but

be explained as due to the general thematic resemblances of the two epi-

A ofr/->»-1 I r\»- -mti 'ÎI i f n r r I i m

lt Cf. or example Gordcsiani, Kriterien drr Sckrifllkkkeit 32-3, 44-6.

deception of Zeus, until Hektor is eventually knocked out by Telamonian

ofinternal unit*) and on 14.1-152, 15.263-404.

blocks of scenes of contrasting character, just as he constantly maintains

Any ttempt to categori e such themes 1 bound to be somewhat arbitrary

Bremer, HBOP 47-60

beginning from the quarrel of Agamemnon and Akhilleus (1.6-7), tracing

restitution, reconciliation and atonement: all of these are ethical issues

Ao l A f i n l rsh rM-tirii-M r \ r ~\rv"i 1 1 ifr/-\ -»I i m

Aof/M-inl rsh rM-tirii-M r \ r ~\rv"i 1 1 ifr/-\ -»I i m

suppliants) to hear the prayers of Priam (cf. Thornton, Supplication 135-6,

(i) Book division

(il) The end of the Ilimd in relation to tke Odymmmy

A ofr/->»-1 1 r\»- -mti -»I im

(24.80-2, Od. 5.51-4); and Hermes1 journey at 24.331-48 is echoed closely

B of m l r \ »*i • i-M »-r KVI >M -»I • w^

is a range of possible explanations, as always in such cases of epic parallels.

(i) From Homer to Aristotle* *

w Cf vol. iv, pp. 30-1.

clothing their philosophical wisdom in a popular dress (PI. Prot. 316D-E,

For detail* «ec PCPS »01 (1975) 68-70.

Apology (28c) Socrates defends himself from the charge of deliberately

** Cf. Richardson, CQ, 31 (1981) 1 -10.