¹ 1887, pp. 160–161, Pl. X.

² Jahrbuch des K. d. Instituts, 1890, p. 108 (Arch. Anzeiger).

³ ‘The hippopotamus Ta-ur stood for a Typhonic or evil divinity, and was more an object to be prayed against than prayed to. Its temple was at Papremis. Naville calls it the emblem of impudence. Set took the body of a red hippopotamus.’ Bonwick, J., Egyptian Belief, p. 227fin.Google Scholar

⁴ Schliemann's Excavations, Eng. ed. 1891, p. 292, n. 1.

⁵ Schliemann's Excavations, p. 72. Cp. Keller, , Thiere des classischen Alterthums, p. 205.Google Scholar

⁶ See the Gazette Archéologique, 1888, Pl. I. No. 6: Cesnola, , Cyprus, p. 276Google Scholar: Perrot, and Chipiez, , History of Ancient Egyptian Art, Eng. ed. vol. i. p. 63Google Scholar, Fig. 42. An Egyptian picture of the ‘Nilpferd’ may be seen in Keller, op. cit. p. 206, Fig. 41. Even the Bushmen of S. Africa show greater skill in drawing this animal than Winter would allow the early Greeks; cp. a cave-painting in Lang, A., Custom and Myth, p. 295, Fig. 9.Google Scholar

⁷ Mr. A. J. Evans writes to me that he is collecting fresh evidence against Winter's theory. Cavvadias, M., Fouilles de Lycosoura, Livr. i. p. 12Google Scholar, n. 2, agrees with M. Tsountas in his interpretation: ‘Les figures monstrueuses, peintes sur un fragment de stuc trouvé dans le palais de Mycènes, sont, à mon avis, des figures humaines à tête d'âne, vêtues d'une tunique talaire.’ Similarly Perrot, and Chipiez, , Hist, de ľArt dans ľAntiquité, vol. vi. p. 886, ‘Ceux-ci ont, sur un buste et avec des bras d'homme, des têtes d'âne.’Google Scholar

⁸ So Lang, A., Myth, Ritual and Religion, p. 213, n. 1Google Scholar: ‘The bear-skin seems later to have been exchanged for a saffron raiment.’ This derives dubious support from a fragment of the figured peplos belonging to Damophon's group of Demeter, Despoina, Artemis, and Anutos; a female with the head of a bear dances in company with other animal forms. A parallel case would be Catlin's picture of the Indian bear-dance (pub. by Currier and Ives, New York), which shows a ring of warriors crouching like bears, some of them wearing bear-skin masks that conceal the whole head, and one a complete skin covering back, arms, and legs.

⁹ Cp. Pollux, Z 56:

¹⁰ Cp. Figs. p. 106 and p. 117.

¹¹ Schol, on Aristophanes, Lys. 645Google Scholar.

¹² Milchhöfer, op. cit. p. 55, Fig. 44b: Mitchell, , Hist, of Ancient Sculpture, p. 147, Fig. 71Google Scholar: Collignon, Maxime, Hist, de la Sculp. Gr. p. 57, Fig. 35Google Scholar: Perrot, and Chipiez, , Hist. de ľ Art, vol. vi. p. 845, Fig. 428, 8Google Scholar: Brunn, , Gr. Kunstgeschichte, p. 41Google Scholar: Overbeck, , Gr. Kunstmythologie, p. 683, Fig. 2.Google Scholar

¹³ Similar exx. of the ἃσιλλα in Perrot, and Chipiez, , Phoenicia and Cyprus, vol. i. p. 318Google Scholar: Roscher, , Lex. col. 1167Google Scholar: Mitchell, op. cit. p. 634, Fig. 259: and two engravings in the Revue Archéologique, 3rd series, 1891, pp. 363, Cp. Smith, Dict. Ant., new ed. s.v. Asilla.

¹⁴ Milchhöfer, op. cit. p. 55, Fig. 44e: Lajard, Recherches sur Mithra, Atlas, Pl. 43, No. 19.

¹⁵ Milchhöfer, op. cit. p. 68, Fig. 46a: Mitchell, op. cit. p. 147, Fig. 72: see also Helbig, , Bull. 1875, p. 41Google Scholar, and Overbeck, , Gr. Kunstmythologie, bk. iv. p. 683Google Scholar, Fig. 4. Is this the prototype of the St. Petersburg gem published by MissHarrison, in Myths of the Odyssey, p. 70Google Scholar, Pl. XX. c?— ‘A human figure with a swine's head, one of the comrades of Odysseus. He holds in his hand the fatal cup,

¹⁶ Iliad xi. 568,

¹⁷ Hieroglyphica, i. § 23.

¹⁸ Ed, 1727, p. 40.

¹⁹ De Gubernatis, , Zoological Mythology, vol. i. p. 364.Google Scholar

²⁰ Ṛigveda I. xxxiv. 9, Trans. Prof. H. H. Wilson, vol. i. p. 96, ‘When will be the harnessing of the powerful ass, that you may come to the sacrifice?’ i. e, the ass was the steed of the Aśvins.

²¹ Ṛigveda I. xxix. 5, Trans. Prof. H. H. Wilson, vol. i. p. 74, ‘Inra, destroy this ass, (our adversary), praising thee with such discordant speech; and do thou, Indra, of boundless wealth, enrich us with thousands of excellent cows and horses.’

²² The Aitareya Brahmanam of the Ṛigveda, Trans. Martin Haug, vol. ii. p. 273 = Ait. Br. IV. ii. 9, ‘The Aśvins were the winners of the race with a carriage drawn by donkeys; they obtained (the prize). Thence (on account of the excessive efforts to arrive at the goal) the donkey lost its (original) velocity… The Aśvins, however, did not deprive the sperm of the ass of its (primitive) vigour. This is the reason that the male ass (vâjî) has two kinds of sperm (to produce mules from a mare, and asses from a female ass).’

²³ Râmâyana ii. 71, Trans. Griffith: Bharat in a dream sees his dead father carried off by a team of asses—a token that portends ‘departure for the abode of Yamas.’

²⁴ De Gubernatis, op. cit. p. 370.

²⁵ de Nat. An. xii. 34.

²⁶ XV. ii. 14: cp. Arnobius IV. xxv.: ‘Quis ei (se. Marti) canes ab Caribus, quis ab Scythis asinos immolant non principaliter cum ceteris Apollodorus?’

²⁷ Catast. xi. p. 246, ed. West.

²⁸ According to Bochart, , Hierozoicon, vol. i. pp. 158–9Google Scholar, ed. Rosenmüller, the same story is told by an unpublished Scholiast on Aratus: he refers to the Schol. Germ. Arat. Phaen, p. 51, ed. Buhle,

²⁹ Epietetus acc. Arrian (Ep. Diss. I. xviii. 20) bade a man walk in the way of the upright But this may be only a reference to the simile of Iliad xi. 558. Another doubtful ex. is Suidas, vol. ii. col. 1129, s.v. where it is said

³⁰ Pliny, , N.H. xxviii. 258 (ed. Sillig)Google Scholar.

³¹ Aelian, , Var. Hist. xii. 45.Google Scholar

³² de divin, i. 36.

³³ Philostrat, . Vit. Apoll, vi. 27Google Scholar, 2 tells the tale.

³⁴ Paus. I. iv. 5.

³⁵ Xenoph., Anab. I. ii. 13.Google Scholar

³⁶ Pyth. X. 31 ff.

³⁷ Cohortatio ad Gentes, vol. i. col. 101, ed. Migne.

³⁸ Ed, Koch, p. 28 ff,

³⁹ This is perhaps due to a misunderstanding of the expression ὂνον ὂρνιν in Aristophanes, Birds, 721.

⁴⁰ Boeckh, , C.I.G. vol. i. p. 807Google Scholar, line 14.

⁴¹ De Gubernatis, op. cit. vol. i. p. 374.

⁴² Roscher, , Lex. col. 435, 40–1.Google Scholar

⁴³ Paroemiog. Graec. ed. Leutseh and Schneidewin, vol. i. pp. 291–2. The proverb occurs in several forms: etc.

⁴⁴ Suidas, vol. ii. col. 1129:

⁴⁵ Sap. Conviv. v. For this use of ass-bones, cp. Eustathius, , Opuse, ed. Tafel, , p. 58, 63Google Scholar, and Pliny, , N.H. xi. 215, ‘asinorum (ossa) ad tibias canora’Google Scholar: Idem, xvi. 172.

⁴⁶ Cp. Plut., de Isid. et Osirid. 50.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Cp. Aelian, , Var. Hist. iv. 8Google Scholar, with de Nat. Anim. x. 28.

⁴⁸ On the ass in Egypt, see Bonwiok, J., Egyptian Belief, p. 228Google Scholar. Prof.Smith, Robertson, The Religion of the Semites, pp. 448–9Google Scholar, collects the evidence for supposing that the ass was a sacred animal among the Semites: he adds, ‘An actual ass-sacrifice appears in Egypt in the worship of Typhon (Set or Sutech), who was the chief god of the Semites in Egypt, though Egyptologists doubt whether he was originally a Semitic god. The ass was a Typhonic animal, and in certain religious ceremonies the people of Coptus sacrificed asses by casting them down a precipice, while those of Lycopolis, in two of their annual feasts, stamped the figure of a bound ass on their sacrificial cakes…It has been supposed that the Golden Set, worshipped by the Semite Hyksos in the Delta, was a Sun-god.’ It was, by the way, an Egyptian grammarian—Apion by name—who first promulgated the tale that the Jews worshipped an ass's head of gold in the temple at Jerusalem.

⁴⁹ Arch, Zeit, 1869, vol, xxvii. 40.

⁵⁰ Pantchatantra V. vii. Trans. E. Lancereau, p. 380 if. A very similar tale occurs in the Toûtî-Nameh (ed. Rosen, ii. 218), a collection of Oriental myths translated from the Turkish version. Benfey in his Einleitung to the Pantchatantra (§ 188, p. 463) regards this as the source of the proverb ‘Asinus ad lyram.’

⁵¹ De Gubernatis, op. cit. vol. i. p. 365.

⁵² Monsieur H. Fauche in vol. ii. p. II. of his Trans, of the Ramayana describes the Gandharvâs as ‘musiciens célestes, Demi-Dieux, qui habitent le ciel d'Indra et composent ľorchestre à tous les banquets des principales Divinités.’

⁵³ See Meyer, E. H., Gandharven-Kentauren, Berlin, 1883Google Scholar, and the authorities quoted by Gruppe, O., Culte und Mythen, 1887, p. 103Google Scholar, n. 2. Are the words κάνθων, κανθήλιος of the same derivation?

⁵⁴ ed. Schmidt, vol. iii. p. 209.

⁵⁵ ed. Wachsmuth, p. 69.

⁵⁶ The link between the ass quà musician and the ass quà attendant on the corn-deities is furnished by the recent excavations at Lycos-oura. On the border of Demeter's peplos appears a female figure with an ass's head and hands, playing upon the cithara. The same double reference distinguishes a carnelian in the Vidoni collection (Wieseler, Denkmäler, ii. no. 513): in front of a rock on which is a small shrine of Dionysus or Priapus sits a Silenus playing the lyre, while an ass accompanies the music with his brays.

⁵⁷ ed. Schmidt, vol. iii. p. 209. The schol. on Aristophanes, , Frogs, 159Google Scholar, has almost the same words: cp. also Suidas, vol. ii. col. 1128.

⁵⁸ Terra-cotta Room: central case, No. 19.

⁵⁹ Lactant, . Divin. Instit. I. xxi. ed. Le Brun, p. 98.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Aristul, . Dion. p. 49Google Scholar, ed. Dind.

⁶¹ Atlas, Pl. V. No. 3. Three parallels are cited, Compte Rendu, p. 229, n. 3.

⁶² Vasi Fittili, vol. iii. Pll. CCLXII— CCLXVIII.

⁶³ Vol. i. pp. 477–478: suppl. vol. iii. p. 82, PI. VII. 1–4.

⁶⁴ Vol. i. p. 261: suppl. vol. i. PI. XI. 11.

⁶⁵ See e.g. Müller-Wieseler, Denkmäler der alten Kunst, ii. No. 574, and the literary reff. collected. in the Compte-Rendu for 1863, p. 239, n. 4.

⁶⁶ Further exx. in the Compte-Rendu for 1863, p. 238, n. 1. In the Brit. Mus. (T.-c. Room, central case C) there is a fragment of a moulded vase which has the same design.

⁶⁷ Vol. xxii. Pll. CLXXXV—CLXXXVI.

⁶⁸ Athen. 415 B.

⁶⁹ Frazer, J. G., The Golden Bough, vol. ii. p. 33Google Scholar: ‘Other animal forms assumed by the corn-spirit are the stag, roe, sheep, bear, ass,’ &c.

⁷⁰ In the Arch. Zeit, for 1863, vol. xxi. col. 84^*, Anzeiger, a gem is mentioned representing ‘einer weiblichen Figur mit verhüllten Haupte, Scepter und Patera, die auf einem Throne sitzt, neben dem zwei Esel stehen.’ Brunn conjectures that this is Vesta, R. Peter that it is the goddess Epona. Wissowa, G. in the Annali dell' Inst. for 1883, pp. 160–164Google Scholar, quotes a considerable number of Pompeian pictures and one marble relief that bear out Brunn's supposition.

⁷¹ Fasti vi. 345 seqq. and 313, ‘ecce coronatis panis dependet asellis.’ Cp. Prop. V. i. 21, ‘Vesta coronatis pauper gaudebat asellis.’

⁷² Divin. Instit. I. xxi. ed. Le Brun, p. 98.

⁷³ De Nat. Deor. ed. Osami, p. 181.

⁷⁴ Cp. Micali, , Monumenti Inediti, tav. liv. 5.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ So Hygin, . Poet. Astr. ii. 23.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Quaest. Graec. 2.

⁷⁷ Vol. ii. col. 1129.

⁷⁸ Phaedrus iv. 1.

⁷⁹ Palladius I. xxxv. 16.

⁸⁰ Diog. Laert. VIII. ii. 60.

⁸¹ Paus. II. xxxviii. 3.

⁸² K. K. Vasensammluny za Wein, No. 176.

⁸³ Gräbersymbolilc der Alten, p. 375.

⁸⁴ Musée Pie-Clémentin, vol. iv. pp. 246–258, pl. XXXIV.

⁸⁵ Similarly in Perrault's Popular Talcs (ed. A. Lang, pp. 83–105) the princess Peau-d' Asne to escape the importunities of the king dons this strange disguise:— ‘Pour vous rendre méconnaissable La dépouille de ľ Asne est un masque admirable; Cachez-vous bien dans cette peau, On ne croira jamais, tant elle est effroyable, Qu'elle renferme rien de beau.’

⁸⁶ Again, a, connecting link between the phallic and the chthonic nature of the ass is not absent. Plutarch, (Parallela 29)Google Scholar claims the authority of Aristotle for his statement that a certain misogynist Cp. also the legends of Tages and Oknos mentioned below, and the quotation from the book of the Mainyo-i Khard on page 98.

⁸⁷ Eeeles. 1056 and Ran. 293.

⁸⁸ Aristophanes, , Frogs 289Google Scholar, . Bekker, , Anecd. p. 250Google Scholar, 1. Cp. the Testamentum Salomonis, col. 1341 A, ed. Migue,

⁸⁹ Ver. Hist. ii. § 46.

⁹⁰ Müller-Wieseler, Denk. ii. No. 916, a gem in Berlin Mus. = Demeter enthroned with torch in hand: behind her a horse (see pages 142 ff.); in front an ass or mule.

⁹¹ Hopf, , Thierorakel und Orakelthiere, pp. 30, 75.Google Scholar

⁹² Mr. Frazer tells me that the tale ‘occurs in one of the Buddhist Jatakas, with the substitution of a jackal for the ass (Folklore, i. 1890, p. 409).’ This variation is not unique. De Gubernatis, , Zoological Mythology, vol. ii. p. 126Google Scholar, relates the Hindoo myth of the jackal who ‘passes himself off as a peacock of the sky. The animals make him their king, but he betrays himself by his voice…. This is a variety of the ass dressed in the lion's skin.’

⁹³ Denkmäler, vol. iii. p. 1925, Kg. 2041: Visconti, , Musée Pie-Clémentin, 1820, vol. ivGoogle Scholar. Pl. XXXVI.^*: Bachofen, , Gräbersymbolik der Alten, Pl. II. 2.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Due sepolcri romani, Rome 1841, Pl. II. c and Pl. VII. B, p. 10: Bachofen, op. cit. Pl. III. 2.

⁹⁵ Bachofen, op. cit. Pl. I.

⁹⁶ Musée Pie-Clém. vol. iv. pp. 264 ff., Pl. XXXVI.

⁹⁷ Jahn, , Columb. Pamf, p. 245Google Scholar; Sächs. Ber. 1856, p. 267, Pll. II., III. Bachofen, op. cit. Pl. II. 4; III. 1. The last writer discusses all five designs and gives a valuable collection of literary reff. He omits to represent Visconti's altar: it appears, however, on a reduced scale in Smith, , Sm. Classical Dict. s.v. Danaus, p. 137Google Scholar, without the figure of Oknos. A mural painting from Ostia, now in the Lateran Museum, shows Oknos and his ass together with Pluton, Orpheus and Eurydice, etc.—the Dauaids being apparently absent (Mon. dell' Inst. 1866, vol. viii. pl. 28, 1). The design is, however, somewhat fragmentary, and their absence cannot be proved.

⁹⁸ Inghirami, , Vasi fittili, ii. 135Google Scholar: Panofka, Mus. Blacas, Pl. IX.: Baumeister, , Denkmäler, vol. iii. p. 1924Google Scholar, Fig. 2040: Rosch. Lex. col. 950.

⁹⁹ Arch. Zeit. 1870, vol. xxviii, pp. 42 ff. pl. 33.

¹⁰⁰ Personally I do not feel at all sure that the common interpretation of these four lines is correct. I surmise that Oknos is looking in this distracted fashion at a stream (? the of Paus. X. xxviii. 1) flowing past— ‘rusticus exspectat’ —and that we have here an earlier and most interesting variant of the legend. The parallelism between Oknos and the Danaids indicated below would then be more complete than ever. At the same time I cannot follow the view first put forward, I believe, by Dr. Waldstein that the having been accidentally obliterated in some work of art.

¹⁰¹ Athen. 456E—457A.

¹⁰² Pliny, , N.H. viii. 169Google Scholar. ‘Si rivus minimus intersit, horrent ita ut pedes oinnino caveant tingere. nec nisi assuetos potant fontes, quae sunt in pecuariis, atque ita ut sicco tramite ad potum eant, nec pontes transeunt, per raritatem eorum translucentibus fluviis. mirumque dictu, sitiunt: et si immutentur aquae, ut bibant cogendae exorandaeve sunt.’ Cp. the of Herodot. iv. 192.

¹⁰³ de an. gen. B 748a 23.

¹⁰⁴ So in the mythology of other Aryan peoples. Prof. A. A. Bevan tells me that in the Book of the Mainyo-i-Khard, a Persian catechism of about the sixth century A.D. (ed. West, ch. lxii. 6, 26–27), ‘The Sage asked the Spirit of Wisdom… where stands the ass of three feet?… The ass of three feet stands in the midst of the sea of Varkash; and water of every kind, which rains on a corpse, and the menstrual discharge, and the remaining corruption and putridity, when it arrives at the ass of three feet, with watchfulness he makes every kind clean and pure.’ This ‘Khar i se pâê’ (three-legged, i.e. lame, ass) is further described in the Bundehesh (xliv. 4—xlv. 19 = ch. xix. of Ferdinand Justi's trans.) which observes that, among other peculiarities, the three-legged ass has a horn of gold wherewith he demolishes the animosity of all evil monsters. In the Zendic Yaçna, xli. 28, ‘by braying he terrifies the monsters and prevents them from contaminating the water’ (De Gub. op. cit. i. 379: ed. Spiegel, p. 169). Again, the Kharmâhî (Ass-fish) is ‘the chief of water creatures and fish, ten of whom… swim around the Hûm tree’ (Mainyo-i-Khard, ed. West, p. 124).

¹⁰⁵ Symp. iv. Quaest. 5, ii. §10.

¹⁰⁶ Hist. V. iii. 3, 4 : cp. Tertullian, , Apologet. cap. 16.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ de Nat. An. vi. 51.

¹⁰⁸ Probably this is the meaning of the mentioned in Arist. Wasps, 616.

¹⁰⁹ Case 22, B 378.

¹¹⁰ E.g. Inghirami, , Vasi Fittili, vol. ii. Pl. CXVIII., and the further exx. cited in the Compte-Rendu for 1863, p. 241Google Scholar, n. 8.

¹¹¹ Case 42.

¹¹² de Nat. Anim. x. 40.

¹¹³ Cp. suprà the sacrifice of asses to the Delphian Apollo.

¹¹⁴ Vit. Apoll. III. ii. 1.

¹¹⁵ de primo frigido, xx. 3.

¹¹⁶ MissHarrison, J. E., Myths of the Odyssey, p. 90Google Scholar, Pl. XXVI.a, gives a Roman design from the tomb of Quintus Naso on the Via Flaminia, representing Hades, in which ‘one soul in the form of an ass is drinking the waters of Lethe.’ This has, however, been interpreted as a metempsychosis-scene.

¹¹⁷ As Bachofen, op cit., suggests.

¹¹⁸ Miss Harrison, in lecturing on Greek vase-painting at Cambridge some years ago, suggested that the rope was originally used by Oknos to drag the ass after him, the notion about the ass swallowing it being a mere mis understanding. I suspect that this explanation of myth-making by means of graphic mis-interpretation is being carried too far.

¹¹⁹ As a possible survival of this primitive belief, I would call attention to the design on an ass-head rhyton in the British Museum (Vase-room III., case 42, no. E 477), mentioned above. It is a fine specimen of polychrome Hellenic pottery, belonging to the best period (B.C. 440–330). On the upper part of the animal's head are painted two draped figures: the one holds a rope, and behind the other is a well-pulley. If, as seems probable, the designs on these rhytons may have reference to their animal shape, it would appear that on this vase we have a reminiscence of the ass in its character as a well-daemon.

¹²⁰ Aelian, , de Nat. Anim. x. 40.Google Scholar

¹²¹ A similar excrescence occurs on the ass-head rhytons in the British Museum. It is, I think, merely—as M. Tsountas suggested— ‘a tassel of the creature's hair’: the special sanctity assigned to it will be explained later (page 122f.).

¹²² Schuchhardt, op. cit. p. 292: cp. Perrot, and Chipiez, , Hist. de ľ Art, vol. vi. p. 885Google Scholar, ‘une longue perche.’ Since writing the above I find that Girard, M. Paul, in his book La Peinture Antique (p. 99Google Scholar), published the year before last, also takes this to be a rope.

¹²³ Herondas v. 11, Mr. Carr Bosanquet compares Benndorf and Niemann's Heroon von Gjölbaschi- Trysa, pt. i. Figg. 115, 117.

¹²⁴ Paus. II. xvi. 6. See the Jahrbuch des k. d. Arch. Inst. for 1891, vol. vi. p. 72 (Anzeiger).

¹²⁵ ed. Jebb, char. xvi.

¹²⁶ Arist. Nub. 537

¹²⁷ New Chapters in Greek History, p. 82. Cp. the Delphin Terence, vol. ii. p. 765 n.:— ‘Lusus est natus, ut refert Donatus, ab eo fune, quo equus ligneus Graecorum in Troiani introduotus est.’

¹²⁸ Boeckh, , C.I.G. vol. ii. p. 1035Google Scholar, No. 2264, o.

¹²⁹ With this we should compare the Ἄρτєμις Κορδάκα at Elis (Paus. VI. xxii. 1). The adoption of such a rope-dance by these deities may be explained by the principle of ‘contamination,’ though Artemis at least has distinct claims to be considered as a ‘Quell- und Fluss-göttin’ (Roscher, Lex. coll. 559—561).

¹³⁰ ‘The ordinary meaning of skin-wearing in early religion is to simulate identification with the animal whose skin is worn.’ Prof.Smith, Robertson, The Religion of the Semites, p. 454.Google Scholar

¹³¹ Another Cretan rope-dance connected with animal worship may underlie the legend of the Minotaur. Benndorf supposes that the famous ‘clue’ was the rope used in the χορός of Ariadne (Il. xviii. 590).

¹³² Paus. VI. v. 4.

¹³³ Herodot. vii. 125, This is confirmed by the type of the coins of Akanthos—a lion devouring a long-horned bull. See Head, , Historia Numorum, p. 182.Google Scholar

¹³⁴ Arist. Hist. An. 579b 7, and 606b 14, The statement is transcribed by Pliny, N. H. viii. 45Google Scholar.

¹³⁵ Hist. de ľ Art, vol. iii. p. 794.

¹³⁶ Manuel ď Archéologie Orientale, p. 308.

¹³⁷ See Menant, , Glyptique Orientale, vol. ii. p. 63 ff.Google Scholar: The Religion of the Semites, pp. 274, 416. Philostrat, . Vit. Ap. iii. 55Google Scholar perhaps refers to the same custom. In Greek mythology Ichthys was son of the Syrian queen-goddess Atargatis: see Roscher, Lex. col. 94 s.v. Ichthys.

¹³⁸ E.g. Perrot and Chipiez, op. cit. vol. ii. figs. 9 and 224.

¹³⁹ Catalogue of Greek Sculpture in the Brit. Mus. 1892, by A. H. Smith, p. 15: Perrot, and Chipiez, , Hist. de ľ Art, vol. vi. p. 646Google Scholar, fig. 291.

¹⁴⁰ Müller-Wieseler, , Denkm. i. 210Google Scholar. Cp. Keller, Otto, Thiere des Classischen Alterthums, p. 397Google Scholar.

¹⁴¹ Symp. 672A.

¹⁴² Vase-room I. case 12.

¹⁴³ Schuchhardt, op. cit. p. 132. Cp. the tattoo-marks on the arms of the colossus of Amathus now in the Imperial Mus. at Constantinople: Perrot, and Chipiez, , Phoenicia and its Dependencies, vol. ii. p. 165Google Scholar, fig. 110.

¹⁴⁴ Voyage Archéologique, vol. i. pl. 78. Cp. also Herodot. vii. 180 Lenormant, and De Witte, , Élite des Monuments, vol. i. p. 226Google Scholar, suggest that the lion on the tomb of the courtesan Lais (Paus. II. ii. 4) was intended to preserve her name (quasi ). In the legend of St. Marcellus—‘A lion having appeared to the saint in a vision as killing serpent, this appearance was considered as a presage of good fortune to the enterprise of the Emperor Leo in Africa’ (De Gubernatis, op. cit. vol. ii. p. 159).

¹⁴⁵ Why a human victim called by the name of the sacred animal should have been sacrificed rather than the sacred animal itself, is not clear. As regards the lion-cult an obvious explanation would be that the lion is an animal not readily to be obtained: but this of course will not apply to the sheep, the goat, or the stag. Prof. A. A. Bevan's suggestion that in the text of Lydus we should read (they sacrificed a man clothed in a fleece) leaves this difficulty untouched. And Prof. Robertson Smith's correction the participle describing the worshippers,—though it gives good sense and accords with known custom (The Religion of the Semites, p. 450 ff.),—introduces grammatical difficulties: the singular for the plural would be unusual, and the transcriber's alteration of to unexplained if not inexplicable. On the whole I incline to keep the MS. text as sound, and to suppose that the human victim called by the animal name was sacrificed to the animal god in order to cement a supposed relationship between the god and the worshippers. Somewhat similar is the sacrifice of the human (described on p. 137) to the wolf-god, though in that case there is no question of relationship.

¹⁴⁶ The Golden Bough, vol. i. p. 329.

¹⁴⁷ See the vase-painting described on p. 135; and The Religion of the Semites, p. 390—‘The annual victim at Laodicea ad Mare was a stag, but the story was that in former times a maiden was sacrificed.’

¹⁴⁸ Pl. 10, Nos. 35–6: Perrot, and Chipiez, , Hist. de ľ Art, vol. vi. p. 843Google Scholar, fig. 426, 16, and p. 847, fig. 431, 6.

¹⁴⁹ A coin of the gens Caecilia, figured in Morell's Thesaurus Num. Tab. iii. 1, shows a lion-headed goddess between whose ears there is a similar excrescence.

¹⁵⁰ ‘Le lion, sur ces intailles, ressemble souvent au chien ou au renard.’ Reinach, M., Esquisses Archéologiques, p. 117.Google Scholar

¹⁵¹ Cp. the shoulder of the water-bearing ass on p. 84.

¹⁵² Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1889, Pl. 10, No. 39: Perrot, and Chipiez, , Hist. de ľ Art, vol. vi. p. 844Google Scholar, ‘une scène d'un culte orgiaque.’ Cp. a vase from Phaleron discussed by Louis, M. Couve in the Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique for 1893, p. 25 ffGoogle Scholar. Pl. III.

¹⁵³ Anfänge der Kunst, p. 68, fig. 46b.

¹⁵⁴ Milchhöfer, op. cit. p. 55, fig. 44d.

¹⁵⁵ The Louvre, among other Cyprian monuments, has the upper portion of a limestone statue, which represented a man standing with his hands raised to his hair: the human head is capped by that of a lion (see Perrot, and Chipiez, , Phoenicia and its Dependencies, vol. ii. p. 141Google Scholar, fig. 94). It is possible that this unexplained type refers to the ritual of lion-worship: cp. the description of τὰ λєοντικά on p. 117 ff.

¹⁵⁶ E.g. Arch. Zeit. 1864, vol. xxii. Pl. CLXXXVI. (2): Visconti, Mus. Pie-Clém. vol. i. Pl. XXXIII. Gerhard, Auserlesene gr. Vasenbilder, vol. i. Pl. XXXVIII. shows Dionysus holding a wine-cup and a lion at his feet looking up at him.

¹⁵⁷ The artistic evidence for Dionysus Leontomorphos is collected by Dr. Sandys in his edition of the Bacchae, pp. cxliii.—cxliv.

¹⁵⁸ Aelian, N.A. vii. 48Google Scholar. Alex, Clemens. Protrept. p. 32Google Scholar (ed. Potter) says κєχηνότος Ἀπόλλωνος, perh. by a mere slip. De Gubernatis, op. cit. vol. ii. p. 158, states that ‘Apollo passes into the form of a lion to vanquish the monsters’—but I do not know on what authority the statement is made. Roscher, Lex. col. 444 shows that the griffin (= Lion + Eagle) was an Apolline attribute, but not the Lion alone. However, see Head's, Hist. Num. pp. 130–131Google Scholar, 152, and esp. 236, on coins of Leontini, Syracuse, Miletus, and Apollonia.

¹⁵⁹ Aelian, , l.c. Schneider (ed. Callim. vol. i. p. 438Google Scholar) on the 49th Epigram of Callimachus —writes: ‘Simus dedicavit Dionysii (sic) tragicam personam eamque magno hiatu conspicuam, qui hiatus duplo maior fuit eo, quem habebat (sic) cui templum Elpis Samius dedicaverat.’ Lion-masks of this sort occur as vase-decorations, e.g. Micali, Mon. Incdit. Pl. XXIX. 2.

¹⁶⁰ See for exx. Head, , Coins of the Ancients, Pl. I. 5Google Scholar: II. 25: XI. 35: XIX. 28: XXIX. 31.

¹⁶¹ Ed. Nieb. p. 68.

¹⁶² Œuvres, ed. Schlumberger, vol. vi. pl. 4.

¹⁶³ Head, , Coins of the Ancients, Pl. XXVI. 41.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁴ Among the Mycenaean intaglios is one which represents two lions standing on either side of a tree (Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1888, Pl. 10, No. 16), and another of two lions and three palm-trees (ibid. No. 26): see further Perrot, and Chipiez, , Hist. de ľ Art, vol. vi. p. 843Google Scholar, fig. 426, 2, 6. On several exx. the lion appears along with a palm-branch, e.g. one drawn by Rossbach, Otto in the Arch. Zeit. 1883Google Scholar, Pl. XVI. 8. Reinach, M., Esquisses Archéologiques, p. 45Google Scholar, gives an early amulet-mould, now in the Louvre, on which is engraved ‘un lion… tenant une branche d'arbre entre ses pattes.’ And on the triangular sepulchral relief from Mycenae in the Brit. Mus. a bush occupies the corner behind the lion. In all these cases the tree or branch is probably to be explained as a tachygraphic symbol for a landscape background; cp. the collocation of ‘lions and palm-trees,’ in 1 Kings vii. 36.

¹⁶⁵ In districts where the lion was unknown the next formidable animal would be chosen. On a tomb-painting from Orvieto, Hades (Eita) appears in a cap made out of a wolf's (or lion's?) head: see Roscher, Lex. col. 1805 with figs. on coll. 1807–8.

¹⁶⁶ J.H.S. vol. iii. p. 33 ff. with Quarto Plates XVII–XVIII.

¹⁶⁷ Scharf's drawing of this is reproduced in the Brit. Mus. Cat. of Greek Sculpture, vol. i. Pl. II.

¹⁶⁸ Brit. Mus. Cat. of Greek Sculpture, vol. i. Nos. 83, 84, 89, 90.

¹⁶⁹ Perrot and Chipiez, Phoenicia and its Dependencies, vol. ii. figs. 143, 144, 145.

¹⁷⁰ Ibid. vol. ii. p. 197, fig. 131.

¹⁷¹ Cesnola, , Cyprus, p. 110Google Scholar. In Micali, , Monum. Inediti, Pl. XXII. 1Google Scholar, a funeral-scene is backed by a gable on which sits a pair of lions.

¹⁷² Ľ Art Étrusque, 1889, p. 216. figs. 167 168.

¹⁷³ Iliad xxi. 482–4.

¹⁷⁴ Bronze masks of lions' heads were a frequent ornament of Sidonian sarcophagi (Perrot, and Chipiez, , Phoenicia and its Dependencies, vol. i. p. 199Google Scholar, fig. 137). It is worth mentioning that in the Persica of Ctesias (ed. Gilmore, p. 132)

¹⁷⁵ Agam. 141. Alkman, frag. 34Google Scholar probably refers—as MrFarnell, states (Greek Lyric Poetry, p. 315Google Scholar)—to a Maenad.

¹⁷⁶ Helen. 384. Barnes ed. 1694, p. 271, has a characteristic comment: ‘figura Leaenae, i.e. Ursae’!

¹⁷⁷ Idyll. ii. 68.

¹⁷⁸ Roscher, Lex. col. 564. Also on gold plaques found at Camiros: Salzmann, Nécropole de Camiros, Pl. I.

¹⁷⁹ Baumeister, Denkmäler, pl. 74: cp. Micali, , Monum. Inediti, Pl. I. 3 and 23Google Scholar.

¹⁸⁰ Bullet. de Corr. Hell. 1891, vol. xv. p. 83.

¹⁸¹ Col. 213 ff., Pll. 8–10.

¹⁸² On the lion as associated with Artemis, see further Friedrich Marx', paper in the Arch. Zeit. for 1885, vol. xliii. col. 273 f.Google Scholar

¹⁸³ See art. ‘Cybele’ in Encycl. Brit. ed. 9.

¹⁸⁴ Cybele is associated with Atys on a Greek votive relief: Roscher, Lex. col. 726.

¹⁸⁵ Pollux, viii. 112.

¹⁸⁶ King, , The Gnostics and their Remains, p. 109.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁷ Strabo, 613. Apollo also was Παρνοπίων: Strabo, ibid., Paus. I. xxiv. 8.

¹⁸⁸ See Dr.Fennell, in the Encycl. Brit. ed. 9Google Scholar, s.v. Hercules, Merry, and Riddell, on Odys. xi. 60Google Scholar: Roscher, Lex. coll. 2238–2240.

¹⁸⁹ In the Jahrbuch des k. d. Arch. Inst. for 1892, vol. vii. p. 68 ff. Körte has a monograph on Herakles mit dem abgeschnittenem Löwenkopf als Helm.

¹⁹⁰ J.H.S. vol. xiii. p. 70.

¹⁹¹ Perrot, and Chipiez, , Hist. de ľ Art, vol. iii. p. 570Google Scholar; p. 577, Fig. 389; p. 578, Fig. 391.

¹⁹² Perrot, and Chipiez, , Hist. de ľ Art, vol. iii. p. 569.Google Scholar

¹⁹³ For the former as portrayed on early monuments, see Roscher, Lex. coll. 2192–3: on the latter, ibid. col. 2205.

¹⁹⁴ Roscher, Lex. coll. 2237–8. Cp. Paley on Propert. iv. 18 (17), 5, Herculaneum.

¹⁸⁵ Schol. Arist., Nub. 1034Google Scholar (ed. Bekker): Athen. 512 E. Further reff. in Leutsch, , Par. Gr. ii. 449Google Scholar on Apost. viii. 66.

¹⁹⁶ In the Bullet. de Corr. Hell. 1892, p. 315, pl. I., M. Heuzey describes a relief, which in point of style is intermediate between the Mycenaean and the Egyptian. On it occurs a lion standing by the side of a ‘vase sphérique, sorte d'aryballe.’ This type seems to have survived long after its significance was forgotten. See Voyage Archéologique de M. le Bas, vol. i. pl. 109, a bronze standard found at Athens, which is topped by two lions heraldically placed, r. and l. of a large urn.

¹⁹⁷ Encycl. Brit. s.v. ‘Cybele.’

¹⁹⁸ Cf. quotation from Nonnos on p. 108.

¹⁹⁹ Theocrit. Id. xiii. 57.

²⁰⁰ Ed. Ernesti, Epigr. xxxvi.

²⁰¹ See e.g. Morell's Thesaur. Num. ‘Gens Caecilia’ Tab ii., ‘Gens Eppia’ i., ‘Gens Coponia’ i.–iii.

²⁰² Head, , Hist. Num. p. 593.Google Scholar

²⁰³ MissHarrison, , Mythology and Monuments, p. 402.Google Scholar

²⁰⁴ Now in the Brit. Mus. Nimroud Gallery 11a. Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, I. Pl. 30. The third figure to the left is playing a musical instrument of some sort, with streamers attached.

²⁰⁵ In Monuments of Nineveh, I. Pl. 82, Layard shows a somewhat similar relief = an armed human figure with the head of a lion; it was ‘found lying between the winged bulls forming the entrance to a chamber at Kouyunjik.’ At the same place he discovered two reliefs of colossal men, lion-headed and eagle-footed, armed with dagger and mace: see Nineveh and Babylon, p. 462.

²⁰⁶ Athen. 629 F.

²⁰⁷ Pollux, iv. 103, 104.

²⁰⁸ Musée Napoléon III. Choix de monuments, Pl. LIX.

²⁰⁹ That the head-covering is a mask is indicated by the lines on the cheek: cp. the crescents mentioned on p. 107. I am not sure that M. de Longpérier is right in remarking ‘pieds de lion’: the feet may be human, though somewhat distorted by the pose of the whole figure. The closest parallel I can cite is a scarab of green jasper from Tharros in Sardinia [Brit. Mus. Cat. of Gems, No. 178, Pl. C] on which a man with a lion's skin over his head crouches, drawing a sword from its sheath: this can hardly be Herakles, as Herakles on early gems has always a club, or at least a lance.

²¹⁰ de Abstinentia, iv. § 16.

²¹¹ λєαίνας has been plausibly conjectured for ὑαίνας

^211b Relying on this passage Reinesius emended Apul. Metam. xi. 257: ‘et humeris dependebat, pone tergum, talorum tenus pretiosa chlamyda. quaqua tamen viseres, colore vario circumnotatis insignibar animalibus. hinc dracones Indici: inde gryphes Hyperborei: quos in speciem pinnatae alitis generat mundus alter. hanc Olympiadem stolam sacrati nuncupant.’ But I suspect that his conjecture Leonticam (see Delphin ed. of Apuleius, vol. i. p. 800) is misleading, and that the robe in question, worn by those initiated into the mysteries of Isis, was merely an example of the ‘tunicae… varietate liciorum effigiatae in species animalium multiformes’ affected by the luxurious (see the reff. collected by Erfurdt on Ammianus Marcellinus, xiv. 6, ed. 1808, vol. ii. p. 37), and named after the Elean Zeus (Paus. V. xi. 1, ).

²¹² Rev. Arch. 1879, p. 337; Pl. XXV.

²¹³ Museum Etruscum Gregorianum, vol. ii. Pl. X. 2b.

²¹⁴ As with the ass, so with the lion, rhytons exist moulded in the shape of its head, e.g. two exx. in Vase-room III. of the British Museum (cases 41 and 42).

²¹⁵ Lenormant, and de Witte, , Élite des Monuments, vol. i. p. 130.Google Scholar

²¹⁶ De Gubernatis, op. cit. vol. i. p. 379. Benfey in his Einleitung to the Pantchatantra, p. 463, § 188 collects the authorities for the fable of the Ass in the Lion's skin. The same two animals are associated in other apologues, e.g. the Ass and the Lion hunting together (Phaedr. i. 11; Fab. Aesop. Coll. ed. Halm, No. 259; cp. 260, 323). Oriental sources are quoted by Bochart, , Hierozoicon, ed. Rosenmüller, , vol. i. p. 180Google Scholar. M. de Longpérier, Œuvres, vol. iii. Pl. IX. published a large silver bowl on which the Ass and the Lion are shown together.

²¹⁷ Caelius Rhodiginus ii. § 6, says: ‘Qui vero inaquosa et arida frequentant, corporibus arescentibus (cuiusmodi ὀνόσκєλοι pernoscuntur qui sunt asininis cruribus) hi se mares plurimum, exhibent, interdum quoque leonem ac canem induere videntur.’ This may give force to the collocation of Origen contra Celsum (ed. Lommatzsch vi. 300, p. 368):

²¹⁸ Vol. 57, Pl. GH. No. 8.

²¹⁹ Cat. of Gems, No. 76, Pl. A: Milchhöfer, op. cit. p. 78, Fig. 50: Collignon, Maxime, Hist. de la Sculp. Gr. p. 57Google Scholar, Fig. 36: Perrot, and Chipiez, , Hist. de ľ Art, vol. vi. p. 851Google Scholar, Fig. 432, 15.

²²⁰ Milchhöfer, op. cit. p. 78, erroneously takes them for a pair of bulls.

²²¹ Milchhöfer, op. cit. p. 82, Fig. 54a, b, c.

²²² Pl. 10, Nos. 9 and 10.

²²³ Ἐφνμєρὶς Ἀρχαιολογική, 1888, Pl. 10, No. 33.

²²⁴ Vol. 57, Pl. B.

²²⁵ Cesnola, , Cyprus, p. 51Google Scholar.

²²⁶ Hist. de l'Art, vol. iii. p. 606, Fig. 414.

²²⁷ Cesnola, op. cit. p. 161.

²²⁸ Schliemann's Excavations, p. 249.

²²⁹ See the Journal des Savants for May 1885, p. 278 fin.: Perrot, and Chipiez, , Hist. de ľ Art, vol. i. p. 339Google Scholar, where it is stated that the shapes and colouring of the animal-heads prove them to have been made in metal.

²³⁰ See Prof.Ridgeway, 's Origin of Currency and Weight Standards, 1892, p. 128Google Scholar, fig. 19.

²³¹ Char. vii. ed. Jebb.

²³² Herodot. vii. 70.

²³³ Schuchhardt, op. cit. p. 249, fig. 249.

²³⁴ See pages 81, 84, 101n. 121, 106. And for horse, p. 138.

²³⁵ Handbook of Greek Archaeology, Pl. II. No. 14. Brit. Mus. Vase-room I. case 13.

²³⁶ Asien und Europa nach Altägyptischen Denkmälern, 1893, pp. 348–9.

²³⁷ Vol. vii. p. 14 (Arch. Anzeiger).

²³⁸ Jahrbuch des k. d. Arch. Inst. for 1890, p. 118 ff.-esp. 132–133.

²³⁹ Pl. 7.

²⁴⁰ Cat. Nos. 65, 68, etc.

²⁴¹ Perrot, and Chipiez, , Hist. de ľ Art, vol. iii. pp. 638–9Google Scholar: Figs. 429, 430, 432.

²⁴² Op. cit. p. 260, Fig. 261.

²⁴³ Ibid. p. 278, Fig. 282.

²⁴⁴ Mythology and Monuments, p. cxxi.

²⁴⁵ Anfänge der Kunst, p. 77.

²⁴⁶ See e.g. Baumeister, 's Denkmäler, vol. iii. pp. 1789–1790.Google Scholar

²⁴⁷ An odd variant (unnoticed in the lexx.) occurs on a mosaic from an ancient dome at Cremona. Among other subjects is a man wearing what seems to be a bull's mask, and armed with shield and sword; the figure is inscribed CENTAVRVS, which Müntz, M. in the Rev. Arch, for 1876, Pl. XXIV. p. 407Google Scholar holds to be a mistake for MINOTAVRVS. In either case it is a new type, to which perhaps Miss Harrison's words are applicable: ‘It seems possible that the form of the Minotaur may have been suggested by the necessities of a mimetic dance, the part of the Minotaur being taken by a man with a bull-head mask.’—Myth. and Mon. p. cxxvii.

²⁴⁸ To the received authorities must be added the recently discovered metope from Selinus: the Academy for April 16, 1892, p. 381.

²⁴⁹ Herodot. ii. 153; iii. 27, 28.

²⁵⁰ It was Hera who also struck with frenzy the three daughters of the Argive king Proetus, so that imagining themselves to be heifers— ‘implerunt falsis mugitibus agros.’ These legends throw light on the traditional epithet βοῶπις. I may add the conjecture that Argos of the hundred eyes was a leopard. The peacock was fabled to have derived its tail from him (e.g. Mosch. ii. 58): but that he is not to be identified with that bird is clear from the legends of his prowess; he did to death ‘a fierce bull which ravaged Arcadia, a satyr who robbed and violated persons, the serpent Echidna,… and the murderers of Apis’ (Smith, , Dict. Biog. and Myth. vol. i. p. 282Google Scholar b.). In Baumeister's, Denkmäler, vol. i. p. 753Google Scholar, we have him portrayed wearing a leopard's skin, the spots of which are continued as eyes over the nude parts of his body; and Roscher, Lex. col. 274, gives a vase-painting in which he wears an animal's hide over his shoulders.

²⁵¹ Class. Dict. ed. Nettleship, and Sandys, , p. 506Google Scholara.

²⁵² Œuvres, ed. Schlumberger, , vol. iii. p. 125Google Scholar; cp. vol. ii. p. 121.

²⁵³ Terra-cotta room, case 8.

²⁵⁴ Brit. Mus. Vase-room I. case 37.

²⁵⁵ Other exx. of this ideogram on bull-gems are, a lenticular crystal in the Brit. Mus. = Cat. No. 72, two bulls back to back with a palm-branch between them: a glandular haematite from the same collection = Cat. No. 74, a soldier driving off a couple of oxen, a tree-branch in the field: a fine specimen of rock-crystal from Ialysus (Rev. Archéol. for 1878, Pl. XX. No. 8) = Cat. No. 107, Pl. A, a bull standing by a full-grown palm with a large shield between his legs. In fact, the bull and the palm-tree formed a fixed ‘schema’ in Mycenaean days. As with so many of the gem engravings, this device reappears among the coin-types of the fifth century B.C.—e.g. a didrachm of Mytilene (Coins of the Ancients, Pl. XI. No. 28) has two calves' heads face to face with a tree between them. Also a Nolan amphora in the Brit. Mus. (Lenormant and De Witte, El. Cer. ii. Pl. 54) shows a palm-tree disappearing behind a bull.

²⁵⁶ This ‘demi-nudité’ as characteristic of Mycenaean art is discussed by M. Perrot in the article referred to below.

²⁵⁷ Op. cit. p. 119. It forms the subject of an essay by Marx, F. in the Jahrbuch des k. d. Arch. Inst. for 1889, vol. iv. pp. 119–129Google Scholar: by M. Mayer in the same periodical for 1892, vol. vii. pp. 72–81: and by Hussey, G. B. in the Am. J. of A. 1893, pp. 374–80.Google Scholar

²⁵⁸ By a method of perspective not uncommon, in early monuments, and known to occur on the Island stones, e.g. Ἐφημ. Ἀρχ. 1888, Pl. 10, Nos. 34, 35, col. 178 = two lenticular gems from Mycenae with men in running posture above antelopes' backs.

²⁵⁹ Dr. Paul Wolters, quoted by Schuchhardt, op. cit. p. 121.

²⁶⁰ The cups have been published in colour by Tsountas, M., Ἐφημερὶς Ἀρχαιολογική, 1889, Pl. 9, coll. 159–163Google Scholar: and by Perrot, M. in the Bullet. de Corr. Hell. 1891, vol. xvGoogle Scholar. Plates XI. XII. XIII. XIV. Cp. Appendix II. to Schuchhardt, op. cit. p. 350 ff.: and the Jahrbuch des k. d. Arch. Inst. for 1890, vol. v. p. 104 (Anzeiger).

²⁶¹ Perrot, and Chipiez, , Hist. de ľ Art, vol. vi. p. 843Google Scholar, Fig. 426, 24.

²⁶² Pl. XX. No. 7 (p. 202); Cat. of Gems, Pl. A, No. 75.

²⁶³ Arch. Anzeiger, p. 69. Perrot, and Chipiez, , Hist. de ľ Art, vol. vi. p. 851Google Scholar, Fig. 432, 12.

²⁶⁴ Jahrbuch des k. d. Arch. Inst. 1889, Anzeiger, Arch, p. 190Google Scholar.

²⁶⁵ Published ibid. 1892, p. 72.

²⁶⁶ Cp. Mr.Bather's, A. G. remarks in the J.H.S. vol. xiii. p. 252.Google Scholar

²⁶⁷ Jahrbuch des k. d. Arch. Inst. 1892, p. 80.

²⁶⁸ Hesych.

²⁶⁹ Morell, , Thesaurus Num. p. 213Google Scholara, b. Tab. Julia, vi. 3.

²⁷⁰ The reff. to Heliod. and the Anth. Pal. are given by L. and S. s.v. ταυρєλάτης.

²⁷¹ Chandler, , Marm. Oxon. (1763) ii. 58Google Scholar, 4. Boeckh, , C.I.G. vol. ii. p. 740Google Scholar, No. 3212.

²⁷² Head, , Hist. Num. p. 254Google Scholar, Fig. 175.

²⁷³ Head, , Hist. Num. p. 250.Google Scholar

²⁷⁴ The coins of Catana (figured in the Jahrbuch des k. d. Arch. Inst. for 1889, p. 119), which show ‘a man-headed bull with a figure surprisingly like the acrobat of Tiryns on its back’ (Schuchhardt, op. cit. p. 120), have been otherwise explained by Miss E. Sellers, who points out that the river-god is a mere badge, not an integral part of the design.

²⁷⁵ If Mt. Taurus on the coins of Tauromenium is regularly denoted by a bull; and if even the Roman gens Thoria could adopt the same ‘type parlant’; surely these human ταῦροι, of whom Athenaeus speaks, might well be depicted as actual oxen, while at the same time their ritual garb was retained to distinguish them from ordinary cattle. I conceive that, so far as artistic representation is concerned, they furnish an exact parallel to the leonine ὑδροφόροι on the Cyprian bowl. Those who performed the λєοντικά were called λєοντєς and portrayed as lions: those who danced the ἀρκτєῖα were known as ἄρκτοι and dedicated statuettes of bears: those who took part in the ταύρєια (= ταυροκαθάψια, Hesych. s.v. Τούρια) were named ταῦροι and represented as we see.

For other exx. of religious mummery at Ephesus see Hicks, , Anc. Gr. Inscrr. in the Brit. Mus. Pt. iii. p. 80.Google Scholar

²⁷⁶ Head, , Hist. Num. p. 382Google Scholar.

²⁷⁷ See Preller, L., Griech. Myth. vol. i. p. 634Google Scholar, n. 1: C.I.G. (G.S.) no. 2793.

²⁷⁸ Golden Bough, vol. i. pp. 325–6.

²⁷⁹ Ibid. vol. ii. pp. 38, 43.

²⁸⁰ Ibid. vol. ii. p. 40.

²⁸¹ Coins of Rhosus, on the gulf of Issus, show a deity ‘standing on base placed between two bulls: his head is horned and he holds a fulmen and an ear of corn,’ Head, , Hist. Num. p. 661Google Scholar. This description would suit a bull-Zeus as a vegetation-god.

²⁸² Head, , Hist. Num. p. 382Google Scholar.

²⁸³ See for exx. the Ἐφημєρὶς Ἀρχαιολογική, 1889, Pl. 12, Nos. 10 and 11: Pl. 13, Nos. 6 and 7, 10 and 11.

²⁸⁴ This is sometimes described as ‘an open oyster’! But the occurrence of a similar shield on the bull-gem from Ialysus (p. 126, n. 255), and a haematite in the Brit. Mus. (Cat. No. 74 ‘two drilled holes united by a groove… and lines of uncertain meaning’), which shows a soldier driving off a pair of oxen, makes it certain that a shield is intended. See Mr.Evans, A. J. in the last number of this Journal, p. 216Google Scholar, n. 43a.

²⁸⁵ It is also conceivable that the ‘schema’ of this gem is intended to portray one man with an alternative disguise. In that case it would be a variation of the compendious type exhibited by the lion-legged asses.

²⁸⁶ Dr. Fennell in the Encycl. Brit. s.v. ‘Hercules.’

²⁸⁷ See Reifferscheid's, essay in the Annali dell' Instit. for 1867, vol. xxxix. pp. 352–362Google Scholar, Pl. H, No. 1: and Micali, Monumenti Inediti, Pl. XXV. No. 5.

²⁸⁸ Cp. Müller-Wieseler, Denkmäler, i. No. 299b, c.

²⁸⁹ The Gnostics and their Remains, p. 154: Pauly, Real-Encycl. ed. 2, col. 594, s.v. ‘Aemobolium.’ A realistic picture of it is given in the Marmora Taurinensia, p. 25.

²⁹⁰ Le Culte de Mithra, passim.

²⁹¹ The Gnostics and their Remains, p. 155, note.

²⁹² Cat. of Gems, No. 70.

²⁹³ It is possible that some religious use was made of the stag-vessel, cast in an alloy of lead and silver, which was found in the largest shaft-grave at Mycenae (Schuchhardt, op. cit. p. 246). Du Cange mentions that it was customary among the early Christians to have cervi argentei placed by the baptismal font (Gloss. vol. ii. p. 296 b). The British Museum (Vase-room I. case 37) possesses an aryballos from Nola or Vulci moulded in the form of a stag's head.

²⁹⁴ For Semitic custom see The Religion of the Semites, pp. 390, 447—‘In certain rituals we find the stag or gazelle as an exceptional sacrifice. The most notable case is the annual stag-sacrifice at Laodicaea on the Phoenician coast, which was regarded as a substitute for a more ancient sacrifice of a maiden, and was offered to a goddess whom Porphyry calls Athena (de Abst. ii. 56), while Pausanias (III. xvi. 8) identifies her with the Brauronian Artemis, and supposes that the cult was introduced by Seleucus.’

²⁹⁵ Roscher, Lex. col. 215.

²⁹⁶ Inghirami, Monumenti Etruschi, vol. i. pt. ii. Pll. LXV. LXX.

²⁹⁷ Daremberg, and Saglio, , Dict. Ant. vol. i. p. 53Google Scholar, fig. 86, a fresco from Pompeii.

²⁹⁸ Apollodorus too (II. v. 3) remarks: The golden horns (Callim. h. in Dian. 102; Pollux v. 76, alibi: in the case of oxen, see p. 122: Dionysus, Anth. Pal. ix. 524, 23; Hor., Od. II. xix. 29Google Scholar: Pan, Cratin. in Etym. p. 183, 42) denote the animal-god.

²⁹⁹ The Golden Bough, vol. i. p. 328 and note. ἐλαφηβόλος occurs as epithet of Artemis in Plut., Mor. 966 AGoogle Scholar: h. Hom. in Dian. 2: h. Orph. 35, 10: Artemid. ii. 35, p. 203: Soph. Trach. 214: alibi. ἐλαφοκτόνος in Eur., I.T. 1113Google Scholar: Apollon, , de adv. p. 602Google Scholar, 22.

³⁰⁰ Hence the name of the month which in Elis was known as cp. Paus. VI. xx. 1, and V. xiii. 11. According to Io. Malalas, p. 345, 19 the Byzantine form was even in his day the name of a street near the temple of Artemis.

³⁰¹ Plut., de virt. mul. 244Google Scholar D, cp. 660 D.

³⁰² Athen. 646 E: Eustath., Od. p. 1652Google Scholar, § 56.

³⁰³ Bekker, , Anecdota Graeca, p. 249Google Scholar, 7.

³⁰⁴ His type is very possibly modelled on that of the conventional Perseus.

³⁰⁵ Brit. Mus. Catalogue of Greek Sculpture, vol. i. p. 280. Baumeister, Denkmäler, vol. iii. Pl. 42.

³⁰⁶ Bullet, de Corr. Hell. 1891, vol. xv, p. 83.

³⁰⁷ Lex. col. 606.

³⁰⁸ ad Callim, . h. in Dian. 106Google Scholar (ed. 1697, pp. 207–8).

³⁰⁹ Anth. Pal. ix. 524, 14.

³¹⁰ h. Orph. 51, 10.

³¹¹ Anth. Pal. ix. 524, 14.

³¹² Nonn., Dion. xxvi. 28Google Scholar.

³¹³ Cp. Dem. 313, 16, and the authorities quoted by Dr.Sandys, on Eur. Bacch. 24Google Scholar.

³¹⁴ Paus. VIII. xxxviii. 6.

³¹⁵ Quaest. Graec. 39, p. 300 A.

³¹⁶ See Immerwahr, , Die Kulte und Mythen Arkadiens, vol. i. pp. 8–9Google Scholar.

³¹⁷ Suidas, s.v. ἐλάφειον Zenob. iii. 66; Hom., Il. i. 225Google Scholar, xiii. 102; Aristoph., Nub. 354Google Scholar.

³¹⁸ Milchhöfer, , Anfänge der Kunst, p. 55, Fig. 44AGoogle Scholar: Overbeck, , Griechische Kunstmythologie, Bk. iv. p. 683Google Scholar, Fig. 3.

³¹⁹ Milchhöfer, op. cit. p. 55, Fig. 44C: Overbeck, op. cit. p. 683, Fig. 1: Helbig, , Bulletino dell' Inst. Arch. 1875, p. 41Google Scholar.

³²⁰ Imhoof-Blumer, and Gardner, P. in the J.H.S. vol. vii. p. 106Google Scholar. Plate LXVIII. T. xxii. xxiii.; cp. Head, , Hist. Num. p. 382Google Scholar.

³²¹ Imhoof-Blumer, and Gardner, P. in the J.H.S. vol. vii. p. 111Google Scholar. Plate LXVIII. V. xv. xviii.

³²² Imhoof-Blumer and P. Gardner, ibid.

³²³ Paus. I. xxxviii. 6.

³²⁴ Paus. I. xxxvii. 2.

³²⁵ Paus. I. xxx. 4: Soph. O.C. 1600.

³²⁶ Paus. I. ii. 4.

³²⁷ Poseidon was and

³²⁸ Mitchell, , Hist, of Ancient Sculpture, p. 207Google Scholar, Fig. 101 Roscher, Lex. col. 2570, Fig. 7; after the Mittheilungen des Deut. Arch. Instit. in Athen, vii. Taf. 7. See further A. Furt-wängler, ibid. pp. 164–166.

³²⁹ E.g. by Mr.Smith, A. H. (in the Brit. Mus. Catalogue of Greek Sculpture, vol. i. p. 295)Google Scholar, who cites Arist. Ἀθ. Πολ. ch. 7, ed. Kenyon, ; J.H.S. vol. v. p. 114Google Scholar; Roscher, Lex. col. 2584; Gonze, , Die Attischen Grabreliefs, pt. i. p. 4Google Scholar, Nos. 1, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19.

³³⁰ See e.g. Roscher, Lex. col. 2571, Fig. 8.

³³¹ Furtwängler, , Goll. Sabouroff, i. p. 40Google Scholar; Roscher, Lex. col. 2556.

³³² In Theocritus, xv. 40, the baby is frightened by the words: Does the word here refer (like ) to some goblin?

³³³ See De Gubernatis, op. cit. vol. i. p. 333.

³³⁴ Acc. Servius on Verg., Aen. iii. 241Google Scholar, the parents of the Harpies were Pontus (= Poseidon) and Terra (= Ge); the other version is, however, supported by Hesiod, Apollodoros, and Hyginus. In either case a marine origin is given.

³³⁵ Merry, on Hom., Odysa. xx. 77Google Scholar.

³³⁶ Miss Harrison, Mythology and Monuments, p. lix. ff.

³³⁷ Cp. Demeter's titles and (h. Hom. in Cer. 320, 361, 375). Her wedlock with Poseidon, who is commonly in hoth Homer, (Il. xiii. 563, xiv. 390, xx. 144Google Scholar; Od. ix. 536) and Hosiod, (Theog. 278)Google Scholar, produced (Hes. Scut. 120).

³³⁸ Cp. the Homeric phrases and

³³⁹ Pyth. iv. 45.

³⁴⁰ Isth. i. 54.

³⁴¹ Lyc. 767.

³⁴² E.g. Aesch. Sept. c. Theb. 130; Aristoph. Eg. 551, Nub. 83.

³⁴³ Lang, A., Myth, Ritual, and Religion, vol. ii. p. 267Google Scholar; Milchhöfer, , Anfänge der Kunst, p. 64Google Scholar; Roscher, Lex. col. 1317.

³⁴⁴ Müller-Wieseler, , Denkm. vol. i. No. 280Google Scholar, represent a relief from a black vase found near Chiusi, which—among a group of figures de scribed by le duc de Luynes, M. (Annali dell' Institut, vol. vi. 1834, p. 321Google Scholar) as ‘un sujet infernal’— introduces a horse-headed monster that Levezow interpreted as a sister of the Medusa.

³⁴⁵ Paus. I. xxxviii. 4. Miss Harrison, Mythology and Monuments, p. cix., desiderates ‘a bit of genuine Attic work’ as evidence of this eponymous hero. Is not the want supplied by the Mon. dell'Inst. 1866, vol. viii. Pl. XXXII. b, 263? = (Annali dell'Inst. vol. 38, 1866, p. 353) ‘equa dm. stans puerum lactans; in area superne noctua dm. stans; ante equam calathus. In demo Attico Halimuntis repertus.’

³⁴⁶ Hygin. 187.

³⁴⁷ The tradition occurs elsewhere: see Dindorf ad loc. and Soph. O.C. 1070.

³⁴⁸ Paus. I. xxx. 4. In V. xv. 6, however, he couples it with an altar of Ares Hippios, and in VIII, xlvii. 1, he cites a second aetiological tale: when the Giants attacked the denizens of Olympus Athena drove her horse-car against Enceladus and won her name of Hippia.

³⁴⁹ The wooden horse filled with human beings is perhaps a reminiscence of an actual rite; cp. e.g. the wicker images of the Druids.

³⁵⁰ Paus. II. iv. 1, Pind., Ol. xiii. 65Google Scholar.

³⁵¹ Roscher, Lex. coll. 758, 1689.

³⁵² J.H.S. vol. xiii. pp. 103–114.

³⁵³ Cat. No. 2157.

³⁵⁴ Mitchell, op. cit. p. 495.

³⁵⁵ Ap. Rhod. ii. 298.

³⁵⁶ Roscher, Lex. col. 2663, a b. f. vase = nude man riding on horse-headed Hippalektruon. Lncian, , V.H. i. 13Google Scholar, speaks of and but he means merely birds ridden as though they were horses.

³⁵⁷ The archaic statue at Phigaleia, while it retained the head and mane of a horse, bore the bird as a separate symbol in one hand. This was apparently mistaken for a dove (the emblem of wedlock) by Pausanias.

³⁵⁸ Pliny, iv. 95, speaks of certain fabulous islands ‘in quibus equinis pedibus homines nascantur Hippopedes appellati.’ Cp. Berosos, , Frag. i. 4Google Scholar, ed. Müller.

³⁵⁹ There is a striking analogy between both these groups and that depicted on the Assyrian slab (p. [57]). In each case one human being is represented as taming or restraining two animal-figures. The lion-form, grasping his jaw with his hand, bears a close resemblance to the action portrayed on our horse-gem. It is conceivable that the three ἱεροθύται mentioned by Pausanias (p. [92]) were wont to enact this scene—one taking the part of theἱππόδαμοσ, the others being the ἳπποι.

³⁶⁰ Mionnet, , Médailles Antiques, Suppl. vol. v. Pl. I. p. 148Google Scholar.

³⁶¹ See e.g. Fig. 100 in Mitchell, , Hist. of Ancient Sculpture, p. 206Google Scholar, and Fig. 6 in Roscher, Lex. col. 2567.

³⁶² Is this the ultimate significance of Pind., Ol. xiii. 84Google Scholar ff.

³⁶³ Vol, 49, Pll. U V, 8, p. 407,

³⁶⁴ Vol. 57, Pll. G H, No. 6; Collignon, Maxime, Hist. de la Sculp. Gr. p. 57Google Scholar, Fig. 34.

³⁶⁵ Athen. 587 A.

³⁶⁶ The Golden Bough, vol. i. pp. 326–8; vol. ii. pp. 34–7: Roscher, Lex. coll. 1038–9, 1059. We have already remarked that at Potniae a goat was sacrificed to Dionysus Αἳγοβόλος in lien of a human victim, p. 106; Pauly, Real-Encycl. ed. 2, col. 976.

³⁶⁷ Paus. III. xviii. 3, VIII, xxiii. 3, VIII. liii, 5.

³⁶⁸ Welcker, Alte Denkm. ii. Taf. 3, 5. On the sacrifice of goats to Artemis see Roscher, Lex. coll. 581–2.

³⁶⁹ Paus. III. xv. 7.

³⁷⁰ Mythology and Monuments, p. 333, Fig. 49; Roscher, Lex. col. 419.

³⁷¹ Morell, , Thesaurus Num. 3Google Scholar, b, c, d.

³⁷² Roscher, , Lex. col. 2378, 39 ff,Google Scholar

³⁷³ Milchliöfer, , Anfänge der Kunst, p. 80, Fig. 51Google Scholar; Middleton, , Engraved Gems, p. 20Google Scholar.

³⁷⁴ Milchhöfer, op. cit. p. 92, Fig. 59b.

³⁷⁵ 1887, Pl. 11.

³⁷⁶ Mon. Ant. Pl. 15.

³⁷⁷ It belongs to the large private collection of Mr. A. J. Evans, to whose courtesy I am indebted for the impress from which Fig. 21 has been drawn.

³⁷⁸ The Golden Bough, vol. ii. p. 49 ff.

³⁷⁹ Ibid. vol. i. p. 331.

³⁸⁰ Hes. Theog. 971. Cp. Merry, on Hom., Od. v. 125Google Scholar.

³⁸¹ Cp. Arist., Vesp. 573Google Scholar though the scholiast ad loc. (ed. Blaydes, p. 285) has a different interpretation.

³⁸² what form the mimicry of a pig would take, may be seen from a Theseus-kylix in the Brit. Mus. (Mythology and Monuments, p. cxv. Fig. 25), on which Phaia and the sow are—as Miss Harrison points out—‘noticeably parallel. Every effort is made to give to the woman a rude and beast-like appearance; her hair is rough and disordered, her arms spotted.’

³⁸³ Frazer, , Totemism, p. 26Google Scholar.

³⁸⁴ Ibid. p. 30.

³⁸⁵ Ibid. p. 36.

³⁸⁶ Op. cit. pp. 15, 33, 34, 40, 41, 79.

³⁸⁷ Ibid. p. 15.

³⁸⁸ Müller, K. O., Hist. Gr. Lit. p. 86Google Scholar, quoted by Paley on Hes. W. and D., p. 524.

³⁸⁹ Frazer, , Totemism, p. 40Google Scholar.

³⁹⁰ Athenaeus, loc. cit. p. 153.

³⁹¹ Frazer, op. cit. p. 88: ‘It seems a fair conjecture that such multiform deities are tribal or phratric totems, with the totem of the tribal or phratric sub-divisions tacked on as incarnations.’

³⁹² Mr. Frazer tells me that among purely totemic tribes there is no certain example of the sacrifice of the totem animal. A dubious exception is the turtle-sacrifice of the Zunis.

³⁹³ Another version states that Dionysus, not Hera, effected the transformation: Apollod, ii. 2 §2, Diod. iv. 68

³⁹⁴ is the name of an African buffalo in Aelian and elsewhere.

³⁹⁵ Man, says Aristotle (de part. an. Γ 662b 20), Cp. Dan. vii. 4 : ‘I beheld till the wings thereof were plucked, and it was lifted up from the earth, and made to stand upon two feet as a man, and a man's heart was given to it.’

³⁹⁶ Does the same conception underlie Eur., Hec. 1056–1068Google Scholar? Polumestor, going on all fours like a wild beast, prays that the Sun may cure his blindness:—

His bestial nature comes out also in vv. 1070 1073:—

³⁹⁷ Pl. 10, No. 38, p. 179.

³⁹⁸ Livraison, i. 1893, pp. 11–12, Pl. IV.

³⁹⁹ Vol. vi. p. 210.

⁴⁰⁰ In suggesting this restoration I see that I have been forestalled long since by Casaubon.

⁴⁰¹ J.H.S. xiii. p. 134.

⁴⁰² A cock-dance by Phrynichus is mentioned in Aristophanes'Wasps, 1490, Similar, were practised by mediaeval jugglers. The Daily Telegraph for Sept. 15, 1893, notes: ‘In a Bodleian manuscript of the fourteenth century there is a picture of a man disguised as a stag, who is dancing to the sound of a tabor played by a boy, and in the same collection there is represented a goat walking on its hind-legs. Bears, pigs, and mastiffs were commonly simulated, but none of these fictitious animals had any fore-legs, staves of wood being supplied as a substitute upon which the actor could lean when he was tired, while his face was seen through an aperture in the breast.’

⁴⁰³ It has indeed been supposed that they served to increase the resonance of the human voice, hut actual experiment proves that even in the largest Greek theatres the ordinary tones of a speaker from the would be audible to the furthest seats.

⁴⁰⁴ Meineke, , Com. Frag, i, 34Google Scholar.

⁴⁰⁵ Mahaffy, J. P., Greek Class. Lit.: Dramatic Poets, p. 202Google Scholar.

⁴⁰⁶ Meineke, op. cit. i. 36.

⁴⁰⁷ Ibid. i. 58.

⁴⁰⁸ Ibid. i. 62, 64.

⁴⁰⁹ J. P. Mahaffy, op. cit. p. 205.

⁴¹⁰ No. 3 in Meineke's collection.

⁴¹¹ Meineke, op. cit. i. 115.

⁴¹² Ibid. i. 158.

⁴¹³ Ibid. i. 168.

⁴¹⁴ Ibid. i. 163, 175.

⁴¹⁵ Ibid. i. 163, 251.

⁴¹⁶ Ibid. i. 214.

⁴¹⁷ Ibid. i. 205, 207.

⁴¹⁸ Blaydes, , Arist. Ranae, ed. 1889Google Scholar, p. vi. n. 1.

⁴¹⁹ Meineke, op. cit. i. 251.

⁴²⁰ Ibid. i. 268.

⁴²¹ See Daremberg, and Saglio, , Dict. Ant. pt. ii. p. 1126Google Scholar, Figs. 1427–1428.

⁴²² Vol. ii. p. 309 if. Quarto Pl. XIV. He also cited Tischbein, , Hamilton Collection, ii. 57Google Scholar. The Burgon oenochoe is now in the Brit. Mus.; the amphora is figured by Gerhard, Trinkschalen, Pl. XXX. Figs. 1–3.

⁴²³ Poen. V. ii. 15.

⁴²⁴ Pollux E, 102, says of a woman who used rouge:

⁴²⁵ Meineke, op. cit. i. 535.

⁴²⁶ Ibid. i. 538–9.

⁴²⁷ With this may be compared the use of πηΚός at the Eleusinian initiation: Dem. 313, 16.

⁴²⁸ Bekker, , Anecd. Gr. vol. ii. p. 748, 12Google Scholar.

⁴²⁹ Ars Poet 277.

⁴³⁰ Smith, , Dict. Ant. ed. 1891, vol. ii. p. 374Google Scholar

⁴³¹ Haigh, , The Attic Theatre, p. 220Google Scholar.

⁴³² Ibid. p. 221.

⁴³³ Vol. xxxvi. Pl. 3. An eagle head-covering occurs on a cameo in Müller-Wieseler, Denk. i. No. 228: also on coins of the gens Poblicia; see Morell's, Thesaurus Num. 4–HGoogle Scholar.

⁴³⁴ Haigh, op. cit. p. 265.

⁴³⁵ ibid. p. 291.

⁴³⁶ Frazer, , Totemism, p. 26Google Scholar.

⁴³⁷ Vol. xv. pp 145–152, Pll. IV. V.

⁴³⁸ Rev. Arch. l.c. p. 146 and n. 3.

⁴³⁹ Schachhardt, op. cit. p. 132, Fig. 132. See Dr.Leaf, , Companion to the Iliad, p. 192Google Scholar.

⁴⁴⁰ Morell, Thesaurus Num. 4.

⁴⁴¹ Pliny, , N.H. vii. 23Google Scholar, says: ‘In multis autem montibus genus hominum capitibus eaninis, ferarum pellibus velari pro voce latratum edere, unguibus armatura venatu et auoupio vesci.’

⁴⁴² Rich, Dict. Ant. s.v. ‘Galea pellibus tecta.’

⁴⁴³ Morell, op. cit. Tab. iv. 2.

⁴⁴⁴ Brit. Mus. Cat. Nos. 1497–1501, 2236.

⁴⁴⁵ See Le Musée Fol, 1875, Pl. 5, Nos. 10 and 12. It forms the topic of a paper in the Rev. Archéol- for 1891, vol. xvii. pp. 380–4.

⁴⁴⁶ Brit. Mus. Cat. Of Gems, No. 13: described as ‘cuttle-fish?’