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Digitized by the Internet Archive

in

2013

http://archive.org/details/bancrofthistcal01bancroft

PRESENTED
ro

WALTER W.
BY

MCLAUGH.'

ill-

ITU

JAMES m c laughl:
A8P1

March,

1884

tii

i:

\v<

>rks

HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT

THE WORKS
OF

HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.

VOLUME

XVIII.

HISTORY OF CALIFORNIA.
Vol.

I.

1542-1800.

SAN FRANCISCO
A. L.

BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS.

1884.

Entered according to Act of Congress in the Tear k3l, hy

HUBERT
In the

Office of

H.

BANCROFT,

the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.

All Rights Reserved.

PRE FAC E.
The

past of California, as

successive
either

phase,

furnishes

whole and

a
a

record

Dot

province.

From

the time

when

it

was

of cosmographic conjecture, its position,

the

way from Mexico

guch bounds as A

ami Florida,

it

excelled

mere

field

somewhen

to [ndia, being vaguely fixed by

ia,

the north pole, Newfoundland,

has drawn upon

of the world's notice.

tion, of spiritual

each

New World

variety or interest by thai of any

in

in

conqi

The

itself a

libera]

sh

period of Spanish occupa-

pment

and mission d

growing out of Franciscan effort, of quiet past

life with its lively Bocial monotony, is a fascinating
subject that in do part of America can 1"- Btudied
more advantageously than lure Even the miniature struggles between church and state, the political

controversies of the Mexican regime, the play at

war and

who

state-craft, are full of interesl

can forget the meagre outcome.

to the reader

On

the ocean,

as on a groat maritime highway, California was visited

by explorers and
thus escaping

traders from

much

all

parts of the world,

of the tedious isolation of inland

provinces, to the manifest enlivennient of her annals.

Over the mountains presently came adventurous pathfinders, followed by swarms of Anglo-Saxon immigrants to seek homes by the Pacific; and their
fiii)

PREFACE.
IV

way, with the dissensions

experiences on the overland
followed their coming from
and filibusterings that
the 'Bear Flag revolt, furnish
the 'Graham affair' to
wanting in dramatic inmatter for a narrative not
the conquest, the change oi Hag,
terest

Then came

military rule under the

and the interregnum of
by the crowning
United States; closely followed
an evenl that
of all, the discovery of geld,

excitement
not only

made

among

California famous

the nati<

country's p
but imparted a new interest to the
anomaThe gold-mines with their immense yield, the
of the 'flush
lous social conditions and developments
and other sir;;
times,' the committees of vigilance

phenomena,

no relaxation of the
then dawned the latesl epoch

for years permitted

And

world's interest.

ti,
of industrial progress, of agricultural wealth, of
continental railways, of great towns on the Pacific;

by

an epoch that in a measure places Californi

side with older states in a career of prog

>na]

prosperity.

My resources
shown

in the

Chapter

for writing a history of

accompanying

II. of the present

tion of the authorities

is

material for such a history

sive

list

Jalifornia

of authorities, and in

volume, where a

Existing prinl

given.
is

classificaI

in the a|

The famous collectors and edil

Hakluyt and Purchas, the standard

and valuable.

of old, such as

historians of the Spanish

Indies,

Torqueniada and

Herrera, with Mercator, Ortelius, and

of cosmographers, aided

by such

all

speciali

gas and Cabrera Bueno, published

the

sch<><l

Sene-

what was known

and imagined of California in the earliest period of

its

annals.

Then the

early navigators from the time

P]

La

of

.'ii

raver

'

B.

much

ga ve

att

tion to the history of the country they visited;

made the

while few of them

yet

tunities!
t

be

their

Palou's missionary annal

their

teir

lumentary n cord

articles

in

or

Mei

nd even

app

Uowing
in print

the condition and

prospects of their new home; overland

picl

ured the

follow.

and mention of
on
iral
w

1'

of Robinson, described

explorers, like

imm

Bidwell and Hastings and Fremont,

benefit

\\

ers to

The conquest was voluminously recorded

documents printed by the government of the

Sta

well as in Buch books as those of

Cults, also

making

in

in

LTnil

!olton

and

California a prominent topic of

newspaper mention.
lias

in

found

historical

less

into the world's periodicals,

Spanish America.
I

more pr

MLof

the far-off province

we

awhile Fleurieu and

from time to time

way

unless

ad

others, like Forbes an

California;

regarded as

1"'

Burney, turned tl
the summarizing of early voyages; and

attention ko

printed

may

in print

Navarrete, liku

b &1 use of their oppor-

narratives

duable material

in

and

From

the finding of gold th

been no lack of books and pamphlets publisl

or about the country; while national, state,

municipal records

in type,

and

with the addition of news-

papers, have forever abolished the necessity of search-

ing the imprinted state and county archie

Of

late

there

has

been

manifest

commendable

diligence on the part of early Californians in historic

Many

research.

been printed

in

pioneer reminiscences

have

one form or another, one journal

PREFACE.
VI

exclusively
for years almost
having been devoted
time ha,
few documents of the older
that labor.
men as aylor
with comments by such
I

seen the light,

Stillman, have studied the

and Evans, who, like
ral
besides publish*
voyages. John T. Doyle,
has edited a reprint ol Palou
.

historical pamphlets,

Francisco
Several men, like Hopkins of San
brought oul small
and Wilson of Santa Cruz, have
works.

collections of California

of the

and to

Mexican time have been translated, printed,

some extent utilized in periodicals and Legal

Some members

records.

as

Other mem<

documents.

of the legal

ch

pr<

form

briefs into

Dwindle, have expanded their

Several old narratives or diaries of early

have
events, as for instance those of Ide and Sutter,
been recently published. Benjamin Hayes has b&

history.

an indefatigable collector of printed items on Bouthern

rm a
California. Lancey has presented in crude
valuable mass of information about the conquest
I'

Specialists,

like

McGlashan on the Donner

pari

have done some faithful work. Particularly actii

have been the local annalists, headed by Hittell,
Soule, Hall, and Gilbert, whose efforts have in sev-

beyond mere local and personal

and who have obtained some original da
residents and a partial study of documents

eral instances

records,

from old
evidence.

gone

And

far

finally there are

Tuthill and Gleeson,

a few writers, like

who have given the world popular

and creditable versions of the country

The

services of the lawyers

and

ral ami.'

legal tribunals in

years past merit hearty recognition.

involuntary legal assistants has been

than that of the twenty skilled collabo

<

My

corps of

more nuin
I

npL >y e<

directly by

me

iwhere explained; and though

hey samined l>ut

they employed the
1

vii

E,

|>B

of the archiv<

talent

finest

the profession,

in

labored for more than twenty;

work

to

than

of these

the con
I sliould

workmen

I,

have been able

The

pay.

nol

and
in

legal

v.

printed arg

briefs,

and bulky toe

imony
have collected, classibut

and used them

to test, corroborate, or supple-

c 'ini

in land

reports,

and other

This duplication of

notes from other sources.

it

be
commenl
Bands of documents submitted

data, and the

liral

practically inaccessible

[,

ibmitted their

and judicial coolness

pi*'

>n

on the th

alteri

the crucible of

in

parti

ion,

li

have not only doubL d the value of those papers, but

lia\
i

to

ttly

aided

me

making proper use

of

of thousands never submitted to such a test.

documentary evidence of

the

hi

bould

led

testimony of pioneers elicited by interro

who, through personal

a

in

power

bpcena had

ini

which

over reticent witn<

never p

sessed,

But while much

due to investigators of
who have preceded me, the pa
;al cla
the
so far as original research ^n an extended scale is
credit

is

concerned, has to this time remained untrodden.

No

writer has even approximately utilized the information extant in print.

studied for the

first

It has

time

now

be

in its entiretv.

Yet

so

and

much

further has the investigation been carried, and so com-

paratively unimportant

is

this class of data, that

PREFACE,
nil

covered-namely, from 17G9

would aot
completeness of my record

period
a large part of the
to

1846-the

by the destruction of <n

be very seriously affected
Never has it been
printed.
page that has ever been
any writer, aspiring to record ti
the fortune

of

have at the
annals of his country, to

same time

so

original
and so complete a collection ol
claim without exaggeraand unused material. I may
on
practically all thai
tion to have accumulated
but in manuscript.
the subject, not only in print
hitherto but very
have copied the public archives,
rans
superficially consulted; and I have

new

field

of ori
country for additional hundreds of thousands
was unknown.
inal documents whose very existence
size from
I have also taken statements, varying in
hunsix to two thousand pages each, from many

dreds of the early inhabitants. For details reaped ing

these new sources of information I refer the r

is true that
and chapter already cited.
to
new documents will be found as the years pa
throw a clearer light on many minor point-; but new
material whatever new talent and new theories may
do will necessitate the reconstruction of few if any oi

to the list

these chapters.

It is to me a matter of pride that, using

which it ran
ever be properly applied to an extended historical
work, I have thus been able to exhaust the subject.
Possibly I have at the same time exhausted the
patience of my readers; for it is in the History of
California that I have entered more fully into details than in any other part of the general work.
The
plan originally announced carries me from national

the term in the limited and only sense

in

history into local annals as I leave the south for the

among the northern counl

north; and

That

California claims the largest spa<

treatment

id

by the extend and

the country's annals, by

spective importance in th

prominence of the topic

may bo that the aggr
jome

doubtless

it

I,

spac

Bui such would be the

>t

while the compai

will

pro-

of the world, will n

probably be questioned.

vari<

preseu

past,

its

this

the space were reduced '

half or two thir
and such a reduction could only be mad by a pa
if

ch&nge
its

in

the plan of the work, and

exhaustive chara
iord of

in

ions,

its

Any

importance.

tal

work

of selected

which would not be history.

n<

That the happenings

rtling as ^,ww of th

of things for which the writer

is

not writing of California at

is

s1

and

nol responsible;

while from a certain point of view

it

all, it

might

justify

can by no mei

excuse him, having once undertaken the task,

telling

mere

ill

tiny-deciding events of the world's history,

in

of events that would be intolerably

or a record

be chronicled are

iven a

considerable re-

the

chapi

space would mi

chronological
i

is

events from year to year, each b

proportion to

duction

icrifice

history

from a short paragraph

t'r

The custom has been

the whole story.

in

writing the annals of this and other countries to d\

at length on one event or epoch recorded in a book

document the writer happens to have seen, and

omit for want of space! twenty others equally important which have escaped his research, a happy
command.
means of condensation not at my
J

Hist. Cal., Vol.

I.

PREFACE.
no long-drawn
be found in these volumes
In no part of this
narratives or descriptions.
*ly
condensation been m
has my system of
that the record is
I am firm in the belief
applied
expect
completeness
preserving, and for its

There

will

worth

approbation oi all r
time the appreciation and
greatly in error resp
Californians. Unless I am
have written, no intelligent reader desiring

in

ing

what

any particular event of early Califounding or early

fornian history information on the
developm
annals of any mission or town; on the

information on

instituof any political, social, industrial, or religious

tion; on the occurrences of any year
friar or promin
life and character of any official or
citizen or early pioneer;

on the

visit

and narrative of

any voyager; on the adventures and composition

of any immigrant party; on any book or cl
about California; or on any one or any group of
of
will ac
incidents that make up this work

having written at too great length on thai particular

And I trust the system of classification will
topic.
enable the reader to select without
confusion such portions as

may

in

suit his

To government officials of nation.

ties, who have afforded me and my agenl
to the public archives, often going

obligations to facilitate

and coun-

beyond their

offi

my investigatioi

acknowledgments are due. I am no loss indebted to

Archbishop Alemany of San Fram
and Bishop
Mora of Los Angeles and Monterey, by who-.- authority the parochial archives have been placed at

and to the curates, who with fev

have done much more in appreciation of

my

disposal;

my work

PEE]

than simply

to

comply with the

their su-

due

A.cknowledgi

periors.

Romo and

his

Franciscan associates at

me

bara for permitting

tion

to

Father

Santa Bar-

copy their unrivalled

of documents, the real archivo

Nor must

to

forget the re]

de

coines.

of native Cali-

fornian and early pioneer families, duly mentioned by

name elsewhere
and

in this history,

me

given

patriotically

reminiscences, !>ut

the

who

ha

not only their persona]

prio

of their

family archives, without which documents the early

annals of their country could never have been written.

Lasl

lv

there axe

men

of

Anglo-Saxon

he

si

r<

>ng, in'

orij

world's latter-day buil

at,

tion

of ten

amon
empire, who have

the foundations of the fullest and

in (his last

and

to these for

/ilization

informa-

furnished, with a heart full of admiration

trust, I

lender inv grateful thank-.

laid

and

<

CONTENT- OF THIS VOLUME.

CHAPTER
IHTBODUOTORY

I.

R]

Hi-tury of the North Mexican States, 152

bHis Plans
tado,

Becerra, and

Work

JimenezCortes

de Vaca

Mixton War Nueva

Conqm

Sinalo

Califon

in

NizaUlloa

man Cabeza
Alvarado

ific

Guzman

Nufio do

-Diaz

Alaroon

<

to 1G00

teenth Century Annals

-Missiou Districts of

huanes and Tarahu mares .Jesuits and

Mexico Sinaloa and SonoraKino

aya
as

is

Pimeria

Revolt

in

Vizcaino*

ExpeditionsOccupation of Baja California Eighteenth Century

Annals of New Mexico, Chihuahua, Sonora, and Baja California, to
the Expulsion of the Jesuits in 1707

CHAPTER

II.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIA* HISTORY.

List of Authorities

A Catalogue

of California

Books

Taylor's List

Proposed lassification Periods of History Sixteen Hundred Titles

before 1848 Printed Material Epoch of Discovery to 17G9 Cosmographies and Voyage Collections Spanish Epoch 1769-1824
(

Books, Periodicals, and Documents The Mexican

Period, 1SJ4-1S4G Voyages Overland Narratives First Prints of
California Works of Mexican Authors Government Documents
Books

of Visitors

Histories

Local

Annals

One

Thousand

Titles of

Manuscripts-

Vallejo and Larkin Documentary Titles Scattered Correspondence Dictations of Natives

and Pioneers Value of Reminiscences After the Gold Discovery
Manuscripts Books Printed in and about California

Archives, Public, Mission, and Private

xiii

31

CONTEXTS,

xiv

CHAPTEE

III.

THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA.

1542-170S.
Origin of the

r.vr.K

B
Name-Conjectures- Sergas of Esplandian-^First Saw Alta
Variations of the Name-Who

Discovery-Later

Juan RodrVuez

Diaz-Five Expeditions-

Alareon,

California?-t711oa,

1542-3-Exploratdon from San

Cabrlllo,

Point Coneepcion-Ferrelo in the

North-Voya^

San Frai

Dis
Drake 1579-New Albion-Drake did not

Bay-Maps-The

Ships-Galli's Voyage,

Philippine

15!

Cennen
MendocinoVoyage of Sebastian Rodriguez de
Francisco-Explorations of Sebastian Vizcaino,

The Old San

'abi
_Aiap-Discovery of MontereyAgnilar's Northern Limit
Northern Mj
Bueno's Work, 1734-Spanish Chart, 1742-The
<

64

and Early Maps

CHAPTER

IV.

MOTIVES AND PREPARATIONS FOR SPANISH OOCUPAT1

17G7-1770.

State of the Spanish Colonies Accidental Awakening from

Revival of Old Motives Fear of the B

Galvez on the PeninsulaCharacter and Auth

Condition of Affairs in Lower CaliforniaInstruction* and

Galvez for the Occupation of San Diego and Mot

Expedition by Sea and
tola, Rivera,

and Serra

LandVessels,

Troops, and Su]

Plans for the Conquiflta

Consults the Padre Presidente Sacred Forced

Sailing

arations

March
Jos6'

of the

of the Fleet

Army from

Eapirit

I.

from La Paz aim

the Northern Frontier-

1-

Tidings of Success
CHAPTER

OCCUPATION OF SAN DIEGO

V.

EXPEDITIONS

EV

1709.

Voyage

of Perez in the

Miracle

Discovery

Arrival in
Waiting
'San Carlos' Fages and
Galvez A Scurvy-stri

'San Antonio'
of

Voyage of Vila in the

Instructions by
Pestdiouse at San Diego Arrival

of Rivera

Diary Camp and Hospital Moved

to

tana

Volunteers

Santa Cruz Island

fo

Ian

1.

y Moncada
North San Die
Portold, and Junipero Serra Reunion of the Four Ex]
Thanksgiving to Saint Joseph The 'San Antonio' Sent
Lias PortoU Sets out for Monterey Founding of San
sion A Lattle with the Natives A Mission without Con
1

to

is
San

XV

VI.
1

i::

J7
'

Crespfs Journal!

>hy

tn

An
<

and No
in Cal

fospitable People an

ii.

Aero

Sierra

be

and

<1

*\\

the

lonfuaion in

tola-

and

dition to

X.

and San

140

CHi
OOOUPATZOH Of M0NT1RET

vir.

:<>\\\>\\
HI..

1770 1771.

Governor

.'

doned

Rivera's Tri;> to the Soul

Antonio

Foundin

Bay

Land and Sea

louth by

Portola

Command

'

Recepl ion of the

Palou'a Memorial

Work

ion

is

to

larmelo Bay

tirement of Parron and

l>y

rabriel I

Soldiers

Of Tin:

<'f

177-

Search for the

new

Fage8

VIII.
i:stai;lisiimi:\

Port of San Francisco*

First Exploration of Santa Clara,

tics

a<

CHAPTER

Events

inding of San Antoi

Padi

San Carlos
ragea

Arrival of

in

Alameda, and Contra

y
;

Discovers San Pablo Bay, Carquines Strait, and San

Joaquin RiverRelief Sent South Hard Tim.

Living on Bear-meatFaces and Sen
Luis Obispo Events at San Di
Quarrel

'.

ant and President

Serra

Command-

Goes to Mexico Cession of Low

fornian Missions to Dominicans-New Padres for the Northern
Establishments Palou'a Journey to San Diego and Monterey in

177;J

183

CONTEXTS.

xvi

CHAPTER
FIRST

XX.

ANNUAL REPORT; SERRA'S LABORS IN MEXICO.

1773.

Palou's Report of December,

and

paoh

MayCondition

Serra's in

fornia at Close of the First Historical

of Cali-

Period Names Applied-

Presidio and Five MissionsBaptisms, Marriages, and D<

Gentiles Friendly Pre-pastoral Californian Architecture Palisade

EnclosuresAgriculture and Stock-raising New Presidio Regulations of September 1772 Father Junipero in Mexico Memorial
March Memorial of April San Bias Establishment Saved -Ad
Aids and Reforms Reglamento Eighty Soldiers
of the Junta

Ways and Means Serra's Report Provi

tions to Fages Fiscal's Report Condition of Pious FundFinal
Action of the Junta Rivera Appointed to Succeed Fages -Instructions Preparations of Rivera and Anza Serra Homeward Bound

California

CHAPTER
RECORD

IDS

X.

OF EVENTS.
1774.

Anza's First Expedition The Overland

Return of Padre Junipero Rivera Assumi
mand Departure of Fages Exploring Voyage of
Northern Coast San Diego Mission Moved from

Want

in the

Missions

from Sonora

P<

<

guay Coming

of Soldiers and their FamiliesThird

San Francisco BayA Mission Site Selected Firsl
Beach to the Cliff and Seal Rocks Troubles b<
I

cans and Governor Barri in the Peninsula Much

ing Felipe de Neve Appointed Governor

Ad

to Succ

Annual Report on Mission Progress

220

CHAPTER XL
NORTHERN EXPLORATION AND SOUTHERN DI&
177").

California-bound Fleet Franciscan Chaplains Voyage

of
the 'San Antonio '-Voyage of Ayala in the
'San

in

Carlos'

Heceta and Bodega y Cuadra to the Northern

CoastsDi*
Bay-Discovery of Bodega Bay-Death of Juan PerezExploration of San Francisco Bay by Ayala-Trip
of
Palou to San Francisco by Land Preparations
for N
Attempted Founding of San Juan Capistrano-Mid
night Desti
of San Diego Mission-Martyrdom
of Padre JaumeA Ni
TerrorAlarm at San Antonio
.^
of

of Trinidad

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER

xvii

XII.

KPEDITI0N8 01 ANZA, PONT, .\M> GABGl

1776-1770.

Anzaand

his

Immigrants

PAGE

Preparations in Mexico and Sonora Two Hundred

Colony

Original AuthoritiesMarch

Lonariea Left

to the Bio Colorado

Tedious March to San Ga-

Itinerary Map A

briel- Anza (iocs to the Relief of San Diego

cated

An/a.

Brings

Force

his

Rivera

Excommuni-

MontereyHia IllnessRivera

to

ill
North and An/a
A Quarrel Rivera
and the FriarsStrange Actiona of the Commandant

ea

<

SouthwardInsanity or Jealousy An,

and to SonoraExplorations byG

Hia

Colorado

rn to the

dp

Anza
March

the

the Mojave Desert- Ento Tulare \';dley A Remarkable Journey

Dominguez and

257

Elscalante

CHAPTER

XIII.

FOUNDING 0 THE PRESIDIO AND KIS8IOB 01 BAN FBAJ

1770-1777.

co Itinerary The

Anza'a Exploration of the Peninsula of San

Survey of the Peninsula Arroyo de

Dolores Trip
Font
the Great River Blunders
Bit at
eapfReturn to Monterey Ord
imp on Mountain Lake

to

of

in

<

da the
PadresArrival of the Transport V<
Colony to the Peninsula Camp on Lake Dolores Comjng of the'
'San Carlos' The Presidio Founded New Exploration of Round

the

'

Bay and Riode San Francisco

cation of the MissionDiscussion

Formal Dedi-

Early Progress

Annals of 1777

of Dai

Visits

of

and Name
and
Governor
President
bion,

and Commandant

279

CHAPTER

XIV.

MISSION PROGRESS AND TUEBLO BEGINNINGS.

1770-1777.

Fire at San Luis Obispo Affairs at San

Serra Reeatabliahment of the Mission The

Indian Affright at Monterey

Diego

Rivera

and

Founding

of San Juan Capistrano

Father Serra
Attacked Founding of Santa Clara Change of Capital of the Californias
Governor Neve Comes to Monterey Rivera as Lieutenantgovernor at Loreto
Provincias Internas
Governor's Reports

Lost Registers

Movements of Vessels Xeve's

Plans for Channel Establishments Plans for Grain Supply Experimental Pueblo Founding of San Jose Indian Troubles in the
Precautions against Captain Cook

South A

Soldier

Killed Four Chieftains Shot The

Execution in California

First Public

203

CONTENTS.

xvm

CHAPTER

XV.

A DECADE COMPLETED PRESIDENT SERRA VERSUS GOVERNOR NEVE.

1778-1780.

PAOI

Period of PreparationSchemes for the FutureGovernment ReformsPueblosChannel Establishments Neve Wants to Resi
and is Made Colonel Sacrament of Confirmation Episcopal Powers
Quarrel with
('.inferred on Padre Serra Tour of the Missions
Neve Ecclesiastic Prerogative and Secular Authority A Friar's
Sharp Practice Serious Charges by the Governor Movements of
Vessels Arrival of Arteaga and Bodega from a Northern Voyage
The First Manila Galleon at Monterey Local Events and Progress

Presidio Buildings

317

CHAPTER
A

XVI.

NEW REGLAMENTO COLONISTS AND RECRUITS LOS ANGELES FOUNDED.

1781.

Inspectors of Presidios Supply System

The Santa Barbara Channel to be OccupiedColoni
System Mission Extension Preparations for New Establish-

Neve's Reglamento in Force

Habilitado
tion

mentsPdvera 's Recruiting

March Coming

of

in Sonora and Sinaloa

Rivera via the Colorado, and of

reto Arrival at San Gabriel

Instructions

Names

of

Founding

the Original

of

Plans
Ziifliga

Los Angeles

Settlers.

Early

for Die
\
I

\'<

vc's

Progress

Final Distribution of Lands in

1786 Map of Survey San Jose*

Distribution in 1783 Map Local Items Laying the Corner-stone
of the Church at Santa Clara Movements of Vessels and
Missionaries

o 33

CHAPTER

XVII.

PUEBLO-MISSIONS ON THE RIO COLORADO.

1780-1782.

Preliminary Resume- Reports of Garces and

Anza Palma

in

Mexico

Chronicle Yumas Clamorous for Missionaries

Orders
General Croix Padres GarcSs and Diaz on the
ColoradoNo

Arricivita's
of

Gifts for the Indians -Disgust of

FoundedA New System Powers

the

Yumas -Mission-pueblos

of Friars

Curtailed Franciscan
Criticism-A Dangerous Experiment-Founding
of Concepcion and
San Pedro y San Pablo-Names of the
Colonists-Spanish Oppression-Forebodings of Disaster Massacre of July
17
1781Four
Martyrs-Fifty Victims-Death of
Rivera-Fruitless Efforts to
Punish the Yumas-Captives Ransomed
-Expeditions of F-i-es
b *

Fueros, Romeu, and

Neve

'

._

uOo

CONTEXTS.

CHAPTER

xix

XVIII.

FOUNDING OF SAN BUENAVENTURA AND SANTA UAKIJARA PRESIDIO

I.KNOR.

FA(

17

vir.v

Neve's Instructions to Orl

Disaster Indian Policy Radical Changes

Ready to Begin Missionaries Expected

Precautions against

in

San Buenaventura Established Presidio of Santa

Barbara Visit of Fages Arrival of the Transports News from
Mission System

Viceroy and Guardian

Six Friars Refuse to Serve Control of Temporalities False Cha
against Neve Changes in MissionariesFages Appointed
ernorNeve Inspector General Instructions Fugitive Neophytes
Local Events Death of Mariano Carrillo Death of Juan
Mexico

No Mission Supplies No

Priesta

372

Crespi

RULE

CHAPTER XIX.
OF FAGES GENERAL RECORD.
3

An

Uneventful Decade

1790.

Statistics of Progress Missions,

Presidios,

and

PueblosPopulation, Padres, and Neophytes Pedro Fages Brings

his Family to California DonaEulalia AJeal >US Catalan
A Mon-

terey Court Scandal

Solcr's

Fages and Soler Inspection of Presidi

Troubles with Habilitados Governor

Proposed Reforms

and Franciscans A Never Ending Controvi

Palou and Lasuen Charges and Counter Charges

neral

ll<

Franking Privilege Cruelty to Natives Chaplain Service Patronato Prices for

Mission Products Inventories License to Retire Natives on
Horseback Mission Escorts Native Convicts and Laborers

3S7

CHAPTER XX.
RULE OF FAGES, DEATH OF SERRA, AND MISSION PROGRESS.
1

President Serra's Last Tours

783-1700.

Illness

and Death

Burial

and Funeral
Palou and Lasuen

Honors His Life and Character Succession of

Mugartegui as Vice-president Confirmation Notice of Palou 's Historical

Works

Villa

de Junfpero

Noticias de

California

Map

Proposed Erection of the Missions into a Custodia New Missions

Founding of Santa Barbara Innovations Defeated Five Years'
Progress Mission of La Purisima Concepcion Founded Early
Annals
409

CONTEXTS.

XX

CHAPTER

XXI.

commerce.
RULE of faces; foreign relations and
1783-1790.

No

PAGE

War Contributions
Fears of Foreigners Isolation of California
La Perouse His
Voyager
French
the
of
ainst England-Visit
Strangers
at San CarThe
Reception
instructionsAn Hospitable
Expedition Observations on the Country and the
VaMission System Commerce The Salt-tradeThe Fur-trade
Current Pricessadre's Project A Failure The Manila Galleon
of Martinez and
Voyages
Northern
Vessels
Arrival of Transport
losFate

of the

Elisa General Washington's Ship the 'Columbia' The Chigoes

4-6
Ex-governor Neve and the Provincias Internas

CHAPTEK

XXII.

rule of fages; local events and

statistics.

1783-1790.

Plan of Local Annals San Diego Presidial District Presidio Officials

arrison
Alferez Jose" Velasquez Force and Population Build

Indian Affairs Explorations San Diego Mission Joan Figueroa Rioboo Material and Spiritual Progress San Juan
trano Gregorio Amurrio Pablo Mugartegui San rabriel Pu< Mo
of Los Angeles Settlers Felix as Comisionado Presidio of Santa
Barbara Plan of Buildings A Volcano Soldiers Killed While
Prospecting for Mines San Buenaventura Presidio of Monterey
Official Changes Surgeon Davila San Carlos Noi
Antonio San Luis ObispoJos6 Cavalier Presidio of San
Lieutenants Moraga and Gonzalez Lasso de la Vega Presidio
Chapel The Mission Francisco Paiou Map of the
nta
Clara New Church Murguia Pueblo de San Jose Vallejo
Life

<

>

Comisionado

4."0

CHAPTER

XXIII.

RULE OF HOMED".
1791-1792.
nation of Pedro

FagesTransfer of the Office at LoretoInstructions

New GovernorLast Acts of FagesLife and Character

Arrival of Romeu Failing HealthJourney to MontereyPolicy
to the

DeathVisit of Malaspina in the 'Descuand 'Atrevida' The First American in California Preparations for New Missions Lasuen's Efforts Establishing
of Santa
Cruz -Annals of First Decade Indian Troubles Statistics
Church

with the Friars Romeu's

bierta'

CONTEXTS.

xxi

Misfortune Quarrelsome Padres

Alonso Isidro Salazar Baldomero Lopez Manuel Fernandez
Founding and Early Annals of Soledad Mission Immoral Friars
Mariano llubi Statistics
Dedicated

Flouring

PAGE

Mill

CHAPTER XXIV.
RULE OF ARRILLACA

VANCOUVER'S

VISITS.

1792-1794.

Council at Monterey to Appoint a Temporary Governor ArrillaAccession Arrival at Monterey California Separated from Provin-

Arrillaga's

Policy and Acts The Jordan Colony

and
Maritime Affairs
Foreign Relations Northern Explorations
Spanish Policy The Nootka Question Voyage of the 'Sutil' and
'Mexicana' Boundary Commission Vancouver's First Visitception at San Francisco, Santa Clara, and Monterey
English
The
Governor
Precautions
against
Deserters
in a Hlemma
Vessels Revilla Gigedo's Report Attempted Occupation of Bodega Vancouver's Second Visit A Disgusted Englishman
picions of Arrillaga Hospitalities in the South End of the Nootka
His Observations on CaliSettlement Vancouver's Last Visit
cias Internas

fornia

CHAPTER XXV.
RULE OF BORICA, FOREIGN RELATIONS, AND INDIAN AFFAIL

1794-1800.

Arrival at Loreto Branciforte Viceroy Borica's Jour

sels Precautions The 'Phoenix' Broughton's Visit The 'Otter'

of Boston A Yankee Trick Arrival of Alberni and the Catalan
Volunteers Engineer Cordoba's Surveys War with England
Coasting Vessels War Contribution Distribution of Forces Map
of California The 'Eliza' The 'Betsy' War with Russia Indian
Minor Hostilities Campaigns of Amador, Castro, and Mo-

Diego de Borica

ney to Monterey Arrillaga's Instructions Charms of California

Resume" of Events in Borica's Term of Olfice Coast Defences
Promised Reinforcements French War Contribution Foreign Ves-

Aft'airs

raga

530

CHAPTER XXVI.
RULE OF BORICA

EXPLORATIONS

AND NEW FOUNDATIONS.

1794-1800.

Exploration of the Alameda San Benito Las

Encino Lasuen's ReportFoundation of Mission San
at the Alameda Local Annals to 1800 Mission San Juan

Search for Mission Sites

Pozas
Jose

Pale"

CONTENTS.

xzH

PACK

San Miguel at
Bautista at Popeloutchom-Earthqnake-Mission
Horra-Mission San FerVahia-Padre Antonio de la Concepcion
Comihavit-Mission San Luis
nando on Reyes' Rancho, or Achois
New Pueblo-Preliminary Correspondence-

Rev

at

Tacayme-A

and Cordoba-San Francisco

Search for a Site-Reports of Alberni
Santa Cruz- Arrival of Coloand Alameda Rejected in Favor of
of the I rannistsFounding of the Villa de BranciforteProtest
ciscans-Plan to Open Communication with
Route to Sonora

New MexicoColorado
550

CHAPTER XXVII.
MISSION PROGRESS.
1791-1800.

Padres General Statistical View The PresidentEpiscopal Powers The Inquisition Revilla Gigedo'a Report
Views of Salazar Carmelite Monastery Pious Fund Hacienda

Arrival and Departure of

Controversies The Old Questions Discussed

Friars Retirement Travelling

AnewReduction

in

ExpensesChaplain

Number of
Duty Guards Runaway Neophytes Mission AlcaldesIndian!
on Horseback Local Quarrels Charges of Concepcion de Borra
Investigation

Borica's Fifteen Questions Replies

and Friars President Lasuen's Report The

of

Comandanl

Missionaries Acquitt d

Ecclesiastical Miscellany

575

CHAPTER
TUEBLOS, COLONIZATION,

XXVIII.

AND LANDS INDUSTRIES AND ZN8T1TUTK

1791-1800.

Statistics Jordan's Proposed Colony Reports of Gov Marriage Encouraged Inns Views of Salazar,
and Costanso Women Wanted Convicts Foundlings Tenure of
Lands Pueblo and Mission Sites Chronological Statement, 177.J90 Presidial Pueblos Provisional Grants Land-titles at End of
Century Labor Indian Laborers Sailors Artisan Instructors
Manufacturers Mining Agriculture Flax and Hemp Stock-

Pueblo Progress

ernment

raising

000

CHAPTER XXIX.
INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.
1791-1800.

Commerce Trade

of the Transports Otter- skins Projects of Marquez,

Mamaneli, Inciarte, Ponce, Mendez, and Ovineta Provincial Finances Habilitados Factor and Commissary Complicated AccountsSupplies and Revenues Taxes Tobacco Monopoly Tithes

CONTENTS.

Military

Force and

Civil Government Pro]

Administration of JusticeA Cause

Distribution

Lration of the California*

Execution of RosasOfficial Care of MoraL

bre

quors

xxiii

Gambling Education Borica's

The

(Jse of

First

Li-

Schools

ami School-masters

LOCAL EVE]

624

CHAPTER XXX.
D PBOOBESS SOUTHERN

DISTRICT.

1791-1800.

San Diego Presidio Lieutenants Ziifiiga and Grajera Military Force

Population Rancho del Rey Finances Presidio Buildings
Van-

cou\

criptioD

Fort at Point Guijarros

Indian Allairs-

Arrivals of Vessels

cautions again

Mission San

Diego

Ton ens and Mariner- Statistics- San Luis ReySanJuan i'apisleblode]

-Private Ranch
trano Fuster Build:

San GabrielOramas San FernandoPresidioof Santa

Population
and
and

Buildings
Officers, Forces,
I

Ii

Events
silver

Execution

First

in

CaliforniaThe 'Phoenix 1

MineWarlike PreparationsDeath

of

Quick-

Santa Barbara Paterna Rancherias of the Channel N

San Buenaventura La Purfsima Concepcion Arroita

of
irch

<;ir>

CHAPTEIl XXXI.
LO(\l.

Mi

PBOOBESSMONTXBJEY

DISTRICT.

1791-1800.

Montery Presidio Military Force and Inhabitants Officers Lion Parrilla

Hermenegildo Sal -Peres Fernandez Presidio Buildings
Private Ranches Industries Company
Battery Rancho del Rey

Carlos
San
Indian
Accounts
Affairs
Mission Missionary Cha
Pascual Martinez do Arenaza Statistics of Agriculture, Live>escription A New Stone
stock, and Population Vancouver's
Church A Wife-murder San Antonio de Padua de Los Robles
Miguel Pieras Benito Catalan San Luis Obispo Miguel Giribet
Bartolome* Gili Indian Troubles
1

CHAPTER XXXII.
LOCAL EVENTS AND PROGRESS

SAN

FRANCISCO JURISDICTION.

1791-1800.

Military Force Population Finance Presidio

Buildings Plan Castillo de San Joaquin at Fort Point Cordoba's

San Francisco

Officials

Ravages of Elements Repairs Battery of Yerba Buena

Vancouver's Visits Captain Brown Mines Discovered Alberni's Company Wreck of the 'San Carlos' The
Report

at Black Point

G77

CONTEXTS.

xx i v

PAGE

'Eliza' Ranch o del ReyMission versus Presidio Indian Affairs-

Runaway Neophytes Amador's Campaigns Padre's Cruelty San

Francisco MissionFathers Cambon, Espi, Dantf, Garcia, and Fer-

nandezBuildings, Statistics, Industries Pueblo of San JoseInhabitants and Officials Statistics Hemp Culture Local Events
Proposed Removal Boundary Dispute Santa Clara Pena and

Noboa

Population, Agriculture, Buildings, and Manufactures

CHAPTEB

602

XXXIII.

close or borica's rule.

1800.

End

Borica's Policy and Character IndusRevival Fruitless Efforts Governor's Relations with Friars,
Soldiers, Neophytes, and Settlers Efforts for Promotion A Knight
of Santiago Family Relations Leave of Absence, Departure, and
Death Arrillaga and Alberni in Command List of Secondary Authorities on Early California History List of Inhabitan
of a

Decade and Century

trial

fornia from 17C9 to 1800

tli-

726

AUTHORITIES QUOTED
IX

THE

HISTORY OF CALIFORNIA
[There are more than ove thouaan

of thou rum

which do not

<<<

pear

in (hit

li

t.

to tin

general wo\

nature; publications emanating

other

hardly a Californian booh, pamphlet,

mil a full

material thai bears directly on

for a

classification

of the works

here named.]

Aa

(Pieter van der), Naaukeurige Versameling.

(James),
Trip aero

Leyden, 177. 30

Abbey

.1

N
S. C), Christopher Carson.
Aboil (Alexander), Copy of
it on behalf of U. S. in
of Santa Cruz [32d Cong., 1st Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. bTJ.

00.

Abbott (John

land

Washington,

}$:>!.

Abella (Ramon), Correspondencia del Misionero. MSS. in various archives.

Abella (Ramon), Diario de un Registro do los Rios Grandes, 1811.
Abella (Ramon), Noticia dc una Batalla entre Iristianos y
s, 1807. MS.
Abrego (JosC), Asuntos de la Tesoreiia. MSS. in various archiv
Abrego (Jose), Cartas sobre la Colonia do 1834.
(

Abrego

(Josc; ), Relation.

"&

Acosta (Josef de), Historia Natural y Moral de las Indias. Sevilla, l.~>90.
Act of Congress Creating the Office of Sh
ommissioner.
S. F. 1873.
Actas dc Elccciones. MS. In Archivo dc California.
Adam (George), Dreadful Sufferings and Thrilling Adventures of an Overland Party of Emigrants to California. St Louis, 18o0.
Addresses. Sec Speeches.
Adventures (The) of a Captain's Wife. .to California in 1S50. Xev/ York,
.

etc., 1S77.

Aimard
Alaman
Alaman
Alaman

(Gustavc), The Gold Seekers.

Philadelphia, n.d.
(Lucas), Censo de California, 1832. MS.
(Lucas), Historia de Mejico.
Mexico, 1849-52. 5 vols.
(Lucas), Succsos de California en 1831. MS.
Alameda, Abstract of Title, lots 17-20, survey of Jones. San Francisco, 1S73.
Alameda, Argus, Encinal, Messenger, Post, etc.
Alameda County, Historical Atlas. San Francisco, 1S7S. atlas folio.
xxv )
(
Hist. Cal., Vol. I. 3

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

XXVI

(Or.) Register
i/taross (The ship), Log of

Albany

A ZZs

erni (Pedro),

el sitio

ww
MS.

do Braneiforte, 1796.

IS ^riJrde,!Sr Sfico

Oc

Histdrico de las India,

^^(rS^VKendlu^nd G. Davidson, Keport

Alex^e'T^So^
Washington,

tw
Boston,

1S49.
Pacific.
Adventurer.
Young
The
Jr.),
(Horatio,
Alger

Miner. Boston, 1879.

Log-book.
Allsopp (J. P. CO, Leaves from
GoklMines.
Allsopp (Robert), California and its

and

on Irrigate

ol

u
1

Mb.

my

MS.

1809-12.
Coast.
v

HK& MS.

Comumcaciones del Temente Unonu,

"S^bre

AlbeS

X W.
"

the .
Voyage to tne
a Vm7n
relates
Comunieaeiones
and Lyia,

London.

Si

....

London, etc. (1ST.)).

All the
winch
Almanacs. A great number, only a few of
18G8
F.,
S.
California.
foUows: Alta
ay Round.

1857 et seq.;
S. F., 1858 et scq.; Cahfora
Pictorial.
S. F., 1858; C
nischer Volkskalender.

Miners.

S.

S. F.,

F.

Knight

(Henr;
Alric (Henry

jTaO, Dix Ans de Residence d'un

Mexico, 18GG.
Californies.
MS.
Altimira (Jose), Diario de la Expedicion, 1823.
Altimira (Jose), Journal of a Mission-founding Expedition,
ings'Cal. Mag., v. 58, 115.
Alturas, ]\Iodoc Independent.
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Campana de Las Flore
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Carta Confidencial, 7 d
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Carta en que relata 1.

Enero 1837. MS.

Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Carta en que relata
Feb. 1837. MS.
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Cartas Rclacioncs,
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Comunicaciones al

Enero 1837. MS.

Alvarado (Juan Bautista), El C.

loa

823.

i
.'

.Coronel de la Milicia
de Capitan a favor de J. J. Yallejo.] Monterey,
Gobcrnad'
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), El C.
Alta Cal. a sus Habitantes, Monterey, Mayo 10,
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Gobernador Constitutional, etc.
Empleos de Administradores de Misiones.] 1
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Historia de California.
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Instrucciones al Prefecto Castr
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Instrucciones que debe observar
I

de

1840.

el

Vi

MS.

Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Instrucciones que debera observar

el

1839.
MS.
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Manifiesto del Gob1"-. 10 Mayo.
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Oficios Varios y Cartas Particular.
numerous in different public and private archi
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), [Proclama del] Gefe Politico 21 Noi
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), [Proclama del] Gobernador Interino.
1837.
MS.

Visitador

Hartnell.

9 Julio,

>

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
Alvarad

lama del] Gobernador sobre Deetierro

'

imitivo Descubi

Alvai

I'

MS.

Mi
Alvarad

contra Micheltorena,
E
Antonio), Oocumentoe para la Historia de California.

and C

Alviso (Jo

Ah;

Antonio), Cam]

dor (Joe

Amador

(Pedro), Diario do Li

9,

'

MS.

1797.

Amador
Amador
Amador

q para fundar la Mision de

\.

MS.

(Pedro), Expedicion contra

(Pedro), Exp
Pedro), Pa
(

Amador (Pedro), Reconocimit

Amador Pedro), Salida
Amador lonnty, B
(

'

Amelia Sherwood.
America,

<

>.!.'

iuiio.

I.

Richmond, L850.
MS.
a, 171".

Am<

the

West

Indi

American Antiquarian S
Amei Lean Educational Monthly.
Amei ican and Foreign
American Geographical and Stati
American Quarterly
American Quarterly Review. Philadelphia,
<

Ami

Philadelphia,

w.

American

81

Ami

1817-19.

12
'7.

Ames

(John

<

Rep

'>.

),

Ami

de

un

panoL.

archiv

Amigo del Pueblo.

Amulet (The), A tale

London,

of Spanish California.

Anaheim, ra
ipleand its P
Anaheim,
Anderson (Alexander C), N<
Anderson (Alexander D.), The Silver and
L
7; The Silver Country,
And*
Statement of \
Anderson (Mary E.), Scenes in the Hawaiian
<

MS.

<

etc.

St

,7.

difornia.

Boston

[I860].

Ann.-

Animal

[1st to 18th
Discovery.

Anqu

.]

Wa

>ry.
London, 1800. 9 vols.
id T.), The Gold-aeeker'a Manual.
(E. M.), Siskiyou County Reminiscences.

Now

Anthony

42 vols.
.

L.

19

York, 1S49.

Antioch, Ledger.
Anza (Juan Bautista), Descubrimiento do Sonora A California, 1774. MS.
Anza (Juan Bautista), Diario do una expedicion desde Sonora a S. Francisco,
Cal., 1775-6.

MS.

Apalategui y Torres, Averiguacion en Sonora del Tumulto de Los Angeles,

1835.

MS.

Apaldtegui y Torres, Causa seguida contra

los conspiradores, 1S30.

arch;
Barcelona, 17o4.
ApostOlieos Afanes de la Compafiia de Jesus.

Apodaca

(Virey), Cartas.

MSS. In the

MS.

..

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

viii

Apponyi (Flora Haines), Libraries

Log-book, 1821-5.
Arancel de Precios, 1782.
Arancel de Precios, 1788.
.

of California.

San Francisco, 1878.

MS.
Mb.
MS.

Documentos para la Histona de Cal. Mb.

Documents
Arce Francisco Mcmorias Hist6ricas y
Overland Monthly,
.In
California'
Archbfld (John)', Why
n.pL, n.d.
-Bill No. 182
Assembly
on
Speech
(L.),
Archer
5 vols.
Mb.
Francisco.
San
de
Archivo del Arzobispado
vols, and a great r
273
MS.
California.
de
vo
Ire
Documents preserved in the U. S. Surveyor-gen
Copies in my Collection. Divided as fc
Cisco.
:

(Francisco),

MS.

n.

<

Prov. Rec!; Dept. St. Pap.; Dept. Ree.; L

an
Govt. St. Pap.; Actas de Elecciones; Brands
Doc, q. v. for full sub-titles and further subdivisi

uid

Archivo de las Misiones. IMS. 2 vols.

Archivo del Obispado de Monterey y Los Angeles. Mb.
Archivo de Santa Barbara. MS. 11 vols.
MS, In
Archuleta (Florentino), Comunicacione:> IV
folio.
ct
seq.
1847
Arco Iris. Vera Cruz,
Areche, Parecer 14 de Jun. 1773. MS. also in Palou, Not., L
Areche, Respuesta 30 de Jun., 1773. MS.
Argelo, Calaveras Mountaineer.
Argiiello (Gervasio),Escritosdeun Habilitado General y
public and private archives.
\.

tn<

Argiiello (Gervasio), Observacioncs, 1816.

Argiiello (Jos6), Relacion de lo que declar
Argiiello (Jose"), Relacion que form6 sobre Ind
MS.
1797.
Argiiello (Jose), Cartas de un Gobemador de
different archives.
Argiiello (Jose), Informe sobre Rancho del E

In

Argiiello (Jose), Instruccion que ha de

MS.
S. Francisco, 180G.
Argiiello (Jose"), Respuesta a las quince Pregunl
1798.
MS.
Argiiello (Luis Antonio), Cartas del Comandantc
the different archives.
Argiiello (Luis Antonio), Hoja de Servici
Argiiello (Santiago), Correspondcmi..
i

Archives, passim.
Argiiello (Santiago), Correspondencia Particular.

Annan (H. M. Van), The Public

Armona (Matias), Carta de 1770.

In Due.

Armstrong (William), '49 Experiences. MS.

Arnaz (Jose"), Recuerdos de Un Comcrciantc.

Arrangoiz (Francisco de Paula), Mejico d

1871-2. 4 vols.
Arricivita (J. D.), Croniea Serafica y Aposl
Arrillaga (Basilio Jos<i),Recopilacion dc
Arri'laga (Jose" Joaquin), Borrador de Carta a Vane
Arrillaga (Jose" Joaquin), Correspondencia del Gobemador.
passim.
Arrillaga (Jose" Joaquin), Hojas de Servicio, 1791-S.
I
Arrillaga (Jose" Joaquin), Informe sobre el estado de Indi*
i

1804.

MS.

Arrillaga (Jose" Joaquin), Informe al Virey sobre Defensas, 1793

Arrillaga (Jose" Joaquin). Papel de Puntos para conocin.
1794.

MS.

Arrillaga (Jos6 Joaquin), Preceptos Generales para Comandantes, 180C.

tho

AUTB

i).

que guardan

lo
I*.

MS.

Arrilk
(Felip

Arroy

de

the

Mil
of the

Mutsun

Art<
i.

:n.

'.i

viii.

Ashb

in

II-

ii.

MS.

!.
ii.

Atlantic an

Atleta

R.

<

Mexico,

(El).

Auburn,

lac

uard),

I.'.

>5

New

York, ISG6; Cir

[crald,

Voyago en

An
N

Autobio
H.),

i\

Averill

Avery

(i

a.

li

Benjamin

ait Cali-

W;

fornia.

1'.

n.d.

73.

Avila

..'.

Avila (Juan
forniana
Avila (Maria In
Avila Mi'
Avila de llios (Catarina), Etecuerdos.
Ayala (Tadeo Orl
unendelaE

MS.

[S.

A\

rrs (P.

II.

),

MS.
Limp. Mex.

MS.
S3 de Ma;

ares.

Ayuntamientos, Decretodel
ntes,

-'.

(Virey), Ordenes.

Memoir

Vkxcou (L. H.),

Baird

P.),

Was)

MS.

(Or.),

;ette,

of

Early Times.

MS,

Fish and Fisheries [45th Cong., 2d. S

.

i.

Mis. Doc.

1877.

(E. P.), Speech before California Senate Feb. 1st

Francisco, LS54; also other speed,

Baker City

In Mexico,

hives.

In

1800.

Baker

Bakersfield,

Mexico,!

Azanza (Virey), Ynstruccion,

49].

MS.

Lifornia,

and

2d.

IS.j-4.

Herald.

Kern County

Californian,

Southern Californian.

Kern County

Courier,

Kern County

etc.

Baldridge (William), The Days of '46. MS.

(R, S.), Speech in U. S. Sen. March 27, 1S50, Admission of Califor-

Baldwin

nia, etc.

Washington, \So0.

AUTHORITISE QUOTED.

XXX

MS.
Ball (tf. B.), Sketch by a Pioneer.
Ballenstedt (C. W. T.), Besclireibung meiner Reise nacn den

Goldmmen.

Schoningen, 1851.
Lady of the West. Cincinnati, 1855.
MS.
lou William T. ), Adventures.
imore (Md.), Patriot, Sun.
Bancroft (A. L.), Diary of a Journey to Oregon. MS.
Bancroft (Hubert Howe), History of the Pacific States of North America.
ites.
q Francisco, 1882 et seq. 28 vols.; Native Races of the IV
New York, 1875. 5 vols.; Popular Tribunals. San Francisco. 2vo
MS.
Bancroft (Hubert Howe), Personal Observations in California, 1874.
Bancroft Library, MS. Scrap-books, containing classified notes used in writing
Bancroft's works.
Bancroft Library, Newspaper scraps classified under the following headi
iforniens.

Ballou (John), The

(

Academy of Sciences; Amusements and Celebrations;

Banks and Banking; Bibliography; Biography; Births,

Charitable Institutions; Chinese; Climate; Constitutional

Counties; Crimes and Society; Earthquakes; Education and v
Fares and Freights; Fisheries; Floods; Fruit-raising; Indians; Journal]
<

kjuu^iva, xvxja^cij.rtut;uus>, xuuuuu nai, i\u\v v,ii.uin, wu .iii

Pioneer Celebrations; Politics; Population and Colonization;
Religion; Resources; Revenue and Taxation; Roads and R
ping and Navigation; Silver Remonetization; State
Stories and Legends; Telegraphs; Trade and Commi
Continent and Voyages by Sea; United States .Mails; \
68 vols. 4to.
Bandini (Juan), Acusaciones contra Angel Ramirez, 1834-7.
Bandini (Juan), Apuntes Politicos, 1832. LIS.
Bandini (Juan), Carta Historica y Descriptiva dc Californi
Bandini (Juan), Carta Particular a Valleio sobre cosas poli

am;
;

1836.

MS.

Bandini (Juan), Carta a Vallejo sobre Revoluciones. 3 Die,

Bandini (Juan), Contestacion a la Alocucion dc Victoria, 1831.
Bandini (Juan), Correspondencia Particular y Olicial. MSS.
A
ber of documents in private and public archives, in ad. hi;
".

specially

named

;
.

MS.

am-

in this list.

Bandini (Juan), El Diputado de la Alta California a sus Comitc

ntea. 6
1833.
Mexico, 1833.
Bandini (Juan), Discurso ante el Ayunt. de Los Angeles.
27 A
Bandini (Juan), Documentos para la Historia de California
Bandini (Juan), Historia de Alta California. MS.
Bandini (Juan), Informacion del Visitador de Aduana,
1835
MS
Banchni ( Juan) Manifiesto a la Diputacion sobre
ramos dc Hacienda Terni

'*

tonal, loo2.

^
Kf

JMk>.

Bandini (Juan), Proyecto de Misiones, 1846.

MS.
Bandini (Juan), Sucesos del Sur, Mayo-Agosto,
1837
SketCh Ll C u

S
S

AH

^-

iLtttyif

Iu

W-'"-'l

e
StatiSti0al EegiStCr
Baltim&re etC 18
"
tutions
] .r,anof (Alexander),
Shizneopissanic.
St Petersburg, 1835.
;

S^

^r^n^^

'

H0WG

Hi8

0f

Yolo
S "I-

** States and Terri.

Barnard (Helen M.), The Chorpenning

Claim, n.pl n d
Barnes Demas), From the Atlantic to
the Pacific Overland*
nes (G. A), Oregon and California.
,

piSin?

fiCi0S dGl

G0br de
'

MS

Baja Califomia
>

New York

MS

'

T* ^ov.

Sf.fi '

St.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
<w (John),

London,

The

Life, Voyages,

and Exploits

of

Admiral

Sir

Fraud Drake.

Barrow (William), The General; orT

Camp.

Boa-

San Francisco.

San

a Hnnter'a

ton, L869.
\V. J.),

y
I

J\
I

Up and Down.
ana

A.),

B.

London, 1879.

Men

A. Patten,

a, id

Memories

Francisco, 1ST.').
bow (Alfred), Statement of a Pioneer of 1849.
ow (I>. P.). Recollections of 1849-51.
bow (George), Introductory Address. San

of

other ad-

Bartlett (John Russell), Personal Narrative of Explorations and Incident

'.
Lifornia, etc.
New York, 1854. 2 ^
\
-.and
Bartlett, (.John Russell), Report on the Bonn
Sen. Ex. Doc. J!. J
Mexico. [32d
tgton, 1851.
;it of a Pioneer of
Bartlett (Washi
II (James R.),
MS.
Statement of an Earl
r.
(Stephen), Early Hi
Visalia.
S
k.
Basellandschaftlichen /. Ltung,
B. ), Four Years on the
Boston, 1858; B iton, 1860.
(D.
t.
Bates (II. W.), Illustrated Trav<
London, n.d.
Bates (-J. (J.), Report of the Proceedings. . .Will and T
at of Horace
i

Hawcs. San Erai:

ie Mountain (Xev. ), M<
Bauer (John A. ), Statement of

7_\

'

Bausman
Baxley

(II.

lie (J.
(

>!!>.
Pioneer of
(William), Early California
San Francii

Willis),

H.),

Whi

M
.

15.

The Undeveloped West.

Philadelphia [1

lincinnati, 1ST!).

Monthly. New
Beale (E. F.), Wagon Road from Fort Ik Bance to the Colorado River.
..
Sei ., II. Ex. Doc L24.]
Bean (Edwin F.), see >ir
7.
County, Cal., 1
Bear Flag Papers, 1846. MS.
John Roland. .Land Claim, "I
rd (Henry), Argument.
Washington,
Le's

[!

ate."

(E. G.), R
ration of a Route for tl
road near the 38th and 39th Parallels [33d Cong., 1st Sess.,

Beckwith

Washington [1854].
120].
(F. A.). Opening Argument.

.Chinese Immigration.

S.

II.

Ex. Doe.

F., 1876.

Bee (Henry J.), Recollections of California from 183

Beechey (F. W.), Narrative of a Voyage to the Paciile, etc.,
London, 1831,2 vols.; Philadelphia, L832.
Beechey (F. W.), Zoology of Voyage. See Kiihardson (J.) et al.
).

in

1S25-S.

Beers (George A.), Vasquez. New York, 1 87

Belcher (Edward), Narrative of a Voyage round the World in 1836-42.
~>.

London, 1843. 2 vols.

Belden (David), Speech in Sen. of Cal. Feb. 0, 18GG, against the Repeal of
the Specific Contract Act.
Sacramento, 1SGG.
Belden (Josiah), Historical Statement. MS.
Belden (Josiah), Letters of a Pioneer of 18-41. MS.
Belfast (Me.), Republican Journal.
Bell (A. D.), Arguments in favor of Immigration.
San Francisco, 1S70.
Bell (Horace), Reminiscences of a Ranger. L. Angeles. 1SS1; also scrap book.
Bell (J. C), Obituary Address on Death of.
Sacramento, 1S60.
Bell (W. A.), New Tracks in North America.
London, 1870.
Belleville (111.), Advocate.
Bellows (Henry W.), In Memory of Thos. Starr King. Discourse, May 1,
1SG4.
San Francisco, 18G-4.

Belmont (Nov.), Courier.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

XXX11

behalf of the U.
(Calhoun,, Testimony in
Ibul.
San Francisco,
FMvetia

S.

Sutter.

vs.

"S

Benham

'

1 uncia, umcicu
A Lecture. San Francisco,
Bennett (14. C), Olimese
o
ot J*ep., iua3 -, lg
H.
S.
U.
in
Speech
(Henry),
Bennett
Washington, 1650.
California,

^^-

fi

of FrSmonl
1848. In Co:,
July,
Senate,
s"
in
Sneel
Jan.
15, 1849, on
977' Speech in U. S. Senate,
California.
and
Mexico
in
Titles etc',
Years View. New York, 1854. 2 vols.

York lS?-63 16 vols^ Defence

mf

Wa

New

P.), Collection
Paris, 178S-9. 9 vols.

Berencrer

(J.

de Tous les

Voyag

Berkeley, Advocate, Berkeleyan.

Berkeley Quarterly. San Francisco, 1880-1.
Bermudez (J. M.), Verdadera Causa de la Revolucion.
Bernal (Juan), Memoria de tin Californio. MS.
Berreyesa (Antonio), Relacion de sus Recuerdi
Berreyesa and Carrillo, Quarrel at Sonoma, IS 4
Berry (George), The Gold of California. London, 1S49.
Bestard (Buenaventura), Pastoral del Comisario
Agosto, 1816. MS.
Bestard (Buenaventura), Pastoral. G de B

Betagh (William),

Voyage round the World.

>nr

du

i1757; also in Pinkerton's V(

Beyer (Moritz), Das Auswanderungsbuch. L
..
,7.
Rambles in the New World.
Biart (Lucien),
Bidleman (PI. J.), see Directories,
Bidwell (John), California in 1841-8. MS.
Bidwell (John), Journey to California, n. pi.
Bigelow (John), Les Etats-Unis D'Amerique.

Life and Public Services of John C. Fr6m< at

Biggs, Butte County Register, Silver Ben
Bigler (Henry W.), Diary of a Mormon in California.
Bigler (John), Address at a Meeting of C
:o July
[1855]; Scrap Book, 1S50-2; Speech
mento, 18G7; and other speeches.
Bigly (Cantell A.), Aurifodina. New York, 1
San Ffan<
1.
Billings (Frederick), Address, Sept. 23, 1854.
Bilson (B. ), The Hunters of Kentucky, et
Biographical Sketches in S. Jose Pioneer, 1S7S-S3.
Bird (Isabella L. ), Lady's Life in the Rocky Mountains. 1
Birnie (Robert), Personal Adventures.
MS.
Black (George), Report on the Middle Yuba Canal. San
Black (J. S.), Reports of Cases argued and determined in
Washington, 18G3,
of the United States.
Blaeu (or Jansz), America, (Atlas Maior). Amstelaedami
Blagdon (Francis William). The Modern Geographer.
1.
^
a.d.
Blake (William P.), Geological Reconnaissance in Call:
1858. 4to; The Production of the Precious Metals.
New
1869.
Blanchet (F. N.), Historical Sketches of the Catholic Church in On
Portland, 1878.
Bledsoe (A. J.), History of Del Norte County. Eureka, 1

My

~>

ti:d.

Ai
(William R.), Paradi

Itll.

i.l

u.-iii

1779.

adra (Ju

Bodie,

'hr<

<

aide,

r<

e Pr<

Mornij

ins in

Napa

Etegi

\t*

lsi

;.

Tribune,

I.

1872.

r,

Bonilla

Bonner

17.

(T. D.),

Life

MS.

and

N. Y.,

Amei
i

ad<
1

lr

ii.

lofl

aire

In

L Mexico,

Infon

>),

>n

Boronda
Borthwick

do dirigir

la fund;

MS.

Thi
(Grer6nimo), Chinigchinii

(J.

>.

),

'

Alf.

Life in Cal.
Escritos Su
(( rer6nimo),
!

Northwei
Analea del Su

in the

de an
;i

Botta

General de

Obsen

(P. E.),

Voy.,

Botta (P.
Vi

In Xouv. An.

L56.

lii.

E.),

>ni

In Duhaut Cilly,

sugli Abitanti della California.

Address, Speech,
J.
!h.), Notice Industrielle sur la Californie.
ihard Affair, Testim
Bound Home, or the Gold Hunter's Manual. New Yoi
Bowen (Asa M.i, Si itementon San Pascual, 1846. MS.
Bowers (Stephen), Santa
land.
In Smithsonian Report,
Bowie (Aug. J.). Hydraulic Mining in California. San
Howie (Richard I.), Speech in U. S. Ii. of Rep., June G, 1850, on the Californian Question.
Washington, 1850.
Bowles (Samuel), Across the Continent. Springfield, 1866; Our New V.
Hartford, etc., 1869; The Pacific Railroad.
Boston,
Boyer (Lanson), From the Orient to the Occident. New York, 1S7S.
ta

(C. T.),

Bouchacourt

((

...

Boynton

(J. S.), Statement of a Pioneer.

MS.
Brace (Charles Loring), The New West. New York, 1869.
Brackett (Albert G.), History of the U. S. Cavalry. New York, 1S135.
Brackett (Albert G.), Indian War in California and Nevada, 1806-7. MS.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

xxxi7
Br
Brackc
Brack(

foSforte

(Vireyl'' Autorisaeion

para la fundacion de

Bateriaside
Braacitete fvtey), A Borica sobre

N uevaa Urn

Francisco,

S.

793.

Mh.
1794-7.
Branciforte (Virey), Instruction,
MS.
1794-8.
Oficios,
Vanos
Brinciforte (Virey),
Cab ornn
Mark^!' MS. 1 vol. In Archive de
lo4 1.
California
to
Trip
a
of
Bray (Edmund), Memoir
March
25, 8o0 on the Message
Rep.,
of
H.
S.
in
U.
Speech
Breck

gSffl

of the

Y\ ashington, 18o0.
President relating to California.
MS.
Memoirs.
Pioneer
Breen (John),
Party.
"RrpPTi r Pa trick) Diarv of one of the Donner
1

k4'eton (R M.), Report on Messrs Bensley

San Francisco, 1872; other reports.
Brewerton (George D.),

and C
In

Ride from Los Angelea

1853. vol. vn.

per's Magazine.
Bribery, or the California Senatorial Election.
Lei
Briefe aus den Vereinigten Staaten.
Briefs of California Supreme Court an
ber, about 1,000 of which contain
100' of which are cited in my notes by

named

Not

in this list.

Briggs (C. P.), Narrative of 184G. In Napa R

Bristow (E. L.), Rencounters with Indian
Brock (Joseph M.), Recollections of '49. MS.
Brockett (L. P.), Our Western Empire. Philadelphia, etc.,
Brodie (S. H.), Statement of Legal Matters. MS.
Brooklyn, Vidette.
Brooklyn (The) Mormons in California. Froi
Brooks (B. S.), Alcalde Grants in the Ci

'

I.

vol.

i.

'

129.

Brooks (Charles Wolcott), Chinese in California.

tions of Ancient Western Nations. S. I". L87G;
3. F.
S. F., 1870; Japanese
of Chinese Race.
paper Reports of Papers on Origin of th
Brooks (H. S.), The California Mountaineer.
L
old-find<
Brooks (J. Tyrwhitt), Four Months anion
New York, 1849; Paris, 1849; Vier maand
rn in
Amsterdam, 1S49; Vier
Opper-Californie.
Ober Kalifornien. Leipzig, 1849; Zurich, 1849.
Brooks (James), A Seven Months' Run. N
Phil,
Brooks (N. C), A Complete History of the Mexi
Brooks (R. S.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., June 14, 1854, on
Washington, 1854.
Bross (William), Address on Resources of Far West. J
York, 18GG.
Brown (Charles), Early Events in California. MS.
Brown (Elam), An old Pioneer. In San Jose" Pioneer, Jan. 20, 1878.
Brown (H. S.), Early Days of California. MS.
Browne (J. Ross), Address to the Territorial Pioneers of Calif
8. P.
News Letter, Sept. 11, 1875; Hubert H. Bancroft and
Undertakings.
In Overland Monthly; Lower Cal. See Taylor; Relacion de
Debates de la Conyencion de California, Set. y Oct.,
1851; Report of Debates in Convention of California.
Sept. and (Jet.,
1849, Washington, 1850; Report upon the Mineral Resources of the States
.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
and Territo

'

bof the

'

San Franci

J;

xxzt

[ountah

>,

lineral

Wi
faited States.
the
1867; ]
Slope, etc.
San Francisci
Paris, n.d.j
lifornie, etc.
Bryant (Edwin),
of

1;

the

N-

ork,
(William Cullen), II:

lalifornia.

nt

What

saw

in

rk, 187'

4 vols.
Virey), Comunicaciones a] lom. < len. y rob*- de !al., 77-'
,s
177.'!.
v"irey), [nstrnccion al Comandanl
MS.
7"
cion del Vir y.
17
Bucareli (Vir
30 Set., 1771
li (Virey), [nstrnccion del Virey.
26 Mayo, 177'i.
ireli (Virey), Providencias del Virey.
Buchanan (James), Instrncti
'.iiii.lcnii.il Agent of tii
MS.
In CaL
Buchanan (James), In tructions to
Oct. 7
1850. p. 6.
and Doc.
Buelna (Antonio), Cartas de ud Vecino d
MS.
oa Felix), Narracion sobre Tie]
ilo(N. V.), Courier.
<

<

<

'.'.

Larkin

and X.

Bufium

Gould), Six Months in the Gold

(E.

Burnett ( Peter H

Uections and Opinion

illecti n

!
:

'

Philadelphia,

of

lie

Pj

N".Y.,1

t.

3.

Burney (Jam
or Pay
us (Aaron),

Burr

L
Burris

1.

T.),

in.

tgislature,
(

Londoi

Statement
Chart

tavis),

1865

6.

of Vigil
Sa<

Nan

aim

MS.

Burton (John), Official and Private

Burton (Mrs M. A.), Biographical Sketch.
Burton (Richard F.), City oi th<
London,
Burton (B >bert), The English Bero,
Bushnell (Horace), Charactei
!

cisco, L858;
cisco,

Movement

University

Franin

ls.">7.

Bustamante (Anastasio),
L830

for a

.,
1

2.

Escritos

del

Sr

Lifornia,

MS.

imante (Carlos Maria), Apuntes para la Historia del Gobi

Anna.
Iso print.
M
M
imante (Cdrlos Maria), Cuadro Historico de la Revolucion Mexii
[exico, 1832 16. 6 vols.
Mexico, 1SJ;{ 7. 5
Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Diario de h> especialmente ocurrido en Mexico,
Sept. de 1841 aJuuio de 1843.
Mexico, 1841-3.
MS. 41
4
Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Gabinete Mcxicano. Mexieo, 1839-41. MS. -i
vols.; also print
Mexico, 1842. 2 vols.
Bustamante (Cdrlos Maria), Invasion de Mexic d
^-Americanos.
Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Medidas para la Pacification de la America MexSanta,

>.

ican*,

MS.

1820.

Bustamante (Cdrlos Maria), El Nuevo Bernal Diaz del Castillo 6 Bea Historia d<
Mexico, 1847. 2
la Invasion de los Anglo- Americanos en Mexico.
vo.
Jalapa,
Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Suplemento a Los Ti
187a
Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Voz de la Patria, Continuation. Mexico, 1S37-9.
MS. 9 vols.
Butler (A. W.), Resources of Monterey County. San Francisco, 1S75.

In Revista Cientif,
(S.), Descripcion Topogi-Aflca de Misiones, 1845.
Caballero (Jose de), Estadistica del Estado Libre de Sonora y JSinaloa.

i.

327.

MS.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

^i

de los Tulares, 1814. MS.

Cabot (Juan), Expedicion al Valle
ALS.
dedosFrailes.
Cartas
,+ fTuan and Pedro),
Navegacion Especvlativa. Manila,

^S^Wto^).

^lornK Col.
.

June
George Alfred), Speech in U. S H. of Rep.

Caldwell

1.

Doc
73
Juan latz.)

Rodriguez), Relacion 6 Diario.

Doc., xiv. 165 (Piobablj b }
in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col.
Mb.
1S47.
Encro,
de
13
de
Capitulation
Cahucn^a,

CabS'juan

7,

Y\ asbington, 18o0.
California and Territorial Questions.
xxvi.
Universal,
California, 17 J9, in Viagero
b. *., J
of the.
ornia Academy of Sciences, Proceedings
4to.
seq.
et
1871
San Jose,
California Agriculturist.
San Francisco, lb/0; Id., 1873
All about California.

1850, on the

California,
nient; Id., 1875

'1-

and Supple-

and Supplement.

California, Amount collected from customs.

Doc. 72.] Washington, 1849.

[31st Cong.,

.,

J I.

California Anthropographic Chart, 1861 et

1849.
California, Appeal in Behalf of the Church, Sept.
Celebra
in
Festival
Steamer.
California, Arrival of the
Anniversary, Feb. 28, 1874. San Francisco, 1874.
San Francisco, 1SS2.
California as it is.
in N<
California Associated Pioneers of the Territorial Days of Cal.

Kx.

Reunion 1875. New York, 1875.

San Fran.
California Bible Society. Annual Reports.
California, Biographical Sketches of the ]
New Constitution. 1878. San Francisco, 181
California Characters and Mining Scenes and SI
See Fremont.
California Claims.
California Colored Citizens, Proceedings of Annual ( Jonvention
I

cisco, 185G ct seq.

California, Compiled Laws by S. Garfielde and 1'.
Benicia, 18.33.
California, Constitution, San Francisco. 1849; also in S
California, Correspondence relative to the Indian di
Wi
1st Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 26.]
California, Correspondence and Reports of the M<

,1850-3.

eminent

n.pl., n. d.

California Culturist.
San Francisco, 1858-GO. 3 \
California se declara Independicnte de M<
183G.)
California, Emigrants' Guide to.
London, 1849,
California, Establecimiento y Pro;_
las Mif
if ornia.
In Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. iv., torn. iv.
California, Establishment of Mint and Light-houses.

H. Ex. Doc.

Washington, 18
California, Fresh Water Tide Lands.
San Francisco,

[31st

47.]

California Geological Survey.

Philadelphia, etc., 1864; San Fi
1867.
California, Gids naar.
Amsterdam, 1849.
California Gold Regions, With a full account of the Mineral
etc.,

New York

1:

(1849).

Grape Culture. Report of Commissioners, San Fran

Hardy Impeachment. Sacramento, 1SG2.
California nomographic Chart, 18G1 et seq.
California, Illustrated Hand-Book.
London, 1870.
California Indians.
Report relative to the Colonization of. [33d Con"., 2d

California

ornia,

Ex. Doc. 41.]

ornia, Industrial Interests of.

Sess., Sen.

San Francisco, 18G2.

Annual Reports. S. F.,
and Tulare Plains. Sacramento,

California Insurance Commissioners.

California, Irrigation in San Joaquin

AUTHOR
California, Its Gold
Cali

and

!alifornia,

mrii

>TED.

its In]

ad< n, l^~

'

>.

50.

.'

Journala of

with Appendices

L03 vol

printed by the
ng of
the
ings: Act; Adjuta

all
I

'<

con

in

my

alii irnia' follow*

d b
[cultural, Mining, and

Mechan-

Bank( !omm

Hand Book; Jommon

Scliool

Blind

Ednca

[n8titutej
.

Directory;

ional

Of

'

Messages of
Militia;

ind

'

dments; Public

[cultural Society,

Min
River

'J

qui

LB

I.

Commission.

ornia

<

,i

California,
(

Jalifornia

Land
Land

Titles,
Titles.

<

:'

<

I '

S. Sui

J. a

v.-

Journal and Literary B

Cali

7.
la

lure.

Di
18.

ine
I

and Mountaineer.
San

17 vols.

tedical Gazette.

San Francisco,

California Medical
California, Memorial of 1
San Francisco,
grate n.

San Francisco,

cq.

Califom
California,

7'

ire

to

Immi-

San 1'
antile Journal, 18G0.
transmitting constitution.

60.
ig.,

1st Sess., II. Ex.,

Doc. 39.] Washington, 18

San Francisco, lSG2ctscq.
California Nautical Magazine.
fornia, New Constitution.
San Fran
lifornia, Northern California, Scott and Klamath Rivers.
Yreka, 1356.
California Northern Railroad, Engineers' Report of Surveys, 1859.
Sacramento, 18o9; other reports.
I

>,

California, Notes on.

New York, ISTjO.
California, Noticias.
See Sales.
California Pacific Railroad Company, Articles and By-laws. Vallejo, 1SGG;
various reports.
California Pioneers (Society of), Anniversaries: Constitution and By-laws;

Grand Excursion; Inaugural Ceremonies; Ciationaml Poem; Reports,

etc.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

xarri3i

California Pioneers, Copy of

Society; Scrap-book.

&

MS.; Portraits

Archive

iSa
gffi: iscraM.
Middle Class Colonies.
C'auS'nla, Project for

n.d.

.1-

San Fnuicu

[43d

Round Valley Indian Reservation.

California!

. i*---.

n PL,

Supreme Court,

California; Reports of Cases in

in library- of t!,e

O *,

Sacramento, Jan. 1,1856.

California Statistical Chart.
Sa
California Statutes, 1st to 24th Sen.
rancisco, etc., 18i
San
1
Briefs.
Court
California Supreme
P
de Douanes de la Califomie, 1851.
San Francisco,
San Francisco, 1852.
California Text Book.
Live to
Corresponds:
Volunteers,
California
Cong., 1st. Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 138.] W;
California Wine, Wool, and Stock Journal.
California Workingmen's Tarty, An Epitome of H
California Teacher.

Francisco, 1S78.
California and New Mexico,

Sess.,H. Ex. Doc.

California

and

4to.

51.

California," Tarif

1.]

I-

Long., -M

W
Was

New Mexi

H. Ex. Doc. 17.]

San Francisco,
Monterey California
Californias, Reglamento Provisional
Californias, 'Junta de Fomento,' cj. v.
PL
California, Histoirc Chretieimc.
Sess.,

Californian (The).
See
Calif ornian.

q.

Califomie, Ses Eessourccs Generi

Californien, Ausfuhrliche Mitth<

1773.

MS.
1.

Californien, Authentische Nachrichten ill

Californien, Rathgeber fur Ausw;
Californien und Seine Goldmmen Mil
nach, 1849.
C
Californien sein Minen-Bergbau, etc.
Calistoga, Calistogan, Free P
Calleja (Virey), Comunicacioncs al G
Calleja (Virey), Respuesta del Guardian al V\
MS.
1107.
Calvary Presbyterian Church, Historical Sketch.

19.

Manual, etc.
Calvo (Charles), Recueil Complet des Ti

I.

1862-9. lGvols.
Camden (William), Annales Rervm Anglicarvm et
dini, 1015-27. 2 vols.
Campaign of Los Angeles, 1S47. In Mi

"

Campbell,

Campbell
Campbell

A Concise History
(J. F.),

My

of Spanish

Circular Notes.

Ann

741.

London,

H.), Speechin U. S. II. of Rep.

April, 1862. Washington, 1862.
ncelada (Juan Lopez), Ruina de la Xueva Espafia.
C
Cancelada (Juan Lopez), El Telegrafo Mexicano. Cadiz,
(J.

Pacific.

Cancelada (Juan Lopez), Verdad Sabida. Cadiz, 1811.

nzares (Jos6), Diario de 1700.
MS.
ton (E. S.), History of California,
Boston, F
Carcaba (Manuel), Informe del Habilitado General, 1797.

11.
J

MS.

the

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
il>a (Manuel),
lardona (Ni

Habili
[emorial sobi

In Pacheco and Cardeni

torn. be. -1-'; B
ubrimiento de lalifornia.
[n Ed.,
in Francisco,
Carmany (John B.)
B
Izra S. ), The Patrons of Husbandry,*
1875.
See Anaheim, its Pe ple and itrf Produ
( !arr (John F.)
r (Nicholas), Autobiography.
MS.
( '.id iilo (Anastasio) Muchas
tc.
lomandante d
'artas del
MS.
rillo (Carlos Antonio), Cartas del Diputado de Alta
MS.
VIS.
\er\
!a
rill
Antonio
i al
larrill
brreapondencia Mis
illo (Carlos Antonio), Discurso al tomar el mando politico en
,

<

<

(J

MS.

Die. is.;7.

Antonio
Antonio I, Pedimi
Carrillo (Domingo),
leltas.
'.ir. illo
Domingo), tocumen
(

larrillo

(<

larlos

llo

(<

larlos

I.

(Joaquin

I,

Carrillo (Jos6), Documentos para la B

Carrillo (Jose* Antonio), Accion de S. Pedro cont]
Carrillo (Jose* Antonio), Comunicaciones Variaa d

MS.

ornia.

(,1846.
1

Diputado y Mayor Gene-

MS.

ral.

Carrillo (Julio), Narrative.

MS.
Carrillo (Mariano), Testamento e* Inv<

17

(Pedro C.),
Carrillo (Raimundo), Los Edifici<
Carrillo (Raimundo), Instruccion que
Sta
MS.
Carrillo (Raimundo),
del Capitan, 1795
Toll (Anna Ella),
ir of the R
(

M 9.

larrillo

18J

MS.

!arrillo

12.

MS.
Cal.

MS.

'.

<

q.

MS.
7.

(W.), I';
and The Church.
Vigilai
Francisco,
on (J. H.), Earl;
lections of the Mines, etc.
Stockton, \i
(an<r.
Nev. ), Appe il, Stat*
Carvalho (S. N.), Incidents of Trayel and Adventure in the
'11

1858.

k,

Cary (Thomas

G.),

Gold from California, Lecture, March 25, 1856; The

In Atlantic Monthly. voL xl.

Francisco Vigilance Committee.

1877, 702.
<

Emigrant Handy Guide to California. London, n.d.

L
(Eugen
Issue in
rnia.
Aug. _'7. 1861.
Francisco, 1861; Remarks, etc., for the cession to the C. P. R-. R. of<
iie half of Goat Island.
Wash., 1^7.3; Speech
Evil.
\.
70; and other speeches, etc.
sin (Francis), A Few Facts about California.
MS.
ifiarea (Jose* Maria), Causa criminal contra.. .y Ildefonsa Gonzalez por

ssell's

i'ly

('

adulterio, 1836.
MS.
Castafiarea (Jose Maria), (ansa Beguida Contra Ana Gonzalez. Adulterio de J.
\^'M>.
MS.
M. Castafiarea y Alfonsa G<
Castafiarea (Manuel), California y bus Males, Exposieion 1S-44.
In. Id., Col.
Dor., 21.
Castafiares (Manuel), Cartas del Administrator de la Aduana.
MS.
Castafiarea (Manuel), Coleccion de Documentos relativos al departamento de
1

iifornias.
Mexico, 1845.
Castillero (Andres), Varias Cartas del Capitan y Comisionado.
MS.
Castillo (Antonio del), Memoria sobre las Minas de Azogue de Aineriea.
Mexico, 1871.
Castillo (Felipe), Itinerario desde Sonora hasta Cal., 1S45.
MS.
Castillo Ncgrete (Luis), Consejos al Comandante de Sta Barbara, 1S36. MS.
I

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Nl

rete (Luis), Escritos del

Juez dc Distrito.

MS.

xposicion que dirige el Juez de Distrito al Ayunt.

MS.
e el Plan Revolucionario do Monterey, 1S36.
mdencia oficial y Particular del General, 1826-46. MS.

<

de

la

Diputacion erigida en Congreso Constituyente,

iterey, 1836.

El Cm
.

Presidente de Congreso Constituyente.

(Dcspacho

Expedidoa D. Juan B. Alvarado.) Monterey, 11 Die., 1830.

Nov.
>rden del Com. Gen. acerca de Emigrados de los E. U.,

Proclama de 13 de Nov., 1836. Monterey.

MS.
(Macario), Cartas del Sargento.
MS.
(Macario), Diario dc su Expedicion a las Ranchcrias, 1799.
Revolution de Flores, 1847. MS.
Manuel), Carta d D. Pio Pico.
Manuel), Cartas dc un Prefecto. MS.
MS. 2 vols.
(.Manuel), Documentos para la Historia dc California.
MS.
(Manuel), Informe en Sonora, 7 Junio, 1847.
MS.
(Manuel), Relacion de la Alta California.
(Manuel), Sus Scrvicios Publicos. MS.
MS.
(Tiburcio), Papeles de un Juez y Prefecto.
I,

ro

:ro

ro

tro

Castro
(astro
Castro

roville, Argus.
Catald (Magin), Carta sobreNootka, 1794. MS.
MS.
la (Magin), Correspondencia del Misionero de Sta Clara.
Catecismo politico arreglado a la Constitucion de la Monarquia Espahola,
;

MS.

1812.

Catholic World.

New

York, 18G5 et

seep

Cauwet (Pierre) and Ch. Duquesnay. Lettres Californicnnes.

Cavo (Andres), Los Tres Siglos de Mexico. Mexico, 1836-8. 3

S. F., 1870.

vols.;

Mexico,

1852.

Ceballos (Ramon), XXIV. Capitulos en Vindicacion de Mejico.

Mad. 185G.
Collection mostly MSS. folio. 3 vols.
Cedulario,
Central Pacific Railroad Company, Annual Reports, By-laws, numerous

pamphlets.
Cerruti (Enrique), Historical Note-books, 1821-46. MS. 5 vols.
liti (Enrique), Ramblings in California.
MS.
Cevallos. Do cl Seuor Cevallos, de la situacion actual, del Plan de Jalisco, y
del Gen. Uraga.
Mexico, 1853.
Chamberlain (Charles II.), Statement. MS.
Chamberlain (John), Memoirs of California since 1840. MS.
Chamberlain (W. 11), and Harry L. Wells. See Yuba County History.
isso (Louis Charles A. von), Adclbert von Chamisso's Werke.
Vicrte
Auflage.
Berlin, 18.30. 6 vols.; Reise, included in preceding; Remarks
and Opinions. In Kotzebue's Voy., ii., iii.
Champagnac (Jean B. Joseph), Le jcunc Voyageur en Californie. Paris, 1S52.
(William),
Visit to Salt Lake.
London, 1857.
in (E. R.), Reminiscences of a Surgeon.
MS:
Edouard), Le Tour du Monde. Paris, etc., 1801. 4to. 2 vols.
Chevalier (Michel), On the Probable Pall in the Value of Gold. New York,
'

(111.), Post, Times, Tribune, etc.

Butte County Press, Butte County Record, Caucasian, Evening
Record, Index, Northern Enterprise, Review, etc.
ariano), Alocucion del Gob*, a la Junta Dept. 1 Junio 1830.
MS.
ariano), El C
Comandante ( General y Gefe Politico de Alta Cal.
ilabitantes.
Monterey, Julio 24, 1836.
(Mariano), El C. .Gefe Superior Politico etc. a sus Habitantes. Mon>,

terey, 11

Mayo

1836.

ariano), Discurso

pronunciado 20 de Mayo. Monterey, 1836.

Discurso prcnunciado 27 de Mayo. Monterey, 1830.
ariano), Escritoe del Gobernador, 1830. MS.
o),

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

xli

Chioo (Mariano), Dos Palabras sobre Memoria del Ex. Gobernador Doblado.
Griiana j uato,

1 S47.

Chiles (Joseph B.), Visit to California in 1841.

MS.
Chinese in California: Coolie Trade; Immigration; Question; Testimony; etc.

Many pamphlets.
Choate (D.) and E. W. Moore.

See San Diego and Southern California.

Choris (Louis), Voyage Pittoresque autour du Monde. Paris, 1822. folio.
micle Annual.
San Francisco, 1882.
Churches. See Institutions.
Cincinnati (0.), Commercial, Enquirer, Times, etc.
Civil Service Reform Association of California, Purposes of.
San Francisco,
1881; other pamphlets.
Pioneer of 1847. In S. Jose" Pioneer, July 5, 1870; Roll
Clark (Francis D.),
of Survivors of the 1st Regiment of New York Volunteers. X. Y. 1874.
Clark (Galen), Reminiscences of the Old Times. MS.
Clark (Hiram C), Statement of Facts from 1851. MS.
Clark (Mrs), Antipodes and Around the World. London, 1870.
Clark (Samuel), Life and Death of Sir Francis Drake. London, 17G1. 4to.
Clarke (Asia Booth), The Elder and the Younger Booth. Boston, 1882.
Clarke (Charles E.), Speech on Admission of California in U. S. II. of Rep.,
May 13, 1850. Wash. 1850; Speech on California Claims in U. S. Sen.,
Apr. 25, 1848. Wash. 1848.
Claudet (F. G.), Gold. New Westminster, 1871.
Clavigero (Francisco Saverio), Storia dclla California. Venezia, 1789. 2 vols.
Clemens (J.), California Territorial Governments. Speech in U. S. Sen.,

May

and

Washington, 1850.
Speech in U. S. II. of Rep., Apr. 19, 1850. .Constitution of California. Washington, 1850.
Cleveland (Richard J.), Narrative of Voyages. Cambridge, 1842. 2 vols.;
1G

20, 1850.

Cleveland (Chauncey

F.),

Boston, 1850.
Clippings from the California Press in regard to Steam across the Pacific. San
Francisco, 18G0.
Cioverdale, News, Reveille.
Clubs.
Sec Institutions.
Clyman (James), Diary of Overland Journey, 1844-6. MS.
Clyman (James), Note Book, 1844-6. MS.
Coast Review. San Francisco, 1871-80. 15 vols.

Codman

(John),

CciTey (Titian

The Round Trip. New York, 1S79.

Argument against McGarrahan's Claim,

J.),

n.pl., n.d.

Coignet (M.), Rapport sur les Mines de New Almaden. Paris, 1866.
Coke (Henry J.), A Ride over the Rocky Mountains to Oregon and California.

London, 1852.
Cole (Cornelius), Australian Mail Line. Speech in U. S. Sen. July 9, 1870.
Washington, n.d.; and various Speeches.
Cole (R. Beverly), Statement on Vigilance Committee in San Francisco. MS.
Cole (William L.), California Its Scenery, Climate, etc. New York, 1871.
Coleccion de Documcntos InCditos para la Historia de Espaua.
Madrid,
1842-80.
71 vols.
[S. F. Law Library.]
Colegio Seminario de Maria Santisima de Guadalupe de Sta In6s.
Constitu-

ciones.
MS.
Coleman (William

T.), Vigilance Committee of ^6.

MS.
Colfax (Nev.), Enterprise.
College of California.
Oration and Poem; and various pamphlets.
Colonial Magazine.
London, 1840etseq.
Colonizacion, Cedilla Real confrrmando el Reglamento del Gob*- Neve 1781.

MS.
Colton, Advocate, Semi-tropic.
Colton (Walter), Correspondence, 184G-7. MS.
Colton (Walter), Deck and Port. New York, 1850; New York, 1SG0; The Land
of Gold. New York, 1860; Three Years in California. New York, 1850.
IIiiT. Cal..

Vol.

T.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

aciii

Columbia, Citizen, Clipper, 1854, Gazette, 1854, Herald, Mining Dist.

Gazette, Muggins, 1854, News, Star, Times, Indept. Republic, etc.
mli pendent, Sun.
'olusa,
Colusa County Annual. Colusa, 1878.
Colusa County, History. San Francisco, 18S0. folio.
MS.
in (Thomas W.), Life of a Pioneer.
de California Paris, n.d.
( tombier (0.), Voyage au Golfe
imercial, Financial, and Mining Interests of California. Review for 1S76.
San Francisco, 1877.
Compafila Asiatico-Mexicana, Plan y Reglamento, 1823. In Junta de Fomento de Cal.
MS.
a Extrangera de Monterey, Cuaderno de ordenes, 1832.
See Institutions.
panies, Mining, Agricultural, Commercial, etc.
Comstock (A. M.), Statement on Vigilance Committee. MS.
Cone (Mary), Two Years in California. Chicago, 1876.
Confcrencia celebrada en el Presidio de S. Francisco entre Sola, Kotzebue, y
(

Coscof, 1S1G.

MS.

Congressional Debates [18th to 25th Congress]. Wash. 1824 et seq 14 vols.

Congressional Globe. Washington, 1836 et seq. 4to.
Collection.
Congressional Speeches.
Conklin (E.), Picturesque Arizona. New York, 1S78.
Connor (John), Early California Recollections. MS.
very large number of newspaper accounts.
Conquest of California,
Conquest of California, 1846-7 Various Items and Reports. In Niles' RegSee index, 'Cal.,' 'Kearney,' 'Fremont,' 'Stockton.'
ister, lxxi.-iii.
Consejo General de Pueblos Unidos de Cal., Bando dc Mayo 13, 184G. MS.
Constitucion Espanola de 1812, Bandos del Virey sobre su jura, 1820. MS.
Constitutional Convention, Declaration of Rights.
Autograph of Members,

1849.
of California's Representative Men. San Francisco,
1881. 4to. 2 vols.
Conversation, Practical and Philosophical, on the Subject of Currency. San
Francisco, 18G5.
Conway (John), Early Days in California. MS.
Cooke (Philip St Geo.), Conquest of New Mexico and California.
York,
1878; Journal from Santa Fe to San Diego. [30th Cong., Spec. Sess.,
Sen. Doc. 2.] Washington, 1849; Scenes and Adventures in the Army.
Philadelphia, 1857.
Coon (H. P.), Annals of San Francisco. MS.
Cooper (De Guy), Resources of San Luis Obispo County. San Francisco, 1875.

Contemporary Biography

New

Cooper (Ellwood), Forest Culture, etc. San Francisco, 187G.

Cooper (John B. R.), Accounts, 1827. MS.
( looper (John B. R.), Cartas Miscelaneas de
un Navegante, 1S24 et seq.
Cooper (John B. R.), Log of the California, 1839-42. MS.
Cupper City, Pioneer.
Copperopolis, Courier.
Cordoba (Alberto), Cartas del Ingeniero, 179G-8. MS.
Cordoba (Alberto), Informe acerca del Sitio de Branciforte, 179G.
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(
'ornwallis (Kinahan), The New El Dorado.
London, 1858.
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MS.
Joronel (Antonio F.), Documentos para la Historia de California.
Coronel (Ignacio), Cartas de un Maestro de Escuela, 1834 et seq.

MS.

MS.
MS.

(
(

lorreo Atiantico (El).

lorreo

MS.
MS.

Mexico, 1835 et seq.

Federacion. Mexico, 1826 et seq. folio.
lorrespondencia de Misiones.
MS.
(Richard), Peuples et Voyageurs contemporains.
Paris, 1864.
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In Col. Doc. IneU, torn, iv.; Cartas;
Bistoria de X. Espafia; Memorial. In Col. Doc. IneU, iv.; and Different
works, as cited in my Hist. Mcx.

de

la

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
Corwin (Moses B.), Speech in U. S. II. of Rep., Apr.
fornia.
Washington, 1850.
Cosmopolitan Monthly. San Francisco, 1874 et seq.

xliii

9,

1850, to

Admit

Cali-

Costans6 (Miguel), Diario Historico do los Viages de mar y tierra hecho3 al

Mexico, 177G.
norte de California.
Costanso (Miguel), Historical Journal of the Expeditions by Sea and Land
London, 1790.
to the North of California.
Costanso (Miguel), Informe sobre el Proyccto defortificar los Presidios de Cal.
1794.
MS. In Pinart, Col. Doc. Mexico.
Cota (Pablo), Diario de Exploracion, 1798. MS.
Cota (Guillermo, Leonardo, Manuel, Pablo, and Valentin), Varias cartas. MS.
Cota (Valentin), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS.
Coulter (John), Adventures on the Western Coast. London, 1847. 2 vols.
Coulter (Thomas), Notes on Upper California, 1835. In Lond. Geog. Soc,
Jour., v. 59.

laws and regulations, and other official publicaof county but not named in this list.
Courts.
See Institutions.
Coutts (Cave J.), Diary of a March to California in 1848. MS.
Covarrubias (Jos6 Maria), Correspondencia del Secretario. MS.
Cox (Isaac), Annals of Trinity County. San Francisco, 1858.
Coxc (Daniel), Description of Carolana. London, 1722; other editions.
Coyncr (David II.), The Lost Trappers. Cincinnati, 1859.
Cram (Thomas J.), Report on the Oceanic routes to Cal., Nov. 185G. [34th
Cong., 3d Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 51.] Washington, 185G; Topographical
Memoir on the Department of the Pacific. [35th Cong., 2d Sess., H. Ex.
Doc. 114.] Washington, 1859.
Crane (James M.), The Past, Present, and Future of the Pacific. San Francisco, 185G.
Crary (Oliver B.), Statement on Vigilance Committee in San Francisco. MS.
Crescent City, Courier, Herald, 1854, Del Norte Record.
Crespi (Juan), Diario de la Expcdicion de Mar., 1774. In Palou, Not., i. 624.
Crespi (Juan), Diario del registro de San Francisco, 1772. In Palou, Not. i. 48
Crespi (Juan), Primera Espedicion de Tierra al Descubrimiento del Puerto do
San Diego, 1769. In Palou, Not., ii. 93.
Crespi (Juan), Viage de la espedicion de tierra de San Diego a Monterev,
17G9.
In Palou, Not., i. 285.
Croix (Teodoro), Comunicaciones del Com. Gen. de Provincias Internas al
Gobr. de Cal., 1777 et seq. MS. In Prov. St. Pap., i.-iv. and other
archives.
Croix (Teodoro), Disposiciones para la Guerra a los Yumas, 1782. MS.
Croix (Teodoro), Instruccion sobre Donativos en California para la Guerra con
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MS.
Croix (Teodoro), Instrucciones al Capitan Rivera, 1779. MS.
Cronisc (Titus Fey), Natural Wealth of California. San Francisco, 1868; Id.
with illustrations and corrections.
Crosby (E. 0.), Events in California. MS.
Crowell (J.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep. June 3, 1850, on Admission of California.
Washington, 1850.
Cuesta.
See 'Arroyo de la Cuesta.'
Currey (John), Incidents in California. MS.
Cutter (D. S.) See Directories. Sacramento, 1860.
Cutts (James Madison), Conquest of California and N. Mexico. Phila., 184-7.

County

registers, poll-lists,

tions, cited

by name

"

Dall (Caroline H.), My First Holiday. Boston, 1881.

Dall (W. II.), Lords of the Isles. In Overland Monthly, xii. 522.
Dalles (Or.), Mountaineer, Oregon Republican.
Dally (Henry J.), Narrative from 1840. MS.
Damcron (James P.), Autobiography and Writings. $an Francisco, 1877.
Dampier (Wm.), New Voyage round the T orld. London, 1099-1709. 4 vols.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

jcliv

Boston 1 83 1
Boston, 1858.
New York, 1840; New
Jr.), Two Years before the Mast.
Boston, 1873; Boston, 1880.
MS.
filliam r. ), Letters of a Trader.
(Guillermo G.), and Vicente Moraga, Lista de Extrangeros en Sta Bar-

a (C.

W.
I

The G rea t West.

The Fireman.

),

D.),

<

;!

I.

MS.

MS.
Danti (Antonio), Diario de un Reconocimiento de la Alameda, 1705.
San FranV.), Reilcccioncs a los Californios e Hispano- Americanos.
|

cisco.

[18G4.]

Dattbenbiss (John), Biographical Sketches.

In

S.

Jos6 Pioneer, Mar. 23,

1878.

vidson (George), Biography and Essay on Irrigation.- MS.

Washington, 18G0.
A (George), Coast Pilot of California, etc.
Washington, 1 8G8.
I )irectory for the Pacific Coast.
San Francisco, 1S80; and various speeches.
1 >avis (Horace), An open Letter to.
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xlvii

Jose" D. Rascon, Observaciones, Fondo Piadoso.

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Figueroa (Jose),
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AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Washington, 1848; Philadelphia, 1849. [30th Cong., 1st

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Frink (George W.), Vigilance Committee. MS.

Froebel (Julius), Central America, Northern Mexico, and Western United
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Frost (Thomas), Half-Hours with the Early Explorers. London, etc. [1876.]
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Gaceta del Gobierno de Mexico, 1728-1821, 1823 et seq.

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Galvez (Jose

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Galvez (Virey), Comunicaciones al Gob r de California, 1783-5. MS.
Galvez (Virey), Instruccion formada en virtud dc real orden. Mexico, 1786.
Galvez (Virey), Instrucciones al Gobr- Fages, 1786. MS.
Garcds (Francisco), Diario y Dcrrotero. In Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. ii., i. 225.
Garcia (Inocente), Hechos Historicos. MS.
Garcia (Jose E.), Episodios Historicos. MS.
Garcia (Marcelino), Apunte sobre el General Micheltorena. MS.
Garcia Diego (Francisco), Carta Pastoral. Mexico, 1840.
Garcia Diego (Francisco), Carta Pastoral contra la costumbre de azotar & los
Indios, Junio 30, 1833.
MS.
Garcia Diego (Francisco), Correspondencia de un Misionero y Obispo.
MS.
Garcia Diego (Francisco), Parecer del P. Fiscal sobre el Proyecto de Secularizacion, 1833.
MS.
Garcia Diego (Francisco), Reglas que propone el P. Prefecto para Gobierno
interior de las ex-misiones, 1S35.
MS.
Garden of the World. Boston, 1856.
Gardiner (Me.), Home Journal.
raribay (Virey), Comunicaciones al Gobernador de Cal.
MS.
Garijo (Agustin), Carta del P. Guardian en que da Noticia de la Revolucion,
1811.
MS.
lamer (William R.), Letters of a Pioneer of 1824. MS.
iiica del Castillo (Nicanor), Recuerdos sobre California.
MS.
rarniss (James R.), Early Days of San Francisco.
MS.
(
'a;y (George), The Roaming Badgers.
MS.
-

ol (Jose), Expcdiente sobre Capellanes de Presidios, 1802.

Gasol (Jose), Letras Patentes del P. Guardian, 1806. MS.

MS.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

li

Gay

(Frederick A.), Sketches of California, n.pl., n.d.

General Association of California, Minutes of Annual Meetings. San Francisco, 1857 et seq.
German (Jos6 and Luis), Sucesos en California. MS.
Genius of Liberty, Vera Cruz, 1847 etseq.
Gerstiicker (Frcidrich), Aventures d'une Colonie d'emigrants en Amerique.
Leipzig, 185G; Gold! Ein CaliforParis, 1855; Californische Skizzen.
nisches Lebensbild aus dem yalire 1840. Leipzig, 1858; Kaliforniens
Gold u Quecksilber-District. Leipzig, 1849; Der Kleine Goldgraber in
Californien. Leipzig, n.d. ; Kreuz unci Quer. Leipzig, 18G9. 3 vols.; Narrative of a Journey round the World. Lond. 1853; New York, 1854;
Reisen. Stuttgart, etc., 1853-4. 5 vols. Scenes de la Vie Californienne.
Geneve, 18G0; Travels. London, 1854; Western Lands and Western
Waters. London, 18G4.
Gibbons (Francis A.), and Francis X. Kelly, Letter relative to appropriation
for erection of light-house on Pacific Coast. [33d Cong., 1st Sess., H. Ex.
Doc. 113.] Washington, 1853; Resolution calling for Correspondence
relative to claim [33d Cong., 2d Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 53].
Washington,
;

1853.

Gibson (H. G.), Address at the Fourth Annual Banquet of New York California Pioneers.
In San Jose Pioneer, Feb. 15, 1879.
Gibson (Otis), Chinaman or White Man, Which? San Francisco, 1873; The
Chinese in America. Cincinnati, 1877; other articles on Chinese.
Giddings (George H. ), The case of Contractor on the Overland Mail Route.
Washington, 18G0.
Gift (George W.), The Settler's Guide. Stockton, 1857.
Gift (George W. ), Something about California. Marin County, S. Rafael, 1875.
Gilbert (Frank T.), See Histories of San Joaquin and Yolo Counties.
Gillespie (Archibald H.), Correspondence of a Government Agent. MS.
Gillespie (Charles V.), Vigilance Committee. MS.
Giiman (Daniel C), Building of the University. Inaugural Address Nov. 7,

San Francisco, 1872.

1872.
Gilroy, Advocate, California Leader, Independent, Telegram, Union.
Gleeson (William), History of the Catholic Church in California. San Francisco, 1872. 2 vols.
Glisan (R.), Journal of Army Life. San Francisco, 1874.
Goat Island, Appeal to the California Delegation in Congress, 1872; Proceedings of the Chamber of Commerce.
S. F. 1872, etc.
Goddard (Frederick B.j, Where to Emigrate and Why. New York, 18G9.
Godfrey (John F.), Argument In re City of Los Angeles vs. L. McL. Baldwin
et al.
San Francisco, 1878.
Gold Fields. Notes on the Distribution of Gold. London, 1853.
Gold-Finder, Adventures of. London, 1850. 3 vols.
Golovnin (V. M.), Voyage of the Kamchatka, 1815-19. In Materialui, pt. iv.
Gomez (Jose), Diario Curioso, 177G-9G. In Doc. Iiist. Mex., serie ii., torn. vii.
Gomez (Jose" Joaquin), Cartas, 1831 et seq. MS.
Gomez (Juan), Diario de Cosas Notables, 183G. MS.
Gomez (Juan), Documentos para la Historia de California, 1785-1850. MS.
Gomez (Rafael), Escritos Varios del Licenciado. MS.
Gomez (Vicente P.), Lo que Sabe de California. MS.
Gonzalez (Diego), Cartas del Teniente, 1781 et seq. MS.
Gonzalez (Jos6 Maria de Jesus), Cartas del Padre Zacatecano. MS.
Gonzalez (Mauricio), Memorias Calif ornianas. MS.
Gonzalez (Mauricio), Papeles Originales Historicos. MS.
Gonzalez (Rafael), Correspondencia. MS.
Gonzalez (Rafael), Diario de Mexico a California. MS.
Gonzalez (Rafael), Experiencias deun Soldado. MS.
Gonzalez (Teodoro) Las Revolu clones en California. MS.
Good Templars, Constitution, Proceedings, etc. of various lodges.
Goodrich (Frank B.), The Tribute Book. Sun Francisco, 1867 4to.
,

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

lii

History of the Indians of North and South America.

Boston, 1855; Boston, 1804.
Goodyear (W. A.), Coal Mines of the Western Coast. San Francisco, 1077.
Franckfurt, 1055. folio.
Gottfriedt (Johann Ludwig), NeueWelt.
iheim (Adelaide and Joey), Histrionic Memoirs, etc. S. F. 1856.
Goycoechea (Felipe), Diario de Exploracion, 179S. MS.
Goycoechea (Felipe), Escritos del Comandante de Sta Barbara, 17S5-180G. MS.
Goodricl

uel G.),

Bo

Goycoechea
Goycoechea
Goycoechea

(Felipe),

(Felipe),
(Felipe),

Misioneros, 179S.

Medios para el Fomcnto de Californias, 1805. MS.

Oncio Instructivo para el Ten te R. Carrillo, 1832. MS.
Respuesta a las Quince Preguntas sobre Abuses de
-

MS.

Report on Boundary Line between U. S. and Mexico [32d

Cong., 1st Scss. Sen. Ex. Doc. 121.] Washington, 1851.
Graham (Mary), Historical Reminiscences. San Francisco, 1870.
Graham (Isaac) and John A. Sutter in New Mexico, Some Facts. MS.

Graham

(J. D.),

Grajera (Antonio), Escritos del Comandante de S. Diego, 1794-9.

Gr jera (Ant< nio), Respuesta a las Quince Preguntas, 1799. MS.
Grantsviile, Weekly San.
Grass Valley, Foot Hill Tidings, National, Union.
Gray (A. B.), Resolution communicating report and map relative to Mex.
Boundary. [33d Cong., 2d Scss., Sen. Ex. Doc. 55.] Wash. 1853.
Gray (W. II.), History of Oregon, 1792-1849. Portland, 1870.
Great I.
cited by name of county.
Not in this list.
Greeley (Horace), Overland Journey. New York, 1829.
Green (Alfred A.) Life and Adventures of a '47er. MS.
Green (Talbot II.), Letters, 1841-8. MS.
Greenhow (Robert), History of Oregon and California. Boston, 1844; London, 1844; New York, 1845; Boston, 1845; Boston, 1847.
Greenhow (Robert), Memoir, Historical and Political, of the Northwest Coast
of North America. [26th Cong., 1st Scss., Sen. Doc. 174.] Wash., 1840.
Greenwood (Grace), Xcw Life in New Lands. New York, 1873.
Gregory (Joseph AY.), Guide for California Travellers. New York, 1850.
Gregson (James). Statement, 1845-9. MS.
Grey (William), A Picture of Pioneer Times in California. S. P. 1831.
Griffin (John S.), Documents for the History of California; San Pascual. MS.
Griffin (John S.), Journal of 1840.
MS.
Grigsby (John), Papers of 184G-8. MS.
Grijalva (Juan Pablo), Cartas del Teniente, 1794-1890. MS.
Grijalva (Juan Pablo) Explicacion del Registro desde S. Diego.
MS.
Grijalva (Juan Pablo), Informe sobre les Rancherias cxploradas por P. Mari.

ner, 1795.

Grimm

MS.
The Chinese Must Go.

(Henry),

Grimshaw (William

San Francisco, 1879.

R.), Narrative of Events, 1848-59.

Guadalajara, Gaceta de Gobierno. Guadalajara, 1821 ct seq.

Guerra Fra ncisco), et al. Investigations of a charge against as Revolutionists,
(

1848.

MS.

Guerra (Jose* Antonio), Cartas. MS.

Guerra (Pablo), Comunicaciones. MS.
Guerra y Noriega (Jose), Correspondcncia del Capitan. MS.
Guerra y Noriega (Jose), Determinacion sobre su Ida a Mexico, 6 Instruction,
1819.

MS.

Guerra y Noriega (Jos6), Documentos para la Hist, de Cal. MS. G vols.

riierra y Noriega (Jose), Ocurrencias Curiosas de 1839-1.
MS.
Guerra entre Mexico y los Estados-Unidos, Apuntes. Mexico, 184S.
Guerrero (Francisco), Cartas, 1839-40. MS.
Guerrero (Vicente), Soberano Estado de Oajaca. Oajaca, 1833.
ruia do Forasteros.
Mexico, 1797 et seq.
Gutierrez (Nicolas), Carta Oficial del Gefe Politico, 4 Nov. 1S3G. MS.
Lerrez (Nicolas), [Publica el Decreto reuniendo los Mandos,
y toma
posesion del Gobierno Politico.] Monterrey, 2 Encro, 1830.
<

<

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

liii

Gutierrez (Nicolas), Varias Cartas del Capitan y Gefe Politico, 1832-6. MS.
M.), Argument on the Subject of a Pacific Railroad. Wash.,
n.pl. n.d. ; Land Titles in California.
Speech
1800; Congress Record,
Wash., 1851; Navyin reply to Mr Benton in U. S. Sen., Jan. 2, 1851.

Gwin (William

yard and Dry-dock in California. Speech in U. S. Sen., March 23, 1852.

Wash., 1852; Remarks in U. S. Sen. Apr. 19 and 20, 1852, on Deficiency
Appropriation Bill. Wash., 1852; Speech in U. S. Sen. Jan. 13, 1853, on
Wash., 1853; Speech in U.
Bill to Establish a Railway to the Pacific.
Wash., 1853;
S. Sen. March 2, 1853, on Transportation of U. S. Mails.
Speeches in the Senate of the U. S. on Private Land Titles in Cal.
Wash., 1851; other speeches.
Gwin (William M.), Memoirs on History. MS.

Habersham (A. W.), North Pacific Surveying and Expl. Ex. Phila.,
Hacke (William), Collection of Original Voyages. London, 1G99.
Hakluyt (Richard), The Principal Navigations. Lond., 1599- 1G00.
Hakluyt's Voy.
Hale (Edward Everett), Early Maps of America.

1858.
folio.

vols.; cited as

Best, etc.

Worcester, 1874; His Level

The Name of California. In Amer. Antiq. Soc.

Queen of California. In Atlantic Monthly, xiii.

Boston, 1873;

Proc, Apr. 18G2, 45;

265.
Hall (Charles Victor), California.

The Ideal

Italy.

Philadelphia, 1875.

Hall (Edward II.), The Great West, N. Y., 1805; N. Y., l!

Rail (Frederic), History of San Jos6. San Francisco, 1S71; San Jose History.
Scrap-book. From S. Jos6 Pioneer, Jan. 1877.
Hall (John), Remarks on the harbours of Cal. [Being extracts from the log of
the Lady Blackwood, 1822.] In Forbes' Hist. Cal., App.
Hall (William M.), Speech in favor of a National Railroad to the Pacific.
July 7, 1847; New York, 1853.
Halleck (Henry W.), Correspondence of the Secretary of State. 1840-8. In
Cal. and N. Mex., Mess, and Doc, 1850; Mexican Land Laws. MS.;
Report on Land Titles in California. [31st Cong., 1st. Se3S., II. Ex.
Doc. 17.] Wash., 1850.
Halley (William), Centennial Year-book of Alameda County. Oakland, 1876.
Hamilton (Nov.), Inland Empire.
Hancock (.Samuel), Thirteen Years' Residence on the Northwest Coast. MS.
Hanford, Public Good.
Hansard (T. C), Parliamentary Debates from 1803. London, 181 2-77. [S. F.

Law

Library.]

Hardenbcrgh

(J. R.),

General Land

Answer

Oifice.

to charges filed with the Commissioner

San Francisco, 1873.

of the

Hardingc (Emma), Funeral Oration on Thomas Starr King. S. F., 1804.

Hardy (Lady Duffus), Through Cities and Prairie Lands. London, 1881.
Hargrave (William), California in 184G. MS.

Haro (Francisco), Cartas Sueltas. MS.

Haro y Pcralta (Virey), Comunicaciones al Gobierno de
Harper's New Monthly Magazine. New York, 1S5G ct

California.

MS.

scq.

Bibliotheca.
Harris (John), Navigantium.
London, 1705. folio. 2 vols.
Harrison (Henry W. ), Battle-Fields and Naval Exploits. Phila., II
Hart (Albert), Mining Statutes of the U. S., Cal., and Nov. S. F., 1877.
Hartman (Isaac), Brief in Mission Cases.
Hartmann (Carl), Geographisch-Statistische Beschreibung von Californien.
.

Weimar, 1S49. 2 vols.

Hartmann (Job. Adolph), Dissertatio Geographica de vero

California^ situ et

Marburg, 1739. 4to.

Conditione.
Hartnell (Teresa de la G.), Narrativa de una Matrona de Cal. MS.
Original Records.
MS.
Hartnell (William E. P.), Convention of '49.
Hartnell (William E. P.), Diario del Visitador Gentle ?>Iisiones, 1839-40. MS.
Hartnell (William E. P.), English Colonization in California, 1844. MS.
Hartnell (William E. P.), Miscellaneous Correspondence from 1822. MS.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

liv

Harvey (Mrs Daniel), Life of John McLoughlin. Mi3.

Hastings (Lansford W.), Emigrants' Guide to Oregon and California. Cin1843-S. MS.; New History of Oregon and Calicinnati, 1845; Letters.
fornia.

Cincinnati, 1849.

MS.
of the Columbia Rediviva, 1787, 1791-2.
Havilah, Courier, Miner,
awes (Horace), Missions in California. San Francisco, 1S5G.
(A. T.), Humboldt County.' Eureka, 1879.
[awley (A. T.), The Present Condition, etc., of L. Angeles. L. Angeles, 1876.
MS.
.ley (David N.), Observations of Men and Things.
:.
yes (Benjamin), Criminal Trials at Los Angeles. MS.
MS.
cs (Benjamin), Diary of a Journey Overland, 1849-50.
Hayes (Benjamin), Documents for the History of California. MS.
MS. and Scraps.
iiayes (Benjamin), Emigrant Notes.
Hayes (Benjamin), Land Matters in California. MS.
Hayes (Benjamin), List of Vessels. IMS.
Hayes (Benjamin), Mexican Laws, Notes. MS.
Hayes (Benjamin), Mission Book of Alta Cal. MS. and Scraps. 2 vols.
Hayes (Benjamin), Notes on California Affairs. MS.
Hayes (Benjamin), Papeles Varios Originales. MS.
Hayes (Benjamin), San Diego, Legal History. Scraps and MS.
Hayes (Benjamin), Scrap Books, 1850-74. 129 vols. ; under the following subtitles: Agriculture; Arizona. 6 vols.; California Notes. 5 vols. MS.
and Print; California Poets; California Politics. 10 vols.; Constitutional
Law; Cuyamaca Case. MS. and Print; Early California Decisions; Indians. 5 vols.; Los Angeles County. 10 vols.; Memorabilia; Mining. 13
vols. ; Monterey, Santa Barbara, etc. ; Natural Phenomena, 3 vols. ; Pacific Interests; Railroads. G vols. ; San Bernardino Count}'. 4 vols.
San
Diego, Five Years in. 4 vols. ; San Diego County, Local History. 3 vob.
Southern California, Historical Items. 2 vols. ; Southern California Politics. 2 vols. ; Southern California, Wilmington, etc. ; Studies in Politics.
7 vols. ; Supreme Court, 1SGS-74.
Haywards, Journal, Alameda Advocate, Plaindealer.
Hazlitt (Win. Carew), Great Gold Fields of Cariboo.
London, 18G2.
Healdsburg, Advertiser, Democratic Standard, Enterprise, Review, Russian
Haswell (Robert), Voyage

River Hag.

Heap (Gwinn
Hearn

Harris), Central

Route

(F. G.), California Sketches.

to the Pacific.

Philadelphia, 1854.

MS.

Hcbard, Speech, March 14, 1S50, on Constitution of Cal. Wash., 1850.

Heceta (Bruno), Diario del Viage de 1775. MS.
Heceta (Bruno), Espedicion Maritima. In Palou, Not., ii. 229.
Heceta (Bruno), Segunda Exploracion, 1775. MS.
Heceta (Bruno), Viage de 1775. MS.
Hecox (Adna A.), Biographical Sketch. In S. Jose" Pioneer, Aug. 1878.
Hecox (Adna A.), A Brief History of the Introduction of Methodism. In

S.

F. Christian Advocate, 18G3.

Helper (Hinton R.), The Land of Gold. Baltimore, 1855.
Henshaw (Josiah S.), Historical Events. MS.
Hernandez (Jos6 Maria P.), Compendio de la Geografia. Mexico, 1872.

Herrcra (Antonio

de), Historia General de los Hechos de los Castellanos en

Tierra Firme del Mar Oceano. Madrid, 1G01. 4to. 4 vols;
Madrid, 172G-30. folio.
Herrera (Jose Maria), Causa contra el Comisario de California, 1827. MS.
Herrera (Jos6 Maria), Escritos del Comisario. MS.
rick (William F.), Current Events from 1853. MS.
perian (The).
San Francisco, 1858-G4. 11 vols,
las Islas

Cosmography. London, 1701. folio.

N. ), California in 1834. MS.
Maria), Instrucciones del Gefe Politico y Director de Colonizacion,
In Figueroa, Man. 11.

lyn (Peter),
1

ijar .Carlos

liijar (Jose"

1834.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

lv

Hijar (Jos6 Maria), Instrucciones del Gobierno al Comisionado, 1845. MS.

Hijar (Jos6 Maria), Varias Cartas. MS.
Hinckley (William C. ), Life of a Pioneer of 1847. MS.
Hinckley (William S.j, Letters of a Sea Captain. MS.
Hinds (Richard B. ), Botany of Voyage of the Sulphur. London, 1844;
Regions of Vegetation, California Region. In Belcher's Nar. , ii. ; Zoology
of the Voyage of the Sulphur.
London, 1844.
Hines (Gustavus). Voyage round the World. Buffalo, 1850.
Ilmton (Richard J.), Handbook of Arizona. San Francisco, 187S.
Historical Magazine and Notes and Queries.
Boston, etc., 1857-09. 15 vols.
History of the Bear Flag; Revolt. In Niles' Register, lxxiii. 110.
Hitchcock (George B. ), Statement of Ramblings. MS.
San
Hittell (John S.), The Commerce and Industries of the Pacific Coast.
Francisco, 1882. 4to; The History of the Cottonwood Prospecting Expedition.
In Alta California; History of San Francisco. S. F. 1873;
Limantour. In Overland Monthly, ii. 154; TheLimantour Claim. S. F.
In Dietz, Our Boys.
1857; Mining Life at Shasta in 1849.
161; Notes
of Califomian Pioneers. In Hutchings' Cal. Mag. v. 239; Oration at the
Nineteenth Anniversary of California Pioneers. S. F. 1809; Papelcs
HistoricosdelSlG. MS.; Resources of California. S. F. 1866; S. F. L8G7;
S. F. 1874; The Resources of Vallejo. Vallejo, 18G9; Spoliation of Mexican Grant Holders in California by U. S.
In Hesperian, iv. 147.
Hittell (Theodore II.), Adventures of James Capen Adams. S. F. 18G0.
Hobbs (James), Wild Life in the Far West. Hartford, 1875.
Hoffmann (Hemmann), Californien, Nevada und Mexico. Basel, 1871.
Hoffman (Ogden), Opinions in Mission Cases. S. Francisco, 1859; Opinions
San Francisco, 18G2.
in various other cases; Reports of Land Cases.
Hoit (C. W.), Fraudulent Mexican Land Claims in California. Sac. 18G9.
Holinski ( Alex. ), La Californie et les Routes Interoceaniques. Bruxelles, 1853.
Holland (Charles), Mines and Mining. In Coast Review. 1873. p. 73.
Hollister, Advance, Central Califomian, Enterprise, Telegraph.
Home Missionary (The). New York, 1846 ct seep
Homer (Charles), Memorial for construction of San Francisco Marine Hospital
[33d Cong., 1st. Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 54].
Washington, 1853.
Homes (Henry A.), Our Knowledge of Cal. and the N. W. Coast. Albany,
1870.

Associations.
large number of publications cited by name of
the Association.
Honolulu, Friend, 1843 et seq. ; Hawaiian Spectator; Polynesian, 1857 et
scq.; Sandwich Island Gazette, 1836 et seq.; Sandwich Island News,
1846 et seq.
Hooker (Wm. J.) and G. A.W. Arnott, Botany of Captain Beechey's Voyage.

Homestead

London, 1801. 4to.

Hopkins, Translations of California Documents, n.p., n.d.
Hopkins (C. T.), Common Sense applied to the Immigrant Question. San
Francisco, 1870; Taxation in California. S. F. 1881 and other pamphlets.
Hoppe (J.), Californiens Gegenwart und Zukunft. Berlin, 1849.
Hopper (Charles), Narrative of a Pioneer of 1841. MS.
Horn (Hosea B.), Horn's Overland Guide. New York, 1852.
Horra (Antonio de la Concepcion), Representacion al Virey contra los MisionerosdeCal., 1798. MS.
Howard (Volney E.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep. against Admission of California, June 11, 1850.
Washington, 1850.
Howard (W. D. M.), Commercial Correspondence from 1838. MS.
Howe (J. W.), Speech, June 5, 1850, on California Question. Wash. 1850.
Hubncr (Le Baron de), A Ramble round the World, 1871. New York, lo74.
Hudson (David), Autobiography. MS.
;

Hughes (Elizabeth), The California of the Padres. San Francisco, 1875.

Hughes (John T. ), California. Its History, etc., Cincinnati, 1S4S; Cincinnati,
1S49; Cincinnati, 1850; Doniphan's Expedition. Cincinnati, 1849.

;;

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Lvi

Huish (Robert), Narratives of Voyages. London, 1S3G.

Humason (W. L.), From the Atlantic Surf to the Golden Gate.

Hartford,

.).

Humboldt

(Alex, do), Essai Politique sur le

Royaume de la Nouvellc Espagne.

Paris, 1811. folio. 2 vols, and atlas.

Humboldt (Alex, dc), Tablas Estadisticas del
alio de 1803. MS.
Humboldt County. Its Resources, etc. See

Reyno de Nueva Espaiia en

el

Hawley, A. T.
Merchants' Magazine. New York, 1839 et seq.
;e (Charles E.), Sketch of the History and Resources of Santa Barbara City
and County. Santa Barbara, 1870.
hatchings' Illustrated California Magazine. San Francisco, 1857-01. 5 vols.
Hyde (George), Historical Facts on California. MS.
1

Ibarra (Juan Maria), Cartas Varias del Teniente.

Idaho City,

(Id.)

MS.

World.
Bear Flag Revolt. MS.

Ide (William B.),

Ide (William B.), Biographical Sketch. [Claremont] 1880; Who Conquered
California? [Claremont] 1880.
[lustracion Mexicana (La). Mexico, 1851-3. 4 vols.
Independence (Cal.), Inyo Independent.
Independence (Mo.), Mission Expositor.
Indios, Contestacion al Interrogatorio de 1812 por el Presidente y los Padres
MS.
sobre costumbres, 1815.
MS.
Indios, Interrogatorio del Supremo Gobierno sobre Costumbres, 1812.
San Francisco, 1807 et seq.
Industrial Magazine.
lnforme de lo mas Peculiar de la Nueva California, 1789. MS.
Informe sobre los Ajustes de Pobladores de la Reina de Los Angeles y demas
de las Provincias de Calif ornias. Dec. 30, 1789. MS.
In Harper's Mag., lxvi.
Ingersoll (Ernest), In a Redwood Logging Camp.
194-5.
Iniciativa de Ley, 1827.

In Junta de Fomento de California.

In Amigo del Pueblo, Sept. -Oct. 1815.
Iniestra, Expedicion de Cal., 1845.
Institutions, associations, societies, companies, orders, churches, banks, clubs,
courts, etc.
Publications cited in notes by name of the institution, etc.
but most of them, not historical in their nature, are omitted in this list.
Instrucciones a que debe sujetarse la Comision nombrada por este Ayuntamiento de Angeles, 30 Mayo, 1837. MS.
Instrucciones para Tribunales de 1 Instancia.
[1S24] MS.
Instrucciones que los Vireyes de Nueva Espana.
Mexico, 1867.
Investigacion sobre la Muerte de los Religiosos enviados a la reduccion de los
gentiles del Rio Colorado, 1781. MS.
lone, Amador Times, Chronicle, City News, Riverside Independence.
I] iarte (Francisco), Contestacion a la Expresion de Agravios.
Mexico, 1832.
Irving (Washington), Adventures of Bonneville. New York, 1S00.
Iturbidc (Agustin), Cartas de los Sefiores Generales. Mexico, 1821.
Iturrigaray (Virey), Comunicaciones al Gob r de California. MS.
-

Jackson, Amador Dispatch, Amador Ledger, Sentinel, Press.

Janssens (Agustin), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS.
Janssens (Agustin), Vida y Aventuras. MS.
Jay (William), Review, etc., Mexican War. Boston, 1849.
J enkins (John S. ), History of the War between U. S. and Mex. Auburn, 1851
United States Exploring Expeditions. Auburn, 1850.
Jimeno (Jose Joaquin and Antonio), Cartas de los dos Frailes. MS.
Jimeno Casarin (Manuel), Escritos del Secretario de Estado. MS.
John Bull. [London newspaper.]
Johnson (Daniel H.), and Cornelius Vanderbilt, Correspondence, etc., for
Transporting Mails via the Isthmus. [30th Cong., 1st Sess., Sen. Ex.
Doc. 45.] Washington, 1859.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

lvh

T.), California and Oregon, or Sights in the Gold Region.

Phil., 1851; Phil., 18u7; Phil., 18G5; bights in the Gold Regions. N. Y.,

Johnson (Theodore

1849; N. Y., 1850.

Johnston (A. R.), Journal of a Trip with the First U. S. Dragoons. 1S4G.
[30th Gong., 1st Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 41.] Washington, K48; In Emory's

Notes.

Jones (John C.), Cartas Comerciales, 1831 et seq. MS.

Jones (Thomas Ap. C), Agresion en Californias. 1842. In Mexico, Mem.
Relac, 1844, An. 87-07; At Monterey in 1842. [27th Cong., 3d Sess.,
H. Ex. Doc. 1GG.] Washington, 1842; Miscellaneous Proclamations,
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May

22, 1S58.

Jones (William Carey), Report on Land Titles in California. Washington,

San Francisco, 18G0.
1850; The Pueblo Question Solved.
Jonesborough (Tenn.), Sentinel.
Juarez (Cayetano), Notas sobre Asuntos de Cal. MS.
MS.
Julio Cesar, Cosas de Indios.
Junta de 5 de Abril de 1791 en Monterey. MS.
Junta Consultativa y Economica en Monterey, 1843. MS.
Junta de Fomento de Californias, Colcccion de los Trabajos. Mex. 1827.
Junta de Guerra y Rendicion de Monterey, 4 Nov. 1830. MS.
Junta Primera de Guerra en Monterey, 4 Oct. 1709. MS.

Kalama, Beacon.
Kearny (Stephen W. ), Orders and Correspondence, 1847. In Cal. and N. Mex.
Mess. & Doc. 1850; Proclamation, March 1, 1847. Original MS.; also
in print; Report to Adjutant-General Jones, March 15, 1847.
[31st
Cong., 1st Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 17, p. 283.] Washington, 1848; Reports
of San Pascual.
[30th Cong., 1st Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 513-1G.]
Washington, 1848.

A History of

the Settlement of Oregon. Springfield, 18G8;

[25th Cong., 3d Sess., II. Kept. 101.] WashNarrative of Events and Difficulties. Boston, 1852.
ington, 1838;
Kelly (George Fox), Land Frauds of California. Santa Rosa, 18G4.
Kelly (William), An Excursion to California. London, 1851. 2 vols.
Kcndrick (John), Correspondencia sobre Cosas de Nootka, 1794. MS.
Kern (Edward M.), Journal of Exploration, 1845. In Simpson's Rept., 477.
Kerr (J. G. ), The Chinese Question Analyzed. San Francisco, 1877.
Kerr (Robert), General History and Collection of Voyages, Edinburgh and
London, 1824. 18 vols.

Kelley (Hall

J.),

Memoir on Oregon,

1839.

Keyser (Sebastian), Memoir of a Pioneer.

MS.

ibnikof (K.), Zapiski o America.

St Petersburg, 18G1.
King (Clarence), Mountaineering in the Sierra Nevada. Boston, 1874; 1882.
King (Thomas Butler), California; The Wonder of the Age. New York, 1850;
Report on California. Washington, 1850 [message of President, March
31st Cong., 1st Sess., II. Ex. Roc. 59.]
23, 1851.
King of William (James), Assassination of, etc. San Francisco, 185G; Family

Scrap-book.
King's Orphan, Visit to California, 1842-3, Scrap-book; also in Upham's No1
Kinley (Joseph M.), Remarks on Chinese Immigration. San Francisco, 1877.
Kip (Leonard), California Sketches. Albany, 1850.
Kip (Wm. Ingraham), Historical Scenes from the Old Jesuit Missions. New
York, 1875; Last of the Leatherstockings. In Overland Monthly, ii.
407; and other works.
KirchhofF(Theodor), Reisebilder und skizzen. N. Y., 1S75-G. 2 vols.
Kirkpatrick (Charles A.), Journal of 1849. MS.
Knight (Thomas), Early Events in California, of a Pioneer of '45. MS.
Knight (Thomas), Recollections. MS.
Knight (Wm. H.), Scrap-books. 40 volumes.
Knight's Ferry, .Stanislaus Index.
Hist.

Cat.,.,

Vol.

I.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

hiii

Knight's Landing, News.

Knox (Thomas W.), The Underground World. Hartford, 1878.
Kohler (Charles), Wine Production in California. MS.
Kotzebue (Otto von), New Voyage round the World. London, 1830. 2 vols.;
< of Discovery.
London, 18*21. 3 vols.
Kraszewski (.Michael), Acts of the Manilas. MS.
Kiinzel (Heinrich), Obercalifornien. Darmstadt, 1848.
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San Francisco, 1870.

for Bread.
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La Fayette, Democratic Sentinel.
Lafond (Gabriel), Voyages autour du Monde. Paris, 1843. 2 vols.; Paris,
Labor Agitators; or the Battle

1.

8 vols. 4to.
Francois), Abr6ge de l'Histoire Generale des Voyages. Paris,

La Harpe (Jean

181G. 24 vols, and atlas.

Lakeport, Avalanche, Clear Lake Courier, Clear Lake Journal, Clear Lake
Times, Lake County Bee, Lake County Democrat.
Lakeside Monthly (The). Chicago, 1872.
Paris, 1854.
Larnbertie (Charles de), Voyage pittoresque en Californie, etc.
Lamotte (H. D.), Statement. MS.
Lancey (Thomas C), Cruise of the Dale. Scrap-book, from S. Jose" Pioneer.
Lander (Frederick W.), Remarks on a double-track Railway to the Pacific.

Washington, 1854.
Lane (Joseph), Autobiography. MS.
Langley (Henry G.), Trade of the Pacific.

San Francisco, 1870. See also

Directories.
Langsdorff (G. H. von), Voyages and Travels, 1803-7. Lond. , 1813-1 4. 2 vols.
La Perouse (J. G. F. de), Voyage autour du Monde. Paris, 1708. 4 vols.
London, 1703. 3 vols.;
atlas, folio; Voyage round the World, 1785-8.
Boston, 1801.
Laplace (Cyrille P. T.), Campagne de Circumnavigation. Paris, 1841-54. 6
vols.

La

Porte, Mountain Messenger, Union.

Lardner (Dionysins), History of Maritime and Inland Discovery. London,
1830. 3 vols.
MS.
Larios (Estolano), Vida de su Padre, Manuel Larios.
Larios (Justo), Convulsiones en California. MS.
Larkin (Thomas O.), Accounts 1827-42. MS. 4 vols.
Larkin (Thomas O.), Accounts 1840-57. MS. 17 vols.
Larkin (Thomas O.), Correspondence Official and Private. MS.
Larkin (Thomas O.), Description of California, 1845. MS.
Larkin (Thomas O.), Documents for the History of California, 1839-50. MS.
9 vols.
Larkin (Thomas O.), Journal. In Monterey California^, Feb. 27, '47.
Larkin (Thomas O.), Letter to Mason from San Josdi, May 2G, 1S48.
Larkin (Thomas O.), Letters to Sec. of State, June 1 and 28, 1848. In
Foster's Gold Regions.
Larkin (Thomas O. ), Notes on the Personal Character of Californians, 1845.

MS.
Larkin (Thomas
1844-9.

O.), Official

MS. 2

Correspondence as U.

S.

Consul and Navy Agent,

vols.

Larkin (Thomas O.), Papers Unbound. MS.

Larkin (Thomas O. ), Private Record of Lots sold, 1846-51. MS.
Larkin (Thomas O.), U. S. Naval Agency Accounts. MS. 2 vols.
Lasso de la Vega (Jose Ramon), Escritos del Alferez, 1784 et seq. -MS.
Lasuen (Fermin Francisco), Carta de 1784. MS.
Lasuen (Fermin Francisco), Carta sobre Fnndacion de Misiones, 1791. MS.
Lasuen (Fermin Francisco), Cartas alVisitador General Galvez, 17G8. MS.
Lasuen (Fermin Francisco), Correspondencia del Padre y Presidente. MS.
Lasuen (Fermin Francisco), Fundacion de Misiones, 1797. Cartas. MS.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

lix

Lasuen (Fermin Francisco), Informe de 1783. MS.

Lasuen (Fermin Fran. ), Informe sobre Sitios para Nuevas Misiones, 179G. MS.
Lasuen (Fermin Fran.), Informes Bienales de ias Misiones, 1793-1802. MS.
Lasuen (Fermin Francisco), Representacion sobre los Puntos representados al
Gobierno por el P. Antonio de la Concepcion [HorraJ, 1800. MS.
Latham (Milton S.), Remarks on Overland Mails in U. S. Sen., May 30, 18G0.
Washington, 18G0; Speech on Pacific Railroad in U. S. Sen. June 12, 18G2.
Baltimore, 1862; Speech on Steamships between San Francisco and China.
Washington, 1855; and other Speeches.
Laur (P.), De la Production des M^taux Pr6cieux en Californie. Paris, 18G2.
Lauts (G. ), Kalifornia. Amsterdam, 1849.
Lawson (James S.), Autobiography. MS.
Lee (John D.), Mormonism Unveiled. St Louis, 1877.
Lee (Daniel) and J. H. Frost. Ten Years in Oregon. New York, 1844.
Leese (Jacob P.), Bear Flag Revolt. MS.
Leese (Jacob P.), Claim for Construction of Monterey Wharf. 1846. [36th
Cong., 2d Sess., H. Rep. 274.] Wash. 184G.
Leese (Jacob P.), Letters from 1836. MS.
Leese (Rosalia Valle jo), History of the Osos. MS.
Legal publications, law text-books, county and municipal regulations, reports, etc. See California, San Francisco, Briefs, etc. Many such works
are not named in this list.
Legislative Records. MS. 4 vols. In Archivo de Cal.
Leidesdorff (William A.), Letters of the U. S. Vice Consul. MS.
Leland (Charles Godfrey), The Union Pacific Railway. Philadelphia, 1867.
Le Netrel (Edmond), Voyage autour du Monde. 1826-9. In Nouv. An. Voy.,
'

'

xlv. 129.
Leslie (Mrs Frank), California.
New York, 1877.
Lester (John Erastus), The Atlantic to the Pacific. Boston, 1873; The
Yosemite, its History, etc. Providence, 1873.
Letts (J. M.), California Illustrated. New York, 1852; Pictorial View of Cal.
New York, 1853.
Levett's Scrap Book.
Libro de Bitacora, archivo de la Familia Estudillo. MS.
Limantour ( Jose" Y. ), Apuntes sobre la Causa contra Augusto Jouan. Mexico,
San Fran1855; Opinion delivered by Ogden Hoffman in the Cases of.
cisco, 1858; Pamphlet relating to the Claim of.
San Francisco, 1853;
Limantour Case. MS. volume of documents in S. F. Law Library; and
various documents.
Linares (Virey), Intendencias. MS.
Linschoten (J. H. van), Reys-Gheschrift Van deNavigatien de Portugaloysers
in Orienten.
Amstrelredam, 1G04. folio.
Lippincott (Sarah J. C. ), New Life in New Lands. New York, 1873.
Lippincott's Magazine.
Philadelphia, 18G8 et seq.
Lisalde (Pedro), Reconocimiento de Tierras, 1797. MS.
Little (John T.), First Years of Cal. under U. S.
MS.
Livermore, Enterprise, Herald.
Livermore (Robert), Occasional Letters from 1S29. MS.
Lloyd (B. E.), Lights and Shades in San Francisco. San Francisco, 1876.
la Virgen.
Papel de Mision. MS.
Lobscheid (W.), The Chinese; What They Are, etc.
Local histories, see name of county, town, or author.

Loa a

San Francisco, 1873.

Lockwood

(R. A.), Vigilance Committee Speeches.

San Francisco, 1852.
Lodi, Valley Review.
Log-books, Fragments from the Larkin Collection. 3 vols. MS.
Lompoc, Record.
London, Echo, Engineer, Grocer, Mechanic's Magazine, Morning Post, Spectator,

Times,

etc.

Lopez (lialdomero), El Guardian a

jes, 1820.

MS.

los Padres,

prohibicndo

el

uso de Carrua-

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

lx

Lopez (Baldomero), El Guardian

1820.

al P.

Presidente sobre cesion de Misiones,

MS.

Lopez (Baldomero), Quejas del P. Guardian al Virey, 1S19. MS.

Lopez (Baldomero), and Isidro Alonso Salazar, Carta de los Padres de Sta
Cruz, 1791.

MS.

Lord (John Keast), The Naturalist in Vancouver Island.

Lorenzana (Apolinaria), Memorias de la Beata. MS.
]

Lond., 18G6. 2

vols.

Libros de Mision.
MS. [In possession of 0. Livermore.]
Angeles, Arehivo, Copies and Extracts. MS. 5 vols.
Angeles, Ayuntamiento Records.
MS.
Angeles, Cronica, Express, Herald, Meridional, Mirror, Morning Journal,
News, Republican, Star, Sud. Cal. Post.
Angeles, Historical Sketch of (by Hayes, Warner, and Widney). Los
Angeles, 1ST 6.
Angeles, Homes in.
See McPherson, William.
Angeles, Instancia de Regidores y Vecinos sobre Tierras, 1819. MS.
Angeles, Lista de los Pobladores, Invalidos, y Vecinos, 1S1G. MS.
Angeles, Ordenanzas de la Ciudad.
Los Angeles, I860.
Angeles, Padron, 1781.
MS.
Angeles, Reglamento de Policia, 1827, MS.
Angeles, Reparticion de Solares y Suertes, 178G, MS.
Angeles, Revised Ordinance of the City of Los Angeles, 1855. Los Ange-

reto,
s

Los
Los
Los
Los
Los
Los
Los
Los
Los
Los
Los

les,

I860. 2 vols.

Los Angeles County, Historical Sketch

of (L.

Lewin and

Co.)

Los An-

geles, 1876.

Los Angeles County, History of (Thompson and West).

Atlas

Oakland, 1SS0.

folio.

Louisville (Ky.), Courier- Journal.

Low (Conrad), Meer oder Seehanen Buch. Colin, 15DS.
Low (Frederick F.), Observations in Early Cal.. MS.
Lower Lake, Bulletin, Observer, Sentinel.
Ludlow (Fitz Hugh), The Heart of the Continent. New York, 1870.
Lugo (Felipe), Cartas Varias. MS.
Lugo (Jo>6 del Carmen), Vida de un Ranchero. MS.
Lull (Miguel), Exposicion del Padre Guardian sobre Reduccion de Misioneros
en Cal., 1799. MS.
Luyt (Joannis), Introductio ad Geographiam ^sovam et Veterem. Trajecti
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McAllister (Hall), Statement on Vigilance Committee. MS.

McChristian (Patrick), Narrative on Bear Flag. MS.
McClellan (R. Guy). The Golden State. Phil, etc., 1872; Republicanism in
America. San Francisco, 1869.
McCloskey (J. J. ), The Early Drama in California. In San Jose Pioneer, Dec.
13 and 1-i, 1877.
McClure (A. K.), Three Thousand Miles through the Rocky Mountains.

Philadelphia, 1869.

McCollum (William

McCue

S.),

California as I

Saw

it.

Buffalo, 1S50.

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McDaniels (W. D. ), Early Days of California. MS.
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London, 18G3.
McDougal (F. H.), The Donner Tragedy. In Pacific Rural Press, Jan.
(Jim),

21,

1871.

McDougall (James A.), Speech on Pacific Railroad in U. S. H. Rep. Jan. 16,

1855.
Washington, 1855.
McFarlane (James),"The Coal-regions of America. New York. 1S73.
McFie (Matthew), Vancouver Island and British Columbia. London, 1SG5.
McGarrahan (William), The Quicksilver Mines of Panoche Grande. Wash
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A Collection of Documents. San Francisco,
1870.

'

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
McGlashan

(C. F.),

History of the Donner Party.

lxi

Truckee, 1879; San Fran-

cisco, 1880.

McGowan (Edward), Facts concerning the Organization known as the 'Hounds

in S. F. Post, Nov. 1, 1878; Narrative of Adventure while pursued by
Vigilance Committee. San Francisco, 1857.
Mcllvaine (William), Sketches of Scenery and Notes of Personal Adventure
Philadelphia, 1850.
in California, etc.
McKay (Joseph W. ), Recollections of a Chief Trader in the Hudson's Bay

Company. MS.
McKinstry (George), Papers on the History of California. MS.
McLean (Finis E. ), Speech, June 5, 1850, on Constitution of Cal. Wash. 1S50.
McPherson, Letters of Juanita. [In various newspapers.]
McPherson (W.), Homes in Los Angeles. Los Angeles, 1873.
McQueen (John), Speech, June 3, 1850, on Admission of Cal. Wash., 1850.
McWillie (W.)> Speech, March 4, 1850, on the Admission of Cal. n.pl., n.d.
Machado (Antonio), Escritos de un Sindico. MS.
Machado (Juana), Tiempos Pasados de California. MS.
Madelene (Henri de la), Le Comte Gaston de Raousset-Boulbon. Paris, 1870.
Maglianos, St Francis and Franciscans.
Maguire (John Francis), The Irish in America. New York, 1868.
Maitorena (Jos6 Joaquin), Cartas Sueltas. MS.
Malarin (Juan), Correspondencia. MS.
Malaspina (Alejandro), Nota de Oficiales. MS.
Malaspina (Alejandro) and Jose" de Bastamante, Carta al P. Lasuen, y Respuesta, 1704.

MS.

Malte-Brun, La Sonora et ses Mines. Paris, 18G4.

Mammoth City, Herald, Homer Mining Index, Lake Mining Preview.
Mangino (Fernando J.), Respuesta de 19 de Junio 1773. In Palou, Not.,

i.

580.

Manrow (John P.), Statement on Vigilance Committees

Mans (Matthew), Travels in Mining Districts. MS.

in S. F.

MS.

Mansfield (Edward D.), Mexican War. New York, 1849.

March y Labores ( Jos6), Historia de la Marina Espailola. Madrid, 1854. 4to.
2 vols, and atlas.
Marchand (Etienne), Voyage autour du Monde, 1790-2. Paris, n.d. 5 vols.
Marcou (Jules), Notes upon the First Discoveries of California. Wash., 1878.
Marcy (W. L.), Communications of the Secretary of War. 184G-8. In CaL
andN. Mex., Mess, and Doc, 1848; Id., 1850.
Marin County History (Alley Bowen & Co.) San Francisco, 1880.
Mariposa, Free Press, Gazette, Mail.
Mariposa Estate, Its Past, Present, and Future. New York, 1868.
Markleville, Alpine Courier, Alpine Signal.
Markof (Alexey), Ruskie na Vostotchnom. St Petersburg, 1S56.
Marquina (Virey), Comunicaciones al Gob r de CaL, 1800 et seq. MS.
Marquinez (Marcelino), Cartas del Padre al Gob r Sola, 1821. MS.
Marron (Felipa Osuna), Papeles Originates. MS.
Marron (Felipa Osuna), Recuerdos del Pasado. MS.
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Marryat (Frank), Mountains and Mole Hills. New York, 1855; London,
Marryat (Frederick), Narrative of the Travels, etc. of Monsieur Violet.
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Marsh
Marsh

1855.

New

(John), Letter to Commodore Jones, 1842.

MS.
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Dec. 21, 1867.
Marsh (John), Letters of a Pioneer Doctor. MS.
Marshall (H.), Speech, Apr. 3, 1850, on Cal. Message. Wash., 1850.
Marshall (Henry), Statement, 1843. MS.
Marshall (T. W. M.), Christian Missions. New York, 1864. 2 vols.
Marshall (W. G. ), Through America. London, 1881.
Martin (Juan), Visita a los Gentiles Tularenos, 1804. MS.
Martin (Thomas S.), Narrative of Fremont's Expedition, 1845-7. MS.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

lxii

Martinez, Carquinez Enterprise, Express.

Martinez (Ignacip), Defensa Dirigida al Comandante General, 1830. MS.
Martinez (Ignacio), Entrada a las Rancherias del Tular, 1816. MS.
Martinez (Ignacio), Escritos Varios. MS.
Martinez (Luis Antonio), Correspondencia del Padre. MS.
Martinez (Esttfvan Jose) and Gonzalo Lopez de Haro, Cuarta Exploracion,
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MS.

S. F., 1853.
G.), The Law Establishing Common Schools.
Marysville, Appeal, California Express, Herald, North Calif ornian, Northern
Statesman, Standard, Telegraph.
Marysville and Benicia National Railroad. Report of Engineers on Survey.

Marvin (John

'Marysville, 1853.

Maseres (Bartholomew, Relacion clara del Nayarith, 1785. MS. In Pinart,

Misiones.
Col. Doc. Mexico.
Mason (John Y.), Letters of U. S. Sec. Nav. to Commanders in Cal. 1846-7.
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Wash., 1850.
Mason's Handbook to California. London, 1850.
Mason (Richard B.), California and her Gold. Report to the secretary of
war. Wash., 1850.
Mason (Richard B.), Miscellaneous Proclamations, 1849.
Mason (Richard B.), Orders and Correspondence of the Military Governor,
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In Cal. and N. Mex., Mess, and Doc, 1850; also, MS. [In
archives.]

Mason (Richard

In English and Spanish.

B.), Proclamation, Nov. 29, 1847.
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Massett (Stephen C), Drifting About. New York, 1863; Experiences of a
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MS.

Materialui dhlia Istoriy Russkikh Zasselenig.

Matthewson

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St. Petersburg, 1861.

MS.

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MS.
(Francisco Antonio), Compendio de Noticias, Viage de, 1774.
MS.
(Francisco Antonio), Journal of a Voyage in 1775.
London, 1780.
(Francisco Antonio), Navegacion, 1779.
MS.
Maxwell (R. T.), Visit to Monterey in 1842. MS.
Mayer (Brantz), Mexico, Aztec, Spanish, etc. Hartford, 1852. 2 vols.
Mayer Manuscripts.
collection of 30 copies from Mex. archives.
May field, Enterprise, Pastor.
Mayne (R. C), Four Years in British Columbia. London, 1802.

Maurelle
Maurelle
Maurelle
Maurelle

Mazatlan, Times.

Meade (Edwin

R.),

The Chinese Question.

Meadow Lake, Sun.

Meadows (James), The Graham

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New York,

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MS.

Mechanics' Institute of San Francisco. Report of Industrial Exhibitions.

San Francisco, 1857 et seq.
Melius (Francis), Diary, 1838-40. MS.
Melius (Francis and Henry), Letters. MS.
Mendocino, Independent Dispatch, West Coast Star.
Mendocino War, Majority and Minority Reports of the Joint Special Committee.
San Francisco, n.d.
Mendocino Count}' History. San Francisco, 18S0.
Menefee (C. A.), Historical and Descriptive Sketch-book of Napa, Sonoma,
etc.
Napa, 1873.
Mercado (Jesus Maria Vazquez), Expediente de Papeles tocantes a la Matanza

de Indios hecha por 6rden del P. Ministro de S. Rafael, 1S33. MS.

Mercantile Library Association. Annual Reports of President, etc. San
Francisco, 1855 et seq.
1 creator's Atlas.
1 569 et seq.
Merced, People, San Joaquin Valley Argus, Tribune.
Merced County History. San Francisco, 1881. 4to.
1

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
Merchants' Exchange Prices Current and Shipping List.

lxiii

San Francisco,

1850-2. 4to. 3 vols.

Mercury, Expediente tie Investigacion sobre la captura, 1813. MS.

Meredith (W. M.), Miscellaneous Proclamations by Secretary of the Treasury, 1849.

Mere wether (Henry Al worth), By Sea and By Land. London, 1871.

MS.
Merrill (Annis), Recollections of San Francisco.
Mexican Border Troubles [45th Cong., 1st Sess. H. Ex. Doc. 13]. Wash., 1C77.
Mexican Boundary, Resolution respecting adjustment and payment of the
,

$3,000,000 [34th Cong., 1st Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 57]. Washington, 1855.
Mexican Ocean Mail and Inland Company, Reports. New York, 1853 et seq.
Mexican War.
A Collection of U. S. Government Documents, Scraps,

Pamphlets,

etc.

12 vols.

of the President [30th Cong., 1st Sess., H. Ex.

Washington, 1S47-8. 2 vols.
Phil., 1850; Phil., 1860.
(The).
Mexican
Its Heroes.
Mexico, Acta Constitutiva de la Federacion Mexicana. Mexico, 1824; Actas
de la Junta de Mineria, 1846-7. MS. ; Acuerdo de la Junta de Guerra

Mexican War.

Messages
Doc. 60; Sen. Ex. 1].

War

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Maritimas y Fronterizas. Mexico, 1842 et seq.; Arrcglo Provisional
;

In Arrillaga, Recop.
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1G37, p. 309; Bases y leyes Constitucipnales de la Republica Mcxicana.
Mexico, 1837; Coleccion de Decretos y Ordenes de Interes Comma. M<
Mexico,
1850; Coleccion de Leyes y Decretos, 1839-41, 1844-8, 1850.
1851-2, 6 vols.; Coleccion de Ordenes y Decretos de la Soberana Junta
Provis. Gubern. Mexico, 1829. 4 vols.; Constitucion Federal. Mexico,
1824 et seq.; Decreto sobre Pasaportes, etc., 1828. In Schmidt's Civil
Law, Spain, 346; Diario del Gobierno de la Republica Mexicana. Mexico,
1849 et seq.; Estado Mayor General del Ejercito, Escalafon. Mexico,
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Memorias de Guerra, Hacienda, Justicia, Relaciones, etc. Mexico,
1822 ct seq. [Annual Reports of the Mexican government in its different departments, cited by name and date. Nearly all contain more or
less on California.
About 200 vols.]; Providencia de la Suprema Corte,
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In Arrillaga, Recop. 1838, p. 572; Reglamento para la
Colonizacion, 1828.
MS.; Reglamento de la Direccion de Colonizacion.
Mexico, 1846; Reglamento de Elecciones 19 Junio 1843. MS.; Reglamento Provisional, Dcpartmentos, 20 Marzo. In Arrillaga, R.ecop. 1837,
MS.; Reglamento
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para la Tesoreria general. Mexico, 1831. 4to; llcglas para Eleccionca de
Diputados y Ayuntamiento. 1830. In Arrillaga, Recop. 1830, p. 253.
Meyer (Carl), Nach dem Sacramento. Aaran, 1855.
Meyrick (Henry), Santa Cruz and Monterey. San Francisco, 1880.
Micheltorena (Manuel), Administration in Upper California, n.pl., n.d.
Michcltorena (Manuel), Bando Economico, 19 Junio 1843. MS.
Micheltorena (Manuel), Conciudadanos, etc. Monterey, Die. 16, 1814.
Michcltorena (Manuel), Correspondencia Miscelanea del Sr Gobernador. MS.
Micheltorena (Manuel), Decreto por el cual devuelve las Misiones a los Frailes,
1843. MS.
de

Michcltorena (Manuel), Decreto Prohibiendo la Introduccion de Efectos

Extrangeros. Monterey, Julio 30, 1844.
Micheltorena (Manuel), Digest of Correspondence, 1843. n.pl., n.d.
Micheltorena (Manuel), El C.
.[Anuncia la Apertura de las Sesiones de la
Diputacion.] Monterey, 28 Agosto, 1844.
Micheltorena (Manuel), El C. ..[Decreto de la Asamblea, Recursos para la
Guerra Probable.] Monterey, 3 Sept. 1844.
Micheltorena (Manuel), Instrucciones, 1842. MS.
Micheltorena (Manuel), Medidas de Defensa contra los E. U., 1844. MS.
.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Ixiv

Micheltorena (Manuel), Reglamento cle Escuefo.s Amigas, 1844. MS.

Micheltorena (Manuel), Heglamento de Milicia Auxiliar. Monterey, 16 de
Julio, 1844.

Manchester, Liverpool, etc., 1841-79. 41 vols.

Millennial Star.
Miller (Joaquin), The Danites in the Sierras. Chicago, 18S1; Life among the
Modocs. London, 1873; First Fam'lies of the Sierras. Chicago, 1876;
Sierra Wedding. In San Jos6
Shadows of Shasta. Chicago, 1881;
Pioneer, Nov. 17, 1877.

Millville, Shasta County Record.

(The).
San Francisco, I860.

Miner

Own Book (The). San Francisco, 1S5S.

Mining Companies, Reports, etc. Cited by name

Miners'

in this

of

company.

Not given

list.

New York, 1853 et seq.

Miscellaneous Historical Papers.
Collection.
MS.
Miscellaneous Statements on California History. MS.
Miscellany.
Collection. 9 vols.
Misioncs, Cuaderno de Estados, en satisfaccion de los puntos que el Sr Comisionado pide a la Prefectura, 1S22.
MS.
Misiones, Informes Anuales y Bienalcs, Indice y Notas. IMS.
In Arch. Sta
Barbara, v. passim; x. 495-520; xii. 51-129.
Mission Books. See name of the Mission.
Mission Land Grants, Opinions, etc. In Hayes' Mission Book, ii. 35.
Mission Music, An immense parchment folio with introduction by P. Duran,
Mining Magazine.

1813.

MS.

Mission Reports, different dates and establishments scattered in the archives.

Many cited by name of author or mission.
Mission Statistics. MS.
Modesto, Herald, San Joaquin Valley Mirror, Stanislaus County Weekly News.
Mofras (Eugene Duflot de), Cartas de un Viagero. MS.
Mofra3 (Eugene Duflot de), Exploration de 1'OrCgon, des Californies, etc.
Paris, 1844. 2 vols, and atlas.
Mohan (H.) ct al., Pen Pictures of our Representative Men. Sac, 1880.
Mokelumne, Calaveras County Chronicle.
Mollhausen (Baldwin), Diary of a Journey. London, 1858. 2 vols.
Mollhausen (Baldwin), Tagebuch einer Rcise voin Mississippi, etc. Leipzig,
1858. 4to.

Mone

(Alexander),
Pioneer of 1847. MS.
Monitor, Alpine Miner.
Montanus (Arnoldus), Die Nieuwe en Onbekande Weereld.

Amsterdam.

1671. folio.

Montanus (Arnoldus), Die Unbekannte I7eue Welt. [Translated by Dapper.]

Amsterdam, 1073.
Monterey, Accounts of the Presidial Company, Rosters, etc. MS. Chiefly
in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil.; Dcpt. St. Pap., Ben. Mil.; and St. Pap., Sac.
Monterey, Actos del Aynntamiento, 1831-5. MS.
Monterey, Acuerdo del Ayunt. y de la Diputacion contra el Cambio de Capital, 1835.
MS.
Monterey, Archivo de. MS. 1G vols.
Monterey,
Monterey,
Monterey,
Monterey,
Monterey,
Monterey,
Monterey,
Monterey,
Monterey,
Mnoterey,

MS.

Californian, 1S4G-8. Also a vol. of MS. extracts.

Cuentas de la Compaiiia Presidial, 1828. MS.
Democrat, Gazette, Herald, Recorder.
Diario de Sucesos, 1800-2.
MS.
Extracto de Noticias. Mexico, 1 770.
Official Account of the Taking of.
Pittsburg, 1848.
Ordenanzas Municipales, 1828. MS.
Padron General, 1836. M,5.

Parroquia, Archivo. MS.

Peticion del Ayuntamiento en favor de Frailes Espaholes, 1829.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

lxv

Monterey, President's Mess., Information on taking of, by Com. Jones.

[27th Cong., 3d Seas., H. Ex. Doc. No. 1GG.]
Monterey, Ranchos existentcs, 1793. MS.
Monterey, U. S. Consulate Record. MS. 2 vols.
San Francisco, 1881. 4to.
Monterey County, History of
Montesdeoca Document. Nov. 14, 1845. MS.
Montgomery (Richard Z.), Recollections Mining Camps 1853-4. MS.
Montgomery (Zachary), Speech in Assembly of Cal April 10, 18G1, on
Common Schools. Sacramento, 18G1 Various other Speeches on same
.

Subject.

Moore (Augustin), Pioneer Experiences. MS.

Moore and De Pues. See San Mateo County History.
Mora (Jose Maria Luis), Obras Sueltas. Paris, 1837. 2 vols.
Moraga (Gabriel), Cartas. MS.
Moraga (Gabriel), Diario de su Expedicion al Puerto de Bodega, 1810. MS.
Moraga (Jose" Joaquin), Escritos Sueltos. MS.
Moraga (Jose" Joaquin), Informe de 1777 sobrc cosasde San Francisco. MS.
Moraga (Jos6 Joaquin), Instruccion y orden que debe observar el cabo de
Escolta de S. Jose, 1782. MS.
Morehead (C. S.), Speech, Apr. 23, 1850, on Admission of Cal. Wash., 1850.
Morelli (Ciriacus), Fasti Novi Orbis et Ordinationum.
Venetiis, 1770. 4to.
Morenhaut, Correspondence of the French Consul. IMS.

Moreno (Jose Matias), Documentos para la Historia de California. IMS.

Moreno (Juan B.), Vida Militar. MS.
Morgan (Martha M.), A Trip across the Plains. San Francisco, 18G4.
Morineau

(P. de), Notice sur la Nouville Caiifornie. 1834.

In Soc. Ge"og.,
Bulletin, xv.; Nouv. An. Voy., lxi. 137.
Mormon Battalion, List of Officers and Men. MS.
Morrell (Benjamin W.), Narrative of Four Voyages. New York, 1832.
Morris (Albert F.), Diary of a Crazy Man. MS.
orris (George B.), The Chinaman as he is.
MS.
Morse (J. F.), Illustrated History of California, etc. Sacramento, 1854.
Mprskoi Svornik, 1858.
Moulder (A. J.), Commentaries on the School Law. Sacramento, 1858.
Mountaineering on the Pacific. In Harper's Mag., xxxix. 703.
Mowry (Sylvester), The Mines of the West. New York, 18G4.
Mugartegui (Pablo), Carta al P. Lasucn, 1794. MS.
Mugartegui (Pablo) and Tomas de la Peha, Parecer sobre el establecimiento
de un Convento en S. Francisco, 1797.
MS.
Muhlenpfordt (Eduard), Versuch einer getreuen Schilderung der Republik
Mexico. Hanover, 1844. 3 vols.
Mufiicipal laws, regulations, reports, and other public documents, cited by
name of town, but for the most part not in this list.
Muiioz (Juan Antonio), Cartas del Capitan. MS.
Muhoz (Pedro), Diario de la Expedicion hecha por D. Gabriel Moraga al Tular, 180G.
MS.
Murguia (Jose" Antonio), and Tomas de la Peha, Informe de Sta Clara, 1777.

MS.
Murphy (Timothy),

Letters from 1824. MS.

(Charles Aug.), Travels in North America.
New York, 1839.
IMS.
(E. F.), Miscellaneous Documents.
(Walter), Narrative of a California Volunteer, 1847.
MS.
Miisica de Misiones. MS.

Murray
Murray
Murray

Nacion

(La).

Mexico, 1856 et seq.

Nanaimo (B. C), Free Press.

Napa City, Classic, Napa County Reporter, Pacific Echo, Register.
Napa and Lake Counties, History of (Slocum, Bowen, and Co.) San Francisco, 1881.

4to.

National Democratic Quarterly Review.

Washington, 1859 et

seq.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

lxvi

(Pedro), Cormmicaciones del Comandante Gen. de Provincias Internas,

MS.
1791 et seq.
Nava (Pedro), Informe sobre Proyecto de Abrir Carainos entre CaL y N. Mexico,

Nava

MS.

1801.

Navarrete (Martin Fernandez), Introduccion. In Sutil y Mcxicana, Viage;

Viages Apocrifos. In Col. Doc. Ined. xv.
Nayarit, Informe de la Aud. de Guadalajara, 1784. MS.
Neal (Samuel), Notice of a Pioneer of '45. MS.
Ncall (James), Vigilance Committee. LIS.
Nevada (Cal.) Democrat, Gazette, Herald, Journal, National Gazette, Tran,

script.

Nevada County, History of. Oakland, 1SS1. Atlas folio.

Neve (Felipe), Correspondencia Miscelanea del Gob 1775 et seq. MS.
Neve (Felipe), Informe de 25 de Abril 1777. MS.
Neve (Felipe), Informe sobre Reglamento, 1778. MS.
Neve (Felipe), Instruccion al Ayudante Inspector Soler, 1782. MS.
Neve (Felipe), Instruccion a Fages sobre Gobierno Interino, 1782. MS.
Neve (Felipe), Instruccion para laFundacion de JLos Angeles, 1781. MS.
Neve (Felipe), Instruccion que ha de gobernar al Com de Sta Barbara, 1782.
MS.
Neve (Felipe), Reglamento 6 Instruccion, 1779. MS.
New Almaden a great number of briefs, arguments, opinions, documents,
etc., in the cases of Castillcro, Fossat, and others against the U. S.;
also the following pamphlets on the same subject Correspondence. San
Francisco, 1858; The Discussion Reviewed, S. F. 1859; Exploits of the
1"-,

Attorney-General in California. New York, 18G0; Further Correspondence in relation to. San Francisco, 1859; (Letter to Hon. J. S. Black,
from 'a Cal. Pioneer'). New York, 1S00; Letter to the President of the
U. S. (by John T. Doyle), New York, 18G0; Letters from San Francisco
Herald, Dec. 185S; Report of Attorney-General to the President, Resolutions of Cal. Leg., 1SG0; Smart and Cornered, n. pi., n.d.

Newark (N.
New Haven

New
New

J.),

Advertiser.

(Conn.), Journal and Courier.

Helvetia, Diary of Events in 1845-8.

MS.

Orleans (La.), Advertiser, Bee, Commercial Times, Courier, Picayune,

Tropic.

Newspapers

of California and other states of the Pacific U. S.

The most
important are cited under the name of the town where published, and

many

of

them named

in this

list.

New Tacoma (Wash.), Ledger.

New Westminster (B. C), Mainland

Guardian.
ISew York, Bulletin, Commercial Advertiser, Commercial Journal and Register, Courier, Graphic, Evangelist, Evening Pest, Herald, Journal
f
Commerce, Mail, Post, Sun, Sunday Times, Times, Tribune, World.
Nicolay (C. G.), Oregon Territory. London, 1840.
Nidever (George), Life and Adventures of an Old Trapper. MS.
Niel (Juan Amando), Apuntaciones a las memorias de Ger6nimo de Zarate
Salmeron. In Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. iii.. torn. iv. 78.
Niles' Register.
Baltimore, etc., 1811-49. 76 vols.
Nordhoff (Charles), California: for Health, Pleasure, etc.
New York,
1873; Northern California, Oregon, etc. New York, 1874; New York,
<

1877.
(Lucia),

A Youth's History of California. San Francisco, 18G7.

North American Preview. Boston, 1819 et seq.
North San Juan, Press, War Club.
North Pacific Review. San Francisco, 1862 et seq.
Norman

Noticioso General. Mexico, 1815-21. G vols.

Nouvelles Annales des Voyages. Paris, 1819-60. 1G8 vols.
Nueva Espaila, Acuerdos de la Junta Sup. de Real Hacienda, 1794.
Nuevo Mexico, Expediente de Abigeato, 1833. MS.

MS.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

lxvii

Pascual), Diario del Capellan de la Expedicion para los Amajavas, 1819.

MS.
Nugent (John), Scraps of Early History. In S. F. Argonaut, April 13, 1878.

Nuez (Joaquin

Oajaca, Esposicion, 1828.

Oakland, Alameda Democrat, Argus, California Cadet, College Echo, Democrat, Diamonl Press, Dominion Press, Herald, Home Journal and
Alameda County Advertiser, Homestead, Independent Itemizer, Journal,
Mirror, Monthly Review, Ncvlssan Review, News, Notes of Warning,
Our Paper, People's Champion, Press, Radiator, Semitropical Press,
Signs of the Times, Termini, Times, Torchlight, Transcript, Tribune,
University Echo.
Oakland Public Schools, Annual Reports. Oakland, 1870 et seq.; many
other municipal documents.
Observador Judicial y de Legislacion. Mexico, 1842 et seq.
Occident and Orient. Melbourne, etc.

Odd

large number of publications of different lodges of the

Fellows.
order, cited under the above title.
Ogilby (John), America. London, 1071. folio.
Olbes (Ramon), Cartas sobre el Tumulto de Sta Cruz, 1818. MS.
Olds (Edson 13.), Speech, July 24, 1850, on California Question. Wash., 1850.
Olney (James N.), Vigilance Committee. MS.
Olvera (Agustin), Documentos para la Historia de Cal. MS.
01 vera (Agustin), Varias Cartas. MS.
Olympia, Commercial Age, Echo, Pacific Tribune, Puget Sound Courier.
O'Mcara (James), Broderick and Gwin. San Francisco, 1881.
Operacion Ccsarea. MS. [A relic of the missions.]
Orations.
See Speeches.
Ord (Angustias de la Guerra), Ocurrencias en California. MS.
Ord (J. L. ), Reminiscences of '4-7. MS.
Ordaz (Bias), Cartas del Padre. MS.
Ordaz (Bias), Diario de la Expedicion de Luis Argiiello al Norte, 1821. MS.
Ordenanzas Municipales, [1824.] MS.
Orders, secret, benevolent, etc.
See Institutions.
Oregon, Spectator. 184G et seq.
Oregon City, Argus.

Orleans (Cal.), Klamath News, Northern Record.

Oro Molido, en lengua de Indios por Padre Arroyo. MS.
Oroville, Butte County Press, Butte County, Butte Record, Mercury.
Orr (N. M.), The City of Stockton; Its Position, etc. Stockton, 1874.
Ortega (Felipe Maria), Diario que forma. Reoonocimiento de Sitios, 1 705. MS.
Ortega ( Jose" Francisco), Comunicaciones del Comandante de S. Diego a Rivera

y Moncada, 1774-G. MS.

Ortega (Jose Francisco), Correspondencia. MS.
Ortega (Jose" Francisco), Fragmento de 1709. MS.
Ortega (Jose Francisco), Informc de 30 Nov. 1775. MS.
Ortega (Jose" Francisco), Memorial sobre sus Meritos y Servicios Militares,
-

1780. MS.
Ortelivs (Abrahamvs),

Theatrvm Orbis Terrarum. Antverpiae, 1573. folio.

Narrative of a Visit to S. Francisco, 1844. MS.
Osio (Antonio Maria), Carta sobre Combinaciones Politicas, 183G. MS.
Osio (Antonio Maria), Carta a Vallejo. 2G Nov. 183G. MS.
Osio (Antonio Maria), Escritos Sueltos. MS.
Osio (Antonio Maria), Historia de California. MS.
Osuna (Juan Maria), Cartas. MS.
Oswald (H. Ft.), Californien und Seine Verhaltnisse. Leipzig, 1849.
Overland Mail Service to California, n.pl. [1857].
Overland Monthly. San Francisco, 18G8-75. 15 vols.
Owen (J. J.), Santa Clara Valley. San Jose, 1873.
Owl (The), San Francisco, 18G9 et seq.
Osborn (W.

B.),

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

lxviii

Sec California, in Viagero Universal.

P. (D. T. E.)
Pabellon Nacional (El), Mexico, 1844 et seq.
Pacheco, Contra Costa Gazette, Contra Costa News

Pacheco (Dolores), Cartas. MS.

Pacheco (llomualdo), Cartas, 1825-31. MS.
Pacheco (Salvio), Escritos de un vecino de S. Jose. MS.
San Francisco, 1874.
Paciiic Coast Educational Journal.
San Francisco, 1876.
Pacific Coast Mines.
3 vols.
I'aciiic Expositor, San Francisco, 1800-2.
New York, 1854 et seq.;
Pacific Mail Steamship Company, Annual Reports.
and various pamphlets.
San Francisco, 1858 et seq.
Paciiic Medical and Surgical Journal.
A Collection; also a large number of publications cited by
Paciiic Railroad.
this title.
Washington, 1855-60. 4to. 13 vols.
Pacific Railroad Reports.
San Francisco, 1877 et seq.
Paciiic School and Home Journal.
Pacific Wagon Roads, Reports upon [35th Cong., 2d Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 108;
Sen. Ex. Doc. 36.] Wash., 1858.
York, 1881.
Paddock (A. G.), The Fate of Madame La Tour.
Padres (Jose Maria) Correspondencia de un Republicano. MS.
Padres (Jose" Maria), Protesta que dirige al Gefe Politico, 1835. MS.
Paez (Juan). See Cabrillo, Relacion.

New

Pajaro,

Monterey Union.
W.), The New and the Old.

New York, 1859.

Early Intercourse. MS. Journal of Travels over the Rocky
Mountains, 1845-6. Cincinnati, 1852; Yv'agon Trains. MS.

Palmer
Palmer

(J.

(Joel),

Palmer (Lyman L.), see Napa and Lake County History.

Palmer (William J.), Report of Surveys across the Continent in 1867-8.
Philadelphia, 1869.

Palomares (Jose Francisco), Memoria. MS.

Palou (Francisco), Circular sobre Informes de Misiones, etc. 9 Oct. 1773. MS.
Palou (Francisco), Comunicacion al Presidente sobre Raciones, 1781. MS.
Palou (Francisco), Correspondencia del Misionero. MS.
Palou (Francisco), Defuncion del Padre Junipero Serra, 1784. MS.
Palou (Francisco), Espedicion y Registro de S. Francisco. In Id., Not., ii. 43.
Palou (Francisco), Fondo Piadoso de Misiones de California, etc., 1772. MS.
Palou (Francisco), Informe de 10 Die. 1773. In Id., Not., ii. 11.
Palou (Francisco), Informe que por el mes de Diciembre de 1773 hizo al Virey
,

Bucareli.

MS.

Palou (Francisco), Informe sobre Quejas del Gobernador, 17S5. MS.

Palou (Francisco), Letter of Aug. 15, 1783. In Hist. Mag., iv. 67.
Palou (Francisco), Noticias de la California. Mexico, 1857. In Doc. Hist.
Mcx., ser. iv., torn, vi.-vii. San Francisco, 1874. 4 vols.
Palou (Francisco), Relacion Hist6rica de la Yida etc. de Junipero Serra.
Mexico, 1787.
Pamphlets. A collection. 5 vols.
Panama, Star and Herald. Panama, 1849 et seq.
Panamint, News.
Pangua (Tom:is de), Carta al Virey sobre Peligros que amenazan la California,
;

1804.

MS.

A collection of Spanish and Mexican pamphlets. 218 vols.

Parker (Richard), Speech, Feb. 28, 1850, on President's Mess, on Cal. Wash.
Papeles Varios.
1850.

Parkinson (R. R.), Pen Portraits.

Parkman

(Francis J.),

The

San Francisco, 1878.

and Oregon Trail.

California

Parrish (J. L.), Anecdotes of Oregon. MS.

Parrott (John), Business Letters. MS.
Parsons (George F.), Life and Adventures of

mento, 1870.
Paschal (George W.), Speech, in the Case of

James

New York,, 1849.

W.

Marshall.

Wm. McGarrahan.

Sacra-

Wash., 1869.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

lxix

Paterna (Antonio) Informes de la Mision de Sta Barbara, 1787-92. MS.

Patterson (George), Adventures of a Pioneer of 1840. MS.
Patterson (George W.), Across Mexico to California. MS.
Patterson (Lawson B.), Twelve Years in the Mines of California. Cambridge,
18G2.
Cincinnati, 1833.
Pattie (James O.), Personal Narratives.
Paty (John), Letters of a Sea Captain. MS.
Pay eras (Mariano), Circular a los Padres, 1818. MS.
Payeras (Mariano), Circular a los Padres, 1819. MS.
Payeras (Mariano), Circular del Presidente, 1817. MS.
Payeras (Mariano), Circular en que prohibe el uso de Carruajes, 1821. MS.
Payeras (Mariano), Comunicacion sobre la Mision de la Purisima, 1S10. MS.
Payeras (Mariano), Cordillera sobre suministracion de Viveres, 1821. MS.
Payeras (Mariano), Correspondencia del Misionero Prefecto. MS.
Payeras (Mariano), Dos Circulares sobre Contrata con McCulloch, Hartnell y
Cia, 1822.

MS.

Payeras (Mariano), Informe por

los 19 Misiones, 1820.

el

Comisario Prefecto del Actual Estado de

MS.

(Mariano), Informes Bienales de Misiones, 1815-20. MS.

MS.
(Mariano), Instruccion del Vicario Foraneo, 1817.
MS.
(Mariano), Memorial a los Padres, 1821.
(Mariano), Memorial a los Padres, sobre la Cesion de las Nueve Misiones del Sur, 1820. MS.
Payeras (Mariano), Memorial de 2 de Junio, 1820. MS.
Payeras (Jdariano), Memorial sobre Isueva Iglesia en Los Angeles, 1821. MS.
Payeras (Mariano), Noticia de un Viage a S. Rafael, 1818. MS.
Payeras (Mariano), Noticias sobre Ross. Diario de suCaminata con el Comisario del Imperio, 1822.
MS.
Payeras (Mariano), Peticion al Gobernador, 1819. MS.
Payeras (Mariano), Representacion sobre Innovaciones del St Gobernador,

Payeras
Payeras
Payeras
Payeras

1821.

MS.

Payson (G.), Romance of California. New York, 1851.

Peabody (Alfred), Early Days and Rapid Growth of Cal.
Pearce

(J. A.),

Salem, 1874.
Speech, Apr. 29, 1852, Affairs in California. Washington,

1852.

Pearson (Gustavns C), Recollections of a California '49er. MS.

Peckham (R. F.), Biographical Sketches. S. Jose Pioneer, June 9 et seq.,
1877.

Peckham

(R. F.), An Eventful Life.

MS.
A.), Biography.
San Francisco, 1880.
MS.
A.), Journals of Voyages, 1839-42.
A.), Letter of 1842.
In Niles' Register.
I
A.), Memoranda of a Navigator.
A.), Rough Sketch.
MS.

Peirce (Henry
Peirce (Henry
Peirce (Henry
Peirce (Henry
Peirce (Henry
Peila (Cosme),
P< la (Tomas),
Pena (Tomas),
Peua (Tomas),

Escritos de un Abogado.
MS.
Cargo de Homicidio contra el Padre, 17SG-95. MS.
Diario del Viage do Perez, 1774.
MS.
Peticion del Guardian sobre limites de Sta Clara, 1798. MS.
Pensamicnto Nacional (El). Mexico, 1855 et seq.
Peralta (Luis), Cartas del Sargento. MS.
Peralta (Luis), Diario de una Expedicion contra Gentiles, 1805. MS.
Perez (Cornelio), Memoria Historica. MS.
Perez (Eulalia), Una Yicja y Sus Recuerdos. MS.
Perez (Juan), Formulario, Escripturas de Posesion, 1773. MS.
Perez (Juan), Instruccion que el Virey did a los Comandantes de Buques de
Exploracion, 24 Dec. 1773. MS. In Pinart, Col. Doe. Mex.
Perez (Juan), Reeuerdos Historicos. MS.
Perez (Juan), Relacion del Viage, 1774. MS.
Perez (Juan), Tabla Diaria, 1774. MS.
Perez Fernandez (Jose), Cartas del Allerez de Artilleria. MS.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Ixx

Perez Fernandez (Jos<5), Cuenta General de la Habilitacionde Mont, 1795. MS.

Business Man's Estimate- of Santa Barbara County.
Perkins (Joseph J. ),
Santa Barbara, 1SS1.
Perry (J. E.), Travels, Scenes, and Sufferings in Cuba, etc. Boston, 1853.
Petaluma, Argus, Courier, Crescent, Journal and Argus, Land Journal, Sonoma
County Journal, Standard.
Peters (De Witt C), Life and Adventures of Kit Carson. New York, 1850.
Petit-Tbouars (Abel de), Voyage autour du Monde, 183G-9. Paris, 18401.
5 vols.
Peto (SirS. Morton), The Resources of America. London, etc., 1868.
Peyri (Antonio), Cartas del Fraiie. MS.
Pcyster (JohnW.), Personal and Military History of P. Kearny. KY., 1869.
New York,
Pfeiffer (Ida), A Lady's Second Voyage round the World.

1S56.

Phelps (John S.), Speech, June 8, 1850, on Admission of Cal.

Phelps (W. D.), Fore and Aft. Boston, 1871.

Wash.

[1850].

American Gazette, Evening Star, Inquirer, Ledger, Press,

Record, Times.
San Francisco, 1879.
Phillips (C. H.), Southern California.
LonPhillips (J. Arthur), The Mining and Metallurgy of Gold and Silver.
Philadelphia,

don, 1887.

Photographic Album of California Pioneers. 2 vols.

Pickett (Charles E.), Address to the Veterans of the Mexican War. San
San FranFrancisco, 18S0; Land Gambling versus Mining Gambling.
San Francisco, 1877; and other
cisco, 1879, 1880; Paris Exposition.
pamphlets.
1828-46.
Pico (Andres), Papeles de Misiones. MS.
Pico (Jose de Jesus), Acontecimientos en California. MS.
Pico Jose de Jesus), Mofras at S. Antonio, 1842. MS.
Pico (Jose Maria, Dolores, Andrews, Antonio Maria, Jose" Antonio, Jose de
(

Jesus, Pio, etc.) Cartas. MS.

MS. 3 vols.
(Jose Ramon), Documentos para la Historia de Cal.
(Pio), Correspondencia con Vocales Recalcitrantes del Norte,. 1845. MS.
Vcnta de Misiones. MS.
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Plan
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'

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

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Sacramento, Bee, California Express, California Free Press, California Republican, Enterprise, Herald, Journal, Le;.
..
Placet
Times, Record, Record Union, Reporter, R<
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AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

lxxv

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Salem, Oregon Statesman, Willamette Farmer.

Valencia, 1794.
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Salinas City, Index, Standard, Town Talk.
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San Andreas, Advertiser, Calaveras Times, Citizen, Foothill Democrat, Mountain News, Register.
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San Antonio, Libros de Mision. Mb.

San
San
San
San
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San Diego City, Descriptive, Historical, Commercial, Agricultural, and other
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,

Ixxvi

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

S. F., 1SG5 et seq.

of Commerce, Annual Reports.
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San Francisco Fire Department, Anniversary of Organization. San Francisco,

San Francisco, Chamber

San Francisco Chronicle

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San Francisco, n.d.
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Cal. Courier, Cal. Farmer, Cal. Leader, Cal. Rural Home Journal, Cal.
Spirit of the Times, Cal. Star, California!!, Call, Catholic Guardian,
Chronicle, Christian Advocate, Coast Review, Commercial Advocate,
Herald and Record, Daily Balance, Herald and Placer Times, Democratic Press, Despatch. Eco do la Raza Latina, Elevator, Evangel, Evening Bulletin, Examiner, Figaro. Globe, Golden Era, Hebrew, Hebrew
Observer, Illustrated Wasp, Journal, Journal of Commerce, Law Gaz<
Medical Press, Mercantile Gazette, Mining and Scientific Press, Monitor,
National, New Age, News Letter, Occident, Pacific, Pacific Churchman,
Pacific Methodist, Pacific News, Picayune, Pioneer, Post, Scieu
Press, Resources of California, Spectator, Star and (
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San
San
San
San
San
San

'.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

lxxvii

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San Joaquin, Tulare, and .Sacramento Valleys, Report of Commissioners on
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San Jose, Archive MS. G vols.
San Jos6, Advertiser, Argus, California Agriculturist, California Granger,
County Fair Advertiser, Courier, Herald, Independent, Mercury, Morn-

San
San
San
San
San
San
San
San
San
San
San

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Cuestion de Lfmites, 1707-1801. MS.
Decree confirming Pueblo of. n.pl., n.d.
Libro de Patentes, 1S0G-24. MS.
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Jos<5, Peticion del Ayunt. en favor de los Frailes Espailoles, 1829.
MS,
Juan, Central Californian, Echo, Monterey County Journal.
Juan Bautista, Libros de Mision. MS.
Juan Capistrano, Libros de Mision. MS.
Leandro, Alameda County Gazette, Alameda Democrat, Plaindealer,
Record.
Luis Obispo, Archivo. MS.
Luis Obispo, Democratic Standard, Pioneer, South Coast, South Coast
Advocate, Tribune.
Luis Obispo, History, Laws, and Ordinances. San Luis Obispo, 1870.
Luis Obispo, Libros de Mision. MS.
Mateo, Times.
Mateo County, Illustrated History. San Francisco, 1878. atlas folio.
Miguel, Libros de Mision. MS.

Josd,
Jos6,
Jose,
Josd,

San
San
San
San
San
San Miguel (Juan Rodriguez

relativos al Piadoso Fondo de

1845; Rectificacion de Graves Equivocaciones del Fondo Piadoso. Mex., 1845; La Republica Mexicana en
Mex., 1845; Segundo Cuaderno de Interesantes Documentos relativos al
Fondo Piadoso. Mex., 1845.
San Rafael, Libros de Mision. MS.
San Rafael, Herald, Marin County Journal, Marin County News, Marin County
Tocsin.
San Rafael and Coast Range Mines, Report. San Francisco, 1879.

Misiones de California.

de),

Documentos

Mew,

Santa Barbara, Archivo, 1839-49. MS.

Santa Barbara, Correspondencia entre Virey, Guardian y otros, sobre Padres
para las Nuevas Misiones del Canal, 1781. MS.
Santa Barbara, Democrat, Gazette, 1855-7, Independent, Index, News, Post,
Press, Republican, Times.

Barbara, Libro de Acuerdos del Ayuntamiento, 1S49-50. MS.

Barbara, Libros de Mision. MS.
Barbara, Memorias de Efectos Remitidos a la Mision, 178G-1S10. I
Barbara Presidial Company, Accounts, Rosters, etc., scattered in the
Archives. MS.
Santa Clara, Archivo de la Parroquia. MS.
Santa Clara, Index, Journal, News, Union.
Santa Clara, Libros de Mision. MS.
Santa Clara College, Catalogues. San Francisco, etc., 1855 et seq.
Santa Clara County Pioneers, Constitution. San Jos6, 1875.
Santa Clara County, Historical Atlas [Thompson and West]. S.F., 187G. atlas fol.
Santa Cruz, Archivo. [Records in Clerk's Office.] MS.
Santa Cruz, County Times, Courier, Enterprise, Journal, Local Item, Pajaro
Times, Sentinel, Times.
Sauta Cruz, Libros de Mision. MS.
Santa Cruz, A Peep into the Past. Scrap-book. From Sta Cruz Local Item.
Santa Cruz, Records in Parish Church. MS.
Santa Cruz, Testimonio sobre el Tumulto de 1818. MS.
Santa Cruz County, Plistoryof [W. Wallace Elliott]. S. F., 1879. atlas folio.

Santa
Santa
Santa
Santa

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

lxxviii

Santa Lies, Examen de Conciencia en lengua de Indios. MS.

Santa Ines, Libros do Elision. MS.
Santa Maria (Vicente), Registro de Parages entre S. Gabriel y

S.

Buenaven-

MS.
Santa Monica, The Coming
tura, 1705.

San Francisco, 1875; Outlook.

City.
Santa Rosa, Collegian, Democrat, Herald, News, Press, Republican, Sonoma
Democrat, Sonoma Index, Times.
Sargent (Aaron A. ), Sketch of Nevada County, n.pl. n. d.
Sargent (Aaron A.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., April 9, 1SG2, on Pacific RailHow it may be Built. Wash., 1802; and other Speeches.
road.
Sarria (Vicente Francisco), Argumento Contra el Traslado de S. Francisco,
,

1823. MS.
MS.
Sarria (Vicente Francisco), Carta Pastoral, 1817.
MS.
Sarria (Vicente Francisco), Defensa del P. Luis Martinez, 1839.
MS.
Sarria (Vicente Francisco), Escritos Suoltos del Comisario Prefecto.
MS.
Sarria (Vicente Francisco), Exhortacion Pastoral, 1813.
Sarria (Vicente Francisco), Informe del Comisario Prefecto sobre los Frailcs
de California, 1S1 7. MS.
MS.
Sarria (Vicente Francisco), Informe de Misiones, 1S19.
"MS.
Sarria (Vicente Francisco), Scrmones en Lengua Vasciiense.
Saunders (William), Through the Light Continent. London, et \. 1879.
Savage (Thomas), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. 4 vols.
Sawtelle(C. M.), Pioneer Sketches. MS.
Sawyer (A. P.), Mortuary Tables of San Francisco. San Francisco. 1862.
Ms.
,1846.
Sawyer (Charles H.), Documents on the
Sawyer (Eugene T.), The Life and Career of Tiburcio Vazquez. San Jose,

1875.

Reports of Cases Decided in the Circuit and District

San Francisco, 1873-80. 5 vols.
Saxou (Isabelle), Five Years within the Golden Gate. Philadelphia, 1868.
Sayward (W. T.), All about Southern California. San Francisco, 1875.
Say ward (W. T.), Pioneer Reminiscences. MS.
Scala (Comte de), Inilucnce de l'Ancien Comptoir Russe en Califorme. In
Xouv. An. Voy., cxliv. 375.
Schenck (George E.), Statement on Vigilance Committee. MS.

Sawyer

(L. S. B.),

Courts, etc.

Coin, etc., 1' 71.

Schlagintweib (Robert von), Califomien Land und Leute.
Schmidt (Gustavus), Civil Law of Spain and Mexico. New Orleans,
MS.
Schmicdell (Henry), Statement of California Matters from 1849.
Schmolder (Capt. B.), Neuer Praktischer Wegweiser fur Nord-Amerika.
Mainz, 1819.
School Scandal of San Francisco. Proceedings before the Investigating ComI

mittee.
San Francisco, 1878.
Schools, Colleges, Academies, etc.
of the institution.

Not

in this

Catalogues, reports, etc.

cited

by name

list.

Berlin, 1849.
(J. L. ), Briefe eines Deutschen aus Kalifornien.
Scribner's Monthly Magazine (later the Century).
New York, 1871 et seq.
Seattle, Intelligencer, Pacific Tribune, Puget Sound Despatch.
Secalarizacion, Decreto de las Cortes, 1813.
ISIS.
Seddon (J. A.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., Jan. 23, 1850, on the Action of
Executive in Relation to California. Washington, 1850.
Sedgley, Overland to California in 1849.
Semblanzas de los Miembros del Congreso de 1827 y 1828. Nueva York, 1S28.
Semple (Robert), Letters of 1S4G-9. MS.
Sehan (Jose Francisco de Paula), Cartas Varias. MS.
Senan (Jose" F. de P.), Circular del Vicario Foraneo, 1815. MS.
Sefian (Jose F. de P.), Informes Bienales de Misiones, 1811-14, 1820-2.
MS.
Seiian (Jose" F. de P.), Respuesta al Virey sobre condicion de Cosas en Cal.,
MS.
1798.
Sepulveda (Ignacio), Plistorical Memoranda. MS.
Sermones de no se sabe cuales predicadores de California, 1790 etc. MS.

Schwarz

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
Sermones Varios de Misioncros.
Serra
Serra
Serra
Serra
Serra

(Junipero),
(Junipero),
(Junipero),
(Junipero),
(Junipero),
(Junipero),

lxxix

MS.

Cartas al P. Lasuen, 1778-81. MS.

Correspondencia, 1777-82.
MS.
Escritos Aut6grafos.
MS.

Informe do 1774. MS.

Informe de 5 de Feb. 1775. MS.
Memorial de 22 de Abril, 1773, sobre suministraciones a los
Sena
Establecimientos de California, etc. MS.
Serra (Junipero), Notas de 1 770. MS. In San Diego, Lib. Mision.
ra (Junipero), Representacion 21 Mayo, 1773.
MS.
Serra (Junipero), Representacion 13 Mayo, 1773. In Palou, Not. i., 514; MS.
Serrano (Fiorencio), Apuntes para la Historia de California. MS.
Serrano (Fiorencio), Cartas Varias. MS.
Serrano (Fiorencio), Recuerdos HLstoricos. MS.
Seward (George F.), Chinese Emigration in its Social and Economical Aspects.
New York, 1881.
Seward (William II.), Speech in U. S. Sen. March 11, 1S50, on Admission ol
California. Washington, 1850; and other Speeches.
Seyd (Ernest), California and Its Resources. London, 1858.
Chicago, 1849.
tnour (E. Sanford), Emigrant's Guide to the Gold Mines.
Shaler (William), Journal of a Voyage, 1804. In American Register, iii. I'M.
Shasta, Courier.
Shastas and Their Neighbors. MS.
Shaw (William), Golden Dreams and Waking Realities. London, 1851.
Shaw (William), Pioneer Life in Columbia River Valley. MS.
Shaw (William J.), Speech in Sen. of Cal. Feb. 7, 185G, on Constitutional
Reform. Sacramento, 185G; and other Speeches.
Shea (John Gilmary), History of the Catholic Missions. New York, 1855.
Shearer, Journal of a Trip to California, 1840.
MS.
Shelvocke (George), Voyage round the World, 1710-22. London, 172G.
Sherman (William T.), Correspondence of Lieut., 1847-8. In Cal. & N.
Mex., Mess. &Doc, 1850; Memoirs. N. Y., 1875. 2 vols.
Sherwood (J. Ely), California. New York, 1848; The Pocket Guide to Cal
ifornia.
N. Y., 1840.
Shubrick (W. Branford), Correspondence, 1847. In War with Mex., Reports,
etc.; Report to Secretary of the Navy, Feb. 15, 1847.
In 30th Cong.,
2d Sess. 11. Ex. Doc. i. pt. ii. p. (55; and Stephen W. Kearny, Circular
of the Naval Commander and Governor, March 1, 1847.
English and
Spanish.
Shuck (Oscar T.), California Scrap-book, San Francisco, 18G0; Representative
and Leading Men of the Paciiic. S. F., 1870, 1875. 2 vols.
Sierra, Plumas, and Lassen Counties, Illustrated History of.
San Francisco,
,

1882. 4to.

Silliman (Benjamin), American Journal of Science and Art. New Haven,

1810 etseq. 107 vols.
Silver Mountain, Alpine Chronicle, Bulletin.
Simonin (L.), Le Grand-Ouest des Etats-Unis. Paris, 1S60; Les Mines d'Orct
d'Argent aux Etats-Unis. In Revue des Deux Mondes. Nov. 1875.
Le Mineur de Californie. Paris, 1866; La Vie Souterraine. Paris,
Simpson (Sir George), Narrative of a Journey round the World. Loudon,
1

1847. 2 vols.

Simpson (Henry I.), The Emigrant's Guide to the Gold Mines. New York,
1848; Three Weeks in the Gold Mines.
N. Y., 1848.
Simpson (James H. ), Report of Explorations across the Great Basin, etc.
Wash., 187G; The Shortest Route to California. Phil., 18G9.
Proposiciones de los Representantes sobre clausura de Mazatlan,
Mexico, 1837.
Siskiyou County Affairs. MS.
Sitjar (Antonio), Reconocimiento de Sitio para la Nueva Mision deS. Miguel,
Sinaloa,

1705.

MS.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Ixxx

Slacum (William A.), Report on Oregon, March 2G, 1837. [25th Cong., 3d
Washington, 1838.
Sess., H. Kept. 101.]
[29th Cong., 2d Sess.,
Sloat (John D.), Despatches on the Conquest of Cal.
H. Ex. Doc. 4, p. 040; 31st Cong., 1st Sess., II. Ex. 1, pt. ii., p. 2J; also
correspondence 184G. MS.
Smiley (Thomas J. L.), Statement on Vigilance Committee and Early Times
MS.
in San Francisco.
Smith (Jedediah), Excursion a l'ouest des Monts Rocky, 182G. In Nouv.
An. Voy., xxxvii. 208.
Smith (Napoleon B.), Biographical Sketch of a Pioneer of 1S45. MS.
Smith (Persifer F.), Military Correspondence. [31st Cong., 1st Sess., Sen.
Doc. 52.] Washington, 1849.
Smith (Persifer F.), Bennett Riley et als. Reports in Relation to the Geology and Topography of California and Oregon.- [31st Cong., 1st Sess.,
Sen. Ex. Doc. 47.] 'Washington, 1849.
Smith (Truman), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., March 2, 1848, on Physical
Character of Northern States of Mexico, etc. Washington, 1S48.
Smithsonian Institution, Annual Reports. Washington, 1853 et seq.
Smucker (Samuel M.), Life of Col. J. C. Fremont. New York, 1850.
Snelling, Merced Banner, Merced Herald.
Soberanes (Clodomiro), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS.
Sobrantes, Survey of Rancho. San Francisco, 1S7.
Sociedad Mexicana de Geografia y Estadistica, Boletin. Mexico, 1SG1 et seq.
[Includes Instituto Nacional.]

See Institutions.
IMS.
Sola (Pablo Vicente), Correspondencia del Gobernador, 1805-22.
MS.
Sola (Pablo Vicente), Defensa del P. Quintana y otros, 1810.
Sola (Pablo Vicente), Informe al General Cruz sobre los Insurgentes, 1 818. MS.
MS.
Sola (Pablo Vicente), Informe General al Virey sobre Defensas, IS17.
Sola (Pablo Vicente), Informe suplementario sobre los Insurgentes, 1818. MS.
Sola (Pablo), Instruccion General a los Comandantes, contra los Insurgentes,
Societies.

1818.

MS.

Sola (Pablo Vicente), Instrucciones al Comisionado de Branciforte, 1810. MS.

Sola (Pablo Vicente), Noticia de lo acaecido en este Puerto de Monterey,
Rcbeldes de Buenos Aires, 1818. In Gaceta de .Vex., xxxix. 2l 3.
Sola (Pablo Vicente), Observaciones en la Visita desde S. Francisco hasta S.
Diego, ISIS. MS.
Sola (Pablo Vicente), Prevenciones sobre Eleccion de Diputado, 1822. MS.
Solano County, Historical Atlas. San Francisco, 1877. atlas folio.
Solano County, Flistory of. [Wood, Alley and Co.] San Francisco, 1879.
Soledad, Libros de Mision.
MS.
Soler (Nicolas), Cartas del Capitan Inspector.
MS.
Soler (Nicol:';s), Informe sobre Policia y Gobierno, 1787.
MS.
Soler (Nicolas), Parecer sobre Comercio eon el Buque de China, 1787.
MS.
Limoges, n.d.
Solignac (Armand dc), Les Mines de la Californie.
Solis (Joaquin), Manifiesto al Publico, 6 sea Plan de.Revolucion, 1829.
MS.
Solis (Joaquin), Proceso Instruido contra
y otros Revolucionarios, 1829-30.

MS.

Sonoma, Compania de Infanteria, Cuaderno de Distribucion, 1839. MS.

Sonoma, Documentos Tocantes a la fundacion de la Nueva Mision, 18"J3. MS.
Sonoma County, Flistory [Alley Bowen and Co.] San Francisco, 1
Sonora (Cal.), American Eagle, American Flag, Herald, Tuolumne Courier,
Tuolumne Independent, Union Democrat.
Sonora, Estrella de Occidente.
1859 et seq.
Sonora, Sonorensc (Ei).
1847 et seq.
Soto (Francisco), Expedicion Militar, 1813. ISIS.
Soule (Frank), J. H. Gihon, and J. Nisbet, Annals of San Francisco.

York, etc., 1855.

Southern Pacific Railroad Company, Annual Reports.
et seq.; and other documents.

New

San Francisco, 1877

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

lxxxl

Southern Quarterly Review. New Orleans, etc., 1842 et seq.

Spaulding (E. G.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., April 4, 1850, in favor of Gen.
Taylor's Plan of Admitting Cal.
Washington, 1850.
Speeches, orations, addresses, etc., on various occasions, not named in this
list unless peculiarly historical in their nature.
See names of speakers.
Speeches in Congress. A Collection.
Spear (Nathan), Loose Papers of an Early Trader. MS.
Speer (William), China and California, Lecture, June 28, 1S53. S. F., 1853.
Spence (David), Historical Notes, 1824-49. MS.
Spence (David), Letters of a Scotchman in California. MS
Spence (David), List of Vessels in California Ports. MS.
Springfield (Mass.), Republican.
Spurr (George G.), The Land of Gold. Boston, 1881.
Squier (E. G.), New Mexico and California. In Amer. Review, Nov. 1848.
Stanford (Leland), Speech on Pacific Railroad, July 13, 18J4. San Francisco,
18G5; also other speeches, etc.
Stanislaus County, History.
San Francisco, 10S1. atlas folio.
Stanley (E. ), Speech, July 6, 1850, on Galpin Claim. Washington, 1850.
Staples (David J.), Incidents and Information.
MS.
State Papers, Sacramento, MS., 19 vols, in Archivo do Cal.; Id., Missions, 11
vols.; Id., Missions and Colonization, 2 vols.; Id., Benicia, 1 vol.
Statistician.
San Francisco, 1875 et seq.
Stearns (Abel), Correspondence of a Merchant. MS.
Stearns (Abel), Expediente de Contrabando, 1835. MS.
Steilacoom (W. T.), Puget Sound Express.
Stevenson (Jonathan D. ), Correspondence, 1847-8. In Cal. and N. Mex.,

Mess, and Doc, 1850.

Stevenson (Jonathan D.), Letters in the Archives.
Stevenson's Regiment in

Lower

California, 1847.

MS.
In

S.

Jose Pioneer, Sept.

14, 21, 1878.

Steward (William M.), Lecture on the Mineral Resources of the Pacific

States.
New York, 18G5.
Stillman (J. D. B. ), Did Drake Discover San Francisco Bay? In Overland
Monthly, i. 332; Footprints in California of Early Navigators. In Id.,
Seeking the Golden Fleece, 2S5; Id. In Overland Monthly, ii. 237;
Observations on the Medical Topography and Diseases of the Sacramento
Valley. N. Y., 1851; Seeking the Golden Fleece.
San Francisco, etc.,
MS.
1877; Statement on Vigilance Committee.
St Louis (Mo.), Globe, Reveille, Union.
Stimson (A. L. ), History of the Express Companies. New York, 1858.
Stirling (Patrick James), The Australian and Californian Gold Discoveries.
Edinburgh, 1S53; De la D^couvertc des Mines d'Or en Australie et en
Calif ornie.

Paris, 1853.

Stockton, Beacon, California Agriculturist, Gazette, Herald, Independent,

Pacific Observer, San Joaquin Herald, San Joaquin Republican.
Stockton, Plistory of. (See Tinkham George II.)
Stockton (Robert F.), Despatches [29th Cong., 2d Seas., H. Ex. Doc. 4, p. CG8];
Despatches and Orders, 1S47. In Cntts' Conquest; Id., Life, Ap
[30th Cong., 2d Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 31]; also in different Archives. MS.;
Military and Naval Operations [30th Cong., 2d Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 31 J;
Miscellaneous Orders and Correspondence. In Id., Life, Appen.; Report
Feb. 18, 1848. In Id., 24; Report Feb. 18, 1848. In War with Mex.,
Repts. 33-50; Scattered Communications. IMS.;
Sketch of the Life of.

New

York, 1856.
Stockton and Copperopolis Railroad, Engineers' Report, Oct. 1SG2.

Stockton,

18G2; other reports.

Stone (R. C. ), Gold and Silver Mines of America. New York, n.d.
Stout (Arthur B. ), Chinese Immigration. San Francisco, 1862.
Strahorn (Robert E.) To the Rockies and Beyond. Chicago, 1881.
Streeter (William A.), Recollections of Historical Events, 1843-78.

MS.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

lxxxii

Stuart (Charles V.), Trip to California in 1849. ISIS.

Stuart (James F.), Argument on Survey of the Rancho Rio de Santa Clara.
Washington, 1872; List showing whereabouts of the governor at different dates. MS.
Studnitz (Arthur von), Gold. Legal Regulations. London, 1877,
Suisun, Solano County Democrat, Solano Herald, Solano Press, Solano Republican, Solano Sentinel.

Sumner (Cal.), Kern County Gazette.

Sumner (Charles A.), The Overland Trip. San Francisco, 1875.
Sun of Anahuac. Vera Cruz, 1847 et seq.
MS.
Sufiol (Antonio), Cartas de un Catalan.
Superior Government State Papers. MS. 21 vols. In Archivo de
Susanville, Farmer, Lassen Advocate, Lassen

Brush.
y Mexicana, Relacion del Viage hecho por las Goletas.

Sutil

atlas.

Cal.

County Journal, Lassen Sage

Madrid, 1802;

4to.

Sutro (Adolph), The Mineral Resources of the U. S. Baltimore, 18G8.

Sutter (John A.), Correspondence, 1839-48. MS.
Sutter (John A.), Correspondence of the Sub-Indian Agent, 1847-8. In Cal.
and N. Mex., Mess, and Doc. 1850.
Scrap-book from the Argonaut, 1S78.
Sutter (John A.), Diary, 1839-4S.
Sacramento, 18G0.
Slitter (John A.), Examination of the Russian Grant.
Wash., 1870.
Sutter (John A.), Memorial to the Senate and House.
MS.
Sutter (John A.), Personal Recollections.
Sutter (John A. ), Petition to Congress [39th Cong., 1st Sess. Sen. Mis. Doc. 38].
MS.
Sutter (John A.), Statistical Report on Indian Tribes.
Sutter County, History of. [Chamberlain and Wells.] Oakland, 1879. folio.
ISIS.
Sutter-Suiiol Correspondence, 1840-G.
Sutton (0. P.), Early Experiences. MS.
Swan (John A.), Historical Sketches, 1S44, etc. ISIS.
Swan (John A.), Monterey in 1842. In S. Jcse Pioneer, Mar. 30, 1S7S.
Swan (John A.), Trip to the Gold Mines, 184S. MS.
Swan (John A.), Writings of a Pioneer. In S. Jose Pioneer, 1878-9, and
other newspapers.
Swasey (William F.), California in 1845-0. IMS.
Swasey (William F.), Remarks on Snyder. MS.
Swett (John), History of the Public School System of California. S. F., 1870.
,

Tapia (Tiburcio), Cartas de un Vecino de Angeles.

MS.

(Estevan), Cartas del Fraile.

MS.
MS.
(Estevan), Expedicion a Caiahuasa, 1798.
(Estevan), Informes Bienales do Misiones, 1SC3-10.
MS.
(Estevan), Noticias Presentadas al Gob r Arrillaga, 1S08.
MS.
(Estevan), Parecer sobre Repartimientos de Indios, 1810.
MS.
(Estevan), and Juan Cort6s, Replica de lo 3 Ministros de Sta Barbara,
MS.
1800.
Tarayre (E. Guillemin), Exploration Mineralogique des Regions Mexicaines.
Paris, 1809.
Tarbell (Frank), Victoria Life and Travels. IMS.
Taylor (Alexander S.), Articles in California Farmer; Bibliografa California.
Scrap-book from Sac. Union Byron, Nelson, and Napoleon in California.
In Pacific Monthly, xi. 049; Discoverers and Founders of California. MS.
and Scraps; The First Voyage to California, by Cabrillo. S. F., 1853;
List of Pioneers. MS. Hist. Summary of Lower California. In Browne's
Min. Res.; Odds and Ends. MS. and Scraps; Sketches connected with
California History, n.pl. [1855]; Specimens of the Press [In S. F. Mercantile Library]; The Storehouse of California, n.pl., n.d.
Taylor (Bayard), At Home and Abroad. New York, 1807; El Dorado. N. Y.,
1850; N. Y., 1801.
Taylor (Benjamin F.), Between the Gates. Chicago, 187S; Chicago, 1S80.

Tapis
Tapis
Tapis
Tapis
Tapis
Tapis

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

lxxxiii

(Christopher), Oregonians in the California Mines, 184S.

MS.
Marysville, 1S5G.
(Mart), The Gold Digger's Song Book.
(William), California Life Illustrated. New York, 1858.
(William), Seven Years' Street Preaching. New York, 1857.
Tehama, Independent, Tocsin.
Temple (Francis P. F.), Recollections, 1841-7. MS.
Temple (John), Letters of a Los Angeles Merchant. MS.
Territorial Pioneers, Annual Meetings.
S. P., 1874etseq.; Constitution and
By-Laws. San Francisco, 1874; First Annual. S. F., 1877.
Terry (David S.), Trial of, by the Committee of Vigilance. S. F., 185G.
Philadelphia, 1877.
Tcvis (A. H. ), Beyond the Sierras.
Tevis (Lloyd), Address before the American Bankers' Association, Aug. 10,
n.pl., n.d.
1881.
Thomes (R. H.), Life of an Immigrant of 1841. MS.
Thompson (A. B.), Business Correspondence. MS.
Thompson (Ambrose W.), Memorial [to Congress], Steamers between Cali-

Taylor
Taylor
Taylor
Taylor

fornia, China,
(Jacob),

Thompson

nia Question,

and Japan, n.pl. [1853].

Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., June

5,

1850, on the Califor-

n.pl., n.d.

Thompson (JohnR.), Speech on the Conquest

of California in U. S. H. of
Rep. June 5, 1850. Washington, 1850.
Thompson (Robert A.), Historical and Descriptive Sketch of Sonoma County.

Philadelphia, 1877.

Thompson (Waddy), Recollections of Mexico. New York, etc., 1847.

Thompson and West, Publishers of Several County Histories. See names

of

counties.

Thomson (Monroe), The Golden Resources

of California.

N. Y., 185G.

Opinions on California Private Land Claims. San FranSacramento, 1S01

cisco, 1853; Speech in Cal. Sen., Feb. 8, 1861.
Thornton (J. Quinn), Oregon and California in 1848. N. Y., 1845). 2 vols.
Thurman (J. R.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep. June 8, 1850, on the California

Thornton (Harry

J.),

Washington. 1850.
Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., Mar. 25, 1850, on the admisWashington, 1850.
sion of California.
Tikhmenef (P.), Istoritcheskoe Obosranie. St Petersburg, 1861. 2 vols.
Tilford (Frank), Argument on San Francisco Outside Lands.
Sac, 18G8.
Tinkham (George H.), History of Stockton. San Francisco, 1SS0.
Todd (John), The Sunset Land. Boston, 1870.
Question.

Thurston

Toombs

(S. R.),

(Albert G.),

The Pioneer Overlanders

July 27, 18G8.

Toombs (R.), Speech in U.

of 1841.

In

S.

F. Bulletin,

S. H. of Rep., Feb. 27, 1850, on President's MesWashington, 1850.

sage Communicating the Constitution of California.
Torquemada (Juan de),*Monarquia Indiana. Madrid, 1723. 3 vols, folio.
Torre (Estevan de la), Reminiscencias, 1815-48. MS.
Torre (Jose Joaquin), Varios Escritos. MS.
Torres (Manuel), Peripecias de Vida Calif orniana. MS.
Trait d'Union (Le). Mexico, 1SG1 et seq.
Trask (John B.), Earthquakes in California from 1800 to 18G4. In Cal. Acad.
Science, Proc. vol. iii. pt. ii. 130;
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Tratado de las Flores entre Alvarado y Carrillo, 1838. MS.
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AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

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New

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HISTORY OF CALIFORNIA.
CHAPTER

I.

INTRODUCTORY RESUME.
History of the North Mexican States, 1520 to 17C9 Cortes ox the
Pacific Coast His Plans Obstacles Nuno de Guzman in Sixaloa hurtado, becerra, and jlmenez cortes in california d:eoo
Ulloa Coronado Diaz
de Guzman Cabeza de Vaca Niza
Alarcon Alvarado Mixton War Nueva Galicia Nueva Vizcaya Mission Work to 1G00 Conquest of New Mexico Coast Voyages Seventeenth Century Annals Mission Districts of Nueva
Vizcaya Tepehuanes andTarahumares Jesuits and Franciscans
Revolt in New Mexico Sinaloa and Sonora Kino in Pimeria
Vizcaino
Gulf Expeditions Occupation of Baja California
Eighteenth Century Annals of New Mexico, Chihuahua, Sonora,
and Baja California, to the Expulsion of the Jesuits in 1767.

As
Spain

in the history of

Mexico we are referred

to

for the origin of affairs, so in the history of

California it is necessary to glance at Mexico in order

properly to understand the course of early events.
Hernan Cortes landed at Vera Cruz in April 1519,
and by August 1521 was in permanent possession of
Within ten years Spanish occuthe Aztec capital.
pation had been pushed south across the isthmus of
Tehuan tepee, west to the Pacific, and north to Panuco,
Queretaro, and Colima; and exploration to the Huastec region of Tamaulipas, the Chichimec territory of
Aguas Calientes, San Luis Potosi, Guanajuato, and
Let us
that part of Jalisco below the Rio Grande.
give attention exclusively to the west and northwest, as Cortes himself was disposed to do whenever
Vol.

I.

INTRODUCTORY RESUME.

he could avoid the vexatious complications that called

him to Mexico, or Central America, or Spain.
Before the middle of May 1522 Cortes had founded
a town at Zacatula, and begun to build there an explorBy this time it had become apparent that
ing fleet.
the old geographical theories must be somewhat modiThis w as shown by discoveries in the Pacific
fied.
Evifarther south than the conqueror's ship-yard.
dently the Mexican region was distinct, though not
necessarily distant, from Asia, being separated from
that continent by a strait in the north; or else it was
a south-eastern projection of Asia from a point farther
north than the knowledge of the old travellers had
extended.
Cortes proposed to solve the n^stery by
simply following the coast, first northward, then westIf a
ward, and finally soutrrward, round to India.
strait existed he was sure to find its mouth; and if
not, he would at least reach India by a new route,
and would at the same time add many rich islands
and coasts to the Spanish domain. That such islands
existed no one ventured to doubt; and one romancer
of the time went so far as to invent a name for one
of them, and people it with the offspring of his imagiT

nation.

The work of building

ships

made slow

progress.

Material had to be transported overland from Vera

Cruz; and the tedious operation had to be repeated
after a fire which destroyed the Zacatula warehouse.
In 1524 it was hoped to have the fleet read}7 to sail
in July of the next year; but Cortes was called aw ay
by his Honduras campaign, and exploration must
wait.
Meanwhile Michoacan had submitted peaceably in 1522; Colima had been conquered after several
reverses in 1523; while in 1524 Jalisco, from Lake
Chapala to Tepic, w as explored by Avalos and Francisco Cortes, the native chieftains becoming vassals of
Spain, though no Spaniards w^ere left in the country.
Banderas Valley and a good port, Manzanillo or Santiago, were discovered during this expedition.
T

GUZMAN A RIVAL OF

The

CORTES.

were made ready after the return of

sail in 1526, and three more were on the
Then came Guevara from
Tehuantepec.
Strait to Zaeatula; but while Cortes was
to send him with Ordaz to India by the

vessels

Cortes to
stocks at

Magellan

preparing
northern coast route, a royal order required the
vessels to be despatched under Saavedra by a more
direct way to the Spice Islands and Loaisa's relief.
Yet before starting, the fleet made a beginning of
northern exploration by a trial trip up to Santiago in
Colima. Work on the other ships was stopped by the
captain-general's foes when he went to Spain in 1528;

and though building operations were resumed later at

Tehuantepec and Acapulco, new impediments were
thrown in the explorer's way, and at the end of 1531
he was disheartened at the gloomy prospect.
Meanwhile a rival and foe to the conquistador had
appeared on the scene in the person of Nuiio de Guzman, president of the royal audiencia. He foresaw that
the return of Cortes from Spain would result in his
own downfall; and he resolved to wrest triumph from
the jaws of disgrace. Having presided at the trial of
his enemy, he was familiar with the scheme of northern conquest. As governor of Panuco he had heard
from the natives rumors of great cities in the north.
Instead of tamely submitting to trial in Mexico, lie
would make the northern scheme his own, and by this
bold stroke not only turn the tables on his foe, but
win for himself lasting power, fame, and riches. At
the end of 1529 Guzman marched from Mexico with
five hundred soldiers and ten thousand Indian allies.
The route was down the Rio Grande de Lerma to the

region of the modern Guadalajara.

part of the
army under Ohate and Chirinos by a northern detour
penetrated to the sites of the later Lagos, Aguas
Calientes, Zacatecas, and Jerez; and in May 1530
the divisions were reunited at Tepic. The advance
was everywhere marked by devastation and few
native towns escaped burning. No heed was given
;

INTRODUCTORY RESUME.

to the rights of the former conquerors, Avalos and

Cortes, but Guzman's policy was to make it appear
that the country had never been conquered at all.
Such Indians as were not hostile at first were there-

that there might be an

excuse for plunder, destruction, carnage, and espeThis
cially for the seizure and branding of slaves.
chapter of horrors, one of the bloodiest in the annals
of Spanish conquest, continued to the end; yet outrages were considerably less frequent and terrible in
the far north than in Jalisco.
garrison was left at Tepic, and Guzman crossed
the great river Tololotlan into unexplored territory,
taking possession under the pompous title of Greater
Spain, designed to eclipse that of New Spain. In July
the army went into winter-quarters at Aztatlan on
the Rio Acaponeta, remaining until December. They
suffered severely from flood and pestilence, being
obliged to send back to Michoacan for supplies, and
for Indians to take the place of thousands that had
perished. After a month at Chametla the march was
continued through Quezala, Piastla, and Ciguatan to
Culiacan in March 1531. No great cities or golden
treasures being found, the zeal for coast exploration
fore

provoked to

hostility,

was at an end after Captain Samaniego had reached

the Rio Petatlan, or Sinaloa, finding a barren country and a rude people. The president now bethought
him of the inland towns of which he had heard at
Panuco. From May to July he made a tedious and
futile trip across the sierra to the confines of Chihuahua. Ohate and Angulo crossed the mountains by
different routes, perhaps to the plains of Guadiana, or
Durango, and other minor expeditions were made.
None but savage tribes were found. The Spanish
villa of San Miguel de Culiacan was founded with
one hundred soldier settlers under Proano, and then

Guzman
back to

started in October with the rest of his

army

Jalisco.

Guzman was made governor

of the

new

province,

VOYAGES OF MENDOZA AND JIMENEZ.

the name of which was made Nueva Galicia, instead

Compostela was made the capiof Mayor Espafia.
tal; and there were also founded within a few years
Espiritu Santo, or Guadalajara, near Nochistlan and
far north of its modern site, and Chametla in Sinaloa,
a mere military camp, sometimes entirely deserted.
The new province had no definite boundaries, being
intended to include the new conquests. Neglecting
the northern regions, to which, as discoverer, he had
some claim, the governor devoted himself chiefly to
encroachments in the south. He became involved in
difficulties that finally overwhelmed him, though he
did not lack opportunity to vent his old spite against
Guzman was sumCortes on one or two occasions.
moned to Mexico, and put in prison, and in 1538 was
sent to Spain, where he died six years later in poverty and distress.

Encouraged by the new audiencia Cortes took courage, and in 1532 was able to despatch two vessels
under his cousin Hurtado de Mendoza and Mazuela.
They touched at Santiago; by Guzman's orders were
refused water at Matanchel, or San Bias discovered
the Tres Marias; and after a lonof storm landed at an
unknown point on the coast. Provisions were nearly
Hurtado
exhausted, and the men became mutinous.
kept on northward, and with all his men was killed
at the Rio Tamotchala, or Fuerte; the malcontents,
returning southward, were driven ashore in Band eras
Bay and killed by the natives, all save two or three
;

escaped to Colima, while Guzman seized all that

could be saved from the wreck. To him Cortes attributed the misfortunes of the expedition.
There were still left two vessels at Tehuantepec,
which were despatched late in 1533 under Becerra and
Grijalva.
The latter, after discovering the Revilla
Gigedo Islands, returned to Acapulco. Grijalva's
men mutinied, killed Becerra, put his partisans ashore
on the Colima coast, and continued the voyage under
Jimenez.
They soon discovered a bay, on an island

who

INTRODUCTORY RESUMlL

coast as they supposed, but really in the peninsula,

and probably identical with La Paz; and there Jimenez was killed with twenty of his men. The few survivors brought the ship to Chametla, where they were
imprisoned by Guzman, but escaped with the news to
Cortes, carrying also reports of pearls in the northern
waters.
The captain-general now resolved to take command
in person; and, having sent three vessels from Tehuantepec early in 1535, he set out with a force overGuzman wisely kept out of the way, contenting
land.
The sea and
himself with complaints and protests.
land expeditions were reunited at Chametla, and Cor-

hundred men, about

one third of his whole force. Jimenez' bay was reached
May 3d, and named Santa Cruz. After a year of misfortunes, during which a part of the remaining colonists were brought over with their families, Cortes
went back to Mexico. He intended to return with a
new fleet and succor for the colony but he sent instead
a vessel in 1536 to bring away the whole party.
He
had had quite enough of north-western colonization.
On the main there was occasional communication
between San Miguel and the south indeed, one party
of Cortes' colonists went from Chametla to Culiacan
by land. In 1533 Diego de Guzman reached the Rio
Yaqui and it was he that learned the fate of Hurtado.
There was no prosperity at the villa. The garrison
lived at first by trading their beads and trinkets for
food; then on tribute of the native towns; and at last,
when the towns had been stripped, they had to depend
on raids for plunder and slaves.
On one of these excursions to the Rio Fuerte in
1536 a party under Alcaraz were surprised to meet
three Spaniards and a negro, who w ere brought to
San Miguel to tell their strange tale of adventure.
They were Alvar Nunez and his companipns, the only
survivors of three hundred men who, under Narvaez,
had landed in Florida in 1528. EscaDin<r in 1535 from

tes sailed in April with over one

CABEZA DE VACA AND ULLOA.

slavery on the Texan coast, these four had found

their way across Texas, Chihuahua, and Sonora to
Their salvation was due mainly to
the Pacific coast.
the reputation acquired by Cabeza de Vaca as a med-

man among

the natives.
Alvar Nunez went to
Mexico in 153G, and next year to Spain. He had
not, as has sometimes been claimed, reached the Pueblo towns of New Mexico; but he had heard of them,
and he brought to Mexico some vague reports of their
grandeur.
These reports revived the old zeal for northern
conquest. Guzman was out of the field, but Viceroy
Mendoza caught the infection. Having questioned
Cabeza de Vaca, and having bought his negro, he resolved to send an army to the north. The command
was given to Vasquez de Coronado, governor of Nueva
Galicia. To prepare the way a Franciscan friar, Marcos de Niza, was sent out from Culiacan early in 1539.
With the negro Estevanico, Niza went, "as the holy
ghost did lead him," through Sonora and Arizona,
perhaps to Zuni, or Cibola, where the negro was
killed.
The friar hastened back with grossly exaggerated reports of the marvels he had seen.
Cortes also heard the reports of Nunez and Niza,
and was moved by them to new efforts, disputing the
ricdit of Mendoza to act in the matter at all.
He despatched Ulloa with three vessels, one of which was
lost on the Culiacan coast, in July 1539. This navigator reached the head of the gulf; then coasted the
peninsula southward, touching at Santa Cruz; and
rounded the point, sailing up the outer coast to Cedro.;
Island. One of the vessels returned in 1540; of Ulloa
in the other nothing is positively known. It seems
to have been in the diary of this voyage that the name
California, taken from an old novel, the Sergas of
Esplandian, as elsewhere explained, was applied to a
portion of the peninsula.
Governor Coronado, with a force of three hundred
Spaniards and eight hundred natives from Mexico,
icine

INTRODUCTORY rSUM&

He left a
departed from Culiacan in April 1540.
garrison in Sonora; followed Niza's route, cursing
the friar's exaggerations, and reached Zuiii in July.
Tobar was sent to Tusayan, or the Moqui towns;
Cardenas to the great canon of the Colorado; and
Alvarado far eastward to Cicuye, or Pecos. Then
the army marched east to spend the winter in the

Northern

valley of the

New

New

Spain.

Rio Grande, the province of Tiguex,

Mexico. In May 1541, after a winter of

constant warfare caused by oppression, Coronado
started out into the great plains north-eastward in
search of great towns and precious metals never
found. He returned in September, having penetrated
us he believed to latitude 40, and found only wigwam
later

VASQUEZ DE CORONADO AND ALARCON.

towns

the province of Quivira, possibly in the

Kansas of to-day. Expeditions were also sent far up
and down the Rio del Norte; and in the spring of
1542, when nearly ready for a new campaign, the
governor was seriously injured in a tournament, and
resolved to abandon the enterprise. Some friars were
left behind, who were soon killed; and in April the
Mendoza was bitterly disapreturn march began.
pointed, but acquitted the governor of blame.
The force left in Sonora, while Coronado was in the
north, founded the settlement of San Geronimo cle los
Corazones, in the region between the modern Arizpe
and Hermosillo; and from here at the end of 1540
Melchor Diaz made a trip up the coast to the Rio
Colorado, called Rio del Tizon, and across that river
below the Gila. He was killed accidentally and his
men returned. San Geronimo, after its site had been
several times changed and most of its settlers had
deserted or had been massacred, was abandoned before
the arrival of Coronado on his return in 1542.
Also in Coronado's absence and to cooperate with
in

him Mendoza

sent two vessels under Alarcon from

Acapulco in May 1540. He reached the head of the
gulf and went up the Rio Colorado, or Buena Guia,
in boats, possibly beyond the Gila junction. Leaving
a message found later by Diaz, Alarcon returned to
Colima in November. Another voyage was planned,
but prevented by revolt.
After a hard struggle to maintain his prestige, and
prevent what he regarded as Mendoza's illegal interference with his plans, Cortes went to Spain in 1540
to engage in an equally fruitless struggle before the
throne.
Another explorer however appeared, in the
person of Pedro de Alvarado, governor of Guatemala,
who came up to Colima in 1540 with a fleet, eight
hundred men, and a license for discovery. But Mendoza, instead of quarrelling with Alvarado, formed a

partnership with him.

revolt of eastern Jalisco tribes,

known

as the

10

INTRODUCTORY RESUME.

Mixton War, interrupted all plans of exploration.

Many reforms had been introduced since Guzman's
time, but too late. Incited by sorcerers on the northern frontiers to avenge past wrongs and regain their
independence, the natives killed their encomenderos,
abandoned their towns, and took refuge on fortified
penoles, believed to be impregnable, the strongest
being those of Mixton and Nochistlan. At the end
of 1540 Guadalajara, already moved to Tacotlan Valley, was the only place held by the Spaniards, and
Alvarado came to
that was in the greatest danger.
the rescue from the coast, but rashly attacking Nochistlan, he was defeated and killed in July 1541.
Soon Guadalajara was attacked, but after a great
battle, in which fifteen thousand natives were slain,
the town was saved to be transferred at once to its
modern site. Mendoza was troubled for the safety
not only of Nueva Galicia, but of all New Spain; and
he marched north with a large army.
In a short but
vigorous campaign he captured the penoles, one after
another, even to that of Mixton, by siege, by assault,
by stratagem, or by the treachery of the defenders,
returning to Mexico in 1542.
Thousands of nati\
were killed in battle; thousands cast themselves from
the cliffs and perished; thousands were enslaved. Mai
escaped to the sierras of Nayarit and Zacatecas; but
the spirit of rebellion was broken forever.
There is little more that need be said of Nueva Galicia here.
It was explored and conquered. The audiencia was established at Compostela in 1 548, and moved
with the capital to Guadalajara in 1561.
bishopric
was erected in 1544. The religious orders founded
missions.
Agriculture and stock-raising made some
progress.
New towns were built. Rich mines were

worked, especially in Zacatecas, where the town of

that name was founded in 1548. These mines caused
the rest of Nueva Galicia to be well nigh depopulated
at first, and were themselves almost abandoned before
1600 in consequence of a rush to new mines in the

IBARRA IX NUEVA VIZCAYA.

region of

Nombre de

Dios.

Some

11

exploring parties

reached Durango, Chihuahua, and Sinaloa.

Ibarra, the leader in inland explorations northward,
was made governor of Nueva Vizcaya, a new province
formed about 1560 of all territory above the modern
Jalisco and Zacatccas line.
Nombre de Dios was
founded in 1558; Durango, or Guadiana, as capital, in
Before 1565 there were flourishing settlements
1563.

San Bartolome Valley of southern Chihuahua.

Ibarra also crossed the sierra to Sinaloa and Sonera,
founding San Juan Bautista on the Suaqui or Fuerte,
about 1564: and rcfoundincf San Sebastian de Chametla, where rich mines were found.
San Juan was
in

soon abandoned; but five settlers remained on* the

Rio de Sinaloa as a nucleus of San Felipe, the modern
Sinaloa.
Indian campaigns of 1584-9 left a few new
settlers for

San

Felipe.

Before 1590 the Franciscans had eight or nine missions in Durango and Chihuahua. When the Jesuits
undertook northern conversion in 1590, fathers Tapia
and Perez, and soon six more, came to San Felipe de
Sinaloa and began work on the rivers Pctatlan and
Mocorito.
They had twenty pueblos and four thousand converts before 1600.
Father Tapia reached
the Rio Fuerte and the mountains of Topia, but v
martyred in 1594; yet missions were founded in Topia
in 1600, where the mining towns of San Andres and
San Hipolito already existed. San Felipe had become
a kind of presidio in 1596, under Captain Diaz.
East
of the mountains the Jesuits also began work among
the Tepehuanes at Zape and Santa Catalina, and at
Santa Maria de Parras in the lake region of Coahuila.
Saltillo was founded in 1586; and about 1598 the town
of Parras was built in connection with the Jesuit
mission there.

New

Mexico was

and finally occupied

before 1600.
In 1581 Rodriguez with two other
Franciscans and a few soldiers went from San Barrevisited

12

INTRODUCTORY RESUME.

tolome down the Conchos and up the Rio del Norte

The
to the land of the Tiguas, Coronado's Tiguex.
soldiers soon returned, but the friars remained to be
In 1582-3 Espejo with a strong force went
killed.
in search of Rodriguez, learning at Puara, near
Sandia, of the friars' fate and of Coronado's former
Espejo explored eastward to
ravages in that region.
the buffalo plains, northward to Cia and Galisteo, and
westward to Zulu and the region of the modern PrcsIn 1590-1
cott, returning by way of the Rio Pecos.
Castaiio de Sosa went up the Pecos and across to the
Pueblo towns of the Rio Grande with a colony of
one hundred and seventy men, women, and children.
After receiving the submission of thirty -three towns,
he was carried back to Mexico in chains by Captain
Morlete, on the charge of having made an illegal
entrada, or expedition.
About 1595 Bonilla and
Humana, sent out against rebellious Indians, marched
without license to New Mexico and sought Quivira
in the north-eastern plains.

Humana murdered

his

chief and

was himself killed with most of his party by

the natives.
In 1595 the viceroy made a contract
for the conquest of New Mexico with Onate, who as
governor and captain-general left Mexico with a large
force of soldiers and colonists in 159G.
Vexatious
complications hindered Oiiate's progress and exhausted
his funds, so that it was not until 1593 that he entered
the promised land.
San Juan was made the capital;
all the towns submitted; the Franciscans were stationed in six nations; Onate visited Zuhi; and the
rebellious warriors of the Acoma peiiol were conquered
in a series of hard-fought battles, all before the sum-

mer

of 1599.
Let us return to the coast and to an earlier elate,
since the connection between maritime exploration
and inland progress is very slight. Mendoza at the
close of the Mixton war in 1542, though not encour^

aged by the results of past efforts, had a fleet on his

hands, and one route of exploration yet open and

DRAKE, CAVENDISH, AND VIZCAINO.

13

promising, that up the outer coast of the peninsula.

Therefore Cabrillo sailed from Natividad with two
vessels, made a careful survey, applied names that for
the most part have not been retained, passed the limit
of Ulloa's discoveries, and anchored at San Miguel,
now San Diego, in September. Explorations farther
north under Cabrillo and his successor Ferrelo will be
fully given in a later chapter.
They described the
coast somewhat accurately up to the region of Monterey, and Ferrelo believed himself to have reached
the latitude of 44.
Mendoza's efforts on the coast ended with Cabrillo's
voyage; but fleets crossed the ocean to the Philippines, and in 1565 Urdaneta for the first time recrossed the Pacific, discovering the northern route
followed for two centuries bv the Manila galleons. Of
discoveries by these vessels little is known; but they
gave a good idea of the coast trend up to Cape Mendocino. They also attracted foreign freebooters. Drake
ravaged the southern coasts in 1579, also reaching
latitude 43, and anchoring in a California port. Gali,
coming by the northern route in 1584, left on record
some slight observations on the coasts up to 37.
Cavendish in 1586 made a plundering cruise up as
far as Mazatlan; then crossing over to Cape San
Lucas he captured the treasure-ship, and bore off
across the Pacific. Maldonado's fictitious trip through
the Strait of Anian and back in 1588, and the similar
imaginary exploits of Fuca in the north Pacific, have
no importance for us in this connection. One Spanish
commander of the many who came down the coast
had orders to make investigations Cermeilon in
1595; but of the result we know only that his vessel

was wrecked under Point Reyes.

In 1597 Vizcaino was sent to explore anew and
occupy for Spain the Californian Isles. He sailed
from Acapulco with a large force in three vessels,
accompanied by four Franciscan friars. His explorations in the gulf added but little to geographical

INTRODUCTORY RESUME.

14

knowledge; and the settlement which he attempted

to found at Santa Cruz, by him called La Paz, was
abandoned after a few months from the inability of
the country to furnish food, the departure being
hastened by a storm and fire that destined buildings
and stores. Thus close the annals of the sixteenth
century.

After 1600 Nueva Galicia has no history that can

Except
or need be presented in a resume like this.
one district, Nayarit, the whole province was in permanent subjection to Spanish authority, hostilities
beinof confined mainly to robberies on the line of travel
from Mexico to Nueva Vizcaya. The president of the
audiencia at Guadalajara w as governor, and his judiSo did the ecclecial authority covered all the north.
bishop
of Guadalajara
the
siastical jurisdiction of
until 1621, when Nueva Vizcaya was separated; but
the north-east to Texas and the north-west to California were retained. The Franciscans alone had missionary authority, and that only in the north, all
establishments depending after 1604 on the Zacatecan
provincia. Mining was profitably carried on notwithstanding an oppressive quicksilver monopoly and
Agriculture
frequent migrations to new discoveries.
and stock-raisin of were the leading industries of the
T

The

country's only commerce

was the exchange by overland routes of grain and
cattle for supplies needed at the mines.
And finally
there were petty local happenings, wholly insufficient
to break up the deadly monotony of a Spanish province when once it becomes a tierra de paz, or a land
at peace.
limited

population.

Nueva Vizcaya during the seventeenth century

comprised in a sense northern Durango, Chihuahua,
Sinaloa, and Sonora, besides a part of Coahuila; yet
the connection between coast and inland provinces
was practically very slight, and common usage located
Nueva Vizcaya east of the Sierra Madre.
gover-

MISSIONS OF

NUEVA VIZCAYA.

15

and bishop of Guadiana after 1621, resided at

Durango; but save in the larger towns and miningcamps, the country was for the most part a tierra de
guerra, or a land at war; the epoch not one of civil and
ecclesiastic but rather of military and missionary rule.
In general the whole country may be said to have
been divided into eight mission districts.
The Tepehuane missions of Durango prospered from
their beginning in 1594 until the great revolt of 1G1G
in which eight Jesuit priests and two hundred other
Spaniards lost their lives. All missions and miningcamps were destroyed, and the capital was seriously
threatened.
The massacre was cruelly avenged, and
the natives that survived were driven to the mountains only to be slowly drawn back by missionary zeal.
In 1G40 lost ground had been regained, and more,
nor,

except in the number of neophytes, of whom there

were eight hundred in 1G78, under four Jesuits in nine
towns, with a Spanish population of about three hundred.
The Tepehuanes were conquered, except as
individuals or small parties occasionally revolted in
resistance to enforced labor in the mines.
In the
south-eastern or Parras district all was peace and
prosperity with the gentle Laguneros, if we except an
occasional pestilence or inundation. Over five thousand natives had been baptized by 1G03; the missions
were secularized in 1G45; large accessions of Spanish
and Tlascaltec population were received, and early in
the next century under Toboso raids and Spanish
oppression all traces of the missions had disappeared.
In Topia, or western Durango, and south-eastern
Sinaloa, the Jesuits were at work with good success
at first; but the miners were oppressive, and in 1G01
five thousand Acaxees took up arms to free their
country, destroying the mining-camps and towns with
forty churches. Brought once more into submission
after a few months, they never revolted again, and
the adjoining tribes were reduced one by one until by
the middle of the century the whole district had passed

16

INTRODUCTORY RESUME.

permanently under Spanish and Jesuit control. As

elsewhere subsequent annals are reduced to statistics
and petty items of local record. Fifty thousand natives
had been converted before 1644, when eight missionaries were serving in 16 churches. In 1678 there were
1400 neophytes in 38 towns under the care of ten missionaries, with a Spanish population, in mining-camps
chiefly, which may be estimated at 500.
The Tarahumara district adjoined that of the Tepehuanes on the north, in northern Durango and the
mountains of southern and western Chihuahua. At
Parral a Spanish settlement was founded in 1631;
and about the same time the Jesuits in their northern
tours obtained four or five hundred Tarahumares,
and with them founded two towns, San Miguel do las
Bocas and San Gabriel, just south of the modern line
of Durango; but there were no regular missions in
Tarahumara until 1639-40, when lathers Figueroa
and Pascual came and founded San Felipe and San
Geronimo Huexotitlan on or near the Rio Conchos
below Balleza. In 1648 there were eight pueblos and
four missionaries, when war broke out, mainly in consequence of oppressions by Spaniards who wished to
use the natives as laborers in their mines, looking
with no favor on the mission work. The Tarahumares
were always, as the Jesuits maintained, a brave and
honorable people, fighting only in defence of their
rights or to avenge wrongs. In this first instance the
assailants were gentiles, the plot being discovered in
time to keep the converts loyal, after five Spaniards
and forty neophytes had been killed. Governor Fajardo, defeating the foe, founded a town of Aguilar
and a mission at the site of the modern Concepcion.
In 1650 the mission was destroyed, a padre killed,
and a Spanish force several times defeated; but
peace was made in 1651, and the martyr's place
was filled. In the outbreak of 1652 mission and
town w^ere burned, and not a Spaniard escaped. It
required the whole military force of Nueva Vizcaya

MISSIONS IN

DURANGO AND CHIHUAHUA.

17

submission, the Spaniards being often

repulsed, and many mission towns and mining-camps
For twenty years from
being repeatedly destroyed.
to

restore

1652 upper Tarahumara was abandoned, but was

reoccupied in 1673-8 as far north as the Yepomera
region, the limit of Jesuit work east of the sierra.
There were then about eight thousand Tarahumara
converts in the upper and lower districts, living in
forty-five towns, and ministered to by twelve Jesuit
The Spanish population, for the most
missionaries.
part engaged in mining, did not exceed five hundred.
For the missions the last quarter of the century was
a period of constant but not very rapid decadence.
They were exposed on the north and east to raids
from the fierce Tobosos and Apaches, and there were
several attempts at revolt, the most serious being in

when two

Jesuits lost their lives.

North-eastern Durante- and eastern Chihuahua
formed a mission district under the Franciscans. They
had a much less favorable field of labor than the
Jesuits; their neophytes were inferior in intelligence
to the Tepehuanes and Tarahumares, and their establishments had to bear the brunt of savage raids from
the north-eastern sierras or Bolson de Mapimi. For
over forty }7 ears the old convents at Cuencame, Mapimi, and San Bartolqjne were barely kept in existence; and near the latter in the Conchos region four
new missions were founded before 1645. Then the
Toboso raids became so serious as to imperil all
Spanish interests. It was the typical Apache warfare of later times.
Not a camp, mission, hacienda,
or rancho escaped attack; only Parral and one or
two mining-camps escaped destruction. The soldiers
were victorious in every engagement, but they could
rarely overtake the marauders.
The Conchos revolted and destroyed their five missions, killing two
friars.
At this time the presidio of Cerro Gordo
was established, and the fires of war having burned
out chiefly for want of fuel, this post served to keep
1690,

Hist. Cal., Yol.

I.

18

INTRODUCTORY RESUME.

the southern part of the district in a kind of order

during the rest of the century; the ruined establishments being gradually reoccupied. In the north the
Franciscans extended their operations over a broad
Between 1660 and 1670 three or four missions,
field.
with probably a small garrison, were founded in the
reirion of Casas Grandes: but two of them were destroyed by Apaches before 1700. In 1681-2, an establishment having been formed at El Paso, several
One was at the
missions sprang up in that region.
confluence of the Conchos and Rio del Norte, but
was soon destroyed. In 1697 a mission of Nombre
de Dios was founded near the site of the modern city
of Chihuahua.
All these northern establishments
maintained but a precarious existence; and but for a
line of presidios erected early in the next century the

whole country would have been abandoned.

Before turning to the coast a pdance must beowen
at New Mexico beyond the limits of Nueva Vizcaya.
Here prosperity ceased for a time on account of controversies between Oiiate, the colonists, and the Franciscan friars.^ The latter abandoned the province in
1601, but were sent back to reoccupy the missions.
Oiiate made some explorations; Santa Fe was founded
and became the capital; and in 1608 eight padres
were at work, having baptized eight thousand natives.
Thirty new friars came in 1629, and the next year
fifty missionaries were serving sixty thousand converts in ninety pueblos.
This was the date of New
Mexico's highest prosperity, though the decline was
very slight for fifty years, a period whose history offers
nothing but petty local happenings. But in 1680 a
general revolt occurred, in which four hundred Spaniards, including twenty-one friars, were killed, and the
survivors driven out of the country. While the refugees founded El Paso and did some missionary work
in that region, the New Mexicans fought among them-

and threw away their chances for continued

independence. After several unsuccessful efforts by
selves

THE JESUITS IN SINALOA.

different leaders,

19

Governor Vargas reconquered the

province after many a hard-fought battle in 1693-4;

but two years later a new revolt occurred, in which
five missionaries and twenty other Spaniards were
killed, and the year 1696 may be regarded as the date
of New Mexico's permanent submission to Spanish
authority. The western towns were still independent;
but except the Moquis all renewed their allegiance
before the end of the century.
The coast districts were Sinaloa, extending as far
north as the Yaqui River; Sonora, embracing the
region of Arizpe and Tepoca; and Pimeria, stretching to the Gila.
During most of the century all
this territory was under a military commandant at
San Felipe de Sinaloa; and this office was held for
nearly thirty years by Captain Hurdaide, who was
popular with the missionaries, and a terror to the
natives.
His term of office was a continuous campaign for the conquest of new tribes or the suppression of local revolts. In 1600 five Jesuits had founded
eight missions, with thirteen towns, on and near the
rivers Sinaloa and Mocorito. Very rapidly was the
conquest, spiritual and military, pushed northward by
the priests and soldiers working in perfect accord. The
fierce Suaquis, Tehuecos, and Sinaloas of the Rio Tamotchala, or Fuerte, having been properly chastised by
Hurdaide, became Christian in 1604-7. Fort Montesclaros was founded in 1610 on the river, therefore still
called Fuerte. The Mayos, friendly from the first, received padres in 1613, and never revolted. The Yaquis,
wT ho after defeating the Spaniards in three campaigns
had voluntarily submitted about 1610, received Father
Ribas in 1617, and were soon converted. In 1621
missions were founded among the Chinipas on the
Tarahumara frontier; and the work w as extended
up the Yaqui to the Sahuaripa region. There wr ere
now thirty-four Jesuits at work in this field and the
northern missions, in what is now Sonora, were formed
into a new district of San Ignacio.
Captain Hurr

INTRODUCTORY RESUME.

20

about 1626; and during the rule of bis

successor the only event to be noted was the revolt
in the Chinipas district in 1631-2, when two Jesuits
were killed, and the missions had to be abandoned.
Father Pascual had labored in this field with great
success for years, forming three towns of Chinipas,
chief of the latter was
Varohios, and Guazdpares.
at the head of the revolt, gaining adherents from the
Varohios, while the Chinipas remained faithful and
Father Martinez
tried to protect their missionary.
came to join Pascual in 1632, and the two were killed
a week later after their house and church had been
burned, brutal indignities being offered to their bodies.
Fifteen neophytes perished with their martyred masters.
Making a raid into the mountains Captain
ciaide died

many

and new missionaries were

sent to the country; but it was finally decided to
abandon this field; and the faithful converts were
removed to the towns of the Sinaloas.
During the last half of the century the Sinaloa
missions have no annals save such as are statistical
and purely local. The submission of the natives was
complete and permanent, and affairs fell into the
inevitable routine.
In 1678 there were in the district of San Felipe y Santiago, corresponding nearly
to the modern Sinaloa above Culiacan, nine missions,
with 23 pueblos, 10,000 neophytes, and nine missionaries.
The northern district of San Ignacio de Yaqui,
under the same jurisdiction but in modern times a
part of Sonora, had 10 missions, 23 pueblos, 10 padres,
and 24,000 converts. There had already been a large
decrease in the neophyte population.
The military
force was a garrison of 40 soldiers at San Felipe, and
one of 60 men at Fort Montesclaros. The Spanish
population, exclusive of soldiers and military officers,
was less than 500.
The modern Sonora includes the three ancient provinces of Sonora, Ostimuri, and Pimeria; but in the
seventeenth century the name Sonora was properly

Perea

killed

rebels,

SONORA MISSION.

21

that of the valley in which Arizpe, Ures, and Hermosillo now stand. The name was sometimes extended
for a long distance over adjoining regions, especially
northward; but never covered the Yaqui missions or
Ostimuri in the south. Missionary work was begun
in the Sonora Valley by Father Castano in 1638,
near the site of the old and ill-fated San Geronimo.
The Opatas never gave any trouble; and in 1G39 the
new district of San Francisco Javier de Sonora was
formed with five mission partidos. In 1G41 Governor
Perea obtained a division of the government, was
made ruler of all the country north of the Yaqui
towns, styling his new province Nucva Andalucia
and his capital San Juan Bautista. In consequence
of a quarrel with the Jesuits, he tried to put the
Franciscans in charge but this was a failure, and the
new government came to an end in four years; though
In 1753 seven
a garrison remained at San Juan.
Jesuits were serving twenty-five thousand converts in
twenty-three towns. In 167 8 the new district of San
Francisco de Borja was formed of the missions south
and west of Opozura; and the two consisted of eighteen missions with forty-nine pueblos and about twenty
thousand neophytes. Ten years later there were
three districts, the new one of Santos Martires de
Japon extending northward from Batuco and Nacori.
The Chinipas missions, which had been reoccupied in
1676, were now part of the Sonora district, and before
the end of the century were in a most flourishing condition, under Padre Salvatierra and his associates,
though to some extent involved in the troubles with
eastern tribes.
Father Kino in 1687 founded the mission of Dolores
on the head-waters of the Rio de San Miguel, and
thus began the conquest of Pimeria, through which
Kino hoped to reach northern California. By 1690
he had missions at San Ignacio, Imuris, and Remedios.
The Pimas were docile, intelligent, and eager for conversion; but Kino could neither obtain the needed
;

22

INTRODUCTORY RESUME.

nor convince the military authorities that the

Pimas were not concerned in the constant raids of the
In 1691 with Salvatierra he reached the
savages.
modern Arizona line; and later, either alone or with
such priests as he could induce to go with him, he
explored the country repeatedly to the Gila and gulf
coast, first reaching the latter in 1693 and the former
Three missionaries having been obtained,
in 1694.
Tubutama and Caborca were founded; but all were
destroyed in the great revolt of 1695, one of the friars
Two years later they had been rebuilt
being killed.
and Suamca added. By 1700 Kino, sometimes with
priests,

a military escort, had made six entradas, or excursions,

to the Gila, some of them by the eastern route via
Bac, and others by the coast or Sonoita. In 1700 he
But he was disfirst reached the Colorado junction.
appointed in all his schemes for establishing missions
was the northern
The Bio San Imiacio
in the north.
o
of
missionary
establishments
frontier, not only
but of
all Spanish occupation at the end of the century.
In 1693 Sonora and all the north had been separated practically, perhaps formally, from Sinaloa; and
Jironza as capitan-gobernador came with his flying
company' of fifty men to protect the frontier, his capital being still at San Juan.
The next seven years
were spent in almost constant warfare against raiding
Apaches and other savage bands of the north-east.
garrison was stationed at Fronteras, or Corodeguachi,
which in campaigns often acted in union with the
presidial force at Janos in Chihuahua, and was often
aided besides by the Pimas, whose mission towns were
a favorite object of the raids for plunder.
Finally the maritime annals and coast exploration
of the century, terminating in the occupation of Baja
California, demand our notice.
In 1602 Sebastian
Vizcaino sailed from Acapulco on a voyage of exploration which will be fully described later in this volume.
For more than a century and a half Father Ascension's
diary of this voyage was the source of all information
'

EXPEDITIONS TO THE GULF.

23

extant respecting the western coast up to latitude 40.

Vizcaino's voyage was the end of outer-coast navigation, subsequent efforts being directed exclusively to
the gulf and peninsula, though Monterey figured on
paper in many of the schemes proposed. The Spanish
crown was chary of incurring expense; without money
the enthusiasm of neither navigators nor friars could
be utilized; and the pearls of the gulf furnished the
mere catalogue of suconly incentive to action.

must suffice here.

Schemes to occupy Monterey in 1607-8 resulted in
In 1615 Cardona and Iturbe went up the
nothing.
gulf to latitude 34 as they reckoned it, saw the strait
that made California an island, and landed at several
points on that supposed island and the main.
Returning, they were captured by the Dutch pichilingues.
These were Spilberg's freebooters, who vainly sought
to intercept the galleon, and had a fight with Spaniards
on the Colima coast. Lezama began to build a vessel
near San Bias, in 1627, for the gulf; and Ortega, completing it, made a pearl voyage in 1632. He repeated
cessive enterprises

the trip in 1633-4, founding a colony at La Paz.

Many natives were baptized; some inland explorations were made, and all went well for several months,
until food was exhausted. Then this third attempt at
settlement was added to the failures of Cortes and
Vizcaino. There were, doubtless, unrecorded and unauthorized pearl-seeking voyages in those times. Carbonel's expedition made by Ortega's pilot in 1636 was
an utter failure. It was in 1640 that Fonte sailed
through the net-work of straits, lakes, and rivers in
the northern continent until he met a Boston ship
from the Atlantic! Canas by the viceroy's orders
crossed over from Sinaloa and explored the California
coast for some forty leagues in 1642, accompanied by
the Jesuit priest, Cortes. Casanate's operations were
in 1643-8; but after great expense and much ill-luck
the only results were a cruise about San Lucas by
Barriga in the former year, and in the latter a vain

INTRODUCTORY RESUM&

24

For twenty years nothing

search for a colony site.
was attempted, and then Pinadero obtained a commission to reduce California as a pretext for one or
two profitable pearl-seeking trips in 1667. Lucenilla's
expedition in 1668 was not unlike the preceding,
though he had two Franciscans on his ship, who
attempted conversion at La Paz and at the cape.
After fruitless negotiations with other persons the
viceroy made a contract for the settlement of California with Otondo,

who was accompanied by Father

from Chacala with

a hundred persons in 1683. The province was now
formally called Californias and the locality of the
Some progress was made at first;
colony La Paz.
but presently the men, panic-stricken by reason of
Indian troubles, insisted on abandoning the settlement. Otondo came back before the end of the year,
reestablishing the colony at San Bruno, above La Paz.
Here it was maintained with difficulty until the end
of 1685, when the enterprise was given up in disgust.
The Jesuits foreseeing the result had baptized none
but dying Indians. The barren peninsula was wholly
unsuited for colonization.
In 1685 the British freebooter Swan made an unfortunate cruise alono* the
coast, failing to capture the galleon, and losing fifty
men who were killed by Spaniards on the Rio Tololotlan.
Only one other expedition, that of Itamarra in
1694, is recorded, but very vaguely, before the final

Kino and two other

Jesuits, sailing

occupation of the peninsula.

The country offered absolutely no inducements to
settlers and a military occupation, entailing constant
expense without corresponding advantages, did not
accord with the Spanish system of conquest.
Only
by a band of zealous missionaries, protected by a
small military guard, with supplies assured from
abroad for years, could this reduction be effected.
The Jesuits understood this, and when the government had been taught by repeated failures to understand it also, the necessary arrangements were
;

NUEVA GALICIA IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.

25

concluded by Salvatierra and Kino; and in 1G97 a

mission was founded at Loreto, just below the San
Bruno of Ortega. Difficulties were formidable at
first and for a long time; the savages were stupid
and often hostile; the guard was small; vessels came
irregularly with supplies, and authorities in Mexico
generally turned a deaf ear to appeals for aid.
Saland
Piccolo,
vatierra
however, never lost courage in
days,
and
darkest
before
the
1700 they had two missions and a guard of thirty men.

Eighteenth century annals of Nueva Viscaya and

the adjoining regions, so far as they precede the occupation of Alta California in 17 GO, may be presented
with enough of detail for the present purpose very
brieflv; for throughout those broad territories affairs

had

fallen into the

monotonous routine of peace in

the north, that was to character-

the south, of war in

ize them as long as Spanish domination should

and

in

many

respects longer.

To Nueva

last,

Galicia as a

paz may be added in these times Sinaloa

and Durango to the north. The era of conquest, as
in a great measure of missionary labor, was past.
The authority of the audiencia and civil governors
was everywhere respected. Curates under the bishops were in control of spiritual affairs in all the larger
settlements. Mining was the leading industry, feebly
supplemented by stock-raising and agriculture. Minor
political and ecclesiastical controversies, the succession of provincial and subordinate officials, fragmentary statistics of mining and other industries, and
tierra de

petty local happenings of non-progressive localities

furnish but slight basis for an instructive resume,
even if such general review were called for here.
There was, however, one exception to the uneventful monotony of Nueva Galicia affairs during this
period, which should be noticed here
the conquest
of Nayarit. This mountainous and almost inaccessible region of northern Jalisco, near the frontiers of

INTRODUCTORY RESUME.

26

Sinaloa,

Durango, and Zacatecas had been the

last

Here the bold moun-

refuge of aboriginal paganism.

taineers, Nayarits, Coras, and Tecualmes, maintained
their independence of all Spanish or Christian control
It was these tribes or adj oining ones directly
till 1721.
or indirectly supported by them, that caused all IndNo
ian troubles of the century in Nueva Galicia,
white man, whether soldier or friar, was permitted to
enter the narrow pass that led to the stronghold of
long series of attempts at peacethe Gran Nayar.
ful conquest resulted in failure; and the difficulties
of forcible entry were greatly exaggerated at the time,
and still more at a later period by Jesuit chroniclers
who sought to magnify the obstacles overcome by
their order. The Navarits made a brave but fruitless
resistance, and their stronghold fell before the first
determined and protracted campaign of the invaders
In 1725 the visitador or inspector found
in 1721-2.
about four thousand natives living submissively in ten
villages; and in 1767 seven Jesuits were serving in as

many Nayarit missions.

North of Nueva Galicia,

as I

have remarked, Du-

rango and Sinaloa require no special notice here. The

provinces at whose annals a glance must be given, are
New Mexico; Chihuahua, or the northern portion of
Nueva Viscaya proper; Sonora, including the lower
and upper Pimeria; and the peninsula of Baja California.
All this region, though in its industries and
some other phases of its annals very similar to the
southern provinces, was for the most part still a tierra
de guerra, or land of war, always exposed to the raids
of savage gentiles, and often to the revolts of Christian converts.
The rule was military rather than
civil, missionary rather than ecclesiastic, save in a few
of the larger towns.

New

Mexico from 1700 to 1769 was an isolated

community of neophytes, Franciscan missionaries,
Spanish soldiers, and settlers, struggling, not very
.zealously, for a bare existence.
Each of these classes.

ANNALS OF NEW MEXICO.

was

27

slightly reenforced during the period;

and

aid,

form of agricultural implements, came

from time to time for the settlers, as did a salary for
few mines were opened in
the friars, from Mexico.
different parts of the country; but about them, as about
the agricultural and stock-raising industries which furnished the means of provincial subsistence, very little is
known. Trade between the different towns, as with
outside gentile tribes and with merchants who brought
in caravans from the far south needed articles of foreign
manufacture, was generally flourishing in a small way.
The Pueblo Indians were for the most part faithful
converts, though retaining: a fondness for the rites and
sorceries of their old faith, which gave the missionaries no little trouble.
All Spanish inhabitants, with
the events of 1680 ever in their minds, were peculiarly
sensitive to rumors of impending revolt, which, from
one direction or another, were very frequent, but rarely
well founded. There were occasional local troubles in
frontier towns; Zuiii was long in revolt; and the Moquis,
though declaring themselves subjects of Spain, steadchiefly in the

fastly refused to

become Christians.

The Apaches

were often troublesome on the south and west; as

were the Yutas, Navajos, and Comanches on the north
and east each nation ready to make a treaty of peace
whenever prospects for plunder seemed unfavorable.
Rarely did a year pass without a campaign against
one of these nations, or an expedition to the Moqui
towns.
Such time as the governor could spare from
Indian campaigns was largely devoted to political controversies and defence against charges of corruption
or incompetency.
The governor was directly responsible to the viceroy, and a Franciscan custodian was
in charge of the friars.
In the later years of the
period now under consideration, the population of
native Christians was about ten thousand, in twentyfive towns under fifteen friars.
Of Spanish and mixed
blood, settlers and soldiers with their families, there
were perhaps twenty- five hundred souls, chiefly at

23

INTRODUCTORY RESUME.

Santa Fe and Alburquerque, but also scattered to

some extent on haciendas. Two or three curates under
the bishop of Durango attended to their spiritual
needs.

Chihuahua during this period, as before and later,

was exposed to never ending raids from the murderous Apaches, which for the most part prevented all
permanent progress. Though the savages from the
Bolson de Mapimi were again troublesome at first, yet
the mining settlements of San Bartolome Valley in the
south counted a Spanish population of over four thousand in 1766. Near Nombre de Dios, the rich mines
of Santa Eulalia were discovered, and here in the early
years of the century the Real de San Felipe, or Chihuahua, sprang into existence. The new town grew
rapidly for a time, but in 1766 the population had deline of half a dozen
creased to four hundred families.
presidios, or military posts, was established before 1720
in the north as far as Janos and Paso del Norte and
these posts, some of them being moved from time to
time according to need, kept the province from utter
ruin, though there was hardly a mission, hacienda, or
real de minas that was not at one time or another
abandoned. The Franciscans continued their struggle
against paganism, and in 1714 founded six new missions at the junction of the Rio Conchos and Rio
Grande, which, however, had to be abandoned within
ten years. In the Spanish settlements curates relieved
the friars, and the missions of the region about Paso
del Norte were secularized in 1756 only to be restored
to the missionaries for a time in later years.
Also in
1756 the Jesuit missions of the Tepehuane and Baja
Tarahumara districts were secularized. These missions
and those of Alta Tarahumara had been constantly
declining.
Their troubles and those of their Jesuit
directors at the hands of savage invaders, revolting
neophytes, Spanish settlers and miners, and secular
officials, were in every essential respect similar to those
of the Sonora establishments to be noticed presently.

EVENTS IN PIMERlA ALTA.

The

29

Jesuits were succeeded in 1767 by eighteen Franciscans from Zacatecas.

Sinaloa and southern Sonora in the eighteenth century present little or nothing of importance to our
In the extreme north, Kino continues to
purpose.
labor as before with like discouraging results till his
death in 1711. No missionaries can be obtained for
the north; his only permanent associates in Pimeria
Alta are Campos and Velarde. Military authorities
still distrust the Pimas, or pretend to distrust them;
but the Jesuits believe these officials are really in
league with the miners and settlers to oppose the
mission work, desiring the hostility of the natives
that they may be enslaved and plundered; at any rate
a never ending controversy ensues. After Kino's death
there is no change for the better; and no increase of
missionaries until 1730. Father Campos makes several
tours to the gulf coast, but communication with the
north becomes less and less frequent; and Apache
The Spanish popuraids are of constant occurrence.
lation of Pimeria in 1730 is about three hundred.
The soldiers are said to give more attention to mining
than to their proper duty of protecting the province;
and an injudicious policy of non-interference with the
Apaches is at one time adopted by orders from Mexico.
In 1731 three new priests come, and are assigned to
the northern missions of Suamca, Guevavi, and San
Javier del Bac founded at this time, though the natives
of each had been often before visited by the Jesuits.
They are supplied irregularly with missionaries from
The names of Campos and Velarde presthis time.
ently disappear from the records to be replaced by
In 173G-50 these
those of Sedelmair and Keler.
Jesuits make several tours to the Gila region, in connection with vain projects for the conversion of the
Moquis and the occupation of Northern California.
It is in these years, 1737-41, that occurs the famous
mining excitement of the Bolas de Plata, at a place
between Saric and Guevavi called Arizonac, whence

INTRODUCTORY RESUME.

30

the

name Arizona.

The presidio of Terrenate

The Pimas become perhaps

is

as
founded about 1741.
from
being
the
first.
bad as they had been accused of
priests
and
two
a
hunkilling
They revolt in 1751-2,
dred other Spaniards; and for five or six years there
is a bitter controversy between the missionaries and
the government touching the causes of the revolt.
But the presidio of Tubac having been established,
and a small garrison stationed at Altar, the missions
are reoccupied, and maintain a precarious existence
Six priests are
during the rest of the Jesuit period.

Near San Javier

Bac there

a
native rancheria, called Tucson, where after 1752 a
few Spaniards have settled; but the place is tem-

serving: in 1767.

del

is

abandoned in 17G3.
The Apaches of the north are not Sonora's only
savage scourge; but from 1724 the Seris, Tepocas, Salineros, Tiburon Islanders, and other bands of the
gulf coast above Guaymas, keep the province in almost
constant terror by their ravages. There has been
some mission work done at intervals, by the Californian padres chiefly, in the Guaymas region, but no
permanent missions are established. The Cerro Prieto
is the rendezvous and stronghold not only of the tribes
named, but at intervals of the Pimas Bajos and other
bands of revolting neoplrytes. The danger from this
direction is generally deemed greater than from the
Apaches, who are somewhat restrained by the hostility of the Pimas Altos.
Campaigns to the Cerro
Prieto are frequent, and generally unsuccessful. In
one of them in 1755 Governor Mendoza is killed.
In 1734 the province of Sinaloa y Sonora is separated from Nueva Vizcaya, and put under a governor
and commandant general, whose capital is nominally
still San Felipe de Sinaloa, but really San Juan or
porarily

Pitic in Sonora. Under him are the presidio captains.

Civil affairs are administered as before by alcaldes

may ores. The

left

governor's time, or the little that is

from the almost continuous campaigns against

JESUIT MISFORTUNES.

northern or western savages,

31

devoted to the defence

of his own policy, to controversies with the missionaries, and to the recommendation of divers measures
for the salvation of the country, few of which are
adopted and none effectual. In 1740-1 there is a serious revolt of the Yaquis and hitherto submissive
May os. The presidio of Pitic at Hermosillo is now
founded, afterwards being transferred for a time to
Horcasitas. In 1745 there are estimated to be sixteen hundred Spanish inhabitants, possibly men, in
Sinaloa, Ostimuri, and Sonora, besides about two
hundred soldiers in the different presidios. Visitador
General Gallardo in 1749 reported the province to be
in a most unprosperous and critical condition.
The
population is ever shifting with the finding of new
mines, not a single settlement having over ten permanent Spanish families, though a regular town has been
begun at Horcasitas. No remedy is found for existing
evils before 1767, but affairs go on from bad to worse.
The missions share in the general, misfortunes.
Before 1730 they had declined about one half in
neophyte population from 1G78; and the decline continues to the end.
The Jesuits gradually lose much
of their influence except over women, children, and
infirm old men.
Indeed there grows up against them
a very bitter popular feeling, and they become involved in vexatious controversies with the authorities

and gente

cle

is

razon, or civilized people, generally.

New-comers are largely German members of the company with less patience and less interest in the missions than the old Spanish workers; and all become
more or less petulant in their discouragement under
ever increasing troubles.
They are for the most part
good men, and

in the right generally so far as the

but they
cannot obtain the sine qua non of continued mission

details of particular quarrels are concerned;

prosperity, protection in trouble, non-interference in

success; and like missionaries every where they cannot

submit gracefully to the inevitable overthrow of their

INTRODUCTORY RESUME.

32

Settlers and miners, desiring their

peculiar system.
lands and the labor of their neophytes, preach liberty
to the natives, foment hatred to the priests, advocate
secularization, and as the Jesuits believe even stir

up

revolt.

Before secularization or utter ruin befalls the Sonora

missions, all of the Jesuit order are expelled from
Spanish dominions. The priests had been waiting for
a change, and it comes in a most unexpected form.
After months of confinement at Guaymas they are
banished, thirty-seven in number, at the beginning of
Soon the missions are given to Franciscan
17C8.
friars, who like the Jesuits are faithful; but the
change leaves the several establishments in no better
At the same period comes
condition than before.
the grand military expedition of Elizondo under the
auspices of Galvez, which is to reduce the savage foes
of Sonora to permanent submission, but which is not
Notwithstanding the radical
brilliantly successful.
changes of this period Sonora affairs proceed much as
before but from the exhibition of energ}^ accompanying these changes, as we shall see, results the occu;

pation of Alta California.

Maritime annals of the period have no importance
in this connection, consisting almost entirely of the
predatory efforts of Dampier, Rogers, Shelvocke, and
Anson, who lie in wait at different times for the
Manila ship. On the peninsula of Baja California
Salvatierra and his associates labor with zeal and sucGifts from rich patrons, forming the pious
cess.
fund,' enable them to purchase supplies and thus
counteract the disadvantages of their barren country.
At the same time its barrenness and isolation relieve
them from much of the interference suffered in Sonora.
Yet there are Spaniards who desire to fish for pearls;
and there are others who believe the Jesuits to be
engaged secretly in pearl-fishing and thus amassing
great wealth. Indeed there are few persecutions suffered by their brethren across the gulf, which in a
'

MISSIONS OF THE PENINSULA.

33

modified form do not affect them; while they endure

many hardships and privations elsewhere unknown.
Missions are founded till the chain extends nearly the
whole length of the peninsula. Salvatierra dies in
1717. In 171 8-2 1 Ugarte builds a vessel and explores
the gulf to its head.
The Manila ship touches occasionally after 1734; and this same year marks the
beginning of long-continued revolts in the south, during which two priests are killed. Governor Huidrobo
comes over from Sonora for a campaign, and a presidio

founded at San Jose del Cabo. In 1742-8 an epidemic destroys several missions. Father Consag in
1746 and 1751 explores both the gulf and ocean
coasts. About 1750 there is a general revival in commercial, mining, and pearl-fishing industries; but it is
not of long duration, bringing blame also upon the
Jesuits. Save the praiseworthy desire to improve the
spiritual condition of its inhabitants, there is no
encouragement for the Spanish occupation of this
country. Sixteen Jesuits died in the country; sixteen
were banished in 1768. Bitter feelings against the
company in the North Mexican provinces, or indeed
in America, had but slight influence in causing the
expulsion of the Jesuits from the Spanish dominions.
is

Hist. Cal., Vol.

I.

CHAPTER

II.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIA^ HISTORY.

List of Authorities A Catalogue of California Books Taylor's List

Proposed Classification Periods of History Sixteen Hundred
Titles before 1848 Printed Material Epoch of Discovery to

Cosmographies and Voyage Collections Spanish Epoch

17C9
1769-1824 Books of Visitors
Books, Periodicals, and Documents The Mexican Period, 1824-1846 Voyages Overland Nar-

First Prints of CaliforniaWorks of Mexican Authors

Government Documents Histories Local Annals One Thousand
Titles of Manuscripts Archives, Public, Mission, and Private
Vallejo and Larkin Documentary Titles Scattered Correspondence Dictations of Natives and Pioneers Value of Reminiscences After the Gold Discovery Manuscripts Books Printed
ratives

in

and about California.

I have prefixed to this volume a list of authorities

cited in the History of California, which includes about
four thousand 1 titles of books, pamphlets, newspapers,
printed documents, articles, and manuscripts.
It is
something more than a mere list of the works consulted and epitomized in this part of my history,
being practically a complete catalogue of all existing
material pertaining to California, down to the epoch
of the discovery of gold, and of all historical material to a later period.
I am of course aware that
a perfectly complete bibliographical list of authorities
on any topic of magnitude does not exist; and I do not
pretend that mine is such a list; hence the limitation, a
1
Throughout this chapter I employ round numbers, and in most instances
the word about' should be understood with each number. The necessity of
printing this summary before the list is put in type prevents absolute accuracy; yet the numerical statements are by no means mere estimates, but may
be regarded as practically accurate, the variation never exceeding two or
three per cent.
(31)
'

CLASSIFICATION OF WORKS.
'

practically' complete catalogue.

35

Additional research

my subadd a few
divisions; and even now, did space permit, several
of them might be greatly extended, as will be presently explained, without really adding much to the
will

items to each, or most, of

value of the catalogue. As it stands the list is more

complete than any other within my knowledge relating
to any state or territory of our union, or indeed to
any other country in the world. 2
Respecting each of the titles given there will be
found somewhere in this history a bibliographic note
affording all desirable information about the work and
its author; so that if these notes were brought together
and attached in alphabetic order to the items of the
list, the result would be a Bibliography of Californian
History, to which work the present chapter might serve
In it I propose to a certain extent
as an introduction.
to classify the works which have furnished data for
this and the following volumes, and briefly to describe
and criticise such of the various classes and subdifew indivisions as may seem to require remark.
vidual works of a general or representative nature
may appropriately be noticed in this connection;
but as a rule the reader must look elsewhere for such
To the general reader, as must be conspecial notices.
fessed, bibliography is a topic not the most fascinating

2
So far as works on California are concerned, the only previous attempt at
anything approaching a complete list is Alex. S. Taylor's Bibliografa Callfornica published in the Sacramento Union of June 25, 1803, with auditions
in the same paper of March 1.3, 18(H).
In a copy preserved in the Library of
the California Pioneers in San Francisco, there are manuscript additions of
still later date.
This work contained over a thousand titles, but its field was
the whole territory from Baja California to the Arctic Ocean, west of the
liocky Mountains, only about one half of the works relating to Alta California proper. Dr Taylor's zeal in this direction was most commendable, and his
success, considering his extremely limited facilities, was wonderful; yet his
catalogue is useless.
He never saw one in five of the works he names blunders average more than one to each title; he names many books that never
existed, others so inaccurately that they cannot be traced, and yet others
several times over under different titles.
His insufferable pedantry and affectation of bibliographic patois unite with the typographic errors of the
newspaper press to destroy for the most part any merit that the list might
otherwise have. I have no doubt there may be a few of Taylor's items representing books or documents that actually exist and are not in my list; but to
select them would be a well nigh hopeless task.
;

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIA^ HISTORY.

36

novelty in Californian aspects and the brevity

and comprehensiveness of its treatment in this instance
may perhaps be offered as circumstances tending to
counteract inherent monotony.

but

its

In point of time bibliography,

like the history, of

divided into two great periods by the

I have some sixteen hundiscovery of gold in 1848.
dred titles for the earlier period and over two thousand
for the later; though the division would be numerically
much less equal were printed material alone considered.
And if books and pamphlets only were taken into
account, disregarding newspapers and articles and documents in print, the numbers would stand two hundred
and seventy for the primitive, and more than a thousand for the modern epoch. Yet there could be no
good reason for restricting my list of authorities to
books; and its extension to manuscript, documentary,
and periodical material is entirely legitimate, as will
be at once apparent to scholars. Where to stop in
this extension, however, and in the consequent subdivision of documentary data is obviously a point respecting which no two critics would be likely to agree.
The abundance of my material has put me beyond the
temptation to exaggerate; and while some will doubtless regret that in certain directions, notably that of
original manuscripts, I have not multiplied titles, the
ever present necessity of rigid condensation has controlled my course in this matter. 3
For the years preceding 1848 manuscript authorities greatly outnumber those in print, being 1,030 out
of a total of 1,650 but in later times, the era of newspapers and printed government records, manuscripts
number less than 200, in a total of over 2,000. I begin naturally with the earlier period, and first give
attention to printed material.
California

is

The reader is reminded also that in foot-notes of the following pages are
references to thousands of documents in manuscript and print that are not
given titles or mentioned separately in the list.

PRINTED WORKS BEFORE

37

1769.

on this first of the two

great periods number, as I have said, something over
600, of which 270 are books or pamphlets, 250 documents or articles, and 90 periodicals or collections that
may be so classed. It is well, however, to subdivide
the period chronologically, and to glance at the earliest
epoch of discovery, namely, that preceding 1769. Up
to this date California had not been the exclusive, or
indeed the chief, topic of any book; yet my list contains 56 at least, which treat of the distant province
and the voyages thereto. The number might be conTitles of printed authorities

augmented by including all general works,

in which California was barely named at second hand;
or in like manner lessened by omitting repetitions of
4
Sir Francis Drake's voyage; and indeed eight would
suffice to impart all the actual knowledge extant at
the time in print, the rest being of interest mainly by
siderably

reason of their quaint cosmographical conceits or conFive of these are

jectures on the name California.
general Spanish works alluding to California only as a
part of Spanish America, one being a romance naming
the province before its discovery. 5 Sixteen are descriptive cosmographical works of the old type, to
which may be added four English records of a slightly
Then we have sixteen of the once
different class.
popular collections of voyages and travels, to which as
to the preceding class additions might be made without going out of my library. 7 And finally we may
notice eight works which treat of special voyages
none
or the lives of special
of them actually to California

4
See in the list the following headings: Cabrera Bueno, Drake, Hakluyt,
Herrera, Linschoten, Purchas, Torquemada, and Venegas.
It is probable
that these list notes will not be deemed of any importance to the general
reader; but he can easily pass them by; and it is believed that their value to
a certain class of students will more than pay for the comparatively little
space they fill.
5
See Acosta, Apost61icos Afanes, Diaz del Castillo, Esplandian, and Villa
Senor.
6
See America, Blaeu, D'Avity, Oottfriedt, Heylyn, Laet, Low, Luyt,
Mercator, Montanus, Morelli, Ogilby, Ortelius, West Indischc Spieghel, "and
Wytfiiet; also Camden, Campbell, Coxe, and Davis.
7
See Aa, Hacke, Harris, Sammlung, Kamusio, and Voyages.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFOBXIAN HISTORY.

38

8
navigators, and a like number of important documents
relating to this primitive epoch, which were not known
9
As I have said, Califorin print until modern times.
nia was but incidentally mentioned in the books of
this early time; a few contained all that visitors had
revealed of the coast; while the rest were content with
a most inaccurate and superficial repetition eked out
with imagination to form the wonders of the Northern

Mystery.

The next sub-period was that

of inland exploration,
of settlement, of mission-founding, of Spanish domination in California, lasting from 1769 to 1824. I have
about four hundred titles for this time; but the showing of printed matter is meagre, numbering not above
sixty. Yet the number includes three works devoted
exclusively to the province, two of them, Costanso's
Diario and the Monterey, Extracto de Noticias, being
brief but important records of the first expeditions
to San Diego and Monterey, while the third, Palou's
Viola de Junipero Serra, was destined to be the
standard history of the country clown to 1784, a
most valuable record. Next in importance were ten
works in which navigators described their visits to
California and to other parts of the western coast. 10
One of these early visitors wrote in English; two in
Spanish; three in German; and four in French.
Several of them, notably La Perouse and Vancouver,
went far beyond their own personal observations,
gleaning material by which the earliest history of the
country became for the first time known to the world.
To two of the voyage-narratives, unimportant in themselves, were prefixed by competent and well known
11
editors,
extensive summaries of earlier explorations.
8

See Burton, Clark, Dampier, Rogers, Shelvocke, and Ulloa.

See Ascension, Cajbrillo, Cardona, Demarcacion, Evans, Xiel, and Salmeron. 1 here are many more minor documents of this class relating vaguely
to California in connection with the Northern Mystery.
'"See Chamisso, Choris, Kotzebue, Langsdorff, La Perouse, Marchand,
Maurelle, Roquefeuille, Sutil y Mexicana, and Vancouver.
11
See Fleurieu and Xavarrete.
9

PERIOD OF SPANISH OCCUPATION.

39

we have half a dozen general works on

America;
a like number of Mexican works with
matter on California; 13 and as many collections of
For the

rest
12

voyages and

travels.

14

Of Mexican newspapers containing Californian news

during this period, only the official journal, the Gaceta
de Mexico, requires mention here. And printed documents or articles are only seven in number; though
there might be cited very many documents of the
Spanish government relating to or naming California
simply as a province of Mexico. Two essays by visitors are printed with the books of voyagers that
have been named. 15 Captain Shaler had the honor
of being the first American visitor whose narrative was
printed in the United States; Governor Sola sent a
report which was printed in Mexico; two instructions
16
for Californians were put in type;
and in one of the
Spanish voyage-collections appeared an account of the
country's history and condition in connection with
Peninsular affairs. 17 Documents of this period not
printed until much later are some of them important,
especially those published in Pcdou, Noticias, and the
Doc. Hut. Mex.
There are nineteen titles of this
class.

18

The

sub-period extending from 1824 to 1848

be divided historically into that of Mexican rule
to 1846, and that of the conquest and American military rule to the gold discovery; but bibliographically
no such subdivision is convenient, and I treat all as
one epoch.
It claims 700 titles in my list, 475 of
which represent printed matter, and 180 books proper.
final

may

12

See Alcedo, Anquetil, Bonnycastle, Burney, Forster, Humboldt, and

Raynal
13

14
15

and Rosignon.
Berenger, Kerr, Laharpe, Pinkerton, Viagero Universal, and Voyages.

Arricivita, Clavigero, Cortes, Guia, Presidios,

Chamisso and Rollin.

u Galvez and
17

Ulloa.
California en 1799.

18
Altamira, Arniona, Crespi, Dominguez, Garc<?s, Hall, Heceta, Mangino,
Palou, Reglamento, Revilla Gigedo, Serra, and Velarde.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIA!* HISTORY.

40

First in importance, with Petit-Thouars at the

head of the list so far as history is concerned and
Coulter at the foot, are fourteen narratives of voyagers, who visited the coast and in many instances
made good use of their opportunities. The works of
Mofras and Wilkes are the most pretentious of the
number, but not the most valuable. 19 To these should
be added four scientific works resulting from some of
20
and three official accounts of explorthese voyages;
ing marches across the continent in book form; 21 with
which we may appropriately class a dozen accounts of
California by foreign visitors or residents, generally including a narrative of the trip by land or sea. 22 Four
foreigners who had never visited the country com23
piled historical accounts, one of which, by Forbes,
has always enjoyed a merited reputation as a standard
Then there were half a dozen or more works
book.
on Oregon with brief mention of California, 24 and
half a dozen speeches in congress or elsewhere printed
in pamphlet form, a number that might be very
greatly increased if made to include all that mentioned California in connection with the Mexican war
and the Oregon Question. 25 To all of which titles
from foreign sources may be added those of ten gen26
eral works
containing allusions to our province.
Chief among works in Spanish for this period should
stand six which, though with one exception not very
important for history, were the first books printed in
California, most of them being entirely unknown until
now. 27 And with these may be named eight other
19

Beechey, Belcher, Cleveland, Coulter, Dana, Duhaut-Cilly, Huish (not

Kotzebue, Laplace, Mofras, Morrell, Petit-Thouars, Ruschenberger, Simpson, and Wilkes.
20
Hinds, Richardson, andU. S. Ex. Ex. the later including many works

visitor),

by

different authors.
21

Emory and Fremont.

22

Bidwell, Bilson, Boscana, Bryant, Farnham, Hastings, Kelley, Pattie,

and Robinson.
23

Cutts, Forbes, Greenhow, and Hughes.

Fedix, Lee, Nicolay, Twiss, etc.
25
Clark, Hall, Thompson, Webster, etc.
26
Beyer, Blagdon, Barrow, Combier, D'Orbigny, Irving, Lafond, Lardner,
.Murray, and Tytler.
27
Botica, Figueroa, Reglamento, Ripalda, Romero, and Vallejo.
24

EARLY CALIFORNIA PRINTING.

41

pamphlets, printed in Mexico on Californian topics. 28

Then there are sixteen Mexican government documents containing valuable allusions to California, 29
and many more if mere mentions be counted; and
finally, we have thirty-five general works on Mexico,
with like information often of some value, about a
dozen of which are the writings of Carlos Maria Bustamante, found also more complete in my library in
30
the original autograph manuscript.
Passing from books to documents, the productions
They
of the Californian press merit first mention.
31
are fifty-five -in number, each separately printed.
Three or four are proclamations of United States officials, one is a commercial paper, one an advertisement,
and one took a poetical form; but most were official
documents emanating from the Hispano-Californian
government. Then I note sixteen Mexican government documents in collections or newspapers; and
seven others of a semi-official nature; 32 while there
are twenty-two topic-collections or separate reports,
from United States officers, for the most part printed
by the government and relating to the conquest. 33
Three titles belong to matter inserted in the books of
navigators already named; 34 six to articles or documents
in the Nouvelles Annates ties Voyages;** and twelve
are English and American articles in periodicals/3G
28

Carillo, Castanares,

Fondo Piadoso, Garcia Diego, Junta de Fomento,

and San Miguel.

29

Under the heading 'Mexico.'

30

Alaman, Ayala, Bermudez, Bustamante, Cancelada, Eseudero, Fonseca,

Guerrero, Iriarte, Muhlenpfordt, Oajaca, Rejon, Riesgo, Sales, San Miguel,
Semblanzas, Thompson, Unzueta, and Willie.
31
Alvarado, California, Castro, Chico, Diputacion, Doctrina, Figueroa,
Gutierrez, Hijar, Mason, Micheltorena, Plan, Pronunciamiento, Riley, Shubrick, Vallejo, and Zamorano.
32
Ayuntamiento, Compania, Decreto, Dictdmen, Iniciativa, Jones, Mexico,
Plan. Also Bandini, 'C.,' Castanares, Chico, Flores, Iniestra, and Sinaloa.
33
Cal. and N. Mex., Conquest, Cooke, Expulsion, Fremont, Johnston,
Jones, Kearny, Kelley, Marcy, Mason, Monterey, Shubrick, Slacum, Sloat,
Stockton, War with Mexico. Some of these are the president's messages
and documents, containing a very large number of important papers.
34
Botta, Documens, and Sanchez.
35
Fages, Galitzin, Le Netrel, Morineau, Scala, and Smith.
36
Americans, Campaign, Coulter, Evans, Far West, Fourgcaud, Hist.
Bear Flag, Larkin, Peirce, Reynolds, Squier, and Warner.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIAN HISTORY.

42

There were some twenty

periodicals, or publications

may

conveniently be classed as such, some being

collections or serial records, that contained material
about this province before 1848; at least that is the
number that my list furnishes. 37 Of newspapers about
seventy titles forty of them Mexican appear in my
catalogue; but as doubtless many more in different
parts of the world contained at least a mention of this
country at one time or another, I name only ten published in California, the Hawaiian Islands, and Oregon, 38 all valuable sources of information.
Niles
Register is the eastern journal that I have found most

that

useful in

my

task.

Finally I have about 150 titles of books, documents,

and articles, which, though printed later, relate to
Californian history before 1848, so far as they relate
to that subject at all.
Seventy -five of the number are
in book form, including some valuable monographs on
early affairs in California; several collections of documents; some reprints and translations of early works

some

on Mexican law as affecting California;

several important briefs in land cases, the number of
which might easily be multiplied; United States documents relating to the conquest and military rule, but
printed after 1848; Russian works containing information on the Ross colony; one or two narratives of
visitors; and a number of works on the Mexican war.
Those appearing under the names of Dwinelle, Ide,
Lancey, McGlashan, and Palou are the most impor39
tant.
Documents and articles of this class are about
treatises

37

American Quarterly Register, American Quarterly Review, American

.Review, American State Papers, Annals of Congress, Arrillaga, Colonial
Magazine, Congressional Debates, Congressional Globe, Edinburgh Review,
Hansard's Pari. Debates, Rome Missionary, Hunt's Merch. Magazine, London Mechanics' Magazine, North American Review, Nouvelles Annales des
Voyages, Quarterly Review, Revista

Cientifica,

and Southern Quarterly Re-

view.
38

In California were four, or rather combinations of two; Monterey CalSan Francisco Californian, San Francisco Star, and San Francisco
Star and Californian. At Honolulu, live; the Friend, Hawaiian Spectator,
Sandwich Island Gazette, Sandwich Island News, and Polynesian. In Oregon was the Spectator.
39
Abbott, Bigeiow, California, California Land Titles, California and North

ifornian,

TUTHILL AND GLEESON.

43

the same in number, and very similar in their nature

and variety to the books, including also some titles of
pioneer reminiscences in the newspapers, titles that
might be multiplied almost without limit. 40
Of works printed after 1848, relating chiefly to
events subsequent to the discovery of gold, and therefore belonging to a later bibliographic period, but
vet containing information on earlier annals, I have
occasion to cite about three hundred titles in these
volumes. Most of them are unimportant in this connection; but some are formal attempts at historical
The
research embracing both chronologic periods.
works of Tuthill and Gleeson, entitled, the one a
History of California and the other a History of the
Catholic Church in California, are the only ones of a
Tuthill's hisgeneral nature requiring notice here.
higher
much
praise
than has generally
tory merits
being
the
to
it,
work
of a brilliant and
accorded
been
conscientious writer. It is a satisfactory popular histoiy, making no claims to exhaustive research, but
intelligently prepared from the best accessible authorGleeson is not so able a writer, is somewhat
ities.
more of a parti san, wrote more hastily, and fell into
more errors; yet as a Catholic priest he had some
He read more of the old authorisuperior facilities.
,

went more fully into details, and was quite as

conscientious; and he has given us a pleasing and
tolerably accurate picture of mission life and annals.
ties,

Neither of these authors had, or pretended to have,

any facilities for writing history or annals proper, and
Mexico, Calvo, Cavo, Colton, Cooke, Diccionario, Documentos, Doyle, Drake,
Dunbar-, Dwindle, Figucroa, Flagg, Fremont, Furber, Gomez, Guerra, Hale,
Halleck, Hartmann, Halves, Hoffman, Homes, Ide, Jay, Jenkins, Jones,
Lancey, Marcou, McGlashan, Mansfield, Mexican War, Palou, Phelps, 1 Jamgay, Randolph, Revere, Ripley, Rivera, Stockton, Taylor, Upham, Vallejo,
Velasco, Vischer, Tikhmenef, Materialui, Rezanof, Markof, and Khlobnikof.
40
Archbald, Arroyo, Assembly, Biographical Sketches, Boggs, Bowers,
Brooklyn, Brown, Buchanan, Clark, Dall, Daubenbiss, Degroot, Dwindle,
Dye, Elliot, Espinosa, Folsom, Foster, Fremont, Hale, Halleck, Hecox, Hittell, Hopkins, Jones, Kern, Kearny, King's Orphan, Kip, Leesc, McDougall,
McPherson, Marcou, Marsh, Mason, Mexico, Micheltorena, Peckham, Rccd,
Sherman, Stevenson, Stillman, Stockton, Sutter, Taylor, Toombs, Trask,
Vallejo, Veritas, Victor, Warren, Wiggins, and Wolf ski 11.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIA^ HISTORY.

44

to criticise their failure to accomplish such a result

would be affectation. 41 Historical sketches published

before 1848, either separately or in connection with

narratives of travel, many of them of real value, will
be noticed individually in their chronological place.
Similar sketches, but for the most part of much less
importance, published during the flush times' or
later, often in connection with descriptive works,
such sketches as those found under the headings
Capron, Cronise, Frost, and Hastings, require no
special notice.
They contained no original material,
and made but inadequate and partial use of such as
l

was easily accessible.

There is, however, another

of these recent
publications that assumes considerable importance,
that of local histories, of which my list contains over
sixty titles.
Each in connection with descriptive
matter gives something of local annals for both early
and modern times. Some of them are the Centennial
Sketches prepared at the suggestion of the United
States government, like that of Los Angeles by
Warner and Hayes, and of San Francisco by John
class

This latter work was made also incidentally a history of California/ and, like the earlier
Annals of San Francisco by Soule and others, it is a
work of much merit. The authors were able men,
though they had neither time, space, nor material to
make anything like a complete record of local events
in the earlier times.
Hall's History of San Jose
should also be mentioned in connection with the Annals as a work of merit.
And finally there are many
county histories, often in atlas form and copiously illustrated with portraits, maps, and views. Each contains a preliminary sketch of California history, with
S. Hittell.

41

'

The History of California, by Franklin Tuthill, San Francisco, 18GG,

About one third of the book is occupied with the
period preceding the discovery of gold. Dr Tuthill was connected with the
San Francisco press, and died soon after the appearance of his work.
History of the Catholic Church in California, by W. Gleeson, M. A., Professor, St Mary's College, San Francisco, Cal., in two volumes, illustrated.
San Franciseo. Printed for the author. 1872. Svo, 2 vols, xv. 446, 351 pages.
8vo, xvi. 657 pages.

THE PUBLIC ARCHIVES.

45

detailed reference to the county which gives

Three or four firms have in late
title to the work.
years been engaged in producing these peculiar pub-

more

with a dozen or more different editors. The

books were made of course mainly to sell; yet notwithstanding this and other unfavorable conditions,
some of the editors have done valuable work. As
might be expected they are uneven in quality, aboundlications,

ing in blunders, especially in those parts that depend

on Spanish records; yet in the matter of local annals
after 1840, and of personal details, they have afforded
me in the aggregate considerable assistance. Their
I speak only of those parts relating
chief defect is
that in their pages valuable informato early times
tion and glaring inaccuracies are so intermingled that
the ordinary reader cannot separate them. They are
not history; but they supply some useful materials
In the results of their interviews with
for history.
old residents the editors have furnished some matter
similar and supplemental to the pioneer dictations
which I shall presently mention.

now come

to the thousand

and more

of
manuscript authorities in my list, far exceeding those
in print for this early period, not only numerically, but
in historical value; since the country's annals down
to 1846, at least, could be much more completely
written from the manuscripts alone than from the
print alone.
Naturally these authorities lose nothing
of their value in my estimation from the facts that in
most instances no other writer has consulted them,
and that essentially all of them exist only in my coltitles

lection.

Of

the public archives of the Spanish and Mexican

government in California, transferred by cop}nsts to
my library, there are thirteen collections represented
in the catalogue by as many titles, the originals making
about 350 bound volumes of from 300 to 1,000 docu-

ments each, besides an immense mass of unbound

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIA^ HISTORY.

46

papers. 42
With a view to the convenience of the public, rather than my own, I have made the numbers of
my volumes of copies and extracts correspond in most

For historical purposes these

cases to the originals.
copies are better than the originals on account of their
legibility, and the condensation effected by the omission of duplicates and suppression of verbiage in minor
The originals are the official papers
routine papers.
turned over by the Mexican government to that of the
United States in 1846-7, now preserved chiefly in the
United States surveyor-general's office at San Francisco, where there are nearly three hundred bulky
tomes besides loose papers, but also in less extensive
collections at other places, notably at Los Angeles,
Salinas City, and San Jose.
The main Archivo is
divided into twenty-four sub-collections; 43 but beyond
a slight attempt at chronology and the segregation of
papers on a few topics involving land titles, the classification is arbitrary and of no value; nor is there any
real distinction between the papers preserved in the
different archives. Of the nature of these documents it
must suffice to say that they are the originals, blotters,
or certified copies of the orders, instructions, reports,
correspondence, and act-records of the authorities, political, military, judicial, and ecclesiastical; national,
provincial, departmental, territorial, and municipal,
during the successive rule, monarchical, imperial, and
republican, of Spain, Mexico, and the United States,
from 1768 to 1850. The value of archive records as a
foundation for history is universally understood. Spanish archives are not less accurate than those of other
nations; and, since few happenings were so petty as
not to fall under the cognizance of some official, thev
furnish a much more complete record of provincial
42

Archivo de California, Los Angeles, Monterey, Sacramento, San Diego,

San Luis Obispo, Santa Barbara, and Santa Cruz.
43
Actas, Brands, Dept. Records, Dept. State Papers, Legislative Records,
Provincial Records, Provincial State Papers, State Papers, Superior Govt
St. Papers, and Unbound Documents; For further subdivisions of these titles

San

see

Jos<,

list.

MISSION RECORDS.

47

annals than would be afforded, for instance, by the

Of the
public archives of an English province.
quarter of a million documents consulted in these collections I shall mention later about two hundred
under distinct titles. The early archives of California,
as preserved by the government, are not entirely complete, though more nearly so I think than those of
any other state of our union; but I have taken some
effective steps to supply the defects, as will presently
appear. 44
Also in the nature of public archives are the missionary records. As the missions by the process of
secularization passed into the control of the church,
the old leather-bound registers of baptisms, marriages, burials, and confirmations at each establishment remained, and for the most part still remain, in
the possession of the curate of the parish.
Other
T
mission papers w ere gradually brought together by
the Franciscan authorities at Santa Barbara, where
they now constitute the largest collection extant.
From such documents as were not thus preserved,
remaining in the missions or scattered in private
hands, Taylor subsequently made a collection of five
large volumes, now in the archbishop's library in San
Francisco.
third collection, chiefly of libros de
patentes, is that of the bishop of Monterey and Los
Angeles. These have furnished me, under four titles,
eighteen volumes of copies, or not less than 10,000
documents, 45 and my own efforts have resulted in four
volumes of very valuable original documents, about
Then the
2,000 in number, under three titles. 46
twenty-two collections of mission registers already
mentioned as in custody of the curates, the libros de

my

44
There are at least seven collections in
list, which are public archives
similar to those before named, except that instead of being copies they are
the originals obtained by me from private sources.
See headings, Larkin,
Monterey, San Francisco, Registro, and Sonoma.
45
Archivo del Arzobispado, Archivo del Obispado, Arch, de Sta Barbara,
and Correspondencia de Misiones.

46

Archivo de Misiones, Pico (Andres), and San Antonio, Documentos

Sueltos.


BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIA^ HISTORY.

43

mision proper with such scattering papers as have

remained at some establishments, have been searched
for my purposes, each yielding a volume of extracts
and statistics; 47 while from private sources I have
obtained fifteen originals of similar nature. 48 I give
separate titles to about 120 documents from the mission archives; and it should be noted that they contain not a few secular records; while the public, or
secular, archives contain many important mission
papers.

As

I have said, neither the public nor mission

archives are complete.
Documents were not all
turned over as they should have been to the United
States and to the church; nearly every Mexican official retained more or less records which remained
in his family archives together with his correspondence and that of his ancestors and relations.
I have
made an earnest effort to collect these scattered
papers, and with flattering success, as is shown by
about fifty collections of Dociimentos para la Historia
de California, in 110 volumes, containing not less
than 40,000 documents, thousands being of the utmost importance as containing records nowhere else
extant, and 1 1 6 of them receiving special titles in my
list.
About half of all these documents are similar
in their nature and historic value
in all save that
they are originals instead of copies on my shelves
to those in the public and mission archives; and the
rest are in some respects even more valuable for my
purpose, being largely composed of the private correspondence of prominent citizens and officials on current public affairs, of which they afford almost an
unbroken record. Twenty-nine of these collections
of private or family archives bear the names of the

Monterey Parroquia (S. Carlos), Purisima, S. Antonio, S.

tura, S. Diego, S. Fernando, S. Francisco, S. Gabriel, S. Jose, S.
47

BuenavenJuan Bau-

Juan Capistrano, S. Luis Obispo, 8. Miguel, S. Rafael, Sta Barbara,

Sta Cruz, Sta Clara, Sta Ins, and Soledad. Only the mission books of S.
Luis Rey have eluded my search.
48
Arroyo, Loa, Mission, Miisica, Oro Molido, Privilegios, Purisima, S.
Josu, Sta lues, S. Francisco Solano, Sarria, Sermones.

tista, S.

PRIVATE ARCHIVES.

49

Californian families by the representatives of which

they were given to me. 49 Of these by far the largest
and most valuable collection is that which bears the
name of Mariano Guadalupe Vallejo, in thirty-seven
immense folio volumes of not less than 20,000 original
papers.
General Vallejo, one of the most prominent
and enlightened of Californians, was always a collector of such documents as might aid in recording
the history of his country; and when he became interested in my work he not only most generously and
patriotically gave up all his accumulated treasures of
the past, but doubled their bulk and value by using
his influence with such of his countrymen as turned a
deaf ear to my persuasions. As a contributor to the
stock of original information respecting his country's
annals, General Vallejo must ever stand without a
rival.
The second collection in extent, and the largest
from the south, is that of the Guerra y Noriega
family in Santa Barbara.
But bulk is b}r no means
the only test of value
and many of my smaller collections, from men who gave all they had, contain
records quite as important as the larger ones named.
Twenty other collections bear foreign names, in
some cases that of the pioneer family whose archives
they were, and in others that of the collector or donor. 50
Except that a larger proportion of the documents are
in English, they are generally of the same class as
those just referred to. At the head of this class in
merit stand Thomas O. Larkin's nine volumes of
Documents for the History of California, presented by
Mr Larkin's family through his son-in-law, Sampson
Tarns. This collection is beyond all comparison the
best source of information on the history of 1845-6,
which in fact could not be correctly written without
;

49
See the following headings, each followed by 'Documentos'or 'Papeles;'
Alviso, Arce, Avila, Bandini, Bonilla, Carillo, Castro, Coronel, Cota, Estudillo, Fernandez, Gomez, Gonzalez, Guerra y Noriega, Marron, Moreno, 01vera, Pico, Pinto, Requena, Soberanes, Valle, and Vallejo.
50
Ashley, Documentos, Fitch, Griffin, Grigsby, Hayes, Hittell, Larkin,
Janssens, McKinstry, Monterey, Murray, Pinart, Savage, Sawyer, and Spear.
Hist. Cal., Vol. I. i

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIA^ HISTORY.

50

Larkin besides being United States

consul, and at one time a confidential agent of the
national administration in California, was also a leading merchant who had an extensive commercial correspondence with prominent residents both foreign and
native in all parts of the country, as also with traders
and other visitors at the provincial capital. Business
letters between him and such men as Stearns at Los
Angeles, Fitch at San Diego, and Leidesdorff at
San Francisco, from week to week furnish a running
record of political, industrial, social, and commercial
annals.
The most influential natives in different sections corresponded frequently with the merchant
consul; he was on terms of intimacy with the masters
of vessels, and with leading men in Mexico and at
The collection contains numerous and
the islands.
important letters from Fremont, Sutter, Sloat, and
Montgomery. Autograph communications from James
Buchanan, secretary of State at Washington, exhibit
the national policy respecting California in an entirely
new light. Indeed it is difficult to overestimate the
these papers.

historical value of these precious papers, or the service

rendered to their country by the family representatives who have made this material available to the
historian. Besides the nine bulky volumes mentioned
I have from the same source a large quantity of unbound commercial documents; the merchant's accountbooks for many years, of great value in supplying
pioneer names and dates; and, still more important,
his consulate records, containing copies of all his communications to the United States government, only a
few of which have ever been made known to the
public.
Larkin and Vallejo must ever stand unrivalled among the names of pioneer and native contributors to the store of original material for Californian
history.

My

contains about 550 titles of separate manuscript documents, the number being pretty equally
list

MANUSCRIPT DIARIES.

51

divided between those forming each a volume on my

shelves and those to be found in the different priSo far as the
vate, public, and mission archives.
archive papers are concerned, I might legitimately
carry the multiplication of titles much further, since
there are thousands of documents, which to a writer
with a less abundant store of such material than mine
would seem to amply merit separate titles; but here
as elsewhere I have preferred to err, if at all, on the
Of the whole numside of excessive condensation.
ber three fifths relate to the period preceding, and two
They may be roughly
fifths to that following, 1824.
divided into four general classes.
First there are eighty diaries or journals or logbooks, of those who explored the coast in ships, or
traversed the interior in quest of mission sites, or
marched to attack hostile gentiles, or sought converts
in distant rancherias, or came by sea to trade or
smuggle, or made official tours of inspection. 51 The
second class is that composed of what may be called
government documents, one hundred and sixty-three
Twenty-seven of these were orders, inin number.
structions, reports, and other papers emanating from
the viceroy, or other Spanish or Mexican officials. 52
Seventy-five are like official papers written by the
governor, comandante general, prefect, or other high
53
Thirty-four are similar docuofficials in California.
ments from military commandants and other subordinate California officers; 54 and twenty-seven are Mex51
Abella, Albatross, Altimira, Amador, Anza, Arab, Arteaga, Bodega,
Breen, Cabot, Canizares, Castillo, Clyman, Cooper, Cota, Coutts, Danti, Douglas, Edwards, Font, Gonzalez, Goyeoechea, Griffin, Grijalva, Hartnell, Haswell, Heceta, Libro de Bitticora, Lisalde, Log-books, Maiaspina, Martin, Martinez, Maurelle, Melius, Moraga, Munoz, Nuez, Ordaz, Ortega, Payeras,
Peirce, PeSa, Peralta, Perez, Piiia, Portilla, Portola, Robbins, Sal, Sanchez,
Santa Maria, Sitjar, Soto, Tapis, Vallejo, Velazquez, Viader, Yates, and Zalvidea.
In many cases more than one diary is found under a single name.
52
Alaman, Areche, Azanza, Borbon, Brai.ciforte, Bucareli, Carcaba, Costans6, Croix, Flores, Galvez, Hijar, Montesdcoca, Nava, Revilla Gigedo, and
Sanchez.
BS
Alvarado, Arguello, Arrillaga, Borica, Castro, Chico, Echeandia, Fages,
Figueroa, Flores, Gutierrez, Michcltorena, Neve, Pico, Rivera y Moncada,
'

Romeu,
54

Sola, Vallejo,

and Victoria.

Alberni, Amador, Arguello, Bandini, Carrillo, Cordoba, Estudillo, Gra

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIA^ HISTORY.

52

and Californian reglamentos provincial and muni55

The
cipal, emanating from different authorities.
third class consists of one hundred and four mission
documents, of which fifteen are orders, regulations,
and reports>from guardians of the college of San Fernando, and other high missionary and ecclesiastic
Fifty-two are inauthorities in Mexico or Spain. 56
structions or reports of the mission presidents and pre57
while the rest, forty-seven
fects, or from the bishop;
in number, are reports, letters, and miscellaneous
58
The fifth and
writings of the missionary padres.
last class is that to which may be applied the convenient term miscellaneous,' consisting of nearly two
hundred titles, and which may be subdivided as follows: Twenty-six items of political correspondence,
59
a dozen or more docuspeeches, and narratives;
ments of local record and regulation; 60 twenty-two
collections from private sources, equivalent to public
or mission archives; 61 twenty-two other collections
ican

'

of material; 62 thirty expedientes, or topic collections of

documents, including many legal and criminal cases; 63
jera, Grijalva,

Goycoechea, Guerra, Moraga, Ortega, Padres, Perez Fernan-

dez, Rodriguez, Sal, Soler,

and Vallejo.

55

Alvarado, Arancel, Californias, Colonizacion, Constitucion, Decreto,

Echeandia, Galvez, Indios, Instrucciones, Mexico, Micheltorena, Ordenanzas,
Pico, Pitic, Plan, Reglamento, and Secularizacion.
5G Bestard, Branciforte, Calleja, Gasol, Garijo, Lopez, Lull, Pio VI., Pangua, and Sancho.
57
Duran, Garcia Diego, Indios, Lasuen, Misiones, Payeras, Sanchez,
Sarrfa, Senan, Serra, and Tapis.
58
Abella, Autobiografia, Catala, Catecismo, Colegio, Escandon, Expediente, Facultad, Fermndez, Fondo Piadoso, Fuster, Hayes, Horra, Inform
Lasuen, Lopez, Marquinez, Mission, Monterey, Mugartegui, Munguia, Oibe"s,
Palou, Paterna, Peiia, Protesta, Purisima, Ripoll, Salazar, San Buenaventura, San Jose, Santa Barbara, Serra, Tapis, and Zalvidea.
59
Alvarado, Argiiello, Bandini, Carriilo, Castillo Negrete, Castro, Gomez,
Guerra, Osio, and Vallejo.
60
Estab. Rusos, Los Angeles, Monterey, Ross, Rotschef, and San Fran,

cisco.

See notes 44 and 48 of this chapter.

Bear Flag Papers, Boston, California Pioneers, Cerruti, Hayes, Linares,
Miscel. Hist. Papers, Nueva Espana, Pinart, Pioneer Sketches, Douglas
Papers, Mayer MSS., Russian America, Sutter-Sunol, Taylor, Viages al Norte.
63
Abrego, Albatross, Apalategui, Asia and Gonstante, Atanasio, Berreyesa,
Bouchard, Carriilo, Castanares, Duarte, Elliot de Castro, Expediente, Fitch,
Graham, Guerra, Herrera, Mercado, Mercury, Peiia, Rae, Rodriguez, Romero,
Rubio, San Jose", Santa Barbara, Santa Cruz, Solis, Sonoma, and Stearns.
61

62

MISCELLANEOUS MANUSCRIPTS.

53

half a dozen old sets of commercial and other account

64
fifteen
books, some of them of great historical value;
65
lists of inhabitants, vessels, pioneers, soldiers, etc.;
and a like number of old narratives, some being similar to my dictations to be mentioned presently, except
that they were not written expressly for my use, and
others being old diaries and records; 66 also eight personal records, hojas cle servicio, and wills; 67 fifteen
68
battles, treaties, juntas, or plans;
three very impor69
tant documents on relations with the United States;
70
five items of correspondfour on the Ross Colony;
ence of visitors or Nootka men; 71 and a dozen, too
hopelessly miscellaneous to be classified, that need not

be named here.

Thousands of times

my

foot-notes I have occasion to accredit certain information in this manner:

'
Padre Lasuen's letter of
, in
Arch. Sta Bar.,
torn.
Bandini's Speech, in Carrillo, Doc.
p.
';

'

in

Gov. Fages to P. Serra

(date), in Prov. St. Pap.';
Larkin to Leidesdorff,
June
1826, in Id., Doc. Hist. CaL, iv.,' etc., etc.
Now one of these communications is not worth a
separate place in my list; but a hundred from one
man form a collection which richly merits a title.
That the items are scattered in different manuscript
volumes on my shelves, when they might by a mere
mechanical operation have been bound in a separate
volume, makes no difference that I can appreciate.
Therefore from this scattered correspondence of some
two hundred of the most prominent men whose
writings as used by me are most voluminous, I have

Hist. CaL, torn.

p.

';

'

'

64

Cooper, Larkin, Russian American Company, and Vallejo.

Dana, Espanoles, Estrada, Hayes, Los Angeles, Monterey, Padron, MorBattalion, Relacion, Richardson. Rowland, Salidas, Spence, Stuart, and

65

mon

Taylor.
6G

ray,

Compafiia Extrangera, Ford, Hartnell, Ide, Leese, Marsh, Morris, MurHelvetia, Ortega, Prudon, and Vigilantes.

New

67

Amador,

Argiiello, Arrillaga, Carrillo, Castro,

and Ortega.

68

Cahuenga, Carrillo, Conferencia, Consejo, Instrucciones, Junta, Plan,

Pronunciamiento, Sol is, Tratado, and Zamorano.
09
Buchanan and Larkin.
70
71

Baranof, Etholin, Potechin, and Zavalischin.

Douglas, Kendrick, Malaspina, Saavedra, Wilcox.

54

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORXIAX HISTORY.

The author's name is

a like number of titles.
followed in each title by cartas, cor respondentia, escriSeventy belong
tos, or some similar general term.
to men who wrote chiefly before 1824; one hundred
Of the
and thirty to those who flourished later.
whole number, twenty were Spanish or Mexican officials who wrote beyond the limits of California;
twenty were Franciscan friars of the California missions; forty-eight were foreign pioneer residents in
California; and one hundred and eleven were native,
Mexican, or Spanish citizens and officials of California.
Several of these collections in each class would
form singly a large volume. 72

made

One more class of manuscripts remains

The memory of men as a source of
ticed.

to be nohistorical

information, while not to be compared with original

documentary records, is yet of very great importance.
The memory of men yet living when I began my researches, as aided by that of their fathers, covers in a
sense the whole history of California since its settle72
Spanish and Mexican officials, all before 1S24: Apodaca, Azanza, Barry,
Branciforte, Bucareli, Calleja, Carcaba, Croix, Galvez, Garibay, Haro y
Peralta, Iturigaray, Marquina, Nava, Rengel, Revilla Gigedo, Ugarte y

Loyola, Venadito, and Venegas.

Padres or ecclesiastics, 8 before and 12 after 1824: Abella, Arroyo, Boscana,
Cabot, Catala, Dumetz, Duran, Estenega, Garcia Diego, Jimeno, Lasuen,
Martin, Martinez, Ordaz, Palou, Payeras, Peyri, Quijas, Rouset, Seiian,
Tapis, and Viader.
Foreign residents and visitors: Belden, Bolcof, Burton, Colton, Cooper,
Dana, Davis, Den, Douglas, Fitch, Fliiggc, Forbes, Foster, Fremont, Garner,
(iillespie, Green, Hartncll, Hastings, Hinckley, Howard, Jones, Larkin,
Leese, Leidesdorff, Livcrmore, Marsh, Mason, Melius, Mofras, Morenhant,
Murphy, Parrott, Paty, Prudon, Reid, Richardson, Semple, Spence, Stearns,
Stevenson, Stockton, Sloat, Sutter, Temple, Thompson, Vignes, and Vioget.
Californian officials and citizens, 3(3 before and 75 after 1824: Abrego,
Alberni, Alvarado, Amador, Amesti, Archuleta, Argiiello, Arrillaga, Ban*
dini, Bonilla, Borica, Botello, Buelna, Carrillo, Castafiares, Castillero, Castillo Negrete, Castro, Chico, Cordoba, Coronel, Cota, Covarrubias, Echeandia,
Escobar, Estrada, Estudillo, Fages, Fernandez, Figueroa, Flores, Font,
Gomez, Gonzalez, Goycoechea, Grajera, Grijalva, Guerra, Gutierrez, Haro,
Berrera, Hijar, Ibarra, Lasso, Lugo, Machado, Malarin, Maitorena, Martinez, Micheltorena, Moraga, Mufioz, Neve, Olvera, Ortega, Osio, Osuna,
Pacheco, Padres, Pefia, Peralta, Perez Fernandez, Pico, Portilla, Ramirez,
Requena, Rivera y Moncada, Rodriguez, Romeu, Ruiz, Sal, Sanchez, Serrano, Sola, Soler, Sufiol, Tapis* Torre, Valle, Vallejo, Victoria, Viilaviccncio,

Zamorano, and Zufiiga.

PERSONAL REMINISCENCES.

55

ment. I have therefore taken dictations of personal

Half of them
reminiscences from 160 old residents.
were natives, or of Spanish blood; the other half
foreign pioneers who came to the country before 1848.
Of the former class twenty-four were men who occupied prominent public positions, equally divided between the north and the south. 73
The time spent with each by my reporters was
from a few days to twelve months, according to the
prominence, memory, and readiness to talk of the
person interviewed; and the result varied in bulk
from a few pages to five volumes of manuscript.
few spoke of special events most gave their general
recollections of the past; and several supplemented
their reminiscences by documentary or verbal testimony obtained from others. They include men of all
classes and in the aggregate fairly represent the Californian people.
Eleven of the number were women,
and the dictation of one of these, Mrs Ord Dona
Angustias de la Guerra compares favorably in accuracy, interest, and completeness, with the best in my
collection. General Vallejo's narrative, expanded into
a formal Ilistoria de California, is the most extensive
and in some respects the most valuable of all that of
Governor Alvarado is second in size, and in many
parts of inferior quality.
The works of Bandini and
Osio differ from the others in not having been written
expressly for my use.
The authors were intelligent

and prominent men, and though their narratives are

much less extensive and complete than those of "Vallejo and Alvarado, they are of great importance.
Those of such men as Botello, Coronel, Pio and Jesus
Pico, Arce, Amador, and Castro merit special men73
Abrego, Alvarado, Alviso, Amador, Arce, Arnaz, Avila, Bandini, Bernal,
Berreyesa, Bojorges, Boronda, Botello, Buelna, Burton, Carrillo, Castro, Coronel, Escobar, Espinosa, Estudillo, Ezquer, Fitch, Fernandez, Flores, Galindo,
Garcia, Garnica, German, Gomez, Gonzalez, Hartnell, Hijar, Julio CCsar,
Juarez, Larios, Leese, Lorenzana, Lugo, Machado, JSlarron, Moreno, Ord,
Osio, Palomares, Perez, Pico, Pinto, Rico, Robles, Rodriguez, Romero, Sanchez, Sepulveda, Serrano, Torre, Torres, Valle, Valdes, Vallejo, Vega, and
V6jar.

56

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIA^ HISTORY.

and there are many of the briefer dictations

which in comparison with the longer ones cited have
tion,

a value far bej^ond their bulk.

Of the pioneers whose testimony was taken, 74 twelve
wrote on special topics, such as the Bear Flag, Donner Party, or Graham Affair. Twenty of them came
Thirty-five came overto California before 1840.
immigrant
in
parties,
twenty
three or four as
land,
hunters, and the rest as soldiers or explorers in
1845-8; while twenty came by sea, chiefly as traders
or seamen

who

left their vessels secretly.

William

H. Davis has furnished one

of the most detailed

and accurate records of early events and men; and
others meriting particular mention are Baldridge,
Belden, Bidwell, Bigler, Chiles, Forster, Murray,
Nidever, Sutter, Warner, and Wilson. As a whole
the testimony of the pioneers is hardly equal in value
to that of the native Californians, partly because they
have in many cases taken less interest and devoted
less time to the matter; also because the testimony
of some of the most competent has been given more
or less fully in print.
While the personal reminiscences of both natives
and pioneers, as used in connection with and tested
,by contemporaneous documentary evidence, have been
dn the aggregate of great value to me in the preparation of this work, yet I cannot give them unlimited
writer, however intelligent
praise as authorities.
and competent, attempting to base the annals of California wholty or mainly on this kind of evidence,
would produce a very peculiar and inaccurate work.
Hardly one of these narratives if put in print could

74 Anthony, Baldridge, Barton, Bee, Belden, Bell, Bidwell, Bigler, Bimie,

Boggs, Bowen, Brackett, Bray, Breen, Brown, Burton, Carriger, Chamberlain, Chiles, Crosby, Pally, Davis, Dittman, Dunne, Dye, Eaton, Findla,
Forster, Foster, Fowler, Gary, Greyson, Gillespie, Grimshaw, Hargrave,
Hopper, Hyde, Janssens, Knight, Marshall, Martin, Maxwell, McChristian,
Mc Daniels, McKay, Meadows, Mone, Nidever, Ord, Osborn, Parrish, Peirce,
Rhodes, Richardson, Roberts, Robinson, Ross, Russ, Smith, Spence, Streeter,
Sutter, Swan, Swasey, Taylor, Temple, Tustin, Walker, Warner, Weeks,
Wheeler, White, Wiggins, Wilson, and Wise.

VALUE OF PIONEER TESTIMONY.

57

It is no part of
escape severe and merited criticism.
my duty to point out defects in individual narratives
written for my use, but rather to extract from each
all that it contains of value, passing the rest in siAnd in criticising this material in bulk, I do
lence.
not allude to the few clumsy attempts in certain
dictations and parts of others to deceive me, or to the
falsehoods told with a view to exaggerate the importance or otherwise promote the interests of the
narrator, but to the general mass of statements from
honest and intelligent men.
In the statements of
past events made by the best of men from memory
and I do not find witnesses of Anglo-Saxon blood in
any degree superior in this respect to those of Spanish race
will be found a strange and often inexplicable
mixture of truth and falsehood. Side by side in the best
narratives I find accounts of one event which are models
of faithful accuracy and accounts of another event
There are notanot even remotely founded in fact.
ble instances where prominent witnesses have in their
statements done gross injustice to their own reputation or that of their friends.
There seems to exist a
general inability to distinguish between the memory
of real occurrences that have been seen and known,
and that of idle tales that have been heard in years
long past.
If in my work I have been somewhat
over cautious in the use of such testimony, it is a
fault on which the reader will, I hope, look leniently.

The history, and with

the bibliography, of California after the discovery of gold may be conveniently

divided into two periods, the first extending from
1848 to 1856 over the 'flush times/ and the second
from 1857 to date. For the first period a larger part
of the authorities are in manuscript than would at first
glance appear, though with the advent of newspapers
and printed government records the necessity of
searching the archives for the most part disappears;
for it is to be noted that most of the documentary
it

58

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIA^ HISTORY.

and private, already noticed, contain

papers of value of later date than 1849; and, still
more important, the reminiscences of natives and the
collections, public

earliest pioneers cited in preceding pages,

extend in

most instances past the gold discovery. For this

period I have also collected in manuscript form the
testimony of about one hundred pioneers who came,
75
the number including a few narratives
after 1848,
relating in part to Oregon, and a few miscellaneous
manuscripts not quite properly

with pioneer
recollections; there are besides some twenty-five men,
'
forty-niners for the most part, who have devoted
their testimony chiefly to the vigilance committees of
San Francisco, most being prominent members of
those organizations. 76 What has been said of similar
narratives on earlier events as authorities for history
may be applied to these. In the aggregate they are
of immense value, being the statements of men who
had been actors in the scenes described. For imporclassified

'

tant additions to this class of material, received too

late for special mention here, the reader is referred to
the supplementary list of authorities.

Material printed in California during this period,

including a few items of 1848 and of 1857-8, is represented by about one hundred titles in my list; to
which should be added the legislative journals and the
numerous state documents printed from year to year,
75
See Allsop, Anderson, Armstrong, Ashley, Ayers, Bacon, Ball, Ballou,
Barnes, Barstow, Bartlett, Bauer, Bigler, Boynton, Brackett, Bristow, Brock,
Brodie, Brown, Burnett, Burris, Cassin, Cerruti, Chamberlain, Chapin, Clark,
Colvin, Connor, Conway, Coon, Crosby, Davidson, Dean, Doolittle, Dowell,
Duncan, Earll, Fairchild, Fay, Fitzgerald, Garniss, Gwin, Hancock, Hartnell, Hawley, Hayes, Hearn, Henshaw, Herrick, Hinckley, Hitchcock, Hudson, Keyser, Kirkpatrick, Kohler, Kraszewski, Lamotte, Lane, Lawson,
Limantour, Little, Low, Mans, Massett, Matthewson, Merrill, Montgomery,
Moore, Morris, Palmer, Patterson, Peckham, Powers, Rabbison, Randolph,
Richardson, Roder, Ross, Rv.sh, Ryckman, Safford, Sawtelle, Sayward,
Schmieden, Shaw, Shearer, Stuart, Sutton, Tarbell, Taylor, Thomes, Van
Dyke, Vowell, Watson, Wheaton, Widber, Willey, Williams, and Winans.
76
Bluxome, Burns, Cole, Coleman, Comstock, Craiy, Dempster, Dows,
Durkee, Farwell, Frink, Gillespie, McAllister, Manrow, Neall, Olney, Rogers,
Schenck, Smiley, Staples, Stillman, Truett, Wadsworth, Watkins, and

Woodbridge.

AFTER THE GOLD DISCOVERY.

59

and preserved as appendices to those journals, as also

the series of California Reports and California Statutes.
There are twenty-one books and pamphlets descriptive of the country, with life and events therein during
the flush times, most of them having also an admixFifteen
ture of past annals and future prospects. 77
pamphlets are records of Californian societies, companies, or associations, the annual publication extend-

like number are

ing often beyond this period. 78
municipal records of different towns, besides a dozen di79
and as many more legal, judicial, and other
rectories;
official publications, not including a very large number
of briefs and court records which are not named in
the list; 80 besides nine speeches delivered in California and published in pamphlet form; 81 and as many
miscellaneous publications, including one periodical. 82
Many newspapers might be enumerated besides the
Alta, Herald, Bulletin, and Evening Neivs of San
Francisco, the Placer Times and Union of Sacramento,
and the Gazette of Santa Barbara; there are some fifteen articles on early Californian subjects; 83 and a like
number of scrap-books in my collection, notably those
made by Judge Hayes, contain more or less material
on the times under consideration. 84
Benton, California, Carrol, Carson, Crane, Delano, King of Win,,
Morse, San Francisco, Taylor, Terry, Wadsworth,
Werth, and Wierzbicki.
78
Cal. Bible Soc, Cal. Dry Dock Co., First Cal. Guard, Marysville &
Ben. R. R., Mechanics' Inst., Mercantile Lib., Mex. Ocean Mail, Overland
Mail, Sac. Valley R. R., Sta Clara Col., Univ. Cal., Univ. Pacific, Young
77

McGowan, Miners,

Men's Christ. Ass.

79
Los Angeles, Parkitt, San Diego, San Francisco Act, S. F. Fire Dept.
S. F. Memorial, S. F. Minutes, S. F. City Charter, S. F. Ordinances, S. F.
Proceedings, S. F. Pub. Schools, S. F. Remonstrance, S. F. Rept., S. F.
Town Council, and Wheeler. Directories Marysville, Sacramento, San Francisco, Stockton, and Tuolumne.
80
California (Circuit Court, Comp. Laws, Constit., Dist. Court, Sup.
Court), Constit. Convention, Crocker, Hartman, Limantour, Marvin, Mason,

Riley, Thornton, Turner.

81
Baker, Bates, Bigler, Billings, Bryan, Freelon,

Lockwood, Shaw, Speer.

Text Book, Gougenheim, Democratic, Limantour, Taylor (song
book), Willey, Pioneer, and Almanacs.
8a
Franklin, Hittell, McCloskey, McDougal, McGowan, Nugent, Peckham,
Randolph, Reid, Ryan, Victor, Trask, Weed, Willey, Vallejo.
81
Bancroft Library, Barton, Bigler, Brooks, California, Dye, Hall, Hayes,
82

Cal.

Knight, Lancey, Levitt, Pac. Mail, Sta Cruz.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIAN HISTORY.

60

Works about

California printed elsewhere were

three times as numerous as those of home manufacture,
and in most respects much more important. First
there were over eighty books, similar except in place
of publication to those of a class already mentioned,
which described California, its mines and towns, its
people and their customs, the journey by land or sea
to the country with personal adventures of the writers
or others, books in different languages owing their
existence directly to the discovery- of gold. 85 Many
of these were to a considerable extent fictitious, but
there were others containing little or nothing but
86
Next among works of real value should be
fiction.
noticed fifty reports on Californian topics, published
by the United States government; 87 and in this connection may receive attention the regular sets of U.
S. government documents recording the acts of congress from session to session, and containing hundreds of
valuable papers, bearing on affairs in the far west, with
88
several other collections of somewhat similar nature.
There were a dozen or more pamphlets on various
Californian topics not directly connected with the

gold discovery and

its

attendant phenomena. 89

Then

Abbey, Adam, Allsop, Auger, Berry, Ballenstedt, Borthwick, BouchaBound Home, Brooks, Bryant, Buffum, Cal. (Emig. Guide, Gold Reg.,

85

court,

Gids Naar, Its Gold, Its Past, Notes), Californie, Californien (Ant. Nach.,
Rathgeber, Und sem Golt, sein Min.), Cassell, Col ton, Diggers, Edelman,
Farnham, Ferry, Foster, Gerstacker, Gold-finders, Gregory, Hartmann,
Helper, Holinski, Hoppe, Johnson, Kelly, King, Kip, Kunzel, Lambertie,
Letts, McCollum, Mcllvaine, Marryat, Mason, Meyer, Oswald, Palmer,
Parkman, Praslow, Robinson, Ryan, Schwartz, Sedgley, Seyd, Seymour,
Shaw, Sherwood, Simpson, Solignac, St Amant, Stirling, Taylor, Thompson,
Tyson, Walton, Weil, Weston, Williamson, Wilson, and Woods.
86
Such as Aimard, Amelia, Ballou, Bigly, Champagnac, Gerstacker, Pay-

and many more.

son,
87

Abell, Alexander, Bartlett, Beale, Beckwith, California (Amount, Commission, Copy, Dent, Establishment, Indians, Land Com., Message, Volunteers), Cooke, Cram, Derby, Flagg, Fort Point, Fremont, Gibbons, Graham,
Gray, Halleck, Homer, Jones, King, Mason, Meredith, Mex. Boundary, Pac.
Wagon Roads, Reynolds, Riley, San Francisco, Sherman, Smith, Sutter, Tyson,
88

U.
U.

S.
S.

and Mex. Warren, Whipple, and Wool.

Govt Doc. (two series), U. S. Supreme Court Reports, Annals
,

of

Congress, Congressional Debates, Cong. Globe, Benton's Abridgment, Smithsonian Reports, and Pac. R. R. Reports.
89
Atlan. & Pac. R. R., Browne, Cal. Appeal, California, Fremont, Limantour, Logan, Ringgold, Pac. M. S. S. Co., S. F. Custom House, S. F. Land
Assoc, Stillman, and Thompson.

MODERN

we have more than

TIMES.

61

speeches chiefly delivered

in Congress and circulated in pamphlet form, many
of them pertaining to the admission of California as
a state. 90 Besides the books relating wholly or mainly
to California there were some thirty others on western regions with allusions more or less extended to
the gold regions; 91 and half as many general works
with mention of California. 92 Both of these classes,
and especially the latter, might be greatly extended
in numbers
and the same may be said of the periodicals and collections that contained articles on our
subject, there being few such publications in the
world that gave no attention to the western El Dofifty

rado.

93

Of works

published in and about California since

1856, I attempt no classification. Within my present
limits it would be impossible satisfactorily to classify
so bulky and diversified a mass of material, of which,
indeed, I have not been able even to present the titles
of more than half in the alphabetical list of authorities.
The efforts of modern writers to record the history of the Spanish and Mexican periods have already
been noticed in this chapter; but I may add that
these efforts have been much more successful in their
application to events subsequent to the discovery of
90

Averett, Baldwin, Bennett, Benton, Bowie, Breck, Brooks, Caldwell,

Cary, Clark, Cleveland, Corwin, Crowell, Douglas, Estell, Foote, Fowler,
Gw in, Hall, Hebard, Howard, Howe, Lander, Latham, McDougal, McLean,
McQueen, McWillie, Marshall, Mason, Morehead, Olds, Parker, Pearce, Preston, Putnam, Phelps, Seddon, Seward, Smith, Spaukling, Stanley, Thompson, Thurman, Thurston, Toombs, Van Voorhie, Welier, Wiley, Winthrop,
and Worcester.
91
Ansted, Briefe, Coke, Combier, Findlay, Gerstilcker, Gold-fields, Heap,
Hines, Horn, Lauts, Perry, Pfeifer, Plumb, Rednitz, Rovings, Schmidt,
Schmoldcr, Smucker, Stockton, Thornton, Upham, Wells, Western Scenes,
r

Whiting, Wilkes, Wise, Wood.

92
Benton, Cevallos, De Bow, Diccionario, Dunlop, Garden, March y Labores, Mayer, Shea, Weichardt, Wilson, Young, Zamacois.
93
Album Mex., Amer. and For. Christ. Union, Annual of Scientific Discov., Bankers' Mag. De Bow's Review, Edinburgh Review, Hansard, Harper,
Home Missionary, Hunt's Merch. Mag., Ilustracion Mex., Mining Mag.,
Millennial Star, ISTiles' Register, North Amer. Review, Nouvelles Annales,
Panamd Star, Quarterly Rev., Revue Deux Mondes, Silliman's Amer. Jour.,
,

etc., etc.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIA^ HISTORY.

62

gold, because material has

been much more abundant

and accessible. This applies particularly to the many

works on local and county annals printed in late
years, several of which have a standard value. 94
to be noted that the pioneer reminiscences of
collection contain, and are supplemented by, the

It

my

is

statements of prominent men on various practical

topics connected with the industrial development of
California in recent times; that several classes of
printed matter already mentioned, such as municipal,
state, and national documents, continue to throw light
on events of the last thirty years that travellers have
never ceased to print their experiences in, and their
views respecting, this western land; that resident and
even native writers have contributed largely to our
store of books on industrial, literary, educational, religious, legal, political, and historical subjects; that
numerous associations and institutions have helped to
swell the mass of current pamphlets; and that newspapers an invaluable source of material for local and
personal history have greatly multiplied.
Indeed,
California has not only by reason of her peculiar past
received more attention at the hands of writers from
abroad than any other part of our nation, but in respect of internal literary development she is not
behind other provinces of like tender years. In conclusion, I append a short list of works published since
1856, which have somewhat exceptional historic value
96
Most of
in comparison with others of the mass.
;

94
See in the list, besides the names of counties and towns: Banfield, Barton, Bledsoe, Butler, Cooper, Cox, Dwindle, Frazee, Gift, Hall, Halley, Hare,
Hawley, Hittell, Huse, Lloyd, McPherson, Menefee, Meyrick, Orr, Owen,

Perkins, Sargent, Soule", Thompson, Tinkham, Western Shore, and Willey,

95
See Alric, Ames, Barry, Bartlett, Bates, Beers, Bell, Blake, Bonner,
Brooks, Browne, Bryant, Burnett, Bushnell, California (Arrival, Biog.,
Hardy, Leyes, Med. Soc.), Carvalho, Chandless, Clark, Contemp. Biog.,
Cooke, Cornwallis, Cronise, Coyner, Dixon, Gleeson, Fields, First Steamship,
Fisher, King, Gray, Grey, Hittell, Hoffman, Hughes, Labatt, McCue, McGarrahan, McGlashan, Mollhausen, Morgan, Moulder, New Almaden, Norman,
O'Meara, Palmer, Parsons, Patterson, Peabody, Peirce, Peters, Phelps,
Player-Frowd, Randolph, Raymond, Redding, Rossi, Saxon, Schlagintweit,
Sherman, Shuck, Simpson, Stillman, Tuthill, Tyler, Upham, Vallejo, Vischer, Wetmore, Willey, and Williams.

ALPHABETICAL INDEX.

them but

63

might be
added to the different classes before named, as pertaining to the period of 1848-56. For further bibliofor the date of their publication

graphic information, including full or slightly abridged

title, summary of contents, circumstances attending
the production, criticism of historic value, and biographic notes on the writer of each work mentioned
in the different classes and subdivisions of this chapter,
I refer the reader not only to the list at the beginning
of this volume but to the foot-notes of all the seven
volumes, which may be traced through the alphabetical index at the end of the work.

CHAPTEK

III.

THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA.

1542-1768.

Origin of the Name Conjectures Sergas of Esplandian Mr Hale's

Discovery Later Variations of the Name Who First Saw Alta
California? Ulloa, Alarcon, Diaz Five Expeditions Voyage of
Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo, 1542-3 Exploration from San Diego to
Point Concepcion Ferrelo in the North Voyage of Sir Francis
Drake, 1579 New Albion Drake did not Discover San Francisco
Bay Maps The Philippine Ships Gali's Voyage, 1584 Cape Mendocino Voyage of Sebastian Rodriguez de Cermenon, 1595 The
Old San Francisco Explorations of Sebastian Vizcaino, 1602-3
Map Discovery of Monterey Aguilar's Northern Limit Cabrera Bueno's Work, 1734 Spanish Chart, 1742 The Northern
Mystery and Early Maps.

Though the California which is the subject of this

work inherited its name from an older country whose
annals have been already recorded by me, yet a statement respecting the origin and application of the name
seems appropriate here. When Jimenez discovered
the peninsula, supposed to be an island, in 1533, he
applied no- name so far as can be known. Cortes,
landing at the same place with a colony on the 3d of
May 1535, named the port and the country adjoining
Santa Cruz, from the day. There is no evidence that
he ever gave, or even used, any other name, the name
California not occurring in any of his writings. 1 Ulloa
1
At least I have not found it. The 'puerto y bahia de Santa Cruz' is named
in the original document of 1535. Cortes, Auto de Posesion, in Col. Doc. Ined.,
After his return to Spain in 1540 in a memorial to the king he testiiv. 192.
fied 'I arrived at the land of Santa Cruz and was in it. .and being in the said
land of Santa Cruz I had complete knowledge of the said land.' Cortes, Memorial, in Col. Doc. Ined., iv. 211. Other witnesses who had accompanied Cortes
testified in Spain about the same time; one, that the country was called Tarsis; another, that the country had no name, but that the bay was called Santa
Cruz; several, that they remembered no name. Probanza, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xvi. 12, 22, 27.
.

(64

ORIGIN OF THE NAME.

05

coast in 1539, and the name California first appears in Preciado's diary of that voyage.
It was applied, not to the whole country, but to a
probably but not certainly identical with
locality
Santa Cruz, or La Paz. 2
Bernal Diaz, writing before 1568, speaks of the
island of Santa Cruz, and says that Cortes after many
troubles there " went to discover other lands, and came
3
This testimony is not
to California, which is a bay."
of great weight, but it increases the uncertainty. The
difference is not, however, essential.
The name was
applied between 1535 and 1539 to a locality.
It was
soon extended to the whole adjoining region; and as
the region was supposed to be a group of islands, the
name wr as often given a plural form, Las Californias.
Whence came the name thus applied, or applied by
Cortes as has been erroneously believed, was a question that gave rise to much conjecture before the
The Jesuit missionaries as repretruth was known.
sented by Venegas and Clavigero suggested that it
might have been deliberately made up from Latin or
sailed

down the

Greek

roots; but favored the

much more

reasonable
theory that the discoverers had founded the name on
some misunderstood words of the natives. 4 These
Printed in 15G5, in Ramnsio, Viaggi, iii. 343. Having left Santa Cruz Oct.
29th, on 10th of Nov. we found ourselves 54 leagues distant from California,
a little more or less, always in the south-west seeing in the night three or four
fires.
(Sempre dalla parte di Garbino vedendo la notte, etc. ) Hakluyt's translation of 1G00, Voyages, iii. 40G-7, is 'always toward the south-west, seeing in
the night,' etc. From the 0th to the loth they made 10 leagues; from the
IGth to the 24th, 12 or 15 leagues; and were then, having sighted the Isle of
agues from Santa Cruz. The author only uses the name California
once; Hakluyt's 'point of California' is an interpolation.
The definite
distance of 54 leagues indicates that California was a place they had passed;
it could not be 54 leagues cither south-west or north-east of their position,
and I suppose the direction refers to the coast generally or the fires. The distances arc not out of the way if we allow G or 9 leagues for the progress made
on Nov. 9th. There is some obscurity of meaning; but apparently California
was at or near Santa Cruz. Throughout his voyage up and down the gulf
Preciado uses the name Santa Cruz frequently to locate the lands in the west.
3
Earned Diaz del Castillo, Hist. Verdadera, 233, printed in 1G32. This
has often been called the first mention of the name. Some have blunderingly
talked of Diaz as the discoverer and namer of California.
* Vemgas, Not. CaL, i. 2-5; Clavigero, Storia del la Col., 29-30. The Latin
calida fori/ ax, or 'hot furnace,' is the most common of the conjectural derivations, the reference being supposably either to the hot climate, though it was
Hist. Cal., Vol. I. 5
2

'

'

THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA.

66

theories have been often repeated by later writers,

with additions rivalling each other in absurditv. At
last in 18G2 Edward E. Hale was so fortunate
as to discover the source whence the discoverers
old romance, the Sergas
obtained the name.
Ordonez
de
Montalvo, translator of
of Esplandian, by
Amadis of Gaul, printed perhaps in 1510, and certainty in editions of 1519, 1521, 1525, and 1526 in
Spanish, mentioned an island of California "on the
right hand of the Indies, very near the Terrestrial
Paradise," peopled with black women, griffins, and
other creatures of the author's imagination. 5 There
is no direct historical evidence of the application of

An

this

name; nor

is

any needed.

No

intelligent

man

ever question the accuracy of Hale's theory.

The number of Spanish editions would indicate that
the book was popular at the time of the discovery;
indeed Bernal Diaz often mentions the Amadis of
Gaul, to which the Esplandian was attached.
Cortes, as we know, w as bent on following the
coast round to India, and confident of finding rich and
wonderful isles on the way. It would have been most
natural for him to apply the old fabulous name, if it
had met his eye, to the supposed island when first
discovered; but it appears he did not do it; and I
will

not hot compared with others to which the discoverers were accustomed, or
to the hot baths, or tern esccdes, of the natives.
Calidus fornus, Caliente fornalia, Californo, and Caliente homo are other expressions cf the same root,
Archibald noting of the last that it would be rather hori<o caliente, making
the name Fornicalia instead of California. Another derivation is from cala
y fornix, Spanish andLatinfor 'cove and vault' or 'vaulted cove,' from a peculiar
natural formation near Cape San Lucas. From the Greek we have hala phor
nea, hala phora nea, hala phor neia, hala phornda, hala chora nca, or halos
phornia variously rendered 'beautiful woman,' 'moonshine,' or 'adultery;'
'fertile land;' or 'new country.'
Colo/on or eclofonia, the Spanish for resin,
Las also been suggested. In Upper California the idea was a favorite one
that the name was of Indian origin; but there was little agreement respecting details. According to the Vallejos, Alvarado, and others, all agreed that
it came from hall for no, the information coming from Baja California natives;
but there w ere two factions, one interpreting the words 'high hill' or 'mountain' and the other 'native land.' E.D.Guilbert, resident of Copala, Sinaloa,
told me in 1878 that an old Indian of his locality called the peninsula Tchalifaiiii-al, 'the sandy land beyond the water.'
5
Hale's discovery was first published in the Arner. Antiq. Soc, Proceed.,
Apr. 30, 18G2, 45-53; also in Atlantic Monthly, xiii. 2G5; Hale's His Level
'

'

Best, etc., 234.

APPLICATION OF THE NAME.

67

strongly suspect the name was applied in derision by

At
his disgusted colonists on their return in 1536.
any rate there can be no doubt the name was adopted
from the novel between 1535 and 1539. The etymology of the name and the source whence Montalvo obtained it still remain a field for ingenious guesswork.
Indeed most of the old conjectures may still be applied
to the subject in its new phase. But this is not an
historical subject, nor one of the slightest importance.
In such matters the probable is but rarely the true.
What brilliant etymological theories might be drawn
out by the name Calistoga, if it were not known how
Samuel Brannan built the word from California and
Saratoga. 6
The name California, once applied to the island or
peninsula, was also naturally used to designate the
country extending indefinitely northward to the strait
of Anian, or to Asia, except as interrupted in the
view of some foreign geographers by Drake's New
Albion.
Kino at the mouth of the Colorado in 1700
spoke of Alta California; but he meant simply the
'upper' part of the peninsula. After 1769 the northern country was for a time known as the New Establishments, or Los Establecimientos de San Diego y
Monterey, or the Northern Missions. In a few
6

In Webster's Dictionary, the Spanish califa, Arabic Khalifa, 'successor,'

adopted, as indeed suggested by Hale, as the possible root of the
name. Archbald, Overland Monthly, ii. 440, suggests Calphurnia, Caesar's
wife. Perhaps the coolest exhibition of assurance which this matter has drawn
out in modern times is Prof. Jules Marcou's essay on the 'true origin' of the
name. The whole pamphlet, although printed by the United States government, with the degree of intelligence too often employed in such cases, perhaps
because of an old map attached to it, has about as many blunders as the pages
can accommodate. I have no space to point them out; but this is what he
says of the name: 'Cortes and his companions, struck with the difference between the dry and burning heat they experienced, compared with the moist
and much less oppressive heat of the Mexican tierra, caliente, first gave to a bay,
and afterwards extended to the entire country the name of tierra California,
derived from cal'tda fornax, which signifies fiery furnace, or hot as an oven.
Hernan Cortes, who was moreover a man of learning, was at once strongly
impressed with the singular and striking climatic differences. .to whom is
due the appropriate classification of the Mexican regions into tierra fria, tierra.
templada, tierra caliente, and tierra California, '! Marcou's Notes upon the first
Jjitroveries of California and the origin of its name, Washington, 1S78. See also
'caliph,' is

If.

8. Geo'j. Survey, Wheeler, Rept., 1878, p. 228.

THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA.

08

years, however, without any uniformity of usage the

upper country began to be known as California Septentrional, California del Norte,

California Superior.

Nueva

California, or

But gradually Alta

California
became more common than the others, both in private
and official communications, though from the date of
the separation of the provinces in 1804 Nueva California became the legal name, as did Alta California
after 1824. In these later times Las Californias meant
not as at first Las Islas Californias, but the two
provinces, old and new, lower and upper. Down to
1846, however, the whole country was often called by
Mexicans and Californians even in official documents
a peninsula.

not impossible that Francisco de Ulloa, at the

head of the gulf in 1539, had a distant glimpse of
mountains within the territory now called California;
it is ver}^ probable that Hernando de Alarcon, ascending the Colorado in boats nearly to the Gila
and possibly beyond it, saw Californian soil in September 1540; and perhaps Melchor Diaz, who crossed
the Colorado later in the same year, had a similar
It

is

view.

Thus

speaking the honor of the first diswith much plausibility be attributed to

strictly

covery may
one of these explorers, though none of them mentioned
the discovers, or could do so, boundarv lines beinof
as yet not dreamed of. Subsequently Juan de Onate
and his companions, coming down the Colorado in
1604, certainly gazed across the river on California,
and even learned from the natives that the sea was not
far distant.
After 1699 Kino and his Jesuit associates not unfrequently looked upon what was to be
California from the Gila junction.
No European,
however, from this direction is known to have trod
the soil of the promised land; therefore this phase
of the subject may be dismissed without further
remark.

CABRILLO'S VOYAGE.

69

All that was known of California before 17G9 was

founded on the reports of five expeditions; that of
Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo in 1542-3, that of Francis
Drake in 1579, that of Francisco de Gali in 1584,
that of Sebastian Rodriguez de Cermenon in 1595, and
To describe
that of Sebastian Vizcaino in 1G02-3.
so far only as they relate to the
these expeditions
coast of Alta California, for in a general way each has
been presented in the annals of regions farther south
with a glance also at a few other voyages bearing indirectly upon the subject, is my purpose in the present

chapter.

On

the 28th of September 1542, Juan Rodriguez

Cabrillo, coming from the south in command of two
Spanish exploring vessels, 7 discovered a " landlocked
and very good harbor," which he named San Miguel
and located in 34 20'. The next day he sent a boat
" farther into the port which was large;" and while
anchored here " a very great gale blew from the westsouth-west, and south-south-west; but the port being
good they felt nothing." 8
7
On the fitting-out of the expedition and its achievements south of California, see Hist. Noi'th Alex. States, this series.
* Cabrillo, Relation 6 diario, de la navegacion que hizo Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo con dos navios, al descubrimiento del paso del Alar del Sur al r/orte, etc.

Original in Spanish archives of Seville from Simancas, certified by jSavarrete,

copy in Munoz Collection, printed in Florida, Col. Doc, 173-89. 'De Juan
Paez' is marked on the Munoz copy. Another printed original from 'Archivo
delndias Patronato, est. 1, caj. i.,'is found in Pacheco oi\(\ Cardsmis, Col. Doc.,
xiv. 1G5-91, under the title Relation del descubrimiento que hlzo Juan Rodriguez, navegando por la contra cost a did mar del Sural norte hecha por Juan
Paez.
Thus it is probable that Juan Paez was the author. Herrera, Hist.
Gen., dec. vii. lib. v. cap. iii.-iv., gave in 1G00 a condensed account probably
from the above original, but with many omissions, and a few additions, which
became the foundation of most that was subsequently written on the subject,
being followed by Burney and others. In 1802 Navarrete in his introduction
to the Sutil y Mexicana, Viaqe, xxix.-xxxvi. gave a narrative from the original, with notes in which he located, for the most part accurately, the points
named by Cabrillo. Taylor's First Voi/aye to the Coast of California. .by Cabrillo, San Francisco, 1853, was a kind of translation from Navarrete, whose
notes the translator attempted to correct without any very brilliant success.
Finally in 1879 we have Evans and Henshavo's Translation from the Spanish of
the account by the pilot Ferret of the Voyage of Cabrillo along the west coast
of North America in 151$, printed in U. S. Ceog. Surv., Wheeler, vii. Archceology, 293-314. Richard S. Evans was the translator; H. W. Henshaw, who
made anticpiarian researches on the coast, was the author of the notes; and H.
C. Taylor, U. S. X., of the Coast Survey, aided the gentlemen named with
the results of his accmaintance with the coast.
,

70

THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA.

There is no further description the latitude is wrong

and the port must be identified if at all by its relation
;

to other points visited

by

Cabrillo.

It has usually

been identified b} those who have followed Navarrete,

the earliest investigator, with San Diego but recently
by Henshaw and Taylor with San Pedro further north,
San Diego being in that case Cabrillo's San Mateo. 9
Here, as in most parts of this narrative, there is little
room for positive assertion; but I prefer to regard
San Miguel as San Diego. Difficulties arise at every
step which no theory can remove. It is the fault of
the narrative, respecting the genuineness of which,
however, there is no room for doubt. Without attempting to get over obstacles by ignoring them I shall
treat them mainly in notes. 10
At any rate Cabrillo entered Upper Californian
waters, never before disturbed by other craft than
Indian canoes, and anchored in San Diego Bay in
September 1542. If we suppose this port to have been
his San Miguel, he remained six days. The natives
7

9
San Mateo was also described as a good and landlocked (cerrado) port,
with a little lake of fresh water, and with groves of trees like ceibas, except
that the wood was hard. There were also many drift-logs washed here by the
sea, broad grassy plains, high and rolling land, and animals in droves of 100
or more resembling Peruvian sheep with long wool, small horns, and broad
round tails. Latitude given 33 20'.
10
San Augustin Island, the last point on which Navarrete and Henshaw
agree, is identified with San Martin in about 30 30' on the Baja California
coast.
Three days with little wind brought the ships, no distance given, to
Cape San Martin, north of San Augustin, where the coast turns from north to
north-west. This trend, and also the time, if we disregard the calm, favors
Hcnshaw's location of Todos Santos rather than Navarrete's of San Quintin.
Next they sailed four leagues N. E., or N. N. e. but this is not possible from
Todos Santos either by the best maps or the trend just noted. Next 21 leagues
n. w., and N. N. w. to San Mateo; the distance 25 leagues corresponding
better with that from San Quintin to Todos Santos, than with that from the
latter to San Diego.
On the other hand, the next stage, 32 leagues to San
Miguel, better fits that from San Diego to San Pedro than from Todos Santos
to the former.
But they passed a little island close to the shore on arriving
at San Mateo, there being none at Todos Santos so far as the maps show and
on the other hand, on sailing to San Miguel, they passed three islas deslertas
three leagues from the main, the largest being two leagues long, or possibly
in circumference, which agrees better with the Coronados just below San
Diego than with San Clemente and Santa Catalina. Moreover the description
of San Mateo with its lake, and especially its groves of trees, does not correspond at all to San Diego. The strongest reason why San Miguel must be San
Diego and not San Pedro will be noticed presently. The investigator's troubles
are not lessened by the non-existence of a perfect chart of the Baja California
;

coast.

JUAN RODRIGUEZ AT SAN PEDRO.

71

were timid in their intercourse with the strangers,

whom they called Guacamal but they wounded with
their arrows three of a party that landed at night to
Interviews, voluntary and enforced, were held
fish.
with a few individuals both on shore and on the ships
and the Spaniards understood by their signs that the
natives had seen or heard of men like themselves,
bearded, mounted, and armed, somewhere in the inn
terior.
;

Leaving San Miguel October

they

three
days or about eighteen leagues, along a coast of valleys and plains and smokes, with high mountains in
the interior, to the islands some seven leagues from
the main, which they name from their vessels San Salvador and Vitoria. They land on one of the islands,
after the inhabitants, timid and even hostile at first,
have been appeased by signs and have come off in a
canoe to receive gifts. They too tell of white men on
the main. On Sunday the Spaniards go over to tierra
firme to a large bay which they call Bahia de los
Fumos, or Puegos, from the smoke of fires seen there.
It is described as a good port with good lands, valleys,
plains, and groves, lying in 35.
I suppose the island
visited to have been Santa Catalina, and the port to
have been San Pedro. 12
Sailing six leagues farther on October 9th, Cabrillo
anchors in a large ensenada, or bight, which is doubt13
less Santa Monica.
Thence they go on the next day
3d,

sail

11
It is not impossible, though not probable, that the natives had heard of
Diaz, Alarcon, and Ulloa, at the head of the gulf. The Indians of San i)ie;io
are described as well formed, of large size, clothed in skins.
12
Henshaw, a3 we have seen, makes this Bahia de Fumos Bahia Ona (or
Santa Monica), identifying San Pedro with San Miguel, and the island with
Santa Cruz. The name San Salvador as mentioned later seems his strongest
reason, though he does not say so.
He admits the difficulty of identifying
Santa Catalina with the Islas Desiertas, hinting that other smaller islands
may have disappeared; but a more serious objection still conclusive to me
is the fact that San Pedro would never have been called a puerto ccrrado, or
landlocked port; nor would it have afforded protection from a south-west gale.
13
Certainly not the laguna near Pt Mugu as Henshaw says. Santa Monica
was exactly what the Spaniards would have called an ensenada; indeed, they
did often so call it in later years as they did also Monterey Bay, and San
Francisco outside the heads from Pt Reyes to Pigeon Point, always the Ensenada de los Farallones. Like the navigators of other nations, they were

THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORXIA.

72

some eight leagues to an Indian town, anchoring

opposite a great valley.
The town, called Pueblo de
las Canoas and located in 35 20', is doubtless in the
vicinity of San Buenaventura, the valley being that
The Spaniards take formal
of the Santa Clara. 14
possession and remain here four days. The natives
come to the ships in fine canoes, each carrying twelve
or thirteen men, and they report other Christians seven
.

days' journey distant, for whom they take a letter,

also indicating the existence of a great river.
They

say there is maize in the valley, which assertion is

confirmed later by natives who talk also of cae which
the voyagers understand to be cows, calling the
maize oep. The natives are fishermen they dress in
skins, and live on raw fish and maguey.
Their name
for the town is Xucu, and they call the Christians
Taquimine.
Six or seven leagues bring them on the 13th past
two islands each four leagues lon^ and four leagues
from the coast, uninhabited for lack of water, but
with good ports. 15 The next anchorage is two leagues
farther, opposite a fine valley, perhaps Santa Barbara, where the natives are friendly and bring fish in
canoes for barter. The ten leagues of October 15th
carry them past an island fifteen leagues in length,
16
which, they name San Lucas, apparently Santa Rosa.
;

not very strict in their use of geographical terms; but to suppose that the
little laguna would have been called by them an 'ensenada grande' is too
absurd for even refutation; 'inlet' is not a correct rendering of ensenada.
Taylor identifies the ensenada with the cove or roadstead of Santa Barbara.
First Voyage to the Coast of California.
He points out the glaring deficiencies
in all that had been written on the subject, and flatters himself that by the
aid of men familiar with the coast he has followed the route of the navigators
very closely; and so he has, just as far as he copies Navarrete, blundering

most besides.
Xavarrete says in the ensenada of San Juan Capistrano, which

fearfully in
14

is

unin-

telligible.
15
Anacapa and the eastern part of Santa Cruz as seen from a distance and
as explained by the natives' signs, which were not understood.
16
Six leagues from the main, and eighteen leagues from Pueblo de Canoas.
It was said to have the following pueblos: Xiquipos, Maxul, Xugua, Xitel,
Macamo, Ximitopal. Later it is stated that San Lucas was the middle island,
having three pueblos whose names do not agree with those here given. There
in a hopeless confusion in the accounts of these islands, but no doubt that this
was the group visited.

CABRILLO IN THE SANTA BARBARA CHANNEL.

73

Monday

the 16th they sail four leagues to two towns,

in a region where there is a place still called Dos
Pueblos; and three leagues more on Tuesday. The
natives wear their hair lonof, and intertwined with
strings of flint, bone, and wooden daggers. Next day
they come to a point in latitude 36, which they name
Cape Galera, now Point Concepcion in latitude 34
26'.
The distance from Pueblo de Canoas is thirty
leagues, Xexu being the general name of the province,
which has more than forty towns. 17
The narrative of what Cabrillo saAV on the shores
and islands of the Santa Barbara Channel, except a
uniform exaggeration in the size of the islands, confusion in locating them, and perhaps the casas grandes
of Canoas town, agrees very well with the truth as
revealed by later mission annals and by the relics
exhumed in late years by antiquarians. The region
was certainly inhabited in early times by people who
used canoes, lived mainly by fishing, and were much
superior in many respects to most other natives of
California.
There was a tendency at first, as is usual
in such cases, to ascribe the Channel relics to a pre18
historic race;
but nothing indicating such an origin
17
The pueblos, beginning with Canoas, were, Xucu, Bis, Sopono, Alloc,
Xabaagua, Xocotoc, Potoltuc, Nacbuc, Quelqueme, Misinagua, Misesopano,
Elquis, Coloc, Mugu, Xagua, Anacbuc, Partocac, Susuquey, Quanmu, Gua
(or Quanmugua), Asimu, Aguin, Casalic, Tucumii, Incpupu, Cicacut (Sardinas), Ciucut, Anacot, Maquinanoa, Paltatre, Anacoat (or Anacoac), Olesino,
Caacat (or Caacac), Paltocac, Tocane, Opia, Opistopia, Nocos, Yutum, Quiman, Nicoma, Garomisopona, and Xexo; and on the islands. On Ziqui-

muymu, or Juan Rodriguez, or Posesion (San Miguel), Xaco (or Caco) and
Nimollollo.
On Nicalque, or San Lucas (Santa Rosa), Nichochi, Coycoy,
and Estocoloco (or Coloco). On the other San Lucas. See note 1G. On Limu
(or Limun) or San Salvador (Santa Cruz), Niquesesquelua, Pocle, Pisqueno,
Pualnacatup, Patiquin, Patiquilid, Ninumu, Muoc, Pilidquay, Lilebeque.
These names were those which the Indian natives were understood to apply
to towns not visited, and very little accuracy is to be expected. Taylor, Discoverers and Founders, i. No. 1, claims to have identified Cabrillo's names in
several instances with those found in the mission registers. This is not unlikely, though the authority is not a safe one. He also says that the Indians
in 1 863 recognized the native names of San Miguel and its towns as given by
Cabrillo. None of the many rancheria names which I have met and which
will be given in later mission annals show any marked resemblance to the old
names.

On the Indians of this region see Native Races, i. 402-22; iv. G87-97. See
also on archaeological researches U. S. Geog. Survey, Wheeler, vol. vii. Arches18

vlogy,

Washington, 1879, passim.

THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA.

74

has ever been found there. Rumors, like those of the

cows and maize, were far from accurate.
From Cape Galera they go October 18th to discover two islands ten leagues from the main, and they
spend a week of stormy weather in a good harbor in
the smaller one which they name La Posesion, probably Cuyler's Harbor in San Miguel.
The two are
19
Leaving the port Wednesday
called San Lucas.
the 25th the ships are beaten about by adverse winds
for another week, making little progress, barely reaching a point ten leagues beyond Cape Galera in 36 30'.
The} do not anchor, nor can they find a great river
said to be there, though there are signs of rivers, but
on the 1st of November they return to the anchorage
7'

under Cape Galera, by them named Todos Santos,

now Coxo, where is the town of Xexo. They have
probably gone as far as the mouth of the Santa Maria
20
Next day they proceed down the
in latitude 35.

town of Cicacut, or Sardinas, in 35 45',

where wood and water are more accessible than at the
cape.
This seems a head town of the province, ruled
by an old woman who passes two nights on one of the
21
vessels.
Starting the Gth, it takes them till the 10th
to get back to the cape anchorage of Todos Santos.
Perhaps they pass the cape on the 10th. At all
events on the morning of the 11th they are near the
place reached before, twelve leagues beyond the cape;
and that day with a fair wind they sail twenty leagues
coast to the

north-west, along a wild coast without shelter, and

with a lofty sierra rising abruptly from the shore.
The mountains in 37 30' are named Sierra de San
Martin, forming a cape at their end in 38, or as is
19

The

and 4 leagues respectively from east to west,

calls the island San Bernardo, a name that
San Miguel in later years.

islands are said to be 8

twice their real

size.

Xavarrete

seems to have been applied to

20
Perhaps not so far, as the point named is nearer 15 than 10 leagues
frpm Point Concepcion. I find no good reason to suppose it was off San Luis
Obispo, as Henshaw thinks, which is over 24 leagues.
21
Sardinas is identified by Henshaw with the present Goleta, which is not
unlikely.
Taylor loses his head completely, making Todos Santos the modern Sun Luis Obispo, and identiiying Sardinas with San Simeon.

DISCOVERY OF POINT PINOS.

75

The sierra is that now called

stated later in 37 30'.
Santa Lucia, and I suppose the cape to have been
that still called San Martin, or Punta Gorda in 35
22
54', though this is not quite certain.
In the night
being six leagues off the coast they are struck by a
storm which separates the ships and lasts all day Sunday and until Monday noon. Under a small forestaysail Cabrillo's ships drift slowly and laboriously
north-westward with the wind. Monday evening, the
weather clearing somewhat and the wind shifting to
the westward, the flag-ship turns toward the land, 23 in
search of the consort. At dawn she sights land, and
all day in a high sea labors slowly to the north-west
along a rough coast without harbors, where are many
trees and lofty mountains covered with snow.
They
sight a point covered with trees in 40; and at night
heave

Of

to.

and progress next day, the 15th,

nothing is said, but probably advancing somewhat
farther north-westward they see the consort and join
her at nightfall, when they take in sail and heave to.
At dawn next morning they have drifted back to a
large ensenada in 39 or a little more, the shores of
which are covered with pines, and which is therefore
named Bahia de los Pinos, and one of its points Cabo
de Pinos. They hope to find a port and river, but
after working against the wind for two days and
a night, they are unable to discover either. They
their course

22
Henshaw makes it Pt Sur in 36 20'; and it is true that the coast of the
day's sailing corresponds better in some respects with that up to Pt Sur than
to Pt Gorda.
However, the latitude 37 30' with allowance for Cabrillo's
average excess, applies better to Pt Gorda; that point also, according to the
U. S. Coast Survey charts, corresponds much better, from a southern standpoint, to the remote of the sierra as described; the distance from Pt Concepcion, 32 leagues, has to be considerably exaggerated even to reach Pt Gorda;
on the return it is noted that about 15 leagues south of the cape the character
of the coast changed and settlements began, which agrees better with Gorda
than Sur, and does not agree with the statement that all of the voyage of the
11th was along a coast where the mountains rise abruptly from the water. I
think the coast from San Luis to Pt Gorda agrees well enough with the
description ; and this supposition throws some light on proceedings farther
north.
23
'A la vuelta de la tierra.' Not 'at the turn of the land" as Evans trans-

lates

it.

THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA.

76

anchor in forty-five fathoms to take possession, but

dare not land on account of the high sea.
Lying to
for the night, on the 18th they descend the coast,
under lofty snow-capped mountains so near that they
seem about to fall on them. The Sierras Nevadas,
they are called, and a point passed in 38 45' Cabo de
Then they proceed to Cape San Martin, and
Nieve.
on the 23d arrive at the old harbor on Posesion, or

San Miguel Island.

Cabrillo had run along the coast, point by point,
from Cape Pinos to the island; from Pinos to San
Martin the coast was wild, rough, without shelter,
and with no signs of inhabitants but below San Mar;

possibly

country became

for a distance of fifteen

tin fifteen leagues

the

better and inhabited.

Many difficulties present themselves in connection
with this northern navigation; but I am convinced
that the Bahia de Pinos was Monterey Bay; Cabo
de Pinos the cape still so called at the southern end
of that bay; Cabo de Nieve, or Snowy Cape, the
present Point Sur; and the point in 40, Point Ano
Nuevo, Pigeon Point, Pillar Point, or at most not

leagues

above Point Reyes in

38.'24

2i
Navarrete agrees with this view, except that he does not identify the
cape in 40, and makes Cape Nieve the same as Ano Nuevo, which last of
course is a blunder. Taylor also identifies Monterey Bay, makes Point Reyes
the cape in 40, but falls into great confusion, especially in locating Point
Martin above Monterey. Herrera makes Point Pinos the cape in 40. Humboldt, Essal Pol., 329, thinks the cape was Alio Nuevo. Venegas, Lorenzana,
and Cavo imply that the cape was Mendocino and it is probable indeed that
that name was given later to a cape supposed to be this one, as we shall see.
Finally Evans and Henshaw identify the cape in 40 with Point Arenas (33
5T), the Bay of Pinos with Bodega Bay, Point Pinos presumably the southern point of that bay, and Cape Nieve they pronounce unidentifiable. I find
very little, except the latitudes cited, to justify the conclusions last given, and
Point Arenas is not a wooded point in any sense
I find much against them.
not quite as applicable to any of the points further south. Bodega Bay might
possibly be called an ensenada, incorrectly translated inlet, but not a large
one; if entered its peculiar ramifications would have called for other remark
than that no port or river could be found its shores were never covered with
pines; and Point Tomales in no way corresponds to Cabrillo 's Point Pinos.
In coasting southward from Bodega, Point Reyes would certainly have been
noted and assuredly that coast has no mountains overhanging the water.
Evans and Henshaw have to avoid this difficulty by mistranslating costa deste
dki the coast they passed from this day
but even that does not suffice, for
there is no such coast for a long distance. Again, Cabrillo claims to have
followed the coast 'point by point,' from Pinos to the islands, finding no
;

'

'

DEATH OF CABRILLO.

77

At La

Posesion the voyagers remained for nearly

two months, and they renamed the island Juan Rodriguez from their brave commander Cabrillo, who died
there January 3, 1543. He had had a fall on the
island in October, had made the northern trip suffering from a broken arm, and from exposure the injury
became fatal. His dying orders were to push the
exploration northward at every hazard. He was a
Portuguese navigator in the Spanish service, of whom
nothing is known beyond the skill and bravery displayed on this expedition, and the fact that his reputation was believed to justify his appointment as
commander. No traces of his last resting-place, almost
certainly on San Miguel near Cuyler's harbor, have
been found; and the drifting sands have perhaps made
such a discovery doubtful. To this bold mariner, the
first to discover her coasts, if to any one, California
may with propriety erect a monument. 25
On Cabrillo's death Bartolome Ferrelo, the Levantine piloto mayor, assumes command but the weather
does not permit departure till the 19th.
Even then
when they start for the main they are driven to the
26
island of San Salvador, or Santa Cruz, and finding
no harbor are forced to beat about the islands in
veering winds for eight days, until on the 27th they
;

anchorage and no good inhabited country until past San Martin. This is very
absurd when applied to Bodega, but true enough from Monterey. The translators are indeed struck with this absurdity, which they very weakly explain
by supposing that Cabrillo trusted to his observations in the storm and fog of
the trip northward. There seems never to have been much doubt among the
Spaniards about the identity of Cabrillo's Pinos; and I deem it very unwise
to plunge into such difficulties as those just mentioned for the purpose of confirming Cabrillo's observations of latitude, which arc known to have been very
faulty at best.
25
Taylor, Discov. and Founders, i. No. 1, mentions unsuccessful researches
by himself, Admiral Alden, and Nidever. In 1875, however, he found two pits
on a level near Cuyler's Harbor, about 10 feet in diameter, which he doubts
not will prove to be the grave of Cabrillo and his men. At any rate they had
a very peculiar look !' And an old sailor of Santa Barbara told this author
that in 1872 he opened a Spanish grave on Santa Cruz Island, which had a
wooden head-board on which could be deciphered the date of about 1660!
'

26

suppose this was not the San Salvador first named, which was probably
That there was confusion in the statements respecting these
islands is certain ; but in my opinion it is not lessened by Henshaw's theory
that San Clemente and Santa Catalina were the islas desiertas, or by Navarrctc's that Ferrelo at this time went to San Clemente.
1

San Clemente.

THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA.

78

return to the old harbor.

Two days later they start
again, first for San Lucas, the middle isle, to recover
anchors left there and obtain water, then to Port Sardinas for other supplies, and back to San Salvador,
whence they finally sail the 18th of February. With
a north-east wind they follow a south-west course in
quest of certain islands, which they see at nightfall,
27
six in number,
having sailed about twelve leagues.
At dawn they are ten leagues to w indward of these
islands.
With a wind from the w. n. w., they stand
28
off south-westward for five days, making a distance of
about one hundred leagues. Then thev turn their
course landward on the 2 2d with a south-west wind
which blows with increasing: violence for three clavs
until at dawn on Sunday, the 25th, they sight Cape
Pinos, and anchor at night on a bleak coast twenty
leagues to windward near a point where the coast
turns from n.w. to N. N. w. 29
that is at Pigeon Point,
or thereabout in 37 12'.
Herrera names it Cabo de
Fortunas, or Cape Adventure. 30
From this point the narrative furnishes but little
ground for anything but conjecture. There are no
longer recognizable landmarks but only courses and
T

winds with one solar observation. The latitude on

Wednesday the 28th is 43. If we go by this aloue,
deducting the two degrees of excess that pertain to
all of this navigator's more northern latitudes, we have
41, or the region between Humboldt and Trinidad
bays, as Ferrelo's position; but if we judge by his
starting-point, and probable progress as compared
with other parts of the voyage, it is more probable
27
Of course the islands could have been no others than San Clemente,
Santa Catalina, Santa Barbara, San Nicolas, and Beggs Rock, with Catalina
appearing as two to make six though these are not sou th- west of the northern
;

group.
28

By

the dates it could not have been quite 4 days.

Evans incorrectly says to the n.w.; and though the point is not identified, it must be the Pt Cabrillo of modem maps just above Pt Arenas according to Henshaw.
30 JJerrera) dec. vii. lib. v. cap. iv.
He puts it in 41, that is 1 beyond
C. Pinos, which he identifies with the cape in 40. He gives the date as Feb.
2Gth. In other respects Herrera's account contains nothing that might not
have been taken from the original narative.
29

'

FERRELO IN THE NORTH.

79

that he is still far below Cape Mendocino, a conclusion

that has slight confirmation in the fact that the narrative indicates no change in the general north-west
31
trend of the coast. I append an abridged statement.
During the night of February 28th, and most of the
next day, they are driven by a south-west gale towards
32
They
the laud, and as they estimate to latitude 44.
recognize their imminent peril, and appeal to our Lady
In answer to their cries, a norther
of Guadalupe.
comes which sends them far southward and saves their
They imagine they see signs of the inevitable
lives.
great river' between 41 and 43; they see Cape Pinos
March 3d; and on the 5th are off the island of Juan
Rodriguez, their northern wanderings being at an end.
Of course there is no possibility of determining
definitely Ferrelo's northern limit.
He thought that
he reached 44, being driven by the gale sixty miles
beyond the highest observation in 43; and there is no
reason to suspect any intentional misrepresentation in
the narrative, written either by Ferrelo or by one of his
33
associates.
But in southern California the latitudes
of this voyage are about 1 30' too high, increasing
apparently to about 2 farther north; thus Ferrelo's
northern limit was at most 42 or 42 30', just beyond
the present boundary of California. This is substan34
tially the conclusion of both Navarrete and Henshaw.
1

31

Feb. 25th, midnight to dawn, course w. n. w., wind s. s. w; Feb. 26th,

course N. w., wind w. s. w. very strong; Feb. 27th, course w. N. w., with
lowered foresail, wind s. s. w. All night ran s. with w. wind and rough sea;
Feb. 28th, wind s. w. and moderate; latitude 43. In the right course x. w.
with much labor. March 1, a furious gale from the s. s. ".v., with a high sea
breaking over the ship; course N, E. towards the land. The fog thick, but
signs of land in the shape of birds, floating wood, etc., also indication <-f
rivers.
At 3 r. m. a x. wind came to save them, and carried them s. all
night. March 2d, course s. with rough sea; in the night ax. w. and x. x. W.
gale, course s. e. and e. s. e.
March 3, cleared up at noon; wind x. w.;
sighted C. Pinos.
82
Herrera says they took an observation in 44 on March 1st. Venegas
follows him, but makes the date March 10th.
33
Perhaps Juan Paez as already explained. Herrera calls Ferrelo Ferrer.
The original uses both the forms Ferrelo and Ferrer.
31
Xavarrete puts it 43 con corta diferencia segun el error de exceso que
generalmente se noto en sus latitudes;' but he himself makes the average
excess 1 30', so that the limit was 41 30'.
Henshaw was not, as he implies,
the first to note the uniform excess.
He thinks the southern boundary of
Oregon not far out of the way.
'

'

THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA.

80

But

we

disregard Ferrelo's solar observations all

other evidence to be drawn from the original narrative points to a latitude much lower even than
if

shown beyond
the preceding pages, the bay and point

42, particularly

much doubt

in

if,

as I think I have

of Pinos are to be identified with Monterey.

It is
opinion that the Spaniards in this voyage did not
pass far, if at all, beyond Cape Mendocino in 40 26';
and there is nothing to support the belief of later
years that Ferrelo discovered that cape.
It may

my

however have been named

indirectly from Cabrillo's

supposed discovery; that is, the name may have been

given after the return to the cape in 40 which Cabrillo discovered and did not name, though Torque-

mada

says the discovery was made by vessels coming

from Manila. Nor is it unlikely that Manila vessels
noting the cape in later years may have identified it
with Cabrillo's cape and given the name accordingly
85
in honor of the viceroy Mendoza.
Unable by reason of rough weather to enter the
old port in the island of Juan Rodriguez, on March
5th Ferrelo runs over to San Salvador where he loses
sight of the consort.
On the 8th he proceeds to the
Pueblo de Canoas, obtaining four natives and returnTwo days later he goes down to San
ing next day.
Miguel, or San Diego, where he waits six days for the
missing vessel, taking two boys to be carried to Mexico as interpreters.
On the 17th they are at San
Mateo, or Todos Santos; and on the 26th join the
Vitoria at Cedros Island.
They. have been in great
peril on some shoals at Cabrillo's island; but by
35

i. 693.
Vcnegas, Not. CaL, i. 181-3, seems to have been
state that Cabrillo discovered and named the cape. Lorenzana, in
Cortes, Hist. Ar Espana, 325-6, and Cavo, Tres Slglos, i. 135, make the same
statement; and it is followed by most later writers. The early writers, however, all imply that the cape was discovered before Cabrillo's death and not
by Ferrelo, doubtless identifying it with the nameless cape in 40% really Ano
Nuevo or Pigeon Point. Laet, Novus Orbis, 306-7, makes C. Fortunas the
northern limit of the voyage; and Bnrney, C'hron. Hist., i. 220-5, identifies
Fortunas with Mendocino, and is followed by Greenhow, Or. and CaL, 62-3.
very absurd theory has been more or less current that Ferrelo gave his
name to the Farallcnes of San Francisco.

the

Torquemada,

first to

SIR FRANCIS DRAKE.

81

pmyers and promises they are saved. They arrive

at Navidad April 14th, and the first voyage to Alta
California

is

36
at an end.

made Sir Francis later, entered the

Pacific by way of Cape Horn in 1578, having in view
not only a raid on Spanish treasure, but a return by
Francis Drake,

the long-sought strait of Anian, or, if that could not

be found, at least a voyage round the world. His
plundering cruise having been most successful, he
sailed in April 1579 from Guatulco on the Oajaca
coast to find the strait that was to afford him a passage
through the continent. He kept well out to sea; but
in June he became discouraged on account of the
extreme cold, resolved to abandon the northern enterprise, and having anchored in a bad bay, perhaps in
latitude 43, he came down the coast in the Golden
Hind to refit, when a suitable place could be found,
for a voyage round Cape Good Hope and home. The
particulars of his operations both in the north and
south are fully treated elsewhere it is only with what
he did and saw in California that we are now con;

cerned. 37
36
On Cabrillo's voyage, in addition to the works to which I have had occasion to refer, see the following, none of which, however, throws any additional light on the subject, many being but brief allusions to the voyage:
Forster's Hist. Voy. 448-9; Fleurieu, in Marchand, Voy. i. viii.-ix. ; Montauus,
Nieuwe Weerehl, 210-11, 101; Id., Neue Welt, 237-8; Clavigero, Stor. CaL,
154-3; Hist. Magazine, ix. 148; Hutch-lugs 1 Mag., i. Ill; iii. 14G; iv. 11G, 517;
v. 2G5, 277; CaL Farmer, May 4, 18G0, April 18, 1SG2, Aug. 14, 21, 18G3; Overland Monthly, April 1871, 297; Forbes' Hist. CaL, 9; Findlay's Directory,
18-19; Capron's Hist. CaL, 121-2; Domenech's
i. 314; Browne's L. CaL,
Deserts, i. 22G; Frignet, L. CaL, 9, 2G; Glecson's Hist. Cath. Ch., i. 70-2;
IHnes' Voy., 352; Muhlenpfordt, Versuch; Murray''s N. Amer., ii. 79-80;
Rouhaud, Reg., nouvelles, 26; St Amant, Voy., 393; Fedix, VOregon, 55;
Tytler's Hist. View, 78-9; Twiss' Oregon Quest., 22; Cronise's Nat. Wealth, 5;
Marina Espanola, ii. 274-7; Barber's Hist., 459; Mqfras, Explor., i. 06-7,
328; Pay no, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin 2d Dp., ii. 199; Kerr's Col. Voy., ii.
112; and a large number of modern mentions in books and newspapers.
37
Sec Hist. North Mex. States, and Hist. Northwest Coast, i., this series,
not only for details of Drake's performances, but for bibliographical information touching the original authorities. Of the latter there are only three that
narrate the doings in California; Drake's Famous Voyage, in Hakluyt's Voy.,
,

iii. 440-2; Drake's World Encompassed, London, 1628; and Discourse of fair
Francis Drake's lorney and Exploytes, MS. These are all republished in the
Hakluyt Society edition of the World Encompassed, which is the edition

referred to in

my

notes.

Hist. Cal., Vol.

Hardly a
I.

collection of voyages or

any kind

of

work

THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA.

82

On

the 17th of June Drake found a "conuenient

and fit harborough" for his purpose in latitude 38 30 /38
where he cast anchor and remained over a month,
Down to this point the coast was
until Jury 23d.
"but low and reasonable plaine/' every hill being covered with snow; and during all their stay, though in
the height of summer, the cold was nipping as farther
north, the air for fourteen days being not clear enough
bv reason of stinking fores' for an observation of
the sun or stars, and the fur-clad natives shivering
under a lee bank. 39 After a few days the ship was
brought near the shore and lightened of her cargo for
the purpose of repairs, tents being erected on shore
'

relating to the early history of California has ever been published that has
not contained a narrative or a mention of Drake's voyage; but, particularly
so far as California is concerned, they have contained nothing not drawn from
the sources named. To point out the many errors resulting from carelessness
and other causes would require much space and serve no good purpose. I
shall have occasion to name a few works in later notes of this chapter; I refer
the reader to the list of authorities on Cabrillo's voyage given in note 36, which
with few exceptions also describe Drake's visit; and I also name the following
in addition: Act, xviii. 11; Berenger, Col. Voy., i. 63, 117; Harris, Nav., i.
19; Circumnavigations of Globe, 85; Kerr's Col. Voy., x. 27; Laharpe, Abregd,
xv. 15; Pinkerton's Voy., xii. 169; Sammlung, xii. 5; Voyages, Col. Voy. and
Trav.j Voy ayes, Col. (Churchill's), viii. 459; Voyages, Curious Col., v. 153;
Voyages, Harleian Col., ii. 434; Voyages, New Col., iii. 15; Voyages, New
Miscel. Col., i. 37; Voyages, New Univ. Col., i.-28; Voyages, Hist. Voy. round
World, i. 1, 45; Voyages, World Displayed, v. 150; Harrow's Life Drake,
75; Clarice's Life Drake, 30; Purchas his Pilgrimes, ii. 52; Gottfriedt, Ncice
Welt, 345; Bess, Lehen, 341; Ens, West and Ost.Ind. Lustgart, 113; Humboldt,
Essai Pol., 317, 330; Low, Meer oder Seehanen Buch, 44; Morelli, Fasti Nov.
Orb., 27; Laet, Nov. Orbis, 307: Navarrete, Introd., xcviii.; Id., Viages Ap6c,
33; Barney's Citron. Hist., i. 350; Le Afaire, Spieghel, 77; Pauw, Recherches,
i. 172; Edin. Review, No. clxii. 1879; Niks' Register, lxv. 174; Hunt's Merch.
Mag., xii. 523; Hayes' Scraps, Cat. Notes, iii. 10; Quigley's Irish Pace,
146; N. Amer. Review, June 1839, 132; Greenhorn's Or. and Cal., 70; Id.
Memoir, 36; Nicolay's Or. Ter., 24; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 214; Glee son's Hist.
Oath. Ch., i. 73, ii. 35; Belcher's Voy., i. 316; Hazlitt's Great Gold Fields, 4;
California, Past, Present, 53; Frost's Half hours, 161; McCleh'cut's Golden State,
43; Tuthill's Hist. Cal., 17; Holmes'' An. Amer., i. 90; Mayer's Mex. Aztec,
163; Meyer, Nach dem Sac, 197; Norman's Youth's Hist., 29; Page's Nouv.
Voy., ii. 410; Poussin, Quest, de VOreg., 23; Id. U. S., 237; Taylor, in Cal.
Farmer, March 29, 1861; April 25, Aug. 15, 22, 29, 1862; Wdlard's Last
Loaves, 113; Douglass' Summary, i. 35; Uring's Ilist., 376; Farnham's Hist.
Oregon, 11, 21; Goodrich's
upon the Sea, 241; Delaporte, Reisen, 457;
Evans Puget Sd., 3; Falconer's Oreg. Quest., 12, 39; Forbes' Hist. Cal. 10, 79;
Gazlay's Pac. Monthly, 227; Soulc's An. S. F., 32; also most of the recently
published county histories of California.
38 World Encompassed, 115.
'Afaire and good bay' in 38. Famous Voy.
'A harborow for his ship' in 44. Discourse, 184.
39
The excessive cold here is mentioned only in the World Encompassed.
The author's absurd statements and explanations are not worth reproducing
in detail.

Man

DRAKE ON THE

COAST.

83

men, with a kind of fort for protection. Of

the repairs the two chief authorities say nothing but
the third tells us that Drake's men " grounded his
ship to trim her," and that they set sail after having
"graved and watred theire ship." 40
When the ship first anchored a native ambassador
approached in a canoe to make a long speech, bringing
also a tuft of feathers and a basket of the herb called
When the Englishmen landed the Indians
tabdh.*
came to the shore in great numbers, but showed no
hostility, freely receiving and giving presents, and
for the

soon came to regard the strangers, so the latter beThe narratives are chiefly filled with
lieved, as gods.
details of the ceremonies and sacrifices by which they
signified their submission, even crowning Drake as
The men went for the most part
their hioh, or king.
naked, the women wearing a loose garment of bulrushes with a deerskin over the shoulders.
Their
houses, some of them close to the water, were partly
subterranean, the upper parts being conical, of wood,
and covered with earth. In details respecting the
people and their habits and ceremonies there is much
exaggeration and inaccuracy; but the descriptions in
a general way are applicable enough to the Central
Californians.

42

Before his departure Drake made a journey up into

the land, " to be the better acquainted with the nature
and commodities of the country," visiting several vil" The inland we found to be farre different
lages.
from the shoare, a goodly country, and fruitfull soyle,
stored with many blessings fit for the vse of man:
infinite was the company of very large and fat Deere
which there we sawe by thousands, as we supposed,
in a heard; besides a multitude of a strange kinde of
Conies, by farre exceeding them in number: their
heads and bodies, in which they resemble other Conies,
40

Discourse, 184.
Or tobah, called by the Famous Voyage, tnbacco.
called jietdh of which they made meal and bread.
42
Sec Native Races, i. 3G1 et seq.
41

They had

also a root

THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA.

84

are but small; his tayle, like the tayle of a Rat, exceeding long; and his feet like the pawes of a Want
or moale; under his chinne, on either side, he hath a
bagge, into which he gathereth his meate, when he
the people eate their
hath filled his belly abroade
bodies, and make great account of their skinnes, for
their kin^s holidaies coate was made of them." 43
" This country our Generall named Albion" or Nona
Albion according to the Famous Voyage, "and that for
two causes the one in respect of the white bancks and
cliffes, which lie toward the sea; the other, that it
.

might haue some affinity, euen in name also, with our

own country, which was sometime so called." "There
is no part of earth here to bee taken up, wherein there
44
is not some speciall likelihood of gold or silver."
" Before we went from thence, our Generall caused to
be set vp a monument of our being there, as also of her
maiesties and successors right and title to that king-

dome namely, a
;

plate of brasse, fast nailed to a great

and firmepost; whereon is engrauen her graces name,

and the day and yeare of our arriual there, and of
the free giuing vp of the prouince and kingdome, both
by the king and people, into her maiesties hands:
together with her highnesse picture and amies, in a
piece of sixpence currant English monie, shewing
itselfe by a hole made of purpose through the plate;
vnderneath w as likewise ensfrauen the name of our
Generall, etc. 45 The Spaniards neuer had any dealing,
or so much as set a foote in this country, the utmost
r

of their discoveries reaching onely to many degrees

Southward of this place." They finally sailed on the
23d of July, 46 on a south-south-west course accord43
World Encompassed, 131-2. 'We found the whole country to bee a warren of a strange kinde of Conies, their bodyes in bignes as be the Barbary
Conies, their heads as the heads of ours, the feet of a Want, and the taile of
a rat being of great length: under her chinne on either side a bagge,' etc.

Famous Voyage..
u Famous Voyage, the rest being from World Encompassed.
45
In this place Drake set up a greate post and nayled thereon a

vj d ,w cn
the countrey people woorshippcd as if it had bin God; also hec nayled vppon
this post a plate of lead, and scratched therein the Queenesname.' Discourse.
i6
'In the latter ende of August.' Discourse, 184.
'

IDENTITY OF DRAKE'S ANCHORAGE.

85

ing to the Discourse, and "not farre without this harborough did lye certain Hands (we called them the
Hands of Saint James) hauing on thern plentifull and
great store of Seales and birds, with one of which we
fell July 24, whereon we found such prouision as might
competently serue our turne for a while.
departed
againe the day next following, viz., July 25." No
more land was seen till they had crossed the Pacific.
It should be noted that no regular diary or log of
this voyage is extant or is known to have ever been
extant. Of the three narratives which I have cited
one was perhaps written from memory by a companion
of Drake. The others are compilations from notes of
the chaplain, Fletcher, written under circumstances
of which we know but little, by a man not noted for
his veracity, and from the reminiscences probably cf
Naturally they abound in discrepancies and
others.
inaccuracies, as is shown still more clearly in parts not
relating to California.
They are sufficiently accurate
to leave no room for reasonable doubt that Drake
really anchored on the coast in the region indicated,
touching at one of the Farallones on his departure;
but in respect of further details they inspire no confidence.
Yet the identity of Drake's anchorage is a most
interesting point, and one that has caused much discussion.
There are three bays not far apart on the
coast, those of Bodega, Drake, and San Francisco,
any one of which to a certain extent may answer the
requirements, and each of which has had its advocates.
Their positions are shown on the annexed map. The
central bay under Point Reyes, the old San Francisco,
is almost exactly in latitude 38, and it agrees better
than the others with the south-south-west course to
the Farallones as given by one of the narratives;
Bodega agrees well enough with the 38 30' of the
Famous Voyage, and more properly than the other
may be termed a 'faire and good bay;' while San
Francisco, though some twenty minutes south of the

We

86

THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA.

lowest latitude mentioned, is a very much more 'conuenient harborou^h' than either of the others.
For nearly two centuries after the voyage there
was but slight occasion to identify Drake's anchorage
yet there can be no doubt that it was to a certain
extent confounded with the old San Francisco men-

Where

did

Drake Land?

tioned by Torquemada, and that the confusion was

shown, or increased, by the occasional occurrence of
the name S. Francisco Drak for Sir Francis Drake
on old maps. And later when the new San Francisco
was found, few if any but Spaniards understood the
47
and therefore, as well
difference between the two;
47
Cabrera Bueno, Navegacion Esppculat'ira, Manila, 1734, makes the distinction perfectly clear; but of this work nothing was known to the world
beyond its mere existence till 1S74, when one of my assistants in the Overland Monthly gave a translation of its contents so far as relating to this subject.
Doyle in his reprint of Palou, Noticias, i. ix.-x. ; gave the same in
substance later, after consulting my copy.

IDEAS OF THE SPANIARDS.

87

on account of the excellence of the new harbor,

Drake's anchorage was very naturally identified by
most with the bay of San Francisco. The Spaniards,
however, never accepted this theory, but were disposed from the first to claim for Portold/s expedition the honor of discovering the new San Francisco,
and to restrict Drake's discoveries to Bodega. 48 It
cannot be claimed, however, that the Spaniards had
any special facilities for learning the truth of the
matter; and indeed some of them seem to have de49
clared in favor of the bay under Point Reyes, which
has for many years borne Drake's name on the maps,
though advocates of both the other bays have not
as

been wanting.

The general opinion

Map from Aucano del Mare,

in

modern times

1647.

48
In Bodega y Cuadra, Viage de 1775, MS., it is clearly stated that Bodega
was Drake's bay and that it was distinct from either >San Francisco. Fleurieu,
littrod. Marchand, Voy., i. lxxvi. etseq., }>y a blundering reference to Maurelle's Journal, 45 et scq., identified Bodega and San Francisco, making some
absurd charges against the Spaniards of having changed the name, which
charges Navarrete, Introd. Sutii y Max. Viage, xcviii.-ix., refutes, at the same
time implying his approval of the identity of Drake's bay and Bodega. Humboldt, Essai Pol., 327, takes the same view of the subject.
49
Vancouver, Voyages, i. 430, in 1792 understood the Spaniards to be of
this opinion.
Yet I find no evidence that this opinion was ever the prevailing one.
The 'Spanish tradition' in California was very strong against new
San Francisco; but was not very pronounced as between old San Francisco
and Bodega, favoring, however, the latter. Padre Niel, Apunlaciones, 78,
writing in about 1718 declared his opinion that Drake's bay was at the mouth
of Carmelo River!

THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA.

ss

has been that the great freebooter did not enter San
Francisco Bay, and that he probably did anchor at
Drake Bay.
Early maps, it would seem, should throw some light
on this question, but they fail to do so. With the
exception of Vizcaino's map, to be reproduced presently
and having no bearing on Drake's voyage, I have not
found a single map of the California coast of earlier
date than 17G9 bearing the slightest indication of
having been founded on anything but the narratives
still extant and the imagination of the map-maker.
I
reproduce two sections of maps from the Arcano del
Hare to which Hale attaches some importance in
this connection, with another by Hondius and supposed to represent Drake's port in New Albion. 60

Pl JSnsa.Larga

\ Po.di Von

Gosper

Po.dcll nuovo

-AlLion scupcrto
del

Vrayo Inyles

Arcano del Mare.

Hoxdius' Map.

Maps of America, and a note on Robert Dudley and the

del Mare, Worcester, 1874, a paper read before the American Antiq.
The author is inclined to think that Dudley had some special
Soc. in 1873.
authority unknown to us for his maps of this coast.
'Our California friends
must permit me to say that Porto bonissimo (an inscription for Drake's port)
"
is a very strong phrase for the open road-stead of "Sir Francis Drake's Bay
as it is now understood.' Of the peculiar bottle-shaped loop of the bay, it
is said, ' the bay of San Francisco after numerous reductions and copyings
would assume much this shape.' And the difficulty arising from the other
bay of like shape just above San Francisco on both maps is thus ingeniously,
if not very satisfactorily, explained away.
I confess that it seems to me that
more than one navigator of those times probably entered the Golden Gate into
the bay of San Francisco. Each one recorded his own latitude and these
two bays, almost identical in appearance, are due to an effort of the mapmaker to include two incorrect latitudes in one map'! Hale reproduces one
of the Arcano maps and adds the Hondius map in Bryant's Hist. U. S., ii.
570-7.
Here he is non-committal about the identity of the bays, admitting
that the maker of the Hondius map had no knowledge of San Francisco Bay,
or indeed of any other bay on the coast.
In one of the arguments against
San Francisco that seems to have most weight with him he is however in error.
It is quite certain that the Spaniards, who eagerly tried to rediscover the
port, with this map in their possession, did not succeed until near two hundred years after. Long before they did discover it they were seeking for it,
50

Hale's Early

Arcano

'

'

'

'

THE EVIDENCE OF MAPS.

89

With due

respect for Hale's views, as those of an able

and conscientious investigator, I find in them nothing
These maps
to change my own as just expressed.
from
the current
like all others represent Drake's port
narratives as a good bay in about 38 of latitude; all
For like reasons I canthe rest is purely imaginary.
not agree with another able student of California
history who finds proof in the maps given by Hale
that Drake anchored in Bodega Bay. I do not object
very strongly to the conclusion, but I find no proof, or

even evidence in the maps. 51

bay of San Francisco, that name probably having been taken
a saint than the heretic, Sir Francis Drake.
This is the old
confusion already alluded to. Hale knew nothing of the distinction between
The Spaniards were familiar with the
the old and new San Francisco.
position of the former after its discovery and naming by Cermehon in 1595;
Vizcaino entered it without difficulty in 1G03; Portola was approaching it as
a perfectly well known landmark when he stumbled on the new San Francisco
There is no evidence that the Spaniards ever sought San Francisco
in 17G9.
on any other occasion.
51
1 allude to the writer of a review of Bryant's Hist. U. 8. in the
F.
calling it the

from no

less

'

&

whom

W.

I suppose to have been John

Dwindle, and
whose argument is worth quoting at some length. After some remarks on
Hondius' facilities for knowing the truth, Dwindle writes: 'This map does
Bulletin, Oct. 5, 1878,

not accurately describe Bodega Bay. There is now a long spit of sand
running from the east at the foot of the bay and nearly shutting it up. But
that sand spit did not exist when Captain Bodega discovered the bay in 1775,
although he reported his opinion that a bar was forming there. The long,
narrow island represented on Hondius' map of the bay as lying on the outside
of the coast and parallel to the bay, really lies at the foot of the bay, below
the peninsula; but, viewed from the point where Drake's ship is represented
Drake's ship
as lying, the island appears to lie outside of the peninsula.
passed this island only twice, namely, when he sailed in and when he sailed
But it was in sight every day from the place where his ship lay during
out.
the five weeks that he was there, and from that point, we repeat, this island
appears to be outside. The bay itself, there at its head, appears to be twice
as wide as it is at its mouth some miles below, although the reverse is the
fact. But it is just such a map as a good penman ignorant of linear and aerial
perspective would have made on the spot, if he had a taste for pen and ink
maps, such as Fletcher, Drake's chaplain, is known to have had. We have
visited Bodega Bay with a photographic copy of Hondius' map of Drake's
Bay, taken from that in the British museum, but enlarged to the dimension of
5 by 6 inches. All the indications called for by Drake's narrative exist there.
Those we have mentioned; also the Indian villages; the shell-fish; the seals;
the deciduous trees, the "conies" which honey-combed the soil; the elevation of the coast, which commenced at about that latitude; the white sandAlso another indication which
hills, which suggested the name of Albion.
does not appear in the map as copied in the history, a line of rocks below the
beach at the lower right-hand water-line, thus forming a double coast line.
We have no doubt that Bodega Bay is Drake's Bay, and that Hondius' map
was furnished to him by Fletcher, who made it on the spot. Drake's ship
could go in there now and anchor at its head in 15 feet water, 100 feet from
the shore, where there is a good sandy beach on which to careen and repair

90

THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA.

The main question is, did Drake enter San Francisco Bay? It would serve no good purpose to catalogue the modern writers who have espoused one
theory or the other. Able men like Burney, Davidson, Tuthill, and Stillman have maintained that Drake
anchored within the Golden Gate, against the contrary opinions of other able men like Humboldt,
Soule, Doyle, Dwirielle, and Hittell. Some have been
very positive, others cautious and doubtful. Most
and where there was an Indian village "on the hill above,"
demanded by Drake's narrative. The map from Arcano del Mar, edition

vessels,

as
of

given at page 571 in the history, in onr opinion greatly strengthens this
view.
Directly opposite the mouth of Bodega Bay to the south is the mouth
Between the two the Rio Estero Americano of the Spanish
of Tomales Bay.
Californians debouches into the ocean a stream whose bed is almost bare in
the dry season, but which, during the rainy season and for some time afterwards, poured into the sea a shallow volume of turbulent waters, several
hundred feet in width. When Drake was on this coast, the winter or rainy
season was unusually protracted, so far that the deciduous trees, which usually
resume their foliage in March and April, had not done so as late as July, and
it still snowed on the coast.
Snow on the coast means rain in the interior at
a short distance from the sea. It may be safely assumed that the Rio Estero
Americano was swelling full to its margin probably unusually full. The
"bottle- shaped" bay on the reduced scale of the map from Arcano del Mar
might well represent the two bays, the neck standing for the river. The
latitude is precisely that required for Bodega Bay. Following down the map,
the coast line corresponds with great exactness with that of the modern maps
as given at page 57(3 ; C. (Cabo) di San Pietro,. Cape St Peter, is Cape Punta
de los Reyes, the western point of Jack's, or Drake's bay of modern times; and
G. (golfo) di San Pietro, corresponds exactly to Jack's, or Drake's Bay, as it
appears from the sea, and also exactly to its latitude.
are of opinion
that this map must be regarded as authentic, and also the vignettes engraved
upon the same sheet. Two of these represent Drake's ship, the Pelican, the
first as she lay stranded on the rocks at the Windward Islands, and the other
as tying at anchor.
They both correspond in all their details. Probably the
drawings from which the engraving was executed were made from the ship
itself.
Drake returned to England in 1580. He never sailed again. The
engravings were made between 1590 and 1600. Hondius was in England all
this time.
If not made from the ship, the engraving may be safely assumed
to represent the style of naval architecture of the period.
The ship is represented as broad in the beam and round in the bow. Her burden, Drake's
narrative informs us, was 100 tons. She was therefore shallow and drew but
little water.
The ship-builders whom we have consulted inform us that with
all her armament she could not have drawn more than from 5 to G feet of
water.
She could therefore have entered Bolinas Bay, Jack's, or Drake's
(interior) Bay, Tomales Bay, Bodega Bay, Humboldt Bay, and any or all of
the rivers which Drake encountered. Modern navigators and hydrographers
who argue that Drake must have entered the Bay of San Francisco because
no other bay was deep enough for the entry and repairing of a man-of-war,
must have certainly had in their minds a modern 74-gun ship, and not a little
caravel of 100 tons carrying six feet of draft.' It will be noticed that the
writer attempts no explanation of the two bottle-shaped bays. It is moreover
remarkable that he should accept Fletcher's statements about the climate and
season as even remotely founded on truth.
1G-17,

We

PID DRAKE ENTER SAN FRANCISCO?

91

have written without a full understanding of the distinction between the two San Franciscos.
Few have
been sufficiently impressed with the fundamental truth
that Chaplain Fletcher was a liar.
Besides certain
special pleadings often more ingenious than weighty,
the convincing arguments have been on the one side
that Drake after a stay of five weeks would not have
called any other bay but that of San Francisco a good
harbor, or have thanked God for a fair wind to enter
the same; and on the other, that, having entered San
Francisco, he would never have dismissed it with mere
mention as a good bay. The former argument is less
applicable to Bodega than to the bay under Point
Reyes.

The

me

unanswerable.
It is one
that has naturally occurred to all, but I doubt if
latter appears to

any have comprehended its full force. It grows on

the student as he becomes acquainted with the spirit
of the past centuries in relation to maritime affairs
and particularly to the north-west coast of America.
52
That Drake
I treat this subject fully elsewhere.
and his men should have spent a month in so large
and so peculiar a bay without an exploration extending thirty or forty miles into the interior by water;
that notes should be written on the visit without a
mention of any exploration, or of the great rivers
flowing into the bay, or of its great arms; that Drake's
companions should have evaded the questions of such
men as Richard Hakluyt, and have died without imparting a word of the information so eagerly sought
by so many men, is indeed incredible. For sailors in
those days to talk of inlets they had never seen was
common; to suppress their knowledge of real inlets
would indeed have been a marvel. 53 Drake's business
52

See Hist. Northwest Coast, i. chap, ii.-iv., this series.

Stillman says, Seeking the Golden Fleece, 300: He was not on a voyage
of discovery; his was a business enterprise, and he had an eye to that alone.
What was not gold and silver was of small consequence to him.' Whence
perhaps his minute details of Indian ceremonies! 'Nor does it seem probaHe had already
ble that he knew the extent of the bay of San Francisco.
concluded. .that there could be no northwest passage. .and he had aban53

'

THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA.

92

North

was to find an interoceanic passage; if he abandoned the hope in the far north, one
glance at the Golden Gate would have rekindled it;
a sight of the far-reaching arms within would have convinced him that the strait was found; San Pablo Bay
would have removed the last doubt from the mind of
every incredulous companion in Suisun Bay the Golden
Hind would have been well on her way through the
continent; and a little farther the only question would
have been whether to proceed directly to Newfoundland by the Sacramento or to Florida by the San
Joaquin. That a man like Fletcher, who found sceptres
and crowns and kings among the Central Californians,
who found a special likelihood of gold and silver where
nothing of the kind ever existed, who was so nearly
in the

Pacific

frozen

among the snow-covered

summer, should have

Californian hills in

under Point
Reyes, to say nothing of Bodega, a fine harbor would
have been wonderful accuracy and moderation on his
part.
But supposing San Francisco Bay to have been
the subject of his description, let the reader imagine
the result.
The continent is not broad enough to
contain the complication of channels he would have
called the anchorage

described.

Proof of the most positive nature, more definite than

the vague narratives in question could be expected
reasonably to yield, is required to overthrow the presumption that Drake did not enter San Francisco
Bay. This proof Stillman, who has made himself in
these later years champion of the cause, 54 believes
himself to have found.
First, he declares, and fortiposition with the testimony of a coast-survey
official and other navigators, that Drake could not

fies his

And Tuthill,

'
They did not go into ecstasies
harbors, but fortunes in compact
form. Harbors, so precious to the Spaniards, who had a commerce in the
These
Pacific to be protected, were of small account to roving Englishmen.'
are evasions of the issue, or the statements of men not accfaainted with the
maritime spirit of the time.
54
Stillman \s Footprints in California of Early Navigators, mid.; Seeking
the Golden fleece, 285 et seq.; Id., in Overland Monthly, i. 332.

cloned the hope.'

about the harbor.

Hist. Cal., 24:

They were not hunting

STILLMAN'S THEORIES.

93

have graved his vessel in the bay that bears his name
without the certainty of destruction. Navigators with
whom I have conversed are somewhat less positive
on the subject, simply stating that the beaching of
a vessel there would be venturesome, and a wise
It is not at all
captain would if possible avoid it.
uncommon at many places on the coast for vessels to
be beached in a storm, and safely released by the high
tide.
Stillman and his witnesses imply that Drake's
ship was grounded to be repaired and graved, but
only one of the narratives, and that the least reliable,
contains such a statement; the others simply mention
a leak to be stopped, perhaps not far below the waterline, and I am sure that small vessels upon this coast
have been often careened and graved without being
beached at all. The coast survey charts declare the
harbor to be a secure one except in south-east gales.
There is an interior bay, communicating with the
outer by a passage now somewhat obstructed by a
bar, which possibly now, and very probably in 1579,
would afford Drake's small ship a safe anchorage.
And finally this objection would lose its force if applied to Bodega instead of Drake Bay. Thus we find
in this argument nothing of the positive character
which alone could make it valid.
The other argument urged is that Fletcher's conies'
were ground-squirrels and that these animals never
existed in the region of Drake Bay.
It must be
admitted that the description in several respects fits
the ground-squirrel better than the gopher or any
other animal of this region; but a very accurate description of anything would be out of place, and certainly
is not found, in these narratives; the conies'
literally rabbits
were seen on a trip up into the country,
how far we do not know; and no very satisfying proof
is presented that ground-squirrels never frequented
the region of either Drake Bay or Bodega.
Therefore whatever weight might be given to Stillman's
arguments as against similar arguments on the other
'

'

THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA.

94

side

drawn from the faulty

descriptions available,
they are in my opinion entitled to very little consideration as against the overwhelming and irresistible pre-

sumption noted that Drake could not have entered

San Francisco Bay. 55
Between Drake Bay and Bodega I have no decided
I find no foundation for such an
opinion to express.
It is not probable that there will ever be
any means of ascertaining the truth. Drake's post
and plate were doubtless moved from their original
If my supposition that Casite at an early date.
brillo did not pass Cape Mendocino is correct, then the
opinion.

English navigator may perhaps be entitled to the

honor of having discovered a portion of the California
coast above that point; yet it is by no means certain
56
that he crossed the parallel of 42.

The Philippine

ships from 1565 followed a northern

route in returning across the Pacific to Acapulco; but
of these trips we have for the most part no records.
Their instructions were to keep as near to the line
of 30 as possible, and to go no farther norjbh than
was necessary to get a wind. It is probable that,
while they often reached latitude 37, or higher, they
rarely sighted the coast of Upper California, on account of turning to the south as soon as they found
sea-weeds or other indications that land was near.
The lower end of the peninsula was generally the first
land seen in these early years.
In 1584, however, Francisco Gali, commanding one
of these ships returning from Macao by way of Japan,
sailed from that island east and east by north about
three hundred leagues until he struck the great oceStillman's reference to the Spanish map published by Anson, which I
It certainly gives a peculiar form to the
later, should be noticed.
bay under Point Reyes; but it has no bearing on Drake's voyage. It simply
shows that the draughtsman failed to get a correct idea of the port from the
text of Vizcaino and Cabrera Bueno.
56
On the report of one of Drake's men having been landed in California,
and having gone to Mexico overland, a report not founded on fact, see Hist.
Northwest Coast, i. 60-1, this series.
55

reproduce

VOYAGE OF FRANCISCO DE GALL

95

anic current, which carried him some seven hundred

leagues to within two hundred leagues of the Ameri-

Then, "being by the same course upon the

coast of New Spain, under 37 30', we passed by a
very high and fair land with many trees, wholly without snow, and four leagues from the land you find
thereabout many drifts of roots, leaves of trees, reeds,
and other leaves like fig-leaves, the like whereof we
found in great abundance in the country of Japan,
which they eat; and some of those that we found, I
caused to be sodden with flesh, and being sodden, they
eat like coleworts; there likewise we found great store
of seals; whereby it is to be presumed and certainly
to be believed, that there are many rivers, bays, and
havens along by those coasts to the haven of Acapulco.
From thence we ran south-east, south-east
and by south, and south-east and by east, as we found
the wind, to the point called Cabo de San Lucas, which
is the beginning of the land of California, on the
north-west side, lying under 22, being five hundred
leagues distant from Cape Mendocino."
This is all
that Gali's narrative contains respecting the California
can coast.

coast.

57

seems to be the first mention of Cape Mendocino, though it is not implied that the name was
given by him, as nevertheless it may have been. We
have seen that the name was not, as has been generally
believed, applied by Cabrillo or Ferrelo in 1542-3;
and Torquemada's statement has been noted to the
effect that the cape was discovered by the Manila
ships. It is possible that it had been thus discovered
in an unrecorded voyage preceding that of Gali; but
it is quite as likely that the name was given in Mexico,
Gali's

57
This narrative was translated into Dutch and published by Linschoten in
his famous and oft-reprinted Ilinerario of 1596. From this source an English
translation is given in HahluyVs Voy., iii. 442-7.
blunder in a French translation by which 57 30' was substituted for 37 30' has caused a fictitious importance to be attached to the voyage, not however affecting California. See
Barney's Chron. Hist., ii. 58-C1; v. 1G3-4; Navarrete, Introd., Sut'dy Mex.,
xclvi.-ix. Id. Viages Apdc, 42-3; Tiviss' Or. Question, 58-62; and mention in
many of the works cited on the voyages of Cabrillo, Drake, and Vizcaino.

THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA.

96

of course in honor of the viceroy Mendoza, to a point

discovered but not named by Cabrillo.

The fourth voyage

of Californian annals was like

the third one from the far west. The piloto Sebastian
Rodriguez de Cermenon in charge of the San Agustin
coming from the Philippines in 1595, was ordered by
Governor Gomez Perez das Marinas, in accordance
with royal instructions through Viceroy Velasco, to
make some explorations on the coast, doubtless with
a view to find a suitable station for the Manila ships.
Of Cermenon's adventures we know only that his
68
vessel ran aground on a lee shore behind what was
later called Point Reyes, leaving on the land a large
quantity of wax and silk in boxes. It is possible that

San Agustin was accompanied by another vessel

on which the officers and men escaped but much more

the

probable I think that the expression 'was lost' in the

record is an error, and that the ship escaped with a
loss of her cargo. One of the men, Francisco Bolanos,
was piloto mayor, or sailing-master, under Vizcaino in
1G03, when he anchored in the same port to see if
any trace of the cargo remained, but without landing.
The statement of Bolahos as reported incidentally in
the narrative of Vizcaino's voyage by Ascension and
Torquemada is, so far as I can learn, the only record
extant of this voyage. 59
58
Que en aquel puerto
Se perdi6, y di6 a la costa con vn viento travesia.
avia dado a la Costa el afio de 1595.'
59
Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., i. 717-18. 'En la costa reconocimos el puerto
de San Francisco, adonde en tiempos pasados se perdio una nao de China que
venia con orden de descubrir esta costa, y creo que hoy dia hay mucha cera y
locaza [loza?] que el navio traia.' Ascension, Relation, 558. 'Here was where
the ship S. Agustin was lost in the year 1595, coming to make discoveries,
and the cause of her being lost was rather the fault of him who steered than
Venegas, Koiicia, i.
stress of weather.' Cabrera Bueno, Kacegacion, 303.
183, says 'the viceroy Velasco, desirous of making a station for the Philippine
ships on the outer coast, sent a ship called San Agustin, which soon returned
without any results. And Lorenzana, in Cortes, Hist. N. Esp. 326. Also, from
Torquemada, Salmeron, Bekic., 20; Kiel, Apunt, 74; and Navarrete, Introd.,
lvi.-vii.
It does not clearly appear that any of these writers saw anything in
addition to the statement in Torquemada. In Bodega y Ouadra, Viage de
1775, MS., it is said that Cermenon was wrecked in a south-east wind, as he
could not have been at Bodega or the new San Franm'sco. Where this information was obtained does not appear.
'

'

'

'

CERMEftON'S SHIPWRECK.

07

somewhat remarkable that no additional light

has ever been thrown on this voyage; but, slight as
It

is

the record, there is no good reason to question its

accuracy, especially as no grand and impossible discoveries of interoceanic channels are involved.
There
can be very little doubt that Cermenon named the
port of his disaster San Francisco, perhaps from the
day of his arrival. There is nothing to support the
view sometimes expressed that he came in search of
a San Francisco Bay, or of the port discovered by
Drake; though it is not unlikely that rumors of
Drake's fine bay had an influence with other motives
That the Spaniards,
in promoting this exploration.
now or at any other time, founded the name of San
Francisco on that of Sir Francis, the English freebooter, is so improbable as to merit no consideration;
but it is certain that subsequently foreign writers and
map-makers confounded the names to some extent, as
was natural enough. That Vizcaino, Cabrera Bueno,
and other Spaniards of the early times mistook the
identity of Cermenon's bay is hardly possible. The
timely circulation of a paragraph from Cabrera
Bueno's work of 1732 and another from Crespi's
diary of 1769 would have well nigh removed all difficulties in this matter, which has proved so puzzling
to the annalists.
is

Sebastian Vizcaino, commanding a Spanish exploring fleet of three vessels, anchored in San Diego Bay
on November 10, 1G03. He had sailed from Acapulco
in May of the preceding year, with a force of nearly
two hundred men including three Carmelite friars.
His special mission, in addition to that of general exploration and the ever potent purpose of finding an
interoceanic strait, was to find a suitable port for the
Philippine ships.
Details of his expedition to the
date mentioned and of his explorations along the outer
coast of the peninsula have been presented in another
part of this work.
It is only with his experience on
Hist. Cal., Vol.

I.

THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA.

03

the coast of
cerned.

Upper

California that

we

are

now

con-

GD

had been sixty years since Cabrillo had visited

this bay and named it San Miguel; but here as elsewhere on the Californian coast Vizcaino pays no heed
It

to the discoveries of his predecessor; giving indeed no

The name
indication that they were known to him.

was now given doubtless with reference to that of the

flag-ship, and also to the day of San Diego de Alcaia
occurring on the 12th of November.
party landed
to explore, climbed to the summit of the hills on the
northern peninsula, had a view of the grand harbor
and a glimpse of the False Bay, found plenty of wood,
and came back to report. The general decided to clean
and pay his ship, and to obtain a supply of wood and
tent church for the friars was pitched
water.
somewhere on the western shore between what are
now La Playa and Point Loma. Wells were dug on
the opposite sand island, or peninsula, and the work of

60
The vessels were the flag- ship, or
Hist. North Mex. Stater-, this series.
capitana, San l^lego, on which sailed Vizcaino as captain-general; the Santo
Tomds, under Toribio Gomez de Corvan as admiral; and the Tres Reyes under
Alfercz Martin Aguilar and the piloto Antonio Florcs.
Other officers were

Captain Alonso Estevan Peguero, Captain Caspar Alarcon, Captain GcroPalacios, cosmographer; Alfereces Juan Francisco Suriano,
Sebastian Melendez, and Juan de Acevedo Tcjcda; pilotos Francisco Eolaiios,
Baltasar de Armas, and Juan Pascual; sergeants Miguel Legar and Juan
Castillo Bueno; and corporals Estevan Lopez and Francisco Vidal.
The
friars were Andres de la Asuncion, Tomds de Aquino, and Antonio de
la Ascension, the first serving as comisario and the latter as chronicler
and assistant cosmographer and map-maker. The standard and original
authorities are Padre Ascension's account, perhaps but little changed from
the original diary, in Torquemada, i. G94-723; the same author's Relation
Breve, 589-74, written in 1G20, and adding not much of importance to the
other; Salmeron, Relaciones, 14-21, the author, of which was personally
acquainted with Ascension and other companions of Vizcaino; Cabrera Bueno,
Navegacion, 302-13, which contains a derrotero of the coast from Cape Mendocino south, drawn from Vizcaino's log and charts; Vcnegas, Not,, i. 103231; iii. 22-139 and Navarrete, Sutily Mex. ix.-xviii., the author of which
saw in the Spanish archives certified copies of all the papers relating to the
expedition, including 32 maps, a small reduction from which combined in one
he published in his atlas. This map, which I reproduce, was also published
in Burneifs Chron. Hist., ii. 236-59. It is very much to be regretted that the
narratives and maps cf this voyage have never been published, and that NavFor accounts of the voyage
arrete has made so inadequate a use of them.
adding nothing to information derived from those mentioned I refer the
reader to the account in an earlier volume of my work; it may be added that
very many of the works cited in this chapter on the voyages of Cabrillo and
Drake contain also a mention of Vizcaino.

nimo Martin

VIZCAINO'S EXPEDITION.

99

went on, though many were sick with the

Indians
scurvy of which some had already died.
armed with bows and arrows soon appeared on the
beach but were neither hostile nor very timid, gladly
consenting to an interchange of gifts.
They were
understood to say by signs that other bearded men
like the Spaniards were in the interior. All were delighted with the port and its surroundings. Vizcaino
with Fray Antonio and an escort made an expedition
on land, how extensive or in what direction we may
not know, but probably including the eastern shores.
refitting

After a stay of ten days, they set

on the 20th of
November.
The islands known as Los Coronados
were noted and named by Vizcaino; and Cabrera
Bueno, giving a full description of the port which he
puts in latitude 34, names also the Punta de Guijarsail

01

the point of cobble-stones, or ballast. 62

voyage of eight days against a north-west wind,
the Tres Reyes hugging the coast and the others keeping farther out, brought them to an anchorage at the
island which from the day they named Santa Catalina, sighting another lame island in the south-west
named San Clemente. 63 Before arriving here they
had gone to a bight on the main, where smoke and
green vegetation were seen, but there seemed to be
no protection from the winds. This was probably
the bay they called San Pedro, 64 a name still retain eel,
ros, that is

61

The

narratives enter somewhat into descriptive details for which I have

Says Ascension: 'In the sands of the beach there was a great quantity of marcasite, golden (dorada) and spongy, which is a clear sign that in
the mountains round the port there are gold-mines, because the waters when
it rains bring it from the mountains.'
They also found in the sand masses of
a gray light substance like dried ox-dung, which it was thought might be amber.
Some very heavy blue stones with which powdered and mixed in water
the natives made shining streaks on their faces were thought to be rich in
silver.
The fertility of the soil, abundance of game and fish, and indeed all
the natural qualities of the place are highly praised.
San Diego was deemed
a fme site for a Spanish settlement.
02
Cabrera Bueno, Navegacion, 305.
C3
Xame only in Cabrera Bueno, Nav., 305. The island is not on the map.

no space.

Cl

On

map

it is Ensenada de S. Andre's.
Cabrera Bueno names San
and mentions the little island there. Nov. 26th is the day
of St Peter, bishop of Alexandria.
It will be remembered that Cabrillo had
called this bay Bahia de los Humos.

the

Pedro in 34

30',

THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA.

100

Santa Catalina had a lar^e

population of fishermen and traders, who had large
well built canoes and houses, as well as a temple
where they sacrificed birds to an idol. They had no
One
fear and were friendly, though skillful thieves.
65
or two days were spent here, and then they went on
through the waters which they named the Canal de
Santa Barbara, 66 between the main and a chain of
islands which commanders of the Philippine ships
are said to have regarded before as tierra jfirme. The
like those of the islands.

p. A

n*

ueu

>"o se vio fondo

Vizcaino's Map.

country was very attractive on both sides of the

channel, but Vizcaino did not anchor, deeming it
important to take advantage of favorable winds to
chief came off in a canoe,
reach northern latitudes.
however, and used all his eloquence to induce the
strangers to visit his home, offering ten women for
each man to supply a need that he noted on board
I give here a copy of Vizcaino's map of
the ships.
Between the narrative,
the coast up to Monterey.

Torquemada, i. 713, says they departed on December 25th, but

be an error.
66
The day of Santa Barbara is December 4th.
65

this

must

'

VIZCAINO AT MONTEREY.

101

the map, and Cabreras description there is no little

confusion in details. 67
There were other friendly visits from the natives
but after
as the Spaniards advanced northward
emerging from the channel and passing Point Concepcion the coast was so hidden from view by fogs as to
greatly interfere with the search for a harbor. 63 On
the 14th of December the fog lifted and revealed to
the voyagers the lofty coast range which from the
preceding day was named Sierra de Santa Lucia, and
which as the chronicler states had been the landmark
Four leagues
usually sighted by the China ships.
beyond, a river flowing from lofty hills enters the ocean
with fertile and well wooded banks between the shore
cliffs.
It was named the Rio de Carmelo in honor of
the Carmelite friars who accompanied the expedition. C3
Then Vizcaino's fleet rounded and named Punta de
Pinos, and on the 16th of December anchored in a
famoso, or excellent, harbor which in honor of the
viceroy who had despatched the expedition was named
;

Monterey. 70
Next day the church tent was pitched under the
shade of an oak whose branches touched the tidewater, twenty paces from springs of good water in a
ravine, which barranca, with similar trees not quite
so near the shore, is still a prominent landmark at
Monterey. There were now but few men on the ships
67
Map from Sutil y Ifexicana, Viage, Atlas No. 4. Torquemada gives
no names except Santa Catalina Island and Santa Barbara Canal. Cabrera
Bueno, 304, gives a page of not very clear description. He names Punta dc
Concepcion in 35 30', Farallon de Lobos, Canal de Sta Barbara, Punta de la
Conversion (perhaps identical with the Punta de Bio Dulce of the map, and
with the modem Pt Hueneme) Isla de Sta Barbara, Isla de Sta Catalina in
34 30', Isla de San Clemente in 43 (a little less).
68
On the map is named Ensenada de Roque, which is either San Luis
Obispo or Estero Bay; and 'point which looks like an island,' evidently Pt
Sur.
Cabrera gives no names except Tierra de Santa Lucia, mentioning however the morro corresponding to Pt Sur.
c9
jSTot shown on the map.
Called by Cabrera Bueno a 'famoso puerto que
tiene abrigo de todos vientos, y tiene mi rio de muy buena agua, y de poco
fondo, el qual por las orillas esta muy poblado de muchos Alamos negros;' also
alamos blancos' as the others say.
70
Often written in early times in two words Monte Rcy or Montc-Rei,
also Monterei and very commonly Monterrey. Of course the European origin
of the name in very remote times was monte del rey or king's mountain.
'

'

'

'

THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA.

102

not affected by the scurvy. Many were seriously ill,

and sixteen had died. In a council held immediately
after religious services it was decided to send back one
of the vessels to carry the sick and report progress.
Accordingly after such rest and relief as could be
obtained from a short stay on shore, the Santo Tomds
was despatched on the 29th of December for Acapulco,
carrying Father Aquino among the disabled.
The
voyage was one of great suffering; twenty-five men
died either on the way or soon after arrival and only
nine survived, among whom were the admiral, Corvan,
and Fray Tomds. Five da}T s after Corvan's departure the San Diego and Tres Reyes having obtained a
supply of wood and water sailed from Monterey for
the north on January 3, 1603.
The qualities of Monterey as a harbor protected
from all winds were somewhat exaggerated, though
no minute description was given in the diary; and
the explorers were very enthusiastic in their praises
of its surroundings, its abundance and variety of animals and fishes, its fertile soil, and plentiful wood and
water.
It was deemed especially well fitted for a refitting station for the Philippine ships, being in the
latitude where they often sighted the coast.
The
natives, respecting whom less information is given
than about the fauna and flora of the region, were
;

friendly.

71

For three clays from Monterey no discoveries are

recorded; and on the 7th of January the vessels are
separated, not to meet again, by some misunderstanding of signals. Vizcaino on the San Diego turns back
by a point passed on the sixth, and named from the
day Punta de los Reyes, to enter the port of San
Francisco under that point in search of traces of
Cermenon's visit in 1595. He anchors, but does not
71

Both Torquemada and Ascension give some details of animals, plants

and fishes. The latter mentions the fact that a dead whale was lying
on the beach, which bears came down to eat at night. Cabrera Bueno pais
the port in 37, gives a very accurate description of it, and states that the

trees,

anchorage

is

well protected except against north-west winds.

VIZCAINO AT CAPE MENDOCINO.

land,

and next day

sails

1C3

on in quest of the consort,

making inconsiderable progress till the 12th, when

they sight what they believe to be Cape Mendocino,
Next day the ship is hove to in
in latitude 41 30'.
a south-east gale; and as only six men are fit for work,
it is decided to return to La Paz in the gulf, but the

Costa que guia al Co. bianco

y-flERRAS DEL CO. BLANQUISCAS Y SIERRAS NEVADA9

Antique

est c riocorra algunasleguatde y.S.cotnodlcen no puede tener

su nacimto al N. porq. tendria breve termino pa, ser ta n Catidaloso

B. Grande cerca del Cabo

Costa Seguida entre

el rio

grande de

la bahia granule del C'e.

S.

Sebastian

Mendocino

Costa aspera
Costa de arboleda
limp**,,. 0.

SOxuttan

Ro. Salado
Pto. de los Reyes

Pa. de barranca3 blanea8

Costa de arboleda
Costa de barrancas taxadaa

Ens. Grande
Costa segura
Costa de barrancas

P. de

arbola.

Ano Nuevo
r---i

Vizcaino's Map.

gale causes them to drift northward.

On the 14th
they are close to Cape Mendocino, but on the 19th
the weather clears and they find themselves in latitude
42, in sight of a white point near high snowy mountains.
They name the point Cabo Blanco de San

104

THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA.

Sebastian, and, with a favorable wind, turn southward on St Sebastian's day. They keep near the
shore, but without discoveries that have left any
traces in the narrative, and without anchoring until
they come to Ceclros Island on the 7th of January.
The suffering and loss of life from scurvy have been
terrible, but relief is found at Mazatlan.
Meanwhile Aguilar in the Tres Reyes advances to
latitude 41 and is then driven by the gale to an
anchorage behind a great cliff near Cape Mendocino.
Continuing his voyage after the storm, he finds his
latitude on the 19th to be 43, near a point named
Cape Blanco, beyond which the coast turns to the
north-west, 72 and also near a large river. On account
of sickness and because he has already reached the
limit of the viceroy's instructions, Aguilar resolves to
return.
Both he and Flores die on the voyage, only
five men surviving.
I give a copy of the map representing discoveries above Monterey, not agreeing in
all respects with the narrative, and showing nothing
above Cape Mendocino. The great river, supposed by
Padre Ascension to be the entrance to Anian Strait,
must have been either imaginary or a small stream.
It is not possible to determine accurately the northern
limit of this exploration; but the indications are that
it was not beyond the present Oregon line of 42 and

that Vizcaino's Cape San Sebastian and Aguilar 's Cape

Blanco were identical with the modern Trinidad and

St George. 73
72

Ascension says north-east and names the river Santa Ines.

See Hist. Northwest Coast, i. 147-8. Cabrera Bueno's description of the
northern coast is as follows: In latitude 42 is a high cape, apparently cut
down perpendicularly to the sea, and from it runs a lower coast some eight
leagues southward, where the land forms another high point, bare, with some
white cliffs which rise from the water's edge; this point is in 41 30' and is
From here the coast trends s. E. to lat. 39 30', the
called Cape Mendocino.
land being of medium elevation and thickly wooded, with some small hills bare
along the shore. In the said latitude it forms a low point of white cliffs cut
down to the sea; and from here the coast trends s. e. one quarter s._to 3S 30',
where the land forms a point of medium height, separated from the coast so
as to appear from a distance to be an island, which is called Punta de loa
Reyes. It forms a steep cliff (morro), and on its north side affords a good
shelter from all winds, in lat. 33 30', and is called San Francisco. In a south
or south-east wind the anchorage is at the end of the beach where it forms an
73

'

RESULTS OF AGUILAR'S EXPLORATION.

105

Except the discovery of Monterey Bay Vizcaino

had accomplished no more, and indeed in several
respects less, than had Cabrillo sixt}^ years before but
the results of his voyage were clearly recorded, while
the expedition of his predecessor had left practically no
;

trace in the world's knowledge. From 1G03 the trend

and general character of the California coast, together
with its chief harbors, always excepting the undiscovered San Francisco, were well known to the Spaniards
by these records; but for more than a century and a

half there was no addition to this knowledge.

No
ship is known to have entered the northern waters
from the south, while the Manila ships from the far
west neither touched at the new ports nor left any
record of what they saw as they passed.
Vizcaino
made strong efforts to be intrusted with a new exnedition for the occupation of Monterey; and in 1606
there was a prospect of his success; but attention was
diverted to the far west; and though this navigator,
returning as a passenger from Japan, on the San Francisco, again sighted Cape Mendocino on December 26,
74
1613, no more attempts were made on the outer coast.
There is a perfect blank of one hundred and sixty-six
years in the annals of what we call California.
Herrera's history containing an account of Cabrillo's discoveries had been published in 160115, and
new Spanish editions appeared in 1728 and 1730.
Torquemada's great work with a record of Vizcaino's
angle on the N. w. ; while on the n. e. are three white rocks very near the
sea, and opposite the middle one an estero makes in from the sea with a good
entrance and no breakers. Inside are found friendly Indians, and fresh water
may be easily obtained. S. s. W. from this port are six or seven small white farallones some larger than others, occupying over a league in circuit. .About 14
leagues s. e. \ s. from Pt lleyes, the land makes a point, before reaching which
the land is of medium elevation, bare along the shore, with some steep cliffs,
though inland it is high and wooded, until a low point is reached in 37" 30'
called Pt Ano Nuevo.' Naveyacioii, 302-3.
This author's latitudes are from
30' to a degree too high.
He evidently saw a more minute account of Vizcaino's voyage than the one published, or what is not unlikely, had access to
Cermefion's report.
'Venegas, Not. Cat., i. 101, 201; Clarif/rro, Storia delict Cat., 159-60; California, Estab. y Prog., 9, 10; Doc. Hist. .'Jex., ser. ii. torn. iii. 443; Cardona,
ex. bt. y
oX, 4G;
Vizcaino, Relation, 1611-13, p. 100; see Hist. North
.

i.

cha]). viii. this series.

THE DISCOVERY OE CALIFORNIA.

06

voyage and Cermenon's mishaps appeared in 1613

and was republished in 1723. Drake's adventures
were related in scores of popular voyage collections
In 1734 Cabesides the original printed accounts.
brera Bueno's sailing directions were printed across
the Pacific, but the work was not widely circulated. 75
In 1742 Anson, the English privateer, found on a
captured galleon the Spanish chart of which I reproduce that part showing the coast of California.
There is nothing to indicate that the maker had
access to any information not given by Vizcaino and

Spanish Chart, 1742.

75

la Explication de algvnos instruen v*o en los navegantes, con las reglas necesarius para su
verdadero vso, etc. ; Tablet de las de.clinac lows del sol, computadas al meridiano de
San Bernardino; el modo de navegar por lagcometria; por las tablas de rumbos;
por la arithmetica; p>or la trigonometria; por el quadrante de reduction; por
los senos logarithmos; y comunes; con los estampas, yf auras pertenecientes a lo
Compvesta por el almirante D. Ioseph Gondicho, y of'ros tratados cnriosGS.
zalez Cabrera Bueno, piloto mayor de la Carrera de Philipinas, y natural de la
isla de Teuer/fe una de los Canarias, qvien la dedica al M. IIIM Sen D. Fernando de Vaides y Tamon. .Governador y Capitan General de las Islas Phdipinas, etc. Manila, 1792, fol. 11 f. 392 pages. 2 f. The bulk of the work is a
treatise on navigation; but Part V., 292-364, is devoted to derrotas, containing
sailing directions for the various Philippine and Pacific routes; and chap, v.,
302-22, relates to the coast from C. Mendocino to Panama. Portola and
Crespi in 1769 had a copy of this work, or at least were familiar with its contents; but from that time to 1874, when it was described and quoted in the
Overland Monthly by my assistant, I have found no indication of its having

Navegacion Espeadativa, y Prdctica, con

rnentos, qve e.stan

mas

been consulted by any writer.

THE NORTHERN MYSTERY.

107

Cabrera Bueno. 73 In 1757 appeared Venegas' work

on Baja California, from which, more than from any
other, a popular knowledge of the northern expeditions

was derived. 77

The
that

is

Northern Mystery
what was thought and written and pictured

topic that I designate the

in

maps respecting the coast region above the Californian

gulf from 1530 to 1769, the voyages which I have
described in this chapter furnishing a slight foundation of actual knowledge on which an imposing structure was reared by imagination, theory, and falsehood
might very plausibly be regarded as a part of the history of California as a country stretching indefinitely
from the peninsula to the mythic strait of Anian.
Yet much more essential is this subject to the annals
of the regions above latitude 42, and therefore,
especially as a general view of the theories involved
has already been presented/ 8 to avoid undesirable
repetition I treat the subject very fully, with a reproduction of many quaint old maps, in another volume
relating to the northern countries, 79 confining my remarks here to a very brief statement.
The chief element of the Northern Mystery was
the belief in and search for an interoceanic strait separating the Mexican regions from Asia.
This strait
at first was between South America and the Asiatic
main; but was pushed constantly northward by exploration, and was to be found always just beyond the
highest latitude visited.
Each inlet was the entrance
to the strait until the contrary was proved; inlets
were discovered or written about that existed only in
imagination, and navigators even went so far as to
claim boldly that they had sailed through the strait.
7G

Anson's Voyage, ed.

770, 384.

Also in Venegas, Not. CaL,

iii.

235-G.

The dotted line shows the route of the galleons.

77
Here may be mentioned a report given by the natives of San Luis
Obispo to Father Figuer and recorded in Anza, Diario, MS., 102-3, in 1770,

men dressed like the Spaniards

landed from a boat and were subsequently cast away on the coast and perished.
78
See Hist. North Mexican States, i. this series.
79
See Hist. Northwest Ccast, i, chap, ii.-iv., this series.
that 23 years before, in 1753, twelve white
,

THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA.

10S

At

the belief in rich islands on the way to India

had been strong, and with reports of the strait, rumors
of great kingdoms, cities, amazon isles, gold, and precious stones naturally multiplied.
Next by some strange blunder, apparently of the
historian Goniara, the wanderings of Coronado in
Arizona, New Mexico, and the far north-east, were
transferred to the Pacific coast, and for many years
Tiguex, Cicuic, Quivira, and the rest appeared distributed along the shore with names from Cabrillo
and Drake. For no other reason apparently than to
provide room for all these names, it was customary to
make the coast trend but little north of west between
25 and 40, thence extending north to the strait.
One map, however, placed California far north of the
strait of Anian, and very near the north pole.
In the third great development of the imaginary
geography, California played a more definitely important part than in those mentioned.
The New
Mexican names were removed from the coast, but
California from Cape San Lucas to latitude 44 befirst

came a great island. At first the gulf and peninsula

were mapped with remarkable accuracy. But Lok in
3

1582 turned the coast abruptly eastward above 44

Ascension in 1G03 argued that Aguilar's river in 43
was the entrance of Anian, and probably connected
with the gulf. Oflate at the Colorado mouth in 1604
convinced himself that the gulf extended north and
east to the Atlantic.
Cardona in 1617, having as he
believed seen deep water extending far beyond 34
openly declared the whole country an island. And
finally a party of adventurers about 1620 had no difficulty in circumnavigating California.
For many
years the country was so mapped and described, Nova
Albion forming the north end of the island. From
1700 to 1746 the Jesuits labored to restore the belief
in a peninsula, and were successful.
The last phases
of the mystery were those of 1751 and 1774 that the
Colorado River sent off a branch to Monterey or San
.

"",

ANCIENT MAPS.

109

Francisco, and then the search for northern wonders

was transferred to the far north, beyond the farthest
limits of our California.
Of the many maps of the early times which I reproduce elsewhere, and of the many more similar ones
which I have studied, not one except those presented
in this chapter contains any real information about
On them the reader
the coast of Upper California.
will find a coast line varying in its trend from north
to west, marked with capes, bays, rivers, and towns,
which, except so far as founded on the narratives and
maps which I have noted in this chapter, are purely
imaginary, the names being traceable to the same narratives and maps, except such as come from Coronado's
inland explorations.
These maps afford an interesting
study, but have no bearing on real discovery.
It is
not unlikely, however, that useful original maps of
Cabrillo's, Cermeflon's, or Vizcaino's explorations may
yet come to light, or that in the mean time men will
continue to build grave theories of local discovery on
the vagaries of the old cosmographers.

CHAPTER

IV.

MOTIVES AND PREPARATIONS FOR SPANISH OCCUPATION.

1767-1770.

State of the Spanish Colonies Accidental Awakening from Apathy

Revival of Old Motives Fear of the Russians Visitador Jose de
Galvez on the Peninsula Character and Authority of the Man
Condition of Affairs in Lower California Instructions and Plans
of Galvez for the Occupation of San Diego and Monterey A Fourfold Expedition i> Sea and Land Vessels, Troops, and Supplies
Portola, Rivera, and Serra Plans for the Conquista Espiritual
Galvez Consults the Padre Presidente Sacred Forced Loans
Active Preparations Sailing of the Fleet from La Paz and Cape
San Lucas March of the Army from the Northern Frontier
Loss of the 'San Jose' Tidings of Success.

In

the historical phases briefly alluded to in the

introductor}^ chapters of this volume, and fully presented in early volumes of this work, I have shown an
epoch of decadence, of varying length in different
provinces, but nowhere much less than half a century
in duration.
The adventurous spirit of the conquerors
had for the most part faded away. Poorly equipped
soldiers performed their routine of garrison duty, and
of entradas against frontier savages, in a listless mechanical way that but feebly reflected old-time glories.
Presidios were a kind of public works for the support
of officials, and the drawing of monev from the roval
Missionary zeal had not perhaps materially
coffers.
abated but one of the great religious orders had been
The friars were impeded
driven from the country.
in their efforts by discouraging difficulties; and the
mission establishments, reduced in number by secularization in the south, by destruction and consolidation
all

(110)

AWAKENING FROM LETHARGY.

Ill

the north, decimated in population by pestilence,

desertion, and diminished fecundity, ever coveted and
disturbed by vicious pobladores, or settlers, had passed
The most famous
the era of their greatest prosperity.
mineral districts had yielded their richest superficial
treasures and were now, by reason of savage raids,
inefficient working, and the quicksilver monopoly,
comparatively abandoned.
Commercial, agricultural,
and manufacturing industries were now as ever at a
low ebb. The native population had lost more than
nine tenths of its original numbers, the survivors living quietly in the missions as neophytes, toiling in the
mines or on the haciendas practically as slaves, or
ranging the mountains as apostates more dreaded
than the savages of the frontier. The fables of the
Northern Mystery had lost something of their charm,
and were no longer potent to inspire at court the fitting-out of armies or fleets. For more than a century
and a half no exploring vessel had sailed up the northern coasts.
Province after province had settled into
that stagnation which sooner or later became the lot
of every Spanish colony.
come now to the partial awakening from this
lethargy which caused, or permitted, the occupation
of Alta California by Spain in 1769.
This occupation was in a certain sense accidental; that is, all the
motives leading to it had long existed and had with
one exception no new force at this time. For over
one hundred and sixty years, or since the voyage of
Sebastian Vizcaino in 1602, as much had been known
of the country as was now known. This knowledge embraced the general trend and appearance of the coast,
the comparative fertility of the country and intelligent docility of its people, the existence, location, and
general description of ports San Diego, Monterey, and
that under Point Reves called San Francisco, with a
tolerably accurate account of the Santa Barbara channel and islands. Thus it wr as no new information about
the country that prompted the California!! conquest.
in

We

112

PREPARATIONS FOR SPANISH OCCUPATION.

During

those years the Spanish Court had fully

realized the importance of extending its dominion
over the north and especially over the coast region;
but various troubles at home and abroad had encouraged procrastination. Year after year the Manila
galleon, coming from the west by the northern route
sadly in need of a refitting and relief station, had
borne her strained timbers and oriental treasure and
scurvy-stricken crew down past the California ports;
yet no practical effort was made to possess and utilize
those ports, though it was always intended to do so
at some future convenient season, and scores of unheeded communications on the subject passed between
Mexico and Spain. Tales of the Northern Mystery,
of great empires and rich cities, of golden mountains,
pearl islands, and giant queens, so effective in the
earlier days, had lost, as we have seen, much of their
power at court, if not elsewhere; yet little doubt was
ever felt that the strait of Anian afforded a northern
passage by which a fleet of English cruisers might
any day appear from the north-east to seize upon
Anian and Quivira, and to ravage more southern
The fear was real enough to the Spaniards,
coasts.
but it was by no means sufficient to rouse them from
their apathy, which also successfully withstood the
better-founded fear of Russian encroachments from
the north-west across rather than through the famous
strait; a fear that furnished the only motive for northern conquest which had any new or unusual weight at
this time.
Finally among operative incentives must
be mentioned the missionary ambition to convert
northern gentiles. Many times was the king reminded of the rich spiritual harvest to be gathered
in California, by friars who never allowed him to forget the secular advantages to be gained by complying
with their wishes; but of late the petitions of Jesuits
and Franciscans, even for aid and protection in the
old frontier districts, had received but little attention.
Indeed, it does not appear that the Franciscans were
all

GALVEZ IX THE PENINSULA.

113

especially urgent at this juncture in their claims to

be sent up the coast.

The expulsion of the Jesuits in 1767 fixed the
attention of the Spanish and Mexican authorities on
the north-west, where were situated the principal
missions of the expelled order. California, by reason
of the old mysterious charm hanging about the name
and country, the strangely exalted value and importance which the Jesuits had always attached to the
barren peninsula, and the current tales of immense
treasure hidden there by the society, attracted a very
large share of this attention.
Moreover the explorations of the Russians on the Alaska coasts from 1741
to 1765 were tolerably well known to the Spanish
authorities; the danger of Russian encroachment
seemed more threatening than in past years; and
finally the fitting-out of a military expedition for the
relief of Sonora suggested the expediency of taking
steps at this time for the protection of the peninsula.
Accordingly Jose de Galvez decided to visit in person
the western coast, and not only to superintend prep^
arations for the Sonora campaign, but to cross the
gulf, investigate the state of affairs in Raja California,
and to adopt such measures as might be found necessary for its safet}^.
Galvez set out from Mexico for San Bias April 9,
1768.
Shortly after his departure Viceroy Croix received from King Carlos III. orders to the effect that
in connection with other precautions against the Russians on the north-west coast, San Diego and Monterey should be occupied and fortified. It had occurred
to the monarch, or his advisers, that this would be an
opportune time to carry into effect an old scheme,
give to the galleons their long-desired harbor, and
secure an important coast line from foreign aggression.
How the order was worded, whether peremptory in its
terms or in the form of a recommendation, does not
appear. Rut that under ordinary circumstances it
would have been obeyed with any degree of promptiIIist. Cal.,

Vol.

I.

1U

PREPARATIONS FOR SPANISH OCCUPATION.

may

well be doubted.
The governor instructed
to investigate and report; zealous friars called upon
for their views; the Franciscan authorities consulted
as to the supply of missionaries; treasury officials
questioned about ways and means; preliminary explorations, conflicting reports, petty quarrels
all these
with the interminable complication of red-tape communications therewith connected, resulting in vexatious delay, if not in absolute failure, may be readily
pictured by the reader of preceding volumes, familiar
with the ways of the period.
Fortunately none of these obstacles was in this case
interposed. The royal order was clear that San Diego
and Monterey should be occupied; the movement was
not a complicated or apparently difficult one; it was
promptly and effectually executed. The cause of this
unusual promptness was in the man who undertook to
carry out the order. The whole matter was by the
viceroy turned over to Jose de Galvez, who was, as we
have seen, on his way to the Jalisco coast to embark
for the peninsula. Galvez had come to Mexico in 17G5
as visitador general of New Spain. He was a member
of the Council of the Indies, and subsequently minister of state, holding the latter position at the time
of his death in 1789.
was invested by Carlos III.

tude

He

with well nigh absolute powers to investigate and

reform the administration of the government in its
different branches, particularly in matters pertaining
to the royal finances. Independent of the viceroy in
many respects b}' virtue of his position, only nominally
subordinate in others, assuming probably some prerogatives that did not belong to him, he was to all intents
the highest authority in New Spain.
The viceroy
Cruillas was removed from office largely because of
his opposition to the visitador, and was replaced by
the more complaisant Marques de Croix. If there
were any viceregal attributes not originally possessed
by Galvez, or arbitrarily assumed by him, they were
especially delegated to him by Croix when he started

DOX J0S2 DE GALVEZ.

115

Thus powerful and independent, Galvez

was also remarkable for his practical good sense, business ability, untiring energy, and disregard of all
for tho west.

He

formalities that stood in his way.

is
entitled to the first place among the pioneers of Cal-

routine

though he never set foot in the country. 1

Galvez sailed from San Bias in May, but was driven
to the Tres Marias and back to Mazatlan, not reachAt this
ing the peninsula till the first week in July.
time Captain Gaspar de Portolii, an easy-going, popular man, but brave and honest withal, Avas ruling the
country as civil and military governor, while Captain
Fernando Javier Rivera y Moncada commanded the
ifornia

Portola
garrison of about forty soldiers at Loreto.
was a new-comer of the preceding year; Rivera had
been long in the country. 2 The missions were in the
Galvez was 'alcalde de casa y corte, ministro del conscjo de Indias, marques de Sonora, ministro de estado y del despacho universal de Indias. Rivera,
Gobernantes de Mex., 402-1G. This is the only authority I have .seen for the
exact date of the departure from Mexico. In an edict dated Nov. 2, 17G3,
in Lower California, Galvez signs himself 'del consejo y camara de Su Magestad en el real y supremo de las Indias, yntendente de exercito, visitador gen*
eral de todos los tribunales de justicia, caxas, y demas ramos de real hacienda
de estos reynos, y comisionado con las amplisimas facultadcs del Ex. Sr. Marque's de Croix.' Prov. St. Pap., IMS., i. G. In his report to the viceroy dated
June 10, 17G9, he gives as the chief object cf the northern expedition the
establishment of a presidio to protect the peninsula from the danger always
threatened by foreign nations 'y con especialidad las (tentativas) que liltimamente ban hecho los rusos pretendiendo familiarizarso con la navegacion del
mar do Tartaria. Palou, Not., i. 183. See also for notices concerning Galvez'
coming to lower California. Id. i. 248-50. Fear of the Russians as the leading
motive for the northern establishment is mentioned in Armona, Carta, 1770,
in Doc. Hist. Mex., 4th ser., torn. ii. 15G-7; Revitta-Gigedo, Informs de 17133,
according to Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 117; by Navarrcte, introd. to Sutil y Mex.
Viage, xci.-ii. ; and by other writers. Grccnhow, Or. and Cal., 1C5, tells us
that Galvez was a man of the most violent and tyrannical disposition. If this
be true it is to be regretted that violence and tyranny were not more common
qualities in Spanish officials. Hughes, California, 119, learns from Harpt -r's
Biog. Cyclopedia, that Galvez visited California in search of gold-mines discovered by the Jesuits; that his companion, Miguel Jos6 de Arcnza, became
discouraged after a few weeks, recommending the abandonment cf the search
and accusing Galvez of insanity for continuing it, for which he was cast
into prison! Galvez was ill in Sonora after leaving California, and is said
to have imprisoned his secretary Azanza, afterward viceroy, for saj ing
1

'

'

that his malady was mental. Such was the origin doubtless of the story.
Vencgas, Net. Cal., ii. 200, 543-4, iii. 4-14, has something to say on the
proposals to settle Alta California and how the matter stood in the middle
of the century.
2
Biographical sketches of these officers will be given later. As authority
for the form of Portold's name I cite his signature in an original letter of 1779

116

PREPARATIONS FOR SPANISH OCCUPATION.

hands of sixteen Franciscan friars from the college of

San Fernando in Mexico, who had been in possession
only about three months, and were under the direc3
There is
tion of Father Junipero Serra as president.
nothing to show that either governor, or commandant,
or president had come to the peninsula with any expectation that their authority was to be soon extended
Yet all doubtless shared the
to the northern coast.
prevalent impression, amounting to a hope in the
minds of the padres, that sooner or la,ter Monterey
and San Diego were to be occupied and missionary
work begun. Galvez set himself to work most zealously to investigate the condition and supply the needs
His policy and acts
of the peninsula establishments.
in this direction are fully set forth in connection with
the annals of Lower California. 4
But the visitador kept always in mind his project
Rapidly his busy brain maof northern conquest.
tured a plan of action, which had probably been conceived before he left San Bias, and which a few months
after his arrival he was ready to carry into execution.
Means and methods were fortunately under his exclusive control, and he had resolved on an expedition in
four divisions, two by sea and two by land, to start
separately, but all to meet at San Diego, and thence
press on to Monterey. Thus a practical knowledge of
both routes would be gained, transportation economized, and risks of failure lessened. Available for the
sea-goingdivisions were two small vessels,thepage&oto,
or snows, San Carlos and San Antonio, under the command of captains Vicente Vila and Juan Perez, experienced pilotos of the royal navy. They had been built
among- the MSS. of Molera; Portold, Diario del Via ye, 1769, MS., a contemporary copy; Ortega in Santa Clara, Arch. Parr., MS., 48; Palou, Vida; and
Monterey, Estracto de Noticias; though Serra 'wrote it Portala in San JDieyo,
Lib. Mision, MS., 63; and in Palou, Noticias, it is printed Portola.
3
Father Serra was a native of Mallorca, 55 years of age, who had come
to America in 1749, had served as a missionary in the Sierra Gorda district
for nine years, and about the same time in the college, or travelling as comiSee preceding note.
sario of the inquisition. Palou, Vida, 1-13, 43-6.
4
See Hist. North Mexican States, vol. i., this series.

VISITADOR AND PRESIDENT.

117

and the cothem out and

for the transportation of troops to Sonora,

mandante at San Bias had orders to fit

send them over to La Paz with the least possible delay.
The land expeditions under Portola and Rivera were to
march from Santa Maria on the northern frontier. An
additional military force would be required, to supply
which Colonel Elizondo was instructed to send over
twenty- five Catalan volunteers 5 under Lieutenant
Pedro Fages. The peninsular missions must assist at
the birth of the new ones, by furnishing church ornaments, live-stock, and other supplies to the full extent
of their ability.
From his head-quarters at Santa Ana Galvez superintended the collection at La Paz and Cape San Lucas
of everything that was to be forwarded by sea. He
sent north supplies for the land expedition, and appointed Captain Rivera, a man practically acquainted
with the country, as comisario with instructions to
proceed northward from mission to mission, and take
from each all the live-stock, provisions, and implements that could be spared. Likewise he was to recruit some people for the new settlements, and bring
everything to Santa Maria with all possible despatch.
Rivera set out upon this work in August or September 1768. 6
The proposed occupation of the northern country,
however, wT as to be spiritual as well as military. The
natives were to be converted after their subjection,
and not only presidios but missions were to be
founded. Preparations having been effectually set on
foot en lo secular, it was now time for the spiritual
aspect of the scheme to receive attention.
Accordingly the padre president was invited to come down
to Santa Ana for a personal interview with the visitador, as he did, arriving at the end of October.
Serra
doubtless had before this time made himself pretty
well acquainted with what Galvez was doing and pro5

left

The Catalonia company,

1st battalion, 2d regiment, light infantry,

27, 17G7. Prov. Stat. Pap., MS., i. 2.
Palou, Not. i. 252, says August; but in Vida, 05, September.

Cadiz
6

May

had

PREPARATIONS FOR SPANISH OCCUPATION.

118

posed to do; but

listened patiently to the visitaclor's explanations, and then not only expressed his
approval of the scheme, but announced his intention
to join the land expedition in person.
It was thought
best to found, besides the missions at San Dieofo and
Monterey, another at some intermediate point, 7 and
still another on the frontier of Lower California in
order to facilitate communication between the old
lie

establishments and the new. Three priests were to go

north by sea and three by land; and in order that so
many might be spared three were drawn from the
college of San Fernando.
Serra agreed with Galvez
that church furniture, ornaments, and vestments,
must be supplied by the old missions. Surplus grain
and other articles of food were to be taken as gifts,
while live-stock and implements must be regarded as
loans, and as such repaid in kind.
This burden, although in accord with the past policy of both Jesuits
and Franciscans that old missions must support the
new, might have met with opposition had there been
any to oppose.
The king's and viceroy's representative, the civil
and military governor, and the president of the
missions were in accord on the subject.
The natives
were not consulted, and the priests were new-comers,
not very deeply interested in the country or in their
respective missions. 8
Galvez and Serra had only
themselves to convince that the measure was right,
and the task was not a hard one. The Franciscans were bound by their vows, said the visitador,
the president echoing approval, to spread the faith,
not to accumulate wealth or build up grand establishments a doctrine that subsequently lost something
of its force in the land whither they were going. Serra
took a list of the church property that Galvez had
already collected, and promised to continue this sacred

7
According to Palou, Vida,
San Buenaventura.

57, this intermediate mission

was

Palou, Not., 1. 43-56, claims also that Galvez, the viceroy,

fully repaid the missions later for all that was taken.

to be called

and the king

A PATRON"

SAINT.

110

though enforced loan in the north, as he did some

months later. 9
During the month of November, Father Junipero

made

a tour of the southern missions, completing

arrangements for secularization which should release
two more priests for duty in the north.
slaughter
of wild cattle in the south furnished meat for the first
Stores of all kinds were collected
sea expedition.
Galvez issued a proclamation naming St
at La Paz.
Joseph the patron saint of the adventure, 10 and shortly
after Lieutenant Fages arrived from Guaymas with
twenty-five Catalan volunteers of the compan ia franca,
who were to go by sea as a first detachment of the
invading army to overcome gentile battalions that
might oppose the landing and progress of the Spaniards.

Palou gives long lists of all the church property taken from each mission,
I have thought it worth while to combine into the following, which is
as nearly accurate as the author's occasional use of the term3 several' and a
few' will permit: 7 church bells, 11 small altar bells, 23 altar cloths, 5 choir
copes, 3 surplices, 4 carpets, 2 coverlets, 3 roquctes, 3 veils, 10 full sets sacred
vestments, different colors, G old single vestments, 17 albas, albs, or white

which

'

'

tunics, 10 palios, palliums, or short cloaks, 10 amitcs, amices, or pieces of linen,

10 chasubles, 12 girdles, G kopas, or cassocks, 18 altar-linens, or corporales, 21
purijicadores, purificatories, or chalice cloths, 1 pall cloth, 11 pictures of the
virgin, 12 silver or gilded chalices, 1 cibary, or silver goblet, 7 crismeras, or
silver phials for chrism, or sacred oil, 1 custodia, or silver casket for holy
wafers, 5 conchas, or silver conchs for baptism, G incensarios, or silver censers
with incense dish and spoon, 12 pairs of vinageras, silver and glass cruets for
wine and water, 1 silver crois with pedestal, 1 box containing Jesus, Mary,
and Joseph, 1 copper platter for baptismal font, 2 copper baptismal fonts, 2d
brass, copper, and silver candlesticks, 1 copper dipper for holy water, 1 silver
jar, 1 tin wafer box, 3 statues, 2 silver suns or dazzlers, 4 irons for making
wafers, coins and rings for arras at marriages, 5 aras, or consecrated stones,
4 missals and a missal-stand, 1 Betancurt's Manual; also quantities of handkerchiefs, curtains, and tinsels; with laces, silks, and other stuffs to be made
This church
into altar upholstery, taken from the royal almacen at Loreto.
property was for the most part sent by water to the new establishments.
Many of the old vestments and church ornaments, some dating back perhaps
to this first invoice, are yet preserved in the missions. See Visit to Southern
California, MS.
10
In his proclamation, dated Nov. 21st, and preserved in Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., i. 15, 1G, Galvez refers to the driving away of the locusts in 1707, at
San Jos6 del Cabo by aid of St Joseph's image, as a reason why the Monterey
expedition is to be under him as patron.
He charges the priests to say mass
on the 19th of every month, and the rogative litany while the expeditions continue, imploring through the intercession of the saint divine protection, and
this in addition to the regular salve to Maria, patron of all the Califomian conversions, and also in addition to the regular fiesta of San Josd.
On the :,
day he calls the attention of Padre Lasuen to this matter. Letter in Id., xi.
3G J-70, with another letter of Xov. 23d, relating to supplies from the Loreto
(

warehouse.

120

PREPARATIONS FOR SPANISH OCCUPATION.

Early in December the San Carlos arrived at

from San Bias. She had been hastily and,

La Paz
like all

Pacific coast craft of the time, imperfectly constructed,

had encountered stormy weather, and was in a leaky

condition. She was already partially laden with effects
for the north from the San Bias warehouses; but had
to be unloaded, careened, and loaded again, all of which
labor Galvez personally superintended, often lending
a hand in the stowing of an unwieldy package, greatly
to the encouragement of his men and to the admira11
The 9th of January 1769
tion of the chroniclers.
All who were going in
the San Carlos was ready.
her confessed, heard mass, partook of the communion,
and then listened to a parting address from Galvez.
The visitador reminded his hearers that theirs was a
glorious mission, that they were going to plant the
cross among the heathen, and charged them in the
name of God, the king, and the viceroy to respect
their priests and maintain peace and union among
Finally Junipero Serra pronounced a
themselves.
formal blessing on the pilgrims, their vessel, the flag,
the crew, and on Father Parron, to whom was intrusted the spiritual care of the company.
The ceremony over, the San Carlos put to sea. Galvez in the
Conception accompanied her down the gulf from La Paz
to Cape San Lucas, watching her until she doubled the
point and struck bravely northward before a fair wind. 12
While the president returned to Loreto Galvez
gave his attention to the San Antonio, which was to
follow the San Carlos. Touching at La Paz the 15th
of January, she arrived at Cape San Lucas the 25th. 13
11

Palou, Vida, GO, notes that Galvez was particularly zealous in packing
San Buenaventura which he called his mission, and was delighted at having
done his work quicker than Padre Junipero who packed for his mission ot
San Carlos.
12
Crespi, in Palou, Not., ii. 149, says the San Curios sailed January 10th.
Leaving La Paz on the 9th, she may have been last seen by Galvez on the 10th,
though Palou, Not., i. 21G, says it was the 11th. For further details respecting
the officers, men, cargo, instructions, and plans, see description of the voyage
for

in the next chapter.

J3
Galvez' letter in Prov. St. Pap.,
that the San Antonio had gone to San
from reaching La Paz.

MS., i. 44. Palou, Vida, 61, tells us

Lucas because prevented by the wind

PEREZ SAILS OX THE SAN ANTONIO.

Her

condition beings no
capitana, or flag-ship, she

121

than that of the

was unloaded and careened,
and so was not ready for sea till the 15th of February. Then, after an exhortation by Galvez and the
usual religious ceremonies, Perez shook out his sails
and with a fair wind struck northward from San
"God seems to reward my only
Jose del Cabo.
virtue, my faith," writes Galvez to Fages, "for all
better

14
goes well."

Meanwhile active preparations for the land expedition were being made in the north.
Rivera had
Santa Ana in September, as we have seen. On
his way northward he had visited each mission and
had taken such live-stock and other needed supplies
as he and the different friars thought could be spared.
The 200 cattle, 140 horses, 46 mules, and two asses,
with various implements and articles of food thus
15
acquired, were collected at first at the frontier mission of Santa Maria, but the pasturage there being
insufficient for his animals, Rivera soon transferred his

left

camp

to Velicata eight or ten leagues farther north.

16

he sent word to Galvez at Santa Ana

and to Serra at Lore to that he would be ready to
start for San Diego in March.
The president had
returned to Loreto at the end of January, and had
since been busily engaged in his preparations, forwarding such articles as he could get to La Paz or to Santa
Maria according as they were to go by water or by
land. On receipt of Rivera's message he at once notified Fray Juan Crespi, who was to accompany the first
land expedition, to join the force at Velicata without
delay.
Crespi, an intimate personal friend as well as

From

u
ld

this point

Prov. St. Pap., MS.,

i.

46.

The articles, not including the Loreto

contribution, were 54 aparejos, or

pack-saddles, 28 leather bags, 1 case of bottles, 13 sides of leather, 28 arrobas
of figs, 1 bale and 4 arrobas of sugar, 340 arrobas tasajo, or dried meat, -3
arrobas flour, 35 almudes pinole, 21 fanegas wheat, 23 arrobas raisins, 4
cargas biscuits, 10 arrobas lard, 2 jugs and 12 bottles wine. Eatables were
gifts.
Palou, Not., i. 43-5. Galvez sent some implements and seeds. Id.
Vida, GO.
10
He reached Velicatd before Dec. 20th on which date he wrote to Galvez.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 45.

122

PREPARATIONS FOR SPANISH OCCUPATION.

obedient subordinate of Serra, 17 accordingly left his

mission of Purisima the 2Gth of February and reached
Rivera's camp on the 2 2d of March, having been
joined at Santa Maria by Padre Lasuen who had
journeyed, from San Francisco de Borja in order to
bestow the customary blessing on the departing pilEverything was in readiness, and two da}T s
grims.
after the coming of the friars Rivera's little army
began its march into the land of gentiles.
Portola with the second division of the land expedition was already on his way to the northern frontier,
having left Loreto on the ninth of March; 18 but he
was obliged to await at Santa Maria the transportation from San Luis Bay of supplies which had been
Serra was unable to accompany
sent up by water. 19
the governor because his work of collectingf church
utensils and ornaments was not yet completed, and
he was besides suffering from a sore foot, obtained
long before on a walk from Vera Cruz to Mexico,
which made it doubtful to every one but himself
whether he would be able to go with the expedition
However, he promised to follow as soon as
at all.
possible, and meanwhile sent Campa from San Ignacio
At the end of March, though still very
in his place.
lame, he was ready to start, and after spending several
days at San Javier with Francisco Palou, 20 whom he
appointed president of the old missions during his
absence, he journeyed slowly and painfully northward,
stopping at each mission except Mulege, and finally
17
Crespi was like Serra a native of Mallorca, had come to America in the
same vessel, and had served 1G years in the Sierra Gorda missions. He
was at this time 48 years of age. Many old Californians say they were
accustomed to hear his name pronounced by their fathers Crespi, and it is so
written in Portola, Diarlo and other MSS.
18
Sergeant Jose F. Ortega, who was with Portola on this march, says that
he left Loreto March 14. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 171. According to a fragment in Ortega's handwriting in Sta. Clara, Arch. Parroquia, MS., 48, the
date was March 14th or lGth. Palou makes it the 9th.
19
They had been sent by the canoas San Iijnacio and San Borja, which
returned to San Lucas before Feb. 14th. Prov. St. Pop., MS., i. 45.
20
Palou was now 47 years of age. He had been a pupil of Serra in Spain,
was perhaps also a native of Mallorca, had come with him to America, and
had served with him in the Sierra Gorda.

A1.L

EN ROUTE.

123

joining the governors party at Santa Maria the 5th

of May. The whole company left Santa Maria on the
21
The same
11th, and arrived at Velicata the 14th.
day a mission was founded there under the name of
San Fernando, Campa being left in charge; then on
the 15th of May Portola with the second land expedition set out and followed the track of Rivera.
Thus within a period of four months Galvez had
despatched the four divisions, and only an extraordinary series of misfortunes could prevent the successful
occupation of San Diego and Monterey. He had not,
however, quite reached the limit of his efforts in that
direction, since he had caused to be built at San Bias
a new vessel, especially intended for northern coast
service, and named for the patron saint of the expedition the San Jose. She arrived at Cape San Lucas on
the 13th of February, two days before the departure
of the San Antonio*1 but it was found necessary to
overhaul her for repairs at the cape harbor, whence
she was convoyed by Galvez in a sloop to Loreto in
April. In May she bore the visitador across the gulf
to the Rio Mayo, and brought back part of a cargo of
supplies to Loreto, where she completed her lading
and sailed for San Die^o on the 16th of June. 23 She
was to have touched at San Jose del Cabo to take on

board Father Murguia and some church ornaments;

but nothing was seen of her there or elsewhere, until
three months later she appeared at Loreto with a
broken mast and otherwise disabled. Word was sent
to Galvez in Sonora, and he ordered her to San Bias
for repairs.
The cargo was taken out and sent in
boats to Cape San Lucas, except a quantity of corn
left on board.
trunk of vestments was sent to
Velicata* by land, and the vessel sailed for San Bias

21

Portold, Diario, MS.,

1, 2.

The leader and

friars

went

in

advance and

reached Velicata on the 13th.

22
Galvez, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 45.
23
Palou, Vida, 63, says the vessel was never heard of again, and it is only
in his other work, Notlcias, i. 54, 276-9, in which, however, he says nothing
of her trip to Sonora, that he describes her subsequent movements.

PREPARATIONS FOR SPANISH OCCUPATION.

124

The unfortunate

'paquehot came back

next year, and sailed from San Jose del Cabo in May
with a cargo of supplies and a double crew to reenibrce the other vessels, but without Murguia, who

October.

in

was detained by

illness.

Nothing was ever heard

subsequently of either vessel or crew.

The

captain's

name was Callegan.

The proceedings

of Galvez and other events in the

peninsula after the departure of the northern expedi24
tions have been fully narrated elsewhere;
and there
is but little in connection with those annals for several
years that has any bearing on the new establishments
of San Diego and Montere}^. As early as July 1769,
the San Antonio returned to San Bias, and on the 7th
of September a schooner brought up to Loreto news
that all the expeditions had reached San Diego. 25 The
25th of February 1770 Rivera returned to Velicata
for cattle and other supplies left there, with San Diego
news to the 11th of February, and with reports for
Galvez and the viceroy on the failure of the first
month later two natives
attempt to find Monterey.
arrived from San Diego with April letters to Palou
and the viceroy which reached Loreto late in May. 26
The 2d of August messengers arrived from Monterey
at Tod os Santos, brinoina- to Governor Armona and
Father Palou news of the founding of San Carlos
mission. The event was celebrated by a mass of
thanksgiving and by a discharge of fire-arms at Santa
Ana. From Portola who returned b}^ sea the good
news was received in Mexico about the same time. 27
I have already noticed the despatching of the ill-fated
San Jose in May 1770. Palou, the acting president,

24

See Hist. North Mexican States,

vol.

i.,

this series.

Aug. 29, 17G9, Juan B. Anza writes from Tubac, Sonora, to Gov. Pineda
that an Indian from the Gila has reported that a nation beyond theCocomaricopas met four Spaniards with guns, whom the writer thinks may be part of
the Monterey expedition. Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. iv. torn. ii. 117-18.
20
Gov. Armona of Baja California writes from Santa Ana July 19, 1770,
that he arrived June 13th, and found good news of the northern expeditions,
including the discovery of the 'prodigiosisimo puerto' called San Francisco
and which may be Monterey. Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. iv. torn. ii. 156-7.
27
Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., lxxxvii. 1025

PALOU IN THE PENINSULA.

125

kept himself in constant communication with Serra,

and in the midst of all his cares and vexations respecting peninsular affairs, never lost sight of the new
northern establishments.'23
28
On preparations in the peninsula for the northern expeditions the standard
authority is Palou, Noticias, i. 29-5G, 247-79, and Id., Vida de Junipero Serra,
57-75, besides the original sources of information to which I have referred on
special points in past notes. So large and complete is my collection of original,
and especially manuscript, authorities on California history that I shall not
attempt any systematically complete reference to all the printed works which
touch upon each point or each brief epoch, but which give information at
second hand only. I shall refer to such works to point out errors worth noticing, or for other special purposes; and I shall also for bibliographical purposes
give occasional lists of these secondary authorities bearing on definite historic
periods. For such a list on the occupation and early mission history of Cal-

ifornia see

end

of this volume.

CHAPTER

V.

OCCUPATION OF SAN DIEGO EXPEDITIONS BY SEA AND LAND.

1789.

Voyage of Perez in the San Antonio Arrival in San Diego Bay

A Miracle Discovery of Santa Cruz Island Waiting for the
Capitana Voyage of Vila in the 'San Carlos' Fages and his
Catalan Volunteers Instructions by Galvez A Scurvy-stricken
Crew A Pest-house at San Diego Arrival of Rivera y Moncada Crespi's Diary Camp and Hospital Moved to North San
Diego Coming of Portola. and Junipero Serra Reunion of the
Four Expeditions Thanksgiving to Saint Joseph The 'San Antonio' Sent to San Blas Portola Sets out for Monterey Founding of San Diego Mission A Battle with the Natives A Mission
without Converts.
'

'

Turn now

to the northern coasts, to the

bay of San

Diego, whose waters had lain for more than a century

and a half undisturbed by European keel, whose
shores had known no tread of iron heel since Sebastian Vizcaino was there.
The native inhabitants yet
preserved a traditional remembrance of white and
bearded visitors, kept alive perhaps by an occasional
rumor wafted overland from the south-east, and by
distant glimpses of the white-winged galleon which
year after }^ear bore its oriental treasure down past
this port, which, so far as can be known, was never
And now the aboriginal solitude is destined
entered.
to be forever broken.
The 11th of April 1769 1 a Spanish vessel appears
and anchors in the bay. It is the San Antonio sometimes called El Principe, and is commanded by Juan
1
Crespi, in Palou, Not., ii. 149, gives the date as April 14th.
Essai. Pol., 318, says it was in April 17G3.
(

126

Humboldt,

ARRIVAL OF THE FIRST EXPEDITION.

127

Perez, an experienced Mallorcan who has seen service

in the Pacific as piloto, or master, of the Manila galleon.

She had been despatched from Cape San Lucas

February, after religious services and a parting

address from the visitador general Jose de Galvez, the
highest official who had visited the north-western
coast since the days of Hernan Cortes. On board are
the friars Juan Vizcaino and Francisco Gomez, a few
carpenters and blacksmiths, then there is the crew,
whose number is not known, and a miscellaneous
cargo of supplies for two settlements which it is
designed to found on the upper coast.
Under the
protecting care of Saint Anthony of Padua, patron,
indeed, of the day of sailing as well as of the vessel
herself, the voyage of twenty-four days has been a
prosperous one, the only misfortune recorded being
the illness of a few seamen who suffered from scurvy,
a scourge rarely escaped by voyagers of the period.
The first land made was an island in the Santa Barbara Channel, which was named Santa Cruz from the
honesty of the natives in restoring an iron cross left
on shore. Here they received the best of treatment
and obtained plenty of fish and water in exchange for
beads; but their observations showed that they were
above the supposed latitude of San Diego, 2 and Perez
accordingly returned southward along the coast until
he passed Point Guijarros and entered the desired
Here
port, as we have seen, on the 11th of April.
3
also the natives are kind to the strangers, but Perez
finds no sign of Vila, his superior in command of the
in

According to observations the vessel was in 34 40', but really in about

San Diego, supposed to be in 34, Cabrera Buzno, Navegacion, 305,
was nearly a degree and a half further south.
3
The natives at first took the vessel for a great whale, but soon discovered
their error, and regarded it as the forerunner of wonderful things, especially
as an eclipse of the sun and an earthquake occurred simultaneously with the
arrival of the vessel.
This story was told by them later, and is recorded by
Sena, Representation sobre Mitioues, 21 de Mayo 1773, MS., who says the
Spaniards noticed neither eclipse nor temblor, and regards it as a miracle by
which, though the padres could not yet begin their teachings, comenzaron
d, predicar prodigiosamente a aquellos miseros gentiles las criaturas inscnsibles
del Cielo y de la tierra.' These phenomena arc also noticed, from the same
34; while

'

source, in the S. F. Bulletin, Oct. 12, 18G5.

OCCUPATION OF SAN DIEGO.

128

which had

from the peninsula more

than a month before the San Antonio, and which he
had hoped to find at San Diego. Neither are there
any tidings to be obtained of the overland party to
the same port.
Under these circumstances the captain's orders call for a stay of twenty days before proceeding to Monterey.
As there are no soldiers, and
as the instructions of Galvez had been to run no risks,
the friars do not land, nor is any attempt made to explore the country.
Two days before the twenty days
elapse, that is on the 29th of April, the tardy capitana comes in si^ht.
The San Carlos, otherwise called the Golden Fleece,
is commanded by Vicente Vila, a native of Andalucia,
and sailing-master of the first class in the royal Spanish
navy. 4 She had sailed from La Paz having on board
5
Vila, a mate not named, Alferez Miguel Costanso
acting as cosmographer, and a crew of twenty-three
sailors and two boj^s. Also on board were Lieutenant
Pedro Fages, with twenty-five Catalan volunteers,
including a sergeant and corporal Hernando Parron,
a Franciscan friar; Pedro Prat, a Frenchman and
surgeon of the royal army four cooks and two blacksmiths
sixty-two persons in all; with supplies for
eight months or a }T ear, implements of various kinds,
and a quantity of church furniture and other mission
property. 6 All the proper religious ceremonies had
flag-ship,

sailed

Vila's appointment by Galvez, dated La Paz, Dec. 27, 1768, names as

'Capitan, Piloto Mayor, y comandante del San Carlos, a D. Vicente Vila,
piloto de los primeros de la Real Armada, por las apreciables circunstancias
que en el concurren, con la jurisdiecion y prerogativas que le corresponden por
la Real Ordenanza de Marina,' with $120 per month and 830 additional if the
voyage is successful. Officers and crews of Loth vessels are ordered under
severe penalties to obey Vila as commander of the capitana. Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., i. 6C-8.
5
Printed Costans6 in Monterey, Estracto de Noticias, and so signed by himself in several autographs now before me. Often printed Costanzo or Constanzo.
6
The manifest of the San Carlos signed by Vila on Jan. 5th is preserved in
Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 13-21. The list of supplies includes: 4,6.76 lbs. meat,
1,783 lbs. fish, 230 bush, maize, 500 lbs. lard, 7 jars vinegar, 5 tons wood, 1,27?
lbs. brown sugar, 5 jars brandy, 6 tanates figs, 3 tanaies raisins, 2 tanates dates
300 lbs. red pepper, 125 lbs. garlic, 6,678 lbs. bread, common, 690 lbs. bread,
white, 945 lbs. rice, 945 lbs. chickpeas, 17 bushels salt, 3,800 gallons water,
450 lbs. cheese, 6 jars Cal. wine, 125 lbs. sugar, 275 lbs. chocolate, 10 hams,
4

VOYAGE OF THE SAN CARLOS.

129

been attended to at the start; Junipero Serra, president of the California missions, had invoked the
blessing of heaven upon this first detachment of pacificators; Miguel de Azanza, subsequently vicero}^ of
New Spain, had acted as shipping-clerk at the embarkation of the supplies; and Jose de Galvez, the
foremost man in America, had not only aided in the
lading and delivered a parting address, but had accompanied the vessel to the cape, seeing her safely
headed for San Diego.
Yet despite such favorable auspices the San Carlos
was unfortunate. The water-casks leaked and nothing but water of a bad quality could be obtained at
Cedros Island. This greatly aggravated the scurvy,
alwaj^s prevalent on the coast, and soon no sailors
were left with sufficient strength to work thewessel
or to launch the boats for fresh water. Vila, in accordance with his instructions, 7 was obliged to go up the
coast to 34 as had Perez before him, the increased
distance and cold adding greatly to his troubles. At
2 lbs. spice, 25 smoked beef-tongues, 6 live cattle, 575 lbs. lencandles, 1,300 lbs. Hour, 15 sacks bran, 495 lbs. beans, 10 sacks
roal, hens for the sick and for breeding, $1,000 in money, etc. The brandy and
cheese were for stormy weather only, the former being considered conducive
to scurvy if used habitually on this coast. The wine was for cabin use, or for
the missions. Many of the articles named, or specified portions thereof, were
intended for the missions, or for the land expedition; and part of the jiunocha,
was to be used in sweetening the temper of the natives.
7
Galvez' instructions to Capt. Vila, dated Jan. 5th, are preserved in Prov.
St. Pap., MS., i. 22-31, under the title, 'Instruction to be observed by D.
Vicente Vila, first-class master in the royal navy and Captain Comandante
(f the paquebot of his majesty called the San Carlos alias Tolson de Oro in
the voyage which by divine aid this vessel is to make to the ports of San
Diego and Monterey, situated on the northern coast of this peninsula of Californias in 33 and 37 of latitude.' The different articles of this document are
in substance as follows: 1st. The object is to establish the Catholic faith, to
extend Spanish domain, to check the ambitious schemes of a foreign nation,
and to carry out a plan formed by Felipe III. as early as 1G0G. Therefore no
pains can be spared without offense to God, the king, and the country. 2d.
The vessel being new, strong, and well supplied for over a year, to be followed
by the San Antonio with additional supplies, having only 300 leagues to make,
having a strong military force, and going to a land whose natives are docile,
have no arms but bows and arrows, and are without boats, there can be no
excuse en lo humaito for failure. 3d. Vila is to sail Jan. 7th, weather permitting, keep out to sea according to bis judgment in search of favorable
winds, to take careful observations, and to stand in shore at 34, San Diego
being in 33 according to the ce'dula of Felipe III., and being easy to find by
Vizcaino's narrative enclosed with this document in print in the third volume
]

bottles

tils,

112

oil,

lbs.

Hist. Cal., Vol.

I.

130

OCCUPATION OF SAN DIEGO.

however, a tedious navigation of a hundred and

ten days was ended by the San Carles, almost miraculously it would seem, by turning into San Diego
Bay the 29th of April. 8
last,

Perez has already deposited a letter at the foot of

a cross on shore, and has completed his preparations
to sail on the 1st of May, when the San Carlos appears and drops anchor, but without lowering a boat.

A visit

to the vessel soon reveals the fact that all

hands are down with scurvy. The sick are at once
removed by the crew of the San Antonio to the shore,

where they are sheltered by sail tents and receive

from Dr Prat and the three friars such care as circumstances allow.
It does not clearly appear that
more than two had succumbed at sea; but now death
begins its ravages in the canvas pest-house on the
beach. 9

Perez'

men

are attacked

by the scourge;

of the Nctlcia de Californias (that is in Venegas, Not. Cal.,

iii.

85-0).

4th. If

Capt. Rivera be found at San Diego, the mission effects are to be landed, and
such other supplies as Rivera may need, the rest to be taken by sea to Mon5th. If Rivera and the land force have not arrived Vila is to wait 15
terey.
or 20 days at most, obtaining wood and water, while Fages and Costans6
explore the country.
Cth. After the 20 days, or on Rivera's arrival, the San
Curios is to sail for Monterey, with the San Antonio if she be there.
7th.
The strictest discipline is to be kept, every precaution taken for safety, and
any outrage on the natives to be severely punished. 8th. The sailors are to
aid the soldiers in building a temporary fort at Monterey.
9th. The natives
are to be conciliated with panocha and trifles, but to be very closely watched,
10th. Panocha,
to be induced to look on weapons as a kind of adornment.
cloths, etc., are to be given to Fages and Rivera on their demand, a receipt
being taken. 11th.
report is to be sent to Galvez from San Diego by land,
and from Monterey one of the vessels is to return to San Diego with despatches to go overland, or if only one vessel is there she is to come as soon
as safety will permit and return immediately.
12th. Vila to remain in the
best fitted of the two vessels at Monterey until the San Jose shall arrive.
13th. The other vessel is to remain at San Diego long enough to deliver
despatches, etc., and is then to continue her voyage to C. San Lucas and San
Bias with duplicate despatches.
14th. Coasts about Monterey are to be
explored, especially port and river Carmelo, and if possible the port of San
Francisco said to be in 38 30'. To this end Vila will give all possible aid to
Costans6 and Fages. 15th. On the arrival of the San Jose", Vila in his vessel
will return to San Bias, exploring the coast in order to confirm or correct
Cabrera Bueno's derrotero, the best extant. Naverjacion Especulativa y prdctica, Manila, 1734.
8
According to Palcu, Not., i. 262, she anchored on the 30th.
9
Judge Hayes, Emlg. Notes, MS., 474, thinks that the vessels were
anchored off what is now New Town, between the two wharves, and that
Punta de los Muertes, or Dead Men's Point, derived its name from the burial

and

RAVAGES OF THE SCURVY.

131

and of about ninety sailors, soldiers, and mechanics

considerably less than one third survive, though none
of the officers or friars die or are even attacked so
far as the records show.

10

Of

course the continuation of the voyage to Monterey is not possible under

Neither can Fa^es and Costanso
the circumstances.
than
disregard
their instructions 11 callotherwise
do
ing for a preliminary exploration of the surrounding
And such is probably the fact, for the name
of the scurvy-stricken sailors.
appears on Pantoja's chart of 1784 in Sutil y Mexicana, Viages, Atlas, No. 5.
See also Bancroft's Pers. Obs., MS., 14.
10
There is some confusion respecting numbers, increased by our ignorance
Palou says, Not., i. 262, that from
of the exact force on the San Antonio.
the San Carlos 5 of the crew and 12 soldiers survived; while of the other
crew all but 7 died. Again, ii. 151, he says that before May 14th 9 of the
San Cdrlos had died. Again, i. 282, that the San Antonio, sailing July 6 Mi
(or Oth), lost 9 men on the voyage, arriving at San Bias sin gente para marear.
And finally, that 5 sailors and 2 boys remained on the San Cdrlos after July
14th, at which time 29 sailors and soldiers had been buried on the beach.
In a letter dated July 3d, Serra states that all the crew of the San Cdrlos
died except one man and a cook, and 8 died from the San Antonio. Palou,
Vida, 70. He writes in the San Diego death register, San Diego, Lib. Minion,
MS., G3-5, that half of Fages' soldiers died; that Parron at first and himself
later kept a record of deaths which was destroyed with the mission a few
years later, and that the deaths within a few months amounted to over CO,
including some Indians. The good friar hopes the names are inscribed in the
'book of life.' In Loreto, Lib. Mision, MS., 129, the Indian Juan Alvarez
is mentioned as having been one of the San Antonio s men, who died at San
Diego on June 25th.
11
Galvez' instructions to Fages, dated like those to Vila January 5th, and
found in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 31^43, are substantially as follows: 1st. Fages,
military chief of the sea expedition, is to exercise the same authority on land
until Gov. Portola arrives; that is he is to be Rivera's superior, and is to
superintend the economical distribution of rations. 2d. The soldiers are to
aid the sailors, and Fages must see that harmony and discipline are preserved.
3d. Three fires on the hill north-west of San Diego will be a signal to the
vessel that Rivera has already arrived.
4th. If Rivera has not arrived at
San Diego, Fages is to use every possible means by exploration and inquiry
to learn his whereabouts and aid his march. 5th. Before Rivera's arrival the
natives, and especially chiefs, are to be prepared so far as possible by Fages
and Parron for the founding of a mission. 6th. The natives being friendly,
and Costanso having selected a proper site, Fages may erect some buildings,
and thus prepare for Rivera's coming with soldiers for a mission guard; but
if Rivera has already attended to this, Fages is to render any needed aid
with the least possible delay to the vessel. 7th. If Rivera has not come, and
the San Antonio arrives, the latter vessel is to be left at San Diego, with half
the soldiers, to attend to the preceding instructions, while the San Cdrlos,
with Fages, goes on to Monterey. Galvez also wrote to Fages on February
14th, Id., 46-7, directing him to put half his men on board the San Antonio,
8th. At Monterey the Indians are to be pacified, a landing effected with all
caution, and a camp fortified with ditch, estacada, and cannons on a site
chosen by the engineer, and under the guns of the vessel. 9th. The natives
are to be impressed with the advantages of peace and salvation and protection
from foreign insult offered by the Spaniards. 10th. The natives, if friendly,
to be told of Rivera's approach and induced to send guides.
11th. Fages and
,

OCCUPATION OF SAN DIEGO.

132

country.

For two weeks the well have more than

enough to do in caring for the sick and in burying

the dead, and then on the 14th of May other Spaniards come to their relief.
These are Rivera y Moncada with his twenty-five
12
soldados de cuera, or cuirassiers, from the presidio of
Loreto; also the priest Juan Crespi, the 'pilotin^ Jose
Caiiizares, three muleteers, and a band of christianized
natives from the northern missions of Baja California.
Of these last there were forty-two in number at the
outset, whose duty it was to make roads, assist the
muleteers, and perform the drudgery.
This first
division of the land expedition had started from
Velicata in March, and had been fifty-one days on
the way, the distance being given at the time as one
hundred and twenty-one leagues. Two diaries were
kept and are extant, one by Crespi and the other by
Canizares. 14
Both are very complete, but neither
affords matter of much interest to the historical student, since it could serve no good purpose to repeat
the details of that monotonous inarch.

Many

localities

were named and their latitudes

Costans6 may, if deemed best, send soldiers with the natives to meet Rivera.
12th. Fages may use force to overcome resistance if necessary.
13th. The
natives are never to be fully trusted, but always watched, for the 'common

enemy' will surely incite them to mischief. 14th. Both soldiers and sailors to
work on the fort. 15th. Constant precautions against danger, notwithstanding peaceful appearances.
10th. Trade with the natives is allowed, but no
knives or other weapons must be given them.
17th. Fages is to send full reports to Galvez down to the time of Portola's taking the command.
Great
reliance is placed in the 'activity, honor, and prudence' of Fages and Costans6.
Galvez adds a note to the effect that the presidio and mission at Mon*
terey are to be called by the glorious name of Sari Carlos.
12
These soldiers derived their name from the cuera, or cuirass, which in
California was a sleeveless jacket made of 7 or 8 thicknesses of deer or sheep
skin quilted. From the Latin corium. The metallic cuirass was called in
Spanish coraza.
Vi
A.pilotin was the master's mate on a vessel.
Caiiizares accompanied the
land force to take observations and write a diary.
14
Caiiizares, Diario ejecutado por Tkrra desde el parage de Villacata a este
puerto de San Diego, 1769, MS. This diary is dated July 3d, and was probably sent south by the San Antonio a few clays later. Crespi, Primera Espcd.
de Tierra al Descubrimiento del Puerto de San Diego, in Palou, Not., ii. 93149. This diary extends to July 2d, and probably was completed like the other
on July 3d. The writer had before him the diaries of the second expedition
under Portola, from which he takes some material respecting changes in names
of places along the route.

THE FIRST LAND EXPEDITION.

133

but these geographical details belong to the

The route
peninsula rather than to Alta California.
lay west of the main sierra and for the most part near
the coast. 15 The country was barren and unattractive
water had to be carried for the animals and men for
days at a time; and at times their progress was hindered by showers of rain. At Santa Cruz on Todos
Santos Bay the savages made some threatening demonstrations, and once again there was almost a fight, but
the foe was frightened away by the noise of gunpowder.
The Indians of the company soon began to
sicken and die 16 or to desert, and one or more of the
men had usually to be carried on tepestles, or litters.
As the party approached San Diego the gentiles
became more numerous, less timid, more disposed to
curiosity and theft, and eager to explain by their signlanguage the recent passing of the Spanish ships. On
the morning of the 14th of May the little army rose
so completely wet through by the rain that had fallen
during the night that mass had to be omitted, much
to the sorrow of Father Crespi because it was the first
day of pentecost. The march began at ten o'clock.
Soon they caught a distant view of the anchored vessels Crespi says they had seen the mast-tops the day
before; and at four in the afternoon, having travelled
six leagues during the day, they reached the camp on
the beach and were welcomed by a salute from all the
fire-arms that could be manned. 17
fixed,

thing to be done, now that the coming of

Rivera's men renders it possible, is to prepare for permanent settlement. The old camp, or pest-house, on

The

first

15
At the outset they followed the route of Link in 17CG, but the latter soon
turned to the right to cross the mountains.

16
Serra, in San Diego, Lib. Minion, MS., 64, says that 5 died.
Nine deserted at one time according to Palou.
17
Ortega, in Santa Clara, Arch. Parroqiria, MS., 48-54, gives an account
of this expedition in which he represents the sufferings of the soldiers to have
been very great, three tortillas per day being the rations. Vallejo, Hist. Ca'.,
MS., i. 83, obtained the same idea from his father's narrative, stating that
the soldiers were glad to barter their jewelry and clothing for the rations of
their Indian companions, while the latter lived on roots, wild fruits, etc.

OCCUPATION OF SAN DIEGO.

134

the bay- shore, is probably within the limits of what

is now the city of San Diego, locally known as New
Town; but the day after his arrival Rivera so say
the chroniclers, although according to the instructions
of Galvez, Fages was chief in command
selects a
new site some miles north, at what is now Old, or
North, San Diego, at the foot of a hill on which are
still to be seen the remains of the old presidio.
Here
camp is pitched and fortified, a corral for the animals
and a few rude huts are built, and hither on the seventeenth are transported the sick and their tents.
The immediate purpose is that the camp may be near
the river which at this point flows into the north end
of the bay.
For six weeks officers, priests, and soldiers are occupied in attending to the wants of the
sick and in unloading the San Antonio.
Then they
await the arrival of Portola.
In the last days of June Sergeant Ortega with a
soldier makes his appearance in camp, announcing that
his companions under Portola are only a few days'
march from the port. Ten soldiers are sent back with
Ortega to meet the approaching party. On the 29th
the governor arrives in advance of his men; and on
the first of July, a little before noon, Father Serra
and all the rest are welcomed in camp. This second
division of the land expedition, consisting of the three
officials just named, of nine or ten soldiers de cuera,
four muleteers, two servants of the governor and
president, and forty-four natives of Lower California,
had left Velicata the 15th of May, and had followed
The journey had been
the route of Rivera's party.
an uneventful and comparatively easy one. The gentiles were occasionally threatening, but did no harm.
As in the case of the first division most of the neophytes deserted, only twelve reaching San Diego;
but there were no deaths. 18 The second day Father

18

Portold, Diario del Viage que haze por tlerra n Gaspar de Portold, Capdel regimiento de Espana, Governador de Califomias, d los
puertos de San Diego y Monterey situado* en 33 y 37 grados, haviendo sith nomn Joseph de
hrado comandante en gefe de esta expedicion por el Ili<> Sefior
it

an de Dragones

THE SECOND LAND EXPEDITION.

133

Jumpero's foot became so painful that it seemed impossible for him to continue. Portola wished to send
him back, but the president would not think of it.
litter was thereupon ordered to be made, but Serra
was much troubled at the extra work this imposed on
Calling an arriero he induced him
the poor Indians.
to prepare an ointment of tallow and herbs which,
combined with the friar's faith and prayers, so far
healed the affected limb in a single night that it gave
no more trouble. Listen to the record: " That evening he called the arriero Juan Antonio Coronel, and
said, 'Son, canst thou not make me a remedy for the
ulcer on my foot and leg?' But he answered, Padre,
what remedy can I know?
I a surgeon? I am an
arriero, and have healed only the sores of beasts.'
Then, son, suppose me a beast and this ulcer a saddlegall from which have resulted the swelling of the leg
and the pains that I feel and that give me no rest; and
make for me the same medicament that thou wouldst
"
apply to a beast.' 19

'

Am

'

Galvez en virtud de las facultades vice-regiasque le ha concedido su Excel " Dicha

n Fernando de
expedition se componia de 37 soldados de cuera con su capltan
Rivera deriendo este adelantar.se con 27 soldados, y el governador con 10 y un
saryento. MS., folio, 35 pages.
This diary is a copy from the original made
in early times.
It includes not only the trip to San Diego but the later one
The entries for each day's
to Monterey to be noticed in the next chapter.
march are very brief, containing the number of hours inarched, generally 4 or
5 psr day, the character of the road and camping-place, and some notes of
interviews with gentiles. For example, May 27, anduvimos como cinco
horas, buen camino, paramos en la cieneguilla, cuio nombrc puso el padre
jesuita Line, desde aqui se tomo otro rumbo, y paramos en un arroyuelo
aunque seco,' etc. June 21, they were at Todos Santos, and heard of other
Spaniards beyond. For the last 3 or 4 days they travelled on or near the shore.
Oilier diaries of this journey, several of which w ere written, are not extant;
but Crespi's journal already referred to was intended to embody all the information worth preserving. Sergt. Ortega, in Santa Clara, Arch. Parroquia,
MS., 48-54, represents the hardships of the soldiers as very great; but he
was evidently writing for an object that required this view of the matter.
The same writer gives a brief and rather confused account of the journey in
a narrative of his own services dated 178G. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 171-2.
Serra, in his letter of July 3d, to Palou, says there was no suffering whatever.
Pcdou, Vida, 7S; Greenhow, Or. and Cal., 109, erroneously implies that both
land expeditions started together and that Portold arrived last on account of
having followed a more difficult route.
19
From San Diego Serra himself writes, Palou, Vida, 73-8: Now the foot
is all sound like the other, while from the ankle half way up the leg it is as
the foot was before, an ulcer; but without swelling or pain except the occa-

'

'

sional itching.

In fact

it is

nothing serious.'

OCCUPATION OF SAN DIEGO.

13G

Thus

are the four branches of the visitaclor general's grand expedition finally reunited at San Diego,
one year after Galvez had begun his preparations on
the peninsula. Next day is Sunday, fiesta de la visitation, and the California pilgrims, one hundred and
twenty-six in number out of two hundred and nineteen who had started; 20 or, omitting natives and
sailors, seventy-eight of Spanish blood out of ninety
who had come to remain celebrate their safe reunion
by a solemn thanksgiving mass to the patron San
Jose chanted with "la solemnidad posible," and to the
accompaniment of exploding gunpowder. The cere-

monies over, the two comandantes Portola and Vila

meet to consult respecting future movements, the
want of sailors necessitating changes in the original
The decision is to send the San Antonio back
plans.
to San Bias for supplies, and especially a crewT for
herself and the San Carlos, which is to await her
return.
The friars for missionary and hospital work
are to be left at San Diego under the protection of a
guard of soldiers, while the main force presses on to
Monterey by land. Great dependence is placed on
the San Jose which on arrival is to be sent up the
coast to aid the land expedition.
Accordingly the
9th of July Perez sails with a small crew of convalescent sailors for the south, 21 bearing reports from the
commandants and president. Five days later Portola
starts on his overland march northward, which will
be described in the following chapter.
There are left at San Diego Captain Vila, Surgeon
Prat, the mate Canizares, three friars, a guard of eight
20

The numbers are not exact, statements of deaths being conflicting. These
pioneers included captains Portola and Rivera, Lieut. Pages, captains Vila
and Perez of the vessels, padres Serra, Crespi, Vizcaino, Gomez, and Parron;
Surgeon Prat; Costans6, engineer; Caiiizares, jAloto ; and sergeants Ortega
and Puig. For names of all the band see list at end of this volume.
21
Palou, Not., i. 282, says that July Gth was the day set for sailing; but this
may be a misprint. Nine of the sailors died of scurvy on the voyage. It is
probable that these last victims were included in Palou's statement of 12 survivors, 5 of whom were left on the San Carlos, 2 or 3 reached San Bias, and
4 or 5 remained ill at San Diego. The San Antonio made the voyage in 20
days.

A MISSION FOUNDED.

137

cuera soldiers, five convalescent Catalan volunteers,

a few sick sailors, five able seamen, a carpenter and
a blacksmith, three boy servants, and eight Lower
California Indians
about forty persons in all. As yet
no mission has been formally founded; but this duty
is at once attended to by Father Serra, who raises
and blesses the cross on Sunday, the 16th of July.- 2
This first of the Californian missions is dedicated, as
the port had been by Vizcaino long before, to San
Diego de Alcald, being founded on a spot called by
the natives Cosoy, 23 now Old Town. The ceremonies
are not minutely recorded, but are the usual blessing
of the cross, mass, and sermon by which it was hoped
"to put to flight all the hosts of Hell and subject to
the mild yoke of our holy faith the barbarity of the
gentile Dieguinos." Then more huts are built, and
one is dedicated as a church.
The new establishment, however, in which Father
Parron is associate minister, still lacks one essential
element of a prosperous mission, namely, converts,

who

The

natives are
by no means timid, but they come to the mission for
gifts material rather than spiritual; and being adroit
thieves as well as importunate beggars, their presence
in large numbers becomes a nuisance, rendering it
impossible for the small force to watch them and give
proper attention to the sick. Fortunately the savages
will have nothing to do with the food of the Spaniards,
attributing to it some agency in the late ravages of
the scurvy; but other things, particularly cloth, they
deign to steal at any hour of day or night. They even
22

in this case are difficult to find.

It is noticeable that in all the general reports after 1823 this date is given

June lGth; but there is no doubt that it is an error. Arch. Santa Barbara,
MS., xii. 125. Serra thinks, Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 125, that April 11th has
some claim to be considered the beginning of the mission, since on that
day when the San Antonio arrived began the spiritual manifestations to the
natives, causing them to see an eclipse and feel an earthquake, not perceptible

as

to the Christians.
23
San D'wjo, Lib. de Mision, MS. St James of Alcald was an Andalucian
Franciscan who lived from 1400 to 14G3, and was canonized in 1588 rather for
his pious life and the miracles wrought through him before and after death
than for any high position held by him. Alcald was rarely attached to the
name of the mission in popular usage.

OCCUPATION OF SAN DIEGO.

138

attempt

in their tule rafts to pillage the

San

Carlos,

so that two of the ei^ht soldiers are obliged to be on

board. Persuasions, threats, and even the noise of
fire-arms axe met by ridicule.
Naturally matters come to a crisis. The guard is
obliged to use force in repelling the intruders, who in
their turn determine upon a raid for plunder.
The

15th of August, while Parron with a guard of two

is saying mass on the ship, as he is wont to
do on feast-days, the savages enter the mission and
begin to strip the clothing from the beds of the sick.
Two soldiers are on guard and two more hasten to
their aid; but when they attempt to drive away the
pillagers they receive a volley of arrows which kills a
boy and wounds Padre Vizcaino, the blacksmith, a
24
The Spaniards in
soldier, and a California Indian.
return fire a volley of musket-balls which kills three
of the foe, wounds several more, and puts the whole
crowd to flight. Serra and Vizcaino have just finished
mass and are sitting:
in a hut at the time of
CD
O together
the attack, and the latter, rising to close the door,
receives an arrow in the hand just as the boy servant
soldiers

staggers in and falls dead.

The smith' greatly distinguishes himself by his bravery, fighting without
the protection of a cuera. 25
It is not long before the gentiles come back to
seek medical treatment for their wounded, imbued
with a degree of faith in the destructive power of
gunpowder, and correspondingly improved in manners,
but by no means desirous of conversion.
stockade
is thrown round the mission and the natives are no
longer permitted to bring weapons within musketshot.
Thus safety is assured, but in missionary work

24
For a long time at San Diego and Monterey the peninsula only was
spoken of as California.' Either local names or Nuevos Establecimientos were
applied to the north, although Serra in his first letter from San Diego used
the term California Septentrional.'
25
In his Vida de Junip. Serra, 84, Palou speaks of previous assaults with
intent to kill the Spaniards on Aug. 12th to 13th, which were repulsed. Tuthill, Hist. Ccd., 70, erroneously states that a priest was killed.
Serra, San
Dieyo, Lib. Mis., MS., 65, says the man killed was a Spanish arriero 20 years
old named Jose" Maria Vegerano.
'

'

NO PROGRESS IN CONVERSION.

139

no progress is made. One gentile, indeed, is induced

by gifts to live with the Spaniards and becomes a skilful interpreter, but even with his aid no converts can
be gained. Once the savages offer a child for baptism,
but when the service begins they seize the child and

Yet we

are told that when a painting

of the virgin and child is displayed, the native women
come and offer their breasts to feed " that pretty
babe." Prior to April 1770, a full year from the first
coming of the Spaniards, and perhaps to a still later
period, for the register was subsequently destroyed,
and the earliest date is not known, not a single neophyte was enrolled at the mission. In all the missionary annuls of the north-west there is no other
instance where paganism remained so long so stubborn.
Meanwhile new cases of sickness occur and death
continues its ravages, taking from the little band
before the return of Portola in January, eight soldiers, four sailors, one servant, and six Indians, and
leaving but about twenty persons.
Little wonder
that small progress is made in missionary work.'26
flee in terror.

26

On

the general subject of this chapter, in addition to the special docuto, see for a connected narrative Palou, Not., i. 254-84,
427-32; ii. 03-153; Id., Vida, CO-SG. The notes of Serra in San Diego, Lib.
Jilision, MS., are also a valuable source of information.
These notes were
written to supply as far as possible from memory the loss of the original mission books destroyed with the mission in 1775.
Copies are also found in
Hayes' Miss. Book, MS., i. 99-106, and in Bandini, Doc. Hist. CaL, MS.
Miguel Costans6 published in Mexico, 1770, an account of these expeditions as
Diario Ilistdrico de losviagesde mar y tierra, hechos al Norte de la California, fol.
56.
It was translated by Wm. Revely and published in 1790 by A. Dalrymple as An Historical Journal, etc., 2 maps, 4to, 70 p.

ments already referred

CHAPTER
FIRST EXPEDITION

VI.

FROM SAN DIEGO TO MONTEREY AND

SAN FRANCISCO.
17G9.

PortolI Marches from San Diego His Company Crespi's Journal

Note on Geography and Nomenclature Table of Names and Distances First Baptism in California
Earthquakes in the Los
Angeles Region A Hospitable People and Large Villages on the
Santa Barbara Channel Across the Sierra and down the Salinas
River Unsuccessful Search for Monterey Causes of the Error
Northward along the Coast In Sight of Port San Francisco
under Point Reyes Confusion in Names Mystery Cleared
Exploration of the Peninsula Discovery of a New and Nameless
Bay Return of the Expedition to Monterey and San Diego.

I have stated that two weeks after his arrival from

the south PortoM, left San Diego 1 July 14, 17G9, and
His
inarched with nearly all his force northward.
intention was to reach Monterey Bay by following
the coast, and either at his destination or on the way
he hoped to be overtaken by the San Jose, and with
the aid brought by her to found a presidio and the
mission of San Carlos.
The company consisted of
himself, Rivera y Moncacla in command of twentyseven cuera soldiers, including Sergeant Joseph Francisco Ortega, Lieutenant Pedro Pages, with six or
seven of his twenty-five Catalan volunteers, all that
the scurvy had left alive and strong enough to under2
take the march, Engineer Miguel Costanso, fathers
Juan Crespi and Francisco Gomez, seven muleteers,
Mofras, Uxplor., i. 106, saj^s the expedition had come across Sonora.
Costans6, Fages, and others, according to the Portold, Biario, MS.,
were ill, but advised by Prat to undertake the journey as a remedy.
(HO)
1

10,

CRESPI'S DIARY.
fifteen christianized

Lower

Californians,

141

and two

ser-

vants of Portola and Rivera sixty-four persons in all.

The expedition is fully described in a diary kept by
Crespi 3 and still extant, as are original statements,
less complete than Crespfs, of no less than five participants, Portola, Fages, Costanso, Ortega, and RiAs the first exploration by land of a broad
vera.
extent of most important country it is not without
importance and interest; yet as recorded it is in itself
Crespfs diary, like that of
singularly unattractive.
Portola, is a long and, except in certain parts, monotonous description of petty happenings not worth remembering.
It is an almost endless catalogue of nearly
two hundred jornadas, or marches, tediously like one
another, over hills and vales distinguished as beino:
con zacate or sin zacate, grassy or barren, with the
Sierra ever towering on the right, and the broad
The distance and
Pacific ever stretching to the loft.
bearing of each day's march are given, and observations for latitudes were frequent; but the Mexican
league was practically a vague measurement, the observations of Crespi and Costanso often differed, and
3

Crespi, Viage de la Espedicion de tierra de San Diego d Monterey, Copia del

diario y caminata que h'zo la espedicion desde elpuerto de San Diego de Alcalti
hasta el de Monterey, safiendo el 1/f.de Jidio de 1/69, in Palou, Not., i. 285-423.
Portola, Diario del Viage, MS., 11, et seq., covers the same ground but much
more briefly, adding nothing to Crespi's narrative except on a few points to
be noticed in their place.
'El 27 handuvimos tres boras, bucn camino,
mucho pasto y agua ' is a fair sample of most entries. Very few names of
localities are given.
In his Vida de Junipero Serra, 80-2, 8S-9, Palou gives
but a brief account, referring for particulars to Crespi's diary. Lieut. Pages,
a member of the expedition, in his Voyage en Col., in Nouv. Annates des Jo?/.,
ci. 147-9, 155-9, 165-71, 170-82,321-4,328, gives a very full narrative of it,
except from Monterey to San Francisco, including names of places, distances,
bearings, latitudes, and description of the country, but omitting names of
persons and dates. I shall note variations from Crespi's diary, with whicli
Pages' narrative for the most part agrees. Costanso, in his Diario II istdrico de
los viages de war y tierra, gives an abridged version differing in no essential
respect from Crespi. Costans6's narrative is abridged and quoted in an article
signed 'M. P.,' in Alburn Mex., ii. 37-40. Ortega, Fragmento, in Santa Clara,
Arch. Parroquia, MS., 48-54, gives an original but not very complete or accurate narrative. Capt. Rivera also in a certificate relating the services of Pedro
Amador, gives some information respecting this cntrada. St. Pap. Miss, and
Colon., MS., i. 52-3. John T. Doyle in his pamphlets entitled Address and
Memorandum in 1870 and 1873 gave brief resumes of parts from Crespi; and
the newspapers since the reprint of Palou's work have had something to say
more or less superficially on the subject of the discovery of San Francisco Bay.

EXPEDITION TO MONTEREY AND SAN FRANCISCO.

142

worse than

typographical errors in the Sprinted

diary make the figures unreliable.
In a monograph
on the trip I could, I think, trace with much accuracy
each day's course, and such minute treatment would
not be devoid of local interest as showing the original
names applied by the Spaniards, very few of which
have been preserved; but for this of course I have no
space here, and must content myself with a general
narrative and a note on geographical details.*
all,

*List of places between San Diego and San Francisco as named in

Crespi's diary of the first exploration of the California coast by land, with
distances, bearings, and latitudes.
Notes from the return trip in brackets
"[ .]"; notes from Fages* Voyage in parentheses "(...)"; additional and
self-explanatory notes in italics.
The Portold, Diario has no distances, or
names, only hours and descriptions.
.

July

14.

San Diego, 32

30'.

Leagues.

Really 32 44'

Rinconada. On False Bay

2.5 (3)
Pocitos de la Canada de San Diego
15. Sta Isabel Valley. 1 league by 400 varas.
11. by 5 1.,
S. Jacome de la Marca Val.
from N. to s.
(Posa de Osuna), [7 1.
from S. Juan.]
3.5(4)
16. Encinos Canada
33
4
S. Alejo.
17. S. Simon Lipnica Val., near sea-shore
2
Sta Sinf orosa
2 1., n.e. to
18. S. Juan Capistrano Val.
s.w., ending at shore, 33 6'. Really
2
S. Luis Rey, lot. accurate
The sierra draws
20. Sta Margarita Val.
near shore and threatens to stop ad.

vance.

Name

N.W.

N.N.W.

retained

N.

N.

N.
N.E.

N.W.

1.5

21. Sta Pragedis de los Rosales Canada, 33 10'

22. Los Cristianos, S. Apolinario, Bautismos
[arroyo], (Canada del Bautismo)
23. Sta

Course.

Maria Magdalena Canada [Quemada],

33 14'

(3)

N.N.W.

[2]

N.W.

2.5 [3]

N.W.

mesa at
24. S. Francisco Solano, 33 18'.
foot of sierra with fine stream, oppoSta Catalina Island, said by the
explorers to be 5 1. from S. Pedro Bay.
At or near S. Juan Capistrano
26. S. Pantaleon (Aguada del P. Gomez), on
the edge of a large plain
site

28.

Santiago Arroyo, 33 6'. Misprint?

Sta Ana Riv., or Jesus de los Temblores,

29.

thought to flow into S. Pedro Bay [9 1.

from Rio Porciuncula]
Sta Marta Spring (Los Ojitos and S. Mi-

27,

guel)
30.

31.

(No name),
(No name),
gion

33 34'
lat. 34 10'.

lat.

Los Angeles

N.E.

1.5 [1]

N.W.

2
6

N.W.
N.W.

re-

N.W.

GEOGRAPHICAL TABLE.

143

from San Diego the

explorers reached the pleasant valley in which the
Their
mission of San Luis Rey was later built.
progress had been at the rate of from two to four
leagues each day, and nothing along the way attracted
more attention than the abundance of flowers, especially

Four days

Aug.

2.

3.

after setting out

Porciuncula Pa v., a large stream, with

much good land. North branch of the,

Leagues.

S. Gabriel
Alisos de S. Estevan Spring, near an as-

3(2)

phaltum marsh
4.

5.

Rogerio Spring, or Berrendo (Fontaine

du daim mouchet^)
Sta Catalina de Bononia de los Encinos
Val., 34 37', really 34
Valley, in which

10'.

34 47'.
Near Hart's
Sta Clara stream and Canada
11. Sta Clara, down same stream, 34 30', a
good site for a mission. 6 1. from Sta
Rosa and 10 1. from Sta Catalina.
This mud be an error
12. S. Pedro Amoliano rancheria, down the
10.

stream
Stos

Mar tires

17.

18.

20.

N.W.

N.N.W.

N.

4
3

W.N.W.

W.S.W.

W.S.W.

N.

y Cuciano rancheria
down same stream, which

Ipolito

and river,
widens out into a river. Still called
Iiio Sta Clara
Asuncion (Asunta) rancheria, on sea-shore.
Fine site for a mission, 34 3G'. Costans6

1C.

W.

still

Encino
(No name.
Sta Rosa de Viterbo, or Corral rancheria,
3 1. across the plain, and 4 1. over mts.,

15.

San Fer-

station

called

14.

N.W.

S.

nando

13.

Course.

made

it

34

13'.

s.w.

Doubtless S.

Buenaventura
2.5
Sta Conefundis (RancheriaVolante), along
beach
2
Sta Clara de Monte Talco, or Bilarin, a
large pueblo in 34 40', on an arroyo,
along beach
2
S. Roque, or Carpinteria, a large pueblo
in it plain, 4 1. by 1 1., much asphaltum. Sta Barbara region
1
Concepcion Laguna (Pueblo de la Laguna), a very large rancheria, on a point
across an est<ro. Sta Barbara icas afterwards founded at S. Joaquin de la
Laguna.
Coast turns from w.n.w.
to w
4 [(3)]
Sta Margarita de Cortona, or Isla, or Mescaltitlan pueblos, 34 43'. In a marshy
region, where the sloughs form an
island, with four or five scattered rancherias

3.

[2. 5]

E.NJE.

W.(W.N.W.)

W. (W.N.W.)

w. (w.n.w.)

w. (w.n.w.)

w. (w.n.w.)

144

EXPEDITION TO MONTEREY AND SAN FRANCISCO.

of roses similar to those of old Castile, and for that

Crespl notes the
reason delightful to the Spaniards.
plucking of one branch bearing six roses and twelve
Thus far all was literally couleur de rose. The
buds.
route followed w as very, nearly that of the subsequent
sta^e road between San Dieoco and Los Ansreles.
It
grass
had
noticed
been
was
that much of the
burned
r

Leagues.

Aug.

Luis Obispo, 34 45', still along shore. 2 [2.5]

23. S. Guido de Cortona, along shore, four
islands in sight
3
24. S. Luis Roy, or La Gaviota, along shore,
on a slough, 34 47'. Perhajy* origin of
Gaviota Pass. Three islands in sight
S. Bernardo, 8. Miguel, farthest west;
Sta Cruz, StaRosa, next; and Sta Barbara, Sta Cruz, farthest cast
2.5(3)[2]
25. S. Seferino, 34 30' (14"), an Indian pueblo,
2
Sta Ana rancheria
26. Sta Teresa, or Cojo, rancheria, 34 30', or
21.

S.

34 51'

Pt Concepcion, 34

30'

and

W.

w.

w.
w.

w.

Concepcion, rancheria (Rancho de la Es- / 1.5 or

pacla), 34 51' 30"
1-5(1)
28. S. Juan Bautista, or Pedernales (34 33'),
in sight of another point near by [from
which Pt Concepcion bears s.e., 8
e.]
This point must he Pt Arguello,
though there are some difficulties
2
29. Sta Rosalia, or Canada Seca, on a bay between last point and another
2.5(2)
30. S. Bernardo Riv., or Sta Rosa, mouth
filled with sand, the largest river yet
passed, 34 55'.
The Rio Sta Incs,
though distance and bearing are not correct ; just possibly the Sta Maria, in
which case Pt Concepcion was Arc/Hello,
Arguello Purisima, the 2d -point Purisima, and Sta Rosalia at the mouth
.5(1)
of Rio Sta Incs
31. S. Ramon Nonato, La Graciosa, or Baile
de las Indias laguna
2.5(2)
Sept. 1. S. Daniel, laguna grande, in a fine valley,
3 1. by 7 1., having in the middle a laguna 500 varas wide ? 34 13' ? Mouth
L5(3)
of the Rio Sta Maria
2. S. Juan Perucia y S. Pedro de Sacro Terrato, or Real de las Viboras, or Oso
Flaco (Laguna Redonda)
3
4. S. Ladislao, or El Buchon.
By varying

N.W.

N.W.

N.W.

N.W.
N.

N.

N.W. (N.N.W.)

finally n. into mts., 35

Not clear

4
Sta Elena, or Angosta Canada, 35 3' ?.
2
Natividad, or Canada de los Osos, down
which they went to the sea. S. Luis
ObisjJOivasfounded later on this Canada. 3(4)
28'.

W.

2.5

27.

courses,

Course.

N.W.

PROGRESS UP THE COAST.

143

Few

by the natives

to facilitate the capture of rabbits.

of the inhabitants were met in the south, but

when

seen they were always friendly, and the 2 2d of J aly

they permitted to be baptized two dying children, who
were named Maria Maofdalena and Margarita. About
the same time two mineral deposits, of red ochre and
white earth, were discovered. On the 24th the islands
Sept.

8.

S.

Adriano, near the shore at mouth of

Canada de los Osos. The diary clearly
mentions the Estero Bay and Morro

Rock

of

modern maps

Sta Serafina, Estero, 30, or 35

crossing eight arroyos

Leagues.

W.

27', after

N.W.
N.N.W.

Benvenuto, or Osito, 36 2', or (35 33')

Nicolas, or Cantil, arroyo 35 35', along
beach
Vicente arroyo (Arroyada Honda), 36

10.

S.

11.

S.

12.

S.

L3.

Sta Umiliana arroyo [35 45'], at foot of

Sierra de Sta Lucia. In region between

1)

N.W.
N.w. and N. N.E.

10'

S.

Course.

Simeon and Caj>e

S.

Martin

N.W.

de la Sierra de Sta Lucia, up a canada

into the mts., probably n.e
17. Hoya de la Sierra de Sta Lucia, or San
Francisco, 36 18' 30", up into the mts.
on N. side of a calion [slightly different route on return].
In region of the
later S. Antonio mission.
Probably
16.

Pie"

N.E...

Real de Pinones, by a mt. way over the

summit, n.e
21. S. Francisco (Rio de Truchas)
26. S. Elizario [Elcearo] Rio, or Real del
Chocolate, down a Canada to a river
believed to be the Carmelo, but really
the Rio Salinas
27. Real del Alamo, 36 38', down the river.
28. Real Blanco, down river
29. Real de Cazadores, down river
1
Sta Delfina [Ri v. ], 36 44', or 36 53', down
From
river to within \h\. of beach.
this point Monterey and Carmelo bavs
were explored. Pt Pinos, 36 36'; Pt
Alio Xuevo, 36 4'; Carmelo Bay, 36
20.

4
4
4

N.E.
N. W.

3.5(3)

5.25

36'.
7.

8.

Sta Brigida, or La Grulla, passing several

2
lagoons
Pdjaro, or Sta Ana Riv. Name still retained
del Pilar lagunas [corral], 34 35'

10.

Nr Sra

15.

10.

Sta Teresa
Rosario del Serafin de Asculi arroyo, near
Soquel

17.

S.

Lorenzo River still retains the name.

The camp was near Sta Cruz

Hist. Cal., Vol.

I.

10

N.W.
N.N.W.

N.

1.5

N.W.
N.W.

N.W.

W.N.W.

14G

EXPEDITION TO MONTEREY AND SAN FRANCISCO.

of San Clcmente and Santa Catalina were sighted.

Next day the natives seemed to say that inland were
other white men with horses, mules, swords, and hats.
On the 28th, when the governor and his followers
were on the Santa Ana River, four violent shocks of
earthquake frightened the Indians into a kind of
prayer to the four winds, and caused the stream to be
also named Jesus de los Temblores.
Many more
shocks were felt during the following week; yet the
foreigners were delighted with the region, noting the

which they and their successors later realized.

The 1st of August they began to
kill and eat berrendos, or antelopes, and next day
forded the Rio de Porciuncula on which the city of
Los Angeles now stands.
From the Angeles region the route lay through the
valley of Santa Catalina de los Encinos, now San Fernando, and thence northward through the mountain
pass to the head streams of the Rio de Santa Clara,
so called then and now, down whose banks the
Spaniards followed to the sea again. Immediately on
leaving the Porciuncula more earthquakes were felt,
causing the friars to think there were volcanoes in the
agricultural possibilities

sierra; springs of pez, b rea, chapopote, or asphaltum,

Oct.

Sta Cruz arroyo, and four other streams, Leagues.

the last being S. Lucas, or Puentes
arroyo
2
La 011a (Hoya) barranca
19. S. Pedro de Alcantara, or Jumin [Jamon]
2.5
20. S. Luis Beltran, or Salud, arroyo, about
18.

1 1. from Pt Ano Nuevo, 37 22', or

373'[Ptin 36 4']
Juan Nepomuceno, or Casa Grande,
rancheiia, across a level mesa along

23.

S.

24.

San Pedro Regalado

Sto Domingo, 37 30'

S. Ibon, or
S.

Simon y

W.N.W.
N.W.

N.W.

N.N.W.

shore

27.
28.

Course.

4 or 2

Pulgas, rancheria
S.

N.
N.

Judas arro3T o, or Llano de

n.n.w.
with farallones -just above Half-Moon
Bay, and in sight of Pt S. Pedro
Pt Angel Cnstodio, or Almejas, 37 24',
los Ansares, in sight of a point

30.

N.W.

30', 49' [37 31']

To points subsequently
were applied.

visited,

no names

THE SANTA BARBARA CHANNEL.

147

were also regarded as signs of volcanic action. The

natives now spoke not only of bearded men who came
from the east in earlier times, but said they had
lately observed vessels in the channel
it will be remembered that the San Antonio and San Carlos had reached
this latitude on their way from Cape San Lucas to
San Diego and one man even claimed to recognize
Gomez, Fages, and Costanso whom he had seen on the
Everywhere the men went naked, but from
vessel.
this region the women dressed more according to European ideas, covering much of their person with skins
of deer and rabbits.
August 14th Portola crossed
from a point near the mouth of the Santa Clara to
the shore farther north, where he found the largest
Indian village yet seen in California. The houses were
of spherical form thatched with straw, and the natives
used boats twenty-four feet long made of pine boards
tied together with cords and covered with asphalt um,
capable of carrying each ten fishermen.
few old
blades of knives and swords were seen.
Some inhabitants of the channel islands came across to gaze
at the strangers.
Previously the inhabitants had
bartered seeds, grass baskets, and shells for the coveted glass beads, but now fish and carved bits of wood
were added to the limited list of commercial products.
Thus more food was offered than could be eaten. This
fine pueblo, the first of a long line of similar ones
along the channel coast, was called Asuncion and wa s
5
identical in site with the modern San Buenaventura.
From the middle of August to the 7th of September the Spaniards followed the coast of the Santa
Barbara Channel westward, always in sight of the
islands, meeting a dense native population settled in
many large towns and uniformly hospitable. Passing
Point Concepcion, they turned northward to the site
on which San Luis Obispo now stands.
On the 18th
of August they passed a village called Laguna de la
Concepcion in the vicinity of what is now Santa Bar-

See founding of San Buenaventura in a later chapter.


148

EXPEDITION TO MONTEREY AND SAN FRANCISCO.

bara, perhaps on the exact site, since the presidio

founded later at a place said to have been called

was

San

Joaquin de la Laguna by these first explorers.

few leagues farther, and in several other places, there
were noticed large cemeteries, those of the men and
women being distinct as the gentle savages explained.
Over each grave a painted pole was set up bearing
the hair of the men, and those of the women being
adorned with coins, or grass baskets. Large whalebones were also a distinguishing feature of the burialMany of these graves have been opened
grounds.
within the past few years, and the relics thus brought
to light have created in local circles quite a flutter of
archaeological enthusiasm, being popularly attributed,
as is the custom in such cases, to 'prehistoric' times
and to races long since extinct. On the 24th a seagull was killed and the place called San Luis by the
padres was christened La Gaviota by the soldiers
very many localities along the route being thus doubly
named, whence perhaps the name Gaviota Pass of
modern maps. Near Point Concepcion the natives
displayed beads of European make, said to have been
obtained from the north.
Here a lean and wornout mule was left to recuperate under Indian care.
Crespl's latitudes for the channel coasts were too high,
varying from 34 30' to 34 51'.
Costanso's observations placed Point Concepcion in 34 30', about 5' too
After turning the point the natives w ere
far north.
poorer and less numerous, but were still friendly.
On the 30th a large stream was crossed on a sand-bar
This was
at its mouth which "served as a bridge."
7
the Rio Santa Ines, called at its discovery Santa Rosa,
and on September 1st the camp was pitched at the
Laguna de San Daniel, probably at the mouth of the
Rio Santa Maria. Next day Sergeant Ortega was
6

&

Prov. Pec, MS., ii. Cl-2.

There is some confusion in the description of this part of the coast, and
this stream might as well be the Santa Maria, were it not for the fact that
Purisima Mission was afterward built on Rio de Santa Rosa. Pitrisima, Lib.
Mision, MS., 1; Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 112-13.
7

OVER THE SIERRA DE SANTA LUCIA.

149

and ten of the men began to complain of

Turning: inland not far from what is now
sore feet.
Point San Luis, they crossed the hills by a somewhat winding course and on the 7th encamped in
the Canada de los Osos in the vicinity of the later
San Luis Obispo. Here the soldiers engaged in a
grand bear-hunt, in which one of these fierce brute,'-,
seen here in groups of fourteen or sixteen, according
to Portola's diary, was hilled after receiving nine bullets, one of the soldiers barely escaping with his life.
The names Los Osos and El Buchon applied at this
taken

ill,

time are

preserved in this region.

From San Luis, instead of proceeding north and
inland, which would have been the easier route, the
explorers follow the Bear Canada down to the sea,
where they note Estero Bay and Morro Rock, and
whence they follow the coast some ten leagues to a
point located by Costanso in latitude 35 45', and
apparently not far below Cape San Martin.
The
sierra of Santa Lucia, so named long before, now
impedes further progress, and on September lGth the
travellers turn to the right and begin to climb the
mountain range, "con el credo en la boca," one league
per day being counted good progress in such a rough
country. From the 17th to the 19th they are on the
Hoya, or ravine, de la Sierra de Santa Lucia, on the
head-waters of the Rio de San Antonio near where
the mission of the same name is afterward founded.
On the 20th the lofty range northward is ascended,
and from the highest ridge, probably Santa Lucia
Peak, the Spaniards gaze upon a boundless sea of
mountains, " a sad spectacle for poor travellers worn
out by the fatigues of so long a journey," sighs Crespi.
The cold begins to be severe, and some of the men
are disabled by scurvy; yet for the glory of God and
with unfailing confidence in their great patron St
Joseph, they press bravely on, after remaining four
days in a little mountain canon dedicated by the friars
to the Llagas de San Francisco, the name San Franstill

EXPEDITION TO MONTEREY AND SAN FRANCISCO.

150

cisco proper being reserved for that saint's 'famous port/

Wending their way down the northern slope, perhaps

by way of the Arroyo Seco, on the 2Gth they reach
a river which they name San Elizario, or Santa Delbelieved by the Spaniards to be the Rio del CarIt is the stream, however, since known as
melo.
Salinas, and down it Portola's company march to the
sea, arriving on the 30th at a point near the mouth.
The natives are less hospitable in the Salinas Valley
than south of there.
As the expedition draws near the sea-shore, a point
of land becomes visible in the south, which is correctly
judged to be Point Pinos, one of the prominent landmarks by which Monterey was to be identified. It is
therefore determined to stop here for exploration.
October 1st the governor, engineer, and Crespi, with
five soldiers climb a hill, ''from the top of which,"
writes the friar, "we saw the great entrance, and conjectured that it was the one which Cabrera Bueno
puts between Point Ano Nuevo and Point Pinos of
Monterey." That is to say, believing yet doubting
they look out over the bay and harbor of Monterey
in search of which they had come so far, then pass on
wondering where is Monterey. Rivera with eight men
explores southward, marching along the very shore of
the port they are seeking; then toward Point Pinos
and over to "a small bight formed between the said
point and another south of it, with an arroyo flowing
down from the mountains, well wooded, and a slough,
into which the said stream discharges, and some little
lagoons of slight extent;" but the mountains prevent
further progress southward along the shore.
The
s
places thus explored are Carmelo bay, river, and point
nevertheless Rivera returns to camp saying that no
port is to be found.
The 4th of October after solemn mass in a brushfina,

is not noticed in this exploration ; but it is certain that if

visited were not Carmelo Bay, that bay would have been found
mentioned later when the attempt was made again to find a shore route

Cypress Point

the bight

and

now

southward.

MONTEREY NOT FOUND.

151

tent at the mouth of the Salinas River, a meeting of all the officers and friars is held to deliberate
on what shall be done. At this meeting" the commandant briefly calls attention to the scarcity of provisions, to the seventeen men on the sick-list unfit for
duty, to the excessive burden of labor imposed on
those who are well in sentinel duty and continual
reconnoissances, and to the lateness of the season. In
view of these circumstances and of the fact that the
port of Monterey could not be found where it had
been supposed to lie, 9 each person present is called
upon to express freely his opinion. The decision of

wood

unanimous "that the journey be

continued as the only expedient remaining, in the hope
of finding by the favor of God the desired port of
Monterey and in it the San Jose to supply our needs,
and that if God should permit that in the search for
Monterey we all perish, we shall still have fulfilled
our duty to God and men by working together to the
death in the accomplishment of the enterprise on
which we have been sent." Their hope rests mainly in
the fact that they had not yet reached the latitude in
which Vizcaino and Cabrera Bueno had placed the port.
officers

and priests

is

En visto de lo dicho y de no hallar el puerto de Monterey en la altura

se presumia.' Crespi, Viar/e, 355. This use of the word altura is an error
of the writer, since Cabrera Bueno, the authority on which dependence was
placed, gives the latitude of Monterey as 37, while Costansd now made it
3G 30'; but the explanation is that this was written after subsequent explorations further north which had an influence on Crespi 's words.
The. Junta
l ra de guerra de la expedition de tierra que pasaba en solicitud del puerto te
Monterey en 4 de Octubre de 1769 is attached to the Portold, Diarro, MS. In
his opening address Portola says 'what should be the Rio Carmelo is only an
9

'

que

arroyo; what should be a port is only a little ensenada; what were great lakes
are lagunillas;' and yet to go on and find another Sierra de Sta Lucia would
take time 1 1 men were sick, and only 50 costales of flour remained. Costanso gave his opinion first: that they were in only 36 42', while Monterey
was in 37 or perhaps more; they should not fail to explore up to 37 30' so as
either to find the port or to be sure of its non-existence. Fr.ges followed and
also favored going on to 37 or a little more, as the port had certainly not
been passed, and they had not yet reached its latitude. Then Rivera, who
did not seem to think Monterey would be found, since it was not where it
ought to be, but thought they should establish themselves somewhere, but
not where they then were. Then Portola decided to rest 6 days, go on as
far as possible, and then select the most eligible place for a settlement if
Monterey did not appear. All agreed in writing to this plan, including
padres Gomez and Crespi.
;

EXPEDITION TO MONTEREY AXD SAN FRANCISCO.

152

It is and must ever remain more or less inexplicable that the Spaniards should have failed at this
time to identify Monterey. All that was known of
that port had resulted from Vizcaino's visit, and
this knowledge was in the hands of the explorers in
The dethe works of Venegas and Cabrera Bueno.
tolerably
of
landmarks
was
clear/
and in
scription
fact these landmarks had been readily recognized by
Portola's party at their first arrival on the bay shore.
Moreover, the advantages of the harbor had not been
very greatly exaggerated, both Torquemada, as quoted

by Venegas, and Cabrera Bueno having

called

Monte-

rey simply zifamoso puerto, the former stating that it

was protected from all winds, and the latter, from all
Yet with the harbor lying
except north-west winds.
at their feet, and with several landmarks so clearly
defined that Vila and Serra recognized them at once
from the reports at San Diego, and penetrated the
truth of the matter in spite of their companions'
mystification, the Spanish officers could find nothing
resembling the object of their search, and even were
tempted to account for the port's disappearance by
the theory that since Vizcaino's time it had perhaps
been filled up with sand! 11
10

See chapter iii., this volume.

Crcspi's remarks, in addition to what has been given in the preceding
narrative, are as follows: 'In view of what has been said. .and of our not
finding in these regions the port of Monterey so celebrated and so praised in
their time by men of character, skilful, intelligent, and practical navigators
who came expressly to explore these coasts by order of the king. .we have
to say that it is not found after the most careful efforts made at cost of much
sweat and fatigue; or it must be said that it has been filled up and destroyed
with time, though we see no indications to support this opinion; and therefore
I suspend my opinion on this point, but what I can say with assurance is that
with all diligence on the part of comandaute, officers, and soldiers no such
port has been found. .At Pt Piuos there is no port, nor have we seen in
all our journey a country more desolate than this, or people more rude, Sebastian Vizcaino to the contrary notwithstanding. .although this was easier
to be misrepresented than a port so famous as was Monterey in former cenIn a letter buried before the final return it is stated
turies. Viage, 395-6.
that the expedition sighted Pt Pinos and the ensen atlas north and south of
it without seeing any signs of the port of Monterey, and resolved to go on in
search of it,' and again on the return 'made an effort to search for the port
of Monterey within the mountain range following along the sea, in spite of
According to Palou,
its roughness, but in vain.' Palou, Not., i. 390-400.
Vida, 88, P. Crespi wrote him that he feared the port had been Tilled up; and
11

'

'

HOW THE ERROR

OCCURRED.

153

however, several circumstances which

tend to lessen our difficulty in accounting for the
error committed, and which are almost sufficient to

There

are,

remove the

difficulty altogether, especially so far as

on the northward march is concerned.

Rio Carmelo, seen but once when swollen
by winter rains, was on the record as a " river of good
water though of little depth," and in geographical
discussions of the past had gradually acquired great
this first visit
First, the

Portola's party reaching the Salinas, the

largest river in this region, naturally supposed they
were on the Carmelo. If it were the Carmelo, Pt
Pinos should bear north rather than south; if it were
not, then not only was this large river not mentioned
in the old authorities, but there was no river in the
region to be identified with the Carmelo, for it never
occurred to the travellers to apply that name to the
creek, now nearly dry, which flowed into the ensenada to the south of the point.
Second, Cabrera
Bueno's description of the bays north and south of
Point Pinos as fine ports, the latter protected from all

importance.

winds and the former from

but those from the

north- west, was exaggerated, perhaps very much so; yet
it was not Cabrera's or Vizcaino's exaggerations that
all

Serra mentioned in one of his letters the same opinion founded on the great
Band dunes found where the port ought to be. Id., 92. Fages says: 'We
knew not if the place where we were was that of our destination; still after
having carefully examined it and compared it with the relations of the ancient
voyagers, we resolved to continue our march; for after having taken the lati3
tude, avc found that we were only in 3G 44', while, according to the reports
the
pilot,
of
Cahrera Bueno, Monterey should be in 37, and so serious an
error was not supposable en the part of a man of well known skill.
The configuration of the coast did not agree cither with the relations which served us
as a guide.' Voy. en Cal., 328-9.
Rivera simply says: 'We went in the expedition by land to San Diego and Monterey, and having failed to recognize
the latter we proceeded in search of it till we came to San Francisco, whence
for want of provisions we returned and the whole expedition slept two nights
in Monterey itself and encamped several days on the Rio Carmelo.' St. Pap.,
Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 52-3.
According to Ortega, 'On Qctober_5th or
6th we reached Pt Pinos, and according to the indications of Capt. Vizcaino
and the piloto Cabrera Bueno and our latitude as well we should have
thought ourselves already at Monterey; but not finding the shelter and protection ascribed by them to the port caused us to doubt, since we saw a bight
over twelve leagues across with no shelter except for small craft at the point,
although the said bight is large enough to hold thousands of vessels, but with

little

protection from some winds.' Fixvjmtnto, MS., 52.

EXPEDITION TO MONTEREY AND SAN FRANCISCO.

154

misled Portola. Monterey had been much talked and

written about during the past century and a half in
connection with the fables of Northern Mystery, and
while its waters lay undisturbed by foreign keel its
importance as a harbor had been constantly growing
in the minds of Spanish officials and missionaries. It
was not the piloto's comparatively modest description
so much as the grand popular ideal which supported
the expectations of the governor and his companions,
and of which the reality fell so far short. Third, the
very different impressions of storm-tossed mariners
anchoring in the bav when its shores were brightened
and refreshed by winter rains, and of travellers arriving at the end of the dry season from the sunny clime,
large villages, and hospitable population of the Santa
Barbara Channel must be taken into consideration.
Fourth, the Spaniards had no boats in which to make
soundings and test the anchorage capacities of the
harbor.
Fifth, Cabrera's latitude was thirty minutes
higher than that resulting from Costanso's observations.

To

these considerations should be added two other

theories respecting the failure to find Monterey. One
12
is that favored by Palou,
who like some of his companions was disposed to regard the concealment of
the port as a miraculous interposition of God at the
intercession and in the interests of St Francis; for
on starting from the peninsula after completing arrangements for the new establishments, Father Junipero had asked Galvez " and for Our Father San
Francisco is there to be no mission?" to which the
visitador had replied
" if San Francisco wants a
mission let him cause his port to be found and it will
be put there;" and the saint did show his port and left
St Charles to do as much at Monterey later. The

32

Luego que lei esta noticia atribui a disposicion divina el que no liallando
la expedicion el puerto de Monterey en el parage que lo senalaba el antiguo
derrotero, siguiese hasta llegar al Puerto de N. P. S. Francisco.' Vida de
Junipero Serra, 88. Gleeson, Hist. Cath. Ch., ii. 35-8, accepts the view that
it

'

was a

miracle.

SANTA CRUZ REGION.

155

other theory is one that was somewhat prevalent

among the descendants of the first Spanish soldiers
and settlers in later years, namely, that the explorers
had secret orders from Galvez not to find Monterey,
but to go on to San Francisco. 13 Neither this view
of the matter nor that involving supernatural agencies

seems to demand much comment.

difficult to prove the inaccuracy of

It would be very
either.

It having been determined to proceed, Ortega and

a few men advance October 6th to make a reconnoissance which seems to favor former conclusions, since
he saw another river and thought he saw another

wooded point, which might be the veritable Rio Carmelo and Point Pinos. Next day the whole company
set out and in twenty-three days march up the coast
to Point Angel Custodio, since called Point San
Eleven men have to be carried in litters, 14
Pedro.
and progress is slow. On the 8th the Pajaro River
is crossed and named by the soldiers from a stuffed
bird found among the natives.
week later in the
vicinity of Soquel the palo Colorado, or redwood,
begins to be seen.
On the 17th they cross and name
the Rio de San Lorenzo, at the site of the present
Santa Cruz; and on the 23d Point Ano Nuevo is
passed.
Vegetables soon give out as had meat long
aofo, and rations are reduced to five tortillas of bran
and flour a day. Portold and Rivera are added to the
sick list.
On the 28th the rains begin, and the men
are attacked by diarrhoea, which seems to relieve the
scurvy.
The 30th they reach a point with detached
rocks, or farattones, located by Costanso in 37 31/,

13
Vallejo, Hint. Cal, MS., i. 39-42; Alvarado, Hist. Cal, MS., i. 19-20;
All have heard from Ignacio Vallejo and
Vallejo {J. J.), fiemin., MS., 66-7.
others of his time that Portola was supposed to have passed Monterey intentionally.
u Ortega describes the labors and sufferings of the men more fully than
others.
He says 16 lost the use of their limbs. Each night they were
rubbed with oil and each morning were fastened to the tijeras, a kind of

wooden frame, and raised to the backs

brought some relief. Fragmento, MS.

of

the mules.

The

rain

however

156

EXPEDITION TO MONTEREY AND SAN FRANCISCO.

where the

bar the passage along the shore. It i&

named Point Angel Custodio and Point Almejas,
being that now known as San Pedro. 10
After some prelimiIt is the last day of October.
nary examination by an advance party, the whole company climb the hill and gaze about them. On their
left is the ever present sea, rolling oiF to the west in
a dim eternity of waters.
Before them is a bay, or
bight, lying between the point on which they stand
and one beyond extending into the sea far to the northwest.
Rising abruptly full before them, high above
the ocean, the bold shore presents a dismal front in
its summer-soiled robes, as }^et undyed by the delicious
winter rains, the clouded sun meanwhile refusing its frequent exhibitions of exquisite colorings between the
deep blue waters and the dark, purple bluff. Farther to
the left, about west-north-west from their position and
apparently south-west from the distant point, is seen
a group of six or seven whitish farallones; and finally
looking along the shore northward they discover white
cliffs and what appears to be the mouth of an inlet
making toward the north-east. There is no mistaking;
these landmarks so clearly laid down by Cabrera Bu16
eno.
The travellers recognize them immediately;
the distant point of land must be Point Reyes, and
under it lies the port of San Francisco. The saint
has indeed and unexpectedly brought the missionaries
within sight of his port.
Strong in this well founded
conviction, the pilgrims descend the hill northward
and encamp near the beach at the southern extremity
hills

13
Mr Doyle, Address 7, makes it Corral de Tierra, or Pillar Point, at the
northern extremity of Half Moon Bay. I do not know if this was a deliberately formed opinion; but my reasons for identifying Mussel Point with San
Pedro are: 1st, the detached rocks or farallones not found in connection with
the other points, see Cal. State Geol. Surv. Map of region adjacent to S. F. 1 867;
2d, the hills cutting off the shore passage as they do not at Pillar Point, see Id.
3d, the clear view of Drake Bay and the Farallones, etc. ; and 4th, the fact
that in order to put in the number of leagues they did going south along the
Canada they must have crossed at San Pedro rather than at Pillar, especially,
if as Doyle suggests, their last camp was no farther south than Searsviile.
There are, however, some difficulties.
10
For this author's full description of this region see chap. iii. this volume.
,

THE OLD SAN FRANCISCO.

157

of the sheet of water known to the Spaniards from

that time as the Ensenada de los Farallones.

There has been much perplexity

in the

minds of

modern

writers respecting this port of San Francisco,

resulting from want of familiarity with the original
records, and from the later transfer of the name to
another bay. These writers have failed to clear away
the difficulties that seemed to surround the subject. 17
I have no space to catalogue all the erroneous ideas
that have been entertained; but most authors seem
to have supposed that the matter was as dark in the
minds of the Spaniards as in their own, and it has
been customary to interpret the reply of Galvez to

Serra already quoted somewhat like this: "If San

Francisco wants a mission let him reveal the whereabouts of this port of his of which we have heard so
much and which we have never been able to find," or
in other instances more simply, "let him show a good
port if he wants a mission." 18

My

17
Certain exceptions should be noted.
assistant, in the Overland
Monthly, made known for the first time to the English-reading public the
statements of Cabrera Bueno andCrespi, and in a few brief notes put the subject in its true light.
Doyle in notes to his reprint of Palou subsequently
gave a correct version; and several writers since have partially utilized the
information thus presented.
18
The following from Divinelle's Colon. Hist. S. F., xi. 24, is a sample of
the errors current in the best class of works
There was a report in Mexico
that such a port existed, yet navigators sent to explore it had not succeeded
in finding it, and even at Monterey nobody believed in it. But in 1772 Father
Junipero, taking the viceroy at his word, caused an overland expedition to set
out for Monterey under the command of Juan B. Ainsa to search for the apocryphal port. They were so successful as to discover the present bay of San
Francisco. Dwindle 's idea seems to be that there was a tradition of such a
b v before Drake's time; that Drake and others after him missed the bay on
account of fogs, etc.; and that the real bay had thus come to be regarded as
apochryphal. Randolph in his famous oration, Hutching* Mag.,\. 209, regards
it 'as one of the most remarkable facts in history that others had passed it,
anchored near it, and actually given its name to adjacent roadsteads, and so
described its position that it was immediately known; and yet that the cloud
had never been lifted which concealed the entrance of the bay of San Francisco, and that it was at last discovered by land.' Randolph's error was in
supposing that it was the inside bay that 'was immediately known,' rather
than the 'adjacent roadstead.' Tuthill, Hist. Cal., 77-9, says that Portola
went on to San Francisco and recognized it as having been before described.
Possibly some Spaniards had visited the port and their oral descriptions mixed
with that of Drake gave rise to the name and to glowing accounts which were
accredited to Monterey
Thus all became confusion between the two bays.
Some authors, correctly stating that Portola discovered the bay of San Fran:

'

'

'

158

EXPEDITION TO MONTEREY AND SAN FRANCISCO.

There was, however, nothing mysterious in the

matter, save as all things in the north were at one
time or another tinged with mystery. The truth is
that before 1769 San Francisco Port under Point
Reyes had been twice visited by Spaniards, to say
nothing of a probable visit by an Englishman, while
Monterey had received only one visit; both were
located and described with equal clearness in Cabrera
Bueno's coast-pilot; and consequently, if less talked
about San Francisco was quite as well known to Galvez, Portola, Crespi, and the rest, as was Monterey.
The visitador's remark to Serra meant simply, "if San
Francisco wants a mission let him favor our enterprise so that our exploration and occupation may be
extended northward to include his port." The explorers passed up the coast, came within sight of San
Francisco Port, and had no difficulty in recognizing
The miracle in the
the landmarks at first glance.
padre's eyes was not in the showing of San Francisco,
but in the concealment of Monterey. And all this,
be it remembered, without the slightest suspicion or
tradition of the existence of any other San Francisco, or of the grand inland bay so near which has
St Francis had indeed
since made the name famous.
brought the Spaniards within sight of his port, but
his mission was not to be there and some years later,
when the Spaniards found they could not go to San
Francisco, they decided that San Francisco must come
to them, and accordingly transferred the name southward to the peninsula and bay. Hence the confu;

cisco in 17G9, also tell us that he named it. See Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Ch., ii.
38; Capron's Hist. CaL, 122; Soule's Annals of S. F., 46, etc.; but the inner
bay was not named for some years, and the outer bay had been named long
before. That confusion still reigns in the minds of the best writers is shown
by the following from HitteWs Hist. S. Francisco, 41: 'The Spanish explorers,
Portola and Crespi, did not imagine that they had made a discovery. They
saw that the harbor was different from that of Monterey, described by Vizcaino, but they imagined that it was the bay of San Francisco mentioned by
their navigators as lying under shelter of Point Reyes. Friar Juan Crespi,
who may be considered the head of the expedition, not knowing that he had
made a discovery, did on the 7th of November 1709 discover the site and
harbor of San Francisco, and he gave to them the name which they now bear.

DISCOVERY OF SAN FRANCISCO BAY.

sion alluded to.

It

must be borne

in

159

mind that the

inner bay was not named during this trip, nor for
some years later; while the outer bay had been named
for more than a half century.

A few of

the company still venture to assert that

Monterey has not been passed, and to remove all
doubt it is decided to send the explorers forward to
Point Reyes. Ortega sets out with a small party on
the day following, taking provisions for a three days'
Meanwhile the rest remain in camp just north
trip.
But during Ortega's absence, the
of Mussel Point.
2d of November, some of the soldiers, in hunting for
deer, climb the north-eastern hills, and return with
From the summit they
tidings of a new discovery.
inland
beheld
a
great
sea
stretching northward
had
and south-eastward as far as the eye could reach. The
country is well wooded they say, and exceedingly
beautiful. Thus European eyes first rest on the waters
of San Francisco Bay; but the names of these deerhunters can never be known. At camp they make
one error on hearing the news, by attempting to identify this new "brazo de mar 6 estero" with the "estero" mentioned by Cabrera Bueno as entering the
land from the port of San Francisco under Point
Reyes; 19 that is, at first thought it did not seem possible for an inlet of so great extent to have escaped
the notice of the early voyagers; but this erroneous
idea does not last long, or lead to any results.
It is
at once foreseen that Ortega's party will not be able
to reach Point Reyes, because he has no boats in
which to cross, and no time to go round the inlet.
And indeed next day Ortega returns. As had been
anticipated, he had not been able to cross the inlet
and reach San Francisco. To Ortega, whose descendants still live in California, belongs the honor of having
19

must be remembered that, to casual observers like the hunters at

standing on the San Bruno hills, the connection of the bay with the
ocean would seem to be very much farther north than the Golden Gate, and
possibly far enough north to reach the bay under Pt Reyes.
least,

It

EXPEDITION TO MONTEREY AND SAN FRANCISCO.

1G0

explored the peninsula on which stands the commercial metropolis of the west coast of North America; probably also that of having discovered what is
now known as the Golden Gate, and possibly that of
being the discoverer of the bay, for he may have
climbed the hills on his way north and have looked
down on the 'brazo de mar,' before the deer-hunters
saw it. 20 Yet we have no details of Ortega's exploration, because he comes back with one idea
which has driven all others from his mind, and which
indeed turns the thoughts of the whole company into
a new channel.
He has understood the natives, of
whom he found some on the peninsula, to say that
at the head of the brazo de mar' is a harbor, and in
it a vessel at anchor.
Visions of the San Jose and of the food and other
necessaries they can now obtain float before them
sleeping and waking.
Some think that after all they
are indeed at Monterey.
Obviously the next thing
Henc
to be done is to seek that harbor and vessel.
4th
November
they
of
break
camp
and
set
on the
out, at first keeping along the shore, but soon turning
inland and crossing the hills north-eastward, the
whole company looking dowm from the summit upon
the inland sea, and then descending into a Canada,
down which they follow southward for a time and
then encamp; the day's march being only about five
or six miles in all. They have crossed the San Bruno
hills from just above Point San Pedro to the head
of the Canada in a course due w est from Milbrae.
Next day they march down the same Canada, called
by them San Francisco, now San Andres and San
Raimundo, for three leagues and a half, having the
main range on the right, and on the left a line of
low hills which obstruct their view of the bay. They
encamp on a large lagoon, now Laguna Grande, on San
Mateo Creek. On the 6th they continue their march
first

'

20

It

must

Puig who

also be noted that among Fages' volunteers there was a Sergeant

possibly be entitled to all this honor, but probably not.

may

ON THE PENINSULA.

1G1

and a half to the end of the

Canada, pitching their camp on a stream flowing into
the bay
doubtless the San Francisquito Creek in
for other three leagues

the vicinit}7 of Searsville.

Here the main force remain four days, suffering
considerably from hunger, and many making themselves ill by eating acorns, while the sergeant and

Movements of the Discoverers.

eight of the party are absent examining the country

and searching for the port and vessel. On the 10th
of November the men return and report the country
There is another large
sterile and the natives hostile.
'estero' communicating with the one in sight, but no
sign of any port at its end, which is far away and

There

difficult to reach.
Hist. Cal., Vol.

I.

11

is

nothing to show

how

far

1G2

EXPEDITION TO MONTEREY AND SAN FRANCISCO.

extended along the bay shore;

but the new estero is evidently but the south-eastern
extension of the main bay and reports of the country
are doubtless colored by disappointment respecting
council of officers and friars is
the San Jose.
called on the 11th, and after the solemnities of holy
mass each member gives his written opinion on what
should be done.
The decision is unanimous that it is
useless to seek Monterey farther north, and that it is
best to return to Point Pinos.
Portola makes some
objection, probably as a matter of form, but yields to
the views of the others.
The same afternoon they set out on their return,
and in a march of twenty-six days, over the same
route by which they came, and without incidents that
require notice, they reach what is really Carmelo
Bay. Here they remain from November 28th to
this reconnoissance

December

10th,

making some additional

explorations,

but finding no port, and in fact learning nothing new

save that the mountains in the south belong to the
Sierra de Santa Lucia and tha.t no passage along the
shore is practicable.
Grass is now abundant for the
animals, but the men can get no game, fish, or even
clams.
Some gulls are eaten, and a mule is killed
which only the Catalan volunteers and Lower Californians will eat.
Finally, after religious exercises on
the preceding day a council is held on the 7th. 21 Three
plans are proposed.
Some, and among them the governor, favor dividing the force, part remaining at Point
Pinos to wait for a vessel, the rest returning to San
Diego; others think it best for all to remain till provisions are exhausted, and then depend on mule-meat
for the return but the prevailing sentiment and the
decision are in favor of immediate return, since supplies are reduced to fourteen small sacks of flour, while
the cold is excessive and snow begins to cover the
;

hills.

Meanwhile two mulatto

arrieros desert,

and on

21
The record of this junta and of the former one of Nov. 11th were
cluded in the original Portola, Diario, MS., but are not in the copy.

in-

BACK TO SAN DIEGO.

1G3

the 9th an iron band supposed to have come from the

mast of some vessel is found on the beach by the natives.
Before leaving Carmelo Bay a large cross is set up

on a knoll near the beach, bearing the carved inscription "Dig at the foot and thou wilt find a writing."
The buried document is a brief narrative of the expedition with a request that the commander of any vessel arriving soon will sail down the coast and try to
communicate with the land party. 22 Recrossing the
peninsula they set up, on the shore of the very harbor
they could not find, another cross with an inscription
announcing their departure. Setting out on their
return the 11th they ascend the Salinas and retrace,
with a few exceptions, their former route. It is an
uneventful journey, but I catalogue a few details in a
23
note.
Below the San Luis Obispo region the natives
begin to bring in an abundance of fish and other food,
so that there is no further suffering, and on January
24, 1770, with many curious conjectures as to the
condition in which their friends will be found, they
approach the palisade enclosure at San Diego, and
announce their arrival by a discharge of musketry.
Warm welcome follows and then comparison of notes.
Neither party can report much progress toward the
conquest of California.
22

The letter is dated Dec. 9th, and is translated in DotjWs Address.

December 16th, a lean mule left in the Sierra de StaLucia was recovered
fat and well cared for by the natives.
20th, to prevent theft provisions
were distributed, 40 tortillas to each man and a little biscuit, ham, and
chocolate for each officer and padre. 21st, a man who had deserted at Point
Pinos was found among the natives and excused himself by saying that he had
Another
gone in search of Monterey in the hope of honor and reward.
deserter returned later to San Diego.
24th and 25th, the natives began to
bring in food. 28th, stuck fast in a mud-hole near San Luis Obispo, and
unable to say mass though it was a day of Jiesta.
January 1st, a bear and
23

cub3 killed furnishing material for a feast. January 3d, passed Point Concepcion. 4th, another fat mule restored by the natives. Food now abundant.
11th, at Asumpta, or Santa Barbara.
January 12th to 15th, instead of going
up the Santa Clara River, they took a more southern route. They could not
get through by the first route tried, on which they named the Triunfo rancheria, a name that seems to have survived; but they finally crossed by the
modern stage route via Simi. January 16th to 18th, their route through the
Los Angeles region was also different but not very clear. On the 17th they
crossed the Eio Porciuncula and went to a valley which they called San
Miguel, where San Gabriel mission afterwards stood; and next day they
crossed the Rio Santa Ana G long leagues distant.

CHAPTER

VII.

OCCUPATION OF MONTEREYFOUNDING OF SAN CARLOS, SAN

ANTONIO, AND SAN GABRIEL.
1770-1771.

Affairs at San Diego A Disheartened Governor California to be

Abandoned Rivera's Trip to the South Prater Ans'vyered
Discovery of Monterey In Camp
Arrival of the San Antonio
on Carmelo Bay Founding of the Presidio and Mission of San
Carlos Despatches Sent South by Land and Sea Portola Leaves
Fages in Command Reception of the News in Mexico Ten Padres
Sent to California Palou's Memorial Mission Work in the
North Arrival of the New Padres Stations Assigned Founding of San Antonio Transfer of San Carlos to Carmelo Bay
Events at San Diego Desertions Retirement of Parron and
Gomez Establishing of San Gabriel Outrages by Soldiers.

'

'

At San Diego during

Portola's absence no progress

work, save perhaps the addition of a palisade and a few tule huts to the buildings.
The governor's return in January 1770, from
his unsuccessful trip to Monterey, had no effect to
brighten the aspect of affairs, since he was much disheartened, and not disposed to afford aid to the president in advancing the interests of a mission that would
very likely have to be abandoned.
So nothing was

had been made

in mission

done beyond making a new corral for the horses.

Serra and Parron were just recovering from the
scurvy, and Vizcaino was still suffering from the
arrow wound in his hand. 1 Portola's plan was to
make a careful inventory of supplies, reserve enough
for the march to Velicata, and abandon San Diego
when the remainder should be exhausted, which would
1

Eight of the volunteers had died. Portold, Diario, MS.,

34.

(164)

MUST CALIFORNIA BE ABANDONED

be a

little

after the middle of April, the

163

20th being

fixed as the date of departure.

The friars,

and Crespi, were greatly

the
governor's
resolution.
They were
disappointed at
opposed to the idea of abandoning an enterprise so
auspiciously begun, though how they expected the
Portola was
soldiers to live does not clearly appear.
probably somewhat too much inclined to look at the
dark side; while the president perhaps allowed his
missionary zeal to impair his judgment.
So far as
they were concerned, personally, Serra and Crespi
resolved to stay in the country at all hazards; and for
the result they could only trust in providence to send
supplies before the day set for departure.
They received some encouragement, however, from Captain
Vila, who, judging from the description, agreed with
Serra that the northern port where a cross had been

was

especially Serra

Monterey. Furthermore it is said

that Vila made a secret promise to take the priests on
board the San Carlos, wait at San Diego for another
2
vessel, and renew the northern coast enterprise.
On the 11th of February Rivera was despatched
southward, with nineteen or twenty soldiers, two
muleteers, two natives, eighty mules, and ten horses.
He was accompanied by Padre Vizcaino whose lame
hand procured him leave of absence; and his destination was Velicatd,, where he was to get the cattle
that had been left there, and such other supplies as
might be procurable. He carried full reports to secular and Franciscan authorities of all that had thus
far befallen the expedition, bearing also a letter from
Serra to Palou, in which the writer bewailed the
prospect of failure and announced his intention to
remain to the last. After some skirmishes with the
savages, two of whom had to be killed to frighten
away the rest, Rivera reached Velicatd February
25th, at once setting about his task of gathering supplies, in which he was zealously seconded by Palou;
left

really

Palou, Vida, 95-6.

OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY.

1G6

but some months passed before lie could be ready to

march northward indeed, before he was ready the
urgent necessity had ceased.

Meanwhile at San Diego men and

officers

were

waiting, preparations were being made for departure,

friars were praying, and days were passing one' by
The only conversation
one, but yet no vessel came.
was of abandoning the northern country, and every
word was an arrow to the soul of the pious Junipero;
but he could only pray unceasingly, and trust to the
intercession of Saint Joseph the great patron of the
nine days' public
expedition. In his honor a novena
praj^er
was instituted, to culminate in a grand ceremonial entreaty on the saint's own day, March the
19th, the day before the one of final abandonment.
Gently smiled the morning sun on that momentous
morrow as it rose above the hills and warmed to happiness the myriads of creatures beneath its benignant
rays.
Surpassingly lovely the scene; the beautiful
bay in its fresh spring border hiding behind the hills
like a sportive girl from briny mother ocean.
At an
early hour the fathers were abroad on the heights,
for they could neither eat nor rest. The fulfilment or
failure of their hopes was now to be determined. The
day wore slowly away; noon came, and the hours of
the afternoon, and yet no sail appeared. The suspense
was painful, for it was more than life to these holy
men, the redemption of the bright, fresh paradise;
and so all the day they watched and prayed, watched
with strained eyes, and prayed, not with lips only but
with all those soul-longings which omniscience alone
can translate. Finally, as the sun dropped below the
horizon and all hope was gone, a sail appeared in the
distance like a winged messenger from heaven, and
before twilight deepened into darkness the so ardently
California was
longed-for vessel was in the offing.
saved, blessed be God! and they might yet consummate their dearly cherished schemes.

COMING OF RELIEF.

The fourth

clay thereafter

the

167

San Antonio anchored

the bay, whence she had sailed the previous July.

She had reached San Bias in twenty days, and both
Galvez and the viceroy gave immediate orders to provide the needed supplies. After certain vexatious but
unavoidable delays, she had again turned her prow
northward in December. Perez had orders to sail
for Monterey direct, where it was supposed Portola
would be found; but fortunately he was obliged to
enter the Santa Barbara channel for water, and the
natives explained that the land expedition had returned southward. Even then Perez in his perplexity
would have gone to Monterey had not the loss of an
anchor forced him to turn about just in time to preThe San Anvent the abandonment of San Dieg-o.
abundant
supplies,
and
she
also brought
brought
tonio
instructions from Galvez and Viceroy Croix, one or
both of which facts drove from Portola s mind all
thought of abandoning the conquest. Pie made haste
in his preparations for a return to Monterey with
Serra and Crespi, setting out overland April 17th,
after despatching the San Antonio northward the day
in

before.

There were left at San Diego, Vila with a mate and

five sailors on the San Carlos, Sergeant Ortega and
eight soldiers ale cuera as a guard, Parron and Gomez
as regular ministers in charge of the mission, and ten
Lower Californians as laborers. The San Carlos had
orders to receive a crew from the San Jose when that
most uncertain craft should arrive, and then proceed
Simultaneously with the departure of
to Monterey.
the northern expedition two natives had been sent
south with letters which reached Velicata in nine
days, and Loreto late in May. All went quietly with
the little company left to struggle spiritually with the
Let it be hoped that before the
southern gentilidad.
end of 1770 the missionaries succeeded in making a
few converts, as they probably did, but there is no
positive record of a single baptism. Bivera with his

168

OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY.

nineteen or twenty soldiers, over eighty mules laden

with supplies, and one hundred and sixty-four head of
3
cattle, having left Velicata in May, arrived in July.
About the same time messengers came down by land
announcing the successful occupation of Monterey, and
the intention of Portola to come down by sea and take
the San Carlos for San Bias. Vila, accordingly, made
ready for departure, obtaining a soldier and two muleteers to reenforce his crew; but as the San Antonio
did not appear, and his own vessel was being injured
by her long stay, in August the worthy captain shook
out his idle sails and made for San Bias.
He died a
little later, and his pioneer paquebot had to return to
California under a new commander. 4

Let us turn again toward the north with the expeditions sent out by land and sea to renew the search
for Monterey. The San Antonio sailed from San Diego

April 16th, having on board besides Perez and crew

Miguel del Pino being second officer Junipero Serra,
Miguel Costanso, Pedro Prat, 5 and a cargo of stores
for a new mission. Next clav Portola set out bv land,
his company consisting of Fages with twelve Catalan volunteers and seven soldados de cuera, Padre

two muleteers, and five natives. They followed

the same route as before, recovered in the Sierra de
Santa Lucia an Indian who had deserted on the former
trip, and finally encamped on the 24th of May near
the spot where they had left the second cross the
winter before on the bay shore. They found the cross
still standing, but curiously surrounded and adorned
with arrows, sticks, feathers, fish, meat, and clams
evidently deposited there by the savages as offerings
Crespi,

to the strangers' fetich.

3

And

later

when

the natives

April 14th, according to Monterey, Estracto de Koticias.

On San Diego events of 1770 see Palou, Not., i. 423-6, 432-9, 460-1; Id.,
Vida, 88-104.
5
By computation there should also have been on board 2 mechanics, 5
servants, 3 muleteers, and 6 Lower Calif ornians; but it is doubtful if these
figures are correct, especially in the items of Indians and muleteers, not a
very useful class of persons on board a ship.
i

OFFERINGS TO THE CROSS.

169

had learned to make themselves understood, to speak

as best should please their teachers, some strange tales
they told, how the cross had been illuminated at night
and had grown in stature till it seemed to reach the
heavens, moving the gentiles to propitiate by their
offerings this Christian symbol that it might do them
no harm. As Portola, Crespi, and Fages walked along
the beach that afternoon returning from a visit to the
they looked out over the placid bay, ruffled only
by the movements of seals and whales, and they said,
all being of one accord, " This is the port of Monterey
which we seek, just as Vizcaino and Cabrera Bueno
and so it was, the only winder being that
describe it"
they had not known it before. Soon for lack of fresh
water camp was moved across to Carmelo Bay.
week later, on the last day of May, the Scm
Antonio hove in sight off Point Pinos; fires were
lighted on shore for her guidance; and she entered the
harbor by Cabrera's sailing directions. She had at
first been driven south to latitude 30, and then north
to the Ensenada de los Farallones, where she might
have explored the port of San Francisco and the
newly discovered inland bay had not Perez' orders
required him to steer direct for Monterey. June 1st
the governor, friar, and lieutenant crossed over from
cross,

Carmelo to welcome the new arrival,

was given to transfer the camp back
Monterey, about whose identity there
any doubt; for close search along the

and the order

to the port of

was no longer

shore revealed
the little ravine with its pools of fresh water, the trees,
and even the wide-spreading oak whose branches
touched the water at high tide and under which mass
had been said by Ascension in 1G02, 6 all as in olden
time except the crowds of friendly natives.
6

'Hizose la Iglesia 4 la sombra de una grande Encina, que con algimas de

a la Mar, y cerca de ella, en una Barranquilla, a veinte passos, havia unos pozos en que havia agua muy buena.' Vener/aa, Not. CaL, iii.
sus

ram as llegaba

According to Vallejo, Hist, (,'al., MS., i.

under which Ascension said mass in 1G02, and Serra in 1770, is
still standing, being that under which a new cross was set up on the 100th
anniversary June 3, 1870; but as the latter tree is at some distance from the
101-2, quoted from Torquemada.

54, the tree

OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY.

170

On

the 3d of June

were assembled on the beach,

where an enramada, or shelter of branches, had been
erected and a cross made ready near the old oak.
Water was blessed, the bells were hung, and the Jiesta
began by loud and oft-repeated peals. Then Father
Junipero donned his alb and stole, and all on bended
knee chanted the venite creator spiritus, after which
the cross was planted and blessed, and the good friar
sprinkled beach and fields with holy water, thus " putting to rout all infernal foes." An image of the holy
virgin presented by Archbishop Lorenzana of Mexico
having been set up on the altar, mass was said by
Serra amidst the thunder of cannon and the crack of
musketry, followed by a salve to the image and a
te oleum laudamus.
The church ceremonies ended,
all

Portola proceeded to take formal possession in the

name of Carlos III. by hoisting and saluting the royal
flag of Spain, and going through the usual forms of
pulling grass, throwing stones, and recording all in
the prescribed acta.
Finally the officers and friars
ate together under the shade of trees near the shore,
while the soldiers and others enjo}^ed their feast a little
apart.

Thus were formally founded on June 3, 1770, the

mission and presidio of San Carlos Borromeo de
Monterey. 7 The mission was founded in the name of
may be questioned. David Spence, an old and well
Monterey, said that Junipero's tree was shown him in 1824
by Mariano Estrada, and that it fell in 1837 or 1838, the water having washed
away the earth from its roots. Spence thought there was* no doubt of its
identity. Taylor's Discov. and Founders, ii., No. 24, 5.
7
St Charles Borromeo was born at Arona near Milan, Italy, in 1538. He
was son of the Count of Arona, nephew of Pope Pius IV., archbishop of
Milan, and cardinal. Dying in 1584, he was canonized in 1610. A word is
tide -water the identity

known

citizen of

necessary to remove certain difficulties into which modern writers and modern
usage have fallen respecting the name of this mission. This name was
always San Carlos; San Carlos de Monterey was simply San Carlos at MonWhen the mission was
terey, that port having been named long before.
moved to Carmelo bay and river it was naturally spoken of as San Carlos del
Carmelo, or San Carlos at Carmelo, a port also named long before. But Monterey being a prominent place the mission continued to be often called San
Carlos at Monterey, or San Carlos at Carmelo near Monterey, as the Spanish
But again the full name of the bay
preposition de may best be translated.
and river Carmelo was Nuestra Seuora del Monte Carmelo, or Nra. Sra. del
Carmen, and hence a new source of confusion arose, all of which, however,

MISSION OF SAN CARLOS.

171

the college of San Fernando; Saint Joseph was named

as patron; and Crespi was appointed as associate minfew humble huts were at once
ister with Serra.
erected on a site surveyed by Costanso, a gunshot
from the beach and three times as far from the port,
on an inlet which communicated with the bay at high
water. These buildings constituted both presidio and
mission, as at San Diego, being enclosed by a palisade.
One of the huts was completed and blessed as a temporary church on the 14th of June, when a grand procession took place; bells were rung, and guns were
fired; but thus far no natives appeared, being frightened it is said by the noise of cannon and musketry.
soldier and a young sailor volunteered to carry
despatches with news of success to San Diego and to
the peninsula.
They started June 14th, met Rivera
just below San Diego, were reenforced by five of his
men, and finally carried their glad tidings to Governor Armona, who had just succeeded Portola, and
to Padre Palou at Todos Santos, on the 2d of August.
Salutes and thanksgiving masses celebrated the occasion at Loreto, To'dos Santos, and Santa Ana, while
Armona despatched a vessel to carry the news to the
main.

In accordance with previous orders from Galvez,

Portola, as soon as a beginning was fairly made at
Monterey, turned the government of the new establishments over to Fages as military commandant, and
sailed away in the San Antonio on the 9th of July.
He took with him the engineer Costanso; and Perez
may be removed by

bearing in mind that the mission was always San Carlos,

and that other words were used solely to express its locality. Taylor, in Cal.
Farmer, April 20, 1860, gives the following native names of localities at Monterey; site of modern town Achieata or Achasta; beach, Sukilta; Fort hill,
Ilunnukul; site of post-office, Shirista. About the date of foundation on June
3d, there is no possible error. Palou, Serra, the mission books of San Carlos,
and scores of official reports in later years confirm this. Vallejo, ILst. Cai,
MS., i. G6--8, and Alvarado, Hist. Gal, MS., i. 23-4, are very positive that
the mission was not founded till later; but these writers confound the founding with the subsequent transfer.
See 8. Cdrlos, Lib. Alision, MS., Proo.
M. Pap., MS., i. 109-10. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., v. pt. ii. 33.

OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY.

172

intended to touch at San Diego to divide his crew

with the San Carlos if the San Jose had not yet appeared, but, as we have seen, was not able to do so,
and arrived at San Bias the 1st of August. Costanso
and Perez went to Mexico as bearers of the news,
arriving on the 10th, at which date the name of the
former disappears from the annals of California for
twenty years or more, at the end of which time we
shall find him giving some sensible advice on Califoririan affairs; while of Portola nothing is known after
his landing at San Bias, except that he was governor
of Puebla in 1779.
He was first in the list of California rulers.
His term of office may be regarded as
having extended from April 1769 to July 9, 1770,
and he is spoken of in the record both as governor
and comandante; but, though there is some confusion
respecting his exact title, it appears that that of
military commandant is used with more propriety
than the other. 8

Leaving the four friars under the protection of

Fag^es and his nineteen men in the north and of Rivera
with his twenty -two men in the south, 9 busy in ear8

Portola came to Lower California in 1768 as governor, the first the peninhad ever had; but when he volunteered to take command in person of
the northern expedition, it seems that Armona was appointed to succeed him
in the governorship. I do not know the exact date of Armona's appointment,
but he arrived at Loreto in June 1769, and went back to the mainland two
weeks later without having taken possession of his office. In the mean time
Gonzalez ruled as a kind of lieutenant-governor or military commandant until
relieved in October 1769 by Toledo, who governed in the same capacity until
Armona, who had failed to get his resignation accepted, returned in June
1770 to rule until November, Moreno ruling, in much the same capacity
apparently as Gonzalez and Toledo, until the arrival of Gov. Barri in March
1771.
Now while Gonzalez, Toledo, and Moreno cannot be properly credited
with any authority in Upper California, their terms as interinos render it
difficult to define those of the proprietary governors.
Thus, though Portola
was in a sense governor of the Californias down to June 1770, since no regular successor had taken possession of the office, I have named him in my list
of rulers of Alta California as commandant from the first settlement down
to July 9, 1770.
In Monterey, Estracto de Noticias, he is called comandante
en gefe.
9
Rivera and his men were expected to march to Monterey on their return
from the peninsula, but for some unexplained reason, possibly dissatisfaction
at Fages' appointment to the chief command, Rivera remained at San Diego.
According to Monterey, Estracto de Noticias, Fages had a force of over 30
men besides Rivera's force, which is an error.
sula

THE NEWS IN MEXICO.

173

nest if not very successful efforts to attract and convert

the gentiles of Monterey and San Diego, let us glance
briefly at what was being done in Mexico to advance
Spanish interests in the far north.
have seen
that the news of success at Monterey had arrived by
land at Loreto and by sea at San Bias early in August.
Therefore, the despatches sent by Portola from San
Bias reached Mexico in advance of the others on the
The news was received with great manifesta10th.
tions of joy; the cathedral bells rang out their glad
peals, those of the churches responding.
solemn
thanksgiving mass was said at which all government
dignitaries were present; and there followed a grand
reception at which Galvez and Croix received congratulations in the royal name for this last extension
Immediate and liberal proof the Spanish domain.
vision was made for the new establishments.
So
on
both country and inhabfavorable were the reports
resolved
once to forward all
that
it
was
at
itants
needed aid and to found five newT missions above San
The guardian of San Fernando was asked to
Diego.
furnish ten friars for these missions, besides twenty
more for old and new missions in the peninsula. Fortunately a large number of Franciscans had lately
arrived from Spain, and after some deliberation and
discussion resulting in a determination to secularize
the Sierra Gorda missions, the required missionaries
were furnished. 10

We

These arrangements were all made within six days

after the news arrived, and under the date of August
16th the viceroy caused to be printed in the government printing-office for general circulation a resume
in pamphlet form of all that had been accomplished

by the northern expeditions, the present condition

of the new presidios and missions, and of what had
10
The 10 were Antonio Paterna, president en route, Antonio Cruzado,
Buenaventura Sitjar, Domingo Juncosa, Francisco Dumetz, Jose Caballer,
Angel Somera, Luis Jaume, Miguel Pieras, and Pedro Benito Cambon. They
were to receive each a stipend of $275 a year, and $400 travelling expenses.
Each new mission received $1,000 and the necessary vestments, including a
specially fine ornamenio, or set of vestments, for Monterey.

OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY.

174

been decided upon respecting aid for further exten11

The San Antonio was to sail from San Bias
sion.
in October with the ten friars and a full car^o of
The priests set out from the college in
supplies.
that month, but were obliged to wait at Tepic until
January 20, 1771, before the vessel could be made
ready for sea. 12 The viceroy in his letter to Fages
states that Rivera is ordered to put his men at
the commandant's disposal, and the captain of the
company at Guaymas has orders to send twelve men
to supply the places of those who had died on the
voyage. 13 In 1771 the only thing to be noticed is
the memorial presented in December to the viceroy
by the guardian of San Fernando, at the suggestion
Twelve of the eighteen articles of this
of Palou.
document were suggestions for the welfare of the new
establishments, 14 some of them founded on minor disagreements which already began to manifest themselves between the military and missionary authorities.

At Monterey

was
For want of

after Portola s departure little

accomplished during the year 1770.

11
Monterey, Estracto cle Noticias del Puerto de Monterey, de la Mision, y
Presido que se han establecido en 61 con la denominacion de San Carlos, y d<-l
sucesso de las dos Expeditions de Mar, y Tierra que d este Jin se despncharon
en el a no proximo anterior de 17G9.
Mexico 10 de Agosto de 1770. Con
licencia y orden del Ex mo Seiior Virrey.
En la Imprenta del Superior Govierno. Fol., 3 unnumbered leaves. This rare tract is in my collection, and it
is reprinted also in Palou's Noticias.
When this notice was printed the
despatches from Loreto had not yet arrived.
12
Palou, Vida, 113 1G, says she sailed Jan. 2d.
13
Letter dated Nov. 12th, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 69-71.
14
1st. That the commandants at San Diego and Monterey be made to obey
more closely the instructions of Galvez. (There had been some disagreement
with the friars in connection with the desertion of an arriero.) 2d. That some
families of Christian natives be sent up from Baja California to serve as
laborers.
3d. That a guard or presidio be established at San Buenaventura.
4th. That these natives be kindly treated.
5th. That the train of mules be
increased for service from Scnora and the peninsula. Gth. That presidios and
missions be supplied for 18 months by the service of two snows.
7th. That
San Francisco be explored, Monterey being as some say no harbor. 9th. That
mission temporalities should be wholly under control of the friars, with the
power of removing servants and officials. 14th. Vessels for Monterey should
sail in February or April,
loth. A proper limosna, or allowance, should be
granted to friars going or coming.
16th. San Diego, Monterey, and San
Buenaventura should have the $1,000 allowed to new missions. 18th. Soldiers should be supplied with rations so as to be able to do escort dut} Palou,
7-

Not.,

i.

120-3.

CONVERSIONS AT SAN CARLOS.

175

and of soldiers 15 nothing was done towards

the founding of San Buenaventura, although the
necessary supplies were lying in readiness at San
Carlos. Meanwhile Serra and Crespi worked among
the Eslenes, who under the influence of gifts and
kindness were fast losing their timidity.
Baja
Californian neophyte who had learned the native
preaching soon
dialect rendered great assistance
on
December
26th the first baptism was
began; and
priests

administered.

16

The San Antonio anchored

at

Monterey

May

21,

1771, having on board the ten priests already named,

except that Gomez from San Diego was in place of
Dumetz, with all the necessary appurtenances for the
The father presiestablishing of five new missions.
dent's heart was filled with joy, and he was enabled
to celebrate the festival of corpus Christi on the 30th
with a community of twelve friars. The five new
missions proposed, in addition to San Buenaventura,
were San Gabriel, San Luis Obispo, San Antonio,
13

Palou, Vida, 104-6, says it was for want of soldiers, because Rivera did
not come upas expected; but he says nothing of the fact that there were no
padres available.
1G
Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 22, mentions some writings of the soldier
J. B. Valdes to the effect that the Baja Californians conversed readily with
the Eslenes, and he is disposed to believe after much inquiry that the language
was to some extent understood. Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., i. oo-G, names the
interpreter Maximiano, and states that the Eslen chief lived near the spring
called Agua Zarca on what was later the rancho of Guadalupe Avila.
Unfortunately the first book of baptisms for San Carlos has been lost, and the
The first burial
exact number of converts for the early years is not known.
was on the day of founding June 3d, when Alejo Nino one of fhe San Antonio's
crew was buried at the foot of the cross. According to Palou, Not., i. 451,
he was a calker; the mission record makes himacadete. The first interment
in the cemetery was that of Ignacio Ramirez, a mulatto slave from the San
Antonio, who had money ready to purchase his freedom.
There were four
more deaths during the year, three of sailors and one of a Baja Californian.
The first marriage did not take place till Nov. 1G, 1772. San Cdrlos, Lib. <'e
son, MS., 84; Taylor's Odds and Ends, 4. A writer in the Uerista Cientifica,
i. 328, tells us that the mission
of Carmen or Monte Carmelo was founded
June 3d on the gulf of Carmelo, but never progressed much. A newspaper
item extensively circulated speaks of an Indian woman still living in 1869
who was the mother of two children when the mission church was built.
Shea, Caih. Miss., 94, calls the mission Monte Carmel. Tuthill, Hist. Cal.,
80-1 says that Portola retired by water and Rivera by land, leaving Junipero
with o friars and Fages with 30 soldiers.

OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY.

176

Santa Clara, and San Francisco.

There were sent

only missionaries sufficient for five of the six, and as
Parron and Gomez, unfitted for duty by the scurvy,
had to be granted leave of absence, still another mission must wait, San Francisco and Santa Clara being
selected for that purpose.
The president immediately
announced the distribution of priests to their respec17
tive missions, and on the 7th of June the six intended
for the south sailed in the

San Antonio

for

San Diego,

Fages accompanying them.

Only one of the northern missions could be founded
until Fages should bring or send north some of Rivera's soldiers, but Serra set out early in July with ar
escort of eight soldiers, three sailors, and a few Indian
workmen for the Hoya de la Sierra de Santa Lucia,
named by the first land expedition, where he proposed
to establish the first mission under Pieras and Sitjar
who accompanied him. His route was probably up
the Salinas River and the Arroyo Seco, and the site
selected was an oak-studded glen named Canada de los
Robles 18 on a fine stream. Here the bells were hung
on a tree and loudly tolled, while Fray Juniptro
shouted like a madman: "Coine gentiles, come to the
holy church, come and receive the faith of Jesus
Christ!" until Father Pieras reminded the enthusiast
that there was not a gentile within hearing and that
19
it would be well to stop the noise and go to work
Then a cross was erected, the president said mass
under a shelter of branches, and thus was founded on
July 14, 1771, the mission of San Antonio de Padua. 20
17
The distribution was as follows: San Diego, Luis Jaume and Francisco
Dumetz; San Buenaventura, Antonio Paterna and Antonio Cruzado; San Luis
Obispo, Domingo Juncosa and Jos6 Cavalier; San Gabriel, Angel Somera and
Pedro Benito Cambon; San Antonio, Miguel Pieras and Buenaventura Sitjar;
San Carlos, Junipero Serra and Juan Crespi.
18
The native name of the site was Texhaya according to Dept. St. Pap.
Ben. Mil. MS., lxxxi. 49, or Sextapay according to Taylor, note on the fly,

leaf of Cuesta, Vocabulario,

19
20

Palou

Vida

MS.

122.

S. Antonio, Lib. de Mision. MS., 1; Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 112-15; Palou,
Not. ii. 245, tells us of an old woman who applied for baptism, and who wher
a girl had heard her father speak of a padre dressed like these, who came t;
,

FOUNDING OF SAN ANTONIO.

177

'witnessed the ceremonies, but he soon

brought in his companions in large numbers, who
brought pine-nuts and seeds, all they had to give, and

Only one native

aided in the work of building a church, barracks, and

house for the missionaries, all of which were on a
humble scale and protected as usual by a palisade.
The natives seemed more tractable than at either San
Diego or Monterey, and the ministers had hopes of a
great spiritual conquest, the first baptism taking place
the 14th of August. 21 Leaving the harvest to the
reapers and their guard of six soldiers, I return with
Serra to Monterey at the end of July.
Soon after the establishing of San Cdrlos Padre
Junipero had determined to transfer the mission to
Carmelo Valley. His avowed reason was lack of

water and fertile soil at Monterey; but it is likely

that he also desired to remove his little band of neophytes, and the larger flock he hoped to gather, from
immediate contact with the presidio soldiers, always
regarded by missionaries with more or less dread as
necessary evils tending to corrupt native innocence.
The necessary permission for the transfer came up by
the San Antonio on her third trip, 22 and two days after
her departure, before going to found San Antonio,
the president crossed over to select the new site.
There he left three sailors and four Indians from the
peninsula at work cutting timber, and making preparations under the w atchful eyes of five soldiers who
were charitably supposed to lend occasional assistr

the country flying through the air and preaching Christian doctrines. Gomez,
Lo que sabe, MS., 53-4, records the tradition that the ringing of the bells
frightened away the natives; and that subsequently they refused to eat cheese
believing it to be the brains of dead men.
San Antonio de Padua was born
in Lisbon in 1195, died at Padua in 1231, and was canonized in 1232. He was
a famous preacher, his sermons affecting even the fishes, and a zealous propagator of the Franciscan order. His day, as celebrated by the church, is June
13th.
21
P. Serra in his Representation, MS., of May 21, 1773, says the work of
building was hurried to get ready for farming, and that it was hindered by
Fages taking away the best soldiers. Eight mules were left at the mission.
22
Nov. 12, 1770, Viceroy Croix writes to Fages that San Carlos mission is
to be established on the Rio Carmelo with a sufficient guard of soldiers. Prov.

St.

Pap., MS.,

i.

70.

Hist. Cal. Vol.

I.

12

178

ance.

OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY.

Back from San Antonio

August he a^ain
hasten the movements of
in

went over to Carmelo to

the workmen, who were proceeding very leisurely;
but it was several months before the palisade square
enclosing wooden chapel, dwelling, storehouse, guardhouse, and corrals could be completed; and it was the
end of December when the formal transfer took place,
The two ministers
the exact date being unknown.
took up their permanent residence in their new home,
Juncosa and Cavalier assisting temporarily both at
23
mission and presidio.
Events at San Diego during the year 1771 were by
no means exciting or important. Beyond the baptism
of a very few natives, the exact number being unknown, no progress in mission work is recorded but
Rivera with his force of fourteen men, in addition to
Ortega's regular mission guard of eight, would seem
to have passed the time comfortably so far as work is
concerned. In April, when the San Antonio touched
at this port with her load of friars, the two ministers
were both disabled by scurvy, and Gomez went up to
Monterey, while Dumetz took his place. On July
14th the vessel returned with six padres besides
Gomez, who had leave of absence and was on his way
to Mexico.
Parron retired at about the same time,
;

overland, to the missions of the peninsula. Captain,

Perez sailed the 21st. 24 Pagfes came down with the
priests, and the intention was to establish San Gabriel
The day
at once; but local troubles caused delay.
after the vessel's departure nine soldiers and a muleteer deserted.
Padre Paterna was induced by Pages
to go with a few soldiers and a pardon signed in blank
His mission was successful, and
to bring them back.
23
Vallejo and Alvarado, as I have already noted, insist on regarding this
Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, Apr. 20,
as the veritable founding of the mission.
1SG0, says the transfer -was in 1772 and that the mission became known as
San Carlos Eorronieo del Carmelo de Monterey.
2J
Serra, San Diego, Lib. de Jlision, MS., 7, says however that Parron
went, apparently by land, to Baja California; and Paiou, Yida, 1*29, says he
went with & party by land, of which party nothing further is known.

FOUXDIKG OF SAN GABRIEL.

179

having availed themselves of the church asylum'

Again, the Gth of
the deserters returned to duty.
August, a corporal and five soldiers deserted, returning on the 24th to steal cattle from the mission. This
time Fages went out to bring them in by force, but
found them strongly fortified and resolved to die
rather than yield, and again, to save life, persuasion
was employed, and Dumetz brought back the fugi23
tives.
Respecting the real or pretended grievances
of the soldiers we know nothing, but it is evident
that some misunderstanding already existed between
Fages and the friars, and that Palou's record is intended
to show the agency of the latter in its best light.
Early in the autumn there arrived from Guaymas
twelve Catalan volunteers.
after

'

Meanwhile on August 6th Somera and Cambon

with a guard of ten soldiers and a supply-train of
mules under four muleteers and four soldiers, who
were to return, left San Diego to establish their new
mission, following the old route northward.
It had
been the intention to place the mission on the River
Santa Ana, or Jesus de los Temblores, but as no suitable site was found there the party went farther and
chose a fertile, well wooded and watered spot near the
River San Miguel, so named on the return trip of the
26
and since known
first expedition three years before,
At first a large force of
as the River San Gabriel.
natives presented themselves under two chieftains and
attempted by hostile demonstrations to prevent the
purpose of the Spaniards; but when one of the padres
held up a painting of the virgin, the savages instantly
threw down their arms and their two captains ran up
to lay their necklaces at the feet of the beautiful
queen, thus signifying their desire for peace. 27
25

In a letter of Gov. Barri to Fages, dated Oct. 2, 1771, he advises the

to grieve over the desertion of two soldiers. Prov. St. Pap.,

commandant not

MS., i. 72.
2
"Palou, Not.,

i. 477.
The same author in his Vida, 129-30, implies that
the site selected was on the Rio de los Temblores.
27
It is only in his Vida, 129-30, that Palou tells this story.

OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY.

180

The

raising of the cross and regular ceremonial

routine which constituted the formal founding of San
Gabriel Arcangel 28 took place on September 8th,
and the natives cheerfully assisted in the work; of

bringing timber and constructing the stockade enclosure with its tule-roofed buildings of wood, continuing
in the mean time their offerings of pine-nuts and acorns
29
to the image of Our Lady.
Though friendly as
yet, the natives crowded into the camp in such numbers that ten soldiers were not deemed a sufficient
guard; and Padre Somera went down to San Diego
the 1st of October, returning on the 9th with a reinforcement of two men. Next day a crowd of natives
attacked two soldiers who were guarding the horses.
The chief discharged an arrow at one of the soldiers,
who stopped it with his shield, and killed the chieftain with a musket-ball.
Terrified by the destructive
effects of the gun the savages fled, and the soldiers,
cutting off the fallen warrior's head, set it on a pole
28

The Archangel Gabriel has a place in several religions. To the Israelhe was the angel of death; according to the Talmud he was the prince of
fire and ruled the thunder.
He set fire to the temple of Jerusalem; appeared
to Daniel and Zacharias; announced to Mary the birth of Christ; and dictated
the Koran to Mahomet. The last-named prophet describes him very fully,
mentioning among other things 500 pairs of wings, the distance from one wing
to another being 500 years' journey.
His day in the church calendar is
March 18th. The mission was often called San Gabriel de los Temblores, the
latter word like Carmelo with San Carlos indicating simply locality.
It had
been intended to mean San Gabriel on the Paver Temblores, but when another
site was selected the name was retained meaning San Gabriel in the region of
Earthquakes, as San Gabriel de San Miguel would have been awkward. See
The
Serra, in Pro v. St. Pap., MS., i. 118; S. Gabriel Lib. de Mision, MS.
author of Los Angeles Mist., 5, is in error when he says that the San Gabriel
ites

'

'

'

'

Iiiver was called Temblores.

The mission was not moved to its present site
until several years later. Arch. Santa Barbara, MS.,i. 131; field, Los Angeles
Co., Ind., Xo. 17. San Gabriel was the only mission at the founding of which
Serra had not assisted, and this was because Fages failed to notify him, as lie
had promised. Serra, fiapres., 21 cleMayo, MS., 118.
29
According to Hugo Eeid, Los Angeles Co. Jnd.,~No. 16, who derived his
information from traditions, the natives were greatly terrified at the first sight
of the Spaniards; women hid; men put out the fires. They thought the stran-

when they saw them strike fire from a flint, but seeing them kill a
put them down as human beings 'of a nasty white color with ugly
blue eyes;' and later, as no violence was done, they called them chichlnabros,
gers gods

bird, they

or 'reasonable beings.' Women used by the soldiers were obliged to undergo

a long purification, and for a long time every child with white blood in its
veins was strangled. Food given by the white men was buried in the woods.
Brown sugar was long regarded as the excrement of the new-comers.

TROUBLE AT SAN GABRIEL.

181

The fugitive assailants

the presidio gates.
after
few
days
to
beg for their leader's
a
came back
head; but it was only very gradually that they were
induced to resume friendly relations with the friars,
and frequent the mission as before. There is little
doubt that their sudden hostility arose from outrages
by the soldiers on the native women. 30
few days after this affair Fages arrived from San
Diego with two friars, sixteen soldiers, 31 and four
muleteers in charge of a mule train, the force intended
In consefor the establishing of San Buenaventura.
quence of the recent hostilities Fages decided to add
six men to the guard of San Gabriel, and to postpone
Pafor the present the founding of a new mission.
terna and Cruzado also remained at San Gabriel where
they became the following year the regular ministers
on the retirement of Somera and Cambon by reason
Mission progress was extremely slow,
of ill-health.
the first baptism having been that of a child on
November 27th, and the whole number during the
This want of
first two years only seventy-three.
prosperity is attributed by Serra largely to the conduct of the soldiers, who refused to work, paid no
attention to the orders of their worthless corporal,
drove away the natives by their insolence, and even
pursued them to their rancherias, where they lassoed
before

i. 478-9, says a soldier had outraged a woman in one of the

same author in Vida, 130-2, tells us that the woman was the
wife of the slain chieftain and the guilty soldier the one attacked. Serra in
his liepi-esentacion, MS., of May 21, 1773, says that the first grievance of the
natives was an order from Fages that only 5 or 6 of them should be admitted
within the stockade at a time, followed by a secret order not to allow any
gentiles at all to enter.
Serra says decidedly that if he had been there he
would have ordered the padres to abandon the mission; for if they could have
no intercourse with gentiles for what were they in the country at all? One
day the so'diers went out to look for cattle, or more likely for women, and the
chief captain was killed, his head being brought to the mission.
In Serra's
eyes all misfortunes were chargeable to Fages.
T
31
Palou, JS ot., i. 479, says distinctly that he had 26 soldiers, 12 volunteers
who had lately arrived from Baja California and 14 soldiers de curra; but I
think the last item should be 4 instead of 14, which agrees exactly with the
available force at San Diego.
Otherwise 10 cuera soldiers must have arrived
from the south of which there is no record, or Fages must have brought 10
with him from Monterey, which seems unlikely. A total of 10 also allows
San Buenaventura 10 men, the same guard as that sent originally to S. Gabriel.

30
Palou, Not.
rancherias.
The

OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY.

182

women

and

killed such

males as dared to
Fages, probably with ten Catalan voluninterfere.
teers, continued his march to Monterey at the end of
Rivera y Moncada does not appear at all in
1771.
He probably remained but
the annals of this period.
a short time at San Diego before retiring to the peninIt is not unlikely that he was already preparing
sula.
the way by correspondence for the removal of Fages
for their lust
32

in his

own

33

Mayo 1773, MS. Reform seems to have dated

which probably took place late in 1772.
33
In May 1771 he was at Santa Gertrudis. St. Pap. Mis. and Col., MS., i.
On the period covered by this chapter see Palou, Not., i. 98-107, 120-3,
32

Representation de 21 de

from a change
52.

favor.

of corporals,

424-80; Id., Vida, 88-134.

CHAPTER
PROGRESS OF THE

NEW

VIII.
ESTABLISHMENTS.

1772-1773.

Events of 1772 Search tor the Port of San Francisco Crespi's Diary
First Exploration of Santa Clara, Alameda, and Contra Costa
Counties Fages Discovers San Pablo Bay, Carquines Strait, and
San Joaquin River Relief Sent South Hard Times at Monterey
Living on Bear-meat Fages and Serra Go South Founding of San
Luis Obispo Events at San Diego A Quarrel between Commandant
and President Serra Goes to Mexico Cession of Lower Caltfornian Missions to Dominicans New Padres for the Northern Establishments Palou's Journey to San Diego and Monterey in 1773.

The year 1772 was marked by an important exploration of new territory in the north. It added a mission to the four already founded, brought three friars

band of workers, and saw arrangements completed for a larger reenforcement through
to reenforce Serra' s

the yielding-up of the peninsular missions to the excluYet it was a

sive control of the Dominican order.
year of little progress and of much hardship it was a
year of tardy supply-vessels, of unfortunate disagreements between the Franciscans and the military chief
disagreements which carried the president in person to
Mexico to plead for reforms before Viceroy Bucareli,
who had succeeded Croix in the preceding autumn.
The San Antonio on her last trip had brought
orders from the viceroy to Fages, requiring him to
explore by sea or land the port of San Francisco, and,
acting in accord with Serra, to establish a mission
there, with a view to secure the harbor from foreign
;

aggression. 1
1
Dated Nov. 12, 1770, in Prov.
Fages at Monterey in May 1771.

St.

Pap., MS.,

i.

70.

It

was received by
(183)

184

PROGRESS OF THE

NEW

ESTABLISHMENTS.

After the spring rains had ceased, the commandant

for the first time was able to obey the order as to
exploration, but there were neither friars nor soldiers
for a mission, though the supplies were lying at San
2
Accordingly with Crespi, twelve soldiers, a
Carlos.
muleteer, and an Indian, Fages started from Monterey
on the 20 th of March and crossed over to the river
Santa Delfina, now the Salinas. As the first exploration by Europeans of a since important portion of
California, the counties of Santa Clara, Alameda, and
Contra Costa, this trip, fully described by Crespi, 3
deserves to be followed somewhat closely.
The second day's march brings the party to the
San Benito stream, still so called, near what is now
Hollister; and on the 2 2d they cross San Pascual
plain into San Bernardino Valley and encamp a little
Thence they proceed
north of the present Gilroy.
north-westward and enter the great plain of the
" Robles del Puerto de San Francisco," in which
they have been before, in November 1769, that is,
Their camp the 24th is
the Santa Clara Valley.
near the south-eastern point of the great " brazo de
mar," near the mouth of what they call Encarnacion
Arroyo, now Penitencia Creek, on the boundary line
between Santa Clara and Alameda counties.
The
peninsula to their left having been previously explored, and the object being to pass round the great
inlet and reach San Francisco under Point Reyes,
Fages continues to the right along the foot-hills between the shore and Coast Range.
His camp on Wednesday the 25th is beside a large
stream, called by him San Salvador de Horta, now
2
Palou, Vida, 134-5, says that Serra proposed the exploration and Fages
consented. This is probably accurate enough in a certain sense; but the friars
had a noticeable habit of claiming for themselves all the credit for each movement, and omitting any mention of secular orders and agencies an omission
that evidently did not always result from forgetfulness.
3
Crespi, Diario que se formd en el registro que se hizo del puerto de Ntro.
brief resume" of the same
P. San Francisco, in Palou, Not., i. 481-501.
exploration is given in Id., ii. 46. Among modern writers, Hittell, Hist.
San Francisco, has given a brief and inaccurate account from Crespi's diary.

DISCOVERY OF ALAMEDA.

1S5

at a point near Vallejo's Mill. Next

bears are plentiful, and traces are seen

Alameda Creek,

day deer and

of animals which the friar imagines to be buffaloes,
but which the soldiers pronounce burros, or "jackass
Crossdeer," such as they had seen in New Mexico.
ing five streams, two large ones, now San Lorenzo
and San Leandro creeks, and two small ones, they
reach the Arroyo del Bosque, on a branch of the bay
which with another similar branch forms a peninsula,
bearing a grove of oaks the site of the modern town
They are near the shore of San Leanof Alameda.
dro Bay, and probably on Brickyard Slough.
On
Friday's march they have to climb a series of low
hills, Brooklyn, or East Oakland, in order to get
round " an estuary which, skirting the grove, extends
some four or five leagues inland until it heads in the
sierra"
San Antonio Creek and Merritt Lake.
Thence coining out into a great plain, they halt
about three leagues from the starting-point, opposite
the "mouth by which the two great estuaries communicate with the Ensenada de los Farallones"
that is, they stop at Berkeley and look out through
the Golden Gate, noting three islands in the bay. 4
Continuing a league the Spaniards encamp on what is
now Cerrito Creek, the boundary between Alameda
and Contra Costa counties.
For the next two days they follow the general
course of the bay coast, note "a round bay like a
great lake"
San Pablo Bay large enough for "all
the armadas of Spain," where they see whales spouting.
They are kindly received in what is now Pinole
Valley, by a ranch eria of gentiles, " bearded and of
very light complexion." They attempt to pass round
the bahia redonda, but are prevented by a narrow
estuary, the Strait of Carquines.
Journeying along
the treeless hills that form its shores, they are hospitably treated at five large native villages, some even

One

of

party saw

them, Angel, was probably not known to be an island until the

from a point farther north-

it


PROGRESS OF THE

18G

NEW

ESTABLISHMENTS.

coming across from the other shore in rafts, and

finally they encamp on a stream near the shore, probably the Arroyo del Hambre near Martinez. 5 March
30th they advance two leagues to a large stream
Arroyo de las Nueces, near Pacheco; cross the fine
Mt Diablo
valley of Santa Angela de Fulgino
Creek; pass two rancherias of friendly natives; and
in the vicinity of Willow
enter a range of low hills
Pass.
From the summit the} look down on the two
broad rivers and valleys, since so well known, with
the various channels, sloughs, and islands about

very accurately described in the

diary.
Leaving the hills they pass on four or five
leagues across the plain to a small stream on which
they pitch their camp half a mile from the bank of
the great river, "the largest that has been discovered
in New Spain," which is named Rio de San Francisco.
They are on the San Joaquin, at or near Antheir junction

tioch.

all

To

carry out the original purpose of "passing on to

Point Reyes to examine the port of San Francisco" it is
now necessary to cross the great rivers, for which they
have no boats, or to "go round them" for which they
lack men and supplies. 7 It is, accordingly, determined
to return to Monterey, but by a shorter route than
that along the bay shore. Recrossing on the last day
of the month the range of hills and the Santa Angela
plain, they turn south-eastward by a pleasant Canada
San Ramon Creek. During the first and second of
April they pass through what are now known as San
Ramon and Amador valleys into Suiiol Valley, which
they call Santa Coleta; thence through a pass to the
5
Crespi makes the journey of the two days 15 leagues, and leaves his
courses vague, implying that he was travelling always north-west.
6
Hittell, in his History of S an Francisco and incidentally of California,
p. 45, tells us that the Spaniards on this trip crossed the strait and traversed the broad hills and valleys intervening until they reached Russian
River!
7
Palou, Vida, 134-5, says the exploration was not concluded on account of
bad news from San Diego; but he means that this news prevented subsequent

trips.

TO THE MOUTH OF THE GREAT KIVERS.

187

San Josd, and to their former

encamping one league beyond the Encarnacion
Arroyo where they had been March 24th, on a stream

vicinity of Mission

route,
called

San Francisco de Paula,

in the vicinity of Mil-

From

the third to the fourth they return by

the former route to Monterey, whence Crespi goes
over to San Carles and delivers his diary to the presi-

pitas.

dent.

Then Padre Junipero,

" seeing that it was impossible to found at once the mission of our seraphic
father San Francisco in his own port, since, as that
port according to Cabrera Bueno was near Point
Reyes, it was necessary to go to it by water, passing
from Point Almejas to Point Reyes across the Ensenada de los Farallones; or if by land, it was necessary
to make a new exploration by ascending the great
rivers in search of a ford and since as it is not known
if they extend far inland, or where they rise, a new
expedition was necessary; therefore, his reverence
determined in view of what had been discovered in
this exploration to report to the viceroy" and await
;

his instructions.

During the commander's absence Serrahad received

letters from San Diego and San Gabriel announcing
great want of supplies, the departure of Cambon and
Dumetz, and the illness of Somera. He therefore
despatched Crespi south, and with him Fages sent an
escort and some flour; but food was soon exhausted
at Monterey and San Antonio, and, except for a very
small quantity of vegetables and milk, the Spaniards
were almost wholly dependent for sustenance on the
8
natives.
Late in May, when the last extremity was
reached, and there was yet no news of the vessels,
Fages with thirteen men spent some three months
hunting bears in the Canada de los Osos, thus supplying presidio and mission with meat until succor came.
8
Oct. 14, 1772, the viceroy acknowledges receipt of Fages' letter of
26th, complaining of scarcity of food. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 75.

June

PROGRESS OF THE

183

At

last the

NEW

ESTABLISHMENTS.

two transports arrived on the

coast; but

by reason of adverse winds they could not reach Monterey and therefore returned to San Diego. 9 Fages
and Serra now started for the south late in August to

make arrangements

for the transportation of supplies

San Carlos and San Antonio. Padre Cavalier

went also, Juncosa and Pieras being left on duty at
Monterey, until October or November, when Crespi
and Dumetz returned overland.
The San Antonio
also came up with supplies, but there is no record of

to

subsequent events in the north for nearly a year.

Vessels arriving promising relief from pressing
needs, the president resolves on his way south to
establish one of the new missions in the Canada cle
los Osos.
He therefore takes with him Padre Cavalier, the mission guard, and the required vestments
site, called by the natives Tixlini,
and utensils.
being selected, half a league from the famous canacla
but within sight of it, on the 1st of September Junipero raises the Christian symbol, says mass, and thus
ushers in the mission of San Luis Obispo de Tolosa. 10
Cavalier is left to labor alone at first, with five soldiers, and two Indians to work on the buildings. The
natives are, however, well disposed, retaining as they
do a grateful remembrance of Pages' recent services
in ridding their country of troublesome bears. They
are willing to work, offer their children for baptism,
and even help with their seeds to eke out the friar's

Letter of Serra to Palou from Monterey, Aug. 18th, in Palou, Vida, 136-9.
Saint Louis, bishop of Toulouse, son of Charles II. of Naples, was born in
1275, became a Franciscan in 1294, died in 1298, and was canonized in 1317.
His day is August 19th. San Luis Obispo, Lib. de Mision, MS. Fages calls
the mission San Luis Obispo de los Tichos. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 86. According to Arch. Obispado, MS., 83, the mission had at first only 50 lbs. of
flour and 3 ahnudes of wheat, so that life had to be sustained by seeds obtained from the natives. Dec. 2, 1772, the viceroy writes to Fages approving
the founding of the mission in a spot where there is much good land and
plenty of game. Prov. St. Pap., MS. i. 76. Serra, in San Diego, Lib. de
Mision, MS., strangely calls the mission which he founded at this time San
Luis Rey. The traditional old Indian woman who aided in building the mission church is not wanting at San Luis. According to newspaper items she
was named Lilila and died Aug. 1, 1874.
10

FOUNDING OF SAN LUIS

OBISPO.

189

scanty supply of food. Additional soldiers and provisions are to be left on the return of the train from
San Diego, and the associate minister Juncosa is to
come down at the end of the year. The day after
founding the mission Serra and Fages continue their
journey. 11 It is the president's first trip overland and
he is delighted with all he beholds, with the prospects at San Luis, with the natives of the channel
12
coast, and with progress at San Gabriel, where he
spends September 11th and 12th, and whence Father
Paterna goes down to San Diego to return with the
supply-train.

Of

events at San Diego and San Gabriel, prior to

the arrival of Fages and Serra the 16th of September, we know nothing save the illness of Somera,
Cambon, and Dumetz, the departure of the last two
for the peninsula, the coming of Crespi from the north
in May, the return of Dumetz accompanied by Tomas
de la Pena sent up by Palou to take Cambon's place,
and the arrival of the San Carlos and San Antonio in

August.

As

soon as the San Carlos can be unloaded the

mule train is made ready and despatched for the north
September 27th, in charge of Crespi and Dumetz, who
go to relieve Pieras and Juncosa at San Carlos. The
San Antonio is to take her cargo to Monterey, and
probably does so, though we have no further notice
of her movements during this trip. 13
Serra now wishes to proceed with the founding of
11
Serra had great hopes, hut says he, let us leave time to tell the story in
the progress which I hope Christianity will make among them in spite of the
Enemy who already began to lash his tail (meter la cola) by means of a bad
soldier, who soon after arrival they caught in actual sin with an Indian
woman, a thing which greatly grieved the poor padre.' Serra, Repres. 21 de
'

Mayo, MS.,
12
Yet in

117.
his report to the viceroy of April 22, 1773, he refers to a disturbance here between the soldiers and Indians, in which one of the latter was
killed and another severely wounded. Prov. Si. Pap., MS., i. 101.
13
Dec. 2, 1772, the viceroy writes to Fages reprimanding him for allowing
the vessel to continue her voyage up to Monterey at this season. He should
have unloaded her and forwarded her cargo by land. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i.
77-8.

PROGRESS OF THE

190

NEW

ESTABLISHMENTS.

San Buenaventura on the Santa Barbara Channel, as

originally planned by Jose de Galvez five years before.
He had visited its proposed site at Asuncion on his
late trip, and has formed some sanguine expectations
as to its future. His enthusiasm on this occasion, as
on several others, seems to impair his judgment and
causes him to forget that, with the present military
force, it is impossible to furnish a suitable

guard

for a

new

mission, especially for one so far from the others

and in so populous a region. I suppose that Fages
very properly refused to furnish a guard until more
soldiers should be sent to California.

14

At any

rate a

between the two, respecting the

merits of which few details are known, but in the
course of which the hot-headed Fa^es, in the right at
first, may very likely have exceeded the bounds of
moderation and good taste; while the president,
though manifestly unjust in his prejudice against the
commandant, was perhaps more politic and self-contained in his words and acts at the time, and has,
moreover, the advantage of having left his side of the
question more fully recorded than that of his antagobitter quarrel ensued

nist.
14

15

Palou, Vida, 146, says that Serra 'consulted with comandante Fages
about an escort and other assistance necessary for the founding, but he found
the door closed, and that he (Fages) went on giving such directions that if
they should be carried into effect, far from being able to found (the mission)
they threatened the risk of losing what it had cost so much work to accomplish. To prevent such a result, from which serious misfortunes might issue,
the venerable padre used all the means suggested by his great prudence and
well known skill; but in no way was he able to accomplish his purpose.' The
same author in Noticias, i. 509-10, says: 'They spoke of the number of soldiers
who were to remain, and of the manner in which the mission was to be managed, because he (Fages) had already meddled in the government of the missions, already pretending that all belonged to him and not to the padres; so
that the missions, instead of progressing, retrograded, and if the thing went
on the reduction might be rendered impossible.'
15
Palou had alluded, in his Memorial of December 1772, to misunderstandMarch 18, 1772, the
ings between the military and missionary authorities.
viceroy in a letter to Fages, Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 74-5, urges him to maintain harmony, to listen to all complaints, to aid the padres with guards and
supplies, to treat converts well, and to promote the mission work in every
possible way.
October 2d, Serra says to Fages that the padres are unwilling
to take charge of the troops' provisions, fearing quarrels, but will do it temporarily if military supplies be delivered in separate packages. Arch. Arzo*
October 8th, Fages transcribes to Serra a communication
hispado, MS., i. 3.
from the viceroy, dated November 3, 1771, on the duty of president and

SERRA QUARRELS WITH FAGES.

191

of the president against Fages were

embodied in his Representation of the following year.
According: to this document his offences were as follows Bad treatment of and haughty manners toward
his men, causing them to hate him, as Serra had
learned by long experience; incompetence to command the cuera soldiers, since he belonged himself to
another branch of the service; refusal to transfer soldiers for bad conduct at the padres' request; meddling
with mission management and the punishment of neophytes as he had no right to do except for delitos de
sangre, or grave offences; refusal to allow the padre
a soldier to serve as majordomo, the soldier being
transferred as soon as he became attached to a padre,
on the plea that such attachment was subversive of
the military authority; irregular and delayed delivery
of letters and property directed to the padres, according to his whim, thus preventing the distribution of
small gifts to the Indians; insolence and constant
efforts to annoy the friars, who were at his mercy;
delaying mission work by retaining at the presidio
the only blacksmith; opening the friars' letters, and
neglect to inform them in time when mails were to
start; taking away the mission mules for the use of
the soldiers; and the retention under charge of the
16
presidio of cattle intended for new missions.
Some
of these charges were doubtless unfounded, or at least
exaggerated.
It was partly on account of this difficulty with
Fages that Serra determined to go in person to Mexico, but there were other motives that made such a
The mission work in California had
trip desirable.
now been fairly begun, and from the actual working
of the system the need of some changes had become

The charges

padres to set a good example by obedience to the orders of the commandant.

October 12th, Serra assures Fages that neither he nor his subordinates
Id.
ever have failed or ever will fail in respect to the commandant's orders. Id. 4.
16
Serra, Representation de 13 de Marzo 1773, in Palou, Not., i. 518-34,
passim.
He hints that he could say much worse things about his foe if it
were necessary. There is also much against Fages in Serra, Repres., de 21
de Mayo 1773, MS.
,

PROGRESS OF THE

192

NEW

ESTABLISHMENTS.

apparent, changes which the president could advocate

more effectually in person than by correspondence;
and what made a visit to Mexico the more imperative
in the padre's opinion was the news that a new viceroy, presumably ignorant of northern affairs, had come
to New Spain the preceding autumn to succeed Croix,
and that Galvez, California's best friend, had also
gone to Spain. Only the most active efforts could
keep up the old enthusiasm; and at least it was well
to learn of what stuff Bucareli was made.
Serra accordingly sailed on the San Carlos the 19th
or 20th of October, taking with him a neophyte from
Monterey who afterward received the rite of confirmation at the hand of Archbishop Lorenzana. Of the
president's doings in Mexico I shall have something
17
Shortly before the vesto say in the next chapter.
sel sailed, Padre Somera had started for the penin18
sula;
a little later Pages set out overland for Monterey; and in November the friars Juan Figuer and
Ramon Usson arrived from the south, sent up by
Palou at Serra's request for the proposed mission of

San Buenaventura.

At

a consultation between the Dominican vicar

genera] and Rafael Verger the guardian of San Fernando College, an agreement was formed April 7,
1772, by which all the missions of the peninsula were
given up by the Franciscan to the Dominican order.
The lonof series of negotiations and intrigues which
led to this result has been presented elsewhere in connection with the annals of the peninsula, 19 and need
The Dominicans had worked
not be repeated here.
hard for a division of the missions, which the Fran17
He arrived at San Bias Nov. 4th, was at Tepic Nov. 10th, had very
severe and dangerous attacks of illness at Guadalajara and Quere^aro, and
finally arrived in Mexico in February 1773. Serra, in Bandini, Doc. Hist. Cal.,
MS., 1, says he went to Mexico to plead for the extension of missions, etc.
Fages in letter of Dec. 22, 1772, affirms that the padre left for Mexico 'on
mission business.' Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 86-7.
18
Possibly several months before, since he sailed from Loreto for San Bias
on Oct. 19th.

19

See Hist. North Mexican States, this

series.

FRANCISCANS AND DOMINICANS.

ciscans

had strenuously

resisted.

At

first

193

the

new

establishments of the north were hardly taken into

the account by either party; but as the struggle continued, additional knowledge of the new country was
constantly accumulating; and finally, when it was no
longer possible to prevent a division, so flattering were
the reports from Alta California that the peninsula
was regarded as hardly worth the keeping, and was
gladly relinquished by the guardian of the mother colThe followers of Saint Dominic were pleased,
lege.
for they obtained more than they had ever asked for.
So far as is shown by the records Palou and Serra
knew nothing of the cession until it was consummated,
the latter first learning of it from retiring Franciscans
whom he met at Tepic; yet it is difficult of belief that
the guardian did not act on the direct advice of the
two presidents, or that Padre Junipero did not know
what was brewing when he left San Die^o. However
that may have been, all three were satisfied with their
bargain, as they had every reason to be.
Later the
division would have been on a very different basis.
In August Palou received 'information of the agreement at Loreto. His acts in the final delivery of the
missions have been noticed elsewhere.
The guardian's
instructions required four friars to be assigned to duty
in the north, while the rest were to return to their
college.
But in the mean time two, Cambon and
Som era, had returned ill, two others had asked leave
of absence, one was needed for the Monterey presidio,
and one or two extra helpers would be convenient for
emergencies.
Besides, it seemed much better to send
the friars up to San Diego, whence, if not needed, they
could return by sea to San Bias, than to send them
back to the college to undertake, if needed in the
north, a long and dangerous voyage.
He wrote forthwith to Guardian Verger on the subject, and also to
Serra, sending two of the padres, Usson and Figucr,
up to San Diego with the letter, in September.
Paterna, acting president in Serra's absence, wrote
Hist. Cal., Vol.

I.

13

PROGRESS OF THE

194

KEW

ESTABLISHMENTS.

back that ten friars would not be too many; Serra

wrote from Topic, November 10th, that at least eight
or ten should be sent to California if it could be done
without disobeying very positive orders of the guardian, and that he hoped to see Palou himself among
the number; and finally Verger wrote approving the
idea of sending eight or ten friars, but expressing
doubts as to his ability to obtain a stipend for the
one destined to presidio service, and hoping that Palou
would decide to come back to the college. The latter
of course fixed upon the outside number, and immediately selected eight in addition to the two already
sent north; neither could he resist the temptation to

include his own name in the list. 20

It was his plan
to leave behind temporarily Father Campa, who was
to act in his own absence as president, and to come
north later with a drove of cattle, which by authority
of the viceroy were to be taken from the missions of
the peninsula.
Palou was also authorized to take twenty-five native families from the frontier missions for the northern
establishments, and during the autumn of 1772 and
the spring of 1773, while occupied with the final details of the transfer, he made a berimiin^ of the work,
meeting many obstacles through the lukewarmness
of the Dominicans and the open hostility of Governor
21
Barri.
In July while at Velicata, with six of his
friars, he received information from Campa that the
San Carlos had arrived at Loreto laden with supplies
for San Diego, which it was proposed to unload at
Loreto while the vessel returned to San Bias for repairs.
Foreseeing that this delay was likely to cause
great want in the new missions, the president resolved
to suspend his recruiting and press on to San Diego
immediately with all the maize his mules could carry.
The eight were: Francisco Palou, Pedro Benito Cambon, Gregorio AmurFcrmin Francisco Lasuen, Juan Prestamero, Vicente Fuster, Jose" AntonioMurguia, Miguel de la Campa y Cos.
21
Yet Barri writer, to Fages Jan. 7, 1773, that he has sent up 30 horses and
20

rio,

40 mules,

all

he could collect in the peninsula. Prov.

Slat.

Pap., MS.,

i.

138.

PALOU'S JOURNEY TO THE NORTH.

Cambon was

left in

charge of Indian families,

195

cattle,

and a considerable amount of church, property, respecting which there was much subsequent difficulty,
as we shall see. He wrote to Governor Barri urging
him to forward to San Luis Bay as much maize as
possible, for which he would send back mules from
San Diego, and with the six padres and a guard of
fourteen men he set out for the north the 21st of July.

As

the Californian annals of 1772, beginning in the

extreme north, were made to follow, so to speak, the
progress of President Serra southward, so may the
little that is recorded of 1773 be most conveniently
attached to the march of President Palou northward
from Velicata to Monterey. On the 26th three soldiers were sent out in advance to announce their
coming, and Paterna and Pena came down far on the
way to meet the travellers, with all the mules that
could be spared.
The only event in the journey requiring notice was the raising of a cross, with appropriate ceremonies, to mark the boundary between
Franciscan and Dominican territory, on the 19th of
August. The cross was placed on a high rock five
leagues above the Arroyo of San Juan Bautista and
about fifteen leagues below San Diego. 22 Arriving at
the latter port on the morning of the 30th, the newcomers were welcomed with a discharge of fire-arms
and with every demonstration of joy.
Palou's advance messengers had gone on to Monterey to obtain from Pages mules to bring up the supplies from Velicata. While awaiting a reply the president busied himself in studying the condition of affairs and in making a temporary distribution of the
new friars, since nothing could be done in the new
establishments until the vessels came with supplies
and soldiers. 23 The native families expected from the
22
The cross bore the inscription, Division de las misiones de Nuestro Padre
Santo Domingo y de Nue-stro Padre San Francisco; ano de 1773.
z3
The missionary force after this distribution was as follows: San Diego
Luis Jaume, Vicente Fuster, and Gregorio Amurrio as supernumerary. San

PROGRESS OF THE

106

NEW

ESTABLISHMENTS.

south were also apportioned in advance among the

missions according to their apparent need. 24 Paterna,
Lasuen, and Prestamero started for their stations on
On the 19th came a letter
the 5th of September.
from Fa^es with all the mules that could be obtained,
eighty-two in number, which were sent forward three
days later under Ortega and a guard for Velicata. 25
On the 26th Palou, Murguia, and Pena started for
the north, after having baptized fifteen new converts
from El Rincon, a league and a half north of the
mission.

The journey northward presents nothing

of interest, Palou simply stationing his companions at their

respective missions according to the plan already
given, and making close observations to be utilized in

At San

Luis the party was

met by Fages, and a league from Monterey Crespi
came out to greet his old friend and school-mate. At
the presidio on November 14th they were welcomed
with the customary salute and ringing of bells, to
which Palou replied with a pldtica, expressing to the
soldiers his joy at seeing that they had come to serve
God in so distant a land, where he hoped they would
set a good example to the natives.
Then they went
over to San Carlos and were greeted by the ministers
and Indians.
Palou was very enthusiastic over his
arrival at Monterey, a place which he had desired to
visit ever since he read Torquemacla's description of
Vizcaino's voyage over twenty years ago, and a place
where he was willing to devote his life to the saving
his forthcoming report.

of precious souls, his

own

included.

Gabriel Antonio Paterna, Antonio Grn.zado (both of whom had asked leave
San Luis Obispo
to retire), Juan Figuer, and Fermin Francisco Lasuen.
Jose Cavalier, Domingo Juncosa (anxious to retire), later Jose Antonio MurSan
guia, with Juan Prestamero and Tomaa de la Pena as supernumeraries.
Antonio Miguel Pieras, Buenaventura Sitjar, and Ramon L'sson as supernumerary. San Carlos Juan Crespi, Francisco Dumetz. and Francisco Palou.
24
San Diego was to have one family San Gabriel G families, and most of
the unmarried; and San Luis Obispo 3 families and some solteros. It is possible that these Indians came up with Palou.
25
1 suppose that the 14 soldiers who had come up with Palou also returned,
though there is no record of it. It is a point, moreover, of some importance
in tracing the names of the earliest settlers in California.

VISIT TO

THE TULARES.

197

recorded that some time during 1773 Comandante Fasfes, while out in search of deserters,
crossed the sierra eastward and saw an immense plain
covered with tulares and a great lake, whence came as
he supposed the great river that had prevented him
from going to Point Reyes. This may be regarded
Thus close
as the discovery of the Tulare Valley.
the somewhat meagre annals of an uneventful year,
so far as internal affairs in California are concerned,
but there were measures of much moment beinn*
fomented without, to which and to a general report
on the condition of the country the following chapter
26
will be devoted.
It

is

^On the events of this chapter see Palou. iVo.,

Vida, 134-51.

i.

180-245, 481-513; Id.

CHAPTEE
FIRST

ANNUAL REPORT;

IX.

SERRA'S LABORS IX MEXICO.

1773.

Palou's Report of December, and Serra's in May Condition of California at Close of the First Historical Period Names Applied

Presidio and Five Missions Baptisms, Marriages, and Deaths

Gentiles Friendly Pre-pastoral Californian Architecture
Palisade Enclosures Agriculture and Stock-raising Xew
Father Junipero in
Mexico
Memorial of March Memorial of April San Blas
Establishment Saved Action of the Junta Aids and Reforms
Reglamento Eighty Soldiers for California Ways and Means
Serra's Report
Fiscal 's
Provisional Instructions to Fages
Report Condition of Pious Fund Final Action of the Junta
Rivera Appointed to Succeed Fages Instructions Preparations
of Rivera and Anza Serra Homeward Bound.
Presidio Regulations of September 1772

The resolution of the junta de guerra y veal hacienda,

dated April 30, 1772, giving the missions of the
peninsula to the Dominicans, required the Franciscans to render an annual report on the condition of
their new establishments; and on May 12th the
1
viceroy had ordered such report from the president.
Therefore Palou, president in Serra's absence, gave
his attention to the matter during his sta}^ at San
Diego and his trip northward, devoting himself, on

Monterey

November,

the task of
forming from the results of his observations a complete statement for the viceroy.
The document was
completed the 10th of December 1773, and was forwarded to Mexico overland with a letter to the
arrival

The

second

is

at

first

document

is

referred to in Id.,

in

given in
ii.

full in

to

Palou, Not.,

i.

190-5; and the

9.
1

198)

FIRST

ANNUAL REPORTS.

100

guardian of San Fernando. 2 Under date of May

2 1st of the same year Serra in Mexico had included
in his report to the viceroy a detailed statement
of the actual condition of the missions at the time of
his departure the preceding September, supplemented
by information derived from later correspondence.
This report 3 covers substantially the same ground as
that of Palou and the two combined may be regarded
Later annual and biennial reports
as one document.
of the missions, preserved in my Library, will be
utilized for the most part in local chapters and statistical appendices, being noticed in my text only in a
general manner or for special reasons.
But this first
report being a very complete statement of California's
condition at the end of what may be regarded as the
first period of her mission history, deserves fuller
notice here.
Historical items proper respecting the
founding of each mission gathered from this source
as from others having been given in the preceding
chapters, I now invite the reader's attention to the
new establishments as they were at the end of 1773,
the fifth year of Spanish occupation.
The 'New Establishments/ 'Establishments of San
Diego and Monterey/ the Missions of Monterey,'
'

'New

'Northern California,' 'California

Superior,' 'Alta California/ and the 'Peninsula'
for ail these names had been or were a little later applied, and continued in use for many years
include at
4
this time five missions and a presidio.
These are San
California,'

2
Palou, Ipforme queporel mes de diciembre de 1773 se hizo al Ex mo Sefk r
Virey del estado de las cinco misiones de Monterey, in Palou, Not, ii. 11-42.
Fages, in his Voyage en Cat, a report addressed to the Viceroy on Nov. 30,
1775, used this first report of Palou, to which he, however, gives the date of
Nov. 24th, instead of Dec. 10th.
3
Serra, Representation d<l P. Fr. Junipero Serra sobre las Misiones de la
va (Jiilifomia, 21 de Mayo de 1773, MS.
This report is in two parts, one
respecting the needs of the country from a military point of view, and the
other on the actual condition of the missions.
4
It is to be noted that Palou in his report does not name San Diego as a
presidio, and there is no evidence that it was in these earliest years considered
as such except in the sense that every post guarded by soldiers, like any of
the missions, i:j spoken of as a presidio. San Diego had no larger regular force
than some other missions. It became, however, a regular presidio in 1774 when
the new reglamento went into effect.

SEPTRA'S

230

LABORS IN MEXICO.

Diego de Alcala at Cosoy on the port of San Diego

in 32 43', built on a hill two gunshots from the shore,
and facing the entrance to the port at Point Guijarros;
San Gabriel Arcangel, forty-four leagues north-west
of San Diego, in the country of Los Temblores in 34
10', on the slope of a bill half a league from the source
of the Rio de San Miguel, six leagues west of the
River Jesus de los Temblores, and a league and a half
5
east of the River Nuestra Sehora de Los Angeles de
Porciuncula San Luis Obispo de Tolosa, about seventy
leagues from San Gabriel in 35 38', on an eminence
half a league from the Canada de los Osos and three
leagues from the Ensenada de Buchon, in the country
of the Tichos: San Antonio de Padua, twentv-three
leagues above San Luis, in 36 30', in the Canada de
los Robles of the Sierra de Santa Lucia, at first on
the River San Antonio, but moved a league and a
half up the Canada to the Arroyo de San Miguel;
San Carlos Borromeo, on the River Carmelo, one
league from Monterey and twenty-five leagues from
San Antonio; and, finally, the presidio of San Cdrlos
de Monterey on the bay and port of the same name.
;

The

five missions are

under the care of nineteen

the college de propaganda fide of

San Fernando in the city of Mexico, whose names

Franciscan

friars of

and distribution have been given, 6 and who are subject locally to the authority of a president residing
at San Carlos, the cabecera, or head mission of the
7

The

military force to which is intrusted the

protection of the missions is sixty men, thirty-five
soldados de cuera and twenty-five Catalan volunteers,
under a commandant residing at the presidio of Monterey, each mission having a guard of from six to sixteen under a corporal or sergeant, while about twenty
five.

5
This is the first application of the name Los Angeles to this region, and ia
doubtless the origin of the name as afterward applied to the pueblo and city.
See note 23, chap. viii. of this volume.
7
A full description of the mission system in all its parts and workings will
be given elsewhere; also of the presidio or military system, and of civil gov-

ernment.

CONDITION OF THE MISSIONS.

201

men

garrison the presidio under the commandant's

The civil and political authority is
direct orders.
blended theoretically, for there is no record of the
practical exercise of any such power in these earliest
days, with the military, and vested in the commandant,
who is in civil matters responsible and subordinate to
the governor of the Californias, residing at Loreto.
The population consists of military officials and soldiers,
friars and their neophytes, a few mechanics under government pay, servants and slaves all these of Spanish,
negro, Indian, and mixed blood some natives of Baja
California serving as laborers without other wages
than their sustenance, and, finally, thousands of gentile natives.
There are as yet no colonists or settlers
8
proper.
Glancing first at the mission work par excellence,
the conversion of the heathen to Christianity, we find
a total of 491 baptisms for the first five years, 29 of
them having died, and G2 couples, representing doubtless nearly all the adult converts, have been united in
marriage by Christian rites. 9 The two northern missions with 165 and 158 baptisms are far above the
southern establishments, which are 83 and 73 respectively, while the newly founded San Luis has only
twelve converts. 10 It is to be noted, however, that
the friars have not in several of the missions baptized
so many as they might have done, preferring that the
candidates should be well instructed, and often restrained by an actual or prospective lack of supplies,
since they are unwilling to receive formal neophytes
whom they may not be able to supply with food.
Again, more than half the whole number have been
baptized during the year and a half since Serra'.s
departure.
The gentiles are now everywhere friendly

The matter

of the preceding paragraph has not been drawn from the

Serra.
'Complete statistics of baptisms, marriages, deaths, and population for
every mission and every decade from the beginning will be given
c^oir proper
place.

reports of Palou

and

10

So say the general reports; yet the mission baptismal register shows a
34 baptisms in 1772 and 4 in 1773.

total of

02

SERRA'S LABORS IN MEXICO.

as a rule, and have for the most part overcome their

original timidity, and to some extent also the distrust

caused by outrages of the soldiers. 11 Only at San

Diego have there been unprovoked hostilities. Near
each mission, except San Luis, is a rancheria of gentiles living in rude little huts of boughs, tules, grass,
or of whatever material is at hand. Many of these savages come regularly as catechumens to doctrina, and
often those of more distant rancherias are induced to
come in and listen to the music and receive triflin^
The neophytes are generally
gifts of food and beads.
willing to work when the friars can feed them, which
is not always the case; but it does not appear that at
this early period they live regularly in the mission
buildings as in later times.
At San Diego there are
eleven rancherias within a radius of ten leagues, living
on grass, seeds, fish, and rabbits.
canoe and net
are needed that the christianized natives may be taught
improved methods of fishing. 12 At San Gabriel the
native population is larger than elsewhere, so large in
fact that more than one mission will be needed in that
region.
The different rancherias are unfortunately at
war with each other, and that near the mission being
prevented from going to the sea for fish is often in
great distress for food.
Here the conduct of the soldiers causes most trouble, but the natives are rapidly
being conciliated. At San Luis the population is also
very large and the natives are from the first firm
friends of the Spaniards; but as they have plenty of
deer, rabbits, fish, and seeds, being indeed far better
supplied with food than the Spaniards, it is difficult to

11
That the irregular conduct of the soldiers was one of the chief obstacles
to missionary success there can be little doubt; yet it is not likely that the
comandante was so much to blame as Serra says. His dislike for Fages colors
Have misfortunes of any kind occurred at a mission, they were
his report.
entirely due to the mismanagement of 'a certain official;' has another mission
been prosperous, it was in spite of that mismanagement.
l ~
According to Serra nearly all in the rancheria that had formerly attacked
the mission had been converted. The 'oficial was displeased that so many
had been baptized, and he had wished to remove the natives to a distance on
pretence of danger to the presidio, but Serra had objected strenuously and
every one else ridiculed the proposal
'

PRE-PASTORAL ARCHITECTURE.

2C3

render mission life fascinating to them, articles of cloth.They come often to

ing being the chief attraction.
the mission but do not stay, having no ranchcria in
At San Antonio the natives are ready
the vicinity.
to live at the mission when the priests are ready for
them, and far from depending on the missionaries for
food they bring in large stores of pine-nuts, acorns,
13
At San Carlos converts are
rabbits, and squirrels.
most numerous, but for want of food they cannot be
Here and also at San Antonio
kept at the mission.
already
married native women.
three soldiers have
a rude architecture, that of pre-pastoral California, being stockade or palisade structures, which
were abandoned later in favor of adobe walls. At
every mission a line of high strong posts, set in the
ground close together, encloses the rectangular space
which contains the simple wooden buildings serving
as church and dwellings, the walls of which also in
most instances take the stockade form. The buildings
at San Carlos are somewhat fully described by Serra.
The rectangle here is seventy yards long and fortythree wide, with ravelins at the corners. For want of
nails the upright palisades are not secured at the top,
and the ease with which they can be moved renders
the strong gate locked at night an object of ridicule.
Within, the chief building, also of palisade walls plastered inside and out with mud or clay, is seven by fifty
vards and divided into six rooms.
One room serves
as a church, another as the minister's dwelling, and
another as a storehouse, the best rooms being whitewashed with lime. This building is roofed with mud
supported by horizontal timbers.
slighter structure
used as a kitchen is roofed with grass. The quarters
It

is

13

They had

revealed, as Serra says, the locality of the cave where their

were kept, so that those idols could be destroyed at any time. The
assessor of Monterey County in his report to the surveyor-general, according
to an item going the rounds of local newspapers, mentions a large cave in th s
reg on covered on the inside with hieroglyphics and having a cross cut in its
walls traditionally by the hands of Serra himr-elf.
Near the cave is a hot sulphur spring. It would be difficult to prove the non-identity of the two eaves.
idols

SERRA'S LABORS IN MEXICO.

204

of the soldiers are distinct from the mission and are

enclosed by a separate palisade, while outside of both
enclosures are the simple huts of the ranch eria.
Between the dates of the two reports it is found that
the mud roofs do not prove effective against the winter
rains and a new church partly of rough and partly of
worked timber is built and roofed with tules. The
timber used is the pine and cypress still so abundant
in that region.
At San Luis and San Gabriel the
buildings are of the same nature, if somewhat less
extensive and complete, there being also a small house
within the stockade for each of the Baja Californian
families.
At San Diego, where the stockade is in a
certain sense a presidio, two bronze cannons are
mounted, one pointing toward the harbor, and the
other toward the rancheria. Here, in addition to wood
and tules, or rushes, adobes have also been used in constructing the friars' house. 14
Four thousand adobes
have been made, some stones have been collected, and
the foundation laid of a church ninety feet long but
work has been suspended on account of the non-arrival
of the supply-vessels in 1773.
At San Antonio the
church and padres' dwelling are built of adobes, and
the three soldiers married to native women have each
a separate house.
The presidio at Monterey is also a
stockade enclosure with a cannon mounted in each of
its four ravelins at the corners. The soldiers' quarters
and other rooms within are of wood with mud roofs,
except a chapel and room for the visiting friar, which
are of adobe, as in the commandant's house and the jail.
;

But

slight progress has

though by repeated

been made

in agriculture;

failures the padres are gaining

experience for future success, and a small vegetable

garden at each mission, carefully tended and irrigated
by hand, has been more or less productive. At San
Diego, at first, grain was sown in the river-bottom and
the crop entirely destroyed by a rising of the stream.
14

Serra says that a large part of the buildings were of adobes.

PRIMITIVE AGRICULTURE.

Next

205

was sown so far away from the water

died from drought all but five or eight fanegas

year,

it

that it
saved for seed.

The river now dried up, affording no

running water as we are assured even in the rainy
season, though plenty of water for the cattle and for
other uses could always be found in pools or by slight
disrering'

in the

bed of the stream.

Irrigation being

thus impossible the rain must be depended on, and

while Palou was here a spot was selected for the next
experiment in the river- bottom, about two leagues
from the mission, at a spot called Nuestra Senora del
Pilar, where rain was thought to be more abundant
and the risk of flood and drought somewhat less. 15
San Gabriel is in a large, fertile, well watered plain,
with every facility for irrigation. Though the first
year's crop, according to Serra, had been drowned out
and entirely lost, the second, as Palou tells us, produced one hundred and thirty fanegas of maize and
seven fanegas of beans, the first yielding one hundred
and ninety-five fold and the latter twenty-one fold.
Planting the next year was to be on a much larger
San Luis has
scale with every prospect of success.
also plenty of fertile, well watered, and well wooded
land which has yielded a little maize and beans the
first year, and promised well for the future.
At San
Antonio two fanegas of wheat are to be sown on irrigated land. San Carlos has some good land, and though
there arc no advantages for irrigation, it is thought
maize and wheat can be raised. By reason of late sowing only five fanegas of wheat were harvested in 1772.
Pasturage is everywhere excellent, and the little
live-stock distributed among the missions has flourished
from the beginning. Each mission has received 18
head of horned cattle and has now from 38 to 47 head,
or 204 in the aggregate, with 63 horses, 79 mules, 102
swine, and 161 sheep and goats at San Diego and
15

Palou, Not., i. 240-1. The place must have been near the site of the
Serra Bays it was the crop of 1772 that was destroyed by flood,
only 8 fanegas being saved.

later mission.

SERRA'S LABORS IN MEXICO.

203

San Gabriel

Some memoranda

of farmers' and
mechanics' tools are given in connection with each
mission; but there are no mechanics save at the presidio. Palou has something to say of the missions to
be founded in the future, but nothing that requires
attention here, except perhaps that the proposed Santa
Clara is not identical with the mission that is later
founded under that name, but is to be on the Santa
Clara River in the southern part of the province. 16
alone.

Having thus

laid before the reader the condition of

California in 1773, the end of the first period of her

history, I have now to consider the important measures for her welfare, urged and adopted at the capital
of New Spain during the same year. First, however,
a royal order of September 10, 1772, must be briefly
noticed in which the king issued a series of regulations and instructions for the new line of royal presidios, to be formed along the northern frontier of his
American possessions. 17 These regulations, the military law in California as in all the north-west for
many years, will require to be studied somewhat in
detail when I come to describe the presidio system;
but as an historical document under its own date it did

not affect California as it did other provinces, where it

abolished or transferred old presidios, established new
ones, and effected radical changes in their managemerit.
Its last section is as follows "I declare that
:

1G

The

receipt of Palou 's report was acknowledged by the viceroy in a letter

25, 1774, received July 6th, and answered July 2Sth; but there is
nothing of importance in this correspondence.
resume" with extracts of
Palou 's report was published in the S. F. Bulletin, Oct. 12, 18G5. In San
Gabriel, Lib. de Mision, MS., 6-8, is a circular letter addressed to the padres
of California by Palou, requiring each of them, or each pair of them, at the
end of every December to send in full reports of their respective missions to
Ihc president, from which he might form his general report to the viceroy,
since it would be impossible for him to visit each mission annually. This letter was dated San Gabriel, Oct. 9, 1773, while the writer was at work on his

of

May

first report.
17
Presidios, Reylamento c Instruction para los Presidios que se han deformar
en la linea de frontera de la Nueva Espaiia. Pesuelto por el Itcy N. S. en cedula
de 10 de Septicmbre de 1772, Madrid, 1772. Sm. 4to, 122 pages. My copy was
presented by Viceroy Bucareii to Melclior de Peramas. I have also the edition
of Mexico, 1773. 8vo, 132 pages.

REGLAMENTO DE

PRESIDIOS.

237

the presidios of California are to continue for the present on their actual footing according to the provisions
made by my viceroy after the conquest and reduction
had been extended to the port of Monterey; and on
the supposition that he has provisionally assigned the
annual sum of thirty-three thousand dollars for the
needs and protection of that peninsula, I order and
command that this sum be still paid at the end of
each year from the royal treasury of Guadalajara, as
has been done of late; and that my viceroy sustain
and aid by all possible means the old and new establishments of said province, and inform me of all that
he may deem conducive and useful to their progress,
and to the extension of the new reductions of gentile
Indians." 18
President Serra, having left California in the preceding September, arrived at the city of Mexico in
February 1773. The objects of his visit were to see
to it that California was not neglected through ignoranee or indifference on the part of the new viceroy,
to urge certain general measures for the good of his
province suggested by his experience of the past five
years, to get rid of the commandant, Fages, his bitter
foe and the cause, from the friar's point of view, of all
that was not pure prosperity in the missions, and to
procure such regulations as would prevent similar
troubles with future commandants by putting all the
power into the friars' hands and reducing the military
element to a minimum. 19 He found Bucareli not
less favorably disposed than had been his predecessor
Croix, and was by him instructed to prepare a memorial, in which were to be embodied his views on the
questions at issue.
Being authorized to do so by his
superior, the guardian of San Fernando, and having
18

Presidios, Reglamcnto, 120-1.

Serra had received from California a certificate from Fages dated
terey, Dec. 22, 1772, to the effect that the missions were aU supplied
19

Monwith

padres and that Serra had left on business connected with his work. Pr
St. Pap., MS., i. 86.
It seems strange that Serra did not get this certificate
at his departure if necessary, and that Fages should have sent it voluntarily,
for there was no time to scud back for it.
.

SERRA'S LABORS IN MEXICO.

208

hastened the sailing of the San Carlos with supplies,

Padre Junipero set himself diligently to work, completed the required document on March 13th, and
presented it two days later to the viceroj^. 20
His suggestions or claims were thirty-two in number, formed without any attempt at classification into
I shall avoid much
as many articles of the memorial.
confusion and repetition by referring to the several
points in the order in which they were acted upon
rather than as they were presented.
His first and
second claims were for a master and mate to aid
Perez on the transports, since Pino had leave of absence, and Canizares was too young to have full charge
of a vessel and that the new vessel be made ready as
soon as possible.
He soon found, however, that in
order to cut down expenses to agree with the royal
order of September 10, 1772, already alluded to, it had
been determined in Mexico to give up the San Bias
establishment and to depend on mule trains for the
forwarding of supplies to San Diego and Monterey.
Against this policy the California champion sent in
a new memorial dated the 2 2d of April. 21 In this
document he argued that the conveyance of supplies
by land would be very difficult if not impossible, that
it would cost the royal treasury much more than the
present system, and that it would seriously interfere
with the spiritual conquest. Besides at least a hundred men and horses, there would be required eleven
hundred, and probably fifteen hundred, mules for the
service, which it would be impossible to obtain in
time to prevent much suffering in California if not its
total abandonment, to say nothing of the excessive
cost.
The great expense of the San Bias establishment had been largely due to the building of new
vessels and warehouses, not necessary in the future.
There had possibly been some mismanagement that
;

a0
Serra, Represcntackm de 13 de Morzo 1773, MS.; also in Palou, Xot., i.
514-38; and elsewhere in fragments and abridgments.
21
Serra, Memorial de 22deAbrU, sobre suministrnciones d los EsUib'ecimientos de California y conduccion de elicit, MS.

MEASURES ADVOCATED.

209

might be avoided; in any case some kind of a marine

establishment must be kept up for the transport of
supplies to Loreto, and the muleteers would be quite
as numerous and expensive as the sailors.
Moreover,
the oft-repeated passage of large caravans of careless,
rough, and immoral men across the long stretch of
country between Velicata and Monterey could not
fail to have a bad effect on the natives along the
These arguments proved unanswerable, and
route.
the viceroy ordered that for the present, until the
king's pleasure could be known, the San Bias transports should continue their service, with the slight
changes suggested by Father Junipero, who thus
gained the first two points of his original demand.
The thirty remaining points of the representacion
were by the viceroy submitted to the junta tie guerra
22
board of war and royal exchequer
y real hacienda
which august body on May 6th granted eighteen
of them and part of another, denying only a part of
article 32, in which Serra asked to have paid the exThus twenty-one
penses of his journey to Mexico.
of the original points were disposed of almost entirely
23
Four of these bore upon the past
in Serra's favor.
troubles between the Franciscan and military authorities, and were designed to curtail the powers which,
as the former claimed, had been assumed by the latter.
By the decision the commandant was required to
transfer from the mission guard to the presidio, at the
minister's request, any soldier of irregular conduct and
bad example, and this without the padre being obliged
to name or prove the soldier's offence; the missionaries were to have the right to manage the mission
Indians as a father would manage his family, and the

22

The document had, however, previously, March lGth to April 5th, been
hands of the fiscal Areche, whose report was favorable; and had then been

in the

passed to the proper bureau to be prepared for presentation to the junta.

Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 88-9.
23
Those were 1-4, 8, 9, 12. 15-25, 27, 28, and 32, leaving 11 points yet
undecided. The junta was composed of Viceroy Bucareli, Valcarcel, Toro,
Areche, Barroeta, Abad, Toral, ValdCs, Gutierrez, Mangino, Arcc, and Jos6
Gorraez.
Hist. Cal., Vol.

I.

14

SERRA'S LABORS IX MEXICO.

210

military commandant should be instructed to preserve perfect harmony with the padres; 24 property
and letters for the friars or missions were to be forwarded separately instead of being enclosed to the
presidio commander; and the friars' correspondence
was not to be meddled with, passing free of mail
charges like that of the soldiers.
By the terms of
the decision on the other points Serra was to receive
his regular pay as a missionary, during his whole
absence from California. Contributions of food from
the Tepic region were to be forwarded expressly for
the missions, and Governor Barri was not to hinder
the removal of the church property at Velicati. Sailors might be enlisted at San Bias and employed as
laborers at the missions, receiving rations for one
year as if on board vessels, but they could not be
forced to remain after the year had passed, and the
regular crews of the transports must not be interfered with.
Two blacksmiths, two carpenters, with
some tools and material were to be sent from Guadalajara for the exclusive use of the missions.
Seven
additional bells were to be furnished, four of them
having already been sent to Monterey. Additional
vestments were to be sent to take the place of soiled,
worn, and indecent' articles contained in some of the
cases from Baja California.
San Bias measures were
to be adjusted on a proper basis and a full set of
standards sent to each mission.
Greater care was to
be taken in packing food for California, wdiere it often
arrived in bad condition.
Cattle for the proposed
missions were to be under the temporary care of the
missionaries, who might use their milk.
new surgeon was to be sent in the place of Prat, deceased,
and finally a copy of the junta's decision w^as to be
'

This was hardly what had been asked for by Serra, who wished officers
soldiers notified that the entire management of the Indians belonged
exclusively to the padres, and that the military had no right to interfere in
matters of discipline or punishment except in the case of delitos tie ^angre.
The junta was very careful not to commit itself very decidedly in the quarrel
between Serra and Pages. The viceroy, however, in subsequent instructions
came nearer to Serra's views.
21

and

ECHEVESTE'S REGULATIONS.

211

given to Serra, that the missionaries might hereafter

act understanding^.
The president was charged to return as soon as
possible to his post, after having made a complete
report on the condition of each mission. 25
Several points of Serra's petition connected with
the military and financial aspects of the subject under
consideration had been left by the junta to be provided for in a new regulation for the Californias.
This document was drawn up on May 19th by Juan
Jose Echeveste, deemed an expert in the matter, since
he had superintended for some years the forwarding
of supplies. 26 This plan provided for California a captain, a lieutenant, eighty soldiers, eight mechanics,
two store-keepers, and four muleteers, with salaries
amounting to 38,985 per year; for Baja California a
commissary, a lieutenant, and thirty-four soldiers,
with a governor of both Californias, all at an annual
cost of 1G,450; a commissary and dock-yard department at San Bias to cost, including rations for soldiers
and employes in both Californias, 829,869; and a
transport fleet of &fragata and two paquebotes serving
both Californias at an annual cost for wages and
rations of $34,038, forming a grand total of $119,342.
Pajmient was to be made, however, to officers and
men in the Californias, save to the governor and commissary, in goods at an advance on the original cost
of one hundred per cent for the peninsula, and of one
hundred and fifty per cent for New California; a
regulation which reduced the total cost to $90,47G.
To meet this expense27 there were the $33,000 prom25
May 12th, the viceroy decreed the execution of the junta's resolutions,
the issuance of the necessary orders, and the preparation of records in
duplicate.
May 13th, the secretary Gorraez certifies the delivery of a copy
to Serra.
May 14th, a certified copy was made for the king. Copia df lo
determinado por la Had Junta de Cucrra y Real Hacienda, in Palou, Sot. i.
540-53; also in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. Stt.
20
Reylamento 6 instruction provisioned para el auxilio y conservation de los
nuevos y antiguaa establecimientcs de (as Californias con el departamento de San
Bias, etc., MS. also in Palou, Not. i., 556-71.
The printed copy is, however,
full of errors in figures.
Also in Arch. Col., St. Pap. Pen., MS., 1-24.
27
This part of the reylamento is omitted in Palou 's printed copy.
;

SERRA'S LABORS IN MEXICO.

212

ised b}^ the king in his order of September 10, 1772;

$25,000, estimated yield of the salt-works near San
Bias, which had, it seems, been assigned to the Californias; and a probable net revenue of 10,000 from

the pious fund, still leaving a balance of $22,476 to

be paid from the royal treasury.
Echeveste added to his plan seventeen puntos instructivos, suggestive and explanatory, from which it
appears that in the author's judgment, the state of
the treasury and pious fund did not warrant the granting of other aid than that provided, which must therefore suffice for new missions if any were to be founded;
that the sailors enlisted as mission laborers, according
to the recommendation of the junta, should be paid
sailor's wages for two years and receive rations for five
years; that instead of the previous system by which
each mission received a stipend of $700 and certain
supplies it would be better to give a stipend of $800,
being $400 for each minister, and double rations for
five years to all the friars, including those waiting for
the foundation of new missions, the double rations
amounting to $1,779 being charged to the pious fund
as an addition to the stipend; that the commissary at
San Bias should buy maize and meat instead of raising
it, selling the rancho and sending the mule train to

Loreto or San Diego; and finally, in addition to some

suggestions about minor details of business management, that Echeveste's successor 28 should be allowed a
salary of $2,000, thus raising the amount to come out
of the treasruy to $24,476.
On the 21st of May Serra presented, as required,
a full report on the California missions, giving the
history of each from its foundation and its condition
in September 1772, the date of the writer's departThe substance of this statement has been
ure.
already presented to the reader. The writer included,
however, an argument respecting the number of
soldiers
25

needed in California.

Exactly what Echeveste's

office

In

article

was does not appear.

10 of his

DISTRIBUTION OF FORCES.

213

he had demanded one hundred men

but that number had seemed too great to the junta,
which had reserved its decision and called for more
information. Echeveste, as we have seen, reduced the
number to eighty, and now Serra, by giving up the
proposed mission of Santa Clara 29 and reducing the
guard of San Buenaventura, assented to the reduction
in the aggregate; but objected to the distribution.
Echeveste had assigned twenty-five men to each of
the two presidios and a guard of six men to each of
the five missions, or of five to each of six missions 30
but Serra would assign to Monterey fifteen men, to
San Buenaventura fifteen, to San Diego thirteen, to
San Carlos seven, and to each of the other missions
ten. He argued that in a country of so many inhabitants with missions so far apart, a guard of five men
was not sufficient for adequate protection. The wily
original petition

policy
or rather, perhaps, the enthusiastic
missionary's hope
was by securing a double guard
to be enabled to double the number of his missions
friar's

without being obliged to ask the presidio commanders

for soldiers allowed them by the regulation. 31
On May 26th the viceroy addressed to Fages a
series of instructions, provisional in their nature, pending the final approval of the regulations.
These
instructions covered the same ground as the decision
of the junta on May 6th, but also granted two additional requests of Serra by authorizing Fages to issue
a pardon to all deserters in California; and to replace
with new men such soldiers as had families far away,
from whom they had been long separated. 32
29
It is to be noticed that no mention is made of San Francisco in any of
these calculations.
30
The idea of moving San Diego mission was doubtless already entertained,
though nothing is said of it here.
31
Serra, Fepres. de 21 de Mayo, MS. Also translated by Taylor, and
printed in Cat. Farmer, Sept., Oct. 1865, and pasted in Taylor's Discov. and
Found., ii. 49. This Representation with that of April 22d was referred to the
fiscal on June 10th.
32
Bucareli, Providencias de 26 de Mayo 1773, MS.
Serra had asked for
leave of absence in behalf of eight soldiers either on account of long separation from their wives, or unfitness for duty. From several of these he brought

214

SERRA'S LABORS

IN"

MEXICO.

Bucareli referred Echeveste's regulation on May

24th to his legal adviser, Areche, who in his opinion
of June 14th repeats all the articles of the document
with a general approval. He calls attention, however,
to the fact that no provision is made for the expense
of ammunition, nor for the surgeon promised by the
He also suggests a doubt as to the ability of
junta.
the pious fund to pay the $11,77.9 required of it in
addition to the large sum expended in the missionaries' stipends; and he recommends a reference of the
matter to the director of the fund before its final con33
sideration by the junta.
In accordance with Areche's suggestion,
Fernando
(DO
J. Mangino, director of the pious fund, was called
upon for a report, which he made on June 19th, showing that the available product of the fund was $20,687,
though a large part of that amount being the yield of
sheep ranchos, was subject to some variation; that the
present liability for missionary stipends was $14,879;
and that there would remain but 5,808 with which
to pay the 11,779 called for; though the amount
might be increased by 2,662 if the colleges were
obliged to pay five per cent on loans. 34
On the 8th of July the board met to finally decide
on the whole matter. The decision was to put Echeveste's plan in force from January 1, 1774, the only
changes beinGT an order that the San Bias mule train
be sold and not transferred to California; a recommendation that the four extra vessels at San Bias be
sold and not used in the gulf; and some suggestions
'

which are given in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 87. These instructions
probably went up on the San Carlos to Loreto and were carried to San Diego
by Palou, reaching Fages in September 1773.
33
Areche, Pareeer sobre lieglam. de Cal. 14 de Junto 1773, MS.; also in
Palou, Not., i. 572-80. Areche made a supplementary report June 30th on
Serra's rcpresentaciones of April 22d and May 21st; but adds nothing to the
subjects treated, beyond expressing regret that the mission work in America
docs not prosper as in days of old, and suggesting that it would be better if
the California missions were not so far apart. Areche, Pespuesta Fiscal de 30
de Junto 1773, MS.
34
Mangino, Pespuesta sobre Fondo Piadoso, 19 de Junio 1773, MS.; and also
less accurately in Palou, Not., i. 580-6. The report contains much additional
information about the pious fund which will be utilized elsewhere.
petitions

FINAL RESULTS.

213

respecting minor details of business management. As

to the ways and means, however, in view of Mangino's report, the pious fund was to furnish from

and
the remaining expense, $59,476, would be borne by
the treasury, aided by the San Bias salt-works. 35 The
surgeon's salary was also to be paid; but nothing was
said about the expense of ammunition. On July 23d

moneys on hand $10,000

for the first year only,

the viceroy decreed the execution of the decision,

ordered nine certified copies made, thanked Echeveste
for his services, and directed him to hunt up a surgeon.
Three points of Serra's original memorial, on which
a decision had been reserved, were settled by the
board's last action. These were a petition that routes
be explored to California from Sonora and New Mexico, not acted on by the junta but granted by the
viceroy; a demand for one hundred soldiers, eighty of
whom were granted by the regulation; and a request
for Spanish or Indian families from California denied
by non-action. Four other points had been left to
be settled by the reglamento; the establishment of a
storehouse at Monterey, the right of each mission to
a soldier acting as a kind of majordomo, a demand
for mules, and a reward in live-stock to persons marrying native women. The first was practically granted
by the appointment of store-keepers at Monterey and
San Diego, while the third was practically denied by
the order to sell the mule train at San Bias. 33 The
others do not seem to have been acted upon.

One important matter was still in abeyance, and

this was now settled by Bucareli in accordance with
Serra's wishes, by the removal of Fages and the
appointment of another officer to succeed him. In
selecting a new commander, however, the president's
33

Tiefjlarnento, Determination de8 de Julio 1773, in Pcdou, Not., i. 589-94.

Yet the viceroy soon ordered 100 mules to be distributed among the
missions, and ordered Captain Anza to open communication by land between
Tubac and Monterey.
36

SERRA'S LABORS IX MEXICO.

216

choice was not followed, since Ortega, his favorite for

the place, was not deemed of sufficiently high military
rank, and Captain Rivera y Moncada was named as
37
California's new ruler.
Ortega was bre vetted lieutencommand
of San Diego, which was now
ant and put in
to be a regular presidio.
The exact date of Rivera's appointment I do not
know, but it probably preceded by only a few days
that of his instructions, which were issued on the 17 th
of August.
These instructions in forty-two articles
are long and complete, 88 and some portions will be
given more fully elsewhere when I come to treat of
the institutions to which they refer.
The purport of
the document is as follows
Copies of the regulations and action of the board
Great confidence is felt in Rivera's
are enclosed.
ability, and knowledge gained by long experience,
which experience must have taught him how important it is to preserve perfect harmony, so that both

commander and

friars

may

devote themselves exclu-

sively to their respective duties.

The

first

object

is

of course the conversion of the natives; but next in

importance is their gathering in mission towns for
purposes of civilization.
These little towns may become great cities; hence the necessity of avoiding
defects in the beginning, of care in the selection of
sites, in the assignment of lands, laying out of streets,
etc.

The commander

authorized to assign lands to

communities, and also to such individuals as are disposed to work; but all must dwell in the pueblo or
mission, and all grants must be made with due regard
to the formalities of law. Missions may be converted
is

37
In a letter to Serra dated Nov. 8, 1774, the guardian warns him not to
quarrel with the new governor, who doubtless had secret instructions and
would cause any contrarieties to react upon the padres. Serra 's weakness was
not unknown to his superiors. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 191-2.
2,6
Bucarcli, Instruction que debe observar el Comandante nombrado jku'cl Jo-s
HJstablecimientos de San Diego y Monterey, 1773, MS., also copy from the
Translated extracts chiefly on pueblos and
original in Mayer, MS., No. 18.
.colonization in llalleck's Report, 133; Dwinelle's Colon. Ilitt. Add., 2.

INSTRUCTIONS TO THE
into pueblos

when

NEW

RULER.

217

sufficiently advanced, retaining the

of the patron saint.

New missions may be
founded by the commander, acting in accord with the
president, whenever it can be done without risk to
Rivera is to report to the viceroy on
the old ones.
needs of the royal service in his province.
The captain is charged with recruiting soldiers to
Married recruits must
complete the full number.
families,
and
unmarried
ones the papers to
take their
prove that they are single. The Catalan volunteers
are to return with their lieutenant by the first vessel.
Strict discipline and good conduct must be enforced
among soldiers, employes, and civilians, vicious and
incorrigible persons being sent back to San Bias. The
commandant must be subordinate to the governor at
Loreto only to the extent of reporting to him and

name

maintaining harmonious relations.

Communication
with the peninsula by land should be frequent. Good
faith must be kept with the Indians, and the control,
education, and correction of neophytes are to be left
exclusively to the friars, acting in the capacity of
fathers toward children.
No vessels are to be admitted to Californian ports

except the San Bias transports and the Philippine

vessels, and no trade with either foreign or Spanish
vessels is to be permitted. The captains of the transports are not to be interfered with in the management
of their vessels, but thev cannot admit on board or
take away any person without a written request from
the commandant, who is to grant such requests only
for urgent reasons. San Francisco should be explored
as soon as practicable, and the mission of San Diego
may be moved if it be deemed best.
complete
diary of all events and measures must be kept in a
book, and literal copies forwarded to the superior
government as often as opportunity occurs. Three
complete inventories are to be made on taking possession of government property, one for the viceroy,
one for Fages, and one to be kept by Rivera. All

SERRA'S LxVBORS IN MEXICO.

218

records and archives to be carefully cared for, and

finally these instructions to be kept profoundly secret.
These instructions, with the regulations that precede
and similar instructions of the next year to the governor, constituted the law of California for many years.
Rivera was in Guadalajara when appointed, though it
does not appear from the record when he had come down
from San Diego. He went to Mexico to receive his
instructions in person and then hastened to Sinaloa to
recruit soldiers

and families for his command, finishing

o
7

and arriving with fifty- one persons, great

and small, in March 1774 at Lore to, whence he soon
89
started northward overland.
At about the same
time that Rivera received his orders, that is in
August, Bucareli also authorized Captain Juan Bautista de Anza to attempt the overland route from
Sonora to Monterey, and that officer after some delays
began his march from Tubac in the following January.
Early in September, after Rivera and Anza had received their instructions, the viceroy wrote to Fages,
announcing the appointment of Rivera, and ordering
him to give up the command, and to return by the
his task

first

vessel with his

company of Catalan volunteers

join his regiment at the Real de Pachuca.

to

40

And now

Father Serra, having successfully completed his task in Mexico, is ready to return homeward to utilize the aid and put in practice the reforms
Kissing the feet of every
for which he has toiled.
friar at the college, begging their pardon for any bad
example he has set, and bidding them farewell forever, the good friar, with Padre Pablo Mugartegui,
At Tepic
sets out in September for the west coast.
he waits until the new vessel, the Santiago or Nueva
Galicia, is ready for sea, which is not until January 24,
1774. In addition to the articles granted by the gov39
Letter of Rivera to viceroy, dated Loreto, March 25th, in Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 378-9; Palou, Not., i. 609-10.
11
Bucareli to Fages, Sept. 7, 1773, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 140.

FATHEPt JUNIPERO

HOMEWARD BOUND.

ernment Padre Junipero has obtained from the

219

vice-

roy a liberal limosna, or alms, of supplies for the

41
exclusive use of the missions, invoiced separately to
gratify the friar's pride and avoid complications with

Fages who

command.

The

regular supplies
for the northern missions, with a part of the pittance,
are taken by the Santiago, Captain Perez, who has
orders to undertake explorations to the north of Monterey.
Supplies for San Diego and the southern
missions are left for the San Antonio, to sail later. 42
is still

in

41
The articles officially granted were: 3 cases of vestments for San Gabriel,
San Antonio, and San Luis, 5 nests, or sets, of measures, G in each, one forge
with appurtenances, and 5 quintals, 3 arrobas of iron. The limosna to suffice
for 5 years was 5 packages of cloths for Indians as follows: 107 blankets, 29
pieces manta poblana, 488 yds striped sackcloth, 389 yds blue baize, 10 lbs
blue maguey cloth for little girls; also 4 reams fine paper, 5 bales red pepper,

100 arrobas tasajo, 16 boxes panocha, 4 boxes beads, 10 boxes hams, 6 boxes
chocolate, 3 bbls lard, 9 bales lentils, 1 bale and 9 jugs olive-oil, 4 bbls Ca&tilian wine, 3 bbls brandy, 9 bales chickpeas, G bales rice, 1G0 bales flour,
900 fanegas maize, 250 fanegas beans. Palou, Not., i. G03-5.
"Respecting Serra's work in Mexico in addition to the authorities cited,
see Palm, Vida, 150-9.
It is related that when Serra arrived in San Blag
from California and saw the Santiago in the dock-yard, he remarked that he
would return in her, a remark that excited some ridicule, because everybody
thought the San Bias establishment on the point of being abandoned.

CHAPTER

X.

RECORD OF EVENTS.
1774.

Waist in the Missions Anza's First Expedition The Overland Route

from sonora return of padre junipero rlvera assumes the
Command Departure of Fages Exploring Voyage of Perez to
the Northern Coast San Diego Mission Moved from Cosoy to
ISTipaguay Coming of Soldiers and their Families Third Exploration of San Francisco Bay A Mission Site Selected First Drive
on the Beach to the Cliff and Seal Rocks Troubles between the
Franciscans and Governor Barri in the Peninsula Much Ado
about Nothing Felipe de Neve Appointed Governor to Succeed
Barri Second Annual Report on Mission Progress.

We

have seen that Anza from Sonora, Serra from

Mexico via Jalisco, and Rivera from Sinaloa via the
peninsula were all en route for Monterey under viceregal orders in the spring of 1774. California annals
for that year may be most clearly presented by following those expeditions, in the order named, as a
thread to which may be attached all recorded events.
Previous to their arrival there is nothing known of

matters in the north, save that great want was experienced through the non-appearance of the vessels
due the year before. 1
When Galvez was preparing the first expeditions
to the north in 1769, Captain Juan Bautista de Anza,
commander of the Tubac presidio in Sonora, a brave
officer like his father, as we have seen in the annals

1
'cruelisima hambre,' Palou calls it, Vida, 153, 159-60, the greatest ever
experienced.
No bread, no chocolate, only milk and herbs 'salted by tears.'
Milk had to be eaten by all from the commandant down. They had some
very strange ideas of what constituted a famine. Soup of peas or beans took
the place of tortillas, and coffee had to do instead of chocolate. The natives
all left the mission to seek for food. Id., Not., i. COS.

(220)

ANZA'S FIRST EXPEDITION.

221

of Pimeria, became interested in the scheme, and

offered to make the trip by land at his own expense
The route up to the
to meet the sea expedition.
and
Gila
Colorado
junction had often been traversed,
and it had long been a favorite plan, especially among
the old Jesuit pioneers, to reach the northern coasts
from this direction; but for some reason not explained
the visitador declined the offer.
Anza, however, renewed his proposition later, when San Diego and
Monterey had been occupied, and finally Bucareli,
authorized by the king to pay the expense from the
royal coffers, 2 and urged by Father Junipero in his
memorial of March 1773 in which he also urged the
exploration of a route from New Mexico gave the
required license, probably in September 1773.
Anza obtained twenty soldiers and had nearly
completed his preparations for departure, when the
Apaches made one of their characteristic raids, stealing his horses and killing some of his men.
This
caused delay and obliged the captain to start with
less force than he had intended; but as a compensation he unexpectedly obtained a guide.
This was a
Baja California neophyte, Sebastian by name, who
had deserted from San Gabriel in August, and, keeping far to the east to avoid meeting soldiers, had
reached the Colorado River rancherias and had been
brought by the natives to Altar, thus entitling himself to the honor of having been the first Christian to
make the overland trip. 3 Under his guidance Anza
set out from Tubac January 8, 1774, with Francisco
Garces and Juan Diaz, Franciscan friars from the

Queretaro college. There were in all 34 men with

140 horses and 65 cattle.
In a month they had reached the Gila, by way of
Sonoita through Fapagueria. Palma, a famous Yuma
Ortega in a letter to Rivera, dated San Diego, May 5, 1775, says that
Anza's expedition cost from 25,000 to 30,000 pesos. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i.
2

162-3.
3

According to one of the two chief authorities Sebastian had started from
San Gabriel with his parents and wife, all of whom had perished.

RECORD OF EVENTS.

222

the Spaniards at his rancheria at

San Dionisio, Isla de Trinidad, a kind of island formed
by a double channel of the Gila at its junction with
the Colorado, 4 and received from Anza a badge of
He accompanied the explorers
office under Spain.
across the Colorado and some eight or nine leagues
south-westward to the lagoon of Santa Olaya. To
this lagoon the whole party was obliged to return on
the 19th of February, after having wandered for six
days through a country destitute of grass and water. 5
But they started again on the 2d of March, leaving
with Palma a large part of the animals in charge of
three soldiers, three muleteers, and three Indian servants.
The route through the country of the Cojat,
Cajuenches, and Danzarines, cannot be traced exactly;
but as this was the first exploration of this region and
of the great route into California, I append the de6
tails, confusing as they are, in a note.
Anza would
chief, entertained

4
One of the channels no longer carries water, and perhaps did so then only
In Kino's map of 1701 San Dionisio is not represented as an
at high water.
island.
Emory, Notes, 95-6, in 1846 noted that the Gila once flowed to the
south of its present channel, and says: 'During freshets it is probable the
rivers now discharge their surplus waters through these old channels.' Another discovery of Anza is less intelligible. In a letter of Feb. 9th from San
Dionisio to the viceroy, Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 190-1, he says he had crossed
the Colorado and Gila, and had found a branch of the former extending north
and west, and entering probably the South Sea perhaps at Sari Francisco

Bay.

Padre Garce's claimed to have been in this region, the north-east section
Baja California, in 1771; but the narrative of his trip in that year, in
A rr'xivita, Cron. Serdf. 420 et seq. does not show clearly that he crossed the
Colorado at all.
6
The most complete, and indeed the only, authority in print is Arricivita,
Cvdnka Serdjica, 450 et seq. but it is very unsatisfactory. The best account
of the expedition seems to be Anza, Descubrimiento de Sonora d Californias
ano de 1774, MS. This appears to be an abridged copy of the original diary
made soon after the date of the expedition by some one who did not accompany it. The route was as follows, items from the return march being in
brackets: Feb. 9th. At junction of the Gila and Colorado, near the site of the
later Concepcion.
Feb. 10th to 12th. 5 1. w. N. (s. w. and 4.5 1. s. w. and
Lat.
s. to Laguna de Sta Olaya, formed by the Colorado in time of flood.
3
[According to the return trip Sta Olaya was 4 1. w. of the river and
32 34'.
8 1. w. s. w. of S. Dionisio, or Isla de Trinidad.] Feb. 13th to 19th. Off into
the desert and back to Sta Olaya. March 2d. 4 1. w. s. w. to Laguna del
Predicador. Mar. 3d to 5th. 3 1. w. s. w. 6.5 1. w. n. w.; 61. w. n.w. with
low sierra on left; 3 1. N. w. across the hills; 21. w.; 1.5 1. N. and n. w., insight
of an estero, to Pozos de San Eusebio.
Mar. 6th. 4 1. w. to Sto Tomas, in
middle of sierra. Mar. 7th and 8th. 4 1. n. w. and 1 1. N. e. to Pozos de Sta
Rosa de las Lajas (18 1. in a direct line from Sta Olaya). Mar. 9th and 10th.
of

ANZA FROM SONORA.

223

seem at first to have kept far to the south of the

modern railroad route, but to have returned to it before reaching the San Gorgonio Pass, which he named
San Carlos. He crossed the Santa Ana River on a
bridge of boughs the 20th of March, and on the 22d
arrived at San Gabriel.
The travellers had exhausted their supply of food;
and they found equal destitution at San Gabriel; but
the friars Paterna and Cruzado entertained them as
best they could after a mass, te deum, and sermon of
cow was killed, and in ten days four of
welcome.
Anza's men returned from San Diego with supplies
that had come on the Santiago. 1 In a few days all
but six of the men were sent with Father Garces
back to the Colorado, having some slight trouble with

the savages on the way, and, according to Arricivita,

finding that the men left with the animals had become
frightened and retired to Caborca.
Anza with his
six men made a trip up to Monterey and back from
the 10th of April to the 1st of May; and two days
later he started with Diaz for the Colorado, which he
reached in eight days. Palou tells us that some of
F ages' men went with him to become acquainted
with the route, and returning reported that they had
been attacked by the natives as had been the men
left at the Colorado.
The explorers reached Tubac
on the 26th of May, and in July Anza went to Mexico
to report.

His expedition had accomplished

all

that

it

had

111. N. to S. Sebastian Peregrino, a large citnega in the Cajuenche nation

1. w. and w. n. w. from StaOlaya].
Mar. 11th. 1.5 1. w. on same ci<5nega.
Mar. 12th. 6 1. w. n. w. to S. Gregorio. Mar. 14th. G 1. n. [x. w.] to Sta Catarina [10 1. from S. Sebastian]. 6 1. N. N. w. to Puerto de S. Carlos, following
the cafiada [33 42'].
Mar. ICth and 17th. 3 1. n. w. and N. n. w. to Laguna
and Valley of Principe [or S. Patricio, 81. w. n. w. from Sta Catarina]. Mar.
18th. [4] 1. n. and n. N. W. to Valle de S. Jose" [33 46'] on a fine stream. Mar.
19th. G [5] 1. n. w. to Laguna de S. Antonio de Bucareli. Mar. 20th. 5 1. n. w.
and 2. 5 1. W. N. \v. to Pcio Sta Ana. Mar. 21st. 7 1. W. n. w. to Arroyo de
Osos [or Alisos]. Mar. 22d. To S. Gabriel [10 1. w. and 5 1. W. N. w. from
S. Antonio].
See also, in chap. xii. of this volume, the account of Anza's

[22

second
7

trip.

On March

24th Anza was godfather to a child baptized by P. Diaz. S.

Gabriel Lib. Mis., MS.,

7.

RECORD OF EVENTS.

224

been intended to do, in showing the practicability of

the

new

route.

President Serra sailed from San Bias January 24th

9
in the new transport Santiago or Nueva Galicia, built
expressly for the California service, commanded by
Juan Perez, and laden with supplies for San Carlos,
San Antonio, and San Luis. Serra was accompanied
by Pablo Mugartegui, a new missionary; and the Santiago also brought to California Juan Soler, the storekeeper for Monterey, a surgeon Jose Davila with his
family, three blacksmiths and families, and three carAfter a comparatively prosperous voyage
penters.
the vessel anchored in San Diego Bay the 13th of
March. 10 It had been the intention to go direct to
Monterey, but an accident caused a change of plan,
and fortunately, for Serra by landing a small portion
of the cargo was enabled to relieve the pressing need
He had quite enough of
of the southern missions.
the sea, and besides was anxious to visit the friars;
therefore he went up by land, starting on April 6th,
having an interview with Captain Anza on the way,
and reaching Monterey on the 11th of May after an
absence of nearly two years. On account of ill-health
Mugartegui also landed and remained at San Diego,
Amurrio taking his place on the Santiago, which
sailed on the same day that Serra started, and
anchored at Monterey two days before the president's
11
arrival the 9th of May.
8

Mofras, Explor., i. 282, mentions this expedition, giving the date of

starting incorrectly as Sept. 1773. See also brief account in Velasco, Sonora,
150; Id., in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, x. 704.
a
She is called both fragata and corveta.
10
According to Perez, Uelacion, they reached the Santa Barbara Islands on
March 6th. The northern group are named from west to east Santa Rosa
(San Miguel), Santa Margarita (Santa Rosa), Santa Cruz (still so called), and
Santo Tomas (Anacapa). Thence they sailed southward between the coast and

San Clemente, reaching San Diego March 10th (another copy makes it March
1 1th), sailing April 5th, and arriving at Monterey May 8th. Palou, Vida, 15362, gives the latter date as
11

Palou, Not.,

Cal, MS.,

1.

i.

May

606-8; Id.,

9th.

Vida, 156-61; Serra, in Bandini Doc. Hist.

RIVERA. SUCCEEDS FACES.

We

225

Rivera y Moncacla at Loreto in March

with fifty-one persons, soldiers and their families, re12
Lieutenant
cruited in Sinaloa for his new command.
Ortega was in the south at Santa Ana, with other
families, whom he was ordered to bring up to Velicata
to join the rest, and was to remain in command of
the camp until supplies and animals for the northern
journey could be sent back. Rivera then started
northward by land and reached Monterey on the 23d
of May. Respecting the details of his march and the
number of men he took with him nothing is known;
but he left all the families and some of the new soldiers at Velicata. On the 25th he assumed the duties
left

13
of his new office in place of Pedro Fages, who prepared, as ordered by the viceroy, to go south with his
company of Catalan volunteers. 14 The first opportunity to sail was by the San Antonio, which, leaving
San Bias in March under Cahizares as master, had
arrived on June 8th, this being the first trip ever
made direct to Monterey without touching at San

Diego.

The
means

between Rivera and Pages was by no

friendly, the former having considered himself
aggrieved by Galvez' act in preferring the latter at
feeling

the beginning notwithstanding the disparity of rank,

and a second time by Portola s choice of a commander
in 1770.
Triumphant at last, he was not disposed
to adopt a conciliatory policy toward his vanquished
rival, whom, without any unnecessary expenditure of
courteous phrases, he ordered to prepare his accounts
March 20th, Rivera writes to the viceroy from Loreto that he has arrived
from Sinaloa and will proceed by land to San Diego and join Anza. Arch.
Santa Barbara, MS., xi. 378-9; but as we have seen he was too late to meet
Anza.
13
The viceroy, on Jan. 2, 1775, acknowledges receipt of Rivera's letter of
June 14th, stating that he had taken possession of the command on May 25th.
Prov. St. Pap., MS,, i. 168.
Palou, Not., i. 609-13, makes the date May
24th.
May 4, 1771, Fages was made a captain. Id. i. 74.
14
In addition to the general instructions to Rivera and Fages already
noticed, there was a special order of the viceroy dated Sept. 30, 1774, for
Fages with his volunteers and all of the cuera company not expressly ordered
to remain to be sent to San Bias by the first vessel. St. Pap., Miss, and Colon.,
MS., i. 313.
12

Hist. Cal., Vol.

T.

15

RECORD OF EVENTS.

226

on the San Antonio, taking with

him all his men except ten who were to be retained
until the new force arrived from the peninsula. Fages,
though of course obliged to obey the viceroy's orders,
was not the man to quit the country without making
a show of independence and an effort for the last
caustic correspondence followed, little of
word.
which is extant, but in which Rivera with the vantageground of his superior authority by no means carried
Fages claimed the right to embark
off all the honors.
from San Diego, wishing to obtain certain receipts
from padres and corporals at the several missions.
Rivera replies, "The viceroy does not order me to
allow the volunteers and you to embark at San Diego,
but simply by the first vessel. His excellency knows
very well that this presidio is the capital where you
reside; therefore, this is the place he speaks of, and
from this place you must sail." Whereupon Don
Pedro, as he might have done before, showed a permit from the viceroy to sail from San Diego, of later
date than the commander's instructions; and Rivera

and get ready to

sail

was forced to yield.

Again Fages announced that he had some animals
set apart for his own use which he proposed to take
away with him to San Diego, and, after Rivera's
prompt refusal to allow any such outrageous use of
the king's property, proceeded to prove that the mules
were his own. Then he pleaded for more time to
arrange his accounts, which could not be completed
before the sailing of the San Antonio; but after getting
an insolent permission to wait for the Santiago, he
decided to start at once and leave the accounts to a
clerk.
Having gathered thus much from Rivera's
own letters, it is hard to resist the conclusion that if
Fages' letters were extant they would show the writer,
with perfect sang froid, if not always with dignity,
engaged in a deliberate epistolary effort to annoy his
exultant and pompous rival. If this was not the case,
all the more discreditable to himself was the tone

NORTH-COAST EXPLORATIONS.

227

The San
adopted in Rivera's communications. 15
Antonio sailed from Monterey on July 7th, with
thirteen of the volunteers, and with Rafael Pedro y
Gil the new store-keeper for San Diego.
Fages
started by land with two soldiers on the 19th and
sailed on the 4th of August from San Diego.
We
shall hear again from this gallant officer.
Fathers
Prestamero and Usson also sailed for San Bias on
the San Antonio, being forced to retire by ill-health.
Perez in the Santiago was meanwhile engaged in
another important service, that of exploring in the
far north. There still existed among Spanish authorities a fear of Russian encroachments on the Pacific
coast, or at least a spirit of curiosity to

know what

Bucareli had orders from

the Russians were doing.
the king to give this matter his attention as soon as
10
It is said to have been
it might be convenient.
Serra who first suggested that the California transport might be advantageously used for purposes of
geographical discovery, and opening up a new field
He also urged that no man
for spiritual conquest.
was better fitted to take charge of the enterprise than
his friend and compatriot Juan Perez, who had been
the first in these later times to reach both San Diego
and Monterey. Perez was accordingly instructed,
after landing the supplies at Monterey, to explore the
northern coast up to 60, with a view to discover
harbors and to make such observations respecting the
country and its inhabitants as might be practicable.
The expense was borne by the king.
It was the intention that Mugartegui should go as
chaplain, but in case of his illness Serra had been
requested 17 to name a substitute, and appointed Crespi
and Pena to act as chaplains and to keep diaries of
15
Rivera y Moncada, Testimonio de diligencias en la toma de posesion
mando, 1774, MS., consisting of two letters dated June 21st and 22d.
16
Revilla-Gigedo, In forme de 12 de Abril 1703, 117-19.
17
Bucareli's' letter of Dec. 24, 1773, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 137-S.

del

RECORD OF EVENTS.

228

the voyage, as they did, both journals being still

extant.
The surgeon Davila went along, the vessel's
surgeon, Costan, remaining temporarily at Monterey.
June 6th everything being ready at Monterey the
padres went on board, and next day the Santiago
attempted to sail, but was prevented by contrary
On the 8th the arrival of the San Antonio
winds.
from San Bias, already noted, caused a new delay.
Two days later solemn mass for the success of the
expedition was said under the old oak that had witnessed the rite in 1602 and 1770, and on the 11th,
just before noon, the vessel sailed from the bay.
Adverse winds still bafiled the navigators, driving
them southward, so that for seventeen days they did
not get above the latitude of Monterey, being driven
back and forward along the coast between that latitude and that of the Santa Barbara Islands. On the
9th July, when they were again able to make observations, they were in latitude 45, beyond the limits
of the modern California of which I now write.
The
details of the voyage in northern waters, during which
the Spaniards reached a latitude of 55, making some
observations and naming some points along the coast,
dealing with the natives, who came off in canoes, but
not landing, belong to another volume of this series,
in which I shall narrate the annals of more northern
lands.

18

Reentering California waters on the return trip

the 17th of August, they sighted on the 22d what
was supposed to be Cape Mendocino in latitude 40,
on the 26th they saw the Farallones, and next day at
4 p. M. anchored at Monterey.
The prevalence of
fogs had prevented exploration of the Californian
coast, beyond a mere glimpse of Mendocino and the
Farallones.
It is to be noticed that in speaking of
the latter islands as a landmark for San Francisco
the diarists clearly locate that port under Point
18
For a full account of this voyage, with references to the original diaries,
see Hist. Northwest Coast, i. 150-8.

MOVING OF SAN DIEGO.

229

Reyes, and speak of the other bay discovered five

years before as the grande estero, not yet named. 19

Two

important events in California must be added

to the record of 1774 before I call attention to certain
other events on the peninsula and in Mexico nearly
affecting the interests of the New Establishments.
One was the moving of San Diego Mission in the
extreme south in August; the other an exploration
of San Francisco Bay in the extreme north at the
close of the year. The site on which the mission at
San Diego had been originally founded, and the presidio a little later, had not -proved a desirable one for
agricultural purposes since the drying-up of the river
and in fact for several years seed had been sown for
the most part at an inconvenient distance. The first
proposition toward a change of site came early in 1773
from Fages, who favored a removal of the rancheria
containing all the neophytes as well as many gentiles
from the vicinity of the stockade, for the reason that
the huts would give the natives an advantage in hostile operations.
This was not exactly a removal of the
mission, since it does not appear that the friars were
to accompany their neophytes the fear of danger was
deemed unfounded and even absurd; and, moreover,
the measure was recommended by a man whose
approval was enough to condemn any measure in
Serra's eyes.
Consequently he opposed the change
most strenuously in his report to the viceroy. 20
Jaume, the minister, however, addressed a letter in
April 1773 to the president, in which he favored a
removal of the mission.
Experience had clearty
shown, he thought, that want of water would always
prove a drawback to prosperity at the original site; it
;

19
Crespi in his Diario makes a long and confusing argument to prove that
the jh ral tones seen at this time were not those seen in 1769, the former being
50 leagues from Pt Reyes, and the latter much nearer. The reason of the
friar's confusion is not clear.
The authorities on this voyage are: Crespl,
Diario; Peila, Diario, MS.; Perez, Relation, MS.: and Perez, Tabla Diano,

MS.
zo

Serra, Pepres. 21 de

Mayo,

1773,

MS.

RECORD OF EVENTS.

230

was always better for a mission to be a little removed from presidio influences; and he had a report
from the natives confirmed by a soldier, of a very
favorable site some six or seven leagues distant across
the sierra. 21 The matter having been referred to the
viceroy he authorized Rivera to make a change if it
should seem expedient to himself and to Serra. 22 Of
the subsequent consultations and explorations which
doubtless took place we have no record; but the
change was decided upon and effected in August
The new site was not the one which Jaume
1774.
had in mind, but a nearer one called by the natives
Nipaguay, 23 about two leagues up the valley northeastward from Cosoy, and probably identical or nearly
so with that of the later buildings whose ruins are
still visible some six miles from the city and port.
have no account of the ceremonies by which the
transfer was celebrated, nor do we know its exact
date; but both friars and neophytes were pleased with
the change, and worked with a will, so that by the
end of the year the mission buildings were better than
at Coso}% including a dwelling, storehouse, and smithy
of adobes, and a wooden church with roof of tules,
measuring eighteen by fifty-seven feet. At the old
site all the buildings were given up to the presidio,
except two rooms, one for the use of visiting friars
and the other for the reception and temporary storage
of mission supplies coming by sea. 24 Nothing further
is known of San Diego events during the year, except
that Ortega came up from below with the remaining

We

Jaume 's letter of April 3d

Bu card i, Instruction de 17

Mayer MSS., No. 18, pp. 4, 5.

de Ago>to 1773, MS.
23
San Diego de Nipaguay that is, San Diego at Nipaguay was a common name for the mission afterwards. Serra called it so in his second annual
21

22

(or 30th), in

report.
21
Serra, Informe de 5 Feb. 1775, MS., 124-7. An unfinished church built
four or five feet above the foundations, with adobes all made ready to finish
In a letter of October 3d the commandant of the preit, was also delivered.
sidio says he was uncertain whether to accept the building, for how was it to
be finished? Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 15G-7. Lasuen in his report of 1783
says the new site was but little better than the old so far as fertility was concerned. Lasuen, Informe de 17S3, MS.; see also Serra, in San Diego, Lib. de
Mision, MS., 3, 4.

EXPLORATIONS OF SAX FRANCISCO.

231

and families recruited by Rivera in Sinaloa,

arriving at San Diego on September 2Gth, and despatching a part of the company to Monterey on the
3d of October. The new troops gave Ortega some
trouble by their tumultuous conduct, complaining of
the quantity and quality of the food. 25
force

The occupation of the port of San Francisco and

the founding* of a mission there, though a matter still
kept in abeyance, was one by no means forgotten,
and one often mentioned in communications passing
between Mexico and Monterey. Portola and Crespi
when they had almost reached the port in 1769, had,
as Ave have seen, discovered a large bay before entirely
unknown, and had explored to some extent its western
shore. Galvez and the viceroy on hearing of Portola's
near approach to San Francisco had ordered the captain of the San Antonio, when she brought ten new
friars to California in 1771, in case she should reach
San Francisco first, to leave there two of the padres
and all that was required for an immediate foundation,
under a temporary guard of sailors; 26 but the vessel
touched first at Monterey and Saint Francis was
obliged to wait. In 1772 Fages and Crespi had again
attempted to reach San Francisco by passing round
the newly discovered bay, thus exploring the eastern
shore, although prevented from accomplishing their
main object by a great river which they could not
cross.

27

In his instructions of August 17, 1773, Bucareli

had ordered Rivera to make additional explorations
of San Francisco, and with the approval of Serra to
found a mission there. 28 Before either Rivera or his
instructions reached California, however, Palou in
his first annual report spoke of the proposed mission
of San Francisco " in his own port supposed to be in
25

Ortega to Rivera, in Prov. St. Pap., MS.,

Palou, Vida, 88-9.
27
See Chap. viii. of this volume.
28
St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 333.

26

i.

154-6.

EECORD OF EVENTS.

232

the Ensenada of the Farallones toward Point Reyes,"

of the attempt recently made to arrive there, of the
obstacles in the way, and of the determination that
had been formed. This determination was to explore
the country northward from Monterey, and to establish the proposed mission wherever a suitable place
could be found, since it could not be exactly known
where the port was until explorations were made by
sea; and later, if the port were found on the other
side of the new bay, another mission might be estab29
lished there.
It must be borne in mind that the name
of San Francisco had not yet been applied to the
newly found body of water, although the latter was
by some vaguely supposed to be connected with the
port so long known; neither had the bay been explored
as yet with boats so that it might be known whether
it contained a 'port' at all; or if so, in what part of
the broad expanse the harbor was to be found.
In obedience to the viceroy's orders, 30 and with a
view, perhaps, to test the necessity or expediency of
Falou's plan, a new exploration was undertaken by
Rivera as soon as his new recruits arrived at Monterey, which was early in November.
Fie took with
him sixteen soldiers, two servants, and a mule train
laden with supplies for a journey of forty days. Palou
accompanied him, by order of the president, to perform
a chaplain's duty and keep a diary. 31 Setting out on
November 23d the party followed Fages' route of
1772, via what are now Hollister and Gilroy, until,
on entering the grand valley about the bay, they bore
to the left instead of to the right as Fages had done,
and on the 28th encamped at the very spot where
Rivera had spent four days in 1769, that is, on what
32
The
is now San Francisquito Creek below Searsville.
29

Palou, Not,

30

These orders had,

and directed
31

ii.

32.
it

seems, been repeated in a letter dated

1774,

Palou, Espediciony Pegistroquese hizodelas cercanias delpuerto de Nues-

Padre San Francisco, in Id. Not.,

distances are not given in this diary it

tro Serrtjico
32

May 25,

to Palou.

As

exact locations.

43-92.
of little or no help in fixing
about one league from the shore, about a
,

The party was now

ii.

is

UP THE BEACH TO THE

CLIFF.

233

natives were hospitable and not so shy as they had

been along the way. This seemed a fitting place for
a mission, and a cross was erected as a sign of the
Spaniards' purpose to locate San Francisco here.
I
suppose that from this circumstance originated the
name San Francisquito later applied to the stream.
Next day the explorers started on north-westward,
soon crossing the low hills into the Canada that had
been followed in 1769, to which, or to a locality in

which, they

now gave the name Canada de San Andres

Rancherias were numerous, and

the natives uniformly well disposed.
On the 30th
they left the glen, climbed some high land, and encamped on a lagoon in the hills, not improbably that
now known as Laguna de San Bruno. From a lofty
hill Rivera and Palou obtained a view of the bay and
valley to the south-eastward, but could not see the
outlet, on account of another hill intervening. December 1st Rivera with four soldiers climbed that hill and
on his return said he had been very near the outlet,
which could be conveniently reached from the camp
by following the ocean beach. Delayed for a few
days by cold, rainy weather, they started again on
the fourth, proceeded north over low hills and across
canadas, in three of which was running water, and
encamped before noon on a stream which flowed into
a large lake stretching toward the beach, known later
as Laguna de la Merced.
Taking with him four soldiers and accompanied
also by Palou, Rivera continued north-westward over
hill and vale into the sand dunes and down to the
beach, at a point near where the Ocean Side House
later stood.
Thence he followed the beach, as so
many thousands have done since in conveyances
somewhat more modern and elegant than those of
the gallant captain and friar, until stopped by the

which

it still

bears.

day's journey from the end of the peninsula, and in 37 46' by their own reckoning.
That they were below Sear sville is shown by the fact that on starting
north- west they at first crossed a plain.

RECORD OF EVENTS.

234

steep slope of a lofty hill, in sight of some pointed

rocks near the shore, this being the first visit to the
Seal Rocks since famous, and to the site of the modern Cliff.' They climbed the hill and gazed around
on what was and is still to be seen, and described by
Palou as it might be described now, except in the
matter of artificial changes.
cross wa<s set up on
the summit, and the explorers returned by the way
the}7 had come to their camp on Lake Merced after
an absence of only four hours.
'

was now resolved to postpone the exploration of

the Rio de San Francisco, the San Joaquin, until
after the rainy season, and to return to Monterey by
Three hours' journey souththe shore route of 1769.
ward, over grassy hills, brought them on the 5th into
the old trail, by which, having crossed the San Lorenzo and Pajaro rivers on the 11th, they arrived at
the presidio the 13th of December. 33 On the trip
Palou had found six sites which he deemed suitable
These were, in the valley of San Pasfor missions.
cual near the modern Hollister, in the plain of the
great estuary' where the cross was left on San Francisquito Creek, in the vale of San Pedro Regalado
and that of San Pedro Alcantara between Spanish
Town and Pescadero, on the River San Lorenzo at
Santa Cruz, and on the River Pajaro at Watson ville.
" God grant that in my day I may see them occupied
by missions, and in them assembled all the gentiles
who inhabit their vicinities, and that none of the latIt

'

ter die without holy baptism, to the

end that the

of the children of God and of his holy

church be increased, and also of the vassals of our

number

83

The lack

of distances in this diary renders it of little use in fixing exact

although the route is somewhat more fully described in several
respects than in the diary of the former expedition.
The fact that three
hours' joiimey southward from the head of Lake Merced brought Rivera into
that the first exthe old trail confirms my former conclusion see chap. vi.
pedition crossed from Pt San Pedro rather than from Half Moon Cay. Xow
the travellers visited a lagoon in the hills near the shore, about a league above
Pt Angel probably Laguna Alta.
localities,

TROUBLE

m LOWER CALIFORNIA.

catholic monarch," adds the

journal.

good padre

233

in closing his

34

When

Palou

left

the peninsula in the

summer

of

1773, he left Campa and Sanchez at Loreto to attend

to the forwarding of certain cattle from the old missions, which had been assigned to the new ones, but
which he had been unable to obtain on account of the
never ending excuses of Governor Barri and President
Mora, who, however, had agreed to settle the matter
definitely in October of the same year. Nothing being
done, excuses following excuses, and there being some
evidence that the recalcitrant governor was causing
delay in the hope of breaking up the whole arrangement by communications with the viceroy, Campa

wrote Palou

how he was situated, and sailed on April

5,

1774, for Mexico to consult the guardian, Sanchez starting about the same time to join Cambon at Velicata\

In Mexico Campa made but little progress.

Some
cattle and horses purchased for the missions the
viceroy had already ordered to be sent up, as they
were early in 1775 but the Dominicans had convinced
him, as w as probably true, that their missions had no
;

cattle to spare, and, therefore, stock

for California

35

must be sought elsewhere.

At Velicatd, Cambon had been left by Palou in
charge of vestments and other church property collected from the southern missions by the order of

The

quarrel between the Franciscans and

Barri, for which the removal of this property served
largely as a motive, or at least a pretence, was now at
its height. The governor had taken advantage of the
fact that the agreement by which the Franciscans
had voluntarily ceded the Lower California missions
was not popularly known, to circulate a report that
his own influence had forced the friars to quit the

Galvez.

34
Rivera sent a diary of the trip to the viceroy on Jan. 5, 1775, as appears from Bucareli's acknowledgment on May 24th, in Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
i.

172.
ib

Palou, Not.,

ii.

15C-7, 207-8.

RECORD OF EVENTS.

236

country. Pie labored hard to win over the Dominicans to his side, and was practically successful so far
at least as the president was concerned, and he insisted
that the property in question had been stolen.
The
details and merits of the general controversy need not
It is evident enough that Barri
be repeated here.
allowed his bitterness toward the Franciscans to get
the better of his judgment, and that he neglected no
opportunity to annoy his foes.
From San Diego Palou sent back mules to bring up
supplies and part of the church property, but Barri
sent an order to the officer in command at Velicata to
load the animals with corn, but by no means to allow
the vestments to be taken, pretending that a new
examination of the boxes was necessary. Governor
and president were now acting in full accord and causing delay by throwing the responsibility of every new
hinderance each upon the other. Mora claimed to have
full faith in Franciscan honor, but had consented to
the proposed search merely to convince Barri of his
error Cambon was instructed to submit to the search
if required, but to insist on exact inventories and certificates.
Thus things remained until Serra returned
from Mexico with a positive order from the viceroy
for the removal of the goods, an order which was sent
south and reached Velicata July 16, 1774.
correspondence ensued between Cambon and the
military officer in charge, in which the latter professed
to be utterly ignorant of any embargo on the removal
of the property, and to have received no orders whatever from Barri on the subject, although the contrary
was well enough known to be true. Preparations
were made for Padre Sanchez to take the property
with Ortega's force, but a new difficulty arose; for
Hidalgo, the Dominican in charge of Velicata, had
positive orders from President Mora to stop the goods.
!

He

was

in

much

perplexity,

and begged

for delay.

Finally, however, after obtaining a certificate from the

commandant that he would furnish no troops to pre-

APPOINTMENT OF GOVERNOR NEVE.

237

vent the removal, Hidalgo gave his permission, and it

was found that after all there were only three mules
to carry the vestments, most of which had therefore to
be left behind. They were carried up, however, early
in the next year by Father Dumetz, who came down
from Monterey with a mule train for the purpose. 36

There was now but small opportunity left for quarrels between Barri and the Franciscans, but it seems
It
there were also dissensions with the Dominicans.
was evident to the viceroy, that only harmonious
relations between the political and missionary authorities could ensure the prosperity of the peninsula, and
that under Barri's rule such relations could not be
maintained. Bucareli, therefore, decided, as he had
done before in the case of Fa^es, without committing
himself decidedly respecting the points at issue, to
appoint a new governor, as in fact Barri had several
times asked him to do. His choice of "a person
endowed with wisdom and love for the service to
establish, maintain, and firmly implant good order,"
fell upon Felipe de Neve, major of the Queretaro

regiment of provincial cavalry. 37

He

was summoned

to Mexico and received his instructions September

With the first collection of vestments there
ii. 15S-205.
to Rivera a letter from Gov. Barri, simply stating that application
for the property, in order to prevent delays, should have been made to President Mora rather than himself, and the same mail carried a letter from Mora
with the assurance that all the blame for delays belonged exclusively to Barri
Palou adds a short reflexion making excuses, as was his duty, for all concerned.
Mora probably was accused of complicity in robbing the missions,
and favored a search in order to vindicate his own honor and that of the
The viceroy consented from the same motives and to avoid
Franciscans.
litigation, and Gov. Barri's charges and actions were, perhaps, from
excess
It would seem that there
of zeal' to protect the missions of Baja California.
was also a quarrel between Barri and Rivera arising in some way from the
opening by the commandant of a despatch addressed to the governor. Ortesra
in letters of July 18th and Oct. 3d Prov. St. Pap., MS. i. 148-9, 155 advises
Rivera that the governor is hostile and disposed to wrangle about superiority;
36

Palou, Not.,

went up

'

'

'

that he had been taking testimony; and that it was only President Mora's
efforts which had prevented Rivera's arrest on arrival at Loreto.
37
The only item of information that I have found respecting Neve before
he came to California, is the fact that when his regiment was formed in 17G6
he was sent to raise a squadron in Michoacan; but both at Valladolid and
Patzcuaro the people resisted the draft, liberated several recruits by force,
wounded a sergeant, and forced Neve to return. Piiera, Cob. de Max., i.
407-8.

RECORD OF EVENTS.

238

30th from the viceroy. These instructions were similar

in their general purport to those before issued to Rivera
and already noticed. The only points relating to Upper
California were those defining the official relations
between Neve and Rivera, requiring special attention
to the forwarding of despatches from the north and
keeping open the routes of communication, and the
forwarding of the church property at Velicatd. The
commander of Monterey was only nominally subordinate to the governor, being required to maintain harmonious relations with that official, and to report in
full to him as he did to the viceroy, but not in any
sense to obey his orders. Bucareli was careful to avoid
future dissensions by causing Neve to understand
Rivera's practical independence. 38 Neve's appointment
may be said to have begun with the date of his
instructions on September 30th; but his final orders
were received October 28th 89 and he started from Mexico the next day, although he did not reach Loreto
and assume command until March 4th of the following year. 40 Of Barri after he left Loreto March 2G,
1775, nothing is recorded. His term of office had been
from March 1771 to March 1775, but he had exerted,
as we have seen, no practical authority over Alta
California.

Serra's second annual report for the year 1774,

completed in February of the following year, is almost
entirely statistical in its nature, containing in addition
to figures of agriculture, stock-raising, mission buildings, baptisms, marriages, and deaths, long lists of

church ornaments, agricultural implements, and other

property. The year would seem to have been fairly
prosperous, with no disasters. At San Diego the mission had been moved to a new site and new buildings
had been erected at least equal to the old ones. It was
proposed to move San Gabriel also for a short distance,
ss

1774,
s9
i0

Bucareli> Inslrucciones al Gobernador de Caltfornias, 30 de Septiembre

MS.
Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
Prov. lice, MS., i. 1.

i.

191; Id. xxii. 2.

STATISTICS.

230

and for that reason but very slight additions had

been made to the buildings. At the other missions
many small structures had been put up for various
uses.
At San Luis Obispo a new church of adobes,
eight by twenty varas, but as yet without a roof, was
the most prominent improvement.
At San Antonio
an adobe storehouse had been built, a bookcase made
for a library, and an irrigating ditch dug for about a
league.
San Carlos had seven or eight new houses
of adobe and palisades, besides an oven.
Agricultural operations had been successful, and
the grain product had exceeded a thousand fanegas,
the seed having yielded forty fold. San Gabriel took
the lead, close followed by San Cdrlos.
San Luis
raised the most wheat, while sterile San Diego showed
a total return of only thirty fanegas of wheat. Nowhere was there a total failure of any crop. In the
matter of live-stock, horned cattle had increased from
205 to 304; horses from 67 to 100; mules from 77
to 85; sheep from 94 to 170; goats from 67 to 95;
swine from 102 to 131; while asses remained only 4.
The mission records showed a total of 833 baptisms,
124 marriages, 74 deaths, and an existing neophyte
population of 759; or for the year a gain of 342 baptisms, 62 marriages, 45 deaths, and 297 in population.
San Carlos was yet at the head with 244 neophytes,

and San Diego came

in last

with 97. 41

il
Serra, Informe de los Augmentos que han tenido con todo el ano de 177//. las
cinco misiones del Colegio Apostdlico de Propaganda Fide de San Fernando de
Mexico de drden de N. P. S. Francisco y del estado actual en que se hallan
a ultimos de Diciembre del ano de 1774, MS. The report was dated San
Carlos, Feb. 5, 1775.

CHAPTER XL
NORTHERN EXPLORATION AND SOUTHERN

DISASTER.

1775.

California-bound Fleet Franciscan Chaplains Voyage of Quiros

in the 'San Antonio'
Voyage of Ayala in the 'San Carlos'
Voyage of Heceta and Bodega y Cuadra to the Northern
Coasts Discovery of Trinidad Bay Discovery of Bodega Bay
Death of Juan Perez Exploration of San Francisco Bay by
Ayala Trip of Heceta and Palou to San Francisco by Land
Preparations for New Missions Attempted Founding of San
Juan Capistrano Midnight Destruction of San Diego Mission
Martyrdom of Padre Jaume A Night of Terror Alarm at San
Antonio.

fleet of four vessels was despatched from San

Bias in the spring of 1775, all bound for California!)
The king had sent out
or yet more northern waters.
recently from Spain six regular naval officers, one of
whom was to remain at San Bias as commandant,
while the rest were to assume charge of the vessels.
The viceroy was to supply chaplains, and, no clergymen being immediately accessible, he called upon the
college of San Fernando to furnish friars for the dutv,
on the plea that all was intended to advance the work
of converting heathen, a plea which the guardian
could not disregard, and he detailed four Franciscans
for the new service temporarily, though it was foreign
to the work of the order. 1
1
The friar chaplains were Campa, Usson, Santa Maria, and Sierra. Life
on the ocean wave had no charms for them, and on return from the first
voyage they asked permission to quit the service and to resume their legitimate work as missionaries. The first two were successful, but the others had
to sacrifice themselves again, and Jose Nocedal was sent also as a companion.
The only consolation of each was the hope of being able to take the place of
'

some

'

retiring friar in California. Palou, Not.,

ii.

21G-17, 257-8.
(240)

A NORTHERN FLEET.

241

All sailed from San Bias on the same clay, the 16th
of March. 2 The San Antonio was under Lieutenant
Fernando Quiros, and her chaplain was Ramon Usson.
She was laden with supplies for San Diego and San
Gabriel.
Quiros' voyage was a prosperous one, and
having landed the cargo at San Diego he was back at
San Bias by the middle of June. The other transport, the San Carlos, bearing the supplies for Monterey and the northern missions, set sail under the
command of Miguel Manrique, but was hardly out of
sight of land when he went mad and Lieutenant Juan
Bautista de Ayala took his place, Vicente Santa Maria
serving as chaplain.
Her trip, though longer from
adverse winds, was not less uneventful and prosperous
than that of the San Antonio. Anchoring at Monterey June 27th, she discharged her cargo, and after
having made an exploration of San Francisco Bay,

which Ayala had orders, and of which I shall

have more to say presently, the Golden Fleece set out
on her return the 11th of October. 3
The other vessels were the ship Santiago, under
Captain Bruno Heceta, with Juan Perez and Christobal Revilla as master and mate, and with Miguel
de la Campa and Benito Sierra as chaplains; and the
schooner Sonora alias Felicidad, commanded after
Ayala's removal by Lieutenant Juan Francisco de
Bodega y Cuadra, with Antonio Maurelle as sailingmaster. 4 The full crew was one hundred and six
men, and the supply of provisions was deemed suffifor

Some

authorities say the 15th,

and Palou, probably by a misprint, has

it

the 2Gth.
3

May

5th, Ortega writes from San Diego to Rivera that the San Cdrlos
in leaving San Bias, and that the cargo will probably be transferred to the Santiago.
This idea probably came from some rumor brought

was stranded

by the San Antonio, respecting the delay occasioned by Manrique's madness.

Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 1G2.
4
Heceta, Quiros, and Manrique were tenientes de navio, or lieutenants in
the royal navy, the former being acting captain and comandante of the
expedition.
Ayala and Bodega were tenientes defragata, a rank lower than
the preceding and obsolete in modern times save as an honorary title in the
merchant marine. Perez and Maurelle held the rank of a/ferrz de, fragata,
still lower than the preceding, besides being, as was Revilla, pilotos, or sailing-masters.
Hist. Cal., Vol, I

16

NORTHERN EXPLORATION; SOUTHERN

242

DISASTER.

a year's cruise.
Sailing from San Bias
March 16th, the schooner being towed by the ship,
they lost sight of the San Carlos in a week, and were
kept back by contrary winds at first, only beginning
to make progress northward early in April.
May
21st they were in nearly the latitude of Monterey,
but it was decided in council not to enter that port,
since the chief aim of the expedition was exploration,
and it was hoped to get water at the river supposed
to have been discovered by Aguilar, in latitude 42 or
cient

for

43.

On

the 7th of June, in latitude 42 as their observations made it, the vessels drew near the shore,
which they followed southward to 41 6', 5 and found
on the 9th a good anchorage protected by a lofty
headland from the prevalent north-west winds. Two
days later they landed and took formal possession of
the country with all the prescribed ceremonial, including the unfurling of the Spanish flag, a military salute,
raising the cross, and a mass by Father Campa.
From the day the name of Trinidad v^as given to the
port, which still retains it, and the stream since known
The natives
as Little River was named Principio.
'

were numerous and friendly, and by no means timid.

They were quite ready to embrace the padres; they
did not hesitate to put their hands in the dishes and
they were curious to know if the strangers were men
like themselves, having noted an apparent indifference
to the charms of the native women.
More than a
week was spent here, during which some explorations
were made, water and wood were obtained, and the
One
disposition and habits of the natives studied.
sailor was lost hj desertion, and a new top-mast was
made for the Santiago. Finally, on the 19th, the
navigators embarked and left the port of Trinidad
with its pine-clad hills, and, much to the sorrow of
the savages, bore away northward, in which direction
;

41

8',

41

true latitude

is

18',

41

7',

about 41

and
4'.

41

9'

are given

by

different authorities.

The

EXPEDITION OF HECETA AND CUADBA.

no more landings or observations were made on

243

Cali-

fornian territory.
The explorations of Heceta and Bodega in northern
waters receive due attention in another volume of this
The ship and schooner, the latter no longer
series.
in tow, kept together till the end of July, when they
Heceta in the Santiago
parted in rough weather.
49,
whence on August 11th he
kept on to latitude
decided to return, many of his crew being down with
He kept near the shore and made close
the scurvy.
observations down to 42 30'; but on reentering California waters on the 21st, the weather being cloudy,
Passing Cape Mendolittle was learned of the coast.
cino during: the nigdit of the 25th, the commander
wished to enter San Francisco, but a dense fog rendered
it unsafe to make the attempt, though he sighted the
Farallones, and the 29th anchor was cast in the
Now were landed some mission
port of Monterey.
and presidio supplies which had come to California by

a roundabout way.
The schooner Sonora, after parting from her cajoitana, kept on up to about 58, and then turning fol-

lowed the coast down to Bodega Bay, so named at this

time in honor of Bodega y Cuadra, 6 though there was
much doubt among the officials at first whether it
were not really San Francisco. They anchored October 3d, and without landing held friendly intercourse
with the natives, who came out to them on rafts.
The harbor seemed at first glance a good one, and
as in the part since called Tom ales Bay it extended
far inland, apparently receiving a large river at its

head, it seemed likely to have some connection with

the great bahia redonda, San Pablo Bay, which had
been discovered to the south. Next day, however, a
sudden gale proved the harbor unsafe, breaking a boat,
which prevented proposed soundings. Narrowly escapMany

suppose the name to have come from the fact that the Russians in
had their cellars in Spanish, bodegas here. Strangely enough
ex-governor Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 8, 10, takes this view of it, and also
derives the name Farallones from Cabrillo's pilot Ferrelo
6

later times

NORTHERN EXPLORATION; SOUTHERN

244

DISASTER.

ing wreck in leaving tlie bay, the Sonora beaded

southward; the Farallones were sighted on the 5th,
and on the 7th Cuadra anchored at Monterey, to the
great joy of his former companions who had given
Nearly all were down with
the schooner up for lost.
rapidly
recovered under the
the scurvy, but they
kindly care of the missionaries and the good-will of
Our Lady of Bethlehem, to whose image in the mission church of San Carlos the whole crew tendered a
solemn mass of intercession a week after their arrival.
The return voyage from Monterey to San Bias lasted
from the 1st to the 20th of November. 7 Juan Perez,
who had been the first in these later expeditions to
enter both Monterey and San Diego from the sea,
died the second day out from port, and funeral honors
were paid to his memory a year later when the news

came back

to

San

Carlos.

At

the end of 1774 the viceroy writes both Rivera

and Serra, of his intention to establish a new presidio
of twenty-eight men at San Francisco, under a lieutenant and a sergeant.
This establishment will serve
as a base of operations for a further extension of
Spanish and Christian power, and under its protection
two new missions are to be founded at once, for which
Serra is requested to name ministers. It is announced
that Anza will recruit the soldiers in Sonora and Sinaloa and bring them with their families, to the number
of one hundred persons or so, by the overland route
explored by himself the same year, coming in person
to superintend the ceremonies. The comisario at San
7
The authorities for these voyages, for particulars of which in the north
see Hist. Northwest Coast, i. 158 et seq., are Heceta, Viajede 1775 ; Diario de la
Santiago, MS.; Bodega y Cuadra, Viage de 1775; Diario de la Sonora, MS.;
Maurelle, Diario del Viage de la Sonora 1775, MS. (with Beflexiones, tablas,
etc.); Bodega y Cuadra, Comento dela Navegaciony Descubrimiento 1775, MS.;
Jleceta, Segunda Exploration de la costa Septentrional de California 1775,
MS. Jleceta, Expedition maritima hasta el grado cincuenta y ochode las castas
del Mar Pacifco, in Palou, Not., ii. 219-57 ; Maurelle, Journal of a Voyage in
1775 ; Palou, Vida, 162-5; Navarrete, in Sutil y Mex., Viage, xciii.-ix.;
Mofras, Explor., i. 107-9; Greenhoufs Or. and Cal., 117-20; Forster's Hist.
Voy., 455-8.
;

SAN FRANCISCO BAY.

245

Bias has orders to send by the next year's transports

supplies sufficient for the new colony, and the commander of the vessel which brought these letters is
instructed to make a preliminary survey of San Fran8
Details are left to the well known discisco Bay.
cretion and zeal of the commandant and president,
who are directed to report minutely and promptly on
The substance of these communicaall that is done.
tions is duplicated in others written at the beginning
of 1775 9 one set and perhaps both reaching Monterey
the 27th of June by the San Carlos.
Lieutenant Ayala, as I have said, has orders to exHis instructions refer
plore San Francisco by water.
more directly to the new bay than to the original San
As is natural in the case of two bodies of
Francisco.
water so near together and probably connected, there
is no further effort in Mexico to distinguish one from
the other, the lately discovered grandeur of the new
For a
absorbing the traditional glories of the old.
time the friars and others in California show a feeble
tendency to keep up the old distinction, but it is practically at an end.
From 1775 the newly found and
grand bay bears the name San Francisco which has
before belonged to the little harbor under Point
Reyes. Ayala' s mission is to ascertain if the mouth
seen by Fages three years before from the opposite
shore is indeed a navigable entrance, and also to learn
by examination if the bay is a 'port,' or if it contains
a port.
He is also to search for a strait connecting
the bay with the San Francisco of old. Rivera is to
cooperate by means of a land expedition, and the two
are to make all possible preparations for the reception of Anza's force soon to be on its way. Rivera
cannot send his party till his men return from the
;

8
Letters dated December 15, 1774. Of that to Serra I have the original,
partly in the handwriting of Bucareli himself. Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 49-5G;

Arch. Santa Barbara, MS.,

i.

119-22; Prov. St. Pap. Ben. Mined., MS.,

ii.

20-5.
9

Letters dated January 2, 1775. Original addressed to P. Serra, in Doc.

Cat, MS., iv. 25-7. See also Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 1GG-7; Id., xxii. 3.

Hist.

NORTHERN EXPLORATION; SOUTHERN

246

DISASTER.

south, whither they have gone to escort Dumetz to

Velicata and back in quest of church property.

Father Junipero names Cambon and Palou for the

proposed mission, and Ayala busies himself in constructing a cayuco, or 'dugout/ from the trunk of a
redwood on the River Carmelo, a beginning in a small
way of ship-building on the Californian coast.
Ayala, with his two pilotos, Jose Caiiizares and
Juan Bautista Aguirre, and his chaplain Santa Maria,
10
sail from Monterey, probably on the 24th of July, beginning with the voyage a novena to Saint Francis, at
the termination of which on the 1st of August just at
night the San Carlos is off the entrance to San FranThe boat is sent in first, and as she does
cisco Bay.
not immediately return, the paquebot follows in the
darkness, and anchors without difficulty in the vicinity
Next morning she
of what is now North Beach.
joins the boat and both cross over to the Isla de
Nuestra Senora de los Angeles, so named as I suppose from the day, August 2d, and still known as
There they find good anchorage,
Angel Island. 11
with plenty of wood and water. Ayala remains at
anchor in the bay for over forty days, making careful
surveys and waiting for the land expedition, which
does not make its appearance. It is unfortunate that
neither the map nor diary of this earliest survey is
Caiiizares is sent in the boat to explore the
extant.
northern branch, the round bay,' now called San
Pablo, going up to fresh-water rivers, 12 and bartering
beads for fish with many friendly natives. Aguirre
makes a similar reconnoissance in the southern branch
'

10

Palou, Not.,

ii.

218, 248-9; Vida, 201-3, the only authority extant, says

July 27th, but this I think is a misprint, since it would not allow the anchorage at Angel Island August 2d.
11
The fact that it is called 'la isla que esta en f rente de la boca' would
agree better with Alcatraz, but Font, Journal, MS., a little later mentions
another island agreeing with Alcatraz, removing all doubt.
12
As nothing is said of the bodies of water corresponding to Suisun Bay and
Carquines Strait, it would seem likely that the rivers were Petaluma, Sonoma,
or Napa creeks, and not the San Joaquin and Sacramento; but in his Vida,
203, Palou says they noted the mouth of the great river San Francisco formed
by five other big rivers.

AYALA AND AGUIRRE IN THE BAY.

247

of the bay, noting several indentations with good

anchorage; but he encounters only three natives, who
are weeping on the shore of what is now Mission
Bay, called from that circumstance Ensenada de los
Llorones.
Santa Maria and the officers land several
times on the northern shore toward Point Reyes,
The conclusion
visiting there a hospitable rancheria.
reached is that San Francisco is indeed a port, and
one of the best possessed by Spain, " not merely one
port, but many with a single entrance."
There is an
aboriginal tradition that the bay was once an oak
grove with a river flowing through it, and the Spaniards think they find some support for the theory in
the shape of oak roots there found. 13 On the 2 2d of
September the San Carlos is back at Monterey.
In the mean time the Santiago has arrived from the
north, and Heceta, who had been unable by reason of
fogs to enter San Francisco by water, resolves to make
the attempt by land.
He obtains nine soldiers, three
sailors, and a carpenter, places on a mule a canoe purchased from the northern Indians, and with Palou and
Cam pa sets out the 14tb of September. Following
Rivera's route of the preceding year the party arrive
on the 2 2d at the sea-shore, and find on the beach
below the cliff Ayala's canoe wrecked. This first product of home ship-building, after fulfilling its destiny
in the first survey of California's chief harbor, had
broken loose from its moorings and floated out with
the tide to meet its fate where more pretentious craft
have since stranded.
On the hill-top, at the foot of the old cross, are found
letters from Santa Maria directing the land party to
go about a league inland, and light a fire on the beach
to attract the notice of the San Carlos anchored at
Angel Island. Heceta does so, but finds no vessel,
and returns to encamp on Lake Merced, so named
from the day, September 24tb, on which he left it.
Next day he returns to North Beach, but finds no
13

Arch. Santa Bdrbara, MS.,

iv. 153.

248

NORTHERN EXPLORATION; SOUTHERN

DISASTER.

ship; and, supposing correctly that she has left the

bay, departs on the 24th for Monterey, where he
14
arrives the 1st of October.

Thus no buildings

are

yet erected for Anza's expected force.

Before receiving the viceroy's instructions regarding

San Francisco, Serra had desired to found some new
missions under the regulations of 1773; that is, by
diminishing the old guards and taking a few soldiers
from the presidio. But Rivera declared that no soldiers could be spared, and the president had to content
himself with writing to the guardian and asking that
officer to intercede with the viceroy for twenty men.
Had he known of the force already assigned to the
new presidio, it is doubtful if even he would have had
the effrontery to ask so soon for a reenforcement.
The guardian, unable to get the soldiers, asked permission to retire the supernumerary padres, which was
granted at first but immediately countermanded; and
Bucareli wrote to both Serra and Rivera, authorizing
the former and instructing the latter, in view of
Anza's expected arrival, to establish two or three new
missions on the old plan, depending on future arrange-

ments

The

for additional guards.

15

viceroy's letter just alluded to reached

Mon-

terey on the 10th of August. At a consultation held

two days later it was resolved to establish at once a
mission of San Juan Capistrano between San Diego
and San Gabriel, under Fermin Francisco de Lasuen
and Gregorio Amurrio, with a guard of six men, four
from the presidial force and two from the missions of
San Carlos and San Diego. 16 The friars from Monterey and San Luis, where they had been waiting,
went down to San Gabriel in August, Lasuen continuing his journey to San Diego, whence he accomu Palou,

Not.,

ii.

243-8.

Palou, Not., ii. 259-61; Bucareli to Rivera, May 24, 1775, in Prov. St.
Pap., US., i. 174-5.
10
Rivera announced this to the viceroy in a letter of Aug. 22d. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., i. 191-2. Gov. Neve notified the viceroy of the padre's appointment, on Dec. 10th. Prov. Pec, MS., i. 156-7.

TROUBLE AT SAN DIEGO.

paniecl

Ortega to explore a

site for

the

249

new

mission.

This done, Lasuen returned from San Diego with

Ortega, a sergeant, and twelve soldiers, sending word
to Amurrio to come down from San Gabriel with the
cattle and other church property. Lasuen formally
be^an the mission on the 30th of October. 17 The
natives were well disposed, work on the buildings was
progressing, Father Amurrio soon arrived, and prospects were deemed favorable, when on the 7th of
November the lieutenant was suddenly called away
by tidings of a disaster at San Diego. By his advice the new mission was abandoned, the bells were
buried, and the whole company set out for the presidio.

Of

18

San Diego, before the event that

called the company back from San Juan, we have no
record, save a few letters of Ortega to the commandant, relating for the most part to trivial details of
official routine.
There is some complaint of lack
of arms and servants in the presidio. Several mule
trains arrive and depart there are hostile savages on
at

affairs

the frontier; the lieutenant is sorry because Rivera

wishes to leave, doubts if he can obtain permission to
resign, which is the first we know of anv such inten19
tion on the part of the commandant.
At the new mission, six miles up the valley, prospects are bright. New buildings have been erected, a
well dug, and more land made ready for sowing. On
the 3d of October sixty new converts are baptized.
Then comes a change. On the night of November
4th the mission company, eleven persons of Spanish
17

but Ortega, in a letter to Anza dated Nov. 30th, says it

Arch. Col. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., i. 2, 3.
18
Thus Anza on his arrival Jan. 8, 1770, found the site and unfinished
buildings unoccupied. Anza, Diario, MS., 90.
19
Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 142-7, 163-G; Prov. Pec, MS., i. 144-5. In one
of his letters Ortega speaks of the landing-place of goods for the presidio as
being at least two leagues distant. It would be interesting to know just
where this landing was and what was the necessity of landing goods so far
off.
In fact without crossing to the peninsula it would seem impossible to
find a spot so far away.

So says Palou

-was Oct. 10th.

NORTHERN EXPLORATION; SOUTHERN

250

DISASTER.

blood, retire to rest in fancied security.

little after
midnight they awake to find the buildings in flames
and invested by a horde of yelling savages. The two
ministers, Luis

Jaume and Vicente

Fuster, with two

bo} s, a son and a nephew of Ortega, rush out at the
first alarm. Jaume turns toward the savages with his
usual salutation Amad a Dios, hijos, Love God, my
Thereupon he is lost sight of by Fuster,
children/
who with the young Ortegas succeeds in joining the
soldiers at their barracks.
Two blacksmiths, Jose Manuel Arroyo and Felipe
Romero, the former being on a visit from the presidio, 21
were sleeping in the smithy. Arroyo is the first to be
roused, and though ill he seizes a sword and rushes
forth.
Receiving two arrows in his body he staggers
back into the shop to rouse his companion, and falls
dead. Romero, awakened by the cry, " Companero,
they have killed me I" springs from his bed, seizes a
musket, and from behind his bellows as a barricade
kills one of the assailants at the first shot.
Then,
taking: advantage of the confusion which follows, he
escapes and joins the soldiers.
The carpenter, Jose
Urselino, was in the barracks and at once joins the
20

'

but in doing this, or immediately after, he

receives two arrow wounds which some days later
prove fatal.
The mission guard consisting of three soldiers,
Alejo Antonio Gonzalez, Juan Alvarez, and Joaquin
Armenta, 22 under Corporal Juan Estevan Rocha, in the
absence of a sentinel are aroused from their slumber
soldiers;

by the

flames,

and by the

yells

of the assailants.

20

These were not the Juan and Jose" Maria of the list given at the end of
this volume.
Their age at this time is not stated. The records are strangely
silent about these boys during the rest of this eventful night.
21
Palou, Not., ii. 264-71, and Vida, 176-87, one of the leading authorities
on this affair, erroneously speaks of the three mechanics as two carpenters
and one smith, one of the two room-mates being the carpenter Urselino.
22
Francisco Peiia, the fourth man, was ill at the presidio. The names of
the guard with many other interesting particulars are given in Ortega, Ivforme
de Aov. 30, 1775, MS., this document being a communication addressed to
Lieut. -Col. Anza, and one of the most valuable sources of original information
respecting the disaster, embodying as it does all the results of Lieut. Ortega's
investigations

down

to date.


A NIGHT OF TERROR.

251

Reenforced by the blacksmith, the wounded carpenter,

and the surviving friar, the Spaniards defend themselves for a time but the fire soon forces them to seek
;

other shelter.
friars'

23

dwelling,

They

room of the
where Father Fuster makes a hazfirst

repair to a

ardous but ineffectual attempt to find Jaume.

The fire soon renders the house untenable. In
their dire extremity they bethink themselves of a
small enclosure of adobes in which the}^ take refuge,
In one wall is an openthere to fight to the death.
ing through which arrows are shot; but the soldiers
erect a barricade with two bales or boxes and a copper
kettle brought from the burning house at great risk.
But by the time the opening is closed, all are wounded,
and two soldiers besides the carpenter disabled.
fast of nine Saturdays, a mass for each of the soldiers
and mechanics, and a novena for the priest are promised heaven for escape; and thereafter not an arrow
touches them, though sticks and stones and burning
brands are still showered on their heads. 24 Urselino
and the disabled soldiers strain their feeble strength
to ward off the missiles, Fuster covers with his body,
his cloak, and his prayers the sack containing fifty
pounds of gunpowder, while the blacksmith and one
soldier load and reload the muskets which Corporal
Rocha discharges with deadly effect into the ranks of
the foe, at the same time shouting commands in a

23
It may be noted that according to the last annual report Serra, Informe
de 1174, MS. the mission buildings on the new site had not been enclosed
in the usual stockade defences. The barracks are not described in that report,
but were of wood; the church was not of adobe; and all the adobe buildings
except the granary had tule roofs. The padres' house, or the smithy, or the
granary with their adobe walls would seem to have afforded better protection
than the building chosen; but the progress of the flames or some other unrecorded circumstance doubtless determined their action.
21
For this night's struggle I have followed for the most part Fuster, liegistro de Defunciones, MS., in San Diego, Lib. de Mision, G7-74, an original record
by a survivor of the fiery ordeal left by Fuster in the mission register of deaths.
This author calls the structure which afforded shelter a cercadito de adobes,
como de tre3 varas,' and does not imply that it had a roof. Palou says it was
a kind of kitchen with walls but little over three feet high and roofed with
branches and leaves, the burning of which added to the peril. This author
also gives some indications of the padre's bravery which modesty prompted
the other to conceal.

'

NORTHERN EXPLORATION; SOUTHERN

252

DISASTER.

stentorian voice as if at the head of a regiment. What

a subject for a painting! Thus the hours slowly pass
The survivors,
until at dawn the savages withdraw.
or such of them as can move, crawl from behind the
adobe battlements, and the Baja Californians and
neophytes make their appearance.
The latter come fully armed with bows and arrows,
and claim to have been largely instrumental in putting the foe to flight.
The first solicitude of the survivors is to learn the fate of Father Jaume, of whom
the neophytes say they know nothing.
His body is
soon discovered in the dry bed of the creek at some
distance, naked, bruised from head to foot with blows
of stones and clubs, his face disfigured beyond recog25
nition, and with eighteen arrow wounds.
It is subsequently ascertained from the natives that the friar
fell calling on Jesus to receive his spirit.
Two Indians were now sent to the presidio, though
not without serious mis^ivin^s, since it was understood that one party of savages had gone to attack
The force at the time, during the
the garrison.
absence of Ortega and Serjeant Mariano Carrillo at
San Juan, consisted of Corporal Mariano Verdugo
and ten soldiers, four of whom were on the sick-list

and two

in the stocks.

They were found

safe

and

what had happened up the river.

On receipt of the news Verdugo hastened with his
four men to the mission, where he arrived about eight
entirely ignorant of

morning; and a few hours later the

w hole company started in sorrowful procession back
to the presidio, carrying the disabled with the body
of Jaume and the charred remains of the blacksmith,
Arroyo, and driving the few animals that were left
o'clock in the
T

small band of neophytes, all

of the mission herds.
that had shown themselves since the attack, was left
behind to battle with the flames and save, if possible,
something from the general wreck.
25

less

Palou says his consecrated hands alone were uninjured, preserved doubtby God to show his innocence; but Fuster says nothing of this.

DESTRUCTION OF SAN DIEGO.

253

On

the sixth, after letters from Verdugo and the

store-keeper, Pedro y Gril, had been sent by a courier
to recall the commandant, Puster performed funeral
rites to the memory of his martyred associate, and
He had died
buried the body in the presidio chapel.
without the last sacrament, but he had said mass
the day before his death, had confessed only a few
days before, and it could hardly be doubted that all
was well with him. The same day Arroyo's body
was buried. 26 In the forenoon of the 8th Ortega
arrived, soon followed by Carrillo with the remainder
On the 10th the carpenter,
of the San Juan party.
Urselino, was buried by Fuster, having died from the
effects of his wounds the day before, after receiving
the sacrament, and having left all the pay due him to
be used for the benefit of his murderers.
From investigations set on foot as soon as the presidio had been put in a state of defence, some information was brought to light repecting the revolt and its
attendant circumstances.
Just after the baptism of
October 3d two brothers Francisco and Carlos, both
old neophytes, 27 and the latter chieftain of the San
Diego rancheria, had run away and had not returned
when Ortega went north to found San Juan. It was
learned that they had visited all the gentiles for leagues
around, inciting them to rise and kill the Spaniards.
No other cause is known than that a complaint of having stolen fish from an old woman was pending against
them, and so far as could be learned they made no
charges against the friars except that they were going
to convert all the rancherias, pointing to the late
baptism of sixty persons as an indication of that purpose.
Some rancherias refused to participate in the
plot; but most of them promised their aid, 23 and the
26
San Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS. 74-5. Arroyo's widowed mother had
been buried here before. Her name was Petrona Garcia.
27
So Palou calls them, but I think there may be some doubt about this.
28
Ortega in his Inforrne, MS., 5, names the Christian rancherias of San
Luis, Matamo, Xamacha, Meti, Xana or Xanat, Abascal, Abuscal or Aguscal,
and Magtate or San Miguel; and the gentile rancherias of La Punta, Melejo,
,

254

NORTHERN EXPLORATION; SOUTHERN

DISASTER.

were estimated at from eight hundred to a

thousand. They were divided into two bodies and were
to attack mission and presidio simultaneously; but the
mission party began operations prematurely, and the
others, seeing the light of the burning buildings,
which they supposed or feared would rouse the garrison, abandoned their part of the scheme.
At the mission the savages first went to the neophyte's huts and by threats and force, as the latter
claimed, or by a previous understanding, as many
assailants

Spaniards believed, insured their silence while they

proceeded first to plunder and then to burn. About
the part taken by the neoplrytes in this revolt there
All the
is some disagreement anions^ the authorities.
evidence goes to show that some renegade converts
were concerned in it; but Palou, reflecting doubtless
the opinions of the other friars, 23 accepts the plea of
those in the huts that they were kept quiet by force,
and that the mass of the Christians were faithful.
Others, however, and notably Anza, an intelligent and
unprejudiced man well acquainted with the facts, believed, as there was much testimony to prove, that it
was the neophytes who planned the rising, convoked
the gentiles, and acted treacherously throughout the

whole

affair.

30

Otai, Pocol, Cojuat, and El Corral, as among those involved in the movement.
Chilcacop, or Chocalcop, of the Xamachd rancheria, a Christian, is said to
have aided in the killing of Jaume, in connection with the pagans, Tuerto and
the chief of the Maramoydos, both of Tapanque rancheria. St. Pap. Sac,
MS., ix. 72. Those who led the attack were Oroche, chief of Magtate or
Mactati, Miguel, Bernardino of Matamd, and two others. Zegotay, chief of
Matamo, testified that 9 rancherias were invited, and that among the leaders
were Francisco of Cuyamac, himself, and another. The southern rancherias
assembled at La Punta, the mountaineers at Meti. Chief Francisco plotted
the revolt, and he, Zegotay, had invited 10 rancherias. Arch. Cal., Prov. St.
Pap., MS., i. 22S-32. Very little satisfactory information can be gathered
from the reports of these investigations. Rafael of Xanat and the chief of
Agnscal were also leaders, according to Ortega.
29
Lasuen, however, in his Informe de 11 S3, MS., says that most of the
neophytes took part in the revolt.
30
A n~a, Diario, MS., 90-6. Anza, as we shall see, arrived early in the
next year. He calls attention to the cool lying of the neophytes with a view
to exonerate themselves, they even claiming that when liberated from their
confinement they had turned upon the gentile foes, driving them to the mountains.
There was evidence of some understanding between the natives of
San Diego and those of the Colorado River. Carets on the Colorado in 1770

DEFENSIVE MEASURES.

255

To

insure safety at the presidio a roof of earth was

rapidly added to the old friars' dwelling, to which
The tule huts
families and stores were removed.
were then destroyed and other precautions taken
Letters asking for aid were despatched
against fire.
to Rivera at Monterey, and to Anza approaching from
the Colorado region, and both, as we shall see, arrived
Then parties of soldiers were
early the next year.
sent out in different directions to learn something of
the enemy's plans, and several leaders were captured
and made to testify. Thus, in suspense and fear of
massacre, the little garrison of San Diego passed the
31
rest of the year.
Serra at San Carlos received a letter announcing the disaster the 13th of December.
"God be

thanked," exclaimed the writer, "now the soil is

watered; now will the reduction of the Dieguinos be
complete!"
Next day the six friars paid funeral
honors to the memory of Jaume, whose lot, we are
They doubted not he had gone to
told, all envied.
wear a crown of martyrdom; but to make the matter
sure, "si acaso su alma necesitase de nuestros sufragios," each promised to say twenty masses.
Serra
wrote to the guardian that the missionaries were not
disheartened, but did not fail to present the late disaster as an argument in favor of increased mission
guaras.
heard of the disaster, and from his intimate acquaintance with the tribes of
that region he believes that they would have joined the San Diego rancherias
in a war against the Spaniards later, had it not been for the favorable impression left by Anza. Garces, Diarlo, 264-285.
31
See also on the San Diego revolt Serra, Notas, in San Diego, Lib. de
Mision, MS., 4; Lasum, Informe de 1783, MS.; Id., in Arch. Santa Barbara,
MS., ii. 197; St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 16, 127; and investigations
of Ortega and Rivera in April to June 1776, in Prov. St. Pap. Ben. Mil. MS. i.
22-3.
Ortega credits privates Ignacio Vallejo, Anastasio Camacho, and Juan
de Ortega with great gallantry in these trying times, Informe, MS., 3; and
Alvarado, Hut. (Jal., MS., i. 83, goes so far as to say that Vallejo was the
chief cause of the Spanish triumph, thus becoming a great favorite among the
padres.
Gleeson, llist. Cath. Ch., ii. 68-76, is somewhat confused in hi3
account of this affair, making the natives destroy San Carlos and attack the
,

presidio in 1779.
32
Palou, Not.,

ii.

272-5; Id.

Vida, 184-7.

Dumetz now went

Antonio and Cambon and Pieras returned to San Carlos Dec. 23d.

to

San

256

NORTHERN EXPLORATION; SOUTHERN

DISASTER.

Rivera set out for the south on the 16th of December, with thirteen men, one of whom was to be left at
San Antonio while two were to remain at San Luis.
In August there had been an alarm at San Antonio.
messenger came to the presidio on the 29th with
the news that the natives had attacked the mission,
and shot a catechumen about to be baptized. Rivera
sent a squad of men who found the wounded native
They captured the culprits and held
out of danger.

them after a flogging, until the commandant ordered

them flogged again, when after a few days in the
stocks they were released.
MPalou, Not.,

ii.

244-5.

33

CHAPTER

XII.

EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GAECES.

1775-177G.

Anza and his Colony Preparations in Mexico and Sonora Two Hundred Immigrants Original Authorities March to the Rio Colorado Missionaries Left Itinerary Map A Tedious March to
San Gabriel Anza Goes to the Relief of San Diego Rivera Excommunicated Anza Brings his Force to Monterey His Illness
Rivera Comes North and Anza Goes South A Quarrel Rivera
versus Anza and the Friars Strange Actions of the Commandant
His March Southward Insanity or Jealousy Anza's Return to
the Colorado and to Sonora Explorations by Garces Up the
Colorado Across the Mojave Desert Into Tulare Valley
Remarkable Journey Dominguez and Escalante.

Captain Anza, returning from his first exploration

of an overland route to California, went to Mexico to
lay before the viceroy the results of his trip. Very
soon, by royal recommendation, the projects of establishing missions in the Colorado region and a new
presidio at San Francisco were taken into consideration. In November 1774 the board of war and finance
determined to carry out or advance both projects by a
single expedition to California, by way of the Colorado, under the command of Anza. 1
This determination, as we have seen, was announced to Rivera and
Serra at Monterey by Bucareli in December and January.
Anza was advanced to the rank of lieutenantcolonel and hastened homeward to raise the required
Anza states that the decree of the viceroy, under which he acted, was
dated Nov. 24th. Garc6s says the expedition, or his part of it, was determined
on by the junta on Nov. 28th, was ordered by the viceroy by letter of Jan.
2d, and by the letters of the guardian of Santa Cruz College Jan. 20th and
Feb. 17th.
1

Hist. Cal., Vol.

I.

17

(257)

EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES.

258

force of thirty soldiers with their families for California.

Bucareli was very liberal with the king's money

on this occasion; giving four mule trains and many
horses and cattle for the new establishment, and also
providing that families of settlers, like those of the
soldiers, were to be transported at government expense, receiving pay for two years and rations for
five.
The expense of each family was about eight
hundred dollars. Anza took with him from Mexico
animals, arms, and clothing, and began his work immediately by recruiting on the way.
He clothed his

men, women, and children, from head to foot,

and allowed their pay and rations to begin with the
date of enlistment. At San Felipe de Sinaloa a regular recruiting- office was opened, Anza's popularity,
with his liberal display of food and clothing, insuring
success both here and in the north, until in September 1775 most of the company were assembled at the
appointed rendezvous, San 'Miguel de Horcasitas.
They were ready the 29th of September, all being
united in time to start from the presidio of Tubac the
23d of October. 2
The force that set out from Tubac consisted, first,
of Anza, commander, Pedro Font of the Queretaro
recruits,

Franciscans as chaplain, ten soldiers of the Horcasitas presidio, eight muleteers, four servants, and Matwenty-five persons in all who
riano Vidal, purveyor
were to return to Sonora; second, Francisco Garces
and Tomas Eixarch, 3 destined to remain on the Rio
Colorado with three servants and three interpreters;
and third, Alferez Jose Joaquin Moraga, and Sergeant Juan Pablo Grijalva, twenty-eight soldiers,
eight from the presidio force and twenty new recruits;
twenty-nine women who were wives of soldiers; 13G

Arricivita, Crdn. Sera/., 461, says they left Horcasitas on April 20th,

and

Tubac Oct. 21st. The rendezvous of the friars connected with the expedition
was at the mission of Tumacacori near Tubac.
3
So Font calls him. Garces writes the name Eixarth Arricivita, Eyzarch
and Anza, Esiare.
;

IMMIGRANTS FROM SONORA.

259

persons of both sexes belonging to the soldiers' families

and to four extra families of colonists; 4 seven muleteers, two interpreters, and three vaqueros
altogether 207 destined to remain in California/ making
a grand total of 235, to say nothing of eight infants
born on the way. The live-stock of the expedition
consisted of 165 mules, 340 horses, and 320 head of

cattle.

Our Lady

of Guadalupe, Saint Michael, and Saint

Francis of Assisi were selected as patrons of the expedition, and after the celebration of mass on SunPalou says there were 12 of these families and that the whole force for
was 200 souls.
5
There may be some slight inaccuracy respecting the vaqueros, muleteers,
and interpreters, the numbers given being those not otherwise disposed of
definitely in the diaries.
The names are included in the list at end of this
volume. There are no means of separating most of them from other parties.
6
Anza, Diarlo del Teniente Coronet Don Juan Bautista dcAnza, Capitan del
Presidio de Tubac, Sonora, de su expedition confamilias desde dicho presidio, al
reconocimiento del puerto de San Francisco de Alta California; y de su vuel'a,
desde este puerto cd Presidio de San Miguel de Ilorcas'das, MS., 232.
Completed at Horcasitas on June 1st. This official journal kept by the comandante
from day to day throughout the whole expedition is of course the chief
authority on the subject. There is an occasional ambiguity of expression
which causes confusion, notably so at the beginning where the company is
described but otherwise the diary leaves nothing to be desired. The author
was a man of great ability and force of character, besides being very popular
with his men. Another original authority is Font, Journal made by Padre
Pedro Font, Apostolic Preacher of the College of Santa Cruz de Queretaro,
taken from the minutes icrilten by him on the road, during a journey that he
performed to Monterey and the Port of San Francisco, in company with Don
Juan Bautista de Anza, etc., MS., 52. Completed at Ures, Sonora, June 23d.
This translation was made from the original in the parochial archives of Guadalajara, or, more probably, from a copy of the same, apparently about 1850,
under circumstances of which I know nothing, but evidently with considerable
care.
The original, which I have not seen, is cited in Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
xiii. 206, among other documents as Diario que firma el P. Font.
.con dos
mapas. A copy of the translation was obtained in California by Bartlett,
and is cited in that author's Personal Narrative, ii. 78, 278-80. Another
copy, probably made from that in my possession, is preserved in the library
cf the Territorial Pioneers in San Francisco, and an abridgment uas published by that society. Territorial Pioneers of Cal., First Annual, 81-107.
The maps are not copied in the translation, though there are a few rude pen
drawings, and though the numbers on one of the maps, representing days'
journeys, are given in the diary.
Fortunately this map, a very interesting
and important one, has been found, and a lithographic copy of it though
with many blunders in lettering published in Ilintoii's Hand- Booh of Arizona,
of which book, recently printed, it is the sole meritorious feature so far as
history is concerned.
I reproduce the map, or that part of it representing
California, in this chapter.
Font's diary, though less complete and extensive
than that of Anza, is still of very great value as an authority on this expedition.
Still another original authority is Garccs, Diario y Derrotero que sigu'd
el M. P. P. Ft. Francisco Garccs en su viaje hecho desde Oct ubrede 1775 haslu 17
4

California

260

EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES.

day, they began their march on Tuesday, the 23d of

Details of the route and march, through
October.
Pimeria and the country since known as Arizona,
belong rather to the annals of those territories than
to those of California, but there is little to record
anywhere. The route was by San Javier del Bac
and Tucson to the river Gila, and down that river
generally along the southern bank to the Colorado
junction, a route often travelled in the old Jesuit era.
The march was not a difficult one. The natives were
uniformly hospitable, and ready both to receive trifling
gifts and to have the authority of their chieftains
confirmed by Spanish appointments.
The only misfortunes were the death of a woman in childbirth,
the desertion of one or two muleteers brought back
by natives, and the loss of a few horses from bad
water and excessive cold.
The only delays were
caused by an examination of the famous Casa Grande,
by an occasional halt for rest, and by other detentions
of a day or two by the birth of young immigrants.
They reached the Gila the last day of October and
were about a month on the march down to the Colorado junction.
Crossing the Gila to the northern bank near its
mouth November 28th, Anza and his company were
given a hospitable and even enthusiastic welcome by
the Yuma chief, Palma, whose domain lay, it seems,
on both sides of the Colorado, and who had built a
large house of branches especially for the use of the
7
travellers.
Four soldiers wT ere met here, who had
been sent in advance, and had been searching during
the past six days, on the California side of the Colore Septlembre de 1776, al Bio Colorado para reconocer las Na clones que habitan
sus mdryenes, y d los pueblos del Moqui del Nuevo- Mexico, in Doc. Hist. Mex.,
serie ii. torn. i. 225-348. This diary is nearly as complete as Anza's, and more
so than Font's, down to the time when Anza's expedition left the Colorado
for the north-west.
Other authorities are Palou, Not., ii. 213-15, 277-82;
Id., Vlda, 204-5, 186-7; Arricivlta, Crdn. Serdf., 461-90, the last being a
very full account but with some errors respecting minor details.
7
P. Font's map is incorrect in representing the ford of the Colorado as
below the Gila, while all three diaries say that it was a little way above.

ON THE COLORADO.

2G1

more

direct route than that followed the

year previous; but without success, as neither water
The first task, and by no
nor grass could be found.

rado, for a

one, was to get the large company

and
stores safely across the river.
The
with cattle
Yumas said the Colorado was not fordable, and must
be crossed by means of rafts, a slow and tedious process, but one which Anza was inclined to think necessary for the families and supplies at least. At seven
o'clock in the morning of the 29th he went down

means an easy

bank

He

ordered the necessary timber for rafts, and then with a soldier and a
Yuma determined to make one final search for a ford,
which he found about half a mile up the river, where
the water was diverted by islands into three channels.
The afternoon was spent in opening a road through
the thickly wooded belt along the bank; and on the
30th before night all the families and most of the
supplies were landed on the western side, without
the use of rafts.
The travellers remained in camp on the right bank
for three days, partly on account of the dangerous
illness of two men, and also to make certain needful
preparations for the comfort and safety of the two
friars who were to remain here until Anza's return.
Father Garces was requested to select the place where
he would reside, and chose Palma's rancheria about a
league below the camp and about opposite the mouth
of the Gila. So earnest were Palma's assurances of
friendship and protection that it was deemed safe to
leave the missionaries with their three servants and
three interpreters. Before starting Anza built a house,
and left provisions for over four months, and horses
for the use of the remaining party, whose purpose was
to explore the country, become acquainted with the
natives, and thus open the way for the establishing of
regular missions at an early date. I shall presently
have more to say of their travels in California. Setting out December 4th from Palma's rancheria, Anza
to the

to reconnoitre.

2C2

EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES.

marched slowly down the river, the way made difficult

by the dense growth of trees and shrubs, by cold, and
by illness in the company. The first halt was at the
rancherias of San Pablo, or of Captain Pablo as Font
says; the second was at the lagoon of Coxas, or Cojat,
the southern limit of Yuma possessions and of Palma's
jurisdiction; and the third, on the 6th of December,
was at the lagoon of Santa Olaya, the beginning of
Cajuenche territory, about twelve leagues below the
of the Gila. 8
During the stay at Santa Olaya Garces overtook
the party, having already set out to explore the country toward the mouth of the Colorado. Anza divided
his force into three parties under the command of
himself, Grijalva, and Moraga, who started on the
9th, 10th, and 11th, respectively, and were reunited
December 17th at San Sebastian. I give some de9
tails of names and distances in a note.
I also append
a copy of Font's map, substituting names for numbers
in the case of important places and where space permits.
The route followed was nearly the same as
in Anza's former trip, and substantially that of the
modern railroad through Coahuila Valley and San
Gorgonio Pass. The journey, every petty detail of

mouth

Font, Journal, MS., 16, 17, makes the distance 14 leagues with some
winding, and the latitude 32 33' which by the distances is very nearly accurate.
Garces, Diario, 244, calls the lagoon Santa Eulalia. By Anza and Font the
name is written Olalla. See chap. x. for Anza's trip of 1774.
9
Route from Palma's rancheria on the west bank of the Colorado near
mouth of the Gila to San Gabriel. The courses are from Font's Journal,
Anza's agreeing with them generally but being less definitely expressed. The
distances in parentheses, differing widely from Anza's, are from Font, whose
leagues were about 2 miles.
The numbers refer to Font's map: 42. Laguna
of San Pablo, or Capt. Pablo, 4h 1. (5) w. % s. w.; 43. Laguna of Coxas, or
Cojat, 3 1. (4) s. w. Laguna of Santa Olalla, 32 33', 4 1. (5) s. w. 45. Pozo
del Carrizal, or Alegria, 5 1. (7) W. N. w. 40. Dry Gulch, 5 1. (7) w. N.w.; 47.
Pozos de SantaRosa de las Lajas, 10 1. ( 14) w. N. w. w. w. s. w. 48. Dry Creek,
J
41. (3) n.; San Sebastian, 33 8', 5J1. (7) N. n. w.; 51. Pozo de San Gregorio,
52. Arroyo of Santa Catalina del Vado, Sink, 4 1. n. w. | w. ;
7;V 1. (9) w. % N. w.
53. Id., source, lh 1. (1) N. w. | w. ; 51. Danzantes rancheria in same cafiada, 3 1.
(4) w. n. w.; San Carlos Pass (San Gorgonio?) 1\ 1. (3) N. n. w.; [123. Portezuelo on return;] 56. San Patricio Cafiada, source of stream, 33 37'; 57. San
Jos6 Arroyo, 61. (7) N. w. \ w. 58. Laguna of San Antonio Bucarcli, down
San Jose Valley, 4 1. (5) w. n. w.j Santa Ana River, 91. (8) w. n. w.j 60. Arroyo
de los Alisos, 6 1. w. N. w.; 61. River San Gabriel, branch, 5 1. (6) w. N. W.,
San Gabriel, 34 35', 2 1. w. s. w.
,

264

EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES.

which is fully described in the commandant's diary,

was a slow, tedious, and difficult one, requiring a
full month for its accomplishment; and the fact that
it was accomplished at all under the circumstances
speaks highly for Anza's energy and ability.
Long
stretches of country without water must be crossed,
and at first the company must be divided that all
should not arrive the same day at the same wateringplace.
It was midwinter, the cold was intense, and
most of the company were not accustomed to a cold
climate.
Storm followed storm of snow and hail and
rain, and an earthquake came to increase the terrors
of San Gorgonio pass.
They were obliged to dig
wells, and then obtained only a small supply of water,
and the cattle were continually breaking away in
search of the last aguage. There was much sickness;
and yet, beyond the loss of some hundred head of
live-stock, there was no serious disaster, owing to the
skill and patience of Anza and his aids.
On the
first day of 1776 the new pioneers of California and
San Francisco forded the River Santa Ana, and on
January 4th the expedition reached the mission of

San

Gabriel.

Rivera had arrived from the north the day before,

on his way with ten or twelve men to afford protection to the threatened presidio of San Diego, and to
punish the Indians who had destroyed the mission.
The disaster and danger at San Diego seemed to
justify Anza in suspending his own expedition for
a time, especially as the season was not favorable
At
for the immediate exploration of San Francisco.
the request of Rivera, therefore, he determined to
proceed with a part of his force to punish the southern foe.
The company of immigrants was left to rest at San
Gabriel under the command of Moraga, and, after
religious ceremonies of gratitude for safe arrival celebrated on the 6th, Anza set out at noon on the 7th,
accompanied by Font and seventeen of his soldiers in

ANZA AT SAN

DIEGO.

2G5

addition to Rivera's force, for San Diego, where he

arrived the 11th. 10
Naturally, the coming of reinforcements caused
great relief to Ortega and his little garrison, who
were in constant fear of an attack from the gentiles.
There seems to have been some foundation for these
fears besides the exaggerated rumors always prevalent on such occasions ; but, whatever may have been
the plans of the savages, their hostile purposes did
not longf survive the arrival of new forces.
One of
Rivera's first acts was to send six soldiers to the
peninsula with communications for the viceroy and a
demand for reenforcements, in view of the recentlv
developed dangers threatening the permanency of the
Spanish establishments in California. Then followed
investigations respecting the late outbreak, lasting
the remainder of the year they were imperfectly recorded, and of slight importance.
Raids were made
different
chiefs
were brought
to
rancherias; gentile
in, made to testify, flogged, liberated, or imprisoned,
but nothing was learned in addition to what has been
already stated. 11
It was not long before a difference of opinion arose
between the two commanders which later developed
into a quarrel. As we have seen Anza had consented
to postpone temporarily the special business the viceroy had intrusted to him, in view of the danger threat;

ening San Diego.

He found the danger somewhat
less than had been represented. He had come to San

Diego

a brief, vigorous, and decisive campaign

against the savages, but he found Rivera disposed to
a policy of delay and inaction.
Anza's chief concern
for

10
Anza, Diario, MS., 89-90, says he took 17 men ; Font, Journal, MS., 22,
says 20 men Palou, Not., ii. 275-6, makes it 18 men ; and the same author,
Vida, 18G-7, implies that there were 40 men.
The route from San C4abricl
was: 03. River Santa Ana 01. (10 according to Font); Arroyo de Santa Maria
Magdalena, or La Quema, 111. (14); River San Juan Capistrano, 111. (14) ; La
Soled ad rancheria, via San Dieguillo and 08 Agua Hedionda, 9 1. (12); San
Diego, 3 1. (4).
11
Anza, Diario, MS., 97-100, 104, 100; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., i.
22-3; Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 215-32.
;

266

EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GAUGES.

was naturally the founding of San Francisco, while in

Rivera's mind the protection of San Diego was the

Anza at
only subject at present to be thought of.
first yielded to the captain's views, realizing that as
ruler of the province he naturally felt for its safety,
but at last tidings came from San Gabriel which turned
Anza's attention aofain to his own affairs. Five men
arrived February 3d with a despatch from Moraga and
the purveyor Vidal, to the effect that the mission
could no longer furnish food for the immigrants except to the injury of its own neophytes, Father Paterna
having distributed rations for eight days and given
notice that these would be the last.
On receipt of this intelligence Anza resolved to take
his military colony without delay up to Monterey.
He agreed, however, with Rivera, to leave ten of his
soldiers at San Gabriel, thus relieving a portion of
the old guard at that mission for service at San Diego
12
if needed,
and with the other seven, having sent in
advance a mule train laden with maize and beans, he
set out on the 9th, still accompanied by Font, and
arrived at San Gabriel on the 12th.
Only one event
occurring at San Diego after Anza's departure requires notice in this connection.
Cdrlos, an old neophyte but a ringleader in the late revolt, returned in
real or assumed penitence, and, prompted doubtless by
Rivera
the missionaries, took refuge in the church.
sent a summons to Fuster to deliver the culprit on the
plea that the right of church asylum did not protect

such a criminal, and moreover that the edifice was not

a church but a warehouse used temporarily for worship.
Fuster by the advice of his comrades of the
cloth refused, and warned the commandant to use no
force. Rivera then entered the church sword in hand
with a squad of soldiers and took the Indian out, paying no heed to the expostulations of the three padres,
12
Anza, Diario, MS., 108. He did leave 12 instead of 10. Palou, Not., ii.
275-6; Vida, 186-7, implies that the 12 men were left at San Diego instead

of

San Gabriel.

SAN GABRIEL TO MONTEREY.

267

Fuster, Lasuen, and Amurrio. The priests proceeded

to excommunicate the commander and the soldiers
who had aided him, and ordered them to leave the
church before beginning service on the next day of
mass. The friars reported to Serra, sending the report

up to Monterey by Rivera himself. 13

Arriving at San Gabriel on February 12th Anza
found that the nisfht before three of his muleteers and
a servant with a mission soldier had deserted, taking
twenty-five horses and other property, part of which
belonged to the mission and part to the expedition.
The colonists proper, however, seemed content and
showed no disposition to desert. Moraga was sent
with ten men to capture the fugitives, and before his
return Anza resolved to set out for the north. Leaving twelve men and their families under Grijalva to
reenforce the mission guard, and ordering Moraga on
his arrival to follow with ei^ht men, the commandant
started on the 21st with seventeen men, the same
number of families, 14 the mule train, and the live-stock.
Heavy rains had swollen the streams and rendered
many parts of the route well nigh impassable. Observations respecting the natives of Channel rancherias
are omitted by Anza as having been given in the diary
of his former trip, a diary which unfortunately is no
longer in its entirety extant.
Font gives merely an
15
outline of distances and directions.
With no other
13

Palou, Not., ii. 292-5.

full division of the forces was as follows on Anza's departure: At
San Gabriel, 8 California soldiers, 12 families, Sergeant Grijalva, and 4 soldiers
of Anza's guard waiting for Moraga; with Moraga, 8 California soldiers (2 of the
10 having returned before Anza started); with Anza, 11 California soldiers, 17
families, and 6 of Anza's men
total 29 out of the 30 soldiers who were to
remain in California, one not being accounted for. This explanation is necessary on account of the confused statements of Anza, who had no head, or pen
at least, for figures.
15
The route was as follows ; the earlier part to the sea-shore being apparently further south than that followed by the first Spanish explorers in 17G9,
and Anza's distances being as before considerably less than Font's. The numbers refer to Font's map, q. v.: San Gabriel; 119. Rio Porciuncula, 21.; 72.
Portezaelo, 61.; 73. Agua Escondida, 71. (10); 74. Rio Santa Clara, 91. (15);
75. Rincon or Rinconado rancheria, past Carpinteria, Gl. (9); [117.] Assumpta
River]; 76. Mescaltitlan rancheria, 71. (9); Rancheria Nucva, 81. (9); 78. Cojo
rancheria, 71. (10); 79. River Santa Rosa, past Pt Concepcion, rancherias of
14

The

2G8

EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCtiS.

notable occurrence than an occasional miring of the

train, in the midst of which it became necessary to
unload the animals, the women meanwhile being com16
pelled to walk,
the immigrants were welcomed
March 2d at San Luis Obispo, where next day, as
shown by the mission records, Anza stood as godfather to several native children baptized by Font. 17
From this place they passed directly north by the
modern stage route to the Salinas River, or Rio de
Monterey as they called it, reaching San Antonio on
the Gth, and feasting on two fat hogs magnanimously
killed for their use by order of the friars. Moreover,
they were delighted to receive intelligence from the
south, having been in great anxiety since they heard
of the late disaster.
Here Moraga came up, having
captured the deserters near the Colorado River, and
having left them tied at San Gabriel. On the 10th
18
all arrived safely at Monterey.
Next morning Padre Junipero came over from San
Carlos to congratulate Anza on the safe termination
of his march, and to assist with his three companions
at the religious ceremonial of thanksgiving, on which
occasion Father Font delivered an address of encouragement with advice to the newly arrived company.
Anza and Font went over to the mission by invitation of the president, where the commandant was confined to his bed for more than a week by a painful
illness.
On the 18th eight of the presidio soldiers
were sent south to reenforce Rivera at San Diego,
with a request to that officer to take immediate steps
Pedernales and Espada, 9^1. (12); 81. Buchon rancheria, 91. (13); San Luis
Obispo, 35 17^'j 31. (4); over mountains and down Rio Santa Margarita to
(83) Ascencion on Rio de Monterey (Salinas), 7 1. (10); 84. First ford of Rio San
Antonio, 81. (10); [111. Canada deRobles]; SanAntonio, 3G 2">-', 81. (10); 86.
Los Ositos, on Rio de Monterey, past Roble Caido (in Canada de S. Bernab6)
71. (9); 87. LosCorreos, on the river, 81. (10); [109. S. Bernab^ Canada; 108.
Buena Vista;] Monterey, 7 1. (10).
16
Hundreds of travellers over the coast stage route in winter, myself among
the number, have no difficulty in identifying this place near San Luis.
17
San Luis Obispo, Lib. de Mision, MS., 31.
18
On the journey to Monterey see Anza's Diario, MS., 112-34; Font's
Journal, MS., 25-9.

RIVERA'S STRANGE ACTIONS.

2G9

for the founding of San Francisco.

On the 23d,
against the surgeon's advice, Anza insisted on mounting his horse and setting out to explore San Francisco
Bay, returning April 8th from this exploration, which
may be most conveniently described in connection
with other San Francisco matters in the next chapter.
Back at Monterey the commandant was disappointed in finding neither Rivera in person nor any
message from him. He accordingly sent Sergeant
Gongora with four men 19 south with letters requesting
Rivera to meet him at San Gabriel on the 25th or
26th for consultation respecting important matters.
Two days later, on the 14th of April, having turned
over his company and all connected with the San
Francisco establishment to Morag^a, he began his return march with Font, Vidal, seven soldiers of his
escort, six muleteers, two vaqueros, and four servants.
The parting with the soldiers and their families, whom
he had recruited in Sonora and brought to their new
home, is described by Anza as the saddest event of
the expedition. All came out as their leader mounted
to leave the presidio, and with tearful embraces bade
him god-speed. Font affirms that according to the
list, which he consulted just before starting, there were
one hundred and ninety-three souls of the new colony

Monterey.
Next day between Buena Vista and San Bernabe,
less than twenty miles from Monterey, they met
Gongora, who announced that Rivera was close behind
him, and revealed certain strange actions of this
officer.
He had met Rivera between San Antonio and
San Luis, and in reply to questions had told his business and presented Anza's and Moraga's letters, which
the captain refused to take, simply saying "Well,
left at

well; retire!"

Gongora followed

north, keeping at a
later
19

distance,

Rivera suddenly called

Two

troops.

little

his superior officer

and a day or two

for the letters, received

of the men were of Anza's guard, and the others of the Californian
Palou, Not., 288-90, says that G6ngora had but two men.

270

EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES.

them without breaking the seals, and gave in return

two letters for Anza which the sergeant was to deliver
As G6ngora called Anza aside and
in all haste.
delivered the letters he stated his belief that Rivera
was mad. The letters contained a simple refusal to
effect or permit the establishing of San Francisco.
Gongora was ordered to go on to Monterey, and after
proceeding another league Anza met Rivera on the
road, saluted him, and asked about his health. Rivera
said his leg troubled him, heard Anza's expressions of
regret, and started on, as if it were a casual meeting,
with a simple adios. "Your reply to my letter may
be sent to Mexico or wherever you like," called out
Anza, and Rivera answered, "It is well." Calling on
the friars who accompanied him, 20 to witness what had
occurred, Anza, considerably offended by actions which
seemed to him attributable to impoliteness and a
"great reserve" rather than madness, went on his way,
arriving at San Luis Obispo the 19th of April.

In the mean time Rivera went on to Monterey,

arriving on the 15th, and sending word to Serra to
come over from the mission for his letters, which he
wished to deliver in person and was too unwell to visit
him. Serra came, and thought Rivera's illness, which

was a

greatly exaggerated.
He found his letters likewise broken open, though
Rivera assured him it was accidental and they had
not been read.
He then told the president of his
excommunication at San Diego, and Serra, after consultation with the San Carlos friars, approved what
Fuster had done, refusing to grant the captain's request for absolution, until he should give satisfaction
slight pain in the

leg,

20
Pieras was returning in his company to San Antonio.
Anza, Diarlo,
MS., 185, says he took a written certiicate from the padres. Font, Journal,
MS., 43, says: 'We supposed that he had returned to speak with Capt. Anza
before his departure and treat about the affairs of the expedition, and that
we should probably have to return to Monterey or at least stay where we
were; but we soon found that his arrival did not cause us any detention whatever, for when we fell in with Capt. Rivera, a short time afterward, the two
captains saluted each other on passing, and without stopping to speak about
anything Capt. Rivera immediately went on to Monterey, and we continued
our journey toward Sonora.'

ANZA AND RIVERA.

271

by returning the Indian Carlos to the

which
condition the San Diego minissanctuary, on

to the church

without necessity of SerHe also wrote the guardian about

ra's interference.
the matter, and after much difficulty in getting an
escort from Rivera, who put him off with frivolous
pretexts, he sent Cambon with the letter to overtake
Anza. The next day, April 19th, Rivera himself
started south again, refusing Serra's request to go
with him on the plea of very great haste. 21
Cambon overtook Anza at San Luis on the 19th,
ters could grant absolution

bringing besides the president's letters for Mexico

one in which he announced his purpose to come down
with Rivera if possible, and asked Anza to wait a
little; another from Moraga telling of Rivera's arrival
at Monterey, and volunteering the opinion that the
commandant was insane; and still another from Rivera
himself announcing his immediate departure, asking
for a delay and consultation, and apologizing for past
discourtesy on the plea of ill-health. 22
On the afternoon of the 21st some soldiers came in saying that
Rivera had encamped for the night but a little way
off.
Anza at once sent a message that he would consult with him on matters affecting the service, but
that all communication must be in writing. Next day
came back a letter naming San Gabriel as the place
of consultation.
Anza was there on the 29th, 23 and
21

291-7. Another serious cause of trouble between Rivera

of the former respecting the mules which were
sent for mission use.
One hundred mules were sent via Baja California,
and 89 were sent up by Gov. Barri to Rivera, who, knowing that they
belonged exclusively to the missions, distributed them all the came among
his soldiers, except 40 which he brought to Monterey, admitting when questioned that the mules were not his, but pleading military service.
Subsequently, a letter came to Serra for Rivera ordering the distribution of the
mules.
The letter was open, and was sealed and delivered after being read,
but Rivera never mentioned the matter again. Id., 209-11.
22
Palou, Not., ii. 297-300, says that Anza was induced by the padres to
read the letter, but would not answer it.
According to this author Rivera's
apology was in the subsequent letter.
23
This is Anza's own version, Diario, MS., 189-97. Font, Journal, MS.,
44, tells us that Rivera came to San Luis on the 22d, and after staying a
while without seeing Anza started for San Gabriel.
Palou also says that
Rivera came to San Luis, got angry because Anza refused to communicate

Palou, Not.,

ii.

and Serra was the action

272

EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES.

found that Rivera had arrived two days before him.

Here the two commandants had no personal interview,
but exchanged several letters, Anza sending to Rivera
a description and map showing his survey of San
Francisco, and giving him three days in which to
prepare such reports or other communications as he
might wish to forward to the viceroy. When the
time had passed Rivera was offered more time, but
replied that no more was needed and that his despatches would soon overtake Anza. 24 The latter
finally set out for Sonora May 2d, with the same
company he had brought from Monterey and the remainder of his ten soldiers.
Next day there came from Rivera, not his report
to the viceroy on matters connected with his command, but a private letter to Anza in which he said
that he " lacked a paper bearing upon a criminal who
took refuge in the place where mass is said at San
Diego," and asked Anza to present his excuses to the
viceroy. He also enclosed a letter to the guardian of
San Fernando. Anza sent back both letters to the
writer, and went on to the Colorado; while Rivera
went immediately down to San Diego. The quarrel
is certainly a curious item in the annals of California,
being a subject which it is difficult fully to comprehend. Rivera was evidently a weak man. Whether
he was insane, or influenced solely by a spirit of childish jealousy, of which we have seen manifestations in
a previous quarrel with Fages, is a question.
Both
officers were subsequently reprimanded by Bucareli
except in writing, and went on to San Gabriel followed by Anza. Here may
be mentioned a tradition of the natives recorded by Anza as having been
told to P. Figuer, of the arrival and wreck, 23 years before, of a vessel bearing 12 white men like the Spaniards, who before their death in the wreck had
landed and gave the Indians beads and other articles, including the knives
Que gente seria esta queda al discurso de
found by the Spaniards in 17G9.
quien estd mas instruido que yo,' writes Anza, and I can do no better than
follow his discreet example.
24
Palou says that Anza did not stop at the mission but encamped at a little
distance, fearing a controversy with Rivera; and that he subsequently sent
The corback Rivera's letters with the message that he was not the mail.
respondence between the two was sent by Anza to the viceroy but has not, so
far as I know, been preserved.
'

'

'

WANDERINGS OF GAHCES.

273

for allowing a quarrel in matters of etiquette to inter-

with the public service; but Rivera's early removal to Lower California put an end to the matter,
as it did to his quarrel with the friars.
The return march of Anza's party to the Colorado
They followed the
presents nothing of importance.
except
between
as
before,
San Sebastian
same route
and Santa Olaya, where they kept more to the north,
and arrived May 11th at the Portezuelo de la Concepcion, just below Palma's rancheria, and nearly if
not exactlv identical with the site of the modern Fort
Yuma. Here they found Padre Eixarch in safety and
added him to the company; but of Grarces nothing
could be learned except that he had gone up the river
to the country of the Jalchedunes, whither a letter
was sent ordering him to return. Palma with three
other natives also joined the party, being allowed at
the earnest solicitation of himself and nation to go
with Anza to Mexico to present his petition for missionaries.
They crossed the swollen river on rafts
just below the Gila, followed the banks of the latter
stream for two days, and then, turning to the right,
returned to Horcasitas by way of Sonoita, Caborca,
and Altar, arriving the 1st of June. 25
fere

have now to narrate briefly the Californian wanderings of Father Francisco Garces, whom Colonel
Anza had left on the 4th of December 1775 at
Palma's rancheria opposite the mouth of the Gila,
and whom he had subsequently seen at Santa Olaya
on the 9th, the friar being already on his way to explore the country and learn the disposition of the
natives toward the Christians.
This first trip lasted
till January 3d, and in it the friar wandered with
I

25
Anza, Diario, MS., 198-232; Font's Journal, MS., 45-52; Arrkivlta,
Crdn. Ser&f. 4G4-8, 490. The last author affirms that Palma was well received
at Mexico, but there was some hesitation about sending missionaries, as he
was chief of one rancheria only. I should add that one of the deserting muleteers condemned by Anza to remain in California escaped from San Diego and
crossed the country eastward alone and unmolested, joining Anza on the
Colorado.
The name of this first explorer on this route is not recorded.
,

Hist. Cal., Vol.

1.

18

EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES.

74

three Indian interpreters in

all

directions over the

country between Santa Olaya and the mouth of the

Colorado, 20 everywhere kindly received, everywhere
showing his banner with a picture of the virgin on
one side and of a lost soul on the other. The natives
invariably looked with pleasure on the former painting, pronouncing it muy buena, but turned with horror
from the latter as something very bad, to the unceasing delight of Garces, who regarded their preferance as a token of predestination to salvation.
The
diary contains much useful information respecting the
aboriginal tribes.

On

the return of Garces early in January the two

padres moved their residence from Palma's rancheria
to what they called the Puerto, or Portezuelo, de
Concepcion, the site, as already stated, of the modern
Fort Yuma. They also examined the rancheria, or
puerto, of San Pablo below on the river, and pronounced it a suitable site for a mission. Visitors

from different nations, and among others

from those dwelling in the mountains toward San
Diego.
The people called Quern eyabs announced that
those on the coast had already killed a priest and
burned his house, that war was expected, and that in
case it came all the nations would combine against
the Spaniards, asking the Colorado tribes to remain
neutral.
Garces paid, however, very little attention
to this story, knowing of course nothing about the
massacre at San Diego; yet he lost no opportunity
to insist on the necessity of maintaining the most
friendly relations with these tribes, in order to insure
the safety of the coast establishments and communication with them.
On February 14th Garces started up the river,
always to the west of it, with two or three interpreters to visit the Yamajabs, as the Mojaves were orig-

came

in

2G
The general route is indicated by dotted lines on Font's map, but must
have been added after the diary was finished, for then Font had heard nothing of Garces.
This part of the padre's wanderings might, indeed, have been
reported by Eixarch, but not his northern travels, also shown on the map.

FROM MOJAVE TO SAN GABRIEL.

275

on the 28th in their country, or

rather opposite, for they lived on the east of the river,
between what are now the Needles and Fort Mojave.'27
During his short stay two thousand natives came
across the Colorado to visit the first white man who
had ever been in that region. Here the adventurous
friar conceived the idea of crossing the country westward to visit the friars who lived near the sea, and
was encouraged by the natives, who had traded with
the coast tribes and said they knew the way. Leaving some of his not very bulky effects and one of his
interpreters, he started with the rest and a few Yamajabs March 1st and arrived on the 24th at San
Gabriel.' 8 The route was substantially that of the
modern road from Los Angeles to Mojave, up the
Mojave River and through the Cajon Pass; and the
journey was without incident requiring special mention.
Garces was warmly welcomed by the priests at San
Gabriel, where it will be remembered he had been with
inally called, arriving

Anza

in 1774, finding that establishment

antada en

lo espiritual

"muy

adel-

y temporal," and remaining

for

27
This being the first exploration of most of this region, or of all west of
the river, I give the route in full. See also Font's map route marked
Puerto de la Concepcion, 6^ 1. N. w. 2 1. w. N. w. through pass in Sierra de
San Pablo to San Marcelo watering-place; 5 1. N. w. in sight of Cabeza del
Gigante in the east, Grande Medanal, and vicinity of San Sebastian, passing
near Peiion dela Campana; 81. N. and N. N. w. through pass in the sierra on
north of the Medanal to San Jose watering-place 33 28'; 3^ 1. N. N. w. and e. n.
E., across sierra to a valley; 61. x. n. W. and e. n. e.; 61. e. n. e. and n. into
Sierra of Santa Margarita to banks of Colorado, across valley to watering-place
in 33 25'(?); 1|1. w. ; 6 or 11 1. N. w. and w. N. w. to Tinajas del Tezcpiien, one
day's journey from river; 8 1. (or 6 1.) N. n. w. and n. across a sierra, to Santo
Angel springs 34 31' (in Chemehueves country); 61. N. e. and n. w. 71. N. N.
E. across a sierra to Ya ma jab nation, whose rancherias, LaPasion, were across
the river. (35 on Font's map.
28
The full route over a country which Garces was the first, as also for many
years the last, to traverse is worth recording as follows. (See also map): 3 1.
x. w. to rancherias of Santa Isabel; 31. N. w. and e. n. w. (sic) to San Pedro
de los Yamajabs in 35 1', still near the river; 2^ 1. s. w. to San Casimiro wells;
81. w. | w. s. w. to wells; 5 1. w. 31. w. s. w. to Sierra de Santa Coleta; 4 1.
W. N. w. across sierra (Providence Mts. ) to Canada dc Santo Tomas; 61. w.
8. w. to wells of San Juan de Dios, where the country of the Befiemus begins;
51. to Pinta Pass and Arroyo de los Martires (Rio Mojave); 12|1. w. s. w. on
same stream; 2 1. w. N. w., and 2 1. s. w. and s. 34 37'; 5 1. s. w. up the
stream; 8-^-1. up the stream; 31. S. w. and s. to San Benito ranchcria; 31. s. s.
w. across sierra (Cajon Pass?) in sight of sea, and 3 1. e. s. e. to Arroyo de los
Alisos; 21. W. s. w. into Anza's trail, and 81. W. N. W.; 21. \v. n. w. to San
.

Gabriel.

276

EXPEDITIONS OF AXZA, FONT, AND GARCES.

over two weeks. 29

It had been his intention to reach

San Luis instead of San Gabriel, but the natives had
refused to guide him in that direction.
He now determined to go up to San Luis by the highway, and
thence to return eastward to the Colorado across the
He applied to the corporal of the mission
tulares.
guard for an escort and supplies for the trip, and was

by Rivera to
whom he wrote at San Die^o. The commandant soon
arrived, however, on his way to Monterey, and a discussion ensued on the matter, which finally elicited
refused, being subsequently refused also

from Rivera, after various excuses, the declaration

that he was not in favor of any communication between
the natives of the Colorado and those of the missions,
having already taken some measures to prevent it by
ordering the arrest of eastern Indians coming to the
missions to trade.
Garces deemed Rivera's views
erroneous, but he was obliged to submit, receiving,
however, from the missionaries supplies which enabled
him to partially carrj out his plans, though he did not
venture along the Channel shores.
Setting out on the 9th of April, the padre crossed
the San Fernando Valley I use here for convenience
modern names, referring to a note for those applied
at the time 30
and the Santa Clara River; entered

29

It appears by the mission record that Garcds on April 6th baptized an

Indian of 20 years named Miguel Garces, Sergeant Grijalva being godfather.
San Gabriel, Lib. de Jlision, MS., 10. It is very strange that neither Anza
nor Font in their diaries mention GarceV visit to San Gabriel, though the
route is indicated on the latter's map, which, as I have said, must have been
made after the completion of the diary.
30
See also Font's map. San Gabriel; 1J 1. N. w. and w. N. W.; 5h 1. x. W.
at foot of sierra; 2-H. x. w. to rancheria in 34 13' (vicinity of San Fernando
mission); 21. N. to Santa Clara Valley and HI. w. x. w. to a cienega; 91. w.
and x. across (?) the Sierra Grande; f 1. x. E. to a lake where Fages had been
(Elizabeth Lake?); 51. across valley to Sierra de San Marcos; 2^1. x. and oh I.
w. across the Sierra to San Pascual rancheria of the Cuabajay nation (in
edge of Tulare Valley, but this nation farther west on map); HI. w. x. w. to
rancheria in 35 9'; 8 1. x. to Arroyo de Santa Catarina in country of the
Xoches; 1 1. x. w. to a great river San Felipe flowing with rapid current from
eastern mountains (Kern River above Bakersiield?) and 31. x. w. and N. to
smaller stream Santiago (Posa Creek?); 4h 1. x. '2h 1. x. to River Santa Cruz
;

(White River?); 1 1. E. to rancheria. Back to San Miguel at junction of two

branches of River San Felipe; back to San Pascual rancheria; 2 1. E. and K. e.
in sierra to lagoon of San Venancio; 3h 1. x. w. and s. e. ;
1. s. e. to Arroyo

EXPLORATION OF THE TULARES.

277

the great Tulare Valley by way of Turner's and Tejon

passes; crossed Kern River, which he called San
Felipe, near Bakersfield; went up nearly to the latitude of Tulare Lake, which he did not see, being too
far to the east; left the valley, probably by the Tehachepi Pass but possibly by Kelso Valley; and thence
went across to the Mojave, and back by nearly his
original route to the starting-point on the Colorado.
Thus he had been the first to explore this broad
region, the first to pass over the southern Pacific
railway route of the thirty-fifth parallel.
His petty
adventures with the ever friendly natives in the Tulare
Valley are interesting, but cannot be sufficiently condensed for insertion here. Seven days' journey north
of the limit of his trip he heard of another great
river which joined the San Felipe, and which Garces thought might be that flowing into San Francisco Bay, the San Joaquin, as it doubtless was.
At
one place the priest was greeted by a native who
asked him in Spanish for paper to make cigarritos, who
said he came from the west, and who was, doubtless,
a runaway neophyte from San Carlos or San Antonio.
Everywhere the natives were careful to inquire of
the guides whether the friar was a Spaniard of the
west or of the east, the latter bearing a much better
reputation than the former.
On the Colorado Garces received Anza's letter
requiring his return if he wished to accompany the
party to Sonora.
But it was already too late; there
was much to be done in his favorite work of making
peace between hostile tribes, the Indians desired him
to stay, and there were other regions to explore.
Consequently, although he had once started down the
river, he suddenly changed his mind and decided to
visit the Moqui towns.
Parting from his last interde la Asuncion Qh 1. s. s. w. out of mountains and over plains ; 7 1. S. s.
to Rio Martires at old station in 34 37'; back to San Juan de Dios by
route; 21. E. N. E. to Medano; 4 .VI. e. s. E. across Sierra of Santa Co!eta;
e. N. e. to well of San Felipe Neri"; 5 1. N. E. ;
1. N. e. to Trinidad; 1 \ 1. N.
9 1. e. and s. e. to San Casimiro ; 2 1. e. s. W. (sic) to starting-point.
;

w.
old
31.
E.

EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES.

278

preter he crossed the river and started June 4th with

a party of Hualapais for the north-east, reaching the
Moqui towns the 2d of July. Here his good-fortune
The Moquis did not harm him, but
deserted him.
would not receive him in their houses, would not receive his gifts, looked with indifference on his paintings of hell and heaven, and refused to kiss the
Christ. Having passed two nights in a corner of the
court-yard, and having written a letter to the minister at Zuiii, Garces turned sorrowfully back and
retraced his steps to the country of the Yamajabs,
where he arrived on the 25th. He w as a month in
going down the river to the Yuma country, and reaching San Javier del Bac, on the 17th of September. 31
The expedition of Doininguez and Escalante may
be alluded to here as an unsuccessful attempt to reach
California.
They went in 1776 from Santa Fe, New
Mexico, to Utah Lake. But winter was near, food
became scarce, reports of the natives were not encouraging, and they soon gave up their plan of reaching Monterey, returning to Santa Fe by way of the
Moqui towns. 32
T

31

Garcts, D/ario, 246-348. Signed at Inbutama Jan. 30, 1777. Forbes,

Journey menHist. Cal., 157-G2, saw this diary in MS., at Guadalajara.
Palou, Not., ii. 281-2, mentions
tioned in Prov. R?c., MS., i. 47-8; vi. 59.
rumors that Garces had been killed by savages.
32
Domingucz and Escalante, Diario y Dcrrotero, 1776. In his Carta de 28
de Octubre 1775, MS., Escalante favors a route from Monterey to the Moquis
and to Santa Fe. He has heard of some light-colored natives somewhere on
the route, who had probably reached the interior from Monterey, by the great
rivers.

CHAPTER

XIII.

FOUNDING- OF THE PRESIDIO AND MISSION OF SAN

FRANCISCO.
1776-1777.

Anza's Exploration of the Peninsula of San Francisco Itinerary

The Camp on Mountain Lake Survey of the Peninsula Arroyo
de los Dolores Trip to the Great River Blunders of Font in
Correcting Crespi Return to Monterey Orders tor the Founda-

A Hit at the

Padres Arrival of the Transport Vessels

Moraga Leads the Colony to the Peninsula Camp on Lake
Dolores Coming oj the 'San Carlos' The Presidio Founded
New Exploration of Round Ray and Rio de San Francisco Flight
of the Natives Formal Dedication of the Mission Discussion oe
Date, Location, and Name Early Progress Annals of 1777
Visits of Governor and President and Commandant.
tion

The

expedition of Anza, described in the preceding

chapter, was planned and executed with almost exclusive reference to the establishment of a presidio at
San Francisco, and of one or two missions in the same
region under its protection. Though I have not found
the text of Bucareli's instructions to Anza, it was
probably the intention that the foundation should be
accomplished during that officer's stay ha California,
and to a certain extent under his supervision. The
expedition, however, for various reasons, did not reach
California so early as had been intended. The matter
was delayed by the critical state of things at San
Diego, and still farther delayed by Rivera's idiosyncrasies; and Anza was obliged to leave the country
before his colonists had been settled in their new
home. Yet he did not go until he had made every
possible effort to forward the scheme by repeatedly
(279

FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO.

280

importance upon the dilatory and obstinate

commandant, and by making in person a new examThis examinaination of the San Francisco region.
1
tion, minutely described in the original records, was
omitted from its chronological place as a part of
Anza's expedition, and must now receive attention.
With Moraga, Font, a corporal, and two soldiers
from the presidio, eight of his own men, and provisions
for twenty days, Anza left Monterey for San Francisco the 23d of March 1776, having been but two
days from his sick-bed at San Carlos. 2 The party
followed the route of Rivera and Palou in their journey of December 1774, 3 to the Arroyo de San Francisco, now known as San Francisquito Creek, at
a spot where the Spaniards had first encamped in
December 1769, and which Palou had selected two
years previously as a desirable site for the mission of
San Francisco. The cross set up in token of this
selection was still standing, but intermediate exploration, as Anza tells us, referring presumably to Heceta's
trip of the year before, had shown a lack of water in
the dry season, very unfortunately, as in respect of
soil, timber, and gentilidad the place was well adapted
urging

its

for a mission.

Instead of entering the Canada of San Andres Anza

seems to have kept nearer the bay shore though
neither he nor Font states that the bay was kept in
sight; but after crossing the Arroyo de San Mateo,
so called at the time and since, there are but slight
data, save the general course, between north-west

Anza, Diario, MS., 139-78; Font's Journal, MS., 30-43.

Palou, Not., 285-7, says the start was March 22d, and the total number of
Anza wished Palou to go with him, but Serra objected. Two of
soldiers 10.
the soldiers, however, had been over the route before.
3
See chap. x. of this volume. The itinerary, with Font's distances in
parentheses, was as follows: From Monterey, 7^1. (7) to Asuncion or Natividad across the River Monterey or Santa Delfina: 81. (12) to Valley of San
Bernardino or Arroyo de las Llagas (still called Llagas Creek) across Arroyo
de San Benito and Pajaro River (?); 8 1. (12) to Arroyo de San Jose Cupertino
(93 on Font's map) in sight of baj'-; 4 1. (6 ?) to Arroyo de San Francisco. At
one place on the way the poles used to support the altar on a previous visit
of the Spaniards were found decorated with offerings of arrows, feathers, food,
l

etc., recalling

the similar occurrence at Monterey in 1770.

MAP OF EXPLORATIONS.

Peninsula of San Francisco.

281

FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO.

282

and north, from which to determine the exact route, 4

until, on March 27th, he encamped at about 11a. m.
on a lake near the "mouth of the port," out of which
was flowing water enough, as the writer says, for a
This was what is now Mountain Lake, to which
mill.
the Spaniards at this time gave no name, 5 though
they called the outlet Arroyo del Puerto, now known
as Lobos Creek.
As soon as the camp was pitched
Anza set out exploring toward the west and south,
spending the afternoon, and finding water, pasturage,
and wood, in fact all that was required for his proposed fort except timber.
Next morning he went with the priests to what is
now Fort Point, " where nobody had been," and there
erected a cross, at the foot of which he buried an account of his explorations. 6 Here upon the table-land
terminating in this point Anza determined to establish the presidio.
Font presently returned to camp, 7
while Anza and Moraga continued their explorations
toward the east and south-east, where they found, in
addition to previous discoveries, a plentiful supply of
oak timber which, though much bent by the northwest winds, would serve to some extent for building
purposes.
About half a league east of the camp they
4
From the topography of
made of seeing or being near

the region, and from the fact that

either the bay or Lake Merced, it

no mention is
most likely

is

Anza followed the route of the present county road and railroad from
San Bruno to the vicinity of Islais Creek, thence turning to the left j)ast the
present Almshouse tract.
5
The lake is called Laguna del Presidio on La Perouse's map of 1786.
That the lake on which this party encamped was Mountain Lake, an identity
that no previous writer has noticed, is proved not only by Anza's subsequent
movements, but by the following in Font's Journal, MS., 31: 'The coast of
the mouth (of San Francisco Bay) on this side runs from N. E. to s. w., not
straight, but forming a bend, on the beach of which a stream, which flows
from the lagoon where we halted, empties itself, and we called it the Arroyo
that

del Puerto.
Xo other part of the shore corresponds at all to this statement.
6 Misled, perhaps, by this mention of the cross, Palou, Not., ii. 2S6, says
that Anza followed his, Palou's, route of 1774 until he reached the cross
planted at that time.
7
Font in hia diary gives a long and accurate description of San Francisco
Bay. He clearly mentions Alcatraz Island, though without applying any
name. It is to be noted that he mentions Punta de Almejas, or Mussel Point,
still so called; but this was not the original Mussel Point of 1769, though
Font very likely thought so.
'

ANZA'S VISIT.

283

found another large lagoon, from which was flowing

considerable water, and which, with some artificial improvements, they thought would furnish a permanent
This was the present
supply for garden irrigation.
Washerwoman's Bay, corner of Greenwich and OctaAbout a league and a half south-east of
via streets.
the camp there was a tract of irrigable land, and a
flowing spring, or ojo de agua, which would easily
Anza found some well
supply the required water.
disposed natives also, and he came back at 5 p. m. very
much pleased, as Font tells us, with the result of his
day's search.

Next morning, the 29th, they broke camp, half the

men with the pack animals returning by the way they
had come, to San Mateo Creek, and the commander
with Font and five men taking a circuitous route by
Arriving at the spring and rivulet disthe bay shore.
covered the day before, they named it from the day,
the last Friday in lent, Arroyo de los Dolores. 8
Thence passing round the hills they reached and
crossed the former trail, and went over westward into
the Canada de San Andres in search of timber, of
which they found an abundance. They followed the
glen some distance beyond where the San Mateo
creek flows out into the plain, killed a large bear,
crossed the low hills, and returned northward to join
their companions on the San Mateo.
The next objective point was the great River San
Francisco, which had in 1772 prevented Fages from
8

be noted that Anza

simply an

ojo de agua 6 fuente and

any lagoon. Palou, however, says,
on reaching the beach of the bay which the sailors called De los Llorones
(that is Mission Bay, called Llorones by Ayala's men on account of two weeping natives, see chap, xi.j, he crossed an arroyo by which empties a great
lagoon which he named Dolores, and it seemed to him a good site for the misIt is to

Font an

'

calls it

'

'

arroyo, but neither mentions

'

'

may

be punctuated so as to apply the name to the stream

but I suspect that the lagoon subsequently known
as The Willows
with its stream was entirely distinct from Anza's stream of
Dolores.
Of this more in note 26 of this chapter. Font from an eminence
noted the bearing of the head of the bay e. s. e., and of an immense spruce,
or redwood, afterwards found it to be 150 feet high and 16 feet in circumference, on the Arroyo de San Francisco, s. e.
sion,' etc.

This

rather than the lagoon

FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO.

2S4

reaching Point Reyes. 9 Save that in going round

the head of the bay they named Guadalupe and
Co}^ote streams, and further on the Arroyo de San
Salvador, or Harina, there is nothing of value or
interest in the diaries until April 2d when the explorers reached the mouth of "the fresh water port
held hitherto to be a great river," that is, to the
strait of Carquines and Suisun Bay. The water w as
somewhat salt there was no current this great
River San Francisco was apparently no river at all,
but an extension of the bay. The matter seems to
have troubled them greatly, and their observations
were chiefly directed to learning the true status of
this body of water.
There was no reason for it,
but they were confused.
Crespi's diary of the former trip had described the body of water accurately enough, and had not at all confounded the
strait and bay with the River San Francisco, or San
Joaquin but, possibly, Fages had also written a
diary in which he expressed the matter less clearly. 10
The camp on the 2d was on a stream supposed to
be identical with the Santa Angela de Fulgino 11 of
Fages.
On the 3d they continued eastward past the
low range of hills, from the summit of which, near
Willow Pass, like Fages and Crespi before them, they
had a fine view of a broad country, which they describe
more fully, but not more accurately, than their prede12
cessors.
The long descriptions are interesting, but
they form no part of history and are omitted, strange
as it may seem, on account of their very accuracy, as
is also true regarding Font's description of San Francisco Bay.
They described the country as it was and
r

It is noticeable that Anza several times implies that more than one exploration had been made in this direction, but only one, that of Fages, is
recorded.
10
See account of Fages' trip in chapter viii. According to Arricivita,
Crdn. Sard/., 465-7, Font named the body of water Puerto Dulce.
11
No. 100 of Font's map.
12
See also Font's map in preceding chapter, on which 'a' is 'the hill to
which Fages arrived;' 'b' a rancheria at edge of the water;' c,' a hill from
which we saw the tulares;' 'd' the 'summit of the sierra;' and 'e'some 'min'

eral hills.'

'

'

MOUTH OF THE SAN JOAQUIN.

2S5

only with the annals of their trip and such

errors in their observations as had or might have
had an effect on subsequent explorations that I have
There are, however, errors and confusion to
to deal.
be noted. It is evident that for some reason they had
an imperfect idea of Fages' trip. On the strait they
had labored hard to prove it not a river, as it certainly
it

is;

is

and as it had never been supposed to be, so

Now that they had reached the
far as can be known.
river and were looking out over the broad valleys of
the San Joaquin and Sacramento from the hills back
of Antioch, they still flattered themselves that they
were correcting errors of Crespi and Fages, and they
still labored to prove that the broad rivers were not
rivers, but 'fresh water ports' extending far to the
north and south, possibly connecting by tulares in the
In all this, howformer direction with Bodega Bay.
ever, Anza was not so positive but in correcting an

was

not,

error Crespi never made respecting the Strait of Carquines, Font was singularly enough led into real error
left on record for others to correct.

Like Fages, Anza descended the hills and advanced

some leagues over the plain to the water's edge, 13
but instead of turning back and entering the hills by
the San Ramon Canada, as Fages had done, after
some rather ineffectual attempts to follow the miry
river-banks, he kept on over the foot-hills, noting vast
herds of

what
13

is

jackass deer, passed to the

Mount Diablo, and crossed the

elk, or

now

left

of

moun-

one place calls the hill the terminus of Fages' exploration, and
said hill which may be about a league from the water, Captain
Fages and P. Crespi saw its extent and that it was divided into arms which
formed islands of low land; and as they had previously tasted the water
on the load further back and found it to be fresh, they supposed without
doubt that it must be some great river which divided itself here into three
branches. .without noticing whether it had any current or not, which was
not easy for them to do from said hill at such a distance.
Font counted
seven islands. Anza, JJiario, MS., 1G8, says of the body of water 'nos parecio
ser mas una gran laguna que rio,' and 172, 'Me hizo esta noticia (the statement of two soldiers that the tulares were impassable even in the dry season)
says:

Font
'

in

From

'

que yo observaba acabarme de conceptuar que lo que se ha tenido por rio

puramente una gran laguna.' San Kicardo was the name given to the
rancheria in the Antioch region.

lo

es

FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO.

236

by a

route not easy to locate, on which

he named the Canada de San Vicente and the Sierra
del Chasco, finding also indications of silver ore.
April 6th the party encamped on Arroyo del Coy14
and on the 8th arrived at Monterey. As before
ote,
related, Anza started south on the 14th, and his final
exhortation to Rivera on the importance of prompt
action in the San Francisco matter was accompanied
by a diary and map of the exploration just described. 15
tains

difficult

With the

arrival of the colony at

Monterey from

the south, there had come instructions from Rivera

to build houses for the people, since there would be
at least a year's delay before the presidio could be
founded. 16 And such were the orders in force, notwithstanding Anza's protest, when that officer turned
over the command to Moraga, 17 and left the country.
But Rivera, coming to his senses perhaps after a little
reflection, or fearing the results of Anza's reports in
Mexico, or really taking some interest in the new
foundation now that the object of his jealousy had
departed, changed his policy, and the day after his
arrival in San Diego, on May 8 th, despatched an order
to Moraga to proceed and establish the fort on the
site selected b}^ Anza.
He could not, however, neglect the opportunity to annoy the priests by saying
that the founding of the missions was for the present
suspended, as Moraga was instructed to inform the
president.
Truly the latter had not gained much in
the chanofe from Fasfes to his rival.
At the same
time Rivera sent an order to Grijalva at San Gabriel
to rejoin the rest of the colony at Monterey with the
u No.

104 of the map.

of Anza's trip is shown, but of course in a general way, on
Font's map. See chapter xii. The natives had been as usual friendly in every
rancheria visited.
16
Palou, Not., ii. 283. From the viceroy Rivera had permission dated
Jan. 20th, to delay the exploration only until Anza's arrival. Prov. St. Pap.,
"SIS., i. 193-4.
But of course the viceroy knew nothing yet of the San Diego
13

The route

affair.
17
Feb. 4th, Rivera orders Moraga to take command of the expedition
after Anza's departure. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxii. 19.

PREPARATIONS.

207

twelve soldiers and their families. Anza's departure

had, it seems, greatly lessened the danger at San
Diego.
Gongora brought the order to San Gabriel, and
Grijalva, setting out at once with his company, carried

Moraga

at Monterey.
It was resolved to start
north in the middle of June, and though the mission
must wait, Serra thought it best that Palou and
Cambon, the friars destined for San Francisco, should
accompany the soldiers to attend to their spiritual
interests and be ready on the spot for further orders.
Meanwhile the transport vessels arrived on their
it

to

yearly voyage, having sailed from San Bias together

on the 9th of March. The San Antonio, Captain
Diego Choquet, with Francisco Castro and Juan B.
Aguirre, as master and mate, and Friar Benito Sierra
as chaplain, arrived May 21st, unloading supplies for
Monterey and waiting for some pine lumber for San
Diego.
The San Carlos, a slower vessel, arrived the
3d of June, 13 under Captain Quiros, Canizares and
Revilla as master and mate, with Santa Maria and

Nocedal as chaplains. She brought supplies for Monterey and also for San Francisco, and many articles
were put on board to go up by water and save mule
transportation but as two cannons were to be taken
from the presidio an order from Rivera was necessary,
and the vessel was obliged to wait until this order
;

could be obtained.

On June

17th Moraga with his company of sol19

diers, settlers, families, and servants
set out in company with the two friars by the old route, moving
very slowly, halting for a day on San Franciscj
18

June 5th, Moraga to Rivera, announcing arrival of the transports. Prov.

Pap., MS., i. 232-3.
19
About the number of soldiers there is much confusion. Rivera's orders,
Palou, Not., ii. 300, had been to take 20 of them, but the same author says,
page 307, that Moraga had 13; and elsewhere, Vida, 205-7, that there were
17.
He still claims that 12 of Area's force were at San Diego, but there is
no doubt that all the 29 were at Monterey and that about 20 of them started.
There were 7 Bettlers with their families, 5 vaquercs and muleteers, 2 Lower
Caiifornians, 1 San Carles neophyte, a mule train, and 200 head of cattle.

St.

FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO.

2S8

Arroyo, noting the abundance of deer and antelope,

and finally encamping, June 27th, on the Laguna de
los Dolores in sight of the Ensenada de los Llorones
and of the south-eastern branch of the bay. An altar
was set up and mass was said on the 29th, as on every
Here Moraga awaited the coming
succeeding day.
of the

San

Carlos, because the exact location of the

depend to some extent on her

survey for anchorage.
month was passed in explorations of the peninsula, in cutting timber, and in
other preparations of which no detailed record was
kept, and still no vessel came. The lieutenant finally
determined to go over to the site selected by Anza,
and make a beginning by erecting barracks of tules
and other liodit material. Thus far all had lived in
the field tents, and the camp was transferred on the
2Gth of July. The first building completed was intended for a temporary chapel, and in it the first mass
was said on July 28th by Palou. 20 The priests, however, did not change their quarters.
They as well as
Anza thought the first camp in a locality better fitted
for a mission than any other part of the peninsula;
and though by Rivera's orders the mission was not
yet to be founded, the spot was so near the presidio,
and the natives were so friendly, that it was deemed
safe and best for the two friars to remain with the
cattle and other mission property, guarded by six soldiers and a settler, who migdit without disobedience
presidio site

was

to

of superior orders make preparations for their future

dwellings.
Things continued in this state for nearly

another month.
To their great relief on the 18th of August the San
Carlos arrived and anchored near the new camp.
After leaving Monterey she had experienced contrary winds and had been driven first down to the
latitude of San Diego, then up to 42, anchoring on
the night of the 17th outside the heads and north of
20

The camp was pitched July

of Sal to

Governor in 1792. Prov.

and building begun July 27th. Letter

Pap., MS., xi. 52, 54.

26th,
St.

'

THE PRESIDIO

BEGUN".

289

Quiros and the rest having approved

the entrance.
the choice of sites, work was immediately begun on
permanent buildings for the presidio, all located within
a square of ninety-two yards, according to a plan made
by Canizares. Quiros sent ashore his two carpenters
and a squad of sailors to work on the storehouse, commandant's dwelling, and chapel, while the soldiers
All the
erected houses for themselves and families.
buildings were of palisade walls, and roofed with
earth. They were all ready by the middle of September, and the 1 7th was named as the day of ceremonial
founding, being the day of the Sores of our seraphic
21
Over a hundred and fifty
father Saint Francis/
The San
persons witnessed the solemn ceremony.
Carlos landed all her force save enough to man the
Four friars assisted at mass, for Pefia
swivel-guns.
had come up from Monterey, and the prescribed rites
of taking possession, and the te oleum lauclamus,
were accompanied and followed by ringing of bells
and discharge of fire-arms, including the swivel-guns
of the transport.
The cannon so terrified the natives
that not one made his appearance for some days. 22
Thus was the presidio of San Francisco founded, and
after the ceremonies its commandant, Moraga, entertained the company with all the splendor circumstances would allow. 23
While the presidio supplies were being transferred
to the warehouse, a new exploration of the head of
the bay and of the great rivers was made by Quiros,
Cafiizares, and Cambon in the ship's boat, and by
'

21
'On that same 17th of September on the other side of the continent Lord
Howe's Hessian and British troops were revelling in the city of New York.

Overland Monthly, iv. 33G-7.

So says Palou, and it reads well. It must be added, however, that
according to the same author all had left the peninsula a month before.
23
In connection with the founding of the presidio it may be noted that
Moraga in his preliminary search found one or two fine springs which Anza
had not mentioned. Gen. Vallejo, in his Discurso Histdrico, pronounced at
the centennial celebration of the founding of the mission, notes that some
remarkable qualities were popularly attributed to the spring called El Polin.
Women drinking the water were, it seems, made more than usually prolific,
Elliot, in
22

giving birth to twins in many instances.

tion this old popular belief.
Hist. (Jal., Vol. I. 19

Several other Californians men-

FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO.

290

Moraga with a party of

soldiers

by

land.

The two

expeditions were to meet beyond the round bay,' or

at the mouth of the river, on a certain day, apparently
September 2Gth, whence by water and land they were
to go up the river as far as possible. They started on
the 23d, the land party carrying most of the supplies,
while the boat took only enough for eight days. On
the 29th Quiros returned.
He had reached the rendezvous at the appointed time, but not meeting
Moraga, he had been obliged after waiting one day to
turn back for want of provisions. Although prevented
from exploring the great river, he was able to settle
another disputed question and prove that the round
bay' had no connection with Bodega.
For sailing in
that direction he had discovered a new estuary and
followed it to its head, finding no passage to the sea,
and beholding a lofty sierra which stretched toward
the west and ended, as Quiros thought, at Cape
Mendocino. This was, probably, the first voyage
of Europeans up the windings of Petaluma Creek. 24
Respecting the region at the mouth of the great
rivers he had done no more than verify the accuracy
of previous observations by Fages and Anza.
Meanwhile Moraga, on arriving at the south-eastern
head of the bay, had changed his plans, and instead of
following the shore had conceived the idea that he
could save time and distance by crossing the sierra
eastward. This he accomplished without difficulty by
a route not recorded, but apparently at an unexpected
cost of time for on reaching: the river he concluded it
would be impossible to reach the mouth at the time
'

'

24
Palou, Koticias, states that Quir6s sailed two days on the new estero,
and he might with unfavorable winds have spent that time on Petaluma
Creek; but if he waited a day for Moraga the two days must include the whole
return voyage.
He had not, however, disproved Font's theory that the bay
communicated with Bodega byway of the great 'fresh water port,' or lagoon,
now called the Sacramento River. In his Vida, 210-14, Palou gives rather
vaguely additional details. At the mouth of the great river was a fine harbor, as good as San Diego, named Asuncion (Suisun Bay?).
The lofty sierra
stretching to Cape Mendocino was called San Francisco.
The estuary on the
west of Round Bay, up which they sailed one day and night, was named

Merced.

THE MISSION AT DOLORES.

291

agreed on, and resolved to direct his exploration in the

other direction. Marching for three days rapidly up
the river he reached a point where the plain in all directions le hizo horizonte,th.Lt is, presented an unbroken
horizon as if he were at sea! The natives pointed out
a ford, and Moraga travelled for a day in the plain
bej'ond the river, seeing in the far north lines of trees
indicating the existence of rivers.
But he had no
compass, and fearing that he might lose himself on
these broad plains he returned by the w&y he had
come, arriving at the presidio the 7th of October.
Let us now return to the other camp at the Laguna
de los Dolores, where since the end of Jul v Palou and
Cambon, reenforced after a time by Pena appointed to
Santa Clara, had been making preparations for a mission.
Six soldiers and a settler had built houses for
their families, and the establishment lacked only certain dedicatory formalities to be a regular mission.
True, there were no converts, even candidates, but
the natives would doubtless come forward in due time.
Their temporary absence from the peninsula elated from
the 12th of August, before which time they had been
friendly though apparently unable for want of an interpreter to comprehend the aims of the missionaries. On
the date specified the southern rancherias of San Mateo
came up and defeated them in a great fight, burning
their huts and so filling them with terror that they
the islands and contra costa,
notwithstanding the offers of the soldiers to protect
them.
For several months nothing was seen of them,
except that a small party ventured occasionally to the
lagoon to kill ducks, accepting also at such visits gifts
of beads and food from the Spaniards.
Two children
of presidio soldiers were baptized before the founding
of the mission. 25
As soon as Quiros arrived he had

fled in their tule rafts to

25
San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 3. These are the first entries in the
mission books; the first on August 10th was the baptism of Francisco Jose de
los Dolores Soto, infant son of Ignacio Soto; the second that of Juana Maria
Lorenza Sanchez 15 days of age, on Aug. 23th. Both were baptized ad instantem
mortem without ceremony, the latter by a common soldier.

292

FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO.

given his attention to the mission as well as the presidio, and immediately set six sailors at work to aid
the priests in constructing a church and dwelling, so
that the work advanced rapidly.
No orders came from Rivera authorizing the establishing of a mission, but Moraga saw no reason for
delay and took upon himself the responsibility.
church fifty-four feet long and a house of thirty by
fifteen feet, all of wood, plastered with clay, and roofed
with tules, were finished and the day of Saint Francis,
October 4th, was the time set for the rites of foundation.
On the 3d the church, decorated with bunting:
from the vessel, was blessed but next day only a mass
was said, the ceremony being postponed on account of
the absence of Moraga. He arrived, as we have seen,
on the 7th, and on October 9th the solemne funcion
was celebrated in presence of all who had assisted at
the presidio a month before, save only the few soldiers
left in charge of the fort.
Palou said mass, aided by
Cambon, Nocedal, and Pena; the image of Saint
Francis, patron of port, presidio, and mission, was
carried about in procession. Volleys of musketry rent
the air, aided by swivel-guns and rockets brought from
the San Carlos, and finally two cattle were killed to
feast the guests before they departed. Thus was formally established the sixth of the California missions,
dedicated to San Francisco de Asis on the Laguna
de los Dolores. 26

26
The patron of this mission, it is needless to say, was the founder of the
Franciscan order of friars. He was born in the city of Assisi, Italy, in 11S2,
in a stable, and on the shoulder was a birth-mark resembling a cross. With
a slight education and somewhat dissolute habits he was employed in trade
by his father until 25 years of age. Taken prisoner in a petty local war, his
captivity caused or was followed by an illness during which his future vocation
was revealed to him in dreams. Useless thereafter for business and regarded
as insane by his father, he renounced his patrimony, vowed to live on alms
alone, and retired to the convent of Porciuncula near Assisi, where he laid the
foundations of his great order. This organization was approved by the pope
in 1209, and at the hrst chapter, or assembly, in 1219 had over 5,000 members
in its different classes. The founder gave up the generalship as an example
of humility, and went to Egypt in 1219 in search of martyrdom; but the Sultan, admiring his courage, would not allow him to be killed. Among the
many miracles wrought by or through him, the most famous is that of the
stigmata, or llagas de Jesus, the wounds of the nails and spear inflicted on the

EARLIEST ANNALS.

The annals of San Francisco

293

months,
or even years, of its existence are meagre.
The
record is indeed complete enough, but there was
really very little to be recorded.
On October 21st
for the first

of Christ imprinted by an angel on Saint Francis as lie slept. Though

in feeble health he continued preaching until his death on Oct. 4, 1226. He
was canonized in 1228, and his festival is celebrated on the day of his death,
October 4th.
As to the exact date of the foundation there is a degree of uncertainty, it
lying between the 8th and the 9th. True, Palou, Not., ii. 320, in a statement
which from its connection with the date of Moraga's return (p. 318) cannot
be a slip of the pen or typographical error, is the only authority for the
former date, while Palou himself, Vida, 214, and all other authorities (excepting of course a few very recent writers who follow the Noticias), including the
annual and biennial reports of missionaries so far as they have been preserved, agree on Oct. 9th. Yet this evidence is not so overwhelming in favor
of the latter date as it seems, since all printed works have doubtless followed
Palou's Vida, and it is not certain that the regular reports alluded to did not
I have seen no report preceding 1787, the date
follow the same authority.
when Palou's work was published, which gives the date at all. Ordinarily
the writers of official reports obtained such dates from the mission books, on
the title-pages of which the date of founding is in every other mission correctly given; but strangely enough in this instance San Francisco, Lib. de
Mision, MS., 2, the date is given in Palou's own handwriting as August 1st,
which is not only incorrect but wholly unintelligible. Lacking this source
of information I suppose the friars may have used Palou's work, which was
To name the writers who have given
in most if not all the mission libraries.
one date or the other would not aid in settling the question, and it must be
Since it is only conjecture that the source of information for
left in doubt.
official reports was Palou's printed book, the balance of evidence is of course
Vallejo, in his Discu?so Hist6rico, MS., states that the
in favor of Oct. 9th.
founding was on Oct. 4th, but in a note appended to the translation of his
discourse, San Francisco, Centennial Mem., 105-0, as in conversation, he explains his meaning to be that as Oct. 4th was the day appointed for the ceremony, as it was the day of San Francisco, and as it was the day annually
celebrated by the Californians, it ought still to be the day celebrated as an
Whatever may be said of the theory, it has no bearing on the
anniversary.
actual date as an historical fact. Vallejo's suggestion that both Oct. 8th and
Oct. 9th in Palou may be typographical errors is scarcely sound.
Respecting the locality of the mission there was a theory long current
that it was first founded on Washerwoman's Bay, the lagoon back of Russian
Hill, and subsequently moved to its present site. SouWs Annals of S. F.,
46-7; TutltilVs Hist. CaL, 85-6; and many other modern writings in books,
magazines, and newspapers. This supposition was unfounded, except in the
statements of Palou, Vida, 209-10, the only authority extant until quite
recently, that Moraga's expedition encamped June 27th 'on the bank of a
great lagoon which emptied into the arm of the sea of the port which extends
inland 15 leagues toward the south-east,' and that a mission site was selected
'in this same place at the lagoon on the plain which it has on the west.' To
John W. Dwindle, Colon. IJut. S. F., p. xiii., belongs, I believe, the credit
of having been the first to show the inaccuracy of the prevalent opinion as
early as 1867, and without the aid of Palou's Noticias which he had never
seen.
By the aid of the Vida, of La Pe'rouse's map (which I reproduce in

body

chap. xxii. ) and the testimony of Dona Carmen Cibrian de Bernal, an old
lady at the mission, he identified the Laguna de los Dolores with The Willows, a lagoon, filled up in modern times, which lay in the tract bounded by
17th, 19th, Howard, and Valencia streets, discharging its waters into Mission
'

'

FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO.

294

the San Carlos sailed for San Bias, leaving four sailors as laborers at the new mission, who completed
the buildings and brought water in a ditch from the
Meanwhile Rivera, having received at San
stream.
Gov. Neve in his report to the viceroy of Feb. 25, 1777, in Prov. Bee.,
141, says the mission was 1^ leagues from the fort and near Lake
Vallcjo, in his Discurso HistOrico, advanced the theory that Laguna
Dolores.
do los Dolores was a small lake situated between two hills to the right of the
old road from the presidio to the mission.
In the translation and accompanyBay.

MS.,

i.

San Francisco, Centennial Mem., 25, 107, the lake is located, ostensibly on Vallejo's authority, in Sans Souci Valley, north of the Mission.

ing notes,

'

and immediately behind the

on Avhich the Protestant Orphan Asylum

now stands.' Dwindle in his oration delivered on the same day and printed
in the same book (p. 8G) declared in favor of The Willows and maintains his
position in a supplementary argument (pp. 187-91). There can be no doubt, I
think, that the Laguna de Dolores of Palou was identical with the pond of
the Willows, formerly the head of an estuary, according to the testimony of
Sra Bernal and other old residents, though fed by springs, and not with the
pond to which Vallcjo alludes. The statement of Palou that the mission was
on the plain westward of the laguna, together with La Perouse's map which
gives the same relative position, seems conclusive.
But while Dwinelle's
argument against Vallcjo is conclusive, it contains some curious errors.
Palou, Sot., ii. 309, says the Spaniards encamped on June 27th
a la orilla
de una laguna que llamo el Senor Anza de Nuestra Senora de los Dolores que
esta & la vista de la ensenada de los Llorones y playa del estero 6 brazo de
mar que corre al Sudeste,' that is, 'on the bank of the lake which Anza
named Dolores, which is in sight of the Ensenada de los Llorones and of the
beach of the estuary, or arm of the sea, which runs to the south-east.' Now
the Ensenada de los Llorones, as we have seen, was Mission Bay, the name
having been given by Aguirre in 1775 (see p. 247 of chap. xi. from three
weeping Indians standing on the shore. Dwindle, however, translated
Llorones as 'weeping willows,' which but for the circumstance alluded to
would be correct and having the willows on his hands, must have fresh
water for their roots, which he obtains by translating ensenada as creek,' and
thus identifying Ensenada de los Llorones with a stream of fresh water flowing from a ravine north-west of the mission and into the bay at what was
in later years City Gardens, a stream which supplied the mission with water
for all purposes, being in sight of the mission, and moreover lined in DwiThen having fitted the name of one of the
nelle's own time with willows.
objects seen from the mission site to the fresh-water stream, it remained to
identify the other, the
playa del estero 6 brazo de mar que corre al
Sudeste with Mission Bay, which he does by a peculiar system of (unwritten) punctuation and by changing de to del, making it read 'shore of the inThe meaning of the
let, or arm, of that sea which trends to the south-cast'
original was in sight of Mission Bay and of the south-eastern branch of San
Francisco Bay.' Dwinelle's reasoning is a very ingenious escape from difficulties that never existed.
After all I have an idea that Palou made the first blunder in this matter
himself.
It will be remembered that Anza applied the name Dolores to an
ojo de agua, a spring or stream, which he thought capable of irrigating the
mission lands, making no mention of any laguna. I suppose that this was
the fresh -water stream alluded to by Dwindle which did, as Anza had
thought it might, supply the mission with water. Later when Palou came
up, for some unexplained cause he transferred the name of Dolores to the pond
at the Willows, too low to be used for irrigation and probably at that time
connected with tide-water.
Respecting the name of this mission it should be clearly understood that
hill

'

'

'

'

'

'

'

'

'

'

'

'

'

RIVERA AT THE

NEW

PRESIDIO.

Diego communications from the viceroy

in

295

which that

spoke of the new missions in the north as

having been already founded, concluded that it was
time to proceed north and attend to their founding.
On the way at San Luis Obispo he learned that his
orders had been disobeyed at San Francisco, and said
he was glad of it and would soon go in person to
found the other mission. From Monterey accompanied by Peiia, who had in the mean while returned,
he went up to San Francisco, arriving November
26th and cordially approving the choice of sites and
Three days later he set out
all that had been done.
with Moraga to make a new exploration of the great
river and plain, leaving Peha at the mission, and
promising on arrival at Monterey to send up soldiers
for the founding of Santa Clara.
Rivera's expedition
accomplished nothing, for after fording the river he
did not go so far as Moraga had done, fearing that a
rise in the stream might prevent his return.
On his
way back he was met by a courier with news of
trouble at San Luis, which claimed his attention,
whereupon Moraga returned to his presidio, and Pena
official

was obliged

to wait.

In December the self-exiled natives began to come

back to the peninsula; but they came in hostile attitude and by no means disposed to be converted. They
began to steal all that came within reach. One party
discharged arrows at the corporal of the guard;
another insulted a soldier's wife; and there was an
attempt to shoot the San Carlos neophyte who was
still living here.
One of those concerned in this
was simply San Francisco de Asis and never properly anything else. Asis
dropped in common usage even by the friars, as was Borromeo at San
Carlos and Alcala at San Diego.
Then Dolores was added, not as part of the
name but simply as the locality, like Carmelo at San Carlos, and, more rarely,
Nipaguay at San Diego. Gradually, as San Francisco was also the name of
the presidio, and there was another mission of San Francisco Solano, it became
customary among settlers, soldiers, and to some extent friars also, speak of
the Mision delos Dolores, meaning simply 'the mission at Dolores.' No other
name than San Francisco was employed in official reports. Dolores was in
full Nuestra Senora de los Dolores, one of the virgin's most common appellations, and a very common name for places in all Spanish countries.
it
v,

as

FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO.

296

attempt was shut up and flogged by Grijalva, whereupon the savages rushed up and discharged a volley
of arrows at the mission buildings, attempting a
rescue, though they were frightened away by a discharge of musketry in the air. Next day the sergeant

went out to make arrests, when a new fight occurred,

in which a settler and a horse were wounded, while
of the natives one was killed, another wounded, and
all begged for peace, which was granted after sundry
floggings had been administered.
It was some three
months before the savages showed themselves again
at the mission.
Events of 1777

may

be very briefly disposed

of,

and as well here as elsewhere. The natives resumed

their visits in March, gradually lost their fears, and
on June 24th three adults were baptized, the w hole
number of converts at the end of the year being
27
thirty-one.
Some slight improvements were made
in buildings at both establishments; but of agricultural progress we have no record.
Jose Ramon Bojorges was the corporal in command of the mission
guard.
In April San Francisco was honored by a
visit from the governor of the Californias, who had
come to live at Montere}^, and wished to make a personal inspection of the famous port. 28 May 12th the
Santiago, under Ignacio Arteaga, with Francisco Castro
as master, and Nocedal as chaplain, entered the harbor
with supplies for the northern establishments and San
Bias news down to the 1st of March. This was the
first voyage to the port of San Francisco direct without touching at intermediate stations. Arteaga set
sail for Monterey on the 27th.
In October the good
T

Francisco, Lib. dcMision, MS.

The first convert was named FranMoraga, the commandant of the presidio standing as godfather. The
first burial of a neophyte was on October 20th.
There had already been eight
deaths of Spaniards, but there were no more for two years. The first marriage
was that of Mariano A. Cordero, a soldier, and Juana F. Pinto on November
28, 1776; the first burial that of Maria de la Luz Muiioz, wife of J. M. Valen27

San

cisco

cia,

a soldier.
His report to the viceroy dated February 25, 1777,

-8

i.

140-2.

is in.

Prov. Bee, MS.,

FATHER JUNIPERO AT THE GOLDEN GATE.

297

padre presidente on his first visit to San Francisco

arrived in time to say mass in the mission church on
the day of Saint Francis in the presence of all the
'old residents' and of seventeen adult native converts.
Passing over to the presidio October 10th, and gazing
for the first time on the blue waters under the purple
pillars of the Golden Gate, Father Junipero exclaimed:
"Thanks be to God that now our father St Francis
with the holy cross of the procession of missions has
reached the last limit of the Californian continent.
To go farther he must have boats." 29
29

Comprehensive references on the general subject of this chapter are

ii. 285-347; Id., Vida, 201-24.
A few additional notes on minor
topics of San Francisco history are as follows: February 25, 1777, the governor
reports that Moraga has been ordered to enclose the presidio, and has begun
the work. The commandant's house and the warehouse are of adobe, though
very unsubstantial; all the other structures are mere huts. Prov. Bee., MS.,
On June 4th the governor notes the arrival of a picture of St Francis
i. 142.
for the presidio chapel, Id., 09, which it seems was sent at Moraga's request.
Arch. Santa Bdrbara, MS., vi. 139. The value of effects received in the
warehouse in 1776 was $14,027. St. Pap. Sac, MS., vi. 00. The expense of
building the presidio down to 1782 had been in goods as per Mexican invoice
Eight servants at the mission at end of 1777, names
$1,200. Id., iii. 230.
given. Id., Ben., i. 11.
The force of the San Francisco district, including
San Jose, at the end of 1777, was as follows: Lieutenant Moraga; Sergeant
Juan Pablo Grijalva; corporals Domingo Alviso, Valerio Mesa, Pablo Pinto,
Gabriel Peralta, and Ramon Bojorges; 33 soldiers, including mission guards
at San Francisco and Santa Clara; settlers Manuel Gonzalez, Nicolas Berreyesa, Casimiro Varela, Pedro Perez, Manuel Amezquita, Tiburcio Vasquez,
Francisco Alviso, Ignacio Archuleta, and Feliciano Alballo; sirvientes of the
presidio, including mechanics, etc. Salvador Espinosa, Juan Espinosa, Pedro
Lopez, Pedro Fontes, Juan Sanchez, Melchor Cardenas, Tomas de la Cruz,
Miguel Vclez, Felipe Otondo; sirvientes of the mission, Diego Olvera, Ale jo
Feliciano, Victoriano Flores, Joaquin Molina, Angel Segundo, Jose Rodriguez, Jose Castro, Jose Gios; sirvientes of Santa Clara, 9 (see chapter xiv.);
padres, Francisco Palou, Pedro Benito Cambon, Jose Antonio Murguia, and
Tomas de la Peiia; store-keeper, Hermenegildo Sal. Total 80 men. Moraga'a
report in MS. Moraga, Informe de 1777, MS.
Palou, Not.,

CHAPTER

XIV.

MISSION PROGRESS AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS.

1776-1777.

Indian Affright at Monterey Fire at San Luis Obispo Affairs at

San Diego Rivera and Serra Reestablishment of the Mission
The Lost Registers Founding of San Juan Capistrano Father
Serra Attacked Founding of Santa Clara Change of Capital
of the californias governor neve comes to monterey rlvera
as Lieutenant-governor at Loreto Provincias Internas Governor's Reports Precautions against Captain Cook Movements
of Vessels Neve's Plans for Channel Establishments Plans for
Grain Supply Experimental Pueblo Founding of San Jose Indian Troubles in the South A Soldier Killed Four Chieftains
Shot The First Public Execution in California.

All that is known of Monterey affairs during the

year 1776 has been told in connection with the founding of San Francisco, except a rumor of impending
attack by gentiles on San Carlos in the spring, which
filled Father Junipero's heart with joy at the thought
of possible martyrdom
a joy which, nevertheless, the

good friar restrained sufficiently to summon troops

from Monterey; but the rumor proved unfounded.
Of San Antonio nothing is recorded save that the
mission was quietly prosperous under the ministrations
of Pieras and Sitjar.
At San Luis Obispo there was
a fire on November 29th which destroyed the buildings, except the church and granary, together with
implements and some other property. The fire was
1

the work of gentiles who discharged burning arrows

at the tule roofs, not so much to injure the Spaniards
l
Palou, Vida, 318-20. Anza in his report, Diario, MS., 135, represented
San Carlos as in a very prosperous condition, with over 300 neophytes.

(298)

FRANCISCAN" POLICY.

299

on a hostile tribe who were

Rivera hastened to the spot,
the Spaniards' friends.
captured two of the ringleaders, and sent them to
the presidio. 2 Cavalier and Figuer were in charge,
assisted much of the time by Murguia and Mugartegui;
while at San Gabriel, of which mission something has
been said in connection with Anza's expedition, Paterna, Cruzaclo, and Sanchez were serving.
as to revenue themselves

In the extreme south as in the extreme north the

year was not uneventful, since it saw the mission of
San Diego rebuilt and that of San Juan Capistrano
successfully founded.
Rivera returned to San Diego
in May, to resume his investigations in connection
with the disaster of the year before; but he seems to
have had no thought of immediate steps toward rebuilding the destroyed mission.
His policy involved
long investigations, military campaigns, and severe
penalties, to be followed naturally in the distant
future by a resumption of missionary work.
Such,
however, was by no means the policy of Serra or of
the missionaries generally.
Throughout the northwest both Jesuits and Franciscans had from the first,
on the occurrence of hostile acts by the natives,
favored prompt and decisive action, with a view to
inspire terror of Spanish power; but long-continued
retaliatory measures they never approved. Condemna-

and imprisonment were sometimes useful, but

mainly as a means of increasing missionary influence
through pardon and release. This policy, though
sometimes carried too far for safety, was a wise one,
tion

Not, ii. 339-40. Neve's Report of Sept. 19, 1777, in Prov. Pec,
The mission register of marriages was destroyed. Note of Serra
Luis Obispo, Lib. de Mision, MS., 57. The mission was twice again on

Palou,

MS.,
in 8.

i.

19.

within ten years, which caused the use of tiles for roofs to be universally
adopted. Palou, Vida, 142-3. Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 83, says that
Ignacio Vallejo, the author's grandfather, was at the intercession of the
padres allowed to quit the service temporarily to superintend the rebuilding
of the mission and the construction of irrigation works; and in fact Vallejo'a
name appears as witness in a marriage which took place the day after the fire,
as carpenter and em ploy 6 of the mission.' San Luis Obispo, Lib. de Mision,

fire

'

MS.,

57.

300

MISSION PROGRESS

AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS.

and indeed the only one by which the friars could

have achieved their purpose. 3
The viceroy on hearing of the massacre at San
Diego had given orders for protective measures, including a reenforcement of twenty-five men; but a
little later he expressed his opinion, agreeing with
that of the missionaries, that it would be better to
conciliate than to punish the offending gentiles, and
that the reenforcement ordered should be employed
rather to protect the old and new establishments than
to chastise the foe. 4
Bucareli's communications,
though dated in the spring of 1776, seem to have
been delayed; at any rate Rivera was doing nothing
towards reestablishment, and the southern friars were
becoming discouraged.
Serra therefore determined
to go down in person.
As we have seen, he had
wished to accompany Rivera, but that officer had
pleaded necessity for a more rapid march than was
suited to his advanced age and feeble health.
Now
he sailed on the San Antonio which left Monterey the
last day of June, and arrived at San Diego the 11th
of July.
Father Nocedal was left at San Carlos
Serra took the latter's place as chaplain; and Santa
Maria accompanied the president, who intended to
substitute him for some southern missionary whose
discontent might not impair his usefulness, for three

had already applied

for leave to retire.

Serra found the natives peaceable enough; in fact

Rivera had reported them to the viceroy as 'pacified;'
but though the military force was idle in the presidio,
the friars for want of a guard could not resume their
3

In a communication to Rivera Serra urges a suspension of hostilities,

which would do more harm than good, and a light punishment to captives.
Let the living padres be protected as the apple of God's eye,' but let the dead
one be left to enjoy God, and thus good be returned for evil. St. Pap., MS.,
'

xv. 14, 15.

4
Bucareli's letters to Serra of March 26th and April 3d, in Arch. Santa
Barbara, MS., vi. 1-3, and Palou, Vida, 187-90. It is stated in the letters
that instructions of similar purport were sent to Rivera.
5
These were probably Fuster, the survivor of San Diego, and Lasuen and
Amurrio destined for San Juan. Their petition to retire was simply a protest
against Rivera's inaction, and not improbably had been suggested by Serra
himself.

WORK AT SAN

DIEGO.

301

made an arrangement
with Captain Choquet of the San Antonio, who offered to furnish sailors to work on the mission, and
go in person to direct their labors. Then Rivera,
work.

The president

at once

asked in writing for a guard, could not refuse, and

detailed six men for the service.
On August 22d 6
the three friars, Choquet with his mate and boatswain and twenty sailors, a company of neophytes,
and the six soldiers went up the river to the old site
and began work in earnest, digging foundations, collecting stones,

and making adobes.

erect first an adobe wall for defence

The plan was

to

and then build

a church and other structures within the enclosure.

Good progress was made for fifteen days, so that it
was expected to complete the wall in two weeks and
the buildings before the sailing of the transport, with
time enough left to put in a crop. But an Indian
went to Rivera with a report that the savages were
preparing arrows for a new attack, and though a sergeant sent to investigate reported, as the friars claim,
that the report had no foundation 7 the commandant
was frightened, and on September 8th withdrew the
guard, advising the withdrawal of the sailors.
Choquet, though protesting, was obliged to yield to save
his own responsibility, and the work had to be abandoned, to the sorrow and indignation of the missionaries.

About

this time a native reported that Corporal

was at Velicata with soldiers en route for

San Diego. Serra was sure they were the soldiers
promised him for mission guards, and Rivera equally
Carrillo

positive that they

were destined to reenforce the pre-

but he refused to send a courier to learn the

truth until a letter came from Carrillo on the 25th.
sidio;

6
Lasuen in his report of 1783, in Bandini, Doc. Hist. Cat., MS., 2, states
that the mission was reestablished in June 177G.
There may, however, be
an error of the copyist.
7
The governor in a later report says that investigations had proved a
second convocation of 21 rancherias for hostile operations. Prov. i?ec, MS.,
i. G0-1.
It is not certain however that the allusion is to this occasion.

302

MISSION PROGRESS

AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS.

Three days later the viceroy's despatches arrived and

proved favorable to Serra's claims, directing the
troops, which arrived on the 29th, to be used for the

The president celebrated

restoration of the missions.
his triumph by a mass and the ringing of bells. Rivera was obliged to modify his plans, assigning twelve
of the twenty-five men to the mission, ten to San
Juan, two to San Gabriel, and the remainder to the
presidio.
He also released the Indian captives whom
he had intended to exile to San Bias. 8 On the 11th
he started north to establish the missions near San
Francisco, learning on the way, as we have seen, that
one of them had already been founded in spite of his
orders to the contrary. 9
Work was at once resumed at the mission, and the
buildings were soon ready for occupation. Three friars,
Fuster, Lasuen, and probably Santa Maria, moved
into their new quarters and under the protection of
an increased escort renewed their labors, the date being
apparently the 17th of October. 10 Already the lost
mission registers of baptism, marriages, and deaths
had been replaced with new ones in which the missing entries were restored, so far as possible, from
the memory of priests, neophytes, and soldiers, by
Serra himself, who added some valuable notes on the
past history of the mission, at various dates from
August 14th to October 25th; Fuster also added an
interesting narrative of the tragedy of November 5,
These records, which I have had occasion to
1775.
8
But this release would seem not to have been immediate, for the governor in a letter of Feb. 27, 1777, says that there were still 13 prisoners at
San Diego implicated in the revolt. Prov. Pec, MS., i. 143. In a letter of
June 3d he states that on receipt of the viceroy's orders of Feb. 2d, the troops
were drawn up, the prisoners called out and harangued on the enormity of
their offence meriting death, warned that if they abused the present clemency they must expect the severest penalty, and then they were dismissed
with an exhortation by the priests, both soldiers and criminals uniting in a
cheer, and a salute from two cannons celebrating this termination of a painOne of the prisoners had strangled himself on Aug.
ful matter. Id., 60-1.
15th, the anniversary of the day when six years before he had attempted to
kill Father Serra in the first attack on the mission. Pcdou, Vida, 87.
vpolou, Not. ii, 325-37; Id., Vida, 191-3, 1C6-7.
10
Ortega to Rivera, Dec. 3d, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 151.

FOUNDING OF SAN JUAN CAPISTRANO.

303

use freely in the preceding chapters, are among the

most valuable original authorities on the early history
of California. 11 Palou asserts that progress in the
work of conversion was rapid from the first, whole
rancherias coming in from far away to ask for baptism.
The only additional record for the year at San Diego
is in letters of Ortega to Rivera complaining of some
minor matters of the presidio routine, among others
12
of want of clothing and tortillas.

days of October, leaving San Diego

affairs in a satisfactory condition, Serra started northward with Gregorio Amurrio,and the escort of ten
13
soldiers
to establish the new mission of San Juan
Capistrano, 14 on the site abandoned the year previous.
The buried bells were dug up to be hung and chimed
mass was said by the president, and thus the seventh
mission was founded the 1st of November 15 on or near
the site where stood the ruins of a later structure
a century after, 16 near a small bay which offered good
anchorage and protection from all but south winds, and
which long served as the port for mission cargoes. Lasuen, originally assigned to this mission, had remained

In the

11

last

Serra, JSTotas,

MS.

Fuster, Pegistro de Defimciones,

MS.

12

Ortega to Rivera, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 152-3.

13
The mission guard under Corporal Nicolas Carabanas included the
soldiers Jacinto Gloria, Jose" Antonio Pena, Francisco Pefia, Pio Quinto
Ziiniga, Nicolas Gomez, Matias Vega, Jose Dolores Dominguez, Julian Accbedo, and Jose" Joaquin Armenta. It is to be noted that many early Californians wrote their names 'Joseph rather than Jose\
11
The patron saint of this mission was born at Capistrano in the kingdom
of Naples in 1385, was educated as a lawyer, became a judge, and in 1415
took the habit of St Francis. He was noted thereafter for his austere life and
his zeal against heretics, occupying high positions in the Inquisition. He also
travelled extensively in Europe on diplomatic business for the pope. He took
part in the crusades, and hated Jews and Turks no less than heretics. He was
prominent in the siege and Christian victory of Belgrade in 1456, and died in
October of that year, to be canonized in 1G90. He was the author of many
ecclesiastical works, and his festival is celebrated by the church the 31st of
1

'

October.
15
S. Juan Capistrano, Lib. de Mlsion, MS., title-page; Ortega, in Prov. St.
Pap., MS., i. 151.
r
10
According to Los Angeles, Hist., 5, the first mission was located some
miles north-easterly from the present location, at the foot of the mountain,
the place being still known as Mision Vieja; but this can hardly agree with
Palou's statement, Vida, 197-200, that the mission stood half a league from
the bay, on a stream running into it, and in sight of it as at present.

MISSION PROGRESS AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS.

304

Jaume's place at San Diego, and Pablo Mugartegui,

appointed in his place, soon came down from San Luis.
few days after the founding Serra made a trip to
San Gabriel. While returning in company with a
pack-train and a drove of cattle he went a little in
advance with a soldier and a neophyte, and was met
on the Trabuco stream by a horde of painted and
armed savages who approached with shouts and
hostile gestures, but were induced to desist by a few
in

judicious falsehoods applied by the San Gabriel neophyte, who affirmed that there was a large body of
soldiers close behind
for

any harm done

who would take terrible vengeance

17
to the friar.

There were no further

demonstrations of the kind.

The natives near the
mission were not averse to Christianity, and Amurrio
administered baptism December 15th, and Mugartegui
again on Christmas, the whole number during the year
being four, and during the next year forty.
The
18
native name of the mission site was Sajirit.

As

soon as Rivera arrived from the south in the

autumn of 1776, he gave his attention to the two
new missions which the viceroy in his late communications had spoken of as already founded, and which
the commandant now realized to have been too long
neglected.
One of them had indeed been established;
Tomas de la Pena and Jose Murguia had long since
been assigned to the other; mission guard, church paraphernalia, and all needed supplies were ready; and
Peiia had already been over the northern country and
17

Nov. 12th Corporal Beltran reports the hostile demonstrations against

Serra and the soldier Peiia, and adds that the natives are at the mission ready to
fight.
Nov. 15th Ortega reports having sent Mariano Carrillo to investigate.
He adds that two soldiers and a servant have deserted from the new mission.
Nov. 23d Carrillo reports that all is quiet since the original demonstration; all
round the mission were peaceable, and two pagan chiefs had come to ask permission to settle at San Juan.
One chief complains that a soldier has taken
his wife, but the soldier will be sent to San Diego. St. Pap. Sac, MS., vii.
5-13.
ls
San Juan Capistrano, Lib. de 3/ision, MS. In several of the mission
registers the aboriginal name was written Quanis-Savit, which was, in all but
one, erased and Sajirit substituted.

FOUNDING OF SANTA CLAEA.

made up

mind about the most

his

desirable

305

site.

Set-

ting out in November to inspect the establishments

at San Francisco, and accompanied by Pena, Rivera
visited on the way the proposed site near the banks of
the Guadalupe River in the broad San Bernardino
19
Subseplain, since known as Santa Clara Valley.
Tomas
was
left
at
San
Francisco
with
quently Friar
the understanding that Rivera on his return to Monterey should send up the men and supplies, with the
other priest, and orders to proceed at once to the
On account of the alarm at San Luis
founding.
Obispo already noticed, these orders were delayed, but
they came late in December, and on the 6th of January 1777, Moraga with Pena and a company of soldiers 20 started southward.
cross having been erected and an enramada prepared, Father Tomas said the first mass on January
21
12th, dedicating the new mission to Santa Clara,
virgin, on the site called aboriginally Thamien, among
the natives known as Tares, who had four rancherias
22
In respect of agricultural advantages
in the vicinity.

was thought to be hardly inferior to the

country of San Gabriel, but it was feared, and with
reason as it proved, that the mission site might be
23
The work of buildliable to occasional inundations.

this valley

341-3, implies that the site was formally selected by

is not probable; at any rate the site had doubtless been
long before fixed upon more or less definitely by the priests.
20
The soldiers destined for the new mission were the remaining ten of
Palou, Vida, 218Anza's company who had been all this time at Monterey.
20, implies that these soldiers with their families came up to San Francisco;
which may be true, but it seems more likely that they met Moraga at the head
of the bay, the latter taking with him a few men from his own presidio.
21
Santa Clara was the daughter of a rich and noble family of Assisi, Italy,
born in 1193, and wholly devoted to the fashionable frivolities of her class,
until at the age of 17 she was converted by the preaching of Saint Francis,
retired to the convent of Porciuncula, and became as famous for the austerity
and piety of her life as she had been for her wit and beauty. She founded an
order of rdigiosas named for herself, died in 1253, and was canonized in 1255.
Her day is celebrated on the 12th of August.
22
Pena's Report of Dec. 30th, in Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., ix. 505-9.
Tares was the native word for men.
newspaper scrap says the place was
called Socoisuka from the abundance of laurels.
The governor on Feb. 25th
writes that the mission was located on Jan. 4th. Prov. Hec, MS., i. 141.
23
In January and February 1779 the mission was twice flooded. Several
Hist. Cal., Vol. I. 20
19

Palou, Not.

Moraga

later;

ii.

but this

ZOQ

MISSION PROGRESS AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS

ing was at once begun within a square of seventy

yards.
Father Murguia arrived with cattle and other
mission property on the 21st, and Moraga went back
The latter however was soon
to San Francisco.
r^alled, for the natives, though friendly at first, soon
developed a taste for beef, which flogging and even
the killing of three of their number did not entirely
u In May an epidemic carried off many
eradicate.
children, most of whom were baptized, and missionary
work proper was thus begun. 25
According to the minister's report at the end of the
year there had been sixty-seven baptisms, including
eight adults, and twenty-five deaths. Thirteen Christians and ten catechumens were living at the mission,
and the rest at the rancherias with their parents. In
the way of material improvements the new establishment could show a church of six by twenty
varas, two dwellings of six by twenty-two and five by
thirty-one varas respectively, divided into the necessary apartments, all of timber plastered with clay and
roofed with earth.
There were likewise two corrals
and a bridge across the stream. 26

Felipe de Neve had been ruling

at Loreto as governor of the Californias, though his
authority over Upper California had been merely
nominal, the commandant of the new establishments

Since

March 1775

houses fell and all had to be moved to higher ground. Governor's report of
April 4th, in Prov. Pec., MS., i. 125-6.
u Gov. Neve in a report of Sept. 19, 1777, in Prov. Pec, MS., i. 19-20.
25
Santa Clara, Lib. de Mision, MS. The first baptism of a child de razon
on July 31st was that of an illegitimate son of Jose Antonio Gonzalez and
of a woman whose marriage with another man the next year is the first
recorded.
The first death was that of Jos6 Antonio Garcia in Jan. 1 7 7 S
Both Ramon Bojorges and Gabriel Peralta are named as corporals of the
mission guard during the first year. Prov. St. Pap., Den. Mil., MS., i. 11.
20
Murguia and Pena, Informe de Santa Clara, Mil, MS. The sirvientes
of the mission
not all 'servants as we use the word, but including mechanics,
vaqucros, etc. were Francisco Ibarra, Cristobal Armenta, Agustin"Soberanes,
Antonio Romero (1st and 2d), Joaquin Sanchez, Manuel Antonio, Joaquin
Puga, Cirilo Gonzalez. Moraga, in Prov. St. Pap. Ben., MS., i. 9, and Gleeson,
Hist. Cath. Ch., ii. SO-2, say the founders reached Santa Clara Jan. 1st. Shea,
For account cf
Cath. Miss., 100, tells us the mission was founded Jan. 0th.
founding from Palou, see HalVs Hist. San Joss, 4IG-1S; The Oiti, Jan. 1671.
-

'

THE GOVERNOR TO LIVE AT MONTEREY.

307

being directly responsible to the viceroy and subordinate to the governor only in being required to report
fully to that official.
Soon however a change was
ordered, due largely it is believed to the influence of
Jose de Galvez, now in Spain and filling the high position of minister of state for the Indies.
The 16th of
August 1775 the king issues a royal order that Governor Neve is to reside at Monterey as capital of the
province, while Rivera is to go to Loreto and rule
Baja California as lieutenant-governor. At the same
time, perhaps, Neve's commission as governor is forwarded, for his office down to this time had been
merely provisional under appointment of the viceroy
requiring the king's approval.
second royal order
of April 19, 1776, directed the change to be made
immediately. 27 It is difficult to ascertain in the absence
of original instructions of king and viceroy exactly
what effect the change of residence had on the respective powers of Neve and Rivera, especially those of
the latter. But it is evident that while Rivera's authority as lieutenant-governor on the peninsula was
less absolute and his subordination to the governor
greater than in Upper California as commandant,
Neve's authority in the north was practically the
same as Rivera's had been; that is, in California the
only change in government was in the title of the
ruler.
The new establishments were recognized by
Carlos III. as more important than the old.
In six
years the child had outgrown its parent.
Monterey
was to be capital of the Californias as it had always
been of California Setentrional. 28

27
The order of Aug. ICth is merely referred to in a list of documents in Prov.
Pap., MS., xxii. 3, and may possibly be an error. The order of Ajoril 19th
is referred to in a letter of the viceroy in Id., i. 203.
Xcve's commission as
governor was forwarded to him by the viceroy on Dec. 20, 1775. Prov. Bee,
MS., i. 39.
28
The formation of the Provincias Internas de Occidentc under Teodoro de
Croix as commandant general with viceregal powers was nearly simultaneous
with the change in California; and to this new official Gov. Neve became
r<
ponsible instead of to the viceroy as Rivera had been.
March 8, 1777,
Croix writes to Neve that Art. 20 of royal instructions requires the governor
and officials of California to render individual reports of acts and events to

St.

308

MISSION PROGRESS AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS.

For the

time so far as the record shows, Viceroy Bucareli transmitted the king's orders to Neve
at Loreto the 20th of July 1776. During this month
and the next a correspondence took place between the
two official.*/" 9 which, from its fragmentary nature as
preserved, is unsatisfactory, but from which it appears
that Bucareli was desirous that Neve should start as
soon as possible, that orders to Rivera were enclosed
to the governor, that a herd of live-stock was to be
taken from the peninsula, and that twenty-five soldiers were sent by the Conception to Loreto to accompany Neve northward. Though Bucareli had nothing
to do with the change in rulers and capitals, he could
not fail to be well pleased with the order received from
Spain, since it came just in time to relieve him from
the undesirable task of deciding several quarrels.
Rivera's troubles with the Franciscans and with Anza
are fresh in the reader's mind, and Neve's relations
with the Dominicans were but little less uncomfortable.
Complaints to the viceroy were frequent, and it was
an easy reply to say that the impending change would
probably remove ail reason for dissatisfaction and prevent the necessity for any specific measures. 30 Had
Rivera's peculiar conduct been known in Spain it is
not likely that he would have been retained in office;
but the viceroy hoped that in a new field he might
succeed better.
The troops referred to in the viceroy's communications were probably those whose arrival at San Diego
in September 1777 has been already noticed, since there
first

him. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 245. Dec. 25, 1776, the viceroy notified Neve of
the appointment of Croix, to whom he is to report directly on occurrences in
California; but for supplies, etc., he is still to communicate with the viceroy.
Prov. Pec, MS., i. CG-7. Neve had written to the viceroy for certain instructions, which were transmitted to Croix.
The latter writes to Neve Aug. 15,
1777, that his duties in other provinces will prevent his attention to California,
and he has therefore turned the whole matter over to the viceroy for the
p resent. He, however, asks for Neve's suggestions respecting reforms, etc.,
for a new reglamento for California. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 252-3.
29
Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 203-7.
30
Bucareli wrote on Dec. 25, 1776. to Serra, announcing the change ordered.
Palou, Vida, 194-5.

NEVE IN CALIFORNIA.

309

no record of any soldiers having come up with Neve

31
except an escort of six who returned with Rivera.
Indeed, respecting Neve's journey to California nothing is known beyond the facts that it was made by
land via San Diego that he made close observations,
as shown by his later reports, of the condition and
needs of each establishment on the way; and that he
arrived at Monterey February 3, 1777. 32 His first act
after a review of the troops and a consultation with
Serra, was to send to Mexico a report on February
25th that the new presidio and the four new missions,
including San Diego, had been successfully founded
and were in a condition more or less satisfactory. 33
In March Rivera started for Baja California. Then
in April Neve made a tour in the north, visiting San
Francisco and Santa Clara. It had been proposed by
Rivera to move the presidio of Monterey to the river
is

since called Salinas, chiefly because of the insufficient

supply of water at the original site. The viceroy

approved the measure; 34 but the royal orders to Neve
expressly forbade the removal, declaring that the presidio must be maintained where it was at any cost, for
the protection of the port. Still another matter had
been intrusted to the patriotic zeal of the new ruler,
though one that did not prove a very severe tax on
either ability or time. He had an order from the king
to be on the watch for Captain Cook's two vessels
that had been despatched from England on a voyage
of discovery in the South Sea, and by no means to
31
According to a communication of some official on Feb. 10, 1776, in Prov.
Bee, MS., i. 139, the cattle from the old missions amounted to 1,209, and
were to be sent up to the frontier, with 80 mules and 30 horses for the 25 San
Diego recruits.
3
- Letter of Neve to viceroy,
Feb. 26th, in Prov. Bee, MS., i. 139-40, in
which he notes the bad condition in which he found the San Diego force in
respect of clothing, arms, and horses. March 2d he writes, Id., i. 59, that he
has given Rivera full instructions, and the latter will depart to-morrow. Rivera
writes Feb. 6th, that Neve has arrived, and that he is about to retire to Lore to.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxii. 20. See also Palou, Not., ii. 344-5.
33
Neve, hiforme de 25 de Feb. 1777, MS., in Prov. Bee, i. 140-2. There
are several other minor communications of the governor written about this

time.
34

Letter of Jan.

2, 1775, in

Prov. St. Pap., MS.,

i.

109.

MISSION PROGRESS

310

AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS.

permit that navigator to enter any Californian port. 35

The transports of 1777 were the San Antonio and
the Santiago. The former under Francisco Villaroel,
with Serra as chaplain, arrived at San Diego in May
with supplies for the south, and having unloaded sailed
The latter, whose arrival at
at once for San Bias.
San Francisco has already been noted, came down to
Monterey and sailed for San Bias the 8th of June.
By her Neve sent a report on the Santa Barbara
Channel and its tribes, giving his views of what was
necessary to be done in that region to control and
convert a large native population, that might in the
future become troublesome by cutting off land communication between the north and south, which from
the peculiar nature and situation of their country they
His plan included a mission of San
could easily do.
Buenaventura at Asuncion at the southern extremity
of the channel, another of Purisima near Point Concepcion at the northern extremity, and a third of
Santa Barbara with also a presidio in the central
region near Mescaltitlan. The military force required
for the three establishments would be a lieutenant
and sixty-seven soldiers. This report was dated June
3d, and next day the governor wrote asking permission to resign and join his family in Seville whom he
had not seen since 1764, being also in ill-health growing out of seven years' service in administering: the
colleges of Zacatecas.

36

The shipment

of grain from San Bias for the military establishments of the Californias was a very
expensive and uncertain method of supply, and officials had been instructed from the first to suggest
some practicable means of home production to be
35

Royal order, July

by viceroy Oct. 23d. Prov. Pec, MS., i.

The governor acknowledges receipt of the

14, 1776; sent

13; Prov. St. Pap., MS.,

order .on June 6th. Prov.

i.

213.

Pec, MS., i. 7G.

There are 22 communications of Neve to Bucareli, written during the
His correspondence
first half of 1777, preserved in Prov. Pec, MS., i. 59-79.
for the last six months has for the most part been lost.
36

FOUNDING OF SAN

JOSfi.

311

In June 177 G, before

introduced as soon as possible.
leaving Loreto, Neve in a communication to the
viceroy proposed an experimental sowing for account
of government on some fertile lands of the northern
frontier, both to supply the usual deficiency on the
peninsula, and especially to furnish grain at reduced
cost for the new establishments. Bucareli in August
approved the proposition in a general way, but stated
that in view of the proposed change in the governor's
residence it would be impossible for Neve to attend
personally to the matter, and suggested that the
scheme miirfit be carried out with even better chances
of success in the fertile lands of New California,
referring also to Anza's favorable report on the Colorado River region as a source of grain supply in case
37
of special need.
Accordingly Neve kept the matter in view during
his trip northward, closely examining the different
regions traversed to find land suited to his purpose.
The result of his observations was that there were
two spots eminently fitted for agricultural operations,
one being on the Rio de Porciuncula in the south,
and the other on the Rio de Guadalupe in the north;
and he also made up his mind that the only way to
utilize the advantages offered was to found two pueblos
on the rivers. To this end he asked for four laborers
and some other necessary assistance. 38 Without waiting, however, for a reply to this communication, and
possibly having received additional instructions from
Mexico, the governor resolved to go on and make a
37
Neve's letter of June 21st is not extant, but is referred to
of its contents in the viceroy's letter of August, in Prov. St.

with a resum6
Pap., IMS., i.

205-6.
38
Neve's letter is missing as before, but is alluded to in a subsequent letter
of April 1773, in Prov. Ike, MS., i. 7-9.
In another letter of June 4th, the

after the first, Neve says that he has made no formal distribution of
to either settlers or soldiers, except to one soldier (Butron?) to whom
Rivera in past years had given a title to a lot of land near San Carlos mission.
Also that as there are no suitable lands near the presidio he cannot for
present carry out the sowing order. Id., i. G8.
From this it would seem
likely that he had received some more direct order from Bucareli to sow near
the presidio.

day

!s

312

MISSION PROGRESS

AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS.

beginning of the northernmost of the two pueblos.

He selected for this purpose nine of the presidio

Monterey and San Francisco, who knew

something of farming, and five settlers, who had come
soldiers of

to California with Anza,

33

and the fourteen with their

families, sixty-six persons in all, started on November
7th from San Francisco under Mora^a for their new
site was chosen near the eastern bank of
home.

the river, three quarters of a league south-east of

Santa Clara, and here the new pueblo, the first in
California, was founded on the 29th under the name
of San Jose de Guadalupe, that is San Jose on the
River Guadalupe. The name was apparently selected
by Neve as an honor to the original patron of the
California establishments, as named by Galvez in
17G8. 40
The first earth-roofed structures of plastered palisades were erected a little more than a mile north of
the centre of the modern city. 41 The settlers received
39

Palou, Not. ii. 34S-50, says that all were of Anza's company, lying idle
Neve, letter of April 15, 177S, in Prov. Pec., MS., i. 8,
at San Francisco.
says he took 3 of those who had come as pobladores and recruited 2 more,
have no list of the San Jos6 settlers
from what source it does not appear.
until the more formal distribution of lands in 1781, when the number was 9
The names of all the first settlers of 1777 cannot therefore be
instead of 14.
given; but from Moraga's list of all the pobladores in the San Francisco district in December 1777, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 8, 9, and from an examination of the Santa Clara records, Santa Clara, Lib. de Mision, MS., I conclude
that 4 of the 5 original pobladores of San Jose" were Jose" Ignacio Archuleta,
Manuel Francisco Amezquita, JoseManuel Gonzalez, and Jos^Tiburcio Vasquez,
while the fifth was not improbably a lady, GertrudisPeralta. Of 9 soldier settlers
I can give the names of only 4; Valerio Mesa, corporal in command, Seferino
Lugo, Juan Manuel Marcos Villela, and Jose Antonio Romero. Gabriel Peralta
was the corporal in 1779. Romero was the only soldier who remained, and the 4
pobladores mentioned make up 5 of the 9 names on the list and map of April
1781. See St. Pap. Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 243. Of the other 4, Claudio Alvires was a servant before 1780, while Bernardo Rosales, Sebastian Alvitre, a
soldier in 17G9-74, and Francisco Avila were new names.
40
See chapter iv. of this volume. In the heading of one document in
the archives I find the pueblo called San Jos6 de Galvez. This name though
perhaps a copyist's error would have been a most appropriate one. In later
times an effort was made to christen the town San Jose" de Alvarado, in honor
of the governor; but it was unsuccessful so far as common usage was concerned.
41
Xcar the little stream crossed by the first bridge on the road leading
from the city to Alviso. llalVs Hist. San Jose", 14-19,46. This modern work
Documents
contains a tolerably accurate and complete history of San Jose\
on the early years are not numerous, and the author seems to have consulted
most of them. There are a few errors in names and translation, but the book
,

'

'

We

EARLY ANNALS OF SAN

JOSfi.

313

each a tract of land that could be irrigated sufficient

for planting about three bushels* of maize, with a
house-lot, ten dollars a month, and a soldier's rations.
Each also received a yoke of oxen, two horses, two
cows, a mule, two sheep, and two goats, together with
necessary implements and seed, all of which were to
be repaid in products of the soil delivered at the royal
warehouse.
The mission of Santa Clara being near,
the ministers consented to attend for the present to
the settlers' spiritual interests, and accordingly the
names of the latter are frequently found in the misIn April of the next year Neve
sion-book entries.
reported to the viceroy what he had done. 42
The firstwork in the newpueblo after building houses
to shelter the families was to dam the river above,
bring down water in a ditch, and prepare the fields for
sowing; but the attempt was not successful, and the
sowing of over fifty bushels of corn was a total loss,
since it was necessary to change the site of the dam,
and the new one was not completed and water brought
to the fields till July.
The second sowing yielded
between six and eight hundred bushels.
second
dam was built above the first to protect it in time of
freshet, and the irrigation system thus completed was
planned to supply thirty-six suertes, or sowing-lots, of
two hundred varas each. As early as 1778 the governor complained that the lands were nearer those of
the mission than he had intended, and badly distributed.
In 1779 much damage was done by high
water both at San Jose and Santa Clara, among other

what has been given to the California public as

from the San Jos6 Pioneer, Jan. 1877, being an
address by the author on July 4th, is full of errors, many of which are doubtless due to the newspaper and not the writer.
42
April 15th, Prov. Bee, MS., i. 7-8. A duplicate was sent to General
Croix. Id. 9, 10. See an English translation of this report in DwinelWs Colon.
Hist. S. F., addenda, 8.
The viceroy's acknowledgment of this report and
approval of Neve's acts was dated July 22, 1778. St. Pap. Miss. andColon.,'Mi5.,
i. 28-9.
He mentions a servant besides the 5 settlers, and makes the whole
population G8 instead of C6. He also speaks of a dam not alluded to by Neve.
Croix's acknowledgment and approval was dated July 19, 1779, and included
that of the king dated March Gth. Hall's Hist. San Joss, 14-19.
far above the average of
history.
HalVs San Jos6,
is

314

MISSION PROGRESS

AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS.

things the new clam at the pueblo being washed away.

At this earhy elate also the governor notes the influence of the friars as adverse to pueblo progress.
Before founding San Jose he had considered the
prospects of obtaining supplies from the missions, and
had concluded that for some years, at least, the products of the missions would not increase faster than
the mouths of neophytes to be feci. The missionaries
well knew that such was the prospect; but on general
principles they were opposed to all establishments in
the country save their own.
The presidios were a
necessary evil, and the soldiers must be fed, therefore
the government should feed them until the missions
could do so.
As soon as Serra realized that Neve
was in earnest about founding pueblos, he began to be
very certain that his missions could have supplied the
presidios; "but he forgets," says Neve, "that this
would not people the land with Spanish subjects."
There is nothing more to be recorded concerning San
Jose for several years, and down to 1781 the establishment may be regarded as to a great extent provi43
sional or experimental.

Certain troubles with the southern savasres, during

this year and in the spring of the following, remain
They seem to have
to be noticed in this chapter.
begun in June 1777 when the Alocuachomi rancheria
threatened the neophytes of San Juan Capistrano,
and Corporal Guillermo Carrillo was sent with five
men to chastise the offenders, which he did by killing
three and wounding several.
Sergeant Aguiar was
sent by Ortega to investigate, and his report showed
the existence of disorders among the soldiers, in their
relation to the natives, by no means creditable to
native chieftain
Spanish discipline in California.
who was in league with the offenders and who furnished women to the guard, was deemed to merit

43
Neve's communications in Prov. Bec
Prov. St. Pop., iii. 145.

ISIS.,

i.

90-2, 125-6,

ii.

21-2;

INDIAN HOSTILITIES.

315

and an admonition from the minister;

and two culprit soldiers were taken south to San
Diego.
It was, perhaps, in connection with these
fifteen lashes

disturbances that the Indians of San Gabriel came in

arms to the mission to avenge some outrage; but they
were subdued, as by a miracle, when the friars held
up a shining image of our lady, kneeling, weeping, and
embracing the missionaries. 44 Hardly had the excitement of the disturbances alluded to died out, when
on August 1 3th four soldiers bearing despatches from
General Croix to Neve were surprised at midnight,
at a place called San Juan just above San Diego, by
a party of savages who killed the corporal in command,
Antonio Briones. The rest escaped with their horses,
after having repulsed the foe in an hour's fight. Sergeant Carrillo was ordered to make a retaliatory campaign, but the result is not recorded beyond the
statement that a chief was arrested.
In February
of 1778 Carrillo was obliged to make a new expedition to San Juan Capistrano, wdiere several rancherias,

Amangens, Cbacapamas, and Toban Juguas were

assembled and threatening.
chieftain's wife had

Lower

and the outraged

husband made his grievance a public one by appealing
to the natives to avenge the death of their comrades
eloped with a

California!!,

year before; also charging that the Spaniards

were really devils come to destroy the crops by
drought.
In March it was reported that the people of Pamo,
one of the San Diego rancherias, were making arrows
to be used against the Spaniards, counting on the aid
of three neighboring bands and of one across the
sierra, and having already murdered a San Juan
/lain the

Ortega sent a message of warning and

Aaaran sent back a challenge to the soldiers to come
and be slain. Carrillo's services were again called
into requisition and he was sent with eight soldiers to
Indian.

44
This story is told by Hugo Reid and Benjamin Hayes, and it is also the
subject of a poem by Miss M. A. Fitzgerald. Hayes Mission Book, i. 197.
1

MISSION PROGRESS AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS.

316

chastise this insolence, capture the chiefs, and to give

thirty or forty lashes each to such warriors as might
seem to need them. In carrying out his orders the
sergeant surprised the foe at Pamo, killed two of the
number, and burned a few who refused to come out of
The rest
the hut in which they had taken refuge.
surrendered and took their flog^in^,
DO O 7 while the four
%

were bound and carried to San Die^o.

Captured in this battle were eighty bows, fifteen hundred arrows, and a large number of clubs. The four
chiefs, Aachil, Aalcuirin, Aaaran, and Taguagui were
tried on April 6th, convicted of having plotted to kill
Christians in spite of the mercy shown them in the
king's name for past offences, and condemned to death
by Ortega, though that officer had no right to inflict
the death penalty, even on an Indian, without the
governor's approval. The sentence was " Deeming it
useful to the service of God, the king, and the public
weal, I sentence them to a violent death by two
musket-shots on the 11th at 9 a. m., the troops to be
present at the execution under arms, also all the
Christian rancherias subject to the San Diego mission,
that they may be warned to act righteously." Fathers Lasuen and Figuer were summoned to prepare
" You will cooperate,"
the condemned for their end.
writes Ortega to the padres, " for the good of their
souls in the understanding that if they do not accept
the salutary waters of holy baptism they die on Saturday morning; and if they do they die all the
same!" This was the first public execution in Calichieftains

fornia.
45

these Indian troubles see reports of Neve and Ortega in St. Pap. Sac,
61-3, viii. 31-52; Prov. Bee, MS., i. 19, 96-7; Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
1-6; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., i. 41-4.

MS.,
ii.

On

45

vii.

CHAPTER

XV.

A DECADE COMPLETEDPRESIDENT SERRA VERSUS

GOVERNOR NEVE.
17781780.

Period of Preparation Schemes for the Future Government Reforms Pueblos Channel Establishments Neve Wants to Resign
and is made Colonel Sacrament of Confirmation Episcopal
Powers Conferred on Padre Serra Tour of the Missions Quarrel with Neve Ecclesiastic Prerogative and Secular Authority
A Friar's Sharp Practice Serious Charges by the Governor
Movements of Vessels Arrival of Arteaga and Bodega from a
Northern Voyage The First Manila Galleon at Monterey
Local Events and Progress Presidio Buildings.

The years 1778 and

1779, completing the first decade in the annals of Alta California as a Spanish
province, together with 1780, formed a period rather
of preparation than of accomplishment, of theories
rather than practice, in matters affecting the general
interests of the country though there was a satisfactory showing of local progress at the several missions.
One of the most important general subjects which
claimed Governor Neve's attention, was the preparation of a new reglamento, or system of military government for the Californias; the new establishments
having in a general sense outgrown Echeveste's regulation of 1773, and some articles of that document
having in practice proved unsatisfactory. The king's
order of March 21, 1775, for the reform of the system was, on August 15, 1777, forwarded by General Croix to Neve with a letter in which he says
"Lacking knowledge on the subject, I need that }T ou
report to me at length and in detail what are the
;

(317)

318

A DECADE COMPLETED.

faults that impair the usefulness of the old regulation,

and what you deem necessary for

reform, so that
I may be enabled to decide when consulted about the
This request came by the Santiago in
country."
June, and on December 28, 1778, Neve dated the
hear no more of this subject
required report. 1
till the appearance of the regulation itself, full fledged,
and with all its reforms, accredited to Neve, as
author, under date of June 1, 1779. 2
That the preparation of so extensive and important
a state paper, and especially of those portions relating
to colonization which was a new and difficult subject,
should have been intrusted in toto to the governor,
seems strange, and equally so the fact that no correspondence on the subject has been preserved; but both
Croix and Galvez in signifying the king's approval
accredit Neve with the authorship.
It was certainly
a mark of great confidence in his ability, and a still
greater compliment was the adoption of his plan without, so far as appears, a single modification.
September 21, 1780, General Croix writes to the governor
from Arizpe that the plan has been forwarded by the
viceroy to the king, and that provisionally, pending
the royal approval, it is to go into effect in California
from the beginning of 1781. 3 The subject-matter of
the reglamento, and the new system of government
resting on it, may be properly deferred until the beginning of the next period, when the changes went
its

We

into practical effect.

An

important and new feature of Neve's plan was

that relating to pueblos and colonization, enforced in
connection with the redistribution of lands in the
hitherto informal pueblo of San Jose, and the founding of a new pueblo of Los Angeles on the Rio PorIt is therefore in connection with these
ciuncula.
Neve, Ivforme sobre Reglamento, 28 de Die. 1778, MS.
Neve, Reglamento 6 Instruction para los Presidios de la Peninsula de California, Erection de Nuevos Misiones y fomenfo del pueblo y estension de los
Establecimientos de Monterey, MS.
3
Croix to Neve, Sept. 21, 1780, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 114.
1

NEVE'S PROJECTS.

which took place

319

1781, that the general

Another matter
subject may be best considered.
pending was the occupation by Spain of the rich and
densely populated central region along the Santa BarFrom observations made during his
bara channel.
first trip northward Neve had sent in a report in June
1777, urging the importance of such occupation and
the dangers of its postponement; also giving his views
He
as to the best methods of its accomplishment.
favored the establishing of three missions and of
a central presidio, requiring a force of sixty-two men.
events,

in

Croix approved his views4 and they were embodied in

correspondence respecting dethe plan of June.
Meanwhile, Rivera
tails followed during 1779-80.
was sent to recruit settlers in Sinaloa and Sonora, as
well for the Channel establishments as for the pueblos
of Los Angeles and San Jose; but of these special
preparations I shall speak as before stated in the
chapters devoted to results.
At first, as we have seen,
Neve was wearied with long service or dissatisfied with
his position, and had asked leave to retire and go to
Spain.
On January 14, 1778, the viceroy whites that
the request has been forwarded to the king and will
probably be entertained with favor. At the end of
May Neve sent in his formal resignation, and in
August thanked Bucareli for a favorable report
thereon; but in October he requests the viceroy to
keep back his memorials and petitions respecting resignation.
The reason of his change of purpose is
perhaps to be found in another letter of the same
date, in which he thanks the king for promotion to the
rank of colonel in the Spanish army, he having been
only major before. 5

The

right to administer the rite of confirmation belonged exclusively to bishops, and could be exercised
even by the highest officials of the religious orders
4
5

Sept. 1778, Prov. Pec, MS., ii. G, 7.

Prov. lite, MS., i. 8o-<J6; Prov. St. Pap.,

MS.,

ii.

8, 9.

320

A DECADE COMPLETED.

only with special authorization from the pope.

It
was of course desirable that mission neophytes should
not be deprived of any privileges and consolations
pertaining to the new faith they had embraced; but
in isolated provinces like the Californias, episcopal
visits must of necessity be rare, so that most neophytes, to say nothing of gente de razon, must live
and die unconfirmed but for some special exercise of
the papal power.
In fact Alta California, though
included successively in the bishoprics of Durango
and Sonora, never was visited by a bishop until it
had one of its own in 1841. When Father Junipero
first came to Lower California he found in the Jesuit
archives a bull of Pope Benedict XIV. conceding the
power of confirmation to missionary officials of the
company. Anxious that the neophytes should lose
nothing of their privileges under Franciscan management, he soon forwarded the old bull to the guardian
of San Fernando, with a request that a similar favor
be obtained from the pope in behalf of himself and
his flock. 6
The Franciscan authorities exerted themselves in bringing this matter before the pope, and
obtained under date of July 16, 1774, a papal decree, approving that rendered by the sacred congregation of propaganda fide on July 8th, which authorized the comisario prefecto of the colleges for a
period of ten years to administer confirmation and to
delegate his power in this respect to one friar connected with each of the four colleges in America.

Both church and crown

Spain were zealous defenders of their respective prerogatives and as not

even a bishop could exercise the functions of his office until his appointment had received the royal apin

proval, of course this special concession of episcopal

6
Palou, Vida, 226-8, is careful to explain that Serra was too humble to
have sought the episcopal power for the dignity involved in fact hearing
that a great honor was in store for him he had made a vow to accept no
honor that would separate him from his mission work, and had directed the
influence of his friends in Spain toward the obtaining of the episcopal power
;

in behalf of his neophytes.

RITE OF CONFIRMATION.

321

powers must be submitted to the king's royal council

It was so submitted, and received the
of the Indies.
sanction of that body December 2, 1774, being also
approved by the audiencia of New Spain September
7
27th, and by Viceroy Bucareli October 8, 1776.
On October 17, 1777, the commissary and prefect of
the American colleges, Father Juan Domingo de
Arricivita, well known to my readers as the chroni8
cler of his college, issued from Queretaro in ponderous latin the desired 'faculty to confirm to President
Junipero Serra. The patent with instructions came
up on the Santiago and reached Serra' s hands in the
middle of June 1778. No time was lost in exercising
the newly acquired power, and at different dates from
the 29th of June to the 23d of August, the president
confirmed one hundred and eighty-one persons at San
'

Then, notwithstanding his infirmities, he embarked for San Diego, and from the 21st of September
to the 13th of December administered confirmation,
with all its attendant solemnities and ceremonies, to
the neophytes at each of the five missions on his way
back to Monterey, resuming the work in the north at
the beginning of 1779 and extending his tour to Santa
Clara and San Francisco. Two thousand four hundred and thirty-two persons in all received the rite
in 1778-9, about one hundred of the number beinoCarlos.

gente de razon. 9

But now the president encountered obstacles in his

way. As w e have seen, the apostolic brief conceding
T

Facultad de Confrmar, 17747, MS., containing the Decretum Sacrm

Congregationis Generalls de Propaganda Fide hablte die 8 Jidij, etc., with
the other documents referred to and much additional correspondence on the

same subject.
e

Arricivita, Crdnica Serdfica del Colegio de Santa Cruz de Queretaro.

Register of confirmations in San Carlos, Lib. de Mision, MS., 5G-G4, with
an explanation of the authority to confirm and citation of documents recorded
by Serra himself, and in the books of the other missions. It will be remembered that one neophyte, Juan Evangelista, was carried to Mexico by Serra
in 1773 and received the rite of confirmation from the Archbishop of Mexico
on August 4th. Serra entered this fact in the book of confirmations at San
Carlos when such a book was opened in 1778.
In a letter of March 23, 1781,
Facultad de Confirmar, MS., 270. Serra says he had confirmed 2,455 before
9

the power was suspended, and the mission books

Hist. Czx., Vol.

I.

21

make the number

2,457.

A DECADE COMPLETED.

322

the right to confirm had required sanction of the

royal council, a requirement which the Franciscan
authorities understood perfectly, and to which as an
unfortunate necessity they had submitted.
Whether
this approval of the secular authorities was certified
in due form in the document forwarded to Serra in
1778, and from which he derived his powers, there
are no means of knowing; but Neve, as representative
of the crown in California, had a right to know whether
the required formalities had been observed, and it was
clearly the duty of Serra to satisfy him on this point
before exercising his new power. Serra, however, had
no idea of humbling his pride of ecclesiastical prerogative before any Californian representative of royalty;
in fact to him secular authority in the province was
something to be used rather than obeyed. Exactly
when or how the inevitable quarrel broke out the
records very strangely do not show; but it would
seem that in the middle of 1779, soon after Serra's
return from his first tour of confirmation in the south,
the governor summoned him to show the authority

under which he was acting.

Whether Serra from pride, or knowledge of their
defective nature, refused to

show his papers, or whether,

being shown, they were pronounced insufficient by

Neve, I am not sure; neither is it certain that the
governor ordered an absolute suspension of confirma10
tions;
but the indications are that Serra refused to
show his papers, and that Neve to save his responsibility ordered confirmations to cease, and refused to
10

In an opinion on the matter dated April 17, 17S0 Facultad He Conit is stated that Serra coniirmed in all the missions except
San Francisco and Santa Clara, in which places he did not, because Neve
refused him an escort and required him to suspend confirmation until he could
show the papal bull approved by the Council of the Indies, which Serra could
not do, since he had no document to prove it. The same statement is made in
a communication from Bonilla to Croix on Apr. 20, 17S0. St. Pap ^ Sac, MS.,
viii. 53.
This is however partially erroneous, for Serra did go to Sta Clara
and San Francisco with or without an escort. The guardian simply says, Id.,
253, that Neve had raised a doubt whether the apostolic brief has the proper
sanctions.
Had Serra's papers been defective he would have known it and
would have hesitated to administer a sacrament which might prove illegal.
firmar, MS., 259

NEVE VERSUS SERRA.

323

authorize a continuance even by supplying the escort

demanded, but did not of course attempt to enforce
his order, referring the whole matter to General Croix
in Sonora.
At all events Serra paid no heed to Neve's
orders or protests, but went on confirming through
the year, even administering the sacrament to twentyfour or twenty-five persons in 1780.
In October 1779,
however, he reported from San Francisco to the commandant general, and also to the guardian of San Fernando, taking the precaution to forward to the latter
all the documents he had bearing on the matter in dispute, having doubtless a shrewd and well founded
suspicion that an order might come to deliver the
papers to the governor.
Croix on receipt of despatches from California,
which had been forwarded by Arteaga's exploring
fleet to be noticed later in this chapter, referred the
subject in dispute to his asesor, or legal adviser,

Pedro Galindo Navarro,

in accordance

with whose

counsel he sent April 20, 1780, an order to Neve to

take possession of the original patent and instructions
which had been sent by the guardian to Serra and
must still be in possession of the latter ; and, furthermore, under no pretext whatever to permit the president to go on administering the sacrament till new
orders should be given.
The papers were to be sent
at once to Croix, who would communicate with the
viceroy respecting the original concession by the pope,
and would settle the matter as soon as possible. To
Serra Croix communicated the purport of the order to
Neve, "charging and entreating" him to obey the
order punctually by giving up the papers. 11
The details of what took place between Neve and
Serra on receipt of these orders must be left to the
imagination of the reader.
The president could not
give up the papers because he had taken the precau11
The order to Neve is not extant, but its purport is given in the communication to Serra in St. Pap. Sac, MS., viii. 28; and Facultad de Conjirmar,
MS., 258- GO.

A DECADE COMPLETED.

324

tion to get rid of them; and he suspended confirmations, as he flattered himself, at the 'entreaty' of
Croix and not the 'command' of Neve. The 20th of
July Serra replied to the letter of Croix "about a con-

tinuation of administering the sacrament of confirmation which I solicited."

He has the day before
received Neve's letter containing the general's order
to suspend confirmation, which of course he will cheerfully obey; though he regrets that the legal adviser has
not given more weight to his argument on the gossip
and wonder that a suspension of the power to confirm
will cause among ignorant people.
In order, however,
to prevent this gossip as far as possible, he will absent
himself on some pretext or other, when he hears that
the vessel is coming, though that will be just the time
when his presence will be most needed. As to the
papers, he has sent them nine months ago to his college, and as a tribulation sent upon him by an all- wise
God, the vessels are late this year and the documents

have not come; but they will soon be here and will
be delivered to the governor for the purposes indicated, though with a little delay they might be delivered in a more complete and satisfactory state. 12
Facultad de Covjirmar, MS., 260-6. There are two copies of the letter,
Serra's handwriting, but differing somewhat in the closing portions.
The variations are not however in substance essential. It is but fair to the
padre to say that in speaking about the documents his language is not clear,
and might possibly bear a different construction from that I have given in the
text; that is, he may mean to say in substance, 'I have sent copies of my
papers (though it reads remitiendo alia todos mis papeles que hacian al
caso ) to Mexico for completion by the addition of missing ones, and by a
little delay I could send them in a completed state; but as it is I give up the
Or he might mean that he had sent
originals as they are to the governor.
the most important papers to Mexico and would give up what were left. There
is however no evidence outside of this letter that he ever gave up any papers,
but it appears rather that he gave up none. It is not impossible that his
language was intentionally made vague. Governor Neve in a subsequent
letter to Croix, March 26, 1781, in Pror. Bee, MS., ii. 81, speaks very plainly
on the subject, saying that Serra claimed to have sent his patent to Mexico,
and he does not deem it wise to take possession of and search his papers, because if he has not sent the document away he will have hid it with bis
unspeakable artifice and shrewdness; and the only result will be trouble
villi the padres and delay in the Channel foundations, for which they will
Being exasperated there is nothing these friars
refuse to contribute supplies.
with their immeasurable and incredible pride will not attempt, since on
more than four occasions it has required all Neve's policy and moderation to
12

both

iii

'

'

'

'

'

'

'

ECCLESIASTICAL PREROGATIVE.

The commandant

;u

general, on receipt of Serra's let-

simply repeated on November 29th his previous

order that the papers were to be given up at once.
This brought out from the venerable friar under date
which he protests that
of March 23, 1781, a letter
his patent is not in his possession nor indeed in California, but was sent to Croix by way of Mexico, since
Neve was absent in Baja California and the date of
He swears in verbo sacerdotis
his return uncertain.
and tacti 'pectori sacerdotali that he tells the truth,
and wonders greatly that Croix has not received from
Mexico all needed papers and proofs to settle the
whole matter permanently. 13 For an explanation of
this extraordinary reply it is necessary to turn back a
The guardian, Rafael Verger, on receipt of
little.
Serra's first letter of October 1770, had written to
Viceroy Mayorga Bucareli having died in April of
the same year stating the case and instituting proceedings to obtain certified copies of all documents
bearing on the subject of confirmation. 14 This was on
December 17th; the required certificates were obtained without difficulty, and on February 16, 1780,
the guardian sent them in due form to Serra to be
shown to Neve, at the same time facilitating a settlement of the matter in dispute by forwarding a copy
The president received the papers
to General Croix.
by the vessel which arrived at Monterey October 6th,
and, in the confident expectation of an order from
Croix to resume confirmations, felt very independent,
so much so that he deemed it safe to disregard the
orders both of Croix and of the guardian requiring
the delivery of the documents to Neve.
Circumter,

turn them from surreptitious conspiring against the government. At a more

time it will be well to carry out certain measures which he has deemed
i t best for the present to defer as the only means of bringing
this president
to a proper acknowledgment of the authority which he eludes while pretending to obey.
This is very strong language from a man who was not prone to
excitement or exaggeration.
13
Facultad de Conftrmar, MS., 2G9-71. This is the first use, by the way,
of the name Baja California that I have noticed.
1
The guardian says nothing of having received any papers from Seira ;
but of course this is not very strong evidence that he did not get them.

fitting

'

'

'

A DECADE COMPLETED.

326

stances favored his plans, for Neve was at the time

absent from the capital on a visit to the frontier missions of the peninsula.
Accordingly, apprehending
the receipt of more positive orders from the general,
and resolved to take no risk of eventual discomfiture,
the venerable friar despatched his patent forthwith to
Croix, via Mexico, probably by the very vessel that

had brought

it.

Soon the governor returned to Montere}^ and on

December 30th demanded the documents in order
that he might forward them as ordered to Croix.
Serra did not deign to say whether he had the papers
or not, but coolly replied on the same date by saying
'The whole matter has been settled by
higher authorities; the papers proved to be all right;
I have written to General Croix, and he will doubtYou and I
less be satsified with what I have said.
have only to wait for orders." Neve for reasons
already mentioned did not enforce his demand, and
Serra was happy in the thought that he had snubbed
his enemy. Then, as the president had anticipated,
came the order of Croix dated -November 29th, and
written before he had received despatches from Mexico.
Serra's reply was an easy one and has been
already given.
Meanwhile, Croix on receipt of the
Mexican despatches, sent as a matter of course the
corresponding instructions dated the 23d of December.
They were received by Neve at San Gabriel,
whence in a letter dated May 19, 1781, he informed
Serra that as the apostolic brief had been shown to
have the requisite approval of the council, there was
no longer any obstacle to his administering the sacrament. 15
in substance:

During the continuance of

this quarrel the presi-

dent took advantage of another opportunity to show

The governor
his independence of the government.
had been ordered to send in connection with his an15
All the communications referred to are found in the Facultad
firmar, MS.

tie

Con-

FATHER JUNIPERO'S MOTIVES.

327

nual reports inventories of the missions; but Scrra

refused to render any account of the missions, claiming that he was acting according to orders from the
guardian, and would send the inventories direct to

Mexico. 16
This episode of California history, now for the first
time made public, exhibits the character of Junipero
Serra in a new and, considering the previous character of the man, in a startling light. And though
from this distance nothing can be seen in the controversy which might affect the interests of Christianity,
of the Franciscan order, or of the California missions,
we must conclude that Serra was conscientious in his
belief that principles of the gravest character were
involved or he never would have manifested the firmness and the stubborn pertinacity he did from the
beginning to the end of this dispute with the governor. The great battles between the royal prerogative
and the fuero eclesidstico had been fought in Spain; it
certainly could have been no trifling matter that would
induce this man of peace to renew them in California.
On the other hand Neve claimed what he regarded
as a well known right, nothing in the slightest degree
humiliating to the president, and so far as can be
known he urged his claims in a courteous and respectful manner; and when obedience to his demands
was refused nothing but his moderation and coolminded patriotism prevented a scandal which would
have been unfortunate to the country, and perhaps
disastrous to the missions.
No ardent churchman
entertains a more exalted opinion of the virtues of
Junipero Serra, his pure-mindedness,his self-sacrificing
devotion, his industry and zeal than myself. Nor wouk
I willingly detract from the reputation of a man who
has been justly regarded as an ideal missionary, the
father of the church in California; but I am writing
16
Neve to Croix June 4, 1770, in Prov. Roc, MS., i. 127-8. The governor
says that the natives are taught that the padres are supreme and the secular
ofhcialo arc to 1>e regarded with indifference.

A DECADE COMPLETED.

32S

and I must record the facts as I find them

and leave my readers to form their own conclusions. 17
The license to confirm for ten years expired with the
life of Serra in 1784, before which time he had confirmed 5,309 persons. The privilege was again given
at Rome in 1785 and forwarded by the bishop of
Sonora in 1790 to President Lasuen, who confirmed
within five years about 9,000 persons. The license
was never again renewed.
The transport vessels of 1778 were the San Carlos,
which arrived at San Diego in May, returning at
once to San Bias; and the Santiago, under Captain
Juan Manuel de Ayala, pilotos Castro and Aguirre,
and chaplain Nocedal, which anchored at San Francisco June 17th, one hundred and five days out from
San Bias. Besides more material supplies she brought
an unusual budget of news. An exploring fleet for
the northern coast was fitting out at San Bias; Teodoro de Croix had been appointed commandant general of the Interior Provinces; a change was proposed
in mission government, making California a custodia,
though this was never carried out; and the right to
confirm had been granted to President Serra.
The
Santiago on her return touched at Monterey at the
end of July and at San Diego.
history,

The Santiago returned to San Francisco in 1779,

but we have no further information about her trip
than that several of her officers served as godfathers
The
at the baptism of natives on the 6th of July.
officers included Captain Estevan Jose Martinez,
18
Piloto Jose To bar, and Chaplain Nicolas de Ibera.
17

Palou, Vida, 235-6, alludes to the quarrel very briefly, admitting that
malice.
In his Noticias he does not mention the
Shea, (kith. Miss., 100, says that Serra was for a time presubject at all.
vented by the government from exercising his right. Taylor, Discov. and
Founders, ii. No. 28, affirms that P. Junipero had a serious fright soon after
beginning to confirm on account of a rumor from Mexico that there was something irregular in his papers; but on assurance from all the prominent men accessible that there was nothing wrong he was comforted Gleeson, Hist. Oath. Ch.
ii. 84-C, attributes the hindrance to the Chevalier de Croix who was opposed
to the missions, and would not allow Serra to confirm until the viceroy was
appealed to and told him to let the padres alone.
l8
Sa/i Francisco, Lib. de Elision, MS., 10. She came back next year with

Neve was not actuated by

BODEGA Y CUADRA AND ARTEAGA.

329

Entered San Francisco Bay the Favorita September

14th, followed next day by the Princesa. They were
exploring vessels commanded by lieutenants Bodega
y Cuadra and Ignacio Arteaga respectively, the latter
being chief in command. 19 They had left San Bias in
February, and had been up the coast to latitude G0,
and on the return had explored the old bay of San
Francisco under Point Reyes where the San Agustin
was cast away, this being the first visit since the time
The men were many of them sick with
of Vizcaino.
scurvy and the ships remained for six weeks in port
for their benefit.
In Cuadra's possession was an
image in bronze of Nuestra Senora de los Remedios,
copied from the original in Mexico, which he presented
to the mission and which was placed on the altar with
proper ceremonies the 3d of October.
Next day the
festival of the patron saint was celebrated, and in
connection with the ceremony three natives brought
from the northern coasts were baptized. Serra could
not come up in time for the festival on account of
etiquetas with Neve; but a little later he was met by
the naval officers at Santa Clara and came to San
Francisco to administer confirmation as we have seen,
insisting on walking all the way and refusing to have
his ulcerated leg treated after arrival.
courier now
arrived overland with tidings of Viceroy Bucareli's
death and of the war with England. This hurried the
vessels away, and after hasty preparations in view of
possible hostilities on the high seas, they sailed October 30th, bearing important despatches from Serra,
and leaving Matias Noriega in place of Father Cambon, who retired on account of ill-health. 20

the same officers, except that Miguel Ddvalos was chaplain, entering Monterey in October and unloading there, to the gre? inconvenience of San Francisco, whither the cargo had to be carried by L*\nd. Palou, Not., ii. 3G8-9;
Prov. Bee, MS., ii. 32-3.
19
According to S. Francisco, Lib de Mision MS., 11-12; Palou, Vida,
231-3.
CaQizares and
Lieut. Quires y Miranda was one of he officers.
Maurelle were also on the vessels.
20
San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 11 ;
dega y Cuadra, Navegacion,
etc., 1779, MS.; Arteaga, Ttrcera Exploracion, 1770, MS.; Maurelle, Nave-

A DECADE COMPLETED.

330

yet another maritime event to be included

in the annals of 1779, namely: the arrival of the first
Manila galleon. Off Monterey harbor the 11th of
October arrived the San Jose, and the commander,
Jose Imparan, sent a boat ashore asking for a pilot
and that buoys be placed to mark deep water, alluding
to the royal orders for the galleons to get water and
food here. 21 Neve's reply the records fail to show.
Palou states that the ship's boat took off a sheep and
basket of vegetables from Carmelo Bay, while the officer went across to the presidio. There a bull was
given and the key of the storehouse, also the required
pilot, or a soldier who knew the harbor; but the boat
was upset just as the men boarded the ship and a sudden wind forced her to depart without anchoring,
taking the soldier with her to Cape San Lucas. 22 Imparan was however blamed subsequently for his action
in this affair; for General Croix writes to Neve on
July 17, 1782, that the king has been notified of Im23
and indeed
paran's refusal to anchor at Monterey;
Minister of State Galvez writes in February of the
same year that though signal fires were lit at Monterey the galleon paid no attention, sailing for Cape San
Lucas in defiance of royal orders; that the king is
much displeased; and that in future galleons must call
at Monterey under a penalty of four thousand dollars,
unless prevented by contrary winds.

There

is

Besides the arrival and departure of vessels, and

Father Junipero's visits to the different missions for the
gacion, MS.; Bodega y Cuadra, Segunda Salida, MS.; Prov. Bee, MS., i.
132-4; Prov. St. Pap.\ MS., ii. 49-50; Palou, Not, ii. 356-G4; Id., Vida,
105-71; Bustamante, Suplemento, 34-5. There are some differences about
the date of departure. The rumor of war with England caused the two California transports San Carlos and San Antonio to be sent in the autumn of
1779 over to Manila to give notice of danger and carry $300,000 in money.
Padre Font went as chaplain on the San Carlos. Cambon recovered his
health, resolved to return, and bought maize and sugar with his earnings as
The supplies he sent up on the Santiago, but he was obliged lamchaplain.
self to make a trip to Acapulco and perhaps to Manila under Heceta on the
Prlncesa. Palou, Not., ii. 365-7.

n Imparan 's
22

23

letter in Prov. St. Pap., MS.,

Palou, Not., ii. 303-4.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 228.

ii.

38.

LOCAL ITEMS.

331

purpose of administering confirmation there is but

Neophyte
little to be noted in the way of local events.
alcaldes and regidores were chosen in 1779 for the
older missions; two of each for San Carlos and San
Diego, and one for San Antonio, San Luis, and San
Gabriel* Neve at his coming had found the so-called
presidios to be mere collections of huts, enclosed in
,

fences of sticks called palisades, altogether

inadequate to purposes of defence, even against the
poorly armed Californians. He gave special attention
to this matter and with such success that on the 3d
of July 1778 there was completed at Monterey a wall
of stone 537 yards in circumference, 12 feet high and
four feet thick, enclosing ten adobe houses each 21 by
24 feet, with barracks 136 by 18 feet not quite finished.
At San Francisco walls were also being built,
but of adobe, which the rains of January and February
of 1779 undermined and destroyed, showing that here
also stone must be used.
At San Diego stones were
being collected for foundations in 1778, but we hear
nothing definite of progress for several years. At
San Francisco presidio a new chapel was in course of
erection at the beginning of 1780 24 while at San
slight

Diego mission a new adobe church, strengthened and

roofed with pine timbers, was this year completed. It
was ninety feet long by seventeen feet wide and high.
The farmers of San Jose were prospering in a quiet
w ay, raising over 700 bushels of grain in 1780, and
having at that date nearly 600 head of live-stock, large
and small. San Gabriel and San Luis had some
T

2,000 bushels of surplus maize. 25

At the end of this first decade of its history the
Spanish settlements in California consisted of three
presidios, one pueblo, and eight missions. There were
at these establishments besides the governor, two lieu-

24
house was burned at the presidio Oct. 11, 1779, and with it the hospital tent of the two vessels Princesa and Favorita.
25
On local matters 1778-80 see Arch. 8ta Barbara, MS., x. 495-513; Prov.

Pec, MS.,
Pap., MS.,

i.

18,

ii.

51, 83, 89, 104,

3G-7.

117, 120, 122-5, 127-8;

ii.

21-2; Prov. St.

A DECADE COMPLETED.

332

tenants, three sergeants, 14 corporals, about 140 sol-

20 settlers, five master-mechanics,

one surgeon, and three store-keepers, 16 Franciscan
The total
missionaries, and about 3,000 neophytes.
population of Spanish and mixed blood was not far
from 500. The annual expense to the royal treasury
of keeping up these establishments was nearly $50,000,
or some $10,000 more than was provided for by the
regulation of 1773. 26
diers,

26

30

For a

sirvientes,

list of

this volume.

male inhabitants of California from 1769 to 1800, see end

of

CHAPTEK

XVI.

A NEW REGLAMENTOCOLONISTS AND RECRUITSLOS

ANGELES FOUNDED.
1781.

Neve's Reglamento in Force Inspectors of Presidios Supply System

Habilitado The Santa Barbara Channel to be Occupied Colonization System Mission Extension Preparations for New Establishments Rivera's Recruiting in Sonora and Sinaloa Plans for
the March Coming of Rivera via the Colorado, and of Zuniga
via Loreto Arrival a j San Gabriel Founding of Los Angeles
Neve's Instructions Names of the Original Settlers Early
Progress Final Distribution of Lands in 1786 Map of Survey
San Jose Distribution in 1783 Map Local Items Laying the
Corner-stone of the Church at Santa Clara Movements of Ves-

sels

and Missionaries.

At

the beginning of 1781 the new regulation for

the government of California went into effect provisionally by order of Comandante General Croix of
the Provincias Internas de Occidente, receiving the
formal approval of King Carlos III., October 24th
of the same year, 1 but dating back to the 1st of June
1779, in its original clrawing-up by Neve. Echeveste's
regulation of 1773, 2 resulting chiefly from the labors
of President Serra in behalf of California during his
visit to Mexico, had been designed as a temporary
expedient rather than a permanent system; and the
aim in preparing the document to supersede it was to
bring the Californian establishments, so far as possible,
1
Neve, Reglamento 6 Instruction, MS. For the Reglamento in print see
ArriUaga, RecopUacion, 1828, 121-75. Orders of Croix of Sept. 21, 1780, in
Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 114. Neve acknowledged receipt of preceding order
Jan. 20, 1781. Id., ii. 38-9. See first pages of chapter xv. of this volume.
2
Reglamento de2Il de Mayo 1773, and Id. Determination de 8 de Julco, MS.,
5; Palou, Not., i. 556-71, 589-94.
See chapter ix. of this volume.
.

133

COLONISTS

334

AND RECRUITS.

under the general system prevalent in the other

interior provinces, and embodied in the ro}x al regulation for frontier presidios, 3 with such modifications
as were rendered necessary by the distance and peculiar
circumstances of California as shown by experience
under the old system. Elsewhere in this series I
devote some space to a careful study of the presidio

system

in all its

workings and

details.

Hence

to enter

here into the minutiae of the new regulation would

serve no useful purpose. I therefore notice the document briefly in its main features as the beginning of
a new epoch; its practical workings will in a general
way be apparent in the course of events from year to
year.
The reader will thus be led to peruse with
interest, qualified to study with profit, or enabled to
omit altogether the later analysis necessary in a work
of this character for purposes of reference, but not
interesting to a large class of general readers.
The distance and isolation of California preventing
regular visits of the royal inspector of frontier presidios, the governor was made provincial inspector,
responsible

enforcement of
of the

new

new commission for the

the regulations.
But that the duties

by virtue of
position

this

might not

interfere with other

the actual work of inspecting the presidios was given to an adjutant inspector acting under
the inspector's orders. 4 Supplies of all kinds were as
before to be shipped from San Bias, being purchased in
accordance with annual memorias of articles required,
forwarded through governor to viceroy, and delivered
to soldiers and servants in payment of their wages.
There w as, however, an important change in one respect; for the former profit of a hundred and fifty per
cent was relinquished by the government, and supplies were furnished to the men at their cost in San
Bias, no addition being made for transportation by
official duties,

3
i

Presidios, Reglamento 6 Instruction de 10 de Sept. 1772.

Nicolas Soler first held this position from November 1781 under Inspect-

or Neve.

NEW

As an

REGLAMENTO.

335

reduction the pay of soldiers

was reduced about forty per cent, 5 they were obliged
to submit to losses and damage incurred on the voyage, and they were obliged to pay two per cent to an
This last named official took the place
habilitado.
of the old guarda-almacen, or store-keeper, and had
charge, subject to the inspection of his commandant,
of the reception and distribution of pay and rations
and the keeping of company accounts. The habilitado was chosen from among the subaltern officers
by each presidial company, and the company was reWhile supsponsible for any deficit in his accounts.
plies were yet to be imported from abroad as a matter of necessity, the habilitado was authorized to purchase California productions whenever offered, and it
was expected that all grain consumed would soon be
grown in the country, or in 'the peninsula,' as even
Upper California was still called.
The new regulation provided for the occupation of
the Santa Barbara Channel region, in accordance
with Neve's original idea, by the founding of a
new presidio and mission of Santa Barbara in the
sea.

offset to this

and two missions, San Buenaventura and Purisima, at the extremities of the Channel coast.
It
also made provision for Wo pueblos, the one already founded at San Jose, and another to be established on the Rio Porciuncula and called Nuestra
For the four presidios, and
Seriora de los Angeles.
the eleven missions and two pueblos under their procentre,

tection, a force of four lieutenants, four sub-lieutenants,

or alfereces, six sergeants, sixteen corporals, one hun-

dred and seventy-two soldiers, one surgeon, and five

master-mechanics was allowed at an annual expense
for salaries of $53,453.
From this force a sergeant
5

A sergeant's pay was reduced from $400 to $2G2;

$3G0 to $217.50; mechanic, $300 to $180. A

corporal, $400 to $225;

lieutenant was to get
$550 instead of $500 an alf6rez $400; and a surgeon $450.
G
The first habLitados, in 1731, were Mariano Carrillo at Monterey, Hermenegildo Sal at San Francisco, Jos6 de Ziiuiga at San Diego, and Jose F.
Ortega at Santa Barbara.
soldier,

COLONISTS

336

AND RECRUITS.

and fourteen men were to be stationed temporarily

at San Buenaventura and Purisima; a corporal and

men

at each of the other missions; four soldiers

at each of the pueblos for two years; and the rest to
7
be retained for presidio service proper.
five

Section xiv. of the regulation deals with the new

and important subject of pueblos and colonization. As
the foundation of pueblo land-titles this section has
played an important part in the subsequent litigations
of Californian courts, and has often been republished
and translated. 8 The system of distributing pueblo
lands, left somewhat vague at first, not reduced to an
exact science in the practical application of later
years, and almost inextricably confused by the voluminous explanations of lawyers since 1849, need not
It was only in its strictly
be closely analyzed here.
legal aspects that the pueblo system was vague or
complicated.
Historically all was clear enough. According: to the new regulations settlers were to be
obtained from the older provinces and established in
California to be granted each a house-lot and a tract
of land for cultivation; to be supplied at the beginning
with the necessary live-stock, implements, and seed,
which advance was to be gradually repaid within fixe
years from the produce of the land; to be paid each an
annual sum $116.50 for two years, and of $60 for the
next three years, the payment to be in clothing and
other necessary articles at cost prices; to have as
communities the use of government lands for pasturage and the obtaining of wood and water; and, finally,
to be free for five years from all tithes or other taxes.
Government aid in the way of money and cattle was to
be given only to colonists who left their own country to
come to California; but in respect of lands other colo;

This left 27 men to San Diego, 23 to Santa Barbara, 27 to Monterey,

and 19 to San Francisco.
8
For translation see HaUecJc's Report, 21st Cong., 1st Sess., H. Ex. Doc.
17, p. 134; Jones' Report, No. 4; U. S. Sup. Court Bepts., L, Rockwell, 445;
Dwindles Colon. Hist. S. F., addenda, 3; Hall's lust. San Jose, 4G0-73;
besides references more or less complete in many legal briefs.
7

PUEBLO REGULATIONS.

337

nists,such as discharged soldiers, were entitled to equal

privileges.

In return for aid thus received the colonists were

simply required to sell to the presidios exclusively
the surplus products of their lands, at fair prices to
be fixed from time to time by the government, in
accordance with market rates in the southern provinces.
In the total absence of other purchasers this requirement would for many years at least prove a decided
Each settler must keep
benefit rather than a burden.
himself and horses and musket in readiness for military
Other conditions were imservice in an emergency.
posed, but all more directly advantageous to the setThus the pobladores
tler than to the government.
must take their farms together within pueblo limits
of four square leagues according to the Spanish law
and custom; they could not alienate their land, nor
in any way encumber it with mortgages or otherwise
they must build houses, dig irrigating ditches, cultivate, own, and keep in repair certain implements, and
maintain a certain number of animals; they could not
kill or otherwise dispose of their live-stock except
under certain regulations to insure its increase; neither
could one person own more than fifty animals of a kind
and thus monopolize the pueblo wealth; and finally,
each pueblo must perform certain community work in
the construction of dams and irrigating canals, on
roads and streets, in a church and the necessary town
buildings, in tilling the propios, or pueblo lands, from
the product of which municipal expenses were to be
paid.
Municipal officers were at the beginning appointed by the governor but afterwards chosen by the
people.
This system of colonization was in every
respect a wise one and well adapted to the needs of
the country.
If it was not successful, it is to the
character of the colonists, the mildness of the climate,
and the opposition of the missionaries that we must
look for the causes of failure.
The regulation provided in its last section for the
Hist. Cal. Vol.

I.

22

338

COLONISTS

AND RECRUITS.

establishment in the future of new missions, in addition to the three to be immediately founded.
By the
line of eleven missions located along the coast at intervals of from fourteen to twenty-five leagues, with
four protecting presidios at greater intervals, communication would, it was thought, be sufficiently secured
and new missions should be located on a second line
farther inland, each new establishment being
^ as far
as possible equidistant from two of the old ones, and
from fourteen to twenty leagues east. Two ministers as
before were to be left in each of the old and of the
three Channel missions, but the places of those who
died or retired were not to be filled so long as one
padre was left at each mission, except that at presidio
missions there were to be two friars until some other
provision should be made for chaplains.
New missions were to have but a single minister with an
annual stipend of four hundred dollars; and this sum,
with the $1,000 allowed each new foundation, must
The
suffice for all needs sboth religious and temporal.
old establishments were, however, to contribute animals and seed, and they might also supply a companion minister for a year. No necessity for an increased
military force was anticipated, since the temporary
pueblo guards and the extra force at San Buenaventura and Purisima would provide for at least four
new guards without diminishing the presidial garrisons.
It will be noted that this section of the regulation shows less indications of missionary influence
in its shaping than did Echeveste's which was inspired by Serra; but we shall also see that most of
the present provisions were of no practical effect until
modified by Franciscan influences.

...

proposed new establishments were going on slowly, preparations that had

begun with Neve's arrival in the country, his report
of June 1777 on the means and importance of controlling the eight or ten thousand natives of the twenty-

Meanwhile preparations

for the

PREPARATIONS AND INSTRUCTIONS.

339

one Channel rancherias, 9 and his provisional founding

of San Jose. General Croix approved the governor's
schemes for new establishments in September 1778,
and some correspondence on minor details followed. 10
Neve as we have seen included his plans in the regulation of June 1779, which Croix approved in September. Actual operations toward a carrying-out of
the plans were begun at the end of the year by Rivera
11
y Moncada, lieutenant governor of Lower California,
who at Neve's order crossed the gulf and went to
Arizpe to receive from Croix certain instructions which
bore date of December 27, 1779, and by which Rivera
was intrusted with the recruiting in Sinaloa and Sonora
12
the former for
of soldiers and settlers for California;
the Santa Barbara presidio and missions, the latter
for the new pueblo on the Rio Porciuncula to be called
Queen of the Angels.
In a preliminary letter Rivera's attention is called
to the importance of his mission and he was flattered,
as was the custom in such documents, with expressions of confidence in his ability and with prospective
approval by the king.
He is also reminded of a popular idea that Californian wages, while looking well on
paper, are liable to a woful shrinkage in actual practice; an idea that of course will seriously interfere
with recruiting, and must be dispelled by a careful
explanation of the exact terms offered, without exaggeration.
The settler must understand that he is
to receive ten dollars a month and regular rations for
9

Prov. Pec., MS., i. 70-3.

Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 6, 7; Prov. Pec, MS., i. 122-3. Neve on Sept.
23, 1778, announced to the king what he had done, and the king's approval was
10

forwarded by Croix July 19, 1779. Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 47.
11
'Rivera y Marcado, Comandante of the presidio of Monterey,' is what
Hall calls him. Hist. San Jose, 19-24. This is a fair sample of the way in
which Californian affairs are treated by modem writers, Hall as I have said
being above the average of his class.
12
Croix, Instruction que drbe observar el Capitan D. Fernando R'wra y Moncada para larecluta y ha', dilation de familias, j>obladorcs y tropa, acopia de
montiirax, trasporte de todas y demns auxillos que ha solkitado y se conceden al
Coronel D. Felipe de Neve, Gobernador de (Jaliformas, para el rest/uardo, beneficio y conservation de los nuevos y anthjuos establecimieutos de aquella Peninsula.

MS.

COLONISTS AKD RECRUITS.

340

three years, 13 beginning with the date of enlistment,

and subject to no discount; but the advance of cloth-

and implements must be gradually repaid, not by a discount on wages, but from the
surplus products of the land.
Soldiers on the contrary, having a permanent and larger salary, must
repay by 'prudent discounts' the sums advanced in
aid of themselves and families.
Coming now to the body of the instruction, we
ing, live-stock, seed,

learn that the subaltern officers required for the increased force of California, with one exception, had
been selected and commissioned, 14 and that twentyfive soldiers had been selected from the volunteers of
the presidial companies of Sonora to serve out their
time in California, their service beginning February
1st when they were to assemble at Horcasitas. There
were to be recruited twenty-four settlers and fiftynine soldiers, and to obtain them Rivera was allowed
to go beyond the limits of the Provincias Internas,
as far as Guadalajara if necessary.
Twenty -five of
the new recruits were to fill the places of those taken
from the presidios, so that only thirty -four soldiers
were to go to California. These and the twenty-four

must be married men, accompanied by their

families, healthy and robust, likely to lead regular
lives, and to set a good example to the natives.
The
settlers must include a mason, a carpenter, and a
All must bind themselves to ten years'
blacksmith.
Female relatives of the pobladores, if unservice.
married, should be encouraged to accompany the famsettlers

ilies
13

with a view to marriage with bachelor soldiers

This, strangely enough, does not agree exactly -with the regulation,

which offers $116 per year for two years and $60 for the next three, these
sums including rations neither was the pay to begin according to the regla;

mento, until the grant of a lot in one of the pueblos.

14
These were lieutenants Alonso Villaverde and Diego Gonzalez, and
alfereces Mariano Carrillo, Manuel Garcia Ruiz, and Ramon Lasso de la
Vega, one alferez remaining to be appointed after consultation with Gov.
Neve. Lieut. Jose Zuiiiga was a little later substituted for Villaverde, who
never came to California; Alferez Jose Dario Arguello was also sent in place
of Ruiz and Jose Velasquez was appointed to fill the vacant place of the
;

fourth alferez.

ENLISTMENT IN SINALOA.

The rendezvous

341

whole
company was to be at Alamos, except such as might
be obtained in Guadalajara, who were to go by sea
From Alamos the recruits and their
from San Bias.
families were to be forwarded by sea or land as might
Nine hundred and sixty-one horses
be decided later.
and mules were to be purchased and were to go by
way of the Gila and Colorado. 15
On February 10, 1780, General Croix sent to Neve
a copy of his instructions to Rivera, with the information that the latter had already begun his work, that
the recruits would probably come in three divisions,
and that the land expedition would start, if nothing
happened, in September or October. 16 The general
also enclosed copies of his communications to the
viceroy on the same subject, from one of which it
already in California.

for the

appears that the plan of obtaining volunteer soldiers

from the Sonora presidios had been a failure, so that
In another
all the new recruits must go to California.
communication Croix called on the viceroy for various
measures in behalf of the new establishments, including a resurvey of the channel with a view to find a
suitable landing-place for supplies.
He also called
attention to the fact that for the three new missions
six friars wT ould be needed, four of whom should sail
from San Bias and accompany the land expedition.
San Buenaventura had already an allowance of $1,000,
and the same sum should be allowed the others, being
expended in sacred vestments, vessels, and utensils to
be shipped from San Bias.
Six peons with pay and
rations for three years should also be furnished to
each of the new missions.
By the 1st of August Rivera had recruited fortyfive soldiers and seven settlers, and thought he would
have to go to Guadalajara; but by the 25th he had so
nearly completed his full number at Rosario, in Sinaloa,
lo

cles,

man
10

At the end

of the Instruction (pp. 80-4) are given full lists of the artichiefly of clothing, to be furnished each recruit, soldier or poblador,

or

woman, boy or

girl.

Croix to Neve, Feb. 10, 1780, in Prov. St. Pap., MS.,

ii.

89-99.

COLONISTS

342

AND RECRUITS.

that he thought it best to abandon the southern trip,

and returned to the north. 17 He obtained, however,
but little more than half the full number of settlers.
In a letter of December 18th Croix explains that one
party under Gonzalez and Lasso will cross over to
Loreto, proceed to San Luis Bay by water, and thence
by land to San Diego; while the rest, forty-two soldiers with their families, will march by way of the
Colorado under Rivera in person, escorted above
Tucson by sixty-five men from the Sonora presidios
under Lieutenant Andres Arias Caballero. This escort
was to be sent back from the Colorado except such a
detachment as Rivera might deem necessary to go
18
farther, under Alferez Cayetano Limon.
The date
when Rivera and his land expedition left Alamos in
Sonora is not exactly known, but was probably in
April 1781.
With it went also Lieutenant Gonzalez
who had been transferred from the other party, and
Alferez Jose Dario Argilello. Thirty of the soldiers
were accompanied by their families, but there were
no settlers proper with this expedition. Of events
along the way there is no record. Progress was very
slow, in accordance with the orders of Croix, to avoid
needless fatigue and hardship to families, and also to
keep the live-stock in good condition. Neve, hearing
of Rivera's approach, sent Sergeant Juan Jose Robles

from San Diego and Monterey

Joined by this guard
to meet him on the Colorado.
Rivera sent back most of the Sonora troops; dewith

five or six soldiers

spatched the California-bound company

or six

men whom he

except

five

retained to their destination

under Gonzalez escorted Irv Limon and nine soldiers;
Croix to Neve September 21st, mentioning letters from Rivera, in Prov.
Pap., MS., ii. 89-09.
Nov. 15th, Governor Neve asks the viceroy for
"5.000 with which to purchase grain from San Gabriel and San Luis.
The
lorias asked for Santa Barbara amount to $12,932, much of the amount
being in implements, etc., to be charged to settlers. Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 33.
18
Croix to Neve, December 18, 1780, in Prov. St. Pap., ii. 117-25. Probably 42 soldiers possibly one or two less did start by this route as intended,
and 17 by the other route, completing the fall number of 59. The settlers all
seem to have come via Loreto, and so far as the records show there were
only 14 of them, two of whom ran away before reaching California.
17

Sf.

ARRIVAL OF SETTLERS.

343

while he with Robles and nine or ten men encamped

near the river, on the eastern or Arizona bank, with
a view to afford needed rest to a part of the live-stock
and then resume his journey westward. Gonzalez,
Limon, Argtlello, thirty-five soldiers, thirty families,
and the Sonora escort arrived at San Gabriel the 14th
of July. As it was deemed impossible to transport supplies and complete other preparations before the rainy
season, Neve decided to postpone the Channel founda19
Limon with his nine men
tions until the next year.
for
Sonora
by way of the Colorado.
soon started back
Meanwhile the rest of the recruits crossed the gulf
from Guaymas to Loreto, under command of Lieutenant Jose Zmiiofa substituted for Gonzalez.
Seventeen

men, probably soldiers, with their families, left Loreto

March 12th under Alferez Lasso and reached San
Luis Bay by water April 24th, soon followed by the
rest under' Zufiiga, this last division including appar-

ently eleven settlers and their families,

original
for a

on

number having deserted and one remaining

time at Loreto.

May

two of the

16th,

when

All were en route for the north

Neve communicated the preced-

ing facts to General Croix, 20 and all arrived August

18th at San Gabriel, where they were obliged to
encamp in quarantine for a time, at a distance of a
league from the mission, some of the children having
recently recovered from the small-pox. 21
That section of the regulation relating to pueblos
and colonization had already been made public in California in
19

a special bando dated

March

8,

1781

22

Neve to Croix, July 14, 1781, in Prov. liec, MS., ii. 87-8. Some other
unimportant correspondence en the general subject of the new foundations is
found in Id., ii. 14, 40-1; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., ii. 41; Prov. St.
Pap., MS., iii. 205.
20
Neve to Croix, May 16, 1781, in Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 82. In this letter
Neve announces his intention to send Robles with 12 men to meet Rivera. I
have already stated that he sent only 5 or G men. Palou, Not., ii. 381, says
the number was 5.
Rivera certainly had 11 or 12 men and all may have been
those sent with Robles; but if he started with 42 and only 35 arrived, Palou's
version accounts for the discrepancy.
zl
Xevc to Croix, Oct. 29, 1781, in Prov. Pec., MS., ii. 89-90.
22
St. Pap. Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 105-19.
This document is literally
identical with section xiv. of the reglamento already referred to and found in

344

Though

COLONISTS

AND RECRUITS.

given the foundation of

the Channel missions and the Santa Barbara presidio
was postponed, there was no reason for delay in establishing the pueblo, since the site was near at hand and
Even when Limon arrived
the settlers had arrived.
unexpectedly at San Gabriel late in August with seven
survivors of his nine men, himself wounded, bringing
news of the terrible massacre on the River Colorado
in which Rivera had been killed, as will be related in
the following chapter, the resulting excitement furnished no motive for delay at Los Angeles.
Governor Neve issued his instructions for founding
the pueblo of La Reina de los Angeles from San
Gabriel on the 26th of August.
While agreeing
with, or literally copying the clauses of the regulation
which I have translated in the preceding note, this
for reasons already

document contains many additional

particulars

re-

and elsewhere. The clauses relating to the distribution of lands

are as follows: 'The solares (house-lots) granted to the new settlers must be
designated by the government in respect of location and extent according to
the ground on which the new pueblos are established, so that plaza and streets
be formed as prescribed by the laws of the kingdom, conformably to which
there shall also be designated for the pueblo a suitable egido (commons or
vacant suburbs, to be divided into additional house -lots and given to new
settlers if required) and dehesas (outside pasture-grounds used in common by
the settlers) with the sowing-lands needed for propios (lands rented for a
revenue to pay municipal expenses). Each suerte (planting-lot) of land,
whether irrigable or depending on rainfall, must be 200 varas long and wide,
this being the area generally occupied by a fanega, a bushel and a half, of
maize in sowing. The distribution of said surrtes, which like that of the solares
must be made in the king's name, will be made by the government with
equality and with proportion to the irrigable land, so that, after making the
corresponding demarcation and after reserving as baldios, or vacant, one fourth
of the number which results from reckoning the number of settlers, they
(suertes) shall be distributed, if there are enough of them, at the rate of two
suertcs of irrigable land to each settler and two more of dry; and of the realengas (royal lands including the lots left vacant as above) there shall be set
apart such as may be deemed necessary for the pueblo's propios (municipal
lands as above), and from the rest grants shall be made by the governor in
the name of his majesty to such as may come to settle later,' especially to discharged soldiers, etc. The original is somewhat vaguely worded and badly
punctuated, hardly two of the copies in manuscript and print, or of the many
translations extant, being punctuated alike. The above is the meaning of the
I see no good reason for reproducing the
clauses as clear as I can make it.
original vagueness of expression where ihe meaning is clear, and in my opinion
the semicolon objected to by Mr Dwindle, Colon. Hist. S. F., addenda, No.
In learning the mean4, brings out the signification better than a comma.
ing of a sentence even so frail a thing as Mexican punctuation may be studied;
having discovered the meaning, there is no further use for the stops.
Id., 209-24,

FOUNDING OF LOS ANGELES.

345

23
Of
specting the survey and distribution of lots.
subsequent proceedings for a time we only know that

the pueblo was founded September 4th, with twelve

settlers and their families, forty-six persons in all,
whose names are given and whose blood was a strange
mixture of Indian and negro with here and there a
24
Two of the original recruits, Miguel
trace of Spanish.
Villa and Rafael Mesa, had deserted before reaching
the country, one was still absent in the peninsula, and
23

Neve, Instruction para laFundacion de Los Angeles, 26 de Agosto 1781,

After selecting a spot for a dam and ditch with a view of irrigating the
largest possible area of land, a site for the pueblo was to be selected on high
ground, in sight of the sowing-lands, but at least 200 varas distant, near the
river or the main ditch, with sufficient exposure to the north and south winds.
Here a plaza of 200 x 300 feet was to be laid out with its corners facing the
cardinal points, and with three streets running perpendicularly from each of
its four sides; thus no street would be swept by the wind, always supposing
that the winds would confine their action to the cardinal points, but I think
the Angeles winds have not always been well behaved in this respect. The
house-lots are to be each 20 x 40 varas, and their number is to be equal to that
of the available suertes of irrigable ground, that is, more than double that of
the present inhabitants.
The eastern side of the plaza is to be reserved for
public buildings. After the survey and reservation of realengas as prescribed,
the settlers are to draw lots for the suertes, beginning with those nearest the

MS.

pueblo.
2i
Los Angeles, Padron del781, MS. ; Ortega, in St. Pap., Miss, and Colon.,
104-5.
The settlers were as follows: Jose de Lara, Spaniard, 50 years
i.
of age, wife Indian, 3 children; Jose Antonio Navarro, mestizo, 42 years,
wife mulattress, 3 children; Basilio Rosas, Indian, 68 years, wife mulattress,
C children; Antonio Mesa, negro, 38 years, wife mulattress, 2 children; Antonio (Felix) Villavicencio, Spaniard, 30 years, wife Indian, 1 child; Josa
Vanegas, Indian, 28 years, wife Indian, 1 child; Alejandro Rosas, Indian, 19
years, wife coyote (Indian); Pablo Rodriguez, Indian, 25 years, wife Indian,
1 child; Manuel Camero, mulatto, 30 years, wife mulattress; Luis Quintero,
negro, 55 years, wife mulattress, 5 children; Jose Moreno, mulatto, 22 years,
wife mulattress ; Antonio Miranda, chino, 50 years, 1 child. The last-named
was at first absent at Loreto. He was not a Chinaman, nor even born in
China, as has been stated by some writers, but was the offspring probably of
an Indian mother by a father of mixed Spanish and negro blood. From a
later padron of 1785, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxii. 29, it appears that Navarro
was a tailor, and the age of several is given differently. From Los Angeles,
Hist., 11, 12, we learn that two were born in Spain, one in China, and the
rest in Sinaloa, Sonora, or Baja California, a very mild way of putting it,
though true enough except in the case of the chino ; but the same work erroneously states that the 12 settlers had previously been soldiers at San Gabriel.
In the same work the plaza is located between Upper Main, Marchessault,
and Xew High streets of the modern city, the n. e. bound not being named.
The goods delivered to settlers on government account to the end of 1781,
amounted to #4,191. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 265-7. According to accounts
in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., ii. 4-7, 21-2, the contracts of 11 had been
made in 1780, and of one in February 1781. They were engaged at $10 per
month for 3 years, and rations of one real per day for 10 years, though this
does not agree with the reglamento; $2,546 was furnished them in Sonora and
$500 in California, and there was due to them December 31, 1781, $2,303.

See also Id.,

iii.

13; Prov.

Pec, MS.,

ii.

Co.

346

COLONISTS

AND RECRUITS.

three were described as useless.

But the rest went
to work, and soon the governor reported satisfactory
progress in their irrigating ditch and mud-roofed huts
of palisades, the latter before the end of 1784 being
replaced by adobe houses, the needed public buildings
having also been erected, and a church be^un of the
same material. 25 Some changes also took place among
the settlers during these few years. 26
I have recorded the preceding items of local Angeles
annals beyond the chronological limits of this chapter
because they may as well be recorded here as elsewhere,
and because a still later event of 1786 seems to belong
here properly.
I allude to the formal distribution of
lands to the settlers.
Some kind of a grant in the
king's name must have been made at the beginning, 27
and there is nothing to show that the survey and distribution made at that time were not permanent.
The fact that formal possession, or renewal of possession, was given in 1786, just five years after the
founding, when according to the regulations government aid to settlers was to cease and advances were
to be repaid, has probably some significance, though
there is nothing in the regulation to show that full titles
were to be given only at the expiration of five years. 28
25

For scattered references to buildings, see Prov. Pec, MS., i. 175-6, 184;
23; Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 01.
26
Early in 1782 Lara, Mesa, and Quintero, a Spaniard, and two negroes,
were sent away as useless to the pueblo and themselves, and their property
was taken away by order of the governor. The record does not show that
Miranda, the 'chino,' ever came to Los Angeles at all, unless he be identical
with another 'useless' settler said to have been sent away in 1783. Jose"
Francisco Sinova, who had lived a long time as a laborer in California, applied
for admission as a settler in 1785, and was admitted, receiving the same aid
as the original colonists in the way of implements and live-stock, save in
One of
respect of sheep and goats, which the government had not on hand.
the deserters, Rafael Mesa, seems to have been caught and brought to California, but there is no evidence that he settled at Los Angeles. Two grown-up
sons of Basilio Itosas appear on the list of 1735, as does also Juan Jos6 Dominguez, a Spaniard; but all three disappear from the next year's list. Prov.
Pec, ii. 79; iii. 185; Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 144-5; xxii. 29-30; Prov. St.
iii.

Pap., Ben. Mil, US., iii. 1.

27
In fact the titles given to settlers seem to have been approved by the
commandant general on Feb. G, 17S4. Prov. St. Pep., MS., x. 152.
28
Art. 17, sect, xiv., simply provides that the governor or his com isionados shall give titles and cause the same, with register of brands, to be recorded and kept in the archives impliedly at the beginning.

DISTRIBUTION OF LANDS.

However

this

may have

347

been, Governor Fages, of

whose accession to the rule more hereafter, on August

14, 1786, without any preliminary correspondence so
far as the records show, as if this was unquestionably
the natural and proper thing to be done at this particular time, commissioned Alferez Jose Argtiello to
go to Angeles and put the settlers in possession of
their lands in accordance with section xiv. of the
regulation.

29

September 4th
appointed
Corporal
same
day
Vicente
and on the
Felix and private Roque de Cota as legal witnesses.
On the 18th he reports his task completed and
This was perhaps
duly recorded in the archives.
the first important public service rendered by a man
who was later governor and father of a governor. In
the performance of his duty Argtiello with his witArgtiello accepted the commission

nesses summoned each of the nine settlers in succession and in presence of all granted first the house-lot,
then the four fields, and finally the branding-iron by
which his live-stock was to be distinguished from
that of his neighbors. In both house-lots and fields

the pretence of a measurement was made.

In each
case the nature of the grant was fully explained, the
grantee assented to the conditions involved, and for
each of the twenty-seven grants a separate document
was drawn up, each bearing, besides the signatures of
Argtiello and his witnesses, a cross, for not one of the
nine could sign his name.
I give herewith a map
showing the distribution of lands. 30 Argucllo's survey of the various classes of reserved lands is not
very clearly expressed; the propios, however, are
said to extend 2,200 varas from the dam to the limit
29

Los Anneles, Repartition de Solares y Svertes, 1786, MS. The document

contains Argiiello's appointment, his acceptance, the appointment of two
witnesses, three autos de dilir/encias, or records of granting house-lot, field,
and branding-iron respectively to each of 9 settlers, one auto of survey of
municipal and royal lands, and a final certificate of having completed his task
and deposited the records in the archives.
30
Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 55; Id., Ben., ii. 2; signed by Argtiello Dec.
The map cf the pueblo is on a scale five times larger than that
21, 1703.

COLONISTS

34S

AND RECRUITS.

of distributed lands, and the royal lands were on the

river's opposite bank.

At San

Jose de Guadalupe, notwithstanding the

informality of its original foundation, nothing was
done under the new regulation until 1783, or five years
after the beginning, as in the south.
Some of the
settlers, not having been among the original founders
in November 1777, were still receiving rations from

Y
h

Y
J

|J

N
E

C B B A|

PROPIOS

M
n

...

.ROAD

-.

-V-

L
F

G
J

M
H
D

Los Angeles in

1786.

The distribution is shown by the letters as follows A, guardhouse; B, town-houses; C, trozo del posito; D, Pablo Rodriguez; E, Jose
Vanegas; F, Jose Moreno; G, Felix Villavicencio; H, Francisco Sinova; Y,
vacant; J, Basilio Rosas; K, Alejandro Rosas; L, Antonio Navarro; M,

of the fields.


PUEBLO MAPS.

349

31

In December 1782 Governor Fages

commissioned Moraga of San Francisco to put the
32
After
settlers in formal possession of their lands.

the government.

nDDDD

DDD
ma
PUEBLO OF
LOS ANGELES

Manuel Camero; N, 0, streets; P, Plaza. Two other maps are given St.
Pap., Hiss, and Col., MS., i. 103, 307 one of which I reproduce. For the
third transfer 1 to 2; add a lot at 3; and move 4, 5, 6, 7 one tier to the east.
I suppose these maps to have been of earlier date than 1786.
31
According to documents in Prov. St. Pap. Ben. Mil. MS. iii. 23, the pay
or rations of G of the 9 settlers ceased Nov. 1, 1782; one had rations to Nov. 3d;
and 2 had rations all the year. According to other records in Prov. St. Pap.,
MS. v. 25-6, 28, 4 had rations during 1783, and 3 at beginning of 1784. In Id.
iii. 244-7, Moraga says that from June to Dec. 1781 three settlers had pay
and rations, while 2 had rations only.
32
In Prov. Pec, MS., iii. 154-6, this document is given under date of
Dec. 2d, and is preceded, Id., 153-4, by a letter of instructions dated Dec.
12th, and ordering that the mandamiento (the document of Dec. 2d) be placed
at the head of each title.
On Jan. 4, 1783, Moraga writes that he cannot
attend to the distribution at once as ordered by the governor in letter of
Dec. 6th, but will do so at an early date. Stat. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS.,

30. In the regular record, however, Id., 244-71, Moraga's appointment as

comisionado, differing very slightly from the doc. of Dec. 2d, is dated Dec.
24th, being followed by Moraga's auto de obedecimiento dated May 13th and
containing most of the land clauses of the reglamento, and this by the 27
diligencias de posesion by which the 9 settlers were granted their lots, fields,
and branding-irons; then comes the measurement of public lands, and finally
Moraga's final certificate of Sept. 1st at San Francisco.

i.

COLONISTS

350

AND RECRUITS

some delay Moraga appointed Felipe Tapia and Juan

Jose Peralta as witnesses and began his task at San
Jose May 13, 1783, completing it on the 19th. The
proceedings and the resulting records were like those
already noted at Los Angeles, save in the settlers'
names and in the fact that the location of each man's
In the matter of education San Jose
land is given.
was in advance of its southern rival, since one of its
Jose Tiburcio Vasquez, ancestor of the famous bandit, could write, though the alcalde, ArchuHere as at Angeles all four of the
leta, could not.
fields granted to each settler were on soil that could
be irrigated, and here also a map is given in connection
with the records which I reproduce. 33
citizens,

33

243.
Ya

Way

to Mission

St.

Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS.,

i.

On the original the names are writ-

ten on their respective lots. I refer to

them as follows a, a, a, Realengas
1, 2, Manuel Amezquita; 3, 4, Claudio
Alvires; 5, G, Sebastian Alvitre
7,8,
Manuel Gonzalez; 9, 10, Bernardo Rosales; 11, 12, Francisco Avila; 13, 14,
Jose Tiburcio Vasquez 15, 1G, Antonio
Romero; 17, 18, Ignacio Archuleta. As
I have-before noted, four of these names
differ from those of the original founders.
Alvitre was a pioneer soldierof theearlicr
years ; Alvires had been a laborer or servant before 17S0; Avila and Rosales appear here for the first time. This map
in the archives is dated at San Francisco
June 1, 1782, and contains a statement
by Moraga that he distributed the lots
on April 23, 1782, all of which is altogether unintelligible. Evidently however the map was made before 1783 since
it shows only two fields for each man.
Here as at Los Angeles there is nothing
to show that at this final distribution any
:

s>

18

17

14

15

1'6

13

',2

10

change was made.

*4P

;*f

FUEBLO
4-

The map

so far as

Map

of San Jos.

it

goes agrees with Moraga's location of

lots, and the new lots seem to have extended in different directions from the
original. Hall, Hist. San Josd, 2G-31,
gives a pretty full account of Moraga's
proceedings, and alludes to the map a3
being dated April 23, 1783, and as showing 19 suertes. After granting the private^
lands, Moraga went, apparently, to the
west bank of the river, where he
ured l,9o8 varas from the dam down to

LOCAL ITEMS.

351

Beyond what has been recorded in connection with

the new establishments, there is very little to be said
The natives were troublesome on
of the year 1781.
Diego, and Neve had planned
frontier
below
San
the
to march against them with forty men, but other
34
duties prevented the campaign.

Father Mugartegui
also wrote from San Juan Capistrano that there were
reasons to fear a rising of the gentiles reenforced from
the Colorado, and that two of the six soldiers on
guard were unfit for duty. 85 At Santa Clara August
12th the festival of the patroness w as celebrated with.
the aid of Dumetz from San Carlos and Noriega from
San Francisco. The latter, after accompanying Serra
to San Antonio, took temporarily the place of Crespi
at San Carlos while Crespi went with Serra to San
Francisco on his tour of confirmation, this being the
venerable friar's first visit to the northern missions,
and his last journey on earth. Returning by way of
Santa Clara, they officiated with Murguia and Peiia
on November 19th in laying the corner-stone of a
new church dedicated to " Santa Clara de Asis,
virgin, abbess, and matriarch of her most famous religion."
The soldiers of the guard were present, and
Alferez Lasso de la Vega from San Francisco acted
as secular godfather. Under the stone were placed a
80
cross with holy images and pieces of money.
The
building was completed in 1784.
The supply-ship did not arrive this year, because on
account of troubles with England 37 the Santiago was
obliged to make a trip to Lima for quicksilver.
small transport was laden at San Bias, but proved to
r

the Santa Clara boundary, designating half the space (no width is given) as
propio* and the rest as realengas.
Then the egiclos 1,500 x 700 varas were
located on the eminence where the pueblo stood.
3
<Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 130-1.
25
Letters of Sept. 25th and 28th in Monterey Co. Arch., MS., vii. 3, 4.
30
S(inta Clara, Lib. de Mision, MS., 10, 11; Palou, Not., ii. 309-70
Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 131 ; Palou, Vida, 23G-7.
scrap in Levitt's
Scrap-book says the site was called by the natives Gerguensen, or valley of
the oaks.'
37
Orders for a war tax circulated by Gen. Croix and sent to California.
Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 59-70.

'

COLONISTS

352

AXD RECRUITS.

be so worm-eaten that she could not safely be trusted

In December the San- Carlos de Filipinos
to sail.
from Manila touched at San Diego. The old San
Carlos had remained at the Philippines and the new
Father Camvessel had been built to take her place.
bon was on board as chaplain, and being unwell was
He had some vestallowed to remain at San Diego.
ments and other articles for San Francisco which he
had bought with his wa^es, but thev were invoiced
33
Cambon
for San Bias and could not be unloaded.
roundabout
course
a
the
tidings
that six
by
brought
friars had been appointed for the three Channel missions, at which Serra rejoiced greatly, but about which
there is more to be said hereafter.
Palou, Not.,

ii.

369-73.

CHAPTER

XVII.

PUEBLO-MISSIONS ON THE RIO COLORADO.

1780-1782.

Preliminary Resume Reports of Garces and Anza Palma in Mexico

Arrictvita's Chronicle
Yumas Clamorous for Missionaries
Orders of General Croix Padres Garces and Diaz on the Colorado No Gifts for the Indians Disgust of the Yumas Missionpueblos Founded A New System Powers of Friars Curtailed
Franciscan Criticism A Dangerous Experiment Founding of Concepcion and San Pedro y San Pablo Names of the Colonists
Spanish Oppression Forebodings of Disaster Massacre of July
Four Martyrs Fifty Victims Death of Rivera Fruit17, 1781
less Efforts to Punish the Yumas Captives Ransomed Expeditions
of Fages, Fueros, Romeu, and Neve.

The reader

of Sonora history will

expeditions of Father

Kino and

his

remember the
companions to

northern Pimeria during the Jesuit period, their

flattering reports of prospects both spiritual and
temporal, and their efforts oft repeated but always
unsuccessful to establish missions in the Gila and
Colorado region. The natives were always clamorous
for friars; but the necessary combination of circumstances could never be effected.
The requisites were
a favorable disposition on the part of the government,
a favorable condition of European and Mexican affairs,
money to spare in the royal treasury, and quiet among
the Sonora tribes. What Kino's zeal in time of peace
could not do, was impossible to the comparative lukewarmness of his successors in times of constant rebellion and warfare with the Apaches. The Franciscans,
if somewhat less enthusiastic than the earlier Jesuits,
and notwithstanding their greater difficulties, never
Hist. Cal., Vol.

I.

23

(353)

PUEBLO-MISSIONS ON THE RIO COLORADO.

354

allowed the matter to drop. The record of their efforts,

as of earlier attempts, belongs in detail to another
part of this work; but there was little or no actual
progress down to the time of Anza's expeditions, made
with a view to open communication by land with California.

With

the second of these expeditions in 1775-6

Francisco Garces and Thomas Eixarch had gone to
the Colorado and had been left on the western bank
of the river with a few Indian attendants and under
the protection of Palma, a prominent Yuma chieftain
noted for his friendship for the white men. Both friars
were Franciscans from the Queretaro college. During
Anza's absence in the west, Eixarch remained on the
river, at or near the site of the modern Fort Yuma;
while Garces travelled extensively down and up the
Colorado, west and east to San Gabriel and the Moqui
towns, well received by all natives except the Moquis.
So well were the Colorado Indians pleased with Anza's
treatment that, as Garces was led to believe, they
refused aid to the hostile San Diego tribes.
The
only source of possible danger was believed to be in
Rivera's tendency to ill treat those who for one purpose or another visited the coast establishments. In
their explorations the two friars fixed upon the Puerto,
or Portezuelo, de la Concepcion and the Puerto, or
Rancheria, de San Pablo as the most desirable sites
for future missions.
The former, Concepcion, was, as
I have said, identical in site with Fort Yuma, while
the latter, San Pablo, was eight or ten miles down
the river on the same side in what is now Baja Californian territory. 2
Eixarch went back to Sonora with
See chapters x. and xii. of this volume.
1 suppose that San Pablo was identical with the Rancheria or Laguna of
San Pablo, or Capt. Pablo, 4h or 5 leagues below Concepcion, visited by Anza
and mentioned in his diary and in that of P. Font. Arricivita gives the distance between the two as three leagues. Taylor, in Browne's L. CaL, 51, 71,
doubtless following Arricivita, says the two were 9 miles apart. P. Sales, in
his Noticias de CaL, carta iii. G5-7, says that the Franciscan missions were
on territory conceded to the Dominicans, so that they were even then in a
1
2

sense considered to be in

Lower

California.

The author would seem almost

PLANS OF GARCES AND ANZA.

355

Anza, and Garces followed a little later. Palm a also

accompanied Anza to Mexico to present in person the
petition of his people for missionaries.
All the returning travellers were impressed with the feasibility

and great importance of founding on the Colorado

one or more missions under the protection of a strong
presidio.

The viceroy favored the views

of Garces and Anza.

He promised early in 1777 to transfer northward the
presidios of Horcasitas and Buenavista as a protection to the proposed missions, and recommended the
whole matter to the favorable consideration of Gen4
Palma in the mean time was kindly eneral Croix.
tertained; and after being baptized as Don Salvador,
he was sent home with promises of friars and other
5
favors to his country and people.
Croix it is said entertained an idea of going in
person to the Colorado and to Monterey, but he was
detained by illness in Chihuahua and had, besides, a
broad territory to attend to. Colonel Anza was about
this time sent to New Mexico as governor, and thus
the northern enterprise lost one of its most effective
supporters.
In March 1778 Palma, seeing no sign
that the promises made him were to be fulfilled, came
down to Altar to ascertain the reason. He was more
or less satisfied with the excuses offered by the preto entertain the idea that the Franciscans, in their zeal to get the rewards
offered, brought upon themselves the resulting misfortunes by intruding on

Dominican ground.
3
Garces suggested a route by water by way of the gulf and river, or by
the ocean to San Diego.
He also recommended that San Diego be subject to
the Colorado presidio instead of Monterey, so as to protect communication
and prevent conflicts with the California authorities. Thus his views in behalf of his college were somewhat ambitious.
Whether they resulted in some
degree from his own treatment by Rivera, or whether Rivera's policy was influenced by the views of Garcds, there is no means of knowing.
i
Id 1778 Croix writes to Galvez on the importance of conciliating the Colorado and Gila tribes, and of founding settlements on the route to California.
Ugaide, Documentor, MS., 5.
*Arricivita, Grdnica Serdjica y Apost6lica del Colegio de Propci{/<tnda Fide
de la Santa Cruz de Querctaro, 491-514.
This important work, the official
chronicle of the Querctaro College, is the leading authority for the contents
of this chapter, in fact the only continuous narrative of the whole subject,
though aa will be seen there are other authorities that throw much light on
certain parts of it.

356

PUEBLO-MISSIONS ON THE RIO COLORADO.

and went back to wait. Still no Spaniards came, and Palma's people began to taunt him,
and to more than hint that all the stories he had
brought from Mexico were lies. Palma endured it
for a while and then went a^ain to Altar and then to
sidio captain

Horcasitas to explain his difficulties.

General Croix, still at Chihuahua, hearing of Palma's
visit and knowing that his complaints were just, wrote
in February 1779 to the president asking him to send
Garces and another friar to the Colorado to be^in the
work of conversion, at the same time ordering the
authorities of Sonora to furnish supplies and soldiers.
Juan Diaz was selected to accompany Garces. The

governor gave an order for supplies, but the commandant could not furnish a proper guard, for his
force was small and the natives were unusually bitter.
In obedience to orders, however, he told Garces to
select the smallest number of soldiers that would meet
immediate necessities. The friars realized that in
establishing a distant mission under these circumstances there was danger.
But delay was also for
many reasons undesirable, and the early establishment of a presidio was confidently hoped for. Therefore after much discussion, including a reference to the
viceroy and college, the two friars chose seventeen
soldiers from Tucson and Altar, though when they
started in August for their destination they had but
After passing Sonoita in the Papago counthirteen.
try, they were forced to turn back for want of water;

but Garces with two soldiers soon continued and

reached the Colorado at the end of August. He
found Palma and those of his ranch eria very friendly,
but other Yumas considerably disaffected, the Jalchedunes and other tribes being also somewhat hostile to
the Yumas.
On September 3d the two soldiers were sent back
with letters for Diaz and for Croix, leaving Garces alone
with the Yumas. Rumors were rife of hostilities on
the part of the Papagos, and the soldiers at Sonoita

A NEW SYSTEM.

357

were disposed to abscond. Father Diaz sent to Altar

for aid, and received from a new commandant a letter
advising the friars to abandon the enterprise for the
Diaz declined the advice. He succeeded in
present.
removing the soldiers' fears, and joined Garces on the
2d of October. The two friars with their guard of
twelve men and a sergeant now found themselves in
an embarrassing position. Promises had been lavishly
bestowed on Palma by the viceroy and by Croix in
Mexico, promises which had not lost color in transmission, and which had roused expectations of lavish gifts.

Long delay had

lessened

Palma's tales; but even

somewhat the native

now

faith in

the contrast between

expectation and reality was great, and at sight of two

friars bearing trinkets hardly sufficient to buy their
daily food, the natives regarded themselves as victims
of a swindle.
Nor did they take pains to conceal their
The two padres could barely maintain themdisgust.
in
Palm
selves
as rancheria, that chieftain's authority
proving to be limited, and his position being hardly
more agreeable than their own. Entreaties for aid
were sent south, but the soldiers so sent were usually
retained in the Sonora presidios on some excuse, thus
lessening the escort and increasing the danger.
In November Croix arrived at Arizpe, whither
Diaz proceeded to report in person, and Juan Antonio
Barreneche was sent as companion to Garces. The
general listened to the padre's report, and resolved on
the establishment of two mission-pueblos on the Colorado, in accordance with a new system devised for this
occasion, the formal instructions for which were issued
March 20, 1780. There was to be no presidio, mission,
or pueblo proper, but the attributes of all three were
to be in a manner united.
The soldiers, under a sublieutenant as commandant, were to protect the settlers,
who were to be granted house-lots and fields, while
the friars were to act as pastors to attend to the
spiritual interests of the colonists, but at the same
time to be missionaries.
The priests were to have

358

PCJEBL0-M1SSI0XS

ON THE RIO COLORADO.

nothing to do with temporal management, and native

converts were not to be required to live in regular
mission communities, but might receive lands and live
Each pueblo was
in the pueblos with the Spaniards.
to have ten soldiers, ten settlers, and six laborers.
This was certainly a change in the mission system.
Palou italicizes it as a nuevo modo de conquistar, and
passes on without further comment to relate results. 6
Arricivita denounces both the system and its author,
charging Croix with having been influenced by politicos
cj'bitristas who knew nothing of the subject, and by
And further with having
false notions of economy.
paid no heed to the advice of the only men who were
qualified to give it; with giving instructions to the
friars in matters entirely beyond his jurisdiction; with
direct opposition to the laws of Spain, especially in
uniting Spaniards and Indians in the same pueblo,
and with having in his stupid pride and ignorance
exposed over fifty families to sure destruction.
large part of the bitter feeling exhibited by Franciscans on the subject may be fairly attributed to the
tragedy that followed and to the removal of the temporal management from their hands, a matter on which
they were very sensitive; yet it must be admitted
that Croix acted unwisely.
The time and place were
not well chosen for such an experiment. Anza, a
warm advocate of the Colorado establishments, a man
of great ability and experience, and one moreover
who had seen the Yumas and their neighbors at their
best, had expressed his opinion that missions could
not safely be founded in this region except under the
protection of a strong presidio. At the time of Anza's
return it would have been hazardous to try the experiment, but in the light of the friars' reports it was
a criminally stupid blunder.
As soon as he heard of the plan Garces sent in
repeated protests and warnings that the aspect of
The
affairs was worse then ever, but all in vain.

Palou, Not.,

ii.

374-88.

PURfelMA AND SAN PEDRO.

359

new homes in the autumn

of 1780 under the command of Alferez Santiago de
The pueblo of La Purisima Concepcion was
Islas.
colonists reached

their

at once founded, and the adjoining lands were distributed, Garces and Barreneche being its ministers.
Very soon the second pueblo, San Pedro y San Pablo

de Bicuner, was established under the care of Diaz

The Colorado

Missions.

and Matias Moreno. The names of the twenty sol7

diers and of fourteen settlers have been preserved.
They are as follows, those of persons who escaped from the subsequent
massacre being italicized: P. Francisco Garcds, P. Juan Diaz, Alferez Santiago Islas, Corporal Pascual Rivera, P. Juan Barreneche, P. Matias Moreno,
Sergt. Jose" (or Juan) de la Vega, Corporal Juan Miguel Palomino.
Soldiers: Cayetauo .Mesa, Gabriel (or Javier) Diaz. Matias de la Vega, Joye
Ignacio Martinez, Juan Gailardo, Gabriel (or Javier) Romero, Pedro Burques,
Jow Eeyes Pachec.o, Juan Martinez, Gabriel (or Javier) Luque, Manuel Duarte,
Bernardo Morales, Ignacio Zamora, Faustino Sallalla, Pedro Solares, Miguel
Antonio llomero.
Settlers: Manuel Barragan, Jose" Antonio Romero, Juan Ignacio Romero,
Jose" Olgin, Antonio Mendoza, Ignacio Martinez, Matias de Castro, Carlo3
Gallego, Juan Romero, Jose" Est6van, Justo Grijalva, Gabriel Tebaca, Nicolas Villalba, Juan Jose Miranda, Joss Ignacio Berajachea, servant, Jose Urrei,
interpreter.
These names come chiefly from the subsequent examination of
survivors recorded in Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 319-32. So far as soldiers and
All, or nearly all, had
settlers are concerned the list is probably complete.
7

families.

PUEBLO-MISSIONS OX THE RIO COLORADO.

3G0

The coming

of the colonists naturally afforded temporary relief to the friars, for a small stock of articles
suitable for gifts brought a brief renewal of Spanish
popularity; but even at the beginning Garces and his
companions seem to have foreseen disaster, though it
is hard to tell how much was foresight and how much
may be attributed to the despondency of the friars
when their privileges were curtailed. In addition to
the old causes of disaffection among the natives, new
and more serious ones began to work. In the distribution of lands along the river but little attention
was paid to the rights of the aborigines, whose little
milpas, if spared in the formal distribution, were
rendered useless by the live-stock of the Spaniards.
This great wrong, added to the ordinary indifference
of soldiers and settlers to native rights, and their
petty acts of injustice, soon destroyed any slight feeling of friendship previously existing. The friars with
difficulty and by patient kindness retained for a time
a degree of influence even in the midst of adverse influences.
They established a kind of missionary station at some distance from the pueblo, where the
natives were occasionally assembled for religious instruction.
Some of them were faithful notwithstanding the unpopularity brought upon themselves by
friendship for the friars but their influence amounted
to nothing against the growing: hatred amonof the
thousands of Yumas and neighboring tribes.
After the provisions brought from Sonora had
been exhausted there was much suffering among the
;

families, the natives refusing to part

with the

little

corn in their possession and asking exorbitant prices

for the wild products gathered.
In their great
need they sent over to San Gabriel for succor and
were given such articles of food as the mission could
8
spare.
have no chronological record of events

We

Palou, Not., ii. 375, says that masking for this aid they declared that if
were not sent they would have to abandon the Colorado establishments.
Neve reports on June 23, 1781, having sent the succor asked for by Alferez
Islas. Prov. llec, MS., ii. 85.

it

PREMONITIONS OF DISASTER.

301

during the winter and spring of 1780-1. The settlers

lived along in the lazy improvident waj peculiar to
Spaniards of that class, attending chiefly to their liveNeither they nor the soldiers had any fears
stock.
of impending danger, and rarely had either of the
pueblos more than two or three soldiers on duty.
They found time, however, to administer an occasional flogging or confinement in the stocks to offendThe friars went on with their duties,
ing: natives.
aware that trouble was brewing, and perhaps deriving
a certain grim satisfaction from their prospect of being able to prove by their own death that Croix was
wrong in interfering with missionary prerogative. 9
Meanwhile a few leading spirits among the Yumas
were inciting their people to active hostilities, with a
view to exterminate the intruders. Palma himself
was among the number, as were one or two of his
brothers and several chieftains who had accompanied
him to Mexico. Francisco Javier, an interpreter, is
Igalso named as having taken a prominent part.
nacio Palma, Pablo, and Javier were the leaders.
With a view to conciliate the disaffected Alferez Islas
made Ignacio Palma governor of the lower Yumas
about San Pedro y San Pablo, and a little later arrested him and put him in the stocks, thus adding
fuel to the flame of the revolt.

Late in June Rivera y Moncada arrived from

Sonora with his company of about forty recruits and
their families bound for Los Angeles and the Santa
Barbara channel. From the Colorado he sent back
most of his Sonoran escort, and after a short delay
for rest, despatched the main company to San Gabriel
under the escort of Alferez Limon and nine men.
Having seen the company started on its way, Rivera
recrossed the Colorado and with eleven or twelve men,
9
According to Arricivita the priests for many days devoted almost their
whole attention to labor among the Spanish population, striving to reawaken
interest in religious exercises and thus to prepare the souls of the unsuspecting
men, women, and children for death. In these efforts they were also said to
have been remarkably successful.

PUEBLO-MISSIOXS OX THE RIO COLORADO.

362

including Serjeant Robles and five or six men sent to

meet him from the California presidios, encamped
near the eastern bank opposite Concepcion, where he
proposed to remain for some weeks to restore his
horses and cattle to a proper condition for the trip to
San Gabriel. Rivera's coming contributed nothing
to the pacification of the natives, but had rather the
contrary effect, for his large herd of live-stock destroyed the mesquite plants, and he was by no means
10
liberal in the distribution of ofifts.
From his choice
of a location for his camp it is clear that he attached
no importance to the friars' apprehensions.
Early in July the natives became somewhat more
insolent in their actions, often visiting the towns in
a quarrelsome mood.
On Tuesday, July 17th, the
11
storm burst.
Early in the morning the lower village of San Pedro y San Pablo was attacked by the
savages, who, meeting no resistance, killed the two
priests, Diaz and Moreno, besides Sergeant Vega, and
most of the soldiers and settlers. Only five men,
including two Indians more or less in sympathy with
the savages, are known to have survived.
These
were made captive as were all the women. After the
Indians had taken everything they desired they burned
the buildings and destroyed all other property. The
bodies of the victims were left to lie where they fell,
except those of the friars, which, as there is some
reason to believe, were buried. 12
10

Neve in a letter to Croix of Nov. 18, 1781, says that the Jalchedimes
sent word to Rivera that as no gifts were made, they did not wish to retain
the badges of office formerly given their chiefs by Spaniards. Prov. Jiec,
MS.,
11

ii.

G9.

Sunday.

was

by other writers, erroneously states that it was on

The surviving witnesses testified that it was Tuesday, and the 17th

Arricivita, followed

certainly Tuesday.
Arricivita, 529-54, gives

12

some details respecting the lives of the misJuan Marcelo was born in 1733 in the city of Alajar, Spain, taking
the name of Diaz when he became a Franciscan. He came to Mexico in 1703;
in 1760 became minister of Caborca mission in Pimeria Alta; and accompanied Anza as we have seen on his first expedition to California. Jose" Matias
Moreno was born in 1744 at Almarza, Spain; became a Franciscan in 17G2;
and came to Mexico in 1769. His first missionary service, save as supernumerary, was at the place of his death. Francisco Tomas Hcrmenegilclo
Garces v as born in 1738 in Morata del Conde, Aragon; came to the Quer6taro
sionaries.


MASSACRE OF RIVERA'S MEN.

3G3

On

the same day and at about the same hour when

Father Garces was saying mass, 13 the town of Concepcion was invaded and the commandant, Islas, and a
corporal, the only soldiers there at the time, were
killed, as were indeed most of the unarmed men scatSome of the houses
tered in the adjoining fields.
were sacked, but the friars were spared, and a part of
the men were not found, the ravages being suspended
about noon. Next morningf the savages attacked the
camp across the river. Rivera had hastily thrown up
some slight intrenchments and his men made a gallant
defence, but the numbers against them were too great.
One by one the soldiers fell under the arrows and
14
Thus died
clubs of the foe until not one was left.
Captain Fernando Javier do Rivera y Moncada, one
of the most prominent characters in early California!!
annals, who had come in the first land expedition of
1769, had been military commandant of the Monterey
establishments, and who at the time of his death was
lieutenant-governor of Baja California.
All that is
known of his life and character has been recorded in
the preceding chapters.
He was not the equal, in
ability and force, of such men as Fages and Neve, but
he was popular and left among the old Californian
soldiers a better reputation probably than any of his
contemporaries. 15
College in 17G3; arid became minister of San Javier del Bac in 17C8.
He
travelled extensively among the gentile tribes, from his first coming to Sonora
down to the time of his death. Juan Antonio Barreneche was born in Lacazor, Navarre, in 1749, and came when a child to Habana.
He became a
Franciscan in 17G8; joined the Querdtaro College in 1773.
His first missionary work was in the Colorado pueblos where he died at the early age of 32
years.
The author in connection with these facts repeats much of the history
told in this chapter, and adds many details of the lives and Christian virtues
of these four martyrs for which I have no space.
13
It is not impossible that Arricivita draws on his imagination for details
about the religious services, supposing the day to have been Sunday.
14
In Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., iii. 19, 22, are revistas of 1782 showing
the following soldiers of the San Diego and Monterey company who had died
besides Sergt. Robles Manuel Canedo, Tomas Maria Camacho, Rafael Marquez, Joaquin Guerrero, Jose" M. Guerrero, Nicolas Bcltran, Juan Angel
Amarillas, Francisco Pena, Joaquin Lopez, Joaquin Espinosa, Antonio Espinosa, and Pablo Victoriano Cervantes. These 12 names doubtless include the
Colorado victims.
15
Father Consag Zevallos, Vida de Konsaq, 14 writing in 1733 of his
third expedition says of Rivera: 'No perdono ningun trabajo personal de
:

PUEBLO-MISSIONS ON THE RIO COLORADO.

364

The

natives returned to Concepcion the same afterThe priests on their approach escaped with
noon.
the families and took refuge with some of their conThe buildings were sacked and burned
vert friends.
as at the lower village, and next day the two priests
were killed notwithstanding the efforts made by certain
Indians in their behalf. Only two men are known to
have saved their lives at Concepcion, and the whole
number of the slain at the two pueblos and Rivera's
camp was at least forty-six, probably more.
hear
of no killing of women and children.
The captives
were made to work, but no further outrage is recorded. 16
Alferez Limon after escorting the California colony
to San Gabriel started back for Sonora by the old

We

route with his nine men. Drawing near the Colorado

he was informed by the natives that there had been a
modo que al Padre ya le faltaban palabras y trazas paraque se cinese a traba*
His wife was Teresa de Davalos.
jos proporcionados a su caracter.
son,
Juan Bautista Francisco Maria, was baptized Oct. 5, 1756, by Father Bischoff
at Loreto; another son, Jose' Nicolas Maria, May 8, 1758, by Father Ventura; and still another March 9, 1707. Loreto, Libro de Mision, MS., 174,
Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 106-7, says that his memory was
177, 105.

'

long honored by anniversary funeral masses at San Diego, and that Gov.
Echeandia in 1825 proposed a monument in his honor.
10
The information that the hostilities lasted three days comes from Arricivita. Most other au thorites state or imply that the bloody work was begun
and ended on July 17th; but Croix in a note dated July 17, 1782, and in correction of a report from Neve that Rivera died on July 1st, states that it was
on July 18th, thus sustaining Arrici vita. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., iii.
10. Neve in a letter to Croix of March 10, 1782, Prov. Bee, MS., ii. 7(3-8,
says that the savages attacked the two villages and Rivera's camp simultaneously and by 8 o'clock had completed their work at the former; that they
found Rivera's men scattered and at first entered the encampment as friends,
attacking before the soldiers could be gathered, and killing the last man at
night after righting all day. In another letter of Sept. 1st, Id., 88-9, Neve
mentions a report brought by Limon that Corporal Pascual Bailon (this
Bailon is mentioned by others, but I suspect that he and Pascual Rivera are
the same person), with 9 soldiers, one settler, and a muleteer, was killed while
bringing supplies from Sonora. Sales, Noticias, Carta iii. 65-7, tells us the
assailants were 20,000 in number. Velasco, Son., 151; Soc. Ifex. Geog.,Boletin,
x. 7C4, gives the number of killed as 53. Taylor in Browne's L. Cal., 71, says
the massacre took place in the fall of 1782. Bartlett, Pers. Nar., ii. 183-4,
tells us that a mission established by P. Kino at the mouth of the Gila was in
existence as late as 1776! also that Garcds established a mission among the
Moquis which was soon destroyed See further for brief mention of the subject, Mofras, Explor, i. 284-6; Bevilla-Gigedo, Informe de 12 de Abril 1703,
122; Escudero, Not., Chih., 229; Gkeson's Hist. Cath. Ch., ii. 87-93; Taylor, in
!

Cal.

Fanner, March

7,

1862; Shea's Cath. Miss., 101-2.

PREPARATIONS FOR VENGEANCE.

363

massacre; but, doubting the report, he left two men

in charge of his animals and went forward to reconThe blackened ruins at Concepcion and the
noitre.
dead bodies lying in the plaza told all. His own party
was attacked the 21st of August and driven back bv
the Yum as, one of whom wore the uniform of the
dead Rivera. Limon and his son were wounded, the
two men left behind had been killed, and the survivors hastened back to San Gabriel with news of the
Governor Neve sent Limon and his party
disaster.
to Sonora by way of Loreto with a report to General
Croix dated September 1st. 17
Meanwhile the news was carried by the Pimas of
the Gila to Tucson, and by one of the captives who
managed to escape to Altar, and thus reached the ears
of Croix in August. 18 On the 26th of that month
Croix wrote to Neve of the reports that had reached
him, warning him to take precautions. The 9th of
September a council of war was held at Arizpe, and
decided that as the Yumas after urging the establishment of missions had risen without cause, they
must according to the laws be proceeded against as
apostates and rebels.
sufficient force must be sent
to the Colorado to investigate, ransom, and punish,
and peace be made on condition that the natives voluntarily submit, and deliver the captives and their
property; the ringleaders should then be put to death
on the spot. If they would do this, well if not, war
should follow, and the neighboring tribes might be
employed against the foe. The commander of the
expedition must report to Neve on arrival at the
Colorado. 19 In accordance with this resolution the

17

Prov. Pec, MS., ii., 88-9; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., ii. 23; Pcdou,
Vida, 242. Palou, N'ot., ii. 377, says that Limon wanted to take 20 men and
go to chastise the Yumas, but Neve did not approve the plan. The author
is inclined, apparently unjustly, to blame the governor for his inaction.
This
Limon was a soldier at Altar in 17G0, when his daughter was baptized by
Parlve Pfefferkorn. S. Francisco dd AH, Lib. Mision, MS.
18
Arricivita, page 509, says that at first the report was not believed and
that a soldier sent up to the Colorado to learn the truth was killed.
1<J
^. Pap. Sac, MS., vi. 123-33.

PUEBLO-MISSIONS OX THE RIO COLORADO.

3G6

general despatched a force to the Colorado under

the command of our old friend Pedro Fages, about

whose

know

life

since he sailed from

beyond the

San Die^o

fact that

he

in

1774 we

California a
captain and now returns a lieutenant-colonel.
He
was accompanied by Captain Fueros of the Altar
little

presidio.

left

20

Fages and Fueros marched with a hundred soldiers

of their respective companies and many friendly natives to the Colorado, and forded the river to the
ruined villages. They buried the bodies of the victims which were found lying as they fell in the plaza
The Yumas had abandoned the
and in the fields.
vicinity, but were found some eight leagues down
the river in a densely wooded tract where it was
deemed unadvisable to attack them. All or nearly
21
all of the captives, however, were ransomed,
and
both they and the natives stated that the latter had
been frightened away by a procession of white-robed
figures that with crosses and lighted candles had
marched through the ruins chanting: strange dirges
each ni^ht after the massacre. With the rescued
captives Fages retraced his steps to Sonoita, where
he arrived late in October.
Here were found orders from the general, given at
the petition of the father president, to recover and
brimr back the bodies of the slain friars.
These
orders had been intended to reach Fages earlier and
not to necessitate another journey; but as he had
made no special search for the bodies, he deemed it
best to return. 22 Before settingo out he held an exam20

In a record of certain California documents existing in Mexico in 1795,

Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 205-6, is mentioned the original account of the
expedition.
Diario del viaje de tierra hecho al Rio Colorado de 6rden del
Comandante General, El Caballero de Croix, al mando del Tenicnte Coronel D.
Pedro Far/es, etc., dated at Altar Sept. 10, 17S1 (it should probably be Sonoita
Dec. 20th), a document I have been unable to find.
21
Palou, Vida, 247-54, who saw the original narrative, seems to be the
authority for the finding of the Yumas down the river. He is quoted by
Arricivita, who, however, implies erroneously that the captives were ransomed on a subsequent visit.
22
Arricivita is the only authority who directly mentions this second expe

REMAIN'S OF THE MARTYRS.

367

ination at Sonoita October 31st and took the testimony of six men who had survived the massacre,

material which I have already utilized in describing

23
At San Pedro y San Pablo on Decemthat event.
ber 7th the bodies of Diaz and Moreno were discovered in a good state of preservation, though the head
At Concepcion the
of Moreno had been cut off.
remains of Garces and Barreneche could not be found
at first and some hope was felt that they had not been
killed; but in continuing their search at a distance the
soldiers finally saw a bright green spot in the desert,
and there, marked by a cross, under a bed of verdure
and flowers, they found the grave where the two
martyrs had been buried by some of their converts.
Respecting this miraculous verdure, the supernatural
procession at the ruined pueblos, and the utter blamelessness of the friars before and during the disaster,
properly attested certificates were drawn up and forwarded to the Santa Cruz College in Queretaro by
Croix at the request of the Franciscans. The remains
of the four martyrs were carried south and buried in
one coffin in the church at Tubutama.
On September 10th Croix had forwarded to Neve
the resolutions of the council of the day before, to the
end that he, as the proper official to direct all military operations in California, might on hearing of
Fages' arrival at the Colorado send orders or go in
person to take command. Neve did prepare a force,
composed chiefly of the men waiting to found Santa
Barbara, which he held in readiness; and he seems
also to have sent Alferez Velasquez with a small
But
party to make inquiries about Fages' coming.

Velasquez brought back nothing but an unintelligible

rumor from the natives about some white and black
but his statement is partially corroborated by certain circumstantial
official communications in the archives.
23
Investigation sabre la wuerte de los religiosos, etc., enviados a la reduction
de los gentie/es del Colorado, 1781, MS. One of the witnesses was an Indian
interpreter namod Urrea, whom Arricivita names as a traitor to whom the
murder of the padres was largely due.
dition;

evidence in

3G8

PUEBLO-MISSIONS OX THE RIO COLORADO.

horsemen who had come four moons aofo to burn

and kill. 24 Fages' diary of his expedition was dated
Sonoita, the 20th of December.
Another council had been held at Arizpe the 15th
of November, on receipt of news respecting the first
return of the expedition to Sonoita. Pages' report of
October 31st was read, announcing his intention to
return to the Colorado on the arrival of certain packmules with supplies. His action in ransoming the
captives and sending them to Altar was approved, and
he was instructed to march without delay to attack
the Yumas. He was to announce his arrival to Neve,
and if his first attack on the foe were not decisively
successful in securing the death of the Yuma leaders
and establishing a permanent peace, the command was
to be transferred to Neve, and military operations
were to be continued. After the enemy was fully
conquered the governor must select a proper site for
a presidio on the Colorado, which would afford adequate protection to future settlements, and report
in full as to the number of men and other help required.
Government aid was to be furnished to the
families who had survived the massacre. 25
These resolutions of the council not having been
received by Fages until he had returned from his
second trip, or at least until it was too late to carry
them into execution, the same body met again January 2, 1782, and modified somewhat its past action.
Fages was to press on as rapidly as possible with
forty men to San Gabriel, where he would receive
instructions and aid from Neve.
Meanwhile Fueros
with a sufficient force was to arrive on the Colorado
by April 1st at the latest and there to await orders

from Neve, holding himself meanwhile strictly on the

defensive unless some particularly good opportunity
24
Croix to Neve, Sept. 10, 1781, in St. Pap., Sac, MS., vi. 120-2; Neve to
Croix, Nov. 18, 1781, and Mar. 10, 1782, in Prov. Pec, MS., ii. CS, 77-8.
25
Prov. St. Pap., Sac, MS., iv. 21-8; duplicate in A/., xv. 5- 10. Neve
acknowledged the receipt of the documents of Nov. 15th, on March 2, 1782,
also that of the subsequent orders of Jan. 2d. Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 56.

FINAL CAMPAIGN.

3G9

The govshould offer of striking a decisive blow.

ernor was instructed to take all the available troops in
California, suspending the Channel foundations temporarily for the purpose, and to begin the campaign
by the 1st of April.'26
Faofes seems to have arrived at San Gabriel late in
March and a messenger soon brought Neve back from
the Channel, where he had gone to superintend the
new foundations. 27 Receiving the despatches brought
by Fages the governor decided that it was too early
in the season for effective operations on the Colorado,
by reason of high water, and postponed the campaign
until September, when the river would be fordable,
and when the Yuma harvest would be desirable spoils
for native allies.
Fa<xes was sent to the Colorado to
give the corresponding instructions to Fucros, who
was to proceed to Sonora and wait, while Fages returned to wait in California.
Croix seems to have
approved the change of plan, and on May lGth the
council met once more at Arizpe to issue thirteen
resolutions respecting the fall campaign, the substance
of which was that about one hundred and sixty men
were to be on the east bank of the Colorado on the
morning of September 15th to meet the Californian
troops and show the rebellious Yumas the power of
Spanish arms. 28
The resolutions were to a certain extent carried into
effect, but about the result there is little to be said.
26
Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 236-9. Croix communicated the plan to Neve
Jan. 3d and Jan. Gth. Id., 236, 182-3. Neve acknowledged receipt March 2d.
Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 57. March 18th Croix announces that Fages is on the
march. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 185. April 30th Neve wrote to Croix that
Fages had arrived at San Gabriel and that the Yumas had left their own
country and retired to that of the Yamajabs. Id., 233. And still earlier on
March 29th lie had written in answer to Croix's letters of January, announcing a postponement of the campaign until September. Id., 198; Prov. Etc.,

MS.,
27

ii.

53.

ii. 3S3, says that the messenger overtook Neve March 26th,
the same day he had left San Gabriel to found San Buenaventura.
2S
Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 198-207, including a letter of Croix of May
18th, communicating to Neve the junta's action, and another letter announcing the sending of 200 horses and 40 mules to mount the Californian

Palou, Not.,

troop.j.

Hist. Cal., Vol,

I.

24

PUEBLO-MISSIONS ON THE RIO COLORADO.

370

Captain Jose Antonio

Eomeu

29

with a force of one

hundred and eight men reached the seat of proposed
war at the specified time. Neve, having intrusted his
adjutant inspector, Nicolas Soler, with the temporary
government of California, departed from San Gabriel
August 21st, 30 with Fages and sixty men. Some
three days' journey before reaching Concepcion a messenger met the party with despatches for Pages which
caused him to return and assume the governorship of
31
California, while Neve proceeded and joined Romeu
on the 16th, not returning to San Gabriel, but going
to Sonora after the campaign to assume his new
office of inspector general of the Provincias Internas.
the campaign we know little save that it was
a failure, since the Yumas were not subdued, peace
was not made, and the rebel chiefs Palma and the
rest were not captured.
Yet there was some fighting in which a few Yumas were killed. 32 The nation
remained independent of all Spanish control, and was
always more or less hostile. Neither presidio, mission,

About

29
Romeu, afterwards governor of California, had been with Fueros on the
Colorado earlier in the year, and had written a diary of that expedition, which
by resolution of the junta was sent to Neve for his instruction.
30
Neve's instructions to Soler, July 12, 1782. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 120.
Neve to Croix, Aug. 3, 1782, receipt of letter announcing approval by the
junta of the suspension of Yuma campaign. Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 65-G. Neve
to Croix, Aug. 12, 17S2, announcing march of troops on Aug. 21st, and his
own departure on Aug. 25th or 2Gth. hi., 47.
31
Palou, Not., ii. 390-2. More of this change of governors in a later

chapter.
32
In Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 205-6, there is mentioned as existing in
Mexico in 1795 a Diario de las marchas y ocurrencias .desde 21 de Agosto
17S2, which my search of the archives has not brought to light.
A short letter of Neve to Croix dated Sonoita Oct. lGth
Prov. Rec, MS., ii. 53 is the
.

only original account extant. He says he sent an alferez with 8 men to reconnoitre, heard firing, and hurried up to support the alferez, but the enemy fled.
Then Romeu attacked a Yuma rancheria and inflicted some loss, having 4 soldiers wounded.
He vaguely states that he should have subdued the Yumas
and left communication by that route secure, had it not been for distrust
caused partly by the imprudent actions of preceding expeditions. Arricivita,
< 'run. Serdf, 514, says 108 natives were killed, 85 taken prisoners, 10 Christians
freed from captivity, and 1,048 horses recovered, but all without pacifying
the foe. Palou states that after receiving his appointment as inspector, Neve
did not care to inarch against the Yumas. The enemy, however, came out
boldly to taunt and challenge the Spaniards until one of the Sonora captains
(Romeu) could endure it no longer, and obtained Neve's permission to punish
the Yuma insolence, which he did in three days' fighting in which many
natives

fell.

THE FIELD ABANDONED.

371

nor pueblo was ever again established on the Colorado; and communication by this route never ceased
to be attended with danger. Truly, as the Franciscan
chroniclers do not fail to point out, the old way was
best; the innovations of Croix had led to nothing but
disaster; the nuevo modo de conquistar was a failure.

CHAPTER

XVIII.

FOUNDING OF SAN BUENAVENTURA AND SANTA BARBARA

PRESIDIO FAGES GOVERNOR.
1782.

Missionaries Expected Neve's Instructions to Or

tega
Precautions against Disaster Indian Policy Radical
Changes in Mission System San Buenaventura Established Presidio of Santa Barbara Visit of Fages Arrival of the TransportsNews from Mexico No Mission Supplies No Priests
Viceroy and Guardian Six Friars Refuse to Serve C-jntrol of
Temporalities False Charges against Neve Changes in Missionaries Fages appointed Governor Neve Inspector General Instructions Fugitive Neophytes Local Events Death of Mariano CarrilloDeath of Juan Crespi.

Ready to Begin

The new establishments of the Channel, of which

so much has been said, were not yet founded. The
required force had arrived late in the summer of 1781,
but it was deemed best to delay until the rainy season
had passed, and moreover the disaster on the Colorado
had resulted in orders to suspend all operations and
settlements that might interfere with measures against
the Yum as.
The forces had therefore remained in
camp at San Gabriel, where some slight barracks had
been erected for their accommodation, 1 under Ortega
who had been chosen to command the new presidio,
Lieutenant Zuiii^a taking his old command at San
Diego.
1

Oct. 29, 1781,

Neve writes to Croix that he has taken a corporal and 7

the same number from San Diego to form a basis for

men from Monterey and

the Santa Barbara company, and also that he has built 40 small huts to shelter
the men and their families during the rainy season. Prov. Bee, MS., ii. 89,
91. Reviews during the winter show a lieutenant, Ortega, an alferez, Argiiello, 3 sergeants, 2 corporals, and 49 or 50 soldiers. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii.
261, 264; St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 104.
(372)

PRESIDIO INSTRUCTIONS.

373

In the spring of 1782 it seemed to the governor

that he might proceed in the matter without prejudice
to other interests, and accordingly in February he
wrote to President Serra, announcing his intention
and asking: for two friars, for San Buenaventura and
Santa Barbara respectively. Serra had but two supernumerary friars in all California, one of whom was
needed at San Carlos during his own occasional
But he was extremely desirous that the
absence.
new missions should be established, and he expected
six new friars by this year's transport; so he went
south himself, administering confirmation en route at
San Antonio and San Luis, reaching Angeles on
March 18th, and San Gabriel the next day. Here he
he met Father Cambon, who at his order had come up
from San Diego, and the two agreed to attend to the
spiritual needs of the two new establishments till the
coming of the six missionary recruits. 2
Meanwhile on March 6th Governor Neve had issued
his instructions to Ortega, indicating the line of policy

to be followed at the

new

presidio and the missions

jurisdiction. 3
Like all the

protection and
productions of Neve's mind these instructions were
models of good sense in substance, though diffuse as
usual.
The first duty urged was that of vigilance
and precaution. Late events on the Colorado would
have suggested extraordinary vigilance anywhere;
but the comparatively dense native population in the
Channel country rendered it especially necessary there.
The erection of defensive works must be the commandant's first care, and beyond a few temporary
shelters of brushwood for the families, and a warehouse for the supplies, no structures could be built

under

its

2
Palou, Not, ii. 380-9; Id., Vida, 243-7. February 8, 1782, Minister
Galvez communicated to Croix, who forwarded it on July 24th, the royal
order approving Xeve's acts and propositions respecting the three new foundations as made known to him in letter and documents of February 23, 1780. St.
Pap. Sac, MS., iv. 30-1.
3
Neve, Instruction que ha de gobernar al Comandante del presidio de Santa
Barbara, 1782, MS. This document was examined by Fages at Santa Barbara
on October 1st, and Ortega was ordered anew by him to obey its requirements.

374

FOUNDATIONS; FAGES GOVERNOR.

square was safely enclosed by a line of

earthworks and palisades. The natives were not to
be allowed within the lines except in small numbers
and unarmed. The utmost efforts were to be made
to win and retain the respect and friendship of the
native chiefs, and to this end a policy of kindness and
strict justice must be observed.
Soldiers must be
restrained by the strictest discipline from all outrage,
oppression, or even intermeddling.
They were not
to visit the rancherias under severe penalties, such
as fifteen consecutive da}T s of guard duty wearing four
cueras, unless sent with definite orders to escort a
friar or on other necessary duty.
The natives were to be interfered with in their
ranch eria life and government as little as was possible.
They were to be civilized by example and precept and thus gradually led to become vassals of the
king; but they were not to be christianized by force.
Any outrages they might commit must be punished
firmly by imprisonment and flogging with full explanation to the chiefs; but to remove the strongest
temptation to Indian nature, the soldiers could at
the beoinningf own no cattle. Trade with the natives was to be encouraged by fair treatment and fair
prices.
In a word they were to be treated as human
In that part
beings having rights to be respected.
of Neve's instructions relating to the friars and the
missions, however, there appeared a palpable trace of
the policy inaugurated by Croix on the Colorado,
with the most dangerous features omitted. In fact
I am inclined to think that the Colorado experiment,
so far as it affected the relations between padres and
the temporalities, was largely inspired by Neve, an
intimate friend, whose advice had great weight with
the general.
In the Channel missions the priests
were to be virtually deprived of the temporal management, because there were to be no temporal interThey were to attend exclusively to
ests to manage.
the instruction and conversion of the natives, and to
until the

NEW

MISSION REGULATIONS.

375

end were to be afforded every facility by the military; but the natives must not be taken from their
rancherias or required to live in mission communities,
except a few at a time, who might be persuaded to
live temporarily with the missionaries for instruction.
The reasons given for these regulations were the
this

small area of tillable land in proportion to the number of inhabitants, rendering agricultural mission
communities impracticable, and the great danger that
would be incurred by any attempt to break up or rearrange the numerous and densely populated native
towns or rancherias alonor the Channel. Without
doubt also another motive, quite as powerful, was a
desire on the part of the governor to put a curb on
The new system which it was
missionary authority.
now proposed to introduce was a good one in many
respects, and was at least worth a trial; but it was
nevertheless a complete overthrow of the old mission
system in one of its most important features, and the
wonder is that it did not provoke a general and immediate outburst of Franciscan indignation throughout the whole province. No such demonstration,
however, is recorded, though much was written on
It is probable that the friars, atthe subject later.
tributing the proposed innovations to the local authorities, strong in the result of recent experiments
on the Colorado, and believing they could interpose
such obstacles as would prevent any very brilliant
success of the new experiment, determined that quiet

and prolonged effort would be more effective than

open denunciation, trusting to their influence in Mexico and Spain to restore the old state of affairs. Their
practical success was rapid and not very difficult, as

we

shall see.

All being ready the company 5 set out from San

4
There are three copies of these instructions, in one of which they are
preceded by some preliminary remarks of a general nature respecting past
intercourse with the Channel tribes, their intertribal quarrels which will
favor the Spanish settlement, and the general policy to be followed.
5
Palou, Vida, 245, says it was the largest expedition ever seen in Cali-

FOUNDATIONS; FAGES GOVERNOR.

376

Gabriel the 26th of March. At the first encampment

Fages' courier arrived with orders for Neve, who was
obliged to return with his escort; but the company
continued and arrived on the 29th at the first rancheria of the channel, named Asuncion, or Asumpta,
by Portolas party in 1769. This had long ago been
selected as a suitable locality for one of the three missions.
site was chosen near the beach and adjoining the native town with its neat conical huts of tule
and straw, and here next day a cross was raised with
the required shelter of boughs for the altar.
With
the usual ceremonies, including a sermon from Serra,
on the 31st of March the mission was founded and
dedicated to the seraphic doctor' San Buenaventura/
in the presence of a large attendance both of Spaniards
and of natives, the latter expressing much pleasure at
what had been done, and cheerfully aiding in the work
of building.
About the middle of April Neve came up from
San Gabriel and expressed his satisfaction with the
progress made. 7 Cambon remained in charge of the
new mission until the coming of Dumetz and Santa
Maria, assigned to San Buenaventura as regular

'

fornia, including besides officers 70 soldiers with their families, to say nothing
The 70 should however include
of Neve's escort of 10 men from Monterey.

the

10.

San Buenaventura, Lib. de Mision, MS. On the day of foundation Serra

writes to Lasuen expressing his joy at witnessing the foundation. Arch. Sta.
Barbara, MS., ix. 288. Gen. Croix congratulates Serra in letter of July 22,
1782. Id., i. 261-2.
April 24th, Neve writes to Croix that by April 12th the
enclosure of 40 by 50 varas, of palisades 4 varas high with two ravelins, a
Facilities were good for
gate, and a small warehouse had been completed.
irrigation and for obtaining building material. Prov. Bee., MS., ii. Gl.
Giovanni di Fidanza was born at Bagnarea in Tuscany in 1221. St Francis
of Assisi, meeting him one day and foreseeing his future greatness, exclaimed
baona ventura and the name, Buenaventura in Spanish, clung to him.
He became bishop, minister-general of the Franciscan order, and cardinal.
His title of seraphic doctor was founded on his skill in mystic theology, to
which a large part of his numerous writings was devoted. He died in 1274.
6

'

'

His day is July 14th.

7
Palou, Vida, 254-5, says that the mission had been established on the old
footing though Neve had entertained the idea and had been instructed, as
\o afterward proved, to found it on the Colorado plan; but late events had

changed his mind and he made no objection. This sounds somewhat strange,
in connection with the instructions already noted. Possibly the nature of the
instructions was not made public at first, and this accounts for the quiet of
the priests.

FOUNDING OF SANTA BARBARA.

377

ministers in May.
Only two adults received the
8
baptism
in
1782.
rite of
About the middle of April the governor, president,
commandant, and the whole company of soldiers,
except a sergeant and fourteen men left as a guard
for the mission just founded, started up the coast to
establish the presidio of Santa Barbara.
The site
chosen was on the shore of a small bay affording tolerably secure anchorage, at a place said to have been
called San Joaquin de la Laguna in the first expedi9
tion of 1769, and near a large native town, which,
like its temi, or chief, was called Yanonalit.
Near
the lagoon were found springs of a peculiar water,
and an eminence suitable for the fort. The formal
establishing was on April 21st, when Serra said mass
and chanted an alabado. The natives were more
friendly than had been anticipated, and Yanonalit was
willing to exchange presents.
Work was at once
begun and oak timber felled for the requisite shelters,
and particularly for the palisade enclosure, sixty varas
square, which was later to be replaced by a solid wall
enclosing an area of eighty yards square. 10 The natives
were hired to work and were paid in articles of food
and clothing. Yanonalit had authority over some
thirteen rancherias, and his friendship proved a great
advantage.
Affairs progressed favorably, and Ortega even
found time to construct irrigation works and prepare for farming on a small scale. Serra, on ascertaining that there was no immediate prospect of
founding another mission, wrote to Fuster at San
Juan Capistrano to come up for temporary service at
8

In December 1782 a Frenchman, Pierre Roy, was a sirviente at the misBuenaventura, Lib. Mision, MS., 2.
9
The original diary gave no such name. See chap. vi. of this volume.
But the place was called Pueblo de la Laguna and Concepcion Laguna.
10
On foundation of Santa Barbara presidio see letter of Neve to Croix
April 24, 1782, in Prov. Bee:, MS., ii. 61-2, 64; Serra, April 29, 1782, in
Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., ix. 293-4; baptismal book of presidio in Id.,
vii. 32-3; Croix to Neve, July 22, 1782, approving foundation, in Prov. St.
Pap., MS., iii. 232-3; Id., iii. 128-9; iv. 38; vi. 172-3; Neve to Fages August
25, 1783, in St. Pap., Sac., MS., xv. 18.
sion. S.

FOUNDATIONS; FAGES GOVERNOR.

378

Santa Barbara/ 1 and himself returned to Monterey.

During the months of May and June Lieutenantcolonel Fages made a tour of unofficial inspection
from San Diego to San Francisco, including in his
route the new presidio of Santa Barbara. 1 2
Just before Serra reached Monterey from the south,
May 13th, the transports Favorita and Princesa, under
captains Echeverria and Martinez, 13 brought full cargoes of supplies for the three presidios and also for
the old missions, together with Cambon's gift for San
Francisco, purchased in China, as already related,
with his earnings as chaplain on the San Carlos.
There also came by these vessels many items interesting to the friars, with other unrecorded news doubtless of equal interest to other Californians.
There
came the report that Antonio Reyes of the Queretaro
college had been made bishop of Sonora and California; that Rafael Verger, the ex-guardian of San
Fernando, had been also made a bishop in Spain; 14 and
that it was again proposed to divide the Franciscan
missions into four independent custodias, a measure
that was never carried out. 15
What the transports of 1782 did not bring, greatly
'

Palou, Vida, 255-6. The same author says, Not., ii. 388-9, that Cambon
come to the presidio while Fuster was to take his place at San Buenaventura. It is not certain that Fuster ever came.
12
Palm, Noticias, ii. 390-1.
13
The officers of the Favorita were Agustin de Echeverria, captain; Jose'
Tobar, second; and Jose" Villaverde, a clergyman, as chaplain. Those of the
Princesa were Estdivan Martinez, captain; Juan Pantoja, second; and Miguel
Davalos, also a clerigo, as chaplain. Both vessels had left San Bias the same
day, and, though they anchored the same day at Monterey, had not seen
each other after the first few days of the trip. Palou, Not., ii. 3SG-9. The
two vessels were at Sta. Barbara Aug. 4. Prov. St. Pap. Ben. JUL MS. iii. 17.
14
Verger was bishop of Xuevo Leon in 17S5-7. Letters in Pinart, Col.
Doc. Mex., MS., 153-5.
15
Bishop Reyes was consecrated at Tacubaya on Sept. 15, 1782. He remained for some time at the two colleges, where there was much discussion
about his future plans and considerable opposition on the part of the colleges
The bishop finally proceeded north to
to giving up the missions to custodios.
establish the custodia of San Carlos de Sonora, and proposed later to go over
and establish that of San Gabriel de California. In connection with this
movement the Dominicans were to give up Lower California. Such was the
news that came to California in June 1783. Palou, Not., ii. 394-5. Bishop
Reves was vicar general of the Californian troops. Prov. Pec, MS., iii. 183;
Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 121.
11

was

to

CONTROVERSY IX MEXICO.

879

was the six expected friars, and

the missions of Santa Barbara and Purfs-

to the surprise of

supplies for

'

all,

The reason

of their non-arrival came, however,

and that carries us back to an interesting dispute and
correspondence in Mexico. Viceroy Mayorga at the
request of General Croix, December 7, 1780, called
on the college of San Fernando for six friars to serve
in the three Channel missions about to be established.
Four of the number should be sent to San Bias to go
by sea, while two should proceed to Sonora to accompany Rivera by the Colorado River route. The viceroy announced his readiness to furnish such aid as
might be required.
The guardian, Francisco Pangua, replied December
18th by stating that the aid required for the new
missions was the same as that furnished the old ones,
that is, a full complement of church vestments and
utensils including bells
a proper supply of live-stock
and seed grain; an outfit of implements for house,
shop, and field; and one thousand dollars to be expended in clothes and various articles useful in attracting the good-will of the natives.
full list of the
articles needed was annexed.
year's stipend must
be paid in advance.
The friars could not walk eight
hundred leagues, nor were they accustomed to ride
on horseback, and the viceroy was entreated to permit that all might go by sea.
It was also suggested
that if there was any doubt about the transports of
1782 being able to carry supplies for all the new
establishments, it would be better to attend to the
wants of the old missions and let the establishing of
new ones be postponed. After these preliminaries
the guardian named six friars selected for duty in
California, 16 who would be ready to sail from San Bias
with the supplies asked for and expected.
Mayorga's reply was dated April 5th, and in it he
ima.

1G

The

Arevalo,

came

friars were Antonio Aznar, Diego Noboa, Juan Rioboo, Manuel

Mateo Beavide, and Jose" Esteves. Only the second and third ever

to California.

FOUNDATIONS; FAGES GOVERNOR.

380

declines to furnish either church paraphernalia or the

implements of house and field as requested; the former

because they had already been ordered as a matter of

course for the new missions by General Croix, who alone
had control of the matter; the latter because neither
general nor governor, though well acquainted with
the country, had indicated that any such implements
were needed. If after the friars have begun work
they find that the necessity exists, they can report,
and the subject will receive due attention. The viceroy not only consents to an advance of stipends, but
authorizes the payment of two hundred dollars to each
friar for travelling expenses.
He urges the guardian
to act with the least possible delay.
The Franciscan
authorities now saw clearly what they had previously
more than suspected, that an attempt was to be made
in California to overthrow the old mission system.
No implements of house and field signified no agricultural and mechanical industries, no communities of
laboring neophytes, no temporalities for the friars to
control.
Pangua notified the viceroy on April 7th
that, while the right to the implements in question
was not relinquished but would be pressed at a future
time, he would despatch the missionaries on the terms
proposed.
This signified nothing, however, for the
guardian was not inclined to take ventures; and two
days later he sent to Mayorga a communication from
the six friars, in which they flatly refused to serve in
California on the proposed basis, Pangua expressing
his opinion that no others could be induced to go in
their place, but promising to write more fully after
easter.

The promised communication was dated the

19th

of April.
In it the writer, after calling attention to
the fact that under the laws no friar could be compelled to serve as a missionary against his will, proceeds to justify the refusal of the six. The argument
is that only by gifts can the missionaries gain the
good-will of the savages as shown by experience; that

COMPLAINTS OF THE GUARDIAN".

the only

way

stomach

tive

3S1

to the native heart is through the naand pride of personal adornment; that

not only are laborious habits essential to civilization,

but such habits can be formed only under the friar's
influence based on their having the exclusive right to
distribute the fruits of neophyte labor; and that while
at best the work of conversion is difficult and discouraging without the old advantages of material
rewards to native faithfulness coming exclusively from
the padres, permanent progress will be impossible,
friars' efforts will amount to nothing, and their support will be a useless expense to church and crown.
The soldiers are not only fed and clothed but armed
and equipped for their work of conquest and defence;
why should the militia of Christ be denied arms and
ammunition for spiritual warfare?
Yet another point de no menor consideration is
brought forward in this document, which is signed
not only by Pangua but by the other five members of
the college discretorio. This is the "irregular manner
in which missionaries are regarded and treated in
those establishments" of California.
So pronounced
to
is Neve's aversion
the friars that the soldiers are
warned not to become fraileros, not to perform any
service for the missionaries, and not to aid in bringing
back fugitive neophytes.
The natives lose their respect for the priest when they find he is not supported
by the civil and military authority, and the result is
of course disastrous. Again, subaltern officers and the
soldiers under them, encouraged to disregard alike
the teachings and chidings of the ministers, form scandalous connections with native and other women, and
thus, with the tacit approval of the governor, they
entirely neutralize all missionary effort and teach the
natives to despise Christianity. 17 It is impossible to
arrive at any other conclusion than that these charges
17

The

priests go so far as to charge that on one occasion the governor

on the march from one mission to another deliberately stopped
vvaited while one of the number se separd yara ir d sua liviandades.
hi3 escort

and
and

SS2

FOUNDATIONS; FAGES GOVERNOR.

against Governor Neve, resting on the bare assertion

of the authors, were in part exaggerated, and in part
There is nothing in Neve's preserved writings
false.
or in the annals of his time to show dislike to the
friars, disinclination to aid them in their work of conversion, or a tendency to overlook immorality on the
part of his subordinates. He favored a change in the
mission system because he believed the missionaries
were inclined to abuse the powers given them under
the old regime, and this to the prejudice of the royal
authority which he represented in California, 18
The viceroy allowed the matter to rest here but
reported to the king for instructions. Such were the
facts that came to the knowledge of Junlpero Serra
Clearly the proposed
at Montere}^ in May 1782.
foundations must be postponed; in fact, instructions
soon came from the college that neither Santa Barbara
nor any other mission must be established except
in accordance with the laws, that is, under the old
system. 19 San Buenaventura, however, need not be
disturbed, for it had been provided for long ago, and
the supplies of different kinds had been in readiness.
Neither Neve nor Pages seems to have made any
special effort to enforce the new regulations here.
Like the viceroy, they were content to await the
decision of the king.
Fathers Dumetz and Santa
Maria were appointed to the new mission; Cambon
returned to San Francisco; Fuster went back to San
Juan, or possibly had never left that mission; there
were now just eighteen padres for the nine missions;
and Santa Barbara presidio had no chaplain. 20
18
The preceding correspondence is found in Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., i.
231-46; vi. 206-71. It is a fact worthy of notice that Palou, Not., ii. 3SS,
does not argue the case, and that while opposed to Neve's policy he makes
no charge against him either of immorality or of bitter feeling against the
friars.
Gleeson, Hist. Colli. Ch., ii. 93-4, tells us that Governor Croix of
California wanted to found missions on the Colorado plan, but the priests
refused to serve.
19 Guardian to Serra, Jan.
8, 1783, in Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xii. 158-9.
20
July 22, 1782, General Croix refers to Serra s request for live-stock,
servants, and other aid for the San Buenaventura padres, and seems to favor
granting the request, although contrary to the reglamento. Prov. St. Pa>.,
?

END OF NEVE'S RULE.

3S3

leaving San Gabriel for the Yuma campaign,

Neve left Captain Soler, his adjutant -inspector, in
command. His instructions to Soler as temporary
ruler were attached to others of July 12th relating to
his duties in connection with the presidial inspections,
and they contained but little beyond the technicalities
of routine duty. They enjoined care and kindness
in dealing with gentiles, but discouraged the use of
21
Neve and
force in bringing back runaway neophytes.
Fages, as we have seen, marched together from San
Gabriel on or about August 21st for the Colorado.
Whether either of them anticipated an early change
in his official position I have no means of knowing;
but shortly before their arrival at the river in the first
days of September they were met by a courier, who
among his despatches bore a promotion for both, from
Croix, who had appointed Neve inspector general
of the Provincias Internas, and Fages governor of
22
California.
At the camp of Saucito September 10th
the office was formallv turned over to Fagfes, whose
governorship dates from that day. 23 Neve's instruc-

On

iii. 231.
December 30th he writes to Serra that beyond the six sailor
sirvientes allowed by him to the Channel missions and the $1,000 allowed by
the junta for live-stock and implements, no further aid can be granted not
even rations to the padres. The stipend is sufficient and older missions can

MS.,

help the new. Arch. Santa Ddrbara, MS., i. 277-8.

21
Neve, Instruction al Ayudante Inspector Nicolas Soler, 12 de Julio 17S2,
MS. At the beginning of the year Soler had been in Lower California as shown
by letters of Neve in Id., 2-20. Aug. 7, 1782, Neve announces to Croix that
Soler will come to San Gabriel and take his place. Pro v. Pec, MS., ii. 50-1.
22
The appointments, both provisional or requiring confirmation from the
king, were dated July 12, 1782. Prov. Pec, MS., i. 179; ii. 48.
Neve announces the news of the appointments Sept. 4th, which was perhaps the date
they were received. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxii. 20-1. Also in Sept. Croix
announced that by a royal order Neve had been rewarded with the cross of the
order of San Carlos. Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 48-9; Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 224.
23
Neve to Gonzalez Sept. 10, 1782, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 24-G. Fages
to P. Hidalgo Dec. 9, 1782, in Prov. Pec, MS., iii. GO, 72, announcing hi3
taking possession, and his salary of $2,500, which he thinks will be $4,000
when it is confirmed. See also Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 92, and Id., iii. 227, in the
latter of which Fages seems to say that he took possession on Sept. 12th.
Feb. 28th Fages thanks Neve for his influence in getting his pay increased to
$4,000, and also thanks Gov. Corbalan of Sonora for his influence in his favor.
Prov. Pec MS. iii. 85. The royal confirmation of Fages' appointment was
dated July G, 1783. Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 247. Aug. 19, 1783, Fages is
granted by royal order the subdelcgation of the vice regis patroiutto. Id., xxii.
5.
Feb. 10, 1783, Fages orders Neve to be proclaimed as inspector-general of
all troops in California. Id., iv. 39.
,

FOUNDATIONS; FACES GOVERNOR.

3S4

tions, or

memoranda,

for the guidance of his successor

had been dated at Saucito three days earlier; but

there is very little in the document that requires notice,
save that he repeats the advice already given to Soler
respecting the necessity of -taking every precaution to
maintain friendly relations with the gentiles, and disapproves the use of soldiers to bring back fugitive
converts, who should rather be persuaded to return by
the friars and by Christian Indians. In this last of
his official papers Neve shows more opposition to the
friars than ever before, for he implies that they are
wont to ask for escorts on frivolous pretexts. Pie
thinks that a priest actually going to administer sacraments should have a guard of two soldiers, who
should, however, never pass the night away from the
mission, and no friar should be allowed to accompany
the soldiers on their expeditions to the rancherias.
Moreover, care should be taken to enforce the laws
forbidding missionaries to board the galleon, showing
that even at this early day they were suspected of a
willingness to indulge in clandestine trade. If the
governor was somewhat severe at the last, it must be
admitted that his patience had been sorely tried. All
the varied interests of presidio, mission, and pueblo
24
are commended to the watchful care of his successor.
Governor Fages returned westward to San Diego,
and during the month of October made another tour
from south to north, visiting and studying the interests and needs of each mission, personally exhorting
the neophytes to good behavior, promising pardon to
such runaways as would voluntarily return to duty,
but threatening severe punishment to those who

might

His

refuse.

efforts in this direction, as

Palou

most of the fugitives returnAt the end of October the governor reached
ing.
San Francisco, whence he turned back to Monterey,
asserts,

were

successful,

Neve, Instruction que da sobre gobierno interino de la peninsula, 7 de Set.

1782, MS. Neve speaks of the instructions as secret in Prov. Bee.,, MS., ii.
48. Soler was still to beayudante inspector and comandante de armas. Prov.
21

St.

Pap., MS.,

iii.

2G.

CHURCH AT SAN FRANCISCO.

385

It must have been a severe blow to Serra

to see his old enemy, whom he had worked so hard to

the capital.

remove from the command when he was but a simple

lieutenant, returning as lieutenant-colonel to assume
the governorship of the province. Much as the friars
hated Neve, a change in favor of Fages can hardly
have been welcome; but their feelings on the subject
So far as Fages was
at this time are not on record.
respecting
policy
runaway neophytes
concerned his
showed a disposition on his part to let the old quarrels
drop.

On

the 25th of April there was laid at San Francisco mission the corner-stone of a new church, with
all the ceremonies prescribed for such occasions by the

Roman

Murguia officiated as prester, assisted

by Palou and Santa Maria and in the presence of
ritual.

Lieutenant Moraga, his son Gabriel, Alferez Lasso de

la Vega, Surgeon Davila, the mission guard, and a
body of troops from the presidio. " There was enclosed
in the cavity of said corner-stone the image of our
holy father St Francis, some relics in the form of
bones of St Pius and other holy martyrs, five medals
of various saints, and a goodly portion of silver coin." 25
In May of this year the old presidio church at San
Diego was burned; and in November fire destroyed a
large part of the mission buildings at San Luis Obispo
with some six hundred bushels of maize. 26 At Monterey in January there occurred the death of two
prominent men. One was Mariano Carrillo, a pioneer
soldier of 1769, who from the first had been Ortega's
most efficient aid as corporal and sergeant, in the military service required for the protection of Spanish
interests in the south, and who had lately been transferred to the north and had been given the commission of alferez. 27
The other death was that of the
25

8. Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 16, 17. There is no evidence that this
corner-stone has ever been disturbed.
20
Monterey Co. Arch., MS., vii. 11; Prov. Bee, MS., iii. 158-9; Prov. St.
Pap., M8.,iv. 90-1.
27
Carrillo was a native of Loreto and entered the service as a private in
Hist. Cal., Vol. I. 25

FOUNDATIONS; FAGES GOVERNOR.

S3G

venerable missionary Father Juan Crespi, whose pen

has left original records of the first explorations by
land of California from the peninsular frontier to the
It is as the chronicler of those
Strait of Carquines.
first expeditions that his memory will live; of his subsequent life as a missionary, chiefly at Monterey, we
know but little save that he was a faithful worker,
beloved by his neophyte flock and by his companion
friars.
In the disputes between secular and missionary
authorities his name never appears.
He died at San
Carlos January 1st at the age of not quite sixty-one
years.

23

the presidio company on July 26, 1756. He came to San Diego in 1769 as a
corporal; was made sergeant in April 1771; and alferez in Feb. 17S0.
He
was also habiiitado of the Monterey company at the time of his death, which
occurred on Jan. 27th, being buried by P. Serra on Jan. 2Sth. His hoja de
servlcio, St. Pap. Sac, MS., i. 1CS-9, represents him as of 'medium' valor,
application, and capacity, of good conduct, and unmarried.
28
Juan Crespi there is a shadow of doubt whether it should be so written
and pronounced, or without the accent was born in 1721 on the island of
Mallorca, where he Mas also educated, being a school-mate of Francisco Palou.
He was distinguished from the first for humility and piety, if such expressions
from a priestly biographer and eulogist mean anything, and was sometimes
called by fellow-students El Bcato or El Mistico.
He came to San Fernando
dc Mexico in 1749 and was sent two years later to the Pame missions of the
Sierra Gorda, where he served over sixteen .years, particularly distinguishing
himself by the erection of a large stone church in the Valle del Tilaco, the
mural decorations of which he paid for out of his own scanty salary. He
arrived in Baja California in April 1768, and served on the peninsula at La
Purisima. He accompanied the first land expedition which reached San Diego
in May 1769, and a little later was one of the party that searched for Monterey
and discovered San Francisco Bay. His diaries of both these trips are extant

and have been

utilized in

my

narrative.

Returning from San Diego to Mon-

terey in 17 70 he assisted infounding the missionof San Carlos in June, and served
there as minister until March 1772.
Then he went with Lieutenant Pages to
the San Joaquin Paver, of which exploration his diary is the only record. He
was now sent south to serve with Jaumc at San Diego from May to September,
and returning resumed his duties at San Carlos, where with the exception of
two short periods of absence, he toiled until his death. From June to August
1774 he served as chaplain on board the Santiago in northern waters, writing
a diary of the voyage; and in the autumn of 1781 he accompanied Serra to
San Francisco and Santa Clara. On his return from this last journey he was
attacked by a fatal illness. It was from his old friend, companion, and
superior Father Junipero, that Crespi received the last consolatory rites of
his religion, and his body was interred in the mission church within the
presbytery on the gospel side, with the assistance of commandant and garrison, and amid tears from his flock of neophytes, who lost a true friend in

Padre Juan.

CHAPTER

XIX.

RULE OF FAGESGENERAL RECORD.

1783-1700.

Missions, Presidios,
and
Padres, and Neophytes Pedro Fages
Brings his Family to California Dona Eulalia A Jealous Catalan A Monterey Court Scandal Fages and Soler Inspection
of Presidios Soler's Proposed Reforms Troubles with Habilitados Governor and Franciscans A Never Ending Controversy
General Reports of Palou and Lasuen Charges and Countercharges Franking Privilege Cruelty to Natives Chaplain
Service Patronato Prices for Mission Products Inventories
License to Retire Natives on Horseback Mission Escorts

Ax Uneventful Decade Statistics

Pueblos Population,

op Progress

Native Convicts and Laborers.

The

Pedro Pages as governor of California

extended from 1782 to 1790. It was an uneventful
period, the annals of which include little beyond petty
local happenings; yet it was a period not of stagnation
rule of

may

be seen from the

following statistical view.
The nine missions 1 were
increased to eleven before the close of Fages' rule by
the founding of Santa Barbara and Purisima.
In
round numbers the neophyte population under missionary care and living in mission communities grew
from 4,000 in 1783 to 7,500 in 1790, this being an
average gain per year of 500.
In the mean time
2,800 had died, G,700 had been baptized; while about
400 had apostatized and fled to the old delights of
savagism.
In temporal matters progress had been
yet more pronounced.
The mission herds of horses,
but rather of silent unfolding, as

1
These were in their order from south to north: .San Diego, San Juan, San
Gabriel, San Buenaventura, San Luis, San Antonio, San Carlos, Santa Clara,
San Francisco.
I 387)

3SS

RULE OF FAGESGENERAL RECORD.

mules, and horned cattle multiplied in the seven

years from 4,900 to 22,000 head, while sheep, goats,
and swine increased from 7,000 to 26,000. Agricultural products, chiefly wheat, maize, and barley,
amounted in 1783 to 22,500 bushels; in 1790 there
were 37,500 bushels, though these figures give no
accurate idea of progress, since the harvest of several
intermediate years had been larger than in 1790.

Improvement in buildings, corrals, fences, and irrigating works w as constant, though not to be so briefly
indicated in figures.
Several new churches were
T

erected, few of which, however,

were the permanent

structures still to be seen in different stages of ruin.

In 1782 there wT ere nineteen friars in charge of the
nine missions the full complement of two to each
Before 1790
establishment, besides the president.
sixteen new padres came, five retired, and four died at
their posts, leaving twenty-six still on duty. 3
No new pueblos were founded, nor did any new
few pobladores
immigration of settlers take place.
left the country; a few soldiers became pobladores,
and a few boys growing up adopted an agricultural
in preference to a militar}' life.
Hence the united
population of San Jose and Angeles varied from 185

to 220, men, women, and children of so-called gente

The pueblo herds increased from 750 to
de razon.
4,000 head of cattle and horses, while the small stock

remained at about 1,000 head. Agricultural products

were 3,750 bushels in 1783, and over 6,750 in 1790,
2
The 19 serving in 1783 were: Cambon, Cavalier, Crespi, Cruzado, Dumetz,
Figuer, Fuster, Lasuen, Mugartegui, Murguia, Noriega, Palou, Paterna,
Peiia, Pieras, Sanchez, Santa Maria, Serra, and Sitjar.
The 1G new-comers
were: Arroita, Arenaza, Calzada, Danti, Garcia, Giribet, Mariner, Noboa,
Oramas, Rioboo, Rubi, Santiago, Senan, Sola, Tapis, and Torrente. Left
California: Mugartegui, Palou, Noriega, Sola, and Rioboo.
Died: Cavalier,
Figuer, Murguia, Serra, and Crespi. In 1785, Aug. 20th, Father Sancho, the
guardian, made a full report to the viceroy on the Calif ornian missions. Sancho,
Informe, 1785, MS. It was largely devoted to a description of the system
and routine to be utilized elsewhere; it predicts that 'many years' will elapse
before the Indians will be fit for any other system; enters somewhat into
the controversies to be noted presently; and states that up to date there had
been 5,808 baptisms, 5,307 confinnations, and 1,199 marriages. There were
12,982 head of live-stock, and 12,119 fanegas of grain at the last harvest.

STATISTICAL VIEW.

389

more than the average at the missions; while in 1790

Angeles produced more grain than any mission except
San Gabriel. But the pueblos were not yet on the
whole a success. They were far from fulfilling the
high expectations with which they had been founded;
they had by no means repaid the government for
their cost. At the four presidios there was no change

The regulation
that can be statistically expressed.
allowed a military force of 205 men for garrisons and
mission guards, and the ranks were generally full,
never lacking more than ten men. The places of such
as died or served out their term, were filled for the
most part from boys who became of age in California,
and though individuals were doubtless recruited from
other provinces and from the transport vessels, there
is no record that any body of recruits was ever sent
Most of the soldiers were
to replenish the ranks.
married men, and their families, added to the pueblo
inhabitants, the priests, and the sirvientes from other
provinces, made the total population of gente de razon
in

round numbers one thousand

Having thus presented a

souls.

view of the
period under consideration, I pass on to a study of
certain events connected with the provincial government and its officials, which have something more
than a strictly local signification.
Fages came to Monterey as we have seen late in the
autumn of 1782; but in the spring of 1783 he went
south again to Loreto to meet his wife Dona Eulalia
de Callis and his little son Pedrito whom he had
left behind in Sonora.
The lady had consented at the
solicitation of General Neve and Captain Romeu, and
on their assurance that California was not altogether
4
Leaving
a land of barbarism, to live at Monterey.
3

statistical

According to a Pesumen de Poblacion for 1700, in St. Pap., Miss., MS.,

the neophytes were 7,353, and the gente de razon 970.
4
Dec. 9, 1782, Fages writes to his mother-in-law Dona Rosa Callis, that
Neve has undertaken to attend to his wife's departure; and on Dec. 21st he
askd Ilomeu to use his influence to induce Doha Eulalia to come. Prov. Pec,
i.

72,

RULE OF FAGES GENERAL RECORD.

390

Monterey in March the Governor reached Loreto in

May. He set out on his return in July, and on November 13th was congratulated by Palou on his safe arrival with wife and son at San Diego/ and by the
middle of January was back at Monterey. The journey was delightful. Everywhere along the route,
writes the governor to his wife's mother Rosa, padres,
Dominicos and Fernandinos, troops, settlers, and even
Indians vied with each other in showering attentions
upon the travellers. "The Seflora Gobernadora is
the Benjamin of all who know her; she is getting
on famously, and Pedrito is like an angel; so rest assured, for we live here like princes." 6 Dona Eulalia,
a native of Catalonia, like her husband, 7 belonged
apparently to a family of considerable position and
influence, a fact which I suspect had something to do
with Don Pedro's rapid promotion and invariable
good-fortune at court.
She was perhaps the first
woman of her quality who ever honored California
with a visit. It is related that on arrival she was
shocked, and at the same time touched with pity, at
the sight of so many naked Indians, and forthwith
began to distribute with free hand her own garments
and those of her husband. She was induced to suspend temporarily her benevolence in this direction by
a warning that she might have to go naked herself
since ladies' clothing could not be obtained in the
country. Nevertheless after a long residence at Monterey she left a reputation for her charities and kindness to the poor and sick. 8
MS., iii. 72. For further correspondence on this subject see Id., 8G-9, 96, 105.
It seems that Captain Canete was sent over from Loreto to escort the lady,
who, as the fond husband affirmed, was to have in California a reception befitting a queen.
5 Palou writes from
San Francisco Nov. 13. Arch. Arzob., MS., i. 7. There
are however some documents to show that Fages was at San Fernando de
Velicatd in December, the lady being delayed by a miscarriage at Mulege.
See also Fages' trip. Prov. Pec, MS., iii. 101, 108, 111, 122, 138, 200-25, 249;
Prov. St. Pap, MS., iv. 94; Palou, Not., ii. 392.
G

Prov. Pec, MS.,

San

iii.

127.

Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 20.

Vallcjo, Hist. Cal, MS., i. 90-1.

A JEALOUS CATALAN.

391

would be pleasing to record a continuance of

tranquillity in domestic life at the gubernatorial mansion; but the archives contain records revealing the
It

presence of a skeleton in the household, a court scandal at Monterey which cannot be passed over without
notice.
At the end of a year's life in California the
'seiiora gobernadora,' having in the mean time borne to
her husband a daughter, whose birth is recorded in the
mission register of San Francisco under date of Aug.
3, 1784, expressed herself satiated with California,
and wished to leave the country. Don Pedro was by
no means disposed to give up his lucrative and honorable position for a woman's whim, and a quarrel
ensued, during which for three months the governor
was exiled by his spouse to a separate bed. Finding
this treatment, however, less effective than she had
anticipated in overcoming the executive obstinacy,
Dona Eulalia set herself to work to learn the cause
of his lonely contentment, and found it as she suspected in the person of an Indian servant-girl whom
her husband had rescued from barbarism on the Colorado and brought to the capital.
On the morning of
February 3, 1785, the irate gobernadora followed Don
Pedro when he went to call the servant, accused him
of sinful intent, heaped on his head all the abusive
epithets in the vocabulary of an angry and jealous
Catalan, and left the house vowing divorce, and ringing out upon the wind her wrongs.
The governor went over to San Carlos and enlisted the services of the friars to bring his wife to
reason, but she was not to be moved. All the more
she scandalized their reverences by flatly declaring
that the devil might carry her off before she would
live again with her husband.
The padres examined
witnesses and decided, so says Fages, that there was
no ground for divorce; but sent the case to the bishop
and ordered the lady to remain meanwhile in the retirement of her own apartments, separated from the
gubernatorial bed and board, and not at liberty to

RULE OF FAGESGENERAL RECORD.

392

repeat her charges throughout the capital.

Things
remained in this state for a week, when the governor,
obliged to go south on business and unwilling to leave
his wife alone in the casas reales, wrote to Father
Noriega, who had acted as ecclesiastical judge in the
past investigations, asking him to remove the lady to
the mission where she might be kept in the seclusion
customary in such cases. Noriega sent an alferez on
the 12th of February with the proper documents to
effect the removal; but this caused a new outbreak,
for Dona Eulalia not only refused to go, but shut
herself up with Pedrito in her private apartments.
The door was forced open by the husband, who after
threats to have the lady tied, carried her to San
Carlos. At the end of the month he set out for
the south taking his son with him to be left at San

Antonio. 9

During the governors absence Captain Soler was

applied to by both parties, by the wife to defend her
honor and innocence from outrage; by the husband
to effect a reconciliation.

Soler's letters are not alto-

gether intelligible, but they show that the priests had

found the lady by no means an easy subject to manage. There had been new outbursts of fury and food
for scandal, occurring apparently in church, and the
prisoner was threatened with flogging and chains. He
warns Dona Eulalia that she must moderate her
actions and restrain her wrath; while he urges Don
Pedro to return as soon as possible, and claims that
the lady whether guilty or not should not, in consideration of her position and breeding, be subjected to
such indignities. Fages writes from San Gabriel in
May that, while he admits the superior station and
birth of his wife, he cannot forget the outrage and
contumely she has publicly heaped upon him. Subsequent links in this chain of family discord are iniss9

Callis, Feb. 8, 1785; to Gov. Corbalan of Sonora, same

Noriega, Feb. 11th; to P. Palou, Feb. 21st, in Prov. fiec, MS., ii.

Fages to Rosa

elate; to P.

105-6.

GOVERNOR AND INSPECTOR.

393

ing; but on September 1st Fages writes to Bishop

Reyes that his wife has returned to him, satisfied that

It must
the charges against him were unfounded.
not be supposed, however, that Dona Eulalia gave
up her original scheme of quitting California and
taking the governor with her, for in October he writes
that she has sent to the audiencia a petition asking
his removal on the plea that the climate was injurious
He begs a friend to interfere and preto his health.
vent the document from being forwarded to Spain. 10
know nothing further of Don Pedro's domestic
affairs; let us hope that all quarrels ended with the
year 1785.
There were. hoAvever, other difficulties in the ruler's
path, though none of them assumed serious proportions.
Among these minor troubles were the actions
When Neve deof Soler, the inspector of presidios.
parted from San Gabriel for the Colorado he left Soler
as temporary governor and inspector, and a little later,
on Fages taking the governorship, Neve wrote to Soler
that he was still to retain the military command.
it was that Fages, especially when his appointment had
received the royal confirmation, did not become, as prescribed by the regulation, commandant inspector, I
pan unable to explain; yet he frequently admits that
he has nothing to do with the military command, 11
only claiming a kind of civil jurisdiction over Soler as
a citizen of the province which he ruled.
The two
were personal friends and compadres; and, so long as

We

Why

were separate, seem to have made

to avoid an open quarrel yet all the

their jurisdictions

an earnest effort
10

Soler to Fages April 14, 1785 ; to Sra. Fages April 9th, in Prov. St. Pap. ,
254-5; Fages to Garrido, May 2d; to Sra. Fages May 3d, in Prov. fiec,
ii. 107-8; Fages to bishop, Id., Hi. 144; to Garrido, Oct. 25th; Id., ii. 111.
11
In a communication to Romeu dated Dec. 21, 1782, Fages says 'the
reglamento keeps me in a chaos of confusion since it supposes the government
and inspection united, and as the latter has been separated I find myself very
h embarrassed in my projects and measures, in order not to make them
impertinent and cause discord with the ayudante.' Then lie goes on to

MS.,

v.

394

RULE OF FAGES GENERAL RECORD.

same neither was ever entirely satisfied that the other

was not encroaching on his prerogatives. No one of
the petty disagreements is of sufficient importance to
be noticed here.
At last the respective powers of the two dignitaries were fixed by an order of the commandant general, dated February 12, 1786, which arrived August

making Fages commandant inspector as prescribed by the reglamento.

Late in the year Soler
8th,

and resumed his old position as ayudante inspector, in which

subordinate capacity he still ventured to disagree
with his compadre to such an extent that on one occasion he was put under arrest at Monterey with
orders to go on with his duties, but to enter the
presidio always by the little door, and to pass back
of the church to his office! 12
In November 1787 Soler made a long report to the
accordingly turned over the

office to his chief

general in reply to a request of that officer for his

views on needed reforms in the administration of Californian affairs. 13 The author was not a man overburdened with ideas, and such as he had were pretty
effectually suffocated in a mass of unintelligible verbiage, but the leading points in his proposed reform
were as follows The presidio of San Francisco should
be abandoned and its company transferred to Santa
Barbara, which, as well as San Diego, should be under
a captain instead of a lieutenant. The missions should
furnish supplies to the presidios at fixed prices, and
thus the expense of the San Bias transports be avoided,
since articles necessarily imported could be furnished
at prices to include freight, the missions and presidios
being equally benefited by the change.
Garrison
soldiers should be relieved of the care of live-stock,
:

12
Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 21-2, 136, 138, 154, 189-93; xxii. 31; Prov. Pec,
MS.,i. 30-1, 200-2, ii. 137.
13
Soler, Informe al Comandante General sobre Policia y Gobierno, 3 de Nov.
1787, MS. At the beginning the author says, 'I confess, Sefior, that I have
Lad no head to present any project or circumstantial plan,' which may bo
taken as a resume; of the whole document with its 3<3 articles.

CAPTAIN SOLER'S PLAN.

395

master the duties of their

proper service; and to this end the presidio stock
should be greatly reduced in numbers, and the practice
of supplying cattle to the southern frontier should be
Some adequate provision must be made for
stopped.
The govthe descendants of the present population.
furnish
no
increase
of
military force, and
ernment can
found
to
new
missions
useless
which cannot be
it is

and thus be

left free to

The

prohibition of killing cattle by private

individuals, established by church influence in the
interest of the tithe revenue, ought not to be enforced.
It would also be better to grant grazing-lands, requiring the grantee, if necessary, to pay the natives for
damage to their food supply; since under the present
system soldiers who have served out their term leave
the country for want of facilities to establish themselves in California. The natives have been neophytes
long enough they are fitted for civilized life, and the
government has spent all the money on them that
protected.

can be afforded. The pobladores have more land than

they can cultivate; the pueblo realengas should be
ganted to native families Spaniards should be granted
lands at the missions, and the military escorts should
be withdrawn from both missions and pueblos. Then
the gentiles will be attracted by the good fortune of
the old converts to follow their example, the work
of the priests being thus simplified and promoted.
To Soler therefore must be accorded the authorship
of the first direct proposition to secularize the California missions, although some of Neve's propositions
had tended more or less in the same direction. Soler's
plan involved a complete overthrow of the old mission
system, putting Spaniards and natives on the same
footing as citizens, dependence on persuasion and good
;

example for future conversions, dependence for supplies on home products, and restriction of the soldiers
to garrison duty proper and the keeping in check such
gentiles as might fail to appreciate the advantages of
civilized life.
Whether under his plan the new con-

RULE OF FAGESGENERAL RECORD.

396

verts were to undergo a preliminary training as neophytes under the friars' care, or were to pass directly
to the state of citizens and land-owners, does not
clearly appear.
This series of recommendations was sent to the

general through the governor,

warded

own comments.

who with them

for-

have no need to
say that Fages opposed any plan suggested by his
compadre. 14 There is no record respecting the fate
of the propositions as annotated after they left California; but they at any rate were not adopted as the
law of the province.
Soler had other troubles besides those with the
governor, especially with the habilitados, few of whom
escaped his criticism and few deserved to escape it.
It was very hard to find officers with sufficient qualifications for keeping the not very complicated presidial
accounts, and it took time and patience to distribute
the abler ones, Zuhiga, Sal, Goycoechea, and Argliello
in the four presidios, especially as Argliello was the
only one in whose ability Soler had confidence, and as
it was well nigh impossible for him and Fages to
agree respecting the merits of any one.
Though by
the regulation the soldiers had a vote in choosing the
habilitado, for whose deficits they were responsible,
yet practically the governor and inspector gave the
also his

14

Fages, Comentarios sobre Informe del Capitan Soler, 8 de Nov. 1787, MS.
Soler's views respecting the existence of certain minor evils
in the present S3 stem, and claiming to have already suggested measures for
the removal of those evils for instance, annual slaughters and exportation of
meats to San Bias to reduce the excessive number of presidio cattle he declares that it would be folly to abandon San Francisco and leave the northern
missions unprotected; that there is no reason for transferring the Loreto captain to San Diego in order to get rid of Zuiliga, who cannot be spared; that
the soldiers' work in caring for cattle, though considerable, is exaggerated by
the adjutant, and the existence of wild cattle would be a great evil to the
country; that the cattle of settlers as yet do no harm to the natives; that
inducements to remain in the country are good, and more discharged soldiers
remain than go away; that the natives are kept in order as neophytes only by
the unremitting efforts of the friars, and are as yet wholly unfit to become
citizens; that the pobladores can and do cultivate all the lands given them and
often more; and finally that the introduction of Spanish settlers into the
missions would interfere with the laws of the Indies providing that the mission lands are to belong to the natives eventually when they shall be fitted to

While approving

profit

by

their possession.

FINANCIAL TROUBLES.

397

appointment to either the lieutenant or alferez of the

company according to the relative fitness of those

They divided all the officers into two classes,
officers.
the intelligent and stupid, according to ability as
accountants, for as a rule there was no question of integrity, and were careful not to assign to any presidio
two from the same class. With all possible precautions deficits occurred frequently, as we shall see in
local annals, and Soler was always ready to suspect and

charge irregularities, sometimes where none existed.

At last the inspector and his aid could no longer get
along" together; Fages asked for Soler's removal, and
Soler demanded a court-martial and a full investigation, being unable to discharge properly his duties
under the governor's orders. The result was that the
office was abolished, Soler was summoned to Arizpe
in 1788, and was made commandant of Tucson, dying
about 1790.
Strangely enough after all his faultfinding and his constant search for defalcations on the
part of others, he left California with a deficit of
about $7,000 in his own accounts; that is, he owed
that amount 15 to the presidios, and it is difficult to
15

On

troubles with habilitados' accounts see chapter xxi. of this volume

MS., vii. 114-16. Fages writes to Soler that he wants
no discussion to embitter friendly intercourse, but prefers to leave all questions to superior authorities. Id., vii. 143-5.
July 14, 1787, Soler, who has
been accused by Fages of carelessness, defends himself with unintelligible
verbiage made worse by Latin. Id., vii. 121.
Before coming to California
Soler had served as lieutenant-governor at El Paso, Chihuahua. Prov. Pec,
MS., ii. 75. He was only brevet captain, for the general recommends June
24, 1787, that he take command of a presidio in case of a vacancy if he ranks the
other lieutenants. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 56. Being sick in 1786 he induced
the captain of the Princesa to leave his surgeon, Carbajal, for his convenience,
at which the Mexican authorities find fault and order the surgeon back to
San Bias. Id., vii. 2, 108. His private troubles with Sal arose from the
jealousy of the latter who suspected him of an intrigue with his wife, and
threatened to kill him. Soler was arrested by Fages to protect him from Sal's
wrath. Id., vii. 124-5. About his relations with the padres we have only
his own remark,
suelen (los padres) criar muy mal humor y mi naturaleza
es muy propensa alcontagio.' Id., vii. 135.
April 17, 1788, he writes to the
general demanding a court-martial.
May 20th he acknowledges receipt of
order to proceed to Arizpe.
August 30th he writes to Fages announcing his
departure and the end of the inspectorship, and referring to slurs cast upon
his character. Id., viii. 50, 56-61.
June 18, 1790, Gen. Ugarte writes to
Fages that the king has approved the suspension of the inspectorship ; that
Soler is to be captain of Tucson; and that the governor is hereafter to inspect
the troops, going down to Loreto once in two years for that purpose. Id., ix.

also Prov. St. Pap.,

'

RULE OF FAGESGENERAL RECORD.

398

account for such a debt except on the theory that he

took improper advantage of his official position. The
debt had to be paid out of his half-pay after his death.

The

controversies between church and state were

never ending, and though not particularly bitter during this period, ever require attention as a leading
feature in early Californian history.
The regulation
of 1781, it will be remembered, provided for founding
the Channel missions on a new basis very unfavorable
to the friars' plans; but by refusing to serve in California the Franciscans carried their point and the new
missions were put on the same footing as the others.
The number of priests was to be gradually reduced
to one for each mission with certain exceptions; but
after several emphatic protests this regulation was
16
also rendered of no effect.
Thus the features most objectionable to the priests
were eliminated practically from the law, but there
Fages alludes to Soler's death in letter of Feb. 26, and Gen. Nava on
His debt caused some trouble before he left
Id., x. 115, 164-5.
California, and the matter was not settled until long after his death.
Three
thousand five hundred dollars of his pay was by order of the viceroy on June
8, 17S7, secured for the benefit of his wife Dona Josefa Rodriguez de Vargas.
Id., vii. 9, 10.
A large part of his debt was owing to the presidios and missions. Prov. St. Pap., Presidios, MS., ii. 51-3.
March 4, 1797, the governor
received 83,000 on the debt. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 209.
Nov. 7, 1797, the
habilitado general pronounces the decision in favor of Soler's widow unjust,
but says an appeal to the king would be very costly. Id., iv. 163. Finally in
18C6 Capt. Zi'miga of Tucson is ordered to pay $1,062 of Soler's debt to the
San Diego company. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 150, 153.
1G
Jan. 8, 1783, the guardian writes to Serra complaining that the government in the new reglamento seems to aim at the destruction rather than support of the missions. No more missions will be founded till the regulation is
modified. It is better to abandon a mission than leave it in charge of one
priest, and any priest left alone may refuse to serve without fear of consequences. Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., xii. 155-8. I have an original letter of
Lasuen to the guardian, apparently written in 1784, in which he protests most
earnestly against the reduction, explaining the difficulties involved, and
declaring his intention to resign his position, quit California, and if necessary
sever his connection with the college rather than serve alone; for nothing save
tlie commission of sin could be so terrible.
The author of the project must
have misunderstood the king's intentions. Lasuen, Carta de 17S4, MS. In
his report of Oct. 1787 he says 'no one can convince me that I am bound to
remain solitary in the ministry.' Arch. Santa Barbara, MS. viii. 61. Aug.
16, 1786, the guardian writes to the president that he has reliable information
that the objectionable clause in the reglamento is abolished. Id., xii. 37-40.
351-3.

June 25th.

Palou, in Id., viii. 40, says the clause was annulled by the king's order of
20, 1782, providing that each mission must have two priests.

May


CHURCH VERSUS
were

left still

,;

STATE.

399

some grounds on which

to base a quar-

Fages on assuming command and during his

whole term of office seems to have made an earnest
effort to conciliate the priests and prevent a reopening
rel.

Considering his rather irritable

of the old troubles.
nature and the bitterness of the old feud with Serra,
he was not altogether unsuccessful; still he was the
successor of the hated Neve, the originator of the
reglamento, largely committed to Neve's policy, and
responsible to the king for the execution of the laws.
Perfect accord was impossible, and causes of complaint
on one side or the other were not infrequent. 17
Postal charges and especially the franking privilege
of the friars furnished occasional matter for dispute.
17

'Es ya declarada la oposicion del P. Serra a toda providencia gubernano solo en palabras sino con obras y por escrito, says Fages to
the inspector general on March 1, 1783. He charges the president with too
great severity not only toward Indians but the padres. Prov. Pec, MS., iii.,
On Sept. 15, Id. 124-5, he says that Serra 'tramples upon the measures
87.
of the government and bears himself with much despotiquez and total indifference.'
The padres commit many abuses in opposition to the government.
Id., ii. 128. Sept. 2G, 1785, Fages writes to the bishop on the padres' neglect
of chaplain service, and avers that they cannot be spoken to on the most
trivial matters without showing disdain. Id., ii. 109.
On the same day to
the viceroy he protests against the fatal consequences of the missionary policy,
which is diametrically opposed to the reglamento. Id. ii. 95. Dec. 7, 1785,
Fages complains to Cambon of Palou's sullen and cold behavior, and of the
padres at San Carlos who have twice received him (the governor) with disYet he has been so devoted to the
respectful cries and stamping of feet.
padres as to have drawn upon himself the name of frailero. Several friars
have told him to his face that they doubted his word, forgetting the respect
due him as governor. Letters are written him without proper politeness.
He will no longer endure this, even if he be termed a persecutor of friars
yet he will never cease to venerate them. Id. iii. 60-3. July 9th and 10th, Fages
gives orders forbidding public murmurs against the padres and orders the arrest of soldiers who make public comments on their conduct. Prov. St. Pap.,
vi. 1G0; xxii. 24.
Aug. 16, 1786, the guardian informs the president
that projects for the weal of California have been presented to the viceroy,
ar:d the opinion of the fiscal and his agent is that the proposals should be
carried out and the governor restrained.
Fages is warned that he must have
a care and that on the least complaint of the padres he will lose his position
and honors. Arch. Santa B&rbara, MS., xii. 37-40, Aug. 23, 1787. Fages to
Lasuen, regrets that he can make no provision without being suspected, 'que
no se haga misteriosa.' Prov. Rec, MS., iii. C4-5. Nov. 19, 1790, Lasuen
to the padres, a secret letter referring vaguely to a bando which the padres
must obey because they can't help themselves, though he has representado on
the subject. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 15, 16. May 28, 1791, Fages recounts
the troubles to his successor.
He says quarrels with the Ternandinos have
been frequent, since they are very much opposed opueatisimos to the maxims of the reglamento, wishing to be wholly independent. At San Buenaventura it even came to blows with Padre Santa Maria. Prov. St. Pap. MS.
tiva, significada

'

x. 149-50.

400

RULE OF FAGESGENERAL RECORD.

One

of the privileges obtained by Serra for the missionaries in 1773 was that of sending letters to the
college free of cost, and certain other letters to and
from the president were also exempt from postage as
official communications.
The friars were inclined to
include much private correspondence in the privileged
mail matter, and not much attention was given to the
subject ordinarily.
In these later years, however,
officials by the governor's orders became more strict,
imposing on the missionaries what was deemed by
them a heavy and unjust burden. Hence much discussion without practical result, since the law was
clear enough, and was not changed, the strictness of
its enforcement depending on the disposition of the
local officials.
As a rule the friars gained nothing by
agitating the subject, though in some instances they
obtained a decision in their favor from Mexico or
Arizpe. 18 In real or affected pity for the natives, the
governor complained of excessive severity on the part
of the missionaries toward their neophytes.
Doubtless there were instances of cruelty, but not many
could be cited in these early years. 19
18

January 12, 1783, Fages writes to Sal that Serra 's claim for free sending
of his letters to college and to the padres cannot be granted, referring to royal
c^dula of October 25, 1777, and viceroy's instructions of April 26, 17C0.
Serra pleaded poverty and told Sal to keep his letters if he would not forward
them free. Subsequently, however, Fages consented to have the letters forwarded, and an account kept of them until superior instructions could be
received.
The expense seems to have been finally charged to the government.
Prov. Pec, MS., iii. 80-1, 88, 1G3; St. Pap. Sac, MS., i. 12S-9, 134; Prcv.
August 10, 1786, the guardian says the junta
St. Pap., MS., iv. 32, 122-3.
They
real has allowed letters between padres and the college to pass free.
must be in a separate package and directed 'Contador General de Correos.'
Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., xii. 37. July 22, 1791, President Lasuen issues
a circular stating that last year the formalities were not observed, and the
result was a cost of $18 for postage. Id., ix. 314.
October 22, 1795, he issues
another circular to the effect that private letters had been sent in the padres'
package, and this must be stopped, for there is a danger of losing the franking
privilege. Id., ix. 325-6.
See also Id., xi. 194; xii. 19-24; Palou, Not., i.
532.
19

Putting neophytes in irons and forced labor very frequent in all the
and particularly at San Carlos. Fages, 1783, in Prov. Pec, MS.,
iii. 87.
June 11, 1785, Fages writes to Noriega that the natives accuse him
of beating them with chains for trifling faults, charges which he has investigated and found to be true. Implores him in the name of humanity and of
the king to change his course. Id., iii. 51.
Lieutenant Ziiniga complained in
17SS that the natives of San Diego were overworked and too severely punmissions,

CONTROVERSY WITH THE FRIARS.

401

Fages sent a document to the viceroy the 26th of

September 1785, in which he made a formal complaint
against the priests for their opposition to the law, an
opposition which was injurious to the royal service
and to the spiritual good of the troops. He enumerated five grounds of complaint which I shall notice
20
presently.
By the government the matter was referred to the college of San Fernando, and a report
was made by Guardian Palou, who denied all the
allegations and presented counter-charges in behalf
21
The audiencia was puzzled by
of the missionaries.
few recommendations were
contradictory evidence.
made on different points, and on January 12, 1787,
the expediente was sent to Commandant General
Ugarte y Loyola with instructions to make further
investigations and pacify the contending parties as
22
General Ugarte wrote on April 2 2d
best he could.

to President Lasuen, ordering

compliance with the

suggestions of the audiencia and calling for a full report on the disputed points, which was rendered on
23
the 25th of October.
From the documents just mentioned we learn the
foundation of the controversy.
Fages' first charge
was that the presidio of San Francisco had been deprived of mass for three years notwithstanding the
obligation of the friars to serve as chaplains. Palou's
reply was a denial that the friars were required to
serve gratuitously as chaplains; a claim that such
service if rendered was to be voluntary and that the
article treating this point, also reducing the number
;

iii. 67.
Fages has seen P. Pefia draw blood by pulling a boy's
and the natives accuse him of having killed one of their number. Pror.
St. Pap., MS., x. 167.
An unsigned scrap of 1785 speaks of irregular conduct of a padre and objects to mode of chastisement. Id., v. 256.
20
Fcujes, Pepjresentacion contra los Frailes, 26 de Set. 1785, MS.; alluded to
with general statement of its purport in Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 95.

isbcd. Id.,
ear,

21

Palou, Informe sobre Quejas del Gobernador, 1786, MS.

Expediente sobre reciprocas quejas del Gobernador de Californias y Religiosos misioneros, 1787, MS.
Addressed to Gen. Ugarte on Jan. 12, 1787, by
Jose" Antonio de Urizar and other oidores.
23
Lumen, Informe y satisfaction al Sr. Comandante General sobre quejas del
Gobernador, 25 de Oct. 1787, MS.
Hist. Cal., Vol. I. 26
22

RULE OF FAGESGENERAL RECORD.

402

of priests, had been annulled bj royal order. Lasuen

states that the padres have never refused or hesitated
to attend to the spiritual welfare of the soldiers; that
he personally served the presidio of San Diego when
a minister of that mission, though six miles distant;
that at Santa Barbara the missionaries of San Buenaventura served though eight leagues distant and that
the lack of service at San Francisco was because
there was until recently no decent place for it, and the
mission was so near that the soldiers could easily go
there for spiritual care.
The friars, however, were
offended because the soldiers insolently claimed their
service as regular chaplains, when it was really a matter of voluntary charity.
The viceroy's order on this
subject was that a proper allowance be made to the
24
friars for their services at presidios.
The governor's second charge was that the padres
refused to recognize the government in matters pertaining to property and the patronato. Lasuen states
that the friars manage the mission temporalities by
order of the king, though the management was at
first reluctantly assumed
that the vice regio patronato
has little or no application in a country like California,
but that they will gladly observe any rules that may
Palou charged the governor with a
be prescribed.
disposition to interfere illegally and despotically in
the management of temporalities, and declared that
;

In a correspondence between Gen. Ugarte and Lasuen in March 1786,

the latter makes the same reply on the San Francisco matter as in his
informe. Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., i. 2S5-7. March 5, 1783, the padres of
San Francisco to Fages excuse themselves for failure to say mass on the plea
that the place is unhealthy, there are no proper implements, the soldiers have
no regard for the missionaries, and stigmatize their friends asfraiteros. The
corporal had even ordered that no soldier must approach the padres' house.
Fages directs the commandant to be indifferent until orders come from the
general. Prov. liec, MS., iii. 91-2. Several communications respecting failure to say mass at San Francisco in Prov. Pec, MS., i. 192; iii. 24, 160, 209,
Orders from commandant that the reglamento must be
all written by Fages.
enforced. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 115; Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., viii. 132;
In these orders it is charged that fees are being collected by the
xi. 375-6.
friars; and Fages makes the same statement. Prov. Pec. MS., iii. 87. The
governor also complains on several occasions that the other presidios are
neglected, and the pueblo of San Jose", where P. Peiia has refused confession.
Id., ii. 109; iii. 171; St. Pap. Sac, MS., ix. 83-i.
24

CHARGES AND COUNTERCHARGES.

403

he had no proper understanding of the patronato,

claiming the right to require or permit work on days
of festival.

Thirdly the padres were accused of refusing to sell

mission produce at the prices fixed by the government. Palou claims that there is no proof that the
tariff rates have ever been approved by the king
that those prices ought to be regulated by scarcity
or abundance; and that the president should have a
voice in the matter.
Lasuen, however, knows of no
instance where the missionaries have refused to sell
at the prescribed prices when they had grain to sell
at all; though during several years of scarcity the
prices have been kept down to a figure barely endurable in years ,of plentiful harvests. 25 The next cause
of complaint was the refusal of the friars to furnish
inventories of property, yearly increase, and the disposition made of mission products.
Lasuen in reply
says that the reports furnished to the governor are
exactly the same as those rendered by the padres to
the president, and by the latter to the college; that
until now these reports have been satisfactory to all;
and finally that there are no laws requiring the missionaries, who are not mere treasury officials, to render
itemized accounts of what has been done with each
bushel of maize. 26
;

25

Lasuen admits that P. Pefia suggested an increase in price, for which lie
was duly reproved; and he says chat the governor himself increased the price of
corn, which is shown to be true by a le.ter of Fages in Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
vi. 160-1, in which Sal is ordered to pay two reales extra for
maize from S.
os, Sta. Clara, and Pan Josi
Also Jan. 2, 1787, Fages modiiies the tariff
prices. Id., vii. 168-9; and July 20, 1787, he asks Lasuen for harvest returns
tnat he may regulate prices. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., vi. 19.
Fages complains of Peila's refusal to furnish grain en November 8, 1785, and March 27,
1786. Arch. Ma. Barbara, MS., x. 25-39.
Lasuen's replies being that he is
scrryjmd has reproved P. Pena or v/ill write to him. Fages also says on Sept.
26, 1785, that a mule train was sent back from San Carlos without maize.
. Rec., MS., ii. 128-9.
16
May 2, 1786, Fages complains to the general that the padres are reluctant to show their inventories, do not make them out according to rule, and
emit the register of inhabitants. Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 136. Feb. 7th he complains to the president that P. Pena refused his aid and the mission books for
a census. The president explains that the commandant had not asked in a
per manner.
Sia.

He

Barbara, MS.,

has requested

xi.

all

padres to give the required aid. Arch.

RULE OF FAGESGENERAL RECORD.

404

.Finally

was alleged that

in defiance of the law

the Franciscans insisted on retiring to their college
without obtaining permission from the governor.
Palou replies that by an order of the viceroy dated
March 29, 1780, a friar had only to show the governor
a license from his prelate. Lasuen goes more fully
into the subject. In Neve's time, he says, a priest
retired with his prelate's license and the viceroy decided that there was no law to prevent it. Palou
departed in the presence of Fages, who is responsible
for any irregularity in the proceeding.
The next year
Fages on being consulted made no objection to the
departure of Rioboo; but finally there came a decree
of Viceroy Galvez, forbidding the entry or departure
of any friar without his license. This order has been
obeyed in the case of Noriega, and it will be obeyed;
but the president goes on to argue earnestly against
the justice and policy of such a requirement, subjected to which the friars will serve only with relucit

tance. 27

Fages had

found fault, though apparently not

in his formal complaint, because neophytes were allowed
to ride too much, the policy of the government being
opposed to this, in fear that like the Apaches the Californians

also

might become

skilful warriors.

The

friars

admitted the danger, declared that their interest was

identical with that of the government, but claimed
27

The viceroy's communications of Mar. 29, 1780, which are given in yl?r/L
Barbara, MS., vi. 272-6, xi. 25-6, are not correctly cited by Palou. The
viceroy, while approving the claims of the college, turns the matter over to
the commandant general, who he says may have had good reasons for his
orders. The decree requiring the viceroy's permission for any padre to come
or go was dated Dec. 7, 17S6. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 202-3. In April 1787
Sta.

fiscal of the royal treasury explained that as the movements of the padres
were paid from the missionaiy fund, their going to California if not needed or
retiring for a mere whim would cause useless expense; therefore, the government had a right to know the reasons. April 23d the audiencia decreed in
conformity to the fiscal's opinion; May 21st the archbishop communicated the
decision to Palou and June 22d and 23d Fages gave corresponding orders,
though the president of Baja California protested that this was contrary to
royal orders. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 8, 9; Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 53.
July 9, 1788, the viceroy informs the governor that the viceregal authorities
and not the general will determine the sending and recalling of friars even if
the command becomes independent of Mexico. Prov. St. Pap., MS., viii. 1-3.

the

VIEWS OF FATHER LASUEN.

405

that there were none but natives to serve as vaqueros,

and that the work could only be done on horseback.
Having replied to the governor's specific charges,
Lasuen proceeds to lay before the government certain
complaints on the part of the missionaries, namely:
that the soldiers, being occupied largely with matters
that of affording prooutside of their proper duty
tection to the friars in their work of christianizing:
the natives neglected that duty; that in consequence
of a long peace they were becoming careless and neglecting precautions against disaster; that an insufficient guard was given to the missions, the most useless
and the worst equipped soldiers being detailed for that
duty, and only one soldier being allowed to escort the
28
that the soldiers of the
friars on long journeys;
guards kept much live-stock to the prejudice of mission
interests; that Indians were condemned to work as

28
This subject of mission guards and their duties was really one of the
most serious in the whole controversy. The padres wished entire control of
the soldiers to use as they deemed best, and particularly in pursuing runaway
converts. Neve had opposed the employment of soldiers to hunt fugitives in
ordinary cases, because he deemed other means better fitted for the purpose,
and because men enough could not be spared for effective and safe service.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 123-4. The French voyager La Perouse praises
Neve highly for his position on this point. La Pirouse, Voy., ii. 297-8. In his
instructions to Fages, Sept. 7, 1782, Neve advised that not more than two
soldiers should accompany a padre to confess, etc., at a rancheria, and that
they should not be absent overnight. The Indians must not learn to fight
with and kill soldiers. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 138-9. Yet Fages did not rely
entirely on persuasion to bring back fugitives, but favored a resort to arms
only after all other means had failed, such as persuasions by padres, sending

of neophytes, appeal to chiefs, offer of presents to gentiles, etc.

See Fages'
instructions to soldiers sent after runaways in Prov. Pec, MS., iii. 151-2.. In
1784 Fages repeats the order forbidding an escort of more than two soldiers,
who must not be absent over night. The safety of the mission demands the
presence of all, and the king has confirmed orders to that effect. Prov. Bee,
MS., iii. 47-8. The latest orders do not permit him to let the troops pursue
ciwarrones except in extreme cases. Fages to Dumetz, Jan. 5, 1785, in Pro/'.
Pec, MS., ii. 103-4. Oct. 17, 1785, Fages to Sal. No escort to be given to
padres except when they go to say mass at presidios, or to confess or baptize.
Escoltas refused, except as above, at San Antonio
St. Pap., Sac, MS., ii. 51.
and Santa Barbara. Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 142, 1G7. P. Dumetz at San
Buenaventura being refused an escort to go to San Gabriel says, Feb. 4, 1780,
in substance: 'Very well, since we are to be thus restricted to our missions we
can no longer visit the presidio, which is beyond our jurisdiction.' Prov. St.
Pap., MS., vi. 45-C. March 3, 1786, however, Fages orders an escort to be
furnished when the padres of San Buenaventura wish to visit San Gabriel and
Santa Barbara. Id., vi. 72. Aug. 16, 1788, in a long letter to Lasuen Fages
explains the policy of the government respecting escorts, and the forcible capture of cimarrones. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., i. 167-73.

RULE OF F AGES GENERAL RECORD.

406

peons at the presidios for stealing cattle and for other

offences, the punishment of which should rest exclusively with the friars, the sole object being to get free
29
laborers;
that the settlers of San Jose employed
pagans to do their work, demoralized them by bad
example, and even persuaded them to avoid Christianity and its attendant slavery; that the disposition
to make mission alcaldes independent of the friars in
punishing offences greatly impaired their usefulness,
the law having been intended only for curates and not
for missionaries; that illegal and unequal measures
were used for mission produce; that the raising of
cattle by the presidios and the preference given to the
pueblos in buying supplies would soon deprive the
missions of all means to procure needed articles for
the neophytes, especially as the articles most needed

were often refused by the habilitados, or prices made

too high in proportion to those of mission products,
and yet the padres would submit humbly to the decisions of the

commandant

general.

Palou in addition to the preceding charges, declares

that the regulation was never proclaimed in California
until September 1784, and was not really in force,
that of Echeveste being much better adapted to the
needs of the country.
He says that the regulation
was not carried out, the articles on the inspection of
presidios and on pueblo management being notably
disregarded, and that not only were the pueblos in a
sad state of decadence, but that San Jose, on the rapid
road to ruin, was by its aggressions under the governor's policy dragging the mission of Santa Clara to
ruin with it.
Finall}% the governor, instead of obeying the law, had not given the missions the slightest
29

''The

secular authorities, in the light of past experience in other provinces,

seem to have regarded the stealing of cattle as a much more serious offence,
and one much more dangerous to Spanish domination in California, than did
It was by no means one of the trivial faults in which the friars
the padres.
had exclusive jurisdiction. Fages has something to say en this subject in the
Still there is no doubt the military authorities did
letter last alluded to.
abuse their power in this direction with a view to get workmen free of cost.

GENERAL REPORTS.
encouragement or aid either

407

in spiritual or

temporal

affairs.

The reader who has followed

this and preceding

the
quarrels between
political and missionary author-

Paloo's Map, 1787.

have noted that they were

often petty in all their phases, and such as might
easily have been avoided by slight mutual concessions
and efforts to promote harmony. It is not necessary
to decide on the merits of the respective parties in
each dispute, even if it were possible yet it is apparent that the friars were determined not to yield a

ities

in California, will

single point of their claimed prerogatives until forced

and then to yield only to the highest authorto the king if possible, or to the viceroy, but

to do so,
ities,

RULE OF FAGESGENERAL RECORD.

408

never to so insignificant an official as the governor,

whose presence they regarded as an outrage if he had
a will of his own, and whose authority they practically
disregarded in a way very hard to bear.
Yet in his
general report on missions rendered in 1787, 30 Governor Fages speaks in the highest terms of the zeal

and

efficiency of the missionaries,

lations with

them were

for the

and his personal remost part pleasant.

was only as governor and president, as representatives of Carlos III. and St Francis, that they quarIt

save in the case of a few individuals or in the

ruler's irritable moods.
One of the friars, however,
in an interesting report on the missions in 1789 could
not deny himself the satisfaction of stating that while
the king's provisions had been all that they could
desire, there had been great and even culpable remissness on the part of the royal representatives, or
relled,

agents, in California.

31

30
Far/es, Informe General de Misiones, 1787, MS.
This is an excellent
rdsume' of the past progress and present condition of the Calif ornian establishments, containing a separate notice of each mission and some general suggestions of needs, but with no reference to current controversies.
statistical
presentation of the subject seems to have accompanied the original, which
was made in answer to an order of the general of December 1, 1786. The date
in 1787 is not given, and it may have been after the receipt of the king's order
of March 21, requiring governors to render such reports every two or three
years.
Of this c^dula I have an original in print with autograph signatures
in Doc. Hist. Cal, MS., iv. 31-3.
31
Informe de lo mas peculiar de la Niieva California, 1789, MS. This
report was probably directed to the bishop or archbishop, but there is nothThe document contains
ing, in my copy at least, to indicate the author.
general information about the Indians and the mission system, without much
of chronological annals.

CHAPTER

XX.

RULE OF FAGES, DEATH OF SERRA, AND MISSION PROGRESS.

1783-1790.

President Serra's Last Tours Illness and Death Burial and Funeral
Honors His Life and Character Succession of Palou and Lasuen
Mugartegui as Vice-president Confirmation Notice of Palou's
Historical Works Vida de Junipero Noticias de California
Map Proposed Erection of the Missions into a Custodia New
Missions Founding of Santa Barbara Innovations Defeated
Five Years' Progress Mission of La Purisima Concepcion Founded
Early Annals.

In 1784 the Californian missionaries were called

upon to lose their well beloved master. President
Junipero Serra died at San Carlos on the 28th
of August.
In January he had returned from his
last tour of confirmation in the south, during which
he visited every mission from San Diego to San
Antonio.
In June he came home from a last visit to
the northern missions of San Francisco and Santa
Clara.
He left Monterey by sea for the south so ill
including himself, deemed his return doubtful.
He was near death at San Gabriel, and when he left
Santa Clara it was with the avowed intention to prepare for the final change.
He had long been a sufferer from an affection of the chest and ulcers on the
legs, both aggravated if not caused by self-inflicted
hardship and a pious neglect of his body.
The death
of his old companion Crespi had been a heavy blow;
that

all,

sorrow had been deep at partial failure in his

efforts to place California exclusively under missionary control, and to revive under better auspices the
Jesuit epoch of the peninsula.
The return of Fages
his

(409)

410

DEATH OF

SERIiA; MISSION PROGRESS.

power was not encouraging to his plans and hopes.

His license to confirm, under which he had adminis-

to

tered the sacrament to over five thousand persons,

expired in July, and discouraging news came at the
same time from Mexico about the prospect of obtaining new friars. The death of Father Murguia broke
another link that bound him to this world, and the
venerable apostle felt that his work was done, his
reward was near at hand. To all the Franciscans was
despatched a letter of eternal farewell, in every word
of which seemed distilled, drop by drop, the very soul
of the dying man, while from each of the nearer missions a padre was summoned to take leave in person.
Palou from San Francisco, the only one who arrived
before Father Junipero's death, was obliged to say on
August 19th the regular monthly mass in honor of
St Joseph, California's great patron, but in other
religious services the saintly sufferer insisted on taking
Irritants were applied to his chest by
his usual part.
the presidial surgeon on the 23d without any beneficial effect.
On the 26th he made a general confession, and next day walked to church to receive the last
sacrament in the presence of friars, officers, troops,
and natives, having ordered the carpenter to make his
coffin.
The night was passed by the dying man on his
knees, or a part of the time reclining in the arms of
his neophytes.
Having been anointed, and recited
with the others the litany, toward morning he received absolution and the plenary indulgence of his
order. In the morning of the 28th he was visited by
Captain Canizares and other officers of the vessel in
port, and he asked that the bells might be tolled in
honor of their visit. Then he conversed with his old
friend Palou, requested to be buried in the church
near Crespi, and promised to pray for California when
he should come into the presence of the trinity. At
one moment a fear seemed to oppress his mind, but
soon all was calm, and he went out of doors to gaze
for the last time upon the face of nature. Returning

BURIAL OF FATHER JUNIPERO.

411

he lay down after prayers to rest, and was

thought to be sleeping, but within an hour Palou
found that he was dead. The bells announced the
mournful intelligence. Clad in the friar's simple robe
in which he died and which was the only garment he
ever wore, save when travelling, the body was placed
in the coffin, with six candles beside it, and the weeping neophytes came to cover the remains of their
beloved master with flowers, and touch with their
medals and rosaries the lifeless form. Every article
of clothing save the one that served as a shroud was
distributed in small fragments as precious relics among
the people, and notwithstanding all vigilance a part
of the robe was taken also.
On Sunday, the 29th,
the body was buried in the mission church by Palou in
the presence of all the inhabitants of Monterey, and
with all possible ceremonial display, including military
honors and the booming of guns from the fort and
1
Caiiizares' vessel at anchor in the bay.
The life of Father Junipero Serra is so closely
at one

p.

m.

A fall account of Serra 's sickness, death, and burial, much longer and
more detailed than I have space to reproduce, is given in Palou, Vida, 201Another good authority, including a sketch of Scrra's life is Palou,
305.
1

Definition del P. P. Fr. Junipero Serra, M.S.; translation in Arch. Misiones, i.

73-6. There are some slight differences in the two accounts not worth noticing
here, except perhaps the statement in the latter that Serra died just before
Gov. Fages was not present at the funeral, being absent from Mon4 p. M.
terey.
Capt. Soler was the highest official who took part in the ceremonies.
Palou was aided by PP. Sitjar and Xoriega, and by Diaz the chaplain of the
San Carlos. On Sept. 4th there was a renewal of funeral honors with the
same crowded attendance as before, and with the additional assistance of P.
Patema of San Luis. Now the relics were blessed. The crew of the paquebot
secured Serra's tunic which was made into scapularies ; the small clothes were
distributed by lot among the troops and others; and the surgeon obtained a
handkerchief, which cured a sailor of a headache, as did a girdle cure P.
Patcrna of the colic. P. Serra's body was buried in the presbytery of the
church on the epistle side before the altar of our lady of Dolores. When the
new church was built the remains of both Serra and Crespi were probably
transferred, but so far as I know there is no record of such transfer or of the
Taylor, in Hvtehhvjs' Mag., May 1860,
place where they finally remained.
and in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 28, 1802, says that the body lies near the altar
covered by the debris of the roof, which fell in 1852. The parish priest made
an unsuccessful search for it in 1855. Vischer, Missions of CkO., pp. i.-ii.,
says the remains are supposed to have been taken to Spain, shortly after 1784;
and that the priest in his 'antiquarian mania' found the remains of another
friar which believers seized upon as precious relics.
There is no doubt the
bodies still rest at San Carlos, and in 1882 they were identified to the satisfaction of the parish curate.

412

DEATH OF SERRA; MISSION PROGRESS.

blended with the

years of California mission history that any attempt to present it here* would
result in an unnecessary resume of the preceding
chapters. I subjoin however in a note 2 for convenient
first fifteen

2
Miguel Jos6 Serra, son of Antonio Serra and Margarita Ferrer, was born
at Petra on the island of Mallorca Nov. 24, 1713, took the Franciscan habit
at Palma Sept. 14, 1730, and made his profession Sept. 15, 1731, on which
occasion he assumed the name Junipero. In early boyhood he served as
chorister and acolyte in the parish church greatly to the delight of his parents,
a God-fearing couple of lowly station. The lives of the saints were his favorite
reading, and his fondest ambition was to devote his life to religious work.
He was an earnest and wonderfully proficient student, and taught philosophy
for a year before his ordination in the chief convent of Palma, then obtaining
a degree of S. T. D. from the famous Lullian University with an appointment
to the John Scotus chair of philosophy which he held with great success until
he left Spain. He was also noted for his doctrinal learning and still more so
as a sensational preacher.
He was wont to imitate San Francisco Solano and
often bared his shoulders and scourged himself with an iron chain, extinguished lighted candles on his flesh, or pounded his breast with a large stone
Thus he is represented in the
as he exhorted his hearers to penitence.
engraving which Palou has attached to his life, but which has probably little
or no merit as a portrait.
March 30, 1749, after repeated applications he obtained his patente to join
the college of San Fernando and devote himself to missionary work in
America. With Palou he left his convent April 13th and sailed via Malaga
to Cadiz where he arrived May 7th.
On the way to Malaga he maintained
a continuous disputation on dogmatic theology with the heretic master of the
vessel and would not yield even to the somewhat forcible though heterodox
arguments of a dagger at his throat and repeated threats to throw him overboard.
Sailing from Cadiz Aug. 2Sth, he touched at Puerto Rico where he
spent 15 days in preaching, anchored at Vera Cruz Dec. Gth, and walked to
Mexico, reaching the college Jan. 1, 1750. Assigned the same year to the
Sierra Gorda missions of Queretaro and San Luis Potosi, he made the journey
on foot and reached Santiago de Jalpan on June 16th. For nine years he served
here, part of the time as president, devoting himself most earnestly and successfully to the conversion and instruction of the Pames.
In 1759 or 1760 he
was recalled and appointed to the so-called Apache missions of the Rio San
Sabd in Texas ; but the plans being changed he was retained by the college
and employed for seven years in preaching in Mexico and the surrounding
bishoprics, in college service, and in performing the duties of his office of
comisario of the inquisition held since 1 752.
July 14, 1767, Serra was named president of the Baja Calif ornian missions,
arrived at Tepic Aug. 21st, sailed from San Bias March 12, 1768, and reached
Loreto April 1st. March 28, 1769, he started always on foot for the
north, founded San Fernando de Velicata on May 14th, reached San Diego
July 1st, and founded the first California mission July 16th. April 16, 1770,
he sailed for the north, reached Monterey May 31st, and founded San Carlos
June 3d. July 14, 1771, he founded San Antonio. Aug. 20, 1772, he
started south by land, founded San Luis Sept. 1st, and reached San Diego
Sept. 16th.
On Oct. 20th he sailed from San Diego, reached San Bias !Nov. 4,
and Mexico Feb. 6, 1773. Leaving Mexico in September, he sailed from San
Bias Jan. 24, 1774, arrived at San Diego March 13th, and went up to Monterey by land, arriving May 11th. From June 30, 1776, to Jan. 1, 1777, he
was absent from San Carlos, going down to San Diego by water, returning by
land, and founding San Juan Capistrano on Nov. 1st.
In September and
October 1777 he visited San Francisco and Santa Clara. From Sept. 15,
17 78, to Jan. 5, 1779, he made another trip south, confirming at all the mis-

LIFE OF JUNIPERO SERRA.

413

reference an outline of dates with some items illustrative of his character and habits taken from his
sions on his way back; and in October and November he visited Santa Clara
and San Francisco on the same business. In September and October 1781 he
again visited San Antonio, San Francisco, and Santa Clara. In March 1 782
he went to Los Angeles and San Gabriel, founded San Buenaventura March
31st, was present at the founding of Santa Barbara presidio in April, and
returned to San Carlos via San Luis and San Antonio about the middle of
June.
In August 1783 he sailed for San Diego, arriving in September, returning by land, visiting all the establishments, and arriving at home in January.
Between the end of April and the early part of June 1784 he visited San
Francisco and Santa Clara.
In the last chapter of his biography Palou recapitulates the virtues which
were especially brilliant in the servant of God, Fr. Junipero,' declaring that
'his laborious and exemplary life is nothing but a beautiful field decked with
every class of flowers of excellent virtues.
First in the list was his profound
humility, as shown by his use of sandals and his abnegation of self. He always
deemed himself a useless servant; deemed other missionaries more successful
than himself; and rejoiced in their success. He avoided all honors not actually
forced upon him, shunned notice and praise, sought the lowest tasks, kissed
the feet of all even to the lowest novice on leaving Spain and Mexico, ran
away from the office of guardian, and was in constant fear of honors from his
order or from the church or king. Then came the cardinal virtues of prudence, justice, fortitude, and temperance, resting like columns on his humility as a base, and supporting the sumptuous fabric of Christian perfection.'
His prudence was shown in his management as president of the missions,
though he was always modest and ready to consult with the lowest about
him; his justice was shown by his kindness and charity to all, his exact obedience to the commands of superiors, and his patience with enemies as exemplified particularly in his writing a letter in favor of Fages to the viceroy; and
only four days before his death he gave a blanket to an old woman who at the
founding of San Carlos had induced a boy to kill the friar's only chickens.
His fortitude appeared in his resistance to physical pain and constant refusal
'

'

'

of medical treatment, in his self-restraint, in his steadfast adherence to his

purposes, in his resolution to remain at San Diego alone if need be when it
was proposed to abandon the conquest, in his conflict with the indifference or
opposition of the military authorities, and in his courage in the presence of
hostile Indians for he only feared death or ran from danger because of the
vengeance that would be taken on the poor Indians; and finally his temperance was such that he had no other passion than that for the propagation of
the faith, and constantly mortified the flesh by fasting, vigils, and scourging.
On these columns rested a superstructure of theological virtues, faith, charity,
and religion, of which a mention must suffice. The author, however, does not
claim for his hero the gifts of contemplation, of tongues, revelation, prophecy,
miracles 'and all that apparatus of the gracias gratis datas which make admirable and striking the saintliness of some servants of God,' but which are not
essential to holiness.
During his novitiate Padre Junipero was small and sickly, but he says,
with the profession I gained health and strength and grew to medium
stature.'
Of one of his sermons an able critic said: 'It is worthy of being
printed in letters of gold.'
woman endemoniada shouted during one of
his sermons, 'thou shalt not finish the lenten season,' and then the padre
was exceeding glad, for of course the father of lies could inspire no truth.
Suffering from want of water on the voyage to Mexico he said to complainers,
'the best way to prevent thirst is to eat little and talk less so as not to waste

'

the saliva.' In a mutiny and a storm threatening death to all he was perfectly
calm, and the storm ceased instantly when a saint chosen by lot had been addressed in prayer. On the way from Vera Cruz to Mexico several miracles

414

DEATH OF SERRA; MISSION PROGRESS.

biography by Padre Palou, and his letters

in

the

mission archives.
Serra doubtless owes much of his fame to his position as first president of the California missions and
to the publication of a biography by a warm personal
friend.
But it did not require Palou's eulogistic pen
were wrought in his favor. Coming to a swollen stream by a town in a dark
night there was a man on the other bank to show the ford and guide him to a
lodging.
A man, perhaps the same, met Junipero and his companion next
day and gave them a pomegranate which had a refreshing effect, and still
later a man gave them a bit of corn-bread of excellent savor.
It was on this
journey that his legs first became swollen, from the effects of mosquito-bites

was supposed, resulting in ulcers that lasted all his life. 'Oh, for a forest
of Junipers!' exclaimed a friar at the college when Serra arrived.
In one of
his revival meetings in Huasteca he was beating himself with a chain, when
as

man took the chain from him and with it beat himself to death as a miserable sinner in presence of the crowd.
Sixty persons who neglected to attend
his meetings were killed by an epidemic which did not cease until religious
duties were generally attended to.
On his way back from Huasteca he Mas
well lodged and entertained in a cottage by the way; but later he learned
that there was no such cottage on the road; and of course concluded that his
entertainers were Joseph, Mary, and Jesus in fact he had noticed an extraordinary air of neatness about the place. Poisoned once in taking the communion he refused the antidote and was cured by a simple dose of oil, perhaps
miraculously as he thought.
It was at Velicata in May 17G9 that he first
saw and baptized pagans.
3
Serra, Correspondcicia, 1777-82, MS., is a collection of his letters to different missionaries and officials.
It is impossible by means of extracts to
give any proper idea of these long, rambling, and peculiar epistles. Palou
has selected the very best of his letters for publication, if indeed he has not
changed and improved them. Large portions of some of them are utterly
unintelligible and were apparently intended to be so for the ordinary reader.
Sea todo por Dies and similar pious expressions are used in great profusion
whether the subject be important or trivial. To Pieras he gives the most
minute directions how to answer the governor's letter and how to make out
mission reports and inventories, leaving nothing in manner or matter to the
padre's judgment.
He wishes all made ready for signatures because the
most serious part of it is to feed the governor's agents while doing the business.
He expresses deep pity for some condemned criminals, and directs a padre to
'
attend to their spiritual needs.
It will be some work, but very holy and
meritorious.'
To Lasuen, announcing the governor's refusal to increase an
escort, he says, 'and this the result of all my efforts and all a viceroy's recommendations, and in response to an affectionate and humble suggestion made
with all the honey my mouth would hold. Believe me, of all the draughts
I have to swallow none is so bitter.
I and your Reverences
for this once
In the matter of escoltas, however, he directs the padres
I name myself first.
to 'go on as if they had a legion of soldiers; punish whoever merits chastisement; and if in the exact performance of the holy ministry trouble
arises not to be repressed with the force at hand, then retire to the presidio,
write me the facts in detail; then dirdn y diremos.' He writes a long letter
to induce Figuer to give up his intention of retiring, reminding him that
'patience and suffering are the inheritance of the elect, the coin with which
heaven is bought.' He begins by an anecdote of a friar at matins who
wished to retire to his cell not feeling in a good -humor, and to whom the
prelate replied that if such an excuse were admitted all would retire, 'and I
among the first. Then he compares San Diego life with that at other misa

'

'

'

'

SERRA'S CHARACTER.

'

415

Few
to prove hiin a great and a remarkable man.
who came to California during the missionary regime
were his equal in devotion to and success in his work.
All his energy and enthusiasm were directed to the
performance of his missionary duties as outlined in
the regulations of his order and the instructions of his
Limping from mission to mission with a
superiors.
lame foot that must never be cured, fasting much and
passing sleepless nights, depriving himself of comfortable clothing and nutritious food, he felt that he was
imitating the saints and martyrs who were the ideals
of his sickly boyhood, and in the recompense of abstinence was happy. He was kind-hearted and charitable
to all, but most strict in his enforcement of religious
duties.
It never occurred to him to doubt his absolute right to flog his neophytes for any slight negligence
in matters of the faith.
His holy desires trembled
within him like earthquake throbs; in his eyes there
was but one object worth living for, the performance
of religious duty, and but one way of accomplishing
that object, a strict and literal compliance with Franciscan rules; he could never understand that there
was anything beyond his narrow field of vision. In
an eminent degree he possessed the faculty of applying spiritual enthusiasm to the practical affairs of life.
Because he was so grand a missionary he was none the
less money-maker and civilizer, yet money-making and
civilizing must ever be subordinate to missionary
work, and all not for his glory, but the glory of God.
St Augustine in his religion, he was a Juvenal in his
philosophy. He managed wisely the mission interests
both spiritual and temporal; and his greatest sorrow
was that the military and political authorities were

showing that each has its advantages and disadvantages. He suggests

the question which is worse 'to be hungry and have nothing to eat or plenty
to eat and no appetite.' When San Francisco and Santa Clara had nothing
to eat they attributed to this want 'el no hacer prodigios de conversiones;'
but now that there is food there is nobody to eat it.
'Therefore, my brother,
let us go on with our matins to the sancto sanctore.'
'Adonde ira cl buey
que no are? sino va a Campeche?' Some who have gone away would perhaps
gladly take what they left.
sions,

DEATH OF SERRA; MISSION PROGRESS.

416

not so easily managed as padres and neophytes. In

Lis controversies with the governors he sometimes
pushed diplomacy to the very verge of inconsistency,
but all apparently without any intention of injuring
them, though he knew he was dealing with men who
cast obstacles in the way of his great work. His letters were long, verbose, and rambling, but left no
minute detail of the subject untouched. The loss of
a sheep from a mission flock evoked a communication
of the same style and length, with the same expressions of trust in heaven, as the conversion or destruction of a whole tribe; and it is to be noted that in
writing to his friars, especially about his political
quarrels, he adopted a peculiar and mysterious style
wholly unintelligible, as it was doubtless intended to
be, to all but the initiated.
On the whole the preceding remarks fail to do him justice; for he was
a well meaning, industrious, enthusiastic, and kindhearted old man; his faults were those of his cloth,
and he was not much more fanatical than others of
his time, being like most of his Californian companions a brilliant exception in point of morality to friars
of some other lands and times. 4

At

the death of Serra the presidency of the missions naturally fell temporarily to Palou as the senior
friar in California, who had also held the position
4
Nearly all the books that have been written about California have something to say of Junipero Serra, and it is not necessary to refer to the long
list.
It is somewhat remarkable, however, that there are very few if any
official communications respecting his death preserved in the archives either
secular or missionary. Hittell, Hist. *S'. F., 33-9, gives a very good account of
the padre's life, concluding that 'his cowl covered neither creed, guile,
hypocrisy, nor pride. He had no quarrels and made no enemies. He sought
to be a simple friar, and he was one in sincerity.
Probably few have approached nearer to the ideal perfection of a monkish life than he.' I have
his autograph signatures in S. Antonio, Doc. Sueltos, 9, 13, 17. See a poem by
M. A. Fitzgerald on his death in Hayes' Miss. Book, 152. Palou's Vida contains a portrait more likely to be like the original than any other extant.
Gleeson, Hist. Cash. Ch., ii. frontisp., has one copied from a painting in the
library of the California pioneers, about the authenticity of which nothing is
known. Dr Taylor, Discov. and Founders, ii. 41, claims to have obtained in
1853 a photograph from an original painting at the college of San Fernando,
of which a caricature was published in Hatchings'' Mag. in I860.

PRESIDENTS PALOU AXD LASUEN.

417

Palou at first declined to

before in Serra's absence.
act as president, partly from real or affected modesty,
but chiefly because he desired to leave the country as
He had, however, to yield to the
soon as possible.
unanimous wish of his companions, who claimed that
a vacancy would prove injurious to mission interests,
and reluctantly assumed the duties until a successor
5
The choice of the college fell
could be appointed.
on Fermin Francisco Lasuen of San Diego; his patent was forwarded February 6, 1785; and he took
Fapossession of the office probably in September.
ther Mugfarte^ui was named to succeed Lasuen in
case of accident, and August 16, 1786, was appointed
vice-president of the southern missions. 6
By a later
patent of March 13, 1787, issued in accordance with
a decree of the sacred congregation at Rome, March
4, 1785, which extended the power to administer the
rite of confirmation for ten years, Lasuen received the
same powers that Serra had held; but he did not obtain the document until Julv 13, 1790, and had consequently less than five years for the exercise of his
During that time, however, he confirmed
privilege.
7
10,139 persons.
In connection with the departure of Palou, the
completion of his historical writings on California
serves notice as a prominent and important event
The notice however need
in the country's annals.
not be long, because the reader of the preceding chapters is already familiar by constant reference with the
5

him

The records

are very meagre on Palou 's term and I find no official act by
Pay eras, writing in 1818, gives substantially the version
as president.

my

text. Arch. Sta. Bdrbara, MS., xii. 4.33.

Mugartegui writes March
1785, that Palou declined to serve. Doc. Hist. (Jul., MS., iv. 29.
May 29,
1785, Fages urges Palou to accept for the good of the country, regretting
his ill-health. Prov. lice, MS., iii. .50.
See biography of Palou in next

of
8,

chapter.

'Arch. Sta. Bdrbara, MS., ix. 306-9; xii. 35-6, containing the patents of
Lasuen and Mugartegui. Lasuen's first record as president was Jan. 27,
1786; but he seems to have served from Palou's departure, which was probably in September or a little later. Prov. Bee., MS., i. 180, ii. 128-9.
7
S. Gdrlo8, Lib. Minion, MS., 00-8; 8. Diego, Lib. Mision, MS., 45. March
2. 1790, Gen. Ugarte orders Fages to interpose no obstacles. Prov. St. Pup.,
MS., ix. 350.
Hist. Cal., Vol.

I.

27

DEATH OF SERRA; MISSION PROGRESS.

418

scope and contents of this author's literary works.

There was no man so well

qualified

by opportunities

and ability to write the early history of California as

Palou, and he made excellent use of his advantages.
As early as 1773, and probably before that date, he
began the accumulation of material by copying original documents and recording current events, without
any definite idea, as it would seem, of publication.
He continued this labor of preparing careful historical
notes down to 1783, devoting to it such time as could
be spared from his missionary duties at San FranDuring the years 1784-5, having apparently
cisco.
suspended work on his notes, he gave his attention to
the preparation of a life of Serra, his prelate, former
instructor, and life-long friend.
This work he completed in February 1785 and carried it to Mexico

same year, where it was published in

It was extensively circulated for a book of
1787.
that epoch, though since considered rare, and it has

later in the

been practically the source of all that has ever been

written on California mission history down to 1784.
Very few of modern writers have, however, consulted
the original, most contenting themselves with a weak
solution of its contents at second hand; hence the
numerous errors extant in books, pamphlets, and newspapers.
The manuscript of the historical notes after
lying for some years in the college vaults, was copied
into the Mexican archives and finally printed in 1857,
though it was utterly unknowm to writers on California until 1874, since which date it has been as carelessly and superficially used as wr as the life of Padre
J.unipero before. The Noticias is far the more exten8
sive and complete wr ork of the two, though both cover
8

Palou, Relation Ilisfdrica de la Vida y Apostdlicas Tareas del Venerable

las Misiones que fiuidd en la California Septentrional, y nuecos establecimientos de Monterey.
Escrita por el R. P. L. Fr.
Francisco Palou, Guardian actual del Colegio Apostolico de S. Fernando de
Mexico, y Discipulo del Venerable Fundador : dirigida d su Santa Provincia de
la Regular Observantiade Nro. S. P. S. Francisco de. la Isla de Mallorca. A
ejpensas de Don Miguel Gonzales Calderon, Sindico de dicho Apostdlico ColeThe author's
gio. Mexico, 1787, 8vo 14 1. 344 pages, with map and portrait.

Padre Fray Junipero Serra y de

PALOU'S HISTORICAL WORKS.

419

substantially the same ground. While my researches

among original manuscript authorities have brought
to light a large amount of material not given by Palou, yet his writings contain a few diaries which I
have not found elsewhere. I have sometimes been
dedicatory letter and protesta is dated San Francisco, Feb. 28, 1785. The
license of the audiencia to print is dated Dec. 7, 17SG; and the latest of the
various approvals of Franciscan authorities on March 12, 1787.
In his prologue the author, after explaining that the work, written for the province of
Mallorca, is published at the urgent request of certain friends of Serra who
bear the expense, goes on to say
I well know that some who read new
things expect the historian to indulge in theories and to clear up all diffiThis method although tolerated and even applauded in profane hisculties.
tories, in those of saints and servants of God written for edification and to excite imitation, is deemed by the best historians a fault, the which I have
aimed to avoid. As the soul of history is simple truth, thou canst have the
assurance that almost all I relate I have witnessed, and the rest has been told
me by other padres worthy of faith.' On Aug. 16, 1786, Pakra writes to
Lasucn, Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xii. 41-2, that everything is going well with
the book, which he is told will circulate all over Europe, where all are curious
to learn about California. He thinks it has been heard of at court, will send
some copies to California, and asks Lasucn to pray for its success. It was
sent to California, where each mission library had a copy.
The work has become less rare and costly of late years than formerly. I have three copies,
the most expensive of which cost less than $25. I have also the edition of
Mexico, 1852, in which it was published with Clavigero's history of Lower
California in a volume of the Biblioteca National y Estrangera.
It was also
reprinted in a newspaper of southern California and in the form of scraps is
found in Hayes' Mission Boole, i.
Palou, Notlcias tie la (Antigua y) Nueva California. Escritas por el It. P.
Fr. F. Palou (torn. i. ii.), in Doc. Hid. Mex., serie iv. torn, vi.-vii. Mexico,
1857, 8vo, 688, 300 pp. The latest date mentioned is in July 1783, about which
time it was doubtless concluded. A passage in torn. i. 269, shows that chap.
v. of part ii. was written as early as 1773 at Monterey.
It is evident that
the author collected material from his first arrival, and wrote up the record
to date at intervals as allowed by his duties.
The original manuscript in the
college of San Fernando has disappearetl; but by royal order of 1790 a copy
was made under the direction of P. Francisco Garcia Figueroa, who certified
to its accuracy December 3 and 4, 1792. This copy, a duplicate of which was
sent to Spain, has since been preserved in Mexico with other documents
copied under the same order, which form the first 32 volumes of the Archivo
General, an invaluable collection, all the volumes of which (except torn, i.,
which has been lost from the archives) are in my Library, some in print,
others copied for the Maximilian Imperial Library, and the rest copied
expressly for my collection.
Palou's work formed tomes xxii.-iii. of the collection.
In 1857 (not 1846 as Doyle says), it was printed in the form of a
folletin of the Diario Oficial, forming the last two of a set of 20 volumes of
Documents for the History of Mexico printed in the same way and selected
largely from the same source.
This collection, though badly printed, is the
most important source of information extant on the history of Sonora, Chihuahua, and New Mexico, as well as California; but it is very rarely to be
found complete, and has been utterly unknown to modern writers on history.
Palou's w ork is divided into four parts.
Part I. includes the annals of 13aja
California, under the Franciscans from 1768 to 1773, and extends over 245
pages of the first volume in 40 chapters; Part II. describes the expeditions to
Monterey and the foundation of the first five missions, extending from page
:

'

420

DEATH OF SERRA; MISSION PROGRESS.

that Palou wrote,

or that his writings were ever printed, yet all the
same he must be regarded as the best original authority for the earliest period of mission history.
9
I have copied his map of Upper California.
The missions had a narrow escape from ruin or from
what the friars believed would result in ruin, in the
form of their erection into a custody. Sonora and the
Californias had been formed into a bishopric in 1779,
and Bishop Reyes came in 1783, with full authority

tempted to entertain a

selfish regret

247 to 688, in 50 chapters, and covering the period from 1769 to 1773; Part
III. is a collection of original documents on events of 1773-4, not arranged in
chapters, and filling 211 pages of torn. ii. and Part IV. continues the narrative in 41 chapters, pages 213-396, from 1775 to 1783.
At the beginning of
torn. i. the author gives the following prefatory notice: 'Jesus, Mary, and
Joseph.
Summary (of the annals) of Old California during the time that
those missions were administered by the missionaries of the Regular Observance of Our Seraphic Father San Francisco of the Apostolic College of San
Fernando in Mexico and of the new missions which the said missionaries
founded in the new establishments of San Diego and Monterey, written by
the least (the most unworthy) of said missionaries, who worked in Old California from the time it was intrusted to said College down to its delivery to
the reverend fathers of the sacred religion of Our
Cherubic" Father Santo
Domingo, and who later with other missionaries of the same College of San
Fernando went up to Monterey, having no other aim in this material work
which I undertake than that allowed me by the apostolic ministry, which is
to leave on record all that has happened and may happen while God gives me
life and health to work in this new vineyard of the Lord, so that when the
chronicler of our apostolic colleges may demand from that of San Fernando
notes of its apostolic labors I may have them compiled in a volume, or more
should there be enough to note, leaving it to the skill of the chronicler to put
religiosity" to
them in the style for publication, and to his prudence and
leave to the secrecy of the archives those which are written only because they
may be needed to shut the mouth of those rivals in the apostolic ministry who
are never lacking in new conversions, so that if they should talk some day of
missionary achievements there may be had in readiness all the events as they
really occurred in California, both old and new, all of which with all sincerity
and truth I will narrate in this summary, divided into four parts,' etc. This
gives an idea of the author's purpose, but hardly of his style, which was tolerably good. The book has many typographical defects, but few or none
which may not be corrected in substance from the archives. I have referred
constantly to this original edition, using for convenience torn. i. and ii., instead
the torn, vi.-vii. of the Collection.
In 1874-5, Mr John T. Doyle issued in
San Francisco a reprint of Palou's Notkias in four Svo volumes, one volume
to each part, well printed on good paper, and with a few corrections of typo;liical errors.
The prefatory notice just quoted is omitted in the reprint;
there is a transfer of a diary from one part to another; some photographs of
ion buildings and other Californian scenes are added; and' the whole is
prefaced by a long and ably written note by Mr Doyle on Palou's life, the mission system, the pious fund, etc.
9
.Longitude reckoned from San Bias. Diego
California8. Antiguay Nueva
Francisco, sc, Mexico, 1787.
Many strange inaccuracies will be noticed,
lecially in the location of Santa Clara, San Antonio, and the Colorado
;

'

'

'

missions.

For map see

p. 408, this vol.

CUSTODIES PROPOSED.

421

from the king and the Franciscan commissary general

to make the change, which though it was to leave the
friars in control and give the bishop but little if any
increased authority, was doubtless intended as a step
toward secularization. By it the connection between
missions and the colleges was to cease; the missions
were to become hospices and pueblos tie visita, the
president would be replaced by a custodian, who with
his council of deftnidores took the place also, in a certain sense, of the college guardian and discretorio ; and
the system was to be supported largely by the begging of alms. The colleges naturally protested against
the change, claiming that new friars would have to be
brought from Spain at great expense, since the old
missionaries would not sever their connection with their
colleges; that the new system made no provision for

new conversions

that, in California particularly, there

were none to give alms; and that there were many

of the custody regulations which it would be absolutely
impossible to enforce in these provinces.
These protests were of no avail so far as Sonora was concerned, where the custody of San Carlos was formed
in October 1783; but the college of San Fernando
succeeded in postponing action in the erection of San
Gabriel de California until the practical result elsewhere could be known. As the system proved to work
very badly in Sonora, California escaped the experiment which would almost certainly have proved de^
structive of mission prosperity.
I hear nothing of
the scheme in California after 1787. 10
10

For a

full

account of the experiment in Sonora see Arricivita, Cron.

The royal order in favor of custodies was dated May 20, 1782.
Aug. 17, 1792, after numerous petitions, the king, on advice of general, governor, bishop, and audiencia, issued an order which restored the old system.
Jan. 8, 1783, the guardian sends to Serra the brief and laws for custodies with
the remark that they contain many falsehoods and impossibilities, saying, 'we
work here with all our might to overthrow these projects in the beginning, realizing that merely to attempt them will cause great mischief.' The bishop will
try the experiment in Sonora, and we shall be left in peace for a while at any
rate. If you get orders from the bishop you must reply that your superior is to
Periif.,

504-75.

be consulted. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xii. 15G-S. Feb. 3, 1783, the guardian
of San Fernando and agents of Santa Cruz and Guadalupe colleges unite in a
protest to the viceroy. Id., xii. 212-13.
Jan. 14, 1784, Galvcz informs the

422

DEATH OF SERRA; MISSION PROGRESS.

Not only

did the missions escape separation from

the control of San Fernando, but their number was
increased by the founding of two new establishments,
Santa Barbara and Purisima, the loner-talked of missions of the Channel. In 1782 these establishments
had been suspended as will be remembered because of
a plan of the secular authorities to break up the old
system and take from the friars the management of
temporalities, and the consequent refusal of the friars
to serve. The matter was referred to the king, but
I find no record of definite action thereon. The guardian instructed President Serra and his successor
Lasuen not to allow any new establishments except
on the old basis; 11 a good excuse was accordingly ready
whenever any suggestion was made by governor or
general; and finally by the tacit agreement of their
opponents the friars were allowed to have their own
way. In April 1786 the guardian informed the president that friars will come to California this year, and
Santa Barbara may be founded, if the old system be
allowed, but not otherwise. 12
viceroy that notwithstanding the opposition it is the king's will that the custodies be promoted.
April 12, 1785, guardian informs Lasuen that there is
nothing for it but to be silent and cautious. Id., 214-15. It seems that general Neve had favored the custody in California. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii.
13-14. March 21 1 787, the king ordered that if there were not enough friars of
San Fernando for the California missions, others might be taken from Michoacan. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., x. 287; Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 32.
11
April 1, 1784, the general wrote to Fages authorizing the founding of a
mission at Montecito near the presidio of Santa Barbara. The governor notified
Pres. Serra on July 27th from San Francisco. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., vi.
194, xi. 5. No notice seems to have been taken of this. March 9, 1785, Gen.
liengel, presuming that the padres sent for have arrived, orders Fages to proceed at once to found a mission at Montecito. Instructions have been given
to pay the $1,000 allowed each new mission. St. Pap., Sac, MS., iv. 34-5.
Sept. 30th Fages notifies Lasuen that in company with P. Santa Maria he has
explored the Montecito site three fourths of a league from the presidio and
found it suitable for a mission. He has informed the general who orders an
immediate foundation. Prov. Rec, MS., iii. 55. The same day Fages also
writes to Lasuen that as the two padres (Noboa and Rioboo) have arrived, he
hopes he will proceed at once to found the mission. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS.,
xi. 3S6-7.
Lasuen replies that the padres are destined elsewhere and there
can be no foundation yet. Id., 389-90. PP. Mariner and Giribet came in 1785,
but still nothing was done.
12
Guardian to Lasuen April 1, 1786, in Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., viii. 133,

4; xi. 214. On the same date he forwarded instructions, not extant, and directs
Lasuen to show them to the governor if necessary, but on no account to allow

FOUNDING OF SANTA BARBARA.

423

President Lasuen went down to the presidio at the

end of October with two of the newly arrived friars,
and superintended active preparations for the new
mission which was to be formally dedicated the 4th
of December. 13 On that day the cross was raised and
blessed, and that day, the festival of Santa Barbara
Virgen y Martyr, 14 is regarded as the day of the mission's regular foundation, though the ceremonies were
not completed on account of the governor's absence
and his order to suspend operations until his arrival.
Possibly Fages had some thought of insisting on the
innovations which had caused so much controversy,
but if so he changed his mind, for after his arrival on
December 14th the friars were allowed to go on in
their own way.
On the 16th the first mass was said
by Father Paterna, a sermon was preached by Lasuen, and thus the foundation was completed.
Fathers Antonio Paterna from San Luis, and Cristobal Oramas, one of the new-comers, were the ministros fundadores, the latter being replaced in 1790 by
Jose de Miguel. 16 The rainy season did not permit
1

"

any infringement on the old system, or any experiments like those on the
Colorado River, which he fears are still intended. Id. xii. 24-5. April 9th
he communicates the royal orders that older missions are to contribute stock
and grain for Santa Barbara. Id. xi. 6. The new padres, six in number, were
Arenaza, Arroita, Ordmas, Santiago, Sola, and Torrente.
13
Oct. 27, 1786, the commandant writes to Fages asking him to be present
at the ceremony, and stating that the president and padres are about to arrive.
Xov. 13th, he writes that timber has been cut and preparations have been
made for sowing. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 51, 58.
14
Santa Barbara, the virgin and martyr, is a saint whose existence is traditionary and very doubtfully authenticated.
She was the daughter of one
Dioscoro who lived once upon a time in Asia Minor, a cruel idolater who gave
his daughter to be tortured for her adherence to Christianity, and cut off her
head with his own hand after she had borne unflinchingly the most cruel torments. She was and still is the patron saint of artillerymen in the Spanish
army, and the powder-magazine on men-of-war often bears her name.
15
Title-pages of mission-books signed by Lasuen in Sta. Barbara, Lib. de
Mision, MS., 43; Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xii. 3, 4, 15-17. In the first
annual report of the mission the date of the first mass is given as Dec. 15th,
and the site is called Pedragoso, one fourth of a league from the presidio. Id.,
v. 3, 4.
Dec. 11th Lasuen writes to the general about the governor's order
suspending the foundation. Id., xi. 7. April 11th the general acknowledges
receipt of news of founding, and in June of progress. Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
,

vii.

43, 58-9.
16

See lists of padres at Santa Barbara from the beginning, compiled from
the records by E. F. Murray, in Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., vii. 8-10, 25-9,
39-43, C8-70, 75-7.

DEATH OF SERRA; MISSION PROGRESS.

424

the erection of buildings at first, and the first baptism on December 31st was administered at the presidio.
On account of the proximity of the presidio
only the ordinary guard of six men was allowed. 17
By the end of 1787 there had been 188 baptisms,
which number was increased to 520 in 1790, with 102
deaths, leaving 438 existing neophytes. At this time
large stock numbered 296 and small stock 503 head,
while products of the soil amounted to about 1,500
bushels.
church 18 by 90 feet was completed in
1789, and by the end of 1790 other mission buildings
of adobes with tile roofs were sufficiently numerous

and

in

good

condition.

18

Respecting the founding of the third Channel mission little material is preserved in the archives.
As
early as 1779-80 it had been determined to locate the
mission at the western extremity of the Santa Barbara channel in the region of Point Concepcion, and
that, not improbably with some reference to the name
of the cape, it should be dedicated to La Purisima
Concepcion, that is, "to the singular and most pure
mystery of the immaculate conception of the most
holy virgin Mary, mother of God, queen of heaven,
queen of angels, and Our Lady." The foundation was
suspended like that of Santa Barbara, and operations
were resumed when certain restrictions obnoxious to
the friars were removed.
In June 1785 Governor
Fages recommended a site on the Santa Rosa River,
now called the Santa Ines; and in March 1786 General
Rengel instructed the governor to proceed with the
establishment. 19 At last President Lasuen, doubtless
17

Fages, Informs de Misiones, MS., 135-6.

Full statistics of baptisms, deaths, etc. with inventories of mission property, and lists of buildings as completed from year to year in Paterna, lnformes de la 3/ision de Santa Barbara, 1787-92, MS. Want of water a great
drawback in agricultural operations. Fa<jt*s, Informe de Misiones, 136-7. First
sowing of wheat did not come up. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 65. Owing to
lack of means to support Indians only voluntary converts were admitted at
18

first.
19

Id., vii. 59.

Fages to Rengel June 2, 1785, in Prov. Pec, MS., i. 192-3. Rengel to

Fages March 24, 17S6, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 112-13. He calls the site

FOUNDING OF PURISIMA.

423

accompanied by a military guard, went up from the

presidio of Santa Barbara to the site selected, called
by the natives Algsacupi, where on December 8, 1787,
he blessed the spot, raised the cross, celebrated mass,
and preached a sermon. Thus the mission was nominally founded, and the day was afterward given in
mission reports as the anniversary date; but there
was in reality no beginning of the mission work proper
The day was that of La Purisima Conat this time.
cepcion and was therefore selected for the ceremony;
but the spot was subsequently abandoned for several
months, all returning to the presidio on account of
the rainy season, as had doubtless been the intention.
In the middle of March 1788 the mission escort,
probably under Sergeant Pablo Antonio Cota, with
a band of laborers and servants, went up to prepare
the necessary buildings, and early in April President
Lasuen returned with the two ministros fundadores,
Vicente Fuster from San Juan and Jose Arroita a
new-comer of 1786. 20 The former was succeeded late
in 1789 by Cristobal Oramas from Santa Barbara.
As early as August 1788 seventy -nine neophytes
were enrolled. In September Corporal Jose Si. Ortega took command of the mission guard. 21 The site
22
as we shall see was changed in later years.
selected Santa

allowed each
*

Rosa de

new

la Gaviota,

and says he

will apply for the $1,000

mission.

20
Title-page of baptismal register signed by Lasuen, in Purisima, Lib. de
Mision, MS., 1-3. Fages' instruction to the sergeant in command are dated
at San Gabriel on April 7th. They are very complete and carefully prepared,
enjoining great caution, kind treatment to the natives, and harmonious
relations with the missionaries, the conversion of gentiles being the chief aim
of the concpiest. Fages, Ordenes generates que debe observar el Sargento encargado de la Escolta de la Nueva Mision de la Purisima Concepcion, 17S8, MS.
The sergeant is ordered to explore for the shortest way and best road to the
Laguna Larga.
21
Prov. St. Pap., MS., viii. 87, 110. By the end of 1790, 301 natives had
been baptized, 23 had died, and the number existing was 234. Small stock
had increased to 731 and large to 257 head. The mission crops in 1790 were
1,700 bushels.
22
List of over 50 rancherias in Purisima district, in Purisima, Lib. Mision,

MS.,

10.

CHAPTER

XXI.

RULE OF FAGES; FOREIGN RELATIONS AND COMMERCE.

1783-1790.

Isolation of California War Contributions

against England Visit of the French Voyager La Perouse His

Instructions An Hospitable Reception The Strangers at San
Carlos Fate of the Expedition Observations on the Country
and the Mission System Commerce The Salt-trade The Furtrade Vasadre's Project A Failure The Manila GalleonCurrent Prices Arrival of Transport Vessels Northern Voyages of Martinez and Elisa General Washington's Ship the
Columbia
The Chigoes Ex-governor Neve and the Provincias

No Fears

of Foreigners

'

Internas.

Although

encroachments had been

a principal motive for the Spanish occupation of California, and these fears were still entertained in Spain
and Mexico respecting the far north, there was little
anxiety on the subject in California.
True, orders
had been received occasionally from the king requiring precautions in view of special dangers real or
imaginary/ and such orders had been made public with
fears of foreign

1
July 26, 1778, Croix to Neve, strict neutrality to be observed in the
Anglo-French war by royal order of March 22. Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 28.
Aug. 6, 1779, Gen. Croix forwards to Gov. Neve royal orders for defence and
reprisals against the English with whom Spain was at war. Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., ii. 49. Feb. 11th and 18th, Croix to Neve forwarding orders for nonAug. 25, 1780, Croix to Neve
intercourse, reprisals, etc., Id., ii. 102, 108.
warning him of Admiral Hughes' departure from England in March 1779 with
Sept. 22, 1780,
a fleet to operate on west coast of America. Id., ii. 112-13.

Croix expresses to Neve the remarkable, not to say idiotic, opinion that to
stop the breeding of horses in California and other frontier provinces would
keep foreigners away pues dificilmente lo emprenderan (internarse) faltando
los ausilios principales para transitar los desiertos que promedian.' Prov. St.
Pap., Den. Mil, MS., iv. 14. March 22, 17S1, Neve orders Carrillo to drive
away the live-stock in case the English fleet should appear, in order to be free
U26)
'

WARLIKE PRECAUTIONS.

427

but always without producing the

There was not even
slightest ripple of excitement.
the occasional appearance of a strange sail off the
coast which produced such a tempest in a teapot at
the south.
No foreigner was seen in California durthe
Knowledge
ing
first sixteen years of her history.
of current events was limited apparently to the names
of ruling king in Spain and pope at Rome.
If they
knew more the records do not show it, and there is
no evidence that the great conflict on the Atlantic
side of their own continent was heard of until long
all

clue formality,

after

it

Yet

was

over.

war between Spain and England, lasting,

so far as knowledge of it in this far north-west was
concerned, from 1780 to 1784, the Californians were
called upon to aid their sovereign with their money
and their prayers, and they responded very freely to
the call. In 1780 Carlos III. called upon his American
in the

subjects for a donation, fixing the contribution of each

Spaniard at two dollars and of each Indian vassal at

one dollar.
year later General Croix forwarded
this order to California with instructions for its publication and enforcement. 2 Nominally the contribution
was to be voluntary, but in reality was so managed as
to leave no convenient method of escape. All persons
under eighteen years of age were exempt. Neophytes
might contribute produce which was to be sold at
tariff prices; but it was of course a mission contribution made by the friar in charge from the community
property in proportion to the number of male neophytes.
Places that had suffered from epidemic or
other special disaster might be declared exempt; but

to defend Monterey. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 305.

March 17, 1784, treaty
of peace between Spain and England sent to California. Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
v. 50.
Nov. 15, 1784, Fages to commandant general, has learned that a foreign power intends to send disguised emissaries to Mexico; will arrest any
such who may come to California. Prov. Pec, MS., i. 182. Nov. 15th, Id. to
id. understands that no foreigners must be allowed in the country, especially
at the ports.
There are none here now. Id., i. 181.
2
Royal order of Aug. 17, 1780. Forwarded by Gen. Croix Aug. 12, 1781.
Arch. Stcis Barbara, MS., xii. 223-9; vii. 147-53; Croix, Instruction sobre
Donativo en California para la guerra con Lujlaterra, 1781, MS.

FOREIGN RELATIONS AND COMMERCE.

42S

and records of the contributors in each establishment were to be made and forwarded to Spain.
It was the opinion of General Croix that the soldiers
full lists

should not be required to aid in the donation, but

might do so if they wished. The missions of San
Diego and San Juan Capistrano pleaded poverty at
3
first, but seem to have borne their part of the burden
at last, since for any missionary to refuse was to put
his mission in an unfavorable light for the future.
The whole amount raised was over four thousand
dollars, of which the governor personally contributed
two thousand. 4

The

intercourse of the Californians with subjects of a foreign power was with the French under
Jean Francois Galaup de La Perouse in the autumn
This distinguished navigator had sailed
of 1786.
from Brest in August 1785 on the frigate Boussole
with the Astrolabe under M. de Langle, on a scientific
exploring expedition round the world, fitted out and
full corps
despatched by the French government.
of scientific specialists accompanied the expedition;
minute and carefully prepared instructions were given,
accompanied by reports and charts of all that had been
accomplished by the explorers of different nations; the
commanders were carefully selected for their ability
and experience and in fact every possible precaution
was taken to make the trip a success. In the king's
general instructions dated June 26, 1785, occurred
first

3
Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS. i. 259-60; xii. 230-2. President Serra approved
the plea of San Diego. According to Prov. Bee, MS., iii. 132-3, several missions sought exemption.
4
The sums paid by each establishment were as follows San Francisco
presidio and two missions, $373; Monterey, $833; San Carlos, $106; San
Antonio, $122; San Luis, $107; Sta. Barbara presidio, $2-49; Los Angeles, $15;
San Gabriel, $134; San Juan and San Diego, $229; San Diego Pr., $515;
Dec. 7, 1782, Gen.
total, $2,683, but there is some variation in the records.
Croix names the total amount as $4,216. Besides Gov. Neve, Ignacio Vallejo,
majordomo at San Carlos, is the only contributor named. He gave $10. San
Jose" would seem to have done nothing.
See Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS.,
ii. 5, iii. 11, 27-9; viii. 4; Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 76; Prov. Bee, MS., ii.
In accordance with a c6dula of June 15, 1779, received in Cali70, 74-5.
fornia June 13, 1780, prayers both public and private were ordered by the
padre presidente on June 24th. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., ix. 277-80; x. 273.
,

VISIT OF

LA PEROUSE.

some passages relating more or

fornia.

429

less directly to Cali-

La Perouse brought with

him, besides the historical

work of Venegas, a printed account of the Spanish
expeditions of 1769-70/ and other narratives in manuscript or print of subsequent Spanish voyages up the
coast, several of which are translated and published
with the journal of this expedition.
Having doubled Cape Horn, visited Easter Island
and the Hawaiian group, the Boussole and Astrolabe
crossed to the American coast, anchoring Jury 4, 1786,
The navigator's
in the Port des Francais in 58 37V
instructions had been to visit Monterey first and thence
to explore the coast up to the Aleutian Isles; but a
knowledge of the prevailing wind had led him to a
higher latitude; delays at Port des Francais left no
time for a northern voyage and it was decided to run
down the coast without stopping, obtain supplies at
Monterey, and hasten back to the China coast, where
the expedition was due in the early spring.
On the
voyage southward no observations were made on the
California coast on account of the dense fogs, save
that one night there was seen what seemed to be a
;

5
If in the survey which he is to make of the north-west coast of America
he finds at any points of that coast forts or trading-posts belonging to His
Catholic Majesty he will scrupulously avoid everything which might give
offence to the commandants or chiefs of those establishments; but he will use
with them the ties of blood and friendship which so closely unite the two
sovereigns in order to obtain by means thereof all the aid and refreshment
which he may need and which the country may be able to furnish. .So far
as it is possible to judge from the relations of those countries which have
reached Fiance, the actual possession cf Spain does not extend above the ports
of San Diego and Monterey, where she has built small forts garrisoned by
detachments from California or from Xew Mexico. The Sieur de La Perouse
*

will try to learn the condition, force, and aim of these establishments and
to inform himself if they are the only ones which Spain has founded on those
coasts. He will likewise ascertain at what latitude a beginning may be made
of procuring peltries what quantity the Americans (Indians) can furnish
what articles would be best adapted to the fur-trade;' what facilities there
might be for a French establishment, all this relating of course chiefly to the
northern coast. La Perouse, Voya<je de (Jean Frangois Gala/up) de la Perouse
avtour du monde, public coiiform6ment an decrei du 22 AvHl 1701, et r4dig6 pur
M. L. A. Milet-Mxircau .Paris, 1798, 8vo, 4 vol. with atlas in folio, torn. i.
28-9.
It does not seem desirable to mention here the various translations
and abridgments of this narrative and its accompanying documents.
;

Doubtless the Monterey, Estraeto de. Noticias, or Costansd, Diario

the northern explorations see Hist. Northwest Coast, i. 174-7.

On

/list.

439

FOREIGN RELATIONS AND COMMERCE.

volcano in active operation below 41, until they

entered Monterey Bay September 14th, anchoring
next da}T among the whales which came boldly within
pistol-shot to spout vile-smelling water round about
the vessels.
The French navigators had been expected. The
authorities had received orders to accord to the foreign
fleet the same welcome as to vessels of their own nation,
so that La Perouse had little need to show his open
letter from the minister of Spain.
The transports of
this year, the Princesa, Captain Estevan Martinez, and
the Favorita, Captain Jose Tobar, were now in port,
and their boats were promptly taken out by their captains to pilot the visitors into the harbor, seven guns
from the fort saluting them as they dropped anchor.
Don Pedro Fages not only carried out the orders of
his superiors, but sa}^s La Perouse "he put into their
execution a graciousness and air of interest which
merit from us the liveliest acknowledgment.
He did
not confine himself to obliging words; cattle, vegetables, and milk were sent on board in abundance.
The desire to serve us well nigh caused a disturbance
of the harmony between the commandants of fort and
corvettes; for each wished the exclusive right to sapply our needs and when it came to settling the score,
we had to insist on their receiving our money. Vegetables, milk, poultry, all the garrison's labor in helping
us to wood and water were free; and cattle, sheep,
and grain were priced at so low a figure that it was
evident an account was furnished only because we had
rigorously insisted on it.
M. Fages joined to his generosity the most gentlemanly demeanor; his house was
ours, and we might dispose of all his servants."
" The padres of San Carlos mission two leagues
from Monterey soon came to the presidio; as kind to
us as the officers of fort and frigates they insisted on
our going to dine with them, and promised to acquaint us in detail with the management of their
mission, the Indian manner of living, their arts and
;

RECEPTION OF THE FRENCHMEN".

431

We

customs, in fact all that might interest travellers.

M. Fages wished to acaccepted with eagerness
After having crossed a little plain covcompany us
we ascended the hills and
ered with herds of cattle
sound
of
bells
the
announcing
heard
our coming.
were received like lords of a parish visiting their esThe president of the mistates for the first time.
sions, clad in cope, his holy-water sprinkler in hand,
received us at the door of the church illuminated as
on the grandest festivals; led us to the foot of the
altar; and chanted a te deum of thanksgiving for
Before entering the
the happy issue of our voyage.
church we had crossed a plaza where Indians of both
sexes were ranged in line; their faces showed no surprise and left room to doubt if we should be the sub8
ject of their conversation for the rest of the day."
After leaving the church the visitors spent a short
time in examining the mission and in making a careful,
though necessarily brief, study of the Franciscan
regime and its effects on the natives. They probably
visited San Carlos more than once.
"As the soldiers had rendered us a thousand little
services, I asked leave to present them a piece of blue
cloth; and I sent to the mission some blankets, stuffs,
The president announced to all the
beads, tools, etc.
village that it was a gift from their faithful and ancient allies who professed the same faith as the Span.

We

which announcement so aroused their kind

feeling toward us that each one brought us the next
day a bundle of hay or straw for the cattle and sheep.
Our gardener gave to the missionaries some potatoes
from Chili, perfectly sound; I believe this is not
one of the least of our gifts and that this root will
succeed perfectly around Monterey." M. de Langle
also presented San Carlos with a handmill for grinding grain which would enable four of the neophyte
women to do the work of a hundred in the old way. 9
iards;

La

Id.,

Perouse, Voyage,
ii. 315, 209.

ii.

291-4.

'

FOREIGN RELATIONS AND COMMERCE.

432

During the
in

brief stay of ten days the crew were busy

obtaining

wood and water; while the

botanists,

and other specialists pursued their studies,

made drawings, and gathered specimens. Three short
letters were written by La Perouse and one by M. de
Langle, to be sent to France by way of Mexico. 10 On
the 2 2d all was ready for departure, and farewell was
said to governor and missionaries.
Next day the
winds were contrary, but early on the 24th the navigators parted from Martinez, who came off in his longboat, and set sail for the far west.
Then California's
relations with the outside world were for a time susgeologists,

pended. 11
10
Id., iv. 176-86.
In a note of Sept. 14th (?) the commander says: 'N03
vaisseaux ont 6t6 recus par les Espagnols corame ceux de leur propre nation
tous les secours possibles nous ont 6t6 prodigues; les religieux charges des
missions nous ont envoye' une quantity tres-considerable de provisions de toute
espece, et je leur ai fait present, pour leurs Indiens, dime infinite de petits
articles qui avaient 6t6 embarques a Brest pour cet objet, et qui leur seront
de la plus grande utilite.' Again Sept. 19th: 'Nous sommes arrives a Monterey le 15 septembre; les ordres du roi d'Espagne nous y avaient precedes,
et il cut 6te impossible, dans nos propres colonies, de recevoir un meilleur
accueil.' M. de Langle says on Sept. 22d, of Capt. Martinez: 'II a preYenu
nos besoins avec un zele infatigable, et nous a rendu tous. les services qui
dependaient de lui. II m'a charge" de vous supplier de le recommander & son
ministre. .Je pars d'ici sans avoir un malade.' Again from Macao Jan 3d, /(/.,
iv. '235, La Perouse writes: 'I send the chart of Monterey made by ourselves;
I have met at Monterey officers of the little San Bias establishment who certainly are not without ability and who seemed to me very capable of making
charts with exactitude.
11
La Perouse's visit left but a slight record in the Californian archives, yet
See Prov. St. Pap., Ben.
it is alluded to in several official communications.
J//'/., MS., viii. 14; Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 6, 42, 135; letter of Governor
Fages of September 28th, in Gacetade Mex. ii. 286-8. September 18th, P. Lasuen
writes to La Perouse sending him three pieces of reed and a stone worked by
the Santa Barbara Indians. Will send 70 fanegas of grain. Arch. Si a. BarTaylor, Discov. and Pound.. Xo. 31, ii. 193, tells us that
bara, MS., xii. 364.
a picture of La Perouse's vessels by one of his officers was preserved for many
years at San Carlos, but disappeared after 1833, having been carried away as
the old settlers say by Petit-Thouars. This writer is very likely wrong about
the subject of the picture. An anonymous Spanish writer in 1845, G. S., Description Topogrdfica de las Mix/ones, Pueblos, y Presidios del Norte y de la
uc va- California, in Revista CienUJica y Lit., i. 327-9, says that one of La
Perouse's officers made a sketch of his reception at San Carlos by Palou (Lasuen) and two padres, which was kept in the mission locutorio. Captain
Beechey wished to buy it, but P. Abella refused to part with it. When PetitThouars came it had disappeared. The writer made every effort to find it,
It was thought to have been stolen.
offering as high as $1,000, but in vain.
The writer found at San Carlos (no date) two Indians who remembered all
about La Perouse's visit. Finally Mrs Ord, Occur rcncias en California, MS.,
57-9, says that P. Moreno, soon after his arrival (1833), gave the painting to
her brother, Juan de la Guerra, who on his death-bed presented it to her. In
;

OBSERVATIONS ON THE COUNTRY.

433

Crossing the Pacific the Frenchmen visited the

Philippine Islands in February 1787; then they coasted
Japan and China, and reached Kamchatka in September; at the Navigator Islands in December, M. de
Langfle, with eleven of his men, was killed by the
Indians; and the last that was ever known of vessels,
commander, or crew, they were at Botany Bay on the
coast of New Zealand, where La Perouse's journal
ends with January 24, 1788, a subsequent letter being
dated February 8th, at the same place.
Though the stay of the ill-fated navigators at

Monterey was brief and uneventful, I have deemed it

worthy of somewhat extended notice, not only as the
of a foreigner to California, but on account
of the remarkable accuracy, comprehensiveness, and
kindly fairness of La Perouse's observations on the
province and its institutions.
"His account of the
natural resources of the country and its character12
istics," says a modern writer of scientific attainments,
" was never surpassed in fidelity by his successors.
His observations on the administration of the missions
especially arrest our attention as the testimony of a
Catholic concerning people of his own faith."
The navigator's observations can be only very briefly
alluded to here, since they are in part scientific and
beyond the province of history, and because many of
the institutions mentioned have been or will be fully
treated elsewhere in this work by the aid of this and
other original testimony yet a general glance at these
impressions of an enlightened traveller seems appropriate.
La Perouse's geographical explorations on
the Californian coast amount to nothing.
His atlas
contains the whole coast laid down from Spanish
sources in his general maps, showing little detail and

first visit

1838 or 1839 it was stolen from her trunk, and in spite of all her efforts has
never been recovered. She describes the painting as showing P. Noriega and
two other friars at the door of the church, naked Indians ringing the bells
and looking on as spectators, and La Perouse, a tall, thin gentleman, with
long gray hair in a queue, with some officers of his suite.
*2
Stillinan, in Overland Monthly, ii. 257-8.
Hist. Cal., Vol.

I.

28

FOREIGN RELATIONS AND COMMERCE.

434

not requiring notice, yet copied here because of its

date, being the first to show certain parts of the seaboard.
Additional charts are given of San Diego,
Monterey, and San Francisco, that of Monterey only
partially from original surveys, the first from Spanish
sources and accurate, and the last a rude sketch which
is reproduced in the following chapter.
The features
C.Rond

CPerpetua

Eio Colorado
Pte.

Tepoca

R.IIiaqui

La Perouse's Map.

of the country round Monterey with its plants and

animals, are however fully described, and a page in
the atlas is devoted to an excellent engraving of a
pair of California quails.
Of the country and its resources La Perouse speaks
in the most flattering terms, as also of its ultimate
prospects, though he believes that under Spanish control its progress will be slow, the fur-trade being the
most promising interest in the near future. 13 To the
13

'

The

salubrity of the air, the fertility of the

soil,

the abundance of

all

kinds of peltries give this part of America infinite advantages over the old
California.'
'No country is more abundant in fish and game of all kinds.
'This land is also of an inexpressible fertility; vegetables of every kind sue*

LA PEROUSE OX THE MISSIONS.

435

aboriginal inhabitants he gives much attention and

finds in them physically, mentally, or morally but
The author is in error when he states
little to praise.
that these Indians cultivated a little maize before the
vocabulary of the Montere}r
Spanish settlement.
languages is included in the journal. 14
brief but
accurate account is presented of the military and
political government with some items of history and

general statistics; and in fact the only element in the

Californian system that this writer failed to notice
was that of the pueblos. He evidently did not hear
of San Jose and Angeles, for he states that there
were absolutely no Spanish inhabitants but the soldiers.

But what more than all else attracted the attention

of the Frenchman was the mission system, respecting
which he made a wonderfully exhaustive and accurate
ceed perfectly. Crops of maize, barley, wheat, and peas can be compared
only to those of Chili, wheat yielding on an average 70 to 80 fold. The climate
differs little from that of our southern provinces in France, but the heat of
summer is much more moderate on account of the constant fogs which will
give this land a moisture very favorable to vegetation.' California 'would be
in no wise behind Virginia, which is opposite, if it were nearer Europe, but
its proximity to Asia might indemnify it, and I believe that good laws, and
especially free trade, would soon bring it some inhabitants; though the possessions of Spain are so broad that it is impossible to think that for a long
time population will increase in any of her colonies. The large number of
celibates of both sexes who as a principle of perfection have devoted themselves to this condition, with the constant policy of the government to admit
but one religion and to employ the most violent means to maintain it, will
ever oppose a new obstacle to increase. M. Monneron, in a note on Monterey,
torn. iv. 122-3, says:
A century will probably pass, and perhaps two, before
the Spanish establishments situated to the north of the Californian peninsula
can attract the attention of the great maritime j^owers. That which is in
possession will not think perhaps for a long time of establishing colonies susceptible of great progress. Yet its zeal for the spread of the faith has already
founded there several missions; but it is to be believed that not even the
pirates will interfere with the friars.'
14
The number of natives in both Californias is estimated at 50,000.
These Indians are small, feeble, and do not show the love of independence
which characterizes the northern nations, of which they have neither the arts
nor the industry; their color is very similar to that of negroes, with straight
hair.'
The governor said the Indians plucked out the hair on face and body;
while the president thought it was naturally lacking. They are very skilful
hunters.
M. de Lamanon obtained the vocabularies chiefly from two Indians
who spoke Spanish. M. Rollin, surgeon-in-chief of the expedition, wrote a
Mcmoire. physiologiqur et pathologiqtte, sur le.8 Am4ricains, joined to La Perouse's
journal, torn. iv. 50-77, which relates largely to the natives of California and
is of great importance.
'

'

FOREIGN RELATIONS AND COMMERCE.

436

study, considering the brief time at his disposal. Doubtless the fact that he represented a Catholic nation did
much to open the hearts and mouths of the friars, who
seem to have held nothing back. The author not only
presents a general view of the system, and of the missions in their material aspects with statistics of the
condition of each establishment, but he gives an excellent picture of the neophytes and their routine of
daily life.
Of the missionaries personally, of their
character and their zeal and their motives, he speaks
15
in terms of the highest praise;
but their efforts for
the civilization of the natives did not seem likely to
succeed.
The neoplryte was too much a child, too
much a slave, too little a man. The mission regime
was not fitted to dispel ignorance, missionary efforts
were directed exclusively to the recompenses of another
life, the present being disregarded.
The community
system based on the prejudices and ambition of the
Jesuits was too servilely imitated. "The government
is a veritable theocracy for the Indians; they believe
that their superiors are in immediate and continual
communication with God." "The friars, more occupied
with heavenly than temporal interests, have neglected
the introduction of the most common arts." La Perouse saw in the tout ensemble of the Franciscan
establishments an unhappy resemblance to the slave
plantations of Santo Domingo. "With pain we say
15
'La pidt6 espagnole avait entretenu jusqu' an present, et a grands frais,
ces missions et ces presidios, dans l'unique vne de convertir et de civiliser les
Indiens de ces con trees; systeme bien plus digne d'eloge que celui de ces
liommes avides qui semblaient n'etre revetus de l'autorite nationale que pour
commettre impunement les plus cruelles atrocit^s.' 'It is with the sweetest
satisfaction that I shall make known the pious and wise conduct of these friars
who fulfil so perfectly the object of their institution; I shall not conceal what
has seemed to me reprehensible in their interior regime; but I shall announce
that individually good and humane, they temper by their gentleness and
charity the harshness of the rules that have been laid down by their superiors.'
1 have already made known freely
opinion on the monks of Chili, whose
irregularity seemed to me generally scandalous. It is with the same truth
that I shall paint these men, truly apostolic, who have abandoned the idle
life of a cloister to give themselves up to fatigues, cares, and anxieties of every
'
kind.
They are so strict toward themselves that they have not a single room
with fire though the winter is sometimes rigorous; and the greatest anchorites

my

'

,have never led a more edifying

life.'

THE MISSION SYSTEM

it,

the resemblance

is

CRITICISED.

so perfect that

437

we have seen men

and women in irons or in the stocks; and even the

sound of the lash migdit have struck our ears, that
punishment being also admitted, though practised with
Like Governor Neve, speaking of the
little severity."
custom of hunting neophytes with soldiers, he " thought
that the progress of the faith would be more rapid,
and the prayers of the Indians more agreeable to the
supreme being if they were not under constraint."
" I confess," to give a final quotation from the
French navigator, " that, friend of the rights of man
rather than theologian, I should have desired that to
principles of Christianity there might be joined a legislation which little bv little would have made citizens
of men whose condition hardly differs now from that
of the negroes of our most humanely governed colonies.
I understand perfectly the extreme difficulty
of this new plan; I know that these men have few
ideas, and still less constancy, and that if they are
not regarded as children they escape those who have
taken the trouble to instruct them. I know also that
reasonings have almost no weight with them, that it
is absolutely necessary to strike their senses, and that
corporal punishment with recompense of double rations has been so far the only means adopted by their
legislators; but to ardent zeal and extreme patience
would it be impossible to make known to a few families the advantages of a society based on mutual

among them a

right of property
so attractive to all men; and by this new order of
things to induce each one to cultivate his field with
emulation, or to devote himself to some other class
of work?
I admit that the progress of this new
civilization would be very slow; the pains which it
would be necessary to take, very hard and tiresome;
the theatres in which it would be necessary to act
very distant, so that applause would never make itself
heard by him who might consecrate his life to being
worthy of it; and therefore I do not hesitate to de-

rights, to establish

433

FOREIGN RELATIONS AND COMMERCE.

clare that

human motives

are insufficient for such a

ministry, and that only the enthusiasm of religion

promised rewards can compensate the sacrifices, the ennui, the risks of such a life.
I have only
to desire a little more philosophy on the part of the
men, austere, charitable, and religious, whom I have
met in these missions." M. de La Perouse longed
for the existence of qualities and views that have
rarely been possessed by missionaries in California or

with

its

elsewhere.

beyond furnishing
occasional supplies to the Philippine galleon, and
sending to San Bias by the returning transports now
and then a cargo of salt, 16 exported nothing and little
or no advantage was taken of a royal order of this
year by which trade with San Bias was made free for
eight years, and duties were reduced one half for five
Previous to

1786

California,

years more. 17
The publication of Cook's voyage of 1778-9 on the
Northwest Coast first opened the eyes of Spain to
the importance of the fur-trade and led to some feeble
attempts on her part to prevent so rich a treasure
from passing into the hands of foreign nations and to
utilize it for herself.
scheme was projected by the
government in 1785 for the opening of a trade between California and China, the intention being to
exchange peltries for quicksilver, and to make the
fur-trade a government monopoly as that in quick-

silver
16

had always been.

The records

With

this

are meagre about this salt supply.

view Vicente Ba-

There are several orders

be shipped from Monterey, and some indiSept. 1, 1784, Capt. Canizares at Monterey
cations that it was so shipped.
informs Gov. Fages that he has orders to load with salt. Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
Order of the commissary at San Bias to same effect. Id., 152. July
iv. 151.
2, Gen. Neve orders Fages to have the salt ready so that no detention may
Order given by Mexican government March 8, 1784, and
occur. Id., v. 62.
repeated Jan. 11, 1787. Id. vii. 11, 12. Nov. 15, 1784, governor understands
that salt must be collected at Monterey. Prov. Pec, MS., i. 182. Sept. 11,
Fages tells Canizares that as sailors are refused to get the salt none can be
As early as 1770 the San Antonio was ordered to load
furnished. Id., ii. 112.
with salt in California. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 71.
17
Fonseca and Urrutia, Hist. Gen., ii. 84.

in the archives requiring that salt

BASADRE'S PROJECT.
saclre

y Vega was sent

439

as a commissioner to California

matter and to make a beginning of

18
collecting otter and seal skins.
Don Vicente came up on one of the transports of
1786 which left San Bias in June, bringing with him
his credentials and instructions to Fages from Viceroy
Galvez, which were made public in the governor's proc19
The skins were to
lamation of the 29th of August.
be collected from the natives by the missionaries, who
were to deliver them to Basadre at the tariff' prices
ranging from $2.50 to 10, according to size and color.
Neophytes must relinquish to the friars all the skins
in their possession; skins obtained from neophytes
by soldiers or settlers were liable to confiscation, the
informer receiving one third of their value; those
legitimately obtained from gentiles must be sent at
to investigate the

once to the nearest authorities; all trade by private

persons was prohibited; and any skins reaching San
Bias through other than the regular channel would
be confiscated.
The aim was to make the government
through the commissioner the sole purchaser, though
peltries were to be received and forwarded by commanders of presidios after Basadre's departure. The
friars favored the scheme since it put into their hands
a new branch of mission temporalities.'20

18
good account of the project and its results is given in Fonseca and
Urrutia, Hist. Gen. Real Hacienda, i. 372-81.
19
The royal c6dula was dated June (July ?) 2, 1785; the viceroy's letter announcing Basadre's coming to Fages, Jan. 23, 178G; viceroy's letter to Lasuen
on same subject March 1, 178G; Fages' proclamation Aug. 29, 1786, including
regulations for the collection of skins. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 38-9, 52, 1 40Curiously the earliest
5, 204-6; Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., i. 283-4, x. 8-10.
document in the archives relating to the otter is dated Oct. 24, 1785, after
the king's order was issued but before it could have reached California. It is
an order from Fages to Ignacio Vallejo at San Jos6 that if any one goes out to
trade with the Indians for otter-skins he is to be punished. I)ept. St. Pap. S.

Jose,
20

MS.,

i.

March

6, 7.

the audiencia complained that the prices were too high,

since skins could formerly be bought for from one real to SI each; besides
otter, other skins should be collected. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., x. 1, 2.
Sept.
24th, Lasuen replies that the former cheapness resulted from great abundance
and no demand; competition (!) reduced the otters and raised prices; if tho
missions were allowed to trade with China the prices would be still higher; he
intimates that the missions should have a monopoly of the catch; and states
that there are no beavers or martens. Id., x. 3-7, 13-16.
Sept. 15th and 20th,
8, 1787,

FOREIGN RELATIONS AND COMMERCE.

440

We

have seen that La Perouse had been instructed

by the French government, prompted like the Spanish
by Cook's narrative, to make a special investigation
When he arof the fur-trade and its possibilities.
rived at Monterey he found Basadre already there
and the country considerably interested in the subj ect
Don Vicente is spoken of as "a
of his commission.
young man of intelligence and merit, who is to depart
soon for China for the purpose of making there a
treaty of commerce in otter-skins."
La Perouse believed that the new branch of trade might prove to
the Spaniards more profitable than the richest goldmine of Mexico. Pages told him he could furnish
20,000 skins each year, or by means of new establishments north of San Francisco many more. 21 Yet
notwithstanding the temporary enthusiasm of all concerned, this attempt of Spain to build up a profitable
peltry trade in California was a failure.
Basadre, though complaining of obstacles thrown
in his way by Fages, obtained 1,600 otter-skins, with
Fages issued a decree prohibiting gente de razon from acquiring otter-skins,
giving the right exclusively to the Indians and missions. Id., xii. 3; Prov.
July 30, 1788, Lasuen complains to the viceroy that
liec, MS., i. 33-6.
prices are too low, and on Sept. 7tli Fages seems to have issued a new tariff.
Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., i. 289-92, ii. 1. March 18 (or possibly May 18),
The
1 790, a new price-list with regulations in detail was issued in Mexico.
prices were to range from $2 to $7; and neither soldiers nor settlers were prohibited from gathering skins provided they dispose of them properly; but these
regulations probably had no effect in California. Id., ii. 4-8; Dept. St. Pap.
8. Josd,
21

MS.,

i.

31-5.

'We

cannot fail to be astonished that the Spaniards, having so close

and frequent intercourse with China through Manila, should have been ignorant until now of the value of this precious fur. Before this year an otter-skin
was worth no more than two rabbit-skins the Spaniards did not suspect
their value they had never sent any to Europe and Mexico was so hot a
country it was supposed that there could be no market there. I think there
will be in a few years a great revolution in the Russian trade at Kiatcha from
the difficulty they will have to bear this competition. The skins in the south
are a little inferior in quality, but the difference is. .not more than ten per
cent in the sale price. It is almost certain that the new Manila Company
will try to get possession of this trade, which will be a lucky thing for the
Russians, because it is the nature of exclusive privileges to carry death or
sluggishness into all branches of commerce and industry. La Perouse, Vcy.,
ii. 309-11.
The Spaniards do not cease to keep their eyes open to this important branch, in which the king has reserved to himself the right of purchase in the presidios of California. Tiie most northern Spanish establishment
furnishes each year 10,000 otter-skins (?); and if they continue to be sold
advantageously to China, it will be easy for Spain to obtain even 50,COO, and
thus to destroy thecommerce of the Russians at Canton.' Id., iv. 177-8.
;

'

'

;,

THE SPANISH FUR-TRADE.

441

which he returned to Mexico at the end of the year

and proceeded to Manila early in 1787. Before 1790
the whole number of otter-skins from both Californias
sent to Manila on account of the royal treasury under
Basadre's system was 9,729, the total cost at Manila,
including Basadre's salary, being 8 7, 699. 22 In 1786
the Philippine Company had applied through the
house of Cosio for an exclusive privilege of the furtrade; and the government had been willing to grant
it on condition of past expenditures being reimbursed
Basadre
but the company did not accept the terms.
returned to Spain, and the government finally decided in 1790 to drop the project and pay money for
quicksilver, leaving the fur-trade to private

enter-

prise.
22
Fonseca and Urrutia, Hist. Gen. The records of the skins collected are
meagre and incomplete. Oct. 7, 1786, Lieut. Ziiiliga of San Diego speaks of
having some time in the past shipped $2,000 worth to Jose Maria Arce. Prov.
Sept. 15, 1787, Jose" Soberanes charged $55 for dressStat. Pap., MS., vi. 38.
ing 95 otter-skins. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., ix. 6. Oct. 6, I7S7, there
were shipped on the San Carlos and Favorita 267, of which 97 belonged to
presidio of Monterey, 62 to Lieut. Ortega, 56 to San Carlos, and 52 to San
Antonio. Id., ix. 14. July 30, 17S8, Lasuen says to viceroy that Basadre collected from the mission 64 otter-skins worth $405. Arch. Sta. Bdrhara, MS.,
i. 289.
Nov. 9, 1789, commandant of Santa Barbara to governor. He has collected and delivered to Canizares of the A ranzazu 74 otter-skins from Purisima,
79 from Santa Barbara, 81 from San Buenaventura, besides 32 fox-skins.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 146. Aug. 10, 1790, the Procurador Sainpelayo has
collected for otter-skins remitted 1786-9, $1,472 on 169 skins to king; $132
on 18 skins to Basadre. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xii. 4, 5.
23
Date March 29th, Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 144. The following notes
from the archives are all I have found for the period of 1790-1800, and some
of them indicate that notwithstanding the royal order of 1790 some skins
were still bought on government account. Aug. 3, 1791, Sal to Romeu asking
for $823 for 97 skins in Mexico. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 21.
1792, treasury
paid $439 for 59 skins from Santa Barbara Company. Id. xxi. 86.
Dec. 30,
1793, viceroy to court of Spain says some otter and seal skins are sold to
vessels visiting the ports. St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 17.
Feb. 1794,
by order of viceroy otter-skins may be exported free of duty. Prov. Bee, MS.
viii. 141
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi., 159. June 8, 1795, governor to commandant.
King allows Nicolas Manzaneli of San Bias to take otter-skins to
China from California and trade for goods. Prov. Bee, MS., iv. 134. Feb.
23, 1795, the governor explains that the privilege of taking otter along the
coast amounts to nothing since they cannot buy China goods at Canton, a
privilege monopolized by the Philippine Company; yet that company might
,

advantageously take up the fur-trade. It is known that the English are

intriguing for it. By the treaty of Oct. 28, 1790, between Spain and England,
the latter power was prohibited from taking otter within ten leagues of any
part of the coast occupied by the former that is, all of California below San
Francisco and from engaging in illicit trade with the Spanish establish-

ments. Caloo, llecueil complet des Traitcs,

iii.

350-9.

FOREIGN RELATIONS AND COMMERCE.

442

The causes

of failure, without going into petty demainly

as follows the furs obtained in Calitails, were
fornia were less numerous than had been expected, the
natives lacking both skill and implements for otterhunting; the quality was not equal to that of the furs
brought to China from the Northwest Coast; the
tariff of prices fixed by Basadre at first was thought
too high; the royal fur-traders were not content with
a fair profit the Spaniards had no experience or skill
in preparing, assorting, and selling the furs and there
were some diplomatic obstacles to be overcome in
China. No private company ventured to engage in
the trade thus abandoned by the crown; but skins
in small quantities continued for many years to be
collected by natives for the friars, who sent them by
the transports to San Bias, whence they found their
way to the Philippines. Later the American smug:

glers afforded the California traders a better market.

In other branches of commerce there was no develop-

ment whatever. The Philippine galleon was required

to touch at Monterey on each eastward trip, and was
furnished with needed supplies on account of the
royal treasury; but the commanders often did not
24
stop, preferring to pay the fine imposed; but all trade
with this vessel by the missions or by private persons
was strictly forbidden and, except in the form of
occasional smuggling, prevented. 25
Governor Neve
when he left California had in mind a project for
trade with the galleons, which was further agitated
by his successors; but after unfavorable reports had
24
Dans la vue, sans doute, de favoriser le preside de Monterey, on oblige
depuia plusienrs ann^es, le galion revenant de Manille h Acapulco, de relachcr
dans ce port; mais cette relache et cet atterrage ne sont pas si n6cessaires,
que, mOme en temps de paix, ce vaisseau ne pr^fere quelqueiois de continuer
sa route, et de payer une certaine somme, par forme de dedommagement du
bien qiril aurait fait en y relachant. Monneron, in La Peronse, Voy., iv. 122.
23
For orders against trade with the galleon in 1777, 1782, 1783, and 1787,
see Prov. Pec, MS., i. G4-5; Prov. St. Pep., MS., iii. 15-1-6; iv. 99-1C0;
vii. 3S-9.
Nov. 15, 178-1, the governor asks for information on the charge
that a padre and other persons vent on board the galleon and brought off
four bales of goods. Prov. Pec, MS., i. 182.
In December 1785 P. Noriega
denies that there has been any trading between missions and galleon. Monterey, Parroquia, MS., 23.
'

'

PRICES CURRENT.

443

been received from both Soler and Fages, the general

26
I annex in the
decided to continue the prohibition.
form of a note a list of the prices current in California at this epoch.

27

26 Soler, Parecer sohre comercio con el Buque tie China, 1//. de Enero
1787 MS.
Pages, Informe sob re Comercio con Buques de China, IS de Febrero 17S7, MS.
The reasons urged against free trade were, that so far as the soldiers were
concerned better goods were received with greater regularity and at more
uniform prices by the present system; as the galleon could not touch at
all the presidios, a monopoly and inequality would be caused; the soldiers
becoming traders would be distracted from their regular duties ; avarice and
pride would be engendered in California; China goods were not fitted for the
California trade; and there was no money to pay for them.
Yet Soler
favored the trade if the barter of peltries could be included ; and Fages was
disposed to favor taking no notice of the barter of trifling articles by individuals.
July 14, 1786, Gen Ugarte asks Fages for his views on the matter.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 134-5. June 23, 1787, having received the reports, he
renews the old prohibition. Id., vii. 38-9.
27
Jan. 1, 1781, Gov. Neve formed a new arancel in accordance with royal
order of March 21, 1775, and decree of audiencia of Jan. 11, 1776. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., vi. 14, 15; announced to Gen. Croix March 4th. Prov. Pec, MS.,
ii. 41-2; approved by Croix July 27, 1781, and by king Feb. 22, 1782, and
royal approval published by Fages Jan. 12, 1784. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv.
156-8. This arancel given in full under date of Aug. 12, 1782, in Arancel de
Precios, 1782, MS. January 2, 1788, Gov. Fages issued a new arancel which,
however, only included live-stock and agricultural products, or articles likely
to be purchased by the government. Arancel de Precios, 1788, MS. Manuscript copy certified by Gov. Borica, in Entudillo, Doc. Hist. Cal., i. 7; Savage,
Poc. Hist. Cal., MS., 2; Prov. St. Pap., MS., viii. 36-8.
In the following
list the prices of 1788 are given in parentheses
r cedes expressed in 'cents':
Horses, $9 ($3-89); asses ($G-$7); calves ($1.50); bulls (84); sheep (75c. -$2);
swine ($l-$4); cocks (12c.-25c); quail, per doz. (25c); hares (12c); mules,
$10-$20 ($14-620); horses (unbroken, colts, mares, $3); cows (84); oxen (85);
goats (75c-$l); hens (25c-37c)'; pigeons, per pair (25c); rabbits (12c.)
Beef, jerked, per 251bs. (75c); beef, fresh, per 25 lbs. (25c); eggs, per doz. 24c;
hides, untanned (37c); hides, tanned, $2.75 ($2.25); wool, per 25 lbs. ($1.25$2); tallow, per 25 lbs. ($1.25-$2.50); candles, per 25 lbs., $3 ($2.50); lard,
per 25 lbs. $3 ($3); sheep-skin, 50c; deer-skin (25c); dog-skin, 75c; buckWheat, per
skin, or antelope, tanned ($1.25-$1.50); cheese, pcrbb., O^c.
fanega ($2); barlejr per fan. ($1); lentils, per fan., $2.50; maize, per fan.,
$1.50; beans, per fan. ($2.50); peas, per fan. ($1.50-$3); flour, per 25 Bbs.
($1.25-$2); $2 per 25 lbs. to $6 per fanega. Sugar, lb., 25c. ; panocha, lb.,
brandy, pt., 75c; saffron, oz., 50c; olive-oil, jar, $4.37; figs, R>., 12c; gunpowder, ib.,$l; soap, lb., 18c; chocolate, lb., 37c-56c. ; cloves, oz., 62c;
cinnamon, oz., 62c; cumin, oz., 3c; red pepper, lb., 18c; pepper, cz. 6c;
tobacco, lb., $1.25.
Anquera, $1.50; awl, 12c; shield, $2; kettles (caldereta), $1 ; stirrups, wooden, $1 ; gun-case, $1.50; saddle-irons, $1 ; lance, 87c;
penknife, 25c; earthen pot., 12c-18c; plates, 4c-18c; comb, 6c.-50c;
rosary, 3c; ear-rings, pr., 75c; saddle, $12-$16; punch, 25c; cup, 18c;
dagger, 22c; anquera trappings, $2.50; earthen pan, 18c; wooden spoon,
6c; spurs, pr., $1 ; sword, $4.50; gun, $4.50-$16; bridle, $1 ; horseshoes, set,
$1; pocket-knife, 50c; razor, 62c; copper pot, $3.50; paper, quire, 45c;
needles, paper, $1.28; needles, per 24, 12c; bridle-lines, 50c; Holy Christ,
Baize,
75; chisel, 12c; scissors, 37c-62c; screw of gun, 25c; jug, 12c.
yd., 50c; coarse linen (Cotense), yd., 37c-75c; gold-lace, oz., $1.62; silverlace, oz., $1.62; ribbon, yd., 12c. -75c; cotton cloth, yd., 25c -37c; pita twist,
10c; linen (Platilla), yd., 02c; Britannia (linen), yd., 82c -$1.25; Bramant
,

FOREIGN RELATIONS AND COMMERCE.

444

Each year two of the four transports arrived from

San Bias with supplies for presidios and missions, one
usually visiting San Diego and Santa Barbara, and
The Favorthe other San Francisco and Monterey.
it a from 1783 to 1790 made five trips; the Princesa
and San Carlos, or Filipino, each four trips; and the
Aranzazu three. The commanders were Martinez,
Aguirre, Camacho, Tobar, and Canizares.
These annual voyages present nothing requiring attention,
save that in 1784 after the Favorita had sailed from
San Francisco rumors were current of a wreck and
four or five men killed at the mouth of the Pajaro
River, rumors which proved unfounded.
The Manila
touched
Monterey
galleon
at
in 1784 and 1785; and
in 1784 the Princesa arrived from the Philippines
under Capt. Maurelle. 28
In 1788 Martinez with the Princesa and the San
Carlos made a voyage to the Alaska coast and on
his return touched at Monterey, where he remained

with one vessel from September 17th to October

14th, the San Carlos having gone back to San
Bias without stopping. 29 In his northern voyage to
Nootka the next year, in which he captured several
English vessels and very nearly provoked a European war, Martinez did not touch on the California
coasts; but in 1790 the San Carlos and Princesa,
under Fidalgo and Quimper, touched at Monterey
on their return from Nootka in September, and
perhaps brought the Californian memorias by this
yd., 82c; Frieze (jerga), yd., 37c.; silver- thread, oz., $2.25; linen,
domestic, yd., C2c. linen (glazed), yd., 37c.; cloth (ordinary woollen), yd.,
$1.25; silk twist, 82c; sackcloth, yd., 25c Shirt (crea), $3.75; shirt (linen),
$0.00; blankets (pastoras), 1 blankets (cameras), $2; medals, oz., 12c; silk
shawl, $6; hat, $1.12; handkerchiefs, silk, $1.50; stockings (thread), $1.50;
stockings (woollen), 75c; stockings (silk), $4-$4.50; shoes, 75c
28
For records of arrival and departure of the vessels each year see Prov.
St. Pap., MS., iv. 09, 133-4; v. 104-5, 101, 100; vi. 50, 53; vii. 4, 70; viii.
OS, 89, 91-100; ix. 100, 243-4; Prov. Pec, MS., i. 177-8; ii. 95; iii. 124,
200; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., iv. 21; St. Pap. Sac, MS., i. 52, ii.
S. Buenaventura, Lib. Minion, MS., 4; Gacela de Mex., i. ii.; Palou,
16, 17
Not., ii. 393-6.
29
See Hist. Northwest Coast, i.; and Hist. Alaska. See also references of
preceding note.
(linen),

WARNING AGAINST THE

'COLUMBIA.'

445

somewhat roundabout course. 30 The Nootka voyages

will demand our attention in a subsequent volume
of north-western annals.
As a continuation of Californian maritime history
for this period the following order issued by Governor
Fages to Commandant Jose Argtiello of San Francisco May 13, 1789, explains itself, chronicles California's first knowledge of the United States, alludes
to what might have been, but was not, a conflict between the Pacific province and the infant republic of
the Atlantic, and indicates the foreign policy of Spain.
" Should there arrive at the port of San Francisco a
ship named Columbia, which they say belongs to General Washington of the American states, and which
under the command of John Kendrick sailed from
Boston in September 1787 with the design of making
discoveries and inspecting the establishments which
the Russians have on the northern coasts of this peninsula;
you will take measures to secure this vessel
and all the people on board, with discretion, tact,
cleverness, and caution, doing the same with a small
craft which she has with her as a tender, and with
every other suspicious foreign vessel, giving me
prompt notice in such cases in order that I may take
such action as shall be expedient." 31

But Kendrick,

in the

Columbia, had sought a more

northern port than San Francisco, and no narrative of

a naval conflict has place in this chapter. Kendrick's
associate, Gray, in the Lady Washington, however, had
sighted California in latitude 41 28' in August 1788,
Z()
Hist. Northwest Coast, i. 239, etc.; Fidalgo, Viage, 1790, MS.; Id.,
Tah/a,~MS.; Quimper,Segundo i?eccm., MS.; Navarrete, in Sutily Mex., Viage,

lntrod., cxii.
31
Copy certified

by Argiiello July 14, 1789, in St. Pap., Miss, and Colon.,

Also printed translations in Randolph's Oration; Mulchings'
Elliot, in Overland Monthly, iv. 337; S. F. Evening Post, July
A translation in the Library of the California Pioneers seems to
21, 1877.
have been followed by all writers, who have copied the error by which the
Columbia's tender is taken for the boat of the presidio by the aid of which
Argiiello was to effect the capture! Several writers, including Randolph,
Tuthill, Hist. Cat., 117, and Frignet, Californie, 52, have also softened the
governor's stern decree into an order merely to 'examine delicately' or 'receive with great reserve the suspicious crait.

MS., i. 53-4.
Mag., v. 310;

'

FOREIGN RELATIONS AND COMMERCE.

446

and passing northward had strangely identified a cape

32
in 43 with Mendocino.
Similarly ineffective though well meant was an order that came all the way from the court of Spain in
1787, to be published in all parts of California, prescribing an application of cool olive-oil as a reined}^
for niguas, or chigoes, sometimes less elegantly termed

a troublesome insect of tropical America;

but the chigoes, like the Yankees, avoided California,
and the order of Carlos III. remained a nullit}7 in this
part of his possessions. 83
birth, marriage, or death in the royal family was
usually announced with all due formality in this remote corner of the world; and on one occasion a deserter at Monterey, whose descendants still live in
California, took advantage of the general pardon accompanying the news of the happy delivery of the
'jiggers,'

princess.

34

The death

of Carlos III. was announced in February 1789, and orders were issued for the salva fiinebre
and other rites at the presidios, with prayers by all
the padres. 35
Felipe de Neve, ex-governbr, went to Sonora in
the autumn of 1782, as we have seen, to take the position of inspector general with the rank of brigadier.

Early

in

1783 he succeeded

Don Teodoro

de Croix as

commandant general

of the Provincias Internas, a

position second only to that of viceroy among Spanish
officials in America, though Neve, like his prede32

IlasvdVs Voyage, 1787-9, MS.; Hist. Northicest Coast, i. 187.

royal order of Nov. 20, 1786, forwarded by commandant general,
Apr. 22, 1787. St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 51-2.
34
Prov. Bee, MS., i. 159. In 1784 the Princesa was illuminated at
news that royal twins had been born and the president was ordered to announce the birth and give thanks therefor. Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 117;
Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 385. Aug. 1st, Fages notifies commandants that
congratulations may be sent in. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 105. Oct. 14,
1785, the king orders thanksgiving everywhere for birth of Prince Fernando
Maria. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xv. 26. Nov. 4, 1780, Santa Barbara ordered to
fire 21 guns with 23 lbs. of powder on San Carlos day. Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
viii. 89.
Oct. 15, 1785, general pardon published in California on account of
birth of twins Don Carlos and Don Felipe. St. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 5.
35
Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xii. 300.
3J

DEATH OF EX-GOVERNOR NEVE.

447

was independent of viceregal authority. 36 The

choice was a merited recognition of Neve's abilities, but
37
his rule was cut short by death at the end of 1 784.
All
cessor,

that is known of Neve's life has been told in the preceding chapters, and the reader is already aware of
what manner of man he was, able, patriotic, and dignified.
Devoted to the royal service and to the true
interests of California, he formed and followed a well
defined policy, rising above the petty obstacles thrown
in his way by the friars.
The dislike of the latter
was caused almost wholly by Neve's great influence
in Mexico and Spain, and by his opposition to their
far-reaching schemes of unlimited control. Personally
he was courteous and agreeable, more so than many
other officials; but while others followed more or less
faithfully the policy laid down in superior instructions, he largely dictated that policy.
Finding that
the friars would not submit to amicable recognition of
the secular authorities he proposed to restrict their
control of the mission temporalities and of the natives
in the interests of colonization, of real civilization,
and the rights of man. Whether his system or any
36
On appointment as inspector see chap, xviii. Made commandant general
Feb. 15, 1783. Acknowledges Fages' congratulations Feb. G, 1784. April 5,
1784, Fages learns that Neve has been granted $8, COO salary as commandant
inspector. July 12, 1783, royal c<5dula confirming Neve's appointment dated
July 12, 1783. See Prov. Pec, MS., i. 1G6, 188; iii. 182; St. Pap., Sac, MS.,
xv. 18; Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. G2-4; v. 25, 88.
37
He died probably on November 3d, and his death was announced to Gov.
Fages on Nov. 30th. Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 63-4. Fages speaks of his
death on Feb. 1, and April 22, 1785. Prov. Pec, MS., i. 201, ii. 93. Don
Felipe de Neve was a major of the Quer6taro regiment of provincial cavalry
from its organization in 17GG until September 1774, when he was selected by
Viceroy Bucareli to succeed Gov. Bard in the Californias. He assumed the
When the capital was changed he came
office at Loreto on March 4, 1775.
to Monterey, arriving on Feb. 3, 1777.
He made a beginning of colonization
in 1777; offered his resignation, and was made colonel in 1778; prepared in
Subse1779 his new reglamento; and had his quarrel with Serra in 1780.
quently he spent most of his time at San Gabriel superintending the foundation of Los Angeles and making preparations for the Channel missions. On
Aug. 21, 1782, he started for the Colorado River on a campaign against the
murderers of Rivera, but on the way, unexpectedly as it would seem, he received notice of his promotion dated July 12th to be inspector general. In
September he received the cross of the order of San Carlos and at the same
time or a little later the rank of brigadier general. He was made commandant general Feb. 15, 1783, probably; was confirmed July 12, 1783; and died
Nov. 3d of the next year.

FOREIGN RELATIONS AND COMMERCE.

448

possible system could have been successful, considering

the class of colonists obtainable, the character of the
natives, the isolation of California,

and the general cur-

rent of Hispano- American affairs, I seriously doubt;

but unlike some Mexican governors who affected a like
position in later times, Neve was honest in his views

and worked calmly and intelligently for their realizaSuch men would have done all that it was possible to do with half-breed colonists, stupid aborigines,
and opposing priests.
At Neve's death Jose Antonio Rengel was appointed by the audiencia of Guadalajara to the temporary command; and by royal order of October 6,
1785, General Jacobo Ugarte y Loyola was placed in
command, 33 where he remained until 1790. Durin^
~
...
this period there were several subdivisions of the internal provinces, but Ugarte always possessed power
over those of the west, including California. During
the term of Viceroy Galvez, 1785-7, he had authority
over the commandant general, who had before been
independent; and after his death the dependence continued, though not very clearly defined, until 1788.
In 1790 Ugarte was succeeded by Pedro de Nava
under whose rule all subordination of the command
was removed, and in 1792 or 1793 all the provinces
were reunited in one independent command. 39
Viceroy Flores in his instructions to his successor
tion.

3S

Pap., MS., iv. 154-5; v. 63-4; vi. 106; Galvez, Instruction

real 6rden, 1786, pp. 1-56.
3J
Ugarte commanded in person in Sonora and California; had a subordinate in X. Vizcaj-a and New Mexico, and anotlier in Coahuila and Texas; was
subordinate to Viceroy Galvez; but became independent at his death. Instruction's de Vircyes, 124-5; Mayer MSS., No. 8. February 10, 1787, Ugarte informs Fages that by death of Galvez his command again becomes independent.
Prov. St. Pap. MS. vii. 43-5. March 2, 1787, royal order giving Viceroy Flores
the same authority that Galvez had held. Id., vii. 31, viii. 40-1. December
3, 1787, comandancia divided into eastern and western provinces. St. Pap.,
Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 58, CI.
May (or March) 11, 1788, king gave viceroy increased and full powers over Provincias Internas. Mayer MSS., No. 1;
San Miguel, Pep. Mex., 13. July 9, 1788, Viceroy Flores gives Ugarte full
powers. Prov. St. Pap., MS., viii. 5, 6. March 7, 1790, Ugarte succeeded
Prov.

St.

form ad a de
'

by Nava and Ugalde (in eastern provinces) by Rengel. Mayer MSS., No. :2;
November 28, 1790, Nava announces his appointment. Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
1792, all provinces reunited. Escudero, Not. Sonora, 71.
strucciones de Vireyes, 201.

ix. 348.

1703, In-

MEASURES IX MEXICO AND

SPAIN.

449

Revilla Gigfedo in 1789 devoted considerable attention to California and to the importance of its defence
and further colonization, recommending war- vessels
to protect the coast, since an attack by foreigners
was possible and the reconquest would be extremely
reenforcement of soldiers who would later
difficult.
become settlers was likewise proposed for consideration; and the viceroy had also asked the king for a
few families from the Canary Islands to take care of
a large number of foundlings whom he intended to
send to California. 40 During the period, however,
there was practically nothing done in behalf of colonization, beyond allowing discharged sailors in the
ports to be enlisted as settlers or soldiers yet Fages
reported strongly in favor of colonization, since the
missions with their increasing number of neophytes
could not be depended on to supply grain for the pre-

sidios.

41

The

old desire for overland communication with

California had pretty nearly died out.
Fages at the
beginning of 1785 proposed to lead an expedition and

open communication with New Mexico; but the

scheme met with no favor, and was positively forbidden by Viceroy Galvez in his instructions to General Ugarte in 1786, on the ground that small parties
would be exposed to great danger on the route, and
42
large ones could not be spared.
to

40

MS., 22-5.
Prov. Pec, MS., i. 203-4; St. Pap., Sac, ii. 17; Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
v. 1G4.
Feb. 15, 1785, Gen. Rengel forwards orders of king for weather
reports every G months. St. Pap., Sac, MS., xv. 2G. Dec. 31, 1785, the governor renders the only report extant for this decade, describing the climate
as cold and humid, especially at San Francisco, but better for Spaniards than
natives; yet the region is fertile and attractive with ample resources for colonies. The spring rains are as in Spain, and this year have been very abundant.
Ri lotion de Ternperamento 1785, MS.
42
Fages to Gen. Rengel, Jan. 14, 1785. Prov. Pec, i. 186, ii. 104-5; Rengel to Fages, July 1st. St. Pap., Sac, MS., xv. 23; Galvez, Instruction, 178G,
MS., 31; Escudero, Not. Son., 70; Mayer MSS., No. 8. In the diary of an
expedition to the Tulare region in 1806 P. Munoz mentions a report by the
chief of a San Joaquin ranchcria that some twenty years before
1786
party of soldiers had arrived from the other side, killed some of the natives
when attacked, and retired. The padre thinks this must have been a party
from Xew Mexico. Arch. Sta. Barbara, iv. 25-6.
Instrucciones deVireyes, 139-40; Fiords, Instruction,

41

Hist. Cal., Vol.

I.

*29

CHAPTER
RULE OF FAGES

XXII.

LOCAL EVENTS ANt> STATISTICS.

1783-1790.

Plan of Local Annals San Diego Presidial District Presidio Officials Alferez Jose Velasquez Force and Population Buildings Garrison Life Indian Affairs Explorations San Diego
Mission Juan Figueroa Rioboo Material and Spiritual Progress San Juan Capistrano Gregorio Amurrio Pablo Mugartegui San Gabriel Pueblo of Los Angeles Settlers Felix as
Comisionado Presidio of Santa Barbara Plan of Buildings
Volcano Soldiers Killed While Prospecting for Mines San
Buenaventura Presidio of Monterey Official Changes Surgeon
Davila San Carlos Noriega San Antonio San Luis Obispo
Jose Cavaller Presidio of San Francisco Lieutenants Moraga
and Gonzalez Lasso de la Vega Presidio Chapel, The Mission
Francisco Palou Map of the Bay Santa Clara New Church
Murgula Pueblo de San Jose Vaelejo as Comisionado.

During the era of exploration, conquest, and foundation, which was for the most part ended soon after
the beginning of the second decade, the local history
of each new establishment has been a link in the
chain of provincial development so closely united with
affairs of government and the general march of events
as to be susceptible of strict chronological treatment.
Local annals will be to the end an important and
deservedly prominent element in Californian history,
as in any provincial history properly so called; but'
hereafter it will be best, that is, most conducive to a
clear presentment and easy study of the subject, to
group these annals in decades, or other convenient
periods, and to present them side by side with and to
some extent independently of the more formal and
(450)

AFFAIRS AT SAN DIEGO.

451

general narrative which they support and illustrate.

The present chapter I devote to purely local annals
of the missions, presidios, and pueblos during the rule
of Pedro Fages, from 1783 to 1790, a period which
may, however, be regarded practically in most respects
as beginning a year or two earlier, and thus comprising the second decade of Spanish occupation.

extreme south the presidio of San

Diego from 1781 to 1790 and for three years more
was under the command of Lieutenant Jose de Zuhiga,
who, as habilitado, was also intrusted with the company accounts. So far as the records show no complaint was ever made against him in either capacity,
and he not only enjoyed the entire confidence of both
governor and commandant general, but was popular
with his men, and efficient in keeping the savages
1
The second officer was at first Alferez Jose
quiet.
Velasquez, who like Zuhiga was one of the new officers
sent to California under the regulation of 1781, who
did good service among the southern and frontier savages, some of whose explorations I shall have occasion
to mention later, but who died at San Gabriel Novem2
During 1786 the position was vacant,
ber 2, 1785.

To begin

in the

Fages to Gen. Ugarte Nov. 8, 1787, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 4, urges
it would be unsafe to remove Zi'miga in view of his success in ruling the
natives. Capt. Soler wished to put him in command at Santa Barbara so that
under his supervision a stupid alferez might be utilized as habilitado. Id., vii.
1

that

Lieut. Ortega, Ziiiiiga's predecessor, had practically commanded at

its foundation, at first as sergeant in charge of the escolta, and
after March 1774, Id., i. 149, as lieutenant and commandant of the presidio.
Kafael Pedro y Gil, who as guarda-almacen had charge of the accounts before
Zuriiga's time, gave them up on Oct. 19, 1781, and went to San Bias under
arrest to account for a deficit of $7,000. Prov. Pec, MS., i. 118; ii. 70-1.
Pedro y Gil was a native of Baroca in Aragon, married to Dona Josefa de
Chavira y Lerma, a native of Jalisco, by whom he had several children, three
of them born at San Diego. S. Diego, Lib. de Minion, MS., 12, 18, 20. He
came as store-keeper in 1774, asked to be relieved the same year, had a deficit
of 8333 in 1775, and asked again for dismissal before he was ruined. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., i. 234-5, 238. In 1782 his deficit was $6,300. Monterey Co. Arch.,
MS. vii. G. In 1791 he was a revenue-officer in Etzatlan, Jalisco, and again in
debt to the government. Nueva Espaua, Acuerdos, MS., 10.
2
He was buried Nov. 3d by Sanchez in the mission church. San Gabriel,
Lib. de Mision, MS., 8; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., vii. 2. His death was
caused by a sore hand. Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 1G0. In Prov. Pec., MS., ii.
1

14 1G.

San Diego since

452

LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS.

but early the next year Sergeant Pablo Grijalva of

the San Francisco company was made alferez, or sublieutenant, and sent down to take the place, which he
held for the rest of the period. 3
Grijalva, it will be remembered, had come from
Sonora with Anza's San Francisco colon v in 1776.
The sergeant of San Diego had been Juan Jose Robles,
a victim of the Colorado River massacre, and after
his death Guillermo Carrillo served for a time, but
died in December 1782/ and after a vacancy of twT o
years Ignacio Alvarado was promoted from among
the corporals to fill the place from 1784. The presidial force under these officers was by the regulation
to be five corporals and forty-six soldiers, and the
ranks never lacked more than three of being: full. Six
men were constantly on duty at each of the three
missions of the district, San Diego, San Juan Capistrano, and San Gabriel; while four served at the
pueblo of Angeles, thus leaving a sergeant, two
corporals, and about twenty-five men to garrison the
fort, care for the horses and a small herd of cattle,
and to carry the mails, which latter duty was the
hardest connected with presidio service in time of
peace.
There were a carpenter and blacksmith constantly employed, besides a few servants, mostly
natives.
The population of the district in 1790, not
including Indians, was 220. 6
Velasquez had been habilitado, that the office fell to
and that Raimundo Carrillo was to be sent to aid Zuuiga

132, it is implied that

Ziiiiiga at his death,

new duties; but this is certainly an error.

His commission as alferez of the San Diego company was sent by the general Feb. 9, 1787. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 45.
4
San Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS., 79.
5
Company rosters, containing the names of all officers and men, were
made out monthly for each presidio. In the early years only a few of these
rosters for each year have been preserved; but in later times they are nearly
complete. The reglamento gave San Diego $13,000 per year; but the average annual expense as shown by the company accounts was about $10,000.
The average pay- rolls were $12,000j; Mexico memorias, $8,000; and San Bias,
In 1786 supplies to the amount of $3,G53 were bought of the mis$ 3,500.
sions.
Between $400 and $500 were retained from soldiers' pay each year for
the fondo de retention. Military accounts in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS.,
in his
3

21; iii. 14; vi. 4; v. 9; viii. 3-5; xx. G, 7; St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS.
For lists of arms and ammuni1G9-70; Monterey Co. Arch., MS., vii. 0.
tion see St. Pap., Sac., MS., ii. 2G-7, v. 25; Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 1 70-9.
ii.

i.

BUILDINGS AXD IXDIAN AFFAIRS.

453

Respecting the presidio buildings during this period

the records are silent; but in view of Governor Neve's
efforts in this direction, of the fact that the work of
collecting foundation stones was begun as early as
1778, and especially because the correspondence of
the next decade speaks of extensive repairs rather
than original construction, I suppose that the palisades were at least replaced by an adobe wall enclosing the necessary buildings, public and private. Here
on the hill lived about one hundred and twenty-five
persons, men, women, and children.
Each year in
summer or early autumn one of the transport vessels
entered the harbor and landed a year's supplies at the
embarcadero several miles down the bay, to be brought
up by the presidio mules. Every week or two small
parties of soldier-couriers arrived from Loreto in the
south or Monterey in the north with ponderous despatches for officials here and to the north, and with

Each day of festival a friar

items of news for all.
came over from the mission to say mass and otherwise
care for the spiritual interests of soldiers and their
families; and thus the time dragged on from day to
day and year to year, with hardly a ripple on the sea
of monotony.

There was an occasional rumor of intended hostilities by the natives, but none resulted in anything
serious, most of the trouble occurring south of the
line in Baja Californian territor}^ and requiring some
attention from Fages during his southern trip in the
spring of 1783. Here in the south, as in fact throughout the country, the natives were remarkably quiet
and peaceful during Fages'. rule. This is shown by
the meagre records on the subject in connection with
the well known tendency of the Spaniards to indulge
in long correspondence on any occurrence that can
6
possibly be made to appear like an Indian campaign.
c
June 30, 1783, Fages to Padre Sales, in Prov. Bee, MS., iii. 218, says
that he has ordered a sally against the Colorado Indians; and Oct. 20, Id.,
201, he orders Sergt. Arce with a guard of 4 or 5 men to watch those Indians,

454

LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS.

Neve's instructions on leaving California had included

a recommendation to open a new and safer route from
San Diego to the peninsula. The exploration seems
to have been made, and the result, saving ten or
twelve leagues of distance and avoiding some dangerous bands of coast natives, was approved by General
Rengel in 1786. 7 At the end of May 1783 Alferez
Velasquez made a reconnoissance eastward from San
Diego with a view to examine a new route to the
Colorado River recommended by Lasuen. He went
no farther than the summit of the mountains, found
the route impracticable, and returned by another way
after an absence of four days. 8
In October of the
same year Velasquez had instructions from Fages to
visit the Colorado, to examine a ford .said by the
natives to exist near the mouth, to recover as many
horses as possible without using force, and to keep a
9
full diary of the trip; but it seems that no such exIn 1785, however, Fages in
ploration was made.
person made a similar reconnoissance accompanied by
Velasquez, whose diary has been preserved. 10 This
trip was made from the frontier where Fages had
been searching for a mission site, the outward march
being in what is now Lower California, but a portion
the guard to be relieved every 15 days. Aug. 21st, Zuniga to Fages states
that the Serrauos have killed a neophyte and threaten to attack the mission.
He has taken steps to keep them in check. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 77.
Nov. 15, 1784, governor to general, that a deserter, Hermenegildo Flores (an
Indian probably) has been killed by the Indians. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 181-2.
Oct. 7, 1786, Zuniga to Fages, that he has sent 7 men to reconnoitre TomgaDec. 21, 1788, the soldier Mateo Rubio
yavit. Prov. St. Pcqj., MS., vi. 38.
seriously injured while loading a gun. Id., viii. G8.
iProv. St. Pap., MS., iii. 131-3; Id., Ben. Mil, MS., iv. 18; vi. 113-14.
Some details respecting the new route are given.
8
Velasquez, Diarioy Ma/pa de un Reconocimiento desde S. Diego, 1783, MS.,
with a rude sketch of the route, which although the earliest map of this
region extant, I do not deem worth reproducing.
9
Prov. Pec., MS., iii. 188-90.
10
Velasquez, Relacion del Viaje que hizo el Gobcrnador Fages, 17S5, MS. A
continuation of the title explains the document: 'Diary made by order of
Gov. Fages of the exploration made by him in person from- the frontier,
crossing the sierra, wandering from the mouth of the Colorado River to the
gulf of California, passing through the country of the Camillares, Cucupae?,
Guyecamaes, Cajuenches, and Yumas; and his return across said sierra to
The trip lasted from April
this presidio.' Dated San Diego, April 27, 17S5.
7th to 20th.

SAN DIEGO MISSION.

455

of the return north of the line across the sierra to

San Diegfo. There was one fcht in which the natives
were punished for having killed a horse as well as for
previous offences with which they were charged. The

narrative is long and filled with petty details, without

value for the most part, but which might be of some
geographical interest if presented in full and studied
in connection with an accurate topographical map, did
such a thing exist. It may be noted here that Fages
in 1782 had crossed directly from the Colorado to San
I apDiego, the first recorded trip over that route.
pend a chart made by Juan Pantoja in 1782, which
was copied by La Perouse in substance. 11
At the mission six miles up the river there was a
total change in the missionary force about the middle
of the decade, caused by the death of one of the
ministers and promotion of another.
Juan Figuer
after seven years of service in this field died December 18, 1784, 12 and was buried in the mission church
For about a year Fermin Francisco de
next day.
Lasuen served alone, until in November 1785 the
duties of his new position as president called him to
San Carlos, and his place was taken by Juan Mariner.
Juan Antonio Garcia Rioboo was associate until October 1786, and was then succeeded by Hilario Tor11
Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, Atlas; La Perouse, Voy., Atlas.
I omit the
soundings.
12
San Diego, Lib. de Mi&ion, MS., 80, containing his jpartida de entierro
signed by Lasuen. Figuer was a native of Anento in Aragon, and became a
Franciscan at Zaragoza. Of his coming to America and to San Fernando college I have found no record.
With 29 companion friars for the Californo a
he arrived at Tepic from Mexico at the end of 1770, and with about 19 of the
number sailed for Loreto in February 1771. The vessel was driven down to
Acapulco and in returning was grounded at Manzanillo. Most of the padre
returned to Sinaloa by land, but Figuer and Serra intrusted themselves again
to the sea, when the San Carlos was got off, and after a tedious voyage
reached Loreto in August 1771. Figuer was assigned to the Baja Califonii.ai
mission of San Francisco de Borja.
In November 1772 he was sent up to
San Diego by Palou in company with Usson, both being intended for the
proposed mission of San Buenaventura; but that foundation being postponed
Figuer became minister of San Gabriel in May 1773. He served at San
Gabriel 1773-4; at San Luis Obispo Oct. 1774 to June 1777; and at San Diego
until his death in Dec. 1784.
He was buried in the mission church on Dec.
19th, by his associate Lasuen. In 1804 his remains, with those of the martyr
Jaume and of Mariner, were transferred with all due solemnity to a new sepulchre under an arch between the altars of the new church.
;

456

rens.

LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS.

The three

last

named

friars

were new-comers,

Rioboo having been sent up by the guardian

in the

vessel of 1783 at Serra's request for supernumeraries,

and the other two having arrived in 1785 and 1786,

^Mission de S.Diego 5

"

Map

Po.y Pancheria de "las

Choyas

op Sax Diego, 1782.

doing their first work at San Diego. Rioboo is not

heard of after he left this mission, and I suppose him
13
to have retired to his college at the end of 1786.
13
Juan Antonio Garcia Rioboo, who should properly be spoken of as
Garcia-Rioboo, whose last name should perhaps be written Riobo, and of

LASUEN'S REPORT.

457

In June 1783 Lasuen sent to Serra a report on the

mission of San Dieox>, which included an outline of its
past history, already utilized in the preceding chapters, and a statistical statement of agricultural progress, intended to show that the place was wholly unfit
for a mission, although the spiritual interests of the
converts made it necessary to keep up the establishdement, there being no better site available.
buildings
mission
then
in existence
scription of the
accompanied the other papers. 14 There were at this

time 740 neophytes under missionary care, and Lasuen

estimated the gentiles within a radius of six or eight
In 1790 the
leagues at a somewhat larger number.
converts had increased to 856, of this number 486
having been baptized and 278 having died. Large
stock had increased from 654 to 1,729 head, small
stock from 1,391 to 2,116, and the harvest of 1790
had aggregated about 1,500 bushels. In his general
report of 1787 on the state of the missions Fages,
repeating the substance of Lasuen 's earlier statements
respecting the sterility of the soil, affirms that only
about one half of the neophytes live in the mission,
since they cannot be fed there, that the gentiles are
life I know nothing, came from San Fernando college to Tepic
probably in the same company as Figuer (see note 12), in October 1770. He
crossed over to the peninsula with Gov. Barri in January 1771, and was put
In May 177.3 he sailed
in charge of the two pueblos near Cape San Liicas.
from Lore to on his way to his college. We hear nothing more of him until
he was assigned to the Santa Barbara Channel missions, but refused to serve
under the new system proposed. Later, however, he was sent up with Noboa
as supernumerary, arriving at San Francisco June 2, 1783, and spendir g his
time at San Francisco, San Juan, and San Gabriel until he came to San
Die^o in 1785. It is probable that even here he was not regular minister.
14
Lasuen, Ivfcrme ale 1783, MS. Hayes' Mission Booh, 89-98. The report
was first dated May 10th, but Serra having ordered it kept back probably
in the fear that he might have to show it to the secular authorities
the
author made some additions under date of June 21st. The buildings were:
Church, 30 x 5.5 varas; granary, 25 x 5.5 varas; storehouse, 8 varas; house
for sick women, 6 varas; house for men, 6 varas; shed for wood and oven; 2
padres' houses, 5.5 varas; larder, 8 varas; guest-room; hato; kitchen.
These
were of adobe and from 3 to 5.5 varas high. With the soldiers' barracks
these buildings filled three sides of a square of 55 varas, and the fourth side
was an adobe wall 3 varas high, with a ravelin a little higher. Outside, a
fountain for tanning, 2 adobe corrals for sheep, etc., and one corral for cows.
Most of the stock was kept in San Luis Valley 2 leagues away, protected by

whose early

palisade corrals.

LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS.

458

numerous and dangerous, and that it is only by the

unremitting toil and sacrifice of the padres in connection with the vigilance of governor and commandant
that this mission has managed to maintain a precarious existence.

standing

He

all difficulties

adds, however, that notwith-

San Diego was the

to register a thousand baptisms.

first

mission

15

Of San Juan Capistrano

there is little to be said

beyond naming its ministers and presenting a few
statistics of conversion and of industrial progress.
Lands were fertile, ministers faithful and zealous,
natives well disposed, and progress in all respects satisfactory.
Fages in his report of 1787 alludes briefly
to this establishment as in a thoroughly prosperous condition.
The number of converts was nearly doubled
prior to 1790, and an occasional scarcity of water was
the only drawback, apparently not a serious, one, to
agricultural operations. 16
Of the original ministers
who served at San Juan from the founding in 1776,
Gregorio Amurrio had left the mission and probably
the country in the autumn of 1779, 17 and had been succeeded by Vicente Fuster, who at the end of 1787
was transferred to Purisima, his place being filled by
Juan Jose Norberto de Santiago, who had come from
Mexico the year before and from Spain in 1785.
Ivforme General sobre Misiones, 1787, MS. Owing to peculiartraits
Diego Indians they were left more completely under missionary
control than at other missions, there being no alcaldes. Id., 77-8.
16
Converts in 1783, 383; in 1793, 741; new baptisms, 569; deaths, 140.
Large stock had increased from 473 to 2,473; and small stock from 1,175 to
Agricultural products for 1790 were over 3,000 bushels.
5,500.
17
Amurrio was one of the party who with Figuer (see note 12) was wrecked
He
at Mauzanillo in attempting to cross from San Bias to Loreto in 1771.
came back to Sinaloa by land, reached Loreto in November, and served at Santa
Gcrtrudis during the brief occupation of the peninsula by the Franciscans.
At the cession he came with Palou to San Diego in August 1773. Here he
remained until April 1774, when he sailed for Monterey, subsequently serving
most of the time as supernumerary at San Luis Obispo until the attempted
foundation of San Juan in October 1775. The next year he spent chiefly at
San Diego, was present as minister at the successful foundation of San Juan on
Nov. 1, 1770; and his last entry in the books of that mission was in September
of 1779.
I think he sailed in the transport of that year for San Bias, retiring
on account of impaired health.
15
Fages,
of the San

ANNALS OF SAN GABRIEL.

Pablo

459

Mug&rtegui, the other founder, left Cali1S

fornia at the end of 1789, Fuster having returned in
September to serve with Santiago during the last year
cle

of the decade.

At San

19

San Diego
Antonio Cruzado and Miguel

Gabriel, the third mission of the

military jurisdiction,

Sanchez served together throughout this decade as in

the next and a large part of the preceding, the former
having: begun his service in 1771 and the latter in
1775, while both died at their posts after 1800. They
had Jose Antonio Calzada as a supernumerary associate from 1788 to 1790. They baptized on an average
a hundred converts each year, half of whom soon
In neophyte numbers San Gabriel was second
died.
only to San Antonio, while in live-stock and farm
products this mission had in 1790 far outstripped all
the rest. 20 The governor alludes to it as having often
relieved the necessities of other establishments in both
Californias, and as having enabled the government to
carry out important undertakings that without such
Prosperity did
aid would have been impracticable.
not however carry in its train much excitement in the
way of local events, and the calm of this mission of
18
Pablo de Mugartegui came to California with Serra on that friar's return
from Mexico, arriving at San Diego March 13, 1774. Being in poor health he
remained for some time unattached to any mission, first serving as supernumerary at San Antonio from January to July 1775. He was minister at
San Luis Obispo from August 1775 until November 1776, and at San Juan as
we have seen from November 1770 until November 1789. He writes to Lasuen
on Jan. 30, 1794, from the college, that he had been very ill but was now out
From Aug. 16, 1786, he held the office of vice-president of the
of danger.
California missions, having charge of the southern district.
Taylor, in Cat.
Farmer, July 24, 1863, says, erroneously I suppose, that he died on March 6,
1805, at San Buenaventura.
19
Much of the information respecting the friars in charge I have obtained
from San Juan Capistrano, Lib. de Minion, MS. Among the visiting padres
who officiated here during the period and before were Serra, Oct. 1778; Figuer,
June 1780; Miguel Sanchez, May 1782; Lasuen, Oct. 1783; Bioboo, Feb. 1784;
Mariner, Oct. 1785; Jose Arroita, Dec. 1786; Jos6 Antonio Calzada, April 17S8;
Torrens, Cct. 1788; and Cristobal Oramas, Dec. 1788 to Jan. 1789.
Thus we
see that San Juan for some not very clear reason was much less isolated in
respect of visitors tlian San Diego.
* Neophytes in 1783,
638; in 1790, 1,040. Baptisms during period, 818;

deaths, 4G6.
Increase of large stock, 8G0 to 4,221; small stock, 2,070 to
6,013.
Harvest in 1790, 6,150 bushels.

LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS.

4C0

the great archangel on the river of earthquakes was

disturbed only by one or two slight troubles, or rumors
In October 1785 the
of trouble, with the natives.
neophytes and gentiles were tempted by a woman, so
at least said the men, into a plan to attack the misThe corporal in command
sion and kill the friars.
prevented the success of the scheme without bloodshed, and captured some twenty of the conspirators.
Fages hurried south from the capital, put the four
ringleaders in prison to await the decision cf the
commandant general, and released the rest with fifteen
or twenty lashes each. Two years later came General
Ugarte's order condemning one native, Nicolas, to six
years of work at the presidio followed by exile to a
The woman was sent into perpetual
distant mission.
exile, and the other two were dismissed with the two
years' imprisonment already suffered. 21 Again in July
1786 a gentile chieftain was arrested on a charge presented by the chief of another rancheria that he had
threatened hostilities, but the accusation proved to
or no foundation. 22
The annals of the adjoining pueblo, Our Lady,
Queen, or Saint Mary, of the Angels on the Rio de
Porciuncula have already been brought down in a
general way to the distribution of lands in the autumn
of 1786. 23 By the end of the decade the number of

have

little

settlers

had been

recruited, chiefly from soldiers

who

had served out

their time, from nine to twenty-eight,

who with their families made up a total population of
one hundred and thirty-nine. 24 All of the original
pobladores who received a formal grant of their lands
in

1786 remained except Rosas. 25

Sebastian Alvitre

21
Fages to Gen. Ugarte Dec. 5, 30, 1785, in Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 131-2;
Ugarte to Fages, Dec. 14, 1787, in Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., vi. 11G-17.
22
Zimiga to Fages, Aug. 15, 1786, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 35-6.
23
See chapter xvi., this volume.
24

An

estado of

August

17, 1790,

makes the

total 141.

Males, 75; females,

Unmarried, 91; married, 44; widowed, 6. Under 7 years, 47; 7 to 16

years, 33; 16 to 29 years, 12; 29 to 40 years, 27; 40 to 90 years, 13; over
90 years, 9. Europeans, 1; Spaniards, 72; Indians, 7; mulattoes, 22; mestizos,
39. Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 152.
25
The 20 new settlers were Domingo Aruz, Juan Alvarez, Joaquin Ar66.

HAPPENINGS AT LOS ANGELES.

461

had proved unmanageable at San Jose and after four

or five years of convict life at the presidio had been
The settlers were not a
sent to Angeles for reform.
community,
but
they
seem to have given
very orderly
some attention to their fields, since the pueblo produced in 1790 more grain than any of the missions
Their dwellings,
except San Gabriel, its neighbor.
twenty-nine in number, were of adobes, like the public
town hall, barrack, guard-house, and granaries; and
all were enclosed within an adobe wall, there being
26
also a few buildings outside the wall.
Vicente Felix was at first corporal of the pueblo
guard furnished by the San Diego presidio; but he
soon developed special ability and interest in general
management and was made a kind of director before
1784.
Though some complaints were made against
him by the settlers, and Zuhiga at one time favored his
removal, the governor's confidence was not shaken,
and he finally made him comisionado, intrusting to
him the management not only of the pueblo but of
27
its alcalde and re^idores,
he beinsf responsible to the
governor through the commandant of Santa Barbara
for any failure of those officials to attend properly to
their duties. Fages' instructions to Felix were dated
Jan. 13, 1787, and required the latter to see that the
menta, Juan Ramirez Arellano, Sebastian Alvitre, Roque Cota, Faustino Jose
Cruz, Juan Jose" Uominguez, Manuel Figueroa, Felipe Santiago Garcia,
Joaquin Higuera, Juan Jose Lobo, Jose Ontiveros, Santiago de la Cruz Pico,
Francisco Reyes, Martin Reyes, Pedro Jose Romero, Efigenio Ruiz, Mariano
Verdugo, Jose' Villa, besides Vicente F6hx, corporal and comisionado. In
1780 there had been 5 additional names: Jos6 Silvas, Rejis Soto, Francisco
Lugo, Mclecio Vald6s, and Rafael Sepulveda, or at least lands were ordered to
be granted to these men. Nine only drew pay and rations in 1789. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., v. 29-36; ix. 120, 159-63; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., x. 2-6;
St. Pop., Miss., i. GG-72.
Large stock had increased from 340 to 2,980 head;
small stock from 210 to 438; and the crops of 1790 amounted to 4,500 bushels.
26
Prov. St. Pap., Miss., MS., i. G8, 71. Aug. 10, 1785, 35 pounds powder
and 800 bullets sent to Angeles as reserve ammunition for settlers. Prov. Rec,
MS., ii. 7. Nov. 9, 1780, Goycoechea to Fages, will take steps to stop excesses. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 57.
May 8, 1787, commandant general congratulates Fages on progress reported. Id., vii. 41. Pueblo called Santa Maria
de loa Angeles. St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 125.
-7
Prov. Per., MS., i. 163-4; Prov. St. Pap., v. 180; ix. 105, 119-20, 225-6.
Jos6 Vanegas was the first alcalde in 17S8; Jose" Sinova the second in 1789,
with Felipe Garcia and Manuel Camero as regidores; and Mariano Verdugo
the third in 1790.

LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS.

4G2

performed all the duties, complied with all

the conditions, and enjoyed all the privileges enjoined
by the regulation; to watch and instruct and cooperate
with the alcalde in his efforts to insure good order and
settlers

and morality; and to attend to the carryingout of some very judicious regulations which are
included in the document respecting the treatment
of the natives and their employment as laborers/28
justice

At the Channel
maintained was

presidio of Santa Barbara the force

from fifty to fifty-four privates, two

two or three sergeants, an

and a
lieutenant.
Of
force fifteen men at first and
later ten were stationed at San Buenaventura, fifteen
at Purisima, and from three to six at Santa Barbara
after those missions were founded, and two generally
at Los Angeles. The so-called white population of this
presidial district was about two hundred and twenty,
29
or three hundred and sixty with Los Angeles.
Lieutenant Jose Francisco Ortega, the original
commandant, retained his position together with that
of habilitado, until January 17.84, when he was sent
to the peninsula frontier and Lieutenant Felipe do
Goycoechea came up to take his place, which he held
until 1804.
Ortega was removed by the general at
the request of Soler, who alone found fault with the
lieutenant, and who as we knew was a chronic faultfinder.
Soler subsequently complained of the new
commandant's lack of application, and wished to put
in the place Zuniga with a stupid habilitado or Ortega
corporals,

alferez,

this

28

Fages, Instruction para

el

cabo de

la

Escolta del pueblo de Los Angeles corno

Comisionado por el gobierno para dirigir al alcalde y d los regido7-es, 1787, MS.
29
The Santa Barbara situado by the reglamento was $14,472; average payroll, $13,500; average memorias of supplies, $12,500; average total of habilitado's accounts, 20,000, of which about $6,000 was a balance of goods on
hand fondo de gratification, $2,000, and fondo de retention, $1,000 in 1784;
fondo de invdlidos and Montepio, $427 in 1782. Company accounts in Prov. St.
Pap., Presidios, MS., i. 2, 90; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., ii. 1, 8, 20-2,
Inventories of arma38-9; iii. 18; iv. 22; vi. 3; viii. 13; ix. 3, 4; xiv. G, 7.
ment in Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 96-9; vii. 86; St. Pap., Sac, MS., i. G. 7.
A list of inhabitants with families, age, etc., showing 07 male heads of families, dated Dec. 31, 1785, in St. Pap., Miss., MS., i. 4-9.
;

SANTA BARBARA PRESIDIO.

463

with an able one, but Fages could not spare Zuiiiga

from San Diego. In 1786, however, in consequence
of the vacancy caused by the death of Moraga at San
Francisco, the governor offered Ortega his choice of
the presidios, and he at first chose Santa Barbara, but
finally took command of Monterey.
Jose Argiiello
was company alferez from the beginning down to
April 1787, when he was promoted to the command
of San Francisco, leaving a vacancy not filled until

The sergeants were Pablo Antonio Cota

and Ignacio Olivera, with Raimundo Carrillo after
after 1790.
33

perhaps from 1783.

Work on the presidio buildings was pushed forward, in the Hispano-Californian sense, throughout
the period, and the commandant's communications to
Fages on plans and progress, on delays and accidents,
on the making of adobes and tiles or the receipt of
beams, on laborers and their wages, and on other
matters connected with the structure were very numerous. 81 The building material was chiefly adobe,
though mortar, or cement, was used in some buildings, and the outer or main wall stood on a foundation of stone.
Roofs were for the most part of tiles,
supported by timbers which were brought down by
the transports from the north.
The laborers were
1781,

30
Ortega appointed commandant of Sta. Barbara Sept. 8, 1781. Prov. St.
Pap., Presidios, MS., i. 1, 2. Ortega removed for incompetency, not understanding his own accounts. Soler, June 7, 1787, in Prov. St. Pup., MS., vii.
Soler to Fages, May
115. Ortega and Goycoechea ordered to change places.
Goycoechea's commission sent to
14, 1783, in Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 120-1, 132.
him Jan. 17, 1783. Id., iii. 55. Goycoechea arrived at San Diego en route
north Aug. 24, 1783. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 78. Ortega gave up command
Jan. 25, 1784. Prov. Pec, MS., i. 162; ii. 4.
Ortega thanks Fages for offer
of any presidio, and selects Santa Barbara Jan. 3, 1787. Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
vii. 175.
Soler's complaints against Goycoechea and suggestion of changes
March and June, 1787. Id., 114-15, 135. Argiiello left for San Francisco in
April, 1787. There was some correspondence about Goycoechea giving up the
habilllacion. Id., 59, G7.
Ugarte to Fages Oct. 25, 1787. The viceroy will
fill the vacant place of alferez. Id., 31.
Hermenegildo Sal was one of the
sergeants at the foundation but left the company very soon. Prov. St. Pap.,
Ben. Mil., MS.
It would serve no useful purpose to refer here to the hundreds of company rosters and similar documents scattered through different

archives and which have afforded me much information.

31
Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 143-44; v. 155, 1G7; vi. 48, 50, 55, 59, G2-3, 68,
72; vii. G, 7; viii. 90, 114; ix. 108, 1G8, 173; xii. G0-1.

LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS.

464

the soldiers themselves, some thirty sailors obtained

at different times from the San Bias vessels, and natives who were paid for their work in wheat.
The
officers
for
soldiers and
contributed about $1,200
the
work from 1786 to 1790, an amount which seems
however to have been returned to them later as a
17

>18
-

,-

119

12

4-U

19

9
9..

--3

-3--.3--

-.9
-9

34

PLAZA

+3

330 Feet

Square
..9

4-3-3--

43-3--

4-3

13

TTT

nn

XX

t
5

15

-6
14

ie

Plan of Santa Barbara Presidio,

1788.

The

best description of the result is the

annexed plan which was sent by Goycoechea to Fages
in September 1788. At that time the western line of
houses were not roofed and the outer walls were not
yet besfun; but before the end of 1790 at least three
32
The natives
sides of the main wall had been built.
gratuity

32

1,

15 x 24

chief entrance, 12 ft.; 2, storehouses, 16 x 61 ft.;

ft.
4, false door, roofed, 9 ft. ; 5, church 24 x 60
;

3,
ft.

18 family houses,
6, sacristy, 12 x

EVENTS AT SANTA BARBARA.

4C5

as hired laborers worked well,

the presidio to be dealt out in

and the grain raised at

wages was so abundant
1785 orders came from the general not to sow

that in
any that year. 33
The discovery of a so-called volcano in 1784 was
the source of some local excitement, and was duly
The volcano was a
reported to Mexico and Arizpe.
league and a half west of the presidio at a bend or
break in the shore line, and about a thousand varas
The ground was so hot that the
in circumference.
approached;
fire issued from thirty
centre could not be
different places with a strong fume of sulphur; and
the heat of the rocks caused the water to boil when
There was no
the spot was covered at high tide.
crater proper, or rather it was covered up with fragments of rock and with ashes. Fages went in person
to examine the sulphurous phenomenon and learned
from the natives that the volcano had been long in
operation. 34

The

aborigines in this district gave the Spaniards

very little trouble beyond the occasional theft of a
cow or sheep from the mission herds, engaging in
hostilities among themselves, or rarely committing
outrages on neophytes which called for Spanish interference. In August 1790 Sergeant Olivera with eight
men went in search of an Indian deserter, and were
instructed also to prospect for mines. While the force
was scattered somewhat in the search for minerals,
they were attacked by a large number of Indians
of the Tenoqui rancheria and driven away with
the loss of two soldiers killed, Espinosa and CarIon.

Goyeoechea* was blamed by Fages for having

15 ft.; 7, alferez' suite, 3 rooms; 8, commandant's suite, 4 rooms; 9, 15 family

houses, 15 x 27 ft. ; 10 chaplain's 2 rooms; 11, sergeant's house, 10 x 45 ft.;
12, quarters and guard-room; 13, corrals, kitchen, and dispensi of alferez;
14, corrals, kitchen, and dispensa of commandant; 15, chaplain's corral; 10,
western bastion; 17, eastern bastion; 18, corrals.
iZ
Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 244; Prov. Pec, MS., i. 171, 185. In 1787,
however, the wheat crop was destroyed by rain and snow, which caused the
'

seed to rot. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. G5.

Z
-Prcv. Pec, MS., i. 181; ii. 119-20; St. Pap., Sac, MS., xv. 19.
Hist. Cal., Vol.

I.

30

LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS.

4G6

engaged

mining operations at the risk of his

in

diers' lives.

sol-

35

At San Buenaventura,
Channel missions, Dumetz

the southernmost of the

and Santa Maria, the first

regular ministers, served with much zeal and success

throughout the decade, increasing the list of neophytes
from 22 to 388, baptizing 498, and losing 115 by death.
Large stock increased from 103 to 961; small stock
from 44 to 1,503; and the crops of 1790 were over
The surrounding gentiles were always
3,000 bushels.
friendly, but on account of their large numbers a
larger guard was stationed there than at other missions, 15 men at first, and later only 10.
Sergeant
Pablo Antonio Cota commanded until the end of 1788,
when on complaint of the padres Sergeant Raimundo
Carillo

was put

33
in his place.

The missions

of Santa Barbara and Purisima, belonging to this military district, as new establishments
have been disposed of in the preceding chapter.

The regulation called for a presidial force at

Monterey of fifty-two men under a lieutenant and
35

Goycoechea to Fages, Sept.

1790, in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS.,

1783,
to be
deferred. Prov. Pec, MS., iii. 130.
Indian Captain Chico killed by captain
of Najalayegui rancheria and others May 27, 1785. Prov. St. Pap., MS., v.
157.
July 1787, Four neophytes fled and with pagans attacked a rancheria,
killing 5 in retaliation for the killing of 13 of their kinsmen. Id., vii. 92.
July 26th, Playanos have killed some cattle at Angeles, but sickness in the
company prevents chastisement at present. Id., 08. Oct. 30th, When Lieut.
Gonzalez passed through Espada rancheria a woman was cut in pieces or
perhaps in several places for refusing to yield to the wishes of a soldier. Id.,
In August 1787 there was an expedition to punish pagans for out70-1, 91.
rages on neophytes.
Several arrests were made and some fugitives brought
in.
The Calahuasat rancheria was the principal one involved. Id., 70-7.
Jan. 1788, Sergt. Cota went to the Tachicos rancheria in the mountains to
catch a neophyte thief, but was attacked and had to kill 3 and wound 8. Id.
2,

Romeu, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 148. Sept. 17,

Attack on Conejo and Escorpion rancherias, who have stolen cattle,

ix.

6-8; Fages to

viii. 123.
3G

Fages in his report of 1787 refers to San Buenaventura as having

progress in all respects except that the church is a very
poor affair. St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 133-5. Seven houses for
families completed by May 12, 1788. Prov. St. Pap., MS., viii., 109. Oiiveia
See S. Buenaventura, Lib. de
replaced by Carillo, Oct. 1788. Id. 118, 122.
Mision, MS., for names of soldiers, children, etc.

made very satisfactory

ANNALS OF MONTEREY.

467

and the number during this decade never fell

below fifty, though, including invalids, it was sometimes
as high as sixty-two; and there were, besides, a surgeon
guard of six men
and two or three mechanics.
was kept at each of the three missions of San Carlos,
San Antonio, and San Luis Obispo; and four men
were furnished for San Jose pueblo beyond the limits
of the district, which had in 1790 a population of
gente de razon numbering two hundred. At the same
time the presidio herds numbered four thousand head
37
of live-stock great and small.
Lieutenant Diego Gonzalez, like Zuniga one of the
new officers who came under the regulation of 1781,
was commandant until July 1785, when he was sent
The commandant at Monterej'
to San Francisco.
played a less prominent part in history, or at least in
the records, by reason of the governor's presence, and
little is known of Gonzalez' acts here save that he
was arrested at the governor's orders for insubordination, gambling, and smuggling; but we shall hear of
him again. The alferez of the company, and also
habilitado, was Hermenegildo Sal, who had come to
California as a private with Anza in 1776. Sal became
acting commandant on the departure of Gonzalez, and
held that position until 1787.
He would probably
have kept the command had it not been for his quarrels
already alluded to with Captain Soler, whose ill-will
he incurred and who claimed to have discovered a
serious deficit in his accounts. It was in August 1787
that the charge was made, and Sal was placed under
arrest by order of the governor, his property being
attached and two thirds of his pay being kept back
at first, and later all but two reals per day.
Correspondence on this matter was quite extensive, 88 and
alferez,

37

Situado allowed by reglamento, $17,792; pay-roll, about $13,000; total

Company accounts in Arch. Cal.

of habilitado's yearly accounts, $35,000.

passim.
38
Letters of Sal, Soler, and Fages in Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 00-1, 120,
130, 143, 167-8; viii. 41-2, 54-5; ix. 140-1; x. 1G2-3; Prov. St. Pap., Pen.
JUL, MS., x. 10, 11; iii. 0; Prov. Pec, MS., i. 33-4.

LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS.

4GS

shows

tliat

though Sal was personally somewhat

involved in debt, the charge of defalcation in connection with the company accounts was unfounded.
Instead of owing the company $3,000, the company
owed him about 600. It required three years to set
Don Hermenegildo right, and in the mean time Ortega,
whom it had been intended to restore to his old presidio of Santa Barbara, came to take the command
and the office of habilitado at Monterey instead, from
September 1787. 39 The sergeant of the company was
Mariano Verdugo until 1787, succeeded by Manuel
Vargas.
The surgeon was Jose Davila. 40
Beyond matters connected with the government,
with the visit of La Perouse, and with other events
of general interest recorded in preceding chapters
there is nothing to be said of this presidio except to
note a conflagration that occurred August 11, 1789.
In firing a salute to the San Carlos on her arrival in
port the wad of the cannon set fire to the tule roofing,
and about one half of the buildings within the square
were destroyed. Repairs were far advanced by the
end of 1790. 41

At

the three missions of this presidial district, San

Carlos, San Antonio, and San Luis Obispo, there is
nothing in the way of local events to be noted during
the period covered by this chapter; but the statistics
Ortega gave up his command on the frontier to Gonzalez May 3d, left
San Miguel in May, was at San Diego on June 5th, arrived at Santa Barbara
June 27th, and started north Aug. 21st. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 71, 76, 78,
After his accounts were settled Sal did not resume the place of
81, 105-6.
habilitado at Monterey, but was sent to San Francisco in April 1791, Argiiello
coming to the capital.
40
Surgeon Davila came to San Diego in July 177-1 and to Monterey in
December. As early as 1781 Gov. Neve favored granting his petition for leave
to quit the country as being incompetent and captious. Prov. Pec, MS., ii.
6S. The exact date of his departure does not appear, bat it was before December 1783. Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 57-8. Davila's first wife, Josefa Carbajal,
died at San Francisco in November 1780. San Francisco, Lib. deMision, MS.,
12, 64, and in January 1782 he married Maria Encarnacion Castro, a daughter
39

of Isidoro Castro. Sta. Clara, Lib. de'Mision,

MS., 40.

Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 1,2; x. 166; xiii. 191; xxii. 87; Id., Ben. Mil,
i. 9.
The old presidio chapel stood in the middle of the square, and April 14,
1789, Fages had ordered adobes made for a new one.
il

MISSIONS OF

MONTEREY

DISTRICT.

4G9

as given in connection with other missions are as

follows: At San Carlos Junipero Serra and Matlas
Antonio cle Santa Catarina y Noriega served until

August

1784,

when the former having

died, the latter

42

October 1787, and Jose Francisco de

Paula Seiian from that time on, having Pascual Martinez de Arenaza as associate from 1789, and Lasuen
The friars named were the
as president from 1790.
regular ministers so far as the records show, but other
priests arriving by sea from San Bias or coming in
from other missions often spent some time here, so
43
that there were nearly always two and often more.
At San Antonio de Padua the founders of 1771,
Miguel Pieras and Buenaventura Sitjar, served
throughout this decade, having at its close 1,076 neophytes under their charge the largest mission community in California. 44 At San Luis Obispo Jose
Cavalier served continuously from the foundation in
1772 to his death on December 9, 1789. 45 His associate was Antonio Paterna until December 1786,
when he went to found Santa Barbara, and Miguel
served

till

Giribet came in December 1787.

Between the two
I find that Faustino Sola had charge of the mission
i2

Matias Antonio de Santa Catarina (written also Catharina and Catalina)

y Noriega, who was best known by the name Noriega, came up as chaplain on
the transport of 1779, and took Cambon's place at San Francisco.
He remained there until 1781, and then served at San Carlos until 1787, when he
retired to his college.
43
Increase of converts 1783 to 1790, G14 to 733; baptisms, G39; deaths,
425; large stock, G28 to 1,378; small stock, 245 to 1,233. Crops in 1790, 3 775
bushels.
Fages in his general report of 1787 alludes to the climate with its
sudden changes of heat and cold, as having something to do with the great
mortality.
Crops have been good, though arrangements for irrigation have
;

not yet been completed. St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 139-40.
"Increase in neophytes, 585 to 1,070; baptisms, 773; deaths, 333; large
stock, 429 to 2,232; small stock, 406 to 1,984; crops in 1790 only 1,450 bushels.
Fages says the soil is tolerably good though irrigation is difficult, and the
mission has raised enough for her own use and a surplus for sale. San Antonio
had the best church in California excepting, perhaps, Santa Clara. St. Pa/j.

Mm.

and

Colon.,

i.

MS., 145-7.

was a native of the town of Falcct in Catalonia. He left

the college in Mexico in October 1770, sailed from San Lias in January 1771,
reached San Diego in March and Monterey in May, remaining there as supernumerary until he went to found San Luis in Sept. 1772. His remains were
buried in the mission church, and he left the reputation of a zealous and suc45

Jose"

Cavalier

cessful missionary. S. Lids Obispo, Lib. de Mision,

Antonio, Doc. Sueltos, MS., 4.

MS., 38; autograph

in S.

470

LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS.

few months, but am unable to completely

vacancy even with one padre. 46
for a

Lieutenant

Jose

fill

the

Moraga was commandant and

San Francisco

which
occurred on July 13, 1785, from which date Gonzalez, transferred from Monterey, became commandant for two years, and Jose Ramon Lasso de la
Vega, the alferez, served as habilitado. During the
two years there was trouble with both these officials.
Before leaving Monterey Gonzalez had once been put
under arrest for insubordination, gambling, failing to
prevent gambling, and for trading with the galleon.
habilitado of

until his death,

47

At San

Francisco his irregular conduct continued in

spite of warnings and re-arrest; and in 1787 the governor was obliged to send him to the frontier.
He
43
never returned to California.
4G
Increase in neophytes, 492 to 605; baptisms, 332; deaths, 130; large
stock, 815 to 3,810; small stock, 930 to 3,725; crops for 1790, 2,340 bushels.
Want of water was the chief drawback according to Fages' report.
47
Of Jose Joaquin Moraga, or as he always signed his name, Josseph
Moraga, little is known beyond what has been told in the text. He came
with Anza in 1776, and was commandant of San Francisco from the first,
founding the presidio, the two missions, and the pueblo of San Josd. Pie
was godfather of the first neophyte at San Francisco, who received his name;
and he was secular sponsor at the laying of the corner-stone of the mission
church still standing, as also at the dedication of the Santa Clara church.
His record as an officer was an honorable and stainless one. His wife was
Maria del Pilar de Leon y Barcelo, who died in October 1808 and was interred
in the San Francisco cemetery, her husband's remains resting in the church.
He brought a son Gabriel to California who afterwards became a lieutenant,
a famous Indian fighter, and the ancestor of a family still surviving. Don
Jose's niece, Maria Ignacia, was the wife of Jose" Argiiello. The commandant
is described as having been 5 ft. 2 inches and 2 lines in height; but there is
reason to suppose that the pie del rey used in measuring the height of soldiers
was longer than the ordinary Spanish foot, which was 8 per cent shorter than

our

foot.
48

Gonzalez' arrest at Monterey in August 1784. Prov. Bee, MS., i. 18G; ii.
102-3; Prov. St. Pap., Ben., MS., i. 41. Soler alludes to his mucha rvitculez
Nov. 14, 1788, and proposes Argiiello as a successor. Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
vi. 198; vii. 114-10.
Gonzalez arrested at San Francisco by Lasso at Soler's
order Feb. 4, 1787, and sent south to meet Fages March 18th. /(/., vii. 93-9;
Prov. Bee, MS., iii. 39. Fages tells the story to his successor, Romeu, Feb.
General approves measures against
26, 1791. Prov. St. Pap., MS.., x. 1G2-3.
Gonzalez. Id., vii. 50. Gonzalez was born at Ceste del Campo in Spain, and
He served 3 years as a
enlisted as a private at about the age of 26 in 1762.
private, 2 as corporal, 10 as sergeant, and a little over one year as alferez.
Having seen much service in Indian campaigns in the Provincias Interims, he
was promoted to be lieutenant for California service in December 1779. Hoja de
Fages says of
Scrvicios, in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. JUL, MS., ii. 12-13; iv. 15.

SAN FRANCISCO OFFICIALS.

471

Lasso the habilitado was a stupid fellow, though

neither dishonest nor dissipated, always in trouble
with his accounts, and always recommended to the
executive clemency.
During his first brief term in
1781-2 he managed to leave a deficit of about $800;
and early in 1787 Captain Soler discovered a still more
His usual excuses
serious and inexcusable defalcation.
of forgetfulness, stealing by soldiers and convicts, and
the melting-away of sugar during transportation would
no longer save him; he was suspended from office,
placed under arrest, and obliged to live on twenty-five
cents a day, the rest of his pay as alferez being reserved
This state of
to make up the deficit in his accounts.
things continued for over four years, and then, the
amount having been in great part repaid, he was dismissed from the service; but the king subsequently
granted him retirement and half-pay. 40 Jose Arguello
was taken from Santa Barbara and promoted to be
him after he was sent to the frontier 'no tiene narizes ni asiento. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., x. 14S. In Nov. 1791 the king's permission was sent to the governor to put Gonzalez on the retired list. Id, 94.
He retired as invdlido to
Rosario in Sonora, and his name was dropped from the company rolls after
Jan. 1, 1793. Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 157.
49
On Lasso's San Francisco troubles see correspondence in Prov. Pec, MS.
ii.
13G-9; iii. 35-7; Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 93-4; vii. 114-17, 121-3, 128,
141-2; viii. 7-9; xi. 179; xxi. 157; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., xiii. 10.
b.
1G, 17SG, Fages speaks of the appointment of Sergt. Josj Perez Fernandez as alferez of San Francisco; but it was not done before 1790. On same date
he orders the deficit charged to the company. July 6, 1787, Fages blames Soler
for not having been more strict in Lasso's case.
Soler went up to straighten
out Lasso's accounts, but himself made a blunder, probably in 1782. Aug. 9,
Dec. 1,
1738, the general orders Lasso's dismissal when the deficit is paid.
Lasso was commissioned
1791, Gov. Romeu suspends him from rank and pay.
alferez Feb. 10, 1780. Prov. St. Pap., Lea. Mil., MS., iv. 14-15,
In 1790 he
was 34 years old and single. St. Pap. Miss., MS., i. 84, though he had wanted
to marry in 1781, and Gov. Neve had been ordered to dismiss him from the
ice if he persisted in his intention. Prov. Pec, MS., ii., 84.
Again in
17' <7 in the midst of his troubles he wished to take a wife, but his petition forwarded by Lasueu was refused. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS. xii. 364-5. The royal
order of retirement was forwarded by the viceroy, applied for in 1794, viceroy
to Fages in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 179, April 11, 1795, and by the governor
Aug. 24th. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 105; Prov. Pec. MS., v. 61; and Aug.
27th the governorwrites to Arrillaga our poor Lasso has received his retirement
with half -pay as alferez, as petitioned by you, for which may God reward you.'
Prov. Pec, MS., v. 320-1. Though 'quiso la naturalcza negarle una precisa
parte de espiritu' Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 114 yet by birth he was entitled to be called 'Don.'
He was of Spanish blood and a native of Chihuahua.
He was school-master at San Jose in 1795-G, as late as Aug. 19, 1797, is urged
to pay a balance still due, Prov. Per., MS., v. 2GG, and he died Nov. 30, 1821,
at the age of G4, being buried at San Eafael. Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 905.
'

'

LOCAL EVEXTS AXD STATISTICS.

472

lieutenant from June 1787, taking charge at the same

time of the accounts. 50 Juan Pablo Grijalva was the
company's sergeant until 1787, when he was sent as
alferez to

to

fill

San Diego, and Pedro Amador was promoted

his place.

was thirty-four men besides the

officers, from fifteen to twenty of whom served in the
garrison while the rest did guard duty at the mission,
at Santa Clara, and at San Jose. With their families
they amounted to a population of about one hundred
and thirty. Of the presidio buildings there is nothing to be said beyond the fact that from want of timber, bad quality of adobes, and lack of skilful workmen
no permanent progress was made during the decade.
Some portion of the walls was generally in ruins, and
the soldiers in some cases had to erect the old-fash-

The

presiclial force

ioned palisade structures to shelter their families. 51

Local events as recorded were neither numerous nor
The natives gave no trouble save by
very exciting.
the rare theft of a horse or cow, for which offence
they were chastised once or twice in 1783; and in
1786 neophytes were arrested and flogged for ravages
among the soldiers' cattle. 52 These cattle became so
numerous as to be troublesome, and slaughter was
begun as early as 1784 to reduce the number to eight
53
Captain Soler complained much
or nine hundred.
of the bad climate of the place, and even advocated,
as we have seen, its abandonment; but in the eyes of
higher officials the importance of the location on San
Francisco Bay, and the duty of protecting the mission,
outweighed the peculiarities of the peninsula climate. 51
50

commission was forwarded by the general Feb. 9, 1787. Prov.

He left Santa Barbara April 12th. Id., 67. Took
possession of office at San Francisco June 12th.
51
In January 1784 the corner of the
Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 166; xi. 53.
presidio was blovai down in a gale. Id. v. G9.
h
*Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 21, 30; Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 134.
53
Sergeant Grijalva, had over 50 head, and was ordered to remove the surplus where they would not interfere with the mission herds. Prov. Pec, MS.,
January 23, 1788, Fages says that he will send men to build a
i. 173, 181.
corral at San Mateo and there to gather stock from San Bruno to Santa Clara
if pasturage grows scarce. Jd., iii. 40.
^Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 117; v. 4, 5.
St.

Argiiello's

Pap., MS.,

vii. 45.

AFFAIRS AT SAX FRANCISCO.

473

There was some trouble about the performance of a

chaplain's duties at the presidio, and for over two
years the soldiers heard no mass unless at the mission; but in February a chapel was completed, after
which time the friars made occasional visits. 55 San
Francisco was honored by several visits from the governor, and in August 1784 was the birthplace of his
sailor from the Princesa. who had
daughter. 56
served out his time, remained at San Francisco in
1784, intending to establish a school; but it does not
appear that he succeeded. 67
The mission of San Francisco in respect of neophytes
was the smallest of the old establishments, having
increased in the eight years from 215 to 438.
Bapcs
The increase
tisms had been 551, and deaths 205.
of herds was, of large stock from 554 to 2,000, and of
Notwithstanding the small
small from 284 to 1,700.
area and barren nature of the soil, which, as Fages
states in his general report, had yielded but small
crops, we find that the yield in 1790 was 3,700 bushels,
excelled by only four in the list of missions.
It appears, however, that the sowing was done mostly

at a spot ten or twelve miles distant

sula.

down

the penin-

59

In the ministry Pedro Benito Cambon, the founder,

served throughout the whole period; and Francisco
Palou, also a founder, until 1785, when he retired to
60
his college at a ripe old age.
Miguel Giribet was
bh

Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 99; Prov. Pec, MS., i. 192.
Frannsco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 20-1.
57
Prov. Pec, MS., i. 183.
58
In 1784 the governor reports it also as having one of the poorest churches.
St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., M.S., i. 145-7.
59
St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 143.
co
Francisco Palou, sometimes written with an accent Palou, without any
good reason so far as I know, was born at Palma in the Island of Mallorca,
probably in 1722. Mr Doyle in his introduction to the reprint of Palou, Noti~
cias, i. iii. infers that the date was about 1719; but in a letter dated 1783,
hist. May., iv. G7-8, the padre calls himself 01 years of age.
Taking the
habit of San Francisco he entered the principal convent of the city, and in
1740 became a disciple of Junipero Scrra, with whom and with Juan Crespi of
the same convent he contracted a life-long friendship. With his master he
volunteered for the American missions in 1749, left Palma in April, Cadiz in
August, and landed at Vera Cruz in December. Joining the college of San
56

S.

LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS.

474

stationed here in 1785-7; Santiago in 1786-7; Sola

and Garcia in 1787-90; and Danti from 1790.
Before leaving San Francisco I present a map which
belongs to the period under consideration, being a
copy of a Spanish chart published in La Perouse's
atlas and probably obtained by that voyager at Monterey in 1786.

At Santa

Clara Mission the

new adobe church was

dedicated on Sunday, May 15, 1784, by Serra, Palou,

and Pena, in the presence of Fages and Moraga, the
Fernando, he was assigned to the Sierra Gorda missions, where he served from
1750 to 1750, subsequently living at the college for 8 years. Appointed to
Baja California he arrived at Loreto in April 1768, took charge of San Francisco
Javier; and in 1709 after Serra's departure for the north became acting president.
In May 1773 he surrendered the missions to the Dominicans and
soon started north, arriving at San Diego at the end of August and at Monterey in November of the same year, sending in the iirst annual report on the
missions, and acting as president until Serra's return at the beginning of
For two years and a half he served at San Carlos, and in June 177G
1774.
went to found the San Francisco establishments, having previously visited
the peninsula twice, in Nov. 1774 and Sept. 177G. His iirst entry in the
mission registers bears date of Aug. 10, 177(3, before the mission was formally founded, and his last was on July 25, 1785, and not July 20, 1784, as
Doyle says. See S. Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 2. There is another
entry of July 13, 1785. About 1780, by reason of ill-health, lie asked leave
to retire, which was granted; but which he could not profit by at first for
want of transportation, then for want of a substitute, and finally on account
of new instructions connected with the foundation of a custody; but in 1783,
fearing by longer delay to be incapacitated for so long a voyage, he wrote to
Don Jos6 de G:.lvez to obtain from the king new permission to retire. Letter
The result was a royal order cf
of Aug. 15, 1783, in Hist. Man., iv. 67-9.
Oct. 5, 1784, and a corresponding decree of the audiencia of Feb. 18, 1785,
that Palou return to his college. Id., 69. Meanwhile Serra died in Aug.
1784 and Palou as senior missionary was obliged against his own wishes to
serve as acting president, residing part of the time at San Carlos, but chiefly
at San Francisco engaged in writing his Life of Serra, until Lasuen received
the appointment in Sept. 1785. Palou was now free to go, and sailed, I suppose, on the Favorita late in September, which touched at Santa Barbara
with a load of lumber, Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 1G6, and arrived at San Bias
on Nov. 14. Gaceta deMex., i. There is, however, a difficulty; for the Favorita touched at Santa Barbara Oct. 1st, and Fages in Monterey wrote on Oct.
3d, wishing the padre a pleasant voyage. Prov. Pec, MS., iii. 55. There may
be an error in one of these dates, or else possibly Palou departed in the
Manila galleon San j'osi which touched at Monterey in November. Prov. Bee.
MS., ii. 95. In any case he reached the college on Feb. 21, 1786. Arch. Sia.
B&rbara, MS., xii. 29; and on July 1st was elected guardian. Id., xi. 214-15.
Sometime before Jan. 12, 1787, he presented a report to the government on the
state of affairs in California. Id. viii. 39.
Nothing further is known of him,
but he seems to have lived only a few years. I think he died before 1790.
The guardian in 1798, mentioning the death of Viceroy Galvcz, which occurred
in Nov. 1786, says that Palou died 'a little later,' and implies that it was
before Hcmeu's rule which began in 1790. St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS.,
i. 48.
The earliest communication that I have seen signed by his successor
as guardian is dated November 1792, though it is of course possible that
,

SAN FRANCISCO AND VICINITY,

La Perouse's Map of San Francisco.

475

LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS.

476

former serving as padrino, with all the solemnities

prescribed by the Roman ritual. 61
This church was the finest yet erected in California;
vet its dedication was a sad occasion, since under the
edifice lay the body of its architect and builder, the
founder of the mission, Father Murguia, who had died
only four days before, a missionary we'll beloved and
mourned by all. 62 His companion founder, Tomas de
la Pena, served until 1794, although there were complaints against him for cruelty to the neophytes under
63
his charge.
Murguia was succeeded by Diego de
Noboa, and President Lasuen seems to have resided
Palou resigned. Taylor, Discov. and Founders, ii. No. 28, 171, says he seems
to have died about 1796.
For a sample of his handwriting with autograph
signature see S. Antonio, Doc. Sueltos, MS., 13.
It is chiefly through his writings, the Vida de Junipero Serra and the
Noticias de Ccdifornia, both of which have been noticed fully in a preceding
chapter, that Palou 's fame will live; yet as a missionary and as a man he
deserves a very high place among the Californian friars.
I regard him as
but little inferior to Serra in executive ability and in devotion to his work,
while in every other respect, save possibly in theological and dogmatic learning, he was fully his equal. His views as expressed in his writings are notably broad, practical, and liberal. Palou, Serra, and Crespi presented three
good types of the missionary. Their friendship did not result from similarity
of character, but rather from opposite qualities; and 'their reciprocal confidence and zeal for a common object,' as Doyle remarks, 'could not fail to
prove most beneficial to the enterprise in which they all felt the greatest
interest.'
01

Santa Clara, Arch. Parroq., MS., 12. Roof of beams 'labradas y curiosa
Fages to general, in Prov. Bee, MS., i. 172; Hall's Hk<t. S. Jose,
418-20; Levetfs Scrap Boole. The date has been incorrectly given as May 16th.
02
Joseph Antonio de Jesus Maria do Murguia was born Dec. 10, 1715, at
Domayguia, Alava, Spain. He came to America as a layman, but became a
Franciscan at San Fernando college June 29, 1736; was ordained as a priest
in 1744; and was assigned to the Pame missions of the Sierra Gorda in 1748.
Here he toiled for 19 years and built the first masonry church in the district;
that of San Miguel. Transferred in 1707 to Baja California he reached Loreto
April 1, 1768, and was assigned to Santiago mission, where he served until
March 1769. In June he was at San Jose del Cabo waiting to embark for California; but sickness saved his life by preventing him from sailing on the illfcted San Jos6. He subsequently served at San Javier, but in July 1773
j oined Palou at Santa Maria and accompanied him to San Diego, arriving Aug.
30th. Residing for a while as supernumerary at San Antonio, he became
minister of San Luis Obispo in October 1773, and in January 1777 founded
Santa Clara where he served continuously until his death. He died while preparing for dedication the church on which he had worked so hard as architect,
director, and even laborer. He was buried on May 12th in the presbytery of
the new edifice by Palou, Santa Clara, Lib. de Mision, MS., 33-4, by whom as
by Serra and others he had been regarded as a model friar. Palou, Yida, 265-6.
C3
Fages in a report to the general in 1786 speaks of these complaints, stating
that one or two Indians have died from the effects of his severity, and that he
will be retired to his college. Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 136.

lo posible.'

PUEBLO PROGRESS AT SAN

JOSE.

477

much

of the time from 1786 to 1789. There

were no serious troubles with the natives, though the
neophytes were sometimes inclined to take part in the
petty wars of the gentiles. 64 In agricultural advantages Santa Clara was deemed superior to any other
mission except San Gabriel, and crops of grain and
fruit were usually large, although in 1790 the harvest
of 2,875 bushels was less than that of San Francisco.
Large stock had increased since 1783 from 400 to
2,817, and small stock from 554 to 836 head. Baptisms
had been 1,279, many more than elsewhere, but deaths
had been 639, a proportionally large figure; yet with
an increase from 338 to 927, Santa Clara stood third
in the list in respect of the number of converts.

here

the nine settlers of San Jose to whom lands

were formally distributed in 1783, but who had become settlers in 1780 or earlier, the term of the last
one, Claudio Alvires, expired in August 1785, and no
rations were subsequently supplied by the government.
Sebastian Alvitre had been expelled for bad
conduct: but in 1786 eiorht of the original nine remained, and ten new names had been added as solTen more were added before
diers or agregados.
This latter class was composed of discharged
1790.
soldiers who became settlers, differing from the poblaThe soldiers of
dores in receiving no pay or rations.
the guard were practically settlers from the first, men
being selected for the duty usually whose time of discharge was near, and who intended to remain permanently at the pueblo. 65 In 1790 the total population

Of

64
Two or three neophytes were chastised by the padres for being present
at a gentile fight, and Sergt. Amador was sent to warn the pagans not to tempt
the converts. A pagan laborer of San Jose' was flogged and imprisoned for
inciting hostilities. This in 1786. Argtiello to Fages, in Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
viii. 70-7.
Sergt. Cota ordered to explore from Santa Clara to Santa Rosa on
the other side of the sierra, May 2, 1785. Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 7.
05
The ten names of 178G were: Manuel Butron, Ignacio Castro, Manuel
Higuera, Ignacio Linares, Scferino Lugo, Hilario Mesa, XasarioSacz, Ignacio
Soto, Felipe Tapia, Atanasio Vazquez. Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 24-f>, 27-S.
Four received rations during the year, doubtless as invalids. See also St.
Pap., Sac.) MS., i. 30. Manuel Valencia was a settler who died in 178S. Prov.,

LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS.

47S

was about eighty. Agricultural products amounted to

about 2,250 bushels; while large stock had increased
from 417 to 980, and sheep had decreased from 800
to GOO.

San Jose was

prosperous than Los Angeles, at

least during the first half of the decade.
Several
causes contributed to this result, one of which was
inefficient

less

management and

local

government.

The

regulation allowed the governor to appoint alcaldes

the first three years, after which time they were to be
elected by the people.
Fages, however, permitted an
election, Ignacio Archuleta was chosen for 1783, and
Mesa, corporal of the guard, was removed in September of that 3^ear for inharmonious relations with the
alcalde.
held the position of alcalde in 1784 the
records fail to show; but by reason of irregularities
and slow progress the governor was obliged to resume
the power of appointment, naming Manuel Gonzalez
as alcalde for 1785 with Romero and Al vires as
regidores, and also appointing a comisionado to manage these officials. Corporal Jose Dominguez, the
successor of Mesa, was at first made comisionado but
died probably before the appointment reached him. GJ
Ignacio Vallejo, who had been sent to San Jose in
January to make a survey for a new dam or reservoir,
remained as corporal to succeed Dominguez, and in
May was appointed comisionado by Fages, with duties

Who

Pap., MS., viii. 71. Mesa, Tapia, Higuera, and Lugo were soldiers in
784 and the question came up whether they ought like the original settlers
to be exempt from tithes since they cultivated lands like the rest. Prov. Pec,
MS., i. 1G3-4. July 30, 1788, Argiieilo reports having gone to San Jose to
put Ignacio Castro and Seferino Lugo in possession of lands, but did not do
so because they claimed pay and rations, only allowed to the original settlers.
In the list of 1790 the name of
St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 50-1.
Tapia disappears and there appear those of Joaquin Castro, Antonio Alegre,
Antonio Accves, Ignacio Higuera, and Pedro Cayuelas, ogregados; Gabriel
St.
1

Peralta, Ramon Bojorges, and Juan Antonio Amezquita, invdlidos; and

Macario Castro, corporal of the guard. Argiiello's report in St. Pap., Miss.,
MS., i. 18, GO-3.
66
Fages to general Feb. 1, 1785, in Prov. Pec, MS., i. 187-8. He
announces the changes mentioned in my text, and asks if he cannot reappoint
Gonzalez the next year. The records do not show if this was permitted, the
next alcalde mentioned being Antonio Romero in 1790. Dominguez died on

Jan. 31st, the day before the date of Fages' letter. Sta.
.Mis ion, MS., 35.

Clara, Lib. de

OFFICIALS

AND EVENTS AT SAN JOS&

479

Vicente Felix at Angeles. 67

Vallejo had
some special fitness for directing agricultural operations, was allowed to cultivate vacant lands on his own
account, and held his position for seven years though
To him, or rather to the wise
not without opposition.
instructions given him, Fages attributed the pueblo's
like those of

later prosperity.

63

did not make much advance in the

matter of buildings, since nothing' but palisade structures with roofs of earth were erected; but there was
good reason for this. The site at first selected for
the house-lots proved to be too low, and exposed to
There was a proposition
inundation in wT et seasons.
in 1785 to move the town a short distance to a higher
spot.
In 1787 General Ugarte authorized the transfer, and it was made soon after, certainlv before 1791,
the slight nature of the buildings making the opera69
tion an easy one.
One of Fages' first acts on taking command was to
march in January 1783 against the gentiles of the
San Jose region who had stolen some horses from

The pueblo

67

Vallejo's appointment dated July 18, 1785.

Instructions in Prov. Pec.,
ii. 121-5.
Jan. 24th, Vallejo named to make explorations for the reservoir. Dept. St. Pap., S. Jose, MS., i. 2.
68
Fages to Romeu, Feb. 20, 1791, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 153. In
October 1787 Capt. Soler went to San Jose" to investigate certain charges of
the people against the comisionado.
All that the fault-finding inspector could
find against Vallejo, in his official capacity at least, was a mando insipido,
whatever that may be. He recommended that he be put to personal labor in
the fields; but nothing was done in the matter. Id., vii. 132.
C9
Hall, Hut. San Joss, 40-50, erroneously states that there was a long correspondence on the subject in 1797, and that the removal was effected in that
year; but the quarrel of that year was about boundaries between mission and
pueblo, and in the correspondence the site of the 'old town' is mentioned;
moreover Fages in his instructions of 1791 to Romeu speaks of the change
as already effected. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 152.
Vallejo first urged the
removal on Feb. 20, 1785, in a communication to Moraga. The latter found
it difficult to decide because the land on the proposed site had already been
distributed to settlers.
He accordingly addressed Fages on April 1st. Prov.
St. Pap., MS., v. 20.
On March 9th Fages writes to Vallejo approving the
scheme. Dept. St. Pap., S. Jose, MS., i. 25; and on July 7th he assures the
people of San Jose" that they shall be at no expense in the removal, and that
the pueblo shall lose no land for it seems there was a fear that to move the
pueblo would also move the boundary between the pueblo and mission lands.
Prov. Px.ec, MS., iii. 30-1. Fages refers the matter to Ugarte on Aug. 5th,
Id., ii. 12G; and that official on June 21, 1787, grants the petition of the
settlers, and orders that there be no change in the boundary lines. St. Pap.,
Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 274.

MS.,

LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS.

4S0

the

settlers.

The warlike governor

killed

two of the

enemy, frightened the rest into complete submission,

and for years after attributed to this campaign the
prevailing quiet among gentiles.
But again in 1788
it was necessary to place fifteen natives, including
three chiefs, at work in the presidio, for horse70
There is little more to be said of local
stealing.
happenings at San Jose for this period. Some of

the settlers were imprisoned and put in irons for

refusing to work on a house for the town council,
Ignacio Archuleta, ex-alcalde, being ringleader. The
river broke through the old dam and the governor
resolved to build a new one of masonry.
Two boys
drowned an Indian to amuse themselves, but in consideration of their tender years were dismissed with
twenty-five lashes administered in presence of the
natives. All this in 1784; the tithes for which year
amounted to $428. 71
ii. 392; Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 98; Id.,
powder, 800 bullets, and 100 flints sent to San

Palou, Not.,
five lbs.

iii.

98, 170.

Jose' as reserve

Thirty-

ammu-

August 1785. Id., iii. 31.

71
Prov. Pec, LIS., i. 108, 172; iii. 22-3.
A wooden granary had been
completed in December 1782. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 1607. A settler put
in the stocks in 1788 for assaulting his corporal, and corporal reprimanded

nition in

for his violence. Id., vii. 134.

CHAPTEE

XXIII.

RULE OF ROMEU.
1791-1792.

Resignation of Pedro Fages Transfer of the Office at Loreto

Instructions to the New Governor Last Acts of Fages Life and
Character Arrival of Romeu Failing Health Journey to Monterey Policy with the Friars Romeu's Death Visit of Malaspina in the 'Descubierta' and 'Atrevida' The First American in
California Preparations for New Missions Lasuen's EffortsEstablishing of Santa Cruz Annals of First Decade Indian
Troubles Statistics Church Dedicated Flouring Mill Misfortune Quarrelsome Padres Alonso Isidro Salazar Baldomero Lopez Manuel Fernandez Founding and Early Annals of
Soledad Mission Immoral Friars Mariano Rubi Statistics.

Pedro Fages, worn down by work, and more by

the anxieties imposed on a nervous temperament
growing out of the

responsibilities of his position as

governor, asked to be relieved of the office and to be

granted leave of absence that he might revisit Spain.
In May 1790 his resignation was accepted by Viceroy
Revilla Gigedo, and he was ordered to Mexico to
receive twelve months' advance pay as colonel with
which to defray his expenses in Spain; Jose Antonio
Romeu was named as his successor. This information reached Fages at Monterey in September, and
was all the more agreeable from the fact that Romeu
was his personal friend. In February 1791 Fages,
who had awaited letters announcing his successor's
coming to Monterey, received orders from the viceroy
by which, after setting the commandants and habilitados at work upon their respective presidio accounts,
he was to proceed to Loreto and there make formal
Hist. Cal., Vol.

I.

31

(481)

RULE OF ROMEU.

432

delivery of his office to Romeu; or, if not able to do

this, he was to send orders to Arrillaga, the commandant at Loreto, to surrender the office in the governor's
name. As the state of Fages' health would not permit a journey overland to the peninsula, he forwarded
the necessary orders to Arrillaga, lieutenant governor
of the California^, who accordingly transferred the
command to Romeu at Loreto on April 16, 1791,
which is therefore the date when Fao:es ceased to
rule.

With

under date of February 26th, Fages transmitted the instructions which

it was customary for a retiring governor to prepare
his orders to Arrillaga

for the use of his successor, outlining the country's

past history and present condition, and embodying the

results of his own experience in recommendations respecting future policy.
The historical portions of this
important document have already been utilized largely
in the preceding chapters; but a brief consideration
of the paper as a whole, will throw light on the condition of affairs at the time of Romeu's accession.
The development of the two pueblos, says the retiring governor, and the settlement in them of retired
soldiers, has received and still merits the deepest
Their products are purchased by the preattention.
sidios and paid for in goods and drafts.
The distribuviceroy's order granting Fages' request and appointing Romeu, dated
Prov. St. Pap., Ben., MS., i. 8-10. May 27th seems to have
been the date of the viceroy's communication to king; but of the king's
approval and confirmation of Romeu we only know that it reached Mexico
September 1, 10, 13,
before May 18, 1791. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 139.
1790, the viceroy instructs Fages about the transfer. Id., ix. 308, 346-7.
September 14, 1790, Fages to Romeu, expressing his pleasure at the latter's
appointment, describing the presidio, saying something of the condition of the
You will find in this casa real, which is sufficiently
country, and saying
capacious, the necessary furniture; a sufficient stock of goats and sheep which
I have raised; and near by a garden which I have made at my own expencc,
from which you will have fine vegetables all the year, and will enjoy the fruits
He asks for information as to when and
of the trees which I have planted.
by what route Romeu will come. Prov. St. Pap., Ben., MS. i. 8-10. Romeu takes
possession April 1G, 1791. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 124; St. Pop., Sac, MS.,
February 2G, 1791, Fages
v. 8G-7; Arch. 8{a. Barbara, MS., xi. 414-15.
notifies Romeu that he has ordered Arrillaga to make the transfer, and has
directed presidial accounts, etc., to be made ready. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x.
144-5.
1

May

The

1G, 1790.

'

'

FAGES' FINAL INSTRUCTIONS.

483

together
tion of lands has been made in due form, and
certain
changes
rendered
necessary
at San Jose
with

by the moving of the houses approved by the superior

It was intended at first to remove the
authorities.
pueblo guards after two years, but they are to be
maintained as long as necessary.
In the first years,
on account of bad management, San Jose made little
progress; but the appointment of a comisionado as at
Angeles and the subjection of the alcalde to him. have
restored prosperity; and these measures were approved
in 1785-6.
In the missions great care must be taken to guard
against the increase of veneral diseases which are
causing such ravages in the peninsula.
The sending
soldiers
for
of
escaped neophytes is extremely dangerous, and should be avoided, being resorted to only
after other means
the best being for the friars to
send other natives with flattery and trifling gifts to
enlist the services of chiefs
have failed, and then
with every possible precaution.
The granting of
escorts whenever asked for has also proved dangerous
and inconvenient, since only two men could be spared,
leaving the mission exposed and the friar only slightly
protected.
It has therefore been restricted, and the
soldiers are not allowed to pass the night away from
the mission.
This policy, notwithstanding protests,
and in consequence of Neve's confidential reports, has
been approved by superiors and by the king.
In the case of mail-carriers and escorts passing from
one presidio to another, careful orders have been given
to prevent disaster and at the same time to insure
humane treatment of the gentiles. Each presidio has
in its archives properly indexed the orders that have
been issued for its government and the prevention of
all disorder.
The abundance of products in proportion
to consumers has led to a reduction of some of the
prices affixed by Neve to grain and meat.
Cattle
belonging to the crown are kept from excessive increase and consequent running wild by annual slaugh-

RULE OF ROMEU.

484

ters for the supply of presidios

and vessels with

beef.

The breeding

of horses and mules, just beginning to

prosper, should be encouraged. The friars often wish
to buy these animals, but have been uniformly refused.
All trade with the Manila ship is strictly prohibited;
but trade with San Bias is free for five years from
October 1786, and subject to only half duties for five
years more a trade which is bad in its effects, leading to 'immoderate luxury/ for the inhabitants can
buy all they really need at cost prices from the memorias.
To provide the wasting of clothing and other
useful articles in barter with the sailors, Fages has
forbidden the opening of the bales until the vessel
leaves the port.
In articles 21-3 of his papel, Fages tells the tale
of three or four incorrigible rogues, Alvitre and Navarro of Angeles, Avila of San Jose, and Pedraza, a
deserter from the galleon, whose scandalous conduct
no executive measure has been able to reform. Arti-

24-7 are devoted to past troubles between Captain Soler and the habilitados, with which the reader
is already familiar; and finally, after devoting some
cles

attention to the condition of the different presidios,

the author closes by alluding to the charges of cruelty
pending against Father Pena of Santa Clara, and to
the orchard of six hundred fruit-trees, besides shrubs
and grape-vines, to which since 1783 he has given
much of his attention. 2
2
Fages, Papel de varios juntos concernientes al Gobierno de la Peninsula de
California 6 Inspection de Tropas, que recopila el Coronel D.Pedro Fages al
On May
Teniente Coronel D. Jos6 Antonio Romeu, 26 de Febrero 1791, MS.
28th Fages wrote again to Romeu a most interesting letter in which he gives
his opinion of various persons with whom his successor will come in contact.
He speaks very highly of Arrillaga, Zuiriga, and Argiiello, deems Goycoechea
somewhat prone to carelessness, says nothing of Ortega, and pronounces
Gonzalez fit only for his present position on the frontier. None of the sergeants are suitable for habilitados, though Vargas is faithful and can write.
With the Dominicans there has been no serious trouble, and President Gomez
is disposed to sustain harmonious relations; but with the Fernandinos quarrels have been frequent, since they are opuestisimos a las maximas del reglaniento y gobierno' and insist on being independent and absolute each in his
own mission. Fages doubts that Romeu will be able to endure their independent way of proceeding. The priests at San Francisco and Santa Clara
are forming separate establishments at some distance from the mission, which
'

,'

LIFE

AND CHARACTER OF

FAGES.

485

Don Pedro

sent his wife and children southward in

advance of his own departure, probably on board the
San Carlos, or Princesa, which left Monterey for San
Bias in the autumn of 1790. 3 He remained at Monterey, though he made a visit to San Francisco in
May, 4 and still exercised by common consent a kind
of superintendence over the actions of his former subordinates, though, now addressed as colonel instead of
governor. There are letters of his in the archives
5
His intention was to
dated at Monterey July 13th.
remain until October or November, and I suppose he
embarked on the San Carlos for San Bias November
9, 1791, though possibly his departure was a month
6
earlier.
In 1793 he made a report on the California
presidios, and in October 1794 was still residing in
Mexico. Of Pedro Fages before he came to California in 1769 and after his departure in 1791 we know
little; with his career in the province the reader is
7
familiar, and will part with the honest Catalan, as I
do, reluctantly.
matter needs looking after. Mission stock is increasing too much, and the
neophytes are becoming too skilful riders and acquiring Apache insolence.
Some advice is given about the journey north. A promise is made of more
letters, and Fages closes by making a present of his famous orchard, well
pleased that the fruits of his labors and expenditures arc to be enjoyed by
his friend. Pages, Informes P articular es al Gohr. Romeu 28 tie Mayo 1701
MS. On May 1st he had written to Romeu that he was permitted to take
away with him six mules and as many horses if the commander of the vessel
had no objections. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 147. There are also communications of Fages to Romeu on matters of trifling importance dated May 2Gth,
30th, June 1st, July 4th, 13th. Id., 141-70.
3
In his letter of May 28, 1791, Fages expresses his pleasure that Romeu on
his journey
probably at San Bias or between there and Mexico had met his
family. He states his intention of staying at Monterey until October or
November. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 148, 150.
'

*Id.,x. 44.
Id., x. 142-3, 1G9. In one of the letters he says that, suffering in his foot,
he is unable to review the troops at Santa Barbara.
6
Sailing of the San Carlos Nov. 19th. St. Pap., Sac., MS., v. 91. According to a letter in Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 134, however, the schooner Saturnina
from Xootka was at Monterey on Oct. 14th and ready to sail for San Bias, so
that Fages may have sailed in her; yet if there is no error it is strange that
while the arrival of the San Carlos was announced to Gen. Navaon Nov. 30th,
that of the Saturnina was not announced until Dec. 22d. St. Pap., Sac, MS.,
5

iv. 3.
7
Pedro Fages, a native of Catalonia, and first lieutenant of a company of
the 1st battalion, 2d regiment, of the Catalan Volunteer Light Infantry, probably
left Spain with his battalion in May 17G7, and soon after his arrival in Mexico

RULE OF ROMEU.

486

He

was a peculiar man; industrious, energetic, and

brave, a skilful hunter and dashing horseman, fond of
children, who were wont to crowd round him and
rarely failed to find his pockets stored

Of

fair

education and executive

abilities,

with dulces.
hot-tempered

was sent with Col. Elizondo's expedition against the Sonora Indians. In the
autumn of 1768 by order of the visitador general, Galvez, he was sent over from
Guaymas to La Paz by Elizondo with 25 men of his compania franca for the
California expedition. In January 1769 he embarked with his men on the San
Cdrlos and arrived at San Diego May 1st. Fages was military chief of the sea
branch of the expedition, and commandant on shore from May 1st to June
29th, thus being California's first ruler. After Portola's arrival on June 23th,
he was second in command and Capt. Rivera's superior. With seven of his
men, all that the scurvy had not killed or disabled, he accompanied the first
land expedition from San Diego to Monterey and San Francisco from July 14,
1769, to Jan. 24, 1770. He started north again April 17th with Portola and
reached Monterey May 24th. When Portola left Monterey July 9th, Fages
was left as commandant of the Californian establishments, a position which
he held until May 25, 1774. His commission as captain was dated May 4,
1771, and in the same year he went down to San Diego by water, returning
by land. In March and April 1772 he led an exploring expedition up to what
are now Oakland, San Pablo Bay, Carquines Strait, and the mouth of the San
Joaquin. In May 1772 he proceeded to the San Luis region and spent some
three months hunting bears to supply the Monterey garrison with meat.
Perhaps it was here that he gained the sobriquet of El Oso often applied to
him in later years, though there is a tradition that the name Old Bear was
given him for other reasons. He went to San Diego in August, and there
incurred Padre Serra's displeasure by refusing a guard for the founding of a
new mission. The object of Serra's journey to Mexico was chiefly Fages' removal. The friar represented him as a man hated by all the soldiers, incompetent to command, and a deadly foe to all mission progress. The charges
were largely false, but they served Serra's purpose whether believed or not,
for the government could not afford at the time a quarrel with the missionaries; and Rivera was sent to supersede Fages, taking command on May 25,
1774. Subsequently Serra wrote a letter to the viceroy in which he expressed
regret at Fages' removal, commendation of his services, and a desire that he
be favored by the government. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 379-80. The
friars regarded this as a praiseworthy return of good for evil; others might
apply a different name.
Fages sailed from San Diego Aug. 4, 1774, on the San Antonio with orders
to join his regiment at Pachuca.
On the way to Mexico at Irapuato, Guanajuato, he was robbed of a box containing his money, by his own servants as it
He reached Mexico before the end of
seems. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 190.
1774 in poor health. He dated in Mexico, Nov. 30, 1775, a report on California, addressed to the viceroy, and devoted chielly to a description of the
province, its natives, animals, and plants; but also giving a tolerably complete
sketch of the first expeditions and the condition of the missions at the author's
This document, of great importance and interest, was translated
departure.
from the original in the library of M. Ternaux-Compans and published as
At
Fagds, Voyage en California, in Xouv. Ann. ties Voy., ci. 145-82, 311-47.
the beginning the author says: Ayant e'te charge" du commandement militaire
du poste de Monterey, depuis le commencement de l'annee 1769, et mon chef
don Diego Portola qui s'embarqua le 9 de Juillet a, bord du paquebot le San
Antonio,
'ayant fortement recommande de m'occuper des 6tablissements
situds dans la partie septentrionale de la Californie, je m'y suis livrc pendant
plus de quatre ans. J'ai rassemble le plus de renseignements qiril m'a ete
'

THE OLD AXD NEW GOVERNOR.

4S7

and inclined to storm over trifles, always ready to

quarrel with anybody from his wife to the padre presidente, he was withal kind-hearted, never feeling and
He was
rarely exciting deep-seated animosities.
service
and
attended
thoroughly devoted to the ro} al
T

with rare conscientiousness to every petty detail of

his official duty; yet his house, his horse, and above
all his garden were hardly second in importance to his
province, and his nation. He possessed less
breadth of mind, less culture, and especially less dignity of manner and character than Felipe de Neve,
office, his

but he was by no means

honest and patriotic.

The early rulers of California were by no means
the characterless figure-heads and pompous nonentities that modern writers have painted them, and
among them all there is no more original and attractive character than the bluff Catalan soldier Pedro
Fages.
less

Jose Antonio Romeu, a native of Valencia, Spain,

had served in the Sonera Indian wars with Fams in
and before 1782 as captain. As we have seen, he
took part in the campaigns following the Colorado
possible snr ces provinces eloigners, sur les nations qui les habitent, la nature
de leur territoire, scs productions, les moeurs et coutumcs de la population,
et beaucoup d'autres sujets dont je traiterai dans le cours de cette relation.'
Capt. Fages was in garrison with his company at Guadalajara, when he
was ordered, perhaps in 1777, to the Sonora frontier; and there he served in
the wars against Apaches and other savages for five years, receiving in the
mean time a lieut. colonel's commission. In 1781-2 he made several expeditions from Sonora to the Coloiado to avenge the death of his former rival,
Iiivera; and visited California twice in 1782 before he came as governor, making the first trip from the Colorado direct to San Diego.
He was in the Colorado region when on Sept. 10th, by an appointment of July 12, 1782, he
tcok possession of his office as governor, and reached Monterey in November.
1783 was spent chiefly in a journey to Loreto whence he brought his wife,
Doiia Eulalia de Callis, and son to the capital.
He had at least two children
born in California. In 1785 he had trouble with his wife, which does not
seem however to have outlasted the year. From August 178G, by Gen.
Ugarte's order of Feb. 12th, Fages became inspector of presidios. His commission as colonel was dated Feb. 7, 1789.
His governorship ended April 1G,
Taylor,
1791, and he sailed froin Monterey in the autumn of the same year.
JjIscov. and Founders, ii. 179, says he died in Mexico before 179G, but it is by
no means certain that he had any authority for the statement. Aug. 12,
1793, he makes a report on Monterey Presidio buildings at Mexico. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., xiii. 191; and in Oct. 1794 he resided in the city of Mexico. Costansd, Informe,

MS.

RULE OF ROMEU.

488

disaster.

In

May

1790,

when appointed governor he

was major of the Espana dragoon regiment, also holding the rank of lieutenant colonel. He was probably in
Mexico at the time of his appointment and proceeded
to his province by way of San Bias, since he met the
family of his predecessor and friend on their way
from California. Accompanied by his wife, Josefa de
Sandoval, and daughters Eomeu arrived ,March 17,
1791, at Loreto by the schooner Santa Gertvudis. On
April 16, as already stated, he took formal possession
of the governorship, Captain Arrillaga representing
Fages in the transfer of the necessary papers. 8 The
reason why the new governor was ordered to assume
his office at Loreto instead of proceeding directly to
the capital was that he might attend to his duties as
inspector of presidios in the south, thus avoiding a
useless repetition of the journey, and that he might
make certain investigations of presidial accounts.
These Californian accounts had been in some confusion
Details it is undesirable as well as imsince 1769.
possible to explain; but many men had unsettled accounts running back to the earliest period of Spanish
occupation. The treasury officials in Mexico, attributing the prevalent confusion to the incompetence
of habilitados, were themselves greatly puzzled, 9 and
Romeu seems to have been selected with a special
view to his fitness for unravelling past financial complications and effecting a final adjustment.

Whatever may have been his abilities in this special

direction, he had very slight opportunity to show
them; for from the moment of embarking on the
Santa Gertvudis his health failed indigestion, sleepless nights, and an oppressive pain in the chest left
;

8
Also letter of Arrillaga to
See references in note 1 of this chapter.
Fages March 21, 1791, announcing Romeu's arrival. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 38.
y
The Informe sobre los ajustes de Pobladores de la Reina de Lo& Angeles y
demas de las Provincias de Californias, MS., a report of the contador mayor
dated Mexico, Dec. 30, 1789, and filling above 60 pages, is a specimen of the
many wordy communications on the subject which are extant in the archives.
ViceI have made no attempt to reach the bottom of this financial puzzle.
roy's orders to Romeu on this subject Sept. 1, 1790. Prov. St. Pap., ix. 313-19.

'

DEATH OF ROMEU.

him but
duties.

10

489

opportunity of attending to public

Yet he did not lose courage, and late in

little

the summer, after communicating his instructions to

presidal officers and satisfying himself of Arrillaga's
entire competence, he proceeded north, reached San
Diego in August, 11 and arrived at Monterey October
13th, doubtless before the departure of his prede12
Through the winter his ill-health continued,
cessor.
and he was barely able to attend to the routine duties
His official communications in the
of his office.
archives are few, brief, and unimportant.
His correspondence with President Lasuen both at Loreto
and Monterey, though containing little more than
the formal expressions required by courtesy, indicate
a desire on his part, such as most rulers entertained
when they first came to California, to preserve harmonious relations with the missionaries. 13 In fact
either by natural disposition or by reason of feeble
health he was evidently more frailero than Fages or
Neve. On December 1st he received the royal confirmation of his appointment as governor. 14

March 1792 Komeu's

condition became
critical, and after a series of convulsions it became
evident that he had but a few days to live.
The surgeon, Pablo Soler, made a written report to this effect
on April 5th, and the last rites of religion were administered by the friars in attendance.
He died at
Monterey April 9th and was buried at San Carlos

Late

in

10

Romeu,Carta al Virrey, 21 de Nov. 1791, MS., in St. Pap., Sac, v. 91-2.

at San Diego from Aug. 20th to 31st if not longer. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., x. 40-3.
12
Nov. 28, 1791, the viceroy acknowledges the receipt of his letter of Oct.
14th, announcing his arrival on the 13th. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 134.
13
Romeu, Cortas al Presidente Lasuen, 1791, MS. On July lGth from Rosario he writes: 'Aunque mi caudal de merito no es otro que el tener unos
buenos y constantes deseos de llenar el cumplimiento de mi obligacion, y ser
litil y sin embargo de carecer de aquellas apreciables circunstancias conducentes a su logro de que la bondad de V. R. me supone acompanado, espero
merecerlo de la piedad del Altisimo al verme auxiliado de las fervientes oraciones de V. R. y de esos RR. PP. misioneros a los que de nuevo me encomicndo correspondiendo con iguales a las expresiones finas con que me
11

He was

honran.

u St. Pap., Sac, MS.

v. 92.

The confirmation was dated Feb.

15th.

RULE OF ROMEU.

400

By his will the widow was made

the day following.
his
estate
and guardian of their daughof
executrix
Dona Josefa embarked for San Bias in Octoters.
Alferez Sal in a letter says that California was
ber.
not worthy of a governor like Romeu. At his funeral
15
all who knew him displayed deep grief.
Local annals as well as certain general topics of
commercial, industrial, and mission development, I
shall treat collectively for the decade from 1791 to
Besides such topics
1800, in subsequent chapters.
the visit of a scientific exploring expedition and the
founding of two new missions are to be noted during
Eoraeu's short rule.
The expedition referred to was
that of Alejandro Malaspina in command of the royal
corvettes Descubierta and Atrevida, 16 the latter being
under the immediate command of Jose de Bustamante
y Guerra, and the scientific corps including Bauzd
and Espinosa. 17 Malaspina sailed from Cadiz in July
1789, for a tour round the world, and after making
explorations on both coasts of South America, and
from Panama to Acapulco, left the latter port in May
1791 for the Northwest Coast, which he struck a little
above 60 and carefully explored southward, sighting
15

Pro c

Pap., MS., xxii. 7-9, 14; x. 139; xxi. 71, 89; St. Pap., Sac,
Prov. Pec, MS.,ii. 152; San Carlos, Lib. de Mision, MS.; Taylor's Discov. and Founders, ii. 179; Vallejo, Hist. Cat, MS., i. 93-7.
16
The vessels had, like nearly all in the Spanish navy, each a double name,
being called respectively Santa Justa and Santa Riiftna. St. Pap., Sac, MS.,

MS.,

St.

vi., 76;

v. 96.
17
A full list of officers made at Monterey, is as follows: Captains Alejandro Malaspina and Jose" de Bustamante y Guerra; lieutenants Dionisio Galiano,* Jose Espinosa, Cayetano Vald6s, Manuel No vales,* Fernando Quintano,
Juan Bernaci, Secundino Salamanca, Antonio de Tova, Juan Concha, Jose
Itobredo, Areaco Zeballos, Francisco Viana, and Arcadio Lineda;* alfereccs
Martin Olavide,* Felipe Bauza, Flavio Aleponzoni, and Jacobo Murphy; contadores Rafael Rodriguez de Arias and Manuel Esquerra; chaplains Jose" de
Mesa and Francisco de Paula Aiiino; surgeons Francisco Flores and Pedro
Gonzalez; pilotos Juan Diaz Maqueda, Jose" Sanchez, Ger6nimo Delgado, Juan
Inciarte y Portu, and Joaquin Hurtado; apothecary Luis Nee* and Tadeo
Ilaenek; pintor de perspectiva Tomas Suria; disecador y dibujante de plantas
The names marked with a star remained behind in Mexico.
Jose" de Guio.*
Malaspina, Nota de OJiciales de Guerra y May ores, Naturalistas, Botdnicos,
Dibujantes, y Disecadores, que tienen destino en las corbetas de S. M. nombradas Descubierta y Atrevida, que dan vuelta al Globo. .que salkron de Cadiz en
30 de Julio de 17S9, MS.
-

MALASPIXA'S EXPEDITION.

401

Cape Mendocino September 6th, being off San Fran18

cisco the 10th, and anchoring the 13th at Monterey,
where his vessels remained till the 25th, thence continuing the survey down to Cape San Lucas, San
Bias, Acapulco, and returning to Spain by the Philippines and Cape Good Hope. 19
Of the stay at Monterey, of scientific observations
there, of Malaspina's impressions of California and

we know

The archives contain only

the merest mention of the arrival and of courtesies
exchanged between the visitors and Lasuen, who
aided in gathering specimens, 20
Malaspina seems
entitled to the honor of having brought to California the first American who ever visited the
country, and he came to remain, his burial being
recorded on the mission register under date of September 13th, and name of John Groem, probably
Graham, son of John and Catherine Groem, Presbyterians, of Boston.
He had shipped as gunner at
21
Cadiz.
The reports of this expedition were never
published.
The commander was imprisoned for certain crimes or irregularities, and it is only through
Navarrete's brief resume, and an abridged narrative
by one of the officers, that anything is known of
its

people

results.

little.

22

As
new

early as 1789 it was determined to found two

missions, in honor of our lady of solitude' and
'

18
At least 4 or 5 shots were heard from a fog-hidden vessel on that date.
Eustamante, in Cavo, Tres Sighs, iii. 1CG-7, says he left JNiootka August 25th,
and anchored at Monterey September 11th.
19
For account of Malaspina's explorations in the north, see Hist. JV. W.

Coast, i. 249; and Hist. Alaska, this series.

2J
Sept. 21, 1791, Malaspina and Bustamante to Lasuen thanking him for
aid.
Lasuen in reply gives thanks for presents. The letters are full of flattering expressions, and the voyagers promise to make the king and the world
acquainted with their favorable impressions of California and with the success and zeal of the padres. Malaspina and Bustamante
Carta ah P. Lasuen
y respuesta de dicho Padre, Sept. 1791, MS. March 27, 1792, Gen. Nava has
learned of Malaspina's visit. Arch. Arzcbispado, MS., i. 19.
21
Taylor, in Pacific Monthly, xi. G49-50, from San Cdrlos, Lib. de

Mis!'://.

-Xavarrete, Viages Apdcrifos, 94-8. 2C8-70, 313-20; Id., in Sutil y Mcxicana, Via'je,Introd. exxii.-iii. Taylor, in Pacific Monthly xi. C49, and L. CaL y
}

492

RULE OF ROMEU.

The necessary

preliminaries were
arranged by correspondence between president, guardian, and viceroy, and four new friars were selected
to take charge, or enable others to do so, of the new
23
The information reached California
establishments.
at the end of July 1790 together with the friars,
Danti, Miguel, Rubi, and Tapis; and all the necessary
effects except the church vestments and utensils.
This omission caused delay, for the priests were not
disposed to take anything on trust in dealing with
the government, and it was not until July 1791 that
a positive assurance came from the viceroy that the
sacred utensils would be sent, together with an order
to proceed at once, borrowing the needed articles from
the other establishments. 24 Subsequent preliminary
work is best described in the words of Lasuen, who
writes the 29th of September: "In view of the
superior order of his excellency I at once named the
I asked and obtained from the commissionaries.
mandant of this presidio the necessary aid for exploring anew the region of Soledad, and there was chosen
a site having some advantages over the two previously
I applied to the missions for vestments
considered.
vessels;
and as soon as the commander of
and sacred
the Aranzazu furnished the sirvientes allowed for the
new establishments I proceeded to Santa Clara in
order to examine anew in person the site of Santa
I crossed the sierra by a long and rough way,
Cruz.

of the holy cross.

41, says that Malaspina, through the jealousy of Godoy, was imprisoned for
14 years and finally liberated when Marshal Soult took Coruna in 1809.
26
Guardian Noriega to viceroy, Sept. 22, 1789; viceroy to guardian, Oct.
31; guardian to Lasuen, Dec. 10, in Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., vi. 280-2.
Two thousand eight hundred dollars was to be paid to the sindico, $1,000 for
each mission, and $200 for travelling expenses of each friar. April 1, 1790,
the sindico, Fr. Geronimo de Sampelayo, sends provisions and tools for Santa
Cruz to value of $1,021. Sta. Cruz, Lib. de Mision, MS., 3.
24
Aug. 3, 1790, Lasuen to Fages, announces arrival of padres; nothing
lacking but for the government to deliver the sacred vessels; he is ready.
Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 10; Jan. 20, 1791. Viceroy to Lasuen and to govJuly 15th,
ernor, on/amcvtos, etc., will be sent; let the old missions lend.
Lasuen replies: all right. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 8-10; Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., x. 138. July 22, 1791, Lasuen issues a circular to the padres making
known viceroy's orders; let each padre mark on the margin the articles that
he can lend. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., ix. 31G-17.

'

PREPARATIONS FOR MISSIONS.

493

and I found in the site the same excellent fitness that

had been reported to rae. I found, besides, a stream
of water very near, copious, and important.
On the
Agustin,
August
day of San
28th, I said mass, and a
cross was raised in the spot where the establishment
Many gentiles came, large and small, of
is to be.
both sexes, and showed that they would gladly enlist
under that sacred standard, thank God
I returned
to Santa Clara by another w ay, rougher but shorter
and more direct. I had the Indians improve the road
and was perfectly successful, because for this as for
everything else the commandant of San Francisco, Don
Hermenegildo Sal, has furnished with the greatest
activity and promptness all the aid I have asked for.
I ordered some little huts made, and I suppose that
by this time the missionaries are there. I found here
in Monterey the two corvettes of the Spanish expedition, and the commander's power of pleasing obliged
me to await their departure. I endeavored to induce
them to transport the Santa Cruz supplies by water,
!

could not be accomplished. Day before yesterday, however, some w ere sent there by land, and with
them a man from the schooner which came from
Nootka under Don Juan Carrasco. 25 The plan is to
see if there is any shelter for a vessel on the coast
near Santa Cruz, and there to transport what is left.
To-morrow a report is expected.
This means is
sought because we lack animals. To-day eleven Indians have departed from here with tools to construct
a shelter at Soledad for the padres and the supplies.
I and the other padres are making preparations, and
my departure thither will be, by the favor of God, the
day after San Francisco, October 8th, at latest." 26
The preliminaries having been thus arranged Alferez
Sal started from San Francisco September 2 2d with

but

it

25
This schooner was the Horcasitas, which under Narvaez had taken part
in Elisa's northern explorations.
See Hist. N. W. Coast, i. 244-250. The
Aranzazu had also made a trip to the north, under Matute.
20
Lctsuen, Carta al Sr. Gobernador Romeu, sobre fundacion de Misiones,
20 de Sept. 1791, MS.

RULE OF ROMEU.

491

Corporal Luis Peralta and two privates, arriving at

Santa Clara in the afternoon. 27 Next morning he
proceeded to Santa Cruz, his force being increased by
fathers Alonso Salazar and Baldomero Lopez, while
the rest of the mission guard with six or seven servants
were left to bring supplies and cattle. On the 24th
some Christian Indians of Santa Clara were set at
work cutting timber and building a hut for the friars,
who busied themselves seeking a spot for sowing
twenty-five fanegas of wheat.
fine plain was found
well adapted for the purpose, capable of irrigation
from a small stream called by the explorers of 1769
Arrovo de San Pedro Resralado. The mission site
was about five hundred yards from the Rio San
Lorenzo, also named in 1769. The chief Sugert came
in with a few of his followers, and promised to become
the first Christian of his tribe, Sal agreeing to be
godfather.
On Sunday, September 25th, as soon as
the soldiers and horses arrived from Santa Clara,
Sugert and his people having been fortified by assurances against the noise of exploding gunpowder, and
the friars having donned their robes, Don Hermenegildo took formal possession as he says, "in such words

as

my moderate talent dictated," and

at the conclusion

the guns were discharged.

Five more salutes were
fired while the padres said mass and chanted a te
27

Sept. 17, 1791, Sal to Romeu, excusing himself for sending, without
Romeu 's arrival or orders, at Lasuen's request, a guard and
mule train for the new mission. St. Pap., Sac, MS., vii. 18-20. The corporal
of the mission guard was fully instructed respecting his duties under date of
Sept. 17th. Sal, Instruction al Cabo Luis Peralta at cargo de la Escolta de la
Mision de Santa Cruz, 1791, MS. The general purport was, constant precautions, kindness to gentiles, harmony with padres, strict performance of
religious duties, and the details of routine.
The details were much the same
in all missions.
It is to be noticed, however, that in the matter of escorting
the priests the soldiers were strictly limited, and were not allowed to pass
the night away from the mission. If a priest desired to go to a distant mission, word must be sent to San Francisco and a guard obtained from the
presidio.
On the 29th or 30th of each month a report to Sal must be sent by
two soldiers to Santa Clara, where the tAvo must wait till two Santa Clara
men carried the despatch to San Francisco and returned. As the rainy season
was drawing near, the gentiles might be induced to work on the warehouse
and guard-house by presents of food, etc., even against the wishes of the

having awaited

padres.

FOUNDING OF SANTA CBUZ.

deum, and thus the

founded.

495

mission of Santa Cruz was

28

Local annals of Santa Cruz to 1800 are best presented here and may be briefly recorded. Often there
were apprehensions of trouble with the natives, but
the fears of the friars rested for the most part on
nothing more solid than rumor, the occasional flight
To keep the
of a neophyte, or the loss of an animal.
soldiers of the guard on the alert they were once
ordered to hunt bears for target practice.'29 The neophytes numbered 84 at the end of the year 1791.
They had increased to 224 in another year; in 1796
the number was 523, the highest ever reached, and in
1800 they were 492. There had been 949, according
to the registers, baptized, 271 couples married, and 477
buried. Large stock increased during the decade from
202 to 2,354 head; small stock from 174 to 2,083.
Agricultural products in 1792 were about 650 bushels;
28
Sal, Diario del Reconocimiento de la Mision de Santa Cruz, 1701, MS.
Certificate on foundation of the mission, dated Sept. 25th, and signed by Sal,
Corp. Peralta, and soldier Salvador Higuera. St. Pap., Sac, MS., ii. 137. Sal
returned to Santa Clara Sept. 2Gth, and San Francisco Sept. 27th. Sept. 25th,
the padres announce the foundation to-day in a letter to Romeu; site line and

prospects flattering. Lopez and Salazar, Carta de los Padres de Santa Cruz
al Gobernador, 1701, MS. Title-pages of mission registers. Santa Cruz, Lib.
de Mision, MS., 28.
Santa Clara furnished for Santa Cruz G4 cattle, 22
horses, 70 fanegas of grain, and 2G loaves of bread; San Francisco, 5 yoke of
oxen, 70 sheep, and 2 bushels of barley; San Carlos, 7 mules and 8 horses.
The guard furnished the padres $42.50 worth of provisions, to be repaid.
list of the church vestments and sacred vessels is also given.
Copy from
mission records in Vallejo, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., xxviii. 102-3.
See also
Willey's Centennial Sketch of Santa Cruz, 11, 12. Santa Cruz Sentinel, Aug.
Another record makes the contribution of Santa Clara 151 cattle,
12, 18G5.
19 horses, 18 fanegas of grain; San Francisco, 6 yoke of oxen, 100 hogs, 12
mules; and other missions 8 beasts of burden. Scdazar, Condition actual de
California, 1706, MS.

29
This was in 1797. Prov. Pec, MS., v. 106. Jan. 1794, Mission guard
increased to 8 men, but reduced to 5 before May 1795. Prov. St. Pap., M.S.,
xiii. 231; xii. 77.
April 179S, 90 fugitives gathered in by Corp. Mesa. Id.,
xxii. 101.
Road from Monterey threatened; a soldier nearly attacked in 1792,
St. Pap., Sac, MS. vi. 70-1.
Feb. 1793, 9 neophytes brought in 9 pagans.
Mountain Indians said to be making arrows. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 152-3.
Dec. 1793, the corporal and a soldier wounded two parties sent from San
Francisco to punish the natives. Id. xxi. 17G. Jan. 1795, Sergt. Amador
sent to capture 2 Indians who were making trouble on the Rio Pajaro. Prov.
St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., i. 47.
March 7, 179G, P. Sanchez asks for aid.
Indians threatening. St. Pap.. Sac, MS., viii. 3. Feb. 29th, Amador sent to
investigate a rumor that the Indians would rise and kill the padres. Prov.
;

St.

Pap., MS.,

xiv. 18.

RULE OF ROMETJ.

496

3,400 in 1796, and 800 in 1799; in 1800 were 4,300

bushels; total yield of the decade, 17,590 bushels.
The church, whose corner-stone had been laid with
due ceremony on February 27th of the preceding
year, was formally dedicated to its holy use the 10th
of May 1794, by Father Pena from Santa Clara, with
the aid of Gili and Sanchez, besides the ministers of
the mission. Alfe'rez Sal was present and as godfather
of the church received its keys. All the ceremonies
prescribed by the Roman ritual were solemnly performed in presence of neophytes, servants, and troops,
and next day a mass was celebrated in the new edifice.
The church was about thirty by one hundred
and twelve feet and twenty- five feet high. The
foundation walls to the height of three feet were
of stone, the front was of masonry, and the rest of
adobes. 30 There is some evidence that the site of the
mission had been slightly changed in 1792 to avoid
danger from inundation. 31 About the mission buildings but little is recorded except that the last two
sides of the square were completed in 1795; and a
flourin^-mill was built and began to run in the autumn of 1796, but was badly damaged by the rains of
30

A full

account of the ceremony and of the building, signed by the six

Jose" Maria Lopez, Ignacio Chumazero, and Jose Antonio Sanchez, is given in Sta. Cruz, Lib. de Mision, MS.,
88-40.
Mr Willey, Centennial Sketch Sta. Cruz, 12, gives the date as March
10th, and this may possibly be correct, as it is often difficult to distinguish in
old Spanish manuscript Marzo from Mayo. Progress made on church in 1 793,
and iz was finished in 1794. St. Pap., Miss., MS., i. 122; ii. 17. Being damaged by rains in 1797. Id., ii. 122. Account of dedication in Sta. Cruz SenAccording to a scrap in Hayes' Mission Booh, i. 130,
tinel, Aug. 12, 1865.
some coins and relics deposited in the corner-stone gave rise to rumors of
treasure for which search was made when the building fell in 1856; but not
even the stone was found.
31
Sept. 12, 1792.
Letter of the governor in Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 139.
Inhabitants in 1795: Corporal Jose' Antonio Sanchez; soldiers Joaquin Bernal,
Jose Aceves (whose marriage with a neophyte woman was the first recorded
at Santa Cruz on March 3, 1794, Sta. Cruz, Lib. de Mision, MS., 29), Bamon
Linares, Joaquin Mesa, and Jos6 Vizcarra; sailor sirvientes, Lopez, Carrillo,
Arroyo, Barajas, Rodriguez, and Soto; and the artisan Antonio Henriquez.
All but the sailors had families. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 234. Nov. 1, 1794,
the padres complain that the sailor laborers know nothing of their work and
should be transferred to the presidio. Id., xii. 40. Supplies to presidios in
Due from
1795-6, about $2,000. Id., xvi. 203, 206; Prov. Pec., MS., v. 76.
persons

named and by Francisco Gomez,

presidio to mission in 1800, $183. Sta. Cruz, Lib. de Mision, MS., 19.

EAELIEST ANNALS OF SANTA CRUZ.

497

December. 32 The annual election of mission alcaldes,

which was required by the regulation, but had been
for a long time neglected here as elsewhere, began by
83

Borica's orders in 1797.

In these later years t'he mission prospects were far
from encouraging, if we may judge from the tone of
missionary correspondence. At the beginning of 171)8
Fernandez writes that everything is in a bad way.
hundred and thirty-eight neophytes have deserted,
leaving only thirty or forty to work, while the land is
The
overflowed and the planting not half done.
church has been damaged by the flood; the live-stock
is dying; and a dead whale on the beach has attracted
an unusual multitude of wolves and bears. 34 The establishing of Banciforte across the river, of which I
shall speak in another chapter, had much to do with

despondency.
The missionary founders, Lopez and Salazar, served
here, the latter till July 1795 and the former to July
179G, at or about which dates they departed from the
country to seek the retirement of their college. 85

the

friars'

32
In March artisans were sent to build the mill and instruct the natives.
In August a smith and miller were sent to start the mill. Prov. Pec, MS., iv.
224, 232; v. 50, 58, C5-G, 98, 115; vi. 68; Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., ii. 78; St.
Pa})., Sac, MS., vii. 30. Four millstones were ordered made at Santa Cruz
for San Carlos.
house for the mill was also built; and in 1793 a granary of
two stories and a house for looms had been finished. St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii.

17, 78.
33

Santa Cruz, Parroquia, MS., 15, 16.

Fernandez, Carta del Padre Ministro sobre la condicion de Santa Cruz,
Aug. 1, 1798, Engineer Cordoba reports that Santa Cruz has
1793, MS.
Pas3,435,600 sq. varas of irrigable lands of which 1,120,000 are sin abrir.
tures 1.5 x 8 or 9 leagues with seven permanent streams. Prov. Pec., MS.,
34

vi. 99.
35
Of Alonso Isidro Salazar we know nothing till he became minister of
Santa Cruz in Sept. 1791, having probably arrived from Mexico a little earlier
in the same year.
He and Lopez did not get along amicably together, and
the archives contain an order of the guardian to the president to send Salazar
to some other mission since he and his confrere would not 'listen to reason,'
and in order to reduce their pride.' Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 251-2. He
never served at any other mission, and his license to retire, dated by the viceroy Jan. 23, 1795, reached him before June 10th of the same year. Prov. Ilec,
MS., vi. 47. St. Pap., Sac, MS., i. 50. No reason for his retirement is given.
He doubtless sailed in the transport of that autumn; and on May 11, 1706,
he wrote at the college of San Fernando a long report on California, of which
I shall have something to say elsewhere. Condicion Actual de Cat., MS.
Baldomero Lopez, like Salazar, came to California in 1791, like him served
'

Hist. Cal., Vol.

I.

32

RULE OF ROMEU.

49S

They were succeeded by Manuel Fernandez and Jose

de la Cruz Espi, the latter being replaced in May
1797 by Francisco Gonzalez, while the former left the
countr} in October 1798 and was replaced by Domingo
Carranza. 38
r

We
La

come

finally to

the other

new

mission of 1791,

True to the condition expressed in the

name, 'Our Lady of Solitude' has left but a meagre
Soledad.

record either of foundation or subsequent career. As

we have seen, Lasuen had personally selected a site.
The 29th of September a party of natives departed
from San Carlos to erect a shelter. The friar, delayed
by Malaspina's visit, intended to go to Soledad again
by October 9th at the latest. 37 He did go on that
date or perhaps the day before, for on the 9th with the
aid of Sitjar and Garcia, and in the presence of Lieutenant Jose Arguello, the guard, and various natives,
he sprinkled holy water on the site, blessed and raised
the cross which all adored, and performed all the necessary rites by which the mission of Nuestra Seiiora
de la Soledad was ushered into, existence. The site
was called by the natives Chuttusgelis and the region
only at Santa Cruz, and like him was ill-tempered to such an extent that his
constant bickerings with his companion received the reproof of his superiors
His temper was, however, largely the result of ill-health. He was the vie
tim of hypochondria which unfitted him for missionary duties and he retired
in August 179G. Arch. Sta. Bdrbara, MS., vi. 228, xi. 5G-7; Prov. Bee, MS.,
vi. 1G3.
In Mexico it seems his health was restored, for on Aug. 8, 1818, he
was elected guardian of San Fernando.
36
P. Manuel Fernandez was a native of Tuy in Galicia, Spain, born in
17G7, who became a Franciscan at Compostela in 1784, and joined the college
of San Fernando in 1793, being sent to California in 1794. Arch. Sta. Barbara,
MS. xi. 248. He was one of five priests who came recommended by Mugartegui as of a different kind from several who had exhausted Lasuen 's patience,
these being in fact model missionaries. Mugdrtcgni, Carta al P. Lasuen 30 de
Enero 1794, MS. An original letter. He was impetuous, violent, cruel, and
a bad manager of neophytes. Prov. Bee, MS., vi. 103; or at least over-zealous in converting pagans, and was admonished by the president to moderate
his zeal. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 125-32. This was at Santa Clara where he
served in 1794. He was much at San Francisco in the early part of 1795.
During his service at Santa Cruz in 1795-8 we hear no complaint against him,
and in October 179S he obtained license to retire on account of sickness. Arch.
Arzobi'spado, MS., i. 52.
37
See p. 493, this volume.
,

FOUNDING OF SOLEDAD.

had been known to the Spaniards as Soledad

499

since

88

occupation of the country.

Beyond the names of officiating missionaries and
the usual statistics Soledad has no recorded history
One entry in the mission books
for this first decade.
however deserves mention, by which it appears that
on May 19, 1793, there was baptized a Nootka Indian,
twenty years of age, "Iquina, son of a gentile father,
named Taguasmiki, who in the year 1789 was killed
by the American Gret (Gray) captain of the vessel
called Washington belonging to the Congress of Bos-

the

first

ton."

59

Fathers Diego Garcia and Mariano Rubi were the

first ministers of Soledad, the former being present at
the founding and the latter arriving shortly after.
Rubi left the mission in January and the country in
February or March 1793. Garcia left Soledad in
February 1792, but he returned, serving there from
December 1792 to March 1796, when he was transThese two were of the
ferred to San Francisco.
class alluded to by Mugartegui as having exhausted
They were even worse than
the president's patience.
Salazar and Lopez at Santa Cruz, for Rubi was an
immoral man, while Garcia, if not partially insane,
was unpopular and disobedient. 40 After the terms of
Narrative signed by Lasuen. Romeu
v. 93. The first baptism of an
aboriginal was on Nov. 23d.
The following names from the mission records
are those of the soldiers and sirvientes during the decade: Soldiers, Macario
Castro, corporal in 1792, Ignacio Vallejo, corporal in 1793, Jose Dionisio Bernal, Leocadio Cibrian, Teodoro Gomez, Jos6 Ignacio Mesa, Antonio Buelna,
Marcos Villela, Manuel Mendoza, Salvador Espinosa, Miguel Espinosa, Cayetano Espinosa, Marcos Briones, Bartolome" Mateo Martinez, Jose Maria
Servants: Antonio
Soberanes, Juan Maria Pinto, and Manuel Rodriguez.
Santos, Leocadio Martinez, Matias Solas, Pedro Bautista Leonardo, Jose"
Bernardino Flores.
39
Soledad, Lib. Mision, MS., 4.
40
Mariano Rubi was one of the four padres who arrived in California in
July 1790 sent expressly for the new establishments. He served at San
Antonio 1790 to Sept. 1791, and from Oct. 1791 to Jan. 1793. He retired
under a provisional license, being in ill-health. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 33;
Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 100. In Oct. 1793 and again in Feb. 1794 the guardian
wrote to the president asking for detailed reports on Rubi's conduct and
excesses, and an official certificate on the nature of his disease, which was
doubtless venereal, tie was to be expelled for the honor of the college. A rch.
38

Soledad, Lib. Mteion, MS.,

to viceroy Dec.

1,

1791, in Si.

1, 2.

Pap. Sac, MS.,

RULE OF ROMEU.

500

ministers the following missionaries served

for brief periods: Father Gili, like Rubl more mugeriego than was well for his reputation and health, in

these

first

1793, Espi in 1794-5, Martiarena in 1795-7, and CarAt the end of the decade the minnicer in 1797-8.

were Antonio Jaime and Mariano Payeras, since

March 1796 and November 1798 respectively. In
neophyte population Soledad counted eleven converts
only at the end of 1791, but 493 in 1800, the baptisms
having aggregated 704, deaths 224, and marriages 164.
Large stock gained from 194 to 1,383 head; small
Agriculture yielded 525
stock from 213 to 3,024.
bushels in 1792; 350 in 1794; 2,000 in 1797, and
isters

Total yield of decade 14,800 bushels.

2,600 in 1800.
In 1797 this mission possessed an adobe church with
roof of straw. 41
Sta. Bdrbara, MS., xi. 229-31, 255. Of Garcia's shortcomings I shall have
more to say hereafter. At Soledad he once neglected to sow grain on some
frivolous pretext, and the neophytes were near starving in consequence.
41
St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 120.
Supplies to the presidio in 1706 $418.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 203.

CHAPTER XXIV.
RULE OF ARRILLAGAVANCOUVER'S

VISITS.

1792-1794.

Council at Monterey to Appoint a Temporary Governor Arrillaga's

Accession Arrival at Monterey California Separated from
Provincias Internas Arrillaca's Policy and Acts The Jordan
Colony Maritime Affairs and Foreign Relations Northern Explorations Spanish Policy The Nootka Question Voyage of the
'Sutil' and Mexicana' Boundary Commission Vancouver's First
Visit Reception at San Francisco, Santa Clara, and Monterey
English Deserters The Governor in a Dilemma Precautions
against Foreign Vessels Re villa Gigedo's Report Attempted
Occupation of Bodega Vancouver's Second Visit ADisgusted Englishman Suspicions of Arrillaga Hospitalities in the South
End of the Nootka Settlement Vancouver's Last Visit His Observations on California.

'

In view of the governor's illness a council was held

at Monterey April 5, 1792, by call of Lieutenant
Argiiello, 1 to decide on whom the command should
fall in the event of Romeu's death, which Surgeon
Pablo Soler pronounced to be near. The council consisted of Argiiello, Ortega, Goycoechea, and Alferez

The

was that according to the regulation the governorship ad interim would belong to
Captain Jose Joaquin de Arrillaga, commandant at
Loreto and lieutenant-governor of the Californias;
Sal.

decision

that the provincial archives should be kept temporarily by the council, and that Arrillaga should be
notified at once of the state of affairs.
Goycoechea
and Sal should return to their presidios, and Ortega
1
Argiiello had succeeded Ortega in the spring of 1791, and Alferez Sal had
been put in command at San Francisco.

(501)

RULE OF ARRILLAGA.

502

on Romeu's death should proceed directly to Loreto. 2

This decision was communicated on the same day to
Arrillaga and to the commandants not present at the
council.

The date

of Arrillaga's accession

may

fore be considered as identical with that of

there-

Eomeu's

death the 9th of April.

On May 4th Arrillaga announced his succession to the viceroy, and on the 7th
to the officials in California, who acknowledged the
receipt in June. 3
Arrillaga chose to take a modest view of his own
abilities and a rather exalted one of his new duties,
asking for counsel and suggestions from his subordinates.
"From this moment I unload my conscience

upon each, and hold him responsible for results," writes

the new ruler, "since an officer must be directed in
his acts more by his own honor then by fear of
authority."
Viceregal authority for his exercise of
the chief command bore date of the 8th of July. It
was his intention to remain at Loreto; but on September 28th he was ordered to Monterey, where he
arrived early in July 1793, soon visiting San Francisco and returning to the capital the 17th of Sep-

tember. 4
Arrillaga's attention was given almost exclusively,
during this first term of office and long after, to the

inspection of the presidios and to the adjustment of the

old presidial accounts in continuation of the task that
had been intrusted to Romeu. He worked diligently
2
Junta de 5 de Abril de 1701 en Monterey, MS. Argiiello's letters to commandants Ziifiiga and Gonzales, same date. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxii. 13-15.
3
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 4, 7, 8. May 4th, Arrillaga to viceroy. Id.,
xxi. 71.
May 7th, Id., to Goycoechea and Argiiello. /(/., xi. 25; St. Pop.,
Sac, MS., i. 115. May 7th, Id., to Lasuen, and the padre's congratulations
on June 25th. Arch. Arzoblspado. MS., i. 27-8. May 10th Gen. Kava sends

to the governor a copy of Neve's previous instructions to Fages ; but this

document was probably intended for llomeu since Nava first announces knowl
edge of Romeu's death on June 17th. St. Pap., Sac, MS., i. 72-3; Prov. St

Pap., MS.,

xi. 59.

1792, Arrillaga to commandants in St. Pap., Sac, MS., vi. 76-8

Viceroy to governor, July 8, 1792, in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xx. 3
At San Diego in March
Sept. 28, 1792, Arrillaga ordered to Monterey. lb.
1793; at Monterey, before July 8th; went to San Francisco July 27th;
returned Sept. 17th. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 92-3, 101, 109, 116. His last
communication from Loreto is dated Dec. 29th.
4

June

8,

A NEW GOVERNOR.

503

and with much success, though

many years passed before it was completed. Beyond
the details of this adjustment, and the ordinary routine
of official correspondence with commandants, general,
for early in 1793 California became by
or viceroy
royal order separated from the Provincias Interims
and subordinate directly to the viceroy 5 the archives
contain but little on this administration, which conat the complicated task

tinued until 1794.

Arrillaga carried out conscientiously the instructions of general and viceroy on the strengthening of
coast defences and assistance to north-coast establishments.
He met the English navigator Vancouver on
his second visit to Monterey, leaving a not very favorable impression on the mind of his visitor, and urged
the viceroy to put the presidios under captains, who
should have nothing to do with the financial accounts. 6
He granted lands provisionally to three or four men
7
in the Monterey region, issued in the interests of
agriculture a proclamation forbidding the natives to
kindle fires in the fields, and in the direction of public
works opened a new road and ford at the Pajaro River.
By Arrillaga's advice the proposition of the clergyman, Alejandro Jordan, to found a colony in California for the supply of San Bias with products at cheaper
8
rates, was declined by the king in 1794.
Besides
5
The king resolved in council of Sept. 7, 1702, on making the Provincias
Internas independent of the viceroy; but the Californias and some eastern
provinces were excepted in military and political matters. Revilla Gigedo,
Bandos, 63. Feb. 12, 1793, viceroy gives corresponding orders to the governor. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. ICG.
G
July 18,1792. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 108-9. In 1791 the office of habilitado general of the Calif crnian Presidios had been created with Manuel Carcaba as first incumbent. Id., x. 13G-7.
7
Arrillaga says that his predecessors had not granted any lands, he favors
it and has granted ranches to several invalids on the river 3 or 4 leagues from
Monterey. Prov. St. Pap., xii. 45-7, 189; xxi. 132. It was in his rule, 1793,
that C4eneral Nava's order, allowing commandants of presidios to grant lands
within 4 leagues, was approved by the viceroy. St. Pap., Miss, and Colon.,
MS., i. 320-1, 341-2.
8
Arrillaga to viceroy, Novembers, 1792, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 85-6.
Jordan is said to have spent 8 months in Alta California at some previous
time, and to have caused some dissatisfaction by his intrigues, though 1 find
no other record of his presence than Arrillnga's statement. Jordan asked for

KULE OF ARRILLAGA.

504

ordering the appropriate manifestations of rejoicing at

the queen's happy delivery in 1793, the governor continued the collection of alms for the Capuchin nuns of
Granada authorized before his accession, and in 1794
had the pleasure of forwarding California's contribu9
tion of $154 for so pious an object.
From what has been said it will be apparent to the
reader that little occurred to distract Arrillaga's attenThe period was one of quiet
tion from his figures.
prosperity for the missions, and no new establishments
were founded. The governor was liked by the friars,

with whose management he made no attempt to interfere. He had no quarrels; introduced no reforms; met
with no disasters, but regarding himself as merely an
accidental and temporary ruler he was content with
the performance of routine duties until a successor
We shall hear more of him later.
could be selected.
Local events during this and the preceding and following administrations I shall group into the annals
General topics of provincial progress I
of a decade.
shall group practically in the same way by attaching
the little that belongs to Romeu and Arrillaga to the
much that is to be said of Borica's time.

and foreign relations, or the dread

of foreign relations and consequent precautions, form
the only general topic of Arrillaga's term which demands extended notice. The subject is somewhat
closely connected with the annals of the Northwest
Coast, fully recorded in another volume of this work,.
Maritime

affairs

$4,000 salary, 18 men, and a supply of implements. Arrillaga thought that

the expense of a colony would outweigh its advantages, since the supplyAugust 7, 1794,
ships might take south produce obtained from the settlers.
the viceroy communicates to the governor the king's decision against the proposal, on the ground that free trade with San Bias would of itself accomplish
The
quite as satisfactory results. Id., xi. 192-3; Prov. Eec, MS., viii. 145.
king's order was dated March 7, 1794. Nueva Espana, Acuerdos, MS., 179.
9
May 8, 1793, order for te deum on queen's delivery. Prov. Etc., MS.,
December 1, 1791, authorization of
i.
34.
i. 210; Arch. Arzobispado, MS.,
Capuchin collection by general. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 23. June 6, 1794,
viceroy acknowledges receipt of $154 collected at Monterey and San Francisco.

Id., xi. 172-3;

Prov Eec, MS.,

i.

$32 at San Francisco.

213.

Id., x. 14, 40; xxi. 110, 132, 1G4;

THE NORTHWEST COAST.

505
10

Spain no
longer attached the same importance as in former

and therefore

briefly referred to here.

years to her exclusive claims in the far north, now

that the geographical relations of America and Asia
were approximately known, and the occupation of California had furnished suitable ports for the Philippine
After the explorations of 1774-9 to latitude
trade.
60 nothing was done for a decade.
Had it not been
for the possible existence of an interoceanic strait and
the ever present fear of foreign encroachment from
the north, the Spaniards would have given no more
thought to these far-off coasts. New rumors came,
however, that the Russians were advancing southward, rumors proved to be of no serious importance
by the expedition of 1788 but this expedition brought
the more alarming report of a British plan to occupy
Nootka. Therefore Martinez was sent in 1789 to prevent this step and establish a Spanish post at that place.
In the execution of his duty Martinez seized several
English vessels as prizes.
This led to complications
between the two nations which nearly plunged Europe
in war, but were settled by a treaty of 1790.
By this
treaty Spain virtually relinquished all her claims to
exclusive sovereignty on the Northwest Coast, the
right of navigation, fishery, and settlement being made
;

common

to both nations.

The establishment at Nootka was kept up, however,

from the spring of 1790, before the date of the treaty,
and was regularly supplied from San Bias by the California transports which often went direct to the
northern post and touched at Monterey on the return.
Nootka was simply an extension of the Californian
establishments.
Spain had, as already explained, no
desire for northern possessions, but she maintained
the post for five years for two reasons first, because
if a strait or an inlet leading to New Mexico could be
found it would be important to hold it, and to that
end exploration was zealously prosecuted; and second,

10

See Hist. Northwest Coast,

i.

chap, v.-ix.

RULE OF ARRILLAGA.

50G

because if there were no strait the position could be

to secure a favorable
used in diplomatic negotiations
o
boundary further south, such as the strait of Fuca,
the main object being to secure a broad frontier between San Francisco and the first foreign post. It is
only certain vo}^ages connected with the explorations
and negotiations referred to that have a bearing on
California history.
The touching on the coast of
several Nootka vessels connected with the expeditions of Elisa, Fidalgo, Quimper, Saavedra, Matute,
and Malaspina in 1790-1 has already been noticed.
In the spring of 1792 three vessels sailed from San
Bias for Nootka, one of them bearing Juan Francisco
de la Bodega y Cuadra as Spanish commissioner to
settle certain questions still pending with England.
At Nootka he met Vancouver, the British commissioner. By the treaty Spain had agreed to restore all
lands of which England had been dispossessed. Cuadra
claimed, as was indeed the fact, that there were no
such lands and therefore proposed to fix a boundary,
offering to give up Nootka and make Fuca Strait the
Vancouver demanded the unconditional surrenline.
der of the port, and declined to treat on the boundary
The commissioners not being able to
question at all.
agree, left the matter to be settled by their respective
governments, and soon all the vessels, Spanish and
English, sailed for the south.
J.

The

and Mexicana had been sent from Acapulco in March under captains Dionisio Galiano and
Cayetano Valdes to explore the strait of Juan de
Fuca and the coast to the south. After exploring the
sound in company with Vancouver's fleet the two ves11
sels returned to Monterey where they arrived September 2 2d and remained till the 26th of October.
Sutil

11
For northern explorations see Hist. iV. W. Coast, i. 270, etc. Previous
arrivals of 1792 had been the Conception, Captain Elisa, from Nootka, leaving
supplies at Monterey July 9th, at Santa Barbara, Sept. 8th, and at San Diego,
Oct. 8th; the Santa Gertrudis, Capt. Torres, from Nootka, touching at Monterey
Aug. 11th to Oct. 26th, en route for San Bias; and the Saturnina, which arrived
from San Bias at San Francisco Sept. lOch and at Monterey Oct. 17th. For am-

'SUTIL'AND 'MEXICANA.'

507

The author of the diary devotes two chapters to California, which cod tain a description of Monterey and
surroundings, a somewhat* extended account of
aboriginal manners and customs, and a superficial but
not inaccurate view of the provincial establishments,
including a table of mission statistics.
He speaks
highly of the country and of the missionaries; but
there is nothing in his observations on California that
possesses any special value as throwing new light on
He presents, however,
her condition or institutions.
the following not very well founded complaint " These
deserving soldiers, and not less useful colonists, live
with the affliction that when with failing strength they
can no longer support the fatigues of their profession,
they are not permitted to settle there and devote
This prohithemselves to agricultural occupations.
bition of building: houses and tilling: lands near the
presidio seems directly opposed to all the purposes of
utility, security, and prosperity of those establishments, and contrary perhaps to what good policy
should dictate. Were the soldiers permitted while in
the service to employ their savings and moments of
leisure in forming a hacienda and raising cattle, both
for their families' convenience and as a resource
against poverty. .it is very likely that within a few
years there would be planted a flourishing colony most
useful for its inhabitants and of great service to Spanish navigators." After leaving Monterey Galiano and
Valcles sailed down the coast, making some observations without anchoring, and communicating with
the transport Concepcion as they passed San Diego.
Most of their stay in California had been spent in
preparing their reports and charts of northern re12
gions.
I reproduce the general map of the Califorits

nia coast.
vals and departures of vessels see Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 75-G, 88-9, 159,
162-3; St. Pep., Sac, MS., iii. 17; vi. 68, 72; ix. 82-3; Prov. Pec, MS., ii.
141, 157; Navarrete, Introd., cxxiii.-xxxi.
There is some confusion respecting duties.
12
Sutil y Mexicana, Relation del Viar/e hechopor las r/oletaff Satil y Mexicana,
en el auo de 1702 para reconocer el Edrecho de Puca; con una Iidroduccion y

508

RULE OF ARRILLAGA.

Map

of 1792.

ARRIVAL OF SPANISH VESSELS.

The probable

509

and English
commissioners had been announced in advance, and
the Californian authorities were instructed to maintain by a cordial receptiqn the Spanish reputation for
13
Cuadra on the Activa from the north
hospitality.
arrived at Monterey the 9th of October. The Saturnina, bearing important despatches for him, had been
lying at San Francisco for a month and came down
These despatches,
as soon as his arrival was known.
royal
order, contained new
in accordance with a late
instructions from Revilla Gigedo by which Nootka
was not to be surrendered as the viceroy had at first
proposed. Since the proposal had not been accepted,
there was no special haste about the new orders;
yet they were sent up to Fidalgo at Nootka by
the IIorcasitas, u and Guadra remained in California
through the winter. Before the end of October the
Aranzazu, under Caamano, arrived at Monterey from
arrival of the Spanish

the north.
Madrid, 1802, 8vo, 7 1. clxviii. 185, 20 pages with folio atlas. Chapters
etc.
on California, 157-77. The atlas contains a general map of the whole coast,
including California, and a chart of Monterey, made by these explorers a
chart of San Diego, made by Pantoja in 1782 (given in chap. xxii. this vol.);
and a map of the coast from Vizcaino's survey of 1602-3 (see chap. iii. tiiis
vol.) The most valuable part of this work, however, is Navarrete, Introduction en que se da noticia de las Expediciones executadas anteriormente por los
Espjailoles en busca del Paso del Noroeste de la America, i.-cixviii. This work,
which has often been cited by me, is probably the best resume' of Spanish
voyages on the Pacific coast. It was written by Martin Fernandez de Navarrete, whose name does not appear as the author, but whose facilities were of
the best, by reason of access to Spanish archives and of ability. Greenhow's
charge, Or. and Cal., 241, of 'gross and palpable misstatements of circumstances, respecting which he undoubtedly possessed the means of arriving at
the truth,' has, I believe, no just foundation. Galiano, ValdCs, and Alava
who visited Monterey a little later, all fell at the famous naval battle of
Trafalgar.
The viceroy had at first intended Lieut. Maurelle to make this
exploration. Revilla-Gigedo, Informe de 12 deAbrill793, 141; Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., xi. 40.
13
Arrillaga, still at Loreto, communicated this order to the presidio commandants on Sept. 16, 1792. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 35; St. Pap., Sac, "MS.,
i. 42-3.
Orders had also been given in the spring of 1792 for the friendly
reception and aid of the French expedition in search of La Perouse, which
never arrived. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 73; St. Pap., Sac, MS., i. 112.
u Revilla-Gigedo, Informe de 12 de Abril 1793, 137. Oct. 31st, Sal writes
to Gov. Arrillaga that he judges from Cuadra's remarks that the English
want the mouth of San Francisco Bay for a boundary. St. Pap., Sac, M8., i.
119. Sept. 9th, Sal had written to Arrillaga that he had seen a suspicious
vessel off the port on the 7th, and fired 6 shots at her. She anchored for the
night about a league from Mussel Point. Id., i. 69-71.
;

RULE OF ARRXLLAGA.

510

In April of this year Captain George Vancouver

in the Discovery with the Chatham under Lieutenant
Broughton, on a grand exploring voyage round the
world, had crossed over from the Sandwich Islands
and made observations on the California coast as he
15
sailed northward from just below Cape Mendocino.
Now six months later, coming from Nootka, the
English navigator sailed down the coast without
anchoring, and on November 14th, in the Discovery,
entered San Francisco Bay at nightfall and anchored
in front of Yerba Buena Cove, having received a salute
of two guns as he passed the fort. 16 Next day he was
visited in the morning by Sergeant Pedro Amador
and Padre Lanclaeta, and later by Commandant Sal
and Father Dan ti; while on the 16th by advice of the
Spaniards, Private Miranda serving as pilot, the Discovery was transferred to the usual anchorage nearer
the presidio. 17

Vancouver's reception at San Francisco was most

Every attention was shown
cordial and satisfactory.
and every possible aid furnished the visitors by Commandant Sal and his wife and the friars at the mission.
Couriers were despatched to Monterey with a message
for Cuadra. Facilities were afforded for obtaining wood
and water; feasts were given at both presidio and mission, and meat and vegetables were sent on board the
vessel.
Indeed everything the Spaniards had in this
the most poverty-stricken of their establishments was
at the disposition of the strangers.
On the 20th of
November Vancouver and seven of his officers made
an excursion on horseback to Santa Clara, being the
first foreigners who had ever penetrated so far into
For his northern explorations with
274, et seq.
16
Id., i. 432; Sal to Arrillaga Nov. 14, 1792, in St. Pap., Sac, MS., i. 115It is strange that Sal makes the day
17; Id. to Id., Nov. 30th, in Id., iii. 22.
The same
of arrival Nov. 13th, while the voyager's diary has it Nov. 14th.
discrepancy exists respecting the date of changing anchorage. On the location
of Yerba Buena, see chap. xxx. of this volume.
17
The commander of the Santa Gertrudis had left a note for Vancouver, and
a horseman had therefore been stationed at the heads to give notice of his
15

Vancouver's Voyage,

maps, see Hist.

approach.

St.

JSf.

i.

W. Coast,

Pap., Sac,

196-200.
i.

vi. 72.

VANCOUVER'S FIRST

VISIT.

511

They were escorted by Amador with

the interior.
a squad of five soldiers, and were delighted with much
After most hospitable
of the intermediate country.
treatment by fathers Peha and Sanchez at Santa
Clara, they returned to San Francisco on the 2 2d.

The Chatham had meanwhile arrived, and preparations

were hastened for departure. For supplies furnished 18

Don Hermenegildo would

take no pay, acting as he

said under instructions from Bodega y Cuadra; but
he accepted from Vancouver some implements and
ornaments besides a hogshead each of wine and rum,
all to be distributed to the presidio and two missions.
The two vessels sailed away the 2Gth and anchored
next morning at Monterey. 19
Vancouver found lying at anchor in the harbor of
Monterey the Dcedalus, his store-ship which had
joined the fleet at Nootka, the Activa bearing
Cuadra's broad pennant, the Aranzazu, and the IlorThe presidio and Cuadra's flag each received
casitas.
a salute of thirteen guns and each returned the compliment.
From Cuadra, Arguello, Caamaflo, and all
the Spanish officials the Englishmen received the
same courteous attentions as at San Francisco, and a
series of social entertainments followed on shore and
on deck which were mutually agreeable and productive of good-feeling.
Orders recently received from
Spain not to molest English vessels but to capture
all those of other nations led both commanders to
believe that the Nootka difficulties had been settled
by their respective governments; consequently Vancouver made arrangements with Cuadra to send
BrouGfhton to England via. San Bias and Mexico, to
18

These supplies were, according to a list in St. Pap., Sac, MS., iii. 21-2,
Cuadra 11 cows, 7 sheep, 10 arrobas of lard; free from Sal
cows, 2 calves, 4 sheep, 190 pumpkins, 10 baskets vegetables, a cart-load of
ditto, 95 fowl, 400 eggs.
19
On Vancouver's stay at San Francisco, visit to Santa Clara, and voyage,
see Voyage, ii. 1-30.
Arguello reports to Arrillaga on Nov. 30th, the arrival
of the Dcedalus on the 22d commanded by Geo. Anson,' and of the Discovery
and Chatham on the 25th, one day before Vancouver's date, as at San Francisco. St. Pap., Sac, MS., v. 97.
The date is given as Nov. 25th also in
Prov. St. Pcq>., MS., xxi. 93.

for acct. of

'

RULE OF ARPJLLAGA.

512

which end the Spanish commander offered every faThe Discovery and the Chatham remained at
cility.
Monterey for about fifty days for reloading and
tent and observatory for astronomical
repairs.
observations were set up on the beach, and the Dceclalus sailed in December for New South Wales with
a load of cattle and other supplies generously furnished by the Spaniards.
Vancouver and party went over to San Carlos the
2d of December, and were hospitably entertained, as
La Perouse had been six years before, by President
Lasuen and the other friars. The natives gave an

exhibition of their skill in killing deer by stratagem.

Back at the port a dinner was given on board the
Discovery which proved agreeable until Senora Argiiello and other ladies as well as some gentlemen were
forced by sea-sickness to retire to tierra Jirme.
picnic dinner at the presidio garden several miles away
was another day's programme. Subsequently a display of fireworks delighted the Spaniards and astonished the aborigines. When this pleasant intercourse
was over and the day of departure drew near Bodega
y Cuadra, who in addition to constant kindness had
prolonged his stay at Monterey for no other purpose
than to carry Broughton to San Bias, refused to take
pay for cattle or other stores supplied to the fleet;
and Vancouver was obliged to be content with a new
distribution of such useful utensils as his vessels could
supply. 20 At last January 15, 1793, after an ineffectual
pursuit of two deserters 21 and the reluctant acceptance

20

Revilla-Gigedo, Informe de 12 de Abril, 139, says Vancouver's gifts were

Salazar, Condition actual de Cal., MS., 67, estimates
all of Vancouver's presents in his three visits at $10,000, and says that Santa
Cruz received $1,000 with which a mill was built. By the viceroy's order of
Sept. 30, 1794, any debts on Vancouver's account except expenses for securing deserters were charged to the San Bias department as expenses of the
boundary commission. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 200.
21
About these deserters there is no lack of information in the archives.
Besides the 2 from the Chatham there were 3 from the Daedalus. Governor
to viceroy March 16, 1793, says that 3 are Catholics and deserted because not
allowed to attend mass ; the others desire to become Catholics. They were
Cuadra on Jan. 19th had ordered them sent, if
prisoners at Monterey.
caught, to Nootka via Loreto. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 94-7. Gov. to Ar-

worth about $2,000.

VANCOUVER'S DEPARTURE.

513

by Vancouver of the only smith at the presidio in

place of the lost armorer, the fleet of five sail, two
English and three Spanish, disappeared in the southwest behind Point Pinos and left to Monterey its
usual solitude. 22
Governor Arrillaga was not pleased when he heard
of the excessive freedom that had been allowed Vancouver, and especially did he disapprove of the Englishman's visit to Santa Clara. He felt that a kind
reception to the boundary commission according to
viceregal instructions did not include such extraordiMarch 27th, Deserters not to be delivered to any English vessel except
Vancouver's and then only on his paying the expenses. The 2 not to be
admitted to Catholic faith until further orders, except in danger of
death.
To be supplied at rate of 18 cents per day for rations and clothes.
May be employed at their trades. Arrillaga disapproves sending them
to Loreto. St. Pap., Sac, MS., i. 107, 109-10; vii. 82; Prov. Pec,
MS., ii. 1G1-2. Aug. 10th, They must be given up to an English vessel
Clothes furnished to be charged to account of boundary
or sent to San Bias.
commission. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 95-6. In Sept. 1793 the 5 deserters
were sent to San Bias on the Princesa. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 117. Jan.
9, 1794, viceroy tells gov. that they will be sent back for delivery to Vancouver. Jan. 22d, Vancouver is charged with $250 expenses at San Bias.
He must return the three borrowed sailors. Id., xi. 153, 158, xxi. 142. May
16th, viceroy to gov., The 5 have been sent by the Conception; charges $228
to be paid by Vancouver; else they are to be sent to Nootka for delivery to
some English vessel. Id., xi. 171-2. June 9th, Id. to Id. Another deserter
taken at San Diego is to be given up. Id. xi. 173-4. June 12th, Gov. to viceroy,
As Vancouver had no Spanish money he has presented the amount in the
name of the Spanish nation. Id., xxi. 144. Sept. 12th, Arrillaga to Arguello,
Arrival of the 6 in Conception, the $288 and rations to be collected from
Vancouver. Id., xii. 167-9. Sept. 30th, Arguello to Arrillaga, keeps the 6
under surveillance; will deliver them to Vancouver, to an English vessel, or
Some want to be Catholics and some
to a Spanish vessel bound for Nootka.
to enlist. Id., xii. 148-9.
Nov. 5th, Arguello to Capt. Puget of Chatham, surrendering 2 of the 6. Total bill $747. 7c/.,xii. 170-1. Nov. 16th, Vancouver
to gov., Finds that 3 of the 6 are not British subjects and will not claim
them. Has no instructions to pay the bill but will lay the account before
the admiralty. Id., xii. 154-5. Nov. 16th (or 17th), Gov. to Vancouver interceding for the 3 deserters given up and charging $325 for expenses. The three
not given up were 2 Portuguese and one Dane. Id., xii. 172-3. The purport
of 2 preceding communications in Vancouver's Voyage, iii. 333-4.
Nov. 20,
1794, Fidalgo takes the 3 remaining deserters on board his vessel to work out
the $421 of charges. Id., xii. 171-2, 174.
22
Vancouver, A Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean, and round
the World. .1790-5. London, 1798, 3 vols. 4to, and folio atlas. On this visit
to Monterey, see vol. ii. 29-49, 99-105.
Other editions and translations of
Vancouver's voyage with numerous abridged narratives and references all
drawn from this original source I do not deem it necessary to notice here.
Dec. 15, 1792, Lasuen writes to Vancouver thanking him for his gifts to the
missions. Arch. Sta. Bdrbara, MS., vi. 260-1.
March 13, 1793, Viceroy to
Vancouver, has given Lieut. Broughton all possible aid, and with the greatest
pleasure. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 93-4.
giiello

Hist. Cal. Vol.

I.

33

RULE OF ARPJLLAGA

514

nary license to a foreign power. He was only temporary governor and he entertained a nervous dread
of overstepping the literal instructions of his superiors.
He feared that what had taken place would be disapproved, and that he would be held responsible.
His
trouble was increased by an order from the vicerov
dated November 24, 1792, to be on his guard against
English ships, and especially to prevent the weakness
of the Spanish establishments from becoming known
28
No wonder he was alarmed and that
to foreigners.
on his way up to Monterey in the spring of 1793 he
wrole to chide Sal for having permitted Vancouver to
gain a knowledge of the country, at the same time
instructing him and other commandants to limit their
courtesies to foreign vessels in the future to the mere
granting of needed supplies as demanded by the laws
of hospitality. 24
The presence of two English vessels
on the coast in March did not tend to allay the gov25
ernor's fears.
Sal humbly confessed that in permitting
the visit to Santa Clara he had committed an inexcusable fault. " I am human and I fell into an error
which I cannot mend/' says he. But he claims that
with Father Landaeta he endeavored to dissuade his
guest from his purpose, thus exciting his displeasure,
and that there was no other way to prevent the intrusion but to remove the horses.
This differs materially
from Vancouver's account, where no trouble is hinted
23

Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., xix. 1, 2; xx. 3, 4.

Arrillaga to Sal, March 2G, 1793. Only the commander or his representative must be permitted to land. Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 142-4. May 2d, Arrillaga says he has given orders not to let any English land. Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., xxi. 98-9. April 1st, meat and vegetables to be supplied sparingly as a
matter of policy only. Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 162.
25
March 1G, 1793, Sal to governor, announces the arrival of an English
She had a
vessel under Captain Brown, asking for water, wood, and meat.
suspicious appearance, said she came from Monterey and was bound for
Nootka, and was said by the natives to have been hanging about the coast for
two months. St. Pap., Sac, MS., ii. 131-2. Two English vessels, one of them
the Princess, obtained wood and water at Monterey early in March. Pr
Pec, MS., ii. 1G2. March or February, an English vessel at mouth of San
The presidios are undeFrancisco, and another at Bodega with guns landed.
fended and the English have noticed it, saying that pirates are numerous and
an invasion not unlikely. So sa s the governor to the viceroy. Prov. St. Pap.,
24

MS.,

xxi. 94.

COAST DEFENCES.

and

515

only said that in consequence of despatches

received by Sal, and the indisposition of one of the
26
friars, they begged leave to decline the engagement.
at,

it is

Together with his order requiring precautions

against the English and other foreigners with a special
view of keeping Spanish weakness from their knowledge, and subsequently, the viceroy announced his
intention of remedying that weakness by strengthening the four presidios and by the immediate occupation
of Bodega. The 16th of Julv Arrillaga sent in a
27
report on the state and needs of Californian defences.
Vancouver, unwisely permitted to investigate, had
been surprised to find California so inadequately protected, and the Spaniards seem to have realized the
utter insufficiency of their coast defences at about the
same time; but nothing was accomplished in 1793
beyond an unsuccessful effort to occupy Bodega Port.
Their Bodega scheme and the whole project of
strengthening the Californian defenses were devised
by Viceroy Revilla Gigedo, and urged most ably in
his report of April 12, 1793, a document which covers
the whole northern question from a Spanish standpoint, and although little consulted by modern waiters
28
After giving
is really a most important authority.
20
April 30, 1793, Sal to Arrillaga in St. Pap., Sac, MS., v. 6; Vancouver's
Voyage, ii. 1G. I suspect that a night's sleep calmed the Spaniards' enthusiasm
somewhat, and showed them that they were going too far; therefore they
made excuses intended as a hint which the Englishman did not care to take.
27
Arrillaga, Informe al Virey sob re defnsa de la Costa, 1703, MS. Feb.
16, 1793, viceroy to governor, approves fortification of the presidios and has
ordered artillery and other material sent. Id., xx. 4. The governor says that
Monterey has 8 guns and 3 pedreros; San Francisco 2 useless guns; Santa
Barbara 2 guns and a pedrero with nobody to manage them; and San Diego
3 guns dismounted. The nominal force free for action in the 4 presidios is 35,
but after deductions only one or two men to each fort. He recommends a
force of 2G4 men; wants a vessel at Monterey or San Francisco; and approves
the occupation of Bodega.
28
Revilla Gigedo, Informe de los Sucesos ocurridos en la Peninsula de Californias y departamento de San Bias, desde el afio de 1768. Mexico 12 do Abril
de 1703, in Bustamante, Svplemento d la Hist, de los Tres Sighs de Mexico, iii.
112-64. Another important work belonging to this year and written by the
same author is Revilla Gigedo, Carta dirigida d la corte dcEspaua contestawlo
d la real drden sobre establecimientos de misiones, Mexico, 27 de Diciemhre de
1703, in Diccionario Universal, v. 426-70. The part relating to the California

RULE OF ARRILLAGA.

516

a complete history of his subject the distinguished

author argues that distant and costly outposts in the
north are not desirable for Spain; and attention
should be given exclusively to the preservation and
utilization of the establishments now existing in California, and to the prevention of too near approach by
any foreign power. To this end Bodega should be
held and the English, plan of making a boundary of
San Francisco Bay be thus defeated. Probably this
one measure may suffice in the north; Nootka maybe
given up, and Fuca, and also the Entrada de Heceta,
or Columbia River, unless it should prove to afford a
passage to the Atlantic or to New Mexico. Meanwhile the presidios should be put in an effective condition; a new one should be founded on the Rio
Colorado, and an able successor to Romeu be selected
as governor. The department of San Bias should be
transferred to Acapulco, and certain reforms be introduced in the management of the pious fund and of
the salt-works.
Because of its supposed excellence as a harbor, and
because of its vicinity to San Francisco, making its
occupation by England equivalent to an occupation of
that harbor for purposes of contraband trade, it was
decided to found a Spanish settlement at Bodega.
Moreover there were rumors that foreigners were
already taking steps in that direction. 29 To this end
the 10th of February the viceroy announced the giving
of orders to the commandant at San Bias to despatch
a schooner and long-boat for the service, and Arrillaga was directed to go to San Francisco to meet the
vessels.
He gave orders the 20th of March to have
missions is found on pp. 427-30; and this portion in manuscript is also in St.
Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 2-28. See also extracts in Jones' Report on
Land Titles, No. 6; Hayes Mission Boole, 176. This report is a careful statement
of the mission condition and system at the time, and is used in another chapter.
29
Oct. 8, 1792, Sal informs the governor that according to Indian reports
two -vessels presumably English, for the men wore red were at Bodega, got
wood, water, and deer, and asked the natives to get cattle for them. St. Pap.,
Sac., MS., vi. 67-8. Jan. 15, 1793, two English ships said to be at Bodega,
five shots heard off San Francisco on 16th and 17th. Id., vi. 98.
1

ATTEMPT TO OCCUPY BODEGA.

517

a road opened from San Francisco across to Bodega.

These instructions came up on the Aranzazu, which
30
Arrillaga
arrived at San Francisco the 24th of July.
obtained boats from the vessels, set across some thirty
horses, and on the 5th of August Lieutenant Goycoechea with a sergeant and ten men set out to open the

road and to meet at Bodega Matute, who with the

Sutil and Mexicana had probably been sent direct to
Unfortunately I have not
that port from San Bias.
found Goycoechea's diary which was sent to Mexico,
and we know absolutely nothing of either the exploration by sea or land, save that Matute returned to San
Francisco on August 12th, and five days later Arrillaga informs the viceroy that the occupation of Bodega
is put off for this year.
The postponement proved to
be a permanent one, for some unexplained cause, and
the ten soldiers and five mechanics with some stores
intended for Bodega were retained by Sal at San
Francisco. 31

Coming from the Hawaiian

Islands

Vancouver

touched again the shores of California, or of New

Albion as he is careful to call it, in the spring of 1793.
From the 2d to the 5th of May the Discovery was at
30

The Princesa, Fidalgo, from Nootka, arrived at San Francisco June 21st,
San Diego, Oct. 24th; Aranzazu, Menendez, from San Bias, San Francisco,
July 24th, Monterey, Aug. 25th, San Diego, Oct. 24th; Activa, Elisa, from
San Bias, San Francisco, Aug. 11th, San Diego, Oct. 24th; Sutil and Mexicana, Matute, from San Bias, San Francisco, Aug. 12th Oct. lGth; Vancouver's vessels, Trinity Baj% May 2d, San Francisco, Oct. 19th, Monterey,
Nov. 1st, Santa Barbara, Nov. 9th, San Diego, Nov. 27th. On the arrivals
and departures of vessels for 1793, there being as usual some confusion in the
dates, see Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 1G3; xxi. 101, 109, 111, 121-2; St. Pap.,
Sac, MS., i. 61; Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 1G2.
31
Governor to viceroy, July lGth, Aug. 17th, 20th, in Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
xxi. 107, 111, 113.
Aug. 3d, gov. orders Sal to receive the men and stores.
Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 144-5. Aug. 4th, gov. instructs Goycoechea to use cau-

tion, treat the

Indians well, etc. Id., i. 20G.

Sept. 24th, gov. to viceroy,
asking for a boat for Bodega to carry timber; so that the project was not
yet quite abandoned. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 117. Feb. 28, 1704, viceroy
has heard that the Sutil and Mexicana have sailed, leaving the 10 soldiers and
a bricklayer for Bodega. Id., xi. 1G0.
As late as July 0, 1793, the viceroy
repeated the orders to open a road. Id., xi. 92; but June 9, 1794, he answers
the request for a boat by saying that it will not be needed, as the new establishment is suspended. Id., xi. 175. July 25, 1794, Sal mentions the suspension. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xix. 5.

RULE OF ARRILLAGA.

518

Trindad Bay, where Vancouver found the

cross set up by Cuadra in 1775 with its inscription
Carolus III. Dei G. Hyspaniorum Rex.
Obtaining
water, surveying and sketching the region, after some
intercourse with the natives the voyagers departed
with a very unfavorable idea of the harbor, and sailed
northward. 32
Returning southward some months later the Discovery anchored at San Francisco the 19th of Octo33
Commandant Sal came on board, courteous
ber.
as before, with welcome European news; but mindful
of his former indiscretion 34 he sent letters asking a
formal statement, for the governor, of Vancouver's
anchor

in

object, the length of his stay, the supplies needed;

making known the current orders respecting foreign vessels, and politely informing the visitor that
only himself and one officer could be permitted to
land and visit the presidio.
This restriction seemed
to Vancouver "ungracious and degrading, little short
of a dismission from San Francisco," due as he was
also

given to understand to " sentiments apparently not

the most favorable towards foreign visitors" entertained by "a captain named ArriDaga," who had taken
command the preceding spring, and whose orders Sal
seemed to obey with reluctance. It was a chilling
reception certainly in comparison with that of the
year before and with the Englishman's glowing expectations.
But he complied with the formalities,
and on the 24th as soon as he had been joined by the
Chatham, which had been exploring Bodega and had
obtained a supply of water, he sailed for Monterey. 35
Having anchored at Monterey November 1st, Van32
Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 240-50. Hist. N. W. Coast, i. 291, for northern
voyage.
33
Strangely enough in this case as in that of the former visit the Spanish
records make the arrival a day earlier than the voyager's narrative.
31
Oct. 21st, the governor had ordered Sal to furnish Vancouver what he
absolutely needed, and to insist on his sailing at once without visiting any
other port. Prov. Bee, MS., ii. 145-6.
35 Vancouver' 's Voyage, ii. 432-8.
Puget in a slight examination of Bodega
had understood from the natives that the Spaniards were then in possession
Just out of San Francisco the D&dalus from across
of a part of the bay.

'

VANCOUVER'S SECOND

VISIT.

519

couver held a short interview with Arrillaga, and a

written correspondence followed, in which the governor explained the hospitalities to which foreign
vessels were entitled in- Californian ports, asked for
a formal statement of the voyager's aims, and, while
desiring harmony, insisted on the enforcement of orders
that only the commander with one or two officers could
Vancouver replied explaining the scientific naland.
ture of his voyage, and the benefits to be derived
from its results by Spain as well as England, alluding
to his kind reception of the year before, inclosing letters of the viceroy which approved the attentions previously shown him, and stating his desire to refit his
vessels, transfer stores, make astronomical observa-

and give his men some exercise and recreation

on shore. Arrillaga's answer was that the viceroy
had sent no orders respecting a second visit, that there
were no royal orders in Vancouver's favor* as in the
case of La Perouse, and that Cuadra even had left
instructions that the former attentions were for that
time only and need not be repeated. 36 Yet as he
desired to render all possible aid to so worthy a cause,
he would permit the landing of stores, which might be
deposited in the warehouse at the landing under lock
and key or elsewhere if the warehouse were not deemed
suitable, in care of one or two men from the vessels
and protected by a Spanish guard but on the condition
that all the rest of the Englishmen retire to the vessels
at night.
Astronomical observations must have been
well advanced during the former long stay, yet an
observatory, to be used in daytime only, might be
tions,

the ocean joined the fleet. Mention of arrival and departure from San
Francisco in St. Pap., Sac, MS., ii. 90-1, iv. 9; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 160;
xxi. 121-2.
fourth vessel, the Vucas, is mentioned. Supplies amounting
to $737 were furnished.
Sal says the vessels left on Oct. 29th.
3G
These instructions or similar ones dated Jan. 12, 1793, and addressed to
Argiiello are in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 163.
The letter of the viceroy to
Vancouver dated Feb. 18, 1793, in answer to Vancouver's letter of Jan. 13th
is found in Id. xi. 1 12-^13. In it the writer says
'I am glad that as you say in
your letter of Jan. 13th of this year all the subjects of His Majesty under my
orders and residing in the regions of New Orleans (sic) of this America where
you have been have treated you with the greatest hospitality and friendship.

RULE OF ARRILLAGA.

520

erected near where the cargo was deposited.

The
naturalists might make their investigations and the
men might take exercise on foot in the vicinity of the
presidio.

Water and wood might be procured without

men must not pass the night

on shore and the work must be completed with all
possible despatch.
In his official capacity this was,
he said, as far as he could go; but to personal service he placed no limit, being desirous of proving his
restriction save that the

regard.

37

The governor thus courteously tendered

to

Van-

couver all the hospitalities that he had a right to offer,

or the navigator to expect; but the contrast was so
great between them and those previously tendered
by Cuadra in the absence of any responsible authorthat Vancouver was offended.
"On due consideration of all these circumstances," he says, "I
declined any further correspondence with, or accepting the incommodious assistance proffered by Senor
Arrillaga; and determined, after finishing our investigation of these shores, to retire to the Sandwich
Islands, where I had little doubt that the uneducated
inhabitants of Owyhee, or its neighboring isles, would
cheerfully afford us that accommodation which had
been unkindly denied us at San Francisco and Monity,

terey."

He

33

however, here as at San Francisco accept

some live-stock and other supplies, payment for which,
according to the records, he was obliged to defer until
37

did,

Arrillaga, Borrador de Carta al Capitan Vancouver, Nov. 1793, MS.

have given the purport of this letter somewhat at length because Vancouver
misrepresents it by stating that there was no choice offered of a spot to
deposit the cargo, the place suggested being the slaughter-house in the midst
of putrid offal and inconvenient ou account of high-running surf; by omitting
to state that an English guard for the stores was permitted; and by other
Blotters of Arrillaga's
slight changes not favorable to the Spanish governor.
and translations of Vancouver's other letters in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 100-4.
38
In other parts of his narrative the author
Vancouver'' s Voyage, ii. 442.
treats Arrillaga very unjustly, accusing him of having misrepresented the
viceroy's orders, and making him responsible for matters over which he had
no control. In a letter of Feb. 28, 1794, the viceroy fully approves Arrillaga's
policy and orders a continuance of it, though he desires harmonious relations
with Vancouver. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 162-3.
I


VANCOUVER AKD THE GOVERNOR.

521

some more convenient occasion; 39 and on the 5th of

November he sailed southward to make further explorations on the coast of this inhospitable province
before he departed to take advantage of barbaric hospitality.

If Vancouver was offended at Arrillaga's actions,

the governor had his suspicions aroused by those of
his visitor in departing without water and leaving
some supplies that had been prepared for him. It
seemed to him that Vancouver's displeasure was exaggerated, and he feared that his object was not so
much to obtain necessary supplies as to make obserAcvations respecting the Spanish establishments.
cordingly he despatched orders to the commandants
of presidios forbidding the furnishing of aid or facili40
Vancouver continued his
ties for investigation.
observations along the coast southward, naming Point
Sal and Point Arguello in honor of his friends, received visits from the Channel aborigines, and anchored
November 10th at Santa Barbara. Here he found
Goycoecha very friendly, for at first he had not received Arrillaga's strict orders and was inclined to
Hence as Vanconstrue preceding ones liberally.
39
Nov. 5th, Vancouver to Arrillaga, regrets that he has to depart without
paying for supplies obtained at Monterey and San Francisco. He may be able
to get the money from some English vessel. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 98.
Arrillaga to Vancouver, urges him to feel no anxiety about leaving the debt
unpaid returns the draft in favor of Sal and asks him to accept some calves
as a present. Id., xi. 99-100.
;

40

While the vessels were in port Arrillaga sent to the commandants an

order in winch he says
'I have offered all the aid they need to undertake
their voyage; therefore if they touch at any of the ports under the pretext
of getting food or water their request is to be denied, and with politeness
they are to be made acquainted with the orders that require them to retire.'
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 97.
Attached to this order is a document which
seems to be secret reservadisimas instructions to the governor from the
viceroy requiring him in the most positive terms to allow no intercourse with
any foreign vessel except to furnish, in case of urgent need, such relief as is
demanded by the law of nations and especially to prevent any knowledge
of the country being acquired.
There is little doubt therefore, though this
paper is unsigned and undated, that Arrillaga acted under direct orders from
his superiors. See also Id., xxi. 121.
Jan. 15, 1794, Arrillaga says to the
viceroy that Vancouver apparently did not want supplies but merely to explore,
and he has warned the commandants accordingly. Id., xxi. 130. Nov. 14,
1793, Arrillaga to Goycoechea of Santa Barbara, Vancouver is to be refused
supplies since he has declined them at Monterey. Prov. Pec, MS., i. 207.
:

RULE OF ARRILLAGA.

522

couver's anticipations were less high than formerly

True Goycoethe Englishman was in good-humor.

chea required the men to retire to their ships at night,
and Vancouver himself ordered his men to keep always in sight of the presidio in their recreations and
though personal kindness from officials with permission to obtain wood and water and meat and vegetables
were the only hospitalities extended, yet the visitor
was delighted with his reception, and it never occurred
to him that it was not so very different from that in
the north. Fathers Miguel and Tapis were very kind,
though it does not quite appear that they entertained
their guest at the mission; and Santa Maria hastened
up from San Buenaventura with a flock of sheep and
as many vegetables as twenty mules could carry.
After spending a most agreeable week the navigators
set sail on the 18th.
Santa Maria returned to San Buenaventura in the
Discovery, and Vancouver spent a day at that mission,
where he had the good fortune to intercept a courier
bound for Monterey with the latest European news.
Naming on the way points Felipe, Vicente, Dumetz,
Fermin, and Lasuen, he arrived at San Diego November 27th and was kindly welcomed by Grajera and
Zuniga, who had, however, received from Arrillaga
"many severe and inhospitable injunctions" which
they were obliged against their inclinations to obey,
though they received some packets to be forwarded to
San Bias and Mexico. Lasuen arrived from San
Juan Capistrano just before the departure of the vessels, too late to bring supplies from San Juan as he
wished, but in time to receive a handsome barrelorgan as a gift for his San Carlos church. Vancouver
left the port of San Diego December 9th to cross the
During this second visit to the coast he had
Pacific.
learned nothing respecting the Nootka question;
neither had he recovered his deserters, who had been
41
In March of
Bent to San Bias as already related.
;

41

On

this

voyage after leaving Monterey, see Vancouver's Voy.,

ii.

443-76.

MARITIME AFFAIRS.
this year

Don Juan

commander
fornian bay

Francisco

cle

la

523

Bodega y Cuadra,

San

Bias, and discoverer of the Calithat bears his name, died, and was suc-

at

ceeded by General Jose Manuel de Alava.

Once more did Vancouver visit the coast, and besides his visit there is not much to be said of maritime affairs or foreign relations during the year 1794.
The viceroy approved Arrillaga' s policy and acts
report was received from
toward foreign vessels. 42
Saavedra, now commanding at Nootka, that a fortygun ship was coming from England to relieve Vancouver and settle the northern question; but Arrillaga
replied that a treaty had been formed and no danger
need be apprehended. 43 The Conception, Menendez
in command, brought up the supplies and five padres
to San Francisco in June, and during the year visited
all the Californian ports.
Two Manila vessels, the
Valdes under Bertodano, and Horcasitas, under Mon44
dojia, touched at Monterey in July and August.
The

Aranzazu made two trips down from Nootka arriving

in July and September.
On the former voyage she
was under an American commander, John Kendrick.
He came for supplies and also for the men that had
been destined for Bodega; but the latter had. already
been shipped on the Conception. Father Magin
Catala* came down with Kendrick and refused to return to Nootka, though the president had no authority to send another chaplain in his place and though
the pious captain vowed he would hold the padres
responsible before God and the king for the lack of
spiritual rations on board his vessel.
The difficulty
seems to have been settled by Gili going on board the
42

June 11, 1794, viceroy to governor, approving the reception of Vancouver and orders given to commandants to prevent an examination of the
country and the shipment of cattle to foreign establishments. Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., xi. 177-8; but the day before he had forwarded a royal order of March
25, 1793, granting shelter to English vessels in Spanish ports. Id., 17G.
Saavedra to Arrillaga, June 15, 1794, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 207.
Arrillaga to Saavedra, July 15th. Id., 208.
41
On movements of vessels for 1794 see Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 100, 1956; xii. 12, 14, 10G-7, 121, 150-1, 198, 201-2, 211; xxi. 146-7; Prov. Pec,
MS., vi. 28, 30, 43; viii. 140.
4:j

RULE OF ARRILLAGA.

524

Conception, whose regular chaplain was transferred to

Kendrick was unable to obtain all
the Aranzazu.
the supplies he desired, especially in hogs and medicine; neither were there men enough that could be
spared as substitutes for the sick he brought down,
though two or three were sent. 45
About the Nootka settlement in connection with
California I have only to say here that the reasons for
its maintenance by Spain had ceased to exist, and by
the terms of a treaty of January 11, 1794, it was
abandoned by both powers in March, 1795, California
obtaining apparently a few of the retiring soldiers.

iC,

Vancouver came back across the

rived at Nootka in September 1794.

Pacific

He

and

ar-

found there

47

Alava's instructions
Alava, the successor of Cuadra.
had not however arrived, and after waiting till the
middle of October both commissioners went down to
Monterey, in the Princesa, Discovery, and Chatham,
arriving on the 2d, 6th, and 7th of November. 48 The
old slights were still weiodiingr on the English com45
Kendrick, Correspondencia con el Gobcmador Arrillaga sobrc cosas de
Nootka, 1794, MS; Catald, Carta sobre Nootka, 1794, MS. See also Prov. St.
Peep., MS., xii. 198-9, 209-13; xxi. 195.
There had been some minor correspondence that has not been mentioned about supplies, etc., for Nootka in 1791.
Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 118 Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 1, 2, 45-6, 140.
46
See Hist. N. W. Coast, i. 300-1, this series. Dec. 10, 1794, governor to
viceroy asking that the unmarried soldiers from Nootka be retained to fill
Granted March 14, 1795.
vacancies in California. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 32.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 122-3. The Activa, Capt. Bertodano, arrived at
Monterey, Feb. 13, 1795, and sailed March 12th, having on board Pierce and
Alava, the English and Spanish commissioners for the 'disoccupation.' The
Princem under Fidalgo left Monterey for San Bias April 8th. The San Carlos
under Saavedra arrived from Nootka May 12th, and sailed for San Bias in June.
Saavedra brought down 21 natives from Nootka who were baptized at San
Carlos as 17 others had been in November 1791. Gaceta de Mex., vii. 26G;
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 80, 89; Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 37, 46; Taylor's Discoverers and Founders, No. 25, p. 141, No. 28, p. 177; Id., in Cal. Farmer, April
20, 18G0. Taylor repeats a groundless story that the Nootka chief Maquinna
came down with a son and daughter; Gregorio and Jose Tapia, living at Santa
Cruz in 1854, being his grandsons.
47
May 10, 1794, viceroy to governor, Alava to sail in the Princesa and to
receive all aid and attention in California. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 171. Aug.
20, 1794, this order communicated by governor to commandants. Prov. Pec,
;

MS.,

iv.

117.

Nov. 3d, Argiiello to governor, announcing the Chatham's arrival on

Nov. 2d and Nov. 7th, that of the Discovery on Nov. 5th; delivery of deserters; sending a courier to San Diego. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 144-7.
48

VANCOUVER'S THIRD

VISIT.

525

mander's mind; but he was comforted by learning

from Alava that the viceroy's "very humane and
liberal intentions had no doubt been materially misunderstood by Sefior Arrillaga;" and still more when
he knew that, "Arrillaga having been ordered to
some inferior establishment/' Argliello was tempoporarily in command until the governor should arrive.
Argliello placed everything at his visitor's disposal,
and as the latter had now learned not to construe
Spanish expressions of courtesy too literally, all went
49

No instructions

Vancouver or Alava
had arrived, and a courier was sent to San Diego.
On November 11th Governor Borica arrived to confirm and continue the courtesies offered by the commandant. The same day despatches came for Alava,
who confided the information that the Nootka question had been amicably adjusted at court, and that a
new commission had been issued relieving Vancouver.
well.

for either

Borica received similar information from the new

viceroy, Branciforte, with instructions to receive the
new commissioner. 50

Remaining at Monterey till December 2d Vancouver was chiefly engaged in preparing his reports
and charts, a copy of which was sent to England
through Mexico. In the mean time his deserters were
recovered, the vessels were overhauled, and an excur49
Nov. 12th, the governor writes to the viceroy that while harmony was
preserved, Vancouver was given to understand that his admission to the fort
was a special favor, and adds that on account of Vancouver's past curiosity
precautionary orders had been given to commandants and padres. Prov. Rec.
MS., vi. 29. Dec. 20th, the governor says Vancouver was satisfied with his
treatment, but was not allowed to make observations on those matters that
were to be kept from him. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 210-12.
circular order
dated Nov. 12th was sent to the missions forbidding any intercourse with
foreign vessels, or any furnishing of supplies, except in cases of urgent necessity, when the corporal of the guard may furnish what is absolutely necessary
and demanded by the laws of hospitality. Vancouver has been supplied and
must receive nothing more. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 41, 43; Prov. Pec,
MS., vi. 141-2. The padres promised obedience; at least all but those of
Soiedad, who said they would be glad to cany out the governor's instructions
'should it ever please divine providence to favor their inland mission with a

port!'
50

May

16,

1794, viceroy to governor, mentions appointment of a new

St. Pap., MS., xi. 171-2.
Nov. 12th, gov. to viceroy,

commissioner. Prov.

acknowledges receipt. Prov. Bee, MS.,

vi. 29.

RULE OF AREILLAGA.

526

sion

into what is now known as Salinas

large amount of supplies was obtained

was made

Valley.

from Monterey and Santa Cruz. 51 This done, and

having left on the beach certain articles of iron-ware
which the governor had refused to accept, the English navigator bade adieu to California and sailed for
England by way of Cape Horn, giving the commandants of presidios no occasion to exercise the precautions still ordered in case of trading at any other
port.

52

Captain Vancouver was an intelligent and honest

British sailor, a good representative of a good class
of explorers and writers, plain of speech, and a reliable
witness on matters which fell under his personal observation, and in which his national pride and prejudices
were not involved. His statements of the condition
of the different establishments visited have a special
value and will be utilized in my chapters on local progHis geographical and scientific researches, much
ress.
51
Vancouver says that Swaine was sent with three boats to Santa Cruz
Nov. 27th for garden stuff, and was tolerably successful. The archives contain, however, several documents on the subject.
Nov. 25, 1794, governor
to padres, Vancouver having sent three boats instead of one the padres must
not visit them but send supplies by Indians and wagons. Prov. Rec, MS., vi.
142-3.
Nov. 25th, gov. to corporal at Sta. Cruz, Three boats will come for
supplies don't let them land, for the padres will send Indians with the supplies. Id., v. 23. Nov. 29th, Corporal Sanchez to gov., he ordered the English
commander not to let any sailors go to the mission and obedience was promised.
The natives brought the supplies and the English departed in peace.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 43. Nov. 30th, Sal to gov., Nov. 26th, the corporal reported the English boats approaching, and Sal sent five men from San
Francisco, who returned saying that the foreigners had retired Nov. 2Sth
without disorder. The soldier who brought the news was put in irons for
;

reporting incorrectly. Id., xii. 32-3.

52
Dec. 3, 1794, governor says that Vancouver left on the shore $505 worth
of iron-ware. Prov. Rec, MS., vi. 32.
He left well supplied and contented.
Id. vi. 31.
Dec. 1st, Argiiello certifies a list of goods including 24 blankets
left in spite of governor's excuses. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxi. 5.
Dec. 1794 and Feb. 1795, some not very clear communications of the commandant of Santa Barbara about the gifts made. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii.
87; xiii. 23. Dec. 1st, gov. to Sal, repeats the old orders forbidding intercourse
with foreign vessels. Prov. Rec, MS., v. 26-7. Feb. 23, 1795, viceroy to gov.,
approving the restrictions imposed. Vancouver should regard his admission
s.s a special favor. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 11.
April 11, 1795, viceroy forwards royal decree commending the governor's acts in not allowing Vancouver
Vanto examine the country or to take breeding cattle for English colonies.
couver is alluded to as having visited Santa Barbara and San Diego under
pretence' of wanting wood and water. Id., xiii. 103-4.
,

'

VANCOUVER'S OBSERVATIONS.
less extensive in California

527

than in the far north, need

53

His persistence in ignoring

no further attention here.
the name California and extending New Albion down
beyond San Diego by .virtue of Drake's so-called discovery' is an amusing and harmless idiosyncrasy. His
ignorance of the Spanish language and the peculiarly
delicate position in which he was placed on account
'

of international jealousies led him into many errors

respecting matters with which he became acquainted
by conversation with the Spaniards, his narrative in
this respect presenting a marked contrast with that of
La Perouse; yet his errors are mostly confined to
names and dates and minor details, and his general
statements are more accurate and comprehensive than
might have been expected. With the natural advantages of the country he was favorably impressed, and
of them he left a fair record.
Of the Spanish people
with whom he came in contact, always excepting
Arrillaga with whom he was unjustly but naturally
offended, he speaks in kind and flattering terms,
though criticising their inactivity and indisposition
to take advantage of the possibilities by which they

were surrounded. The natives, except some in the

Santa Barbara Channel, seemed to be a race of the
most miserable beings ever seen possessing the faculty
of human reason, and little if any advantages had
attended their conversion. Yet he testified to their
affectionate attachment to their missionary benefactors, whose aims and methods, without attempting a
discussion of the mission system, he approves, looking for gradual success in laying foundations for civil
society. For the friars personally he had nothing but
enthusiastic praise.
What was needed to stimulate true progress in
California was a friendly commercial intercourse with
foreigners, to create new wants, introduce new comVancouver's atlas contains a carefully prepared map on a large scale,
better than any of earlier date, of the whole California coast, which I reproduce.
There are charts of Trinidad Bay, San Diego, and the entrance to San
Francisco, and seven views of points along the coast.
53

528

RULE OF ARRILLAGA.

Vancouver's Map,

1794.

AN ENGLISH VIEW OF CALIFORNIA.

529

give an impetus to industries and a value to

lands and produce; this and a proper degree of attention from the court of Madrid.
For with California
considered as a Spanish possession the English navigator was greatly disappointed. The actual condition
of the people "ill accorded with the ideas we had conceived of the sumptuous manner in which the Spaniards
live on this side of the globe."
"Instead of finding a
inhabited
tolerably
well
and far advanced in
country
cultivation, if we except its natural pastures, flocks
of sheep, and herds of cattle, there is not an object to
indicate the most remote connection with any European or other civilized nation." At the weakness of
Californian defenses Vancouver w as particularly sur"The Spanish monarchy retains this extent
prised.
of country under its authority by a force that, had we
not been eye-witnesses of its insignificance in many
instances, we should hardly have given credit to the
possibility of so small a body of men keeping in awe
and under subjection the natives of this country, without resorting to harsh or unjustifiable measures."
The soldiers "are totally incapable of making any
resistance against a foreign invasion, an event which
"Why such an extent
is by no means improbable."
of territory should have been thus subjugated, and
after all the expense and labour that has been bestowed
on its colonization turned to no account whatever, is
a mystery in the science of state policy not easily to
be explained." 54 I shall chronicle in the succeeding
chapters a series of efforts, not very brilliantly, or at
least permanently, successful, to remedy the evils
complained of by Vancouver.
forts,

54

in addition to those scattered through the narra486-504.

Hist. Cal., Vol. I. 34

For general remarks,

tive, see Voyar/e,

ii.

CHAPTER XXV.
RULE OF BORICA, FOREIGN RELATIONS, AND INDIAN AFFAIRS.
1794-1800.

Arrival at Loreto Branciforte ViceroyBorica's

Journey to Monterey Arrillaga's Instructions Charms of California Resume of Events in Borica's Term of Office Coast
Defences Promised Reinforcements French War Contribution
Foreign Vessels Precautions The Phoznix' Broughton's
Visit The 'Otter' of Boston A Yankee Trick Arrival of
Alberni and the Catalan Volunteers Engineer Cordoba's Surveys War with England Coasting VesselsWar Contribution
Distribution of Forces Map of California The 'Eliza' The
'Betsy' War with Russia Indian Affairs Minor Hostilities

Diego de Borica

'

Campaigns of Amador, Castro, and Moraga.

"

The new governor whom

his

Majesty

is

to ap-

point in place of the deceased Lieutenant-colonel Don

Jose Romeu must have the advantages of good talent,
military skill, and experience, robust health for the
greatest hardships, prudent conduct, disinterestedness,
energy, and a true zeal for the service; since all these
he needs in order to traverse frequently the broad territories of the peninsula, strengthen defences, regulate
the presidial troops, prevail by skill, or if that suffice
not by force, over the ideas and aims and prejudicial
introduction of the English, and contribute to the
advancement of pueblos and missions." Such were the
views of Viceroy Re villa Gigedo; 1 such were the qualities sought in Romeu's successor, and believed with
much reason to have been found in Lieutenant-colonel
Don Diego de Borica, adjutant-inspector of presidios
in Chihuahua, who early in 1794 was appointed gov1

Revilla Gigedo, In forme de 12 de Abril 1793, 152-3.

(530)

COMING OF THE GOVERNOR.

531

ernor, political and military, and commandant-inspector

took possession of his office
of the Californias.
at Loreto the 14th of May, having arrived two days

He

before by sea from San Bias accompanied by his wife

and daughter. On the same day he communicated his
accession to officials in Alta California and sent Arrillaga instructions to continue acting as governor until
he should arrive at Monterey. 2 Shortly after Borica
assumed office his friend the viceroy, to whom probably he owed the appointment, was replaced by the
Conde de Branciforte, who on July 12th took possession of the office.
His succession was announced in
3
California in November.
Borica remained two months and more at Loreto,
attending as may be supposed to affairs of state, but in
the mean time by no means neglecting the friends left
in Mexico, to whom he wrote long epistles narrating
in a witty and jocose vein, for he was " a fellow of
infinite jest," the details of his journey to California

attendant sea-sickness, which had rendered

the mere mention of the ocean a terror to the ladies.
At Loreto, where the governor represented himself
as " haciendo en esta Barataria mas alcaldadas que
Sancho Panza en la suya," health was regained and all
went well. The 1st of July he sent to the king a
petition for a colonel's commission, which he received in
the autumn of 1795. 4 It was his intention as announced
in several letters to complete the journey to Monterey
by land, but as the ladies regained their health and

with

its

May

2
Letters of Borica in
xxi. 190, 198-205; xii. 174;

1794 to various persons in Prov. St. Pap., MS.,

Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 115-16; vi. 23. There seems
to be little or no doubt about May 14th as the date of taking possession; but the
day of arrival is given by Borica himself in different letters as May 11th, 12th,
and 13th. May 31st, Lasuen from Santa Barbara congratulates the new governor. Arch. Arzohhpado, MS., i. 36.
July 31st, Commandant of San Diego
has received the announcement and proclaimed it in his district. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., xii. 20. Arrillaga to same effect Aug. 4th. Id., xxi. 19G. Viceroy has received the news Aug. 5th. Id. xi. 190-1. Aug. 2d, Argiiello orders
Borica proclaimed as governor at San Jose\ San Jos6, Arch., MS., iii. 23.
3
July 5, 1794, Revilla Gicjedo announces the arrival of his successor. He
will be glad to keep up a private correspondence with Borica. Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., xi. 183. July 12th, Branciforte announces his accession. Id., xi. 189.
i
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 197; xiii. 5o; xiv. 29; Prov. Pec, MS., v. 71;
vi. 20; St. Pap., Sac, MS., xvii. 2.
,

RULE OF BORICA FOREIGN RELATIONS.

532

courage, and were made acquainted with the prospective difficulties of the peninsula route in time of
All went on board
drought, the plan was changed.
the Saturnina July 20th, and four days later set sail
The winds and
for San Luis Bay far up the gulf.
other circumstances seem to have been unfavorable, for
on the 28th the governor decided to land at Santa
Ana and make his way to San Fernando and across
the frontier by land. 5 With the exception of some
correspondence about the furnishing of escorts and
animals by the different commandants along the way
we know nothing of the journey until he reached San
Juan Capistrano in the middle of October. 6
Here he met Arrillaga, who had left Monterey in
September, and spent four days in consultation with
that officer, starting northward the 17th of October. 7
Here I suppose were delivered by Arrillaga the
instructions left by each retiring governor for the
guidance of his successor, though the document as
preserved bears no date.
It was intended to acquaint
the new ruler with the condition of affairs in the
province; but it is devoted almost entirely to local
and minor details, containing nothing of general interest with which the reader is not already acquainted,
5

On embarkation and voyage,

see Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 75; Prov. Rec,

July 10th, governor writes to viceroy on the difficulties of the
land journey. Id., vi. 26. I think the name Santa Ana may be an error, or
that there may have been a locality of that name north of Loreto; for it seems

MS.,

vi. 134.

hardly probable that the vessel was driven far south, or that Borica visited
Loreto again on his way north. Vancouver, Voyage, iii. 330-1, tells us that
Borica had come all the way from Mexico on horseback.
G
July 28th, Borica to P. Calvo, asks for 24 mules and 24 natives, for his
journey to San Fernando. Prov. Rec, MS., vi. 134. August 6th, Grajera to
Borica, Has sent 29 mules, 35 horses with 8 soldiers under Corporal Olivera
from San Diego. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 19. Sept. 8th, N.' from San Fernando to commandant at Sta Barbara, asks for 10 men and 54 animals to be
sent at once similar demand enclosed for commandant at Monterey for escort
to be sent to San Luis. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 1.
Sept. 15th, Goycoechea
wishes a pleasant journey and a safe arrival to Borica and his wife and
daughter. 'C. P. B.' Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 102. Oct. 1st and 2d, Argiiello to Borica and to Arrillaga, Has sent 60 animals with 10 men to San
;

Luis. Id. xii. 147.

7
Arrillaga was at Monterey Sept. 16th, and left before Sept. 22d. Prov.
St. Pap. MS. xii. 152-3.
Oct. 16th, Borica to viceroy announcing conference
with Arrillaga and intention to start next day. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 28. Dec.
17th, viceroy's acknowledgment of above. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 207.
,

A CONVIVIAL RULER.
therefore I do not

deem

533

necessary to reproduce it
Arrillaga proceeded to Loreto
here even en resume'.
to resume his duties as lieutenant-governor; while
Borica continued his -journey northward to the capital
where he arrived the 9th of November. 9 With Monterey the new ruler was delighted, deluging his
friends and relatives with letters in praise of the
country immediately on his arrival.
"To vivir mucho
and without care come to Monterey/' he tells them.
"This is a great country; climate healthful, between
cold and temperate; good bread, excellent meat,
tolerable fish; and bon hnmeur which is worth all the
rest.
Plenty to eat, but the most astounding is the
general fecundity, both of rationals and irrationals.
The climate is so good that all are getting to look
like Englishmen.
This is the most peaceful and quiet
country in the world; one lives better here than in
the most cultured court of Europe." He was busy
with routine duties at first, but he found time for
convivial pleasures with Vancouver, Puget, Alava, and
Fidalgo, all jolly good fellows, and not one of whom
was more than a match for Borica "before a dozen of
Rhine wine, port, or Madeira." 10
it

The Spanish authorities were now somewhat aroused

to the importance of strengthening Californian coast

defences,

and

this subject

was therefore

still

more

prominent in Borica's term of office than it had been

during Arrillaga's administration. To compensate
the soldiers for labor begun on the presidio buildings
in Fages' time an appropriation of 5,200 had been
made from the royal treasury to be expended in sup11
plies.
In the middle of 1793 some guns and work8
Arrillaga, Papel de Puntos para conocimiento del Gobernador de la
Peninsula, 1704. MS.
9
In three letters Borica says he arrived on Nov. 9th. Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
xxi. 207-8; but Vancouver, Voyage, iii. 330-1, affirms it was on the 11th. It
is difficult to understand how either could mistake.
10
Borica's Letters in Xo v. -Dec. 1704. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 207-12.
11
Oct. 2G, 1701, viceroy to governor, Has ordered the $5,200 paid to the
habilitado general; 51,GC0 for Monterey, and S1,2C0 for each of the other

RULE OF BORICA FOREIGN RELATIONS.

534

men had been brought up from San

Bias, and at

Borica's arrival in the autumn of 1794 work had been

going on for over a year on the San Francisco defences,
besides some slight preparations at Monterey and San
Diego. Details of progress at the different presidios
may be more appropriately given in connection with
local annals in another chapter, and it is only in a
general way that I propose to treat the subject here. 12
Viceroy Revilla Gigedo earnestly recommended
the fortification of the coast in his instructions of
1794 to his successor Branciforte, 13 who called upon

Colonel Costanso, the same

who had

visited Califor-

nia with the first expedition of 1769, for a report on

the subject.
Costanso's report was rendered October 17th of the same year, and was to the effect that
the difficulties in the way of adequate fortification
were insuperable. The author had no faith in forts
situated in a distant province without home resources.
The only way to protect the country was to encourage
settlement and commerce. 14 In this report, however,
presidios.
Jan. 15, 1792, V. R. to gov., Gen. Carcaba says that $5,200 is not
enough, since Fages had estimated 12,000 for three presidios. The V. R.,
however, claims that Fages' estimate was on the basis of 150 per cent advance
on goods, or $5,200 without that advance; though Fages later raised the estimate to $12,000, but this had no approval of general and king. He therefore
refuses to give more than the $5,200 with $400 for package and freight. St.
Some details about
Pa])., Sac, MS., i. 46-7; Prov. St. Pa}?., MS., x. 112.
the distribution of the amount among the presidios. Id., xi. 54, 57; xii. 57^9;

Prov. Pec, iv. 3, 4.

12
Beginning of work at San Francisco announced in August 1793. Prov.
March 18, 1793, commandant of San Bias writes
St. Pap., MS., xxi. 113.
that he has ordered fortification of Bodega and the presidios (except Sta Barbara, supposed to be already in good condition).
The vessels will bring the
needed aid and the work is to begin at San Francisco. July 8th, governor has
heard of the viceroy's approval and order for vessels to carry material. Prov.
Jan. 22, 1794, V. R. to gov., says the Junta
St. Pap., MS., xxi. 100-7
Superior, after consulting the fiscal determined on Dec. 28, 1793, to conclude
the presidio works, the cost to be paid from the tobacco revenue. The governor must form estimates and finish the work as solidly and economically as
The document of Dec. 28th, in JSuevaEspaiia, Acupossible. /(/. xii. 180-1.
June 9th, V. R. to gov., has ordered supply-vessels to
erdos, MS., 13, 14.
transport timber from Monterey for the southern defences. Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., xi. 175-6. Arrillaga, Papelde Puntos, MS., 192, explained his plan that
the workmen at San Francisco should come to Monterey to prepare timber
for that place and for the south.
,

Revilla Gigedo, Instruction, MS. i. 530.

Costansd, Injorme sobre el Proyecto de fortificar los Presidios de la Kucva
This officer seems to have been prominent in his proCalifornia, 1794, MS.
13
14

COAST DEFENCES.

535

and in another of July 1795 made by a committee

composed of Costanso, Fidalgo, and Sanchez, batteries of eight twelve-pounders were recommended
with eighty gunners for the ports, with a view solely
Defence against a hosto protection against corsairs.
tile squadron was pronounced impracticable, and in case
of attack nothing was to be done but to withdraw the
Vessels should,
people and live-stock to the interior.
however, be furnished for coasting service, for which
purpose three very small ones were available at San
Bias. 15
As we shall see it was decided to send reenforcements.

During 1795 while some

was being
made with the fortifications, the war in France was
inciting the government in Spain and Mexico to still
further measures of defence. Borica had asked early in
this year for armorers, guns, and munitions for the batteries being constructed; and on July 25th the viceroy
replied, promising not only what had been asked but
also a strong reenforcement of troops. He announced
that a company of seventy -two Catalan volunteers
under Lieutenant-colonel Pedro Alberni would soon
embark from San Bias, picked men, robust, well
behaved, and for the most part married, with the
best arms and outfit obtainable. With this compania
franca there were to be sent seventeen or eighteen
artillerymen and three armorers.
The commandant
general had orders to furnish needed aid from Sonora
and the commandant of San Bias to send up the required armament.
Moreover two small vessels were
to run up and down the coast to bring news every six
months. The viceroy concluded by a repetition of the
slight progress

old orders respecting foreign vessels visiting the coast,

English ships to be treated more hospitably than
I have before me several original reports on government works in
different parts of Mexico from 1788 to 18C0.
He is mentioned by Viceroy
Azanza. Ynstruccion, MS., 159. He reported on the fortifications of Vera
Cruz as late as 1811. Mexico, Mem. Guerra, 1840, 2G.
10
Sanchez, Fidalgo, and Costans6, Informe sobre auxilios que se propone
enviar & la California, 13 Julio, 1795, MS.
fession.

RULE OF BORICA FOREIGN RELATIONS.

536

others, but

none to be permitted a long stay or any

inspection of the country. 16

The news that war had been declared between
Spain and France came to California in October 1793,
with a decree of the viceroy calling on faithful subjects of Carlos IV. for a contribution.
The decree
being duly published the Californians responded with
$740, as was announced by Borica in March 1794;
but the amount was declined with thanks by the
viceroy in June, and thereupon redistributed to the
donors. 17 In April 1795, however, things in Europe
assuming a darker aspect for Spain, Branciforte again
changed his mind and indicated his willingness to
accept the Californian donation, and even urged in
June a special effort on the governor's part to increase
Borica published the appeal, and calling
its amount.
on officers, friars, soldiers, and neophytes to assist,
headed the list himself with $1,000. The missionaries
still professed their inability to give any but spiritual
aid but other classes responded generously, and contributions reached 3,881.
In the early spring of
1797 the return of peace was made known in Cali;

fornia.

18

16

Branciforte a Borica sobre fortalecer las Baterias de San Francisco, MonteMS. On same date, July 25th, viceroy to governor, of same purport, mentioning the sending of an engineer, and also declaring it impossible
In emergento fortify and defend the -whole coast against superior forces.
The
cies aid must be sought from Sonora. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 53-4.
actual force in California was 225 men; Arrillaga's plan called for 271; and
Sept. 22, 1795, the
Borica's, 335. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xix. 3, 4.
V. II. announces that the company of volunteers was inspected at Mexico on
Sept. 11th by Col. Salcedo, and found in good condition. Prov. St. Paj).,
xiii. 83; Nov. 11th, he speaks of the artillerymen, and says the royal treasury
at Vera Cruz pays the expense to the end of 1795. Id., xiii. 74; St. Pap., Sac,
MS.,vii. 44-5.
17
June 22, 1793, viceroy's decree. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 129. Oct. 9th,
Arrillaga to commandant of Monterey, mentioning decree of June 19th. St.
Pap., Sac, MS., i. 113. Oct. 28th, Lasuen says the padres will contribute
what they can that is their prayers. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 3G. Dec.
7th, decree has been published in Loreto. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 149.
March 4, 1794, Gov. to V. It. announces 8740 as the amount. Id., xxi. 133;
June 26th, V. R.
xii. 03; Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 31; Gaceta de Mex., vi. 578.
declines with thanks in the king's name. Id., xii. 35; xi. 180, 1S2; Prov.
Pec, MS., viii. 144. Nov. 11th, Gov. announces the restitution. Prov. Pec,

rey, etc., 1705,

MS.,iv. 120.
April 4, 1795, viceroy to governor, accepting the donation. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., xiii. 114-15. June 17th, V. R. to gov. and other later corre113

THE

'PHCENIX,'

CAPTAIN MOORE.

537

The

orders respecting precautions against foreign

19
vessels were duly promulgated; but opportunities for
carrying thern into execution were rare in 1795. The
visit of the English .merchant vessel Phoenix, Capif that may be taken as a satisfactory
tain Moore

average from the Mor, Mayor, Moor, Murr, and Morr

was the only sensation of the year,
of the archives
and was indeed a mild one. She touched at Santa

Barbara

in

August from Bengal

for supplies, affording

the provincial authorities an excellent opportunity to

repeat the old orders, and the local powers to carry
out the hospitable but strict policy in such cases prescribed.
They were fortified with the treaty of 1790
and other formidable material for a discussion on international obligations; but the Phoenix was content to
receive a few needed supplies and sail away.
Moore
left with Goycoechea a Boston lad who desired to remain in the country and become a Christian;' but he
was sent to San Bias a few months later. 20 Six letters
'

spondence on subject. St. Pap., Sac, MS., v. 99-105. July 19th, Oct. 12th,
lGth, Gov. to commandants and padres. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 30-1, 135, 137; vi.
151. Oct. 18th, Lasuen to gov. explaining the poverty of the padres, the great
services they are rendering the king, and their inability, with the best wishes,
to give anything but their prayers for the victory of Spanish arms. Arch. Sta
Bdrbara, MS., xii. 234; St. Pap. Sac, MS., be. 88-93. March 12, 1796,
announcement of results, showing that San Francisco gave 8707 Monterey
and San JosC, $554; Santa Barbara and Angeles, $980, and San Diego, S639.
Jan. 17, 1797,
St. Pap., Sac, MS., v. 98; viii. 75; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 153.
viceroy's thanks for aid, including the prayers. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii.
Peace announced by V. R. Nov. 29, 1795,
234; Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 181.
and solemn mass of thanksgiving ordered. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 73.
Published by gov. Feb. 29, 1796. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 144. Original letter
of Lasuen asking padres to say mass at each mission. Doc Hid. Cat., MS.,
iv. 55-7.
General amnesty and pardon on account of peace, and of marriage
3
of princesses. J rov. Pec, MS., vi. 82; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 40.
19
Jan. G, 1795, governor orders that even in the case of San Bias vessels,
the first persons landing must be closely examined to be sure they are really
Spaniard:-;. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 10-17.
Nov. 2d, Sal to comisionado
of S. Jose" urging strict compliance with the V. R's orders of July 25. X. Josi
Arch., MS., iv. 26. Nov. 14th, Goycoechea to Borica. No foreigners will be
allowed to visit the country on horseback or to get breeding animals. Prov.
St. Pap., MS., xiv. 29-30.
20
Portrait of Thomas Murr sent to viceroy (?). Prov. Pec MS., viii. 1C6.
Sept. 5th, Goycoechea to Borica, Says the boy's name was Bostones and he
was of good parentage, a pilot and carpenter. Prov. St. Pcq>., MS., xiv. 0970. Capt. Matute is asked to carry the young Bostonian to San Bias. Id. xxi.
230. His name was Joseph O'Cain, an Irishman, and he went in the Aranzazn
(perhaps in 1796). Prov. Ree., MS., iv. 22-3,30-1. 'This Englishman is a native
of Ireland and his parents live now in Boston.' Prov. St. Pap., Pen. Mil.,
;

538

RULE OF BORICAFOREIGN RELATIONS.

with English addresses were taken from the mail this

year and forwarded to the viceroy by Borica's order. 21
Throughout the year 1796 precautionary orders
against foreign vessels continued to be issued, presenting no variation in matter or manner from those
of former years, yet it may be well to notice an order
of Borica to the effect that large war-ships, able to
seize San Diego, were not to be permitted to enter
the port, supplies being sent out in boats.
Just how
they were to be kept out does not clearly appear,
since no such ship came to that harbor. 22
In July a
report reached Monterey, coming from an American
captain at Nootka, who received it from an English
captain at Botany Bay, that the Englishmen had
orders to attack Spanish vessels; but the report did
not receive much credit, and the viceroy's orders dated
November 30th to make reprisals on all English craft
entering the ports, did not reach California till the
next year. 23
Only two foreign vessels made their appearance on
the coast this year. The first was the English manof-war Providence, under Captain Broughton who had
visited California before with Vancouver. She anchMS., xxi. 11. There is a Jose Burling also mentioned as an Irishman who
arrived in or about this year. St. Pap., Sac, MS., xix. 8, 9. See also on the
visit of the Phoenix. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 17-68; xiv. 67; St. Pap.,
Sac, MS., xvii. 1; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 22-3. Another English vessel, the
Pesolution, Capt. Lochi (Locke?), was reported by Grajera of San Diego as
having touched at Todos Santos Bay in August. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii.
6G-70.
21
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 175. The only Spanish vessels of the year
seem to have been the Conception, Melendez, and the Aranzazu, Matute,
with the memorias.
22
Jan. 1796, viceroy to governor, no person from a foreign vessel to be
admitted into California. Prov. Pec, MS., viii. 158; St. Pap., Sac, MS., xvii.
March 30th, Sal to Borica, for supplies furnished a receipt to be taken and
7.
sent to gov. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 104.
No goods to be taken in return
for supplies. St. Pap. Sac MS. iv. 69. April 7th, Borica to commandant of
San Diego, war-vessels not to be admitted into the ports. Prov. Pec, MS., v.
242. April 18th, Indians to be sent to Bodega to look out for foreign vessels.
Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxiv. 11. Nov. 2d, Borica to V. R. St. Pap.
Sac, MS., iv. 61. June 18th, viceroy orders strict precautions. Prov. St.
,

Pap., MS., xiv. 151.

23
July 15, 1796, governor to commandant, private. Prov. Pec, MS., iv.
Nov. 30th,
149. Aug. 25th, Grajera to gov. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 115.
viceroy to gov. Id., xiv. 173. Oct. 19th, a courier arrived at Monterey from
San Diego, announcing that 18 sail had been sighted. St. Pap. Sac, MS., vi. 89.
,

THE

'OTTER,'

CAPTAIN DORK.

539

ored at Monterey, obtained some needed supplies, left

some instruments which had been intended for Bodega
y Cuadra, but which Borica received and paid for, and
then sailed away. It* is recorded not very clearly,
that Broughton after raising his anchor attempted in
boats some exploration of the Bio San Antonio, or
24
The other
Salinas, and that his boats were fired at.
the
first
from
United
States to anchor in a
vessel, the
Californian port, was the Otter of Boston, commanded
by Ebenezer Dorr. 25 She carried six guns and twentysix men, arriving at Monterey on October 29th, after
having cruised in the vicinity for nearly a week.
Having obtained wood and water, freely supplied by
the Spaniards on sight of her passport from General
Washington signed by the Spanish consul at Charleston, she sailed on the 6th of November. Dorr asked
permission to land some English sailors who had
secretly boarded his vessel at Port Saxon. 26 His request was refused, but he landed five men on the
beach at night, and the next night five more and a
woman on the Carmelo shore, forcing them from the
boat, they said, by the use of a pistol. Dorr's conduct
naturally seemed to the Spaniards ungrateful; but
his position was doubtless a difficult one, and the necessity of getting rid of his convict passengers was
urgent. Governor Borica regarded it as a dishonorable trick on the part of the Yankee; but he had to
21
Sept. 10, 1796, viceroy to Borica, approves of his having fired at the
boats, suspecting that the aim was to explore the salinas, and he will send a
vessel to prevent such attempts. St. Pap., Sac, MS., viii. 74. The Providence
fired a salute of 1 1 guns on entering and the battery responded. According
to Id., vi. 8o-C, she sailed June 18th; but according to Prov. St. Pap., Ben.
Mil., MS., xxiii. 3, 5, it was July 8th. The instruments left were worth 250.
According to Id., xxiv. G, the vessel appears to have been at San Francisco
on June 10th. Alberni is ordered not to let Broughton land. Orders were
sent to other ports not to permit a landing or to furnish any more supplies.
Prov. Pec., MS., iv. 07. Supplies furnished amounted to $308, the bill being
sent to Mexico. Id., iv. 20G. The instruments were sent to San Bias. Prov.
St. Pap., MS., xxi. 242.
r She is called by the Spaniards the Otter Boston, El otro Boston, and Loter
Boston', and their captain, Dow, Dour, Dor, Daur, Door, and Dore.
2G
Herbert C. Dorr, son of this captain, a well known litterateur residing
in San Francisco, tells me that these men were convicts from Botany Bay,
and that he has often heard his father tell the story of this voyage and of his

RULE OF BORICAFOREIGN RELATIONS.

540

provide for the new-comers. They were set at work

as carpenters and blacksmiths at nineteen cents per
day, and they proved so industrious and well behaved
that Borica would fain have retained them in the
country; but in obedience to royal orders he was
obliged to send them the next year to San Bias en
route for Cadiz. 27
On March 23d and April 1st the Valdes and San
Carlos arrived at Monterey and San Francisco respectively with most of the compania franca, and of
the artillerymen, the rest coming up the following
spring, and the military force in California being thus
increased by nearly one hundred men. 28 Lieutenanttroubles with these reckless men who used the Otter as a means of escape.
The Dorr family furnished several masters and owners of vessels engaged in
the fur-trade in northern waters, as will be seen in the Hist. jV. W. Coast, this
series.
27

Nov.

1796, Borica to viceroy, announcing arrival

and stating that

have been committed by the Americans. St. Pap., Sac, MS.,
Nov. 10th, Borica to V. R., describing the subsequent
iv. G2-3; vi. 8G-8.
irregularities.' Id. iv. G3-4.
Dec. Gth, Has received order to send the Irishman Burling and all other foreigners to Cadiz, will therefore send by first
vessel the men left by Dorr. Id., iv. G8-9.
Dorr obtained supplies to the
value of $187. Prov. Rec, MS., iv. 288. Five Englishmen kept as prisoners
until the Aranzazu arrives. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 244. Aug. 1796, V. R.'s
order to send Burling and foreigners to Cadiz. Prov. Rec, MS., viii. 165; iv.
147. I suppose this Burling and the Boston boy, and O'Cain to have been
possibly the same person. Oct. G, 1797, Borica to V. R., sends the 11 to San
Bias. Prov. Rec, MS., vi. 56. Oct. 19th, Borica asks Capt. Caamano to take
them. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 270. Feb. 3, 1798, V. R. approves. Id.,
xvii. 17.
Oct. 23d, a strange vessel anchored off Santa Cruz. Prov. Rec, MS.,
v. 94.
Doubtless the Otter. The Spanish vessels of the year were the Valdes
and San Carlos which brought troops, etc., from San Bias in April, touching
at San Francisco, Monterey, and Santa Barbara; the Sutil, Capt. Tobar, from
a tour in the north; the Conception, Capt. Salazar from Manila at Santa Barbara in April; and the Aranzazu, Capt. Cosme Bertodano, with the memorias
at Monterey and San Francisco in July, and at Santa Barbara in September.
Prov. Rec, MS., iv. G0-1, 74, 77, 148; Prov. Si. Pap., MS., xiv. 24, 86, 133;
According to the Relation de las
xxi. 236; St. Pap., Sac, MS., xvii. G.
presidios de la Nueva
Embarcaclones que han conducido los Situados de los
California, con espresion de los nombres de sus comandantes, desde el aiio de
1781, hasta 1796, MS., it appears that since 1788 only one vessel each year
had come especially with the regular mem or las of supplies, though as we have
seen several vessels arrived for one purpose or another.
28
Arrival of the vessels. St. Pap., Sac, MS., xvii. G. Arrival of Conception, 1797, with Lieutenant Suarez and 4 privates. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii.
148. The compania franca of Catalan volunteers consisted of captain, 2 lieutenants, 3 sergeants Joaquin Tico, Francisco Gutierrez, and Juan Inigues
8 corporals, 2 drummers, and 59 privates 75 men in all. Full list of names
in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxiv. 1-4. The artillery detachment con-

no

5,

irregularities

'

//.

sisted of a sergeant Jose"

Total 93. Id., xxiii. 11.

Roca

3 corporals, and 14 privates 18 men in

all.

REINFORCEMENTS FROM MEXICO.

541

Pedro Alberni, captain of the Catalan volunteers, became at once commandant at San Francisco,
where twenty-five of his men were stationed. Twenty-five were sent to San Diego under Lieutenant Jose
Font, and eight under sub-lieutenant Simon Suarez
remained at Monterey, a sergeant and thirteen men
colonel

The artillery debeing scattered in various duties.

tachment under Sergeant Jose Roca was also distributed between the three presidios. 29 With the troops
came the lieutenant of engineers, Alberto de Cordoba,
who proceeded to make an inspection of the coast deIn September he reported to the viceroy,
fences.
chiefly on the works at San Francisco, which he found
exceedingly defective and well-nigh useless. The battery at Monterey was also useless so far as the defence of the port was concerned, since vessels could
easily anchor and land men out of range of the guns.
Cordoba believed that effective forts and enough of
them could not be erected except at an enormous
expense, and he favored rather an increase of troops
and one or more cruising vessels on the coast. He
subsequently visited the south, and found the defences
not more effective than those in the north, as the
governor informed Branciforte at the beginning of
Borica, however, found some comfort in the
1797.
thought that the foes from whom attack might be
feared were probably ignorant how weak the fortifi30
cations really were.
29

July

8,

1793, the presidios

lances. Prov. St. Pap.,

MS.,

had 1C1 muskets, 59

xxi. 150-3.

pistols, 177 swords, 223

July 10th, received from San Bias

158 muskets, 142 swords. 96 lances value $2,050. Id., xxi. 194; Prov. St.
Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxv. 1. Sept. 15, 1795, 170 cwt. powder sent. Prov.
Dec. 1796, Feb. 1797, 200 muskets, 200 pistols, 200
St. Pap., MS., xiii. 81.
cartridges, 200 musket-cases, 1G, 000 flints. Prov. Pec, MS., viii. 170, 173; iv.
157; vi. 58; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 223; xvi. 240; xvii. 140; xxi. 253.
30
Cdrdoba, Ivforme al Virey noire defensas de California, 1706, MS. Dec.
27, 1796, viceroy to gov. has received C6rdoba's plans of San Francisco, Monterey, and Santa Cruz, has ordered the fitting-out of two cruisers, and has
token measures for the proper strengthening of San Francisco. St. Pap., Sac,
MS., vii. 32-5. Jan. 20, 1797, Borica to V. R. Prov. Pec, MS. vi. 78.
Cordoba's first report was sent to Mexico by Borica with his communication
of Sept. 21st, enclosing five plans and approving Cordoba's suggestions. St.
Pap. Sac MS. iv. 56-7. Borica's instructions to Cordoba for his southern trip,
Oct. 8, 1790. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 246-7.
He was to gather material for
,

542

RULE OF BORICAFOREIGN RELATIONS.

The transport San Carlos, Captain Saavedra, arrived

at San Francisco March 11,1797, and probably brought
the news of actual war with England, though the
communication of the viceroy does not appear in the
archives; 31 for the 13th of March despatches began to
circulate throughout the province, ordering the seizing of English vessels, instructing commandants to
redouble their precautions, and calling upon friars to
give not only prayers but Indians if needed.
On the
first alarm of invasion notice was to be sent to Monterey, the military forces were to concentrate at the
threatened point, and live-stock was to be driven
inland.
Men were drilled in the use of arms messengers were kept in constant motion; Indians were
harangued on the horrors of an English invasion;
sentinels were posted wherever an anchorage or landing was deemed possible; able-bodied men were
gathered at the presidios, while the disabled ones
were detailed to protect women and children; and
strict economy was practised, since a non-arrival of
the supply-ship was feared.
This state of things
lasted several months, but the popular excitement
;

was considerably allayed by the arrival of the Conception and Princesa in April and May, and by the
delay of the English invasion, nothing more alarming
having occurred in the mean time than the rumored
finding of some bodies of white men in the surf at
Point Reyes. 32
a general map of California.
Pap., Sac, vii. 53.

Dec. 11th, C6rdoba arrived in San Diego.

St.

31 Arrival
of San Carlos, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 249; Prov. St. Pap. y
Ben. Mil., MS., xvi. G2. There is a letter of the viceroy to Borica elated
Jan. 25th, in which he alludes to some vague rumors of trouble with England,
and recommends precautions. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 218-19.
32 March
13th, Borica to Lasuen, Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 183. Borica to commandants. Id. iv. 155. March 13th to 14th, Lasuen to padres ordering prayers,
litany on Saturdays, mass once a month, and exhortations such as Maccabeus
gave during the campaign against Nicanor. Arch. Sla Barbara, MS., xi. 141-4;
Poc Hist. Col., MS., iv. 83-4. March 17th, Borica to commandants. Prov.
Pec, MS., iv. 155-6. March 19th, 24th, Sal to B. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi.
220-22. March 22d, B. to commandant S. F. Cautious with strange vessels,
war-ships to be menaced. Prov. Pec, MS. v. 82-3. March 28th, April 10th,
2d, Goycoechea to B. Santa Barbara defences in a very bad state to resist
attack.
Is suspicious of the Indians to whom the British have given beads.
,

ALARMING RUMORS.

543

During the months of July, August, and Septem33

ber all seems to have been quiet, but in the middle
of October there came a report from the peninsular
mission of San Miguel that five, ten, or even sixteen
The
vessels had been seen making for the north.
falsity of the report was ascertained before a week
had passed, but not before it had been published with
the precautionary orders of old throughout the
34
This emerprovince, and had been sent to Mexico.
gency elicited from Governor Borica peremptory instructions which went all the rounds, to the effect
that in case he were taken prisoner by the English
no attention was to be paid to any orders purporting
to come from him, whatever their nature; but the
commandants were to go on in defence of California
35
as their duty and circumstances might dictate.
all

Families to be gradually removed to Angeles. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 40,
188-9.
March 31st, Sal to B., all care taken. Provisions to be
destroyed and not allowed to fall into the hands of the foe. Id., xvi. 229.
March 31st, April Gth, May 11th, Grajera to B., a sentinel on the beach at
San Juan Capistrano, Invalids of Angeles, San Gabriel, and Nietos ranch
ready. If the Presidio has to be abandoned, shall it be destroyed or not?
April 5th, Fidalgo toB. from San Bias. The ConId., xvi. 267-9, 211-12.
ception, Captain Manrique, and the Princesa, Captain Caamano, will protect
the California coast. Id., xvii. 147. April 24th, B. to Goycoechea, Targetshooting every Sunday. Indians must be imbued with anti-English sentiments, taught that the foe are hostile to religion, violators of women. Prov.
Pec, MS., iv. 88. April 25th, B. to commandants, economize, for the
supplies of 1798 cannot come. Id., iv. 158.
April 30th, Alberni to B.,
Indians refuse to go to Bodega from fear. Prov. St. Pep., MS., xvii. 152.
May 25th, Princesa at Sta Barbara with supplies. Will remain as a coastguard. Id.,xxi. 2G1-2. June 8th, B. to commandants. If Presidio is abandoned, guns to be spiked and powder burned. Prov. Pec, MS., v. 254-5.
Pinding of bodies at Pt Reyes in April. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 11G.
Two years later it was learned that San Diego Bay had been surveyed by the
English in 1797 on a moonlight night. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS.,

43-5,

xiii.

20.

33

Oct. 1st, Vallejo, writing from San Jose\ mentions the arrival of an
English ship at Santa Cruz, Prov. St. Paj)., MS., xv. 155, but nothing more
is heard of the matter.
31
Oct. 15th, Grajera to Borica. Oct. 20th, contradiction. Prov. St. Pop.,
MS., xvi. 190-1. Oct. 19th, B. to all, Spread the news in all directions d
maia-cabaUo. Vigilancia
Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 1G0; v. 259. Dec. 3d, 4th,
viceroy to B. He doubts the accuracy of the report, since the Conception
and Princesa came down the coast without seeing any vessels. Prov. St. Pap.,
!

MS., xv. 273-5.

"Oct. 20th, Borica to commandants. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 1G1. Oct. 22d,
Alberni to comisionado of San Jose. San Jos6, Arch., MS., v. 28. Nov. 3d,
Goycoechea to B. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 100. Nov. 9th, Grajera to B.
Id., xvi. 195-G.

544

RULE OF BORIC A FOREIGN RELATIONS.

large war-ship arrived at Santa Barbara on Dec. 17th,

but she proved to be the Spanish Magallanes, Captain Espinosa, from Manila, and had come to protect
rather than to invade the country.
Finding no foes
in California waters, she sailed for the south, as the

Conception and Pvincesa had done a little earlier. 38

The only subsequent events of the war, so far as
California was concerned, were the contribution for
the relief of his Majesty's exchequer, called for by
Viceroy Azanza through bishop and governor in the
37
fall of 1798 and paid in the summer of 1799,
and a
new fright, also in 1799, resulting in the usual precautionary orders, and caused by the report of from fifteen
to nineteen English frigates in and about the gulf of
California. 38
36
Of the San Carlos we know nothing beyond her arrival on March 11th
at San Francisco.
The Conception left San Bias in March with 81,088 of
provisions; she brought also 9 settlers, 2 smiths, 4 soldiers, and 11 padres,
having on board Alferez Lujan and Lieut. Suarez; arrived at San Francisco
April 14th; was at Monterey June 2Sth; left Monterey Sept. 4th; left San
Diego Nov. 8th; arrived S. Bias Nov. 22d. The Princesa arrived at Sta
Barbara May 27th with 1C0 men, many sick with scurvy; was at San Diego
from June to October; and sailed with the Conception. The MarjaVanes remained only a few days at Sta Barbara and sailed for Acapulco. The only
other vessel of the year was the Activo, Captain Salazar, from Manila, which
arrived at Monterey Sept. 27th, and sailed Oct. 7th. The vessels of 1798
were the Conception, Caamauo, and the Activo, Leon y Luna. The former
arrived at Santa Barbara in May with 8 padres and 24 convicts, and left
Monterey in June. The latter arrived at San Francisco in June. On movements of vessels: Proa. Pec, MS.,iv. 90-1, 94, 105, 157, 102; vi. 52, 54, oQ,
70, 87, 92-4, 104, 256; St. Pap., Sac, MS., viii. 7G; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv.
52, 68, 113-14; xvi. 54, 62, 175, 192, 197; xvii. 1; xxi. 249, 253-5, 281.
37
Oct. 20, 1798, viceroy to gov. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 82. Nov. 13th,
bishop to padres, and Lasuen's refusal. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., x. 67-72;
xii. 235-7; vi. 296-7.
Jan. 31st, Borica to V. R., sends SI, 000 as a personal
contribution. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 118. Same date to commandants. Id., iv.
170.
June 26, account of results. Settlers and Indians of the missions (perhaps an error for Monterey including Borica's amount?) $1,853; San Francisco, 8242; Angeles, 8175; Santa Barbara, $375; San Diego, $519; Catalan
volunteers, 8257; artillery, $39; total, $3,460. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil,
MS., xxvii. 7. Another account makes $1,853 the total. Prov. Pec, MS.,

vi. 128.
38
July 4, 1798, Borica to commandants, 19 frigates in the Pacific. Prov.
Pec, MS., iv. 172. July 12th, 15th, Sal to comisionado of San JosC, forwarding orders and 1,000 cartridges. S. Josi, Arch., MS., vi. 48-9. July 19th,
B. to commandant Sta Barbara, a place to be prepared at San Fernando for
archives, reserve arms, and church vessels. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 112. Aug.
3d, V. R. to B., the Manila galleons must remain at Monterey until the way
Governor's orders
is cleared of privateers. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 237.
Sept. 18th, two Spanish
in accordance. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 176; vi. 131.

vessels reported as captured, not in Cal. Id., iv. 173.

AMERICAN SAILORS.

From 1797

545

1800 the military force and distribution remained practically the same as in 1796 after
the arrival of the Catalan volunteers and the artillery.
In. April 1797 Borica asked for twenty-five
recruits per year to fill vacancies and for an increase
of thirty infantry and fifty cavalry, besides three warvessels.
At the beginning of 1799 the total expense
of the military establishment as given by the governor, was 73,889 per year. In March Borica urged
an increase of 18,624 in the annual expense, by the
addition of three captains and an adjutant inspector,
and the substitution of one hundred and five cavalry
for the Catalan volunteers. Nothing was accomplished,
however, in these directions until after 1800. 39 In the
mean time some slight progress was made on local
fortifications, and the engineer Cordoba, having completed his surveys and made a general map of California, had returned to Mexico in the autumn of
to

1798. 40
At the end of 1798 four sailors who had been left
in Baja California by the American vessel Gallant
were brought up to San Diego and set to work while
awaiting a vessel to take them to San Bias. 41 In May
1799 James Rowan in the Eliza, an American ship,
anchored at San Francisco and obtained supplies under a promise not to touch at any other port in the
province. 42 In August 1800 the American ship Betsy,
39

Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 86-8; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 180, 188-9.
Oct. 17, 1795, viceroy to Borica, speaks of Cordoba's appointment. He
is able, well behaved, and energetic. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 46.
Jan.
1797, Cordoba at work on a map of California. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 78. Nov.
20, 1797, Borica forwards the map to the viceroy; received in March (or
Nov.) 1798. Id., vi. 02; viii. 189; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 3. Nov. 27,
1797, Cordoba ordered by V. R. to return to Mexico.
He sailed in October
1798. Id., xv. 272-3; xxi. 286.
"Prov. Pec, MS., v. 283, 285; vi. Ill; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 197-202.
They were examined carefully but no information of importance was elicited.
Wm. Katt, Barnaby Jan, and John Stephens were natives of Boston 'in the
American colonies.' Gabriel Boisse was a Frenchman.
42
May 27, 1799, Rowan to commandant. Gives the promise required; will
pay cash; would sail to-day if it were less foggy. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii.
200-8. June 3d, Borica to viceroy.
The Eliza had 12 guns; gave a draft on
Boston for S24. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 125-6. Aug. 3d, V. R. to B., Approves
his course; names John Kendrick as supercargo, and says he wished to vv inter
40

at Monterey.
Hist. Cal., Vol.

I.

35

546

RULE OF BOEICAFOREIGN RELATIONS.

Captain Charles Winship, obtained wood and water

43
In October there anchored a laro-e
at San Dieim
vessel, of suspiciously English appearance and carrying twenty-six guns, off the mouth of the Rio San
Antonio in Monterey Bay; but she sailed without
committing hostilities. 41
In the spring of 1800 there had come news of war
between Spain and Russia. This brought out the
usual orders for precautionary measures and non-intercourse, but it failed to arouse even a ripple of excitement. An invasion from Kamchatka seems to have
had no terrors for the Californians after their success
5
in escaping from the fleets of Great Britain.*
Precautions taken to guard against invasion by a
foreign foe having thus been narrated, it is necessary
to give some attention to the dangers that threatened
from within at the hands of the natives. Although
this subject of Indian affairs, in this as in most other
periods of California history, is prominent in the
archives, I do not deem it necessary to devote much
The Spaniards, few in number
space to it here.
surrounded
by
savages of whose numbers and
and
disposition little was known, were peculiarly situated.
i5
Prov. Pec, MS., viii. 132; xii. 6; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 44; St. Pap.,
Sac, MS., ix. 12, 13. She arrived on the 25th and sailed Sept. 4th; she had 19
men and 10 guns; she asked aid later at San Bias, hut was frightened away
by the approach of Spanish vessels, leaving her supplies, papers, captain, supercargo, and some sailors.
44
Nov. 30, 1800, governor to commandant. Prov. Pec, MS., xi. 14G-7.

Gov. to viceroy. Prov. St. Pap,, MS., xviii. G7.. Dec. 18th, V. R's orders to
look out for returning whalers. St. Pap., Sac, MS., ix. 50. The Conception
brought the memorial with nine padres to San Francisco in May 1799, being
kept in quarantine 13 days, and not leaving California until January 1800.
Coming back she arrived at Monterey in August 1800 with supplies, padres,
and children, convoyed by the armed Princesa, Capt. Vivero. They were
at Santa Barbara in September, and left San Diego in [November. Prov. St.
Pep., MS., xviii. 9, G9; xxi. 30, 43-4, 4S, 54; Prov. Eec, MS., ix. 12; xi. 84,
144; St. Pap., Sac, MS., iii. 20; vii. 76-7.
45
Dec. 21, 1799, viceroy to Borica. ^Newspapers announce war. St. Pop.,
Sac, MS., ix. 54. Feb. 8, 1800, B. to commandants. War not certain;
but the province must be ready for an invasion from Kamchatka. Prov.
March 31st, declaration
St. Pep., MS., xviii. 23; Prov. Per., MS., x. 5.
Intercourse with Russia forbidden. Id., ix. 2, 7.
of war known at Monterey.
Oct. 9, 1802, mass ordered for peace. St. Pap., Sac, MS., vii. 1.

INDIAN AFFAIRS.

They

547

dangers to which they would

be exposed in case of a general uprising among the
natives; and the consequence was that any unusual
action on the part of the aborigines, the rumor of
impending hostilities, gave birth to long investigations and a mass of correspondence out of proportion
Nine tenths of the rumors investigated
to the cause.
proved to be groundless, and the few that had real
foundation rested for the most part on petty events
of no interest save in the mission or pueblo where
they happened. Therefore I shall have something to
say of these matters in connection with local annals,
but in this chapter shall enter but slightly into the
details either of events or correspondence.
In September 1794 fifteen or twenty neophytes of
San Luis Obispo and Purisima were arrested with
fully realized the

some gentiles
at San Luis.

for

making threats and

inciting revolt

Five of the culprits were condemned

to presidio work.
Throughout the year there was
some apprehension of trouble at San Jose and Santa
Clara, caused mainly by the natives suddenly leaving
certain rancherias. Lieutenant Sal went in person to
make investigations, and the natives disclaimed any
idea of revolt, but Father Fernandez was admonished
to be

somewhat

less zealous,

not to say cruel, in his

46

treatment of the natives.

In March 1795 a party of neophytes were sent
from San Francisco across the bay northerly in search
of fugitive Christians.
After marching two nights
and a day in that direction they were attacked by
the gentiles and eight or ten slain.
The friars were
blamed for having sent out the party, and the governor deemed it unwise to avenge the loss and make
enemies of these warlike and hitherto friendly tribes.
In the south Alferez Grijalva had some trouble with
the natives on the frontier between San Diego and
San Miguel. This was in June and one or two savages lost their lives.
Near Santa Barbara there was
i6

Prov.

St.

Pap., MS.,

xii. 33,

49-53, 100-4, 124-32, 194.

RULE OF BORICAFOREIGN RELATIONS.

548

a fight in October between pagans and neophytes in

which lives were lost on both sides. 47
In June 1797 thirty neophytes were sent across the
bay from San Francisco, in a direction not clearly
indicated, in search of fugitives, and they were rather
roughly treated by a tribe of Cuchillones though none
were killed. This affair caused a long correspondence
and finally brought positive orders from the viceroy
forbidding the friars to send out such parties. In July
after many preliminaries Sergeant Amador made an
expedition against both the Cuchillones and the Sacalanes, who had committed the outrage of 1795.
He
brought in nine of the gentile culprits and eightythree fugitive Christians.
The savages are said to
have dug pits which prevented the use of horses, and
obliged Amador to fight on foot hand to hand, seven
or eight of them being killed.
At San Luis Obispo
a neophyte was murdered by a gentile and there was
a temporary excitement and fear that the mission
would be attacked. Depredations continued on the
southern frontier and San Diego as usual was deemed
in danger.

48

In 1798 the savages are said to have surrounded

San Juan Bautista by night, but they retired after
killing eight Indians of an adjoining rancheria.
In
the resulting expedition to the sierra under Sergeant
Macario Castro, one chief was killed, four captives
were taken, and a soldier was badly wounded. There
was a false alarm of impending attack on San Miguel,
San Luis, and Purisima by the Tulare and channel
Indians.
Around San Francisco Bay and especially
at San Jose Mission there were constant rumors of
preparations for hostilities that never occurred. 49
47

Prov. Pec., MS.,

v. 227-8; iv. 35-6; vi. 48-50, 56, 146; Prov. St. Pap.,
According to Calleja,
177-8, 215-16, 241-2, 275-6; xvi. 71.
Pespuesta, MS., 12, the ranchos of four men in the Monterey district were
destroj^ed by Indians this year.
48
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 19-27, 122-5, 173-8, 282-3; xvi. 70-3, 90, 239,
249; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 88; v. 206-7, 267.
49
Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 285; v. 210; vi. 106-7, 100; ix. 9; Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., xvii. 97, 100, 106-7.

MS.,

xiii. 82,

INDIAN AFFAIRS.

549

The only recorded event of 1799 was an expedition

of Macario Castro in June to the various ranch erias
of the Monterey district.
His object was to collect
fugitives from San Carlos, Soledad, and San Juan
Bautista, and also to warn the gentiles against harFortified by long and explicit
boring runaways.
instructions from Borica, and accompanied by thirteen
soldiers and as many natives, Castro was successful.
In May 1800 Pedro Amador made a raid from Santa
He killed a chief, broke many
Clara into the hills.
weapons, and took a few captives and runaways. The
natives again committed some depredations at San
Juan Bautista, and in July Sergeant Moraga, marching against them, captured fourteen. 50 From the preceding paragraphs it appears that Borica's rule was a
period of peace so far as Indian hostilities against the
Naturally there were conSpaniards are concerned.
flicts between neophytes and pagans, especially when
bands of the former were sent out by the friars to
scour the country for fugitives, and here and there a
theft or other petty depredation was committed; but
the natives were not yet hostile, though they resisted
the soldiers on several occasions in the hills, and
showed that in case of a general war they might
prove formidable.
50
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 325-30; xviii. 33; Id., Ben. Mil, MS., xxviii.
10-12; Prov. Bee, MS., ix. 9, 10; St. Pap., Sac, MS., viii. 70-1.

CHAPTER XXVI.
RULE OF BORICAEXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS.
1794-1800.

Search foe, Mission Sites Exploration of the Alameda San Benito

Las Pozas Encino Pale Lasuen's Report Foundation of Mission San Jose at the Alameda Local Annals to 1800 Mission San
Juan Bautista at Popeloutchom Earthquake Mission San Miguel
at Vahia Padre Antonio de la Concepcion Horra Mission San
Fernando on Reyes' Rancho, or Achois Comihavit Mission San
Luis Rey at Tacayme A New Pueblo Preliminary Correspondence Search for a Site Reports of Alberni and Cordoba San
Francisco and Alameda Rejected in Favor of Santa Cruz Arrival of Colonists Founding of the Villa de Branciforte Protest of the Franciscans Plan to Open Communication with New
Mexico Colorado Route to Sonora.

It had longf been the intention to found a series

new missions, each equidistant from two of the old
ones, or as nearly so as practicable, and all somewhat
farther inland than the original line. The friars of
course were familiar with the general features of the
country, and had made up their minds long ago about
the best sites. In 1794-5, however, explorations were
made by the priests, assisted in each instance by a
military officer and guard of soldiers. In some cases
this was a real search for new information; in others it
was a formality, that the choice of sites might be officially confirmed.
This matter settled, the necessary
correspondence between governor, president, viceroy,
and guardian took place in 1795-6, and in 1797-8 the
of

new

missions, five in number, were put in operation.

In 1794 the eastern shores of San Francisco Bay
were almost a tierra incognita to the Spaniards. It
(550)

THE ALAMEDA SHORE.

551

would perhaps be too much to say that those shores

had not been visited for nearly twenty years, since
the time of Anza; but there is no record of any previous raid against the gentiles in that region, much
In November of
less of any exploring expedition.
this year, four natives were sent across to work with
the pagans, but one of the two tule-rafts composing
this armada was swept out and wrecked on the Farallones, where two of the navigators were drowned. In
the same month the friars wished to go with a small
guard up the eastern bay-shore from Santa Clara to
conquer the gentiles, taking advantage of their short
supply of food resulting from drought, but the commandant at San Francisco refused, because the country was " almost unknown," the natives perverse, and
the adventure too hazardous. 1 Before June Sergeant
Pedro Amador visited the southern part of this territory, and in his report used the name of Alameda,
2
still applied to county and creek.
November 15, 1795,
in accordance with Borica's orders of the 9th, Alferez Sal and Father Banti set out from Monterey.
On the 16th they explored the San Benito region, on
the stream of the same name, where they found all
that was required for a mission; and next day they
found another suitable location on the edge of the
San Bernardino plain near Las Llagas Creek, or what
is now the vicinity of Gilroy.
Having arrived at
Santa Clara on the 21st, they were joined by Alferez
Bairn undo Carrillo, and started next day to examine
the Alameda previously explored by Amador, whose
diary they had.
The river of the Alameda was also
called by Danti Rio de San Clemente.
The explorers
continued their journey up to a point which they state
to have been opposite or in sight of San Francisco
"Xov. 30, 1794, Sal to Governor, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 28-9.
2
Amador's report is not extant, but the governor's acknowledgment of its
receipt is dated June 2, 1795. Prov. Pec, MS., v. 54.
1 suppose he applied
the name, or it had been applied before, to a grove on the stream, since it is
so applied a little later.
Alameda was subsequently used for the southern
section as was Contra Costa for the northern, though much less commonly.

EXPLORATIONS AND

552

NEW

FOUNDATIONS.

Mission and Yerba Buena Island, nearly or quite to

the site of the modern Oakland perhaps, and then
turned backward, discovering some important saltmarshes, and finally erected a cross at a spot somewhat south of the Alameda and called San Francisco
Solano, arriving at Santa Clara, well soaked with the
rain, on the 25th of November.
Both commandant
and friar kept a journal of this expedition. The docu-

ments

still

exist

and contain many interesting

local

but are somewhat vaguely written. At all

events I have no space for their reproduction, and the
3
still longer explanation that would be required.
In August 1795 Father Sitjar of San Antonio made
an examination of the country between his mission
and San Luis Obispo, finding no better place for a mission than Las Pozas, where farming-ground for three
hundred fanegas of seed might be irrigated from the
arroyos of Santa Isabel and San Marcos.
He was
accompanied on his trip by Macario Castro and Igdetails,

nacio Vallejo. 4
3
Sal, Informe que hace de los Parages que se han rcconocido en la Alameda,
Dated San Francisco, Nov. 30th. Left San Francisco, Oct. 16th.
1795, MS.
St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 60-1. Danit, Diario de vn Peconocimiento de la Alameda, 1795, MS. Dated San Francisco, Dec. 2, 1795. It may be noted
that Macario Castro, of San Jose, had a herd of mares at this time in the Alameda. Also that one of the northern streams visited was called San Juan de
la Cruz. Sal, Informe en el cual manifiesta lo que ha adquirido de varios sugetcs
para comunicarlo al gobernador, SI de Ene.ro 1796, MS., contains the following geographical information about the great interior valley unintelligible for
the most part: About 15 leagues north from Santa Clara is the Rio del Pescadero where salmon are caught.
quarter of a league further the Rio San
Francisco Javier still larger. Two leagues beyond, the Rio San Miguel,
larger than either.
These three have no trees where they cross the tulari s
valley.
Five leagues farther is the Rio de la Pasion. Petween the last two
is an encinal in that part of the Sierra Maclre which stretches north and is
called the Sierra Nevada.
Keeping in the encinal and leaving the tular. s
to the left there is a region of fresh-water lakes.
The four rivers run from
east to west and empty into the ensenada of the port of San Francisco, tidewater running far up. The Sierra Madre is about eight leagues from Rio de
la Pasion. Before coming to the rivers, on the right is the Sierra of San Juan,
a short distance from the Sierra Nevada, and in sight from the presidio. The
four rivers were named by Captain Rivera in December 1776.
An Indian said his people traded with a nation of black Indians who had
padres. Another spoke of the Julpones, Quinenseat, Taunantoe, and Quisitoe
An Indian woman said
nations, the last bald from bathing in boiling lakes.
that five days beyond the rivers there were soldiers and padres. Lovers of
mystery will find food for reflection and theory in the preceding remarks.
4
Sit'jar Peconocimientode Sitioparala Nueva Misionde San Miguel, 1795 MS.
DatedAug. 27th, andaddressed toLasuen. See edsoSt. Pap.,Miss. ,~MS. , ii. 56-7.

'

NEW

SITES IN

THE SOUTH.

553

The region between San Buenaventura and San

Gabriel was explored in August 1795, in accordance
with the governor's instructions of July 23d, by
Father Santa Maria, Alferez Cota, and Sergeant
Ortega with four men. The Encino Valley, where
Francisco Reyes had a rancho, was the spot best
suited for a mission among the many visited, but the
gentiles being attached to the pueblo of Los Angeles
or to the private ranchos, showed no desire for mis5
sionaries.
In the preceding June Sergeant Ortega
had explored the country northward from Santa
Barbara and found a fertile valley on the Rio Santa
Rosa, probably near where Santa Ines was founded
6
In the southern district Father
in later years.
Mariner with Alferez Grijalva and six men started
from San Diego on August 17th to search for a mission site between San Diego and San Juan Capistrano. His report was in favor of the valley of San
Jose, called by the natives Tacopin, a league and a
half beyond Pamo toward the sierra. 7
The results of the various explorations were summed
up by President Lasuen in a report of January 12,
1796, which was incorporated by Governor Borica in
a report to the viceroy in February. 8

The

sites ap-

5
Santa Maria, Registro que hizo de los Parages entre San Gabriel y San
Buenaventura, 1795, MS. Dated Feb. 3, 1790. The padre visited in this
tour Cayegues rancheria, Simi Valley, Triunfo, Calabazas, Encino Valley
with rancherias of Quapa, Tacuenga, Tuyunga, and Mapipinga, La Zanja,
head of Rio Santa Clara, and Mufin rancheria. The document is badly
written, and also I suspect badly copied, and the names may be inaccurate.
In some spots the pagans cultivated the land on their own account. Corporal
Verdngo owned La Zanja rancho. Governor's order of July 23d, in Prov. Ilec,
In St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 55-6, it is stated that Santa Maria
MS'., iv. 19.
made an unsuccessful survey.
6
Ortega, Diario que forma Felipe Maria de Ortega, Sargento de la Compania de Santa Barbara en cumplimiento d la comision que obtnvo de D. Felipe
de Goycoerhea saliendo eon tres hombres d reconocer los sitlos por el rumbo del
norte en el dia 17 d las 8 de la mauana del mes de Junio, y es como signe, 1705,
MS. The same diary includes an examination of the Mojonera region on
June 2Gth to 28th. Some explorations in 1798 will be given later in connection
with the foundation of Santa Ines.
7
July 23, 1795, governor's order. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 229-30. Aug. 14th
and 28th, Sept. 1st and 9th, communications of Mariner and Grajera. Prov.
St. Pap., MS., xiii. 19-20; St. Pap., Miss., MS., 53-5.
8
Lasuen, Informe sobre Sitios para Nuevas Misiones, 1796, MS.; Borica,
Informe de Nuevas Misiones, 26 deFeb., 1796, MS.

554

EXPLORATIONS AND

NEW

FOUNDATIONS.

proved were San Francisco Solano, seven or eight

leagues north of Santa Clara; Las Pozas, equidistant
between San Antonio and San Luis Obispo; and Pale,
fourteen leagues from San Diego and eighteen from
San Juan. The other -two required additional examination, since two sites had been recommended between San Carlos and Santa Clara, and that between
San Buenaventura and San Gabriel was not altogether
satisfactory.
Borica hoped that by means of the new
missions all the gentiles west of the Coast Range
might be reduced and thus $15,060, the annual expense of guards, might be saved to the royal treasury.
He did not deem it safe to expose the friars with a
small guard of soldiers east of the mountains.
The
viceroy if he consents to the foundations should send
friars and the $1,000 allowed to each new establishment; but no increase of military force will be needed,
since the presence of the volunteers and the artillerymen will release some soldiers, and the guards of some
old missions may be reduced.
The saving of $15,060
and the unusual circumstance that no additional force
was needed, were strong arguments in Mexico, and
on the 19th of August 1796 the viceroy, after consultation with the treasury officials, authorized the
carrying-out of Borica's plan. 9 On September 29th
Nogueyra, the guardian, announces that he has named
the ten friars required.
He asks for the usual allowances, and begs that a vessel may sail with the missionaries as soon as possible, but protests against any
Borica
reduction of the guards at the old missions.
received the viceroy's orders before the end of the
year, and on May 5, 1797, Lasuen announced that the
10
friars were coming and all was ready.
:

9
Brantiforte, Autorization del Virrey para lafundacion de cinco nuevas misiones,179G, MS. Sept. 29th, guardian consents. Prov. St. Pap. , MS. , xiv. 128-9.
10
Dec. 23, 1796, Borica to viceroy, St. Pap., Sac, MS., iv. 71-2. May
Lasuen says it will be hard for the
5, 1797, Lasnen to B., Id., vii. 28-31.
old missions to contribute for so many new ones at the same time; yet he will
do his best. San Carlos, Santa Clara, and San Francisco will be called upon
Liveto aid the two northern establishments and to lend Indians and tools.
stock must be given outright. Santa Cruz certainly and Soledad probably

must be excused.

POUNDING OF MISSION SAN

J0S6.

555

Preliminaries being thus arranged, I come to the

actual founding of the five missions, chronological
order in this instance agreeing with that of localities
from north to south. Desiring to avoid any unnecessary scattering of material I shall join to the establishing of each mission its local annals to the end of
the decade, as I have done before in the case of new
establishments.
Borica sent orders to the commandant of San Francisco, the 15th of May, to detail Corporal Miranda
and five men for the mission of San Jose to be founded
at the Alameda.
On June 9th the troops under
Amador and accompanied by Lasuen started for the
spot, where next day a temporary church, or enramada,
was erected. The native name of the site was Oroysom, and the name of the mission, San Jose, in honor
of the patriarch husband of the virgin Mary, had
been included in the orders from Mexico. On June
11th, Trinity Sunday, the regular ceremonies of
foundation blessing the ground, raising the cross,
litany of all saints, mass, sermon, te deum, and the
burning of one pound of gunpowder were performed
by or under the superintendence of Father Lasuen,
the only friar present.
The same day all returned to
Santa Clara leaving the new mission to solitude and
the gentiles.
Five days later Amador and his men
came back to cut timber and prepare the necessary
buildings. By the 28th this work was so far advanced
that the guard, as was thought, could complete it.
Water was brought to the plaza, and the soldiers, all
but Miranda and his five men, retired to the presidio.
The same day the ministers, Isidoro Barcenilla and
Agustin Merino, arrived and took charge. 11

11

Amador, Diario de la Expedition para fundar la Mision de San Jose",

Amador, Preventiones al Cabode laesrolta de San Jose', 1797, MS.
Dated June 28th, San Jose, Lib. de Mision, MS., title-pages. May 15th,
governor's order to commandant. Prov. Pec., MS., v. 107. June 11th,
Lasuen to gov. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., vi. 21-2; St. Pap., Sac, MS., xviii.
20-30; Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 190. July 2d, Gov. to viceroy. Id., vi. 94. June
20th, Miranda to commandant. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 91.
The Indian
name of the site is also written Oroyjon, Oroyson, and Oryson. Contributions
1797, MS.;

556

EXPLORATIONS AND

NEW

FOUNDATIONS.

In July 1797 there were rumors of impending

attack by the savages, and such rumors were prevalent
to the end of the decade; but there was no disaster,
and I shall have occasion elsewhere to speak further
of Indian troubles round San Francisco Bay. 12 The
first baptism was administered September 2d by Father
Catala. By the end of 1797 there were 33 converts,
and in 1800 the number had increased to 286, the
baptisms having been 364 and the burials 88. Meanwhile the large stock came to number 367, and there
were 1,600 sheep and goats. Crops in 1800 were about
1,500 bushels, chiefly wheat. Total for the three years
3,900 bushels. Padre Barcenilla, a man who, by reason
of ill-health as was believed, was extremely irascible
and always in a quarrel with somebody, particularly
with the corporal/ 3 remained at San Jose till after
1800. Merino was replaced in 1799 by Jose Antonio
Uria. All three were new-comers, and none remained
long in the country.
wooden structure with grass
roof served as a church. Miranda was replaced by
Luis Peraltain 1798. 14

from the three northern missions for San Jose" were 12 mules, 39 horses, 12
yoke of oxen, 242 sheep, and GO pigs. Arch. JSIisiones, MS., i. 57.
12
See Chapter xxxi. of this volume. July 3, 1797, Corp. Miranda to commandant, says that on account of the danger, the padres wished to abandon
the mission, but he lias dissuaded them. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 90. Aug.
Some gentiles want to come near the mission to
17, 1797, Amador to Borica.
live because the Sacalanes threaten to kill them for their friendship to the
Christians. Id. , xv. 173-4. April 6, 1798, Argiiello to B., Indians making arrows
to attack the mission. Reinforcements sent. The corporal has orders not to
force Indians to come to the mission. Id., xvii. 97. April 17th, Amador says
20 Indians consented to come and be made Christians. Id., xvii. 101. The
making of arrows seems to have been for hunting purposes. Id., xvii. 100.
June Gth, Gov. to Corporal Peralta ordering great caution and prudence, but
the Indians must be punished if fair words have no effect. Id., xvii. 106-7.
13
Sept. 27, 1797, Barcenilla writes to the commandant that the soldiers
will not lend a hand even in cases where the most barbarous Indian would not
Private Higuera does nothing but wag his tongue against such
refuse his aid.
as assist the padres. Corp. Miranda is much changed and will not work even
for pay. Miranda explained that the padres were angry because the soldiers
would not act as vaqueros. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 47-8. Details of the
trouble in Id. xvi. 35-8, 46-7.
u St. Pap. 3Iiss., MS., ii. 122. Soldiers of the guard before 1800, according to S. Jos6, Lib. de Mision, MS., Juan Jose Higuera, Salvador Higuera,
Juan Garcia, Cornelio Rosales, Rafael Galindo, Juan Jose Linares, Ramcn
Linares, Francisco Flores, Jose Maria Castillo, Miguel Salazar, Hilario Miranda, and Hermenegildo Bojorges.
'

'

FOUNDING OF SAN JUAN BAUTISTA.

557

For the second mission Borica instructed the commandant of Monterey on May 18th to detail Cor15
Next day
poral Ballesteros and a guard of five men.
were issued Borica's instructions to the corporal, similar in every respect to documents of the same class
It is to be noted,
already noted in past chapters.
however, that the matter of furnishing escorts to the
friars is left more to the corporal's discretion than
before, the absence of soldiers at ni^ht being declared
inexpedient but not absolutely prohibited.
Sending
soldiers after fugitive neophytes was, however, still
forbidden. These instructions, though prepared especially for this new mission, were ordered published at
16
all the missions.
The site chosen was the southernmost of the two
that had been examined, called by the Spaniards for
many years past San Benito, but by the natives
Popeloutchom. 17 Here as early as June 17th, Corporal
Ballesteros had erected a church, missionary-house,
granary, and guard-house, 18 and on June 24th, day of
the titular saint, President Lasuen with the aid of
fathers Catala* and Martiarena founded the new mis19
sion of San Juan Bautista, the name having been

15
list of supplies furnished the
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 144-5.
escolta is given as follows: 12 fan. maize, 4 fan. beans, 1 butt of fat, 1 barrel,
1 pot, 1 pan, 1 iron ladle, 1 metate, 1 earthern pan, 1 frying-pan, 2 knives, 5
axes, 3 hoes, 1 iron bar, 1 machete, 6 knives for cutting grass and tules, 10
hides, 2 muskets, 1,000 cartridges, No. 14, 1,000 balls, 200 flints, 50 lbs. powder, 1 pair of shackles, 2 fetters, 1 floor, 1 padlock, weights and measures.
May 19th, Borica gives some genList also in St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 51-2.
eral orders about the two new missions. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 137.
16
Borica, Instruction para el Comandante cle la Escolta destinada d la fundacion de la Mision de San Juan Bautista, 1707, MS.
17
Written also Poupeloutehun and Popelout. The 23 rancherias belonging to this mission were Onextaco, Absayruc, Motssum, Trutca, Teboaltac,
Xisca, or Xixcaca, Giguay, Tipisastac, Ausaima, Poytoquix, Guachurrones,
Pagosines or Paycincs, Calendaruc, Asystarca, Pouxouoma, Suricuama, Ta-

marox, Thithirii, Unijaima, Ohapana, Mitaldejama, Echantac, and Yelmus.

18
Prov. Bee, MS., vi. 190-1.
19
Lasuen both on the title-page of S. Juan Bautista, Lib. de Mision, MS.,
and in a letter of June 27th, to the governor, Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., vi.
22-3, commits the strange error of making the foundation on June 21st.
In
another letter dated June 27th, he gives the date correctly. St. Pap., Sac,
MS., xviii. 28-9. July 2d, governor announces the foundation to viceroy.
Prov. Bee, MS., vi. 94. See also Id., iv. 250; Arroyo de la Cuesta, Gram.
Mutsun, p. vii.-viii.

EXPLORATIONS AND

558

NEW

FOUNDATIONS.

indicated in the orders of the viceroy, and the dayhaving been selected as appropriate.

Jose Manuel Martiarena and Pedro Adriano Martinez were the first ministers, both new arrivals of 1794
and 1797 respectively, the latter serving at San Juan
until the end of 1800, the former leaving the mission
in July 1799, and Jacinto Lopez coming in August
1800.
The first baptism took place on July 11th, and
before .the end of the year 85 had received the rite,
as had 641 before the end of 1800, 65 having died in
the mean time, and 516 remaining as neophytes. Livestock increased to 723 large animals and 2,080 small;
agricultural products for 1800
much the largest crop
that had been raised amounted to about 2,700 bush20
els.
mud-roofed wooden structure was the mission church before 1800.
Beyond the statistics given there is nothing to be
noted in the local annals of San Juan Bautista except
certain Indian troubles and the earthquake of 1800.
The Ansaimes, or Ansayames, were the natives who
caused most trouble.
They lived in the mountains
some twent} '-five miles east of San Juan. In 1798
they are said to have surrounded the mission by night,
but were forced to retreat by certain prompt measures
of the governor not specified.
In November another
band known as the Osos killed eight rancheria Indians, and Sergeant Castro was sent to punish them.
They resisted and a fight occurred, in which the chief
Tatillosti was killed, another chief and a soldier were
wounded, and two gentiles were brought in to be
educated as interpreters.
In 1799 the Ansaimes
again assumed a threatening attitude and killed five
Moutsones, or Mutsunes, who lived between them
and the mission. Acting under elaborate instructions
from Borica, Castro visited several rancherias, recovered over fifty fugitives, administered a few floggings

20
The soldiers named in the mission-books before 1800 were Corporal Juan
Ballesteros, Antonio Enriquez, Jose Manuel Higuera, Jose Guadalupe Ramirez,
Matias Rodriguez, Manuel Briones, Liicas Altamirano, Isidro Flores, and

Jose Ignacio Lugo.

FOUNDING OF SAN MIGUEL.

559

with no end of warnings, found some of the prevalent

rumors of past misdeeds to be unfounded, and brought
Again in 1800
in a few captives for presidio work.
the Ansaimes killed two Mutsunes at San Benito
Creek, burned a house and some wheat-fields, and
were with difficulty kept from destroying the mission.
Sergeant Gabriel Moraga marched with ten men and
brought in eighteen captives including the chieftains
21
of the Ansaime and the Carnadero rancherias.
There were shocks of earthquake from the 11th to
the 31st of October, sometimes six in a day, the most
Friars were so terrified that
severe on the 18th.
they spent the nights out of doors in the mission
Several cracks appeared in the ground, one of
carts.
considerable extent and depth on the banks of the
Pajaro, and the adobe walls of all the buildings were
cracked from top to bottom, and threatened to fall.
The natives said that such shocks were not uncommon in that vicinity, and spoke of subterranean fissures, or caverns, caused by them, from which salt
water had issued. 22

The site of the third mission, between San Antonio

and San Luis Obispo, was called Las Pozas by the
Spaniards aird Vahia by the natives. 23 "Here," says
21
Prov. Pec, MS., ix. 9-11; vi. 106-7; Borlca, Instruction al Sargento
Castro sobre recorrer las Rancherias cle Gentiles, 1790, MS., in Prov. St. Pap.,
xvii. 325-8.
Dated Monterey, June 7th. Castro, Diario cle su Expedition d
las Rancherias, 1700, MS.
Dated June 29th. It seems that the Spaniards
were in the habit of going to the Ansaime country after tequesqUite, or saltpetre.
Besides those named in the text the Orestaco and Guapo rancherias
are mentioned.
See also St. Pap., Sac, MS., viii. 80-1; Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
xviii. 33.
In 1800 the San Juan Indians sent 3 wagons, 9 yoke of oxen, 9
horses, and 15 Indians to Monterey when an attack from foreign vessels was
feared.
For this they were remunerated by order of the viceroy to encourage

zeal in like cases. Id., xix. 7.

22
Comandante Sal. to governor, Oct. 31, 1800, in St. Pap., Miss, and Colon,
MS., i. 40-2. Nov. 29th, governor acknowledges receipt. Prov. Pec, MS.,
xi. 147.
Dec. 5th, governor to viceroy. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi., 51. Feb.
This earthquake has been noticed also in
10th, V. II. to gov. Id., xviii. GO.
Randolph's Oration; Vallejo, Hist. Ccd., MS., i. 107; TuthilVs Hist. Cal., 110;
Trash, in Cal. Acad. Nat. Science, iii. 134. On Nov. 22d a shock was felt in
the extreme south. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 54.
23
There is much doubt about this aboriginal name. Different copyists
from Lasuen's original letters and entries in the mission-books make it: Vaticd,
Savage, in title-page of S. Miguel, Lib. de Mision, MS. ; Vahca, another from

EXPLORATIONS AND

5G0

NEW

FOUNDATIONS.

Lasuen on July 25, 1797, "with the assistance of the

Reverend Padre Apostolic Preacher, Fr. Buenaventura Sitjar, and of the troop destined to guard the

new

establishment, in presence of a great multitude

of gentiles of both sexes and of all ages, whose pleasure and rejoicing exceeded even our desires, thanks
to God, I blessed water, the place, and a great cross,

which we adored and

Immediately I intoned
the litany of the saints, and after it chanted the mass,
in which I preached, and we concluded the ceremony
by solemnly singing the te deum. May it all be
for the greater honor and glory of God our Lord.
Amen." Thus was founded the mission of San Miguel,
in honor of "the most glorious prince of the heavenly
militia/' the archangel Saint Michael, for which Sitjar
and Antonio de la Concepcion Horra, a new-comer of
Jose Antonio Ro1796, were appointed ministers.
24
driguez was corporal of the guard.
beginning of missionary work was made by the
baptism of 15 children on the day of foundation; at
the end of 1800 the number had increased to 385, of
whom 53 had died and 362 were on the registers as
neophytes. 25 The number of horses and cattle was
raised.

The crop
372, while small animals numbered 1,582.
of 1800 was 1,900 bushels; and the total product of
the three years, 3,700 bushels. 26 Sitjar left San Miguel
and returned to his old mission of San Antonio in
same original; Vahid, Murray, from Lasuen's letters of July 25th, in Arch.
Sta Barbara, IMS., vi. 23-4; Valied, Piua, from Borica, July 31st, in Prov.
Bee, MS., vi. 94-6.
2i
San Miguel, Lib. de Mision, MS.; Rodriguez' letter of July 25th. St.
Pap., Sac, ]\IS., xviii. 27-8; Lasuen's letter of Aug. 5th, referring to the un'

usually favorable disposition of the natives, but suggesting caution. Id., vi.
9G-7; Prov. Bee, MS., vi. 193. See also references of preceding note. Contributions from San Antonio, San Luis, and Purisima were 8 mules, 23 horses,
8 yoke of oxen, 128 cattle, 184 sheep. Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 201.
25
The sum of the deaths
1 give the figures as they stand on the records.
and existences is rarely the same as the baptisms. When less, the deficiency
may be attributed to runaways; but when greater it is inexplicable save on
the theory of an error in the register.
26
The soldiers of the guard were Jose" Antonio Rodriguez, corporal, Manuel Montero, Jose Maria Guadalupe, and Juan Maria Pinto, according to the
mission -book.
According to the report of 1797-8, the bell at San Miguel was
soon after its hanging found to be cracked and worthless. Arch. Sta Barbara,

MS.,

xii. 66.

FOUXDIXG OF SAX FERNANDO.

August

1798.

5G1

Juan Martin began a very long term

September 1797, and Baltasar Car-

of ministry in
nicer a short one in May 1799. Horra, better known
by the name of Concepcion, served only about two

months, when, being charged with insanity, he was

enticed to visit Monterey on some pretended business of importance and sent to his college by order of
Lasuen and consent of the governor, sailing on the
Concepcion or Princesa, which left Monterey in September. 27 He is said to have been a very able and
worthy friar before he came to California; and in
proof of his insanity nothing more serious is recorded
than baptizing natives without sufficient preparation
and neglecting to keep a proper register. There is
no special reason to doubt, however, that the charge
was well founded. After his return to the college,
on July 12, 1798, he made a long report in which he
charged the California friars with gross mismanagement, with cruelty to the natives, and with inhuman
treatment of himself. This report I shall have occasion
In the mission-books
to notice more fully elsewhere.
of San Miguel this padre's signature appears but
once on the title of the death-register, where his
statement that he was one of the founders was subThe original mud -roofed woodsequently struck out.
en church was not replaced by a better structure

until after 1800.

For the fourth

mission, between San Buenaventura

and San Gabriel, additional exploration revealed no
better location than that of Reyes' rancho in Encino
Valley, called by the natives Achois Comihavit.
quarrel between Reyes and the friars respecting the
ownership of the land would be an appropriate introduction to the narrative of this foundation; but no

27
Aug. 20th, Lasuen to governor in St. Pop. Sac. MS. vi. 03-4. Sept. 4th,
governor to viceroy. Id., viii. 4. Sept. 2d, Gov. to Lasuen. Prov. B^c, MS.,
vi. 196.
Horra seems to have been transferred subsequently to the Queretaro
college, for which the guardian thanks God in a letter to Lasuen, May 14,
17 J0. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 280-1.
,

Hist. Cal., Vol.

I.

36

EXPLORATIONS AND

5C2

NEW

FOUNDATIONS.

such controversy is recorded, though the ranchero's

house was appropriated as a dwelling for the missionLasuen had gone down from San Miguel to
aries.
Santa Barbara, whence he started at the end of August
with Sergeant Olivera and an escort. With the aid of
Father Francisco Dumetz, on the 8th of September, in
the presence of the troops and a great crowd of natives,
he performed the usual ceremonies, and dedicated the
new mission, as required by instructions from Mexico,
to San Fernando, Key de Espana. 23
Francisco Javier
Uria was the associate of Dumetz, and both served
until the end of 1 800 and later. Ten children were baptized the first day, and thirteen adults had been added
There were 55 neophytes
to the list early in October.
at the end of 1797, and 310 at the end of 1800, baptisms having amounted to 352 and deaths to 70. Five
hundred and twenty-six was the number of cattle,
Products
mules, and horses; and GOO that of sheep.
soil
in 1800 were about 1,000 bushels, though
of the
had
amounted
to 1,200 bushels the year before,
they
the total yield for three years being 4,700 bushels.

The

new

establishments was not

founded until the next year. In October 1797 a new
exploration was made between San Juan Capistrano
and San Diego by Corporal Lisalde, with seven soldiers and five Indians, escorting fathers Lasuen and
fifth

and

last of the

St Ferdinand was Fernando III., King of Spain, who reigned from 1217
under whose rule the crowns of Castile and Leon were united. He
was canonized in 1071 by Clement X. Aug. 28th, Goycoechea to Borica announcing Lasuen's departure for Reyes' rancho. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv.
82. Sept. 8th, Lasuen's report of foundation. St. Pap., Sac, MS., xviii. 26-7;
Arch. >ita Barbara, MS., vi. 24-5. Sept. 8th, certificate of Sergt. Olivera; he
calls the site Achoic. Prov. Bee, MS., iv. 92; vi. 191, 19G. Oct. 4th, Goycoechea to Borica, sends Olivera's diary. Guard-house and store-house finished.
Two houses begun, church soon to be begun. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 24G-7;
Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 92. Contributions from Santa Barbara, San Buenaventura, San Gabriel, and San Juan were 18 mules, 46 horses, 16 yoke of oxen,
310 cattle, 508 sheep. Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 202. The mission-books of San
Fernando I examined at the mission in 1874. They consisted of baptismal
register 1 vol., 1798-1852, 1st entry April 28, 1798, signed by Dumetz; marriage register, 1 vol. 1797-1847, first entry, Oct. 8, 1797; and the Libro de
Patentes y de Inventarios. In the legal difficulties that followed the death of
Andres Pico the books disappeared and could not be found by Mr Savage in
28

to 1251,

1877.

FOUNDING OF SAN LUIS KEY.

503

Santiago from San Juan. The party separated to

return north and south at the old Capistrano, which
they doubtless selected at the time, October 6th, as
the best mission site, for we hear no more of the Pale
29
During December there was
of former expeditions.
a correspondence between Borica and Lasuen on the
subject, by which it appears that the large number
of docile natives was the chief inducement to found a
mission in this region, but that agricultural and other
advantages were believed to be lacking. The governor insisted on the foundation, and prophesied that
30
difficulties in the future would be less serious.
The governor issued orders the 27th of February
1798 to the commandant of San Diego, who was to
furnish an escolta and to require from the soldiers
personal labor in erecting the necessary buildings,
without murmuring at site or work, and with implicit
obedience to Lasuen. 31 The records show no subsequent proceedings till the 13th of June. On that
date at the spot called by the natives Tacayme, and
by the Spaniards in the first expedition of 1769 San
Juan Capistrano, or later, Capistrano el Viejo, in the
presence of Captain Grajera, the soldiers of the guard,
a few neophytes from San Juan, and a multitude of
gentiles, and with the aid of fathers Santiago and
Peyri, President Lasuen with all due solemnity, supplemented by the baptism of fifty-four children,
ushered into existence the mission of San Luis, Rev
de Francia, it being necessary hereafter to distinguish
29

Lisalde, Peconocimiento de las tierras para sltuar la Mhion de San Luis,

MS. The places named are Las Animas, Las Lagunitas, Tenieca rancheria, Pauma, Pullala, and San Juan Capistrano.
In Grijalva, Informe
sobre las raucherias que 86 hallan en las tierras exploradas por el Padre J/ariner, 1705, MS., there are named the following ranchernts: Mescuanal, Toriapa, Ganal, Mocoquil, and Cuami, in a little valley called Escha; Tagui, Gante,
Algualcapa, Capatay, Tacupin, Quguas, Calagua, Matagua, and Ata, in
another valley three leagues distant; Curila, Topame, Luque, Cupame,
Piiume, and Pal6, three leagues from former valley, and speaking language
of San Juan; Palin, Pamame, Pamua, and Asichiqmes, lower down; Chacapa
and Pamamelli in Santa Margarita Valley; Chumelle and Quesinille in Las
Flores.
30
Lasuen to Borica. Arch. Arzobipado, MS., i. 44; to Lasuen. Prov. Pec.,
MS., vi. 201.
^Prov. Pee., MS., v. 273-4.

1707,

EXPLORATIONS AND

564

NEW

FOUNDATIONS.

between the establishment of San Luis, king, and

San Luis, bishop. 32 All was prosperity at first. In
a week Antonio Peyri, the energetic founder, had
seventy -seven children baptized and twenty -three
catechumens under instruction. By the first of July
he had six thousand adobes made for the mission
buildings.
In July he was joined by Jose Faura,
who was succeeded in the autumn of 1800 by Jose
Garcia. Jose Panella was assigned to this mission,
and served for a short time in 1798, during the absence of one of the ministers, who went to the baths
of San Juan Capistrano for his health. Panella made
himself unpopular by his harsh treatment, and so
great was the discontent of the natives and the clamor
for a change, that Lasuen was obliged to send him
away and promise the return of the other padre,
probably Peyri, who was greatly beloved. 33 The baptisms in 1798 were 214; before the end of 1800 there
were 337 neophytes, 371 having been baptized, and
There were 617
56 being the number of burials.
mules,
cattle
in
horses,
and
1800, besides 1,600 sheep.
Products of the soil were 2,000 bushels of wheat, 120
of barley, and six of maize, the latter being just the
amount sown, while eight bushels of beans produced
nothing.
The mission-books of San Luis Rey are
the only ones in California which I have not examined.

Their whereabouts

is

not known.

It had long been deemed desirable to promote

colonization in California, and the prevalent fears of
foreign aggression did much to cause definite action
Saint Louis was Louis IX., king of France, who reigned from 1226 to
and earned his reputation for piety both at home and in the crusades.
June 13th, Lasuen to Borica reporting the foundation. Arch. St a Barbara,
MS., vi. 25-7; xi. 11; Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 47-9. July 12th, B. to Lasuen.
Prov. Rec, MS., vi, 218-19. Aug. 1st, B. to viceroy. Id., v. 279; vi. 98-9.
Contributions of Santa Barbara, San Gabriel, San Juan, San Diego, and San
Luis Rey: 64 horses, 28 yoke of oxen, 310 head of cattle, 508 sheep. Arch.
Misiones, MS., i. 202.
33
The governor in a communication to Lasuen on the subject calls the absent missionary Juan Martinez, but there was no such padre in California.
Prov. Rec, MS., vi. 222-3. Dec. 7, 1798, Borica also writes a letter of warning and advice to the friar. Id., 227-8.
32

1270,

A NEW PUEBLO.
to be taken at this epoch.

The completed

565

line of

missions as planned was rapidly, to civilize the natives,

but a larger Spanish population was desirable and new
pueblos of gente de razon were to be founded as well
This subject was doubtless included
as new missions.
in
Borica's original instructions; but
in a, general sense
the first definite action is seen in a report of the royal
tribunal of accounts to the viceroy, dated November
In this document it is recommended as a
18, 1795.
most important measure for the welfare and protection
of the Spanish possessions in California that the governor, with the aid of Engineer Cordoba and other
officers, proceed to select a site and to found a pueblo,
or villa, to be called Branciforte in honor of the viceroy.
This establishment as a coast defence should be put
on a military basis, securely fortified, and settled
with soldiers as pobladores. The site must be selected
and the lands divided according to existing pueblo
regulations and the laws of the Indies.
Each officer
and soldier is to have a house-lot, and between those
of the officers lots are to be assigned to chieftains of
rancherias who may be induced to live with the Spaniards, thus assuring the loyalty of their subjects.
Live-stock and implements may be furnished by the
government as hitherto. Instead of an habilitado
there is to be a town-treasurer; and Alberni may command, acting as lieutenant-governor. As the time
of the infantry soldiers expires they are not to be
reenlisted, but new recruits obtained from New Spain
will create an immigration without the heavy cost of
bringing: in settlers as such. 34

It

is

to be supposed that the viceroy approved this

plan in its main features at least, and sent corresponding orders to Borica, though no such order appears
35
in the archives.
It had been indicated in the plan
31
Brancijorte, Iforme del Heal Tribunal sobre fundacion de un pueblo que
llamard Branciforte, 1795, MS. This report was prepared by Beltran on
Nov. 17th, and approved by the tribunal Nov. 18th.
35
The order dated Dec. 15, 1795, and enclosing the auditor's report given
above is alluded to by Borica on June 16, 179G. St. Pap., Miss, and Colon.,
MS., i. 364.

se

5C6

EXPLORATIONS AND

NEW

FOUNDATIONS.

that the new establishment should be on or near San

Francisco Bay, and in the spring of 1796, on receipt
of the viceroy's instructions, whatever they may have
been, the governor began to move in the matter,
though in January 1795 he had instructed the commandants to report on suitable sites for new pueblos,
and though Sergeant Amador seems to have explored
with the same view as early as July of the same year
the coast region from San Francisco to Santa Cruz. 33
On May 21st Borica requested Alberni and Cordoba

with an escort of six men to meet him at Santa Cruz

on the 28th. During the next few weeks, the three
made some personal explorations not described in
detail, and June 16th the governor asked the others
to report on the best place for the town, and to give
their ideas generally in connection with the plan of
foundation.
Private letters of similar purport were
written on the 17th and 18th. 37
Alberni's report was dated at San Francisco July
1st, and that of Cordoba the 20th, the two being in
Three sites were considered the
substance identical.
Alameda, San Francisco, and Santa Cruz. The first
was pronounced unsuitable for a pueblo, not only because the bed of the creek was so low as to prevent
irrigation, but because there was no wood, timber,
:

stone, or pasturage, except at a great distance.

San

Francisco was declared to be the very worst place in

36 Jan.
Amador,
9, 1795, Borica to commandants. Prov. Pec, iv. 126-7.
Peconocimiento de Terreno desde Santa Cruz hasta San Francisco, 1705, MS.
Dated July 4th, he describes particularly four fertile spots with more or less
advantages for settlements at distances of 8, 12, 15^, and 20 leagues from San
Francisco, the last being 5 leagues from Santa Cruz. July 23d, has received
the report of July 4th, and orders Amador to improve the road with the aid
of commandants at Santa Cruz and Santa Clara (San Francisco ?). Prov. Pec,
MS., v. 57-8. May 11, 1796, Salazar in his report to the viceroy mentioned
a spot suitable for a pueblo about midway between San Francisco and Santa
Cruz where there is an anchorage. San Benito was also a good site, but there
were many Indians requiring a mission, as there were not at the former
spot. A rch. Sta Barbara, MS., ii. 75-7.
37
Prov. St. Pap., Be.ii. Mil., MS., xxiv. 6, 7; St. Pap., Miss, and Colon.,
MS., i. 364-5, 374-5; Translation in Sta Cruz, Peep, 51; Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., xxi. 241. In his letter to Cordoba, Borica says that the viceroy cannot
entertain the request of the Catalan volunteers to have lands granted them,
but instead will found a new town and give them lands therein as a recompense when their term expires.

SITE

FOR THE VILLA.

5C7

California for the purpose in view, since the peninsula afforded neither lands, timber, wood, nor water,
nothing but sand and brambles and raging winds.
The Santa Cruz site, across the river from the mission, had all the advantages which the others lacked,
and had besides proximity to the sea, affording facilities for export, plenty of fish, with an abundance of
The establishment
stone, lime, and clay for building.
of a town here could moreover do no possible harm to
The settlers should be practical farmers
the mission.
from a cold or temperate climate, and should have
houses and a granary built for them at expense of the
all

government

in

order that they might apply them-

selves at once to agriculture.

The

soldiers

and inva-

more

assistance than other settlers

by reason of their past services. The scheme of adding Indian chiefs to the town is impracticable, since
there are no chiefs; some mission Indians, however,

lids are entitled to

might be profitably attached to the settlement to work

and learn in company with Spaniards. 3
^

August 4th Borica transmitted these reports to the

viceroy with his own enthusiastic approval, pronouncing the Santa Cruz site the best between Cape San
Lucas and San Francisco, and giving some additional
particulars about the anchorage.
He recommends
that an adobe house be built for each settler so that
the prevalent state of things in San Jose and Los
Angeles, where the settlers still live in tule huts,
being unable to build better dwellings without neglecting their fields, may be prevented, the houses to
cost not over two hundred dollars each. 00
On September 23d another communication of the governor
38
Alberni, Parecer sobre el
Branciforte, 1796, MS.
part

en que debe fundarse el naevo Pueblo do

translated in Dwindled Col. Hist. S. Francisco, App. 18. COrdoba, In/orme acerca del sitio de Branciforte, 1706, MS.
Very inaccurately translated, and dated July 2d, in Sta Cruz, Prep, 53-5.
Brief mention of the decision against San Francisco in Randolph's Oration,
309; TuthiWs llist. Cal., 105; Elliot, in Overland Monthly, iv. 337-8.
39
St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 258-GO.
The volunteers should have
a year's pay, and as a reintegro, 2 mares, 2 cows, 2 sheep, 2 goats, a yoke of
oxen, plough, harrow, hoe, axe, knife, musket, and 2 horses; other vecinos
besides the house, stock, tools, etc., and $10 per month for a year.

sitio
is

EXPLOILVTIOXS

5GS

AND NEW FOUNDATIONS.

to the viceroy contained suggestions of similar purport, and asked for four classes of settlers first, robust
:

country people from cold or temperate climes second,

carpenters, smiths, stone-cutters, and masons; third,
tailors, tanners, shoemakers, and tile-makers; and
fourth, shipwrights, and a few sailors, to take advantage of the abundance of whales. 40 Having received
Borica's report and also the opinion of the legal
adviser of the royal treasury, the viceroy on January
25, 1797, in accordance with that opinion, ordered
Borica to proceed immediately with the foundation.
He had already sent a list of eight men who had
volunteered at Guadalajara as settlers. 41 The beginning was to be made with such settlers at San Jose or
Angeles as had no lands and might be induced to
change their residence to Branciforte. New settlers
and artisans were to be sent as soon as possible; in
fact, orders had already been issued for the collection
of vagrants and minor criminals to be shipped to California.
The president of the missions was ordered to
render all possible assistance; and Borica must forward at once an estimate of cost and a memorandum
of needed implements and other articles. 42
The receipt of the viceroy's orders was acknowledged
by Borica on April 29, 1797, and three days later he
sent the necessary orders to the commandant of Santa
Barbara and the comisionado of San Jose in order
that recruits for the new establishment might be obtained from the settlers and rancheros at and near the
two old pueblos. At the same time Lasuen directed
his friars to afford the required aid, though he had
received no instructions on the subject from his college,
and deemed it strange that the king should have permitted the foundation of a villa so near a mission
;

40

Pap., Sac, MS., iv. 57-8.

Oct. 24, 1796. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 169.
i2
Branciforte, Dictdmen del Fiscal de Real Audiencia sobre la fundacion de
la Villa de Branciforte, Aprobado por el Virrey en 25 de Enero 1797, MS.;
inaccurate translation of copy certified by Borica May 9th in Sta Cruz, Peep,
57. Mention in Dept. St. Pap., S. Jose, MS., i. 76-7.
41

St.

FOUNDING OF BRANCIFORTE.

569

43
The Conception
established with royal approval.
arrived at Monterey May 12th with a party of colonists on board in a pitiable state of destitution and
44
ill-health.
It was necessary to provide some kind
of a home for them; and before the end of May Gabriel Moraga was sent as commissioner to erect temporary shelters at Branciforte, since Cordoba, who
was to superintend the formal establishment, had other
It is
duties which would keep him busy for a time.
impossible to give the exact date when Moraga began
his work, when the first settlers took possession of

their

new homes,

curred.

or

when the formal foundation

oc-

45

The 17th

of July, possibly at or about the time

that the settlers left Monterey for Branciforte, Borica
issued instructions to Comisionado Moraga for the
internal management of the villa. The townsmen must
be made to live in peace and harmony; no concubinage, gambling, or drunkenness, which offences, like
43
April 29th, Borica to viceroy. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 91-2. May 2d, B. to
commandant. Id., iv. 89-90. B. to comisionado S. Jose\ Id., iv. 211-12.
May 5th, Lasuen to B. St. Pap., Sac, MS., vii. 27-8.
44
They were Jose Antonio Robles, Fermin Cordero, Jose" Vicente Mojica
(or Morico), wife and five children, Jose Maria Arceo, Jose Barbosa and v/ife,
Jos6 Silvestre Machuca and wife, Jose" Acevedo, Jose Miguel Uribes, Jose"
Agustin Narvaez. The different lists of arrival, departure, and settlement
differ somewhat.
The first lacks the last four names and has Gallardo and
Guzman which never appear again. The nine colonists with their families,
17 persons, were of the vagabond and criminal class, but they differed from
the first settlers of the other pueblos in being for the most part so-called
-

Spaniards. They included 2 farmers, 2 tailors, 1 carpenter, 1 miner, 1 merchant, 1 engraver, and 1 with no trade. St. Pap. Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 3845; Prov. Pec, vi. 92; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 223-4; xiii. 277-8; xvii. 31,
89-90; xxi. 256.
4:>
May 12, 1797. Borica to commandant. When the settlers go to Branciforte, cattle, implements, etc., will be furnished, an account being opened with
each.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 31. May loth, B. to Cordoba. Directs him
after completing the work at S. Francisco, the survey of the Sta Clara boundary, and that for a removal of S. Jose to go to Sta Cruz and make careful
surveys and plans for the town of Branciforte and its buildings public and
private, with an estimate of expenses. Id., xxi. 260-1. May 26th, B. to Moraga.
Instructions to build some temporary huts for himself and the guard and to
take his family there to live; then to build some large huts to accommodate
15 or 20 families each, also temporary.
The soldiers must work and the
colonists also if they arrive before the work is done.
Implements, stock,
etc., will be sent by Sal.
Cordoba is to be obeyed when he comes. Sta
Cruz, Arch., MS., 67-8; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 247; Sta Cruz, Peep, 3, 5. May
27th, Sal acting as secretary for Borica forwards blank-books, paper, and materials for making ink. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 69.
-

570

EXPLORATIONS AND

NEW

FOUNDATIONS.

neglect of public work, must be punished. Mass must

be attended on holidays, on penalty of three hours in
the stocks; prayers and the rosary must close the da^
labor; and certificates of compliance with the annual
communion and confession must be forwarded reguAll intercourse with the mislarly to the governor.
sion Indians and gentiles was prohibited; and the most
friendly relations must be maintained with the friars
of Santa Cruz.
The greatest precautions must be
taken to insure proper care of the colonists' clothing,
implements, and other property, and to prevent sales,
which were to be void. And finally all labor, before
Cordoba's arrival; was to be directed to the preparation
of the needed shelters for men and animals, monthly
reports of progress being sent to the governor. 46 By
August 12th Cordoba was on the spot, had surveyed
the lands, done some work on the temporary houses,
begun an irrigating canal, and was in search of suitable stone and timber for the permanent edifices. He
also furnished Borica with an estimate of cost, $23,405, which early in October was forwarded to the viceroy, and a little later by order of October 24th, the
work at Branciforte was suspended for want of funds,
Cordoba retiring to the presidio. 47
Thus the proposed greatness of the Villa of Branciforte was indefinitely postponed; but there remained
the temporary huts, the nine pobladores, the comisionado, and the military guard. The colonists, though
not convicts, were of a class deemed desirable to get
rid of in and about Guadalajara whence they came.
They had been aided at the beginning to the extent
of from $20 to $25 each; and they wT ere to receive

from the government $116 annually for two years,

46

Borica, Instruction

tie

dirigir

forte, 1797, MS.

47
Aug. 12th,

lafundacion de

la

Kueva

Villa de

Brand-

Cordoba to Borica, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 149; xxi. 265-0.
irrigable lands were 1,300 x 1,500 varas; those depending on rain 2,000
to 3,000 varas.
Oct. 7th, Gov. to viceroy with estimate of cost. Prov. Bee,
MS., vi. 5G. Oct. 24th, to Cordoba ordering suspension of works, though he
Aug.
is to leave the mission mill in good shape. Prov. St. Pap., xxi. 272.
22d, Borica orders a model fence to be erected at Branciforte. Id., xxi. 2G6.

The

'

'

PROGRESS AT BRANCIFORTE.

571

and $66 for the next three years, 43 besides the livestock and implements for which they were obliged
gradually to pay. They were thus enabled to live after
a fashion, and they never became noted for devotion
There was no change in the number
to hard work.
of regular pobladores down to 1800, though half a
dozen invalids and discharged soldiers were added to
49
the settlement, perhaps more, for the records on the
Corporal Moraga remained in
subject are meagre.
charge until November 1799, when Ignacio Vallejo
was ordered to take his place as comisionado, arriving
about the 20th. 50 The settlers raised in 1800 about
1,100 bushels of wheat, maize, and beans; and their
horses and cattle amounted to about 500 head.
I
append in a note a few minor items which make up
all that Branciforte has of history down to the end
51
of the decade and century.
48

Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 31, 41, 89-90.

Feb. 1, 1798, the governor states to the viceroy that there were, besides
the 9, two invalids and one discharged soldier. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. Go. In
a list of 1799, Prov. St. Pap., xvii. 2G4, six invalids; Marcelino Bravo, Marcos Briones, Marcos Villela, Jose Antonio Rodriguez, Juan Jose Pcralta, Joaquin Castro. The population tables make the number of men in 1800, 17, or
Co persons in all; but I suppose this may have included besides those just
mentioned from 3 to 5 soldiers of the guard with their families. Yet 21 settlers, one an Indian, are reported by Vallejo on Dec. 31, 1799. St. Pap., Miss.,
40

iii.

G.

50

Prov. Pec, MS.,

51

The work

iv. 302; Santa Cruz, Arch., MS., 65.

called Sta Cruz,
Peep into the Past, The Early Pays of the
It is a series of articles pubVillage of Branciforte, should be noticed here.
lished in the Sta Cruz Local Pern from July 1S7G to Aug. 1877, which I have
Each of the 42 articles contains the translation of
collected in a scrap-book.
an original document from the archives with preliminary remarks of considerable interest by the translator, Mr Williams, an old resident of Santa Cruz.
The plan of this work is so praiseworthy, and the result so far superior to
what newspapers usually furnish in the way of local history, that the numerous inaccuracies of detail may almost be pardoned.
In the following I omit many items of no importance or interest. Dec. 14,
1797, Sal to Moraga, Sends G varas of jcrya for each settler for bedclothes.
Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., G9. Jan. 28, 1798, Borica to Moraga, Must teach the
Guadalajarerios agriculture and strive against their natural laziness; treat
them with charity and love, but punish grave faults and malicious failure to
work, hi., 71; Sta Cruz, Peep, 7-9; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 2G4. March 3d, Borica says the community must till the field of Narvaez if he is ill. Id., iv. 2C6,
May 30th, cows and sheep promised. Each settler got three cows. Id., iv. 271,
274. July 27th, a settler to attend to no other work than tilling his own fields.
Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 70; Sta Cruz, Peep, 11. Oct. 29th, Cordero and Arceo,
runaways, if caught must work in irons. Id., 71 and 13. Oct. 28th, Borica orders
Moraga to inspect the wardrobe of settlers' wives and report what is needed.
Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 282. Expense for wages and rations to end of 1798,

EXPLORATIONS

572

A1STD

NEW

FOUNDATIONS.

Meanwhile in Mexico August 30, 1797, the San

Fernando college sent to the viceroy a protest against
the choice of a site so near that of the mission. The
utility of the new establishment was not to be questioned; but the villa site was on the pasturage-ground
of the natives; troubles would surely result; the laws
allowed a mission at least one league in every direction
and, according to a report by Father Seilan, there
were good lands nearer San Francisco. The only
result of this protest before 1800 seems to have been
a reply of the governor dated February 6, 1798, in
which he gave statistics to show that the mission had
more land and raised more ofrain than could be attended
to that the neophytes were dying off and there were
no more pagans to convert; and there was no better
site between Santa Cruz and San Francisco than that
;

at Branciforte.

52

Feb. 4, 1799, a close watch to be

Moraga must go on with his duties,
Better times coming if the wheat
for his chance of promotion depends on it.
crop is cared for. The king will send his troops where they are needed, not
where they wish to go. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., G2-3. March Gth, Borica wants
information about a site for a rancho for horses and cattle near the villa. March
27th, if the settlers object, let nothing be done; the only object was to aid them.
$1,720. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 41.
kept on the coast. Sta Cruz, Peep, 13.

Id., Gl-2, GG; Peep, 15, 19. April 3d, Borica consents to dividing of sowingWill hold Moraga responsible for remissness of any settler in caring
lands.
May 12th, the settlers' two years at
for his land. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., G2.
$11G per year expire to-day. St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 380-1, 3S3.
Oct. lGth, two settlers may go to San Jose' and return on a fixed day. Sta Cruz,
Arch., MS., G5-G; Peep, 23. Nov. 21st, Sal notifies Moraga that Vallejo will
supersede him as comisionado. Id., 25. Dec. 2Gth, Sal to Vallejo, guns of
the battery at Monterey to be fired. Don't be alarmed. Id., 25, 27. Dec. 31st,
Sal assures Borica that Vallejo will perform his duties faithfully. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., xvii. 2S9. Settlers must not make pleasure trips to San Jose\

San

Jan. 3, 1800, setJos6, Arch., MS., iii. 59; Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 18.
need of corn and beans. The comisionado of San Jose" to make a
contract with some person to furnish these supplies at the expense of the government. San Jos6 Arch., MS., iii. 55. Feb. 10th, Sal to Vallejo, at the end
of 1799 the settlers owed the treasury 558; the appropriation for 1800 is
The delivery of
$540, so that receiving nothing they would still be in debt.
cigarritos and other articles not rations and tools has been suspended. Sta
Cruz, Arch., MS., 03. Oct. 9th, aid to be furnished to the padres if asked for.
StaCruz, Peep, 31. Dec. 5th, governor to viceroy, the Branciforte settlers
Thejr detest their
are a scandal to the country by their immorality, etc.
Daily complaints of disorders. Prov. St. Pap. ,
exile, and render no service.
MS., xxi. 50-1. Dec. 11th, death of Comandante Sal announced at BranciThe nine pobladores received in 1800 rations at
forte. Sta Cruz, Peep, 45.
60 each. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., xxvi. 1G.
"-Branciforte, El Discretorio de San Fernando al Virrey score, el sitio de la
Nueva Villa, 1707, MS., Feb. Gth, Borica to viceroy, in Prov. lice, MS., vi. 70.
tlers in

COMMUNICATION WITH

NEW

MEXICO.

573

Independent of the explorations made with a view

to new establishments, Borica had a scheme of opening communication with New Mexico, where, as he
had heard from Governor Concha through General
Nava, there were fifteen hundred gente de razon with
He sent to Mexico
neither lands nor occupation.
early in 1795 for copies of Garces' diary and map.
Having obtained these he instructed Goycoechea of
Santa Barbara at the end of the year to make inquiries about the eastern country and to suggest some
way to send a letter across to the governor of New
Mexico by the natives, who could at the same time
explore the route. In January 1796 Goycoechea sent
to the governor such vague and unreliable rumors as
he could gather from the natives of the channel respecting the country beyond the Tulares; and in
February he informed Borica that he had made
arrangements with the native chief, Juan Maria, and
four companions to carry the letter, but that Father
Tapis had forbidden their departure, at least until an
order could be obtained from Lasuen. 53
This state of the matter was reported to the viceroy in Borica's communication of October 2d, 54 and
the attorney-general having reported favorably on the
scheme of intercommunication as useful to California's commerce, development, and defence, the viceroy
requested Borica to send to Mexico the maps and
papers on which his project rested; that the project
be also sent to the commandant general for his inspection; and that Lasuen forward his views about
the employment of the Santa Barbara Indians. This
was in January 1797, and in April Lasuen answered,
53

April 29, 1795, Borica to viceroy. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 44. Dec. 14th,
Borica to Goycoechea. Id., iv. 41. 46-7. Jan. 18th, Goycoechea to Borica.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 10, 17. Feb. 16th, Id. to Id., St. Pap., Sac, MS.,
iv. 74-7.
Sept. 28th, Borica orders the padres to use gentle measures with
the Tulare Indians so that there may be no difficulty on the proposed route.
Prov. Bee, MS., vi. 174. Sal's report of Jan. 31st, already alluded to, was
probably in answer to similar inquiries sent him by the governor.
51
Borica, Informe, sobre comunicacion con Nuevo Mexico, 1706, MS.
similar communication dated October 5th is given in Arch. Sta. Barbara,

MS.,

x. 73-6.

EXPLORATIONS AND

574

NEW

FOUNDATIONS.

was dangerous to send a party of

natives so far among foreign and hostile tribes, since
on one side or the other excesses would surely be
committed. Moreover the chief it was proposed to
send was very useful to the mission and any accident
to him would lead to trouble with his people; and
finally Tapis had not forbidden the expedition, but had
arguing that

it

simply refused to urge the neophytes to undertake it. 55

Here, so far as the archives show, correspondence on
It is probable that more was
this matter ceases.
written, but not likely that any actual expedition was
made, and certain that communication was not opened
with New Mexico.
Neither was there anything
accomplished toward opening the Colorado River
route between California and Sonora, a subject slightly
agitated during this period. 56
55
Jan. 11, 1797, viceroy to Lasuen. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., x. 76-7.
April 25th, Lasuen to V. R., Id., 77-83. Feb. 14, 1798, V. R. calls for Arrillaga's ideas on the project and the best way to execute it. Prov. St. Pap.,

MS.,
50

xvii. 9.

April 1C, 1795, Borica to viceroy, asks to have Fages send his papers
relating to his expedition to the Colorado. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 44.
Sept. 4,
1797, Borica thinks no party of less than 35 can safely pass to Sonora. Id.,
vi. 53.
Dec. 22, 1797, refers to Arrillaga's report and schemes of Oct. 20,
1790; 1st, a presidio of 100 men at Sta Olaya with 20 at S. Felipe and 20 at
Sonoita; 2d, a presidio on California side at mouth of Colorado, to be crossed
in canoes.
Borica prefers the latter, and advises that all attention be given
at present to pacification of the Indians between Sta Catalina and the Colorado. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 65-6.
April 24, 1798, Amador says that the padre
of San Jose went to the Colorado, and that the Indians fled, fearing enforced
baptism. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii 123. Reference to the general topic in
Azanzn, Ynslruccion, MS., 90.

CHAPTER

XXVII.

MISSION PROGRESS.
1791-1800.

Arrival and Departure of Padres General Statistical View The

Presidency Episcopal Powers The Inquisition Revilla Gigedo's
Report Views of Salazar Carmelite Monastery Pious Fund
Hacienda Controversies The Old Questions Discussed Anew
Reduction in Number of Friars Retirement Travelling Expenses Chaplain Duty Guards Runaway Neophytes Mission
Alcaldes Indians on Horseback Local Quarrels Charges of
concepcion de horra investigation borica's fifteen questions
Replies of Comandantes and Friars President Lasuen's Report
The Missionaries Acquitted Ecclesiastical Miscellany.

At

the beginning of this decade the missions were

eleven in number; at its end they had been increased
by new establishments, as recorded in the preceding
within three of the highest
chapters, to eighteen
1
number ever reached.
In 1790 there were twentysix friars on duty.
Before 1800 there came up from
the college thirty-eight new missionaries; twenty-one
retired
some on the expiration of their regular term
of ten years, others on account of failing health, four
virtually dismissed for bad conduct, and four sent
away more or less afflicted with insanity; while three
died at their posts.
This left forty still in the service, or two ministers for each of the eighteen missions
and four supernumeraries. Six of the old pioneers

who had come

before 1780 were

still left.

The seven new missions in the order of their founding were: Santa Cruz,
Soledad, San Jos, San Juan Bautista, San Miguel, San Fernando, and San
Luis Key. There were subsequently founded Santa Lies, San Rafael, and San
Francisco Solano. For a general statistical view of the missions in 1790
see chapter xix. of this volume.
2
The original 2G, the names of pioneers being italicized, were: Arroita
Arenaza, Calzada, Cambon, Cruzado, Dumetz, Danti, Fuster, Garcia, Giribet,
1

575

MISSION PROGRESS.

576

The average of integrity, zeal, and ability among

the new friars was lower than in the case of Jumpero
Serra's companions, since a dozen or more were either
refractory, immoral, inefficient, or insane; yet the list
included such eminent names as Peyri, Payeras, Viader, Martinez,

and

and Catala, together with many faithful

Christian missionaries.
The eleven old missions in 1790 had in round numbers 7,500 converts; in 1800 they had 10,700, a gain
of 3,200 for the decade, 320 a year on an average,
or about 30 a year for each mission.
During the
period the priests had baptized 12,300 natives, and
buried 8,300, leaving 800 to be regarded as approximately the number of deserters and apostates. Meanwhile in the seven new establishments baptisms had
been 3,800 and deaths 1,000, leaving 2,800 converts on
the rolls.
Thus for old and new missions together
efficient

Lasuen, Mariner, Miguel, Noboa, Oramas, Paterna, Pena, Pieras, Rubi,

Sanchez, Santa Maria, Santiago, Senan, Sitjar, Tapis, and Torrens.
The new-comers, 38 in number, were: Abella, Barcenilla, Barona, Carnicer, Carranza, Catala, Catalan, Ciprds, Cort6s, Espi, Estevan, Faura,
Fernandez (3), Garcia, Gili, Gonzalez, Horra, Iturrate, Jaime, Landaeta,
Lopez (2), Martiarena, Martin, Martinez, Merelo, Merino, Panella, Payeras,
Peyri, Puyol, Salazar, Uria (2), Viader, and Vifials.
The deaths were Mariner, Paterna, and Paster. There left California, 21:
Arroita, Arenaza, .Catalan, Danti, Oramas, Espi, Fernandez (2), Garcia,
Rubi, Salazar, Gili, Giribet, Horra, Lopez, Torrens, Cambon, Noboa, Pena,
Pieras, Merino. Lists of friars in different years, with general statements of
numbers, in St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 4, 77-8, 100-2, 107-8; iii. 3-5; Arch.
Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 55-G, CI, 06, 68, 235; St. Pap., Sac, MS., iv. 14-17;
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 83-4. These lists, however, afford but a very
small part of the data from which I have formed my local tables and biographies of padres, data which I have had to collect little by little from a

thousand sources.
Arrivals in 1791 were Gili, Landaeta, Baldomero Lopez, and Salazar, intended for Santa Cruz and Soledad, or to replace others who were to be sent
to those new missions while Cambon retired. In 1792 came Espi; and in 1793
Catala, the latter as chaplain on a Nootka vessel.
This same year Oramas
and Rubi the latter a black sheep of the Franciscan flock departed, and
Paterna, an old pioneer, died in harness. In 1794 five new priests were sent
to California men of a different stamp, it was thought, from those who had
given the president so much trouble. Mugdrtegui, in Doc. Hist. Ccd., MS.,
iv. 39-40. These were Martin, Martiarena, Estdvan, Manuel Fernandez, and
Gregorio Fernandez. The departures were Noboa, Pieras, Pena, and Gili
the latter another source of scandal who sailed on the Conception, Aug. 11th.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 157, 175, 202; xxi. 142, 146-7; Arch. Arzobupado,
MS., i. 39. Viceroy's license dated Jan. 10th; governor's, May 31st. In
1795 Jaime, Ciprds, and Puyol came; while Salazar and Senan retired, the
latter temporarily. St. Pap., Sac, MS., i. 50; Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 47; Prov.
Danti, Lopez, Calzada, and Arroita sailed in July
St. Pap., MS., xxi. 230.


STATISTICS.

577

we have

a total population of 13,500, a gain of 6,000

in ten }r ears, during which time the baptisms had been
There is no doubt that
16,100 and the deaths 9,30.0.
the deaths were largely in excess of the births, though
there are no available means of accurately estimating
the latter. 3
The mission herds and flocks multiplied about threeHorses, mules, and horned
fold during the decade.
cattle increased from 22,000 to 67,000; small stock,
almost exclusively sheep goats having diminished
very rapidly and swine being comparatively few
from 26,000 to 86,000. Agricultural products had
been 30,000 bushels in 1790, the smallest subsequent
crop being also 30,000 in 1795, and the largest 75,000
About three fifths of the whole crop in 1800
in 1800.
was wheat, which was less proportionately than usual,
one fifth corn, and one tenth barley, the remainder
being beans, pease, and various grains. Wheat yielded

August 1796. Other priests wished to retire, but the guardian thought, as
they had been eager to come to California, it was best not to permit them to
leave without the most urgent reasons. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 56-7,
274; St. Pap., Sac, MS., xvii. 8; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 246; Prov. Bee,
MS., vi. 163. The new-comers of 1796, arriving in June by the Aranzazu,
were: Payeras, Jose" Maria Fernandez, Peyri, Viader, and Cortes. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., xiv. 139; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxiv. 7; also Catalan
and Horra. In April 1797 the Conception is said to have brought 11 priests.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 145-6; xxi. 254; but there were really only 7:
The
Bareenilla, Carnicer, Gonzalez, Martinez, Merino, Uria, and Panella.
same vessel carried back to San Bias in September, Garcia and Arenaza, who
were ill and had served out their term; and also the insane priests Jose" Maria
Fernandez and Concepcion de Horra. Prov. lice, MS., vi. 94, 98, 192; Prov. St.
Pap., IMS., xxi. 264; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 57-8; St. Pap., Sac, MS.,
vi. 107-8.
On her next trip the Concepcion brought to Santa Barbara in May
1708 Sefian and Calzada, returning from a visit to Mexico, and also the six
new friars: Barona, Faura, Carranza, Abella, Martinez, and Vinales. Arch.
Arzobispado, MS., i. 47; Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 75-6; Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
xvii. 19; xxi. 279; St. Pap., Sac, MS., viii. 13.
Manuel Fernandez and
Torrens retired this year, as did PP. Landaeta and Miguel temporarily. Arch.
Sta Barbara, xi. 60; St. Pap., Sac, MS., vi. 107. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii.
In 1797 Merelo, Jacinto Lopez, and Jose Uria arrived; while Espi,
2, 3.
Giribet, Merino, and Catalan, the last two afflicted with insanity, obtained
leave to retire, sailing in January 1800.
This last year of the decade Fuster
and Mariner died; Landaeta and Miguel came back; and Garcia and Iturrate
were added to the force, some of them apparently against their wishes. Prov.
Bee, MS., vi. 127-9, 243; ix. 12; xi. 144; xii. 1; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 30,
44, 292; St. Pap., Sac, MS., vii. 77; Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., ix. 24; xi.
or

61-2; 281-2, 284.

3

The governor

most double that

Hist.

in a report of 1800 states that the

of births. Bandini, Doc Hist. Cal.,

Cal,.,

Vol.

I.

37

number

of deaths is al-

MS., No.

3.

MISSION PROGRESS.

578

on an average

barley eighteenfold, and corn

ninety-threefold for the ten years.
fifteenfolcl,

Fermin Francisco Lasuen remained at the head of

the Franciscan community as president, performing
his duties to the satisfaction of all classes, loved

and
and

respected by friars, officers, soldiers, settlers,

neophytes. He received no pay for his services, being
a supernumerary friar, and no stipend being allowed
except to the two regular ministers of each mission.
The duties of the supernumeraries were as arduous,
and those of the president more so, than those of the
ministers, yet though petitions were made and the
viceroy was disposed to grant them in Lasuen's favor,
the attorney general always interposed objections.
Dumetz and Pena held patents after Mugartegui's
departure to assume the presidency in case of acci4
The power to administer the sacrament of
dent.
confirmation, granted by the pope in May 1785,
expired May 4, 1795, although Lasuen had actually
exercised it only since 1790, or half the full period.
The privilege was never renewed, and there were no
more confirmations until California possessed a bishop
of her own. 5 The ordinary episcopal powers of administering sacraments other than confirmation were
conferred on the president by the bishop of Sonora.
As vicario foraneo Lasuen exercised those powers
toward the civilians, and as vicario castrense toward
the military; that is to say, as a kind of chaplain
*Arch. Sta Bdrbara, MS.,

xi.

220, 2G0-3.
and Colon.,

Viceroy Revilla Gigedo in

MS.,

i. "18, 24, implies that

missionaries are often removed unnecessarily by their prelate; but it does
not clearly appear that he refers particularly to California, where he says
the friars perform their duties in a most commendable manner. See pope's decrees of July 8, 1794, and Dec. 12, 1797 on qualifications, duties, honors, etc., of
friars of the Propaganda Fide colleges, in Arch. Sta Bdrbara, MS., x. 10930; ix. 37-40; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 272-3.
5 Sept.
9, 1792, pope's license forwarded from Mexico. Arch. Sla Bdrbara,
MS., x. 289; yet Lasuen says he received the power on July 13, 1790. S. Diego,
Expires May 4, 1795. Arch. Sta Bdrbara, MS., xi.
Lib. de Mision, MS., 45.
233; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xx. 2S4. April 3, 1795, Borica to Lasuen, learns
that the president is hurrying through the province to use his privilege
.while it lasts. Prov. JRec, MS., vi. 144-5.

his report of 1793, St. Pap., Jliss.

VICEROY'S REPORT.

579

The new bishop renewed the

concession
in 1796, and Lasuen subdelegated the authority to
6
Lasuen was also comhis subordinate missionaries.
holy
inquisition
for California after 1795,
issary of the
show
far
as
the
records
his only duties in this
so
but
capacity were to receive and publish an occasional
7
edict on general matters.
In an exhaustive report on the missions of New
Spain Viceroy Revilla Gigedo presented to the king
general.

and statistical view

of the Californian establishments, which is an interesting and important document, though expressing
only en resume what I have presented in detail from
the same original papers on which this report was
An effort was made also about this time
founded.
by the Spanish and Mexican authorities to insure
greater regularity and thoroughness in reports of
missionary progress. 8 Father Salazar having returned
1793 an

in

historical, descriptive,

Dec. 16th,
Sept. 30, 1796, bishop to Lasuen, confirming faculties.
March 20, 1797, Lasuen takes the
to bishop, expressing thanks.
oath as vicario foraneo before P. Arenaza. June 19th, bishop reserves the
right of granting divorce and some other episcopal faculties. A rch. Sta BarDec. 18, 1796, Lasuen's circular to the padres. Id.,
bara, MS., xii. 192-8.
March 20, 1797, Lasuen notifies Borica. Is only awaiting the
xi. 139-41.
licenss and blessing of the guardian. Arch. Arzobispado, M*S., i. 45. March
22d, B. to Lasuen, will proclaim him juez vicario eclesiastico in the preJune 20th, B. says the title of vicar
sidios. Prov. Bee, MS., vi. 184-5.
must be presented to the government. Id., vi. 192-3. It appears that cos-,

Lasuen

powers were conferred by Lasuen on only seven friars. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 145-6.
7
Oct. 15, 1795, Lasuen's palente de Comision del Santo Oficio sent from
Mexico. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 56. Several edicts of 1795, 1797, and
1800in^l?'cA. Misioncs, MS., i. 187-8,228; Doc. Hist. Cal, MS., iv. 67-8.
In offences of which the inquisition had cognizance the natives were not
directly subject to that tribunal but to the provisor de Indias, who, with the
knowledge of the inquisition, acted as judge. Prwdeyi.ox de Indios, MS., 6.
Some additional items on ecclesiastical matters are given later in this chapter.
8
Sevilla Gir/edo, Carta sobre misiones de 27 de Diciembre de 1703, in Dice.
Univ., v. 427-30; also MS., i.
See also chap. xxiv. of this volume. Oct. 22,
1794, viceroy to governor, urging compliance with royal order of March 21,
1787, which required attention to mission welfare and reports every two or
three years on mission progress. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 203. July 28, 1795,
Branciforte sends Borica a copy of his predecessor's report of 1793 to serve as
a guide for new reports; and also calls for suggestions. St. Pap., Mis*, and
Co/., MS., i. 1.
Jan. 2, 1795, Lasuen in a circular says the council of the
Indies have read the mission reports and thank u& in king's name for progress
made, which is great compared with other missions with better advantages.
The guardian sends the thanks of the college. A~ch. Sta Barbara, MS., ix.
320-1.

trense

MISSION PROGRESS.

580

from California was called upon by the viceroy for a

report on the condition of the country, which was
rendered May 11, 1796, but contained little of value
respecting the missions. Salazar estimated the wealth
of the Franciscan establishments at $800,000 in buildings and chattels but he complained that progress was
impeded by the excessive labors imposed upon the
friars; also by the preference shown to settlers in the
purchase of supplies. 9
;

On

the subject of secularization, not referring particularly to California, Revilla Gigedo expressed his
dissatisfaction with the condition of such missions as
had been given up to the clergy. He would take no
steps in that direction without a better prospect of
success. Curates could do no better than friars in the
instruction and improvement of the natives. 10 In a
letter of 1796 Governor Borica says that according
to the laws, the natives are to be free from tutelage
at the end of ten years, the missions then becoming
doctrinas; "but those of New California at the rate
they are advancing will not reach the goal in ten
centuries; the reason, God knows, and men know

something about

Two

it."

11

advancement of Californian interests were devised in Mexico during: the

decade; and both, being opposed by the Franciscan
authorities, seem to have been given up at the end of
1797. The first was to establish a Carmelite monastery at San Francisco, which was to consist of twelve
It was to
friars, and cost from 25,000 to $30,C00.
be supported by an agricultural establishment, become
the nucleus of a settlement, and thus promote both
the colonization of the country and the civilization of
special projects for the

the natives, to say nothing of the usefulness of the

monastery towers to navigators as landmarks. This

matter was referred to two

9

1796,
10
11

Salazar, Condition Actual

tie

Cal.,

friars

who had been

Informe General al Virey, 11 de

in

Mayo

MS.
Revilla Gigedo, Carta de 1703, MS., 25.
3, 1196, Borica to Alberni. Prov. St. Pap., Ben.

Aug.

Mil,

xxiv. 7,

8.

PROJECTS DEFEATED.

581

California and who reported adversely. The second

project was to establish a hacienda of the pious fund

Jacopin Valley near San Diego, but the guardian

of San Fernando pronounced the scheme impracticaThe general argument of the
ble if not absurd.
Franciscans on these questions was, that so far as
the conversion of the natives was concerned the old
methods were sufficient, and any innovation would be
dangerous; and that for the promotion of settlement
by gente de razon the new establishments would have
no advantages over the old, which were far from prosin

perous. 12
The regulation of 1781, as we have seen, provided
for the gradual reduction of the ministers to one at
each mission. Until this was effected friars retiring
This regulation
or dying were not to be replaced.
was disregarded by the friars and the secular authorThe subject came
ities made no attempt to enforce it.
up and was discussed during this decade, but nothing

was

effected.

The law remained unchanged, and was

practically disregarded as before. 13

Respecting the

re-

12
Dec. 4, 1795, viceroy to governor, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 34;
Mngdrtegui and Pena, Parecer sobre el Establecimiento de un Convento en el
Puerto de San Francisco, 28 de Enero de 1797, MS. These padres declare that
aid from the Carmelites in founding new missions would be acceptable. Calleja, Pespuesta del Guardian al Virey sobre Proyectos de California, 1797,
MS. This report, dated Oct. 23d, is chiefly devoted to another subject, of
which more anon. It is noticeable that the guardian speaks very ironically
of the 'domesticated' gentiles whose services it was proposed to utilize in the
new establishments, greatly exaggerating the danger of the old missions and
pueblos from the natives, and implying without intending to do so that not
much had been effected by nearly 30 years of missionary work. Borica also
disapproved of the hacienda because there would be no market for produce.
Prov. Pec, MS., vi. CI.
13
Revilla Gigedo, Carta de 1793, 24, disapproves the reduction, among
other reasons because it would favor immorality on the part of the friars.
April 30, 1790, the guardian writes to Lasuen that the fiscal wants to know the
reasons for non-compliance with the reglamento; consequently all the documents on the subject are needed, only one or two being in the college archives.
Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 275-6. Xov. 1G, 1797, Borica to viceroy, thinks
the matter should be settled, as there is a deficit of 852,142 in the mission
fund.
He suggests that two padres be allowed to each mission, but that only
one sinodo of $400 be divided between them, since they now spend no more
than that on themselves. Prov. Rec, MS., vi. 60-1. Sept. 3, 1699, Padre Lull,
E.podcion del Guardian sobre la reduction de Misioneros en California, 1799,
MS., presents the usual arguments against reducing the number of missionaries, and also opposes Boricas scheme of reducing the sinodo, not only because
it is contrary to the king's intentions, but because, while, as Borica says, the

582

MISSION PROGRESS.

tirement of friars to Mexico there was now no controversy between the secular and Franciscan authorities,
because the latter were considerably troubled to keep
the missionaries at their posts, and welcomed even
secular interference to aid in the task.
In 1795 there
came a royal order that the governor and president
might grant license to retire for due and certified
cause without waiting for a report from Mexico; but
before the end of this decade this rule seems to have
been modified. 14 Since 1787 and down to 1794 friars
coming to or returning from California were allowed
two hundred dollars for travelling expenses on land
and ninety-five cents per day while on the water.
Subsequently their stipends were allowed to cover the
time consumed on the journey provided there were
no unnecessary delays. 15
two

priests spend less than $400 on themselves they spend the remainder for
the natives, and this is practically the only way of obtaining necessary artiIn 1800, or perhaps later,
cles since there is no market for mission produce.
Lasuen in a letter to the guardian argues the same side of the case most
earnestly, speaks rather bitterly of any scheme to economize on the pay of
poor over-worked friars when the king is so liberal in other expenses, and repeats his old determination to retire if the change be insisted on. Lasuen, Correspondence, MS., 329-33.
u 1793, a priest retired on a provisional license of the comandante at Monterey. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 33.
1794, the 10 years of service to count
from the date of embarking from Spain. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., vi. 2945. Royal orders referred to in my text date J Sept. 1G, 1794.
Sent from Mexico June 8, 1795. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 124-5. Just before the receipt
of this order Borica refuses Danti's petition to retire until leave is obtained
from Mexieo. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 149. Dec. 9, 1797, viceroy to the guardian, friars must not go to Mexico to solicit license to retire to Spain. Arch.
Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 59. Sept. 1, 1800, governor to viceroy, understands
that no leave to retire is to be given, even on expiration of term, until substitutes arrive. The priests are not pleased at this. Prov. St. Pap. MS., xxi. 42.
15
On measures adopted 1786-8, see Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., x. 207-70;
It
xi. 52-3, 241-2; xii. 40-1; Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 202-3; viii. 1-3.
seems that the $200 was to be paid, like the stipend, from the pious fund, which
in 1787 was charged with 83,944 for friars' travelling expenses for the past 20
years. In December 1793 the guardian attempts to secure travelling expenses
for supernumerary friars going to California, and succeeds after some correspondence in getting an advance of their stipend to pay those expenses,
though their stipend would cease on arrival until assigned to a mission. From
this correspondence it appears that by royal order of April 20, 1793, the stipend began on the date of departure from Mexico. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS.,
By order of Sept. 16, 1794, the stipend was extended to date of
xi. 246-51.
arrival in Mexico on return and all gratuities for travelling expenses were
abolished. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 124-5; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ix.
324-5; Vallejo, Doc. Hist. Cal, MS., xxviii. date July 20, 1795. The friars
subsequently had much trouble on account of the naval authorities who
demanded $2.25 per day instead of 95 cts. Moreover the government in some
,

MISSIONARY ESCORTS.

583

Many

of the old matters of dispute still remained

open, but as a rule they gave rise to no very bitter
controversy during this period. No regular chaplains
were appointed, though Borica made an effort to
secure such appointments; neither does it appear that
the friars got any pay for attending to the spiritual
16
In the matter of
interests of soldiers and settlers.
mission escorts and their duties there were no radical

changes and few disputes.

The

soldiers

were

in-

structed to treat the padres always with respect and

evidently did so, the chief complaint being that they
would not always serve as vaqueros and servants of
all work, a refusal the padres could never quite unThe guard furnished to a friar engaged in
derstand.
his several duties abroad was still regulated by the
governor's or commandant's instructions, or in some
The friars
cases left to the corporal's discretion.
The
desired discretionary powers, but submitted.
strict rule of Fages that no soldier on escort duty
should sleep away from the mission was relaxed somewhat in urgent cases by the viceroy's orders; but the
order that no soldier should be sent after fugitive
natives or allowed to visit the rancherias of gentiles
without superior command was strictly enforced,
and the friars, now that their temper had cooled a
little, doubtless recognized the necessity of such a
rule.
The instructions of Borica to the guards show
an earnest desire to maintain harmonious relations
with the missionaries, as well as a prudent and wise
policy toward the gentiles.
Doubtless the patience
of the friars was often sorely tried by the indolence
cases when the return voyage was very long by no fault of the priests refused
to pay the full stipend as per royal order. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ix. 41-5,
23-5.
10
Sept 26, 1793, governor to viceroy asking for a friar for each presidio,
as the missionaries have too much to attend to. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 117.
June 18, 1794, viceroy must have more information before deciding. Id., xi.
181-2.
November 28th, gov. circulates nine questions on the performance of
chaplain's duties by padres; and April 3, 1795, explains more fully to the V.
R. asking again for chaplains at a salary of $400. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 122;
\i. 41-2.
Nothing more is heard from Mexico. June 17, 1790, Comandante
Goycoechea complains of the padres having declined to hear confessions. St.
Paj).,

Sac, MS.,

ix. 73.

MISSION PROGRESS.

584

and insolence of individual soldiers, but of the government they had no cause to complain. The guards
were reduced in most of the old missions on the establishing of new ones, and this brought out a protest
from the Franciscans, which was in some instances
successful.

17

Desertion of neophytes became prevalent, especially

in the northern missions, the pretended motive of the
fugitives, and in some instances the real one, being
ill-treatment, overwork, and hunger; but oftener the
true cause of apostasy was a longing for the old freedom and dread of the terrible death-rate in the mission communities.
As we have seen, the soldiers of
the guard were not allowed to pursue runaways;
neither was the practice of sending neophytes after
them, approved by Fages, allowed during Borica's
rule.
Gentiles might be bribed to bring them in;
Borica, Instruction para la Escolta de San Juan Bautista, 1797, MS. This
to be posted in every mission for the guidance of the
corporal. Sal, Instruction al Cabo de Sta Cruz, 1791, MS.; Fages, Instruc.
]>ara la Escolta de Purisirna, 1788, MS.; Id., Instruc. para S. Miguel, 1787,
MS. Prohibition of escorts for long distances, approved by king, Jan. 13,
1790. Fages, Papel de Puntos, MS., 155.
1794, soldiers to be alternated in
escolta and presidio service. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 8; Prov. Bee, MS.,
Muskets to be fired and reloaded once- a week. Some complaint of
v. 48.
failure to keep watch at night.
No escorts for long distances. Arrillaga,
Papel de Puntos, MS., 196-7. May 15, 1795, escorts of padres must return
to mission same day. Prov. Bee, MS., iv. 133. June 3d, Borica to vicenyy.
The padres still ask for escorts to visit rancherias; but I attribute present
tranquillity to the measures of my predecessor and refuse.
must not risk
our peace in the hands of a careless soldier. Prov. Bee. ISIS. vi. 52. Oct.
5th, approval of V. R. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 42-3; but on Nov. 7th the
V. R., on petition of the guardian, recommends concessions in urgent cases,
always with due prudence. Id., xiii. G5-6. On this ground, Lasuen, March
5, 1796, informs the padres that the old restriction has been removed, the
matter never having been properly understood in' Mexico before. Doc. Hist.
Cal., MS., iv. 58; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 137.
Corporal at Soledad
had to give monthly reports on manufactures, etc. Prov. Bee, MS., iv. 179.
Must keep a diary of events to be sent in every month. St. Pap., Sac, MS.,
vi. 1.
Escoltas to build themselves houses to save paying rent. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., xiv. 175. June 9, 1796, padres to have escorts on journeys, or
on going to confess, etc., but not to pursue fugitives. Prov. Bee, MS., iv.
64; v. 86. No aid to joadres to punish Indians unless two agree; but to alleApril 29, 1797,
viate suffering the request of one to suffice. Id. v. 89.
Argiiello reprimands a corporal for having furnished only one soldier to escort
seven padres. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 57. Lasuen, Informe Bienal, 1797-8,
MS., 67-8, objects to the reduction of the guard in the old missions. Oct.
11, 1799, the guardian complained to the V. R. that the escoltas were too
small; and the report was sent to Borica on Dec. 17th. Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
17

document was ordered

We

xviii. 143-9.

REGULATIONS.

and occasionally an expedition of presidio

sent out to

make a wholesale

585

soldiers

was

collection of apostates,

but such raids Were not yet very frequent. Kind

treatment of returned fugitives was required by the
Neogovernor, and was to a large extent enforced.
phytes sometimes stowed themselves away on the San
18
Bias vessels, or escaped by land to Sonora.
The laws required an alcalde and several regidores
to be elected annually in each mission, a policy which
had in earlier times met with considerable opposition
from the padres, who insisted that the natives were
by no means fitted for self-government even to this
slight extent.
After 1792 these elections ceased altogether until Borica brought up the matter in 1796
and insisted with the viceroy's approval on the enforcement of the law.
President Lasuen obeyed,
but in his instructions to the padres he clearly indicated that the election was to be a mere formality
and the authority of the native officials merely nominal, the whole system being intended simply for the
instruction of the neophytes in the forms of civil
government with a view to the time when the missions
should be secularized. After 1796 the elections were
regularly reported to the governor each year, and the
padres sometimes caused the choice to fall on a
trusty neophyte who could be allowed to exercise
slight authority as a kind of overseer.
The gov18
1791, Fages' policy of sending neophytes. Fages, Papel de Puntos, MS.,
154-5.
Jan. 15, 1794, governor to viceroy.
Progress has been made in the
reduction of gentiles and fugitives by gentle measures.
chief has even
brought in fugitives voluntarily. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 131. 1795, Borica approves sending pagans after fugitives. Prov. Bee, MS., v. 69.
1796,
fugitives to be treated well. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 176.
1797, viceroy
forbids any Indian being taken to Mexico. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 195.
1798,
ninety fugitives of Santa Cruz recovered by soldiers. Prov. St. Pap. , MS. xvii.
101. Nov. 8, 1798, viceroy to Lasuen, disapproves the sending of neophytes
after fugitives, except in extreme cases after consultation with the governor.
Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., vi. 75. Mar. 4, 1799, Lasuen instructs the padres
accordingly. Id., xi. 146-7; Lasuen's original order in Doc. Hid. CaL, MS.,
iv. 71-3.
July 22, 1799, governor to padres of San Juan. They may send
Indians after fugitives to peaceful rancherias. Prov. Bee, MS., vi. 242.
Flight of Indians to San Bias and Sonora. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 209; xxi.
185; Prov. Bee, MS., iv. 58.
On fugitives from San Francisco where the
most trouble occurred see chapter xxxi. of this volume.

MISSION PROGRESS.

5S6

ernment did not choose to interfere so long as the

prescribed formalities were complied with. 19 The secfound fault because the neophytes
were permitted to ride and thus fitted to be formidable foes in the future; but the friars, while appreciating the danger and admitting that one white man
was equal to six or eight Indians to care for their herds,
claimed that as there were no Spaniards to be had
even if the missions were able to pay for their services,
they must necessarily employ natives as vaqueros. 20
In two local controversies elsewhere narrated, that is
to say at Santa Clara respecting boundary lines between mission and pueblo and at San Francisco
respecting the establishment of the rancho del rey,
the friars were victorious in the first and defeated in
the second, receiving strict justice at the hands of
the authorities in California as well as in Mexico.
Indeed, throughout this decade there was an evident
disposition on the part of viceroy and governor to
promote friendly relations; while guardian and president, especially the latter, were much more disposed
than formerly to conciliatory methods. 21
ular authorities

still

19
On mission alcaldes before 1790 see Prov. Pec, MS., i. 120; iii. 71, 170;
Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., x. 94-6. Sept. 22, 179G, Borica to Lasuen and to
the padres, requiring compliance with the law. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 173; Sta
Cruz, Parroquia, MS., 10; Arch. Arzobixpado, MS., i. 44.
Nov. 2, 179G,
Lasuen's circular to the padres. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 138-9; vi. 118Nov. 19, 1796, Borica to viceroy stating his action in the matter. St. Pap.
1 9.
Sac, MS., iv. G6-7. Dec. 20, 1797, viceroy to Lasuen. Arch. Sta Barbara,
MS., x. 90-3. Dec. 2, 1796, Borica to Lasuen, approving the election of neophyte alcaldes and regidores who are to act generally under the padres' direction, but in criminal matters under the corporal of the escolta. Prov. Pec.
MS., vi. 178-9. Jan. 7, 1797, Borica orders padres of San Diego to depose a
bad alcalde and elect a new one. PL March 30, 1798, Borica tells padres of
Soledad they were wrong in changing alcaldes without submitting the case to
the government. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 210.
20
This matter was pretty well settled before 1796 so far as the missions
were concerned. Prov. Pec MS., iii. 64-5, S7 Arch. Sta Barbara, MS. xi. 392May 28, 1791, the governor says the Indians are getting too much
G; viii. G3.
meat to eat, are becoming too skilful riders, and are acquiring the insolence of
Apaches. Prov. St. Paji., MS., x. 150. Strict orders against any gentile or
any Indian servant of soldier or settler being allowed to ride or to have arms.
,

MS., ii. 8G; iii. 65.

For the controversies at Santa Clara and San Francisco see chapter
Revilla Gigedo, Carta de 1703, MS., 24-5, dwells on
xxxi., this volume.
the importance of promoting harmony with the friars. Jan. 2, 1795, Lasuen
S. Jose, Arch.,
21

in a circular orders the padres to forward to

him

all

consultations of the gov-

HORRA'S CHARGES.

587

The leading controversy

of the decade in Franciscan

circles resulted from certain charges made against the
missionaries by one of their own number, though in
subsequent investigations the secular authorities became involved. The results of these investigations
present the best information extant respecting the details of the mission routine in certain of its phases,
and they will be used elsewhere in a chapter devoted
to the subject; but here I present the matter only in
a general way as a prominent historical event and as
illustrating the missionary policy of the time.
In 1797

Padre Antonio de la Concepcion Horra, who had come

to California the same year, was sent back to Mexico
by President Lasuen on a charge of insanity. Back
at the college on July 12, 1798, Horra addressed a
memorial to the viceroy in which, besides complaining bitterly of the treatment to which he had been
personally subjected on a false charge of insanity, he
made some serious charges against the Californian
friars of cruelty and mismanagement.
There was
nothing in the document to indicate that the writer
was of unsound mind, unless it was his closing request
to be sent away because his life would be in danger if
it were known that he had revealed prevalent abuses
22
to the viceroy.
ernor. Arch. Sta Barbara, xi. 135.

Catal&'s reported hostility to settlers

rebuked. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 1G9-70. In case of innovations the padres to
be cautious and consult the president. Lasuen, Correspondencia, MS., 318-19.
Dec. 14, 1796, Borica to Goycoechea, he must give the padres all neclcd
aid by viceroy's order. Prov. Pec, MS. iv. 86.
Jan. 1797, corporals Moraga and Vallejo forced to apologize to Catala for their rudeness. Id., vi.
A padre must settle his troubles with a companion or
179-80; iv. 204-5.
appeal to the prelate; the governor will not interfere in such matters. Id.,
197.

vi.

22

Horra, Representation al Virey contra los Misioneros de California, 1708,

Sitjar, Lasuen, and Miguel were the particular objects of Horra 's
wrath. Sitjar, offended at Padre Concepcion's criticisms, went to his intimate friend Lasuen, who believed the absurd story of insanity, and sent
Miguel who treated him as a maniac, even laying violent hands on him and
maltreating him all the way from San Miguel to Monterey where he was
tlirown into a fever, all of which could be proved by Peyri, the soldiers, and
the surgeon. He cite.3 many witnesses including Gov. Borica to prove that
he is not mad, and others to prove his past services; but he can get no justice at the college because all there are friends of Lasuen.
See also chapter
xxvi., on Padre Horra's life and experience in California.

MS.

MISSION PROGRESS.

588

On August

31st the viceroy sent the representations of Horra to Borica, who was ordered to investigate and report on the truth of the charges.
Borica
accordingly despatched private instructions to the
four commandants to send in answers to fifteen questions propounded on the manner in which the friars
were discharging their duties. 23 This was on December
3d, and before the end of the month the required reports

were made by Argiiello, Goycoechea, Sal, and Acting

Comandante Rodriguez; while Grajera sent in his
reply in March 1799.
These replies, especially those
of Goycoechea and Sal, went far to support some of
the mad friar's accusations. 24 The report which Borica
probably made to the viceroy on receipt of his suborunfortunately not extant. 25 It
w as not apparently until this report, including those
of the commandants, reached Mexico that anything
whatever was known at the college of Horra's representation against the friars or of the resulting: investigations.
In February 1799 the guardian sent Lasuen
a statement of the charges, 26 and a little later copies
of other documents which were lost in crossing the
gulf of California, and Lasuen did not receive the
fifteen questions and the commandants' replies until
September 1800. In October Tapis and Cortes of
Santa Barbara sent in to the president a long and
complete reply to Goycoechea, whose statements had
been more full than those of the others and slightly
dinates' statements

is

23
Aug. 31st, viceroy to Borica, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 49; Borica,
Quince Preguntas sobre Abusos cle Misioneros, 1798, MS.
2i
Argiiello, Respuesta alas Quince Preguntas sobre Abusos cle Misioneros,
1798, MS. Dated San Francisco, Dec. 11th, and more favorable to the padres
than the others. Goycoechea, Respuesta, etc., MS., Sta Barbara, Dec. 14th;
Sal, Respuesta, etc., MS., Monterey, Dec. loth; Rodriguez, Respuesta, etc.,
MS., San Diego, Dec. 19th; Grajera, Respuesta, etc., MS., San Diego, March

21, 1799.
25
On Oct. 30, 1798, however, Borica in a letter to the viceroy expresses
his opinion that the best way to insure the advancement of the natives was
to form a reglamento for the whole mission routine, including instruction,
food, dress, dwellings, care of sick, labor, punishments, and amusements,
and to hold the president responsible for exact compliance with the rules; for
at present his authority is sometimes disregarded. Prov. Rec, MS., vi. 105-6.
20
Feb. 6, 1800, guardian to president, in Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi.

284-7.

LASUEX'S REPORT.
27

less favorable to the friars.'

And

589

finally president

Lasuen devoted himself from November 12, 1800, to

June 19, 1801, to'the preparation of a comprehensive
exposition of the whole subject, which is not only the
leading production of the venerable author's pen, but
the most eloquent and complete defence and presentment of the mission system in many of its phases
which is extant. 28 It is in a chapter on the mission
system and routine that the details of all these documents must be chiefly utilized as already intimated;
but it seems necessary to present here a general view
of the questions at issue, which difficult task^I proceed to perform as briefly as possible.
It was the policy of the government and the duty
of the friars to introduce the Spanish language in place
of the vernacular, thus fitting the natives for future
Padre Concepcion accused the friars of
citizenship.
an almost total neglect of this duty. According to
the commandants religious services and some teachings
of Christian principles were conducted daily in the
north in Spanish in the south the natives w^ere taught
in their own language, though the doctrina was often
repeated to them in Spanish. In general intercourse
the vernacular was used wherever the friars had learned
Nowhere were
it, and in some missions exclusively.
the natives compelled to learn Spanish, and everywhere the friars were more or less indifferent on the
Padres Tapis and Cortes affirmed that at
subject.
Santa Barbara the doctrina at mass was taught in
Spanish and in the afternoon either in one language
or another; but they admitted that the natives were
not required, only persuaded, to use the Spanish.
And finally Lasuen, while maintaining that it was use;

27
Tapis and Cortes, Replica de los Ministros de Sta Barbara a la Respuesta
que did el Comandante Goycoechea d las quince preguntas de Borica sobre abusos
de Misioneros, 1800, MS.
Dated Oct. 30th. Other padres, not unlikely one
from each mission, sent in similar reports on the subject, but I have found
none of the documents except this.
28
Lasuen, Representacion sobre los Puntos representados al Superior Gobierno
por el P. Fr. Antonio de la Concepcion (Ilorra) contra los misioneros de eda
Nueva California, 1300, MS., with autograph signature.

590

MISSION PROGRESS.

preach to the natives in a language the}7 did

not understand, claimed that an honest effort was made
to teach Spanish, that exercises were conducted in
that language once a day, that the natives were compelled to use it in their petitions, that premiums were
offered for acquiring it, and moreover that the natives

less to

were inclined to learn it. 29

Respecting Horra's statement that natives were
baptized without sufficient instruction in the faith, and
then often allowed to return to the forest, to be rebaptized perhaps at a later date, the commandants
thought the preliminary teaching of eight days or
more and rarely less might be sometimes too little,
some padres being more careful than others, and that
rebaptism might occur, though they knew of no instances where it had occurred.
The padres claimed
that eight days was the minimum, that the instruction
was ample, and that a second baptism could never
happen under their system of registers. Lasuen knew
of but three cases of rebaptism out of 27,000 converts. All but Go}7 coechea agreed that neophytes
were never allowed to return to Ihe woods and mountains except for definite periods and purposes. In
answer to the charge of insufficient food many details
were given of the rations actually served, which
though insipid and unvarying in quality seem to have
been sufficient in quantity.
Sal and Goycoechea
food
too small for laboring
deemed the amount of
men; but Lasuen affirmed most earnestly that the
natives had all they wanted, not only of the everlasting atote and pozole, but regular allowances of meat
and milk, with fish occasionally, and always a plate
29
Revilla Gigedo understands that the natives permanently settled use
Spanish; but the friars learn the vernacular to advance their instruction.
Carta de 1793, MS., 14, 15. Feb. 19, 1795, Borica to president, enclosing
royal order that natives be taught Spanish. Prov. Bee., MS., vi. 143. Feb.
23d, circular of president requiring padres to promote learning Spanish and
forbid the use of vernacular. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 120. Dec. 1798,
Borica says that Sitjar of San Miguel teaches in the vernacular. Prov. Bee,
MS., vi. 115. March 21, 1799, Grajera says the natives at San Diego are
taught the doctrines in their own language by educated Indians, no effort
being made to teach Spanish. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 192.

TREATMENT OF INDIANS.

591

from the padres' table if asked for. The mission

Indians were always fatter than the gentiles, their
work was easier than that required to gain a subsistence in the old way, and the gentiles greatly preferred
the Spanish grains to their wild seeds and fruits.
Still, as the president admits, the neophytes did desert
and plead hunger, and they were always glad to get
permission to go to the monte for a time to live in the
old way. Such permissions were given more freely
in times of short supplies; but no Indian was ever
compelled to go. As to the clothing of the neophytes
there was a substantial agreement on the one or two
blankets, breech-clouts or petticoats, and shirts given
to each native every year or two, and no expression
of opinion that the supply was not adequate to their
wants, except by Sal.
The dwellings of the neophytes were, as Lasuen
admitted, in many places like those of the gentiles,
but cleaner, better on the Channel than elsewhere,
and in some missions already replaced by adobe houses
with tile roofs. These dwellings like the presidios
and other buildings went through successive stages,

and were improved as fast as possible. Unmarried

females it was found necessary to lock up at night
and to watch closely, but they were given generally
the best room in the mission, and subjected to no hardships.
In only a few missions were bachelors locked
up or forced to sleep in the mission. On these points
Horra had made no special charges except as they
were included in the general one of ill-treatment.
On the subject of labor there was a radical difference of opinion.
According to the commandants
the working hours were from six to nine hours per
day, varying with the season, with extra work on
special occasions as in harvest-time.
Task, work was
also common, but the tasks were so heavy that the
time was not materially reduced. Women must carry
adobes, stones, and bricks, and when with child or
giving suck their tasks were not sufficiently dimin-

MISSION PROGRESS.

592

Children were employed at driving away birds

or at other lighter labor; the aged and sick were
exempt. The friars on the contrary affirm that workins: hours were from four to six hours: that not more
than half the natives worked at the same time, the
rest escaping on some reason or pretext, for they were
always excused even when their plea was doubtful;
that many did little even when pretending to work;
that tasks were assigned whenever it was possible,
and so light that the workers were usually free in the
afternoon or a day or two in every week, and finally
that all proper allowances were made for women in
their various conditions.
Lasuen compares the mission tasks with those imposed on such natives as were
sent to work at the presidios where they were obliged
to toil from morning till night; and he ventures to
doubt the sincerity of the commandants' compassion
for the poor overworked neophytes.
The commandants in answering Borica's questions,
and indeed the governor in asking them, touched on
several points not included in Horra's accusations.
One complaint was that too short a time was allowed
The
to the neophytes for gathering wild fruits.
answer was that at Santa Barbara one fifth of the
whole number were allowed every Sunday to go to the
ononte for a week or two, and elsewhere a similar system was adopted. If the converts are to be freed
from every restraint like the pagans, says Lasuen,
when are they to become civilized ? Another charge
of Sal and Goycoechea was that the natives were
carefully restricted from all intercourse with the gente
cle razon, and w ere not allowed to visit the presidios
or to afford any aid to the soldiers, the missionaries
ishecl.

beinof afraid

of losing: their services.

These

state-

ments the friars denied as false and calumnious.

There was no effort to restrict intercourse except in
special cases with vicious persons; any neophyte was
with leave of
absence, and none had ever been punished for helping

free to visit the presidio on holidays or

CRUELTY TO NEOPHYTES.

593

the soldiers, except sometimes for absconding. Moreover the presidios had always been supplied with
servants of all kinds for no compensation save what
the employers chose to pay, and neither missions nor
natives had ever been benefited by this intercourse.
The aborigines did not like to work at the presidios,
where they were ill-treated and often cheated out of
their pay; yet most of the work on the presidios had
been done by laborers furnished from the missions.
" The treatment shown to the Indians," says Padre
Concepcion, "is the most cruel I have ever read in
For the slightest things they receive heavy
history.
floggings, are shackled, and put in the stocks, and
treated with so much cruelty that they are kept whole
days without a drink of water." The commandants,
without expressing an opinion as to the propriety or
undue severity of the punishments inflicted, simply
specify those punishments, administered by the padres
at will, as flogging, from fifteen to fifty lashes, or
sometimes a novenary of twenty-five lashes per day
a kind of
for nine days, stocks, shackles, the corma

hobble and imprisonment in some of the missionrooms, for neglect of work or religious duties, overstaying leave of absence, sexual offences, thefts, and

Rarely or for serious

quarrelling among themselves.
offences were the natives turned over to the military,
or assistance asked from the soldiers. The friars admitted all this, except that they denied that more than
twenty-five lashes were ever given, 80 affirming moreover that only at Santa Barbara were women put in
the stocks, and that they were very rarely flogged.
They claimed that according to the laws they stood
in loco parentis to the natives, must necessarily re-

them by punishments, and

none but
proper penalties, pardoning first offences, and always
inclining to mercy and kindness.
The soldiers were
strain

inflicted

30
Sept. 26th, 1796, Borica says to a padre that only 25 lashes may be
given; beyond this the matter belongs to royal jurisdiction. Pruv. Ike, MS.,

vi. 174.

Hist. Cal., Vol.

I.

38

MISSION PROGRESS.

594

not asked to render aid because Governor Neve had

opposed it; and natives were not sent to the presidio
because there they were ill-treated, used merely as
peons, could easily escape, and always came back
worse than ever. Lasuen admits that there may have
been instances of undue severity, and that one missionary had been removed; but he denies the charges
of cruelty at San Francisco, which had had most
weight with Borica, and insists that for every instance
of apparent severity there have been many where the
commandants have blamed the friars for excessive
tolerance and yielding. 31
Father Concepcion renewed the old complaint that
the padres in selling mission products to the presidios
disregarded the tariff of prices established by the
government. Although the president indignantly denied any variation from the legal rates, and although
the different statements are somewhat confusing in
detail, yet from the testimony of the officers and
from the admissions of Tapis and Cortes it is evident
enough that, except in the articles of wheat and corn
in ordinary years, and in the more ordinary qualities
of animals, little attention was paid to the price-lists
either by missionaries or any other class in California.
It was easy for the friars by pleading the needs of
the neophytes or the choice quality of the article
desired, to avoid selling or obtain an extra price; but
grain and ordinary live-stock they were almost always
glad to sell, and sometimes at less than the legal rates.
That wines and liquors were bought by the friars at
high prices in addition to the quantities obtained in
Mexico, was unsupported by any evidence. Finally
the missionaries were accused of having accumulated
To this the
wealth, though they pleaded poverty.
commandants replied that they knew nothing of the
See chapter xxxi. of this volume for the charge of cruelty at San Franwhich Borica believed to be well founded; also Prov. Bee, MS., v. 26G;
vi. 97-8, 115, 172, 17G; Prov. Si. Pap., MS., xvi. 8S; Id., Ben. Mil, xxiv.
8-10.
Instructions of the viceroy in 1793 and 1797, in favor of kindness and
mercy to the Indians so far as justice and caution may allow. St. Pap., Miss.
31

cisco,

and Col, MS.,

i.

23-4.

THE PRESIDENT'S CONCLUSIONS.

595

mission wealth, because the friars kept the matter

secret, and simply gave some figures respecting amounts
paid and due for mission supplies to the presidios
The padres made no
during the past year or two.
reply to the main charge, though announcing their
readiness to reply when required to do so by their
superiors; but they indignantly repelled the insinuation that there was anything in their financial management or condition kept secret from the government. 32
Such was the controversy and such the statements
presented on the leading points by both parties, though
the resume does but scanty justice to the subject, and
especially to Lasuen's report, many of the minutice
being necessarily omitted. The author manifests some
dissatisfaction that the charges of a man who left California under such peculiar circumstances should have
been made the basis of this investigation without a
preliminary taking of testimony as to the state of
his mind.
He is indignant at the commandants, not
only for what he regards as misstatements on certain
details, but chiefly for what they failed to say and for

what

their silence implied.

They had

failed to refute

32

Of the supplies furnished by missions to presidios the accounts preserved

are very meagre and fragmentary, some of them being presented with local
annals.
Perhaps an average of $1,200 per year for each mission during this
decade would be a fair estimate. This amount and the stipend of $800 for
each mission was all the revenue of the padres to support themselves and
keep their churches in order.
So far as can be judged from the partial
accounts of the procurador extant, the annual memorial of supplies ordered
by the friars were fully equal to their credits. I think there was little
foundation for the charge that the padres were accumulating money either at
the missions or in Mexico in these early years. Balance against the missions
Sept. G, 1800, $11.
Procurador's accounts in Sta Cruz, Parroquvi, MS., 18.
May 11, 170G, Salazar estimates the mission wealth, in buildings, etc., at
Dec. 1708, Borica
$800,000. Salazar, Condition actual tie Cal., MS., GG-7.
to viceroy, he never interferes in mission finances, and is merely informed
at end of each year of produce existing.
Both he and the commandants
believe the padres to have large surpluses at Mexico and in the coffers at
San Diego, San Juan, Capistrano, and San Gabriel. He advises investigation
in Mexico.
The president aids new missions abundantly. There are complaints of not following the tariff, but Borica expresses no opinion. Prov.
lice, MS., vi. 110-17.
Aug. 1G, 1705, Lasuen to Borica, representing the
injustice of keeping grain at the same low prices as in years of plenty. Arch.
Sta Barbara, MS., vi. 07-101. In 1703, Pedro A. de Anteparaluceta, canon
of Puebla, left a legacy of $500 to the California missions, $36 apiece with
$-10 for Sta Barbara and Soledad, and $00 for Sta Cruz. Id.
xi. 235.
On
mission trade for this period see next chapter. Lists of increase in church
vestments, etc., 1704-5. St. 1 ajj., Miss., MS., ii. 15-27, 78-0.
,

596

MISSION PROGRESS.

the statements of ever-complaining neophytes whom

their own observations must have shown to be unreliable witnesses; and because of certain petty quarrels
about the services of the natives as peons at the forts,
they had given weight to the charge of a madman
and had done great wrong to the missionary cause.
Lasuen claimed that he and his band of friars were
working honestly for the conversion of the natives
according to the well known rules of their order and
the regulations of the Spanish government, by which
they stood in the position of parents to the aborigines.
He admits that, being but men, they differed from
one another in judgment and patience, and consequently that errors were committed; but he affirms
most earnestly that the natives were shown all the
kindness that was consistent with the restraint implied
in the missionary and parental relation.
The venerable friar's words and manner impress the reader
most forcibly, and a close study of the subject has
convinced me that he was right; that down to 1800
and considerably later the natives were as a rule most
kindly treated.
are by no means to conclude
that the friars were now free from all blame in their
quarrels with the secular authorities, or that they
had lost the arbitrary spirit that had distinguished
them in the days of Serra and Fages. Neither are
their protestations of a scrupulous regard for the regulation in the details of business management to be
implicitly credited; but in the matter of neophyte
labor at presidio, pueblo, and rancho the friars here
as elsewhere were usually right and the military

We

wrong; and so

they touched this point, cruelty

to natives, or accumulation of wealth, Horra's charges
must be regarded as for the most part unfounded.
After reference to the fiscal and the usual delays, in
April 1805 the viceroy rendered his decision, com33
pletely exonerating the missionaries.
far as

33
April 19, 1805, viceroy to governor, the padres are cleared and are to
Commandants
^continue in the same course of zeal and brotherly love, etc.

ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS.

507

There are a few miscellaneous topics connected with

the ecclesiastical administration of the province that
may appropriately receive brief notice here. There
were as yet no regularly appointed chaplains, and the
friars continued to care for the spiritual interests of
soldiers and settlers, apparently without any compensation.
An income was, however, derived from the
saying of masses for souls in purgatory, some soldiers
leaving a large part of their small property to be thus
expended, or during their own life paying fees for
members of their families. 34 Most of the missions
Same date,
are urged to promote harmony. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 2, 3.
V. R. to guardian to same effect, the good name of the padres is nowise tarnished by P. Concepcion's charges the emanations of an unsound mind.
(Original document in my collection, reference lost.)
fragment of the fiscal's opinion is also extant. Prov. Bee, MS., ii. 1-3.
He advises that there
be no sweeping decision because a few points may be proved. There is a
natural conflict of interests between padres and commandants, since the latter
have to come to the former for supplies, and the careful management and
strict dealings of the friars are attributed to meanness or spite.
Moreover
there are dissensions between the Indians and soldiers, and on the reports of
corporals punishments are inflicted which seem to the padres too severe.
It
is difficult to obtain testimony from disinterested parties in California.
It is
a pity the poor Indian has to be all his life in the service of others, never
owns anything, and is fed on rations, yet it cannot now be helped.
It appears that early in the decade there had been an attempt to take from
the padres the management of the temporalities, originated by some of the
friars themselves. Jan. 30, 1794, P. Mugartegui, formerly of Calif ornia, writes
to Lasuen expressing in strong language his opposition to the proposition
advocated by some members of the college to give up the temporalities. It
would be a pity 'for the disconnected reasonings of two Mallorcan charlatans
to stop the work begun by a holy Mallorcan.' Fortunately, however, the
projects of the would-be reformers meet with but little encouragement, and
the same may be said of the complaints of two other padres, Gili and Rubi,
who have spoken against the California missionaries. Mugartegui, Carta de
April 30, 1791, the bishop of Sonora calls Lasuen's attention to
1794, MS.
the royal order of March 6, 1790, granting an ecclesiastical tax on all revenues, including those of missionaries; and asks him to collect 6 per cent, for
four years on the stipends of all the friars and all other revenues.
Lasuen
replies that the California padres have no revenue, except the stipend of 8400
each, given as alms, and even with that they have nothing to do except to
name the articles needed for the churches.
sindico at the college collected
the stipends and with them paid for the invoices. If the king wants to reduce
the stipend by a tax, let the matter be arranged at the college; Franciscan
friars have nothing to do or say about revenue matters.
He sends a sworn
statement, though regretting that his word does not suffice. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., x. 61-8.
I hear no more of this matter.
Sept. 19, 1799, Borica
says that a royal order decides that temporalities are to be incorporated in
the royal hacienda. Prov. Bee, MS., iv. 174.
1795, 1798, director-general
of temporalities (for America) appointed. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 232,
289.
1792, 1796, governor signs certificates for the padres to get their
stipends. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 28; Prov. Bee, MS., vi. 168.
34
Santa Barbara Mission received alms for 757 masses said from 1794 to
1800. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ii. 134.
The friars had also masses to say

MISSION PROGRESS.

598

had now a palisade or adobe enclosure serving as a

cemetery.
No pueblo, and of the presidios only San
Diego, had a cemetery.
It was customary to bury
gente de razon

the churches or chapels, but the

35
friars made an effort to break up the practice.
Both
soldiers and natives often escaped a flogging by taking
advantage of their right of church asylum, and occasionally this taking refuge in the sacred edifice led to
petty misunderstandings between the officers and
friars, though there were no notable instances during
this decade.

in

33

The performance

of religious duties by the people

was rigidly enforced, as is shown by many orders in
the archives. 37 Papal bulls or indulgences were sent
to California every two years, and such as were not
sold were burned at the end of a specified time.
The
habilitado of Monterey was general administrator of
this branch after 1797, and each commandant attended
for members of their order abroad.
Oct. 22, 1795, Lasnen says in a circular
that the numerous deaths of friars atJSan Fernando and other colleges and
Each padre
en route, have burdened the community with over 7,000 masses.
Dec. 7, 1800, Lasuen orders
is to say how many he can take. Id., ix. 323-4.
mass and te deum on the accession of Pope Pius VII. Id., xi. 148-9.
3
'Dec. 20, 1792, Lasuen to Arrillaga. Arch.' Arzobispado, MS., i. 28-9.
1790, Senan refuses to bury Maria del Carmen Alviso in the presidio chapel.
Prov. St. Pop., Pen. Mil., MS., xx. 5, 6. Two soldiers buried in the chapel
at San Diego. Prov. St. Pup., Presidios, MS., i. 53, 60.
30
July 29, 1794, governor orders an Indian culprit to be taken out of the
church at Santa Clara by force since his offence was not subject to ecclesiastical immunity. Prov. Pec, ISIS., ii. 150.
Dec. 6, 1798, Lasuen certifies that
he found a soldier in the church claiming asylum for having struck a woman.
He was ordered on guard, and as there was no one to replace him Lasuen gave
him a.pap( I de iglesia to protect hisrightof asylum. Arch. Arzobispado, MS.,
i. 53.
Mar. 29, 1800, commandant of Monterey orders a soldier to be given

up

on

bail. Id., ii. 5-6.

All officers and men by 3d
28, 1793, Arrillaga to commandants.
of Pentecost are to show certificates of having complied with church
April, 1795, Padres of Sta Cruz, Sta
s.
St. Pa])., Sac, MS., i. 113.

for trial
37

day

March

Francisco certify to those who have complied with the annual

and communion. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 234-8, 242-4.
Sept. 29, 1705, Sal to comisionado of San Jose.
Tobar is sent to the pueblo;
if he does not confess within 15 days he is to be sent to Monterey in irons. He
must also go to work. San Jose, Arch., MS., iv. 27. Jan. 14, 1798, Lasuen in
a circular regrets the carelessness of many. All must commune on caster
be examined in the doctrina. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 144-5. June
Gtl
Corporal Peralta is to arrest any of the San Jose Mission guard and keep
them so until they perform their duties. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 107.
J. >man, the tailor, must be kept handcuffed until he complies. Prov. Pec,
MS., iv. 110. Arreilano to be shackled. Prov. St. Pa])., MS., xxii. 24.
Clara,

and

S.

icept of confession

IMAGE OF THE VIRGIN.

own

Some

599

on the subject are

given in connection with local annals.
So far as can
be determined from the records the annual revenue
from this source was from fifty to a hundred dollars. 38
sacred image of our lady of Guadalupe sent to
California in 1795 was by license of the highest
ecclesiastical authorities allowed to be touched by the
original picture.
In oue instance the soldiers established a kind of rancho where was raised a herd
devoted to decorating the image of the virgin. 39
to his

district.

statistics

Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 148, 296; Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 241; xv. 42-3,
48, 77-8; xvi. 98, 220; Id., Ben. Mil., MS., xxviii. 9; St. Pap. Miss., MS., ii.
The bulls sent sold from 2 reals, or 25 cents,
65; S. Jose", Arch., MS., vi. 42.
to $2 each.
The different kinds were vivos, laticinios, composition, and
d'ifuatos.
39

Prov.

St.

Pap., MS.,

ix.

194-5;

xiii.

79.

CHAPTER

XXVIII.

PUEBLOS, COLONIZATION, AND LANDS INDUSTKIES

AND INSTITUTIONS.
1791-1800.

Statistics Jordan's Proposed Colony Efforts of

Government Marriage Encouraged Inns Views of Salazar,
Senan, and Costa ns6 Women Wanted Convicts Foundlings
Tenure of Lands Pueblo and Mission Sites Chronological Statement, 1773-90 Presidial Pueblos Provisional Grants Landtitles at End of Century Labor Indian Laborers Sailors
Artisan Instructors Manufacturers Mining Agriculture
Flax and Hemp Stock-raising.

Pueblo Progress

The

missions, as

may

be

seen from the preceding

we regard

only the primary object for which

they were founded, were successful and prosperous.
Given a band of earnest and able missionaries, a
friendly native population, and a military force for
protection if needed, there was nothing to prevent
success and prosperity in a land so blessed by nature.
The government had nothing more to do in the matter.
If the towns were less successful in their efforts at
colonization and progress it was not because they were
deemed of less importance or received less attention.
Nor was it because the colonization system was less
judiciously managed by the crown than the missionary s}^stem by the Franciscans.
It was because this
problem was more complicated than the other. It
would not solve itself, and faithful provincial officers
with wise regulations could not solve it. It is not
necessary to claim that the king's officers were as
devoted to the welfare of the towns as the friars to
sketch,

if

(GOO)

PUEBLOS NOT PROSPEROUS.

601

that of their missions, for they had other duties and

lacked the incentive of holy zeal but had their opportunities, their authority, and their enthusiasm corresponded to and exceeded those of the missionaries, they
never could have made the pueblos prosper. Two
fatal obstacles to success were the worthless character
of the original settlers, most of them half-breeds of
the least energetic classes of Nueva Vizcaya and
Nueva Galicia, and the lack of provincial commerce
to stimulate industry; for before 1800 the settlers
could not have sold additional products of their fields.
I give elsewhere the local annals of the three Californian pueblos, San Jose, Los Angeles, and Branciforte the latter honored with the title of villa
during
1
this decade.
The united population of the three
towns in 1800 was about 550 in something over a
hundred families, including a dozen or fifteen men
who raised cattle on ranchos in the vicinity and whose
families for the most part lived in the pueblos. About
;

had been brought from abroad as settlers and had been paid wages and rations and otherwise aided for a term of years; while the increase
came from children who grew to manhood and from
soldiers who had served out their term of enlistment
and retired, often with pensions. These, although
generally old men, w ere as a rule the most successful
fanners.
The only industries of the settlers were
They had 16,500 head
agriculture and stock-raising.
of cattle and horses, about 1,000 sheep, and they
thirty families

raised about 9,000 bushels of grain each year, surplus

Each settler had
products being sold to the presidios.
his field which he was required to cultivate, and he

had to contribute a certain quantity of grain each

year to the common fund from which municipal exEach pueblo had a small guard of
penses were paid.
soldiers, who were practically settlers also; and each
in addition to its alcalde and regidores had a comi1

Jos6,

See chapter xxix. of this volume for Angeles; chapter xxxii. for San
and chapter xxvi. for Branciforte.

INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.

602

the guard, who represented the governor and reported directly to the
commandant of the nearest presidio. Labor was
largely done by hired gentiles. Los Angeles was more
populous and prosperous than either of the others,
while Branciforte was as yet but a burden to the
sionaclo, generally corporal of

government.
Spanish visitor in 1792 stated in his narrative

that soldiers in California when too old for service

were not allowed to settle as farmers, and he criticised
this state of things very unfavorably; but needlessly,
for no such conditions existed.
Many of the invalids
went to live in the pueblos, a few obtained ranchos,
and others remained at the presidios, performing a
certain amount of military service.
It was even permitted them to settle near the presidio but outside
the w alls, though it does not appear that any did so
2
at this early period.
Alejandro Jordan's project for
a colony to be established in the interests of trade
under governmental protection and with somewhat extravagant emoluments for himself, was disapproved
by the king on Arrillaga's advice, as already noted,
after negotiations lasting from 17.92 to 1794. 3 Revilla
Gigedo in 1793 favored the settlement of some Spanish families at the missions, though he admitted the
great difficulty of finding families possessing the required moral qualifications. 4 Costanso in his report
of 1794 gays: "The first thing to be thought of, in
my opinion, is to people the country. Presidios to
support missions are well enough for a time, but there
seems to be no end of them. Some missions have
been for a hundred years in charge of friars and presiclial guards.
The remedy is to introduce gente de
razon among the natives from the beginning. Calir

^'Sutily Mexicana, Viage, 1G2-3.

Oct. 24, 1792, governor orders that no
quiet vecino is to be prevented from settling at the presidio of Monterey.
Prov. llec, MS., ii. 156. Vancouver gives a rather superficial and inaccurate
account of the pueblos, which he did not visit. Voyage, ii. 495-6.
3
Sec chapter xxiv., this volume.
4
Revilla Gigedo, Carta de 1703, 23-4.

SPECIAL PROJECTS.

G03

fornians understand this, and clamor for industrious

citizens. Each ship should carry a number of families
with a proper outfit. The king supplies his soldiers
with tools, why not the farmer and mechanic as well ?

They should be

settled near the missions

and mingle

with the natives. Thus the missions will become

towns in twenty-five or thirty years." 5
In 1795 Borica made some special efforts to promote marriage among soldiers and settlers by favorable
regulations, and he even discouraged the enlistment
of the sons of settlers in the presidio companies;
but an absurd proposition from Mexico to establish
inns for the convenience of travellers at ten suitable
spots in California met with no favor from Borica
and the project died a natural death. 6
In 1796 a special agitation of this subject of colonization began in Mexico, with the founding of BranFather
ciforte as a result, as elsewhere narrated.
Salazar, lately from California, was called upon for
His report
his views on the condition of the country.
on the pueblos was not an encouraging one. The inhabitants were idlers, paying more attention to gambling and playing the guitar than to tilling their lands
and educating their children. The pagans did most
Costansd, Informe, 1704, MS.
April 13, 1795, Borica to commandants, marriages to be promoted by
all honorable means.
Soldiers to be aided with arrears of pay, with what
they have in the fondos, or even by an advance of $40. Parents of contracting parties to be aided with such effects as can be paid for from their crops in
a year. Estudillo, Doc Hist. Cal., MS., i. 11; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 129-30;
Goycoechea's reply, May loth. Id., xiv.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 227-8.
Nov. 19, 179G, B. directs the commandant of San Francisco to try and
7G.
prevail on Maria Simona Ortega, a widow, to remain in the country; for sooner
or later some soldier or civilian will ask her hand in marriage. Prov. St. Pap.,
Ben. Mil., MS., xxiv. 10, 11. Feb. 14, 1795, Grajera has received B.'s order
not to accept any recruit from Angeles, 'in order that the population may
not be lessened.' Id., xxi. 7. March 12, 1795, B. to viceroy, explaining that
the population of California, which he gives as 1,275, is much too small for
the 10 inns proposed; also that travellers have to sleep out of doors to care
for their animals, etc. St. Pap., Sac, MS., xvii. 3-G. Oct. 5th, the tribunal
(]c contaduria advises the V. R. to submit the scheme, recommended by BelOct.
tran, to a council before adopting it. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 197-9.
15, 1790, B. asks for a list of settlers living on ranchos and for an opinion
whether they should be allowed to do so. Dec. 29th, he decides that unless
the rancheros will keep sheep they must live at the pueblo. Prov. Pec, MS.,
5
6

iv. 79, 8G.

INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.

604

of the work, took a large part of the crop, and were

so well supplied thereby that they did not care to
be converted and live at the missions. The friars
attended to the spiritual needs of the settlers free
of charge, and their tithes did California no good.

Young men grew up without restraint, and wandered

among the rancherias, setting the Indians a bad
example and indulging

in excesses that

sooner or later to result in

remedy was

disaster.

were sure

The great

to build up commerce
nists an incentive to industry.

and give the coloNow they could not

their produce; they obtained a small price for

they did sell, and often they could not get the

sell all

what

they wanted in payment, or had to pay excessive rates for them.

Without the encouragement of trade the country
could never prosper; but other reforms were also
There should be a settlers' fund similar to
needed.
the military funds, in which each settler should deposit annually a sum varying according to the size
In the sale and purchase of supplies
of his family.
an officer should stand between the settlers and the
habilitados; each pueblo should moreover support a
7
Father Jose Senan was tempriest and a teacher.
porarily in Mexico, and a report was also obtained
from him which agreed with that of Salazar in most
This writer, however, attached special imrespects.

articles

portance to the introduction of a better class of setHe would appoint to each pueblo a director,
tlers.
or comisionado, of better abilities and not related to
the inhabitants, and he would enforce residence of all
settlers in the towns, and not on distant ranchos out of
reach of spiritual care and exposed to dangers. Above
8
all, towns should not be placed too near the missions.
7
The author also
Salazar, Condition Actual de Col. 1796, MS., 73-82.
advocates the transfer of the San Bias naval station and ship-yards to San
Francisco or Monterey. This would be for the interest of the department,
since wages and food would be cheaper than at San Bias, and it would
develop the industries of California.
8
Senan, Respuesta del Padre al Virey sobre Condition de Cosas en Califor-

nia, 1796,

MS. Dated

at college of San Fernando

May

14, 1796.

March

19,

CONVICT SETTLERS.
III

605

his correspondence of 1797, Borica

still

urges

colonization, substantially approving the ideas of Salazar and Senan, and issuing orders which compelled

We

9
have seen
retired soldiers to live in the pueblos.
that nine persons, though rather of a worse than bet-

compared with the rest, were obtained from

Guadalajara and settled at Branciforte. In 1797-8
an effort was made to obtain a reenforcement of marriageable women, in which the governor was seconded
by the viceroy, but in which he does not seem to have
been successful. 10

ter class

There was another class of colonists much more

easily obtained and by no means beneficial to the
country. Unfortunately California was from this time
to a considerable extent a penal colony for Mexico.
Governor Fages was perhaps responsible for the beginning of the plague.
In 1787 he proposed that
artisans imprisoned in Mexico and Guadalajara should
have their sentence commuted to exile to California
on condition of working out their term at the presidios or missions, and subsequently remaining as setNothing was done on this proposition; but in
tlers.
1791 three presidiarios, or convicts, were sent up to
1797, Borica to viceroy, refers to voluntary enrolment of settlers at
lajara.

Prov. Pec,

Guada-

vi. 83.

Nov. 16, 1797, Borica to viceroy, favoring commerce and admitting that
the pueblos have a surplus of 2,000 fanegas of grain for which there is no
market. Twelve sailors from the Conception and San Carlos have volunteered
to remain at Monterey. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 61-2.
Oct. 15th, B. to commandant at Monterey, invalided or discharged soldiers must live in the towns
and not on ranchos nor in the presidio, unless they wish to continue military
service. Guerra, Doc. Hist. CaL, MS., i. 109-10.
May 1799, Settler Rosales
petitions the viceroy for permission to leave California with his family. Prov.
Pec, MS., vi. 125. Branciforte in his Instruction, MS., 32-8, speaks of California's need of colonists, and of his efforts in her behalf.
10
Sept. 17, 1797, Borica to viceroy, wants good wives, strong young spinsters, especially for criminal settlers, since the padres objected to the native
women marrying such husbands. Besides good health the girls must bring
good clothes, so that they may go to church and be improved.
sine qua
non of a California female colonist must be a serge petticoat, a rebozo corriente, a linen jacket, two woollen shifts, a pair of stockings, and a pair of
strong shoes. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 55-6. Jan. 25, 1798, viceroy says orders
have been given to procure young, healthy, single women for the pobladores,
but the task presents some difficulties. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 19-20.
June 1, 1798, Borica says one hundred women are wanted. Prov. Pec, MS.,

vi. 75.

INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.

GOG

Monterey to labor with shackled feet for rations; and

the same year we hear of a convict blacksmith teaching the natives at San Francisco. 11 In 1798 the Conception brought twenty-two convicts, of various grades
of criminality, some of them merely vagrants like
those formerly destined for Branciforte.
They were
set at work by Borica to learn and teach trades, a
saving of nine thousand dollars being thereby effected
as the governor claimed. 12 Three convicts had arrived

the year before, and subsequently such arrivals were

of frequent occurrence.
Some artisan instructors
sent to the country by the government will be noticed
a little later.
In 1800 nineteen foundlings were sent
from Mexico under the care of Madre Maria de Jesus,
nine boys under ten years of age, and ten girls some
of them already marriageable, who w ere distributed
13
in respectable families in the different presidios.
T

11
There was a royal order forbidding convicts from settling in pueblos
until their sentences were served out. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 98.
Fages'
proposition in his Informe Gen. de Misiones, MS., 154. The three presidiarios
of 1791 were Ignacio Saenz, RafaelJPacheco, and Felipe Alvarez, sent up by
Romeu from Loreto. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxii. 15. Smith at San Francisco,

Id., x. 41.
12

The three of 1797 were Rafael Arriola, Tomas Escamilla, and Jose"
Franco. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 134. Correspondence on the 22 sent in
1798, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 249-50; xvii. 7, 88-9, 182; xxi. 275, 280,
285; Prov. Pec., MS., vi. 91-2, 101-2; St. Pap., Sac., viii. 11-13, 68-9; ix.
Four or five lists are given, the following being the names Jose de los
75-G.
Reyes, Jos6 Maria Perez, Jose Vazquez, Juan Hernandez, Jose" Velasquez, Cornelio Rocha, Jose" Chavez, Jose" Salazar, Antonio Ortega, Juan Lopez, Jose"
Balderrama, Pedro Osorno, Jos6 Calzado, Jose" Avila, Jose Hernandez, Jose"
Igadera, Jos6 Ramos, Jose Rosas, Jose Chavira, Casimiro Conejo, Pablo
Franco, Maria Petra Aranda, Jose" Barcena, Felipe Hernandez, Rafael Gomez,
Juan Blanco, 2G in all, though the number is spoken of as from 17 to 24, and
22 are said to have landed. They arrived in August. The expense of sending
them was $405. There were 3 hatters, 3 miners. 1 shoemaker, 1 silversmith,
1 trader, 3 bakers, 1 tailor, 1 blanket-maker, 1 laborer, 1 overseer, 3 without
trade, and 1 woman.
There were 4 Spaniards only. There were a saddler
and 2 carpenters, not convicts, perhaps included in the list I have given.
Several friars also came on the same vessel. After the arrival of these convicts all persons not having passports were ordered to be arrested. Prov. Pec.
MS., iv. 1G6. Feb. 26, 1799, Borica publishes a series of rules for the conduct of the convict workmen. They were subjected to strict surveillance and
allowed few privileges. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 243-4. August 1800, Hernandez allowed to earn wages by his trade as saddler. Prov. Pec, MS., ix. 13.
Nov. 1800, Jose" Cris. Simental sentenced to 6 years as settler in California,
to be accompanied by his wife. St. Pap., Sac, MS., ix. 57-8; Prov. St. Pap.,
:

MS.,
13

xxi. 53-4.
left Mexico for San Bias and one died on the seaThere was a plan to send
said to have been $4,703.

Twenty-one children

voyage.

The expense

is

TENURE OF LANDS.

G07

The tenure

of lands is an interesting topic of California history, both in itself and especially in view
In its earliest phases
of the litigation of later times.
the subject falls more naturally into the annals of this
decade than elsewhere, though a general statement
with but few details is all that is required here. As
soon as the territory was occupied by Spain in 17G9
No individual
the absolute title vested in the king.
only
usufructuary
of
lands,
but
titles of
ownership
various grades, existed in California in Spanish times.
The king, however, was actually in possession of only
the ground on which the presidios stood and such
adjoining lands as were needed in connection with the
The natives were recognized as the
royal service.
owners, under the king, of all the territory needed for
their subsistence; but the civilizing process to which
they were to be subjected would greatly reduce the
area from that occupied in their savage state; and
thus there was no prospective legal hinderance to the
establishment of Spanish settlements.
The general
laws of Spain provided for such establishments, and
the assignment to each of lands to the extent of four
square leagues. 14 Meanwhile neither the missions,
nor the friars, nor the Franciscan order, nor the church
owned any lands whatever. The missionaries had the
use of such lands as they needed for their object,
which was to prepare the Indians to take possession as
individuals of the lands they now held as communities.
When this was accomplished, and the missions had
become pueblos, the houses of worship would naturally become the property of the church, and the friars

would move on to new spiritual conquests. Each

mission and each presidio was at the proper time to
become a pueblo; other pueblos were expected to be
60 boys and the same number of girls. Two of the girls were married before
the end of the year. St. Pap., Sac, MS., iv. 74; vii. 74-G; Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., xviii. 9, 18, 31; xxi. 34, 47; PL, Ben. Mil., MS., xxviii. 22; Prov. Rec,
MS., ix. 11, 12; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 307; Bustamante, Suplernento,
181; Azanza, Instruction, MS., 88-9.
14
Recopilacion de Indicts, lib. iv. tit. v. ley. vi., x. I intentionally avoid
conditions and details in this chapter.

INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.

608

founded from time to time; and four square leagues

of land was the area to be assigned under ordinary
circumstances to each; but the fixing of boundaries
was tacitly left until the future increase in the number
of establishments should render it a necessity, nothing in the mean time being allowed to interfere with
the area to which each pueblo would be entitled,
though the missions in their temporary occupation
were not restricted.
In his instructions of 1773 Viceroy Bucareli authorized Captain Rivera to make a beginning of the future
pueblos by distributing lands to such persons, either
natives or Spaniards, as were worthy and would dedicate themselves to agriculture or the raising of stock. 15
Rivera did grant a piece of land in 1775 to Manuel
Butron, a soldier who married a neophyte of San
Carlos; but the land was subsequently abandoned, and
if any other similar grants were made by Rivera there
is no record of the fact.
In November 1777 the
pueblo of San Jose was founded and a somewhat informal distribution of lands to settlers w^as made by
order of Governor Neve. In 1781 Neve's regulation
went into effect, and one of its sections regulated the
distribution of pueblo lands; prescribed the assignment to each settler of four fields, each two hundred
varas square, besides a house-lot; specified the lands to
be devoted to various uses of the community; and
made provision for the gradual extension of the town
by the granting of new lots and fields. Under this
regulation the pueblo of Los Angeles was founded in
the same year of 1781.
The formal distribution of
lands, however, and the giving of written titles took
place for San Jose and Los Angeles in 1783 and 1786
respectively. 16 These titles were the nearest approach
to absolute ownership in California under Spain; but
the lands were forfeited by abandonment, failure to
cultivate, and non-compliance with certain conditions.
15

Bucareli, Instruccion de 17 de Agosto de 1773,

16

On

MS.

foundation of San Jose and Angeles and the distribution of lands,

see chapters xiv. and xvi. of this volume.

PRIVATE RANCHOS.

609

They

could not be alienated; and one instance is

recorded of lands being taken for hemp culture from
New
a settler, who was given others in their place.
lands
to
new
settlers
were
of
conpueblo
grants of
stant occurrence hereafter. Neither in the regulation
nor in the proceedings under it was any attention paid
to exterior pueblo limits, save the vague establishment
of a boundary, at San Jose at least, with the adjoinThis matter was practically and natuing mission.
rally left to be agitated by the crown should there
ever in the distant future be danger of the town
exceeding its four leagues, or by the pueblo itself in
case of encroachments by other towns or by individuals.

In 1784 application was made to Fages by private

individuals for grants of ranchos. He granted written
permits to several men for temporary occupation of
the lands desired, 17 and wrote to the commandant general for instructions. General Ugarte replied in 1786,
on the recommendation of his legal adviser, Galindo
Navarro, by authorizing the granting of tracts not to
exceed three leagues, always beyond the four-league
limits of existing pueblos, without injury to missions
or rancherias, and on certain other conditions including the building of a stone house on each rancho and
the keeping of at least two thousand head of livestock. 13 The instructions required the immediate assignment by clear landmarks of the four leagues to
each pueblo; but there is no evidence that any such
survey was made, that any documents were given in
place of the temporary permits, or that the few provisional grants subsequently made differed in any
respect from those permits.
17
The ranchos since known as Los Nietos and San Rafael were thus granted
Manuel Nieto and Jos6 Maria Verdugo in 1784. In the case of Nieto his
long possession until 1804 and that of his children after him was urged as
affording presumption of a complete title; but the supreme court held that
Fages' written permit destroyed this presumption. The land commission had

to

already taken a similar view. Nieto vs. Carpenter, 21 Cal. 456.

18
Fages' report to Ugarte Nov. 20, 1784. Navarro's opinion, Oct. 27, 1785.
St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 325-7. Ugarte 's order June 21st. Id., i. 343.
Hist. Cax., Vol. I. 39

INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.

CIO

1789 a series of instructions was issued with

royal approval for the establishment of the Villa of
Pitic in Sonora since called Hermosillo, instructions
which were to be followed also in the founding of
similar establishments throughout the northern provinces.
Omitting details unimportant to my present
purpose, each pueblo was to have assigned to it with
definite bounds four square leagues of land in rectangular form; the land given to each settler to depend
somewhat on his character and needs, but might be
fifty per cent larger than that already given in California; and after four years the ownership might become absolute. I do not find that this regulation ever
had any effect at Los Angeles or San Jose. 19 In 1790
a pensioned corporal, Cayuelas, who had married a
neophyte of San Luis Obispo, asked in the name of
his wife for lands at Santa Margarita belonging to
that mission; but the grant was opposed, probably
with success, by the friars, on the ground that the land
was needed for the community, to which the neophyte
20
in question had renderecl no service.
beginning of the presidial pueblos was made by
General Nava in 1791, when he authorized commandants of presidios to grant lots and fields to soldiers and settlers desiring them within the prescribed
four square leagues, 21 but there is no clear evidence
Ill

19

Pitic, Instruction aprobada por S. M. queseformd para el establecimiento

la nueva Villa de Pitic, y mand/ida adaptar a las demas nuevas poblctciones
2>roi/ectadas, 1789, MS.
Dated Chihuahua, Nov. 14, 1789.
cle

'

20

Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 398-9, 400-2; Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix.
This instance and that of Butron are the only ones recorded of land
being asked for by neophytes before 1800. In fact only 24 neophyte women
had married gente de razon since 1769. Lasuen, in Arch. Sta Barbara, MS.,
163-6.

ii.

192.

21
Nava's decree, dated Oct. 22, 1791, at Chihuahua, and approved provisionally by the viceroy before Jan. 19, 1793. St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS.,
This decree has been often
i. 320-2, 341-2; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 27-8.
translated and referred to in legal reports, sometimes erroneously under the
date of March 22d. According to the Ordenanza de IidendenP's of 1786, the
royal intendentes had been intrusted with the distribution of royal lands;
but this order shows that the four leagues belonged to the pueblo and were
not included in the king's lands. Dwinelle's Colon. Hist. S. F., 34-5. In U. S.
Sup. Court Repts., 9 Wallace, 639, it is stated that the words 'the extent of
4 leagues measured from the centre of the plaza of the presidios in every
direction,' found in an order of Nava of June 21, 1791, and in other papers,
caused Los Angeles to claim before the land commission 16 square leagues


LAXJ> GRANTS.

Cll

Arrillaga reported
that any such grants were made.
to the viceroy in '1793 that no grants had been made
by his predecessors under the order of 1786, and that
on account of this failure to act, and because of the
ultimate right of the natives to the best sites
although he was constantly asked for ranchos and
believed that it would be well for the country to
grant them he would not act without further in22
structions.
Yet early in 1794 he reported that he
had permitted several persons to settle on the Rio de
Monterey from three to five leagues from the pre23
sidio, the permission being only provisional.
In
April 1795 Borica sent to the viceroy his views on
the subject.
He did not know why his predecessors
had failed to grant sites for cattle-raising, but he did
not favor such concessions.
It would be difficult to
tell what lands the missions really needed, since new
converts were constantly made.
Troubles between
the owners of ranchos and rancheria Indians would
lead to excesses and war; the animals of the settlers
would do injury to the food-supply of the gentiles;
the rancheros would be far removed from spiritual
care and from judicial supervision; and finally the
province had already live-stock enough, there being
no export. Borica therefore proposed that no ranchos
should be granted for the present, but that settlers
of good character be allowed to establish themselves
provisionally on the land asked for near a mission or
pueblo, to be granted them later if it should prove
best.
In fact several ranchos already existed under
those conditions. 24

4.
This would literally be 64 square leagues; but the original
measured from the centre of the plaza, 2 in each direction,' might like

instead of
'4

1.

the corresponding definition in the Recopilacion de Indicts be interpreted

naturally 16 square leagues.
It is a curious complication; but that an area
of 4 square leagues, either in square or rectangular form, was what was
intended, and in hundreds of cases actually surveyed for each Spanish pueblo,
there can be, I suppose, no doubt.
21
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 45-7. This report was sent back to Borica
for his opinion on Aug. 25, 1 704.
Arrillaga recognizes the four-league limit
even in the case of missions.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 132; xii. 189.
24
April 3, 1795, Borica to viceroy. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 39-41.

INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.

G12

There was certainly a degree of force in some of

Borica's arguments, though most of them were quite
as conclusive against his substitute for land-grants.

Indeed there

is

something mysterious about the

pref-

erence of successive governors for provisional permits

of occupation over the regular concessions authorized
by superior authority. I suspect that the preference
may have been largely on the part of the settlers themselves, who did not like to comply with the conditions
attached to a regular grant. There were some sixteen
ranches in the regions of Los Angeles and Monterey
thus provisionally held by some twenty men in 1795.
Two and doubtless more similar permissions were given
before the end of the decade. 25
In 1796 a part of
the land which Pages had allowed Nieto to occupy
was taken from him, on the claim of San Gabriel misIn 1797 the
sion that it was needed by the natives.
Rancho,
held
Encino
by Francisco Reyes, was taken
from him, and both land and buildings were approThis
priated by the new mission of San Fernando.
same year the Villa de Branciforte was founded, presumably on the plan of Pitic, though there is no positive information extant respecting the distribution of
lands in that famous town.
In 1798 Borica gave
some kind of a confirmation to the title of Verdugo
at San Rafael, but we know nothing of its nature.
The condition of land matters in California at the end
of the decade and century was then briefly as follows
There were eighteen missions and four presidios, each
without settlers, 26 but each intended to become a
pueblo, and each entitled to four square leagues of
land for distribution to settlers in house-lots and sowing-lands, or for other pueblo uses; three pueblos of
Spaniards already established, entitled like the pros25

tails.

See chapters xxx. and xxxi. for lists of the ranchos with additional deBorica, whatever may have been his real motives, opposed even the

provisional concessions in several instances.

26
It is noticeable, however, that some of the tracts occupied near Monterey under the provisional permits were probably within the limits of the
prospective presidio-pueblo, where there was no legal authority for granting
lands for stock-raising.

MANUFACTURES AND LABOR.

C13

pective ones to four leagues of land, though like them

as yet without fixed boundaries, inhabited by over
one hundred settlers, each of whom held about four
acres of land still subject to conditions and not to
be alienated or hypothecated; and finally twenty or
thirty men raising cattle on ranchos which they occupied temporarily by permission of the authorities,
without any legal title, though some of them or their
children subsequently became owners of the land.

Besides the missions and pueblos, conversion and

colonization, there are various institutions

and indus-

the province whose progress during this period

merit brief notice here; though in most respects that
progress was great only in comparison to that of other
epochs of California history. The order in which the
several topics are treated being a matter of no moment, I begin with that of manufactures and labor.
At the first occupation of Upper California some
Christian Indians from the peninsula; the only persons for many years who were honored with the name
of Californians, were brought north as servants of all
work in the new missions. The presidial companies
usually had a few smiths, armorers, and carpenters
whose services were available at times, as well for the
friars as for the soldiers; the soldiers themselves
were obliged to render assistance in building and
some other kinds of work. Gentiles were hired from
the first, especially on the Channel coast. After 1773
men were enlisted and paid as sailors to serve in California as laborers, and among the settlers at the
pueblos were persons of various trades, on which,
however' none seem to have depended for subsistThis was the condition of mechanical indusence.
try down to 1790.
Besides the repairs executed on
arms, implements, and articles of clothing, there
were rude attempts at tanning and various other
simple and necessary processes suggested by the
needs of the soldiers and ingenuity of the friars; but
tries of

G14

INDUSTRIES AXD INSTITUTIONS.

progress in this direction was slight and is but vaguely

recorded.
During the last decade of the century all the classes
of laborers mentioned continued to be employed, except
that no new natives were brought from Baja CaliNeophytes were -extensively hired from the
fornia.
friars for all kinds of presidio work, the mission and
not the Indian receiving the pay, and there were few
Spanish families without a native servant. This question of neophyte labor was, as wT e have seen, a fruitful source of misunderstanding between friars and
officers.
Gentiles wT ere also hired in lame numbers to
work both at presidios and pueblos, being paid chiefly
in grain, but also with blankets and other articles of
clothing.
Negotiations for laborers were made for
the most part with chiefs who contracted to supply
the required number.
It is not improbable that the
chiefs were already so far advanced in civilization as
to make a profit on the contracts.
Spanish regulations required kind treatment and fair compensation
to all Indian laborers, and any notable or habitual
abuses in this respect would in these early times have
largely cut off the supply.
The friars complained that
the gentiles earned so much grain and clothing that
one of their chief incentives to become Christians was
27
The sailor sirvientes, several of whom were
lost.
27
Nov. 10, 1791, Sergt. Ortega wanted men to build a house, etc., at San
Gabriel; but the padres refused to furnish any even for wages. Prov. St. Pap.

MS., x. 4, 5. The gentiles, though lazy, offer themselves to work for amenta
and daily rations of meat and boiled maize. The best are chosen, who take
their blankets-, lay down their arms, and go to work bringing building-materials. Sutil y Mex., Viage, 164-5.
Great care taken in employing Indians,
and a daily sum of money paid. Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 497. May 7, 1794,
governor to Sal, if padres want a gratuity for Indians above wages it must
be refused. At Sta Barbara they get 19 cents per day, and an ah mid of corn
per week. San Antonio Indians at the Rancho del Hey get a coton and mania
per month. Even if content with little they should be given all they deserve.
Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 147-8, 163. Dec. 1794, at San Diego Indians got one
Indians must be treated well
real and rations. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 7.
and work equally. Prov. Pec. MS., iv. 15, 16. April, 1790, Indian laborers
not to be obtained without governor's permission. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv.
176.
1796, Sal sends 30 blankets to San Jos6 with which to hire 30 Indians.
They will be treated well. Any capitanejo helping to get them maybe given
Travelling expenses paid. Later some invalids are sent to
a arnt[ficac'ton.
look after the 39; who were to be treated with alguna comiseracion. S. Jose,

ARTISANS FROM MEXICO.

615

furnished to each of the new missions, did not in many

instances give satisfaction.
There was also some difficulty about their wages being paid by the royal treasury, and they were all sent back to San Bias in 1795,
though sailors were subsequently allowed to remain in
California as workmen at the presidios and as settlers. 2S
In the promotion of manufactures, however, a decided effort was made in this decade, and with considerable success.
The plan adopted was to send skilled
artisans from Mexico under government pay to teach
their trades to neophytes and to white apprentices.
About twenty of these artisan instructors were sent
to California, chiefly in 1792 and 1795, a few of whom

remained permanently as

settlers,

but most retired on

the expiration of their contracts before 1800. 29

Wages paid to mission, not to Indians. Prov. St. Pap.,
1800, mission Indians get two reals per day, one in extra
food and one in cloth, or sometimes money from presidios. Private persons
pay in corn or meat. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ii. 119.
iS
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 103-4; xiii. G9, 123-4; xvi. 2; Prov. Pec, MS.,
iv. 232; v. 5.
The sailor sirvientes got $10 per month and 19 cents for rations.
Cue slave is mentioned during the decade. He was owned by Col. Alberni,
and was tried for robbery in 1798. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 102.
29
Their names were: Santiago Ruiz, Manuel D. Ruiz, Toribio Ruiz, SalvaArch., IMS.,

MS.,

xxi.

ii.

75.

158.

dor Rivera, Joaquin Rivera, and Pedro Alcantara, masons; Mariano Tapia,
potter; Cayetano Lopez, mill-maker; Jose" A. Ramirez and Salvador Vejar, carpenters; Miguel Sangraelor, tanner and shoemaker; Joaquin Avalos, tanner;
Mariano Tapinto and Joaquin Potello, tailors; Pedro Gonzalez Garcia, Jose"
Arrcya, and Jose F. Arriola, blacksmiths; Antonio Dom. Kcnriquez raid Mariano Jos6 Mendoza, weavers; Manuel Mufioz, listonero, ribbon-maker; Jose"
elc Los Reyes and Antonio Hernandez, saddlers.
One or two of these names
may have been those of settlers who had trades; anel one or two of convicts.
A few of the maestros got $1,000 per year, and the journeymen from $300 to
$300. The contracts were for four or live years.
Sept. 10, 1790, Pages specifics 51 mechanics needed, besides teachers, millers, anel a survoyor. St.' Pap.,
Sac, MS., xv. 13; St. Pap., Miss., MS., i. 82. 1790 and 1792, lists of trades
existing. Id., i. 93, 98, 101-2. Salvador Rivera, the stone-cutter, was at first
left at Xootka in 1791. St. Pap., Sac, MS., v. 95.
Four mechanics arrived
in Pec. 1791. Prov. St. Pap., Pen. Mil., MS., xv. 6. Viceroy says a carpenter
must teach his trade to at least 12 Indians in the four years. Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., x. 137. In 1791 tailor at Monterey did $135 worth of work for private
parties. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii. 3.
June 20, 1792, opinion of
the fiscal on the project, including provision for granting the artisans land and
making permanent settlers of them. The engineer Miguel Costans6 appears as
one of the advisers in the matter. St. Pap., Sac, MS., ix. G2-8. March 1793,
three artisans sent back as useless. Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 1G3.
visible progress made though the artisans work well. Prov. St.

Jan. 1794, no

Pap. MS.
,

xxi.

178-9. Of the value of work done by the artisans half goes to the treasury, one
third to apprentices, and one sixth to artisans. LI., xi. 158; Prov. Pec, MS.,
viii. 140.
April 29, 1795, V. R. wonders that though wages have been paid,
$10,000 is yet due the artisans. Id., iv. 227. July 19, 1795, new opinion of


INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.

616

At first the artisans were distributed

and
to

presidios, or in

another giving

in the missions

some cases

travelled from one place

instruction.
The friars were of

course pleased, for they thus received almost without

cost instructions for themselves

and their neophytes

which in the future must contribute largely to the

prosperity of their establishments.
But they were
deeply grieved when they found that the king's
mechanics were by no means disposed to regard themselves as mere mission servants to be utilized according
to the orders of the padres, and at the necessity of paying something for the work done by the artisans in
the course of their teaching. As usual they wanted
all the benefits of the enterprise and its management,
but pleaded poverty when payment was asked. The
government was not willing to do so much for the
missions, and after 1795 the friars were obliged to pay
for the work done, to pay the artisans' salaries, or to
send their neophytes to the presidios to be taught.
In many cases they refused to do either, and quite a
controversy ensued. But the difficulty settled itself
as the terms of contract expired, and before 1800 the
neophytes had acquired a stock of instruction which
30
it was thought would suffice for the mission needs.
on details. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 56-60. Aug. 24, 1795, B. says
has ordered work of artisans to cease at missions. Prov. Rec, MS., v. 61.
Pay began when artisans left Mexico. St. Pap., Sac, MS., vii. 41-3. Fifty
dollars advanced for travelling expenses.
The married ones to be given in
California a male and female Indian servant for each family, to be fed and eduDec. 4,
cated. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 202-4; Prov. Rec, MS., iv. 184.
1 795, fiscal's report, with details of contracts.
Id., xiii. 34-42. Jan. 1796, the
missions must be asked to support the new artisans expected. Prov. Pec MS.,
v. 78.
1796, effort to obtain white apprentices. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 53-4,
72-3; v. 249; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 16. July 1796, lands ordered granted
(in pueblos) to several artisans. Prov. Pec, MS., viii. 164.
1797, the basis of
pay was changed in later years, one eighth of the value of work done going to
the artisan, and seven eighths to the treasury. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 90-1 (and
many other references). See also for voluminous correspondence on this subject
chiefly on the names, salaries, engaging, distribution, arrival and departure of the artisans Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 41; xii. 192-3; xiii. 40-2, 52-3,
60, 107, 126-7; xiv. 6; xvi. 202,213; xvii. 40, 135; xxi. 36-7, 44, 73-4, 89-90,
229, 236. 238, 253, 280, 287; Id., Ben. MU., MS., xxi. 9; xxiii. 3; Id., Presidios, MS., ii. 4,5, 82-3; St. Pap., Sac, MS., ii. 9, 10; iv. 2, 62; vii. 47-9;
xvii. 8; Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 157; iv. 190, 210; v. 14; vi. 32, 35, 70; Arch.
Arzobispado, MS., i. 33.
30
Dec. 21, 1792, Lasuen to Arrillaga, some of the artisans show a tenthe

V.

fiscal

B,.

WEAVING AND TANNING.

617

Some white

apprentices were obtained and taught,

instances
though
were not wanting where parents
deemed it degrading to put their sons to a trade.
The results of all these efforts were that before
1800 rude looms were set up in many of the missions,
on which by Indian labor the wool of the country was
woven into blankets and coarse fabrics with which the
neophytes were clothed; 31 hides were tanned and made
into shoes, some of the coarser parts of saddles and
other leather goods being also manufactured, though
dency to act as officers rather than instructors. The tailors don't amount to much,
in fact tailors are not much needed in a country where each native is tailor for
himself. It is not well to send the natives to the presidios for instruction;
but it would be a good idea to let certain artisans travel from mission to mission. Arch. Arzoblspado, MS., i. 30-2.
1793-4, several San Carlos Indians
instructed in stone-cutting, bricklaying, etc. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 59.
Dec. 1705, Borica orders missions to send each four or five Indians to presidios.
They will be supported and will have a soldier to teach them religion. Prov.
Rec, MS., v. 235-6. July 28, 1796, Lasuen in a circular regrets the restrictions, but orders the padres to send the neophytes to the presidios, not however expecting any good results. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 138. Aug. 8,
1796, B. says to Lasuen seven eighths of products of work must go to treasury and one eighth to artisan. An Indian boy and girl must be supplied, as
servants, or appeal will be made to the viceroy. Prov. Rec, MS., vi. 1G6-7,
163-4. Dec. 20, 1796, V. R. says that the artisans are engaged to teach the
natives and not to serve at missions. The missions must pay. Arch. Sta.
Barbara, MS., ix. 167-8. April 26, 1797, Lasuen to V. R. protesting against
giving the artisans one eighth of the value of their work when the mission
furnishes all the material, and also against sending Indians to the presidios
as being subversive of all subordination. Id., ix. 169-72; Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
xv. 281-2. Nov. 12, 1798, B. has given a mission the free use of a smith and
carpenter for a year. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 226. Sept. 21, 1799, V. R. to gov.
and president, asking them to come to some conclusion how best to instruct
neophytes without risk to Christian duties. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ix. 173
4; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 339; Prov. Rec, MS.,viii. 193. Jan. 22, 1S00,
Lasuen to V. R., neophytes ought not to be sent to the presidios where they
are used as peons and often run away; still something may be effected by
sencling docile youth and requiring a strict watch over them. The objection
to the artisans coming to the missions, is the required payment for the articles
made by them which the mission cannot afford, especially after furnishing
servants and material, and as the objects made are not sold. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ix. 175-80.
31
For items about weaving see Prov. Rec, MS., ii. 162-6; iv. 98-9, 251,
300; v. 206. 245-7; vi. 3, 79, 81, 117, 230; ix. 5; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii.
24; xv. 67-8; xvi. 233, 261-2; xviii. 18, 19; xxi. 189; Id., Ben. Mil., xxv. 14;
St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 100; St. Pap., Sac, MS., vi. 103-5; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ii. 68, 96-7; ix. 1G8-9; Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 11-13.
No blankets
were brought from Mexico after 1797.
little cotton cloth was woven from
material brought from San Bias. The Indians had some natural skill at dyeing.
The ribbon-maker was found to be of no use. There wr as a proposition
in 1797 to make the learning of a trade obligatory.
Weaving was a failure
at Monterey.
Some hemp was used for neophytes' garments. P. Espi
wanted to establish a fulling-mill, but the governor disapproved the scheme.
The pueblos got none of the instructors, but some weaving was done there.

G18

INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.

'

not enough as yet to avoid importation from Mexico. 3 2

Soap was made of suitable quality and quantity to
supply home needs after 1798 33 coarse pottery was
produced at San Francisco and several other places; 34
;

and water-power flouring-mills were built at Santa

Cruz and San Luis Obispo, possibly also at San
Gabriel and San Jose, which with the tahonas worked
by horse or man power and the metates of the neophyte women, supplied the province with flour. 35
Some details of these different branches of manufactures will be found in local annals of the different
towns, missions, and presidios. 36
In the way of public improvements, repairs were
several times ordered to be made on the roads, especially at the crossings of streams where couriers were
liable to be delayed.
There were several supposed
discoveries of rich mineral deposits, including one of
quicksilver in the black mud at Santa Barbara in 1796.
In fact Father Salazar reported that the province was
supposed to be very rich in metals, which were not
developed for fear that foreigners would rush in, but
actual mining operations were confined to an occasional
trip after tequesquite, or saltpetre, and the extraction
of brea, or asphaltum, from the pitch- wells of the
Channel coast, used to some extent for roofing. 37
St. Pap., Ben., MS., i. 46-7; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 50, 220; Arch. Sta
Barbara, MS., ii. 72-3, 129. Some 2,000 hides were tanned at Santa Clara as
early as 1792, but very few of them could be sold.
At Sta Barbara the corporal of the guard was paid $150 per year to attend to the tanning.
Prov. Pre, MS., iv. S3, 48, 50, 95, 105, 303; v. 211; ix. 5; Prov. St.
Pap., MS., xvii. 110. About 81,000 worth of soap was required each j^ear.
There was a manufactory of this article at the rancho del rey in Monterey.
Si
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 25; xviii. 259; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 75; v. 8S;
Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ix. 313.
35
Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 162-3; iv. 177, 187-8, 224, 232, 253, 2S3; v. 50; vi. 6,
GS; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 59; Los Angeles Hid., 7. HalVs Hist. S.
Jose, 114.
30
See also general

communications on the progress of the various industries

between governor and viceroy in Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 67-S, 89-90, 117; St.
Pap., Miss, and Col., MS.,
79; Dept. St. Pap., S. Jose, MS., i. 40; St.
Pap., Mix*., MS., ii. 6.
37
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 107, 175; xxi. 176-7; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 57-8;
Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ii. 64-5. The only ship-building industry recorded
i s the building of a large boat by the sailors left by Capt. Dorr in 1796. Prov.
Pec, MS., vi. 79.
i'.

AGRICULTURE.

G19

Agricultural statistics are given elsewhere in chapters devoted to missions, pueblos, and to local progress; but it is well here to give the grand total of
production, which was on an average 56,000 bushels
of grain per year during the decade.
Of this yield
36,000 bushels were wheat; 11,700 bushels, corn;
5,400 bushels, barley; 1,800 bushels, beans; and 1,200
bushels, miscellaneous grains such as pease, lentils, etc.
Of other crops no statistical records were kept, though
each establishment had a vegetable garden, a fruitorchard, or a vineyard, most having all of these in
a prosperous condition supplying the wants of the
country.
There have been some interesting discussions in modern times respecting the dates at which
grapes, oranges, and other fruits were introduced in
California; but there are no records which can throw
light on the matter.
Many varieties of fruit, including probably grapes, were introduced from the peninsula by the earliest expeditions between 1769 and
1773; nearly all the varieties were in a flourishing
condition on a small scale before Junipero Serra's
death in 1784; and very few remained to be introduced
after 1800. 8
Borica gave and required his commandants to give
much personal attention to the advancement of agricultural interests, using various expedients of reward
and threat to accustom the settlers for there was
rarely any occasion to interfere with the friars and
their subjects
to habits of industry and to precautions against possible famine in years of drought.
:'

38

Information on these matters is very meagre and of a general nature.

Vallejo has heard from his father and others of the fundadores that vines
were brought up in 1709, and planted at San Diego. Vallejo, Doc. J'/iff. Cal.,
Palou, Vida de Junipero Serra, 199, 220, etc., mentions
., xxxvi. 288.
grapes, vegetal )les, fruits, etc., as flourishing in 1784.
Yield of Monterey
garden sufficient to pay foragardner in 1784. /Yew. St. Pap., MS., v. 54. La
i'urouse left the first potatoes in California in 1780.
There are some traditions of wild grapes found in the country near San Antonio, and improved by
cultivation. Gomez, Lo que sabe, MS., 105-0.
Fages' garden in 1783-91 with
203 fruit-trees, vines, etc. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 107. Vancouver names
m: my kinds of fruit raised in 1792. Wine manufactured in the southern
missions in 1797-8. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. C6, 70, 1798. The culture
of vines and olives must be encouraged. Prov. Ilec, MS., iv. ICG.

INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.

C20

Regular weather reports were insisted on, though veryfew of them have been preserved. 3d The hardest years
for the province were 1794 and 1795; but even in
those years the drought did not extend over all the
territory, so that more than half the average crop was
produced.
In 1793 the governor seconded by President Lasuen prohibited the kindling of fires by neophytes and gentiles which had in several instances
caused considerable damage in the grain-fields. 40 In
1795 owners of gardens were required to fence them,
or at least to make no complaints of ravages by cat41
tle.
The chief enterprise, however, of an agricultural nature in which the government took an interest was the attempt to introduce the cultivation of
The establishment of this industry
flax and hemp.
in the American colonies of Spain had been ordered
by the king in 1781, and the orders had been promulgated in California as elsewhere, without receiving
any practical attention; but in 1795 special orders and
a package of seed having been sent up to Monterey,
the experiment was undertaken in earnest by Borica's
directions, San Jose being selected as the spot and
Ignacio Vallejo as the superintendent, with the aid of
a soldier who knew something of flax-culture.
Some
details of the experiment will be found in connection
with the local history of San Jose for this period.
There were some failures of crops, and others resulting from inexperience in the various processes to
which the product was subjected; but several lots of
the staple sent to Mexico gave satisfaction, and in
1800 the prospects of the new industry were considered encouraging, and preparations were made to send
Joaquin Sanchez to superintend it in California. 42
39

Minor communications of the governor on agriculture. Prov. Rec, MS.,

52-3, 69-186; v. 63; vi. 67, 80; Dept. St. Pap. S. Jose ., MS., i. 52. Borica
offered a premium of $25 for the largest crop in 1796.
40
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 187-8; Id., Ben. Mil, xx. 5; Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 34; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., vi. 210-14.
41
Prov. Rec, MS., iv. 16, 17, 29, 33-4, 272, 293; Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
1

iv.

xiv. 77.
42

Nov.

13, 1781, royal orders

published by Neve. Prov,

St.

Pap., MS.,

STOCK-RAISING.

The companion industry

621

to agriculture,

favorite occupation of Californians from the

and the
first,

as

requiring less hard work than tilling the soil, was

stock-raising.
California had in 1800 in round numbers 187,000 animals in her herds and flocks: 74,000
cattle, 24,000 horses, 1,000 mules, and 88,000 sheep,
not to mention the comparatively few asses, goats,
and swine. Of the total number the missions had
153,000; the presidios 18,000; and the pueblos 16,000.
The increase had been uninterrupted from 1769 except
in the year 1794-5 when there was a slight decrease.

The

Monterey with branches at San

Francisco and San Diego furnished to the presidial
companies a very large part of the meat consumed
and nearly all the cavalry horses employed in the
king's rancho at

service, the proceeds of sales

on royal account varying

from $1,000 to $3,000 per year. The missionaries

always looked with much hostility on these establishments as depriving the missions of the best and almost
the only market for their produce but having founded
;

247-53.
1785, other orders of the audiencia published. Id., v. 250-1.
Sept. 13, 1785, Jos6" de Galvez to Fages on aiding the enterprise. St. Pap.
Sac, MS., iv. 35. Sept. G, 1793, viceroy orders flax-culture to be promoted
in all the missions. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 2G3-4.
Sept. 7th, guardian
also recommends the matter, saying that a wild flax is found on the California coast. Id., xii. 14, 15.
Aug. 13, 1794, two fanegas of hemp-seed sent
Instructions for hemp-culture. Instruments sent
to Lasuen. Id., xi. 267-8.
Jos6, MS.,i. 53-0;
1795. St. Pap., Sac, MS., xv. 15-17; Dept. St. Pap.,
Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 140. See chapter xxxii. for experiments at San Jose\
May 21, 1796, flax and hemp to be free of duty, and implements free from
taxes. Gacela de. Mex., viii. 95-8; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 194.
Dec. 19,
179G, Borica to V. It. 30 fanegas of seed harvested. Missions as a rule will not
be able to raise hemp. No success yet in working the material. St. Pap.,
Sac, MS., iv. 70. Hemp exported in 179G-7 of no use. Prov. Pec, MS., iv.
272.
1798, samples sent to Mexico and approved. Id.,vi. 103; viii. 189-90.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 272, 287. May 3, 1798, hemp sent to P. Viader
to try experiments in spinning. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 213.
1799, 25 arrobaa
of hemp sent to Mexico. Price $350. Prospects favorable. Prov. St. Pap.
MS., xviii. 83-4; xvii. 213. Culture must be introduced at Branciforte. Id.,
xvii. 314-15.
San Carlos using hemp for ordinary cloth for neophytes.
Prov. Pec, vi. 117. 1800, crops not good. Id., ix. 15; S. Jose Arch., MS.,
iii. 70.
Arrangements in Mexico to continue to encourage the new industry
and to send Joaquin Sanchez to California. S. Jos6, Arch., MS., v. 20; St.
Pap., Miss, ami Col., MS., i. 55-7; St. Pap., Sac, MS., ix. 102-4. By
these arrangements the memoria ships were to take flax and hemp in good
condition and pay for it in cash. Sanchez did not sail for California. Oucrra,
Doc Hist. Cat., MS., iii. 17G-9. Vague indications that cotton was also
iii.

&

tried.

Prov. Pec, MS.,

iv.

108;

vi.

209;

ix.

6.

INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.

C22

the ranches at a time when the missions had no livestock to sell, the government was not disposed to
abandon them later; and indeed it was claimed that
only by means of the ranch o del rey and of the fixed
tariffs of prices were the friars kept from maintaining
an oppressive monopoly. 43
In 1796-7 Borica made a special effort to promote
the raising of sheep in connection with the manufacture of cloth.
Statistical reports do not show that
the increase in the mission flocks was much greater
in those than other years, though it was uniformly
rapid; while in the pueblos, to which Borica gave his
attention more particularly, very little was accom44
plished.
The California!! cattle were very prolific,
and, under the early regulations forbidding the
slaughter of cows, multiplied with wonderful rapidity.
The pueblos were not allowed to let their large
stock increase beyond fifty head to each settler; the
rancheros had no very large herds before 1800; and
in the missions during the last decade efforts were
directed rather to restrict than encourage further
increase; yet in spite of all restrictions, and of the
ravages of bears, wolves, and Indians, and of the
constantly increasing slaughter for meat and tallow,
cattle were becoming too numerous for the needs of
43

Prov. St. Pap., MS. x. 91; xii. 30, 97; xvi. 92; xvii. 14-16; Id., Ben.
Mil., xiii. 1-7; xvii. 1; xviii. 4, 5; xxv. 2-4; Prov. Bee, MS., i. 208; iv. 10,
117, 134, 255-6, 273, 285; v. 64, 68, 85, 269; vi. 100, 104, 109; St. Pap., Miss.,
MS., i. 73-4; St. Pojj., Miss, and Col., MS., i. 08-78. See also chapters xxx.
and xxxii. for local items respecting the rancho del rey. 1795, cattle lost on
the road were charged to the consumption of the troops.
1790, 4,000 cattle
belonging to the real hacienda, from which many private persons were supThere seem to have
plied.
1795, each soldier might have two milch cows.
been some sheep on the rancho. After 1797 an account was made of the
hides, which before had been left to the soldiers.
44
Rancheros must keep
Efforts at Sta Barbara. Prov. Bee, MS., iv. 66.
sheep or live in the pueblos. Id., iv. 86. Introduced at Angeles, S. Jos6,
and San Francisco. Id., vi. 79. Every settler should have at least 11 sheep,
Breeding-sheep to be purfor which they may pay in grain. Id. iv. 147.
chased and sent to Monterey. Id., iv. 62. Six hundred and fourteen sheep
at 7 reals, wethers $2, received from San Piego. St. Pap., Sac, MS., vi. 6.
Wool at S. Gabriel 20 reals per arroba. Id. , vi. 6. Two hundred sheep distributed at Angeles August 1796. Id., vi. 1. Every settler at San Jose" must
keep 3 sheep for every larger animal. Dept. St. Pap., S. Jos4, MS., i. 73-4.
The breed at San Francisco was merino, and better than elsewhere. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., xv. 8,9.
,

HORSES AND MULES.

G23

Horses, not being used for food, nor

the country.
as yet stolen extensively by Indians, were largely in

demands

at four or five dollars each.

Mules at fifteen dollars were generally in demand,
comparatively few being yet raised. Tithes of all
live-stock except in the missions were branded each

excess of all

3^ear in

October or November and added to the rancho

del rey. 45
45

The
1791, mission stock should be reduced to prevent dispersion.
Indians eat too much meat. Missions not allowed to buy animals from the
troops. The raising of horses and mules should be promoted. Yearly slaughter
for meat ordered.
Fages to Romeu, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 150, 157, 170.
1792, no more fat to be shipped from San Bias, and 200 cows to be killed
each year. It is better to make monthly distributions of meat. Arrillaga, in
Id., xi. 37-8; Prov. Bee, MS., ii. 156.
Vancouver took some cattle away
for Botany Bay and the Sandwich Islands. Vancouver's Voy., ii. 99; Prov.
St. Pap., MS., xxi. 122.
Mules promise better.
1794, no market for horses.
Pueblo stock much exposed to Indians. Soldiers allowed only three or four
cows. King's stock not much affected by the removal of females. Adobe
houses built for soldiers guarding stock, in place of huts of hides. Arrillana,
Pa-pel de Puntes, MS., 189-91.
1795, rancheros have but little stock and it
must not increase. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 269, 219, 224-5. 1796, wild
beasts troublesome, preventing the increase of tithes.
A lion attacked a corporal, soldier, and Indian woman at Rancheria Nueva. Prov. Pec., MS., ix.
6, iv. 63.
1797, no settler to have over 50 head of large stock, for each of
which three head of small stock must be kept. Id., iv. 204, 284; Dept. St.
Pap., S. Jos6, MS., i. 73-4. Two reals to be paid on each head of cattle
killed. S. Jose', Arch., MS., v. 31.
Tithe cattle to be branded with royal
rancho brand applied crosswise to prevent confusion. Id., v. 31. Over 12,000
horses on the Monterey ranchos in 1800 (evidently an error). Arrillaga, Estado
de 1800-1, MS., in Bandini, Doc. Ilist. Col., 3, 4.

CHAPTER XXIX.
INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.
1791-1800.

Trade

of the Transports Otter-skins Projects of Marquez, Mamaneli, Inciarte, Ponce, Mendez, and Ovineta Provincial
Commissary Complicated
Finances Habilitados Factor and

Commerce

Accounts Supplies and Revenues Taxes Tobacco Monopoly

Tithes Military Force and Distribution Civil Government
Ppoposed Separation of the Californias Administration of Justice A Cause Celebre Execution of Rosas Official Care of
Morals Use of Liquors Gambling Education Borica's Efforts
The First Schools and School-masters.

California had as yet no commerce. Not a tradingvessel proper touched on the coast before 1800, though
there had been some liutle exchange of goods for meat
and vegetables on several occasions between the Californians and such vessels as arrived for purposes other
than commercial. " It is sad to not see a single shipowner on the Pacific coast," wrote Costanso in 1794;
no trade in the South Sea, and therefore no revenue,
a lack of population, and great expense to the crown.
The Cadiz merchants from mistaken motives stifled
grand commerce
the coast trade in its infancy.
might be developed, affording California colonists a

market

for their products, including fish

and salted

meats.
The Spanish laws strictly forbade all trade
not only with foreign vessels and for foreign goods,
but with Spanish vessels and for Spanish- American
goods except the regular transports and articles
brought by them. At first the transports were forbidden to bring other goods than those included in
the regular invoices to the habilitados, and great pre1

Costansd, Itforme de 1794,

MS.
(G21)

TRADE WITH THE TRANSPORTS.

625

cautions were insisted on to prevent smuggling by

After 1785, however,
friars, soldiers, and sailors.
trade was free on the transports except that from
1790 to 1794 one half the regular rates of duties must
be paid, and that at no time could foreign goods be
The methods of conducting this trafintroduced.
fic are not clearly indicated, but apparently the officers and even sailors of the transports brought up
from San Bias on private speculation such articles as
they could barter with the soldiers. In the absence
of money this trade could not have assumed large proportions; but the soldiers formed the habit of exchanging the regularly furnished goods needed by their families for liquors, bright-colored cloths, and worthless
trinkets.
To prevent this the governor sometimes
deTayed opening the regular supplies till after the vessel had departed.
The supply-ships continued during
this decade as before to take an occasional small quantity of salt or salt meat to San Bias, besides receiving
the needed supplies for their return trips.
The importation of mission produce from Lower California
was allowed, but naturally little was done in this
direction, though one or two lots of brandy, figs, and
raisins for the friars were sent up overland. 2
2

Feb. 26, 1701, Fages disapproves the free trade with San Bias because
the soldiers sacrifice useful articles in barter for luxuries and liquor. Pa pel
de Puntos, MS., 158-9.
17C3, the viceroy thinks no branch of commerce ia
likely to succeed unless it may be the shipment of grain to San Bias. Revllla
Gigedo, Carta de 1703, MS.
1794, Gov. allows importation from Baja California, except of mescal and other liquors. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 110-11.
Nov. 1704, publication of the king's renewal of license (of Feb. 18, 1794), for
free trade with San Bias for 10 years. Id., xi. 180-7; xii. 9, 10, 177-8.
Mc.y
27, 1795, V. R. has learned that the habilitados have paid the half duties on
San Bias imports down to Nov. 21, 1794. This would indicate perhaps that
this duty was paid on the regular memorias, as well as on extra goods. LI.,
xiii. 91-2; xii. 135.
June 8, 1795, all foreign goods except such as are included in the regular invoices of the habilitado general are to be confiscated
by V. R.'s order. Id., xiii. 208; Prov. Uec, MS., vi. 47; 8. Jose, Arch.,
MS., iv. 31. July 7, 1795, Perez Fernandez of San Francisco wants instructions how to carry out this order. St. Pap., Sac, MS., i. 21-2.
179G, royal
order not to admit goods from foreign vessels. Prov. Pec, MS., viii. 1G5.
Aug. 17, 179G, V. R. transmits royal order of May 5th approving certain
restrictions imposed on the leaving of cloth, etc., in payment for supplies by
captains Moore and Locke.
English cunning and pretexts for trade must
be watched. St. Pap., Sac, MS., v. 30-1. 1798-9, brandy, figs, and raisina
sent up from Baja California. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 21G, 238.
Hist. Cal., Vol.

I.

4U

C23

INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.

Within the

limits of California trade consisted in

the delivery of goods from the presidio warehouse to

the soldiers for their pay and rations and to the settlers in payment for grain and other supplies, the habilitados being required to purchase home productions
rather than to order from Mexico.
Money was paid
but rarely, but goods were delivered at cost. For
the benefit of the pueblos Borica urged not only the
exportation of grain that the settlers might have a
market, but the sending by the government of special
invoices of goods to be sold to them at a small advance
on cost, in order that they might not be compelled to
purchase inferior articles at exorbitant prices from the
San Bias vessels. 3 The missions also sold supplies to
the presidios, and sometimes received goods in payment; but they preferred as a rule to keep an open
account which was settled once a }^ear by a draft of
the habilitado on Mexico, with which special invoices
of articles needed by the friars for themselves or their
neophytes or their churches were purchased and sent
to California free of all duties.

The

friars still sent

a few otter-skins to Mexico, and an occasional cargo

of tallow found a market at San Bias. 4
3
1794, orders to try all possible home products, paying in goods at cost.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 103-4; xii. 91, 99; xiv. 76-7; Prov. Pec, MS., ii.
127-8; iv. 118.
1796, care must be taken to prevent the settlers selling too
much of their grain, and keeping none for seed. S. Jose, Arch., MS., ii. 73-4.
Correspondence between governor, viceroy, and habilitado general about the
The matter was
project of special invoices of goods for the pueblo trade.
taken under consideration. St. Pap., Sac, MS., ix. 18-29; Prov. Pec, MS.,
vi. 7, 103-4.
The settlers were disposed to cheat the government by selling
damp flour. S. Jose, Arch., MS., vi. 46.
4
The only communication which I find respecting the fur-trade in this
decade is a somewhat remarkable circular of President Lasuen dated July 22,
1791, in Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ix. 314-15, 317, in which he says that
advices from Mexico promise better prices for otter-skins, which may thereThey can be sent to the Mission sindico so packed and
fore be accumulated.
mixed with other goods that the contents of the packages may not be apparent; but the guardian or procurador should be notified as to the details of
marks, etc.! Lasuen in the same circular, Id., ix. 315-16, says that too
much tallow has been sent to San Bias and the price is lower; therefore the
remainder may be disposed of to private persons. 1794, the guardian gives
the bad quality of the tallow as the reason why the ships have refused it.
'j hey will take
500 or 600 arrobas yearly at $2. 50 if well prepared. He sends
directions for preparing it. Doc Hist. CaL, MS., iv. 51-2; Arch. Sta B&rSalazar complains that pueblos have the
bura, MS., xi. 258, 264-7, 271-3.
preference as sellers, and also of the long time that the missions have to wait.

COMMERCIAL PROJECTS.

627

In 1793 the king granted to Roman Marquez of

the Comercio cle Indias license to make an experimental trading voyage from Cadiz to San Bias and
California, with the privilege of introducing Spanish
goods free of all duties, though foreign goods must
pay seven per cent. Californian products exchanged
for these goods might also be exported free of duties.
Due notice was forwarded to the viceroy, and by him
to Borica and Lasuen, who notified friars and commandants to be ready for the expected commercial
visitor.
It was announced in November 1794 that
the vessel, the Levante, had actually sailed.
year
later came the notice that as Marquez had failed to
carry out his enterprise it would be undertaken by
Ignacio Inciarte.
Here the matter seems to have
dropped out of view. 5 Meanwhile the king and viceroy in 1794-5 approved the petition of Nicolas Mamaneli who proposed to make a trading voyage from
California and return; but nothing more is heard of
the scheme. 6 Permission was also granted to Antonio
Ponce to build a schooner and open a trade between
San Bias and California. 7
I have alluded to Borica's recommendation in favor
of the sending of special invoices by the government
for pueblo trade.
In May 1797 the habilitado gen-

made

a long report in favor of the project, explaining that nothing but a market for produce could
arouse Californian industries from stagnation to prosperity; enumerating the facilities for a profitable
exportation of furs, hides, fish, grain, flax, oil, and
wine, and especially sardines, herring, and salmon, and
insisting that the government must take the initiative
in opening this provincial commerce, since the proseral

Condicion Actual de Col., MS., 71-3. 1799, contracts not to be made with
Mission majordomos without consent of padre. S. Jos6, Arch., MS., vi. 40.
5
Viceroy's communication of April 2, 1794, enclosing royal order of Oct.
1, 1793, and other papers. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 1G8, J8S-9; xii. 21-2;
Prcv. Pec, MS., iv. 11G-17, 119, 140; Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 40; Cedulario,
6
7

MS.,

i.

249.

Feb. 28, 1795, viceroy to governor, in Prov.

Nutva Espaua, Acuerdos, MS., 92-3.

St.

Pap., MS.,

xiii, 12.

628

INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.

pects at the first were not sufficiently flattering to

attract private companies.
He urged the sending of
an experimental invoice of $6,000, and gave many
details respecting the management of the business.
Here so far as the records show the matter ended
without practical benefit to Los Angeles and San Jose. 8
Two other commercial schemes in behalf of California
were devised in 1800 and were still in abeyance at
the end of this decade.
Juan Ignacio Menclez, who
had brought some goods to California for sale on the
supply-ship in 1798 and had worked in the country
as a carpenter, asked for a license to export California
productions on private account by the same vessels.
Juan Bautista Ovineta asked for the approval of a
contract which he had made with the settlers of San
Jose and Branciforte for one thousand fanegas of
wheat each year at two dollars and a half a fanega.
The viceroy and fiscal were disposed to favor both
9
projects, but called on the governor for his opinion.
s
Cdrcaba, Informe del Ilabilitado General sobre la remision de memorias de
Efectos para los Pueblos de California, 1797, MS.
9
Oct. 3, 1800, viceroy to governor, on the Mendez proposition. St. Pap.,
Sac., MS., ix. 104-0.
Dec. IS, 1800, fiscal to V. R., on Ovineta's contract.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 72-5. Viceroy Azanza in his Ynstruccion, MS.,
91-2, speaks of a proposal of Tcpic merchants to supply California with merchandise.
On prices I append the following items Feb. 20, 1791, Fages suggests a reduction in some of the tariff prices for grain and meat. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., x. 15G-7. Prices at Sta Barbara and S. Buenaventura, 1794 to
Sept. 22,
1821. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., vii. 44-66, 80-111; ix. 48,5-7.
1795, Borica gives a list of articles which could be advantageously sold in
California, including hats costing $22 and selling at 30 per dozen; stockings,
'9-812 per dozen; handkerchiefs, 81 3-$l 8 per dozen; gold lace, $2S-$50 per
pound; chocolate. 1.75 reales to 3.5 reales per pound. Prov. St. Pap., Ben.
Mil., MS., xxii. 2.
1796, cojhiiUos, saddle-pads, 50 cents a pair. Prov. Roc,
MS., vi. 160. Wheat, $3 per fanega. D<pt. St. Pap., S. Josd, MS., i. 69.
Freight on grain from Angeles to Sta Barbara 7 reals. Prov. Pec, MS., iv.
82-3.
1797, wool IS reals per arroba (9 cents per pound). Id., iv. 91; 83
at Monterey. Dept. St. Pap., S. Jose, MS., i. 7S; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 214.
Lambs offered, 7 reals; asked by padres, |>1. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 86.
Bulls, 84. Id., xvii 103. Calves,
1798, tiles 820 per thousand. Id., xvii. 97.
1799, blankets $4.50; brandy,
84; cows, $5. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 102, 105.
$1. 07 per cuartillo; figs, 30 cents per pound; olive-oil, 40 cents per pound.
Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 110; vi. 233. Chickens, 50 cents per dozen. S. Josi,
Arch., MS., vi. 41. June 26, 1799, Borica favors reduction in price of horses
from $9 to $7; mares, $4 to $3; and colts, $5 to $3.50. Other tariff prices fair
enough. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 126-7. Soap, 15 cakes for $1. Tithe wheat
may be sold for 13 reals for cash or on 4 months' time. S. Jose, Arch., MS., vi.
:

48, 41.

PROVINCIAL FINANCE.

629

The matters

of provincial finance, presidial supplies,

and habilitado's accounts are closely allied to that of
commerce, since the distribution of supplies constituted for the most part the traffic of the country.
There were no radical changes in the system of finanEach year an
cial management during this decade.
appropriation from the royal treasury was made in
Mexico to cover all Californian expenses, according to
the pay-roll of officers, soldiers, artisans, and settlers.

Before 1796 it was about 64,000; subsequently by

reason of the reinforcements of Catalan volunteers
and artillerymen, of artisan instructors, and of the
settlers of Branciforte, the amount was raised to about
10
Each year in March or April a list was
$81, 000.
sent from California of all the articles which would
be needed for the following year and which could not
be purchased in the province. From the appropriation was deducted the amount of drafts on Mexico
with which supplies obtained in California had been
paid for, and also the amount of various royal revenues
retained in California and represented by drafts.
Then there was added the amount of supplies furnished
in California to vessels or by due authority to native
laborers, or otherwise properly disposed of.
Finally,
the memorias of needed articles were purchased at
Mexico and San Bias and shipped regularly to the
The accounts of each presidial company and
north.
of the volunteers and artillery were kept separate, and
there was usually a balance of a few hundred or a few
thousand dollars for or against each company, according as the memorias were less or greater than the net
appropriation.
The habilitados were not allowed to
include in their lists articles of luxury.
Some coin
was sent with each invoice, enough to pay the salaries
10
For separate presidial accounts see chapters xxx.-xxxii. The following
references are somewhat general in their nature, embracing accounts and fragments relating to all the presidios: St. Pap., Sac, MS., i. 47-8; ii. 35, 38; vi.
115; ix. 48, 5S-G0, 74-G; xv. 10-12; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiv. 8;
xix. 5, 7-9; xxvi. 5; xxvii. 5, G; xxviii. 21-2; Prov. Bee, MS., ii. 1G0; v. G, 7,
10; vi. 120-1; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 35-43; Prov. St. Pap., Presidios,
MS., ii. 7G-88.

INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.

630

of the governor and one or two other officers, with a

small amount for the soldiers.
There was at one time
an order that all balances due the companies be sent
in coin, but I find no evidence that anything of the
kind was ever done. 11
Until 1791 the purchase of supplies and general
management of California business in Mexico was in
the hands of a factor, Pedro Ignacio Arlztegui being
the last to hold that position, preceded by Ramon
Manuel de Goya from 1776, and his place taken by
Jose Avila from 1785 for several years.
Francisco
Hijosa as commissary attended to the business at
11
From the voluminous correspondence on the topics treated in this and
the next paragraph I present the following items: 1790, fall details on
forms of accounts. Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 2S9-99, 305. Viceroy's orders

for reports, etc., to aid Romeu in his investigation of presidial accounts. Id.,
ix. 313-19.
Sept. 26, 1790, Revilla Gigedo's letter to court recommending the
appointment of Carcaba as habilitado general, and explaining the desirability of the new office. Estuddlo, Doc. Hist. Cat., MS., i. 8, 9. May 14, 1791,
royal order creating the office. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxv. 2. Oct.
3, 1791, viceroy communicates royal approval of Carcaba's appointment to
governor. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 136-7. Sept. 20th, habilitado's deficits
to be charged to the company pro rata, and he is to live on 25 cts per day under
arrest, his property also being sold. Id. x. 70.
Some clerical fees had to be
paid from California on statements of account. Id., xii. 105. Damaged effects
charged to the factor; expenses to company. Prov. Bee, MS., ii. 158, Jan.
Sending of supplies suspended until accounts are cleared up. Prov.
4, 1793.
St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xx. 4. Jan. 23, 1794, habilitado general, his appointment, accounts, etc. Nueva Espana, Acuerdos, MS., 40-3. May 12th, gov.
complains to V. R. of lack of system in the accounts. Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
xxi. 138-40.
1794, Col. Alberni was refused 50 arrobas of flour, because it
could be bought in California. St. Pap., Sac, MS., ix. 41-2. Articles of luxury not to be included in memorias. Balances in coin, one fourth in small
change. Prov. Pec., MS., iv. 124-5; Prov. St, Pap., MS., xii. 182-3. Dec.
1795, 10 per cent advance to be charged on goods distributed to Indians. Id.
The habilitados had to send with their memorias an account of the condition
of arms, dress, and other kinds of property. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 91.
Jan. 1, 1795, Borica to Carcaba, complaining of the inefficiency of his officers
especially as habilitados.
Grajera is named as an exception. Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., xxi. 213-14. April, $6,000 in silver coin sent to California. Prov. St.
Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxi. 10. Report of Feb. 19, 1795, on the accounts of
the expedition of 1769-74. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 5-9. Habilitado gen,

of the California Indians. Prov. Pec,

the signature of commandant and
1797,
alferez besides that of the habilitado. St. Pap. Sac, MS., vii. 40.
precautions against counterfeit money, with indications that some of it was
eral considered as agent

MS.,

vi. 2.

and apoderado

Company accounts must bear

in circulation in California. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 154; vi. 78; Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., xvi. 245. March 19, 1797, Borica asks for a release of habilitados from
some duties, and the appointment of administrators. Prov. Pec, MS., vi.
83-4.
Gov. still at work on the accounts of 1781-92. Id. Carcaba succeeded
by Columna, Guerra, Doc. Hid. Gal., MS., iii. 168-9: Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
Arrears of pay at San
xvii. 209, 322-3; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 112; viii. 224.

Diego. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 34, 60-3.

HABILITADOS.

631

1795 and perhaps throughout the

In 1791 Manuel Carcaba, at the recommendecade.
dation af Revilla Gigedo, was put in possession of the
newly created office of habilitado general with the
rank of captain and the pay of $1,200 a year. He
was to devote his whole attention to California busiThe office was to
ness as the factor had not done.
be elective; and in 1799, Carcaba obtaining leave of
absence, Eucario Antonio Columna was appointed to
succeed him ad interim in May, and the choice was
duly ratified by the presidial companies in August
and September. It is not certain that Columna ever
took possession of the office, there being some indicaThrough
tions that Carcaba held it again in 1802.
want of skill on the part of the habilitados the acDeficits during this
counts were always in confusion.
decade are noticed in local chapters. In 1793 the
forwarding of supplies was once suspended till the
In 1795 the final orders
accounts could be adjusted.
were issued for settling the old accounts of the first
expeditions of 1769-74. Many of the soldiers were now
dead and their descendants scattered. Whenever the
sum due was large, the heirs were to be sought;
otherwise the money was to be spent in masses for
the souls of the dead pioneers. In 1797 Borica in the
north and Arrillaora at Loreto were still at w ork on
There had been
the accounts of the past decade.
$12,000 due the presidio of Santa Bdrbara in 1792,
and in 1801 the governor expressed doubts whether
a settlement w^ould ever be reached. Truly there was
little inducement to the soldiers to live economically
and to leave large balances in the hands of the government.
The procuradores at San Fernando college,
charged with, the transaction of business for the California missions, were Jose Murguia and Tomds de la
Peha, whose duties were simply to collect the friars'
stipends and drafts sent from California, and with the
proceeds to purchase supplies for shipment according to the orders received.
Of the pious fund, source

San Bias

until

INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.

632

of the stipends, nothing in particular is known pertaining directly to this epoch but Revilla Gigedo in his report of 1793 represents the fund as rapidly running to
decay, and predicts that the royal treasury will have
12
to make new sacrifices in behalf of the missions.
The Californians were free from alcabalas, or excise
tax, on articles bought and sold for five years from
1787 to 1792, and again for ten years from 1794.
From 1792 to 1794 one half the regular tax of six
per cent was paid, but statistics are insufficient to
show the revenue from this source, which was very
small.
There was also a tribute of one fanega of
corn per year paid by the settlers, which yielded to
the king something over $100. 13 From $100 to $200
a year resulted from the sale of papal indulgences, an
ecclesiastical revenue, but managed by the treasury
;

14

Another

revenue belonging
to the bishop of Sonora, but by him sold to the royal
treasury, was that of diezmos, or tithes.
This tax of
ten per cent on all products must be paid by settlers
after five years .and by the rancho del rey, only
The treasury gained
the missions being exempt.
five per cent by the purchase from the bishop, the
habilitados received ten per cent of gross receipts for
collection, and it was customary to sell the tithes for
a year in advance at auction whenever a purchaser
could be found, the price being the probable proceeds,
and the purchaser making his profit by a more careful
This tax
collection than the officials would enforce.
was collected in kind for grain and even for live-stock
when the animals could be used at the presidios. The
net proceeds, paid by drafts into the branch treasury
at Rosario, or at Guadalajara after 1795, were over
officials.

$1,200.
12

ecclesiastical

15

Revilla Gigedo, Carta de 1703, MS., 18, 19.

Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 178; xi. 8, 9; Id., Ben. Mil., xviii. 6, 7; xxv.
Tributes paid at Monterey in 1793, were
6, 7; S. Jose Arch., MS., iii. 21.
In 1797, 24 men paid $97. Alcabalas at Monterey in
12, and in 1794, $22.
1793-4, $236.
14
See chapter xxvii. ; also local items in chapters xxx.-xxxii. this volume.
15
1794, tithes paid into real caja de Rosario. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii.
13

REVENUES.

G33

The

largest item of royal revenue in California, as

in all other Spanish provinces where no rich mines
were worked, was that produced by the sale of tobac-

always monopolized by the government. The net

product of cigars, cigaritos, and snuff, little or no
tobacco being used for chewing or smoked in pipes,
was not less than 6,000 a year on an average. 18
Postal revenue amounted to about $700 a year, the
co,

habilitados serving as post-masters at their respective

presidios, and receiving eight per cent of gross re17
ceipts as a compensation for their services.
The management of all branches of the revenue was
Sta Barbara tithes for 1794 were 8328. The governor authorizes the
to sell them for two years at 400. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 9, 10,
Capt. Ortega bid $200 (per year) on condition that the presidio purchase
20.
grain and cattle at tariff prices. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 173-4. Oct. 1795,
tithes and quicksilver revenue of California transferred to Guadalajara. Id.,
xiii. 44-5; xiv. 5; Prov. Rec, MS., iv. 143; St. Pap., Sac, MS., xvii. 2.
1790, items showing that the tithes on live-stock, when paid in money or
grain, were from 10 to 25 cents per head, or for mules 50 cents. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., xvi. 178, 244; Id., Presidios, i. 8; S. Jos6 Arch., MS., v. 29.
Habilitados allowed 10 per cent. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 178. No offers
to rent the tithes of Sta Barbara in 1799. Prov. Rec, MS., iv. 109. Jan. 22,
1800, Sal to comisionado of San Jose", urging him in no gentle terms to hasten
the branding. Excommunication is the penalty for failure to pay tithes. S.
Jose, Arch., MS., iii. 57.
Twenty-five ewes claimed out of every thousand
killed. St. Pap. Mis. and Colon, MS., i. 38.
Tithe cattle sold at $1.25 each.
S. Jose, Arch., MS., iii. 66.
10
Product in 1789, $6,019. Consumption in 1790, 7,751 pekgs. cigars,
71,323 pekgs. cigaritos, and 13 lbs. of snuff. St. Pap., Sac, MS., iii. 3, 5, 7.
Revenue in 1793, $4,018. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 183; xxi. 136. In 1796,
$7,918. Prov. St. Pap., Presidios, MS., ii. 89-90. In 1800, $7,981. Prov. St.
Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxviii. 8. The habilitados received 5 per cent on
gross sales, and the habilitado of Monterey as administrator got $545 a year.
135.

commandant

Id., xxvii. 8.
17

In the numerous communications in the archives respecting the manageof the mails during this decade there is very little matter of interest or
value.
1790, $250 paid for a special express from Nootka. Prov. St. Pap.,
Ben. Mil., MS., xix. 10. 1792, couriers to leave San Francisco on 1st of
each month. Prov. Rec, MS., ii. 152. 1793, a courier sent from Monterey
Nov. 16th, arrived at San Diego Nov. 23d, and at Loreto Dec. 7th. The day
and hour of arrival and departure at each mission are given. The stay at
each station was generally an hour. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 77-80. In
1794 a change was made in route, mails going via Chihuahua and Buenavista
instead of Alamos and Guadalajara. Prov. Rec, MS., vi. 25; viii. 145-6;
Pr(,v. St. Pap., MS., xi. 194.
English letters taken from the bags and sent
to Mexico in 1794-5. Prov. Rec, MS., iv. 9, 121; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii.
134; xiii. 175.
1795, mails leave Monterey on 3d of each month for south.
Prov. Rec, MS., v. 304. Net proceeds in 1790-7 were $758. Prov. Si. Pap.,
Ben. Mil, MS., xxv. 14. New mail-bags in 1797. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi.
193.
Administrators of P. 0. got 8 per cent. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil.,
MS., xxviii. 14. Vessel carrying the mail across the gulf lost in 1800. Prov,
St. Pap., MS., xviii. 80.

ment

INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.

C34

in the

hands of the habilitados

for their respective

Monterey
for transmission to Mexico; until in 1799 Hermenegildo Sal, as habilitado of Monterey, was formally
jurisdictions, the accounts being sent to

appointed administrator general of

revenues for New California. 18

ro}~al

exchequer

The

military force maintained in California during

this decade was 280 men of the presidial companies,
besides governor and surgeon, and 90 Catalan volunteers and artillerymen after 1796.
There were 12
commissioned officers, 35 non-commissioned officers,
260 private soldiers, 60 pensioners, and four or five
mechanics.
Grades and salaries I append in a note. 10
In 1799 an effort was made by the officers, supported
by the governor, to obtain an increase of pay to the
extent of 150 per year.
It was claimed that the
sum received was insufficient to supply food and clothing to the officer's family, his children going barefoot
and in rags, while his wife had to take in washing and
sewing.
No immediate result is recorded. With
their pay the cavalry soldiers must buy food, clothing,
arms, and horses; but the latter were taken back and
18

Nov. 7, 1709, Sal declared administrator. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 176;
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 285, 315. 1795, tobacco accounts sent to habilitado of Monterey, as also cattle accounts; tithes to Rosario; mail accounts to
administrator general at Mexico; bulas to the respective branch of the treasury. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 26; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 133.
iy
Salaries paid were as follows: governor (lieut. -col.), $4,000; captain Cat.
vol., $S40; alferez or sub. -lieut., 8400; alferez Cat. vol., $384; sergeant, 8262.50;
sergeant artillery, $240; sergeant Cat. vol., 8192; soldiers, 8217.50; soldiers
Cat. vol., 8132; soldiers artillery, $180; invalid alferez, $200; invalid corporal,
$96; surgeon, 8840; lieutenant, 8550; lieutenant Cat. vol., $480; bleeder, 8360;
corporal, 8225; corporal artillery, 8-04; corporal Cat. vol., 8156; mechanics,
$180; drummer Cat. vol., $144; armorer, 8217; invalid sergeant, 8120; invalid
soldier, $90.
Nov. 5, 1792, Arrillaga to viceroy, urging a provision for sending the soldiers' pay in advance, as was done in some other presidios, though
contrary to the reglanicnto.
The delays, especially in fitting out new recruits and in paying off soldiers whose term had expired, caused great hardship. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 80-4.
Oct. 2, 1793, viceroy orders two payments in advance to lieutenants Grajera and Parrilla for travelling expenses.
St. Pap., Sac, MS., ix. 71.
1797, sailors employed in defensive dut}' get
25 cents per day. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 256.
1799, correspondence between commandants, governor, and viceroy respecting an increase of pay for
the presidial officers. St. Pap., Sac, MS., i. 123-4; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 113;
vi. 120-1.

MILITARY FORCE.

G35

The Catalan
credited at the expiration of the terra.
volunteers received less pay, and had no horses to
buy.
For them and for the artillerymen separate invoices of effects were sent from Mexico, to the amount
This infantry company
of about $15,000 per year.
was not deemed a very useful addition to the forces
of the country, and it was hoped that most of the
members at the expiration of their term might be
induced either to reenlist in the cuera companies or
remain in the country as settlers. 20
I explain elsewhere the military and presidio system.
Here it is my purpose to note briefly the condition of military affairs and the slight modifications
that occurred during the decade.
The regular term
21
of enlistment was ten years, but at least eighteen
years' service was required for retirement as an invalid on half-pay pension, and the pensioners were
often retained a long time in the service for want of
recruits to fill their places.
From the pay of each
20
The compafiia de voluntaries de Catalufia was also called the compania
de fusileros de montaiia. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 18G. Dec. 1795, the petition of the volunteers for travelling expenses denied. Prov. Pec, MS., viii.
June 1797, volunteers may
158; Si. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 3G3.
enlist in the companies on expiration of their term, but not before, and enjoy
the advantages of their previous services. They were encouraged to marry
christianized natives as a means of retaining them in the country. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., xv. 252-3; Prov. Pec, MS., viii. 175. July 1, 1796, Alberni
argues that the volunteers desiring to become settlers should receive double
allowances, on account of their 15 or 20 years of service and because it is hard
for an old soldier to bend his body to the axe, hoe, and plow. St. Pap. Miss,
and Colon., MS., i. 3G8-9, 379. March 1799, Borica favors an increase of
cavalry in place of infantry. Prov. Rec, MS., vi. 121-2. Aug. 1799, B. says
the artillery-men live at the batteries and alternate with the infantrymen in
their duties.
When free they promenade about the presidios. No com,

plaints of injustice heard. Id., vi. 128.

21
There are no records that any recruits were obtained from abroad during this decade certainly there were but very few; neither do the archives
show how many recruits were obtained in California to keep the companies
full ; but many of the young men chose a military career.
There was no
bounty paid. Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 192-3; Vallejo, Doc Hist. Col. MS.,
xv. 3-GG, G9, 72, 85, 92.
Jan. 15, 1794, governor says he found many useless
men at the presidios and tried to promote recruiting so as to fill the vacancies
with good men. Prov. St. Pep., MS., xxi. 132. March, 1795, Gov. orders
commandant of Fronteras to enlist 15 or 20 young men. Prov. Pec MS., v. 310.
Dec. 1797, corporal sent to Angeles to recruit G youths so that as many invalids
may be released. Id., v. 2G1; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 184. June 1799, Sal
wants a healthy robust man from San Jos6 to fill a vacancy. Not a widow's
son. S. Jose", Arch., MS., vi. 47.

INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.

636

was kept baek a certain sum constituting the

fondo de reteneion, to be paid him on his discharge.
This was fifty dollars till 1797, when it was raised to
one hundred dollars, to be made up in four annual
soldier

retentions.

22

In military discipline there was nothing notable at

23
this time.
In 1793 the governor recommended that
San Francisco, Santa Barbara, and San Diego be
commanded by captains who should have nothing to
do with the presidial accounts, 24 but the suggestion
was not followed, though several of the lieutenants
were brevetted captains before 1800. In 1794 the
presidios were reported to have no flags and no mateaccordingly one flag
rial with which to make them
for each establishment was sent from Mexico the
next year. 25 In the matter of uniform and equipments buckskin chupas, or jackets, and breeches were
allowed to be worn on active duty, and anqueras,
heavy leather coverings for horses' haunches, were
prohibited in 1794. 26 In 1795 the royal tribunal,
;

Prov. St. Pap., MS ., xvi. C3, 223; xv. 50. The other military 'funds'
were the fondo de gratification, an allowance of $10 for each man in the
companies per year for miscellaneous company expenses; the fondo de invdlldos, a small discount on soldiers' wages, 8 maravedis on a dollar, for the
payment of pensions; and the fondo de montepio, a discount of officers' pay
for similar purposes.
Feb. 1795, the king ordered $5 per month as alms
paid to the old carpenter Lorenzo Esparza. Prov. St. Pap. Ben. Mil. MS. xxv.
This sum was paid to Esparza until his death. April 1795, 70 persons in
16.
the four presidios entitled to retirement but no recruits to replace them.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 221-2. Dec. 6, 1790, royal order regulating details of pensions. Prov. Bee, MS., iv. 151-2.
Oct. 1797, invalids declining
to live in the pueblos must stand guard at the presidios. Prov. St. Pap. MS.
xvi. 86-7, 184; xv. 99-100; Prov. Bee, MS., iv. 159-60. Oct. 1798, retired
officers who held government positions get no half-pay. Prov. Bee., MS., vi.
22

104.
23
1795, Sergt. Ruiz reports that the soldiers at San Buenaventura have to
be treated with severity. Their insubordination has reached such a point
that they have to be threatened with kicks. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 45.
But Ruiz was arrested for offensive language to private Lugo. Id., xiii. 14.
Albino Tobar sent out of the country for bad conduct. Prov. Bee, MS., v.
62.
Two soldiers given two hours of extra guard duty per day, wearing
their cueras, for eight days, having allowed some Indian prisoners to escape.
Prov. St. Pap., MS. xvi. 173.
2i
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 108-9. A captain also proposed for Santa
Barbara in 1799. Prov. Bee., MS., vi. 121.
25
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 200; xiv. 58; xxi. 190.
26
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 28, 143; xvii. 98. S. JosC, Arch., MS., ii. 79;
Prov. Bee, MS., iv. 8; v. 24.

GOVERNMENT.

637

through Contactor Bcltran, reported to the viceroy

that the California soldiers had too many duties not
belonging to their profession, serving as vaqueros,
farmers, couriers, artisans, and butchers, so that but
little time was left for rest or for their proper duty of
27
protecting and advancing the spiritual conquest.
The governor also urged the necessity in 1795, and
again in 1799, of appointing an adjutant-inspector to
2
In connection
relieve him of some of his duties. *
with the apprehensions of attack by foreigners in
1797, a slight attempt was made to organize the militia
of California, and a distribution of arms and ammunition was made among the settlers, the employment of
the natives as auxiliary forces being also contemplated.

29

Civil

and

political

government had but a nominal

existence at this epoch, consisting mainly in the facts

that the comandante de armas was also political governor of the province and that each pueblo had its
alcalde.
This is not the place to attempt an analysis
of the relations between military and civil authority,
in which there was substantially no change from the
beginning down to the end of Spanish power in California.
The only topic that requires notice in the
annals of this decade is the proposed separation of the
two Californias hitherto forming a single province
under one governor. This separation was recommended in March 1796, by Beltran of the court of

exchequer in Mexico, who based his argument on the

great distance between Loreto and Monterey, and
the consequent delays in the transaction of all public
business.
Arrillaga at Loreto could take no action
until he had communicated with Borica at Monterey.
Orders from Mexico for Loreto must make the jour27

Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 185-6.

April 3, 1795, March 18, 1799, Borica to viceroy. Prov. Pec, MS., vi.
121; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 221.
There had been no such officer since the
time of Capt. Nicolas Soler.
29
Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 87, 93, 105; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 101-2; xvi.
28

55, 222.

INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.

C3S

Monterey and back, and reports from Loreto

made the same circuit on their way to Mexico. The
inconvenience of all this was apparent, and the separation in military and political rule was greatly facilitated by that already existing in mission affairs.
ney

to

Borica made a full report in favor of the change in

September, declaring that the interests of both parts
of the province could not be properly attended to by
a governor at Monterey, favoring in connection with
the change a transfer of the capital of the peninsula
from Loreto to the frontier, expressing the greatest
confidence in Arrillaga's ability, and suggesting an
increase of his salary.
No one had anything to say
in opposition to the separation, which we shall see
was accomplished during the next decade. 30

On

the administration of justice, we learn that in

1794 Iomacio Rochin was shot for murder at Santa
Barbara, on a sentence coming from the audiencia of
soldier was sentenced to ten years
Guadalajara. 31
public labor at San Bias for incest in 1799, while his
daughter and accomplice was condemned to seclusion
32
There were six or seven cases of
for two years.
murder among the natives, the culprits being condemned by the viceroy to terms of four to eight years
of presidio work or imprisonment together with flog-

gings. 33
30

March 7, 1796,
March 21st, viceroy

Beltran's proposition. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 140-1.

to Borica transmitting the proposition. Id., 140; Prov.
Pec, MS., v. 344; viii. 159. July 11th, Borica to Arrillaga on the subject,
Aug. ISth, Arrillaga
in which he calls Beltran 'El Tuerto.' Id., v. 343.
favors the change. Id., iii. 268.
Sept. 11th, Borica's report to viceroy.
Borira, Proyecto sobre division de las Lal'fornias en dos provincias, 17 00, MS.
31
See chapter xxx. In 1801 Cristobal Simental is mentioned as having
arrived at Monterey for the audiencia of Guadalajara ; but nothing is known
of his business. Prov. Pec, MS., x. 11.
32
St. Pap., Sac, MS., i. 122; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 109; viii. 187.
3:3
1796, four natives for murder of another, four years of prison with 59 to
100 lashes. Prov. Pec,~MS. iv. 43-4, 84. 1797, Indian who undertook to punish
his wife and through ignorance 'overdid it,' four years on public works. Prov.
St. Pap., MS., xv. 277.
1799, wife-murderer at Santa Barbara, eight years of
hard labor in chains. I append some minor cases of interest: 1800, Rafael
Gomez, apparently for lying, condemned by P. Catala, commissioned by
Lasuen, to sweep the church daily and attend mass, besides asking a padre's
pardon, being put in irons to await the governor's approval of this sentence.
Sun Josi, Arch., MS., iii. 55-7. 1799, no cases pending which belong to the
,

CRIMINAL RECORD.

639

The most striking criminal case of the period, though

by no means a pleasing one to describe, was that of
He was a native of Los AnJose Antonio Rosas.
geles, only eighteen years of age, and a private soldie^
in the Santa Barbara company in the guard of San
Buenaventura. In June 1800, while in charge of the
animals at La Mesa, he was seen to commit a crimen
nefando by two Indian girls, who reported the matCriminal proceedings were at once instituted by
ter.
order of Comandante Goycoechea, Alferez Pablo Cota
being prosecuting attorney, the cadet Ignacio Martinez acting as clerk, the soldier Jose Maria Dominguez as interpreter, and the retired sergeant Jose
Maria Ortega as defender of the accused. Rosas
made a confession, pleading only that he was tempted
by El Demonio. Cota demanded the death penalty,
Ortega made an eloquent appeal for mercy, and in
July the case went to the viceroy. The sentence rendered in September, after consultation with the auditor de guerra, was that Rosas must be hanged and
the body burned together with that of the mule, "en
quien cometio tan horrible delito." The execution
took place on Feb. 11, 1801, at Santa Barbara presidio in the presence of the whole garrison; but there
being no hangman in California, the boy had to be
audiencia. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 290.
1797, natives for assault on neophytes sentenced to work on presidio in shackles for a month or two. Prov.
bt. Pap., MS., xvi. 77-8.
1796, carpenter Martinez exiled to San Jose for
eight years for assault and wounding. Prov. i?ec.,MS.,iv. 198. 1797, Cristobal
Hey prosecuted for assault, with some details of proceedings. Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., xvi. 251-2. Natives sentenced by Borica to from 10 to 30 lashes for stealing. /(/., Ben. Mil., MS., xxvii.4. 1799, slave Maximo sentenced to four years
service on the royal vessels for stealing silver-ware from his master Alberni
and the soldier Oseguera to live years for receiving the goods. Prov. Pec. MS.,
vi. 119.
Four hundred dollars stolen from the warehouse at Monterey. Id.,
iv. 171.
1798, two soldiers at San Francisco put in irons for stealing a calf
and sheep from the mission. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 111. 1795, twentyfive lashes and three months' work in shackles for stealing clothes.
Sinaloa Indian at San Jose". Prov. Pec, MS., v. 49.
1800, two soldiers sentenced
to a year's presidio work for breaking open a trunk. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil.,
MS., xxix. 1. 179G, viceroy sends sentence of 50 lashes and 4 years' labor
against three neophytes and a pagan. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xiv. 13.
settler
of San Jose" received 2o blows with a stick. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS.,
xxvi. 14.
Cordero, a settler of Branciforte, sentenced to a month of hard
work for striking the commandant, who was reprimanded for his hasty action.
Santa Cruz, Arch., MS., 09-70.
,

INDUSTRIES AXD INSTITUTIONS.

C40

shot after receiving from Father Tapia the last comforts of religion and reciting" the service in a firm
voice.
On a burning heap of wood near at hand the
rest of the sentence was carried out, and the charred
remains of the victim, fitted by the purification of
flame for rest in consecrated ground, was buried in
the presidio cemetery. 34
Thus we see that the morality of the Californians
was somewhat closely looked after by the authorities.
The settlers at the pueblos gave more trouble than
any other class, being free from military discipline and
enjoying greater facilities for sinful dissipations. Sebastian Alvitre of Los Angeles and Francisco Avila
of San Jose were usually in prison, in exile, or at
forced work for their excesses with Indian women and
with the wives of their neighbors; and there were other

who were

Concuscarcely less incorrigible.

binage and all irregular sexual relations were strictly
prohibited and the authorities seem to have worked
settlers

earnestly in aid of the friars to enforce the laws. 35

34

Rosas, Causa Criminal, MS., 1800-1. Certificate of execution. Prov. St.

Pap., Ben. Mil., xxviii. 17. Goycoechea begs the governor for a postponement on account of a prevailing illness which renders it difficult to spare
a man. Id. xxix. 4. Burial. Sla. Barbara, Lib. Mision, MS., 23. Aug.
11, 1804, governor says a mule is to be given to the owner of the one
burned. Prov. Per., MS., xi. 102. The author of Pomero, Memorias, MS.,
was present at the execution. He says the boy's body was merely passed
through the flames as a formality of purification; while the mule was entirely
consumed.
35
Shortcomings of Alvitre and Avila. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiv.
Navarro exiled from Los Angeles
6; Pror. St. Pap., MS., ix. 215-1G; x. 1G1.
,

to San Jose, and relapsing, to San Francisco. Id. x. 1G0-1.

1793, Higuera
living improperly.
Men in siich cases to be handcuffed; women must not go
to the pueblo when their husbands were absent; men and women who go to
the mission without leave to sleep to be put in the stock. St. Pap., Sue.,
MS., iii. 2. 1795, Goycoechea to Borica, 'Como solo se castiga A los hombres
amancebados, que se ha de hacer con las mugeres que hacen gala de ello?'
Prov. St. Pap., MS. j xiv. 33. Borica replies warnings, threats, exposure
to husbands, and finally seclusion in respectable houses with hard work.
Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 3S.
1797, concubinage strictly forbidden. St. Pap.,
Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 3G0.
179S, adulterers to be warned and then punished.
The governor will decide about the women. Prov. Pee., MS., iv. 277.
Adultery
1799, 30 lashes for a man who abused Indian women. Id., v. 114.
Ruiz found in bed with
case at San Miguel. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 250.
his corporal's wife at San Diego.
Put in irons and the woman sent to Los
Angeles. Id., xvii. 253. Investigation of the case of an Indian woman at
San Juan Capistrano who gave birth to a do<j;. /(/., xvii. 239; Prov. Pec. MS.,
v. 2SG-7.
,

SPIRITUOUS LIQUORS.

The people were

641

also closely restricted in the use

of intoxicating liquors. Borica not only exercised his

authority through his commandants to prevent and
punish excesses and drunkenness, but restricted the
introduction and sale of liquors so far as was possible
Wine and
under national commercial regulations.
California
were
brandy made in either Upper or Lower
of free sale.
There is no positive proof that any
brandy was manufactured in Upper California before
1800; but Ortega had a still, and it is probable that a
Toward
beginning was made in this deadly industry.
the close of the decade it was decided that the introduction of brandy and mescal from abroad could not
be prevented, but the governor could still regulate the
36
sale to soldiers and others under government pay.
Gambling was another weakness prevalent in California as elsewhere in Spanish America, and requiring
frequent attention from the authorities. 37
36

1794, no mescal or even permitted liquors to be introduced by traders

barter at the missions. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 111.
1795, two barrels
of wine brought from Santa Barbara to Monterey. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 13.
Borica to commandants, drinking and gambling must be stopped. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., xiii. 240; San Jos6, Arch., MS., iv. 24. 179G, sergeant at Monterey has some Spanish brandy for sale.
Can only sell two reals worth in
morning and one real in evening to one person, to be drunk in his presence.
Prov. Pec, MS., v. 333.
1797, commandants must promote manufacture of
brandy from sugar-cane. Id. iv. 90. Free introduction since Nov. 1797 of
home-made liquors; but no debt can be collected for liquor furnished to troops,
etc. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 112; xvi. ISO; Prov. liec, iv. 163.
Jan. 171*7,
general pardon to all imprisoned for contraband making of chinquirito, probably of no effect in California. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 18, 217-18. April,
Oct. 1798, Bo1797, Brandy 'es de venta licita.' Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 158.
rica solicited a provision forbidding the introduction of mescal on account of
the inconvenientcs y escdndedos resulting; but the viceroy in May 1799 declared
that trade in mescal and aguardiente (Californian aguardiente was brandy; but
the imported article may have been though it probably was not rum, whiskey, or other alcoholic liquor, the name being common to ail) was free, and
therefore other ways must be devised to stop drunkenness. Prov. St. Pap.
MS., xviii. 309; xvii. 209; Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 104. 1799, some wine made at
southern missions, and soon brandy enough will be produced for moderate consumption. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 130. Padres receive from San Bias the mescal
they need. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 78-9, 195. Sept. 3, 1799, Borica prohibits
selling mescal. Dept. St. Pap., SanJosi, MS., i. 90. Aug. 29, Borica asks that
only two barrels of mescal be imported for each mission. Eighteen barrels of
aguardiente from Baja California imported this year. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 130.
37
Miscellaneous communications, nothing important. Prov. Pec, MS., iv.
12S;SanJosc, Arch., MS., ii. 78; iv. 23; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 127; St. Pap.,
Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 3G0. 1798, Borica granted the petition of citizens of
San Jose" to be allowed to iplaymalilla on Sundays in the guard-house. Dept. St.
Hist. Cal., Vol. I. 11

who

INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.

642

There were no schools

in California before Borica

as governor, at a time when many natives, of

Spanish blood, had become parents of children grow-

came

ing up as they had done in ignorance.

Few of the
soldiers could read or write, and in fact this continued
to be the case throughout the whole Spanish period. 33
Officers taught their children, and occasionally a
woman acted as amiga, and instructed not only her
own children but those of her neighbors, or even an
ambitious soldier who aspired to be a corporal.
In
1793 a royal order was issued and published in California requiring the establishment of a school in each
pueblo, but referring apparently to the education of
Nothing was done under it, except to
Indians only.
render a formal promise of compliance 39 at the end of
1794.
Borica began to agitate the matter by making
inquiries respecting available teachers and sources of
Before the end of December the
a school fund.
retired sergeant Manuel Vargas had started the first
school in the public granary at San Jose. 40 The governor's communications continued through 1795; the
old alferez Ramon Lasso de la Vega was sounded as
to the terms on which he would become a teacher;
i. 139.
The trader Gallego forbidden to hold raffles. Prov.
MS. iv. 108. 1799, malilld and tururu to be played only on feast days; no
player must lose over $-; and no credit is to be given. Id., iv. 291. Governor orders a sum lost at albures to be returned to Larios. Rebukes Comis-

Pap. San Jose, MS.

,

Bee. ,

ionado of San Jose" for habitual gambling at his house. Id., iv. 293-4. Porrazo, tururu, malllla, and cientos may be played Sundays, if stakes are not
over $1, and the sexes are kept separate. Id., iv. 294. Children gambled for
buttons, some of them cutting off the buttons from their clothing. Prominent men often looked on and made bets on the children's game of tdngano.

Amador, Memorias, MS., 227-8.

38

1781, alcalde of San Jose unable to write. Pico, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., i.
1785, only 14 out of 50 of the Monterey company could write. Prov. St.
Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., vii. 1. 1786, seven out of 30 at San Francisco. Id.,
vii. 2.
1794, not a man
1791, two out of 28 at San Francisco. Id., xv. 3.
at San Francisco can write. The commandant asks that one be sent from Santa
Barbara. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 41.
1800, many soldiers acting as corporals could not be promoted because they could not read. Amador Mem.,
MS., 219.
39
Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., vi. 293-4; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv., 60;
Prov. Bee., MS., iv. 128.
40
Dept. St. Pap., S. Jose, MS., i. 45; Prov. Bee., MS., iv. 219.
13.

EDUCATION.

643

Jose Manuel Toca, apparently a grumete, or ship-boy,

from one of the transports, arrived at Santa Barbara;
Vargas was offered 250 a year contributed by citizens to go to San Diego; compulsory attendance and
a tax of thirty-one cents a month per scholar were
ordered at San Jose; Santa Barbara was required to
pay 125, each soldier paying one dollar; soldiers,
corporals, and sergeants were ordered to go over their
studies and prepare for promotion and primary teach41
No doubt before
ers were asked for from Mexico.
the end of the year Vargas was teaching at San Diego,
Lasso at San Jose, and Toca at Santa Barbara, The
doctrina cristiana was first to receive attention by the
governor's orders, and afterward reading and writing
were to be taught. Paper was furnished by the
habilitados, and after being covered with scholarly
pothooks, was collected to be used in making cartridges.
In 1796 the above-named teachers continued
their labors.
Corporal Manuel Boronda, serving also
as carpenter, taught the children of San Francisco
gratuitously; the soldier and carpenter Jose Rodriguez did the same at Monterey, and Borica continued
to interest himself greatly in the schools, requiring
frequent reports to be sent him with copybooks for
examination. 42
In 1797 Toca was called away from Santa Barbara
to attend to his duties on board ship, being replaced
by Jose Medina, another grumete; and Boronda wr as
;

^Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 31-2, 136, 221, 229; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 10,
34-5; xiv. 27; Id., Ban. Mil, MS., xxi. 11; Dept. St. Pap., San Jose, MS.,
i.

50.

42
Feb. 18, 1796, 27 children attending Lasso's school at San Jose: four paynothing, and the rest two and one half reals per month. Prov. St. Pap., Mo.,
Feb. 20th, Borica to Lasso, urges great care. His pay will be adxiv. 101.
house to
vanced from the tobacco revenue and collected from the settlers.
be furnished for L. and family. Prov. Pec., MS., iv. 181. Feb. 25th, children
attending Santa Barbara school, 32. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 101. May 6th,
Borica speaks of Boronda and Rodriguez teaching at San Francisco and Monterey, Lasso at San Jose, a teacher at Santa Barbara at 8125 per year, and
Vargas at San Diego at 8100. Prov. llec, MS., v. 338-9. Sept. 20th, San
Diego school has 22 pupils. Prov. St. Pap., Presidios, MS., i. 04. Governor
orders reports, copybooks, etc., to be sent him every two, three, or six months.
Prov. llec, MS., iv. 50; St. Pap. Sac, MS., vi. 7.

INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.

644

succeeded at San Francisco by the artilleryman Jose

Alvarez, who for his services received an addition of
two dollars per month to his pay. Evidently the
schools went on with considerable prosperity this
year, 43 but of their progress for the rest of the decade
v^e

know

little

or nothing. 44

i3
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 41, 168-9; xxi. 262-3; Prov. Rec, MS., v.
Randolph, Oration, speaks of copybooks sent from Santa Bar101, 108.
bara, Feb. 11, 1797, still preserved in the archives, the samples being scripture texts in a fair round hand.
44
Dec. 1798, Vargas transferred to Sta Barbara. Prov. Pec, MS., iv.
Borica complains that few pupils attend at San Diego. Parents must
109.
be stimulated. Id., v. 263. 1801, complaints of children growing up in
ignorance, and of great need of teachers. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 54-5;
xxi. 65.
Says Judge Sepulveda: 'They could learn very little in those days;
schools were few, books rare, and the pursuits of the people required not a

very extensive book-learning. When any writing was needed they couid
easily apply to the few who were the depositaries of legal form or epistolary
ability.' Sepulveda, Hist. Mem., MS., 3, 4.
Many mission libraries had
Palou's Life of Serra and perhaps one or two other historical works before
A few French books were given to
1800, besides a few theological books.
Lorica by Capt. Dorr's French pilot in 1797. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 76-7.

CHAPTER XXX.
LOCAL EVENTS AND PROGRESS SOUTHERN DISTRICT.
1791-1800.

Lieutenants Zuniga and Grajera Military Force

Population Rancho del ReyFinances Presidio Buildings
Vancouver's Description Fort at Point Guijarros Indian Affairs Precautions against Foreigners Arrivals of Vessels
Mission San Diego Torrens and Mariner Statistics San Luis
Rey San Juan Capistrano Fuster Buildings Pueblo de Los
Angeles Private Ranchos San Gabriel Oramas San Fernando
Presidio of Santa Barbara Officers, Forces, and PopulationBuildings an d Industries Local Events First Execution in California The 'Phoenix' A Quicksilver Mine Warlike Preparations Death of Ortega Mission of Santa Barbara Paterna
Rancherias of the Channel New Church San Buenaventura
La Purisima Concepcion Arroita.

San Diego Presidio

Lieutenant Jose de Zuniga remained in command

of the San Diego presidio 1 till October 1793. In May
of the preceding year he had been promoted to captain and appointed commandant of Tucson in Sonora;
but he was obliged to wait the arrival of his successor,
who assumed the offices of comandante and habilitado
on the 19th of October. Zuniga was preparing for
departure in November when Vancouver visited this
port, and but little is known of his subsequent career.
He had been a faithful and efficient officer, one of the
few who in the performance of military duties, and
especially in keeping presidial accounts, had given no
cause of complaint. 2 His successor w as Lieutenant
T

1
For annals of San Diego from 1780 to 1790, which I here continue to 1800,
see chap, xxii., this volume.
2
Jose" de Zuniga enlisted as a soldado distinguido October 18, 1772; went
through the grades from corporal to alferez in 1778-9; was made lieutenant,

tG45)

LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH.

GIG

Antonio Grajera, of the Espana dragoon regiment,

who had arrived at San Francisco from San Bias in
July, and who assumed the duties of his office on the
day of his arrival at San Diego.
Though fifteen years a soldier Grajera had seen no
active service, but he was an able and faithful man,
and performed his official duties to the satisfaction
of all during a term of six years in California.
His
private and social record is less favorable.
He had
no family, and it was not long before his liaisons with
women of the presidio gave rise to scandal. His
excessive use of intoxicating liquors finally affected

and broke

He

gave up
his office temporarily in August 1799, and never
resumed it, having, however, been made a brevet captain in 1797.
Obtaining leave of absence to visit
Mexico he sailed on the Conception and died two days
out of port January 18, 1800. 3 From August 23,

his mind,

his constitution.

April 21, 1780; commandant of San Diego, Sept. 8, 1781; habilitado, Oct. 19,
Before coming to California he had seen much service in Indian cam1781.
paigns in Sonora and Clfihuahua. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. MIL, MS., xiv. 9; xvi.
In 1790 he was granted leave of absence on petition of his mother to visit
1.
Mexico and attend to a legacy; but seems not to have left his post. He showed
much attention to Vancouver, who named Ft Ziifiiga on the lower coast in
his honor, and who speaks of shoals in San Diego Bay called on a Spanish
chartof 1782 'Barros do Zooniga' (Bajios de Zuhiga). See Pantoja's map, p. 456,
this vol.
Letter of viceroy announcing
Vancouver's Voy., ii. 470, 473, 432.
his appointment as captain of Tucson dated May 29, 1792. Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., xxi. 75. By a letter of May 30, 1810, it appears that he still held the
same position, and had been made lieutenant-colonel. Prov. St. Pap., Ben.
;

Mil, MS., xliv. 1.

3
Antonio Grajera enlisted as a private Aug. 13, 1772; served 4 years as
private, 4 as corporal, 7 as sergeant, and 1 as flag-bearer; was made alfcrez
April 15, 1789; and was appointed lieutenant to command San Diego July
14, 1792. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 1G1, 174; St. Pap., Sac, MS., iv. 18;
He arrived at San Francisco July 25, 1793, and at San Diego Oct.
34.
i.
Charges of licentiousness and drunkenness by an officer on the Con15.
ception Nov. 1794. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 11,12; xvii. 251-2.
1797, a
corporal asks for transfer on account of Graj era's disgraceful connection with
his wife. Id. xvi. 193.
Royal order of promotion to brevet captain, June
12, and viceroy's despatch Oct. 28, 1797, acknowledged by Borica Feb. 26,
Nov. 11,
1798. Id., xv. 265; Prov. Bee, vi. 70-1; Arch. Arz., MS.,i. 201.
1799, permission from Borica to go to Mexico. Prov. Bee, MS., v. 236-7.
Departure Jan. 16th, and death Jan. 18, 1800. Id., v. xii. 1.; Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., xxi. 30, 35. Feb. 11, 1800, decree of V. R. to put Grajera on the
retired list, and naming AlfCrez Manuel Rodriguez of the San Francisco company to replace him. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxvi. 18; St. Pap.,
Sac, MS., iv. 72-3; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 36. Vancouver in November
1793 was very kindly treated by Grajera, and applied his name to a point
below San Diego. Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 470-1,478.
,

SAN DIEGO DISTRICT.

647

1799, by order of Borica, Alferez Manuel Rodriguez

became acting commandant of the company, while
Lieutenant Jose Font of the Catalan volunteers, ranking Rodriguez, was made temporary comandante of
Rodriguez had been habilitado
the military post.
since the middle of 1798 and had really performed
the functions of commander; and his regular appointment, dated in Mexico Feb. 11, 1800, reached San
Diego in May, though his commission as lieutenant
4
did not leave Mexico until July 1801.
Pablo Grijalva was alferez of the company until
1796, when he was retired, after thirtythree years of service, on half-pay of alferez and with
rank of lieutenant, spending the remaining twelve
His successor, who
years of his life in California.
served throughout the decade, was Alferez Jose Lujan, a new-comer from Mexico.
Ignacio Alvarado, 5
the company sergeant, having become a pensioner of
the Santa Bdrbara company, was replaced in 1796 by
Antonio Yorba, one of Fages' original Catalans and a
son-in-law of Grijalva, who was retired as an invalid
and succeeded by Francisco Acebedo in 1798. The
corporals and privates, with generally an armorer and
carpenter, varied but slightly in number from fiftyseven during the ten years, not including the retired
soldiers, or invalids, who gradually increased from four
in 1792 to fifteen in 1800. 6
From this force from

December

4
Rodriguez habilitado from July 31, 1798. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil.,
MS., xvii. 1. Perhaps appointed iu May. Prov. Pec, MS., v. 276. Borica's
order of Aug. 23, 1799. Id., v. 293-4. Rodriguez' appointment as comandante by viceroy Feb. 11, 1800. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxviii. 15.
Became full comandante May 24, 1800. Id., xxvi. 18. Commission as lieutenant sent from Mexico July 17, 1801. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 96.
Rodriguez had never been alferez of the San Diego company, belonging nominally to that of San Francisco.
5
Ignacio Rafael Alvarado, not an ancestor of the later governor, enlisted
in 1773 at the age of 23.
He came to San Diego in 1774, was made a corporal in 1781, and sergeant in 1783.
In 1795 the governor complained of his
lack of resolution, and in 1797 his c6dula de invdtido was received. He was
still on the list of pensioners in 1805.
6
The Lower Californian mission of San Miguel belonged at this period to
San Diego, as did Los Angeles as late as 1796, at least so far as the military
guard was concerned, though in other respects the pueblo was subject to Santa Barbara.
San Gabriel had its guard from San Diego throughout the dec-

LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH.

G48

twenty-seven to thirty-three men were constantly

detached to form the five or six guards of the jurisdiction.
After 1796 Lieutenant Font with twent}five Catalan volunteers of the new reinforcements
was stationed here, as were six artillerymen under
Sergeant Jose Roca, increasing the effective force to
nearly ninety men. 7 The white population of this
southern district, consisting of the soldiers and their
families, was about three hundred at the end of the
decade, or two hundred and fifty exclusive of San
Gabriel and Los Angeles, more conveniently classed
with the Santa Barbara district. 8 About one hundred and sixty lived at the presidio; and the rest
were scattered in the missions, or lived as pensioners
Eight foundling children from Mexico
at the pueblo.

were sent to San Diego to live in 1800. 9 The native

neophyte population, excluding that of San Gabriel
and San Miguel, w as not quite three thousand.
There is no record of any agricultural operations
whatever at or near the presidio, nor were there any
private rauchos in the whole region before 1800. That
some of the soldiers came down from Presidio Hill
and cultivated small patches of vegetables would seem
not unlikely, but the archives contain nothing on the
There w ere kept here, however, from 900
subject.
to 1,200 head of live-stock, including the company's
horses, from 30 to 50 mules, two or three asses, possibly a few milch cows by the soldiers, and from 300
to 700 horned cattle in a branch of the rancho del rey
T

Feb. 1, 1796, Borica ordered escoltas

ade. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 192.
to be as follows: San Miguel, 8; San Diego, 3; San Juan Capistrano, 8; San
San Luis Rey, founded
Gabriel, 4; Los Angeles, 4. Prov. Pec, MS., v. 240.
According to orders, Prov. St. Pap.,
in 1798, probably had 6 men at first.
MS., xii. 8, it was customary to have soldiers serve alternately in escoltas and
presidio, though it caused much inconvenience on account of their families.
7
Company rosters and statements of force and distribution scattered in
the archives, chiefly in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii.-xxvii., and St.

Pap., Sac, MS., i. vi.

8
In the various reports on the population of the southern district in 1799
later, the escorts and families are credited to the missions instead of the
List of rank and file
presidio as before and as in other parts of the country.
of the presidial company in 1798, in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xvii.

and

U-IG.
9

Prov.

St.

Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxviii. 22.

AFFAIRS AT SAN DIEGO.

649

maintained here during the last half of the decade. 10

Each year in Mexico an appropriation was made from
the royal treasury for the presidio expenses, varying
from 14,000 to 15,000; and invoices of goods, based
on the habilitado's estimate of needs, were sent with
a small amount of coin by the transports from San
Bias, varying in amount from 11,000 to 17,000 per
year.
San Diego usually had a credit balance of from
The situado, or allow1,000 to 3,000 in its favor.
ance, for the volunteers and artillery was not included
Supplies to the
in the amounts above mentioned.
amount of about 15,000 per year were sent to California for them, and San Diego received not quite one
11
third.
There are no records of the annual supplies
obtained from missions, but during the last three years
of the decade the presidio was indebted to the missions about 10,000.
"The Presidio of St Diego," says Vancouver, who
visited it in November 1793, "seemed to be the least
of the Spanish establishments. It is irregularly built,
on very uneven ground, which makes it liable to some
inconveniences, without the obvious appearance of any
object for selecting such a spot. With little difficulty
10
The records are fragmentary and contradictory. Statistical reports
sometimes include the king's cattle and sometimes not. There is no evidence that the rancho at this period included any horses; in fact it had been
established to avoid driving cattle from the north.
In 1797 it contained G81
cattle; increase for the year 137; sales, 30; killed by natives and wild beasts,

27; proceeds of sales, 125; tithes paid, $26; net profit to treasury, $99. Prov.
St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS.,xxv. 4.
The total amount of tithes in the jurisdiction was $34. Prov. St. Pap. MS., xvi. 178; and this difference of $8 is the only
indication I find of the possible existence of a private rancho.
Cattle at end
of 1798, 531; proceeds of sales, $539. Id., xvii. 1. 1800, cattle, 690; proceeds,
$342. Id., xviii. 5.
11
San Diego Company accounts in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv.-xxxiii.; St.
Pap. Sac, MS., i. ii. vi. ix. Loss sustained on the government forge and
carpenter's shop for 1797, $70. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 179.
Fondo de
yratificacion for 1797: income $3,075, expended $2,041. Prov. St. Pap. Preside
MS.,i. 102-3. FondodaBetencionior 1800: $3,750. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil,
MS., xxviii. 18. Inventory of effects in warehouse 1798, $13,992. Id., xvii.
4.
Papal bulls on hand Nov. 1795, $4,339. Id., xiii. 5, received from Zuniga
with the office by Grajera. Prov. Pec, MS., v. 227. Bulls needed for
179G-7, 100 at 25 cents for vivos; 100 at 25 cents for difuntos; 50, lacticinio;
2 or 3 composition. Prov. St. Pap., Ben., MS., i. 12. Net revenue of San
Diego post-office for 1794, $71;forl79G, $95. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS.,
xxi. 2; xxiii. 8.
Accounts of presidio with missions 1797-1800. Id., xxxiii.
13; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 265; xvii. 195.
,

C50

LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH.

wsrwmcnn

Map

of San Diego District, 1800.

tuuu

PRESIDIO BUILDINGS.

G51

might be rendered a place of considerable strength,

by establishing a small force at the entrance of the
port; where at this time there were neither works,
guns, houses, or other habitations nearer than the
Presidio, five miles from the port, and where they
have only three small pieces of brass cannon." 12 In
August of the same year Borica had informed the
viceroy that three sides of the presidio walls were in
a ruinous condition, owing to the bad quality of the
timber used in the roofs, though $1,200 had been
it

spent in repairs since the establishment. The warehouse, church, and officers' houses forming the fourth
side of the square were in good condition. Workmen
were at once set at work to cut timber at Monterey
which was shipped by the Princesa in October to be
used in repairs and also in the construction of some
new defensive works in connection with the old ones.
What progress was made in these improvements on
Presidio Hill we only know by a vague record that
esplanade, powder-magazine, flag, and houses for the
volunteers were blessed by the friars and dedicated by
a salute of artillery November 8, 1798. 13 At the end
of 1794 the viceroy expressed a desire to have a fort
built similar to the one just completed at San Fran" Perhaps he
cisco, but without cost to the king.
wishes me to pay the expenses" writes Borica to a
friend.
Early the next year Point Guijarros, Cobblestone point, was selected as the site of the fort whose
absence Vancouver had noticed, and preparations were
at once begun. Two or three workmen, and the necessary timber, were sent down by the transports from
Monterey. Santa Barbara furnished the axle-trees
and wheels for ten carts, while bricks and tiles were
12
13

Vancouver's Voyage,

ii.

495, 501.

Aug. 20, 1793, governor to viceroy. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 115.
August 18th, timber to be cut at Monterey and taken south by the Princesa.
Id., xxi. 112; Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 105.
Oct. 14th, the vessel has sailed with
timber. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 157.
Sept. 1G, 1794, governor to Arguello,
ordering him to send timber in the Ara/izazu for esplanade and bastions;
but none were sent. Id., xii. 150, 152-3. Nov. 17, 1796, governor to the
friars, blessing of the works. Prov. lice, MS., v. 247b.

LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH.

652

hauled from the presidio to the beach and taken across

to the point in a flatboat. In December 1796 the
engineer Cordoba arrived to inspect the San Diego
defences, in which he found no other merit than that
an enemy would perhaps be ignorant of their weakness.
But the fort had evidently not been built yet,
for early in 1797 Borica approved Cordoba's idea that
the form should not be circular. Nothing more is
known of this fortification till after 1800, save that
it was intended to mount ten guns; that on battery,
magazine, barrack, and flatboat 9,020 had been expended before March 1797; and that in 1798 there
was a project under consideration to open a road
round the bay to connect Point Guijarros with the
presidio.

14

The natives gave the commandant and people of

San Diego but little trouble, the few depredations
committed being

chiefly directed against the

Domini-

can establishment in La Frontera. In 1764 three natives were held as prisoners, one of whom, a neophyte,
had been leader in a proposed attack on San Miguel.
Several bands had approached the mission by night,
but finding the guard mounted and ready had re15
treated.
In May or June 1795 Alferez Grijalva
while returning" from San Miguel with three natives
arrested on a charge of murder was attacked by some
two hundred savages, one of whom was killled and
two were wounded in the skirmish, Grijalva having a
u Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 69, 165; xiv. 168; xvii. 9, 10; xxl 212, 216-17,
Water had to
248; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 20-1; v. 238, 272, 278; vi. 46, 79.
be carried from the presidio, where a "well long abandoned was reopened.
One hundred and three planks, 22 feet long, were among the timber shipped
from Monterey.
few industrial items are as follows: For a time after
May 1793 there was no armorer, the old one having left after a service of 20
years. Proii. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 56-8.
In 1795 the missions of this district
were requested to send each four or five Indians to the presidio to learn stonecutting and bricklaying. Prov. Pec, MS., v. 235-6. Jan. 1796, a weaver was
The comandante tried to induce
to go to San Diego to teach. Id., v. 78.
Spanish youth to learn trades, but without success, some of them deeming
the request an insult. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 16. The forge and carpenter
shop did $93 worth of work for soldiers and missions in 1797; but as expenses,
including two apprentices, were $163, the king's exchequer was not perceptibly

benefited. Id., xvi. 179.

15
Arrillaga, Papel de Pantos, 195,

MS.

FOREIGN

VISITS.

653

This affair caused some fear

horse killed under him.
and precautions at San Diego, redoubled a few days
later on rumors of new hostilities; but Grijalva went
south and found all quiet. Raids on the cattle of San
Miguel again required the attention of a sergeant and
eight men in April 1797. 1G
San Diego did not come much into contact with
the outside world. The first foreign vessels that ever
entered this fine harbor were those of the English
navigator Vancouver, which remained at anchor some
three miles and a half from the presidio from November 27th to December 9th 1793. Vancouver was
courteously received by Grajera and Zuhiga, who,
however, on account of Arrillaga's " severe and inhospitable injunctions" were not able to allow the foreigners such privileges as were desired.
The Englishman, though he visited the presidio, spent most of his
time on board in preparing journals and despatches to
be sent to England by way of Mexico, having little
opportunity for observations. 17 In the early part of
1797 an English invasion was supposed to be imminent, and all possible preparations were made by Grajera.
Great reliance was placed on the battery at
Point Guijarros; but Grajera was also careful to
obtain instructions respecting what was to be done
should the enemy succeed in entering the bay, or
should it be necessary to abandon the presidio.
In
case of such disasters it was decided to spike the guns
and burn the powder and provisions, but to leave the
buildings intact.
reserve of ammunition was stored
at San Juan, whither the sacred vessels, archives, and
other valuables were to be carried if necessary.
The
English did not appear the armed frigate Princesa lay
in port from June to October; and San Diego escaped
destruction. 18
At the end of 1798 the port was a
second time visited by foreigners, this time by four

Prov. Pec, MS., v. 227-8; iv. 88; vi. 50; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii.
215-1G; xvi. 249.
17
Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 469-76.
18
Prov. Pec, MS., v. 254-5; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 197, 211-12, 2G7-9.

LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH.

654

Boston sailors who had been left on the lower coast

and were put to work in the presidio to earn their
living until a vessel came to carry them to San Bias. 19
Yet once more was the port visited by the Americans
during this decade, when in August 1800 the Betsy,
Captain Charles Winship, obtained wood and water
here, remaining ten days in the bay.
Later, on November 2 2d, there came an earthquake which in six
minutes did more damage to the adobe buildings than
had been done by either the British or Yankees. 20

At San Die^o

mission Juan Mariner and Hilario

Torrens served as associate ministers until the last
years of the decade.
The latter left California at the
end of 1798, dying early in the next year; while
the former died at San Diego on January 29, 1800. a
Their sucessors were padres Jose Panella and Jose
Barona, both recent arrivals who had lived at San
Diego, the former since June 1797, and the latter
ld

Prov. Rec, MS., v. 283, 285; vi. Ill; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 197Their names were Wm. Katt, Barnaby Jan, John Stephens, and Gabriel Boisse.
The captors of a SjDanish vessel in 1709 claimed that some of
their men, being on the coast in 1797, as part of the crew of two (English)
ships had entered San Diego and made soundings by moonlight. Prov.
St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., xiii. 20.
20
Prov. Pec, MS., viii. 132; xii. 6; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 44,54;
xviii. G7; St. Pop., Sac, MS., ix. 12, 13.
The earthquake occurred at 1:30
p. M., and the soldiers' houses, warehouse, and the new dwelling of the volunteers were considerably cracked. The drought of 1795 and an epidemic
diarrhoea in 1793 are the only other natural afflictions noted. Prov. St. Pap.,
202.

MS.,

xiii. 4; xvii. C9.

Hilario Torrens thus he signed his name, but by his companions it was
more frequently written Torrent e or Torrent, to say nothing of several other
variations was a native of Catalonia, where he was for a long time predicador, for three years guardian, and also vicar.
He came to California in 178G
with the highest recommendations from his college for talent, experience, and
circunstancias. Serving at San Diego from November 1786 to November 1798,
he had but slight opportunity to distinguish himself save by a faithful performance of his missionary duties. His license to retire was signed by the
viceroy March 17, 1798.
He sailed in the Princesa on Nov. 8th, and May 14,
1799, the guardian wrote that he had died in a convulsion. Arch. Sta. Barbara,
MS. xi. 281 xii. 2G-7; Prov. St. Pap., xvi. 187. Of Juan Mariner still less is
known. He came to California in 1785, served at San Diego from November
of that year, made a trip with Grijalva in July 1795 to explore for the new
mission site of San Luis Bey. He died Jan 29, 1800, and was buried in the
presbytery by Padre Faura on Jan. 30th. Finally April 26, 1804, his remains
were removed and placed, together with those of Jaume and Figuer, in a sepulchre constructed for the purpose under the small arch between the two
altars of the new church. San JJiego, Lib. de Mision, MS., 81, 89.
21

SAN DIEGO MISSION.

since

May

1798.

G55

Another supernumerary was Pedro

de San Jose Estevan, from April 1796 to July 1797.

The only one of the missionaries with whose conduct
any fault was found, so far as the records show, was
Panella, who was accused of cruelty to the neophytes
and was reprimanded by President Lasuen, who declared that he would not permit one of his subordi22
nates to do injustice to the natives.
During the decade the neophytes of San Diego
There had been 1,320
increased from 856 to 1,523.
baptisms and 628 deaths. San Diego had thus passed
San Gabriel and San Luis Obispo, and now was the
most populous mission in California. In the number
of baptisms for the ten years it was excelled only by
Santa Clara. The baptisms in 1797 were 554, the
largest spiritual harvest ever gathered in one year with
one exception, that of the year 1803 at Santa Barbara,
when 831 new names were added to the register.
The deaths moreover at San Diego were less in proportion to baptisms than elsewhere except at Purisima
and Santa Barbara, though the rate was frightfully
The greatest
large, over fifty per cent, even here.
mortality was in 1800 when 96 natives died. 23 This
comparative prosperity was, however, more apparent
than real in some respects, since the San Diego converts were left more at liberty in their rancherias
22

Sept

July
30, 1798, Lasuen to Borica. Arch. Arzobi spado, MS., i. 51.
Lujan instructed to report confidentially on the treatment of the
natives. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 247. July 17, 1797, Grajera explains his
treatment of the natives. Does not allow them to have much intercourse with
14, 1799,

those of other missions, to prevent illicit intercourse. Id., xvi. 172.

1793,
padres to depose misbehaving alcaldes and appoint others. Prov. Rcc, MS.,
vi. 178-9.
Jaime Samop and Antonio Pellau were alcaldes in 1799. Arch.
Arzobisbado, MS., i. 220. Three neophyte stowaways were found on the
Conception eight days out of port in 1794. They did it, they said, in sport,
and were sent back from San Bias. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 21G-17; Prov.
Pec, MS., v. 226; xi. 209. Again in 1798 a runaway neophyte was sent
back from Tepic. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 289. In the mission registers
appear the names of fathers Cayetano Pallas, Mariano Apolinario, Jos6
Conanse, and Ramon Lopez, Dominicans from the peninsula who officiated
here at different times; also presbyters Loesa and Jimenez, chaplains of San
Bias vessels, and a dozen Franciscans from different missions. San Diego, Lib.
de Mlsion, MS.
23
Lasuen confirmed G56 persons between 1790 and 1793. S. Diego, Lib. de
Mision, 45.

LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH.

636

than

other

establishments, Christianity being

therefore somewhat less a burden to them.
Meanwhile the mission herds multiplied from 1,730 to 6,960
head, and its flocks from 2,100 to 6,000.
The harvest
of agricultural products in 1800 was 2,600 bushels,
the largest crops having been 9,450 bushels in 1793
and 1799, surpassed only by those of San Gabriel and
San Buenaventura in 1800, and the smallest 600
bushels in 1795, a year of drought: average crops
1,600 bushels.
Respecting material improvements in and about
the mission we have but fragmentary data.
In 1793
a tile-roofed granary of adobes, ninety-six by twentyfour feet, was built.
In 1794, besides some extensive
repairs, one side of a wall which was to enclose and
protect the mission was constructed, and a vineyard
was surrounded by five hundred yards of adobe wall.
In 1795 work was begun on a newly discovered source
of water-supply for irrigation. 24 Whether this was
the beginning of the extensive works whose ruins are
still to be seen, and which Hayes supposes with some
plausibility to have been constructed before 1800, I
know not, for there are no further records extant. 25
Of manufacturing and other industries during this
period nothing is known, nor are there any means of
ascertaining if the teachings of the artisan instructors
sent by government to California penetrated to this
southern establishment.
In respect to commerce
nothing further appears than that there was due the
24

in

i. 113; ii. 26, 29.

The neophytes' huts at San
were like those of the gentiles of wood and grass, considered by the comandante as sufficient protection against the weather, if
not against fire. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 73. Names of rancherias in the
Lib. iMision, MS., 3, 4: Cosoy, San Francisco, Soledad, S. Antonio or Las
Choyas, Santa Cruz or Coapan in San Luis Valley, Purisima, or Apuoquele,
S. Miguel, or Janat, San Jocome de la Marca or Jamocha, San Juan Capistrano or Matamo, and San Jorge or Meti.
2b Hayes'
Emigrant Notes, 153, 477, 603. Hayes gives from personal observation a most interesting description of this dam and aqueduct, Which I
shall notice in a subsequent chapter, as I am inclined to think without having
any very strong evidence that the works were built or completed in the next
decade. In a report of March 1799 Grajera speaks of an attempt to bring in
water, at which the Indians had been overworked, but which was not a success. Grajera, Respuesta, MS., 193-4.

St.

Diego as

Pap., Miss., MS.,

late as 1798

SAN JUAN CAPISTRANO.

C57

mission at the end of each of the later years about

26
3,500 for supplies to the presidio.
San Luis Rey, a new establishment of 1798, where
Padre Peyri was at work building up one of the
grandest of the Californian missions, has been disposed
27
At San
of for this period in a preceding chapter.
Juan Capistrano, next northward Fuster and Santiago were the associate ministers until 1800, when the
former died, 2S and Jose Faura from San Luis Rey
took his place. These missionaries baptized in the
decade 940 converts and buried G68, the community
being:
o increased from 741 to 1,046. Horses and cattle
from 2,500 became 8,500, San Juan being third in the
list, while in sheep with 17,000 it was far ahead of any
other mission. Crops in 1800 were 6,300 bushels; the
average, 5,700; the best crop, in 1792, 7,400, and the
In 1797, there was
smallest, in 1798, 3,700 bushels.
due San Juan for supplies furnished to San Diego and
Santa Barbara presidios over $6,000. 29
In 1794 there were built at San Juan two large
adobe granaries roofed with tiles, and forty houses for
neophytes, some with grass roofs and others tiled. In

...

26

Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 195, 197, 265.

See chapter xxvi. of this volume.
v!8
yi C ente Fuster was a native of Aragon, who had originally left Mexico
in October 1770, arrived atLoreto in November 1771, served at Velicata, and
came up from the peninsula with Palou, arriving at San Diego August 30,
He was with Jaume on the terrible night
1773, where he served until 1776.
of November 5, 1775, when the mission was destroyed and his companion was
murdered. His pen has graphically described the horrors of that night.
After living at San Gabriel and other missions as supernumerary he was
minister of San Juan Capistrano from November 1779 until December 1787,
when he founded Purisima and remained there till Aug. 1789. Then he
returned to San Juan and served until his death on Oct. 21, 1800.
He was
buried by Estevan, Santiago, and Faura in the mission church. He had
received the last sacrament, writes EstOan, 'with the most perfect corformity
to the divine will, giving us even to the last moment of his life the most illustrious example of the resignation and love to God our Lord and his holy law
which he had preached in his life, both by works and words.' Sept. 9,
1806, with all due solemnity Fuster's remains were transferred to their final
resting-place in the presbytery of the new church on the epistle side. San
Juan Capistrano, Lib. de Mieion, MS., 28, 39-40.
29
Due San Juan from Sta Barbara $1,628. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 80-1.
27

From San Diego

15,

1797,

MS.,
MS.,

vi.

in 1797, $4,785; in 1798, $4,553. Id., xvi. 195, 265.

Mar.
draft on Mexico in favor of the padres for $3,000. Prov. lire,
184.
July 1794, draft drawn by Graj era for $2,000. Prov. St. Pap.,

xii. 17.

Hist. Cal., Vol.

I.

42

LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH.

05S

February 1797 work was begun on a new stone church

which was to be the finest edifice in California.
master mason was obtained from Culiacan and the

structure rose slowly but steadily for nine }r ears. 30

Mariano Mendoza, a weaver, was sent from Monterey in the summer of 1796 to teach the natives. If
he neglected his business, he should be chained at
night, for he was under contract with the government at thirty dollars a month.
loom was set up
with other necessary apparatus of a rude nature,
with which b}^ the aid of natives coarse fabrics and
blankets were woven.
Early in 1797 the friars were
notified that if they wished the services of Mendoza
for a longer time they must pay his wages; but they
thought his instructions not worth the money, especially now that they had learned all he knew, and the
weaving industry had been successfully established.
Besides home manufactures San Juan supplied from
its large flocks quantities of wool for experiments at
other establishments. 31
Vancouver, sailing down the coast in the autumn
of 1793, noted San Juan as "erected close to the
water-side, in a small sandy cove; very pleasantly

30
mason sent up by Arrillaga, who reports
St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 2G.
to the viceroy Jan. 11, 1799. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 15. Lasuen in report of
1799-1800 says the church has been building four years. Arch. Sta Barbara,
MS., xii. 128. Date of beginning, S. Juan Cap., Lib. de Mision, MS., 2G.
Dec. 1797, church of masonry with arches being built 53 x 10 varas. St. Pap.,
Mi**., MS., ii. 110.
31
May 1796, a weaver (tejedor de ancho) sent. Prov. Pec, MS., v. 79,
April 16, 1797, Pedro Poyorena's report to Grajera. Blankets,
245, 247.
wide woollen cloths, mangos for vaqueros, 30 yards of mar.ta, 30 yards of
baize successfully woven.
Xot so perfect as Mexican goods, but good enough
The native women spin and pick wool and cotton, and also
for this country.
dye tolerably well. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 2G1-2. April 17th, report of
radres on progress. The weaver's attempts at dyeing with vinegar, etc., not
equal to what the natives could do with Campeche, Brazil, and Zacatastal
woods. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 103-5. April 2Sth, Grajera to Borica, the
carpenter Gutierrez the only man who can put up looms. Prov. St. Pap.,
MS. xvi. 201 April 29th, Borica to padres. May 31st, Fuster to Borica. Mencloza's services in the past not worth much, but he will pay what Lasuen
deems just. June 2Gth, Borica to commandant of Monterej\ Make an
arrangement with Lasuen and pay one eighth to Mendoza and seven eighths
Prov. St. Pap., B^n. Mil., MS., xxv. 15; Prov. Per.,
to royal treasury.
MS., vi. 185-G, 189. Wool purchased for Monterey and Santa Barbara. Id.,
ix. 5; St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 2.
,

LOS AXGELES.

639

a grove of trees, whose luxuriant and

diversified foliage, when contrasted with the adjacent
shores, gave it a most romantic appearance; having
the ocean in front, and being bounded on its other
sides by rugged dreary mountains, where the vegetation was not sufficient to hide the naked rocks.
The
buildings of the mission were of brick and stone, and
in their vicinity the soil seemed to be of uncommon
and striking fertility. The landing on the beach in
the cove seemed to be good." 32 In the fear of English invasion which agitated the whole country in
the beach at San Juan
] 797 a sentinel was posted on
to watch for suspicious vessels, since it was not doubted
that England had her eyes upon the cove anchorage.
Whether a four-pounder was mounted here as recommended by Captain Grajera does not appear. The
arrest of a neophyte Aurelio for the murder of his
wife in 1797, and the earthquake of November 22,
1800, which slightly cracked the rising walls of the
new church, complete the annals of the decade. 33
situated in

Respecting the pueblo of Los Angeles from 1791

to 1800, the information extant is exceedingly slight.
The number of families residing here increased from
thirty to seventy, and the white population from 140
to 315, chiefly by the gro wing-up of children and the
aggregation of invalids from the different presidios.
Horses and cattle increased from 3,000 to 12,500, a
larger number than is accredited to any other Californian establishment.

though a

special effort

Sheep numbered 1,700 only,

had been made since 1795 to

increase the pueblo flocks with a view to the industry

32

Vancouver's Voyar/e,

ii.

4G7.

This description seems to locate the mis-

much nearer the shore than it really is, but it could hardly have been
moved before 1707 when the new church was begun, and certainly not later.
sion

See chapter xiv. this vol.

33
The Indian
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 155-6, 170, 249-50; xxi. 54.
Aurelio was not severely punished. In a fit of jealousy he proceeded to
administer some conjugal discipline, and in his zeal overdid the duty as he
frankly confessed. He had no intention of killing her. The authorities decided it not a matter for criminal process.

LOCAL EVENTS

660

EST

THE SOUTH.

of weaving.
Crops in 1800 were 4,600 bushels, the
largest having been 7,800 in 1796, and the smallest
Seven eighths of the entire harvest
2,700 in 1797.
was usually maize, though the inhabitants offered in
1800 to contract for the supply of 3,400 bushels of
wheat per year at 1.66 a bushel for the San Bias

market. 34

Map
34

From

of Los Angeles Region in 1800.

Expense of pay and rations $1,528.

9 to 12 pobladores in 1793.
Pap., Ben. MIL, MS., iii. 16. List of 42 names of male settlers in
Two hundred sheep distributed in
1799. St. Pap., Miss., MS., iii. 9, 10.
August, 1796. Prov. Pec., MS., iv. 74; vi. 79; Si. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 1.
1796, Borica orders that land be given to heads of families who have none,
but they must cultivate it. Prov. Pec, MS.,iv. 44-5. 1795, correspondence
and orders requiring seeded lands to be fenced. In one case a willow fence
is mentioned. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 12, 16, 17, 29. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 77.
The same year especial effort was made by the governor through Commandant
Goycoechea to encourage the settlers to raise good crops in view of the general
Prov.

St.

AFFAIRS AT THE PUEBLO.

661

Vicente Felix remained in charge of the pueblo as

comisionado throughout the decade, except perhaps
for a brief period in 1795-6 when Javier Alvarado
seems to have held the office. The successive alcaldes
were Mariano Verdugo, elected in 1790; Francisco
Reyes, 1793-5; Jose Vanegas, 1796; Manuel Arellano,
1797; Guillermo Soto, 1798; Francisco Serrano, 1799;
and Joaquin Higuera for 1800. The pueblo was in
the jurisdiction of Santa Barbara, the comisionado
receiving his orders from the commandant of that
presidio, though as we have seen the small military
guard was furnished by the San Diego company. Of
local events from year to year there is practically
nothing in the records. 35
It is in connection with the pueblo of Los Angeles
that the most interesting topic of early land-grants
in this southern central region may most conveniently
be noticed. In February 1795 there were five ranchos
in private possession, held under provisional grants
and supporting several thousand head of live-stock. 36
The first was San Rafael, granted by Fages October
20, 1784, to the retired corporal of the San Diego
company Jose Maria Verdugo. It was also known as
drought. Id., xix. 38-40; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 15. Proposal to furnish wheat
San Bias market. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 50. 1787, grain sold to
Santa Barbara, $358. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., ix. 4. Each settler
must give annually two fanegas of maize or wheat for a fondo de propjrias to
be spent for the good of the community. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 98-9.
35 Arrillaga reported that Los Angeles was in quiet in 1792, but certain
unruly persons were ordered to leave, and though they did not go, the warning proved effective. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 188. Oct. 11. 1795, Borica to
comandante, if the comisionado is not active enough he must be removed.
Prov. Pec., MS., iv. 29-30. Alvarado comisionado 1795-G. Id. iv. 39;
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 234; Id., Ben. Mil., xv. 7.
1796, Francisco Aviia
drowned in the tulares. Suspicions of murder proved groundless. Prov. Pec,
MS., iv. 66, 71. Dec. 7, 1797, the settlers Avila and Arellano must be
chastised and turned out if they continue to disturb the pueblo. Id., iv.
93-4.
1798, allusions to speedy completion of a jail. Prov. Pec, iv. 108.
Padre Salazar relates that when he was here in 1795 a man who had 1,000
mares and cattle in proportion came to San Gabriel to beg cloth for a shirt,
for none could be had at pueblo or presidio. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS.,
for the

ii.

77.
86

Feb. 24, 1795, Goycoechea's report to Borica in Prov. St. Pap., Ben.
April, 1795, Borica to viceroy. Pror. Rec, vi. 40-1.
The
7, 8.
former important report seems not to have been seen by either writers or
lawyers in the past.
Mil., xxii.

LOCAL EVENTS IX THE SOUTH.

G02

La Zanja, described

as across the river and four leagues

from Los Angeles, and was confirmed by Borica

January 12, 1798. 37 The second rancho was that of
Manuel Nieto, held under Fages' permission of November 1784, the largest and best of all, supporting
1,100 head of cattle and large enough for a pueblo,
since well known as Los Nietos, and formerly granted
in several tracts to Nieto's heirs by Figueroa in 1834. 3S
The third was the famous San Pedro, or Dominsfuez,
rancho, occupied by Juan Jose Dominguez with about
a thousand head of cattle under a permission given
very likely by Fages, but the date of which is not
known. It was recanted bv Sola in 1822, and is one
of the few Californian ranchos that have remained in
the possession of the original grantees and their descendants. 39 Fourth in the list was the rancho at Portezuelo, smaller but fertile and well watered and stocked
with cattle on a small scale, situated about four leagues
from Los Angeles on the main road, and occupied by
the old veteran Sergeant Mariano de la Luz Verdu40
go.
The fifth and last was the Encino rancho, where
37

According to Reg. Brands, MS., 32-3. Fages permitted Verdugo on

Oct. 20th to keep his cattle at Arroyo Hondo, one and a half leagues from San
Gabriel on the road to Monterey, on condition that no harm waa done to mission or pueblo, and care taken with the natives.
Jan. 12, 1708, in answer to
petition of Nov. 4, 1797, Borica permitted him to settle with his family, relatives, and property, under like conditions, and the new one of raising sheep, at
La Zanja. This rancho was visited in August 1705 by the party seeking a mission site. Sta Maria, Registro, MS.
38
In 1795-6 the mission of San Gabriel laid claim to Nieto's land, called
After an investigation Borica allowed Nieto to retain
at the time La Zanja.
what land he had actually under cultivation and in use, the rest to be used
by the mission without prejudice to Nieto's legal rights. Pror. lice, MS., iv.
It would seem that other persons besides Nieto were living
45, 51-2, Gl-2.
here in 1797, when the inhabitants were called on to be ready to resist English
invasion. Prov. >^t. Pap., MS., xvi. 249-50. This grant came before the U. S.
land comission in later times in five separate tracts: Los Cerritos, Los Coyotes,
Las Bolsas, Los Alamitos, and Santa Gertrudis, aggregating 33 sq. leagues.
Hoffman's
J9

Land

Cases.

Granted by Sola Dec. 31, 1822, to Sergt. Cristobal Dominguez as nephew

and heir of Juan Jose. Peg. Brands, MS., 35. The author cf Los Angeles,
Hist., 8, 9, supposes this grant to have been originally made before 1SC0,
No one
chiefly on the testimony of Manuel Dominguez and other old settlers.
has until now shown any documentary proof.
40
Verdugo enlisted at Loretoon Dec. 15, 17G6, serving as private, corporal,
and sergeant, seven years in each capacity. He came with Capt. Rivera y
Moncada in the first expedition of 1709, and served in several Indian campaigns. His name appears among the godfathers at the iirst baptisms in fean

EARLY LAND-GRANTS.

GC3

Alcalde Francisco Reyes had a house and where he

kept his own live-stock as well as that of Cornelio
Avila and others. This was where San Fernando was
established in 1797, the friars taking possession of
Reyes' house, a fact that illustrates the slight tenure
by which these early grants were held. Between 1795
and 1800 there were perhaps granted two other ranchos within this jurisdiction, San Jose de Gracia de
Simi to Javier, Patricio, and Miguel Pico in or about
1795; and El Refugio to Captain Jose Francisco
Ortega or his sons a year or two later. 41
San Gabriel, belomnn^ throughout the decade to
Diego, and he commanded the guard at San Luis Obispo in 1773. He was
temporarily in command at San Diego in November 1775 at the time of the
massacre, being the first to reach the mission and report the terrible event.
He accompanied Gov. Neve to the Colorado in 1782. His wife, Dona Maria
Guadalupe Lugo, was buried by Lasuen at San Diego April 15, 1780, and he
subsequently married Gregoria Espinosa. From about 1780 he was sergeant
of the Monterey company till 1787 when he was probably retired as an invalid.
rrov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., ii. 14; viii. 8, 9; xiv. 1,2; xxii. 7; Prov. St.
Pep., MS., i. 2, 4, 5; S. Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS., 10, 77; San Luis Obispo,
Lib. de Mision, MS., 20.
11
The Simi Rancho, according to Peg. Brands, MS., 33, and Hoffman's
Land Cases, was granted by Borica in 1795, being regranted, or at least
petitioned for, in 1821, and also by Alvarado in 1842.
According to Beg.
Brands, MS., 32, El Refugio was granted by Borica, therefore before 1800,
to Capt. Ortega, therefore before 1798 when Ortega died.
I think there is
room for doubt about one or both of these grants. Respecting both it may be
said that Borica does not seem to have favored such grants.
As to Simi,
when an exploring party visited the valley in August 1795 they did not mention any rancho as they did Reyes' and Vcrdugo's; and not only this but in
April 179G Borica expressly refused to grant Pico (no given name) permission
t> leave the pueblo and settle on a rancho.
As to El Refugio, we know thab
Ortega in 179G was in trouble about a deficit in his Loreto accounts, Prov.
];<<-., MS., iv. 08, 72, 81-2, 80; his son Jose Maria wished to take a land-grant
on which to work and pay his father's indebtedness, and although Borica
advised him against the scheme, still a grant was ordered to be made to him
of the Zanja de Cota lands if unoccupied.
The author of Los Angeles, Hist.,
His
8, 9, thinks that Santiago de Santa Ana was one of these early grants.
reasons are: A popular belief that this was one of the oldest ranches; testimony
in the district court that the original occupant was Grijalva; the probability
that the grant to Yorba in 1810 was a regrant to Grijalva's son-in-law; and
finally a recognition by the court of the Peraltas' claims as descendants of the
original occupant.
This is an ingenious but probably erroneous argument.
Lieut. Grijalva was a pensioner of the San Diego company after 1790 as was
Sergt. Yorba, his son-in-law, after 1798; but Grijalva, dying at San Diego in
180G, named no land in his will though lie did name cattle; and moreover he
refused to give his daughters anything, on the ground that they had been provided for at their marriage one with Yorba in 1782 and the other with
Peralta in 1785.
Peralta's claims resulted from the fact that Arriliaga's grant
of July 1, 1810, was to Yorba and Peralta in company.
In his petition of
Nov. 24, 1809, Yorba says nothing of any previous occupancy by himself or
others. Reg. Brands, MS., 34.

LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH.

664

the jurisdiction of San Diego, was one of the most

flourishing of the missions, but its annals may be very
Cruzado and Sanchez still toiled
briefly disposed of.
Calzada remained until 1792.
together as ministers.
42
Juan MarCristobal Oramas served here in 1 792-3
tin in 1794-6; Juan Lope Cortes in 1796-8; and
Pedro de San Jose Estevan to 1800 and later, so that
They baptized
the mission had always three padres.
43
1,267 natives, but they buried l,124, so that the community was increased only from 1,040 to 1,140, standing now third instead of second in the list.
In large
stock San Gabriel stood fourth, with a gain from 4,220
to 7,090 head; while in sheep it was second to San
Juan only, its flocks having increased from 6,000 to
In agricultural products San Gabriel was a
12,360.
tie with San Buenaventura in 1800, with a crop of
9,400 bushels, the smallest having been 3,600 in 1793,
and the average about 6,400.
Jose Maria Verdugo, owner of a rancho in the
vicinity, was corporal of the mission guard much of
the time down to 1798, and his successor was Pedro
Poyorena. Jose Miguel Flores, a discharged soldier,
was majordomo down to his death in l796. u
stone church was half finished in 1794, but in 1800
it had not yet been completed.
There is no record
of manufacturing industries save that a little cotton
obtained from San Bias was w oven; but I suppose
that a beginning of weaving woollen stuffs or of some

42

Of Crist6bal Oramas we only know that he had been for five years
assistant curate and became a friar only a year before coming to California,
whither he brought in 1786 a most flattering reputation from the guardian
He
for genius and exemplary conduct. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 26-7.
served at Santa Barbara, of which mission he was a founder, from December
1786 to December 17S9; at Purisima until November 1792; and at San Gabriel
until September 1793, when broken down in health he retired to the college.
43
This death-rate of 90 per cent of baptisms and doubtless 500 per cent
and more of births was not caused by any great epidemic in one year, for the
deaths run quite evenly as follows: 104, 84, 98, 65, 80, 87, 92, 96, 138, and
230.
44
San Gabriel, Lib. de Mision, MS., passim. The mission-books contain
but little beyond the names of padres and of persons baptized, married, or
buried.
The original registers are also imperfect, parts of several books
having disappeared.

SANTA BARBARA DISTRICT.

665

other branch of primitive manufactures must have

been made at this period, for San Gabriel, so flourishing and so prominent in later years, would naturally
have been among the first to make experiments.
Events important or petty there are none to record.
San Fernando, the new establishment in Encino Valley belonging to the jurisdiction of Santa Barbara, I
have already noticed in another chapter.-45

Santa Barbara presidio remained under the able

command of Lieutenant Felipe de Goycoechea, who
was also habilitado, and was in 1798 promoted to be
brevet captain. Pablo Antonio Cota was promoted to
fill the vacant post of alferez, and served throughout
the decade, dying at the end of 1800. 46 Jose Maria
Ortega, son of the lieutenant, took Cota's place as sergeant with Olivera and Carrillo; and when the latter
went to Monterey in 1795 he was replaced by FranThe presidial force was fifty-nine
cisco Maria Ruiz.
men, from which number guards were supplied to San
Buenaventura, San Fernando, Santa Barbara, and
Purisima missions. The number of pensioners increased from one to seventeen, and all, with their
families, constituted a population de razon which in45

Church-building. St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 5, 29, 100, 110. Cotton- weavJuly, 1796, 200 arrobas
ii. 6, 100; Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 30-2.
can be had at 20 reals. St. Pap., Sac, MS., vi. 6. Due mission
from presidio of San Diego, 1797, $2,881. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 265. For
Due from Santa Barbara, 1797, $3,311. Id.,
1798, $2,597. Id., xvi. 195.
xvii. 78-81.
Two runaway neophytes from San Gabriel brought in by the
Papagos to Tucson. Prov. Rec, MS., iv. 58.
ing. Id.,
of wool

4G
Pablo Antonio Cota was born in 1744, and enlisted in 1768, coming to
California probably in 1769, and certainly before 1774.
He seems to have
commanded the guard at San Buenaventura from its foundation in 1782 until
He subsequently
1787, when he was removed on complaint of the padres.
commanded at Purisima until replaced by Corporal Ortega in September
During this time he was engaged in one or two minor explorations
1788.
and Indian campaigns. His commission as alfeYez was signed in Mexico Jan.
His wife was Dona Maria Rosa de Lugo,
13, 1788. St. Pap., Sac, MS., i. 55.
who died Jan. 10, 1797. S. Buenaventura, Lib. de Mission, MS., 2, 5, 9; Sta
Barbara, Lib de Mision, MS., 30: In August 1795 he commanded the party
exploring for the mission site of San Fernando. Sta Maria, Bei/istro, MS.
He died Dec. 30, 1800, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 87; xxi. 56, of pleurisy,
which during this cold rainy winter attacked many persons at Santa Barbara.
Prov. St. Pap., Ben. MIL, MS., xxix. 3.

LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH.

666

creased from 200 to 370. 47 The total white population of this district, including Los Angeles and the
ranchos, was 675, and neophytes, including San
Gabriel and San Fernando, numbered almost 4,000.
Having no fort, 4S Santa Barbara obtained no part of
the reenforcement of artillerymen and infantry sent
to California in 1796, and wT as garrisoned by cuera
cavalrymen only. The annual appropriation for this
presidio from the royal treasury did not vary much
from 815,000. 49
It has been seen that new presidio buildings had
been completed or nearly so by 1790; but some of the
roofs were constructed of tules; some of the timbers
supporting tile roofs were bad; the family kitchens
were inside the houses and not detached as was best;
a fire did considerable damage in August 1789; and it
seems that no new chapel had been built. Fages in
47
Company rosters in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii.-xxvi. St.
Pop., Sac, MS., i.-iii. List of about 100 persons in 1797 who have complied with religious obligations. Prov. St. Pap., LIS., xv. 89-93.
List of 14
young men lit for military service, but whose parents need their care. Id.,
xv. 102-4.
Full list of officers and men in 1798. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil.,
MS., xvii. 20-1. Four foundlings came here to live in 1800. Id., xxviii. By
Borica's order each mission escolta was reduced by one man in 1795. Prov.
Bee., MS., iv. 25; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 171.
48
One brass G-pounder and three smaller iron pieces at the presidio with
;

four iron guns at the three coast missions were the armament in 1798. Prov.
Paper supplied to school and collected
St. Pap., Den. Mil., MS., xvii. 5.
again for cartridges. Prov. Pec., MS., iv. 32.
49
Company accounts in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xv. xvii.-viii. xxi.
xxiii. xxviii. St. Pap., Sac., MS., ii. iv. The memorias of supplies were from
$13,000 to $17,000. Account of 1794, credit, $39,737; debit, $38,634. Prov.
Id. for 1797, cr., $42,377; dr., $43,095. St. Pap.,
St. Pap.. Presid., MS., i. 3.
Sac., MS., ii. 08.
Id. for 1798, cr., $40,520; dr., $40,658. Prov. St. Pap. Ben.
Total receipts of supplies in 1795, including $6,833
Mil., MS., xvii. 9-11.
from missions, $22,057. Id., xxi. 9. Waste in last meinoria 1796, $690.
Prov. Rec, MS., iv. 80. Mission supplies in 1797, $4,623; in 1798, $756.
Inventory of goods on hand.
Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xvii. 10, 11.
Dec. 31, 1798, $9,758. Id., xvii. 9. Account of 1799, cr., $45,728; dr., $46. 148.
Prov. St. Pap., Ben., MS., ii. IS, 19. Postal revenue from $56 to $105.
Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., xxi. 6, 9; xxiii. 8; xxv. 14; St Pap., Sac,
MS., vi. 61. Tithes collected from $200 to $800 per year, the expense of collecting being from 15 to 20 per cent. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xix. 4;
xxi. 6; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 45-6; vi. 2;Dept St. Pap., MS.,x. 3,4;SY Pap.,
Sac, MS., i. 124. In 1792-3, the papal bulls sold amounted to $02. Prov.
From 1790 to 1795, only $8 out of $1,177
St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxi. 6.
worth sent. Id., xiii. 4; xxi. 9. In 1797, $87 worth sold, and those remainIt seems that this sale was a
in" ordered burned. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 87.
special one of bulls of the holy crusade. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 79-80.
;

SANTA BARBARA.

G67

Romeu

of February 1791 reported

this state of things and hoped all would be completed
In August 1793 the governor pronounced
that year.
the presidio buildings the best in California owing to
his instructions to

Goycoechea's activity, biit still some roofs needed reAll would be done that year except the new
pairs.
Vanchapel and a cemetery outside the square.
couver in November found here "the appearance of a

Map

of Santa Barbara District, 1800.

than any other of the Spanish

establishments had exhibited. The buildings appeared

far

more

civilized place

and well constructed, the walls clean

and white, and the roofs of the houses were covered
to be regular

The

the
others in neatness, cleanliness, and other smaller
though essential comforts; it is placed on an elevated
part of the plain and is raised some feet from the

with a bright red

tile.

presidio excels

all

LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH.

66S

ground by a basement story, which adds much to its

In October 1794 the commandant
pleasantness."
complete the buildings fifteen laborers
for six months were necessary at a cost of $561.
Thereupon work was stopped except upon the church
and the most necessary repairs; and at the end of
1796 the viceroy declared that the sailor-workmen
could no longer be employed at royal expense; but
the chapel was blessed on Guadalupe day in 1797. 50
Though Santa Barbara seems to have had as yet
no branch of the rancho del rey like those at the other
presidios, yet it is credited in statistical reports with
from 1,000 to 4,000 horses and cattle, and from 200
This live-stock is not to be confounded
to 600 sheep.
with that of the mission, but it was probably identical
to some extent with that of the rancheros within the
There were also
jurisdiction already referred to.
agricultural operations carried on by the soldiers disRecords
tinct from those of the mission neophytes.
of results are very meagre, but in 1797 they reached
51
Of mechan1,650 bushels of wheat, corn, and beans.
ical industries there is nothing to record save that
the attempt to obtain white apprentices was more
certified that to

50
Pages, Papel de Puntos, MS., 166.
Aug. 20, 1793, governor to viceroy.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 115; Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 451, 495. Oct. 11,
1794, 15 men at 18 cents per day and 34 fanegas of maize at 13 reals, necessary to complete the buildings. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 02. Oct. 24th, building expenses to stop. Id., xii. 98. Dec. 13th, Borica says the church is to be
enlarged at cost of the fondo de gratification. Id., xii. 58. Expenses from 1784
to 1794, $2,256. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., xxi. 12.
Dec. 16th, viceroy
to governor, the 8 ship-boys and other workmen can no longer be paid from
treasury of San Bias. St. Pap., Sac, MS., vii. 57-8.
Chapel to be blessed
on Guadalupe day. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 87. The $2,256 charged to fondo de
gratification by order of April 26, 1797. Id., iv. 89.
51
Jan. 15, 1794, governor orders that each soldier be allowed only four
cows. These to be branded and the rest slaughtered. Prov. Rec, MS., i.
1794-5, commandant asks for and obtains from governor 200 steers for
2C8.
Oct. 22, 1795, Borica
rations. Id., iv. 16; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 97.
orders Goycoechea, Ortega, and other officers to fence their gardens; and
reads them a lecture for complaining of the poor soldiers' cattle. Why should
In
so many suffer for the convenience of a few? Prov. Rec, MS., iv. 33-4.
1796 an effort was made here as elsewhere to promote sheep-raising. Let
Pefia have some land, says the governor June 9, 1796, if he will take Pico as
a partner and raise twice as many sheep as other stock. Rancheros must go
to the pueblo to live he says, Dec. 29th, unless they will raise sheep. Prov.

Rec, MS.

iv.

66, 86.

SANTA BARBARA.

669

here than at San Diego, since six boys

were taught by the weaver Enriquez during his southern tour in 1798. 52
Vancouver's visit in 1793 was first in the slight
chain of local events to be recorded in this decade.
He anchored here November 10th and sailed the 18th.
His reception in comparison with that at Monterey
and San Francisco seemed to him agreeable, though
Goycoechea
the difference was chiefly imaginary.
was courteous and hospitable, and Vancouver had
Little was done
learned not to expect too much.
except to obtain wood and water, purchase supplies
from private individuals, and take required exercise
within sight of the presidio, retiring on board at night.
successful

An

excellent spring, said to have been unknown to

the Spaniards, was found near the old wells. Fathers
Miguel and Tapis were particularly affable and anxious
to entertain and aid the foreigners, who carried away
a flattering opinion of Santa Barbara and its peo53
January 10, 1794, there was a public execution.
ple.
Ignacio Rochin was shot, there being no hangman in
the country, for the murder of one Alvarez. The wife
of the victim, Rochin's accomplice, was condemned to
hard work as a servant, the sentences coming finally
from the audiencia of Guadalajara. 54
In August 1795 the English merchant ship Phoenix,
Captain Moore, touched here for supplies and left a
Boston boy who was soon sent to San Bias as already
'

'

related.

55

The same year the inhabitants contributed

nearly one thousand dollars toward paying the expenses

of the war with France.
52 Prov. Bee, MS., iv.
99. July 21, 1796, Borica to Goycoechea. The sons
of soldiers and settlers must be urged to learn weaving, tailoring, and pottery.
bricklayer, a carpenter, and a violinista in the company in
Id. iv. 72-3.
Timber for oars sent to San Diego. Id. iv. 88.
1798. Id., iv. 95.
53
Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 4.31-6, 493, 497, 500. The English navigator was
surprised at the failure of the Spaniards to fortify so strong and important a
position.
He mentions two brass, nine-pounders before the presidio entrance.
54
Sta Barbara, Lib. de Minion, MS., 29; Prov. Bee, MS., iv. 5, 7; Prov.
St. Pap.. MS., xii. 92; xiii. 176; Id., Ben. Mil., xxi. 8; Garcia, Hechos. MS.,

1,2.
50

See

p. 536, this

volume.

Prov.

St.

Pap., Ben. MIL, MS., xxi.

9.

LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH.

670

The j ear 1796 was marked by the discovery of

what was thought to be a quicksilver mine in the
black mire at the Punta del Cerro de la Lacuna. A
load of the metal-bearing mud was taken to the presidio for examination by Borica's orders, but nothing
farther is heard of it. 56 In February 1797 a soldier

named Gonzalez

have been poisoned by the

natives, who thus revenged themselves for what they
regarded as cruel treatment. 57 In March and April
came the alarm of war with England. Couriers were
despatched, sentinels posted, guns made ready, the
natives exhorted, and abundant reasons given for not
doing more. 63 In May the Princesa arrived off the
mouth of the Rio Purisima and landed thirty of her
hundred and sixty men, who were suffering from
scurvy, but who rapidly recovered. 59 In December
is

said to

there arrived the Magallanes, a full-rigged ship of war,

which had come over from Manila to make observations and if necessary convoy the San Bias vessels
southward. 60 On February 3, 1798, occurred the
death of the old pioneer of 17G9, Brevet Captain Jose
Francisco Ortega, former commandant of Santa Barbara and for several }^ears living as a retired pensioner
in this vicinity. He left many sons and daughters, and
many of his grandchildren still live in California. 61
Prov. 7?ec.,MS., iv. 57.
The death of Rafael Gerardo Gonzalez on Feb. 14th is recorded in Sta
Barbara, Lib. de Mision, MS., 30. The fact that he was poisoned rests on
57

the statement of his son Rafael Gonzalez, still living

Experiencias, MS., 1, 2, who was born a few
death. He flogged some boys who allowed the crows
natives soon invited him to a feast of poisoned fish.
58 Goycoechea
to Borica, March 28, April 10, 1797,

zalez.

at Santa Barbara, Gon-

days after his father'3

to eat his corn,

xv. 43-5, 188-9.

59
/(/., xv. 52; Prov. Rec, MS., iv. 90-1.
eo
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 113-14; xvi. 185; xvii.

and the

in Prov. St. Pap.,

MS.,

1, 6.

Francisco Ortega was a native of the town of Zelaya in what is now

the State of Guanajuato, where in his early youth he was employed as a warehouse clerk. Enlisting Oct. 1, 1755, he served in the cuera company of
Loreto ten months as private, two years and a half as corporal, and fourteen
and a half as sergeant. Some time after he was first made sergeant he obtained his discharge and gave his attention to mining in Baja California, where
he was for a time a kind of alcalde of all the mining-camps of the peninsula.
When Portola came as governor, Ortega was readmitted as sergeant and for
a year or more attended to the accounts of the royal warehouse. He accompanied the second land expedition northward in 1769 under Portola and with
61

Jose"

CAPTAIN ORTEGA.

671

At Santa Barbara

mission adjoining the presidio,

Padre Antonio Paterna, the founder, and an old
Junipero Serra. On the way he received a letter from Don Jos6 cle Galvez
promising him the place of lieutenant at Loreto on his return. On this march
he distinguished himself by his tireless activity, always going ahead to explore
the way and traversing the route three times before he reached San Diego.
Then he went on with the first expedition to Monterey, and was perhaps the
first to discover San Francisco Bay, probably the first to visit the site of the
present city, and certainly the one who explored the bay region most extenBack at San Diego he was for a time in command of the
sively on this trip.
guard, but soon returned to Loreto where the governor kept him busy in constant journeys to Sinaloa and to San Diego, and in explorations.
By his zeal
in these early expeditions, Ortega made himself a great favorite with the missionaries and especially with Junipero Serra, who in 1773 urged his appointment as commandant in California to succeed Fages. Serra, Representation de
13 de Mayo 171 J, MS. It is from this document that we obtain many of the
Much is also gathered from his own
facts about his earlier life and services.
later narratives. Ortega, Memorial cd Comandante General sobre mcritos y servicios mditare-i, 8 de Junio 1786, MS., and Ortetja, Fragmento, MS., both of
which are very important documents on early history.' Serra's efforts could
not make him commandant, but he was made lieutenant and commanded at
San Diego for over eight years. His services in the exciting times which followed the massacre of 1775 have been already recorded. In 1781 he founded
Santa Barbara, planning the buildings, fortifications, and irrigating works in a
manner which gained him great credit, and serving as commandant and habilitado "until 1784, when he was transferred to the frontier. Here in 178G he
petitioned for pecuniary relief and for retirement, being unfitted for duty by
oO years of active service and by increasing obesity. His petition was not
granted, but he was transferred back to California and was in command at
Monterey from September 1787 to March 1701. A year later he went down
to Loreto and was commandant there during Arrillaga's absence until 1795,
when he was retired as brevet captain on half lieutenant's pay, attached to the
Santa Barbara company. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxii. 4; xxiii. 2.
Like most other officers who served as habilitados Ortega was in some trouble
with his accounts during this last term at Loreto, and was oppressed by debt
The deficit was $2,597. St. Pap., Sac., MS., ix.
in the last years of his life.
Jos6 Maria Ortega, his son, asked to be discharged from military service
73.
or retired as invalid, and to be granted lands that he might pay off the deficit.
Borica wrote July 11, 179G, approving the son's desire to clear his father, but
disapproving the scheme as not likely to succeed because the missions would
have the preference in selling grain. He thought the captain would be
allowed to keep a portion of his pay. Oct. 28th, he sent the discbarge of
the captain's sons, and ordered their grain to be bought to pay the deficit.
A strict watch was to be kept on the property to prevent other creditors from
being favored. The sons finally paid up the deficit. Prov. Pec., MS., iv.
CO-72, 81-2, 8G. It is possible, though not certain, that there was provisionally granted to the family at this time or before 1800, the rancho de Nuestro
Senora del Refugio, which remained long in the family and was famous in
connection with smuggling operations during the Mexican rule. Capt. Ortega
died suddenly on Feb. 3, 1798, at the Casil rancheria while on his way to the
presidio, and was buried next day in the mission cemetery by Tapis. Prov.
St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxvi. 3; Prov. llec, MS., iv. 97; Sta Barbara, Lib.
de Minion, MS., 31. Ortega's wife was Dona Maria Antonia Victoria Carrillo, who died very suddenly arid was buried in the presidio church on May
In 1802 she received a pension of $9,150. Prov. St. Pap.,
8, 1803. Id., 33.
Ben. Mil., xxx. 4. They had several children when they came to San Diego,
Ignacio, Jos6 Maria, Vicente, Francisco, Juan, Maria Luisa, and Maria, according to Taylor, and there were born at San Diego, Jos6 Francisco Maria,

LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH.

C72

pioneer of 1771, died in 1793 62 and was succeeded

by Estevan Tapis. Jose de Miguel had served since
1790, and was succeeded in 1798 by Juan Lope Cortes.
By this missionary force 1,237 natives were baptized,
634 were buried, and the number of neophytes was
increased from 438 to 864 in the ten years. 63 Meanwhile horses and cattle had multiplied from 296 to

and sheep from 503 to 5,615.

2,492,

3,000 bushels in 1800; 5,400 in

bushels of wheat in 1795. G4

Crops were
1797; and only 150

Juan Capistrano Maria Herm6genes, Maria Antonio de Jesus, and Jos(5 Maria
Martin. San Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS., 12, 14, 17, 19, 27, 50; Loreto, Lib.
Mision, MS., 198; Taylor's Discoverers and Founders, ii. No. 27.
C2
Antonio Paterna was a native of Seville, and served 20 years in the
Sierra Gorda missions before coming to California.
He left his college in
October 1770; sailed from San Bias in the San Antonio Jan. 21, 1771; arrived
at San Diego March 12th, at Monterey May 21st, and back at San Diego
Julj 14th. He was supernumerary at San Gabriel until May 1772, and minDuring this time he was acting president in
ister until September 1777.
1772-3 until Palou's arrival. He was minister at San Luis Obispo from 1777
7

to 1786; and at Santa Barbara from its foundation, Dec. 4, 1786, until his
death on Feb. 13, 1793. Sta Barbara, Lib. de Mision, MS., 44-5; Arch. Sta
Barbara, MS., vii. 5, 6; xi. 221. He had been a zealous and faithful worker.
His body was buried in the mission church on Feb. 14th. Whether it was
subsequently transferred to the new church does not appear from the records.
03
The discrepancy of about 200 may result from the baptism of certain
natives who were allowed to remain in their rancherias and not included on
the mission registers. There was some correspondence in 1796 about the rancherias of the channel, and their willingness to become Christians if not compelled to leave their lands and fisheries and live at the missions.
Borica
favored allowing them to remain and adding an extra friar to Santa Barbara
and Purisima to attend to their instruction, houses or stations being established
at suitable points. St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 92-8; Prov. Bee, MS., iv. 55-6.
In August 1797, 300 natives near the presidio were given over to Lasuen for
baptism on condition of not leaving their rancheria. Id., iv. 92; vi. 54-5.
According to a report of Goycoechea, March 12, 1796, the rancherias from San
Buenaventura to Purisima were as follows: Sisolopo at San Buenaventura; El
Rincon, 5 leagues; La Carpinteria, 11.; El Paredon, 1| 1. ; Montecito, 1^1.;
Yuctu, at presidio, 1J1.; Sacpili, 2^1.; Alcas; Gelijec; Geloo; Miguigui, 31.,
Casil, 3 1. ; Quemada, 1 1.; Gaviota, 31.; El Bulito Estait. 21.; Sta Texas (?),
Total number
21.; El Cojo Sisilopo, 1^1.; Espada, 1^1.; Pedernales, 1^1.
Najalayegua, Matita, and
of gentiles, 1783. St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 94.
Somes are also named.
C4
Weather reports at Santa Barbara. Much complaint in 1795, 1797, and
1800. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 65; x. 117; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 62;
St. Pap., Sac, MS., vi. 100-1; St Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 103-6; Prov. St. Pap.,
Ben. Mil., MS., xvii. 22; Prov. Pec, MS., xi. 136. According to accounts in
Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ii. 133-9; ix. 476-83, 494-6, the mission had in
1800 a credit balance in Mexico of $528; a draft from the habilitado for
$1,207; $309 in money at the mission; $1,061 due from presidio; and $416 due
from private individuals; total, $3,581 in addition to buildings, etc. Supplies
Otter-skins sent to Mexico,
furnished to presidio from 1793 to 1800, $5,179.
full account of mission supplies purchased in Mexico is given in
$1,624.
Santa Barbara, Memoriae de los Efcctos remitidos d la Mision para los alios

SANTA BARBARA MISSION.

673

Much

progress was made in mission buildings durIn 1791 a guard-house and three
ing this decade.
tool-houses were added; in 1792 two large stone
corrals.
In 17934 a new church of adobes, tiled and
plastered, 28 x 135 feet, with a sacristy 15x28 feet, and
a brick portico in front, was erected; and in 1794 the
improvements were a granary and spinnery on stone
foundations, a cemetery enclosure 48 x 135 feet, and a
sheep-corral.
In 1795 a corridor with tile roof and
brick pillars was added on the side of the square next
the presidio, and another to the spinnery; four new
rooms for the friars were completed; and beams of
alder and poplar were replaced with pine wherever
they had been used. In 1797 several rooms for
granaries, store-rooms, and offices were completed. In
1799 there were built nineteen adobe houses for
natives, each 12 x 19 feet, plastered, whitewashed,
and roofed with tiles; and an adobe wall nine feet
high was extended for 1,200 yards round the garden
and vineyard. In 1799 was added a warehouse, and
in 1800 thirty-one more dwellings in a row, and corridors on brick pillars round the three remaining sides
of the square were completed; while preparations
were made for the construction of a reservoir for
drinking-water, to be made of stone, brick, and mor65

In 1800 sixty neophytes were engaged in

weaving and other work connected with that branch
tar.

of industry.
The carpenter of the presidio was engaged at one dollar per day to teach the natives his
trade; and a corporal taught tanning at 150 per year.
Of the two soldiers that constituted the guard one was
employed by the friars as majordomo. 66
MS. These supplies were purchased by the padres with their
and with the products of sales of produce. They consist of implements, groceries, church vestments, and vessels, clothing, etc. The total
amount for this decade was $10,500, of which $8,000 was paid by the sinodos,
and the rest by drafts from the habilitado. In 1800, as I have said, the mission was $528 ahead; but before it owed from $100 to $2,000.
1786 hasta 1810,

salaries

a Arch. Sta Barbara, MS.,' v. 26-30, 39, 42-5, 49, 53, 58, 61-2; ii. 99,
138-40; St. Pap., Miss., MS., i. 117; ii. 71, 79.
60
Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ii. 96-7, 129, 137-8. Before October, 165
naguas of home manufacture had been distributed, 800 yds. of cotton and
Hist. Cal., Vol.

I.

i3

LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH.

674

San Buenaventura, the southernmost of the channel

establishments, remained under the care of its founders,

Francisco Dumetz and Vicente de Santa Maria, until

1797, when the former was succeeded by Jose Francisco de Paula Senan.
Though its population was
smaller than that of any other mission except San
Francisco and the new establishments, it had more
cattle and raised more grain in 1800 than any other
place in California. 67 Vancouver landed here November 20, 1793, having brought Padre Santa Maria from
Santa Barbara, and spent a few hours very pleasantly
at the mission, which he found to be "in a very superior style to any of the new establishments yet seen."
"The garden of Buena Ventura far exceeded anything
I had before met with in these regions, both in respect
of the quantity, quality, and variety of its excellent
productions, not only indigenous to the country, but
appertaining to the temperate as well as torrid zone;
not one species having yet been sown or planted
These have principally conthat had not flourished.
sisted of apples, pears, plumbs, figs, oranges, grapes,
peaches, and pomegranates, together with the plantain,
banana, cocoa nut, sugar cane, indigo, and a great
variety of the necessary and useful kitchen herbs,
plants, and roots.
All these were flourishing in the
greatest health and perfection, though separated from
the sea-side only by two or- three fields of corn that
were cultivated within a few yards of the surf."
The buildings were also of a superior class, a previous destruction by fire, noted only by Vancouver,
having caused them to be rebuilt. 63 The church was
;

taparabo woven, 700 yds. of blanketing. One thousand and twenty dollars
worth of soap furnished to Monterey, perhaps by the presidio, in 1798. Prov.
Rec, MS.,iv. 105.
67

Increase of neophytes, 385 to 715; baptisms, 757; burials, 412; cattle

horses, 9G1 to 10,013; sheep, 1,503 to 4,622; crops in 1850, 9,400 bushels;
1,500 bushels in 1797 was the smallest crop; average yield, 4,800 bushels;
wheat was not largely raised until 1798, when it became the chief crop, over
8,000 bushels per year.
68
Vancouver 's Voyage, ii. 457-61, 494, 497. One reason of Santa Maria
for going on board the ship was to remove a prejudice among the natives
against foreigners. They begged him for God's sake not to intrust himself

and

SAN BUENAVENTU11A.
not yet

built,

but

it

was begun about

675

this time

and

half finished in 1794, all the rest of the square being

complete. The new church was of stone, and in 1797
It was not, however,
is spoken of as nearly finished.
69
completed before 1800.
fight between the neophytes and pagans in 1795 seems to have afforded the
The Christians were
only excitement of the period.
victorious, killing two chiefs and taking six or seven
The leaders
captives, but having several wounded.
on both sides were admonished or punished, the neophyte Domingo being put to work in chains. 70
Purisima is the last mission of this district. Here
Father Arroita served until 1796 when he was permitted to retire, having completed his term of ten
71
years.
Oramas remained until 1792; Jose Antonio

Calzada from October 1792 until August 1796, returning in May 1798; Juan Martin served in 1796-7;
and Gregorio Fernandez from 1796. Baptizing 1,079
and burying 397, the missionaries increased the neophyte community from 234 to 959. This was the
largest proportional gain and the smallest death-rate
Live-stock, large and small, increased
in California.
to 1,900 and 4,000 head respectively; and crops in 1800
to the stranger's care, and were positive he would never return.
On arrival
the surf prevented landing at the first attempt, and the padre was not a little
frightened as he had not his prayer-book with him. When the natives brought
the book his courage returned and he laughed at his former fears as the sailors
had laughed before. On landing finally, the natives crowded round their
padre to welcome him home and receive his blessing. Vancouver was deeply
impressed with the missionary's piety and the earnest devotion of his neophytes. He noted that the natives were always addressed in their own lan-

guage, and there

is other evidence of this. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 71.

Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 5, 24, 29, 71, 100. In 1701 there were two bells
here belonging to Santa Barbara, which the friars refused to give up. Prov.
In San Buenaventura, Memorias de Ej'ectos remitidos
St. Pap., MS., x. 171.
d la Mision, 1700-1810, MS., we have the mission accounts of supplies from
Mexico, but not so complete nor so clearly stated as in the case of Santa
Barbara. The mission was from $200 to $1,200 in debt during this decade,
but cleared itself early in the next. Due mission from the presidio in 1707,
$1,012. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 78-81.
70
Prov. Pec., MS., iv. 33-6.
71
Francisco Jos6 de Arroita came from Spain to Mexico in 1785, was
appointed to California in April 1780, and came to his post with a reputation
from the guardian of being, like his companions, a good man, though somewhat lively {vivo) and without much experience. He served at San Luis
Obispo from April to December 1787, and at Purisima from its establishment
till June 1700, about which time he sailed for San Bias.
19

St.

G76

LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH.

were 2,250 bushels, 4,000 in 1799 being the largest,

and 1,200 in 1795 the smallest. Wheat and corn were
the chief productions. Mission buildings were of adobes
and tiles, and the houses had after 1794 corridors of
brick.
In 1795 the old church was in a bad condition and materials were being collected for a new one,
there being no record of further progress. 72 Bears
and rattlesnakes were a prominent feature in the region of Purisima.
Two of the latter bit a neophyte
at the same time, writes the minister on June 3, 1799.
72
Due mission from the presidio 1797
St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 22, 71.
$405. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 78-81. List of members of the guard, 1797,
Antonio Enriquez, the
6 married soldiers and 3 bachelors. Id., xv. 93.
r
weaver, taught the natives at Purisima in 1797. Prov. St. Pap.,
n. Mil.,
MS., xxv. 14; Prov. Rec, MS., vi. 185-6.

73

Arch. Arzobispado, MS.,

i.

59.

CHAPTER XXXI.
LOCAL EVENTS AND PROGRESSMONTEREY DISTRICT.
1791-1800.

Monterey Presidio Military Force and Inhabitants Officers Leon

Parrilla Hermenegildo Sal Perez Fernandez Presidio Buildings Battery Rancho del Rey Private Ranchos Industries
Company Accounts Indian Affairs San Carlos Mission Missionary Changes Pascual Martinez de Arenaza Statistics of Agriculture, Live-stock, and Population Vancouver's Description
New Stone Church A Wife-murder San Antonio de Padua de
Los Robles Miguel Pieras Benito Catalan San Luis Obispo
Miguel Giribet Bartolome Gili Indian Troubles.

The

presidial cavalry

company of Monterey con

tained from sixty-two to eighty-five men, including

two officers, six non-commissioned officers, a surgeon,
a phlebotomist, two or three mechanics, fifty privates,
and from two to twenty-four pensioners. After 1796
there were also stationed here seven artillerymen and
twenty Catalan volunteers of Alberni's company, increasing the total force to about one hundred and ten,
who with their families constituted a population de
razon in the jurisdiction of about four hundred, or four
hundred and ninety including Branciforte and Santa
Cruz. About thirty of the cavalrymen were stationed
San Cdrlos,
at the six missions subject to Monterey
San Miguel, Soledad, San Antonio, San Luis Obispo,
and San Juan Bautista, in which the total population
1
of christianized natives was four thousand.

1
See company rolls in Pvqv. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii. 9; xiv. 2;
xvii. G; xviii. 1; xx. 1; xxi. 2, 11; xxii. 5; xxiii. 2; xxvi. 3, 4, 15; xxvii. 4;
St. Pap., Sac, MS., i. 10-13; iii. 14; iv. 20.
Missions included in the juris-

diction. Sal's report of 1798, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 03.
White population in 1800, 518; Indian population, 3,949. St. Pap., MUs., MS., iii. 15,
t

G77

G78

LOCAL EVENTSMONTEREY DISTRICT.

Diego Gonzalez kept his place on the rolls as nominal lieutenant of the Monterey company until August
1792, although he had long been absent; and his successor was Leon Parrilla, who held the place until
September 1795, although from incompetency, illhealth, and partial insanity he never exercised any
authority. 2

Meanwhile the commandants were Ortega of the

Loreto company until March 1791, and Argiiello of
the San Francisco company until March 1796. 3 Then
Sal, who in September 1795 had been promoted from
alferez to lieutenant, took the command which he held
until his death in 1800, 4 when he was succeeded by
Twelve

sailors from the Conception and San Carlos remained at Monterey as

laborers in 1795, two of them as soldiers. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. G2.
Two
foundlings in 1800. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil. MS., xxviii. 22. List of 16
workmen who came in 179S on the Conception. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii.
19-20.
List of company in 1798. Id., Ben. Mil., MS., xvii. 17-19.
List of
Catalan volunteers in 1799. St. Pap., Miss., MS., iii. 7.
2
Leon Parrilla "was promoted to be lieutenant of the Monterey company
on Aug. 8, 1792. His past service had been three years as cadet, three years
as guidon-bearer, and four years as alferez, first in the dragoons and later in
the regiment of Espafia. He had never given proof of courage or application,
and his natural abilities were deemed only medium. Parrilla, IJoja dc Serricios, MS., in Prov. St. Pop., Ben. Mil., xxi. 4.
He arrived in San Francisco July 25, 1793, and soon proceeded to Monterey. St. Pap., Sac, MS.,
iv. 18.
Here he immediately became unfit to perforin the duties of commandant and habilitado by reason of fits of insanity; consequently Argiiello
continued to discharge those duties by the governor's order and the viceroy's
approval. Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 1G5; viceroy to governor, April 26, 1794, in
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 169. August 13, 1794, Arrillaga, Papel de Punlos,
MS., 196-7, says to Borica that Parrilla is incapable, apparently demented, and
has to be confined to his house under guard. He sometimes escaped at night
and had to be brought back by force. Once he tried to escape by sea in a
boat.
Dec. 13, 1794, Sal pronounces him incapable of keeping books. Prov.
At the end of 1794 Borica declares him useless for
St. Pap., MS., xii. 140.
any services, and proposes to send him away in the first vessel for San Bias.
This was done, and approved by the viceroy. Parrilla was put on the retired
list with a pension from July 1, 1795. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 213; xiii.
123, 270; Id., Ben. Mil., MS., xxi. 4.
3
Ortega did not, however, leave Monterey until May 1792. Argiiello in
1794 was administrator of tobacco revenues and had a kind of supervision
over all presidio accounts. Sal in 1799 was called administrador general
de real hacienda for New California. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 136-7; xvii.
285, 315; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 176.
4
Hermenegildo Sal seems to have come to California as a private soldier
with Anza's expedition in 1776. This would be remarkable for a man of his
ability were it not for certain hints that he came under pardon for some
ofience not specified which may have reduced him to the ranks. Prov. Pec,
MS., ii. 74. He was a native of the Villa de Valdemoro, Castilla la Xueva.
San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 10; St. Pap., Sac, MS., iii. 1, 2. He was
with Capt. Rivera at San Diego in 1776, Prov. St. Pap. r MS., i. 219, and was
,

HERMENEGILDO

SAL.

679

Ilaimundo Carrillo. It must be noted, however, that

while Sal and Carrillo were commanders of the presidial company, Lieutenant-colonel Alberni came down
from San Francisco early in 1800 and by virtue of
his superior rank became comandante of the post.
by that officer put in charge of the military warehouse of San Francisco.
Here Gov. Neve noticed his intelligent management of financial affairs in
May 1777, and the next year obtained his appointment as guarda-almacen,
which position he held until February 1782, when he was called to Monterey
to settle the accounts of the defunct store-keeper. Prov. Bee, MS., i. G9, 119;
ii. 75; San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., G.
May 19, 1782, he was made
sergeant of the Santa Barbara Company, and in August received his commission as alf^rez of Monterey, dated May 20th.
His commission as lieutenant
was dated April 27, 1795, and was received in August or September. Prov.
St. Pap., MS., iii. 209; Prov. Pec, MS., ii. Go; iv. 232; St. Pap., Sac, MS.,
iii. 1, 2, 55.
He was at Monterey from 1782 to 1791, and from 1794 to 1800,
being habilitado from 1782 to 1787 and from 1797 to 1800, and commandant
from 1785 to 1787 and 1700 to 1800. He was at San Francisco as habilitado
and acting commandant from 1791 to 1794. In addition to his other duties
Sal acted as governor's secretary during a large part of Borica's administraHe was present at the founding of Santa Cruz in 1791 and at the consecration of its church in 1794.
In 1795 he accompanied Danti in a search
for mission sites.
Don Hermenegildo had a good education for his time,
wrote a fine hand, and was probably the best accountant and the clearest
headed business man in California. Only once was fault found with his
accounts, and an investigation showed that instead of his owing the company
$3,000 as was charged, the company was in debt to him. He was a hasty,
quick-tempered man, prone as a commander to order severe penalties for
offences against his strict discipline, and then to countermand the order when
Stung by the taunts of an anonymous letter
his anger had passed away.
he once made a personal attack upon Capt. Nicolas Soler, accusing him of an
intrigue with his wife. Sal married at San Francisco on May 10, 1777, Maria
Jos6 Amezquita, San Francisco, Lib. cle Mision, MS., 10, 55, 72, by whom he
Lad several children, some of whom died in infancy. Vancouver, who speaks
in the highest terms of Sal and his wife, was also delighted with the decorous
behavior of their two daughters and son, and the attention that had evidently
been paid to their education. Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 8. One daughter,
Rafaela, was the first wife of Luis Antonio Argiiello and died at San Francisco Feb. 6, 1814, as shown by the mission records.
Another, Josefa, was
the wife of Sergt. Roca who commanded the artillery at San Diego, and was
left a widow in 1814. S. Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS., 94.
third, unmarried,
was the guest of R. C. Hopkins of San Francisco in 18G3, and died before
Jose Maria Amador speaks of a son,
1867. Dwindle 's Colon. Hist., xvii.
Domingo, who was a soldado dlstinguido in the San Francisco company and
died young. Amador, Mem., MS., 121. Another son, Meliton, was buried at
San Diego, Aug. 21, 1810. San Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS., 42. Suffering
from phthisis and unable to discharge efficiently his duties, on March 18,
1800, .Sal petitioned the king for retirement with rank of captain. The viceroy
granted the request provisionally on Aug. 1st, with encouragement to hope
for success at court. ,67. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 32; ix. GO.
In September a
settler named Borbosa attempted to murder him with a dagger, but was prevented by Surgeon Soler. Prov. Pec, xi. 145-6. Finally he died at Monterey.
Dec. 8, 1800, and his remains were interred at San Carlos mission with military
honors. His executors were Lieut. Argiiello and Scrgt. Roca. Prov. St. Pap.,
ISIS., xviii. 10-17; Id., Ben. Mil., MS., xxviii. 3; xxxii. 7; Prov. Bee, MS., x.
His disease was in those days regarded as contagious, and therefore, at the
9.
tion.

LOCAL EVENTSMONTEREY DISTRICT.

680

The

position of habilitado accompanied that of com-

mandant, except that Jose Perez Fernandez held it

from April 1796 to June 1797. 5 The company alferez
was Sal down to 1795 and Carrillo down to 1800.
Pablo Soler held the place of surgeon throughout the
Manuel Rodriguez was connected with the
decade.
company as cadet from 1794 to 1797. Manuel Vargas was the sergeant until 1794, when he became an
6
invalid, and Macario Castro took the position,
The ravages caused by the fire of 1789 had been
nearly repaired before Pages left the country, and,
with the exception of the chapel, the buildings seem
to have been completed in 1791, 7 though another fire
recommendation

of the surgeon, all his clothing and bedding were burned as

roof of his house after the plastering had been removed from the
walls. St. Pap., Sac, MS., iv. 29; Prov. Pec, MS., xi. 149.
5 Jose Perez Fernandez was
in 1791 a sergeant attached to the Loreto
company, having come there that year after 10 years' service in the Espafia
dragoons. In 1791 he was recommended by the governor in a tenia Avith
Carrillo and Amador but with a preference by reason of his skill in accounts for alfdrez of San Francisco. He was commissioned Aug. 17, 1792,
and held the place until 1797, being habilitado and acting commandant from
Jury 1794 to April 1796. Then he served as habilitado at Monterey, though
still belonging to the San Francisco company, until June 1797, and two
months later he was transferred to Loreto. He was born in 1749. St. Pap.,
Sac, MS., i. 55; v. 76; Prov. Pec, MS., v. 268; vi. 78.
6
It would serve no good purpose to give all the multitudinous references
from which I have formed the preceding account of Monterey officials. The
following are a few of the most important, or at least the most definite
Ortega gives up habilitacion to Arguello March 31, 1791. Prov. St. Pap.,
Ben. JUL, MS., xv. 3. Arguello commandant as early as July 1791. Arch.
Arzobkpado, MS., i. 20, 63. But in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii. 9,
Ortega is called commandant until May 1792. There are indications that
Parrilla may have attempted to perform the functions of his office in 1794.
Prov. R<c., M.S., ii. 152, 165. There is some confusion about the habilitacion of Sal and Perez Fernandez in 1796-7. St. Pap., Sac, MS., iv. 20; vii.
38-9, 47; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 206-7; v. 77, 268; vi. 2, 4.
Arguello is spoken
of as commandant in April 1797, in Prov. St. Pap.,. MS., xvi. 212.
Sal
called justicia mayor of the partido. S. Jos6 Arch., MS., iv. 22.
7
The total cost of the restoration was $2,609, and Fages, in a report dated
Aug. 12, 1793, took great credit to himself for having done the work so
cheaply by means of voluntary labor of gentiles, soldiers, and sailors. Prov.
St. Pap., MS., xiii. 191.
Elsewhere the expense exclusive of the church
is given as $2,362. Id., xxi. 125.
Jan. 23, 1794, viceroy approves account
of $2,609. Id., xi. 159.
Oct. 31, 1795, Arguello to habilitado general, $1,600
in effects received in 1792 given to persons who worked on presidio to end
of 1792.
These were 3 sergeants, 9 corporals, and 103 soldiers, whose
gratuity amounts to $1,181. Prov. St. Pap., P?-esid., MS., ii. 2, 3. Dec. 1795,
$3,122 paid over for building expenses. St. Pap., Sac, MS., vii. 41; Prov.
Pec, MS., iv. 182. March 12, 1795, Borica to viceroy, the buildings would
have cost very heavily had it not been for the convenient supply of stone,
lime, sand, Aiid timber.
The other presidios have not such advantages. St.

was the

AFFAIRS AT MONTEREY.

681

some damage in October 1792. Vancouver describes and gives a view of the presidio as it appeared
8
It was like that of San Francisco except
in 1792.
that the enclosure was complete. There was a circular
did

block-house at each corner raised a little above the

top of the wall; there were two or three small doors
besides the main gate -way, and the commandant's

house had boarded floors. He is in error when he

states that the square was 300 x 250 yards, and that
the structure had not undergone the slightest change

improvement since the foundation. 9

According to a report of Carrillo at the end of
1800 each side of the square measured one hundred
and ten yards, the four walls were built of adobes and
stone, and the buildings were roofed with tiles.
On
the north were the main entrance, the guard-house,
and the warehouses; on the west the houses of the
governor, commandant, and other officers, some fifteen
or

apartments in all on the east nine houses for the soldiers, and a blacksmith shop; and on the south besides
nine similar houses was the presidio church opposite
the main gate-way. 10 All the structures were again
in bad condition; the walls were cracked, having been
built on insufficient foundations after the fire; and
;

Pap., Sac, MS., xvii. 3. Three thousand one hundred and twenty-two dolwas the total expense down to Dec. 31, 1795. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii.
Aug. 20, 1793, bastions unfinished, and house of the alf^rez needs
190, 201.
Total cost of repairs to date,
repairs like some of the soldiers' dwellings.
lars

2,000. Id., xxi. 115.

Fire of Oct. 15, 1792. Id., xxi. 90.

See next chapter for plan and description of San Francisco Presidio.
9
Vancouver's voyage, ii. 43-4: View of presidio, ii. 440; view of scene in
Vancouver deemed the site chosen by no means the
Salinas Valley, iii. 334.
There was low marshy ground between the square
best in the vicinity.
and the beach.
10
Aug. G-9, 1791, instructions addressed to Argiiello about building the
church. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 42. March 1, 1792, viceroy orders work
suspended until further orders. St. Pap., Sac, MS., iv. 1. April 4th, viceroy
sends a plan for church, made by the directors of the academy of architecture
Fages says he followed such a plan, brat
of San Carlos, Mexico. Id., i. 112.
this must have been an earlier one. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 191.
VanThe cost was $1 ,500,
couver's picture represents the church as completed.
which was refunded to the company by the government. Prov. Pec, MS., iv.
Had it
200; St. Pap., Sac, MS., vii. 58; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 227.
been built by day-laborers in the usual way the expense would have been at
least $5,000, as Boriea believed.
It was done by troops, sailors, Indians, and
8

convicts. Id., xxi. 207-8.

LOCAL EVENTS MONTEHEY DISTRICT.

682

further delay would greatly increase the cost of

11
The armament of Monterey
prospective repairs.
of
Vancouver's
first visit consisted of
at the time
guns
planted
outside
small
the presidio walls
seven
without breastwork or protection from the weather.
At the same time Bodega y Cuadra left some material, and men were set at work on a battery to be
erected on a neighboring eminence.
Accordingly on
Vancouver's return in 1793 he found the guns mounted
ona" sorry kind of barbet battery, consisting chiefly
of a few logs of wood, irregularly placed; behind which
those cannon, about eleven in number, are opposed to
the anchorage, with very little protection in the front,
and on their rear and Hanks intirely open and exposed."
This work cost $450, and, while it might serve to prevent a foe from cutting out vessels at anchor, was
entirely useless, as Cordoba reported in 1796, for the
It does not appear that anydefence of the port.
thing was done for its improvement before 1800. 12
Connected with this presidio was the main establishment of the rancho del rej, located where now stands
Salinas City; or at least that was its location in later
years, and I find no record of any transfer.
At the
begdnnin^ of the decade there were 5,000 cattle and
2,000 horses in this royal establishment, and during
the first half of the period the net annual proceeds
of sales were from 3,000 to 2,000; but subsequently the sum was diminished to but little over
500, and in 1800 the cattle had dwindled to 1,600
11
Alberni on coming to the
Carrillo, Los Edificios de Monterey, 1800, MS.
Corte Californiana in 1800 found things in a deplorable state, and built
four houses for married soldiers at his own expense. Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
'

'

xviii. 11.

1792, slight description of presidio buildings in Sutil y Mexicana, Viage,

Cuadra 's battery of four guns on the hill. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 89,
1796, battery of
104; Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 158; Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 500.
ten guns of small calibre. Vessels could easily anchor beyond their range.
Cordoba's report, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 83. Lists of munitions, 1796-7.
Esplanade, casamata, and barSt. Pap., Sac, MS., vi. 91; viii. 76-7; ix. 3-4.
rack cost $450, built very economically. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 267-8.
Viceroy ordered $444 paid in 1797. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 205. Three hundred
and eighty-one dollars spent in repairs before February 1798. Prov. St. Pap.,
]

1G2.

MS.,

xvii. 11.

RANCHOS AND INDUSTRIES.

683

while the horses had increased to 6,000. 13 Besides

the king's live-stock the company or its members had
in 1800 over 1,000 horses,. 700 cattle, 250 mules and
The horses had increased very
asses, and 400 sheep.
rapidly and subsequently decreased as abruptly so far
Sheep had
as we may trust the meagre statistics.
decreased from 700 in 1794, in spite of special efforts
made in 1796 to foster this branch of industry. These
last figures include, I suppose, the live-stock kept on
the half-dozen private ranchos in the Monterey region.
These ranchos, like those already referred to in the
south, were provisionally granted to settlers and pensioners; but unlike the former none of them seem to
have been rendered permanent by subsequent regrants.

14

In the early part of the decade industrial operations w ere confined for the most part to the labors of
carpenters, bricklayers, and masons on the presidio
buildings; but later, a tailor, saddler, and one or more
r

13
In 1798 the change was still more marked, when there are said to have
been 7,491 horses and 1,200 cattle. This result was attributed to droughts,
thefts, export of females to Baja California, ravages of bears and wolves, foundation of the branch at San Francisco, and the lack of a market for horses.
Sergt. Macario Castro had charge of the rancho as majordomo, with six soldiers.
Gov. to viceroy, Dec. 3, 1798. Prov. i?cc, MS., vi. 104, 109. Accounts
of the rancho in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii. 1, 4; xviii. 1, 2, 7;
xxiii. 3; xxv. 2, 3; xxviii. 4.
Two hundred fat cattle to be killed annually;
no tallow to come from San Bias; Sta Barbara to be supplied 1792. Prov.
Pec, MS., ii. 156. Cattle very numerous in 1794. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii.
189-91.
Bears very numerous and troublesome in 1792, doing great harm
both to live-stock and to gardens. Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 159. Sheep-raising fos-

tered, 179G.
14

/(/., vi.

79; iv. G2.

six in

The ranchos were

number in January 1795: Buenavista, 5

leagues from Monterey, held by Jos6 Soberanes and Joaquin Castro; Salina,
4 leagues, by Antonio Aceves and Antonio Romero; Bajada & Huerta Vieja,
\ league, by Antonio Montailo; Canada de Huerta Vieja, league, by Antonio Buelna; Mesa de la Polvora, a musket-shot, by Eugenio Rosalio; and
Chupadero, 1 mile, by Bernardo Heredia and Juan Padiila. There were on
these ranchos 277 cattle, 112 horses, 110 sheep, and 9 mules. Monterey,
Ranchos existentes en 1795, MS. But this very year, according to Calleja,
Pespuesta, MS., 12, one of these ranchos, that of Aceves and Romero, was destroyed by Indians; and also another not in the list belonging to Osuna and
Alegre.
Lands were granted provisionally to invalids and settlers on the
river (Salinas) near Monterey before' 1793. Id., xxi. 132; xii. 189; Prov. Pec,
MS., vi. 40-1. A small piece of land had been granted by Rivera in 1775 to
Manuel Butron; but Butron was now an inhabitant of San Jose, and there is
no evidence of any lands whatever held by the soldiers, except the six or
seven ranchos mentioned.

LOCAL EVENTS MONTEREY DISTRICT.

6S4

weavers were kept at work.

The looms turned out

only the coarsest varieties of blankets and woollen

stuffs; and so unsatisfactory were the results, due
largely to the poor quality of the wool, that Sal in
1800 determined to stop the work, employing the
workmen in sweeping the plaza and serving the officers.

15

The subject of presidial finances and supplies at

Monterey as capital of the province is naturally more
important and also more complicated than at the
other jurisdictions; but unfortunately the preserved
records, though bulky, are far less complete and satisfactory here than elsewhere. The pay-rolls and ordinary expenses of the Monterey company were about
$15,000 per year; a sum which was increased by the
salaries of provincial officers and other government
expenses to a total varying from $19,000 to $25,000;
and the annual supplies from Mexico and San Bias,
though varying considerably, do not seem to have
fallen short of the total appropriation for expenses,
although supplies to the average amount of $5,000
were obtained from the missions, and others from San
Jose.
In fact these supplies were purchased with
articles sent from Mexico or with drafts on Mexico,
so that in either case the amounts were included in
Tithes and postage in this district
the memorias.
Aug. 1791, four mechanics came. Tailors did 8125 of work for private parties. St. Pap., Sac, MS., v. 05; xiii. 3.
1792, stone-cutters and
masons, Santiago Ituiz, Salvador Rivera, and Pedro Alcantara. Id., ii. 9, 10.
Six mechanics arrived in July. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 73-4.
1793, the
armorer Pedro Gonzalez Garcia ordered to remain at Monterey. Id., xiii. 5G-8.
179-J-, one bricklayer and a carpenter, also three masons to work on church.
Id., xii. 192-3; xxi. 128-9.
1796, a tailor and a Ustonero to remain. Prov.
Pec, MS., v. 78. Alcantara left this year. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 233.
Salvador Bejar engaged as carpenter in April. Id., xxi. 238. Antonio Hernandez, a saddler, in August. Id., xxi. 44. April 28, 1797, weavers LI endoza
and Enriquez must be sent to Monterey; 200 arrobas of wool to be bought in
the south. Prov. Bee, MS., iv. 89. July 20, 1797, a manufactory of blankets
renders importation unnecessary. Sal to Borica, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi.
233. In 1797 the tailoring account was as follows: work done, $573; expense
of supporting six apprentices, $295; paid to the tailor | of proceeds, $34; net
proceeds, $2-14. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxv. 5, 6. Proceeds in 1800,
The weaver and saddler earned in 1800, down to the
$225. Id., xxviii. 3.
time of discharge, $1,365. Id., xxviii. 6. Weaving suspended by Sal. Prov.
St. Pap., MS., xviii. 18, 19.
13

MINOR HAPPENINGS.

6S5

yielded to the royal treasury about $400 each per

year, while the tobacco revenue was from 1,000 to
$2,000, and the sale of papal indulgences yielded from
$75 to $125. The annual inventory showed the con16
tents of the warehouses to be usually about $40,000.
In addition to the foregoing statistics Monterey annals
from 1791 to 1800 present nothing of interest which
has not been recorded in preceding chapters devoted
to gubernatorial changes, precautions against foreigners, and the movements of vessels.
The only foreign
craft that touched at Monterey during the decade were
those of Vancouver in 1792-4; the English Providence
under Broughton in 1796; the American Otter under
Dorr in the same year; and an unknown vessel that
anchored in the bay in 1800.
The only Indian
troubles in this district that require notice were those
at San Juan and have already been described. 17

The mission of the Monterey jurisdiction, besides

the new establishments, San Miguel, Soledad, and San
Juan Bautista, were San CaYlos, San Antonio, and
San Luis Obispo. At San Cdrlos Father Arenaza
served as minister until 1797, when he left the coun18
Senan was permitted to retire in 1795 to the
try.
16 Monterey presidial
accounts in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii. 2,
20; xiv. 4, 8; xvi. 5; xvii. 8,9; xviii. 1,5-7,8-11; xix. 7-9; xxiii. 7-9, 11;
xxiv. 17; xxv. 3-5, 8-9, 11-13; xxvi. 5-7; xxvii. 1, 5,6; xxviii. 0, 8, 9,20;
xxxiii. 13, 14; St. Pap., Sac, MS., i. 1-4; ii. 3G, G4; v. 71; vi. 118-20; vii.
59, 81-8; ix. 48; Prov. St. Pap., Ben., MS., i. 13; ii. 17, 18; Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., xvii. 8, 11, 36-43, 68; xxi. 120; and Perez Fernandez, Cnenta General
de la Habilitacionde Monterey, 1 796, MS., which is a very complete report
rendered on turning over the company accounts to Sal. In 1793 the governor pointed out an error in the treasury accounts of about $30,000. The
totals of the habilitado's accounts varied from $60,000 to $85,000.
The balance due the treasury or the company was usually only a few hundred dollars.
The company applied to its use the proceeds of tithes, postage, and tobacco,
and paid the amounts by drafts in Mexico, which were charged on the next
memoria. The habilitado's commission in 1790 was $2,7S0. Debt of company in 1796, $9,788. In 1799 a robbery of $800 from the warehouse is noted.
The fondode retencion amounted in 1799 to $3,037 after $587 had been paid
This fund was due to 36 men, or not quite $100 to each.
out.
17
See chapter xxvi., this volume.
18
Pascual Martinez de Arenaza came to Mexico from his native Basque
province of Alava in 1785. He volunteered and was assigned to California in
1786, with a good reputation from the guardian, though his experience was

limited and his character somewhat vivo. Arch. Sta, Barbara, MS., xii.
26-7.
After a term as supernumerary he served as minister at San Carlos

LOCAL EVENTS MONTEREY DISTRICT.

6S6

though he subsequently came back to California.

Arenaza was followed in the ministry by
Francisco Pujol who completed the decade; Senan by
Antonio Jaime in 1795-6, Mariano Pay eras in 1796-8,
and Jose Vinals from 1798, Carnicer serving also for
a short period in 1798-9.
Throughout the decade,
moreover, President Lasuen made San Carlos his
home when not absent on one of his frequent tours
through the province. Although the baptisms, 790 in
number, exceeded the deaths by 220, yet the neophyte population increased during this decade only
from 733 to 758. San Carlos had reached its highest
figure, 927, in 1794, and was now on the retrograde.
Meanwhile horses and cattle had increased from 1,378
to 2,180, and smaller live-stock from 1,263 to 4,160.
The crop in 1800 was about 6,000 bushels; the largest
college,

1797, 7,400 bushels; the smallest in 1795, 1,100

bushels; 19 average 3,700 bushels.
Vancouver was at San Carlos on Sunday, December 2, 1792, and while he gives no detailed description of the establishment, contenting himself with
the remark that the buildings, though smaller, were
similar in architecture and material to those of San
Francisco and Santa Clara previously visited, he presents a drawing which shows four buildings irregularly
arranged and partially enclosing a square. The old
in

from 178S to 1797. On the expiration of his 10 years of service he was

granted permission to retire on July 8, 1797. The last trace of his presence in
California is on Oct. 3d of the same year when he officiated at Soledad. Soledad, Lib. de Mision, MS., 20. After his arrival in Mexico he died of phthisis
before May 14, 1799, as we learn from a letter of the guardian in Arch. Sta
Barbara, MS., xi. 281-2.
19
Barley was usually produced in as large quantities as wheat, and maize
was not far behind. In 1795 both were a total failure. This year supplies
had to be obtained from Santa Clara. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ii. 229-30.
179G was not much better than 1795, and in 1792 the crops had been very
light, and heavy rains after the harvest not only injured much grain in the
warehouses, but prevented the hauling of supplies from abroad. St. Pap.,
Sac, MS., vii. G8. April 2, 1796, governor says the troops are suffering
want in consequence of droughts for three successive years. Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., xxi. 235. Aug. 12, 1797, he rejoices at a surplus of 1, 700 fanegas of barley and 200 of pease at San Carlos. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 194. There was a general drought in 1800, but San Carlos had good crops. Id., ix. 7; St. Pap., Sac,
MS., vii. G9. Supplies furnished to the presidio in 1795-6, $1,708 and $1,334.
Prov.

St.

Pajp.,

MS.,

xvi. 203, 206.

SAN CARLOS MISSION.

6S7

church, partly thatched and partly tiled, stands on

the left of the picture, and probably on the west side
Three bells hang on a frame raised
of the square.
on a stone foundation; a lofty cross, bearing a close
resemblance to a modern telegraph-pole, rears its
head near the centre of the plaza, and just beyond,
almost in contact with, and apparently north-eastward from, the old church, are the rising stone walls
Beyond, on an eminence, may be seen
of a new one.
a corral for cattle, while at the right are the conical
huts of the neophytes.
The new church was being
built of a soft, straw-colored stone, which was said to
harden on exposure to the air. The lime used was
made from sea-shells. This church, the ruins of
which are still to be seen on the banks of the Carmelo, was completed and dedicated in September
1797. 20 Nothing occurred to vary the monotonous
routine of mission life at San Carlos, unless a rather
curious illustration of the method in which justice
was administered be worth a place in the record.
Estanislao, a neophyte, did not live happily with his
20

There is some confusion among the different authorities respecting this

church. Vancouver, Voyage, ii. 10, 34-6, gives the views alluded to, and
says distinctly that the natives were at work on the new church at the time
But President
of his visit in 1792, the only visit mentioned in his work.
Lasuen, in two letters of June 7 and Dec. 10, 1794, Arch. Sta Barbara, MS.,
vi. 219-20; Arch. Arzoblspado, MS., i. 38, says that the first stone was laid
on July 7, 1793, or a year after Vancouver's visit. He says that the mason
fluiz came to San Carlos in December 1792, but that no materials were ready,
and he had to wait until the rainy season was past. It is impossible to
reconcile these two statements; the difficulty may, however, be partially
removed by supposing that Vancouver's picture was made at his third visit,
in 1794. Taylor, Discov. and Founders, ii., No. 23, 1G7, tells us that the new
church was dedicated Feb. 2, 1793; while David Spence, Id., ii. No. 24, 3,
says it was finished in 1786; that it stood north and south, forming the
west side of the square, and coming up nearly to the west end of the present
church; that the foundations were still visible in 1851; and that Serra's
remains were removed on the day of dedication, being buried at the foot
of the altar.
1794, masonry church half finished; 1797, muy adelantada.'
St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 5, 29, 100.
1797, finished, with tile roof. Id., 120.
Consecrated in September 179?. Lasuen, in Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii.
In 1798 the Indians still lived in miserable grass huts. Sal's Report, in
66.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 65.
1793-4, several Indians work as carpenters,
bricklayers, and stone-cutters under the instruction of the king's artisans.
Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 59. 1794, one master of each of the trades
mentioned assigned to San Carlos. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. J92-3. 1799,
hemp used to some extent for clothing for neophytes. Prov. Hec, MS., vi.,
,

'

117.

LOCAL EVENTS MONTEREY DISTRICT.

6S8

and

her in the woods, after having

administered some severe blows.
So he confessed to
his mistress, and so he testified before Sergeant Vargas, who was sent to investigate after the dead body
But Estanislao's tesof the woman had been found.
wife,

finally left

timony was somewhat

manner

and
and he was acquitted on the
spouse might have been killed by a
conflicting as to the force

of his blows,

theory that his

bear. 21

At San Antonio

de Padua de los Robles the gain

in neophyte population was from 1,076 to 1,118, with
767 baptisms and 656 deaths, this mission thus receding from the first to the fourth place, behind Santa
Clara, San Diego, and San Gabriel.
Cattle and
horses had decreased from 2,232 to 2,217, having
been as low as 1,175 in 1795. Small stock had increased only from 1,984 to 2,075; but 240 goats had
disappeared altogether.
Crops were 1,700 bushels in
1800, 4,200 bushels in 1799 and 420 bushels in 1795
being the extremes, and the average 2,200 bushels. 22
In 1787 the San Antonio church was mentioned as
one of the best in California; in 1793 a block eighty
varas long and one vara thick was built for friars'
houses, church, and storehouse; and in 1797 the church
The huts
is mentioned as of adobes with tile roof.
of the neophytes were of a more substantial character
than at San Carlos. 23 The two venerable founders
Pieras and Sitjar served together until 1794, when
21
Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 20-7. Estanislao was freed by an order of
Arrillaga dated Lore to, Sept. 13, 1792.
22
Wheat was the leading crop, barley and corn varying greatly, but the
1794-6 were very hard years. In 1795-6 the
latter generally in excess.
Indians killed a good deal of stock, and Lasuen favored severe measures, to
dispel the Indians' prevalent idea that Spanish forbearance proceeded from
weakness. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 64^5. Supplies to the presidio in
1795-6, $1,490 and $483. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 203, 206. Hard times
in respect of church vestments in 1795-1800. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii.

62, 64.
23

Pages, Informs Gen., MS., 146; St Pap., Miss., MS., i. 121; ii. 120-1;
Report in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 65. The exact meaning of the report of 1793 is not clear. In 1794 an adobe room 14 x 9 varas, and a tileroofed pozolera, or porridge-room, were completed.
Sal's

SAN LUIS

OBISPO.

6S9

the former, worn out with his long labors, retired to

his college, 24 and was succeeded by Jose de la Cruz
Espi in 1793-4, Jose Manuel Martiarena in 1794-5,
and Marcelino Cipres from 1795. Sitjar was absent
at San Miguel from July 1797 to August 1798, and
his place was filled by Benito Catalan, who served
here from 1796 to 1799. 25

At San

Luis Obispo Miguel Giribet continued as

senior missionary until 1799, when he left California
26
for his college;
and President Lasuen seems to have
acted as senior minister after Giribet's departure until
August 1800, when Jose Miguel came. The position
of associate was held successfully by Estevan Tapis
in 1790-3, Gregorio Fernandez in 1794-6, Antonio
Peyri in 1796-8, and Luis Antonio Martinez, who
began his long ministry in 1798. Bartolome Gili
spent some time here before his departure in 1794. 27
24
Miguel Pieras was a native of the island of Mallorca; was appointed to
the California missions in August 1770; left the college in October; sailed
from San Bias in January 1771; arrived at San Diego March 12th, and at
Monterey May 21st. His only service as regular minister was at San Antonio where he served from the foundation July 14, 1772, to April or May 1794.
His last signature in the mission-books was April 27th. His license from
the viceroy was dated Jan. 10th, and that of the governer on May 31st. I
have found nothing in the records bearing upon his character. For his handwriting and autograph see San Antonio, Doc. Sueltos, MS., 18, 22.
25
Nothing is known of Padre Benito Catalan beyond the fact that he
served at San Antonio, was one of the unfortunate padres afflicted with insanity, Lasuen, in Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 56, and sailed from San Diego
on the Concepcion in January 1 800.
26
Miguel Giribet came to California in 1785 where he served two years at
San Francisco and 12 at San Luis Obispo. It is noticeable that President
Lasuen in a letter of Aug. 13, 1799, to Borica, credits Giribet with only 12
years of service in California. He was zealous and successful, but as was so
frequently the case his health was unequal to his task. His last signature on
the San Luis books was on Oct. 2, 1799. His license from the governor was
dated Aug. 22d, and he sailed from San Diego on Jan. 1G, 1800. He died in
1804 at the college. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 00-1,283, 294; Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 5G; S. Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS.; S. Luis Obispo, Lib.
de Mision, MS.
27
Bartolome' Gili came to California in 1791, and served irregularly, as
supernumerary for the most part, at San Antonio, Soledad, and San Luis,
from 1791 to 1794. He was one of the few black sheep in the missionary fold.
He asked leave to retire in 1793 on a plea of ill-health, but his request was
denied until a full report could be rendered respecting the peculiar nature of
his illness and his immoral excesses for a period of five years. The full results
of the investigation are not known; but Gili sailed as chaplain of the Con-

cepcion in

August

794.

Hist. Cal., Vol.

I.

44

090

LOCAL EVENTSMONTEREY DISTRICT.

San Luis with G75 baptisms and 523 deaths had

gained in neophyte population from 605 in 1790 to
726 in 1800: but this mission had reached its highest
figure of population in 1794 with 946 souls.
Cattle
and horses had increased to 6,500 head; sheep to
6,150; and 2,700 bushels of grain were raised in 1800,
4,100 bushels in 1798 being the largest yield, 1,800 in
1791 the smallest, and 3,200 bushels the average. No
barley was raised at this mission. 2S
water-power
mill was finished early in 1798; a miller, smith, and
carpenter of the king's artisan instructors were sent
here in 1794; and a small quantity of cotton from
San Bias was woven on the mission looms. 29 The
church, of adobes with tile roof, was built before
1793, in which year a portico was added to the front.
In 1794 the ministers' house, work-room, barrack,
and guard-house were completed. The native huts
here were w ell built and afforded sufficient protection
against everything but fire. 39
In 1794 a slight ripple of excitement was caused
by what seems to have been an attempt to incite an
Indian revolt at San Luis. Four or five gentile chiefs
were the guilty parties, and they sent agents with
presents to enlist the neophytes of Purisima. Indeed
this sending of agents was apparently the only overt
act committed; but the neophytes refused to attack
their Christian friends for any such paltry presents as
were offered, and the matter ended with the condemnation of five ringleaders to hard work at the presi31
Subsequently in the beginning of 1797 the
dios.
natives were in an excited condition over the murder
of a neophyte by two gentiles, but the presence of
Captain Ortega served to restore quiet.

28
Supplies to Monterey presidio in 1795-6, $2,504 and $1,131. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., xvi. 203, 206; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 222. The governor granted a
piece of land at Santa Margarita to the invalid corporal Cayuelas in the name
of his neophyte wife, bntLasuen objected. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 398.
-Pror. Pec, MS., iv. 177; vi. 08; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 192-3; St.
Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 6, 108; Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 30-2.
30
St. Pap., Mi.*s., MS., i. 119; ii. 21, 120; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 05.
31
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 100-3, 194.

CENTRAL DISTRICT.

Map

of Monterey.

G91

CHAPTEK

XXXII.

LOCAL EVENTS AND PROGRESS SAN" FRANCISCO

JURISDICTION.
1791-1800.

San Francisco Officials Military Force Population Finance Presidio Buildings Plan Castillo de San Joaquin at Fort Point
C6rdoba's Report Ravages of Elements Repairs Battery of
YerbaBuena at Black Point Vancouver's Visits Captain Brown-
Mines Discovered Alberni's Company Wreck of the San Carlos
The Eliza Rancho del Rey Mission versus Presidio
Indian Affairs Runaway Neophytes Amador's Campaigns
Padre's Cruelty San Francisco Mission Fathers Cambon, Espi,
Danti, Garcia, and Fernandez Buildings, Statistics, Industries
Pueblo of San Jose Inhabitants and Officials Statistics Hemp
Culture Local Events Proposed Removal Boundary Dispute
Santa Clara Pena and Noboa Population, Agriculture, Buildings, and Manufactures.

'

The

'

'

'

of San Francisco for this decade is

confused, though the minor complications are hardly
worth recording. Jose Argliello was the lieutenant,
brevetted captain in 1798, of the company, and properly
its commander throughout the period; but he was
absent in Monterey from 1791 to 1796, during which
absence Alferez Hermenegildo Sal of the Monterey
company was acting comandante until the middle of
1794, and Alferez Jose Perez Fernandez from that
time till the spring of 1796. The same persons acted
as habilitados, except that Raimundo Carrillo served
in 179 6-7. 1
It must be noted, however, that Lieuofficial list

1
These brief statements are made from a careful study of the 65 distinct
references to different archives which are before me, but which it would serve
no good purpose to print. About the date of Argiiello's return there is some
confusion.
May 2, 1795, viceroy's order that Argiiello rejoin his company.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 85, 91. Ordered by governor in January 1790 to

(692)

PRESIDIAL COMPANY.

693

tenant-colonel Pedro de Alberni, captain of the Catalan volunteers, by reason of his superior rank in the
army, was commandant of the military post from
April 1796. The alferez of the presidial company
was Ramon Lasso de la Vega until the end of 1791,
Jose Perez Fernandez from 1792 until 1797, and
Manuel Rodriguez from 1797 to 1800, although he
never served at San Francisco, and the place was
practically vacant.
The position of sergeant was held

throughout the decade by Pedro Amador.

The company was composed of thirty-one privates,
besides the sergeant and four corporals.
After the
middle of 1796 the military force was augmented by
detachments of twenty-five Catalan volunteers and
There were also from
seven or eight artillerymen.
three to eight pensioners, making 79 men in all, who
with their families constituted a population, not including San Jose and Branciforte, of 225 within the jurisdiction.
With the two pueblos the population was
460, and the christianized natives numbered 2,670.
Not less than twenty of the soldiers were usually
scattered in the mission and pueblo guards, so that
before the infantry reenforcement came the presidio
had but a very small force, and when parties had to
be sent with despatches, or against the natives, or for
command at Monterey and go to San Francisco. St. Pap., Sac,
38-9; Prov. Rec, MS., iv. 178. Took command in April. Id., v.
But there are indications that Argiiello went again to Monterey to com85.
mand for a short time in the spring of 1797. He returned to San Francisco
April 18th. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 57, 212. Sal gave up the command to
Perez on June 30, 1794. Id., xvi. 84; Prov. Rec, MS., ii. 149. Perez retained
the command until November 1795, when Sal seems to have resumed it for a
few months until Argiiello's arrival. Id., iv. 237; v. 75. But Sal did not
resume the habituation, which Perez gave up to Carrillo in April 1796, according to orders dated Nov. 8, and Dec. 11, 1795, transferring him to Monterey.
Carrillo gave up the habditation to Argiiello on Sept. 1,
Id., iv. 237; v. 74.
Carrillo 's accounts at the end of August showed a deficit of
1797. Id., vi. 7.
$1,823. Figures given Prov. St. Pap., PreskL, MS., i. 81-2, 84-7. Also stated
to have been $1,425, and $1,946. Prov. Rec, MS., v. 265, 267; Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., xvi. 80-1. This amount was charged to the company, until it could be
repaid from half of Carrillo's pay as alferez. It was a great hardship to the
soldiers and their families; and Argiiello thought it particularly unjust that
the presidal company should have to bear the whole burden while the volunteers and artillerymen were exempt, and also while Lasso de la Vega was receiving half -pay and was not required to pay up his old indebtedness. Id. t
xvi. 40-1.
turn over

MS.,

vii.

LOCAL EVENTS SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT.

694

almost deserted. 2 From

the fragmentary company accounts that have been
preserved we learn that the annual appropriation for
pay-roll and contingent fund of San Francisco was
a little less than $10,000; supplies from Mexico
amounted on an average to about $7,000; and supplies from the missions about $3,000.
At the end of
each year an inventory showed from $11,000 to $16,000 worth of goods in the presidial warehouse. 3
The subject of presidio buildings received a large
share of attention and correspondence between 1791
supplies, the post

March 4,

was

left

1794, complaints of commandant. Prov. St. Pap.,

Thirty soldiers were left at San Francisco in April
1797 as a temporary expedient, Id., xxi. 255-G; Prov. Bee, MS., viii. 178;
and there were also workmen left at other times not included in the statistics
of population. The guard at San Francisco mission was four men.
Prov. St.
Pap., MS., xii. 25, 77; xiii. 231. List of the cuera soldiers and their families
in 1795. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 23G-7, 242-4.
List of the artillerymen.
List of volunteers. Id., Ben. Mil., xxiv. 1,2.
List of presidial
Id. xiii. 75.
company in 1798. Id., xvi. 16, 17. Company rolls and statement, in Prov.
St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii. xxviii.
St. Pap., Sac, MS., i. v.
3
Company accounts in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. MIL, MS., xiii.-xviii. passim;
Argiiello's account as
St. Pap., Sac, MS., i. 52; ii. 36; v. GO, 73-4; vi. 120.
habilitado for 1800 is as follows: charges himself with effects on hand Dec.
31, 1799,^14,748; supplies from Mexico and San Bias, 1800, $10,876; balances
due soldiers, $3,299; funds of montepio, invdlidos, and rrtencion (amounts
held for the soldiers), $004; proceeds of tobacco, post-office, and tithes, $1,403;
debt to presidio of Monterey, $881; supplies received from missions, $3,417;
draft on habilitado general, $GS0.
Total, $35,748.
Credits himself with:
pay-roll of company and pensioners, $9,504; amount paid company on old
account, $3,573; other sums paid, $305; paid debt of 1799 to Monterey,
$2,593; paid missions for supplies of 1799, $3,770; amount charged by habilitado general, $3,081 effects on Dec. 31, 1800, $12,885. Total, $35,977. Balance
in favor of Arguello, $229.
The fondo de retencion (money held back from a
soldier's pay to be given him at discharge) amounted in the early years to
about $1,200, but later, when added to the fondo de invdlidos (percentage on
pay reserved with which to pay pensions), and the fondo de montepio (percentage on officers' pay for their widows), it amounted to only about $700.
In 1795
St. Pap., Sac, MS., v. 60, 73-4; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 202-3.
the habilitado reports only $3,490 to pay for the next year's supplies. St. Pap.,
Sac, MS., i. 52. Of $1,122 in coin sent up in 1790, $266 was paid to soldiers,
$300 to the mission, and $400 to Arguello; so that the sergeant applying for
money was told to wait. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. i. In 1798 the presidio
got $0,404 in supplies from the missions. Id., Ben. Mil., xvii. 12, 13. In
1797 the amount was $8,973. Id., xxv. 9, 10. In 1799 it was $3,77G. Id.,
xxvi. 7, 8.
In 1800 it was $3,417. Id., xxviii. 18, 19. Accounts of tithes are
neither complete nor altogether intelligible. For some years the proceeds are
given as $500 and in others $80, some reports perhaps including the whole
jurisdiction and others not.
Papal bulls yielded in 1797 only $2. The net
proceeds of the post-office averaged $83 per year for the decade. Revenues from
tobacco sales were from $500 to $1 500, averaging $1 100. Prov. St. Pap. MS.
rxi. 393; Id., Ben. Mil., xiii. 7; xiv. 5; viii. 14; ix. 1; xvii. 12; xviii. 2, 3;
xxi. 1; xxv. 9; xxvi. 7; xxvii. 2; xxviii. 14, 15.

MS.,

xi.

Nov.

1792.

51-2, 50;

1,

xii. 42.

PRESIDIO BUILDINGS.

605

and 1800, with but meagre results so far as the

presidio proper was concerned.
On March 4, 1792,
Comandante Sal sent the governor a description
accompanied by a plan which I reproduce. 4 Three
sides of the square of 120 yards were occupied by
adobe w alls and houses, both of adobes and of rousdi
stones laid in mud; and the fourth side was protected
by a primitive palisade fence. All the structures
were roofed with straw and tules, exposed to fire and
at the mercy of the winds.
All, except the comr

Plan of San Francisco,

1792.

mandant's house lately completed and two or three of

the soldiers' houses, were, through the poor quality
of materials and w ant of knowledge and care on the
part of the builders, liable to fall at any moment, the
church being in a particularly precarious condition.
None of the structures were those originally built;
each year some of them had fallen and been restored
in the same faulty manner with the same perishable
T

4
1. ComSal, Informes sobre los Edificios de San Francisco, 1792, MS.
mandant's house, 4 rooms and yard, 37 x 6 varas, of adobes. 2. Sergeant's
4. Barracks,
3. Chapel 19 x 8 varas.
house, of stone, without mortar.
guard-house, and calabooses, of adobe and stones. 5, 6. Warehouses for food
and clothing, of stones and mud. The other structures are the soldiers'

dwellings.

006

LOCAL EVENTS SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT.

Timber had to be brought thirty miles, and

tules nine miles.
The garrison was so small and its
duties so many that Sal deemed it impossible to accommaterial.

At

the end of the year

the same condition of affairs existed, and Sal urged
the government to send eight or ten sailor-workmen,
and a bricklayer; otherwise an appropriation of $3,000
would be required to hire Indian laborers. Meanwhile Vancouver visited and described the presidio in
November, and he describes it as a " square area
whose sides were about two hundred yards in length
enclosed by a mud wall, and resembling a pound for
cattle.
Above this wall the thatched roofs of their
low small houses just made their appearance." One
side was " very indifferently fenced in by a few bushes
here and there, fastened to stakes in the ground."
The wall was " about fourteen feet high, and five feet
in breadth, and was first formed by uprights and horizontal rafters of large timber, between which dried
sods and moistened earth were pressed as close and
hard as possible, after which the wmole was cased with
the earth made into a sort of mud plaster, which gave
it the appearance of durability."
The church had
been whitewashed and was neat in comparison to the
rest.
The floor in the commandant's house was the
native soil raised about three feet above the original
level.
The windows were mere holes in the thick
plish the necessary repairs.

without glass. 5
In 1793-4 complaints and calls for aid continued,
but attention was given almost exclusively to new
fortifications on the shore to the neglect of the presidio
walls,

5
Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 7-9. There is a communication from Sal to
Arrillaga dated Nov. 29th, stating that work on the building was finished,
tile roofs on the church, warehouses, and nine new houses for soldiers; but
this does not agree with the other records, and I am at a loss to know why
such a letterwas written. St. Pap. Sac. MS. i. 118. August 20, 1793, the governor informs the viceroy of the bad condition of the buildings, although
$1,400 have been spent on repairs since the foundation. Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
xxi. 114-15.
Dec. 29th, Sal to Borica, the $1,200 gratuity for the troops for
building the presidio not yet received; nor are there any lists. Hints that
the other presidios get $4,000. Id., xi. 54, 57.
,

PROGRESS IN BUILDINGS.

697

square. 6

Late in 1794 Sal proposed removal to a better

site near Fort Point. Borica would not consent until
he had made a personal examination; but in June
1795 he reported in favor of the scheme and estimated the cost of the new presidio at $1 1,716. The
viceroy disapproved so large an outlay for buildings
of doubtful utility, the matter was dropped, and the
rains and winds continued their ravages, 7 the drifting
sand contributing to the devastation by covering the
powder-magazine, notwithstanding the soldiers' efforts.
Quarters of some kind must have been built for the
volunteers and artillerymen, 8 but I find no evidence
that there was any material improvement within the
presidio square from the date of Vancouver's visit to
1800.
Still there was some building done in the way of
fortifications.
In the general movement already
6
Aug. 8, 1794, Perez Fernandez and others state that nothing has been
done, and the soldiers are overburdened with work. The buildings should be
solidly constructed to avoid later repairs, and he and the commandant v. ill
guarantee to complete the work economically and well if a few mechanics can
be furnished. St. Pap., Sac, MS., v. 108-10. Arrillaga informs Borica of the
needs of San Francisco in 1794. Pupel de Puntos, M.S., 192. Jan. 31, 1794,
commandant to governor; house of 2d officer in a bad state; adobes and tiles
melting away; will try to save the timbers. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. GO.
Feb. 1, 1794, rain came near spoiling the powder, but hides and tiles were
arranged to save it. Id., xii. 56.
7
Nov. 1, 1794, commandant to governor. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 35-G.
Dec. 3, Borica's reply. Prov. Pec, MS., v. 28, 54-5. June 27, 1795, B. to
viceroy, old buildings ready to fall; total expenses since 1770, $8,188; presidio, 2,889 varas from fort; new one, 481 varas. Id., vi. 51.
Dec. 4, 1795, V.
It. to B. advises that the new structures be not undertaken, but wants additional information. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 32-6.
Jan. 22, 1796, a heavy
gale did much damage to church and one house. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil.,
MS., xxiii. 6, 7; Prov. Pec, MS., v. 81. June 16, B. calls for a report from
Alberni. Prov. St. Pop., Ben. Mil., MS., xxiv. 7. June 30th, Alberni toB.,
he disapproves the removal, because the San Joaquin hill has no water and
is less sheltered; but the coming rains will bring the old buildings down, and
a new presidio should be begun. Cordoba agrees with Alberni. St. Pap. Sac,
MS., iv. 36-7. July 20, 1797, Argiiello to B. The old complaints. Nothing
done yet. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 11, 12. Aug. 8, Id. to Id. Warehouses
badly built and in great danger from fire. Id., xvi. 39. Aug. 19, B. orders
Argiiello to have warehouses of stone or adobe built. Prov. Pec, MS., v. 267.
In January 1800 a huricane tore off several roofs; $1,799 were spent in repairs
during the year; and complaints continued. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 24-7;
,

xxi. 31.
8
One hundred and ninety-two dollars spent on quarters for volunteers.
Expenditure approved by viceroy Feb. 28, 1798. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviL

10, 11.

LOCAL EVENTS SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT.

603

noticed towards the strengthening of coast defences

San Francisco could not be neglected, since it was
recognized as the strongest and most important natural position in California.
Vancouver as he entered
the bay was saluted by a brass three-pounder lashed
to a log at Fort Point, and he found another mounted
on a rotten carriage before the presidio. There had
been two guns here, but one had burst shortly before
in firing a salute on a saint's day.
No wonder the
Englishman was surprised at the unprotected condition of so important a point.
When he returned in
1793, eleven brass nine-pounders were lying on the
beach, and a number of natives were erecting what
seemed to be a platform or barbette battery at Fort
Point; but this was intended by the Spaniards to be
a much more formidable work, the Castillo de San
Joaquin, to command the entrance to San Francisco
Bay. The guns had been sent from San Bias in the
Aranzazu, and a gunner's mate, master-carpenter, and
one or two workmen had begun work on the fort in
August. 9 Thirty neophytes were hired from the
mission, and as many more gentiles from San Jose.
Choppers were sent to the distant forests down the
peninsula; twenty-three yoke of oxen were employed
in hauling the timber; adobes, bricks, and tiles were
rapidly prepared, and the work was pushed forward
until interrupted by the rains. Soon after its resumption in the spring of 1794 there came an order from
the viceroy that the works here and elsewhere were
to be constructed of fascines, to avoid heavy expenses
but so much progress had been made that it was
deemed best to complete the fortification as begun,
9

Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 9, 500. Sept. 30, 1792, Sal reports the bursting
gun into 10 pieces, nobody hurt. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 74; i. 117.
Although Vancouver says a gun was fired, Sal reports to the governor that
the Chatham got no salute for want of a cannon. Id., iii. 23. Oct. 31st, Sal to
Only one cannon, and that burst several years ago. Cuadra gave
Arrillaga.
some powder and promised four or five guns. So it seems that the presidio
gun was not so effective even as Vancouver supposed. Id., i. 119. Aug. 20,
1793, Arrillaga to viceroy, announcing that work had been begun on a fort.
After completing it the men will go to Monterey. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi.
Dec. 31, 1793, statement of munitions. St. Pap., Sac, MS. v. 61.
113.
of the

CASTILLO DE SAN JOAQUIN.

009

especially as earthworks and fascines were thought to

be useless here. The fort was completed and blessed

under the name of San Joaquin on December 8, 1794,

the eight guns of the battery being mounted, the
sentry-box, casemate, and other necessary buildings
being attached, and nothing more being required but
a garrison to prevent any hostile vessel from entering

the port

so at least Arrillaga believed.

no detailed description of this fort, but its

We

have

main walls

were of adobes, faced in the embrasures with bricks.

The annexed plan is from an original in my possession.

700

LOCAL EVENTS-SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT.

The castillo was

of horseshoe shape, about one hundred

by one hundred and twenty feet. Its cost was $6,000,
which was paid with some reluctance by the royal
treasury. 10
The elements had now another object on which to
exert their destructive power, and repairs kept pace as
The San Carlos brought some
nearly as possible.
new guns in April 1796, and the Conception left

twenty-four
his arrival,

sailors.

and

in

Cordoba examined the fort on

September reported unfavorably.

The

structure rested mainly on sand; the brick-faced

adobe walls crumbled at the shock whenever a salute
was fired; the guns were badly mounted and for the
most part worn out, only two of the thirteen twentyfour pounders being serviceable or capable of sending
a ball across the entrance of the port.
The whole
work, protected by an adobe wall with one gate, was
commanded by a hill in the rear, and the garrison of
10

Jan. 30, 1794, Sal to governor, has begun to fell timber; guns on the
esplanade. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 47-51. Jan. 31st, 6 guns in the battery
facing the harbor. Id. xii. 67.
The padres endeavored to obtain an extra
blanket and pair of breeches for each neophyte laborer per month but failed;
April 30th, a sergeant and four soldiers in
1,500 adobes being made daily.
charge of the laborers. Id., xii. 74. Twenty-two Indians ran away in April.
Id., xii. 53. June 9th, viceroy acknowledges receipt of advices on measures
taken to complete the provisional esplanade. Id., xi. 174. Jan. 10th, viceroy's orders to use fascines and reduce expenses.
June 12th, governor's
reply. Id., xxi. 143-4; xii. 120.
condestable, carpenter, and two sawyers
sent from San Bias, and a bricklayer and tile-maker were also retained. The
troops did most of the work. Arrillaga, in Id., xii. 191-2.
Dec. 1st, commandant says the work is almost finished, and he sends the workmen tc
Monterey. Id., xii. 31. Dec. 3d, governor refers to the tower, sentry-box,
and other buildings as being nearly done. Prov. liec, MS., v. 29. Fort
blessed on Dec. 8th. Id., v. 31-2; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 26. Jan. 1, 1795,
governor sends the viceroy a plan of the work, and asks for a garrison of a
captain, sergeant, and 11 men. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 35.
I copy a plan of
what I suppose to be this fortification from Alviso, Doc. Hist. Cat., 156.
Elliot, in Ocerland Monthly, iv. 344, says he has the plan in his possession.
One of the old guns, four of which serve as fender-posts of the present fort,
bears the inscription Governando los seuores de la Peal Audiencia de Lima.'
Cost of building the castillo, $6,491, which real hacienda is ordered to pay on
Oct. 8, 1795, as V. R. informs the gov. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 45, 162;
Prov. Pec, MS., v. 35. $6,503, according to St. Pap., Sac, iv. 52. Dec. 4,
1795, viceroy to Borica, $1,482 have been paid over to habilitado general in
favor of company fund. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 32. May 16, 1795, Jose"
Garaycoechea, condestable distinguido de artilleria de marina, employed on the
fort, discharged, his work being done. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 46.
Dec. 4th, the
viceroy complains that a fort, costly and not needed (?), has been improperly
constructed, without investigation or skill. Prov. St. Pap)., MS., xiii. 32-6.
,

'

BATTERY OF YERBA BUENA.

701

a corporal and six artillerymen was altogether insuf-

There were several places between Monterey

and San Francisco where an enemy might land, thereTo repair
fore the cavalry force should be increased.
Fort San Joaquin would be very costly; but a new
fort should be built on the hill just back of it, and
ficient.

another across the channel at San Carlos. 11

Beyond the constant repairs by which Fort San
Joaquin was kept as nearly in its original state as
possible, and some changes in the disposition of the
guns under Cordoba's instructions, I find no evidence
of further progress at Fort Point during this decade.
There was, however, still another battery established
This was to the east on Point Medanos,
in 1797.
later called Point San Jose and Black Point, renamed Mason, and long occupied by a battery. It was
n C6rdoba, In forme al Virey, MS., 82-3. The point across the channel i3
Punto de Bonetes in 1776. Arch. Sta B., MS., iv. 153. Feb. 22, 1796,
damage to fort by a storm from the north. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 234.

called

Mar. 22d, reference to a sentry-box erected. April, Borica orders mortar to

be used in the roofing, and the powder-house to have a new adobe wall at
come distance. Prov. Pec, MS., v. 83, 85. Arrival of guns and sailors. Prov.
July 9th, Alberni to
St. Pap., MS., xiv. 86, 175; Id., Ben. Mil., xxiv. 12.
have charge of the work, 41 Indians from Santa Clara at work. Prov. Pec.,
MS., v. 87-8. July lGth, C6rdobahas been at work on repairs. St. Pap., Sac,
MS., xvii. 8. Nov. 29th, 6, COO ball-cartridges being made. Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., xiv. 119. Dec. 6th, Borica to V. R., announces damages caused by
rains. St. Pap., Sac, MS., iv. 69.
Dec. 27th, V. R. to B., will send the
needed armament of heavy guns; meanwhile let guns be taken from other
places where they are less needed. Id., vii. 32-5; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi.
Jan. 30, 1797, Habilitado Carrillo asks for reimbursement of $468
251.
spent on casemate, etc. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 69. March 26th, C6rdoba
wants 11 24-pounders; smaller gnns of no use here. Prov. Pec, MS., vi.
April 4th, B. forwards V. R.'s orders for repairs, etc. Prov. St. Pap.,
86.
MS., xxi. 251-2; Prov. Pec, MS., v. 103. April 30th, work on fort not yet
begun. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 148. June, fort repaired, with 6 guns in
front and 3 on each side. Id., xxi. 264.
Oct. 24th, 24 sailors left on the
San Carlos for Sr.n Bias. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. Feb. 1, 1798, B. asks the
V. R. for a new fort on the other shore, an increase of armament to 26 24pounders, an increase of 128 infantry and 19 gunners in the garrisons, and a
boat with a patron and 10 sailors. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 69. March 15, 1799,
another appeal for a beat. Id., vi. 120. December 31, 1798, there were 3
iron 24-pounders, 1 iron 12-pounder, and 8 trass 8-pounders. Prov. St. Pap.,
Ben. MIL, MS., xvii. 7. Expenses of the year for repairs $661. Id., xvii. 13.
March 2, 1709, B. informs V. R. that a rainstorm caused the walls of the fort
to fall, also the new casemate wall, and the barracks are threatened. Prov.
Pec, MS., vi. 119. July 15th, V. R. will attend to the matter. Meanwhile
let the works be repaired with adobes, fascines, and earth. Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., xvii. 341. In January 1800 a hurricane broke the flag-staff which fell
on the barracks of the garrison and smashed seme tiles. Id., xxiii. 24; xxi. 31.

LOCAL EVENTS SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT.

702

known as
command

the Battery at Yerba Buena, designed to

the shore stretching westward to Fort
Point, and that stretching eastward to what was
called later North Point, together with the body of
water between that shore and Alcatraz Island, already
so called, known as the anchorage of Yerba Buena,
though it does not appear that any vessel except that
of Vancouver ever had anchored there.
Thus it will
be seen that the name Yerba Buena, while it may
have been given in a general way to the whole eastern
part of the peninsula from Black Point to Rincon
Point, wT as applied in these early times particularly to
the North Beach region and not, as is commonly supposed and as was the case after 1830, to the cove
south of Telegraph Hill.
Of the battery we know
but little save that it was a less elaborate work than
Port San Joaquin, being hastily constructed of brushwood fascines for the most part, with eight embrasures
and five eight-pound guns not needed at the fort. No
permanent garrison w as kept here, but at least until
after 1800 the works were visited daily by a sentinel,
and to a certain extent kept in order. 12
T

I have spoken several times of Vancouver's voyages

and his observations in California; but as his w as the
first visit of a foreigner to San Francisco Bay, as it
T

12

The battery

mentioned by the governor in communications of

April 19th Argiiello received Borica's orders to furnish
April 30th, Cordoba objected on account of small garrisons and distance
aid.
from the fort. But May 3d he was ordered by Borica to begin work, and in
June it was almost finished. Prov. St. Pa})., MS., xvi. 55; xvii. 148-9;
xviii. 2S; xxi. 251-2, 256, 264; Prov. Pec, MS., v. 103, 107; vi. 53, G9.
The first use of the name Yerba Buena that I have seen is in Sal's letter of
Nov. 14, 1792, announcing Vancouver's arrival. He is said to have anchored
'como a una legua mas abajo del presidio frente del parage que llamamos la
Yerba Buena.' St. Pa})., Sac, MS., i. 116. It is also used in Sal's letter of
Nov. 30th. Id., iii. 21. Vancouver's anchorage was about midway between
Black Point and North Point. Vancouver's Voyage, Atlas. The name is that
Whether it was first applied to the island and from
of a species of mint.
that to the eastern part of the peninsula, or vice versa, I am uncertain. The
name Isla del Alcatraz is used by Borica in July 1797. Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
xxi. 264.
I mention this fact because it has often been stated that the origThe name is that applied
inal and correct form was Alcatraces in the plural.
by Californians and Mexicans to the pelican, though more properly belonging
to the albatross.
April

4, 1797.

is first

On

MAP OF SAN
.39risrl,/"^

FRANCISCO.

Map

of San Fkaxcisco District.

703

LOCAL EVENTS SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT.

704

was here that he had the best opportunities

to

make

observations respecting the institutions of the country,

and as his visit was one of the chief interruptions of
the dull monotony of San Francisco life during the
decade, I deem the subject worthy of brief additional
mention here in connection with local annals.
As Vancouver entered the port at nightfall November 14, 1792, he looked in vain for the lights of
the town which he supposed to be planted here, and
next morning the only sign of civilization was the
herds seen in the distance. After a quail-shooting
expedition on the hills where the city now stands he
came into contact with Commandant Sal and was
entertained at the presidio, where the wife of Don
Hermenegildo received him "decently dressed, seated
cross-legged on a mat, placed on a small square wooden
platform raised three or four inches from the ground,
nearly in front of the door, with two daughters and a
son, clean and decently dressed, sitting by her; this
being the mode observed by these ladies when they
receive visitors."
Then he was invited to the mission
and was most kindly treated by fathers Landaeta
and Danti. He saw all that was to be seen on the
peninsula, much more than it was prudent to let him
see, and though greatly surprised at the weakness
and poverty of the Spanish establishment and the
lack of "those articles which alone can render the
essentials of life capable of being relished," yet for the
kindness and hospitality of the people he had nothing
but w ords of praise. The Spaniards as is their wont
placed everything at his disposal, and he interpreted
their offers somewhat too literally, making a visit to
Santa Clara that gave Sal many forebodings. He
made no survey of the bay, but found Yerba Buena
a better anchorage than the usual one nearer the presidio.
Every facility was afforded him for obtaining
wood, w ater, and supplies, though the carts placed at
the disposition of the sailors were found to be a more
clumsy and useless contrivance on land than the rude
7

FOREIGN VISITORS.

705

balsas of the natives as water craft. Vancouver sailed

He came
for Monterey on the 25th of November.
back in October of the next year, but was obliged to

put up with the ordinary courtesies allowed to foreigners in Spanish colonial ports, and so great was
the contrast that he left in disgust after a few days'
stay at anchor. 13
The 13th of March 1793 a strange vessel was anguard was
nounced at the entrance of the port.
boat came to
posted and the live-stock driven in.
land in the afternoon, with six men who said the
vessel was English and the captain's name Brown, in
need of water, wood, and meat, for which he would
send the next day. The vessel anchored beyond Point
Almejas, opposite San Pedro rancho, fired a gun,
and displayed the English flag. On the 15th she
was seen near the Farallones, and on the 16th Sal
reported these facts with his opinion that the foreign

craft
for

meant

Nootka.

mischief,

though pretending

to be

bound

14

In 1795 three mines were discovered somewhere

within the jurisdiction of San Francisco, called San
Diego, Carmen, and San Jose, with the respective
aliases of Descubridora, Buenavista, and Esperanza.
One of them was expected to yield gold, and the others
silver or quicksilver.
Specimens of the ore were sent
by Perez Fernandez to the governor, but Monterey
experts failed to discover metal except in one specimen. 15 The coming of Alberni and his company of
volunteers was the event of 1796, but beyond a bare
mention and the enrolment of the reinforcements on
the military records it left no trace in local annals;
yet as almost doubling the population of San Fran13

age,

Vancouver's Voyage,

1-27, 433-4.
in Vancouver's

ii.

and a map published

For further account of this voywork, see chapter xxiv., this vol-

ume.
14

March

16th, Sal to Borica, in St. Pap., Sac., MS., ii. 131-2.

Sept. 28, 1795, Perez Fernandez to Borica. St. Pap., Sac, MS., vii.
66-7. Sept. 30th, B.'s reply authorizing ore to be sent to San Bias for assay15

ing. Prov.

Pec, MS.,

v. 70.

Hist. Cal., Vol,

I.

45

LOCAL EVENTS SAX FRANCISCO DISTRICT.

706

16

In 1797 there was a propoand hospice at

San Francisco, but it was disapproved by both the
guardian and the fiscal, and consequently was abandoned. 17 The leading event of this year was the
wreck of the transport vessel San Carlos in the bay
on the night of the 23d of March. No details are
known except that little of the cargo was lost. 13 The
Conception as a coast guard spent a large part of the
year in this port. At the end of May 1799 the
American ship Eliza of 136 tons and carrying twelve
guns, bound for Boston with hides, under James
Rowan, obtained supplies under the prescribed recisco it merits mention.

sition to establish a Carmelite convent

strictions.

19

There were two topics of local interest at San Francisco during the decade which affected the mission not
These were the establishment
less than the presidio.
The royal
of the rancho del rey, and Indian affairs.
rancho had been founded here in 1777, with 115 head
of cattle, which w ere pastured on the hills about the

The animals

multiplied rapidly notwithstanding annual slaughters in the later years and the

presidio.

16

by Borica, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 241, that Alberni's

lands granted them at San Francisco and the Alameda; but such was
probably not the case. Alberni and his company arrived May 7, 1796, on
the San Curios. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxiii. 83.
17
Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., iv. 180-93; ix. 10-14; xiii. 84.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 57-8, 181; xvii. 242; xxi. 251, 263; Prov. Rec,
MS., vi. 86, 92, 95. This was not the original San Carlos of 1769, but her
The crew were obliged to remain for some
successor surnamed El Filipino.
time in California. The only stores specially named as lost are 4 boxes of
cigars and 15 lbs. of powder. April 26th, Capt. Saavedra says to Argiiello that
most of his men lost their clothes, tobacco, and soap in the wreck. He asks
for them the advance of a month's pay, which was granted to the amount of
The troops with 55 natives worked to save the cargo. April 24th,
$1,026.
the padres answer the complaint that they failed to render aid, by stating
that Fernandez was absent, but Landaeta sent all his disposable Indians, who
worked waist-deep in water for three days and nights. St. Pap., Sac, MS.,
April 14th, the finding of a white man's body in the surf at Pt
vi. 108-9.
Reyes is reported, and the mission majordomo had seen a vessel off the Farallones shortly before. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 116. Alberni at the same time
wished to send natives to see if there were any vessels at Bodega; but they
refused from fear of their enemies. Id., xvii. 152.
19
May 27th, Howan to Argiiello, will obey the governor's orders to sail
as soon as possible and not to enter any other port. Prov. St. Pap., xvii.
June 3d, Borica to viceroy, Rowan left a draft for $24
206-8, 238; xviii. 26.
on Boston. Prov. lice, MS., vi. 125-6.
It is implied

men had

RANCHO DEL REY.

707

ravages of wild beasts, 20 so that in 1791 they numbered

At the end of March of this year the
over 1,200.
cattle were transferred to Monterey, except a few
milch cows which the soldiers were allowed to keep.
This change seems to have been made by order of the
comandante general at the petition of the padres
who represented that injury was done to the interests
of the mission. Subsequently the garrison was obliged
21
In 1796, at the
to obtain meat from Monterey.
suggestion of Sal, Borica determined to reestablish a
branch of the rancho del rey, and this was accomplished in September 1797, two hundred and sixty-five
cattle being purchased from the missions and placed
22
at Buriburi between San Bruno and San Mateo.
When the news reached Mexico it brought out a
protest of the guardian, in which he narrated the
past history of the rancho, claimed that Borica had
acted in opposition to the king's wishes that the
mission lands should not be encroached upon, and
demanded an order to remove not only the rancho
but the cattle owned by the soldiers. The pasturage
it was claimed was all needed for the mission herds,
which now must be driven far down the peninsula;
and the natives were suffering great injury in their
20
In the cattle account of 1 782 appears an item of three arrobas of yerba
Puebla with which to poison v/olves. Prov. Pec., MS., iii. 115. April and
May 1700, commandant refers to ravages of bears and savages. Prov. St. Pap. f
MS. ix. 213-14. Bears numerous in 1708. Id., xvii. 103.
21
Cattle of the rancho in 1790, 1,174 head. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil.,
MS., xiii. G, 7. Net proceeds of sales, $01. Id. Sales in 1701, $81. Id., xv.
Number of cattle at transfer on March 31, 1701, 1,215 head. St. Pap.,
5.
Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 08. The rancho was moved by order of Fages,
Id., or by order of commandant general at request of padres. Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., xvii. 14-1 G. Statistical reports show that the soldiers had from 0G to
147 cattle down to 1707 and then the number increased to 500 or GOO, not
including the king's cattle. In 1793 the number was 115, and the names of
14 owners, 23 credited to Juan Bernal being the largest number, are given
from an old inventory in alley'8 Centennial Year Booh of Alameda Count//,
There is quite a mass of information from the archives given in this
27.
work, but there are nearly as many blunders as words in the translation,
copying, and printing. In 1704, 75 cattle for food were sent up from Monterey. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 30.
22
Borica to commandants April 30, 170G, Aug. 15, Sept. 1, 1707. Prov.
Pec., MS., v. 85, 200; iv. 255-G.
Arguello to B. Sept. 20th. Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., xvi. 02.

cle

70S

LOCAL EVENTS SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT.

natural and legal rights. 23 Borica, being called upon

for an explanation, asked Arguello for a report in
which the governor's eleven question were clearly
answered. According to this report the mission was
in no respect injured by the king's cattle at Buriburi,
feeding on the hills westward to the Canada de San
Andres and south-westward for two leagues, nor
would it be injured even should its cattle greatly increase, for it still had several large sitios: San Pedro,
five leagues southward on the coast, where horned
cattle were kept; another two leagues to the south,
where were the herds of mares; El Pilar, 24 where
there was abundant pasturage for the oxen; San
Mateo, five leagues from the mission, stretching to
Santa Clara on the south-east and to San Pedro on
the west; besides the smaller and nearer tracts of La
Arguello
Visitacion, San Bruno, and Lake Merced.
also proved that the mission had been accustomed to
sell to the presidio and the vessels cattle about one
third smaller than those of Monterey at prices exceeding those of the tariff, besides obliging the purchaser to go long distances after the animals. 25 His
arguments seemed conclusive to the viceroy, who in
March 1799 ordered the rancho maintained, notwithstanding the opposition of the friars. 26
The natives, Christian and gentile, caused more
trouble in the region of San Francisco than in any
other part of California, the troublesome gentiles
being chiefly those inhabiting wbat is now known as
23
Feb. 5, 1798, guardian to viceroy, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 14-16.
Horses were kept 10 leagues distant; sheep under a salaried man six leagues
away; and the oxen not actually at work were also pastured at a long dis-

tance.
24
But according to Prov. Pec, MS., v. 103, Arguello himself had received
a provisional grant of El Pilar in 1797.
25
June 14, 1798, Borica to Arguello. St. Pap., Miss, and Colon, MS., i.
GS-70. Arguello, Informe sobre el Rancho del Rey y su infiuencia y relacion con
la Mision de San Francisco, 24 de Julio 1798, MS. Salazar speaks of S. Pedro
or Punta de Almejaa. Arch. Sta Barbara, ii. 75.
26
March 13, 1799, Viceroy Azanza to Borica. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii.
220.
June 5th, to commandant. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 298. Dec. 31st, number of cattle in the rancho, 879. Net yield from sales, $179. Prov. St. Pap.,
Ben. Mil., MS., xxviii, 5.

INDIAN AFFAIRS.

709

Alameda and Contra Costa

counties, acting in conjunction with deserters from San Francisco mission,

but threatening more seriously Mission San Jose.

All was quiet, however, until 1795. 27 In March of

that year Father Danti sent a party of fourteen neophytes to the rancherias of the Chaclanes, or Sacalanes, to bring in some fugitives, but they were attacked
by gentiles and Christians combined, and at least seven
The affair was reported
of the number were killed.
to Borica, who informed the viceroy, but ordered no
retaliation as the Sacalanes were a brave people and
would be troublesome as foes, and the friars w ere
28
In Sepdirected to send out no more such parties.
tember of the same year over two hundred natives
deserted from San Francisco, different parties in
r

different directions, the

number including many

old

neophytes who had always been faithful before. In

the correspondence which followed, Borica indicated
his belief that the disaster was due largely to cruelty
on the part of the padres. He ordered a strict investigation instructed the soldiers to afford no aid in the
infliction of punishments unless at the request of both
padres, for it seems that Danti was much more severe
than his associate, and finally protested to the president that rigorous steps must be taken to insure better
;

new convert named Charquin ran away and waged

aborigines who favored Christianity, holding 20 women and children captives in the mountains. Si. Pap., Sac, MS., vii. 24-5. In February
1795 the governor reported the prospects for new converts excellent at San
Francisco and Santa Clara, on account of a scarcity of seeds. Prov. Pec, MS.,
27

In February 1793 a

war on

all

vi. 37.
28

March

May 3, May

commandant to Borica. June 23d, B. to

241-2, 275-G; Prov. Pec, MS., v. 50, 50;
vi. 48-50.
I suppose the Sacalanes lived in what is now Alameda County,
somewhere between Oakland and Mission San Jos6. The messengers are
said to have travelled two nights and one day before reaching the rancherias.
Borica says the Chimenes did the killing and lived 30 leagues from Bodega
on the coast. Subsequent expeditions show, however, that the Sacalanes,
the guilty parties, did not at any rate live north of the bay. The commandant
charges Danti with having at first pronounced the story of the survivors a lie,
and with attempting later to keep it from the knowledge of the officers.
July Cth, Borica to friars, regrets that they continue sending Indians to the
other side of the bay. It must be stopped. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 14G. Sept.
18th, V. R. approves B.'s policy of avoiding war. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii.
3,

viceroy. Prov. St. Pap.,

82.

29, 1795,

MS.,

xiii.

LOCAL EVENTS S.ANT FRANCISCO DISTRICT.

710

treatment and better food, to which Lasuen gave

sent.

as-

29

In June 1797 a new mishap occurred.

large
part of the fugitives belonged to the Cuchillones
across the bay.
Notwithstanding the governor's
orders the missionaries sent one Raimundo, a Califor-

nian a name still applied exclusively to the natives

of Baja California
with thirty natives to bring back
the runaways.
They crossed in balsas and fell into a
difficulty with the Cuchillones which is not clearly
described, though it appears that no life was lost and
no fugitive recovered. This affair gave rise to a new
correspondence and to earnest protests from the friars,
who were inclined to think that the quarrel, if any
occurred, had been greatly exaggerated. 30
Now the
assumed
Sacalanes
a threateninof attitude toward
Mission San Jose, and Sergeant Amador was sent to
investigate.
He found that the gentiles were threatening to kill the Christians if they continued to work,
and the soldiers if they dared to interfere. He accordingly recommended to Borica that an expedition
be sent to punish them, to collect fugitives, and to
dispel the idea of the Sacalanes that the Spaniards
were afraid of them. Borica assented and ordered
Amador to take twenty-two men and fall upon the
rancheria at dawn, capturing the head men and desertThey set out
ers, but avoiding bloodshed if possible.
July 13th, and on the 15th the troops under Amador
and Vallejo reached the hostile camp. The Sacalanes
would listen to nothing; they had digged pits, so that
the Spaniards were forced to dismount and attack with
swT ord and lance. In the fight two soldiers were
29

xiii.

91;

Correspondence on the subject during 1795-6. In Prov. St. Pap., MS.,

147-8; xiv. 170; Id., Ben. Mil., xxiv. 8-10; Prov. Rec, MS., v. 69, 80,

vi.
30

172, 176.

Letters of Arguello, Espi, Fernandez, and Landaeta in Prov. St. Pap.,

MS., xv. 19-25. July 16th, Arguello assembled the natives and made known
to them the governor's orders that they were not to go after fugitives even if
Then the padres received a lecture on the evils
told to do so by the padres.
that might have resulted.
Landaeta insisted that the natives had gone of
their own accord and had not been sent. Arguello to Borica, in Id., xv. 25-7.

AMADOR'S EXPEDITION.

711

natives killed.
The Cuchilloncs
were subsequently attacked and retreated after one

wounded and seven

had been killed. On the 18th Amador returned to

San Jose with eighty-three Christians and nine genincluding five Sacalanes implicated in the affair
of 1795 and three Cuchillones in that of Raimundo. 31
The testimony and confessions of fourteen of the
captives were taken the 9th of August, and nine of
tiles,

them having been proved

guilty, were subsequently

sentenced by Borica to receive from twenty-five to
seventy-five lashes and to work in shackles at the
presidio from two months to a year. 32
In this examination and in another held the 12th of August with
a view to learn why the neophytes had run away,
nearly all the witnesses gave as their reasons excessive flogging, hunger, and the death of relatives. 33
Borica subsequently announced that in consequence
of his efforts and especially of the kindness of Father
Fernandez, the natives were treated better than before but Lasuen declared that the charges of cruelty
were unfounded, as proved by the large number of
conversions.
The neophytes fled, not because they
were flogged or overworked, but because of the rav;

31

Amador, Expedicion contra

los gentiles

Sacalanes, con Correspondencia

perteneciente al asunto, 1706, MS.; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 170-8; xvi.
38-9, 70-1, 88, 90; Prov. Pec, MS., v. 206-7.
The diary is dated San
Jose, July 19th, and the papers include: July Gth, Arguello to Borica; July
8th, Amador to B.; July 10th, B. to A.; July 19th, A. to B. July 21st, B.
to A.
Christians not to be punished, hut gentiles kept at work on presidio;
July 2Cth, receipt of Espi and Landaeta for 79 returned neophytes. Returning natives have never heen punished. July 30th, Argiiello to B., has given
up the neophytes and will try the gentiles.
32
Argiiel-'o, Pelacion de lo que dedararon los Gentiles Sacalanes, 1797, MS.;
Borica, Castigos que han de svfrir los Indios, 1707, MS.
33
Arguello, Pelacion que formd de las declaraciones de los Indios Cristiavos
h'lidos de la Mision de San Francisco, 1707, MS.
Tiburcio was flogged five
times by Uanti for crying at the death of his wife and child. Magin was put
in the stocks when ill.
Tarazon visited his country and felt inclined to stay.
Claudio was beaten by the alcalde with a stick and forced to work when ill.
Jose" Manuel was struck with a bludgeon.
Liberato ran away to escape dying
of hunger as his mother, two brothers, and three nephews had done.
Otolon
was flogged for not caring for his wife after she had sinned with the vaquero.
Milan had to work with no food for his family and was flogged because he
went after clams. Patabo had lost his family and had no one to take care of
him. Orencio's niece died of hunger. Toribio was always hungry. Magno
received no ration because, occupied in tending his sick son, he could not
;

work.

712

LOCAL EVENTS SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT.

ages of an epidemic. 34 No further troubles occurred

at San Francisco, but the Sacalanesrand other gentiles
continued their hostile influence at San Jose mission,
several times requiring the presence of Amador, who
in April 1800 made another raid, killing a chief, capturing twenty fugitives, and breaking all the bows
and arrows of the foe. 35
Something remains to be said of San Francisco Mission, where we left Cambon and Danti in charge as
ministers at the end of 1790.
Cambon, one of the
few remaining pioneer missionaries, and a founder of
San Francisco, retired to his college entirely broken
down in health at the end of 1791, 33 and was succeeded
by Martin Landaeta, a new-comer, who however was
absent from October 1798 to September 1800, Espi
serving in 1797-9, and Merelo in 1799-1800.
Diego
Garcia remained until October 1791, and returned in
1796-7. Danti retired in the summer of 1796 Padre
Fernandez took his place in 1796-7 with Garcia as a
supernumerary, and Ramon Abella came in July 1798.
;

Padre Martiarena was also supernumerary from

August 1800, and the names of several others appear
on the mission-books as having" officiated here sit different dates. 37
34
July 1, 1798, Borica to viceroy, in Prov. Rec, MS., vi. 97-8; Lasuen,
Representation, 1801, MS., in Arch. Sta Barbara, ii. 202-5.
35
Amador, Sal'ula contra Indios Gentiles, 1S00, MS. Also on slight previous
troubles at San Jose. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 173-4; xvii. 97, 100-1, 106-7.
3(J
Pedro Benito Cambon, a native of Santiago in Galicia, Spain, was ordered
to California from the college in August 1770, setting out in Oct., sailing from
San Bias in January 1771, and arriving at San Diego March 12, and Monterey May 21st.
He was a founder of San Gabriel in September 1771, and
served there until April 1772. He then spent several years at Velicata in
Baja California for the benefit of his health, and to look after Franciscan
property.
He went to San Francisco in Oct. 1776, but was absent from Oct.
1779 until May 1782, during which time he made a trip from San Bias to
Manila as chaplain of the San Carlos, devoting his pay to the purchase of supplies for his neophytes, and also founded San Buenaventura in March 17S2.
He was a zealous and able man, but his health repeatedly broke down, and
finally in November 1791, at the request of Lasuen, and on a certificate signed
by three surgeons, he was permitted to depart without waiting for the viceroy's license.
His last signature on the mission-books was on Sept. 10th. S.
Francisco, Lib. Mision, MS., i, 61, 69; Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 18, 19.
37
Jose" de la Cruz Espi, possibly Espi as written by himself, a native of
Valencia, came to Mexico in 1786, and two years later went to Nootka as
chaplain with the expedition of Martinez, which touched on the California

MISSION STATISTICS.

713

During the decade 1,213 natives were baptized,

1,031 were buried, 203 of them in 1795, and the neophyte population as registered grew from 438 to 644,
from which it would appear that most of the fugitive
Large
cimarrones had been recovered before 1800.
stock increased from 2,000 to 8,200, and sheep from
38
Crops in 1800 amounted to 4,100
1,700 to 6,200.
bushels, one half wheat, the largest yield having been

He came to California as a missionary in 1793, serving at San Antonio

from September of that year until September 1794; at Soledad until December 1795; at Santa Cruz until 1797; and at San Francisco from June 1797
until August 1799, when he obtained leave to retire and sailed from San
Diego Jan. 16, 1800. He had served 10 years and refused to remain longer.
His signature appears on the San Francisco books until Aug. 19, 1799. 8.
Francisco, Lib. tie Mision, MS., 44; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. GO, 220;
Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 57.
Of Antonio Danti we only know that he was minister at San Francisco
from October 1790 until July 179G; that he had a fiery temperament genid
de pdlvora, as Borica termed it and was disposed to be unduly severe to his
Indians; and that he was finally allowed to retire, suffering from some trouble
with his legs and with inflammation of the eyes threatening blindness. San
Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 41; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., vi. 227; xi.
5G-7; Prov. Bee, MS., vi. 149, 157, 1G3.
Diego Garcia came to California in 1787, serving at San Francisco from
September of that year until October 1791; at Soledad until February 1792;
at San Antonio until November 1792; again at Soledad until March 179G; and
again at San Francisco until May ] 797. He was generally a supernumerary
and his services as minister were not in great demand. One year on some
frivolous pretext he neglected to sow any grain; he made himself obnoxious
to each successive associate; and once when assigned to San Jose refused
obedience. Naturally no objection was made to his retiring at the end of his
term of 10 years, the coming of which probably saved him from dismissal by
Lasuen. His license was dated July 8, 1797; his last signature at San Francisco was on May 18th. San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 40, Gl ; Soledad,
Lib. de Mision, MS.; Arch. Sta Bdrbara, MS., xi. 227-8; Prov. Bee, MS., vi.
coast.

115.
Jose" Maria Fernandez left his college in February and arrived at San
Francisco in September 1796, serving until May 1797 as minister, receiving
his license in July, and leaving California a little later. He was a very kindhearted man, and as we have seen Borica gave him great credit for having
secured better treatment for the natives at San Francisco; but a blow on
the head accidentally received affected his health and especially his mind to
such an extent as to incapacitate him for missionary labor. San Francisco, Lib.
de Mision, MS.; Arch. Sta Bdrbara, xi. 57-8; Prov. Bee., MS. vi. 98.
38
May 28, 1791, Fages informed Itomeu that the padres of San Francisco
had formed a new establishment seven leagues away, where they kept most
of their neophytes. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 149; but we hear no more of the
subject. The controversies between mission and presidio about pasturage, and
the alleged inferiority of San Francisco cattle, have been already noticed. In
Prov. Bee, MS., vi. 79, it is stated that sheep-raising was introduced in
May 19,
179G, but no special increase appears in the statistics for that year.
1797, Arguello says the San Francisco sheep being of Merino stock may be a
little better than elsewhere.
He wanted to buy 100, but Landaeta refused to
sell. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 8, 9.

LOCAL EVENTS SAN FRANCISCO

714

DISTPvICT.

5,800 bushels in 179G; the smallest 1,200 in 1792, 39

and the average 3,600 bushels. The mission buildings were described by Vancouver as forming two
sides of a square, without any apparent intention of
completing the quadrangle, the architecture and material being as at the presidio, but the apartments
larger, better constructed, and cleaner.
At this time
all roofs were of thatch, and the dwellings of the Indians were huts of willow poles, basket-work of twigs,
and thatch of grass and tules, about twelve feet high,
six or seven feet in diameter, and " abominably infested with every kind of filth and nastiness."
In
1793 nineteen adobe houses were built, which number
was subsequently increased until in 1798 there were
enough for most of the married neophytes. In 1794
a new storehouse 150 feet long was built and roofed
with tiles as were some of the old buildings, and half
a league of ditch was dug round the potrero and fields.
In 1795 another adobe building 180 feet long was
erected; and tile roofs were completed for all the
structures, including the church, about which from the
laying of the corner-stone in 1782 nothing more is
recorded down to 1800. 40 At the time of Vancouver's
visit one large room was occupied by manufacturers
of a coarse sort of blanketing, made from wool pro"The looms, though
duced in the neighborhood.
rudely wrought, were tolerably well contrived, and
had been made by the Indians. The produce is
wholly applied to the clothing of the converted Indians.
I saw some of the cloth, which was by no
Where the cultivated fields were situated at this time does not appear.
In 1795 supplies furnished to the presidio amounted to $2,831. Prov. Pec,
MS., v. 26. In January 1795 cold weather prevented the padres from saying mass. Id., v. 40-1. From 1797 to 1S00 regular weather reports were
rendered at the end of each year. 1797 was cold, windy, and foggy. St. Pap.,
Sac, MS., vi. 100. In 1798 the summer began with 'terrible and continuous wind' and fog, and the winter with frost, heavy rains, and roof- damaging
winds. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xvii. 22-3. In 1799 little rain,
heavy north winds, and much frost. Id., xxvii. 2. 1800, heavy rains, some
39

strong winds. Id., xxviii. 12-13.

Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 10-14; St. Pap., Hiss., MS., i. 124; ii. 15, 78;
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 59-60. Fages states that in 1787 there was but
a suplemento de iglesia, a temporary atfair. Pages, Informe Gen., MS., 146.

frost,
40

ANNALS OF SAN

JOSfi.

715

means despicable; and, had it received the advantage

of fulling, would have been a very decent sort of
1797 Borica ordered that mission
blankets should be used at the presidio, and no more
obtained from Mexico; but in 1799 he disapproved
the friars' scheme of building a fulling-mill. In 1796
a manufacture of coarse pottery was established under Mariano Tapia. 41
clothing."

In

The new establishments of Branciforte, Santa Cruz,

and Mission San Jose having been elsewhere noticed,
there remain the annals of Santa Clara and the pueblo
of San Jose, the former within this northern jurisdiction, and the latter most conveniently included in it,
though it really belonged to the military jurisdiction
of Monterey.
At the pueblo population increased in
general terms from eighty to one hundred and seventy, though the variation from year to year is so
White apprentices were to come to San Francisco to learn to make potBee, MS., iv. 53-4: v. 78, 206; vi. 230. Some cotton from San
Bias was woven before 1797. St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 100. In 1798 the mis41

tery. Prov.

sion contracted to furnish tiles to the presidio at $20 per thousand. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., xvii. 97; xvi. 25, 42.
Such are the facts briefly stated in 23 pages that I have to present respecting San Francisco from 1791 to 1800. Most of the facts are in themselves not
very startling or important, but they constitute the annals for ten years of
what is now a great city; and they have been recorded not diffusely, I believe,
but with due condensation. As I write, a History of the, City of San Francisco comes from the press. It was written in accordance with a resolution of
congress calling for a historical sketch of each town from its foundation, as a
centennial memorial; it was written by a pioneer, an editor, the author of
several good works, the historian of the Society of California Pioneers; in
fact by a man generally supposed, and with much reason, to be better qualified
than any other for ihe task, for which he was paid by the city. Being a history of a town the work might naturally be expected to deal largely in local
The
details whose absence in a history of California would be excusable.
work has received no unfavorable criticism, except for its rendering of modern
events involving personal and political prejudices. For the Spanish period
there is nothing but praise.
The leading journals of the city credit the
author with immense research among the records of the past, and with an
exhaustive treatment of his subject. Naturally, therefore, it was with some
trembling that I compared the results with those of my own labors; but I
breathe more freely and am encouraged, when I see that respecting this decade the work alluded to contains the following, and nothing more 'Cambon
was soon superseded by Danti, and he by Avella, who served 20 years, commencing in 1797;' the mission had in '1793, 704 Indians, 2,700 cattle, 2,300
sheep, and 314 horses.' For four decades, from 1780 to 1820, all that the work
contains will barely fill one page of foolscap manuscript. This is but a sample
of the record of early California events hitherto called history, and yet the
work to which I refer is one of the best of its class.
:

716

LOCAL EVENTS SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT.

great and inexplicable as to inspire doubts of entire

accuracy. 42 Of the nine original settlers six were still
left in 1797, the latest complete report extant, and
about fifty new names of settlers, pensioners, and soldiers appear during the decade. Ignacio Vallejo held
the office of comisionado until November 1792, and
from May 1797 to November 1799; Macario Castro
from 1792 to 1794, and from 1799 to 1807; and
Gabriel Moraga from 1794 to 1797, the same men
being corporals of the guard. Marcos Chabolla was
alcalde in 1796, Jose Maria Martinez in 1797, Jacobo
Velarde in 1798, Ignacio Castro in 1799, and Francisco Castro in 1800.
Cattle and horses increased from less than 1,000
head to 6,580, while sheep, notwithstanding Borica's
43
efforts, decreased to less than 400.
Agricultural
products were 4,300 bushels in 1800, the largest crop
having been 6,700 bushels in 1797, and the smallest
42
According to the statistics the population in 1791 was 82; in 1792, 122;
in 1794, 80; in 1795, 187; in 1796, 208; in 1798, 152; and in 1800, 171, from
10 to 20 natives being included in each number.
Of the 26 names given in a
former chapter (xvi. ) for 1790, there disappeared before 1797, Antonio Romero
and Francisco Avila (sent away in 1792) of the pobladores; Juan Antonio
Amezquita, invalid; and Higuera, Cayuelas, and Joaquin Castro, arjref/ados.
The new names that appear during the decade, most of them on the list of
1797, are as follows: Francisco Alvirez, Javier Alviso, Francisco Alviso, Jose"
Aguila, Francisco Arias, Justo Altamirauo, Jose Avila, Nicolas Berreyesa,
Pedro Bojorques, Jose Maria Benavides, Antonio Buelna, Francisco Bejar,
Marcos Chabolla, Francisco Castro, Macario Castro, Leocadio Cibrian, Pablo
Cibrian, Ignacio Cantua, Nicolas Camareno, Bernardo Flores, Bernardo Gon-

Francisco Gonzalez, Nicolas Galindo, Bernardo Heredia, Salvador

Higuera, Ramon Lasso de la Vega, Jose Larios, Jose Maria Martinez, Leocadio Martinez, Dolores Mesa, Joaquin Mesa, Gabriel Moraga, Juan Mejia,
Miguel Osuna, Ignacio Pacheco, Miguel Pacheco, Luis Peralta, Jose Pliego,
Pedro Romero, Jose Maria Ruiz, Juan Rosas, Jose Saez, Miguel Saez, Justo
Saez, Jose Antonio Sanchez, Albino Tobar, Rafael Villavicencio, Jacobo
Velarde, Antonio Soto. List of 1793, in Prov. Pec, MS., v. 410-14. Lists
of 1797, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 130-1; Id., Ben. Mil., MS., xxv. 6, 7.
43
Three thousand three hundred and forty-seven cattle, horses, and mules,
the number for 1799, would probably be a fairer estimate, for the statistics
are very irregular.
An increase from 945 cattle in 1799 to 3,311 in 1800 is
Sheep-raising introinexplicable, the number given for 1801 being 1,841.
duced in 1796, according to Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 79. May 18, 1796, Sal to
comisionado, transcribing Borica's orders. Many vecinos have not a single
sheep.
This is bad and contrary to the reglamento. Each settler must at
once obtain a ram and 10 sheep, and the government will at once advance the
means to the poor. S. Jose", Arch., MS., ii. 87. A settler must not keep more
than 50 cattle, and should keep sheep in the proportion of three to one. Prov.
Pec, MS., iv. 204; Dep. St. Pap., S. Jose, MS., i. 73-4.
zalez,

PRIVATE RANCH0S.

717

44
These figures include wheat, corn,
1,800 in 1799.
and beans, but not hemp, the culture of which was
introduced into California in 1795, San Jose being
selected as the place for the experiment, and Ignacio
Vallejo as the man to superintend it. Small crops of
this staple wT ere raised nearly every year during the
Some rude machinery was
last half of the decade.
constructed for its preparation, and several small lots
of the prepared fibre were sent to Monterey for shipment to San Bias. 45
Outside of the pueblo limits, there is no evidence of
any agricultural or stock-raising operations in this
region or in the San Francisco jurisdiction, where no
land-grants even of a provisional nature had been
made, except perhaps El Pilar on the peninsula to Jose
Arguello in 1797, about which there is some uncer46
The slight structures of the town had, as
tainty.

u Jan.

15, 1795, Borica urges increased attention to agriculture and promises preference in the purchase of supplies. Dept. St. Pap., S. Jose, MS., i.

March 29, 179G, Borica is glad to know the reservoir is finished and
a premium of $25 to the man who shall raise the biggest crop. Prov.
Bee, MS., iv. 186. Sept. 1796, Borica congratulates San Jose on her wheat
crop.
In May he had soundly rated the comisionado for not planting more
45-6.

he

offers

May 2, 1796, 10 sacks seed-corn sent from

corn. Id., iv. 188-9, 196, 202.
Sept. 15, 1797, complaints of bad
S. Jo*6, Arch., MS., ii. 87.
quality of San Jose flour. Id., v. 32. May 30, 1798, Borica orders the settlers
Aug. 31, 1799, Vallejo
to enclose their fields. Prov. Bee, MS., iv. 272, 293.
to B. very poor wheat crops caused by chahuiste. Asks for time to pay
loans and tithes. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 229.
40
Dec. 23, 1795, Borica to Moraga ordering him to afford Vallejo aid in the
way of grain with which to pay native laborers. Prov. Bee, MS., iv. 241.
Dec. 4th, Arguello to Moraga, transcribes B. 's note of Dec. 1st, with viceroy's
order of Aug. 26th, in reply to Borica's of Feb. 1st, with instructions on preparation of hemp, and promise of instruments. S. Jos6, Arch., MS., iv. 28.
Lands of Linares taken and others given him. Prov. Bee., MS., iv. 177-80.
July 3, 1796, B. regrets loss of first crop; but five fanegas of seed were saved.
Id., iv. 192, 199. August 13th, B. to Vallejo, carpenter BCjar to make machinery.
Grain to be sown for rations of native laborers. Id., iv. 197. About 30
fanegas of seed harvested in 1790-7. Twenty-five arrobas (625 lbs.) sent to
San Bias in 1798. /</., vi. 103; St. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 70. Numerous minor
communications on the subject during 1797, showing great interest on the
part of Borica and even the V. R. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. Seven bales
shipped in September 1800. Crop in 1800-1 not good. Prov. Bee, MS., iv.
15; 8. Jos6, Arch., MS., iii. 59, 06, 70.
40
Application and grant recorded in Prov. Bee, MS., v. 103; butin 1798 Arguello himself names El Pilar as belonging to the mission. Arguello, Informe
sobre Bancho del Bey, MS. In his report of 1794 Arrillaga says that the settlers
of San Jose formerly did not possess their lands in property, and the land annually assigned them by the comisionado was not properly cultivated because liable
next year to fall into the hands of another. The comisionado was therefore orMonterey.

LOCAL EVENTSSAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT.

718

we have

seen, been removed before 1791 to a short

distance from the original site, but there is nothing to

show that the buildings on the new site were of a

more substantial character; 47 neither was there anything noticeable accomplished in the
tures.

way

of manufac-

48

The

settlers

showed a

spirit of insubordination early

owing to popular dissatisfaction with Vallejo

as comisionado, but on his removal quiet was restored,
not to be disturbed in the same way until 1800 under
At this time a gang of idle
Castro's administration.
vagabonds committed all kinds of depredations, and
finally set the comisionado's house on fire one night
when a "peaceable and lawful ball" was in progress.
detachment of soldiers was sent from San Francisco to restore order, which it is to be presumed they
accomplished, though we have no particulars. 49 Meanwhile in 1794 there had been fears of an Indian outbreak which gave rise to much correspondence and
Father Fernandez of
caused unusual precautions.
Santa Clara was accused of undue severity in connec-

in 1792,

tion with this affair, a charge not fully sustained when

Alferez Sal was sent to make investigations. No outdered to distribute four suertes to each on condition of paying a fee of reconocimiento to the king, and of not selling without consent of the authorities. Prov.
St. Pap., MS., xii. 188-9.
Dec. 29, 1793, governor to comisionado, each
lot to be 200 yards square, for which half a ianega of maize must be paid.
New settlers must pay same as old pobladores, and will get a title. After a
year and a day they may hold office. He who abandons his land loses all
improvements. Retired soldiers pay no reconocimiento, but their heirs must
j)ay. Id., xxi. 177-8.
Feb. 7, 1800, some settlers disposed to abandon their
lands or part of them. This must not be allowed. S. Jose, Arch., MS., iii.
63.
47

Sept. 25, 1797, reference to a bridge over the creek. Prov. Pec, MS.,
April 3, 1799, if the people want a chapel they may use the commu257.
nity grain to build it. Id., iv. 292.
i8
Jan. 1795, Borica urges the people to tan hides and make saddles, boots,
and shoes, etc., which will be purchased at fair prices if of good quality. He
will have no idleness. Prov. Pec., MS., iv. 220.
Leocadio Martinez, carpenter, was exiled here in 1796. San Jose, Arch., MS., ii. 79.
Oct. 28, 1798,
Larios and Balesteros allowed to build a water-mill. Prov. Pec, MS., iv.
July 1799, reference to Villavicencio's weavery at San Jose". Id., iv.
283.
300.
49
Arridaga, Papel de Puntos, MS., 188. Sept. 30, 1S00, Castro to Sal, with
Oct. 2d, Sal to Arrillaga transmitcertificate of alcalde and Ramon Lasso.
ting the complaint.
Dec. 13th, governor's orders to Sal and Alberni. Prov.
St. Pap., MS., xviii. 4-8, 16.
iv.

PUEBLO VS MISSION.

719

break occurred. 50

After 1797 a large part of the

military guard was withdrawn to provide for the new
foundations.
In 1797 there was a proposition to move the pueblo
to the western bank of the river, with a view to
escape the danger of inundation.
It was favored by
Vallejo,
Alcalde
Chabolla,
and in fact by all
Moraga,

the settlers except four. Borica ordered Cordoba to

examine the proposed site and make a plan for the
town, and the change seemed likely to be effected;
but after September the whole subject was dropped, 51
probably in consequence of a controversy between the
pueblo and mission about boundaries. This quarrel was
the most notable local event of the decade. In April
1797 Father Sanchez of Santa Clara complained that
the townsmen were encroaching on the mission lands.
Borica thereupon sent the engineer Cordoba to make
a survey and establish the boundaries, taking into
account the views of both friars and vecinos and also
the former survey of Moraga.
Cordoba reported in
August that the bound, so far as it could be determined from Moraga' s rather vague survey by measuring 1,950 varas down the river from where the old
dam was said to have been, was within the mission
potrero, and that the padres refused to accept it in a
representation enclosed in the report.
In this document, addressed by Catala and Viader to Borica,
great stress was placed on the rights of the natives,
and to the fact that some time in the future the lands
must be divided among the 5,000 native owners. It
50

Correspondence between Moraga, Argiiello, and Sal in Prov. St. Pap.,

xii. 33, 49-53, 124-32, 189-91.
May 10, 1797, guard to be withdrawn.
Prov. Rec, MS., iv. 213. Aug. 2, 1794, troops ordered to be drawn up under
arms, and all citizens to assemble with officials to formally recognize Borica
as governor. 8. Jos4, Arch., MS., iii. 23.
May 20, 1797, Moraga to Vallejo,
statement of armament and ammunition. There was one mounted cannon.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 108-9; 8. Jos6, Arch., MS., iii. 48-9.
51
Jan. 8, 1797, Moraga to Borica. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 4. Jan. 10th,
Chabolla to B. Id., xvi. 24. May 11th, B. to Cordoba. Id., xxi. 257. Sept.
7th, Vallejo to B. Id., xv. 145.
Sept. 20th, Vallejo says the alcalde has

MS.,

directed the people to build across the river. Id., xvii. 241.
No date, Jose"
settlers did not desire the removal. Id., xvii. 241.

Maria Martinez says the

720

LOCAL EVENTS SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT.

was claimed that the mission had been

in actual pos-

session of the lands in dispute for twelve years, and

instances were cited where controversies with individ-

had been decided by Moraga and others in favor

of the mission.
Moreover, the natives, both Christian and gentile, w ere beginning to complain that they
were robbed of their lands.
Nothing more is heard of the matter for a year. 52
In July 1798 the guardian of San Fernando college,
who was no other than Padre Tomas de la Pena, formerly minister of Santa Clara, and to whom the matter had naturally been referred by the missionaries,
addressed a petition to the viceroy.
In it he states
uals

Moraga founded the pueblo nearer the mission

than Neve had intended it to be. Neve had subsequently admitted this and promised to move the town
that

but as during his administration no lands were assigned, no landmarks fixed, and no pueblo cattle sent
across the river, there had been no trouble. 53
When
Fages came he determined to grant lands and fix
boundaries, and he did so notwithstanding the friars'
verbal and written protest and Junipero Serra's entreaties, to which he paid not the slightest respect.
From that time troubles were frequent, and Fages,
the archenemy of the friars, seemed to take pleasure
in annoying them.
In 1786, however, Palou on his
return to Mexico laid the matter before the viceroy
and obtained a promise of relief or at least of investigation; the river to be the boundary until a definite
settlement should be made.
Owing to the death of
the viceroy followed by that of Palou, the promise
52
In the mean time, however, the padres of Mission San Jose" complained of
damage done by pueblo horses, and Vallejo gave orders to remedy the evil,
though it was difficult to keep the horses off the lands where they had been
born and raised. Oct. 9, 1798, P. Barcenilla to Vallejo. Oct. 18th, Vallejo

to Borica. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 156-7.

53
Neve, Instruction que da a Fages, MS., 147, seems to have pronounced
in favor of the half-way mark between pueblo and mission as the boundary.
'
Declaro que la guardiaraya 6 lindero que divide los dos terminos de Oriente
a Poniente es la mediacion del terreno que intermedia entre las dos poblaciones, correspondiendo a la mision la parte del Norte, y al Pueblo la del Sur,

donde pueden ponersedesde luego mojoneras.'

SAN JOSE VS SANTA CLARA.

721

but during the time of Romeu and

Arrillaga, the mission had never recognized the old
landmarks, and without hinderance had built their
fences and used the land beyond those old bounds.
Now, however, the settlers were encroaching on the
lands thus occupied, and insisting on the limits fixed
by Fages. The petition calls for the river Guadalupe
as a dividing line, which will leave to the pueblo land
enough, and with which the mission will be content,
though its lands be less in extent and of inferior quality.
This petition was referred to Borica, who in December 1798 reported in favor of the padres, but suggested
that a part of the mountains toward the coast should
be reserved to the pueblo for a source of wood-supply.
On this basis the matter was settled, after some unimportant correspondence between local authorities, by a

was not

fulfilled;

viceregal decree of September 1, 1800, in favor of the

Guadalupe as a boundary, with a reservation of mountain woodland to be agreed upon and clearly marked
to prevent future disputes.
Captain Argucllo was
appointed commissioner for the pueblo, and Padre
Landaeta for the mission, and in July 1801 the boundaries were surveyed and landmarks fixed.
Thus the
54
missionaries were victorious.
I append in a note a
slight resume of pueblo regulations at San Jose as
expressed in the correspondence of this decade. 55
5i

San Jose, Cuestion de Limites entre el Pueblo y la Mision tie Santa Clara,
1707-1801.
Varios Papeles tocantes al Asunto., MS. These papers include
April 30, 1797, complaint of P. Sanchez to Borica; May 11th, decree of B.
with instructions to C6rdoba; July 29th, examination of witnesses at San
Jose"; Aug. 7th, C6rdoba's report; Aug. Cth, representation of Catala, and
ViadertoB. July 27, 1798, Peila, Petition del P. Guardian sobre limites de San
Jose y Santa Clara 1708, MS.
Aug. 7th, Viceroy Azanza to B. Dec. 3d, B.
to V. R., approving padre's claims, in Prov.Rec., MS. vi. 110; Jan. 3d, April
Feb.
1, 1800, Sal to comisionado of S. Jose". S. Joxe, Arch., MS., iii. 50, 56.
9th, Gov. to Sal. Prov. Pec., MS., xi. 134. Sept. 1st, V. R.'s decree of settlement. St. Pap., Sac, MS., ix. 10, 11. Aug. 1, 1801, Carrillo to Arrillaga,
has received Arguello's report of July 31st. St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS.,
i. 44.
Aug. 31st, Gov. to Carrillo, is advised of the establishment of the line
and of the settlers' discontent. Governor to president to same effect. Prov.
Oct. 20, 1803,
&t. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., xxxii, 3; Prov. Rec, MS., vi. 15.
padre asks permission to mark the boundaries with trenches. S. Jose, Arch.,
MS.,iv. 100. See also Hall's Hist. S.Jose, 57-80.
55
June 12, 1792, Argiiello to governor, only soldiers, justices, and travellers may carry arms; boys must not go into the country without a guardian;
;

Hist. Cal., Vol.

I.

46

LOCAL EVENTS SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT.

722

At

Pena and Noboa

August 1794, when both

the mission of Santa Clara

served as ministers until

retired to their college, the former on account of illhealth, the latter at the expiration of his term of ten
56
years.
Padre Peha during the later years of his
males over 12 years old must sleep in the guard-house, for the protection of family peace; severe punishment for gaming. St. Pap., Sac, MS.,
i. 111.
1794, troops had to take care of their animals or pay for it, the settlers objecting. Arrillar/a, Papel de Puntos, MS., 189.
Dec. 4, 1795, Borica
approves that no grain be sown in community, but each settler contribute two
fanegas of wheat and two of corn each year. Prov. Bee, MS., iv. 239. April
29, 1796, neither gentiles nor Christian Indians must be allowed to ride. S.
Jose, Arch., MS., ii. 03, 86.
Nov. 5, 1796, B.'s orders that no gambling,
drinking, or illicit sexual relations are to be allowed, and Moraga must prevent them or be dismissed. Id., ii. 72. Sept. 3, 1796, no neophyte to be
allowed in the pueblo without a paper from the padre. Dept. St. Pap., S.
Jan. 3, 1798, three keys to community granary, one kept
Jose, MS., i. 67.
by comisionado, one by alcalde, and one by senior regidor. Prov. Pec. MS.
April 30, 1798, comisionado not to meddle in administration of jusiv. 263.
Dec. 13th, each invalid and settler, according to regtice. Id., iv., 269-70.
lamento, must keep two horses and equipments. Id., iv. 286. Nov. 21, 1799,
Borica's instructions to Castro on relieving Vallejo as comisionado.
Details
on inventories, tithes, loan of seed, and moral supervision. San Jose, Arch.,
MS., vi. 40. August 22, 1800, Sol to comisionado. No one from Branciforte
Alcalde has been instructed about those who beat
to sow grain at San Jose.
Comisionado to look after crops which are being neglected. Mules
children.
won't sell at any price. If Larios will not pay tithes he must not sow. San
Oct. 4th, patrol after lip. m. to prevent disorders
Jose, Arch., MS., iii. 68.
scouting party to be
and fires and arrest any one abroad without cause.
organized for the country. /(/. iii. 05. Oct. 7th, if Heredia refuses to aid in
repairs to the depdsllo, give him 40 days to leave the j urisdiction with all his
family and belongings. Id., iii. 64. Only those duly registered as vecinos can
sow without special license. Id., iii. 58. Oct. loth, petitions can be sent only
through the comisionado. Id., iii. 48. Oct. 25th, if Hernandez is found with
a knife he is to get 50 lashes; neither must he get drunk nor create scandal.
ail single

7(/.,iii. 71.
5G
Tonuis de la Pena y Saravia, a native of Spain, left Mexico in October
1770, sailed from San Bias in February 1771, was driven to Manzanillo, came
back to Sinaloa by land, and finally reached Loreto November 24, 1771, being
assigned to Comondu Mission. He came up to San Diego on September 1772,
serving there for a year, and subsequently as a supernumerary for short periods
From June to August 1774 he made a
at San Luis Obispo and San Carlos.
voyage with Perez to the north-west coast, keeping a diary of the expedition.
After his return he remained as supernumerary at San Carlos and neighboring
missions until January 1777, when he became a founder of Santa Clara,
serving there until August 11, 1794, when he sailed for San Bias in the Sa n~
tlano.
In 1795 he received some votes for guardian of the college, and was
subsequently elected, since he held the position in 1798. He was also sindic
P. Pena was
of the college from 1800 to Feb. 9, 1800, the date of his death.
an able and successful missionary, but hot-tempered and occasionally harsh
He was accused before 1790 of having
in his treatment of the neophytes.
caused the death of two boys by his blows; but after a full investigation the
charge was proven false, the Indian witnesses confessing that they had testified falsely, and some evidence being adduced to show that Commandant
Gonzalez, whom the padre had reproved for his immorality, had used his
The formal decision was not reached
influence in favor of the accusation.
until 1795, after the padre had retired to Mexico; but he interceded with

ANNALS OF SANTA CLARA.

723

stay in California was a prey to that peculiar hypochondria which affected so many of the early missionaries, amounting at the last almost to insanity.
It
that
in
his
case this condition was aggrais possible
vated by serious but unfounded charges of having

two Indian boys by ill-treatment. The successors in the ministry were Magin Catala, 57 and
Manuel Fernandez, but the latter served only a year,
being accused of excessive severity toward the natives,
and then came Jose Viader. For three decades I
shall have no further changes in ministers to record
at Santa Clara.
In 1800 this mission had a larger neophyte population than any other in California, showing a gain from
927 to 1,247, baptisms having numbered 2,288, and
deaths 1,682, so that a margin of nearly 300 is left
for runaways.
The baptisms in 1794 had been 500,
and 235 in 1796 had been the largest number of deaths.
Live-stock, large and small, had increased to about
5,000 each, Santa Clara being behind San Francisco
in this respect, and barely equal in agricultural products, which in 1800 amounted to 4,200 bushels. The
best crop was 8,300 bushels in 1797, the worst 3,200
in 1792, the average being 4,600 bushels. Wheat was

killed

the authorities in behalf of his Indian accusers, who were released after publicly apologizing to the ministers for their attempt to bring dishonor on the
order.
President Lasuen in May 1794 spoke of his condition as being pitiable, for he had became emaciated, talked to himself, appeared constantly
afraid, and showed other symptoms which caused fears that he might lose
his reason.
Pena had a patent as president in case of accident to Lasuen.
See Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., x. 150, 289; xi. 52, 220, 240; xii. 43G; Sta
Clara, Lib. de Mision, MS.; Sta Cruz, Lib. de Alision, MS,, 10; Arch. ArzoUspado, MS., i. 39; Prov. Rec, MS., iii. 33-5; iv. 234; Prov. St. Pap., Ben.
Mil., MS., xix. G; and Peua, Cargo de llomicidio contra el Padre TomcU de la
Pena, 178(5-95, MS. Of Diego de Noboa nothing is known save that he arrived at San Francisco from Mexico on June 2, 1783, remained unattached at
San Francisco and Santa Clara until June 1784, when he became minister of
the latter mission and continued to serve there until he sailed with his asso-

on Aug, 11, 1794.

Sept 3, 179G, Borica says that it is reported that Catahi has threatened
the comandante of San Jos6 to destroy the houses if he admits Christian
natives to the pueblo. He does not believe any such reports. Magin is a friar,
not a Robespierre. Prov. Rec, MS., vi. 1G9-70. Jan. 7, 1797, B. orders
Moraga and Vallcjo to give satisfaction to Catahi for their rudeness, and asks
the padre to bear a little with the manners of men who were not educated 'en
el colcgio de nobles ni en el Romano.' Id., vi. 179-80.
ciate
57

LOCAL EVENTS SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT.

724

the leading product, and no barley was raised as a

rule.

58

Vancouver describes the mission buildings as on

the same general plan as at San Francisco, forming
an incomplete square of about 100 by 170 feet. The
structures were somewhat superior to those of San
Francisco, the church being long, lofty, and as well
built as the rude materials would permit.
The upper
stories, or garrets, of the buildings and some of the
lower rooms were used as granaries, and there were
also two detached storehouses recently erected. Close
to the padres' house ran a fine stream of water, but
in order to be near this stream the site had been

marshy spot only a few hundred

yards from dry and comfortable eminences. 59 In fact
this very year of 1792 the friars had been confined
for a long time to their house by a flood, and it had
been resolved to move the mission buildings some five
hundred yards to higher ground. 60 There is no further
selected in a low

direct record of the removal, and

not likely that

the new church was ever moved, but a report of 1797
that the ministers' houses, guard-room, storehouse,
and soldiers' dwellings had been completed indicates
a transfer of such buildings as were on the lowest
ground. 61 The church had a roof of tiles and had
it is

58

Supplies furnished to Monterey in 1795, $1,439; to S. Francisco, $212;

Monterey in 1796, $2,147; in 1798, $800. In December 1797 had a draft
from Argiiello for $1,643. Ordered a bill of goods of $4,000 from Mexico.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 203, 206; xvii. 62; Prov. Pec, MS., v. 76. Furnished supplies to San Carlos in the hard year of 1795. Arch. Sta Barbara,
MS., ii. 229-30. Bean crop failed in 1795, raising price from $2.50 to $3.50.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 67-8. The following items are from Vancouver's
to

Many thousand bushels of different grains in store.

observations in 1792.
Hemp and flax succeed well. Wheat yields 25 and 30 fold. Barley and oats
not raised because the superior grain could be produced with the same labor.
In the garden Mere peaches, apricots, apples, pears, figs and vines, though
the latter do not flourish. Immense herds of cattle; 24 oxen killed every
Vancouver's Voyage, ii., 19-24.
Saturday for food.
59
Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 18, 19.
60
June 30, 1792, Sal to Arrillaga, in St. Pap., Sac, MS., iii., 23. May 28,
1791, Fages to Eomeu, the padres are forming a new establishment Prov.
St. Pap., MS., x. 150.
61
Aug. 17, 1796, Amador to Borica, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv., 170-1.
The padres' houses had 8 rooms of 5 yds. each guard-house, 8x5; storehouse, 5 yds. square; 5 soldiers' houses, each 5^ yds. There was also a corral
,

SANTA CLARA.

725

been lengthened twenty-four feet in 1795. At the

time of Vancouver's visit some of the natives were
at work on adobe houses for themselves.
Fourteen
of these dwellings, thatched, were completed in 1793,
nine more in 1794, and before 1798 nearly all the
married neophytes were thus accommodated. 62 The
cloth woven at Santa Clara seemed to Vancouver of
a better quality than at San Francisco. In 1792 two
thousand hides were tanned, but very few of them
Miguel Sangrador was the master
could be sold.
tanner and shoemaker; Cayetano Lopez the master
carpenter and mill-maker.
It does not appear that
there was any water-power mill either at Santa Clara
63
or San Jose before 1800.
36 yds. square with walls 6 feet high, built of stout timbers and adobes de
cajon.
62
Besides enlarging the church, a trench was dug in 1795, half a league
long, nine feet wide, and five feet deep. St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 78, 122.
Adobe houses for neophytes. Id., ii. 16, 123. In 1798 they seem to have had
Argiiello's report in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 59-60.
Guardtile roofs.
house finished in 1796. Prov. Bee, MS., v. 92. Vancouver was shown by
Pefla a ponderous black stone which was to be used for building and for mill
stones as soon as any one could be found capable of working it. Voyage, ii. 35.
** Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ii. 72-3; St. Pap., Sac, MS., ii. 9, 10; Prov.
Aug. 1797, rastras made at San Jose* for grinding
St. Pap., MS., xxi. 128-9.
wheat. Prov. Bee, MS., iv. 253. April 18, 1796, Borica orders Valle jo to
seek suitable stones for a mill; but on May 2d he was directed to suspend the
work. Id., vi. 187-8.

CHAPTER

XXXIII.

CLOSE OF BORICA'S RULE.

1800.

End

of a Decade and Century Borica's Policy and Character Industrial Revival Fruitless Efforts Governor's Relations with
Friars, Soldiers, Neophytes, and Settlers Efforts for Promotion A Knight of Santiago Family Relations Leave of Absence,

Departure, and Death Arrillaga and Alberni in Command List

of Secondary Authorities on Early California History List of
Inhabitants of California from 17C9 to 1800.

The

rule of

Diego de Borica from 1794 to 1800

was a period rather of progress, or of effort toward

progress, than of events.
Going beyond the routine
duties of his position, the governor devoted himself
faithfully and intelligently to the general advancement
No one of California's few classes of
of his province.
inhabitants was slighted or specially favored.
Missionaries, neophytes, pagans, soldiers, and settlers,
each received sympathy, encouragement, and aid from
No industry or institution was
the government.
Missions and pueblos, conversion and
neglected.
colonization, agriculture and trade, civil and military
and ecclesiastical government, all received close attenThe neophytes were the weakest class and
tion.
received the most sympathy; the padres were the
strongest and required least protection; the settlers
were the most difficult to manage and received attention proportionate to the magnitude of interests inIf
volved in the future prosperity of the country.
the results of Borica's efforts as presented in the preceding chapters were slight and unsatisfactory in
(726)

THE GOVERNOR'S CHARACTER.

TZi

many

respects as viewed from an Anglo-American

standpoint, this fact was due to inherent difficulties in
the problems presented for solution, to the spirit of
the times, to the nature of the raw material both
native and foreign, rather than to Borica's shortcomings or to inadequate royal provisions.
Don Diego
was not a genius; he was a prudent, sensible man,
honest and zealous in the discharge of his public
duties.

I have already noted Borica's arrival with his family at Loreto, and in the autumn of 1794, at Monterey.

Fortunately a quantity of his private letters or blotters of the same, were left in California and have been
preserved in the archives giving us a brief glance at
the man in his private capacity, as an agreeable companion, a bon vivant, jovial and witty.
The letters
also gave us Borica's early impressions of California,
enthusiastically eulogized as the best country in the
world in which to live long and well. 1 Unfortunately
the governor took better care of private correspondence in later years, and from the beginning of 1795
his individuality is well nigh sunk in the generalities
of official communications, which nevertheless continue to show the good-humor, kindness of heart,

sympathy

for all suffering, invariable courtesy,

and

good sense which always characterized

the man.
His relations with the friars were always
friendly and mutually respectful.
At the first he
assured President Lasuen of his desire to avoid all
controversy between the secular and the missionary
3
authorities, a desire reciprocated by Lasuen, and subsequently kept in view by both parties.
Lasuen
business-like
2

See chapter xxv. of this volume.

Garcia, in Taylor's Discov. and Found., No. 25, ii. 145, speaks of Borica
as not liked by the people on account of his stiff and formal manners; but
there is nothing in contemporary records to show that such was the feeling toward him.
Romero, Memorias, MS., 18, speaks of him as noted for
kindness and courtesy in his intercourse with subordinates, though never permitting neglect of duty to pass unrebuked.
3
Arch. Arzobixpado, MS., i. 3(3. Yet in 1791 the bishop of Durango in a
letter to the viceroy had spoken very bitterly and sarcastically of Borica's
mission policy in the Provincias Internas. Pinart, Col. Doc, MS., 7.
2

CLOSE OF BORICA'S RULE.

728

often deemed Borica too much disposed to hear and

credit the complaints of lying neophytes, but no
noticeable coolness ensued.
Still Borica's success in

maintaining harmony with the padres should not be

compared with the failure of his predecessors to their
disadvantage; for to a certain extent that success
resulted from the fact that Neve and Fages had fought
the battle, and the missionaries had learned from experience that it was not wise as yet to renew the
conflict.

I find no evidence that Borica ever left the capital

during his rule of six years, though it is not unlikely

that he inav have visited San Jose and San Francisco.

In July 1794, before coming north, he sent a petition
to the king for promotion, and in October 1795 received
his commission as colonel of cavalry. 4
In these early
years he also cherished the hope of still further promotion to a generalship, or at least to the governorship
To this end he
of Sonora, Durango, or Zacatecas.
sent large sums of money to Spain to be used at court,
but his agent Miranda seems to have spent the money
5
He seems to have been a man of
to no purpose.
wealth, or at all events his wife, Doha Maria Magdalena de Urquides, had large estates in Nueva Vizcaya. 6
Being a knight of the order of Santiago he acted on
May 5, 1796, as grand master at the initiation of the
Spanish naval officer Don Ramon de Saavedra, at
Monterey. President Lasuen served as prelate on
4

v. 71; vi. 26; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 197; xiii. 55;
Previous to his appointment as governor he had been adjutant-inspector in Chihuahua, his pay in that position running to May 13,

Prov. Pec.,
xiv. 29; xvii. 2.
1794.

MS.,

Id., xii. 174.

Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 206, 215-16, 222-4, 227.

6
Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 124. His wife and daughter, a beauty of 16, were
very popular. Garcia, in Taylor's Discov. and Found., No. 25, 11. Jos6 Maria
Romero, Memorias, MS., 18, says Borica had a son of the age of about 15,
whom he knew, and whose name he thinks was Cosme. He may indeed have
had a son, for he wrote to the president on July 23, 1795, that his wife was
about to bear him un Calif drnico 6 una Calif ornica,' Prov. Pee., MS., vi.
He had a sister,
147, but he could not have been 15 years old in California.
Bernarda de Borica, in Victoria, province of Alava, Spain, his native place;
and he sent her. April 27, 1795, a bill of exchange for 105 pounds sterliug.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 210, 225.
f

PREPARATIONS FOR DEPARTURE.

729

that occasion, and it was probably the only ceremony

of the kind that ever occurred in California. 7
In April 1799 Governor Borica applied to the viceroy for leave of absence to recuperate his health. He
said he had served thirty-six years, twenty-five of
which had been spent in active campaigns against
Indian tribes and in tours of inspection of presidios,
mining-camps, and other settlements in the Provincias
Journeyings aggregating ten thousand
Internas.
four hundred and seventy-five leagues almost exclusively on horseback had given rise to a malady which
demanded medical treatment. Either a leave of absence or a permanent transfer to an easier position in
New Spain would be satisfactory as he had no wish
The result was a grant of eight
to return to Spain.
months' leave signed by the viceroy in June and made
known in California in September. 8 The document
provided that Arrillaga, remaining at Loreto, should
be governor ad interim, while Alberni, presumably by
virtue of his seniority of military rank over Arrillaga,
was to take the position of comandante de armas for
Alta California. It was the governor's intention to
depart in October, but he was delayed by new orders
from Mexico until the beginning of the next year.
The viceroy instructed him, owing to the hostile attitude of British vessels in the Pacific, not to avail
himself of his leave of absence " until the aspect of
things should change." 9
The 3d of January 1800 Borica announced his intention to depart on the 12th or 15th, and the commandants were notified to publish the accession of
Pap., Sac, MS., vi. 84-5; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., xxiii. 3.
Sept.
1, 1799, Borica to viceroy, in Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 123-4.
19th, B. to Arrillaga, Alberni, and the commandants. Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
xvii. 318; Id., Ben. Mil, xxiv. 12; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 174^-5.
Nov. 8th,
Arrillaga's reply. Prov. St. Pap., MS:, xvii. 291.
9
July 6, 1799, viceroy to l^orica. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 344. Dec.
31st, the V. R. ordered him to nse his own discretion as to the need of his
presence in California. St. Pap., Sac, MS., iv., 73; but this communication
could not have been received before B.'s departure, and possibly the preceding
one also failed to arrive.
7

St.

April

CLOSE OF BORICA'S RULE.

730

Arrillaga and Alberni. 10 On the 16th of the same

month he sailed on the Conception from San Diego
with his family, Captain Grajera, and four retiring
Grajera, as we have seen, died two days out
padres.
from port; of Colonel Borica after his departure we
know only by a brief note in a subsequent communication of the viceroy that he died at Durango July
11
January 16th, the date of Borica's de19, 1800.
parture from California, may be regarded as the day
when Arrilla^a's third term of rule ad interim be<iau.
There were no events connected with his rule for the
rest of 1800 that require mention here.

Spanish account of California published in 1799,

though relating chiefly to the peninsula, contains a
tolerably complete and accurate sketch of the northern establishments; and the instructions left by Viceroy Azanza to his successor in 1800 contain frequent
allusions to Californian affairs and have already been
12
It will have been noticed
cited on special topics.
that my foot-notes form an index of authorities on
each succesive phase of the historic record that is
of original authorities in manuscript and print but I
have not deemed it best or worth the space required
to extend this indexing process to the secondary
authorities.
Seven eighths of the events recorded in

10

March
Jan. 3, 1800, Borica to commandants. Prov. Bee, MS., iv. 114.
Goycoechea to Arrillaga. Prov. St. Pap. MS. xviii. 23-4. March 8th,
Arrillaga and Alberni ordered to be recognized by Sal. S. Jose', Arch., MS.,

5th,
iii.

51.
11

Departure on the Conception. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 30; Prov. Pec,
He seems to have gone to San Diego by land after Jan. 3d, or
xii. 1.
at least such had been his plan in September, when Sal had sent an order to
San Jose" for pack-animals for the governor's journey. S. J one Arch., vi. 43.
Notice of Borica's death in V. R.'s communication of August 14th. St. Pap.,
Sac, MS., ix. 70; Vireyes, Instrucciones, 201. In a letter of Padre Corte3
from Mexico dated April 1st, the V. R. is said to have advised the king to
continue Borica in office in California for five years longer. Arch. Sta BarThere is a vague reference to a settler who was severely
bara, MS., xii. 307.
punished for an attempt to take Borica's life. Gov. to V. R., Dec. 5, 1800.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 50.
12
California, in Viagero {El) Universal, 6 Noticia del Mundo Antiguo y
Nnevo. Obra recopilada de los mejores vlageros por D. P. E. P. Madrid,
1799, torn. xxvi. 1-189.
See also an article on California in Cancelada, Telegrafo Mex., 99-103.

MS.,

SECONDARY AUTHORITIES.

731

and the following volumes are here mentioned for

the first time; but the other eighth have been often
repeated on the authority of Palou, the old voyagers,
and a few documents, by modern writers. The works
of such writers I have fully studied and utilized, citing
them whenever there has been any reason for so
doing, but have not, as before stated, given a comOmitting many books that
plete index in my notes.
contain a superficial account of early events or a mere
reference to them, I append in a note a list of works
that have some merit, many of them standard works
of real and recognized value, as the reader will see at
They are grouped here as secondary
a glance.
only
because on the earliest period of hisauthorities
they
nothing
to the original records in my
tory
add
this

collection.

13

Having thus reached the end of the decade and

century, I close my first volume of California's annals
with a list containing the names of over 1,700 male
inhabitants of the province down to the year 1800.
The names have been collected with great care and
labor from mission registers of baptisms, marriages,

and deaths from company rosters, pueblo padrones,

and from thousands of miscellaneous documents in
the archives.
That the list is absolutely complete
and accurate I cannot pretend, for a few of the registers have been lost, and some names, especially of
;

13
Ivarado, Hist. CaL, MS.; Bartlett's Person. Nar.; Browne's Lower
Cat.; Bustomante, Suplemento; CaL, Past, Present, etc.; Capron's Hist. Cat.;
Cronise's Nat. Wealth; Diccionario Universal; Dwindle' s Col. Hist. S. F.;
Farnham's Life in CaL; Forbes' Hist. CaL; Frignet, La Califomie; Hartmann, Californien; Hayes' Emigrant Notes; Hayes* Mission Books; Hayes'
Scrap-book* ; llittell's Hist. S. Francisco; Hughes' CaL; Humboldt, Essai Pol.;
Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Ch.; Greenhow's Or. and CaL; Lassepas, Baja CaL;
Life of St. Francis; Lorenzana, in Cortes, Hist.; Los Angeles, Hist.; Mayer
MSS.; Mofras, Exploration; Morse's Illust. Sketches; Payno, in Revista Cientijica; Randolph's Oration; Pyan, in Golden Era; Shea's Cath. Missions;
Shuck's CaL Scrap-book; SouU's Annals of S. F.; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage;
laylor, in Farmer, and Bulletin; Taylor's Liscov. and Founders; Taylor's
Odds and Ends; Tuthill's Hist. CaL; Vallejo's Hist. CaL, MS.; Vischer's
Missions of Cat. Also 40 or 50 county histories published within the past
ten years; and numerous newspaper articles, especially in S. F. Bulletin,
Call, and Alta, and Sacramento Union.
There is hardly a paper in the state
that has not published some valuable matter with much of no value.

CLOSE OF BORICA'S RULE.

732

children, in the later years, are therefore missing.

Again some

of the persons mentioned in connection

with the earliest expedition, especially those to whom
no special occupation is assigned, never came to Alta
California at all, or only came as vaqueros or escorts
Another source of error is
to return immediately.
the uniformity of Spanish given names and the fact
that men were known at different times by different
names or combination of names to avoid confusion;
hence there is no doubt that my list contains a certain
number of repetitions. Yet it may well be doubted
if so complete a list of the earliest inhabitants can be
formed for any other state of the United States or
Mexico.
attempts at chronology are limited to
the separation of the names into four classes, putting

My

each person in the class in which his name first appears

Number 1 includes the earliest pioin the records.
neers who came in 176973; number 2 those of
1774-80; number 3 those of 1780-90; and number 4
those of 1790-1800.
Inhabitants of California, 1769-1800.
Abella, Ramon, padre. 4
Acebeclo, Francisco Ant., soldier. 2

Acebedo, Jos6 Antonio, soldier. 2

Acebedo, Julian, soldier. 2
Acedo, Jose, settler. 4
Aceves, Antonio, child. 2
Aceves, Jose' Maria, child. 2
Aceves, Antonio Quiterio, soldier. 3
Aceves, Pablo, soldier. 4
Acosta, Antonio, soldier. 3
Acosta, Jose", Cat. vol. 4
Aguiar, Francisco. 1
Aguila, Jose, settler. 4
Aguila, Juan Jos, child. 4
Aguilar, Francisco Javier. 1
Aguilar, Luis Antonio. 1
Alanis, Antonio, child. 3
Alanis, Engenio Nicolas, child. 3
Alanis, Isidro. 4
Alanis, Maximo, soldier. 3
Alari, Jos, Cat. vol. 4
Alberni, Pedro, lieutenant-colonel. 4

Alcantara, Pedro, mason. 4

Alegre, Antonio, soldier. 2
Alegria, Norberto, soldier. 3

Alipas,

Juan

.,

soldier. 4

Altamirano, Jos6 Antonio, soldier. 3

Altamirano, Lucas Domingo, child. 2
Altamirano, Jose Marcos, child. 2
Altamirano, Justo Roberto, soldier. 2
Altamirano, Liicas, soldier. 4
Altamirano, Juan, soldier. 4
Alvarado, Juan B. 1
Alvarado, Bernardino. 1
Alvarado, Ignacio, soldier. 2
Alvarado, Francisco Javier, soldier. 3
Alvarado, Juan B., child. 3
Alvarado, Fran. Ma. D. C, child. 4
Alvarado, Jose" Vicente, child. 4
Alvarado, Juan Jose", soldier. 4
Alvarado, Juan N. D., child. 4
Alvarez, Juan, soldier. 2
Alvarez, Joaquin, soldier. 2
Alvarez, Luis, soldier. 2
Alvarez, Pedro, soldier. 2
'

Alvarez,
Alvarez,
Alvarez,
Alvarez,
Alvarez,

Felipe, convict. 4

Doroteo. 4
Jose\ artilleryman. 4
Juan, artilleryman. 4
Jos6, child. 4

INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA,
Al vires, Claudio, servant. 2
Alvires, Juan, soldier. 3
Alvires, Estevan. 4
Alviso, Francisco, settler. 2
Alviso, Domingo, soldier. 2
Alviso, Anastasio Geronimo, child. 4
Alviso, Francisco Javier, soldier. 4
Alviso, Francisco Solano, child.*
Alviso, Geronimo Antonio, child. 4
Alviso, Ignacio, soldier. 4
Alviso, Javier, settler. 4
Alviso. Jose Antonio, child. 4
Alviso, Jos6 Gabriel L., child. 4
Alvitre, Sebastian, soldier. 1
Alvitre, Juan Jose Ma., child. 4

Amador,
Amador,
Amador,
Amador,
Amador,
Amador,

Pedro, soldier. 1
Jose Sinforoso, child. 3
Jose Fructuoso. 3

Juan Pablo. 3

Jose Maria, child. 4

Marcos Antonio, child. 4
Amarrillas, Juan Angel, soldier. 2
Amezquita, Jose Gabriel, child. 2
Amezquita, Juan Antonio, soldier. 2
Amezquita, Manuel Dom., settler. 2
Amezquita, Florentino, settler. 4
Amezquita, Gregorio, settler. 4
Amezquita, Francisco Ma., settler. 4
Amezquita, Jose, soldier. 4
Amezquita, Jose Miguel, settler. 4
Amezquita, Jose Reyes, settler. 4
Amezquita, Serafin, settler. 4
Amurrio, Gregorio, padre. 1
Antonio, Manuel, servant. 2
Antonio, Jose Crispin, child. 4
Antonio, Macedonio, soldier. 4
Antufia, Manuel, soldier. 2
Arana, Jose, soldier. 3
Aranguren, Jose, soldier. 3
Arce, Jose G. 1
Arce, Sebastian. 1
Arce, Joaquin, child. 2
Arces, Jose, settler. 4
Archuleta, Jose" Ignacio, servant. 2
Archuleta, Jcs6 Norberto, child. 2
Archuleta, Miguel Ger6nimo, child. 2
Archuleta, Gregorio, soldier. 4
Arellanes, Teodoro. 4
Arellano, Man. J. R., soldier. 2
Arenaza, Pascual M., padre. 3
Argiielles, Francisco, artilleryman. 4
Arguello, Francisco Rafael, child. 4
Arguello, Jose Dario, alf^rez. 3
Arguello, Jose Gervacio, child. 3
Arguello, Luis Antonio, child. 3
Arguello, Jose Ignacio M., child. 4

Armenta, Cristobal, settler. 2

Armenta, Joaquin, soldier. 2
Arriola, Alejandro, soldier. 3
Arias, Francisco, settler. 4

17G9-1800.

733

soldier. 4

Armenta, Jo&6 Ma.,

Arriola, Jose" Francisco, mechanic. 4

Arriola, Jos6 Rafael B., child. 4
Arriola, Rafael, convict. 4
Arriz, Ignacio. 1
Arroita, Francisco Jos6, padre. 3
Arroyo, Jose Manuel, smith. 2
Arroyo, Juan Isidro, child. 3

Arroyo, Vicente, soldier. 3

Arroyo, Felix, child. 3
Arroyo, Jos6, sailor. 4
Aruz, Domingo, soldier. 2
Aruz, Martin, settler. 4
Arvallo, Feliciano, settler. 2
Avalos, Nicolas. 1
Avalos, Joaquin, tanner. 4
Avila, Francisco. 4
Avila, Adanto, child. 4
Avila, Anastasio. 4
Avila, Antonio Ignacio. 4
Avila, Cornelio, settler. 4
Avila, Ignacio. 4
Avila, Jose, convict. 4
Avila, Jose Antonio, settler. 4
Avila, Jose Maria. 4
Avila, Miguel. 4
Avila, Santa Ana, soldier. 4
Avis, Fructuoso, soldier. 4
Ayala, Jose, soldier. 3
Ayala, Jose C. D., child. 4
Ayala, Jose Salvador, child. 4
Ayala, Juan Jose G., child. 4

Ayala, Juan P. M. child. 4

Bacilio, Antonio, Cat. vol. 4
Badiola, Manuel Antonio. 1
Balderrama, convict. 4
Ballesteros, Juan, soldier. 3
3
Ballesteros, Juan Antonio, child.
4
Ballesteros, Javier Antonio, child.
Banderas, Jose F. de la Cruz. 4
,

Barajas, Jose, sailor. 4

Barbosa, Jos6, settler. 4
Barcena, Jose, convict. 4
Barcenas, Marcos, settler. 4
Barcenilla, Isidoro, padre. 4
Barona, Jose, Padre. 4
Barraza, Macedonio, soldier". 3
Barrera, Juan Antonio, soldier. 3
4
Barrientos, Jose, Cat. vol.
Basadre y Vega, Vicente, settler. 3
Bclen, Miguel, servant. 2
4
Bello, Mateo, Cat. vol.
2
Beltran, Francisco Javier, soldier.
2
soldier.
Beltran, Joaquin,
2
Beltran, Nicolas, soldier.

Benavides, Jose> Ma., settler. 4

Beranzuela, Pedro, soldier.*

Bermudez, Jose, soldier. 4

Bermudez, Jose S., child. 4
Bermudez, Manuel Antonio,

child. 4

INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA,

734
Bernal,
Bernal,
Bernal,
Bernal,
Bernal,
Bernal,
Bernal,
Bernal,
Bernal,
Bernal,
Bernal,
Bernal,

Francisco, servant. 1
Jose Dionisio, soldier. 2
Juan Francisco, soldier. 2

Manuel Ramon,

soldier. 2

Apolinario, child. 3

Juan, child. 3

Ramon,

settler. 3

Bruno, child. 4
Joaquin, soldier. 4
Jose" Agustin, child. 4
Jose Cipriano, child. 4
Jose 0. Cipriano, child. 4
Bernardo, Jose", settler. 4
Berreyesa, Nicolas A., settler. 2
-

Berreyesa, Juan Jose, child. 4

Berreyesa, JosC Nazario, settler. 4
Berreyesa, Jose delos Reyes, settler. 4
Blanco, Juan, smith. 4
Blanco, Miguel. 4
Bojorges, Jose" Ramon, soldier. 2
Bojorges, Hcrmenegildo, child. 2
Bojorges, Pedro Antonio, soldier. 2
Bojorges, Francisco H., soldier. 4
Bonnel, Ramon, Cat. vol. 1
Borica, Diego de, governor. 4
-

Boronda, Manuel, soldier. 3

Boronda, Canuto Jose, child.
Bosch, Buenaventura, settler. 3
Botello, Joaquin, tailor. 4
Bravo, Jos6 Marcelino, soldier. 1
4,

Briones,
Briones,
Briones,
Briones,
Briones,
Briones,
Briones,
Briones,

Ignacio Vicente, soldier. 2

Jose" Antonio, soldier. 1
Ignacio Vicente, child. 9
Jose Joaquin, child. 2
Felipe Santiago, child. 3
Nicolas Maria, child. 2
Marcos, soldier. 3

Manuel,

soldier. 4

Brito, Mariano, artilleryman. 4

Brito, Miguel, artillerj-man. 4

Bruno, Francisco, soldier. 2

Buelna, Eusebio Jose J., child. 2
Buelna, Jose" Antonio, soldier. 2
Buelna, Ramon, soldier. 2
Buelna, Eusebio J. J., child. 4
Buelna, Jose Raim, child. 3
Buelna, JosC Maria, child. 4
Bulferig, Geronimo, Cat. vol. 1

Bumbau,

Francisco, Cat. vol. 1

Bustamante, Jose, soldier. 3

Bustamante, Manuel, soldier. 3
Butron, Manuel, soldier. 2
Butron, Sebastian, settler. 4
Caballero, Jose", Cat. vol. 4
Calixto, JosC, soldier. 4
Calvo, Francisco, soldier. 3
Calzada, Jose" Antonio, padre. 3
Calzada, JosC, convict. 4
Calzada, JosC Dionisio, settler. 4

Camacho,

Jose"

Antonio, soldier. 1

1769-1800.

Camacho, Tomas M., servant. 1

Camacho, Juan Miguel, soldier. 1
Camacho, Anastasio, soldier. 2
Camacho, Antonio, soldier. 2
Camarena, Nicolas, settler. 4
Cambon, Pedro Benito, padre. 1
Camero, Manuel, settler. 3
Campa, Pedro, sailor. 2
Cam pa y Coz, Miguel, padre. 1
Campo, Jose", Cat. vol. 4
Campos, Francisco, soldier. 3
Canedo, Albino, soldier. 2
Canedo, Jose" Manuel, settler. 2
Canedo, Juan Ignacio, soldier. 4
Caiiizares, JosC, piloto. 1

Cano, JosC, artilleryman. 4

Cantua, Ignacio, soldier. 2
Capinto, Jose" Ma., tailor. 4
Capinto, Mariano, tailor. 4
Carabanas, Joaquin, soldier. 2
Carabanas, Nicolas, soldier. 2
Caravantes, JosC Salvador, soldier. 3
Caravantes, Ventura, settler. 4
Carcamo, JosC, Cat. vol. 4
Cardenas, Melchor, servant. 2
Cardenas, Cristobal, servant. 1
Cardenas y Rivera, Tadeo. 1
Cariaga, Salvador, soldier. 2
Carlon, Hilario Ignacio, soldier. 3
Carnicer, Baltasar, padre. 4
Carranza, Domingo, padre. 4
Carrillo, Guillermo, soldier. 1
Carrillo, Mariano, sergeant. 1
Carrillo, JosC Raimundo, soldier. 1
Carrillo, Anastasio JosC, child. 3
Carrillo, Carlos Antonio, child. 3
Carrillo, Domingo Ant. Igna., child. 4
Carrillo, JosC Antonio E., child. 4
Carrillo, Luis, sailor. 4
Casasallas, Simon, Cat. vol. 4
Casillas, Juan Manuel. 1
Castaneda, JosC. 3
Castaiieda, JosC Ruiz, soldier. 3
Castelo, Agustin, soldier. 1
Castillo, JosC, phlebotomist. 4
Castillo, JosC, soldier. 4
Castro, Antonio, soldier. 2
Castro, Ignacio, soldier. 2

Castro,
Castro,
Castro,
Castro,
Castro,
Castro,
Castro,
Castro,
Castro,
Castro,
Castro,
Castro,

Joaquin, soldier. 2
JosC, servant. 2
Isidro. 2

JosC Macario, soldier. 3

JosC Simon J. N., child. 3
Mariano, soldier. 3

Mariano de

la Cruz, child. 3

Agapito, settler. 4
Francisco, settler. 4
JosC Joaquin, settler. 4
JosC S. T., child. 4
Simeon, settler. 4

INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA,
Cavalier, Jos, padre. 1
Cayuelas, Francisco, Cat. vol. 1
Cayuelas, Francisco, soldier. 3

17G9-1S00.

Cruzado, Antonio, padre. 1

Cruz, Faustino Jose, soldier. 3
Cruz y Sotomayor. Juan, soldier. 3
Cuevas, Luis, settler. 4
Dandricu, Andres, soldier. 4
Danti, Antonio, padre. 3

735

Cayuelas, Pedro, soldier. 3

Cervantes, Juan Pablo. 1
Cervantes, Guadalupe, soldier. 4
Cervantes, Pablo Victoriano, soldier. 8 Davila, Jose, surgeon. 2
Dnvila, Manuel, carpenter. 3
Chabolla, Marcos, soldier. 3
Davila, J., soldier. 3
Chabolla, Pedro R., child. 3
Ddvila, Jose Antonio, smith. 4
Chabolla, Jose, child. 4
Delgado, Alonzo, Cat. vol. 4
Chabolla, Jose Luis, child.*
Diaz, Joaquin, soldier. 2
Chabolla, Salvador. 4
Dominguez, Juan Jose, soldier. 1
Chamorro, smith. 2
4
Dominguez, Jose Dolores, soldier. 2
Chaves, Jose Mateo, settler.
Dominguez, Jose Antonio, child. 3
Chaves, Jose\ convict. 4
Dominguez, Jose Ma. D., child. 3
Chavira, Jose Antonio, settler.*
Dominguez, Cristobal, soldier. 4
Chavira, Jose, convict. 4
Dominguez, Jose" Antonio, child. 4
Cibrian, Pablo, soldier. 4
Dominguez, Jose Asuncion, child. 4
Cibrian, Leocadio, soldier. 3
Dominguez, Jos6 Francisco, child. 4
Cibrian, Pablo Antonio, smith. 4
Dominguez, Remesio, settler. 4
Ciprds, Marcelino, padre. 4
Duarte, Alejo Antonio, soldier. 1
Cisneros, Jos6, servant. 3
Duarte, Jose JVla., soldier. 1
Clua, Domingo, Cat. vol. 2
Duarte, Pascual. 1
Contrcras, Luis, muleteer. 2
4
Duarte, Francisco Javier, child. 4
Contreras, Jose, soldier.
Duarte, Juan Jose\ servant. 4
Cordero, Joaquin Ignacio. 1
1
Duarte, Leandro, soldier. 4
Cordero, Francisco.
Cordero, Mariano Antonio, soldier. 1
Ducil, Sebastian, Cat. vol. 4
Cordero, Jose E., child. 2
Dumetz, Francisco, padre. 1
Cordero, Fermin, settler. 4
Encarnacion, JosC, soldier. 3
Cordero, Manuel, soldier. 2
Enriquez, Antonio, servant. 3
Enriquez, Antonio Domingo, weaver.
Cordero, Jos6 Dom., child. 4
Cordero, Miguel E., child. 4
Enriquez, Sebastian, child. 4
Cordero, Pedro, settler. 4
Escamilla, Antonio Santos, child. 4
Escamilla, Jose", soldier. 4
Cordoba, Alberto, engineer. 4
4
Cornejo, Casimiro, settler.
Escamilla, Tomas, convict. 4
Cornejo, Casimiro, convict. 4
Escribano, Sebastian, Cat. vol. 4
4
Corona, Francisco, soldier.
Esparza, Jose Lorenzo, mechanic. 1
Espi, Jose de la C. padre. 4
Coronel, Juan Antonio, muleteer. 2
Cortes, Juan Lope, padre. 4
Espinosa, Antonio, soldier. 2
Cortds, Jose Antonio, soldier. 3
Espinosa, Joaquin, soldier. 2
Cortes, Nicolas, soldier. 4
Espinosa, Juan, servant. 2
Cortes, Nicolas Felipe, soldier. 4
Espinosa, Gabriel, soldier. 3
Costanso, Miguel, engineer. 1
Espinosa, Jose Miguel, soldier. 3
1
Antonio,
soldier.
Cota,
Espinosa, Salvador, soldier. 3
Cota, Pablo Antonio, soldier. 1
Espinosa, Tomas, soldier. 3
2
Cota, Manuel Antonio, child.
Espinosa, Cayetano, soldier. 4
Cota, Roque, soldier. 2
Espinosa, Jose Gabriel S. 4
3
Cota, Guillermo, sergeant.
Espinosa, Jose" Ma. E., child. 4
Cota, Juan Ignacio, soldier. 3
Espinosa, Jose Pio, Cat. vol. 4
3
Cota, Mariano, soldier.
Espinosa, Juan Antonio J., child. 4
Cota, Xabor Antonio, child. 3
Estevan, Pedro de S. Jose, padre. 4
Cota, Bartolome Jos6, child. 4
EstCvan, Antonio, sailor. 1
Cota, Francisco Atanasio, child. 4
Estrada, Jose Bonifacio, soldier. 2
Cota, Jose Manuel Ma., child. 4
Estudillo, Jose Maria, soldier. 4
Cota, Jose" Valentin, child. 4
Fages, Pedro, lieutenant. 1
Cota, Juan Francisco, child. 4
Faura, Jos;'', padre. 4
4
Cota, Manuel, soldier.
Feliciano, Alejo, settler. 2
Cota, Pedro Antonio, child. 4
Feliciano, Hilario, child. 3
1
Crespi, Juan, padre.
Felix, Claudio Victor. 1
,

INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA,

736
Felix,
Fdiix,
Felix,
Feiix,
Felix,
Felix,
Felix,

Anast. Ma., soldier. 2

Doroteo, soldier. 2
Jose Vicente, soldier. 2
Jose" Francisco, soldier. 3

Juan

Jose" Ignacio, child. 3

Antonio Rafael,

FJix, Fernando de
Felix,
Felix,
Felix,
Felix,
Felix,
Felix,
Felix,

child. 4

Victorino, soldier. 3
la T., child. 4

Jose", child. 4

Jose Luciano, child. 4

Jose Vicente Valentin, child. 4
Juan. 4
Juan Jose de G., child. 4

Leonardo Ma. child. 4

Pedro Antonio, child. 4
Fernandez, Gaspar Antonio, child. 3
,

Fernandez, Jose Rosalino, soldier. 3

Fernandez, Pedro Ignacio, child. 4
Fernandez, Rafael Ma. de la C., child. 4
Fernandez, Victor, Cat. vol. 4
Fernandez, Gregorio, padre. 4
Fernandez, Jose Ma., padre. 4
Fernandez, Manuel, padre. 4
Feyjoo, Jose\ soldier. 3
Ferrer, Pablo, Cat. vol. 1
Figuer, Juan, padre. 1
Figueroa, Manuel, soldier. 2
Figueroa, Salvador Ignacio, child. 4
Flores,
Flores,
Flores,
Flores,
Flores,
Flores,
Flores,
Flores,
Flores,
Flores,
Flores,
Flores,

Hermenegildo,

soldier. 2

Victoriano, servant. 2

Jose Miguel, soldier. 2

Jose Maria, soldier. 3
Jose Teodosio, child. 3
Bernardo, settler. 4
Diego. 4
Francisco, soldier. 4
Isidro, soldier. 4
Jose" Ma. de la T., child. 4
Leandro Jose", child. 4
Pedro, soldier. 4

Font, Jose", lieutenant. 4

Fontes, Luis Ma., soldier. 3
Fontes, Pedro, servant. 2
Fragoso, Luis Ma. soldier. 3
Fragoso, Rafael, Cat. vol. 4
Franco, Juan, servant. 3
Franco, Jose", convict. 4
Franco, Pablo, convict. 4
Fuster, Vicente, padre. 1
Galindo, Nicolas, settler. 2
Galindo, Francisco A., child. 2
Galindo, Jose* Rafael, child. 2
Galindo, Alejandro Fidel, child. 3
Galindo, Jos6 Leandro, child. 3
Galindo, Juan Crisostomo, child. 3
Galindo, Claudio, Cat. vol. 4
Galindo, Jose Carlos H., child. 4
Galindo, Venancio, soldier. 4
,

Gallego, Carlos, soldier.

Galvez, Diego, Cat. vol. 4

1769-1800.

Gamez, Teodoro,

soldier. 4

Garaicocchca, Jose, corporal. 4

Garcia, Diego, padre. 3
Garcia, Felipe, smith. 2
Garcia, Francisco Bruno, soldier. 2
Garcia, Francisco Ma., child. 2
Garcia, Francisco P., soldier. 2
Garcia, Jose Reyes, child. 2
Garcia, Juan Jose, child. 2
Garcia, Jose Antonio, soldier. 2
Garcia, Pedro, settler. 3
Garcia, Pedro Gonzalez, smith. 4
Garcia, Carlos Ma. 4
Garcia, Jose Antonio Inoc, child. 4
Garcia, Jose* Hilario Ramon, child. 4
Garcia, Jose de las Llagas, child. 4
Garcia, Jose Ma. Cancio, child. 4
Garcia, Jose Ma. Desiderio, child. 4
Garcia,
Garcia,
Garcia,
Garcia,
Garcia,

Julian. 4

Luz, soldier. 4
Nicolas, Cat. vol. 4

Pedro Antonio, child. 4

Pedro Gonz. smith. 4
,

Garibay, Jose Joaquin, child. 4

Garibay, Vicente, soldier. 4
Garracino, Pedro, soldier. 2
Gerardo. (See Gonzalez G.

German,
German,
German,
German,
German,
German,

Cris. Ant., child. 3

Isidro, soldier. 3
Faustin J., child. 4

Manuel

Ignacio, child. 4

Juan, soldier. 4
Juan, child. 4

Giol, JosC, servant. 2

Gili, Bartolome", padre.
Giribet, Miguel, padre. 3
Gloria, Jacinto, soldier. 2
Gloria, Jos6 Ma., soldier. 2
Gomez, Francisco, padre. 1
Gomez, Nicolas, settler. 2
Gomez, Francisco, soldier. 4
Gomez, Jose Antonio, Cat. vol. 4
Gomez, Rafael, settler. 4
Gomez, Rafael, convict. 4
Gomez, Francisco, carpenter. 4

Gongora, Jose Ma., soldier. 1

G6ngora, Jose" Antonio, child. 2
Gonopra, Jose Ma., soldier. 4
Gonzalez, Antonio Alejo., soldier. 1
-

Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,

Inocencio, sailor. 1
2
Cirilo, servant.
Jose"

Antonio, soldier. 2

Jose Romualdo, child. 2

Jose"

Manuel,

settler.

Mateo Jacobo,
Ramon. 2

child.

Nicolas, soldier.'

Alejandro, soldier. 3
Bernardo, soldier. 2
Diego, lieutenant. 2

2
2

INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,

Felipe, soldier. 3

Jose Eusebio, child. 3

Jose Feliciano, soldier. 3
Mateo Jacobo, child. 3

Tomas,

soldier. 3

Alejo., Cat. vol. 4

Francisco, soldier. 4
Francisco, padre. 4
Josd, Cat. vol. 4
Jose"

Man.

Rafael M., child. 4

Ciriaco, child. 4

Juan, soldier. 4
Pedro, mechanic. 4

Lliguera,

Rafael, child. 4
Gonzalez Gerardo, Rafael. 1
Gonzalez, Jose" Leandro, child. 4
Goycoechea, Felipe, lieutenant. 4
Grajera, Antonio, lieutenant. 4
Grijalva, Juan Pablo, sergeant. 2
Cruerrero, Juan Josd. 1

Guerrero,
Guerrero,
Guerrero,
Guerrero,
Guerrero,

Joaquin, soldier. 2
Jose, servant. 2

Jose Antonio, soldier. 2

Julian, soldier. 2
Mateo, artilleryman. 4
Guevara, Josd, soldier. 3

Guevara,
Guevara,
Guevara,
Guevara,

Jose Canuto, child. 4

Josd Sebastian, child. 4
Sebastian, Cat. vol. 4

Jose Francisco, child. 4

Gutierrez, Ignacio Ma., soldier. 2
Gutierrez, Felipe, soldier. 3
Gutierrez, Manuel, servant. 3
Gutierrez, Francisco, Cat. vol. 4

Guzman, Isidro, soldier. 3

Guzman, Juan Ma., child. 4
Guzman, Toribio, soldier. 3
Guztinzar, Manuel, servant. 4
Haro, Felipe, Cat. vol. 4
Ilechedo, Josd Francisco. 4
Ilenriquez, Antonio Dom., weaver. 4
Reredia, Bernardino, soldier. 2
Keredia, Josd Bernardo, soldier. 2
Hernandez, Josd Rafael. 1
Hernandez, Vicente Antonio. 2
Hernandez, Justo, soldier. 3
Hernandez, Juan Josd Antonio, child. 3

Hernandez,
Hernandez,
Hernandez,
Hernandez,
Hernandez,
Hernandez,

Felipe, settler. 4
Felipe, convict. 4

Josd Antonio,

settler. 4

Josd, convict. 4
J. Josd cle la Luz, soldier. 4
Antonio, saddler. 4
Landez, Juan Maria, saddler. 4
Hernandez, Juan, convict. 4
Kerrera, Josd, soldier. 4

Higuera, Joaquin, soldier. 2

era, Josd Atari asio, soldier. 2
era, Josd Loreto, child. 2
Higuera, Josd Manuel, soldier. 2
Hist. Cal., Vol,

I.

Higuera,
Higuera,
Higuera,
Higuera,
Higuera,
IIHuera,
Higuera,
Higuera,
Higuera,
Higuera,
Higuera,

47

1709-1S00.

Juan

<>/

Josd, soldier. 2

Josd Ignacio, soldier. 2

Bernardo do la Luz, child. 3

Juan

Josd, child. 3

Salvador, soldier. 3
Tiburcio, child. 3
Tiburcio Javier, child. 4
Gregorio Ignacio Ma., child. 4
Hilario. 4

Josd 1, soldier. 4
Josd 2, soldier. 4
Josd Carlos Salv., child. 4
Josd Geronimo, child. 4
Josd Ma., child. 4
Josd Policarpo, child. 4
Josd Antonio. 4
Josd Joaquin. 4
Manuel, soldier. 4
Nicolas Antonio. 4

Higuera,
Higuera,
Higuera,
Higuera,
Higuera,
Higuera,
Higuera,
Higuera, Salvador, soldier. 4
Horchaga, Josd Hilario, child. 3
Horchaga, Josd Manuel, child. 3
Horchaga, Manuel, soldier. 3
Hores, Josd, settler. 3
Horra, Antonio de la C, padre. 4
Hortel, Juan, Cat. vol. 4

Ibarra, Francisco, servant. 2

Ibarra, Andrds Dolores, child. 3
Ibarra, Gil Maria, child. 3
Ibarra, Josd Desiderio, child. 3
Ibarra, Juan Antonio, soldier. 3
Ibarra, Ramon, soldier. 3
Ibarra, Albino, soldier. 4
Ibarra, Antonio, child. 4
Ibarra, Calixto Josd Antonio, child. 4
Igadcra, Josd, convict. 4
Igareda, Josd Gordiano, settler. 4
Ifiiquez, Juan, Cat. vol. 4
Islas,

Miguel, soldier. 1

Is van, Josd Albino, soldier. 4

Iturrate, Domingo S., padre. 4
Izquierdo, Josd, soldier. 2

Jaime, Antonio, padre. 4

Jaume, Luis, padre. 1

Jimenez, Francisco, Cat. vol. 4
Jimenez, Hilario, soldier. 4
Jimenez, Pascual Antonio, child. 4
Juarez, Francisco, soldier. 3
Juarez, Josd Joaquin, child. 4
Juncosa, Dom, padre. 1
Labra. Juan Antonio, soldier. 1
Ladron de Guevara, Jose I., soldier. 4
Landaeta, Martin, padre. 4
Lasuen, Fermi n Francisco, padre. 1
Lara, Josd, settler. 3
Lara, Jose Sostenes, child. 4
Lara, Julian, soldier. 1
4
Lara, Josd Antonio Seferino, child.
3
Larios, Jose Ma., .soldier.
3
Lasso de la Vega, Ramon, alfdrez.

'

33

INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA,

Leal, Isidro Jose, servant. 2

Leiva, Anastasio, soldier. 2
Leiva, Agustin, soldier. 3
Leiva, Jose Andres, cliild. 3

Leiva,
Leiva,
Leiva,
Leiva,
Leiva,
Leiva,
Leiva,

Lugo, Jos6 Antonio, soldier. 3

Lugo, Salvador, soldier. 3
Lugo, Ant. Ma., soldier. 4
Lugo, Jos6, Cat. vol. 4
Lugo, Jos6 Antonio, child. 4
Lugo, Juan Ma. child. 4
Lugo, Juan, servant.
Lugo, Miguel, soldier. 4
Lugo, Pablo Jose", child. 4
Lugo, Ramon Lorenzo, child. 4
Lujan, Jos6, alferez. 4
Machado, Jose Antonio, child. 3
Machado, Jose Manuel, soldier. 3
Machado, Jose Agustin Ant., child. 4

Antonio Ma., soldier. 1

Juan, soldier. 3
Miguel, soldier. 3
Jose Antonio.*
Jose Rafael, child. 4
Jose"

Manuel Ramon,

child. 4

Rufino, soldier. 4

Leon, Jose" Ma., soldier. 2

Leon, Jose Manuel, soldier. 2
Lima, Jose, soldier. 3
-

Linares, Ignacio, soldier. 2

Linares, Jose" de los S., child. 8
Linares, Mariano de Dolores, child. 3
Linares, Francisco, settler.*
Linares, Ramon, soldier. 4
Linares, Salvador, soldier. 4
Lineza, Miguel, Cat. vol. 1
Lisalde, Diego. 4
Lisalde, Felix, soldier. 4
Lisalde, Juan Crisos. Antonio, child.
Lizalda, Pedro Antonio, soldier. 2
Llamas, Antonio, Cat. vol. 4
Lledo, Rafael, carpenter. 4
Llepis, Jose" Mariano, servant. 2
Lobo, Josc\ soldier. 2
3

Lobo, Jose Basilio, child.

Lobo, Cecilio. 4
Lobo, Pedro. 4
Lopez, Baldomero, padre. 4
Lopez, Jacinto, padre. 4
Lopez, Juan Francisco, soldier. 1
Lopez, Francisco, soldier. 2
Lopez, Ignacio Ma. de Jesus. 2
Lopez, Caspar, soldier. 2
Lopez, Joaquin, soldier. 2
Lopez, Jose" Ma., soldier. 2
Lopez, Luis, soldier. 2
Lopez, Pedro, servant. 2
Lopez, Sebastian A., soldier. 2
Lopez, Jose" Antonio Gil, child. 3
Lopez, Jose" Ma. Ramon, child. 3
Lopez, Juan Jose, child. 3
Lopez, Melchor, soldier. 3
Lopez, Juan, convict. 4
Lopez, Cayctano, carpenter. 4
Lopez, Claudio, soldier. 4
Lopez, Cornelio Ma., child. 4
Lopez, Ignacio, soldier. 4
Lopez, Estevan Ignacio, child. 4
Lopez, Juan Jose" Trinidad, settler. 4
Lozano, Pedro, Cat. vol. 4
Lugo, Luis Gonzaga, soldier. 1
Lugo, Francisco, soldier. 2
Lugo, Ignacio, soldier. 2
Lugo, Jose Ignacio, child. 2
Lugo, Seferino, soldier. 2

17G0-1800.

Machado, Jose" Hilario. 4

Machado, Jose Ignacio Ant., child. 4
Machuca, Jose settler. 4
Malaret, Domingo, Cat. vol. 1
Maldonado, Juan, Cat. vol. 4
Mallen, Manuel, Cat. vol. 4
Manrique, Sebastian, soldier. 1
-

Manriquez, Luis, soldier. 2

Manzana, Miguel A. Cat. vol.
Marin, Antonio, Cat. vol. 4
,

Marine y Salvatierra, J. artilleryman.

,

Mariner, Juan, padre. 3

Mario, Tomas, soldier. 2
Marquez, Francisco Rafael, soldier. 2

Marquez, Jose\ soldier. 4

Marron, Rafael, soldier. 3
Martiarena, Jose" Manuel, padre. 4
Martin, Juan, padre. 4
Martinez, Luis Antonio, padre. 4
Martinez, Pedro Adriano, padre. 4
Martinez, Luis Maria, soldier. 2
Martinez,
Martinez,
Martinez,
Martinez,
Martinez,
Martinez,
Martinez,
Martinez,
Martinez,
Martinez,
Martinez,
Martinez,
Martinez,
Martinez,
Martinez,

Toribio, soldier. 2
Dionisio, servant. 3
Jose"

Juan

Ma., soldier. 3
Ignacio, soldier. 3

Xorberto, child. 3
Antonio, soldier. 4
Bartolome Mateo. 4
Gregorio, artilleryman. 4
Jose",

Cat. vol. 4

Jose Leocadio, settler. 4

Jose Ma., settler. 4
-

Manuel, Cat.

vol.

Maximo. 4
Maximo Ramon,

child. 4

Reyes. 4

Medina, Jose, artilleryman. 4

Mejia, Pedro. 2
Mejia, Francisco Javier, soldier. 3
Mejia, Juan, soldier. 3
Melecio, Jose", soldier. 3

Mendoza,
Mendoza,
Mendoza,
Mendoza,
Mendoza,

Manuel, soldier. 2
de los Reyes, child. 4
Manuel, Cat. vol. 4
Mariano, tilemakcr.*
Mariano, Jose, weaver.*
Jose"

INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA,
Mendoza, Miguel, Cat. vol. 4
Mcquias, Juan Alberto, soldier. 3
Mercado, Mariano, artilleryman. 4
Merelo, Lorenzo, padre. 4
Merino, Agustin, padre. 4
Mesa, Nicolas Ma., child. 8

Mesa, Valerio, soldier. 2

Mesa, Dolores, soldier. 3
Mesa, Ignacio, soldier. 3
Mesa, Juan Antonio, soldier. 3
Mesa, Luis Ma., child. 3
Mesa, Jose" Antonio, soldier. 4
Mesa, Jose Julian Antonio, child. 4
Mesa, Juan Jose', servant. 4
Miguel, Jose, padre. 3
Miranda, Juan Ma., soldier. 1
Miranda, Alejo, soldier. 3
Miranda, Antonio, soldier. 3
Miranda, Jose Antonio, child. 3
Miranda, Apolinario, child. 1
Miranda, Jos6 Hilario, soldier. 4
Miranda, Jose Mariano, Cat. vol. 4
Miranda, Jose" Santiago, child. 4
Miranda, Juan Crisostomo, child. 4
Miranda, Vicente Manuel, child. 4
Mojica,- Jose Ma., settler. 4
Mojica, Vicente, settler. 4
Molas, Jos6, Cat. vol. 1
Molina, Joaquin, settler. 2
Molina, Pedro, soldier. 2
Monreal, Jose Antonio Nicolas, child. 4

Monroy, JosC,

soldier. 4

Montaloan, Laureano, soldier. 3

Montana, Antonio, Cat. vol. 1
Montano, Antonio, soldier. 3
Monte ro, Cesareo Antonio, child. 3
Montero, Manuel, soldier. 4
Monteverde, Francisco, artilleryman. 4
Montial, Juan Andres, soldier. 3
Moraga, Jos6 Joaquin, alfdrez. 2
Moraga, Gabriel, soldier. 3
Moraga, Vicente Jos6, child. 3
Moreno, F. S., soldier. 4
Moreno, Felipe Santiago, smith. 4
Moreno, Felipe, settler. 3
Moreno, Jose, settler. 3
Moreno, Juan Francisco, child. 4
Moreno, Manuel, soldier. 4
Morillo, Jos j Julian, soldier.
1

Moumarus,

Luis, Cat. vol.

Murioz, Manuel, mechanic. 3

Mugartegui, Pablo, padre. 1
Murguia, Jose Ant., padre. 1
Murillo, Loreto, soldier. 2
Murillo, Francisco, carpenter. 3
Murillo, Juan, smith. 3

Muruato, Jos*', Cat. vol. 4

Navarro, Joi ' Antonio, settler. 3
Navarro, Jos': Clemente, child. 3
Navarro, Jos6 Maria, child. 3

17C9-1800.

739

Nieto, Jose" Manuel, soldier. 1

Nieto, Juan Jos6 Ma., child. 3
Nieto, Manuel Perez, soldier. 3
Nieto, Jose" Antonio Ma., soldier. 4
Noriega, Jose Ramon, soldier. 1
Noriega, Jose Raimundo, soldier. 2
!Noboa, Diego, padre. 3
Nocedal, Jose\ padre. 2
Obaye, Jos6 Antonio, soldier. 2
Oceguera, Faustino, Cat. vol. 4
Ochoa, Francisco Javier. x

Ochoa, Felipe, soldier. 2

Ojeda, Gabriel. 1
Olivares, Jos6 Miguel, soldier. 2
Olivares, Jose" Francisco B., child. 3
Olivares, Pedro Alcantara, child. 3
Olivas, Juan Matias, soldier. 3
Olivas, Cosme. 4
Olivas, Jose Herculano, child. 4
Olivas, Jos6 Lazaro Ma., child. 4
Olivas, Jose" Nicolas, child. 4
Olivas, Pablo, settler. 4
Olivera, Josti Ignacio, soldier. 1
Olivera, Juan Maria, soldier. 1
Olivera, Ignacio, servant. 1
Olivera, Antonio Lucas Ma., child. 2
Olivera, Diego Ant. de la Luz, child. 3
Olivera, Jos6 Desiderio, child. 3
Olivera, Jos, soldier. 3
Olivera, Jose Leonardo M., child. 3
Olivera, Jos6 Ma. Matias, child. 3
Olivera, Maximo Jos6, child. 3
Olivera, Tomas Antonio, child. 3
Olivera, Higinio, soldier. 4
Olivera, Josti Ant. Secundino, child. 4
Olivera, Itosalina Ma., child. 4
Oliveros, Lucas. 4
Olvera, Diego, servant. 2
Olvera, Francisco, servant. 2
-

Ontiveros,
Ontiveros,
Ontiveros,
Ontiveros,
Ontiveros,
Ontiveros,

Jos6 Antonio, soldier. 1

Francisco, soldier. 3

Juan de Dios,
Juan Ma. 4

settler. 4

Paciilco Juan, child. 4

Patricio, soldier. 4
Onimas, Cristobal, padre. 3
Oribc, Tomas C, soldier. 3
Orozco, Jos6 Manuel, servant. 1
Ortega, Jose Francisco, sergeant. 1
Ortega, Ignacio, soldier. 2

Ortega,
Ortega,
Ortega,
Ortega,
Ortega,
Ortega,
Ortega,
Ortega,
Ortega,
Ortega,

Jose Francisco Ma., child. 2

Jos6 Ma., soldier. 2
Juan, soldier. 2
Juan Cap. Ant. M. R., child. 3
3
Jos<'; Ma. Martin, child.

Juan Cap

child. 3

Miguel, servant. 8
Francisco. 4

Miguel, child. *
Jose Quintin de los S., child. 4

Jose"

'40

INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA,

Ortega, Jose* Vicente, soldier. 4

Ortega, Antonio, convict. 4
Ortega, Matias. 4
Ortega, Miguel, Cat. vol. 4
Ortel, Jnan, Cat. vol. 4
Osequera, Faustino, soldier, 4
Osio, Jose Ma., Cat. vol. 4
Osorio, Jos<5, artillery m an. 4

Osorno, Pedro, convict. 4

Peralta, Pantaleon, child. 4

Perez, Juan, captain of vessel. 1
Perez, Crispin, soldier. 2
Perez, Jose Ignacio, soldier. 2
P^erez, Antonio Irimeo, child. 4
Perez, Antonio Ma., child. 4
Perez, EstCvan. 4
Perez, Jose Ma., soldier. 4
Perez, Jose Ma. convict.
Perez, Juan Bautista, Cat. vol.*
Perez, Luis, soldier. 4
Perez, Manuel, Cat. vol. 4
,

Osuna, Juan Ismerio. 1

(/una, Juan Luis, soldier. 2
Osuna, Miguel, tailor. 3
Osuna, Jose Joaquin, soldier. 3
Osuna, Jose Ma. 4
Osuna, Juan Nepomuceno, child. 4
Otondo, Felipe, settler. 2
Pacheco, Juan Salvio, soldier. 2
Pacheco, Bartolome Ignacio, settler. 2
Pacheco, Rafael, convict. 4
Pacheco, Miguel, soldier. 2
Pacheco, Bartolo, soldier. 4
Pacheco, Francisco, Cat. vol. 4
Pacheco, Ignacio, child. 2
Padilla, Juan, soldier. 3
Padilla, Jacinto, Cat. vol. 4
Pajarrales, settler. 4
Palafox, Jos<5, Cat. vol. 4
Palomares, Jos6 Cristobal, soldier. 4

Palomares, Jos6 Ramirez, soldier. 3

Palou, Francisco, padre. 1
Panclla, Jos6, padre. 4
Parron, Fernando, padre. 1
Paterna, Antonio, padre. 1
Parrilla, Leon, lieutenant. 4
Patron, Antonio Jose, soldier. 2
Parra, Jos, soldier. 3
Parra, Jose\ child. 3
Parra, Jose Antonio, settler. 3
Parra, Jose Miguel Sabino, child. 3
Patifio, Jose Victoriano, soldier. 3
Payeras, Mariano, padre. 4

Pcdraza, Jose" Antonio, settler. 3

2
I \ dro, Jose Antonio Ma. de S. T. child.
Pedro, Jose Francisco de S. T., child. 2
,

Pedro y

17G9-1S00.

Gil, Rafael, storekeeper. 2

Pena, Francisco Ma., soldier. 1

Pefia, Jose Antonio, soldier. 1
Pefia, Gerardo, soldier. 2
Pena, Luis, soldier. 2
Pena, Eustaquio, child. 4

Perez Fernandez, Jose", alfCrez. 4

Perez de la Fuente, Pedro, settler.*
Pericas, Miguel, Cat. vol. 1
Peyri, Antonio, padre. 4
Pico, Santiago de la Cruz, soldier. 2
Pico, Francisco Javier, soldier. 3
Pico, Jose Dolores, soldier. 3
Pico, Jose Ma., soldier. 3
Pico,
Pico,
Pico,
Pico,
Pico,

Juan

Patricio, child. 3

Joaquin, soldier. 4
Jose Antonio Bernardo, child. *
Jose Vicente, child. 4
Mariano. 4
Pico, Miguel, soldier. 4

Pico, Patricio, servant. 4

Pieras, Miguel, padre. 1
Pina, Juan Maximo, soldier. 3
Pifia, Mariano, servant. 3
Pina, Pedro Rafael, child. 3
Pinto, Juan Maria, soldier. 2
Pinto, Pablo, soldier. 2
Pinto, Marcclo, soldier. 3
Planes, Geronimo, Cat. vol. 1
Plenelo, Valentin, Cat. vol. 1
Pliego, JosC, settler. 4
Palanco, Jos6, soldier. 3
Pollorcna, Pedro. 2
Pollorena, Juan, child. 4
Pollorena, Rafael Eugenio, child. 4
Portella, Francisco, Cat. vol. 1
Portola, Gaspar de, governor. 1
Preciado, Venancio, servant. 3
Prestamero, Juan, padre. 1
Puga, Joaquin, servant. 2
Puyol, Francisco, padre. 4
Prat, Pedro, surgeon. 1
Puig, Juan, sergt. Cat. vol. 1

Pefia, Jose, artilleryman. 4

Pefia, Teodoro, Cat. vol. 4

Quesada, Manuel, soldier. 4

Quesada, Manuel, Cat. vol. 4
Quijada, Ignacio Ma., child. 3

Pefia y Saravia, Tomas, padre. 1

1'engues, Miguel Sobrevia, Cat. vol. 1
Peralta, Gabriel, soldier. 2
Peralta, Juan Jos6, soldier. 2
Peralta, Luis Ma., soldier. 2
Peralta, Pedro Regalado, soldier. 3
Peralta, Hcrmenegildo Ignacio, child. 4
Peralta, Juan. 4

Quijada, Vicente, soldier. 3

Quijada, Jose Nazario de la T., child. 4
Quijada, Jose Lorenzo, child. 4
Quijada, Simon, child. 4
Quintero, Luis, settler. 3
Quintero, Clemente. 4
Quintero, Teodosio. 4
Quinto, Simon Tadeo. 4

INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA,
"Ramirez, Francisco, soldier. 2

Ramirez, Bernardo, soldier. 3

Ramirez, Jose Antonio, carpenter. 4
Ramirez, Jose Guadalupe. 4

Ramos, Jose, smith. 3

Ramos, Jos6, convict. 4
Ramos, Pablo Antonio,

child. 3

2
F-*sa, Lorenzo, sailor.
Key, Cristobal, Cat. vol. 4

Key, Josd, Cat.

Rcy, Juan del,
Reyes,
Reyes,
Reyes,
Reyes,
Reyes,

vol. 4

soldier. 4

Juan Francisco. 1
Martin, soldier. 1
Francisco, settler. 3

Jose Jacinto, child. 3

Jos6, convict. 4
yes, Jos6, saddler. 4

17G9-1S00.

741

Rodriguez, Juan Francisco, child. 4

Rodriguez, Juan de Bios, child. 4
Rodriguez, Manuel, cadet. 4
Rodriguez, Matias, servant. 4
Rom.au, Jose Joaquin, settler. 4
Romero, Antonio, servant. 2

Romero,
Romero,
Romero,
Romero,
Romero,
Romero,
Romero,
Romero,
Romero,
Romero,
Romero,
Romero,
Romero,

Felipe, smith. 2

Anselmo Jose Ignacio,

Jose Domingo, child. 3

child. 3

Jose EsteYan, soldier. 3

Jos6 Ma. Basilio F., child. 3
Juan Maria, child. 3
Pedro, soldier. 3
Jose Ant. EstoYan, child. 4
Jose Gregorio, child. 4
Jose Man. Secundino, child. 4
Juan Ma., soldier. 3

Reyes, Maximo Julian, child. 4

Luis, soldier. 4
Rafael, Cat. vol. 4
Rio, Francisco del. 2
3
Rioboo, Juan Antonio Garcia, padre.
Rosales, Bernardo, muleteer. 1
Rosalcs, Cornelio, child. 2
Rios, Fcliciano, soldier. 2
2
Rosales, Jos6 Cornelio, soldier. 4
Rios, Julian, soldier.
Rosalio, Eugenio, soldier. 2
Rios, Cayetano, child. 3
Rios, Silverio Antonio Juan, child. 4
R-osas, Juan Estevan. 2
Rivera, Tadeo, soldier. 2
Rosas, Alejo, settler. 3
Rosas, Baltasar Juan Jos6, child. 3
Rivera, Joaquin, stone-cutter. 4
4
Salvador,
stone-cutter.
Rosas, Basilio, settler. 3
Rivera,
Rivera y Moncada, Fernando, captain. 1 Rosas, Carlos, soldier. 3
Roberto, Justo, soldier. 3
Rosas, Jos6 Alejandro, settler. 3
Roberto, Matias, child. 3
Rosas, Jos6 M&xiino, settler. 3
1
Roblcs, Juan Jose\ soldier.
Rosas, Jose Maximo, child. 3
Robles, Manuel Ma., soldier. 2
Rosas, Gil Antonio, child. 4
4
R.obles, Jose Antonio, settler.
Rosas, Jos6 Dario, settler. 4
Roca, Carlos Pedro Jos6, child. 4
Rosas, Jose, convict. 4
Roca, Jose, sergeant artilleryman. 4
Rosas, Jose Antonio, child. 4
1
Estevan,
soldier.
Juan
Rosas, Jos6 Antonio, soldier. 4
Rocha,
Rosas, Jos6 Antonio Boroteo, child. 4
Rocha, Cornelio, settler. 4
4
Rocha, Cornelio, convict.
Rosas, Leon Maria, child. 4
Rosas, Luis Maria, child. 4
Rocha, Jose, Cat. vol. 4
4
Rubio, Ascensio Alvarez. 1
Rocha, Juan Jose Lor., child.
Rubio, Bernardo. 1
Rochin, Ignacio, soldier. 3
1
Rodriguez, Manuel, carpenter.
Rubio, Jose Carlos. 1
Rodriguez, Jos6, servant. 2
Rubio, Juan Antonio, soldier. 1
2
Rubio, Carlos, soldier. 3
Rodriguez, Pablo, settler.
Rubio, Fran. Ramon de la L., child. 3
Rodriguez, Vicente, soldier. 2

Rodriguez,
Rodriguez,
Rodriguez,
Rodriguez,
Rodriguez,
R.odriguez,

Rodriguez,
Rodriguez,
Rodriguez,
Rodriguez,
Rodriguez,
Rodriguez,
Rodriguez,
Rodriguez,
Rodriguez,

Alejo Maximo, child. 3

Rubio, Mateo, soldier. 3
3
child.
Rubio, Jose Antonio, child. 4
Inocencio Jose,
Joaquin, soldier. 3
Rubio, Luis Ma., child. 4
3
Jose Antonio, soldier.
Rubio, Rafael Felipe, child. 4
Jos6 Fran. Ant. L., child. 2 Rubiol, Francisco, Cat. vol. 4
Rubi. Mariano, padre. 3
Jose Ignacio, soldier. 3
Rueda, Pedro.
Jose de Jesus I., child. 3
Ruelas, Fernando, soldier. 1
Jos6 Leon, child. 3
Ruelas, Francisco, soldier. 3
Jose Ma., child. 3
Ruelas, Vcnancio, Cat. vol. 4
Sebastian, child. 3
Alejandro, child. 4
Ruiz, Antonio Vicente. 1
Ruiz, Alejandro, soldier. 1
Felipe Antonio, child. 4
4
Ruiz, Juan Ma., soldier. 1
Jose del Carmen S., child.
Ruiz, Diego Ma., soldier. 2
Jos6 Brigido, child. 4
4
Ruiz, Francisco Ma., soldier. 2
Juan, child.

INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA,

"42

Ruiz,
Ruiz,
Ruiz,
Ruiz,
Ruiz,
Ruiz,
Ruiz,
Ruiz,
Ruiz,
Ruiz,
Ruiz,
Ruiz,

Efigenio, soldier. 3

Fructuoso Ma., soldier. 3

Juan Pedro Jacinto, child. 3

Nervo Pedro. 3
Pedro Jose. 3
Estevan, bricklayer. 4
Ignacio, soldier. 4
Jose Hilario, child. 4

Jose Joaquin, child. 4

Manuel, mechanic. 4
Santiago, mason. 4
Toribio, mason. 4

Saez, Nazario, settler.

Saez, Justo, soldier. 3
:,

Juan,

settler. 4

Saez, Miguel.*
Saenz, Ignacio, convict. 4
So jo, Jose, soldier. 3
Sal, Hermenegiklo, soldier. 2
Sal, Ignacio Francisco, child. 4
child. 4
Sal, Meliton, child. 4
Salazar, Alonso Isidro, padre. 4
Salazar, Doroteo de la Luz, child. 3
Salazar, Doroteo, soldier. 3

Sal,

Domingo,

Salazar, Jose Loreto, soldier.

Salazar, Juan Jose, child. 3
Salazar, Miguel, soldier. 4
Salas, Francisco, Cat. vol. 4
Salazar, Jose Marcos, settler. 4
Salazar, Jose, convict. 4
Salazar, Miguel, soldier. 4

Samaniego, Jos<5 Ma. Gil, soldier. 3

Samaniego, Pablo Ant.Nemesio, child.3
Samaniego, Tiburcio Antonio, child. 3
Samaniego, Jose del Carmen, child. 4
Sanchez, Francisco Miguel, padre. 1
Sanchez, Joaquin, servant. 2
Sanchez, Jose Antonio, soldier. 2
Sanchez, Juan, sailor. 2

17G9-18C0.

Sepulveda, Rafael, soldier. 2

Sepulveda, Juan Jose, soldier. 2
Sepulveda, Francisco Javier, soldier 3
Sepulveda, Enrique. 4
Sepulveda, Francisco Javier, child.*
Sepulveda, Jose Dolores, child. 4
Sepulveda, Jose Enrique A., child.*
Sepulveda, Jose de los Dolores, child. 1
Sepulveda, Patricio. 4
Sepulveda, Sebastian, soldier. 4
Serra, Junipero, padre. 1
Serrano, Francisco, soldier. 3
Serrano, Leandro Jose, child. 3
Serrano, Jose Maria, Cat. vol. 4
Servin, Jose Isidro, Cat. vol. 4
Sierra, Benito, padre. 2
Silva, Jose, settler. 2
Silva, Hilario Leon Jose, child. 2
Silva, Jose Manuel, servant. 2
Silva,
Silva,
Silva,
Silva,
Silva,
Silva,
Silva,
Silva,

Jose Miguel, soldier. 2

Juan de Dios

J. S., child. 3

Rafael, child. 3
Hilario Leon Jose, child. 4
Jose de los Santos, child. 4

Jose Ma., child. 4

Jose Manuel Victor, child.*
Tcodoro. 4

Sinova, Jose", soldier. 2

Sinova, Jose Francisco, servant. 3
Sitjar, Buenaventura, padre. 1
Sola, Faustino, padre. 3
Soberanes, Jose Ma., soldier. 1
Soberanes, Agustin, servant. 2
Soberanes, Jose Ma., soldier. 2
Soler, Juan, store-keeper. 2
Soler, Nicolas, captain. 3
Soler, Pablo, surgeon. 4
2
Solis, Alejandro, soldier.
Solorzano, Francisco, soldier. 4
Solorzano, Juan, soldier. 4
Solorzano, Juan Mateo, child. 4
Solorzano, Pio Antonio, child. 4
Somera, Jose Antonio F., padre. 1
Sorno, Jose Nolasco, settler. 4
Sorde, Jose, Cat. vol. 1
Sotelo, Francisco Antonio, soldier/
Sotelo, Jose Antonio, soldier. 2
Sotelo, Jose Gabriel, child. 3
Sotelo, Jose Ma., child. 3
Sotelo, Jose Antonio, child. 4
Sotelo, Jose Ma. Tiburcio, child.*

Sanchez, Francisco, soldier. 3

Sanchez, Jose Tadeo, soldier. 3
Sanchez, Jose Segundo, soldier. 4
Sanchez, Jose" Antonio, child. 4
Sanchez, Juan, soldier. 4
Sanchez, Juan Ma., child. 4
Sanchez, Vicente. 4
Sanchez, Vicente Anastasio, child. 4
Sangrador, Miguel, tanner. 4
Sandoval, Antonio, servant. 2
Sandoval, Gregorio Antonio, soldier. 3
Santa Ana, Jose Francisco, child. 4
Sotelo, Ramon, soldier. 4
Santa Catarina y Noriega, M., padre. 2 Soto, Mateo Ignacio. 1
v
anta Maria, Vicente, padre. 2
Soto, Alejandro, soldier. 2
Santiago, Juan Jose M., padre. 3
Soto, Damaso, child. 2
4
Sarmiento, Francisco, Cat. vol.
Soto, Francisco Jose Dolores, child.'
arco, Jose Joaquin, artilleryman. 4
Soto, Francisco Ma., child. 2

e undo, Angel, settler.

Soto, Ignacio, soldier. 2
3
ra, Gregorio, smith.
Soto, Isidro, child. 2
3
n, Jcse Francisco de P., padre.
Soto, Francisco Rcxis, soldier. 3
>

'

INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA,
Soto,
Soto,
Soto,
Soto,
Soto,
Soto,

Guillcrmo. soldier. 3
Ignacio Javier. 3
Jose Joaquin, child. 3

Mariano, servant. 3
Antonio, settler. 4

Ma. Ant., child. 4

Juan. 4
Soto, Miguel, soldier. 4
Soto Rafael. 4
Jose"

>,

Soto, Tomiis. 4

Sotomayor, Alejandro, soldier. 1

Sotomayor, Jo.se Crisogono.
Sotomayor, Jose Doroteo.
Suarez, Simon, lieutenant. 4
Talamantes, soldier. 4
Tapia,
Tapia,
Tapia,
Tapia,
ia,

Felipe Santiago, soldier. 2

Bartolome, servant. 3
Cristobal. 3
Jose" Bartolo, settler. 3
Jose Francisco, soldier. 3

Tapia, Francisco, soldier. 4

Tapia, Jose Antonio, child. 4
Tapia, Mariano, potter. 4
Tapinto, Mariano, tailor. 4
Tapis, Estevan, padre. 3
Tcjo, Ignacio Antonio, Cat. vol. 4
Tico, Jose Joaquin, sergeant Cat. vol. 4
Tied, Fern. Jose Ma, Ign. M., child. 4
Tobar, Albino, settler. 4
Toca, Jose Manuel, teacher. 4
Toral, Jose Perez, cadet. 4
Torres, Victoriano, settler. 2
Torres, Narciso, Cat. vol. 4
Torres, Nicolas. 4
Torrens, Hilario, padre. 3
Trasvihas, Antonio, soldier. 1
Trujillo, Jose, Cat. vol. 4
Ulloa, Jose Santos, smith. 3
Uribes, Miguel, settler. 4
Ursetino, Jose, carpenter. 2
Uria, Jose" Antonio, padre. 4
Usson, Ramon, padre. 1
Valderrama, Jose Cornelio, settler. 4
Valdes, Juan Bautista, soldier. 2
Valdes, Antonio Albino, child. 3
Valdes, Antonio Ma. de StaM., child. 3
Valdes, Eugenio, soldier. 3
Valdes, Jose Basilio, child. 8
Valdc's, Jose" Lorenzo, servant. 3
Vj Ides, Jose Melesio, soldier. 3
A Mcs, Juan Melesio, soldier. 3
VaJd.es, Luciano Jose, child. 3
Valdes, Maximo Tomas, child. 3
Valdes, Antonio. 4
Valdes, Crecencio. 4
Valdes, Francisco, Cat. vol. 4
Valdes, ( In gorio. 4
\
Rafael, child. 4
Valencia, Jose Manuel, soldier. 2
Valencia, Francisco, soldier. 3
i

17C0-18C0.

Valencia, Ignacio. 3
Valencia, Juan Ignacio, soldier. 3
Valencia, Juan Vicente Cris. child. 3
Valencia, Manuel, settler. 3
Valencia, Miguel Antonio, child. 3
Valencia, Jose Antonio, child. 4
Valencia, Jos6 Manuel, child. 4
Valenzuela, Agustin, soldier.'2
Valenzucla, Jose Julian, child. 2
Valenzuela, Rafael, soldier. 2
Valenzuela, Angel, soldier. 3
Valenzuela, Antonio Ma., child. 3
Valenzucla, Caspar Jose, child. 3
Valenzucla, Jose. 3
Valenzuela, Jose Antonio Ma., child. 3
Valenzucla, Jos6 Manuel, soldier. 3
Valenzuela, Antonio de(ir. child. 4
Valenzuela, Joaquin, child. 4
Valenzuela, Jose Antonio Ma., child. 4
Valenzuela, Jose Candelario, child. 4
Valenzuela, Jose Ignacio. 4
Valenzuela, Jose Rafael, child. 4
Valenzuela, Juan, soldier. 4
Valenzuela, Juan Angel, child. 4
Valenzuela, Juan Ma,, child. 4
Valenzuela, Maximo. 4
Valenzuela, Pedro, soldier. 4
Valenzuela, Simeon Maximo, child. 4
Valenzuela, Vicente, soldier. 4
Valenzuela, Vicente Antonio, child. 4
Valenzuela, Jose Ma., child. 3
Valenzuela, Jose Matias, child. 3
Valenzuela, Jose Miguel, child. 3
Valenzuela, Jose Pedro, soldier. 3
Valenzuela, Jose Ramon, child. 3
Valenzucla, Segundo, soldier. 3
Valero, Ignacio, soldier. 4
3
Vallcjo, Ign. Vicente Ferrer, soldier.
,

Vallcjo, Juan Jose, soldier. 2

Vallejo, Jose de Jesus, child. 4

Vanegas, Cosme. 4
Varelas,
Varelas,
Varelas,
Varelas,
Varelas,

Casimiro, settler. 2
Juan, child. 2
Jose Cayetano, child. 3
Jose Manuel, child. 4
Juan, soldier. 4

Vargas, Manuel, sergeant. 3

Vazquez, Gil Anastasio, soldier. 2
Vazquez, Jos6 Francisco, child. 2
Vazquez, Juan Atanasio, soldier. 2
Vazquez, Juan Silverio, child. 2
Vazquez. Jose Tiburcio, settler. 2
Vazquez, Antonio, soldier. 4
Vazquez, Jos;', convict. 4
Vazquez, Faustino. 4
Vazquez, Felipe. 4
Vazquez, Felix. 4
Vazquez, ] lermcnegildo. 4
Vazquez, Joso Antonio Pablo, child.
Vazquez, Jose Timoteo, settler. *

INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA,

:u

azquez, Julio Ma., child.'1

ega, Jose Manuel, Cat. vol. 4
egas, Matias, soldier. 2
4
ejar, Pablo, carpenter.
4
v.
ejar, Sal
, carpenter.
elarde, Jose Jacobo, soldier. 2
elarde, Jose Ma., soldier. 3
elarde, Agustin. 4
elarde, Jose Luciano. 4

egerano, Jose Ma., muleteer. 1

elasco,
elasco,

Fernando, soldier. 3
Jose Ignacio Mateo, child. 3

elazquez, Jose. 1
elazquez, Jose Ma., convict. 4
elez,

Jcse Miguel,

cliS;

Jose, Cat. vol. 4

settler.

erdugo, Joaquin. 1
erdugo, Jose Ma., soldier. 1
erdugo, Francisco Ma. de la Cruz. 1
erdugo, Mariano de la Luz, soldier. 1
erdugo, Florencio, soldier. 2
erdugo, Ignacio Leonardo Ma. 2
erdugo, Juan Diego, soldier. 2
erdugo, Juan Ma., soldier. 3
erdugo, Leonardo, soldier. 3
erdugo, Manuel Jost:, child. 3
erdugo, Anselmo Jose, child. 4
erdugo, Joacpiin. 4
erdugo, Jose Francisco, child. 4
erdugo, Juan Andres Dolores, child. 4
erdugo, Julio Antonio Jose, child. 4
erdugo, Meliton Jose. 4
erduzco, Anastasio Javier. 1
iader, Jose, padre. 4
ictoriano, soldier. 1
ila,

Vicente, captain of vessel. 1

ilia,
ilia,

ilia,

Jose, settler. 3
Vicente Ferrer, child. 3
Eleuterio. 4

17G0-1800.

Villa, Jose Antonio Doroteo, child. 1

Villa, Jose Francisco Antonio, child.*
Villa, Pascual, soldier. 4
Villa, Rafael. 4
Villalba, Onofre, Cat. vol. 4

Villagomez, Francisco, soldier. 2

Villalobos, Jose, soldier. 2
Villalobos, Jose Ma. , child. 4
Villasefior, Jos6, artilleryman. 4
Villavicencio, Rafael, soldier. 1
Villavicencio, Jose Antonio, child.'2
Villavicencio, Antonio, settler. 3
Villavicencio, Felix, settler. 3
Villavicencio, Pascual, settler. 4
Villavicencio, Jos, soldier. 4
Villarino, Felix Antonio, settler. 4
Villela, Juan Manuel, soldier. 2
Villela, Marcos, soldier. 4

Vinals, Jos, padre. 4

Virjan, Manuel, muleteer. 2
Vizcaino, Juan, padre. 1
Vizcarra, Jose, soldier. 4
Yorba, Antonio, Cat. vol. 1
Yorba, Francisco Javier, soldier. 4

Yorba, Jose Antonio. 4

Yorba, Jose Domingo, child. 4
Yorba, Tenuis. 4
Zambrano, Nicolas, soldier. 1
Zayas, Jose Salvador, soldier. 3
Zuniga, Pedro B. child. 2
Zuniga, Pio Quinto, soldier. 2
Zuniga, Josd, lieutenant. 3
Zimiga, Jose Antonio, child. 3
Zuniga, Jose Valentin Q. child. 3
Zuniga, Scrapio Ma., child. 3
Zuniga, Guillermo A., child. 4
Zuniga, Jose Manuel, child. 4
Zuniga, Ventura. 4
,