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http://archive.org/details/bancrofthistcal01bancroft
PRESENTED
ro
WALTER W.
BY
MCLAUGH.'
ill-
ITU
JAMES m c laughl:
A8P1
March,
1884
tii
i:
\v<
>rks
THE WORKS
OF
VOLUME
XVIII.
HISTORY OF CALIFORNIA.
Vol.
I.
1542-1800.
SAN FRANCISCO
A. L.
HUBERT
In the
Office of
H.
BANCROFT,
PRE FAC E.
The
past of California, as
successive
either
phase,
furnishes
whole and
a
a
record
Dot
province.
From
the time
when
it
was
the
guch bounds as A
ami Florida,
it
excelled
mere
field
somewhen
ia,
each
New World
in
in
conqi
The
itself a
libera]
sh
pment
and mission d
war and
who
to the reader
On
the ocean,
by explorers and
thus escaping
traders from
much
all
Over the mountains presently came adventurous pathfinders, followed by swarms of Anglo-Saxon immigrants to seek homes by the Pacific; and their
fiii)
PREFACE.
IV
Then came
excitement
not only
made
among
California famous
the nati<
country's p
but imparted a new interest to the
anomaThe gold-mines with their immense yield, the
of the 'flush
lous social conditions and developments
and other sir;;
times,' the committees of vigilance
phenomena,
no relaxation of the
then dawned the latesl epoch
And
world's interest.
ti,
of industrial progress, of agricultural wealth, of
continental railways, of great towns on the Pacific;
by
>na]
prosperity.
My resources
shown
in the
Chapter
accompanying
is
list
Jalifornia
of authorities, and in
volume, where a
Existing prinl
given.
is
classificaI
in the a|
and valuable.
of old, such as
Indies,
Torqueniada and
by such
all
speciali
the
sch<><l
Sene-
annals.
Then the
P]
La
of
.'ii
raver
'
B.
much
ga ve
att
made the
tunities!
t
be
their
their
teir
lumentary n cord
articles
in
or
Mei
nd even
app
Uowing
in print
picl
ured the
follow.
and mention of
on
iral
w
1'
of Robinson, described
explorers, like
imm
\\
ers to
Cults, also
making
in
in
LTnil
!olton
and
newspaper mention.
lias
in
found
historical
less
Spanish America.
I
more pr
MLof
we
way
unless
ad
California;
regarded as
1"'
Burney, turned tl
the summarizing of early voyages; and
attention ko
printed
may
in print
Navarrete, liku
narratives
duable material
in
and
From
municipal records
in type,
and
Of
late
there
has
been
manifest
commendable
Many
research.
been printed
in
pioneer reminiscences
have
PREFACE.
VI
exclusively
for years almost
having been devoted
time ha,
few documents of the older
that labor.
men as aylor
with comments by such
I
historical pamphlets,
Francisco
Several men, like Hopkins of San
brought oul small
and Wilson of Santa Cruz, have
works.
collections of California
of the
and to
Some members
records.
as
Other mem<
documents.
of the legal
ch
pr<
form
briefs into
history.
Specialists,
like
pari
eral instances
records,
from old
evidence.
gone
And
far
The
and
ral ami.'
legal tribunals in
<
My
corps of
more nuin
I
directly by
me
vii
E,
|>B
of the archiv<
talent
finest
the profession,
in
work
to
than
of these
the con
I sliould
workmen
I,
The
pay.
nol
and
in
legal
v.
printed arg
briefs,
c 'ini
in land
reports,
and other
This duplication of
it
be
commenl
Bands of documents submitted
liral
practically inaccessible
[,
ibmitted their
pi*'
>n
on the th
alteri
the crucible of
in
parti
ion,
li
to
ttly
aided
me
of
documentary evidence of
the
hi
bould
led
in
power
bpcena had
ini
which
never p
sessed,
due to investigators of
who have preceded me, the pa
;al cla
the
so far as original research ^n an extended scale is
credit
is
No
first
It has
time
now
be
in its entiretv.
Yet
so
and
much
paratively unimportant
is
PREFACE,
nil
period
a large part of the
to
1846-the
of
have at the
annals of his country, to
same time
so
original
and so complete a collection ol
claim without exaggeraand unused material. I may
on
practically all thai
tion to have accumulated
but in manuscript.
the subject, not only in print
hitherto but very
have copied the public archives,
rans
superficially consulted; and I have
new
field
of ori
country for additional hundreds of thousands
was unknown.
inal documents whose very existence
size from
I have also taken statements, varying in
hunsix to two thousand pages each, from many
is true that
and chapter already cited.
to
new documents will be found as the years pa
throw a clearer light on many minor point-; but new
material whatever new talent and new theories may
do will necessitate the reconstruction of few if any oi
to the list
these chapters.
which it ran
ever be properly applied to an extended historical
work, I have thus been able to exhaust the subject.
Possibly I have at the same time exhausted the
patience of my readers; for it is in the History of
California that I have entered more fully into details than in any other part of the general work.
The
plan originally announced carries me from national
in
north; and
That
treatment
id
doubtless
it
I,
spac
>t
will
pro-
probably be questioned.
vari<
preseu
past,
its
this
ch&nge
its
in
exhaustive chara
iord of
in
ions,
its
Any
importance.
tal
work
of selected
is
is
s1
and
nol responsible;
it
all, it
might
justify
can by no mei
mere
ill
in
or a record
be chronicled are
iven a
considerable re-
the
chapi
space would mi
chronological
i
is
proportion to
duction
icrifice
history
t'r
in
I.
PREFACE.
no long-drawn
be found in these volumes
In no part of this
narratives or descriptions.
*ly
condensation been m
has my system of
that the record is
I am firm in the belief
applied
expect
completeness
preserving, and for its
There
will
worth
approbation oi all r
time the appreciation and
greatly in error resp
Californians. Unless I am
have written, no intelligent reader desiring
in
ing
what
information on
on the
visit
and narrative of
may
in
suit his
obligations to facilitate
and coun-
beyond their
offi
my investigatioi
my
disposal;
my work
PEE]
than simply
to
their su-
due
A.cknowledgi
periors.
Romo and
his
Franciscan associates at
me
to
Father
Santa Bar-
Nor must
to
de
coines.
of native Cali-
name elsewhere
and
in this history,
me
given
patriotically
reminiscences, !>ut
the
who
ha
prio
of their
lv
there axe
men
of
Anglo-Saxon
he
si
r<
>ng, in'
orij
at,
tion
of ten
amon
empire, who have
and
to these for
/ilization
informa-
trust, I
laid
and
<
I.
R]
bHis Plans
tado,
Becerra, and
Work
JimenezCortes
de Vaca
Sinalo
Califon
in
NizaUlloa
man Cabeza
Alvarado
ific
Guzman
Nufio do
-Diaz
Alaroon
<
to 1G00
-Missiou Districts of
aya
as
is
Pimeria
Revolt
in
Vizcaino*
CHAPTER
II.
A Catalogue
of California
Books
Taylor's List
of Visitors
Histories
Local
Annals
One
Thousand
Titles of
Manuscripts-
xiii
31
CONTEXTS,
xiv
CHAPTEE
III.
r.vr.K
B
Name-Conjectures- Sergas of Esplandian-^First Saw Alta
Variations of the Name-Who
Discovery-Later
Juan RodrVuez
Diaz-Five Expeditions-
Alareon,
California?-t711oa,
Cabrlllo,
North-Voya^
San Frai
Dis
Drake 1579-New Albion-Drake did not
Bay-Maps-The
Ships-Galli's Voyage,
Philippine
15!
Cennen
MendocinoVoyage of Sebastian Rodriguez de
Francisco-Explorations of Sebastian Vizcaino,
64
CHAPTER
IV.
and Serra
LandVessels,
Sailing
arations
March
Jos6'
of the
of the Fleet
Army from
Eapirit
I.
1-
Tidings of Success
CHAPTER
V.
EXPEDITIONS
EV
1709.
Voyage
of Perez in the
Miracle
Discovery
Arrival in
Waiting
'San Carlos' Fages and
Galvez A Scurvy-stri
'San Antonio'
of
of Rivera
to
tana
Volunteers
fo
Ian
1.
y Moncada
North San Die
Portold, and Junipero Serra Reunion of the Four Ex]
Thanksgiving to Saint Joseph The 'San Antonio' Sent
Lias PortoU Sets out for Monterey Founding of San
sion A Lattle with the Natives A Mission without Con
1
to
is
San
XV
VI.
1
i::
J7
'
Crespfs Journal!
>hy
tn
An
<
and No
in Cal
fospitable People an
ii.
Aero
Sierra
be
and
<1
*\\
the
lonfuaion in
tola-
and
dition to
X.
and San
140
CHi
OOOUPATZOH Of M0NT1RET
vir.
:<>\\\>\\
HI..
1770 1771.
Governor
.'
doned
Antonio
Foundin
Bay
louth by
Portola
Command
'
Work
ion
is
to
larmelo Bay
rabriel I
Soldiers
Of Tin:
<'f
177-
new
Fage8
VIII.
i:stai;lisiimi:\
a<
CHAPTER
Events
Padi
San Carlos
ragea
Arrival of
in
y
;
'.
Serra
Command-
177;J
183
CONTEXTS.
xvi
CHAPTER
FIRST
XX.
and
paoh
MayCondition
Serra's in
of Cali-
EnclosuresAgriculture and Stock-raising New Presidio Regulations of September 1772 Father Junipero in Mexico Memorial
March Memorial of April San Bias Establishment Saved -Ad
Aids and Reforms Reglamento Eighty Soldiers
of the Junta
California
CHAPTER
RECORD
IDS
X.
OF EVENTS.
1774.
Want
in the
Missions
from Sonora
P<
<
guay Coming
Ad
to Succ
220
CHAPTER XL
NORTHERN EXPLORATION AND SOUTHERN DI&
177").
in
Carlos'
of Trinidad
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER
xvii
XII.
Anzaand
his
Immigrants
PAGE
Colony
Original AuthoritiesMarch
Lonariea Left
Itinerary Map A
cated
An/a.
Brings
Force
his
Rivera
Excommuni-
MontereyHia IllnessRivera
to
ill
North and An/a
A Quarrel Rivera
and the FriarsStrange Actiona of the Commandant
ea
<
Hia
Colorado
rn to the
dp
Anza
March
the
Dominguez and
257
Elscalante
CHAPTER
XIII.
co Itinerary The
to
of
in
<
da the
PadresArrival of the Transport V<
Colony to the Peninsula Camp on Lake Dolores Comjng of the'
'San Carlos' The Presidio Founded New Exploration of Round
the
'
Formal Dedi-
Early Progress
Annals of 1777
of Dai
Visits
of
and Name
and
Governor
President
bion,
and Commandant
279
CHAPTER
XIV.
Diego
Rivera
and
Founding
Lost Registers
South A
Soldier
Execution in California
First Public
203
CONTENTS.
xvm
CHAPTER
XV.
PAOI
Period of PreparationSchemes for the FutureGovernment ReformsPueblosChannel Establishments Neve Wants to Resi
and is Made Colonel Sacrament of Confirmation Episcopal Powers
Quarrel with
('.inferred on Padre Serra Tour of the Missions
Neve Ecclesiastic Prerogative and Secular Authority A Friar's
Sharp Practice Serious Charges by the Governor Movements of
Vessels Arrival of Arteaga and Bodega from a Northern Voyage
The First Manila Galleon at Monterey Local Events and Progress
Presidio Buildings
317
CHAPTER
A
XVI.
March Coming
of
Names
of
Founding
the Original
of
Plans
Ziifliga
Los Angeles
Settlers.
Early
for Die
\
I
\'<
vc's
Progress
o 33
CHAPTER
XVII.
Anza Palma
in
Mexico
Arricivita's
of
the
Yumas -Mission-pueblos
of Friars
Curtailed Franciscan
Criticism-A Dangerous Experiment-Founding
of Concepcion and
San Pedro y San Pablo-Names of the
Colonists-Spanish Oppression-Forebodings of Disaster Massacre of July
17
1781Four
Martyrs-Fifty Victims-Death of
Rivera-Fruitless Efforts to
Punish the Yumas-Captives Ransomed
-Expeditions of F-i-es
b *
Neve
'
._
uOo
CONTEXTS.
CHAPTER
xix
XVIII.
I.KNOR.
FA(
17
vir.v
in
No Mission Supplies No
Priesta
372
Crespi
RULE
CHAPTER XIX.
OF FAGES GENERAL RECORD.
3
An
Uneventful Decade
1790.
Presidios,
and
Proposed Reforms
neral
ll<
3S7
CHAPTER XX.
RULE OF FAGES, DEATH OF SERRA, AND MISSION PROGRESS.
1
783-1700.
Illness
and Death
Burial
and Funeral
Palou and Lasuen
Works
Villa
de Junfpero
Noticias de
California
Map
CONTEXTS.
XX
CHAPTER
XXI.
commerce.
RULE of faces; foreign relations and
1783-1790.
No
PAGE
War Contributions
Fears of Foreigners Isolation of California
La Perouse His
Voyager
French
the
of
ainst England-Visit
Strangers
at San CarThe
Reception
instructionsAn Hospitable
Expedition Observations on the Country and the
VaMission System Commerce The Salt-tradeThe Fur-trade
Current Pricessadre's Project A Failure The Manila Galleon
of Martinez and
Voyages
Northern
Vessels
Arrival of Transport
losFate
of the
CHAPTEK
XXII.
statistics.
1783-1790.
Indian Affairs Explorations San Diego Mission Joan Figueroa Rioboo Material and Spiritual Progress San Juan
trano Gregorio Amurrio Pablo Mugartegui San rabriel Pu< Mo
of Los Angeles Settlers Felix as Comisionado Presidio of Santa
Barbara Plan of Buildings A Volcano Soldiers Killed While
Prospecting for Mines San Buenaventura Presidio of Monterey
Official Changes Surgeon Davila San Carlos Noi
Antonio San Luis ObispoJos6 Cavalier Presidio of San
Lieutenants Moraga and Gonzalez Lasso de la Vega Presidio
Chapel The Mission Francisco Paiou Map of the
nta
Clara New Church Murguia Pueblo de San Jose Vallejo
Life
<
>
Comisionado
4."0
CHAPTER
XXIII.
RULE OF HOMED".
1791-1792.
nation of Pedro
DeathVisit of Malaspina in the 'Descuand 'Atrevida' The First American in California Preparations for New Missions Lasuen's Efforts Establishing
of Santa
Cruz -Annals of First Decade Indian Troubles Statistics
Church
CONTEXTS.
xxi
Flouring
PAGE
Mill
CHAPTER XXIV.
RULE OF ARRILLACA
VANCOUVER'S
VISITS.
1792-1794.
Council at Monterey to Appoint a Temporary Governor ArrillaAccession Arrival at Monterey California Separated from Provin-
Arrillaga's
fornia
CHAPTER XXV.
RULE OF BORICA, FOREIGN RELATIONS, AND INDIAN AFFAIL
1794-1800.
Diego de Borica
Aft'airs
raga
530
CHAPTER XXVI.
RULE OF BORICA
EXPLORATIONS
1794-1800.
Pozas
Jose
Pale"
CONTENTS.
xzH
PACK
San Miguel at
Bautista at Popeloutchom-Earthqnake-Mission
Horra-Mission San FerVahia-Padre Antonio de la Concepcion
Comihavit-Mission San Luis
nando on Reyes' Rancho, or Achois
New Pueblo-Preliminary Correspondence-
Rev
at
Tacayme-A
New MexicoColorado
550
CHAPTER XXVII.
MISSION PROGRESS.
1791-1800.
Padres General Statistical View The PresidentEpiscopal Powers The Inquisition Revilla Gigedo'a Report
Views of Salazar Carmelite Monastery Pious Fund Hacienda
AnewReduction
in
ExpensesChaplain
Number of
Duty Guards Runaway Neophytes Mission AlcaldesIndian!
on Horseback Local Quarrels Charges of Concepcion de Borra
Investigation
of
Comandanl
Missionaries Acquitt d
Ecclesiastical Miscellany
575
CHAPTER
TUEBLOS, COLONIZATION,
XXVIII.
Statistics Jordan's Proposed Colony Reports of Gov Marriage Encouraged Inns Views of Salazar,
and Costanso Women Wanted Convicts Foundlings Tenure of
Lands Pueblo and Mission Sites Chronological Statement, 177.J90 Presidial Pueblos Provisional Grants Land-titles at End of
Century Labor Indian Laborers Sailors Artisan Instructors
Manufacturers Mining Agriculture Flax and Hemp Stock-
Pueblo Progress
ernment
raising
000
CHAPTER XXIX.
INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.
1791-1800.
Commerce Trade
CONTENTS.
Military
Force and
Distribution
bre
quors
xxiii
The
(Jse of
First
Li-
Schools
ami School-masters
LOCAL EVE]
624
CHAPTER XXX.
D PBOOBESS SOUTHERN
DISTRICT.
1791-1800.
cou\
criptioD
Indian Allairs-
Arrivals of Vessels
cautions again
Mission San
Diego
Buildings
Officers, Forces,
I
Ii
Events
silver
Execution
First
in
CaliforniaThe 'Phoenix 1
MineWarlike PreparationsDeath
of
Quick-
of
irch
<;ir>
CHAPTEIl XXXI.
LO(\l.
Mi
PBOOBESSMONTXBJEY
DISTRICT.
1791-1800.
Carlos
San
Indian
Accounts
Affairs
Mission Missionary Cha
Pascual Martinez do Arenaza Statistics of Agriculture, Live>escription A New Stone
stock, and Population Vancouver's
Church A Wife-murder San Antonio de Padua de Los Robles
Miguel Pieras Benito Catalan San Luis Obispo Miguel Giribet
Bartolome* Gili Indian Troubles
1
CHAPTER XXXII.
LOCAL EVENTS AND PROGRESS
SAN
FRANCISCO JURISDICTION.
1791-1800.
San Francisco
Officials
at Black Point
G77
CONTEXTS.
xx i v
PAGE
nandezBuildings, Statistics, Industries Pueblo of San JoseInhabitants and Officials Statistics Hemp Culture Local Events
Proposed Removal Boundary Dispute Santa Clara Pena and
Noboa
602
XXXIII.
End
Borica's Policy and Character IndusRevival Fruitless Efforts Governor's Relations with Friars,
Soldiers, Neophytes, and Settlers Efforts for Promotion A Knight
of Santiago Family Relations Leave of Absence, Departure, and
Death Arrillaga and Alberni in Command List of Secondary Authorities on Early California History List of Inhabitan
of a
trial
tli-
726
AUTHORITIES QUOTED
IX
THE
HISTORY OF CALIFORNIA
[There are more than ove thouaan
of thou rum
which do not
<<<
pear
in (hit
li
t.
to tin
general wo\
other
for a
classification
of the works
here named.]
Aa
Leyden, 177. 30
Abbey
.1
N
S. C), Christopher Carson.
Aboil (Alexander), Copy of
it on behalf of U. S. in
of Santa Cruz [32d Cong., 1st Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. bTJ.
00.
Abbott (John
land
Washington,
}$:>!.
Abrego
(Josc; ), Relation.
"&
Acosta (Josef de), Historia Natural y Moral de las Indias. Sevilla, l.~>90.
Act of Congress Creating the Office of Sh
ommissioner.
S. F. 1873.
Actas dc Elccciones. MS. In Archivo dc California.
Adam (George), Dreadful Sufferings and Thrilling Adventures of an Overland Party of Emigrants to California. St Louis, 18o0.
Addresses. Sec Speeches.
Adventures (The) of a Captain's Wife. .to California in 1S50. Xev/ York,
.
etc., 1S77.
Aimard
Alaman
Alaman
Alaman
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
XXVI
(Or.) Register
i/taross (The ship), Log of
Albany
A ZZs
erni (Pedro),
el sitio
ww
MS.
do Braneiforte, 1796.
IS ^riJrde,!Sr Sfico
Oc
Alex^e'T^So^
Washington,
tw
Boston,
1S49.
Pacific.
Adventurer.
Young
The
Jr.),
(Horatio,
Alger
and
on Irrigate
ol
u
1
Mb.
my
MS.
1809-12.
Coast.
v
HK& MS.
"S^bre
AlbeS
X W.
"
the .
Voyage to tne
a Vm7n
relates
Comunieaeiones
and Lyia,
London.
Si
....
1857 et seq.;
S. F., 1858 et scq.; Cahfora
Pictorial.
S. F., 1858; C
nischer Volkskalender.
Miners.
S.
S. F.,
F.
Knight
(Henr;
Alric (Henry
Mexico, 18GG.
Californies.
MS.
Altimira (Jose), Diario de la Expedicion, 1823.
Altimira (Jose), Journal of a Mission-founding Expedition,
ings'Cal. Mag., v. 58, 115.
Alturas, ]\Iodoc Independent.
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Campana de Las Flore
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Carta Confidencial, 7 d
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Carta en que relata 1.
loa
823.
i
.'
.Coronel de la Milicia
de Capitan a favor de J. J. Yallejo.] Monterey,
Gobcrnad'
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), El C.
Alta Cal. a sus Habitantes, Monterey, Mayo 10,
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Gobernador Constitutional, etc.
Empleos de Administradores de Misiones.] 1
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Historia de California.
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Instrucciones al Prefecto Castr
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Instrucciones que debe observar
I
de
1840.
el
Vi
MS.
el
1839.
MS.
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Manifiesto del Gob1"-. 10 Mayo.
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Oficios Varios y Cartas Particular.
numerous in different public and private archi
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), [Proclama del] Gefe Politico 21 Noi
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), [Proclama del] Gobernador Interino.
1837.
MS.
Visitador
Hartnell.
9 Julio,
>
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
Alvarad
'
imitivo Descubi
Alvai
I'
MS.
Mi
Alvarad
contra Micheltorena,
E
Antonio), Oocumentoe para la Historia de California.
and C
Alviso (Jo
Ah;
Antonio), Cam]
dor (Joe
Amador
(Pedro), Diario do Li
9,
'
MS.
1797.
Amador
Amador
Amador
\.
MS.
'
Amelia Sherwood.
America,
<
>.!.'
iuiio.
I.
Richmond, L850.
MS.
a, 171".
Am<
the
West
Indi
American Antiquarian S
Amei Lean Educational Monthly.
Amei ican and Foreign
American Geographical and Stati
American Quarterly
American Quarterly Review. Philadelphia,
<
Ami
Philadelphia,
w.
American
81
Ami
1817-19.
12
'7.
Ames
(John
<
Rep
'>.
),
Ami
de
un
panoL.
archiv
London,
of Spanish California.
Anaheim, ra
ipleand its P
Anaheim,
Anderson (Alexander C), N<
Anderson (Alexander D.), The Silver and
L
7; The Silver Country,
And*
Statement of \
Anderson (Mary E.), Scenes in the Hawaiian
<
MS.
<
etc.
St
,7.
difornia.
Boston
[I860].
Ann.-
Animal
[1st to 18th
Discovery.
Anqu
.]
Wa
>ry.
London, 1800. 9 vols.
id T.), The Gold-aeeker'a Manual.
(E. M.), Siskiyou County Reminiscences.
Now
Anthony
42 vols.
.
L.
19
York, 1S49.
Antioch, Ledger.
Anza (Juan Bautista), Descubrimiento do Sonora A California, 1774. MS.
Anza (Juan Bautista), Diario do una expedicion desde Sonora a S. Francisco,
Cal., 1775-6.
MS.
MS.
Apodaca
(Virey), Cartas.
MSS. In the
MS.
..
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
viii
of California.
MS.
Mb.
MS.
(Francisco),
MS.
n.
<
uid
tn<
In
Archives, passim.
Argiiello (Santiago), Correspondencia Particular.
In Due.
1804.
MS.
MS.
tho
AUTB
i).
que guardan
lo
I*.
MS.
Arrilk
(Felip
Arroy
de
the
Mil
of the
Mutsun
Art<
i.
:n.
'.i
viii.
Ashb
in
II-
ii.
MS.
!.
ii.
Atlantic an
Atleta
R.
<
Mexico,
(El).
Auburn,
lac
uard),
I.'.
>5
New
[crald,
Voyago en
An
N
Autobio
H.),
i\
Averill
Avery
(i
a.
li
Benjamin
ait Cali-
W;
fornia.
1'.
n.d.
73.
Avila
..'.
Avila (Juan
forniana
Avila (Maria In
Avila Mi'
Avila de llios (Catarina), Etecuerdos.
Ayala (Tadeo Orl
unendelaE
MS.
[S.
A\
rrs (P.
II.
),
MS.
Limp. Mex.
MS.
S3 de Ma;
ares.
Ayuntamientos, Decretodel
ntes,
-'.
(Virey), Ordenes.
Memoir
Baird
P.),
Was)
MS.
(Or.),
;ette,
of
Early Times.
MS,
i.
Mis. Doc.
1877.
Baker City
In Mexico,
hives.
In
1800.
Baker
Bakersfield,
Mexico,!
49].
MS.
Lifornia,
and
2d.
IS.j-4.
Herald.
Kern County
Californian,
Southern Californian.
Kern County
Courier,
Kern County
etc.
Baldwin
nia, etc.
Washington, \So0.
AUTHORITISE QUOTED.
XXX
MS.
Ball (tf. B.), Sketch by a Pioneer.
Ballenstedt (C. W. T.), Besclireibung meiner Reise nacn den
Goldmmen.
Schoningen, 1851.
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Bancroft (A. L.), Diary of a Journey to Oregon. MS.
Bancroft (Hubert Howe), History of the Pacific States of North America.
ites.
q Francisco, 1882 et seq. 28 vols.; Native Races of the IV
New York, 1875. 5 vols.; Popular Tribunals. San Francisco. 2vo
MS.
Bancroft (Hubert Howe), Personal Observations in California, 1874.
Bancroft Library, MS. Scrap-books, containing classified notes used in writing
Bancroft's works.
Bancroft Library, Newspaper scraps classified under the following headi
iforniens.
am;
;
1836.
MS.
specially
named
;
.
MS.
am-
in this list.
'*
tonal, loo2.
^
Kf
JMk>.
S
S
AH
^-
iLtttyif
Iu
W-'"-'l
e
StatiSti0al EegiStCr
Baltim&re etC 18
"
tutions
] .r,anof (Alexander),
Shizneopissanic.
St Petersburg, 1835.
;
S^
^r^n^^
'
H0WG
Hi8
0f
Yolo
S "I-
piSin?
fiCi0S dGl
G0br de
'
MS
Baja Califomia
>
New York
MS
'
T* ^ov.
Sf.fi '
St.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
<w (John),
London,
The
Life, Voyages,
and Exploits
of
Admiral
Sir
Fraud Drake.
Camp.
Boa-
San Francisco.
San
a Hnnter'a
ton, L869.
\V. J.),
y
I
J\
I
Up and Down.
ana
A.),
B.
London, 1879.
Men
A. Patten,
a, id
Memories
Francisco, 1ST.').
bow (Alfred), Statement of a Pioneer of 1849.
ow (I>. P.). Recollections of 1849-51.
bow (George), Introductory Address. San
of
other ad-
7_\
'
Bausman
Baxley
(II.
lie (J.
(
>!!>.
Pioneer of
(William), Early California
San Francii
Willis),
H.),
Whi
M
.
15.
Philadelphia [1
lincinnati, 1ST!).
Monthly. New
Beale (E. F.), Wagon Road from Fort Ik Bance to the Colorado River.
..
Sei ., II. Ex. Doc L24.]
Bean (Edwin F.), see >ir
7.
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Bear Flag Papers, 1846. MS.
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rd (Henry), Argument.
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Le's
[!
ate."
(E. G.), R
ration of a Route for tl
road near the 38th and 39th Parallels [33d Cong., 1st Sess.,
Beckwith
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120].
(F. A.). Opening Argument.
.Chinese Immigration.
S.
II.
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F., 1876.
in
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XXX11
behalf of the U.
(Calhoun,, Testimony in
Ibul.
San Francisco,
FMvetia
S.
Sutter.
vs.
"S
Benham
'
1 uncia, umcicu
A Lecture. San Francisco,
Bennett (14. C), Olimese
o
ot J*ep., iua3 -, lg
H.
S.
U.
in
Speech
(Henry),
Bennett
Washington, 1650.
California,
^^-
fi
of FrSmonl
1848. In Co:,
July,
Senate,
s"
in
Sneel
Jan.
15, 1849, on
977' Speech in U. S. Senate,
California.
and
Mexico
in
Titles etc',
Years View. New York, 1854. 2 vols.
mf
Wa
New
P.), Collection
Paris, 178S-9. 9 vols.
Berencrer
(J.
de Tous les
Voyag
Betagh (William),
>nr
du
My
~>
ti:d.
Ai
(William R.), Paradi
Itll.
i.l
u.-iii
1779.
adra (Ju
Bodie,
'hr<
<
aide,
r<
e Pr<
Mornij
ins in
Napa
Etegi
\t*
lsi
;.
Tribune,
I.
1872.
r,
Bonilla
Bonner
17.
(T. D.),
Life
MS.
and
N. Y.,
Amei
i
ad<
1
lr
ii.
lofl
aire
In
L Mexico,
Infon
>),
>n
Boronda
Borthwick
do dirigir
la fund;
MS.
Thi
(Grer6nimo), Chinigchinii
(J.
>.
),
'
Alf.
Life in Cal.
Escritos Su
(( rer6nimo),
!
Northwei
Analea del Su
in the
de an
;i
Botta
General de
Obsen
(P. E.),
Voy.,
Botta (P.
Vi
In Xouv. An.
L56.
lii.
E.),
>ni
In Duhaut Cilly,
Address, Speech,
J.
!h.), Notice Industrielle sur la Californie.
ihard Affair, Testim
Bound Home, or the Gold Hunter's Manual. New Yoi
Bowen (Asa M.i, Si itementon San Pascual, 1846. MS.
Bowers (Stephen), Santa
land.
In Smithsonian Report,
Bowie (Aug. J.). Hydraulic Mining in California. San
Howie (Richard I.), Speech in U. S. Ii. of Rep., June G, 1850, on the Californian Question.
Washington, 1850.
Bowles (Samuel), Across the Continent. Springfield, 1866; Our New V.
Hartford, etc., 1869; The Pacific Railroad.
Boston,
Boyer (Lanson), From the Orient to the Occident. New York, 1S7S.
ta
(C. T.),
Bouchacourt
((
...
Boynton
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
xxxi7
Br
Brackc
Brack(
foSforte
(Vireyl'' Autorisaeion
para la fundacion de
Bateriaside
Braacitete fvtey), A Borica sobre
N uevaa Urn
Francisco,
S.
793.
Mh.
1794-7.
Branciforte (Virey), Instruction,
MS.
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Oficios,
Vanos
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Cab ornn
Mark^!' MS. 1 vol. In Archive de
lo4 1.
California
to
Trip
a
of
Bray (Edmund), Memoir
March
25, 8o0 on the Message
Rep.,
of
H.
S.
in
U.
Speech
Breck
gSffl
of the
Y\ ashington, 18o0.
President relating to California.
MS.
Memoirs.
Pioneer
Breen (John),
Party.
"RrpPTi r Pa trick) Diarv of one of the Donner
1
and C
In
named
Not
in this list.
'
I.
vol.
i.
'
129.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
and Territo
'
bof the
'
San Franci
J;
xxzt
[ountah
>,
lineral
Wi
faited States.
the
1867; ]
Slope, etc.
San Francisci
Paris, n.d.j
lifornie, etc.
Bryant (Edwin),
of
1;
the
N-
ork,
(William Cullen), II:
lalifornia.
nt
What
saw
in
rk, 187'
4 vols.
Virey), Comunicaciones a] lom. < len. y rob*- de !al., 77-'
,s
177.'!.
v"irey), [nstrnccion al Comandanl
MS.
7"
cion del Vir y.
17
Bucareli (Vir
30 Set., 1771
li (Virey), [nstrnccion del Virey.
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ilo(N. V.), Courier.
<
<
<
'.'.
Larkin
and X.
Bufium
(E.
Burnett ( Peter H
!
:
'
Philadelphia,
of
lie
Pj
N".Y.,1
t.
3.
Burney (Jam
or Pay
us (Aaron),
Burr
L
Burris
1.
T.),
in.
tgislature,
(
Londoi
Statement
Chart
tavis),
1865
6.
of Vigil
Sa<
Nan
aim
MS.
cisco, L858;
cisco,
Movement
University
Franin
ls.">7.
Bustamante (Anastasio),
L830
for a
.,
1
2.
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ican*,
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^i
^S^Wto^).
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.
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73
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7,
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xxvi.
Universal,
California, 17 J9, in Viagero
b. *., J
of the.
ornia Academy of Sciences, Proceedings
4to.
seq.
et
1871
San Jose,
California Agriculturist.
San Francisco, lb/0; Id., 1873
All about California.
1850, on the
California,
nient; Id., 1875
'1-
and Supple-
and Supplement.
[31st Cong.,
.,
J I.
Kx.
,1850-3.
eminent
n.pl., n. d.
California Culturist.
San Francisco, 1858-GO. 3 \
California se declara Independicnte de M<
183G.)
California, Emigrants' Guide to.
London, 1849,
California, Establecimiento y Pro;_
las Mif
if ornia.
In Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. iv., torn. iv.
California, Establishment of Mint and Light-houses.
H. Ex. Doc.
Washington, 18
California, Fresh Water Tide Lands.
San Francisco,
[31st
47.]
New York
1:
(1849).
California
ornia,
Sess., Sen.
AUTHOR
California, Its Gold
Cali
and
!alifornia,
mrii
>TED.
its In]
ad< n, l^~
'
>.
50.
.'
Journala of
with Appendices
L03 vol
printed by the
ng of
the
ings: Act; Adjuta
all
I
'<
con
in
my
d b
[cultural, Mining, and
Mechan-
Bank( !omm
Scliool
Blind
Ednca
[n8titutej
.
Directory;
ional
Of
'
Messages of
Militia;
ind
'
dments; Public
[cultural Society,
Min
River
'J
qui
LB
I.
Commission.
ornia
<
,i
California,
(
Jalifornia
Land
Land
Titles,
Titles.
<
:'
<
I '
S. Sui
J. a
v.-
Cali
7.
la
lure.
Di
18.
ine
I
and Mountaineer.
San
17 vols.
tedical Gazette.
San Francisco,
California Medical
California, Memorial of 1
San Francisco,
grate n.
San Francisco,
cq.
Califom
California,
7'
ire
to
Immi-
San 1'
antile Journal, 18G0.
transmitting constitution.
60.
ig.,
>,
etc.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
xarri3i
&
MS.; Portraits
Archive
iSa
gffi: iscraM.
Middle Class Colonies.
C'auS'nla, Project for
n.d.
.1-
San Fnuicu
[43d
California!
. i*---.
n PL,
Supreme Court,
in library- of t!,e
O *,
Francisco, 1S78.
California and New Mexico,
and
4to.
51.
California," Tarif
1.]
I-
Long., -M
W
Was
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"
Campbell,
Campbell
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My
of Spanish
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J
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AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
il>a (Manuel),
lardona (Ni
Habili
[emorial sobi
<
<
(J
MS.
Die. is.;7.
Antonio
Antonio I, Pedimi
Carrillo (Domingo),
leltas.
'.ir. illo
Domingo), tocumen
(
larrillo
(<
larlos
llo
(<
larlos
I.
(Joaquin
I,
MS.
ornia.
(,1846.
1
MS.
ral.
17
(Pedro C.),
Carrillo (Raimundo), Los Edifici<
Carrillo (Raimundo), Instruccion que
Sta
MS.
Carrillo (Raimundo),
del Capitan, 1795
Toll (Anna Ella),
ir of the R
(
M 9.
larrillo
18J
MS.
!arrillo
12.
MS.
Cal.
MS.
'.
<
q.
MS.
7.
(W.), I';
and The Church.
Vigilai
Francisco,
on (J. H.), Earl;
lections of the Mines, etc.
Stockton, \i
(an<r.
Nev. ), Appe il, Stat*
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'11
1858.
k,
Cary (Thomas
G.),
1877, 702.
<
ssell's
i'ly
('
adulterio, 1836.
MS.
Castafiarea (Jose Maria), (ansa Beguida Contra Ana Gonzalez. Adulterio de J.
\^'M>.
MS.
M. Castafiarea y Alfonsa G<
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Castafiares (Manuel), Cartas del Administrator de la Aduana.
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Castafiarea (Manuel), Coleccion de Documentos relativos al departamento de
1
iifornias.
Mexico, 1845.
Castillero (Andres), Varias Cartas del Capitan y Comisionado.
MS.
Castillo (Antonio del), Memoria sobre las Minas de Azogue de Aineriea.
Mexico, 1871.
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I
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
Nl
Juez dc Distrito.
MS.
<
de
la
iterey, 1836.
El Cm
.
(Dcspacho
ro
:ro
ro
tro
Castro
(astro
Castro
roville, Argus.
Catald (Magin), Carta sobreNootka, 1794. MS.
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la (Magin), Correspondencia del Misionero de Sta Clara.
Catecismo politico arreglado a la Constitucion de la Monarquia Espahola,
;
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Catholic World.
New
York, 18G5 et
seep
S. F., 1870.
vols.;
Mexico,
1852.
pamphlets.
Cerruti (Enrique), Historical Note-books, 1821-46. MS. 5 vols.
liti (Enrique), Ramblings in California.
MS.
Cevallos. Do cl Seuor Cevallos, de la situacion actual, del Plan de Jalisco, y
del Gen. Uraga.
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Chamberlain (Charles II.), Statement. MS.
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Chevalier (Michel), On the Probable Pall in the Value of Gold. New York,
'
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AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
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Griiana j uato,
1 S47.
Many pamphlets.
Choate (D.) and E. W. Moore.
May
and
Washington, 1850.
Speech in U. S. II. of Rep., Apr. 19, 1850. .Constitution of California. Washington, 1850.
Cleveland (Richard J.), Narrative of Voyages. Cambridge, 1842. 2 vols.;
1G
20, 1850.
Cleveland (Chauncey
F.),
Boston, 1850.
Clippings from the California Press in regard to Steam across the Pacific. San
Francisco, 18G0.
Cioverdale, News, Reveille.
Clubs.
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Clyman (James), Diary of Overland Journey, 1844-6. MS.
Clyman (James), Note Book, 1844-6. MS.
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Codman
(John),
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J.),
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Washington, n.d.; and various Speeches.
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AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
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Coscof, 1S1G.
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(
lorreo
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de
la
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
Corwin (Moses B.), Speech in U. S. II. of Rep., Apr.
fornia.
Washington, 1850.
Cosmopolitan Monthly. San Francisco, 1874 et seq.
xliii
9,
1850, to
Admit
Cali-
laws and regulations, and other official publicaof county but not named in this list.
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Crary (Oliver B.), Statement on Vigilance Committee in San Francisco. MS.
Crescent City, Courier, Herald, 1854, Del Norte Record.
Crespi (Juan), Diario de la Expcdicion de Mar., 1774. In Palou, Not., i. 624.
Crespi (Juan), Diario del registro de San Francisco, 1772. In Palou, Not. i. 48
Crespi (Juan), Primera Espedicion de Tierra al Descubrimiento del Puerto do
San Diego, 1769. In Palou, Not., ii. 93.
Crespi (Juan), Viage de la espedicion de tierra de San Diego a Monterev,
17G9.
In Palou, Not., i. 285.
Croix (Teodoro), Comunicaciones del Com. Gen. de Provincias Internas al
Gobr. de Cal., 1777 et seq. MS. In Prov. St. Pap., i.-iv. and other
archives.
Croix (Teodoro), Disposiciones para la Guerra a los Yumas, 1782. MS.
Croix (Teodoro), Instruccion sobre Donativos en California para la Guerra con
Inglaterra, 1781.
MS.
Croix (Teodoro), Instrucciones al Capitan Rivera, 1779. MS.
Cronisc (Titus Fey), Natural Wealth of California. San Francisco, 1868; Id.
with illustrations and corrections.
Crosby (E. 0.), Events in California. MS.
Crowell (J.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep. June 3, 1850, on Admission of California.
Washington, 1850.
Cuesta.
See 'Arroyo de la Cuesta.'
Currey (John), Incidents in California. MS.
Cutter (D. S.) See Directories. Sacramento, 1860.
Cutts (James Madison), Conquest of California and N. Mexico. Phila., 184-7.
County
registers, poll-lists,
tions, cited
by name
"
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
jcliv
Boston 1 83 1
Boston, 1858.
New York, 1840; New
Jr.), Two Years before the Mast.
Boston, 1873; Boston, 1880.
MS.
filliam r. ), Letters of a Trader.
(Guillermo G.), and Vicente Moraga, Lista de Extrangeros en Sta Bar-
a (C.
W.
I
),
D.),
<
;!
I.
MS.
MS.
Danti (Antonio), Diario de un Reconocimiento de la Alameda, 1705.
San FranV.), Reilcccioncs a los Californios e Hispano- Americanos.
|
cisco.
[18G4.]
In
S.
1878.
Dean
(Peter),
Occurrences in California.
MS.
New Orleans,
1854-7. 7 vols.; Encyclopedia of Trade and Commerce of the U. S.
London, 1854. 2 vols.
Decreto del Congreso Mcjicano sobre Colonizacion, 18 Agosto 1824. MS.
Decreto del Congreso Mcjicano, secularizando las Misiones. 17 Agosto 1833.
InArrillaga, Rccop. 1833, p. 19.
Decreto de las Cortes, 4 Enero 1813, Secularizacion. MS.; also in Mexico,
Leycs Vigentes 1879, p. 56; Dwinclie's Col. Hist. Add. 20.
Deer Lodge (Mont.), Independent.
In Overland Monthly, v. 38.
oot (Henry), The Donner Party.
Del Mar (Alexander), A History of the Precious Metals. London, 1880.
Delano (Amasa), The Central Pacific Railroad, or '49 and 'G9. San Francisco,
New York, 1SG1; Old Block's Sketch
1SG8; Life on the Plains, etc.
Book. Sacramento, 185G; Penknife Sketches. Sacramento, 1853.
Delessert, Les Mines.
In Revue des Deux Mondes. Feb. 1, 1S49.
Del Norte County, History of. See Bledsoe, A. J.
Demarcacion y Division de las Indias. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc,
De Bow
Industrial Resources.
etc.,
xv. 409.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
xlv
6 Nov., 1SCG.
Directories, Los Angeles; Marysville, Amy; Nevada Co., Bean; Nevada and
Grass Valley, Thompson; Oakland, Stillwell; Pacific Coast Business,
Laiigley; Placer County, Steele; Placerville, Fitch; Sacramento, Colville; San Francisco, Bishop, Colvillc, Gazlay, Harris, Bogardus and
Labatt, Judicial, Kimball, Langley, Larkin and Belden, Le Count and
Strong, Morgan, Parker, Potter; San Francisco, California, and Nevada;
San Jose, Bishop, Colahan and Pomeroy; San Joaquin County, Bcrdine;
Santa Clara; Solano; Stockton, Bogardus; Tuolumne County, Heckendorn and Wilson; Vallejo, Kelley and Prescott; Watsonville.
Disturnell (J.), Influence of Climate. New York, 18G7.
Dittmann (Carl), Narrative of a Seafaring Life from 1844. MS.
Dix (John A.), Speeches and Occasional Addresses. New York, 18G4. 2 vols.
Dixon, Tribune.
faturo.
[En verso.] Sonoma [1838].
Documens sur l'Histoire de Calif omie. In Petit-Thouars, Voy., iv.
Documentos para la Historia. 184G-8. In Los Angeles, Southern California.
Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. 4 vols.
Documentos para la Historia de Mexico. Mexico, 1853-7. 20 vols. 4 series,
scrie
iii.,
in folio
and in four
parts.
of
North
Douglas, Speech in U.
Worcester. 1874.
Drake (Francis), Drie Voornaarnc Zce-Togten. In Aa, Naauk. Vers, xviii.
The Famous Voyage. In Hakluyt's Voy. iii.
Francis Drake Revived,
,
n.pl.
[1630
];
Encompassed [Hakluyfc
Soc. ed.]
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
dvi
Drama, Copy
of a Spanish
Drama
of 17S9.
MS.
autour da Monde.
Paris, 1835.
London, 1873.
(S.), Our Journal in the Pacific.
MS.
Earll (John O.), Statement of 1849.
Earliest Printing in California. ACollectionof all documents printed before 1848.
Earthquake. The Great Earthquake in San Francisco S. F. 1868.
Eaton (Henry), Pioneer of 1838. MS.
Echeandia (Jose Maria), Bando sobre Elecciones, 1S28. MS.
Echeandia (Jose Maria), Carta que dirige a D. Jos6 Figueroa en defensa de lo
que ha hecho para secularizar las Misiones, 1833. MS.
Echeandia (Jose" Maria), Decreto de Emancipacion a- favor de los Ncofitos,
Eardley-Wilmot
1826.
MS.
MS.
Echeandia (Jose Maria), Reglamento para
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
xlvii
in California.
In
Hunt's Merchants' Mag., xxxi. 385.
Evans (Richard S.) and H. W. Henshaw, Translation, Voyage of Cabrillo.
In U. S. Geog. Surv., Wheeler, vii., Arch., 293.
Expediente sobre el modo de dividirse las misiones, 1770. MS.
Expediente sobre las Enfermcdades dc la Tierra, 1805. MS.
Expediente sobre Reciprocas Quejas del Gobernador y Religiosos, 17S7. MS.
Expulsion of Citizens of the U. S. from Upper Cal. President's Mess. [28th
Cong., 1st Sess., Sen. Doc. 390.] Wash., 1843.
Ezquer (Ignacio), Memorias de Cosas Pasadas. MS.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
xlviii
New
York, 135G.
In-Doors and Out.
(Eliza W.), California,
Phil., 18G0; Life,
I. T. or Thos. J.), Early Days of California.
Adventures and Travels in Cal. Pictorial ed. N. Y., 1857; Life, Adad Travels in Cal. X. Y., 184G; N. Y., 1S49; N. Y., 1850;
N. Y., 1853; Travels in the California^. N. Y., 1844.
MS.
nt of Vigilance Committees in S. F.
Farwell (James D.),
.'
In Honolulu Friend, Nov.-Dec, 184G.
Letters from California,
MS.
LebT.), Historical Facts on California.
de POcean Pacifique. Paris, 1S4G.
A.), L'Oregon ct L
Farnham
,-
<
n.pl., 1SS1.
of the Work of.
Figueroa (Jose), Anuncia a los CaKfornios su Uegada, 10 Enero, 1833. [The
first specimen of California printing.]
Figueroa (Jose), Bando contra Hijar, 1834. MS.
Figueroa (Jose), Bando en que publica la Eesolucion de la Diputacion contra
Account
Hijar, 1834.
Figueroa (Jose),
Figueroa (Jose),
Figueroa (Jose),
Figueroa (Jose),
Monterrey,
Figueroa (Jose),
Habitantes.
Figueroa (Jose),
1831-2.
MS.
MS.
Figueroa (Jose"), Instrucciones Generales para cl GJobiernode Cal., 1832. MS.
Figueroa (Jose), Manifiesto a la Repiiblica Mejicana. Monterey, 1835.
Figueroa (Jose), The Manifesto of. S. Francisco, 1855.
roa (Jcse), Observaciones de un Ciudadano.
MS.
Figueroa (Jose), Plan de Propios y Arbitrios. Monterrey, G Agosto, 1834.
Figueroa (Jos), Prevenciones Provisionales para la Emancipacion de Indios,
MS.
1833.
Flint.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
xlix
MS.
Florcs (Jose* Maria), Cartas varias.
Elores (Jose Maria), Informe al Gob r de Sonora, 5 Feb. 1877.
-
Mar.
5,
In Sonorcnsc,
1847.
MS
Fondo Piadoso de
Fondo Fiadoso de
Fondo Piadoso dc
Californias, 1773.
MS.
Californias, Dccreto 24 Oct. 1842.
MS.
Californias, Demostracion dc los sinodos
que adeuda a
los
Religiosos, 1811-34.
MS.
Fondo Piadoso de Californias, Ley
London, 178G.
4to.
Foster (G. G. ), The Gold Regions of California. New York, 1848; N. Y. 1S49,
Foster (Stephen C), Angeles from '47 to '49. MS.
Foster (Stephen C. ), First American in Los Angeles. In Los Angeles Express.
Foster (Stephen C), Various Writings. MS.
Fourgeaud, The Prospects of California. In California Star, April, 1848.
Fowler (John), Bear Flag Revolt. MS.
Fowler (Orin), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., March 11, 1850, on Constitution
,
of California.
Washington, 1850.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
Galvez (Jose
que ha de Observar
el teniente
D. Pedro Fages,
1769. MS.
Galvez (Virey), Comunicaciones al Gob r de California, 1783-5. MS.
Galvez (Virey), Instruccion formada en virtud dc real orden. Mexico, 1786.
Galvez (Virey), Instrucciones al Gobr- Fages, 1786. MS.
Garcds (Francisco), Diario y Dcrrotero. In Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. ii., i. 225.
Garcia (Inocente), Hechos Historicos. MS.
Garcia (Jose E.), Episodios Historicos. MS.
Garcia (Marcelino), Apunte sobre el General Micheltorena. MS.
Garcia Diego (Francisco), Carta Pastoral. Mexico, 1840.
Garcia Diego (Francisco), Carta Pastoral contra la costumbre de azotar & los
Indios, Junio 30, 1833.
MS.
Garcia Diego (Francisco), Correspondencia de un Misionero y Obispo.
MS.
Garcia Diego (Francisco), Parecer del P. Fiscal sobre el Proyecto de Secularizacion, 1833.
MS.
Garcia Diego (Francisco), Reglas que propone el P. Prefecto para Gobierno
interior de las ex-misiones, 1S35.
MS.
Garden of the World. Boston, 1856.
Gardiner (Me.), Home Journal.
raribay (Virey), Comunicaciones al Gobernador de Cal.
MS.
Garijo (Agustin), Carta del P. Guardian en que da Noticia de la Revolucion,
1811.
MS.
lamer (William R.), Letters of a Pioneer of 1824. MS.
iiica del Castillo (Nicanor), Recuerdos sobre California.
MS.
rarniss (James R.), Early Days of San Francisco.
MS.
(
'a;y (George), The Roaming Badgers.
MS.
-
MS.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
li
Gay
1853.
Gibson (H. G.), Address at the Fourth Annual Banquet of New York California Pioneers.
In San Jose Pioneer, Feb. 15, 1879.
Gibson (Otis), Chinaman or White Man, Which? San Francisco, 1873; The
Chinese in America. Cincinnati, 1877; other articles on Chinese.
Giddings (George H. ), The case of Contractor on the Overland Mail Route.
Washington, 18G0.
Gift (George W.), The Settler's Guide. Stockton, 1857.
Gift (George W. ), Something about California. Marin County, S. Rafael, 1875.
Gilbert (Frank T.), See Histories of San Joaquin and Yolo Counties.
Gillespie (Archibald H.), Correspondence of a Government Agent. MS.
Gillespie (Charles V.), Vigilance Committee. MS.
Giiman (Daniel C), Building of the University. Inaugural Address Nov. 7,
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
lii
uel G.),
Bo
Goycoechea
Goycoechea
Goycoechea
(Felipe),
(Felipe),
(Felipe),
Misioneros, 179S.
MS.
Graham
(J. D.),
ner, 1795.
Grimm
MS.
The Chinese Must Go.
(Henry),
Grimshaw (William
1848.
MS.
MS.
<
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
liii
Gutierrez (Nicolas), Varias Cartas del Capitan y Gefe Politico, 1832-6. MS.
M.), Argument on the Subject of a Pacific Railroad. Wash.,
n.pl. n.d. ; Land Titles in California.
Speech
1800; Congress Record,
Wash., 1851; Navyin reply to Mr Benton in U. S. Sen., Jan. 2, 1851.
Gwin (William
Habersham (A. W.), North Pacific Surveying and Expl. Ex. Phila.,
Hacke (William), Collection of Original Voyages. London, 1G99.
Hakluyt (Richard), The Principal Navigations. Lond., 1599- 1G00.
Hakluyt's Voy.
Hale (Edward Everett), Early Maps of America.
1858.
folio.
vols.; cited as
Best, etc.
Boston, 1873;
The Ideal
Italy.
Philadelphia, 1875.
Law
Library.]
Hardenbcrgh
(J. R.),
General Land
Answer
Oifice.
of the
California.
MS.
scq.
Bibliotheca.
Harris (John), Navigantium.
London, 1705. folio. 2 vols.
Harrison (Henry W. ), Battle-Fields and Naval Exploits. Phila., II
Hart (Albert), Mining Statutes of the U. S., Cal., and Nov. S. F., 1877.
Hartman (Isaac), Brief in Mission Cases.
Hartmann (Carl), Geographisch-Statistische Beschreibung von Californien.
.
California^ situ et
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
liv
Cincinnati, 1849.
MS.
of the Columbia Rediviva, 1787, 1791-2.
Havilah, Courier, Miner,
awes (Horace), Missions in California. San Francisco, 1S5G.
(A. T.), Humboldt County.' Eureka, 1879.
[awley (A. T.), The Present Condition, etc., of L. Angeles. L. Angeles, 1876.
MS.
.ley (David N.), Observations of Men and Things.
:.
yes (Benjamin), Criminal Trials at Los Angeles. MS.
MS.
cs (Benjamin), Diary of a Journey Overland, 1849-50.
Hayes (Benjamin), Documents for the History of California. MS.
MS. and Scraps.
iiayes (Benjamin), Emigrant Notes.
Hayes (Benjamin), Land Matters in California. MS.
Hayes (Benjamin), List of Vessels. IMS.
Hayes (Benjamin), Mexican Laws, Notes. MS.
Hayes (Benjamin), Mission Book of Alta Cal. MS. and Scraps. 2 vols.
Hayes (Benjamin), Notes on California Affairs. MS.
Hayes (Benjamin), Papeles Varios Originales. MS.
Hayes (Benjamin), San Diego, Legal History. Scraps and MS.
Hayes (Benjamin), Scrap Books, 1850-74. 129 vols. ; under the following subtitles: Agriculture; Arizona. 6 vols.; California Notes. 5 vols. MS.
and Print; California Poets; California Politics. 10 vols.; Constitutional
Law; Cuyamaca Case. MS. and Print; Early California Decisions; Indians. 5 vols.; Los Angeles County. 10 vols.; Memorabilia; Mining. 13
vols. ; Monterey, Santa Barbara, etc. ; Natural Phenomena, 3 vols. ; Pacific Interests; Railroads. G vols. ; San Bernardino Count}'. 4 vols.
San
Diego, Five Years in. 4 vols. ; San Diego County, Local History. 3 vob.
Southern California, Historical Items. 2 vols. ; Southern California Politics. 2 vols. ; Southern California, Wilmington, etc. ; Studies in Politics.
7 vols. ; Supreme Court, 1SGS-74.
Haywards, Journal, Alameda Advocate, Plaindealer.
Hazlitt (Win. Carew), Great Gold Fields of Cariboo.
London, 18G2.
Healdsburg, Advertiser, Democratic Standard, Enterprise, Review, Russian
Haswell (Robert), Voyage
River Hag.
Heap (Gwinn
Hearn
Harris), Central
Route
to the Pacific.
Philadelphia, 1854.
MS.
S.
Herrcra (Antonio
lyn (Peter),
1
ijar .Carlos
liijar (Jose"
1834.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
lv
Associations.
large number of publications cited by name of
the Association.
Honolulu, Friend, 1843 et seq. ; Hawaiian Spectator; Polynesian, 1857 et
scq.; Sandwich Island Gazette, 1836 et seq.; Sandwich Island News,
1846 et seq.
Hooker (Wm. J.) and G. A.W. Arnott, Botany of Captain Beechey's Voyage.
Homestead
;;
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
Lvi
Hartford,
.).
Humboldt
el
Hawley, A. T.
Merchants' Magazine. New York, 1839 et seq.
;e (Charles E.), Sketch of the History and Resources of Santa Barbara City
and County. Santa Barbara, 1870.
hatchings' Illustrated California Magazine. San Francisco, 1857-01. 5 vols.
Hyde (George), Historical Facts on California. MS.
1
Idaho City,
(Id.)
MS.
World.
Bear Flag Revolt. MS.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
lvh
Johnson (Theodore
Notes.
May
22, 1S58.
Kalama, Beacon.
Kearny (Stephen W. ), Orders and Correspondence, 1847. In Cal. and N. Mex.
Mess. & Doc. 1850; Proclamation, March 1, 1847. Original MS.; also
in print; Report to Adjutant-General Jones, March 15, 1847.
[31st
Cong., 1st Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 17, p. 283.] Washington, 1848; Reports
of San Pascual.
[30th Cong., 1st Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 513-1G.]
Washington, 1848.
A History of
Kelley (Hall
J.),
Memoir on Oregon,
1839.
MS.
Scrap-book.
King's Orphan, Visit to California, 1842-3, Scrap-book; also in Upham's No1
Kinley (Joseph M.), Remarks on Chinese Immigration. San Francisco, 1877.
Kip (Leonard), California Sketches. Albany, 1850.
Kip (Wm. Ingraham), Historical Scenes from the Old Jesuit Missions. New
York, 1875; Last of the Leatherstockings. In Overland Monthly, ii.
407; and other works.
KirchhofF(Theodor), Reisebilder und skizzen. N. Y., 1S75-G. 2 vols.
Kirkpatrick (Charles A.), Journal of 1849. MS.
Knight (Thomas), Early Events in California, of a Pioneer of '45. MS.
Knight (Thomas), Recollections. MS.
Knight (Wm. H.), Scrap-books. 40 volumes.
Knight's Ferry, .Stanislaus Index.
Hist.
Cat.,.,
Vol.
I.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
hiii
1.
8 vols. 4to.
Francois), Abr6ge de l'Histoire Generale des Voyages. Paris,
La Harpe (Jean
Washington, 1854.
Lane (Joseph), Autobiography. MS.
Langley (Henry G.), Trade of the Pacific.
La
MS.
Larkin (Thomas
1844-9.
O.), Official
MS. 2
Correspondence as U.
S.
vols.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
lix
'
xlv. 129.
Leslie (Mrs Frank), California.
New York, 1877.
Lester (John Erastus), The Atlantic to the Pacific. Boston, 1873; The
Yosemite, its History, etc. Providence, 1873.
Letts (J. M.), California Illustrated. New York, 1852; Pictorial View of Cal.
New York, 1853.
Levett's Scrap Book.
Libro de Bitacora, archivo de la Familia Estudillo. MS.
Limantour ( Jose" Y. ), Apuntes sobre la Causa contra Augusto Jouan. Mexico,
San Fran1855; Opinion delivered by Ogden Hoffman in the Cases of.
cisco, 1858; Pamphlet relating to the Claim of.
San Francisco, 1853;
Limantour Case. MS. volume of documents in S. F. Law Library; and
various documents.
Linares (Virey), Intendencias. MS.
Linschoten (J. H. van), Reys-Gheschrift Van deNavigatien de Portugaloysers
in Orienten.
Amstrelredam, 1G04. folio.
Lippincott (Sarah J. C. ), New Life in New Lands. New York, 1873.
Lippincott's Magazine.
Philadelphia, 18G8 et seq.
Lisalde (Pedro), Reconocimiento de Tierras, 1797. MS.
Little (John T.), First Years of Cal. under U. S.
MS.
Livermore, Enterprise, Herald.
Livermore (Robert), Occasional Letters from 1S29. MS.
Lloyd (B. E.), Lights and Shades in San Francisco. San Francisco, 1876.
la Virgen.
Papel de Mision. MS.
Lobscheid (W.), The Chinese; What They Are, etc.
Local histories, see name of county, town, or author.
Loa a
Lockwood
Times,
etc.
MS.
los Padres,
prohibicndo
el
uso de Carrua-
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
lx
al P.
MS.
MS.
Lond., 18G6. 2
vols.
Libros de Mision.
MS. [In possession of 0. Livermore.]
Angeles, Arehivo, Copies and Extracts. MS. 5 vols.
Angeles, Ayuntamiento Records.
MS.
Angeles, Cronica, Express, Herald, Meridional, Mirror, Morning Journal,
News, Republican, Star, Sud. Cal. Post.
Angeles, Historical Sketch of (by Hayes, Warner, and Widney). Los
Angeles, 1ST 6.
Angeles, Homes in.
See McPherson, William.
Angeles, Instancia de Regidores y Vecinos sobre Tierras, 1819. MS.
Angeles, Lista de los Pobladores, Invalidos, y Vecinos, 1S1G. MS.
Angeles, Ordenanzas de la Ciudad.
Los Angeles, I860.
Angeles, Padron, 1781.
MS.
Angeles, Reglamento de Policia, 1827, MS.
Angeles, Reparticion de Solares y Suertes, 178G, MS.
Angeles, Revised Ordinance of the City of Los Angeles, 1855. Los Ange-
reto,
s
Los
Los
Los
Los
Los
Los
Los
Los
Los
Los
Los
les,
I860. 2 vols.
of (L.
Lewin and
Co.)
Los An-
geles, 1876.
Oakland, 1SS0.
folio.
Philadelphia, 1869.
McCollum (William
McCue
S.),
California as I
Saw
it.
Buffalo, 1S50.
21,
1871.
'
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
McGlashan
(C. F.),
lxi
cisco, 1880.
Company. MS.
McKinstry (George), Papers on the History of California. MS.
McLean (Finis E. ), Speech, June 5, 1850, on Constitution of Cal. Wash. 1S50.
McPherson, Letters of Juanita. [In various newspapers.]
McPherson (W.), Homes in Los Angeles. Los Angeles, 1873.
McQueen (John), Speech, June 3, 1850, on Admission of Cal. Wash., 1850.
McWillie (W.)> Speech, March 4, 1850, on the Admission of Cal. n.pl., n.d.
Machado (Antonio), Escritos de un Sindico. MS.
Machado (Juana), Tiempos Pasados de California. MS.
Madelene (Henri de la), Le Comte Gaston de Raousset-Boulbon. Paris, 1870.
Maglianos, St Francis and Franciscans.
Maguire (John Francis), The Irish in America. New York, 1868.
Maitorena (Jos6 Joaquin), Cartas Sueltas. MS.
Malarin (Juan), Correspondencia. MS.
Malaspina (Alejandro), Nota de Oficiales. MS.
Malaspina (Alejandro) and Jose" de Bastamante, Carta al P. Lasuen, y Respuesta, 1704.
MS.
i.
580.
in S. F.
MS.
Marryat (Frank), Mountains and Mole Hills. New York, 1855; London,
Marryat (Frederick), Narrative of the Travels, etc. of Monsieur Violet.
York, 1843.
Marsh
Marsh
1855.
New
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
lxii
MS.
S. F., 1853.
G.), The Law Establishing Common Schools.
Marysville, Appeal, California Express, Herald, North Calif ornian, Northern
Statesman, Standard, Telegraph.
Marysville and Benicia National Railroad. Report of Engineers on Survey.
Marvin (John
'Marysville, 1853.
Mason (Richard
MS.
Matthewson
MS.
Maurelle
Maurelle
Maurelle
Maurelle
Mazatlan, Times.
Meade (Edwin
R.),
Affair, 1840.
New York,
1877.
MS.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
Merchants' Exchange Prices Current and Shipping List.
lxiii
San Francisco,
$3,000,000 [34th Cong., 1st Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 57]. Washington, 1855.
Mexican Ocean Mail and Inland Company, Reports. New York, 1853 et seq.
Mexican War.
A Collection of U. S. Government Documents, Scraps,
Pamphlets,
etc.
12 vols.
Mexican War.
Messages
Doc. 60; Sen. Ex. 1].
War
In Arrillaga, Recop.
la Administracion de Justicia 23 Mayo 1837.
1G37, p. 309; Bases y leyes Constitucipnales de la Republica Mcxicana.
Mexico, 1837; Coleccion de Decretos y Ordenes de Interes Comma. M<
Mexico,
1850; Coleccion de Leyes y Decretos, 1839-41, 1844-8, 1850.
1851-2, 6 vols.; Coleccion de Ordenes y Decretos de la Soberana Junta
Provis. Gubern. Mexico, 1829. 4 vols.; Constitucion Federal. Mexico,
1824 et seq.; Decreto sobre Pasaportes, etc., 1828. In Schmidt's Civil
Law, Spain, 346; Diario del Gobierno de la Republica Mexicana. Mexico,
1849 et seq.; Estado Mayor General del Ejercito, Escalafon. Mexico,
1854; Exposicion del Ministro de Hacienda 1848. Mexico, 1848; Instruccion Provisional Die. 22, 1824,
Mexico, 1824; Leyes Constitucionalco.
24 Die. 1829. In Arrillaga, Recop. 1836, 317; Leyes Vigentes en 1829;
Memorias de Guerra, Hacienda, Justicia, Relaciones, etc. Mexico,
1822 ct seq. [Annual Reports of the Mexican government in its different departments, cited by name and date. Nearly all contain more or
less on California.
About 200 vols.]; Providencia de la Suprema Corte,
11 Nov. 1837.
In Arrillaga, Recop. 1838, p. 572; Reglamento para la
Colonizacion, 1828.
MS.; Reglamento de la Direccion de Colonizacion.
Mexico, 1846; Reglamento de Elecciones 19 Junio 1843. MS.; Reglamento Provisional, Dcpartmentos, 20 Marzo. In Arrillaga, R.ecop. 1837,
MS.; Reglamento
p. 202; Reglamento para el ramo de Pasaportes, 1828.
para la Tesoreria general. Mexico, 1831. 4to; llcglas para Eleccionca de
Diputados y Ayuntamiento. 1830. In Arrillaga, Recop. 1830, p. 253.
Meyer (Carl), Nach dem Sacramento. Aaran, 1855.
Meyrick (Henry), Santa Cruz and Monterey. San Francisco, 1880.
Micheltorena (Manuel), Administration in Upper California, n.pl., n.d.
Michcltorena (Manuel), Bando Economico, 19 Junio 1843. MS.
Micheltorena (Manuel), Conciudadanos, etc. Monterey, Die. 16, 1814.
Michcltorena (Manuel), Correspondencia Miscelanea del Sr Gobernador. MS.
Micheltorena (Manuel), Decreto por el cual devuelve las Misiones a los Frailes,
1843. MS.
de
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
Ixiv
Miner
Miners'
in this
of
company.
Not given
list.
1813.
MS.
Mone
(Alexander),
Pioneer of 1847. MS.
Monitor, Alpine Miner.
Montanus (Arnoldus), Die Nieuwe en Onbekande Weereld.
Amsterdam.
1671. folio.
MS.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
lxv
Subject.
MS.
Murphy (Timothy),
Murray
Murray
Murray
Nacion
(La).
4to.
Washington, 1859 et
seq.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
lxvi
Nava
MS.
1801.
script.
Attorney-General in California. New York, 18G0; Further Correspondence in relation to. San Francisco, 1859; (Letter to Hon. J. S. Black,
from 'a Cal. Pioneer'). New York, 1S00; Letter to the President of the
U. S. (by John T. Doyle), New York, 18G0; Letters from San Francisco
Herald, Dec. 185S; Report of Attorney-General to the President, Resolutions of Cal. Leg., 1SG0; Smart and Cornered, n. pi., n.d.
Newark (N.
New Haven
New
New
J.),
Advertiser.
MS.
Tropic.
Newspapers
many
of
them named
in this
list.
Guardian.
ISew York, Bulletin, Commercial Advertiser, Commercial Journal and Register, Courier, Graphic, Evangelist, Evening Pest, Herald, Journal
f
Commerce, Mail, Post, Sun, Sunday Times, Times, Tribune, World.
Nicolay (C. G.), Oregon Territory. London, 1840.
Nidever (George), Life and Adventures of an Old Trapper. MS.
Niel (Juan Amando), Apuntaciones a las memorias de Ger6nimo de Zarate
Salmeron. In Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. iii.. torn. iv. 78.
Niles' Register.
Baltimore, etc., 1811-49. 76 vols.
Nordhoff (Charles), California: for Health, Pleasure, etc.
New York,
1873; Northern California, Oregon, etc. New York, 1874; New York,
<
1877.
(Lucia),
MS.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
lxvii
Nuez (Joaquin
Oakland, Alameda Democrat, Argus, California Cadet, College Echo, Democrat, Diamonl Press, Dominion Press, Herald, Home Journal and
Alameda County Advertiser, Homestead, Independent Itemizer, Journal,
Mirror, Monthly Review, Ncvlssan Review, News, Notes of Warning,
Our Paper, People's Champion, Press, Radiator, Semitropical Press,
Signs of the Times, Termini, Times, Torchlight, Transcript, Tribune,
University Echo.
Oakland Public Schools, Annual Reports. Oakland, 1870 et seq.; many
other municipal documents.
Observador Judicial y de Legislacion. Mexico, 1842 et seq.
Occident and Orient. Melbourne, etc.
Odd
1780. MS.
Ortelivs (Abrahamvs),
B.),
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
lxviii
New
Pajaro,
Monterey Union.
W.), The New and the Old.
Palmer
Palmer
(J.
(Joel),
Bucareli.
MS.
1804.
MS.
Parkman
(Francis J.),
The
California
mento, 1870.
Paschal (George W.), Speech, in the Case of
James
W.
Marshall.
Wm. McGarrahan.
Sacra-
Wash., 1869.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
lxix
MS.
el
MS.
Payeras
Payeras
Payeras
Payeras
1821.
MS.
(J. A.),
Salem, 1874.
Speech, Apr. 29, 1852, Affairs in California. Washington,
1852.
Peckham
Peirce (Henry
Peirce (Henry
Peirce (Henry
Peirce (Henry
Peirce (Henry
Peila (Cosme),
P< la (Tomas),
Pena (Tomas),
Peua (Tomas),
Escritos de un Abogado.
MS.
Cargo de Homicidio contra el Padre, 17SG-95. MS.
Diario del Viage do Perez, 1774.
MS.
Peticion del Guardian sobre limites de Sta Clara, 1798. MS.
Pensamicnto Nacional (El). Mexico, 1855 et seq.
Peralta (Luis), Cartas del Sargento. MS.
Peralta (Luis), Diario de una Expedicion contra Gentiles, 1805. MS.
Perez (Cornelio), Memoria Historica. MS.
Perez (Eulalia), Una Yicja y Sus Recuerdos. MS.
Perez (Juan), Formulario, Escripturas de Posesion, 1773. MS.
Perez (Juan), Instruccion que el Virey did a los Comandantes de Buques de
Exploracion, 24 Dec. 1773. MS. In Pinart, Col. Doe. Mex.
Perez (Juan), Reeuerdos Historicos. MS.
Perez (Juan), Relacion del Viage, 1774. MS.
Perez (Juan), Tabla Diaria, 1774. MS.
Perez Fernandez (Jose), Cartas del Allerez de Artilleria. MS.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
Ixx
1S56.
Wash.
[1850].
don, 1887.
Pico
Pico
Pico
Pico
Pico
Pico
Pico
Mexico. MS.
Pinart (Alphonse), Documents on Russian America. MS.
Pinart (Alphonse), Documents for the History of Chihuahua, 1786-1855. MS.
and print. 2 vols.
Pinart (Alphonse), Documents for the History of Sonora, 1784-1863. MS.
and print, folio. 5 vols.
Pine (George W.), Beyond the West. Utica, 1871.
Pinkerton (John), General Collection of Voyages and Travels. London,
1808-14. 4to. 17 vols.
Pinto (Rafael), Apuntaciones para la Historia. MS.
Pinto (Rafael), Documentos para la Historia de Cal. MS.
Pio VI., Breve Apostolico en que se les concede varias gracias a los Misioneros, 1797.
MS.
In
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
Pioneer Sketches,
Pitic, Instruccion
Collection.
Plan
Plan
Plan
Plan
Plan
Plan
Plan
Plan
Plan
lxxi
MS.
el
establecimiento de la
Nueva
Villa,
News.
1834.
list.
MS.
MS.
Portilla (Pablo), Escritos del Capitan.
Portland (Or.), Bulletin, Catholic Sentinel, Oregonian, Standard, Telegram,
West Shore.
Portola (Caspar), Diario del Viage a la California, 17G9.
MS.
Potechin, Selenie Ross, 1859. MS. translation.
Powers (Stephen), Autobiographical Sketch. MS.
Praslow (J.), Der Staat Californien. Gottingen, 1857.
Pratt (Parley Parker), The Autobiography of. New York, 1874.
Presidial Company Accounts, Rosters, etc.
San Francisco, Monterey, Santa
Barbara, and San Diego. [Scattered in the archives.]
Re^lamento e Instruccion, 1772. Madrid, 1772; Mexico, 1773.
Preston (William B.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep. Feb. 7, 1849. On Formation of a New State.
Washington, 1849.
Prieto (Guillermo), Indicaciones sobre el origen, etc., de las Rentas Generates
de la Federacion Mexicana. Mexico, 1850; Viaje a los Estados Unidos.
Mexico, 1878-9. 3 vols.
Privilegios Concedidos a Indios, 1803.
MS.
Pronunciamiento de Apalategui en L03 Angeles, 1835. In Figueroa, Man.
Pronunciamiento de Monterey contra el Plan de San Diego, 1832. MS.
Pronunciamiento de San Diego contra Victoria, 1831. MS.
Pronunciamiento de Varela y otros contra los Americanos, 1846. MS.
Protesta de los Padres contra Gabelas, 1817. MS.
Providence (R. I.) Journal.
Provincial Records.
MS. 12 vols. In Archivo de Cal.
Provincial State Papers.
MS. 22 vols. In Archivo de Cal. Id. Presidios.
2 vols.; Id., Benicia Military. 52 vols.; Id., Benicia Miscel. 2 vols.
Prudon (Victor), Correspondence d'un Francais en Californie. MS.
Pruclon (Victor), Vigilantes de Los Angeles, 1S36.
MS.
Purchas, His Pilgrimage. London, 1G14. 9 books in 1 vol. folio.
Purchas, His Pilgrimes.
London, 1G25-G. folio. 5 vols.
Purisima, Cuaderno de Tratados Medicos. MS.
Purisima, Libros de Mision.
MS.
Purisima, Peticion de los Padres sobre traslado de la Mision, 1813. MS.
Purkitt (J. H.), Letter on the Water Front Improvement. San Francisco,
Presidios,
1856.
30, 1850,
on Admission of California.
1850.
Putnam's Magazine.
New
York, 18G3 et
seq.
Wash.
'
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
lxxii
Quarterly Review.
London, 1809
et seq.
MS.
San Francisco,
San Francisco,
to.
187-");
Memo-
1S7~>.
Ramsey
Reading, Independent.
Recopilacion de Lcyes de Los Rcynos <lc las Indias mandadas Imprimir
y
Publicar por Carlos II. Madrid, 1701. folio, 4 \
Redding (Benjamin B.), In Memoriam. 5
Rednitz (L.), Getreuester und Zuverl
r und Rathgeber zur
R<use nach und in Amerika und ( !alifornien.
Bei lin,
Redwood City, San Mateo Journal, San Ma
te.
Reed (James F.), The Donner Tragedy. In Pacific Rural IV,
and San J
I
Pioneer, 1877.
Registro de Licencias Militares, 1839.
1,
MS.
.,,.
in California.
N. Y.
etc., 1849.
v. 42G.
'
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
lxxiii
Friend,
ii.,
1849.
Rhoads
(Daniel), Relief of
807.
MS.
MS.
yage.
Lond., 1839-40.
-'
MS.
1774.
Rivei
<
Roach
lifornia.
New
MS.
Day
York,
Co.
MS.
Rofliii
(M.
Romero
),
(Jos6),
I.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
lxxiv
Romero
Romero
(-lose"
MS.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
lxxv
Sal (Hermencgildo), Informes sobre los Edificios de San Francisco, 1702. MS.
Sal (Hermenegildo), Instruccion al Cabo de la Escolta de Sta Cruz, 1791. MS-.
Sal (Hermenegildo), Reconocimiento de la Mision de Sta Cruz, 1791. MS.
MS.
Sal (Hermenegildo), Respuesta a las Quince Preguntas, 1798.
Sala (George A.), America Revisited. London, 1882. 2 vols.
MS.
Salazar (Alonso Isidro), Condicion Actual de Calif ornia, 179G.
San
San
San
San
San
San
MS.
Sanchez (Jos6 Antonio), Journal of the enterprise against the Cosemenes, 182G.
In Becchey's Voy., ii. 27.
Sanchez (Jose" Antonio), Notas al Reglamento de Secularizacion, 1S32. MS.
Sanchez (Jos6 Ramon), Notas Dictadas por e) Ciudadano. MS.
Sanchez (Vicente), Cartas de un Angelino. IMS.
Sanchez, Fidalgo, and CostansO, Informe sobre auxilios que se propone enviar
aCal., 1795. MS.
Sancho (Juan), Informe del Guardian al Virey, 1785. MS.
Sancho (Juan), Informe del P. Guardian al Virey. 20 Agosto, 17S5. MS.
Sandels.
See 'King's Orphan.'
San
San
San
San
San
San
July, 1858.
San Francisco, 1869.
San Diego, Bulletin, Union, World.
San Diego City, Descriptive, Historical, Commercial, Agricultural, and other
Important Information. San Diego, 1874.
San Diego and Southern California, The Climate, etc. San Diego, n.d.
San Diego the California Terminus of the Texas Pacific R. R. San Diego, 1S72.
San Fernando, Lista Alfabetica de Neoiitos. MS.
San Francisco, Aet to Charter the City. S. F. 1850; many other acts.
San Francisco Baptist Association, Minutes. San Francisco, 1850 et seq.
San Francisco Bulkhead, Address to Members of State Senate. S. P., 18G0;
and various other pamphlets on same subject.
,
Ixxvi
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
San
San
San
San
San
San
'.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
lxxvii
San
San
San
San
San
San
San
San
San
San
San
Josd,
Jos6,
Jose,
Josd,
San
San
San
San
San
San Miguel (Juan Rodriguez
Misiones de California.
de),
Documentos
Mew,
Santa
Santa
Santa
Santa
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
lxxviii
S.
Buenaven-
MS.
Santa Monica, The Coming
tura, 1705.
1823. MS.
MS.
Sarria (Vicente Francisco), Carta Pastoral, 1817.
MS.
Sarria (Vicente Francisco), Defensa del P. Luis Martinez, 1839.
MS.
Sarria (Vicente Francisco), Escritos Suoltos del Comisario Prefecto.
MS.
Sarria (Vicente Francisco), Exhortacion Pastoral, 1813.
Sarria (Vicente Francisco), Informe del Comisario Prefecto sobre los Frailcs
de California, 1S1 7. MS.
MS.
Sarria (Vicente Francisco), Informe de Misiones, 1S19.
"MS.
Sarria (Vicente Francisco), Scrmones en Lengua Vasciiense.
Saunders (William), Through the Light Continent. London, et \. 1879.
Savage (Thomas), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. 4 vols.
Sawtelle(C. M.), Pioneer Sketches. MS.
Sawyer (A. P.), Mortuary Tables of San Francisco. San Francisco. 1862.
Ms.
,1846.
Sawyer (Charles H.), Documents on the
Sawyer (Eugene T.), The Life and Career of Tiburcio Vazquez. San Jose,
1875.
Sawyer
(L. S. B.),
Courts, etc.
mittee.
San Francisco, 1878.
Schools, Colleges, Academies, etc.
of the institution.
Not
in this
cited
by name
list.
Berlin, 1849.
(J. L. ), Briefe eines Deutschen aus Kalifornien.
Scribner's Monthly Magazine (later the Century).
New York, 1871 et seq.
Seattle, Intelligencer, Pacific Tribune, Puget Sound Despatch.
Secalarizacion, Decreto de las Cortes, 1813.
ISIS.
Seddon (J. A.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., Jan. 23, 1850, on the Action of
Executive in Relation to California. Washington, 1850.
Sedgley, Overland to California in 1849.
Semblanzas de los Miembros del Congreso de 1827 y 1828. Nueva York, 1S28.
Semple (Robert), Letters of 1S4G-9. MS.
Sehan (Jose Francisco de Paula), Cartas Varias. MS.
Senan (Jose" F. de P.), Circular del Vicario Foraneo, 1815. MS.
Sefian (Jose F. de P.), Informes Bienales de Misiones, 1811-14, 1820-2.
MS.
Seiian (Jose" F. de P.), Respuesta al Virey sobre condicion de Cosas en Cal.,
MS.
1798.
Sepulveda (Ignacio), Plistorical Memoranda. MS.
Sermones de no se sabe cuales predicadores de California, 1790 etc. MS.
Schwarz
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
Sermones Varios de Misioncros.
Serra
Serra
Serra
Serra
Serra
(Junipero),
(Junipero),
(Junipero),
(Junipero),
(Junipero),
(Junipero),
lxxix
MS.
1882. 4to.
1847. 2 vols.
Simpson (Henry I.), The Emigrant's Guide to the Gold Mines. New York,
1848; Three Weeks in the Gold Mines.
N. Y., 1848.
Simpson (James H. ), Report of Explorations across the Great Basin, etc.
Wash., 187G; The Shortest Route to California. Phil., 18G9.
Proposiciones de los Representantes sobre clausura de Mazatlan,
Mexico, 1837.
Siskiyou County Affairs. MS.
Sitjar (Antonio), Reconocimiento de Sitio para la Nueva Mision deS. Miguel,
Sinaloa,
1705.
MS.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
Ixxx
Slacum (William A.), Report on Oregon, March 2G, 1837. [25th Cong., 3d
Washington, 1838.
Sess., H. Kept. 101.]
[29th Cong., 2d Sess.,
Sloat (John D.), Despatches on the Conquest of Cal.
H. Ex. Doc. 4, p. 040; 31st Cong., 1st Sess., II. Ex. 1, pt. ii., p. 2J; also
correspondence 184G. MS.
Smiley (Thomas J. L.), Statement on Vigilance Committee and Early Times
MS.
in San Francisco.
Smith (Jedediah), Excursion a l'ouest des Monts Rocky, 182G. In Nouv.
An. Voy., xxxvii. 208.
Smith (Napoleon B.), Biographical Sketch of a Pioneer of 1S45. MS.
Smith (Persifer F.), Military Correspondence. [31st Cong., 1st Sess., Sen.
Doc. 52.] Washington, 1849.
Smith (Persifer F.), Bennett Riley et als. Reports in Relation to the Geology and Topography of California and Oregon.- [31st Cong., 1st Sess.,
Sen. Ex. Doc. 47.] 'Washington, 1849.
Smith (Truman), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., March 2, 1848, on Physical
Character of Northern States of Mexico, etc. Washington, 1S48.
Smithsonian Institution, Annual Reports. Washington, 1853 et seq.
Smucker (Samuel M.), Life of Col. J. C. Fremont. New York, 1850.
Snelling, Merced Banner, Merced Herald.
Soberanes (Clodomiro), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS.
Sobrantes, Survey of Rancho. San Francisco, 1S7.
Sociedad Mexicana de Geografia y Estadistica, Boletin. Mexico, 1SG1 et seq.
[Includes Instituto Nacional.]
See Institutions.
IMS.
Sola (Pablo Vicente), Correspondencia del Gobernador, 1805-22.
MS.
Sola (Pablo Vicente), Defensa del P. Quintana y otros, 1810.
Sola (Pablo Vicente), Informe al General Cruz sobre los Insurgentes, 1 818. MS.
MS.
Sola (Pablo Vicente), Informe General al Virey sobre Defensas, IS17.
Sola (Pablo Vicente), Informe suplementario sobre los Insurgentes, 1818. MS.
Sola (Pablo), Instruccion General a los Comandantes, contra los Insurgentes,
Societies.
1818.
MS.
MS.
New
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
lxxxl
Lower
California, 1847.
MS.
In
S.
Paris, 1853.
New
York, 1856.
Stockton and Copperopolis Railroad, Engineers' Report, Oct. 1SG2.
Stockton,
MS.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
lxxxii
Brush.
y Mexicana, Relacion del Viage hecho por las Goletas.
Sutil
atlas.
Cal.
4to.
MS.
Tapis
Tapis
Tapis
Tapis
Tapis
Tapis
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
lxxxiii
Taylor
Taylor
Taylor
Taylor
fornia, China,
(Jacob),
Thompson
nia Question,
5,
n.pl., n.d.
of California in U. S. H. of
Rep. June 5, 1850. Washington, 1850.
Thompson (Robert A.), Historical and Descriptive Sketch of Sonoma County.
Philadelphia, 1877.
of
counties.
of California.
N. Y., 185G.
Thornton (Harry
J.),
Washington. 1850.
Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., Mar. 25, 1850, on the admisWashington, 1850.
sion of California.
Tikhmenef (P.), Istoritcheskoe Obosranie. St Petersburg, 1861. 2 vols.
Tilford (Frank), Argument on San Francisco Outside Lands.
Sac, 18G8.
Tinkham (George H.), History of Stockton. San Francisco, 1SS0.
Todd (John), The Sunset Land. Boston, 1870.
Question.
Thurston
Toombs
(S. R.),
(Albert G.),
of 1841.
In
S.
F. Bulletin,
nia.
S. F., 1874.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
Ixxxiv
New
New
Women
New
New
MS.
tern as.
Ukiah, City Press, Constitutional Democrat, Democratic Despatch, Mendocino County Press, Mendocino Democrat, Mendocino Herald.
Ulloa (Francisco), Relatione dello Scoprimento, 1539. In Ramusio, Viaggi,
iii.
330.
In
Boletin, torn.
ii.
42.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
Lxxxv
MS.
Vald<5s (Dorotea), Reminiscences.
Valdds (Jos6 Ramon Antonio), Mcmorias. MS.
Valle (Antonio del), Correspondcncia del Teniente. MS.
Valle (Ignacio del), Cartas. MS.
Valle (Ignacio del), Documentos para la Historia de Cal. IMS.
Valle (Ignacio del), Lo Pasado dc California. MS.
Vallejo, Advertiser, Chronicle, Independent, Independent Advocate, People's
Independent, Recorder, Solano County Democrat, Solano Times.
Vallejo, 1871.
Vallejo, 1868; The Prospects of.
Vallejo, The Future of.
[Rep. from Solano Advertiser, 1808-9.] n.pl., n.d.
Vallejo, Resources of.
Vallejo (Ignacio), Cartas del Sargento Distinguido,
MS.
MS.
Vallejo (Jos6 de Jesus), Libro de Cuentas.
MS.
Vallejo (Jose de Jesus), Reminiscencias Historicas.
Vallejo (Mariano Guadalupe), Campafia contra Estanislao, 1829.
MS.
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Carta Impresa al Gob r 20 de Julio.
[Sonoma] 1037.
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Circular Impresa en que anuncia su nombramiento de
Comandante General, Nov. 21, 1838. .[Sonoma, 1838.]
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Correspondence of Sub-Indian Agent, 1847. In Cal. and
N. Mex., Mess, and Doc, 1850.
Vallejo (Mariano G. ), Correspondcncia Hist6rica. MS.
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Discourse, 8 Oct. 1S7G.
In S. F., Centen. Mem., 97.
Vallejo (Mariano G. ), Discurso Hist6rico, 8 de Oct. 1876.
MS.
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Documentos para la Hist, de California.
1709-1850.
-
MS. 37 vols.
Vallejo (Mariano
California al
Vallejo (Mariano
Vallejo (Mariano
Vallejo (Mariano
Vallejo (Mariano
Vallejo (Mariano
G.
),
el Comandante G<
Misma. Sonoma, 17 Agosto
Escritos Oficiales y Particulares.
Gobernador de
la
la
Alta
G.),
G.), Historia de California.
MS. 5 vols.
San Jos<5, 1850.
G.), Informe sobre jSTombres dc Condados.
G.), Informe Reservado sobre Ri
G.), Informes al Ministrode Guerra sobre la Sablevacion de
Graham, 1840. MS.
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Males de California y sus Rcmedios, 1841.
MS.
Vallejo (Muriano G.), Oficio Imprcso, en que (juiero renunciar el Mando.
1
Sept. 1838.
[Sonoma, 1838.]
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Oration, 187G. In S. F. Bulletin, July 10, 1870; and in
many other papers more or less fully.
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Ordenes dc la Comandancia General, 1837-9. [Sonoma,
1837-9].
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Proclama.
Monterey, 2iFebrcro 18
(Mariano G.), Proclama en el acto dc Prestar el Juramcnto, 1830.
Monterey, 1833.
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Proclama del Comandante Gen., 1837.
So
1837.
Vallejo (Mariano G.
[Proclama la Conspiracion do Franeisco Sol
>noma,
Octubre 1838.
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Report on County names, 1850.
In Cal. Jour. Sen.
Vail;.' jo
1850, p. 530.
MS.
Vallejo (Salvador), Aviso al Publico. Los Rancheros Principales de la Frontern de S. Francisco.
Sonoma, 15 Agosto, 1839.
Vallejo (Salvador), Xotas Historicas.
MS.
Vancouver (George), Voyage of Discovery to the Pacific Ocean. Lond., 1798.
3 vols. 4to. Atlas in folio; Lond., 1801. 6 vols.; Voyage de Decouvertes
a 1'OcCan Pacifique, etc.
Paris, An., viii. 3 vols. 4Lo. Atlas in folio.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
Ixxxvi
1881.
California Pioneers.
vols.
New
London, 1760. 20
Amsterdam, 1715-27. 8
vols.
vols.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
lxxxvii
Warner
Warner
Warner
(J. J.),
Biographical Sketch.
California and Oregon.
MS.
(J. J.),
Weaver ville,
Trinity Journal.
in U. S. Sen.,
March
23, 1848,
on Mexican War.
Weed
MS.
16, 1848,
on Acquisition
AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
lxxxviii
Wilkes
Willows, Journal.
Wilmington, Enterprise, Journal.
Wilson (Benjamin D. ), Observations of Early Days, 1841, etc. MS.
Wilson (Edward), The Golden Land. Boston, 1852.
Wilson (Robert A.), Mexico and its Religion. New York, 1855.
Winans (Joseph W.), Statement of Recollections, 1849-52. MS.
Winter, Advocate.
Winthrop (R. C), Speech, May 8, 1850, on Admission of Cal. Wash., 1853.
Wise, A few Notes on California. IMS.
Wise (Lieut.), Los Gringos. New York, 1849.
Wolfskill (William), Story of an Old Pioneer.
In Wilmington Journal.
Wood (William M.), Wandering Sketches. Phi'
>.
1849.
Wood, Alley, and Company. Sec Solano County History, and others.
Woodbridge, Messeir
Woodbridge (Sylvester), Statement on Vigilance Committee. ISIS.
Woodland, News, Standard, Yolo Democrat, Yol
V5oods (Daniel B.), Sixteen Months at the Cold Diggings. N. Y., 1851.
Work in
lia.
S. 1\, 1878.
E.), Correspondence in regard to his Operations on the Coast of
the Pacific [33d Cong., 2d Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 1C; 35th Cons,, 1st 8
H. Ex. Doc. 88, H. Ex. Doc. 124]. Wash., 1854; Id., 1!
Is
Wool (John
Augmentum.
Lovanii, 1597.
S. F.,
MS.
1854 et seq.
1879.
folio.
Zalvidea (Jose" Maria), Diario de una Expcdieion, Tierra Adentro, 1806. MS.
Zalvidca (Jose Maria) and Jose Barona, Peticion al Gefe Politico a favor de
los Indios, 1827.
MS.
i.-xi.
HISTORY OF CALIFORNIA.
CHAPTER
I.
INTRODUCTORY RESUME.
History of the North Mexican States, 1520 to 17C9 Cortes ox the
Pacific Coast His Plans Obstacles Nuno de Guzman in Sixaloa hurtado, becerra, and jlmenez cortes in california d:eoo
Ulloa Coronado Diaz
de Guzman Cabeza de Vaca Niza
Alarcon Alvarado Mixton War Nueva Galicia Nueva Vizcaya Mission Work to 1G00 Conquest of New Mexico Coast Voyages Seventeenth Century Annals Mission Districts of Nueva
Vizcaya Tepehuanes andTarahumares Jesuits and Franciscans
Revolt in New Mexico Sinaloa and Sonora Kino in Pimeria
Vizcaino
Gulf Expeditions Occupation of Baja California
Eighteenth Century Annals of New Mexico, Chihuahua, Sonora,
and Baja California, to the Expulsion of the Jesuits in 1767.
As
Spain
in the history of
to
I.
INTRODUCTORY RESUME.
nation.
ships
made slow
progress.
GUZMAN A RIVAL OF
The
CORTES.
vessels
Cortes to
stocks at
Magellan
preparing
northern coast route, a royal order required the
vessels to be despatched under Saavedra by a more
direct way to the Spice Islands and Loaisa's relief.
Yet before starting, the fleet made a beginning of
northern exploration by a trial trip up to Santiago in
Colima. Work on the other ships was stopped by the
captain-general's foes when he went to Spain in 1528;
INTRODUCTORY RESUME.
provoked to
hostility,
Guzman
back to
army
Jalisco.
of the
new
province,
Encouraged by the new audiencia Cortes took courage, and in 1532 was able to despatch two vessels
under his cousin Hurtado de Mendoza and Mazuela.
They touched at Santiago; by Guzman's orders were
refused water at Matanchel, or San Bias discovered
the Tres Marias; and after a lonof storm landed at an
unknown point on the coast. Provisions were nearly
Hurtado
exhausted, and the men became mutinous.
kept on northward, and with all his men was killed
at the Rio Tamotchala, or Fuerte; the malcontents,
returning southward, were driven ashore in Band eras
Bay and killed by the natives, all save two or three
;
who
INTRODUCTORY RESUMlL
and probably identical with La Paz; and there Jimenez was killed with twenty of his men. The few survivors brought the ship to Chametla, where they were
imprisoned by Guzman, but escaped with the news to
Cortes, carrying also reports of pearls in the northern
waters.
The captain-general now resolved to take command
in person; and, having sent three vessels from Tehuantepec early in 1535, he set out with a force overGuzman wisely kept out of the way, contenting
land.
The sea and
himself with complaints and protests.
land expeditions were reunited at Chametla, and Cor-
man among
the natives.
Alvar Nunez went to
Mexico in 153G, and next year to Spain. He had
not, as has sometimes been claimed, reached the Pueblo towns of New Mexico; but he had heard of them,
and he brought to Mexico some vague reports of their
grandeur.
These reports revived the old zeal for northern
conquest. Guzman was out of the field, but Viceroy
Mendoza caught the infection. Having questioned
Cabeza de Vaca, and having bought his negro, he resolved to send an army to the north. The command
was given to Vasquez de Coronado, governor of Nueva
Galicia. To prepare the way a Franciscan friar, Marcos de Niza, was sent out from Culiacan early in 1539.
With the negro Estevanico, Niza went, "as the holy
ghost did lead him," through Sonora and Arizona,
perhaps to Zuni, or Cibola, where the negro was
killed.
The friar hastened back with grossly exaggerated reports of the marvels he had seen.
Cortes also heard the reports of Nunez and Niza,
and was moved by them to new efforts, disputing the
ricdit of Mendoza to act in the matter at all.
He despatched Ulloa with three vessels, one of which was
lost on the Culiacan coast, in July 1539. This navigator reached the head of the gulf; then coasted the
peninsula southward, touching at Santa Cruz; and
rounded the point, sailing up the outer coast to Cedro.;
Island. One of the vessels returned in 1540; of Ulloa
in the other nothing is positively known. It seems
to have been in the diary of this voyage that the name
California, taken from an old novel, the Sergas of
Esplandian, as elsewhere explained, was applied to a
portion of the peninsula.
Governor Coronado, with a force of three hundred
Spaniards and eight hundred natives from Mexico,
icine
INTRODUCTORY rSUM&
He left a
departed from Culiacan in April 1540.
garrison in Sonora; followed Niza's route, cursing
the friar's exaggerations, and reached Zuiii in July.
Tobar was sent to Tusayan, or the Moqui towns;
Cardenas to the great canon of the Colorado; and
Alvarado far eastward to Cicuye, or Pecos. Then
the army marched east to spend the winter in the
Northern
valley of the
New
New
Spain.
towns
him Mendoza
known
as the
10
INTRODUCTORY RESUME.
Nombre de
Dios.
Some
11
exploring parties
San
Felipe.
Before 1590 the Franciscans had eight or nine missions in Durango and Chihuahua. When the Jesuits
undertook northern conversion in 1590, fathers Tapia
and Perez, and soon six more, came to San Felipe de
Sinaloa and began work on the rivers Pctatlan and
Mocorito.
They had twenty pueblos and four thousand converts before 1600.
Father Tapia reached
the Rio Fuerte and the mountains of Topia, but v
martyred in 1594; yet missions were founded in Topia
in 1600, where the mining towns of San Andres and
San Hipolito already existed. San Felipe had become
a kind of presidio in 1596, under Captain Diaz.
East
of the mountains the Jesuits also began work among
the Tepehuanes at Zape and Santa Catalina, and at
Santa Maria de Parras in the lake region of Coahuila.
Saltillo was founded in 1586; and about 1598 the town
of Parras was built in connection with the Jesuit
mission there.
New
Mexico was
12
INTRODUCTORY RESUME.
Humana murdered
his
chief and
mer
of 1599.
Let us return to the coast and to an earlier elate,
since the connection between maritime exploration
and inland progress is very slight. Mendoza at the
close of the Mixton war in 1542, though not encour^
13
INTRODUCTORY RESUME.
14
The
population.
MISSIONS OF
NUEVA VIZCAYA.
15
16
INTRODUCTORY RESUME.
MISSIONS IN
17
restore
when two
I.
18
INTRODUCTORY RESUME.
19
INTRODUCTORY RESUME.
20
many
Perea
killed
rebels,
SONORA MISSION.
21
that of the valley in which Arizpe, Ures, and Hermosillo now stand. The name was sometimes extended
for a long distance over adjoining regions, especially
northward; but never covered the Yaqui missions or
Ostimuri in the south. Missionary work was begun
in the Sonora Valley by Father Castano in 1638,
near the site of the old and ill-fated San Geronimo.
The Opatas never gave any trouble; and in 1G39 the
new district of San Francisco Javier de Sonora was
formed with five mission partidos. In 1G41 Governor
Perea obtained a division of the government, was
made ruler of all the country north of the Yaqui
towns, styling his new province Nucva Andalucia
and his capital San Juan Bautista. In consequence
of a quarrel with the Jesuits, he tried to put the
Franciscans in charge but this was a failure, and the
new government came to an end in four years; though
In 1753 seven
a garrison remained at San Juan.
Jesuits were serving twenty-five thousand converts in
twenty-three towns. In 167 8 the new district of San
Francisco de Borja was formed of the missions south
and west of Opozura; and the two consisted of eighteen missions with forty-nine pueblos and about twenty
thousand neophytes. Ten years later there were
three districts, the new one of Santos Martires de
Japon extending northward from Batuco and Nacori.
The Chinipas missions, which had been reoccupied in
1676, were now part of the Sonora district, and before
the end of the century were in a most flourishing condition, under Padre Salvatierra and his associates,
though to some extent involved in the troubles with
eastern tribes.
Father Kino in 1687 founded the mission of Dolores
on the head-waters of the Rio de San Miguel, and
thus began the conquest of Pimeria, through which
Kino hoped to reach northern California. By 1690
he had missions at San Ignacio, Imuris, and Remedios.
The Pimas were docile, intelligent, and eager for conversion; but Kino could neither obtain the needed
;
22
INTRODUCTORY RESUME.
23
INTRODUCTORY RESUM&
24
Jesuits, sailing
25
had
and
in
many
respects longer.
To Nueva
last,
Galicia as a
INTRODUCTORY RESUME.
26
Sinaloa,
last
as I
New
was
27
and
aid,
fastly refused to
become Christians.
The Apaches
23
INTRODUCTORY RESUME.
The
29
INTRODUCTORY RESUME.
30
the
name Arizona.
is
as
founded about 1741.
from
being
the
first.
bad as they had been accused of
priests
and
two
a
hunkilling
They revolt in 1751-2,
dred other Spaniards; and for five or six years there
is a bitter controversy between the missionaries and
the government touching the causes of the revolt.
But the presidio of Tubac having been established,
and a small garrison stationed at Altar, the missions
are reoccupied, and maintain a precarious existence
Six priests are
during the rest of the Jesuit period.
Bac there
a
native rancheria, called Tucson, where after 1752 a
few Spaniards have settled; but the place is tem-
serving: in 1767.
del
is
abandoned in 17G3.
The Apaches of the north are not Sonora's only
savage scourge; but from 1724 the Seris, Tepocas, Salineros, Tiburon Islanders, and other bands of the
gulf coast above Guaymas, keep the province in almost
constant terror by their ravages. There has been
some mission work done at intervals, by the Californian padres chiefly, in the Guaymas region, but no
permanent missions are established. The Cerro Prieto
is the rendezvous and stronghold not only of the tribes
named, but at intervals of the Pimas Bajos and other
bands of revolting neoplrytes. The danger from this
direction is generally deemed greater than from the
Apaches, who are somewhat restrained by the hostility of the Pimas Altos.
Campaigns to the Cerro
Prieto are frequent, and generally unsuccessful. In
one of them in 1755 Governor Mendoza is killed.
In 1734 the province of Sinaloa y Sonora is separated from Nueva Vizcaya, and put under a governor
and commandant general, whose capital is nominally
still San Felipe de Sinaloa, but really San Juan or
porarily
JESUIT MISFORTUNES.
31
and gente
cle
is
New-comers are largely German members of the company with less patience and less interest in the missions than the old Spanish workers; and all become
more or less petulant in their discouragement under
ever increasing troubles.
They are for the most part
good men, and
but they
cannot obtain the sine qua non of continued mission
INTRODUCTORY RESUME.
32
up
revolt.
33
founded at San Jose del Cabo. In 1742-8 an epidemic destroys several missions. Father Consag in
1746 and 1751 explores both the gulf and ocean
coasts. About 1750 there is a general revival in commercial, mining, and pearl-fishing industries; but it is
not of long duration, bringing blame also upon the
Jesuits. Save the praiseworthy desire to improve the
spiritual condition of its inhabitants, there is no
encouragement for the Spanish occupation of this
country. Sixteen Jesuits died in the country; sixteen
were banished in 1768. Bitter feelings against the
company in the North Mexican provinces, or indeed
in America, had but slight influence in causing the
expulsion of the Jesuits from the Spanish dominions.
is
I.
CHAPTER
II.
in
CLASSIFICATION OF WORKS.
'
35
Additional research
my subadd a few
divisions; and even now, did space permit, several
of them might be greatly extended, as will be presently explained, without really adding much to the
will
2
So far as works on California are concerned, the only previous attempt at
anything approaching a complete list is Alex. S. Taylor's Bibliografa Callfornica published in the Sacramento Union of June 25, 1803, with auditions
in the same paper of March 1.3, 18(H).
In a copy preserved in the Library of
the California Pioneers in San Francisco, there are manuscript additions of
still later date.
This work contained over a thousand titles, but its field was
the whole territory from Baja California to the Arctic Ocean, west of the
liocky Mountains, only about one half of the works relating to Alta California proper. Dr Taylor's zeal in this direction was most commendable, and his
success, considering his extremely limited facilities, was wonderful; yet his
catalogue is useless.
He never saw one in five of the works he names blunders average more than one to each title; he names many books that never
existed, others so inaccurately that they cannot be traced, and yet others
several times over under different titles.
His insufferable pedantry and affectation of bibliographic patois unite with the typographic errors of the
newspaper press to destroy for the most part any merit that the list might
otherwise have. I have no doubt there may be a few of Taylor's items representing books or documents that actually exist and are not in my list; but to
select them would be a well nigh hopeless task.
;
36
but
its
is
The reader is reminded also that in foot-notes of the following pages are
references to thousands of documents in manuscript and print that are not
given titles or mentioned separately in the list.
37
1769.
4
See in the list the following headings: Cabrera Bueno, Drake, Hakluyt,
Herrera, Linschoten, Purchas, Torquemada, and Venegas.
It is probable
that these list notes will not be deemed of any importance to the general
reader; but he can easily pass them by; and it is believed that their value to
a certain class of students will more than pay for the comparatively little
space they fill.
5
See Acosta, Apost61icos Afanes, Diaz del Castillo, Esplandian, and Villa
Senor.
6
See America, Blaeu, D'Avity, Oottfriedt, Heylyn, Laet, Low, Luyt,
Mercator, Montanus, Morelli, Ogilby, Ortelius, West Indischc Spieghel, "and
Wytfiiet; also Camden, Campbell, Coxe, and Davis.
7
See Aa, Hacke, Harris, Sammlung, Kamusio, and Voyages.
38
8
navigators, and a like number of important documents
relating to this primitive epoch, which were not known
9
As I have said, Califorin print until modern times.
nia was but incidentally mentioned in the books of
this early time; a few contained all that visitors had
revealed of the coast; while the rest were content with
a most inaccurate and superficial repetition eked out
with imagination to form the wonders of the Northern
Mystery.
of inland exploration,
of settlement, of mission-founding, of Spanish domination in California, lasting from 1769 to 1824. I have
about four hundred titles for this time; but the showing of printed matter is meagre, numbering not above
sixty. Yet the number includes three works devoted
exclusively to the province, two of them, Costanso's
Diario and the Monterey, Extracto de Noticias, being
brief but important records of the first expeditions
to San Diego and Monterey, while the third, Palou's
Viola de Junipero Serra, was destined to be the
standard history of the country clown to 1784, a
most valuable record. Next in importance were ten
works in which navigators described their visits to
California and to other parts of the western coast. 10
One of these early visitors wrote in English; two in
Spanish; three in German; and four in French.
Several of them, notably La Perouse and Vancouver,
went far beyond their own personal observations,
gleaning material by which the earliest history of the
country became for the first time known to the world.
To two of the voyage-narratives, unimportant in themselves, were prefixed by competent and well known
11
editors,
extensive summaries of earlier explorations.
8
39
rest
12
voyages and
travels.
14
18
The
may
12
Raynal
13
14
15
and Rosignon.
Berenger, Kerr, Laharpe, Pinkerton, Viagero Universal, and Voyages.
u Galvez and
17
Ulloa.
California en 1799.
18
Altamira, Arniona, Crespi, Dominguez, Garc<?s, Hall, Heceta, Mangino,
Palou, Reglamento, Revilla Gigedo, Serra, and Velarde.
40
visitor),
by
different authors.
21
22
and Robinson.
23
41
Carillo, Castanares,
30
42
periodicals, or publications
may
that
useful in
my
task.
some
37
Cientifica,
view.
38
In California were four, or rather combinations of two; Monterey CalSan Francisco Californian, San Francisco Star, and San Francisco
Star and Californian. At Honolulu, live; the Friend, Hawaiian Spectator,
Sandwich Island Gazette, Sandwich Island News, and Polynesian. In Oregon was the Spectator.
39
Abbott, Bigeiow, California, California Land Titles, California and North
ifornian,
43
44
of these recent
publications that assumes considerable importance,
that of local histories, of which my list contains over
sixty titles.
Each in connection with descriptive
matter gives something of local annals for both early
and modern times. Some of them are the Centennial
Sketches prepared at the suggestion of the United
States government, like that of Los Angeles by
Warner and Hayes, and of San Francisco by John
class
This latter work was made also incidentally a history of California/ and, like the earlier
Annals of San Francisco by Soule and others, it is a
work of much merit. The authors were able men,
though they had neither time, space, nor material to
make anything like a complete record of local events
in the earlier times.
Hall's History of San Jose
should also be mentioned in connection with the Annals as a work of merit.
And finally there are many
county histories, often in atlas form and copiously illustrated with portraits, maps, and views. Each contains a preliminary sketch of California history, with
S. Hittell.
41
'
45
more
now come
to the thousand
and more
of
manuscript authorities in my list, far exceeding those
in print for this early period, not only numerically, but
in historical value; since the country's annals down
to 1846, at least, could be much more completely
written from the manuscripts alone than from the
print alone.
Naturally these authorities lose nothing
of their value in my estimation from the facts that in
most instances no other writer has consulted them,
and that essentially all of them exist only in my coltitles
lection.
Of
46
papers. 42
With a view to the convenience of the public, rather than my own, I have made the numbers of
my volumes of copies and extracts correspond in most
San
see
Jos<,
list.
MISSION RECORDS.
47
my
44
There are at least seven collections in
list, which are public archives
similar to those before named, except that instead of being copies they are
the originals obtained by me from private sources.
See headings, Larkin,
Monterey, San Francisco, Registro, and Sonoma.
45
Archivo del Arzobispado, Archivo del Obispado, Arch, de Sta Barbara,
and Correspondencia de Misiones.
46
Sueltos.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIA^ HISTORY.
43
As
BuenavenJuan Bau-
tista, S.
PRIVATE ARCHIVES.
49
49
See the following headings, each followed by 'Documentos'or 'Papeles;'
Alviso, Arce, Avila, Bandini, Bonilla, Carillo, Castro, Coronel, Cota, Estudillo, Fernandez, Gomez, Gonzalez, Guerra y Noriega, Marron, Moreno, 01vera, Pico, Pinto, Requena, Soberanes, Valle, and Vallejo.
50
Ashley, Documentos, Fitch, Griffin, Grigsby, Hayes, Hittell, Larkin,
Janssens, McKinstry, Monterey, Murray, Pinart, Savage, Sawyer, and Spear.
Hist. Cal., Vol. I. i
50
rendered to their country by the family representatives who have made this material available to the
historian. Besides the nine bulky volumes mentioned
I have from the same source a large quantity of unbound commercial documents; the merchant's accountbooks for many years, of great value in supplying
pioneer names and dates; and, still more important,
his consulate records, containing copies of all his communications to the United States government, only a
few of which have ever been made known to the
public.
Larkin and Vallejo must ever stand unrivalled among the names of pioneer and native contributors to the store of original material for Californian
history.
My
contains about 550 titles of separate manuscript documents, the number being pretty equally
list
MANUSCRIPT DIARIES.
51
Romeu,
54
Sola, Vallejo,
and Victoria.
52
'
and Vallejo.
55
cisco.
62
MISCELLANEOUS MANUSCRIPTS.
53
be named here.
Thousands of times
my
'
in
p.
';
'
'
64
65
mon
Taylor.
6G
ray,
Compafiia Extrangera, Ford, Hartnell, Ide, Leese, Marsh, Morris, MurHelvetia, Ortega, Prudon, and Vigilantes.
New
67
Amador,
and Ortega.
68
54
made
to be nohistorical
PERSONAL REMINISCENCES.
55
56
who
William
57
It is no part of
escape severe and merited criticism.
my duty to point out defects in individual narratives
written for my use, but rather to extract from each
all that it contains of value, passing the rest in siAnd in criticising this material in bulk, I do
lence.
not allude to the few clumsy attempts in certain
dictations and parts of others to deceive me, or to the
falsehoods told with a view to exaggerate the importance or otherwise promote the interests of the
narrator, but to the general mass of statements from
honest and intelligent men.
In the statements of
past events made by the best of men from memory
and I do not find witnesses of Anglo-Saxon blood in
any degree superior in this respect to those of Spanish race
will be found a strange and often inexplicable
mixture of truth and falsehood. Side by side in the best
narratives I find accounts of one event which are models
of faithful accuracy and accounts of another event
There are notanot even remotely founded in fact.
ble instances where prominent witnesses have in their
statements done gross injustice to their own reputation or that of their friends.
There seems to exist a
general inability to distinguish between the memory
of real occurrences that have been seen and known,
and that of idle tales that have been heard in years
long past.
If in my work I have been somewhat
over cautious in the use of such testimony, it is a
fault on which the reader will, I hope, look leniently.
58
extend in
with pioneer
recollections; there are besides some twenty-five men,
'
forty-niners for the most part, who have devoted
their testimony chiefly to the vigilance committees of
San Francisco, most being prominent members of
those organizations. 76 What has been said of similar
narratives on earlier events as authorities for history
may be applied to these. In the aggregate they are
of immense value, being the statements of men who
had been actors in the scenes described. For imporclassified
'
Woodbridge.
59
McGowan, Miners,
Cal.
60
Works about
its
attendant phenomena. 89
Then
Abbey, Adam, Allsop, Auger, Berry, Ballenstedt, Borthwick, BouchaBound Home, Brooks, Bryant, Buffum, Cal. (Emig. Guide, Gold Reg.,
85
court,
Gids Naar, Its Gold, Its Past, Notes), Californie, Californien (Ant. Nach.,
Rathgeber, Und sem Golt, sein Min.), Cassell, Col ton, Diggers, Edelman,
Farnham, Ferry, Foster, Gerstacker, Gold-finders, Gregory, Hartmann,
Helper, Holinski, Hoppe, Johnson, Kelly, King, Kip, Kunzel, Lambertie,
Letts, McCollum, Mcllvaine, Marryat, Mason, Meyer, Oswald, Palmer,
Parkman, Praslow, Robinson, Ryan, Schwartz, Sedgley, Seyd, Seymour,
Shaw, Sherwood, Simpson, Solignac, St Amant, Stirling, Taylor, Thompson,
Tyson, Walton, Weil, Weston, Williamson, Wilson, and Woods.
86
Such as Aimard, Amelia, Ballou, Bigly, Champagnac, Gerstacker, Pay-
son,
87
Abell, Alexander, Bartlett, Beale, Beckwith, California (Amount, Commission, Copy, Dent, Establishment, Indians, Land Com., Message, Volunteers), Cooke, Cram, Derby, Flagg, Fort Point, Fremont, Gibbons, Graham,
Gray, Halleck, Homer, Jones, King, Mason, Meredith, Mex. Boundary, Pac.
Wagon Roads, Reynolds, Riley, San Francisco, Sherman, Smith, Sutter, Tyson,
88
U.
U.
S.
S.
of
Congress, Congressional Debates, Cong. Globe, Benton's Abridgment, Smithsonian Reports, and Pac. R. R. Reports.
89
Atlan. & Pac. R. R., Browne, Cal. Appeal, California, Fremont, Limantour, Logan, Ringgold, Pac. M. S. S. Co., S. F. Custom House, S. F. Land
Assoc, Stillman, and Thompson.
MODERN
TIMES.
61
rado.
93
Of works
etc., etc.
62
It
my
is
94
See in the list, besides the names of counties and towns: Banfield, Barton, Bledsoe, Butler, Cooper, Cox, Dwindle, Frazee, Gift, Hall, Halley, Hare,
Hawley, Hittell, Huse, Lloyd, McPherson, Menefee, Meyrick, Orr, Owen,
ALPHABETICAL INDEX.
them but
63
might be
added to the different classes before named, as pertaining to the period of 1848-56. For further bibliofor the date of their publication
CHAPTEK
III.
(64
05
coast in 1539, and the name California first appears in Preciado's diary of that voyage.
It was applied, not to the whole country, but to a
probably but not certainly identical with
locality
Santa Cruz, or La Paz. 2
Bernal Diaz, writing before 1568, speaks of the
island of Santa Cruz, and says that Cortes after many
troubles there " went to discover other lands, and came
3
This testimony is not
to California, which is a bay."
of great weight, but it increases the uncertainty. The
difference is not, however, essential.
The name was
applied between 1535 and 1539 to a locality.
It was
soon extended to the whole adjoining region; and as
the region was supposed to be a group of islands, the
name wr as often given a plural form, Las Californias.
Whence came the name thus applied, or applied by
Cortes as has been erroneously believed, was a question that gave rise to much conjecture before the
The Jesuit missionaries as repretruth was known.
sented by Venegas and Clavigero suggested that it
might have been deliberately made up from Latin or
sailed
down the
Greek
much more
reasonable
theory that the discoverers had founded the name on
some misunderstood words of the natives. 4 These
Printed in 15G5, in Ramnsio, Viaggi, iii. 343. Having left Santa Cruz Oct.
29th, on 10th of Nov. we found ourselves 54 leagues distant from California,
a little more or less, always in the south-west seeing in the night three or four
fires.
(Sempre dalla parte di Garbino vedendo la notte, etc. ) Hakluyt's translation of 1G00, Voyages, iii. 40G-7, is 'always toward the south-west, seeing in
the night,' etc. From the 0th to the loth they made 10 leagues; from the
IGth to the 24th, 12 or 15 leagues; and were then, having sighted the Isle of
agues from Santa Cruz. The author only uses the name California
once; Hakluyt's 'point of California' is an interpolation.
The definite
distance of 54 leagues indicates that California was a place they had passed;
it could not be 54 leagues cither south-west or north-east of their position,
and I suppose the direction refers to the coast generally or the fires. The distances arc not out of the way if we allow G or 9 leagues for the progress made
on Nov. 9th. There is some obscurity of meaning; but apparently California
was at or near Santa Cruz. Throughout his voyage up and down the gulf
Preciado uses the name Santa Cruz frequently to locate the lands in the west.
3
Earned Diaz del Castillo, Hist. Verdadera, 233, printed in 1G32. This
has often been called the first mention of the name. Some have blunderingly
talked of Diaz as the discoverer and namer of California.
* Vemgas, Not. CaL, i. 2-5; Clavigero, Storia del la Col., 29-30. The Latin
calida fori/ ax, or 'hot furnace,' is the most common of the conjectural derivations, the reference being supposably either to the hot climate, though it was
Hist. Cal., Vol. I. 5
2
'
'
66
An
this
name; nor
is
any needed.
No
intelligent
man
not hot compared with others to which the discoverers were accustomed, or
to the hot baths, or tern esccdes, of the natives.
Calidus fornus, Caliente fornalia, Californo, and Caliente homo are other expressions cf the same root,
Archibald noting of the last that it would be rather hori<o caliente, making
the name Fornicalia instead of California. Another derivation is from cala
y fornix, Spanish andLatinfor 'cove and vault' or 'vaulted cove,' from a peculiar
natural formation near Cape San Lucas. From the Greek we have hala phor
nea, hala phora nea, hala phor neia, hala phornda, hala chora nca, or halos
phornia variously rendered 'beautiful woman,' 'moonshine,' or 'adultery;'
'fertile land;' or 'new country.'
Colo/on or eclofonia, the Spanish for resin,
Las also been suggested. In Upper California the idea was a favorite one
that the name was of Indian origin; but there was little agreement respecting details. According to the Vallejos, Alvarado, and others, all agreed that
it came from hall for no, the information coming from Baja California natives;
but there w ere two factions, one interpreting the words 'high hill' or 'mountain' and the other 'native land.' E.D.Guilbert, resident of Copala, Sinaloa,
told me in 1878 that an old Indian of his locality called the peninsula Tchalifaiiii-al, 'the sandy land beyond the water.'
5
Hale's discovery was first published in the Arner. Antiq. Soc, Proceed.,
Apr. 30, 18G2, 45-53; also in Atlantic Monthly, xiii. 2G5; Hale's His Level
'
'
67
If.
08
California Superior.
Nueva
California, or
California
became more common than the others, both in private
and official communications, though from the date of
the separation of the provinces in 1804 Nueva California became the legal name, as did Alta California
after 1824. In these later times Las Californias meant
not as at first Las Islas Californias, but the two
provinces, old and new, lower and upper. Down to
1846, however, the whole country was often called by
Mexicans and Californians even in official documents
a peninsula.
is
view.
Thus
strictly
covery may
one of these explorers, though none of them mentioned
the discovers, or could do so, boundarv lines beinof
as yet not dreamed of. Subsequently Juan de Onate
and his companions, coming down the Colorado in
1604, certainly gazed across the river on California,
and even learned from the natives that the sea was not
far distant.
After 1699 Kino and his Jesuit associates not unfrequently looked upon what was to be
California from the Gila junction.
No European,
however, from this direction is known to have trod
the soil of the promised land; therefore this phase
of the subject may be dismissed without further
remark.
CABRILLO'S VOYAGE.
69
chapter.
On
70
by
Cabrillo.
It has usually
9
San Mateo was also described as a good and landlocked (cerrado) port,
with a little lake of fresh water, and with groves of trees like ceibas, except
that the wood was hard. There were also many drift-logs washed here by the
sea, broad grassy plains, high and rolling land, and animals in droves of 100
or more resembling Peruvian sheep with long wool, small horns, and broad
round tails. Latitude given 33 20'.
10
San Augustin Island, the last point on which Navarrete and Henshaw
agree, is identified with San Martin in about 30 30' on the Baja California
coast.
Three days with little wind brought the ships, no distance given, to
Cape San Martin, north of San Augustin, where the coast turns from north to
north-west. This trend, and also the time, if we disregard the calm, favors
Hcnshaw's location of Todos Santos rather than Navarrete's of San Quintin.
Next they sailed four leagues N. E., or N. N. e. but this is not possible from
Todos Santos either by the best maps or the trend just noted. Next 21 leagues
n. w., and N. N. w. to San Mateo; the distance 25 leagues corresponding
better with that from San Quintin to Todos Santos, than with that from the
latter to San Diego.
On the other hand, the next stage, 32 leagues to San
Miguel, better fits that from San Diego to San Pedro than from Todos Santos
to the former.
But they passed a little island close to the shore on arriving
at San Mateo, there being none at Todos Santos so far as the maps show and
on the other hand, on sailing to San Miguel, they passed three islas deslertas
three leagues from the main, the largest being two leagues long, or possibly
in circumference, which agrees better with the Coronados just below San
Diego than with San Clemente and Santa Catalina. Moreover the description
of San Mateo with its lake, and especially its groves of trees, does not correspond at all to San Diego. The strongest reason why San Miguel must be San
Diego and not San Pedro will be noticed presently. The investigator's troubles
are not lessened by the non-existence of a perfect chart of the Baja California
;
coast.
71
they
three
days or about eighteen leagues, along a coast of valleys and plains and smokes, with high mountains in
the interior, to the islands some seven leagues from
the main, which they name from their vessels San Salvador and Vitoria. They land on one of the islands,
after the inhabitants, timid and even hostile at first,
have been appeased by signs and have come off in a
canoe to receive gifts. They too tell of white men on
the main. On Sunday the Spaniards go over to tierra
firme to a large bay which they call Bahia de los
Fumos, or Puegos, from the smoke of fires seen there.
It is described as a good port with good lands, valleys,
plains, and groves, lying in 35.
I suppose the island
visited to have been Santa Catalina, and the port to
have been San Pedro. 12
Sailing six leagues farther on October 9th, Cabrillo
anchors in a large ensenada, or bight, which is doubt13
less Santa Monica.
Thence they go on the next day
3d,
sail
11
It is not impossible, though not probable, that the natives had heard of
Diaz, Alarcon, and Ulloa, at the head of the gulf. The Indians of San i)ie;io
are described as well formed, of large size, clothed in skins.
12
Henshaw, a3 we have seen, makes this Bahia de Fumos Bahia Ona (or
Santa Monica), identifying San Pedro with San Miguel, and the island with
Santa Cruz. The name San Salvador as mentioned later seems his strongest
reason, though he does not say so.
He admits the difficulty of identifying
Santa Catalina with the Islas Desiertas, hinting that other smaller islands
may have disappeared; but a more serious objection still conclusive to me
is the fact that San Pedro would never have been called a puerto ccrrado, or
landlocked port; nor would it have afforded protection from a south-west gale.
13
Certainly not the laguna near Pt Mugu as Henshaw says. Santa Monica
was exactly what the Spaniards would have called an ensenada; indeed, they
did often so call it in later years as they did also Monterey Bay, and San
Francisco outside the heads from Pt Reyes to Pigeon Point, always the Ensenada de los Farallones. Like the navigators of other nations, they were
72
not very strict in their use of geographical terms; but to suppose that the
little laguna would have been called by them an 'ensenada grande' is too
absurd for even refutation; 'inlet' is not a correct rendering of ensenada.
Taylor identifies the ensenada with the cove or roadstead of Santa Barbara.
First Voyage to the Coast of California.
He points out the glaring deficiencies
in all that had been written on the subject, and flatters himself that by the
aid of men familiar with the coast he has followed the route of the navigators
very closely; and so he has, just as far as he copies Navarrete, blundering
most besides.
Xavarrete says in the ensenada of San Juan Capistrano, which
fearfully in
14
is
unin-
telligible.
15
Anacapa and the eastern part of Santa Cruz as seen from a distance and
as explained by the natives' signs, which were not understood.
16
Six leagues from the main, and eighteen leagues from Pueblo de Canoas.
It was said to have the following pueblos: Xiquipos, Maxul, Xugua, Xitel,
Macamo, Ximitopal. Later it is stated that San Lucas was the middle island,
having three pueblos whose names do not agree with those here given. There
in a hopeless confusion in the accounts of these islands, but no doubt that this
was the group visited.
73
Monday
muymu, or Juan Rodriguez, or Posesion (San Miguel), Xaco (or Caco) and
Nimollollo.
On Nicalque, or San Lucas (Santa Rosa), Nichochi, Coycoy,
and Estocoloco (or Coloco). On the other San Lucas. See note 1G. On Limu
(or Limun) or San Salvador (Santa Cruz), Niquesesquelua, Pocle, Pisqueno,
Pualnacatup, Patiquin, Patiquilid, Ninumu, Muoc, Pilidquay, Lilebeque.
These names were those which the Indian natives were understood to apply
to towns not visited, and very little accuracy is to be expected. Taylor, Discoverers and Founders, i. No. 1, claims to have identified Cabrillo's names in
several instances with those found in the mission registers. This is not unlikely, though the authority is not a safe one. He also says that the Indians
in 1 863 recognized the native names of San Miguel and its towns as given by
Cabrillo. None of the many rancheria names which I have met and which
will be given in later mission annals show any marked resemblance to the old
names.
On the Indians of this region see Native Races, i. 402-22; iv. G87-97. See
also on archaeological researches U. S. Geog. Survey, Wheeler, vol. vii. Arches18
vlogy,
74
The
size.
Xavarrete
75
Of
to.
22
Henshaw makes it Pt Sur in 36 20'; and it is true that the coast of the
day's sailing corresponds better in some respects with that up to Pt Sur than
to Pt Gorda.
However, the latitude 37 30' with allowance for Cabrillo's
average excess, applies better to Pt Gorda; that point also, according to the
U. S. Coast Survey charts, corresponds much better, from a southern standpoint, to the remote of the sierra as described; the distance from Pt Concepcion, 32 leagues, has to be considerably exaggerated even to reach Pt Gorda;
on the return it is noted that about 15 leagues south of the cape the character
of the coast changed and settlements began, which agrees better with Gorda
than Sur, and does not agree with the statement that all of the voyage of the
11th was along a coast where the mountains rise abruptly from the water. I
think the coast from San Luis to Pt Gorda agrees well enough with the
description ; and this supposition throws some light on proceedings farther
north.
23
'A la vuelta de la tierra.' Not 'at the turn of the land" as Evans trans-
lates
it.
76
possibly
country became
the
leagues
38.'24
2i
Navarrete agrees with this view, except that he does not identify the
cape in 40, and makes Cape Nieve the same as Ano Nuevo, which last of
course is a blunder. Taylor also identifies Monterey Bay, makes Point Reyes
the cape in 40, but falls into great confusion, especially in locating Point
Martin above Monterey. Herrera makes Point Pinos the cape in 40. Humboldt, Essal Pol., 329, thinks the cape was Alio Nuevo. Venegas, Lorenzana,
and Cavo imply that the cape was Mendocino and it is probable indeed that
that name was given later to a cape supposed to be this one, as we shall see.
Finally Evans and Henshaw identify the cape in 40 with Point Arenas (33
5T), the Bay of Pinos with Bodega Bay, Point Pinos presumably the southern point of that bay, and Cape Nieve they pronounce unidentifiable. I find
very little, except the latitudes cited, to justify the conclusions last given, and
Point Arenas is not a wooded point in any sense
I find much against them.
not quite as applicable to any of the points further south. Bodega Bay might
possibly be called an ensenada, incorrectly translated inlet, but not a large
one; if entered its peculiar ramifications would have called for other remark
than that no port or river could be found its shores were never covered with
pines; and Point Tomales in no way corresponds to Cabrillo 's Point Pinos.
In coasting southward from Bodega, Point Reyes would certainly have been
noted and assuredly that coast has no mountains overhanging the water.
Evans and Henshaw have to avoid this difficulty by mistranslating costa deste
dki the coast they passed from this day
but even that does not suffice, for
there is no such coast for a long distance. Again, Cabrillo claims to have
followed the coast 'point by point,' from Pinos to the islands, finding no
;
'
'
DEATH OF CABRILLO.
77
At La
anchorage and no good inhabited country until past San Martin. This is very
absurd when applied to Bodega, but true enough from Monterey. The translators are indeed struck with this absurdity, which they very weakly explain
by supposing that Cabrillo trusted to his observations in the storm and fog of
the trip northward. There seems never to have been much doubt among the
Spaniards about the identity of Cabrillo's Pinos; and I deem it very unwise
to plunge into such difficulties as those just mentioned for the purpose of confirming Cabrillo's observations of latitude, which arc known to have been very
faulty at best.
25
Taylor, Discov. and Founders, i. No. 1, mentions unsuccessful researches
by himself, Admiral Alden, and Nidever. In 1875, however, he found two pits
on a level near Cuyler's Harbor, about 10 feet in diameter, which he doubts
not will prove to be the grave of Cabrillo and his men. At any rate they had
a very peculiar look !' And an old sailor of Santa Barbara told this author
that in 1872 he opened a Spanish grave on Santa Cruz Island, which had a
wooden head-board on which could be deciphered the date of about 1660!
'
26
suppose this was not the San Salvador first named, which was probably
That there was confusion in the statements respecting these
islands is certain ; but in my opinion it is not lessened by Henshaw's theory
that San Clemente and Santa Catalina were the islas desiertas, or by Navarrctc's that Ferrelo at this time went to San Clemente.
1
San Clemente.
78
group.
28
By
'
79
31
'
80
But
we
shown beyond
the preceding pages, the bay and point
42, particularly
much doubt
in
if,
as I think I have
my
mada
i. 693.
Vcnegas, Not. CaL, i. 181-3, seems to have been
state that Cabrillo discovered and named the cape. Lorenzana, in
Cortes, Hist. Ar Espana, 325-6, and Cavo, Tres Slglos, i. 135, make the same
statement; and it is followed by most later writers. The early writers, however, all imply that the cape was discovered before Cabrillo's death and not
by Ferrelo, doubtless identifying it with the nameless cape in 40% really Ano
Nuevo or Pigeon Point. Laet, Novus Orbis, 306-7, makes C. Fortunas the
northern limit of the voyage; and Bnrney, C'hron. Hist., i. 220-5, identifies
Fortunas with Mendocino, and is followed by Greenhow, Or. and CaL, 62-3.
very absurd theory has been more or less current that Ferrelo gave his
name to the Farallcnes of San Francisco.
the
Torquemada,
first to
81
is
36
at an end.
cerned. 37
36
On Cabrillo's voyage, in addition to the works to which I have had occasion to refer, see the following, none of which, however, throws any additional light on the subject, many being but brief allusions to the voyage:
Forster's Hist. Voy. 448-9; Fleurieu, in Marchand, Voy. i. viii.-ix. ; Montauus,
Nieuwe Weerehl, 210-11, 101; Id., Neue Welt, 237-8; Clavigero, Stor. CaL,
154-3; Hist. Magazine, ix. 148; Hutch-lugs 1 Mag., i. Ill; iii. 14G; iv. 11G, 517;
v. 2G5, 277; CaL Farmer, May 4, 18G0, April 18, 1SG2, Aug. 14, 21, 18G3; Overland Monthly, April 1871, 297; Forbes' Hist. CaL, 9; Findlay's Directory,
18-19; Capron's Hist. CaL, 121-2; Domenech's
i. 314; Browne's L. CaL,
Deserts, i. 22G; Frignet, L. CaL, 9, 2G; Glecson's Hist. Cath. Ch., i. 70-2;
IHnes' Voy., 352; Muhlenpfordt, Versuch; Murray''s N. Amer., ii. 79-80;
Rouhaud, Reg., nouvelles, 26; St Amant, Voy., 393; Fedix, VOregon, 55;
Tytler's Hist. View, 78-9; Twiss' Oregon Quest., 22; Cronise's Nat. Wealth, 5;
Marina Espanola, ii. 274-7; Barber's Hist., 459; Mqfras, Explor., i. 06-7,
328; Pay no, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin 2d Dp., ii. 199; Kerr's Col. Voy., ii.
112; and a large number of modern mentions in books and newspapers.
37
Sec Hist. North Mex. States, and Hist. Northwest Coast, i., this series,
not only for details of Drake's performances, but for bibliographical information touching the original authorities. Of the latter there are only three that
narrate the doings in California; Drake's Famous Voyage, in Hakluyt's Voy.,
,
iii. 440-2; Drake's World Encompassed, London, 1628; and Discourse of fair
Francis Drake's lorney and Exploytes, MS. These are all republished in the
Hakluyt Society edition of the World Encompassed, which is the edition
referred to in
my
notes.
Hardly a
I.
collection of voyages or
any kind
of
work
82
On
relating to the early history of California has ever been published that has
not contained a narrative or a mention of Drake's voyage; but, particularly
so far as California is concerned, they have contained nothing not drawn from
the sources named. To point out the many errors resulting from carelessness
and other causes would require much space and serve no good purpose. I
shall have occasion to name a few works in later notes of this chapter; I refer
the reader to the list of authorities on Cabrillo's voyage given in note 36, which
with few exceptions also describe Drake's visit; and I also name the following
in addition: Act, xviii. 11; Berenger, Col. Voy., i. 63, 117; Harris, Nav., i.
19; Circumnavigations of Globe, 85; Kerr's Col. Voy., x. 27; Laharpe, Abregd,
xv. 15; Pinkerton's Voy., xii. 169; Sammlung, xii. 5; Voyages, Col. Voy. and
Trav.j Voy ayes, Col. (Churchill's), viii. 459; Voyages, Curious Col., v. 153;
Voyages, Harleian Col., ii. 434; Voyages, New Col., iii. 15; Voyages, New
Miscel. Col., i. 37; Voyages, New Univ. Col., i.-28; Voyages, Hist. Voy. round
World, i. 1, 45; Voyages, World Displayed, v. 150; Harrow's Life Drake,
75; Clarice's Life Drake, 30; Purchas his Pilgrimes, ii. 52; Gottfriedt, Ncice
Welt, 345; Bess, Lehen, 341; Ens, West and Ost.Ind. Lustgart, 113; Humboldt,
Essai Pol., 317, 330; Low, Meer oder Seehanen Buch, 44; Morelli, Fasti Nov.
Orb., 27; Laet, Nov. Orbis, 307: Navarrete, Introd., xcviii.; Id., Viages Ap6c,
33; Barney's Citron. Hist., i. 350; Le Afaire, Spieghel, 77; Pauw, Recherches,
i. 172; Edin. Review, No. clxii. 1879; Niks' Register, lxv. 174; Hunt's Merch.
Mag., xii. 523; Hayes' Scraps, Cat. Notes, iii. 10; Quigley's Irish Pace,
146; N. Amer. Review, June 1839, 132; Greenhorn's Or. and Cal., 70; Id.
Memoir, 36; Nicolay's Or. Ter., 24; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 214; Glee son's Hist.
Oath. Ch., i. 73, ii. 35; Belcher's Voy., i. 316; Hazlitt's Great Gold Fields, 4;
California, Past, Present, 53; Frost's Half hours, 161; McCleh'cut's Golden State,
43; Tuthill's Hist. Cal., 17; Holmes'' An. Amer., i. 90; Mayer's Mex. Aztec,
163; Meyer, Nach dem Sac, 197; Norman's Youth's Hist., 29; Page's Nouv.
Voy., ii. 410; Poussin, Quest, de VOreg., 23; Id. U. S., 237; Taylor, in Cal.
Farmer, March 29, 1861; April 25, Aug. 15, 22, 29, 1862; Wdlard's Last
Loaves, 113; Douglass' Summary, i. 35; Uring's Ilist., 376; Farnham's Hist.
Oregon, 11, 21; Goodrich's
upon the Sea, 241; Delaporte, Reisen, 457;
Evans Puget Sd., 3; Falconer's Oreg. Quest., 12, 39; Forbes' Hist. Cal. 10, 79;
Gazlay's Pac. Monthly, 227; Soulc's An. S. F., 32; also most of the recently
published county histories of California.
38 World Encompassed, 115.
'Afaire and good bay' in 38. Famous Voy.
'A harborow for his ship' in 44. Discourse, 184.
39
The excessive cold here is mentioned only in the World Encompassed.
The author's absurd statements and explanations are not worth reproducing
in detail.
Man
DRAKE ON THE
COAST.
83
soon came to regard the strangers, so the latter beThe narratives are chiefly filled with
lieved, as gods.
details of the ceremonies and sacrifices by which they
signified their submission, even crowning Drake as
The men went for the most part
their hioh, or king.
naked, the women wearing a loose garment of bulrushes with a deerskin over the shoulders.
Their
houses, some of them close to the water, were partly
subterranean, the upper parts being conical, of wood,
and covered with earth. In details respecting the
people and their habits and ceremonies there is much
exaggeration and inaccuracy; but the descriptions in
a general way are applicable enough to the Central
Californians.
42
Discourse, 184.
Or tobah, called by the Famous Voyage, tnbacco.
called jietdh of which they made meal and bread.
42
Sec Native Races, i. 3G1 et seq.
41
They had
also a root
84
are but small; his tayle, like the tayle of a Rat, exceeding long; and his feet like the pawes of a Want
or moale; under his chinne, on either side, he hath a
bagge, into which he gathereth his meate, when he
the people eate their
hath filled his belly abroade
bodies, and make great account of their skinnes, for
their kin^s holidaies coate was made of them." 43
" This country our Generall named Albion" or Nona
Albion according to the Famous Voyage, "and that for
two causes the one in respect of the white bancks and
cliffes, which lie toward the sea; the other, that it
.
dome namely, a
;
Famous Voyage..
u Famous Voyage, the rest being from World Encompassed.
45
In this place Drake set up a greate post and nayled thereon a
vj d ,w cn
the countrey people woorshippcd as if it had bin God; also hec nayled vppon
this post a plate of lead, and scratched therein the Queenesname.' Discourse.
i6
'In the latter ende of August.' Discourse, 184.
'
85
ing to the Discourse, and "not farre without this harborough did lye certain Hands (we called them the
Hands of Saint James) hauing on thern plentifull and
great store of Seales and birds, with one of which we
fell July 24, whereon we found such prouision as might
competently serue our turne for a while.
departed
againe the day next following, viz., July 25." No
more land was seen till they had crossed the Pacific.
It should be noted that no regular diary or log of
this voyage is extant or is known to have ever been
extant. Of the three narratives which I have cited
one was perhaps written from memory by a companion
of Drake. The others are compilations from notes of
the chaplain, Fletcher, written under circumstances
of which we know but little, by a man not noted for
his veracity, and from the reminiscences probably cf
Naturally they abound in discrepancies and
others.
inaccuracies, as is shown still more clearly in parts not
relating to California.
They are sufficiently accurate
to leave no room for reasonable doubt that Drake
really anchored on the coast in the region indicated,
touching at one of the Farallones on his departure;
but in respect of further details they inspire no confidence.
Yet the identity of Drake's anchorage is a most
interesting point, and one that has caused much discussion.
There are three bays not far apart on the
coast, those of Bodega, Drake, and San Francisco,
any one of which to a certain extent may answer the
requirements, and each of which has had its advocates.
Their positions are shown on the annexed map. The
central bay under Point Reyes, the old San Francisco,
is almost exactly in latitude 38, and it agrees better
than the others with the south-south-west course to
the Farallones as given by one of the narratives;
Bodega agrees well enough with the 38 30' of the
Famous Voyage, and more properly than the other
may be termed a 'faire and good bay;' while San
Francisco, though some twenty minutes south of the
We
86
lowest latitude mentioned, is a very much more 'conuenient harborou^h' than either of the others.
For nearly two centuries after the voyage there
was but slight occasion to identify Drake's anchorage
yet there can be no doubt that it was to a certain
extent confounded with the old San Francisco men-
Where
did
Drake Land?
87
been wanting.
in
modern times
1647.
48
In Bodega y Cuadra, Viage de 1775, MS., it is clearly stated that Bodega
was Drake's bay and that it was distinct from either >San Francisco. Fleurieu,
littrod. Marchand, Voy., i. lxxvi. etseq., }>y a blundering reference to Maurelle's Journal, 45 et scq., identified Bodega and San Francisco, making some
absurd charges against the Spaniards of having changed the name, which
charges Navarrete, Introd. Sutii y Max. Viage, xcviii.-ix., refutes, at the same
time implying his approval of the identity of Drake's bay and Bodega. Humboldt, Essai Pol., 327, takes the same view of the subject.
49
Vancouver, Voyages, i. 430, in 1792 understood the Spaniards to be of
this opinion.
Yet I find no evidence that this opinion was ever the prevailing one.
The 'Spanish tradition' in California was very strong against new
San Francisco; but was not very pronounced as between old San Francisco
and Bodega, favoring, however, the latter. Padre Niel, Apunlaciones, 78,
writing in about 1718 declared his opinion that Drake's bay was at the mouth
of Carmelo River!
ss
has been that the great freebooter did not enter San
Francisco Bay, and that he probably did anchor at
Drake Bay.
Early maps, it would seem, should throw some light
on this question, but they fail to do so. With the
exception of Vizcaino's map, to be reproduced presently
and having no bearing on Drake's voyage, I have not
found a single map of the California coast of earlier
date than 17G9 bearing the slightest indication of
having been founded on anything but the narratives
still extant and the imagination of the map-maker.
I
reproduce two sections of maps from the Arcano del
Hare to which Hale attaches some importance in
this connection, with another by Hondius and supposed to represent Drake's port in New Albion. 60
Pl JSnsa.Larga
\ Po.di Von
Gosper
Po.dcll nuovo
-AlLion scupcrto
del
Vrayo Inyles
Hoxdius' Map.
Hale's Early
Arcano
'
'
'
'
89
With due
from no
less
'
&
whom
W.
not accurately describe Bodega Bay. There is now a long spit of sand
running from the east at the foot of the bay and nearly shutting it up. But
that sand spit did not exist when Captain Bodega discovered the bay in 1775,
although he reported his opinion that a bar was forming there. The long,
narrow island represented on Hondius' map of the bay as lying on the outside
of the coast and parallel to the bay, really lies at the foot of the bay, below
the peninsula; but, viewed from the point where Drake's ship is represented
Drake's ship
as lying, the island appears to lie outside of the peninsula.
passed this island only twice, namely, when he sailed in and when he sailed
But it was in sight every day from the place where his ship lay during
out.
the five weeks that he was there, and from that point, we repeat, this island
appears to be outside. The bay itself, there at its head, appears to be twice
as wide as it is at its mouth some miles below, although the reverse is the
fact. But it is just such a map as a good penman ignorant of linear and aerial
perspective would have made on the spot, if he had a taste for pen and ink
maps, such as Fletcher, Drake's chaplain, is known to have had. We have
visited Bodega Bay with a photographic copy of Hondius' map of Drake's
Bay, taken from that in the British museum, but enlarged to the dimension of
5 by 6 inches. All the indications called for by Drake's narrative exist there.
Those we have mentioned; also the Indian villages; the shell-fish; the seals;
the deciduous trees, the "conies" which honey-combed the soil; the elevation of the coast, which commenced at about that latitude; the white sandAlso another indication which
hills, which suggested the name of Albion.
does not appear in the map as copied in the history, a line of rocks below the
beach at the lower right-hand water-line, thus forming a double coast line.
We have no doubt that Bodega Bay is Drake's Bay, and that Hondius' map
was furnished to him by Fletcher, who made it on the spot. Drake's ship
could go in there now and anchor at its head in 15 feet water, 100 feet from
the shore, where there is a good sandy beach on which to careen and repair
90
The main question is, did Drake enter San Francisco Bay? It would serve no good purpose to catalogue the modern writers who have espoused one
theory or the other. Able men like Burney, Davidson, Tuthill, and Stillman have maintained that Drake
anchored within the Golden Gate, against the contrary opinions of other able men like Humboldt,
Soule, Doyle, Dwirielle, and Hittell. Some have been
very positive, others cautious and doubtful. Most
and where there was an Indian village "on the hill above,"
demanded by Drake's narrative. The map from Arcano del Mar, edition
vessels,
as
of
given at page 571 in the history, in onr opinion greatly strengthens this
view.
Directly opposite the mouth of Bodega Bay to the south is the mouth
Between the two the Rio Estero Americano of the Spanish
of Tomales Bay.
Californians debouches into the ocean a stream whose bed is almost bare in
the dry season, but which, during the rainy season and for some time afterwards, poured into the sea a shallow volume of turbulent waters, several
hundred feet in width. When Drake was on this coast, the winter or rainy
season was unusually protracted, so far that the deciduous trees, which usually
resume their foliage in March and April, had not done so as late as July, and
it still snowed on the coast.
Snow on the coast means rain in the interior at
a short distance from the sea. It may be safely assumed that the Rio Estero
Americano was swelling full to its margin probably unusually full. The
"bottle- shaped" bay on the reduced scale of the map from Arcano del Mar
might well represent the two bays, the neck standing for the river. The
latitude is precisely that required for Bodega Bay. Following down the map,
the coast line corresponds with great exactness with that of the modern maps
as given at page 57(3 ; C. (Cabo) di San Pietro,. Cape St Peter, is Cape Punta
de los Reyes, the western point of Jack's, or Drake's bay of modern times; and
G. (golfo) di San Pietro, corresponds exactly to Jack's, or Drake's Bay, as it
appears from the sea, and also exactly to its latitude.
are of opinion
that this map must be regarded as authentic, and also the vignettes engraved
upon the same sheet. Two of these represent Drake's ship, the Pelican, the
first as she lay stranded on the rocks at the Windward Islands, and the other
as tying at anchor.
They both correspond in all their details. Probably the
drawings from which the engraving was executed were made from the ship
itself.
Drake returned to England in 1580. He never sailed again. The
engravings were made between 1590 and 1600. Hondius was in England all
this time.
If not made from the ship, the engraving may be safely assumed
to represent the style of naval architecture of the period.
The ship is represented as broad in the beam and round in the bow. Her burden, Drake's
narrative informs us, was 100 tons. She was therefore shallow and drew but
little water.
The ship-builders whom we have consulted inform us that with
all her armament she could not have drawn more than from 5 to G feet of
water.
She could therefore have entered Bolinas Bay, Jack's, or Drake's
(interior) Bay, Tomales Bay, Bodega Bay, Humboldt Bay, and any or all of
the rivers which Drake encountered. Modern navigators and hydrographers
who argue that Drake must have entered the Bay of San Francisco because
no other bay was deep enough for the entry and repairing of a man-of-war,
must have certainly had in their minds a modern 74-gun ship, and not a little
caravel of 100 tons carrying six feet of draft.' It will be noticed that the
writer attempts no explanation of the two bottle-shaped bays. It is moreover
remarkable that he should accept Fletcher's statements about the climate and
season as even remotely founded on truth.
1G-17,
We
91
have written without a full understanding of the distinction between the two San Franciscos.
Few have
been sufficiently impressed with the fundamental truth
that Chaplain Fletcher was a liar.
Besides certain
special pleadings often more ingenious than weighty,
the convincing arguments have been on the one side
that Drake after a stay of five weeks would not have
called any other bay but that of San Francisco a good
harbor, or have thanked God for a fair wind to enter
the same; and on the other, that, having entered San
Francisco, he would never have dismissed it with mere
mention as a good bay. The former argument is less
applicable to Bodega than to the bay under Point
Reyes.
The
me
unanswerable.
It is one
that has naturally occurred to all, but I doubt if
latter appears to
'
92
North
was to find an interoceanic passage; if he abandoned the hope in the far north, one
glance at the Golden Gate would have rekindled it;
a sight of the far-reaching arms within would have convinced him that the strait was found; San Pablo Bay
would have removed the last doubt from the mind of
every incredulous companion in Suisun Bay the Golden
Hind would have been well on her way through the
continent; and a little farther the only question would
have been whether to proceed directly to Newfoundland by the Sacramento or to Florida by the San
Joaquin. That a man like Fletcher, who found sceptres
and crowns and kings among the Central Californians,
who found a special likelihood of gold and silver where
nothing of the kind ever existed, who was so nearly
in the
Pacific
frozen
Californian hills in
under Point
Reyes, to say nothing of Bodega, a fine harbor would
have been wonderful accuracy and moderation on his
part.
But supposing San Francisco Bay to have been
the subject of his description, let the reader imagine
the result.
The continent is not broad enough to
contain the complication of channels he would have
called the anchorage
described.
fies his
And Tuthill,
'
They did not go into ecstasies
harbors, but fortunes in compact
form. Harbors, so precious to the Spaniards, who had a commerce in the
These
Pacific to be protected, were of small account to roving Englishmen.'
are evasions of the issue, or the statements of men not accfaainted with the
maritime spirit of the time.
54
Stillman \s Footprints in California of Early Navigators, mid.; Seeking
the Golden fleece, 285 et seq.; Id., in Overland Monthly, i. 332.
STILLMAN'S THEORIES.
93
have graved his vessel in the bay that bears his name
without the certainty of destruction. Navigators with
whom I have conversed are somewhat less positive
on the subject, simply stating that the beaching of
a vessel there would be venturesome, and a wise
It is not at all
captain would if possible avoid it.
uncommon at many places on the coast for vessels to
be beached in a storm, and safely released by the high
tide.
Stillman and his witnesses imply that Drake's
ship was grounded to be repaired and graved, but
only one of the narratives, and that the least reliable,
contains such a statement; the others simply mention
a leak to be stopped, perhaps not far below the waterline, and I am sure that small vessels upon this coast
have been often careened and graved without being
beached at all. The coast survey charts declare the
harbor to be a secure one except in south-east gales.
There is an interior bay, communicating with the
outer by a passage now somewhat obstructed by a
bar, which possibly now, and very probably in 1579,
would afford Drake's small ship a safe anchorage.
And finally this objection would lose its force if applied to Bodega instead of Drake Bay. Thus we find
in this argument nothing of the positive character
which alone could make it valid.
The other argument urged is that Fletcher's conies'
were ground-squirrels and that these animals never
existed in the region of Drake Bay.
It must be
admitted that the description in several respects fits
the ground-squirrel better than the gopher or any
other animal of this region; but a very accurate description of anything would be out of place, and certainly
is not found, in these narratives; the conies'
literally rabbits
were seen on a trip up into the country,
how far we do not know; and no very satisfying proof
is presented that ground-squirrels never frequented
the region of either Drake Bay or Bodega.
Therefore whatever weight might be given to Stillman's
arguments as against similar arguments on the other
'
'
94
side
descriptions available,
they are in my opinion entitled to very little consideration as against the overwhelming and irresistible pre-
The Philippine
reproduce
95
coast.
57
seems to be the first mention of Cape Mendocino, though it is not implied that the name was
given by him, as nevertheless it may have been. We
have seen that the name was not, as has been generally
believed, applied by Cabrillo or Ferrelo in 1542-3;
and Torquemada's statement has been noted to the
effect that the cape was discovered by the Manila
ships. It is possible that it had been thus discovered
in an unrecorded voyage preceding that of Gali; but
it is quite as likely that the name was given in Mexico,
Gali's
57
This narrative was translated into Dutch and published by Linschoten in
his famous and oft-reprinted Ilinerario of 1596. From this source an English
translation is given in HahluyVs Voy., iii. 442-7.
blunder in a French translation by which 57 30' was substituted for 37 30' has caused a fictitious importance to be attached to the voyage, not however affecting California. See
Barney's Chron. Hist., ii. 58-C1; v. 1G3-4; Navarrete, Introd., Sut'dy Mex.,
xclvi.-ix. Id. Viages Apdc, 42-3; Tiviss' Or. Question, 58-62; and mention in
many of the works cited on the voyages of Cabrillo, Drake, and Vizcaino.
96
the
'
'
'
CERMEftON'S SHIPWRECK.
07
is
Sebastian Vizcaino, commanding a Spanish exploring fleet of three vessels, anchored in San Diego Bay
on November 10, 1G03. He had sailed from Acapulco
in May of the preceding year, with a force of nearly
two hundred men including three Carmelite friars.
His special mission, in addition to that of general exploration and the ever potent purpose of finding an
interoceanic strait, was to find a suitable port for the
Philippine ships.
Details of his expedition to the
date mentioned and of his explorations along the outer
coast of the peninsula have been presented in another
part of this work.
It is only with his experience on
Hist. Cal., Vol.
I.
03
the coast of
cerned.
Upper
California that
we
are
now
con-
GD
60
The vessels were the flag- ship, or
Hist. North Mex. Stater-, this series.
capitana, San l^lego, on which sailed Vizcaino as captain-general; the Santo
Tomds, under Toribio Gomez de Corvan as admiral; and the Tres Reyes under
Alfercz Martin Aguilar and the piloto Antonio Florcs.
Other officers were
Captain Alonso Estevan Peguero, Captain Caspar Alarcon, Captain GcroPalacios, cosmographer; Alfereces Juan Francisco Suriano,
Sebastian Melendez, and Juan de Acevedo Tcjcda; pilotos Francisco Eolaiios,
Baltasar de Armas, and Juan Pascual; sergeants Miguel Legar and Juan
Castillo Bueno; and corporals Estevan Lopez and Francisco Vidal.
The
friars were Andres de la Asuncion, Tomds de Aquino, and Antonio de
la Ascension, the first serving as comisario and the latter as chronicler
and assistant cosmographer and map-maker. The standard and original
authorities are Padre Ascension's account, perhaps but little changed from
the original diary, in Torquemada, i. G94-723; the same author's Relation
Breve, 589-74, written in 1G20, and adding not much of importance to the
other; Salmeron, Relaciones, 14-21, the author, of which was personally
acquainted with Ascension and other companions of Vizcaino; Cabrera Bueno,
Navegacion, 302-13, which contains a derrotero of the coast from Cape Mendocino south, drawn from Vizcaino's log and charts; Vcnegas, Not,, i. 103231; iii. 22-139 and Navarrete, Sutily Mex. ix.-xviii., the author of which
saw in the Spanish archives certified copies of all the papers relating to the
expedition, including 32 maps, a small reduction from which combined in one
he published in his atlas. This map, which I reproduce, was also published
in Burneifs Chron. Hist., ii. 236-59. It is very much to be regretted that the
narratives and maps cf this voyage have never been published, and that NavFor accounts of the voyage
arrete has made so inadequate a use of them.
adding nothing to information derived from those mentioned I refer the
reader to the account in an earlier volume of my work; it may be added that
very many of the works cited in this chapter on the voyages of Cabrillo and
Drake contain also a mention of Vizcaino.
nimo Martin
VIZCAINO'S EXPEDITION.
99
on the 20th of
November.
The islands known as Los Coronados
were noted and named by Vizcaino; and Cabrera
Bueno, giving a full description of the port which he
puts in latitude 34, names also the Punta de Guijarsail
01
61
The
no space.
Cl
On
map
it is Ensenada de S. Andre's.
Cabrera Bueno names San
and mentions the little island there. Nov. 26th is the day
of St Peter, bishop of Alexandria.
It will be remembered that Cabrillo had
called this bay Bahia de los Humos.
the
Pedro in 34
30',
100
p. A
n*
ueu
Vizcaino's Map.
this
must
'
VIZCAINO AT MONTEREY.
101
Monterey. 70
Next day the church tent was pitched under the
shade of an oak whose branches touched the tidewater, twenty paces from springs of good water in a
ravine, which barranca, with similar trees not quite
so near the shore, is still a prominent landmark at
Monterey. There were now but few men on the ships
67
Map from Sutil y Ifexicana, Viage, Atlas No. 4. Torquemada gives
no names except Santa Catalina Island and Santa Barbara Canal. Cabrera
Bueno, 304, gives a page of not very clear description. He names Punta dc
Concepcion in 35 30', Farallon de Lobos, Canal de Sta Barbara, Punta de la
Conversion (perhaps identical with the Punta de Bio Dulce of the map, and
with the modem Pt Hueneme) Isla de Sta Barbara, Isla de Sta Catalina in
34 30', Isla de San Clemente in 43 (a little less).
68
On the map is named Ensenada de Roque, which is either San Luis
Obispo or Estero Bay; and 'point which looks like an island,' evidently Pt
Sur.
Cabrera gives no names except Tierra de Santa Lucia, mentioning however the morro corresponding to Pt Sur.
c9
jSTot shown on the map.
Called by Cabrera Bueno a 'famoso puerto que
tiene abrigo de todos vientos, y tiene mi rio de muy buena agua, y de poco
fondo, el qual por las orillas esta muy poblado de muchos Alamos negros;' also
alamos blancos' as the others say.
70
Often written in early times in two words Monte Rcy or Montc-Rei,
also Monterei and very commonly Monterrey. Of course the European origin
of the name in very remote times was monte del rey or king's mountain.
'
'
'
'
102
friendly.
71
trees,
anchorage
is
sails
1C3
Antique
el rio
grande de
S.
Sebastian
Mendocino
Costa aspera
Costa de arboleda
limp**,,. 0.
SOxuttan
Ro. Salado
Pto. de los Reyes
Ens. Grande
Costa segura
Costa de barrancas
P. de
arbola.
Ano Nuevo
r---i
Vizcaino's Map.
104
Sebastian, and, with a favorable wind, turn southward on St Sebastian's day. They keep near the
shore, but without discoveries that have left any
traces in the narrative, and without anchoring until
they come to Ceclros Island on the 7th of January.
The suffering and loss of life from scurvy have been
terrible, but relief is found at Mazatlan.
Meanwhile Aguilar in the Tres Reyes advances to
latitude 41 and is then driven by the gale to an
anchorage behind a great cliff near Cape Mendocino.
Continuing his voyage after the storm, he finds his
latitude on the 19th to be 43, near a point named
Cape Blanco, beyond which the coast turns to the
north-west, 72 and also near a large river. On account
of sickness and because he has already reached the
limit of the viceroy's instructions, Aguilar resolves to
return.
Both he and Flores die on the voyage, only
five men surviving.
I give a copy of the map representing discoveries above Monterey, not agreeing in
all respects with the narrative, and showing nothing
above Cape Mendocino. The great river, supposed by
Padre Ascension to be the entrance to Anian Strait,
must have been either imaginary or a small stream.
It is not possible to determine accurately the northern
limit of this exploration; but the indications are that
it was not beyond the present Oregon line of 42 and
St George. 73
72
'
105
i.
06
la Explication de algvnos instruen v*o en los navegantes, con las reglas necesarius para su
verdadero vso, etc. ; Tablet de las de.clinac lows del sol, computadas al meridiano de
San Bernardino; el modo de navegar por lagcometria; por las tablas de rumbos;
por la arithmetica; p>or la trigonometria; por el quadrante de reduction; por
los senos logarithmos; y comunes; con los estampas, yf auras pertenecientes a lo
Compvesta por el almirante D. Ioseph Gondicho, y of'ros tratados cnriosGS.
zalez Cabrera Bueno, piloto mayor de la Carrera de Philipinas, y natural de la
isla de Teuer/fe una de los Canarias, qvien la dedica al M. IIIM Sen D. Fernando de Vaides y Tamon. .Governador y Capitan General de las Islas Phdipinas, etc. Manila, 1792, fol. 11 f. 392 pages. 2 f. The bulk of the work is a
treatise on navigation; but Part V., 292-364, is devoted to derrotas, containing
sailing directions for the various Philippine and Pacific routes; and chap, v.,
302-22, relates to the coast from C. Mendocino to Panama. Portola and
Crespi in 1769 had a copy of this work, or at least were familiar with its contents; but from that time to 1874, when it was described and quoted in the
Overland Monthly by my assistant, I have found no indication of its having
mas
107
was derived. 77
The
that
is
Northern Mystery
what was thought and written and pictured
in
770, 384.
iii.
235-G.
10S
At
"",
ANCIENT MAPS.
109
CHAPTER
IV.
In
(110)
Ill
We
112
During
113
Vol.
I.
1U
may
well be doubted.
The governor instructed
to investigate and report; zealous friars called upon
for their views; the Franciscan authorities consulted
as to the supply of missionaries; treasury officials
questioned about ways and means; preliminary explorations, conflicting reports, petty quarrels
all these
with the interminable complication of red-tape communications therewith connected, resulting in vexatious delay, if not in absolute failure, may be readily
pictured by the reader of preceding volumes, familiar
with the ways of the period.
Fortunately none of these obstacles was in this case
interposed. The royal order was clear that San Diego
and Monterey should be occupied; the movement was
not a complicated or apparently difficult one; it was
promptly and effectually executed. The cause of this
unusual promptness was in the man who undertook to
carry out the order. The whole matter was by the
viceroy turned over to Jose de Galvez, who was, as we
have seen, on his way to the Jalisco coast to embark
for the peninsula. Galvez had come to Mexico in 17G5
as visitador general of New Spain. He was a member
of the Council of the Indies, and subsequently minister of state, holding the latter position at the time
of his death in 1789.
was invested by Carlos III.
tude
He
115
He
routine
Portola
garrison of about forty soldiers at Loreto.
was a new-comer of the preceding year; Rivera had
been long in the country. 2 The missions were in the
Galvez was 'alcalde de casa y corte, ministro del conscjo de Indias, marques de Sonora, ministro de estado y del despacho universal de Indias. Rivera,
Gobernantes de Mex., 402-1G. This is the only authority I have .seen for the
exact date of the departure from Mexico. In an edict dated Nov. 2, 17G3,
in Lower California, Galvez signs himself 'del consejo y camara de Su Magestad en el real y supremo de las Indias, yntendente de exercito, visitador gen*
eral de todos los tribunales de justicia, caxas, y demas ramos de real hacienda
de estos reynos, y comisionado con las amplisimas facultadcs del Ex. Sr. Marque's de Croix.' Prov. St. Pap., IMS., i. G. In his report to the viceroy dated
June 10, 17G9, he gives as the chief object cf the northern expedition the
establishment of a presidio to protect the peninsula from the danger always
threatened by foreign nations 'y con especialidad las (tentativas) que liltimamente ban hecho los rusos pretendiendo familiarizarso con la navegacion del
mar do Tartaria. Palou, Not., i. 183. See also for notices concerning Galvez'
coming to lower California. Id. i. 248-50. Fear of the Russians as the leading
motive for the northern establishment is mentioned in Armona, Carta, 1770,
in Doc. Hist. Mex., 4th ser., torn. ii. 15G-7; Revitta-Gigedo, Informs de 17133,
according to Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 117; by Navarrcte, introd. to Sutil y Mex.
Viage, xci.-ii. ; and by other writers. Grccnhow, Or. and Cal., 1C5, tells us
that Galvez was a man of the most violent and tyrannical disposition. If this
be true it is to be regretted that violence and tyranny were not more common
qualities in Spanish officials. Hughes, California, 119, learns from Harpt -r's
Biog. Cyclopedia, that Galvez visited California in search of gold-mines discovered by the Jesuits; that his companion, Miguel Jos6 de Arcnza, became
discouraged after a few weeks, recommending the abandonment cf the search
and accusing Galvez of insanity for continuing it, for which he was cast
into prison! Galvez was ill in Sonora after leaving California, and is said
to have imprisoned his secretary Azanza, afterward viceroy, for saj ing
1
'
'
that his malady was mental. Such was the origin doubtless of the story.
Vencgas, Net. Cal., ii. 200, 543-4, iii. 4-14, has something to say on the
proposals to settle Alta California and how the matter stood in the middle
of the century.
2
Biographical sketches of these officers will be given later. As authority
for the form of Portold's name I cite his signature in an original letter of 1779
116
117
left
Cadiz
6
May
had
118
listened patiently to the visitaclor's explanations, and then not only expressed his
approval of the scheme, but announced his intention
to join the land expedition in person.
It was thought
best to found, besides the missions at San Dieofo and
Monterey, another at some intermediate point, 7 and
still another on the frontier of Lower California in
order to facilitate communication between the old
lie
7
According to Palou, Vida,
San Buenaventura.
was
to be called
A PATRON"
SAINT.
110
made
Palou gives long lists of all the church property taken from each mission,
I have thought it worth while to combine into the following, which is
as nearly accurate as the author's occasional use of the term3 several' and a
few' will permit: 7 church bells, 11 small altar bells, 23 altar cloths, 5 choir
copes, 3 surplices, 4 carpets, 2 coverlets, 3 roquctes, 3 veils, 10 full sets sacred
vestments, different colors, G old single vestments, 17 albas, albs, or white
which
'
'
warehouse.
120
La Paz
like all
Palou, Vida, GO, notes that Galvez was particularly zealous in packing
San Buenaventura which he called his mission, and was delighted at having
done his work quicker than Padre Junipero who packed for his mission ot
San Carlos.
12
Crespi, in Palou, Not., ii. 149, says the San Curios sailed January 10th.
Leaving La Paz on the 9th, she may have been last seen by Galvez on the 10th,
though Palou, Not., i. 21G, says it was the 11th. For further details respecting
the officers, men, cargo, instructions, and plans, see description of the voyage
for
Her
condition beings no
capitana, or flag-ship, she
121
14
goes well."
Meanwhile active preparations for the land expedition were being made in the north.
Rivera had
Santa Ana in September, as we have seen. On
his way northward he had visited each mission and
had taken such live-stock and other needed supplies
as he and the different friars thought could be spared.
The 200 cattle, 140 horses, 46 mules, and two asses,
with various implements and articles of food thus
15
acquired, were collected at first at the frontier mission of Santa Maria, but the pasturage there being
insufficient for his animals, Rivera soon transferred his
left
camp
16
From
u
ld
this point
i.
46.
122
A1.L
EN ROUTE.
123
21
1, 2.
friars
went
in
advance and
124
The unfortunate
October.
in
was detained by
illness.
The
captain's
24
vol.
i.,
this series.
Aug. 29, 17G9, Juan B. Anza writes from Tubac, Sonora, to Gov. Pineda
that an Indian from the Gila has reported that a nation beyond theCocomaricopas met four Spaniards with guns, whom the writer thinks may be part of
the Monterey expedition. Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. iv. torn. ii. 117-18.
20
Gov. Armona of Baja California writes from Santa Ana July 19, 1770,
that he arrived June 13th, and found good news of the northern expeditions,
including the discovery of the 'prodigiosisimo puerto' called San Francisco
and which may be Monterey. Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. iv. torn. ii. 156-7.
27
Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., lxxxvii. 1025
125
ifornia see
end
of this volume.
CHAPTER
V.
'
Turn now
bay of San
126
Humboldt,
127
'
128
which had
sailed
129
been attended to at the start; Junipero Serra, president of the California missions, had invoked the
blessing of heaven upon this first detachment of pacificators; Miguel de Azanza, subsequently vicero}^ of
New Spain, had acted as shipping-clerk at the embarkation of the supplies; and Jose de Galvez, the
foremost man in America, had not only aided in the
lading and delivered a parting address, but had accompanied the vessel to the cape, seeing her safely
headed for San Diego.
Yet despite such favorable auspices the San Carlos
was unfortunate. The water-casks leaked and nothing but water of a bad quality could be obtained at
Cedros Island. This greatly aggravated the scurvy,
alwaj^s prevalent on the coast, and soon no sailors
were left with sufficient strength to work thewessel
or to launch the boats for fresh water. Vila, in accordance with his instructions, 7 was obliged to go up the
coast to 34 as had Perez before him, the increased
distance and cold adding greatly to his troubles. At
2 lbs. spice, 25 smoked beef-tongues, 6 live cattle, 575 lbs. lencandles, 1,300 lbs. Hour, 15 sacks bran, 495 lbs. beans, 10 sacks
roal, hens for the sick and for breeding, $1,000 in money, etc. The brandy and
cheese were for stormy weather only, the former being considered conducive
to scurvy if used habitually on this coast. The wine was for cabin use, or for
the missions. Many of the articles named, or specified portions thereof, were
intended for the missions, or for the land expedition; and part of the jiunocha,
was to be used in sweetening the temper of the natives.
7
Galvez' instructions to Capt. Vila, dated Jan. 5th, are preserved in Prov.
St. Pap., MS., i. 22-31, under the title, 'Instruction to be observed by D.
Vicente Vila, first-class master in the royal navy and Captain Comandante
(f the paquebot of his majesty called the San Carlos alias Tolson de Oro in
the voyage which by divine aid this vessel is to make to the ports of San
Diego and Monterey, situated on the northern coast of this peninsula of Californias in 33 and 37 of latitude.' The different articles of this document are
in substance as follows: 1st. The object is to establish the Catholic faith, to
extend Spanish domain, to check the ambitious schemes of a foreign nation,
and to carry out a plan formed by Felipe III. as early as 1G0G. Therefore no
pains can be spared without offense to God, the king, and the country. 2d.
The vessel being new, strong, and well supplied for over a year, to be followed
by the San Antonio with additional supplies, having only 300 leagues to make,
having a strong military force, and going to a land whose natives are docile,
have no arms but bows and arrows, and are without boats, there can be no
excuse en lo humaito for failure. 3d. Vila is to sail Jan. 7th, weather permitting, keep out to sea according to bis judgment in search of favorable
winds, to take careful observations, and to stand in shore at 34, San Diego
being in 33 according to the ce'dula of Felipe III., and being easy to find by
Vizcaino's narrative enclosed with this document in print in the third volume
]
bottles
tils,
112
oil,
lbs.
I.
130
A visit
Perez'
men
are attacked
by the scourge;
iii.
85-0).
4th. If
Capt. Rivera be found at San Diego, the mission effects are to be landed, and
such other supplies as Rivera may need, the rest to be taken by sea to Mon5th. If Rivera and the land force have not arrived Vila is to wait 15
terey.
or 20 days at most, obtaining wood and water, while Fages and Costans6
explore the country.
Cth. After the 20 days, or on Rivera's arrival, the San
Curios is to sail for Monterey, with the San Antonio if she be there.
7th.
The strictest discipline is to be kept, every precaution taken for safety, and
any outrage on the natives to be severely punished. 8th. The sailors are to
aid the soldiers in building a temporary fort at Monterey.
9th. The natives
are to be conciliated with panocha and trifles, but to be very closely watched,
10th. Panocha,
to be induced to look on weapons as a kind of adornment.
cloths, etc., are to be given to Fages and Rivera on their demand, a receipt
being taken. 11th.
report is to be sent to Galvez from San Diego by land,
and from Monterey one of the vessels is to return to San Diego with despatches to go overland, or if only one vessel is there she is to come as soon
as safety will permit and return immediately.
12th. Vila to remain in the
best fitted of the two vessels at Monterey until the San Jose shall arrive.
13th. The other vessel is to remain at San Diego long enough to deliver
despatches, etc., and is then to continue her voyage to C. San Lucas and San
Bias with duplicate despatches.
14th. Coasts about Monterey are to be
explored, especially port and river Carmelo, and if possible the port of San
Francisco said to be in 38 30'. To this end Vila will give all possible aid to
Costans6 and Fages. 15th. On the arrival of the San Jose", Vila in his vessel
will return to San Bias, exploring the coast in order to confirm or correct
Cabrera Bueno's derrotero, the best extant. Naverjacion Especulativa y prdctica, Manila, 1734.
8
According to Palcu, Not., i. 262, she anchored on the 30th.
9
Judge Hayes, Emlg. Notes, MS., 474, thinks that the vessels were
anchored off what is now New Town, between the two wharves, and that
Punta de los Muertes, or Dead Men's Point, derived its name from the burial
and
131
10
Of
132
country.
Many
localities
Costans6 may, if deemed best, send soldiers with the natives to meet Rivera.
12th. Fages may use force to overcome resistance if necessary.
13th. The
natives are never to be fully trusted, but always watched, for the 'common
enemy' will surely incite them to mischief. 14th. Both soldiers and sailors to
work on the fort. 15th. Constant precautions against danger, notwithstanding peaceful appearances.
10th. Trade with the natives is allowed, but no
knives or other weapons must be given them.
17th. Fages is to send full reports to Galvez down to the time of Portola's taking the command.
Great
reliance is placed in the 'activity, honor, and prudence' of Fages and Costans6.
Galvez adds a note to the effect that the presidio and mission at Mon*
terey are to be called by the glorious name of Sari Carlos.
12
These soldiers derived their name from the cuera, or cuirass, which in
California was a sleeveless jacket made of 7 or 8 thicknesses of deer or sheep
skin quilted. From the Latin corium. The metallic cuirass was called in
Spanish coraza.
Vi
A.pilotin was the master's mate on a vessel.
Caiiizares accompanied the
land force to take observations and write a diary.
14
Caiiizares, Diario ejecutado por Tkrra desde el parage de Villacata a este
puerto de San Diego, 1769, MS. This diary is dated July 3d, and was probably sent south by the San Antonio a few clays later. Crespi, Primera Espcd.
de Tierra al Descubrimiento del Puerto de San Diego, in Palou, Not., ii. 93149. This diary extends to July 2d, and probably was completed like the other
on July 3d. The writer had before him the diaries of the second expedition
under Portola, from which he takes some material respecting changes in names
of places along the route.
133
The
first
15
At the outset they followed the route of Link in 17CG, but the latter soon
turned to the right to cross the mountains.
16
Serra, in San Diego, Lib. Minion, MS., 64, says that 5 died.
Nine deserted at one time according to Palou.
17
Ortega, in Santa Clara, Arch. Parroqiria, MS., 48-54, gives an account
of this expedition in which he represents the sufferings of the soldiers to have
been very great, three tortillas per day being the rations. Vallejo, Hist. Ca'.,
MS., i. 83, obtained the same idea from his father's narrative, stating that
the soldiers were glad to barter their jewelry and clothing for the rations of
their Indian companions, while the latter lived on roots, wild fruits, etc.
134
18
Portold, Diario del Viage que haze por tlerra n Gaspar de Portold, Capdel regimiento de Espana, Governador de Califomias, d los
puertos de San Diego y Monterey situado* en 33 y 37 grados, haviendo sith nomn Joseph de
hrado comandante en gefe de esta expedicion por el Ili<> Sefior
it
an de Dragones
133
Jumpero's foot became so painful that it seemed impossible for him to continue. Portola wished to send
him back, but the president would not think of it.
litter was thereupon ordered to be made, but Serra
was much troubled at the extra work this imposed on
Calling an arriero he induced him
the poor Indians.
to prepare an ointment of tallow and herbs which,
combined with the friar's faith and prayers, so far
healed the affected limb in a single night that it gave
no more trouble. Listen to the record: " That evening he called the arriero Juan Antonio Coronel, and
said, 'Son, canst thou not make me a remedy for the
ulcer on my foot and leg?' But he answered, Padre,
what remedy can I know?
I a surgeon? I am an
arriero, and have healed only the sores of beasts.'
Then, son, suppose me a beast and this ulcer a saddlegall from which have resulted the swelling of the leg
and the pains that I feel and that give me no rest; and
make for me the same medicament that thou wouldst
"
apply to a beast.' 19
'
Am
'
'
'
sional itching.
In fact
it is
nothing serious.'
13G
Thus
are the four branches of the visitaclor general's grand expedition finally reunited at San Diego,
one year after Galvez had begun his preparations on
the peninsula. Next day is Sunday, fiesta de la visitation, and the California pilgrims, one hundred and
twenty-six in number out of two hundred and nineteen who had started; 20 or, omitting natives and
sailors, seventy-eight of Spanish blood out of ninety
who had come to remain celebrate their safe reunion
by a solemn thanksgiving mass to the patron San
Jose chanted with "la solemnidad posible," and to the
accompaniment of exploding gunpowder. The cere-
The numbers are not exact, statements of deaths being conflicting. These
pioneers included captains Portola and Rivera, Lieut. Pages, captains Vila
and Perez of the vessels, padres Serra, Crespi, Vizcaino, Gomez, and Parron;
Surgeon Prat; Costans6, engineer; Caiiizares, jAloto ; and sergeants Ortega
and Puig. For names of all the band see list at end of this volume.
21
Palou, Not., i. 282, says that July Gth was the day set for sailing; but this
may be a misprint. Nine of the sailors died of scurvy on the voyage. It is
probable that these last victims were included in Palou's statement of 12 survivors, 5 of whom were left on the San Carlos, 2 or 3 reached San Bias, and
4 or 5 remained ill at San Diego. The San Antonio made the voyage in 20
days.
A MISSION FOUNDED.
137
who
The
natives are
by no means timid, but they come to the mission for
gifts material rather than spiritual; and being adroit
thieves as well as importunate beggars, their presence
in large numbers becomes a nuisance, rendering it
impossible for the small force to watch them and give
proper attention to the sick. Fortunately the savages
will have nothing to do with the food of the Spaniards,
attributing to it some agency in the late ravages of
the scurvy; but other things, particularly cloth, they
deign to steal at any hour of day or night. They even
22
It is noticeable that in all the general reports after 1823 this date is given
June lGth; but there is no doubt that it is an error. Arch. Santa Barbara,
MS., xii. 125. Serra thinks, Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 125, that April 11th has
some claim to be considered the beginning of the mission, since on that
day when the San Antonio arrived began the spiritual manifestations to the
natives, causing them to see an eclipse and feel an earthquake, not perceptible
as
to the Christians.
23
San D'wjo, Lib. de Mision, MS. St James of Alcald was an Andalucian
Franciscan who lived from 1400 to 14G3, and was canonized in 1588 rather for
his pious life and the miracles wrought through him before and after death
than for any high position held by him. Alcald was rarely attached to the
name of the mission in popular usage.
138
attempt
San
Carlos,
24
For a long time at San Diego and Monterey the peninsula only was
spoken of as California.' Either local names or Nuevos Establecimientos were
applied to the north, although Serra in his first letter from San Diego used
the term California Septentrional.'
25
In his Vida de Junip. Serra, 84, Palou speaks of previous assaults with
intent to kill the Spaniards on Aug. 12th to 13th, which were repulsed. Tuthill, Hist. Ccd., 70, erroneously states that a priest was killed.
Serra, San
Dieyo, Lib. Mis., MS., 65, says the man killed was a Spanish arriero 20 years
old named Jose" Maria Vegerano.
'
'
NO PROGRESS IN CONVERSION.
139
Yet we
26
On
the general subject of this chapter, in addition to the special docuto, see for a connected narrative Palou, Not., i. 254-84,
427-32; ii. 03-153; Id., Vida, CO-SG. The notes of Serra in San Diego, Lib.
Jilision, MS., are also a valuable source of information.
These notes were
written to supply as far as possible from memory the loss of the original mission books destroyed with the mission in 1775.
Copies are also found in
Hayes' Miss. Book, MS., i. 99-106, and in Bandini, Doc. Hist. CaL, MS.
Miguel Costans6 published in Mexico, 1770, an account of these expeditions as
Diario Ilistdrico de losviagesde mar y tierra, hechos al Norte de la California, fol.
56.
It was translated by Wm. Revely and published in 1790 by A. Dalrymple as An Historical Journal, etc., 2 maps, 4to, 70 p.
CHAPTER
FIRST EXPEDITION
VI.
10,
CRESPI'S DIARY.
fifteen christianized
Lower
Californians,
141
and two
ser-
142
worse than
July
14.
San Diego, 32
30'.
Leagues.
Really 32 44'
vance.
Name
N.W.
N.N.W.
retained
N.
N.
N.
N.E.
N.W.
1.5
Course.
(3)
N.N.W.
[2]
N.W.
2.5 [3]
N.W.
mesa at
24. S. Francisco Solano, 33 18'.
foot of sierra with fine stream, oppoSta Catalina Island, said by the
explorers to be 5 1. from S. Pedro Bay.
At or near S. Juan Capistrano
26. S. Pantaleon (Aguada del P. Gomez), on
the edge of a large plain
site
28.
29.
27,
guel)
30.
31.
(No name),
(No name),
gion
33 34'
lat. 34 10'.
lat.
Los Angeles
N.E.
1.5 [1]
N.W.
2
6
N.W.
N.W.
re-
N.W.
GEOGRAPHICAL TABLE.
143
Four days
Aug.
2.
3.
Leagues.
S. Gabriel
Alisos de S. Estevan Spring, near an as-
3(2)
phaltum marsh
4.
5.
10'.
34 47'.
Near Hart's
Sta Clara stream and Canada
11. Sta Clara, down same stream, 34 30', a
good site for a mission. 6 1. from Sta
Rosa and 10 1. from Sta Catalina.
This mud be an error
12. S. Pedro Amoliano rancheria, down the
10.
stream
Stos
Mar tires
17.
18.
20.
N.W.
N.N.W.
N.
4
3
W.N.W.
W.S.W.
W.S.W.
N.
y Cuciano rancheria
down same stream, which
Ipolito
and river,
widens out into a river. Still called
Iiio Sta Clara
Asuncion (Asunta) rancheria, on sea-shore.
Fine site for a mission, 34 3G'. Costans6
1C.
W.
still
Encino
(No name.
Sta Rosa de Viterbo, or Corral rancheria,
3 1. across the plain, and 4 1. over mts.,
15.
San Fer-
station
called
14.
N.W.
S.
nando
13.
Course.
made
it
34
13'.
s.w.
Doubtless S.
Buenaventura
2.5
Sta Conefundis (RancheriaVolante), along
beach
2
Sta Clara de Monte Talco, or Bilarin, a
large pueblo in 34 40', on an arroyo,
along beach
2
S. Roque, or Carpinteria, a large pueblo
in it plain, 4 1. by 1 1., much asphaltum. Sta Barbara region
1
Concepcion Laguna (Pueblo de la Laguna), a very large rancheria, on a point
across an est<ro. Sta Barbara icas afterwards founded at S. Joaquin de la
Laguna.
Coast turns from w.n.w.
to w
4 [(3)]
Sta Margarita de Cortona, or Isla, or Mescaltitlan pueblos, 34 43'. In a marshy
region, where the sloughs form an
island, with four or five scattered rancherias
3.
[2. 5]
E.NJE.
W.(W.N.W.)
W. (W.N.W.)
w. (w.n.w.)
w. (w.n.w.)
w. (w.n.w.)
144
Leagues.
Aug.
S.
34 51'
Pt Concepcion, 34
30'
and
W.
w.
w.
w.
w.
N.W.
N.W.
N.W.
N.W.
N.
N.
N.W. (N.N.W.)
Not clear
4
Sta Elena, or Angosta Canada, 35 3' ?.
2
Natividad, or Canada de los Osos, down
which they went to the sea. S. Luis
ObisjJOivasfounded later on this Canada. 3(4)
28'.
W.
2.5
27.
courses,
Course.
N.W.
143
Few
by the natives
when
8.
S.
Rock
of
modern maps
Leagues.
W.
27', after
N.W.
N.N.W.
10.
S.
11.
S.
12.
S.
L3.
1)
N.W.
N.w. and N. N.E.
10'
S.
Course.
S.
Martin
N.W.
Pie"
N.E...
4
4
4
N.E.
N. W.
3.5(3)
5.25
36'.
7.
8.
10.
Nr Sra
15.
10.
Sta Teresa
Rosario del Serafin de Asculi arroyo, near
Soquel
17.
S.
I.
10
N.W.
N.N.W.
N.
1.5
N.W.
N.W.
N.W.
W.N.W.
14G
23.
S.
24.
S. Ibon, or
S.
Simon y
W.N.W.
N.W.
N.W.
N.N.W.
shore
27.
28.
Course.
4 or 2
Pulgas, rancheria
S.
N.
N.
n.n.w.
with farallones -just above Half-Moon
Bay, and in sight of Pt S. Pedro
Pt Angel Cnstodio, or Almejas, 37 24',
los Ansares, in sight of a point
30.
N.W.
To points subsequently
were applied.
visited,
no names
147
148
was
San
&
149
ill,
time are
150
Cypress Point
the bight
and
now
southward.
151
tent at the mouth of the Salinas River, a meeting of all the officers and friars is held to deliberate
on what shall be done. At this meeting" the commandant briefly calls attention to the scarcity of provisions, to the seventeen men on the sick-list unfit for
duty, to the excessive burden of labor imposed on
those who are well in sentinel duty and continual
reconnoissances, and to the lateness of the season. In
view of these circumstances and of the fact that the
port of Monterey could not be found where it had
been supposed to lie, 9 each person present is called
upon to express freely his opinion. The decision of
wood
and priests
is
'
que
arroyo; what should be a port is only a little ensenada; what were great lakes
are lagunillas;' and yet to go on and find another Sierra de Sta Lucia would
take time 1 1 men were sick, and only 50 costales of flour remained. Costanso gave his opinion first: that they were in only 36 42', while Monterey
was in 37 or perhaps more; they should not fail to explore up to 37 30' so as
either to find the port or to be sure of its non-existence. Fr.ges followed and
also favored going on to 37 or a little more, as the port had certainly not
been passed, and they had not yet reached its latitude. Then Rivera, who
did not seem to think Monterey would be found, since it was not where it
ought to be, but thought they should establish themselves somewhere, but
not where they then were. Then Portola decided to rest 6 days, go on as
far as possible, and then select the most eligible place for a settlement if
Monterey did not appear. All agreed in writing to this plan, including
padres Gomez and Crespi.
;
152
It is and must ever remain more or less inexplicable that the Spaniards should have failed at this
time to identify Monterey. All that was known of
that port had resulted from Vizcaino's visit, and
this knowledge was in the hands of the explorers in
The dethe works of Venegas and Cabrera Bueno.
tolerably
of
landmarks
was
clear/
and in
scription
fact these landmarks had been readily recognized by
Portola's party at their first arrival on the bay shore.
Moreover, the advantages of the harbor had not been
very greatly exaggerated, both Torquemada, as quoted
called
Monte-
'
'
OCCURRED.
153
There
are,
remove the
importance.
Serra mentioned in one of his letters the same opinion founded on the great
Band dunes found where the port ought to be. Id., 92. Fages says: 'We
knew not if the place where we were was that of our destination; still after
having carefully examined it and compared it with the relations of the ancient
voyagers, we resolved to continue our march; for after having taken the lati3
tude, avc found that we were only in 3G 44', while, according to the reports
the
pilot,
of
Cahrera Bueno, Monterey should be in 37, and so serious an
error was not supposable en the part of a man of well known skill.
The configuration of the coast did not agree cither with the relations which served us
as a guide.' Voy. en Cal., 328-9.
Rivera simply says: 'We went in the expedition by land to San Diego and Monterey, and having failed to recognize
the latter we proceeded in search of it till we came to San Francisco, whence
for want of provisions we returned and the whole expedition slept two nights
in Monterey itself and encamped several days on the Rio Carmelo.' St. Pap.,
Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 52-3.
According to Ortega, 'On Qctober_5th or
6th we reached Pt Pinos, and according to the indications of Capt. Vizcaino
and the piloto Cabrera Bueno and our latitude as well we should have
thought ourselves already at Monterey; but not finding the shelter and protection ascribed by them to the port caused us to doubt, since we saw a bight
over twelve leagues across with no shelter except for small craft at the point,
although the said bight is large enough to hold thousands of vessels, but with
little
154
To
32
Luego que lei esta noticia atribui a disposicion divina el que no liallando
la expedicion el puerto de Monterey en el parage que lo senalaba el antiguo
derrotero, siguiese hasta llegar al Puerto de N. P. S. Francisco.' Vida de
Junipero Serra, 88. Gleeson, Hist. Cath. Ch., ii. 35-8, accepts the view that
it
'
was a
miracle.
155
It would be very
either.
wooded point, which might be the veritable Rio Carmelo and Point Pinos. Next day the whole company
set out and in twenty-three days march up the coast
to Point Angel Custodio, since called Point San
Eleven men have to be carried in litters, 14
Pedro.
and progress is slow. On the 8th the Pajaro River
is crossed and named by the soldiers from a stuffed
bird found among the natives.
week later in the
vicinity of Soquel the palo Colorado, or redwood,
begins to be seen.
On the 17th they cross and name
the Rio de San Lorenzo, at the site of the present
Santa Cruz; and on the 23d Point Ano Nuevo is
passed.
Vegetables soon give out as had meat long
aofo, and rations are reduced to five tortillas of bran
and flour a day. Portold and Rivera are added to the
sick list.
On the 28th the rains begin, and the men
are attacked by diarrhoea, which seems to relieve the
scurvy.
The 30th they reach a point with detached
rocks, or farattones, located by Costanso in 37 31/,
13
Vallejo, Hint. Cal, MS., i. 39-42; Alvarado, Hist. Cal, MS., i. 19-20;
All have heard from Ignacio Vallejo and
Vallejo {J. J.), fiemin., MS., 66-7.
others of his time that Portola was supposed to have passed Monterey intentionally.
u Ortega describes the labors and sufferings of the men more fully than
others.
He says 16 lost the use of their limbs. Each night they were
rubbed with oil and each morning were fastened to the tijeras, a kind of
of
the mules.
The
rain
however
156
where the
13
Mr Doyle, Address 7, makes it Corral de Tierra, or Pillar Point, at the
northern extremity of Half Moon Bay. I do not know if this was a deliberately formed opinion; but my reasons for identifying Mussel Point with San
Pedro are: 1st, the detached rocks or farallones not found in connection with
the other points, see Cal. State Geol. Surv. Map of region adjacent to S. F. 1 867;
2d, the hills cutting off the shore passage as they do not at Pillar Point, see Id.
3d, the clear view of Drake Bay and the Farallones, etc. ; and 4th, the fact
that in order to put in the number of leagues they did going south along the
Canada they must have crossed at San Pedro rather than at Pillar, especially,
if as Doyle suggests, their last camp was no farther south than Searsviile.
There are, however, some difficulties.
10
For this author's full description of this region see chap. iii. this volume.
,
157
in the
minds of
modern
My
17
Certain exceptions should be noted.
assistant, in the Overland
Monthly, made known for the first time to the English-reading public the
statements of Cabrera Bueno andCrespi, and in a few brief notes put the subject in its true light.
Doyle in notes to his reprint of Palou subsequently
gave a correct version; and several writers since have partially utilized the
information thus presented.
18
The following from Divinelle's Colon. Hist. S. F., xi. 24, is a sample of
the errors current in the best class of works
There was a report in Mexico
that such a port existed, yet navigators sent to explore it had not succeeded
in finding it, and even at Monterey nobody believed in it. But in 1772 Father
Junipero, taking the viceroy at his word, caused an overland expedition to set
out for Monterey under the command of Juan B. Ainsa to search for the apocryphal port. They were so successful as to discover the present bay of San
Francisco. Dwindle 's idea seems to be that there was a tradition of such a
b v before Drake's time; that Drake and others after him missed the bay on
account of fogs, etc.; and that the real bay had thus come to be regarded as
apochryphal. Randolph in his famous oration, Hutching* Mag.,\. 209, regards
it 'as one of the most remarkable facts in history that others had passed it,
anchored near it, and actually given its name to adjacent roadsteads, and so
described its position that it was immediately known; and yet that the cloud
had never been lifted which concealed the entrance of the bay of San Francisco, and that it was at last discovered by land.' Randolph's error was in
supposing that it was the inside bay that 'was immediately known,' rather
than the 'adjacent roadstead.' Tuthill, Hist. Cal., 77-9, says that Portola
went on to San Francisco and recognized it as having been before described.
Possibly some Spaniards had visited the port and their oral descriptions mixed
with that of Drake gave rise to the name and to glowing accounts which were
accredited to Monterey
Thus all became confusion between the two bays.
Some authors, correctly stating that Portola discovered the bay of San Fran:
'
'
'
158
cisco in 17G9, also tell us that he named it. See Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Ch., ii.
38; Capron's Hist. CaL, 122; Soule's Annals of S. F., 46, etc.; but the inner
bay was not named for some years, and the outer bay had been named long
before. That confusion still reigns in the minds of the best writers is shown
by the following from HitteWs Hist. S. Francisco, 41: 'The Spanish explorers,
Portola and Crespi, did not imagine that they had made a discovery. They
saw that the harbor was different from that of Monterey, described by Vizcaino, but they imagined that it was the bay of San Francisco mentioned by
their navigators as lying under shelter of Point Reyes. Friar Juan Crespi,
who may be considered the head of the expedition, not knowing that he had
made a discovery, did on the 7th of November 1709 discover the site and
harbor of San Francisco, and he gave to them the name which they now bear.
It
must be borne
in
159
inner bay was not named during this trip, nor for
some years later; while the outer bay had been named
for more than a half century.
A few of
It
1G0
explored the peninsula on which stands the commercial metropolis of the west coast of North America; probably also that of having discovered what is
now known as the Golden Gate, and possibly that of
being the discoverer of the bay, for he may have
climbed the hills on his way north and have looked
down on the 'brazo de mar,' before the deer-hunters
saw it. 20 Yet we have no details of Ortega's exploration, because he comes back with one idea
which has driven all others from his mind, and which
indeed turns the thoughts of the whole company into
a new channel.
He has understood the natives, of
whom he found some on the peninsula, to say that
at the head of the brazo de mar' is a harbor, and in
it a vessel at anchor.
Visions of the San Jose and of the food and other
necessaries they can now obtain float before them
sleeping and waking.
Some think that after all they
are indeed at Monterey.
Obviously the next thing
Henc
to be done is to seek that harbor and vessel.
4th
November
they
of
break
camp
and
set
on the
out, at first keeping along the shore, but soon turning
inland and crossing the hills north-eastward, the
whole company looking dowm from the summit upon
the inland sea, and then descending into a Canada,
down which they follow southward for a time and
then encamp; the day's march being only about five
or six miles in all. They have crossed the San Bruno
hills from just above Point San Pedro to the head
of the Canada in a course due w est from Milbrae.
Next day they march down the same Canada, called
by them San Francisco, now San Andres and San
Raimundo, for three leagues and a half, having the
main range on the right, and on the left a line of
low hills which obstruct their view of the bay. They
encamp on a large lagoon, now Laguna Grande, on San
Mateo Creek. On the 6th they continue their march
first
'
20
It
must
Puig who
may
ON THE PENINSULA.
1G1
There
difficult to reach.
Hist. Cal., Vol.
I.
11
is
nothing to show
how
far
1G2
December
10th,
explorations,
hills.
arrieros desert,
and on
21
The record of this junta and of the former one of Nov. 11th were
cluded in the original Portola, Diario, MS., but are not in the copy.
in-
1G3
on a knoll near the beach, bearing the carved inscription "Dig at the foot and thou wilt find a writing."
The buried document is a brief narrative of the expedition with a request that the commander of any vessel arriving soon will sail down the coast and try to
communicate with the land party. 22 Recrossing the
peninsula they set up, on the shore of the very harbor
they could not find, another cross with an inscription
announcing their departure. Setting out on their
return the 11th they ascend the Salinas and retrace,
with a few exceptions, their former route. It is an
uneventful journey, but I catalogue a few details in a
23
note.
Below the San Luis Obispo region the natives
begin to bring in an abundance of fish and other food,
so that there is no further suffering, and on January
24, 1770, with many curious conjectures as to the
condition in which their friends will be found, they
approach the palisade enclosure at San Diego, and
announce their arrival by a discharge of musketry.
Warm welcome follows and then comparison of notes.
Neither party can report much progress toward the
conquest of California.
22
cub3 killed furnishing material for a feast. January 3d, passed Point Concepcion. 4th, another fat mule restored by the natives. Food now abundant.
11th, at Asumpta, or Santa Barbara.
January 12th to 15th, instead of going
up the Santa Clara River, they took a more southern route. They could not
get through by the first route tried, on which they named the Triunfo rancheria, a name that seems to have survived; but they finally crossed by the
modern stage route via Simi. January 16th to 18th, their route through the
Los Angeles region was also different but not very clear. On the 17th they
crossed the Eio Porciuncula and went to a valley which they called San
Miguel, where San Gabriel mission afterwards stood; and next day they
crossed the Rio Santa Ana G long leagues distant.
CHAPTER
VII.
'
'
in mission
34.
(164)
little
163
20th being
The friars,
was
especially Serra
really
OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY.
1G6
officers
were
COMING OF RELIEF.
The fourth
clay thereafter
the
167
before.
168
OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY.
Let us turn again toward the north with the expeditions sent out by land and sea to renew the search
for Monterey. The San Antonio sailed from San Diego
And
later
when
the natives
169
was no longer
shore revealed
the little ravine with its pools of fresh water, the trees,
and even the wide-spreading oak whose branches
touched the water at high tide and under which mass
had been said by Ascension in 1G02, 6 all as in olden
time except the crowds of friendly natives.
6
ram as llegaba
OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY.
170
On
the 3d of June
known
citizen of
necessary to remove certain difficulties into which modern writers and modern
usage have fallen respecting the name of this mission. This name was
always San Carlos; San Carlos de Monterey was simply San Carlos at MonWhen the mission was
terey, that port having been named long before.
moved to Carmelo bay and river it was naturally spoken of as San Carlos del
Carmelo, or San Carlos at Carmelo, a port also named long before. But Monterey being a prominent place the mission continued to be often called San
Carlos at Monterey, or San Carlos at Carmelo near Monterey, as the Spanish
But again the full name of the bay
preposition de may best be translated.
and river Carmelo was Nuestra Seuora del Monte Carmelo, or Nra. Sra. del
Carmen, and hence a new source of confusion arose, all of which, however,
171
OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY.
172
Portola came to Lower California in 1768 as governor, the first the peninhad ever had; but when he volunteered to take command in person of
the northern expedition, it seems that Armona was appointed to succeed him
in the governorship. I do not know the exact date of Armona's appointment,
but he arrived at Loreto in June 1769, and went back to the mainland two
weeks later without having taken possession of his office. In the mean time
Gonzalez ruled as a kind of lieutenant-governor or military commandant until
relieved in October 1769 by Toledo, who governed in the same capacity until
Armona, who had failed to get his resignation accepted, returned in June
1770 to rule until November, Moreno ruling, in much the same capacity
apparently as Gonzalez and Toledo, until the arrival of Gov. Barri in March
1771.
Now while Gonzalez, Toledo, and Moreno cannot be properly credited
with any authority in Upper California, their terms as interinos render it
difficult to define those of the proprietary governors.
Thus, though Portola
was in a sense governor of the Californias down to June 1770, since no regular successor had taken possession of the office, I have named him in my list
of rulers of Alta California as commandant from the first settlement down
to July 9, 1770.
In Monterey, Estracto de Noticias, he is called comandante
en gefe.
9
Rivera and his men were expected to march to Monterey on their return
from the peninsula, but for some unexplained reason, possibly dissatisfaction
at Fages' appointment to the chief command, Rivera remained at San Diego.
According to Monterey, Estracto de Noticias, Fages had a force of over 30
men besides Rivera's force, which is an error.
sula
173
We
OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY.
174
At Monterey
was
For want of
11
Monterey, Estracto cle Noticias del Puerto de Monterey, de la Mision, y
Presido que se han establecido en 61 con la denominacion de San Carlos, y d<-l
sucesso de las dos Expeditions de Mar, y Tierra que d este Jin se despncharon
en el a no proximo anterior de 17G9.
Mexico 10 de Agosto de 1770. Con
licencia y orden del Ex mo Seiior Virrey.
En la Imprenta del Superior Govierno. Fol., 3 unnumbered leaves. This rare tract is in my collection, and it
is reprinted also in Palou's Noticias.
When this notice was printed the
despatches from Loreto had not yet arrived.
12
Palou, Vida, 113 1G, says she sailed Jan. 2d.
13
Letter dated Nov. 12th, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 69-71.
14
1st. That the commandants at San Diego and Monterey be made to obey
more closely the instructions of Galvez. (There had been some disagreement
with the friars in connection with the desertion of an arriero.) 2d. That some
families of Christian natives be sent up from Baja California to serve as
laborers.
3d. That a guard or presidio be established at San Buenaventura.
4th. That these natives be kindly treated.
5th. That the train of mules be
increased for service from Scnora and the peninsula. Gth. That presidios and
missions be supplied for 18 months by the service of two snows.
7th. That
San Francisco be explored, Monterey being as some say no harbor. 9th. That
mission temporalities should be wholly under control of the friars, with the
power of removing servants and officials. 14th. Vessels for Monterey should
sail in February or April,
loth. A proper limosna, or allowance, should be
granted to friars going or coming.
16th. San Diego, Monterey, and San
Buenaventura should have the $1,000 allowed to new missions. 18th. Soldiers should be supplied with rations so as to be able to do escort dut} Palou,
7-
Not.,
i.
120-3.
175
administered.
16
at
Monterey
May
21,
Palou, Vida, 104-6, says it was for want of soldiers, because Rivera did
not come upas expected; but he says nothing of the fact that there were no
padres available.
1G
Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 22, mentions some writings of the soldier
J. B. Valdes to the effect that the Baja Californians conversed readily with
the Eslenes, and he is disposed to believe after much inquiry that the language
was to some extent understood. Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., i. oo-G, names the
interpreter Maximiano, and states that the Eslen chief lived near the spring
called Agua Zarca on what was later the rancho of Guadalupe Avila.
Unfortunately the first book of baptisms for San Carlos has been lost, and the
The first burial
exact number of converts for the early years is not known.
was on the day of founding June 3d, when Alejo Nino one of fhe San Antonio's
crew was buried at the foot of the cross. According to Palou, Not., i. 451,
he was a calker; the mission record makes himacadete. The first interment
in the cemetery was that of Ignacio Ramirez, a mulatto slave from the San
Antonio, who had money ready to purchase his freedom.
There were four
more deaths during the year, three of sailors and one of a Baja Californian.
The first marriage did not take place till Nov. 1G, 1772. San Cdrlos, Lib. <'e
son, MS., 84; Taylor's Odds and Ends, 4. A writer in the Uerista Cientifica,
i. 328, tells us that the mission
of Carmen or Monte Carmelo was founded
June 3d on the gulf of Carmelo, but never progressed much. A newspaper
item extensively circulated speaks of an Indian woman still living in 1869
who was the mother of two children when the mission church was built.
Shea, Caih. Miss., 94, calls the mission Monte Carmel. Tuthill, Hist. Cal.,
80-1 says that Portola retired by water and Rivera by land, leaving Junipero
with o friars and Fages with 30 soldiers.
OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY.
176
San Antonio
for
San Diego,
Palou
Vida
MS.
122.
S. Antonio, Lib. de Mision. MS., 1; Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 112-15; Palou,
Not. ii. 245, tells us of an old woman who applied for baptism, and who wher
a girl had heard her father speak of a padre dressed like these, who came t;
,
177
the country flying through the air and preaching Christian doctrines. Gomez,
Lo que sabe, MS., 53-4, records the tradition that the ringing of the bells
frightened away the natives; and that subsequently they refused to eat cheese
believing it to be the brains of dead men.
San Antonio de Padua was born
in Lisbon in 1195, died at Padua in 1231, and was canonized in 1232. He was
a famous preacher, his sermons affecting even the fishes, and a zealous propagator of the Franciscan order. His day, as celebrated by the church, is June
13th.
21
P. Serra in his Representation, MS., of May 21, 1773, says the work of
building was hurried to get ready for farming, and that it was hindered by
Fages taking away the best soldiers. Eight mules were left at the mission.
22
Nov. 12, 1770, Viceroy Croix writes to Fages that San Carlos mission is
to be established on the Rio Carmelo with a sufficient guard of soldiers. Prov.
St.
Pap., MS.,
i.
70.
I.
12
178
ance.
OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY.
August he a^ain
hasten the movements of
in
179
'
commandant not
MS., i. 72.
2
"Palou, Not.,
i. 477.
The same author in his Vida, 129-30, implies that
the site selected was on the Rio de los Temblores.
27
It is only in his Vida, 129-30, that Palou tells this story.
OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY.
180
The
bringing timber and constructing the stockade enclosure with its tule-roofed buildings of wood, continuing
in the mean time their offerings of pine-nuts and acorns
29
to the image of Our Lady.
Though friendly as
yet, the natives crowded into the camp in such numbers that ten soldiers were not deemed a sufficient
guard; and Padre Somera went down to San Diego
the 1st of October, returning on the 9th with a reinforcement of two men. Next day a crowd of natives
attacked two soldiers who were guarding the horses.
The chief discharged an arrow at one of the soldiers,
who stopped it with his shield, and killed the chieftain with a musket-ball.
Terrified by the destructive
effects of the gun the savages fled, and the soldiers,
cutting off the fallen warrior's head, set it on a pole
28
The Archangel Gabriel has a place in several religions. To the Israelhe was the angel of death; according to the Talmud he was the prince of
fire and ruled the thunder.
He set fire to the temple of Jerusalem; appeared
to Daniel and Zacharias; announced to Mary the birth of Christ; and dictated
the Koran to Mahomet. The last-named prophet describes him very fully,
mentioning among other things 500 pairs of wings, the distance from one wing
to another being 500 years' journey.
His day in the church calendar is
March 18th. The mission was often called San Gabriel de los Temblores, the
latter word like Carmelo with San Carlos indicating simply locality.
It had
been intended to mean San Gabriel on the Paver Temblores, but when another
site was selected the name was retained meaning San Gabriel in the region of
Earthquakes, as San Gabriel de San Miguel would have been awkward. See
The
Serra, in Pro v. St. Pap., MS., i. 118; S. Gabriel Lib. de Mision, MS.
author of Los Angeles Mist., 5, is in error when he says that the San Gabriel
ites
'
'
'
'
when they saw them strike fire from a flint, but seeing them kill a
put them down as human beings 'of a nasty white color with ugly
blue eyes;' and later, as no violence was done, they called them chichlnabros,
gers gods
bird, they
181
30
Palou, Not.
rancherias.
The
OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY.
182
women
and
killed such
males as dared to
Fages, probably with ten Catalan voluninterfere.
teers, continued his march to Monterey at the end of
Rivera y Moncada does not appear at all in
1771.
He probably remained but
the annals of this period.
a short time at San Diego before retiring to the peninIt is not unlikely that he was already preparing
sula.
the way by correspondence for the removal of Fages
for their lust
32
in his
own
33
Representation de 21 de
from a change
52.
favor.
of corporals,
CHAPTER
PROGRESS OF THE
NEW
VIII.
ESTABLISHMENTS.
1772-1773.
Events of 1772 Search tor the Port of San Francisco Crespi's Diary
First Exploration of Santa Clara, Alameda, and Contra Costa
Counties Fages Discovers San Pablo Bay, Carquines Strait, and
San Joaquin River Relief Sent South Hard Times at Monterey
Living on Bear-meat Fages and Serra Go South Founding of San
Luis Obispo Events at San Diego A Quarrel between Commandant
and President Serra Goes to Mexico Cession of Lower Caltfornian Missions to Dominicans New Padres for the Northern Establishments Palou's Journey to San Diego and Monterey in 1773.
The year 1772 was marked by an important exploration of new territory in the north. It added a mission to the four already founded, brought three friars
band of workers, and saw arrangements completed for a larger reenforcement through
to reenforce Serra' s
aggression. 1
1
Dated Nov. 12, 1770, in Prov.
Fages at Monterey in May 1771.
St.
Pap., MS.,
i.
70.
It
was received by
(183)
184
PROGRESS OF THE
NEW
ESTABLISHMENTS.
DISCOVERY OF ALAMEDA.
1S5
Alameda Creek,
One
of
party saw
it
PROGRESS OF THE
18G
NEW
ESTABLISHMENTS.
tioch.
all
To
trips.
187
vicinity of Mission
route,
called
From
pitas.
dent.
" seeing that it was impossible to found at once the mission of our seraphic
father San Francisco in his own port, since, as that
port according to Cabrera Bueno was near Point
Reyes, it was necessary to go to it by water, passing
from Point Almejas to Point Reyes across the Ensenada de los Farallones; or if by land, it was necessary
to make a new exploration by ascending the great
rivers in search of a ford and since as it is not known
if they extend far inland, or where they rise, a new
expedition was necessary; therefore, his reverence
determined in view of what had been discovered in
this exploration to report to the viceroy" and await
;
his instructions.
June
PROGRESS OF THE
183
At
last the
NEW
ESTABLISHMENTS.
coast; but
by reason of adverse winds they could not reach Monterey and therefore returned to San Diego. 9 Fages
and Serra now started for the south late in August to
make arrangements
to
Letter of Serra to Palou from Monterey, Aug. 18th, in Palou, Vida, 136-9.
Saint Louis, bishop of Toulouse, son of Charles II. of Naples, was born in
1275, became a Franciscan in 1294, died in 1298, and was canonized in 1317.
His day is August 19th. San Luis Obispo, Lib. de Mision, MS. Fages calls
the mission San Luis Obispo de los Tichos. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 86. According to Arch. Obispado, MS., 83, the mission had at first only 50 lbs. of
flour and 3 ahnudes of wheat, so that life had to be sustained by seeds obtained from the natives. Dec. 2, 1772, the viceroy writes to Fages approving
the founding of the mission in a spot where there is much good land and
plenty of game. Prov. St. Pap., MS. i. 76. Serra, in San Diego, Lib. de
Mision, MS., strangely calls the mission which he founded at this time San
Luis Rey. The traditional old Indian woman who aided in building the mission church is not wanting at San Luis. According to newspaper items she
was named Lilila and died Aug. 1, 1874.
10
OBISPO.
189
scanty supply of food. Additional soldiers and provisions are to be left on the return of the train from
San Diego, and the associate minister Juncosa is to
come down at the end of the year. The day after
founding the mission Serra and Fages continue their
journey. 11 It is the president's first trip overland and
he is delighted with all he beholds, with the prospects at San Luis, with the natives of the channel
12
coast, and with progress at San Gabriel, where he
spends September 11th and 12th, and whence Father
Paterna goes down to San Diego to return with the
supply-train.
Of
August.
As
Mayo, MS.,
12
Yet in
117.
his report to the viceroy of April 22, 1773, he refers to a disturbance here between the soldiers and Indians, in which one of the latter was
killed and another severely wounded. Prov. Si. Pap., MS., i. 101.
13
Dec. 2, 1772, the viceroy writes to Fages reprimanding him for allowing
the vessel to continue her voyage up to Monterey at this season. He should
have unloaded her and forwarded her cargo by land. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i.
77-8.
PROGRESS OF THE
190
NEW
ESTABLISHMENTS.
guard
for a
new
14
At any
rate a
nist.
14
15
Palou, Vida, 146, says that Serra 'consulted with comandante Fages
about an escort and other assistance necessary for the founding, but he found
the door closed, and that he (Fages) went on giving such directions that if
they should be carried into effect, far from being able to found (the mission)
they threatened the risk of losing what it had cost so much work to accomplish. To prevent such a result, from which serious misfortunes might issue,
the venerable padre used all the means suggested by his great prudence and
well known skill; but in no way was he able to accomplish his purpose.' The
same author in Noticias, i. 509-10, says: 'They spoke of the number of soldiers
who were to remain, and of the manner in which the mission was to be managed, because he (Fages) had already meddled in the government of the missions, already pretending that all belonged to him and not to the padres; so
that the missions, instead of progressing, retrograded, and if the thing went
on the reduction might be rendered impossible.'
15
Palou had alluded, in his Memorial of December 1772, to misunderstandMarch 18, 1772, the
ings between the military and missionary authorities.
viceroy in a letter to Fages, Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 74-5, urges him to maintain harmony, to listen to all complaints, to aid the padres with guards and
supplies, to treat converts well, and to promote the mission work in every
possible way.
October 2d, Serra says to Fages that the padres are unwilling
to take charge of the troops' provisions, fearing quarrels, but will do it temporarily if military supplies be delivered in separate packages. Arch. Arzo*
October 8th, Fages transcribes to Serra a communication
hispado, MS., i. 3.
from the viceroy, dated November 3, 1771, on the duty of president and
191
The charges
PROGRESS OF THE
192
NEW
ESTABLISHMENTS.
San Buenaventura.
At
19
series.
had strenuously
resisted.
At
first
193
the
new
I.
13
PROGRESS OF THE
194
KEW
ESTABLISHMENTS.
rio,
40 mules,
all
Slat.
Pap., MS.,
i.
138.
Cambon was
left in
195
cattle,
and a considerable amount of church, property, respecting which there was much subsequent difficulty,
as we shall see. He wrote to Governor Barri urging
him to forward to San Luis Bay as much maize as
possible, for which he would send back mules from
San Diego, and with the six padres and a guard of
fourteen men he set out for the north the 21st of July.
As
PROGRESS OF THE
106
NEW
ESTABLISHMENTS.
At San
own
included.
Gabriel Antonio Paterna, Antonio Grn.zado (both of whom had asked leave
San Luis Obispo
to retire), Juan Figuer, and Fermin Francisco Lasuen.
Jose Cavalier, Domingo Juncosa (anxious to retire), later Jose Antonio MurSan
guia, with Juan Prestamero and Tomaa de la Pena as supernumeraries.
Antonio Miguel Pieras, Buenaventura Sitjar, and Ramon L'sson as supernumerary. San Carlos Juan Crespi, Francisco Dumetz. and Francisco Palou.
24
San Diego was to have one family San Gabriel G families, and most of
the unmarried; and San Luis Obispo 3 families and some solteros. It is possible that these Indians came up with Palou.
25
1 suppose that the 14 soldiers who had come up with Palou also returned,
though there is no record of it. It is a point, moreover, of some importance
in tracing the names of the earliest settlers in California.
VISIT TO
THE TULARES.
197
recorded that some time during 1773 Comandante Fasfes, while out in search of deserters,
crossed the sierra eastward and saw an immense plain
covered with tulares and a great lake, whence came as
he supposed the great river that had prevented him
from going to Point Reyes. This may be regarded
Thus close
as the discovery of the Tulare Valley.
the somewhat meagre annals of an uneventful year,
so far as internal affairs in California are concerned,
but there were measures of much moment beinn*
fomented without, to which and to a general report
on the condition of the country the following chapter
26
will be devoted.
It
is
i.
CHAPTEE
FIRST
ANNUAL REPORT;
IX.
Palou's Report of December, and Serra's in May Condition of California at Close of the First Historical Period Names Applied
Monterey
November,
the task of
forming from the results of his observations a complete statement for the viceroy.
The document was
completed the 10th of December 1773, and was forwarded to Mexico overland with a letter to the
arrival
The
second
is
at
first
document
is
referred to in Id.,
in
given in
ii.
full in
to
Palou, Not.,
i.
9.
1
198)
FIRST
ANNUAL REPORTS.
100
'New
2
Palou, Ipforme queporel mes de diciembre de 1773 se hizo al Ex mo Sefk r
Virey del estado de las cinco misiones de Monterey, in Palou, Not, ii. 11-42.
Fages, in his Voyage en Cat, a report addressed to the Viceroy on Nov. 30,
1775, used this first report of Palou, to which he, however, gives the date of
Nov. 24th, instead of Dec. 10th.
3
Serra, Representation d<l P. Fr. Junipero Serra sobre las Misiones de la
va (Jiilifomia, 21 de Mayo de 1773, MS.
This report is in two parts, one
respecting the needs of the country from a military point of view, and the
other on the actual condition of the missions.
4
It is to be noted that Palou in his report does not name San Diego as a
presidio, and there is no evidence that it was in these earliest years considered
as such except in the sense that every post guarded by soldiers, like any of
the missions, i:j spoken of as a presidio. San Diego had no larger regular force
than some other missions. It became, however, a regular presidio in 1774 when
the new reglamento went into effect.
SEPTRA'S
230
LABORS IN MEXICO.
The
Franciscan
friars of
and distribution have been given, 6 and who are subject locally to the authority of a president residing
at San Carlos, the cabecera, or head mission of the
7
The
5
This is the first application of the name Los Angeles to this region, and ia
doubtless the origin of the name as afterward applied to the pueblo and city.
See note 23, chap. viii. of this volume.
7
A full description of the mission system in all its parts and workings will
be given elsewhere; also of the presidio or military system, and of civil gov-
ernment.
201
men
The matter
reports of Palou
and
10
So say the general reports; yet the mission baptismal register shows a
34 baptisms in 1772 and 4 in 1773.
total of
02
11
That the irregular conduct of the soldiers was one of the chief obstacles
to missionary success there can be little doubt; yet it is not likely that the
comandante was so much to blame as Serra says. His dislike for Fages colors
Have misfortunes of any kind occurred at a mission, they were
his report.
entirely due to the mismanagement of 'a certain official;' has another mission
been prosperous, it was in spite of that mismanagement.
l ~
According to Serra nearly all in the rancheria that had formerly attacked
the mission had been converted. The 'oficial was displeased that so many
had been baptized, and he had wished to remove the natives to a distance on
pretence of danger to the presidio, but Serra had objected strenuously and
every one else ridiculed the proposal
'
PRE-PASTORAL ARCHITECTURE.
2C3
is
13
They had
204
But
though by repeated
been made
in agriculture;
PRIMITIVE AGRICULTURE.
Next
205
year,
it
that it
saved for seed.
in the
Irrigation being
Palou, Not., i. 240-1. The place must have been near the site of the
Serra Bays it was the crop of 1772 that was destroyed by flood,
only 8 fanegas being saved.
later mission.
203
San Gabriel
Some memoranda
of farmers' and
mechanics' tools are given in connection with each
mission; but there are no mechanics save at the presidio. Palou has something to say of the missions to
be founded in the future, but nothing that requires
attention here, except perhaps that the proposed Santa
Clara is not identical with the mission that is later
founded under that name, but is to be on the Santa
Clara River in the southern part of the province. 16
alone.
Having thus
1G
The
of
May
first report.
17
Presidios, Reylamento c Instruction para los Presidios que se han deformar
en la linea de frontera de la Nueva Espaiia. Pesuelto por el Itcy N. S. en cedula
de 10 de Septicmbre de 1772, Madrid, 1772. Sm. 4to, 122 pages. My copy was
presented by Viceroy Bucareii to Melclior de Peramas. I have also the edition
of Mexico, 1773. 8vo, 132 pages.
REGLAMENTO DE
PRESIDIOS.
237
the presidios of California are to continue for the present on their actual footing according to the provisions
made by my viceroy after the conquest and reduction
had been extended to the port of Monterey; and on
the supposition that he has provisionally assigned the
annual sum of thirty-three thousand dollars for the
needs and protection of that peninsula, I order and
command that this sum be still paid at the end of
each year from the royal treasury of Guadalajara, as
has been done of late; and that my viceroy sustain
and aid by all possible means the old and new establishments of said province, and inform me of all that
he may deem conducive and useful to their progress,
and to the extension of the new reductions of gentile
Indians." 18
President Serra, having left California in the preceding September, arrived at the city of Mexico in
February 1773. The objects of his visit were to see
to it that California was not neglected through ignoranee or indifference on the part of the new viceroy,
to urge certain general measures for the good of his
province suggested by his experience of the past five
years, to get rid of the commandant, Fages, his bitter
foe and the cause, from the friar's point of view, of all
that was not pure prosperity in the missions, and to
procure such regulations as would prevent similar
troubles with future commandants by putting all the
power into the friars' hands and reducing the military
element to a minimum. 19 He found Bucareli not
less favorably disposed than had been his predecessor
Croix, and was by him instructed to prepare a memorial, in which were to be embodied his views on the
questions at issue.
Being authorized to do so by his
superior, the guardian of San Fernando, and having
18
Monwith
padres and that Serra had left on business connected with his work. Pr
St. Pap., MS., i. 86.
It seems strange that Serra did not get this certificate
at his departure if necessary, and that Fages should have sent it voluntarily,
for there was no time to scud back for it.
.
208
a0
Serra, Represcntackm de 13 de Morzo 1773, MS.; also in Palou, Xot., i.
514-38; and elsewhere in fragments and abridgments.
21
Serra, Memorial de 22deAbrU, sobre suministrnciones d los EsUib'ecimientos de California y conduccion de elicit, MS.
MEASURES ADVOCATED.
209
22
The document had, however, previously, March lGth to April 5th, been
hands of the fiscal Areche, whose report was favorable; and had then been
in the
I.
14
210
military commandant should be instructed to preserve perfect harmony with the padres; 24 property
and letters for the friars or missions were to be forwarded separately instead of being enclosed to the
presidio commander; and the friars' correspondence
was not to be meddled with, passing free of mail
charges like that of the soldiers.
By the terms of
the decision on the other points Serra was to receive
his regular pay as a missionary, during his whole
absence from California. Contributions of food from
the Tepic region were to be forwarded expressly for
the missions, and Governor Barri was not to hinder
the removal of the church property at Velicati. Sailors might be enlisted at San Bias and employed as
laborers at the missions, receiving rations for one
year as if on board vessels, but they could not be
forced to remain after the year had passed, and the
regular crews of the transports must not be interfered with.
Two blacksmiths, two carpenters, with
some tools and material were to be sent from Guadalajara for the exclusive use of the missions.
Seven
additional bells were to be furnished, four of them
having already been sent to Monterey. Additional
vestments were to be sent to take the place of soiled,
worn, and indecent' articles contained in some of the
cases from Baja California.
San Bias measures were
to be adjusted on a proper basis and a full set of
standards sent to each mission.
Greater care was to
be taken in packing food for California, wdiere it often
arrived in bad condition.
Cattle for the proposed
missions were to be under the temporary care of the
missionaries, who might use their milk.
new surgeon was to be sent in the place of Prat, deceased,
and finally a copy of the junta's decision w^as to be
'
This was hardly what had been asked for by Serra, who wished officers
soldiers notified that the entire management of the Indians belonged
exclusively to the padres, and that the military had no right to interfere in
matters of discipline or punishment except in the case of delitos tie ^angre.
The junta was very careful not to commit itself very decidedly in the quarrel
between Serra and Pages. The viceroy, however, in subsequent instructions
came nearer to Serra's views.
21
and
ECHEVESTE'S REGULATIONS.
211
212
needed in California.
office
In
article
10 of his
DISTRIBUTION OF FORCES.
213
policy
or rather, perhaps, the enthusiastic
missionary's hope
was by securing a double guard
to be enabled to double the number of his missions
friar's
214
SERRA'S LABORS
IN"
MEXICO.
which are given in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 87. These instructions
probably went up on the San Carlos to Loreto and were carried to San Diego
by Palou, reaching Fages in September 1773.
33
Areche, Pareeer sobre lieglam. de Cal. 14 de Junto 1773, MS.; also in
Palou, Not., i. 572-80. Areche made a supplementary report June 30th on
Serra's rcpresentaciones of April 22d and May 21st; but adds nothing to the
subjects treated, beyond expressing regret that the mission work in America
docs not prosper as in days of old, and suggesting that it would be better if
the California missions were not so far apart. Areche, Pespuesta Fiscal de 30
de Junto 1773, MS.
34
Mangino, Pespuesta sobre Fondo Piadoso, 19 de Junio 1773, MS.; and also
less accurately in Palou, Not., i. 580-6. The report contains much additional
information about the pious fund which will be utilized elsewhere.
petitions
FINAL RESULTS.
213
and
the remaining expense, $59,476, would be borne by
the treasury, aided by the San Bias salt-works. 35 The
surgeon's salary was also to be paid; but nothing was
said about the expense of ammunition. On July 23d
216
commander and
friars
may
The
first
object
is
The commander
37
In a letter to Serra dated Nov. 8, 1774, the guardian warns him not to
quarrel with the new governor, who doubtless had secret instructions and
would cause any contrarieties to react upon the padres. Serra 's weakness was
not unknown to his superiors. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 191-2.
2,6
Bucarcli, Instruction que debe observar el Comandante nombrado jku'cl Jo-s
HJstablecimientos de San Diego y Monterey, 1773, MS., also copy from the
Translated extracts chiefly on pueblos and
original in Mayer, MS., No. 18.
.colonization in llalleck's Report, 133; Dwinelle's Colon. Ilitt. Add., 2.
INSTRUCTIONS TO THE
into pueblos
when
NEW
RULER.
217
name
218
first
to
40
And now
Father Serra, having successfully completed his task in Mexico, is ready to return homeward to utilize the aid and put in practice the reforms
Kissing the feet of every
for which he has toiled.
friar at the college, begging their pardon for any bad
example he has set, and bidding them farewell forever, the good friar, with Padre Pablo Mugartegui,
At Tepic
sets out in September for the west coast.
he waits until the new vessel, the Santiago or Nueva
Galicia, is ready for sea, which is not until January 24,
1774. In addition to the articles granted by the gov39
Letter of Rivera to viceroy, dated Loreto, March 25th, in Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 378-9; Palou, Not., i. 609-10.
11
Bucareli to Fages, Sept. 7, 1773, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 140.
FATHEPt JUNIPERO
HOMEWARD BOUND.
219
vice-
Fages who
command.
The
regular supplies
for the northern missions, with a part of the pittance,
are taken by the Santiago, Captain Perez, who has
orders to undertake explorations to the north of Monterey.
Supplies for San Diego and the southern
missions are left for the San Antonio, to sail later. 42
is still
in
41
The articles officially granted were: 3 cases of vestments for San Gabriel,
San Antonio, and San Luis, 5 nests, or sets, of measures, G in each, one forge
with appurtenances, and 5 quintals, 3 arrobas of iron. The limosna to suffice
for 5 years was 5 packages of cloths for Indians as follows: 107 blankets, 29
pieces manta poblana, 488 yds striped sackcloth, 389 yds blue baize, 10 lbs
blue maguey cloth for little girls; also 4 reams fine paper, 5 bales red pepper,
100 arrobas tasajo, 16 boxes panocha, 4 boxes beads, 10 boxes hams, 6 boxes
chocolate, 3 bbls lard, 9 bales lentils, 1 bale and 9 jugs olive-oil, 4 bbls Ca&tilian wine, 3 bbls brandy, 9 bales chickpeas, G bales rice, 1G0 bales flour,
900 fanegas maize, 250 fanegas beans. Palou, Not., i. G03-5.
"Respecting Serra's work in Mexico in addition to the authorities cited,
see Palm, Vida, 150-9.
It is related that when Serra arrived in San Blag
from California and saw the Santiago in the dock-yard, he remarked that he
would return in her, a remark that excited some ridicule, because everybody
thought the San Bias establishment on the point of being abandoned.
CHAPTER
X.
RECORD OF EVENTS.
1774.
We
matters in the north, save that great want was experienced through the non-appearance of the vessels
due the year before. 1
When Galvez was preparing the first expeditions
to the north in 1769, Captain Juan Bautista de Anza,
commander of the Tubac presidio in Sonora, a brave
officer like his father, as we have seen in the annals
1
'cruelisima hambre,' Palou calls it, Vida, 153, 159-60, the greatest ever
experienced.
No bread, no chocolate, only milk and herbs 'salted by tears.'
Milk had to be eaten by all from the commandant down. They had some
very strange ideas of what constituted a famine. Soup of peas or beans took
the place of tortillas, and coffee had to do instead of chocolate. The natives
all left the mission to seek for food. Id., Not., i. COS.
(220)
221
162-3.
3
According to one of the two chief authorities Sebastian had started from
San Gabriel with his parents and wife, all of whom had perished.
RECORD OF EVENTS.
222
4
One of the channels no longer carries water, and perhaps did so then only
In Kino's map of 1701 San Dionisio is not represented as an
at high water.
island.
Emory, Notes, 95-6, in 1846 noted that the Gila once flowed to the
south of its present channel, and says: 'During freshets it is probable the
rivers now discharge their surplus waters through these old channels.' Another discovery of Anza is less intelligible. In a letter of Feb. 9th from San
Dionisio to the viceroy, Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 190-1, he says he had crossed
the Colorado and Gila, and had found a branch of the former extending north
and west, and entering probably the South Sea perhaps at Sari Francisco
Bay.
Padre Garce's claimed to have been in this region, the north-east section
Baja California, in 1771; but the narrative of his trip in that year, in
A rr'xivita, Cron. Serdf. 420 et seq. does not show clearly that he crossed the
Colorado at all.
6
The most complete, and indeed the only, authority in print is Arricivita,
Cvdnka Serdjica, 450 et seq. but it is very unsatisfactory. The best account
of the expedition seems to be Anza, Descubrimiento de Sonora d Californias
ano de 1774, MS. This appears to be an abridged copy of the original diary
made soon after the date of the expedition by some one who did not accompany it. The route was as follows, items from the return march being in
brackets: Feb. 9th. At junction of the Gila and Colorado, near the site of the
later Concepcion.
Feb. 10th to 12th. 5 1. w. N. (s. w. and 4.5 1. s. w. and
Lat.
s. to Laguna de Sta Olaya, formed by the Colorado in time of flood.
3
[According to the return trip Sta Olaya was 4 1. w. of the river and
32 34'.
8 1. w. s. w. of S. Dionisio, or Isla de Trinidad.] Feb. 13th to 19th. Off into
the desert and back to Sta Olaya. March 2d. 4 1. w. s. w. to Laguna del
Predicador. Mar. 3d to 5th. 3 1. w. s. w. 6.5 1. w. n. w.; 61. w. n.w. with
low sierra on left; 3 1. N. w. across the hills; 21. w.; 1.5 1. N. and n. w., insight
of an estero, to Pozos de San Eusebio.
Mar. 6th. 4 1. w. to Sto Tomas, in
middle of sierra. Mar. 7th and 8th. 4 1. n. w. and 1 1. N. e. to Pozos de Sta
Rosa de las Lajas (18 1. in a direct line from Sta Olaya). Mar. 9th and 10th.
of
223
all
that
it
had
[22
second
7
trip.
On March
7.
RECORD OF EVENTS.
224
new
route.
San Clemente, reaching San Diego March 10th (another copy makes it March
1 1th), sailing April 5th, and arriving at Monterey May 8th. Palou, Vida, 15362, gives the latter date as
11
Palou, Not.,
Cal, MS.,
1.
i.
May
606-8; Id.,
9th.
We
225
13
of his new office in place of Pedro Fages, who prepared, as ordered by the viceroy, to go south with his
company of Catalan volunteers. 14 The first opportunity to sail was by the San Antonio, which, leaving
San Bias in March under Cahizares as master, had
arrived on June 8th, this being the first trip ever
made direct to Monterey without touching at San
Diego.
The
means
T.
15
RECORD OF EVENTS.
226
sail
NORTH-COAST EXPLORATIONS.
227
The San
adopted in Rivera's communications. 15
Antonio sailed from Monterey on July 7th, with
thirteen of the volunteers, and with Rafael Pedro y
Gil the new store-keeper for San Diego.
Fages
started by land with two soldiers on the 19th and
sailed on the 4th of August from San Diego.
We
shall hear again from this gallant officer.
Fathers
Prestamero and Usson also sailed for San Bias on
the San Antonio, being forced to retire by ill-health.
Perez in the Santiago was meanwhile engaged in
another important service, that of exploring in the
far north. There still existed among Spanish authorities a fear of Russian encroachments on the Pacific
coast, or at least a spirit of curiosity to
know what
del
RECORD OF EVENTS.
228
18
229
Two
19
Crespi in his Diario makes a long and confusing argument to prove that
the jh ral tones seen at this time were not those seen in 1769, the former being
50 leagues from Pt Reyes, and the latter much nearer. The reason of the
friar's confusion is not clear.
The authorities on this voyage are: Crespl,
Diario; Peila, Diario, MS.; Perez, Relation, MS.: and Perez, Tabla Diano,
MS.
zo
Serra, Pepres. 21 de
Mayo,
1773,
MS.
RECORD OF EVENTS.
230
was always better for a mission to be a little removed from presidio influences; and he had a report
from the natives confirmed by a soldier, of a very
favorable site some six or seven leagues distant across
the sierra. 21 The matter having been referred to the
viceroy he authorized Rivera to make a change if it
should seem expedient to himself and to Serra. 22 Of
the subsequent consultations and explorations which
doubtless took place we have no record; but the
change was decided upon and effected in August
The new site was not the one which Jaume
1774.
had in mind, but a nearer one called by the natives
Nipaguay, 23 about two leagues up the valley northeastward from Cosoy, and probably identical or nearly
so with that of the later buildings whose ruins are
still visible some six miles from the city and port.
have no account of the ceremonies by which the
transfer was celebrated, nor do we know its exact
date; but both friars and neophytes were pleased with
the change, and worked with a will, so that by the
end of the year the mission buildings were better than
at Coso}% including a dwelling, storehouse, and smithy
of adobes, and a wooden church with roof of tules,
measuring eighteen by fifty-seven feet. At the old
site all the buildings were given up to the presidio,
except two rooms, one for the use of visiting friars
and the other for the reception and temporary storage
of mission supplies coming by sea. 24 Nothing further
is known of San Diego events during the year, except
that Ortega came up from below with the remaining
We
22
(or 30th), in
report.
21
Serra, Informe de 5 Feb. 1775, MS., 124-7. An unfinished church built
four or five feet above the foundations, with adobes all made ready to finish
In a letter of October 3d the commandant of the preit, was also delivered.
sidio says he was uncertain whether to accept the building, for how was it to
be finished? Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 15G-7. Lasuen in his report of 1783
says the new site was but little better than the old so far as fertility was concerned. Lasuen, Informe de 17S3, MS.; see also Serra, in San Diego, Lib. de
Mision, MS., 3, 4.
231
27
26
i.
154-6.
EECORD OF EVENTS.
232
Palou, Not,
30
and directed
31
ii.
32.
it
1774,
tro Serrtjico
32
May 25,
to Palou.
As
exact locations.
43-92.
of little or no help in fixing
about one league from the shore, about a
,
ii.
is
CLIFF.
233
which, they
which
it still
bears.
day's journey from the end of the peninsula, and in 37 46' by their own reckoning.
That they were below Sear sville is shown by the fact that on starting
north- west they at first crossed a plain.
RECORD OF EVENTS.
234
'
number
83
The lack
TROUBLE
m LOWER CALIFORNIA.
journal.
good padre
233
in closing his
34
When
Palou
left
summer
of
wrote Palou
5,
1774, for Mexico to consult the guardian, Sanchez starting about the same time to join Cambon at Velicata\
for California
35
The
Galvez.
34
Rivera sent a diary of the trip to the viceroy on Jan. 5, 1775, as appears from Bucareli's acknowledgment on May 24th, in Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
i.
172.
ib
Palou, Not.,
ii.
15C-7, 207-8.
RECORD OF EVENTS.
236
country. Pie labored hard to win over the Dominicans to his side, and was practically successful so far
at least as the president was concerned, and he insisted
that the property in question had been stolen.
The
details and merits of the general controversy need not
It is evident enough that Barri
be repeated here.
allowed his bitterness toward the Franciscans to get
the better of his judgment, and that he neglected no
opportunity to annoy his foes.
From San Diego Palou sent back mules to bring up
supplies and part of the church property, but Barri
sent an order to the officer in command at Velicata to
load the animals with corn, but by no means to allow
the vestments to be taken, pretending that a new
examination of the boxes was necessary. Governor
and president were now acting in full accord and causing delay by throwing the responsibility of every new
hinderance each upon the other. Mora claimed to have
full faith in Franciscan honor, but had consented to
the proposed search merely to convince Barri of his
error Cambon was instructed to submit to the search
if required, but to insist on exact inventories and certificates.
Thus things remained until Serra returned
from Mexico with a positive order from the viceroy
for the removal of the goods, an order which was sent
south and reached Velicata July 16, 1774.
correspondence ensued between Cambon and the
military officer in charge, in which the latter professed
to be utterly ignorant of any embargo on the removal
of the property, and to have received no orders whatever from Barri on the subject, although the contrary
was well enough known to be true. Preparations
were made for Padre Sanchez to take the property
with Ortega's force, but a new difficulty arose; for
Hidalgo, the Dominican in charge of Velicata, had
positive orders from President Mora to stop the goods.
!
He
was
in
much
perplexity,
and begged
for delay.
237
There was now but small opportunity left for quarrels between Barri and the Franciscans, but it seems
It
there were also dissensions with the Dominicans.
was evident to the viceroy, that only harmonious
relations between the political and missionary authorities could ensure the prosperity of the peninsula, and
that under Barri's rule such relations could not be
maintained. Bucareli, therefore, decided, as he had
done before in the case of Fa^es, without committing
himself decidedly respecting the points at issue, to
appoint a new governor, as in fact Barri had several
times asked him to do. His choice of "a person
endowed with wisdom and love for the service to
establish, maintain, and firmly implant good order,"
fell upon Felipe de Neve, major of the Queretaro
He
was summoned
Palou, Not.,
went up
'
'
'
that he had been taking testimony; and that it was only President Mora's
efforts which had prevented Rivera's arrest on arrival at Loreto.
37
The only item of information that I have found respecting Neve before
he came to California, is the fact that when his regiment was formed in 17G6
he was sent to raise a squadron in Michoacan; but both at Valladolid and
Patzcuaro the people resisted the draft, liberated several recruits by force,
wounded a sergeant, and forced Neve to return. Piiera, Cob. de Max., i.
407-8.
RECORD OF EVENTS.
238
1774,
s9
i0
MS.
Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
Prov. lice, MS., i. 1.
i.
STATISTICS.
230
in last
with 97. 41
il
Serra, Informe de los Augmentos que han tenido con todo el ano de 177//. las
cinco misiones del Colegio Apostdlico de Propaganda Fide de San Fernando de
Mexico de drden de N. P. S. Francisco y del estado actual en que se hallan
a ultimos de Diciembre del ano de 1774, MS. The report was dated San
Carlos, Feb. 5, 1775.
CHAPTER XL
NORTHERN EXPLORATION AND SOUTHERN
DISASTER.
1775.
some
'
ii.
21G-17, 257-8.
(240)
A NORTHERN FLEET.
241
All sailed from San Bias on the same clay, the 16th
of March. 2 The San Antonio was under Lieutenant
Fernando Quiros, and her chaplain was Ramon Usson.
She was laden with supplies for San Diego and San
Gabriel.
Quiros' voyage was a prosperous one, and
having landed the cargo at San Diego he was back at
San Bias by the middle of June. The other transport, the San Carlos, bearing the supplies for Monterey and the northern missions, set sail under the
command of Miguel Manrique, but was hardly out of
sight of land when he went mad and Lieutenant Juan
Bautista de Ayala took his place, Vicente Santa Maria
serving as chaplain.
Her trip, though longer from
adverse winds, was not less uneventful and prosperous
than that of the San Antonio. Anchoring at Monterey June 27th, she discharged her cargo, and after
having made an exploration of San Francisco Bay,
Some
it
the 2Gth.
3
May
5th, Ortega writes from San Diego to Rivera that the San Cdrlos
in leaving San Bias, and that the cargo will probably be transferred to the Santiago.
This idea probably came from some rumor brought
was stranded
16
242
DISASTER.
a year's cruise.
Sailing from San Bias
March 16th, the schooner being towed by the ship,
they lost sight of the San Carlos in a week, and were
kept back by contrary winds at first, only beginning
to make progress northward early in April.
May
21st they were in nearly the latitude of Monterey,
but it was decided in council not to enter that port,
since the chief aim of the expedition was exploration,
and it was hoped to get water at the river supposed
to have been discovered by Aguilar, in latitude 42 or
cient
for
43.
On
the 7th of June, in latitude 42 as their observations made it, the vessels drew near the shore,
which they followed southward to 41 6', 5 and found
on the 9th a good anchorage protected by a lofty
headland from the prevalent north-west winds. Two
days later they landed and took formal possession of
the country with all the prescribed ceremonial, including the unfurling of the Spanish flag, a military salute,
raising the cross, and a mass by Father Campa.
From the day the name of Trinidad v^as given to the
port, which still retains it, and the stream since known
The natives
as Little River was named Principio.
'
41
8',
41
true latitude
is
18',
41
7',
about 41
and
4'.
41
9'
are given
by
different authorities.
The
243
Cali-
fornian territory.
The explorations of Heceta and Bodega in northern
waters receive due attention in another volume of this
The ship and schooner, the latter no longer
series.
in tow, kept together till the end of July, when they
Heceta in the Santiago
parted in rough weather.
49,
whence on August 11th he
kept on to latitude
decided to return, many of his crew being down with
He kept near the shore and made close
the scurvy.
observations down to 42 30'; but on reentering California waters on the 21st, the weather being cloudy,
Passing Cape Mendolittle was learned of the coast.
cino during: the nigdit of the 25th, the commander
wished to enter San Francisco, but a dense fog rendered
it unsafe to make the attempt, though he sighted the
Farallones, and the 29th anchor was cast in the
Now were landed some mission
port of Monterey.
and presidio supplies which had come to California by
a roundabout way.
The schooner Sonora, after parting from her cajoitana, kept on up to about 58, and then turning fol-
suppose the name to have come from the fact that the Russians in
had their cellars in Spanish, bodegas here. Strangely enough
ex-governor Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 8, 10, takes this view of it, and also
derives the name Farallones from Cabrillo's pilot Ferrelo
6
later times
244
DISASTER.
came back
to
San
Carlos.
At
245
8
Letters dated December 15, 1774. Of that to Serra I have the original,
partly in the handwriting of Bucareli himself. Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 49-5G;
i.
ii.
20-5.
9
Hist.
246
DISASTER.
10
Palou, Not.,
ii.
July 27th, but this I think is a misprint, since it would not allow the anchorage at Angel Island August 2d.
11
The fact that it is called 'la isla que esta en f rente de la boca' would
agree better with Alcatraz, but Font, Journal, MS., a little later mentions
another island agreeing with Alcatraz, removing all doubt.
12
As nothing is said of the bodies of water corresponding to Suisun Bay and
Carquines Strait, it would seem likely that the rivers were Petaluma, Sonoma,
or Napa creeks, and not the San Joaquin and Sacramento; but in his Vida,
203, Palou says they noted the mouth of the great river San Francisco formed
by five other big rivers.
247
iv. 153.
248
DISASTER.
Thus no buildings
are
ments
The
15
Mon-
Not.,
ii.
243-8.
Palou, Not., ii. 259-61; Bucareli to Rivera, May 24, 1775, in Prov. St.
Pap., US., i. 174-5.
10
Rivera announced this to the viceroy in a letter of Aug. 22d. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., i. 191-2. Gov. Neve notified the viceroy of the padre's appointment, on Dec. 10th. Prov. Pec, MS., i. 156-7.
Ortega to explore a
site for
the
249
new
mission.
Of
18
affairs
So says Palou
250
DISASTER.
'
by the
flames,
and by the
yells
of the assailants.
20
These were not the Juan and Jose" Maria of the list given at the end of
this volume.
Their age at this time is not stated. The records are strangely
silent about these boys during the rest of this eventful night.
21
Palou, Not., ii. 264-71, and Vida, 176-87, one of the leading authorities
on this affair, erroneously speaks of the three mechanics as two carpenters
and one smith, one of the two room-mates being the carpenter Urselino.
22
Francisco Peiia, the fourth man, was ill at the presidio. The names of
the guard with many other interesting particulars are given in Ortega, Ivforme
de Aov. 30, 1775, MS., this document being a communication addressed to
Lieut. -Col. Anza, and one of the most valuable sources of original information
respecting the disaster, embodying as it does all the results of Lieut. Ortega's
investigations
down
to date.
A NIGHT OF TERROR.
251
other shelter.
friars'
23
dwelling,
They
room of the
where Father Fuster makes a hazfirst
repair to a
23
It may be noted that according to the last annual report Serra, Informe
de 1174, MS. the mission buildings on the new site had not been enclosed
in the usual stockade defences. The barracks are not described in that report,
but were of wood; the church was not of adobe; and all the adobe buildings
except the granary had tule roofs. The padres' house, or the smithy, or the
granary with their adobe walls would seem to have afforded better protection
than the building chosen; but the progress of the flames or some other unrecorded circumstance doubtless determined their action.
21
For this night's struggle I have followed for the most part Fuster, liegistro de Defunciones, MS., in San Diego, Lib. de Mision, G7-74, an original record
by a survivor of the fiery ordeal left by Fuster in the mission register of deaths.
This author calls the structure which afforded shelter a cercadito de adobes,
como de tre3 varas,' and does not imply that it had a roof. Palou says it was
a kind of kitchen with walls but little over three feet high and roofed with
branches and leaves, the burning of which added to the peril. This author
also gives some indications of the padre's bravery which modesty prompted
the other to conceal.
'
252
DISASTER.
and two
in the stocks.
safe
and
less
Palou says his consecrated hands alone were uninjured, preserved doubtby God to show his innocence; but Fuster says nothing of this.
253
On
254
DISASTER.
whole
affair.
30
Otai, Pocol, Cojuat, and El Corral, as among those involved in the movement.
Chilcacop, or Chocalcop, of the Xamachd rancheria, a Christian, is said to
have aided in the killing of Jaume, in connection with the pagans, Tuerto and
the chief of the Maramoydos, both of Tapanque rancheria. St. Pap. Sac,
MS., ix. 72. Those who led the attack were Oroche, chief of Magtate or
Mactati, Miguel, Bernardino of Matamd, and two others. Zegotay, chief of
Matamo, testified that 9 rancherias were invited, and that among the leaders
were Francisco of Cuyamac, himself, and another. The southern rancherias
assembled at La Punta, the mountaineers at Meti. Chief Francisco plotted
the revolt, and he, Zegotay, had invited 10 rancherias. Arch. Cal., Prov. St.
Pap., MS., i. 22S-32. Very little satisfactory information can be gathered
from the reports of these investigations. Rafael of Xanat and the chief of
Agnscal were also leaders, according to Ortega.
29
Lasuen, however, in his Informe de 11 S3, MS., says that most of the
neophytes took part in the revolt.
30
A n~a, Diario, MS., 90-6. Anza, as we shall see, arrived early in the
next year. He calls attention to the cool lying of the neophytes with a view
to exonerate themselves, they even claiming that when liberated from their
confinement they had turned upon the gentile foes, driving them to the mountains.
There was evidence of some understanding between the natives of
San Diego and those of the Colorado River. Carets on the Colorado in 1770
DEFENSIVE MEASURES.
255
To
presidio in 1779.
32
Palou, Not.,
ii.
272-5; Id.
Vida, 184-7.
Antonio and Cambon and Pieras returned to San Carlos Dec. 23d.
to
San
256
DISASTER.
Rivera set out for the south on the 16th of December, with thirteen men, one of whom was to be left at
San Antonio while two were to remain at San Luis.
In August there had been an alarm at San Antonio.
messenger came to the presidio on the 29th with
the news that the natives had attacked the mission,
and shot a catechumen about to be baptized. Rivera
sent a squad of men who found the wounded native
They captured the culprits and held
out of danger.
ii.
244-5.
33
CHAPTER
XII.
Anza and his Colony Preparations in Mexico and Sonora Two Hundred Immigrants Original Authorities March to the Rio Colorado Missionaries Left Itinerary Map A Tedious March to
San Gabriel Anza Goes to the Relief of San Diego Rivera Excommunicated Anza Brings his Force to Monterey His Illness
Rivera Comes North and Anza Goes South A Quarrel Rivera
versus Anza and the Friars Strange Actions of the Commandant
His March Southward Insanity or Jealousy Anza's Return to
the Colorado and to Sonora Explorations by Garces Up the
Colorado Across the Mojave Desert Into Tulare Valley
Remarkable Journey Dominguez and Escalante.
I.
17
(257)
258
Franciscans as chaplain, ten soldiers of the Horcasitas presidio, eight muleteers, four servants, and Matwenty-five persons in all who
riano Vidal, purveyor
were to return to Sonora; second, Francisco Garces
and Tomas Eixarch, 3 destined to remain on the Rio
Colorado with three servants and three interpreters;
and third, Alferez Jose Joaquin Moraga, and Sergeant Juan Pablo Grijalva, twenty-eight soldiers,
eight from the presidio force and twenty new recruits;
twenty-nine women who were wives of soldiers; 13G
Arricivita, Crdn. Sera/., 461, says they left Horcasitas on April 20th,
and
Tubac Oct. 21st. The rendezvous of the friars connected with the expedition
was at the mission of Tumacacori near Tubac.
3
So Font calls him. Garces writes the name Eixarth Arricivita, Eyzarch
and Anza, Esiare.
;
259
cattle.
Our Lady
California
260
ON THE COLORADO.
2G1
more
rado, for a
means an easy
bank
He
ordered the necessary timber for rafts, and then with a soldier and a
Yuma determined to make one final search for a ford,
which he found about half a mile up the river, where
the water was diverted by islands into three channels.
The afternoon was spent in opening a road through
the thickly wooded belt along the bank; and on the
30th before night all the families and most of the
supplies were landed on the western side, without
the use of rafts.
The travellers remained in camp on the right bank
for three days, partly on account of the dangerous
illness of two men, and also to make certain needful
preparations for the comfort and safety of the two
friars who were to remain here until Anza's return.
Father Garces was requested to select the place where
he would reside, and chose Palma's rancheria about a
league below the camp and about opposite the mouth
of the Gila. So earnest were Palma's assurances of
friendship and protection that it was deemed safe to
leave the missionaries with their three servants and
three interpreters. Before starting Anza built a house,
and left provisions for over four months, and horses
for the use of the remaining party, whose purpose was
to explore the country, become acquainted with the
natives, and thus open the way for the establishing of
regular missions at an early date. I shall presently
have more to say of their travels in California. Setting out December 4th from Palma's rancheria, Anza
to the
to reconnoitre.
2C2
mouth
Font, Journal, MS., 16, 17, makes the distance 14 leagues with some
winding, and the latitude 32 33' which by the distances is very nearly accurate.
Garces, Diario, 244, calls the lagoon Santa Eulalia. By Anza and Font the
name is written Olalla. See chap. x. for Anza's trip of 1774.
9
Route from Palma's rancheria on the west bank of the Colorado near
mouth of the Gila to San Gabriel. The courses are from Font's Journal,
Anza's agreeing with them generally but being less definitely expressed. The
distances in parentheses, differing widely from Anza's, are from Font, whose
leagues were about 2 miles.
The numbers refer to Font's map: 42. Laguna
of San Pablo, or Capt. Pablo, 4h 1. (5) w. % s. w.; 43. Laguna of Coxas, or
Cojat, 3 1. (4) s. w. Laguna of Santa Olalla, 32 33', 4 1. (5) s. w. 45. Pozo
del Carrizal, or Alegria, 5 1. (7) W. N. w. 40. Dry Gulch, 5 1. (7) w. N.w.; 47.
Pozos de SantaRosa de las Lajas, 10 1. ( 14) w. N. w. w. w. s. w. 48. Dry Creek,
J
41. (3) n.; San Sebastian, 33 8', 5J1. (7) N. n. w.; 51. Pozo de San Gregorio,
52. Arroyo of Santa Catalina del Vado, Sink, 4 1. n. w. | w. ;
7;V 1. (9) w. % N. w.
53. Id., source, lh 1. (1) N. w. | w. ; 51. Danzantes rancheria in same cafiada, 3 1.
(4) w. n. w.; San Carlos Pass (San Gorgonio?) 1\ 1. (3) N. n. w.; [123. Portezuelo on return;] 56. San Patricio Cafiada, source of stream, 33 37'; 57. San
Jos6 Arroyo, 61. (7) N. w. \ w. 58. Laguna of San Antonio Bucarcli, down
San Jose Valley, 4 1. (5) w. n. w.j Santa Ana River, 91. (8) w. n. w.j 60. Arroyo
de los Alisos, 6 1. w. N. w.; 61. River San Gabriel, branch, 5 1. (6) w. N. W.,
San Gabriel, 34 35', 2 1. w. s. w.
,
264
San
Gabriel.
ANZA AT SAN
DIEGO.
2G5
Diego
10
Anza, Diario, MS., 89-90, says he took 17 men ; Font, Journal, MS., 22,
says 20 men Palou, Not., ii. 275-6, makes it 18 men ; and the same author,
Vida, 18G-7, implies that there were 40 men.
The route from San C4abricl
was: 03. River Santa Ana 01. (10 according to Font); Arroyo de Santa Maria
Magdalena, or La Quema, 111. (14); River San Juan Capistrano, 111. (14) ; La
Soled ad rancheria, via San Dieguillo and 08 Agua Hedionda, 9 1. (12); San
Diego, 3 1. (4).
11
Anza, Diario, MS., 97-100, 104, 100; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., i.
22-3; Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 215-32.
;
266
Anza at
only subject at present to be thought of.
first yielded to the captain's views, realizing that as
ruler of the province he naturally felt for its safety,
but at last tidings came from San Gabriel which turned
Anza's attention aofain to his own affairs. Five men
arrived February 3d with a despatch from Moraga and
the purveyor Vidal, to the effect that the mission
could no longer furnish food for the immigrants except to the injury of its own neophytes, Father Paterna
having distributed rations for eight days and given
notice that these would be the last.
On receipt of this intelligence Anza resolved to take
his military colony without delay up to Monterey.
He agreed, however, with Rivera, to leave ten of his
soldiers at San Gabriel, thus relieving a portion of
the old guard at that mission for service at San Diego
12
if needed,
and with the other seven, having sent in
advance a mule train laden with maize and beans, he
set out on the 9th, still accompanied by Font, and
arrived at San Gabriel on the 12th.
Only one event
occurring at San Diego after Anza's departure requires notice in this connection.
Cdrlos, an old neophyte but a ringleader in the late revolt, returned in
real or assumed penitence, and, prompted doubtless by
Rivera
the missionaries, took refuge in the church.
sent a summons to Fuster to deliver the culprit on the
plea that the right of church asylum did not protect
of
San Gabriel.
267
The
2G8
2G9
Monterey.
Next day between Buena Vista and San Bernabe,
less than twenty miles from Monterey, they met
Gongora, who announced that Rivera was close behind
him, and revealed certain strange actions of this
officer.
He had met Rivera between San Antonio and
San Luis, and in reply to questions had told his business and presented Anza's and Moraga's letters, which
the captain refused to take, simply saying "Well,
left at
well; retire!"
Gongora followed
north, keeping at a
later
19
distance,
Two
troops.
little
of the men were of Anza's guard, and the others of the Californian
Palou, Not., 288-90, says that G6ngora had but two men.
270
was a
greatly exaggerated.
He found his letters likewise broken open, though
Rivera assured him it was accidental and they had
not been read.
He then told the president of his
excommunication at San Diego, and Serra, after consultation with the San Carlos friars, approved what
Fuster had done, refusing to grant the captain's request for absolution, until he should give satisfaction
slight pain in the
leg,
20
Pieras was returning in his company to San Antonio.
Anza, Diarlo,
MS., 185, says he took a written certiicate from the padres. Font, Journal,
MS., 43, says: 'We supposed that he had returned to speak with Capt. Anza
before his departure and treat about the affairs of the expedition, and that
we should probably have to return to Monterey or at least stay where we
were; but we soon found that his arrival did not cause us any detention whatever, for when we fell in with Capt. Rivera, a short time afterward, the two
captains saluted each other on passing, and without stopping to speak about
anything Capt. Rivera immediately went on to Monterey, and we continued
our journey toward Sonora.'
271
to the church
Palou, Not.,
ii.
272
'
'
WANDERINGS OF GAHCES.
273
with the public service; but Rivera's early removal to Lower California put an end to the matter,
as it did to his quarrel with the friars.
The return march of Anza's party to the Colorado
They followed the
presents nothing of importance.
except
between
as
before,
San Sebastian
same route
and Santa Olaya, where they kept more to the north,
and arrived May 11th at the Portezuelo de la Concepcion, just below Palma's rancheria, and nearly if
not exactlv identical with the site of the modern Fort
Yuma. Here they found Padre Eixarch in safety and
added him to the company; but of Grarces nothing
could be learned except that he had gone up the river
to the country of the Jalchedunes, whither a letter
was sent ordering him to return. Palma with three
other natives also joined the party, being allowed at
the earnest solicitation of himself and nation to go
with Anza to Mexico to present his petition for missionaries.
They crossed the swollen river on rafts
just below the Gila, followed the banks of the latter
stream for two days, and then, turning to the right,
returned to Horcasitas by way of Sonoita, Caborca,
and Altar, arriving the 1st of June. 25
fere
have now to narrate briefly the Californian wanderings of Father Francisco Garces, whom Colonel
Anza had left on the 4th of December 1775 at
Palma's rancheria opposite the mouth of the Gila,
and whom he had subsequently seen at Santa Olaya
on the 9th, the friar being already on his way to explore the country and learn the disposition of the
natives toward the Christians.
This first trip lasted
till January 3d, and in it the friar wandered with
I
25
Anza, Diario, MS., 198-232; Font's Journal, MS., 45-52; Arrkivlta,
Crdn. Ser&f. 4G4-8, 490. The last author affirms that Palma was well received
at Mexico, but there was some hesitation about sending missionaries, as he
was chief of one rancheria only. I should add that one of the deserting muleteers condemned by Anza to remain in California escaped from San Diego and
crossed the country eastward alone and unmolested, joining Anza on the
Colorado.
The name of this first explorer on this route is not recorded.
,
1.
18
74
all
On
came
in
2G
The general route is indicated by dotted lines on Font's map, but must
have been added after the diary was finished, for then Font had heard nothing of Garces.
This part of the padre's wanderings might, indeed, have been
reported by Eixarch, but not his northern travels, also shown on the map.
275
Anza
antada en
lo espiritual
"muy
adel-
for
27
This being the first exploration of most of this region, or of all west of
the river, I give the route in full. See also Font's map route marked
Puerto de la Concepcion, 6^ 1. N. w. 2 1. w. N. w. through pass in Sierra de
San Pablo to San Marcelo watering-place; 5 1. N. w. in sight of Cabeza del
Gigante in the east, Grande Medanal, and vicinity of San Sebastian, passing
near Peiion dela Campana; 81. N. and N. N. w. through pass in the sierra on
north of the Medanal to San Jose watering-place 33 28'; 3^ 1. N. N. w. and e. n.
E., across sierra to a valley; 61. x. n. W. and e. n. e.; 61. e. n. e. and n. into
Sierra of Santa Margarita to banks of Colorado, across valley to watering-place
in 33 25'(?); 1|1. w. ; 6 or 11 1. N. w. and w. N. w. to Tinajas del Tezcpiien, one
day's journey from river; 8 1. (or 6 1.) N. n. w. and n. across a sierra, to Santo
Angel springs 34 31' (in Chemehueves country); 61. N. e. and n. w. 71. N. N.
E. across a sierra to Ya ma jab nation, whose rancherias, LaPasion, were across
the river. (35 on Font's map.
28
The full route over a country which Garces was the first, as also for many
years the last, to traverse is worth recording as follows. (See also map): 3 1.
x. w. to rancherias of Santa Isabel; 31. N. w. and e. n. w. (sic) to San Pedro
de los Yamajabs in 35 1', still near the river; 2^ 1. s. w. to San Casimiro wells;
81. w. | w. s. w. to wells; 5 1. w. 31. w. s. w. to Sierra de Santa Coleta; 4 1.
W. N. w. across sierra (Providence Mts. ) to Canada dc Santo Tomas; 61. w.
8. w. to wells of San Juan de Dios, where the country of the Befiemus begins;
51. to Pinta Pass and Arroyo de los Martires (Rio Mojave); 12|1. w. s. w. on
same stream; 2 1. w. N. w., and 2 1. s. w. and s. 34 37'; 5 1. s. w. up the
stream; 8-^-1. up the stream; 31. S. w. and s. to San Benito ranchcria; 31. s. s.
w. across sierra (Cajon Pass?) in sight of sea, and 3 1. e. s. e. to Arroyo de los
Alisos; 21. W. s. w. into Anza's trail, and 81. W. N. W.; 21. \v. n. w. to San
.
Gabriel.
276
by Rivera to
whom he wrote at San Die^o. The commandant soon
arrived, however, on his way to Monterey, and a discussion ensued on the matter, which finally elicited
refused, being subsequently refused also
29
277
w.
old
31.
E.
278
31
CHAPTER
XIII.
A Hit at the
The
280
its
for a mission.
etc., recalling
MAP OF EXPLORATIONS.
281
282
no mention is
most likely
is
Anza followed the route of the present county road and railroad from
San Bruno to the vicinity of Islais Creek, thence turning to the left j)ast the
present Almshouse tract.
5
The lake is called Laguna del Presidio on La Perouse's map of 1786.
That the lake on which this party encamped was Mountain Lake, an identity
that no previous writer has noticed, is proved not only by Anza's subsequent
movements, but by the following in Font's Journal, MS., 31: 'The coast of
the mouth (of San Francisco Bay) on this side runs from N. E. to s. w., not
straight, but forming a bend, on the beach of which a stream, which flows
from the lagoon where we halted, empties itself, and we called it the Arroyo
that
del Puerto.
Xo other part of the shore corresponds at all to this statement.
6 Misled, perhaps, by this mention of the cross, Palou, Not., ii. 2S6, says
that Anza followed his, Palou's, route of 1774 until he reached the cross
planted at that time.
7
Font in hia diary gives a long and accurate description of San Francisco
Bay. He clearly mentions Alcatraz Island, though without applying any
name. It is to be noted that he mentions Punta de Almejas, or Mussel Point,
still so called; but this was not the original Mussel Point of 1769, though
Font very likely thought so.
'
ANZA'S VISIT.
283
simply an
Font an
'
calls it
'
'
'
may
This
2S4
It is noticeable that Anza several times implies that more than one exploration had been made in this direction, but only one, that of Fages, is
recorded.
10
See account of Fages' trip in chapter viii. According to Arricivita,
Crdn. Sard/., 465-7, Font named the body of water Puerto Dulce.
11
No. 100 of Font's map.
12
See also Font's map in preceding chapter, on which 'a' is 'the hill to
which Fages arrived;' 'b' a rancheria at edge of the water;' c,' a hill from
which we saw the tulares;' 'd' the 'summit of the sierra;' and 'e'some 'min'
eral hills.'
'
'
2S5
is;
is
was
not,
error Crespi never made respecting the Strait of Carquines, Font was singularly enough led into real error
left on record for others to correct.
what
13
is
elk, or
now
left
of
moun-
one place calls the hill the terminus of Fages' exploration, and
said hill which may be about a league from the water, Captain
Fages and P. Crespi saw its extent and that it was divided into arms which
formed islands of low land; and as they had previously tasted the water
on the load further back and found it to be fresh, they supposed without
doubt that it must be some great river which divided itself here into three
branches. .without noticing whether it had any current or not, which was
not easy for them to do from said hill at such a distance.
Font counted
seven islands. Anza, JJiario, MS., 1G8, says of the body of water 'nos parecio
ser mas una gran laguna que rio,' and 172, 'Me hizo esta noticia (the statement of two soldiers that the tulares were impassable even in the dry season)
says:
Font
'
in
From
'
lo
es
236
by a
difficult
With the
Monterey from
The route
affair.
17
Feb. 4th, Rivera orders Moraga to take command of the expedition
after Anza's departure. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxii. 19.
PREPARATIONS.
207
Moraga
at Monterey.
It was resolved to start
north in the middle of June, and though the mission
must wait, Serra thought it best that Palou and
Cambon, the friars destined for San Francisco, should
accompany the soldiers to attend to their spiritual
interests and be ready on the spot for further orders.
Meanwhile the transport vessels arrived on their
it
to
Nocedal as chaplains. She brought supplies for Monterey and also for San Francisco, and many articles
were put on board to go up by water and save mule
transportation but as two cannons were to be taken
from the presidio an order from Rivera was necessary,
and the vessel was obliged to wait until this order
;
could be obtained.
On June
St.
2S8
San
was
to
another month.
To their great relief on the 18th of August the San
Carlos arrived and anchored near the new camp.
After leaving Monterey she had experienced contrary winds and had been driven first down to the
latitude of San Diego, then up to 42, anchoring on
the night of the 17th outside the heads and north of
20
of Sal to
26th,
St.
'
THE PRESIDIO
BEGUN".
289
21
'On that same 17th of September on the other side of the continent Lord
Howe's Hessian and British troops were revelling in the city of New York.
290
soldiers
by
land.
The two
'
24
Palou, Koticias, states that Quir6s sailed two days on the new estero,
and he might with unfavorable winds have spent that time on Petaluma
Creek; but if he waited a day for Moraga the two days must include the whole
return voyage.
He had not, however, disproved Font's theory that the bay
communicated with Bodega byway of the great 'fresh water port,' or lagoon,
now called the Sacramento River. In his Vida, 210-14, Palou gives rather
vaguely additional details. At the mouth of the great river was a fine harbor, as good as San Diego, named Asuncion (Suisun Bay?).
The lofty sierra
stretching to Cape Mendocino was called San Francisco.
The estuary on the
west of Round Bay, up which they sailed one day and night, was named
Merced.
291
25
San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 3. These are the first entries in the
mission books; the first on August 10th was the baptism of Francisco Jose de
los Dolores Soto, infant son of Ignacio Soto; the second that of Juana Maria
Lorenza Sanchez 15 days of age, on Aug. 23th. Both were baptized ad instantem
mortem without ceremony, the latter by a common soldier.
292
given his attention to the mission as well as the presidio, and immediately set six sailors at work to aid
the priests in constructing a church and dwelling, so
that the work advanced rapidly.
No orders came from Rivera authorizing the establishing of a mission, but Moraga saw no reason for
delay and took upon himself the responsibility.
church fifty-four feet long and a house of thirty by
fifteen feet, all of wood, plastered with clay, and roofed
with tules, were finished and the day of Saint Francis,
October 4th, was the time set for the rites of foundation.
On the 3d the church, decorated with bunting:
from the vessel, was blessed but next day only a mass
was said, the ceremony being postponed on account of
the absence of Moraga. He arrived, as we have seen,
on the 7th, and on October 9th the solemne funcion
was celebrated in presence of all who had assisted at
the presidio a month before, save only the few soldiers
left in charge of the fort.
Palou said mass, aided by
Cambon, Nocedal, and Pena; the image of Saint
Francis, patron of port, presidio, and mission, was
carried about in procession. Volleys of musketry rent
the air, aided by swivel-guns and rockets brought from
the San Carlos, and finally two cattle were killed to
feast the guests before they departed. Thus was formally established the sixth of the California missions,
dedicated to San Francisco de Asis on the Laguna
de los Dolores. 26
26
The patron of this mission, it is needless to say, was the founder of the
Franciscan order of friars. He was born in the city of Assisi, Italy, in 11S2,
in a stable, and on the shoulder was a birth-mark resembling a cross. With
a slight education and somewhat dissolute habits he was employed in trade
by his father until 25 years of age. Taken prisoner in a petty local war, his
captivity caused or was followed by an illness during which his future vocation
was revealed to him in dreams. Useless thereafter for business and regarded
as insane by his father, he renounced his patrimony, vowed to live on alms
alone, and retired to the convent of Porciuncula near Assisi, where he laid the
foundations of his great order. This organization was approved by the pope
in 1209, and at the hrst chapter, or assembly, in 1219 had over 5,000 members
in its different classes. The founder gave up the generalship as an example
of humility, and went to Egypt in 1219 in search of martyrdom; but the Sultan, admiring his courage, would not allow him to be killed. Among the
many miracles wrought by or through him, the most famous is that of the
stigmata, or llagas de Jesus, the wounds of the nails and spear inflicted on the
EARLIEST ANNALS.
293
months,
or even years, of its existence are meagre.
The
record is indeed complete enough, but there was
really very little to be recorded.
On October 21st
for the first
body
chap. xxii. ) and the testimony of Dona Carmen Cibrian de Bernal, an old
lady at the mission, he identified the Laguna de los Dolores with The Willows, a lagoon, filled up in modern times, which lay in the tract bounded by
17th, 19th, Howard, and Valencia streets, discharging its waters into Mission
'
'
294
the San Carlos sailed for San Bias, leaving four sailors as laborers at the new mission, who completed
the buildings and brought water in a ditch from the
Meanwhile Rivera, having received at San
stream.
Gov. Neve in his report to the viceroy of Feb. 25, 1777, in Prov. Bee.,
141, says the mission was 1^ leagues from the fort and near Lake
Vallcjo, in his Discurso HistOrico, advanced the theory that Laguna
Dolores.
do los Dolores was a small lake situated between two hills to the right of the
old road from the presidio to the mission.
In the translation and accompanyBay.
MS.,
i.
San Francisco, Centennial Mem., 25, 107, the lake is located, ostensibly on Vallejo's authority, in Sans Souci Valley, north of the Mission.
ing notes,
'
'
'
'
'
'
'
'
'
'
'
'
'
'
RIVERA AT THE
NEW
PRESIDIO.
in
295
which that
was obliged
to wait.
as
296
attempt was shut up and flogged by Grijalva, whereupon the savages rushed up and discharged a volley
of arrows at the mission buildings, attempting a
rescue, though they were frightened away by a discharge of musketry in the air. Next day the sergeant
may
of,
San
cisco
cia,
a soldier.
His report to the viceroy dated February 25, 1777,
-8
i.
140-2.
is in.
297
CHAPTER
XIV.
(298)
FRANCISCAN" POLICY.
299
Not, ii. 339-40. Neve's Report of Sept. 19, 1777, in Prov. Pec,
The mission register of marriages was destroyed. Note of Serra
Luis Obispo, Lib. de Mision, MS., 57. The mission was twice again on
Palou,
MS.,
in 8.
i.
19.
within ten years, which caused the use of tiles for roofs to be universally
adopted. Palou, Vida, 142-3. Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 83, says that
Ignacio Vallejo, the author's grandfather, was at the intercession of the
padres allowed to quit the service temporarily to superintend the rebuilding
of the mission and the construction of irrigation works; and in fact Vallejo'a
name appears as witness in a marriage which took place the day after the fire,
as carpenter and em ploy 6 of the mission.' San Luis Obispo, Lib. de Mision,
fire
'
MS.,
57.
300
MISSION PROGRESS
WORK AT SAN
DIEGO.
301
made an arrangement
with Captain Choquet of the San Antonio, who offered to furnish sailors to work on the mission, and
go in person to direct their labors. Then Rivera,
work.
The president
at once
to
About
6
Lasuen in his report of 1783, in Bandini, Doc. Hist. Cat., MS., 2, states
that the mission was reestablished in June 177G.
There may, however, be
an error of the copyist.
7
The governor in a later report says that investigations had proved a
second convocation of 21 rancherias for hostile operations. Prov. i?ec, MS.,
i. G0-1.
It is not certain however that the allusion is to this occasion.
302
MISSION PROGRESS
303
In the
11
last
Serra, JSTotas,
MS.
MS.
12
'
October.
15
S. Juan Capistrano, Lib. de Mlsion, MS., title-page; Ortega, in Prov. St.
Pap., MS., i. 151.
r
10
According to Los Angeles, Hist., 5, the first mission was located some
miles north-easterly from the present location, at the foot of the mountain,
the place being still known as Mision Vieja; but this can hardly agree with
Palou's statement, Vida, 197-200, that the mission stood half a league from
the bay, on a stream running into it, and in sight of it as at present.
304
judicious falsehoods applied by the San Gabriel neophyte, who affirmed that there was a large body of
soldiers close behind
for
17
to the friar.
As
made up
his
desirable
305
site.
Set-
this valley
Palou, Not.
Moraga
later;
ii.
but this
ZOQ
Since
March 1775
houses fell and all had to be moved to higher ground. Governor's report of
April 4th, in Prov. Pec., MS., i. 125-6.
u Gov. Neve in a report of Sept. 19, 1777, in Prov. Pec, MS., i. 19-20.
25
Santa Clara, Lib. de Mision, MS. The first baptism of a child de razon
on July 31st was that of an illegitimate son of Jose Antonio Gonzalez and
of a woman whose marriage with another man the next year is the first
recorded.
The first death was that of Jos6 Antonio Garcia in Jan. 1 7 7 S
Both Ramon Bojorges and Gabriel Peralta are named as corporals of the
mission guard during the first year. Prov. St. Pap., Den. Mil., MS., i. 11.
20
Murguia and Pena, Informe de Santa Clara, Mil, MS. The sirvientes
of the mission
not all 'servants as we use the word, but including mechanics,
vaqucros, etc. were Francisco Ibarra, Cristobal Armenta, Agustin"Soberanes,
Antonio Romero (1st and 2d), Joaquin Sanchez, Manuel Antonio, Joaquin
Puga, Cirilo Gonzalez. Moraga, in Prov. St. Pap. Ben., MS., i. 9, and Gleeson,
Hist. Cath. Ch., ii. SO-2, say the founders reached Santa Clara Jan. 1st. Shea,
For account cf
Cath. Miss., 100, tells us the mission was founded Jan. 0th.
founding from Palou, see HalVs Hist. San Joss, 4IG-1S; The Oiti, Jan. 1671.
-
'
307
being directly responsible to the viceroy and subordinate to the governor only in being required to report
fully to that official.
Soon however a change was
ordered, due largely it is believed to the influence of
Jose de Galvez, now in Spain and filling the high position of minister of state for the Indies.
The 16th of
August 1775 the king issues a royal order that Governor Neve is to reside at Monterey as capital of the
province, while Rivera is to go to Loreto and rule
Baja California as lieutenant-governor. At the same
time, perhaps, Neve's commission as governor is forwarded, for his office down to this time had been
merely provisional under appointment of the viceroy
requiring the king's approval.
second royal order
of April 19, 1776, directed the change to be made
immediately. 27 It is difficult to ascertain in the absence
of original instructions of king and viceroy exactly
what effect the change of residence had on the respective powers of Neve and Rivera, especially those of
the latter. But it is evident that while Rivera's authority as lieutenant-governor on the peninsula was
less absolute and his subordination to the governor
greater than in Upper California as commandant,
Neve's authority in the north was practically the
same as Rivera's had been; that is, in California the
only change in government was in the title of the
ruler.
The new establishments were recognized by
Carlos III. as more important than the old.
In six
years the child had outgrown its parent.
Monterey
was to be capital of the Californias as it had always
been of California Setentrional. 28
27
The order of Aug. ICth is merely referred to in a list of documents in Prov.
Pap., MS., xxii. 3, and may possibly be an error. The order of Ajoril 19th
is referred to in a letter of the viceroy in Id., i. 203.
Xcve's commission as
governor was forwarded to him by the viceroy on Dec. 20, 1775. Prov. Bee,
MS., i. 39.
28
The formation of the Provincias Internas de Occidentc under Teodoro de
Croix as commandant general with viceregal powers was nearly simultaneous
with the change in California; and to this new official Gov. Neve became
r<
ponsible instead of to the viceroy as Rivera had been.
March 8, 1777,
Croix writes to Neve that Art. 20 of royal instructions requires the governor
and officials of California to render individual reports of acts and events to
St.
308
For the
time so far as the record shows, Viceroy Bucareli transmitted the king's orders to Neve
at Loreto the 20th of July 1776. During this month
and the next a correspondence took place between the
two official.*/" 9 which, from its fragmentary nature as
preserved, is unsatisfactory, but from which it appears
that Bucareli was desirous that Neve should start as
soon as possible, that orders to Rivera were enclosed
to the governor, that a herd of live-stock was to be
taken from the peninsula, and that twenty-five soldiers were sent by the Conception to Loreto to accompany Neve northward. Though Bucareli had nothing
to do with the change in rulers and capitals, he could
not fail to be well pleased with the order received from
Spain, since it came just in time to relieve him from
the undesirable task of deciding several quarrels.
Rivera's troubles with the Franciscans and with Anza
are fresh in the reader's mind, and Neve's relations
with the Dominicans were but little less uncomfortable.
Complaints to the viceroy were frequent, and it was
an easy reply to say that the impending change would
probably remove ail reason for dissatisfaction and prevent the necessity for any specific measures. 30 Had
Rivera's peculiar conduct been known in Spain it is
not likely that he would have been retained in office;
but the viceroy hoped that in a new field he might
succeed better.
The troops referred to in the viceroy's communications were probably those whose arrival at San Diego
in September 1777 has been already noticed, since there
first
him. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 245. Dec. 25, 1776, the viceroy notified Neve of
the appointment of Croix, to whom he is to report directly on occurrences in
California; but for supplies, etc., he is still to communicate with the viceroy.
Prov. Pec, MS., i. CG-7. Neve had written to the viceroy for certain instructions, which were transmitted to Croix.
The latter writes to Neve Aug. 15,
1777, that his duties in other provinces will prevent his attention to California,
and he has therefore turned the whole matter over to the viceroy for the
p resent. He, however, asks for Neve's suggestions respecting reforms, etc.,
for a new reglamento for California. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 252-3.
29
Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 203-7.
30
Bucareli wrote on Dec. 25, 1776. to Serra, announcing the change ordered.
Palou, Vida, 194-5.
NEVE IN CALIFORNIA.
309
time.
34
Letter of Jan.
2, 1775, in
i.
109.
MISSION PROGRESS
310
36
The shipment
of grain from San Bias for the military establishments of the Californias was a very
expensive and uncertain method of supply, and officials had been instructed from the first to suggest
some practicable means of home production to be
35
i.
213.
FOUNDING OF SAN
JOSfi.
311
with a resum6
Pap., IMS., i.
205-6.
38
Neve's letter is missing as before, but is alluded to in a subsequent letter
of April 1773, in Prov. Ike, MS., i. 7-9.
In another letter of June 4th, the
after the first, Neve says that he has made no formal distribution of
to either settlers or soldiers, except to one soldier (Butron?) to whom
Rivera in past years had given a title to a lot of land near San Carlos mission.
Also that as there are no suitable lands near the presidio he cannot for
present carry out the sowing order. Id., i. G8.
From this it would seem
likely that he had received some more direct order from Bucareli to sow near
the presidio.
day
!s
312
MISSION PROGRESS
33
Palou, Not. ii. 34S-50, says that all were of Anza's company, lying idle
Neve, letter of April 15, 177S, in Prov. Pec., MS., i. 8,
at San Francisco.
says he took 3 of those who had come as pobladores and recruited 2 more,
have no list of the San Jos6 settlers
from what source it does not appear.
until the more formal distribution of lands in 1781, when the number was 9
The names of all the first settlers of 1777 cannot therefore be
instead of 14.
given; but from Moraga's list of all the pobladores in the San Francisco district in December 1777, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 8, 9, and from an examination of the Santa Clara records, Santa Clara, Lib. de Mision, MS., I conclude
that 4 of the 5 original pobladores of San Jose" were Jose" Ignacio Archuleta,
Manuel Francisco Amezquita, JoseManuel Gonzalez, and Jos^Tiburcio Vasquez,
while the fifth was not improbably a lady, GertrudisPeralta. Of 9 soldier settlers
I can give the names of only 4; Valerio Mesa, corporal in command, Seferino
Lugo, Juan Manuel Marcos Villela, and Jose Antonio Romero. Gabriel Peralta
was the corporal in 1779. Romero was the only soldier who remained, and the 4
pobladores mentioned make up 5 of the 9 names on the list and map of April
1781. See St. Pap. Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 243. Of the other 4, Claudio Alvires was a servant before 1780, while Bernardo Rosales, Sebastian Alvitre, a
soldier in 17G9-74, and Francisco Avila were new names.
40
See chapter iv. of this volume. In the heading of one document in
the archives I find the pueblo called San Jos6 de Galvez. This name though
perhaps a copyist's error would have been a most appropriate one. In later
times an effort was made to christen the town San Jose" de Alvarado, in honor
of the governor; but it was unsuccessful so far as common usage was concerned.
41
Xcar the little stream crossed by the first bridge on the road leading
from the city to Alviso. llalVs Hist. San Jose", 14-19,46. This modern work
Documents
contains a tolerably accurate and complete history of San Jose\
on the early years are not numerous, and the author seems to have consulted
most of them. There are a few errors in names and translation, but the book
,
'
'
We
JOSfi.
313
314
MISSION PROGRESS
43
Neve's communications in Prov. Bec
Prov. St. Pop., iii. 145.
ISIS.,
i.
90-2, 125-6,
ii.
21-2;
INDIAN HOSTILITIES.
315
Lower
California!!,
44
This story is told by Hugo Reid and Benjamin Hayes, and it is also the
subject of a poem by Miss M. A. Fitzgerald. Hayes Mission Book, i. 197.
1
316
fornia.
45
these Indian troubles see reports of Neve and Ortega in St. Pap. Sac,
61-3, viii. 31-52; Prov. Bee, MS., i. 19, 96-7; Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
1-6; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., i. 41-4.
MS.,
ii.
On
45
vii.
CHAPTER
XV.
Period of Preparation Schemes for the Future Government Reforms Pueblos Channel Establishments Neve Wants to Resign
and is made Colonel Sacrament of Confirmation Episcopal
Powers Conferred on Padre Serra Tour of the Missions Quarrel with Neve Ecclesiastic Prerogative and Secular Authority
A Friar's Sharp Practice Serious Charges by the Governor
Movements of Vessels Arrival of Arteaga and Bodega from a
Northern Voyage The First Manila Galleon at Monterey
Local Events and Progress Presidio Buildings.
1779, completing the first decade in the annals of Alta California as a Spanish
province, together with 1780, formed a period rather
of preparation than of accomplishment, of theories
rather than practice, in matters affecting the general
interests of the country though there was a satisfactory showing of local progress at the several missions.
One of the most important general subjects which
claimed Governor Neve's attention, was the preparation of a new reglamento, or system of military government for the Californias; the new establishments
having in a general sense outgrown Echeveste's regulation of 1773, and some articles of that document
having in practice proved unsatisfactory. The king's
order of March 21, 1775, for the reform of the system was, on August 15, 1777, forwarded by General Croix to Neve with a letter in which he says
"Lacking knowledge on the subject, I need that }T ou
report to me at length and in detail what are the
;
(317)
318
A DECADE COMPLETED.
reform, so that
I may be enabled to decide when consulted about the
This request came by the Santiago in
country."
June, and on December 28, 1778, Neve dated the
hear no more of this subject
required report. 1
till the appearance of the regulation itself, full fledged,
and with all its reforms, accredited to Neve, as
author, under date of June 1, 1779. 2
That the preparation of so extensive and important
a state paper, and especially of those portions relating
to colonization which was a new and difficult subject,
should have been intrusted in toto to the governor,
seems strange, and equally so the fact that no correspondence on the subject has been preserved; but both
Croix and Galvez in signifying the king's approval
accredit Neve with the authorship.
It was certainly
a mark of great confidence in his ability, and a still
greater compliment was the adoption of his plan without, so far as appears, a single modification.
September 21, 1780, General Croix writes to the governor
from Arizpe that the plan has been forwarded by the
viceroy to the king, and that provisionally, pending
the royal approval, it is to go into effect in California
from the beginning of 1781. 3 The subject-matter of
the reglamento, and the new system of government
resting on it, may be properly deferred until the beginning of the next period, when the changes went
its
We
An
NEVE'S PROJECTS.
319
in
The
right to administer the rite of confirmation belonged exclusively to bishops, and could be exercised
even by the highest officials of the religious orders
4
5
MS.,
ii.
8, 9.
320
A DECADE COMPLETED.
RITE OF CONFIRMATION.
321
Then, notwithstanding his infirmities, he embarked for San Diego, and from the 21st of September
to the 13th of December administered confirmation,
with all its attendant solemnities and ceremonies, to
the neophytes at each of the five missions on his way
back to Monterey, resuming the work in the north at
the beginning of 1779 and extending his tour to Santa
Clara and San Francisco. Two thousand four hundred and thirty-two persons in all received the rite
in 1778-9, about one hundred of the number beinoCarlos.
gente de razon. 9
same subject.
e
I.
21
2,457.
A DECADE COMPLETED.
322
In an opinion on the matter dated April 17, 17S0 Facultad He Conit is stated that Serra coniirmed in all the missions except
San Francisco and Santa Clara, in which places he did not, because Neve
refused him an escort and required him to suspend confirmation until he could
show the papal bull approved by the Council of the Indies, which Serra could
not do, since he had no document to prove it. The same statement is made in
a communication from Bonilla to Croix on Apr. 20, 17S0. St. Pap ^ Sac, MS.,
viii. 53.
This is however partially erroneous, for Serra did go to Sta Clara
and San Francisco with or without an escort. The guardian simply says, Id.,
253, that Neve had raised a doubt whether the apostolic brief has the proper
sanctions.
Had Serra's papers been defective he would have known it and
would have hesitated to administer a sacrament which might prove illegal.
firmar, MS., 259
323
in accordance
with whose
A DECADE COMPLETED.
324
tion to get rid of them; and he suspended confirmations, as he flattered himself, at the 'entreaty' of
Croix and not the 'command' of Neve. The 20th of
July Serra replied to the letter of Croix "about a con-
have not come; but they will soon be here and will
be delivered to the governor for the purposes indicated, though with a little delay they might be delivered in a more complete and satisfactory state. 12
Facultad de Covjirmar, MS., 260-6. There are two copies of the letter,
Serra's handwriting, but differing somewhat in the closing portions.
The variations are not however in substance essential. It is but fair to the
padre to say that in speaking about the documents his language is not clear,
and might possibly bear a different construction from that I have given in the
text; that is, he may mean to say in substance, 'I have sent copies of my
papers (though it reads remitiendo alia todos mis papeles que hacian al
caso ) to Mexico for completion by the addition of missing ones, and by a
little delay I could send them in a completed state; but as it is I give up the
Or he might mean that he had sent
originals as they are to the governor.
the most important papers to Mexico and would give up what were left. There
is however no evidence outside of this letter that he ever gave up any papers,
but it appears rather that he gave up none. It is not impossible that his
language was intentionally made vague. Governor Neve in a subsequent
letter to Croix, March 26, 1781, in Pror. Bee, MS., ii. 81, speaks very plainly
on the subject, saying that Serra claimed to have sent his patent to Mexico,
and he does not deem it wise to take possession of and search his papers, because if he has not sent the document away he will have hid it with bis
unspeakable artifice and shrewdness; and the only result will be trouble
villi the padres and delay in the Channel foundations, for which they will
Being exasperated there is nothing these friars
refuse to contribute supplies.
with their immeasurable and incredible pride will not attempt, since on
more than four occasions it has required all Neve's policy and moderation to
12
both
iii
'
'
'
'
'
'
'
ECCLESIASTICAL PREROGATIVE.
The commandant
;u
fitting
'
'
'
A DECADE COMPLETED.
326
had brought
it.
tie
Con-
327
Mexico. 16
This episode of California history, now for the first
time made public, exhibits the character of Junipero
Serra in a new and, considering the previous character of the man, in a startling light. And though
from this distance nothing can be seen in the controversy which might affect the interests of Christianity,
of the Franciscan order, or of the California missions,
we must conclude that Serra was conscientious in his
belief that principles of the gravest character were
involved or he never would have manifested the firmness and the stubborn pertinacity he did from the
beginning to the end of this dispute with the governor. The great battles between the royal prerogative
and the fuero eclesidstico had been fought in Spain; it
certainly could have been no trifling matter that would
induce this man of peace to renew them in California.
On the other hand Neve claimed what he regarded
as a well known right, nothing in the slightest degree
humiliating to the president, and so far as can be
known he urged his claims in a courteous and respectful manner; and when obedience to his demands
was refused nothing but his moderation and coolminded patriotism prevented a scandal which would
have been unfortunate to the country, and perhaps
disastrous to the missions.
No ardent churchman
entertains a more exalted opinion of the virtues of
Junipero Serra, his pure-mindedness,his self-sacrificing
devotion, his industry and zeal than myself. Nor wouk
I willingly detract from the reputation of a man who
has been justly regarded as an ideal missionary, the
father of the church in California; but I am writing
16
Neve to Croix June 4, 1770, in Prov. Roc, MS., i. 127-8. The governor
says that the natives are taught that the padres are supreme and the secular
ofhcialo arc to 1>e regarded with indifference.
A DECADE COMPLETED.
32S
Palou, Vida, 235-6, alludes to the quarrel very briefly, admitting that
malice.
In his Noticias he does not mention the
Shea, (kith. Miss., 100, says that Serra was for a time presubject at all.
vented by the government from exercising his right. Taylor, Discov. and
Founders, ii. No. 28, affirms that P. Junipero had a serious fright soon after
beginning to confirm on account of a rumor from Mexico that there was something irregular in his papers; but on assurance from all the prominent men accessible that there was nothing wrong he was comforted Gleeson, Hist. Oath. Ch.
ii. 84-C, attributes the hindrance to the Chevalier de Croix who was opposed
to the missions, and would not allow Serra to confirm until the viceroy was
appealed to and told him to let the padres alone.
l8
Sa/i Francisco, Lib. de Elision, MS., 10. She came back next year with
329
the same officers, except that Miguel Ddvalos was chaplain, entering Monterey in October and unloading there, to the gre? inconvenience of San Francisco, whither the cargo had to be carried by L*\nd. Palou, Not., ii. 3G8-9;
Prov. Bee, MS., ii. 32-3.
19
According to S. Francisco, Lib de Mision MS., 11-12; Palou, Vida,
231-3.
CaQizares and
Lieut. Quires y Miranda was one of he officers.
Maurelle were also on the vessels.
20
San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 11 ;
dega y Cuadra, Navegacion,
etc., 1779, MS.; Arteaga, Ttrcera Exploracion, 1770, MS.; Maurelle, Nave-
A DECADE COMPLETED.
330
There
is
n Imparan 's
22
23
ii.
38.
LOCAL ITEMS.
331
24
house was burned at the presidio Oct. 11, 1779, and with it the hospital tent of the two vessels Princesa and Favorita.
25
On local matters 1778-80 see Arch. 8ta Barbara, MS., x. 495-513; Prov.
Pec, MS.,
Pap., MS.,
i.
18,
ii.
3G-7.
ii.
A DECADE COMPLETED.
332
26
30
For a
sirvientes,
list of
this volume.
of
CHAPTEK
XVI.
sels
and Missionaries.
At
133
COLONISTS
334
AND RECRUITS.
system
in all its
workings and
details.
Hence
to enter
enforcement of
of the
new
by virtue of
position
this
might not
the actual work of inspecting the presidios was given to an adjutant inspector acting under
the inspector's orders. 4 Supplies of all kinds were as
before to be shipped from San Bias, being purchased in
accordance with annual memorias of articles required,
forwarded through governor to viceroy, and delivered
to soldiers and servants in payment of their wages.
There w as, however, an important change in one respect; for the former profit of a hundred and fifty per
cent was relinquished by the government, and supplies were furnished to the men at their cost in San
Bias, no addition being made for transportation by
official duties,
3
i
or Neve.
NEW
As an
REGLAMENTO.
335
offset to this
and two missions, San Buenaventura and Purisima, at the extremities of the Channel coast.
It
also made provision for Wo pueblos, the one already founded at San Jose, and another to be established on the Rio Porciuncula and called Nuestra
For the four presidios, and
Seriora de los Angeles.
the eleven missions and two pueblos under their procentre,
COLONISTS
336
AND RECRUITS.
men
PUEBLO REGULATIONS.
337
I.
22
338
COLONISTS
AND RECRUITS.
establishment in the future of new missions, in addition to the three to be immediately founded.
By the
line of eleven missions located along the coast at intervals of from fourteen to twenty-five leagues, with
four protecting presidios at greater intervals, communication would, it was thought, be sufficiently secured
and new missions should be located on a second line
farther inland, each new establishment being
^ as far
as possible equidistant from two of the old ones, and
from fourteen to twenty leagues east. Two ministers as
before were to be left in each of the old and of the
three Channel missions, but the places of those who
died or retired were not to be filled so long as one
padre was left at each mission, except that at presidio
missions there were to be two friars until some other
provision should be made for chaplains.
New missions were to have but a single minister with an
annual stipend of four hundred dollars; and this sum,
with the $1,000 allowed each new foundation, must
The
suffice for all needs sboth religious and temporal.
old establishments were, however, to contribute animals and seed, and they might also supply a companion minister for a year. No necessity for an increased
military force was anticipated, since the temporary
pueblo guards and the extra force at San Buenaventura and Purisima would provide for at least four
new guards without diminishing the presidial garrisons.
It will be noted that this section of the regulation shows less indications of missionary influence
in its shaping than did Echeveste's which was inspired by Serra; but we shall also see that most of
the present provisions were of no practical effect until
modified by Franciscan influences.
...
Meanwhile preparations
for the
339
forwarded by Croix July 19, 1779. Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 47.
11
'Rivera y Marcado, Comandante of the presidio of Monterey,' is what
Hall calls him. Hist. San Jose, 19-24. This is a fair sample of the way in
which Californian affairs are treated by modem writers, Hall as I have said
being above the average of his class.
12
Croix, Instruction que drbe observar el Capitan D. Fernando R'wra y Moncada para larecluta y ha', dilation de familias, j>obladorcs y tropa, acopia de
montiirax, trasporte de todas y demns auxillos que ha solkitado y se conceden al
Coronel D. Felipe de Neve, Gobernador de (Jaliformas, para el rest/uardo, beneficio y conservation de los nuevos y anthjuos establecimieutos de aquella Peninsula.
MS.
340
and implements must be gradually repaid, not by a discount on wages, but from the
surplus products of the land.
Soldiers on the contrary, having a permanent and larger salary, must
repay by 'prudent discounts' the sums advanced in
aid of themselves and families.
Coming now to the body of the instruction, we
ing, live-stock, seed,
learn that the subaltern officers required for the increased force of California, with one exception, had
been selected and commissioned, 14 and that twentyfive soldiers had been selected from the volunteers of
the presidial companies of Sonora to serve out their
time in California, their service beginning February
1st when they were to assemble at Horcasitas. There
were to be recruited twenty-four settlers and fiftynine soldiers, and to obtain them Rivera was allowed
to go beyond the limits of the Provincias Internas,
as far as Guadalajara if necessary.
Twenty -five of
the new recruits were to fill the places of those taken
from the presidios, so that only thirty -four soldiers
were to go to California. These and the twenty-four
ilies
13
This, strangely enough, does not agree exactly -with the regulation,
which offers $116 per year for two years and $60 for the next three, these
sums including rations neither was the pay to begin according to the regla;
fourth alferez.
ENLISTMENT IN SINALOA.
The rendezvous
341
whole
company was to be at Alamos, except such as might
be obtained in Guadalajara, who were to go by sea
From Alamos the recruits and their
from San Bias.
families were to be forwarded by sea or land as might
Nine hundred and sixty-one horses
be decided later.
and mules were to be purchased and were to go by
way of the Gila and Colorado. 15
On February 10, 1780, General Croix sent to Neve
a copy of his instructions to Rivera, with the information that the latter had already begun his work, that
the recruits would probably come in three divisions,
and that the land expedition would start, if nothing
happened, in September or October. 16 The general
also enclosed copies of his communications to the
viceroy on the same subject, from one of which it
already in California.
for the
cles,
man
10
At the end
of the Instruction (pp. 80-4) are given full lists of the artichiefly of clothing, to be furnished each recruit, soldier or poblador,
or
woman, boy or
girl.
ii.
89-99.
COLONISTS
342
AND RECRUITS.
men whom he
except
five
Sf.
ARRIVAL OF SETTLERS.
343
on
time at Loreto.
May
two of the
16th,
when
March
8,
1781
22
Neve to Croix, July 14, 1781, in Prov. liec, MS., ii. 87-8. Some other
unimportant correspondence en the general subject of the new foundations is
found in Id., ii. 14, 40-1; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., ii. 41; Prov. St.
Pap., MS., iii. 205.
20
Neve to Croix, May 16, 1781, in Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 82. In this letter
Neve announces his intention to send Robles with 12 men to meet Rivera. I
have already stated that he sent only 5 or G men. Palou, Not., ii. 381, says
the number was 5.
Rivera certainly had 11 or 12 men and all may have been
those sent with Robles; but if he started with 42 and only 35 arrived, Palou's
version accounts for the discrepancy.
zl
Xevc to Croix, Oct. 29, 1781, in Prov. Pec., MS., ii. 89-90.
22
St. Pap. Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 105-19.
This document is literally
identical with section xiv. of the reglamento already referred to and found in
344
Though
COLONISTS
AND RECRUITS.
particulars
re-
345
23
Of
specting the survey and distribution of lots.
subsequent proceedings for a time we only know that
MS.
pueblo.
2i
Los Angeles, Padron del781, MS. ; Ortega, in St. Pap., Miss, and Colon.,
104-5.
The settlers were as follows: Jose de Lara, Spaniard, 50 years
i.
of age, wife Indian, 3 children; Jose Antonio Navarro, mestizo, 42 years,
wife mulattress, 3 children; Basilio Rosas, Indian, 68 years, wife mulattress,
C children; Antonio Mesa, negro, 38 years, wife mulattress, 2 children; Antonio (Felix) Villavicencio, Spaniard, 30 years, wife Indian, 1 child; Josa
Vanegas, Indian, 28 years, wife Indian, 1 child; Alejandro Rosas, Indian, 19
years, wife coyote (Indian); Pablo Rodriguez, Indian, 25 years, wife Indian,
1 child; Manuel Camero, mulatto, 30 years, wife mulattress; Luis Quintero,
negro, 55 years, wife mulattress, 5 children; Jose Moreno, mulatto, 22 years,
wife mulattress ; Antonio Miranda, chino, 50 years, 1 child. The last-named
was at first absent at Loreto. He was not a Chinaman, nor even born in
China, as has been stated by some writers, but was the offspring probably of
an Indian mother by a father of mixed Spanish and negro blood. From a
later padron of 1785, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxii. 29, it appears that Navarro
was a tailor, and the age of several is given differently. From Los Angeles,
Hist., 11, 12, we learn that two were born in Spain, one in China, and the
rest in Sinaloa, Sonora, or Baja California, a very mild way of putting it,
though true enough except in the case of the chino ; but the same work erroneously states that the 12 settlers had previously been soldiers at San Gabriel.
In the same work the plaza is located between Upper Main, Marchessault,
and Xew High streets of the modern city, the n. e. bound not being named.
The goods delivered to settlers on government account to the end of 1781,
amounted to #4,191. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 265-7. According to accounts
in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., ii. 4-7, 21-2, the contracts of 11 had been
made in 1780, and of one in February 1781. They were engaged at $10 per
month for 3 years, and rations of one real per day for 10 years, though this
does not agree with the reglamento; $2,546 was furnished them in Sonora and
$500 in California, and there was due to them December 31, 1781, $2,303.
iii.
13; Prov.
Pec, MS.,
ii.
Co.
346
COLONISTS
AND RECRUITS.
For scattered references to buildings, see Prov. Pec, MS., i. 175-6, 184;
23; Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 01.
26
Early in 1782 Lara, Mesa, and Quintero, a Spaniard, and two negroes,
were sent away as useless to the pueblo and themselves, and their property
was taken away by order of the governor. The record does not show that
Miranda, the 'chino,' ever came to Los Angeles at all, unless he be identical
with another 'useless' settler said to have been sent away in 1783. Jose"
Francisco Sinova, who had lived a long time as a laborer in California, applied
for admission as a settler in 1785, and was admitted, receiving the same aid
as the original colonists in the way of implements and live-stock, save in
One of
respect of sheep and goats, which the government had not on hand.
the deserters, Rafael Mesa, seems to have been caught and brought to California, but there is no evidence that he settled at Los Angeles. Two grown-up
sons of Basilio Itosas appear on the list of 1735, as does also Juan Jos6 Dominguez, a Spaniard; but all three disappear from the next year's list. Prov.
Pec, ii. 79; iii. 185; Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 144-5; xxii. 29-30; Prov. St.
iii.
DISTRIBUTION OF LANDS.
However
this
may have
347
29
September 4th
appointed
Corporal
same
day
Vicente
and on the
Felix and private Roque de Cota as legal witnesses.
On the 18th he reports his task completed and
This was perhaps
duly recorded in the archives.
the first important public service rendered by a man
who was later governor and father of a governor. In
the performance of his duty Argtiello with his witArgtiello accepted the commission
nesses summoned each of the nine settlers in succession and in presence of all granted first the house-lot,
then the four fields, and finally the branding-iron by
which his live-stock was to be distinguished from
that of his neighbors. In both house-lots and fields
COLONISTS
34S
AND RECRUITS.
At San
Y
h
Y
J
|J
N
E
C B B A|
PROPIOS
M
n
...
.ROAD
-.
-V-
L
F
G
J
M
H
D
Los Angeles in
1786.
The distribution is shown by the letters as follows A, guardhouse; B, town-houses; C, trozo del posito; D, Pablo Rodriguez; E, Jose
Vanegas; F, Jose Moreno; G, Felix Villavicencio; H, Francisco Sinova; Y,
vacant; J, Basilio Rosas; K, Alejandro Rosas; L, Antonio Navarro; M,
of the fields.
PUEBLO MAPS.
349
31
the government.
nDDDD
DDD
ma
PUEBLO OF
LOS ANGELES
Manuel Camero; N, 0, streets; P, Plaza. Two other maps are given St.
Pap., Hiss, and Col., MS., i. 103, 307 one of which I reproduce. For the
third transfer 1 to 2; add a lot at 3; and move 4, 5, 6, 7 one tier to the east.
I suppose these maps to have been of earlier date than 1786.
31
According to documents in Prov. St. Pap. Ben. Mil. MS. iii. 23, the pay
or rations of G of the 9 settlers ceased Nov. 1, 1782; one had rations to Nov. 3d;
and 2 had rations all the year. According to other records in Prov. St. Pap.,
MS. v. 25-6, 28, 4 had rations during 1783, and 3 at beginning of 1784. In Id.
iii. 244-7, Moraga says that from June to Dec. 1781 three settlers had pay
and rations, while 2 had rations only.
32
In Prov. Pec, MS., iii. 154-6, this document is given under date of
Dec. 2d, and is preceded, Id., 153-4, by a letter of instructions dated Dec.
12th, and ordering that the mandamiento (the document of Dec. 2d) be placed
at the head of each title.
On Jan. 4, 1783, Moraga writes that he cannot
attend to the distribution at once as ordered by the governor in letter of
Dec. 6th, but will do so at an early date. Stat. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS.,
i.
COLONISTS
350
AND RECRUITS
33
243.
Ya
Way
to Mission
St.
i.
s>
18
17
14
15
1'6
13
',2
10
*4P
;*f
FUEBLO
4-
The map
so far as
Map
of San Jos.
it
LOCAL ITEMS.
351
Father Mugartegui
also wrote from San Juan Capistrano that there were
reasons to fear a rising of the gentiles reenforced from
the Colorado, and that two of the six soldiers on
guard were unfit for duty. 85 At Santa Clara August
12th the festival of the patroness w as celebrated with.
the aid of Dumetz from San Carlos and Noriega from
San Francisco. The latter, after accompanying Serra
to San Antonio, took temporarily the place of Crespi
at San Carlos while Crespi went with Serra to San
Francisco on his tour of confirmation, this being the
venerable friar's first visit to the northern missions,
and his last journey on earth. Returning by way of
Santa Clara, they officiated with Murguia and Peiia
on November 19th in laying the corner-stone of a
new church dedicated to " Santa Clara de Asis,
virgin, abbess, and matriarch of her most famous religion."
The soldiers of the guard were present, and
Alferez Lasso de la Vega from San Francisco acted
as secular godfather. Under the stone were placed a
80
cross with holy images and pieces of money.
The
building was completed in 1784.
The supply-ship did not arrive this year, because on
account of troubles with England 37 the Santiago was
obliged to make a trip to Lima for quicksilver.
small transport was laden at San Bias, but proved to
r
the Santa Clara boundary, designating half the space (no width is given) as
propio* and the rest as realengas.
Then the egiclos 1,500 x 700 varas were
located on the eminence where the pueblo stood.
3
<Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 130-1.
25
Letters of Sept. 25th and 28th in Monterey Co. Arch., MS., vii. 3, 4.
30
S(inta Clara, Lib. de Mision, MS., 10, 11; Palou, Not., ii. 309-70
Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 131 ; Palou, Vida, 23G-7.
scrap in Levitt's
Scrap-book says the site was called by the natives Gerguensen, or valley of
the oaks.'
37
Orders for a war tax circulated by Gen. Croix and sent to California.
Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 59-70.
'
COLONISTS
352
AXD RECRUITS.
ii.
369-73.
CHAPTER
XVII.
The reader
expeditions of Father
Kino and
his
remember the
companions to
I.
23
(353)
354
With
sense considered to be in
Lower
California.
355
Dominican ground.
3
Garces suggested a route by water by way of the gulf and river, or by
the ocean to San Diego.
He also recommended that San Diego be subject to
the Colorado presidio instead of Monterey, so as to protect communication
and prevent conflicts with the California authorities. Thus his views in behalf of his college were somewhat ambitious.
Whether they resulted in some
degree from his own treatment by Rivera, or whether Rivera's policy was influenced by the views of Garcds, there is no means of knowing.
i
Id 1778 Croix writes to Galvez on the importance of conciliating the Colorado and Gila tribes, and of founding settlements on the route to California.
Ugaide, Documentor, MS., 5.
*Arricivita, Grdnica Serdjica y Apost6lica del Colegio de Propci{/<tnda Fide
de la Santa Cruz de Querctaro, 491-514.
This important work, the official
chronicle of the Querctaro College, is the leading authority for the contents
of this chapter, in fact the only continuous narrative of the whole subject,
though aa will be seen there are other authorities that throw much light on
certain parts of it.
356
and went back to wait. Still no Spaniards came, and Palma's people began to taunt him,
and to more than hint that all the stories he had
brought from Mexico were lies. Palma endured it
for a while and then went a^ain to Altar and then to
sidio captain
governor gave an order for supplies, but the commandant could not furnish a proper guard, for his
force was small and the natives were unusually bitter.
In obedience to orders, however, he told Garces to
select the smallest number of soldiers that would meet
immediate necessities. The friars realized that in
establishing a distant mission under these circumstances there was danger.
But delay was also for
many reasons undesirable, and the early establishment of a presidio was confidently hoped for. Therefore after much discussion, including a reference to the
viceroy and college, the two friars chose seventeen
soldiers from Tucson and Altar, though when they
started in August for their destination they had but
After passing Sonoita in the Papago counthirteen.
try, they were forced to turn back for want of water;
A NEW SYSTEM.
357
lessened
now
faith in
358
PCJEBL0-M1SSI0XS
Palou, Not.,
ii.
374-88.
359
their
at once founded, and the adjoining lands were distributed, Garces and Barreneche being its ministers.
Very soon the second pueblo, San Pedro y San Pablo
The Colorado
Missions.
families.
3G0
The coming
of the colonists naturally afforded temporary relief to the friars, for a small stock of articles
suitable for gifts brought a brief renewal of Spanish
popularity; but even at the beginning Garces and his
companions seem to have foreseen disaster, though it
is hard to tell how much was foresight and how much
may be attributed to the despondency of the friars
when their privileges were curtailed. In addition to
the old causes of disaffection among the natives, new
and more serious ones began to work. In the distribution of lands along the river but little attention
was paid to the rights of the aborigines, whose little
milpas, if spared in the formal distribution, were
rendered useless by the live-stock of the Spaniards.
This great wrong, added to the ordinary indifference
of soldiers and settlers to native rights, and their
petty acts of injustice, soon destroyed any slight feeling of friendship previously existing. The friars with
difficulty and by patient kindness retained for a time
a degree of influence even in the midst of adverse influences.
They established a kind of missionary station at some distance from the pueblo, where the
natives were occasionally assembled for religious instruction.
Some of them were faithful notwithstanding the unpopularity brought upon themselves by
friendship for the friars but their influence amounted
to nothing against the growing: hatred amonof the
thousands of Yumas and neighboring tribes.
After the provisions brought from Sonora had
been exhausted there was much suffering among the
;
with the
little
We
Palou, Not., ii. 375, says that masking for this aid they declared that if
were not sent they would have to abandon the Colorado establishments.
Neve reports on June 23, 1781, having sent the succor asked for by Alferez
Islas. Prov. llec, MS., ii. 85.
it
PREMONITIONS OF DISASTER.
301
362
Neve in a letter to Croix of Nov. 18, 1781, says that the Jalchedimes
sent word to Rivera that as no gifts were made, they did not wish to retain
the badges of office formerly given their chiefs by Spaniards. Prov. Jiec,
MS.,
11
ii.
G9.
Sunday.
was
Arricivita, followed
certainly Tuesday.
Arricivita, 529-54, gives
12
some details respecting the lives of the misJuan Marcelo was born in 1733 in the city of Alajar, Spain, taking
the name of Diaz when he became a Franciscan. He came to Mexico in 1703;
in 1760 became minister of Caborca mission in Pimeria Alta; and accompanied Anza as we have seen on his first expedition to California. Jose" Matias
Moreno was born in 1744 at Almarza, Spain; became a Franciscan in 17G2;
and came to Mexico in 1769. His first missionary service, save as supernumerary, was at the place of his death. Francisco Tomas Hcrmenegilclo
Garces v as born in 1738 in Morata del Conde, Aragon; came to the Quer6taro
sionaries.
MASSACRE OF RIVERA'S MEN.
3G3
On
364
The
natives returned to Concepcion the same afterThe priests on their approach escaped with
noon.
the families and took refuge with some of their conThe buildings were sacked and burned
vert friends.
as at the lower village, and next day the two priests
were killed notwithstanding the efforts made by certain
Indians in their behalf. Only two men are known to
have saved their lives at Concepcion, and the whole
number of the slain at the two pueblos and Rivera's
camp was at least forty-six, probably more.
hear
of no killing of women and children.
The captives
were made to work, but no further outrage is recorded. 16
Alferez Limon after escorting the California colony
to San Gabriel started back for Sonora by the old
We
'
long honored by anniversary funeral masses at San Diego, and that Gov.
Echeandia in 1825 proposed a monument in his honor.
10
The information that the hostilities lasted three days comes from Arricivita. Most other au thorites state or imply that the bloody work was begun
and ended on July 17th; but Croix in a note dated July 17, 1782, and in correction of a report from Neve that Rivera died on July 1st, states that it was
on July 18th, thus sustaining Arrici vita. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., iii.
10. Neve in a letter to Croix of March 10, 1782, Prov. Bee, MS., ii. 7(3-8,
says that the savages attacked the two villages and Rivera's camp simultaneously and by 8 o'clock had completed their work at the former; that they
found Rivera's men scattered and at first entered the encampment as friends,
attacking before the soldiers could be gathered, and killing the last man at
night after righting all day. In another letter of Sept. 1st, Id., 88-9, Neve
mentions a report brought by Limon that Corporal Pascual Bailon (this
Bailon is mentioned by others, but I suspect that he and Pascual Rivera are
the same person), with 9 soldiers, one settler, and a muleteer, was killed while
bringing supplies from Sonora. Sales, Noticias, Carta iii. 65-7, tells us the
assailants were 20,000 in number. Velasco, Son., 151; Soc. Ifex. Geog.,Boletin,
x. 7C4, gives the number of killed as 53. Taylor in Browne's L. Cal., 71, says
the massacre took place in the fall of 1782. Bartlett, Pers. Nar., ii. 183-4,
tells us that a mission established by P. Kino at the mouth of the Gila was in
existence as late as 1776! also that Garcds established a mission among the
Moquis which was soon destroyed See further for brief mention of the subject, Mofras, Explor, i. 284-6; Bevilla-Gigedo, Informe de 12 de Abril 1703,
122; Escudero, Not., Chih., 229; Gkeson's Hist. Cath. Ch., ii. 87-93; Taylor, in
!
Cal.
Fanner, March
7,
363
17
Prov. Pec, MS., ii., 88-9; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., ii. 23; Pcdou,
Vida, 242. Palou, N'ot., ii. 377, says that Limon wanted to take 20 men and
go to chastise the Yumas, but Neve did not approve the plan. The author
is inclined, apparently unjustly, to blame the governor for his inaction.
This
Limon was a soldier at Altar in 17G0, when his daughter was baptized by
Parlve Pfefferkorn. S. Francisco dd AH, Lib. Mision, MS.
18
Arricivita, page 509, says that at first the report was not believed and
that a soldier sent up to the Colorado to learn the truth was killed.
1<J
^. Pap. Sac, MS., vi. 123-33.
3G6
whose
know
life
beyond the
San Die^o
fact that
he
in
1774 we
California a
captain and now returns a lieutenant-colonel.
He
was accompanied by Captain Fueros of the Altar
little
presidio.
left
20
367
ination at Sonoita October 31st and took the testimony of six men who had survived the massacre,
evidence in
3G8
FINAL CAMPAIGN.
3G9
MS.,
27
ii.
53.
ii. 3S3, says that the messenger overtook Neve March 26th,
the same day he had left San Gabriel to found San Buenaventura.
2S
Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 198-207, including a letter of Croix of May
18th, communicating to Neve the junta's action, and another letter announcing the sending of 200 horses and 40 mules to mount the Californian
Palou, Not.,
troop.j.
I.
24
370
Eomeu
29
About
29
Romeu, afterwards governor of California, had been with Fueros on the
Colorado earlier in the year, and had written a diary of that expedition, which
by resolution of the junta was sent to Neve for his instruction.
30
Neve's instructions to Soler, July 12, 1782. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 120.
Neve to Croix, Aug. 3, 1782, receipt of letter announcing approval by the
junta of the suspension of Yuma campaign. Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 65-G. Neve
to Croix, Aug. 12, 17S2, announcing march of troops on Aug. 21st, and his
own departure on Aug. 25th or 2Gth. hi., 47.
31
Palou, Not., ii. 390-2. More of this change of governors in a later
chapter.
32
In Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 205-6, there is mentioned as existing in
Mexico in 1795 a Diario de las marchas y ocurrencias .desde 21 de Agosto
17S2, which my search of the archives has not brought to light.
A short letter of Neve to Croix dated Sonoita Oct. lGth
Prov. Rec, MS., ii. 53 is the
.
only original account extant. He says he sent an alferez with 8 men to reconnoitre, heard firing, and hurried up to support the alferez, but the enemy fled.
Then Romeu attacked a Yuma rancheria and inflicted some loss, having 4 soldiers wounded.
He vaguely states that he should have subdued the Yumas
and left communication by that route secure, had it not been for distrust
caused partly by the imprudent actions of preceding expeditions. Arricivita,
< 'run. Serdf, 514, says 108 natives were killed, 85 taken prisoners, 10 Christians
freed from captivity, and 1,048 horses recovered, but all without pacifying
the foe. Palou states that after receiving his appointment as inspector, Neve
did not care to inarch against the Yumas. The enemy, however, came out
boldly to taunt and challenge the Spaniards until one of the Sonora captains
(Romeu) could endure it no longer, and obtained Neve's permission to punish
the Yuma insolence, which he did in three days' fighting in which many
natives
fell.
371
nor pueblo was ever again established on the Colorado; and communication by this route never ceased
to be attended with danger. Truly, as the Franciscan
chroniclers do not fail to point out, the old way was
best; the innovations of Croix had led to nothing but
disaster; the nuevo modo de conquistar was a failure.
CHAPTER
XVIII.
Ready to Begin
the Santa Barbara company, and also that he has built 40 small huts to shelter
the men and their families during the rainy season. Prov. Bee, MS., ii. 89,
91. Reviews during the winter show a lieutenant, Ortega, an alferez, Argiiello, 3 sergeants, 2 corporals, and 49 or 50 soldiers. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii.
261, 264; St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 104.
(372)
PRESIDIO INSTRUCTIONS.
373
to be followed at the
new
protection and
productions of Neve's mind these instructions were
models of good sense in substance, though diffuse as
usual.
The first duty urged was that of vigilance
and precaution. Late events on the Colorado would
have suggested extraordinary vigilance anywhere;
but the comparatively dense native population in the
Channel country rendered it especially necessary there.
The erection of defensive works must be the commandant's first care, and beyond a few temporary
shelters of brushwood for the families, and a warehouse for the supplies, no structures could be built
under
its
2
Palou, Not, ii. 380-9; Id., Vida, 243-7. February 8, 1782, Minister
Galvez communicated to Croix, who forwarded it on July 24th, the royal
order approving Xeve's acts and propositions respecting the three new foundations as made known to him in letter and documents of February 23, 1780. St.
Pap. Sac, MS., iv. 30-1.
3
Neve, Instruction que ha de gobernar al Comandante del presidio de Santa
Barbara, 1782, MS. This document was examined by Fages at Santa Barbara
on October 1st, and Ortega was ordered anew by him to obey its requirements.
374
NEW
MISSION REGULATIONS.
375
end were to be afforded every facility by the military; but the natives must not be taken from their
rancherias or required to live in mission communities,
except a few at a time, who might be persuaded to
live temporarily with the missionaries for instruction.
The reasons given for these regulations were the
this
small area of tillable land in proportion to the number of inhabitants, rendering agricultural mission
communities impracticable, and the great danger that
would be incurred by any attempt to break up or rearrange the numerous and densely populated native
towns or rancherias alonor the Channel. Without
doubt also another motive, quite as powerful, was a
desire on the part of the governor to put a curb on
The new system which it was
missionary authority.
now proposed to introduce was a good one in many
respects, and was at least worth a trial; but it was
nevertheless a complete overthrow of the old mission
system in one of its most important features, and the
wonder is that it did not provoke a general and immediate outburst of Franciscan indignation throughout the whole province. No such demonstration,
however, is recorded, though much was written on
It is probable that the friars, atthe subject later.
tributing the proposed innovations to the local authorities, strong in the result of recent experiments
on the Colorado, and believing they could interpose
such obstacles as would prevent any very brilliant
success of the new experiment, determined that quiet
we
shall see.
376
'
fornia, including besides officers 70 soldiers with their families, to say nothing
The 70 should however include
of Neve's escort of 10 men from Monterey.
the
10.
'
'
changed his mind and he made no objection. This sounds somewhat strange,
in connection with the instructions already noted. Possibly the nature of the
instructions was not made public at first, and this accounts for the quiet of
the priests.
377
ministers in May.
Only two adults received the
8
baptism
in
1782.
rite of
About the middle of April the governor, president,
commandant, and the whole company of soldiers,
except a sergeant and fourteen men left as a guard
for the mission just founded, started up the coast to
establish the presidio of Santa Barbara.
The site
chosen was on the shore of a small bay affording tolerably secure anchorage, at a place said to have been
called San Joaquin de la Laguna in the first expedi9
tion of 1769, and near a large native town, which,
like its temi, or chief, was called Yanonalit.
Near
the lagoon were found springs of a peculiar water,
and an eminence suitable for the fort. The formal
establishing was on April 21st, when Serra said mass
and chanted an alabado. The natives were more
friendly than had been anticipated, and Yanonalit was
willing to exchange presents.
Work was at once
begun and oak timber felled for the requisite shelters,
and particularly for the palisade enclosure, sixty varas
square, which was later to be replaced by a solid wall
enclosing an area of eighty yards square. 10 The natives
were hired to work and were paid in articles of food
and clothing. Yanonalit had authority over some
thirteen rancherias, and his friendship proved a great
advantage.
Affairs progressed favorably, and Ortega even
found time to construct irrigation works and prepare for farming on a small scale. Serra, on ascertaining that there was no immediate prospect of
founding another mission, wrote to Fuster at San
Juan Capistrano to come up for temporary service at
8
In December 1782 a Frenchman, Pierre Roy, was a sirviente at the misBuenaventura, Lib. Mision, MS., 2.
9
The original diary gave no such name. See chap. vi. of this volume.
But the place was called Pueblo de la Laguna and Concepcion Laguna.
10
On foundation of Santa Barbara presidio see letter of Neve to Croix
April 24, 1782, in Prov. Bee:, MS., ii. 61-2, 64; Serra, April 29, 1782, in
Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., ix. 293-4; baptismal book of presidio in Id.,
vii. 32-3; Croix to Neve, July 22, 1782, approving foundation, in Prov. St.
Pap., MS., iii. 232-3; Id., iii. 128-9; iv. 38; vi. 172-3; Neve to Fages August
25, 1783, in St. Pap., Sac., MS., xv. 18.
sion. S.
378
Palou, Vida, 255-6. The same author says, Not., ii. 388-9, that Cambon
come to the presidio while Fuster was to take his place at San Buenaventura. It is not certain that Fuster ever came.
12
Palm, Noticias, ii. 390-1.
13
The officers of the Favorita were Agustin de Echeverria, captain; Jose'
Tobar, second; and Jose" Villaverde, a clergyman, as chaplain. Those of the
Princesa were Estdivan Martinez, captain; Juan Pantoja, second; and Miguel
Davalos, also a clerigo, as chaplain. Both vessels had left San Bias the same
day, and, though they anchored the same day at Monterey, had not seen
each other after the first few days of the trip. Palou, Not., ii. 3SG-9. The
two vessels were at Sta. Barbara Aug. 4. Prov. St. Pap. Ben. JUL MS. iii. 17.
14
Verger was bishop of Xuevo Leon in 17S5-7. Letters in Pinart, Col.
Doc. Mex., MS., 153-5.
15
Bishop Reyes was consecrated at Tacubaya on Sept. 15, 1782. He remained for some time at the two colleges, where there was much discussion
about his future plans and considerable opposition on the part of the colleges
The bishop finally proceeded north to
to giving up the missions to custodios.
establish the custodia of San Carlos de Sonora, and proposed later to go over
and establish that of San Gabriel de California. In connection with this
movement the Dominicans were to give up Lower California. Such was the
news that came to California in June 1783. Palou, Not., ii. 394-5. Bishop
Reves was vicar general of the Californian troops. Prov. Pec, MS., iii. 183;
Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 121.
11
was
to
CONTROVERSY IX MEXICO.
879
to the surprise of
supplies for
'
all,
The reason
1G
The
Arevalo,
came
to California.
380
19th
of April.
In it the writer, after calling attention to
the fact that under the laws no friar could be compelled to serve as a missionary against his will, proceeds to justify the refusal of the six. The argument
is that only by gifts can the missionaries gain the
good-will of the savages as shown by experience; that
way
stomach
tive
3S1
to the native heart is through the naand pride of personal adornment; that
The
and
and
SS2
3S3
On
iii. 231.
December 30th he writes to Serra that beyond the six sailor
sirvientes allowed by him to the Channel missions and the $1,000 allowed by
the junta for live-stock and implements, no further aid can be granted not
even rations to the padres. The stipend is sufficient and older missions can
MS.,
3S4
tions, or
memoranda,
might
His
refuse.
Palou
most of the fugitives returnAt the end of October the governor reached
ing.
San Francisco, whence he turned back to Monterey,
asserts,
were
successful,
St.
Pap., MS.,
iii.
2G.
385
the capital.
On
the 25th of April there was laid at San Francisco mission the corner-stone of a new church, with
all the ceremonies prescribed for such occasions by the
Roman
8. Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 16, 17. There is no evidence that this
corner-stone has ever been disturbed.
20
Monterey Co. Arch., MS., vii. 11; Prov. Bee, MS., iii. 158-9; Prov. St.
Pap., M8.,iv. 90-1.
27
Carrillo was a native of Loreto and entered the service as a private in
Hist. Cal., Vol. I. 25
S3G
23
the presidio company on July 26, 1756. He came to San Diego in 1769 as a
corporal; was made sergeant in April 1771; and alferez in Feb. 17S0.
He
was also habiiitado of the Monterey company at the time of his death, which
occurred on Jan. 27th, being buried by P. Serra on Jan. 2Sth. His hoja de
servlcio, St. Pap. Sac, MS., i. 1CS-9, represents him as of 'medium' valor,
application, and capacity, of good conduct, and unmarried.
28
Juan Crespi there is a shadow of doubt whether it should be so written
and pronounced, or without the accent was born in 1721 on the island of
Mallorca, where he Mas also educated, being a school-mate of Francisco Palou.
He was distinguished from the first for humility and piety, if such expressions
from a priestly biographer and eulogist mean anything, and was sometimes
called by fellow-students El Bcato or El Mistico.
He came to San Fernando
dc Mexico in 1749 and was sent two years later to the Pame missions of the
Sierra Gorda, where he served over sixteen .years, particularly distinguishing
himself by the erection of a large stone church in the Valle del Tilaco, the
mural decorations of which he paid for out of his own scanty salary. He
arrived in Baja California in April 1768, and served on the peninsula at La
Purisima. He accompanied the first land expedition which reached San Diego
in May 1769, and a little later was one of the party that searched for Monterey
and discovered San Francisco Bay. His diaries of both these trips are extant
utilized in
my
narrative.
terey in 17 70 he assisted infounding the missionof San Carlos in June, and served
there as minister until March 1772.
Then he went with Lieutenant Pages to
the San Joaquin Paver, of which exploration his diary is the only record. He
was now sent south to serve with Jaumc at San Diego from May to September,
and returning resumed his duties at San Carlos, where with the exception of
two short periods of absence, he toiled until his death. From June to August
1774 he served as chaplain on board the Santiago in northern waters, writing
a diary of the voyage; and in the autumn of 1781 he accompanied Serra to
San Francisco and Santa Clara. On his return from this last journey he was
attacked by a fatal illness. It was from his old friend, companion, and
superior Father Junipero, that Crespi received the last consolatory rites of
his religion, and his body was interred in the mission church within the
presbytery on the gospel side, with the assistance of commandant and garrison, and amid tears from his flock of neophytes, who lost a true friend in
Padre Juan.
CHAPTER
XIX.
Missions, Presidios,
and
Padres, and Neophytes Pedro Fages
Brings his Family to California Dona Eulalia A Jealous Catalan A Monterey Court Scandal Fages and Soler Inspection
of Presidios Soler's Proposed Reforms Troubles with Habilitados Governor and Franciscans A Never Ending Controversy
General Reports of Palou and Lasuen Charges and Countercharges Franking Privilege Cruelty to Natives Chaplain
Service Patronato Prices for Mission Products Inventories
License to Retire Natives on Horseback Mission Escorts
op Progress
The
may
1
These were in their order from south to north: .San Diego, San Juan, San
Gabriel, San Buenaventura, San Luis, San Antonio, San Carlos, Santa Clara,
San Francisco.
I 387)
3SS
Improvement in buildings, corrals, fences, and irrigating works w as constant, though not to be so briefly
indicated in figures.
Several new churches were
T
STATISTICAL VIEW.
389
The regulation
that can be statistically expressed.
allowed a military force of 205 men for garrisons and
mission guards, and the ranks were generally full,
never lacking more than ten men. The places of such
as died or served out their term, were filled for the
most part from boys who became of age in California,
and though individuals were doubtless recruited from
other provinces and from the transport vessels, there
is no record that any body of recruits was ever sent
Most of the soldiers were
to replenish the ranks.
married men, and their families, added to the pueblo
inhabitants, the priests, and the sirvientes from other
provinces, made the total population of gente de razon
in
souls.
view of the
period under consideration, I pass on to a study of
certain events connected with the provincial government and its officials, which have something more
than a strictly local signification.
Fages came to Monterey as we have seen late in the
autumn of 1782; but in the spring of 1783 he went
south again to Loreto to meet his wife Dona Eulalia
de Callis and his little son Pedrito whom he had
left behind in Sonora.
The lady had consented at the
solicitation of General Neve and Captain Romeu, and
on their assurance that California was not altogether
4
Leaving
a land of barbarism, to live at Monterey.
3
statistical
72,
390
San
iii.
127.
A JEALOUS CATALAN.
391
presence of a skeleton in the household, a court scandal at Monterey which cannot be passed over without
notice.
At the end of a year's life in California the
'seiiora gobernadora,' having in the mean time borne to
her husband a daughter, whose birth is recorded in the
mission register of San Francisco under date of Aug.
3, 1784, expressed herself satiated with California,
and wished to leave the country. Don Pedro was by
no means disposed to give up his lucrative and honorable position for a woman's whim, and a quarrel
ensued, during which for three months the governor
was exiled by his spouse to a separate bed. Finding
this treatment, however, less effective than she had
anticipated in overcoming the executive obstinacy,
Dona Eulalia set herself to work to learn the cause
of his lonely contentment, and found it as she suspected in the person of an Indian servant-girl whom
her husband had rescued from barbarism on the Colorado and brought to the capital.
On the morning of
February 3, 1785, the irate gobernadora followed Don
Pedro when he went to call the servant, accused him
of sinful intent, heaped on his head all the abusive
epithets in the vocabulary of an angry and jealous
Catalan, and left the house vowing divorce, and ringing out upon the wind her wrongs.
The governor went over to San Carlos and enlisted the services of the friars to bring his wife to
reason, but she was not to be moved. All the more
she scandalized their reverences by flatly declaring
that the devil might carry her off before she would
live again with her husband.
The padres examined
witnesses and decided, so says Fages, that there was
no ground for divorce; but sent the case to the bishop
and ordered the lady to remain meanwhile in the retirement of her own apartments, separated from the
gubernatorial bed and board, and not at liberty to
392
Antonio. 9
Fages to Rosa
elate; to P.
105-6.
393
It must
the charges against him were unfounded.
not be supposed, however, that Dona Eulalia gave
up her original scheme of quitting California and
taking the governor with her, for in October he writes
that she has sent to the audiencia a petition asking
his removal on the plea that the climate was injurious
He begs a friend to interfere and preto his health.
vent the document from being forwarded to Spain. 10
know nothing further of Don Pedro's domestic
affairs; let us hope that all quarrels ended with the
year 1785.
There were. hoAvever, other difficulties in the ruler's
path, though none of them assumed serious proportions.
Among these minor troubles were the actions
When Neve deof Soler, the inspector of presidios.
parted from San Gabriel for the Colorado he left Soler
as temporary governor and inspector, and a little later,
on Fages taking the governorship, Neve wrote to Soler
that he was still to retain the military command.
it was that Fages, especially when his appointment had
received the royal confirmation, did not become, as prescribed by the regulation, commandant inspector, I
pan unable to explain; yet he frequently admits that
he has nothing to do with the military command, 11
only claiming a kind of civil jurisdiction over Soler as
a citizen of the province which he ruled.
The two
were personal friends and compadres; and, so long as
We
Why
their jurisdictions
an earnest effort
10
Soler to Fages April 14, 1785 ; to Sra. Fages April 9th, in Prov. St. Pap. ,
254-5; Fages to Garrido, May 2d; to Sra. Fages May 3d, in Prov. fiec,
ii. 107-8; Fages to bishop, Id., Hi. 144; to Garrido, Oct. 25th; Id., ii. 111.
11
In a communication to Romeu dated Dec. 21, 1782, Fages says 'the
reglamento keeps me in a chaos of confusion since it supposes the government
and inspection united, and as the latter has been separated I find myself very
h embarrassed in my projects and measures, in order not to make them
impertinent and cause discord with the ayudante.' Then lie goes on to
MS.,
v.
394
12
Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 21-2, 136, 138, 154, 189-93; xxii. 31; Prov. Pec,
MS.,i. 30-1, 200-2, ii. 137.
13
Soler, Informe al Comandante General sobre Policia y Gobierno, 3 de Nov.
1787, MS. At the beginning the author says, 'I confess, Sefior, that I have
Lad no head to present any project or circumstantial plan,' which may bo
taken as a resume; of the whole document with its 3<3 articles.
395
and thus be
left free to
The
example for future conversions, dependence for supplies on home products, and restriction of the soldiers
to garrison duty proper and the keeping in check such
gentiles as might fail to appreciate the advantages of
civilized life.
Whether under his plan the new con-
396
verts were to undergo a preliminary training as neophytes under the friars' care, or were to pass directly
to the state of citizens and land-owners, does not
clearly appear.
This series of recommendations was sent to the
warded
own comments.
for-
have no need to
say that Fages opposed any plan suggested by his
compadre. 14 There is no record respecting the fate
of the propositions as annotated after they left California; but they at any rate were not adopted as the
law of the province.
Soler had other troubles besides those with the
governor, especially with the habilitados, few of whom
escaped his criticism and few deserved to escape it.
It was very hard to find officers with sufficient qualifications for keeping the not very complicated presidial
accounts, and it took time and patience to distribute
the abler ones, Zuhiga, Sal, Goycoechea, and Argliello
in the four presidios, especially as Argliello was the
only one in whose ability Soler had confidence, and as
it was well nigh impossible for him and Fages to
agree respecting the merits of any one.
Though by
the regulation the soldiers had a vote in choosing the
habilitado, for whose deficits they were responsible,
yet practically the governor and inspector gave the
also his
14
Fages, Comentarios sobre Informe del Capitan Soler, 8 de Nov. 1787, MS.
Soler's views respecting the existence of certain minor evils
in the present S3 stem, and claiming to have already suggested measures for
the removal of those evils for instance, annual slaughters and exportation of
meats to San Bias to reduce the excessive number of presidio cattle he declares that it would be folly to abandon San Francisco and leave the northern
missions unprotected; that there is no reason for transferring the Loreto captain to San Diego in order to get rid of Zuiliga, who cannot be spared; that
the soldiers' work in caring for cattle, though considerable, is exaggerated by
the adjutant, and the existence of wild cattle would be a great evil to the
country; that the cattle of settlers as yet do no harm to the natives; that
inducements to remain in the country are good, and more discharged soldiers
remain than go away; that the natives are kept in order as neophytes only by
the unremitting efforts of the friars, and are as yet wholly unfit to become
citizens; that the pobladores can and do cultivate all the lands given them and
often more; and finally that the introduction of Spanish settlers into the
missions would interfere with the laws of the Indies providing that the mission lands are to belong to the natives eventually when they shall be fitted to
While approving
profit
by
their possession.
FINANCIAL TROUBLES.
397
On
'
398
The
June 25th.
Palou, in Id., viii. 40, says the clause was annulled by the king's order of
20, 1782, providing that each mission must have two priests.
May
CHURCH VERSUS
were
left still
,;
STATE.
399
to base a quar-
'Es ya declarada la oposicion del P. Serra a toda providencia gubernano solo en palabras sino con obras y por escrito, says Fages to
the inspector general on March 1, 1783. He charges the president with too
great severity not only toward Indians but the padres. Prov. Pec, MS., iii.,
On Sept. 15, Id. 124-5, he says that Serra 'tramples upon the measures
87.
of the government and bears himself with much despotiquez and total indifference.'
The padres commit many abuses in opposition to the government.
Id., ii. 128. Sept. 2G, 1785, Fages writes to the bishop on the padres' neglect
of chaplain service, and avers that they cannot be spoken to on the most
trivial matters without showing disdain. Id., ii. 109.
On the same day to
the viceroy he protests against the fatal consequences of the missionary policy,
which is diametrically opposed to the reglamento. Id. ii. 95. Dec. 7, 1785,
Fages complains to Cambon of Palou's sullen and cold behavior, and of the
padres at San Carlos who have twice received him (the governor) with disYet he has been so devoted to the
respectful cries and stamping of feet.
padres as to have drawn upon himself the name of frailero. Several friars
have told him to his face that they doubted his word, forgetting the respect
due him as governor. Letters are written him without proper politeness.
He will no longer endure this, even if he be termed a persecutor of friars
yet he will never cease to venerate them. Id. iii. 60-3. July 9th and 10th, Fages
gives orders forbidding public murmurs against the padres and orders the arrest of soldiers who make public comments on their conduct. Prov. St. Pap.,
vi. 1G0; xxii. 24.
Aug. 16, 1786, the guardian informs the president
that projects for the weal of California have been presented to the viceroy,
ar:d the opinion of the fiscal and his agent is that the proposals should be
carried out and the governor restrained.
Fages is warned that he must have
a care and that on the least complaint of the padres he will lose his position
and honors. Arch. Santa B&rbara, MS., xii. 37-40, Aug. 23, 1787. Fages to
Lasuen, regrets that he can make no provision without being suspected, 'que
no se haga misteriosa.' Prov. Rec, MS., iii. C4-5. Nov. 19, 1790, Lasuen
to the padres, a secret letter referring vaguely to a bando which the padres
must obey because they can't help themselves, though he has representado on
the subject. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 15, 16. May 28, 1791, Fages recounts
the troubles to his successor.
He says quarrels with the Ternandinos have
been frequent, since they are very much opposed opueatisimos to the maxims of the reglamento, wishing to be wholly independent. At San Buenaventura it even came to blows with Padre Santa Maria. Prov. St. Pap. MS.
tiva, significada
'
x. 149-50.
400
One
of the privileges obtained by Serra for the missionaries in 1773 was that of sending letters to the
college free of cost, and certain other letters to and
from the president were also exempt from postage as
official communications.
The friars were inclined to
include much private correspondence in the privileged
mail matter, and not much attention was given to the
subject ordinarily.
In these later years, however,
officials by the governor's orders became more strict,
imposing on the missionaries what was deemed by
them a heavy and unjust burden. Hence much discussion without practical result, since the law was
clear enough, and was not changed, the strictness of
its enforcement depending on the disposition of the
local officials.
As a rule the friars gained nothing by
agitating the subject, though in some instances they
obtained a decision in their favor from Mexico or
Arizpe. 18 In real or affected pity for the natives, the
governor complained of excessive severity on the part
of the missionaries toward their neophytes.
Doubtless there were instances of cruelty, but not many
could be cited in these early years. 19
18
January 12, 1783, Fages writes to Sal that Serra 's claim for free sending
of his letters to college and to the padres cannot be granted, referring to royal
c^dula of October 25, 1777, and viceroy's instructions of April 26, 17C0.
Serra pleaded poverty and told Sal to keep his letters if he would not forward
them free. Subsequently, however, Fages consented to have the letters forwarded, and an account kept of them until superior instructions could be
received.
The expense seems to have been finally charged to the government.
Prov. Pec, MS., iii. 80-1, 88, 1G3; St. Pap. Sac, MS., i. 12S-9, 134; Prcv.
August 10, 1786, the guardian says the junta
St. Pap., MS., iv. 32, 122-3.
They
real has allowed letters between padres and the college to pass free.
must be in a separate package and directed 'Contador General de Correos.'
Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., xii. 37. July 22, 1791, President Lasuen issues
a circular stating that last year the formalities were not observed, and the
result was a cost of $18 for postage. Id., ix. 314.
October 22, 1795, he issues
another circular to the effect that private letters had been sent in the padres'
package, and this must be stopped, for there is a danger of losing the franking
privilege. Id., ix. 325-6.
See also Id., xi. 194; xii. 19-24; Palou, Not., i.
532.
19
Putting neophytes in irons and forced labor very frequent in all the
and particularly at San Carlos. Fages, 1783, in Prov. Pec, MS.,
iii. 87.
June 11, 1785, Fages writes to Noriega that the natives accuse him
of beating them with chains for trifling faults, charges which he has investigated and found to be true. Implores him in the name of humanity and of
the king to change his course. Id., iii. 51.
Lieutenant Ziiniga complained in
17SS that the natives of San Diego were overworked and too severely punmissions,
401
iii. 67.
Fages has seen P. Pefia draw blood by pulling a boy's
and the natives accuse him of having killed one of their number. Pror.
St. Pap., MS., x. 167.
An unsigned scrap of 1785 speaks of irregular conduct of a padre and objects to mode of chastisement. Id., v. 256.
20
Fcujes, Pepjresentacion contra los Frailes, 26 de Set. 1785, MS.; alluded to
with general statement of its purport in Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 95.
isbcd. Id.,
ear,
21
402
403
25
Lasuen admits that P. Pefia suggested an increase in price, for which lie
was duly reproved; and he says chat the governor himself increased the price of
corn, which is shown to be true by a le.ter of Fages in Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
vi. 160-1, in which Sal is ordered to pay two reales extra for
maize from S.
os, Sta. Clara, and Pan Josi
Also Jan. 2, 1787, Fages modiiies the tariff
prices. Id., vii. 168-9; and July 20, 1787, he asks Lasuen for harvest returns
tnat he may regulate prices. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., vi. 19.
Fages complains of Peila's refusal to furnish grain en November 8, 1785, and March 27,
1786. Arch. Ma. Barbara, MS., x. 25-39.
Lasuen's replies being that he is
scrryjmd has reproved P. Pena or v/ill write to him. Fages also says on Sept.
26, 1785, that a mule train was sent back from San Carlos without maize.
. Rec., MS., ii. 128-9.
16
May 2, 1786, Fages complains to the general that the padres are reluctant to show their inventories, do not make them out according to rule, and
emit the register of inhabitants. Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 136. Feb. 7th he complains to the president that P. Pena refused his aid and the mission books for
a census. The president explains that the commandant had not asked in a
per manner.
Sia.
He
Barbara, MS.,
has requested
xi.
all
404
.Finally
tance. 27
Fages had
also
might become
skilful warriors.
The
friars
The viceroy's communications of Mar. 29, 1780, which are given in yl?r/L
Barbara, MS., vi. 272-6, xi. 25-6, are not correctly cited by Palou. The
viceroy, while approving the claims of the college, turns the matter over to
the commandant general, who he says may have had good reasons for his
orders. The decree requiring the viceroy's permission for any padre to come
or go was dated Dec. 7, 17S6. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 202-3. In April 1787
Sta.
fiscal of the royal treasury explained that as the movements of the padres
were paid from the missionaiy fund, their going to California if not needed or
retiring for a mere whim would cause useless expense; therefore, the government had a right to know the reasons. April 23d the audiencia decreed in
conformity to the fiscal's opinion; May 21st the archbishop communicated the
decision to Palou and June 22d and 23d Fages gave corresponding orders,
though the president of Baja California protested that this was contrary to
royal orders. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 8, 9; Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 53.
July 9, 1788, the viceroy informs the governor that the viceregal authorities
and not the general will determine the sending and recalling of friars even if
the command becomes independent of Mexico. Prov. St. Pap., MS., viii. 1-3.
the
405
28
This subject of mission guards and their duties was really one of the
most serious in the whole controversy. The padres wished entire control of
the soldiers to use as they deemed best, and particularly in pursuing runaway
converts. Neve had opposed the employment of soldiers to hunt fugitives in
ordinary cases, because he deemed other means better fitted for the purpose,
and because men enough could not be spared for effective and safe service.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 123-4. The French voyager La Perouse praises
Neve highly for his position on this point. La Pirouse, Voy., ii. 297-8. In his
instructions to Fages, Sept. 7, 1782, Neve advised that not more than two
soldiers should accompany a padre to confess, etc., at a rancheria, and that
they should not be absent overnight. The Indians must not learn to fight
with and kill soldiers. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 138-9. Yet Fages did not rely
entirely on persuasion to bring back fugitives, but favored a resort to arms
only after all other means had failed, such as persuasions by padres, sending
406
commandant
general.
''The
seem to have regarded the stealing of cattle as a much more serious offence,
and one much more dangerous to Spanish domination in California, than did
It was by no means one of the trivial faults in which the friars
the padres.
had exclusive jurisdiction. Fages has something to say en this subject in the
Still there is no doubt the military authorities did
letter last alluded to.
abuse their power in this direction with a view to get workmen free of cost.
GENERAL REPORTS.
encouragement or aid either
407
in spiritual or
temporal
affairs.
ities
in California, will
and then to yield only to the highest authorto the king if possible, or to the viceroy, but
to do so,
ities,
408
and
lations with
them were
for the
was only as governor and president, as representatives of Carlos III. and St Francis, that they quarIt
agents, in California.
31
30
Far/es, Informe General de Misiones, 1787, MS.
This is an excellent
rdsume' of the past progress and present condition of the Calif ornian establishments, containing a separate notice of each mission and some general suggestions of needs, but with no reference to current controversies.
statistical
presentation of the subject seems to have accompanied the original, which
was made in answer to an order of the general of December 1, 1786. The date
in 1787 is not given, and it may have been after the receipt of the king's order
of March 21, requiring governors to render such reports every two or three
years.
Of this c^dula I have an original in print with autograph signatures
in Doc. Hist. Cal, MS., iv. 31-3.
31
Informe de lo mas peculiar de la Niieva California, 1789, MS. This
report was probably directed to the bishop or archbishop, but there is nothThe document contains
ing, in my copy at least, to indicate the author.
general information about the Indians and the mission system, without much
of chronological annals.
CHAPTER
XX.
President Serra's Last Tours Illness and Death Burial and Funeral
Honors His Life and Character Succession of Palou and Lasuen
Mugartegui as Vice-president Confirmation Notice of Palou's
Historical Works Vida de Junipero Noticias de California
Map Proposed Erection of the Missions into a Custodia New
Missions Founding of Santa Barbara Innovations Defeated
Five Years' Progress Mission of La Purisima Concepcion Founded
Early Annals.
all,
(409)
410
DEATH OF
to
411
p.
m.
A fall account of Serra 's sickness, death, and burial, much longer and
more detailed than I have space to reproduce, is given in Palou, Vida, 201Another good authority, including a sketch of Scrra's life is Palou,
305.
1
412
years of California mission history that any attempt to present it here* would
result in an unnecessary resume of the preceding
chapters. I subjoin however in a note 2 for convenient
first fifteen
2
Miguel Jos6 Serra, son of Antonio Serra and Margarita Ferrer, was born
at Petra on the island of Mallorca Nov. 24, 1713, took the Franciscan habit
at Palma Sept. 14, 1730, and made his profession Sept. 15, 1731, on which
occasion he assumed the name Junipero. In early boyhood he served as
chorister and acolyte in the parish church greatly to the delight of his parents,
a God-fearing couple of lowly station. The lives of the saints were his favorite
reading, and his fondest ambition was to devote his life to religious work.
He was an earnest and wonderfully proficient student, and taught philosophy
for a year before his ordination in the chief convent of Palma, then obtaining
a degree of S. T. D. from the famous Lullian University with an appointment
to the John Scotus chair of philosophy which he held with great success until
he left Spain. He was also noted for his doctrinal learning and still more so
as a sensational preacher.
He was wont to imitate San Francisco Solano and
often bared his shoulders and scourged himself with an iron chain, extinguished lighted candles on his flesh, or pounded his breast with a large stone
Thus he is represented in the
as he exhorted his hearers to penitence.
engraving which Palou has attached to his life, but which has probably little
or no merit as a portrait.
March 30, 1749, after repeated applications he obtained his patente to join
the college of San Fernando and devote himself to missionary work in
America. With Palou he left his convent April 13th and sailed via Malaga
to Cadiz where he arrived May 7th.
On the way to Malaga he maintained
a continuous disputation on dogmatic theology with the heretic master of the
vessel and would not yield even to the somewhat forcible though heterodox
arguments of a dagger at his throat and repeated threats to throw him overboard.
Sailing from Cadiz Aug. 2Sth, he touched at Puerto Rico where he
spent 15 days in preaching, anchored at Vera Cruz Dec. Gth, and walked to
Mexico, reaching the college Jan. 1, 1750. Assigned the same year to the
Sierra Gorda missions of Queretaro and San Luis Potosi, he made the journey
on foot and reached Santiago de Jalpan on June 16th. For nine years he served
here, part of the time as president, devoting himself most earnestly and successfully to the conversion and instruction of the Pames.
In 1759 or 1760 he
was recalled and appointed to the so-called Apache missions of the Rio San
Sabd in Texas ; but the plans being changed he was retained by the college
and employed for seven years in preaching in Mexico and the surrounding
bishoprics, in college service, and in performing the duties of his office of
comisario of the inquisition held since 1 752.
July 14, 1767, Serra was named president of the Baja Calif ornian missions,
arrived at Tepic Aug. 21st, sailed from San Bias March 12, 1768, and reached
Loreto April 1st. March 28, 1769, he started always on foot for the
north, founded San Fernando de Velicata on May 14th, reached San Diego
July 1st, and founded the first California mission July 16th. April 16, 1770,
he sailed for the north, reached Monterey May 31st, and founded San Carlos
June 3d. July 14, 1771, he founded San Antonio. Aug. 20, 1772, he
started south by land, founded San Luis Sept. 1st, and reached San Diego
Sept. 16th.
On Oct. 20th he sailed from San Diego, reached San Bias !Nov. 4,
and Mexico Feb. 6, 1773. Leaving Mexico in September, he sailed from San
Bias Jan. 24, 1774, arrived at San Diego March 13th, and went up to Monterey by land, arriving May 11th. From June 30, 1776, to Jan. 1, 1777, he
was absent from San Carlos, going down to San Diego by water, returning by
land, and founding San Juan Capistrano on Nov. 1st.
In September and
October 1777 he visited San Francisco and Santa Clara. From Sept. 15,
17 78, to Jan. 5, 1779, he made another trip south, confirming at all the mis-
413
reference an outline of dates with some items illustrative of his character and habits taken from his
sions on his way back; and in October and November he visited Santa Clara
and San Francisco on the same business. In September and October 1781 he
again visited San Antonio, San Francisco, and Santa Clara. In March 1 782
he went to Los Angeles and San Gabriel, founded San Buenaventura March
31st, was present at the founding of Santa Barbara presidio in April, and
returned to San Carlos via San Luis and San Antonio about the middle of
June.
In August 1783 he sailed for San Diego, arriving in September, returning by land, visiting all the establishments, and arriving at home in January.
Between the end of April and the early part of June 1784 he visited San
Francisco and Santa Clara.
In the last chapter of his biography Palou recapitulates the virtues which
were especially brilliant in the servant of God, Fr. Junipero,' declaring that
'his laborious and exemplary life is nothing but a beautiful field decked with
every class of flowers of excellent virtues.
First in the list was his profound
humility, as shown by his use of sandals and his abnegation of self. He always
deemed himself a useless servant; deemed other missionaries more successful
than himself; and rejoiced in their success. He avoided all honors not actually
forced upon him, shunned notice and praise, sought the lowest tasks, kissed
the feet of all even to the lowest novice on leaving Spain and Mexico, ran
away from the office of guardian, and was in constant fear of honors from his
order or from the church or king. Then came the cardinal virtues of prudence, justice, fortitude, and temperance, resting like columns on his humility as a base, and supporting the sumptuous fabric of Christian perfection.'
His prudence was shown in his management as president of the missions,
though he was always modest and ready to consult with the lowest about
him; his justice was shown by his kindness and charity to all, his exact obedience to the commands of superiors, and his patience with enemies as exemplified particularly in his writing a letter in favor of Fages to the viceroy; and
only four days before his death he gave a blanket to an old woman who at the
founding of San Carlos had induced a boy to kill the friar's only chickens.
His fortitude appeared in his resistance to physical pain and constant refusal
'
'
'
'
the saliva.' In a mutiny and a storm threatening death to all he was perfectly
calm, and the storm ceased instantly when a saint chosen by lot had been addressed in prayer. On the way from Vera Cruz to Mexico several miracles
414
in
the
mission archives.
Serra doubtless owes much of his fame to his position as first president of the California missions and
to the publication of a biography by a warm personal
friend.
But it did not require Palou's eulogistic pen
were wrought in his favor. Coming to a swollen stream by a town in a dark
night there was a man on the other bank to show the ford and guide him to a
lodging.
A man, perhaps the same, met Junipero and his companion next
day and gave them a pomegranate which had a refreshing effect, and still
later a man gave them a bit of corn-bread of excellent savor.
It was on this
journey that his legs first became swollen, from the effects of mosquito-bites
was supposed, resulting in ulcers that lasted all his life. 'Oh, for a forest
of Junipers!' exclaimed a friar at the college when Serra arrived.
In one of
his revival meetings in Huasteca he was beating himself with a chain, when
as
man took the chain from him and with it beat himself to death as a miserable sinner in presence of the crowd.
Sixty persons who neglected to attend
his meetings were killed by an epidemic which did not cease until religious
duties were generally attended to.
On his way back from Huasteca he Mas
well lodged and entertained in a cottage by the way; but later he learned
that there was no such cottage on the road; and of course concluded that his
entertainers were Joseph, Mary, and Jesus in fact he had noticed an extraordinary air of neatness about the place. Poisoned once in taking the communion he refused the antidote and was cured by a simple dose of oil, perhaps
miraculously as he thought.
It was at Velicata in May 17G9 that he first
saw and baptized pagans.
3
Serra, Correspondcicia, 1777-82, MS., is a collection of his letters to different missionaries and officials.
It is impossible by means of extracts to
give any proper idea of these long, rambling, and peculiar epistles. Palou
has selected the very best of his letters for publication, if indeed he has not
changed and improved them. Large portions of some of them are utterly
unintelligible and were apparently intended to be so for the ordinary reader.
Sea todo por Dies and similar pious expressions are used in great profusion
whether the subject be important or trivial. To Pieras he gives the most
minute directions how to answer the governor's letter and how to make out
mission reports and inventories, leaving nothing in manner or matter to the
padre's judgment.
He wishes all made ready for signatures because the
most serious part of it is to feed the governor's agents while doing the business.
He expresses deep pity for some condemned criminals, and directs a padre to
'
attend to their spiritual needs.
It will be some work, but very holy and
meritorious.'
To Lasuen, announcing the governor's refusal to increase an
escort, he says, 'and this the result of all my efforts and all a viceroy's recommendations, and in response to an affectionate and humble suggestion made
with all the honey my mouth would hold. Believe me, of all the draughts
I have to swallow none is so bitter.
I and your Reverences
for this once
In the matter of escoltas, however, he directs the padres
I name myself first.
to 'go on as if they had a legion of soldiers; punish whoever merits chastisement; and if in the exact performance of the holy ministry trouble
arises not to be repressed with the force at hand, then retire to the presidio,
write me the facts in detail; then dirdn y diremos.' He writes a long letter
to induce Figuer to give up his intention of retiring, reminding him that
'patience and suffering are the inheritance of the elect, the coin with which
heaven is bought.' He begins by an anecdote of a friar at matins who
wished to retire to his cell not feeling in a good -humor, and to whom the
prelate replied that if such an excuse were admitted all would retire, 'and I
among the first. Then he compares San Diego life with that at other misa
'
'
'
'
SERRA'S CHARACTER.
'
415
Few
to prove hiin a great and a remarkable man.
who came to California during the missionary regime
were his equal in devotion to and success in his work.
All his energy and enthusiasm were directed to the
performance of his missionary duties as outlined in
the regulations of his order and the instructions of his
Limping from mission to mission with a
superiors.
lame foot that must never be cured, fasting much and
passing sleepless nights, depriving himself of comfortable clothing and nutritious food, he felt that he was
imitating the saints and martyrs who were the ideals
of his sickly boyhood, and in the recompense of abstinence was happy. He was kind-hearted and charitable
to all, but most strict in his enforcement of religious
duties.
It never occurred to him to doubt his absolute right to flog his neophytes for any slight negligence
in matters of the faith.
His holy desires trembled
within him like earthquake throbs; in his eyes there
was but one object worth living for, the performance
of religious duty, and but one way of accomplishing
that object, a strict and literal compliance with Franciscan rules; he could never understand that there
was anything beyond his narrow field of vision. In
an eminent degree he possessed the faculty of applying spiritual enthusiasm to the practical affairs of life.
Because he was so grand a missionary he was none the
less money-maker and civilizer, yet money-making and
civilizing must ever be subordinate to missionary
work, and all not for his glory, but the glory of God.
St Augustine in his religion, he was a Juvenal in his
philosophy. He managed wisely the mission interests
both spiritual and temporal; and his greatest sorrow
was that the military and political authorities were
416
At
the death of Serra the presidency of the missions naturally fell temporarily to Palou as the senior
friar in California, who had also held the position
4
Nearly all the books that have been written about California have something to say of Junipero Serra, and it is not necessary to refer to the long
list.
It is somewhat remarkable, however, that there are very few if any
official communications respecting his death preserved in the archives either
secular or missionary. Hittell, Hist. *S'. F., 33-9, gives a very good account of
the padre's life, concluding that 'his cowl covered neither creed, guile,
hypocrisy, nor pride. He had no quarrels and made no enemies. He sought
to be a simple friar, and he was one in sincerity.
Probably few have approached nearer to the ideal perfection of a monkish life than he.' I have
his autograph signatures in S. Antonio, Doc. Sueltos, 9, 13, 17. See a poem by
M. A. Fitzgerald on his death in Hayes' Miss. Book, 152. Palou's Vida contains a portrait more likely to be like the original than any other extant.
Gleeson, Hist. Cash. Ch., ii. frontisp., has one copied from a painting in the
library of the California pioneers, about the authenticity of which nothing is
known. Dr Taylor, Discov. and Founders, ii. 41, claims to have obtained in
1853 a photograph from an original painting at the college of San Fernando,
of which a caricature was published in Hatchings'' Mag. in I860.
417
him
The records
are very meagre on Palou 's term and I find no official act by
Pay eras, writing in 1818, gives substantially the version
as president.
my
of
8,
chapter.
'Arch. Sta. Bdrbara, MS., ix. 306-9; xii. 35-6, containing the patents of
Lasuen and Mugartegui. Lasuen's first record as president was Jan. 27,
1786; but he seems to have served from Palou's departure, which was probably in September or a little later. Prov. Bee., MS., i. 180, ii. 128-9.
7
S. Gdrlo8, Lib. Minion, MS., 00-8; 8. Diego, Lib. Mision, MS., 45. March
2. 1790, Gen. Ugarte orders Fages to interpose no obstacles. Prov. St. Pup.,
MS., ix. 350.
Hist. Cal., Vol.
I.
27
418
qualified
by opportunities
later in the
419
'
420
tempted to entertain a
selfish regret
247 to 688, in 50 chapters, and covering the period from 1769 to 1773; Part
III. is a collection of original documents on events of 1773-4, not arranged in
chapters, and filling 211 pages of torn. ii. and Part IV. continues the narrative in 41 chapters, pages 213-396, from 1775 to 1783.
At the beginning of
torn. i. the author gives the following prefatory notice: 'Jesus, Mary, and
Joseph.
Summary (of the annals) of Old California during the time that
those missions were administered by the missionaries of the Regular Observance of Our Seraphic Father San Francisco of the Apostolic College of San
Fernando in Mexico and of the new missions which the said missionaries
founded in the new establishments of San Diego and Monterey, written by
the least (the most unworthy) of said missionaries, who worked in Old California from the time it was intrusted to said College down to its delivery to
the reverend fathers of the sacred religion of Our
Cherubic" Father Santo
Domingo, and who later with other missionaries of the same College of San
Fernando went up to Monterey, having no other aim in this material work
which I undertake than that allowed me by the apostolic ministry, which is
to leave on record all that has happened and may happen while God gives me
life and health to work in this new vineyard of the Lord, so that when the
chronicler of our apostolic colleges may demand from that of San Fernando
notes of its apostolic labors I may have them compiled in a volume, or more
should there be enough to note, leaving it to the skill of the chronicler to put
religiosity" to
them in the style for publication, and to his prudence and
leave to the secrecy of the archives those which are written only because they
may be needed to shut the mouth of those rivals in the apostolic ministry who
are never lacking in new conversions, so that if they should talk some day of
missionary achievements there may be had in readiness all the events as they
really occurred in California, both old and new, all of which with all sincerity
and truth I will narrate in this summary, divided into four parts,' etc. This
gives an idea of the author's purpose, but hardly of his style, which was tolerably good. The book has many typographical defects, but few or none
which may not be corrected in substance from the archives. I have referred
constantly to this original edition, using for convenience torn. i. and ii., instead
the torn, vi.-vii. of the Collection.
In 1874-5, Mr John T. Doyle issued in
San Francisco a reprint of Palou's Notkias in four Svo volumes, one volume
to each part, well printed on good paper, and with a few corrections of typo;liical errors.
The prefatory notice just quoted is omitted in the reprint;
there is a transfer of a diary from one part to another; some photographs of
ion buildings and other Californian scenes are added; and' the whole is
prefaced by a long and ably written note by Mr Doyle on Palou's life, the mission system, the pious fund, etc.
9
.Longitude reckoned from San Bias. Diego
California8. Antiguay Nueva
Francisco, sc, Mexico, 1787.
Many strange inaccuracies will be noticed,
lecially in the location of Santa Clara, San Antonio, and the Colorado
;
'
'
'
missions.
CUSTODIES PROPOSED.
421
new conversions
For a
full
The royal order in favor of custodies was dated May 20, 1782.
Aug. 17, 1792, after numerous petitions, the king, on advice of general, governor, bishop, and audiencia, issued an order which restored the old system.
Jan. 8, 1783, the guardian sends to Serra the brief and laws for custodies with
the remark that they contain many falsehoods and impossibilities, saying, 'we
work here with all our might to overthrow these projects in the beginning, realizing that merely to attempt them will cause great mischief.' The bishop will
try the experiment in Sonora, and we shall be left in peace for a while at any
rate. If you get orders from the bishop you must reply that your superior is to
Periif.,
504-75.
be consulted. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xii. 15G-S. Feb. 3, 1783, the guardian
of San Fernando and agents of Santa Cruz and Guadalupe colleges unite in a
protest to the viceroy. Id., xii. 212-13.
Jan. 14, 1784, Galvcz informs the
422
Not only
4; xi. 214. On the same date he forwarded instructions, not extant, and directs
Lasuen to show them to the governor if necessary, but on no account to allow
423
"
any infringement on the old system, or any experiments like those on the
Colorado River, which he fears are still intended. Id. xii. 24-5. April 9th
he communicates the royal orders that older missions are to contribute stock
and grain for Santa Barbara. Id. xi. 6. The new padres, six in number, were
Arenaza, Arroita, Ordmas, Santiago, Sola, and Torrente.
13
Oct. 27, 1786, the commandant writes to Fages asking him to be present
at the ceremony, and stating that the president and padres are about to arrive.
Xov. 13th, he writes that timber has been cut and preparations have been
made for sowing. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 51, 58.
14
Santa Barbara, the virgin and martyr, is a saint whose existence is traditionary and very doubtfully authenticated.
She was the daughter of one
Dioscoro who lived once upon a time in Asia Minor, a cruel idolater who gave
his daughter to be tortured for her adherence to Christianity, and cut off her
head with his own hand after she had borne unflinchingly the most cruel torments. She was and still is the patron saint of artillerymen in the Spanish
army, and the powder-magazine on men-of-war often bears her name.
15
Title-pages of mission-books signed by Lasuen in Sta. Barbara, Lib. de
Mision, MS., 43; Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xii. 3, 4, 15-17. In the first
annual report of the mission the date of the first mass is given as Dec. 15th,
and the site is called Pedragoso, one fourth of a league from the presidio. Id.,
v. 3, 4.
Dec. 11th Lasuen writes to the general about the governor's order
suspending the foundation. Id., xi. 7. April 11th the general acknowledges
receipt of news of founding, and in June of progress. Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
,
vii.
43, 58-9.
16
See lists of padres at Santa Barbara from the beginning, compiled from
the records by E. F. Murray, in Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., vii. 8-10, 25-9,
39-43, C8-70, 75-7.
424
the erection of buildings at first, and the first baptism on December 31st was administered at the presidio.
On account of the proximity of the presidio
only the ordinary guard of six men was allowed. 17
By the end of 1787 there had been 188 baptisms,
which number was increased to 520 in 1790, with 102
deaths, leaving 438 existing neophytes. At this time
large stock numbered 296 and small stock 503 head,
while products of the soil amounted to about 1,500
bushels.
church 18 by 90 feet was completed in
1789, and by the end of 1790 other mission buildings
of adobes with tile roofs were sufficiently numerous
and
in
good
condition.
18
Respecting the founding of the third Channel mission little material is preserved in the archives.
As
early as 1779-80 it had been determined to locate the
mission at the western extremity of the Santa Barbara channel in the region of Point Concepcion, and
that, not improbably with some reference to the name
of the cape, it should be dedicated to La Purisima
Concepcion, that is, "to the singular and most pure
mystery of the immaculate conception of the most
holy virgin Mary, mother of God, queen of heaven,
queen of angels, and Our Lady." The foundation was
suspended like that of Santa Barbara, and operations
were resumed when certain restrictions obnoxious to
the friars were removed.
In June 1785 Governor
Fages recommended a site on the Santa Rosa River,
now called the Santa Ines; and in March 1786 General
Rengel instructed the governor to proceed with the
establishment. 19 At last President Lasuen, doubtless
17
first.
19
FOUNDING OF PURISIMA.
423
allowed each
*
Rosa de
new
la Gaviota,
and says he
mission.
20
Title-page of baptismal register signed by Lasuen, in Purisima, Lib. de
Mision, MS., 1-3. Fages' instruction to the sergeant in command are dated
at San Gabriel on April 7th. They are very complete and carefully prepared,
enjoining great caution, kind treatment to the natives, and harmonious
relations with the missionaries, the conversion of gentiles being the chief aim
of the concpiest. Fages, Ordenes generates que debe observar el Sargento encargado de la Escolta de la Nueva Mision de la Purisima Concepcion, 17S8, MS.
The sergeant is ordered to explore for the shortest way and best road to the
Laguna Larga.
21
Prov. St. Pap., MS., viii. 87, 110. By the end of 1790, 301 natives had
been baptized, 23 had died, and the number existing was 234. Small stock
had increased to 731 and large to 257 head. The mission crops in 1790 were
1,700 bushels.
22
List of over 50 rancherias in Purisima district, in Purisima, Lib. Mision,
MS.,
10.
CHAPTER
XXI.
No Fears
of Foreigners
'
Internas.
Although
1
July 26, 1778, Croix to Neve, strict neutrality to be observed in the
Anglo-French war by royal order of March 22. Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 28.
Aug. 6, 1779, Gen. Croix forwards to Gov. Neve royal orders for defence and
reprisals against the English with whom Spain was at war. Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., ii. 49. Feb. 11th and 18th, Croix to Neve forwarding orders for nonAug. 25, 1780, Croix to Neve
intercourse, reprisals, etc., Id., ii. 102, 108.
warning him of Admiral Hughes' departure from England in March 1779 with
Sept. 22, 1780,
a fleet to operate on west coast of America. Id., ii. 112-13.
Croix expresses to Neve the remarkable, not to say idiotic, opinion that to
stop the breeding of horses in California and other frontier provinces would
keep foreigners away pues dificilmente lo emprenderan (internarse) faltando
los ausilios principales para transitar los desiertos que promedian.' Prov. St.
Pap., Den. Mil, MS., iv. 14. March 22, 17S1, Neve orders Carrillo to drive
away the live-stock in case the English fleet should appear, in order to be free
U26)
'
WARLIKE PRECAUTIONS.
427
clue formality,
after
it
Yet
was
over.
42S
and records of the contributors in each establishment were to be made and forwarded to Spain.
It was the opinion of General Croix that the soldiers
full lists
The
intercourse of the Californians with subjects of a foreign power was with the French under
Jean Francois Galaup de La Perouse in the autumn
This distinguished navigator had sailed
of 1786.
from Brest in August 1785 on the frigate Boussole
with the Astrolabe under M. de Langle, on a scientific
exploring expedition round the world, fitted out and
full corps
despatched by the French government.
of scientific specialists accompanied the expedition;
minute and carefully prepared instructions were given,
accompanied by reports and charts of all that had been
accomplished by the explorers of different nations; the
commanders were carefully selected for their ability
and experience and in fact every possible precaution
was taken to make the trip a success. In the king's
general instructions dated June 26, 1785, occurred
first
3
Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS. i. 259-60; xii. 230-2. President Serra approved
the plea of San Diego. According to Prov. Bee, MS., iii. 132-3, several missions sought exemption.
4
The sums paid by each establishment were as follows San Francisco
presidio and two missions, $373; Monterey, $833; San Carlos, $106; San
Antonio, $122; San Luis, $107; Sta. Barbara presidio, $2-49; Los Angeles, $15;
San Gabriel, $134; San Juan and San Diego, $229; San Diego Pr., $515;
Dec. 7, 1782, Gen.
total, $2,683, but there is some variation in the records.
Croix names the total amount as $4,216. Besides Gov. Neve, Ignacio Vallejo,
majordomo at San Carlos, is the only contributor named. He gave $10. San
Jose" would seem to have done nothing.
See Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS.,
ii. 5, iii. 11, 27-9; viii. 4; Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 76; Prov. Bee, MS., ii.
In accordance with a c6dula of June 15, 1779, received in Cali70, 74-5.
fornia June 13, 1780, prayers both public and private were ordered by the
padre presidente on June 24th. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., ix. 277-80; x. 273.
,
VISIT OF
LA PEROUSE.
429
5
If in the survey which he is to make of the north-west coast of America
he finds at any points of that coast forts or trading-posts belonging to His
Catholic Majesty he will scrupulously avoid everything which might give
offence to the commandants or chiefs of those establishments; but he will use
with them the ties of blood and friendship which so closely unite the two
sovereigns in order to obtain by means thereof all the aid and refreshment
which he may need and which the country may be able to furnish. .So far
as it is possible to judge from the relations of those countries which have
reached Fiance, the actual possession cf Spain does not extend above the ports
of San Diego and Monterey, where she has built small forts garrisoned by
detachments from California or from Xew Mexico. The Sieur de La Perouse
*
will try to learn the condition, force, and aim of these establishments and
to inform himself if they are the only ones which Spain has founded on those
coasts. He will likewise ascertain at what latitude a beginning may be made
of procuring peltries what quantity the Americans (Indians) can furnish
what articles would be best adapted to the fur-trade;' what facilities there
might be for a French establishment, all this relating of course chiefly to the
northern coast. La Perouse, Voya<je de (Jean Frangois Gala/up) de la Perouse
avtour du monde, public coiiform6ment an decrei du 22 AvHl 1701, et r4dig6 pur
M. L. A. Milet-Mxircau .Paris, 1798, 8vo, 4 vol. with atlas in folio, torn. i.
28-9.
It does not seem desirable to mention here the various translations
and abridgments of this narrative and its accompanying documents.
;
On
/list.
439
431
We
We
La
Id.,
Perouse, Voyage,
ii. 315, 209.
ii.
291-4.
'
432
During the
in
obtaining
botanists,
pended. 11
10
Id., iv. 176-86.
In a note of Sept. 14th (?) the commander says: 'N03
vaisseaux ont 6t6 recus par les Espagnols corame ceux de leur propre nation
tous les secours possibles nous ont 6t6 prodigues; les religieux charges des
missions nous ont envoye' une quantity tres-considerable de provisions de toute
espece, et je leur ai fait present, pour leurs Indiens, dime infinite de petits
articles qui avaient 6t6 embarques a Brest pour cet objet, et qui leur seront
de la plus grande utilite.' Again Sept. 19th: 'Nous sommes arrives a Monterey le 15 septembre; les ordres du roi d'Espagne nous y avaient precedes,
et il cut 6te impossible, dans nos propres colonies, de recevoir un meilleur
accueil.' M. de Langle says on Sept. 22d, of Capt. Martinez: 'II a preYenu
nos besoins avec un zele infatigable, et nous a rendu tous. les services qui
dependaient de lui. II m'a charge" de vous supplier de le recommander & son
ministre. .Je pars d'ici sans avoir un malade.' Again from Macao Jan 3d, /(/.,
iv. '235, La Perouse writes: 'I send the chart of Monterey made by ourselves;
I have met at Monterey officers of the little San Bias establishment who certainly are not without ability and who seemed to me very capable of making
charts with exactitude.
11
La Perouse's visit left but a slight record in the Californian archives, yet
See Prov. St. Pap., Ben.
it is alluded to in several official communications.
J//'/., MS., viii. 14; Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 6, 42, 135; letter of Governor
Fages of September 28th, in Gacetade Mex. ii. 286-8. September 18th, P. Lasuen
writes to La Perouse sending him three pieces of reed and a stone worked by
the Santa Barbara Indians. Will send 70 fanegas of grain. Arch. Si a. BarTaylor, Discov. and Pound.. Xo. 31, ii. 193, tells us that
bara, MS., xii. 364.
a picture of La Perouse's vessels by one of his officers was preserved for many
years at San Carlos, but disappeared after 1833, having been carried away as
the old settlers say by Petit-Thouars. This writer is very likely wrong about
the subject of the picture. An anonymous Spanish writer in 1845, G. S., Description Topogrdfica de las Mix/ones, Pueblos, y Presidios del Norte y de la
uc va- California, in Revista CienUJica y Lit., i. 327-9, says that one of La
Perouse's officers made a sketch of his reception at San Carlos by Palou (Lasuen) and two padres, which was kept in the mission locutorio. Captain
Beechey wished to buy it, but P. Abella refused to part with it. When PetitThouars came it had disappeared. The writer made every effort to find it,
It was thought to have been stolen.
offering as high as $1,000, but in vain.
The writer found at San Carlos (no date) two Indians who remembered all
about La Perouse's visit. Finally Mrs Ord, Occur rcncias en California, MS.,
57-9, says that P. Moreno, soon after his arrival (1833), gave the painting to
her brother, Juan de la Guerra, who on his death-bed presented it to her. In
;
433
first visit
1838 or 1839 it was stolen from her trunk, and in spite of all her efforts has
never been recovered. She describes the painting as showing P. Noriega and
two other friars at the door of the church, naked Indians ringing the bells
and looking on as spectators, and La Perouse, a tall, thin gentleman, with
long gray hair in a queue, with some officers of his suite.
*2
Stillinan, in Overland Monthly, ii. 257-8.
Hist. Cal., Vol.
I.
28
434
CPerpetua
Eio Colorado
Pte.
Tepoca
R.IIiaqui
La Perouse's Map.
'
The
soil,
the abundance of
all
kinds of peltries give this part of America infinite advantages over the old
California.'
'No country is more abundant in fish and game of all kinds.
'This land is also of an inexpressible fertility; vegetables of every kind sue*
435
'
436
study, considering the brief time at his disposal. Doubtless the fact that he represented a Catholic nation did
much to open the hearts and mouths of the friars, who
seem to have held nothing back. The author not only
presents a general view of the system, and of the missions in their material aspects with statistics of the
condition of each establishment, but he gives an excellent picture of the neophytes and their routine of
daily life.
Of the missionaries personally, of their
character and their zeal and their motives, he speaks
15
in terms of the highest praise;
but their efforts for
the civilization of the natives did not seem likely to
succeed.
The neoplryte was too much a child, too
much a slave, too little a man. The mission regime
was not fitted to dispel ignorance, missionary efforts
were directed exclusively to the recompenses of another
life, the present being disregarded.
The community
system based on the prejudices and ambition of the
Jesuits was too servilely imitated. "The government
is a veritable theocracy for the Indians; they believe
that their superiors are in immediate and continual
communication with God." "The friars, more occupied
with heavenly than temporal interests, have neglected
the introduction of the most common arts." La Perouse saw in the tout ensemble of the Franciscan
establishments an unhappy resemblance to the slave
plantations of Santo Domingo. "With pain we say
15
'La pidt6 espagnole avait entretenu jusqu' an present, et a grands frais,
ces missions et ces presidios, dans l'unique vne de convertir et de civiliser les
Indiens de ces con trees; systeme bien plus digne d'eloge que celui de ces
liommes avides qui semblaient n'etre revetus de l'autorite nationale que pour
commettre impunement les plus cruelles atrocit^s.' 'It is with the sweetest
satisfaction that I shall make known the pious and wise conduct of these friars
who fulfil so perfectly the object of their institution; I shall not conceal what
has seemed to me reprehensible in their interior regime; but I shall announce
that individually good and humane, they temper by their gentleness and
charity the harshness of the rules that have been laid down by their superiors.'
1 have already made known freely
opinion on the monks of Chili, whose
irregularity seemed to me generally scandalous. It is with the same truth
that I shall paint these men, truly apostolic, who have abandoned the idle
life of a cloister to give themselves up to fatigues, cares, and anxieties of every
'
kind.
They are so strict toward themselves that they have not a single room
with fire though the winter is sometimes rigorous; and the greatest anchorites
my
'
life.'
the resemblance
is
CRITICISED.
so perfect that
437
among them a
right of property
so attractive to all men; and by this new order of
things to induce each one to cultivate his field with
emulation, or to devote himself to some other class
of work?
I admit that the progress of this new
civilization would be very slow; the pains which it
would be necessary to take, very hard and tiresome;
the theatres in which it would be necessary to act
very distant, so that applause would never make itself
heard by him who might consecrate his life to being
worthy of it; and therefore I do not hesitate to de-
rights, to establish
433
clare that
human motives
promised rewards can compensate the sacrifices, the ennui, the risks of such a life.
I have only
to desire a little more philosophy on the part of the
men, austere, charitable, and religious, whom I have
met in these missions." M. de La Perouse longed
for the existence of qualities and views that have
rarely been possessed by missionaries in California or
with
its
elsewhere.
beyond furnishing
occasional supplies to the Philippine galleon, and
sending to San Bias by the returning transports now
and then a cargo of salt, 16 exported nothing and little
or no advantage was taken of a royal order of this
year by which trade with San Bias was made free for
eight years, and duties were reduced one half for five
Previous to
1786
California,
years more. 17
The publication of Cook's voyage of 1778-9 on the
Northwest Coast first opened the eyes of Spain to
the importance of the fur-trade and led to some feeble
attempts on her part to prevent so rich a treasure
from passing into the hands of foreign nations and to
utilize it for herself.
scheme was projected by the
government in 1785 for the opening of a trade between California and China, the intention being to
exchange peltries for quicksilver, and to make the
fur-trade a government monopoly as that in quick-
silver
16
The records
With
this
BASADRE'S PROJECT.
saclre
439
as a commissioner to California
18
good account of the project and its results is given in Fonseca and
Urrutia, Hist. Gen. Real Hacienda, i. 372-81.
19
The royal c6dula was dated June (July ?) 2, 1785; the viceroy's letter announcing Basadre's coming to Fages, Jan. 23, 178G; viceroy's letter to Lasuen
on same subject March 1, 178G; Fages' proclamation Aug. 29, 1786, including
regulations for the collection of skins. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 38-9, 52, 1 40Curiously the earliest
5, 204-6; Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., i. 283-4, x. 8-10.
document in the archives relating to the otter is dated Oct. 24, 1785, after
the king's order was issued but before it could have reached California. It is
an order from Fages to Ignacio Vallejo at San Jos6 that if any one goes out to
trade with the Indians for otter-skins he is to be punished. I)ept. St. Pap. S.
Jose,
20
MS.,
i.
March
6, 7.
440
We
MS.,
i.
31-5.
'We
'
'
;,
441
enter-
prise.
22
Fonseca and Urrutia, Hist. Gen. The records of the skins collected are
meagre and incomplete. Oct. 7, 1786, Lieut. Ziiiliga of San Diego speaks of
having some time in the past shipped $2,000 worth to Jose Maria Arce. Prov.
Sept. 15, 1787, Jose" Soberanes charged $55 for dressStat. Pap., MS., vi. 38.
ing 95 otter-skins. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., ix. 6. Oct. 6, I7S7, there
were shipped on the San Carlos and Favorita 267, of which 97 belonged to
presidio of Monterey, 62 to Lieut. Ortega, 56 to San Carlos, and 52 to San
Antonio. Id., ix. 14. July 30, 17S8, Lasuen says to viceroy that Basadre collected from the mission 64 otter-skins worth $405. Arch. Sta. Bdrhara, MS.,
i. 289.
Nov. 9, 1789, commandant of Santa Barbara to governor. He has collected and delivered to Canizares of the A ranzazu 74 otter-skins from Purisima,
79 from Santa Barbara, 81 from San Buenaventura, besides 32 fox-skins.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 146. Aug. 10, 1790, the Procurador Sainpelayo has
collected for otter-skins remitted 1786-9, $1,472 on 169 skins to king; $132
on 18 skins to Basadre. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xii. 4, 5.
23
Date March 29th, Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 144. The following notes
from the archives are all I have found for the period of 1790-1800, and some
of them indicate that notwithstanding the royal order of 1790 some skins
were still bought on government account. Aug. 3, 1791, Sal to Romeu asking
for $823 for 97 skins in Mexico. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 21.
1792, treasury
paid $439 for 59 skins from Santa Barbara Company. Id. xxi. 86.
Dec. 30,
1793, viceroy to court of Spain says some otter and seal skins are sold to
vessels visiting the ports. St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 17.
Feb. 1794,
by order of viceroy otter-skins may be exported free of duty. Prov. Bee, MS.
viii. 141
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi., 159. June 8, 1795, governor to commandant.
King allows Nicolas Manzaneli of San Bias to take otter-skins to
China from California and trade for goods. Prov. Bee, MS., iv. 134. Feb.
23, 1795, the governor explains that the privilege of taking otter along the
coast amounts to nothing since they cannot buy China goods at Canton, a
privilege monopolized by the Philippine Company; yet that company might
,
iii.
350-9.
442
The causes
'
PRICES CURRENT.
443
27
26 Soler, Parecer sohre comercio con el Buque tie China, 1//. de Enero
1787 MS.
Pages, Informe sob re Comercio con Buques de China, IS de Febrero 17S7, MS.
The reasons urged against free trade were, that so far as the soldiers were
concerned better goods were received with greater regularity and at more
uniform prices by the present system; as the galleon could not touch at
all the presidios, a monopoly and inequality would be caused; the soldiers
becoming traders would be distracted from their regular duties ; avarice and
pride would be engendered in California; China goods were not fitted for the
California trade; and there was no money to pay for them.
Yet Soler
favored the trade if the barter of peltries could be included ; and Fages was
disposed to favor taking no notice of the barter of trifling articles by individuals.
July 14, 1786, Gen Ugarte asks Fages for his views on the matter.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 134-5. June 23, 1787, having received the reports, he
renews the old prohibition. Id., vii. 38-9.
27
Jan. 1, 1781, Gov. Neve formed a new arancel in accordance with royal
order of March 21, 1775, and decree of audiencia of Jan. 11, 1776. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., vi. 14, 15; announced to Gen. Croix March 4th. Prov. Pec, MS.,
ii. 41-2; approved by Croix July 27, 1781, and by king Feb. 22, 1782, and
royal approval published by Fages Jan. 12, 1784. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv.
156-8. This arancel given in full under date of Aug. 12, 1782, in Arancel de
Precios, 1782, MS. January 2, 1788, Gov. Fages issued a new arancel which,
however, only included live-stock and agricultural products, or articles likely
to be purchased by the government. Arancel de Precios, 1788, MS. Manuscript copy certified by Gov. Borica, in Entudillo, Doc. Hist. Cal., i. 7; Savage,
Poc. Hist. Cal., MS., 2; Prov. St. Pap., MS., viii. 36-8.
In the following
list the prices of 1788 are given in parentheses
r cedes expressed in 'cents':
Horses, $9 ($3-89); asses ($G-$7); calves ($1.50); bulls (84); sheep (75c. -$2);
swine ($l-$4); cocks (12c.-25c); quail, per doz. (25c); hares (12c); mules,
$10-$20 ($14-620); horses (unbroken, colts, mares, $3); cows (84); oxen (85);
goats (75c-$l); hens (25c-37c)'; pigeons, per pair (25c); rabbits (12c.)
Beef, jerked, per 251bs. (75c); beef, fresh, per 25 lbs. (25c); eggs, per doz. 24c;
hides, untanned (37c); hides, tanned, $2.75 ($2.25); wool, per 25 lbs. ($1.25$2); tallow, per 25 lbs. ($1.25-$2.50); candles, per 25 lbs., $3 ($2.50); lard,
per 25 lbs. $3 ($3); sheep-skin, 50c; deer-skin (25c); dog-skin, 75c; buckWheat, per
skin, or antelope, tanned ($1.25-$1.50); cheese, pcrbb., O^c.
fanega ($2); barlejr per fan. ($1); lentils, per fan., $2.50; maize, per fan.,
$1.50; beans, per fan. ($2.50); peas, per fan. ($1.50-$3); flour, per 25 Bbs.
($1.25-$2); $2 per 25 lbs. to $6 per fanega. Sugar, lb., 25c. ; panocha, lb.,
brandy, pt., 75c; saffron, oz., 50c; olive-oil, jar, $4.37; figs, R>., 12c; gunpowder, ib.,$l; soap, lb., 18c; chocolate, lb., 37c-56c. ; cloves, oz., 62c;
cinnamon, oz., 62c; cumin, oz., 3c; red pepper, lb., 18c; pepper, cz. 6c;
tobacco, lb., $1.25.
Anquera, $1.50; awl, 12c; shield, $2; kettles (caldereta), $1 ; stirrups, wooden, $1 ; gun-case, $1.50; saddle-irons, $1 ; lance, 87c;
penknife, 25c; earthen pot., 12c-18c; plates, 4c-18c; comb, 6c.-50c;
rosary, 3c; ear-rings, pr., 75c; saddle, $12-$16; punch, 25c; cup, 18c;
dagger, 22c; anquera trappings, $2.50; earthen pan, 18c; wooden spoon,
6c; spurs, pr., $1 ; sword, $4.50; gun, $4.50-$16; bridle, $1 ; horseshoes, set,
$1; pocket-knife, 50c; razor, 62c; copper pot, $3.50; paper, quire, 45c;
needles, paper, $1.28; needles, per 24, 12c; bridle-lines, 50c; Holy Christ,
Baize,
75; chisel, 12c; scissors, 37c-62c; screw of gun, 25c; jug, 12c.
yd., 50c; coarse linen (Cotense), yd., 37c-75c; gold-lace, oz., $1.62; silverlace, oz., $1.62; ribbon, yd., 12c. -75c; cotton cloth, yd., 25c -37c; pita twist,
10c; linen (Platilla), yd., 02c; Britannia (linen), yd., 82c -$1.25; Bramant
,
444
'COLUMBIA.'
445
But Kendrick,
in the
lntrod., cxii.
31
Copy certified
MS., i. 53-4.
Mag., v. 310;
'
446
princess.
34
The death
of Carlos III. was announced in February 1789, and orders were issued for the salva fiinebre
and other rites at the presidios, with prayers by all
the padres. 35
Felipe de Neve, ex-governbr, went to Sonora in
the autumn of 1782, as we have seen, to take the position of inspector general with the rank of brigadier.
Early
in
1783 he succeeded
Don Teodoro
de Croix as
commandant general
447
that is known of Neve's life has been told in the preceding chapters, and the reader is already aware of
what manner of man he was, able, patriotic, and dignified.
Devoted to the royal service and to the true
interests of California, he formed and followed a well
defined policy, rising above the petty obstacles thrown
in his way by the friars.
The dislike of the latter
was caused almost wholly by Neve's great influence
in Mexico and Spain, and by his opposition to their
far-reaching schemes of unlimited control. Personally
he was courteous and agreeable, more so than many
other officials; but while others followed more or less
faithfully the policy laid down in superior instructions, he largely dictated that policy.
Finding that
the friars would not submit to amicable recognition of
the secular authorities he proposed to restrict their
control of the mission temporalities and of the natives
in the interests of colonization, of real civilization,
and the rights of man. Whether his system or any
36
On appointment as inspector see chap, xviii. Made commandant general
Feb. 15, 1783. Acknowledges Fages' congratulations Feb. G, 1784. April 5,
1784, Fages learns that Neve has been granted $8, COO salary as commandant
inspector. July 12, 1783, royal c<5dula confirming Neve's appointment dated
July 12, 1783. See Prov. Pec, MS., i. 1G6, 188; iii. 182; St. Pap., Sac, MS.,
xv. 18; Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. G2-4; v. 25, 88.
37
He died probably on November 3d, and his death was announced to Gov.
Fages on Nov. 30th. Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 63-4. Fages speaks of his
death on Feb. 1, and April 22, 1785. Prov. Pec, MS., i. 201, ii. 93. Don
Felipe de Neve was a major of the Quer6taro regiment of provincial cavalry
from its organization in 17GG until September 1774, when he was selected by
Viceroy Bucareli to succeed Gov. Bard in the Californias. He assumed the
When the capital was changed he came
office at Loreto on March 4, 1775.
to Monterey, arriving on Feb. 3, 1777.
He made a beginning of colonization
in 1777; offered his resignation, and was made colonel in 1778; prepared in
Subse1779 his new reglamento; and had his quarrel with Serra in 1780.
quently he spent most of his time at San Gabriel superintending the foundation of Los Angeles and making preparations for the Channel missions. On
Aug. 21, 1782, he started for the Colorado River on a campaign against the
murderers of Rivera, but on the way, unexpectedly as it would seem, he received notice of his promotion dated July 12th to be inspector general. In
September he received the cross of the order of San Carlos and at the same
time or a little later the rank of brigadier general. He was made commandant general Feb. 15, 1783, probably; was confirmed July 12, 1783; and died
Nov. 3d of the next year.
448
and worked calmly and intelligently for their realizaSuch men would have done all that it was possible to do with half-breed colonists, stupid aborigines,
and opposing priests.
At Neve's death Jose Antonio Rengel was appointed by the audiencia of Guadalajara to the temporary command; and by royal order of October 6,
1785, General Jacobo Ugarte y Loyola was placed in
command, 33 where he remained until 1790. Durin^
~
...
this period there were several subdivisions of the internal provinces, but Ugarte always possessed power
over those of the west, including California. During
the term of Viceroy Galvez, 1785-7, he had authority
over the commandant general, who had before been
independent; and after his death the dependence continued, though not very clearly defined, until 1788.
In 1790 Ugarte was succeeded by Pedro de Nava
under whose rule all subordination of the command
was removed, and in 1792 or 1793 all the provinces
were reunited in one independent command. 39
Viceroy Flores in his instructions to his successor
tion.
3S
St.
form ad a de
'
by Nava and Ugalde (in eastern provinces) by Rengel. Mayer MSS., No. :2;
November 28, 1790, Nava announces his appointment. Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
1792, all provinces reunited. Escudero, Not. Sonora, 71.
strucciones de Vireyes, 201.
ix. 348.
1703, In-
SPAIN.
449
Revilla Gigfedo in 1789 devoted considerable attention to California and to the importance of its defence
and further colonization, recommending war- vessels
to protect the coast, since an attack by foreigners
was possible and the reconquest would be extremely
reenforcement of soldiers who would later
difficult.
become settlers was likewise proposed for consideration; and the viceroy had also asked the king for a
few families from the Canary Islands to take care of
a large number of foundlings whom he intended to
send to California. 40 During the period, however,
there was practically nothing done in behalf of colonization, beyond allowing discharged sailors in the
ports to be enlisted as settlers or soldiers yet Fages
reported strongly in favor of colonization, since the
missions with their increasing number of neophytes
could not be depended on to supply grain for the pre-
sidios.
41
The
40
MS., 22-5.
Prov. Pec, MS., i. 203-4; St. Pap., Sac, ii. 17; Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
v. 1G4.
Feb. 15, 1785, Gen. Rengel forwards orders of king for weather
reports every G months. St. Pap., Sac, MS., xv. 2G. Dec. 31, 1785, the governor renders the only report extant for this decade, describing the climate
as cold and humid, especially at San Francisco, but better for Spaniards than
natives; yet the region is fertile and attractive with ample resources for colonies. The spring rains are as in Spain, and this year have been very abundant.
Ri lotion de Ternperamento 1785, MS.
42
Fages to Gen. Rengel, Jan. 14, 1785. Prov. Pec, i. 186, ii. 104-5; Rengel to Fages, July 1st. St. Pap., Sac, MS., xv. 23; Galvez, Instruction, 178G,
MS., 31; Escudero, Not. Son., 70; Mayer MSS., No. 8. In the diary of an
expedition to the Tulare region in 1806 P. Munoz mentions a report by the
chief of a San Joaquin ranchcria that some twenty years before
1786
party of soldiers had arrived from the other side, killed some of the natives
when attacked, and retired. The padre thinks this must have been a party
from Xew Mexico. Arch. Sta. Barbara, iv. 25-6.
Instrucciones deVireyes, 139-40; Fiords, Instruction,
41
I.
*29
CHAPTER
RULE OF FAGES
XXII.
Plan of Local Annals San Diego Presidial District Presidio Officials Alferez Jose Velasquez Force and Population Buildings Garrison Life Indian Affairs Explorations San Diego
Mission Juan Figueroa Rioboo Material and Spiritual Progress San Juan Capistrano Gregorio Amurrio Pablo Mugartegui San Gabriel Pueblo of Los Angeles Settlers Felix as
Comisionado Presidio of Santa Barbara Plan of Buildings
Volcano Soldiers Killed While Prospecting for Mines San
Buenaventura Presidio of Monterey Official Changes Surgeon
Davila San Carlos Noriega San Antonio San Luis Obispo
Jose Cavaller Presidio of San Francisco Lieutenants Moraga
and Gonzalez Lasso de la Vega Presidio Chapel, The Mission
Francisco Palou Map of the Bay Santa Clara New Church
Murgula Pueblo de San Jose Vaelejo as Comisionado.
During the era of exploration, conquest, and foundation, which was for the most part ended soon after
the beginning of the second decade, the local history
of each new establishment has been a link in the
chain of provincial development so closely united with
affairs of government and the general march of events
as to be susceptible of strict chronological treatment.
Local annals will be to the end an important and
deservedly prominent element in Californian history,
as in any provincial history properly so called; but'
hereafter it will be best, that is, most conducive to a
clear presentment and easy study of the subject, to
group these annals in decades, or other convenient
periods, and to present them side by side with and to
some extent independently of the more formal and
(450)
451
To begin
in the
Fages to Gen. Ugarte Nov. 8, 1787, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 4, urges
it would be unsafe to remove Zi'miga in view of his success in ruling the
natives. Capt. Soler wished to put him in command at Santa Barbara so that
under his supervision a stupid alferez might be utilized as habilitado. Id., vii.
1
that
14 1G.
452
21; iii. 14; vi. 4; v. 9; viii. 3-5; xx. G, 7; St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS.
For lists of arms and ammuni1G9-70; Monterey Co. Arch., MS., vii. 0.
tion see St. Pap., Sac., MS., ii. 2G-7, v. 25; Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 1 70-9.
ii.
i.
453
There was an occasional rumor of intended hostilities by the natives, but none resulted in anything
serious, most of the trouble occurring south of the
line in Baja Californian territor}^ and requiring some
attention from Fages during his southern trip in the
spring of 1783. Here in the south, as in fact throughout the country, the natives were remarkably quiet
and peaceful during Fages'. rule. This is shown by
the meagre records on the subject in connection with
the well known tendency of the Spaniards to indulge
in long correspondence on any occurrence that can
6
possibly be made to appear like an Indian campaign.
c
June 30, 1783, Fages to Padre Sales, in Prov. Bee, MS., iii. 218, says
that he has ordered a sally against the Colorado Indians; and Oct. 20, Id.,
201, he orders Sergt. Arce with a guard of 4 or 5 men to watch those Indians,
454
455
456
rens.
The three
last
named
friars
were new-comers,
in the
^Mission de S.Diego 5
"
Map
LASUEN'S REPORT.
457
whose early
palisade corrals.
458
standing
He
all difficulties
first
mission
15
Pablo
459
of the decade.
At San
19
San Diego
Antonio Cruzado and Miguel
military jurisdiction,
deaths, 4G6.
Increase of large stock, 8G0 to 4,221; small stock, 2,070 to
6,013.
Harvest in 1790, 6,150 bushels.
4C0
have
little
settlers
had been
who
Sebastian Alvitre
21
Fages to Gen. Ugarte Dec. 5, 30, 1785, in Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 131-2;
Ugarte to Fages, Dec. 14, 1787, in Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., vi. 11G-17.
22
Zimiga to Fages, Aug. 15, 1786, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 35-6.
23
See chapter xvi., this volume.
24
An
estado of
August
17, 1790,
makes the
total 141.
461
4G2
and morality; and to attend to the carryingout of some very judicious regulations which are
included in the document respecting the treatment
of the natives and their employment as laborers/28
justice
At the Channel
maintained was
and a
lieutenant.
Of
force fifteen men at first and
later ten were stationed at San Buenaventura, fifteen
at Purisima, and from three to six at Santa Barbara
after those missions were founded, and two generally
at Los Angeles. The so-called white population of this
presidial district was about two hundred and twenty,
29
or three hundred and sixty with Los Angeles.
Lieutenant Jose Francisco Ortega, the original
commandant, retained his position together with that
of habilitado, until January 17.84, when he was sent
to the peninsula frontier and Lieutenant Felipe do
Goycoechea came up to take his place, which he held
until 1804.
Ortega was removed by the general at
the request of Soler, who alone found fault with the
lieutenant, and who as we knew was a chronic faultfinder.
Soler subsequently complained of the new
commandant's lack of application, and wished to put
in the place Zuniga with a stupid habilitado or Ortega
corporals,
alferez,
this
28
el
cabo de
la
Comisionado por el gobierno para dirigir al alcalde y d los regido7-es, 1787, MS.
29
The Santa Barbara situado by the reglamento was $14,472; average payroll, $13,500; average memorias of supplies, $12,500; average total of habilitado's accounts, 20,000, of which about $6,000 was a balance of goods on
hand fondo de gratification, $2,000, and fondo de retention, $1,000 in 1784;
fondo de invdlidos and Montepio, $427 in 1782. Company accounts in Prov. St.
Pap., Presidios, MS., i. 2, 90; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., ii. 1, 8, 20-2,
Inventories of arma38-9; iii. 18; iv. 22; vi. 3; viii. 13; ix. 3, 4; xiv. G, 7.
ment in Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 96-9; vii. 86; St. Pap., Sac, MS., i. G. 7.
A list of inhabitants with families, age, etc., showing 07 male heads of families, dated Dec. 31, 1785, in St. Pap., Miss., MS., i. 4-9.
;
463
30
Ortega appointed commandant of Sta. Barbara Sept. 8, 1781. Prov. St.
Pap., Presidios, MS., i. 1, 2. Ortega removed for incompetency, not understanding his own accounts. Soler, June 7, 1787, in Prov. St. Pup., MS., vii.
Soler to Fages, May
115. Ortega and Goycoechea ordered to change places.
Goycoechea's commission sent to
14, 1783, in Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 120-1, 132.
him Jan. 17, 1783. Id., iii. 55. Goycoechea arrived at San Diego en route
north Aug. 24, 1783. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 78. Ortega gave up command
Jan. 25, 1784. Prov. Pec, MS., i. 162; ii. 4.
Ortega thanks Fages for offer
of any presidio, and selects Santa Barbara Jan. 3, 1787. Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
vii. 175.
Soler's complaints against Goycoechea and suggestion of changes
March and June, 1787. Id., 114-15, 135. Argiiello left for San Francisco in
April, 1787. There was some correspondence about Goycoechea giving up the
habilllacion. Id., 59, G7.
Ugarte to Fages Oct. 25, 1787. The viceroy will
fill the vacant place of alferez. Id., 31.
Hermenegildo Sal was one of the
sergeants at the foundation but left the company very soon. Prov. St. Pap.,
Ben. Mil., MS.
It would serve no useful purpose to refer here to the hundreds of company rosters and similar documents scattered through different
464
>18
-
,-
119
12
4-U
19
9
9..
--3
-3--.3--
-.9
-9
34
PLAZA
+3
330 Feet
Square
..9
4-3-3--
43-3--
4-3
13
TTT
nn
XX
t
5
15
-6
14
ie
1788.
The
32
1,
15 x 24
3,
ft.
18 family houses,
6, sacristy, 12 x
4C5
that in
any that year. 33
The discovery of a so-called volcano in 1784 was
the source of some local excitement, and was duly
The volcano was a
reported to Mexico and Arizpe.
league and a half west of the presidio at a bend or
break in the shore line, and about a thousand varas
The ground was so hot that the
in circumference.
approached;
fire issued from thirty
centre could not be
different places with a strong fume of sulphur; and
the heat of the rocks caused the water to boil when
There was no
the spot was covered at high tide.
crater proper, or rather it was covered up with fragments of rock and with ashes. Fages went in person
to examine the sulphurous phenomenon and learned
from the natives that the volcano had been long in
operation. 34
The
I.
30
4G6
engaged
in
diers' lives.
sol-
35
At San Buenaventura,
Channel missions, Dumetz
was put
33
in his place.
The missions
of Santa Barbara and Purisima, belonging to this military district, as new establishments
have been disposed of in the preceding chapter.
ix.
6-8; Fages to
viii. 123.
3G
ANNALS OF MONTEREY.
467
37
passim.
38
Letters of Sal, Soler, and Fages in Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 00-1, 120,
130, 143, 167-8; viii. 41-2, 54-5; ix. 140-1; x. 1G2-3; Prov. St. Pap., Pen.
JUL, MS., x. 10, 11; iii. 0; Prov. Pec, MS., i. 33-4.
4GS
shows
tliat
involved in debt, the charge of defalcation in connection with the company accounts was unfounded.
Instead of owing the company $3,000, the company
owed him about 600. It required three years to set
Don Hermenegildo right, and in the mean time Ortega,
whom it had been intended to restore to his old presidio of Santa Barbara, came to take the command
and the office of habilitado at Monterey instead, from
September 1787. 39 The sergeant of the company was
Mariano Verdugo until 1787, succeeded by Manuel
Vargas.
The surgeon was Jose Davila. 40
Beyond matters connected with the government,
with the visit of La Perouse, and with other events
of general interest recorded in preceding chapters
there is nothing to be said of this presidio except to
note a conflagration that occurred August 11, 1789.
In firing a salute to the San Carlos on her arrival in
port the wad of the cannon set fire to the tule roofing,
and about one half of the buildings within the square
were destroyed. Repairs were far advanced by the
end of 1790. 41
At
MS., 40.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 1,2; x. 166; xiii. 191; xxii. 87; Id., Ben. Mil,
i. 9.
The old presidio chapel stood in the middle of the square, and April 14,
1789, Fages had ordered adobes made for a new one.
il
MISSIONS OF
MONTEREY
DISTRICT.
4G9
August
1784,
42
till
not yet been completed. St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 139-40.
"Increase in neophytes, 585 to 1,070; baptisms, 773; deaths, 333; large
stock, 429 to 2,232; small stock, 406 to 1,984; crops in 1790 only 1,450 bushels.
Fages says the soil is tolerably good though irrigation is difficult, and the
mission has raised enough for her own use and a surplus for sale. San Antonio
had the best church in California excepting, perhaps, Santa Clara. St. Pa/j.
Mm.
and
Colon.,
i.
MS., 145-7.
Jose"
Cavalier
in S.
470
Lieutenant
Jose
fill
the
San Francisco
which
occurred on July 13, 1785, from which date Gonzalez, transferred from Monterey, became commandant for two years, and Jose Ramon Lasso de la
Vega, the alferez, served as habilitado. During the
two years there was trouble with both these officials.
Before leaving Monterey Gonzalez had once been put
under arrest for insubordination, gambling, failing to
prevent gambling, and for trading with the galleon.
habilitado of
47
At San
our
foot.
48
Gonzalez' arrest at Monterey in August 1784. Prov. Bee, MS., i. 18G; ii.
102-3; Prov. St. Pap., Ben., MS., i. 41. Soler alludes to his mucha rvitculez
Nov. 14, 1788, and proposes Argiiello as a successor. Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
vi. 198; vii. 114-10.
Gonzalez arrested at San Francisco by Lasso at Soler's
order Feb. 4, 1787, and sent south to meet Fages March 18th. /(/., vii. 93-9;
Prov. Bee, MS., iii. 39. Fages tells the story to his successor, Romeu, Feb.
General approves measures against
26, 1791. Prov. St. Pap., MS.., x. 1G2-3.
Gonzalez. Id., vii. 50. Gonzalez was born at Ceste del Campo in Spain, and
He served 3 years as a
enlisted as a private at about the age of 26 in 1762.
private, 2 as corporal, 10 as sergeant, and a little over one year as alferez.
Having seen much service in Indian campaigns in the Provincias Interims, he
was promoted to be lieutenant for California service in December 1779. Hoja de
Fages says of
Scrvicios, in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. JUL, MS., ii. 12-13; iv. 15.
471
'
472
to
fill
his place.
The
presiclial force
Argiiello's
Pap., MS.,
vii. 45.
473
down
the penin-
59
Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 99; Prov. Pec, MS., i. 192.
Frannsco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 20-1.
57
Prov. Pec, MS., i. 183.
58
In 1784 the governor reports it also as having one of the poorest churches.
St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., M.S., i. 145-7.
59
St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 143.
co
Francisco Palou, sometimes written with an accent Palou, without any
good reason so far as I know, was born at Palma in the Island of Mallorca,
probably in 1722. Mr Doyle in his introduction to the reprint of Palou, Noti~
cias, i. iii. infers that the date was about 1719; but in a letter dated 1783,
hist. May., iv. G7-8, the padre calls himself 01 years of age.
Taking the
habit of San Francisco he entered the principal convent of the city, and in
1740 became a disciple of Junipero Scrra, with whom and with Juan Crespi of
the same convent he contracted a life-long friendship. With his master he
volunteered for the American missions in 1749, left Palma in April, Cadiz in
August, and landed at Vera Cruz in December. Joining the college of San
56
S.
474
At Santa
475
476
Santa Clara, Arch. Parroq., MS., 12. Roof of beams 'labradas y curiosa
Fages to general, in Prov. Bee, MS., i. 172; Hall's Hk<t. S. Jose,
418-20; Levetfs Scrap Boole. The date has been incorrectly given as May 16th.
02
Joseph Antonio de Jesus Maria do Murguia was born Dec. 10, 1715, at
Domayguia, Alava, Spain. He came to America as a layman, but became a
Franciscan at San Fernando college June 29, 1736; was ordained as a priest
in 1744; and was assigned to the Pame missions of the Sierra Gorda in 1748.
Here he toiled for 19 years and built the first masonry church in the district;
that of San Miguel. Transferred in 1707 to Baja California he reached Loreto
April 1, 1768, and was assigned to Santiago mission, where he served until
March 1769. In June he was at San Jose del Cabo waiting to embark for California; but sickness saved his life by preventing him from sailing on the illfcted San Jos6. He subsequently served at San Javier, but in July 1773
j oined Palou at Santa Maria and accompanied him to San Diego, arriving Aug.
30th. Residing for a while as supernumerary at San Antonio, he became
minister of San Luis Obispo in October 1773, and in January 1777 founded
Santa Clara where he served continuously until his death. He died while preparing for dedication the church on which he had worked so hard as architect,
director, and even laborer. He was buried on May 12th in the presbytery of
the new edifice by Palou, Santa Clara, Lib. de Mision, MS., 33-4, by whom as
by Serra and others he had been regarded as a model friar. Palou, Yida, 265-6.
C3
Fages in a report to the general in 1786 speaks of these complaints, stating
that one or two Indians have died from the effects of his severity, and that he
will be retired to his college. Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 136.
lo posible.'
JOSE.
477
much
here
Of
64
Two or three neophytes were chastised by the padres for being present
at a gentile fight, and Sergt. Amador was sent to warn the pagans not to tempt
the converts. A pagan laborer of San Jose' was flogged and imprisoned for
inciting hostilities. This in 1786. Argtiello to Fages, in Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
viii. 70-7.
Sergt. Cota ordered to explore from Santa Clara to Santa Rosa on
the other side of the sierra, May 2, 1785. Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 7.
05
The ten names of 178G were: Manuel Butron, Ignacio Castro, Manuel
Higuera, Ignacio Linares, Scferino Lugo, Hilario Mesa, XasarioSacz, Ignacio
Soto, Felipe Tapia, Atanasio Vazquez. Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 24-f>, 27-S.
Four received rations during the year, doubtless as invalids. See also St.
Pap., Sac.) MS., i. 30. Manuel Valencia was a settler who died in 178S. Prov.,
47S
less
management and
local
government.
The
Who
Pap., MS., viii. 71. Mesa, Tapia, Higuera, and Lugo were soldiers in
784 and the question came up whether they ought like the original settlers
to be exempt from tithes since they cultivated lands like the rest. Prov. Pec,
MS., i. 1G3-4. July 30, 1788, Argiieilo reports having gone to San Jose to
put Ignacio Castro and Seferino Lugo in possession of lands, but did not do
so because they claimed pay and rations, only allowed to the original settlers.
In the list of 1790 the name of
St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 50-1.
Tapia disappears and there appear those of Joaquin Castro, Antonio Alegre,
Antonio Accves, Ignacio Higuera, and Pedro Cayuelas, ogregados; Gabriel
St.
1
Jan. 31st, the day before the date of Fages' letter. Sta.
.Mis ion, MS., 35.
Clara, Lib. de
OFFICIALS
479
Vallejo had
some special fitness for directing agricultural operations, was allowed to cultivate vacant lands on his own
account, and held his position for seven years though
To him, or rather to the wise
not without opposition.
instructions given him, Fages attributed the pueblo's
like those of
later prosperity.
63
The pueblo
67
MS.,
4S0
the
settlers.
killed
two of the
Palou, Not.,
five lbs.
iii.
98, 170.
Jose' as reserve
Thirty-
ammu-
nition in
CHAPTEE
XXIII.
RULE OF ROMEU.
1791-1792.
I.
31
(481)
RULE OF ROMEU.
432
With
May
The
1G, 1790.
'
'
483
together
tion of lands has been made in due form, and
certain
changes
rendered
necessary
at San Jose
with
RULE OF ROMEU.
484
beef.
The breeding
24-7 are devoted to past troubles between Captain Soler and the habilitados, with which the reader
is already familiar; and finally, after devoting some
cles
,'
LIFE
AND CHARACTER OF
FAGES.
485
Don Pedro
*Id.,x. 44.
Id., x. 142-3, 1G9. In one of the letters he says that, suffering in his foot,
he is unable to review the troops at Santa Barbara.
6
Sailing of the San Carlos Nov. 19th. St. Pap., Sac., MS., v. 91. According to a letter in Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 134, however, the schooner Saturnina
from Xootka was at Monterey on Oct. 14th and ready to sail for San Bias, so
that Fages may have sailed in her; yet if there is no error it is strange that
while the arrival of the San Carlos was announced to Gen. Navaon Nov. 30th,
that of the Saturnina was not announced until Dec. 22d. St. Pap., Sac, MS.,
5
iv. 3.
7
Pedro Fages, a native of Catalonia, and first lieutenant of a company of
the 1st battalion, 2d regiment, of the Catalan Volunteer Light Infantry, probably
left Spain with his battalion in May 17G7, and soon after his arrival in Mexico
RULE OF ROMEU.
486
He
Of
fair
abilities,
with dulces.
hot-tempered
was sent with Col. Elizondo's expedition against the Sonora Indians. In the
autumn of 1768 by order of the visitador general, Galvez, he was sent over from
Guaymas to La Paz by Elizondo with 25 men of his compania franca for the
California expedition. In January 1769 he embarked with his men on the San
Cdrlos and arrived at San Diego May 1st. Fages was military chief of the sea
branch of the expedition, and commandant on shore from May 1st to June
29th, thus being California's first ruler. After Portola's arrival on June 23th,
he was second in command and Capt. Rivera's superior. With seven of his
men, all that the scurvy had not killed or disabled, he accompanied the first
land expedition from San Diego to Monterey and San Francisco from July 14,
1769, to Jan. 24, 1770. He started north again April 17th with Portola and
reached Monterey May 24th. When Portola left Monterey July 9th, Fages
was left as commandant of the Californian establishments, a position which
he held until May 25, 1774. His commission as captain was dated May 4,
1771, and in the same year he went down to San Diego by water, returning
by land. In March and April 1772 he led an exploring expedition up to what
are now Oakland, San Pablo Bay, Carquines Strait, and the mouth of the San
Joaquin. In May 1772 he proceeded to the San Luis region and spent some
three months hunting bears to supply the Monterey garrison with meat.
Perhaps it was here that he gained the sobriquet of El Oso often applied to
him in later years, though there is a tradition that the name Old Bear was
given him for other reasons. He went to San Diego in August, and there
incurred Padre Serra's displeasure by refusing a guard for the founding of a
new mission. The object of Serra's journey to Mexico was chiefly Fages' removal. The friar represented him as a man hated by all the soldiers, incompetent to command, and a deadly foe to all mission progress. The charges
were largely false, but they served Serra's purpose whether believed or not,
for the government could not afford at the time a quarrel with the missionaries; and Rivera was sent to supersede Fages, taking command on May 25,
1774. Subsequently Serra wrote a letter to the viceroy in which he expressed
regret at Fages' removal, commendation of his services, and a desire that he
be favored by the government. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 379-80. The
friars regarded this as a praiseworthy return of good for evil; others might
apply a different name.
Fages sailed from San Diego Aug. 4, 1774, on the San Antonio with orders
to join his regiment at Pachuca.
On the way to Mexico at Irapuato, Guanajuato, he was robbed of a box containing his money, by his own servants as it
He reached Mexico before the end of
seems. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 190.
1774 in poor health. He dated in Mexico, Nov. 30, 1775, a report on California, addressed to the viceroy, and devoted chielly to a description of the
province, its natives, animals, and plants; but also giving a tolerably complete
sketch of the first expeditions and the condition of the missions at the author's
This document, of great importance and interest, was translated
departure.
from the original in the library of M. Ternaux-Compans and published as
At
Fagds, Voyage en California, in Xouv. Ann. ties Voy., ci. 145-82, 311-47.
the beginning the author says: Ayant e'te charge" du commandement militaire
du poste de Monterey, depuis le commencement de l'annee 1769, et mon chef
don Diego Portola qui s'embarqua le 9 de Juillet a, bord du paquebot le San
Antonio,
'ayant fortement recommande de m'occuper des 6tablissements
situds dans la partie septentrionale de la Californie, je m'y suis livrc pendant
plus de quatre ans. J'ai rassemble le plus de renseignements qiril m'a ete
'
4S7
MS.
RULE OF ROMEU.
488
disaster.
In
May
1790,
was major of the Espana dragoon regiment, also holding the rank of lieutenant colonel. He was probably in
Mexico at the time of his appointment and proceeded
to his province by way of San Bias, since he met the
family of his predecessor and friend on their way
from California. Accompanied by his wife, Josefa de
Sandoval, and daughters Eomeu arrived ,March 17,
1791, at Loreto by the schooner Santa Gertvudis. On
April 16, as already stated, he took formal possession
of the governorship, Captain Arrillaga representing
Fages in the transfer of the necessary papers. 8 The
reason why the new governor was ordered to assume
his office at Loreto instead of proceeding directly to
the capital was that he might attend to his duties as
inspector of presidios in the south, thus avoiding a
useless repetition of the journey, and that he might
make certain investigations of presidial accounts.
These Californian accounts had been in some confusion
Details it is undesirable as well as imsince 1769.
possible to explain; but many men had unsettled accounts running back to the earliest period of Spanish
occupation. The treasury officials in Mexico, attributing the prevalent confusion to the incompetence
of habilitados, were themselves greatly puzzled, 9 and
Romeu seems to have been selected with a special
view to his fitness for unravelling past financial complications and effecting a final adjustment.
8
Also letter of Arrillaga to
See references in note 1 of this chapter.
Fages March 21, 1791, announcing Romeu's arrival. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 38.
y
The Informe sobre los ajustes de Pobladores de la Reina de Lo& Angeles y
demas de las Provincias de Californias, MS., a report of the contador mayor
dated Mexico, Dec. 30, 1789, and filling above 60 pages, is a specimen of the
many wordy communications on the subject which are extant in the archives.
ViceI have made no attempt to reach the bottom of this financial puzzle.
roy's orders to Romeu on this subject Sept. 1, 1790. Prov. St. Pap., ix. 313-19.
'
DEATH OF ROMEU.
him but
duties.
10
489
little
condition became
critical, and after a series of convulsions it became
evident that he had but a few days to live.
The surgeon, Pablo Soler, made a written report to this effect
on April 5th, and the last rites of religion were administered by the friars in attendance.
He died at
Monterey April 9th and was buried at San Carlos
Late
in
10
He was
honran.
v. 92.
15th.
RULE OF ROMEU.
400
Pro c
Pap., MS., xxii. 7-9, 14; x. 139; xxi. 71, 89; St. Pap., Sac,
Prov. Pec, MS.,ii. 152; San Carlos, Lib. de Mision, MS.; Taylor's Discov. and Founders, ii. 179; Vallejo, Hist. Cat, MS., i. 93-7.
16
The vessels had, like nearly all in the Spanish navy, each a double name,
being called respectively Santa Justa and Santa Riiftna. St. Pap., Sac, MS.,
MS.,
St.
vi., 76;
v. 96.
17
A full list of officers made at Monterey, is as follows: Captains Alejandro Malaspina and Jose" de Bustamante y Guerra; lieutenants Dionisio Galiano,* Jose Espinosa, Cayetano Vald6s, Manuel No vales,* Fernando Quintano,
Juan Bernaci, Secundino Salamanca, Antonio de Tova, Juan Concha, Jose
Itobredo, Areaco Zeballos, Francisco Viana, and Arcadio Lineda;* alfereccs
Martin Olavide,* Felipe Bauza, Flavio Aleponzoni, and Jacobo Murphy; contadores Rafael Rodriguez de Arias and Manuel Esquerra; chaplains Jose" de
Mesa and Francisco de Paula Aiiino; surgeons Francisco Flores and Pedro
Gonzalez; pilotos Juan Diaz Maqueda, Jose" Sanchez, Ger6nimo Delgado, Juan
Inciarte y Portu, and Joaquin Hurtado; apothecary Luis Nee* and Tadeo
Ilaenek; pintor de perspectiva Tomas Suria; disecador y dibujante de plantas
The names marked with a star remained behind in Mexico.
Jose" de Guio.*
Malaspina, Nota de OJiciales de Guerra y May ores, Naturalistas, Botdnicos,
Dibujantes, y Disecadores, que tienen destino en las corbetas de S. M. nombradas Descubierta y Atrevida, que dan vuelta al Globo. .que salkron de Cadiz en
30 de Julio de 17S9, MS.
-
MALASPIXA'S EXPEDITION.
401
we know
people
results.
little.
22
As
new
18
At least 4 or 5 shots were heard from a fog-hidden vessel on that date.
Eustamante, in Cavo, Tres Sighs, iii. 1CG-7, says he left JNiootka August 25th,
and anchored at Monterey September 11th.
19
For account of Malaspina's explorations in the north, see Hist. JV. W.
Mis!'://.
-Xavarrete, Viages Apdcrifos, 94-8. 2C8-70, 313-20; Id., in Sutil y Mcxicana, Via'je,Introd. exxii.-iii. Taylor, in Pacific Monthly xi. C49, and L. CaL y
}
492
RULE OF ROMEU.
The necessary
preliminaries were
arranged by correspondence between president, guardian, and viceroy, and four new friars were selected
to take charge, or enable others to do so, of the new
23
The information reached California
establishments.
at the end of July 1790 together with the friars,
Danti, Miguel, Rubi, and Tapis; and all the necessary
effects except the church vestments and utensils.
This omission caused delay, for the priests were not
disposed to take anything on trust in dealing with
the government, and it was not until July 1791 that
a positive assurance came from the viceroy that the
sacred utensils would be sent, together with an order
to proceed at once, borrowing the needed articles from
the other establishments. 24 Subsequent preliminary
work is best described in the words of Lasuen, who
writes the 29th of September: "In view of the
superior order of his excellency I at once named the
I asked and obtained from the commissionaries.
mandant of this presidio the necessary aid for exploring anew the region of Soledad, and there was chosen
a site having some advantages over the two previously
I applied to the missions for vestments
considered.
vessels;
and as soon as the commander of
and sacred
the Aranzazu furnished the sirvientes allowed for the
new establishments I proceeded to Santa Clara in
order to examine anew in person the site of Santa
I crossed the sierra by a long and rough way,
Cruz.
41, says that Malaspina, through the jealousy of Godoy, was imprisoned for
14 years and finally liberated when Marshal Soult took Coruna in 1809.
26
Guardian Noriega to viceroy, Sept. 22, 1789; viceroy to guardian, Oct.
31; guardian to Lasuen, Dec. 10, in Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., vi. 280-2.
Two thousand eight hundred dollars was to be paid to the sindico, $1,000 for
each mission, and $200 for travelling expenses of each friar. April 1, 1790,
the sindico, Fr. Geronimo de Sampelayo, sends provisions and tools for Santa
Cruz to value of $1,021. Sta. Cruz, Lib. de Mision, MS., 3.
24
Aug. 3, 1790, Lasuen to Fages, announces arrival of padres; nothing
lacking but for the government to deliver the sacred vessels; he is ready.
Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 10; Jan. 20, 1791. Viceroy to Lasuen and to govJuly 15th,
ernor, on/amcvtos, etc., will be sent; let the old missions lend.
Lasuen replies: all right. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 8-10; Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., x. 138. July 22, 1791, Lasuen issues a circular to the padres making
known viceroy's orders; let each padre mark on the margin the articles that
he can lend. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., ix. 31G-17.
'
493
could not be accomplished. Day before yesterday, however, some w ere sent there by land, and with
them a man from the schooner which came from
Nootka under Don Juan Carrasco. 25 The plan is to
see if there is any shelter for a vessel on the coast
near Santa Cruz, and there to transport what is left.
To-morrow a report is expected.
This means is
sought because we lack animals. To-day eleven Indians have departed from here with tools to construct
a shelter at Soledad for the padres and the supplies.
I and the other padres are making preparations, and
my departure thither will be, by the favor of God, the
day after San Francisco, October 8th, at latest." 26
The preliminaries having been thus arranged Alferez
Sal started from San Francisco September 2 2d with
but
it
25
This schooner was the Horcasitas, which under Narvaez had taken part
in Elisa's northern explorations.
See Hist. N. W. Coast, i. 244-250. The
Aranzazu had also made a trip to the north, under Matute.
20
Lctsuen, Carta al Sr. Gobernador Romeu, sobre fundacion de Misiones,
20 de Sept. 1791, MS.
RULE OF ROMEU.
491
as
at the conclusion
Sept. 17, 1791, Sal to Romeu, excusing himself for sending, without
Romeu 's arrival or orders, at Lasuen's request, a guard and
mule train for the new mission. St. Pap., Sac, MS., vii. 18-20. The corporal
of the mission guard was fully instructed respecting his duties under date of
Sept. 17th. Sal, Instruction al Cabo Luis Peralta at cargo de la Escolta de la
Mision de Santa Cruz, 1791, MS. The general purport was, constant precautions, kindness to gentiles, harmony with padres, strict performance of
religious duties, and the details of routine.
The details were much the same
in all missions.
It is to be noticed, however, that in the matter of escorting
the priests the soldiers were strictly limited, and were not allowed to pass
the night away from the mission. If a priest desired to go to a distant mission, word must be sent to San Francisco and a guard obtained from the
presidio.
On the 29th or 30th of each month a report to Sal must be sent by
two soldiers to Santa Clara, where the tAvo must wait till two Santa Clara
men carried the despatch to San Francisco and returned. As the rainy season
was drawing near, the gentiles might be induced to work on the warehouse
and guard-house by presents of food, etc., even against the wishes of the
having awaited
padres.
495
28
Local annals of Santa Cruz to 1800 are best presented here and may be briefly recorded. Often there
were apprehensions of trouble with the natives, but
the fears of the friars rested for the most part on
nothing more solid than rumor, the occasional flight
To keep the
of a neophyte, or the loss of an animal.
soldiers of the guard on the alert they were once
ordered to hunt bears for target practice.'29 The neophytes numbered 84 at the end of the year 1791.
They had increased to 224 in another year; in 1796
the number was 523, the highest ever reached, and in
1800 they were 492. There had been 949, according
to the registers, baptized, 271 couples married, and 477
buried. Large stock increased during the decade from
202 to 2,354 head; small stock from 174 to 2,083.
Agricultural products in 1792 were about 650 bushels;
28
Sal, Diario del Reconocimiento de la Mision de Santa Cruz, 1701, MS.
Certificate on foundation of the mission, dated Sept. 25th, and signed by Sal,
Corp. Peralta, and soldier Salvador Higuera. St. Pap., Sac, MS., ii. 137. Sal
returned to Santa Clara Sept. 2Gth, and San Francisco Sept. 27th. Sept. 25th,
the padres announce the foundation to-day in a letter to Romeu; site line and
prospects flattering. Lopez and Salazar, Carta de los Padres de Santa Cruz
al Gobernador, 1701, MS. Title-pages of mission registers. Santa Cruz, Lib.
de Mision, MS., 28.
Santa Clara furnished for Santa Cruz G4 cattle, 22
horses, 70 fanegas of grain, and 2G loaves of bread; San Francisco, 5 yoke of
oxen, 70 sheep, and 2 bushels of barley; San Carlos, 7 mules and 8 horses.
The guard furnished the padres $42.50 worth of provisions, to be repaid.
list of the church vestments and sacred vessels is also given.
Copy from
mission records in Vallejo, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., xxviii. 102-3.
See also
Willey's Centennial Sketch of Santa Cruz, 11, 12. Santa Cruz Sentinel, Aug.
Another record makes the contribution of Santa Clara 151 cattle,
12, 18G5.
19 horses, 18 fanegas of grain; San Francisco, 6 yoke of oxen, 100 hogs, 12
mules; and other missions 8 beasts of burden. Scdazar, Condition actual de
California, 1706, MS.
29
This was in 1797. Prov. Pec, MS., v. 106. Jan. 1794, Mission guard
increased to 8 men, but reduced to 5 before May 1795. Prov. St. Pap., M.S.,
xiii. 231; xii. 77.
April 179S, 90 fugitives gathered in by Corp. Mesa. Id.,
xxii. 101.
Road from Monterey threatened; a soldier nearly attacked in 1792,
St. Pap., Sac, MS. vi. 70-1.
Feb. 1793, 9 neophytes brought in 9 pagans.
Mountain Indians said to be making arrows. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 152-3.
Dec. 1793, the corporal and a soldier wounded two parties sent from San
Francisco to punish the natives. Id. xxi. 17G. Jan. 1795, Sergt. Amador
sent to capture 2 Indians who were making trouble on the Rio Pajaro. Prov.
St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., i. 47.
March 7, 179G, P. Sanchez asks for aid.
Indians threatening. St. Pap.. Sac, MS., viii. 3. Feb. 29th, Amador sent to
investigate a rumor that the Indians would rise and kill the padres. Prov.
;
St.
Pap., MS.,
xiv. 18.
RULE OF ROMETJ.
496
A full
presidio to mission in 1800, $183. Sta. Cruz, Lib. de Mision, MS., 19.
497
despondency.
The missionary founders, Lopez and Salazar, served
here, the latter till July 1795 and the former to July
179G, at or about which dates they departed from the
country to seek the retirement of their college. 85
the
friars'
32
In March artisans were sent to build the mill and instruct the natives.
In August a smith and miller were sent to start the mill. Prov. Pec, MS., iv.
224, 232; v. 50, 58, C5-G, 98, 115; vi. 68; Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., ii. 78; St.
Pa})., Sac, MS., vii. 30. Four millstones were ordered made at Santa Cruz
for San Carlos.
house for the mill was also built; and in 1793 a granary of
two stories and a house for looms had been finished. St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii.
17, 78.
33
vi. 99.
35
Of Alonso Isidro Salazar we know nothing till he became minister of
Santa Cruz in Sept. 1791, having probably arrived from Mexico a little earlier
in the same year.
He and Lopez did not get along amicably together, and
the archives contain an order of the guardian to the president to send Salazar
to some other mission since he and his confrere would not 'listen to reason,'
and in order to reduce their pride.' Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 251-2. He
never served at any other mission, and his license to retire, dated by the viceroy Jan. 23, 1795, reached him before June 10th of the same year. Prov. Ilec,
MS., vi. 47. St. Pap., Sac, MS., i. 50. No reason for his retirement is given.
He doubtless sailed in the transport of that autumn; and on May 11, 1706,
he wrote at the college of San Fernando a long report on California, of which
I shall have something to say elsewhere. Condicion Actual de Cat., MS.
Baldomero Lopez, like Salazar, came to California in 1791, like him served
'
I.
32
RULE OF ROMEU.
49S
We
La
come
finally to
the other
new
mission of 1791,
FOUNDING OF SOLEDAD.
499
since
88
the
first
ton."
59
to viceroy Dec.
1,
1791, in Si.
1, 2.
RULE OF ROMEU.
500
these
first
1793, Espi in 1794-5, Martiarena in 1795-7, and CarAt the end of the decade the minnicer in 1797-8.
CHAPTER XXIV.
RULE OF ARRILLAGAVANCOUVER'S
VISITS.
1792-1794.
'
The
was that according to the regulation the governorship ad interim would belong to
Captain Jose Joaquin de Arrillaga, commandant at
Loreto and lieutenant-governor of the Californias;
Sal.
decision
that the provincial archives should be kept temporarily by the council, and that Arrillaga should be
notified at once of the state of affairs.
Goycoechea
and Sal should return to their presidios, and Ortega
1
Argiiello had succeeded Ortega in the spring of 1791, and Alferez Sal had
been put in command at San Francisco.
(501)
RULE OF ARRILLAGA.
502
The date
of Arrillaga's accession
may
there-
Eomeu's
tember. 4
Arrillaga's attention was given almost exclusively,
during this first term of office and long after, to the
Pap., MS.,
xi. 59.
June
8,
A NEW GOVERNOR.
503
KULE OF ARRILLAGA.
504
with whose management he made no attempt to interfere. He had no quarrels; introduced no reforms; met
with no disasters, but regarding himself as merely an
accidental and temporary ruler he was content with
the performance of routine duties until a successor
We shall hear more of him later.
could be selected.
Local events during this and the preceding and following administrations I shall group into the annals
General topics of provincial progress I
of a decade.
shall group practically in the same way by attaching
the little that belongs to Romeu and Arrillaga to the
much that is to be said of Borica's time.
affairs
i.
213.
505
10
Spain no
longer attached the same importance as in former
and therefore
common
to both nations.
10
i.
chap, v.-ix.
RULE OF ARRILLAGA.
50G
The
and Mexicana had been sent from Acapulco in March under captains Dionisio Galiano and
Cayetano Valdes to explore the strait of Juan de
Fuca and the coast to the south. After exploring the
sound in company with Vancouver's fleet the two ves11
sels returned to Monterey where they arrived September 2 2d and remained till the 26th of October.
Sutil
11
For northern explorations see Hist. iV. W. Coast, i. 270, etc. Previous
arrivals of 1792 had been the Conception, Captain Elisa, from Nootka, leaving
supplies at Monterey July 9th, at Santa Barbara, Sept. 8th, and at San Diego,
Oct. 8th; the Santa Gertrudis, Capt. Torres, from Nootka, touching at Monterey
Aug. 11th to Oct. 26th, en route for San Bias; and the Saturnina, which arrived
from San Bias at San Francisco Sept. lOch and at Monterey Oct. 17th. For am-
'SUTIL'AND 'MEXICANA.'
507
The author of the diary devotes two chapters to California, which cod tain a description of Monterey and
surroundings, a somewhat* extended account of
aboriginal manners and customs, and a superficial but
not inaccurate view of the provincial establishments,
including a table of mission statistics.
He speaks
highly of the country and of the missionaries; but
there is nothing in his observations on California that
possesses any special value as throwing new light on
He presents, however,
her condition or institutions.
the following not very well founded complaint " These
deserving soldiers, and not less useful colonists, live
with the affliction that when with failing strength they
can no longer support the fatigues of their profession,
they are not permitted to settle there and devote
This prohithemselves to agricultural occupations.
bition of building: houses and tilling: lands near the
presidio seems directly opposed to all the purposes of
utility, security, and prosperity of those establishments, and contrary perhaps to what good policy
should dictate. Were the soldiers permitted while in
the service to employ their savings and moments of
leisure in forming a hacienda and raising cattle, both
for their families' convenience and as a resource
against poverty. .it is very likely that within a few
years there would be planted a flourishing colony most
useful for its inhabitants and of great service to Spanish navigators." After leaving Monterey Galiano and
Valcles sailed down the coast, making some observations without anchoring, and communicating with
the transport Concepcion as they passed San Diego.
Most of their stay in California had been spent in
preparing their reports and charts of northern re12
gions.
I reproduce the general map of the Califorits
nia coast.
vals and departures of vessels see Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 75-G, 88-9, 159,
162-3; St. Pep., Sac, MS., iii. 17; vi. 68, 72; ix. 82-3; Prov. Pec, MS., ii.
141, 157; Navarrete, Introd., cxxiii.-xxxi.
There is some confusion respecting duties.
12
Sutil y Mexicana, Relation del Viar/e hechopor las r/oletaff Satil y Mexicana,
en el auo de 1702 para reconocer el Edrecho de Puca; con una Iidroduccion y
508
RULE OF ARRILLAGA.
Map
of 1792.
The probable
509
and English
commissioners had been announced in advance, and
the Californian authorities were instructed to maintain by a cordial receptiqn the Spanish reputation for
13
Cuadra on the Activa from the north
hospitality.
arrived at Monterey the 9th of October. The Saturnina, bearing important despatches for him, had been
lying at San Francisco for a month and came down
These despatches,
as soon as his arrival was known.
royal
order, contained new
in accordance with a late
instructions from Revilla Gigedo by which Nootka
was not to be surrendered as the viceroy had at first
proposed. Since the proposal had not been accepted,
there was no special haste about the new orders;
yet they were sent up to Fidalgo at Nootka by
the IIorcasitas, u and Guadra remained in California
through the winter. Before the end of October the
Aranzazu, under Caamano, arrived at Monterey from
arrival of the Spanish
the north.
Madrid, 1802, 8vo, 7 1. clxviii. 185, 20 pages with folio atlas. Chapters
etc.
on California, 157-77. The atlas contains a general map of the whole coast,
including California, and a chart of Monterey, made by these explorers a
chart of San Diego, made by Pantoja in 1782 (given in chap. xxii. this vol.);
and a map of the coast from Vizcaino's survey of 1602-3 (see chap. iii. tiiis
vol.) The most valuable part of this work, however, is Navarrete, Introduction en que se da noticia de las Expediciones executadas anteriormente por los
Espjailoles en busca del Paso del Noroeste de la America, i.-cixviii. This work,
which has often been cited by me, is probably the best resume' of Spanish
voyages on the Pacific coast. It was written by Martin Fernandez de Navarrete, whose name does not appear as the author, but whose facilities were of
the best, by reason of access to Spanish archives and of ability. Greenhow's
charge, Or. and Cal., 241, of 'gross and palpable misstatements of circumstances, respecting which he undoubtedly possessed the means of arriving at
the truth,' has, I believe, no just foundation. Galiano, ValdCs, and Alava
who visited Monterey a little later, all fell at the famous naval battle of
Trafalgar.
The viceroy had at first intended Lieut. Maurelle to make this
exploration. Revilla-Gigedo, Informe de 12 deAbrill793, 141; Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., xi. 40.
13
Arrillaga, still at Loreto, communicated this order to the presidio commandants on Sept. 16, 1792. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 35; St. Pap., Sac, "MS.,
i. 42-3.
Orders had also been given in the spring of 1792 for the friendly
reception and aid of the French expedition in search of La Perouse, which
never arrived. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 73; St. Pap., Sac, MS., i. 112.
u Revilla-Gigedo, Informe de 12 de Abril 1793, 137. Oct. 31st, Sal writes
to Gov. Arrillaga that he judges from Cuadra's remarks that the English
want the mouth of San Francisco Bay for a boundary. St. Pap., Sac, M8., i.
119. Sept. 9th, Sal had written to Arrillaga that he had seen a suspicious
vessel off the port on the 7th, and fired 6 shots at her. She anchored for the
night about a league from Mussel Point. Id., i. 69-71.
;
RULE OF ARRXLLAGA.
510
Vancouver's Voyage,
approach.
St.
JSf.
i.
W. Coast,
Pap., Sac,
196-200.
i.
vi. 72.
VANCOUVER'S FIRST
VISIT.
511
These supplies were, according to a list in St. Pap., Sac, MS., iii. 21-2,
Cuadra 11 cows, 7 sheep, 10 arrobas of lard; free from Sal
cows, 2 calves, 4 sheep, 190 pumpkins, 10 baskets vegetables, a cart-load of
ditto, 95 fowl, 400 eggs.
19
On Vancouver's stay at San Francisco, visit to Santa Clara, and voyage,
see Voyage, ii. 1-30.
Arguello reports to Arrillaga on Nov. 30th, the arrival
of the Dcedalus on the 22d commanded by Geo. Anson,' and of the Discovery
and Chatham on the 25th, one day before Vancouver's date, as at San Francisco. St. Pap., Sac, MS., v. 97.
The date is given as Nov. 25th also in
Prov. St. Pcq>., MS., xxi. 93.
for acct. of
'
RULE OF ARPJLLAGA.
512
which end the Spanish commander offered every faThe Discovery and the Chatham remained at
cility.
Monterey for about fifty days for reloading and
tent and observatory for astronomical
repairs.
observations were set up on the beach, and the Dceclalus sailed in December for New South Wales with
a load of cattle and other supplies generously furnished by the Spaniards.
Vancouver and party went over to San Carlos the
2d of December, and were hospitably entertained, as
La Perouse had been six years before, by President
Lasuen and the other friars. The natives gave an
20
VANCOUVER'S DEPARTURE.
513
I.
33
RULE OF ARPJLLAGA
514
nary license to a foreign power. He was only temporary governor and he entertained a nervous dread
of overstepping the literal instructions of his superiors.
He feared that what had taken place would be disapproved, and that he would be held responsible.
His
trouble was increased by an order from the vicerov
dated November 24, 1792, to be on his guard against
English ships, and especially to prevent the weakness
of the Spanish establishments from becoming known
28
No wonder he was alarmed and that
to foreigners.
on his way up to Monterey in the spring of 1793 he
wrole to chide Sal for having permitted Vancouver to
gain a knowledge of the country, at the same time
instructing him and other commandants to limit their
courtesies to foreign vessels in the future to the mere
granting of needed supplies as demanded by the laws
of hospitality. 24
The presence of two English vessels
on the coast in March did not tend to allay the gov25
ernor's fears.
Sal humbly confessed that in permitting
the visit to Santa Clara he had committed an inexcusable fault. " I am human and I fell into an error
which I cannot mend/' says he. But he claims that
with Father Landaeta he endeavored to dissuade his
guest from his purpose, thus exciting his displeasure,
and that there was no other way to prevent the intrusion but to remove the horses.
This differs materially
from Vancouver's account, where no trouble is hinted
23
MS.,
xxi. 94.
COAST DEFENCES.
and
515
it is
RULE OF ARRILLAGA.
516
517
Islands
Vancouver
The Princesa, Fidalgo, from Nootka, arrived at San Francisco June 21st,
San Diego, Oct. 24th; Aranzazu, Menendez, from San Bias, San Francisco,
July 24th, Monterey, Aug. 25th, San Diego, Oct. 24th; Activa, Elisa, from
San Bias, San Francisco, Aug. 11th, San Diego, Oct. 24th; Sutil and Mexicana, Matute, from San Bias, San Francisco, Aug. 12th Oct. lGth; Vancouver's vessels, Trinity Baj% May 2d, San Francisco, Oct. 19th, Monterey,
Nov. 1st, Santa Barbara, Nov. 9th, San Diego, Nov. 27th. On the arrivals
and departures of vessels for 1793, there being as usual some confusion in the
dates, see Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 1G3; xxi. 101, 109, 111, 121-2; St. Pap.,
Sac, MS., i. 61; Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 1G2.
31
Governor to viceroy, July lGth, Aug. 17th, 20th, in Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
xxi. 107, 111, 113.
Aug. 3d, gov. orders Sal to receive the men and stores.
Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 144-5. Aug. 4th, gov. instructs Goycoechea to use cau-
RULE OF ARRILLAGA.
518
in
making known the current orders respecting foreign vessels, and politely informing the visitor that
only himself and one officer could be permitted to
land and visit the presidio.
This restriction seemed
to Vancouver "ungracious and degrading, little short
of a dismission from San Francisco," due as he was
also
'
VANCOUVER'S SECOND
VISIT.
519
the ocean joined the fleet. Mention of arrival and departure from San
Francisco in St. Pap., Sac, MS., ii. 90-1, iv. 9; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 160;
xxi. 121-2.
fourth vessel, the Vucas, is mentioned. Supplies amounting
to $737 were furnished.
Sal says the vessels left on Oct. 29th.
3G
These instructions or similar ones dated Jan. 12, 1793, and addressed to
Argiiello are in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 163.
The letter of the viceroy to
Vancouver dated Feb. 18, 1793, in answer to Vancouver's letter of Jan. 13th
is found in Id. xi. 1 12-^13. In it the writer says
'I am glad that as you say in
your letter of Jan. 13th of this year all the subjects of His Majesty under my
orders and residing in the regions of New Orleans (sic) of this America where
you have been have treated you with the greatest hospitality and friendship.
RULE OF ARRILLAGA.
520
regard.
37
to
Van-
terey."
He
33
did,
VANCOUVER AKD THE GOVERNOR.
521
40
RULE OF ARRILLAGA.
522
41
On
this
ii.
443-76.
MARITIME AFFAIRS.
this year
Don Juan
commander
fornian bay
Francisco
cle
la
523
Bodega y Cuadra,
San
Bias, and discoverer of the Calithat bears his name, died, and was suc-
at
June 11, 1794, viceroy to governor, approving the reception of Vancouver and orders given to commandants to prevent an examination of the
country and the shipment of cattle to foreign establishments. Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., xi. 177-8; but the day before he had forwarded a royal order of March
25, 1793, granting shelter to English vessels in Spanish ports. Id., 17G.
Saavedra to Arrillaga, June 15, 1794, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 207.
Arrillaga to Saavedra, July 15th. Id., 208.
41
On movements of vessels for 1794 see Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 100, 1956; xii. 12, 14, 10G-7, 121, 150-1, 198, 201-2, 211; xxi. 146-7; Prov. Pec,
MS., vi. 28, 30, 43; viii. 140.
4:j
RULE OF ARRILLAGA.
524
iC,
Pacific
He
and
ar-
found there
47
Alava's instructions
Alava, the successor of Cuadra.
had not however arrived, and after waiting till the
middle of October both commissioners went down to
Monterey, in the Princesa, Discovery, and Chatham,
arriving on the 2d, 6th, and 7th of November. 48 The
old slights were still weiodiingr on the English com45
Kendrick, Correspondencia con el Gobcmador Arrillaga sobrc cosas de
Nootka, 1794, MS; Catald, Carta sobre Nootka, 1794, MS. See also Prov. St.
Peep., MS., xii. 198-9, 209-13; xxi. 195.
There had been some minor correspondence that has not been mentioned about supplies, etc., for Nootka in 1791.
Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 118 Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 1, 2, 45-6, 140.
46
See Hist. N. W. Coast, i. 300-1, this series. Dec. 10, 1794, governor to
viceroy asking that the unmarried soldiers from Nootka be retained to fill
Granted March 14, 1795.
vacancies in California. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 32.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 122-3. The Activa, Capt. Bertodano, arrived at
Monterey, Feb. 13, 1795, and sailed March 12th, having on board Pierce and
Alava, the English and Spanish commissioners for the 'disoccupation.' The
Princem under Fidalgo left Monterey for San Bias April 8th. The San Carlos
under Saavedra arrived from Nootka May 12th, and sailed for San Bias in June.
Saavedra brought down 21 natives from Nootka who were baptized at San
Carlos as 17 others had been in November 1791. Gaceta de Mex., vii. 26G;
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 80, 89; Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 37, 46; Taylor's Discoverers and Founders, No. 25, p. 141, No. 28, p. 177; Id., in Cal. Farmer, April
20, 18G0. Taylor repeats a groundless story that the Nootka chief Maquinna
came down with a son and daughter; Gregorio and Jose Tapia, living at Santa
Cruz in 1854, being his grandsons.
47
May 10, 1794, viceroy to governor, Alava to sail in the Princesa and to
receive all aid and attention in California. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 171. Aug.
20, 1794, this order communicated by governor to commandants. Prov. Pec,
;
MS.,
iv.
117.
VANCOUVER'S THIRD
VISIT.
525
No instructions
Vancouver or Alava
had arrived, and a courier was sent to San Diego.
On November 11th Governor Borica arrived to confirm and continue the courtesies offered by the commandant. The same day despatches came for Alava,
who confided the information that the Nootka question had been amicably adjusted at court, and that a
new commission had been issued relieving Vancouver.
well.
for either
Remaining at Monterey till December 2d Vancouver was chiefly engaged in preparing his reports
and charts, a copy of which was sent to England
through Mexico. In the mean time his deserters were
recovered, the vessels were overhauled, and an excur49
Nov. 12th, the governor writes to the viceroy that while harmony was
preserved, Vancouver was given to understand that his admission to the fort
was a special favor, and adds that on account of Vancouver's past curiosity
precautionary orders had been given to commandants and padres. Prov. Rec.
MS., vi. 29. Dec. 20th, the governor says Vancouver was satisfied with his
treatment, but was not allowed to make observations on those matters that
were to be kept from him. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 210-12.
circular order
dated Nov. 12th was sent to the missions forbidding any intercourse with
foreign vessels, or any furnishing of supplies, except in cases of urgent necessity, when the corporal of the guard may furnish what is absolutely necessary
and demanded by the laws of hospitality. Vancouver has been supplied and
must receive nothing more. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 41, 43; Prov. Pec,
MS., vi. 141-2. The padres promised obedience; at least all but those of
Soiedad, who said they would be glad to cany out the governor's instructions
'should it ever please divine providence to favor their inland mission with a
port!'
50
May
16,
commissioner. Prov.
vi. 29.
RULE OF AREILLAGA.
526
sion
was made
Valley.
52
'
VANCOUVER'S OBSERVATIONS.
less extensive in California
527
53
528
RULE OF ARRILLAGA.
Vancouver's Map,
1794.
529
54
ii.
CHAPTER XXV.
RULE OF BORICA, FOREIGN RELATIONS, AND INDIAN AFFAIRS.
1794-1800.
Diego de Borica
'
"
his
Majesty
is
to ap-
531
He
with
its
May
2
Letters of Borica in
xxi. 190, 198-205; xii. 174;
532
courage, and were made acquainted with the prospective difficulties of the peninsula route in time of
All went on board
drought, the plan was changed.
the Saturnina July 20th, and four days later set sail
The winds and
for San Luis Bay far up the gulf.
other circumstances seem to have been unfavorable, for
on the 28th the governor decided to land at Santa
Ana and make his way to San Fernando and across
the frontier by land. 5 With the exception of some
correspondence about the furnishing of escorts and
animals by the different commandants along the way
we know nothing of the journey until he reached San
Juan Capistrano in the middle of October. 6
Here he met Arrillaga, who had left Monterey in
September, and spent four days in consultation with
that officer, starting northward the 17th of October. 7
Here I suppose were delivered by Arrillaga the
instructions left by each retiring governor for the
guidance of his successor, though the document as
preserved bears no date.
It was intended to acquaint
the new ruler with the condition of affairs in the
province; but it is devoted almost entirely to local
and minor details, containing nothing of general interest with which the reader is not already acquainted,
5
MS.,
vi. 134.
hardly probable that the vessel was driven far south, or that Borica visited
Loreto again on his way north. Vancouver, Voyage, iii. 330-1, tells us that
Borica had come all the way from Mexico on horseback.
G
July 28th, Borica to P. Calvo, asks for 24 mules and 24 natives, for his
journey to San Fernando. Prov. Rec, MS., vi. 134. August 6th, Grajera to
Borica, Has sent 29 mules, 35 horses with 8 soldiers under Corporal Olivera
from San Diego. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 19. Sept. 8th, N.' from San Fernando to commandant at Sta Barbara, asks for 10 men and 54 animals to be
sent at once similar demand enclosed for commandant at Monterey for escort
to be sent to San Luis. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 1.
Sept. 15th, Goycoechea
wishes a pleasant journey and a safe arrival to Borica and his wife and
daughter. 'C. P. B.' Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 102. Oct. 1st and 2d, Argiiello to Borica and to Arrillaga, Has sent 60 animals with 10 men to San
;
A CONVIVIAL RULER.
therefore I do not
deem
533
necessary to reproduce it
Arrillaga proceeded to Loreto
here even en resume'.
to resume his duties as lieutenant-governor; while
Borica continued his -journey northward to the capital
where he arrived the 9th of November. 9 With Monterey the new ruler was delighted, deluging his
friends and relatives with letters in praise of the
country immediately on his arrival.
"To vivir mucho
and without care come to Monterey/' he tells them.
"This is a great country; climate healthful, between
cold and temperate; good bread, excellent meat,
tolerable fish; and bon hnmeur which is worth all the
rest.
Plenty to eat, but the most astounding is the
general fecundity, both of rationals and irrationals.
The climate is so good that all are getting to look
like Englishmen.
This is the most peaceful and quiet
country in the world; one lives better here than in
the most cultured court of Europe." He was busy
with routine duties at first, but he found time for
convivial pleasures with Vancouver, Puget, Alava, and
Fidalgo, all jolly good fellows, and not one of whom
was more than a match for Borica "before a dozen of
Rhine wine, port, or Madeira." 10
it
defences,
and
this subject
was therefore
still
more
534
Bias, and at
who had
visited Califor-
COAST DEFENCES.
535
was being
made with the fortifications, the war in France was
inciting the government in Spain and Mexico to still
further measures of defence. Borica had asked early in
this year for armorers, guns, and munitions for the batteries being constructed; and on July 25th the viceroy
replied, promising not only what had been asked but
also a strong reenforcement of troops. He announced
that a company of seventy -two Catalan volunteers
under Lieutenant-colonel Pedro Alberni would soon
embark from San Bias, picked men, robust, well
behaved, and for the most part married, with the
best arms and outfit obtainable. With this compania
franca there were to be sent seventeen or eighteen
artillerymen and three armorers.
The commandant
general had orders to furnish needed aid from Sonora
and the commandant of San Bias to send up the required armament.
Moreover two small vessels were
to run up and down the coast to bring news every six
months. The viceroy concluded by a repetition of the
slight progress
536
others, but
fornia.
18
16
Branciforte a Borica sobre fortalecer las Baterias de San Francisco, MonteMS. On same date, July 25th, viceroy to governor, of same purport, mentioning the sending of an engineer, and also declaring it impossible
In emergento fortify and defend the -whole coast against superior forces.
The
cies aid must be sought from Sonora. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 53-4.
actual force in California was 225 men; Arrillaga's plan called for 271; and
Sept. 22, 1795, the
Borica's, 335. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xix. 3, 4.
V. II. announces that the company of volunteers was inspected at Mexico on
Sept. 11th by Col. Salcedo, and found in good condition. Prov. St. Paj).,
xiii. 83; Nov. 11th, he speaks of the artillerymen, and says the royal treasury
at Vera Cruz pays the expense to the end of 1795. Id., xiii. 74; St. Pap., Sac,
MS.,vii. 44-5.
17
June 22, 1793, viceroy's decree. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 129. Oct. 9th,
Arrillaga to commandant of Monterey, mentioning decree of June 19th. St.
Pap., Sac, MS., i. 113. Oct. 28th, Lasuen says the padres will contribute
what they can that is their prayers. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 3G. Dec.
7th, decree has been published in Loreto. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 149.
March 4, 1794, Gov. to V. It. announces 8740 as the amount. Id., xxi. 133;
June 26th, V. R.
xii. 03; Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 31; Gaceta de Mex., vi. 578.
declines with thanks in the king's name. Id., xii. 35; xi. 180, 1S2; Prov.
Pec, MS., viii. 144. Nov. 11th, Gov. announces the restitution. Prov. Pec,
MS.,iv. 120.
April 4, 1795, viceroy to governor, accepting the donation. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., xiii. 114-15. June 17th, V. R. to gov. and other later corre113
THE
'PHCENIX,'
CAPTAIN MOORE.
537
The
Barbara
in
spondence on subject. St. Pap., Sac, MS., v. 99-105. July 19th, Oct. 12th,
lGth, Gov. to commandants and padres. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 30-1, 135, 137; vi.
151. Oct. 18th, Lasuen to gov. explaining the poverty of the padres, the great
services they are rendering the king, and their inability, with the best wishes,
to give anything but their prayers for the victory of Spanish arms. Arch. Sta
Bdrbara, MS., xii. 234; St. Pap. Sac, MS., be. 88-93. March 12, 1796,
announcement of results, showing that San Francisco gave 8707 Monterey
and San JosC, $554; Santa Barbara and Angeles, $980, and San Diego, S639.
Jan. 17, 1797,
St. Pap., Sac, MS., v. 98; viii. 75; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 153.
viceroy's thanks for aid, including the prayers. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii.
Peace announced by V. R. Nov. 29, 1795,
234; Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 181.
and solemn mass of thanksgiving ordered. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 73.
Published by gov. Feb. 29, 1796. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 144. Original letter
of Lasuen asking padres to say mass at each mission. Doc Hid. Cat., MS.,
iv. 55-7.
General amnesty and pardon on account of peace, and of marriage
3
of princesses. J rov. Pec, MS., vi. 82; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 40.
19
Jan. G, 1795, governor orders that even in the case of San Bias vessels,
the first persons landing must be closely examined to be sure they are really
Spaniard:-;. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 10-17.
Nov. 2d, Sal to comisionado
of S. Jose" urging strict compliance with the V. R's orders of July 25. X. Josi
Arch., MS., iv. 26. Nov. 14th, Goycoechea to Borica. No foreigners will be
allowed to visit the country on horseback or to get breeding animals. Prov.
St. Pap., MS., xiv. 29-30.
20
Portrait of Thomas Murr sent to viceroy (?). Prov. Pec MS., viii. 1C6.
Sept. 5th, Goycoechea to Borica, Says the boy's name was Bostones and he
was of good parentage, a pilot and carpenter. Prov. St. Pcq>., MS., xiv. 0970. Capt. Matute is asked to carry the young Bostonian to San Bias. Id. xxi.
230. His name was Joseph O'Cain, an Irishman, and he went in the Aranzazn
(perhaps in 1796). Prov. Ree., MS., iv. 22-3,30-1. 'This Englishman is a native
of Ireland and his parents live now in Boston.' Prov. St. Pap., Pen. Mil.,
;
538
THE
'OTTER,'
CAPTAIN DORK.
539
540
Nov.
no
5,
irregularities
'
//.
Roca
all.
541
Pedro Alberni, captain of the Catalan volunteers, became at once commandant at San Francisco,
where twenty-five of his men were stationed. Twenty-five were sent to San Diego under Lieutenant Jose
Font, and eight under sub-lieutenant Simon Suarez
remained at Monterey, a sergeant and thirteen men
colonel
July
8,
MS.,
xxi. 150-3.
158 muskets, 142 swords. 96 lances value $2,050. Id., xxi. 194; Prov. St.
Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxv. 1. Sept. 15, 1795, 170 cwt. powder sent. Prov.
Dec. 1796, Feb. 1797, 200 muskets, 200 pistols, 200
St. Pap., MS., xiii. 81.
cartridges, 200 musket-cases, 1G, 000 flints. Prov. Pec, MS., viii. 170, 173; iv.
157; vi. 58; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 223; xvi. 240; xvii. 140; xxi. 253.
30
Cdrdoba, Ivforme al Virey noire defensas de California, 1706, MS. Dec.
27, 1796, viceroy to gov. has received C6rdoba's plans of San Francisco, Monterey, and Santa Cruz, has ordered the fitting-out of two cruisers, and has
token measures for the proper strengthening of San Francisco. St. Pap., Sac,
MS., vii. 32-5. Jan. 20, 1797, Borica to V. R. Prov. Pec, MS. vi. 78.
Cordoba's first report was sent to Mexico by Borica with his communication
of Sept. 21st, enclosing five plans and approving Cordoba's suggestions. St.
Pap. Sac MS. iv. 56-7. Borica's instructions to Cordoba for his southern trip,
Oct. 8, 1790. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 246-7.
He was to gather material for
,
542
was considerably allayed by the arrival of the Conception and Princesa in April and May, and by the
delay of the English invasion, nothing more alarming
having occurred in the mean time than the rumored
finding of some bodies of white men in the surf at
Point Reyes. 32
a general map of California.
Pap., Sac, vii. 53.
St.
31 Arrival
of San Carlos, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 249; Prov. St. Pap. y
Ben. Mil., MS., xvi. G2. There is a letter of the viceroy to Borica elated
Jan. 25th, in which he alludes to some vague rumors of trouble with England,
and recommends precautions. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 218-19.
32 March
13th, Borica to Lasuen, Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 183. Borica to commandants. Id. iv. 155. March 13th to 14th, Lasuen to padres ordering prayers,
litany on Saturdays, mass once a month, and exhortations such as Maccabeus
gave during the campaign against Nicanor. Arch. Sla Barbara, MS., xi. 141-4;
Poc Hist. Col., MS., iv. 83-4. March 17th, Borica to commandants. Prov.
Pec, MS., iv. 155-6. March 19th, 24th, Sal to B. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi.
220-22. March 22d, B. to commandant S. F. Cautious with strange vessels,
war-ships to be menaced. Prov. Pec, MS. v. 82-3. March 28th, April 10th,
2d, Goycoechea to B. Santa Barbara defences in a very bad state to resist
attack.
Is suspicious of the Indians to whom the British have given beads.
,
ALARMING RUMORS.
543
Families to be gradually removed to Angeles. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 40,
188-9.
March 31st, Sal to B., all care taken. Provisions to be
destroyed and not allowed to fall into the hands of the foe. Id., xvi. 229.
March 31st, April Gth, May 11th, Grajera to B., a sentinel on the beach at
San Juan Capistrano, Invalids of Angeles, San Gabriel, and Nietos ranch
ready. If the Presidio has to be abandoned, shall it be destroyed or not?
April 5th, Fidalgo toB. from San Bias. The ConId., xvi. 267-9, 211-12.
ception, Captain Manrique, and the Princesa, Captain Caamano, will protect
the California coast. Id., xvii. 147. April 24th, B. to Goycoechea, Targetshooting every Sunday. Indians must be imbued with anti-English sentiments, taught that the foe are hostile to religion, violators of women. Prov.
Pec, MS., iv. 88. April 25th, B. to commandants, economize, for the
supplies of 1798 cannot come. Id., iv. 158.
April 30th, Alberni to B.,
Indians refuse to go to Bodega from fear. Prov. St. Pep., MS., xvii. 152.
May 25th, Princesa at Sta Barbara with supplies. Will remain as a coastguard. Id.,xxi. 2G1-2. June 8th, B. to commandants. If Presidio is abandoned, guns to be spiked and powder burned. Prov. Pec, MS., v. 254-5.
Pinding of bodies at Pt Reyes in April. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 11G.
Two years later it was learned that San Diego Bay had been surveyed by the
English in 1797 on a moonlight night. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS.,
43-5,
xiii.
20.
33
Oct. 1st, Vallejo, writing from San Jose\ mentions the arrival of an
English ship at Santa Cruz, Prov. St. Paj)., MS., xv. 155, but nothing more
is heard of the matter.
31
Oct. 15th, Grajera to Borica. Oct. 20th, contradiction. Prov. St. Pop.,
MS., xvi. 190-1. Oct. 19th, B. to all, Spread the news in all directions d
maia-cabaUo. Vigilancia
Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 1G0; v. 259. Dec. 3d, 4th,
viceroy to B. He doubts the accuracy of the report, since the Conception
and Princesa came down the coast without seeing any vessels. Prov. St. Pap.,
!
544
vi. 128.
38
July 4, 1798, Borica to commandants, 19 frigates in the Pacific. Prov.
Pec, MS., iv. 172. July 12th, 15th, Sal to comisionado of San JosC, forwarding orders and 1,000 cartridges. S. Josi, Arch., MS., vi. 48-9. July 19th,
B. to commandant Sta Barbara, a place to be prepared at San Fernando for
archives, reserve arms, and church vessels. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 112. Aug.
3d, V. R. to B., the Manila galleons must remain at Monterey until the way
Governor's orders
is cleared of privateers. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 237.
Sept. 18th, two Spanish
in accordance. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 176; vi. 131.
AMERICAN SAILORS.
From 1797
545
1800 the military force and distribution remained practically the same as in 1796 after
the arrival of the Catalan volunteers and the artillery.
In. April 1797 Borica asked for twenty-five
recruits per year to fill vacancies and for an increase
of thirty infantry and fifty cavalry, besides three warvessels.
At the beginning of 1799 the total expense
of the military establishment as given by the governor, was 73,889 per year. In March Borica urged
an increase of 18,624 in the annual expense, by the
addition of three captains and an adjutant inspector,
and the substitution of one hundred and five cavalry
for the Catalan volunteers. Nothing was accomplished,
however, in these directions until after 1800. 39 In the
mean time some slight progress was made on local
fortifications, and the engineer Cordoba, having completed his surveys and made a general map of California, had returned to Mexico in the autumn of
to
1798. 40
At the end of 1798 four sailors who had been left
in Baja California by the American vessel Gallant
were brought up to San Diego and set to work while
awaiting a vessel to take them to San Bias. 41 In May
1799 James Rowan in the Eliza, an American ship,
anchored at San Francisco and obtained supplies under a promise not to touch at any other port in the
province. 42 In August 1800 the American ship Betsy,
39
Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 86-8; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 180, 188-9.
Oct. 17, 1795, viceroy to Borica, speaks of Cordoba's appointment. He
is able, well behaved, and energetic. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 46.
Jan.
1797, Cordoba at work on a map of California. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 78. Nov.
20, 1797, Borica forwards the map to the viceroy; received in March (or
Nov.) 1798. Id., vi. 02; viii. 189; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 3. Nov. 27,
1797, Cordoba ordered by V. R. to return to Mexico.
He sailed in October
1798. Id., xv. 272-3; xxi. 286.
"Prov. Pec, MS., v. 283, 285; vi. Ill; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 197-202.
They were examined carefully but no information of importance was elicited.
Wm. Katt, Barnaby Jan, and John Stephens were natives of Boston 'in the
American colonies.' Gabriel Boisse was a Frenchman.
42
May 27, 1799, Rowan to commandant. Gives the promise required; will
pay cash; would sail to-day if it were less foggy. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii.
200-8. June 3d, Borica to viceroy.
The Eliza had 12 guns; gave a draft on
Boston for S24. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 125-6. Aug. 3d, V. R. to B., Approves
his course; names John Kendrick as supercargo, and says he wished to vv inter
40
at Monterey.
Hist. Cal., Vol.
I.
35
546
Gov. to viceroy. Prov. St. Pap,, MS., xviii. G7.. Dec. 18th, V. R's orders to
look out for returning whalers. St. Pap., Sac, MS., ix. 50. The Conception
brought the memorial with nine padres to San Francisco in May 1799, being
kept in quarantine 13 days, and not leaving California until January 1800.
Coming back she arrived at Monterey in August 1800 with supplies, padres,
and children, convoyed by the armed Princesa, Capt. Vivero. They were
at Santa Barbara in September, and left San Diego in [November. Prov. St.
Pep., MS., xviii. 9, G9; xxi. 30, 43-4, 4S, 54; Prov. Eec, MS., ix. 12; xi. 84,
144; St. Pap., Sac, MS., iii. 20; vii. 76-7.
45
Dec. 21, 1799, viceroy to Borica. ^Newspapers announce war. St. Pop.,
Sac, MS., ix. 54. Feb. 8, 1800, B. to commandants. War not certain;
but the province must be ready for an invasion from Kamchatka. Prov.
March 31st, declaration
St. Pep., MS., xviii. 23; Prov. Per., MS., x. 5.
Intercourse with Russia forbidden. Id., ix. 2, 7.
of war known at Monterey.
Oct. 9, 1802, mass ordered for peace. St. Pap., Sac, MS., vii. 1.
INDIAN AFFAIRS.
They
547
some gentiles
at San Luis.
for
inciting revolt
somewhat
less zealous,
46
Prov.
St.
Pap., MS.,
xii. 33,
548
48
v. 227-8; iv. 35-6; vi. 48-50, 56, 146; Prov. St. Pap.,
According to Calleja,
177-8, 215-16, 241-2, 275-6; xvi. 71.
Pespuesta, MS., 12, the ranchos of four men in the Monterey district were
destroj^ed by Indians this year.
48
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 19-27, 122-5, 173-8, 282-3; xvi. 70-3, 90, 239,
249; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 88; v. 206-7, 267.
49
Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 285; v. 210; vi. 106-7, 100; ix. 9; Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., xvii. 97, 100, 106-7.
MS.,
xiii. 82,
INDIAN AFFAIRS.
549
CHAPTER XXVI.
RULE OF BORICAEXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS.
1794-1800.
new
551
EXPLORATIONS AND
552
NEW
FOUNDATIONS.
ments
still
exist
local
nacio Vallejo. 4
3
Sal, Informe que hace de los Parages que se han rcconocido en la Alameda,
Dated San Francisco, Nov. 30th. Left San Francisco, Oct. 16th.
1795, MS.
St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 60-1. Danit, Diario de vn Peconocimiento de la Alameda, 1795, MS. Dated San Francisco, Dec. 2, 1795. It may be noted
that Macario Castro, of San Jose, had a herd of mares at this time in the Alameda. Also that one of the northern streams visited was called San Juan de
la Cruz. Sal, Informe en el cual manifiesta lo que ha adquirido de varios sugetcs
para comunicarlo al gobernador, SI de Ene.ro 1796, MS., contains the following geographical information about the great interior valley unintelligible for
the most part: About 15 leagues north from Santa Clara is the Rio del Pescadero where salmon are caught.
quarter of a league further the Rio San
Francisco Javier still larger. Two leagues beyond, the Rio San Miguel,
larger than either.
These three have no trees where they cross the tulari s
valley.
Five leagues farther is the Rio de la Pasion. Petween the last two
is an encinal in that part of the Sierra Maclre which stretches north and is
called the Sierra Nevada.
Keeping in the encinal and leaving the tular. s
to the left there is a region of fresh-water lakes.
The four rivers run from
east to west and empty into the ensenada of the port of San Francisco, tidewater running far up. The Sierra Madre is about eight leagues from Rio de
la Pasion. Before coming to the rivers, on the right is the Sierra of San Juan,
a short distance from the Sierra Nevada, and in sight from the presidio. The
four rivers were named by Captain Rivera in December 1776.
An Indian said his people traded with a nation of black Indians who had
padres. Another spoke of the Julpones, Quinenseat, Taunantoe, and Quisitoe
An Indian woman said
nations, the last bald from bathing in boiling lakes.
that five days beyond the rivers there were soldiers and padres. Lovers of
mystery will find food for reflection and theory in the preceding remarks.
4
Sit'jar Peconocimientode Sitioparala Nueva Misionde San Miguel, 1795 MS.
DatedAug. 27th, andaddressed toLasuen. See edsoSt. Pap.,Miss. ,~MS. , ii. 56-7.
'
NEW
SITES IN
THE SOUTH.
553
The
sites ap-
5
Santa Maria, Registro que hizo de los Parages entre San Gabriel y San
Buenaventura, 1795, MS. Dated Feb. 3, 1790. The padre visited in this
tour Cayegues rancheria, Simi Valley, Triunfo, Calabazas, Encino Valley
with rancherias of Quapa, Tacuenga, Tuyunga, and Mapipinga, La Zanja,
head of Rio Santa Clara, and Mufin rancheria. The document is badly
written, and also I suspect badly copied, and the names may be inaccurate.
In some spots the pagans cultivated the land on their own account. Corporal
Verdngo owned La Zanja rancho. Governor's order of July 23d, in Prov. Ilec,
In St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 55-6, it is stated that Santa Maria
MS'., iv. 19.
made an unsuccessful survey.
6
Ortega, Diario que forma Felipe Maria de Ortega, Sargento de la Compania de Santa Barbara en cumplimiento d la comision que obtnvo de D. Felipe
de Goycoerhea saliendo eon tres hombres d reconocer los sitlos por el rumbo del
norte en el dia 17 d las 8 de la mauana del mes de Junio, y es como signe, 1705,
MS. The same diary includes an examination of the Mojonera region on
June 2Gth to 28th. Some explorations in 1798 will be given later in connection
with the foundation of Santa Ines.
7
July 23, 1795, governor's order. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 229-30. Aug. 14th
and 28th, Sept. 1st and 9th, communications of Mariner and Grajera. Prov.
St. Pap., MS., xiii. 19-20; St. Pap., Miss., MS., 53-5.
8
Lasuen, Informe sobre Sitios para Nuevas Misiones, 1796, MS.; Borica,
Informe de Nuevas Misiones, 26 deFeb., 1796, MS.
554
EXPLORATIONS AND
NEW
FOUNDATIONS.
9
Brantiforte, Autorization del Virrey para lafundacion de cinco nuevas misiones,179G, MS. Sept. 29th, guardian consents. Prov. St. Pap. , MS. , xiv. 128-9.
10
Dec. 23, 1796, Borica to viceroy, St. Pap., Sac, MS., iv. 71-2. May
Lasuen says it will be hard for the
5, 1797, Lasnen to B., Id., vii. 28-31.
old missions to contribute for so many new ones at the same time; yet he will
do his best. San Carlos, Santa Clara, and San Francisco will be called upon
Liveto aid the two northern establishments and to lend Indians and tools.
stock must be given outright. Santa Cruz certainly and Soledad probably
must be excused.
J0S6.
555
11
556
EXPLORATIONS AND
NEW
FOUNDATIONS.
from the three northern missions for San Jose" were 12 mules, 39 horses, 12
yoke of oxen, 242 sheep, and GO pigs. Arch. JSIisiones, MS., i. 57.
12
See Chapter xxxi. of this volume. July 3, 1797, Corp. Miranda to commandant, says that on account of the danger, the padres wished to abandon
the mission, but he lias dissuaded them. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 90. Aug.
Some gentiles want to come near the mission to
17, 1797, Amador to Borica.
live because the Sacalanes threaten to kill them for their friendship to the
Christians. Id. , xv. 173-4. April 6, 1798, Argiiello to B., Indians making arrows
to attack the mission. Reinforcements sent. The corporal has orders not to
force Indians to come to the mission. Id., xvii. 97. April 17th, Amador says
20 Indians consented to come and be made Christians. Id., xvii. 101. The
making of arrows seems to have been for hunting purposes. Id., xvii. 100.
June Gth, Gov. to Corporal Peralta ordering great caution and prudence, but
the Indians must be punished if fair words have no effect. Id., xvii. 106-7.
13
Sept. 27, 1797, Barcenilla writes to the commandant that the soldiers
will not lend a hand even in cases where the most barbarous Indian would not
Private Higuera does nothing but wag his tongue against such
refuse his aid.
as assist the padres. Corp. Miranda is much changed and will not work even
for pay. Miranda explained that the padres were angry because the soldiers
would not act as vaqueros. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 47-8. Details of the
trouble in Id. xvi. 35-8, 46-7.
u St. Pap. 3Iiss., MS., ii. 122. Soldiers of the guard before 1800, according to S. Jos6, Lib. de Mision, MS., Juan Jose Higuera, Salvador Higuera,
Juan Garcia, Cornelio Rosales, Rafael Galindo, Juan Jose Linares, Ramcn
Linares, Francisco Flores, Jose Maria Castillo, Miguel Salazar, Hilario Miranda, and Hermenegildo Bojorges.
'
'
557
For the second mission Borica instructed the commandant of Monterey on May 18th to detail Cor15
Next day
poral Ballesteros and a guard of five men.
were issued Borica's instructions to the corporal, similar in every respect to documents of the same class
It is to be noted,
already noted in past chapters.
however, that the matter of furnishing escorts to the
friars is left more to the corporal's discretion than
before, the absence of soldiers at ni^ht being declared
inexpedient but not absolutely prohibited.
Sending
soldiers after fugitive neophytes was, however, still
forbidden. These instructions, though prepared especially for this new mission, were ordered published at
16
all the missions.
The site chosen was the southernmost of the two
that had been examined, called by the Spaniards for
many years past San Benito, but by the natives
Popeloutchom. 17 Here as early as June 17th, Corporal
Ballesteros had erected a church, missionary-house,
granary, and guard-house, 18 and on June 24th, day of
the titular saint, President Lasuen with the aid of
fathers Catala* and Martiarena founded the new mis19
sion of San Juan Bautista, the name having been
15
list of supplies furnished the
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 144-5.
escolta is given as follows: 12 fan. maize, 4 fan. beans, 1 butt of fat, 1 barrel,
1 pot, 1 pan, 1 iron ladle, 1 metate, 1 earthern pan, 1 frying-pan, 2 knives, 5
axes, 3 hoes, 1 iron bar, 1 machete, 6 knives for cutting grass and tules, 10
hides, 2 muskets, 1,000 cartridges, No. 14, 1,000 balls, 200 flints, 50 lbs. powder, 1 pair of shackles, 2 fetters, 1 floor, 1 padlock, weights and measures.
May 19th, Borica gives some genList also in St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 51-2.
eral orders about the two new missions. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 137.
16
Borica, Instruction para el Comandante cle la Escolta destinada d la fundacion de la Mision de San Juan Bautista, 1707, MS.
17
Written also Poupeloutehun and Popelout. The 23 rancherias belonging to this mission were Onextaco, Absayruc, Motssum, Trutca, Teboaltac,
Xisca, or Xixcaca, Giguay, Tipisastac, Ausaima, Poytoquix, Guachurrones,
Pagosines or Paycincs, Calendaruc, Asystarca, Pouxouoma, Suricuama, Ta-
EXPLORATIONS AND
558
NEW
FOUNDATIONS.
indicated in the orders of the viceroy, and the dayhaving been selected as appropriate.
Jose Manuel Martiarena and Pedro Adriano Martinez were the first ministers, both new arrivals of 1794
and 1797 respectively, the latter serving at San Juan
until the end of 1800, the former leaving the mission
in July 1799, and Jacinto Lopez coming in August
1800.
The first baptism took place on July 11th, and
before .the end of the year 85 had received the rite,
as had 641 before the end of 1800, 65 having died in
the mean time, and 516 remaining as neophytes. Livestock increased to 723 large animals and 2,080 small;
agricultural products for 1800
much the largest crop
that had been raised amounted to about 2,700 bush20
els.
mud-roofed wooden structure was the mission church before 1800.
Beyond the statistics given there is nothing to be
noted in the local annals of San Juan Bautista except
certain Indian troubles and the earthquake of 1800.
The Ansaimes, or Ansayames, were the natives who
caused most trouble.
They lived in the mountains
some twent} '-five miles east of San Juan. In 1798
they are said to have surrounded the mission by night,
but were forced to retreat by certain prompt measures
of the governor not specified.
In November another
band known as the Osos killed eight rancheria Indians, and Sergeant Castro was sent to punish them.
They resisted and a fight occurred, in which the chief
Tatillosti was killed, another chief and a soldier were
wounded, and two gentiles were brought in to be
educated as interpreters.
In 1799 the Ansaimes
again assumed a threatening attitude and killed five
Moutsones, or Mutsunes, who lived between them
and the mission. Acting under elaborate instructions
from Borica, Castro visited several rancherias, recovered over fifty fugitives, administered a few floggings
20
The soldiers named in the mission-books before 1800 were Corporal Juan
Ballesteros, Antonio Enriquez, Jose Manuel Higuera, Jose Guadalupe Ramirez,
Matias Rodriguez, Manuel Briones, Liicas Altamirano, Isidro Flores, and
559
EXPLORATIONS AND
5G0
NEW
FOUNDATIONS.
new
Immediately I intoned
the litany of the saints, and after it chanted the mass,
in which I preached, and we concluded the ceremony
by solemnly singing the te deum. May it all be
for the greater honor and glory of God our Lord.
Amen." Thus was founded the mission of San Miguel,
in honor of "the most glorious prince of the heavenly
militia/' the archangel Saint Michael, for which Sitjar
and Antonio de la Concepcion Horra, a new-comer of
Jose Antonio Ro1796, were appointed ministers.
24
driguez was corporal of the guard.
beginning of missionary work was made by the
baptism of 15 children on the day of foundation; at
the end of 1800 the number had increased to 385, of
whom 53 had died and 362 were on the registers as
neophytes. 25 The number of horses and cattle was
raised.
The crop
372, while small animals numbered 1,582.
of 1800 was 1,900 bushels; and the total product of
the three years, 3,700 bushels. 26 Sitjar left San Miguel
and returned to his old mission of San Antonio in
same original; Vahid, Murray, from Lasuen's letters of July 25th, in Arch.
Sta Barbara, IMS., vi. 23-4; Valied, Piua, from Borica, July 31st, in Prov.
Bee, MS., vi. 94-6.
2i
San Miguel, Lib. de Mision, MS.; Rodriguez' letter of July 25th. St.
Pap., Sac, ]\IS., xviii. 27-8; Lasuen's letter of Aug. 5th, referring to the un'
usually favorable disposition of the natives, but suggesting caution. Id., vi.
9G-7; Prov. Bee, MS., vi. 193. See also references of preceding note. Contributions from San Antonio, San Luis, and Purisima were 8 mules, 23 horses,
8 yoke of oxen, 128 cattle, 184 sheep. Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 201.
25
The sum of the deaths
1 give the figures as they stand on the records.
and existences is rarely the same as the baptisms. When less, the deficiency
may be attributed to runaways; but when greater it is inexplicable save on
the theory of an error in the register.
26
The soldiers of the guard were Jose" Antonio Rodriguez, corporal, Manuel Montero, Jose Maria Guadalupe, and Juan Maria Pinto, according to the
mission -book.
According to the report of 1797-8, the bell at San Miguel was
soon after its hanging found to be cracked and worthless. Arch. Sta Barbara,
MS.,
xii. 66.
August
1798.
5G1
of ministry in
nicer a short one in May 1799. Horra, better known
by the name of Concepcion, served only about two
27
Aug. 20th, Lasuen to governor in St. Pop. Sac. MS. vi. 03-4. Sept. 4th,
governor to viceroy. Id., viii. 4. Sept. 2d, Gov. to Lasuen. Prov. B^c, MS.,
vi. 196.
Horra seems to have been transferred subsequently to the Queretaro
college, for which the guardian thanks God in a letter to Lasuen, May 14,
17 J0. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 280-1.
,
I.
36
EXPLORATIONS AND
5C2
NEW
FOUNDATIONS.
The
new
and
last of the
St Ferdinand was Fernando III., King of Spain, who reigned from 1217
under whose rule the crowns of Castile and Leon were united. He
was canonized in 1071 by Clement X. Aug. 28th, Goycoechea to Borica announcing Lasuen's departure for Reyes' rancho. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv.
82. Sept. 8th, Lasuen's report of foundation. St. Pap., Sac, MS., xviii. 26-7;
Arch. >ita Barbara, MS., vi. 24-5. Sept. 8th, certificate of Sergt. Olivera; he
calls the site Achoic. Prov. Bee, MS., iv. 92; vi. 191, 19G. Oct. 4th, Goycoechea to Borica, sends Olivera's diary. Guard-house and store-house finished.
Two houses begun, church soon to be begun. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 24G-7;
Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 92. Contributions from Santa Barbara, San Buenaventura, San Gabriel, and San Juan were 18 mules, 46 horses, 16 yoke of oxen,
310 cattle, 508 sheep. Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 202. The mission-books of San
Fernando I examined at the mission in 1874. They consisted of baptismal
register 1 vol., 1798-1852, 1st entry April 28, 1798, signed by Dumetz; marriage register, 1 vol. 1797-1847, first entry, Oct. 8, 1797; and the Libro de
Patentes y de Inventarios. In the legal difficulties that followed the death of
Andres Pico the books disappeared and could not be found by Mr Savage in
28
to 1251,
1877.
503
1707,
EXPLORATIONS AND
564
NEW
FOUNDATIONS.
Their whereabouts
is
not known.
1270,
A NEW PUEBLO.
to be taken at this epoch.
The completed
565
line of
It
is
plan in its main features at least, and sent corresponding orders to Borica, though no such order appears
35
in the archives.
It had been indicated in the plan
31
Brancijorte, Iforme del Heal Tribunal sobre fundacion de un pueblo que
llamard Branciforte, 1795, MS. This report was prepared by Beltran on
Nov. 17th, and approved by the tribunal Nov. 18th.
35
The order dated Dec. 15, 1795, and enclosing the auditor's report given
above is alluded to by Borica on June 16, 179G. St. Pap., Miss, and Colon.,
MS., i. 364.
se
5C6
EXPLORATIONS AND
NEW
FOUNDATIONS.
San
SITE
5C7
California for the purpose in view, since the peninsula afforded neither lands, timber, wood, nor water,
nothing but sand and brambles and raging winds.
The Santa Cruz site, across the river from the mission, had all the advantages which the others lacked,
and had besides proximity to the sea, affording facilities for export, plenty of fish, with an abundance of
The establishment
stone, lime, and clay for building.
of a town here could moreover do no possible harm to
The settlers should be practical farmers
the mission.
from a cold or temperate climate, and should have
houses and a granary built for them at expense of the
all
government
in
The
soldiers
and inva-
more
sitio
is
EXPLOILVTIOXS
5GS
to the viceroy contained suggestions of similar purport, and asked for four classes of settlers first, robust
:
40
St.
FOUNDING OF BRANCIFORTE.
569
43
The Conception
established with royal approval.
arrived at Monterey May 12th with a party of colonists on board in a pitiable state of destitution and
44
ill-health.
It was necessary to provide some kind
of a home for them; and before the end of May Gabriel Moraga was sent as commissioner to erect temporary shelters at Branciforte, since Cordoba, who
was to superintend the formal establishment, had other
It is
duties which would keep him busy for a time.
impossible to give the exact date when Moraga began
his work, when the first settlers took possession of
their
new homes,
curred.
or
oc-
45
The 17th
Spaniards. They included 2 farmers, 2 tailors, 1 carpenter, 1 miner, 1 merchant, 1 engraver, and 1 with no trade. St. Pap. Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 3845; Prov. Pec, vi. 92; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 223-4; xiii. 277-8; xvii. 31,
89-90; xxi. 256.
4:>
May 12, 1797. Borica to commandant. When the settlers go to Branciforte, cattle, implements, etc., will be furnished, an account being opened with
each.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 31. May loth, B. to Cordoba. Directs him
after completing the work at S. Francisco, the survey of the Sta Clara boundary, and that for a removal of S. Jose to go to Sta Cruz and make careful
surveys and plans for the town of Branciforte and its buildings public and
private, with an estimate of expenses. Id., xxi. 260-1. May 26th, B. to Moraga.
Instructions to build some temporary huts for himself and the guard and to
take his family there to live; then to build some large huts to accommodate
15 or 20 families each, also temporary.
The soldiers must work and the
colonists also if they arrive before the work is done.
Implements, stock,
etc., will be sent by Sal.
Cordoba is to be obeyed when he comes. Sta
Cruz, Arch., MS., 67-8; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 247; Sta Cruz, Peep, 3, 5. May
27th, Sal acting as secretary for Borica forwards blank-books, paper, and materials for making ink. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 69.
-
570
EXPLORATIONS AND
NEW
FOUNDATIONS.
Borica, Instruction
tie
dirigir
lafundacion de
la
Kueva
Villa de
Brand-
Cordoba to Borica, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 149; xxi. 265-0.
irrigable lands were 1,300 x 1,500 varas; those depending on rain 2,000
to 3,000 varas.
Oct. 7th, Gov. to viceroy with estimate of cost. Prov. Bee,
MS., vi. 5G. Oct. 24th, to Cordoba ordering suspension of works, though he
Aug.
is to leave the mission mill in good shape. Prov. St. Pap., xxi. 272.
22d, Borica orders a model fence to be erected at Branciforte. Id., xxi. 2G6.
The
'
'
PROGRESS AT BRANCIFORTE.
571
and $66 for the next three years, 43 besides the livestock and implements for which they were obliged
gradually to pay. They were thus enabled to live after
a fashion, and they never became noted for devotion
There was no change in the number
to hard work.
of regular pobladores down to 1800, though half a
dozen invalids and discharged soldiers were added to
49
the settlement, perhaps more, for the records on the
Corporal Moraga remained in
subject are meagre.
charge until November 1799, when Ignacio Vallejo
was ordered to take his place as comisionado, arriving
about the 20th. 50 The settlers raised in 1800 about
1,100 bushels of wheat, maize, and beans; and their
horses and cattle amounted to about 500 head.
I
append in a note a few minor items which make up
all that Branciforte has of history down to the end
51
of the decade and century.
48
iii.
G.
50
51
The work
EXPLORATIONS
572
A1STD
NEW
FOUNDATIONS.
at Branciforte.
52
Id., Gl-2, GG; Peep, 15, 19. April 3d, Borica consents to dividing of sowingWill hold Moraga responsible for remissness of any settler in caring
lands.
May 12th, the settlers' two years at
for his land. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., G2.
$11G per year expire to-day. St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 380-1, 3S3.
Oct. lGth, two settlers may go to San Jose' and return on a fixed day. Sta Cruz,
Arch., MS., G5-G; Peep, 23. Nov. 21st, Sal notifies Moraga that Vallejo will
supersede him as comisionado. Id., 25. Dec. 2Gth, Sal to Vallejo, guns of
the battery at Monterey to be fired. Don't be alarmed. Id., 25, 27. Dec. 31st,
Sal assures Borica that Vallejo will perform his duties faithfully. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., xvii. 2S9. Settlers must not make pleasure trips to San Jose\
San
Jan. 3, 1800, setJos6, Arch., MS., iii. 59; Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 18.
need of corn and beans. The comisionado of San Jose" to make a
contract with some person to furnish these supplies at the expense of the government. San Jos6 Arch., MS., iii. 55. Feb. 10th, Sal to Vallejo, at the end
of 1799 the settlers owed the treasury 558; the appropriation for 1800 is
The delivery of
$540, so that receiving nothing they would still be in debt.
cigarritos and other articles not rations and tools has been suspended. Sta
Cruz, Arch., MS., 03. Oct. 9th, aid to be furnished to the padres if asked for.
StaCruz, Peep, 31. Dec. 5th, governor to viceroy, the Branciforte settlers
Thejr detest their
are a scandal to the country by their immorality, etc.
Daily complaints of disorders. Prov. St. Pap. ,
exile, and render no service.
MS., xxi. 50-1. Dec. 11th, death of Comandante Sal announced at BranciThe nine pobladores received in 1800 rations at
forte. Sta Cruz, Peep, 45.
60 each. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., xxvi. 1G.
"-Branciforte, El Discretorio de San Fernando al Virrey score, el sitio de la
Nueva Villa, 1707, MS., Feb. Gth, Borica to viceroy, in Prov. lice, MS., vi. 70.
tlers in
COMMUNICATION WITH
NEW
MEXICO.
573
April 29, 1795, Borica to viceroy. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 44. Dec. 14th,
Borica to Goycoechea. Id., iv. 41. 46-7. Jan. 18th, Goycoechea to Borica.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 10, 17. Feb. 16th, Id. to Id., St. Pap., Sac, MS.,
iv. 74-7.
Sept. 28th, Borica orders the padres to use gentle measures with
the Tulare Indians so that there may be no difficulty on the proposed route.
Prov. Bee, MS., vi. 174. Sal's report of Jan. 31st, already alluded to, was
probably in answer to similar inquiries sent him by the governor.
51
Borica, Informe, sobre comunicacion con Nuevo Mexico, 1706, MS.
similar communication dated October 5th is given in Arch. Sta. Barbara,
MS.,
x. 73-6.
EXPLORATIONS AND
574
NEW
FOUNDATIONS.
it
MS.,
50
xvii. 9.
April 1C, 1795, Borica to viceroy, asks to have Fages send his papers
relating to his expedition to the Colorado. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 44.
Sept. 4,
1797, Borica thinks no party of less than 35 can safely pass to Sonora. Id.,
vi. 53.
Dec. 22, 1797, refers to Arrillaga's report and schemes of Oct. 20,
1790; 1st, a presidio of 100 men at Sta Olaya with 20 at S. Felipe and 20 at
Sonoita; 2d, a presidio on California side at mouth of Colorado, to be crossed
in canoes.
Borica prefers the latter, and advises that all attention be given
at present to pacification of the Indians between Sta Catalina and the Colorado. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 65-6.
April 24, 1798, Amador says that the padre
of San Jose went to the Colorado, and that the Indians fled, fearing enforced
baptism. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii 123. Reference to the general topic in
Azanzn, Ynslruccion, MS., 90.
CHAPTER
XXVII.
MISSION PROGRESS.
1791-1800.
At
still left.
The seven new missions in the order of their founding were: Santa Cruz,
Soledad, San Jos, San Juan Bautista, San Miguel, San Fernando, and San
Luis Key. There were subsequently founded Santa Lies, San Rafael, and San
Francisco Solano. For a general statistical view of the missions in 1790
see chapter xix. of this volume.
2
The original 2G, the names of pioneers being italicized, were: Arroita
Arenaza, Calzada, Cambon, Cruzado, Dumetz, Danti, Fuster, Garcia, Giribet,
1
575
MISSION PROGRESS.
576
and
Christian missionaries.
The eleven old missions in 1790 had in round numbers 7,500 converts; in 1800 they had 10,700, a gain
of 3,200 for the decade, 320 a year on an average,
or about 30 a year for each mission.
During the
period the priests had baptized 12,300 natives, and
buried 8,300, leaving 800 to be regarded as approximately the number of deserters and apostates. Meanwhile in the seven new establishments baptisms had
been 3,800 and deaths 1,000, leaving 2,800 converts on
the rolls.
Thus for old and new missions together
efficient
thousand sources.
Arrivals in 1791 were Gili, Landaeta, Baldomero Lopez, and Salazar, intended for Santa Cruz and Soledad, or to replace others who were to be sent
to those new missions while Cambon retired. In 1792 came Espi; and in 1793
Catala, the latter as chaplain on a Nootka vessel.
This same year Oramas
and Rubi the latter a black sheep of the Franciscan flock departed, and
Paterna, an old pioneer, died in harness. In 1794 five new priests were sent
to California men of a different stamp, it was thought, from those who had
given the president so much trouble. Mugdrtegui, in Doc. Hist. Ccd., MS.,
iv. 39-40. These were Martin, Martiarena, Estdvan, Manuel Fernandez, and
Gregorio Fernandez. The departures were Noboa, Pieras, Pena, and Gili
the latter another source of scandal who sailed on the Conception, Aug. 11th.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 157, 175, 202; xxi. 142, 146-7; Arch. Arzobupado,
MS., i. 39. Viceroy's license dated Jan. 10th; governor's, May 31st. In
1795 Jaime, Ciprds, and Puyol came; while Salazar and Senan retired, the
latter temporarily. St. Pap., Sac, MS., i. 50; Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 47; Prov.
Danti, Lopez, Calzada, and Arroita sailed in July
St. Pap., MS., xxi. 230.
STATISTICS.
577
we have
August 1796. Other priests wished to retire, but the guardian thought, as
they had been eager to come to California, it was best not to permit them to
leave without the most urgent reasons. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 56-7,
274; St. Pap., Sac, MS., xvii. 8; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 246; Prov. Bee,
MS., vi. 163. The new-comers of 1796, arriving in June by the Aranzazu,
were: Payeras, Jose" Maria Fernandez, Peyri, Viader, and Cortes. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., xiv. 139; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxiv. 7; also Catalan
and Horra. In April 1797 the Conception is said to have brought 11 priests.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 145-6; xxi. 254; but there were really only 7:
The
Bareenilla, Carnicer, Gonzalez, Martinez, Merino, Uria, and Panella.
same vessel carried back to San Bias in September, Garcia and Arenaza, who
were ill and had served out their term; and also the insane priests Jose" Maria
Fernandez and Concepcion de Horra. Prov. lice, MS., vi. 94, 98, 192; Prov. St.
Pap., IMS., xxi. 264; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 57-8; St. Pap., Sac, MS.,
vi. 107-8.
On her next trip the Concepcion brought to Santa Barbara in May
1708 Sefian and Calzada, returning from a visit to Mexico, and also the six
new friars: Barona, Faura, Carranza, Abella, Martinez, and Vinales. Arch.
Arzobispado, MS., i. 47; Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 75-6; Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
xvii. 19; xxi. 279; St. Pap., Sac, MS., viii. 13.
Manuel Fernandez and
Torrens retired this year, as did PP. Landaeta and Miguel temporarily. Arch.
Sta Barbara, xi. 60; St. Pap., Sac, MS., vi. 107. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii.
In 1797 Merelo, Jacinto Lopez, and Jose Uria arrived; while Espi,
2, 3.
Giribet, Merino, and Catalan, the last two afflicted with insanity, obtained
leave to retire, sailing in January 1800.
This last year of the decade Fuster
and Mariner died; Landaeta and Miguel came back; and Garcia and Iturrate
were added to the force, some of them apparently against their wishes. Prov.
Bee, MS., vi. 127-9, 243; ix. 12; xi. 144; xii. 1; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 30,
44, 292; St. Pap., Sac, MS., vii. 77; Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., ix. 24; xi.
or
The governor
Cal,.,
Vol.
I.
37
number
of deaths is al-
MS., No.
3.
MISSION PROGRESS.
578
on an average
and
and
xi.
220, 2G0-3.
and Colon.,
MS.,
VICEROY'S REPORT.
579
concession
in 1796, and Lasuen subdelegated the authority to
6
Lasuen was also comhis subordinate missionaries.
holy
inquisition
for California after 1795,
issary of the
show
far
as
the
records
his only duties in this
so
but
capacity were to receive and publish an occasional
7
edict on general matters.
In an exhaustive report on the missions of New
Spain Viceroy Revilla Gigedo presented to the king
general.
in
historical, descriptive,
Dec. 16th,
Sept. 30, 1796, bishop to Lasuen, confirming faculties.
March 20, 1797, Lasuen takes the
to bishop, expressing thanks.
oath as vicario foraneo before P. Arenaza. June 19th, bishop reserves the
right of granting divorce and some other episcopal faculties. A rch. Sta BarDec. 18, 1796, Lasuen's circular to the padres. Id.,
bara, MS., xii. 192-8.
March 20, 1797, Lasuen notifies Borica. Is only awaiting the
xi. 139-41.
licenss and blessing of the guardian. Arch. Arzobispado, M*S., i. 45. March
22d, B. to Lasuen, will proclaim him juez vicario eclesiastico in the preJune 20th, B. says the title of vicar
sidios. Prov. Bee, MS., vi. 184-5.
must be presented to the government. Id., vi. 192-3. It appears that cos-,
Lasuen
powers were conferred by Lasuen on only seven friars. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 145-6.
7
Oct. 15, 1795, Lasuen's palente de Comision del Santo Oficio sent from
Mexico. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 56. Several edicts of 1795, 1797, and
1800in^l?'cA. Misioncs, MS., i. 187-8,228; Doc. Hist. Cal, MS., iv. 67-8.
In offences of which the inquisition had cognizance the natives were not
directly subject to that tribunal but to the provisor de Indias, who, with the
knowledge of the inquisition, acted as judge. Prwdeyi.ox de Indios, MS., 6.
Some additional items on ecclesiastical matters are given later in this chapter.
8
Sevilla Gir/edo, Carta sobre misiones de 27 de Diciembre de 1703, in Dice.
Univ., v. 427-30; also MS., i.
See also chap. xxiv. of this volume. Oct. 22,
1794, viceroy to governor, urging compliance with royal order of March 21,
1787, which required attention to mission welfare and reports every two or
three years on mission progress. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 203. July 28, 1795,
Branciforte sends Borica a copy of his predecessor's report of 1793 to serve as
a guide for new reports; and also calls for suggestions. St. Pap., Mis*, and
Co/., MS., i. 1.
Jan. 2, 1795, Lasuen in a circular says the council of the
Indies have read the mission reports and thank u& in king's name for progress
made, which is great compared with other missions with better advantages.
The guardian sends the thanks of the college. A~ch. Sta Barbara, MS., ix.
320-1.
trense
MISSION PROGRESS.
580
On
the subject of secularization, not referring particularly to California, Revilla Gigedo expressed his
dissatisfaction with the condition of such missions as
had been given up to the clergy. He would take no
steps in that direction without a better prospect of
success. Curates could do no better than friars in the
instruction and improvement of the natives. 10 In a
letter of 1796 Governor Borica says that according
to the laws, the natives are to be free from tutelage
at the end of ten years, the missions then becoming
doctrinas; "but those of New California at the rate
they are advancing will not reach the goal in ten
centuries; the reason, God knows, and men know
something about
Two
it."
11
1796,
10
11
tie
Cal.,
friars
in
Mayo
MS.
Revilla Gigedo, Carta de 1703, MS., 25.
3, 1196, Borica to Alberni. Prov. St. Pap., Ben.
Aug.
Mil,
xxiv. 7,
8.
PROJECTS DEFEATED.
581
perous. 12
The regulation of 1781, as we have seen, provided
for the gradual reduction of the ministers to one at
each mission. Until this was effected friars retiring
This regulation
or dying were not to be replaced.
was disregarded by the friars and the secular authorThe subject came
ities made no attempt to enforce it.
up and was discussed during this decade, but nothing
was
effected.
Respecting the
re-
12
Dec. 4, 1795, viceroy to governor, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 34;
Mngdrtegui and Pena, Parecer sobre el Establecimiento de un Convento en el
Puerto de San Francisco, 28 de Enero de 1797, MS. These padres declare that
aid from the Carmelites in founding new missions would be acceptable. Calleja, Pespuesta del Guardian al Virey sobre Proyectos de California, 1797,
MS. This report, dated Oct. 23d, is chiefly devoted to another subject, of
which more anon. It is noticeable that the guardian speaks very ironically
of the 'domesticated' gentiles whose services it was proposed to utilize in the
new establishments, greatly exaggerating the danger of the old missions and
pueblos from the natives, and implying without intending to do so that not
much had been effected by nearly 30 years of missionary work. Borica also
disapproved of the hacienda because there would be no market for produce.
Prov. Pec, MS., vi. CI.
13
Revilla Gigedo, Carta de 1793, 24, disapproves the reduction, among
other reasons because it would favor immorality on the part of the friars.
April 30, 1790, the guardian writes to Lasuen that the fiscal wants to know the
reasons for non-compliance with the reglamento; consequently all the documents on the subject are needed, only one or two being in the college archives.
Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 275-6. Xov. 1G, 1797, Borica to viceroy, thinks
the matter should be settled, as there is a deficit of 852,142 in the mission
fund.
He suggests that two padres be allowed to each mission, but that only
one sinodo of $400 be divided between them, since they now spend no more
than that on themselves. Prov. Rec, MS., vi. 60-1. Sept. 3, 1699, Padre Lull,
E.podcion del Guardian sobre la reduction de Misioneros en California, 1799,
MS., presents the usual arguments against reducing the number of missionaries, and also opposes Boricas scheme of reducing the sinodo, not only because
it is contrary to the king's intentions, but because, while, as Borica says, the
582
MISSION PROGRESS.
tirement of friars to Mexico there was now no controversy between the secular and Franciscan authorities,
because the latter were considerably troubled to keep
the missionaries at their posts, and welcomed even
secular interference to aid in the task.
In 1795 there
came a royal order that the governor and president
might grant license to retire for due and certified
cause without waiting for a report from Mexico; but
before the end of this decade this rule seems to have
been modified. 14 Since 1787 and down to 1794 friars
coming to or returning from California were allowed
two hundred dollars for travelling expenses on land
and ninety-five cents per day while on the water.
Subsequently their stipends were allowed to cover the
time consumed on the journey provided there were
no unnecessary delays. 15
two
priests spend less than $400 on themselves they spend the remainder for
the natives, and this is practically the only way of obtaining necessary artiIn 1800, or perhaps later,
cles since there is no market for mission produce.
Lasuen in a letter to the guardian argues the same side of the case most
earnestly, speaks rather bitterly of any scheme to economize on the pay of
poor over-worked friars when the king is so liberal in other expenses, and repeats his old determination to retire if the change be insisted on. Lasuen, Correspondence, MS., 329-33.
u 1793, a priest retired on a provisional license of the comandante at Monterey. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 33.
1794, the 10 years of service to count
from the date of embarking from Spain. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., vi. 2945. Royal orders referred to in my text date J Sept. 1G, 1794.
Sent from Mexico June 8, 1795. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 124-5. Just before the receipt
of this order Borica refuses Danti's petition to retire until leave is obtained
from Mexieo. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 149. Dec. 9, 1797, viceroy to the guardian, friars must not go to Mexico to solicit license to retire to Spain. Arch.
Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 59. Sept. 1, 1800, governor to viceroy, understands
that no leave to retire is to be given, even on expiration of term, until substitutes arrive. The priests are not pleased at this. Prov. St. Pap. MS., xxi. 42.
15
On measures adopted 1786-8, see Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., x. 207-70;
It
xi. 52-3, 241-2; xii. 40-1; Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 202-3; viii. 1-3.
seems that the $200 was to be paid, like the stipend, from the pious fund, which
in 1787 was charged with 83,944 for friars' travelling expenses for the past 20
years. In December 1793 the guardian attempts to secure travelling expenses
for supernumerary friars going to California, and succeeds after some correspondence in getting an advance of their stipend to pay those expenses,
though their stipend would cease on arrival until assigned to a mission. From
this correspondence it appears that by royal order of April 20, 1793, the stipend began on the date of departure from Mexico. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS.,
By order of Sept. 16, 1794, the stipend was extended to date of
xi. 246-51.
arrival in Mexico on return and all gratuities for travelling expenses were
abolished. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 124-5; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ix.
324-5; Vallejo, Doc. Hist. Cal, MS., xxviii. date July 20, 1795. The friars
subsequently had much trouble on account of the naval authorities who
demanded $2.25 per day instead of 95 cts. Moreover the government in some
,
MISSIONARY ESCORTS.
583
Many
The
soldiers
were
in-
Sac, MS.,
ix. 73.
MISSION PROGRESS.
584
and insolence of individual soldiers, but of the government they had no cause to complain. The guards
were reduced in most of the old missions on the establishing of new ones, and this brought out a protest
from the Franciscans, which was in some instances
successful.
17
We
xviii. 143-9.
REGULATIONS.
make a wholesale
585
soldiers
was
collection of apostates,
MISSION PROGRESS.
5S6
still
19
On mission alcaldes before 1790 see Prov. Pec, MS., i. 120; iii. 71, 170;
Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., x. 94-6. Sept. 22, 179G, Borica to Lasuen and to
the padres, requiring compliance with the law. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 173; Sta
Cruz, Parroquia, MS., 10; Arch. Arzobixpado, MS., i. 44.
Nov. 2, 179G,
Lasuen's circular to the padres. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 138-9; vi. 118Nov. 19, 1796, Borica to viceroy stating his action in the matter. St. Pap.
1 9.
Sac, MS., iv. G6-7. Dec. 20, 1797, viceroy to Lasuen. Arch. Sta Barbara,
MS., x. 90-3. Dec. 2, 1796, Borica to Lasuen, approving the election of neophyte alcaldes and regidores who are to act generally under the padres' direction, but in criminal matters under the corporal of the escolta. Prov. Pec.
MS., vi. 178-9. Jan. 7, 1797, Borica orders padres of San Diego to depose a
bad alcalde and elect a new one. PL March 30, 1798, Borica tells padres of
Soledad they were wrong in changing alcaldes without submitting the case to
the government. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 210.
20
This matter was pretty well settled before 1796 so far as the missions
were concerned. Prov. Pec MS., iii. 64-5, S7 Arch. Sta Barbara, MS. xi. 392May 28, 1791, the governor says the Indians are getting too much
G; viii. G3.
meat to eat, are becoming too skilful riders, and are acquiring the insolence of
Apaches. Prov. St. Paji., MS., x. 150. Strict orders against any gentile or
any Indian servant of soldier or settler being allowed to ride or to have arms.
,
him
all
HORRA'S CHARGES.
587
vi.
22
MS.
MISSION PROGRESS.
588
On August
31st the viceroy sent the representations of Horra to Borica, who was ordered to investigate and report on the truth of the charges.
Borica
accordingly despatched private instructions to the
four commandants to send in answers to fifteen questions propounded on the manner in which the friars
were discharging their duties. 23 This was on December
3d, and before the end of the month the required reports
is
23
Aug. 31st, viceroy to Borica, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 49; Borica,
Quince Preguntas sobre Abusos cle Misioneros, 1798, MS.
2i
Argiiello, Respuesta alas Quince Preguntas sobre Abusos cle Misioneros,
1798, MS. Dated San Francisco, Dec. 11th, and more favorable to the padres
than the others. Goycoechea, Respuesta, etc., MS., Sta Barbara, Dec. 14th;
Sal, Respuesta, etc., MS., Monterey, Dec. loth; Rodriguez, Respuesta, etc.,
MS., San Diego, Dec. 19th; Grajera, Respuesta, etc., MS., San Diego, March
21, 1799.
25
On Oct. 30, 1798, however, Borica in a letter to the viceroy expresses
his opinion that the best way to insure the advancement of the natives was
to form a reglamento for the whole mission routine, including instruction,
food, dress, dwellings, care of sick, labor, punishments, and amusements,
and to hold the president responsible for exact compliance with the rules; for
at present his authority is sometimes disregarded. Prov. Rec, MS., vi. 105-6.
20
Feb. 6, 1800, guardian to president, in Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi.
284-7.
LASUEX'S REPORT.
27
And
589
finally president
27
Tapis and Cortes, Replica de los Ministros de Sta Barbara a la Respuesta
que did el Comandante Goycoechea d las quince preguntas de Borica sobre abusos
de Misioneros, 1800, MS.
Dated Oct. 30th. Other padres, not unlikely one
from each mission, sent in similar reports on the subject, but I have found
none of the documents except this.
28
Lasuen, Representacion sobre los Puntos representados al Superior Gobierno
por el P. Fr. Antonio de la Concepcion (Ilorra) contra los misioneros de eda
Nueva California, 1300, MS., with autograph signature.
590
MISSION PROGRESS.
less to
TREATMENT OF INDIANS.
591
MISSION PROGRESS.
592
beinof afraid
These
state-
CRUELTY TO NEOPHYTES.
593
the soldiers, except sometimes for absconding. Moreover the presidios had always been supplied with
servants of all kinds for no compensation save what
the employers chose to pay, and neither missions nor
natives had ever been benefited by this intercourse.
The aborigines did not like to work at the presidios,
where they were ill-treated and often cheated out of
their pay; yet most of the work on the presidios had
been done by laborers furnished from the missions.
" The treatment shown to the Indians," says Padre
Concepcion, "is the most cruel I have ever read in
For the slightest things they receive heavy
history.
floggings, are shackled, and put in the stocks, and
treated with so much cruelty that they are kept whole
days without a drink of water." The commandants,
without expressing an opinion as to the propriety or
undue severity of the punishments inflicted, simply
specify those punishments, administered by the padres
at will, as flogging, from fifteen to fifty lashes, or
sometimes a novenary of twenty-five lashes per day
a kind of
for nine days, stocks, shackles, the corma
hobble and imprisonment in some of the missionrooms, for neglect of work or religious duties, overstaying leave of absence, sexual offences, thefts, and
none but
proper penalties, pardoning first offences, and always
inclining to mercy and kindness.
The soldiers were
strain
inflicted
30
Sept. 26th, 1796, Borica says to a padre that only 25 lashes may be
given; beyond this the matter belongs to royal jurisdiction. Pruv. Ike, MS.,
vi. 174.
I.
38
MISSION PROGRESS.
594
cisco,
i.
23-4.
595
what
They had
failed to refute
32
596
MISSION PROGRESS.
We
wrong; and so
33
April 19, 1805, viceroy to governor, the padres are cleared and are to
Commandants
^continue in the same course of zeal and brotherly love, etc.
ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS.
507
MISSION PROGRESS.
598
in
33
The performance
up
on
for trial
37
day
March
and
S.
icept of confession
own
Some
599
district.
statistics
Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 148, 296; Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 241; xv. 42-3,
48, 77-8; xvi. 98, 220; Id., Ben. Mil., MS., xxviii. 9; St. Pap. Miss., MS., ii.
The bulls sent sold from 2 reals, or 25 cents,
65; S. Jose", Arch., MS., vi. 42.
to $2 each.
The different kinds were vivos, laticinios, composition, and
d'ifuatos.
39
Prov.
St.
Pap., MS.,
ix.
194-5;
xiii.
79.
CHAPTER
XXVIII.
Pueblo Progress
The
missions, as
may
be
we regard
if
(GOO)
601
had been brought from abroad as settlers and had been paid wages and rations and otherwise aided for a term of years; while the increase
came from children who grew to manhood and from
soldiers who had served out their term of enlistment
and retired, often with pensions. These, although
generally old men, w ere as a rule the most successful
fanners.
The only industries of the settlers were
They had 16,500 head
agriculture and stock-raising.
of cattle and horses, about 1,000 sheep, and they
thirty families
Jos6,
See chapter xxix. of this volume for Angeles; chapter xxxii. for San
and chapter xxvi. for Branciforte.
602
the guard, who represented the governor and reported directly to the
commandant of the nearest presidio. Labor was
largely done by hired gentiles. Los Angeles was more
populous and prosperous than either of the others,
while Branciforte was as yet but a burden to the
sionaclo, generally corporal of
government.
Spanish visitor in 1792 stated in his narrative
SPECIAL PROJECTS.
G03
They should be
and mingle
604
in excesses that
remedy was
disaster.
were sure
The great
to build up commerce
nists an incentive to industry.
sell all
what
articles
portance to the introduction of a better class of setHe would appoint to each pueblo a director,
tlers.
or comisionado, of better abilities and not related to
the inhabitants, and he would enforce residence of all
settlers in the towns, and not on distant ranchos out of
reach of spiritual care and exposed to dangers. Above
8
all, towns should not be placed too near the missions.
7
The author also
Salazar, Condition Actual de Col. 1796, MS., 73-82.
advocates the transfer of the San Bias naval station and ship-yards to San
Francisco or Monterey. This would be for the interest of the department,
since wages and food would be cheaper than at San Bias, and it would
develop the industries of California.
8
Senan, Respuesta del Padre al Virey sobre Condition de Cosas en Califor-
nia, 1796,
MS. Dated
May
14, 1796.
March
19,
CONVICT SETTLERS.
III
605
still
urges
colonization, substantially approving the ideas of Salazar and Senan, and issuing orders which compelled
We
9
have seen
retired soldiers to live in the pueblos.
that nine persons, though rather of a worse than bet-
ter class
Prov. Pec,
Guada-
vi. 83.
Nov. 16, 1797, Borica to viceroy, favoring commerce and admitting that
the pueblos have a surplus of 2,000 fanegas of grain for which there is no
market. Twelve sailors from the Conception and San Carlos have volunteered
to remain at Monterey. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 61-2.
Oct. 15th, B. to commandant at Monterey, invalided or discharged soldiers must live in the towns
and not on ranchos nor in the presidio, unless they wish to continue military
service. Guerra, Doc. Hist. CaL, MS., i. 109-10.
May 1799, Settler Rosales
petitions the viceroy for permission to leave California with his family. Prov.
Pec, MS., vi. 125. Branciforte in his Instruction, MS., 32-8, speaks of California's need of colonists, and of his efforts in her behalf.
10
Sept. 17, 1797, Borica to viceroy, wants good wives, strong young spinsters, especially for criminal settlers, since the padres objected to the native
women marrying such husbands. Besides good health the girls must bring
good clothes, so that they may go to church and be improved.
sine qua
non of a California female colonist must be a serge petticoat, a rebozo corriente, a linen jacket, two woollen shifts, a pair of stockings, and a pair of
strong shoes. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 55-6. Jan. 25, 1798, viceroy says orders
have been given to procure young, healthy, single women for the pobladores,
but the task presents some difficulties. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 19-20.
June 1, 1798, Borica says one hundred women are wanted. Prov. Pec, MS.,
vi. 75.
GOG
11
There was a royal order forbidding convicts from settling in pueblos
until their sentences were served out. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 98.
Fages'
proposition in his Informe Gen. de Misiones, MS., 154. The three presidiarios
of 1791 were Ignacio Saenz, RafaelJPacheco, and Felipe Alvarez, sent up by
Romeu from Loreto. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxii. 15. Smith at San Francisco,
Id., x. 41.
12
The three of 1797 were Rafael Arriola, Tomas Escamilla, and Jose"
Franco. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 134. Correspondence on the 22 sent in
1798, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 249-50; xvii. 7, 88-9, 182; xxi. 275, 280,
285; Prov. Pec., MS., vi. 91-2, 101-2; St. Pap., Sac., viii. 11-13, 68-9; ix.
Four or five lists are given, the following being the names Jose de los
75-G.
Reyes, Jos6 Maria Perez, Jose Vazquez, Juan Hernandez, Jose" Velasquez, Cornelio Rocha, Jose" Chavez, Jose" Salazar, Antonio Ortega, Juan Lopez, Jose"
Balderrama, Pedro Osorno, Jos6 Calzado, Jose" Avila, Jose Hernandez, Jose"
Igadera, Jos6 Ramos, Jose Rosas, Jose Chavira, Casimiro Conejo, Pablo
Franco, Maria Petra Aranda, Jose" Barcena, Felipe Hernandez, Rafael Gomez,
Juan Blanco, 2G in all, though the number is spoken of as from 17 to 24, and
22 are said to have landed. They arrived in August. The expense of sending
them was $405. There were 3 hatters, 3 miners. 1 shoemaker, 1 silversmith,
1 trader, 3 bakers, 1 tailor, 1 blanket-maker, 1 laborer, 1 overseer, 3 without
trade, and 1 woman.
There were 4 Spaniards only. There were a saddler
and 2 carpenters, not convicts, perhaps included in the list I have given.
Several friars also came on the same vessel. After the arrival of these convicts all persons not having passports were ordered to be arrested. Prov. Pec.
MS., iv. 1G6. Feb. 26, 1799, Borica publishes a series of rules for the conduct of the convict workmen. They were subjected to strict surveillance and
allowed few privileges. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 243-4. August 1800, Hernandez allowed to earn wages by his trade as saddler. Prov. Pec, MS., ix. 13.
Nov. 1800, Jose" Cris. Simental sentenced to 6 years as settler in California,
to be accompanied by his wife. St. Pap., Sac, MS., ix. 57-8; Prov. St. Pap.,
:
MS.,
13
xxi. 53-4.
left Mexico for San Bias and one died on the seaThere was a plan to send
said to have been $4,703.
Twenty-one children
voyage.
The expense
is
TENURE OF LANDS.
G07
The tenure
of lands is an interesting topic of California history, both in itself and especially in view
In its earliest phases
of the litigation of later times.
the subject falls more naturally into the annals of this
decade than elsewhere, though a general statement
with but few details is all that is required here. As
soon as the territory was occupied by Spain in 17G9
No individual
the absolute title vested in the king.
only
usufructuary
of
lands,
but
titles of
ownership
various grades, existed in California in Spanish times.
The king, however, was actually in possession of only
the ground on which the presidios stood and such
adjoining lands as were needed in connection with the
The natives were recognized as the
royal service.
owners, under the king, of all the territory needed for
their subsistence; but the civilizing process to which
they were to be subjected would greatly reduce the
area from that occupied in their savage state; and
thus there was no prospective legal hinderance to the
establishment of Spanish settlements.
The general
laws of Spain provided for such establishments, and
the assignment to each of lands to the extent of four
square leagues. 14 Meanwhile neither the missions,
nor the friars, nor the Franciscan order, nor the church
owned any lands whatever. The missionaries had the
use of such lands as they needed for their object,
which was to prepare the Indians to take possession as
individuals of the lands they now held as communities.
When this was accomplished, and the missions had
become pueblos, the houses of worship would naturally become the property of the church, and the friars
608
16
On
MS.
PRIVATE RANCHOS.
609
They
to
CIO
19
'
20
Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 398-9, 400-2; Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix.
This instance and that of Butron are the only ones recorded of land
being asked for by neophytes before 1800. In fact only 24 neophyte women
had married gente de razon since 1769. Lasuen, in Arch. Sta Barbara, MS.,
163-6.
ii.
192.
21
Nava's decree, dated Oct. 22, 1791, at Chihuahua, and approved provisionally by the viceroy before Jan. 19, 1793. St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS.,
This decree has been often
i. 320-2, 341-2; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 27-8.
translated and referred to in legal reports, sometimes erroneously under the
date of March 22d. According to the Ordenanza de IidendenP's of 1786, the
royal intendentes had been intrusted with the distribution of royal lands;
but this order shows that the four leagues belonged to the pueblo and were
not included in the king's lands. Dwinelle's Colon. Hist. S. F., 34-5. In U. S.
Sup. Court Repts., 9 Wallace, 639, it is stated that the words 'the extent of
4 leagues measured from the centre of the plaza of the presidios in every
direction,' found in an order of Nava of June 21, 1791, and in other papers,
caused Los Angeles to claim before the land commission 16 square leagues
LAXJ> GRANTS.
Cll
Arrillaga reported
that any such grants were made.
to the viceroy in '1793 that no grants had been made
by his predecessors under the order of 1786, and that
on account of this failure to act, and because of the
ultimate right of the natives to the best sites
although he was constantly asked for ranchos and
believed that it would be well for the country to
grant them he would not act without further in22
structions.
Yet early in 1794 he reported that he
had permitted several persons to settle on the Rio de
Monterey from three to five leagues from the pre23
sidio, the permission being only provisional.
In
April 1795 Borica sent to the viceroy his views on
the subject.
He did not know why his predecessors
had failed to grant sites for cattle-raising, but he did
not favor such concessions.
It would be difficult to
tell what lands the missions really needed, since new
converts were constantly made.
Troubles between
the owners of ranchos and rancheria Indians would
lead to excesses and war; the animals of the settlers
would do injury to the food-supply of the gentiles;
the rancheros would be far removed from spiritual
care and from judicial supervision; and finally the
province had already live-stock enough, there being
no export. Borica therefore proposed that no ranchos
should be granted for the present, but that settlers
of good character be allowed to establish themselves
provisionally on the land asked for near a mission or
pueblo, to be granted them later if it should prove
best.
In fact several ranchos already existed under
those conditions. 24
4.
This would literally be 64 square leagues; but the original
measured from the centre of the plaza, 2 in each direction,' might like
instead of
'4
1.
G12
Indeed there
is
pref-
tails.
See chapters xxx. and xxxi. for lists of the ranchos with additional deBorica, whatever may have been his real motives, opposed even the
C13
and indus-
G14
MS., x. 4, 5. The gentiles, though lazy, offer themselves to work for amenta
and daily rations of meat and boiled maize. The best are chosen, who take
their blankets-, lay down their arms, and go to work bringing building-materials. Sutil y Mex., Viage, 164-5.
Great care taken in employing Indians,
and a daily sum of money paid. Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 497. May 7, 1794,
governor to Sal, if padres want a gratuity for Indians above wages it must
be refused. At Sta Barbara they get 19 cents per day, and an ah mid of corn
per week. San Antonio Indians at the Rancho del Hey get a coton and mania
per month. Even if content with little they should be given all they deserve.
Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 147-8, 163. Dec. 1794, at San Diego Indians got one
Indians must be treated well
real and rations. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 7.
and work equally. Prov. Pec. MS., iv. 15, 16. April, 1790, Indian laborers
not to be obtained without governor's permission. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv.
176.
1796, Sal sends 30 blankets to San Jos6 with which to hire 30 Indians.
They will be treated well. Any capitanejo helping to get them maybe given
Travelling expenses paid. Later some invalids are sent to
a arnt[ficac'ton.
look after the 39; who were to be treated with alguna comiseracion. S. Jose,
615
remained permanently as
settlers,
MS.,
xxi.
ii.
75.
158.
dor Rivera, Joaquin Rivera, and Pedro Alcantara, masons; Mariano Tapia,
potter; Cayetano Lopez, mill-maker; Jose" A. Ramirez and Salvador Vejar, carpenters; Miguel Sangraelor, tanner and shoemaker; Joaquin Avalos, tanner;
Mariano Tapinto and Joaquin Potello, tailors; Pedro Gonzalez Garcia, Jose"
Arrcya, and Jose F. Arriola, blacksmiths; Antonio Dom. Kcnriquez raid Mariano Jos6 Mendoza, weavers; Manuel Mufioz, listonero, ribbon-maker; Jose"
elc Los Reyes and Antonio Hernandez, saddlers.
One or two of these names
may have been those of settlers who had trades; anel one or two of convicts.
A few of the maestros got $1,000 per year, and the journeymen from $300 to
$300. The contracts were for four or live years.
Sept. 10, 1790, Pages specifics 51 mechanics needed, besides teachers, millers, anel a survoyor. St.' Pap.,
Sac, MS., xv. 13; St. Pap., Miss., MS., i. 82. 1790 and 1792, lists of trades
existing. Id., i. 93, 98, 101-2. Salvador Rivera, the stone-cutter, was at first
left at Xootka in 1791. St. Pap., Sac, MS., v. 95.
Four mechanics arrived
in Pec. 1791. Prov. St. Pap., Pen. Mil., MS., xv. 6. Viceroy says a carpenter
must teach his trade to at least 12 Indians in the four years. Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., x. 137. In 1791 tailor at Monterey did $135 worth of work for private
parties. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii. 3.
June 20, 1792, opinion of
the fiscal on the project, including provision for granting the artisans land and
making permanent settlers of them. The engineer Miguel Costans6 appears as
one of the advisers in the matter. St. Pap., Sac, MS., ix. G2-8. March 1793,
three artisans sent back as useless. Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 1G3.
visible progress made though the artisans work well. Prov. St.
Jan. 1794, no
Pap. MS.
,
xxi.
178-9. Of the value of work done by the artisans half goes to the treasury, one
third to apprentices, and one sixth to artisans. LI., xi. 158; Prov. Pec, MS.,
viii. 140.
April 29, 1795, V. R. wonders that though wages have been paid,
$10,000 is yet due the artisans. Id., iv. 227. July 19, 1795, new opinion of
INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.
616
presidios, or in
another giving
in the missions
some cases
V.
fiscal
B,.
617
Some white
G18
AGRICULTURE.
G19
Agricultural statistics are given elsewhere in chapters devoted to missions, pueblos, and to local progress; but it is well here to give the grand total of
production, which was on an average 56,000 bushels
of grain per year during the decade.
Of this yield
36,000 bushels were wheat; 11,700 bushels, corn;
5,400 bushels, barley; 1,800 bushels, beans; and 1,200
bushels, miscellaneous grains such as pease, lentils, etc.
Of other crops no statistical records were kept, though
each establishment had a vegetable garden, a fruitorchard, or a vineyard, most having all of these in
a prosperous condition supplying the wants of the
country.
There have been some interesting discussions in modern times respecting the dates at which
grapes, oranges, and other fruits were introduced in
California; but there are no records which can throw
light on the matter.
Many varieties of fruit, including probably grapes, were introduced from the peninsula by the earliest expeditions between 1769 and
1773; nearly all the varieties were in a flourishing
condition on a small scale before Junipero Serra's
death in 1784; and very few remained to be introduced
after 1800. 8
Borica gave and required his commandants to give
much personal attention to the advancement of agricultural interests, using various expedients of reward
and threat to accustom the settlers for there was
rarely any occasion to interfere with the friars and
their subjects
to habits of industry and to precautions against possible famine in years of drought.
:'
38
C20
Regular weather reports were insisted on, though veryfew of them have been preserved. 3d The hardest years
for the province were 1794 and 1795; but even in
those years the drought did not extend over all the
territory, so that more than half the average crop was
produced.
In 1793 the governor seconded by President Lasuen prohibited the kindling of fires by neophytes and gentiles which had in several instances
caused considerable damage in the grain-fields. 40 In
1795 owners of gardens were required to fence them,
or at least to make no complaints of ravages by cat41
tle.
The chief enterprise, however, of an agricultural nature in which the government took an interest was the attempt to introduce the cultivation of
The establishment of this industry
flax and hemp.
in the American colonies of Spain had been ordered
by the king in 1781, and the orders had been promulgated in California as elsewhere, without receiving
any practical attention; but in 1795 special orders and
a package of seed having been sent up to Monterey,
the experiment was undertaken in earnest by Borica's
directions, San Jose being selected as the spot and
Ignacio Vallejo as the superintendent, with the aid of
a soldier who knew something of flax-culture.
Some
details of the experiment will be found in connection
with the local history of San Jose for this period.
There were some failures of crops, and others resulting from inexperience in the various processes to
which the product was subjected; but several lots of
the staple sent to Mexico gave satisfaction, and in
1800 the prospects of the new industry were considered encouraging, and preparations were made to send
Joaquin Sanchez to superintend it in California. 42
39
iv.
xiv. 77.
42
Nov.
St.
Pap., MS.,
STOCK-RAISING.
621
to agriculture,
and the
first,
as
The
247-53.
1785, other orders of the audiencia published. Id., v. 250-1.
Sept. 13, 1785, Jos6" de Galvez to Fages on aiding the enterprise. St. Pap.
Sac, MS., iv. 35. Sept. G, 1793, viceroy orders flax-culture to be promoted
in all the missions. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 2G3-4.
Sept. 7th, guardian
also recommends the matter, saying that a wild flax is found on the California coast. Id., xii. 14, 15.
Aug. 13, 1794, two fanegas of hemp-seed sent
Instructions for hemp-culture. Instruments sent
to Lasuen. Id., xi. 267-8.
Jos6, MS.,i. 53-0;
1795. St. Pap., Sac, MS., xv. 15-17; Dept. St. Pap.,
Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 140. See chapter xxxii. for experiments at San Jose\
May 21, 1796, flax and hemp to be free of duty, and implements free from
taxes. Gacela de. Mex., viii. 95-8; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 194.
Dec. 19,
179G, Borica to V. It. 30 fanegas of seed harvested. Missions as a rule will not
be able to raise hemp. No success yet in working the material. St. Pap.,
Sac, MS., iv. 70. Hemp exported in 179G-7 of no use. Prov. Pec, MS., iv.
272.
1798, samples sent to Mexico and approved. Id.,vi. 103; viii. 189-90.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 272, 287. May 3, 1798, hemp sent to P. Viader
to try experiments in spinning. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 213.
1799, 25 arrobaa
of hemp sent to Mexico. Price $350. Prospects favorable. Prov. St. Pap.
MS., xviii. 83-4; xvii. 213. Culture must be introduced at Branciforte. Id.,
xvii. 314-15.
San Carlos using hemp for ordinary cloth for neophytes.
Prov. Pec, vi. 117. 1800, crops not good. Id., ix. 15; S. Jose Arch., MS.,
iii. 70.
Arrangements in Mexico to continue to encourage the new industry
and to send Joaquin Sanchez to California. S. Jos6, Arch., MS., v. 20; St.
Pap., Miss, ami Col., MS., i. 55-7; St. Pap., Sac, MS., ix. 102-4. By
these arrangements the memoria ships were to take flax and hemp in good
condition and pay for it in cash. Sanchez did not sail for California. Oucrra,
Doc Hist. Cat., MS., iii. 17G-9. Vague indications that cotton was also
iii.
&
tried.
iv.
108;
vi.
209;
ix.
6.
C22
the ranches at a time when the missions had no livestock to sell, the government was not disposed to
abandon them later; and indeed it was claimed that
only by means of the ranch o del rey and of the fixed
tariffs of prices were the friars kept from maintaining
an oppressive monopoly. 43
In 1796-7 Borica made a special effort to promote
the raising of sheep in connection with the manufacture of cloth.
Statistical reports do not show that
the increase in the mission flocks was much greater
in those than other years, though it was uniformly
rapid; while in the pueblos, to which Borica gave his
attention more particularly, very little was accom44
plished.
The California!! cattle were very prolific,
and, under the early regulations forbidding the
slaughter of cows, multiplied with wonderful rapidity.
The pueblos were not allowed to let their large
stock increase beyond fifty head to each settler; the
rancheros had no very large herds before 1800; and
in the missions during the last decade efforts were
directed rather to restrict than encourage further
increase; yet in spite of all restrictions, and of the
ravages of bears, wolves, and Indians, and of the
constantly increasing slaughter for meat and tallow,
cattle were becoming too numerous for the needs of
43
Prov. St. Pap., MS. x. 91; xii. 30, 97; xvi. 92; xvii. 14-16; Id., Ben.
Mil., xiii. 1-7; xvii. 1; xviii. 4, 5; xxv. 2-4; Prov. Bee, MS., i. 208; iv. 10,
117, 134, 255-6, 273, 285; v. 64, 68, 85, 269; vi. 100, 104, 109; St. Pap., Miss.,
MS., i. 73-4; St. Pojj., Miss, and Col., MS., i. 08-78. See also chapters xxx.
and xxxii. for local items respecting the rancho del rey. 1795, cattle lost on
the road were charged to the consumption of the troops.
1790, 4,000 cattle
belonging to the real hacienda, from which many private persons were supThere seem to have
plied.
1795, each soldier might have two milch cows.
been some sheep on the rancho. After 1797 an account was made of the
hides, which before had been left to the soldiers.
44
Rancheros must keep
Efforts at Sta Barbara. Prov. Bee, MS., iv. 66.
sheep or live in the pueblos. Id., iv. 86. Introduced at Angeles, S. Jos6,
and San Francisco. Id., vi. 79. Every settler should have at least 11 sheep,
Breeding-sheep to be purfor which they may pay in grain. Id. iv. 147.
chased and sent to Monterey. Id., iv. 62. Six hundred and fourteen sheep
at 7 reals, wethers $2, received from San Piego. St. Pap., Sac, MS., vi. 6.
Wool at S. Gabriel 20 reals per arroba. Id. , vi. 6. Two hundred sheep distributed at Angeles August 1796. Id., vi. 1. Every settler at San Jose" must
keep 3 sheep for every larger animal. Dept. St. Pap., S. Jos4, MS., i. 73-4.
The breed at San Francisco was merino, and better than elsewhere. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., xv. 8,9.
,
G23
demands
excess of all
3^ear in
del rey. 45
45
The
1791, mission stock should be reduced to prevent dispersion.
Indians eat too much meat. Missions not allowed to buy animals from the
troops. The raising of horses and mules should be promoted. Yearly slaughter
for meat ordered.
Fages to Romeu, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 150, 157, 170.
1792, no more fat to be shipped from San Bias, and 200 cows to be killed
each year. It is better to make monthly distributions of meat. Arrillaga, in
Id., xi. 37-8; Prov. Bee, MS., ii. 156.
Vancouver took some cattle away
for Botany Bay and the Sandwich Islands. Vancouver's Voy., ii. 99; Prov.
St. Pap., MS., xxi. 122.
Mules promise better.
1794, no market for horses.
Pueblo stock much exposed to Indians. Soldiers allowed only three or four
cows. King's stock not much affected by the removal of females. Adobe
houses built for soldiers guarding stock, in place of huts of hides. Arrillana,
Pa-pel de Puntes, MS., 189-91.
1795, rancheros have but little stock and it
must not increase. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 269, 219, 224-5. 1796, wild
beasts troublesome, preventing the increase of tithes.
A lion attacked a corporal, soldier, and Indian woman at Rancheria Nueva. Prov. Pec., MS., ix.
6, iv. 63.
1797, no settler to have over 50 head of large stock, for each of
which three head of small stock must be kept. Id., iv. 204, 284; Dept. St.
Pap., S. Jos6, MS., i. 73-4. Two reals to be paid on each head of cattle
killed. S. Jose', Arch., MS., v. 31.
Tithe cattle to be branded with royal
rancho brand applied crosswise to prevent confusion. Id., v. 31. Over 12,000
horses on the Monterey ranchos in 1800 (evidently an error). Arrillaga, Estado
de 1800-1, MS., in Bandini, Doc. Ilist. Col., 3, 4.
CHAPTER XXIX.
INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.
1791-1800.
Trade
of the Transports Otter-skins Projects of Marquez, Mamaneli, Inciarte, Ponce, Mendez, and Ovineta Provincial
Commissary Complicated
Finances Habilitados Factor and
Commerce
California had as yet no commerce. Not a tradingvessel proper touched on the coast before 1800, though
there had been some liutle exchange of goods for meat
and vegetables on several occasions between the Californians and such vessels as arrived for purposes other
than commercial. " It is sad to not see a single shipowner on the Pacific coast," wrote Costanso in 1794;
no trade in the South Sea, and therefore no revenue,
a lack of population, and great expense to the crown.
The Cadiz merchants from mistaken motives stifled
grand commerce
the coast trade in its infancy.
might be developed, affording California colonists a
market
and salted
meats.
The Spanish laws strictly forbade all trade
not only with foreign vessels and for foreign goods,
but with Spanish vessels and for Spanish- American
goods except the regular transports and articles
brought by them. At first the transports were forbidden to bring other goods than those included in
the regular invoices to the habilitados, and great pre1
MS.
(G21)
625
Feb. 26, 1701, Fages disapproves the free trade with San Bias because
the soldiers sacrifice useful articles in barter for luxuries and liquor. Pa pel
de Puntos, MS., 158-9.
17C3, the viceroy thinks no branch of commerce ia
likely to succeed unless it may be the shipment of grain to San Bias. Revllla
Gigedo, Carta de 1703, MS.
1794, Gov. allows importation from Baja California, except of mescal and other liquors. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 110-11.
Nov. 1704, publication of the king's renewal of license (of Feb. 18, 1794), for
free trade with San Bias for 10 years. Id., xi. 180-7; xii. 9, 10, 177-8.
Mc.y
27, 1795, V. R. has learned that the habilitados have paid the half duties on
San Bias imports down to Nov. 21, 1794. This would indicate perhaps that
this duty was paid on the regular memorias, as well as on extra goods. LI.,
xiii. 91-2; xii. 135.
June 8, 1795, all foreign goods except such as are included in the regular invoices of the habilitado general are to be confiscated
by V. R.'s order. Id., xiii. 208; Prov. Uec, MS., vi. 47; 8. Jose, Arch.,
MS., iv. 31. July 7, 1795, Perez Fernandez of San Francisco wants instructions how to carry out this order. St. Pap., Sac, MS., i. 21-2.
179G, royal
order not to admit goods from foreign vessels. Prov. Pec, MS., viii. 1G5.
Aug. 17, 179G, V. R. transmits royal order of May 5th approving certain
restrictions imposed on the leaving of cloth, etc., in payment for supplies by
captains Moore and Locke.
English cunning and pretexts for trade must
be watched. St. Pap., Sac, MS., v. 30-1. 1798-9, brandy, figs, and raisina
sent up from Baja California. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 21G, 238.
Hist. Cal., Vol.
I.
4U
C23
Within the
the soldiers for their pay and rations and to the settlers in payment for grain and other supplies, the habilitados being required to purchase home productions
rather than to order from Mexico.
Money was paid
but rarely, but goods were delivered at cost. For
the benefit of the pueblos Borica urged not only the
exportation of grain that the settlers might have a
market, but the sending by the government of special
invoices of goods to be sold to them at a small advance
on cost, in order that they might not be compelled to
purchase inferior articles at exorbitant prices from the
San Bias vessels. 3 The missions also sold supplies to
the presidios, and sometimes received goods in payment; but they preferred as a rule to keep an open
account which was settled once a }^ear by a draft of
the habilitado on Mexico, with which special invoices
of articles needed by the friars for themselves or their
neophytes or their churches were purchased and sent
to California free of all duties.
The
COMMERCIAL PROJECTS.
627
made
a long report in favor of the project, explaining that nothing but a market for produce could
arouse Californian industries from stagnation to prosperity; enumerating the facilities for a profitable
exportation of furs, hides, fish, grain, flax, oil, and
wine, and especially sardines, herring, and salmon, and
insisting that the government must take the initiative
in opening this provincial commerce, since the proseral
Condicion Actual de Col., MS., 71-3. 1799, contracts not to be made with
Mission majordomos without consent of padre. S. Jos6, Arch., MS., vi. 40.
5
Viceroy's communication of April 2, 1794, enclosing royal order of Oct.
1, 1793, and other papers. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 1G8, J8S-9; xii. 21-2;
Prcv. Pec, MS., iv. 11G-17, 119, 140; Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 40; Cedulario,
6
7
MS.,
i.
249.
St.
Pap., MS.,
xiii, 12.
628
48, 41.
PROVINCIAL FINANCE.
629
The matters
630
for reports, etc., to aid Romeu in his investigation of presidial accounts. Id.,
ix. 313-19.
Sept. 26, 1790, Revilla Gigedo's letter to court recommending the
appointment of Carcaba as habilitado general, and explaining the desirability of the new office. Estuddlo, Doc. Hist. Cat., MS., i. 8, 9. May 14, 1791,
royal order creating the office. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxv. 2. Oct.
3, 1791, viceroy communicates royal approval of Carcaba's appointment to
governor. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 136-7. Sept. 20th, habilitado's deficits
to be charged to the company pro rata, and he is to live on 25 cts per day under
arrest, his property also being sold. Id. x. 70.
Some clerical fees had to be
paid from California on statements of account. Id., xii. 105. Damaged effects
charged to the factor; expenses to company. Prov. Bee, MS., ii. 158, Jan.
Sending of supplies suspended until accounts are cleared up. Prov.
4, 1793.
St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xx. 4. Jan. 23, 1794, habilitado general, his appointment, accounts, etc. Nueva Espana, Acuerdos, MS., 40-3. May 12th, gov.
complains to V. R. of lack of system in the accounts. Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
xxi. 138-40.
1794, Col. Alberni was refused 50 arrobas of flour, because it
could be bought in California. St. Pap., Sac, MS., ix. 41-2. Articles of luxury not to be included in memorias. Balances in coin, one fourth in small
change. Prov. Pec., MS., iv. 124-5; Prov. St, Pap., MS., xii. 182-3. Dec.
1795, 10 per cent advance to be charged on goods distributed to Indians. Id.
The habilitados had to send with their memorias an account of the condition
of arms, dress, and other kinds of property. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 91.
Jan. 1, 1795, Borica to Carcaba, complaining of the inefficiency of his officers
especially as habilitados.
Grajera is named as an exception. Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., xxi. 213-14. April, $6,000 in silver coin sent to California. Prov. St.
Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxi. 10. Report of Feb. 19, 1795, on the accounts of
the expedition of 1769-74. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 5-9. Habilitado gen,
MS.,
vi. 2.
and apoderado
in circulation in California. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 154; vi. 78; Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., xvi. 245. March 19, 1797, Borica asks for a release of habilitados from
some duties, and the appointment of administrators. Prov. Pec, MS., vi.
83-4.
Gov. still at work on the accounts of 1781-92. Id. Carcaba succeeded
by Columna, Guerra, Doc. Hid. Gal., MS., iii. 168-9: Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
Arrears of pay at San
xvii. 209, 322-3; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 112; viii. 224.
HABILITADOS.
631
San Bias
until
632
of the stipends, nothing in particular is known pertaining directly to this epoch but Revilla Gigedo in his report of 1793 represents the fund as rapidly running to
decay, and predicts that the royal treasury will have
12
to make new sacrifices in behalf of the missions.
The Californians were free from alcabalas, or excise
tax, on articles bought and sold for five years from
1787 to 1792, and again for ten years from 1794.
From 1792 to 1794 one half the regular tax of six
per cent was paid, but statistics are insufficient to
show the revenue from this source, which was very
small.
There was also a tribute of one fanega of
corn per year paid by the settlers, which yielded to
the king something over $100. 13 From $100 to $200
a year resulted from the sale of papal indulgences, an
ecclesiastical revenue, but managed by the treasury
;
14
Another
revenue belonging
to the bishop of Sonora, but by him sold to the royal
treasury, was that of diezmos, or tithes.
This tax of
ten per cent on all products must be paid by settlers
after five years .and by the rancho del rey, only
The treasury gained
the missions being exempt.
five per cent by the purchase from the bishop, the
habilitados received ten per cent of gross receipts for
collection, and it was customary to sell the tithes for
a year in advance at auction whenever a purchaser
could be found, the price being the probable proceeds,
and the purchaser making his profit by a more careful
This tax
collection than the officials would enforce.
was collected in kind for grain and even for live-stock
when the animals could be used at the presidios. The
net proceeds, paid by drafts into the branch treasury
at Rosario, or at Guadalajara after 1795, were over
officials.
$1,200.
12
ecclesiastical
15
REVENUES.
G33
The
commandant
Id., xxvii. 8.
17
In the numerous communications in the archives respecting the manageof the mails during this decade there is very little matter of interest or
value.
1790, $250 paid for a special express from Nootka. Prov. St. Pap.,
Ben. Mil., MS., xix. 10. 1792, couriers to leave San Francisco on 1st of
each month. Prov. Rec, MS., ii. 152. 1793, a courier sent from Monterey
Nov. 16th, arrived at San Diego Nov. 23d, and at Loreto Dec. 7th. The day
and hour of arrival and departure at each mission are given. The stay at
each station was generally an hour. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 77-80. In
1794 a change was made in route, mails going via Chihuahua and Buenavista
instead of Alamos and Guadalajara. Prov. Rec, MS., vi. 25; viii. 145-6;
Pr(,v. St. Pap., MS., xi. 194.
English letters taken from the bags and sent
to Mexico in 1794-5. Prov. Rec, MS., iv. 9, 121; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii.
134; xiii. 175.
1795, mails leave Monterey on 3d of each month for south.
Prov. Rec, MS., v. 304. Net proceeds in 1790-7 were $758. Prov. Si. Pap.,
Ben. Mil, MS., xxv. 14. New mail-bags in 1797. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi.
193.
Administrators of P. 0. got 8 per cent. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil.,
MS., xxviii. 14. Vessel carrying the mail across the gulf lost in 1800. Prov,
St. Pap., MS., xviii. 80.
ment
C34
in the
Monterey
for transmission to Mexico; until in 1799 Hermenegildo Sal, as habilitado of Monterey, was formally
jurisdictions, the accounts being sent to
ro}~al
exchequer
The
Nov. 7, 1709, Sal declared administrator. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 176;
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 285, 315. 1795, tobacco accounts sent to habilitado of Monterey, as also cattle accounts; tithes to Rosario; mail accounts to
administrator general at Mexico; bulas to the respective branch of the treasury. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 26; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 133.
iy
Salaries paid were as follows: governor (lieut. -col.), $4,000; captain Cat.
vol., $S40; alferez or sub. -lieut., 8400; alferez Cat. vol., $384; sergeant, 8262.50;
sergeant artillery, $240; sergeant Cat. vol., 8192; soldiers, 8217.50; soldiers
Cat. vol., 8132; soldiers artillery, $180; invalid alferez, $200; invalid corporal,
$96; surgeon, 8840; lieutenant, 8550; lieutenant Cat. vol., $480; bleeder, 8360;
corporal, 8225; corporal artillery, 8-04; corporal Cat. vol., 8156; mechanics,
$180; drummer Cat. vol., $144; armorer, 8217; invalid sergeant, 8120; invalid
soldier, $90.
Nov. 5, 1792, Arrillaga to viceroy, urging a provision for sending the soldiers' pay in advance, as was done in some other presidios, though
contrary to the reglanicnto.
The delays, especially in fitting out new recruits and in paying off soldiers whose term had expired, caused great hardship. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 80-4.
Oct. 2, 1793, viceroy orders two payments in advance to lieutenants Grajera and Parrilla for travelling expenses.
St. Pap., Sac, MS., ix. 71.
1797, sailors employed in defensive dut}' get
25 cents per day. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 256.
1799, correspondence between commandants, governor, and viceroy respecting an increase of pay for
the presidial officers. St. Pap., Sac, MS., i. 123-4; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 113;
vi. 120-1.
MILITARY FORCE.
G35
The Catalan
credited at the expiration of the terra.
volunteers received less pay, and had no horses to
buy.
For them and for the artillerymen separate invoices of effects were sent from Mexico, to the amount
This infantry company
of about $15,000 per year.
was not deemed a very useful addition to the forces
of the country, and it was hoped that most of the
members at the expiration of their term might be
induced either to reenlist in the cuera companies or
remain in the country as settlers. 20
I explain elsewhere the military and presidio system.
Here it is my purpose to note briefly the condition of military affairs and the slight modifications
that occurred during the decade.
The regular term
21
of enlistment was ten years, but at least eighteen
years' service was required for retirement as an invalid on half-pay pension, and the pensioners were
often retained a long time in the service for want of
recruits to fill their places.
From the pay of each
20
The compafiia de voluntaries de Catalufia was also called the compania
de fusileros de montaiia. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 18G. Dec. 1795, the petition of the volunteers for travelling expenses denied. Prov. Pec, MS., viii.
June 1797, volunteers may
158; Si. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., i. 3G3.
enlist in the companies on expiration of their term, but not before, and enjoy
the advantages of their previous services. They were encouraged to marry
christianized natives as a means of retaining them in the country. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., xv. 252-3; Prov. Pec, MS., viii. 175. July 1, 1796, Alberni
argues that the volunteers desiring to become settlers should receive double
allowances, on account of their 15 or 20 years of service and because it is hard
for an old soldier to bend his body to the axe, hoe, and plow. St. Pap. Miss,
and Colon., MS., i. 3G8-9, 379. March 1799, Borica favors an increase of
cavalry in place of infantry. Prov. Rec, MS., vi. 121-2. Aug. 1799, B. says
the artillery-men live at the batteries and alternate with the infantrymen in
their duties.
When free they promenade about the presidios. No com,
636
retentions.
22
Prov. St. Pap., MS ., xvi. C3, 223; xv. 50. The other military 'funds'
were the fondo de gratification, an allowance of $10 for each man in the
companies per year for miscellaneous company expenses; the fondo de invdlldos, a small discount on soldiers' wages, 8 maravedis on a dollar, for the
payment of pensions; and the fondo de montepio, a discount of officers' pay
for similar purposes.
Feb. 1795, the king ordered $5 per month as alms
paid to the old carpenter Lorenzo Esparza. Prov. St. Pap. Ben. Mil. MS. xxv.
This sum was paid to Esparza until his death. April 1795, 70 persons in
16.
the four presidios entitled to retirement but no recruits to replace them.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 221-2. Dec. 6, 1790, royal order regulating details of pensions. Prov. Bee, MS., iv. 151-2.
Oct. 1797, invalids declining
to live in the pueblos must stand guard at the presidios. Prov. St. Pap. MS.
xvi. 86-7, 184; xv. 99-100; Prov. Bee, MS., iv. 159-60. Oct. 1798, retired
officers who held government positions get no half-pay. Prov. Bee., MS., vi.
22
104.
23
1795, Sergt. Ruiz reports that the soldiers at San Buenaventura have to
be treated with severity. Their insubordination has reached such a point
that they have to be threatened with kicks. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 45.
But Ruiz was arrested for offensive language to private Lugo. Id., xiii. 14.
Albino Tobar sent out of the country for bad conduct. Prov. Bee, MS., v.
62.
Two soldiers given two hours of extra guard duty per day, wearing
their cueras, for eight days, having allowed some Indian prisoners to escape.
Prov. St. Pap., MS. xvi. 173.
2i
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 108-9. A captain also proposed for Santa
Barbara in 1799. Prov. Bee., MS., vi. 121.
25
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 200; xiv. 58; xxi. 190.
26
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 28, 143; xvii. 98. S. JosC, Arch., MS., ii. 79;
Prov. Bee, MS., iv. 8; v. 24.
GOVERNMENT.
637
29
Civil
and
political
55, 222.
C3S
to
On
gings. 33
30
March 7, 1796,
March 21st, viceroy
CRIMINAL RECORD.
639
C40
shot after receiving from Father Tapia the last comforts of religion and reciting" the service in a firm
voice.
On a burning heap of wood near at hand the
rest of the sentence was carried out, and the charred
remains of the victim, fitted by the purification of
flame for rest in consecrated ground, was buried in
the presidio cemetery. 34
Thus we see that the morality of the Californians
was somewhat closely looked after by the authorities.
The settlers at the pueblos gave more trouble than
any other class, being free from military discipline and
enjoying greater facilities for sinful dissipations. Sebastian Alvitre of Los Angeles and Francisco Avila
of San Jose were usually in prison, in exile, or at
forced work for their excesses with Indian women and
with the wives of their neighbors; and there were other
who were
34
SPIRITUOUS LIQUORS.
641
who
642
came
Bee. ,
ionado of San Jose" for habitual gambling at his house. Id., iv. 293-4. Porrazo, tururu, malllla, and cientos may be played Sundays, if stakes are not
over $1, and the sexes are kept separate. Id., iv. 294. Children gambled for
buttons, some of them cutting off the buttons from their clothing. Prominent men often looked on and made bets on the children's game of tdngano.
1781, alcalde of San Jose unable to write. Pico, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., i.
1785, only 14 out of 50 of the Monterey company could write. Prov. St.
Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., vii. 1. 1786, seven out of 30 at San Francisco. Id.,
vii. 2.
1794, not a man
1791, two out of 28 at San Francisco. Id., xv. 3.
at San Francisco can write. The commandant asks that one be sent from Santa
Barbara. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 41.
1800, many soldiers acting as corporals could not be promoted because they could not read. Amador Mem.,
MS., 219.
39
Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., vi. 293-4; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv., 60;
Prov. Bee., MS., iv. 128.
40
Dept. St. Pap., S. Jose, MS., i. 45; Prov. Bee., MS., iv. 219.
13.
EDUCATION.
643
^Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 31-2, 136, 221, 229; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 10,
34-5; xiv. 27; Id., Ban. Mil, MS., xxi. 11; Dept. St. Pap., San Jose, MS.,
i.
50.
42
Feb. 18, 1796, 27 children attending Lasso's school at San Jose: four paynothing, and the rest two and one half reals per month. Prov. St. Pap., Mo.,
Feb. 20th, Borica to Lasso, urges great care. His pay will be adxiv. 101.
house to
vanced from the tobacco revenue and collected from the settlers.
be furnished for L. and family. Prov. Pec., MS., iv. 181. Feb. 25th, children
attending Santa Barbara school, 32. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 101. May 6th,
Borica speaks of Boronda and Rodriguez teaching at San Francisco and Monterey, Lasso at San Jose, a teacher at Santa Barbara at 8125 per year, and
Vargas at San Diego at 8100. Prov. llec, MS., v. 338-9. Sept. 20th, San
Diego school has 22 pupils. Prov. St. Pap., Presidios, MS., i. 04. Governor
orders reports, copybooks, etc., to be sent him every two, three, or six months.
Prov. llec, MS., iv. 50; St. Pap. Sac, MS., vi. 7.
644
know
little
or nothing. 44
i3
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 41, 168-9; xxi. 262-3; Prov. Rec, MS., v.
Randolph, Oration, speaks of copybooks sent from Santa Bar101, 108.
bara, Feb. 11, 1797, still preserved in the archives, the samples being scripture texts in a fair round hand.
44
Dec. 1798, Vargas transferred to Sta Barbara. Prov. Pec, MS., iv.
Borica complains that few pupils attend at San Diego. Parents must
109.
be stimulated. Id., v. 263. 1801, complaints of children growing up in
ignorance, and of great need of teachers. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 54-5;
xxi. 65.
Says Judge Sepulveda: 'They could learn very little in those days;
schools were few, books rare, and the pursuits of the people required not a
very extensive book-learning. When any writing was needed they couid
easily apply to the few who were the depositaries of legal form or epistolary
ability.' Sepulveda, Hist. Mem., MS., 3, 4.
Many mission libraries had
Palou's Life of Serra and perhaps one or two other historical works before
A few French books were given to
1800, besides a few theological books.
Lorica by Capt. Dorr's French pilot in 1797. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 76-7.
CHAPTER XXX.
LOCAL EVENTS AND PROGRESS SOUTHERN DISTRICT.
1791-1800.
1
For annals of San Diego from 1780 to 1790, which I here continue to 1800,
see chap, xxii., this volume.
2
Jose" de Zuniga enlisted as a soldado distinguido October 18, 1772; went
through the grades from corporal to alferez in 1778-9; was made lieutenant,
tG45)
GIG
and broke
He
gave up
his office temporarily in August 1799, and never
resumed it, having, however, been made a brevet captain in 1797.
Obtaining leave of absence to visit
Mexico he sailed on the Conception and died two days
out of port January 18, 1800. 3 From August 23,
his mind,
his constitution.
April 21, 1780; commandant of San Diego, Sept. 8, 1781; habilitado, Oct. 19,
Before coming to California he had seen much service in Indian cam1781.
paigns in Sonora and Clfihuahua. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. MIL, MS., xiv. 9; xvi.
In 1790 he was granted leave of absence on petition of his mother to visit
1.
Mexico and attend to a legacy; but seems not to have left his post. He showed
much attention to Vancouver, who named Ft Ziifiiga on the lower coast in
his honor, and who speaks of shoals in San Diego Bay called on a Spanish
chartof 1782 'Barros do Zooniga' (Bajios de Zuhiga). See Pantoja's map, p. 456,
this vol.
Letter of viceroy announcing
Vancouver's Voy., ii. 470, 473, 432.
his appointment as captain of Tucson dated May 29, 1792. Prov. St. Pap.,
MS., xxi. 75. By a letter of May 30, 1810, it appears that he still held the
same position, and had been made lieutenant-colonel. Prov. St. Pap., Ben.
;
647
December
4
Rodriguez habilitado from July 31, 1798. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil.,
MS., xvii. 1. Perhaps appointed iu May. Prov. Pec, MS., v. 276. Borica's
order of Aug. 23, 1799. Id., v. 293-4. Rodriguez' appointment as comandante by viceroy Feb. 11, 1800. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxviii. 15.
Became full comandante May 24, 1800. Id., xxvi. 18. Commission as lieutenant sent from Mexico July 17, 1801. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 96.
Rodriguez had never been alferez of the San Diego company, belonging nominally to that of San Francisco.
5
Ignacio Rafael Alvarado, not an ancestor of the later governor, enlisted
in 1773 at the age of 23.
He came to San Diego in 1774, was made a corporal in 1781, and sergeant in 1783.
In 1795 the governor complained of his
lack of resolution, and in 1797 his c6dula de invdtido was received. He was
still on the list of pensioners in 1805.
6
The Lower Californian mission of San Miguel belonged at this period to
San Diego, as did Los Angeles as late as 1796, at least so far as the military
guard was concerned, though in other respects the pueblo was subject to Santa Barbara.
San Gabriel had its guard from San Diego throughout the dec-
G48
and
U-IG.
9
Prov.
St.
649
27; proceeds of sales, 125; tithes paid, $26; net profit to treasury, $99. Prov.
St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS.,xxv. 4.
The total amount of tithes in the jurisdiction was $34. Prov. St. Pap. MS., xvi. 178; and this difference of $8 is the only
indication I find of the possible existence of a private rancho.
Cattle at end
of 1798, 531; proceeds of sales, $539. Id., xvii. 1. 1800, cattle, 690; proceeds,
$342. Id., xviii. 5.
11
San Diego Company accounts in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv.-xxxiii.; St.
Pap. Sac, MS., i. ii. vi. ix. Loss sustained on the government forge and
carpenter's shop for 1797, $70. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 179.
Fondo de
yratificacion for 1797: income $3,075, expended $2,041. Prov. St. Pap. Preside
MS.,i. 102-3. FondodaBetencionior 1800: $3,750. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil,
MS., xxviii. 18. Inventory of effects in warehouse 1798, $13,992. Id., xvii.
4.
Papal bulls on hand Nov. 1795, $4,339. Id., xiii. 5, received from Zuniga
with the office by Grajera. Prov. Pec, MS., v. 227. Bulls needed for
179G-7, 100 at 25 cents for vivos; 100 at 25 cents for difuntos; 50, lacticinio;
2 or 3 composition. Prov. St. Pap., Ben., MS., i. 12. Net revenue of San
Diego post-office for 1794, $71;forl79G, $95. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS.,
xxi. 2; xxiii. 8.
Accounts of presidio with missions 1797-1800. Id., xxxiii.
13; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 265; xvii. 195.
,
C50
Map
tuuu
PRESIDIO BUILDINGS.
G51
spent in repairs since the establishment. The warehouse, church, and officers' houses forming the fourth
side of the square were in good condition. Workmen
were at once set at work to cut timber at Monterey
which was shipped by the Princesa in October to be
used in repairs and also in the construction of some
new defensive works in connection with the old ones.
What progress was made in these improvements on
Presidio Hill we only know by a vague record that
esplanade, powder-magazine, flag, and houses for the
volunteers were blessed by the friars and dedicated by
a salute of artillery November 8, 1798. 13 At the end
of 1794 the viceroy expressed a desire to have a fort
built similar to the one just completed at San Fran" Perhaps he
cisco, but without cost to the king.
wishes me to pay the expenses" writes Borica to a
friend.
Early the next year Point Guijarros, Cobblestone point, was selected as the site of the fort whose
absence Vancouver had noticed, and preparations were
at once begun. Two or three workmen, and the necessary timber, were sent down by the transports from
Monterey. Santa Barbara furnished the axle-trees
and wheels for ten carts, while bricks and tiles were
12
13
Vancouver's Voyage,
ii.
495, 501.
Aug. 20, 1793, governor to viceroy. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 115.
August 18th, timber to be cut at Monterey and taken south by the Princesa.
Id., xxi. 112; Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 105.
Oct. 14th, the vessel has sailed with
timber. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 157.
Sept. 1G, 1794, governor to Arguello,
ordering him to send timber in the Ara/izazu for esplanade and bastions;
but none were sent. Id., xii. 150, 152-3. Nov. 17, 1796, governor to the
friars, blessing of the works. Prov. lice, MS., v. 247b.
652
14
Domini-
can establishment in La Frontera. In 1764 three natives were held as prisoners, one of whom, a neophyte,
had been leader in a proposed attack on San Miguel.
Several bands had approached the mission by night,
but finding the guard mounted and ready had re15
treated.
In May or June 1795 Alferez Grijalva
while returning" from San Miguel with three natives
arrested on a charge of murder was attacked by some
two hundred savages, one of whom was killled and
two were wounded in the skirmish, Grijalva having a
u Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 69, 165; xiv. 168; xvii. 9, 10; xxl 212, 216-17,
Water had to
248; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 20-1; v. 238, 272, 278; vi. 46, 79.
be carried from the presidio, where a "well long abandoned was reopened.
One hundred and three planks, 22 feet long, were among the timber shipped
from Monterey.
few industrial items are as follows: For a time after
May 1793 there was no armorer, the old one having left after a service of 20
years. Proii. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 56-8.
In 1795 the missions of this district
were requested to send each four or five Indians to the presidio to learn stonecutting and bricklaying. Prov. Pec, MS., v. 235-6. Jan. 1796, a weaver was
The comandante tried to induce
to go to San Diego to teach. Id., v. 78.
Spanish youth to learn trades, but without success, some of them deeming
the request an insult. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 16. The forge and carpenter
shop did $93 worth of work for soldiers and missions in 1797; but as expenses,
including two apprentices, were $163, the king's exchequer was not perceptibly
MS.
FOREIGN
VISITS.
653
Prov. Pec, MS., v. 227-8; iv. 88; vi. 50; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii.
215-1G; xvi. 249.
17
Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 469-76.
18
Prov. Pec, MS., v. 254-5; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 197, 211-12, 2G7-9.
654
At San Die^o
Prov. Rec, MS., v. 283, 285; vi. Ill; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 197Their names were Wm. Katt, Barnaby Jan, John Stephens, and Gabriel Boisse.
The captors of a SjDanish vessel in 1709 claimed that some of
their men, being on the coast in 1797, as part of the crew of two (English)
ships had entered San Diego and made soundings by moonlight. Prov.
St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., xiii. 20.
20
Prov. Pec, MS., viii. 132; xii. 6; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 44,54;
xviii. G7; St. Pop., Sac, MS., ix. 12, 13.
The earthquake occurred at 1:30
p. M., and the soldiers' houses, warehouse, and the new dwelling of the volunteers were considerably cracked. The drought of 1795 and an epidemic
diarrhoea in 1793 are the only other natural afflictions noted. Prov. St. Pap.,
202.
MS.,
Hilario Torrens thus he signed his name, but by his companions it was
more frequently written Torrent e or Torrent, to say nothing of several other
variations was a native of Catalonia, where he was for a long time predicador, for three years guardian, and also vicar.
He came to California in 178G
with the highest recommendations from his college for talent, experience, and
circunstancias. Serving at San Diego from November 1786 to November 1798,
he had but slight opportunity to distinguish himself save by a faithful performance of his missionary duties. His license to retire was signed by the
viceroy March 17, 1798.
He sailed in the Princesa on Nov. 8th, and May 14,
1799, the guardian wrote that he had died in a convulsion. Arch. Sta. Barbara,
MS. xi. 281 xii. 2G-7; Prov. St. Pap., xvi. 187. Of Juan Mariner still less is
known. He came to California in 1785, served at San Diego from November
of that year, made a trip with Grijalva in July 1795 to explore for the new
mission site of San Luis Bey. He died Jan 29, 1800, and was buried in the
presbytery by Padre Faura on Jan. 30th. Finally April 26, 1804, his remains
were removed and placed, together with those of Jaume and Figuer, in a sepulchre constructed for the purpose under the small arch between the two
altars of the new church. San JJiego, Lib. de Mision, MS., 81, 89.
21
May
1798.
G55
Sept
July
30, 1798, Lasuen to Borica. Arch. Arzobi spado, MS., i. 51.
Lujan instructed to report confidentially on the treatment of the
natives. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 247. July 17, 1797, Grajera explains his
treatment of the natives. Does not allow them to have much intercourse with
14, 1799,
636
than
other
in
St.
Diego as
late as 1798
C57
...
26
1797,
MS.,
MS.,
vi.
xii. 17.
I.
42
05S
30
mason sent up by Arrillaga, who reports
St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 2G.
to the viceroy Jan. 11, 1799. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 15. Lasuen in report of
1799-1800 says the church has been building four years. Arch. Sta Barbara,
MS., xii. 128. Date of beginning, S. Juan Cap., Lib. de Mision, MS., 2G.
Dec. 1797, church of masonry with arches being built 53 x 10 varas. St. Pap.,
Mi**., MS., ii. 110.
31
May 1796, a weaver (tejedor de ancho) sent. Prov. Pec, MS., v. 79,
April 16, 1797, Pedro Poyorena's report to Grajera. Blankets,
245, 247.
wide woollen cloths, mangos for vaqueros, 30 yards of mar.ta, 30 yards of
baize successfully woven.
Xot so perfect as Mexican goods, but good enough
The native women spin and pick wool and cotton, and also
for this country.
dye tolerably well. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 2G1-2. April 17th, report of
radres on progress. The weaver's attempts at dyeing with vinegar, etc., not
equal to what the natives could do with Campeche, Brazil, and Zacatastal
woods. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 103-5. April 2Sth, Grajera to Borica, the
carpenter Gutierrez the only man who can put up looms. Prov. St. Pap.,
MS. xvi. 201 April 29th, Borica to padres. May 31st, Fuster to Borica. Mencloza's services in the past not worth much, but he will pay what Lasuen
deems just. June 2Gth, Borica to commandant of Monterej\ Make an
arrangement with Lasuen and pay one eighth to Mendoza and seven eighths
Prov. St. Pap., B^n. Mil., MS., xxv. 15; Prov. Per.,
to royal treasury.
MS., vi. 185-G, 189. Wool purchased for Monterey and Santa Barbara. Id.,
ix. 5; St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 2.
,
LOS AXGELES.
639
though a
special effort
Vancouver's Voyar/e,
ii.
4G7.
much nearer the shore than it really is, but it could hardly have been
moved before 1707 when the new church was begun, and certainly not later.
sion
LOCAL EVENTS
660
EST
THE SOUTH.
of weaving.
Crops in 1800 were 4,600 bushels, the
largest having been 7,800 in 1796, and the smallest
Seven eighths of the entire harvest
2,700 in 1797.
was usually maize, though the inhabitants offered in
1800 to contract for the supply of 3,400 bushels of
wheat per year at 1.66 a bushel for the San Bias
market. 34
Map
34
From
St.
661
ii.
77.
86
Feb. 24, 1795, Goycoechea's report to Borica in Prov. St. Pap., Ben.
April, 1795, Borica to viceroy. Pror. Rec, vi. 40-1.
The
7, 8.
former important report seems not to have been seen by either writers or
lawyers in the past.
Mil., xxii.
G02
La Zanja, described
Land
Cases.
EARLY LAND-GRANTS.
GC3
664
42
Of Crist6bal Oramas we only know that he had been for five years
assistant curate and became a friar only a year before coming to California,
whither he brought in 1786 a most flattering reputation from the guardian
He
for genius and exemplary conduct. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 26-7.
served at Santa Barbara, of which mission he was a founder, from December
1786 to December 17S9; at Purisima until November 1792; and at San Gabriel
until September 1793, when broken down in health he retired to the college.
43
This death-rate of 90 per cent of baptisms and doubtless 500 per cent
and more of births was not caused by any great epidemic in one year, for the
deaths run quite evenly as follows: 104, 84, 98, 65, 80, 87, 92, 96, 138, and
230.
44
San Gabriel, Lib. de Mision, MS., passim. The mission-books contain
but little beyond the names of padres and of persons baptized, married, or
buried.
The original registers are also imperfect, parts of several books
having disappeared.
665
Church-building. St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 5, 29, 100, 110. Cotton- weavJuly, 1796, 200 arrobas
ii. 6, 100; Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 30-2.
can be had at 20 reals. St. Pap., Sac, MS., vi. 6. Due mission
from presidio of San Diego, 1797, $2,881. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 265. For
Due from Santa Barbara, 1797, $3,311. Id.,
1798, $2,597. Id., xvi. 195.
xvii. 78-81.
Two runaway neophytes from San Gabriel brought in by the
Papagos to Tucson. Prov. Rec, MS., iv. 58.
ing. Id.,
of wool
4G
Pablo Antonio Cota was born in 1744, and enlisted in 1768, coming to
California probably in 1769, and certainly before 1774.
He seems to have
commanded the guard at San Buenaventura from its foundation in 1782 until
He subsequently
1787, when he was removed on complaint of the padres.
commanded at Purisima until replaced by Corporal Ortega in September
During this time he was engaged in one or two minor explorations
1788.
and Indian campaigns. His commission as alfeYez was signed in Mexico Jan.
His wife was Dona Maria Rosa de Lugo,
13, 1788. St. Pap., Sac, MS., i. 55.
who died Jan. 10, 1797. S. Buenaventura, Lib. de Mission, MS., 2, 5, 9; Sta
Barbara, Lib de Mision, MS., 30: In August 1795 he commanded the party
exploring for the mission site of San Fernando. Sta Maria, Bei/istro, MS.
He died Dec. 30, 1800, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 87; xxi. 56, of pleurisy,
which during this cold rainy winter attacked many persons at Santa Barbara.
Prov. St. Pap., Ben. MIL, MS., xxix. 3.
666
creased from 200 to 370. 47 The total white population of this district, including Los Angeles and the
ranchos, was 675, and neophytes, including San
Gabriel and San Fernando, numbered almost 4,000.
Having no fort, 4S Santa Barbara obtained no part of
the reenforcement of artillerymen and infantry sent
to California in 1796, and wT as garrisoned by cuera
cavalrymen only. The annual appropriation for this
presidio from the royal treasury did not vary much
from 815,000. 49
It has been seen that new presidio buildings had
been completed or nearly so by 1790; but some of the
roofs were constructed of tules; some of the timbers
supporting tile roofs were bad; the family kitchens
were inside the houses and not detached as was best;
a fire did considerable damage in August 1789; and it
seems that no new chapel had been built. Fages in
47
Company rosters in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii.-xxvi. St.
Pop., Sac, MS., i.-iii. List of about 100 persons in 1797 who have complied with religious obligations. Prov. St. Pap., LIS., xv. 89-93.
List of 14
young men lit for military service, but whose parents need their care. Id.,
xv. 102-4.
Full list of officers and men in 1798. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil.,
MS., xvii. 20-1. Four foundlings came here to live in 1800. Id., xxviii. By
Borica's order each mission escolta was reduced by one man in 1795. Prov.
Bee., MS., iv. 25; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 171.
48
One brass G-pounder and three smaller iron pieces at the presidio with
;
four iron guns at the three coast missions were the armament in 1798. Prov.
Paper supplied to school and collected
St. Pap., Den. Mil., MS., xvii. 5.
again for cartridges. Prov. Pec., MS., iv. 32.
49
Company accounts in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xv. xvii.-viii. xxi.
xxiii. xxviii. St. Pap., Sac., MS., ii. iv. The memorias of supplies were from
$13,000 to $17,000. Account of 1794, credit, $39,737; debit, $38,634. Prov.
Id. for 1797, cr., $42,377; dr., $43,095. St. Pap.,
St. Pap.. Presid., MS., i. 3.
Sac., MS., ii. 08.
Id. for 1798, cr., $40,520; dr., $40,658. Prov. St. Pap. Ben.
Total receipts of supplies in 1795, including $6,833
Mil., MS., xvii. 9-11.
from missions, $22,057. Id., xxi. 9. Waste in last meinoria 1796, $690.
Prov. Rec, MS., iv. 80. Mission supplies in 1797, $4,623; in 1798, $756.
Inventory of goods on hand.
Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xvii. 10, 11.
Dec. 31, 1798, $9,758. Id., xvii. 9. Account of 1799, cr., $45,728; dr., $46. 148.
Prov. St. Pap., Ben., MS., ii. IS, 19. Postal revenue from $56 to $105.
Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., xxi. 6, 9; xxiii. 8; xxv. 14; St Pap., Sac,
MS., vi. 61. Tithes collected from $200 to $800 per year, the expense of collecting being from 15 to 20 per cent. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xix. 4;
xxi. 6; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 45-6; vi. 2;Dept St. Pap., MS.,x. 3,4;SY Pap.,
Sac, MS., i. 124. In 1792-3, the papal bulls sold amounted to $02. Prov.
From 1790 to 1795, only $8 out of $1,177
St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxi. 6.
worth sent. Id., xiii. 4; xxi. 9. In 1797, $87 worth sold, and those remainIt seems that this sale was a
in" ordered burned. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 87.
special one of bulls of the holy crusade. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 79-80.
;
SANTA BARBARA.
G67
Romeu
Goycoechea's activity, biit still some roofs needed reAll would be done that year except the new
pairs.
Vanchapel and a cemetery outside the square.
couver in November found here "the appearance of a
Map
far
more
civilized place
The
the
others in neatness, cleanliness, and other smaller
though essential comforts; it is placed on an elevated
part of the plain and is raised some feet from the
tile.
presidio excels
all
66S
50
Pages, Papel de Puntos, MS., 166.
Aug. 20, 1793, governor to viceroy.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 115; Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 451, 495. Oct. 11,
1794, 15 men at 18 cents per day and 34 fanegas of maize at 13 reals, necessary to complete the buildings. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 02. Oct. 24th, building expenses to stop. Id., xii. 98. Dec. 13th, Borica says the church is to be
enlarged at cost of the fondo de gratification. Id., xii. 58. Expenses from 1784
to 1794, $2,256. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., xxi. 12.
Dec. 16th, viceroy
to governor, the 8 ship-boys and other workmen can no longer be paid from
treasury of San Bias. St. Pap., Sac, MS., vii. 57-8.
Chapel to be blessed
on Guadalupe day. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 87. The $2,256 charged to fondo de
gratification by order of April 26, 1797. Id., iv. 89.
51
Jan. 15, 1794, governor orders that each soldier be allowed only four
cows. These to be branded and the rest slaughtered. Prov. Rec, MS., i.
1794-5, commandant asks for and obtains from governor 200 steers for
2C8.
Oct. 22, 1795, Borica
rations. Id., iv. 16; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 97.
orders Goycoechea, Ortega, and other officers to fence their gardens; and
reads them a lecture for complaining of the poor soldiers' cattle. Why should
In
so many suffer for the convenience of a few? Prov. Rec, MS., iv. 33-4.
1796 an effort was made here as elsewhere to promote sheep-raising. Let
Pefia have some land, says the governor June 9, 1796, if he will take Pico as
a partner and raise twice as many sheep as other stock. Rancheros must go
to the pueblo to live he says, Dec. 29th, unless they will raise sheep. Prov.
Rec, MS.
iv.
66, 86.
SANTA BARBARA.
669
An
'
related.
55
1,2.
50
See
p. 536, this
volume.
Prov.
St.
9.
670
named Gonzalez
said to
zalez.
and the
MS.,
1, 6.
Jose"
CAPTAIN ORTEGA.
671
At Santa Barbara
C72
2,492,
Crops were
1797; and only 150
Juan Capistrano Maria Herm6genes, Maria Antonio de Jesus, and Jos(5 Maria
Martin. San Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS., 12, 14, 17, 19, 27, 50; Loreto, Lib.
Mision, MS., 198; Taylor's Discoverers and Founders, ii. No. 27.
C2
Antonio Paterna was a native of Seville, and served 20 years in the
Sierra Gorda missions before coming to California.
He left his college in
October 1770; sailed from San Bias in the San Antonio Jan. 21, 1771; arrived
at San Diego March 12th, at Monterey May 21st, and back at San Diego
Julj 14th. He was supernumerary at San Gabriel until May 1772, and minDuring this time he was acting president in
ister until September 1777.
1772-3 until Palou's arrival. He was minister at San Luis Obispo from 1777
7
to 1786; and at Santa Barbara from its foundation, Dec. 4, 1786, until his
death on Feb. 13, 1793. Sta Barbara, Lib. de Mision, MS., 44-5; Arch. Sta
Barbara, MS., vii. 5, 6; xi. 221. He had been a zealous and faithful worker.
His body was buried in the mission church on Feb. 14th. Whether it was
subsequently transferred to the new church does not appear from the records.
03
The discrepancy of about 200 may result from the baptism of certain
natives who were allowed to remain in their rancherias and not included on
the mission registers. There was some correspondence in 1796 about the rancherias of the channel, and their willingness to become Christians if not compelled to leave their lands and fisheries and live at the missions.
Borica
favored allowing them to remain and adding an extra friar to Santa Barbara
and Purisima to attend to their instruction, houses or stations being established
at suitable points. St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 92-8; Prov. Bee, MS., iv. 55-6.
In August 1797, 300 natives near the presidio were given over to Lasuen for
baptism on condition of not leaving their rancheria. Id., iv. 92; vi. 54-5.
According to a report of Goycoechea, March 12, 1796, the rancherias from San
Buenaventura to Purisima were as follows: Sisolopo at San Buenaventura; El
Rincon, 5 leagues; La Carpinteria, 11.; El Paredon, 1| 1. ; Montecito, 1^1.;
Yuctu, at presidio, 1J1.; Sacpili, 2^1.; Alcas; Gelijec; Geloo; Miguigui, 31.,
Casil, 3 1. ; Quemada, 1 1.; Gaviota, 31.; El Bulito Estait. 21.; Sta Texas (?),
Total number
21.; El Cojo Sisilopo, 1^1.; Espada, 1^1.; Pedernales, 1^1.
Najalayegua, Matita, and
of gentiles, 1783. St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 94.
Somes are also named.
C4
Weather reports at Santa Barbara. Much complaint in 1795, 1797, and
1800. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 65; x. 117; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 62;
St. Pap., Sac, MS., vi. 100-1; St Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 103-6; Prov. St. Pap.,
Ben. Mil., MS., xvii. 22; Prov. Pec, MS., xi. 136. According to accounts in
Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ii. 133-9; ix. 476-83, 494-6, the mission had in
1800 a credit balance in Mexico of $528; a draft from the habilitado for
$1,207; $309 in money at the mission; $1,061 due from presidio; and $416 due
from private individuals; total, $3,581 in addition to buildings, etc. Supplies
Otter-skins sent to Mexico,
furnished to presidio from 1793 to 1800, $5,179.
full account of mission supplies purchased in Mexico is given in
$1,624.
Santa Barbara, Memoriae de los Efcctos remitidos d la Mision para los alios
673
Much
progress was made in mission buildings durIn 1791 a guard-house and three
ing this decade.
tool-houses were added; in 1792 two large stone
corrals.
In 17934 a new church of adobes, tiled and
plastered, 28 x 135 feet, with a sacristy 15x28 feet, and
a brick portico in front, was erected; and in 1794 the
improvements were a granary and spinnery on stone
foundations, a cemetery enclosure 48 x 135 feet, and a
sheep-corral.
In 1795 a corridor with tile roof and
brick pillars was added on the side of the square next
the presidio, and another to the spinnery; four new
rooms for the friars were completed; and beams of
alder and poplar were replaced with pine wherever
they had been used. In 1797 several rooms for
granaries, store-rooms, and offices were completed. In
1799 there were built nineteen adobe houses for
natives, each 12 x 19 feet, plastered, whitewashed,
and roofed with tiles; and an adobe wall nine feet
high was extended for 1,200 yards round the garden
and vineyard. In 1799 was added a warehouse, and
in 1800 thirty-one more dwellings in a row, and corridors on brick pillars round the three remaining sides
of the square were completed; while preparations
were made for the construction of a reservoir for
drinking-water, to be made of stone, brick, and mor65
of industry.
The carpenter of the presidio was engaged at one dollar per day to teach the natives his
trade; and a corporal taught tanning at 150 per year.
Of the two soldiers that constituted the guard one was
employed by the friars as majordomo. 66
MS. These supplies were purchased by the padres with their
and with the products of sales of produce. They consist of implements, groceries, church vestments, and vessels, clothing, etc. The total
amount for this decade was $10,500, of which $8,000 was paid by the sinodos,
and the rest by drafts from the habilitado. In 1800, as I have said, the mission was $528 ahead; but before it owed from $100 to $2,000.
1786 hasta 1810,
salaries
a Arch. Sta Barbara, MS.,' v. 26-30, 39, 42-5, 49, 53, 58, 61-2; ii. 99,
138-40; St. Pap., Miss., MS., i. 117; ii. 71, 79.
60
Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ii. 96-7, 129, 137-8. Before October, 165
naguas of home manufacture had been distributed, 800 yds. of cotton and
Hist. Cal., Vol.
I.
i3
674
taparabo woven, 700 yds. of blanketing. One thousand and twenty dollars
worth of soap furnished to Monterey, perhaps by the presidio, in 1798. Prov.
Rec, MS.,iv. 105.
67
and
SAN BUENAVENTU11A.
not yet
built,
but
it
675
this time
and
Calzada from October 1792 until August 1796, returning in May 1798; Juan Martin served in 1796-7;
and Gregorio Fernandez from 1796. Baptizing 1,079
and burying 397, the missionaries increased the neophyte community from 234 to 959. This was the
largest proportional gain and the smallest death-rate
Live-stock, large and small, increased
in California.
to 1,900 and 4,000 head respectively; and crops in 1800
to the stranger's care, and were positive he would never return.
On arrival
the surf prevented landing at the first attempt, and the padre was not a little
frightened as he had not his prayer-book with him. When the natives brought
the book his courage returned and he laughed at his former fears as the sailors
had laughed before. On landing finally, the natives crowded round their
padre to welcome him home and receive his blessing. Vancouver was deeply
impressed with the missionary's piety and the earnest devotion of his neophytes. He noted that the natives were always addressed in their own lan-
St.
G76
73
i.
59.
CHAPTER XXXI.
LOCAL EVENTS AND PROGRESSMONTEREY DISTRICT.
1791-1800.
The
presidial cavalry
1
See company rolls in Pvqv. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii. 9; xiv. 2;
xvii. G; xviii. 1; xx. 1; xxi. 2, 11; xxii. 5; xxiii. 2; xxvi. 3, 4, 15; xxvii. 4;
St. Pap., Sac, MS., i. 10-13; iii. 14; iv. 20.
Missions included in the juris-
diction. Sal's report of 1798, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 03.
White population in 1800, 518; Indian population, 3,949. St. Pap., MUs., MS., iii. 15,
t
G77
G78
Diego Gonzalez kept his place on the rolls as nominal lieutenant of the Monterey company until August
1792, although he had long been absent; and his successor was Leon Parrilla, who held the place until
September 1795, although from incompetency, illhealth, and partial insanity he never exercised any
authority. 2
HERMENEGILDO
SAL.
679
680
The
was the
AFFAIRS AT MONTEREY.
681
some damage in October 1792. Vancouver describes and gives a view of the presidio as it appeared
8
It was like that of San Francisco except
in 1792.
that the enclosure was complete. There was a circular
did
apartments in all on the east nine houses for the soldiers, and a blacksmith shop; and on the south besides
nine similar houses was the presidio church opposite
the main gate-way. 10 All the structures were again
in bad condition; the walls were cracked, having been
built on insufficient foundations after the fire; and
;
Pap., Sac, MS., xvii. 3. Three thousand one hundred and twenty-two dolwas the total expense down to Dec. 31, 1795. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii.
Aug. 20, 1793, bastions unfinished, and house of the alf^rez needs
190, 201.
Total cost of repairs to date,
repairs like some of the soldiers' dwellings.
lars
See next chapter for plan and description of San Francisco Presidio.
9
Vancouver's voyage, ii. 43-4: View of presidio, ii. 440; view of scene in
Vancouver deemed the site chosen by no means the
Salinas Valley, iii. 334.
There was low marshy ground between the square
best in the vicinity.
and the beach.
10
Aug. G-9, 1791, instructions addressed to Argiiello about building the
church. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 42. March 1, 1792, viceroy orders work
suspended until further orders. St. Pap., Sac, MS., iv. 1. April 4th, viceroy
sends a plan for church, made by the directors of the academy of architecture
Fages says he followed such a plan, brat
of San Carlos, Mexico. Id., i. 112.
this must have been an earlier one. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 191.
VanThe cost was $1 ,500,
couver's picture represents the church as completed.
which was refunded to the company by the government. Prov. Pec, MS., iv.
Had it
200; St. Pap., Sac, MS., vii. 58; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 227.
been built by day-laborers in the usual way the expense would have been at
least $5,000, as Boriea believed.
It was done by troops, sailors, Indians, and
8
682
'
xviii. 11.
1G2.
MS.,
xvii. 11.
683
14
In the early part of the decade industrial operations w ere confined for the most part to the labors of
carpenters, bricklayers, and masons on the presidio
buildings; but later, a tailor, saddler, and one or more
r
13
In 1798 the change was still more marked, when there are said to have
been 7,491 horses and 1,200 cattle. This result was attributed to droughts,
thefts, export of females to Baja California, ravages of bears and wolves, foundation of the branch at San Francisco, and the lack of a market for horses.
Sergt. Macario Castro had charge of the rancho as majordomo, with six soldiers.
Gov. to viceroy, Dec. 3, 1798. Prov. i?cc, MS., vi. 104, 109. Accounts
of the rancho in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii. 1, 4; xviii. 1, 2, 7;
xxiii. 3; xxv. 2, 3; xxviii. 4.
Two hundred fat cattle to be killed annually;
no tallow to come from San Bias; Sta Barbara to be supplied 1792. Prov.
Pec, MS., ii. 156. Cattle very numerous in 1794. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii.
189-91.
Bears very numerous and troublesome in 1792, doing great harm
both to live-stock and to gardens. Prov. Pec, MS., ii. 159. Sheep-raising fos-
tered, 179G.
14
/(/., vi.
6S4
15
MINOR HAPPENINGS.
6S5
limited and his character somewhat vivo. Arch. Sta, Barbara, MS., xii.
26-7.
After a term as supernumerary he served as minister at San Carlos
6S6
St.
Pajp.,
MS.,
6S7
'
117.
6S8
and
finally left
manner
and
and he was acquitted on the
spouse might have been killed by a
conflicting as to the force
of his blows,
At San Antonio
62, 64.
23
Pages, Informs Gen., MS., 146; St Pap., Miss., MS., i. 121; ii. 120-1;
Report in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 65. The exact meaning of the report of 1793 is not clear. In 1794 an adobe room 14 x 9 varas, and a tileroofed pozolera, or porridge-room, were completed.
Sal's
SAN LUIS
OBISPO.
6S9
At San
cepcion in
August
794.
I.
44
090
28
Supplies to Monterey presidio in 1795-6, $2,504 and $1,131. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., xvi. 203, 206; Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 222. The governor granted a
piece of land at Santa Margarita to the invalid corporal Cayuelas in the name
of his neophyte wife, bntLasuen objected. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 398.
-Pror. Pec, MS., iv. 177; vi. 08; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 192-3; St.
Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 6, 108; Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 30-2.
30
St. Pap., Mi.*s., MS., i. 119; ii. 21, 120; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 05.
31
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 100-3, 194.
CENTRAL DISTRICT.
Map
of Monterey.
G91
CHAPTEK
XXXII.
San Francisco Officials Military Force Population Finance Presidio Buildings Plan Castillo de San Joaquin at Fort Point
C6rdoba's Report Ravages of Elements Repairs Battery of
YerbaBuena at Black Point Vancouver's Visits Captain Brown-
Mines Discovered Alberni's Company Wreck of the San Carlos
The Eliza Rancho del Rey Mission versus Presidio
Indian Affairs Runaway Neophytes Amador's Campaigns
Padre's Cruelty San Francisco Mission Fathers Cambon, Espi,
Danti, Garcia, and Fernandez Buildings, Statistics, Industries
Pueblo of San Jose Inhabitants and Officials Statistics Hemp
Culture Local Events Proposed Removal Boundary Dispute
Santa Clara Pena and Noboa Population, Agriculture, Buildings, and Manufactures.
'
The
'
'
'
1
These brief statements are made from a careful study of the 65 distinct
references to different archives which are before me, but which it would serve
no good purpose to print. About the date of Argiiello's return there is some
confusion.
May 2, 1795, viceroy's order that Argiiello rejoin his company.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 85, 91. Ordered by governor in January 1790 to
(692)
PRESIDIAL COMPANY.
693
tenant-colonel Pedro de Alberni, captain of the Catalan volunteers, by reason of his superior rank in the
army, was commandant of the military post from
April 1796. The alferez of the presidial company
was Ramon Lasso de la Vega until the end of 1791,
Jose Perez Fernandez from 1792 until 1797, and
Manuel Rodriguez from 1797 to 1800, although he
never served at San Francisco, and the place was
practically vacant.
The position of sergeant was held
MS.,
vii.
694
March 4,
was
left
MS.,
xi.
Nov.
1792.
51-2, 50;
1,
xii. 42.
PRESIDIO BUILDINGS.
605
1792.
4
1. ComSal, Informes sobre los Edificios de San Francisco, 1792, MS.
mandant's house, 4 rooms and yard, 37 x 6 varas, of adobes. 2. Sergeant's
4. Barracks,
3. Chapel 19 x 8 varas.
house, of stone, without mortar.
guard-house, and calabooses, of adobe and stones. 5, 6. Warehouses for food
and clothing, of stones and mud. The other structures are the soldiers'
dwellings.
006
At
without glass. 5
In 1793-4 complaints and calls for aid continued,
but attention was given almost exclusively to new
fortifications on the shore to the neglect of the presidio
walls,
5
Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 7-9. There is a communication from Sal to
Arrillaga dated Nov. 29th, stating that work on the building was finished,
tile roofs on the church, warehouses, and nine new houses for soldiers; but
this does not agree with the other records, and I am at a loss to know why
such a letterwas written. St. Pap. Sac. MS. i. 118. August 20, 1793, the governor informs the viceroy of the bad condition of the buildings, although
$1,400 have been spent on repairs since the foundation. Prov. St. Pap., MS.,
xxi. 114-15.
Dec. 29th, Sal to Borica, the $1,200 gratuity for the troops for
building the presidio not yet received; nor are there any lists. Hints that
the other presidios get $4,000. Id., xi. 54, 57.
,
PROGRESS IN BUILDINGS.
697
square. 6
xxi. 31.
8
One hundred and ninety-two dollars spent on quarters for volunteers.
Expenditure approved by viceroy Feb. 28, 1798. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviL
10, 11.
603
Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 9, 500. Sept. 30, 1792, Sal reports the bursting
gun into 10 pieces, nobody hurt. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 74; i. 117.
Although Vancouver says a gun was fired, Sal reports to the governor that
the Chatham got no salute for want of a cannon. Id., iii. 23. Oct. 31st, Sal to
Only one cannon, and that burst several years ago. Cuadra gave
Arrillaga.
some powder and promised four or five guns. So it seems that the presidio
gun was not so effective even as Vancouver supposed. Id., i. 119. Aug. 20,
1793, Arrillaga to viceroy, announcing that work had been begun on a fort.
After completing it the men will go to Monterey. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi.
Dec. 31, 1793, statement of munitions. St. Pap., Sac, MS. v. 61.
113.
of the
009
the port
We
have
main walls
700
twenty-four
his arrival,
sailors.
and
in
The
Jan. 30, 1794, Sal to governor, has begun to fell timber; guns on the
esplanade. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 47-51. Jan. 31st, 6 guns in the battery
facing the harbor. Id. xii. 67.
The padres endeavored to obtain an extra
blanket and pair of breeches for each neophyte laborer per month but failed;
April 30th, a sergeant and four soldiers in
1,500 adobes being made daily.
charge of the laborers. Id., xii. 74. Twenty-two Indians ran away in April.
Id., xii. 53. June 9th, viceroy acknowledges receipt of advices on measures
taken to complete the provisional esplanade. Id., xi. 174. Jan. 10th, viceroy's orders to use fascines and reduce expenses.
June 12th, governor's
reply. Id., xxi. 143-4; xii. 120.
condestable, carpenter, and two sawyers
sent from San Bias, and a bricklayer and tile-maker were also retained. The
troops did most of the work. Arrillaga, in Id., xii. 191-2.
Dec. 1st, commandant says the work is almost finished, and he sends the workmen tc
Monterey. Id., xii. 31. Dec. 3d, governor refers to the tower, sentry-box,
and other buildings as being nearly done. Prov. liec, MS., v. 29. Fort
blessed on Dec. 8th. Id., v. 31-2; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 26. Jan. 1, 1795,
governor sends the viceroy a plan of the work, and asks for a garrison of a
captain, sergeant, and 11 men. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 35.
I copy a plan of
what I suppose to be this fortification from Alviso, Doc. Hist. Cat., 156.
Elliot, in Ocerland Monthly, iv. 344, says he has the plan in his possession.
One of the old guns, four of which serve as fender-posts of the present fort,
bears the inscription Governando los seuores de la Peal Audiencia de Lima.'
Cost of building the castillo, $6,491, which real hacienda is ordered to pay on
Oct. 8, 1795, as V. R. informs the gov. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 45, 162;
Prov. Pec, MS., v. 35. $6,503, according to St. Pap., Sac, iv. 52. Dec. 4,
1795, viceroy to Borica, $1,482 have been paid over to habilitado general in
favor of company fund. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 32. May 16, 1795, Jose"
Garaycoechea, condestable distinguido de artilleria de marina, employed on the
fort, discharged, his work being done. Prov. Pec, MS., vi. 46.
Dec. 4th, the
viceroy complains that a fort, costly and not needed (?), has been improperly
constructed, without investigation or skill. Prov. St. Pap)., MS., xiii. 32-6.
,
'
701
called
702
known as
command
12
The battery
4, 1797.
is first
On
MAP OF SAN
.39risrl,/"^
FRANCISCO.
Map
703
704
to
make
FOREIGN VISITORS.
705
put up with the ordinary courtesies allowed to foreigners in Spanish colonial ports, and so great was
the contrast that he left in disgust after a few days'
stay at anchor. 13
The 13th of March 1793 a strange vessel was anguard was
nounced at the entrance of the port.
boat came to
posted and the live-stock driven in.
land in the afternoon, with six men who said the
vessel was English and the captain's name Brown, in
need of water, wood, and meat, for which he would
send the next day. The vessel anchored beyond Point
Almejas, opposite San Pedro rancho, fired a gun,
and displayed the English flag. On the 15th she
was seen near the Farallones, and on the 16th Sal
reported these facts with his opinion that the foreign
craft
for
meant
Nootka.
mischief,
though pretending
to be
bound
14
age,
Vancouver's Voyage,
1-27, 433-4.
in Vancouver's
ii.
For further account of this voywork, see chapter xxiv., this vol-
ume.
14
March
ing. Prov.
Pec, MS.,
v. 70.
I.
45
706
16
strictions.
19
There were two topics of local interest at San Francisco during the decade which affected the mission not
These were the establishment
less than the presidio.
The royal
of the rancho del rey, and Indian affairs.
rancho had been founded here in 1777, with 115 head
of cattle, which w ere pastured on the hills about the
The animals
multiplied rapidly notwithstanding annual slaughters in the later years and the
presidio.
16
men had
707
cle
70S
tance.
24
But according to Prov. Pec, MS., v. 103, Arguello himself had received
a provisional grant of El Pilar in 1797.
25
June 14, 1798, Borica to Arguello. St. Pap., Miss, and Colon, MS., i.
GS-70. Arguello, Informe sobre el Rancho del Rey y su infiuencia y relacion con
la Mision de San Francisco, 24 de Julio 1798, MS. Salazar speaks of S. Pedro
or Punta de Almejaa. Arch. Sta Barbara, ii. 75.
26
March 13, 1799, Viceroy Azanza to Borica. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii.
220.
June 5th, to commandant. Prov. Pec, MS., iv. 298. Dec. 31st, number of cattle in the rancho, 879. Net yield from sales, $179. Prov. St. Pap.,
Ben. Mil., MS., xxviii, 5.
INDIAN AFFAIRS.
709
old
In February 1793 a
war on
all
vi. 37.
28
March
May 3, May
82.
29, 1795,
MS.,
xiii.
710
as-
29
xiii.
91;
vi.
30
172, 176.
AMADOR'S EXPEDITION.
711
natives killed.
The Cuchilloncs
were subsequently attacked and retreated after one
31
los gentiles
perteneciente al asunto, 1706, MS.; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 170-8; xvi.
38-9, 70-1, 88, 90; Prov. Pec, MS., v. 206-7.
The diary is dated San
Jose, July 19th, and the papers include: July Gth, Arguello to Borica; July
8th, Amador to B.; July 10th, B. to A.; July 19th, A. to B. July 21st, B.
to A.
Christians not to be punished, hut gentiles kept at work on presidio;
July 2Cth, receipt of Espi and Landaeta for 79 returned neophytes. Returning natives have never heen punished. July 30th, Argiiello to B., has given
up the neophytes and will try the gentiles.
32
Argiiel-'o, Pelacion de lo que dedararon los Gentiles Sacalanes, 1797, MS.;
Borica, Castigos que han de svfrir los Indios, 1707, MS.
33
Arguello, Pelacion que formd de las declaraciones de los Indios Cristiavos
h'lidos de la Mision de San Francisco, 1707, MS.
Tiburcio was flogged five
times by Uanti for crying at the death of his wife and child. Magin was put
in the stocks when ill.
Tarazon visited his country and felt inclined to stay.
Claudio was beaten by the alcalde with a stick and forced to work when ill.
Jose" Manuel was struck with a bludgeon.
Liberato ran away to escape dying
of hunger as his mother, two brothers, and three nephews had done.
Otolon
was flogged for not caring for his wife after she had sinned with the vaquero.
Milan had to work with no food for his family and was flogged because he
went after clams. Patabo had lost his family and had no one to take care of
him. Orencio's niece died of hunger. Toribio was always hungry. Magno
received no ration because, occupied in tending his sick son, he could not
;
work.
712
MISSION STATISTICS.
713
115.
Jose" Maria Fernandez left his college in February and arrived at San
Francisco in September 1796, serving until May 1797 as minister, receiving
his license in July, and leaving California a little later. He was a very kindhearted man, and as we have seen Borica gave him great credit for having
secured better treatment for the natives at San Francisco; but a blow on
the head accidentally received affected his health and especially his mind to
such an extent as to incapacitate him for missionary labor. San Francisco, Lib.
de Mision, MS.; Arch. Sta Bdrbara, xi. 57-8; Prov. Bee., MS. vi. 98.
38
May 28, 1791, Fages informed Itomeu that the padres of San Francisco
had formed a new establishment seven leagues away, where they kept most
of their neophytes. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 149; but we hear no more of the
subject. The controversies between mission and presidio about pasturage, and
the alleged inferiority of San Francisco cattle, have been already noticed. In
Prov. Bee, MS., vi. 79, it is stated that sheep-raising was introduced in
May 19,
179G, but no special increase appears in the statistics for that year.
1797, Arguello says the San Francisco sheep being of Merino stock may be a
little better than elsewhere.
He wanted to buy 100, but Landaeta refused to
sell. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 8, 9.
714
DISTPvICT.
frost,
40
ANNALS OF SAN
JOSfi.
715
In
tery. Prov.
sion contracted to furnish tiles to the presidio at $20 per thousand. Prov. St.
Pap., MS., xvii. 97; xvi. 25, 42.
Such are the facts briefly stated in 23 pages that I have to present respecting San Francisco from 1791 to 1800. Most of the facts are in themselves not
very startling or important, but they constitute the annals for ten years of
what is now a great city; and they have been recorded not diffusely, I believe,
but with due condensation. As I write, a History of the, City of San Francisco comes from the press. It was written in accordance with a resolution of
congress calling for a historical sketch of each town from its foundation, as a
centennial memorial; it was written by a pioneer, an editor, the author of
several good works, the historian of the Society of California Pioneers; in
fact by a man generally supposed, and with much reason, to be better qualified
than any other for ihe task, for which he was paid by the city. Being a history of a town the work might naturally be expected to deal largely in local
The
details whose absence in a history of California would be excusable.
work has received no unfavorable criticism, except for its rendering of modern
events involving personal and political prejudices. For the Spanish period
there is nothing but praise.
The leading journals of the city credit the
author with immense research among the records of the past, and with an
exhaustive treatment of his subject. Naturally, therefore, it was with some
trembling that I compared the results with those of my own labors; but I
breathe more freely and am encouraged, when I see that respecting this decade the work alluded to contains the following, and nothing more 'Cambon
was soon superseded by Danti, and he by Avella, who served 20 years, commencing in 1797;' the mission had in '1793, 704 Indians, 2,700 cattle, 2,300
sheep, and 314 horses.' For four decades, from 1780 to 1820, all that the work
contains will barely fill one page of foolscap manuscript. This is but a sample
of the record of early California events hitherto called history, and yet the
work to which I refer is one of the best of its class.
:
716
PRIVATE RANCH0S.
717
44
These figures include wheat, corn,
1,800 in 1799.
and beans, but not hemp, the culture of which was
introduced into California in 1795, San Jose being
selected as the place for the experiment, and Ignacio
Vallejo as the man to superintend it. Small crops of
this staple wT ere raised nearly every year during the
Some rude machinery was
last half of the decade.
constructed for its preparation, and several small lots
of the prepared fibre were sent to Monterey for shipment to San Bias. 45
Outside of the pueblo limits, there is no evidence of
any agricultural or stock-raising operations in this
region or in the San Francisco jurisdiction, where no
land-grants even of a provisional nature had been
made, except perhaps El Pilar on the peninsula to Jose
Arguello in 1797, about which there is some uncer46
The slight structures of the town had, as
tainty.
u Jan.
15, 1795, Borica urges increased attention to agriculture and promises preference in the purchase of supplies. Dept. St. Pap., S. Jose, MS., i.
March 29, 179G, Borica is glad to know the reservoir is finished and
a premium of $25 to the man who shall raise the biggest crop. Prov.
Bee, MS., iv. 186. Sept. 1796, Borica congratulates San Jose on her wheat
crop.
In May he had soundly rated the comisionado for not planting more
45-6.
he
offers
718
we have
way
of manufac-
48
The
settlers
showed a
in 1792,
Sept. 25, 1797, reference to a bridge over the creek. Prov. Pec, MS.,
April 3, 1799, if the people want a chapel they may use the commu257.
nity grain to build it. Id., iv. 292.
i8
Jan. 1795, Borica urges the people to tan hides and make saddles, boots,
and shoes, etc., which will be purchased at fair prices if of good quality. He
will have no idleness. Prov. Pec., MS., iv. 220.
Leocadio Martinez, carpenter, was exiled here in 1796. San Jose, Arch., MS., ii. 79.
Oct. 28, 1798,
Larios and Balesteros allowed to build a water-mill. Prov. Pec, MS., iv.
July 1799, reference to Villavicencio's weavery at San Jose". Id., iv.
283.
300.
49
Arridaga, Papel de Puntos, MS., 188. Sept. 30, 1S00, Castro to Sal, with
Oct. 2d, Sal to Arrillaga transmitcertificate of alcalde and Ramon Lasso.
ting the complaint.
Dec. 13th, governor's orders to Sal and Alberni. Prov.
St. Pap., MS., xviii. 4-8, 16.
iv.
PUEBLO VS MISSION.
719
break occurred. 50
MS.,
directed the people to build across the river. Id., xvii. 241.
No date, Jose"
settlers did not desire the removal. Id., xvii. 241.
720
in actual pos-
but as during his administration no lands were assigned, no landmarks fixed, and no pueblo cattle sent
across the river, there had been no trouble. 53
When
Fages came he determined to grant lands and fix
boundaries, and he did so notwithstanding the friars'
verbal and written protest and Junipero Serra's entreaties, to which he paid not the slightest respect.
From that time troubles were frequent, and Fages,
the archenemy of the friars, seemed to take pleasure
in annoying them.
In 1786, however, Palou on his
return to Mexico laid the matter before the viceroy
and obtained a promise of relief or at least of investigation; the river to be the boundary until a definite
settlement should be made.
Owing to the death of
the viceroy followed by that of Palou, the promise
52
In the mean time, however, the padres of Mission San Jose" complained of
damage done by pueblo horses, and Vallejo gave orders to remedy the evil,
though it was difficult to keep the horses off the lands where they had been
born and raised. Oct. 9, 1798, P. Barcenilla to Vallejo. Oct. 18th, Vallejo
721
was not
fulfilled;
San Jose, Cuestion de Limites entre el Pueblo y la Mision tie Santa Clara,
1707-1801.
Varios Papeles tocantes al Asunto., MS. These papers include
April 30, 1797, complaint of P. Sanchez to Borica; May 11th, decree of B.
with instructions to C6rdoba; July 29th, examination of witnesses at San
Jose"; Aug. 7th, C6rdoba's report; Aug. Cth, representation of Catala, and
ViadertoB. July 27, 1798, Peila, Petition del P. Guardian sobre limites de San
Jose y Santa Clara 1708, MS.
Aug. 7th, Viceroy Azanza to B. Dec. 3d, B.
to V. R., approving padre's claims, in Prov.Rec., MS. vi. 110; Jan. 3d, April
Feb.
1, 1800, Sal to comisionado of S. Jose". S. Joxe, Arch., MS., iii. 50, 56.
9th, Gov. to Sal. Prov. Pec., MS., xi. 134. Sept. 1st, V. R.'s decree of settlement. St. Pap., Sac, MS., ix. 10, 11. Aug. 1, 1801, Carrillo to Arrillaga,
has received Arguello's report of July 31st. St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS.,
i. 44.
Aug. 31st, Gov. to Carrillo, is advised of the establishment of the line
and of the settlers' discontent. Governor to president to same effect. Prov.
Oct. 20, 1803,
&t. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., xxxii, 3; Prov. Rec, MS., vi. 15.
padre asks permission to mark the boundaries with trenches. S. Jose, Arch.,
MS.,iv. 100. See also Hall's Hist. S.Jose, 57-80.
55
June 12, 1792, Argiiello to governor, only soldiers, justices, and travellers may carry arms; boys must not go into the country without a guardian;
;
I.
46
722
At
7(/.,iii. 71.
5G
Tonuis de la Pena y Saravia, a native of Spain, left Mexico in October
1770, sailed from San Bias in February 1771, was driven to Manzanillo, came
back to Sinaloa by land, and finally reached Loreto November 24, 1771, being
assigned to Comondu Mission. He came up to San Diego on September 1772,
serving there for a year, and subsequently as a supernumerary for short periods
From June to August 1774 he made a
at San Luis Obispo and San Carlos.
voyage with Perez to the north-west coast, keeping a diary of the expedition.
After his return he remained as supernumerary at San Carlos and neighboring
missions until January 1777, when he became a founder of Santa Clara,
serving there until August 11, 1794, when he sailed for San Bias in the Sa n~
tlano.
In 1795 he received some votes for guardian of the college, and was
subsequently elected, since he held the position in 1798. He was also sindic
P. Pena was
of the college from 1800 to Feb. 9, 1800, the date of his death.
an able and successful missionary, but hot-tempered and occasionally harsh
He was accused before 1790 of having
in his treatment of the neophytes.
caused the death of two boys by his blows; but after a full investigation the
charge was proven false, the Indian witnesses confessing that they had testified falsely, and some evidence being adduced to show that Commandant
Gonzalez, whom the padre had reproved for his immorality, had used his
The formal decision was not reached
influence in favor of the accusation.
until 1795, after the padre had retired to Mexico; but he interceded with
723
stay in California was a prey to that peculiar hypochondria which affected so many of the early missionaries, amounting at the last almost to insanity.
It
that
in
his
case this condition was aggrais possible
vated by serious but unfounded charges of having
two Indian boys by ill-treatment. The successors in the ministry were Magin Catala, 57 and
Manuel Fernandez, but the latter served only a year,
being accused of excessive severity toward the natives,
and then came Jose Viader. For three decades I
shall have no further changes in ministers to record
at Santa Clara.
In 1800 this mission had a larger neophyte population than any other in California, showing a gain from
927 to 1,247, baptisms having numbered 2,288, and
deaths 1,682, so that a margin of nearly 300 is left
for runaways.
The baptisms in 1794 had been 500,
and 235 in 1796 had been the largest number of deaths.
Live-stock, large and small, had increased to about
5,000 each, Santa Clara being behind San Francisco
in this respect, and barely equal in agricultural products, which in 1800 amounted to 4,200 bushels. The
best crop was 8,300 bushels in 1797, the worst 3,200
in 1792, the average being 4,600 bushels. Wheat was
killed
the authorities in behalf of his Indian accusers, who were released after publicly apologizing to the ministers for their attempt to bring dishonor on the
order.
President Lasuen in May 1794 spoke of his condition as being pitiable, for he had became emaciated, talked to himself, appeared constantly
afraid, and showed other symptoms which caused fears that he might lose
his reason.
Pena had a patent as president in case of accident to Lasuen.
See Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., x. 150, 289; xi. 52, 220, 240; xii. 43G; Sta
Clara, Lib. de Mision, MS.; Sta Cruz, Lib. de Alision, MS,, 10; Arch. ArzoUspado, MS., i. 39; Prov. Rec, MS., iii. 33-5; iv. 234; Prov. St. Pap., Ben.
Mil., MS., xix. G; and Peua, Cargo de llomicidio contra el Padre TomcU de la
Pena, 178(5-95, MS. Of Diego de Noboa nothing is known save that he arrived at San Francisco from Mexico on June 2, 1783, remained unattached at
San Francisco and Santa Clara until June 1784, when he became minister of
the latter mission and continued to serve there until he sailed with his asso-
724
58
58
SANTA CLARA.
725
CHAPTER
XXXIII.
End
of a Decade and Century Borica's Policy and Character Industrial Revival Fruitless Efforts Governor's Relations with
Friars, Soldiers, Neophytes, and Settlers Efforts for Promotion A Knight of Santiago Family Relations Leave of Absence,
The
rule of
TZi
many
I have already noted Borica's arrival with his family at Loreto, and in the autumn of 1794, at Monterey.
Fortunately a quantity of his private letters or blotters of the same, were left in California and have been
preserved in the archives giving us a brief glance at
the man in his private capacity, as an agreeable companion, a bon vivant, jovial and witty.
The letters
also gave us Borica's early impressions of California,
enthusiastically eulogized as the best country in the
world in which to live long and well. 1 Unfortunately
the governor took better care of private correspondence in later years, and from the beginning of 1795
his individuality is well nigh sunk in the generalities
of official communications, which nevertheless continue to show the good-humor, kindness of heart,
sympathy
and
728
v. 71; vi. 26; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 197; xiii. 55;
Previous to his appointment as governor he had been adjutant-inspector in Chihuahua, his pay in that position running to May 13,
Prov. Pec.,
xiv. 29; xvii. 2.
1794.
MS.,
729
St.
April
730
10
March
Jan. 3, 1800, Borica to commandants. Prov. Bee, MS., iv. 114.
Goycoechea to Arrillaga. Prov. St. Pap. MS. xviii. 23-4. March 8th,
Arrillaga and Alberni ordered to be recognized by Sal. S. Jose', Arch., MS.,
5th,
iii.
51.
11
Departure on the Conception. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 30; Prov. Pec,
He seems to have gone to San Diego by land after Jan. 3d, or
xii. 1.
at least such had been his plan in September, when Sal had sent an order to
San Jose" for pack-animals for the governor's journey. S. J one Arch., vi. 43.
Notice of Borica's death in V. R.'s communication of August 14th. St. Pap.,
Sac, MS., ix. 70; Vireyes, Instrucciones, 201. In a letter of Padre Corte3
from Mexico dated April 1st, the V. R. is said to have advised the king to
continue Borica in office in California for five years longer. Arch. Sta BarThere is a vague reference to a settler who was severely
bara, MS., xii. 307.
punished for an attempt to take Borica's life. Gov. to V. R., Dec. 5, 1800.
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 50.
12
California, in Viagero {El) Universal, 6 Noticia del Mundo Antiguo y
Nnevo. Obra recopilada de los mejores vlageros por D. P. E. P. Madrid,
1799, torn. xxvi. 1-189.
See also an article on California in Cancelada, Telegrafo Mex., 99-103.
MS.,
SECONDARY AUTHORITIES.
731
collection.
13
13
Ivarado, Hist. CaL, MS.; Bartlett's Person. Nar.; Browne's Lower
Cat.; Bustomante, Suplemento; CaL, Past, Present, etc.; Capron's Hist. Cat.;
Cronise's Nat. Wealth; Diccionario Universal; Dwindle' s Col. Hist. S. F.;
Farnham's Life in CaL; Forbes' Hist. CaL; Frignet, La Califomie; Hartmann, Californien; Hayes' Emigrant Notes; Hayes* Mission Books; Hayes'
Scrap-book* ; llittell's Hist. S. Francisco; Hughes' CaL; Humboldt, Essai Pol.;
Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Ch.; Greenhow's Or. and CaL; Lassepas, Baja CaL;
Life of St. Francis; Lorenzana, in Cortes, Hist.; Los Angeles, Hist.; Mayer
MSS.; Mofras, Exploration; Morse's Illust. Sketches; Payno, in Revista Cientijica; Randolph's Oration; Pyan, in Golden Era; Shea's Cath. Missions;
Shuck's CaL Scrap-book; SouU's Annals of S. F.; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage;
laylor, in Farmer, and Bulletin; Taylor's Liscov. and Founders; Taylor's
Odds and Ends; Tuthill's Hist. CaL; Vallejo's Hist. CaL, MS.; Vischer's
Missions of Cat. Also 40 or 50 county histories published within the past
ten years; and numerous newspaper articles, especially in S. F. Bulletin,
Call, and Alta, and Sacramento Union.
There is hardly a paper in the state
that has not published some valuable matter with much of no value.
732
Again some
My
Alipas,
Juan
.,
soldier. 4
Alvarez,
Alvarez,
Alvarez,
Alvarez,
Alvarez,
Felipe, convict. 4
Doroteo. 4
Jose\ artilleryman. 4
Juan, artilleryman. 4
Jos6, child. 4
INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA,
Al vires, Claudio, servant. 2
Alvires, Juan, soldier. 3
Alvires, Estevan. 4
Alviso, Francisco, settler. 2
Alviso, Domingo, soldier. 2
Alviso, Anastasio Geronimo, child. 4
Alviso, Francisco Javier, soldier. 4
Alviso, Francisco Solano, child.*
Alviso, Geronimo Antonio, child. 4
Alviso, Ignacio, soldier. 4
Alviso, Javier, settler. 4
Alviso. Jose Antonio, child. 4
Alviso, Jos6 Gabriel L., child. 4
Alvitre, Sebastian, soldier. 1
Alvitre, Juan Jose Ma., child. 4
Amador,
Amador,
Amador,
Amador,
Amador,
Amador,
Pedro, soldier. 1
Jose Sinforoso, child. 3
Jose Fructuoso. 3
Juan Pablo. 3
17G9-1800.
733
soldier. 4
child. 4
INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA,
734
Bernal,
Bernal,
Bernal,
Bernal,
Bernal,
Bernal,
Bernal,
Bernal,
Bernal,
Bernal,
Bernal,
Bernal,
Francisco, servant. 1
Jose Dionisio, soldier. 2
Juan Francisco, soldier. 2
Manuel Ramon,
soldier. 2
Apolinario, child. 3
Juan, child. 3
Ramon,
settler. 3
Bruno, child. 4
Joaquin, soldier. 4
Jose" Agustin, child. 4
Jose Cipriano, child. 4
Jose 0. Cipriano, child. 4
Bernardo, Jose", settler. 4
Berreyesa, Nicolas A., settler. 2
-
Briones,
Briones,
Briones,
Briones,
Briones,
Briones,
Briones,
Briones,
Manuel,
soldier. 4
Bumbau,
Camacho,
Jose"
Antonio, soldier. 1
1769-1800.
Castro,
Castro,
Castro,
Castro,
Castro,
Castro,
Castro,
Castro,
Castro,
Castro,
Castro,
Castro,
Joaquin, soldier. 2
JosC, servant. 2
Isidro. 2
Mariano de
la Cruz, child. 3
Agapito, settler. 4
Francisco, settler. 4
JosC Joaquin, settler. 4
JosC S. T., child. 4
Simeon, settler. 4
INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA,
Cavalier, Jos, padre. 1
Cayuelas, Francisco, Cat. vol. 1
Cayuelas, Francisco, soldier. 3
17G9-1S00.
735
INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA,
736
Felix,
Fdiix,
Felix,
Feiix,
Felix,
Felix,
Felix,
Juan
Antonio Rafael,
FJix, Fernando de
Felix,
Felix,
Felix,
Felix,
Felix,
Felix,
Felix,
child. 4
Victorino, soldier. 3
la T., child. 4
Jose", child. 4
Hermenegildo,
soldier. 2
Victoriano, servant. 2
1769-1800.
Gamez, Teodoro,
soldier. 4
Julian. 4
Luz, soldier. 4
Nicolas, Cat. vol. 4
German,
German,
German,
German,
German,
German,
Manuel
Ignacio, child. 4
Juan, soldier. 4
Juan, child. 4
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Inocencio, sailor. 1
2
Cirilo, servant.
Jose"
Antonio, soldier. 2
Manuel,
settler.
Mateo Jacobo,
Ramon. 2
child.
Nicolas, soldier.'
Alejandro, soldier. 3
Bernardo, soldier. 2
Diego, lieutenant. 2
2
2
INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Gonzalez,
Felipe, soldier. 3
Tomas,
soldier. 3
Francisco, soldier. 4
Francisco, padre. 4
Josd, Cat. vol. 4
Jose"
Man.
Juan, soldier. 4
Pedro, mechanic. 4
Lliguera,
Rafael, child. 4
Gonzalez Gerardo, Rafael. 1
Gonzalez, Jose" Leandro, child. 4
Goycoechea, Felipe, lieutenant. 4
Grajera, Antonio, lieutenant. 4
Grijalva, Juan Pablo, sergeant. 2
Cruerrero, Juan Josd. 1
Guerrero,
Guerrero,
Guerrero,
Guerrero,
Guerrero,
Joaquin, soldier. 2
Jose, servant. 2
Julian, soldier. 2
Mateo, artilleryman. 4
Guevara, Josd, soldier. 3
Guevara,
Guevara,
Guevara,
Guevara,
Hernandez,
Hernandez,
Hernandez,
Hernandez,
Hernandez,
Hernandez,
Felipe, settler. 4
Felipe, convict. 4
Josd Antonio,
settler. 4
Josd, convict. 4
J. Josd cle la Luz, soldier. 4
Antonio, saddler. 4
Landez, Juan Maria, saddler. 4
Hernandez, Juan, convict. 4
Kerrera, Josd, soldier. 4
I.
Higuera,
Higuera,
Higuera,
Higuera,
Higuera,
IIHuera,
Higuera,
Higuera,
Higuera,
Higuera,
Higuera,
47
1709-1S00.
Juan
<>/
Josd, soldier. 2
Juan
Josd, child. 3
Salvador, soldier. 3
Tiburcio, child. 3
Tiburcio Javier, child. 4
Gregorio Ignacio Ma., child. 4
Hilario. 4
Josd 1, soldier. 4
Josd 2, soldier. 4
Josd Carlos Salv., child. 4
Josd Geronimo, child. 4
Josd Ma., child. 4
Josd Policarpo, child. 4
Josd Antonio. 4
Josd Joaquin. 4
Manuel, soldier. 4
Nicolas Antonio. 4
Higuera,
Higuera,
Higuera,
Higuera,
Higuera,
Higuera,
Higuera,
Higuera, Salvador, soldier. 4
Horchaga, Josd Hilario, child. 3
Horchaga, Josd Manuel, child. 3
Horchaga, Manuel, soldier. 3
Hores, Josd, settler. 3
Horra, Antonio de la C, padre. 4
Hortel, Juan, Cat. vol. 4
Miguel, soldier. 1
'
33
INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA,
Leiva,
Leiva,
Leiva,
Leiva,
Leiva,
Leiva,
Leiva,
Manuel Ramon,
child. 4
Rufino, soldier. 4
17G0-1800.
Toribio, soldier. 2
Dionisio, servant. 3
Jose"
Juan
Ma., soldier. 3
Ignacio, soldier. 3
Xorberto, child. 3
Antonio, soldier. 4
Bartolome Mateo. 4
Gregorio, artilleryman. 4
Jose",
Cat. vol. 4
Manuel, Cat.
vol.
Maximo. 4
Maximo Ramon,
child. 4
Reyes. 4
Mendoza,
Mendoza,
Mendoza,
Mendoza,
Mendoza,
Manuel, soldier. 2
de los Reyes, child. 4
Manuel, Cat. vol. 4
Mariano, tilemakcr.*
Mariano, Jose, weaver.*
Jose"
INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA,
Mendoza, Miguel, Cat. vol. 4
Mcquias, Juan Alberto, soldier. 3
Mercado, Mariano, artilleryman. 4
Merelo, Lorenzo, padre. 4
Merino, Agustin, padre. 4
Mesa, Nicolas Ma., child. 8
Monroy, JosC,
soldier. 4
Moumarus,
17C9-1800.
739
Ontiveros,
Ontiveros,
Ontiveros,
Ontiveros,
Ontiveros,
Ontiveros,
Juan de Dios,
Juan Ma. 4
settler. 4
Ortega,
Ortega,
Ortega,
Ortega,
Ortega,
Ortega,
Ortega,
Ortega,
Ortega,
Ortega,
Juan Cap
child. 3
Miguel, servant. 8
Francisco. 4
Miguel, child. *
Jose Quintin de los S., child. 4
Jose"
'40
INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA,
Pedro y
17G9-1S00.
Juan
Patricio, child. 3
Joaquin, soldier. 4
Jose Antonio Bernardo, child. *
Jose Vicente, child. 4
Mariano. 4
Pico, Miguel, soldier. 4
INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA,
"Ramirez, Francisco, soldier. 2
child. 3
2
F-*sa, Lorenzo, sailor.
Key, Cristobal, Cat. vol. 4
vol. 4
soldier. 4
Juan Francisco. 1
Martin, soldier. 1
Francisco, settler. 3
Jos6, convict. 4
yes, Jos6, saddler. 4
17G9-1S00.
741
Romero,
Romero,
Romero,
Romero,
Romero,
Romero,
Romero,
Romero,
Romero,
Romero,
Romero,
Romero,
Romero,
Felipe, smith. 2
child. 3
Rodriguez,
Rodriguez,
Rodriguez,
Rodriguez,
Rodriguez,
R.odriguez,
Rodriguez,
Rodriguez,
Rodriguez,
Rodriguez,
Rodriguez,
Rodriguez,
Rodriguez,
Rodriguez,
Rodriguez,
INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA,
"42
Ruiz,
Ruiz,
Ruiz,
Ruiz,
Ruiz,
Ruiz,
Ruiz,
Ruiz,
Ruiz,
Ruiz,
Ruiz,
Ruiz,
Efigenio, soldier. 3
Nervo Pedro. 3
Pedro Jose. 3
Estevan, bricklayer. 4
Ignacio, soldier. 4
Jose Hilario, child. 4
Juan,
settler. 4
Saez, Miguel.*
Saenz, Ignacio, convict. 4
So jo, Jose, soldier. 3
Sal, Hermenegiklo, soldier. 2
Sal, Ignacio Francisco, child. 4
child. 4
Sal, Meliton, child. 4
Salazar, Alonso Isidro, padre. 4
Salazar, Doroteo de la Luz, child. 3
Salazar, Doroteo, soldier. 3
Sal,
Domingo,
17G9-18C0.
Juan de Dios
J. S., child. 3
Rafael, child. 3
Hilario Leon Jose, child. 4
Jose de los Santos, child. 4
'
INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA,
Soto,
Soto,
Soto,
Soto,
Soto,
Soto,
Guillcrmo. soldier. 3
Ignacio Javier. 3
Jose Joaquin, child. 3
Mariano, servant. 3
Antonio, settler. 4
>,
Soto, Tomiis. 4
17C0-18C0.
Valencia, Ignacio. 3
Valencia, Juan Ignacio, soldier. 3
Valencia, Juan Vicente Cris. child. 3
Valencia, Manuel, settler. 3
Valencia, Miguel Antonio, child. 3
Valencia, Jose Antonio, child. 4
Valencia, Jos6 Manuel, child. 4
Valenzuela, Agustin, soldier.'2
Valenzucla, Jose Julian, child. 2
Valenzuela, Rafael, soldier. 2
Valenzuela, Angel, soldier. 3
Valenzuela, Antonio Ma., child. 3
Valenzucla, Caspar Jose, child. 3
Valenzucla, Jose. 3
Valenzuela, Jose Antonio Ma., child. 3
Valenzucla, Jos6 Manuel, soldier. 3
Valenzuela, Antonio de(ir. child. 4
Valenzuela, Joaquin, child. 4
Valenzuela, Jose Antonio Ma., child. 4
Valenzuela, Jose Candelario, child. 4
Valenzuela, Jose Ignacio. 4
Valenzuela, Jose Rafael, child. 4
Valenzuela, Juan, soldier. 4
Valenzuela, Juan Angel, child. 4
Valenzuela, Juan Ma,, child. 4
Valenzuela, Maximo. 4
Valenzuela, Pedro, soldier. 4
Valenzuela, Simeon Maximo, child. 4
Valenzuela, Vicente, soldier. 4
Valenzuela, Vicente Antonio, child. 4
Valenzuela, Jose Ma., child. 3
Valenzuela, Jose Matias, child. 3
Valenzuela, Jose Miguel, child. 3
Valenzuela, Jose Pedro, soldier. 3
Valenzuela, Jose Ramon, child. 3
Valenzucla, Segundo, soldier. 3
Valero, Ignacio, soldier. 4
3
Vallcjo, Ign. Vicente Ferrer, soldier.
,
Vanegas, Cosme. 4
Varelas,
Varelas,
Varelas,
Varelas,
Varelas,
Casimiro, settler. 2
Juan, child. 2
Jose Cayetano, child. 3
Jose Manuel, child. 4
Juan, soldier. 4
INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA,
:u
Fernando, soldier. 3
Jose Ignacio Mateo, child. 3
elazquez, Jose. 1
elazquez, Jose Ma., convict. 4
elez,
Jcse Miguel,
cliS;
settler.
erdugo, Joaquin. 1
erdugo, Jose Ma., soldier. 1
erdugo, Francisco Ma. de la Cruz. 1
erdugo, Mariano de la Luz, soldier. 1
erdugo, Florencio, soldier. 2
erdugo, Ignacio Leonardo Ma. 2
erdugo, Juan Diego, soldier. 2
erdugo, Juan Ma., soldier. 3
erdugo, Leonardo, soldier. 3
erdugo, Manuel Jost:, child. 3
erdugo, Anselmo Jose, child. 4
erdugo, Joacpiin. 4
erdugo, Jose Francisco, child. 4
erdugo, Juan Andres Dolores, child. 4
erdugo, Julio Antonio Jose, child. 4
erdugo, Meliton Jose. 4
erduzco, Anastasio Javier. 1
iader, Jose, padre. 4
ictoriano, soldier. 1
ila,
ilia,
ilia,
ilia,
Jose, settler. 3
Vicente Ferrer, child. 3
Eleuterio. 4
17G0-1800.