Linguistic Journal

%;um^
f^^ .«
>-**! --^^s
llL^«fl.
;5l^ THE GRAMMATICAL

STRUCTURES OF
ENGLISH AND SPANISH
m
h^
CONTRASTIVE STRUCTURE SERIES
'*i'
Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2012
http://archive.org/details/grammaticalstrucOOstoc
THE GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURES
OF ENGLISH AND SPANISH
<^/-5;l .j^^
L
Charles A. Ferguson
General Editor
THE GRAMMATICAL
STRUCTURES OF
ENGLISH
AND
SPANISH
Robert P. Stockwell
J. Donald Bowen
John W. Martin
^3- THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS

ÎK CHICAGO AND LONDON
d
This work was developed pursuant to a confrocf befween
fhe United States Office of Education and the Center for Applied Linguistics
of the Modern Language Association, and is published with permission
of the United States Office of Education.
International Standard Book Number: 0-226-77504-6

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 65-18339
The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 60637

The University of Chicago Press, Ltd., London
© 1 965 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved
Published 1965. Sixth Impression 1973

Printed in the United States of America
GENERAL INTRODUCTION
TO THE SERIES
This study is part of a series of contrastive structure studies which describe

the similarities and differences between English and each of the five foreign languages
most commonly taught in the United States: French, German, Italian, Russian, and Span-
ish. Each of the five languages is represented by two volumes in the series, one on the
sound systems and the other on the grammatical systems of English and the language in
question. The volumes on sounds make some claim to completeness within the limits ap-
propriate to these studies; the volumes on grammar, however, treat only selected topics,
since complete coverage would be beyond the scope of the series. The studies are intend-
ed to make available for the language teacher, textbook writer, or other interested reader
a body of information which descriptive linguists have derived from their contrastive anal-
yses of English and the other languages.
The Center for Applied Linguistics, in undertaking this series of studies, has
acted on the conviction held by many linguists and specialists in language teaching that one
of the major problems in the learning of a second language is the interference caused by
the structural differences between the native language of the learner and the second lan-
guage. A natural consequence of this conviction is the belief that a careful contrastive
analysis of the two languages offers an excellent basis for the preparation of instruction-
al materials, the planning of courses, and the development of actual classroom techniques.
The project got under way in the summer of 1959. The primary responsibility
for the various parts of the project fell to specialists of demonstrated competence in lin-
guistics having a strong interest in the application of linguistics to practical problems of
language teaching. Wherever possible, a recognized senior scholar specializing in the for-
eign language was selected either as a consultant or as an author.
Since it did not seem likely that the users of the series would generally read
all five studies, considerable duplication was permitted in the material presented. Also,
although a general framework was suggested for the studies and some attempt was made
to achieve a uniformity of procedure by consultation among those working on the project,
each team was given free rein to follow its own approach. As a result, the parts of the
series vary in style, terminology, notation, and in the relative emphasis given to differ-
ent aspects of the analysis.
Some differences in these studies are also due to the wide range of variation
in American English, especially in the pronunciation of vowels. No special consideration
was given to English spoken outside America since the studies were primarily intended
[
vi / GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURES OF ENGLISH AND SPANISH
for language teachers and textbook writers in this country. There are also differences in
the studies which depend on the structure of each of the foreign languages under compari-
son. Thus, if German it may merit little
a fact of English agrees well with a feature of
mention, if any, in an English-German contrastive study, but if the same fact differs in a
complicated and highly significant way from a corresponding feature of Spanish, it may re-
quire elaborate treatment in an English-Spanish study.
In the course of the project several by-products were produced, two of which
are worth noting as of possible interest to readers of volumes in this series. One, Linguis-
tic Reading Lists for Teachers of Modern Languages (Washington, D.C., 1962) was com-
piled chiefly by linguists working on the project and contains a carefully selected and anno-
tated list of works which linguists would recommend to the teacher of French, German,
Italian, Russian, or Spanish. The other, W. W. Gage's Contrastive Studies in Linguistics
(Washington, D.C., 1961) consists of an unannotated listing of all contrastive studies which
had come to the attention of the Center by the summer of 1961.
Although the value of contrastive analysis has been recognized for some time,
relatively few substantial studies have been published. In a sense then this series repre-
sents a pioneering venture in the field of applied linguistics and, as with all such ventures,
some of the material may eventually turn out to be of little value and some of the methods
used may turn out to be inadequate. The authors and editor are fully convinced of the value
of the studies, however, and hope that the series will represent an important step in the
application of linguistic procedures to language problems. They are also agreed in their
expectation that, while in another ten years this series may seem primitive and unsatis-
factory, the principles of contrastive analysis will be more widely recognized and appre-
ciated.
Charles A. Ferguson
Director, Center for Applied Linguistics
PREFACE
In this book, we have tried to speak of the grammatical structures of two lan-
guages in a way that could reasonably be expected to be understood by non-linguists who
bring motivation, intelligence, and time— but no considerable amount of training in linguis-
tics as such— to the task. The enormous complexity of linguistic behavior is surprising in
view of the fact that so high a percentage of it is readily mastered by young children. Yet
only a small fraction of the complexity has been adequately described by generations of
scholars. Most persons, including many language specialists, take the structure of lan-
guage for granted, like the air we breathe. How anyone learns his native language is still
largely mysterious. Why almost no one learns a second language with native -like control
after maturity is hardly less mysterious. With so little known about the process of learn-
ing, beyond the simplest sort of conditioned responses, how anyone can go on advocating
the advantages of this method of learning or that one is in itself no small mystery.
This study is not devoted to methods of teaching, nor to methods of learning.
It is devoted, rather, to one of the few kinds of problems in the process of learning that
can be studied with hope of some small measure of success at this date: the nature of the
conflicts between the structure of a language which has already been learned and the struc-
ture of one which is still to be learned. The first of these is English, the native language
of students of Spanish in the American school system. The second, of course, is Spanish,
one of the other half-dozen leading world languages. Our view of the nature of this conflict
has already been developed in the companion volume, THE SOUNDS OF ENGLISH AND
SPANISH— there is no need to repeat it here. But we would like to emphasize the fact that
the relatively complete survey of phonological differences presented in the other volume
cannot be duplicated in the area of grammar and lexicon: although the grammatical sys-
tem is, like the phonological system, finite, its limits are not within the reach of a single
volume. Perhaps the most competent American scholar ever to set down his views on the
Spanish grammatical system, Marathon Montrose Ramsey, dealt almost entirely with Span-
ish (but necessarily from the point of view of the respects in which it differed from Eng-
lish, since he was writing for an English-speaking audience); he did not systematically and
we are obligated
explicitly highlight the structure of each language. In a contrastive study,
to make more of English, but we should wish not to make less of Spanish. Obviously, what-
ever we might wish, a volume of this size does in fact make less of Spanish— much less.
At all those points of Spanish grammar where we pass silently by, we hope that we have
not neglected them by oversight but rather in the conviction that other matters were more
important or revealing in the contrastive frame of reference.
For whatever is useful in this volume, we have many persons to thank. To our
vii
viii / GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURES OF ENGLISH AND SPANISH
own professors and professional associates over the years — Dwight Bolinger, William E.
Bull, Noam Chomsky, Ernest Haden, James Harris, A. A. Hill, C. F. Hockett, Martin Joos,
William Matthews, Hugo Montero, Stanley Newman, Clifford Prator, Guillermo Segreda,
Ismael Silva-Fuenzalida, H. L. Smith, Mary P. Thompson, G. L. Trager, Sol Saporta, and
many others; to Charles A. Ferguson, the editor of this series, and to his staff, especially
William Gage and William A. Stewart; to the staff of the Language Division of the Finan-
cial Aid Branch of the Office of Education; to the University of California, Los Angeles,
and the Philippine Center for Language Study, where most of the actual writing was car-
ried on; to our wives, two of whom dealt with the problems of unmanned homes while we
wrote, and one of whom put up with the three of us during the same period— to all these,
and to the others who go unmentioned from no deliberate oversight but only because they
are so many, we gratefully acknowledge our indebtedness. For the errors and omissions,
we have no one to thank but ourselves, although we would happily have it otherwise.
For certain aspects of our work, we wish to make the following specific ac-
knowledgments of debts that are recent enough to be distinguishable from all the rest that
we owe to the whole tradition of linguistic scholarship. We have borrowed examples here
and there from Ramsey-Spaulding (1956), from Bolinger et al . (1960), from Thompson et al .
(1962-63), and from FSI Spanish (1956). The extent of this piracy is perhaps not so great in
view of the fact that we were among the multiple authors of all except, of course, the first
of these sources. All our examples have been authenticated by consultation with educated
native speakers. Our theory of linguistic structure is essentially that of Noam A. Chom-
sky. He has not had an opportunity to review our particular presentation of it or the for-
mulation of details with which we have taken extensive liberties for purposes of clarity in
addressing an audience that need have no deep interest in the technical aspects of linguis-
tic theory. Morris Halle, Robert B. Lees, and Paul Postal have contributed substantially
to such understanding as we have of transformational theory. Our discussion of the verb
auxiliaries owes much to W. F. Twaddell (1960-63) and to William E. Bull (1960). For a
variety of details in the analysis of Spanish, we are indebted to Bull's Visual Grammar of
Spanish (1961), a project in which R. P. S. participated as a member of the generating com-
mittee that devised the contrasts which were subsequently dramatized on posters. With the
work of Bull and Twaddell, as with Chomsky's, we have taken such liberties as we felt
were desirable.
Throughout the volume we have cited "typical errors." The vast majority of
these were caught on the fly, so to speak, by J. D. B. when students at the Foreign Service
Institute either engaged in free conversation or delivered extemporaneous anecdotes and
monologues. There are many teachers of Spanish who may say, "Oh, but my students don't
make simple errors like those." In formal classroom drill, or in prepared conversational
material, our students don't either. But it is surprising the extent to which such errors
creep back into the student's speech when he is using the language casually and not on
good behavior. And, after all, the ability to handle the language correctly even when being
casual is part of what we seek.
As nearly as we can reconstruct it, the primary responsibility for the various
chapters, at least in their first drafts, was the following:
PREFACE / ix
R. P. S.: Chapters 1, 2, 8, 9, 11
J. D. B.: Chapters 3, 4, 5, second half of 7, Appendix

W. M.: Chapter 10
J.
R. P. S. and J.W. M.: Chapter 6, first half of 7

R. P. S., with help from J. D. B. and J. W. M., has been responsible for going throxigh the
whole manuscript to introduce somewhat more consistency and somewhat less redvindancy
than resulted from the original separation of labor. There was at all times considerable
interchange of views among the three of us. The time and circumstances of our collabora-
tion, through no one' s fault in particular, were nevertheless far from ideal. For instance,
there was not even the beginning of a transformational grammar of Spanish when we start-
ed (there is only a bare beginning now), and only an outline of such a grammar for English
(there is much more now). We believed when we started— and we still do— that the explicit-
ness of such a grammar ought to provide a sounder basis for contrastive study than other
theories, but it would doubtless be more profitable to make such a study after such gram-
mars are in existence. We were constantly faced with questions about both Spanish and
English which, when formulated in the explicit terms of such grammars, we could not an-
swer. In some instances, we have provided ad hoc answers that are suggestive, but none
of our formulations are better than tentative. Perhaps one of the values of this work for
teachers will emerge from the recognition that so much is still to be learned about the
rules of sentence formation in the two languages— the recognition that neither Spanish
grammar nor English grammar is an accomplished fact, a set body of knowledge to be
doled out in proper proportions. On the contrary, the formulation of such grammars and
such comparative studies, in the kinds of explicit terms we consider desirable, is only
in its infancy. No one can contribute to its development more readily than the linguisti-
cally sophisticated classroom teacher, exposed to the errors of students every day and
in a position to make new, often surprising and revealing, observations about the under-
lying rules that are in conflict between the two languages.
R.P.S.
J.D.B.
University of California J.W.M.
Los Angeles
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1 INTRODUCTION TO GRAMMATICAL ANALYSIS 1
2 BASIC SENTENCE PATTERNS 18
3 WORD CLASSES AND MORPHOLOGICAL CHARACTERISTICS 41
4 THE NOUN PHRASE AND ITS CONSTITUENTS 64
5 VERB FORMS 105
6 THE AUXILIARY CONSTITUENTS OF THE VERB PHRASE 132
7 OTHER CONSTITUENTS OF THE VERB PHRASE 166
8 SIMPLE SENTENCE TRANSFORMATIONS 218
9 COMPLEX AND COMPOUND SENTENCE TRANSFORMATIONS 243
10 LEXICAL DIFFERENCES 265
11 HIERARCHY OF DIFFICULTY 282
APPENDIX: PEDAGOGY 292
REFERENCES 310
ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS 313
INDEX 317
XI
A
INTRODUCTION TO
GRAMMATICAL
ANALYSIS
In the companion volume to this study, THE SOUNDS OF ENGLISH AND SPAN-
ISH, we examined the principal differences between the sound systems of Spanish and Eng-
lish. In this volume, we will examine the principal differences between the grammatical
systems of the two languages.
Any survey of grammatical differences is likely to be more fragmentary than
a survey of phonological differences: the phonological system is a tightly closed, relatively
small, finite system. The grammatical system, on the other hand, is much larger and less
manageable. It is not in fact known just how many classes and subclasses of words are
needed to describe the syntax of any natural language, but even simple grammars require
several hundred; and the rules which combine members of such classes into well-formed
sentences make up a very large set indeed.
To compare the grammatical structures of Spanish and English, we need to
decide what we shall mean by the word "grammar." It has been used to designate a wide
variety of distinct kinds of descriptive studies. The following are the various kinds from
which we shall draw in making our comparison, although more from some than from others.
1. Grammar is a set of rules to discriminate between educated usage and all

other varieties of usage .
Thus used, grammar means a set of prescriptions about norms of usage.

Foreign language teaching should of course impart correct usage. In this sense
all grammar for the language learner is prescriptive, and any model of grammatical struc-
ture can be used as the basis for prescriptive statements. But USAGE GRAMMAR, in the
narrow sense defined above (the one in which it is generally understood), is meaningful
only when the student already knows the language fairly well— that is, when he has already
mastered the habitual patterns of sentence formation, and needs only small refinements
to make his habits conform to those of the prestige members of the community. No begin-
ning student of Spanish is in this fortunate situation, and few relatively advanced students
are.
There is, however, another sense of the term "usage" which imposes a heavy
burden on any pedagogically oriented grammatical study. A theoretical grammar of any
2 / GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURES OF ENGLISH AND SPANISH
type may legitimately be confined to the description of what constitutes a well-formed sen-
tence in a particular language. It must say what a grammatical sentence is, but not neces-
sarily how it is used: in what situations it is appropriate, what its range of synonyms and
paraphrases is, and the like. The description of usage, in this broader sense, is not the
content of a grammatical study but of something much larger and less well understood.
Linguists, having made considerable inroads into describing what a well-formed sentence
is, are barely beginning to formulate methods of describing usage in this broader sense
of the term. Guidance in usage is essential to the language student, but at this date it must
still be provided informally by example and observation — it is distinct from grammatical
description as such. We shall nonetheless have certain observations to make about usage,
in particular wherever there are two structures — one English, one Spanish— that are gram-
matically equivalent but distinct from each other in respect to the situations in which they
are used.
2. Grammar is a classification of the signals which differentiate one sentence

from another .
This is sometimes called SIGNALS GRAMMAR, FORMA LISTIC GRAMMAR

(Stockwell, 1963), or TAXONOMIC GRAMMAR (Chomsky, 1964). It consists of a descrip-
tion of those surface respects in which one sentence differs from another and of a classi-
fication of those differences. Some of the grammatical signals of English and Spanish are
the following:
(1) Word Order .
The experiment made the alchemist mad.

vs.
The mad alchemist made the experiment.
He drank the chocolate milk.

vs.
He drank the milk chocolate.
Each pair of these sentences has exactly the same words in it (but it may be
argued that milk chocolate is a different lexical unit from chocolate milk ). The difference
in the order of the words signals the difference in meaning. Spanish also has pairs of sen-
tences where a difference of meaning is signaled solely by a difference in word order.
Tengo algo que hacer. I have something to do.

vs.
Tengo que hacer algo. I have to do something.
La bonita hija de Don Juan es Don Juan's pretty daughter is a
amiga mia. friend of mine.
vs.
La hija bonita de Don Juan es Don Juan' s pretty daughter is a
amiga mia. friend of mine.
(La hiia bonita implies that Don Juan has other daughters who are not pretty;
La bonita hija makes no such implication.)
INTRODUCTION TO GRAMMATICAL ANALYSIS / 3
(2) Intonation . There are three principal signals given by intonation: (a) it
joins phrases together into a single unit; (b) it disjoins phrases which are not a single
unit; and marks certain sentence types, such as the interrogative. For these three
(c) it
functions we may cite examples from both languages, marked as in the companion volume
to this study.
2 4 2 2 3 1
(a) The natives' r6ady-to-wâr cldthinglcame to the mission!
(b)
2422
The
322
natives' trdady-to-w€ar cldthinglcame to the missionl
31
2 3 2 2 3 3
(c) The natives' ready-to-wear cldthinglcame to the mission I
2 11
(a) iQu^ esta haci^ndo Maria?*
2 1 1 1 11
(b) lQu6 esta haci^ndol Maria?*
2 33
(c) iQue esta haci^ndo Maria ? +
(3) Function words . Each word of a sentence probably has a specifiable func-
This function is in some instances more semantic than grammatical, and in others
tion.
more grammatical than semantic. It has become customary to employ the term FUNC-
TION WORD to denote the latter. Thus, if we convert
They know.
to
They do not know.

not is seen to add a semantic element to the sentence: that of negation. Do on
, the other
hand, does not add such a semantic element. Its grammatical function is to signal present
tense as opposed to past tense (They did not know ). In Spanish, a, as in
Comenzaron a comprender.
apparently has no semantic function. It simply serves the grammar of the language, which
requires that no infinitive appear immediately after any form of comenzar .
(4) Affixation . This is a process by which word elements (PREFIXES, SUF-

FIXES) are attached to a lexical unit either to signal some syntactic function (the Is of
boy's , in the boy's name , signals possession) or to enable a word to function in a different
class of words (able , an adjective, plus -ity produces the noun ability in Spanish, capaz ; ,
an adjective, plus -idad produces the noun capacidad ).

In general, signals grammar tells little or nothing about the way in which sen-
tences are formed. It is grammar conceived largely from the hearer's point of view, and
as such it can be useful in the teaching of rapid, accurate comprehension. A more essen-
tial problem of the language classroom, however, is to teach students how to form sen-
tences: indeed, to teach them within a reasonable time how to form sentences that are dif-
ferent in content from any they have ever heard before— in other words, to behave in this
respect as native speakers do. We must therefore find a kind of grammar which will in
some measure characterize the grammatical knowledge of the native speaker: the regu-
larities to which he conforms or from which he knowingly deviates in the formation of sen-
tences.
3. Grammar is a finite number of sentence patterns, each pattern containing

one or more slots within which a corresponding class of lexical units may replace one
another .
This kind of grammar is sometimes called SLOT-AND-SUBSTITUTION gram-

mar. It is exemplified in Hornby (1948, 1954) and in Fries (1952). Fundamentally, it con-
sists of a list of abstract patterns, like
Determiner + Noun + Verb^.^^^^^g.^.^^) + Adverb^p^g^^^^j^^^j
This is the pattern of, for example: That horse runs fast . Along with the patterns, there
must be a lexicon that specifies which words belong to each class designated in any of
the patterns (that is, for example, which words are Verb /. .... w which are Ad^
verb / , . ,w and so on). Depending on the degree of precision employed in the formu-
lation of the abstract patterns, notes in the lexicon may be needed as to which patterns a
word may participate in (if Adverb without further qualification were used as the designa-
tion in the example given above, then never, an adverb not fitting this pattern, would re-
quire a notation to that effect in the lexicon).
There is a great deal to be said for this kind of grammar, and it is the type
chosen for the presentation of the basic sentence structures of Spanish and English in
Chapter 2. It has several disadvantages, too: it does not reveal relationships of parts of
sentences; it does not show how one kind of sentence may be related to another; and it is
not extensible (i.e., it cannot account for longer and longer sentences except by adding
longer and longer formulas to the list of abstract patterns).
Analyses based on sentence patterns can be particularly misleading about
underlying structures. For example, the following sentences all fit our sample abstract
pattern.
(a) This poet reads well.

(b) This horse runs well.
(c) This dress irons well.
The three would seem, then, to have the same structure; but in fact (a) is ambiguous, hav-
ing two possible underlying structures— one corresponding to that of (b), and the other
corresponding to that of (c)— whereas (b) and (c) have imderlying structures which are not
the same. Sentence (a) might express either the speaker's impression as he hears the sub-
ject read or his impression as he reads what the subject has written. In the former instance,
sentence (a) is parallel to sentence (b); in the latter, it is parallel to sentence (c). Sentence
(b), of course, differs from sentence (c) in that the verb refers to something done by the
subject, whereas the verb of sentence (c) refers to something done to the subject. (Note the
difference if we substitute woman for dress.)
A recent version of slot-and- substitution grammar— called tagmemics— has

been applied by Pike (1954, 1955) and his followers to many languages. Tagmemics
attempts to remedy some of the defects of slot-and- substitution grammar as outlined
above, but little tagmemic work has been done on English and Spanish. (In this volume, no
use will be made of the tagmemic approach and its special techniques and terminology.)
In spite of its limitations, slot- and- substitution grammar is an extremely con-
venient device for summarizing the principal sentence types and for comparing the types
that are characteristic of English and Spanish.
4. Grammar is a description of the probability relationships between lexical

units in sequence .
This kind of grammar, which may take the form of a FINITE-STATE GRAM-
MAR, starts from the assumption that whereas all sequences of lexical units can be con-
sidered as possible, they are not all equally probable. Some sequences have a probability
of zero and some of 100 per cent, with all levels between. For example, the word arrow
has a probability of close to zero in the sequence I think I'll ,
but of close to 100 per
cent in the sequence I think I' 11 shoot my bow and It has been shown (Hockett, 1955)
that such probabilities can be worked out in sufficient detail to be programed on a com-
puter to produce a sizable number of grammatical English sentences. It has also been
shown (Hockett, 1961) that a similar probability model can be used to explain some fea-
tures about the way in which sentences are understood by speakers of a language. But the
pedagogical applications of such computations of probabilities are limited. In the class-
room, we are more interested in such obligatory matters as agreement of subject and
verb (100 per cent probability) than in determining the probabilities of such optional mat-
ters as the choice of mesa or silla in such a sentence as El libro esta en la mesa (silla) .
The deficiencies of finite state and probability grammar on other grounds have been dis-
cussed by Chomsky (1957a, b).
5. Grammar is a description of the degrees of closeness— or clustering— of

lexical units in sequence .
A clear and effective presentation of this approach to grammatical analysis

is to be found in Gleason (1961). It is called IMMEDIATE CONSTITUENT ANALYSIS or
PHRASE STRUCTURE GRAMMAR. It postulates that, given any sequence of lexical units
that constitute a sentence, it is possible to determine which items are closely related to
which others and to specify the degree of relationship. Thus, given the sentence
The two boys were playing in the yard.
a phrase structure description postulates a close relationship of the two boys on the one ,
hand, and of were playing in the yard , on the other. These, then, are two IMMEDIATE
1. A "state" is used here in the sense of how things stand at a given point. In
language, an example of a state would be that, in the middle of sentence, some word has
just occurred, some other word preceded it, and so on back. A finite-state grammar is
one which makes use of only a definite— but large— number of descriptions of such states
in accounting for what the possible sentences in a language are like.
CONSTITUENTS of the sentence. Each of these, in turn, contains further immediate con-
stituents:
the two boys PAST be -ing play in the yard
Here it must be noted that the divisions that are made between parts of the sentence do
not necessarily have to be made between words in the sequence as they would be uttered.
In the second division that we made on the right-hand side above, we took some elements
out of their natural order and put them into what turns out to be a convenient constituent
order. For example, the -ing of playing is more closely associated with the forms of be
than with play , since in a simple active declarative sentence, as long as we choose a verb
to go with be, we must also choose -ing . For reasons which we will explain later, the vinit
PAST is placed before be and constitutes a separate constituent of the sentence.
Continuing with further phrase divisions on each side, we have
the two boys PAST be -ing play in the yard

1
This process is continued until each grammatical or lexical unit is in a box by itself.
Another way to show the same information about phrase structure is by a TREE.
The two boys PAST be -ing play in the yard
At each NODE of this tree we can put a label for the grammatical category of the unit
which is assembled by the branches that meet at the node; for example:
were playing
The two boys PAST be -ing play in the yard
Noun Phra se
(Subject
Full Verb Phrase (Predication)
Sentence
It is also possible to turn this tree upside down and show a step-by- step derivation of the
sentence:
Sentence
PREP NP
the two box "S PAST be -ing play in the yard
were playing
NP = Noun Phrase N Noun

VP = Full Verb Phrase Vi
- Verb Intransitive
VP^ = Verb Phrase ADV = Adverb
AUX = Auxiliary PREP = Preposition
D = Determiner TE Tense
ADJ = Adjective
We can, in fact, write extremely simple rules which can be followed, phrase
by phrase, to produce such a tree as the one above. The phrase structure rules can, in
this way, be viewed as a partial model of the rules of formation by which speakers are
restricted in constructing sentences. For instance, in order to produce the top branches
of the tree, we will need a rule which says, "Form Sentence as Noun Phrase plus Full
Verb Phrase ." In a conveniently abbreviated form, it might appear:
(1) S ->- NP + VP
By following this rule, we arrive at the top branches of the tree:
In order to get the lower branches on the left side of the tree, we need a rule like this:
(2) NP -^ D + (ADJ) + N + (-s)
This reads, "Form Noun Phrase as Determiner plus Noun , singular or plural with or
,
without an Adjective in between." We have now expanded the tree on the left side:
D N -s
or:
D ADJ N
To complete the left branches, all we need are rules to convert these abstract symbols
into real words:
(3) D -^ the, ...

(4) ADJ ^ two, ...
(5) N -*- boy, girl, game, yard, . . . apple, roof
On the right side, we must have a rule to break the full verb phrase (VP) into Auxiliary
plus a lower-order verb phrase (VP^):
(6) VP -^ AUX + VPj

This gives us the following tree, incorporating rules (3), (4), (5), and (6):
the
We may now break Auxiliary into the elements we need:
(7) AUX -^ TE (be + ing)
That is. Auxiliary is Tense, and it may also include be + ing (but NOT be without ing or
ing without be). So our tree is now this one:
two boy -s
Another rule will give Tense as Past or Present:
PAST
I
(8) TE -*-
PRES
2. Singular and plural nouns, naturally, involve different other restrictions,
as in fact do many less obvious subclasses of Noun, in ways to be discussed in Chapter 4.
This allows us to select either Past or Present takii^ the former, we have this tree:
;
be - ihg
the two boy -s PAST be - ing
All that remains to be specified is the VP, on the right-hand branch. The following rule
will begin the expansion:
(9) VP 1 V. + (ADV)
That is, one of the types of VP is VP, (we shall see other types later), and one of the
types of VPj is an Intransitive Verb Adverbs are optional

. in this type of sentence.
D ADJ N
be - ing
the two boy -s PAST be - ing
Intransitive verbs include play :
(10) V, play, run.

And Adverbs, which are of many types, include the adverbs of place that are composed of
Preposition plus Noun Phrase ;
(11) ADV *- PREP + NP

Incorporating rules (10) and (11) in the tree, we have this:
PREP NP
the two boy -s PAST be -ing play
We already have rule (2) for expanding NP, so we need only a rule about the
members of Preposition in order to complete the tree:
(12) PREP -^ in, . . .
The completed tree, then, is this:
the two boy -s PAST

To make our derivation a model of sentence formation, we now need rules to

show that PAST goes with be and -ing goes with play and other rules , to convert PAST +
be into were, and -ing + play into playing These latter rules are of a different kind, which
.
we will discuss subsequently. Assuming, for the moment, that such rules exist or can read-
ily be constructed, we have derived the sentence The two boys were playing in the yard in
a way that reveals which units are most closely related to each other, that reveals what
the abstract structure of the sentence is, and that accomplishes the derivation in an orderly
fashion. It is in fact possible to construct rules like these, in somewhat more detail, which
will allow for the derivation of countless similar sentences. That is, phrase structure rules
of this kind have in them something of the endless creative power of the native speaker of
a language. Simply by extending the lists of words in rules (3), (4), (5), (10), and (12), we
can GENERATE (i.e., derive by mechanical application of the rules in sequence without
the necessity of using our native speaker's intuition to make the choices) such sentences
as these:
The ripe apple fell on his head.

The antique bench rotted in the garage.
The lovely girls were swimming in the surf.
The jet flew over the roof.
All such sentences may be said to belong to a SENTENCE PATTERN:

NP + AUX + V. + ADV
Such a PATTERN is merely a shorthand way of writing one type of HISTORY OF DERIVA-
TION— that is, a tree like the one we drew above. This pattern, however, obviously reveals
much less than the full tree. The rules, (1), (2), (6), (7), (9), and (11), above, are PHRASE
STRUCTURE RULES or— since they show the immediate constituents— constituent structure
rules.
A phrase structure grammar is an ordered set of such rules. Rules of this gen-
eral form constitute one of the most powerful tools so far developed for linguistic descrip-
tion. They have the substantial virtue of reflecting the layers of unity that seem to exist
within a sentence. They further provide a relatively clear basis for classifying together
the lexical units that behave similarly. Any unit which turns up below the node labeled ADV
in the treecan be called an adverb, including a word like home in the sentence He went
home at one o'clock They have, on the other hand, certain serious limitations. They can-
.
not conveniently deal with such matters, for example, as inverted word order. In a simple
interrogative sentence like Is the boy going home? there is no satisfactory way of specify-
ing that the boy is to be inserted between is and going home Even. if this difficulty should
be overcome, there would still remain such problems as specifying grammatically the rela-
tionship between The boy is going home and Is the boy going home? ^
3. The question "What are the weaknesses of phrase structure rules?" can-
not be answered precisely without getting a great deal more technical than is appropriate
here about the particular form the phrase structure rules should take. In a highly con-
strained form, such as that employed by Chomsky, such rules cannot handle discontinuous
constituents, relatedness between sentences, certain types of embedded structures, and—
s
6. Grammar is a set of phrase structure rules for the derivation of simple

active declarative sentences, combined with a set of transformational rules which, when
applied to the sentences derived by the phrase structure rules, add to, subtract from, or
modify the order within them, or combine them in complex ways .
This is the view of grammar which we will use as the principal basis of our
comparison of Spanish and English grammar. With the inclusion of transformational rules,
we gain the power to show relationships between sentences, and we throw off most of the
significant limitations of the simpler grammatical models. These are strong claims. Let
us examine the extent to which they can be justified without actually entering, for the
moment, into the full complexities of detailed grammatical analysis. In this way we will
begin to clarify the concept TRANSFORMATION.

Suppose we derive, by the rules listed above, a sentence like this:
The + boy + PRES + be + -ing + go + home .
s
,
/^ ,
'
is going
This sentence has the following abstract structure, or pattern:
The + boy , PRES + be, -ing + go + home .
NP, TE + be, -ing + V. + ADV

'
,
' V
,
^
1 2 3
Ifwe place commas as indicated, and assign numbers in sequence to the units within com-
mas, we can write a rule to manipulate the order of these elements:
Rule: 1,2,3 -^ 2,1,3
Following the rule, we get this:
PRES + be, the + boy , -ing + go + home

« '* 1 V *
, .^ ^
2 1 3
4
With further rules specifying that PRES + be -»- is, -ing + go -»- going , we have the
interrogative sentence
Is the boy going home?
most damagingly— they require multiplication of identical constraints at different points

in the rules. But in a less highly constrained form, such as that employed by Yngve (1961),
these weaknesses, or at least some of them, do not exist. However, in the less constrained
form, it is not clear that the label "phrase structure grammar" is at all appropriate, since
the label was intended to designate a grammar of certain specific properties which were
contained in existing grammatical descriptions, and which are far exceeded by Yngve'
COMIT rules. For discussion of these and related issues, see Postal (1964), Stockwell
(1963), and Harman (1964).
4. For the moment we ignore the question of intonation pattern, although it is
clear that the intonation of the interrogative is in some sense an "inversion" of the declar-
ative—that is, rising vs. falling.
The rule which first specifies the pattern of all sentences to which the inversion can be
applied, and then specifies the details of the inversion, is a TRANSFORMATIONAL RULE,
of a single particular type. With this rule, we can now make a useful and revealing asser-
tion about the sentence. Is the boy going home? — namely, that it consists of the simple
declarative sentence The boy is going home which, is sometimes called a KERNEL SEN-
TENCE, plus the interrogative transformation. This is precisely the type of assertion we
had no basis for making earlier when we found that Is the boy going home? could not be
neatly analyzed by phrase structure rules.
A system of grammatical analysis which can indicate the formal relationships
between sentences— by showing how one sentence or sentence partial may be derived
mechanically from another— is a powerful tool for understanding the grammatical habits
of the two languages we are comparing here. For example, we learn from this system that
all English questions which can be answered with either yes or no (hereafter called yes-
no questions) have in common a single trait; that the element tense is the first constituent:

Did the boy go home ?
Has the boy gone home?
May (will, must, can) the boy go home ?
Have you the time?
Do you have the time?
In each of these, the tense of the question is established in the first word, and the constit-
uents of the first word of each of the foregoing are these:
PRES + be (->- is)

PAST (separated from the verb •*- did)
PRES + have ( -*- has)

PRES + may (will , must can (-- may
, ) , will , must can )
,
PRES + have (-»- have)

PRES (separated from the verb * do)
The mechanism whereby an English declarative statement is converted to a

yes-no question is, whereby tense is made the first element of the
then, principally one
sentence; if the sentence contains the verb be or a modal (may will must can ) or have , , ,
plus a past participle, be or the modal or have becomes the second element of the question.
Now, when we look at the mechanism of Spanish grammar which converts
declarative sentences into yes-no questions, we see that it is quite different, not only
from English, but also from the way in which it is often described in beginning textbooks
of Spanish, wherein word order is considered to be a factor. Word order is not neces-
sarily involved in the difference between declarative sentences and questions in Spanish;
only a change of the intonation pattern must differentiate these two types of sentences. In
the writing system, this difference of intonation is indicated roughly by question marks.
5. In fact, the full history of derivation (the bracketed, labeled string) must
be available to the transformational rule.
Consider:
2 2 11
Juan vino contigol
2 2 11
Vino Juan contigol
With the intonation marked thus, these sentences are declarative. Retaining the same
word order, but changing the intonation pattern, both sentences become yes-no questions:
2 2 2 2
Juan vino contigof
2 2 2 2
Vino Juan contigot
The familiar error of beginning Spanish students whereby they attempt to use hacer in
forming questions of this sort ((^ Hace Juan trabaja ?, for example) and the avoidance of
subject-first word order in yes-no questions are the result of interference from the Eng-
lish system of grammatical rules.
Several kernel sentences— the simple active declarative type derived by phrase
structure rules— can be combined by a series of transformations (which can be rigorously
specified) to form a single complex sentence. For example:
He imagined that he heard a girl persuading a friend to take a course

in Spanish.
It is possible to maintain that this complex sentence has several simple sentences under-
lying it:
He imagined it. He imagined

He heard it. that he heard
A girl persuaded a friend. a girl persuading a friend
A friend takes a course. to take a course
The course is in Spanish. in Spanish.
A MODEL or THEORY of a language may be constructed by establishing a set

of phrase structure rules for the formation of kernel sentences, plus a set of transforma-
tional rules to combine the kernel sentences into the various other, more complex sen-
tences exhibited by the language. In addition, we need a set of PHONETIC RULES to con-
vert into pronounceable sequences all such strings as the two boys PAST be -ing play
(-»- The two boys were playing ). This new requirement is most clearly evident for ele-
ments in forms such as PAST which do not immediately suggest their pronunciations.
In order to understand this view of grammar, we must refer to the matter of
OPTIONAL OBLIGATORY choices (introduced in the discussion of pronunciation in

and
the companion volume, THE SOUNDS OF ENGLISH AND SPANISH). Speaking a language
may be viewed as picking one's way through a series of alternatives, the choice of one
alternative requiring simultaneously the rejection of other alternatives in that class.
Sometimes when a choice is made, it carries with it one or more OBLIGATORY CONSE-
QUENCES. The MEANING of a sentence may be characterized in terms of the optional
choices that are made in generating the sentence and the order in which they are made.
The obligatory consequences carry no meaning in themselves; they allow no alternatives,
and therefore no contrasts.
Let us illustrate these concepts by returning for a moment to our sentence:
We have already seen in some detail the kinds of steps that are involved in selecting the
sequence
The boy is going home.
We recognize that at certain points we had an enormously wide range of alternatives: for
boy we might have selected almost any noun in the language, for go almost any intransitive
verb that permits an adverb of place after it, and so on. But for tense we had only two
,
alternatives, past or present . (English has no future tense, although it has a form— will —
which has the lexical meaning "futurity.") We did not have to select be (the sentence would
then have been, "The boy goes home"); but if we did select we had the form -ing as an
it,
obligatory consequence (we cannot say, "The boy is go home"). The meaning of the sen-
tence. Is the boy going home , is the sum of these choices:
(1) the
(2) box
(3) PRESENT
(4) be + -ing
(5) go
(6) home
These are the constituents of the kernel sentence. To them, we add one more: the choice
of INTERROGATIVE. The single choice of interrogative has obligatory consequences: it
requires inversion of subject and auxiliary according to a specifiable pattern.

To deal with the choices of a language' s grammar is to deal both with the
meaning of the sentences that result from an ordered sequence of choices and with the
restrictions which the grammar imposes on the lexical units of the language. If there
were some convenient way to assemble all the optional choices of Spanish, along with the
restrictions upon them and the consequences of them, alongside all the optional choices
of English and their restrictions and consequences, comparison of the two would be a rela-
tively simple matter of matching the one set against the other. It happens, however, that a
complete list of the choices of both languages is nearly impossible to achieve at this date
in the development of linguistic studies. We must content oxir selves with a fragmentary
list, in which we try to include the most PRODUCTIVE features of choice: those which are
made over and over again in day-to-day communication, those which are recurrent in
indefinitely large numbers of typical sentences. To almost any generalization on this kind
of reduced basis, exceptions can be found and are to be expected.
Our comparison of Spanish and English is organized in the following way:
We begin, in Chapter 2, with the typical sentence patterns of the two languages.
These constitute an overview of the frequent kinds of construction and word order that are
to be encountered in sentences containing only a single FINITE VERB (a verb which is
grammatically marked for TENSE). The criterion specifying that only patterns with one
finite verb be included is convenient rather than systematic: it does not limit the list to
kernel sentences, nor does it carry us far into complex sentence -building transformations;
it merely provides a convenient limit to the number of patterns which must be included.
From there we turn back, in Chapter 3, to the bottom level of grammatical
structure: a survey of the categories of word formation that typify the MORPHOLOGY of
each language— the kinds of affixes they utilize and the various grammatical functions
these involve. The classes we have established in order to differentiate the various sen-
tence patterns are here examined from a different point of view— from that of the make-
up of the words that enter into each class.
In Chapter 4, we turn to the structure of NOUN PHRASES in the two languages:
what their constituents are, what classes of words may replace them, what categories are
optional or obligatory in them, and the principal fvinctions that they serve within the struc-
ture of sentences.
In Chapters 5, 6, and 7, we move from noun phrases to VERB PHRASES: first
their forms, then the auxiliary, then the remainder of the verb phrase. The enormous
complexity of verb phrases in both languages requires extensive discussion in order to
get at the differences between the two languages. Verb phrases are of many more classes
than noun phrases, just as verbal forms are more numerous than nominal forms.
In Chapter 8, the common transformations
we discuss of the type to which the
interrogative belongs: the ONE-STRING transformations that take a single sentence type
and convert it into a different sentence type by inversion, deletion, or other simple modi-
fications.
In 9, we examine the transformational rules that are the most produc-
Chapter
tive rules of a grammar: those which combine two sentences into a single more complex
one. We cannot by any means list all these, but we can suggest the kinds that are highly
productive in the two languages.
Chapter 10 contains an introduction to the most extensive area of comparison
between any two languages— the lexicon. Here, no more than a survey of the types of prob-
lems which exist can be made.
Chapter 11 inventories the principal differences described throughout the book
and attempts to align them by the degree of difficulty they cause the beginning student, in
order to suggest the varying degrees of emphasis and drill needed on each point.
A pedagogical appendix attempts to share some of the experience linguists
have had in teaching Spanish. There are, finally, a list of references, a list of abbrevia-
tions, and an index.
BASIC SENTENCE
PATTERNS
Sentences may be viewed abstractly as grammatical patterns consisting of a

sequence of SLOTS, each of which is a place in the pattern at which substitutions of vari-
ous appropriate lexical units can be made. The term "lexical unit" refers not only to words,
but to parts of words, such as ^ -ed, -ing , and so on, which in appropriate circumstances
may be substituted for other parts. Viewed in this way, a sentence pattern is rather like a
dress pattern, which can be made up in a large variety of materials, colors, and so on.
Just as we may change the materials without changing the dress pattern, so we may change
the lexical units in the slots without changing the sentence pattern. Also like dress patterns,
sentence patterns can be specified at several different levels of precision— that is, with
different degrees of generality. The dress pattern may allow variation within a range of
sizes, for example, or a range of lengths, or a range of collar types— or it may be specified
to a specific design and fit. So with sentence patterns. We may, if we like, consider that
these three sentences belong to the same pattern:
(a) The train runs fast.
(b) The train never runs.

(c) The train runs occasionally.
If we do so, our specification of the pattern must ignore the complicated restrictions on
the position of different kinds of adverbs, since although we can say,
(d) The train occasionally runs,
we cannot say,
(e) The train runs never
or
(f) The train fast runs.
But if we specify the pattern of (a), (b), and (c) in the following way:
(abc) Subject Intransitive Predication
then we cannot, except by our own knowledge of what is and what is not a possible sentence,
avoid asserting that not only (d) but also (e) and (f) occur. We can avoid this consequence
by specifying two different patterns for sentences (a) and (b):
18
BASIC SENTENCE PATTERNS / 19
Intransitive
(a) Subject Adverb,
Predication
Intransitive
(b) Subject Adverbr
Predication
We then assign fast membership only in Adverb^, never only in Adverbs, and occasionally
membership in both (since, of the three adverbs, it alone occurs in both positions). We
have multiplied the number of classes and the number of patterns: we now have both Ad-
verb| and Adverbs, and pattern (a) and pattern (b).
The level of specification that we choose for sentence patterns, like that which
we choose for dress patterns, is necessarily arbitrary. We can make them general, so
that we will have fewer patterns, and long lists of words will be assigned membership in
each class that fills a slot. But if the patterns are general, we will have to rely heavily on
intuition to select the possible choices in each class— for example, if never and fast are
assigned to the same class, then only our knowledge of the differences in their behavior
allows us to select the right one in a particular pattern or to insert it at the right place
within pattern (abc) above. That is, if our dress pattern is rather general, then we must
rely more heavily on the seamstress' s native ingenuity and familiarity with dressmaking.
If we were to make the patterns less general, then we would need many more patterns and
a larger number of classes with more highly restricted membership; we could then rely
less on intuition to select the possible choices in each class, because class membership
alone would determine what items could fill the slots [as in patterns (a) and (b) above]. But
a dress pattern that is specified in great detail may be successfully followed only by a
seamstress experienced in reading and following technical specifications; with a seam-
stress whose experience has been confined to making dresses from patterns of the general
type, there are real advantages to be had in relying on ingenuity and inventiveness to fill
out gaps in specifications.

To begin our discussion of sentence patterns, then, we have chosen patterns of
the more general type, relying on the reader' s familiarity with English and Spanish to fill
in the gaps, because we wish to avoid the extreme technicality needed to symbolize patterns
of the more specific type. We will break the patterns down in considerable detail in subse-
quent chapters. In order to symbolize even these rather general patterns economically, we
must introduce a set of abbreviations for grammatical units. Many of these will be familiar,
but some will not. Each symbol is identified, as it is introduced, with a few examples. Eng-
lish patterns are presented first, in order to develop a sense of familiarity with the notion
of patterns before examining Spanish. Adverbs are in general omitted from patterns unless
they are obligatory. Where they are omitted, they are considered to float freely into vari-
ous possible positions.
(1) (2) (3)
NPiSubj VP-be NP:Pred
He is the new consul

They are schoolmates
(1) (2) (3)
NP:Subj VP-be ADJ:Pred
You are very kind

The milk was cold
(1) (2) (3)
NP:Subj VP-be ADV

She is in the living room
The party will be at five o'clock
Constituents
NP:Subj : Noun Phrase as subject, including pronouns (I, you he she, they boys,
, , ,
girls , the apple , some men , a noise , a problem , an old argument a famil- ,
iar idea , . . .).
VP-be : Verb Phrase with be as its main element (is, am, are might be could
, ,
have been , . . .)•
NPrPred Noun Phrase as predicate. Predicate is the material after the linking verb.
ADJ:Pred Adjective as predicate (good, bad indifferent alive tired , , , , . . .).
ADV Adverb, either a single word or a phrase (here there in Washington at , , ,
home , at ten , . . .).
II. a. (1) (2)
NP:Subj VP.
They never run to school

She cooked for a living
The doors close at nine
Constituents
NPrSubj : As in Pattern I.
VP, : Verb Phrase Intransitive, one which has no object in the phrase (run ,
compete , sell for a living , swim, is hurting right now. . . .).
f-
III. a. (1) (2) (3)
NPrSubj VP^ (PRT) NP:DO

I don't speak Spanish
They spanked the child
He looked up the answer
We called Mary Ellen
(1) (2) (3) (4)
NP:Subj VP^ NP:DO PRT

He looked the answer up
He looked it up
Constituents
VPt Verb Phrase Transitive, one which has an object (kill the snake , eat the
bread look up the answer examine the student,
, , . . .).
PRT : Particle, which attaches itself closely to certain verbs so that the verb
and particle together function as a unit (ug, in, out , away down,
, . . .).
VP^ + PRT Look up throw away take

, , in , leave out , . . .
NP:DO Noun Phrase as direct object. In Pattern in-a, NP:DO cannot be a pro-
noun if PRT is present.
IV. (1) (2) (3) (4)
NP:Subj VPio NP:IO NP:DO

They gave me the ball
I threw him a rope
We built him a house
They did me a favor
I asked her a question
b. (1) (2) (3) (4)
NP:Subj VPio NP:DO to + NP:IO
They gave the ball to me

I threw a rope to him
(1) (2) (3) (4)
NP:Subj VPio NP:DO for + NP:IO
We built a house for him

They did a favor for me
Constituents
NP:Subj : As in Pattern I.
VPio Verb Phrase with indirect object, one which may take two objects, indirect
and direct (give me a ball, throw me a rope, ask him a question, build them
a house, . . .).
NP:IO : The first NP after VP. in Pattern IV-a, the indirect object, but second if
a preposition is present (IV-b, IV-c).
NP:DO : The second NP after VP. in Pattern IV-a, the direct object, but first if a
preposition is present (IV-b, IV-c). NP:DO cannot be a pronoun unless the
preposition is present (we cannot say, "We gave them it"— only "We gave
it to them" or "We gave them something").
V. a. (1) (2) (3) (4)
NP:Subj V^tc NP:DO to + VPj^rComp

They asked him to go
They wanted him to go
They expected him to go
b. (1) (2) (3)
NP:Subj VPtc to + VPj^:Comp

They asked to go
They wanted to go
They tried to go
(1) (2) (3) (4)
NP:Subj VPtc NP:DO ing + VPj^:Comp

They saw him going
They imagined him going
They heard him going
(1) (2) (3)
NPrSubj VPtc ing + VP^:Comp

They imagined going
They anticipated going
They avoided going
(1) (2) (3) (4)
NP:Subj VPtc NP:DO VPj^f:Comp
They watched him go

They saw him go
They let him go
(1) (2) (3) (4)
NPrSubj VPtc NP:DO (to be) NP:Comp

They considered him (to be) a nice boy
They elected him (to be) president
They believed him (to be) a man
(1) (2) (3) (4)
Subj VPtc NP:DO (to be) ADJ:Comp

They considered him (to be) nice
They thought him (to be) intelligent
They believed him (to be) qualified
(1) (2) (3)
NP:Subj VP. to + VP .:Comp

They are going to leave
They are coming to eat
They ought to go
(1) (2) (3) (4)
VP-be + Adj
NP:Subj (for + NP) to + VPj^rComp
VP-say
It is safe (for us) to go home
The boy is too tired (for him) to do anything
The professor said (for us) to do it
Constituents
V^tc Verb Phrase Transitive with complement. In the four-slot patterns, Com-
plement is (4). In the three-slot patterns, Complement is (3).
Comp Complement, a nominalized verb phrase.
VP. As in Pattern II, but extremely limited in membership.
VP. As in Pattern III.

VP-be As in Pattern I.
VP-say Verb Phrase which requires for to introduce a complement (say , shout,
cry out , . . .).
VPnf Verb Phrase Non-finite, a Verb Phrase which is unmarked for TENSE
(go home , eat dinner at three o'clock , be president , . . .)•
NP:DO NP functioning as direct object of the finite verb and at the same time as
subject of the complement (non-finite) verb.
ADJ:Pred As in Pattern I.
VI. a. (1) (2) (3) (4)
There VP-be NPindef (ADV)
There was a ghost in the house

There will be a party tomorrow
(1) (2) (3) (4)
There VP-be NPindef to + VP .:Comp

There is a lot to do
There are many things to do
Constituents
There The "anticipatory" there, not the adverb meaning "in that place."
VP-be As in Pattern I.
NPindef Noun Phrase Indefinite (i.e., without definite article) (a boy , some milk ,
a lot two things

, . . . .).
VPjjj:Comp : As in Pattern V.
The six basic English patterns displayed above allow the framing of an almost
endless number of sentences each containing only a single finite verb. It is important to
note, however, that they are all ACTIVE DECLARATIVE SENTENCES in normal word
order: passives, negatives, interrogatives, exclamations, inversions, ellipses, and so on
are constructed from them transformationally by shifting the order of constituents, adding
elements here and there, and the like. We may now briefly review these patterns, to see
what "sentence types" they include:
NP:Pred
I. NP:Subj + VP-be + ADJ:Pred
ADV
1. In a highly restricted context, where the NP refers to a specific identifiable
person or thing, definite noun phrases may occur in this pattern: Who' s going with us ?
Well, there's the vicar the priest Also, occasionally this pattern allows verbs other
. . .
than be: There came tidings of great joy . . .

This EQUATIONAL ASSERTION pattern, in which SUBJECT

is the
and PREDICATE (the material after be) are linked equationally.

II. NP:Subi + VP.
This is the INTRANSITIVE ASSERTION pattern, in which the predi-

cation (the VP.) includes no object.
ni. NP:Subj + VPj. (Prt) + NP:DO

This is the TRANSITIVE ASSERTION pattern, in which the predica-
tion includes an object.
IV. NP:Subj + VP.Q + NP:IO + NP:DO

This is the TRANSITIVE RECEIVER ASSERTION pattern, in which
the predication includes both an object and a receiver (indirect object).
V. NPrSubj + VI>^^ + (NP:DO) + Comp

This is the COMPLEMENT ASSERTION pattern. The symbol
Comp , for COMPLEMENT, represents various kinds of nominalized verb
phrases, such as VP ., (to be +) NP, or (to be +) Adj , completing the pred-
ication.
VI. There + VP-be + NP.^^^^j + (ADV)
This INDEFINITE EQUATIONAL pattern, by which an indefinite

is the
subject ismoved to the right of the copula, where it can be more freely
modified (A man is in the other room -*- There's a man in the other room).
PATTERNS OF SPANISH
The patterns of Spanish sentences below are grouped and numbered so as to
match them as closely as possible with the English patterns above. This should not be
interpreted to mean, however, that these patterns are the most likely translation equiva-
lents of the English patterns to which they bear closest resemblance. The problems of
translation equivalence will be discussed subsequently in this chapter. The present prob-
lem is merely to see whether there are any patterns with only one finite verb that are rela-
tively similar in the two languages, and if there are, to what extent they are different even
on this abstract level.
I. (1) (2) (3)
NP:Subj VP-ser NP:Pred

El es el nuevo c6nsul
Ellas son compaiieras de escuela
(1) (2) (3)
NP:Subi VP-ser ADJ:Pred
Usted es muy amable

El hielo es frio
Ella es de Argentina
Los cohetes fueron para mi hija
c. (1) (2) (3)
NPrSubj VP-ser ADV

La fiesta es en casa de Juan
La fiesta sera a las cinco
d. (1) (2) (3)
NP:Subj VP-estar ADJ:Pred

Ella esti bonita
El agua est^ fria
Constituents3
NP:Subj Noun Phrase, including pronouns, as subject. The subject need be marked
only in the verb form (estoy estis, , . . .) (yo, §1, ella , el hombre , la
muchacha , la silla , . . .)•
VP-ser Verb Phrase containing ser as the main element.

VP-estar Verb Phrase containing estar as the main element.
NP:Pred Noun Phrase as predicate (el hombre . la muchacha , la silla , .).
ADJ:Pred Adjective as predicate (amable, frio bonita de Argentina , , , . .).
ADV Adverb (aqui , maiiana a las cinco en casa

, , , . . .).
n. (1) (2)
NPrSubj VP.
Ellos corren bien

Ella est! aqui
Constituents
VP, : Verb Phrase Intransitive, one which has no object (corren, nado bien ,
vienen mafiana, . . .).

III. a. (1) (2) (3)
NP:Subj VP^ (a) + NP:DO

Ellos quieren el agua
Los soldados mataron a los desertores
aa. (1) (2) (3)
Subj Pron, VPt

Ellos la quieren
Los soldados los mataron
El se levantd
Esa se perdio
Constituents
VPt Verb Phrase transitive, one which has an object (lo mata come
, el arroz .
traigo la maleta , . . .).
NP:DO : Noun Phrase as direct object, including a inserted before personal nouns.
Pron, : Pronoun in direct object form. Numbering, rather than functional label-
ing like DO or 10, is used with the pronoun objects because of certain
sentence restrictions discussed in Chapter 7 (me, nos, te, os, lo, los , la,
las).
IV. a. (1) (2) (3) (4)
para
NP:Subj VPt NP:DO + NP
a
El dio el libro a Juan

El hizo un traje para mf
aa. (1) (2) (3) (4) (5)
NP:Subj Prong VP, NP:DO (a + NP)
El le dio el libro (a Juan)
El me hizo un traje (ami)
aaa. (1) (2) (3) (4) (5)
Prong
NPrSubj Pron, VP^ (a + NP)
Prong
El se lo dio (a Juan)
El me lo hizo (ami)
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5)
NP:Subj Pron-^ Prong VP^ (a + NP)
El libro se le perdio (a Juan)

Su nombre se me olvid6 (a mi)
Constituents
NPrSubj As in Pattern I.
As in Pattern HI.
NP:DO The direct object, the first NP after VP^.
a + NP Adverb of interest, traditionally called an indirect object in this con-

struction.
Pron^ Pronoun form which replaces NP:DO (me nos , , te, os, lo, los , la, las ).
Pron, Pronoun form which replaces the adverb of interest (me, nos , te, os,
le, les).
Prone Only one form — se, which may replace either Pron, or Pron ^ under
specifiable conditions.
V. a. (1) (2) (3) (4)
NP:Subj V^tc NPrComp (a) + NP

Ellos eligieron presidente a Juan
Su padre consideraba un hombre a Juan
aa. (1) (2) (3) (4)
NP:Subj Pron, VPfc NPrComp

Ellos lo eligieron presidente
Su padre lo consideraba un hombre
(1) (2) (3) (4)
NP:Subj VPtc ADJ:Comp (a) + NP:DO

Ellos consideraban capacitado a Juan
Ellos creian bonita a Maria
bb. (1) (2) (3) (4)
NP:Subj Pron, VPtc ADJ:Comp

Ellos lo consideraban capacitado
Ellos la creian bonita
c. (1) (2) (3) (4)
NPrSubj VPtc (a) + NP:DO VPi-inf=Comp

Yo vi a los hombres correr
Yo observe a los hu^spedes salir a los dos
cc. (1) (2) (3) (4)
NP:Subj V^tc VP...^f:Comp (a) + NP:DO

Yo vi correr a los hombres
Yo observe salir a los huespedes
Yo 01 tronar
ccc. (1) (2) (3) (4)
NP:Subj Prorij VPtc VP...^j:Comp
Yo los vi correr
Yo los observe salir
(1) (2) (3) (4)
NP:Subj VPtc (a) + NP:DO VPt..^:Comp

Yo escuche al hombre leer el libro
Yo oi a la seiiorita leerlo
Yo vi al niiio leerselo
dd. (1) (2) (3) (4)
NP:Subi Pron^ V^tc VP^..^:Comp
Yo lo escuch^ leer
2
Yo los vi fusilar
Yo los vi fusilarla
ddd. (1) (2) (3) (4)
NP:Subj VPtc (a) + NP:DO VP.^:Comp

Yo mand^ al hombre salir
Yo permiti al nino leerlo
2. When there is only one pronoun with two transitive verbs, it may be taken
as object of the complement verb: I heard (someone) read it ordinarily translated as a
,
passive, I heard it read Similarly, I saw (someone) shoot tFem, I saw them shot Or it may
. .
be taken as subject of the complement verb, I saw them shoot .

dddd. (1) (2) (3) (4)
NP:Subj Prong V^tc VP.^:Comp

Yo le mand6 salir
Yo le permit! leerlo
(1) (2) (3) (4)
NP:Subj VPtc (a) + NP:DO VP-ndo:Comp

Yo vi a los hombres corriendo
Yo vi a los hu^spedes saliendo
Yo escuch^ al hombre leyendo el libro
Yo escuch^ al hombre ley^ndolo
ee. (1) (2) (3) (4)
NP:Subj Pron^ V^tc VP-ndo:Comp

Yo lo escuch^ corriendo
Yo los vi saliendo
Yo los vi fusilandola
(1) (2) (3)
NP:Subj VPtc VPi„f:Comp

El quiere ir
El dijo estar en casa

El debe tomar cerveza
(1) (2) (3) (4)
NP:Subj V^t/i Rel VPi^:Comp

El tiene que ir a casa
El acaba de salir
(1) (2) (3) (4)
NPrSubj VP. Rel VP.^:Comp

Yo voy a salir
El va a comprarlo
hh. (1) (2) (3)
NPrSubj VP. VP-ndo:Comp

La gente anda corriendo
El viene llorando
Constituents
P3 + 1EI : Third person nominal, an entity necessary in rules to assure verb agree-
ment where no nominal form is actually present.
VP tc Transitive verb phrase capable of being followed by a nominalized verbal

as a complement.
VPt/i Verb phrase transitive if object is NP; verb phrase intransitive if fol-
lowed by relator plus infinitive.
Pron,
Prong As in Pattern IV.
Prong J
VP-ser As in Pattern I.
NPrComp Noun phrase as complement with its verbal element (ser) deleted.
NP:DO Noun phrase as direct object (normally with a if personal noun).
VP, Intransitive verb phrase, the verb in the infinitive form.

i-inf
VPt-inf Transitive verb phrase, the verb in the infinitive form (the phrase may
Include an object, or the object may appear in front of the VP. ).
VP-ndo Verb phrase in the -ndo form (hablando, corriendo , . . .). If transitive,
the object may appear in the phrase, or in front of the VP. .
Rel Relator— preposition or que .
Comp Complement, a nominalized verb phrase.
VI. a. (1) (2) (3)
Hay NPindef (ADV)
Hay un senor afuera

Hay amigos en las montanas
(1) (2) (3)
Hay NPindef que + VP.j^
Hay mucho que hacer

Hay unos hombres que venir
(1) (2) (3)
Hay que VPinf

Hay que hacer eso
Hay que salir
Constituents
NPindef Noun phrase indefinite (un senor , mucha gente , . . .).
VPinf As in Pattern V.
ADV As in Pattern I.
Like the six basic English patterns, these six Spanish patterns allow the fram-
ing of an almost endless number of sentences each containing only a single finite verb.
Also like the English patterns, these all represent ACTIVE DECLARATIVE SENTENCES
in normal word order: passives, negatives, interrogatives, exclamations, inversions,
ellipses, and the like are constructed from them transformationally (Chapters 8 and 9).
The "sentence types" they include are the following:
I. NP-Pred
NP:Subj + VP-ser + ADJ-Pred
ADV
NP:Subj + VP-estar + AD J
These are the EQUATIONAL ASSERTION patterns like English Pat-
tern I, in which subject and predicate are linked equationally (note that
with NP or ADJ the linkage is regularly marked by AGREEMENT).
n. NP:Subj + VP.
This is the INTRANSITIVE ASSERTION pattern, like English Pattern

n, in which the predication requires no object. Note that VP-estar + ADV
is an instance of Pattern II, not of Pattern I.
m. NP:Subj + VP^ + Object
This is the TRANSITIVE ASSERTION pattern, like English Pattern

ni except that it requires the object after the VP if the object is a noun
phrase but before the VP if it is a pronoun.
IV. para
NP:Subj + VP^ + NP:DO + + NP
a
This is the TRANSITIVE RECEIVER ASSERTION pattern, like Eng-

lish Pattern IV only on the surface. The differences are elaborated below
under the "Comparison of Patterns."
V. NP:Subj + VP^^ + Comp + (NP:DO)
This is the COMPLEMENT ASSERTION pattern, like English Pat-

tern V, but more complex and different in many significant details, to be
examined below imder the comparison.
VI. Hay + NP.^^g^ + (ADV)
This is the INDEFINITE EQUATIONAL pattern, like English Pat-

tern VI except in its third variant (c), which is unmatched by any English
counterpart.
This completes our inventory of the basic patterns in English and Spanish that
contain only one finite verb. The observant reader will have noted that certain kinds of
sentences have been omitted which he might have expected to be included. Before compar-
ing the English and Spanish inventories, therefore, we pause to justify some of the unex-
pected omissions.
One pattern of high frequency omitted from both the English and Spanish lists
is the one that includes a non-finite verb functioning as an ADVERB OF PURPOSE or
CAUSE. Typical examples from English are these:
He did it to get away from home .
He built it to live in .
He demanded help to write the book .
He considered working to make a living .
Typical examples from Spanish are these.
Le escribo para felicitarla .
Llegaron a ver el patio .
Sus compaiieros fueron a ponerle flores a su tumba .
Salieron a comer .
A second class of omissions is that in which a non-finite verb form serves (as
part of a prepositional phrase) in an ADJECTIVE PHRASE. English examples:
Have a little more caution about speaking your mind so freely .
The test to be administered is not difficult.

The tendency to do nothing at all is a strong one.
Spanish examples:
Tenga la bondad de sentarse .
No tengo ganas de ver a nadie .
A third class of omissions is that in which a non-finite verb form is nominal-

ized as subject of the verb. English examples:
Flying planes is not a hobby of mine.

To work for a boss like that is the same as slavery.
To behave decently is quite a challenge to that child.
Spanish examples:
EI hacer tales cosas no me gusta.

No me gusta hacer tales cosas .
El hacerse bonita es un cosa a la cual le da mucha atencion esa mujer.

El estar en tal lugar me parece muy aburrido.
Es necesario hacer eso .
Fue importante comer algo .
All these three classes of omissions are clearly instances of NOMINALIZA-

TION of a verb phrase— instances in which it functions as a noun: as object of a preposi-
tion in an adverbial or adjectival phrase, or as subject of a finite verb. The other possible
instance of nominalization-in the function OBJECT OF FINITE VERB-is treated in the
patterns under complements (Pattern V). It is included, whereas the others are omitted,
because the complement function is severely restricted to specific subclasses of verbs,
and because the differences in pattern have particularly interesting consequences in the
transfer of English habits to Spanish.

There is a fourth class of omissions which are in fact instances in which forms
derived from the verb are totally converted into adjectives, and adjective patterns have
been excluded except after be. English examples:
It arrived all covered with dust .
He came back home wrapped in a sheet .
Look at the mountains surrounded by clouds .
Spanish examples:
Llegd todo cubierto de polvo .
Volvid a casa envuelto en una slbana .
Mire las montanas envueltas en nubes .
Besides having omitted the four types listed above, we have (as already noted)
omitted all rearrangements of the basic patterns that can be accomplished by transforma-
tions—the interrogatives, imperatives, emphasis inversions, and so on. Indeed, certain
patterns— like IV-b— are more frequently found inverted than in the order assigned in the
pattern. For instance, a sentence like
El libro se le perdid
is much more likely to be heard as
Se le perdid el libro
although both are obviously quite grammatical and acceptable.
COMPARISON OF PATTERNS
Pattern I
Ei^lish Spanish
(1) Subj must be specified. (1) Subj may be specified, or may be

explicit only in verb suffixes.
(2) VP has be as main element. (2) VP has ser or estar as main ele-
ment. The distinction between ser
and estar is elaborated in Chapter
7.
(3) Predicate NP agrees with (3) Predicate NP and ADJ agree in

Subj NP in number except in a number with Subj , and ADJ agrees
small class of nouns (Oranges also in gender.
are a good diet ). It often agrees
also in gender if Subj is a 3rd

person pronoun (He is a boy ;
but She is a girl ). Predicate ADJ

requires no agreement.
Learning problems The chief problem

: is the distinction between ser and
estar, although the fact that Subj need not be specified in Spanish if implicit in the con-
text (whereas English always requires it) needs emphasis and practice also. The con-
cord between Subj and Pred is a general problem of number (gender) agreement not lim-
ited to this pattern.
Pattern n
English Spanish
(1) Subj as in Pattern I. (1) Subj as in Pattern I.
(2) The class of verbs that permits (2) Many verbs that permit intransi-
intransitive use in English is tivity in English require an
much larger than the comparable "empty" object in Spanish, Note
class in Spanish. "Las puertas se cierran a las
nueve" vs. The doors close at
nine , in which se is an empty
object.
Learning problems The chief problem

: is membership in the class V.. Many
(basically transitive) verbs of English allow use as intransitives which in Spanish main-
tain their transitivity through an empty object se. Such English sentences as the following
all normally require objects in Spanish: That wall paints very easily This medicine swal- .
lows painlessly . A problem like that solves with no difficulty . And, with deleted object.
He got up at nine . He didn't wash this morning He sells for a
. living .
Pattern HI
English Spanish
(1) Subj as in Pattern I. (1) Subj as in Pattern L

(2) Within the class V^. in English (2) Although lacking the English
there are two large subclasses: class with PRT , Spanish transi-
those that include particles, and tive verbs tend to remain consist-
those that do not. The former ently transitive, as indicated in
class does not exist in Spanish, the summary of Pattern II.
or at any rate not in correspond-

ing examples.
(3) Object is normally after the (3) Object is after the verb if a noun,
verb, whether the object is a before the verb if a pronoun. If
noun or a pronoun. the noun is a personal noun, it

normally requires a to mark it
(this a may occur imder certain

other circumstances also; see
Chapter 7).
Learning problems The two chief differences are

: in the membership of the
class V. and the position of pronoun objects— the latter especially requires extensive drill.
Pattern IV
English Spanish
(1) Subj as in Pattern I. (1) Subj as in Pattern I.
(2) The V. class in English is a (2) There is no V. class in Spanish,

small one, limited to verbs of since almost any V. allows an
the type that occur in IV- a, with adverb of interest (para el , a ella ,
two objects in sequence after . . .); all constructions that appear

S the verb. The direct object and to resemble the English indirect
indirect object cannot both be object are simply direct object
pronouns unless the order is in- plus adverb of interest; the double
verted and to or for is added (we noun object sequence cannot occur
cannot say, He gave them it .). in Spanish.
(3) Indirect object can be replaced (3) The adverb of interest phrase can
^ by a to or for phrase, with a be replaced by a Pron ^ in front of
shift to position after the direct the verb.
object.
"^r
^ Learning problems Although the sentences Te dio
book appear, except for word order,
:
to
el libro
be similar, they are in fact quite different. The

and He gave you the
Spanish sentence can become Te lo dio the English cannot become He gave you it — but this
,
is the least of the Much more important is the fact that the so-called Spanish
differences.
indirect object is not in any way different in behavior or derivation from an unlimited num-
ber of adverbs of interest; Me comprd un libro is either He bought me a book or He bought
a book from me (i.e., with respect to me ); Me vendi(5 un reloj is either He sold me a watch
or He sold a watch for me Finally, it should be noted that a sentence like He gave John a
.
book, with two noun objects, does not exist in Spanish: one noun must go into a prepositional
phrase that functions as an adverb of interest. The adverb of interest is frequent and pro-
ductive in Spanish: Me lavaron las manos is formally identical with Le compraron un libro
or Le dieron un libro . But because English allows two objects in sequence, They gave him
the book is different from They bought a book from him since the , latter cannot be They
bought him a book . A final test of the difference is to be fovind in the changes these sen-
tences undergo in the passive transformation. Either object can become the subject in Eng-
lish:
He was given a book (by them).

They gave John a book.
A book was given him (by them).
.
But only the direct object (there being, in fact, no indirect object) can become subject in
Spanish: ch yv^ M^ pOA^^^^ x^-^S^-O-- u/4(..x^^^
Dieron un libro a Juan. Un libro fue dado a Juan (por ellos).
but not:
*Juan fue dado un libro (por ellos).
Rather, we get:
A Juan le fue dado un libro (por ellos).
This difference requires, therefore, that the familiar category of indirect object be re-
placed by the unfamiliar category of adverb of interest, which is sometimes semantically
similar to the English indirect object (le dieron un libro ) and sometimes semantically
very different (Le compraron un libro Le lavaron las manos ). ,
Pattern V
English Spanish
(1) Subj as in Pattern L (1) Subj as in Pattern L
(2) V, in English is divided into two (2) V. in Spanish regularly requires

principal subclasses: those which the infinitive as verbal comple-
take a verbal complement with to, ment; only verbs of observation
and those which take it with -ing . allow the -ndo complement, and
The few members of V. that do they all allow infinitives also. As
allow a non-finite verb form compared with English to and -ing
after them always take to, as do classes, therefore, there is only
the adjectives (Patterns V-h and a single large class V. , with a
V-i). The to and -ing classes are small subclass which also allows
in general mutually exclusive; -ndo . There is, however, a divi-
certain verbs of observation sion between verbs of suasion
which do not require to also (V-dddd) which take Prong as DO
allow ing (I saw him go . I saw with Comp and , all other V. ,
him going ). which take Pron -.
(3) The only relator allowed with (3) Spanish has a subclass of transi-
English verbal complements is tive verbs that take lexically speci-

to. To and the suffix -ing have fied relators with their comple-
the function of nominalizing ment (tener que acabar de , , etc.).
English verbs. The infinitive is itself the nominal

form of the Spanish verb, marked
by final ^r.
(4) The object of V. is position- (4) The object of V, can be delayed

ally just as it would be in a until after the verbal complement,
VP . construction. unless the verb in the complement
is transitive, in which instance

the order is like that of English.
(5) The object of V^.^

V. is always inter- (5) The object of V^ may be inter-
preted as Subj of the verbal com- preted as object of the verbal
plement. complement rather than subject
if —and only if— the complement
is a transitive verb without an

object separately expressed. In
this instance, the verbal is taken
as having an unexpressed subject

(V-dd).
Learning problems The patterns of verbal complementation are the most com-
:
plex of the one-finite-verb patterns in either language. The significant differences between
them are (1) that English allows the complement construction with a set of verbs that Span-
ish does not allow:
He told us to go
He expected us to go
He asked us to go V, + que clause in Spanish
He wanted us to go
He said to go
(2) that Spanish allows the complement construction in a range of meanings that English
does not allow:
Dijo estar seguro (He said he was certain)

Vi matarlos (I saw them shot)
and (3) that Spanish distinguishes between various kinds of verbs of suasion, so that most
take Prong (Les rog6 no salir — He begged them not to leave) but two of them (hacer dejar ),
take Pron ^ (Los hizo salir — He made them leave ).
Pattern VI
English Spanish
(1) The anticipatory NP replacive (1) Spanish has no equivalent of the

there allows displacement of anticipatory there . It does not
Subj to post-verbal position. require that some class of NP
occur as Subj .
(2) Relator to required before (2) Relator que required before

verbal complement (There's infinitive complement (Hay mucho
a lot to do ). que hacer ).
(3) Verbal complement cannot pre- (3) Verbal complement can precede
cede object. object. (Hay que hacer mucho ).
Learning problems : These patterns are closely similar except in (3) above
(Spanish Pattern VT-c), which has no English pattern equivalent (English Pattern V-i is
used instead).
TRANSLATION EQUIVALENTS
It is not profitable to examine the translation equivalents of the above patterns
one by one. A few general observations will suffice, instead, to point out the areas in which
the pattern similarities are not consistently matched by semantic similarities or similari-
ties in typical usage.
The area most fruitful of structural disparities between translation equivalents

is that of verbal complementation. Examine the following instances of English complement
structures:
(a) I wanted him to come.

(b) I asked him to come.
(c) I beg you not to talk anymore about politics.
(d) I saw them attacking him.
(e) I saw them fighting with the police.
(f) I said to be sure.
In (a) and (b) the only possible translations are with two clauses, each with its own finite
verb (this is always true where the will of one person is imposed on that of another by
means of any verb, including those of communication like ask, tell , except the verbs of
suasion like order beg ). In , (c), with a verb of suasion other than hacer or dejar , either
a complement construction (with Pron ^) or a clausal one is possible in either language,
but general usage probably favors the clause in Spanish and certainly favors the comple-
ment in English:
(a) Queria que ^1 viniera.
(b) Le pedi que viniera.

(c) Les ruego que no discutan mas de politica.
or
Les ruego no discutir mas de politica.
In (d) and (e), three translations are possible for each:
(d) Vi que lo atacaban.

Los vi atacarlo.
Los vi ataclndolo.
(e) Vi que peleaban con la policia.

Los vi pelear con la policia.
Los vi peleando con la policia.
In English, the complement structure is certainly the more common with this meaning;
in Spanish, the clause. Finally, in (f) we have a pattern which, in meaning, is the direct
opposite of the matching English pattern:
Dije estar seguro (I said I was sure) not (I said to be sure).
Only with the two verbs hacer and dejar do we have a close structural equivalence:
Lo hice salir (I made him leave)

Los deje comer (I let them eat)
Pattern V-i is only partly matched in Spanish and English, Whenever the adjec-
tive is followed by an infinitive form in Spanish, or to plus VP > in English, they seem to
match closely:
It is important to do that.
Es importante hacer eso.
But whenever the optional for + NP is present in English, the match breaks down, since
Spanish normally uses a clause with its own finite verb:
It is necessary for you to wait a moment.

Es necesario que esperes un momento.
It is possible to say, Le es necesario esperar un momento But . if the verb say is chosen
instead of be + Adj , then, as in (f) above, the match breaks down completely: He said to
be sure cannot be translated, Dijo estar seguro (He said he was sure ), but must be Dijo
que estuviera seguro He said for us to go must be Dijo que salieramos
. .
In general, then, similar patterns have similar semantic potentials, but usage j
in any particular instance any time, and in certain instances always, may require a differ-
ent pattern in translation equivalence.
WORD CLASSES AND
MORPHOLOGICAL
CHARACTERISTICS
In linguistic analysis, WORD FORMATION is to be distinguished from sentence

formation. The former is MORPHOLOGY of the language, and the latter
described as the
as its SYNTAX. Morphology, then, is the study of words and their components, which in
Spanish and English are STEMS and AFFIXES.

Although there are some highly technical problems in formulating precise
criteria by which to define what a word is in Spanish and in English, by and large the re-
sults agree closely with the writing tradition, which represents the intuition of generations
of speakers. Therefore, except where our analysis demands more rigor, we will avoid
technicalities and use the term "word" in its commonly accepted meaning.
Morphological analysis is the study of the formal characteristics, shapes, and
variations of words or lexical units. Words can be identified by their patterns of affixation
as being members of the classes noun, pronoun, adjective, verb, and so on.
It is useful to distinguish between two different kinds of affixes: INFLECTIONAL
and DERIVATIONAL. The former are primarily grammatical, the latter primarily lexical.
That is, certain inflectional affixes are characteristic of certain word classes; they mark
the grammatical categories (NUMBER, GENDER, TENSE, PERSON, and so on) of the lan-
guage, and serve as the basis for grammatical CONCORD (or AGREEMENT). Derivational,
or word-building, affixes are of a different type. They often shift a stem from one word
class to another, and are applied only to a fraction of the stems in any class; inflectional
affixes rarely shift an item to another class, and, with only trivial exceptions, can be added
to all the stems in any class.
INFLECTIONAL ANALYSIS
Since Spanish and English are cognate languages— that is, genetically related,
having derived ultimately from the same ancestor, called proto-Indo-European— they show
considerable similarity in the classes that are characterized by inflectional affixes. Span-
ish has inflection in the nouns, adjectives, verbs, and pronouns; English has inflection in
all these except adjectives. All inflectional affixes in both languages are SUFFIXES attached
to the end of stems.
41
INFLECTIONAL DERIVATIONAL
boy boy-s boy boy-ish
(noun singular) (noun plural) (noun) (adjective)
educate educate- educate educat-ion education- al

(verb unmarked) (verb 3rd sing, present) (verb) (noun) (adjective)
sing sing-ing sing sing-er

(verb unmarked) (verb -ing form) (verb) (noun)
horse horse's horse hors-ie

(noun singular) (noun possessive) (noun) (noun)
we us
(pronoun subject) (pronoun object)
NOUNS
In Spanish, the class NOUN is associated with an inflectional category NUM-
BER. To a base form which is singular there can be added a suffix /-s/ which converts
the form to plural. This final /-s/ is never added directly to a stem which ends in a con-
sonant. Rather, an /-e/ is added before the /-s/; Spanish does not normally permit a
cluster of consonant plus /s/ in the same syllable. In many Spanish nouns, an /-e/ is
already present on the singular form to avoid what would otherwise be a non-permitted
final consonant (la lech-e ) or consonant cluster (la gent-e ).
Singular Plural
casa casa-s
libro libro-s
calle calle-s
mes mes-es
papel papel-es
jar din jardin-es
Spanish nouns have, therefore, two forms: singular and plural. Nouns which seem to have
four forms— singular and plural, each distinguished for gender— are in reality two nouns.
Note the following sets:
Masculine Femjmine
hijo hijo-s hija hija-s
tio tio-s tia tia-s
padre padre- madre madre-s
papa papa-s mama mami-s
WORD CLASSES AND MORPHOLOGICAL CHARACTERISTICS / 43
These are related sets— that is, semantically associated pairs. But they do not show gen-
der INFLECTION. The relation is, instead, primarily of a lexical sort, and applies only
to a small fraction of the class of nouns.
All Spanish nouns have inherent grammatical gender; they are not INFLECTED
for gender. Often they are marked with an /-o/ for masculine and /-a/ for feminine.
Although with nouns referring to persons there is generally accord between grammatical
gender and physical sex (el chofer , el yerno la nodriza
; , some forms sex is
la nuera ), in
simply ignored (la persona , el tipo ). Some forms have common gender, where the same
form may be either masculine or feminine (el/la modelo el/la
, idealista, el/la poeta , but
la poetisa ).
Nouns referring to things, like those referring to persons, also have inherent
grammatical gender. El libro is always masculine and la pluma always feminine. There is
no discernible logic in the gender assignment of any particular noun; but whatever the
class (masculine or feminine), the grammatical consequences regularly appear in the rest
of the sentence, as in the agreement of articles and adjectives:
El libro es mio.
La pluma es mia.
Many novuis end in a consonant, and are not formally marked for gender (el
sol la sal and so on), but they of course have a consistent gender association, just as the
, ,
marked nouns do. In addition to the unmarked nouns ending in a consonant, there are those
that end in /-e/:
-C -e
tos call-e gent-e

vez lech-e hombr-e
mar traj-e part-e
sol jef-e postr-e
pan chequ-e post-e
rey billet-e torr-e
carn-e
cofr-e
tipl-e
chicl-e
It will be noted that all the forms cited with final /-e/ have either single consonants (cen-
ter column), or consonant clusters (right column) that are not normally permitted to occur
in word final position. The /-e/ provides syllabicity for the consonant(s) which precede it
and which do not occur in final position. We have seen that it serves the same function
when a consonant sviffix like the plural /-s/ is added to a stem ending in a consonant. In
such uses, the /-e/ is an empty SYLLABLE CARRIER.
English nouns are inflected for two categories (as opposed to one in Spanish);
they have a plural, formed by a regular rule with an inflectional affix called S-1 (there
are two other inflectional affixes of the same shape, called S-2 and S-3 discussed below).,
/-i-z/ after /s, z, s, z, ch, J/ (called the

sibilants and shibilants)
S-1 ->- { /-s/ after other voiceless consonants
/-z/ elsewhere (after other voiced
consonants and after vowels)
Examples are:
Singular Plural
horse horses
dish dishes
judge judges
hat hats
lip lips
crib cribs
bug bugs
day days
bee bees
There are numerous irregular plural formations, of three basic kinds: (1) the
above rule with stem modification:
wife /wiyf/ wives /wayvz/

wreath /riyq/ wreaths /riydz/
house /haws/ houses /hawz4-z/
different set involving

.
ox oxen
child children
alumnus alumni
criterion criteria
man men
woman women
and (3) a suffix zero, symbolized -Q, indicating no formal change in the stem form, but
with plural meaning:
fish fish
sheep sheep
deer deer
1 . Phonetic symbols are those used in the companion volume, THE SOUNDS
OF ENGLISH AND SPANISH.
ss sss
English nouns also have inflection for another category: POSSESSION. Posses-
sive forms are marked by an inflectional affix S-2 . The distribution of suffix variants (ex-
cept for the irregulars) is identical with that of S-1 , but the writing system symbolizes the
sounds differently:
judge judge' /-i-z/

church church's
truck truck's /-s/

pilot pilot'
mayor mayor's /-z/

king king's
bee bee's
The rule is much more regular for S-2 than for S-1 ; there are few irregular
formations. Note the regular possessive forms of these nouns with irregular plurals:
wife wife'
ox ox's
child child'
man man's
fish fish's
sheep sheep'
English nouns also have inherent gender with important grammatical conse-
quences. The gender system is, however, logical or physical, based primarily on sex.
Male persons are masculine, female persons are feminine. Some animals are included in
this gender system ("The bull broke his rope," "The mare hurt her leg," "The lioness
roared her defiance"), and some persons may be excluded ("The baby fell out of its crib").
Things and some animals are in the gender category NEUTER. There are a few trivial
exceptions ("The ship lost her rudder"), where things are in a sense personified and re-
ferred to as if human, just as a baby may be referred to as it until it starts acting like a
person. This system of classification results in one large class of neuter nouns and two
relatively small classes of masculine and feminine nouns.
A comparison of Spanish and English noun forms showii^ inflectional cate-
gories appears below:
English
Spanish
Base Form Possessive Form
hombre man man's

Singular
nino boy boy's
hombres men men's

Plural
nirios boys boys'
As the chart shows, Spanish has two forms, English four (but often, as in boy , forms writ-
ten differently and functioning differently are not distinguished in pronunciation).
COMPARISON
What are the consequences of the formal differences between Spanish and
English nouns for the English speaker learning Spanish? First, although the concept of
number will be familiar, the student will tend to transfer the phonetic realities of his
system to Spanish, with such errors as:
the plural of libro pronounced Vlibroz/

calle Vki(l)yez/
voz */b(3î-z/
vez */b6îrz/
lipiz */llpi5i-z/
The English plural /-s/ will not carry over usefully, because too few Spanish words end
in voiceless consonants (and the proper suffix for them would be /-es/ in any event,
except after nouns ending in final /-vs/, where the regular Spanish ending is zero, as in
lunes paraguas ). The distribution of the /--fz/ allows no useful carryover, since there
,
are relatively few words that have a singular form ending in /-s/ in Spanish, and even
then the vowel, consonant, and stress will be inappropriate. Compare:
Spanish English
peces paces
veces /-es/ bases /--i-z/
meces maces
The empty vocalic carrier is /e/ in Spanish but unstressed /4-/ in English, and the final
suffix consonant is /-s/ in Spanish but /-z/ in English.
A stronger pressure will be to pronounce /-z/ after vowels, and to some
extent after voiced consonants, as in:
*nino-z
*pluma-z
*parte-z
*sol-z
*pan-z
*borrador-z
Another problem, somewhat less serious, is the tendency for some students
to apply the English possessive rule to Spanish, especially with names:
*Juan-z libro
*MarIa-z abrigo
*E1 senor Gomez- i-z nombre
The possessive suffix is an instance of an English category that is absent in
Spanish. The student has to learn only to omit it (and, of course, to form the possessive
with de). It would be much more serious for a Spanish speaker learning English.
For practical pedagogical purposes, we can say that the occurrence of inher-
ent gender classes in Spanish is an instance of obligatory choice in Spanish compared

with zero choice in English. This is possibly the most serious kind of conflict between
two language structures. Unlike English, where the gender choices are somewhat logical,
with limited grammatical consequences (agreement of pronoun references in the third per-
son singular), Spanish requires a choice with every noun used, and that choice is completely
arbitrary. English students, for whom gender associations are tied to sex distinctions,
attempt to say *la vestida instead of el vestido simply because they generally learn that
,
this is an article of clothing associated with women. The difficulty is serious enough for
nouns which are formally marked with a gender -marking suffix, either /-o/ or /-a/. It is
much more serious in nouns with no such suffix, like parte , frase, libre, clase, vez, lapiz,
mes, par . It is still more serious in items which have an /-o/ or /-a/ suffix that contra-
dicts normal gender association, like mano, radio tema, drama.
,
The grammatical consequences of the gender categories are present in almost

every sentence in Spanish, sometimes several times. This is a major problem that needs
clear presentation, extensive drill, and frequent review. Because the problem is easy to
explain, it does not often receive the degree of intensive practice and frequent review that
it deserves. The force of the interference from English cannot be overemphasized.
ADJECTIVES
Spanish adjectives have inflection for two categories: NUMBER and GENDER.
Plural adjectives are formed exactly as with noims: by adding a suffix /-s/ directly after
stems ending in a gender -marking vowel, or after the empty syllable carrier /-e/ (which
is added if it is not present in the singular form) of stems ending in a consonant:
Singular Pliu-al
bianco bianco -s
verde verde-s
azul azul-es
A formal characteristic which distinguishes adjectives from nouns is INFLEC-

TION FOR GENDER. The normal rule requires alternation between the gender suffixes
/-o/ and /-a/ which appear at the end of the stem. The full set is:
Singular Plural
masculine feminine masculine feminine
blanc-o blanc-a blanc-os blanc-as

buen-o buen-a buen-os buen-as
Many adjectives seem to have only two forms, singular and plural, like nouns;
but unlike nouns, they do not have an inherent gender. They can be described as having
COMMON GENDER, since, by the criterion of noun-adjective agreement, they can modify
either masculine or feminine nours: el libro azul , la tinta azul . However, the potential for
gender agreement is not lost by these common-gender adjectives, as can be seen when a
diminutive suffix is added:
Singular Plural
azul azul-es
azulit-o azulit-a azulit-os azulit-as
verde verde-s
verdecit-o verdecit-a verdecit-os verdecit-as
A few adjectives have a fifth form: a shortened variant of the masculine singu-
lar. The occurrence of this form is syntactically restricted:
Singular Plural
regular shortened
buen-o buen buen -a buen-os buen- as

mal-o mal mal-a mal-os mal-as
tercer-o tercer tercer-a tercer-os tercer-as
One form, santo, as a title, saint (but not as an adjective, holy ) has a restriction on the
occurrence of its shortened form san; it is not shortened before names beginning with the
syllable /to-/ or /do-/. Thus Santo Tomas Santo Domingo
, . A single form, grande , short-
ens to gran before feminine nouns as well as before masculine nouns.
Another set of adjectives in which there is shortening is the possessives,
where shortening occurs in certain forms before both singular and plural of masculine
and feminine nouns:
Full Forms Shortened Forms

Singular Plural Singular Plural
mio mia mios mias mi mis

tuyo tuya tuyos tuyas tu tus
suyo suya suyos suyas su sus
nuestro nuestra nuestros nuestras
vuestro vuestra vuestros vuestras
Again, the criterion is placement of forms: if they precede the noun they modify, shorten-
ing occurs; otherwise it does not.
The rule for shortening is that the last syllable of the adjective is lost. Often
the last vowel drops off (bueno — buen ), but it may take the preceding consonant with it if
that consonant is a /y/ (suyo — su) or if a cluster would result which is not permitted in
syllable -final position (grande — gran ).
Two numerals shorten under restricted conditions. Cien, the regular form for
one hundred before nouns or before mil
, is shortened from ciento (which is used when a
smaller number follows: ciento quince ). Both cien and ciento quince modify masculine and
feminine novins. The other numeral which shortens is uno which
, is un before masculine
nouns: un libro veintiiin hombres
, . There is no distinction between the numeral uno and
the singular indefinite article with respect to shortening before masculine singular nouns,
but of course the article has a plural, unos, lacking to the numeral.
The definite article vaguely suggests a similar system of shortening:
e-1 1-os
1-a 1-as
A pre-placed /e/ on /el/ (like the empty syllable carrier of azul-e-s postr-e ) preserves
,
the syllabicity of the form, which otherwise seems to be shortened from lo. The io is, of
course, found among the with-verb (or object) pronouns; the pronouns and articles are
closely related forms-
One other paradigm of adjective forms in Spanish should be mentioned: the
demonstratives. These have a fifth form, which has a nominal (nounlike) function. This
form, along with lo and ello , is the vestige of the category NEUTER that Spanish retains
from Latin:
Singular Plural
neuter
est-e est-a est-os est-as est-o

es-e es-a es-os es-as es-o
aquel aquell-a aquell-os aquell-as aquell-o
After some major word classes have been identified by their inflectional pat-
terns, there remains a class of forms which cannot be classified morphologically. This
residue can be subclassified by other criteria, such as how they interact in constructions
with other words, but morphologically they all have in common a single, uninflected form.
The English adjectives are an example.
It is possible to classify some English adjectives on the basis of derivational
morphology, just as it would be possible to classify some English nouns on the basis of
the word forming suffix -tion . Many adjectives, especially the shorter ones, can take com-
parative and superlative suffixes -er and -est as in shorter , , shortest (or after the /-g/,
/g-i-r/ and /g-i-st/, as in stronger , strongest ). Many of the polysyllabic adjectives do not
follow this rule, however, and some adjectives do not have comparative or superlative
forms in any construction. For this reason, it seems better not to consider comparison
as the basis of an inflected class in English.
In English the DETERMINERS (articles and demonstratives) in some forms

show number agreement with the noun they modify. For instance, the indefinite article a
can occur only before singular count nouns (nouns which form plurals without change of
lexical meaning), being omitted or replaced by some before plural nouns: a book some
,
books . A more regular set of singular -plural forms can be found in the English demon-
stratives:
Singular Plural
this these
that those
(All the determiners will be described more fully in Chapter 4.)
COMPARISON
The following chart shows a comparison of Spanish and English adjectives:
Spanish English
masculine feminine
singular bianco blanca

white
plural blancos blancas
To match the four (five, in adjectives like bueno) forms of Spanish, English has only one
form. The English-speaking student must learn to make a choice in Spanish which is not
made in the system of his native language. That is to say, Spanish adjectives are regularly
marked for gender and number, English adjectives are not (except for special instances
such as this, that ).
In the classroom, the teacher should exploit the limited area of number agree-
ment offered by the English demonstratives, since this is similar in kind to the general
problem of agreement the student faces in learning Spanish:
Spanish English
masculine feminine
singular este esta this

plural estos estas these
Even though English has distinct forms for only one (number) of the two categories (num-
ber and gender) of the Spanish pattern, it is pedagogically useful to note this similarity.
There is an irregularity in the masculine singular form, from the point of
view of the regular Spanish rule, that must be considered:
Demonstrative Regular Adjective
est-e buen-o
est-a buen-a
est-os buen-os
est-as buen-as
The empty syllable carrier /-e/ occurs where /-o/ is expected from the regular rule or
where a shortened form might occur. Also, the /-o/ appears on the neuter form esto This .
set needs careful and intensive drill.
PRONOUNS
Unlike nouns and adjectives, pronouns are a small closed class in both Span-
ish and English. Borrowings or new forms are not easily introduced, and several gram-
matical categories are expressed by the inflected variants. In Spanish, there is a full set
of distinctions for PERSON and NUMBER, a partial set of CASE distinctions, specifically
marked GENDER forms, and a LEVEL OF FORMALITY category in the form of the sec-
ond person.
Pronouns in Spanish derive historically from three separate sources. The
first and second person pronouns in Spanish are inherited forms of Latin pronouns. By
reason of an extension on the plurals, where otros was added, gender is shown in those
forms:
Subject With-preposition^ With-verb^
1st yo mf me
Singular
2nd tu ti te
masc. nosotros
1st nos
fem. nosotras
Plural
masc. vosotros
2nd OS
fem. vosotras
Separate forms used with prepositions appear only in this group of pronouns, and then
only in the singular forms. There are no formal distinctions to mark any of the different
functions (reflexive, indirect object, direct object) of the with-verb group.

The third person pronoun forms are derived historically from Latin demon-
stratives and are closely related to the Spanish definite articles, which are derived from
the same source. The set of third person pronouns is:
2. These are descriptive terms used in Bolinger etal. (1960). They are also
referred to as "object of the preposition" and "object of the verb" forms and as "disjunc-
tive" and "conjunctive" forms. The with-verb forms, because of their syntactic depend-
ence, or enclisis, on verb forms, are in later chapters referred to as clitic forms.
Subject/With-preposition With-verb
reflexive indirect direct
masc. el lo (le)
Singular le
fem. ella la
se se
masc. ellos los
Plural les
fem. ellas las
In some dialects, a distinction is made between masculine things and persons as the
referent of the direct object when singular, le referring to persons and lo to things. As
shown in the chart, number and gender distinctions are maintained for subject/ with-prep-
osition forms and for direct with-verb forms. Gender distinctions are always, and number
distinctions are sometimes, absent in indirect; both are absent in reflexive.
The third type of Spanish pronoun is a post- Latin addition to the system. It is
an alternate set of second person forms, used to express a degree of formality. Only sub-
ject forms and with-preposition forms were introduced. The set is very simple:
Subject/With-preposition
Singular usted
Plural ustedes
This looks like a noim pattern, with a plural /-s/ following an empty syllable carrier
/-e/. In fact it is, deriving from vuestra merced vuestras mercedes, which have been
,
shortened and generalized to all second person references where formality is desired.
The English pronoun system is somewhat simpler, with distinctions for num-
ber, case, and gender (omitting the possessive forms, which are pronouns in English but
adjectives in Spanish):
Subject Object
singular I me
1st
plural we us
2nd you
masc. he him
singular fem. she her
3rd neuter it
.
plural they them
Gender distinctions occur only in third person singular forms, the others being unmarked.
COMPARISON
The most conspicuous conflict is in the forms associated with prepositions.
These are subject forms in Spanish (except for first and second singular, which are dis-
tinct) but object forms in English:
Subject With-preposition With-verb (or object)
Spanish ellos los (las, etc.)
English they them
The following chart of possibilities illustrates the extent of the potential con-
flict between the two systems:
English Spanish
I yo
we nosotros, nosotras
you tvi, vosotros, vosotras, usted, ustedes,
ti, te, OS, lo, la, le, los, las, les, se
he el
she ella
it — , lo, la, el, ella, ello
they ellos, ellas
me mi, me
us nos, nosotros, nosotras
him lo, le, se, gl
her la, le, se, ella
them los, las, les, se, ellos, ellas
An important problem revealed by this chart is the correspondence of fifteen Spanish

forms to the English pronoun you which, is not formally marked for gender, number, case,
or formality level.
Only three pronoun forms have a one-for-one correspondence moving from
English to Spanish, and only one of these (yo ) maintains that correspondence moving back
to English ( 61-ella can be he-she , him-her or , it).
All the other Ei^lish pronouns have from two to four Spanish equivalents,
except them, which has six. The implications for the classroom are apparent; a great deal
of attention and careful drill must be given to pronouns, so that the student will understand
the forms and develop a feeling for the categories they express. Other problems, such as
the relative placement of the pronoun forms in the sentence, add additional complications
(these will be discussed in Chapter 7).
VERBS
The Spanish verb system is the most complex of the morphologically distinct
classes. Verbs are inflected for FINITY (finite and non-finite),TENSE (or, more accurate-
ly, as is shown in Chapter 6, for a combination of TENSE and ASPECT), MOOD, PERSON,
and NUMBER. These five categories produce a total of forty-six or forty-seven distinct
forms. This compares with only four or five distinct forms for English verbs, with cate-
gories of tense, person-number, and two participles— imperfective and perfective (the
forms that enter into verb phrases like is going has gone — traditionally called present
,
participle and past participle). The conflict is immediately obvious: many forms in Span-
ish equate with a single form in English. Also, the Spanish verb carries more information
than the English verb.
English has two main subclasses of verbs, historically called weak and strong.
Typically, weak verbs have only four inflected forms and strong verbs five. In Spanish,
there are regular and irregular verbs. Both can be included in two main subclasses, usu-
ally identified by the vowel in the infinitive ending: -ar and -er /-ir. Many irregular verbs
follow a few major systems, in which a substantial number of verbs show the same modi-
fication from the regular verbs. (The irregularity consists of a modification of the stem
as seen in the stem-changing or radical- changing verbs). There are also minor systems,
where few verbs, or even a single verb, may follow a particular rule. The irregular verbs
are numerous; they cause great difficulties for the English-speaking students who must
assimilate them. (The morphology of English verbs is treated in more detail in Chapter 5.)
PARTICLES
After all the forms that can be analyzed and classified by inflectional criteria
have been considered, there is left a large class of items with only a single form, without
any inflectional variants. Obviously, these forms do not all have similar functions. At this
point, the morphological analysis of inflection has carried us as far as we can go in a gram-
matical classification. To proceed further, it is necessary to classify by syntactic function,
in order to discover the remaining classes of items which enter into sentence patterns.
SUMMARY OF INFLECTIONAL CATEGORIES

The differences between Spanish and English in the inventory of inflectional
categories are summarized in the following chart. It compares the word classes which are
inflectionally distinct and the categories that these inflections mark:
Spanish Ei^lish
Class Number
Number of Inflectional of Inflectional
distinct forms categories distinct forms categories
Nouns 2 number 2-4 number, pos-

session
Adjectives 2-5 number, 1

gender
Pronouns 5-6 number, gen- 1-5 number, case,

der, case, gender
status
Verbs 46-47 finity,tense- 4-5 tense, limited

aspect, mood, person-number
person, number
Particles 1 1
Although this inventory of classes shows similarities between the two lan-
guages, there is no easy way to compare the forms within the classes. The inflectional
categories do not match in any of the word classes; hence the forms in those classes are
not susceptible to one-for-one cross-language equivalence.
Not enough emphasis is generally given in the classroom to contrasts between
categories, since the categories themselves frequently seem not to be internalized, even
by fairly advanced students. This is especially true for those categories which are absent
from the equivalent word classes in English, such as gender in adjectives, status in pro-
nouns, aspect and mood in verbs, and so on.
DERIVATIONAL ANALYSIS
Before we proceed to a consideration of the elements of sentence structure,
we may consider another aspect of morphology— DERIVATION— and highlight some of the
differences between the derivational processes of Spanish and English.

Inflectional morphology is relatively easy to describe because the rules are
limited and can be applied to all the members of a class or subclass. Furthermore, many
of the choices are obligatory with important obligatory consequences. (The selection of
mesa and nuev- necessarily results in mesa nueva and so
; on.) Derivational morphology,
on the other hand, is characterized by a large number of rules, some with very limited
application. From we can derive citation but from praise there is no *praisation
cite , ;
there are no formal criteria to mark which affixes are compatible with which stems.
Spanish and English share a number of features in their derivational struc-
ture. In both languages, derivational affixes are stem-forming (inflectional affixes may
be added to these stems); derivation is a continuing process in both languages, with some
affixes still producing new words; both languages have derivational prefixes as well as
suffixes (but inflectional affixes are only suffixes). The most apparent similarity is found
in the affixes themselves, since Spanish and English share a large number of equivalent
forms (Spanish inherited them from Latin; English borrowed them either directly from
Latin, mostly during the Renaissance, or through French).
The following examples illustrate words from Spanish and English with pre-
fixes that have similar form and elements of common meaning:
Spanish English
ab-normal ab-normal
ad-mitir ad-mit
ante-cedente ante -cedent
anti-doto anti-dote
contra-balanza counter -balance
contra-decir contra-diet
co-operar co-operate
des-cubrir dis-cover
en-contrar en-counter
im-posible im-possible
in-acci6n in-action
post-poner post -pone
pre-parar pre-pare
sobre-humano super-human
sub-marino sub- marine
There are many more suffixes than prefixes that show common origin and
meaning in Spanish and English. The following examples of noun, adjective, and verb sets
3
are illustrative only; the list could be considerably expanded:
Spanish English
person-aje person-age
abund-ancia abund-ance
advers-ario advers-ary
viol-encia viol-ence
accid-ente accid-ent
lech-era pitch-er
panad-ero bak-er
panad-eria bak-ery
relig-i6n relig-ion
educa-cidn educa-tion
Idg-ica log-ic
ideal-ismo ideal-ism
pian-ista pian-ist
pos-ibilidad poss-ibility
socie-dad socle -ty
3. The reader who is interested in a fuller treatment of derivational affixation

and compounding is referred to Ramsey»-Spaulding (1956), pp. 613-60.
Spanish English
monu-mento monu-ment
cere-monia cere-mony
ora-dor ora-tor
multi-tud multi-tude
fig-ura fig-ure
centr-al centr-al
abund-ante abund-ant
vic-ario vic-arious
evid-ente evid-ent
not-able not-able
atract-ivo attract-ive
nervi-oso nerv-ous
investig-ar investig-ate
magni-ficar magni-fy
organ-izar organ-ize
The relatively large number of derivational affixes which Spanish and English
share (with accommodations in phonemic shape) have important transfer value for a speak-
er of one language learning the other. But at the same time the student is often led to ex-
pect more than is justified. He may expect to find items in Spanish like resulta competi- ,
ci(5n , examinaci(5n, permisi6n which, though they exist, are not the usual semantic equiva-
,
lents of English result , competition, examination permission (which would be Spanish

,
resultado competencia
, , exam en permiso ). Pedagogically,
,
the value of discussing deriva-
tional patterns lies in recognition rather than in production, since the association of partic-
ular affixes with particular stems is unpredictable.
There are differences on the level of lexical comparison that are often called
"deceptive cognates"— Spanish words which resemble English words in form but not in
meaning (lectura sanidad desgraciado which mean reading health unfortunate not lec-
, , , , , ,
ture , sanity disgraced ). (These are discussed and listed in greater detail in Chapter 10.)
,
Similar differences occur in morphology. One such problem is the difference in word-
class assignment of endings recognized as equivalent in the two languages, as in the inflec-
tional suffix / -do /, which marks the past participle in Spanish, and which is therefore
equivalent to the -ed or -en suffix on English verbs. Through a process called nominaliza-
tion (described in detail in Chapter 4), many of these Spanish adjectives have become
nouns. A similar form has occasionally come into English, in words like certificate man- ,
date prelate but these are not recognized as participles by English-speaking students.
, ,
On the other hand, such words as significado resultado sentido are often
, , felt to be parti-
cipial adjectives by English-speaking students. Other affixes typical of adjectives in Eng-
lish whose equivalent forms have been nominalized in Spanish are seen in preparativos,
diplomatico , cientifico , which suggest English preparative diplomatic scientific but
, ,
which are matched in meaning by English preparations, diplomat as well as diplomatic ,
scientist as well as scientific.

Both Spanish and English have some derivational affixes which occur widely
but which have less frequently occurring equivalents in the other language. Examples from
English are the comparative and superlative suffixes that occur on many adjectives and
adverbs: tall-er tall-est fin-er fin-est pretti-er pretti-est fast-er fast-est Many
; ; ; ; ; ; ; .
adjective and adverb stems in English, especially those ofmore than two syllables, use
more and most before the adjectives to express the equivalent meanings. Spanish has one
particle mis —which is used to express the semantic range of both English forms, ignor-
ing the English distinction of two vs. three or more. A few relic forms in -or occur in
Spanish that can be compared in form with English -er or with a similar -or in English:
Spanish English
mej-or bett-er
pe-or
may-or maj-or
men-or min-or
Spanish has a number of derivational endings of wide distribution which occur

especially with nouns and adjectives. These are the diminutives and augmentatives. Eng-
lish has a few diminutives:
John Johnn-y
Ann Ann-ie
cigar cigar -ette
pig pig-let
goose gos-ling
lamb lamb-kin
Spanish has at least seven diminutive endings, of which two or three are widely
used. The list includes -ito (or -cito ), -illo , -ico , -ejo , -uelo , -in , as in:
pajaro pajar-ito
cigarro cigarr-illo
angel angel-ico
papel papel-ejo
pequeno pequeii-uelo
chiquito chiquit-in
lugar lugar-ete
Besides the primary denotation of diminutiveness, these forms often carry a

connotation of closeness and endearment— but sometimes (depending largely on the stem
with which they are used) of insignificance or even contempt:
Smallness
libro librito
poco poquito
Endearment
abuela abuelita
Carlos Carlitos
Proximity
ahora ahorita
luego luegito
cerca cerquita
junto juntito
Contempt
mujer mujerzuela
The Spanish augmentative suffixes have no counterpart in English. They are

extensively used, though probably they are not as common as the diminutives. Common
suffixes are -6n , -azo , -ota , -acho , -ucho :
cuchara cuchar-(3n
perro perr-azo
palabra palabr-ota
vino vin-acho
casa cas-ucha
More often than not, these endings carry a connotation of ugliness, coarseness, grotesque-
ness, or deprecation.
Another derivational suffix of extensive occurrence is the intensifier -Isimo .
which can be applied to modifiers. The effect is not unlike the meaning of the English
particle very, though often more emphatic:
bueno buen-fsimo (bonfsimo)
feliz felic-Isimo
importante important-Isimo
The -isimo and some of the diminutives can be used recursively to build longer
forms in which the meaning is intensified:
rico riqulsimo riquisisfmo

chico chiquito chiquitito
In addition to affixation, Spanish has two other derivational processes: ENCLISIS

and COMPOUNDING. In Spanish, enclisis is used extensively (all with- verb pronouns appear
as enclitic forms dependent on verbs), but compounding is relatively rare. In English there
is practically no enclisis, but compounding is extremely frequent.
Enclisis is a process of word formation in which stems from two word classes
combine in such a way that one (the CLITIC form) occurs only with the other. The clitic
form also loses its stress, if any, and becomes a part of the stress pattern of the enclitic
formation. In other words, the clitic forms are stems which act as if they were affixes. The
difference, however, is apparent. Derivational affixes build longer stems to which inflec-
60 / GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURES OF ENGLISH A^fD SPAOTSH
tional affixes can be added; in the word educa-tion-al-ize educa- , is a stem, -tion a noun-
forming suffix, âl an adjective-forming suffix, and -ize a verb-forming suffix. To the
derived verb educationalize the inflectional suffix j^ can be added, which closes the forma-
tion. Clitics are added after derivational endings and inflectional endings (those which are
permitted); thus, in the form organ-iz-^ndo-nos , we see the stem organ- verbalized by the
verb-forming suffix -iz with the inflectional -ndo form added. This should close the for-
,
mation, and does as far as word formation is concerned. But, under statable conditions of
syntactic arrangement, a clitic form can be added. Sometimes the clitic forms are post-
posed, sometimes preposed. Sometimes the speaker has a choice:
Esta dlndo-me-lo.
me-lo-estd dando.
Sometimes another item in the sentence will determine the position, as does no in:
D6-me-lo
No me-lo-d^.
The final derivational process is compounding, in which two stems are used
to form a new lexical item, English makes extensive use of compounding; Spanish very
limited use. Compounds can be described conveniently in terms of the word class to which
the source items belong. The group which are most common in Spanish are of the struc-
ture Verb + Noun. Examples are:
pasa-tiempo
para-sol
quita-valvulas
monda-dientes
mata-sanos
salta-montes
corta-plumas
cuenta-gotas
porta- monedas
saca-muelas
salva-vidas
toca-discos
abre-latas
guarda-cabras
lava-manos
rompe-cabezas
(The hyphens are used here merely to indicate the constituents of the compounds. They
are not used in the conventional writing system.)
The verb form is the third person singular of the present tense indicative. The
noun is usually plural but may be singular, especially if it is a mass noun (see Chapter 4).
The resulting compound is a masculine singular noun, but the forms ending in ^s do not
change in the plural: el cuentagotas , los cuentagotas , similar to el lunes los lunes
,
.
—
English has a similar system of compounding, but it is not commonly used:

cutthroat , spendthrift , sawbones other forms have two nouns, the second derived from a
;
verb: meat grinder , valve lifter , eyedropper gold digger

,
.
The typical stress pattern of English compounds of this type is /'V, which
contrasts with the equivalent Spanish forms, where two primary stresses (the second
normally louder because at the center of the intonation contour) appear. This probably
does not have serious consequences, except in cognate forms like parasol though , it is
undoubtedly a difficult problem for Spanish speakers learning English.

Another pattern is Noun + Noun :
madre-patria
esposa modelo
lengua madre
madre-selva
boca-calle
pluma-fuente
arco iris
These compounds generally have a gender assignment determined by the first noun— la
esposa modelo The plural formations are especially interesting. Some, like plumafuente
.
,
bocacalle will form a plural according to the regular rules for pluralizing nouns. Others
,
have a plural formation that suggests the component elements rather than the compound
as a unit:
tierra virgen tierras virgenes

esposa modelo esposas modelos
lengua madre lenguas madres
Those which are written as single words thus seem to be unitized to a greater extent than
those which are written as two words. English has some compounds similar to this group,
such as mother country but in most the order of placement
, is reversed— model wife,
fountain pen . This seems to reflect the relative order of the head words in comparable
adjective-noun constructions: the head word is normally last in English, first in Spanish.
The stress patterns in both languages are very similar.
Another pattern is Noun + Adjective :
oji-negro
peli-rrojo
punti-agudo
barbi-espeso
boqui-tuerto
pati-zambo
In these, /i/ replaces the usual /-o/ or /-a/ of the normal noun form. This is a constitu-
ent structure which has no equivalent in English. These forms are adjectives with a full
potential of inflection for number and gender. Like many other adjectives, they readily
nominalize un pelirrojo .
62 / GIUMMATICAL STRUCTURES OF ENGLISH AND SPANISH
Another minor pattern is Relater + Noun (or Nominal) ;
sin-razdn
sin-vergiienza
que-hacer(es)
contra-danza
com -padre
co-madre
en-aguas
These compounds are nouns whose gender assignment is usually determined

by the constituent noun, but sometimes by the sex of the referent if human— el/la sinver-
guenza. There is a roughly similar pattern in English, built of Verb + Relater — build-Qp ,
C(5me-d6wn s^t-td — but there

, is very little pedagogical transfer value in the comparison.
The Spanish formation is a phrase with normal word order, compressed into a single
lexical item.
There are miscellaneous additional compounds in Spanish, such as the adjec-
tive + noun altavoz rico hombre the relater
, , + verb que dirin the verb + pronoun + verb
,
hazmerreir and the rather complex verb + verb + relater + verb + pronoun correveidile
, .
These are marginal to the structure of Spanish; they have no important pattern significance.
COMPARISON
English and Spanish share a number of features of derivational formation,
especially features of affixation, where many equivalent prefixes and suffixes are easily
recognized by similarity of form and meaning.
As the English-speaking student learns Spanish, he must systematically learn
the morphological range of derivational affixes. The most likely problems he will encoun-
ter are false analogy of Spanish items compared with English, or of some Spanish items
with others. Element for instance, forms both elemental and elementary but elemento
, ,
forms only elemental majesty has an adjective majestic but majestad has majestuoso
; , ;
paper forms papery but to obtain a close equivalent in Spanish a phrase such as como de
,
papel or parecido al papel must be used. Conversely, Spanish has casero from casa but ,
English forms no parallel morphological derivation from house.

Many of these are problems on the lexical level, and lexical items must be
learned one at a time, relating to each other those which have a common form and/or
meaning. A stem series (trabajo trabajador , , trabajoso trabajera and so on) can be
, ,
profitably associated for the common meaning of the stem. An affix series (trabajoso ,
nervioso supersticioso carinoso and so on) can be drilled together to establish the com-
, , ,
mon concept of "characteristic of" which the formations share. Then a formation new to
the student— say cuidadoso or sedoso — will more likely be immediately meaningful in con-
text.
Negative transfer produces especially troublesome problems in connection

with the denotative and connotative ranges of morphological derivation. Preparacidn ,
attracci(5n , reflexidn for example, are

, formed by derivational affixes cognate with those
in preparation attraction and reflection but the latter often correspond denotatively to
, , ,
preparativo atractivo and reflejo The agentive hablador seems to be parallel to the
, , .
agentive speaker or talker but , it has connotations not possessed by the apparent English
equivalents.
Affix derivation has more potential transfer from Spanish to English (both
positive and negative) than does enclisis or compounding. Enclisis is for all practical
pedagogical purposes nonexistent in English, and compounding is relatively rare in Span-
ish. Those patterns of compounding which do exist are not particularly productive in mak-
ing new formations in Spanish. These patterns are sufficiently outside the ordinary deriva-
tional structure of Spanish that they are obvious to a student, who easily abstracts the com-
mon pattern features to assist in recognition of similar compounds.
THE NOUN PHRASE
AND ITS
CONSTITUENTS
Phrases have two kinds of structure: external structure (their function within
larger entities), and internal structure (the units of which they are composed). The exter-
nal structure of the Noun Phrase (NP) in sentences includes functions such as (1) subject
of a verb, (2) object of a verb, (3) object of a preposition, (4) noun predicate, and (5) com-
plement. The present chapter deals with the internal structure of the noun phrase.
The noun phrase consists of a DETERMINER (D) plus a NOUN (N) plus the
category of NUMBER (NUM). That is to say, when a noun is selected, number must be
selected also. The choice of number as a category is obligatory (there are no nouns in
Spanish which are not either singular or plural), but whether singular or plural is chosen
is optional. That is why NUM appears as an obligatory choice in the rule:
NP ^ D + N + NUM
Then the alternatives within the category number can be specified in this way:
NUM
This symbolizes the possibility of choice between singular and plural, and indicates that
singular nouns are not formally marked (or that they are marked for singular by reason
of not being marked for plural).
Adjectives may also enter the pattern, either before or after the novin; so the
rule could be expanded to read as follows:
NP -^ D (ADJ) + N (ADJ) + NUM

The presence of adjectives in a noun phrase is probably best described as a transforma-
tion from two sentences, in this way:
El cdnsul llegd.
El c(5nsul americano llegd.
El cdnsul es americano.
This analysis permits a much simpler set of rules for kernel sentences, since there is no
need to include attributive adjectives (attributive adjectives can be DERIVED from predi-
cate adjectives).
64
THE NOUN PHRASE AND ITS CONSTITUENTS / 65
For the immediate purpose, however, we make no distinction between those

parts of the noun phrase that are transformationally derived and those that are derived
through phrase structure rules. This will permit several simplifications in the descrip-
tive statements that apply to adjectives in the same way they apply to determiners, since
they show the same kind of agreement for gender and number.
DETERMINERS
In English, the general form of the rule for the determiner is this:
the
D -^ a ~ some in specified environments
In Spanish the formula is similar:
el
D un in specified environments
Both English and Spanish have two sets of determiners, commonly referred to as definite
and indefinite articles. In many respects they are comparable; in others they are different.
The definite articles in both languages are mildly deictic, referring to someone or some-
thing already in the field of focus (context) provided by the communication; this may be an
item or a person already mentioned or an item or a person unique in the culture:
the car (we were speaking of)
the man (who came yesterday)
the sun
the President of the United States
The indefinite article is used in other references, to an item or a person not

in the field of focus (not previously mentioned and not unique in the context):
a car
a man
In a schoolroom, one might request a student to close the door implying that there , is only
one or that there is only one open. But open a window means there is more than one, and
it does not matter which one is opened. One might in the same situation also say open the
window when there is actually a choice, implying either that there is no choice or that it
is unimportant, but never open a window when there is no choice. A more dramatic con-
trast is shown by the following sentences:
Tell me the truth.

Don't tell me a lie.
Presumably there is one truth, which is therefore the truth, but there may be many lies,
hence, a lie .
Another way of explaining the difference between definite and indefinite refer-
ence is to point out that the needs an identifying context, since it signals a particular item
or items. That context may be linguistic or non-linguistic. If we say "The president is
speaking tonight," in the absence of limiting context to the contrary, we refer to the presi-
dent of the United States. This is the same non- linguistic or culturally oriented context
that allows us to say the sun or the moon without distinguishing which sun or moon. In the
context of discourse, there is only one.
In the utterance "I was at the club last night and the president said there would
be a new rules committee," the context allows the use of the with president, identifying a
specific president. The words club rules committee are the
, linguistic context to delimit
the president .
These are distinctions in the usage of definite and indefinite articles that are
common to Spanish and English. In broad outline these determiners are similar; in some
details there are interesting differences.
COMPARISON
The most obvious contrast between English and Spanish definite and indefinite
articles is to be seen in the forms each may take. The charts below illustrate these differ-
ences.
Definite Articles
SPANISH ENGLISH
Singular Plural (Singular or Plural)
Before a Before a
consonant vowel
masc. el los
fem. la (el) las di- d-i-y
neut. lo
Spanish has a full set of number and gender forms, including the neuter, showing gram-
matical concordance with the following noun or nominal. English has only two forms, with
a phonologically determined choice between them. The English examples are cited in
transcription since spelling fails to distinguish them.
With feminine singular nouns, the form el is restricted to occurrence imme-
diately before feminine nouns (except rare constructions with given names) beginning with
stressed /i./\ el agua , el hacha. el aya , el aula , but la Ana , la Angela .
:
Indefinite Articles
SPANISH ENGLISH
Before Else- Before a Before a

a noun where consonant vowel
masc. un uno unos

a ~ an some
fern. una (un) unas
Again, Spanish has number and gender forms and a special shortened form of uno that
appears before nouns. The feminine singular un is used with feminine nouns beginning
with stressed /i/. The English forms show a distinction for number, and a variation in
form determined by whether a consonant or vowel follows. The spelling of the English
forms shows the contrasts (unlike the, which does not) but not the actual forms and their
variants under weak stress. These are:
Under a stronger stress Under weak stress
a /a/ (or /ey/) A/

an /aen/ An/
some /s-i-m/
Note that there is no neuter form for indefinite articles in Spanish. There is
no need for one; there is no indefinite reference to nominalized concepts or to an aggre-

gate of circumstances.
Another difference between English and Spanish which leads to transfer prob-
lems is the fact that Spanish uno is equivalent not only to English a but also to the number
form one. Spanish does not distinguish an indefinite article from a numeral beyond the
pattern of occurrence before the noun (article or numeral) and after the noun (numeral
only).
There is a relationship between a and one in English, however, which can be

shown by their behavior when the noun head is deleted:
He has some books. -*- He has some.

He has a book. -*- He has one.
One replaces both a and book . If book is modified, however, the modifying adjective retains
the determiner a, and one replaces only book :
He has a beautiful book. -^ He has a beautiful one.
We have noted that a noun phrase consists of a determiner plus a noun plus
number
NP D + N + NUM
A choice is permitted between definite and indefinite determiners, with a third option of
selecting Q (no determiner at all).
In both English and Spanish, Q is selected before a singular unmodified proper

noun, such as John , Bill , or Pedro Juanita although this limitation does not hold for plural
, ,
names: the Joneses , los Gdmez and , so on, where the English noun takes a regular plural.
The possibilities of matching the three concepts of definite, indefinite, and zero
are:
English Spanish
(1) the el
(2) a un
(3) St
(4) the un
(5) the
(6) a el
(7) a Q
(8) el
(9) Q un
We can dismiss the equivalence combinations (1), (2), and (3) with a few gen-
eral statements. English and Spanish use the definite articles to specify a single thing and
omit it to show some any or an , , indefinite mass. Note the difference between: The salt is
on the table and There's salt on the table . Definite articles refer to identified nouns, indefi-
nite articles to unidentified nouns: The man is at the door compared with A man is at the
door.
All the potential mismatched equivalences — members (4) to (9)— do in fact
occur, although some combinations are more important in terms of the errors they cause.
Examples of the inventory of possibilities are:
(4) He runs like the devil. Corre como un diablo.

(5) Valparaiso, the principal port Valparaiso, puerto principal de
of Chile, . . . Chile, . . .
(6) He has a long nose. Tiene la nariz larga.
(7) r m a Spaniard and a soldier. Soy espafiol y soldado.

(8) I went to town. Fui al centro.
(9) She has green eyes. Tiene unos ojos verdes.
Some of these examples are variable and therefore less significant. In (5),
the Spanish could be Valparaiso, el puerto principal de Chile , . . . which would then match
the English equivalent. Of all the patterns cited above, numbers (7) and (8) lead to the
largest number of student errors resulting from structural pressures.
Pattern (7) above is that in which English has a matching Spanish Q. This con-
trast occurs most frequently after a linking verb when the following noun shows mere
identification, as in the following examples:
He's a philosopher. Es fildsofo.
He's a friend of mine. Es amigo mio.

He's a relative of the chief. Es pariente del jefe.
She's a teacher. Es profesora.

He's a pilot. Es piloto.
The most likely error an English-speaking student will make is to insert im

in similar Spanish sentences. This is difficult to correct because all the Spanish sentences
above can take an indefinite article before the predicate noun, but then the meaning under-
goes a subtle change. Instead of mere identification, the predicate then serves to individ-
ualize. The English equivalent of the Spanish contrast with and without an article after ser
is usually a matter of emphasis. The followii^ examples illustrate one possibility of
demonstrating the contrast graphically.
He's a doctor Es medico.

He's a doctor . Es un medico.
This added element of meaning can be seen in figurative speech, which makes the individ-
ualization stand out.
She's an angel. Es un angel.

He's a wolf. Es un lobo.
Additional modification, especially by an enhancing adjective, is usually indi-

vidualizing and usually requires the article:
He's a good doctor. Es un buen medico.

He's a ferocious tyrant. Es un tirano feroz.
But modification in and of itself is not a determining factor. Occasionally a modified noun
is used without an indefinite article, which then shows mere identification:
Tu que eres hombre respetable . . .
English has a similar usage without an article in the plural, but enhancing
modification does not attract an article to the construction.
They're lawyers.
They're very good lawyers.
The English-speaking student will tend to omit the article in plural constructions with
modified nouns:
*Son abogados muy buenos.
rather than
Son unos abogados muy buenos.
There is a similar contrast between English a and Spanish Q where an English

count noun has a Spanish mass noun as its equivalent.
We had a test. Tuvimos examen.

I have an appointment with the doctor. Tengo hora con el doctor.
(The difference between mass and count nouns is explained more fully later in this chap-
ter.)
Another example of English a compared with Spanish ISI can be seen in text
titles:
A Treatise of Elementary Physics Tratado elemental de fisica

A Panorama of Commercial Law Panorama de derecho comercial
An Illustrated Dictionary . . . Diccionario ilustrado . . .
These examples are not from the spoken language, but they illustrate the same contrast
in the style of written forms.
Number (8) above exemplifies constructions in which English Q corresponds
with Spanish el. This difference generates a considerable number of errors. One of the
most common is the use of nouns referring to all of something— that is, referring to some-
thing in very general terms. Note the following examples:
Man is mortal. El hombre es mortal.

Time is precious. El tiempo es precioso.
Philosophy is useless. La filosofia es iniitil.
Children are innocent. Los ninos son inocentes.

Onion is good with roast beef. La ceboUa es buena con el rosbif
Let's not talk about money. No discutamos del dinero.
I don't like rice. No me gusta el arroz.
Even nominalized verbal forms (as subject of the sentence) normally take a definite arti-
cle in Spanish:
Speaking well is a gift. El hablar bien es un don.
The errors which a superimposition of the English pattern causes are serious,
because the results are often not just unlikely, but impossible, Spanish utterances:
*Vida es agitada.
*Arroz es bueno.
*Televisi(3n es educacional.
*Libros son necesarios.
Ideas son importantes.
Another instance of a similar error is in the use of articles with person titles.
English never uses the with titles used with names, although some professional titles used
alone take an article (the captain the judge ). Spanish , is like English when titles are used
alone (el capitln , el juez ) and when used in direct address (Good mornir^, Mr. Black ;
Buenos dias, seiior Gdmez ). But when a person is spoken of by title and name, Spanish
uses el/la; English, Q.
Mr. Brown is here. El seiior Castro esta aqui.

Mrs. Evans came. La seiiiora Evans vino.
Father Santos left. El padre Santos se fud.
Professor Phillips said so. El profesor Pineda lo dijo.
The probable error is the omission of el/la where the Spanish construction requires it:
*Doctor Llores esta aqui.

*Senorita Romero acaba de llegar.
There are prepositional phrases indicating place in English which do not have
an article before their objects when the nouns refer to specific places which are normally
unique in the cultural context: to town to church at school from work , , , , in college , in Con-
gress , to heaven , in hell . All these have Spanish equivalents with definite articles. The
English pattern is very limited in Spanish, with Voy a clase and Esta en casa as rare
examples. Errors of the following kind are caused by pressure from English:
*Voy a escuela.
*Voy a centro.
*Esta en carcel.
*Viene de trabajo.
Other similar prepositional phrases with other adverb functions occasionally follow the
same pattern: at night , at noon , at midnight (but notice in the morning , in the afternoon ,
in the evening in care of ). The Spanish equivalents (en la noche al mediodia al cuidado
, , ,
de ) are subject to the similar error of article omission.

Another area of conflict is in the names of days of the week. The definite
article is used in English only when the day is modified in constructions like the Sunday
before he came Spanish
. often uses the article (El domingo es mi cumpleanos ). The article
is obligatory in Spanish when the day of the week is used as an adverb of time.
I'm going Monday. Voy el lunes.
It's for Wednesday. Es para el mi^rcoles.

I'll see you Friday. Lo veo el viernes.
I see him on Tuesdays. Lo veo los martes.
Again, the likely error is an inappropriate omission:
*Voy (en) lunes.
*La veo (en) sabados.
The en which often accompanies an erroneous usage reflects English on, which is optional
in equivalent English constructions. Note the necessity for the number -marking function
of the Spanish article when used with those days of the week which have a zero plural:
I go on Tuesday. Voy el martes.

I go on Tuesdays. Voy los martes.
In reference to modified place or person names, a definite article is required

in Spanish but not in English:
Great Britain La Gran Bretana

Dutch Guiana La Guayana holandesa
nineteenth-century India La India del siglo XIX
old Thomas El viejo Tomas
The likely error is again the omission of the article:
Asia rusa
India de hoy
Finally, there is a contrast that is important because of its frequency. In tell-

ing time, English omits the article but Spanish retains it:
It's two (o'clock). Son las dos.

It' s ten thirty. Son las diez y media.
Note also that English has an expression o'clock that may be used with exact hours, which
has no equivalent in Spanish. The common error, as with all other examples of the Spanish
el— English Q contrast, is the omission of the Spanish article:
Es una y media.
Son cinco menos diez.
Son diez y cinco.
The la(s) is used only with the hours, not the minutes.
Besides the numerous types of error involving mismatching of the determiners
themselves, articles are sometimes equated with other forms. The most common instance
of this type of contrast is the use of definite articles in Spanish and possessives in English
to refer to things possessed, when it is obvious who the possessor is. Examples are:
My whole body aches. Me duele todo el cuerpo.

Take your shirt off. Quitese la camisa.
Stick out your tongue. Saque la lengua.
Your feet are very dirty. Tienes los pies muy sucios.
Look how I can walk on my Mira como camino con las manos.
hands.
By Spanish standards, English overworks its possessives, and the use of a Spanish posses-
sive where there is no doubt who the possessor is gives the effect of being strangely insist-
ent. Thus:
Quitese su abrigo.
might well make the Spanish speaker wonder what other coat he could take off. Note that
the adverb of interest (the indirect pronoun) is often used to indicate the possessor (Me
duele todo el cuerpo ).
There are other examples of conflict in the use of determiners. One pattern
which illustrates the principle of immediate constituents with compound noun constructions
will serve as an illustration. In English and in Spanish, a determiner modifies a single
noun, or it may modify two nouns compounded with and , if the two can be thought of as a
unit. The immediate constituent analysis can be:
D N and D N
or it may be:
H N and N
The two patterns can be illustrated as follows:
A boy and a dog are outside the door.

A boy and girl are outside the door.
Although English and Spanish are similar in their use of this contrast, in Eng-
lish a single determiner can modify two nouns much more readily than in Spanish, where
the link must be very close. English and Spanish agree in having one or two determiners
in the following sentences:
The salt and pepper La sal y pimienta

The bread and butter El pan y mantequilla
In the opening and closing of En un abrir y cerrar de ojos
an eye
The girl and the book La muchacha y el libro

A boy and a dog Un nino y un perro
There is, however, an area of overlap, where Spanish repeats the article, but English does
not. This is a source of conflict:
I have a house and car. Tengo una casa y un coche.

The father and mother El padre y la madre
The table and chairs La mesa y las sillas
Bring a bat and ball. Trae un bate y una pelota.
The shoes and socks Los zapatos y los calcetines
DEMONSTRATIVES
Determiners have been listed as el, un, or 5. Two other subclasses of adjec-
tives—the demonstratives and the possessives— can replace the primary determiners in a
noun phrase, although neither of these subclasses is exclusively a determiner. Both may
also occur as adjectives in a position following the noun they modify. Only one determiner
may appear in a single simple noun phrase, so that if a demonstrative or possessive form
precedes the noun, no other determiner will occur. If the demonstrative or possessive fol-
lows the noun, a determiner (normally a form of el) will precede.
The DEMONSTRATIVES have five forms in a set similar to the determiner el
and the subject pronoun 61 given above.
Masculine Feminine Neuter
este estos esta estas esto

ese esos esa esas eso
aquel aquellos aquella aquellas aquello
In form, the neuter esto, eso, aquello would seem to be masculine singular, since estos ,
esos aquellos are regular masculine plurals. The masculine singular forms are, however,
,
irregular, having either an empty syllable carrier /-e/ or no final vowel.

74 / GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURES OF ENGLISH A^fD SPAMSH
Since este normally refers to something near the speaker, ese to something
near the person spoken to, and aquel to something remote from both (these are approxi-
mate meanings; in some areas, ese is assuming some of the semantic function of aquel ),
these forms are related to the grammatical category person. The demonstratives are in
some sense a combination of the definite article and the category person:
el + Pj -^ este
el.P^ -»- ese
el.Pg -*- aquel
COMPARISON
The most striking difference between English and Spanish demonstratives is
in the inventory; four English forms carry the semantic load of fifteen Spanish forms. All
English forms are neuter (i.e., lacking in specific reference to masculine or feminine).
Modern English forms have a remnant of person reference: first person contrasted with
second and third combined (since the specifically third person form yon is an archaism
no longer used). Spanish may eventually follow the same pattern English has, at least in
those dialects where the aquel forms are less frequently used. The neuter aquello is a
form of especially low frequency.
The almost unique instance of number distinction in the English demonstra-
tives, with a singular this , that opposed to plural these , those, is paralleled by Spanish
forms which in addition show distinctions for gender.
The distinction for neuter is shown in English by the process of nominaliza-
tion, which is complicated. Note the following examples:
This book -»- This one

That book -*- That one
These books -^ These
Those books -»- Those
The empty nominal carrier one is used with singular demonstratives, but not with the
plurals, which follow the pattern followed by all Spanish demonstrative nominalizations:
Este libro -*- Este

Estos libros -»- Estos
When English translates Spanish neuter esto or eso in either of its primary meanings of
unidentified ob3ect(s) (in questions like <iQue_es_eso ? ) or of an aggregate of concepts or

circumstances (in sentences like Eso as lo peor ), the nominalization is this or that, with-
out the nominal carrier one:
What's that?
That' s the worst part.
POSSESSIVES
The POSSESSIVES may follow the noun, in which instance they function as
limiting adiectives; or they may precede the noun, in which instance they function as
s
determiners. Note the following examples:
^D6nde esta el libro nuestro?

^D(5nde esta nuestro libro?
In the first sentence, as a postposed adjective, the sentence resembles:
,i,Ddnde esti el libro nuevo?
But in the second sentence, in preposed position, nuestro replaces el. With nuevo preposed,
however, el is not replaced:
^Ddnde esta el nuevo libro?
The singular and all third person forms are shortened when preposed. The full
set of forms follows (feminine endings following a hyphen, plural ^s in parentheses):
Shortened Forms Full Forms

Person Person Person Person
1 mi(s) mio, -a(s) nuestro, -a(s)
2 tu(s) tuyo, -a(s) vuestro, -a(s)
3 su (s) suyo, -a(s)
As the chart above shows, gender distinctions are lost in shortened forms
(unlike other determiners), but number distinctions are always shown.
English possessives are pronoun forms, and the possessives in the full pro-
noun paradigm are matched by similar forms in the noun paradigm:
I me my mine
John John'
English nouns of course do not have a subject-form/object-form distinction, and there is

only one possessive form, whether used as a modifier or as a nominal. Note the following
examples:
Where's my book? Where's mine ?

Where's John's book? Where's John's?
In Spanish, the possessives are adjectives, with all the forms and distinctions
of this class. There is therefore an agreement relationship between the possessive and the
noun it modifies which is absent in English:
nuestro coche nuestra casa
matched in English by:
our car our house

In the Spanish pattern, the category of number appears twice. (1) Since the
entire set is related to a similar pronoun set, number as it is expressed in pronouns is
also expressed in the possessives:
Singular Forms Plural Forms

Subject Pronouns Possessives Subject Pronouns Possessives
yo mio nosotros nuestro

tu tuyo vosotros vuestro
usted ustedes
^1 suyo alios •
suyo
ella ellas
In other words, the possessives have a number reference to the possessor, except in
second formal and third person forms, where suyo refers to both. This system is matched
by English:
Singular Plural
my book(s) our book(s)
with singularity and plurality marked by the selection of person-number forms to identify
the possessor(s). (2) Spanish possessives have in addition the type of number (and gender)
agreement with the noun modified that characterizes all adjective-noun constructions.
This is another and quite different application of the category of number:
Singular Plural
nuestro libro nuestros libros
Number agreement of the second type is purely grammatical agreement of the possessive
form with the thing(s) possessed.
The contrasting Spanish and English patterns do not cause much trouble in
first and second person references, but in third person, where Spanish suyo refers to both
singular and plural possessors, an English-speaking student is often tempted to realign
the Spanish forms to fit the number and gender categories of English with such inappropri-
ate associations as his = suyo , her = suya their
,
= suyos , ( suyas ).
In their modifying function (i.e., not nominalized) the Spanish possessives can
be classified into three patterns: before a noun, after the verb ser and after a noun. ,
When
possessive forms precede, they are shortened. English possessives also have two forms:
one used before nouns, and the other elsewhere (after the verb be and in nominal functions).
When it is used after a noun, an English possessive must be part of a prepositional phrase
(the normal position for modifying phrases is after the word they modify). A conflict arises
from the lack of congruence between these two positions, which can be charted as follows:
Before a noun After be After a noun
English My house It's mine That house of mine

Your car It's yours That car of yours
Spanish Mi casa Es mia Esa casa mia

Tu coche Es tuyo Ese coche tuyo
An error like *Esa casa de mia or * Ese coche de tuyo on the strong analogy
, of That
house of mine and That car of yours , is very easy to make. Special drills are needed to
establish the essentially adjectival characteristics of Spanish possessives to successfully

distinguish them from the pronominal characteristics of English possessives.
There is another construction which adds to the pressure for inserting de ,
that of possessive noun phrases. The English construction seen in the roof of the house
(instead of the house's roof ) is matched by el techo de la casa in Spanish. Indeed, this is
the normal Spanish way to mark possession with a noun:
El libro de Juan
El reloj de Ana
El nombre del senor
This construction is used with pronouns, especially with the third person forms, since
suyo can have so many possible referents:
El libro de usted
La pluma de ^1
El coche de ellos
La actitud de ellas
La casa de nosotros
The last example is limited dialectaily to a few areas, such as Chile; in other areas,
nuestra casa is preferred. Similar forms with first and second person singular referents
are never used in any dialect area to express possession of the preceding noun: * de mi ,
*de_ti.
Another comparison can be made on the basis of the form-class distinction

between Spanish adjectives, on the one hand, and English pronouns, on the other. Spanish
possessives in a nominal function are marked by the determiner el, as in el mio or la
suya English possessives, since they are pronouns, do not need any special nominalizing
.
device (they do not take the nominal carrier one as demonstratives do). So English sen-
tences like:
Mine' s on the table.

Hers is by the door.
are translated by the following Spanish equivalents:
El mio esta en la mesa.

La suya esti junto a la puerta.
The difference between these patterns will exert pressure on the English-speaking student
to omit the nominalizing el, la from the Spanish pattern.
NOUN CLASSIFICATIONS
The noun in a noun phrase determines many of the characteristics of other
items in a sentence. For this reason it is necessary to classify nouns into subclasses that
reflect combinatory potentials.
Since nouns have inherent gender, it is first necessary to establish gender
classes. The gender assignment may be masculine, feminine, or — marginally in Spanish,
frequently in English— neuter. The formula reads:
N -^ N o' N a' Nneut

, , ,
Because of consequences in the omission of the determiners, another classifi-

cation is necessary: into classes of common and proper. The formula is:
com' prop
This classification separates nouns like muchacha and Maria into different groups.
Another classification of nouns is necessary to provide a rationale for limita-
tions of sentence type, of appearance with adverb classes, and so on. Nouns are divided
into classes of place, time, event, person, thing, animate, and so on:
N-»-Nplace' N N N N N
'time' 'êvent' pers' thing' anim' ' ' ' "
'
(Some of the implications of this classification will appear in Chapter 7, where the verb
phrase is discussed.)
It should be noted that these classifications are not linear. Any noun will be
cross-classified simultaneously within each of the three groups discussed above. Also,
additional sub- and cross-classifications are needed for a complete grammar, as more
interrelationships between different elements in the sentence structure are defined.
MASS NOUNS AND COUNT NOUNS^

One important classification of nouns is the distinction between count nouns
and mass nouns. In general, the distinction is based on the criterion of measurement by
amount or volume, on the one hand (mass nouns such as sand water , , alfalfa ), contrasted
with the criterion of measurement by quantity or number, on the other (count nouns, such
as book , room , tool ). Problems arise when a word classified as mass in one language is
count in the other: English furniture vs. Spanish muebles .
To be completely consistent, we should speak of "nouns that normally appear

in count constructions" rather than "count nouns," and "nouns that normally appear in a
mass construction" rather than "mass nouns." Otherwise the statement that mass nouns
1. of the mass noun— count noun distinctions of Span-

The best brief treatment
ish and English is E. lannucci. Lexical Number in Spanish Nouns with Reference to
James
Their English Equivalents (1952), to which our presentation is indebted for several ideas
and a number of examples.
have no plural could be taken as an inconsistency. In Spanish, as in English, one can say
Dos caf^s, por favor , using caf^ as a count noun. Likewise, Aqui se hace mucha camisa
uses camisa as a mass noun though it is basically a count noun. It is, however, convenient
to refer to mass nouns and count nouns, and no problem arises from this usage so long as
it is not understood to cover their entire constructional potential.
In English, this classification has important obligatory grammatical conse-
quences, one of which can be seen in indefinite reference. The rule for the indefinite deter-
miner in English is that singular count nouns take a, plural nouns take some:
a boy some boys

a plane some planes
The a with \
„?Jj^p |
is never omitted, but in some constructions the some is optional: There
are (some) planes overhead The rule for mass nouns . is different. Some appears with singu-
lar mass nouns, which do not normally have a plural form:
some sand
some soap
As in plural count nouns, some is optional with mass nouns in some constructions: There's
(some) mud on the floor . The restriction which is completely obligatory appears in the
indefinite singular count noun, which must be marked with a. That is, we cannot say in
E relish, * I don't have pencil .
Mass nouns are singular in form, but in meaning are akin to plural count nouns:
He brought some books.

He brought some sand.
To make a singular reference to a mass noun, it is necessary to use a COUNTER or con-
tainer, such as piece , bar grain
, , bit, item, glass , bucket. The counters— always count
nouns— can be singular or plural.
a piece of furniture some pieces of furniture

a bit of information some bits of information
a grain of sand some grains of sand
a bar of soap some bars of soap
a glass of water some glasses of water
The two most obvious features of the distinction between mass and count
nouns are (1) the lack of a plural form for mass nouns, and (2) the restriction of the indef-
inite determiner a to appearance with singular count nouns. There are other features, such
as the use of quantifying and some other adjectives, the use of the with generic reference,
2
the use of the empty carrier one .
In Spanish, the same distinction between mass nouns and count nouns exists,
but with fewer grammatical consequences, in part caused by a frequent crossing of classes.
That is, a very large number of nouns function both as mass and as count nouns. So free is
2. See Ibid., pp. 18-22.

this crossing of classes that one might wonder if there are really two separate classes
involved. It is perhaps more accurate to speak of count and mass constructions, which can
be identified much as in English.
There is also crossing of classes in English, as can be seen by the following

singular -plural pairs, which allow the indefinite article some to appear before either mem-
ber: paper-papers , noise-noises hair-hairs fear-fears hope-hopes success- successes
, , , , .
The plural form is felt to be individualizing or particularizing, which in the following pairs
causes a noticeable shift of meaning: air-airs manner -manners wood -woods Spanish
, , .
differs from English in that most Spanish nouns can appear in either a mass or a count
construction, so that no sharp line of demarcation divides the two.
In Spanish, the indefinite article and the plural occur only in count construc-
tions. In addition, there are restrictions on the use of adjectives of quantity with singular
3
nouns, which are also similar to English, and a few other restrictions.
The fact that there are a few Spanish mass nouns which occur only in mass
constructions establishes the class. These nouns do not appear in count constructions, for
example, pluralized: harina plata paciencia cordura obediencia justicia quietud
, , , , , , ,
reverencia prudencia constancia gratitud certeza, and most nominalized infinitives.

, , , , It
will be noted that several of these nouns are names of virtues, to which the culture assigns
an indivisible, abstract status, which is not made concrete or particular (and thereby
countable).
Count nouns may be measured as multiples of themselves: seis lapices cuatro ,
hombres ocho dias Mass nouns are measured by

, . the use of the counter: dos botellas de
leche, cinco vasos de agua , tres kilos de harina .
One test for classifying Spanish nouns is whether a singular or plural form
follows the counter, as illustrated by the following examples:
Mass nouns :
una caja de arena

una olla de arroz
un balde de leche
Count nouns :
una caja de Mpices

una olla de frijoles
un balde de huevos
There is in Spanish an indefinite counter that appears only with mass nouns: un poco de .
Un poco de is very similar in structure (though opposite in meaning) to English a lot of,
but where the English indefinite counter appears before (singular) mass or (plural) count
nouns, the Spanish indefinite counter appears only before mass nouns:
3. Ibid ., pp. 22-23.

English Spanish
a lot of wheat a lot of pencils un poco de trigo

4
a lot of milk a lot of chains un poco de leche
In both English and Spanish, there is some jumping from one class to the
other, in both directions, for special effects. We can, for instance, "countify" mass nouns
which come to be associated with a standard counter or container. The words milk beer , ,
and coffee are mass nouns in English, just as leche, cerveza and cafe are in Spanish. Yet,
,
when referring to a standard serving (glass, bottle, cup), we can convert them into count
nouns:
a milk una leche

a beer una cerveza
a coffee un caf^
Also in distinguishing some particular kind or type of the mass noun substance (by a lim-
iting modifier of some kind), it is possible to readily countify:
A new beer has been created. Una nueva cerveza se ha creado.

A water that will heal Un agua que le proporcionara grandes
arthritis beneficios
Mass nouns are occasionally countified for poetic effect. Sand , snow and
,
water are normally mass nouns, but in expressions like: the sands of time the snows
, of
yesteryear the waters parted we recognize the special lyric quality that a use out of nor-
,
mal classification imparts to these prosaic elements.
In a similar way, count nouns can be "massified" in certain constructions.

Egg is normally a count noun in English, but in the sentence He' s got egg all over his face
it is a mass noun. Compare:
There's an egg on your plate.

There's egg on your plate.
where a countable item is referred to in the first sentence, but a noncountable mass in the
second. In English and Spanish, we can massify count nouns for special effects. To empha-
size potency, effectiveness, size, and so on, we can say:
That's a lot of woman. Esa es mucha mujer.

using a characteristically mass noun construction with a count noun: woman or mujer . It
is quite possible in Spanish to say that a town or an area has a thriving shirt industry
(makes a lot of shirts) with the sentence: Se fabrica mucha camisa en este lugar .
4. Un poco de is similar in structure and in meaning to the English a bit of ,

although a little is a more frequent translation equivalent.
COMPARISON
Two problems emerge from a comparison of English and Spanish with respect
to mass-noun/count-noun distinctions: (1) the discrepancies of class assignment for seman-
tically equivalent lexical items, and (2) the limitations on the class "mass noun" in Spanish.
Typical of the first problem is a mass noun in English which is equivalent to a

5
count noun in Spanish. Examples are:
English Spanish
Mass noun Counter plus mass noun Plural count noun Singular count noun
furniture a piece of furniture muebles un mueble

gossip a piece of gossip chismes un chisme
toast a piece of toast tostadas una tostada
silverware a setting (service) of silverware cubiertos un cubierto
lightning a flash of lightning relimpagos un relampago
lightning a bolt of lightning rayos un rayo
thunder a clap of thunder truenos un trueno
advice a bit (piece) of advice consejos un consejo
ice cream a dish (pint, etc.) of ice cream helados un helado
candy a piece of candy dulces un dulce
macaroni a piece of macaroni macarrones un macarrdn
foolishness a piece of foolishness disparates un disparate
foolishness a piece of foolishness necedades una necedad
nonsense a bit of nonsense tonterias una tonteria
merchandise an item of merchandise mercancias una mercancia
laughter a burst (peal) of laughter carcajadas una carcajada
jewelry a piece of jewelry (a jewel) joyas una joya
grey hair a strand of gray hair canas una cana
equipment a piece of equipment equipos un equipo
news a piece of news noticias una noticia
Sometimes a conflict can be avoided by equating a Spanish count noun with an

English count noun rather than with an English mass noun that has a similar meaning. In
other words, when there is a choice, it is preferable not to cross the count-mass boundary.
The following list illustrates two English equivalents for a Spanish count noun. In each
instance the first is pedagogically (thought not necessarily stylistically) a better transla-
tion:
5. The relatively rare converse equivalence (Spanish mass noun vs. English
count noun) is noted only in the following pairs: oleaje -waves ramaje-branches , ,
hojarasca-fallen leaves .
Spanish Engli sh
Count noun Count noun Mass noun
joyas jewels jewelry

maquinas machines machinery
risas laughs laughter
hojas leaves foliage
escenas scenes scenery
mentiras lies lying
toses coughs coughing

informes reports information
noticias news items news
A difficult problem for the English-speakir^ student of Spanish is the ease of

converting Spanish mass nouns to count constructions which cannot be matched in English.
English-speaking students will tend to avoid the constructions in the far right column below
because they have no equivalents in English:
English mass Spanish mass or count nouns
two pieces of chalk dos barretas de tiza dos tizas

two bars of soap dos panes de jabdn dos jabones
two heads of lettuce dos matas de lechuga dos lechugas
two cloves of garlic dos cabecitas de ajo dos ajos
two pieces (sticks) of chewing gum dos pastillas de chicle dos chicles
two strips of lace dos cintas (tiras) de encaje dos encajes
two heads of endive dos cabezas de escarola dos escarolas
two business deals dos tratados de negocio dos negocios
two pieces of wood dos trozos de madera dos maderas
two wads of cotton dos motas de algoddn dos algodones
two pieces of gauze dos pedazos de gaza dos gazas
two bits of information dos puntos de informacion dos informaciones
Additional ramifications of the same problem of equivalence can be seen in

the following lists. In the first list, the English mass nouns in the first column can be
equated with the Spanish mass nouns in the second column; but these can be fully converted
to count constructions, which is evidenced by the possible occurrence with a number adjec-
tive shown in the third column:
English mass noun Spanish mass noun Spanish count noun
applause el aplauso dos aplausos

assistance la asistencia dos asistencias
audacity la audacia dos audacias
baggage el equipaje dos equipajes
English mass noun Spanish mass noun Spanish count noun
bargaining el regateo dos regateos

boldness la osadia dos osadias
bread el pan dos panes
business el negocio dos negocios
colic el c61ico dos c<51icos
confusion a confusion dos confusiones
devilishness a diablura dos diabluras
diarrhea a diarrea dos diarreas
dust a polvareda dos polvaredas
fanaticism el fanatismo dos fanatismos
foolishness a necedad dos necedades
hope a esperanza dos esperanzas
imagination a imaginacidn dos imaginaciones
indigestion a indigesti6n dos indigestiones
infamy a infamia dos infamias
initiative a iniciativa dos iniciativas
insolence a insolencia dos insolencias
insomnia el insomnio dos insomnios
laughter a risa dos risas
luck a suerte dos suertes
madness a locvira dos locuras
melancholy a melancolia dos melancolias
nonsense, silliness a tonteria dos tonterias
peace a paz dos paces
pneumonia a pulmonia dos pulmonias
prestige el prestigio dos prestigios
progress el progreso dos progresos
remorse el remordimiento dos remordimientos
ridiculousness la ridiculez dos ridiculeces
romanticism el romanticismo dos romanticismos
sarcasm el sarcasmo dos sarcasmos
shamelessness, impudence de desvergiienza dos desvergiienzas
strength la fuerza dos fuerzas
stupidity la estupidez dos estupideces
support el apoyo dos apoyos
treason la traicidn dos traiciones
velocity, speed la velocidad dos velocidades
wealth el caudal dos caudales
witchcraft la hechiceria dos hechicerias
The items in the following lists are only partly similar to the previous exam-
ples. The Spanish mass nouns can be converted into count nouns, as evidenced by the
plural forms. But the resulting count noun has the limitation of not being permitted to occur
with a number adjective; that is, the items classed as "countable" cannot be enumerated.
Only an aggregate, not a specific number of instances, can be referred to, which indicates
a restriction on the individualizing function of the process of "countifying." Examples are:
English mass noun Spanish mass noun Spanish limited count noun
abundance la abundancia las abundancias

acidity la acidez las acideces
air el aire los aires

anger la cdlera las coleras
anger, wrath la ira las iras
apoplexy la apoplejia las apoplejias
appendicitis la apendicitis las apendicitis
atmosphere la atm(5sfera las atmdsferas
childishness la nineria las ninerias
clothing la ropa las ropas
cold el frfo los frios
cowardliness la cobardia las cobardias
disdain, scorn el desden los desdenes
foam la espuma las espumas
frivolity la frivolidad las frivolidades
heat el calor los calores
honey la miel las mieles
hunger el hambre las hambres
hurry, haste la prisa las prisas
impatience la impaciencia las impaciencias
ivy la hiedra las hiedras
leisure el ocio los ocios
materialism el materialismo los materialismos
meat la came las carnes
modesty el pudor los pudores
music la musica las musicas
nausea la nausea las nauseas
nervousness la nerviosidad las nerviosidades
nostalgia, homesickness la nostalgia las nostalgias
paganism el paganismo los paganismos
people la gente las gentes
pharyngitis la angina las anginas
powder el polvo los polvos
salt la sal las sales
sand la arena las arenas
shame, shamefulness la vergiienza las verguenzas
snow la nieve las nieves
English mass noun Spanish mass noun Spanish limited count noun
sun el sol los soles

water el agua las aguas
wool la lana las lanas
As with English, Spanish mass nouns sometimes show a change of meaning when they are
countized. Carne refers to meat, but carnes more likely refers to the abundant flesh of an
overweight person.
There are certain mass nouns in English (or perhaps count nouns with no
singular form, which behave like mass nouns) similar to news, for which Spanish has
covint/mass equivalents:
English plural count noun/ mass noun Spanish count/ mass noun
clothes ropa
woods bosque
oats avena
grits semola
hives urticaria
Certain names of sciences or systems in English with the suffix -ics, usually considered
singular, have Spanish equivalents that are usually singular, though some can occasionally
be pluralized:
mathematics matematica
physics fisica
genetics genetica
acoustics aciistica
gymnastics gimnastica
tactics tactica
economics economia
athletics atletismo
One final difficulty is almost imrelated to the mass noun/count noun distinc-
tion. Some count nouns are singular in English but plural in Spanish in their usual forms.
This lack of formal equivalence often troubles students. Examples are:
English singular count noun Spanish plural count noun
Morocco Marruecos
vacation vacaciones
nose narices
Actually narices has nostrils as its primary referent, but it is the equivalent of nose in
many utterances: Le peg6 en las narices .
This discussion of mass and count constructions makes it possible to clarify

some of the examples cited in an earlier section on the use of determiners. When a singu-
lar noun appears with un(a) , it is used in a count construction; without un(a) , it is a mass
construction. Note the following examples:
Count nouns
^Tienes un empleo? Do you have a job?

^Necesitas una criada? Do you need a maid?
Mass nouns
^Tienes empleo? Do you have work?
i,Necesitas criada? Do you need domestic help?
There are pairs of English words to handle the count and mass meaning of
Spanish empleo and criada (job/ work , maid/help ). But in the sentence ^ Tienes lapiz ?
there is only the English count noun pencil available. The unity of the Spanish pattern
cannot be illustrated without resorting to some untypical English construction like:
^Tienes un lapiz? Do you have a pencil?

iTienes lapiz? Are you pencil- supplied?
ADJECTIVE POSITION
The pattern for a noun phrase has been represented by the formula:
NP ^ D (ADJ) + N (ADJ) + NUM

This can now be expanded to show a more complete adjective classification and the rela-
tive sequence in which different kinds of adjectives may occur. The fullest pattern of
modification is as follows:
tnein ^ D Limiting"= ^
Descriptive ^ ^ Desc or Lim +,at>.tt.u \tst
toao + r» +
a.
^j-jj + ^j^^ + N
-.j
+ ^„j ADJ Phrase + ADJ r^^
Clause
The positions in this sequence can be conveniently designated by reference to the relative
order of their occurrence before or after the noun, marked by a minus for those which
precede and a plus for those which follow:
+1 +2 +3
todo D Limiting Descriptive N Desc or Lim Phrase Clause
Position minus 4 is occupied by the unique item todo. Position minus 3 is

occupied by a class designated as determiners. These are el, un, Q; the demonstratives
este, ese, aquel ; and the possessives (when they precede the noun).
Up to this point the classification is neat and inclusive: the relative order is
fixed, and only one item from a class is allowed. The limiting and descriptive adjectives
cannot be organized so neatly, without working out a subclassification, cross-classifying
many of the subclassified forms, and supplying a set of special rules to account for excep-
tions.
Limiting adjectives are those which relate the noun to its environment in
terms of order relations, amount, and quantity. More than one limiting adjective may
modify the same noun, which is the source of several suborder problems. For example,
ordinal numerals usually follow cardinal (primeros dos ), but they may precede (dos
primeros ); otros must precede cardinal numerals (otros dos ), but may precede or follow
muchos (otros muchos muchos otros ). The comparatives mas and menos usually appear
,
in position minus 2, but when there is a cardinal numeral modifying the same noun, the
comparatives move to a position after the noun (Tengo dos libros mas ).
There is one restriction on the co-occurrence of determiners and limiting
adjectives: the determiner un does not normally appear in the same construction with a
limiting adjective: ciento, otro, not *un ciento , *un otro . Uno appears as a determiner
occupying position minus 3 when it has the function of indefinite reference (comparable to
English a), and is a limiting adjective occupying position minus 2 when it has the function
of explicit enumeration (comparable to English one ). Neither as a determiner nor as an
enumerator does it appear with itself or with other limiting adjectives. When it is nominal-
ized as a substitute for hora , it can occur after the determiner la: Es la una .
The ordinal and cardinal numerals regularly appear in position minus 2, but
as part of a title or formal designation they follow the noun. When the cardinal precedes
a noun, it agrees in number with the noun; when it follows as a part of a title or designa-
tion, it does not:
dos libros libro dos
Only the first ten ordinals are normally used; cardinals are substituted for higher num-
bers. In calendar dates, primero is used for the first day of the month, dos tres and so , ,
on for succeeding days.

Multiples of cardinal numerals (from sixteen on) are built of tens and units on
the pattern of treinta y uno (with the multiples of one showing gender agreement: treinta y
una mujeres ). One hundred is cien; numbers to 199 are ciento uno , ciento dos , and so on
(with no gender agreement of ciento ); numbers from 200 are dos cientos (with gender
agreement: dos cientas mujeres ).
Mil (like cien and other limiting adjectives) does not take the determiner un .
Multiples of ten modifying mil plus a noun do not show gender agreement, but multiples of
cien do:
treinta y un mil hombres

treinta y un mil mujeres
doscientas mil mujeres
Milldn ( billdn and so on), unlike the other numerals,

, is a masculine noun; it
quantifies nouns in a following de phrase:
un milldn de afios
Number reference to a fraction of an integer is made by an adjective for one-

half , a noun for other simple fractions, as follows:
media hora
un cuarto de hora
tres cuartos de hora
When added to a whole number, the fraction is moved to position plus 1, following the noun
and the relater y^:
dos horas y media

seis horas y un cuarto
nueve horas y tres cuartos
Descriptive adjectives appear both in position minus 1 and position plus 1.
Many of the adjectives classified as descriptive (those which tell something of the nature
of the noun they describe: color, size, nationality, affiliations or status in society, condi-
tion, and so on) can precede or follow the noun with little change of meaning. Others ex-
press an easily discernible semantic distinction when placed before or after a noun:
nuevo carro a different car carro nuevo a brand new car

pobre hombre an unfortunate man hombre pobre a destitute man
gran ciudad a great city ciudad grande a large city
buena parte a considerable part parte buena the good part
It has been suggested that the difference between these examples is that between the figur-
ative (left column) and the literal (right column) meanings of the adjectives. Although
this is a useful description of the contrast shown above, where the differences in meaning
are clear in English translation, it is much less revealing where semantic differences are
less overt. A more revealing, and more general, distinction is that between differentiation
and enhancement: those adjectives follow which differentiate the modified noun from all
other nouns (in classifying, characterizing, contrasting it with respect to all similar nouns);
those adjectives precede which do not differentiate it (they express typical or inherent
qualities, which enhance or express value judgments).
Another way of looking at the same distinction might be termed the "relative
informativeness" of the noun and the adjective. In un famoso heroe, the order indicates that
we expect heroes to be well known. But in un h^roe famoso we are differentiating the hero
,
who is famous from others who have not been acclaimed. The item in final position carries
more information. Thus when the adjective appears after the noun, the function of its posi-
tion is to single out and distinguish the noun modified. The following examples illustrate
the contrast between pre- and post-position:
la linda hija the daughter, who is pretty
la hija linda that one of the daughers who is pretty
la blanca nieve the snow, which is white

la ropa blanca that part of the laundry which is white— that is,
the bed and table linen
mi leal amigo my true friend

mi amigo leal my friend who is loyal
un verdadero arte a real art

una pintura verdadera an authentic picture
una fantastica solucidn a very good solution

un disco fantdstico an extraordinary record
el frio hielo the cold ice

esta sopa fria this "cold" soup
La lindahija de Don Pablo can be characterized as "one unique," the only daughter of
Don Pablo, who incidentally is pretty; but la hija linda de Don Pedro is "one of many,"
implying a choice from among Don Pedro's daughters based on beauty. The phrase la
blanca nieve includes all snow, but la ropa blanca singles out part of the laundry distin-
guished by color. Mi leal amigo is my friend, who, as one expects of friends, is loyal; mi
amigo leal singles out the one friend who is a real friend, that is, who is in fact loyal. In
a similar way, verdadero fantlstica frio enhance or

, , name the essential qualities of the
following noun (the first member of each pair above) but distinguish the precedir^ noun
from others that are similar (the second).
Some descriptive adjectives are usually considered to have a distinguishing

function, and therefore follow the noun. These include adjectives of nationality, affiliation
in society, and color. When adjectives are themselves modified, they usually follow the
noun:
Esa cara tan triste

Este policia medio bruto
Una limonada bien caliente
A modified adjective is more often selected to differentiate nouns: the relative informa-
tiveness of the adjective is usually emphasized by its being modified. Note, however,
expressions like muy buenos atletas , where a modified adjective precedes the noun with
muy intensifying the enhancing buenos.
Adjectives agree in number and gender with the noun, whether they follow or
precede. If there are two nouns joined by the co-ordinating relater y, the adjective will be
plural, and if either or both nouns are masculine, the gender form of the adjective will be
masculine:
vacas y toros importados imported cows and bulls

El carburedor y la bateria The carburetor and the battery are
estan descompuestos. not working.
Limiting adjectives do not normally appear after the noun, in position plus 1.
But there are some semantic contrasts which are marked by position, just as in the case
of descriptive adjectives:
la misma seiiora the same lady

la seiiora misma the lady herself
6. Bull (1961).
cualquier libro any book whatsoever

un libro cualquiera any old book
There is one group of adjectives that regularly appear after the noun in position plus 1 —
the possessives when used with indefinite reference (in which case the full forms are
used):
Un libro nuevo mio

Un amigo mio espanol
The relative position of two adjectives (descriptive, limiting or possessive) in post-posi-

tion is determined by the immediate constituent structure of the noun plus its modifiers.
The adjective more closely associated with the noun will occupy the position immediately
following. A second adjective, then, will modify the combination of noun plus first adjec-
tive (unless Y appears between the adjectives; see below). Thus the two sentences above
are interpreted as A new book which is mine and A friend of mine who is Spanish Note .
the following contrast:
literatura espanola moderna modern Spanish literature

literatura moderna espanola Spanish modern literature
There is a marginal use of demonstratives in position plus 1. A semantic ele-

ment of derogatory reference is usually a consequence of this inversion:
el libro este this miserable book

la mujer esa that vulgar woman
Note that the demonstrative is no longer functioning as a determiner (which is confined,
qua determiner, to position minus 3) but as a "descriptive" adjective.

Finally, in last positions after a noun, two different types of adjective modi-
fiers occur: in position plus 2 a prepositional phrase, and in plus 3 a clause. The position
of phrase or clause modifiers after the noun is completely obligatory, as in English. They
follow all other modifiers, and if both phrase and clause are present they occur in that
order:
la mujer del sombrero rojo, que vino ayer
COMPARISON
English adjectives normally occur before the noun they modify; in fact, it is
this order which signals their modifying function in most instances. There are a few words
often called adjectives, which were adverbs historically and are best analyzed as such now;
these occur only in the predicate after be (alive afire asleep agog , , , , aboard ashore and
, ,
so on). A small number of this group can occur also after nouns (abroad, ahead, afoot ), and
they retain something of their adverbial origin in that they usually occur after event nouns:
his trip abroad .
There are two other English constructions that appear to place an adjective
after a noun; actually both are transformations of simpler underlying constructions. The
first is illustrated by the sentence I consider this book interesting This . is a complement
structure, reordered from the basic string I + consider - interesting + this book tradition- ,
ally called the "object complement." This is, of course, quite different from the Spanish
construction in este libro interesante which matches the English this interesting book
, .
The other noun + adjective construction is one in which the noun has a function
like that of the adverbial phrase from which it is derived. We have clear as crystal black ,
as pitch white as snow in the forms crystal clear pitch black

, , , snow white These are not
.
likely to be confused with the Spanish noun + adjective construction.

Position before the noun for adjectives is so normal and stable that one alters
that order only to achieve some special effect. For example, a play with the title The
House Beautiful was judged by one reviewer as "the play lousy."
Besides position with respect to the noun, there are certain problems of posi-
tion with respect to other adjectives. One difficulty is encountered in the use of the unique
member of order class minus 4: todo, which is equated with all and every in English. Note
the following examples:
todo el dia all day ~ all the day

todos los dias every day; all the days
When every is used in a universal sentence, referring to an unlimited totality, the singu-
lar form of todo is used with no accompanying article:
Toda elecci(3n debe ser libre. Every election should be free.
Failure to distinguish these usages can lead to errors of the following type:
*Yo esperaba todo dia (todo el dia)
*Todos abogados son ladrones. (todos los abogados)

*Todas serioritas son simpaticas. (todas las seiioritas)
*Todos hombres parecen iguales. (todos los hombres)
The Er^lish equivalent of order class minus 4 has not one but two members:
all and both. The Spanish word for both is ambos, which could be in any (or all) of classes
minus 4, minus 3, or minus 2: it never appears with other modifiers from these classes.
An English speaker might, therefore, be expected to make the following errors:
*Ambas las muchachas vinieron anoche. ambas muchachas

*Ambos el hijo y el padre salieron. tanto el hijo como el padre . . .
In the class of limiting adjectives, several potential confusions exist. The fol-
lowing errors have been noted:
* un cierto hombre cierto

*Me di6 una media hora media
*Hay dos otros cursos otros dos
*Dame dos y media horas dos horas y media
*Quiero dos mas libras dos libras mas
*Hay exactamente doscientas y una doscientas una
* un mil novecientos mil
*un milldn soldados milldn de
The use of y_ in compound numerals does not match English, and can lead to errors. And
is used (optionally) between hundreds and tens; ^ is obligatory between tens and units.
*ciento y diez ciento diez

*doscientos y uno doscientos uno
*mil novecientos y catorce mil novecientos catorce
In certain usages, the way longer numbers are divided up is different in Spanish and Eng-
lish. In dates, long addresses, telephone numbers, and so on, English speakers block off
two numbers at a time: nineteen sixty Spanish has no . equivalent * diecinueve sesenta in
dates, but does in telephone numbers. In English, we may say oh or zero (with preference
for oh) in reading numbers one at a time. Spanish has only zero . Students will occasionally
say * cinco o tres instead of cinco cero tres .
Since all but a small group of adjectives precede the noun in English, an Eng-
lish speaker is not accustomed to using order position to identify a distinction like enhanc-
ing (before noun) vs. differentiating (after noun). The tendency is to place before the noun
adjectives which would come after in expressions like:
*E1 americano senor vino. senor americano

*No fumamos americanos cigarillos. cigarillos americanos
*Es una amariila casa. casa amariila
*Me gusta su verde sombrero. sombrero verde
*No senor, aqui tenemos la catdlica religion. religion catolica
*Tengo tres nuevas palabras. palabras nuevas
There is a small area of conflict in the use of more than one descriptive adjective with a
noun. English may or may not separate two adjectives with and :
She's an attractive, intelligent girl.

She' s an attractive and intelligent girl.
Spanish normally uses y if both occur on the same side of the noun and are felt to be in a
parallel modifying function:
pobre y desvalida hija

libros nuevos y utiles
When the y does not appear, the adjective closest to the noun forms an immediate constitu-
ent with it. In the following phrase, falsos modifies the concept antiguos ideales not just ,
ideales :
los falsos antiguos ideales
In English and Spanish, the adjective most closely identified with the noun
appears closest to it. Since two adjectives can appear after the Spanish noun, the order
appears to be reversed from the point of view of English:
una casa pequeiia y bonita a pretty little house

el hombre vie jo y contento the happy old man
la nieve blanca y pura the pure white snow
PHRASES AND CLAUSES

There is one element of the expanded noun phrase which has been mentioned
but not discussed: the final plus order classes of modifiers— namely, the modifying phrases
and clauses. The clause closes the construction to other types of modification.
(A full discussion of phrases and clauses will be postponed until Chapter 7,
where the non-verb constituents of the verb phrases are taken up, since clauses always
involve conjugated verbs and since both phrases and clauses have more extensive use and
fewer restrictions as modifiers in the expanded verb phrase.)
We have seen one use of prepositional phrases modifying a noun in the discus-
sion of possessives. Spanish nouns are not inflected for possession as English nouns are;
instead, a possessive construction with a de- phrase is used:
the boy' s ball la pelota del muchacho

the lady' s purse la bolsa de la senora
the men's room el cuarto de los hombres
Similar constructions are not unknown in English, and in fact are preferred with most
inanimate nouns:
the top of the mountain la cima de la montana

the surface of the water la superficie del agua
the cover of the book el forro del libro
the products of Cuba los productos de Cuba
There are many other Spanish constructions in which nouns are linked by de .
Nouns are rarely modified directly by other nouns, though this is a frequent construction
in English. Note the following examples, where the second Spanish noun is generalized and
therefore does not take an article:
a gold watch un reloj de oro

a businessman un hombre de negocios
a silver coin una moneda de plata
straw roofs los techos de paja
the fever season la estaci6n de calenturas
a student demonstration vina manifestacidn de estudiantes
When a particular thing is referred to, a similar construction with a determiner before
the second Spanish noun is used:
the dining room table la mesa del comedor

the car tires las llantas del auto
Other simple prepositions which can occur in phrases modifying nouns are
illustrated by the following examples:
a gift for Antonio un regalo para Antonio

a room without a bath un cuarto sin bano
a package with clothing (in it) un paquete con ropa
COMPARISON
Spanish prepositions are roughly similar to those of English in the kinds of
constituents they occur with. They are essentially relater words signaling a relationship
of dependency for the object of the preposition with respect to the item modified.
A problem of major proportions is the equivalence of forms in the two lan-
guages and, for the student, the proper selection. This problem can be illustrated as fol-
lows:
the girl with the white dog la muchacha con el perro bianco
the girl with the blue dress la muchacha del vestido azul
English with can be rendered by Spanish con or de depending on whether the meaning is
"accompanying" (con) or "identified by" (de). (The problem of equivalent forms and mean-
ings is presented in greater detail in Chapter 7.)
English and Spanish differ in the patterns of occurrence for compound objects
of prepositions. English allows two noun objects readily; Spanish tends to repeat the prep-
osition before each object, especially when the second object is mi or ti.
a gift for you and me un regalo para ti y para mi.

the story about my wife and me la historia de mi mujer y de mi.
The likely error is the production of a compound object with only one prepo-
sition, on the model of English:
*un coche para ti y mi

*una fiesta sin Juan y ti
English uses certain prepositions in phrases to denote location, which are

7
attached directly to nouns, as in the book on the table . Spanish regularly shows this rela-
tionship in a full clause which contains the verb estar:
the girls in the living room las chicas que estdn en la sala
the paper on the desk el papel que esta sobre el escritorio
the man on the horse el hombre que esta en el caballo
the gentleman at the door el sefior que esta a la puerta
The strong pressure of conflict between these two patterns will cause English-speaking
students to construct phrases like the following:
*la sefiorita en la sala

*el pobre a la puerta
*el libro sobre la mesa
*la pintura en la pared
A similar problem involves con and the verb tener . Note the following equiv-
alents:
7.Within a generative grammar, these phrases result from a reduced rela-

tive clause: the book which is on the table -»- the book on the table Thus the critical .
difference between Spanish and English on this point is that the former does not allow the
reduction (by deletion) to a phrase.
the boy with the suitcase el muchacho que tiene la maleta

the lady with the baby la seiiora que tiene el nene
Spanish uses the literal equivalent of English with to mean "accompanied by." When with
means "possessing" or "carrying," the clause introduced by que tiene is much more com-
mon. Errors are:
*el hombre con la cartera

*el policia con el revolver
NOUNS IN APPOSITION
The final problem to be considered about the noun phrase is expansion by
apposition. The term "apposition" is applied to the second of two nouns in juxtaposed
sequence, which restates or more often modifies the first as a kind of condensed clause.
Examples are: Peter the Hermit ; Philip, King of Macedon .
In general, the patterns of apposition are very similar in English and Spanish:
My brother the engineer mi hermano el ingeniero
Edison, the celebrated American Edison, el c^lebre inventor americano

inventor
In some constructions, when the appositive is primarily explanatory, the Spanish article
is omitted:
Quito, the capital of Ecuador Quito, capital del Ecuador

Callao, the port of Lima Callao, puerto de Lima
COMPARISON
One interesting construction in which the article is present in Spanish but
absent in English occxirs when a noun is in apposition with a preceding plural pronoun:
we Mexicans nosotros los mexicanos

you clerics vosotros los clerigos
for us old women para nosotras las viejas
to you young people a ustedes los j6venes
In examples like the first two, if the head of the noun phrase is a pronoun functioning as
the subject of the sentence, the Spanish first or second person familiar plural nouns can
be omitted; the verb carries the person and number information of the subject pronoun.
Sentences like the following are possible:
Los americanos somos muy afortunados.

Los mexicanos somos muy patridticos.
Las espanolas sois muy pudorosas.
The probable error in the appositive construction with pronouns is the inap-
propriate omission of the article with the noun:
*nosotros americanos
*nosotras estudiantes
*ustedes abogados
There are two other minor types of apposition that can cause errors. One is
enumeration with nouns, as in the following examples:
the number three motor el motor niimero tres

the number five spark plug la bujia niimero cinco
The error, of course, is to say:
*el numero tres motor

*el (or la) numero cinco bujia
Finally, the titles senor , senora and so on, even when they have the meanings
,
gentleman lady retain their position before person names. Note the following equivalents:
, ,
that Garcia gentleman ese seiior Garcia

the Jimenez lady la senora Jimenez
This conflict can generate the following errors:
*ese Garcia seiior

*la Jimenez sefiora
NOMINA LIZATION
There is a process of considerable importance to the structure of Spanish:
NOMINA LIZATION. This process has already been alluded to and partly described a num-
ber of times when the patterns of nominalization had important consequences for various
of the specific constituents of the noun phrase. Nominalization is a process with extensive
application through all the form classes of the language.
Nominalization is when a sentence element that cannot be iden-

said to occur
tified morphologically as a member of the word class noun functions in the sentence as if
it were a noun. In nominalized adjectives, the nominalized form can be derived by a proc-
ess of deletion:
la casa nueva -*~ la nueva

el segundo muchacho -*~ el segundo
las otras nirias -*- las otras
The noun in an underlying sentence is transformationally deleted, leaving the adjective

with the gender and number marking of the noun to function in place of the noun. The only
restriction on the use of the nominalized forms is that the context or the situation must
identify the referent.
Many forms other than adjectives can function as nouns in Spanish. Note the
following nominalizations:
Adjective
El primero esta aqui.

La otra acaba de llegar.
Verb
EI hablar bien es un arte.

Al entrar , se sentd.
Ll^vese el descompuesto .
Particles
hasta manana
en aquel entonces
el SI de las ninas
Ella tiene muy buen lejos . (She looks good from a distance, but . . .)
el manana que esperamos

No hay pero que valga.
el pro y la contra
el avemaria
de vez en cuando
de aqui en adelante
There are numerous additional examples to demonstrate that nominalizatlon as a process

is very productive in Spanish.
As a matter of fact, nominalizatlon as a derivational process can be verified

by a number of nouns in the language which had their origin in other word classes. It is
easy to see the infinitive source of el poder , el deber , el ser , los decires , el cantar de
los cantares . The /-do/ form is obviously the source of la entrada , la salida , de ida y
vuelta , la vista , el hecho , el dicho . Many of the present-day nouns of Spanish were adjec-
tives in Latin, such as marido soltero cocinero (Latin marltus solitarius coquinarius ).
, , , ,
That this is a continuing process can be seen in a number of forms of adjective origin
which are almost nouns but which retain some of the modifying functions of an adjective,
such as fuerzas enemigas and so on.
The infinitive is the nominal form of the verb in Spanish, so we cannot prop-
erly talk about the nominalizatlon of infinitives; they are always nominals, functioning as
object, complement, subject, and so on of a sentence. When an infinitive is used as the
subject of a sentence in Spanish, the determiner el will appear in normal word order:
El hablar bien me gusta.

El dormir con ventanas abiertas es saludable.
When the word order is inverted, however, the el need not appear.
Me gusta hablar bien.

Es saludable dormir con ventanas abiertas.
In certain fixed phrases, mostly in proverbs, sayings, and the like, the el is omitted with
subject infinitives:
Ver es creer.
8. Possibly should be classed as a nominalizatlon from an adjective form.

THE NOUN PHRASE AND ITS CONSTITUENTS 99
The concept of nominalization as an explanation of how non-noun forms func-

tion as nouns helps correlate a number of details of Spanish grammar which are other-
wise rather heterogeneously assigned. The pronoun class has been the dumping ground for
many of the nominalized forms, both those which refer to people and those which refer to
things. Descriptively this has been unfortunate, because the criteria for inclusion in the
class had to be an appeal to meaning which ignored formal characteristics. Instead of

forms showing person, number, case, and gender categories, a criterion like "a word that
takes the place of a noun" (something all nominalized forms do) was applied.
Thus nominalized demonstratives, possessives, and a vague group of adjectives
called indefinites have been analyzed as pronouns. Note the following sets:
la hija mia la mia

la hija bonita la bonita
los buenos libros los buenos

los otros libros los otros
However one describes these correspondences, it should certainly be recog-

nized that the same process is operating in all four.
There is a hierarchy within a series of modifying items that determines which

adjective will be nominalized when several are present. The following chart represents
this hierarchy:
Descriptive
Limiting Descriptive
Todo Determiners Noun Adjective or Phrase Clause
Adjective Adjective
Possessive
todo el otro bueno moderno de . . . que . . .
un mismo bonito americano

mi segundo simpatico verde
este ultimo nuevo mio
5 4 3 2 1
Each adjective order class is labeled and illustrated by several examples. The number
assigned to each class represents the order by which the function of head is determined
in a series of adjectives, indicating a hierarchy of nominalization; that is, no. 1 omitted
first, no. 2 second, and so on. The following series is illustrative; the nominal form is
underlined:
1. (Todos) los otros buenos soldados americanos del ejercito que

vinieron . . .
2. (Todos) los otros buenos americanos del ejercito que vinieron . . .
3. (Todos) los otros buenos del ejercito que vinieron . . .
4. (Todos) los otros del ejercito que vinieron . . .
5. (Todos) los del ejercito que vinieron . . .
6. (Todos) los que vinieron . . .
7. Todos . . .
Some of these extended noun phrases need comment. The first two or three
examples are not very natural sounding because Spanish does not often include so many
modifiers in one phrase. The others are quite authentic. Examples 5 and 6 show that los
can be nominalized only when it itself is modified by a phrase or a clause. The unique
item that occurs in class 5, todo , is more loosely related to the hierarchy; it may occur
with any of the other sentence patterns (examples 1 to 7) or it may be nominalized alone
(example 7), as also may the demonstrative and the indefinites (determiners uno alguno , ,
ninguno and some limiting adjectives: otro , mucho , tanto , cien, and so on. Todos however,
,
cannot occur with modified by) a clause or a phrase, as * todos del ejercito
(i.e., , *todos
que vinieron When nominalized, todos cannot be modified.
. In example 5, it might be pos-
sible to analyze the phrase as being the nominalized element, with an accompanying modi-
fying article, in the following pattern:
el libro mio -^ el mio

el libro de usted -*- el de usted
We prefer to analyze the second example as a nominalization of el modified by the phrase

de usted :
el libro de usted -*~ el de usted
The reference is to a specific item, which is replaced by el, since the attributive phrase
cannot carry the number and gender signals. Moreover, this agrees with the traditional
description of el with phrases and clauses as a demonstrative:
ese del otro dia -^ el del otro dia
esa que tiene usted -*- la que tiene usted 1
It is possible, of course, to have more than one adjective from an order class in the in-
stance of descriptive and limiting adjectives. If two descriptive adjectives from the post-
posed order class occur together, the first is normally nominalized, as shown by the
following examples:
t^cnicos especialistas specialized technicians

especialistas tecnicos technical specialists
This reflects the normal placement of descriptive adjectives after the item they modify.
If two limiting adjectives appear together in a pattern of nominalization (not a common
occurrence), the order of the nominalized form is the reverse: the nominalized form
comes last, reflecting the normal placement of limiting adjectives before the item they
modify:
muchos otros
many others
otros muchos
las dos ultimas the two last ones

las ultimas dos the last two
Some limiting adjectives may occur postposed, in which instance they become
descriptive adjectives. Note the meaning change with this shift of function:
el misrao hombre the same man

el hombre mismo the man himself
el tercer pio the third pious one
Pio tercero Pius the third
The hierarchy above does not explain the entire process of nominalization.
The indefinites (or at least those with shortened forms) participate in two patterns: one
where they accompany a nominalized form, and one where they themselves are nominal-
ized and are modified by a descriptive adjective:
un nuevo a new one

uno nuevo one that is new
algun rico some rich person

alguno rico someone who is rich
ningun venezolano no Venezuelan

ninguno venezolano no one who is Venezuelan
There is another pair of constructions that resembles the two possible con-
structions of the indefinite adjectives; these are formed with the indefinite adverbs algo
and nada. These may modify an adjective or be nominalized and be themselves modified
by an adjective. The contrast shows up only when there is a conflict of gender assignment:
La situacion no es nada buena. The situation is not at all good.

La situacion no es nada bueno. There's nothing good about the situation.
Su clase es algo fantastica. His class is rather fantastic.

Su clase es algo fantastico. His class is something fantastic.
Esta iglesia es algo vieja. This church is somewhat old.
Esta iglesia es algo viejo. This church is something old.
La carta no es nada tipica. The letter is not at all typical.
La carta no es nada tipico. The letter is nothing typical.
The underlined forms are nominalized. The same items in the contrasting examples are
merely adverbial, modifying the adjectives that follow.
NEUTER
In connection with nominalization, something should be said about the restricted
category of neuter in Spanish. The consequences of a neuter category in a language all of
whose nouns are assigned to an inherent gender class membership of masculine or femi-
nine are very interesting. It will be noted from the charts presented earlier that there is
a determiner lo and a subject pronoun ello , and that the corresponding with-verb form of
the pronoun is lo, identical with the masculine singular form. This coalescence of mascu-
line singular and neuter is typical of the adjective class: adjectives in agreement with
neuter forms are usually identical with masculine singular forms.
If all Spanish nouns are either masculine or feminine, when is there any need
for neuter pronouns, determiners, and adjectives? We previously cited a rule for the
cross-classification of nouns:
N
- ->- N N N
_o' _a' ^^neut
Actually, the class of neuter nouns is a fiction, but a very convenient one. The class itself
is "empty," but the consequences are analogous to masculine and feminine. This is noted
most readily in nominalization, where modifiers grammatically replace nouns which are
deleted from a construction. Note the following examples:
el otro muchacho -^ el otro

la otra muchacha -»- la otra
el hombre americano -*- el americano

la mujer americana ->- la americana
Otro otra americano and americana function as nouns when the noun drops. They have
, , ,
specific referents, are modified by determiners, and function as nouns in sentence con-
structions.
Note the following constructions, however:
lo otro.
lo americano.
These nominalizations do not appear to derive from a specific noun. Instead of referring
to a specific person, thing, or quality, the reference is to an aggregate of circumstances
or qualities. It is convenient to explain the appearance of neuter nominalized adjectives
in the same terms as masculine or feminine nominalizations:
lo otro N neut . -»- lo otro
lo N „, americano -*~ lo americano
Lo N „. bueno es que el no sabe. -- Lo bueno es que ^1 no sabe.
Lo N „x mismo me pasd a mi. _»^ Lo mismo me pasd a mi.
Aprendi de memoria lo N , de Socrates. -»- Aprendi de memoria lo de Socrates.
Lo N „. de hablar mejor o peor es algo -*~ Lo de hablar mejor o peor es algo
muy relativo. muy relative.

Sea lo N „. que sea. -*- Sea lo que sea.
Haga como lo N . que yo. -*^ Haga como lo que yo.
All the sequences on the left are converted into Spanish sentences by the deletion of the
class N „., which has served its function as a building block in the structure, somewhat
in the same way the forms can be removed from a concrete wall once the material is put
in its proper place and allowed to set.
The neuter ello in any sentence function is extremely rare, as indeed are 41
and ella in subject position when the referent is not N g. When things are alluded to in
s
sentence constructions that place them in subject position, the normal pattern is to use a
noun to refer to them or to omit the subject. As objects of the verb, all the with-verb pro-
nouns occur readily, including the neuter, as in:
No lo entiendo
when the reference is to an aggregate of circumstances.
COMPARISON
All the above examples show the past and present vigor of the process of
nominalization as a source of constructions, usage, and even lexical items in Spanish.

How does the Spanish process compare with the similar one in English?
It should be noted, first of all, that although the process of nominalization
exists in English, it is neither as active nor as extensive as in Spanish. Reference has
already been made to the nominalization of English demonstratives, which requires the
dummy carrier one with singular forms— these , those but this one
; , that one — unless the
reference is to an unidentified item or to an abstract conceptualization, as in That'
funny or I don't know about this .
In general, indefinites nominalize in English by adding the carrier one (or

body restricted in reference
, to persons). Examples are someone anybody the other one
, , ,
thesame one the first one There are, however, exceptions to this general statement.
, .
The ordinal numbers used to refer to dates, for example, never use the carrier: the first ,
the twenty-third .
Descriptive adjectives also usually nominalize by adding the carrier one— the
poor one the new one the beautiful one — except when reference
, , is to the abstract class
of poor people (normally limited to human referents) or to the disembodied concept of the
quality (the good , the beautiful ). Spanish uses gender -marked nominalizations for classes
of people and neuter for concepts. Note the following equivalents:
the poor one (guy, fellow) el pobre

the rich one (girl) la rica
the poor los pobres

the rich los ricos
the faithful los fieles
the true lo verdadero

the beautiful lo hermoso
The one Spanish example that has no possible equivalent in English is a nomi-
nalization of the definite determiner. The use of the carrier one is obligatory in the Eng-
lish equivalents of the following examples:
la del sombrero rojo the one with a red hat

el que vino ayer the one who came yesterday
los que tengo the ones that I have
The most likely mistake an English-speaking student will make is to insert

uno where the English pattern uses the carrier one . Errors like the following are common:
este uno
*el otro uno
*el uno que

*el rico uno
Also, English-speaking students will tend to avoid (because of negative transfer) such typi-
cally common expressions as lo importante eso es
, lo bueno substituting the also possible
,
but less likely la cosa importante ese es la parte buena

, .
In possessives, where the Spanish pattern of nominalization cannot be applied

to the English possessives (since they are pronominal in form), the likely error will be an
improper nominalization of the Spanish forms. Nominalization of Spanish possessives re-
quires the use of the definite determiner: el mio la nuestra Typical errors are:
, .
^Ddnde esti. mio?

*Mi casa queda cerca (de) suya.
*En mi pais hablan ingles; en suyo, espanol.
English nominalizes verbs either with to or with -ing Spanish nominalizes .
verbs only with ^ added to the stem plus theme vowel (the infinitive). An error can read- A
ily be generated by the false analogy of English -ing to Spanish -ndo forms, to give: |
>
Viendo es creyendo.
*Despues de saliendo, se retird.
VERB FORMS
The Spanish VERB FORM contains the following constituents:
Although this is the

12
Stem
sequence
Theme
in
+ Tense-Aspect
which these constituents occur

+ Person-Number
4
in verbs, it is not the order

in which they are generated. The pertinent rule (simplified by omitting predicate nouns or
adjectives, objects, adverbs, and so on) shows the following order:
VP Aux + Verb
AUX is specified as ASPECT plus TENSE, constituent 3 above. The verb itself is simply
a stem, constituent 1 (although the infinitive form is customarily shown in dictionary list-
ings and in illustrations of the rules of sentence formation). The THEME CLASS depends
on the verb stem, since every stem belongs to a particular theme class, in the same way
that all nouns belong to a particular gender class. The actual THEME VOWEL— the overt
mark of the theme class— can, however, be manipulated to signal MOOD, and therefore
must be distinguished as a separate constituent. The remaining constituent— person-num-
ber— does not derive from the verb phrase at all but from the subject. The choice of sub-
ject obligatorily assigns the appropriate person-number suffix to the verb.
The constituent elements of the verb phrase are illustrated in the following
chart, which shows the layers of derivation in a simplified form:
Subj VP
Aux Verb
P + NUM A + Te Stem Theme
The present chapter deals with the verb FORMS which contain the four func-
tioning constituents listed above. The constituents themselves and their functions in the
formation of sentences are for the most part discussed in other chapters. Constituent 4
results from the spread of person-number categories from the subject to the verb. Constit-
uent 3, the auxiliary, is treated in Chapter 6. Alternations in theme vowel mark the sub-
junctive mood, which is discussed in Chapter 9.
105
CLASSIFICATION OF VERBS
Verb forms are classified in two ways: by theme class, and by the extent to
which their paradigms can be predicted by general rules. There are three theme classes,
designated by the theme vowel which appears with the infinitive stem: a, e, i. The last two
classes are closely related, and have identical theme vowels in more than two-thirds of
their paradigms.
The extent of paradigmatic predictability establishes REGULAR and IRREGU-
LAR sets. Verbs are said to be regular if they conform to the most general rules. The
majority of Spanish verbs follow a single paradigm of stem formation and affixation. All
verbs which deviate from this paradigm belong to one of the irregular sets. In the discus-
sion which follows, regular verb forms are presented first, and irregular verbs are
described by the ways in which they differ from regular verbs.
FORMS OF SPANISH REGULAR VERBS

A full paradigm of three regular verbs, hablar ,
comer , vivir, representing
each of the three theme classes, appears below. The number heading each column indi-
cates the particular constituent of the formation: 1 - stem, 2 = theme vowel, 3 = tense-
aspect marker, 4 = person-number marker. The labels accompanying each set derive
from constituents 2 and 3, identifying the mood and the tense-aspect category of the set.
The sample verbs are cited in phonemic transcription.
Finite Forms
Present indicative
1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4
ibi Q G k6m Q bib Q G

- ' '
sg a s e s e s
' '
a e Q e
i. mos £ mos i mos

rr
pl i. ys € ys is
is
»
a n e n n
ve
Present subjunctive
Sbl e 13 k6m a 6 Q bib
sg s s s
- -
Q 9 Q
-
mos -
mos mos
'
pl -
ys ys ys
- -
n n n
Imperfect indicative
abl ba G kom i bib
sg s s
mos mos mos

pl ys ys ys
n n
VERB FORMS / 107
Imperative
1 2 3 4 1 4 1 2 3
2 sg abl a Q Q kdm Q bfb e Q

-
2 pi d Q Q i d
Future indicative
abl re Q kom re Q bib r^ Q

sg ra s ra s ra s
ra Q ra Q ra Q
re mos r^ mos re mos

pl re ys t€ ys r6 ys
ra n ra n ra n
Conditional indicative
1 abl kom Q bib

I
2 sg s s
mos mos mos

pl ys ys ys
n n
Preterit indicative
abl 4 kom Q I bib Q 1 13
sg ste 1 ste 1 ste Q

6 y 6 y 6 Q
Q mos i mos 1 13 mos

pl ste ys 1 ste ys 1 ste ys
ro y^ ro n y4 ro n
Past subjunctive, -ra
abl (3 kom y^ Q bib y€

sg s s s
mos mos mos

pl ys ys ys
n n n
Past subjunctive, -se
abl kom yg Q bib y€

sg s s s
19
mos mos mos

pl ys ys ys
n n
Non- Finite Forms

1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3
Infinitive (noun) abl a r kom 4 r bib i r
Perfective participle (adj.) do 1 do 1 do
Imperfective participle (adv.) ndo y^ ndo y^ ndo
Total inflected forms hablar 46 comer 47 vivir 46

An inspection of the above lists of forms shows that consUtuent 1 is entirely

stable. By definition, regular verbs are those with only one stem; verbs with variant
stems are irregular.
Constituent 4 is also very stable, with the pattern /&, s, Q, mos, ys, n/, appear-
ing in all sets except: (1) in the present indicative of jr verbs, in which the second person
plural form is /-is/; (2) in the preterit, in which the second person singular form is /£)/;
and (3) in the imperative, in which both second person forms are /Q/.
Constituent 2, the theme vowel, is reasonably stable. In most sets the theme
vowel is consistent; the exceptions are present indicative with the first person singular
/o/ in all three theme classes and second person plural /O/ in ir verbs, the ir imperative
forms with /e/ for singular but /i/ for plural, and the preterit indicative, in which the
theme vowel of the_ar set is /Q/ or /a/ and of the er and ir sets is /Q, i, y/ or /ye/. Note
that /i/ occurs followed by a consonant but /y/ followed by a vowel in this set; both are
spelled i.
The tlieme vowel of er and ir verbs is identical, except in the infinitive, in

first and second person plural forms of the present indicative, in the plural imperative,
and in the forms built on the infinitive (future and conditional). The theme vowel is a signal
of mood in present tense forms; the sign of the present subjunctive is a switch of theme
vowels between the ar and the er-ir sets.
The most erratic of the constituents is number 3— the tense-aspect marker—
which is a stable 76/ in present indicative and present subjunctive, /ria/ in the conditional,
and /ra/ or /se/ in the past subjunctive. In the imperfect, it is /ba/ for ar verbs but
merely /a/ for er-ir verbs. In the future, it is /re/ or /ra/; and in the preterit, it is a
complex of /e/ (ar verbs) or /i/ (er-ir verbs) for first person singular with /ste, 6, Q,
ste, ro/ for the other person forms. An interesting correlation exists between forms of
regular verbs with and without an overt tense-aspect marker. When marked by zero, word
stress falls on the stem of the verb except first and second plural forms of the present
sets and first and third singular of the preterit. Whenever the tense -aspect slot is occupied
by a marker other than zero, word stress falls on the ending.
FORMS OF SPANISH IRREGULAR VERBS

The irregularities fall into two groups: stem irregularities, and stem-affix
irregularities. The former are irregular by reason of having more than one stem form,
although they take the same endings (theme, tense-aspect, person-number) as the regular
verbs. Since the affixes are all shown above, we are concerned here only with stem varia-
tion.
There is a fairly large group of verbs that are traditionally classed together
as stem -changing or radical -changing. Most of these have one variant stem, but some
have two. The particular stem modifications that occur in these verbs are: the insertion
of a semivowel /y/ or /w/ before the stressed vowel, which either is, or is changed to,
1. There is a total of about 450 stem -changing verbs in Spanish, including

derived forms and rare forms seldom used today. Only 150 or 200 are presented in the
usual two- or three-year Spanish course.
VERB FORMS 109
/e/; or vowel raising, in which a mid vowel, /e/ or /o/, is replaced by a high vowel, /i/
or /u/.
STEM IRREGULARITIES
There are three classes of stem changing verbs of the type which involve only
a modification of the stem vowel. Classes 1 and 3 contain two-stem verbs and class 2 con-
tains three-stem verbs. Class 1 verbs are from ar and er conjugations. The specific stem
vowel changes are /o/ -*- /we/ and /e/ -*~ /ye/, usually though not always spelled ue and
ie.
Only seven inflected forms are affected in class 1 stem -changing verbs, in the
present indicative, present subjunctive, and imperative sets.
Class 1. Stem-Vowel-Changing Verbs
/o/ ~ /w^/ /e/ ~ /y€/

contar volver pensar perder
Present indicat ive
1 kw^nt bw^lb pyens py^rd

2 sg kwent as bw^lb es pyens as pyerd es
3 kwSnt a bwelb e pyens a pyerd e
1 kont amos bolb ^mos pens amos perd emos

2 pi kont lys bolb eys pens ays perd eys
3 kwent an bwelb en pyens an pyerd en
Present subjunc tive
1 kwent e bwelb a py^ns e pyerd a

2 sg kwent es bwelb as pyens es pyerd as
3 kw^nt e bwelb a pyens e pyerd a
1 kont emos bolb amos pens emos perd amos

2 pi kont 6ys bolb ays pens eys perd ays
3 kwent en bwelb an pyens en pyerd an
Imperative
2 sg kwent a bwelb e py^ns a pyerd e

2 pl kont ad bolb ed pens ad perd ed
It will be noticed that the changes are correlated with position of the stress
on each form. Where the stress is on the stem, /we or /y^/ appears; where the stress is
on the ending, /o/ or /e/ appears. Usually /w4/ alternates with /o/, but in one verb—
jugar — the alternation is /w^/ ~ /u/.
Class 3 verbs show a vowel change with /e/ and /i/ in the variant stems. This
change occurs in the stressed stems of the present indicative and the imperative, in all
the forms of the present and past subjunctive, in the third person forms of the preterit and
in the imperfective participle. Only verbs from the ir conjugation with /e/ in the infinitive
stem appear in class 3.
no / GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURES OF ENGLISH AND SPANISH
Class 3. Stem -Vowel-Changing Verbs
ped ir /e/ ~ /i/
Present indicative Present subjunctive
1 pfd pid a
2 sg pid es pid as
3 pid e pfd a
1 ped imos pid Smos

2 Pl ped is pid ays
3 pfd en pfd an
Preterit indicative Past subjunctive
1 ped i pid y^ra (yese)

2 sg ped fste pid y6ras (y^ses)
3 pid y<5 pid y^ra (y^se)
1 ped imos pid yeramos (y^semos)

2 pl ped fsteys pid y^rays (y^seys)
3 pid y^ron pid y^ran (y^sen)
Imperat ive Imperfect ive participle
2 sg pfd e pid y^ndo

2 pl ped id
Class 2 verbs show a combination of the patterns of classes 1 and 3. These

are three-stem verbs. The alternation /w^/ ~ /o/ or /ye/ ~ /e/ is found whenever it
occurs also in the pattern of class 1; the alternation /u/ ~ /o/ or /i/ ~ /e/ is found in
the additional forms that are affected in class 3. Only verbs from the ir conjugation ap-
pear in class 2.
Class 2. Stem-Vowel-Changing Verbs
/o/ ~ /w6/ ~ /u/ /e/ ~ /y^/ ~ /i/

dormir sentir
Present indicative Present sub unctive
1 dw^rm syent dw^rm a sy^nt a

2 sg dwerm es sy^nt es dwerm as sy^nt as
3 dw^rm e syent e dwerm a sy^nt a
1 dorm imos sent imos durm amos sint amos

2 pl dorm is sent fs durm ays sint lys
3 dw^rm en sy^nt en dwerm an syent an
Preterit indicative Past subj unctive
1 dorm i sent f durm yera (yese) sint yera (y^se

2 sg dorm fste sent iste durm yeras etc. sint yeras etc
3 durm y<5 sint yo durm yera sint yera
1 dorm imos sent imos durm yeramos sint yeramos

2 pl dorm fsteys sent fsteysdurm yerays sint yerays
3 durm yeron sint yeron durm yeran sint yeran
Imperat ive Imperf active particip e
2 sg dw^rm e syent e durm yendo sint y6ndo

2 pl dorm fd sent fd
VERB FORMS / 111
There are other stem -changing verbs, in which consonants are affected. One
large group (more than two hundred, including derived and rare forms) have been tradi-
tionally called inceptive verbs, or verbs with inceptive endings, from the meaning of the
Latin ancestral form. They can be more accurately described as verbs with a velar stem
extension, since the stem modification consists of the addition of a velar consonant.
The traditional description of these verbs is an example of how misleading a
confusion of pronunciation with spelling can be. The verb conocer will serve as an illustra-
tion. The singular forms present tense are spelled:
conozco
conoces
conoce
The typical description of the modification is that a z is placed before the final c of the
stem. Actually the z merely represents the sound of the final c; what is added is the c
after the z. The same data in phonemic transcription reveal the actual structure of the
forms:
kond^k o
kon6? es
kond^ e
The stem modification consists of the addition of a /k/ to /kond§-/.

To compound the confusion, verbs like conocer are usually classed together
with verbs like veneer as "orthographic changing" verbs, defined as those which have
2
mere changes of spelling for the sake of preserving the sound of the stem as pronounced.
The rules are listed as follows: "Verbs ending -CER or -CIR preceded by a consonant
in ,
change the C to Z before O or A. .Verbs ending in -CER or -CIR preceded by a vowel

. .
,
interpolate Z before the C, when followed by O or A." Note the patterns of veneer:
ben^ venzo
ben^ es vences
ben^ e vence
In other words, veneer is a completely regular verb (with certain orthographic accommo-
dations imposed by the arbitrary rules and limitations of the Spanish spelling tradition),
but conocer is a legitimate irregular verb.
Not only have the vagaries of spelling confused the description of verbs with
velar stem extensions, but familiar grammars have failed to note the essential similarity
of structure of verbs like conocer with verbs like salir . Both have a variant stem with a
velar extension, and this variant stem appears in exactly the same places in the total para-
digm. Note that conocer has a stem that ends in a voiceless consonant; the velar stem
extension is also voiceless— a /k/. But the stem of salir ends in a voiced consonant, and
The definitions and examples for this discussion are taken from Ramsey-
2.
Spaulding, A
Textbook of Modern Spanish (1956), pp. 252-54. It is noteworthy that this
discrepancy is allowed by so thorough and painstaking a scholar as Ramsey. With few
exceptions, later textbooks have followed this defective analysis.
the velar stem extension is also voiced— a /g/. This assimilation of the extension occurs
in all verbs of this pattern except asir which adds a /g/.
,
The stems with velar extensions occur in the first person singular of the pres-
ent indicative and in all the forms of the present subjunctive. The extension, then, occurs
before /o/ or /a/ in the verb pattern.
Velar Stem Extensions
/k/ stem /g/ stem

conocer salir
Present indicative
kond^k o s^lg
sg kond^ es Bil es
kono$ e Bil e
kono^ ^mos sal imos

pl kono^ 6ys sal Is
kon6§ en sdl en
Present subjunctive
konO^k a Bilg a
sg kontf^k as silg as
kon6^k a s£lg a
kono^k i.mos salg imos

pl konosk i.ys salg iyB
kond^k an 8£lg an
In other types of irregularity, the stem vowel and stem extension changes are
combined, so that in a verb like venir the present indicative forms include both infinitive
and modified stems: /benimos, by^ne, bengo/ and so on.
In addition to verbs with velar stem extensions, there are some verbs which
have a palatal stem extension, in which the stem is modified by adding /y/. Examples of
this type are not numerous, though there are thirty or forty in the language. Since these
verbs may have a stem ending in /u/ followed by /ir/ in the infinitive form, there is also
a vowel -consonant alternation with some verbs. The verb huir for example, , is /uir/ or
of pronunciation.
Palatal Stem Extensions
/y/ stem
huir argijir
Present indicative
uy arguy
sg uy es arguy es
uy e argiiy e
u imos ~ w imos argw imos

pl U IS '- W IS argw is
uy en arguy en
VERB FORMS / 113
Present subjunctive
1 uy a argiiy a
2 sg uy as arguy as
3 uy a argiiy a
1 uy amos arguy amos

2 pl uy ays arguy ays
3 uy an arguy an
3ra tive
2 sg uy e arguy e
2 pl u id ~ w id argw id
There are other verbs with mixed palatal and palatal-velar stem extensions,
in which the stem is modified by adding /y/ and /yg/. Two examples are given below: one
the two-stem verb caer and the other the three-stem verb
, oir. Both have a /yg/ exten-
sion, and oir also has a stem with a /y/ extension:
Palatal- Velar and Palatal Stem Extensions
/yg/ stem /yg/ and /y/ stems

caer oir
Present indicat ve
1 kayg <5yg
2 sg ka es ~ ka ys 6y es
3 ka e ~ ka y oy e
1 ka emos imos
2 pl ka ^ys IS
3 ka en ~ ka yn <5y en
Presen subjunc tive
1 kayg a oyg a
2 sg kayg as oyg as
3 kayg a oyg a
1 kayg amos oyg amos

2 pl kayg ays oyg ays
3 kayg an oyg an
Finally, there is a stem modification of vocalization. The /y/ or /w/ of the

infinitive stem is replaced by an /i/ or /u/ in an alternate stem. This group includes
verbs like variar and continuar which would be regular
, if the final i and u of the stem
could be considered as vowels (i.e., /i/ and /u/ instead of /y/ and /w/). There are, how-
ever, other verbs, like cambiar and averiguar , in which the stem final /y/ and /w/ is
preserved throughout the conjugation. There are about fifty or sixty verbs in Spanish in
this pattern of stem vocalization.
Vocalized Stems
/y/ ~ /i/ stems /w/ ~ /u/ stems

variar continuar
Present indicative
1 barf kontinu
2 sg bari as kontinu as
3 bari a kontinu a
1 bary imos kontinw imos

2 pi bary Sys kontinw ^ys
3 bari an kontinu an
Present subjunctive
1 barf e kontinu e
2 sg barf es kontinu es
3 barf e kontinu e
1 bary 6mos kontinw ^mos

2 pi bary ^ys kontinw 6ys
3 bari en kontinu en
Impera tive
2 sg barf a kontinu a
2 pl bary ad kontinw ad
In some dialects of Spanish, verbs ending in - ear (and there are a great many
of them, since this is the most active, present-day verb-forming suffix) are realized as
/-yir/ when the accent is on the ending, as in emplear /emplyar/. If this pattern estab-
lishes itself, there will be another class, similar to variar , but with an alternation of /y/
~/e/.
IRREGULAR VERBS: STEM-AFFIX IRREGULARITIES

In addition to the irregular verbs discussed above, there are others which
deviate more radically from the basic patterns of inflection established by the regular
verbs. A much smaller number of verbs is involved— only about thirty (plus derived forms,
like mantener from tener ). Almost all these have variant stems, but in addition they have
irregularities in the suffix patterns: variations in the theme vowel and aspect-tense and
person-number markers. There is relatively little grouping among these thirty verbs; if
we consider their full paradigms, almost all have unique paradigms.

Thirty is a very small number when compared with the many thousands of
verbs in the Spanish language, but this relatively small group includes the most common
and frequently used verbs in the language, such as ser, estar haber hacer,
, , ir, poner ,
tener, venir , decir. High frequency of occurrence makes these verbs pedagogical problems
of much greater importance than their number would justify.
It is not useful to set forth the full paradigms of these stem-affix irregvilar
verbs for this study. The verbs salir and venir for example, have identical irregularities
,
in the future, conditional, present subjunctive, and imperative; only partial similarity in
the present indicative; and are completely different in the preterit, past subjunctive, and
VERB FORMS / 115
imperfective participle. Full information on the paradigms of the stem-affix irregularities

could most economically be given merely by listing them. Such lists can be found in almost
any teaching or reference grammar. Instead, we will discuss, type by type, the kinds of
modifications that occur; we will not discuss, class by class, the verbs that contain such
modifications.
ADDITIONAL STEM CHANGES

We have discussed several kinds of stem changes, including stem -vowel
changes (insertion of semivowel, substitution of vowel, or both), stem extensions (the
addition of velar or palatal consonants, or both, to the end of the stem), and vocalizations
(alternation of stem final semivowel and vowel). Listed below are additional types of
stem modifications and combinations of more than one type:
Shortened stems
Infinitive Infinitive stem
escribir /eskrib-/ /eskri to/ (perfective participle)

romper /rromp-/ /rr6 to/ (perfective participle)
haber /ab-/ /a (n)/ (present indicative)
hacer /as-/ /a re/ (future and conditional)

decir /di^-/ /di r6/ (future and conditional)
Consonant substitution:
producir /produ^-/ /produh e/ (preterit)

conducir /kondu^-/ /konduh e/ (preterit)
hacer /a§-/ /ag 0/ (1st sg present indicative, present si
haber /ab-/ /ay a/ (1st sg present indicative, present si
Additional stem extensions:
traer /tra-/ /trah e/ (preterit)

estar /est-/ /estiib e/ (preterit)
andar /and-/ /andub e/ (preterit)
ver /b-/ /M 0/ (1st sg present indicative imperfect)
/bfs to/ (perfective participle)
Additional stem -vowel changes:
poder /pod-/ /pud e/ (preterit)

hacer /a?-/ /i§ e/ (preterit)
haber /ab-/ /lib e/ (preterit)
venir /ben-/ /bin e/ (preterit)
decir /deq-/ /dis e/ (2nd and 3rd present indicative)
freir /fre-/ /fri to/ (perfective participle)
Note that changes always reflect a movement from a low or mid vowel in the infinitive
form to a high vowel.
Stem vowel change with /w4/ substituted for /o/:
morir /mor-/ /mw^r to/ (perfective participle)
Stems with consonant and vowel change:
caber /kab-/ /k6p 0/ (present subjunctive and 1st sg present indicative)

/kup e/ (preterit)
saber /sab-/ /sup e/ (preterit)
tener /ten-/ /tub e/ (preterit)
poner /pon-/ /pus e/ (preterit)
querer ker-/ /kis e/ (preterit)
decir /de^-/ /dih e/ (preterit)
/dig 0/ (1st sg present indicative)

/dfch 0/ (perfective participle)
hacer /a§-/ /ich 0/ (perfective participle)
Stems with shortening and vowel change:
saber /sab-/ /s€ 0/ (1st sg present indicative)

volver /bolb-/ /bw^l to/ (perfective participle)
resolver /rresolb-/ /rresw^l to/ (perfective participle)
1 lengthening by insertion of ye/:
abrir abr- /aby^r to/ (perfective participle)

cubrir kubr-/ /kuby^r to/ (perfective participle)
Consonant and vowel change with /v/i/ substituted for /o/:
poner /pon-/ /pw4s to/ (perfective participle)
Suppleted (totally replaced) stems:
ser /s-/ /ir es/ (2nd sg present indicative, imperfect)

/es 0/ (3rd sg present indicative)
/si a/ (present subjunctive)
/fw 1/ (preterit)
/Q/ /b 6y/ (present indicative, imperative)

/bay a/ (present subjunctive)
fw i/ (preterit)
In a classroom, these irregular forms should certainly be grouped in accord

with tense-aspect categories, which is the usual presentation. Within that presentation,
however, it is helpful for the student to associate together those forms that have similar
changes, which is the purpose of the above grouping.
THEME VARIATIONS
The second constituent of a verb form is the theme vowel. This is an element
which is nearly always present in the regular paradigm (except first singular preterit for
all conjugations, third singular preterit for ar verbs, second plural present indicative for
ir verbs) and which is relatively stable.
There are several kinds of modifications of the theme vowel that illustrate
variance from the normal paradigm of regular verbs. One of these is zero occurrence:
the absence of a normally expected theme vowel. A zero theme vowel may occur in irreg-
ular future and conditional, singular imperative, perfective participle, and a few miscel-
laneous forms:
VERB FORMS / 117
Infinitive stem
Infinitive and theme vowel
haber /ab-e-/ /ab Q r^/ (future and conditional)

saber /sab-e-/ /sab Q r6/ (future and conditional)
caber /kab-e-/ /kab r^/ (future and conditional)
poder /pod-e-/ /pod Q re/ (future and conditional)

querer /ker-e-/ /ker re/ (future and conditional)
hacer /a^-e-/ /a r^/ (future and conditional)
decir /de§-i-/ /di re/ (future and conditional)
hacer /a^-e-/ /as Q/ (sg imperative)
salir /sal-i-/ /sal 0/ (sg imperative)

valer /bal-e-/ /bal Q/3 (sg imperative)
poner /pon-e-/ /pdn 8/ (sg imperative)
tener /ten-e-/ /t^n Q/ (sg imperative)

venlr /ben-e-/ /b^n Q/ (sg imperative)
abrir /abr-i-/ /aby^r to/ (perfect part ciple)

cubrir /kubr-i-/ /kubyer to/ (perfect part ciple)
freir /fre-i-/ /fri to/ (perfect part ciple)
morir /mor-i-/ /mwer to/ (perfect participle)
poner /pon-e-/ /pwes Q to/ (perfect part ciple)
ver /b-e-/ /bis 6 to/ (perfect part ciple)
volver /volb-e-/ /bw^l to/ (perfect part ciple)
resolver /rresolb-e-/ /rreswel to/ (perfect part ciple)
escribir /eskrib-i-/ /eskri to/ (perfect part ciple)
romper /rrom-e/ /rrd to/ (perfect part ciple)
hacer /a^-e-/ /ech 0/ (perfect part ciple)
decir /de^-e-/ /dich 6 0/ (perfect participle)
saber /sab-e-/ /s^ W (1st sg present indicative)

haber /ab-e-/ /e 0/ (1st sg present indicative)
/a (s)/ (2nd and 3rd sg present indicative)
/a Q n/ (3rd pi present indicative)
ser /s-e-/ /er Q a/ (imperfect)
The verbs which have zero theme singular imperative forms are those which
include an extra form beyond the normal maximum of forty-eight forms in the total para-
digm, since these imperatives (unlike the pattern for regular verbs) are distinguished from
the third singular present indicative forms: haz ~ hace pon ~ pone
, , ten ~ tiene , and so on.
It is worth noting that this handful of irregular imperative forms includes the
only instances in Spanish where the stem of the verb may serve as a word— that is, as a
complete inflected form, with all the suffix constituents present only as zeros. English
verbs are at the other extreme, where the stem form of all verbs occurs as the most
important inflected form in the verb pattern.
A second theme vowel modification is the replacement of the vowel by the con-
sonant /d/ in certain future and conditional forms. This intrusive /d/ undoubtedly entered
the form as a transition between /n/ or /I/ and /r/ when the theme vowel disappeared, but
the structural result is a /d/ occupying the theme vowel slot:
3. Both val and the regular vale are used. This is not a significant pedagogi-
cal problem because it is a very infrequent form.
Infinitive stem
poner /pon-e-/ , pon d r4/ (future and conditional)
tener /ten-e-/ /ten d r^/ (future and conditional)
valer /bal-e-/ /bal d ri/ (future and conditional)
salir /sal-i-/ /sal d r6/ (future and conditional)
venir /ben-i-/ /ben d ri/ (future and conditional)
There are a number of irregular preterit forms which have alternate theme
systems for er-ir verbs. The regular and two alternate systems are shown below:
Regular 1st alternate 2nd alternate
/O/ /W /fi/
sg /I/ ni n/
/y/ /B/ /W
/iV /£/ n/
pi ni /iV ni
/y&/ /y6/'-/€/ /«/
Examples with sample verbs are:
1 kom i pus Q e fw G 1
2 sg i ste 1 ste 1 ste
3 y <5 o 6
1 i mos I mos 1 mos

2 pl 1 steys i steys i steys
3 y6 ron y6 ron ~ 6 ron
(dih) 6 ron
Note that the modification involves the stress pattern as well as the actual phonemes in
the structure. Most irregular preterit forms follow the first alternate system, although
irregular verbs with a stem ending in /-h/ drop the /y/ of the theme in the third plural
form in most dialects (not in Chile, however). Examples: dijeron trajeron produjeron , , ,
but for regular verbs, rugieron crujieron , . Only the verbs ser and ir follow the second
alternate system.
Another theme irregularity is the crossing of theme systems in occasional
instances. There are two common verbs where this happens. The verb dar follows the er;
ir theme pattern in the preterite, and ir follows the ar pattern in the present:
Infinitive stem
dar /d-a-/ /'d iste/ (preterit)
ir /i3-i-/ /b ±1 (present indicative)
Two other verbs switch theme vowels in the preterit after an extended stem:
Infinitive stem
Infinitive plus extension
estar /est-ub/ /estub iste/ (preterit)
andar /and-ub/ /andub iste/ (preterit)

VERB FORMS / 119
Another theme modification shown by four common verbs, which extend the
is
/o/ theme of first singular present indicative forms to /oy/, and by an irregular form of
the third singular present indicative of haber , which takes a /y/ theme:
Infinitive stem
dar /d-a-/ /d ay/ (1st sg present indicative)

estar /est-a-/ /est (3y/ (1st sg present indicative)
ser /s-eV /s <5y/ (1st sg present indicative)
ir /S-iV /b (5y/ (1st sg present indicative)

haber /ab-e-/ /I y/ (3rd sg present indicative alternate form)
All these forms are monosyllables except estoy which , is stressed on its end-
ing. Unlike regular verbs, which have accented stems in the singular and the third plural
of the present indicative and subjimctive and the singular imperative forms, all the forms
of estar are accented on their endings. This is best explained historically, since estar
was once a monosyllable *star. The initial e^ was added to prevent a nonpermitted initial
cluster st-, but the original accent pattern of the inflected forms was preserved.
4
One final theme modification is entirely phonological in nature. A stem final
11 or n absorbs the following /y/ of the theme. This assimilation occurs only in er-ir verbs
in third preterit, the past subjunctive, and imperfective participle forms:
Infinitive stem
bullir /bu(l)y-i-/ /bu(l)y-Q-6/

/bu(l)y-Q-^ra/
/bu(l)y-6-ndo/
teiilr /tenyi-/ /tii)y-Q-6/
/tiiiy-Q-era/
/tii]y-^-ndo/
These constitute no pedagogical problem other than the fact that the orthography requires
the dropping of an j. We can generalize the phenomenon here by saying 11 + y or n + ^ are
nonpermitted sequences in Spanish, which are always resolved by dropping the y.
TENSE -ASPECT VARIATIONS

There is considerable consistency between the sets of forms in a paradigm for
constituents 1 and 4— the stem and person-number marker— and to a lesser extent for con-
stituent 2— the theme vowel. The constituent which distinguishes the sets (and represents
a residue of phonological material not otherwise assigned) is number 3— the tense-aspect
marker. There is complete consistency of these markers within all sets except the future,
where /ra/ alternates with /r4/; the imperative, where /W alternates with /d/; and the
preterit, which has the most erratic pattern of the whole paradigm (these are discussed
below). In the present tense, indicative and subjunctive, the tense-aspect marker is zero.
4. In some dialects, these changes are mere orthographical accommodations.

A Madrid informant does not distinguish the palatals of puliendo ~ bullendo, but does of
teniendo ~ tinendo Many Spanish speakers in New Mexico do not distinguish either pair.
.
so its function is carried by the particular combination of other constituents that are
overtly present.
Variations of tense-aspect markers occur mainly in preterit tense forms and
in perfective participles, two patterns where irregularities frequently enter. For the pret-
erit, there are (as in the theme) two alternate systems for er-ir verbs. They are summa-
rized below:
Regular 1st alternate 2nd alternate
1 /i/ /e/ /i7

2 sg /ste/ /ste/ /ste/
3 /6/ /o/ /«/
1 /Q/ /B/ /O/

2 pl /ste/ /ste/ /ste/
3 /ro/ /ro/ /ro/
Examples with sample verbs are:
1 kom i pus e fu 1 Q
2 sg i ste I ste Q 1 ste
3 y 6 i
1 i mos i mos i mos

2 pl i ste ys i ste ys i ste ys
3 y4 ro n yi ro n € ro n
The modifications are limited to the first and third singular forms, and con-
sist of variations of vowels and stress patterns. As the chart shows, the alternate tense-
aspect systems accompany the comparable alternate theme vowel systems previously
discussed.
The partial similarity of the first alternate system of tense-aspect markers
of the preterit with the theme vowel of the present tense of regular er-ir verbs leads to
considerable difficulty. In both sets, the stress of first and third singular forms is on the
stem, but the comparable endings are complementarily opposite.
Present indicative Preterit
1 dig-o 3 dih-o
sg sg
di^-e 1 dih-e
The tense-aspect form of the verb must be recognized, not by the ending, but by the stem.
K a student learns the present tense forms first, there is almost inevitably some conflict
in reinterpretir^ the endings as they occur in the irregular preterits. Errors are com-
mon:
*Cuando yo dijo "Cdmo estin ustedes," el no dije nada.

*Yo dijo im chiste.
*Usted traduje ese libro, <^verdad?
*Yo vino a la clase ayer.
VERB FORMS / 121
This problem resulting from internal inconsistency requires special drill and attention to
establish proper habits of expression. It is particularly difficult since first and third
singular forms overlap in so many of the sets.
Even when the student approximates the correct form of the irregular preterit,
he is likely to be under pressure to follow the regular stress pattern. This incorrect anal-
ogy causes errors like:
*Pablo vind esta mafiana.

*Ella no me dij6 eso.
Another modification of the aspect-tense markers can be seen in verbs which

in some sets cross theme classes: dar , estar , andar , ir. The first three are conjugated
in the preterit as if they were -er-ir verbs, and ir is conjugated in the present as if it
were an -ar verb. When such crossing occurs, the tense-aspect marker accompanies the
theme, rather than remaining with the original stem. This is evidence that the first con-
stituent cut in a verb form is properly made between the stem and the affix constituents.
Finally, there are two common modifications of the aspect markers of perfec-
tive participles (tense is not present in these forms). The regular /do/ marker is changed
to /to/ or simply /o/, always accompanied by a zeroing of the theme vowel with certain
irregular er-ir stems:
Infinitive stem
escribir /eskrib-i/ /eskri to/

romper /rromp-e/ /rr(3 to/
volver /bolb-e/ /bwgl to/
resolver /rresolb-e/ /rreswel to/
abrir /abr-i/ /aby^r to/
cubrir /kubr-i/ /kubyer to/
freir /fre-i/ /fri to/
morir /mor-i/ /mwer to/
poner /pon-e/ /pw^s to/
ver /b-e/ /bis to/
decir /de^-i/ /dich 0/

hacer /a^-e/ /ech 0/
PERSON-NUMBER MARKERS
There are no variations of the person-number markers, but there are some
difficulties in internalizing the system. For instance, two person-number forms (first and
third singular) are both marked with a zero suffix. Since the categories themselves do not
fall together, the distinctions must be maintained by other constituents, usually by the
theme vowel or by the tense-aspect marker, though sometimes by the stem. The entire
paradigm, however, fails to support the necessity of making a distinction, since in the
present and past subjunctive, the imperfect, and the conditional, first and third singular
always fall together.
In one instance, there is complete identity of two forms which are syntacti-
cally employed in consistently different patterns. The same form serves as regular singu-
lar imperative and as the third singular present indicative. The distinction between them
must be made by observing syntactic agreement with the subject, by the position of accom-
panying enclitic pronouns, or merely from the context.
NON- FINITE VERB FORMS

The tense-aspect slot in the formation will be a positive choice in forty-five
of the potential forty-eight forms. In two of the remaining three forms, only aspect is cho-
sen, PERFECTIVE or IMPERFECTIVE. Thus hablado and hablando although they have an
,
aspect reference, do not have a tense or time reference (it is supplied, when needed, by an
accompanying form). The last remaining form is a completely negative selection; zero
aspect and zero tense are chosen, and the result is a form specifically marked with no
aspect or tense limitation. This is the INFINITIVE or "name" form hablar . It is interest-
ing to note that of forty-eight possibilities the least typical verb form has traditionally
been the dictionary entry.
These three, the j^r, -do and -ndo forms, have usually been referred to as the
,
NON- FINITE or non-conjugated forms of the verb (VERBALS). They are different from
other verb forms in two important ways: (1) they appear with conjugated forms in verb
constructions of a variety of types (traditionally called "compound tenses"), in which
instance they normally appear after the conjugated form, and (2) when not appearing with
a conjiâted form they function in other word classes, as follows:
(-r form or infinitive) noun

(-do form or perfective participle) adjective
(-ndo form or imperfective participle) adverb
COMPARISON
There are two basic distinctions which most sharply differentiate the Spanish
and English verb systems: the constituent structure of forms, and the pattern of inflection.
Within these areas there are vast and far-reaching systemic differences.
The constituent structure of English verbs is simply stem plus tense suffix.
Aligned with the Spanish the differences are emphasized.
Spanish Stem Theme Tense-Aspect Person-number
English Stem Tense
The implications are obvious. An English-speaking student will have no feel-

ing whatsoever for the expression of a theme in verb forms, and he will not be accustomed
to the expression of person-number categories with the verb.
There is nothing in the system of English verbs which can be compared with
the Spanish classification by theme class. It is a concept that is totally foreign to the Eng-
lish-speaking student. Theme class in verbs, like gender class in nouns, is deceptively
VERB FORMS / 123
simple. This simplicity often leads to underemphasis in the classroom on the difference
of form which must be practiced. The Spanish system is logically simple and clear, and
not a problem to explain; but to internalize the system is a serious problem for the stu-
dent.
Theme class confusions can be readily noted in the speech even of advanced
students. There are fewer errors in writing, where there is time for correction according
to the rules. The following errors have been observed, showing confusions in a variety of
formal patterns:
*Estoy escuchiendo. *Le dolaba el est<3mago.
*Si Ud. esta leando, no puedo hablar. *Entendaba mucho.

*Ni siquiera han trabajido. *Aprendaba mucho espafiol.
*La piscina esta dividado en cuatro *Tomia el desayuno.

^^^^^°"^^-
*Apre'nde mucho.
*No quedia muy lejos.
*iDonde cazia lagartos?o

jt.T^J - X 1 *Fuimos f
porque
^ nos —
invitieron.
*'^"^" ^°"^°P^^° "° P^g"^^-

*Examini mi'rifle, pero no lo ve.
*Vi^° ^" Uruguay.
*Ofresd su ayuda.
*Tomieron un taxi.
Theme class patterns can probably be practiced most effectively associating

similar subpatterns and by drills which shift forms from one aspect-tense category to
another.
The other major systemic difference in the Spanish and English verb systems
is the pattern of inflection. English verb forms, like Spanish, have certain features in
common: they are made up of stem and affixes; there are stem changes in irregular verbs;
there are some similar categories of aspect and tense that are expressed; and both have
regular and irregular patterns of conjugation with a large majority of regular verbs, but
irregularities in some of the most common verbs. In spite of these features, the differ-
ences are much more conspicuous than the similarities.
Although English verbs cannot be classified by theme class, they can be com-
pared to Spanish with respect to patterns of regularity. To do this, we must first discuss
the English patterns.
There is an important difference that must be taken into account in comparing
the irregularities of the Spanish and English verb systems. In Spanish, the irregularities
are noted mostly in the individual forms of the verb; the design of the full conjugation is
relatively stable. In English, verbs may also be irregular by reason of variations in indi-
vidual verb forms, but there are additional differences in the number of forms that make
up the basic pattern of conjugation. Spanish verbs all have forty- six to forty-eight forms,
but English verbs vary in having from one to eight forms:
Defective Overlapping
Over-
Full
differentiated
1-form 2-form 3 -form 4-form 5-form 8-form
must can put want sing be

ought may cut help go
will cast beg have
shall let need see
etc. etc. etc.
The basic paradigm of the English verb consists of five forms, illustrated by
the verb see in the following chart:
(1) Base form (unmarked by any suffix) see

(2) Gender-marked form (the non-past form used sees
with pronouns marked for gender— i.e., he,
she , it, or their equivalents)
(3) Past saw
(4) Perfective participle seen
(5) Imperfective participle seeing
The English verb system is complicated by the fact that the full form verbs
are not regular verbs. Allfull form verbs have inflected forms which are constructed in
part by stem changes. Regular verbs in English have their inflected forms constructed
exclusively by the addition of suffixes to a single stem, which is the base form. Histori-
cally, those verbs which are inflected for past by means of a suffix (regardless of whether
there is also a stem change) are called weak verbs, and those which are inflected for past
by means of a stem change without a suffix are called strong verbs.
The regular verbs of English have the following pattern:
(1) Base form talk
(2) Gender-marked form talk-s
(3) Past
talk-ed
(4) Perfective participle
(5) Imperfective participle talk-ing
Classification of English verbs is made on the basis of forms (3) and (4).
Classifying by the base form (1) is impossible, since there are no theme class or other
comparable features to distinguish one base from another. Classifying by the imperfective
participle (5) is also impossible, since it is a completely regular formation, in which
/-ig/ is added to the base form. Classifying by the gender-marked form is improductive,
since the formation is highly regular; with the exception of an occasional form like say
/sey/ ~ says /sez/ and do /duw/ ~ does /dAz/, only the modals (can, will , shall ,
may ,
must) can be distinguished by the fact they have a zero suffix (do not take any ending).
VERB FORMS / 125
The gender -marked form regularly takes an ending that is identical with the plural and
possessive endings of regular nouns (see Chapter 3).
The past (3) and the perfective participle (4) are the basis for classifying Eng-
lish verbs. The inflection for regular verbs is the same in forms (3) and (4):
Phonemic shape After verb stems ending in Examples

of suffix
/-*d/ /-t, -d/ wanted, needed, dreaded
/-t/ a voiceless consonant helped, asked, laughed
/-d/ other phonemes (voiced con- begged, bathed, freed

sonants or vowel nuclei)
g The inflected forms of irregular verbs are made at least in part by modifying
the stem of the base form. This modification may involve vowel change, a consonant
change, or both, with or without a suffix added. Cited below are forms (1), (3), and (4),
traditionally listed as the "principal parts" of English verbs:
Two forms Three forms

(1) (3) (4) (1) (3) (4)
Vowel change come came (come) sing sang sung

only
run ran (run) ring rang rung
sting stung (stung) drink drank drunk
sit sat (sat) begin began begun
lead led (led)
read/iy/ read/e/ (read/e/)

shoot shot (shot)
Consonant have had (had)

change only
build built (built)
make made (made)
Vowel and con- say said (said) go went gone

sonant change
» (including the
teach taught (taught) draw drew drawn
past particip- catch caught (caught) write wrote written
ial suffix -en)
think thought (thought) bite bit bitten
buy bought (bought) give gave given
bring brought (brought) forget forgot forgotten
lose lost (lost) see saw seen
stand stood (stood) eat ate eaten
sell sold (sold) take took taken
deal dealt (dealt)
tell told (told) know knew known

keep kept (kept) speak spoke spoken
sleep slept (slept) break broke broken
Spanish has changes in verb forms which are vaguely comparable to those of
the above strong verbs of English.
i'
Spanish English
viene vino come came
puede pudo can could
dice dijo say said
hace hizo make made
sabe supo know knew
It is very doubtful that there is any useful carry-over of patterns. At best, the English
changes provide a precedent for such processes in Spanish, so that they are not completely
surprising to the student. English has about two hundred irregular verbs and a handful of
defective and overlapping three-form verbs, plus be. Spanish has about nine hundred irreg-
ular verbs, but of these not more than a hundred represent stem-affix irregularities (the
most notably irregular).
These estimates all include derived forms and low-frequency items. If the
count is limited to the common, frequent verbs of everyday use, English would have fifty
or sixty, and Spanish twenty-five or thirty, irregular verbs.

An obvious kind of difficulty for the English-speaking student is the almost
total absence of person-number marking in English verb forms (only the -s of walks ,
talks, and so on can be so construed):
Singular Plural
1st 2nd 3rd 1st 2nd 3rd

1 1
Spanish hablo hablas habla hablamos hablais hablan

1
talks
English
ta Ik
Numerous errors in the speech of elementary students suggest the kind of
difficulty the absence of this category in English generates:
*<i,D6nde viven ustedes? Nosotros viven en Washington.

*Ûstedes hablamos ingles?
*E1 y yo son americanos.
*i,D(3nde trabajan usted ahora?
*Nosotros sabe que ya es hora.
*6Yo? No esta seguro.
*Yo dice que es Rosalinda.
* Den se prisa, muchacho.
*<;,Usted le presto dos lapices?
*Si, me afeitd yo mismo.
*Me band ayer.
*Esta maiiana, yo no durmid.
VERB FORMS / 127
*Yo no durmio hasta las seis.
*^Cuanto tiempo tomaron el caballo?
Certainly one problem for the English speaking student is the absence of the
"catch-all" non-past base form in Spanish. The failure to properly catalogue the infinitive
can be seen in the following errors:
*<i,Ddnde hace usted come ?

*Â d6nde quiere va ?
*Voy a vivo cerca de aqui.
* Podia hacemos muchas cosas.
The use of hace to translate the empty tense carrier do of English in the first sentence
above shows the feeling of the student for this slot, which does not exist in Spanish.
Another difficulty an English student will face is to learn to use minimal

stress differences to mark inflectional categories. Thus hablo is first singular present
indicative, but hablo is third singular preterit; hable is first or third singular present
subjunctive, but hable is first singular preterit; hablara is first or third singular past
subjunctive, but hablara is third singular future. There is no comparable use of stress in
the English verb system. When there is an alternation in English, it is not within the verb
system but a derivational distinction between nouns and verbs: address/address exploit/ ,
exploit survey/survey increase/increase digest/digest 6bject/object permit/permit

, , , , , ,
prdduce/produce prdject/project r^bel/reb^l

, , .
One really serious problem in teaching Spanish to English speakers is to
teach the contrast of perfective-imperfective in the tense forms where it contrasts in

Spanish (preterit ~ imperfect), discussed in Chapter 6. Aspect exists in English, but it is
marked by auxiliaries, modals, and non-finite verb forms, never within a tense form. It
is not easy to cite errors of aspect selection, since an extended context can usually justify
either form. The following list of errors cannot, therefore, be considered absolute; most
are probable errors, considered from the point of view of the most likely context:
*No, es que no supe de quien era.

* Llovi6 todos los dias.
*Muchas mananas vino a clase con olor de alcohol.

*Cuando vivia en Jamaica, fui a la selva casi todos los dias.
* Fueron las doce.
*Siempre que comi uvas, me enfermaba.

*Siempre que podia , fue.
* Acabe de entrar cuando sond el telefono.
*Cuando usted llamd, yo estuve en la cocina.
*Y para peor de males, el tuvo razon.
One form in English is uniquely overdifferentiated, the verb be, with eight
forms:
(1) Base be
(la) Non-past 1st singular am
(lb) Non-past plural and 2nd siiûlar are
(2) Gender- marked is
(3) (a) Past singular was

(b) Past plural and 2nd singular were
(4) Perfective participle been
(5) Imperfective participle being
Because this paradigm approaches the normal one of Spanish, as well as be-
cause of the high frequency of occurrence of be, it is probably well to begin the drill on
person-number forms of the present tense in Spanish with the verb ser. The English-
speaking student is accustomed to distinguishing am , are , is with singular subjects and
therefore has a one-for-one association for soy , eres es. , A similar pattern of differen-
tiation can then be applied to the plural for somos , sois , son, and then generalized for all
other verbs.
The following chart shows a form-to-form comparison of English and Spanish
verb forms:
I
I( r
1
1 ( 1 1 1
1 1 1 1
VERB FORMS 129
CO CO
o o
CO CO
CO S c CO S c
cu 01 0) 'S (U Q} cu CD 'cu H)
CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO
rt d -d oj d OS d
s d — rt
3 3a 3 X2 3 3d 3 3d 3 i2
.
OJ OJ OJ oJ 03 OJ rt
X sz X X X X X X X X
CO CO
o o
CO CO
CO a c CO s C
a ctS d "d d rt d d 'd c^
u ^H u u u t^ u !h u t<
—a a 'rt
—d d rt d ^d d CTJ
^ ^ i2d Xid XJd X3d

' •
JO X! JD S>
rt rt d d d rt
x; X! X X X X X X X X
CO
o
CO
CO S c
.5 «S d 3 >5
^^ ^^ u ;-i 'C
a rt d <—rt — CTJ
3d
1
X5 X3 x> JD
ni rt d CTJ
XI X X! X X
to
o
CO
CO s c
<a> 'd >rt cu 'S <CTJ ^d
u u u u ^H u u
Oj d —d d CTJ
—d d
3 3d X!d 3 3d XJ 3d
1 1
cJ cS Clj
X X X X X X X
CO
CO CO
o CD o 3
^ o
c
CO
M s '-'^
C CO E CO tn
r-H —0) a> OJ 0) <(D d Ô d — — d c;J
J2 ^ X! 3 3 3 3d 3rt 3d 3d XJoj X5
• ( .
oi rt oJ rt ctS CTJ d
J= X X X X X X X X X X X
CO
o
CO CO
o CO s c
CO cj d d rt OJ
CO £ C X5 J2 X! JD X!
o — CJ d d 'rt c^
— d cTi oj ^cTi d d
3d 3d 3d 3 3d 3 3
. .
JD
a
i2
ci
J=i
d
i2
rt
3 rt rj
CTi rt
X X X xi x; X X X X X X X
o
O T3
t< T3 -a C
F—
rt
—d —d cî
3
' '
iD Si Xi
rt d d d
x; X X X
he
CD C C
jij
rt
^
rt
CD
Ô Ô
CD i3
d
(U CD
a
CO
D.
CO
a,
CO
a CO
a,
CO
This chart shows one equivalence each for the participles spoken and speaking three for ,
the gender-marked form speaks twenty-one for

, the past form spoke, and thirty-four for
the base form speak .
But for pedagogical purposes, translation equivalences are not limited to

forms. The modals in English express the content (or — more accurately— can express the
content) of some Spanish tense forms. The above chart might be revised as follows, to
give a more nearly valid picture of the pedagogical burden of the Spanish verb system for
the English-speaking student:
speak hablar hablo will speak hablare

hablad hablas hablaras
habla hablar a
hablamos hablaremos
hablais hablarîs
hablan hablarin
speaks habla would speak hablaria

hablarias
spoke habl^ hablaba
hablariamos
hablaste hablabas
hablariais
habld hablabamos
hablar fan
hablamos hablabais
hablasteis hablaban
hablaron
may speak hable

hables
hablemos
hableis
hablen
might speak hablara hablase

hablaras hablases
hablaramos hablasemos
hablarais hablaseis
hablaran hablasen
This listing of equivalences shows that most of the problems are reduced to
a matter of person-number forms of verbs, which correspond with the subject of the Eng-
lish verbs. The exceptions to this generalization are the base form speak which corre-
,
sponds with infinitive, command forms, and present tense. The infinitive could be associ-
ated with English to speak although the marker to does not appear after modals and in
,
some other constructions. English might speak corresponds with two sets of forms, but
VERB FORMS 131
this is a relatively unimportant overlap, since a teacher is pedagogically justified in ignor-

ing the -se past subjunctive until the intermediate or advanced level. There are very few
instances where the -ra and -se subjunctive need be distinguished on any level.
The one big difficulty that is not resolved is the overlap of preterit and imper-
fect forms. It is often explained in the same way the above chart proposes the solution of
other mixed equivalences— by separate translations. The best that can be done is:
English Spanish
used to speak
imperfect
was speaking |
spoke preterit
did speak { imperfect
The area of overlap is reduced, but the problem is not solved. Nor can it be
by any kind of translation equivalence. Even the other equivalences of the chart are partly
false— at least they are incomplete. Might speak is listed as a translation of the past sub-
junctive but would speak , speak did speak spoke were speaking
, , , , to speak , speaking ,
could also have been selected:
Parecia como si hablara. He looked as if he might speak .
Esperabamos que hablara Juan. We hoped John would speak .
Permitieron a Juan que hablara. They let John speak .
Temian que no hablara Juan. They feared that John did not speak .
Es muy dudoso que hablara Juan. It is very doubtful that John spoke .
Movid los labios como si hablara. He moved his lips as if he were

speaking .
Era necesario que hablara Juan. It was necessary for John to speak .
Salieron sin que Juan hablara. They left without John' s speaking .
Furthermore, might can be rendered by Spanish forms other than the imper-
fect subjunctive:
He might go. Puede que el vaya .
He said he might go. Dijo que quizas iria .
He looks as though he might speak. Parece que va a hablar .
He might have done it. Podia haberlo hecho.

He looked as if he might speak. Parecia como que iba a hablar .
The preceding examples illustrate a basic fact of language comparison: differ-

ences between languages cannot be accurately and clearly established through translation
alone.
THE AUXILIARY
CONSTITUENTS OF
THE VERB PHRASE
The verb phrase is the focal point of a large proportion of the difficulties that
exist in grammatical description and pedagogical presentation. We owe much to the anal-
ysis of the semantic correlates of the tense-aspect system to Twaddell (1960), and Bull
(1960, 1961). although we have not followed either of them in detail. There are two kinds
of problems: those of the verbal elements themselves, and those of the non-verbal ele-
ments which may appear in a verb phrase. No one has exhaustively described the number
and variety of classes into which verbs themselves fall in any language. Here, with Eng-
lish examples, are some of the considerations (by no means all) that enter into verb clas-
sifications:
1. What kinds of subjects are permitted?
A verb like propose for example,

, in a sentence like:
He proposed two new resolutions.
cannot be used with a non-human subject without personifying that subject; in:
The alligator proposed two new resolutions.
either the word alligator is a peculiar name for a person or the sentence occurs in an ani-
mal fable in which all the animals are personified.
2. What kinds of objects, if any, are permitted?
A verb like interest , terrify , or amaze seems to require a human— or at least
an animate— object:
The volcano terrified the people.
(but it presumably did not terrify the trees, the rocks, the sand).
3. How many objects, if any, are permitted?
Some verbs allow no object:
They competed in the Olympics.
Some allow only one:
132
AUXILIARY CONSTITUENTS OF THE VERB PHRASE / 133
They believed his story.
And some allow two:
They gave him a book.
4. What kinds of adverbs, if any, are permitted?
The class of locative adverbs (LOG) includes certain prepositional phrases:

in New York , room on the table and the class of directional adverbs (DIR)
in the' other , ;
includes others: to New York to the table DIR can occur only with verbs of motion:
, .
He went to New York.

but not, for example, with verbs of mental state, which take LOG:
[at
He thought about it the movies.
in
but not
*He thought about it to the movies.
Some verbs cannot occur at all without an adverb:
He put it in the garage,
but not
*He put it.
5. What kinds of transformations can the verb undergo?
Only certain transitive verbs allow omission of the object (He sells for a liv-
ing ) or deletion of the agent (This book reads easily ). The verbs that take complements
are of several types: those that take complements consisting of be + Pred (He believed me
to be intelligent ); those that take complements consisting of to + VP (He wanted me to go ),
those that take complements consisting of ing + VP ( She imagined him doing it ) ; and so on.
6. What kinds of auxiliaries can appear in the verb phrase?
Although we can say:
He might have been being fresh when she slapped him.

we cannot say:
He might have been being in the park when she slapped him.
That is, might have been being is all right as an auxiliary with some classes of VP, but
not with others.
Discussion of the VP, because of the variety of these considerations, is com-
plicated. It requires examination of one constituent at a time, always bearing in mind the
fact that none of the parts are independent of the whole. The phrase structvure rule which
breaks the full verb phrase of Spanish into its constituents is this:
VP- estar
VP -^ AUX + VP-ser
That is, the VP has two principal constituents, of which the left one is the auxiliary. At
this point we will postpone consideration of the right-hand constituents and confine our
attention entirely to the AUX, which is that part of the verb phrase that carries ASPECT
and TENSE AUX, we must set aside for the moment
features. In order to examine only the
not only the right-hand constituents of the VP but also some matters that are not functions
of either the AUX or the rest of the VP, even though they show up in the verb forms. A
sentence like Hablaba bien consists of P + VP, even though the subject (P) is in fact shown
formally only in the endings of hablaba. The categories of PERSON and NUMBER are,
nonetheless, not inherent in the VP: they are determined by the subject, and their particu-
lar shape in the VP is an automatic consequence of the choice of person. We may, there-
fore, leave them aside from the problem of the auxiliary.
THE AUXILIARY
The AUX introduces a set of MODIFICATIONS into the verb phrase. Two of
these modifications may be considered PRIMARY, since it is obligatory that they be cho-
sen in any finite VP whatsoever, and three may be considered SECONDARY since they
are not obligatory and can be chosen in addition to the primary modifications. The primary
modifications are, in a sense, like the phonograph record which feeds a signal into an
amplifier, and the secondary modifications are like the tone controls. Without a phono-
graph record as the source of the sound, the tone controls have nothing to modify. One is
not obliged to choose a particular record, but he must choose one of the several in his
library if he is to have music at all. So every AUX must represent the choice of some
record from the library of primary modifications (it happens to be a small library with
only a few records in it), and it may also represent various settings of the tone controls:
the secondary modifications.
THE PRIMARY MODIFICATIONS

The primary modifications are ASPECT and TENSE. Any event has, potentially,
three aspects: it may be viewed at its beginning (initiative aspect), at its end (terminative
aspect), or sometime in the course of its occurrence— that is, somewhere between the
beginning and end (imperfective aspect). It happens that of these three potential aspects,
Spanish coalesces the first two, so that initiative and terminative aspects can be called
by a single name, "perfective." Consider these sentences:
(1) El nene anduvo a los seis meses.

(2) El nene andaba a los seis meses.
(3) El nene se cayd.
(4) El nene se caia.
(1) is initiative: the child began to walk at six months (i.e., his life history of walking was
initiated at that point). (3) is terminative: it is, after all, impossible to say that the child
feU unless it has happened— the falling is finished. For these two aspects, initiative and
terminative, Spanish uses identical tense forms, those of the preterit. We have labeled
these perfective aspect; but it is important to remember that "perfective" is merely a
label, the opposite of "imperfective." With sentences (2) and (4) we have the middle of
events. In (2), the child was already walking— he was neither at the beginning nor at the
end of his life history of walking. In (4), the child was in the process of falling— we do not
say whether he had finished falling or not, nor whether he had just started to. This is an
instance of imperfective aspect, uncommitted to initiativeness or terminativeness. It
should be noted that both the events in the above examples can be conceptualized as dura-
tive (capable of indefinite extension in time). Compare the following examples:
(5) Golped la mesa.

(6) Golpeaba la mesa.
(5) is terminative (perfective). (6), however, is a different kind of event— a non-durative

one not capable of indefinite extension in time. The imperfective aspect of this event, then,
is not a single prolonged event but a series of events, in this example a series of blows.
(4) may refer to the middle of a series of falls (if falling is conceptualized as a non-dura-
tive event) or to a single fall (if conceptualized as durative). Any event can be conceptual-
ized in terms of its middle (imperfective) or in terms of the event as a whole, implying
the ending of it (perfective), but some events are more easily classified as primarily dura-
tive (sleep , think, believe ) and others as primarily non-durative (strike , enter , revolve ).
Aspect, then, is either perfective or imperfective. Perfective forms in Spanish
are represented by the preterit conjugation of the verb (the so-called "perfect" tenses do
not represent perfective aspect at all; they represent one of the secondary modifications
discussed below). Perfective forms in Spanish are necessarily past tense— to say that a
perfective form is also past is simply redundant (i.e., there is no contrast between a
perfective form which is past and a perfective form which is not past— the latter simply
does not exist). may be either past or non-past.
Imperfective forms, on the other hand,
The term "past" is obvious enough: it means "anterior to the moment of speaking," or
"looked back on," "recollected," "recalled" from the moment of speaking. But why a term
like "non-past"? Why not "present," or "present" and "future"? What is gained by a new
word for a familiar tense? The gain is this: we would like the labels we put on verb forms
to make sense in terms of the semantic potential of the forms. If a verb form normally
refers only to past or recollected events, then "past" is a sensible label. But if a verb
form normally refers with equal ease to current or subsequent events, then "present" is
not a sensible label. A form like habla , for instance, is equally comfortable with an exter-
nal modification (i.e., a modification not in the auxiliary) of currency or subsequence:
^1 habla ahora.
^1 habla manana.
It is simply not reasonable to argue that habla is being used non-systemically— that is, in
some non-normal way— when it occurs with an external modification of subsequence (future
meaning). On the other hand, it seems quite reasonable to argue that habla is being used
non-systemically when it occurs with an external modification of previousness (past mean-

ing):
Este senor escribe dos libros el ano pasado.
It can be done, of course, in the so-called "historical present"— but this usage seems
somehow out of the ordinary.
So, although perfective aspect is necessarily past, imperfective aspect allows
a choice between past and non-past. The past imperfective forms are those traditionally
labeled IMPERFECT in Spanish. The non-past imperfective forms are those traditionally
labeled PRESENT. Let us now chart the primary modification of aspect and the choices it
allows of tense:
Chart A (Incomplete)
Primary
> Non- habla

4-1
O Past
(U
a Past hablaba
£
0)
>
(Past) habld
U
0.
Examples of sentences with these three forms are common in all Spanish text-
books. The following are cited merely to highlight the perfective-imperfective contrast:
Trabajd en la embajada. (Perfective: the working is viewed as

having terminated.)
vs.
Trabajaba en la embajada. (Imperfective: I was

implication is that
in the midst of some

working there at
particular time, perhaps when some-

thing else happened— cuando nacio mi
tercer hijo .)
No encontr^ la casa. (Perfective: I am reporting my search

after it is finished.)
vs.
No encontraba la casa. (Imperfective: When I looked, I just
wasn't finding it. The focus is on the

middle of my searching.)
Cuando llegu^, Î no estaba (My arrival [perfective] occurred in the
ahi. middle [imperfectivej of his not being
there.)
Hable con la muchacha que (My talking with her [perfective] oc-
queria conocer. curred in the middle of my wanting to
know her [imperfectivej.)
El senor salio, fue a un (Three distinct events in series, each

restoran, y comio mucho. completed before the next began [all
perfective].)
Los dias fueron bonitos; (Overlappir^ events, each conceptual-

siempre hizo sol cuando ized as distinct and separately perfect-
fuimos al campo. ed.)
El dia estaba bonito; por eso (The pretty day is stated as the back-
fuimos a la playa. ground into the middle [imperfective]
of which another event is projected

[perfective].)
Ibamos a la playa todos los (The going to the beach is conceptual-

dias. ized as a background [imperfective], a
middle of something [in this instance,
a series of events], which implies "at

the time I'm referring to.")
Juan iba a pasar por mi, pero (An occurrence planned in the past is
no pasd. conceptualized as background [imper-

fective] against which the event [perfec-
tive] is reported.)
Yo no supe a que hora llego. (Simple report of past events, both

perfective.)
Yo no sabia a que hora llegaba. (Both the knowing and the arriving are
conceptualized as imperfective because
they imply what was intended— that is,
being in the middle of the not knowing

and of the planned arrival and not fore-
seeing the end.)
Juan leia mientras yo (Both the reading and the studying are
estudiaba. Asi nos Uevamos going along simultaneously in the middle
muy bien. [imperfectivej, and these are the back-
ground against which we got along fine.)
The familiar differences between preterit forms and imperfect forms which
seem, from the viewpoint of English, to be purely lexical, such as the fact that the usual
meaning of supe is "I learned" and the usual meaning of sabia is "I knew," are also reason-
ably accountable in terms of the difference in aspect. Supe is initiative (perfective— I came
to know = I learned ); whereas sabia is imperfective— I was in a state of knowing = I knew .
Similarly:
Tenia una carta. (I had a letter; I was in possession of a letter.)
Tuve una carta. (I got a letter— initiative [perfective] aspect of

have so that the state of having
, it is just begin-
ning.)
Conocia a su hermano. (I was in the midst of being acquainted with

your brother.)
Conoci a su hermano. (I met your brother [initiative], so that the
state of being acquainted is just beginning.)
Podia hacerlo. (I was able to do it; I was in the midst of hav-

ing the ability to do it.)
Pude hacerlo. (I succeeded in doing it [initiative]; I came to
be able to do it.)
Queria ir. (I wanted to go; I was in the midst of wanting

to.)
Quise ir. (I tried to go [initiative], so that the state of

wanting to go is just beginning.)
No queria ir. (I didn't want to go.)
No quise ir. (I refused to go, negative initiation of the

state of wanting to go.)
The preceding examples have concentrated on the difference between perfec-

tive and imperfective, an aspectual distinction restricted to past. The difference between
the imperfectives— past and non-past— is equally important. To explicate it, let us consid-
er that the unidimensional entity called time is like an arrowhead at the front of a line
which is continuously growing in length, from left to right, without limits in either direc-
tion:
The arrowhead is the moment of speaking. Everything to the left of it is past (anterior);
everything to the right, including the arrowhead itself, is non-past. An event at the arrow-
head is necessarily imperfective, because the arrowhead, like Old Man River, just keeps
rolling along. But suppose we recall that this arrowhead was once moving forward the
same way at a past time: that is, we recollect the past forward movement of the arrow-
head:
7
/
/
/
-^-
An event so visualized is also necessarily imperfective, since we are conceptualizing it
at a recalled arrowhead. This recalled arrowhead is the Spanish imperfect, the past
imperfective. Thus the only difference between habla and hablaba is that the latter form
refers to the recollected arrowhead whereas the former refers to the currently moving
arrowhead. The aspect— imperfective— is the same in both forms. If we add only pastness
to a sentence like:
Van con nosotros.
we get:
Iban con nosotros.
which has all the properties in the past that the former sentence has in the non-past.
These shared properties include, for example, the possibility of referring to the future,
the dotted area to the right of the arrowhead.
Se que van con nosotros maiiana .
Sabia que iban con nosotros al dia siguiente .
Also, such non-past sentences as:
Son las doce.
which refer to the current forward motion of the arrowhead, become in the past:
Eran las doce.
regardless of the real-world fact that las doce represents a point in time, not a moving
arrowhead. That is, the "moment" of speaking, to which son refers, is a moving "moment,"
and the moving moment can be a recalled forward movement through time as well as a
current forward movement. It is for this reason that habl6 is not properly to be consid-
ered as the past of habla the past of habla
: is hablaba and habld
, is a perfective form which
contrasts directly with no non-past form, only with past imperfective forms.
THE SECONDARY MODIFICATIONS

We now consider the secondary modifications, to see how Chart A is expanded
to include the verb forms of Spanish that carry them. The first of these is the modification
for RELEVANT ANTERIORITY-that is, this modification places the event as anterior to
some specified or implied past or non-past point of reference, and explicitly marks it as
being of continuing relevance to that point of reference. The forms for relevant anteriority
are the PERFECT TENSES of Spanish. "Perfect" is perhaps the most misleading of all
familiar tense-aspect terms, since it seems to suggest "completedness" or the like,
whereas the fxmction of these forms is almost the complete reverse: to mark an event as
anterior to a point in time but continuing to be relevant to events at that point. That is, it
is the PERFECTIVE FORM of haber (in, say, hube hablado ), as opposed to imperfective
(habia or ha) that marks something like "completedness" (perfectivity); the very occur-
rence of any form of haber + -do marks the fact that the event specified is anterior to,
but still relevant to, some specified point in time, past or present:
He hablado tres veces. (I have talked three times and , I may still
talk some more; my having talked is some-

how directly pertinent to what I am doing or
saying now.)
Sabian que a las doce (They knew that at twelve I had talked three
habia hablado tres veces. times and
, my having talked was somehow
directly pertinent to what happened at twelve.)
The contrast between events which are anterior to a point in time but not
explicitly modified for relevance to it and those which are anterior to it and explicitly
modified as relevant may perhaps be clarified by looking again at time as a moving arrow-
head. An event which is anterior to the arrowhead, but relevant to it, may be shown as a
flag tied to the arrowhead, so that it continues to have relevance as the arrowhead moves
on:
He hablado tres veces

îi
Hable el lunes Hablo ahora
As the arrowhead moves on, the distance between it and Habl6 el lunes gets longer, but
the flag moves with the arrowhead:
He hablado tres veces
Hable el lunes Hablo ahora
That is, an event which is merely anterior (habld) is DETACHED from the moving arrow-
head: one which is anterior but relevant is ATTACHED to it and maintains continuing rele-
vance.
An event may also be marked as relevant to some point on the line other than
the arrowhead, as in
Sabian que a las doce habia hablado tres veces. I*
This appears on the line below:

Habia hablado
las doce
It is also possible to have forms like hube hablado — perfective anterior events
with continuing relevance— but they are largely restricted to the literary language. Such a
form is characteristically introduced by an adverb of time. It is not well integrated into
the system. An example of it is this:
Cuando lo hubo acabado, lo vendid.
When he had finished it, he sold it.
In the non-literary language, hubo hablado is usually replaced by hablo and anteriority is
,
indicated by the adverb:
Tan pronto como lo acabd, lo vendid.
Apenas empezd a cantar, se retiraron los huespedes.
This is to say that forms of the shape hubo hablado are like fifth wheels in the system;
they are used only in overly precise language, where, in any event, their function is redun-
dant. Verb forms of the shape habia hablado are also doubly anterior when used with such
adverbs:
Tan pronto como lo habia acabado, lo vendia.

Tan pronto como lo acababa lo vendia.
Apenas habia comenzado a cantar, se retiraban los hudspedes.
Apenas comenzaba a cantar, se retiraban los huespedes.
After such adverbs, the contrast between verbs of the shape hubo hablado ~ habld and
habia hablado ~ hablaba is that which exists between an on-going event and one which is
not on-going. This is illustrated by the translations of the following:
Cuando lo [hubo acabada ~ acabd], lo vendid.

When he (had) finished it, he sold it.
Cuando lo [habia acabado ~ acababa], lo vendia.
Whenever he (had) finished it, he sold it.
The second of the secondary modifications is the modification for EXPLICIT

DURATION. Applied to a form that carries the primary modification of perfective aspect,
it specifies a duration for the event that may otherwise be implicit only in the context or
unspecified:
Estuvo hablando conmigo.

Veo que Gloria sale de casa de Maria. Estuvo hablando sin duda de su
marido.
The form habld can be durationally extended by external modification:
Habld conmigo por dos horas.

Combining both the auxiliary modification of duration and an external modification of dura-
tion results in strong emphasis on the duration of the event:
Estuvo hablando conmigo por dos horas.
Applied to a form which is marked as imperfective by the primary modifica-

tion—an event which is being reported in its on-going middle, therefore necessarily dura-
tive— the durative modification specifies a limited duration:
Perdone un momento: Estoy hablando con este sefior. Despu^s hablo

contigo.
Estaba hablando con Juan cuando este senor me interrumpid.
Todavia estoy yendo al medico en estos dias, pero espero estar bien
dentro de unas semanas.
Since the modification of explicit duration is also one of limited duration when used with
the imperfective, it is rather incompatible with the notion of subsequence (futurity). For
this reason, forms like estoy hablando do not ordinarily appear in Spanish with future ad-
verbs like manana Thus, although the English sentence:
.
I'm speaking at the Rotary Club tomorrow.
is quite regular, Spanish must use a form that is unmarked for explicit duration:
Hablo en el Club Rotario manana.
To twist a non-past form with explicit duration into a future meaning requires consider-
ably specialized context:
Mira. Yo estoy hablando con 61, y tu vienes, y tu le dices que acabas de

ver a Don Justo. Al oir el nombre de ese tipo, se pondrd bianco de miedo.
The modification for relevant anteriority can be combined with that for explic-
it duration, and the resulting meaning is merely the sum of the two:
He estado hablando por dos horas, y eso basta.

Habia estado hablando por dos horas cuando el policia llegd.
We may now extend Chart A to include the primary modifications and the first
two secondary modifications:

AUXILIARY CONSTITUENTS OF THE VERB PHRASE 143
I
Chart A (Still incomplete)
Primary Secondary
Relevant Explicit
Anteriority Duration
>
Non- habla ha hablado esta hablando
Past
u ha estado hablando
<v
a Past hablaba habia hablado estaba hablando

habia estado hablando
(D
>
o (Past) habld (hubo hablando) estuvo hablando
0)
u (hubo estado hablando)

CI)
We may also elaborate the rules of the auxiliary which will generate these forms. Since
the modification for relevant anteriority can have the modification for explicit duration
added to it, their order in a formula must place the modification for relevant anteriority
(haber plus perfective participial suffix) first, followed by the modification for explicit
duration (estar plus imperfective participial suffix). Since both these secondary modifica-
tions are optional, they are placed in parentheses:
(1) AUX -*- ASP (haber + -do) (estar + -ndo)
IPerfv I
Imperfv i
f Past
I
(3) Imperfv -*-

j
I Non-p I
These rules generate the following forms, with hablar and a first singular subject by way
of example. In each instance, the modifying element, or a bound element with a hyphen, is
added to the followir^ full verb form.
(1) Perfv = habl^

(2) Imperfv + Past = hablaba
(3) Imperfv + Non-p = hablo
(4) Perfv + haber + -do = hube hablado

(5) Imperfv + past + haber + -do = habia hablado
(6) Imperfv + Non-p + haber + -do = he hablado
(7) Perfv + estar + -ndo = estuve hablando
(8) Imperfv + Past + estar + -ndo = estaba hablando
(9) Imperfv + Non-p + estar + -ndo = esta hablando
(10) Perfv + haber + -do + estar + -ndo = hube estado hablando
(11) Imperfv + Past + haber + -do + estar + -ndo = habia estado hablando
(12) Imperfv + Non-p + haber + -do + estar + -ndo = he estado hablando
These are precisely the twelve forms that appear on Chart A, and the formulas reveal
exactly the same information with one difference: the categories are assigned to specific
forms which are the physical realizations of the abstract categories:
Perfv Preterit suffixes

Imperfv + Past Imperfect suffixes
Anteriority Relevance haber + -do
Explicit Duration estar + -ndo
We can now add the final secondary modification, that for EXPLICIT SUBSE-
QUENCE. This modification is different from the other two secondary modifications in
one respect: the contrast between perfective and imperfective is NEUTRALIZED by it—
that is, irrelevant to it, since there are no forms with the SUBSEQUENCE MODIFICA-
TION which also show a contrast between perfective and imperfective. The forms with
the subsequence modification show contrast between past and non-past:
Hablar^ maiiana.
ayer
Dijo que hablaria
maiiana
And the subsequence modification can be added to the other two secondary modifications,
explicit duration and relevant anteriority:
Estar^ hablando manana.

ayer I
mananaI |
Habre estado hablando manana a las doce.

Dijo que habria estado hablando ayer a las doce.
With the addition of this modification, the auxiliary categories can all be included to com-
plete Chart A:
Chart A (Complete)
Primary Secondary
Subsequence Anteriority Duration
Non- habla ha hablado esta hablando

Past
ha estado hablando
>
u hablara habra hablado estara hablando
V
u habra estado hablando
a
S
Past hablaba habia hablado estaba hablando
habia estado hablando
hablaria habria hablado estaria hablando

habria estado hablando
>
-4-»
o
(Past) habld (hubo hablado) estuvo hablando
(hubo estado hablando)
The tense forms which mark subsequence are the CONDITIONAL and the
FUTURE. The CONDITIONAL is simply subsequent to some point in the past, just as
FUTURE is subsequent to the moment of speaking— the current movement of the arrow-
head. They may be charted with respect to the moving arrowhead of time in this way:
^-
Digo que hablar^
Dije
que hablaria
Decia
That is, the event hablaria is subsequent to the event dije (or decia ) in Dije (decia) que
hablaria just as the event hablard
, is subsequent to the event digo in Digo que hablarg .
The position of the point hablaria in the above diagram may be anywhere subsequent to
dije (decia ):
-^-^
III
I t I I
How, then, does a form which is explicitly marked as subsequent to some

specified past or recalled point in time achieve a meaning of conditionality, without refer-
ence to time, in a sentence like this:
Lo haria si pudiera.
The answer seems to come out of a translation of it into non-past:
Lo har6 si puedo.
That is, the conditional always implies subsequence, even if the subsequence is purely
hypothetical and even impossible:
pero no puedo
Lo haria
si pudiera
When it is impossible for the event to come about— that is,when the potential subsequence
is predicated upon an impossible event, or even if it is merely unlikely for the event to
occur— the meaning of pure conditionality is the result.
A final problem in the Spanish auxiliary remains before we compare it with

English. We saw that the first two modifications— explicit duration and anteriority rele-
vance—were carried in the auxiliary by specific forms added to the aspect-tense informa-
tion carried in the suffixes, namely estar + -ndo and haber + -do respectively. , It would
seem that the modification for explicit subsequence has its own suffLxational shape which
overrides the regular aspect-tense suffixes, so that we get hablar^ hablar^s hablara , , ,
and so on in the non-past, and hablaria hablarias and so on in the past. The picture will
, ,
be much neater if we can show that a specific form also carries the subsequence modifi-
cation. Then all olir secondary modifications will be generated by the selection of an addi-
tional, always optional, entity, whereas our primary modifications will reside in the obli-
gatory tense-aspect features of the suffixes. Here history gives us a clue: the future and
conditional verb forms are historically a separate word, the word haber, added to the
infinitive (with habîs reduced to -îs):
he -6
has -is
ha &
hablar + < hablar + <
hemos -emos
habîs -dis
han -in
The past conditional appears more problematic: on the surface it is clearly not hablar +
habia or , we would expect a form like * hablarabia instead of hablaria . But in older Span-
ish, the word haber had two forms of the past: one when it was a free verb form (modern
habia, habias , etc.), and one when it was enclitic to a preceding infinitive— that is, attached
to it in a closely modifying way. These forms are the ones that give the modern conditional:
hia -la
hias -ias
hia -ia
hablar + '
hablar +
hiamos -iamos
hiais -iais
hian -fan
We conclude, then, that the subsequence modification is in fact carried by a form compa-
rable in every way to the use of haber + -do and estar + -ndo to mark the other two secon-
dary modifications. The form is haber Like -do and -ndo,
. it is attached to the following
verbal form and, should therefore be written -haber in this function. Furthermore, the
fact that it neutralizes the contrast between perfective and imperfective aspect can be
shown by placing it after the third of our three auxiliary rules, so that it can be selected
only after the aspect contrast has been left behind (in rule [2]):
(1) AUX *- ASP (haber + -do) (estar + -ndo)

Perfv 1
(2) ASP
Imperfv )
Past
I I
(3) Imperfv -*~ (-haber)

I
Non-p )
By these rules, then, a form like habria estado hablando breaks down into these constitu-
ents:
Imperfv/Past + -haber + haber + -do + estar + -ndo + hablar
By the morphophonemic rules which convert this sequence into regular Spanish forms,
the order is shifted as shown by the arrows:
Imperfv/Past + -haber + haber + -do + estar + -ndo + hablar

1 y / V 3
That is:
(1) Imperfv/past + -haber ^- fa, . . .
(2) ia + haber -*- habria, . . .
(3) -do + estar -*- estado, . . .
(4) -ndo + hablar ->- hablando
In the same way, all the other forms listed on Chart A under the modification of explicit
subsequence emerge with no difficulty.
In summary, then, the Spanish auxiliary is made up of two primary modifica-

tions which are obligatory and three optional secondary modifications which are compat-
ible with one another such that any combination of the secondary modifications may be
added to the primary ones, except that subsequence neutralizes the primary modification
of perfectivity-imperfectivity. The primary modifications appear as suffixational sets, the
secondary ones as distinct forms, except that one of these distinct forms (subsequence
-haber ) has merged into what seem to be suffixes added to the infinitive (not to the stem,
as true suffixes are).
One final point needs to be made about the auxiliary. Those forms which are
not explicitly modified by one of the three secondary modifications are not necessarily
incapable of taking an external modification for duration, subsequence, or anteriority rele-
vance. Indeed, just as in English, the unmodified forms are "compatible with any chrono-
logical meaning overtly signalled elsewhere in the sentence or situation." Thus, the
meanings equivalent to those of the three secondary modifications are carried externally
in these sentences:
Explicit Duration: El habld dos horas.
Relevant Anteriority: Despues que habld, fuimos juntos.
Explicit Subsequence: El sale dentro de unos minutos, y saldremos

nosotros tambien.
In other words, the explicit secondary modifications carry a specific seman-

tic load, but the same load may be carried elsewhere in the sentence, so that the modifi-
cations within the auxiliary become unnecessary though still perfectly usable:
Explicit Duration: El estuvo hablando dos horas.
Relevant Anteriority: Despues que hubo hablado, fuimos juntos.

2
Explicit Subsequence: ^1 saldra dentro de unos minutos, y
saldremos nosotros tambien.
THE ENGLISH AUXILIARY

In English, as in Spanish, the auxiliary is the vehicle of the tense system. We
have seen that the auxiliary of Spanish carries a primary modification of aspect-tense and
a series of three secondary modifications. English, on the other hand, does not have any
aspect distinctions. Rather, its tense system is based upon the fundamental dichotomy
between PAST and NON-PAST. All forms in the language fall into one or the other of
these categories, in each of which seven modifications are found, of which five belong to
a set of MODALS only one of which can be chosen in a given phrase. Two of these modifi-
cations are like those of Spanish, one is somewhat different, and the other four do not exist
in the Spanish auxiliary (though they have approximate equivalents as separate lexical
items in Spanish, discussed below). The two similar ones are SUBSEQUENCE and RELE-
VANT ANTERIORITY. The third slightly different one is a modification for CURRENCY,
which differs in EXPLICIT
certain significant ways from the Spanish modification for
DURATION. The other four are the modifications for CONTINGENCY- PERMISSION (may ),
POTENTIALITY (can), OBLIGATION- ADVISABILITY (shall ), and OBLIGATION- PROBA-
BILITY (must ).
In the primary modification of means exactly what it
TENSE, the label "past"
did in our discussion of Spanish. The label "non-past" is needed in English for the same
kinds of reasons it was required in Spanish— specifically, the fact that non-past forms do
not refer exclusively to the present.
After he speaks, we'll know what his native language is.
1. Twaddell (1960).
2. In Spanish, the construction with ir + a ( Voy a salir ) is also a mark of sub-
sequence.
I'
We may now examine in greater detail the two basic categories and their modi-
fications. Chart B summarizes them and shows the form which corresponds to each cate-
gory in each modification:
Chart B
Primary Secondary
Modal 1,2,
Relevant Anteriority Currency
3, 4, 5
Non- speaks has spoken is speaking

Past
has been speaking
will speak will have spoken will be speaking

may speak may have spoken may be speaking
can speak can have spoken can be speaking
shall speak shall have spoken shall be speaking
must speak must have spoken must be speaking
will have been speaking
may have been speaking
can have been speaking
shall have been speaking
must have been speaking
Past spoke had spoken was speaking

had been speaking
would speak would have spoken would be speaking

might speak might have spoken might be speaking
could speak could have spoken could be speaking
should speak should have spoken should be speaking
would have been speaking
might have been speaking
could have been speaking
should have been speaking
Modal 1 = Subsequence
Modal 2 = Contingency-Permission
Modal 3 = Potentiality
Modal 4 = Obligation-Advisability
Modal 5 = Obligation- Probability
We begin with a consideration of the forms of the past. Spoke as , is indicated

in Chart B, is simply past . It is not explicitly modified by any secondary modification, nor
is it marked for any aspect (as habld and hablaba are in Spanish). It can be externally
modified to have much the same meaning as that carried by the currency, relevance, and
subsequence modifications. That is, when external modification is present, the verb need
not express this grammatical meaning by formal means also. If it does, the resulting sen-
tence does not contrast in meaning with one in which the verb is not formally modified; it
is simply redundant. The modification of subsequence, indeed, tends to resist formal

expression if it. Of course, where context is lacking (i.e.,
the context is adequate to imply
where no implications are made regarding these grammatical meanings of the verb), only
formal modification can indicate the various differentiations which are possible in the
auxiliary. Once past has been chosen, the sentences in the left-hand column below carry
sufficient context (external modification) to imply all the additional grammatical meanings
of the English auxiliary in a single, formally unmodified verb like spoke which , in itself,
of course, is explicitly past. They do not, consequently, contrast in grammatical meaning

with the sentences in the right-hand column, which are explicitly modified by the auxiliary,
along with the external modifications in the left-hand column:
Marked only with primary Marked with primary and

secondary (and external)
(and external) modifications
modifications
Currency The sun burned brightly The sun was burning brightly
through the window as he was through the window as he was
getting up. getting up.
Relevant Anteriority After he left, she called Sue. After he had left, she called
Sue.
Relevant Anteriority After they worked a while, After they had been working a
and Currency
they realized how difficult while, they realized how diffi-
the job was. cult the job was.
Subsequence She knew that no matter when She knew that no matter when
he left she'd cry. he would leave she'd cry.
Subsequence and She knew that when he sang (Cannot be explicitly marked
Currency
she would not be listening. in the subordinate clause)
(Subsequence and) She said that after he left She said that after he had left
Relevant Anteri-
ority she'd cry. she'd cry.
(Subsequence), Rele- We knew that by the time he We knew that by the time he
vant Anteriority,
spoke for two hours he'd be had been speaking for two
and Currency
tired. hours he'd be tired.
The function of the external modifications, then, is to perform several of the
grammatical differentiations of which the auxiliary is capable, and this function becomes
redundant whenever these differentiations are made contextually. Polished, careful speech
tends toward explicitness and redundancy. Informal speech tends toward implicitness, and
so is characterized by a higher proportion of formally unmodified verb forms whenever
context adequate for differentiation has been established.
When we turn to the non-past, we find the same set of relationships and the
same pattern of external vs. internal modification. Once non-past has been chosen, the
sentences in the left-hand column carry sufficient context to imply the additional gram-
matical meanings of the English auxiliary in a single, formally unmodified verb like
speaks which ,
in itself, of course, is explicitly non-past:
Marked only with primary

Marked with primary and
secondary (and external)
(and external) modifications
modifications
Currency How brightly the sun shines How brightly the sun is shining
through that window today! through that window today!
Relevant Anteriority After he leaves, she'll call After he has left, she'll call
Sue. Sue.
Relevant Anteriority After they work a while, After they have been working a
and Currency
they' 11 realize how difficult while, they'll realize how
the job is. difficult the job is.
Subsequence She knows that no matter how (Cannot be explicitly marked

soon he leaves she'll cry. in the subordinate clause)
(Subsequence and) She knows that when he sings She knows that when he i^
Currency
she won't be listening. singing she won't be listening.
(Subsequence and) She says that after he leaves She says that after he has left
Relevant Anteri-
she'll cry. she'll cry.
ority
(Subsequence), Rele- We know that by the time he We know that by the time he
vant Anteriority,
and Currency speaks for two hours he'll be has been speaking for two
tired. hours he'll be tired.
The two secondary English modifications most like those of Spanish are rele-
vant anteriority and subsequence . The former is carried by have + past participial suffix
(-en ), and it parallels Spanish haber + -do in every way. The latter is carried by the
MODAL will/ would ( non-past/past ). The meaning of will/would is explicit subsequence;
in will , subsequence to the moment of speaking:
I'll go tomorrow.
in would subsequence
, to some specified past moment or event. That is, would marks the
future of the past, just as will marks the future of the non-past:
He thinks he'll go tomorrow.

He thought he'd go tomorrow.
Like the subsequence modification in Spanish, would takes on the meaning of conditionality
whenever the past event to which it is subsequent is impossible or hypothetical (even if
the hypotheticalness is merely a function of courtesy, as in the second example below).
I'd do it if I could.
I'd like some steak, please (if I could have some).

I'd do it immediately (if I were you).
I'd do it immediately (if circumstances permitted).
In the same way, it is used in "softened requests," the softening effect being achieved by
the remoteness suggested by the past of will :
Would you help me on this? Will you please help me on this?
It also takes on the meaning of habitual past action, closely equivalent to used to :
In the summers in Maine, we would swim, go fishing and boating— we

would do all sorts of things we never get to do any more.
Here the notion of subsequence seems to have little pertinence to the meaning of the modi-
fication. The fact that would has this additional (and quite unrelated) semantic component
has important contrastive consequences in Spanish, since Spanish uses the past imperfec-
tive (imperfect) in this meaning, not the past with subsequence modification (conditional).
It would, for this reason, perhaps be better to label the will/would modification the subse-
quence-habitual modification, except for the fact that there are many English dialects
where would in the habitual sense has been totally replaced by used to .
The secondary English modification which is similar to the Spanish modifica-

tion of explicit duration is that of CURRENCY. With past as the primary modification, the
currency modification resembles either the past imperfective:
fil hablaba conmigo cuando alguien nos interrumpio.

He was talking with me when someone interrupted us.
or the past imperfective with explicit (limited) duration:
El estaba hablando conmigo cuando alguien nos interrumpio.
That is, it carries a meaning of on-going-ness, being currently in the middle of something
(or having been currently in the middle), which in the past implies limited duration. With
the non-past primary modification, so long as the verb is not externally modified by a
future- marking adverb (tomorrow, . . .) the same is true:
He is talking to my mother.
He is studying at UCLA.
But when a future adverb occurs along with the currency modification, then the result is
an assertion of INTENTION:
He is leaving tomorrow on the five o'clock plane.

I'm picking you up in an hour.
That is, currency plus futurity ^- intentionality .
The comparable Spanish forms, on the other hand, do not normally allow estar
+ -ndo in the sense of intention: it is primarily for this reason that we have labeled the
estar + -ndo modification one way in Spanish (explicit duration), but the be + ing modifica-
tion a different way in English (currency). Except in this one highly significant respect,
they are quite similar.
The other secondary modifications of English are best shown through transla-
tion equivalents within English itself:
Contingency- Per missive ( may/might )
(1) He may go tomorrow. It is possible that he will go tomorrow

if circumstances allow it.
(2) He ma.y go tomorrow. He has permission to go tomorrow.
(3) He said he might go He said it was possible that he would

tomorrow. go tomorrow if circumstances should
allow it.
(4) He might go tomorrow. It is possible that he may go tomorrow

if circumstances allow it.
In an independent clause like (1) or (4), may and might are almost— indeed,
perhaps, totally— interchangeable. The use of may to express permission, as in:
All right, children, you may go now.

still exists (perhaps somewhat affectedly) in English at this date: but, can has largely
replaced may for this meaning in informal speech. Only may carries this permissive
potential; might is restricted to contingency. Note the fact that may -permissive carries
medial stress (relatively weak, marked / V; see the companion volume, THE SOUNDS OF
ENGLISH AND SPANISH), whereas may -contingency carries major stress (relatively
marked / '/; see SOUNDS
strong, ., Chapter 3). . .
Potentiality (can/could )
(1) He can go tomorrow. He is able to go tomorrow.
(2) He said he could go He said he was able to go tomorrow,

tomorrow.
(3) He could go tomorrow if he He would be able to go tomorrow if he

wanted to. wanted to.
Unlike may and might can and , could are not interchangeable in clauses, be-
cause could carries the notion of UNFULFILLED POTENTIAL, whereas can is simply
static potential.
Obligation- Advisability ( shall/ should )
(1) Shall we go? Is it all right with you if we go?
(2) Should we do it? What is your opinion about whether we

ought to do it?
(3) You should read this more It is advisable that you read this more
carefully. carefully.
The advisability component of shall/should is restricted to first person sub-

jects (we, I, you and I, . . .). The familiar rule that shall is an alternate of will depending ,
on subject, is not valid for normal informal English. The only normal contrast between
will and shall is of the following type:
Shall we go? (Give me your opinion on the advisability of going.)

Will we go? (Give me what information you have about our going.)
Should on the other hand, carries a sense of obligation slightly weaker than must or have
,
to (note example |3| above), and occurs with all subjects.
Obligation- Probability (must )
(1) I simply must get I feel a compulsion to the point of
acquainted with that girl. obligation to become acquainted with

that girl.
(2) He must have been tired. He was probably tired.
Must is quite defective among the modals: it has no past, and indeed even its
non-past occurrence in the sense of obligation is rapidly dying out, being replaced by
have to or have got to (I have to go rve got
, to go , I had to go ). This gap in its adequacy
perhaps accounts to some extent for its near -extinction in favor of have to . In the sense
of probability, it is very much alive, however, and it seems likely that within a generation
it will be proper to label it simply the PROBABILITY modification. In the probability
sense, a negative is perfectly possible (He must not be coming ).
There are four pseudo-modals in English which we are considering as irrele-
vant to the present problem (the first three are archaic in many American dialects). These
are dare need ought and perhaps better or had better as
, , , , in:
He dare not go. He doesn't dare (to) go.
He need not go. He doesn't need to go

He ought not go. He should not go.
He'd better not go. He should not go.
Dare he do it? Does he dare to do it?
Dare and need even where they survive non-archaically, are largely confined
, to negatives
and interrogatives, as above. Ought is quite alive in the affirmative, but only as a verb
much like many others which take a complement with to, though (for historical reasons) it
is unique among these verbs in that it has only a single invariable form:
He ought to go.
He wants to go.
He expects to go.
Better or had better (even had best ) is very much alive, but entirely unique in structure.
One English auxiliary has so far gone unmentioned. This is do/does/did . It
may be called the empty auxiliary, since it carries no modification in its own right. Its
sole function is to carry the primary modification of past — non-past whenever there is no
other available carrier. We can perhaps illustrate this point by examining how statements
are made negative in English. Suppose we have a sentence made up of the following com-
ponents :
. )
He + PAST + go + home (He went home.)
To make it negative, we insert iVt between past and go:
He + PAST + n't + go + home

Now, PAST is an affix which is always carried by a verbal element which immediately
follows it. But no verbal element follows it when ri|_t has been inserted. So an empty car-
rier must be supplied:
He + PAST + do + n't + go + home (He didn't go home.)
The fact that do is here merely an empty carrier of the tense element is readily seen by
comparing it with a sentence which has a carrier already in the auxiliary:
He + NON-PAST + can + go He + NON-PAST + can + n't + go (He can't go.)

He + NON-PAST + has + gone He + NON-PAST + has + n't + gone (He hasn't gone.)
Do , then, is an empty auxiliary which is supplied whenever one of the marked auxiliaries
is not present and yet an auxiliary function must be performed.
Leaving out do, then, the auxiliaries of English can be generated by the follow-
ing rules:
(1) AUX -^ TE (M) (have + -en) (be + -ing)

Past
j
(2) TE(NSE)
Non-p(ast)
can
may
(3) M(ODAL) will (Condition: Must only with Non-p)
shall
must
These rules work just as the Spanish rules do, with suffixational elements like TE, -en ,
and -ing being attached always to the following verbal form. They are illustrated below,
using talk as the main verb, he as the subject:
he + Non-p + talk -^ he talks

he + Non-p + can + talk ^- he can talk
he + Non-p + may + talk -»- he may talk
he + Non-p + will + talk -»- he will talk
he + Non-p + shall + talk -*~ he shall talk
he + Non-p + must + talk *- he must talk
he + Non-p + have + en + talk -*- he has talked
he + Non-p + have + en + be + ing + talk ^- he has been talking
can He can have talked

may He may have talked
he + Non-p + •
will •
+ have + en + talk He will have talked
shall He shall have talked
must . He must have talked
can He can have been talking

may He may have been talking
he + Non-p + •
will + have + en + be + ing + talk He will have been talking
shall He shall have been talking
must .He must have been talking
he + Past + talk He talked
He could talk
He might talk
he + Past + \ + talk
He would talk
He should talk
He could have talked

He might have talked
he + Past + •
+ have + en + talk
He would have talked
He should have talked
can He could have been talking
may He might have been talking
he + Past + . + have + en + be + ing + talk
will He would have been talking I
shall He should have been talking I
At this point we have sufficient information about the auxiliaries of Spanish and
English to make a comparison that will identify points of conflict in the two systems and
shed light on the nature of the conflicts. The following chart compares the explicit (i.e.,
formally expressed) grammatical content of the auxiliary of each English verb form with
the explicit grammatical content of the auxiliary of each Spanish verb form, except that
the four sets with the English modals can/could may/might shall/should and must are
, , ,
omitted from the chart (being unmatched by comparable Spanish auxiliaries), and except
that the passive form of the auxiliary (be + en, as in She was told . It was eaten ) is gener-
ated by the passive transformation and need not be included in the basic auxiliary.
ENGLISH SPANISH
Explicit Content Explicit Content
Verb Form Verb Form
of the Auxiliary of the Auxiliary
hablo Perfective (Past)

spoke Past
hablaba 1 Imperf active, Past
hablaba Imperfective, Past
estuvo h£iblando Perfective (Past),

was speaking Past, Currency Duration
estaba hiiblando Imperfective, Past,

Duration^
3. Explicit Duration is abbreviated in the chart to Duration.

ENGLISH SPANISH
Explicit Content Explicit Content
Verb Form Verb Form
of the Auxiliary of the Auxiliary
hubo hablado Perfective (Past),

Relevant Anteriority
had spoken Past, Relevant Anteri-
ority habia hablado Imperfective, Past,
. Relevant Anteriority
'hubo estado Perfective (Past),

hablando Relevant Anteriority,
Duration
had been Past, Relevant Anteri-
speaking ority, Currency habia estado Imperfective, Past,
hablando Relevant Anteriority,
. Duration
would speak Past, Subsequence hablaria Past, Subsequence
would be Past, Subsequence, estaria hablando Past, Subsequence,

speaking Currency Duration
would have Past, Subsequence, habria hablando Past, Subsequence,

spoken Relevant Anteriority Relevant Anteriority
would have Past, Subsequence, habria estado Past, Subsequence,

been speaking Relevant Anteriority, hablando Relevant Anteriority,
Currency Duration
speaks Non-past habia Imperfective, Non-past
is speaking Non-past, Currency esta hablando Imperfective, Non-past,

Duration
has spoken Non-past, Relevant ha hablado Imperfective, Non-past,

Anteriority Relevant Anteriority
has been Non-past, Relevant ha estado Imperfective, Non-past,

speaking Anteriority, Currency hablando Relevant Anteriority,
Duration
will speak Non-past, Subsequence hablara Non-past, Subsequence
will be speak- Non-past, Subsequence, estara hablando Non-past, Subsequence,

ing Currency Duration
will have Non-past, Subsequence, habra hablado Non-past, Subsequence,

spoken Relevant Anteriority Relevant Anteriority
will have been Non-past, Subsequence, habra estado Non-past, Subsequence,

speaking Relevant Anteriority, hablando Relevant Anteriority,
Currency Duration
LEARNING PROBLEMS
The conflicts between the Spanish auxiliary and the English auxiliary are so
extensive, and result in so many and such diverse errors, that any classification of these
errors is likely to be considerably less than exhaustive. The comparison is complicated
by the fact that the Spanish subjunctive provides an entire additional dimension of forms
that are lacking in English, even though these forms have not been included among the
auxiliaries because they are regularly the product of transformations involving the rela-
tions between two or more clauses (Chapter 9). It is obvious, nonetheless, that certain
basic conflicts are the source of the more common errors; the following discussion at-
tempts to gather these into reasonable classes.
The first point of conflict between the Spanish auxiliary and that of English lies
in the obligatory selection of aspect in Spanish. This element is altogether lacking in Eng-
lish. The English speaker must learn to specify the content of a sentence more explicitly
than he is accustomed to. For example:
(1) Gast(5 su dinero sin cuidado.

He spent his money carelessly.
(2) Gastaba su dinero sin cuidado.
In Spanish, one must choose between viewing the beginning or ending of the event, on the
one hand, and viewing the middle of it, on the other. That is, the simple past form spent
corresponds with either perfective past gastd or imperfective past gastaba; Spanish makes
this selection in accordance with the context and intent of the message. If the English sen-
tence contains also the modification of currency, the aspectual situation in Spanish is even
more complex:
(3) Gastaba su dinero sin cuidado.
(4) Estaba gastando su dinero sin

cuidado. He was spending his money carelessly.
(5) Estuvo gastando su dinero sin

cuidado.
(3), with imperfective past, is a perfectly normal equivalent of English past currency,
because both specify on-going-ness, being in the middle of the event. But Spanish allows
this on-going-ness to be further specified for explicit duration, in (4). It allows, in con-
trast with (4), the possibility of perfective with explicit (limited) duration, (5) above, and
the meanir^s are quite different: between (3) and (4) there is the difference of explicit on-
going-ness, such that although (3) could comfortably refer (though it is not limited to this
meaning) to a series of occasions of money spending ("He used to spend . . ."), (4) rather
focuses attention on a single occasion of money spending, and the duration of that single
spending spree is a background against which other events occur. This difference is exem-
plified in:
(3) Gastaba su dinero sin cuidado (cuando lo tenia).
(4) Estaba gastando su dinero sin cuidado (anoche cuando tuvo un

accidente).
(5), on the other hand, is specifically perfective and durational:
(5) (No tiene ni un centavo esta maiiana. Anoche) estuvo gastando su

dinero sin cuidado.
There is a degree of equivalence between English past plus currency ( was

speaking ) and Spanish imperfective past ( hablaba estaba hablando ); but the equivalence,
,
which is often emphasized in texts, is so imperfect that it should probably be de-empha-

sized. The true equivalences are much more complex:
estuvo hablando was speaking
estaba hablando would speak
hablaba used to speak
hablo spoke
Thus, for example, all the underlined verbs in the following sentences could normally be
imperfective past in Spanish, although they are all simple Past in English:
I didn't know you spoke Spanish.

Did you speak Spanish then?
Why did you decide to leave?— Because I didn't earn enough to support
my family.
I believed he would come.
The problem of making the distinction between perfective and imperfective

aspects exists not only in the simple and durational forms but also in the forms modi-
fied for relevant anteriority. The distinction is less important, however, since a form
like hubo hablado is largely restricted to literary usage, being otherwise replaced by
habia hablado:
(6) Cuando hubo gastado su

dinero, fue a casa. When he had spent his money, he
(7) Cuando habia gastado su went home.

dinero, fue a casa.
Not all the following typical errors in the student's handling of aspectual con-
trasts are absolute errors: for some of them, a context can be found in which the cited
form is entirely appropriate— although in some instances it takes a good deal of searching
to find such a context. Even these are errors if they are viewed as intending the most
likely meaning and context in each instance, and the ones with double asterisks are entire-
ly impossible.
Typical errors :
*No, es que no supe de qui^n era. No, es que no sabia de quien era.
*Llovi(5 muy a menudo. Llovia muy a menudo.
*Muchas maiianas vino a clase con Muchas maiianas venia a clase con
olor de alcohol. olor de alcohol.
*Cuando vivia en Jamaica, fui a Cuando vivia en Jamaica, iba a la
la selva todos los dias. selva todos los dias.
**Fueron las doce. Eran las doce.

Siempre que comi uvas, me Siempre que comia uvas, me

enfermaba. enfermaba.
**Siempre que podia, fue. Siempre que podia, iba.
*Acab^ de entrar cuando sond el Acababa de entrar cuando sono el
teldfono. tel^fono.
**Cuando usted llamd, yo estuve Cuando usted llamd, yo estaba en la
en la cocina. cocina.
The subsequence modifications of Spanish and English are quite similar, and
give no problem in instances of simple subsequence, past or non-past:
(1) Iri mafiana. (1) He'll go tomorrow.

(2) Dice que irl maiiana. (2) He says he'll go tomorrow.
(3) Dijo que iria mafiana. (3) He said he'd go tomorrow.
But from the fact that English would can be either a modification for subsequence or an
equivalent of used to in the sense of past habitual behavior, arises a serious conflict:
(4) Cuando yo vivia en el campo, (4) When I was living in the country,
salia a la pesca todos los dias. I would go fishing every day.
Past habitual action is necessarily imperfective past in Spanish: in English, it may be

marked by would or by used to . If marked by would as , in (4), then the temptation for the
English speaker to equate would with conditional in Spanish is very strong:
*Cuando yo vivia en el campo, Cuando yo vivia en el campo, salia a

saldria a la pesca todos los dias. la pesca todos los dias.
Hypothetical subsequence (i.e., the use of the subsequence modification to mark condition-
ality) is strikingly different in the two languages (but we can only suggest the difference
by examples until the subjunctive is examined in Chapter 9). Suppose we have this English
sentence:
(1) You know that I would come any time you called me.
With the main verb know in non-past, the would modification is hypothetical or conditional.
The Spanish translation is, therefore,
(1) Tii sabes que yo acudiria siempre que me llamaras.
But suppose we have this sentence:
(2) You knew that I would come any time you called me.
This can be simply the equivalent of:
(3) You know that I will come any time you call me.
except that it has the primary modification of past (2) rather than non-past (3). Sentence
(2) can therefore be translated by the Spanish sentence:
(2a) Tii sabias que yo acudia siempre que me Uamabas.

But the English sentence (2) can equally well be hypothetical, translated by this Spanish
sentence:
(2b) Tu sabias que yo acudiria siempre que me llamaras.

It is impossible to go into this kind of difference further without introducing more of the
conditions that generate the subjunctive (llamaras ) than is appropriate here. The essential
problem is that English hypothetical subsequence would and mere subsequence would re-
quire altogether distinct translations in Spanish, just as the habitual would of English must
be distinguished from the two subsequence uses.
The currency modification of English, unlike that of Spanish, is regularly
compatible in non-past with either future- or current-marking adverbs (tomorrow next ,
week right now ). To discuss

, this, however, we must examine a detail in the classification
of verbs. There are verbs which regularly refer to events which are, roughly speaking,
OBSERVABLE (go, run, learn fly walk).
, ,
He is going home.
He is running.
He is learning.
He is flying.
He is walking.
There are others which refer to events which are, roughly speaking, NON-OBSERVABLE
(think, believe , have taste love ). With the latter class, the currency modification
, , is much
more highly specialized; cf. the following:
(1) He loves his wife.
(2) He is loving his wife.
(3) He has a shirt on.
(4) He is having a shirt on.
(5) He thinks so.
(6) He is thinking so.
In (2), we get an abrupt change of meaning. In (4), we get virtually an impossibility. In (6),
we have a lesser change of meaning than in (2), but the event is now limited in duration.
With the observable event verbs (V ), English does not permit the occurrence of simple
non-past modification in the meaning "going on at this moment." That is:
He goes home.
He runs.
He learns.
He flies.
He walks.
all refer to a SERIES of events, not to a single on-going event. To refer to a single on-
going event, the currency modification must be used. On the other hand, with the non-
observable event verbs (V ), this situation is precisely reversed. That is:
He loves his wife.

He has a shirt on.
He thinks so.
all refer to a single on-going event, whereas the currency modification, applied to them,
either changes the meaning completely (He is loving his wife ), or sets up a strong field of
limited duration (much like Spanish):
He is believing in God (at the moment).
He is resembling his father (more and more each day).
He is thinking about it (and will presumably reach a conclusion within

finite time).
In non-past, only the V verbs, and those V verbs like love which change meaning
under the currency modification, will accept an external modification for subsequence:
He goes tomorrow. He is going tomorrow.

He learns his lesson tomorrow. He is learning his lesson tomorrow.
He runs in the race tomorrow. He is running in the race tomorrow.
He flies tomorrow. He is flying the plane tomorrow.
He walks to school tomorrow. He is walking to school tomorrow.
(He makes love to his wife He is loving his wife tomorrow,
tomorrow.)
The other V verbs require explicit subsequence modification before they allow exter-
nal modification for subsequence, whether or not the currency modification is present:
He will think about it tomorrow. *He thinks about it tomorrow.
He will be thinking about it *He is thinking about it tomorrow,

tomorrow.
He will believe in God *He believes in God tomorrow.

tomorrow.
He will be believing in God *He is believing in God next week,

next week.
In Spanish, on the other hand, the V verbs, because they are explicitly imper-
fective as well as non-past, are completely compatible with external subsequence modifica-
tion:
El habla manana. He speaks tomorrow.

El sale manana. He goes tomorrow.
El corre manana. He runs tomorrow.
El vuele mariana. He flies tomorrow.
and with on-going-ness:
El habla ahora. He is speaking now.

El sale ahora. He is going now.
El corre ahora. He is running now.

El vuele ahora. He is flying now.
But Spanish V verbs cannot normally take both the modification for explicit duration and
external modification for subsequence. They take only one or the other:
El estl hablando ahora.
or
El habla maiiana.
but not normally
*E1 estl hablando manana.
There are examples (cited earlier) of V verbs with explicit duration and external subse-
quence, but they are exceptional.
The V verbs of Spanish behave like those of English, and cause no special
problem. The verb ir, though V in English, behaves like V in Spanish; that is, V
verbs do not ordinarily take the modification for explicit duration:
Cree en dids.
Va al cine, (not * Estd yendo al cine .)
Typical errors :
*Esti saliendo a las tres. Sale a las tres.

*<i,Esta viniendo a la fiesta? ^Viene a la fiesta?
*Esti Uegando manana. Llega maiiana.

*lA ddnde estamos yendo a comer? Â d6nde vamos a comer?
The final area productive of significant differences between the auxiliaries of
Spanish and English lies in the modals of English. Will/ would , the subsequence modifica-
tion, has been discussed above. The others— contingency and the two types of obligation-
are non-existent in Spanish, and must be replaced by different sets of habits of several
different kinds. The lack of these categories is a fairly serious loss to the English speak-
er: his problem is not so much that the new ways of saying things are difficult in them-
selves as that when he builds sentences he gets into a corner where (according to his Eng-
lish feel for structure) he needs a modal and cannot find one in Spanish. For instance, he
wants to say:
Well, . . . they may go, but . . .
Well, . . . they might go, but . . .
What does he do? The equivalent in Spanish sentences is utterly different in structure:
Pues, . . . puede que vaya, pero . . .
The form poder , of course, also covers the area of can:
tPuedo ir? Can I go?

Si, puede hacerlo. Yes, he can do it.
Yes, he may do it (permissive).

The modal must, in its probability meaning, may be equated with one of the non- systemic
uses of the subsequence modification, in which probability is shown by the future form of
the verb:
Ya serin las cinco. It must be five o'clock already.
Must may be equated with deber in either its probability meaning or its obligation mean-
ing:
Ya deben ser las cinco. It must be five o'clock already.
Debe ir al cine dos veces should

go to the movies
a la semana. You must
twice a week.
ought to
As the translation shows, deber equates also with should and ought to — which, in turn, are
nicely matched by tener que :
Debo ir. I ought to go.

Tengo que ir. I have to go.
Although will matches the regular subsequence modification of Spanish in the

meaning of simple futxirity, sentences like these are not future in a strict sense:
Will you help me, please?

I won't do it.
Will you please close the door ?
They are historically derived, in English, from a verb willen which meant "be willing,"
and although they are now wholly inseparable from the English will of subsequence, the
distinction between them shows up in Spanish:
^Quiere ayudarme, por favor? Will you help me, please?

i
Eso no lo hago yo! I won't do that!
Cierre la puerta, por favor. Will you please close the door?
The shall of advisability (Shall we go ?) has no matching form in Spanish-

least of all does it match the future. The most frequent equivalent is the simple non-past,
or the non-past form of ir:
([.Vamos al cine? we go to the movies?

Shall
^Ddnde vamos a comer? Where shall we go to eat?
lD6nde comemos? Where shall we eat?
lAbro la puerta? Shall I open the door?
In this same meaning, of course, English uses the currency form of go. Spanish never uses
the durative of ir in this sense.
lD6nde vamos a comer? Where are we going to eat?
"gonna"
Not *<i,D6nde estimos yendo a
comer ?
It is not infrequent to find poder ,

querer and deber labeled
, in Spanish texts
as modal auxiliaries, or pseudo-modals, or the like. But they share almost none of the
modal characteristics of English: they have full paradigms for person, number, tense, and
aspect; they accept objects like other transitive verbs; they allow the secondary modifica-
tions of other verbs; in short, they are simply verbs which happen to carry lexical mean-
ings that overlap with the meanings of English modals.
A final area of conflict between the English and Spanish auxiliaries is in
"softened statements," where the past of the English subsequence (would), contingency
(might ), potentiality (could ), and advisability (should) occur as "softenings" of the non-
past of the same modifications in requests and criticism. Would and might are matched
by Spanish past subsequence:
^Tendria usted tiempo para Would you have time to talk with me?
hablar conmigo?
It would' ve been better to wait.

Habria sido mejor esperar.
It might' ve been better to wait.
I
Could is matched by the past subsequence form of poder :
<^Podria usted prestarme Could you lend me five pesos?

cinco pesos?
Should is matched by the past subsequence of deber :
No deberias enojarte. You shouldn't lose your temper.

The four verbs querer deber poder and hacer can be softened even further by occur-
, , ,
rence in imperfective past subjunctive:
Quisiera verla a usted. I would like to see you if possible.
No debieras enojarte. Perhaps you shouldn't lose your tem-

per.
^Pudieras prestarme cinco Could you possibly lend me five

pesos? pesos?
would' ve been better to

j
Hubiera sido mejor esperar. Perhaps it
might' ve |
wait.
OTHER
CONSTITUENTS OF
THE VERB PHRASE
The immediate constituents of the full verb phrase are the auxiliary, on the
one hand, and all the rest of the verb phrase, on the other. The non-auxiliary part of the
verb phrase consists minimally of a verb; the verb may have a variety of complementation
following it, such as objects, modifiers, and complements. Two verbs in particular must
be treated separately: ser and estar .
SER AND ESTAR

Ser is consistently followed by one of the following elements in all sentences
where no deletion has occurred:
(a) Temporal Adverb (TM) (a las doce manana)

,
(b) Locative Adverb (LOC) (en Madrid en Espana donde tuerce el

, ,
camino a la derecha )
(c) PRED (Noun Phrase or Adjective Adjective ; may consist of Preposi-

sition plus Noun Phrase as de Juan de ore para
, , ,
ti )
Looking more closely at the dependencies of ser we observe that when ser occurs with a
,
temporal adverb, example (a), the subject of ser consistently refers to an event:
(1) El rosario es a las dos.
Here the noun rosario must refer to the Rosary service (an event) and not to a string of
rosary beads (a thing, not an event).
(2) La sinfonia seri maiiana.

(3) El desayuno era a las nueve.
(4) La lectura fue a las dos.
In (2), (3), and (4), the subjects of ser are unambiguously events.
When ser occurs with LOC, example (b), the subject again must be an event
noun.
(5) El rosario es en San Juan de Dios.
166
:
OTHER CONSTITUENTS OF THE VERB PHRASE / 167
Since it is possible to conceive of some nouns as referring either to an event or to things

not thought of as events, we find in Spanish such alternative sentences as these:
(6) Mi casa es en San Juan de Dios. (home)

(7) Mi casa est^ en San Juan de Dios. (house)
That is, the choice of ser as the copula in (6) depends upon conceptualizing casa as a place
where an event has occurred, the scene of an activity, not simply as a place. Further
examples of ser with event nouns are these:
(8) La conferencia fue en casa de mi tio.

(9) La fiesta de San Martin es donde tuerce el camino a la derecha.
(10) Las entrevistas ser an en la embajada.
Nouns that cannot reasonably be conceptualized as representing events require the verb
estar with LOG
(11) Mi libro esta en el comedor.
but not:
*Mi libro es en el comedor.
When the subject of a copula occurs with LOG and is not conceptualized as an event or as
the scene of an activity, ser cannot be chosen as the copula— only estar can be used:
(12) La sinfonia esti en la mesa.

(13) El desayuno estaba en el comedor.
(14) La lectura esti en la plgina doce.
In (12), sinfonia refers to sheet music [not to a concert, as in (2)]; in (13), desayuno refers
to food [not to an occasion, as in (3)]; and in (14), lectura refers to reading material [not
to a public reading, as in (4)]. Minimal distinctions of the following sort are marked by the
contrast between ser + LOG and estar + LOG:
(14) La sinfonia es en el auditorio.

The symphonic concert (an event) is (takes place) in the auditorium.
vs.
(16) La sinfonia esti an el auditorio.
The symphonic music (the sheets of music) is (located) in the audi-

torium.
1. It is not at all clear just how many nouns allow the dual conceptualization.
For many Spanish speakers, in fact, any place noun may occur with ser and LOG:
Mi oficina es en el edificio San Martin.
Esa tienda no es muy cerca de aqui.
La escuela superior es en Madrid.
Other Spanish speakers, especially those who have done any thinking about grammar and
are prescriptively inclined, insist on estar in all such sentences. It is therefore perhaps
well for the student to restrict himself to estar before LOG except after event nouns.
(17) Mi casa es en Colombia.

My home (place of origin) is in Colombia.
vs.
(18) Mi casa esti a dos cuadras de aqui.

My house is located ( queda ) two blocks from here.
The occurrence of TM and LOC with ser , then, is restricted to a specific

class of subjects. This restriction may be formalized as follows:
I SGr TM 1
VP -*- AUX +1 + { } in env. N^^^^^

LOC
The other elements that may follow ser are members of the class PRED(icate),
(c) in the list above. PRED includes either noun phrases or adjectives:
(19) Juan es un muchacho .
PRED = Noun Phrase

(20) Esa fue su respuesta .
(21) Juan es joven

....
(22)
-,
.
Su respuesta fue ^dura.

, t
PRED —
= Adjective
In kernel sentences, the only other verb which can be followed by an adjective is estar :
(23) Jacinta esta bonita .
The difference between ser and estar in this environment is that the adjective after ser is
used as a CLASSIFIER of its subject (i.e., just as He is a boy states that He is a member
of the class boy so He
, is nice states that he is a member of the class of nice [people ]),
whereas an adjective after estar is used to comment upon its subject without regard to
classification. Thus:
(24) Jacinta es bonita.
establishes the class of girls to which Jacinta belongs— those who are pretty. On the other
hand:
Jacinta esta bonita.
says nothing about classification: it says only that, in the eyes of the commentator, Jacinta
is pretty. The speaker, that is, has chosen merely to comment, not to classify, when he
selects estar in this environment.
Sentences on the pattern of the following examples, in which two expressions
of time or two expressions of place are coupled by ser are instances of ser + , NP , since
both the element preceding and the element following ser are nominalized.
Entonces fue cuando nos dimos cuenta de ello.
Ahora es cuando tenemos que ser valientes.

Aqui es donde vivo yo.
Alli fue donde sucedid.
Finally, prepositional phrases with de, para and so on after ser are adjective phrases, a
,
subclass of PRED:
Este reloj es de oro .
Su profesor es de Espana .
Ese libro es de Juan .
Este consejo es para ti .
Êste cafe es con leche o sin leche ?

,i,Este cafe es con o sin ? (jocular)
With these examples of (c), we can complete the formula for the full VP:
TM
in env. N event
ser + LOG J
PRED
VP AUX + <
ADJ '
estar +
LOG .
VP. (ADV)
J-
I.
This may be simplified (i.e., made more general but less precise) in this way:
ser and its dependencies

VP AUX + estar and its dependicies
VP^ (ADV)
The formula places ser and estar in unique categories— even though they are elements in
the full verb phrase. A similar classification is true with respect to be in English:
PRED
be + LOG
VP AUX + TM in env. N event
VPj (ADV)
That is, be can only be chosen with PRED or a locative or temporal adverb, the latter
restricted to event nouns as subject:
He is a man. (PRED = NP)

He is tired. (PRED = ADJ)
He is at home. (LOG)
The party is at seven. (TM)
Sentences like:
The book is from Bill.
The book is for John.

are instances of adjectives in the form of prepositional phrases. Be is unique in many

respects in English, perhaps in even more respects than ser or estar in Spanish: besides
having a unique paradigm of eight forms, be is invertible for interrogatives, a feature
otherwise characteristic only of auxiliaries (Is he tired ?) and the verb have (though some-
what formal, perhaps even archaic: Has he any money ?— but note that have allows the nor-
mal auxiliary construction. Does he have any money ? whereas be does not— Does he
be tired ?); be carries the negative element n|_t, a feature again characteristic only of
auxiliaries (He isn't tired ) and have (He hasn't any money, also He doesn't have any money
but not * He doesn't be tired ); and so on.
Learning Problems . Except in two respects, ser and estar are in perfect
COMPLEMENTARY DISTRIBUTION-that is, those environments in which ser occurs ex-
clude estar , and those environments in which estar occurs exclude ser Contrasting sen- .
tences like (2) and (12), (3) and (13), (4) and (14) above are contrasts not between ser and
estar but between the ENVIRONMENTS of ser and estar — that is, event nouns vs. non-
event nouns as subjects, and adverbs of time vs. adverbs of place. Similarly, NP's can
follow ser , but not estar; TM can follow ser but not estar , ; LOG can follow estar with any
subject, but ser only with N p . subjects. A glance at the formula for the full VP shows,
however, two possibilities of unconditioned contrast between ser and estar :
(1) Ser may occur before LOG if its subject is N g .; estar may occur be-
fore LOG with any subject whatever.
(2) Ser and estar may both occur before adjectives.
The first of these contrasts was shown in examples (15) vs. (16), (17) vs. (18), the second
in (23) vs. (24). A further very revealing set of examples may be given of the second con-
trast:^
Context: Juan sees Jose for the first time. Jos^ is fat, and Juan classifies
him in his mind as a member of the class "fat people." Juan says to him-
self:
(1) Jose es gordo.
Context: Jos^ gets sick and goes to the hospital. He loses a great deal of
weight. When Juan sees him the next time, he comments on Josh's chained
condition:
(2) Jos^ est^ flaco.
Context: Pedro is introduced to Jose for the first time while he is still thin
from his loss of weight in the hospital. He says to himself:
(3) Jos€ es flaco.
Context: The next time Pedro sees Jose, Jos6 has gained back his normal
weight. Pedro says:
(4) Jose esta gordo.
2. From Bull (1961).

That is, when a person sees a change, he comments on it (estar). When he observes the
facts immutably, as it were, he classifies them (ser ).
The distinction dramatized by Pedro and Jose may be summarized thus:
Ser Estar
Quality expressed
by adjective is con- norm variant
ceived of as (to be classified) (requiring comment)
THE VERB CLASSES OF SPANISH

Now we examine the verbs designated as VP^ in
leaving aside ser and estar ,
the formula of the full verb phrase. The items subsumed under the symbol VP^ fall into
various classes according to the manner in which they integrate into the syntactic struc-
ture of the language. Native speakers may be quite unaware of this classification as such.
Nevertheless, they consistently use some items in one way and others in another, and
recognize and reject immediately any variations in the patterning. Thus, for example,
native speakers of English are not aware, generally, that wish and want belong to differ-
ent classes. Still, any native speaker will immediately accept as quite proper a sentence
such as:
I wish you happiness.
and reject without hesitation:
*I want you happiness.
That is, wish (along with provide send and so on) , , is included in a class of verbs which
allow an indirect object followed by a direct object, while want is excluded from this
class. Both verbs, however, appear in the class which allows an infinitive complement
with an expressed subject:
[ wish I
I you to do this immediately.

want
from which learn (but not teach ), for example, is excluded. Thus the assignment of verbs
to classes is simply an economical way of stating their syntactic behavior. The aggregate
of the classes into which a given verb falls constitutes its SYNTACTIC RANGE. It is as
important to control this range as it is to control the denotative range of a verb, for un-
less one can integrate a lexical item into the syntactic structure of an utterance, its
denotative value cannot be made effective. Indeed, the denotative range may depend inti-
mately on the syntactic range, as can be seen in the case of decir. This verb falls into two
important classes; it is included among the verbs that take a dependent noun clause in the
indicative, as does creer :
Creo que viene.

as well as among those that take a dependent noun clause in the subjunctive, as does
mandar :
Mando que venga.

so that we may have:
( viene
Digo que
venga
The denotative range of decir is thus akin to that of creer in one part of its syntactic
range, where it may be translated as say and to mandar in another, where
, tell or order
are appropriate translations.
Spanish verbs can be divided into two major groups: those that take a noun
phrase or its replacives as direct object (transitive verbs), and those that do not (intran-
sitive verbs):
t
NP
VP,
Some types of transitive verbs take only certain kinds of direct object, and
also place restrictions on the occurrence of indirect objects. The first subclass of V, con-
tains those verbs which allow only a noun phrase as direct object:
V. - Direct object must be a noun phrase: Construir pagar, , romper ,
calentar ,
pintar , . . .
Examples :
(1) Construyeron dos piramides They built two identical pyramids.

iguales.
(2) Pagaran la cuenta mafiana. They will pay the bill tomorrow.
(3) Rompi6 la sabana anoche. He tore the bed sheet last night.
(4) Calientan la casa con gas. They heat the house with gas.
(5) Pintaron su cuarto ayer. They painted their room yesterday.
A subclass of Vt consists of verbs which permit a personal direct object with-

out a:
^. : robar tener perder querer

, , , ,
Examples :
(1) Rob6 un nino var6n y lo crid He kidnapped a male child and raised
como gitano. him as a gypsy.
(2) Tiene un hermano en Caracas. He has a brother in Caracas.
(3) Perdid un hijo cuando la guerra He lost a son at the time of the Civil
civil. War.
(4) Esta mujer quiere un hijo. This woman wants a son.
Another subclass of Vt-i verbs, relatively unimportant, consists of those few

which are intransitive in form, since they normally require a prepositional phrase as
complementation; but, through omission of a, they sometimes appear as transitive. Another
way of analyzing these verbs would be to classify them as unit Verb + Prep, so that resistir
a would be viewed as a single unit, a transitive verb. In a similar way in English, step on
(as in step on the gas ) is a unit Verb + Prep .
V, : resistir , obedecer renunciar

, , . . .
^3
Examples :
(1) Resisti<5 (a) un deseo de dormir. He fought off an urge to sleep.

(2) Obedecid (a)la senal de abrir He obeyed the command to open fire.
fuego.
(3) Renuncid (a) su puesto al fin de He resigned his job at the end of the
la quincena. two-week (pay) period.
Other transitive verbs allow the replacement of the noun-phrase direct object.
One of these allows only an infinitive replacement.
V, : deber
Examples :
(1) Debo cinco ddlares. I owe five dollars.
(2) Debo irme. I ought to leave.
Another class contains verbs which permit as direct object a noun phrase
which may be replaced by an infinitive or by a noun clause which has its verb in the sub-
junctive.
V. pedir , rogar suplicar desear, impedir prohibir permitir mandar

, , , , , ,
dejar decir, , . . .
Examples :
(1) Pidid xin vaso de agua. He asked for a glass of water.

(2) El prisionero pedia salir. The prisoner asked to go out.
(3) Pidieron que los dejaras en paz. They asked you to leave them alone.
(4) Rogaba clemencia ejecutiva. He was begging for executive clemency.

(5) El muchacho rogaba entrar en The boy was begging to get in the
casa. house.
(6) Rogaban que no volvieras a They begged you not to bother them
molestarlos. again.
(7) El mendigo suplicaba una The beggar begged alms.

limosna.
(8) Los penitentes suplicaban The penitents begged to be admitted
entrar en la capilla. into the chapel.
(9) Suplicaban que no les negaras They begged you not to deny them this
este favor. favor.
(10) Deseo una cerveza alemana. I want a German beer.

(11) Desean hablar contigo. They want to talk with you.
(12) Deseaban que les mostrara They wanted you to show them some
usted otro tipo de sofi. other kind of sofa.
(13) Mandd subir las maletas. I ordered the suitcases taken up.
(14) No permito fumar en mi casa. I don't allow smoking in my house,
(15) Te dejo un vaso de agua. r m leaving a glass of water for you.
(16) Dijo estar seguro. He said he was sure.

(17) Dijo que estuviera seguro. He said for him to be sure.
One subclass of Vu is identical with Vt~, except that verbs of this class do
not permit an adverb of interest (indirect object), All transitive verbs allow the adverb of
interest except Vt,, and Vt^,-
: querer anhelar necesitar

, , ,
31
Examples :
(1) Quiero un vaso de agua. I want a glass of water.
(2) Queria salir. I wanted to leave.
(3) Quieren que los dejes en paz. They want you to leave them alone.
(4) Anhela la presidencia. He yearns for the presidency.
(5) Anhelan volver a su patria. They yearn to return to their country.
(6) Anhelo que tu me ames con I yearn for you to love me with all
toda tu alma. your soul.
(7) Necesito un sacacorchos. I need a corkscrew.

(8) Necessito hablar contigo. I need to speak with you.
(9) Necesitamos que tu nos dejes We need for you to leave us alone.
solos.
Another subclass of Vt^ consists of verbs which take the same types of objects,
except that when these verbs are affirmative (i.e., not grammatically negated although they
are lexically negative), they permit in the noun clause a verb with the auxiliary modifica-
tion for subsequence, which is necessarily indicative; when they are negative, they take the
verb of the noun clause in any tense of the indicative.
V. : negar dudar
, , . . .
^32
Examples :
(1) Niego el permiso que usted I deny the permission you request.
solicita.
(2) Negd ser el que buscdbamos. He denied being the one we were look-
ing for.
(3) Negamos que tu hayas hecho todo We deny that you have done all that,
eso.
(4) Negamos que tii haras todo eso. We deny that you will do all that.
(5) Dudo lo que dices. I am dubious about what you say.

(Note that que dices is an adjec-
tive clause following the nominal-
ized lo.)
(6) Dubaban poner en el juego tanto They were dubious about putting so
diner o. much money on the game.
(7) Dudamos que usted pueda hacer We doubt that you can do all you say.
todo lo que dice.
(8) Dudamos que usted podra hacer We doubt that you will be able to do
todo lo que dice. all you say.
(9) No dudamos que ^1 lo hizo asi We don' t doubt that he did it as you
como dice usted. say.
(10) No niego que es usted mas I don't deny that you are stronger.
poderoso.
There is another subclass of Vto which is like Vt.,, except that the mood of the
verb of a noun-clause object is conversely determined: that is, when these verbs are nega-
tive, they take the verb of the noun clause in the subjvinctive or in the indicative with subse-
quence modification; when they are affirmative, they take the verb of the noun clause in any
tense of the indicative.
V, : creer, afirmar decidir decir,

, , . . .
Examples :
(1) Creo sdlo la verdad. I believe only the truth.

(2) Creemos tener bastante tiempo. We think we have enough time.
(3) Decidieron la cuestidn. They decided the question.
(4) Afirmo la existencia de Dios. I affirm the existence of God.
(5) Dijo estar seguro de ello. He said he was sure of it.
(6) Afirman haber visto a don Justo They attest to having seen Don Justo
en enero de este ano. in January of this year.
(7) Decidieron salir. They decided to leave.
(8) Creen que Jacinta ha llegado ya. They think Jacinta has already arrived.
(9) Afirman que llegaron temprano. They assert that they arrived early.
(10) Digo S(31o lo que vi con estos I say only what I saw with my own two
dos ojos mios. eyes.
(11) Dicen que saliste anoche con They say that you went out with John
Juan. last night.
(12) No creo que Jacinta Uegar^ I don't think that Jacinta will arrive
antes de las diez. before ten o'clock.
(13) No creo que Jacinta haya I don't think that Jacinta has arrived
llegado todavia. yet.
(14) No quieren afirmar que Uegaran They don't want to assert that they
temprano. will arrive early.
(15) No quieren afirmar que Uegaran They don't want to assert that they
temprano. arrived early.
(16) No han dicho que saldrias con They haven't said that you would go
Juan. out with John.
(17) No han dicho que salieras con They haven't said that you should
Juan. go out with John.
Note: Decir , afirmar and other verbs of class Vt^^ which are lexically capa-
,
ble of being used for communicating instructions or commands also appear in class Vtoi-
Consequently, when they take a noun clause whose verb is subjunctive, an ambiguity may
result which is sometimes resolved by using the indicative in examples like (17), in which
salieras would be replaced by saliste or saldrias .
Another subclass of Vto, this one containing a single member, takes a noun
phrase object which may be replaced by an infinitive or noun clause of which the verb is
indicative if the V, is affirmative, subjunctive or indicative with subsequence modification

if the V. is negative; but the noun clause may be restructured by replacing que with si and
converting the subjunctive to indicative.
V. : saber
^34
Examples :
(1) S^ la verdad. I know the truth.
(2) S6 tocar el piano. I know how to play the piano.

(3) S6 que toca el piano. I know that he plays the piano.
(4) No s6 tocar el piano. I don't know how to play the piano.
(5) No s€ que toque el piano I don' t know that he plays the piano.
(if 1
(6) No s^ si toca el piano. I don't know he plays the

whether
piano.
if
(7) No s^ si tocari el piano. I don' t know he will play

whether
the piano.
(8) No s^ que tocara el piano. I don't know that he played the piano.
(9) No s€ si toc6 el piano. I don't know whether he played the

piano.
Another subclass of Vto differs from Vtoo only in that NP objects normally do
not occur with verbs of this class except as "accusatives of extent"— i.e., the apparent ob-
jects are really adverbs.
V. : contestar, responder , replicar , objetar , . . .
^35
Examples :
(1) Contestd solo dos palabras. He answered only two words.

(2) Respondi(3 tener bastante tiempo.
(3) Replied que tenia bastante He replied that he had enough time.
tiempo.
(4) No contests tener bastante He didn' t answer that he had enough
tiempo. time.
(5) No replied que tuviera bastante
tiempo. He didn't reply that he would have
(6) No replied que tendria bastante enough time.
tiempo.
Vtq includes the major subclasses that permit noun clauses as objects. There
are, however, still other classes of V, to consider. The first of these includes certain
verbs from Vtoo ^î^d Vtoo. These verbs permit a reflexive direct object, in which case the
infinitive or noun clause object is introduced by a— the infinitive or clause is thereby made
adverbial, though it has the same verb mood restrictions as those which characterize the
behavior of the noun clause with class Vto.
V. : decidir, negar , atreverse
Examples :
(1) Se negd a hacerlo. He refused to do it.
(2) Se negd a que lo hiciera Juan. He refused to have John do it.
(3) Se decidid a hacerlo. He decided to do it.
(4) Se decidid a que lo hiciera Juan. He decided John should do it.
(5) No se negd a hacerlo. He didn't refuse to do it.
(6) No se negd a que lo hiciera Juan. He didn't refuse to have John do it.
Like class Vt^, but requirir^ de instead of a, are these:
V. : arrepentirse gloriarse jactarse que j arse

, , , , . . .
41
Examples :
(1) Se arrepintid de eso. He repented about that.
(2) Se arrepintid de haber cometido

ese crimen. He repented for having committed
(3) Se arrepintid de que hubiera that crime.
cometido ese crimen.
The last major class of transitive verbs is that which permits as complements
non-finite verbals along with their subjects. Class Vtn, the various classes of Vto, and
Class Vt^ permit infinitives as complements, but without subjects.
The present class is labeled V, (transitive with complement). It contains
several subclasses. The first of these allows a complement consisting of NP^ (ser) NPg.
The verb ser is obligatorily omitted with this class, even though it is grammatically im-
plicit. Like other V. verbs, all V. 's may take a simple direct object.
V, : eligir , escoger, . . .
"-^1
Examples :
(1) Lo eligieron presidente. They elected him president.

(2) Eligimos presidente a Juan. They elected Juan president.
(3) Lo eligieron. They elected him.
(4) Lo escogieron soldado del mes. They chose him soldier of the month.
The second allows a complement consisting of NP (ser) PRED. The verb ser
is often omitted, but it need not be. The order in items after the verb is fixed in examples
(1) and (3), but (2) allows either order:
V. : considerar , crear llamar, , . . ,
Examples :
(1) Consideraban a Juan ser un

hombre. They used to consider John [to be]
(2) Consideraban un hombre a Juan. a man.

or ... a Juan un hombre.
(3) Consideraban inteligente a Juan. They used to consider John intelligent.
(4) Lo considerd. He considered it.
The third allows a complement consisting of NP (ser ) ADJ. The ser is obliga-
torily omitted with this class, even though it is grammatically implicit:
V. : creer , . . .
1C3
Examples :
(1) Ellos creian bonita a Maria. They used to think Mary was pretty.
(2) La creian bonita. They thought her pretty.
(3) Creian la verdad. They believed the truth.
The fourth includes verbs of observation and perception. The complement is

of the shape NP + VP, in which the VP is the infinitive or -ndo form. The VP of the com-
plement may take its own object if transitive. It is possible for the NP subject of the com-
plement to be omitted with transitive verbs in the infinitive form, in which case an indefi-
nite subject is supplied— that is, the infinitive is interpreted as passive, as in example (7).
The subject complement verbal must precede a transitive verbal— examples (2), (3),
of the
(5), (6); it may precede or follow an intransitive verbal— examples (1) and (4), unless it is
a pronoun, in which case it must precede the main verb.
: ver , escuchar observar oir , , , . . .

tc.
Examples :
(1) Vi correr a los hombres. I saw the men run.

(. . . a los hombres correr.)
(2) Observe al maestro leer el libro. I watched the teacher read the book.
(3) Las 01 cantar La Golondrina. I heard them sing La Golondrina .
(4) Vi a los hombres corriendo. I saw the men rvinning.
(. . . corriendo a los
hombres.)
(5) Observe al maestro leyendo el I watched the teacher reading the
libro. book.
(6) Las oi cantando La Golondrina . I heard them singing La Golondrina .
(7) Oi cantarla. I heard it sung.
The fifth class contains most of the members of class Vto, but its behavior
with respect to complements is uniquely different from that of the Vto subclasses as a
whole: of the Vt^'s which permit adverbs of interest, only this group permits adverbs of
interest to function as the logical subjects of the complement infinitives.
V, : mandar permitir prohibir

, , , . . .
Examples :
(1) Le mand^ salir. I ordered him to leave.
(2) Les permit! ir. I permitted them to go.
(3) Nos prohibit leer ese libro. He forbade us to read that book.
The sixth class is limited to hacer and dejar , which permit a direct object
along with an infinitive complement that is transitive only in the passive sense (i.e., the
complement cannot have both an expressed subject and an expressed object). K the com-
plement is intransitive, these verbs are like Vtc4
V. : hacer, dejar
tCg
Examples :
(1) La hice traer. I had it brought.

(2) Lo dejd correr. I let it run.
This completes our survey of classes of transitive verbs. With so many

classes to bear in mind, it will be useful to bring them together in a single chart. Neither
the chart nor the survey which it summarizes is intended to be exhaustive, but rather to
display some of the most productive of the transitive verb classes of Spanish and to estab-
lish a basis for the transformations discussed in Chapters 8 and 9. It is to be remembered
that membership in one class does not preclude membership in one or more other classes,
either with a change of meaning (decir = say , tell ) or without.
CO CO
0)
rtl
nil
u !->
-•^
a, c c
0)
c V
o u u
6 CO
u o o
<u St
a o u
X!
3 <n
> > +
CO
O o T3
a CTj
>, o O U
CQ
a
S
o
U
+
o
S3 -S
U s S
u
> u
bD
^5
>
+
CO
c
nJ
u >
Eh
a
a
CQ
*
U \ \ <
bC
2
bCi
0)
u +
•a
(—1
+
\ N \ \ \ \
0^
+
\ N N N S N ^ N ^
a
S CO Q) u u
0) B U d
X CO u 0) X>
w o 0) 3
T3 a, cr c CD
CO
CO
>>>>>>>>>
T-HrHrHOqCOOOOOCOeO
N 00 M CO
T-l
-*-'-*-»-*-»-4-»-*J-*-»-*->-^-t-»
•^
( 1 t
1
c >
0) T3 73 O
CD CD T5 CO
X -M C
(1)
V-i
<D
.
—CD 1
ft
CD (D
o T3
fi
O CO
CD
d
>
•r-H
'
— 1
— 73
CD
Vh
o CO
o c:i
o CO "S
!-,
CD
>
C
bf o fap ft
^^
C^ (1)
1— s
o
CD CO
"^ O & o o
1
.s ^
ft rt
u Si
ft ft^
CD CD CD
CO CO >
Q
ft H •-3
ft
iz;
ft
>
S +
o CD ft ft
CD CD > >
l-H + + +
CI ft ft ft ft ft
o iz; 2 iz; < 2
U.
CO
o
•p-H
CQ
CO S
Oj
r—
u
+
>
> >
CQ m
a faD +
u 0) + CDl
H T3|
OS
x;
u •a
+
\ \ \
\
X X
ft
+
\ <D <D
\ \ \ \ \
ctS
0)
0)
a CO
CO
u
CD
-o
S CD u u
X c
a 'bD
CD
CO
c
CD
CD
1a O
O CD o ^^ c^
CJ c a- CD o O S x:
CO
CO eo-^-ôooocJO
i-Hi-Hcgpo'^mco
>>>>>>>>>
in
-*->-«-»-4-»-*-»-4->-*->-*->-*-»-*-»
Besides the purely transitive verb classes above, there is a class of verbs
which in a sense straddle the fence between transitive and intransitive verbs. This group
may be labeled V. /.. These verbs are characterized by the fact that they take simple NP
objects, take infinitives with a relater (a, en, de, . . .) to introduce the infinitive, and cer-
tain subclasses allow a noun clause in the subjunctive introduced by the same relater. The
phrases consisting of relater + infinitive that follow these verbs must be considered ad-
verbs rather than true verbal complements of the types that occur with V. classes be-
cause of the presence of the relaters. The subclasses of V. /. are differentiated on the basis
of which relater they require, whether they allow an adverb of interest, and whether they
allow a noun clause. All require simple NP objects if not relater + infinitive.
The first class allows infinitives introduced by a, but does not allow adverbs
of interest.
V-/. : comenzar empezar principiar aprender

, , , ,
Examples :
(1) Comenc^ a leer la lectura. I began to read the lecture.

(2) Empezd a correr. He began to run.
(3) Aprendid a hablar espaiiol. He learned to speak Spanish.
The second class allows infinitives introduced by a, and allows an adverb of

interest which functions as the logical subject of the infinitive.
Vx/. : ensenar, mostrar, . . .
Examples :
(1) Ensend a Maria a bailar. He taught Mary to dance.
(2) Le ensend a bailar. He taught her to dance.

(3) Le mostrd a peinarse. He showed him how to comb his hair.
The third class allows infinitives introduced by con, without an adverb of
interest.
V. /. : sonar , amenazar , . . .
1/I3
Examples :
(1) Sueno con volver a mi patria. I dream of returning to my fatherland.
(2) Amenazaba el perro con The dog was threatening to tear me

hacerme trizas. to bits.
The fourth class allows infinitives introduced by de, without an adverb of
interest.
V. / : terminar acabar, haber

, , . . .
t/14
Examples :
(1) Termind de trabajar. He finished working.

(2) Acabo de salir de la clase. I've just left the class.
(3) Ha de llegar manana. He is to arrive tomorrow.
The fifth class contains only two verbs; it is the only class in which que func-
tions as an introducer of the infinitive. The verb haber occurs only in P^ + S forms, with
the irregular form hay used in the non-past. As with other Po + Q forms, it has an imper-
sonal reference. No adverb of interest is permitted.
Vw. : tener , haber

D
Examples :
(1) Tiene que ir a casa. He has to go home.

(2) Hay que ir a casa. It is necessary to go home.
The sixth class allows both a clause and an infinitive. The infinitive is intro-
duced by en, and no adverb of interest is permitted.
V, /. : insistir , consistir
r/ig
Examples :
(1) Insiste en salir. He insists on leaving.
(2) Insiste en que te vayas. He insists that you leave.
The seventh class is like Vt/ig except that it allows a noun clause subjunctive
as object, introduced by a, as well as an infinitive; the permitted adverb of interest func-
tions as the logical subject of either infinitive or clause.
V. /. : impulsar inspirar exhorbar

, , , . . .
Examples :
(1) Le inspird a la valentia. He inspired him to bravery.

(2) Le inspird a ser valiente.
,„. ^ , , ,
.He inspired him to be brave.
(3) Le inspiro a que fuera valiente. '
(The chart of V. /. verb classes appears at the top of page 184.)
The last large class of verbs is the intransitive group (V.), those which nor-
mally do not take objects. This group could be classified into a large number of subclasses
on the basis of the kinds of adverbs that are permitted, the changes of meaning that occur
when used reflexively, and so on. The complexity of such a classification is so great that
we have limited ourselves to listing only a few conspicuous subclasses that are useful in
forming complex sentences. One should bear in mind the fact that a given verb may belong
to more than one class. For instance, the verb mejorar is a representative of Vtj^ in:
Tenemos que mejorar esto. We have to improve this.

Carlos se mejora de dia en dia. Charles is making progress every
day. (Conscious effort to improve
himself)
Chart of Transitive-Intransitive Verb Classes
Class Example + NP + a + con + de + que + en + Adv-int. + Inf. + NC
empezar / u/
ensefiar / /
/
/ ^
Vt/i3 soiiar / V ^
terminar / / /
tener V s/ /
insistir
/ y ^ ./
inspirar / J y ^ /
and of V. in:
Carlos mejora de dia en dia. Charles gets better day by day. (Re-
covery from an illness.)
The first subclass of V. is that which allows an adjective complement.
V. : venir , andar , ir, seguir, llegar, parecer , . . .
Examples :
(1) El vino cansado. He came tired.
(2) El anda muy alegre. He is (goes) very happy.

(3) Ellos llegaron muy cansados. They arrived very tired.
The second is that which allows a noun clause as subject.
V. : parecer suceder ocurrir pasar

, , , , . . .
^2
Examples :
(1) Parece que va a Hover. It looks like it' s going to rain.

(2) Sucedid que se casd. It happened that he got married.
The third consists of a single verb, ir, which may be used with a + Inf to form
a compound tense called the PERIPHRASTIC FUTURE.
V. : ir
^3
Examples :
(1) El va a trabajar aqui. He' s going to work here,

"gonna"
(2) Iba a hacerlo, pero no tuve I was going to do it, but I didn't have
tiempo. time.
Any of the verbs of motion allow a + Inf in the sense of purpose:
(1) Vino a trabajar aqui. He came (in order) to work here.

(2) Corrio a coger el tren. He ran (in order) to catch the train.
But these are not instances of Vjo, since almost any assertion that something
is done for a purpose allows the same construction. Purpose can be made explicit by
replacing a with para .
A fourth subclass contains verbs which are basically intransitive, but which
can take a pseudo-object sometimes called a COGNATE ACCUSATIVE (i.e., one which is
the inherent nominal product of the verb).
V. : llorar, vivir, dormir,

' ' '
. . .
I4
Examples :
(1) El Uord lagrimas grandes. He cried large tears.
(2) El vivid una vida admirable. He lived an admirable life.
(3) El durmid un sueiio profundo. He slept a profound sleep.
This completes a rather general survey of the verb classes of Spanish. It
goes without saying that many more classes could be distinguished on the basis of the
possibilities of combining verbs with other sentence elements in ways that we have not
explored here. The classes that have been distinguished are nonetheless of some interest
when they are examined transformationally by comparison with English (Chapter 9).
NON-VERBAL CONSTITUENTS OF THE VERB PHRASE

The full verb phrase always includes a verbal constituent (consisting of auxil-
iary plus verb stem and the elements person and number, carried to the verb from the
subject) and may also include one or more of the following, depending on the particular
structure: noun phrase, adjective, or adverb. The verb classification in the previous sec-
tion depends in large part on which of these non-verbal constituents may appear in the full
verb phrase.
The noun phrase may enter into three functions: as a predicate after the verb
ser , as an object after a transitive verb (V, or V. /.)> or as a complement construction
(after V. ). A noun phrase also appears as the object of a preposition when the predicate
adjective or adverb is a prepositional phrase.
An adjective may appear in the predicate after two verbs ser and estar and in
certain related complement constructions where ser is present or implied.
Adverbs may appear in any verb phrase. Certain limitations on their occur-
rence with ser and estar were discussed earlier, but otherwise they have considerable
freedom of occurrence. They may be chosen with any verb. They can be divided into sub-
classes, based on their relations with other sentence elements.
Predicate adjectives follow ser or estar (and, by simple replacement transfer-
mations, parecer quedar(se)

, , hallarse , encountrarse verse sentirse presentarse
, , , ,
mostrarse hacerse
, , ir, andar ), in which position they modify the subject, takii^ a num-
ber and gender form appropriate to this function. Since as predicate adjectives they never
precede the noun they modify, shortened forms do not appear.
The problems of agreement between predicate adjective and subject are of the
same kind as in an attributive construction, but the remote position of the adjective is a
complication pedagogically. The following errors are typical:
*Ahora ^1 est! separada.

Las otras mesas son azul.
*La gente de Costa Rica es simpitico.
*Las chozas de metal son muy incdmodos.
*Cambiemos las sibanas de los nifios; estin muy sucios.
*Mi amiga es simpatico.
*Mi madre es espafiol.
A predicate construction which shows a contrast between English and Spanish

appears in the expression of postures:
English Spanish
be + -ing form estar + -do form
He' s standing fil esti parado

sitting sentado
lying down acostado
sleeping dormido
hiding escondido
Although -ing forms may be adjectival in English, the Spanish -ndo forms are normally
not. The influence of the English pattern is responsible for errors like:
*Esta parando.
*Esta durmiendo.
*Estl escondiendo.
These are incomplete transitive constructions, lacking a direct object, such as: Esta
parando todos los coches Estl durmiendo . al nene Se esta escondiendo
. .
The most serious pedagogical problem that must be solved in teaching the
correct use of predicate adjectives was presented early in this chapter: whether to use
ser or estar . This contrast depends on whether the adjective is intended to classify a
noun or to comment on a variant from the norm. When the contrast of norm and variant
is significant in English, it may be expressed by two different adjectives. The following
translations are typical of a large number of such contrasts in Spanish:
after ser after estar
aburrido boring bored

cansado tiresome tired
listo clever ready
vivo alert alive
bueno good well in health
Adjectives may appear in the predicate in two other fionctions: as attributives

to predicate nouns, and as complements. Both these functions are the product of transfor-
mations. In an attributive relation, the adjective is part of an expanded noun phrase; so
the adjective may appear anywhere the noun can. The complement adjective is restricted
to sentences of the type:
Ellos la creian bonita.
which is derived from Ellos lo creian and Ella es bonita the latter being, of course, a
,
familiar predicate adjective construction.

Nouns— or, more properly, noun phrases— occur in the full verb phrase as
predicate nominals, as objects of verbs, as complements, and incidentally as objects in a
prepositional phrase. Nouns functioning as predicate nominals usually show gender and
number agreement, though with certain classes of nouns this is not required. A predicate
nominal may appear only with ser , and the regular agreement between the predicate nomi-
nal and the subject is as in English:
Es mi amigo. He is my friend.
Son mis amigos. They are my friends.
Juan es mi compaiiero de John is my schoolmate.
escuela.
Juan y Jos6 son mis compaiieros John and Joe are my schoolmates.
de escuela.
El policia es tio de Jorge. The policeman is an uncle of George's.
Los policias son tios de Jorge. The policemen are uncles of George' s.
Gender agreement sometimes required with a pronoun subject

is in English,
since some English pronouns are marked for gender and a few nouns are:
He' s a boy.
She's a girl.
It' s a book.
In Spanish sentences, gender agreement plays a much more important role, but the Eng-
lish patterns above are useful in understanding the concept of agreement in the early
stages of learning Spanish.

In making equational identifications, gender agreement can be ignored:
Esta cosa es un revdlver. This thing is a revolver.

Esa persona es mi padre. That person is my father.
/ GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURES OF ENGLISH AND SPANISH
Cantinflas es una estrella de Cantinflas is a very well-known

cine muy conocida. film star.
These, however, constitute a fairly insignificant sub-pattern.
DIRECT OBJECTS
A very important function of the noun phrase in a full verb phrase is that of
direct object. This use of the noun phrase offers little difficulty, since the English and
Spanish constructions are almost identical:
I see the house. Veo la casa.

He has the book. El tiene el libro.
i
Did you bring the apples? ^Trajiste las manzanas?
There are, however, a few contrasts that must be taken into account.
The most significant is the use of the preposition a as a marker of personal

nouns used as direct object. This is called the "personal a," though the term oversimpli-
fies the pattern. The personal a precedes any direct object noun that refers to a specific
person (and the indefinites alguien nadie alguno ninguno ).
, , , It is also often used before
geographical proper names, before some animals (particularly pets), and to mark the
object when both subject and object are non-personal.
With the personal a it is easy to personify or depersonify, adding or droppir^
the a as the signal of the process. In the following sentences, a normally non-personal
noun is personified:
Saludd al dia.
Llamo a la muerte.
Sobrevivid al desastre.
Not infrequently a normally personal noun is depersonified and treated as a "thing," or at

least as a not -yet- identified or non-specific person:
Llevaron los presos al cuartel.
Derrotd dos mil enemigos.

Fueron a buscar un medico.
Llame la policia.
Vimos tanta gente en la calle.
In some contrasting examples, the degree of personalizing shown by the use

of the marker a will occasion different English translations:
Las gitanas roban los nifios. Gypsy women steal children.

Las gitanas roban a los ninos. Gypsy women rob children.
Per did su hijo. She lost her son.

She spoiled her son.
Perdid a su hijo. or
She lost her son.
.
Quiere un chofer. She wants a chauffeur.

Quiere a un chofer. She loves a chauffeur.
In the first two pairs, "things" are usually lost or stolen, so perhaps this association with
the verbs suggests the depersonifying of the personal objects.
A final but frequent instance of depersonalization is with the verb tener which
,
often expresses existence rather than possession. In such instances no a is used:
Tengo un hermano.
Tengo a mi hermano conmigo.
In the second sentence, the concept of possession is emphasized and the personal a is used.
There is, of course, no way of translating the purely grammatical function of
the personal a, and English-speaking students will often omit it:
*lPor qu6 llamd Ud. su esposa?

*Si, yo conozco su novia.
*l,D6nde conociste Roberto?
And it is possible that the student who has not mastered the pattern will insert a by over-
correction where it does not beloi^:
*lQu6 te contestd a Hugo?
OBJECT PRONOUNS
Direct object pronouns follow a pattern in Spanish somewhat different from
that in English. The third person direct object pronouns lo, los, la, las are derived from
the definite articles (see Chapter 8): that is, Cidrrela (Shut it ) is viewed as a deletion of
the noun in Cierre la puerta (Shut the door )
An important contrast is the position of the object pronoun in relation to the
verb. The pronoun follows in English, almost always directly. In Spanish, the pronoun
precedes finite verb forms (except affirmative commands) and follows non-finite verb
forms (the infinitive and -ndo forms). Verb phrases with both finite and non-finite forms
allow the enclitic pronoun to accompany either form:
Vamos a verla.
La vamos a ver.
Estoy haci^ndolo.
Lo estoy haciendo.
Acaba de escribirla.
La acaba de escribir.
In written style, object pronouns occasionally follow finite verbs, but this is very rare in
speech.
Students, especially when first introduced to enclitic pronouns, may attempt
to follow English word order:
*E1 senor preguntame si la senorita es casada.

*Acost6me temprano anoche.
Errors are more likely made with negative commands, since affirmative commands
resemble English in word order:
No digame.
*No despidete (despidaste) de ellos.
*No du^rmete.
In Spanish and in English, a direct object noun may in some instances precede
the verb. English requires a special phrase separation by means of intonation, whereas
Spanish requires that the direct object be expressed twice— once by noun and once by pro-
noun.
Those subjects I find very Esas materias las encuentro muy

difficult. dificiles.
Her age she doesn't tell. Su edad no la dice.
The book I leave with you. El libro lo dejo con usted.

The dollars I have here. Los ddlares los tengo aqui.
REFLEXIVE PRONOUNS
In both languages, pronouns are generally used only when the context supplies
unequivocal information about their referents; otherwise, a noun or demonstrative is used.
When the object of a transitive verb has the same referent as the subject, a reflexive pro-
noun will appear in the object position.
There is a special form for the third person direct object pronouns when reflex-
ive; gender and number distinctions are lost, and the single form se replaces lo, la, los ,
las . No changes occur in the other object pronovin forms.

The reflexive forms in English add -self or -selves to the pronouns (in first
and second persons, to the possessive forms — myself , ourselves yourself, , -ves in the
;
third person, to the object forms— himself themselves , , etc.). They are usually restricted
to the literal meaning of the reflexive construction: John cut himself They saw themselves
. .
She seated herself He hates himself Ask yourself

. . . In Spanish, all these are of course pos-
sible, but in addition there are many other uses that could be called figurative. A reflexive
construction is very frequently used when no mention is given to the person or persons
that perform an action. This extension of the reflexive occurs only in third person forms,
with se, since the actor is obvious in first and second person constructions. Examples are:
Se cierran las tiendas a las seis. The stores close (are closed) at six
o'clock.
Aqui se habla espaiiol. Spanish (is) spoken here.
Se organizaron los juegos. The games were organized. (They
organized games.)
Se practica muy poco ese That game isn't played very much.
deporte.
Se ensucid la pared. The wall got dirty (was dirtied).
Se quebrd el plato grande. The big plate got broken (was broken).
Se pard el trafico. The traffic (was) stopped.
In all the above sentences, the grammatical subject is not the actor, but is
rather acted upon by an unspecified agent. The usual English equivalent is a passive con-
struction (with be or with get) or a simple intransitive construction. This use of the reflex-
ive is very common in Spanish.
There is also a subjectless reflexive construction in Spanish (P^ + 0)- Sen-

tences of this type merely indicate an action going on, with no regard to who is perform-
ing the action:
Se come bien en ese restoran. One eats (you eat) well in that
restavu-ant.
Se habla mucho aqui. There's lots of talking here.

Se regatea mucho en el mercado. One haggles a lot at the market.
Reflexive constructions may imply reflexive meaning or sometimes, in the

plural, a reciprocal meaning. Note the following sentences, with both interpretations pos-
sible:
(
They deceive themselves.
Se engaiian.
They deceive each other.
They congratulated themselves.
Se felicitaban.
I
They congratulated each other.
There are two ellisions that occur with reflexive pronoun forms in Spanish
with first and second person plural command forms. In both instances, the last consonant
of the verb form is dropped before the clitic pronoun is added:
sentemos + nos -»- sent^monos

vamos + nos -- vamonos
sentad + os -»- sentaos
cubrid + os -»- cubrios
The only exception is idos , in which the d is retained.
Some verbs in Spanish are always accompanied by reflexive pronouns (jactarse,

arrepentirse, ausentarse, atreverse quejarse etc.). , , Many others are commonly used with
the reflexives or have a special meaning from the point of view of English when reflexive.
A student will tend to omit those reflexive pronouns that are not paralleled in comparable
English expressions, so that errors like the followii^ occur:
*Siento enfermo.
*Levanto a las ocho todos los dias.
*Meit4 anoche.
VERB COMPLEMENTS
Noun phrases may also appear in the full verb phrase as complements. This
construction is possible only with a relatively small number of verbs (V. ) such as elegir ,
escoger considerar crear, llamar creer hacer (they are listed earlier
, , , ,
in this chapter
and discussed more fully in Chapter 9).
ADVERB OF INTEREST
Adverbs appear in a considerable variety of order positions and modifying
functions. Before examining this variety, which occurs in both languages, we must take
special note of one highly frequent adverbial construction in Spanish that matches not an
adverbial but a nominal construction in English. This is the adverb of interest which is
usually equivalent, where an equivalence exists, to the indirect object in English. Where
the indirect object (10) is a noun in English, it may appear between the verb and the direct
object (DO); or it may be restructured as a prepositional phrase. In Spanish, the equivalent
construction is always a prepositional phrase:
Vt lO DO V^ DO Prep + NP 1
English Show the man the house. Show the house to the man.
Spanish Ensefie la casa al sefior.
Where lO is a pronoun in English, the same two constructions exist; in Spanish, there are
also two constructions, but they differ both from English and from the Spanish construc-
tion with a noun shown above:
V^ 10 DO Vj. DO Prep+Pron V. lO DO Prep+Pron

English Show him the house Show the house to him
Spanish Ensîiele la casa Ensefiele la casa a 61
That is, there is no Spanish construction like Enseiie la casa a el The nearest equivalent .
has both a clitic pronoun (marked lO for simplicity above; but recall discussion of adverb
of interest in Chapter 2) and a prepositional phrase. The latter is called the redundant
construction because of the duplication of grammatical constituents.
The redundant construction also appears with a noun in the prepositional
phrase, establishing a contrast most Americans find very subtle:
vt Dir. Obj. Prep, phrase Vt Encl. Pro. Dir. Obj. Prep. Phrase
Enseiie la casa al senor Ensdiie- -le la casa al senor
The first pattern is used when one regards the action as not in the normal range of opera-
tions (e.g., showing the house to a police officer who has a search warrant), whereas the
second pattern applies to a more regular situation (e.g., showing the house to a friend or
o
to a prospective tenant.) The second situation is very much more typical of the normal
use of the language, and therefore much more common.
3. Cf. Bolinger et al . (1960), p. 165.

The Spanish adverb of interest spans a considerable range of English preposi-

tional equivalents:
Me dio los libros. She gave the books to me (for me).

Me cambid los libros. She changed the books on me (for me).
Me quitd los libros. She took the books from me.
Me gand los libros. She won the books off me.
Me arregld los libros. She arranged the books for me.
The common feature of meaning in all these sentences is interest or concern— a loose sort
of involvement which is much more expansive than the meaning of the English indirect ob-
ject. Me comprd una casa may mean He bought a house from me or for me . Either relation
falls within the meaning of the adverb of interest— the linguistic and situational context of
the sentence will determine the specific meaning.
In its reflexive form, the adverb of interest may occur with intransitive and
linkii^ verbs as well as with transitive verbs. There is no parallel in English for the fol-
lowing Spanish constructions, which have a reflexive clitic pronoun functioning as an adverb
of interest:
Se fue. He went (away).

Se salid. He left.
Se entrd. He came in.
Se quedd. He stayed.
Se durmid. He went to sleep.
Se acercd. He approached.
Se alejd. He retreated.
Se desmayd. He fainted.
Se estuvo quieto. He remained quiet.
Se murid. He died.
With a verb like dormir (of which the specified event takes place over a span of time), the
addition of the adverb of interest specifies that the initiative aspect of the event (dormir )
is being referred to. An interesting example of the reflexive form of the adverb of interest
can be seen in Spanish equivalent of the English fixed expression Once upon a time . . .
In Spanish, this is Erase que se era . . .
Although the English indirect object appears only when a direct object is pres-
ent or implied in the same construction, there are a number of verbs such as gustar,
parecer , f altar in Spanish that take only the adverb of interest, and other verbs like ganar ,
and so on that may occur in impersonal constructions.

Finally, the adverb of interest when not in the form of a clitic pronoun may
precede (with gustar etc., it usually does) or follow the verb. The direct object nouns fol-
low, in normal sentence order. The set of clitic pronouns for this function differs from
the direct object pronouns only by variant forms in the third person:
Singular Plural
1st me nos
2nd te OS
3rd le se les
In the adverb of interest forms, the direct object distinctions for gender are
absent, but singular and plural third person forms are kept distinct except when se re-
places le/les .
The pronoun se also functions as a reflexive in the adverb of interest when

the referent is the same as the subject of the accompanying verb:
Se quit<5 la corbata.
P(3ngase la camisa,
Lavate las manos.
Se cortd la cara.
Me com! un sandwich.
Se tomaron las aspirinas.
Va a Uevarse los zapatos.
SUMMARY OF CLITIC PRONOUNS

The following summary charts show all the forms of the clitic pronouns:
All Functions Reflexive Non- Reflexive
Adv-Int or
Singular Plural Adv-Int Direct
Direct
masc. fern.
1 me nos 3 sg le lo la
se (se)
2 te OS 3 pi les los las
Forms from any two categories may appear together with the same verb.
Then the sequence among them is as follows:
le
te me lo
la
se les
OS nos los
las
This order obtains regardless of function; that is, se may be adverb of interest or may
be reflexive, but it will precede any other clitic it accompanies, and so on.
None of the constructions into which the clitic pronouns enter have close
;
equivalents in English, and a considerable amount of practice and drill is necessary to

establish proper habits in English speaking students. There is one construction, however,
that is particularly troublesome: a verbal expression with a direct reflexive clitic pronoun
and also one which functions as adverb of interest. This construction seems to an English
speaker to be a personification of a non-animate noun for the purpose of attaching respon-
sibility to it. It is referred to in Bolinger et al . (1960) (p. 201) as the "reflexive for un-
planned occurrences." Note the following examples, with literal English translations which
attempt to explain the construction:
Se me olvidd el reloj. The watch forgot itself to me.

Se me cayo el plato. The dish fell itself on me.
Se nos ocurrid una idea. An idea occurred itself to us.
Se le ofrecid un puesto nuevo. A new position offered itself to him.
Se me rompid la camisa. My shirt tore itself on me.
Sentences of this pattern are especially difficult to internalize. Students tend to avoid them
in their own speech, and frequently have difficulty understanding them.
ADVERBS
Adverbs may be words, phrases, or clauses. Most adverbs which are words
are single morphemes, but there are some that are derived. In English there are deriva-
tions like sadly , carefully , truly , slowly . The Spanish equivalent formation is a compound
word, the parts of which have fixed relative order and are welded into a single adverbial
expression, but which retain the original stress of each element in the compound: rapida-
mente, realmente francamente , . The origin of this compound of an adjective modifying the
feminine noun mente is shown by the occurrence of two such adverbs in the same construc-
tion. Note the following:
Habla alta y claramente. He talks loudly and clearly.

Come rapida pero ciudado- He eats rapidly but carefully,
samente.
Adverbs with j^^ are used in English somewhat more than adverbs with -mente
are in Spanish, where a prepositional phrase with con is a frequent substitute. Note the
following:
Viene con frecuencia. He comes frequently.

Habla con ciudado. He speaks carefully.
Escucha con paciencia. He listens patiently.
Entrd con orgullo. He entered proudly.
Adverbs are basically modifiers, usually of verbs but also of other modifiers.
Adverbs are to other sentence elements what adjectives are to nouns. Like adjectives, they
are readily nominalized, often in fixed expressions such as a lo lejos de cuando en cuando , ,
por lo pronto which as phrases typically retain their adverbial function.

,
The basic adverb classification can be correlated with the simple adverbial
inter rogatives: cuando , ddnde cdmo, cuanto Convenient labels for these classes are
, .
"time," "place," "manner," "extent." Most of the simple adverbs participate in one of
these four classes.
A more revealing and more useful classification of adverbs, however, requires
a division of the basic classes, the addition of two or three classes not convertible into
information question patterns, and a refinement of the criteria for classifying. The result-
ing classification has the following subclasses: time, order; place, direction; manner,
means, cause, goal, accompaniment, agent; extent, duration, frequency; negative, affirma-
tive, dubitative, concessive.
Below are examples of each of these:
Time :
Ahora voy a pasar lista.
No esta hoy pero viene manana

,
.
Ya se fue mi primo.
De noche suele Hover en el verano.
Por ahora tenemos bastante harina.
Creo que va a llegar a la una .
Salid el veintidds de abril .
Esta vez pensamos hacer una fiesta.
Order :
Vamos a estudiar despues .
Primero vino el accidente, y luego el desastre.
Antes no podiamos hacer nada.

Mas tarde entrd su papa y dijo: ",i,Usted todavia esta esperando?"
The classes above represent two ways of looking at time: point time, which
has relation to a public or private calendar system; and order time, which relates an
event to the moment of speaking or to another earlier or subsequent event. By its nature,
time implies a sequence relationship. Point time compares an event to a standard, which
may be public and fixed, or private and relatively imprecise. Order time establishes the
relative sequence of events on the linear measure of the time dimension. The interrogative
transformation replaces time and order adverbs by cuando (see Chapter 8 for details of
the transformation).
Place:
Estoy aqui, en mi cuarto .
Ac a no hay nada.
Ahi doblo a la derecha.
lY que producen alli ?
i,Ustedes tienen uno alia ?

Es la casita que esta en la esquina .
Yo tengo muchos parientes en el extranjero .
Vivo cerca del Parque Central no esta lejos ; .

Maria esta arriba (abajo, afuera, adentro ).
Esta ahi, a la entrada del comedor .
Direction :
Ven aca para mostrarte una cosa.

Va ahi todos los dias.
Ahi viene la sefiora de Rod6.
Vamos para alia maiiana.
Los alumnos llegan a la puerta .
Pasen por aqui (aca) seiiores.
Vamos para abajo .
Se fue hacia arriba .
Vaya para atras .
The distinction between place and direction depends on verb co-occurrence:

verbs of motion take adverbs of direction; other verbs take adverbs of place (locatives).
In most instances the adverbs may be the same, but some do not overlap. Detras dentro , ,
fuera bajo
, may not be used with verbs of motion; they are locative adverbs only. Atras ,
adentro afuera abajo

, , may indicate place or direction. The simple forms aqui, alii , and
so on are often omitted from constructions with the verb estar where comparable con-
structions in English require here or there . Note these correspondences:
Buenas tardes, doiia Mercedes. Good afternoon, dofia Mercedes.

<i,Esta Julio? Is Julio here?
Si vuelve a Uamar, digale que If she calls again, tell her I'm not
no estoy. here.
Llame, pero no estaban. I called, but they weren't there.
In most of these environments, the English adverb in can replace here or

there . American students will feel that the Spanish expressions are incomplete and will
tend to avoid them.
The interrogative replacement for locative adverbs is donde, and for direc-
tional adverbs is a ddnde , de ddnde ,
para ddnde por ddnde ,
.
Manner :
^Hablan bien el espanol?

Si, lo saben perfectamente, mejor que yo .
Asi fue; y contests aprisa .
^Piensa celebrarla como el aiio pasado ?

Vivia como un rey del lejano oriente .
Lo conozco personal y profesionalmente .
Cierre la puerta, por favor .
Means :
Subi6 por medio de la escalera .
Volviendo tres veces logr^ verla. ,

Oyendo eso, recordamos.
Cause :
Fuimos por darle gusto a los ninos .

La felicitamos por su cumpleanos .
Lo hicimos por Juan .
Por eso vino.
Goal :
Le escribo para felicitarla .
Lo unico que pedimos es que no estudies para abogado .
Trabajo para mejorar mi situacidn .
Parece que entraron por aqui para llegar al comedor .
Para eso vino.
Accompaniment :
Vamos a hablar con ellos .
Tengo que estar con mi tia .
Esta casada con un mejicano .
Con quien desea hablar?

,;,
Llegd accompanado de varias amigas .
Entro el cdnsul, acompafiado por una escolta .
Agent :
La refineria seri dedicada por el presidente .
Sus actividades eran bien conocidas de la policia .
All the above are subclasses of manner adverbs. Most of them are phrases or
clause constructions, except the verbal adverb, the -ndo form, which is typically an adverb
of means. Adverbs of manner are perhaps more numerous than all other adverbs combined.
The interrogative replacement for general manner adverbs is cdmo; for means,
como or con qu^ ; cause, por qu^ or por qui^n goal, para que a que, para qui^n accompani-
; , ;
ment, con quien and agent (rarely encoimtered), por qui^n de quien
; , .
Extent :
Habla poco pero sabe mucho.

,
El pobre seiior trabaja demasiado .
Si, ahora duerme mas, pero apenas come.

P or lo menos yo no voy a morir de lilceras.
Va a volver dentro de diez minutos .
Duration :
Estaba aqui dos afios y pico .
^Puede esperar cinco minutos ?

Viajaba un mes en el extranjero.
La crisis d\xr6 tres semanas .
No podia trabajan en eso durante el dia .
Frequency :
Viene a menudo a la oficina.

Antes lo veia cada dos dias .
Salia todos los dias .
These are all adverbs of measure, applied to amovint or time. Most of the ad-
verbial expressions of duration and some of frequency are noun phrases, formed with
nouns belonging to the class N. . such as day, month, year . There are a number of ad-
verbs of extent that are identical in form with masculine singular adjectives used as indef-
inite quantifiers: mucho, poco demasiado, , tanto, mis, and menos As adverbs, these occur
.
only with intransitive verbs. With transitive verbs, they function nominally, displayii^
their full set of inflected forms.
The interrogative replacement for extent is cuinto , and for duration is (por )
cuanto tiempo . An interrogative replacement for the adverbs of frequency, comparable to

how often in English, is lacking in Spanish, but can be expressed by circumlocutions such
as cu^tas veces al aiio, cada culntos dias This information, however, is more typically
.
elicited in a yes-no question.

There are a few other adverbs, some very common, that cannot be described
in the general framework given above. These have the common feature of completely lack-
ing an interrogative replacement. They can possibly be grouped vinder the heading "poten-
tial," with subclasses of "negative," "affirmative," "dubitative," and "concessive." In
shorter terms, this is the "yes-no-maybe" group.
Negative :
No tengo gripe.
Nunca les escribo.
Un gobierno tan malo como €ste jamis ha existido.
Tampoco lo creo yo.
Affirmative :
Hombre, si tengo tiempo.

Pongo esto en la lista tambi|n.
Por cierto, senor.
Sin duda viene manana.
Dubitative :
Tal vez puedo ir.
Quizd no le entendiste tii.
Acaso sera su padre.
Concessive:
Sin embargo , tal vez puedo ir.

Si vuelve a llamar digale que no estoy.

,
A pesar de lo que tu digas, no estoy de acuerdo.

Digan lo que digan es el hombre del dia.
,
Spanish no and English not differ in their placement with respect to the verb. Spanish no
always precedes the verb; not follows the verb be and the auxiliary of any other verb. In
spite of the apparent simplicity of the contrast, numerous errors like the following are
heard:
*Es no necesario.
*Es no mi culpa.
*Estoy no seguro.
*La senorita es no casada.
*Hay no sombreros aqui.
The correction of the English double negative, which is discouraged in Eng-

lish grammar, occasionally carries over to Spanish, where the double negative may be
the standard pattern. Errors like the following may result:
*Le dije nada.
*Tiene nada.
*6No tiene algo?
*Mi esposa hacia nada cuando llegu6 a la casa.
There is one additional group of adverbs that needs comment: the modifiers
of other modifiers. There are very few forms that are exclusive members of this group-
muy and tan and the archaic and literary cuan :
Gracias, eres muy amable.

i
Que tio tan bueno es usted!
i
Cuan hermoso es el dia!
These forms are apocopations of mucho , tanto , and cuanto limited

, in occurrence to the
position preceding modifiers. This relation is clearly illustrated in the following sen-
tences:
Es muy feo, ^verdad? — Si, mucho .
Muy usually translates very in English, but as well as meaning "in a high de-
gree" (as very does also), it may also mean "in an excessively high degree," equivalent
to too , as in:
Ya soy muy viejo para esos juegos.

Es muy cortes para rehusarnos.
Other adverbs of extent can function as modifiers of modifiers:
Yo llamo mas tarde.

Esta huelga es menos interesante.
La filosofia es demasiado dificil.
Llegd este policia medio bruto y peleamos.

Es una obra poco profunda.

Si, la cosa fue bastante desagradable.
There are also adverbs of manner that function in this group, but usually with
a meaning that suggests extent more than manner:
iQu^ le parece im churrasco bien jugoso?

El serior es extremadamente gentih
El sastre es horriblemente feo.
Es igualmente probable la guerra como la paz.
Also functioning as modifiers of modifiers are three forms which more typi-
cally have a nominal function. They are the non-personal indefinites algo and nada and the
interrogative que . Note these examples:
La cuenta del banco est^ algo baja.

Ella no es nada bonita.
<i,La casa? j Qu^ bonita!
There is a tendency in both English and Spanish to de-emphasize the differ-

ences between adjectives and adverbs. Both languages have forms which can serve in the
two functions: English hard , fast, loud, fine; Spanish despacio, menos quedo recio. Span-
, ,
ish allows constructions with an adjective (inflected for number and gender) where an ad-
verb might be expected:
Vivian felices .
Lo ataron firme.
La luna vaga silenciosa .
Se ve bien claro .
Estoy hablando muy formal.

Paco siempre desayuna fuerte.
There are three options for the analysis of these forms:
(1) They must be explained as special transformation constructions (Vivian +
Son felices = Vivian felices ).

(2) The rules of sentence formation must be revised to admit adjectives after
verbs other than ser and estar .
(3) An increasing number of modifiers must be cross-classified as both adjec-

tive and adverb.
Possibly the best solution of the problem is a combination of (1) and (3). The construction
seems to be derived, not basic in the structure of the language, and certainly many adjec-
tives can now be used in slots that suggest verb modification— for example, j Cuidado,
viene rlpido !
Another construction, similar to but distinct from this one, can best be ex-
plained by (1) above. Examples are:
Viene(n) cansado(s), (-as).

Sigue(n) enfermo(s), (-as).
!
These seem to be the product of a transformation (esta enfermo + Sigue = Sigue enfermo ).
Certainly adjective forms may occur in the predicate after v?rbs other than ser and estar,
and these adjectives agree with the subject in number and gender. English has a few com-
parable expressions, but they seem not to be as common as in Spanish:
He went away happy.

He came out sadder but wiser.
The problem in the description of adverbs which most seriously challenges

the initiative of the analyst is their placement, in relation to each other and to other sen-
tence elements. Adverb placement in English is somewhat elastic; it is even more so in
Spanish, though many of the same restrictions seem to operate in both languages. Chart-
ing and comparing the patterns and contrasts is an extremely complex task, involving not
only adverb, but verb and noun, classification. This task has not been accomplished and is
not attempted in the present study. We content ourselves with offering a few guidelines and
limitations that are part of the system, until such time as extensive research can be done.
Adverb position varies from fixed and rigid to relatively free with several
possibilities in a sentence. In both Spanish and English, the intensifiers, which are modi-
must appear immediately before these— for example, " Ya
fiers of adjectives or adverbs,
es muy tarde no sea tan inocente ." But other kinds of adverbs have more freedom of posi-
,
tion. Note the following possibilities: t ji
(1) Already he's done it.
(2) He already has done it.
(3) He's already done it.
(4) *He's done already it.
(5) He' s done it already.
Of the five possible arrangements of already in this sentence, only (4) is completely un-
English; (1) is possible but unlikely, and (2) needs contrastive intonation on has to sound
right; (3) and (5) are both quite normal expressions, with faint distinction, if any, between
them in meaning.
A comparable pattern can be plotted for Spanish:
(1) Ya lo ha hecho.
(2) *Lo ya ha hecho.
(3) *Lo ha ya hecho.
(4) Lo ha hecho ya.
Of the four possibilities, two are completely un-Spanish: (2) like English, Spanish disallows
an occurrence between verb and pronoun object, and (3) unlike English, Spanish disallows
an occurrence between auxiliary and main verb. Ntunber (4) is quite possible, though per-
haps not normal as English (5), and (1) is the most natural sequence in Spanish, though
unusual in English.
In spite of the above contrasts, the adverb systems of the two languages have
many features in common, as the following list (which is by no means exhaustive) suggests:
^ — ) ) - ) )
(1) Adverbs generaUy follow the verb in a command. (Come here — Ven aca .) .
(2) An adverb of extent must follow an intransitive verb. (He sleeps a lot .—
Duerme mucho .)
(3) An interrogative adverb comes at the beginning of a sentence. ( Where is
the boy ? — ^D(5nde esta el muchacho ?)

(4) An adverbial phrase precedes an adverbial clause, if they both modify the
same verb. (He'll do an important job in the OAS when he gets to Washington — Har a un .
gran papel en la OEA cuando llegue a Washington .)

(5) K a phrase follows a dependent clause, it normally modifies the verb of
that clause rather than being related directly to a prior independent clause. (He was
brilliant when he was our ambassador in Washington . Era brillante cuando era nuestro
embajador en Washington .)
(6) Phrase and clause modifiers follow a direct object. (I have a lot of rela-
tives in Mexico .
— Tengo muchos parientes en Mexico . I saw your father when he was here .
— Vi a su padre cuando estaba aqui .)

(7) Adverbs of accompaniment follow the verb. (He ate with me .— Comid
conmigo .)
(8) Adverbs of order constructed as mas + adverb of time may precede or
follow the other elements of the sentence, but these same temporal adverbs, without mas ,
may follow only. (Later he came in . He came in later .— Mas tarde entro Entro mas tarde . .
But only He came in late .

— Entr6 tarde .)
(9) Other temporal adverbs enjoy considerable freedom of position. (Tomor-
row he's coming He's coming tomorrow .— Manana viene Viene maiiana .)
. .
(10) Adverbs of manner normally precede locative adverbs. (One eats well in
that restaurant .— Se come bien en ese restoran One . eats marvelously here .— Se come a
las mil maravillas aqui .)
(11) Locative adverbs follow a direct object. (I heard some noise down-
stairs .
— Oi unos ruidos abajo .
(12) Locative adverbs normally precede temporal adverbs. (I'll be in the sta-
tion at eight o'clock .— Estoy en la estacidn a las ocho . Why didn't you go to school yester-
day?— Por que no fuiste al colegio ayer ?)
(13) Locative and temporal adverbs normally precede adverbs of cause. (They
would have to stay here this winter on account of school .
— Ellos tendrlan que quedarse
aqui este invierno por el colegio .)
(14) Adverbs of accompaniment normally precede temporal adverbs. (Fm go-
ing with him at 11 o'clock . Voy con el a las once .
(15) Temporal adverbs normally precede adverbs of purpose. (He gave me till
tomorrow to pay it . — Me concedieron hasta mafiana para pagarla .
(16) Adverbs of direction normally precede adverbs of goal. (They came

through here to get to the dining room . — Entraron por aqui para llegar al comedor .
(17) The "demonstrative" locative adverbs and a few temporal adverbs (such
as now, then ) in a construction with the general verbs of motion (come go ) and the v erb ,
be may change the normal subject-verb-adverb order, if tlie subject is a noun, to adverb-
verb-subject order for more vivid narration. (Here comes Mrs. Rod(5 .— Ahi viene la
sefiora de Rod6 There goes. the captain .
— Alli va el capitan . Here's the mail .
— Aqui esta
el correo . Now comes the best part .
— Ahora viene lo mejor .)
There are undoubtedly many other features of sequence that are common to
English and Spanish, but the above are typical. Where there is a choice of position, such
factors as style, contrast, and emphasis have an influence on sequence. In the following
example, the adverb ahora is in final position because it is contrasted with an implied
future:
Insiste en que lleguemos a las ocho y media.

No entiendo. Es lo que hacemos ahora.
Compare this to:
Ah si. Ahora recuerdo.

Ahora hay que trabajar.
Viene ahora mismo.
If English and Spanish were always alike in the selection of adverb position
and sequence, the student would have no problems, regardless of how complex the system
I
was. As might be expected, they are not alike. There are numerous contrasts:
(1) One generality usually given to help students is that the adverb tends to
fi
appear closer to the verb in Spanish. This is true for an adverb of manner in a transitive
sentence. In English, the verb and object come together; in Spanish, the adverb may inter-
el espanol They starch the shirts a lot .— Ellas
vene. (He speaks Spanish well .— Habla bien .
almidonan mucho las camisas He wanted to see his wife and children for the last time .—
.
Queria ver por ultima vez a su esposa y a sus hijos .)

(2) The same generality holds for verbs like gustar in Spanish with an adverb
of extent. (He likes to go visit his relatives a lot .
— Le gusta mucho ir a visitar a sus
parientes . That game isn't played very much .— Se practica muy poco ese deporte .)
(3) One favorite position for certain adverbs
never possible in in English is
Spanish: between the verb auxiliary and the verb. (He's already gone .— Ya ha ido I have .
frequently been there — He estado alia frecuentemente He's always eating .— Siempre esta
. .
comlendo I had completely forgotten you were coming .— Se me habia olvidado totalmente
.
que iba a venir We've already discussed

. it many times .— Ya lo hemos discutido muchas
veces .)
(4) Spanish does not restrict the adverb- verb- subject sentence structure, as
English does (to the verbs come go and, , be, and the adverbs here there now then , , , , etc.,
and only when the subject is a noun). Spanish has fewer limitations: the subject may be a
pronoim, and many other verbs and adverbs can appear in the pattern. (There I was .—
Alia estaba yo . The parade is already starting — Ya empieza el desfile . It is already very
late. Ya es muy tarde .
(5) When a verb appears without a subject in Spanish, it is common for an ad-
verb to precede it. (We'll see each other there .— Alia nos vemos . rm going back now .- Ya
voy . I still have time .
— Todavia tengo tiempo .)
—
(6) The negative precedes the verb in Spanish, follows the auxiliary and the
verb be in English. (He hasn't come — El no ha venido
. . It isn't necessary .— No as nece-
sario .)
(7) The "demonstrative" adverbs precede other locative adverbs in Spanish,
but follow simple locative adverbs in English. (Shall I sweep down here in the dining room ?
— <;,
Barro aqui abajo en el comedor ?)
(8) In English, both little and much can be modified by very (little usually is);
in Spanish, poco but not normally mucho is modified by muy . (He eats very little . Como
muy poco He . much .— Duerme muchisimo .)
sleeps very
(9) In English, how may appear, usually in exclamations or questions, with ad-
verbs of manner (how well ), some temporal adverbs (how late ), and some adverbs of extent
(how much ). In Spanish, qu^ may appear with adverbs of manner (que bien and some tem- )
poral adverbs (qu^ tarde ), but not with any adverbs of extent ( *que mucho ).
This brief description does more to illustrate possibilities and limitations than
to provide anything approaching an exhaustive inventory.
One generalization seems to be possible in describing the placement of ad-
verbs: those adverbs which describe the verb alone more often occur adjacent to the verb,
whereas those which modify the entire sentence may appear at one extreme or the other.
One can see this pattern in the rigidly fixed position of no before verbs and the relatively
free dubitatives like quizas . No applies to the verb; quizas to the entire statement.
Another example, less rigidly structured but still convincir^, of this pattern
can be seen by comparing temporal adverbs and adverbs of manner. We can say:
Carlos canto anoche. Charles sang last night.

Anoche Carlos cantd.
Last night Charles sang,
Anoche cantd Carlos.
But adverbs of manner, which refer more specifically to how an act was performed, have
less freedom of position. Usually they occur immediately after the verb:
Carlos cantd divinamente. Charles sang beautifully.
One would not normally say, Divinamente cantd Carlos , unless he were deliberately seek-
ing novelty or special emphasis by taking poetic license.
This is equally true of adverbs of extent. When mucho or poco precedes the
verb, this is a sure sign of poetry or of shift for emphasis:
Mucho cabalgd el gran capitan.

Poco sabes tii de tales cosas.
In Chapter 3, the analysis of word classes in Spanish identified four classes

marked by inflection (nouns, adjectives, pronouns, verbs) and a large residue class,
designated as particles, to be analyzed by function. The one feature these particles have
in common is a simple uninflectable form. A few of the words in this residue class can
be handled as aberrant forms of adjectives or nouns (e.g., cada, alguien nadie, , and pos-
sibly algo , nada, though the last two may be adverbs which are readily nominalized). The
other particles have one of two functions or no grammatical function at all in a sentence.
The sections above have discussed one of these functions in detail: modification. Adverbs
are always grammatically dependent on some other sentence element, typically verbs, but
also adjectives and other adverbs. The second function is relation, which is presented be-
low. The lack of any grammatical function is a characteristic of interjections, which in
effect are a kind of non-structured minor sentence. They have a semantic function, of
course, which is usually emotive, expressing anger, surprise, admiration, repugnance,
delight, or the like. The only pedagogical problem associated with interjections, other
than the chore of learning them, is proper guidance (seldom offered in the schools) on
which ones are taboo.
It remains for us to analyze relation and the constructions involved by this
grammatical function.
The relater constructions can be divided into two subclasses: co-ordinating
and subordinating. As implied by these designations, the first link elements of equal syn-
tactic rank and the second elements of unequal syntactic rank. The co-ordinating relaters
form compound subjects (John and Mary came), compound verbs (John always works or
plays), modifiers (He's fat and jolly), sentences (John arrived, but Mary left), and so on.
These are traditionally called co-ordinating conjunctions.
The subordinating relaters have to be further classified as introducing phrases
(containing no finite verb) or clauses (containing a conjugated verb). Both phrases and
clauses are modifiers. They may modify nouns (adjective phrases/clauses) or verbs (ad-
verb phrases/clauses). Clauses may also be nominal, functioning as the subject of a sen-
tence, object or complement of a verb, or object of a preposition.
The following chart shows the present classification and compares it with
traditional terminology:
Structural analysis Traditionally called
Relaters (No cover term)
Co-ordinating Co-ordinating and correlative con-

junctions
M
Subordinating (No cover term)
Phrase Prepositions
Clause Adverbial conjunctions, subordinating

conjunctions
The co-ordinating relaters cause little trouble for a student, since corre-
sponding Spanish and English items are almost equivalent in meaning and distribution.
Also, there are relatively few of them. About the only new feature the English-speaking
student must become accustomed to in Spanish is the repetition in pairs which character-
izes the correlative constructions: o... o...,ni... ni...
There is one other pattern in Spanish that is not found in English. The co-
ordinating relaters ^ and o may not precede a word beginning with their own sound. The
pattern of change is:
English Spanish
before /i/ before /o/ elsewhere
and /e/ /i/

or /u/ /o/
The closest comparable pattern in English is the articles, which before vowels are /diy ~
d-iry/ and /sen ~ 4-n/ but before consonants are /^k ~ d4-/ and / k ~ ir/.
But the subordinating relaters are not so simple. The relations they express
are numerous and complex, and so are the forms. Some relaters introduce only phrases,
some only clauses, some either phrases or clauses. Phrase relaters can be divided into
prepositions (which precede the special pronoun forms mi , ti) and non-prepositional
relaters (which precede subject pronoun forms). Relaters may combine with other relaters,
with adverbs, or with nouns to express more complex relationships, for which no single
forms exist. This is true of most clause relaters.
The first problem that arises is the familiar difficulty of translation, because
the semantic ranges of corresponding items are not congruent. It is a complex problem of
distribution, and no appeal to logic can solve it. Consider the following sentences, each
translated by a different English equivalent:
Esta en la mesa. on
Esta en el cuarto. in
Esta en casa. at
Lo meti6 en el cajdn. into
Va a convertirse en gas. to
Lo comprd en quince pesos. for

La solucidn consiste en no volver. of
Penso en salir. about

Entrd en la sala.
Finding Spanish equivalents for an English relater presents similar problems:
The book was written by^ Alarcdn. por

Lincoln is remembered by all. de
Learn this by^ tomorrow. para
He still hadn't arrived by two o'clock. a
Let' s go by boat. en
By crying you won't get anywhere. con
Eight divided by four is two. entre
I go by the book. segun
He was sitting by me. junto a
He lives right by my house. al lado de
The relationships expressed by prepositions seem to be clustered in bundles,
with similar bundles across language boundaries the exception rather than the rule. To
aggravate the situation, since the meanings are usually abstract relationships, a student
relies heavily on translation to learn how to use prepositions. Nowhere is the student's
desire to find a one-for-one correspondence between native and target languages more
thoroughly frustrated.
The English speaking student feels that for should have an equivalent in Span-
ish, but finds two that are very common: por and para Then he must learn to discriminate .
meanings in a way he never has before. A Spanish speaker looks for the equivalent of en
and finds many, but two are especially frequent: in and on. He has to learn that on implies
physical contact and in implies being enclosed or encompassed. When both conditions are
met, he must learn other criteria. In public conveyances, for example, one rides in or on
depending on the relative mobility of the passenger while the conveyance is in motion; thus
in a taxi , but on a bus In an airplane, then, one rides
. in a light plane but on an airliner,
though in some instances either in or on may be chosen, depending on the emphasis one
wishes to give; for example, even on the largest jet liner one might say. Get in, so we can
close the door .
There are a number of specific problems, some of co-occurrence range, some

of semantic range. One which is limited to co-occurrence, since little or no semantic con-
tent can be discerned, is the use of phrase relaters with verb complements. In English,
there is only one form— the preposition to— that can appear with the infinitive; in Spanish,
there are many: a, en, de, con, por ,
para and so
, on. Where the usual correspondences
occur, there is no problem:
r m goir^ to do it. Voy a hacerlo.

He's beginning to do it. Empieza a hacerlo.
We learned to do it. Aprendimos a hacerlo.
He decided to do it. Se decidid a hacerlo.
I insist on doing it. Insisto en hacerlo.
When there is no relater in either language, there is also no problem:
Let me do it. D^jame hacerlo.

I can do it. Puedo hacerlo.
I saw him do it. Lo vi hacerlo.
But when a relater occurs in one language but not the other, the conflict is a serious one:
Imust do it. Tengo que hacerlo.

Go do it. Vaya a hacerlo.
He stopped doing it. Dej6 de hacerlo.
He remembered doing it. Se acordd de hacerlo.
He finished doing it. Termino de hacerlo.
I want to do it. Quiero hacerlo.

I hope to do it. Espero hacerlo.
It's possible to do it. Es posible hacerlo.
Sometimes students insert an a to correspond with to in the English equiva-
lent:
*Quizas es mejor a estudiar mas.

*No es necesario a revisar el maletin.
*Es necesario a ir.
*Tal vez es posible a no hacerlo asi.
But if they are told that to go in English is the equivalent of ir in Spanish, they may leave
out a needed relater:
Fuimbs a la selva cazar lagartos.

*Nos decidimos comprar la casa.
*,i,Van estudiar ahora?
*Tenemos hablar con los doctores.

*Tengo ir a la escuela.
A related problem is the reduced form of constructions like those above, in

which the relater may appear at the end of the sentence in English but not at all in Spanish:
I want to.
I hope to.
I'm going to.
He's beginning to.
This conflict generates errors like the following:
*iLlevan corbata aqui? -No, no tiene que.

*Pag(3 mas de lo que tenia que.
Some intransitive verbs in Spanish require a relater after the verb before a
following noun; that is to say, they require an adverbial phrase in Spanish, but comparable
constructions in English may take an adverbial noim. In English, we say enter leave
, ; but
in Spanish, entrar en salir de Note the following errors:
, .
*Sali mi casa.
*Cuando entrd la sala, no estaba nadie.
*Entre la puerta.
Despues que salieron la pelicula, iaddnde fueron?
The reverse of this situation is also a problem. Transitive verbs in Spanish

are equivalent to constructions which require a relater in Er^lish. In Spanish, we say
pedir , buscar, esperar , escuchar mirar, which must be translated ask for look for wait
, , ,
for , listen to, look at . Errors like the following are generated by this correspondence:
*Mis hijos me piden por muchas cosas.

*Estoy buscando para mis libros.
*He esperado por este momento.
*Solo te pedi para diez centavos.
*Escuch6 a todo el programa.
*Mire a mi libro nuevo.
*iQuien va a pagar por las bebidas ?
»
The traditional manner of teaching prepositional meanings is through transla-

tions. Seldom is any attempt made to iinify the concepts expressed through the description
of any single feature of meaning that all occurrences have in common. Perhaps this is not
always possible, but few teaching texts have even attempted a systematic presentation.
Bolinger et al . (1960) is one that does attempt this collation of usage, not depending entirely
on translation and examples. Prepositional meanings are lexical problems, but they occa-
sion grammatical problems of co-occurrence with other forms.
The presentation earlier in this chapter of the English equivalents of Spanish
en distort the actual learning problems the student faces, since no indications of the fre-
quency or relative importance of each equivalence is given. En is very often translated in,
on, at, but relatively infrequently to, for, of, and so on. The best procedure, then, would
be to equate en with in, on, at, with an attempt to show what the limitations of these equa-
tions are (e.g., does not translate in pain , in sight , on entering, on the contrary , at seven
o'clock, he's at the door, etc.). Then an attempt can be made to abstract the common ele-
ment of meaning from as many usages as possible— that is, to generalize the meaning of
the relater and to define the abstract meaning of the relationship. Thus en means some-
thing like "within an area of space or time" and includes the "enclosure" of English in,
the "contact" of English on, and the "location of a point or line of demarcation" of English
at, without being restricted to any of the three.
The less frequent correspondences can then be treated as lexical problems to
be learned just as words are learned— individually. Often, however, one can find and should
use correspondences from dialectal or substandard English usage. Thus to assist in learn-
ing Pienso en salir maiiana , the English Fm thinking on it can be called to the student's
attention, even though it may not be an expression in common use. Similarly, to marry up
with may be a useful association to help internalize casarse con .
Spanish a has as its basic relational meaning "direction toward" and usually
corresponds with English to. When the movement is conceptualized as marking a point in
time or space, a is still used, often translated by at, though mobility is still implied, in
time or in space:
to Voy a la feria.
Entregd al abogado un paquete.
at Maiiana a las cuatro.

Llegd a la puerta.
Other occurrences of a are related or minor: into is a more specific directional indicator
(Se tird al agua ); in may mean "coming into" (Hay tierra a la vista ). The a of al entrar
definitely implies a point of time measured against a changing event. Other equivalents,
such as on (al contrario a causa de — if translated on account of ) and h^ (poco a poco paso
, ,
a paso ) are almost always considered idiomatic— that is, as complex lexical units.
A is related in meaning and in history to para (historically derived from por a) ,
which even more specifically denotes a locus in time or space. With verbs of motion it
means movement toward a destination:

to Voy para Bogoti.

(on) toward Van para las ocho.
The same concept of goal or destination can be seen when the preposition relates an object
or an action to a recipient:
for Una carta para mi.

Un pretexto para discursos.
Hay toros para crianza.
Dos horas para el almuerzo.
Transferred to a cause-effect relation, para also means destination, then interpreted as

purpose:
In order to Hay ropa para vender.

to Trabajemos para terminar pronto.
for Una herramienta para cambiar llantas.
Every teacher of Spanish knows that the most likely confusion of para is with
por, since both often translate for . The basic meaning of por is "movement through"
which can be expressed by a variety of English relaters, as in: through the window down ,
the street , along the road around the park, over the river
, , across his forehead about ,
Christmas time, during Lent The important extended meaning

. is to a cause-effect rela-
tion, where por expresses cause:
because of Y todo por culpa de ^1.
Le dicen chato por la nariz aplastada.
No nos gustaba por perezoso.

Y todo por una casualidad.
Estudia medicina por su padre.
Another important extension of the semantic element of motion through, related to cause,
is means, proxy, or exchange:
for No se deje dar gato por liebre.

Le doy dos ddlares por todo.
Mi mujer reza por los dos.

Hoy tengo que dictar por el jefe.
per Diez por ciento.

Cien por cien.
by Seri. dedicada por el presidente.
The comparison of para and por can best be made where the contrast is sharp,
as related to motion and to cause and effect. Note the following:
Voy para Bogoti. He' s going to (headed for) Bogota.

Voy por Bogoti. He' s going by way of Bogota.
Vamos por esta calle para We go down this street to get to the
Uegar a la Plaza de Mayo. Plaza de Mayo.
Paxece que entraxon por aqui It looks like they came through here
para llegar al comedor. to get to the dining room.
The first sentence implies motion to, the second motion through. The cause-effect relation
can be seen in the interrogative transforms. Both para qud and por qu^ can be rendered in
English as why but with a perspective difference: por looking back to determine cause,
,
para looking ahead to define goal. This contrast is shown dramatically in Bull (1961) with
a series of illustrations showing a reporter talking to a prisoner:
R: <i,Por que est! Ud. aqui? How come you're here?

P: Por burlarme del gobernador. Because of mocking the governor.
(iPara qu6 estd Ud. aqui? What are you here for (to accom-
plish) ?
R: Para reportar el incidente. To report the incident.
Notice also the following contrast:
Compr6 un regalo para Maria. I bought a gift for Mary (the gift was
for Mary).
Compr6 un regalo por Maria. I bought a gift for Mary (the buying
was for Mary— the gift will go to
someone else).
There are numerous minor patterns involving para and por again either re- ,
lated to the basic meanings or in complex lexical units. One expression of purpose is con-
sistent in Spanish but requires an unusual English translation:
so I can Ven aca para ensenarte una cosa.

Espere para envolv^rselos.
The relater de has a basic meaning of "belonging to" with an extension to

"coming from." These do not prove too difficult for English-speaking students, who sim-
ply learn to equate both of and from with de: (Spanish -speaking students learning English
would find this a major problem).
of Hecho de madera.
Un poquito de esa came.
from Soy de Argentina.
Vino de Lima anoche.
The basic meaning is expressed, but the English translation is different after a compari-
son and after vestir:
in La planta mas moderna de Latinoam^rica.

Vestida de negra.
The notion of belonging is also highly suggestive in identifications:
with La de los ojos negros.

El seiior de los guantes.
I
a
as Trabaja de administrador.
Sirve de profesor.
for Qu^ hacemos de comida?

Y helados de postre.
about Vamos a hablar de vestidos.
to Es muy dificil de hacer.
One minor pattern which is not too frequent, but perplexing to a student, is the use of de
to introduce a term of comparison which is enumerated:
than Contribuydmas de cien pesos.

No pesa mas de cincuenta kilos.
An agent is introduced by por in Spanish (b^ in English), but a de phrase (also

translated by^) is an adverbial expression of accompaniment:
Llegd acompanado por una He arrived accompanied by an escort.

escolta.
Lleg6 acompanado de varios He arrived accompanied by (in the
amigos. company of) several friends.
In the first sentences, the agent operates on the subject; in the second, a positional rela-
tion is defined.
The relater con has as its basic meaning "accompanied/assisted by" and is
almost always translated with, though there are a few marginal meanings:
with Se fue con su papa.

Senalo con un dedo.
Respird con dificultad.
in Estaba con dolor.
by Con confesar, se salvo.
The relater hasta serves the same delimiting function in time and space:
until Estar^ aqui hasta las seis.

up to, as far as Me acomparid hasta Burgos.
Entre can be translated between or among but this causes no problem.

,
Sobre is translated over or upon (i.e., suspended above or in contact with—

distinction of less importance in Spanish than English). It may also mean on or over in a
secondary sense, including the meanings concerning or about .
The phrase relaters listed above, alor^ with sin, como, ante bajo tras
, , ,
durante excepto salvo mediante

, , , , all of which have close equivalents in English, include
most of the simple forms in this function in Spanish. There are two others, often thought
of as only clause relaters, though they may function as phrase relaters, especially in con-
versational Spanish. These are donde and cuando:
— 6D6nde estls, que oigo tanto Where are you that I hear so much
ruido? noise?
— Donde Olga. iPor qud no At Olga's. Why don't you come over?
vienes?
Se fue donde el medico. He went to the doctor's.
Eso fue cuando la revolucidn. This was at the time of the revolution.
In English, there are a few compound prepositions, consisting of two or more

particles in which one form usually functions adverbially, unless the form into might be
thought of as a compound. We say out from under the house down out of that tree out from
, ,
in front of that truck , up out of the basement and so, on. There are a great many compa-
rable forms in Spanish, which can be made on the pattern of several formulas. The most
common formula is: adverb + relater. The resulting compound may be a phrase relater or
a clause relater.
In the most characteristic of these compound constructions, the phrase relater
is built with de and the clause relater with que Note the following illustration of this pat-
.
tern:
Nunca la habia visto antes.

Nunca la habia visto antes de esa tarde.
Nunca la habia visto antes que entrara ayer.
The equivalent English sentences show all three functions (adverb, phrase relater, clause
relater) accomplished by a single form:
rd never seen her before .
rd never seen her before that afternoon.
I'd never seen her before she came in yesterday.
The effect of this correspondence on English speakers learning Spanish is the
frequent omission of de and que or confusion of them, as in the following typical errors:
,
Vive cerca mi casa. (cerca de)

*Mi casa estl cerca la suya. (cerca de)
*Vendra despu^s dos semanas. (despuds de)
*T(5mese dos antes acostarse y (antes de, despuds de)
ima despu^s cada comida.
*Despuds lavar mi carro, la (despuds de)
encer^.
*Fue alrededor el hip6dromo. (alrededor de)
*Dentro cinco minutos sale un (dentro de)
autobus.
*Despues cuatro meses salid (despues de)
mi suegra.
*Despu6s salieron la pelicula, (despuds que [salieron de])
.âddnde fueron?
¥
Despu^s de su senora comprd (despu^s que)

sus vestidos, fue a casa.
iEn qu^ trabajaba antes de (antes que)
Palm Beach?
saliera de
*Lo cambiamos despu^s de (despu^s que)
salimos de las fuerzas
aereas.
Sometimes the de is preserved in the clause relater, so the full form is antes de que ,
despu^s de que .
A constituent structure analysis of an utterance containing one of these com-

pound relater s would reveal the following series of immediate constituents:
Ella termind antes de que entrara yo .
The first cut is between the subject and predicate of the main clause. The predicate is
then analyzed as verb plus adverb, the form of the adverb being the form antes further
modified by an adverbial phrase. This phrase consists of the phrase relater de plus a
nominalized clause as object. The clause consists of the clause relater que followed by
the predicate and subject of the clause, which are then isolated as the ultimate constitu-
ents.
For the student, of course, something rather simpler than constituent struc-
ture analysis needs to be said, perhaps of this sort:
Before alone (as a verb modifier) is antes.
Before with a following nominal (as a phrase relater) is antes de .
Before with a following clause (as a clause relater) is antes (de) que .
There are other formulae on which compound relaters can be built. The fol-
lowing are phrase relaters:
modifier + a conforme a
frente a
junto a
respecto a
tocante a
+ nominal + de a causa de
a fuerza de
a menos de
a pesar de
en + nominal + de en frente de
en pro de
en vez de
I
en + nominal + a en cuanto a
con + nominal + de con tal de
por + nominal + de por encima de
There are a few instances where a prepositional phrase is actually nominal-

ized as the object of another preposition, though examples like the following are relative-
ly rare:
Quitate de en medio. Get out from between us.

Billetes de a diez. Ten-peso bills.
La fuente salia de entre dos The spring issued from between two (
cerros. hills.
Es muy bueno para conmigo. He' s very good to (toward) me.
Earlier a distinction was made between prepositional and non-prepositional

phrase relaters on the basis of their occurrence with mi or yo. Most of the phrase relaters
are prepositions (including compound forms; these end with prepositions)— that is,
all the
they precede mi or ti. A small number of relaters are non-prepositional. Most of these
seem to be forms that have more recently assumed a relater function: como durante
, ,
excepto incluso, mediante, salvo

, , segiin , entre Since this is the smaller class, they
.
should probably be presented and drilled after the regular pattern is learned.
As previously stated, phrases and clauses may function as adjectives or as
adverbs. Both may also function as nouns, but although phrases as nouns are rare, clauses
as nouns are very common. They function as subjects, objects of verbs, or objects of
prepositions. This is equally descriptive of English and Spanish, but there is one notable
difference: the relater which introduces the clause in English, unless it functions also as
the subject of the verb in the clause, is optional, with a strong preference in the spoken
language for its omission.
But the relater in Spanish is almost never omitted. Although English permits
a choice between I hope he comes and I hope that he comes the Spanish equivalent
, is
Espero que venga, with the que obligatory. Numerous errors can be accounted for by this
simple conflict:
Ahora dicen no tuvieron tiempo. (dicen que)

*Creo el sefior Vargas tenia dolor (Creo que)
de cabeza.
*Creo es posible. (Creo que)
*<i,C6mo sabe usted esa seiiorita es (sabe usted que)
rubia?
Parecia iba a Hover. (Parecia que)
*Creo tiene razdn. (Creo que)
*No se olvide los cuchillos van a la (No se olvide que)
derecha.
*Yo no sabia usted estaba en la (sabia que)
ciudad.
The omission in Spanish is not unheard of, but it usually suggests written, semi-technical
style. One might find on a retiu-n postcard for a publication:
Deseo me suscriban por ano(s).
The simplicity of this problem is disarming. It is so simple to explain and so

easy to follow the rule, except in spontaneous, unguarded speech, where system conflicts
are fully revealed.
SIMPLE SENTENCE
TRANSFORMATIONS
Earlier in this study we have repeatedly asserted that certain types of sen-
tences were not KERNEL sentences— that is, that a simpler presentation of grammatical
structure could be achieved if some sentences were viewed as more elementary or basic
in the language, others as DERIVED from them by transformations. We have spoken of
kernel sentences as the simple active declarative sentences:
English Spanish
(1) The girl is pretty (1) La muchacha I

^g, - bonita.
(2) The party is at one. (2) La fiesta es a la una.
(3) The girl is here. (3) La muchacha esta aqui.
(4) The girl ran (fast). (4) La muchacha cor rid (rapido).
(5) The girl ate meat (yesterday). (5) La muchacha comi6 carne (ayer)
(6) The girl expected it. (6) La muchacha lo esperaba.
(7) The girl gave him the ball (7) La muchacha le dio la pelota
(yesterday). (ayer).
These sentences are all kernel sentences except (6) and (7) in the Spanish column. They
are different from the English sentences that match them in the fact that lo and le are
better considered, like all third person pronovms in Spanish, to be the result of deletion
of an unmodified noun with consequent nominalization (or pronominalization) of the definite
article. We will examine this difference more closely below.
These sentence types are all extremely simple. To derive complex sentences
from them requires a set of rules which will combine one, two, three— indeed, any number
—of them into a single complex sentence. But there are certain types of derivation which
nearly all sentences, simple or complex, can undergo. We will examine these transforma-
tions first, then move on into the sentence-combining types. We will call the very general
transformations— the ones which convert a single sentence into a different sentence type—
the ONE-STRING transformations. The others— the ones which combine simple sentences
to produce more complex ones— we will call TWO-STRING transformations, since they
always operate on two sentences at a time. In order to show the processes that are actual-
ly at work in the conversion of one sentence into another, we would need to symbolize sen-
tence elements abstractly in the fashion used in Chapter 2, though in somewhat more detail.
Such formulas would be of interest rather more to other grammarians than to practical
218
SIMPLE SENTENCE TRANSFORMATIONS / 219
teachers, perhaps unfortunately. We have, therefore, reluctantly elected to present trans-

formational relationships only by example and discussion, not in the format of explicit
rules. The rules of sentence formation that make up a formalized grammar we postpone
for another study, more technical than this one. In the discussion we must, nevertheless,
make use of symbols from earlier chapters, such as NP, AUX, VP, V^^. For ease of ref-
erence, they are all listed in Abbreviations and Symbols.
ONE -STRING TRANSFORMATIONS

1. NEGATION. To convert affirmative assertions into negative assertions.
Examples :
(1) Juan quiere ir, ^ Juan no quiere ir.
(2) Juan quiere ir algun dia. ^ Juan no quiere ir nunc a (or ningun dia ).
(3) Alguien quiere ir. =^ Nadie quiere ir.
(4) Alguien quiere ir algiin dia. =^ Nadie quiere ir nunc a (or ningun dia ).
(5) Es algo fenomenal. =» No es nada f enomenal.
(6) Yo tambidn lo creo. => Yo tampoco lo creo.
(7) Yo lo creo tambi^n. => Yo no lo creo tampoco .
(8) Hay alguien adentro. => No hay nadie adentro.
Discussion . Negation is accomplished by the insertion, before VP, of a nega-

tive element which takes two forms: 1) no inserted preverbally [(1) and (2)] whenever
there is no preverbal element which can take a negative form; and 2) change in the form
of the subject or preverbal adverb whenever possible [(3), (4), and (6)]. The negative ele-
ment spreads through the entire phrase, attaching itseK to every form that can be negated
L(5), (7), and (8)]. VP includes clitic pronouns and auxiliary.
Comparison . English negation is achieved by the introduction of a negative
element iVt into the auxiliary (if AUX is merely tense, then do is inserted as an empty
carrier):
(1) I went. =j> I didn' t go.
(2) I can go. => I can't go.
(3) I have gone. => I haven' t gone.

(4) He is going. =^ He isn't going.
English does not allow the spread of the negative element into other items in the phrase,
though it can combine with certain pre -verbal adverbs and indefinite subjects:
(5) He went sometimes. => He didn' t ever go. (post-verbal)

(6) He sometimes went. ^ He never went, (pre -verbal)
(7) Someone went. ^ No one went.

Indefinite objects have a form special to negation:
(8) I want some milk ^ I don't want any milk.
(9) He killed someone. ^ He didn't kill any one.
Learning Problems . The English resistance to negating at more than one

point in the phrase may carry over into Spanish, though the substandard English pattern
of spreading negation (I didn' t hurt nobody ) is nearly identical with the Spanish pattern and
may be used to achieve some feeling for it. The other formal difference is that English
negation is inserted into the auxiliary whereas the Spanish negation precedes the auxiliary.
Typical Errors :
(1) *Eso le gustarl a nadie. Eso no le gustara a nadie.

(2) *Habra no hecho eso. No habia hecho eso.
(3) *Eso es no necesario. Eso no es necesario.
(4) *Es no mi culpa. No es mi culpa.
(5) *Estoy no seguro. No estoy seguro.
(6) *La senorita es no casada. La senorita no es casada.
(7) *Hay no sombreros aqui. No hay sombreros aqui.
(8) *Le dije nada. No le dije nada.
INTERROGATIVE To convert a statement

2.
that anticipates a yes or no reply).

. into a yes/ no question (one
¥
Type A
Examples :
(1) Ellos van a salir manana+ Van a salir ellos maiianat
(2) Ellos van a salir mahana^ Van ellos a salir mananat

(3) Juan esta en la casal Esta Juan en la casat
(4) Esa es la muchacha* Es esa la muchachat
(5) La gente eligid presidente a Eligid presidente a Juan la gentet
Juan I
(6) La muchacha es bonitaf Es bonita la muchachat
Discussion . The rule inverts the subject and the verb phrase [(1), (4), (5),
(6)], except that a pronoun or short unmodified NP as subject may appear immediately
after the verb [(2), (3)]. Note that the rule also inverts the intonation pattern: is an
inversion of .
Type B
Examples :
(1) Ellos van a salir manana+ Ellos van a salir mananat

(2) Juan esta en la casa+ Juan esta en la casat
(3) Esa es la muchacha* Esa es la muchachat
(4) La gente eligid presidente a La gente eligid presidente a Juant
Juan*
(5) La muchacha es bonital La muchacha es bonitat
Discussion . In this type, only the intonation is inverted, leaving word order
unchanged.
-li
Comparison . The Ei^lish interrogative is achieved by the inversion of SUBJ

and the verb be, or if not be, then the first one or two elements of the auxiliary (if AUX
is merely tense, then do is inserted as an empty carrier), plus inversion of falling intona-
tion to rising:
(1) He's here! ^ Is he here!

(2) She went* =?> Did she got
(3) I can gol => Can I gol
(4) I've gonel ^ Have I gonel
(5) He's going! => Is he going!
English, like Spanish, allows an interrogative to be generated entirely by

intonation; but this English interrogative is an echo question, different in meaning from
the other one:
(1) He's here! =^ He's herel

(2) I wenti => I wentt
(3) I can go+ =^ I can got
(4) rve gone! =^ Tve gone!
(5) He's going! ^ He's goingt
Learning Problems . Whereas Spanish inverts the SUBJ and the entire VP
(including COMP and PRED optionally), English inverts SUBJ and only the first part of the
VP ( tense tense + modal tense + have tense + be ). Both invert the intonation. The differ-
, , ,
ences between the two languages with regard to what is inverted cause little difficulty, how-
ever, since Spanish has no forms comparable to the English modal. Only with the other
auxiliaries— haber and estar — is the English pattern likely to interfere. At a very early
stage of learning, the dummy tense carrier do may be thought to correspond with hacer
[(4), below].
Typical E rrors:
(1) *Ha Maria llegadof Ha llegado Mariat

(2) *Estan ellos trabajandot Estan trabajando ellost
(3) *Habian Maria y Juan estado Habian estado estudiando Maria y
estudiando! Juan I
(4) *Hace ella trabajat Ella trabajat
3. k/d INTERROGATIVE. To convert a simple interrogative (yes/ no) into an

information question beginning with a k/d form (qud quien cual cuando, ddnde, cuanto ). , , ,
Type A — Que Questions
Examples :
(1) Paso algo ayert ^ Que pasd ayer+

(2) Llegd un paquete en el trent ^ Que (paquete) llegd en el treni
(3) Tomaron alios unas cervezas =^ Que (cervezas) tomaron ellos anoche+
anochet
(4) Mato Juan un toro ayert Que (toro) matd Juan ayer*
(5) Recuerda usted un chistet Que (chiste) recuerda ustedt
(6) Se debe eso a una situacidn A que (situacidn) se debe eso*
econ6micat
(7) Es su hermano abogadot Qu6 es su hermano*
(8) Es una horat Que hora es*
Discussion . The rule operates on the form the sentence has after it has passed
through the interrogative transformation (2A). Since qu^ is inserted before the first ele-
ment in the source sentence, the VP (which is the first element) always occurs immediately
after the k/d word in the resulting sentence. Thus the derivational sequence is the follow-
ing: declarative statement + => interrogative => k/d interrogative +. Each step inverts the
intonation, and just as the interrogative puts VP at the front, the k/d interrogative puts the
k/d word in front of the VP. So long as the noun to be replaced is an indefinite noun (i.e.,
the NP contains the indefinite determiner, or the noun is algo), the item qu^ may totally
replace the subject [(1), (2)J, object [(3), (4), (5)J, prepositional object [(6)], or predicate
[(7), (8)]; or the noun may be retained, so that only the determiner is replaced under some
conditions, as indicated by parentheses in examples (2) -(6).
Comparison . English derives what questions from an interrogative element

wh- plus any indefinite (and necessarily non-personal) noun. It also allows the noun itself
to be retained or omitted, with certain exceptions [(7), below]. The sentence from which
the wh- transformation starts must have passed through the simple interrogative, and the
intonation pattern is inverted, just as in Spanish:
(1) Did something happen What happened yesterday*

yesterdayt
(2) Did some wine arrive on the What (wine) arrived on the train!
traint
(3) Did they drink any beers What (beers) did they drink last
last nightt nightl
(4) Did John kill a bull yester- What (bull) did John kill yesterday*
dayt
(5) Do you remember a joket What (joke) do you remember!
(6) Is that due to an economic What (situation) is that due to!
situationt
(7) Shall I eat something! What shall I eat!
Learning Problems . A serious problem caused by the difference between the

qu^ question of Spanish and the what question of English stems from the differing shape of
the simple interrogative (transformation 2A, above), which inverts only part of the auxil-
iary in English, but all the VP in Spanish. This makes it appear to the English speaker that
the Subject NP might legitimately come before the main verb, as in What did he do yester-
day ? Another problem stems from the fact that what rarely in normal English allows a
preposition before it (cf. example [6], above in Spanish and English).
Typical Errors :
(1) *Que ^1 hizo ayer* Qu^ hizo el ayer+

(2) *Qu6 Juan mat(3* Qu6 inat(3 Juan+
(3) *Qu^ usted quiere* Qu6 quiere usted+
Type B — Cual Questions
Examples :
(1) Fue la muchacha ayert Cual (muchacha) fue ayerl

(2) Fueron las muchachas ayerl Cuales (muchachas) fueron ayerl
(3) Viene el agricultorl Cual (agricultor) vienel
(4) Son esos dias mas cortost Cuales (dias) son mas cortosl
(5) Quiere usted el trajet Cuil (traje) quiere ustedl
(6) Quiere usted los trajesi Culles (trajes) quiere ustedl
(7) Tiene usted la listaf Cull (lista) tiene ustedl
(8) Comprd usted la casa ayerl Cull (casa) comprd usted ayerl
(9) Va usted a esa casat A cull (casa) va ustedl
Discussion . This transformation differs from Type A (que ) in that the noun
to be replaced is a DEFINITE noun (i.e., the NP contains one of the definite determiners)
—but not a proper noun (Type C, below); and it differs in that number agreement with the
noun to be replaced is required [cf. (l)/(2), (5)/(6)]. Except for these differences, Type A
and Type B are alike in every detail: but the semantic difference between them is unlike
that between the corresponding English constructions (see below). The examples as cited
with the optional parenthesized nouns are grammatical in most dialects of Latin American
Spanish. Continental Spanish and some American dialects require deletion of the noun.
Cual in such dialects, must be nominalized— it can never function as an adjective. The
,
nominalization in these can be realized in two ways: (1) as a complete NP ^Cual fue ? or
(2) modified by a prepositional phrase ^Cull de las muchachas fue ? (See Type B-1, below.)
Comparison . English derives which questions from an interrogative element
wh- plus a definite noun. As in Spanish, the transformation allows the noun itself to be re-
tained or omitted, and the intonation is inverted because the transformation starts from a
yes/ no interrogative form. Unlike Spanish, which has the same form whether it derives
from singular or from plural nouns:
(1) Did the girl go yesterday! Which (girl) went yesterdayl

(2) Did the girls go yesterdayl Which (girls) went yesterdayl
(3) Did you want that onet Which (one) did you wanti
(4) Shall I eat that onet Which (one) shall I eati
(5) Are you going to that houset Which (house) are you going tol
Learning Problems . Since which has no plural form, the form culles is new
to the English speaker. Cual like which , , means "Which one out of two or more," except
that asking for the identification of something, in an equational sentence, requires cual in
Spanish as compared with what in English. Thus ^ Cuales son sus planes ? is the correct
equivalent of English What are your plans ? ,;,

Qu^ son sus planes ? is perfectly grammati-
cal, but it means something like How do you classify your plans ?
Typical Errors :
(1) *Que es la fecha* Cui.1 es la fecha*
(2) *Que es el problemal Cual es el problema*

(3) *Que es el mensaje* Cual es el mensajef
(4) *Que es su condicidnl Cual es su condicidn*
(5) *Cual son los dias del exameni Cuiles son los dias del examenl
(6) *Cual Juan tiene, el azul o el Cull tiene Juan, el azul o el negro!
negro
Type B-1 - Cu^l de
Examples :
(1) ^Cual muchacha f ue ayer ? ^Cual de las muchachas f ue ayer ?

(2) ^Culles muchachas fueron i,Cuales de las muchachas fueron
ayer? ayer?
(3) <i,Cual traje quiere usted? iCual de los trajes quiere usted?
(4) ^Cuales trajes quiere usted? iCulles de los trajes quiere usted?
(5) 6 A cud^l casa va usted? Â cual de las casas va usted?
(6) Â cuales casas va usted? Â cuales de las casas va usted?
Discussion . Sentences of Type B are less frequent (and impossible in some
areas, as noted above) than those of Type B-1, where cual is nominalized and modified by
a phrase.
Comparison . English also allows which as a nominalized form although in
many occurrences it is an adjective:
(1) Which girl went yesterday? Which one of the girls went yesterday?
(2) Which girl is going? Which one of the girls is going?
(3) Which girls are going? Which ones of the girls are going?
That is, whenever the noun (girl[s] in the above examples) is deleted, it tends to be re-
placed by an empty carrier of nominalization (one[s] ). The following, however, are also
possible:
(1) Which girl went yesterday? Which of the girls went yesterday?
(2) Which girl is going?
Which of the girls is/ are going?
(3) Which girls are going?
Learning Problems . The principal problem is to develop in the English

speaker a preference for the second of the two English patterns above, which exactly
matches the Spanish pattern, except for the cual/cuales contrast that is implicit rather
than explicit in which [cf . examples (2) and (3), above].
Typical Errors :
(1) *iCual de las muchachas ^Cuales de las muchachas fueron

fueron ayer? ayer?
(2) *iCual de los trajes usted iCual de los trajes prefiere usted?
prefiere?
(3) *6Cual uno de los dos quiere ^Cual de los dos quiere usted?
usted?
Type C — Quien Questions
Examples
(1) Llegaron los huespedest => Quidnes llegaronf

(2) Llegd el seiiorf =^ Quien llegdl
(3) Se lo dio a Juant => A quien se lo diol
(4) Es de Juanf =» De quidn es+

(5) Mataron a Juanf => A quien mataroni
(6) Quieren esos seiiores hacer => Quienes quieren hacer esol
eso+
(7) Es eso para Juant =^ Para qui^n es eso+
Discussion . Type C differs from Types A and B in two respects: the k/d word
quien is a replacement of a PERSONAL noun, and the noun is totally replaced. Like cual,
quien has a plural form and takes its number from that of the replaced noun.
Comparison . English has the form who for subjects and whom for objects,
though in fact the form whom, even in educated speech, tends to be limited only to posi-
tions immediately following verbs or prepositions (i.e., non-inverted interrogatives):
You said you gave it to whom?

Initially (i.e., in the normal wh- question) only who occurs with regularity, whether it func-
tions as the subject or object:
Who went to the movies ?

Who did you see?
Who did you go to the movies with?
Who is that for ?
Who did he ask?
Who did you say you gave it to ?
What questions are derived from wh- plus any indefinite non-personal noun; which ques-
tions from wh- plus a definite non-proper noun; who questions are derived from wh- plus
a personal noun, including proper nouns, through the intermediate stage of a pronoun
which has replaced such a noun. The intonation is inverted to falling, because the transfor-
mation starts from a yes/no interrogative with rising intonation. Who has no plural form,
and does not allow a noun after it, except in the possessive form whose, which is lacking
in Spanish.
(1) Is he going* =» Who is going*

(2) Does he work heret =» Who works here*
(3) Did the fall hurt himt ^ Who(m) did the fall hurti
(4) Are you going with himt => Who(m) are you going with*
(5) Is that his bookt =^ Whose (book) is that*
Learning Problems As with the other k/d questions, the most frequent error
.
results from the fact that English wh- questions have inversion of subject and auxiliary,
whereas Spanish k/d questions have inversion of subject and full verb phrase. The English
speaker therefore tends to intrude the subject between qui^n(es) and the verb. Quidn has a
plural form lacking to English, and English has a possessive form lacking to Spanish. The
learner's identification of de qui^n or (by false analogy with English /-z/ as a possessive
suffix) qui^nes with whose occasionally leads to mistaken constructions.
Typical Errors :
(1) *Quien esa muchacha quiere ^ A qui^n quiere ver esa muchacha*
ver*
(2) *Quien son aquellos sefiores* => Qui^nes son aquellos sefiores*
(3) *De qui^n libro es ^se* =^ De qui^n es ese libro*
(4) *Qui6nes libro es ^se* => De qui^n es ese libro*
Type D — Cu^do Questions
Examples :
(1) Llegaron ayert => Cuindo llegaron*

(2) Va a invitar a los hu^spedes =^ Cuindo va a invitar a los hu^spedes*
man ana*
(3) Irian todas las maiianas* =^ Cuindo irfan*
(4) Seran las doce dentro de media =» Cuindo seran las doce*
hora*
Discussion , k/d questions of Types A, B, and C (qu^ cull qui^n

, , ) all derived
from nouns of some class. Type D derives from an ADV, specifically any temporal adverb
(man ana ayer el afio pas ado en los dias de mijuventud ). Like all k/d questions, it con-
, , ,
verts the interrogative rising intonation back to falling.

Comparison . English when questions are derived from the interrogative ele-
ment wh- plus a temporal adverb, just as Spanish culndo is. Also like cuindo, the trans-
formation begins from a simple interrogative string and has the appropriate consequences
of that origin.
(1) Did they arrive yesterday* =^ When did they arrive*

(2) Are you going to invite the ^ When are you going to invite the
guests tomorrow* guests*
(3) Did they go every morning* =^ When did they go*
(4) Will it be 12 o' clock within half =^ When will it be twelve o' clock*
an hour*
Typical Errors :
(1) *,;,Cuando usted va? iCuando va usted?

(2) *i,Cuix\do el profesor quiere la (iCulndo quiere el profesor la
lecci(3n? leccidn?
Type E — Cdmo Questions
Examples :
Cdmo
(1) Fue buena la fiesta anochet fue la fiesta anochel
Qud tal
Cdmo
(2) Es la senora simpaticat es la sefiora*
Qu6 tal
Cdmo
(3) Estis bient est^s+
Qu^ tal
Cdmo
(4) Salieron enojadost salieroni
Qu^ tal
(5) Salieron por cochel Cdmo salieron!

(6) Vamos a hacerlo flcilmentef Cdmo vamos a hacerlol
Discussion . Cdmo replaces either an adjective [(1), (2), (4)] or an adverb of
manner [(5), (6)]: but the adjective must be a predicate adjective— that is, following ser ,
estar , or an intransitive verb like venir , salir , Uegar (4). Bien and mal are considered
adjectives in this rule (3). Except when the item to be replaced is a manner adverbial,
qu^ tal may be used for cdmo .
Comparison . English how questions are somewhat more limited than the cdmo
questions of Spanish, since the type derived from intransitive verbs plus adjectives is not
among the possibilities.
(1) Was the party good last nightt How was the party last night+
(2) Are you wellt How are you*

(3) Are you feeling okayt How are you feeling I
(4) Did you leave by cart How did you leave*
(5) Are we going to do it easilyt How are we going to do itf
However, since English does not have the ser-estar contrast, How is someone ? can only
mean How is someone feeling ?, not What is someone like ? But in Spanish, cdmo with ser
means What is someone like ?, whereas cdmo with estar means How is someone feeling ?
Learning Problems . The cdmo questions occasion very few difficulties except
those of the now familiar types (with intrusion of subject between cdmo and the verb). How-
ever, Spanish uses cdmo in <?, Cdmo dices ? ("What'd you say?"), where an English speaker
expects ^ Qu6 dijiste ? Thus English-speaking students, on failir^ to hear something the
first time, will ask, ^Qu^? instead of ^Cdmo?
Typical Errors :
(1) *6Qu6 tipo de muchacha es esa? lC6mo es esa muchacha?

(2) *iC6mo usted va a hacer eso? ^C6mo va usted a hacer eso?
Type F — Ddnde Questions
Examples :
(1) Son esos gauchos de Argentina* => De ddnde son esos gauchos*
(2) Van ustedes al cine esta nochet ^ A ddnde van ustedes esta noche*
(3) Esta la mesa en el otro cuartot ^ Ddnde esti la mesa+
(4) Es en el teatro la sinfoniat => Ddnde es la sinfonia*
(5) Ocurrio en Madrid ese =* Ddnde ocurrid ese accidente*

accidentet
(6) Lo encontrd usted en Mexico ^ (En) ddnde lo encontrd usted*
Discussion . The source of ddnde is locative adverbs. With directional adverbs,

the preposition (a, de) is retained and moved to initial position along with ddnde [(1), (2)J.
With a few verbs like encontrar the preposition

, may or may not be retained (6).
Comparison . English where questions are significantly different from Spanish

ddnde questions in that the preposition never, as in examples (1) and (2) above, precedes
where:
(1) Are you from Mexicof Where are you from*

(2) Are you all going to the movies Where are you all going (to) tonight*
tonight*
(3) Is the table in the other room* Where' s the table*
(4) Is the symphony at the theater* Where's the symphony (at)*
(5) Did that accident occur in Where did that accident occur*
Madrid*
(6) Did you find it in Mexico* Where did you find it?*
The prescription, often heard, that the preposition not be retained at the end of such ques-
tions as (1), (2), and (4) is impossible to follow in (1), often not followed in (2) and (4).
Learning Problems . The principal difficulty of ddnde questions arises from

the fact that with directional adverbs the preposition moves to initial position ahead of
ddnde. Other difficulties, like placement of subject, are shared with the other k/d ques-
tions.
Typical Errors :
^Para
(1) *6Ddnde va usted? ddnde va usted?
Â
^Para
(2) *^Ddnde usted va? ddnde va usted?
6A )
(3) *^Ddnde empezaron a ir ? ^Para ddnde empezaron a ir ?
(4) *<;,Ddnde es usted de? ^De ddnde es usted?

Type G — Cuanto Questions
Examples :
(1) Quieren ir todosi =» Cuantos quieren iri
(2) Quiere usted todost =^ Cuantos quiere ustedl

(3) Quiere usted a dos muchachasi =^ A cuantas muchachas quiere ustedl
(4) Es la fiesta por ambas hijast => Por cuantas hijas es la fiestal
Discussion . Culnto questions derive from simple interrogatives that contain

QUANTIFIERS, which may be numerals (definite quantifiers) or indefinite quantifiers.
Cuanto takes the regular number and gender agreement of adjectives. A preposition before
the replaced noun in the underlying sentence goes before it also in the derived sentence.
Comparison English has the interrogatives how much corresponding to cuanto
.
,
how many corresponding to cuantos Their source strings and limitations are very similar,
.
with the exception of the fact of gender agreement in Spanish.
(1) Do they all want to got =^ How many want to go+

(2) Do you want all of themt ^ How many (of them) do you want*
(3) Do you want some of iti ^ How much (of it) do you want+
(4) Is he eating two oranges! => How many (oranges) is he eating!
(5) Are they selling it for much =^ How much (money) are they selling it
money! for*
Learning Problems . Cuanto requires agreement of both gender and number

with the noun. In this respect it is unique among the k/d words. Other difficulties, like the
occurrence of prepositions in initial position and the placement of subject, are shared
with other k/d questions.
Typical Errors :
(1) *<i,Cuanto leche quiere usted? ^Cuanta leche quiere usted?

(2) *i,Cu^nto usted quiere? ^Cuanto quiere usted?
(3) *6Cuantos gente usted conoce? lA. cuanta gente conoce usted?
Summary of k/d Questions
We have seen details of seven k/d questions, involving the k/d words qud ,
cull ,
qui^n cuando
, , c6mo d6nde and
, , cuanto. In spite of differences in detail, the mem-
bers of the class have substantial similarity: they are generated from simple interroga-
tives; they invert the interrogative rising intonation back to falling; and they require that
the VP follow the interrogative phrase without intervention of subject. They match the
English wh- words what, which who(m) when, how where and how
, , , , much/many The .
only other English wh-word is why It is not matched by a Spanish k/d word; rather, it is
.
matched by por qu^ and para qud which are both derivable as instances of Type A, above:
,
iLo hizo por eso ? =^ iPor qu^ lo hizo ?
<i,Lo hizo para eso? ^ ,i,Para qu^ lo hizo?
Thus the difference between por qu^ and para qud is a function of the difference between
por eso and para eso in the underlying string (a difference already discussed in Chapter
7). English allows a similar construction partly corresponding with the semantic differ-
ence between por and para :
Did he do it for fun? =^ What did he do it for?

(= para que, not por que )
4. AFFIRMATIVE IMPERATIVE. To convert an affirmative statement into

an affirmative command.
Examples :
(1) Tu vuelves pronto. => Vuelve (tu) pronto.

(2) Tu se lo pides a 61. =» Pideselo (tu) a ^1.
(3) Usted vuelve pronto. => Vuelva (usted) pronto.

(4) Ustedes vuelven pronto. =^ Vuelvan (ustedes) pronto.
(5) Usted se lo pide a ^1. =^ Pidaselo (usted) a ^1.
(6) Ustedes se lo piden a 61. => Pidanselo (ustedes) a dl.
Discussion . The regular singular familiar imperative [(1), (2) J converts an

assertion of which the subject is tu into a command of which the subject is still tu, even
though the tu may be unexpressed. The subject is usually inverted to a position following
the verb (plus any clitic pronouns), though an expressed subject before the verb is possible
in emphatic speech: Tu sientate But the form . of the verb is that which is characteristic
of a third person singular subject in the indicative. Pronoun objects are inverted to the
position following the verb. Eight verbs are different in form, having the following forms
instead of the third singular indicative form: ten (tener ), ven (venir ), pon (goner), sal
(salir ), haz (hacer ), di (decir ), se (saber ), and ve (ver ). It is possible to derive aU but the
last three of these by a rule which removes the -er or ^jr infinitive suffix, leaving simply
the stem: tener ->- ten , venir -»- ven and so on.
,
The singular formal imperative [(3), (5)], and the plural familiar and formal
imperative [(4), (6)], convert an assertion of which the subject is usted(es) into a command
of which the subject is still usted(es) , even though the usted(es) may be unexpressed. The
form of the verb (subjunctive), except for the irregulars dar (d^ , den ), estar (est^ est^n ), ,
ser (sea, sean ), ir (vaya vayan ), and saber (sepa sepan ),

, , can be derived by a rule which
combines the stem of the first person singular indicative (teng- recuerd- hag- with the , , )
suffix appropriate to a third person subject in the -er/-ir paradigm, if the stem is of the
-ar group; in the -ar paradigm, if the stem is of the -er/-ir group (thus tenga, recuerde ,
haga , etc.). It will be noted that the verbs in this pattern are subjunctive in form. As ex-
plained earlier (Chapter 3), usted and ustedes are recent entries into the Spanish pronoun
system which take third person verb forms. In the imperative, which has no third person
forms, subjunctive forms were utilized by analogy with negative imperative constructions
(see transformation 5, below). This suggests that the intuitively correct analysis of the
1. We here treat the familiar imperative plural as identical with the formal
imperative plural, which is the fact of the Latin American usage. In Spain, and in Church
usage in Latin America, the familiar imperative plural is a distinct set of forms.
formal imperative would be to derive it from a subjunctive clause after a verb like querer ,
with the indirect command as the intermediate stage:
Quiero que usted lo haga.
=> Que usted lo haga.
^ Hagalo usted.
It is not, however, convincing to put this interpretation on the familiar imperative; we

have (perhaps arbitrarily) put the two types together here, since the two-string transfor-
mations that account for subjunctive forms are not explained until the next chapter.
Comparison . English affirmative imperatives are formed from statements of
which the subject is you and the auxiliary is will (or, it may be argued, any one of the
modals). In general, the imperative form results merely from dropping the auxiliary and
making the occurrence of subject you optional:
(1) You will go home. =» (You) go home.

(2) You will study this harder. => (You) study this harder.
Will is the deleted AUX because of the form that is taken by a tag question: the tag picks
up the underlying AUX, as in He can work harder, can't he ? Similarly, Work harder, won't
you ?
Learning Problems . Though the imperative is not fundamentally similar in
the two languages, the actual form of the verb that marks it is a serious problem, but no
more need be said of it here (cf . Chapter 5). When the subject tu or usted(es) occurs in
Spanish, the effect is to soften the command somewhat:
Pasen ustedes.
Sirvase usted.
When it occurs in English, however, the effect is quite the reverse— to make the command
substantially more abrupt:
You get out of here.

You do it right now.
In both languages, the subject must be retained if the command is given to one of a group:
There are ten of us. Suppose you [pointing] bring the milk, you bring the
salad, . . .
Somos diez. Traiga usted la leche, usted la ensalada, . . .
5. NEGATIVE IMPERATIVE. To convert a negative statement into a nega-

tive command.
Examples :
(1) Tu no vuelves pronto. =» No vuelvas (tu) pronto.

(2) Tu no se lo pides a el. =» No se lo pidas (tu) a el.
(3) Usted no vuelve pronto. ^ No vuelva (usted) pronto.
(4) Ustedes no vuelven pronto. =» No vuelvan (ustedes) pronto.
(5) Usted no se lo pide a 61. ^ No se lo pida (usted) a el.
(6) Ustedes no se lo piden a el. ^ No se lo pidan (ustedes) a el.
Discussion . Unlike the affirmative, the negative imperative does not shift the
position of with-verb clitics. The form of the verb itself is that of the subjunctive, second
person singular with tu [(1), (2)], third singular or plural with usted(es ) [(3)-(6)].
Comparison . English negative imperatives are formed by the deletion of will ,
leaving n^ with no form to which it can be attached and therefore requiring the empty
auxiliary do as its carrier. The subject you , if retained, is shifted to the position after
don't .
(1) You will+n't go. ^ Don't (you) go.

(2) You will+n't work too hard on it. => Don't (you) work too hard on it.
Learning Problems . The no of Spanish tends to get matched with the don't of
the English imperative, though the problem of errors like * No usted haga eso (No haga
usted eso ) is not a serious one. Much more serious is the problem of the distinct Spanish
forms and the fact that in the familiar negative imperative they are different from the
shape found in the familiar affirmative imperative.
Typical Errors :
(1) No habla tan fuerte. No hables tan fuerte.
(2) No estudian aqui. No estudien aqui.

(3) *Traiga tus juguetes. Trae tus juguetes.
6. HORTATORY IMPERATIVE. To convert first person plural assertions

into first person plural exhortations.
Examples :
(1) Cambiamos de tema. => Cambiemos de tema.

(2) No lo hacemos. => No lo hagamos.
(3) Discutimos el asunto. =^ Discutamos el asunto.
Discussion . A first person plural indicative verb is converted to subjunctive,

with preverbal objects transposed to postverbal position, dropping final ^s of the suffix
before nos (sentemos + nos -*~ sentemonos, not * sent^mosnos ). With one verb— ir— the
hortatory form is vamos , not vayamos As with . all imperatives, pronouns retain their
preverbal position in the negative (2).
Comparison . English forms hortatory imperatives with the form let's :
We go to work. =^ Let' s go to work.
This construction should not be confused with a simple imperative of the verb let :
Mother, let's eat. (hortatory)

Mother, let us eat. (imperative)
In the second example, let is derived from you will let ,

just as in any other affirmative
imperative. The difference between the two instances of let shows up in the negative:
Mother, let's not eat. (hortatory)

Mother, don't let us eat. (imperative)
This distinction is made quite differently in Spanish:
Maml, comamos. Mother, let's eat.
Maml, permita que comamos. Mother, let us eat.
Mama, no comamos. Mother, let' s not eat.
Mama, no permita que comamos. Mother, don't let us eat.

or
Mama, permita que no comamos. Mother, let us not eat.
Learning Problems . Spanish forms the affirmative hortatory in an alternative

way:
Comamos. = Vamos a comer. Let's eat.

Cambiemos de tema. = Vamos a cambiar de tema. Let's
change the subject.
But the negative must be formed by the regular first person plural command form in a neg-
ative transformation:
No comamos. Let's not eat.

No cambiemos de tema. Let's not change the subject.
Since the vamos a type of hortatory formation is usually learned first by the student, and
because it isin some sense an easier structure— more like let's in that it is merely added
to any verb without any suffix modification— the English speaker will tend to generate such
sentences as:
No vamos a comer.
which means We're not going to eat rather than Let' s not eat .
7. PASSIVE. To convert sentences with transitive verbs into corresponding

passive sentences.
Examples :
(1) Ellos consideran el toreo como =» El toreo es considerado como un

im verdadero arte. verdadero arte.
(2) Nadie acepta un gobierno como =^ Un gobierno como ese no es aceptado
ese. por nadie.
(3) Los estudiantes atacaron a la => La policia fue atacada por los
policia. estudiantes.
(4) Ellos obligaron a la policia => La policia fue obligada a defenderse
a defenderse a palos. a palos.
(5) Yo ataque al tirano. => El tirano fue atacado por mi.
Discussion The passive consists in making a subject of the object, and then
.
making some other changes as a consequence, including agreement of the -do form with
subject (since it is essentially an adjective like any other adjective after ser ) and provid-
ing the appropriate case form for pronouns following por (subject yo becomes ml , etc.)-
Comparison . The passive in English is generated in much the same way as

in Spanish, with be + -en added to the auxiliary and transposition of subject and object,
with optional omission of the by phrase that carries the subject.
(1) They consider bullfighting a ^ Bullfighting is considered a true art.

true art.
(2) No one accepts a government A government like that is accepted
like that. by no one.

(3) The students attacked the The police were attacked by the stu-
police. dents.
(4) They obliged the police to de- The police were obliged to defend
fend themselves with clubs. themselves with clubs.
(5) I attacked the tyrant. The tyrant was attacked by me.
Learning Problems . Although the passive in English is frequent and highly

productive (especially in more formal style and in writing), the passive in Spanish is rela-
tively rarer and less productive, for two reasons: (1) the fact that the sense of the passive
is very regularly conveyed by a sentence type that results from AGENT DELETION (trans-
formation 8, below), as in
Se llevaron los heridos al hospital.

Se abrid la puerta.
and (2) because the construction estar plus adjective (including past participles) is used
in Spanish if an event is over and only its results are being noted: cf. (from Bull [1961 J)
the difference between
El idolo fue roto. The idol was broken. (Imagine a pic-
ture of someone breaking the

idol.)
and
El idolo estaba roto. The idol was broken. (Imagine a pic-

ture of the shattered idol lying on
the ground.)
This distinction between ser and estar plus past participle is sometimes formally differ-
entiated in English:
The door was opened. 1 The door was open.

\ (ser ) (estar)
The slaves were freed. The slaves were free.
Constructionally, the Spanish passive differs from the English passive primarily in that
the participle agrees in number and gender with the subject. In this respect it resembles
any predicate adjective:
La casa es terminada.
La casa esta terminada. i.
La casa es roja.
Typical Errors :
(1) *La puerta es abierto. La puerta esta abierta.
(2) *Las muchachas son enojadas Las muchachas estan enojadas

conmigo. conmigo.
(3) *Las misa fue ofrecido. La misa fue ofrecida.
8. AGENT DELETION: To convert a transitive assertion, active in meaning,
into a transitive assertion, passive in meaning.
Examples :
El juego se organiza.
(1) Alguien organiza el juego.
Se organiza el juego.
Los juegos se organizan.
(2) Alguien organiza los juegos.
Se organizan los juegos.
(3) Alguien mandd una taza de Una taza de cafd se mandd.
cafe. Se mandd una taza de cafe.
(4) Alguien mandd dos tazas Dos tazas de caf^ se mandaron.
de cafe. Se mandaron dos tazas de cafd.
Discussion . This transformation makes the object the subject of a transitive

verb and supplies se as the grammatical (empty) object. Being now the grammatical sub-
ject, the form that was the object in the underlying sentence requires grammatical agree-
ment with the verb:
Alguien abrid las puertas. ^ Las puertas se abrieron.
More often than not, the original word order is retained— though this is grammatically an
inversion:
Alguien abrid las puertas. =» Se abrieron las puertas.
It is extremely important to distinguish between instances of agent deletion and instances

of the impersonal subject (P^ + Q, discussed in Chapter 4). The latter is always singular,
and the form se the overt marker of the impersonal P^:
Pg + Q habla espaiiol y =?> Se habla espahol y francos aqui.

francos aqui.
Pg + Q vivia bien en Cuba. => Se vivia bien en Cuba.
The need to distinguish between these two constructions arises from the fact the P« + Gl
can occur with intransitive verbs as well as with transitive verbs, and from the fact that
in a sentence like
Se habla espanol y francos aqui
there is no agreement between the compound subject and habla because the sentence is
not the result of agent deletion. It should be emphasized that
Se habla espanol y francos aqui. Spanish and French are spoken here.
is a perfectly good Spanish sentence, even though there is a failure of agreement between
subject and verb.
Comparison . English also has an agent deletion transformation, though it is
more restricted than that of Spanish and, more important, it is not formally marked (as
Spanish uses the form se to mark agent deletion):
(1) Someone sold the house. ^ The house sold (well).
(2) Someone painted the fence. => The fence painted (beautifully).
(3) Someone read the book. =^ The book read (easily).
(4) Someone smoked the cigar. ^ The cigar smoked (smoothly).
That is, English uses agent deletion to convert some classes of transitive verbs into what
appear to be intransitives. However, if it happens that the verb is cross-classified as both
intransitive and transitive, ambiguity may be the result:
(5) John works the slaves. => The slaves work well.
The sentence The slaves work well is ambiguous, since it may be the result of agent dele-
tion from work as a transitive verb, or it may be derived directly as an intransitive (i.e.,
They can be worked well enough vs. They do their work well ). On the other hand, a sentence
like
The book reads easily.
obviously is not an intransitive occurrence of reads, but rather an occurrence of agent

deletion.
Learning Problems . Agent deletion is formally marked in Spanish but not in
English. It is therefore to be expected that the form se will tend to be omitted by the speak-
er of English— that is, he will construe as intransitives some verb constructions merely
because they appear to be intransitive in English. It is also to be expected that the English
speaker will overlook subject-verb agreement in inverted order (this error will often re-
sult in a sentence that is grammatical, with Po + as subject, but it will not be the intended
sentence).
Typical Errors :
(1) *Esa casa no vendra de ningun Esa casa no se vendra de ningun

modo. modo.
(2) La puerta abrid. La puerta se abrid.
(3) Se abrid las puertas. Se abrieron las puertas.
9. AFFIRMATION. To convert an assertion into an affirmation.
Examples :
(1) Yo quiero ese libro. ^ Yo si quiero ese libro.

(2) Ellos trabajan en la embajada. =^ Ellos si trabajan en la embajada.
(3) Ella tiene que irse. => Ella si tiene que irse.
Discussion . This transformation merely inserts sf before the verb phrase. It
is an extremely useful one, however, since it is the source of one of the sentences from
which ellipses are generated: that is, sentences like Yo si and Esq si . The sf carries the
principal sentence stress and pitch prominence (see SOUNDS OF ENGLISH AND SPANISH).
Comparison . English affirmations are formed by the insertion of the major
sentence stress coinciding with the auxiliary, with do inserted if the auxiliary consists
only of tense unless the
, main verb is be, which can carry the stress itself (5):
(1) I want that book. =» I dd want that book.

(2) I can work in the embassy. => I can work in the embassy.
(3) I have worked in the embassy. ^ I have worked in the embassy.
(4) I'm working in the embassy. ^ I am working in the embassy.
(5) I'm at home. => I am at home.

Learning Problems . The obvious, and serious, problem created by the differ-
ent ways of forming the affirmation sentence is that the English speaker will try merely
to stress some element in the string— an auxiliary if there is one separate from the main
verb (haber or estar ), the subject if there is not. Spanish never uses stress alone with the
verb for affirmation (though stress, or stress and word order shifts, can be used with
other sentence elements for emphasis).
Typical Errors :
(1) *Yo he trabajado dos meses. Yo si he trabajado dos meses.

(2) *E1 estl tratando. El si esti tratando.
(3) *E1 fue a casa. El si fue a casa.
10. SUBJECT PRONOUN. To generate subject pronouns by nominalization of

definite and indefinite articles dependent on noun subjects-
Examples:
(1) El hombre es buen trabajador. => El es buen trabajador.

(2) La muchacha es muy bonita. ^ Ella es muy bonita.
(3) Los sefiores vienen de => Ellos vienen de Colombia.

Colombia.
(4) Las senoras vienen del Peru. => Ellas vienen del Peru.
(5) Un hombre esta cansado. ^ Uno esta cansado.
(6) Unas mujeres estan cansadas. => Unas estan cansadas.
Discussion . In each instance, the. noun of the subject is dropped but its num-
ber and gender are retained. To produce uno una unos unas as pronoun subjects, nothing
, , ,
more is required [(5), (6)]. To produce §1, ellos , ella , ellas [(l)-(4)], rules of the following
types are required:
el + + -0 ^ el
el + o + -s -*- ellos
el + a + -19 *- ella
el + a + -s -»- ellas
The only other subject pronoun— ello — is generated from a source sentence in which a
fictitious entity Neuter Noun has been selected. Since there are no neuter nouns, in fact,
it must disappear, leaving ello To generate ello in this way would be most unsatisfac-
.
torily hypothetical if it were not for the support found in the demonstratives (esto, eso ,
aquello ) and the neuter article lo (see Chapter 4).
Comparison . The third person subject pronouns of English (he, she, it, they )
are a replacement class for nouns, not derivable from articles or from anything else.
They have a clear formal relationship with object pronouns (he-him she-her , , it-it , they-
them) and with possessive pronouns (he-his she-her-hers , , it-its , they-their-theirs ). In-
deed, the whole set of pronouns in English are like nouns in that they are marked for cate-
gories of plurality and possession, but unlike nouns or anything else in that they are
marked for object case and nominalization: thus, a form theirs is composed of
f he
she + plural + possession + nominalization,
it
as m
The book is theirs.
but
This is their book.
Learning Problems . It is of very great pedagogical interest to perceive

clearly the relation of definite articles to third person pronouns. The relationship is most
obvious in their object forms, where three of the four direct object forms (la, las, los)
are identical with the definite articles. Once this relationship has been perceived, then the
problems of mastering the forms are the problems regularly encountered throughout the
noun phrase (Chapter 4), such as gender agreement, number, lack of possessive forms,
and so on.
11. OBJECT PRONOUNS, THIRD PERSON. To generate direct object pro-
nouns by pronominalization of definite and indefinite articles dependent on noun objects.
Examples ;
(1) El tiene un libro. => El tiene uno.

(2) El tiene vmos libros. ^ El tiene unos
(3) El tiene una cerveza. =^ El tiene una.
(4) El tiene unas cervezas. => El tiene unas
(5) El tiene el libro. =^ El lo tiene.
(6) El tiene los libros. ^ El los tiene.
(7) El tiene la cerveza. =» El la tiene.
(8) El tiene las cervezas. => El las tiene.
Discussion and Comparison. The indefinite pronouns

of nominalization following regular patterns. They derive directly from the article without
change of word order, merely omitting the nouns, and, with uno, restoring the full form
^
when the article is not followed by a noun. But the definite pronouns are pronominalized
forms of the definite articles, with a shift to the position immediately before the verb
(they may be shifted back by the imperative transformation, e.g., or to a position after an
infinitive or -ndo form). These pronouns always appear nearest the verb when more than
one pronoun precedes the verb. The English indefinites, like those of Spanish, derive
directly from the indefinite articles:
(1) He has some books. ^ He has some.

(2) He has a book. => He has one.
(The relation of a to one was pointed out in Chapter 4.)
Learning Problems . The position of the object pronouns is the worst of the
problem, since both gender and number can be learned simply by transferring the mastery
of gender and number in nouns that should have been achieved before taking up pronouns
(though the actual learning problem is never this simple, because noun gender is an almost
ever persistent difficulty). Clear identification of the forms la, las, los with the definite
article, and of lo with el, reduces the problem of learning new forms.
12. INVERSION. To invert the order of subject and parts of the verb phrase.
Examples :
(1) El leyd el periddico. =^ El periddico lo leyd €1.
(2) Ella rompid la silla. ^ La silla la rompid ella.
(3) Encuentro estas materias muy =^ Estas materias las encuentro muy
faciles. ficiles.
(4) No recuerdo la direccidn. => La direccidn no la recuerdo.
(5) Dejaron a la nina con sus =^ A la nina la dejaron con sus padres *
padres.
(6) Dieron el libro a Juan. => A Juan le dieron el libro.
(7) Maria vino llorando. ^ Vino Maria llorando.
(8) Los senores trabajan aqui. => Aqui trabajan los senores.
(9) ^Le parece bien a Maria? => <;,A Maria le parece bien?
(10) iLe gand a Juan ? => ,i,A Juan le gand ?
Discussion and Comparison . The immediately striking fact about inversion of

subject and direct object is that the object is explicitly marked as inverted by the occur-
rence of the appropriate clitic pronoun [(l)-(5)]. Er^lish has no convenient way of marking
such inversion, so that a sequence like:
The newspaper he read . . .
cannot be considered as an inversion at all without special intonation (see below), but
merely as an incomplete utterance:
The newspaper (that) he read (was damp).
and a complete inversion:
The newspaper read he.

is not a possible sentence in normal English. Partial inversion— that is, object before
subject, though subject and verb remain in normal order, as in the newspaper he read —
is possible in English for special emphasis, but there is always a terminal juncture (see
SOUNDS OF ENGLISH AND SPANISH, Chapter 3) to separate the object from the subject:
These subjects I I find very easy.
That coffee I I consider abominable.
The only normal inversions of English involve the adverbs here and there and the verbs
come and go:
Here comes Bill.
There goes John.
With a pronoun, complete inversion is never possible:
Here he comes. (not *Here comes he.)
There he goes. (not *There goes he.)
Example (6) in Spanish shows inversion of the adverb of interest rather than of the direct
object. Either one can be inverted, but not both:
(6a) El libro lo dieron a Juan.

(6b) A Juan le dieron el libro.
(6a) can also have the adverb of interest anticipated, in which instances the assertion is
perhaps less formal and more casual:
(6a) El libro se lo dieron a Juan.
Examples (7) and (8) show instances of inversion with intransitive verbs. (9) and (10) are
examples of verbs which require the pronominalized adverb of interest regardless of
order.
Learning Problems . For practical purposes, complete inversion of the sort
found in Spanish is outside the experience of the English-speaking student (though, with
ellipsis, he has constructions like and so did John and there ; is also the tightly restricted
inversion in Here comes Mary ). The use of the pronoun to mark the inversion is totally
outside his experience. It is therefore a pattern requiring extensive drill, since the Eng-
lish speaker will not tend to invert order at all. The purpose of order inversion in Spanish
is to achieve emphasis— the last position in the sentence is generally the most emphatic
position. The English speaker will tend merely to stress more strongly the element he
wants to emphasize, without shifting it into the position where the additional stress comes
more naturally. Thus he will say:
13
Los Martinez
1
I
11
quieren iri
instead of
2 2 2 3 1
Quieren ir I los Martinez!
13. SUBJECT OMISSION. To omit subjects which are implicit in context.

Examples :
(1) Conoces a Juan. Conoces a Juan.

Juan se fue ayer. Se fue ayer.
(2) Êstl Maria? iEsta Maria?

Si, Maria estl. Si, esta.
(3) ,;,Que desea usted, senor ? ^ iQu6 desea, senor?
Discussion and Comparison . Instances of first and second person verb forms
without subjects are not instances of subject omission, since the subject is unambiguously
marked in the verbal suffixes:
<j,Qu^ vamos a hacer?

^Qu6 quieres?
Conoces a Juan.
Neither do verbs denoting natural phenomena (Hover nevar) , fall into the class of subject
omission, since they in fact have P3 + 13 as subject in all instances (though restricted to
the verbal suffixes):
Nevd ayer.
Other verbs, however, have subjects that can be omitted if the subject is implicit in the
context. This kind of omission never occurs in English— any more than first and second
person subjects can be expressed exclusively in the verbal suffixes, or than rain or snow
can occur as verbs without subjects:
It's raining.
It snowed yesterday.
Except for the imperative, all full verb phrases in English require expressed subjects.
Learning Problems . The English speaker will tend to overuse subjects— and
in so doing, will sound emphatic and aggressive:
(1) Yo quiero una cerveza. (regardless of what anyone else wants)

(2) Quiero presentarle a Juan (but there are others who aren't
Martinez. ^ es amigo mio. friends of mine)
14. UNCERTAINTY MODIFICATION. To introduce the choice of subjunctive

after tal vez ,
quiza(s) , acaso .
Examples :
(1) Tal vez viene. => Tal vez venga.

(2) Quiza quiere trabajar con ^ Quiza quiera trabajar con nosotros.
nosotros.
(4) Acaso conoce a alquien. => Acaso conozca a alquien.
Discussion and Comparison . Except for the forms themselves (in Chapter 5)
and the formal and hortatory commands, it has been possible to postpone the subjunctive
for consideration in two-string transformations (Chapter 9), where it is most productive.
With the present one-string transformation, however, we encounter the subjunctive func-
tioning to express a degree of uncertainty. The examples on the right-hand side of the ar-
rows, above, are identical with those on the left, except that the change of mood— indica-
tive to subjunctive— has added an element of uncertainty. This added element is achieved
in the modals of English, or in external modification or through intonation:
Perhaps he' s coming. =^ Perhaps he may come.

=> It's at least possible that he's
coming . . .
2 4 4 4 2 2
=* Perhaps I he's cdmingt
Learning Problems . The significance of the contrast between the indicative

and subjunctive moods is exceedingly difficult for any English speaker to grasp, because
though it exists in English (see Chapter 9), it is not nearly as frequent and general as it
is in Spanish. The few instances where a subjunctive may be found reflect nothing of the
vitality of the Spanish contrast:
I suggest that his name be deleted.

I urge that the committee resign and that it give up all its claims to
authority.
If he were a little older, he'd understand.
Thy kingdom come Thy , will be done
Be he alive or be he dead, Til grind his bones to make my bread.
It happens that the three items tal vez quiza(s), and acaso allow both indicative and sub-
,
junctivewhen they precede the verb (only indicative if they follow), so that no actual
errors can result from either choice. What must be understood is the difference in mean-
ing that attaches to the choice.
The preceding sample of fourteen optional one-string transformations does

not go far toward exhausting the possibilities of transformations of this type, though it in-
cludes a reasonable number of the more common and productive ones. A few of the produc-
tive ones do not appear here because they have been fully described earlier (e.g., the nomi-
nalization of adjectives in Chapter 4).
Besides the optional group above, there are some two dozen obligatory one-
string transformations. These are the ones which insure number agreement throughout a
noun phrase and with the verb phrase (by obligatory spreading of the number element cho-
sen with the noun); or gender agreement throughout a noun phrase (by similar spreading);
or number-gender agreement between nouns and adjectives across a copulative verb; or
person-number agreement between subject and auxiliary; or the insertion of a before noun
objects that are proper names, or persons; or the replacement of le(s) by se before lo(s) ,
la(s) ; or the insertion of se to mark a P3 + S subject with certain classes of verbs; indeed,
the obligatory one- string transformations insure the carrying out of all obligatory restric-
tions on the co-occurrence of forms in sequence.
COMPLEX AND
COMPOUND SENTENCE
TRANSFORMATIONS
In the preceding chapter, the only transformations discussed were those which
change a single underlying sentence into a new sentence, where the latter can be viewed
as derived from the former. It is characteristic of such one- string transformations that
they modify the shape of the underlying sentence in any or all of these ways:
(1) They change the order of elements:
Juan llegd a las doce. => Llegd Juan a las doce.
(2) They introduce additional elements:
Juan trabaja en la embajada. ^ Juan si trabaja en la embajada.
(3) They delete or replace elements that are present:
Si, Juan esta aqui. =^ Si, Juan esta.

Quizas esta aqui. =^ Quizas estd aqui.
(4) They do any two, or all three, of these simultaneously:
El comprd la casa. =^ La casa la comprd el.
Juan esta aqui. ^ Ojala est^ Juan aqui.

Los ingenieros construyeron el => El edificio fue construido en 1963.
edificio en 1963.
The present chapter is devoted to transformations of an even more versatile

type: they have all the above capacities, plus one more— they start from two sentences
rather than one, so that they can combine these two in enormously varied ways. Transfor-
mations do not literally operate on sentences, of course, but on the underlying structure
of sentences. To illustrate how such two- string transformations operate, let us derive in
some degree of detail a typical Er^lish example:
243
Formula
S.D. NP, AUX+ Vtc> NPg^

^3^
1 2
NP, MJX^ VP
T 5 6
S.C. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, ^ 1, 2 + 4 + to + 6
Illustration
S.D. he, past + want, t he even t (He wanted the event.)

T 2 3
I, past + be to , ^ break + it (I was to break it.)
T 5 6
S.C. he past + want + I + to + bre ak it (He wanted me to break it.)
T 2 T to 6
Discussion . The structural description, which specifies the constituent struc-

ture of the set of sentences to which the rule applies, contains two lines of abstract sym-
bols rather than one line, as in one- string transformations (see Chapter 1). The first line,
containing in this instance slots 1,2, and 3, may be called the MATRIX STRING— the one
into which part or all of the second string is incorporated. The second line, containing in
this instance slots 4, 5, and 6, may be called the CONSTITUENT STRING, since it becomes
a constituent of the matrix string. The final sentence which results from the incorporation
of the constituent into the matrix is the RESULT derived from the transformation. The
phrase structure of the sentence which results from this particular kind of transformation
(a REPLACEMENT transformation) is identical with that of the matrix with the addition
of the internal structure of the constituent string. In this example, therefore, me to break
it in the result string has the same relation to want as the single NP the event in the ma-
trix—the entire verbal phrase has replaced a simple direct object of a particular type
("event noun phrase"). Thus:
NP Aux + Vtc NPev

He wanted the event
NP Aux + Vtc Replacement of NPev

He wanted me to break it
This provides a characterization (not entirely accurate in details, which would have com-
plicated the presentation unnecessarily) of the intuitive notion that me to break it is "used
as" the direct object. Furthermore, since I was the subject of the verb break in the constit-
COMPLEX AND COMPOUND SENTENCE TRANSFORMATIONS / 245
uent string, it is still the subject (only now in the object form me, since it follows a tran-
sitive verb) of break in the result sentence. This, then, formalizes the intuitive notion that
me is "subject of the infinitive."
Presented in the above format, two-string transformations are excessively
difficult to read, and the detail they provide is needed only in a fully explicit theoretical
grammar. For practical comparative purposes, we have adopted the format of the trans-
formations in the preceding chapter: we present examples rather than formulas, on the
assumption that the formulaic generalizations can be extracted, if need be, from the exam-
ples:
He wanted the event.

He wanted me to break it.
I was to break it.
We expected the event.

We expected them to arrive on time.
They were to arrive on time.
TWO-STRING OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

1. COMPLEMENTS. To replace simple direct objects by nominalized sen-
tences with non-finite or deleted verbs.
Type A
Examples :
Ellos eligieron a Juan. Ellos eligieron presidente a Juan.

(1)
Juan es presidente. [V,
tc
Ellos lo eligieron
(2) Ellos lo eligieron presidente.
El es presidente.
Ellos consideraban a Juan. Ellos consideraban (ser) un hombre a

(3)
Juan es un hombre. Juan. [V^^ ]
Ellos lo consideraban.
(4) Ellos lo consideraban (ser) un hombre.
El es un hombre.
Ellos consideraban a Juan. Ellos consideraban (ser) capacitado a

(5)
Juan es capacitado. Juan.
Ellos lo consideraban. Ellos lo consideraban (ser)

(6)
El es capacitado. capacitado.
Ellos lo creian.
Ellos creian bonita a Maria. V tc.
Maria es bonita.
Ellos lo creian.
(8) I
Ellos la creian bonita.
Ella es bonita.
Discussion . In all these examples, the transformation consists in replacing

the direct object of the matrix string by a complement consisting of the subject of the con-
stituent string, either the verb without auxiliaries or no verb at all, and the predicate (ad-
jective or noun phrase). In all but (7) and (8), the object of the matrix string is identical
with the subject of the constituent string: these two follow a sub-type of the general rule.
As marginally noted above, the verb of the matrix string belongs to one of three sub-
classes:
V.„
tCj
: allows complement consisting of NP, deleted ser , (a) NP
(a) NP
V. : allows complement consisting of NP, optional ser ,
ADJ
Vx : allows complement consisting of NP, deleted ser, ADJ
o
Comparison . English has a complement transformation which matches this

one closely:
They elected him.

(1) They elected him president.
. He is president.
They considered him.

(2) They considered him (to be) a man.
He is a man.
They considered him.

(3) They considered him (to be) competent.
He is competent.
They believed it.
(4) They believed him to be intelligent.

He is intelligent.
In (2) and (3), the to be is normally omitted, though not in (4). With other classes of verbs,
the to be cannot be omitted:
(5) They wanted him to be president.

(6) They asked him to be president.
(7) They expected him to be president.
These should not be confused with the verb classes illustrated in sentences (l)-(4). (l)-(4)
are matched by comparable Spanish structures, but (5)- (7) are not.
Learning Problems . The important difference between the behavior of English
and Spanish sentences with Type A complements is that the subject of (ser ) + PRED regu-
larly follows (ser ) + PRED in Spanish, but precedes (to be ) + PRED in English. That is, in
Spanish, that part of the complement which was the direct object in the matrix string (the
subject in the constituent string) appears in its final object position except when put before
the verb by the usual pronominal rule, whereas in English the ordering of elements in the
complement is the same as the ordering in the underlying constituent string. In some dia-
lects, the sequence with complement last (as below) is marginally acceptable, though never
the preferred order.
Typical Errors :
(*)Ellos eligieron a Juan presidente. Ellos eligieron presidente a Juan.

(*)Ellos consider aban a Juan Ellos consideraban capacitado a
capacitado. Juan.
(*)Ellos creian a Maria bonita. Ellos creian bonita a Maria.
Type B
Examples :
Vi a los hombres. Vi correr a los hombres. or Vi a los

(1)
Los hombres corren. hombres correr.
Los vi.
(2) =» Los vi correr.
Ellos corren.
Observe a los hu^spedes. Observe salir a los huespedes. or

(3)
Los huespedes salen. Observe a los huespedes salir.
Los observe.
(4) =^ Los observe salir.
Ellos salen.
IEscuch^ al hombre. Escuch^ al hombre leer el libro. or
El hombre lee el libro. Escuch^ leer el libro al hombre.
Lo escuch^.
(6) =» Lo escuch^ leer el libro.
El lee el libro.
Lo escuch^.
(7) =» Lo escuch^ leerlo.
El lo lee.
Vi a los soldados.
Vi a los soldados fusilar a los
(8) Los soldados fusilan a los
desertores.
desertores.
Los vi.
(9) Los vi fusilar los.
Ellos los fusilan.
a alguien.
iVi Vi fusilar a los desertores.
Alguien fusila a los desertores.
Vi a alguien.
(11) Los vi fusilar. or Vi fusilarlos.
.
Alguien los fusila.
Lo de]6.
(12) Lo dej^ correr.
Corria.
La hice.
(13) La hice traer.
. Alguien la traia.
Discussion . This transformation is limited to a small but productive class of

verbs— Vtc4— which includes principally the verbs of observation or perception (ver ,
observar escuchar oir

, and Vtcg, the verbs dejar and hacer Unlike Type A, where
, , etc.), .
normally permitted order allows the placing of the matrix object only after the verbal ele-
ments of the complement, Type B allows either order if the verbal in the complement is
intransitive and the subject of the matrix sentence is a noun (1), (3). If the verbal in the
complement is transitive, the order is fixed where there could be confusion between the
two objects (8), but not otherwise (5). In sentences (10), (11), and (13), something peculiar,
from the English speaker's point of view, has come about. The subject of fusilar in (10)
and (11) and of traer in (13), has been omitted, and yet the object remains. This construc-
tion has been called the "passive" use of the infinitive (historically, it was indeed a passive
form which later coalesced with the regular infinitive form). It can, however, be equally
well interpreted as the omission of an indefinite subject: I saw (someone) shoot the desert-
ers , I had (someone) bring it . It is particularly to be noted that a pronoun object in this
construction, whether before the main verb or after the complement infinitive, is normally
(though not necessarily) interpreted as object of the infinitive, because there are relatively
few transitive verbs in Spanish that permit object omission:
Los vi fusilar. 1 I saw (someone) shoot them.

Vi fusilarlos. j Not I saw them shoot.
This is like the rather archaic construction of English "hear tell," in
I hear tell they're foreigners. I hear it told (said) that they are
foreigners.
Comparison . The English complement constructions which may be compared

with the Type B complements in Spanish are much more general, extensive, and produc-
tive. The ones which match most closely are the complements with verbs of observation,
and have, make, and let:
(1) I watched him go.

(2) I saw the men run.
(3) I observed the guests leave.
(4) I heard him read the book.
(5) I saw the soldiers shoot the deserters.
(6) I had him study.

(7) I made him go.
(8) I let him go.
But English also has a large number of other verbs that accept complementation of the
same sort, whereas Spanish does not. The verbals of these additional complement struc-
tures are of three types: those that are nominalized by to, those that are nominalized by
for to , and those that are nominalized by ing :
to for to •mg
They asked him to go. They said for him to go They avoided going.
They wanted him to go. They indicated for him to go. They imagined going.
They expected him to go. They suggested for him to go. They anticipated going.
They requested him to go. They demanded for him to go. (They saw him going.)
(They tried to go.) They implied for him to go. (They observed him going.)
(They wanted to go.) They wished for him to go. (They heard him going.)
The last three in the -ing column, set apart by parentheses, are matched by Type C com-
plements in Spanish, and the last two in the to column by Type D. With the for to group,
American dialects differ widely in the set of verbs that are acceptable. In any case, all
the examples above which are not parenthesized are matched only by clause objects in
Spanish, not by verbal complements.

Learning Problems . The serious problem created by this transformation
stems from the membership of class Vtc4, ^^^^^^ contains only a short list of verbs of
observation and perception in Spanish, but contains these and many other verbs in Ei^-
lish, in several subclasses (want, expect ask, , tell , etc.). The verbs of Spanish that match
these English verbs all require that sentence objects take the form of que clauses, not
verbal complements. A second problem stems from the possibility of the passive interpre-
tation of the infinitive complement in Spanish, which results from the resistance of Span-
ish to object omission.
Typical Errors :
(1) *Queria (a) Juan ir. Queria que Juan fuera.

(2) *Necesitaba (a) Juan salir. Necesitaba que Juan saliera.
(3) *Espero (a) Juan venir. Espero que Juan vendra.
(4) *Digale salir. Digale que saiga.
(5) *Digales llenar el tanque. Digales que llenen el tanque.
(6) *E1 me quiere venir manana. El quiere que yo venga manana.
(7) *E1 quiere usted llamarlo. El quiere que usted lo llame.

(8) *Deseo usted ir. Deseo que usted vaya.
(9) *Oi (a) Maria leer. Oi a Maria leerlo.
Type C
Example s:
Vi a los hombres.
(1) Vi a los hombres corriendo.
. Los hombres estaban corriendo.
Los vi.
(2) Los vi corriendo.
. Ellos estaban corriendo.
Observe a los huespedes.
(3) Los huespedes estaban Observe a los huespedes saliendo.

saliendo.
'
Los observe.
(4) > Los observe saliendo.
EUos estaban saliendo.
Escuch^ al hombre.
(5) El hombre estaba leyendo el > Escuch^ al hombre leyendo el libro.
libro.
Lo escuch^.
(6) > Lo escuch^ leyendo el libro.
El estaba leyendo el libro.
Lo escuch^.
(7) > Lo escuch^ ley^ndolo.
El lo estaba leyendo.
Vi a los soldados.
Vi a los soldados fusilando a los
(8) Los soldado estaban fusilando >
desertores.
a los desertores.
Los vi.
(9) => Los vi fusillndolos.
Ellos los estaban fusilando.
Discussion . The class of verbs that allow -ndo complements is Vtc^, the
same verbs of observation and perception that allow infinitive complements (Type B above).
The distinction in meaning between Type B and Type C is thin at best:
I saw him run away.

I saw him running away.
The second of these, in both Spanish and English, is marked for imperfectivity, because
the -ndo form which is carried into the complement from the constituent string carries
with it the modification of explicit duration (the currency modification in English).
Comparison . English has a class of verbs which take -ii^ complements like
these of Spanish, but the class also includes a number of verbs which do not match Span-
ish verbs that allow -ndo complements: avoid , anticipate , and so on: in this class, some
require objects [(1), (2), (3)] and others do not [(4), (5)]:
(1) They saw him going.

(2) They observed him going.
(3) They heard him leaving.
(4) They avoided going.
(5) They anticipated going.
As with Type B, the principal difficulty stems from the

Learning Problems .
fact that membership of Vtc4 ^" Spanish is more limited than in English; but the fact that
these structures are so similar in English and Spanish most of the time makes them a
useful bridge between the complementation rules of the two languages.
Typical Errors :
(1) *Evitaron saliendo. Evitaron salir.

(2) *Consideraron aceptando. Consideraron aceptar.
:
TypeD
Examples :
Lo pidieron.
(1) ^ Pidieron salir.
Salian.
f Lo suplicaba.
(2) =^ Suplicaba entrar en la capilla.
[ Entraba en la capilla.
Lo debo.
(3) => Debo salir.
Salgo.
Lo dijo.
(4) =^ Dijo tener plata.
Tenia plata.
'
Lo quierp.
(5) ^ Quiero comer.
Como.
Lo Necesito. ]
(6) Necesito hablar contigo.
Hablo contigo. J
Discussion . Most transitive verbs accept this transformation. A necessary

condition for it is that the subject of the two strings be identical: He said it . He had money .
=^He said he had money [(4), abovej. This verb, decir is peculiar in that the only verb
. ,
phrases permitted as complements are non-event ones— that is, verb phrases that describe
states like having money, being tired, and so on. Some transitive classes do not permit
infinitive objects (Vtp V^^, V^^.).
Comparison . Given identical subjects, the constituent verb in English may be
incorporated into the matrix sentence in either of two forms: with to, or with -ir^ . The
distinction depends on the class of the matrix verb:
to -ing
He wanted to go. He avoided going.

He expected to go. He anticipated going.
He begged to go. He considered going.
He hoped to go. He imagined going.
1 .
The two classes coalesce, for the most part, in Spanish with only the infinitive permitted:
but they split apart again on an entirely different basis— the equivalents of English to/ -ing
verbal complements may either be infinitives (as in the Type D examples cited above) or
they may be relater plus infinitive (Type F)
Comencd a leer. (I began to read.)
Amenazd con hacerme trizas. (He threatened to tear me to bits.)
1. Seguir and continuar are unique (or nearly so) in requiring an -ndo com-
plement: sigue trabajando .
Termind de trabajar. (He finished working.)

Tengo que irme. (I have to leave.)
Further, at least one verb belongs to Type D in Spanish (decir ), but its English equivalent
is always a clause (Dijo tener plata He said he had money . , not He said to have money .).
There are many instances where an infinitival construction in English (He wanted them to
leave .) corresponds with a clausal one in Spanish (Queria que salieran .), but this is one of
the few which reverse this relationship.
Learning Problems . In general the correspondence of to/ -ing English con-
structions with infinitive alone in Spanish, and of to/ -ing with a variety of Spanish relaters
(a, con de que ), results
, ,
in the frequent failure of English verb classes to provide a basis
for correct assignment of Spanish verbs to comparable classes.
Typical Errors :
(1) *Empez6 leer. Empezd a leer.
(2) *Quiero a comer. Quiero comer.

(3) *No sabe a jugar. No sabe jugar.
(4) Evitaron aceptando. Evitaron aceptar.

(5) Imaginaron teniendo plata. Imaginaron tener plata.
Type E
Se lo pidieron.
(1) Le pidieron salir.
.
Sah'a.
Me lo suplicaba.
(2) Me suplicaba entrar en la capilla.
Entraba en la capilla.
Te lo mando.
(3) Te mando volar a Mexico.
Vuelas a Mexico.
Se lo sugiero.
(4) Les sugiero terminarlo pronto.
Lo terminan pronto.
Discussion . Although basically the same as Type D, Type E is limited to a

specific subclass of the verbs that permit an adverb of interest— verbs like pedir, suplicar ,
mandar sugerir and a few others— the subclass sometimes known as verbs of suasion.
, ,
They must be distinguished from another subclass of verbs that take an adverb of interest
—the verbs of commvinication, like decir , escribir , indicar — which do not enter into this
transformation (they permit clauses only; see below).
Comparison These verbs are in no way different in English from other verbs
.
that permit complement structures: that is. He persuaded me to do it is like He told me

to do it, and I ordered you to fly to Mexico is like I expected you to fly to Mexico Rather .
than dividing along the line suasion vs. communication , as Spanish does, English divides
arbitrarily between verbs that introduce the infinitival construction with for and those that
do not:
I said for you to do it. I told you to do it.
I pleaded for you to do it. vs. I persuaded you to do it.
I hoped for you to do it. I ordered you to do it.
Some verbs allow both possibilities in some (though not all) American dialects:
I wanted for you to do it. I wanted you to do it.
He asked for me to do it. He asked me to do it.
Learning Problems . Once again, the problem lies in the failure of the two
languages to correspond in the membership of classes of verbs that take one or another
kind of complement— in this instance, the existence in Spanish of a distinction between, on
the one hand, the pedir , suplicar group which take adverbs of interest as logical subjects
in infinitival complements and, on the other, the decir , escribir group which take adverbs
of interest only with simple noun or pronoun objects (Le escribi una carta Se la escribi ) ,
or with clauses (Le escribi que viniera a visitar ). English has no such distinction, but has
infinitival complements with verbs of both classes, some with for, some without.
Typical Errors :
(1) *Dijo por ^1 venir. Dijo que el viniera.

(2) *Le dijo hacerlo. Le dijo que lo hiciera.
(3) *Le esperd para el llegar. Esperd hasta que el llegara.
Type F
Examples :
Lo comenc^.
(1) Comence a leer la lectura. (V. /. )
Leia la lectura.
Se lo ensend.
(2) Le enseiie a bailar. (V. /•
i/ig )
Ella bailaba.
Lo son^.
(3) Sond con volver a mi patria. (Vw- )
Volvia a mi patria.
Lo termine.
(4) Termine de trabajar en la mina. (V. / )
Trabajaba en la mina.
Lo tiene.
(5) Tiene que ir a casa. (V. /. )
Va a casa.
Discussion . Although the inclusion of Vt/ig as illustrated in (5) is somewhat

dubious (it is possible that the construction tener que is best fitted into the phrase struc-
ture rules rather than derived transformationally), the other examples show the replace-
ment of an activity nominal (lo is the most general equivalent of such nominals as
actividad proceso ) by an adverbial phrase consisting of an appropriate preposition (deter-
,
mined by the verb and not predictable by general rule) along with the nominalized form of
1
the constituent sentence's verb phrase. Of the seven classes of V, /., classes six and seven
are excluded from this transformation because they do not allow an activity nominal as ob-
ject for replacement (insistir en salir inspirar a ser valiente can be viewed as containing
,
infinitival replacements of some simpler prepositional object: insistir en eso where eso ,
is a generalized activity nominal). Comparison, learning problems, and typical errors

have been anticipated under Type D, above, since the fact that English does not subdivide
complement structures in this way creates the difficulty.
2. NOUN CLAUSE VERB OBJECTS. To replace simple direct objects by
clauses.
Type A
Examples :
Se lo pide.
(1) Le pide que se case con 61. (V. )
Ella se casa con 61.
suplicaban. Suplicaban que no les negaras este

ILo
No les negabas este favor. favor. (V, )
Lo necesitamos. Necesitamos que nos dejen solos.

(3)
Nos dejan solos. (V
31
Lo negamos. Negamos que tu hayas hecho todo
(4)
Tii has hecho todo esto. esto. (V, )
32
No lo creo. No creo que Jacinta haya llegado
I Jacinta ya ha llegado todavia. todavia. (V. )

^^33
Discussion . All verbs of classes Vjo and V^^, require subjunctive verb forms
in object nominal clauses; verbs of class Vtog require subjunctive or the subsequence
modification (future or conditional) when affirmative; and verbs of class Vtoo require sub-
junctive or the subsequence modification when negative.
Comparison . Although it is generally said that the subjunctive mode in English
is either exceedingly rare or totally defunct, the English constructions that equate with the
Type A Vjo nominal clauses are regularly subjunctive and may be used as a basis for ini-
tiation to the more widespread use of the subjunctive in Spanish:
He asked that she marry him. (not *marries)

They begged that he not deny (not *doesn't deny)
them this favor.
The more common equivalent, of course, is a complement structure in English:
He asked her to marry him.

They begged him not to deny them this favor.
The equivalents of clauses with Vt^-. are complement structures only:
We need for them to leave us (not *We need that they leave us
alone. alone.)
The equivalents of clauses with Vjoo ^^^ Vtoo are indicatives, not subjunctives, in English:
We deny that he has done all this.
We don't think Jacinta has arrived yet.
Learning Problems . Because of the tendency of English to favor complement

structures rather than clauses, the student will not easily construct clauses with these
verbs— quite apart from the problem of selecting the appropriate subjunctive verb forms
once he has learned to construct clauses. Further, the dichotomy between negative verb
phrases (dudar no creer ), which require subjunctive or subsequence, and affirmative verb
,
phrases (no dudar creer), which require indicative (imperfective only, including subse-
,
quence), is one that finds no parallel in English with respect to the subjunctive-indicative
distinction. The clause-complement difficulty is reinforced by the fact that these verbs
permit an infinitival complement in which the implied subject is the same as that of the
matrix verb (Type D, Complement Transformations), as in Necesito venir or nego hacerlo
, .
Typical Errors :
(1) *Pide para ella casarse con el. Le pide que se case con el.
(2) *Los necesitamos (para) Necesitamos que nos dejen solos.

dejarnos solos.
(3) *Te quiero hacerme un favor. Quiero que me hagas un favor.
(4) *Nos dicen no fumar aqui. Dicen que no fumemos aqui.
Type B
Examples :
Lo dice.
(1) Dice que vienen. (V. )
Ellos vienen.
Lo creen.
(2) Creen que Jacinta ya ha llegado. (V. )
Jacinta ya ha llegado. ^^33
Lo afirman.
(3) Afirman que llegaron temprano. (V- )
Llegaron temprano. ^33
'
Lo sabe.
(4) Sabe que toca el piano. (V. )
Toca el piano. ^^34
No lo dudo.
(5) No dudo que ha estudiado mucho. (V. )
Ha estudiado mucho. ^32
Discussion . It is useful to make a distinction between two-clause construc-

tions in which the matrix verb merely asserts a fact, the fact reported in the constituent
clause ( He says that she is coming Dice que viene .), and two-clause constructions
. in
which the matrix verb places a requirement on, or makes a prediction about, the subject
of the constituent clause as to the performance of the action stated in the constituent verb
(He says for her to come Dice que venga .). In the second instance, the will of one person
.
is in some sense imposed on that of another, which results in the subjunctive clauses of
Type A. Type B, on the other hand, involves simple reporting, without imposition of will
or prediction. Minimal contrasts that reflect these differences are seen in the following
examples from Bull (1961):
Mama insiste en que Pepe tome Mother insists that Pepe take the
la medicina. medicine.
Mama insiste en que Pepe toma Mother insists that Pepe takes the
la medicina. medicine.
Grita que salte. He shouts for him to jump.
Grita que salta. He shouts that he is jumping.
Comparison . Nominal clauses of Type B are similarly formed in English.
They give little difficulty in themselves.

Learning Problems . When the student discovers that these constructions are
so similar to English ones, he is led into the attempt to extend this familiar type into all
varieties of two-clause constructions in Spanish. Hence, although Cree que viene is like
He thinks she's coming (it is a small matter, of course, to learn that que cannot be omitted
in Spanish but that can in the corresponding English construction), the negative is not like
He doesn't think she is coming (No cree que venga ), and the student's construction of * No
cree que viene is an error that is doubly reinforced by the English pattern and by the
affirmative Spanish pattern. (In point of fact, the formulations in the standard grammars,
which we follow here, are not entirely in accord with informal usage in parts of Latin
America, where all the following have been verified: Creo que venga mafiana o pasado
mafiana. No creo que viene maiiana, ni pasado manana tampoco No es seguro que
. el viene
hoy . Me alegro que has terminado tan pronto .)
Typical Errors :
(1) *Dudamos que usted puede Dudamos que usted pueda hacer eso.
hacer eso.
(2) *No creo que Maria ha llegado No creo que Maria haya llegado
todavia. todavia.
(3) *No quieren afirmar que No quieren afirmar que llegaran

llegaron temprano. temprano.
(4) *Negaron que el lo hizo. Negaron que el lo hiciera.
3. NOUN CLAUSES AS SUBJECTS OF IMPERSONAL VERB PHRASES

Type A
Examples :
Eso es precise.
(1) Es precise que estudies.
Estudias.
Eso es lastima.
(2) Es lastima que no vengas.
No vienes.
^Te parece bien eso?

(3) ^Te parece bien que vayamos?
Vamos.
Eso no es seguro.
(4) No es seguro que vengan.
Vienen.
Discussion . The impersonal verb phrases that participate in this transforma-

tion are of two types: (1) those made up of ser + PRED, where PRED includes adjectives
and nouns which contain the semantic components "necessity," "uncertainty," or "positive
or negative bias" (preciso necesario posible , , , ridiculo ,
probable , dificil , corriente ;
lastima (no es ) verdad

, , etc.); and (2) those made up of certain impersonal verbs or verbal
idioms (importar valer la pena gustar , , , etc.). The latter includes all of Vig ( parecer ,
suceder , etc.) when negative or interrogative [(3), above], and the former includes also
cierto , seguro and verdad when negative [as in
, (4), above]. The replaced subject exempli-
fied above is the generalized neuter form eso. The matrix verb phrases of Type A require
subjunctive in the constituent clause, whereas those of Type B (below) require indicative.
With some verb phrases, the distinction depends entirely on whether the phrase is negative/
interrogative vs. affirmative/declarative. It is possible to construct examples where the
choice between Type A and Type B is entirely optional, so that the subjunctive/indicative
contrast in such instances is semantically functional (it is generally not functional, being
conditioned by the matrix verb):
No es seguro que vienen. It's not (quite) certain that they're

coming.
No es seguro que vengan. It' s not (at all) certain that they' re
coming.
Comparison . An exactly comparable construction exists in English for some

of these examples— those containing the semantic component of "necessity" in the matrix
verb:
Es preciso que estudie. It is necessary that he study.

Es mejor que estudie. It is better that he study.
Es importante que estudie. It is important that he study.
But in these instances, the normal English construction is an adjective complement: It is

necessary/better/important for him to study In the other examples, the comparable Eng-
.
lish construction is an indicative clause, with no distinction whatever between negative/

affirmative, interrogative/declarative, or presence/ absence of bias:
Es cierto que vienen. It's certain that they're coming.

No es cierto que vengan. It's not certain that they're coming.
Parece que vienen. It appears that they're coming.
^Te parece que vengan? Does it look like they're coming?
Me gusta que vengan. It pleases me that they're coming.
When the adverb of interest appears with a matrix verb phrase of necessity, then the Span-
ish construction corresponds reasonably well with the English one:
Me es impossible venir. It's impossible for me to come.
Learning Problems . There are two types: those where the matrix verb phrase
specifies necessity [(1), above], where the normal English adjective complement suggests
a different construction from the Spanish subjunctive clause; and those where both Spanish
and English require clauses, but the Spanish distinction between matrix verb phrases that
require subjunctive and those that require indicative does not exist in English.
Typical Errors :
(1) *Es necesario para ella Es necesario que ella estudie.
estudiar.
(2) *Es importante para ^1 salir Es importante que saiga temprano.

2
temprano.
(3) *No es cierto que est^n No es cierto que trabajen.
trabajando.
Type B
Examples :
'
Eso es cierto.
(1) => Es cierto que vienen.
,
Vienen.
Eso es verdad.
(2) Es verdad que estudian.
. Estudian.
Eso parece asi.

(3) Parece que salen.
Salen.
Discussion . These are like Type A, except that, lacking necessity, uncertainty,
or bias, the constituent verb remains indicative under the transformation.

Comparison . Being quite like the comparable English construction, they are
introduced here only by contrast with Type A.
2. The sentence Para el es importante salir temprano is grammatical but

different in meaning from the one intended, in which him is the subject of leave ( It's
important for him to leave early ).
.
4. ADJECTIVE CLAUSES
Examples :
Ha hallado zapatos.
(la) Ha hallado zapatos que le gustan.
. Le gustan los zapatos.
^No hay zapatos?

(lb) i,No hay zapatos que le gusten?
Le pueden gustar los zapatos.
Ha coleccionado mariposas.
Ha coleccionado mariposas que
(2a) Las mariposas tienen alas
tienen alas rojas.
rojas.
Busca mariposas.
Busca mariposas que tengan alas
(2b) Las mariposas deben tener
azules.
alas azules.
Buscamos ese lugar.

(3a) Buscamos ese lugar que es tranquilo.
. Ese lugar es tranquilo.
Buscamos \in lugar.

(3b) Buscamos un lugar que sea tranquilo.
. El lugar debe ser tranquilo.
Voy a hacerlo a pesar de

Voy a hacerlo a pesar de lo que tu
(4a) eso.
dices.
, Tu lo dices.
Voy a hacerlo a pesar de

Voy a hacerlo a pesar de lo que tu
(4b) eso.
digas.
Tu lo puedes decir.
Discussion . The choice between subjunctive and indicative in the constituent
string of this transformation depends on the specific identification of the noun phrase in
the matrix strii^ to which the constituent string is to be linked in a modifying function. If
it is uniquely identifiable— the speaker has in mind a particular member of the class— then
the modifying clause takes its verb in the indicative (la), (2a), (3a). K it is not uniquely
identifiable (i.e., any member of a class with a specified characteristic)— as, typically,
with an indefinite article (3b) or a negative verb (lb)— then the modifying clause takes its
verb in the subjunctive. With (4a) and (4b), where the clause modifies an unspecified noun
(represented by lo), the decision between indicative and subjunctive rests on whether it is
a particular unspecified thing or anything whatsoever. Thus (4a) is translated, Tm going

to do it in spite of what you say (you are saying you usually say ), whereas
,
(4b) is, I'm
going to do it in spite of whatever you may say .
Comparison . English does not make this distinction in any systematic way,
though it is nearly always possible to construct a distinction by adroit use of the modal
auxiliary or adverbial modifiers: (lb) Are there no shoes that may be to your taste ? (3b)
We're looking for a place, somewhere, that is possibly quiet . But besides this difference,
the two languages differ in the relater that is used to link the modifying clause to the head
noun— English requiring either who or which (depending on whether the antecedent is hu-
man or not), with that as an alternative to either one. Spanish allows only que .
Typical Errors :
(1) *No hay cosa que sirve. No hay cosa que sirva.
(2) *Quiero conocer a una rubia que Quiero conocer a una rubia que hable
habla ingles. ingles.
(3) *Quiero conocer a una rubia Quiero conocer a una rubia que hable
qui^n habla ingles. ingl6s.
5. ADVERBIAL CLAUSES
Type A
Examples :
LMmalo antes de eso.

(1) Lllmalo antes (de) que yo empiece.
. Yo empezar^.
Llegaremos a tiempo con tal

Llegaremos a tiempo con tal (de) que
(2) de eso.
se apuren.
Se apuraran.
^Vendra sin eso?

(3) ^Vendra sin que lo llamemos?
Lo Uamaremos.
Discussion . Eso is replaced by the activity specified in the constituent string.
The verb of the constituent stringbecomes subjunctive whenever the adverbial phrase into
which it is embedded implies or specifies subsequence, as it regularly does with antes
(de), con tal ,
para sin and a menos as shown by the fact that the verbs
, , , in the constituent
strings are all future. Other adverbs may or may not imply subsequence: they are consid-
ered under Type B transformations, below.
Comparison . Except for clauses as objects of sin (without ), which does not
function as a clause relater in English (without his knowing about it ; not * without that he
know about it ), these constructions represent a nearly direct correspondence. The one re-
spect in which they are significantly different— the fact that the verb in the adverbial clause
must be subjunctive— should perhaps not be a serious problem in view of the fact that no
choice is permitted, though remembering to use the (unfamiliar) subjunctive form often
creates a problem nevertheless.
Typical Errors :
(1) *Quieren ir antes que volvemos. Quieren ir antes que volvamos.

(2) *Con tal que el sale bien, estare Con tal que el saiga bien, estare
contento. contento.
Type B
Examples
No lo vere aun asi.

(la) No lo vere aunque sale manana.
Sale manana.
No lo vere aun asi.

(lb) No lo vere aunque saiga manana.
Tal vez saldra manana.
Me llaman a ese tiempo, cuando

(2a) Me llaman tan pronto como llegan.
Llegan a ese tiempo. en cuanto
Me van a llamar a ese

cuando
(2b) tiempo. Me van a llamar tan pronto como lleguen.
en cuanto
Llegaran a ese tiempo.
Vamos alli.
(3a) Vamos adonde tu dices.
Tu dices el lugar.
Vamos alli.
(3b) Vamos adonde tu digas.
Tu diras el lugar.
Discussion . The choice of subjunctive/indicative in the adverbial clause

(which may replace a temporal, concessive, locative, or manner adverb) depends on the
verb phrase in the constituent string. With the meaning "something still to be proved"
(concessive), "something still to happen" (temporal), or "something unknown" (locative
or manner), the constituent verb must be subjunctive when embedded in place of the sim-
ple adverb in the matrix string. With the meaning "something conceded" (concessive),
"something that is known to have happened, to be happening, or to happen regularly"
(temporal), or "something known" (locative or manner), it must be indicative.
Comparison All comparable clauses are indicative in English, and it is only
.
in the modal auxiliary or the clause relater that a similar distinction can be made at all:
I won't see him even though he leaves/may leave tomorrow They call me when/whenever .
they arrive . Let' s go where/ wherever you say Hence the English-speaking student will
.
have difficulty making the semantic contrast in the mode form of the verb.
Typical Errors :
(1) *Esperaran hasta que Esperaran hasta que terminemos.

terminamos.
(2) *Se cambiaran de ropa en cuanto Se cambiaran de ropa en cuanto
llegan. lleguen.
Type C
Examples :
Vino para ese prop<5sito. para

(1) Vino trabajar aqui.
Iba a trabajar aquf.
Tom6 un taxi para ese

para
(2) propdsito. Tom 6 un taxi coger el tren.
Iba a coger el tren.
Discussion . These purpose— or goal— adverbials are straightforward replace-

ments of the noun phrase in the simple purpose adverbial of the matrix string by the verb
phrase (less the ir a) in the constituent string.
Comparison . English purpose adverbials are formed in an exactly comparable
fashion. They should create no problem, and are mentioned here only to fill out the set of
adverbial clauses, though there is sometimes a tendency to omit par a / a because of the
English speaker's feeling that to + Verb in English corresponds with the infinitive form
alone in Spanish.
There are numerous other kinds of two-string transformations. To mention a

few: (1) conjoining rules, which join two strings or sub-strings in parallel structure; (2)
nominalizing rules (other than clause nominalizations), to generate the enormous range of
noun substitutes in Spanish (el pobre , el beber ); (3) adjectivalizing rules, to introduce
adjectives or adjectival phrases from full clauses ( la muchacha que tiene pelo rojo , la
senorita que es de San Juan ) into the noun phrase itself (la muchacha de pelo rojo , la
sefiorita de San Juan ); (4) emphasis and stylistic variation rules; and so on.
Rather than attempting to enumerate fvu-ther the variety of two-string trans-
formations, we might consider in more detail just how such rules of sentence formation
account in general ways for a large number of surface differences between English and
Spanish.
We begin with the notion STRUCTURAL CORRESPONDENCE: two sentences,
one in Spanish, the other in English, correspond perfectly when there is word-by-word
translation equivalence between them. To symbolize such correspondence, we use the sign
=. Thus:
He is leaving. = El esta saliendo.
When the correspondence is perfect except for the results of obligatory rules in either
language which, for example, modify the order of elements, we use the sign =. Thus:
She killed him. = Ella lo matd.
When two sentences are perfect semantic correspondents, whether or not they are struc-
tural correspondents, we use the sign =. Thus:
Come in. s Siga (usted).
We may negate any of these signs with a slash: f, ^, ^.

Besides having correspondences between such strings of words, we may have

correspondences between rules— that is, two rules correspond if they operate on corre-
sponding elements and are semantically equivalent (the correspondence is structurally
imperfect (=) if the operations do not correspond in all details). Thus the negative trans-
formations (T ) in the two languages might be said to correspond even though their out-
neg
puts do not:
English T neg and = Spanish

^^^^^ ~^ T neg
They didn't leave. = and = EUos no salieron.
Consider, now, a pair of sentences which correspond imperfectly indeed, on

.3
the surface
They say for you not to go this ^ Dicen que no vayas esta tarde.
afternoon.
The failure of correspondence is dramatic when broken down unit by unit:
this afternoon
y J
esta tarde
Two English items (for and to) are left over without Spanish correspondents, and one Span-
ish item ( que ) has no English correspondent. The subjunctive vayas does not correspond
with the English base verb form, nor the subordinate clause with the for + complement .
If, however, we view the deeper structure of this pair, the failures of corre-
spondence are not so dramatic:
(1) They say it. (Ellos) lo dicen.
(2) You are to go this after- (Tu) vas esta tarde.

noon.
(3) English Negative Trans- Spanish Negative Transformation.
formation
(4) English Complement Spanish Noun Clause Object Trans-
Transformation formation
In this way the failure of correspondence is isolated, and shown to reside largely (except
for unilateral obligatory rules of agreement) in the choice of complement structure in the
English derivation vs. that of clause structure in the Spanish derivation, and in the differ-
ent operation of the negative transformation.
Consider another pair of sentences:
3. The kind of rule-by-rule correspondence illustrated is elaborated for

English- French and English-German in Klima (1962).
He doesn't like the idea of * Lo de ir a la tienda no le gusta.

going to the store.
The surface correspondences are remote:
After the matching, nothing is left over from the Spanish, but does idea, and -ing are , left
over in the English; more important, very few of the correspondences are of the perfect
type, and some (such as he = le) are imperfect in several respects.

How, then, do the rule correspondences appear?
(1) He likes it. * = Ello le gusta.
(It might be maintained that this is not a negative correspondence but rather simply an
imperfect one [=J where all the differences are the result of obligatory rules, such as the
fact that gustar is impersonal and requires the adverb of interest le. But even It pleases
him would be only a correspondence of the type = because of the sequence difference. In
any event, it is best to maximize the differences to avoid distortion.)
(2) English Negative Transfor- = Spanish Negative Transformation.

mation
(3) He goes to the store. = El va a la tienda.
(4) English transformational rule = Spanish transformational rule for
for constructing abstract constructing abstract nominals
nominals from sentences: from sentences: i.e., NP^j^^^^^^^
i.e., NP, + Sentence => lo + de + VP. -
abstract
(see Chapter 7)
idea I
Sentence notion +
I etc.
of + VP..
mg
Here, then, most of the failure of correspondence lies in the DIFFERENT OPERATION of
corresponding rules (2) and (4) and in an initial mismatch in the matrix sentence (1).
in theory, the aim of a contrastive structure study would be to provide just

the set of rules for each language that would make it possible to analyze any pair of cor-
responding sentences in the terms suggested above, isolating the correspondences, not
word by word, but string by string and rule by rule. To accomplish this would require
grammars of greater sophistication for each language than any we have at present.
LEXICAL
DIFFERENCES
"For the foreign speaker of a language who learns this new language as an
adult, the words as stimuli probably never function with anything like the same fullness
and freedom as they do for a native." This lack of "fullness and freedom" in the use of
the lexicon of a second language may result not only from a restricted stock of lexical
items but, perhaps more importantly, from an inadequate control of the various ways in
which the lexical items are used by native speakers. In the discussion which follows, the
term "range" is used to designate this variety of uses which compose a lexical item's
integration into the structure of a language. In a contrastive study of lexical items belong-
ing to two languages, it is necessary to determine the ranges which each item exhibits in
its respective language, since it is precisely these ranges which will be found to differ
and which will therefore form the basis of the contrasts.
SYNTACTIC RANGE
It is commonly assumed by monolinguals that the primary difference between
languages consists of the words which are used in each, and that to learn a new language
is essentially to learn a new vocabulary which consists of translation equivalents of the
lexical items of the native language. Since the monolingual is aware only of the system of
his own language, he assumes that it represents the "natural" concatenation of lexical
items, and he therefore attempts to impose it upon the items of the foreign lexicon. The
lexical items of one language are, however, not subject to the same syntactic regulation
as the lexical items of another language. Such problems of syntactic range have been the
focus of earlier chapters: they are most particularly illustrated in Chapter 7 (verb class-
es) and Chapter 9.
MORPHOLOGICAL RANGE
As a student attempts to control a foreign laiûage he must systematically
learn the morphological range of new lexical items. Otherwise, his freedom in forming
many natural constructions will be limited and, to that extent, non-native utterances will
result. It is not adequate, therefore, merely to give words such as trabajar , for example,
without also making systematic provision for the student to learn progressively such
allied forms as trabajador trabajoso trabajado (ADJ), trabajo (NOUN). No derivational
, ,
1. Fries (1940), p. 88.
265
rule can be given by which he can automatically arrive at these forms, but they are never-
theless as vital to the information and understanding of utterances involving the semantic
value of tr aba jar as are those morphological variations which are governed by more or
less regular processes, such as the conjugations, imperfective participles, and perfective
participles. (Examples have been cited in Chapter 3.)
It is also necessary to take care to prevent the formation of false analogies
from previously learned morphological derivations in Spanish: bostezar has a nominal
bostezo but for rozar the nominals are roce, rozadura and rozamiento sonar has an
, ;
adjective sonante , but callar has callado ; salt is poured from a salero but coffee , is poured
from a cafetera; escribir forms escritura , A combi-
but hablar does not form * habladura .
nation of false analogy and negative transfer may produce * agua corriendo parallel to ,
agua hirviendo or, on the model

, of lena , lenoso, a form * papeloso may be produced.
A different kind of difficulty lies in the fact that some Spanish morphological
ranges cover distinctions which in English are expressed by totally different lexical items:
Sabiamos donde estaba. We knew where he was.

Supimos donde estaba. We found out where he was.
Lo conociamos . We knew him.
Lo conocimos . We met him.
Teniamos una carta. We had a letter.
Tuvimos una carta. We got a letter.
It is obviously inaccurate to list know as the equivalent of saber ; it is equally improper to

list find out as the equivalent; and to list both know and find out obscures the semantic func-
tion of the preterit and imperfect. The traditional statement that in the preterit some verbs
"change meaning" is misleading. All verbs "change meaning" according to the tense; in
addition, some verbs change their translation equivalents vis a vis English, which is really
irrelevant as far as the functioning of Spanish is concerned. Furthermore, the traditional
statement is inaccurate, as is illustrated by the following sentences, which do not involve
the preterit of the verbs which are customarily mentioned in this regard:
ril tell you when I find out . So lo dire cuando lo sepa yo.
When I found that out , I said no. Al saber eso dije que no.
We'll meet him tomorrow. Lo conoceremos manana.
Before recognizing that it was Antes de conocer que era Juan, dije
John, I said yes. que si.
Conversely to the preceding examples, Spanish exhibits lexical variations

which are paralleled by morphological variations in English in another part of the utter-
ance:
Juan estl cansado. John is tired .
Juan es cansado. John is tiring (-some) .
Juan esta aburrido. John is bored .
Juan es aburrido. John is boring .

LEXICAL DIFFERENCES / 267
Here a morphological habit must be replaced by a lexical habit. However, the alternation
of estar and ser has the effect illustrated above only with specific items; the English
equivalents are different, for instance, when estar and ser are used with abierto:
Las puertas estan abiertas a las The doors are open at 9:00.
9;00.
Las puertas son abiertas a las The doors are opened at 9:00.
9:00.
Las puertas se abren a las 9:00. The doors open at 9:00.
The formal representation of this distinction disappears in the English equivalent when
cerrado is used:
Las puertas estan cerradas a

las 9:00.
The doors are closed at 9:00.
Las puertas son cerradas a las
9:00.
The lexical alternation between estan and son is represented in English by a lexical and
morphological alternation in:
Estaba muerto a las 9:00. He was dead at 9:00.
Fue muerto a las 9:00. He was killed at 9:00.
Obviously, then, the statement that ser plus the perfective participle yields the "true pas-
sive" whereas estar plus the perfective participle yields the "apparent passive" is inade-
quate; its validity depends upon the lexical items involved, and in any event the real issue
lies in the internal functioning of Spanish, not in the translation equivalents. Furthermore,
the student can be given no rule of grammar by which to know automatically that morir
has a perfective participle which behaves as though it belonged to a transitive verb or that
the perfective participle of the transitive verb cansar does not necessarily yield a passive
construction when used with ser, as that of escribir , for example, does. No general rule
can tell him that the perfective participle of penetrar is not used in the same way as that
of aburrir, or that the adjective penetrating must be translated as penetrante not as
penetrado . The perfective participle of die does not behave as that of morir does; the
imperfective participle of cansar is not adjectival, as that of tire is, or as is that of hervir
in agua hirviendo penetrar has a form in -nte but aburrir does not; and so on. These facts
; ,
are among the properties of lexical items which must be learned item by item and, where
possible, class by class as new vocabulary is introduced.
RANGE OF LEXICAL CO-OCCURRENCE

An important range of lexical items consists of other lexical items with which
they occur and with which they form composite lexical units. The principle may be illus-
trated with the following examples, to which the reader may easily add others:
Take:
Take one. Ll^vese uno.

He doesn't want to take a chance. No quiere aventurarse .
He took a trip to Chicago. Hizo un viaje a Chicago.

He took a train to Chicago. Tom(5 un tren a Chicago.
He took a friend to Chicago. Llevd a un amigo a Chicago.
Pass:
They passed a red light. Pasaron de largo un semaforo.

They passed him on the road. Lo rebasaron (se cruzaron con el)
en el camino.
They passed a law. Aprobaron una ley.
They passed the potatoes. Pasaron las papas.

They passed the course. Quedaron aprobados en el curso.
They passed the dividend. No pagaron el dividendo.
It is probably fruitless to attempt to determine a "meaning" for take and pass take a walk, ;
pass the course and other such idioms are profitably left unanalyzed. These composite
units exhibit denotative values in the same way as single words do.
GRAMMATICAL RANGE
Not only are lexical items distributed differently to grammatical functions in
different languages, but the grammatical functions themselves differ from language to
language. This means that the grammatical ranges of lexical items must differ also. The
following examples will illustrate the principle involved:
Juan se lastimd. John hurt himself.

Maria se lastimd. Mary hurt herself.
Se lastimaron. They hurt themselves.
A la guerra sigue la paz. Peace follows war.
Comprd el libro a Juan. He bought the book from John.
Fue a Chicago. He went to Chicago.
Comprd el libro de Juan. He bought John' s book.
Tiene una carta de Juan. He has a letter from (of) John('s).
Aprendid franc es con el He learned French from
profesor X. Professor X.
Fue al cine con Juan. He went to the movies with John.
Si, lo hizo. Yes, he did it.
Si lo hizo. He did (too) do it.
No, no lo hizo. No, he didn't (either) do it.
Viajd conmigo hasta las seis. He traveled with me vmtil six.
Viajd conmigo hasta Chicago. He traveled with me as far as Chicago.

Hasta la profesora queria hacerlo. Even the teacher wanted to do it.
Haga pintar la casa. Have the house painted.

Tiene pintada la casa. He has the house painted.

Ha pintado la casa. He has painted the house.
In examining the foregoing sentences, we see that the reflexives himself and herself show
agreement of gender and number and that themselves shows number agreement only,
whereas in Spanish no parallel agreement occurs. Consequently, it is fruitless to consider
that se "means" himself herself or themselves
, , (or yourself or yourselves ). The Spanish
direct object reflexive simply has the function of indicating identity between the subject
and object. In Spanish a may perform the function of eliminating one of two possible sub-
jects. In English, the subject is typically fixed by position relative to the verb, not by a
lexical function indicator. When the "meaning" of a or se is indicated in a list, it neces-
sarily applies only to certain contexts, which are usually not specified, and is basically
fallacious. Se, a, de, con , si, no, hasta, hacer , tener , and haber as used in the foregoing
sentences have semantic functions which are determined by the structure of Spanish, not
by their coincidental and essentially irrelevant translation equivalents.
DENOTATIVE RANGE
The area that is generally considered to be the primary area in which words
are to be contrasted is referential meaning, which involves the denotations, connotations,
and circumstantial ranges of words.
Contrary to what might be assumed from an examination of standard vocabu-
lary tests, we cannot conclude that a student "knows the meaning" of a lexical item such
as abrigo merely because he translates Me puse el abrigo as I put on my overcoat . For
the native speaker, abrigo has a different referential range from that which overcoat has
for the student. If the student is taught that abrigo "means" overcoat as though , that were
the end of the matter, he will be perplexed by such perfectly native utterances as
Esperemos al abrigo de este arbol Esperemos aqui al abrigo de la tempestad not to men-
; ,
tion morphological extensions of the word, as in No quisieron desabrigar a los huerfanos .
Only in a very limited and certainly non-native way does the student "know the meaning"
of abrigo if he has learned only that it means overcoat .
Textbooks often take into account the differing ranges of words in Spanish and
English in the more obvious instances, such as corner and esquina where the former does ,
for both inside and outside corner, whereas the latter denotes only an outside corner. Less
obvious instances are, however, most frequently left unmentioned; such words as tar j eta
or mesa are translated in lists as card and table, and the instances in which these words
are not denotatively equivalent are ignored. The result is that the "same kind of distortion
that we can observe in the sounds of the speech of a non-native speaker also occurs in the
meanings he is trying to convey. . . . Similarly, when the non-native speaker of a language
listens to the language as spoken by natives, the meanings that he grasps are not those that
the native speakers attempt to convey, but those of the system of the language of the lis-
tener."
2. Lado (1957).
A striking example of this semantic short-circuiting is to be seen in the actu-

ally observed newspaper translation of:
This politician has only recently begun to make the headlines.
as:
Este politico sdlo recientemente ha comenzado a hacer los titulares de

los periodicos.
Each of these sentences is grammatical own language, but the Spanish shows that
in its
the translator has grasped from the English the meaning of make not within the semantic
,
structuring of this word in English, but within the semantic structuring of its "equivalent"
in Spanish. As a result, the meaning of the sentence is distorted. A more accurate trans-
lation would have been:
Este politico sdlo recientemente ha comenzado a figurar en los titulares

de los periodicos.
With a similar sentence we can illustrate an important point about lexicon and
structure: meanings of lexical items are highly dependent upon the structure in which they
occur, and this structure is often not apparent in writing:
The Joneses made Mary' s party last Sunday.
This group of words is susceptible of various meanings in speech, where we are forced
to use an intonation pattern and, consequently, to indicate something about the constituent
structure. Sometimes, as in the third interpretation of this sentence given below, the utter-
ance may remain ambiguous even when we know the intonation pattern. In such an instance,
the larger context, consisting of the situation in which the utterance is made or of utter-
ances which precede or follow, may clarify the meaning:
2 3 1
(1 The Jdneses mide Mary' s party 13.st Sunday*
2 4 1
(2) The Jdneses mSde Mary's party lAst Sunday*
2 3 1
(3) The Jdneses m^de Mary's party last Sunday*
These sentences may be translated as follows:
(la) Los Jones pudieron asistir a la fiesta de Maria el domingo pasado.

(2a) Los Jones hicieron un exito de la fiesta de Maria el domingo pasado.
(3a) Los Jones hicieron durar la fiesta de Maria el domingo pasado.
or
El domingo pasado si que los Jones pudieron asistir a la fiesta de Maria.
By structure we do not necessarily mean suprasegmental structure, which is

critical in the example given above. Get for instance, varies in translation equivalents
,
according to the classes of lexical items with which it occurs in these sentences:
(1) He got there.

(2) He got the book.

(3) He got sick.
These are translatable as:
(la) Llegd alia.
(2a) Consiguid el libro.

(3a) Se enfermd.
Just as the monolingual assumes that the syntax of his language represents
the "natural" concatenation of its elements, in the same way he assumes that its vocabu-
lary represents the "natural" labels for the elements of his experience. Therefore, as he
begins to learn a new language, he expects to find in it lexical items which correspond
exactly to those of his native larûage. However, the content of experience differs from
culture to culture (cultures, in fact, are demarcated by differences in the content of expe-
rience), and the structuring of that content differs from language to language. There is,
therefore, no reason to expect that a given lexical item in the native language will have an
exact equivalent in the target language.
As an example of a difference in the content of experience, we may consider
the English word minister By and . large, the content expressed by this lexical item does
not exist in the culture of the Spanish- speaking world. In standard Spanish, ministro desig-
nates a cabinet official, whereas a Protestant minister is more likely to be referred to as
a misionero , since his work in most Spanish-speaking communities will have more of the
characteristics of missionary work than that of the established local ministry. Neither
word, then— misionero nor ministro — expresses the content of minister In Spanish-speak- .
ing areas within the United States where ministro has come to designate an ecclesiastical
minister it also retains its meaning of cabinet official.
Even where very similar contents appear to exist in two language areas, one-
for-one correspondence of lexical item to content is not to be expected. This lack of cor-
respondence is the rule, not the exception. The meaning which is attached to words is a
product of custom, and this custom is often highly localized, so that from community to
community the referents of a given word often vary notably (not to mention idiolectal vari-
ations). Restricting ourselves to standard literary English and Spanish, and observing only
enough examples to illustrate the principle, we consider below some typical incongruities
of meaning:
English work:
(1) He went out to look for work.

(2) This is Falla's last work.
(3) They are out of work.

(4) She gave the students some work.
The probable translation equivalent of the first two sentences is reasonably

certain; to be sure of the meaning of the second two sentences, we would have to know the
circumstances in which they were uttered. The first of these could mean that they have no
job, or it could mean that although they are being paid they have run out of tasks. The last
sentence could mean that she gave them homework, or that she gave them an opportunity
to earn some money. The Spanish translations which are most likely for the first two sen-
tences, then, are:
(1) Salid a buscar trabajo.
(2) Esta es la ultima obra de Falla.
whereas for the last two sentences, the probabilities are in favor of:
(3a) Estdn desempleados.

or:
(3b) No tienen que hacer.
and:
(4a) Ella puso deberes a los estudiantes.
or:
(4b) Ella did empleo a los estudiantes.
In the plural, work takes on a new set of translation probabilities:
(5) They went up to see the works.

(6) He wanted to see the works.
(7) Water got into the works of his watch.
(8) He went to the Bureau of Public Works.
The denotative value of work and works , it is apparent, varies within a set
range according to the context (but we must not confuse this variation according to context
with that produced by lexical co-occurrence in the formation of "idioms")- Further, the
context which establishes the probable meaning of a lexical item is not always fixed by the
other items in the utterance; the situational context may indicate to the speaker that a word
with a wide range of possible denotations in a given linguistic context will, with a high de-
gree of probability, be understood to have the specific denotation desired (i.e., that the
hearer will respond to the same situational clues). In the last four sentences given above,
we see that works in (5) is only partly restricted in meaning by the linguistic context. Con-
sidering only the problems of meaning which affect the translation into Spanish we see that
some of the possible equivalents are:
(5a) Subieron a ver la fabrica (usina, mecanismo, movimiento, obras).
and that movimiento is probably excludable, since a situational context in which one would
go up to see a movement of a watch is unlikely (though possible). In (6), we find no such
restriction; movimiento is a quite likely equivalent. In (7), we find that only mecanismo
and movimiento are possible, and that movimiento is the more specific of the two for the
linguistic context here provided. In (8), the linguistic context restricts the list of probable
equivalents to obras .
We have purposely left unmentioned such utterances as:
Shoot the works!

Give him the works!
equivalents of which, such as j Jueâ el todo por el todo ! and j Llenale la canasta ! are
appropriate only in the proper situational context. In instances such as these, one must
consult also the facts of the culture in order to select the proper expression.
Turning now to another aspect of lexical contrasts, we may consider the fol-
lowing pair of utterances:
Quiere abrigarse el sol (especially in Eucador).

He wants to warm up in the sun.
Quiere abrigarse del sol.
He wants to protect himself from the sun.
In order to understand the denotative range of abrigarse , it is necessary to work within

the meanings of these Spanish utterances rather than within the denotative range of either
warm up or protect But the student'
. s natural tendency is precisely to work within the
semantic structure of his native language, and if abrigar is presented to him as meaning
both to protect and to warm , his tendency will be to remember one of these equivalents
and to forget the other; his own semantic structuring tends to reject both meanings in a
single lexical item. In current practice, he will likely learn only one of the meanings in
the first place, and this will be to protect .
Another aspect of intra -language structuring is seen in "opposites." The oppo-

site of thin, for example, may be thick heavy chubby
, , , and so on, depending on the circum-
stances. With reference to the gauge of the substance of an artifact, for instance, we may
say:
This metal is thinner (lighter).
the opposite of which is:
This metal is thicker (heavier).
The Spanish equivalent of thin here may be delgado The opposite of delgado most likely
.
to be learned by students is gordo others being grueso , , espeso and so on. The proper'
,
selection of a Spanish translation for thicker in the second sentence above is conditioned
by metal ; if we substitute for this latter word chocolate , the translation of thicker may be
espeso or grueso , of which the latter refers to solid and liquid chocolate whereas the for-
mer refers to liquid only. In at least one dialect area of Spanish (Quito, Ecuador), the sec-
ond English sentence given above may be translated as Este metal es mas doble grueso
,
tending to refer to the circumference of such an object as a stick of wood or to the oppo-
site of fino. If we replace metal by boy in that English sentence, we must select heavier ,
fatter, stouter , or the like to the exclusion of thicker (unless we are speaking in a very
specialized sense), and the Spanish opposites of delgado become gordo rechoncho and so , ,
on (note that Ese muchacho es mas pesado would be susceptible of an undesired meaning
here: That boy more of a nuisance ).
is
These phenomena stem from the fact that one member of any given pair may
occur in a given context whereas the other possibly may not. Bright and dull may occur
as "opposites" in the following contexts, for example:
274 GRAMMATICAL STRLX:TURES OF ENGLISH AND SPANISH
Tke boy is (biiglit, doll),
ft's a (bri^t, doll) color.
But dull in Tlus knife is doll hats tvo '"ofîosites": This iaufe ishrjtft aad TMskatfe is
sharp, and tlie meaning of doll varies accordingly as it is the ofiposite of briei«<t wl of
sharp : its translatiOD into Spanish is deslnstradp (deslucido) and embotado (desfUado \z
these two sitoations. Tbns, the translatiOD of these entire sentences :s:
El mnchacho es tIto (Usto, inteligente, alegre. etc.)
Es m color Tivo (sobtdo, claro, transparente, etc)
I
embotado (desfilado, etc.).
Este cochiUoesti
I brillante (relncieate. etc.).
Tliat is« eadi menabo* of sodi pairs as ve are discnssiDg maj have its ovn set of ^^li-
cable contents, and these may t>e different in each of the two langoages being contrasted.
Tlie student must be tanglit. therefoi^ to use the lexical items of the target language
vidiin tiieir ova semantic stnoctnring and not to impose vixm them the semantic structur-
ing of itttns of his natire language.
Freqaently it nill be fbood dkat nhere a lexical item of Baglish orerlaps with
a lexical item of Sjpanish, one or the other of these items ext«?firts its range to tiiat of an-
other or other itons in the other !s=g jag e. Gtae example is comer, nhidi orerlaps vidi
-
esquina but also extends .:5 r.i .^rer rinc^n. Conrersely, pagnete overlaps vith
packet (package, bat also : -r : :
-.
:<f cigarettes, matches, etc). Tims, if one asks
for a paqnete of cigsarettes .reas, receive ten pnck(et)s, i^cicas if he
asks for a paqnete of gum. ...^ .. e sticks, not a carton. A fev further exam-
ples of incoB^dete overla|x _ -
z:esa
articulo de on programa politico

LEXICAL DIFFERENCES 275
pipa
tubo
*. ferrocarril subterraneo
camara
camera
chamber
recamara
Such incomplete overlapping results in a maze of difficulties for the student,
and a dictionary is frequently of no help to him. Often a more detailed explanation is re-
quired.
"Deceptive cognates" also present a severe problem for the student, but even
more baffling to him are the partly deceptive cognates. With these, the meaning which the
student would surmise them to have exists well enough, but it is frequently rare, whereas
a meaning which he would not suspect is frequently common. The following Spanish words
are listed with their rare, but expected, English equivalents:
ponderar ponder
fresco fresh
apreciar appreciate
intervenir intervene
realizar realize
denunciar denounce
conjurar conjure
efectuar effect
These same words appear in the following sentences with meanings which the
student may well not expect:
No necesito ponderar ante ustedes I needn't dwell upon for you the worth
la valia de este caballero. of this gentleman.
Se levantaba una brisa fresca. A cool breeze was beginning to blow.
Apreciaron el valor de las cinco They appraised the five pieces at a

piezas en mil sucres. thousand sucres.
listed podra intervenir en el gran You will be able to take part in the big
sorteo de la Farmacia Coldn. lottery of the Colon Pharmacy.
Necesitamos de la cooperaci6n todos We need everyone' s cooperation to
para realizar esta magna obra. to carry out this great task.
Se ha denunciado hoy en el Senado la The approval of three bills was an-
aprobacion de tres proyectos de nounced in the Senate today.
ley.
Los bomberos lograron conjurar el The firemen succeeded in bringing the

incendio solo despues de con- fire under control only after two
flagrados de edificios vecinos. neighboring buildings had been set
afire.
Tom(5 la palabra el fiscal para The treasurer took the floor to justify
justificar los gastos efectuados. the expenses incurred.
But it is not only denotative incongruity of lexical items in the two languages
which produces difficulties for the student. There are other, often more subtle, differences
in the employment of words than those which we have indicated in the foregoing considera-
tions. The modes of expression differ in the one and the other language as a function of the
total differences of linguistic structure combined with differences in culture, and are usu-
ally subsumed under the rather vague rubric of the "genius" of the language. Such differ-
ences are in large part parallel to those which exist between fashions of dress, of food, of
architecture, of social behavior, of literature, of politics, and so on, and are to be learned,
ultimately, through intimate contact. They undoubtedly go beyond the most generous bound-
aries of textbooks. Frequently a good student will formulate sentences in Spanish which
are grammatically impeccable but which nevertheless lack "native quality" precisely be-
cause the mold of the thought is typically English. Below are a number of sentences in
Spanish with their translations. Note the quite different styles and the oddness which would
result if the Spanish style were carried over into English or vice versa:
En la tarde de ayer, chocd un carro Yesterday afternoon a driverless car

sin chofer en forma violenta smashed into the wall of a house
contra la pared de la casa at 568 Salazar Street.
niimero 568 de la calle Salazar.
Un violento choque de un automdvil An automobile collided violently with
contra un poste se produjo en a telephone pole yesterday morn-
la manana de ayer. ing.
El peso del granizo hizo ceder The weight of the hail caused many
muchos tumbados, causando roofs to cave in, causing consid-
danos de consideraci6n erable damage.
Sus heridas no son de gravedad. His injuries are not serious.
Se salvd oportunamente al refugiarse He saved himself in the nick of time
detras de una columna. by ducking behind a post.
Estuvieron trabajando toda la They spent the whole morning work-
maiiana con abnegada y ing without thought for themselves.
sacrificada labor.
El cuerpo de bomberos tuvo en la The Fire Department performed out-
tarde de ayer una destacada standingly on a call yesterday
actuacidn cuando concurrid a afternoon, saving much property
salvar muchas propiedades y and the lives of many citizens.
vidas de ciudadanos.
Los policias tuvieron que realizar The police had to fire several shots
varios disparos para detener a in order to stop the escapees.
los prdfugos.
El chofer borracho por fin dio con su The drunk driver finally wound up in
humanidad en los calabozos de la jail.
jefatura de transito.
To speak or write like a native, one must be able to exploit the stylistic
resources of Spanish. When thoughts are cast in English molds and then uttered in Span-
ish, even though with faultless grammar, those resources of Spanish are not exploited,
and the result tends to be insipid. Only painstaking observation and imitation of Spanish
3
models can overcome this fault.
CONNOTATIVE RANGE
The connotative values of lexical items are another source of distortion, and
they are likely to be elusive. They are often quite different for different speakers of the
same language, and they frequently vary according to context. Nevertheless, it is possible
to determine connotations of lexical items about which a large degree of agreement can
be found among native speakers, and these connotations must form a part of the informa-
tion which is given to the student.
The connotative values of lexical items such as siesta reja criada empleo-
, , ,
mania and afternoon nap window bars servant patronage seeking correspond uniquely
, , ,
to the respective cultures in which the languages function. The intimate bond between lan-
guage and culture which is illustrated by these few words makes culture an integral part
of what must be taught in language classes.
Graveyard and cementerio for example, may some contexts be equivalents,
, in
but the different connotative ranges are immediately apparent if Forest Lawn es un
famoso cementerio is translated as Forest Lawn is a famous graveyard The range of .
connotations carried by amiga is much wider than that of friend and only in restricted ,
contexts does it come close to being the equivalent of girl friend The specialized conno- .
tations of tu in various contexts differ from region to region in the Hispanic world, and
these connotations must be obtained in English by a variety of means. Usted and vos have
specific values in relation to the regional customs regarding tu. The single pronoun you
used to translate these Spanish forms obscures their value. The deliberate concealment
of the "familiar" pronouns and verb forms in many textbooks amounts to a wholly undesir-
able distortion of the student' s reaction to usted. The connotative range of usted is simply
not that of you , and this fact cannot be ignored. Senora esposa and mujer , may in appropri-
ate contexts all denote wife , but the social implications may differ considerably. The
exclamations Jesus ! and j Jesus ! produce dramatically different connotative effects in
their respective languages. Given the literal denotation of entranas expressions such as
,
un amigo entranable hijo de mis entranias and the like carry connotations which are not
, ,
present in English equivalents.

We have mentioned above that connotative values often vary considerably from
speaker to speaker. This is because each individual's experiences and, consequently, the
associations which he makes between words and ideas are necessarily different. Viewed
in the broad sense, however, the connotations of a lexical item depend on the culture in
3. For an example of a rather thorough contrastive analysis of style, see

Jean-Paul Vinay and J. Darbelenet, Stylistique Comparê du Frangais et de 1' Anglais;
M^thode de Traduction Paris: Didier; Montreal: Beauchemin, 1958. This is the first vol-
,
ume of a projected Biblioth6que de Stylistique Comparee .

278 / GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURES OF ENGLISH AM) SPANISH
which they axe applied. Listed below are a number of items in Spanish with frequently used
"equivalents" in English. Note the striking difference of emotive effect which they produce
in their respective languages:
iglesia church
policia de transito traffic cop
estudiante universitario university student
funcionario publico public servant
finca farm
alumna universitaria coed
almac^n department store
perro dog
balcdn balcony
fuente de soda soda fountain
These lexical items have unique effects in their own cultures. In what Hispanic culture
does iglesia evoke the white frame, single-steepled church of New England or the modern-
istic houses of worship of Hollywood? The resident of La Paz connot possibly experience
the same psychological reaction to policia de trdnsito as the user of the Los Angeles free-
ways does to traffic cop Nor can one who has taught
. in universities of Latin America and
the United States feel that estudiante universitario really translates university student .
Neither can one who visits on business a city hall and a casa municipal feel that functiona-
rios publicos and public servants have much in common outside the coveis of a dictionary.
is a finca a farm, and an alumna universitaria a coed. The connotations of
Only technically
almacgn and department store may be somewhat closer for a resident of Buenos Ail'es and
a resident of Los Angeles, but certainly the former calls to the mind of no Guayaquileiio
the escalators, elevators, glass showcases, and carpeted floors which attend a San Fran-
ciscan's reaction to the latter. And the child of Quito, where perros are almost exclusively
ferocious nuisances that bark behind grilled gates, cannot possibly understand the emo-
tional overtones of Fido, Rex, Spot , Duke or
, just plain dog . Balcony to most high- school
students in the United States is either the place to sit in the movies or a stage prop in a
school play, with none of the same evocative value which balcdn has for the youth of colo-
nial Hispanic cities. The fuentes de soda which spring up rather forlornly (in American
eyes) in the cities of Latin America can never be true soda fountains, no matter how much
chrome and marble they may be adorned with.
The reader can continue the list as far as the resources of each language and
culture permit. But, it must be remembered, it is not linguistic differences that give
Christmas and Navidad presidential elections and comicios presidenciales, market and
,
mercado and, the like such different connotative values; it is the different cultures to
which these lexical items belong. Consequently, it is easy to understand the somewhat
bored mystification with which so many students contemplate the literature of Spanish into
which they are often prematurely plunged. There they fight, not only the linguistic differ-
ences, which they might be expected to overcome, but also the tremendous cultural differ-
ences which are implied in almost every word they read. Nonetheless, literatvu-e is a
I
prime vehicle of cultural information; it can contribute importantly to the student's acqui-
sition of a native "feel" for words in the target language precisely by exposing something
of the connotative range of words in the context of the culture.
CIRCUMSTANTIAL RANGE
Expressions appropriate to a given circumstance often differ in content in
Spanish and Er^lish. For example, an arrow indicating the flow of traffic may carry in
English the words one way but in Spanish the expression

, may be merely circulaci6n (al-
though una via possibly a caique from English,
,
is making headway). A green traffic light
may be accompanied in English by the word go, while in Spanish it is accompanied by siga.
The English traffic direction yield (right of way) is given in Spanish as preferencia or
preferencial with an arrow indicating the direction of traffic with the right of way.
, When
handing a person a book, one may say in English, Here's the book in Spanish the expres- ;
sion would likely be, Aqui tienes el libro . Of a lead that is the wrong size for a pencil one
might say in English, This lead won't work, and in Spanish, Esta mina no sirve English .
Yoiu" books are lying on the table becomes in Spanish Tus libros estan en la mesa . Don't
pull my leg becomes No me tomes el pelo in appropriate circumstances.
The student who has learned through oversimplification that I'm sorry is ex-
pressed in Spanish as Lo siento , will, unless he is further instructed, use this phrase in
situations where native speakers would not. For example, if one steps on another' s toes
in a crowded bus, he might apologize by saying I'm sorry In Spanish, perddn . is the expres-
sion which would be used. If after one has stepped on another's toes, the victim complains,
j
Me pis6 Ud. el pie ! the expression lo siento becomes appropriate. In English, when leav-
ing a conversation momentarily, one uses Pardon me or Excuse me and
, , in Spanish Con
permiso But . this Spanish expression is nevertheless not the equivalent of the English
expressions. For example, consider the impression created if a lady getting into a bus
were suddenly to fall into the lap of a gentleman passenger as the bus started up and ex-
cuse herself with the expression j
Con permiso !
There are some uses of linguistic patterns observable in the speech of non-
native speakers of Spanish which cannot be called ungrammatical but, rather, inappropri-
ate to the circumstances in which they are used. For example, the expressions No, thank
you; it's fine here and No, gracias, estd bien aqui are both perfectly grammatical. But,
owing to differences in the structure of the two languages, it functions here as impersonal
whereas the subject of esta is personal. Consequently, the Spanish expression would be
inappropriate in such a circumstance as when one is offered a more comfortable chair.
The English in this instance could remain the same, but the Spanish obligatorily must be
personal: No, gracias; estoy bien aqui . On the other hand, both these expressions (it* s fine
and estl bien ) are appropriate when, for example, one has a heavy package on his lap and
someone offers to put it away. Here, however, neither it nor the subject of est! is imper-
sonal. Similarly, I like it here and Me gusta aqui are both grammatical, but an American
is likely to use the latter in circumstances where it is inappropriate. The Spanish expres-
sion translates the English only if it is the referent of a specific identifiable antecedent.
Thus, if two persons are moving furniture and one says of the piano, I like it here . Me
gusta aqui is an appropriate translation. But if two persons are discussing, let us say, a
city and one says I like it here , Me gusta aqui is not an appropriate translation.
In English, we say, I'll go to your house tonight and I'll come to your house
tonight in the same outward circumstances, although it is true that the orientation of the
speaker may differ as he chooses one or the other of these expressions. In Spanish, Irg
a tu casa esta noche is more likely to be used unless the speaker is at the moment in the
house referred to and planning to return that night. Similarly, in a telephone conversation
one might say to his wife, I'm coming home immediately . In Spanish, * Vengo en seguida
a casa would seem quite strange; Voy en seguida a casa would be the appropriate expres-
sion. On the other hand, both r m going home soon and Voy pronto a casa are appropriate
if the one who is speaking is not at his home.
The preceding example would seem to indicate that Spanish is more precise
in differentiating the notions of going (to a place) and coming (from a place), but, as a
counterexample, we may cite Siga ! This is used to mean either Come ahead or Go ahead ,
two expressions which apply to distinctly different situations in English. The English term
Continue which, logically, could be used to cover both notions
, is not used, for example,
when asking someone to come into a room, whereas Siga is quite appropriate in this cir-
cumstance.
Some of these differences apply universally in the Spanish- speaking world.
Go (and) find it , for example, is universally Ve a buscarlo (i.e., hunt for is substituted).
But Tengo que dar un examen in some regions means I have to take an exam ; in other
places, it means I have to give an exam In any event, grammaticality

. is not the only issue
in the correct use of language; the accurate selection of grammatical utterances appropri-
ate to given circumstances is also important.
In the preceding discussion we have attempted to delineate the types of prob-

lems that arise in the acquisition of mastery over the lexicon of Spanish by students whose
native language is English. Itjias not been possible, of course, to give more than a few
examples of each type of problem which we have discussed. If the teacher and the student
are aware of the general nature of lexical differences, the specific pitfalls can be more
easily avoided.
To give the student control of a lexical item, it is necessary to put him in
command of the various ranges which it possesses, for it is in these ranges that the differ-
ences of behavior between an English word and a Spanish word are to be apprehended. The
eventual full and systematic delineation of these ranges is made necessary by three tend-
encies shown by the student as he studies a new linguistic system: 1) the projection of the
patterns of his native language upon the units of the target language, 2) the failure to
assimilate patterns not parallel to those of his own system, and 3) the formation of incor-
rect analogies based upon observed patterns in the target language.
It is not practicable, of course, to present at one time all the ranges of each
new lexical item. However, provision must be made to cover in a systematic progression
the largest practicable number of these most important features and at least to warn the
student of others which may not have been covered, including those ranges possessed by
i
the Spanish item but not by the English equivalents. Above all, when a new Spanish item
is introduced, the student must be told which ranges of the English equivalent(s) offered
are not covered by it. These equivalents are chosen only because some part of their
ranges in some way or other overlaps with some part of some range of the Spanish items,
but they are rarely if ever wholly congruent.
HIERARCHY OF
DIFFICULTY
The construction of a hierarchy of difficulty depends on the assumption that

some correspondences are more difficult to master than others (including, as correspond-
ences, those instances where a rule in one language finds no corresponding rule in the
other, or where a category in one is unmatched by a category in the other). The hierarchy
is a set of predictions which must be tested against observation of the problems students
do in fact have. Such observations are more difficult to make than one would suppose: we
were once told by a distinguished professor of Spanish, whose native language is English,
that we made too much of the problem of gender agreement— it took no more than fifteen
minutes to explain, and then one could forget about it. Within fifteen minutes after that, he
made no less than half-a-dozen errors in gender agreement himself. So it is important to
distinguish between what may be difficult to explain (preterit/imperfect, indicative/subjunc-
tive) and what is difficult for the student to internalize— the two may, or may not, be the
same.
On what logic can a hierarchy be constructed? It is reasonable to assume,
first, that one-to-one correspondences will be easiest to learn. But one-to-one correspond-
ences between what? One CONSTANT in grammatical comparison is presumably the mean-
ing of a pair of sentences: one sentence being in the mind of the student already, the other
being the Spanish sentence he seeks to construct. There are many Spanish sentences that
will have the same meaning, however: how can the possibilities be reduced to a small set
(preferably a set with only one member) ? This is very like asking, what is the closest
Spanish equivalent for an English sentence? The answer is not always decidable; but where
it is, some constants other than meaning must be assumed. One is PROPRIETY: we assume
the student seeks an equivalent that is as formal, or as informal, as the English one he has
in mind. Another is SITUATIONAL CONTEXT: we assume the student seeks an equivalent
which is appropriate within a particular situation. Still another is CULTURAL VIABILITY:
we assume that the student seeks to convey his meaning in terms comprehensible within
the background and experience of his audience.
Given these constants, then, what is the nature of the VARIABLES that the stu-
dent can manipulate to get the closest equivalent? We shall call the variables CHOICES:
choices that are characterized in a set of generative rules. One-to-one correspondences,
then, may be said to exist when it is approximately true that the choices made in two deri-
vations are MATCHING choices, down to whatever level this is possible. For example, in
Chapter 2 we have seen sentences with a sir^le finite verb which match choices down to a
282
i
HIERARCHY OF DIFFICULTY / 283
certain level— roughly, with a few exceptions pointed out there, down to the level of lexical
choices. At this level the matching is in terms of dictionary equivalence, reference, pro-
priety, situation, and culture— all summed up under the rubric USAGE. In the followir^
hierarchy, we assume identical usage: two sentences are said not to correspond one-for-
one in grammatical structure only if the failure is at a point in the derivation higher than
the choices determined by usage.
We seek, then, to determine what kinds of failures to match may exist in the
possible set of choices, and to arrange these in a hierarchy from more to less difficult.
The possible choices are, as suggested in dealing with phonology (THE SOUNDS OF ENG-
LISH AND SPANISH, Chapter 1), of three gross types: i3, no choice (i.e., the possibility of
a choice does not exist in one language or the other); Op , optional choice (i.e., the rule or
category exists in the language, but it need not be chosen in order to generate a grammat-
ical sentence); and Ob, obligatory choice (i.e., the rule or category exists and must be cho-
sen under particular conditions to generate a grammatical sentence).
English Spanish
1 13 Ob
2 Op
3 Op Ob
4 Ob Op
n 5 Ob 13
6 Op 13
7 Op Op
ni
8 Ob Ob
In the instances where a zero appears on either side, we speak of a NEGATIVE
MATCH. In the instances where there is a POSITIVE MATCH, it may be of two types: (1)
there may be a STRUCTURAL correspondence which is quite close (i.e., same word order,
same categories represented), symbolized =, or = if not so close; (2) there may be a
FUNCTIONAL/SEMANTIC correspondence which is close (e.g., though different in word
order, the sentences match one-for-one in having corresponding items as subject-verb-
object), symbolized =. Either type of correspondence may fail (?^ and ^), independently. The
number of categories in terms of which a particular correspondence must be examined
should be the following sixteen:
1. of correspondences from top to bottom does not follow the

The ordering
ordering phonological correspondences. There is no a priori reason to expect it
of the
should, since two new variables have been introduced. In both hierarchies, it is clear that
the negative matches where appears in the English column belong at the top. In phonol-
ogy, where the question of functional/ semantic correspondence is irrelevant, it is clear
that mismatches in correspondence types outrank those where the types are the same (thus
Op 4 Ob outranks Op i^ Op). But in grammar, functional/semantic equivalence between
choices of the same type which are structurally mismatched seem to rank higher than
equivalence between choices of different types— hence (3) and (4) precede (5) and (6). Inspec-
tion of the examples suggests that possibly (4) should precede (3) and that (2) should pre-
cede (1). More important than the ranking within groups is the ranking of the groups them-
selves, shown by Roman numerals: these correspond very well with intuition and experi-
ence about what problems are most difficult.
English Structural Func./Seman. Spanish

Type of Choice Correspondence Correspondence Type of Choice
1 Q Ob
I
2 Op
3 Op Op
4 Ob = Ob
II
5 Op * Ob
6 Ob 9t
Op
7 Ob * Q
ni
8 Op Q
9 Op Op
10 Ob = Ob
IV
11 Op Ob
12 Ob Op
13 Op Ob
14 Ob Op
V
15 Op = s Op
16 Ob Ob
In practice, however, categories 10, 11, and 12 turn out to have very few examples, be-
cause where meanings do not correspond between structural equivalences, some other way
of saying the same thing can almost always be found. Many of the lexical problems belong
in Group IV, such as false cognates (Op = ^ Op), but they are not included in the following
summary.
In our hierarchization of phonology, it was necessary to compare only cate-
gories of choice, without respect to functional/ semantic correspondence, since all pho-
nemes serve the same single function: differentiation of strings from one another. But
grammatical choices have both structure and function: hence the multiplication of corre-
spondence types.
The correspondences above are ordered from most to least difficult: at least
so we believe, on theoretical grounds. There are, however, other dimensions which cut
across these. They are of four types: (1) a matching of the absence of something in one
language against the presence of it in the other (i.e., the learner is faced with a NEW cat-
egory); (2) a matching of a single category in one language against two or more correspond-
ing categories in the other language (i.e., the learner is forced to SPLIT a known category
into two or more); (3) the inverse of (1), that is, an ABSENT category; and (4) the inverse
of (2), that is, a COALESCED category. These additional dimensions permit a differentia-
tion of difficulty within the various types.
In the above chart, the horizontal separations suggest the major classes of
correspondence, giving five orders of magnitude of difficulty:
I. Negative correspondence in native language

II. Functional/semantic correspondence, structural non-correspondence

III. Negative correspondence in target language
IV. Structural correspondence but functional/ semantic non-correspondence
V. Structural and functional/semantic correspondence
V is virtually no problem, and is only touched illustratively below. I and n are the areas
where the problems are most persistent and most in the awareness of both teachers and
students, in and IV are in general serious only in the earlier stages of learning, though
some of these problems, because they are not so much in awareness, tend to persist also.
In abbreviated form, the following lists exemplify the above categories and, to
a smaller extent, summarize the contrastive problems which the rest of this study has
analyzed in some detail. The summary is by no means complete: in such areas, for exam-
ple, as the structure and usage of auxiliaries, our detailed description of Chapter 6 could
not reasonably be encapsulated in a list of correspondences.
I. NEGATIVE CORRESPONDENCE IN NATIVE LANGUAGE

1. English Q ?t Spanish Ob
These are of two types: split and new. In the split choices, English has a rule
or category which corresponds with a pair of Spanish ones that are obligatorily distin-
guished. One of this pair may be said to correspond with nothing in English (hence Q), or
it may be said that the choice between them does not exist in English (hence Q).
subjunctive 1
}
, in all instances where the
I
indicative |
mood of the verb is obligatory (wherever it is optional, the correspondence is English Q

^ Spanish Op) (Chapter 9).
perfective
(2) English past, Spanish in all instances where the
past imperfective J
aspect of the verb is obligatory (wherever it is optional, the correspondence is English Q

* Spanish Op) (Chapter 6).
ser
I
, in all instances except with event noun as

i estar I
subject or with adjective as predicate (which are environments for optional choice be-
tween ser and estar with the correspondence Q
, i= Op) (Chapter 7).
por I
I
. Prepositional correspondences would turn
I para |
up throughout the hierarchy, if analyzed in detail (Chapter 7).
In the other type which belongs in this set— the new choices— a Spanish rule
or category corresponds with nothing in English.
(5) Spanish grammatical gender, inherent in nouns and spread from them to
adjectives, determiners, and so on. Both the choice of gender itself and the requirement
of agreement in gender are absent from English except in the pronoun system (Chapters
3, 4).
(6) Spanish number agreement between adjective and noun, and between deter-
miner and noun (except that English demonstratives, and in some instances indefinite
determiners, share this property) (Chapters 3, 4).
(7) Spanish personal a with personal direct objects (Chapter 7).
(8) Spanish subject/ verb number agreement, first person and second person
singular and plural, third person except present indicative singular which is shared by
English (Ob i^ Ob, set II. 4, below) (Chapters 3, 5).
(9) Spanish determiner as nominalizer of the possessive: compare Mine's on

the table / El mio esta en la mesa (Chapter 4).
(10) Spanish determiner with proper noun other than in direct address. (Chap-
ter 4).
(11) Spanish determiner in appositives with pronouns: compare We Ameri-

cans / nosotros los americanos (Chapter 4).
(12) Spanish theme vowel in verbs (Chapter 5).
(13) Spanish determiner in generalized nominals: compare Man is mortal / El

hombre es mortal (Chapter 4).
(14) Spanish construction with se for unspecified agent: Aqui se habla espanol ,
Se pard el trîco (Chapter 8).
(15) Spanish se with intransitive verbs for indefinite subject: Se come bien
aqui (Chapter 8).
(16) Spanish direct object pronoun redundancy to mark inversion of direct

object: El libro lo leyd 61 (Chapter 8).
(17) Spanish postposed adjective for differentiating function (Chapter 4).
(18) Spanish clausal object construction with a few verbs that take only com-
plement constructions in English: compare They wanted him to go / Querian que 61 fuera
(Chapters 2, 9).
2. English Q t^ Spanish Op
These are of the same two types as the above (split and new) with typical
examples of splitting again listed first.
subjunctive 1
j
, in all instances where the
I
indicative )
choice is optional: for example, after quizas , in adjective clauses, and so on (Chapters
8, 9).
perfective
(20) English past, Spanish , in all instances where the
past imperfective
choice is optional (Chapter 6).
ser
I
(21) English event noun plus be, Spanish event noun plus I (Chapter 7).
{
estar
ser
(22) English be plus adjective, Spanish plus adjective (Chapter 7).
estar
tu
(23) English you Spanish , (Chapter 3).
usted
possessive adjective
plus noun
(24) English possessive pronoun plus noun, Spanish
noun plus de plus pro-
noun
for example, your book / su libro , el libro de usted (Chapter 4).
(25) Spanish third person subject omission (Chapter 8).
(26) Spanish redundant construction: compare Give him the book / Dale el libro
a el (Chapter 7).
(27) Spanish nominalization of determiner with phrases and clauses: for exam-
ple, What I want is . . . / Lo que quiero es . . . (Chapter 4).
(28) Spanish reflexive for unplanned occurrences (Chapter 7).
(29) Spanish inversions of various types not permitted in English (Chapter 8).
(30) Spanish deletion of subject of infinitive with passive interpretation: for

example, Vi matarlos (Chapters 2, 9).
II. FUNCTIONAL/SEMANTIC CORRESPONDENCE,

STRUCTURAL NON-CORRESPONDENCE
3. English Op ^^ = Spanish Op
These do not divide into two types, split and new, because they are merely
corresponding options. The additional considerations of subclassification (new, split, ab-
sent, coalesced) enter only when the types of options are mismatched (Q =^ Ob, Ob i^ Op,
etc.).
(31) English indirect object, Spanish adverb of interest, with differences in

word order, transform potential, and so on (Chapter 7).
(32) English object pronouns as subject of complement verbals, Spanish le(s)

with verbs of suasion. Where the Spanish object pronouns 1 {° } (s) occur in complements
(dejar and hacer), the correspondence is Op = Op (Chapters 2, 9).
(33) English and Spanish negative transformations. In this instance, the line
between a correspondence of the type = and the type i= is not entirely clear, since the two
rules perform comparable operations, but on slightly different elements— English invert-
ing the first part of the auxiliary, Spanish the entire verbal part of the verb phrase. Be-
cause we have not discriminated = in this hierarchy (though we did in the sentence-for-
sentence comparison of Chapter 9), we have placed it here (Chapter 8).
(34) English and Spanish interrogative transformations. The problem of

assignment noted in (33) applies here also (Chapter 8).
(35) English Wh- questions, Spanish k/d questions (Chapter 8).
(36) English and Spanish statements of posture: compare He's standing / El

esta parado (Chapter 7).
(37) English a/ some with indefinite singular and plural count nouns, Spanish
un(o) / unos (Chapter 4).
(38) English and Spanish hortatory transformations (Chapter 8).

(39) English and Spanish imperative transformations, with greater difference

between the negatives than between the affirmatives because of object pronoun ordering
(Chapter 8).
(40) English and Spanish affirmation transformations (Chapter 8).
(41) English and Spanish indefinite equational patterns: compare There's a lot
to do / Hay mucho que hacer ; There' re many things to do / Hay muchas cosas que hacer ;
and so on (Chapter 2).
(42) English possessive pronouns with parts of body, Spanish adverb of inter-
est and determiner: compare My whole body aches / Me duele todo el cuerpo (Chapters 4, 7).
(43) English and Spanish adjective complements of some types: compare It's
necessary for you to wait / Le es necesario esperar (Chapter 9).
4. English Ob ^ s Spanish Ob
(44) English noun phrase or replacement as subject, Spanish person or replace-

ment (including verb suffixes) as subject (Chapter 4).
(45) Position of prepositions in interrogatives formed from adverbs: compare

Where are you from / De ddnde es usted (Chapter 8).
(46) English direct object pronoun after verb, Spanish direct object pronoun
(in general) before verb (Chapter 7).
(47) English pronoun object form after prepositions, Spanish (in general) pro-
noun subject form after prepositions (Chapter 7).
Some English mass nouns, Spanish plural count nouns: compare furniture/
(48)
muebles and some English plural count nouns, Spanish mass nouns: compare clothes / ropa
;
(Chapter 4).
(49) English possessive phrase after demonstratives, Spanish long-form pos-

sessive adjective: compare that book of yours / ese libro suyo (Chapter 4).
(50) English nominalization of indefinites with one Spanish by deletion only:,
compare a poor one / un pobre (Chapter 4).
(51) English indirect object-direct object pronouns, Spanish replacement of

the first one with se (Chapter 7).
(52) English nominalization of verb, in general, with -ing Spanish with -r , :
compare Speaking well is an art / El hablar bien es un arte (Chapter 4).
5. English Op =?^ = Spanish Ob

With options on the left and none on the right, the correspondences will all be
instances of coalesced categories.
(53) English adjective clauses optionally reduced to phrases, Spanish clauses

only: compare the girl who is in the living room , the girl in the living room / la senorita
que estl en la sala (Chapter 7).
(54) English use of with for identification as well as accompaniment, Spanish

accompaniment only, allowing clause for identification: compare the policeman with the
revolver the policeman who has the revolver / el policia que tiene el rev61ver but the
, ,
policeman with my uncle / el policia con mi tio (Chapter 7).

(55) English all plus plural noun, or every plus singular noun, for generaliza-
tions; Spanish todo plus singular noun: compare All elections ought to be free , Every elec-
tion ought to be free / Toda eleccion debe ser libre (Chapter 4).
(56) English verbs of reporting used for ordering allow either for plus infini-
tive or that plus clause; Spanish allows only the subjunctive clause: compare They said for
him to leave , They said that he should leave / Pijeron que saliera (Chapters 2, 9).
(57) English co-ordinate adjective constructions with or without and Spanish ,
only with conjunction: compare an attractive, intelligent girl, an attractive and intelligent
girl / una senorita atractiva e inteligente (Chapter 4).
(58) English compounded prepositional phrases may or may not repeat prepo-
sition, Spanish (in general) must: compare A gift for you and (for) me / Un regalo para ti y
para mi (Chapter 7).
(59) With external subsequence modification, English permits marked imper-

fectivity or not, Spanish disallows marked imperfectivity (i.e., "progressive tenses"): com-
pare He is arriving tomorrow He arrives tomorrow / El llega
. manana (Chapter 6).
6. English Ob # = Spanish Op
These instances may be viewed about equally well as split or new, depending
on whether one examines the two Spanish options together or the unmatched one of the two
separately.
(60) English determiner with count noun in the predicate, Spanish determiner
or zero: compare He's a philosopher/El es (un) fil6sofo (Chapter 7).
(61) With external currency modification, English requires currency modifi-

cation in the verb ("progressive"), Spanish allows either simple non-past or the form
marked for imperfectivity: compare He is speaking now / El habla ahora El esta hablando .
ahora (Chapter 6).
(62) English direct object pronoun position fixed, Spanish variable with infini-
tive and -ndo form (Chapter 7).
HI. NEGATIVE CORRESPONDENCE IN TARGET LANGUAGE

7. English Ob + Spanish Q
With an obligatory choice on the left and nothing correspondir^ on the right,
the correspondences will all be instances of absent categories.
(63) English do as tense carrier (empty auxiliary) (Chapter 6).
(64) English indefinite determiner with hundred thousand other certain, and
, , ,
so on (Chapter 4).
(65) English possessive form among the Wh- words (whose (Chapter ) 8).
(66) English complement structure with verbs like need when subject , of infin-
itive is present (Chapters 2, 9).
(67) English some with mass nouns (Chapter 4).

8. English Op * Spanish Q
These also are instances of absent categories.
(68) English emphasis by stress alone (in general absent, though not entirely,
from Spanish) (Chapter 8).
(69) English positioning of adverb inside auxiliary (Chapter 7).
(70) English noun plus noun as indirect object-direct object (Chapter 7).
IV. STRUCTURAL CORRESPONDENCE BUT FUNCTIONAL/

SEMANTIC NON- CORRESPONDENCE
9. English Op = ^ Spanish Op
(71) English indirect object, Spanish adverb of interest: compare He bought
her the house / Le comprd la casa - from her / for her (Chapters 2, 7).
(72) Some English and Spanish complement constructions: compare He says

(for you) to have money / Dice tener plata (He says that he has money ) (Chapters 2, 9).
(73) English expressed subject with imperative (strongly emphatic), Spanish

expressed subject (polite): compare You serve yourself / Sirvase usted (Chapter 8).
(74) English what/ which and Spanish qu^ / cull in information questions: com-
pare What are your plans / Cuales son sus planes (Chapter 8).
(75) English echo question, Spanish alternative form of simple interrogative:

compare He left t/ El salid f (Chapter 8).
10. English Ob = ^ Spanish Ob

(76) English third person singular ^s on verb forms, Spanish second person
singular ^s: compare speaks / hablas (Chapter 5).
11. English Op = ^ Spanish Ob
(77) Selection of number reference of second person (formal) pronouns, in
English you / you all (in some dialects), in Spanish usted / ustedes (Chapter 4).
12. English Ob = ^ Spanish Op
(78) English third person possessives require gender distinction (his / her
book ), Spanish does not (su libro ). The failure of semantic correspondence rests on the
facts that su also includes your (Chapter 4).
Correspondence sets (10), (11), and (12) are illustrated only briefly for rea-
sons already noted. Set (13) happens by chance not to be productive in a comparison mov-
ing from English to Spanish, though it is a valid theoretical category easily exemplified
from other languages. For example, in moving from Tagalog to English, there is in Taga-
log an optional plural marker for nouns, but no noun need be marked as singular or plural
—whereas this is obligatory in English. Sets (14), (15), and (16) contain the large majority
ofcorrespondences between any pair of relatively similar languages like English and
Spanish— it is the very fact that there are so many of them that makes Spanish relatively
easier for an English speaker to learn than, say, Vietnamese. They are briefly illustrated
below.
V. STRUCTURAL AND FUNCTIONAL/SEMANTIC

CORRESPONDENCE
14. English Ob = = Spanish Op
(79) English first person and second person subjects obligatorily expressed,
Spanish optionally so: compare I have / (Yo) tengo .
15. English Op = = Spanish Op

(80) English -ing complements with verbs of perception, Spanish -ndo .
16. English Ob = = Spanish Ob
(81) English and Spanish requirement of number with nouns.

(82) Demonstrative and noun agree in number in English and Spanish.
It hardly need be pointed out that all the above categories are but fragmen-
tarily exemplified; they are all tentative, both in the categorial conception and in the assign-
ment of particular examples. Much more study is needed of the basis for such comparative
evaluations, and the most we hope to have achieved is a preliminary basis
that for hier-
archization that may stimulate more detailed and adequate investigations.
APPENDIX:
I
PEDAGOGY
Chapter 11 presented an inventory of structural correspondences aligned in a

hierarchy of difficulty. This hierarchy is, in a sense, the purpose of a contrastive analysis;
it represents an outline of the problems that must be met and solved in the classroom,
arranged in a logical order from the most difficult (the weakest correspondences) to the
easiest (the strongest correspondences). Assignment of items in this hierarchy is based

on the premise that transfer from one language to another (from speaking English to speak-
ing Spanish) becomes more difficult as the correspondences weaken.
This is an important tool for a teacher, and for a text author, since textbooks
in language courses normally establish the order in which items are presented.
But a hierarchy of difficulty is only raw material for the text author. It must
be distinguished from what may be termed a VALID PEDAGOGICAL SEQUENCE. The
hierarchy is only one, though a very important one, of a number of components that must
be considered in developing such a sequence.
Not the least of the problems in utilizing the hierarchy to determine the peda-
gogical sequence is the philosophy of APPROACH. Some text writers feel that (other things
being equal) the structures most like English (or whatever the native language of the stu-
dents is) should be taught first, since a student needs a sense of accomplishment to build
his confidence. Fxirthermore, all or almost all the problems of pronunciation must be dealt
with early in the course, so grammatical problems should be kept as simple as possible.
Other writers feel that the dangers of negative transfer are too important to
allow postponement of the patterns which are unlike English. A student who learns Mi
nombre es . . . first will have unnecessary resistance to the more typically Spanish con-
struction Me llamo . . . .
The implications of these two approaches for the hierarchy are apparent. One
writer starts on one end of the hierarchy and works from the easiest to the hardest, another
starts on the other end and works from hardest to easiest. Actually, neither approach exists
in a pure form, since there are too many other considerations that play a role in sequencing
materials. It is probably most helpful to combine in the early lessons some of the difficult
correspondences with some of the more easily transferred patterns, to give a student both
confidence and a feel for the important differences in the structure of the target language.
Another of the considerations that must enter into building a pedagogical se-
quence was alluded to above: "the more typically Spanish construction. . .
." This is the
criterion of FUNCTIONAL LOAD. Language is communication, and those patterns which
292
APPENDIX: PEDAGOGY / 293
carry a proportionately larger share of the burden of commxinication are more important
and deserve to be emphasized. A language course must anticipate the needs of the students
who will send and receive messages. A considerable amount of justified criticism has been
aimed at language texts which present, say, the imperfective past (imperfect) before the
perfective (preterit), because it is simpler— that is, has fewer irregular forms— in spite
of the fact that the imperfective forms can be used normally only in reference to the more
isolatable perfective.
Apart from the external order of complexity, as seen in Chapter 11, there is
an INTERNAL ORDER OF COMPLEXITY that should be considered in developing a peda-

gogical sequence. Gender agreement between modifiers and nouns is structurally the same
problem regardless of the modifier involved. Because the determiners are usually present
in a noun phrase whether or not other adjectives appear, it is logical to present gender
agreement between article and noun first, adding other adjectives after the habit of con-
cordance has been established. In part, the criterion of complexity within the structure of
the target language will be reflected by functional load and by contrastive analysis, but
there are times when it can contribute to the formulation of a pedagogical sequence.
Another criterion is SYMMETRY OF PRESENTATION, which would suggest
that closely related structures should be presented together. For example, the WITH- VERB
DIRECT OBJECT PRONOUNS closely follow the pattern of the definite articles. In four of
five instances they are identical:
Articles Pronouns
la tia la veo
las tias las veo
los tios los veo
lo suyo lo entiendo
The other is different:
el tio lo veo
A hierarchy of difficulty might suggest that the feminine, plurals, and neuter
should be presented first, delaying the "more difficult" masculine singular until later. A
symmetrical presentation would nevertheless require that all be presented together, since
four forms imply the need for the fifth to complete the pattern. And, as in all lack of sym-
metry, the student might through false analogy assume a pronoun el to match the article,
since the two sets are otherwise identical. Symmetrical presentation can often be cited in
the instance of vocabulary items which are associated in pairs or sets. Black suggests
white, early suggests late , and so on, and the time to present such items is when a need
for them is felt. For this reason most texts teach the names of all the days of the week,
the months of the year, and sets of numerals at the same time, to provide full sets. The
criterion of symmetry of presentation suggests that such closely related items in a set
should be taught together because of their essential similarity of form and distribution.
Symmetry of presentation has, of course, a lower level of priority than other criteria
listed above, and should be considered mainly for patterns of limited extent— particularly
when there is no serious conflict with higher priority criteria.
There are still other criteria to be considered in developing a pedagogical I
sequence. One is the simple fact that some items must be postponed— everything cannot
be placed in the first few lessons. But since language is a highly interrelated system of
patterns, it is easier to identify what needs early presentation than what might be post- <[
If
poned until later. Phonology, much more than grammar, must be covered early in a course
If correct habits of pronunciation are not acquired by the students, incorrect habits will be.
Other considerations, which may sometimes be of critical importance, are the
local conditions where a text will be used, the specific teaching situation, the availability
of trained teachers, and the cultural content that the text is to carry— all of which can af-
fect the organization of the grammatical material in some details.
Of course, not all the criteria discussed above are to be given equal weight. In
general, a lower criterion should not overrule a higher one, but there are details that can ^
be decided in more than one way. There is no single pedagogical sequence that is indispu-
tably superior to others. However, a good sequence will represent a weighted balance of
the above, and perhaps other, criteria. I
1
THE PEDAGOGICAL IMPLICATIONS OF
CONTRASTIVE ANALYSIS
In order to master the complicated structure of language efficiently, the stu- ti
dent's attention should be drawn to one— and only one— new point at a time. Not only should R
grammatical patterns be presented in their simplest forms, but there should be enough , d
drill for control and sufficient review for mastery. A student needs the experience that |i
will enable him to call on any pattern in his repertory, fill it with any appropriate vocabu- | Q
lary item he has learned, and place sentences in a logical sequence without any thought of
analysis. This experience (for a second language) can be given only in drill sessions which
exhaust a large proportion of the possibilities of sentence formation that exist at any point
in the student's progress. That is, we need more and simpler drills, carried out with dis-
patch and efficiency, with the range of choices confined to a single point in each drill.
Those features of a language which are similar analytically belong together

pedagogically. For example, such orthographic -changing verbs as esparcir and veneer are
illogically grouped with stem -changing verbs like traducir and crecer . It is much more
profitable to group verbs like esparcir and veneer with regular -er/-ir verbs (with a foot- tt
note later on the minor orthographical irregularity), and to group verbs like traducir with v
verbs like salir, since both have the same irregularity: a velar sound added to the stem, | ^
voiced or voiceless to match the last soimd of the stem: /tradu^-ir ->- tradu^-k-o/ and h
/sal-ir ->- s^l-g-o/. I K

Description can be in closer accord with the structural facts of the language,
so that students and teachers alike will have a better understanding of the interrelations it
in the grammatical structures. A description of the pattern of ser with event nouns illumi- I
^
nates the hazy area of estar as an indicator of location, and removes the necessity of an joe
alternate translation of ser as is going on in sentences likeLa fiesta es en casa de mi ti6 .
Similarly, a description of agent deletion in Spanish, marked by an empty object se, com- rtg
pared with the corresponding construction in English, which has no special marker (El i^
libro se lee bien , The book reads well ), helps the student sort out one of the several dis-
tinct functions of Spanish reflexives.
Drills can more easily be designed to reflect structural relationships. The
relationship between articles and object pronouns should be exploited in drill patterns of
the following type:
Quiero la pluma que tienes. Quiero la que tienes. La quiero.

Quiero las sillas que tienes. Quiero las que tienes. Las quiero.
Quiero los libros que tienes. Quiero los que tienes. Los quiero.
Subclassifications indicate which comparisons should be made first and which

similar patterns should be added and in what order. Soon after establishing the pronoun-
article relationship illustrated above, the less regular masculine singular forms should
be added:
Quiero el llpiz que tienes. Quiero el que tienes. Lo quiero.
When the pattern is firmly established as a habit, all four gender -number combinations
can be mixed and randomized, substituting all the appropriate nouns the student has learned.
Drill is conducted first within subpatterns, then between them.
Drills should be designed for oral use in the classroom (or in the audio labora-
tory) and should consist of three parts: a MODEL, a CUE, and a RESPONSE. The teacher
supplies the model (a full sentence or more) and the cue (a minimum instruction to the stu-
dent telling him how to modify the model), and the student provides the appropriate response
(which may or may not be a full sentence— there should be no attempt to encourage artifi-
cially full responses). A considerable variety of types of exercises is possible within this
format, but perhaps more important than what it permits is what it disallows. Many exer-
cises do not supply adequate context or do not allow responses that are typical of normal
linguistic participation. Conspicuous examples are conjugation of verbs, filling blanks,
multiple choice, matching, supplying the correct form, and the like.
Some of these are useful in testing (e.g., multiple choice), but exercises should
be carefully differentiated from tests. The function of drill is to provide sufficient repeti-
tion in meaningful context to establish correct habitual responses. Drills should always be
"easy" enough so that the student makes few errors or none; he needs practice in the suc-
cessful use of the language. Tests, on the other hand, are designed to determine whether or
not the proper responses have been established. They can be used for rating the student or
the instruction, or they can be diagnostic in nature— to identify areas that need further drill.
In either instance, testing should be postponed until a student has had a reasonable opportu-
nity to assimilate what has been taught.
The process of language learning can be viewed as an experience by means of
which new habits of sentence formation are acquired and used for communication. The
acquisition of habits must logically precede their use in significant commimication, though
good drill sequences move increasingly toward communication.
Various drill activities can be rated along a linear scale, one end of which rep-
resents highly restricted manipulation of patterns according to rules and the other unre-
stricted communication, with no thought of the means of expression:
Manipulation '
'
Communication
Manipulation in its purest form can be illustrated by a pronunciation exercise

designed to practice the physical co-ordinations that produce particular sounds, with no
assignment of meaning content for the student. Unrestricted communication is exemplified
by a normal conversation in one's native language, where very little thought is given to the
rules of sentence formation to which one's speech actually conforms.
The usual problem in a language classroom is to present a new pattern, and
to drill it in increasingly meaningful contexts until it becomes a natural means of carry-
ing any message it can appropriately express. The student begins at the manipulation end
of the contrast and attempts to move as quickly and efficiently as possible toward the func-
tion of communication.
Most activities in a language classroom represent a combination of manipula-
tion and communication, though different kinds of drills reflect varying proportions of
emphasis. This fact suggests that some kinds of drills (those that emphasize manipulation)
should precede other kinds (those that emphasize communication) if the class is to move
from less to greater freedom of expression. Types of drills can also be correlated with
different models of grammatical analysis. The discussion of drill types which follows is
arranged to show a general progression, toward an increased emphasis on communication

and toward a greater sophistication and refinement of the theories of grammatical analysis.
There are six kinds of activities in common use that can be classified as drills
(as distinguished from presentation activities, such as the memorization of dialogue sen-
tences illustrating new constructions). These are: substitution, transformation, response,
translation, indirect discourse, and free communication (Dacanay, 1963). All these can be
very useful if they (1) begin a drill sequence within a single pattern, (2) avoid abrupt and
unmotivated shifts in context, and (3) observe the necessity for situational realism, not
violating contextural plausibility.
SUBSTITUTION DRILLS are pedagogical applications of a slot-and- substitution
model of grammatical analysis. Any slot in the constituent structure of the sentence may be
selected as the point at which substitutions are to be made. These substitutions may have
no consequences elsewhere in the sentence (in which instance what results is essentially a
vocabulary drill), or they may effect other items where concordance is required (as when
the subject determines the form of the verb). The slot may be fixed or variable, but always
one constituent is replaced in the same basic frame.
SIMPLE SUBSTITUTION occurs in a drill like the following:
Teacher Student
Tengo un libro. Repita. Tengo un libro. ,
lapiz. Tengo un lapiz. ;
borrador. Tengo un borrador.

cuaderno. Tengo un cuaderno.
Besides learning the function of individual lexical items, the student learns to use them
meaningfully, and acquires a feeling for the pattern and for the assignment of specific
items to constituent (and semantic) classes— in the above drill of covint nouns (with a com-
mon meaning common in a classroom).
of items
CORRELATED SUBSTITUTION is similar, but requires more of the student,
who must not only substitute the cue given, but must also attend to the concordance require-
ments between constituents in the pattern. 11 the above drill were amplified to include fem-
inine and plural noxms, the student would have to make the appropriate adjustments in the
form of the article, without having this information directly supplied in the cue. Examples
of correlated substitution drills which illustrate a correlation between tense and choice of
verb mood or tense are these (Thompson et al ., 1962-63):
Teacher Student
No lo lei hasta que me lo dijiste. Repita. No lo lei hasta que me lo dijiste.

leere . No lo leere hasta que me lo digas.
Juan dice que vendra temprano. Juan dice que vendra temprano.
dijo . Juan dijo que vendria temprano.
MOVING SLOT SUBSTITUTION is still more sophisticated, since although the

cue will fit in some slot in the sentence, the student must determine the proper slot and
then make the correct substitution, which may or may not require correlated changes. An
example of a moving slot substitution drill is the following:
Teacher Student
Espero que venga la tropa manaiia. Repita. Espero que venga la tropa manana.
mas tarde. Espero que venga mas tarde.
la tropa
llegue . Espero que llegue la tropa mas tarde.
soldados . Espero que lleguen los soldados mas tarde.
Oigo . Oigo que llegan los soldados mas tarde.
hoy. Oigo que llegan los soldados hoy.
Me extrafia . Me extraiia que lleguen los soldados hoy.
salgan . Me extraiia que salgan los soldados hoy.
This sample shows that the best function of a moving slot substitution drill is as a cumu-
lative drill, useful to combine several grammatical points after they have been drilled
individually (in this instance, number and gender agreement of nouns and articles, subject-
verb agreement, indicative vs. subjunctive verb forms, as well as lexical identification and
classification). Other useful functions are reviewing and diagnostic testing.
In writing moving slot substitution drills, care must be taken to avoid ambigu-
ity. Only one slot representing any form or function class of items can be used. If there
are two noun slots available, a student will be confused when a noun cue is given. If the
sentence is The boy saw the teacher yesterday , the cue policeman could produce either
The policeman saw the teacher yesterday or The boy saw the policeman yesterday Since .
the sentences in this type of drill are in a chain, it is doubly important to avoid sequences
which mislead students and break the smooth flow of the exercise.
Substitution drills are examples of classroom activity which emphasize manip-

ulation. They are useful, and perform the necessary function of giving focused practice on
individual points in a pattern, but effective teaching must move beyond responding to a cue
given by the teacher who is following a carefully controlled formula.
TRANSFORMATION DRILLS are pedagogical applications of a transformational
model of grammatical analysis. By means of these drills, constituents are reordered, ex-
panded, or reduced, or the constituents of two sentences (all or just some) are combined
ina single more complex sentence. Transformation drills still emphasize manipulation
more than communication, but they are generally more complex than simple substitution
drills, since the constituents are not maintained in a fixed relative order by the drill pro-
cedures.
TRANSPOSITION DRILLS rearrange the constituents of a pattern, usually with-
out otherwise changing them:
Instructions: Change the order of the subject and predicate

and introduce a rising intonation pattern,
which will convert a statement into a question.
Teacher Student
El capitin viene manana. 6 Viene mafiana el capitan?

El general llegd tarde. ,j,Lleg6 tarde el general?
El teniente duerme mucho. i,Duerme mucho el teniente?
El sargento tom6 notas. iTom<3 notas el sargento ?
EXPANSION DRILLS add new slots to the sentence pattern. The following drill
shows the introduction of subjunctive verb forms when a phrase is expanded into a clause.
Teacher Student
Espero llegar temprano. Repita. Espero llegar temprano.

que (tu) . Espero que llegues temprano.
Prefiero salir ahora mismo. Prefiero salir ahora mismo.
que (tii) . Prefiero que saigas ahora mismo.
REDUCTION DRILLS decrease the number of slots in a pattern. These are

not widely used, but can be applied with illuminating results in nominalizations in Spanish:
Instructions: Repeat each sentence after the teacher but

omit the subject noun, which will have the
effect of nominalizing some accompanying
modifier.
Teacher Student
Los hombres viejos son muy sabios. Los viejos son muy sabios.
Las mujeres viejas son muy habladoras. Las viejas son muy habladoras.
Los seiiores ricos vienen a la playa. Los ricos vienen a la playa.
El profesor de la corbata roja es mi tio. El de la corbata roja es mi tio.
La muchacha que va delante me echd una mirada. La que va delante me echd una mirada.
INTEGRATION DRILLS, which combine two or more sentences into a single

longer, more complex sentence, are a distinctive contribution of the transformational
model of grammatical analysis. These represent highly sophisticated classroom activities
that require a clear and thorough understanding of grammatical forms and relationships
on the part of the student. An example of a very productive sequence is:
Teacher Student
Yo me voy manana.
EUos sienten que yo me vaya manana.
EUos lo sienten.
Ella sale inmediatamente.

Me alegro de que ella saiga inmediatamente.
Me alegro de eso.
Los obreros terminan pronto.

Es mejor que los obreros terminen pronto.
Eso es mejor.
A large number of drill patterns and sequences can be elaborated on the basic model of
the drill above, and they will no doubt become increasingly popular in language courses.
RESPONSE DRILLS move significantly toward unrestricted communication.
All response drills have an enlarged context consisting of at least two utterances in a nor-
mal meaningful sequence. Questions and answers are used in many ways in a classroom,
especially as a means of checking oral or written comprehension. For this purpose short
answers (or short rejoinders) are particularly appropriate, since they closely reflect the
reality of language in everyday commxmication situations. Indeed, short answers are,

except in the most formal circumstances, the most natural kinds of expressions, and they
should be used in language learning situations wherever they are appropriate. But there
are other exercises specifically designed on the model of question and response which can
be focused on the acquisition of particular grammatical patterns.
CHOICE QUESTIONS give a student an election between two possible answers,
both of which are possible replies to a question. They furnish a model, but must be adapted
to the point of orientation of the one answering. They have the advantage, if properly
phrased, of motivating a complete sentence answer, which other kinds of drills do not ordi-
narily require. The following drill elicits command forms of regular -ar and -er/ -ir
verbs (Bolinger et_al., 1960):
Teacher Student
,i,Espero hasta el jueves o salgo ahora? Espere hasta el jueves.
Âbro el libro o sigo con la clase? Siga con la clase.

^Barro la cocina o sacudo los muebles? Barre la cocina.
i,Hablo mas fuerte o apago el radio? Apague el radio.
PATTERNED RESPONSE DRILLS consist of a series of questions all of which

are given answers based on a single pattern. These are especially good for drilling on sets
which have a variety of person-number forms, such as pronouns, verbs, possessives:
Teacher Student
iSon ellos de Bogota? Si son, y su hermano tambidn.

(iEs ella de Bogota? Si es, y su hermano tambi^n.
tSoii ustedes de Bogota? Si somos, y nuestro hermano tambien.
Êres tu de Bogota? Si soy, y mi hermano tambien.
lEs el de Bogota? Si es, y su hermano tambidn.
,;,Somos nosotros de Bogota? Si son, y su hermano tambien.
This is not the most natural series of questions and answers one can imagine, but they
are acceptable as a pattern drill in a classroom language learning situation.
CUED RESPONSE DRILLS are questions for which the teacher supplies
answers in a stage whisper. Like the patterned response drills, they are not truly natural
question-answer sequences, but with a bit of imagination and a reasonably dramatic pres-
entation they can be useful in the classroom. The cues, given before the question is asked,
may consist of information that answers a wh-question or that contradicts a yes-no ques-
tion, requiring a no answer plus a correction. The following drill offers practice on the
irregular preterit forms of certain verbs (FSI Spanish, 1956):
Teacher Student
(libros) 6Que trajo Ud. a la escuela? Traje libros.

(libros) (LQu^ trajeron Uds.? Trajimos libros.
(anoche) i,Cuando estuvo Ud. en el centro? Estuve anoche.
(ayer) i,Cu4ndo estuvieron ellos en el centro? Estuvieron ayer.
(lapiz) 6Trajo el la pluma? No, trajo el lapiz.

(pocos) ^Trajeron ellos muchos libros? No, trajeron pocos.
TRANSLATION DRILLS also move in the direction of communication on the

class activity scale. Translation is an activity that is common in our culture, and many
students will at one time or another be called on to serve as interpreters. The teacher
should of course distinguish between translation as a grammatical exercise and transla-
tion as a literary exercise, where connotations, cultural correspondences, style, mood,
and level of writing are important. The distinction between these two kinds of translation
is not always perfectly clear, but they are sufficiently distinct that one need not concern
himself with the difficulties of literary translation when operating on the level of pattern
drill. The translation equivalents in English are simply cues to the student to stimulate
him to produce and to practice the desired Spanish sentences. They are valuable precisely
because the burden of remembering the correct Spanish forms is placed on the student—
the cue is indirect, not verbatim.
Very often a contrast between languages or within Spanish can be clearly
shown in translation, and the exercises can be a useful means of bringing the contrast
forcefully to the student's attention. Avoiding translation (in addition to not giving prac-
tice in a needed and useful skill) has the same disadvantage in teaching grammar that the
direct method has in teaching pronunciation. The basic molds of thought (the native Ian-
guage habits) are there whether we bring them out in the open or not. Translation, when
placed in the context of pattern drill, allows us to capitalize on the ability of more mature
students to understand the specific pressures that their first language exerts and to focus
their attention on the habits they need to acquire.
An example of a PAIRED SENTENCE DRILL is shown below, designed to illus-
trate the difference between reporting and suasion as reflected by the choice of indicative
and subjunctive verb forms in Spanish (Thompson et al ., 1962-63):
Teacher Student
He says he's coming. Traduzca. Dice que viene.

He says for you to come. Dice que venga.
She insists that Pepe knows how to drive. Insiste en que Pepe sabe manejar.
She insists that Pepe know how to drive. Insiste en que Pepe sepa manejar.
PATTERNED TRANSLATION, like patterned response, offers an opportunity

to group sentences which have a similar structure in the target language. It offers the
additional advantage of being able to relax the strictness or formality of the pattern to
develop the kind of flexibility that students need if they are going to become independent
speakers of the language. The following set of sentences illustrates the correspondence
between a complement structure in English and an object noun clause in Spanish:
Teacher Student
I want you to come. Quiero que vengas.

I want you to help. Quiero que ayudes.
I want you to study. Quiero que estudies.
I want you to finish. Quiero que termines.
I want you to leave. Quiero que saigas.
This pattern can be slightly broadened by adding adverb or adjective modifiers and reflex-
ive verbs:
I want you to be here. Quiero que est^s aqui.

I want you to stay here. Quiero que te quedes aqui.
I want you to sit there. Quiero que te sientes ahi.
I want you to be happy. Quiero que seas feliz.
I want you to sit still. Quiero que te sientes tranquilo.
I want you to leave tomorrow. Quiero que saigas mafiana.

I want you to study later. Quiero que estudies mas tarde.
Or by adding transitive constructions:
I want you to help the captain. Quiero que ayudes al capitan.
I want you to finish your lunch. Quiero que termines tu almuerzo.

I want you to leave the car. Quiero que dejes el auto.
The pattern can be further loosened by modifications in the first slots, which have been
maintained so far:
I want him to come. Quiero que 41 venga.

I asked her to help. Le pedi a ella que ayudara.
We' 11 ask them to work tomorrow. Les pediremos a ellos que trabajen manana.
It should perhaps be pointed out that the advantage derived from translation
of placing the initiative on the student for producing Spanish forms and structures can in
part be achieved in the other drill types discussed by using visual or pictorial cues rather
than oral cues. Substitution drills can be effectively cued by pictures, when picturable
entities make up the substitutions. Gestures and body movements are also useful, espe-
cially those that are shared across cultural boundaries. It is simple to cue answers to a
response drill for yes-no questions by nodding or shaking one's head. And it is easy to
point, hold up fingers, and so on, to cue the answers to some kinds of information ques-
tions.
The types of exercises described so far need not be maintained in the simple
forms of these illustrations. Many combinations of types can be effected to lend variety
to class activities without losing the consistency of the general procedures that have been
outlined. In some instances, a combination of types provides a useful drill context. The
following pair of sentences show transposition and expansion:
Estudi6 bien la leccidn. La lecci6n la estudi6 bien.
In similar ways it is possible to combine substitution and response, translation response,

substitution translation response, and so on. Note the following rather complex series:
Teacher Student 1
1. Mira, Pepe. ^Tvi has visto mi lipiz? Mira, Pepe. ^Tvi has visto mi llpiz?
2. pluma? Mira, Pepe. ^Tu has visto mi pluma?
3. libros? Mira, Pepe. <iTu has visto mis libros?
4. notas ? Mira, Pepe. <,Tu has visto mis notas?
5. tinta? Mira, Pepe. <;,Tu has visto mi tinta?
Student 2 Student 3
Creo que Jaime lo tiene. ^Verdad, Jaime? No, no lo tengo yo.

Creo que Jaime la tiene. <i,Verdad, Jaime? No, no la tengo yo.
Creo que Jaime los tiene. ,i,Verdad, Jaime ? No, no los tengo yo.
Creo que Jaime las tiene. <iVerdad, Jaime? No, no las tengo yo.
Creo que Jaime la tiene. ^Verdad, Jaime? No, no la tengo yo.
Student 4 Student 1
iTu ISpiz, Paco? Aqui lo tienes. Ay, por fin. Mil gracias.
iTn pluma, Paco? Aqui la tienes. Ay, por fin. Mil gracias.
iTus libros, Paco? Aqui los tienes. Ay, por fin. Mil gracias.
iTus notas, Paco? Aqui las tienes. Ay, por fin. Mil gracias.
iTu tinta, Paco? Aqui la tienes. Ay, por fin. Mil gracias.
This series of questions, answers, and rejoinders must be modeled by the teacher until
the sequences are familiar. Then answers can be cued by gestures, if cues are necessary.
Four drill types have been discussed; two remain. These are somewhat less
distinctly formalized, and are more obviously oriented toward unrestricted communication.
These are directed discourse and cued discourse.
DIRECTED DISCOURSE DRILLS are fairly realistic re-creations of actual
speech situations, where one person reports the speech of another or tells another person
what to say. These activities can be structured to fit the needs of drilling specific gram-
matical points.
REPORTED SPEECH is a drill in which the teacher, after giving a sentence
himself or eliciting it from one of his students, asks another student to relay what he has
heard to the rest of the class. The sequence is as follows:
Teacher Student
Voy a casa. Dice que va a casa.

Estamos perdidos. Dice que estan (or estamos) perdidos.
Ustedes no tienen trabajo para mafiana. Dice que no tenemos trabajo para manana.
Tu no me has entendido bien. Dice que yo no le he entendido bien.
Vengan aqui. Dice que vengamos ahi.
As these sentences illustrate, this is an activity which concentrates on changes of person

and point of orientation.
DIRECTED DIALOGUES reverse this procedure by requiring that the teacher
tell the student what to say. These are most effective in role playing, where the teacher
supplies cues to be used by two or more students who act out a situation (FSI Spanish,
1956).
Teacher Students
Jean, digale a Bob que no se comprometa Jean: No te comprometas para este

para este domingo. domiiô. Bob.
Bob, preguntale que por que. Que Ud. Bob: iPor qu^? Yo quiero ir otra vez a
quiere ir otra vez a la corrida la corrida de toros.
de tor OS.
Jean, digale que no puede, que Uds. Jean: No puedes. Tenemos que llevar a
tienen que llevar a los ninos al los niiios al campo.
campo.
Bob, digale que vayan con la criada. Bob: Que vayan con la criada.
Jean, digale que no sea tan cruel. Que Jean: No seas tan cruel. Ellos quieren ir
ellos quieren ir con sus padres, con sus padres, no con la criada.
no con la criada.
Directed dialogues are most successful if the teacher insists that the students really act
them out and if he is able to subdue his own participation, sotto voce or even whispering.
They will be even more effective if the teacher can withdraw his own participation when
the students are able to act out a situation with little or no direction on his part.
CUED DISCOURSE represents the minimum of control over the situation lead-
ing toward unrestricted communication.
RESPONSE DRILLS can represent free communication when the questions are
about local or universal topics, and real information is the first object of the questions.
Response drills can be directed to any area of common experience which members of the
class share. This may be a class assignment, news or current events, plans for class or
school functions, or many other topics.
CUED COMPOSITION is a form of cued discourse normally restricted to
teaching the written language (the cues are unrealistic in oral drill), though they have
been used even for oral work (Thompson et_al., 1962-63):
Jorge: jCuinto / alegrarse de / Uds. estar!

Pepe: Gracias. / Nos / encantar / ciudad.
Or cues may be offered in the form of a series of pictures designed to tell a story or de-
scribe a sequence of events. Excellent examples can be found in Dacanay (1963) which
illustrate how a single series can be interpreted by students with different levels of lin-
guistic achievement.
REPORTING is another activity, which may vary from the "Show and Tell" of
the elementary school to a highly sophisticated report of a formal lecture. Often it can be
combined with INTERVIEWING visitors to the school or others who speak the language
being studied. Students can return to the class and tell their classmates about the experi-
ence of the interview.
Finally ROLE PLAYING, this time without cues beyond the assignment of
roles, is an activity that gives students an opportunity to practice constructing meaningful
sentences in a realistic context. The teacher describes a situation and asks two or more
students to play out the situation as they think it would most naturally develop in the cultu-
ral context of the language they are studying. This activity, if well done, provides not only
linguistic benefits, but the advantage of deeper cultural perception and understanding as
well.
The preceding discussion of pattern drill suggests the followii^ general obser-
vations: (1) Drill depends on analogy within patterns: it must be conducted so as to high-
light specific analogies. (2) Linguistic analysis does not suggest how to drill, but it does
provide justification for decisions about what to drill, what to emphasize, and how to se-
quence. (3) On the scale from manipulation to communication, control is easier to apply
when manipulating; control should diminish as more emphasis is given to communicating.
(4) Exercises should require first simpler then more complex kinds of responses from
students. This usually means starting with exercises that emphasize manipulation and
moving toward communication, though other features (such as sentence length, type of pat-
tern, specific kind of drill, vocabulary load) also affect the level of complexity. (5) a bal-
ance between variety and familiarity should be sought in designing classroom activities;
students need frequent changes of procedures, pace, techniques, but a few stable imder lying
procedures will give unity and continuity to the presentation. Furthermore, the class may
go more smoothly if standard procedures can be adopted and applied to various activities,
such as the means of cueing different kinds of drills, eliciting specific student responses,
and so on. (6) Sequencing of activities should include a consideration of semantic transi-
tions. Between drill sets and— more important— between sentences of a single set, sen-
tences should be logically relatable to each other. This relation need not be strictly con-
textual, but it should at least suggest a common semantic component. Unmotivated and
abrupt switches in the reference of drill sentences are distracting and unnecessary. (7)
The drill sentences, like the entire set of teaching materials, should contain content of
inherent interest for the students.

There is one kind of problem where contrastive studies make almost no con-
tribution: the problem created when a structure in the target language is extended by the
student analogically, to include forms which the structure does not allow. Such analogical
extensions are often surprising and unpredictable by any general rule, since they depend
on what Spanish patterns the English-speaking student happens to have internalized best.
The student extrapolates from the patterns he does control to produce new sentences; some-
times the patterns do not apply. Perhaps the student has learned Les permitio trabajar by ;
analogy he may create Les hizo trabajar , or Les dijo trabajar . Les hizo trabajar cannot be
attributed to the EnglishHe made them work (which would suggest Los hizo trabajar ), and
Les He told them to work (which would
dijo trabajar cannot be attributed to the English
suggest Los dijo a trabajar ). The underlying interference from English is quite different
in these two errors— the errors themselves are from within the new language, though the
absence of a positive correspondence with English causes the student to seek the analogy
in the first place.
Internal analogy is difficult to control. As the student learns more about the
meanings of patterns and words, there is a smaller area of potential error. Context must
be controlled rather rigidly in the early stages of a language program. Completely free
oral or written composition is an activity for the very advanced class, which has had an
adequate opportunity to become acquainted with a wide variety of Spanish constructions
and to learn the limits within which these can be correctly applied. Most language classes
begin free composition far too early, leading students into mistakes which establish erro-
neous but very tenacious first impressions.
DEVICES FOR PRESENTATION OF PARTICULAR POINTS

Most teachers have a stock of devices, or "gimmicks," to dramatize the pres-
entation of certain grammatical points or relationships. One type of device is the repre-
sentation of relationships by two-dimensional arrangements which are in some ways anal-
ogous to those relationships. Examples are the many charts that appear in FSI Spanish
(1956), Bolinger et al . (1960), Thompson et al (1962-63). Such a chart can show
. the inter-
section of grammatical categories like number and gender on two axes in a way that shows
the independence of the categories:
singular plural
masculine
feminine
For students inclined to see analogies to structure in graphic arrangements, these charts
can be helpful. They are the standard way of presenting paradigms such as the person-
number forms of verbs.
Another type of chart is the time line and the moving arrowhead, which can
represent tense and aspectual relationships. This is a transfer of one kind of measure
(movement through time) to another (movement through space). The arrowhead has the
double purpose of indicating the location of the present moment and the unidirectional na-
ture of the time line:
Note that the above devices carefully respect the conventions of our culture in consider-
ing movement from left to right and from top to bottom on the page as the norm.
Another device is the division of parts of a sentence into immediate constitu-
ents. This can be shown in a variety of ways, all of which have in common the signaling
of a break at some point in the sentence.
The boy came yesterday,

The boy came yesterday.
The boy came yesterday.
These representations utilize the visual capacity for learning which our society in general
encourages.
For reference, a check-off chart can be helpful. The example below illustrates
the correlation of the relater si with various tense-mood forms of the verb in the depend-
ent clause:
si (if) si (if, whether)
Future
Conditional y
Present subjvmctive
Other y y
The use of whether in English as a test of the selection of subjunctive forms has not always
been clearly presented. K whether can be substituted for if, the indicative is obligatory.
One point should be kept clearly in mind in using any of these devices: They
are AIDS, which can only help, never replace, good teaching. The basic procedures which
constitute efficient language teaching are almost all oral, and the personality of the teach-
er is far more important than any pictures, charts, and the like that can be offered to the
student. Devices like those suggested above should be used after oral assimilation of forms
and patterns. Grammatical explanations of materials the students control can be helpful;
explanation of material they do not control is usually meaningless.
For what they are worth, we list below a series of devices that have proved
useful to teachers in presenting specific patterns or items.
1. The comparison of patterns of concordance in English and Spanish can be
^
made with the following type of diagram:
The other .er-^

— very pretty
La otra chica
muy
Las otras chicas
2. The aspectual differences of past time reference in Spanish,
imperfective past the middle of an event

perfective the beginning or end of an event
can be compared to photography. Pictures are a record of past events. Motion pictures
emphasize the middle, snapshots the end. Also, it is useful to point out the correlations
of narrative and descriptive reference to past time:
imperfective past description -*- situations, background

perfective narration -+- events, occurrences
3. Point of vantage in selecting perfective or past subjunctive. The semantic

content of mood in Spanish is in some instances differentiated by word order in English:
(a) They said they would do it when John arrived.

Dijeron que lo harian cuando llegara Juan.
(b) When John arrived, they said they would do it.
Dijeron que lo harian cuando llegd Juan.
On the time line, this contrast can be represented as looking back or looking ahead to
John's arrival from a recollected point:
back -«. ,
^ ahead
4. A representation for commonly occurring conditional sentences:
(1) Completion
Yes No
Si tus hermanas llegan hoy,
Juanita hari (hace) un pastel.
Si tus hermanas llegaban hoy,
Juanita hacia un pastel.
(2) Completion
Yes No
Si tus hermanas llegaran hoy,

Juanita haria un pastel.
(3) Completion
Yes No
Si tus hermanas hubieran llegado
hoy, Juanita habria (hubiera)
hecho un pastel.
In (1) she may or may not arrive, in (2) she probably will not, in (3) she did not. The alter-
nate forms in parentheses in (1) and (3) are optional choices which have no semantic con-
sequences.
5. Translation can often be used as a device to explain grammar. Note the
following translations as an explanation of the effect of the selection or omission of an
indefinite article:
Necesito permiso. I need permission.

Necesito un permiso. I need a permit.
These are good translations because English happens to have a general and a specific refer-
ent for the same concept. The same distinction is much more difficult to show in English in
the following example:
^Tiene lapiz? Are you pencil- supplied?

<i,Tiene im lapiz? Do you have a pencil?
The translation of the first of these sentences is not usable, but it does reflect something
of the structure of Spanish.
There are many other devices. The test of their effectiveness is (1) how much
do they explain and (2) do they mislead. Some analogies are pushed beyond the useful de-
tails of comparison, and the student assumes similarity when he should be made aware of
differences. If carefully selected and used with discretion, explanations by analogy can be
useful.
REFERENCES
For general reading lists on English grammar, Spanish grammar, and linguis-
tic theory, see Linguistic Reading Lists for Teachers of Modern Languages edited by ,
Charles A. Ferguson and William A. Stewart, published by the Center for Applied Linguis-
tics of the Modern Language Association of America, Washington, D.C., 1963. The follow-
ing list includes only those items to which direct reference has been made in this volume.
Bolinger, Dwight L., et al .
1960 Modern Spanish: A Project of the Modern Language Association . New York:
Harcourt, Brace and Co.
Bull, William F.
1960 Time, Tense, and the Verb: A Study in Theoretical and Applied Linguistics,
with Particular Attention to Spanish Berkeley and Los Angeles: University
.
of California Press.
1961 A Visual Grammar of Spanish . Los Angeles: University of California Exten-

sion Division.
Chomsky, Noam A.
1957a Review of C. F. Hockett, Manual of Phonology, in International Journal of

American Linguistics 23:223-34.
1957b Syntactic Structures . The Hague: Mouton and Co.
1964 "The Logical Basis of Linguistic Theory." In Proceedings of the IX Inter-

national Congress of Linguists Cambridge, Massachusetts, August, 1962.
,
The Hague: Mouton and Co.
Dacanay, Fe R.
1963 Techniques and Procedures in Second Language Teaching Quezon City (The
.
Philippines): Phoenix Press.
Fries, Charles C.
1940 English Word Lists: A Study of Their Adaptability for Instruction Washing- .
ton: American Coimcil on Education. (Reprinted by the George Wahr Publish-

ing Co., Ann Arbor, 1950 and 1960.)
1952 The Structure of English . New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co.
FSI Spanish
1956 Robert P. Stockwell, J. Donald Bowen, Guillermo Segreda, Hugo Montero,
310
REFERENCES / 311
and Ismael Silva-Fuenzalida. Spanish Basic Course Three volumes, origi- .
nally printed in 1956, of which the first two are available from the U.S. Gov-
ernment Printing Office, Washington, D.C. (1957). A fourth volume (1962),
written by B. David Trease and Jack L. Ulsh, continues in large part the plan
of the first three volumes.
Gleason, H. A.
1961 An Introduction to Descriptive Linguistics . 2d edition. New York: Henry

Holt and Co.
Harman, Gilbert H.
1963 "Generative Grammars without Transformation Rules: A Defense of Phrase

Structure," Language 39:597-616.
Hockett, C. F.
1955 Manual of Phonology Memoir

. 11, International Journal of American Linguis-
tics .
1961 "Grammar for the Hearer." In The Structure of Language and Its Mathemati-
cal Aspects . Providence, R.I.: American Mathematical Society.
Hornby, A. S.
1954 A Guide to Patterns and Usage in English . London: Oxford University Press.
1948 Hornby, A. S., Gatenby, E. V., and Wakefield, H. The Advanced Learner's
Dictionary of Current English London: Oxford University Press.
.
Klima, Edward S.
1962 "Correspondence at the Grammatical Level," Cambridge, Mass.: Mechanical

Translation Group, Research Laboratory of Electronics, Massachusetts
Institute of Technology.
Lado, Robert
1957 Linguistics across Cultures: Applied Linguistics for Language Teachers .

Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
Pike, Kenneth L.
1954-55 Language in Relation to a Unified Theory of the Structure ofHuman Behavior .
Parts I and II, Preliminary Edition. Glendale, California: Summer Institute

of Linguistics.
Postal, Paul M.
1964 Constituent Structure: A Study of Contemporary Models of Syntactic Descrip-

tion Supplement to International Journal of Anierican Linguistics
. .
Ramsey, Marathon Montrose
1954 A Textbook of Modern Spanish Revised by Robert K. Spaulding. New York:

.
Henry Holt and Co.

Stockwell, Robert P.
1963 "The Transformational Model of Generative or Predictive Grammar." In

Natural Language and the Computer Edited by Paul L. Garvin. New York:
.
McGraw-Hill Book Company.
Thompson, Mary P., et al .
1962-63 Audio- Lingual Materials Spanish Level 1 Spanish Level 2 and Spanish
: , ,
Level 3 Prepared by the staff of the Modern Language Materials Develop-

.
ment Center. Consulting linguists were J. Donald Bowen for Level 1 and
Robert P. Stockwell for Level 2 and Level 3 New York: Harcourt, Brace
.
and World.
Twaddell, W. Freeman
1960 The English Verb Auxiliaries Providence,
. R.I.: Brown University Press.
Yngve, Victor H.
1961 An Introduction to COMIT Programming SHARE

. distribution paper.
ABBREVIATIONS
AND SYMBOLS
A Aspect
AD J Adjective
ADJ:Pred Adjective functioning as predicate after copulative verb
ADV Adverb
Adv-Int Adverb of interest
AUX Auxiliary
Comp Gomplement
D, Det Determiner
Dem Demonstrative
DIR Directional adverb
DO Direct object of transitive verb
Fem Feminine
FREQ Adverb of frequency
GOAL Adverb of goal, purpose
Imperf Imperfective
Inf Infinitive
lO Indirect object
LOG Locative adverb, adverb of place
MAN Adverb of manner
Masc Masculine
N Noun
N time
place
Various subclasses of nouns
event
Neut Neuter
Non-P Non-past
NP Noun phrase
NP:DO Noun phrase functioning as direct object
NPev Noun phrase with event noun as head
NP:IO Noun phrase functioning as indirect object
313
T
314 / GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURES OF ENGLISH A^FD SPANISH
NP:Pred Noun phrase functioning as predicate after copulative verb

NP:Subj Noun phrase functioning as subject of verb
NUM Number (singular and plural)
P Person
P. First person
Second person
Third person
P-1 + Q Third person substitute usually appearing as verb affix
PI Plural
Perf Perfective
PRED Predicate (i.e., NP or ADJ after copulative verb)
PREP Preposition
Pron Pronoun
PRT Particle
Rel Relater
Sg Singular
SC Structural change (in a transformational rule)
SD Structural description (in a transformational rule)
Subj Subject of verb
TE Tense
TM Adverb of time
V Verb
Vi Intransitive verb
V. , V. Subclasses of intransitive verbs
V-inf Verb in infinitive form

V-ing Verb in - ing form
Vio Verb that permits indirect object
V-ndo Verb in - ndo form

VP, Verb phrase with V. as head
t
VP tc Verb phrase with V. as head
VP t/i Verb phrase with V. /. as head
Transitive verb
V V Subclasses of transitive verbs
tc
Transitive verb that may take a complement
Subclasses of V,
tc. tc
't/i
Verb having some transitive characteristics and some intransitive ones
Subclasses of V./-
Vi.
ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS / 315
5 Zero
A sentence in one language corresponds word for word with a sentence in
the other; or correspondence between rules

= Like =, but looser correspondence occasioned, for example, by word or-
der differences that are obligatory features
= Semantic or functional correspondence between a string in one language
and one in the other; or semantic or functional correspondence between
rules
^, ^, ^ Absence of correspondence
-»_ "is rewritten as," "has the following constituents"
=» "is transformed to"
~ "alternating with"
!
INDEX
a, with personal direct objects 27, 35-36, 188-89, 286

Absent category 284-91
Adjective position 87-93, 286, 289
Adjectives
attributive 64
comparison of 58
demonstrative 49, 73
descriptive 87-93, 100
determiners 50
differentiating 89-93, 286, 289
enhancing 69, 89-93, 289
limiting 74, 87-93, 100
numerical 88, 93
possessive 48, 72-73, 74

predicate 64
shortened forms 48-49
Adverb position 202-5
Adverbial interrogatives 195
Adverbs
accompaniment 198
affirmative 199
agent 198
cause 33, 198
compound, with - mente 195
concessive 199
direction 133, 197
dubitative 199
duration 198
extent 196, 198
frequency 199
goal 198
intensifiers 200, 202
interest 28, 36-37, 74, 192-95,
287, 288, 290
location 133, 166, 197
317
Adverbs (continued)
manner 197
means 197
negative 199
order 196
place 196
time 166, 196
Advisability; see Obligation-advisability
Affirmation transformation 236-37, 288
Affirmative imperative transformation 230-31, 288
Affixation in a signals grammar 3
Affixes
derivational 41
inflectional 41
Agent deletion transformation 235-36, 286
Agreement 32, 35, 41, 286
Apposition, nouns in 96, 286
Articles
definite 65-73, 98
indefinite 65-73
Aspect 122, 127, 158-60, 285-86
imperfective 134
perfective 134
Augmentative suffixes 59
Auxiliary constituent of the verb phrase 105, 132-65
Auxiliary modifications 134-65
external 135, 147, 150
primary 134-39, 148-50
secondary 139, 154
Case 51
Categories of comparison 284-91
absent 284
coalesced 284
new 284
split 284
Categories, grammatical
aspect 54
case 51
formality 51
gender 41, 47, 51, 285
mood 54
number 41, 42, 47, 51, 54, 286
person 41, 51, 54
INDEX / 319
Categories, grammatical (continued)

possession 45
tense 41, 54
Ciento ~ cien 49, 88
Circumstantial range 279-80
Clause relater 214-15, 216-17
Clitic pronouns 59-60, 191-95
Coalesced category 284-91
Cognate accusative 185
Communication, verbs of 252-56
Comparison
of adjectives 58
of language structures 282-83
Complement assertion 22-23, 25, 37-38
Complementary distribution 170
Complements
adjective 23, 178, 245-46
noun 23, 178, 245-47
verb 23, 179, 247-54
Compound relaters 214-17
Compounding 59-60
Concord; see Agreement
Conditional; see Subsequence
Conjunctions; see Relaters
Connotative range 62, 277-79
Constituent string 244
Contingency-permission 148-51, 153, 165
Correspondence
categories of 284
functional/ semantic 262-64, 283-91
negative 285-87, 289-90
structural 262-64, 283-91
Count noun 69, 78-87, 288
Counter, with mass nouns 79
Cued discourse drills 304
Currency 148-52, 156-63, 289
de 212-13
Deceptive cognates 57, 275
Definite article
in generalized nominals 70, 286
with infinitives 70
with noun unique in context 65
with numbers telling time 72
Definite article (continued)

with things possessed 72
with titles 70-71, 286
Deictic 65
Demonstrative 73
Demonstrative adjectives 49
'
Denotative range 62, 171, 269-77

Derivational analysis 41, 55-63
Derived sentences 218

Determiner 65-73, 286 I
Diminutive suffixes 58 r
Do does
, , did 154-55, 289 1
Drills
design of 294-95
directed discourse 303-4 I
preparing 304-5
li
response 299-300
substitution 296-98
transformation 298-99 1;
translation 300-2
Duration; see Explicit duration 1
Durative events 135
Empty object in Spanish 33
i
Empty syllable carrier 43
Enclisis 59-60
1
1;
Enclitic pronouns; see Pronouns
1
Equational assertion 20, 24-25, 34-35
"4
Event noun with ser 166

Events
durative or non-durative 135
observable or non-observable 161-63
1-
,
Explicit duration 141-44, 156-60, 289

False analogy 266
Finite-stategrammar 5 •*
'.
Formalistic grammar 2 i
'
Formality, level of 51, 277, 287

fe'
Functional load 292 1;
Functional/ semantic correspondences 283
Future; see Subsequence 1
-
Gender 41, 51, 78, 285
common 47-48
feminine 43
inherent grammatical 43 f.
i
INDEX / 321
Gender (continued)
masculine 43
neuter 45, 49
Grammars
finite -state 5
formalistic 2
generative 13-16
immediate -constituent 5-16
phrase- structure 5-16
signals 2-4
slot-and- substitution 4-5
tagmemic 5
taxonomic 2
transformational 13-16
usage 1-2
Grammatical comparison 282
Grammatical range 268-69
Grande ~ gran 48, 49
Hortatory imperative transformation 232-33, 287
Immediate-constituent grammar 5-16
Imperative transformations 230-32, 287, 288
Imperfect, imperfective 134-39
Indefinite article 65-73, 68-69, 289
Indefinite equational pattern 24, 25, 38-39, 288
Inflectional analysis 41-45
Initiative aspect 134-39
Intensifying suffix - isimo 59
Interrogative transformation
yes-no 220-21, 287
k/d 221-30, 287
Intonation in a signals grammar 3
Intransitive assertion 20, 25, 35
Inversion of direct object 190, 239-40
Inversion transformation 239-40, 286-87
k/d interrogative transformation 287-88
cdmo questions 227-28
cull questions 222-25
culndo questions 226-27
culnto questions 229
d6nde questions 228-29
que questions 221-22
qui^n questions 225-26
Kernel sentence 14, 218
Lexical co-occurrence 267-68

Lexical correspondence 271
Manipulation activities 295-96
Mass noun 69, 78-87, 288, 289
Matching choices 282-83
Matrix string 244
Modals
contingency-permission, may 148-51, 153, 165
obligation-advisability, shall 148-51, 153, 164-65
obligation-probability, must 148-51, 154, 164
potentiality, can 148-49, 153, 163-65
subsequence, will 148-52, 160-65
Modifications of auxiliary 134-39, 148-49
Mood 105-6
Morphological range 62, 265-67
Morphology 41
Morphophonemic rules 147
Muy 200
Negation transformation 219-20, 287
Negative imperative transformation 231-32, 288
Negative transfer 266, 292
Neuter gender 45, 49, 101-3
New category 284-91
Node 6-7
Nominalization 74, 76, 97-104, 288
Non-durative event 135
Non-finite verb forms 122, 288
Non-observable events 161-63
Novin classification 78
Noun phrase
direct object 188-89
noun predicate 185, 187-88
verb complement 178, 191
Nouns 42, 47, 78-87
in apposition 96
Number 41, 42, 47, 51, 64, 286
o 206-7
Object pronoun transformation 238-39
Object pronouns
position in relation to verb 189-90, 288
reflexive 190-95
Obligation-advisability 148-51, 153, 164-65
Obligatory choices or consequences 15-16, 147, 283-91
INDEX / 323
Observable events 161-63

One as carrier of nonminalization 74, 103
One- string transformations
affirmation 236-37
affirmative-imperative 230-31
agent deletion 235-36
hortatory imperative 232-33
interrogative 220-21
inversion 239-40
k/d interrogative 221-30
negation 219-20
negative imperative 231-32
object pronoun (third person) 238-39
passive 233-35
subject omission 240-41
subject pronoun 237-38
uncertainty modification 241-42
Optional choices 15-16, 147, 283-91
in one-string transformations 218-42
P3.O 31
Palatal stem extension in verbs 111-12
Palatal-velar stem extension in verbs 113
Particles 54, 205
Passive transformation 233-35
Pedagogical sequencing
approach 292
functional load 292
order of complexity 293
symmetry of presentation 293
Perfect; see Relevant anteriority
Perfective aspect 134-39
Periphrastic future 183-85
Person 41, 51
Person-number verb affixes 105-8, 121-22
Personal a in Spanish 27, 35-36, 188-89, 286
Phrase relaters
compound 214-17
non-prepositional 216
prepositional 207
Phrase-structure grammar 5-16
por ~ para 208-12, 229-30, 285
Possession 45
Possessive adjectives 48, 72, 74-78, 287
Possessive phrases 77, 94, 287

Postures 186, 287
Potentiality 148-49, 153, 163-65
Predicate 168
adjective 185-87
noun 185, 187-88
Prepositions
before interrogative words 222-30, 288
repeated in compound phrase 95, 289
semantic equivalence, problems of 207-14
Preterit 135-39
Probability; see Obligation-probability
Progressive; see Explicit duration, Currency
Pronouns
clitic, enclitic 189-95
indirect object 192-95
object 189-91
subject 51
with-preposition 51, 288
with-verb 51, 52
Pseudo-modals 154
Range, lexical
circumstantial 279-80
connotative 277-79
co-occurrence 267-68 I
denotative 269-77
grammatical 268-69
morphological 265-67
syntactic 265
Redundant construction 192-93, 287
Relaters
co-ordinating 206-7
omission of subject 240-41
subordinating 206, 207-17
that vs. que 216-17
Relevant anteriority 139-41, 148-51
Response drills
choice questions 299
cued response 300
patterned response 299-300
Rules
phonetic 15
phrase structure 12
transformational 13-14
INDEX / 325
Santo '^ san 48

se
for unspecified agent 235-36
in unplanned occurrences 195, 287
replacement for adverb of interest 194, 288
Secondary modifications of the auxiliary
contingency-permission 148-51, 153, 165

currency 148-52, 156-63
explicit duration 141-44, 156-60
obligation-advisability 148-51, 153, 164-65
obligation-probability 148-51, 154, 164
potentiality 148-49, 153, 163-65
relevant anteriority 139-41, 148-51
subsequence 144-47, 148-52, 160-65
Semantic correspondence 262-64, 283
Sentence patterns, English basic
complement assertion 22-23, 25
equational assertion 20, 25
indefinite equational 24, 25
intransitive assertion 20, 25
transitive assertion 21, 25
transitive receiver assertion 21, 25
Sentence patterns, Spanish basic
complement assertion 28-29, 32
equational assertion 25-26, 32
indefinite equational 31, 32
intransitive assertion 26, 32
transitive assertion 27, 32
transitive receiver assertion 27-28, 32
Sentences, active declarative 24, 32
Ser and estar
with adjective predicate 168-69
with event/non-event subjects 167-68
with noun predicate 168, 187-88
Shibilants 44
Sibilants 44
Signals grammar 2-4
Slot-and-substitution grammar 4-5
Slots 18
Split category 284-91
Stem, verb 105-16
Stem -changing verbs
miscellaneous stem changes 115-16
palatal stem extension 111-12
Stem-changing verbs (continued)

palatal-velax stem extension 113
shortened stems 114
stem suppletion 116
stem vocalization 113-14
stem vowel changes 108-10, 114
velar stem extension 111-12
Stems 41
Structural correspondence 262-64, 283
Style, in lexical comparison 276-77
Suasion, verbs of 252-56, 287
Subject omission transformation 240-41, 287
Subject pronoun transformation 237-38
Subjunctive in English 242, 254
Subjunctive in Spanish
in adjective clauses 259-60
in adverbial clauses 177,260-62
in noun clauses 173-77, 183, 254-55,
257-58
to indicate imperative 230-33
to indicate uncertainty 241-42
Subsequence 144-47, 148-52, 160-65
Substitution drills
correlated 297
moving slot 297-98
simple 296-97
Symmetry of presentation 293
Syntactic range 171, 265
Syntax 41
Tagmemic grammar 5
Tan 200
Taxonomic grammar 2
Tense 41
non-past 135, 148
past 135, 148
Tense-aspect verb affixes 105-8, 119-21
Terminative aspect 134-39
Theme vowels in verbs 105-8, 116-19, 286
Todo 87, 92, 289
Transformation drills
expansion 298
integration 299
reduction 298
transposition 298
INDEX / 327
Transformational grammar 13-16

Transformations
complex and compound sentence 243-64
one-string 218-42
replacement 244
simple sentence 218-42
two -string 243-64
Transitive assertion 21, 25, 35-36
Transitive receiver assertion 21, 25, 36-37
Translation drills
paired sentence 301
patterned 301-2
Tree 6-12
Tu usted vos
, , 277, 287
Two- string transformations 218
adjective clauses 259-60
adverb clauses 260-62
complements 245-54
noun clauses as subjects of impersonal
verb phrases 257-58
noun clauses as objects of verbs 254-56
Uncertainty modification transformation 241-42
Uno ~ un 49, 67
Usage grammar 1-2
Velar stem extension in verbs 111-12
Verb classes, based on potential constituent
structure of verb phrase
intransitive 172, 183 -84
transitive 172--81, 251-•53, 254-56
transitive/intransitive 182--83, 253-54
transitive with complement 177-81, 245-•50
Verb classification
by form 106, 10£i, 116
by observability 161
by use in sentence patterns 132-•33
Verb form constituents 105
Verb forms, irregular
person-number 121-22
stem 108-16
tense -aspect 119-•21
theme 116-19
Verb forms, non-finite
imperfective participle 122
infinitive
Verb forms, non-finite (continued)

perfective participle 122, 125
Verb forms, regular 106-7
Verb phrase constituents
auxiliary 132-65
non-verbal 185-217
verbal non-avixiliary 166-85
Verb stems, shortened 114
Verb types
communication 252, 289
motion 185, 197
observation 178, 248
perception 178, 248
suasion 252
Verbals; see Non-finite verb forms
Verbs
irregular 106, 108-22
regular 106-8
X 90, 93, 207, 289
>
General Editor: charles a. Ferguson, Director of the
Center for Applied Linguistics in Washington, D.C.
This series is designed to provide a detailed account of one of the

major problems in the teaching of a second language— the interfer-
ence caused by structural differences between the native language
of the learner and the foreign language he is studying. The similari-
ties and differences between English and the language being taught
are described in two volumes, one on the sound systems and one on
the grammatical systems, for some of the foreign languages most
in demand in the United States today.
Reviewing the two Volumes on German in Word, Paul Schach-
ter wrote: ". these studies should prove genuinely useful to the
. .
teachers and textbook writers for whom they are intended. . . .
The discussions are uniformly concise and illuminating."
First six volumes:
THE SOUNDS OF ENGLISH AND GERMAN

By William G. Moulton
THE GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURES OF ENGLISH AND GERMAN
By Herbert L. Kufner
THE SOUNDS OF ENGLISH AND SPANISH
By Robert P. Stockwell and J. Donald Bowen
THE GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURES OF ENGLISH AND SPANISH
By Robert P. Stockwell, J. Donald Bowen, and John W. Martin
THE SOUNDS OF ENGLISH AND ITALIAN
By Frederick B. Agard and Robert J. Di Pietro
THE GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURES OF ENGLISH AND ITALIAN
By Frederick B. Agard and Robert J. Di Pietro
Paper ISBN: 0-226-77504-6
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS

Cover Photo: Moated castle at Medina del
Campo, Valladolid. Courtesy Spanish National
Tourist Office.

Linguistic Journal

Uploaded by

Document Information

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Linguistic Journal

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

%;um^

;5l^ THE GRAMMATICAL

^3- THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS

of the Modern Language Association, and is published with permission

of the United States Office of Education.

International Standard Book Number: 0-226-77504-6

The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 60637

© 1 965 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved

Published 1965. Sixth Impression 1973

This study is part of a series of contrastive structure studies which describe

vi / GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURES OF ENGLISH AND SPANISH

J. D. B.: Chapters 3, 4, 5, second half of 7, Appendix

R. P. S. and J.W. M.: Chapter 6, first half of 7

1 INTRODUCTION TO GRAMMATICAL ANALYSIS 1

2 BASIC SENTENCE PATTERNS 18

3 WORD CLASSES AND MORPHOLOGICAL CHARACTERISTICS 41

4 THE NOUN PHRASE AND ITS CONSTITUENTS 64

5 VERB FORMS 105

6 THE AUXILIARY CONSTITUENTS OF THE VERB PHRASE 132

7 OTHER CONSTITUENTS OF THE VERB PHRASE 166

8 SIMPLE SENTENCE TRANSFORMATIONS 218

9 COMPLEX AND COMPOUND SENTENCE TRANSFORMATIONS 243

10 LEXICAL DIFFERENCES 265

11 HIERARCHY OF DIFFICULTY 282

APPENDIX: PEDAGOGY 292

ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS 313

1. Grammar is a set of rules to discriminate between educated usage and all

Thus used, grammar means a set of prescriptions about norms of usage.

2. Grammar is a classification of the signals which differentiate one sentence

This is sometimes called SIGNALS GRAMMAR, FORMA LISTIC GRAMMAR

(1) Word Order .

The experiment made the alchemist mad.

He drank the chocolate milk.

Tengo algo que hacer. I have something to do.

They do not know.

(4) Affixation . This is a process by which word elements (PREFIXES, SUF-

an adjective, plus -idad produces the noun capacidad ).

3. Grammar is a finite number of sentence patterns, each pattern containing

This kind of grammar is sometimes called SLOT-AND-SUBSTITUTION gram-

sists of a list of abstract patterns, like

Determiner + Noun + Verb^.^^^^^g.^.^^) + Adverb^p^g^^^^j^^^j

(a) This poet reads well.

A recent version of slot-and- substitution grammar— called tagmemics— has

4. Grammar is a description of the probability relationships between lexical

5. Grammar is a description of the degrees of closeness— or clustering— of

A clear and effective presentation of this approach to grammatical analysis

The two boys were playing in the yard.

the two boys PAST be -ing play in the yard

the two boys PAST be -ing play in the yard

The two boys PAST be -ing play in the yard

The two boys PAST be -ing play in the yard

Full Verb Phrase (Predication)

the two box "S PAST be -ing play in the yard

NP = Noun Phrase N Noun

(2) NP -^ D + (ADJ) + N + (-s)

(3) D -^ the, ...

(5) N -*- boy, girl, game, yard, . . . apple, roof

(6) VP -^ AUX + VPj

We may now break Auxiliary into the elements we need:

(7) AUX -^ TE (be + ing)

Another rule will give Tense as Past or Present:

the two boy -s PAST be - ing

types of VPj is an Intransitive Verb Adverbs are optional

the two boy -s PAST be - ing