DOCUMENT RESUME FL 022 807 ED 386 915 AUTHOR TITLE INSTITUTION PUB DATE NOTE PUB TYPE LANGUAGE EDRS PRICE DESCRIPTORS IDENTIFIERS Ho, Dah-an, Ed.; Tseng, International Symposium Linguistics Proceedings 18-20, 1994). Academia Sinica, Taipei and Philology. Chiu-yu, Ed. on Chinese Languages and (4th, Taipei, Taiwan, July (Taiwan). Inst. of History 94 511p.; Partial funding provided by the National Science Council, Republic of China. Conference Proceedings (021) Collected Works Multilingual/Bilingual Materials (171) Chinese; English MF02/PC21 Plus Postage. Affixes; *Chinese; Contrastive Linguistics; Diachronic Linguistics; *Dialects; Discourse Analysis; English; Foreign Countries; Grammar; Interpersonal Communication; Japanese; *Language Classification; Language Patterns; Language Research; *Language Typology; *Language Variation; Linguistic Theory; Mandarin Chinese; Oral Language; Regional Dialects; Research Methodology; Sino Tibetan Languages; Tibetan; Tone Languages; Uncommonly Taught Languages; Verbs; Written Language *Word Order ABSTRACT This publication of proceedings, most in English and some in Chinese, of a conference on Chinese languages and linguistics include the following papers: "On Rule Effect and Dialect Classification" (Chin-Chuan Cheng); "Cross-Linguistic Typological Variation, Grammatical Relations, and the Chinese Language" (Bernard Comiie); "Is Chinese a Pragmatic Order Language" (Shuanfan Huang, Kawai Chui); "Origin of Seven Typological Characteristics of the Chinese Language" (Tsu-lin Mei); "Some Remarks on Word Order and Word Order Change in Pre-Archaic Chinese" (Alain Peyraube); "Formosan Clause Structure" (Stanley Starosta); "A Minimalist Approach to a Contrastive Analysis of English, Chinese, and Japanese" (Ting-chi Tang); "Types of Tone Sandhi in Mandarin Dialects and a Formal Model of Tone" (Mei-chih L. Chang); "Stress Patterns in Tonal Languages" (Robert L. Chcng, Chin-chin Tseng); "Cross-Language and Cross-Typological Comparison of Conceptual Representations Related to Grammatical Form" (Susan Duncan); "Origin of Vowel Transfer in Tangut" (Hwang-Cherng Gong)"; "Loose vs. Tight Syllables in Chinese Dialects" (Hirata Shoji); "Spoken Rhythm of Chinese Tongue Twisters" (Yuchau E. Hsiao, Chin-wei Wu); "Causative Compounds Across Chinese Dialects" (Lisa Chang, James Huang, Audrey Li, Jane Tang); "A Syntactic Typology of Formosan Languages--Case Markers on Nouns and Pronouns" (Paul Jen-kuei Li); "After Being Refused: Response to Face-Threatening Speech Acts" (Chao-chih Liao); "Directional Constructions in Taiwanese" (Chin-fa Lien); "Identifying the Parameters for a Typology of Chinese Affixation" (Yen-Hwei Lin); "Discourse Organization and Anaphora in Spoken and Written Chinese Discourse" (Ming-Ming Pu); "The Typology of Tone in Tibetan" (Jackson T.S. Sun); "Topic Choice, Switch Reference, and Zero Anaphora" (Liang Tao); "On the Separation and Combination of Several Disposal Constructions in Classical Chinese (Pei-chuan Wei); "Word Order Flexibility in Chinese" (Zhiqun Xing); "Aspects of Procody in Mandarin Discourse" (Li-chiung Yang); "Toward a Typology of Tense, Aspect, and Modality in the Formosan Languages" (Elizabeth Zeitoun, Lillian Huang); and "Semantic Schema and Metaphorical Extension" (Meichun Liu). (MSE) Al Fs 111. 1:1 El I- r oo en I A IIIIII bk its La.) ty NM* D. OM% 111 UM A U.S DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION Office or Educaoonni Reseacch ono Improvement EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES INFORMATION CENTER (ERICI ONO O This document has been reproduced as received from the person or orgawation originating it O Minor changes have been made to improve reproduction quality Points of view or opinions slated u", this document do not necessarily represent official OERI position or policy "4 . or -PERMISSION TO REPRODUCE THIS MATERIAL HAS BEEN GRANTED BY ONI\ TO THE EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES INFORMATION CENTER (ERIC) DERR Iv ItElig/gigAIRM BEST COPY AVAILABLE 4'41RM' V- -hy \.B EP ES1 tk, EffinEtlifil; B MI Re-rizif gIVIA Proceedings of the Fourth International Symposium on Chinese Languages and Linguistics (July 18-20, 1994) WU% WO' Edited by: Dah-an Ho Chiu-yu Tseng ph. IC ic 'Sy A6. ),-(e hi 16: ";,'-''(.4 / t CIi, yi,(4.,k k4". SeckIL .44 3 IsCLL IV CCopyright 1994 by Academia SMica 4 ciz MI tit Ai .11:017-. *157 crAzirg.:1V .11111834,7X118 B .M.20 B cla The Fourth International Symposium on Chinese Languages and Linguistics July 18-20, 1994, Academia Sinica Vittlitt Symposium Program Parasession: Typological Studies of Languages in China Olifitittn 113 zif'AVANAVIT;t1ML13-2==.------44X Conference Venue: 2F, Conference Hall, Activity Center, Academia Sinica atlY1-41:it 113.61÷.z.if 5-7.,15ta --A-zif5-1.,Pfr Organized and funded by: The Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica 4=-5-n.135-r_Eilr$04**.ii"ir Partial funding was also provided by: The National Science Council, Republic of China ± A 8 (CM) July 18 (Monday) 8:30-9:00 *FM 9:00-9:20 IiMA Opening Ceremony 9:20-10:20 President Y.T. Lee, Director T. K. Kuan, Professor D.-A. Ho Invited Speech WJW iiN Registration WAIN* Bernard Comri40 Invited Speaker: Prof. Bernard Comrie Cross-linguistic Typological Variation, Grammatical Relations, and the Chinese Language Chair: Professor William S.-Y. Wang -14YAL-E-EA-130 Argfi 10:20-10:40 Break 10:40-12:40 M 1-14.k:MMMIPM Topic: Chinese Dialectology Session 1 AR 13.-ELGR_I faligi A Speaker Hirata Shoji MR H Chair: Prof. Tsu-lin Mei Title AffiliAlitrii"CM"MlLg--3-4 P'ei-cnnan Wei Ai -.11tA: Iti Eti MOE ITA,YERYK Ell n ft trigE,Chin-fa Lien ;'.4:t2rAtrfertirliA013q---r30,ti_f[PaVegflifn Zhigun Xing Word Order Flexibility in Chinese: A Typological Study of Mandarin, Min, and Yue Dialects 12:40-14:20 Lunch 14:20-15:20 LAMA Invited Speech WiD11,7AKt Invited Speaker: Professor Ting-chi Tang A "Minimalist" Approach to a Contrastive Analysis of English, Chinese, and Japanese Chair: Professor Alain Peyraube 15:20-15:40 15:40-17:10 1A:,g, 1!.P,, Break 145 Session 2 ili ki Speaker t.ritLIE s Vir Fit ktv,iimili L -S. Lisa Cheng, C.-T. James Huang, mdreyLLaimic.-c.rancrarp. 4,4,111,L. Yen-Hwci Lin .?.A -Xi/ ',- 18:00-20:00 Meichun Liu IKkt1 1:kn Topic: Syntax Chair: Prof. Yuen-mei Yin WE H Title Causative Compounds across Chinese Dialects: A Study of Cantonese, Mandarin and Taiwanese Identifying the Parameters for a Typology of Chinese Affixation Semantic Schema and Metaphorical Extension: a study of the Mandarin V-R corn sounds as a radial cate or 01.111A0 1) Dinner (location: Activity Center; participants: speakers and staff only) July 19 (Tuesday) MAMA 9:00-10:00 Invited Speech WOO* ALPM Invited Speaker: Professor Chin-Chuan Cheng ME:MRWA*RUALL5} On Rule Effect and Dialect Classification Chair: Professor Pang-hsin Ting I4A:TnVii4M Break 10:00-10:20 10:20-12:20 ME* Vai:ettlW 1-14A:i AM/ Session 3 Topic: Phonology Chair: Prof. Samuel Hsu Wang MO MA Seaker Title ORM't4. Robert L. Cheng and Chin-chin Tseng 'AIM Mei-chih Laura Chang MEM Li-chiung Yang AtT-E'fIM )1Y AI -rilf14 Elj Mi g Ws] %fis M Types of Tone Sandhi in Mandarin Dialects and a Formal Model of Tone Aspects of Prosody in Mandarin Discourse AMMSIMEIMM*:tnEAMWAILI Yuchau Hsiao and Chin-wei Wu Lunch 12:20-13:40 IL 13:40-14:40 Invited Speech WiCaNA Invited Speaker: Professor Shuanfan Huang jaNN,Itta Is Chinese a Pragmatic Ordering Language? Chair: Professor Benjamin T'sou IMA:Mi6igOlft 14:40-15:00 171cts 15:00-17:00 Break IMA:11faifileM Wi Session 4 AO . Speaker .,.(' Liang Tao ISfq AM Ming-ming Pu kg V1 -i.fi Chao-chili Liao Susan Duncan Topic: Discourse Chair: Prof. Feng Fu Tsao MN Title Topic Choice, Switch Reference and Zero Anaphora: The On-line Construction of Grammar Discourse organization and anaphora in spoken and written discourse After being refused: response to face-threatening speech acts Cross-language and cross-typological comparison of conceptual representations related to grammatical form 4 July 20 (Wednesday) 9:00-10:00 44,r/AgN Invited Speech witirigrg : prottmwe Invited Speaker: Professor Stanley Starosta Formosan Clause Structure: Transitivity, Ergativity, and Case Marking Chair: Professor Chung-yu Chen I4A:MWARI1 10:00-10:20 f*,e, Break IM:vRIAMA= 10:20-12:20 MHYA 1.#. Robert BlustV0 Topic: Minority Languages Chair: Prof. Robert Blust Session 5 MR MN Speaker Title A Syntactic Typology of Formosan Languages Case Markers on Nouns and Pronouns Toward a typology of tense, aspect and modality in the Formosan languages: a preliminary study R- Paul J. K. Li ---ks-A-WCO Lilian M. Huang and Elizabeth Zeitoun aUDA Hwang-cherng Gong NaltiVAM*1117Eig IC!Vii -A (NRAINI-e* ettkIJZ) The Typology of Tone in Tibetan VaRigtiOnD Jackson. T.-S. Sun 12:20-13:40 13:40-15:40 Lunch rM2WVJgM, Panel Discussion on Typological. Studies of Languages in China Chair: Professor Paul J. K. Li $,InHMA:TgVft'T.±TOAR-FaillftR- UCIMAII-UVA4M Panelists: Professor Tsu-lin Mei Professor Alain Peyraube Professor Pang-hsin Ting Professor Berjamin T'sou Professor William S.-Y. Wang 15:40-16:00 16:00-17:00 18:30-20:30 f*P. Break FMAVAIJJ*401MA 6t"_k Panel Discussion Banquet 8 Table of Contents I. .411-1tAiSCRAVit-3gINt (Invited Papers and Papers of Panelists) 1. On Rule Effect and Dialect Classification 1 Chin-Chuan Cheng Ni30-k 2. Cross-Linguistic Typological Variation, Grammatical Relations, and the Chinese Language 16 Bernard Comrie 3. Is Chinese a Pragmatic Order Language? 31 Shuanfan Huang and Kawai Chui ifotia 4. li.Eff-t-101MV..440113=33:Z Tsu-lin Mei **AM / 49 5. Some Remarks on Word Order and Word Order Change in Pre-archaic Chinese 69 Alain Peyraube Ft lit PI 6. Formosan clause structure: transitivity, ergativity, and case marking .... 82 Stanley Starosta WM* 7. A "Minimalist" Approach to a Contrastive Analysis of English, Chinese and Japanese 102 Ting-chi Tang -,*3X;t. II. (Plenary Papers) 1. Types of Tone Sandhi in Mandarin Dialects and a Formal Model of 139 Tone Mei-chih L. Chang gElkifT 2. 5EMIE-ff 159 t43111 Robert L. Cheng and Chin-chin Tseng les 3. Cross-Language and Cross-Typological Comparison of Conceptual Representations Related to Grammatical Form Susan Duncan 179 4. wilffii101$10JUI=M3K It.A41-81-4 Z) 198 Hwang-cherng Gong VIIIM 5. AIMA-1-1-0" ft V" t=r0Jk4.11, 219 IERATA Shoji -93-93 Eit3 6. -31M1,1-6-100301711154 VONVINVIAAt Yuchau E. Hsiao and Chin-wei Wu *410.4 - AMOK 237 7. Causative Compounds across Chinese Dialects: A Study of Cantonese, Mandarin and Shanghai Chinese 255 L.-S. Lisa Cheng, C.-T. James Huang, Audrey Li, and C.-C. Jane Tang _ZVI wax. WM* 8. A Syntactic Typology of Formosan Languages -- C ise Markers on Nouns and Pronouns 270 Paul Jen-kuei Li 9. After Being Refused: Response to Face-Threatening Speech Acts Chao-chih Liao *113.;f4 290 10. AENNIVrEIMMILAIR 310 Chin-fa Lien Walt A-111M*DAtle..11tW3V. 11. Identifying the Parameters for a Typology of Chinese Affixation Yen-Hwei Lin 4-414.X 322 12. Discourse Organization and Anaphora in Spoken and Written Chinese Discourse 333 Ming-Ming Pu ABA sfrl 13. The Typology of Tone in Tibetan Jackson T.-S. Sun 353 14. Topic Choice, Switch Reference and Zero Anaphora: The On-line Construction of Grammar Liang Tao Mil at, 373 15. birt-1-111Aff 41 0,414, I A.-a:MALI:13 f:t *--.14-8- 391 P'ei-chuan Wei 13MA. 16. Word Order Flexibility in Chinese: A Typological Study of Mandarin, Min, and Yue Dialects 411 Zhiqun Xing 3tAP4 17. Aspects of Prosody in Mandarin Discourse Li-chiung Yang 4611.4. 431 18. Toward a typology of tense, aspect and modality in the Formosan languages: a preliminary study Elizabeth Zeitoun and Lillian Huang 443 19. Semantic Schema and Metaphorical Extension: a study of the Mandarin V-R compounds as a radial category 462 Meichun Liu 4tAw.A. fik Ati-ltt Symposium Roster i J. The Fourth International Symposium on Chinese Languages and Linguistics July 18-20, 1994 On Rule Effect and Dialect Classification Chin-Chuan Cheng University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Abstract In the literature, language behavior is considered rule-governed. It is therefore appropriate to carry out linguistic analysis in terms of rules. However, in dialect comparisons, listing of shared rules simply reiterates dialect features and does not seem to produce a synthetic picture of similarity or difference. To achieve such an overall measurement, we need to study dialects in terms of "rule-effect". Some rules affect a large amount of linguistic entities such as words, while others worm their way through a very small portion of the lexicon. Quantitative information of this sort is the basis for measuring rule effects. Specifically, two effect-comparison models are presented. One is the measurement of dialect similarity, and the other is the calculation of mutual intelligibility. The similarity model mainly tabulates the ratio of shared items over all items of concern. The mutual intelligibility model incorporates a weighting hierarchy that takes into consideration communication signal enhancement' and noise interference. The requirements of adequate database, the theoretical constructs involved, and possible pitfalls in the overall measurements are discussed. The goal of this research is to provide a principled way to present rule effects. Language typology may be studied in terms of the numerical measurements these effect-theoretic models produce. Thus linguistics can provide description of language phenomena, explain them with rules, and give a synthetic account of rule effects. I. Rules and Rule Effects We conventionally analyze language change in terms of rules. For example, and ,F1- belonged respectively to -m ending and -n ending rimes in Middle Chinese but are now homophones in Beijing dialect. The phonological merger of this pair and of other words warrants the following rule with respect to the syllable ending: (1) -in > -n 12 This rule can account for the change. And in the past we were satisfied with such a representation of language evolution. In fact, rules have been the main means for describing dialectal differences and for establishing dialect classification. For example, Ting (1982) lists 16 criteria for classification as variously discussed in Li (1937), Forrest (1948), Tung (1953), Yuan (1960) and Zhan (1981). As presented by Ting, most of the criteria relate to historical rules. These publications span half a century. They show the dominance and persistence of the concept of rules. Only a small number of the criteria concern dialect characteristics. We recast Ting's listing of those regarding initials as follows, adding "characteristics" to highlight the criteria that are not strictly derivation oriented: (2) a. Change of Middle Chinese voiced stop initials b. Change of Middle Chinese bilabial stops c. Merger of f- and xu- -- characteristics d. Change of Middle Chinese Mr& initials e. Merger n- and I- -- characteristics f. Change of Middle Chinese PgV9Miliq initials g. Palatalization of Middle Chinese velar initials h. Loss of nasality of Middle Chinese nasal initials i. Presence of voiced sibilants -- characteristics Of these nine criteria, three pertain to dialect characteristics. Of course, these characteristics can be attributed to some historical rules. For example, in Wuhan and Chengdu the Middle Chinese n- and I- initials changed to an alveolar nasal that has a variant 1-, hence the merger or free variation of n- and 1- (Beijing University 1962, 1989, henceforth the Hanyu Fangyin Zihui). Thus this characteristics criterion reflects the effects of the change of these initials. However, in the past our predominant interest in analytical mechanisms such as rule format, rule ordering, and rule interaction somehow blurred the picture of the language as an integral living thing. Rule effects have not been the focus of linguistic inquiries. As we reviewed the historical rules implicit or explicit in the criteria above and in Chen (1976), Hashimoto (1979) and Tsai-fa Cheng (1985), we became more curious about what could be said regarding the consequences of those changes. Let us return to the -rn and -n merger. Historically that was what happened to Beijing and most other Northern Dialects. What effects can we describe? Naturally, the most obvious effect of this rule is that there are no more syllables ending in the bilabial nasal That is one statement we can make to describe the dialect of Beijing. A more significant statement is to present the general phonological constraint that the bilabial nasal cannot occur in syllable-coda position. This constraint will then explain, for example, why the -m syllable-ending of loan vnrds from another diale-q or from transliteration of other languages has to be substituted by an alveolar or velar nasal. 2 13 Indeed, linguists have talked about constraints as language characteristics. Other characteristics such as word order, ergativity, case marking, and relative clauses have been the bases for making typological statements (Comrie 1989). In addition to those properties listed in (2), presence or absence of closed syllables, number of tones, etc. have been utilized to establish dialect classification. From the -m and -n merger we see that language characteristics may be introduced or changed by rules. However, characteristics are not the only type of effects we are interested in studying. As we look beyond the rules of a single language, cross-language comparisons in terms of rule effects can be discussed in several ways. Traditionally, typological studies investigate language differences and make statements on presence or absence of certain characteristics. Recently, we have ventured into the area of quantitative measurements, hoping to answer some of the most frequently asked questions concerning Chinese: How different are Chinese dialects? Are they mutually intelligible? Our conventional answers to these questions usually reiterate the classification criteria. For example, we would say that in Northern Dialects the Middle Chinese -m ending has merged with -n while in the dialects in the south -m remains. That shows dialectal differences, indeed. But does that merger make northern dialects unintelligible to southern dialect speakers? Does that rule make northern and southern dialects very different? What is the degree of difference? Our quantitative studies of Chinese dialects have attempted to establish some methods for numerical measurements of dialect similarity and mutual intelligibility (Cheng 1982, 1992, 1994). We hope to be able to discuss rule effects quantitatively and therefore more definitively. We feel that the following are interesting and fertile areas to focus our attention and to raise new sets of linguistic questions. (3) Rule effects on dialect a. characteristics -- qualitative-quantitative statements b. similarity -- quantitative measurements c. mutual intelligibility -- quantitative measurements Typological studies of various languages in the past have provided abundant examples of how to compare language characteristics qualitatively. We have indicated above how rules change language constraints and other characteristics. Therefore we propose that both rules and rule effects be stated to give a fuller picture of a comparison. In (3) we label this comparison as a type of qualitative-quantitative investigation. In reality, quantitative information is often implicitly used. For example, to say that in Beijing the syllable coda cannot be -m means that all the syllables ending in -m earlier in history have been changed to end in -n. "All", "none", and "some" are quantifiers. Thus judgments on language characteristics often take quantity into consideration. This type of quantification, however, has been used inconsistently, with varying degrees of precision and verifiability. The discussion above has shown that rule effects should be an important part of a rule analysis. In the remainder of this paper we will bxamine the possibilities of quantifying rule effects on dialect similarity and mutual intelligibility. -314 2. Rule Effects on Dialect Similarity We will examine the effects of the rule contained in criterion (la) pertaining to the historical change of voiced stop initials. It is well known that the voiced stops have remained in Wu and some Xiang dialects as voiced but have become devoiced in other dialects. To see the effects of devoicing, we will specifically study Beijing, a Northern Dialect, and Suzhou, a Wu variety. To see the extent the change of voiced stops affects the similarity between Beijing and Suzhou, we need to define the carriers of the change. A phonological change such as this one is carried by words. In Chinese a word is normally coterminous 'with a syllable. Thus we may use "word", "syllable", and "lexical item" interchangeably. We have tabulated the occurrences of items in relation to these Middle Chinese initials. In the following listing the first consonant in each line is for Middle Chinese. The modern reflexes are given after the colon. The number of items affected are given under Beijing and Suzhou separately. The database is the DOC (Dictionary on Computer) file that has been partially updated according to the second edition of the Hanyu Fangyin Zihui. (4) Beijing a. b. c. d. e. f. b b. b b d d : b p : ph : f : d : t 56 : th 53 d i. m. g g g g g n. Total j. k. I. g 38 39 2 : g. h. Suzhou 82 107 1 2 6 55 2 g : 1 dz : lc : k': 27 29 : k 3 le 2 249 255 First, the two total numbers are different because alternative readings for individual words are included. The devoicing in Beijing actually involves two features. The voiced stops became voiceless aspirated in Even tone and voiceless unaspirated in Oblique tones. All the items involved are uniformly voiceless and thus the rule has created the phonotactic that there are no voiced stops in modern Beijing. The aspiration part of the change is not without exception, for example, and 5at , which were in an Oblique tone and are now pronounced with an aspirated alveolar stop. Furthermore, in both Beijing and Suzhou, palatalization of the velar initials has occurred. The f- initial items are the two readings of the word ir,, in low tone and in high falling tone. -4- The five items pronounced with voiceless initials in Suzhou are shared by Beijing. However, they perhaps should be excluded from this table. In Suzhou the item A pronounced with a voiceless unaspirated alveolar stop and lid k both with a voiceless aspirated alveolar stop might not have been derived from the voiced alveolar stop. The words and g both with a voiceless palatal affi-icate appeared in the first edition of the Hanyu Fangyin Zihui but have been deleted in the second edition. If we omit these five items from consideration, then regarding the evolution of the Middle Chinese voiced stops, Beijing and Suzhou do not share any items. They are entirely dissimilar. The total dissimilarity here is obvious by inspection of the disjunctive occurrence of the items. But when the items involved are numerous and the occurrence patterns are complex, we need to have a formula to calculate the degree of similarity. Similarity measurements are mostly based on the ratio of shared items to the tctal number of items considered. The "total number of items considered" is somewhat tricky. As we compare several dialects, say dialects A, B, C, and D at the same time, the items that occur in dialedt C or D but do not occur in dialects A and B, might be counted in the total number of items considered when we compare dialects A and B. Ma (1989), Tu and Cheng (1991), Wang and Shen (1992), and Tu (1994) have reviewed various correlation methods and have pointed out such inflation of coefficient values in Cheng (1982). Now it seems that we have come to favor Jaccard's coefficient, which excludes the non-occurring items in the computation: a / (a + b + c) where a: number of items shared by both dialects b: number of items occurring in one dialect only c: number of items occurring in the other dialect only. (5) The calculation of similarity based on the numbers given in (4) for the effects of the change of the Middle Chinese voiced stops is either (6a) if we exclude or (6b) if we include those five items: (6) a. b. 0 / (0 + 244 + 250) = 0 5 / (5 + 244 + 250) = 0.010 By definition, this similarity index ranges from 0 to 1. Thus the historical devoicing rule contributes no or extremely small value of similarity between Beijing and Suzhou. An overall similarity comparison will have to take consider more cases. In Cheng (1991) 3,373 cases of initials, finals, and tones were used to calculate a phonological similarity matrix for 17 Chinese dialects. In the literature, presentation of the number of instances attesting to historical correspondences is quite common. For example, just to be critical of ourselves, Cheng and Wang (1971), Chen (1976), and Wang and Cheng (1987) have extensive lists of numbers variously showing correspondences for initials, finals, and tones between Middle Chinese and modern dialects. But those numbers are simply numbers of 5- Iti instances; no principled ways of synthesis are given in those studies. Here in this paper we are using devuicing as an example to show how to quantify rule effects. The use of the DOC database for quantification of similarity, affinity, and mutual intelligibility deserves some comments. The items in the database were collected from the first edition of the Hanyu Fangyin Zihui and partially updated on the basis of the second edition. The Hanyu Fangyin Zihui contains phonological information for over 27,00 common words. Those words were not selected according to some sampling principles. Consequently one could question the validity of the data as a fair sample for prediction of the nature of the dialects. Selection of linguir ; data for quantification has always been a substantive as well as methodological issue. The "basic" lexicon in glottochronology limiting the size to a couple hundred items would not be a good representative for our purposes. We maintain that the larger lexicon of the Hanyu Fangyin Zihui would allow us to make various sorts of inquiries. Much as we wish to claim the predictive power of our quantification, a moderate view of taking this research as a population study of this particular collection of data would help us jump over the hurdle of statistical sampling and allow us to venture into different modes of linguistic inquiry. 3. Rule Effects on Dialect Mutual Intelligibility Since Middle Chinese, historical rules have changed linguistic entities and patterns of the speech in various reg'ons. Deterioration and enhancement of dialect mutual intelligibility are the most obvious effects of the rules such as those given earlier in (2). Mutual intelligibility, in spite of its vague definition in the past, has been used as a criterion for language subgrouping by linguists. Social scientists and non-professionals often demand a definitive answer from linguists to their questions about mutual intelligibility. We have poked around for years; it is time for us to try to answer this challenge. The motivation, weight assignments of characteristics, and procedural details for calculating mutual intelligibility have been presented in Cheng (1992, 1994). In essence, we take the view that human pattern cognition is based on observation of repeated phenomena. That is, repetition lends its weight of numbers to pattern formation. In dialect communication, the recurrence of corresponding elements on the basis of cognates, such as Beijing initial p- to Jinan p- and Beijing n- to Jinan 1-, forms correspondence patterns. Some correspondence patterns involve many members such as words while others contain only a small number of entities. It is therefore useful to divide patterns into major and minor ones. Major patterns give a sense of regularity and therefore are considered as communication enhancing signal. On the other hand, minor patterns are exceptions and can act as interfering noise. Intuitively we feel that between a pair of dialects, say A and B, the intelligibility of dialect B for dialect A may not be identical to that of dialect A for dialect B. Hence we use the term "source dialect" and "target dialect" to refer to the way corresponding patterns are established. First we set up the patterns according to the elements in dialect A. We then calculate the one-way unidirectional intelligibility value. Then we collect the correspondence patterns according to the elements in dialect B and calculate the -6- 17 intelligibility. This differentiation thus recognizes the needs to derive unidirectional intelligibility as the first step of the calculation of mutual intelligibility. We take the mean of the two unidirectional intelligibility degrees to be the mutual intelligibility of the two dialects. A crucial issue of the calculation is the determination of importance or weight of various correspondence patterns. We have established a weight scale in Cheng (1992, 1994). The scale using a unitary 1 as the full value takes into account the type of correspondence patterns (signal or noise) and the nature of the corresponding items (same or different). When the dialects have the same items in a major pattern, the intelligibility is the highest, for example, Beijing p- corresponding to Jinan p-. If the target-dialect element is different from that of the source dialect and that element occurs elsewhere in non-cognate items in the source dialect, then the codusability is the highest. For example, the correspondence of Jinan I- to Beijing n- involving a single item might allow Beijing to wrongly take that item as an item in Beijing I-. Other situations obtain more moderate values. The weight scale is as follows: Signal Noise (7) For each item in a pattern, the target-dialect element is the same as that of the source dialect: a. b. 1.00 -0.25 0.50 0.25 -0.50 element is different from that of the source dialect and does not occur in the source dialect: and occurs elsewhere in the source dialect: i. -1.00 In (2) we list the dialect subgrouping criteria concerning initials. In order to discuss some of them to show rule effects, we need to give proper weight to initial consonants. Since we use cognate syllable-words to establish correspondence patterns, we may assign one-fifth of the unitary value 1 to each of the five traditional segments of initial, medial, nuclear vowel, ending, and tone. This weight scale for initials is the following: Signal Noise (8) For each item in a pattern, the target-dialect's phonological 0.20 -0.05 and does not occur in the source dialect: 0.10 -0.10 and occurs elsewhere in the source dialect: 0.05 -0.20 a. element is the same as that of the source dialect: b. element is different from that of the source dialect i. Now let us examine how the devoicing rule affects the mutual intelligibility between Beijing and Suzhou as an example to show rule effects. First, patterns of sound correspondence on the basis of cognate words have to be established. We will use Beijing -7 as the source dialect and Suzhou as the target dialect to inspect one-way intelligibility. Let us start with the bilabial. The Middle Chinese voiced bilabial stop has changed into voiceless unaspirated stops in Oblique tones. This is part of the generalization we made earlier concerning the devoicing rule in Beijing. However, the p- initial from Middle Chinese p- has remained unchanged in both Beijing and Suzhou. The Beijing p- therefore corresponds to Suzhou b- and p-. Thus, one effect of the devoicing is the merger of the earlier p-b distinction within Beijing and the creation of p:b and p:p correspondence patterns between Beijing and Suzhou. Following are the patterns showing the voicelessvoiced correspondence containing 41 items and the voiceless-voiceless correspondence having 93 items of cognate words in our DOC database. (9) a. b. p p b p : : 41 93 From the point of view of Beijing p-, the correspondence patterns have a mean of 67 ((41 + 93) /2). The p:b pattern with 41 items is less than the mean. Therefore this is a minor pattern and is considered noise, interfering with intelligibility. Since the initial bdoes not appear in Beijing, the unit value is -0.10 according to the weight scale. The 41 items yield a value of -4.10. The p:p pattern with identical initials has a frequency greater than the mean, and therefore it is considered communication enhancing signal. Its unit weight is 0.20 and its value is 93*0.20=18.60. So regarding Beijing p-, one pattern contributes negatively and the other positively to intelligibility. To show the cumulative effects, we add "noise" and "signal" columns below. The values in these two columns will accumulate as we proceed to show other patterns. At the end of the calculation, we will see the cumulative values as the numerical effects of the devoicing rule. (10) frequency a. p : b. p : b p 41 93 mean 67.0 67.0 weight -0.10 0.20 value -4.10 18.60 noise -4.10 signal 18.60 As said before, the devoicing for words in Even tone has produced voiceless aspirated stops. We need to inspect the Beijing-Suzhou correspondence patterns for Beijing ph-. The frequency, mean, weight, value, and cumulative sums of noise and signal in that order are given below: (11) a. b. c. : it Ph : b p Ft frequency 44 4 44 mean 30.6 30.6 30.6 weight 0.10 -0.20 0.20 value 4.40 -0.80 8.80 noise signal 23.00 -4.90 31.80 This time the weight for the b pattern is 0.10 because its occurrence is greater than the mean but the initials are different. The 4 items of the ri:p correspondence are irregular in two respects. First the irregularity may be due to the informant's idiosyncratic speech For example, [WI, one of the 4 items, was given with p- in Suzhou in the first edition of the -8 19 Hcmyu bangyin Zihui and with FP- in the second edition. Another cause of this odd correspondence might be due to irregular change. For example the word itn somehow acquired aspiration in many dialects except Suzhou and Wenzhou. Fortunately the frequency is too small to skew the figure drastically. The assignment of weight and the derivation of the value for the ph:ph pattern are straightforward. The noise and signal values are cumulative from those given in (10). Earlier we showed that irc't had two readings with f- in Beijing. It has a b- initial in Suzhou. In Suzhou the initial of the word gli? somehow has changed from a. Middle Chinese fricative to b-. Thus we found Beijing f- corresponds to Suzhou b- with 3 items. The correspondence patterns for Beijing f- and their numerical values are give below: (12) frequency a. b. f f c. f : : : b 3 f 57 38 v mean 32.6 32.6 32.6 weight -0.10 0.20 0.10 value -0.30 11.40 3.80 noise -5.20 signal 43 20 47.00 The avid reader will question the inconsistency of the numbers given so far. In (4) we show that Suzhou has 82 items with b- initials derived from Middle Chinese b-. And yet here we show 88 (41 + 44 + 3) items with b- in Suzhcu. The difference is due to the fact that we are looking at slightly different matters here. In (4) we give the historical origin. In (10), (11), and (12) we show the modern b- initials irrespective of their history. The occurrence of 88, then, means that the initials of six words have changed from voiceless to voiced. As an example, one of these words is , which had the voiceless unaspirated bilabial stop in Middle Chinese. So far we have accumulated 47.00 positive and -5.20 negative points for the effects of the devoicing rule. The numbers have to be interpreted in the context of all the phonological correspondence patterns between Beijing and Suzhou. To anticipate the results, we should say that there were 2,916 syllable-words in the database in the BeijingSuzhou case. Since in the weight scale we assign unit value to each syllable, by definition the maximum sum of noise and signal is 2,916 in this case. We may call the sum value of signal enhancement and noise deduction the "signal-noise value". The signalnoise value will be less than the maximum, unless the two dialects are identical in every respect, in which case the value would be the same as the number of syllables. The normalized unidirectional intelligibility index is obtained by dividing the cumulative signalnoise value by the total number of elements involved, in this case the elements being 1 syllables. Up to this point, the signal-noise value is 41.8 (47 - 5.20). To continue the investigation of the effects of the devoicing rule, we need to examine the signal-noise values of all the patterns that involve the modern initials as listed under Beijing in (4) Besides p, if and f, whose correspondence patterns have been tabulated above, we will -9- quantify the signal-noise values of the patterns for Beijing initials t, th, k, k, lc, and e below without comments on exception or irregular items. (13) frequency a. b. c. t t a. b. th : th : a. b. c. k k k k d t : : t 58 81 1 : (14) frequency d (15) 53 65 frequency d. mean 59.0 59.0 weight -0.10 0.20 value -5.30 13.00 noise -10.70 weight -0.10 -0.10 0.20 -0.20 value -0.20 -0.40 25.80 -0.60 noise -10.90 -11.30 15.2 15.2 15.2 15.2 weight -0.10 -0.10 -0.20 0.20 -0.20 value -0.40 -0.10 -0.60 13.40 -0.20 noise -12.30 -12.40 -13.00 mean 33.3 33.3 33.3 33.3 33.3 33.3 33.3 33.3 weight -0.20 0.10 -0.10 0.05 0.20 0.05 -0.20 -0.10 value -0.20 -2.50 -0.10 2.10 29.20 noise -13.40 -15.90 -16.00 -0.20 -1.40 -16.20 -17.60 mean 16.2 16.2 16.2 weight 0.10 -0.10 -0.20 -0.20 0.20 0.05 -0.10 value 2.80 -0.10 -1.40 -0.60 6.80 1.40 -1.30 noise g k : tc. 3 g frequency 4 mean 15.2 h k 3 : le : le : le : k : 1 67 1 frequency tc. : c IC : 4 25 h k 42 146 37 1 Ic : d. e. tc : Ic : f. lc : Is g. ic : is 1 h. tc : z 14 a. b. c. d. e. V : dz frequency 28 V : g 1 : le 7 : tc 3 Ic : f. e : IS 34 28 : z 13 (18) g. noise : : k' e value 5.80 16.20 -0.20 mean 34.5 34.5 34.5 34.5 (17) a. b. c. weight 0.10 0.20 -0.20 2 4 129 4 : (16) a. b. c. d. e. mean 46.6 46.6 46.6 1 16.2 16.2 16.2 16.2 -10- 21 signal 52.80 69.00 -5.40 signal 82.00 signal 107.80 -11.90 signal 121.20 -13.20 signal 123.30 152.50 154.35 1.85 signal 157.15 -17.70 -19.10 -19.70 163.95 16s.35 -21.00 At this point we have completed the tabulation of the correspondence patterns of the initials involved in the devoicing rule. Thus the positive contribution of the devoicing rule is 165.35 and its negative contribution is -21.00. The signal-noise value is therefore 144.35 (165.35-21.00). As said before, the numbers have to be interpreted in the context of all the phonological correspondence patterns between Beijing and Suzhou. There were 2,916 syllable-words in the database, and by definition the maximum sum of the signalnoise value is 2,916. We have tabulated all the phonological correspondence patterns including the ones given above. The sum of positive and negative values is 1486.35. The one-way intelligibility index for Beijing-SuzhoU is 0.510 (1486.35 / 2916). Out of 1486.35 the devoicing rule contributes 144.35. This value is about 10% (144.35 / 1486.35 = 0.097) of the total. 4. Numerical Measurement as Synthesis With our similarity measurements, the devoicing rule makes Beijing and Suzhou entirely dissimilar. In terms of mutual intelligibility, the effects participate in contributing about 10% of the communication enhancing value. This seeming contradiction arises because when we talk about correspondence patterns we include those elements that were produced by the rule as well as those outside of its application. Moreover, our mutual intelligibility measurement does not require identical corresponding elements to enhance communication. As long as a pattern has more than the mean number of elements, it becomes a regular correspondence. A regular correspondence pattern enhances communication. That is how we can understand other dialects and speech with a foreign accent. The t:d pattern given above, in spite of its differing elements, is considered signal and contributes a positive value of 5.8. The same positive effect can be said of the ph:b correspondence. On the other hand the p:b and th:d patterns contribute negatively as expected. The merger of initials has such complex consequences. We think numerical measurement is a way to represent the synthesis of various forces upon the dialects. What does it mean to say that the Beijing-Suzhou unidirectional intelligibility is 0.510? Does it mean that half of the speech of Suzhou dialect can be understood by people from Beijing? As discussed in Cheng (1992, 1994), personal understanding of other dialects involves factors such as language background, experience in non-native environment, individual ability, etc. We call such mutual intelligibility "subjective mutual intelligibility". Here in this study we are looking at dialects as systems. The mutual intelligibility so calculated can be called "systemic mutual intelligibility". As speakers of a dialect, in spite of personal differences, are confined by or endowed with the dialect system, the calculation of subjective mutual intelligibility has to be based on systemic mutual intelligibility. However, we do not know exactly how to calculate subjective mutual intelligibility yet. To say that we have yet to crystalize measurement ideas would sound odd. But that is true at this initial stage of the quest for a quantitative synthesis of language similarity and mutual intelligibility. For now, we will show in the Appendix the dialect subgrouping based on the calculated mutual intelligibility indices for all the 17 dialects represented in the Hanyu Fangyin Zihui so that the Beijing-Suzhou values can be compared to the overall picture. The details of the procedure for arriving at the subgrouping can be found in Cheng (1992, 1994). Of relevance here is that the Beijing-Suzhou unidirectional intelligibility is 0.510 with Beijing as the source dialect and 0.489 with Suzhou as the source dialect. The mutual intelligibility is the mean value of 0.499. This value can be compared with the highest intelligibility pair of Hankou and Chengdu, having the mutual intelligibility of 0.795. The lowest intelligibility pair, Shuangfeng-Chaozhou, has a value of 0.353. The numerical exercise above illustrates that rules are not isolated events. They may cause complex interactions in elements, which our conventional rule format cannot specify. Interests in rule effects have led us to relate rules to dialect similarity and mutual intelligibility. Are we rewriting rules in linguistics? That is for the reader to judge. 0.00 1 0.10 0.20 0.30 0.40 0.50 1 1 1 1 I 0.60 . . 1 0.70 0.80 0.90 1 I 1 1.00 Hankou Chengdu Beijing Jinan Xi'an Changsha Taiyuan Yangzhou Suzhou Nangehang Meixian Chaozhou Fuzhou Xiamen Shuangfeng Wenzhou Guangzhou I 0 00 0.10 0.20 ' I 0.30 0.40 0.50 I 1 I 0.60 0.70 0.80 0.90 Appendix. Dialect Affinity Based on Mutual Intelligibility -13- 24 1.00 REFERENCES Beijing University. 1962. Hanyu Fangyin Zihui. Beijing: Wenzi Gaige Chubanshe. Beijing University. 1989. Hanyu Fangyin Zihui. Second Edition. Beijing: Wenzi Gaige Chubanshe. Chen, Matthew Y. 1976. From Middle Chinese to modern Peking. Journal of Chinese Linguistics 4:2/3.113-277. Cheng, Chin-Chuan. 1982. A quantification of Chinese dialect affinity. Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 12:1.29-47. Cheng, Chin-Chuan. 1991. Quantifying affinity among Chinese dialects. In William S-Y. Wang (ed.) Languages and Dialects of China 77-112. Journal of Chinese Linguistics Monograph Series 3. Cheng, Chin-Chuan. 1992. Syllable-based dialect classification and mutual intelligibility. Chinese Languages and Linguistics 1 Chinese Dialects 145-177, Symposium Series Number 2. Taipei, Taiwan: Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica. Cheng, Chin-Chuan. 1994. Hanyu fangyan goutongdu de jisuan (Calculation of Chinese dialectal mutual intelligibility). Zhongguo Yinven 238.35-43. Cheng, Chin-Chuan and William S-Y. Wang. 1971. Phonological change of Middle Chinese initials. Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies 9.219-270. Cheng, Tsai-Fa. 1985. Ancient Chinese and Early Mandarin. Journal of Chinese Linguistics Monograph No. 2. Comrie, Bernard. 1989. Language Universals and Linguistic Typology: Syntax and Morphology. Second Edition. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Forrest, R. A. D. 1948. The Chinese Language. London: Faber and Faber. Hashimoto, Mantaro J. 1979. Phonology of Ancient Chinese. Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia & Africa Monograph Series No. 11. Li, Fang Kuei. 1937. Languages and dialects. Chinese Year Book 59-65. Shanghai: Shangwu Yinshuguan. Ma, Xiwen. 1989. Bijiao fangyanxue zhong de jiliang fangfa (Quantitative methods in comparative dialectology). Zhongguo Doyen 212.348-360. Ting, Pang-Hsin. 1982. Hanyu fangyan qufen de tiaojian (Phonological features for classification of the Chinese dialects). 14.257-273. -14 26 Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies A Synchronic Classification of Rukai Dialects in Taiwan: A Quantitative Study of Mutual Intelligibility. University of Illinois Ph. D. Tu, Wen-Chiu. 1994. Dissertation. Tu, Wen-Chiu, and Chin-Chuan Cheng. 1991. A Linguistic classificat'on of Rukai Formosan Paper presented at the Sixth International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics, Honolulu, Hawaii. May 20-24. Tung, Tung-he: 1953. Zhongguo yuyan (Chinese language). Zhongguo Wenhua Lunji 1.33-41. Cited in Ting (1982). Wang, William S-Y. and Chin-Chuan Cheng. 1987. Middle Chinese tones in modern dialects. In Robert Channon and Linda Shockey (eds.) In Honor of Ilse Lehiste 513-523. Dordrecht, Holland: Foris Publications. Wang, William S-Y., and Zhongwei Shen. 1992. Fangyan guanxi de jiliang biaoda (A quantitative description of the relationship among Chinese dialects). Zhongguo Yuwen 227.8 I -92. Yuan, Jiahua. 1960. Hanyu Fangyan Gaiyao (An Outline of Chinese Dialects). Beijing: Wenzi Gaige Chubanshe. Zhan, Bohui. 1981. Xiandai Hanyu Fangyan (Modern ('hinese Dialects). Hubei Renmin Chubanshe. Wuhan: Cross-Lingt 'stic Typological Variation, Grammatical Relations, and the Chinese Language Bernard Comrie University of Southern California and Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies 1. Introduction Probably most linguists would agree, in the abstract, that any approach to language analysis must pay due attention both to the similarities and to the differences among languagzs. However, when it comes to implementing this policy, we find substantial differences between the practice of different linguists, corresponding not only to differences among different schools, but also to differences within the same school at different times, and even to differences among individual linguists within the same school at the same time. At the one extreme, one might believe that all languages are essentially the same, with differences among languages, while of course there, not being particularly significant. The linguist who follows this line of argument will typically assume that whatever categories have proved necessary or useful in describing language A must also be present in language B. If they are not immediately apparent in language B, then they must be present in some more covert form. If they do not prove necessary, or even useful, in the analysis of language B, then this is not taken as evidence that they do not exist in language B; rather, this state of affairs is interpreted as an indication that the categories are present in language B, but are simply not made use by the grammar of language B. At the opposite extreme, one might assume that no category that is not immediately apparent in the structure of language B is necessarily absent from language B, following the slogan "if it seems not to be there, then it isn't there". I believe that both of these extreme approaches are misguided. If we start out by assuming that the properties of language A are necessarily relevant for language B, and never ask ourselves what the justification for these properties might be internally to language B, then we can continue indefinitely holding to this belief, irrespective of whether or not this is the hest analysis of language B. Thus if someone believes, on the basis of morphological case distinctions in Latin, that English has a covert distinction between dative (roughly, 'to') and ablative (roughly, 'from') cases, then I doubt if the English language will ever present him with any evidence that this analysis is wrong-headed. But there is a rather obvious alternative analysis that does much better justice to the facts of English, namely that English makes use of different prepositions, rather than different cases, to make this distinction. This is an important methodological point. Many linguists hold to the view within philosophy of science that a particular analysis is tenable until disproven. Unfortunately, with analyses that have no empirical conse- quenceslike the alleged covert dative-ablative opposition in Englisheven a rather silly analysis will never be disproven. I have deliberately chosen a "silly" analysis to make a clear point, although in what follows I will note some instances that are quite parallel although not so obviously wrong-headed. Let me give a more suhtle example that may illustrate the same phenomenon, and which involves a contrast bctween English and Chinese.1 In English, there are good reasons for distinguishing syntactically between the two kinds of adnominal clauses found in (1) and (2): II originally developed this particular argument using the contrast between English and Japanese, although in this particular respect Chinese and Japanese seem to have essentially the same property, in contrast to English; a written version of the original argument is currently under -16 2'1 (1) (2) the opinion that I put forward the opinion that they should go to America to study medicine Sentence (1) is a relative clause, while (2) is a complement clause with a nominal head. The syntactic differences between the two constructions can easily be demonstrated. In (1), that can be replaced by which, as part of the usual rule whereby a relative clause can be introduced by the relative pronoun who or which, depending on the animacy of the head noun, as in (3); this is not possible in (2), whence the ungrammaticality of (4): (3) (4) the opinion which I put forward *the opinion which they should go to America to study medicine If we compare the relative clause in (3) with the closest corresponding simple sentence, then we see that this simple sentence requires an noun phrase in the direct object position after the verb put forward (as in (5)); this in keeping with the analysis of both traditional and more recent grammatical studies whereby, depending on details of the analysis, the relative pronoun in (3) is, in some sense, the direct object of the verb put forward, or the relative clause contains a gap corresponding to the direct object position. (5) I put forward the opinion. In (4), by contrast, there is no gap; the subordinate clause, minus the conjunction, is a perfectly well-formed sentence in isolation; there is no possibility of inserting a noun phrase into this clause that would correspond to the that of (2): (6) They should go to America to study medicine. What about the corresponding constructions in Chinese, as in (7)(8)?2 (7) NO tfehalái-de yijiAn I put.forward-PTCL opinion (8) tãmen qü Mëigua xué they yi-de yijiAn go America study medicine-PTCL opinion In Chinese, there is no obvious difference between the two sentence types. In both cases, we have a head noun which is preceded by a clause, the two being linked by means of the particle de. Moreover, given that Chinese has the phenomenon of null-anaphora (zero-anaphora), it is at least harder to justify an analysis whereby there is a gap in (7), contrasting with the absence of a gap in (8). Finally, the construction with a nominal head as (8) is not how clausal complementation with a verbal head is done in Chinesethe latter involyes no particle, and the subordinate clause follows rather than precedes the main clause, as in (9); thus, Chinese lacks preparation for a publication of the European Science Foundation Programme in Language Typology (EUROTYP). Except where otherwise specified, I will use "Chinese" as an abbreviation for "Mandarin Chinese", or rather, even more specifically, "Modem Standard (Mandarin) Chinese". 2The following abbreviations are used: ABI,--ablative, ACCaccusative, ASPaspect, CL classifier, DATdativc, DOdirect object, GENgenitive, LOClocative, Mmasculine, NOMnominative, PASSpassive, PLplural, PRSpresent, PTCLparticle, SG si ngu lar, TOPtopic. -17 28 verbal-head construction that is the parallelism between thc nominal-head construction and the found in English. (9) women dOu qt1 chi jilozi. all go eat dumpling 'He suggests that we all go and eat dumplings.' Ta tfyi he suggest we with which I am familNonetheless, most recent discussions of such Chinese constructions limitations, this necessarily excludes iarand I can only lament the fact that, given my own constructions of reladiscussions in Chinesemake the assumption that Chinese has distinct alternative analysis is at an tive clause and complement clause with a nominal head.3 However, syntactic construction, simply least plausible, namely that in both (7) and (8) one has the same the speaker of Chinese then does is to assign a a head noun with a modifying clause; what plausible interpretation to this structure, which in the case of (7) leads to the "relative-clause" there is no interpretation, in the case of (8) to the "complement clause" interpretationthus before adopting this difference between the two types. Of course, need to posit any syntactic to make is not to analysis it would be necessary to test its consequences. But the point I want analysis is the correct analargue that either the "two-constructions" or the "one-construction" because a particular distincRather, I want to suggest that ysis for these examples in Chinese. the analysis of Chinese, tion is made in English, this distinction has been carried over into without stopping to distinction is really justifiable, indeed without stopping to ask whether this ask whether the distinction as applied to Chinese may not actually lose a significant generalization concerning the structure of that language. categories that are On the other hand, assuming that we can only justifiably make use of instance, in many equally lead to missed insights. For clearly overt in a particular language can archaic European languages, one of the most languages, in particular several older or more subject and direct obvious criteria for grammatical relations, such as the distinction between However, object,4 is morphological case. English for the most part lacks morphological case. I will illustrate in section this does not mean that English lacks grammatical relations, since, as subjects; it just so hap2, English has a number of surprisingly robust criteria for identifying pens that morphological case plays a minor role in this identification. 2. A Latin Grammarian Looks at English In this section, I want to imagine the case of a Latin grammariana linguist who is to examining both a native speaker of Latin and a scholar of the Latin languagewho turnsnonetheless inchronological impossibility, but is modern English. This is, needless to say, a of two of the especially insofar as it contrast the structures sightful as a "thought experiment", Thomp3Many readers will no doubt recognize these Chinese sentences as taken from Li and in general do not adopt the son (1981: 586-587). Interestingly, although Li and Thompson that of way as view that the linguistic structure of Chinese has to be analyzed in the samebetween the two English, in their discussion of these examples they do insist on the distinction semantic, so their analysis kinds of construction in Chinese. However, the criteria they give arebetween the two sentenceis still consistent with the view that there is no syntactic difference types. 4In presenting arguments below, I will oftcn use the terms "subject" and "direct object" not construconly in the strict sense where thcir identifick.tion has been jusified in the language or not these where my interest is in arguing whether or tion at issue, but also more informally grammatical relations are justifiable, and where a more strict terminology might use "putative subject" and "putative direct object". -18- 29 most thoroughly investigated of the world's languages. Let us suppose that our Latin grammarian is particularly interested in gjammatical relations. In Latin, an obvious criterion for subjects and direct objects, which works in the vast majority of instances, in particular in finite clauses, is case marking: Subjects stand in the nominative case, while direct objects stand in the accusative case, as in (10): (10) Marcus Titum ferit. Marcus.NOM Titus.ACC hit-PRS.3SG 'Marcus hits Tir,s.' Indeed, the identification of grammatical relations by means of cases is so strong in Latin that it ovenides other considerations, such as word order, so that (11) has the same basic meaning as (10), while to express the idea of Titus hitting Marcus it is necessary to change the cases, again irrespective of word order: (11) Titum (12) Titus Marcus ferit. Titus.ACC Marcus.NOM hit.PRS.3SG 'Marcus hits Titus.' Marcum ferit. Titus.NOM Marcus.ACC kill.PRS.3SG 'Titus hits Marcus.' One of the fust things that strikes our Latin grammarian is that in the English translation equivalents of these sentences, there are no morphological case differences between the noun phrases Marcus and Titus , whether they stand as translation equivalents of a Latin nominative or of a Latin accusative. What conclusions might our grammarian draw from this typological difference between the two languages? There are at least two initial reactions that he might have. The first is to conclude that English "really" does have the morphological distinction between the two cases that is found in Latin, and therefore the difference between the two grammatical relations of subject and direct object, but that this distinction in English is "covert". The second is to conclude that English lacks the most salient distinction found in Latin between subject and direct object, namely case marking, and therefore also lacks the dis- , tinction between subject and direct object, if indeed it does not lack grammatical relations alto- gether. In section 1 I mentioned briefly an example, that of adnominal clauses, where the lack of an opposition found in one language (English) but not in other (Chinese) has arguably led linguists to misanalyze Chinese by transferring the English distinction to Chinese. In the Latin English comparative example, I will be arguing almost the inverse, namely that English does have the distinction between subject and direct object found in Latin, although its manifestation is somewhat different, and indeed some of the details of the assignment of grammatical relations are also different between the two languages. Thus, it is necessary to examine each individual language carefully before concluding that distinctions valid in some other language are or are not valid in the language now under investigation. Let us therefore follow our Latin grammarian as he finds out more about English. The data are, of course, not new, but it is important for our own learning experience to imagine ourselves following in the footsteps of the Latin grammarian. The English data that follow are introduced not in order to establish new generalizations about English, but rather to illustrate a methodological point.5 5The relevant sections of Postal (1974) constitute a useful checklist of subject properties in English, although some of the properties alluded must necessarily be examined against the backgxound of the author's theoretical commitment at the time and of the particular argument he 19 The Latin grammarian will soon notice that most personal pronouns in English, in contrast to non-pronominal noun phrases, do show a distinction in form between subject and direct object, as in (13) and (14): (13) (14) I hit him. He hits me. The distinction is very similar to the case distinction found in Latin with the majority of noun phrases, although there are some differences, for instance in that the Latin accusative me 'me' contrasts with other non-nominative cases, such as dative mihi 'to me', whereas English only has the binary distinction Ime. But at least the case distinction does allow us to identify pronominal subjects unequivocally in terms of their morphological form. Our Latin grammarian will notice that in English, as in Latin, the grammatical relation of subject does not correspond to any single semantic role, so that generalizations made about subjects cannot be readily replaced by statements about semantic roles; good evidence for this is provided by the nominative subjectpatient in passive sentences like (15): (15) I am hit by him. The Latin grammarian, here even thinking on the basis of his own analysis of his native language, will recall that verb agreement is also a good criterion for subjects in Latin, at least in finite clauses, where verbs agree in person and number with their subject, and with no other noun phrase. (Latin non-finite verb forms do not show any personnumber agreement.) Although English verb morphology is much reduced in comparison with that of Latin, where English does have distinct personnumber forms of verbs, they show weement with the subject and only with the subject, including subjects expressing different semantic roles, including in particular subjects of passive sentences. Thus, in (14) the verb form hits unequivocally shows third person singular agreement, i.e. it agrees with the subject he and does not agree with the first person singular direct object. Likewise, in (15) the verb am clearly shows agreement with the subjectpatient I. As our Latin grammarian becomes more familiar with English and its structure, he will, at least with some degree of perseverance and insight, uncover other, much more surprising criteria that enable one to identify subjects in English. For instance, Quantifier Float is the name given to the construction illustrated by (17) in relation to (16). In (17), as in (16), the quantifier both must refer to the boys, and cannot refer to the bikes; in other words, in both versions there is necessarily reference to two and only two boys, whereas the number of bikes is unspecified (except that, the noun phrase being plural, refeicnce must be to more than one bike). (16) (17) Both of the boys soon found the bikes. The boys soon both found the bikes. The judgments of native speakers of English are quite unequivocal on such sentences, which thus provide a robust but nonetheless subtle, by no means obvious test for subjecthoodit is a test which, moreover, does not work for all languages, Chinese, for example, lacking this particular constraint with quantifiers such as crOu 'all'. As with the criteria mentioned earlier, we also observe that the possibility of Quantifier Float applies to subjects whatever their semantic was expounding. One of the main contributions of Relational Grammar, as illustrated for instance in Perlmutter (1983), Perlmutter and Rosen (1984), and Postal and Joseph (1990), especially methodologically, has been its emphasis on the importance of uncovering criteria for the establishment of grammatical relations. For further exemplification of my own work in this area, reference may be made to Comrie (1989), and references cited there. -20 31 role, including patientsubjects of passive clauses: In (18), in contrast to (17), it is the bikes that must number exactly two, whereas the number of boys is unspecified beyond 'more than one', i.e. (18) has the same basic meaning as (19): (18) (19) The bikes were both found by the boys. Both of the bikes were found by the boys. Another subtle example of this kind is provided by constructions like (20) in relation to (21), constructions that some linguists have called Subject-to-Object-Raising, although this term may seem to imply an analysis that other linguists rejectI will use it here as a neutral label for the constniction in question. (20) (21) I believe him to have hit them. I believe that he has hit them. The important point about the construction in (20) is that after certain main-clause verbs, including believe, it is possible to have a following noun phrase (in the non-nominative if pronominal) followed in turn by an infinitive, such that the non-nominative noun phrase corresponds to the subject of the equivalent that clause. Crucially, one cannot start from an example like (21) and create a sentence parallel to (20) in which a non-subject, say the direct object, shows up in this position, as is shown by the ungrammaticality of (22): (22) *I believe them he/him to have hit. Once again, the corresponding passive versions (of the subordinate clause) show that the relevant notion of subject is independent of semantic roles: (23) (24) I believe them to have been hit by him. I believe that they have been hit by him. Have we therefore reached the conclusion that grammatical relations are identical in English and Latin? Not quite. Although it is in general the ease that a Latin subject will correspond to the subject of its English translation equivalent and vice versa, there are nonetheless some exceptions, and our Latin grammarian will need to note them. For instance, English allows all four of (25)(27), with agcnt (in (25)), patient (in (26)), or recipient (in (27)) of the verb give as subject. Latin, by contrast, has translation equivalents with parallel grammatical relations only for the first two. (25a) The man gave the books to me. (25b) The man gave me the books. (26) The books were given to me by the man. (27) I was given thc books by the man. (28) Vir mihi libros dedit. man.NOM I.DAT book.PL.ACC give.PAST.3SG Me man gave the books to me.' 21 (29) mihi Libri viro a dati sunt.6 book.PL.NOM I.DAT by man.ABL given.M.PL be.PRS.3PL 'The books were given to me by the man.' (30) *Ego libros a viro datus sum. I.NOM book.PL.ACC by man.ABL given.M.SG be.PRS.1SG This last set of examples may raise a question in the reader's mind: If there is not exact correspondence between subjects in English and Latin translation equivalents, are we still justified in using the same term in referring to the relevant grammatical relations in these two languages? My view on this remains as expressed in Comrie (1989). In order to identify a particular gammatical relation in a particular language, we must have grammatical criteria that are valid internally to that language. In order to identify grammatical relations cross-linguistically, there must be substantial overlap between the occurrences of the same grammatical relation in translation equivalents across the two languages. As with other aspects of grammatical structure, we are unlikely to fmd exact identity across all translation equivalents in a pair of languages, but we must fmd a substantial overlap, as indeed we do in comparing English and Latin. It is against this background that I will approach the question of grammatical relations in Chinese in section 3. 3. Some Thoughts on Grammatical Relations in Chinese I now turn to a discussion of the relevance of these remarks to the analysis of Chinese, in particular Mandarin. I do so with some trepidation: I am not a specialist in Chinese, and am therefore dependent for the most part on secondary data, as indicated in the acknowledgments in the following text, in addition to which I have used Li and Thompson (1981) as a basic reference source. What follows should therefore not be taken as a definitive statement, or even as my definitive statement, about the relevant aspects of Chinese syntax. Rather, on the basis of observations that others have made concerning the syntactic structure of Chinese, I will try to place Chinese within the methodological framework that has been outlined in the earlier part of this article. At first sight, Chinese presents an even more daunting picture than English did to our Latin grammarian. In English, at least most personal pronouns have enough case marking to distinguish between subjects and direct objects, but in Chinese this is not the case: (31) Ta da NO. he hit I 'He hits me.' (32) W6 di ta. hit he 'I hit him.' I In English, word order provides a good test for subjects, despite the possible slight variation in word order of major constituents of the clause, but in Chinese again the situation is less clear. Thus, in addition to the SVO word order of (33), we also find the OSV word order of (34), 6In this Latin passive clause, in the past tense (more specifically, the so-called perfect tense aspect), the verbal complex is composed of the past passive participle of the lexical verb, agree- ing in gendernumber with the subject, and the present tense of the auxiliary verb 'to be', agreeing in personnumber with the subject. -22- and even the SOV word order of (35), with the result that NP NP V sequences are potentially ambiguous in Chinese: (33) W6 mäi buy book-ASP I 'I bought the book.' (34) Shir (35) W6 shu mai-le. book buy-ASP I w6 book I buy-ASP It is therefore not suiprising that we find extreme discrepancies in the attitudes of different linguists in their attitude towards the analysis of Chinese, ranging from those on the one hand who argue that the various syntactic distinctions that are overt in English or Latin are present in Chinese, only in covert form, to those who argue that the syntax of Chinese must be organized on completely different principlesor even that Chinese has no syntax, its apparent syntactic properties being in fact pragmatic. If we restrict ourselves more narrowly to the question of grammatical relations, Chinese provides a particularly interesting test case: it lacks the blatantly obvious criteria presented by Latin, and even to a large extent by English; therefore, within the framework outlined above, the linguist analyzing Chinese is in the position of having to justify carefully any claims made about grammatical relations, as against the counter-claim that grammatical relations are simply irrelevant to the structure of Chinese. An apparently straightforward sentence type will serve to introduce the problems and the kind of argumentation that can be brought to bear, namely the so-called double-object construction, as in the following example: (36) Ta g6i w6 yl-b& shu. he give I one-CL book 'He gives me a book.' In this sentence, the verb gëi 'give' is followed by two bare noun phrases. The question that arises is the following: Do these noun phrases differ from one another syntactically, in a way that is not directly predictable from their semantic roles (recipient and patient, respectively)? There are clearly differences between the two noun phrases. For instance, their order relative to one another is fixed, so that the following variant is impossible: (37) w6. *T5 g6i yl-b6n shu one-CL book he give I It would be hard to argue that this order is determined by pragmatic factors, especially in face of the fact that other varieties of Chinese require the order of (37), as in Hakka example (38) (cited from Hashimoto 1973: 522), which requires the order with the patient preceding the recipient.7 (38) Gi2 bun2 jit5-bun3 sul tjai2. give one-CL book 'He gives a book to me.' I he 7In addition to (38), Hakka has another variant in which the verb 'give' is repeated before the recipient; but what is crucial for present purposes is that the version given in (38) is possible. -23- 34 In other words, the fact that Mandarin has the order recipientpatient, while Hakka has the order patient-recipient, seem to be relatively arbitrary facts about these two varieties of Chinese, of a kind that would seem prima facie candidates for treatment as syntactic. However, a further possibility remains, namely that the distinction could be stated in semantic terms, as was indeed done informally above: One would simply specify that Mandarin requires the order recipient patient, that Hakka requires the order patientrecipient, and that would be the end of the matter, with no need to refer to any independent notion of gramma21 relation. I will leave the doubleobject construction for the moment, returning to it below in the context of grammatical relations and clause combining in Chinese. In an important contribution to the debate on grammatical relations in Chinese, LaPolla (to appear) argues forcefully against the concepts of "subject" and "direct object" in Chinese. The kinds of arguments that he adduces can be divided into two classes. First, there are some criteria whereby putative subjects and direct objects not only do not differ syntactically from each other, but also do not differ from other noun phrases or adpositional phrases; for instance, relative clause formation in Chinese allows relative clauses to be formed where the head noun functions as subject, as direct object, or as some other argument or adjunct within the relative clause. Thus, at least the possibilities of relative clause formation do not provide any basis for differentiating between subject and direct object, or between these two together and other putative grammatical relations. Secondly, there are some criteria which, as LaPolla shows, fail to distinguish between putative subjects and direct objects, but where he does not explicitly note whether they distinguish between subjects and direct objects taken together and other major constituents of the clause. It is examples of this second kind that I want to concentrate on, in particular cross-clause coreference. A simple pair of examples illustrating the possibilities, and taken from LaPolla (to appear), is given below: (39) diao zai dishang, rén ba xiguai that-CL man DO watermelon drop LOC ground N6i-ge sui-le. shatter-ASP 'That man dropped the watermelon; on the ground, and it; burst.' (40) rëni b xigua diao zai dishang, that-CL man DO watermelon drop LOC ground Nei-ge huang-le. be.flustered-ASP 'That man; dropped the watermelon on the ground, and he; was flustered.' In Chinese, either the subject of the first clause, as in (39), or the direct object of the first clause, as in (40), can be the overt controller for a null-anaphor in the second clause in this construction, where the clauses are joined asyndetically, i.e. without any overt linker, and this construction therefore fails to distinguish between subject and direct object. The interpretations assigned are, of course, those that are pragmatically most plausible, since normally people do not burst and watermelons do not get flustered. But the crucial point is that there is no syntactic restriction differentiating between subject and direct object. Examples like those just cited arc particularly significant when one compares them with the English translations, involving conjunction reduction. English requires that both overt controller and covert target have the same grammatical relation, or even more specifically that both be subjcct, so that while a null-anaphor is possible in (41) below, it is not possible in (42), or rather (42) can only be interpreted to mean, however counter-intuitively, that the man burst: -24- 35 (41) That man; dropped the watermelon on the ground, was flustered. and (42) That man; dropped the watermelonj on the ground, and otj burst. I have already introduced some notational conventions for representing certain aspects of cross-clause coreference, and it will be useful to make these explicit. For ease of presentation, each clause of a multi-clause sentence will be presented on a separate line, in both the original sentences and the English translations. The null-anaphor, or rather the position that would normally be filled in the second and subsequent clauses by the overt correspndent of the target noun phrase, will be represented by a long dash (). Subscript letters will be used to indicate coreference (or, with an asterisk, the impossibility of coreference) between noun phrases and either other noun phrases or null-anaphor positions. These conventions are purely to illustrate more clearly the structure and meaning of the sentences in question, and no more significance than this should be attached to them. In Chinese sentences with asyndetically joined clauses, the clauses will be separated by a comma; in English translations, the comma will be retained, but where appropriate the conjunction and will be inserted, purely to produce more natural-sounding English sentences. A detailed study of cross-clause coreference possibilities in asyndetically joined clauses is provided by Shi (1989); Shi refers to this construction as the "topic chain", although I will stick to the less specific term "asyndetically joined clauses". Lilce LaPolla, Shi notes that both subjects and direct objects can serve as controllers of null-anaphors, as in (43) (subject controller) and (44) (direct object controller): (43) wänshang täi rnéi yesterday evening he not return.home zh&Ai Ongyou nAr, Zuótian stay friend there cái huflái. --; jinzAo this.morning only return 'Yesterday evening he; didn't return home, hei stayed at his friend's, and hei only returned this morning.' (44) W6 kAnshàng-le I zhei-ge gfiniangi, fall.in.love-ASP this-CL girl ta ye kAnsh ang- le he also fall.in.love-ASP ta qigngzOu-le. zuihbu bei finally PASS he take.away-ASP 'I fell in love with this girth he also fell in love with hen, and finally she; was taken away by him.' A further observation, not directly relevant to our current concerns but nonetheless of interest in this general connection, is that noun phrases that are overtly topicalized by being preposed can serve as controller irrespective of their grammatical or semantic rehlcion. The distinction between topicalized and non-topicalized constituents is not so easy to tc,it in the case of subjects, which are normally sentence-initial anyway, but with non-subjects the distinction is clear-cut. Thus, alongside (44) we have (45), with topicalization of the direct object controller: -25- 36 (45) Zhei-ge ganiangi w6 kanshang-le I fall.in.love-ASP this-CL girl kanshing-le he also fall.in.love-ASP ta qiAngz6u-le. zulhOu bei finally PASS he take.away-ASP ta y (Note that I have extended the use of subscripted long dashes and pronouns to include indicating the positions that topicalized noun phrases would have occupied, had they not been topicalized.) The following example shows topicalization of the object of a preposition, which then serves as controller for a null-anaphor: (46) w6 ylzhi dul tai hen anjing, Zhangsan TOP I always towards he very respectful wó que zôngshi bulibucAi. dui yet always disregard towards I Thangsani a 'As for Zhangsani, I am always very respectful towards himi, yet hei always disregards me.' And finally, the controller can be a topicalized indirect object, as in: (47) raj häoduO yóuyOng-de jikA Lis 11 ma w6 gëi-le Lisi TOP I give-ASP he much useful-PTCL furniture ---; ye ba shuO sheng xiexie. also not say CL thanks 'As for Lisii, I gave him; lots of useful furniture, and he; didn't even say thank you.' There are at least two alternative analyses that one might suggest at this point, in response to the data presented so far. The first is that the best characterization of the controller is simply that it is topic, irrespective of its grammatical relation, or more generally of its role in the first clause of the sequence. One would then have to argue, perhaps not implausibly, that the controller noun phrases in (43) and (44), though not preposed, arc nonetheless interpreted as topics. However, there is evidence against this analysis. It is possible to have a conta er that is an indefinite, clearly non-topical direct object, as in the following example, which could indeed be used to introduce the cat into the discourse for the first time: (48) WOrnen mäi-le yl-zhi maoi, we buy-ASP one-CL cat hen hul zhuO laoshd, very can catch mouse dkjia dOu xilmian everyone all like 'We bought a cati, it iti is very good at catching mice, everyone likes iti.' As one would cxpect, it is not possible to topicalize this indefmite direct object, even if it functions as the controller of a sequence of asyndetically joined clauses: -26 31 (49) mao w6men buy-ASP one-CL cat we *YI-zhi i hen hul zhu6 very can catch mouse dou xThun tai. dajia it everyone all like The second alternative would be to argue that any noun phrase can be controller of cross-clause coreference in a sequence of asyndetically joined clauses. Certainly, all the above examples show is that the various positions mentioned are possible positions for a controller, and no examples have been given so far to show that any position is impossible for a controller. (The ungrammaticality of (49) has nothing to do with controller positions in this construction, rather it illustrates restrictions on topicaliimg noun phrases.) And one thing we have learned from the last few decades of syntactic research is that in order to understand the precise characterization of a grammatical constiuction, it is necessary not .only to examine grammatical examples, but also to examine ungrammatical examples, since only by trying to draw the boundary between the two will we come to an understanding of the precise limits of the construction under investigation. It is therefore crucial to consider the kinds of examples adduced by Shi (1989) to show that some positions are not possible positions for controllers in this construction. In particular, objects of prepositions, if not overtly topicalized, are not possible controllers of null-anaphors in asyndetically joined clauses: (50) Tharigsan hen zunring, *W6 ylzhi dui always towards Zhangsan very respectful I w6 que z6ngshl dui towards I yet always disregard 'I am always very respectful towards Zhangsani, yet hei always disregards me.' Nor is the indirect object in the double-object construction: (51) LIsi haodu6 yöuydng-de *W6 gei-le give-ASP Lisi much useful-PTCL furniture I ye bU shu6 sheng xiexie. also not say CL thanks 'I gave Lisii lots of useful furniture, and hei didn't even say thank you.' This last example is particularly telling, in relation to our earlier rather inconclusive disrussion of the double-object construction, because here we have a distinction between the direct object (patient) and indirect object (recipient) of this construction, but one where we do not need to, and indeed arguably should not, refer specifically to the patient, but rather need to subsume this under a larger class that includes subjects and direct objects (henceforth: direct grammatical relations). Thus, the distinction between the two objects in the double-object construction turns out to coincide with a major dividing line between grammatical relations in Chinese. The generalizations illustrated by the examples above can be summarized by the following two-part statement: (52) The controller of a null-anaphor in a se9uence of asyndetically joined clauses can be (i) a noun phrase that is topic of the initial clause; (ii) a noun phrase that occupies a direct grammatical relation (subject or direct object) of the initial clause. -27 38 Notice that, in keeping with LaPolla's generalization concerning subjects and direct objects in Chinese, we have so far provided no evidence for drawing a dividing line between subjects and direct objects. Rather, the evidence presented so far suggests a single grammatical relation of "direct". The next question to ask is whether there is any evidence for distinguishing between subject and direct object in their syntactic behavior. At this point, the data and their interpretation become less clear to me, so I will content myself with presenting some relevant data and commenting on their possible significance. Shi (1980) extends his characterization of the class of possible controllers by arguing that the controller can also be, in his terms, the specifier of the subject, i.e. roughly a possessor within the subject noun phrase, as in the following example: (53) Tai-de t6u yOudiAnr tdng, he-GEN head a.little hurt dazi you bil stomach also not good méiyOu chi wanan. not-ASP eat dinner 'Hisi head is hurting a little, his; stomach is also not good, and hei hasn't eaten dinner.' This example can, of course, also be presented with overt topicalization of the possessor noun phrase, though this is not necessary: (54) TAi tdu y6udiarir téng, he head a.little hurt you bU shUfu, stomach also not good mdiyOu chi wänfan. not-ASP eat dinner dUzi Shi claims moreover that it is not possible for the controller to be the specifier of the direct object noun phrase. This suggests that there is indeed a difference between subjects and direct objects, but one shown in a remarkably subtle way: It is not shown directly by differential behavior of subjects and direct objects, but rather by the differential behavior of noun phrases internal to the subject and direct object noun phrases. But before accepting this conclusion, I think that it is necessaryand I pose this as a research task for specialists in the Chinese languageto investigate how general the construction type illustrated by (53) is in Chinese. The examples that are usually presented are from a quite narrow semantic range, so that one might try to argue that the relevant factor is not so much syntactic ("being specifier of the subject noun phrase") as semantic. At any rate, these are intriguing data that merit further detailed investigation. Another set of data relevant to distinguishing between subject and direct object concerns sequences of clauses where there is an overt coordinating conjunction, such as bingqie 'and'. In a pair of asyndetically conjoined clauses like (55), there are two possible interpretations, since the controller can be either the subject or the direct object: -28 3J (55) góuj, Lis Ii mAi-le Lisi buy-ASP one-CL dog in taozou-le. flee-ASP 'Lisii bought a dogj, and heifitj If, however, the two clauses are joined by means of an overt conjunction, the only possible interpretation is with the subject as controller of the null-anaphor in the second clause: (56) Lisli mAi-le yi-zhi göuj, Lisi buy-ASP one-CL dog tAozr3u-le. bingqi6 flee-ASP and 'Lisii bought a dogj and hei/*itj fled.' Prima facie, such data seem to provide evidence for the subjectobject distinction, and are cited as such by, for instance, Shi (1989: 243-244), who explicitly draws the contrast between clauses linked by a conjunction and those linked asyndetically. One objection that I have heard to such data is that they are not "natural" in Chinese, in contrast to the asyndetic linkage; but even so, it is not clear why this construction, even if innovatory, should be subject to the constraint that the controller (and, indeed, the target) must be subjects, with the implication that Chinese has created a distinction between subjects and direct objects just in order to constrain this new construction. No doubt one could continue for a long time with such speculations; I prefer to leave further investigation of this construction to those who know Chinese better than I do. 4. Conclusion A linguist who is familiar with the structure of language A and who approaches the analysis of a very different language B might adopt one of two extreme positions, in addition to a number of intermediate positions. One extreme would be to assume that language B is going to have essentially the same structure as language A, so that features of lang.rage A that are not apparent in language B will be held to be "covert" features of the structure 11 language B. The opposite extreme is to assume that only "overt" features of language B are relevant to its analysis, thus denying any relevance of properties of language A that are not immediately apparent in language B. I have tried to show that both approaches are likely to be misguided. There are deep-seated differences between languages of different types, and simply carrying over the structure of one language to another language can lead us to misanalyze language B, to apply categories to it that are simply not relevant to its structure. On the other hand, insisting solely on cataloguing observables can equally lead to a loss of insight in the analysis of language B, since there may well be properties of language B that can only be demonstrated by more detailed analysis, but which can nonetheless be clearly demonstrated by such detailed analysis. The crucial point is that whatever analysis we propose for language B, we must be able to justify that particular analysis for language B. In some cases, phenomena that we find in language A will turn out to be relevant in describing Ian:wage B, even though the precise criteria serving to delimit those phenomena may be different in the two languages. In yet other cases, language B will have nothing comparable to some phenomenon found in language A, and will simply have to be described without that category. And in yet other cases, perhaps thc most interesting, language B will turn out to have some phenomenon that is similar but not identical to what we find in language A, so that careful detailed analysis will be needed to establish thc precise similarities and differences between the two languages. I have used Chinese data to try and il- -29 40 lustrate some of these possibilities. However, I should emphasize that my interest has not been in advocating a particular analysis of Chineseit would have been rash indeed for me to have done sobut rather to encourage investigators of the Chinese language to consider possibilities in addition to those that are suggested on the one hand by European languages, on the other hand by the absence of "obvious" grammatical criteria in Chinese. Finally, I should perhaps emphasize that the different approaches to language-universality and language-specificity that I have outlined can be found within linguistic schools that are othenvise quite different from one another. Thus, within generative grammar we have seen a move away from the view that all languages are essentially the same by the introduction of the radical distinction between configurational and non-configurational languages (e.g. Hale 1983)with more recently a trend back towards the view that all languages are more similar to one another. And much of the detailed work on grammatical relations from the typological perspective can be seen as a reaction to the rule of thumb (and perhaps no more!) adopted in one of the pioneering works of this approach, Greenberg (1966), that grammatical relations can be identified intuitively on the basis of translation equivalents. The possibilities for cross-linguistic variation are something that every linguist needs to know about. References Comrie, Bernard. 1989. Language universals and linguistic typology. Second edition. Oxford: Blackwell and Chicago: University of Chicago Press. (Chinese translation of first edition (1981): Yuyuan gongxing he yuyuan leixing (Ershi Shiji Wenku), Beijing, 1989: Huaxia Chubanshe.) Greenberg, J.H. 1966. "Some universals of grammar with particular reference to the order of meaningful elements". In J. H. Greenberg (ed.), Universals of language. Second edition, pp. 73-113. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Hale, Kenneth. 1983. "Warlpiri and the grammar of nonconfigurational languages". Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 1: 5-74. Hashimoto, Mantaro J. 1973. The Hakka dialect A linguistic study of its phonology, syntax and lexicon. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. LaPolla, Randy J. To appear. "Arguments against 'subject' and 'direct object' as viable concepts in Chinese". Academic Sinica, Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology 63. Li, Charles N. and Thompson, Sandra A.. 1981. Mandarin Chinese: A functional reference grammar. BerkeleyLos AngelesLondon: University of California Press. Perlmutter, David M. 1983. Studies in Reiational Grammar 1. ChicagoLondon: University of Chicago Press. Perhnutter, David M. and Rosen, Carol G. 1984. Studies in Relational Grammar 2. Chicago London: University of Chicago Press. Postal, Paul M. 1974. On raising: One rule of English and its theoretical implications. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Postal, Paul M. and Joseph, Brian D. 1990. Studies in Relational Grammar 3. Chicago London: University of Chicago Press. Shi Dingxu. 1989. "Topic chain as a syntactic category in Chinese". Journal of Chinese Linguistics 17: 223-261. 41 Is Chinese a Pragmatic Order Language? Shuanfan Huang National Taiwan University Kawai Chui National Taiwan Normal University Paper presented at the Fourth International Symposium on Chinese Languages and Linguistics July 18-20, 1994 Taipei -31- 42 Abstract Chinese is shown to be a discourse accusative language in which there is a strong discourse pressure uniting S and A in that they both introduce given information in to discourse. The pairing together of S and A motivates a nominative category, namely a category that marks topical information, while new information is introduced into the discourse in the 0 or oblique role. Moreover, data on anaphoric links across successive clauses show that S/A links far outnumber S=0 links. Thus the topic continuity dimension also defines for Chinese a nominative/accusative (S, AI alignment. Word order in Chinese is shown to be more sensitive to valency role than to discourse pragmatics, though both factors are highly predictive of word order. The present study suggests that Chinese is aligned with other type C language (e.g. Norwegian and English) where the only device available for expressing semantic (e.g. that of the agent) and pragmatic functions (e.g. that of topic) is linear order. However, Chinese differs from these other type C languages in that when there is a conflict between semantics and pragmatic functions, type C languages typically resolve the conflict by availing themselves of a syntactic role changing process (e.g. passive), while Chinese typically relies on a complex interplay between semantics and pragmatics for its resolution. -32- 43 1. Introduction It is now widely agreed that discourse pragmatics provides much of the substance of grammar. A primary assumption that emerges functional linguistics is that grammar is discourse driven and that grammar is motivated in large part by functional considerations. Language derives its particular organization from the ecological setting in which it functions and grammar emerges from recurrent patterns in discourse constrained by cognitive and communicative aspects of human behavior (Hopper 1987, 1988). Grammar .is an open-ended set of regulations that are constantly being resystematized through use. As Du Bois (1985:363) has put it, "grammars code best what speakers do most." This process, known as grammaticalization (or syntacticization), is the primary explanatory assumption that must be made to come to grips with the nature of grammar. Focusing on the grammaticalization process as manifested in discourse frequency forces us to the conclusion that the mechanism by which grammar emerges must be sought in the recurrent patterns in the way people track referents, negotiate information flow and determine how to get their points across. Recent studies have shown that convincing account of grammatical facts cannot be given unless discourse structural facts are considered. For example, insights into grammatical relation, word order, anaphora, topicality and evidentiality, among others, are particular noteworthy. Grammar can't be just a fixed mental system recoverable from an examination of the mind of a single individual, but is an activity embodied and constituted in the pragmatics of communication (Hopper and Thompson 1991). In this paper we seek to shed light on the pragmatics of word order in Chinese. We will show that Chinese is a discourse accusative language where there is a strong pressure uniting S and A in that they both introduce given information into discourse. The pairing together of S and A motivates a nominative category, namely a category that marks topical infomiation, while new information is introduced into the discourse in the 0 or oblique role. Moreover, data on anaphoric links across successive clauses show that S/A links far outnumber S/O links. Thus the topic continuity dimension also defines for Chinese a nominative/accusative { S. A} alignment. Word order in Chinese is shown to be more sensitive to valency role than to discourse pragmatics, though both factors are highly predictive of word order. The present study suggests that Chinese is aligned with other type C language (e.g. Norwegian and English) where the only device available for expressing semantic (e.g. -33- 44 that of the agent) and pragmatic functions (e.g. that of topic) is linear order. However, Chinese differs from these other type C languages in that when there is a conflict between semantics and p:agmatic functions, type C languages typically resolve the conflict by availing themselves of a syntactic role changing process (e.g. passive), while Chinese typically relies on a complex interplay between semantics and pragmatics for its resolution. Below we will first present facts of word order in Chinese and facts of the semantics and pragmatics of nominal arguments. We will then interpret the correlation between word order and discourse-pragmatic functions. Finally, we will explain distributional correlations. 2. The data The corpus for this paper comprises one ordinary conversation and two oral narratives. The conversation, a spontaneous dining-table among one female and three males, centered around the people and the events taking place in the office where the participants worked. The conversation ran to 40 minutes long and totaled 1049 clauses (clause fragments not counted), where clauses are defined as a predicate element together with its argument(s). The two narratives were retellings of the stories about the Ghost film and the Pear film. The Pear narratives of different languages have been employed for information flow studies, such as Chamorro. (Scancarelli, 1985), Japanese and English (Iwasaki, 1985), and Sacapultec (1987). The Chinese Pear narratives were produced in 1976 by eighteen female speakers who were undergraduate students at National Taiwan University. After they had seen the 15 minute-long film, each was taken individually into a room where a female interviewer, not an acquaintance of the interviewees, explained that she had not seen the movie and asked the speaker to recount to her the story of the film. These data formed the basis of an earlier study on referential choice in Chinese (Chen 1986). The Ghost narratives were obtained in an analogous fashion, though there were differences in detail. First, Ghost was a full-length film lasting 127 minutes. Secondly, four narrators, two females and two males, had already seen the film for over one year before the taping sessions in the speech laboratory of their office, where they recounted the film to the interviewer. Since the narrators and the interviewer were office mates -34- 46 rather than strangers, their narration was produced in a more 'relaxed' and 'natural' fashion. Table 1. summarizes the recording time and the number of clauses produced in each text. Only clauses with overt or covert but recoverable arguments are tabulated in the count; clause fragments are excluded from the tabulation. Recording time (min.) Clauses 38.8 36.1 41.7 1049 621 1000 conversation Ghost Pear Main clause 1006 (95.9%) 580 (93.4%) 965 (96.5%) Table 1. Summary of data. It is of interest to note that of the clauses produced, main clauses predominated in each text, at something like 95%, and that there is no significant difference in percentage between any two types of texts, though one might have expected the conversation text, with frequent topic changes and less dwelling on details of events, to have a much higher proportion of main clauses. By contrast, Ghost and Pear there would be much more of the tellers' attempt to successfully reconstruct the stories of the films, which, in the case of Ghost, contain a significant amount of the portrayal of the inner world of the protagonists and therefore would seem to call for a wider-ranging use of mental and psychological predicates with accompanying sentential complements. 3. Valency role orders In the following discussion, surface core arguments A, S, and 0 will be termed valency roles instead of the more usual syntactic roles (e.g. Payne 1987). Following Dixon (1979), A and 0 refer to the topical agent and patient of a transitive verb and S the single argument of an intransitive verb. The text data show that a strongly preferred order of nominal arguments, relative to the verb, can be identified. Table 2. presents various valency role orders for clauses that have two, one, or zero overt arguments. -35- 46 AVO AOV OAV VO OV AV 337 37 SV VS V total 536 8 249 85 28 126 273 1679 Table 2. Distribution of various valency role orders. As shown in Table 2., the most common clause types in discourse are AVO for transitive clauses and SV for intransitives. Furthermore VO order outnumbers OV order by a 4.5:1 ratio (586:130). Table 3. shows the distribution of clauses with zero, one, and two missing arguments in relation to transitivity. number of missing arguments 0 1 2 total Transitive 382 362 4 748 iwransitive 662 269 931 Total 1044 631 4 1679 Table 3. Distribution of clause types as a function of missing arguments. As seen in Table 3., there is an unmistakable tendency for clauses to have one less overt core argument than the number allowed. Table 4. presents cross-tabulations of valency rok.s (A, S, and 0) with pre- vs. postverbal position for clauses with one and two overt core arguments in the conversation text. Tables 5. and 6. present the same cross-tabulations for the Ghost and Pear texts. A Preverbal Postverbal total: 0 100.0 0.0 119 100 119 0 S % N 227 % 16 93.4 6.6 243 100 N 9 110 119 total % 7.6 92.4 100 N 355 126 481 (X2 = 360.66, d.f. = 2, p < .01; 4) = .86) Table 4. Syntactic role and pre- vs. postverbal order (conversation). -36- 4 ti A Preverbal Postverbal total: N 110 0 S % N % N total % 100.0 121 88.3 8 7.3 0.0% 16 11.7 102 92.7 100 137 100 110 100 (X2= 259.61, d.f. = 2, p < .01;4' = .85) 0 110 N 239 118 357 Table 5. Syntactic role and pre- vs. postverbal order (Ghost). A preverbal postverbal total: 0 S N % N % 153 100.0 188 0 0.0 153 100 94 282 66.7 33.3 100 N 28 125 153 % 18.3 81.7 100 total N 369 219 588 (X2 = 222.05, d.f. = 2, p < .01; (I) = .61) Table 6. Syntactic role and pre- vs. postverbal order (Pear). Tables 4-6 show that pre- versus postverbal order of nominal arguments are strongly associated with valency roles. Not only are the X2 values highly significant, but the 4 statistics also show a very strong association between form (pre- vs. postverbal order) and function (valency roles). The significance of the association results primarily, especially in conversation and Ghost, from the strong placement in the preverbal position of A and S and the nearly equally strong placement in the postverbal position of 0. Tables 4-6 also show that as expected, there is an ambiguous one to many correlation from form to function, since the preverbal position may be either A or S, though the postverbal position is nearly categorically 0. The very same data in Tables 4-6 can be rearranged, as correlations from function to form. When this is done, it can be readily seen that there is a near-categorical tendency for A and S to appear in preverbal position, and 0 in postverbal position, since the mean prediction rate is a respectable 95.2%. 4. Word order and information status of NPs In the following discussion, two activation states are distinguished for NPs. A nominal is considered given if it has already been activated at the point in the speech act where the nominal appears. 'New referents refer to any nominals that are not given. Accessible referents that have not been mentioned but are frame-based are treated as new information in this paper. -37- 48 Table 7. presents cross-tabulations of activation states of nominal arguments (given, new) with pre- vs. postverbal position in the conversation text. Tables 8-9 present the same cross-tabulations for the Ghost and Pear texts. New Given Preverbal Postverbal total: N 314 74 388 % 88.5 58.7 N % 11.5 41 52 41.3 93 (X2 = 52.67, d.f. = 1, p<.01; total N 355 126 481 = .33) Table 7. Information status and order (conversation). Preverbal Postverbal total: New Given N % 224 93.7 N 56 280 62 77 47.5 15 % 6.3 52.5 total N 239 118 357 0(2= 99.96, d.f. = 1, p<.01; = .53) Table 8. Information status and order (Ghost). Preverbal Postverbal total: Given N % 333 90.2 89 40.6 422 New N % 9.8 36 130 59.4 166 total N 369 219 588 0(2= 166.91, d.f. = 1, p<.01; = .53) Table 9. Information status and order (Pear). Tables 7-9 show that pre- versus postverbal order of nominal arguments are strongly associated with their information status. However, all three of the 4) statistics show the association to be much weaker than that between word order and valency roles. They also show that, again as expected, there is an ambiguous one to many correlation from form to function, since the postverbal position may equally be given or new in all of the three texts, though there is a near-categorical tendency for the preverbal position to be given. The very same data in Tables 7-9 can be recomputed, as correlations from function to form. When this is done, it can be readily seen from Tables 10-12 that the function-form mapping is hardly ambiguous: both the 80:20 ratio vs. 19.5:80.5 ratio for the Ghost text and the 79:21 ratio vs. 26:74 ratio for the Pear text are in the same -38- 49 direction. However, it can be easily determined that the mean prediction rate (for predicting word order on the basis of given vs. new irformadon) is just 75%, which is not only lower than the 95.2% prediction rate for vale- cy roles cited earlier, but also lower than the normal value of 80%-90% for code fideh (GivOn 1992). Postverbal % N 19.1 74 55.9 52 Preverbal Given New total: N 314 41 % 80.9 44.1 126 355 total N 388 93 481 Table 10. Information status and order (conversation). Postverbal % N 20 56 62 80.5 Preverbal % Given New total: 224 80 15 19.5 118 239 total 280 77 357 Table 11. Information status and order (Ghost). Postverbal % N Preverbal Given New total: N 333 36 369 % 78.9 21.7 89 130 219 21.1 78.3 total N 422 166 588 Table 12. Information status and order (Pear). We have shown, then, that word order in Chinese is far more sensitive to valency roles than to activation states (given, new) of nominal arguments. What remains to be demonstrated is whether word order is also sensitive to other dimensions of discourse pragmatic information. This will be attempted in the following section. 5. Word order, identifiability and generality Identifiability is a discourse category used to characterize the speaker's assumption about whether a particular referent can be identified by the hearer. An NP is identifiable if the speaker indends and believes that the hearer can mentally tag the information as identifying a particular referent which will have continuous identity over time. A non-identifying expression is one which is either non-referential or the speaker believes the hearer cannot tag the information as identifying some particular identities. -39- r0 Generality as a discourse property concerns whether a referent refers to a particular entity (particular) or a class of entities (generic). Table 13. presents cross-tabulations of activation states, identifiability and generality of nominal arguments with pre- versus postverbal 0. Table 14. presents the same cross-tabulations for pre- versus postverbal S. Puiverbal 0 Postverbal Given New total: N % 113 18 131 86.3 13.7 100 N 449 286 735 % 61.1 38.9 100 total 304 562 866 (X2 = 30.9, d.f. = 1, p < .01; 4:0= .19) Identifiable Non-identifiable Generic Particular Human Non-human 112 19 85.5 14.5 535 200 72.8 27.2 647 219 (X2 = 9.35, d.f. = 1, p < .01; 4) = .10) 13 9.9 244 33.2 257 118 90.1 491 66.8 609 (X2 = 29.05, d.f. = 1, p < .01; 4 = .18) 27 20.6 225 30.6 252 104 79.4 510 69.4 614 (X2 = 5..27, d.f. = 1, p < .01; 4) = .08) Table 13. Pragmatic and semantic categories and the order of 0. Given New total: Preverbal S N % 812 92.5 66 7.5 878 100 Identifiable Non-identifiable 819 59 Generic Particular 83 795 Human Non-human (x2= 15.46, d.f. = 1, p < .01; 4) = .12) 691 78.7 89 70.6 780 187 21.3 37 29.4 224 Postverbal S N 39 87 % 31 126 100 69 total 851 153 1004 (X2 = 327.3, d.f. = 1, p < .01; 4) = .57) 93.3 6.7 30 96 23.8 76.2 849 155 (x2 = 419, d.f. = 1, p < .01; 4) = .65) 9.5 90.5 27 99 21.4 78.6 (X2 = 4.24, d.f. = 1, p < .05; 110 894 = .06) Table 14. Pragmatic and semantic categories and the order of S. A number of significant results emerge from Tables 13. and 14. First, the semantic category human/non-humans has little predictive value for order. Secondly, -40- 5' generality is also a poor predicator of word order. Thirdly, activation state and identifiability work in parallel in the predictive success with word order. In other words, word order can be equally well or equally poorly predicted on the basis of either activation state or identifiability. Thus they are equally strong predictors of pre- vs. postverbal S. but equally poor predictors of pre- vs. postverbal 0. These results taken together suggest that morphological types of nominal arguments in Chinese are used essentially to only encode either the more linguistic context-bound activation states or identifiability, which has a stronger mix of extra-linguistic components, since pathways to identifiability include not only previous mention, but also situational settings and invoked frames. Tables 12 and 13 further show that the structural split is strongly motivated by discourse pragmatics, but the structural split of 0 much less so. The prediction rates from pragmatic categories to pre-/postverbal S order are respectively 80.8% for activation state (given/new), and 84.8% for identifiability. If we believe with Giv6n (1992) that the perceiving mind needs a code fidelity somewhere about or above the level of 80% prediction rate for it to begin to bet on a 100% categorical distribution and ignore the margins, then Chinese can be said to have nearly grammaticized the scalar distribution of various pragmatic properties of nominal arguments in pre- vs. postverbal S position as identifying a grammatical existential construction. But the same cannot be said of the structural split of 0. The low 4) statistics in Table 13. mean that there would be little predictive success from function to form. Thus the prediction rate from activation state to order is a mere 57.5%, and that from identifiability to order 56.3%, both of which are at chance level. The prediction rate from particular to order is higher, at 61.5%, which is still nowhere near the threshold 80% of code fidelity required of categorical distribution. 6. Topicality hierarchy The present date indicate that 98% of the clause-initial position is preempted by an NP which is either an A (and hence categorically topic of the clause) or A (preverbal) S (and hencce also categorically topic of the clause). The clause-initial NP then represents a convergence of semantic ("role") properties of agent and the pragmatic ("reference") properties of clausal topic. A and S are much more topical than 0 not only in their greater propensity to preempt the clause-initial position but also in their stronger tendency to form continuous anaphoric links across successive clauses. To measure topic continuity across different valency roles, anaphoric links across adjacent clauses are tabulated according to the valency roles in which the co-referential referents occur in the -41 52 two clauses'. For example, the pronominal IA 'she' in (1) appears in the A role in clause (a), but re-appears in the succeeding clause (b), then this particular link across A and S is tabulated as an instance in the linkage class of 'A-to-S'. (1) a. -->Y: ta because 3.SG previously ...yinwei 'Because she previously, conglai mei you zhe ge jingyan a.\ ever NEG have this CL experience PRT did not ever have this kind of experience, suoyi% suoyi na ge nude jiu xiayitiao.\ so so that CL woman thus be.frightened b. --> so that woman was frightened.' (GHOST 4:207-10) Tables 15-17 present the distribution of various types of anaphoric links for A, S, and 0. A-to-A type A-to-S type A-to-0 type total: 400 201 31 632 63.3 31.8 4.9 100 Table 15. Anaphoric linkage of A (After Chui 1994:64-65). S-to-S type S-to-A type S-to-0 type total: Preverbal N % 208 47.1 210 47.5 24 5.4 442 100 'Postverbal N 7 25 4 36 % 19.4 69.4 11.1 100 Table 16. Anaphoric linkage of S (X2=10.53) (After Chui 1994:104-105). Preverbal 0-to-A type 0-to-S type 0-to-0 type 5 5 19 total: 29 Postverbal 17.2 17.2 40 40 65.5 100 77 157 25.5 25.5 49.0 100 Table 17. Anaphoric linkage of 0 (X2=2.56) (After Chui 1994:84). -42- 53 Since the total number of nominals in A, preverbal S, postverbal S, preverbal 0 and postverbal 0 are respectively 1214, 878, 126, 131 and 735, we can easily determine that the percentages of various valency roles forming anaphoric links are shown in Table 18. all texts 632/1214 52% 442/878 50.3% 36/126 28.6% 29/131 22.1% 147/735 20% A preverbal S postverbal S preverbal 0 postverbal 0 Ghost & Pear only 484/819 59% 290/507 57.2% 34/110 31% 26/115 22.6% 104/486 21.4% Table 18. Percentage of valency roles forming anaphoric links. As shown in Table 18., A and preverbal S are, as expected, the most predictable, continuous and topical valency roles, followed by postverbal S, pre- and postverbal 0. X2 tests show that there is no significant difference either between the first two roles or among the last three roles. One may thus suggest the following topicality hierarchy for valency roles defined in terms of their ability to form anaphoric links: (2) postverbal S A preverbal 0 postverbal 0 Ipreverbal S Since A and preverbal S are overwhelmingly given (97.4% for A; 92.5% for perverbal S), identifiable (94.8% for A; 93.3% for preverbal S) and human (94.6% for A; 78.7% for preverbal S), they are therefore the most continuous and predictable arguments. By contrast, all other valency roles are by implication should rank lower on the topicality hierarchy in an asymmetric 'figure-ground' sort of distinction, since if preverbal valency roles are maximally topical, then one would expect postverbal valency roles to be maximally non-topical. It is easy to see why this should be the case. In a language with a preferred word order of AVO, the postverbal 0 position is where relatively incidental or unimportant information to the development of the narrative goes (the so-called "unimportant information last principle"). Nominal arguments that appear there tend to be be new, non-identifiable and/or non-human. On the other hand, postverbal S is where new entities are introduced into discourse for the first time, often at points of higher thematic discontinuity (e.g. at paragraph or topic chain boundary points), reserving thek preverbal S position for the more topical, identifiable and/or human -435 41 referents. Most of the postverbal initial mentions on S have little thematic continuity (i.e. are not needed in subsequent discourse), just as most of the postverbal mentions on 0 do. But why should preverbal 0 rank lower on the hierarchy just as postverbal 0 and postverbal S do? We have shown above that the structural split of 0 is hardly motivated by discourse pragmatics. On the other hand, the low 4) statistics already tell half of the story. On the other, the 86.3:61 ratio versus 13.7:39 ratio for given/new, or the 85.5:72.8 ratio versus 14.5:27.2 ratio for identifiablity, or 79.4:69.4 ratio versus 20.6:30.6 ratio for humanness (see Table 14.) are all in the same general undramatic direction. It should not be surprising therefore that both postverbal 0 and preverbal should have turned out to rank equally low on topicality hierarchy. If our interpretions of preverbal 0, based on the distribution of various discoursepragmatic dimemions of information encoded on NPs, are on the right track, then they should seriously call into question the proposal by Sun and Giv6n (1985) that OV word order in Chinese is a contrastive, topicalizing device. 7. "Subject"-like properties in clause-initial position If we disregard positional role differences in S or 0, and if we sum all of the various types of anaphoric links (see Tables 15-17) regardless of directionality, we find that the most preferred links are either identical links with A, S (i.e. A/A, S/S), or nonidentical S/A links, as Table 20. shows: Anaphoric types A/A S/S 0/0 S/A S/0 A/0 total: N 400 208 71 32.5 16.9 6.3 33.4 5.2 5.8 1231 100 77 411 64 Table 19. Types of anaphoric links (After Chui 1994:140). The results shown in Table 19. suggest that co-reference across adjacent clauses is fairly independent of valency roles, since any anaphoric link is possible. However, since 82.8% of the links (A/A, S/S and S/A) are co-reference under identity of primary topic (A or S), the clause-initial NP position in Chinese, which represents a convergence of semantic ("role") properties of clausal topic, has thus a reference-related 'subject' property -44- characteristic of language where subject is syntactically important. Furthermore, the fact that S/A anaphoric links are the most common preferred way of forming anaphoric links suggest that a S/A semantic pivot in the sense of Foley and Valin (1984:119) has emerged, a pivot which neutralizes the semantic distinction between S and A. Chinese is thus unlike Eastern Pomono, a strict active-stative language whoae switch-reference system seems to monitor semantic roles of actor and undergoer directly, not the more abstract S/A semantic pivot (Foley and Valin 1984:121). However, the fact that 11% of the links are of the S/O and A/0 types and that there was a near total absence of the bei sentences from the data (there being only 3 out of 2551 clauses, or just 0.1%) strongly suggest that changes in the pragmatic role of a nominal in Chinese does not tend to changes in "syntactic role", and that Chinese does not have the kind of pivot system like that found in either English or Dyirbal where the choice of pivot is largely governed by the demands of topicality and cross-clause linkage under coreference, hence necessitating the use of passive or antipassive construction to permit alternative choices of pivot when det:_anded by context. Chinese appears, then, to be opting for the "Philippine style" solution, whereby the overall order is highly sensitive to both valency roles and pragmatic information, and yet preverbal S/postverbal S order is stongly influenced by the pragmatic properties of the nominal arguments. A strictly reference-prominent (or subject-prominent) language would have opted for a more 'unified' syntactic treatment of S rather than a structural split of S motivated by semantic or discourse-pragmatic considerations. To summarize, Chinese represents a language where semantic role and pragmatic reference have been more or less grammaticized (given syntactic encodings) and are expressed by the same means, linear order, but there is no, or rarely, role-changing morphosyntactic process. Such a language tends to discourage a patient from being a toic or taking the clause-intial position to avoid the conflict between an agentive topic and a non-agentive topic. This is indeed the case in Chinese. Table 2. shows that OAV accounts for just 0.4% of all clause types and that the so-called topic comment constructions are practically non-existent. (There is none in the present data). A/S in Chinese has acquired some 'subject' properties, though still not all of the subject properties characteristic of subject-prominent languages (e.g. subject-verb agreement), so that it is still a category of "grammaticized topic" in the sense of Comrie (1988), distinct from topic and from subject. 45- Even though Chinese lacks a syntactic category that can be identified with the subject category of other languages, it offers some insights into why the subjects of other languages have the syntactic properties they do. -46- 5 References Chen, Ping. 1986. Referent introduction and tracking in Chinese narratives. Ph. D. dissertation, University of California at Los Angeles. Chui, Kawai. 1994. Information flow in Mandarin Chinese discourse. Ph. D. dissertation, the Graduate Institute of English at National Taiwan Normal University. Comrie, Bernard. 1988. Topics, grammaticalized topics, and subjects. BLS 14, 265279. Dixon, R.M.W. 1979. Ergativity. Language 55. 59-138. 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Language 61. 329-351. -48- 59 44.N.0 gre,Vit (Jerry Norman, 1988:1 ofraigl-bffilffit-144§0{0}tfilin-F-Afigtire; , griTtpx13-}fr-1-1-{-t (classical) Mit (modern) Mr-i*.Mg 0 Z.-EfglffiMTV#VZ: (1)-rigAM-girrin (2)M11.1 ° (4 )0.0111,§LABV,§Mi 0 (5),VAJ=HIN ° ; A ftpadjective(jf94g) N ftnoun(VIC 0 (6 )A-N (7 )SVON ° iltlgat-Alt4fik 1 NA-t4,138 2 3 4 5 6 7 +++++++ + ++ + ? SZIER.EUSAIM(MMON--F SEM1133-M17_-_-. : ig-iLiffokT4f-tELEUrgtf-i-tini ° tb-V,q ±.--A383M+isovPM33W afi'lli/;1110.11A--4-314M-Aq;Asov 41- I3T(6)N5(6' ) (6' ° ° 2.4026a)A frin3}4,fi I41,;_EWELVzgt-birig ,;fttc MW-Iffi-,MATfffirsM 1 2 3 4 5 6 + -49- 60 7 (6) (6) A3Z AMM a3AAmmr4i1E-m--Atimm/Ram3z-Amm-m=1-mitAma fatmam,t,Taatxm0 114,mtm,TmlimIxlmnwi-mft4m4ft nArAmmqmnmcoln0 24-mritatia7:mmolmmxv3m:mm 3ff.f.rilmwn,mAimmmEvtromaa-rom? ( 1 )Wini5 (2)9N11 (3)&-01Zi (5),VAPJ Wig ±.ffiffiZtn-LIP1401 -angittil5mx0 im*v_mtin°VtAftRM itnitRA 0 (2)ffit*m-s,_hot3m-?,PEMittiniickf9Fin ; ,-NiFwm-th;gasig',4afinm0 (3)±_tiM ffslftMEA*51, REA &stelAt.rattgoierr3 1-5-smplaistengTmErotelisvgas0 (5)5 **1-ttil,k0R4IntR; "" -"IltA"MA ; 41.1T_I---Anffa nEnxsFmictoticno (7)svoN (4) FI-Tffi5-).V.VA° 2 . 1 ±.-iMittnBe __Eimmnvig,RiplommftwpwwEis-mmetfidamm X)JRUZVI.41-E 3.14VgiNgte7.Z.WE:AnfiVM (denominative) ; iNi*ReMl.M9AB-714-N 'W -t,ga.--Ang:11*° 2.1.1VME-sgMniN: A kzp *C-rjang *tjak tLM.-3. W/V 'grang *C-rjangs grangs 'thag *tjaks thags 052g ; M/0 ; 4-.61(0,14)/I14-,N) 5-e.tMf#1.1, Pa ; A/r9 -s P,U.J.LNI__ISITqft-sPJFAIY9{#1.1 ° 1.1/9.1 ; *MA ° 1-V3K -50-- rt 2. 1.2 itEft.MViNits-ItiF9AniA Nit ; Jig *djans > azju6n *sdj.n > zjuen JI g *mjiat > mjat *smjiat > xjwat Eff<<t,73g§g-A>>1<<gt3Z>> ; "AANME,112.1111" ; "IVKINR" ° <0;4 »" ° 61§47*-FM VitlAZ" ntwrit."W/MtiM1Wig" > mik *srnok *C-rj4m > 1j4m 424; *srjam *niak *sngjans > xjvn *ngjans > ngittl 2 . 1 . 3 xrava3z#§514m .t1.)1 *p- > p*tj- > tshj- Rw] *b- > b- : : *dj- > 1_11YPJf,IJ 91)3m3 IfiZSVJ IRt)] Jaii4vJ *trj- > tj- : *k- > k- *drj- > dj- IP)Nati7] trim AP).atO RAIM fiPam Malw *g- > y- Vag= Valattp S.0,,f0OrliNgenaZ# 2 . 1 . ° 4 Afgr9V=1§ ilM«113K-W,VAIAZE»117-1.2014-r3tE/g" /-0-3" ° /ti" nVIJtA 1-/m-3ZWY3V11 *MIRE t AfflP> ; PA41.g--r65- ; R71.af' Whil4J ° BEST COPY AVA1LABLL ; <<L940. 62 I A A151 q11.1->>" 1,11-41 ° -51- Ast/ffr ITIYM j lAg-4(1976)f-X2±.-EANg-hfN N- rii-JrA -r- ' rio-Ammxtgi TIN , AffittiP,E1AfFMAri. ° EAM-33Thcti 10,3:F&TIII-NATIEFTM aftrilgO-LffiElilif&TMVregATE*3ZiKfl.TA ° PA NififiLit MiNge5tAnWell TIV.3-V=Im-P] ° aktit'afrIA.(4)(V/M131MatirflE" -±"nEN tbEACZINATZ tbt Mft4M*,±MOM004g0 2.2 faeffi rolvfanvii --411btif,31V--t; [1:1,NEA-:& ° TEM( 2E9lig<04-7-. km>>(1966) 76-77) ()1Aftlavntiam R3Elciaeffia--slic 0"-A*" -tig" gulariv.vlioc-A pEr*A" - nffftvffl-nVath,11"T" "Er -111T" B1-6-MT-T041%"TiF Zi.a" ow" "ffilW "1.agF(mnitut) Eprirt5c rV." ° PrrOf)Aft "lEa"Eit&tglangArT,T 1-vcrirrA"_Em-a" -.Es" Ofikli-Vt49-1 r-_E ° Ofi)(th.VJA3C ° (E-.)E84:-(tM14:1-MT±-,L-AZ& PriFfit5c"Z--T" c"f-Jr=-AM r#,InfffA 3.-1--A-"(/.1\ELM) ° 0-4 Greenberg's Universal 18 (Greenberg, Joseph. Universals of Language (second edition, 1966), p.86): When the descriptive adjective precedes the noun, the demonstrative and the numeral, with overwhelmingly more than chance frequency, do likewise. NA AN Num.-Noun 8 10 Noun-Num. 11 0 )«ii4H-D>nlYsJ" 1-121-i§" 11-4" VA" ttn"4*(1,1" "-'611-1" FkftTLVflitEfaitlIPJJATIN,Vz ° <q4 KIWI» -mitt" rrn VOLffittl," ° -52- 63 117).72:ATIMA , (H)R,Win(Miliilititt 1988b: 155-157),SW-60A Aft (S)N(VPA-)N] N Ftq -thttff [(t+s)+] IWO* w52 [PIP-10N(s)N] N ° 3t4AilAZTJESIliffINEMMIMI (S)(VPAA IfttAZAP-Z -Tf3tA442. ° PWIZM-P-A-1**-Z11±:A o V1.10 INM!aT) 411.z\AT) E(TANNAMTM ° Aftra)=fl I(s).(vP4)] : ° (t-MS) \MM-LikiLgA r14./aamg(tognrsta , V61PfiltfAl&T-45ki ° (V61.3a) SA* affh-ixd\*td-T- RASICCntif MEM 0 (MPI.114111) R*AftRRE I(VPg)(S)] vori«za»nn ;RIZ 1#4aZNV4 0 (P*3_411t*) (PIN1 4 PM) JW.g ° NIM4fil*EUIfifk ° (EWA) «..tc,»4a/3"fffit.ABA"M (S)(VPI)] »rig" Al*.ff"1 (VP) (S)] faffiraLtars 11=1,CAT4ti frorilEA*0 <<ZE El:I/cps-Ea* (a+I)A11):JSMIAM t4,,Wca,(±.-,Afkffi , 'AM (Eftti3Z4) *ADE )+R *LP-E. )-1-F/k ° (dNIn) ° PCZ UJ' Wth) (ilt1 %+E (ro ILYtER) --VRINY;111tMA?4 4f*JVA tzir MON -4k-M1Vti13/L:iiCirJ (rti r*Flgt" !ja TrA" -53- 64 Flgt" N)-LA" rA"J-LIMMX" .9.1T4f-MffnififAlitliONU*, 4;f1P1.111-AP-94-ROisi-a-PJFif 0.14-1JV T-Z.1(- W1=1,T_IE ° (Zga RMI4) Rith (FILL) E,'.fl,IJA Ak0.-fill* kAtti-M511-).f-AWIMno(WL) ameri-qm r(s)(vP- )] > [1+(wc+-*.)] ruPt){s)] [[tc+R)+] > 1[1=1,i,-g8 + ORO] [stoat > 1- 1:11,C,Pli 2.3 _Et(SOV)HilisM))", 2.3.1 (Neg + Pro + V) fl] (Q0 + V) RfAnximit-A-tvmm aAuCt4W-rigiffg*I$ 1,1-<'k.-In--AgrfTiVillit745-AIN °ffirn"-ON" s',11*-*(svo)013--cfig-AM°.fftita tbtONEM005-(Neg + Pro + V) *0 (Q0 + VAM(SOV)Pifi][YAP`J° -"El" -"&" " "*" TffiMVIITTtilF-dn-.1-'1"7fc" "M-" TgdFlf.*. (Ili WA) `-ATN,,,t,3,?%-T-0 0(i-4 T. t.t-__) YEA) °CEA T15.1.2.TEALi 1,0kth° (A R*2.rit° Cry :1_=) E*JZ. WEZLIT T:1=-:) g141') ° ORK-Ec0,-ft o (Mg MIE,) ,IILIJZV-3.- (0, 1)cM) WilltkRA o U. E'4.15/t) -54- 65 ft,f-tZ" ° (E6f)( VJ) RALIZR falt,) TRAMEO =RlirOntti, 0 f428*) -E -9:4:at2E, ARAM ° TglfifAlfurrIN-A:CA fttifitrvV.1 ° ? (Lit ffilov?11,5:-"X ? (Vgil )1Z° ° ( P , P:rt) A.IfFif-fq *-14J*K111 ? (gri# NM) ? 2.3.2 A/T" fir e" Tg41,11935(<01Z-NO T> <<WiRAIti-gAtA-1-Atita5CX>>) iJ , 1941 (<4--iggiop ocgatith-1.5z%»1955 I2-35)1,± =" ez." =" ;5"T e" JF 4 Vt fki 4 Vt > f1,tVt > > allz+ vt 0.5Vt > 4.1" ',.!.."litd. giTi.lq;MICOV)R4 2.3.3 (S I H (Pro + V) V) :f.)J (1958 355 )4ME (Pro 4 kyt4c,20f1b.ta-- ;Mihrfiailtiftgt12W-Lf-02ENZ-n tiliffffiCi4=f TT V) RRINATfi-lICAMR ) ; XT-4SEIWORti +4111N ; 1:04:Ejgflit ° ( )Z ° :RAS MY,11[41 WAWA lilEiSIMM11"1-7 0 ) -55- 66 MIRMUF RAMlia ° (<<R4 !Nit ' al>> ; wu MEM-)9.ta ' MAVIE ° ) MitZ31- 2,4" rififfiY9 3'f.*:5c-fa«mo-» - «fi,,,/a»Tijaly-jragcm Vi1ZASs(1979 440 )ffi*V10/31Y1.1 + V) (S fiftfgq)11 "11V.V.IPilfggI4 ; IE(IS.)agl(A)SftA5aT' ° ) ( ; A1. fNa-cfE ; -TiAfg4aflai (1W.L:-T10, ; )=HX: ; ifMt ) ) ° ("z--:tAag ; fflafltiKrti ) ; ° (<<I4 ftlitiA11:00.11-Vti ° ) WI Klik3441 Ja2.144 FACri (<<[14 !Nfft XV:>> ; Kat-1,4P, kii>> ; VITEA givkViN11 ° ) XiAtJATA ; 116.1.ffillETfk XA Igski-;MiN 1,44*>> ; /OP" -ARE,*(11A1; ; "gigm" ; "A-Ailm" RVa*Oi rgi 0 (<<tE aft* ; "gAW.11" fmr.9 ) (farto-m 4404{tfilt--*-nffen <qta» <0±-14>>114 4" 1;k" fLI" ° TA «Miti>> EYJIEfi" 1" ,o-mw.rwn .«ti.:141»EtlY:fRICKIOalici*Wago-i M/J :?f.)K41_8_444teati"1".&EnR4 tPj I (IT "sAil.at" J=A- 241" 2.3.4 (0i fC/13.1 trfiS'4 I F.:J.1(1958 -47.2P:YMEI"iTh."ritlffrlig \ EMZ-24" ( R28 ° ) + Vt) rgi "fkffhFliti rrg 5-7R," ritIEWati 61 41160.&<.N1.116.Jaig>( <<:4-114--1-11iff91-]»1 ( 1981 ) -56- 6 44NR ftk 78-82 )0/9f91.1 ° .=1*.EUclr5 1.1\fft I4RTLK ° (<<a4 WM12.fL-g NIA L'o>> ; 9=f taul4 l'iLIRJ*JinaM *E4MI*M1 WAR iATYALK-1=-13 ) Oh, Grand-master Yin, you should be the base of Chou; you should hold the ordering of the state; the four regions, them you should unite; the Son of Heaven, him you should (augment:) strengthen; you should cause the people not to go astray...(Karlgren, The Book of Odes, p.133) EEZTVa itPEqr.L.g XsZt, ° (<<>>{-415-*; ETTIEnEnAt afffi:PJ4T.AT ) Rfaja% ? («»{S15`f- ; TIEV1Anni tiP3talstAETff , PlsffilT4nfOK Aft I- 23tE1-11DIE ? ) o (<<!i»1163234--f ; ) PitAtfrIJAPJ"Z"4-1AIPM911(1.)] 1958 ; 363) ; '1141tAtt ° fr-4>> ; SitfRIPEOM MOViVt 11N ) RZM Etatit=Rosi 0 (<<art NIMI-114,Eilfafij-V4J-5 ° ) ) ; fizmft.oFridwinvit («ai>>1124: ; uij I.,41;11,11--Tk-f- RIATRARWri PlOirlIM'Aritaftitafif4nA ? ) 74EARZ.8 AMMEAZ(ift ? («tf.»Ii631* ; geMBITSCA EXAM *TEA' iJii43IffizAntair1/9tEfillfL' ? ) , An» ; giA-kAvim "Foigia ZAP] i Vt 81 at-PITftlfint8 ° ItIR± (1)"1" IgIfVfs.ft446-3 VfNFilifffiriTiR four regions, them (you should) unite 151 11 i ) "Z"11F*NPA ; Z.AM*n) , "1H" (IT) ; (2)A,1414-4 filaMEArtn",2." "0"Citi ; .de ' fu"1" frig ; (3)defrnfriPARLY:Mre. -576 ci kha-rtsan yonspai mi de ltas byun RRAOrriX*reffiltiiA3k* ErFx vt JNDEM] rygai-pos skad-cha yon-dan yod-pa thos de nas AJ )NDEM] 0 nn" Af-U2A" Vt -t-11&ffnirt;f:,-P1 familairs] Atvt, [(Xlf-)M] cAyt WGIVIAJJ-'0WAX-Tthese four regions, you should unite; this Son of Heaven, you should strengthen .411ngtimowtimA,4rgavoNgaa-*,M#.4[147JITMAIMMq;, q-MN -Ad j . )N gC-Y 2.3.5 5E-it:fUalfliliFigke3RJ-V1P] ° (Pr 1 CV) fuR-fill cover b)&fg- GreenbergnUniversal 4 With overwhelmingly greater than chances frequency, languages with normal SON/ order are postpostional. WiLt 1t4 f ° 9.10:1"MM" lEh 1958 358-360) J1.7ch(htte 1981 80) (<<11.>>H315*) ° (<</>>HL'18-*) ? «41 , [ICA: -58- 6J *'JJ i + *MC ' pp" "y:"4,:nni fitacommiiitLgE>:(1987) , jy tLAZi-h--.4J1101;" lir fir X" 010.1 o 111 ) "Yr wrii,]covaim 1958 ; 361-362) ; (<01.»E19* ; XfilM1:011 -AMR ; ARTil4c ) 162AM ° <K>>11615* ; WM" V_liae3 Vit:tr=1" PITti_EfIff ) ufg§W,E ° (<<-/E>>0611* ; I*116li:* ; gMY4tqVfni-R ° * RZYMIXIVinA ? ) A ; feM;±) ±F:R44 ? liNfil4 ; MiTsfY:44) (<<Pil 2-fq 4" ----&ffn91J(filiWt 1987 ; :/1 26) ; 0 ( <<.JE>4.161f ; =f-PY:WO ; <<11-ill>>11f." f1,69,2.5ka {A" ; El it fit ; rithM-Y-1 i.0:4'17317J ° ( <<34 ME] 41*-frit;-= ibnaggz ° ( RS-MY («* ; = MIT/Y:4s,, ) >; 47-1.1VZ ffiiN*/2\ic:41A. ) EAMLAMTA ; TI1WL ; LfrTi' RfrAgg 0 (<01.>>11B4 lifi ; ftI rti» ; 0 ; = itray;A-fit) (<<IMS-Li =0-=-F-i1T) (<<L»i430* ; = ) LILM91.1=f-- Ws:000PM ; ( ViVEC Nfbt'A'N- 0J86-.1**-igM;F Pi 44'W if_±. )L014-Q-T- I 1.1';f2, ) 44, (ARA 'ER) igaffiresifr iimmvoEu mmtf.gimaiz-nti SOV )Pdlt;n1tY4 ° matm , sontivprium;ffu FAR : -59- ° (1)mt1om0 tug-LAs-tiwAvi-tim0 arzmo (2 )I.12f19A TTZtiq (3 )" ° 441 iy-avi,v4ivil-t-.-11- X" akflAii;i4RingRffin*[111 ° NAEIN-TRIrlitAMMY ° E?WtIkt±t-INIIRRATIMAMIlfit ° RITE% ( 6){1WI ANgq,1-AjEA infa--11:1 ,CA AilliCifft 1. icinerit-mt ,ritzLomminitinc, 2. rytAft7\104fik*Z--(2)VMS1 (3)&4rAves (4 )MfRf/MVZfRef4 (5):ORTVAN (6)1geni--4,11ANEB4; (7 )SVON--TRitiCiinlikAA--tiTa @@ fELK KE-T afilitV4(2) (6) (3) (4) ( 5 )a.Z11111/IMA ,rrim*m-ste -LAT (7)ro4 1MT r-i-sttm owofflimAni-Aq;sov , ANIttNA AI; td-tal.SVOart:SOV , NA ; AitirESVO AN ° welimitn--1-a3V1VEK wtvivxmriffintivf-INA SOY gl(2) S (3) S (4) 5 ° lEaRfrfg Kro reg tem SUMP/1; 0 (5)umegammvnt4mom jg.E INTSNO.38,atrilAV ° RifITITJAWAririregffitIA. "ij5 H+Rk.u.vs3 TWAIM,MITMEIN-T-MWM:MMI4MI*Wn,TWAgn0 -tmog-m.v/30g, T=MAff-M4Mag*W9ftWA'ANWAN;-MAIMW'HITI& t_j<<A0Viiti>>±.(1967 ) '27-29k ) 0 4-61.1-8gMft 4E'fflIMIN'gfAMIA'ARM'Ag*M'Aft° -60- 71 gifif2aLMINIVILMAAAtifA? «43E,>>(1-:)& ,i'341313M41J-;MiralliYINVVACIP fru fl.RAM13141f-AR RN) ° Ifilt007111 fl'uffsumml4mgmhoxirdomma,mtomm,mimiymgmnmim 7&MMUPEUR'E*1*04MC9E° jaagMTlitili);<<4,18V4>>(±) o A. meillet and M. Cohen, Les langues du monde, 1st ed. (1924)tAmmta ±=gavjAAMEIMilnfutRinitIkE ° AVIMINOV-RAiligna Mit SIVAIY:4NAN8 ° rtrNrInit5ZMtin ; 4g*EA30itituANSti(Mon-KhmerMITI , ' wgentz_ftaarlaisAm ; Etrat-ii-fft,z114,-Nrin 012§ARMAFig tritn% luammlviwannmsomwfmmammon*Am*,m ?.±-,Izmrlanms. PIRMWri'AAMTi'MMT4MTVOR0MMMAAnVIMA' TtAINIUM° ° nags MPAMMO,IMMFA' allrn*-ffg,nAm'awvdnpl*oigmr, pt.ffimmnmgp4vg. ° I.J35,t(«FijigfT-44»(1982)VIIRAPOIYYM TfflfrigriMitg(tonegenesis) 0 rivarwis- Triigp-T -sriA ° Wit-WillYMIt'S-11i13t_n_bffiff)c14/_1\A figa.(tkiitIA1992)EANIAATIAnig±t.afigfaW- 2,11T* MMWAVIVILVOWn'tiE3Mn?LANgnrgl ViCggiVart.44M&-k4tWtotn-Efl±WAMARIWYNO-tagi rIMIIVRAMMUrgagin ° RIQZ Z-(511---M-3arrirrg o IRPUTORE(Paul Benedict)I$3Austro-Thai hypothesis(MA---(±1M)Mftn. t-/A5n-Aligkt±:X{Wtf-M, ow3,17gmn0 altuNgnwitiz-1401,&1malwa,R1l'-ri-DAm AIWNT0131-*M5kLNAM0 W&OAMnO&M'VERT41-At& 0VMACIMMeilnWE'11MMIIPAMMTITWAYOL-N0 714717 -61- clqarlig ° IMZNR9-141I1Mlicno.k. *PI 4-1018 'L'irTfilftlYJMOVAMMA.V.Livt 4111000-300Vt1)ntVik ° OAT151-rin MffErtAANIAMArt` ° 12 M-FAMTAT '24W25)-tfil-) AitiKE,AMPtONTIMMZMoILAMM*M-MnoW*M' itAm**0Amnmwsiswannamuomovimm*a-mm taLamumazmotom*mom4m*Ilmg#Rilm m'Ammammrpo'immmmwan,nmvAll*ffiom NAz±int4m. Ligb&MEPI744WLM:M4181kMna8R*F045-YiAM'Effr-AA&M nommgoitvt. tuyut Egk(1988 18)eMeMiAlign"V"-1-'(±.-if-*dukanr:PflfOit ; A-rg, tuksan Evenki tukutin "/_I4" Lamut tu- tuyu- ut/j4" ° <<ZE *>>il-MatAtiNitFIEMANT Mtn-4VA ORW44,11-.4A riftt" ° WiMitTfitffli.1 NIMAI3n4JA-th 110.g-MV ° NiEL AVElolif*.RAEA§'A ° >>11E'ff"Ift" rA WA ° WiLtFAVR,(1976)MletiggtglAririn" MILAPATI=ATi ; ° AmasarCFMV0 rs,''11**4_:_'-frANY1±.4 44E-T-t-ENY;3Zfil«ri40 ft,th gMfilrt 4PICONA Ril/i},TGO-1-11.4E ° anm,PmmollgPfinmn-Ammmt4mnwk,c4iitftgi-Az.; OtAtM2000-Vt.°Mk'MAWEJIMMATITIVAMN0484VEMOW*M444aVIA'RIFIUTRffl44MeiMMIVA*NAIAMMMI4MnW40 (Chang Kwang-chih, Archaeology of 1.f.atki-Nr!f-ViTJZIPIPt T {1:1 ° Y6 Ancient China (4th edition), p.234 fOgMgiitig[14it ' rf.rmvp, [,k-m-Airmmun'oawmt Tr.fl_t*. -62- 73 IV%) Ef [HOE OjA*A5U-A,Eil (Chinese Interaction Sphere) ° TANWR6235Ar',1 Tilt WA' ° ItE1714412910:itqal1 ftaTtafl. ° friM iw MMAK AY9- N*V ati[1-MJA ,tg*rA , Mel KLE-*Mi mmk- )dAD [1-150.*A *ON( ? ) -63- r4A.-7V( ? ) tu7. Expansion of regional Neolithic cultures in China from 7000 a.c. (left) to toot" p.c. (right) and 4000/3000 B.C. (below). Source, Chang Kwang-chiho Archaeology of Ancient China (4th ed., 1986), p. 2$ 5 64 BEST COPY AVAILABL p. TgifiM1,10gPiA( 1988 1 Witr-rii 11 )naTAFF18-2 rr3X321411 2 VA, NI 4 3 HI rk /_k JR 8 *e fkftiCig --11-ff(jkialg) + + + + WM &VI + + ---ItiArlft(ENM 3,4-4314(ft41114) + ? + _ + + + _ + + + + 4- + + WI + + M3Z + _ _ CERA + + + tatat(-671NMALLM) V--1-8 effanti Olfig-ff EI*3A 5 ()+() + _ 6 7 A+N Sli0 + + + + +- Art-Wri rul + + ° + + + + + + + + + + _ + + + + + + +. + + + + + + _ _ + + + + + + + g:Miffiri MOM( Source: Jerry Norman, Chinese, p.11 41,-R,e1310-AIINttS ° *fitagRANNAM-9.444,*9JM*--5ffMiii° tWAVIMMAIA-NIAM4440*°,f014*WA,nRW vialaA,FimtJctQmorom#Jolum.aamwAngm. -1111-05000q:'20.4:A?1-Mt4IMM±nMRJAMWE IVAI.MM'Vt7tORYIElffMM'AYOUltftin3Z4if M'AII*4-tkaM.-MVOt° Y.144100,114-6151NnigiLli coicroAviammtaft Y[J7 Aft `AXMA ° ,.4-timwafariigamomgctin RfrInq!,)+ISAIYALI t=t- tm-Amm-gfitm-m5,:sAmm0o9klimalmiAtrYmm:mstawi iytte o (2)NIvrofaxAlqa-e o s- rn- - (N-YIJNI noio (3)inivomgaregn N-APATMIA A-NPW ' IR IANkt r$i* zgnr-Ail - -A 2%44" M 4,1-MAP5o4EFI-Va N-A--gq;:nami fii$JAI/hAr9 ° rtriAltMiNNAW1Y1174it ; Is(I/M)] jjiJZ [(IIP)s] E.V-(Ez+t)3 Eirtqr5E-80,Naltitrt ..E3r110AnfelXi ; (1 )glign Miat-riFa 4ZA.TE.E.g-riA PfilVjAPISPEINTaMRSInfligit tiiItM43544 ° if1-610,111TY:LOWEIngaZAK4fla± *n/g mmA.324-eamermgre9 ; ilEltW:151-MIZAR52.Pfil-).4EMEILLA-Alf,1 rt m-qjj (2)-s*A.V.,ft hu-snaNiMit*AINWIJA (3)VErfi*Yri* anygmuiff, glimt ,47,4m (4 )-Aqq;vtsomAsvo 0 Qft-ziftWita-r-Fsg o i*Jgfigipm-gr-fliRsvo igrELF-pl*ALg[inmundaritlsov &Ruin lyg syo yvAErrj fz Gerard Difflothivii Munda Dravidian SOV(°Austro-Asiatic Languages", in Encyclopaedia Britannica (1975), 2:483e) T.O.Priltb riff Mei'anOjK.KaA-1.atflti4000-3000*EA§P+1 igni.MAQ ° 2.117.1.g.t'Aintsovt4nsvori1JJAN ° tiArIgigiCtlinNWISVO Vt-EtwomgAttz"(crosslinguistic comparison) m*s fAfttimmeETft rrm-lEa ° RfflAN SVOgFiJ ' PfigViAMPAPIlMiltIAN 1021-ifite080:;rkliM AN) ' ' ?`iffiAZ8fkilatRaTATC3ffitiZnIVIA ° SI/MR.') .AftnAugHIA,ItAmautivAnAomowtnAosmhT 'RAIN'itiMPAIAMEMtWA7A0R-IATARIA.AWEV*ADMItq,? mvsivbwavoAmfv-wastowpp-,R;ofy,miumw6414053- gwYgmAlimmnAJAN0-mo4mitmimmcdnRv0A* mmtlroomfmfimmnimswitnt0migvirmgt,ImRaimm-mim WAWKAfiftWi'MJIMIACEM,IVAPVI4MA&VM. -66- 71 IRJ TIM 1935 ; 05Vj'tg" - 967-996 ° Ts" > .1.)] 1957 ; «48-RVA»Cit.) 1958 ; «AELVA>>(41) 1982 ; !TIMM 12-35 1941 ; <M"ffi" &Lir ITO 1981 ; <fYilijrag> >>(1989 <<SLIM-fdi>> 1.78-82 ; 288-295 ° A<<Mil-AW-W-griX% 1984 ; «411A--i2Z4-1- giti562->>(E13: ; 1987 ; «elf4NFARI:E>>(rs,'0 ; NARMA-:Niti.i) 1980 ; <HoRMALPIYVVISig-IX> <0-1[Crig>> 427-433 1988a ; <NINIMAREI_EVIJ> 1988b ; ogg. , 169-181 ° "riTnAap. «-afip,qpif[J» 1992 ; <RMilffarg" 59.1 141-172 "14(V) ErEe.mourav «q:imli-voz» 325-- 338 o 115'0911g 1966 : «R44: kUn>>(*-5-'i: dojJg Chang, Betty Shells, and Kun Chang 1976: "The prenasalized stop initials of Miao-Yao. Tibeto-Burman and Chinese: a result of diffusion or evidence of a genetic relationship?" BIHP 47. 467-501. Chang, Kwang-chih 1986: Archaeology of Ancient China, 4th ed. -67 Diffloth, Gerard 1975: "Austro-Asiatic languages", Encyclopaedia Brhannica, 15th ed., 480484. Greenberg, Joseph 1966: "Some universals of grammar", in Greenberg, Joseph ed., Universals of Language, 2nd ed., 73-113. Meillet, A. M. Cohen 1924: Les Langues du monde, 1st ed. Norman, Jerry 1988: Chinese. Norman, Jerry and Mei, Tsu-Lin 1976: "The Austroasiatics in ancient South China: some lexical evidence", Monumenta Serica 32.274-301. 68- 7 SOME REMARKS OM WORD ORDER AND WORD ORDER CHANGE IN PRE-ARCHAIC CHINESE Alain Peyraube CRLAO, CNRS, Paris & Hong Kong Baptist College ABSTRACT Since the 1970s, following the work of Greenberg (1966) on language universals, the problem of word order and word order change in Chinese has been much debated. The discussions have been essentially surrounding the hypothesis of Li & Thompson (1974) according to which Pre-Archaic Chinese (12th century B.C.) was a SOV language, which might have changed to a SVO one between the 10th and 3rd centuries B.C., before shifting back to SOV again, the last stage being still in action: a) SOV > b) SVO > c) SOV. The hypothesis SVO > SOV has been much criticized, especially by those (Light 1979, Sun & Givon 1985) who try to show that, synchronically, Chinese is and renains a SVO language and that the OV order is a marked [+ contrastiveness] order. However, very few scholars have challenged the first change a) SOV > SVO in Archaic Chinese, because a SOV order in Pre-Archaic Chinese seems more plausible, insofar as this order is sometimes found in Classical Chinese (Early or Late Archaic Chinese) for pronominal objects under special conditions (especially when these pronouns are interrogative or in negative sentences), or even for full lexical NP, when they are followed by pretransitive markers shi or zhi. It has therefore been supposed that these phenomena - even if they are minor - are relics of an ancient stage of the language, and that the regular word order must have been SOV. This opinion appears all the more to be probable to some that the language of the oracle bone inscriptions seems to reveal many more preverbal objects or preverbal PP than during the following stages, i.e. Early and Late Archaic. From here, some have perhaps too hastily concluded that Proto-Chinese must have been SOV and, therefore; Pro*o-Sino-Tibetan dlso. Indeed, all the Tibeto-Burman languages (extept Bai and Karen) have verb-final order. This paper will show that the hypothesis of a) (SOV > SVO) change is not empirically motivated. Any meticulous analysis of the language of the oracle-bone inscriptions, as the one which has just been completed by Shen Pei (1992), does not allow the conclusion that Chinese was more SOV in Pre-Archaic than in Early or Late Archaic. The jiaguwen language shows a regular order of SVO. To suppose that in a more ancient stage than the one we know today the regular order could have been SOV is, under these conditions, of pure surmise. -69- C v Preliminary version to be presented at IsCLL-4, Academia Sinica, Taiwan, 18-20 July 1994 Not to be quoted without permission SOME REMARKS ON WORD ORDER AND WORD ORDER CHANGE IN PRE-ARCHAIC CHINESE Alain Peyraube CRLAO, CNRS, Paris & Hong Kong Baptist College 0. Introduction 0.1. Since the 1970s, following the work of Greenberg (1966) on language universals, the problem of word order and word order change in Chinese has been much debated. The discussions have been essentially surrounding the hypothesis of Li & Thompson (1974) according to which Pre-Archaic Chinese (12th century B.C.) 1 was a SOV language, which might have changed to a SVO one between the 10th and 3rd centuries B.C., before shifting back to SOV again, the last stage being still in action: (1) a) SOV > b) SVO > c) SOV hypothesis of changing from b) to c) relies essentially on the following facts: PP, which were usually postverbal in Classical Chinese, have become mostly pre-verbal today, and the ba construction (where ha is a pre-verbal direct object marker), non-existent in Archaic and Pre-Medieval Chinese, is increasingly in use in Contemporary Chinese. The path of change, purely internal, might have been the following: the serial-verb structure "S+V1+0+V2" might have changed into a single-verb structure "S+Prep. (or marker) +O+V" after a classical process of 0.2. The grammaticalization changing the ve-b into a preposition or a marker. 2 This hypothesis has been much criticized, especially by those who try to show that, 1985) Givon & Sun 1979, (Light synchronically, Chinese is and remains a SVO language and that the OV order is a marked [+ contrastiveness] order. 3 0.3. However, very few scholars have challenged the first change a) SOV > SVO in Archaic Chinese, because a SOV order in PreArchaic Chinese seems more plausible, insofar as this order is sometimes found in Classical Chinese (Early or Late Archaic conditions special under objects pronominal for Chinese) (especially when these pronouns are interrogative or in negative sentences), or even for full lexical NP, when they are followed by 4 We even find objects pretransitive markers shi %E. or zhi of prepositions before some prepositions. 5 It has therefore been supposed that these phenomena - even if they are minor - are relics of an ancient stage of the language, and that the regular word order must have been SOV. This opinion appears all the more to be probable to some that the language of . -70- S the oracle bone inscriptions seems to reveal many more preverbal objects or preverbal PP than during the following stages, i.e. Early and Late Archaic. From here, some have perhaps too hastily concluded that Proto-Chinese must have been SOV and, therefore, Proto-Sino-Tibetan also. Indeed, all the Tibeto-Burman languages (except Bai and Karen) have verb-final order. 6 0.4. I will show that this hypothesis of a) (SOV > SVO) change which was probably first suggested by Wang Li, who was comparing Archaic Chinese, with its preverbal pronominal objects, with French is not empirically motivated. Any meticulous analysis of the language of the oracle-bone inscriptions, as the one which has just been completed by Shen Pei (1992), does not allow the conclusion that Chinese was more SOV in Pre-Archaic tkan in Early or Late Archaic. The iiaguwen language shows a regular order of SVO. To suppose that in a more ancient stage than the one that these first documents are available to us, that the regular order could have been SOV is, under these conditions, of pure surmise. In the following account, I will make a distinction between object order and PP order, i.e. between the sequence SOV vs SVO and the sequence S PP V vs S V PP. 1. The place of the objects I will distinguish between pronominal objects from full lexical NP objects. 1.1. Full lexical NP-objects When the object is a full lexical NP, the basic order is undoubtedly SVO. Everybody will agree with this statement. Having said this, one has to admit that there are situations which need more discussion. One also finds in iiaguwen examples of the type 1) 7 san bai qiang yong yu Ding three hundred Qiang use-for-sacrifice to Ding Three hundred Qiang have been used for sacrifice to Ding. One would see in such sentences a (S)0V order. Indeed, the current analysis (Guan Xiechu 1953, Chen Mengjia 1956, Chen Chusheng 1991) is the following : DO (Direct Object) + Verb + Preposition + IO (Indirect Object). Therefore, there should also be jiaguwen an OV structure - certainly language of in the exceptional, but non the less existent - co-occurrent with the basic (S)VO order. Tang Yuming (1990) and Shen Pei (1992) are the only ones who in other talk about subject-patient sentences (shoushi zhuyu ju) ( words, the pre-verbal NP should not be an object but a subjectpatient) existent in Chinese, of all stages (archaic, medieval, contemporary). 7 I think they are right. As emphasized by Shen Pei, these sentences have effectively the following characteristics (i) if a subject-agent is present, it is placed between the patient : -71- 8' and the VP ; (ii) the negative form of such sentences is : "patient + negation + verb". These characteristics differentiate them from preverbal noun-object sentences, where the subject is in initial position and where the adverb of negation is in front of the nounobject. Sentences (1) (2) are therefore not of pre-verbal object , but of subject-patient. 1.2. Pull lexical NP -objects introduced by hui and wei There also exists the language of the oracle-bone (or wei At. ) + 0 + V" form for affirmative cases and "(8) + Negation + wei + 0 + V" for negative in inscriptions a "(S) + hui 14 cases. And these particles hui and wei have been interpreted as pre-verbal markers, like yi 441. in Classical Chinese, or ba4G /jianq in Medieval and Contemporary Chinese (Guan Xiechu 1953, among others). Examples: (2) V. 30500 -k hui hei yAng yong you da yu hui black sheep utilize-for-sacrifice there-is big rain (4 t : it (If we) utilize a black sheep for sacrifice, there would be abundant rain. (3) 5- 4. & -3- r wang wu wei Long fang fa king negation wei Long tribe fight The king will not fight the Long tribe. qw 0241) Such an analysis is problematic. Other than the fact that there is no reason for analyzing san bai giang as an subjectpatient in (1, and hei yang as an object in (2) (they are indeed of the same type of sentences, no matter whether hui is present or not), it is clear today that hui and wei are not simple markers of pre-verbal objects, as one may think, but focalizers serving to stress the constituent they follow, this constituent being an object, or a subject, or even an adverbial. 8 (4) At_ 4 t 3_ it (Djamouri 1988: 245) wei Di zliao wang ji wei God provoke king illness It is God who has provoked the illness in the king. In this last sentence, it is the subject which is focalized. That hui and wei could thus introduce constituents other than the objects, proves that hui and wei are not simple markers of pretransitive objects. Thus, sentences (2) and (3) should be understood as: "(if) it is a black sheep which is utilized, there would be abundant rain" and "It is not the Long tribe that the king has to fight". In (2) hgi focalizes the subject-patient hei yang and in (3) wu wei focalizes the object Long fang. Another example with an object focalized with /DA in an affirmative sentence: (5) e- 6442) wang hui Tufang zheng king hui Tufang leave in expedition It is against the Tufang that the king leaves in -72- 83 expedition. These sentences of pre-verbal object preceded by hui/wei are therefore not unmarked sentences, but marked by a focalization of the object. These are nonetheless sentences with pre-verbal objects. One therefore has to admit that the language of the oracular bone inscriptions, when it wants to focalize an NP-object, uses two devices : (i) put in front of the said object a marker of focalization ; (ii) move it, w!th its marker, in pre-verbal position. In the absence of Ilui/wei, the order remains of course (S)VO. I would nonetheless like to emphasize here that the PreArchaic is not different here from the EAC or even from the LAC which uses markers of focalization shi ou zhi t behind (and not in front of) the objects, before moving them in pre-verbal position. It is therefore unreasonable to think that the PreArchaic shows more (S)0V order than the Early/Late Archaic, at least in this problem of preverbal objects introduced by markers of focalization. It seems that the contrary is the truth. Huang Dekuan (1988) remarks indeed that this "hui/wei+0+V" form is present in all periods of the oracle bone inscriptions, but he also notes that the examples are more numerous in the inscription:3 of the last period; and that since the 11th century B.C., wei could replace hui in the affirmative sentences. 9 The subsequent evolution might have been the following: in the bronze inscriptions (11th-8th c. B.C.), wei had almost entirely replaced hui, then an intermediate form appeared: "wei+0+shi,$E... +V", which immediately left its place to "O+ghi+V"(all these forms are attested in the Shang shq, 10th-8th c. B.C.), which itself would be later on replaced by "0+zhi +V". 10 No matter what the evolution was, one thing seems to be quite certain today: markers hui and wei in Pre-Archaic were focalizers, contrastive markers. It is also the case in Early and Late Archaic Chinese for shi and zhi. It is therefore liot reasonable: a) to speak of a natural, unmarked SW order while the object were preceded by such markers, b) to suppose that the Pre-Archaic was more SOV than Early/Late Archaic, in that respect. 1.3. Pronouns-objects What about pre-verbal pronouns which were not introduced by markers? The situation is the same. Pre-Archaic was not more SOV than Early/Late Archaic Chinese. We know that in Classical Chinese pronoun-objects are usually pre-verbal when they are in negative sentences, or when they are interrogative_pronouns in interrogative sentences as well. Ex. : (6) (7) t-it- 4-% CA77 jin yu wei bu er sha now I for-the-moment negation you kill Now, for the moment, I won't kill you. 47, ciruct) fki wu shei qi I who abuse eit bu wu zhi ye negation I know particle -73- 4 (He) does not know me. Whom I abilse? They become post-verbal, as the NP-objects already were, later, some time during the Han. For the JGW, Guan Xiechu (1953) considers that the pronounobjects are pre-verbal in the same conditions as in Classical Chinese. Chen Mengjia (1956), on the other hand, thinks that the it is necessary a) that the negatives constraints are stricter b) that the pronoun should be should be those in bu : ; 11 I He indeed sems to be correct. Examples ( 8 ) 4rf * : : Di bu wo cqi shou you God negation we modal-particle give assistance God will not give us assistance. In this example, the pre-verbal pronoun-object is the indirect object of a double-object construction. More examples with single objects are: (9) 4i T Ac ¶&i Cts, IL : to +V') DI bu wo ha God negation we dry-up God will not dry up us. (10) 112_ 1 T Ai t (41. Zu Xing bu wo hai Ancestor Xing negation we harm Ancestor Xing will not harm us. There are also some cases there the pronoun is not wo and where the negation is not bu, but these are extremely rare : (11) wu yu hai negation I harm (He/They) will not harm me. Shen Pei (1992: 23) has found 64 negatives with preverbal pronoun-object: among these, 57 use the negation bu and the pronoun wo, 4 the negation bu and the pronoun yu, 2 the negation wu and the pronoun yu, 1 finally the negation bu and the pronoun er. One thing is certain: the preverbal pronoun-objects are always personal pronouns, never demonstratives, just the same as in Classical Chinese. 12 The first conclusion that one can draw is the following there are indeed preverbal pronoun-objects in the language of the oracle bone inscriptions, but they are probably rarer than in : Archaic Chinese; they are indeed only limited to personal pronouns (demonstrative pronouns are excluded from this structure) and they concern almost exclusively the one pronoun wo in the negatives with the sole negation bu. Moreover, the inscriptions of the first period also show that these pre-velJal pronouns-objects, even in negative sentences, could also be postverbal. It is almost always the case when the negative is not bm, naturally, but also sometimes when the negative is bu. Finally, as Djamouri (1988: 462) points out, the negative .1211 -74- 85 could be equivalent to bu wei, meaning "it is not". If this hypothesis is correct, the preverbal object-pronouns in jiaquwen would have to be interpreted as always focalized and "It is not to us that sentences (8) to (10) be translated as is going to give assistance" (8), "It is not us whom God will up" (9), "It is not us whom Ancestor Xing will harm" (10). : the the God dry 1.4. Conclusion The situation of the Pre-Archaic language could therefore very well have been the following: (i) the regular, unmarked order was SVO; (ii) there was also an inverse order SOV, but this order was marked (the object was stressed, introduced by a marker of focalization hul or wei); (iii) in the negative sentences with bu, however, when the object was the personal pronoun wo, the focalizer hui or wei was not necessary. From marked, these sentences became progressively unmarked, giving birth to an unmarked SOV order. Thus, pronouns could not have been conservative of an ancient order, as it is usually believed, but, on the contrary, initiators of a new order which, subsequently, had never been successful in imposing itself for the full-fledged lexical NP. 13 Now lt us look at the PP order in the language of jiaguwen. 2. The place of the PPs One usually considers that the PP, mostly preverbal in contemporary Chinese. were postverbal in Classical Chinese. However, criticizing Li & Thompson (1974), many linguists (Huang 1973, Li 1980, Sun 1991) have noted that PP are far from being all postverbal in Classical Chinese (Early/Late Archaic). Thus, for the and yi kL , if the first is two common prepositions yg essentially postverbal (proportionately more than 90 % of the cases), the second is basically preverbal (according to Sun 1991, only 12 % of yi occur in a postverbal position). 14 2.1. What then was the situation in the language of the oracle bone inscriptions? The situation is even more complex. Both Guan Xiechu (1953) and Chen Mengjia (1956) consider that the natural order is (S)+V+PP. Wang Li (1958: 368) on the contrary thinks that in this period the order was not well fixed and that the locative PP could be either preverbal or postverbal, while admitting that the postverbal cases are more frequent. Only the preposition yg is present in considerable frequency. 15 The yu-PP, as already noticed, are essentially postverbal, but the examples of preverbal yu-PP are not rare (many more than in Classical Chinese), which could suggest that before the jiaguwen period, Chinese had perhaps been a language where the PP were preverbal (cf. Wei Pei-chuan, forthcoming). I will try to show that this induction is very questionable. Shen Pei (1990, 1992) shows convincingly that it is necessary, if one wants to see more clearly, to distinguish PP [+ time] from the other PP, PP [- time]. -75- Sti 2.2. The place of the yu-PP [- tine] The yu-PP [- time] are mostly postverbal, as in (12) 5_ Af* * : .11811) wang wang 1A1 chun king go to suburb The king went to the suburbs. However, sometimes, especially when the preposition yR is not the dynamic locative preposition meaning "to" (dao in Contemporary Chinese) but the static locative preposition meaning "at" (zai in CC), or when yR is not a locative preposition but a dative one, the yu-PP can be either postverbal or preverbal. Example of a preverbal yR-PP: fr(13) :Z9448) yu Fu to Father Jia ask-for It is to Father Jia that (we have to) ask for. It is better, however, to say, as the translation of (13) indicates, that the preverbal yR-PP are then marked; they are stressed, focalized. Cf. Chen Mengjia (1956), Shen Pei (1992). id Shen Pei cites several examples, in context, where it is obvious that the PP are focalized. He adds that it is probably difficult to show that All the preverbal PP [- time] are focalized, but it is impossible to show that they do not express emphasis. Thus, yR-PP [- time] are postverbal in unmarked utterances and preverbal while they are put into emphasis, i.e. in marked utterances. 2.3. The place of the yu-PP [+ time] The yR-PP [+ time) have a different behavior. They can be either postverbal or preverbal, but the preverbal ones are more numerous. They then can be, of -7ourse, marked, stressed, or focalized; however, for most cases, they are unmarked, and not focalized. Ex.: (14) 7u pa ictrgi ;15t Ctt 36+6) at Da X day perform-wine-sacrifice Perform the wine sacrifice at the Da ? day. (15) yu ren wang qi tian 3 7_4245) at Ren king modalparticle hunt At the Ren day, the king will go hunting. 26 This is a situation very different from the one that has just been discussed for PP [- temps]. However, one would be wrong to draw the conclusion that the PP [+ time] might all be preverbal in a stage of language prior to the one represented by oracle-bone inscriptions. Indeed, as Shen Pei (1990) has noticed, in the most ancient inscriptions, those of the first period, which can de dated at the latest to the last decades of the Wu Ding reign, the time PP in yR are postverbal, as in: ill (AI: (16) 545 N (ks -76- 87 4318) jiu sheng sui yu gengyin wine-sacrifice elevatory-sacrifice immolating-sacrifice at Gengyin The wine, elevatory and imlolating sacrifices (will be) at Gengyin day. After having remarked that nouns of time, in these ancient inscriptions are also sentence final or sentence medial, Shen Pei naturally concludes that there was an order change in the language of oracle-bone inscriptions, from "V+PP" to "PP+V" when the PP were time PP, and that the other PP remained postverbal. In other words, the order of the PP, in the most ancient stage we know, was indeed "V+PP". 2.4. Conclusion PP were originally all postverbal. Those of time were the first to change. They became preverbal, since the time of the oracle bone inscriptions. The other PP [- time] remained mostly Preverbal PP [postverbal, at least in unmarked utterances. time], exist naturally, but they express a focalisation, they are marked. Preverbal PP [- time] not expressing focalisation, i.e. those which are not marked, are dated after the diaguwen. 3. Conclusion iiaguwen 3.1. In conclusion, a meticulous study of the language does not allow to assert that SOV or S+PP+V preverbal orders are found in greater numbers than in stages posterior to the language of the oracle bone inscriptions, Early or Late Archaic Chinese. Therefore, there is no evidence to justify the hypothesis of SOV > SVO or S+PP+V > S+V+PP changes in Archaic Chinese. Such a hypothesis has been formulated by many linguists to explain certain SOV orders (particularly in the case where the objects are interrogative pronouns, or simple pronouns in the negatives) or S+PP+V orders (especially when the PP are introduced by yi). 3.2. If there were changes, these were rather changes of an opposite nature which had taken place, that is SVO > SOV or S+V+PP > S+PP+V. Indeed, the first of these changes concerned personal pronoun objects, which were effectively postverbal, like all the other objects, but which became preverbal in the negatives. The second change concerned the PP [4- time), which were also postverbal as the other PP, but which had become preverbal. These changes were never imposed to marginalize the old orders. 3.3. One cannot, of course, make any final conclusion from here that Proto-Chinese was SVO and not SOV. The diaguwan language does not represent Proto-Chinese. It is not impossible that in stages prior to diaguRen, which are unknown to us, the language shows a SOV order. One can make such a hypothesis by arguing ,that several marked and marginal orders, -77- in the iiaguwen language, reflect such an order. We know that the irregularities are often relics from the past and that, as said Meillet, "la grammaire comparee doit se faire en utilisant les anomalies bien plus que les formes regulieres". What we still have to deal with is that if the exceptional SOV and S+PP+V order of iiaguwen were relics of an ancient general SOV, it is not likely that these "relics" were marked utterances. The marked utterances, in the history of a language, are indeed new. It is unlikely also that these marked utterances, in jiagrwen, if they were really relics from an ancient order, could be found in lesser quantities than in the periods following the Pre-Archaic, i.e. Early and Late Archaic Chinese. 3.4. Whatever the order of Proto-Chinese, one thing is sure. The .1:law...len language does not give the least indication which could justify in any way that Proto-Chinese might have been SOV. The contrary is more likely. Footnotes 1. What I mean by Pre-Archaic Chinese is the language of the oracle-bone inscriptions (jiaguwen), 14th-11th centuries B.C. The other periods are : Early Archaic Chinese, 10th-6th c. B.C., Late Archaic Chinese, 5th-2nd c. B.C., Pre-Medieval Chinese, 1st c. B.C. 1st c. A.D. For the justification of this periodization, see Peyraube (1988a). 2. Such cases of grammaticalization have been analyzed by Peyraube (1988b). 3. For a good review of this long-winded debate on word order and word order change in which historical syntax was formerly entangled, see Qu Chengxi (1984) where the arguments raised by Li & Thompson (1974, 1975) Tai (1973, 1976) in favor of a change SVO > SOV are discussed in detail, as well as the arguments given by Light (1979), Mei Kwang (1980) against such a change. See also Huang Shuan-fan (1978), Li Mengchen (1980), Travis (1983), Hashimoto (1984), Sun & Givon (1985) and Wang Mingquan (1988). 4. See Yu Min (1981), Yang Bojun (1982), Yin Guoguang (1985). 5. Sun Chaofe:1 (1991) has found cases where the object of prepositions yu and especially yi was sometimes preprepositional, without the necessity of any marker, or of the object being a pronoun. In other words, the "prepositions" are in fact postpositions. 6. See LaPolla (1990, chapter 5; 1993), Sun Chaofen (1991). -78- 89 7. For the notion of subject-patient, put forward by Zhu Dexi, see Lu Jianming (1986). The only difference between the jiaguwen language and that of the posterior periods is the following: in Am:ient Chinese the VP is rarely a simple verb while it is the case in the oracle-bone inscriptions. 8. See djamouri (1988), Huana Dekuan (1988), Zhang Yujin (1988) and Shen Pei (1992). 9. See also Huang Tianshu (1991). 10. See Yin Guoguang (1985). 11. In fact, in Classical Chinese, things are not as simple. Zhou Guangwu (1959) has done an exhaustive study on the pronoun-objects pre-verbal in the negatives of several works of Early/Late Archaic Chinese, and has concluded that the situation is relatively complex. It depends on the nature of the pronouns and of that of the adverbs of negation. He also agrees with the two constraints raised by Chen Mengjia (1956). 12. Djamouri (1988) has also noted that the object pronouns are 97 rarer than subject pronouns. He quotes the following figures object pronouns wo for 315 wo subjects, 6 objects yu for 152 yu : subjects. 13. It is probably true that in Romance languages the SVO to SOV order change affected full NPs before object clitics, but this is far from being a general phenomenon. Steele (1977) argues against the conservative nature of clitic pronouns on the basis of reconstructed &sanges in Uto-Aztecan. Similarly, in Modern Greek, we have postverbal full NP objects and preverbal clitic objects, but these citic objects arose long after Greek had undergone its SOV to SVO change. See Lightfoot (1979: 152). 14. These figures should be taken with precaution insofar as they were established from one single chapter from Mengzi and one single chapter from Zuo zhuan. See also Peyraube (1988a) who finds, for the same period (Late Archaic), that 70 % of yi-PP are preverbal against 30 % postverbal, but only in double-object constructions. and gong A.k and perhaps zai 15. Other prepositions are zi but they are less frequent. I will discuss here only the place of the yu-PPs. 16. In this last example, the subject is between the PP [+ time] and the VP, but usually the subject appears in the initial position. 17. See LaPolla (1992). -79- 1;0 Bibliographical References Chen Chusheng (1991) "Lun shanggu hanyu dongci duo duixiangyu de biaoshifa", Zhongguo yuwen 2. Chen Mengjia (1956) Yinxu buci zongshu. Beijing: Kexue chubanshe. Chu C.C. (1984) "Hanyu de cixu ji qi bianqian", Yvan yanjiu 1, 127-51. Djamouri R. (1988) "Etude des formes syntaxiques dans les ecrits oraculaires graves sur os et carapaces de tortue". These de l'EHESS, Paris. Greenberg J.H. (1966) Language Universals with Special Reference to Feature Hierarchies. The Hague: Mouton. Guan Xiechu (1953) Yinxu jiagu keci de yufa yanjiu. Shanghai: Guojia kexueyuan. Hashimoto M. (1984) "Origin of the East-Asian Linguistic Structure - Latitudinal Transitions and Longitudinal Development of East and Southeast Asian Languages", Computational Analyses of Asian and African Languages 22, 35-41. Huang Dekuan (1988) "Jiaguwen f(S)hui0V' jushi tanzong", Yuyan yanjiu 1, 42-50. Huang Shuan-fan (1978) "Historical Change of Prepositions and Emergence of SOV Order", Journal of Chinese Linguistics 6-2, 212-42. Huang Tianshu (1991)'Yinxu wang buci de fenlei yu duandai. Taibei: Wenjin chubanshe. LaPolla R. (1990) "Grammatical Relations in Chinese: Synchronic and Diachronic Considerations". UC Berkeley PhD Dissertation. LaPolla R. (1992) "On the dating and nature of verb agreement in Tibeto-Burman", Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies LV-2, 298-315. LaPolla R. (1993) "On the Change to Verb-Medial Word Order in Proto-Chinese: Evidence from Tibeto-Burman". Paper presented at the 26th International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics, Osaka. Li C.N. & S.A. Thompson (1974) "An Explanation of Word Order Change: SVO > SOV", Foundations of Language 12, 201-14. Li C.N. & S.A. Thompson (1975) "The Semantic Function of Word Order: a Case Study in Mandarin", C.N. Li ed. Word Order and Word Order Change. Austin & London: University of Texas Press. 163-95. Li Meng-chen (1980) "An Investigation of Word Order Change in Chinese", Tang, Tsao & Li eds. Papers from the 1979 Asian and Pacific Conference on Linguistics and Language Teaching. Taipei: Student Book Co. 261-73. Light T. (1979) "Word Order and Word Order Change in Mandarin", Journal of Chinese Linguistics 7-2, 149-80. Lightfoot D. (1979) Principles of diachronic syntax. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lu Jianming (1986) "Zhoubianxing zhuyuju ji qita", Zhongguo yuwen 3, 164-5. Mei Kwang (1980) "Is Modern Chinese Really a SOV Language?", cahigra_sig_Linguiatigam_gaie_Drientaie 7, 23-45. Peyraube A. (1988a) 5yntaxe diachronigue du chinois: evolution des -80-- 91 constructions datives du 14eme siecle ay. J.-C. au 18eme siecle. Paris: College de France, Institut des Hautes Etudes Chinoises. Chinese: On "Syntactic Change ili Peyraube A. (1988b) Grammaticalization". The Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica 59-3, 617-52. Qu Chengxi, see Chu C.C. Shen Pei (1990) "Yinxu jiagu buci jieci jiegou yuxu yanjiu", Zhui Yu ed. Beijing daxue zhongwen xi yanjiusheng lunwen xuanbian. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe. 579-94. Shen Pei (1992) Jiagu buci yuxu yanjiu. Taibei: Wenjin chubanshe. Steele S. (1977) "Clisis and diachrony", C.N. Li ed. Mechanisms of Syntactic Change_ Austin: University of Texas Press. 539-79. Sun Chaofen (1991) "The adposition yi and word order in Classical Chinese", Journal of Chinese Linguistics 19-2, 202-19. Sun Chaofen & Givon T. (1985) "On the So-Called SOV Order in Text Study and its Mandarin Chinese: A Quantified Implications", language 61-2, 329-51. Tai J. H.-Y. (1973) "Chinese as a SOV Language", C. Corum et al. eds. Papers from the 9th Regional Meeting Chicago Linguistic Society. 659-71. Tai J. H.-Y. (1976) "On the Change from SVO to SOV in Chinese", S. Steever et al. eds. Papers from the Parasession on diachronic Syntax. Chicago Linguistic Society. 291-304. Tang Yuming (1990) "Jiaguwen qianzhi binyu ji qi tuibian", Zhongshan daxue xuebao 3. Travis L. (1983) "Word Order Change and Parameters", I. Haik & D. Massam eds. Papers in Grammatical Theory. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 5. 277-88. Wang Mingquan (1988) "Comments on Sun & Givon's Study of the OV Constructions in Mandarin", Journal of the Chinese Language Teachers Association XXIII-2, 33-53. Wei Pei-chuan (forthcoming) "Gu hanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi", Chinese Langu4gg_sa_nci_Linguigltic_su. Symposium Series of the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica, Taiwan. Yang Bojun (1982) "Gu hanyu zhong zhi hanjian yufa xianxiang", Zhongguo yuwen 6, 401-9. Yin Guoguang (1985) "Xian-Qin hanyu dai yufa biaozhi de bin qianzhi jushi de chutan", Yuyan yanjiu 2, 162-71. Yu Min (1981) "Daoju tan yuan", Y yan ya jiu 1, 78-82. Zhou Guangwu (1959) "Xian-Qin foudingju daici binyu weizhi wenti", Yufa lunji 3. Zhonghua shuju. Zhang Yujin (1988) "Jiagu buci yufa yanjiu liang pian". Beijing University PhD. -81- 9 ') Formosan clause structure: transitivity, ergativity, and case marking Stanley Starosta University of Heidelberg and University of Hawai'i 1. Prologue In the beginning was Greenberg. And Greenberg saw that the tongues of the earth were many, and that the generative descriptions of them were few. And Greenberg said, "Let us go out into the fields and into the libraries, even into the dim studies and into the musty sandalboxes full laden with dataslips that lie therein, and let us make sweet-smelling order from amongst the unruly data collections that rest upon the face of the earth, and let us make graven generalizations in accordance with the configurations that are made manifest by our labors." And that is how modern linguistic typological research began. 2. Function-based typology What Greenberg was up against was vast amounts of observations made from the point of view of utterly inconsistent descriptive frameworks, or from the point of view of the observers' unstated and frequently unrealized preconceptions. It would have been nice if he had had at his disposal a thousand complete and explicit descriptions of typologically diverse languages, all stated within the same formal and constrained and proven grammatical framework by trained and competent and experienced researchers, but he didn't. He was faced with the choice of either waiting for the linguistic millenium or doing something with what he had available. His decision, as we all know, was to go ahead. Since he didn't have formally consistent descriptions to work with, he had to create workable categories that he could superimpose on the data and use to extract generalizations from it, and the categories he chose, not surprisingly, were rather subjective and intuitive semantic ones. As William Croft notes, 'We are attempting to determine the universal properties of relative clauses (RCs) by comparing their syntactic form in a large number of languages. To do this it is necessary to have a largely syntax-free way of identifying RCs in an arbitrary language. Our solution to this problem is to use an essentially semantically based definition of RC. (Keenan and Comrie 1977:63). ' (Croft 1990:12) Since Greenberg was, I assume, a native speaker of English with an education in the American school system, the intuitions he drew on in creating his categories were anglocentric ones, and since most or all of the researchers who applied them were also speakers of English, it isn't surprising that the categories seemed natural and intuitive to them too, and that they were able to apply them with a good degree of consistency. I think that this was great as a temporary expedient. It was nice to have categories like Greenberg's subject' and Comrie's and Dixon's S, A, and P/O and Keenan and Comrie's case hierarchy' to facilitate discussions of data among linguists who didn't share a common theoretical conceptual grid. However, that should have been just an intermediate step, pending the development of the consistent and explicit and constrained frame of reference which would make possible a more rigorous and theoretically well founded comparison. As the results started coming -82- 53 in, the original categories should have been revised to compensate for the original English bias, and a set of empirically founded natural categories should have evolved which could have served as one of the pillars of a realistic universal theory of language. However, this was not to be. Instead, in the vacuum created by the theory wars of the 60's and 70's, this anglocentric and unformalized 'functional' approach to language comparison took on a life of its own. Categories like subject', S, A, and P, originally created as situational roles for establishing functional correspondences among the diverse linguistic structures that encoded these roles, became increasingly regarded as syntactic constructs in some assumed universal but never formalized theory of language. The consequence of this approach in the area of syntax at least has been a typological framework that regards all languages in effect as more or less radical deviations from the prototype language, English. The most striking example of this has been the treatment of ergative languages. Of the exceptions to various universals proposed in the anglocentric functional approaches to typology, a statistically significant number of them can be placed at the doorstep of ergativity. Ergative languages have been knocking with increasing insistence on the door of linguistic theory, and I think that it is fitting that here in Taiwan, the homeland of one of the biggest and most ergative language families in the world, the Austronesian family, we should open that door, welcome them in, and draw the benefits from the precious gifts they bring with them. 3. Problems with the functional approach to syntactic typology What's wrong with S, A, and P? Two things: (1) pseudotransitives and (2) disjunctions. First of all, we here are all familiar with the pattern that is often presented to syntax students in describing the difference between ergative and accusative languages: Figure 1) Accusative case marking Nominative Accusative Ergative case marking Ergative Absolutive So what's wrong with that? The answer is in the part that's missing. An accusative language groups Ss (Intransitive subjects') together with As transitive subjects'), it is said, while an ergative language groups Ss (Intransitive subjects') together with Os (' transitive objects') (Dixon 1979:59). The identification of S is fairly though not completely straightforward: if we can identify a large class of sentences which contain only one NP, we are fairly safe in calling that S'. But what about A and P? If we can identify a class of transitive sentences, then picking out the A and the P will not be so hard, but as Hopper and Thompson have shown us so vividly, semantic transitivity and syntactic transitivity, though linked together in intricate ways, are not the same thing. Semantic transitivity can be established in accordance with some intuitive and rather -839,1t subjective guidelines, but the identification of syntactic transitivity requires a careful languagespecific syntactic analysis. It should be obvious that a typologist surveying a large number of languages does not have time to do a careful language-specific syntactic analysis of each one, and so in applying this criterion for identifying ergative languages, he or she will almost always grab for semantic transitivity rather than syntactic transitivity, frequently I think without even being aware that there is such a difference. The consequence is that the resulting identification of a language (or its case marking system, to be more specific), as ergative or accusative has only marginal syntactic significance. This kind of shoot-from-the-hip semantically based determination of ergativity has, as Jeanne Gibson and I have shown (Gibson and Starosta 1990), had bad consequences in the analysis of Polynesian languages, and it is starting to have bad consequences in the analysis of Formosan ones, for the same reason: these languages typically have more than one pattern for translating English transitive sentences, so both will count as 'transitive' for the typologer in the street, and the result will be a determination that the languages are accusative or possibly, in Tang Ting-chi's terms, 'focusing languages'. However, when syntactic and morphological considerations are taken into account, and when we look at the semantics more carefully in the terms used by Hopper and Thompson, it turns out that only one of the patterns is syntactically (' canonically') transitive and that the other is not. When only the canonical grammatically transitive sentences are used in the determination of ergativity, the result comes up quite clearly ergative for the languages I have looked at in this way. The other two-argument pattern, although possessing both an 'A' and a 'P' in the conventional typological usage, is grammatically and semantically intransitive. I will refer to this latter pattern for the remainder of this paper as 'pseudotransitive. The second fundamental problem with an S, A, and P analysis is disjunctions. In reading older work by Dixon and Comrie and recent work by Croft, it is striking how often cross-linguistic generalizations are stated in terms of 'S and P' or 'S and A'. Grammarians refer to this kind of term showing up in a rule as a disjunction, and it is a fairly reliable sign that there is a problem with the analysis, and that a generalization is probably being missed. One of the advantages of the alternative case-marking system I will present below is that it can describe many of the same phenomena more generally, that is, without the need for disjunctions. What's wrong with the category 'subject' in typological work? There seems to be agreement that something is wrong with it, because several prominent linguists working within this tradition have suggested that maybe we should dispense with it altogether. As Schachter found out when looking at the category of subject in Taglog (Schachter 1976), 'subject properties' seem to split up into two groups, which are treated quite differently in Tagalog syntax. The conclusion he should have drawn from this, though as I recall he didn't, is that it was a mistake to set up a group of 'subject properties' on the basis of English grammatical subjects in the first place. That is, the problem is not that Tagalog splits apart a unity, but rather that English, as an accusative language, links together two distinct primitive categories, Nominative and actor, and that ergative languages such as Tagalog keep them apart. I will try to show below, based on data from Formosan languages, that keeping these two categories apart in grammatical theory makes it possible to capture some nice language-specific and cross-linguistic generalizations There's something else wrong with the conventional ergative-absolutive analysis, in addition to using semantic rather than grammatical transitivity in defining it. That is the use of the term -84- 95 'Absolutive' as the name of the case that marks the S and P (continuing for the time being to use these functional labels). When we compare the Absolutive category across languages, we find some typical properties that generalize very gratifyingly: Absolutive Ns are typically morphologically simpler than non-Absolutive Ns; Absolutive NPs are typically the least omissible in context, and if there is only one NP that agrees with the predicate, it is the Absolutive one. It is very nice to see these patterns emerging over and over when analyzing a new ergative language, but a bit disquieting if we look over our shoulders and notice that the guys over in the accusative workshop have found a set of NPs that have exactly the same properties, but that they are calling them 'Nominative' or '(grammatical) subject'. So if these two categories have the same properties across languages, why should we give them a different name? The answer is twofold: (1) tradition, and (2) S, A, and P. European linguists who encountered ergative languages for the first time didn't want to call the unmarked NPs 'Nominative', in spite of all their similarities, because they marked the 'direct object' of a transitive sentence rather than the subject'. In more modern typological terms, if one case form marks S+A, as it does in accusative languages, and if we have already decided that S+A is a 'subject', then we may come to think of 'Nominative' as the case form that marks the 'subject'. If a case forni in another language doesn't mark a 'semantic/deep subject' (S+A), however, how can we call it the subject case, even if we lose significant cross-linguistic generalizations by not granting it the same name? For a linguist, generalizations should be sacred, and technical terms are hypotheses about natural categories that shoud be maintained only as long as they don't get in the way of capturing generalizations. The assumption that Nominative marks S+A is the one that is causing the problem, and must be dropped if we want to solve the problem. Nominative and Absolutive should have the same name (I will call them both 'Nominative), and should be defined as whatever case form marks S and either P or A. We can then also redefine 'subject' in a useful way as the combination of Nominative and either S, P, or A. One of the places where we could use a good definition of subject' is in the statement of the Keenadn and Comrie NP accessibility hierarchy: 'The general pattern that [Keenan and Comrie] discovered for a large class of relativeclause types can be described as follows: NP Accessibility Hierarchy subject<direct object<indirect object<oblique' (Croft 1990:108-109) 'Compare the claim in Keenan and Comrie 1977 that reative clause formation, and possibly many other syntactic processes, apply most readily to subjects, transitive or intransitive.' (Comrie 1978:391) So what's wrong with that? Before I tell you, I should say that I have the greatest admiration for the NP accessibility hierarchy. It makes some real and concrete broad-ranging generalizations anout a let of languages. What it doesn't do, I have found over the years, is give the right ansvi ers for ergative Austronesian languages like those of Polynesia, the Philippines, and Taiwan. If we regard these languages as accusative, or use Tang's 'focusing' characterization, then the NP accessibility hierarchy describes relative clauses in these languages perfectly. Thus for example Elizabeth Zeitoun (Zeitoun 1992b:33) rejects an ergative analysis for Tsou in favor of Tang's 'focusing' analysis for Austronesian languages, and one advantage of this decision is that the NP -85 - 96 accessibility hierarchy would then fit Tsou relative clauses quite nicely. That is, by her analysis (Zeitoun 1992b:3), Tsou does have nominative case, and she refers to the nominative-marked NP as the 'subject', in accordance with Tang's 'focusing' analysis. An examination of other data shows that it would thus fit the NP accessibility hierarchy for relative clauses. However, what if she were to look over at Arlene Ho's MA thesis on Yami (Ho 1990), Lillian Huang's recent work on Atayal (Huang MS (1993)), or at the somewhat earlier work on ergativity on Philippine languages in the GB, RG, and lexicase frameworks, and decide that Tsou is ergative after all? What then would happen to the generalizations she could have made about Tsou relative clauses? Does Tsou suddenly become a counterexample to the NP accessibility hierarchy instead of one of its empirical supports? The problem is that while Austronesian ergative languages typically (exclusively?) relativize only on one argument, the Absolutive', the Absolutive is not the 'subject' in Keenan and Comrie's anglocentric view, and therefore has no place in the hierarchy at all. 'The NP accessibility hierarchy is subject to numerous qualifications and has some exceptions.... We will simply note here that, not surprisingly [italics mine], accessibility to relativization is based on the ergative/absolutive distinction in some languages, and in those languages the absolutive role is the least-marked role (i.e. the only one accessible to relativization).' (Croft 1990:110) As a consequence, ergative languages require a set of separate but equal generalizations about relative clauses etc. For example, in addition to a statement that passive must apply in an accusative language in order to move an argument into the subject position in order to make it eligible for some process to apply, there will be parallel statements for ergative languages of the following type: 'In order to make the A argument accessible to relative-clause formation, the verb must be antipassivized, thus placing the A argument in the absolutive case (and structurally marking the construction). (Croft 1990:111) If we try to improve this state of affairs, though, by recognizing that the, Absolutive is the same thing as the Nominative, and replace the anglocentric term 'subject' by '(case-role-bearing) Nominative actant', then the most essential term of the NP accessibility hierarchy (Nominative<non-Nominative) fits ergative languages just as well as it fits accusative ones. They aren't exceptional any more, and Tsou relative clauses are well-behaved once more. 4. The ergative analysis I have just outlined the reasons for replacing a functionally based typological framework by a grammatically founded one. However, I realize full well that this is not going to satisfy linguists accustomed to dealing with lots of real data from lots of languages. Thus what I propose to do for the remainder of this paper is to present a case-marking system which is based on the analysis of parts of 76 different languages from thirteen language families or areas within a single formal, explicit, and constrained grammatical framework, lexicase dependency grammar. I will then attempt to show how each of the essential primitives of the system is empirically supported by showing how it makes possible the capture of morphological, syntactic, and semantic generalizations about Formosan languages. -86 91 5. Case marking and ergativity 'Lexicase' is a generative (formal and explicit) and constrained version of dependency grammar. The diagram below presents the lexicase counterpart of the conventional ergativityversus-accusativity diagram given as Figure 1): Figure 2): Accusative versus ergative case marking (lexicase) ACCUSATIVE: actr <--> Nom ERGATIVE: PAT Nom [-trns] [+trns] In this diagram, [±TRNS] represents the distinction be tween grammatically (not semantically) transitive versus grammatically intransitive verbs. Every verb in every language is marked positively or negatively for this feature. PAT (patient) and AGT (agent) are grammatical case relations, not subjectively identified situational roles. Every verb takes a PAT as a dependent, and every transitive verb takes an AGT. (There are only three other case relations, LOC (locus), COR (correspondent), and MNS (means).) ACTR (actor) is a macrorole' (a term taken from Role and Reference grammar) which matches the AGT of a transitive verb and the PAT of an intransitive verb. (Fom now on, I will always take 'transitive' to mean 'grammatically transitive' unless otherwise indicated.) NOM is the nominative case fOrm. It refers to any morphological and/or syntactic configuration which is common to both the single argument of a simple intransitive verb and either the PAT or AGT of a grammatically transitive verb. As mentioned earlier, Nom is prototypically the the least marked case form in terms of morphology; the Nom actant is the least dispensable nominal constituent in a sentence, and if there is agreement between a predicate and any argument, there is agreement at least between the predicate and the Nom actant. Acc (accusative), Erg (ergative), Gen (genitive), and Ins (instrumental) are also case forms. Given these basic categories, it is easy to state a definition of ergativity as opposed to accusativity: an ergative case-marking system is one in which Nom marks PAT, and an accusative case-marking system is one in which Nom marks actr. (Note that I am not excluding the possibly that both systems may coexist in a single language, as they do of course in Dyirbal for example.) Nom can mark only PAT or AGT; so that there is no such thing in this system as e.g. Tang's 'goal subject' (Zeitoun I992b:7) In an accusative pattern, PAT is always marked by Acc, but in an ergative pattern, AGT inay be marked by the Gen case form, as in Formosan and Philippine languages, Ins as in Tibetan, or by a special Erg case form, as in Dyirbal and Hindi. Case relations in a lexicase grammar are perceptual rather than situational. A language may encode the participant in a given situation in more than one way, and assign it different case relations accordingly. Deciding whizh grammatical case relation an NP bears is thus a grammatical -87 matter, and cannot be settled by looking out the window and seeing who starts off with the baseball and who ends up with it, since a given language may allow such a situation to be encoded in more than one way. Assigning a given case relation to a given NP is not an a priori situationally based choice but an empirical hypothesis, testable on the basis of which assignment results in the best set of language-internal and cross-linguistic generalizations. Once case relations have been assigned in accordance with grammatical criteria, they do turn out to have some minimal fairly constant situational correlates. Thus PAT encodes the perceptually central participant (corresponding to some extent to the S+P disjunction in functionally based approaches to syntactic typology), AGT encodes the external role which is perceived as impinging most directly on the PAT (often matching the functionally determined A'), and actr encodes the participant viewed as the instigator or controller of the action or state encoded by the predicate (matching the S+A disjunction fairly well). Case relations are mutually exclusive, but actr coexists with either AGT or PAT. Note that AGT and actr are not the same thing; each can be separately justified by the generalizations it underlies. 6. Exemplification The categories I have just described are not handed down by a deity. As in any other empiri,:al science, they are hypotheses about the nature of human language, and are justified to the extent that they produce a more compact description of the nature of language (Occams's Razor) and make the correct predictions about possible grammatical configurations in human languages. Accordingly, in the remainder of this paper, I will discuss each of the basic components of the lexicase case marking system in turn, and show how its existence is justified by the languagespecific and cross-linguistics generalizations it makes possible and the insights that result in an analysis of date from Formosan languages. I will occasionally compare the results with the analyses that would result from applying conventional functionally defined categories (S, A, and P; anglocentric 'subject', semantic transitivity, the Absolutive case form) to the same data. 6.1 Primitives 6.1.1 PAT The kinds of generalizations that can be stated in terms of PAT alone include verbal semantics, the scope of complement case relations and infinitival complements, noun incorporation, resultative constructions, verbal derivation, and patterns of discourse cohesion, especially coordination. Only the first three of these will be discussed in this paper. 6.1.1.1 The semantics of different verb classes English examples such as John loaded the hay on the truck and John loaded the truck with hay and their counterparts in other languages have long been a popular topic in the case grammar literature. The lexicase analysis of such examples claims that distinct though homophonous verbs are involved, load1 and load2. Loadi is a transportation verb, like throw,, in which a PAT is viewd as being moved to a LOC, while loadzis an affect verb, like cover, in which a PAT is interpreted as being affected by the action of the verb: -88- 1) {threw, Uoaded1 1 the hay John +trns +lctn PA.T on the truck LOC 2) {covered, loaded2 i the truck PAT John +trns +lfct with hay_ fvMS In 1), load1 or throw interprets its PAT as moving to LOC, and when the action is completed, all the hay is on the truck. In 2), on the other hand, load2 or cover interprets its PAT as being locationally affected, and when the action is completed, the truck is perceived as having been affected: the space it encodes is filled or covered. Thus the verbal semantics interpret the PAT in a particular way, and the PAT may be encoded differently in different perceptions of the same objective situation. The situation illustrated in 1) and 2) does not always involve homophony. Thus in German, verbs of type 2) may be prefixed by be-, and in Philippine-type languages, there are a number of affixation patterns for effecting this kind of reinterpretation. Linguists who are speakers of accusative languages have long regarded this as a very special and unique kind of phenomenon, even assigning it a whole new case-marking typology, as Tang Ting-chi does (Zeitoun 1993b:33), different from both accusative and ergative patterns. However, evidence has been piling up in recent years to the effect that Philippine languages are ergative.1 Once that has been accepted and the analysis has been recast in a lexicase representation, Philippine-type 'focus' turns out to be nothing more than load-hay verbal derivation in an ergative mantle. The following examples from Zeitoun's MA thesis on Tsou will serve to illustrate the difference. I give the example first using Zeitoun's syntactic categories (but filling in information she left out, guessing as necessary, and leaving out non-relevant parts), and then in the lexicase ergative representation: [Zeitoun 1992b:12, (28)a] 3) mo mofi to emi to amo 7o Mo Nm Theme Dative? Agent 'Mother gave some wine to father.' FM AF 4) i Obl Obl [Zeitoun 1992b:12, (28)b] -si FM -CP flu DF? to emi to Mo 7o amo Obl Theme Obl Agent Nm Dative? Father was given some wine by mother' ' The first linguist to make this claim, though only for one class of Tagalog verbs, was Videa DeGuzman, in her lexicase Ph.D. dissertation (DeGuzman 1978), and was extended to the whole language by Stanley Starosta (Starosta 1986). The same discovery was made in a relational grammar framework by Donna Gerdts (Gerdts 1983) and in a GB mode by Gary Byma (Byma 1986). -89 IGO [Zeitoun 1992b:12, (28)b] 5) -si i FM -CP faeni TF? to amo to ino Obl Dative? Obl Agent ?o emi Nm Theme 'The wine was given to father by mother' Zeitoun's discussion of this approach shows Tang's 'focusing' analysis to be a variant of the kind of analysis being done for Phillippine languages up until the mid-70's. One innovation she has made however, and one which does not seem to have any place in Tang's system, is to introduce a cover symbol NAF for all the verbal foci other than AF 'actor focus' (Zeitoun I 992b:4). As she describes Tang's analysis, it makes no provision for this kind of binary distinc ion. In fact, this is a category she has lifted verbatim (without citation, in good GB style), fro ri Shigeru Tsuchida's Ph.D. dissertation on Tsouic (Tsucliida1976:43), and there is an extremely e.lod rationale for it: AF forms are grammatically intransitive, and NAF clauses are gramm itically transitive. Conventional Philippinist focus analyses used to refer to non-AF forms as 'pessives', and Zeitoun uses this term in describing the AF-NAF dichotomy in her 1992a paper, an e,arlier version of her MA thesis (Zeitoun 1992a:10), but it is not there in the final version (Zeitoun I 992b:15). The earlier characterization in terms of active and passive suggests that the NAF forms might be intransitive, but in a lexicase analysis, it is the other way around, and exactly this distinction is the central pillar of the ergative analysis she rejects. Partial lexicase analyses for her examples, with different suggested glosses, illustrate this point:2 3') mo mofi -trns to emi to amo Gen LOC actr 1_+lctn I 'Mother gave some wine to father.' I 1 Gen MNS trns = transitive ?o Mo Nom PAT 4') ?o amo emi to Mo Gen Nom Gen PAT MNS AGT actr 'Mother gave father some wine.' to si fii +trns 1 Gen AGT actr _+lfct J i lfct = local effect I 5') i si faeni +trns 1 Gen AGT actr _+lctn I I to amo Gen LOC to ino Gen AGT actr ?o emi lctn = location Nom PAT Mother gave the wine to father.' There are several points to note here. The first is that emi wine' is translated as definite in 5'), but as indefinite in 3') and 4'). Reason: the wine is the PAT, the central participant, in 5') but not in 3') and 4'), and PAT in Philippine and Formosan languages is almost always interpreted as definite, while the notional 'object' when encoded as MNS rather than PAT seems always to be 2For the remainder of the paper, all analyses assigned to examples from Formosan languages are mine unless otherwise indicates. -90- lOj interpreted as indefinite. Second, as with the hay in 1) above, emi 'wine' in 5') is the thing that is interpreted as moving to the LOC, amo 'father' under the impetus of Mo 'mother'. Similarly, as with the truck in 2), amo 'father' is interpreted in 4') as being locationally affected by the action. In 3'), finally, Mo 'mother', the performer of the action (actr), is interpreted as the center of the action, with both father and the wine downgraded to the status of accessories to the action. In traditional Philippinist terms, it is the action that is important here, not the entities directly or indirectly affected by it. In Hopper and Thompson's terms, the example is semantically intransitive, and this is reflected in the lexicase analysis as a syntactically intransitive sentence. Unfortunately, I can't think of an English example of a three-argument intransitive sentence, but they exist in other languages, e.g. French: 6) [Laurent Sagart, p.c.] Elle peignait des fleurs Nom -trns les murs. sur Abl MNS PAT +lctn actr 'She painted flowers on the walls.' Lcv LOC 6.1.1.2 Scope of complement and ajunct case dependents A non-subject complement case relation has a PAT in its scope. Thus the LOC complements in the following Rukai sentence (twalay tarumak, ?akila Ligljg) refer specifically to the positions of the PAT (kayvay tudaD) rather than the domain within which the whole action took place: 7) [Li 1973:123, (14)]3 kayvay kiaani?alay sa sasivira twalay tarumak ?akila ligljg mountain to from wind +goal Lcv +sorc Lcv Gen LOC LOC AGT actr 'This tin-roof was-blown from Tarumak to the mountain.' this was-blown +trns +lctn tudarj tin-roof Nom PAT In fact exactly the same pattern applies in intransitive clauses, though it is a bit harder to see because PAT and actr are marked on the same participant: 8) [Li 1973:122, (8)] ania?alay flew -trns +Ictn twalay ubula from +sorc hill Lcv LOC ?akila to +goal sorc = source tarumak kay atiaOam Lcv LOC this bird Nom PAT actr 'This bird flew from the hill to Tarumak' 3I am tentatively using an ergative analysis here rather than following Li's original accusative analysis. This question is currently under active reconsideration. A desirable feature of the lexicase approach is that the question of the scope of complement case relations is independent of this determination, and generalizes across both linguistic classifications. -91- 1 4' The same patern is found with other complement case relations, which again bear directly on the PAT, while other verbal dependents refer to the action or state encoded in the predicate. Thus in the following Atayal example, biru? 'the material& relate specifically to Tali--he is the one who ends up with them--while the adverb suhan describes the action of sending as a whole: 9) [Huang 1993:70, (45)a] stu-n send +trns +lctn -maku? -1S.G biru? suhan tali book tomorrow Tali Gen Gen Adv Nom AGT MNS PAT actr 'I will send Tali the materials tomorrow' In a Chomskyan grammar, this might be accounted for (if at all) in terms of a hierarchical structure in which complements are closer to the verb than adjuncts, but that won't in general work, since an adjunct may be closer to the predicate in linear order than a complement, as in the example just given. We can also regard the PAT as the 'scope' of an infinitival complement construction, in that the missing subject of the infinitival clause (Nom-actr in a lexicase analysis) is interpreted as identical to the PAT of its matrix verb, regardless of whether the matrix verb is tiansitive or intransitive. Two examples from Atayal will illustrate this point: 10) [Huang 1.993:89, (3)b]4 rn-usa? -ku? go -trns +tint I m-aziy A buy Nom -trns claya thing Nom Gen PAT COR PAT -fint actr actr 'I am going to Taipei to buy things' Taipei Lev LOC 11) [Huang 1993:89, (14)a] qrq-an -ku? stop +trns +xtns -nya? m-ihiy A isu? by him beat 2S.L] Nom Gen -trns Nom Gen I PAT AGT -fint PAT COR actr actr 'He stopped me from beating you' It might appear that the appropriate generalization is that the missing lower-clause subject is controlled by the upper-clause Nominative constituent, but a comparison with an accusative 'In this paper, I will indicate the presence of missing constituents by the use of delta's (A). I do this as a convenience to readers who have no particular interest in formal syntax. In a fully specified lexicase representation, there are no empty categories whatsoever no trace, no PRO, and no unfilled nodes. -92- 103 language like English, where the upper clause PAT is in the accusative, shows the the appropriate generalization is upper PAT - lower actr:5 12) beating you stopped me from A Nom +trns Acc Acc Nom +trns PAT AGT -fint PAT AGT He actr actr 6.1.2 Transitivity It was the great service of Paul Hopper and Sandra Thompson (Hopper and Thompson 1980) that they sensitized us to the distinction between semantic and sYntactic transitivity, and made it possible to use each to support an analysis of the other. In my own experience, it was this paper which helped me to recognize the difference between true transitive constructions and pseudotransitives in Polynesian, Philippine, and Formosan languages, and the paper seems to have done the same service for Lillian Huang in her paper on Atayal transitivity (Huang MS (1993)). It is the great disservice of functional typologists to continue to use the situational categories A and P as if they were rigorous syntactic constructs, thereby obscuring this distinction. The typical situation in Formosan and Phipippine languages with respect to transitivity is the following: there are two classes of two-argument sentences, both involving A' and '0' in some pretheoretical sense, but differing from each other systematically in morphology, syntax, and semantics, exactly as Hopper and Thompson have led us to expect. I will refer to them here as 'transitive' and 'pseudotransitive`.6 Some of their differences can be summarized as follows: 6.1.2.1 Morphology: Intransitive verbs in Formosan and Philippine languages, including both single-argument intransitives and pseudotransitives, commonly take a prefix of the form m(V)- or an infix of the form -(V)m-, while transitive verbs are commonly suffixed by -(V)n, -i, or -a, or, less commonly, prefixed by s(V)-. Either of the terms can be absent, so that in Tsou there are intransitive m-forms contrasting with unmarked transitive forms (cf. Zeitoun 1992b:15-17). As mentioned earler, Zeitoun labels the two sets 'AF' and 'NM', and finally, on p. 49, refers to Hopper and Thompson's article and seems almost to equate AF with intransitivity and NAF with transitivity. As far as I could tell, though, she views this purely as a semantic matter and does not draw the syntactic consequences nor notice the inconsistency between an analysis stated in terms of a binary transitivity distinction and Tang's multipolar 'focusing' analysis. 'I am glossing over several complications here, both at the metatheoretical level and in the analysis of Atayal complex constructions; see Huang 1993, Chapter 4. I have sometimes referred to pseudotransitives in earlier work as antipassives', but as Lisa Zeitoun has pointed out (Zeitoun 1992b:32), the term antipassive' is normally used to mark a morphologically marked member of a derivationally related transtive:intransitive pair of twoargument verbs. In Polynesian, though, and frequently in Tsou, it is the intransitive member of the pair which is unmarked, and the transitive member which bears the affix. (Her comment was stated in terms of transformations and inflectit n rather than in terms of lexical derivation, but the point about markedness is still a valid one.) -93- 104 6.1.2.2 Syntax If a language has clitic pronouns, a genitive set will occur with transitive verbs and a nominative set with intransitive verbs. The third person Nominative is commonly zero. There are two variants of this pattern: (1) Tsou and Yami allow only one clitic per clause, so genitive pronouns occur with transitives and nominatives occur with intransitives. Unfortunately, the two sets are almost identical in form in Tsou, and it is only the third person forms (si or he for Genitive, zero for nominative) which make a clear distinction. (2) Atayal has both sets, and they may cooccur in a transitive clause. Surprisingly, Huang does not seem to have noticed this pattern in her paper on Atayal ergativity. 6.1.2.3 Semantics The Formosan transitive-pseudotransitive contrast is a beautiful example of what Hopper and Thompson were talking about. When there is a contrast between two related verbs along this axis, the syntactically transitive member of the pair is also semantically transitive, and vice Huang (Huang MS (1993)) has given a very and complete set of examples of this contrast for Atayal, but in case the reader is tired of this harsh northern languages, here is a pair from the gentle southern climes of Orchid Island, ancient home of the Yami people and more recently of a nuclear waste disposal site: 14) Pseudotransitive [Ho 1990:3.1-17b] ya A kuman si mapapu su suli eat taro Mapapu Nom -trns Nom Gen PAT PAT MNS actr actr 'Mapapu is eating taroes.' Note the absence of a third person nominative clitic pronoun. 15) Transitive [Ho 1990:3 .1-17a] ya na ni-kan ni mapapu by her eaten Mapapu Gen +trns Gen AGT AGT actr actr 'Mapapu has eaten up the taroes.' u suli taro Nom PAT This pair illustrates a typical manifestation of semantic transitivity: 14) represents an inprogress action with a partial affect on the '0', while 1515) illustrates a completed action with a total affect. Morphologically, the verb in 14) has an -um- infix, while the verb in 15) doesn't (nimarks aspect, not focus), and syntactically, 14) has a zero nominative clitic pronoun, while 15) has the genitive clitic na. For more examples, see Ho 1990 and/or Huang MS (1993). . The following Tsou examples illustrate the same contrast: -94 105 16) [Zeitoun MS (1993), (9)a] mimo ta chimi ?e ino Nom Gen Nom -trns MNS PAT PAT actr actr 'Mother is drinking water.' mo -trns A 17) [Zeitoun MS (1993), (9)b] si -trns ima Nom -trns i chimi ta ino PAT actr Gen MNS 'He has drunk water.' Nom PAT actr 18) [Zeitoun 1992b:31, (82); 'A(gent) R.ocus) Construction'] mo -trns A Nom PAT actr eobako -trns oko ta Gen MNS ?e ino Nom PAT actr 'Mother is beating the child' 19) [Zeitoun 1992b:31, (83); 'N(on) A(gent) F(ocus) Construction'] eobaka +tms ta ino 7e oko Nom PAT AGT actr actr 'The child has been beaten by mother.' ta i +trns Gen Gen AGT 20) [Zeitoun 1992b:31, (84)a] mo -trns A rnoosi Nom -trns PAT actr 'The child is crying' 7e oko Nom PAT actr The non-auxiliary verbs in 16) and 17) and in 18) and 19) differ in the presence or absence of an -a suffix, reconstructed as a transitive suffix all the way back to PAN by Starosta, Pawley, and Reid (Starosta, Pawley, and Reid 1982), and in 16) and 20), the non-auxiliary also begins with the expected intransitive prefix m-. Morphologically, the m- auxiliary verbs in 16), 18), and 20) too are intransitive, and must be followed by intransitive verbs and zero third person pronouns, while the transitive non-m auxiliary verbs in 17) and 19) must be followed by a genitive pronoun and the transitive-suffixed ima and eobaka. Based on my own research on Tsou, I find water in 17) and the child in 18) quite suspicious; I would have expected the water and a child. However, the aspectual distinctions are as they should be: progressive for the pseudotransitives 16) and 18) and simple intransitive 20), and completed for the grammatically transitive examples 17) and 19). So how does Zeitoun, working within Tang's 'focusing language' analysis, view sets of examples such as these? First of all, the auxiliary verbs she refers to as 'focus markers', a purely arbitrary category whose properties don't follow from any general principles and thus must be stipulated. -95- 166 Aside from these two types of transitive sentences[18) and 19)], we also find intransitive sentences...' (Zeitoun 1992b:31) Thus she regards both 18) and 19) as transitive. This shows that ;he has missed the distinction between grammatically transitive clauses and pseudotransitive clauses, which is the key to the whole case-marking system. On page 11, she refers to this distinction in clause patterns as an 'orientation (active or passive)' (Zeitoun 1992b:11-12), something that Tung T'ung-ho warned rightly against in 1964. Unfortunately, this whole system of grammatical transitivity in Formosan languages is easy to miss if we follow the anglocentric functional guidelines of conventional syntactic typology and look at clauses in terms of S, A, and P. Comrie states the procedure as follows: A refers to that argument of a transitive verb which would be its subject in a non-ergative language like English.... (Comrie 1978:330) 'In the transitive construction, we start from a set of canonical (prototypical) transitive constructions, referring to actions where an agent acts upon a patient, and use A for the agent in such a construction and P for the patient.' (Comrie 1984:92) Unfortunately, prototypical' here refers to situational rather than grammatical prototypes. Semantics in, semantics out, syntactic insight nil. 'The A/P terminology can be extended, however, to other transitive constructions with the same syntactic behavior, but where the participants are not, strictly, semantic agent and patient.' (ibid.) All very fine, but by then the damage has already been done. 6.1.3 Nom 6.1.3.1 Nominative vs. Absolutive As noted earlier, NPs labeled by the terms Nominative and Absolutive share a large number of grammatical properties across languages, including almost everything except the case relation they mark in a transitive clause, and an adequate universal linguistic theory will need a means of accounting for this. In lexicase it is done by labeling all such NPs 'Nominative'. However, in a conventional ergative analysis which uses the term 'Absolutive' for the case form which marks S+P, the similarity between Nominative and Absolutive is an unexplained coincidence: 'In nominative-accusative morphology, it is typical (though not quite universal) for the nominative to be less complex morphologically...than the accusative and oblique..., whereas in ergative-absolute morphology it is typical for the absolute to be less compelx morphologically...and the ergative and oblique more complex....' (Comrie 1978:368-369) In the lexicase analysis, on the other hand, which does not set up a separate Absolutive' case for ergativc languages, the similarity is explained because there is no difference between the two categories. 6.1.3.2 Minimal morphological marking A number of Formosan languages (including Kanakanabu, Saaroa, Tsou, Atayal, and Rukai, and also Yami, geographically but not genetically Fomosan) have a gap in the paradigm of bound pronouns. The missing form is by the lexicase analysis the third person Nominative, which is in 96- 10 accord with the universal tendency for Nominative to be the least marked case form In a conventional ergative analysis, of course, this form would be Absolutive', and would require a separate generalization. This phenomenon is noted by Zeitoun (Zeitoun 19921)162), but only as an arbitrary restriction: 'We may therefore observe a gap in the pronominal paradigm: in AF constructions [in 1992a:43 it was 'in transitive antipassive sentences'], the enunciator can't refer to an invisible actor by means of a specific pronoun.' 6.1.3.3 Relative clauses As mentioned earlier, regarding the Absolutive' case form as Nominative eliminates one systematic exception (Croft 1990:110) to the Keenan and Comrie 'NP accessibility hierarchy' for relative clauses. If Formosan and Philippine languages are ergative, and if a 'subject' is just a case relation-bearing Nominative constituent, then these languages are in general consistent with the basic part of the hierarchy: subject<non-subject. The following examples given to me by Lillian Huang (Huang, p.c.) illustrate this point: 21) [Huang, p.c., 1] sicyon like +trns mu squliq person minwah came -trns qasa A mita Nom see PAT actr kuziij me "Abs" hira? yesterday that 'I like that person who came to see me yesterday.' squliq is the regent of an intransitive relative clause. The missing argument corresponding to squliq would be a Nominative, so this example is consistent with the NP accessibility hierarchy, whereas if the missing argument were labeled Absolutive', it would be an exception. 22) [Huang 1993:101, (32)] minwah came mita? see hira? isu? you squliq yesterday person smoya likes -trns A isu? Nom you PAT Gen actr COR "Abs" 'The person who likes you came to see you yesterday.' -97- qasa that 22) is an example ot a kind of reversal of 21), with minwah 'came' on top and sicyon 'like' in the relative clause. Here sicyon [+trns] has been repalced by smoya [-trns] in order to allow the relativized NP to occupy the Nominative Slot: 23) [Huang, p.c., 9] sicyon ike maku? balay nbuw very drink baw tea binaziy bought +trns .------1 hira? A su? Nom yesterday you Gen PAT qasa that AGT "Abs" actr I like to drink the tea you bought yesterday.' In this example, the embedded sentence is a transitive clause. The missing argument again is the Nominative by the ergative analysis, and is thus consistent with the NP accessibility hierarchy. It would also be compatible, at least in this respect, with a passive analysis such as Zeitoun implies, but again not with an ergative/absolutive representation. 6.1.3.4 Word order Word order is another area in which the Nominative case form is of value. If we use an anglocentric or 'semantic' characterization of 'subjects' and other arguments, as Greenberg and his successors have done and as for example Huang does for Formosan languages (Huang 1993:1112), important generalizations would be lost in a language like Tsou (Zeitoun MS (1993):6, fn. 10). That is, if we define subject to mean 'grammatical subject', then we can identify Tsou as a subject final language (Zeitoun 1992b:3-4). As Zeitoun puts it, 'Following Greenberg's (1963) language typology, Tsou can, therefore, be defined as a V0-S language.' Ah, would that that were so! Even if we amend Zeitoun's statement to V-X-S language' to allow for non-object arguments, she is still giving Greenberg too much credit to say that he was doing the same thing. He did not do, and could not possibly have done, a full grammatical analysis of every language he included in his surveys. Instead, 'subject' for him was not the grammatical subject, as Zeitoun is quite properly using the term, but just whatever translated the English subject, that is, S+A. 6.1.4 actr The category actr by itself is a very useful one in that it makes possible the statement of universal generahzations about two constructions in a way which applies equally well to ergative and accusative languages: -98- 10J Imperative constructions: The participant which is ordered to perform an action in an imperative construction is an Actor, and the actant which may be omissible in imperatives...is the Actor. (Starosta 1988:151). I provided examples from Tagalog and English here to show that this generalization applies independently of the ergative-accusative distinction. This analysis avoids the awkwardness of Dixon's claim 'that all imperative constructions follow an accusative pattern' (Croft 1990:153), even when they have no accusative case form in the syntax at all, and the contortions Comrie goes through (Comrie 1981:111) in coming to grips with the same problem. Reflexive constructions: 'The element which usually controls reflexivization is the Actor rather than the subject....In English, and in accusative languages in general, Actor and subject (Nominaitve) coincide. However, we can see that the crucial category is Actor rather than Nominative by comparing...examples from an ergative language, Tagalog.... (Starosta 1988:152-153) In most or all of the cases when Comrie speaks of of accusative syntax', then, e.g. 'Let us therefore turn to some constructions where there is a pragmatic expectation of cross-linguistic bias in favor of one particular kind of syntax, in fact in favor of accusative syntax.' (Comrie 1984:93-94) I think it is fairly safe to conclude that there is a generalization waiting to be stated in terms of the category acir. The same is true of Dixon's 'S/A pivot': (i) S/A pivot: the coreferential NP must be in derived S or A function in one (or both) clauses.... 'Pivot' is a language-particular category that is entirely syntactic in nature and application.' (Dixon 1979:121-122). The generalizations that Dixon would make in terms of his language-specific ad hoc pivot can be recast directly in terms of the universal category actr. 7. Conclusion Since the end of my allotted twenty pages is at hand, I will only list some of the remaining generalizations that are made possible within the Formosan language family and beyond by using combinations of one or more of the lexicase primitives.- Nom and PAT: ergative languages are those in which the PAT is always marked by the Nominative case form. Note in contrast that a descri6tion of ergative syntax stated in terms of participant roles instead of syntactically based primitives (Huang MS (1993)) cannot describe the case-marking pattern without a disjunction, a many-to-many relation between participant roles and case forms. A similar comment applies to Zeitoun's earlier analysis: ...the nominative case co-occurs with the in-focus INT of a given sentence, i.e. the S(ubject) of an intransitive clause, the A(gent) of an antipassive sentence and the P(atient) of a transitive passive sentence.' (Zeitoun 1993a:52) AGT and transitivity: The presence of an AGT implies that the verb is transitive and vice versa. -99- u PAT and actr: the missing actr in an infinitival complement is corgerential with the PAT of the regent verb. actr, Nom, and transitivity: In Formosan and Western Austronesian languages with 'pronoun attractionT clitic climbing', the coreference relation between the clitic pronoun attached to the auxiliary verb and the overt or covert noun it coreferences in the dependent clause can be stated neatly: actr-to-actr, Nom-to-Nom (Starosta 1986). The reader is invited to try this out with the examples given elsewhere in this paper. This requirement turns out to explain the 'agreement' in 'active/passive' in Tsou which Zeitoun notes but doesn't try to account for (Zeitoun 1992a:10, 1992b:11-12,19). In fact, by abandoning the 'auxiliaries as main verbs' analysis in the later version, she gets even farther away from a real solution. 8. References Byma, Gary. 1986. Government and binding in Tagalog: an ergative analysis. Calgary: Department of Lingusitics, University of Calgary. M.A. thesis, Chen, Teresa M. 1985. Verbal constructions and verbal classification in Nataoran-Amis, Pacific Linguistics C-85, Canberra: Australian National University Press. Croft, William. 1990. Typology and universals. Cambridge: Cambridge Univeristy Press. DeGuzman, Videa P. 1978. Syntactic derivation of Tagalog verbs. Ocean ic Linguistics Special Publications no. 16. Honolulu: The University Press of Hawaii. Dixon, R.M.W. 1979. Ergativity. Language 55.1:59-138. Comrie, Bernard. 1978. Ergativity. In Winfred P. Lehman (ed), Syntactic typology: studies in the phenomenology of language. Austin: University of Texas Press, pp. 329-394, 1981. Language universals and linguistic typology syntax and morphology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. . . 1984. Form and function in explaining language universals. In Brian Butterworth, Bernard Comrie, and Osten Dahl (eds), Explanations for language universals. Berlin: Mouton Publishers. Gerdts, Donna. 1983. Antipassives and causatives in Ilokano: evidence for an ergative analysis. In Richard McGinn (ed), Studies in Austronesian linguistics: Proceedings of the Third Eastern Conference on Austronesian languages. Gibson, Jeanne D. and Stanley Starosta. 1990. Ergativity east and west. In Philip Baldi (ed), Linguistic Change and Reconstruction Methodology (Trends in Linguistics Studies and Monographs 45), pp. 195-210. Greenberg, Joseph. 1963. Some universals of grammar with particular reference to the order of meaningful elements. In Joseph Greenberg (ed), Universals of language. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, pp. 73-115. Ho, ArleneY.L. 1990. Yami structure: a descriptive study of the Yami language. MA thesis. Hsinchu: National Tsing Hua University. Hopper, Paul J. and Sandra A. Thompson. 1980. Transitivity in grammar and discourse. Language 56.251-99. Huang, Lillian M. 1993. A Study o f Atayal Syntax. Taipei: The Crane Publishing Co. -100- 111 MS (1993). Ergativity in Atayal. Honolulu: University of hawail. Li, Paul Jen-kuei. 1973. Rukai structure. Special publications no. 64. Taipei: Academia Sinica. Schachter, Paul. 1976. The subject in Philippine languages: topic, actor, actor-topic, or none of the above? In Charles Li (ed), Subject and Topic, pp. 491-518. Schachter, Paul, and Fe T. Otanes. 1972. Tagalog reference grammar. Berkeley: University of California Press. Starosta, Stanley. 1986. Focus as recentralization. In Paul Geraghty, Lois Carrington, and S.A. Wurm (eds), FOCAL I: papers from the Fourth International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics, Pacific Linguistics, C-93. pp. 73-95. . 1988a. . The 'case for lexicase: an outline of lexicase grammatical theory. London: Pinter Publishers. 1988b. A grammatical typology of Formosan languages. . Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology, Vol, LIX, Part Il. Taipei: Academia Sinica, 541-576. Clitic pronoun reference and ergativity in four Western Austronesian languages. Paper presented at the Sixth International Conference on 1991. . Austronesian Linguistics, Pacific Science Congress, University of Hawaii, Honolulu, May 20-24. Starosta, Stanley, Andrew Pawley, and Lawrence A. Reid. The evolution of focus in Austronesian. In S.A. Wurm and Lois Carrington (eds), Papers from the third international conference on Austronesian linguistics, Vol. 2: tracking the travelers, Pacific Linguistics C75, 145-170. Tsuchida, Shigeru. 1976. Reconstruction of Proto-Tsouic phonology. Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa Monograph Series no. 5. Tokyo: Institute for the study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa. Zeitoun, Elizabeth. 1992a. A syntactic and semantic account of the system of auxiliwy verbs and case markers in Tsou. Qualified paper, revised version. Hsinchu: National Tsing Hua University. . 1992b. A syntactic and semantic study of Tsou focus .system. M.A. thesis. Hsinchu: National Tsing Hua University. . MS (1993). Coding uf grammatical relations in Mantauran (Rukai) through an investigation of its pronominal system. Taipei: Academia Sinica. -101- 11 2 A 'Minimalist' Approach to a Contrastive Aalysis of English, Chinese and Japanese Ting-chi Tang National Tsing-Hwa University 1. Introduction It has often been complained by language teachers and computational linguists that Government-Binding Theory (or its latest developments as the Principles-and-Parameters Approach and the Minimalist Program) is too abstract in conten' and too esoteric in form to be of mach use Dor language teaching or sachine translation. In this pater, we will propose a 'minimalist' approach to contrastive analysis, in which the theta-grid constitutes an essential part of lexical entries, and the computational sv. Lem which regulates the projection theory and other of the content of theta-grids in tet.ds of the X-bar principles of universal grammar. In this approach, sentences are simply projections of the obligatory arguments registered in the theta-grids of optional predicates, combined with substitution or adjunction of various is. so general, arguments. The role of Affect a, or the rule system in and D-structure and drastically reduced as Va become almost non-lxistent, toaching or S-structure, rilich seem to play no significant role in language The paper consiuts of six machine translation, may be altogether eliminated. 3 present our sections. After a brief introductory section, section 2 and the semantico-syntactic properties of theoretical assumptions and survey their associated arguments. predicates as related to the theta-roles of properties can be Section 4 then discusses how these semantico-syntactic 5 while section theta-grids, incorporated in a very simple format of investigates the conditions and constraints on the projection of the syntactic concluding section the Finally, theta-grids. information presented in unrelated and genetically three of summarizes how contrastive analysis can be Japanese, Chinese and English, typologically distinct languages, the between theta-grids the of contents the conducted by comparing corresponding predicates in these languages and investigating the manner in which they are projected into surface sentences. The relevance and value of the 'minimalist' approach to language typology and machine translation is also briefly touched upon in the final section. 2. Theoretical Assumptions Before going into a detailed discussion of our grammatical theory and analysis, we will briefly present our theoretical assumptions concerning how a natural language can be analyzed and generated in its simplest terms, how different langNawa can be coapared with, or transferred from, each other in a most straightforward =mar, and in what sense our approach can be called 'minimalist'. (1) Language, or language faculty underlying it, can be analyzed as consisting mainly of two coaponents: the lexicon and the computational system. (2) The lexicon can be considered as the sun total of lexical iteas, which include VW*, morpheme and idioms occurring in a particular language. A lexical item, in turn, can be analyzed as a complex of phonetic, syntactic and seaantic features specified in the lexical entries of these lexical items. Om of the main sources of the idiosyncracies of a particular language or particular grammar lies in the lexicon. (3) The coaputational system, on the other hand, consists of a very limited number of principles, along with a few parameters, the values of which (e.g. -102- Che plus or minus value, or a choice among several alternative items) are left for individual languages to fix. Since these principles are highly interactive with each other, different selections of the parametric values also lead to considerable differences between languages. (4) The computational system so conceived can be considered as a theoretical model for universal grammar (UG), whose principles and parameters characterize and constrain the core grammar (CG) of all natural lahguages. In addition to the core grammar, which constitutes the main body of a particular grammar (PG), individual languages may also contain a limited amount of peripheral resulting in grammar to handle their marked Phenomena or constructions, further discrepancies between languages. (5) Sentences consist of predicates, including verbs, adjectives and nouns, and their accompanying arguments, obligatory or optional. That is, sentences can be simply analyzed as pf,Djections of the syntactic properties of predicates. Furthermore, the projections must be constrained or licensed by the principles and parameters of universal gratuar. Thus, our main concerns will be: (a) Exactly what syntactic properties of predicates are relevant to the projection into sentences? (b) How can these syntactic properties be most simply and generally registered in the lexical entries of predicates? And (c) in what manner and under What constraints are these syntactic properties of predicates projected into sentences? (6) Our approach purports to be "minimalist' in that not only do we admit of only the lexicon and the computational system, thereby drastically reducing the role of the rule system in our grammar, but we also derive the surface structure of a sentence without recourse to its deep structure. Mbreover, all the syntactic information necessary for the projection into sentences is registered in the simplest way in the form of theta-grids for predicates, which will straightforwardly map onto sentences. This approach will not only the by pointing out languages contrastive analysis between .simplify similarities and dissimilarities between the contents of the theta-grids of the corresponding predicates and the ways they project into sentences, but will also facilitate machine translation by rendering parsing rules and transfer rules virtually unnecessary. 3. Syntactic Properties of Predicates Syntactic properties of predicate verbs, adjectives and nouns which are crucially relevant to projection into sentences include the following: (1) Argument properties of predicates: Chat is, how many obligatory arguments do these predicates require to form a complete sentence? Are they 'one-term' predicates (e.g. intransitive verbs), 'two-term" predicates (e.g. transitive ditransitive verbs and complex (e.g. verbs) or "three-term' predicates transitive verbs)? (2) Thematic properties of predicates: Chat is, what kind of semantic roles do these arguments play? Do they play the thematic role of Agent, EXperiencer, Theme, Source, Goal, Benefactive, Instrument, Location or Tine? (3) Categorial features of arguments; that is, what syntactic category do these arguments belong Co? Are they a noun phrase (NP), an adjective phrase (AP), an adverb phrase (AdP), a prepositional phrase (PP) or a clause (IP or (e.g. declarative, is a clause, Chen what semantic type CP)? If it finite, infinitival, interrogative, exclamatory) and syntactic type (e.g, participial, gerundive) does it belong to? (4) Syntactic functions of arguments; that is, what syntactic functions do these arguments perform? Do they serve as subject, object, complement or BEST COPY AVAILABLL -103- 114 adjunct? And what position do they fill in a sentence? Therefore, we are concerned with two problems, both in theory and execution: how can we register these syntactic properties in the lexical entries of predicates in as simple and explicit a manner as possible: and how can we project these syntactic properties of predicates into sentences in as economical and straightforward a manner as possible. Our solution to the first problem will be the compilation of thetaegrids for predicates, which employ th3ta-roles as basic units of lexical informaiton. Our proposed theta-grids consist of theta-roles which indicate semantic roles played by the arguments associated with predicates. It is still a moot question how many theta-roles should be recognized in universal grammar and how each theta-role should be defined and distinguished from others. The selection and determination of theta-roles must satisfy the criteria of universality, optimality and objectivity. We will not, however, go into a detailed technical discussion of how to set up a universal set of theta-roles, but rather, will heuristically present theta-roles which we think are useful in our discussion of contrastive analysis and machine translation, along with their semantic import, canonical structure realzation, collocation with adpositions (including prepositions and postpositions) and distribution in a sentence. the voluntary and self-controllable instigator of the action identified by an actional verb, typically an animate or human NP: always (i) Agent (Ag): occurring as subject adpositions 'by: lk, 11, (I) a. of an active sentence Aft; or introduced by vc.' in a passive sentence, for example: agentive [Ag John I smashed the vase with a hammer. b. [AE 1AU ] YOMPARAWTTEAL C. [Ag )tAIWA 4k$81:1/EMPINH't L, t. (2) a. The vase was smashed [ft by John ] with a hammer. b. MU [Ag Ig'INE ] [Ag c. itiRVIONisT. 4tifrettil trr k. (ii) Experiencer (Ex): the non-voluntary or non-self-controllable participant of perception or cognition identified by a stative verb, or one that is affected by a genuine psychological event or mental state, typical1y an animate or human NP, and capable of occurring as subject of an active sentence (as in (3) and (5)), the object of agentive adpositions 'by: lk, , itt; tz' in a passive sentence (as in (4)) or the object of psychological causative verbs (as in (6) and (7)): (3) a. [Ex John I (funitentionally/ *intentionally1) heard Mary's words. b. [Ex c. LEx 1111 ] ({***/ **VC) morriJANtil. ] ThTcongiriA {NV sbet}) DV- I. Unlike English ('loak at' v. (A/A)', v. 'WRAC '), 'see', 'listen to' v. k [11 'hear') and Chinese (V' v. V which have a pair of actional versus stative verbs, Japanese (1446' v. has a pair of transitive-actional versus intransitive-stative verbs. Thus, while English and Chinese way have a passive sentence with a stative verb of perception, Japanese can have a passive sentence only with a transitive-actional verb, but not with an intransitive-stative verb. Moreover, the Experiencer in (3c) light be better analyzed as Goal. v. 1t6') Mary's words were ( (unintentionally/ 'intentionally [,, by John]. [E. ig111\11J1) MAT, d`rOres.a ( (111kSiii/ 'fig/1 ) b. (4) a. c. 4E,T0PAM/) ( RIM/ 4-)1 (5) a. [ John] fears his father. b. [E. c. [E. ) -2v4Isiz] ) heard mic.ktz. [2] VA] )dIsa] ')040E:54-1./roZ. John's remarks greatly surprised [ everyone]. (6) a. [E. iNINligagf bc. )c*] M4Alitiffr, *11130)11Ail [ John struck [ Mary] as pompous. (7) a. OtOMMAM0 [3] b. VIM [,./G. C. )dZit [E.)G. ItT4:1 faItiEVARLL. [3] (iii) Theme (Th): the entity that exists, moves or changes; when used with a locational verb it denotes an entity that exists (as in (8) through (10)), when used with a transitional verb it denotes an entity that moves (as in (11) through (13)), and when used with a transitional verb it denotes an entity that undergoes a change (as in (14) and (15)); typically an NP (animate or inanimate, concrete or abstract) and may occur as the subject of a sentence (as in (8), (11), (14)), the object of a transitive verb (as in (1a,b), (12), (13), (15)) or an adposition (as in (10b,c), (12b,c), (15b, c)). In English, Themes following adjectives and nouns are often introduced by the preposition 'of' (as in (16a) and (17a)) while.Themes in Chinese may be either preceded by the preposition 111"or '14' in an active sentence (as in (18b) and (19b)) ,depending on whether they occur with predicate verbs or adjectives. As for Japanese, predicate verbs and adjectives have nothing to do with the Caseassignment, since Cases are all assigned by postpositions. Thus, if Themes occur with intransitive verbs, they are invariably assigned the subject-marker YW (as in (8c), (11c), (14c), (16c)). If Themes, on the other hand, occur with transitive verbs, they are more often than not assigned.the object-marker '4?' (as in (10c), (12c), (13c), (15c), (18c)). Furthermore, when Themes serve 'it' (as in as the topics of sentences, they are assigned the topic-marker ' (11c), (14c)). [Tb The dot] is inside the circle. (8) a. b. C. (9) [Th [T, 2,11 loyoei1rA5:S0 contains [Tb the dot] a. The circle b. 1014g44- [Th c. (10) a. b- c. (11) a. ppoptitz: [Th Abq J5.6. [4] John put [Tb the book] on the bookshelf. Fjfl [Th The car] rolled down the slope. b. [T., C. [Th iu] 1/5<d/it} b. John gave +WI [-re c. *Mt [Tb (12) a. 11k*V-ho [ Tb )drut (Tb 41 *s16)±.r.motzo (13) a. b. c. Mary got [Tb the book] to Mary. 11915**) [Tb the book] from John. ii\*Vtd\ilil Ra) Mgirr [Th )diSh, [Th Ei .f.0)*V NES**f] '4E-TopAyNkv in (4c) results not from 2. The permutation between ')051:' and Passivisation but from Scrambling. 3. The Experiencer occurring in Chinese (7h) and Japanese (7c) might be better interpreted as Coal. 4. Japanese does not seem to have a verb corresponding to the English 'contain' in the sense used here, and (9c) is simply the result and the Chinese pf scrambling (8c). The nearest possible translation in Japanese may be 'Mil .t-OrIlIZ ftRiTL`C. -105- 116 (14) a. [Th The prince] turned into a frog. b. (Th c. [Th (15) a. T.1 wit rim IT TNt kl/h<1 b. JI C. lAti.LotW [Th (16) a. John C. -/:: [Th the prince] into a frog. WiAtTNito [Th ( likes/ is fond of) b. (17) a. )- 1 The magic wand turned [Th music]. .av] ):941 [Th WW] (That the enemy might destroy (Th the town] /The enemy's possible of. the town] never came into the general's mind. destruction [Th I b. c. (18) a. b. c. (19) a. b. C. AMVUOVANOR ((rj) MMA [Th 1 . IT.W.WW0DATIVib< [Th Mary has ( cleaned [Th the room] / [T, the room] dAY. itmcr [Th pgitn] / He is very much concerned [Th about you]. fth (WV,' [Th VF) / [Th EVF1 1141%C.,\I Via I E1)] [T., ) . ta.I.T) [Th J1 tgPLtzo lETa [Th cleaned [Th/Go ggoc..-L:11 (iv) Goal (Go): the receiver as destination, including the later state or end result of some action or change, animate (recipient) or inanimate (destination or temporal end-pOint); often occurring as complements (as in (20)) or as adverbials (as in (24) and (25)), but sometimes as subjects (as in (22)) or as objects (as in (21a,b) and (23)). Recipient complements are often introduced by the adpositions 'to; M; i:'(as in (20)), destination adverbials by 'to, into, onto; gq; I:, ''(as in (24)), and temporal end-point adverbials by 'to, till, until, through; Yq; JE-C'(as in (25)): John gave his old car (20) a. [G to Mary]. b. C. (21) a. b. c. (22) a. VIAMOMirriK [Go g1/01 [G0 4E;Tz] John gave [ Mary] his old car. dAlig [G. (g) dqN] fitnicim )cott [G. 7E-Tiz1 1.11041-VI( [G. John] finally received.the letter. b. [G. C. VIA] tW1tall-TM-44fii0 [G. )cZ111 (23) a. b. C. (24) a. b. c. (25) a. b. c. The letter finally reached [Go John]. J15tlf.f.V.P.PIA1' [G0 /1\1111M1 .E-of-tAti-Dtor_ [G. MilSoTtz--1 They traveled from Boston fittiVtglEnii [G. to New York]. [Go Atari] . GlirgX l'://PC; [G. We will be staying here from June [G. August]. fr/1:1 IrK,1 tz (to/ till/ until/ through) Viltticfl [Go PJAil] ftiltiMEHL, [G. An i-E] L,:tz:4M-4-zo (v) Source (So): the origin or starting point, including an earlier location, state or time point, often used in conjunction with Goal, which indicates the latEr location, state or time point; mostly occurring as adverbials and introduced by such adpositions as 'from, since (time point); Vt, dt (gi/ tf) Vt (time point); ipG' (as in (26), (27) and (28)). When used with verbs of trading and transition, however, Source can be a human NP (as in (29)) and, moreover, may occur as subject (as in (30) and (32)) or as object .(as in (31)): (26) a. They moved [so b. ..c. (27) a. oirik. from the city] intc the country. VgbAdirlOYOUPIL kiAt_ NiGII [3,, ), 1;1 The meeting lastis0 from nine] to eleven. -106- fma Es. WINI VAIDI b. I I c) I 9 sr, I have heen here-T7,-, since c. (28) a. 1-L21 -1k b. this morning]. C. John bought the house [s from Mary]. (figN) I rlf-m-4407T, 'HY( (s. JVJYVit:i4 t.:. 4ETI.), C.) ] [s./A. Mary] sold the house to John. (29) a. b. c. AMU (30) a. (A./ d\IW1 b. i'FIW\TI- [so/A, AOli (b<//11 ] The magic wand turned c. (31) a. (s.,Th the prince] into a frog. I-T1 WOOL MIRO Iso/Th b. J50)V(1E-4Elt-,ko i41I [So/Tb .E c. [s0/7, The prince] turned into a frog. (32) a. _f b [/Th ET4 1 WhitTAit. (vi) Benefactive (Be): the person affected favorably (beneficiary) or unfavorably (maleficiary) because of an action perforined by the agent or an event that took place, typically an animate or human NP; often occurring as complements or as adverbials and introduced by such adpositions as 'for (in preverbal adverbials or (beneficiary), on (maleficiary), on behalf of; postverbal complements), ft (only in greverbal adverbials), 4iiq ditransitive verbs, however, (maleficiary); 1:, Otz65W. When used with Benefactive may occur in the object position (as in (33a')). John bought a mink coat [n. for Mary]. (33) a. John bought [s. Mary] a mink coat. a'. b. ii\lim-rftlf-A [n,, 'HY] [n,s c. (34) c'. a. AI.11S(i [n., )0M1 (8, b. c. (36) a. b. c. [n., 4Enzl En, for Mary]. tItylrmu. [Be {YA} /]"11j1 c. (35) a. rizl 4E John cleaned the room b. $11/.1\*-1 tq/.1\11] /CrW:61Z) 1113W.VffirAl. (1:J6ti) John bought the book [B, for Mary] [11, on behalf of his brother]. te. (I/e} ittoom1 MIMI [no 5-0411z.iti--),-cl tz [..0,1\m The joke was [p on me]; Don't play jokes [B, 1154MWM [.' t Milk] Nft SigON (15. OKA II [De ftti-Z[ 01 It [B. Val o. TET (0L15) tz.-] [ne on him]. Ph (M3-] Jio ; moreover, Benefactive may be generalized to include the following cases. last night. [.. John] ( suffered a stroke / underwent an operation (37) a. } dqVi] b. c- (38) a. b. [fl, Mary] En., {rlITA/OFIT7J} IttXrit WFVZ 01411,TINAIKIttiz) I had/ got /MI] } her arm broken by accident. /1'4C,,11!!ifillOWIIET0 ---,b,11f-Vh--,-C 4E-T-111 (vii) Instrument (In): the thing, tool, device or means used by Agent, typically an inanimate NP (concrete (tool) or abstract (means)); often used as adverbials pp (tools, and introduced by such adpositions as 'with (tool), by (means); c. -Cl. In the absence of Agent, however, means), VS, 4/: (transportation); Instrument may be promoted to become the subject (as in (42)). John crushed the piggybank [1 with a hammer]. (39) a. b. c. OW a. b. c. 'Ai [in OKI tflOTIVAtin )0511 0.03-r) John got the money from Mary [1,, [I. Akita [I. by a trick]. AgtAll VtdoP J114111.) F BEST COPY AVAILABLL 4E Tip -107- tzn Mary went to Boston (41) a. 4ETtl [in C. (42) a. by ( plane/car/sea) 1. -)L ifItlita7i1VtIF-C1 T7. (tn John's hammer] crushed the piggybank. [ b. c. [In +IN [1. (41101/6Y11/I40/11010 6. 4164 ntgir) n [ ? /Ktlisofithq n (viii) Location (Lo): the location or spatial orientation of the state or action identified by the verb, typically a locative NP, often occurring as complements or as adverbials and introduced by such adpositions as 'at, in, on, under, beside, across, ..-; (?!1! (E)) ; o) E.- ( (q1/±/TAA/5:11h,10//--1 (43) a. He is studying (to b. c. (45) a. b. c. (46) a. '. .1i11VU11] bc. (44) a. OD /T. OD //114./ItifiV-1 (I: (complement) //"C (adverbial)) at the library] t [L.0-0*ftre1 L-CL`Zc. TE the room] alone. She stayed (to tith-AAM [1.0 () tiltkitc, 0 [1. fsiNottitz] John put the pistol /JAM TV& [1.0 EL. on the table]. (E) ,tEt 2kglia L°Z )1, -,----7/1/0±r.] It is very noisy [LC in the crEi]r [1.0 The city] is very noisy. b. [to c. #M71111] t13A-iii Ab/pt Lo. (ix) Time (Ti): the time or temporal coordinate of the state or action identified by the verb, typically a temporal NP, often occurring as adverbials and introduced by such adpositions as 'at, in, on, during, before, after, ...; 1E.- (1140411R/q1IPP/M4i/Mk//- 1 "Bare-NP" time adverbs (4/01 such as 'today, tomorrow, day after tomorrow, yesterday, day before yesterday, (next/ last] { week/ month/ year} ViVilli/lik"//441 X. , /MA) (15./..LI ; 0111/-k ri) 011V-1111 4r., however, may occur without (as in (51)) or complements (as in (52)). (47) a. They arrived [1-, at 10] and departed [TI b. c. for rr-, El. at 10:30]. fih [TI (41) -1-04C-Ait, [TI -1-1M WM. V/Git Fr, 1 0114iz-] YML, 7TI 1 Or144sr..1 (48) a. Mary set the dote fARA l*//k) IA/ adpositions or even as subjects H, (c.:c-A) ifiRL,k0 Monday]. b. /1`fiElEiVigi [TI c. 4ETIIIEURPA(49) a. Edison was born b. Ciht 4 IT, tht (,, [T1. kt1847*1 C. in T . [T, C. Rat [Ti (51) a. [T, A-111- [T1 18117id (50) a. I met John [T, yesterd]. b. T847] and died [T1 igi8471frait, b119311f1 t 41, 1931]. TI ) 0 193 qr(Z. il1iN1 3191-PJAIL MEW (it Tomorrow] will be another day. b. [TI OfM] C. [T. 11)1E1111 ttztriLL)--Eih<*Z., (52) a. My birthday was b. in K1931*] Eft/ [T, day before yesterday J. IkkiltElA [T, 1111X] fLoXt.E1 it [TI .--011E1) c, (x) Quantity (Qu): the generalized range or an "arch-role", which includes such "allo-roles" as "number" (Qn, as in (53) and (54)), "duration" (Qd, as in (55) through (57)), "cost" (Qc, as in (58) through (60), "length" (Q1), as in (61) through (62), "weight" (Qw), as in (64), "volume" (Qv), as in (65), "frequency" (Clf) and "measure" (Qm), as in (66) and (67); mostly consisting of a quantificational phrase (QP, i.e. a noun phrase containing a quantifier (Q)) arid occurring as an adjunct (often introduced by the preposition 'for' in English). With certain predicate.verbs, however, Quantity may occur as subject -108- 119 or topic (as in (51), (54c) and (57a)), object (as in (53),(54a,b) and (59a,b)). or complement (as in (56), (60a,b) and (62) through (65)). (53) a. This hotel can accommodate [ Q five hundred guests). b. [a.. Ii.rifOlcAl (a 5001101/OW )134.Z,_-_,.'-_-h.cA7,)., id'AM1,1;ii.11:1'4V1 C. (54) a. This large dinner table can seat [0 twenty persons] b. ta (55) a. We studied (English) b. c. (56) fiati N4-(4A) 2 11411111 WIN L d b. trklaiMT [ad g-NLI. tad [Q, two hours]. A-4 (M) /NC 2 *IND r, rcot..-... [0d Ten years] have elapsed since my son left. TPX(kEfflrigT [od -1-*1 b. C. AT--75q:< ts,-chs.; Lod a. I bought the book b. 4k C. for two hours]. [0,1 4k119 (311;a5) Farr tad The conference lasted (57) a. (58) 2 0Al a. C. 1-1111A1 .i.aVONAtii11-,V4§. C. 04.1ftflq) 5 0 VA, (MO) -c] Eici134)14i [0c fkil 1 Osigl [0, for fifty dollars]. [0c yq -1/11s2Kfl, ] (59) a. I paid [Qc fifty dollars] foFthe book. b. C. TE-1<1;d IIATRIc*-01{1-T tUtzlo)2Ko) (La6) 5 0 V )1.] 1: [Qc (60) a. The book cost me [Q, fifty dollars b. ETJ fo. C. tac 5 0 Fut, [Qc 5 0 VA, [01 20 feet]. (61) a. The boat measures b. C. (62) iHMI1K- to b. APKAttiLW AW ta, (63) a. John stands C. [01 45Z. --)-COL t..)] [Q, six feet]. 7.:9Ml; /1\1111fi to, AAR] i'd3. *050)41-Ail to, Z. )dliiift-Ab< [01 6 7 4 6 71 [Q, one hundred pounds]. d\ARWR [o. 1000]; (65) a. The cell measured B54NRIA (14') 1., AXR1 4\AIII [Q. 1004] 1R. [0., 100,r> F] 35Z. by [Q, five] [01 eight] high]. 4ETIOMb< Fl [Q. [Q, eight feet] [0. fat c. .E-off13/Et/ to, IC to. rol 8 7 4 /lXR] t. [01 8 74 Prcc liARI [01 574F] [of [Q. twice] a week]. (66) a. We meet b. 4k#11 [of c. tf; AfAa9117,-- c. /ET6Arat2 to. b. Ro [0, miles]. for A- 7 Hi/ (iZ) /NW% (64) a. Mary weighs 13- tIJOLL KFoa C.07K ttiftb< tot 2 071 The forest stretched [Q, b. vt-vt-etz; 2074 ct[Q, a. C. ] %haAn] to, fri;gi [Of [Q, ARk] ; Ikf9 2] g--crkoZ. (Pt %iaghl [ Q, , we] iliL (67) a. They dine together [of every three days]. b. [lhin [or [Q. -.6:1 c RGit [of 3 Elt-sizl to. --I] --$14k:ft.IPL-coZ. (xi) Proposition (Po): the "arch-role" which consists of the subject and the predicate expressing a state, an event or an action. English propositions can -109- be divided into semantic types such as ( i ) "declarative" (Pd), ( ii ) "interrogative" (Pq) [5] and HO "exclamatory" (Px), or syntactic types such as ( ) "finite clauses" (Pr), (ii) "infinitival clauses with the complementizer 'for'" (Pi), (iii) "infinitival clauses without the complementizer 'for'" (Pi), (iv) "gerundive clauses with the genitive subject" (Pg) ( v) "gerundive clauses with the accusative suhject" Pg) (vi) "finite clauses with the pasttense verb" (Pp), vii) "finite clauses with the root-form verb" (Pr), (v0 "infinitival (clauses) with an empty subject" (Pe), (ix) "participial or gerundive (clauses) with an empty subject" (Pe), and (x) "small clauses" (Ps). 1.4ith Chinese and Japanese, however, no suCE elaborate subclassification of syntactic types is necessary, and we need only to identify four proposition j , ( . ( types, namely, Pid, Pq, Px and Pe. (68) a. I know [rf (that) John is a nice boy). b. AVM [pd TIMITTlf] c. *La t[pd (69) a. She 1S/./c1:0T.t.] whispered [pf L -5 C.. ):11--cr o (that) she had secretly bought the car]. b. (OWN (flh) Aa Epd tliARANTJR1 c. 476t [( (41kt(h9 (70) a. I asked Mary [1,, (whether / if) she knew t(Te- answer 1. b. qtRqd.q [p, m fliRrj/ c. (RTb) t424E-T.r. Mig(riV] . ii (II) ( ) (7;.)- a. 1,-W don't know [pg {):1I6t.i.O/E5) (Waether (or not) /when /where / how ) we should go). b. Unana [r, (10SAA/IFMPORICIA41141-MOAPY/IXMC 4;] c. RAU [ Mith0 1W-LL-c[6i 0-) / / -5 to -5 -r) I li.<".4h,l 931GtS0r, know-rpg (whether (or not)/ when/where/how) PRO to go ]. (79) a. We don't b 4kfl9M6 Ira PRO N14AVIIVIMI//03.1141-Ageldj//gUAil Al c *Lila [rq PRO (Wk_ (73) a. Could you tell us b. 00(Viii)adl c. [ [ pg ( VdtbV what we should/(pg Ildl9//77; PRO ( (iL, PRO 1 what PRO to) do] ? afmafte A'? I L-5-4-tttLkt,%/p) Tkiz_Totztfij- 4:-LirAfb,,, (74) a. I didn't know [p, (1. c. what a smait girl Mary is]. +.41N (APA) 426fRITIntrNTI . [tn. 4ET-i5z:/utsizlijihCtOT (k) 1ci )11Gts.ip-iL (75) a. They never imagined how very smart she is]. b. omill (04Y-01) 8kftgiNiA [p. (tM)-LIMOMPAI c. [Er. 4E-TbzIktsizilAbidtol :12] (447.t) (76) a. We consider --IFIT that Shakespeare is/ [1,1 Shakespeare [p, Shakespeare to be/ 16) a great poet]. b. AMA [rd gl-aRAPW2WINA] c. kAtt [[P, (77) a. John expects :..,..zt-_:"71.)444k)OsaliAL] a ( [pf that Mary will/ b. c (78) a. lIt [rd TO-lin wanted b. d\UJIMV. 4ET-z) MA* j_ ((it) very much (pi [(I'd Er, Mary to) succeed J. . for /iii0b-4- 1DJYt Mary/ [ri Mary 1-2.. 7.) to succeed]. /.1\4.(1j011 5. Interrogative clauses can be further subdivided into "finite interrogatives" (Pq) and "infinitival interrogatives" (Pq). Declarative clauses can also be subclassified into those in which the complementizer 'that' may be optionally deleted (Pf) and those in which the complementizer 'that' may not be deleted ( Pf; e.g. the complementizer 'that' following "manner of speaking" verbs such as 'shout, scream, shriek, mumble, mutter, whine, lisp, whisper, murmur, quip. '6. We can also say 171.t. 1,, (fAithi) vN.' L./1-) -11 0 1,2 ___._____.. _ -)/pl _ )116f4: c. )01S11 (79) a. Do you mind h. my/ [pg [ re [[ [n,, c. (81) a. John Or_) lfi h41,NtIl-A,/p,, // C. rd (80) a. I wish [pp (L ':!7:1 me) wearing your necktie]? fif1;04; ? [ b. /01 4E rIOAZT,41-1 Upd oz).. I were a bird]. 114)MFA1 61 /4 W I th<A-C I t.:1 ts .1 insisted [r, that Mary {he/ stay) here with him]. h. dlITP [rd /.1\g ( /), -.kV) WIRE (N< c. )01St1 70 1 ) 51Z65/,: 4E-Th<NO.: (82) a. They found [pf that the place was /[pl. the place to be/ [p, the place 151 deserted]. { fft/i7IJARAW] b. fihrOtIt [rd c. 4gt Git (83) a. John b. saw tkotsol [p, +VIVA [rd C. 1.01sct HP, (Mary / her) 0 walk into the restaurant]. 4L-T"-/1) {</--,IJ r1 I ip,1 EL, (84) a. John tried [pc PRO to reach Mary]. b. d`19-ia& [p., PRO (4) linid\M] 51 PRO 1E (85) a. John forced Mary (pc FRO to marry h. dAmiliad.14 [r*. PRO gadiA45] n c. *t5ii Up. C. PRO .1g/(1..-ViM-4c_ (86) a. John promised Mary [pr PRO to marry hell-. 1 PRO 141.44th451 PRO tiii411-1- .7:>1 /0) 71-] Vsi L, In the above discussion, we have postulated and identified a set of theta-roles b. /INIUMEANtft fr., C. m5114E which seem to he necessary for contrastive analysis of English, Chinese and Japanese, based on such formal criteria as (i) the Principle of One-Instanceper-Clause (i.e. only one instance of each theta-role may occur in a simple clause [7], (ii) the Principle of Complementary Distribution (i.e. those arguments which are in complementary distribution must fall under the same theta-role), (iii) the Principle of Conjoluability (i.e. only arguments which fall under the same theta-role can be conjoined, and (iv) the Principle of Comparability (i.e. only arguments which fall under the same theta-role can be compared). Our postulated theta-roles are perhaps more concrete than those proposed by other scholars, because we have taken into consideration not only the semantic content of theta-roles but also their distribution in terms of syntactic function,- canonical structure realization in terms of syntactic category, and when they occur with adpositions (including prepositions and postpositions), unmarked manifestations of these adpositions. Thus, our postulated theta-roles ( ( ) through (xi)), syntactic functions into which they may enter, syntactic categories in which they may occur, and adpositions with which they may typically co-occur are summarized as follows. j --------7. This principle, however, does not prohibit the same theta-role from occurring as obligatory and optional arguments in a simple clause. In the following sentences, for example, two instances of Location and Benefactive cr!cur, one as semantic argument (i.e. adjunct) and another as indirect interna' argument (i.e. complement). (i) in the classroom] Mary placed the flowers teacher's degi]. a.(While) [Lfl UMW /11VitI4E#1 b. Nire1 [in on the T±1 c. 4E r-t/ [L. ,f5coili---eut.? ALtoKok.r1 (ii) a. John bought a yEawalch [n. h. 'III for Mary][n. on behalf of her mother]. (0/Eil d`tOrl'1121W ITT :12 P In, ifl/INT1 in. 4E r r11 c. )!Otsil (.. .4E r.oPiglot,IYA.1/1z...R4)-,--r1 _ 114e11.V11 111 1 (87) (a) subject (animate NP); (b) oblique object (PP; 'by; k, M; ( Experiencer (Ex): (a) subject (animate NP); (b) object (animate NP); (c) oblique object (PP; 'by; R, M, N.!; W). (ili) Theme (Th): (a) subject (animate or inanimate NP); (b) object (animate or inanimate NP); (c) oblique object (PP; 'of; (Co): (a) complement (PP; 'to (unmarked), into, onto (iv) Goal (locative), till, until, through (temporal); M (animate recipient), NI (locative or temporal end-point); (locative), (unmarked), (temporal)'; NP (when preposed in English and Chinese ditransitive constructions)); (b) adjunct (PP; adpositions (the same as those in complements)); (c) subject (NP); (d) object (NP). (So): (a) adjunct (PP; 'from (unmarked), since (temporal); ( v ) Source giq (locative), ig1/1-11 (unmarked), (temporal); ( i ) Agent (Ag): fa It; W). (vi) Benefactive (Be): (b) subject (NP); (c) object (NP). (a) complement (PP with animate object NP; 'for; 1ft; t:'); NP (when preposed in English ditransitive constructions, animate); (b) adjunct (PP with aminate object NP; 'for, on behalf of; M, Air; iz, of-A6t:'); (vii) Instrument (c) subject (animate NP). (In): (a) adjunct (PP with inanimate object NP; 'with (tool), by (means); RI (tool, means), fiic, (transportation); (vi) Locative (b) subject (inanimate NP). (Lo): (a) complement and adjunct (PP with locative object NP; 'at, in, on, under, beside, across, .; ); (E) /1 (E) /T (E) /'VA/VE/..-} ); 41) 4///1/1F//4//0140.0//) (C: (comlement),/ IT (adjunct)} '); (b) subct (locative NP). (ix) Time (Ti): (a) adjunct (PP with temporal object NP; 'at, in, on, during, before, after, ...; A.- ifttAM//241//041// {14/44//*} NP (bare-NP temporal adverb); (b) subject (temporal NP). (Qu): (a) complement (QP); (x) Quantity (b) adjunct (PP with QP as object; 'for'; QP; AP); (c) subject (QP); (d) object (QP). (xi) Proposition (Pr): (a) subject (Pd, Pq, Pq, Px, Pf, Pi, Pg, Pr, Pe, Pe, Pd, Pq, Pq, Px, Pe; Pd, Pq, Pq, Px, Pe); (b) object (Pd, Pd, Pq, Pq, Px, PfT-Pi, Pi, Pg, Pg, Pe, Pe Pp, Pr, Ps; Fa, Pq, pa, Px, Pe; Pd, Pq, Pq, Px, Pe);-(c) complement (Pd, Pq, Fa, Px, Pi, Pi, Pe, Pe, Pr; Pd, Pq, Eq, Pe; Pd, Pq, N., Pe); (d) adjunct --(Pi, Pi, Pg, Pg, Ps (English)). The eleven theta-roles listed above are essential hut by no means exhaustive, and additional theta-roles may he proposed on empirical grounds. English verbs ; oc'curring in (88) through (90), for example, must take as complement Manner (Ma), which may he adverbs or prepositional phrases introduced hy 'with'. In -112- 123 the corresponding Chinese and Japanese verbs, however, Manner may occur either as complements (as in (88h) and (89b)) or as adjuncts (as in (90b), (88c). (89c) and (90c)). (88) a. He behaved b. flh badllv] to his wife/ ( Itf (14 c. 0,(1< /(!:.-z: (89) a. She always treated us b. iNirAl I . ,. ini1.L1 [m (well/ with the utmast courtesy) 111-4T4f/j1',VTAIIQI 011(.7P,Vtair] c. Vika (.4,, with great courage]) I1.if 1/ )411,1h [m Jz(I L 6 {Rai: LA. [. < < 4131:1 my excuse [14. (carefully/ with care) (phrased/ worded (90) a. I b. a 4.11V0) [w. NALI] MMIIIMW3a, L1t [un c. TM (0,12) I -c -r Cz1 ]. Theta-roles such as Cause (Ca), Result (Re) and Condition (Co) may also be proposed to specify various adverbials or adjuncts. These theta-roles, moreover, may also occur as subjects or objects. Cause in (92), as opposed to Instrument in (91), for example, may occur as suhject and account for the difference in syntactic behavior between these two theta-roles. Likewise, Result occurring as object in (94) and Theme occurring as object in (93) are differentiated by their syntactic behaviors in pseudo-cleft sentences in English and passive sentences in Chinese and Japanese. Compare. (91) a. John burned down the house [I,, with fire]; The house was burned down by JohT,0 with fire]. b. [ . )05b< [ c. (111/a} "CI IT/ . [ (92) a. )<] VEWT t-192-TNT; R:r-R;NE 1R1-V1.. It 1=7 1 L. C, [c. A fire] burned down the house; The house was burned down [c. by a fire]. b. --44)<I] [c. (e. c. tmcruiT. [c. tk-.41)(Tmouri )01-f7)1] *h< [c. 1Ve] (93) a. They finally destroyed [Th the house]. [Th The house] was finally destroyed (by them); What they did to [Th the house] was destroy it. b. 41914atiVAT [Th [Th WYA c. RI; [Th *111 [Th DUT); Ji& (0219) Pwr, Z14-)l,tz; c (ViGic) 4-3 (94) a. They finally .built [Go the house]; [G. The house] was finally built (by them); *What they did to [Go the house] was build it. ith{110..6.taT [G. b. [G. MT] c. W7-1; T. 414/Git-Doiz... [G. * *11] -Dor. (V(i;;c) [R. ittC Note also that Manner, Cause, Result and Condition (Co) may occur as semantic arguments or adverbials in the form of adverbs (e.g. 'A-ly A fig A c), adpositional phrases introduced by adpositions (e.g. 'with (care), in (peace); U (A WAYgE), (tIVRAII/P// NP 0).t. (NP) ( (NP (--) A2 (fl11) (NP a)) tin < '; 'for (the sake of), .51 , -t) Ad/ /),} ) because of, owing to, with a view to, from (thirst), of (hunger), in order to (VP), so as to (VP) 11141VIMANA) NP, WAVIAW//1110.) VP; (NP) 0)k ; j ; ; ; (V(i)) 'in (case/the event) of' or subordinate Y) (lc), (NP) -C, < ) -Cs; clauses introduced by subordinate conjunctions (e.g. as/ as if/ like) S; ( s (iAn< //pol ,; for/ because/ as/ u s Iletvvg) o); since/ now that) S; gA114,/(111k/41101 S; S (iz.) ' I ) ( I ; that/ so mmch so that/ such that) S; s; ii(Urc//0)I7 (if /in case (that)fprovided (that)/ in the event that / unless) S; 140A //1011/#011,/woivIg (4;) &AVON s; ( (V-(r)u/V-(a)4.0) (V-(1a)/V( 'so .(A /Ad I -113- 124 G'). !sip-, ) G. ({V-(r)e/s/-(a)n(aker)e}) i, ((V-(r)u/V-(a)1S0) ) and postpositions) and prepositions adpositions (including conjunctions can be analyzed as two-term predicates. with adpositions taking (e. g. VPs, IPs) as NPs as complements and various maximal projections specifiers, subordinate conjunctions taking subordinate clauses as complements and coordinate conjunctions taking clauses as specifiers, and principal CPs) as AdPs, lPs, NPs, VPs, APs, coordinate maxima! projections (e.g. alternatively, as complements and specifiers in a revised conjuncts (or, version of the X-bar Convention to be dicussed in section 5). (a) Moreover. The Theta-grid: its Contents and Formalization As discussed above, the syntactic properties of predicate verbs, adjectives and nouns include argument and thematic properties of these predicates, along with categorial features and syntactic functions of their accompanying arguments. Now our 4. task is how to register these syntactic properties in the form of theta-grids as simply and explicitly as possible, so that they can be projected into sentences in as economical and straightforward a manner as possible. (i) In principle, only obligatory arguments (that is. internal arguments, including objects), indirect internal arguments (N indirect objects direct internal arguments or complements) and external arguments (a subjects)) will be registered in the theta-grid, and semantic arguaents (that is, adjectival and adverbial adjuncts) will be handled by lexical redundancy rules such as (95): (95) a. b. c. [... Xxi --> [... In, Ma, So, Go, Lo, Ti, Re, Xx] John studied English. --> John studied English diligently at the library yesterday for today's examination. [... Xx --> [... Re, Ti, Lo, So, Go, In, Ma, Xx] --> !FHA ALL*.1114±WitlAtito ra ANSE MI* <... xx> --> <... Re, npktiadAz.. Ti, Lo, --> So, Go, In, Ma, Xx>(81 4-E10)1114K0t...:.6t)iz. auum_ The lexical redundancy rule (95) states that semantic arguments or adverbial adjuncts such as In(strument), Ma(nner), So(urce), Go(al), Lo(cation), Ti(me), Re(ason) should be inserted between the external argument 'Xx' and the rest of arguments '...' (in the case of absolute intransitive verbs which contain only external arguments in their theta-grids, these adjuncts simply follow the external argument) in the order given. The actual positioning of these adjuncts in surface sentences will be decided by the Head Parameter for each language. In English. which is basically head-initial in phrasal constructions, adverbial adjuncts follow the predicate verb and internal arguments, while in Chinese and Japanese, which are basically head-final in phrasal constructions, adverbial adjuncts precede the predicate verb and internal arguments. As for adverbial adjuncts that are idiosyncratic in occurrence and distribution, their idiosyncracies will be specified in the theta-grids of these adjuncts (see the relevant discussion in (xiii) below). The distinction between obligatory versus optional arguments is important because obligatory arguments behave differently from optional ones in terns of the position they may occupy in a sentence and the adposition they say select. Benefactives in Chinese, for example, must take the preposition le when they occur postverbally as obligatory arguments, but may take 'It' or when they occur preverbally as optional adjuncts, as either 'tft', illustrated in (96). Locatives in Japanese take the postposition 1:2' when occurring when occurring as semantic arguments, as as internal arguments but take 'Ts' illustrated in (97): (96) a. b. Be Be ( (97) a. tst [Lo b. [1-0 / tr_ T. ] If-T-1M. W006. Pkniq The angle brackets (4<...>') for toe Japanese theta-grid indicate that the order of the argument listed say be scrambled in murface sentences. 8. -114- 12_5 (ii) There are verbs that can be used both transitively and intransitively. Ergative as well as for example, can be used as inchoative-intransitive causative-transitive verbs, in which case the external argument Agent of the ergative verb 'open; pH; pH< m. is placed in the parentheses ('(Xx)') along with the internal of the to indicate the combination Theme, as in '[Th (Ag)]', argument causative-transitive '[T11, Ag]' and the inchoative-intransitive '[ Th F. Thus, the theta-grid '[ Th (Ag)]' will project to yield the causative-transitive (98) and inchoative-intransitive (99) sentences. verbs, (98) a. [mg John ] opend 6 the door ] slowly. b. [ft d44 ] VitkAk DM-T [Th rl ]. c. [Ag tivstt 4-)<e) k 6 t: t. mot:. (99) a. [m The door ] opened slowly. b. [ni ] tikt04 DOT. [rn IPI t I 4-)<g9k Mot:- c. 'finish; #M; irdHit6/11') say optionally delete Certain transitive verbs (e.g. their objects in surface sentences, in which case the internal argument may be placed [(Th) Ag]) to indicate its optionality and will project in the parentheses (e.g. into sentences such as (100): (1m) a. 13. C. Thus, Have you already finished ([Th your homework 1)? fitE1190%-r (6 fEWAL1) DX? -t) ([Th Sti(/1,t) the English verbs 'eat, respectively, as '[(Th) Ag]', such as (101): (101) a. b. C. l) 6"&f.t/IAtz0?[10] dine, devour' are distinguished in their theta-grids, '[ Ag 1°(11] and '[111, Ag]', which will yield sentences What tine do we eat ([Th dinner ])? What tine do we dine? The lion devoureFITh the deer ]). There are also ditransitive verbs that take two internal argumets (i.e. direct and indirect, either of which may be optionally deleted. In this case, 'linked parentheses" ('(XxXYy)') may be used to indicate an optional choice of either 'Xx' or 'Yy'. Moreover, with many English and Chinesse ditransitive verbs, indirect objects may either follow or precede direct objects in surface sentences. This optional permutation between direct and indirect internal arguments can be represented in their theta-grids by the use of angle brackets ('oN.Yy>')LIL Thus, ditransitive verbs such as 'send; tt; )245, 'teach; ft; ft016' and 'ask; rt4; fie< say have the theta-grids '[<Th (Go)> Ag][13]; [<Th ((Aa)C0)> Ag]; <Th (Go) Ag>', '[<(Th (iii) objects), 9. While the English verbs 'open; close, shut' and the Chinese verbs 111. MIA; 1011. IN nn, are all ergative verbs, asong the Japanese verbs 1111(a4)<, r41(6)<; only are ergatives, and 1106; Mat, and 6' and 11(A3). PP14:5' are transitives and intransitives, respectively. D6, ri1656, rAt6', lif(aG)<' .t,6' however, seem to prefer using the intransitive verb 'Ott'. as illustrated in ..t.)5VICI0/1.467?'. 11. In addition to '[ Ag ]', the verb 'dine' also has the theta-grid '[(4% Lo]', which yields sentences like ql.o This table ] can dine [Qu twelve persons ]' and '[Qu How sany people ] can [Lo this restaurant 1 dine?'. The theta-grids '[ Ag 1' and 10. many Japanese, Lo]' can be combined into one by the use of curly brackets ('(Xx/Yy)'); namely, '[(Ag/Qu, Since all the arguments in Japanese, obligatory or otherwise, can be scrambled or which is indicated in the theta-grid by the use of angle brackets rather than that of square brackets, there is no need to insert angle brackets within the 12. permuted, angle brackets. -115- 4t) [(Go:(Th) Ag];<Th (Go) Ag>' and '[<(Th)(of Go)> Ag ][14); [(GoITh) (Go) Ag>', respectively, yielding sentences such as (102) through (104): )(Go)> Ag]; (102) a. b. an John sent a box of chocolates ] ([Go En a box of chocolates ]). (103) a. b. ti1gitt [Go 1P-Tiz 1)/ [Go (Ent ft [71 3 1, I- t,--% Who is teaching (([a Engilish 1) [Go to your brother [Go your brother I (Eib English 1)/ [Th English ])? Ika ] ] 1/ Wail (bso t',AT-A 1 Ent la 1/ ko .VT4514 I/ Eth riff 1)? c. Mi$ aco 4-0-Altz 1) (104) a. [Go (100 kid* 1) / [co (M)/1,-/i I d'E91 'AT (Urn Era aP5&tiik c. tiyar ])/ Ag]; <Th [so Mr. b. afri 11,1 c. ttigbl ] Erb tiA.V060)? (En a question I ([so of Mr. Lee ])/ Lee I (En a question ])). We asked I/ Eta AIM& aoo [nt ( 1) ".Tet.t:: 1) Era rtn [GO i not. (iv) Predicate verbs that have more than one surface realization can be so indicated in their theta-grids by the use of curly braces and angle brackets. Verbs like 'blame; (e..,4) )tAti', which take two permutable NP and PP jiti66 and 'toad; (*) ; coaplements in English, for example, will have the theta-grids 'T (Be for Ca/ Ca, on Be) Ag]; [Be, Ca, Ag]; <Be, Ca, Ag>" and '[(Th, Lo/ Lo, with Th) Ag]; [Lo, Th. Ag]; <Th, Lo, Ag>', respectively, yielding sentences such as (105) and (106): Mg; (105) a. John blaaed [Tha (6. Mary h /JAI] [ca RYAN ] c. MIlsi$ (106) a. b. I ko for the accident 1/ [cia the accident ] on Mary ]). (ffi)&111 /.1,-* 1. 1 [se 1P-T-)k I Wat,tc. Stitcr)z: k-(1 John loaded ([To the furniture ] [1.0 (on/ onto/ into ) [th the truck 1/ En with the furniture ]). ,.141 ffl 1/ [LO ] L. "". the truck th/cts) tz: I Eni (e.--,i)) 1/ 1-111) ffl T. iih-r verbs like 'talk; and 'hear; UM; which take two (N) PP -cosplestents that can be_perauted in English. will have the theta-grids '[<Go, about Th> Ag1; [(MO)Thf14t111, EGo, Ag]; <Th(0)Z: L)tz:-.)10-C, GoL, Ag>1' and '[<So, about Th> Ex][163; [(MIN)ThMe.., So, E:x]; <Th0).7..k, So, Ex>', respectively, yielding sentences such as (107) and (108): Siailarly, 13. The underline under a theta-role ('Xx') denotes taat this theta-role is inherently Case-sarked and thus does not require a structural Case assigned by a transitive verb or a preposition. The spelling-out of the Goal preposition 'of' in the theta-grid for the English indicates that this is a -marked- representation of the Goal preposition. whose unmarked sanifestation is 'to'. 14. verb 'ask' There is a difference in interpretation, however, between 'John loaded the furniture on the truck' (partitive reading) and 'John loaded the truck with the furniture' (holistic reading). The holistic reading is conveyed in Chinese and Japanese, not by the difference in word order, tut by such adverbial expressions as 15. 'ORA' 16. and .e-,b)(tots).. The English verb 'hear' has, in addition, the theta-grid '[(Th, So/ So, Pd) Ex] ', Pd' ([(Th/ So Pd) Ex]) and the (<(Th/ PG: L) So, Ex>), yielding sentences such as 'I heard (the from hi that his wi fe was i I 1) ; corresponding to the Chinese verb lJ Th, Japanese verb news from him/ *-)417); 41,tieir; (zotfit/ Ro)*M0111,-vibe. -116- Viat,.t.- (107) a. b. John talked ([Go to Mary ] [th about the party ]/ [TA about the party ] [Go tol_arv ]). (108) a. 13. A En (a11)*NifeAtill ). I Ern Vikaxlk* /.14] [Go c. [so I heard aso from his I [Th about the accident ETA about the accident ] [so from him ]). 11)Ttafft#11 ). 1/ [so aip 6_ I [Th Vika) ft Es. itithG}ISH) I 11541 En, 4tri&O):: 1/ [so ifkiP I Mot. (v) Though we strictly observe the -One-Instance-per-Clause Principle, which requires that no two identical theta-roles occur as obligatory arguments within the same simple sentence, we will slightly loosen this constraint under the following three sets of circumstances. First, two identical theta-roles way appear in the same simple sentence, if one occurs as an obligatory argument, argument (i.e. adjunct), as illustrated in (109): (109) a. [1.0 ko In the classroom ] John sat and the other as a semantic in the front row I. gtztiltI1,..ct,6. tilti[b.E.W04,11[1.06trAirdvirorr]. c. -Symmetric" predicates, which require semantically plural sub) ects (e. g. 'ki ss ; ( (V/ (N); ', 'consult; or objects .`Y7(t)-4^3', 'meet; and function either as transitive or intransitive 'mix; (e.g. verbs, will be assigned the theta-grid '[(AlAg'/Go, Ag)] or '[(Th^Th'/Th^Th', Ag)]' and yield surface sentences like (110) and (111): (/V)6) aft; (110) a. c. (111) a. b. c. Fi na 1 ly, ([[Ag John ] [, and Mary ]] kissed/ a[aa !Ma I [Ag. /E-T- I ([[As ([Em Oil ] [Th. and water En' (and/with) water)). a[Th 4:: I Ixe 1 [rh' 4:: 1 . 0-TIA) (/ 'outrun; (e. g. ; !Ise I. ]) won't atx/ You can't mix [Th on ] lt cate verbs certain Euo i$ 1/ [Ai tigskt 1 [G. /E-Tizz ]) tV II TAM*/ ft.-TAM* [Th En. outta lk ; [Ag John ] kissed [oo Mary ]): 1] MIT/ kg !Ai I otT [As' . . ] En' Elit )1. } Ingffafilit... rT', /A... .. 'outshoot; 04 ex LE*1;.:/q< M . iizit-)') that seem to require identical theta-roles as both subject and object in their semantic interpretation will be assigned the theta-grid 'En. Th'] and yield a surface sentence like (112): (112) a. O. c. [Th John ] can always outrun [Th. Bill I. [rh dAti OA ( MICA Erw dia I/ [Iv Erb tiA I LI ftqtbk 1. [Th' ecte) ] (vi) We also strictly observe the Theta Criterion, which requires that the relationship between arguments and theta-roles be one of' one-to-one correspondence; namely, each argument is assigned one and only one theta-role, and each theta-role is assigned to one and only one argument. When a certain argument can be interpreted as playing sore than one theta-role, however, we will indicate this lexical ambiguity in the theta-grid by the use of curly brackets and a comma (i.e. (Xx, Yy) '07]). Thus, the verbs 'roll; cog; sow (19 Ak ) 3', for example, will be assigned the 17. The use of curly brackets and a cora ("(Xx. Yy) ') differs from the use of curly brackets and a slash (' (Xx/ Yy')) while the foraer signifies that a certain argument say be interpreted as playing the theta-role 'Yy' as well as the theta-role 'Xx', the latter indicates an optional choice of either the theta-role 'Xx' or 'Yy', but not both. -117- 126 Th) (Ro)>'(181 and yield a (Ro)]; <(Ag, [(Ag Th) theta-grids '[(Ag, Th) (Ro)]; say receive the sentence like (1 13), in which the subject NP 'John; /.14j; semantic interpretation of either (voluntary) Agent or (involuntary) Theme: tigi' (113) a. Lt&Th John ] rolled down the hill. b. [Ag, th dal ] Wilt c. [AL Th tagg_ I iNtz: tfif5K. C WO 49 fg 11.1* will be assigned the and 'sell; IN; (Ag, GO]; <Th (So) (Ag, Go)>' and "[Th (Go) (Ag, So)]; [Th (Go) (Ag. Go) ]; <Th (So) (Ag. So)>', respectively, which will yield receive the Goal as sentences like (114), where the subject NPs 'John; well as Agent interpretation, and (1 15), where the subject NPs 'Mary; receive the Source as well as Agent interpretation: the verbs Similarly, theta-roles 'ETh (So) 'buy; Go)]; -5 ; [Th (So) (Ag, !Ai; !INV; IF.' kg.±.RWGo ',Al atilt) 'J'T. gal I [14,G0 John ] bought some used books from Mary. [Ag. [Agso Mary ] sold some used books to John. pg.so liff MUM/Ai. ±_ kg. so I (vii) In order not only to optimize the number of theta-roles available in our analysis but also to simplify the selectional restrictions between theta-roles and adpositions, we have left unspecified the adposititions that co-occur with various theta-roles in umarked cases, but specified in the theta-grids those co-occurring with various theta-roles in marked cases. Thus, the Source preposition 'from' in the [Th (So) Ag]' for the English verb 'steal', or the Theme preposition 'of' theta-role for the English verb 'rob', will be left unspecif ied [So (Th) Ag] in the theta-role yielding sentences such as (116a) and (117a)(19), while the marked selection of the Source preposition 'of' for the English verb 'ask', and the These preposition 'for' for the English verb 'beg', must be specified in their theta-grids as '[<Th, of So> Ag respectively, yielding sentences such as (118a) and ]' and "[So, for Th, Ag] (119a)(201: (116) a. The clerk stole [Th the money ] [sE, from the cash register I. inSilIZA [so itaNtk I SIT Ent c. 60)Mitti [so liVh, I Ern 4Z I. b. (117) a. The man robbed [so the bank ] tliS1111%A C. .03n,1 [se (118) a. b. C. (119) a. 'Ro' 1:14) irctilp6 I would like to ask ROA ft too am 1K [Th [Go Ztz. I En Mkt En of the money ] T Eit a I. la a favor ] [so of You ]/ [so LOLL I En a favor ]). ]. LV66). I NV* t I have come to beg [so b. it* 18. [so b. you ] En for help t[G, iWi l MAW UDR [Go stands for Olt) The verbs 'ETh (Ro) Ag]; 'Route'. 'roll; I. litt I. (Igi)gt; [Th (Ro) the theta-grid sentences such as 'John rolled the rock down the hill; addition, (.1*tktZta TOW (42 19. Ag]; obt(n <Th (Ro) k)-1Ag>', have, in yielding /.144jnilealtalkkafA; tliUS ) The Chinese and Japanese verbs corresponding to the English verbs 'steal' and *5', respectively, both of which have the theta-grid 'rob' are '{A; tk' and '[Th (So) Ag]; <Th (So) Ag>', yielding sentences like (116b,c) and (117b,c). 20. The Chinese and Japanese verbs corresponding to the English verbs 'ask' and 'beg' (1111)*' and At., 3jtisb6 ', respectively, with the theta-grids "[Go, Th, Ag] are and '<Th, Go, Ag>'. -118- [oa ktliZ: I Eh Vitt 1 *e)(-: 5KI Lk. or phrases, we assign (viii) For predicate verbs which appear in the fora of idioms the English verbs and verb Thus, verbs. theta-grids to these idiomatic or phrasal yield of nature, up the ghost, pay the debt phrases 'die, pass away, kick the bucket, '[ Be I', and so are the theta-grid go to one's long account' are all assi ned the he Japanese verbs *1114fili*Alcr or t -T, Chinese verbs and verb phrases 'X, 6 (VOA L ts Z , UM:* 0 ,\. -D, and verb phrases '3EliP, Itt*T T), Al TZ , to', 'look (up (birth/rise) 'give English phrasal verbs such as 5 '. Similarly, the respectively, are assigned, and 'take... into (consideration/account) to/down) theta-grids '[Go, So] ', '[Th, Ex] and '[Th, Ag] '. in 'unaccusative' (including (ix) The English expletives 'there' and 'it' appear as respect i ve 1 y, construct ions, 'impersonal and sentences 'exi stent i a 1 ') must take For predicate verbs that may or non-referential and non-thematic subjects. pleonastics as optional pleonastic 'there' and 'it' as subjects, we will place these English meteorological Thus, in their theta-grids. or obligatory external arguments '( it I', thunder' are assigned the theta-grid hail, snow, 'rain, verbs such as [211 ) yielding a sentence like (120a c. ct (120) a. n. is (raining/snowing/hailing/thundering). b. (-F //} itri T./ Si$ ) 06. and unaccusative verbs Engl ish existential verbs (e. g. 'be, exist, live, remain') assigned the theta-grids [(Lo, 'arrive, occur, emerge"), on the other hand, are (e.g. '[(Th <+def>/ Th <-def> (there))]' Th <+def>/ Th <-def>, Lo, there)1122)' and repectively, yielding sentences like (121a) and (122a)[23]. (121) a. b. (Erb The bock ] is/ There is [Th a book ]) on the desk. (---*)S I. (En SHI) [th */$ (-111)]1 (*())) ] arose/ There arh The accident ] arose/ [Th An accident (122) a. arose [Th an accident ]) from carelessness. "")< c. (D_Etz-/ b. ((Em Sigita316t1 1/ En% C. ([Th (60))42iItti < I) Via bklittffi7 atIltdctffigt.t.T / I). (-4101) 6 MI Tql,tiP As for English "raising" verbs such as 'seem, appear, happen, chance', we will assign the theta-grid '.[(Pd, it/ Pe, Th)](241', yielding sentences (123a'). as well as The Chinese and Japanese verbs corresponding to the English verbs 'rain, snow, (5 )146'. ( (M/VIE) 0) Fib 6 . and hal I, thunder are 'T N/S/IM , 21. respectively, and are assigped the theta-grids '[ ]' and '(fffi/t/t/X)>', yielding sentences like (120b) and (120c). 22. 23. [Lo, Th>: 24. '<i-clef>' and "<--def>' stand, respectively, for '<definite>" and '<indefinite>'. The Chinese and Japanese verbs corresponding to the English verbs 'be; arise' are ; et: and ''6; Th <idef>], C6', respectively, and are assigned the theta-grids '4E [Th <-def>, Lo]; Eft [(Th <+def>/ (U)Th (4))]' and yielding sentences like (121b,c) and (1224 c). <L0. [ Th I', This theta-grid indicates that sentences like (123a') are directly projected from the theta-grid in our analysis, rather than indirectly derived from the underlying sentence such as '[ e seems [Pi John to be sick ]' by moving the constituent subject 'John' into the matrix subject position. Since we are interested sore in the "directrealization of surface sentences than in the "proper" derivation of these sentences, this slight deviation of ours from the traditional analysis of raising constructions verbs like in the Goverment-and-Binding Theory may be excuaable. Incidentally, -119 )0 (123a)[25]. (123) a. It seems [Ai John is sick 1. [Th John ] a'. b'. c. e to be sick I. A-Tf [ c". (x) seems EiHt4:34Sil 6 L o. (tA/ti)IttliGLo. There are a number of English verbs which are converted from nouns. Thus, denoninal verbs such as "bottle (wine), gut (a fish), knife (a person)" have relevant nouns incorporated in their semantic interpretations, as paraphrased in "put (wine) into a bottle take out the guts of (a fish), stab (1 person) with a knife', and are assigned the theta-grids Th, Ag], [So. Ag], Agr, yielding sentences (a) in (124) through (126): (124) a. [ He ] is bottling (Th the wine I. En V.22111 b- Lig c. h4 0.(4_ 1 (125) a. ICA/itink-T11c-M. [Th iffiadli ] lik(0))(c sgabir06. Lis She ] has already gutted 6 the fish I. b. [hg kk a. [As OICti En Eso ail aso atilt CM I XVII [Th UR I / Nth Kt: ( [So ft(0 O)4'1 6bizt, (126) a. [Ag She I knifed [Th his I [so 11 T. Itze)Motz. in b. b tig C. kg CCU I tee* 49 71e ICAIRItT En I En ta Gbizf l/ a rage. 1147ifiiir [Th ETN fikf l/ fIT Ent fdA ] 21)- I Mut:. Note that the En lish verbs 'bottle, gut, knife' correspond to 'R(A/2)1(1-1(N), #1...--)])" in Chinese and 'NE(0))1,z:Mai56, C.. 0)t) WE CM)Itzal b,G)Lt4t3t:CRI9 .<(!g.AAlt- in Japanese. each of which is assigned exactly the same theta-grid assigned to the corresponding English verb. Note also that the incorporated nouns 'bottle, gut(s), knife' in the English predicate verbs appear overtly as TEF: trk, LtSt3L, .77' in the corresponding Chinese and Japanese predicate verbs, playing the semantic roles of Goal. Theme and Instrument, respectively. (xi) In addition to verbs, adjectives can also be used as predicates and assigned proper theta-grids so as to project into sentences. English adjectives "afraid' and 'fond', for example, will be assigned the theta-grids '(((Th/Pd)) Exr and "Cfh, Ex1", yielding sentences (I27a) and (128a). Similarly. Chinese adjectives 111; Sit' and Japanese adjectives "51111LN; ilt-T1 [261' are assigned the theta-grids '[((Th/Pd)) Ex ]; ((Th/Pd/Pe) Ex)" and j(Th/Pe0)1 Ex 1% respectively, yielding sentences like (1274c) and (128b,c). Compare: '(non-existential) be; A (NO, (a) MI; t.1.' and 'become; (hka (NP)/ fff, (AP)); (AP) Oais% which may take NPs as well as APs as complements, will be assigned the theta-grid "[At, Thr, with "At' standing for "Attribute' and yielding ((NP) sentences such as 'He (is/ became) (3114t/V4) (VIA: (a doctor/ rich); ft (A/h2A) ingt/M/1114*) --)td ". Note that the English verb "seem' corresponds to a sentential adverb igAk' in Chinese and an adjectival suffix 'e.i(.0" in Japanese, which are assigned the theta-grids '(__Pd1' and '[Pd__J respectively, yielding sentences like (123b,c). 26. More precisely, while 'TiTmo' falls under the traditional category of adjective, lt-T1' falls under what we call "adjectival noun". Moreover, both 'Wtqo' and 14!.' are analyzed as "transitive" adjectives which take 'Yy as external argument or subject, and 'Xx hi' as internal argument or object, as illustrated in (127b) and (1 28b). 25. -120- 13 1 [Ex I ] an afraid (([Th of our teacher 1/ [Pd that our teacher will punish us I ) ). ,-; rick lip I ) ). ] ttf" 4: [pd ;:i.,:o .,r. b. [Ex c. [Ex II I Oh 3V:/#bt L/ 1Pd 1,) 'it. (128) a. [Ex am fond [Th of ' music .7" b. [Ex ] ggit ([Th .F..p: / Pd jummq). ]/ [Pe -]). [Ex c. ([Th itivbc / [Pe I 1W, .2411)1r1b. ]) 1 A (127) a. ( (Em staposet 1/ Agentive nouns (e.g. 'teacher, student, author, editor; 45ii. et, fP4t, Mt; 16±, _ '), deverbal action nouns (e.g. 'destruction, withdrawal, analysis, Itt. fr*, = description; ?w44, wig, 5)-1fr, NZ; gzg9 t)u, giog, 33V, IrsS') and locative nouns 'top, back; jAg. bottom, TBE, finfi, Wild; JE, 1, to, gt') may front, (e.g. optionally take Theme and Location, respectively, as complements. Thus, these nouns say be assigned the theta-grids '[(Th) or '[(Lo)]' yieldi such expressions as 'the teacher [Th of English Th : ] tile; [Th % 'the destruction ) [Th of the old house Em [Th tD(/' and 'the top [Lo 49 of the desk ]; [Lo AtTlt ] I if [Lo --)( Le) ; ; ; (xii) In addition to verbs, adjectives and p3stpositions in Japanese), adverbial particles prepositions (including and conjunctions are assigned theta-grids which will project into prepositional (or propositional) phrases and subordinate clauses. Locative prepositions and postpositions like '(at/in/on/above/ under/be low/besi de/before/af ter) YE. (M)/±. (N) /7 (N)/34 ()/fit()/ilt WM; ... (0/0)(t/JE/1F/*/#a/t))(..:', for example, may be assigned the theta-grid '[ L3 1'; temporal prepositions and postpositions like Aat/on/in/during/ before/ . after/ti 11)... (i!E. . . ; . nouns, . (MotriER)/1=.1111/1A1) . . . [t.:./142/ th).) (1;.0*/Z) '. the theta-grid "[Ti]'; instrumental prepositions and postpositions like Iwith/by/by means of)... ; the theta-grid '[ In ]'; and so on, (PR/1/ffiri4...; ...-e', English adverbial particles (e.g. 'up, dowm in, out on, off, over, away') differ from their homophonous prepositions in that while the latter are "transitive" and thus must take NPs as complements, the former are "intransitive prepositions" which cannot take complements and are assigned the theta-grid '[ r[23). English adverbial particles are generally matched in Chinese with locative and deictic complements (e.g. '((i:/lF/I /0i/V1)(#,JA)/D11}'), and in Japanese with complement stens in compound verbs (e.g. Subordinate conjunctions (e.g '(when/while/before 11:6/719 6/;Att/d3-4-61'). /after/till/if/ unless/because); L.. (09644R/Wit/att)/(01/kuREAMPA:2i)...); (14/114/44/tka/v-(r)u a/v-Ta 6/V -(r)e Lf/tOttla/i.01;/0)-e)(280, on the other hand, differ from prepositions and postpositions in that while the latter take NPs or PPs as complements, the former take clauses (i.e. IPs or TPs) as complements and are assigned theta-grids such as 'DM, CoF and 'DM, Car, with 'Ti', 'Co' and 'Ca' standing for "temporal clause", "conditional clause" and "causal clause". As for coordinate conjunctions, they may also be analyzed as semantic predicates taking two or sore than two arguments that are in principle identical in terms of syntactic category and phrasal status (i.e. word (X), semi-phrase (X') and phrase (XP)). Thus, we assign coordinate conjunctions the theta-grid '[Xx7](213), which will yield such coordinate constructions as 'John (and4) Bill and Dick; diNgq1(40/i1iro /,), .1LEgg', 'either to go to the office or to stay at WM; SVIE4Z; ; tuft 1314A-PWPErOft);O:W51)1. and 'not only pretty but also gentle and intelligent; T = iftirotcY3at; Rt.1.41intznits < -cRo". (xiii) The positions of adverbs or adverbials that occur in VPs, IPs (i.e. Ss) or CPs (i.e. S's) can also be indicated in the form of theta-grid. English "non-ly" adverbs (e.g. 'before, behind, afterward, inside, outside, upstairs, downstairs, around. along, abroad, here, there; hard, early, late, (stay) long, (cut) short, fast, (drive) 27. Or, alternatively, they say be assigned the theta-grid '[ 0 1'. Certain adverbial howeover, say take PPs as adjuncts, as illustrated in 'John came oitt from particles, behind the tree. For a more detailed discussion of Japanese conjunctions, see Tang (1993). The 'Xx' represents a variable in terms of both syntactic category and phrasal status. while the superscript star '111" stands for any number that is equal to, or 28. 29. larger than, two. -1 21- 13 BEST COPY AVAILABIA. VPs and are (run) deep"), for example, say only appear as rightward adjuncts in assigned the theta-grid '[V'__]', while preverbal adverbs (e.g. 'hardly, scarcely, slow, just, merely, simply, not, never'A) and degree adverbs (e.g. 'deeply, badly, fully (understand); terribly (sorry), perfectly (natural), utterly (arong)') say only appear as leftward adjuncts in VPs or APs and are assigned the rapidly, 'slowly, 1_,AV'/All'. As for "-ly" tanner adverbs (e.g. theta-grid entirely (agree), which may appear as either sadly'), happily, diligently, cautiously: rightward or leftward adjuncts in VPs, and sentential adverbs (including style adverbs (e.g. adverbs viewpoint (speaking)'), honestly frankly, speak) '(to (e.g. 'possibly, (e. g, adverbs modality technicallyl, linguistically, 'theoretically, 'surprisingly, (e.g. and evaluation adverbs undoubtedLy') certainly, perhaps, regrettably')), which say appear sentence-initially or sentence-finally, are assigned respectively0I]. the theta-grids '[__11__]' antc carefully, The Projection of Theta-grids and its Constraints In projecting the contents of theta-grids into surface sentences, we must observe the following principles or conditions: 5. structure and thematic to all the three levels of property of the predicate verb, adjective and noun project In .our syntactic representation: D-structure, S -structure and Logical Fora (LF). surface the only relevant level of syntactic representation is approach, however, structure, and the theta-grids of predicate verbs, adjectives and nouns will project directly into surface sentences61. (i) (ii) The Projection Principle requires that the argument The Theta Criterion requires that each argument be assigned one and only and each theta-role be assigned to one and only one argument. This will guarantee not only that all obligatory arguments are present in sentences, but also elements appear in sentences. Optionality of that no redundant or illegitisate certain argusents, on the other hand, is specified as such by the use of parentheses theta-role, in the theta-grid. (iii) The Canonical Structure Realization Principle states that each theta-role is mapped on to its canonical syntactic construction. Agent. Experiencer and Benefactive. for exaaple, are typically realized as huaan or animate NPs; Theme, as concrete or Instrument, Location and Time. as PPs; abstract 1,1Ps; Quantity, as QP; Goal, Source, and Proposition, as various types of clauses as specified in theta-grids. Furthersore, the selectional restriction between the adposition and the NP in each theta-role that is realized as a PP is predicted or handled by lexical redundancy rules (e.g. 'P --> Mice') in unmarked cases and explicitly specified in the theta-grid in sarked to/ cases. (iv) The X -bar Convention defines the well -formedness condition on the hierarchical structure of, and the dominance relation among constituents of phrasal constructions, as stated in (129); namely, all syntactic constructions are endocentric in structure, binary in branching and can be recursively generated or licensed if necessary: Specifier RUle: XP --> XP, X' Rule: X' --> XP, X' (recursive) Adjunct c. Complement Rule: X' --> XP, X (129) a. b. (129a) states that any phrasal category or maximal projection 'XP' consists of a "semi-phrasal" or intermediate projection 'X" and a specifier, which can be of the intersediate states that (129b) any maximal projection (including null); Basically, 30. We will not discuss here whether the negative 'not' should head its own projection. 31. For a much more detailed discussion of English adverbs and adverbials appearing in variouc X-bar structures, see Tang (1990b). the Projection Principle may be replaced by or subsumed under the Full Interpretation Principle (F1), which requires that every element of PF and LF must 32. Thus, receive an appropriate interpretation or be properly licensed. -122- 1 33 'X" and an furthermore, can be more than one states that the in number since the rule is recursively applicable; and (129c) intermediate projection 'X" also consists of the head word 'X' and a complement 'XP' N(oun), A. 'X' represents a variable that ranges over lexical categori, s such as such as categories functional and Ad(verb) P(reposition), A(djective), V(erb), For ease of and Q(uantifier)(34h D(eterminer) 1(nflection), C(omplementizer), subject NPs of in the surface structure, exposition, we will simply assume that, PPs (or of IPs; object NPs and complement sentences appear in the specifier position occur in the complement and the adjunct NPs) of predicate verbs (or adjectives) various adverbials are placed in the adjunct positions of VPsrail, respectively; and PPs or IPs of adpositions NPs, object Similarly, positions of all kinds of XP. as appear conjunctions) subordinate and postpositions prepositions, (including appositional however% complement PPs and IV's, complements of these adpositions. Within clauses occur as complements of the head noun, while relative clauses and other projection X' in turn consists of another intermediate projection adjunct, which can be of any saxisal projection mad, adjectivals appear as adjuncts(361. XPs is (v) While the hierarchical structure of the constituents forming various determined defined by the X -bar Convention, the linear order of these constituents is by the following conditions and parameters: (130) Case Filter Phonologically realized NPs must be assigned Case0371. (131) Case-Assignment Parameter transitive verbs a. English NPs are assigned accusative Case and obliqUe Case by left to rightA. and prepositions, respectively, froa Chinese NPs are assigned accusative Case and oblique Case by transitive verbs b. (and adjectives) and prepositions, respectively, froa left to right. left. c. Japanese NPs are assigned Case by postpositions from right to (132) Adjacency Condition verbs, No constituent say intervene between the Case-assigner (e.g. transitive (i.e. postpositions) and the Case-assignee transitive adjectives, prepositions, NPs). Some versions allow There are several different versions of X-bar convention. XP', as instantiated in XP, XP-adjunction in the phrase structure (i.e. 'XP --> while others allow functional categories to Larson's (1988) VP-shell analysis), from doing so project to two-bar levels (i.e. 'XP') but prohibit lexical categories 33. (e.g. Fuki's (1986, 1988) relativized X-ber theory). argument categories are generally provided with lexical Note that while 34. structures, functional categories do not seen to have argument structures. the The VP-internal Subject Hypothesis assumes that the subject NP originates in 35. the specifier position of the VP in D-structure but moves to the specifier position of on the other hand, IP in S-structure to acquire nominative Case. Larson (1988), (or NP) appear in proposes that the subject 163, the object NP and the complement PP the specifier position of the VP, and the the specifier position of the VP-shell, movement in D-structure, with subsequent complement position of the VP, respectively, Case and position of the IP to receive nominative of the subject NP to the specifier accusative position of the VP-shell to assign that of the predicate verb to the head Case to the object NP. and Chinese, 36. For X -bar structure analysis of various phrasal categories in English see Tang (1989b, 1989c, 1989d, 1990b, NINk, 1990d). IPs (i.e. Ss) are There are also linguists who claim that, in addition to NPs, 37. assigned Case by complementizers and subordinate conjunctions. We will assume that subject NPs in English and Chinese are assigned nominative Case under co-indexation with the head I of TP. 38. -123- 1'04 (133) Argument-Placement Parameter(391 a. English predicate verbs and adjectives place their internal arguments (i.e. objects and complements) and semantic arguaents (i.e. adjuncts or adverbials) on their right, and external arguments (i.e. subjects) on their left. b. Chinese predicate verbs, adjectives and nouns[40) place their internal arguments on their right, and external and semantic arguments on their left. C. Japanese predicate verbs and adjectives place all kinds of argument on their left. (134) Modifier-Placement Paraaeter(41] a. English non-single-word modifiers of nouns (including "bare-HP" adverbs, prepositional phrases, infinitival phrases, participial phrases, appositional clauses, relative clauses), adjectives and adverbs (e.g. infinitival phrases and comparative phrases) appear to the right of the head noun, adjective and adverb, while single-word modifiers (e.g. determiners, quantifiersPei, b. c. adjectives, adverbsPOL participles and nouns) appear to the left. Chinese modifiers of nouns, adjectives and adverbs all appear to the left of the head noun, adjective and adverb[44]. Japanese modifiers of nouns, adjectives and adverbs all appear to the left of the head noun, adjective and adverb. The X -bar Convention (129), coupled with the conditions and parameters listed in through (134), will generate or license the hierarchical structure of constituents and the linear order among thm, as illustrated in the English. Chinese and Japanese sentences below. Compare: (130) (135) a. I study linguistics in the university. IP NP / \ V / V /v,\ \ P, NP A 1irgdst ics A / P P in I the university A This is a rather stipulative variation of the Head Parameter (i.e. a choice between "Head-Initial" and "Head-Final) or the 0-assignment or 0-aarking Directionality Parameter (i.e. choice between "From-Left-to-Right" or "From -Right -to39. Left"). Certain predicate nouns may occur without predicate verbs in Chinese, as illustrated in ',4)-x_MAM3i', 'RAMA' and 1111--irintir'. These predicate nouns are 40. attributive in nature and do not seem to require Case. 41. This is again a different version of the Head Parameter. 42. Expressions like 'plenty of, lots of, a great many, a good deal of, a large number of' are treated as lexicalized quantifiers, which are equivalent in lexical status to single-word quantifiers like 'many, much, half. Adjectives say be modified by degree adverbs (e.g. 'very, so, too, rather') and quantifiers (e. g. 'ten years (old) '). Since degree adverbs (including comparative phrases) and quantifiers are mutually exclusive, they may be generalized into a single 43. category. Descriptive and resultative complements, along with a few degree adverbs %.. tok-r/mIstipprqq,y)'), howlver, follow the head adjective. 44. -124- 135 (e.g. b. IP / \ NP I / \ VP A \ / PP V' 14 V/ \ 1APM0 N P .E24, 1_2 C. ii,t1"eVilifhlWeliiii.-CLNS. IP \ / PP I' / I / \ NP i I \ VP P' I TtN6 I P V' \ V' Pli P' PP V / \ Mt/ NP P A -t3 A 2k / \ NP P ,411-glif I Li Li In the English sentence (135a), both the object NP 'linguistics' and the locative adjunct PP 'in the university' appear to the right of the predicate verb 'study', as defined in the Argument-Placement Parameter (133a). Moreover, the NPs 'liguistics' and 'the university' receive accusative and oblique Case, respectively, from the preceding transitive verb 'study' and preposition 'in', while the subject NP 'I' receives nominative Case under co-indexation with the inflectional head I, as defined in the Case-Assignment Parameter (131a), thus satisfying the Case Filter (t30). Next, in the Chinese sentence (135b) the object NP 'agiT4A' appears to the right, and the locative 10', as defined in (133b). adjunct PP '4E2kAK' to the left, of the 1Tedicate verb and 'AAR' receive accusative and oblique Like English NPs, the Chinese NPs frce the preceding transitive verb 'mit' and preposition '4E', Case, respectively, receives nominative Case under co-indexation with the whereas the subject NP inflectional head L as defined in (131b), thus satisfying (130). Finally, in the Japanese sentence (135c) the subject NP 14', the object NP -gm,' and the locative adjunct PP 'AART.' all occur to the left of the predicate verb 'tb91tS', as defined in (133c), bat unlike English and Chinese NPs, all the Japanese NPs )0R' and IMO' receive Case from the following topic-marker postposition 'Lt'. as and object-marker postposition '4', respectively, locative postposition defined in (131c), thus satisfying (130). As Cases in Japanese are assigned by propositions and have nothing to do with predicate verbs, "scrambling" of arguments is freely permitted in Japanese. In English and Chinese, by contrast, the word order is rather rigidly fixed. Compare: He studied English diligently at the library yesterday[45L h Yesterday he studied English diligently at the library. (136) a. 45. 'Yesterday', 'WFX' and TINT are adverbs in nature and do not seem to require Case. -125- YesterdAy at the library he studied English diligently. 1thfl ittu OH (138) a- ' b. c. 111111110-e krii5 Lt MiatilWe alt Lt d. Ni,1.1,stz: *2141 L ts... a* Okbizs.. !sag e. fStitZ: ' 1. allow only temporal and locative adverbials to occur sentence-initially as theaatic adverbials, as exemplified in (136) and (137), all the in the 1WEAc'045], phrasal constructions (i. e. Japanese sentence (138) can be freely scrambled and appear in different word orders. While English and Chinese ') (vi) We have shown how the theta-grids of predicate verbs and adjectives can be projected into surface sentences without recourse to movement transformation& There are certain language-specific changes in word order, however, that must be handled by the rule of "Move O. English has, for example, Auxiliary Preposing, which moves an auxiliary verb occurring in the head position of VP or IP to the head position of CP ((139a)); WH-Fronting, which moves a wh-phrase in a direct or indirect question to the specifier position of CP ((139b)); Extraposition from NR which moves an Appositional or relative clause and adjoins it to the right periphery of VP ((139c)); Heavy NP which moves a clausal object and adjoins it to the right periphery of VP and Topicalization, which moves a topicalized phrase to the specifier Shift, ((139d)); position of CP ((139e)): (139) a. La, tip b. C. John [i will it 1]. --> [ce Ic Will I bp John t kr I don't know kr what hp John will do village Jj. --> t 111. tI is [vp [VP going about in the The rumor eloped with John 1]. kr You can bp say [cp exactly what you think ] [yp [yp say t to [cp lip I aa not fond of kr You can [pr his face I lip is going about in the village l that Mary has to hia II. > I az not t 1]. it 1]? hia ] exactly what you think ][. his face ][*,[cp [ip I despise [ap his character II] --> bp I despise do --> [N, The rumor [a' that Mary has eloped with John 1] [a, e. do I don't know kr John wi 11do what II. ta, br d. 1 [cp fond of t ll; [a, [Np his character ] Chinese. on the other hand, has Object Preposing, which moves the object NP to the left of a transitive verb or adjective and assigns it oblique Case with the a whi ch moves and Topicalization, preposit ion ( (140b)), or 114' ( (140a)) topicalized phrase and adjoins it to IP ((140c)): [a, it Ivp V/ NI, ifle Exp [a, 41F [vP *TN he, > [a, it hp EpP Eft l la, hp teo*ritt be. fthrhia III, [a, [ip NIVNIt [ip [ap fthirMiL I [IP Rata:kg t III [ip ReTWIR t Ill. [a, [ip 1/47/# t flgarkA III > ithtSISA I. ray be analyzed either as an The "(Z" following the adjectival noun adverbial suffix or as a postposition functioning like the English preposition 'in' in such expressions as 'in earnest' and 'in peace'. 46. -126- 13/ As for Japanese, almost all word-order changes can be accounted for by the rule of "scrambling", as discussed in (138). 6. Conclusion: Implications for Contrastive Analysis, Language Typology and Machine Translation Since not only argument structure and thematic properties but also syntactic idiosyncracies of predicate verbs and adjectives are explicitly and economically specified in the form of theta-grids,, and are projected into surface sentences in quite a straightforward manner, our approach facilitates comparison between individual languages not only in terms of lexical entries, tilt also in terms of surface word order. Corresponding "verbs of trading" in English, Chinese and Japanese, for example, as can be compared with regard to their theta-grids and surface realizations, i 1 lustrated in (141) through (145) : [Qc (on Th) Ag] 'spend': vt. (141) a. b. [[Ag/ap John ] spent [qatfp fifty dollars ] arh/pp on the bookpl. 't(0).: vt. [Qc (AT Th) Ag] pa, /Ai 1 amtn, ST il*fi I) 1LT [Qat(' -1-4310A1 ]. [ c. vt. <Qc (Th (0t)tZ) Ag> : ±N 47) [TIVPP Z. 0)*0) (k.e))tz: 1) [eon, (Go)> (for Th) (Ag, So)] [[Agow John ] paid [Nam fifty dollars] [03/pp to Mary ]/ [comp Mary I [Qc/Fp fifty dollars ]) ([m/pp for the book])]. vt. [<gc_ (Go) > (ATTh) (Ag, So)] [Agin) tigStt ]. 'pay' : (142) a. b. 14' : [F.AemP c. (143) a. b. vt. +HA 1 Eh/pp kom; +AI 10.5 vt. [Gov tail 1) 1. awn:. < (Qc) (Th (0)te))) (Go) : 1) 1Qc.fly K-FF9 10--) [Th (So) (Qc) (Ag, SO) ] [ [Agnip John I bought [-now the book I (643/pp from Mary ]) ([Qcpp for fifty dollars 1)]. vt. [Th (1), Qc) (So) (Ag, Go) ] : 'yt- : D NT [nor kii*-4 1 ]. (kt/PP 1,AA-FiVit ]) aso/pv vt <Th (Qc) (So) (Ag.G0)> 1) ([Qc/Pp tligS/J asoipc 1L-T-*G 1) Frwpp [<Th (Go)> (Qc) (Ag, So)] the book ] Mary ] sold 'sell': vt. [Lump b. Z 'buy': vt. [Wpv 311 t.:. 1 (144) a. D ( kaPP (Ag, So) > (11WFT Z:0")*(f)tztt: ]) aso/NP 1 [.6./wf 1.149i c. (STI*14)1 ffr (Now K-Fitit I (Upr (6/pp 1/4.-..02 to John ])/ [Go/Np John ] [row the book ]) ( Ncipp for fifty dollarsp]. Vt. [Th (Go) (1), Qc) (Ag. So)] 'It' : [rn/Pe 1*41; ] (Ectipp iiRJA [_6,mp /.14 ] tbze/PP IAA-Fite vt. c. [ [mop <Th (Qc) (Go) Hi I (Atg, so) > 1) [Toy ([0e/pp A+19-(1 ]) Ucapp & 0")* 1 1111.-)t: 1. (145) a. 'cost': vt. [(So) gc, Th] [[agimp The book ] cost ([somp Mary ]) [qeng3 fifty dollars I]. b. '1E': vt. [(So) Q, Th] 4ET asamP /14 D arrow Oliza c. iPip6 vi. [ [Thypp Z. 0*U I [Th./NP E+F9 Likewise, A1-416 11. [Qc, Th] [48] "ditransitive" verbs ((146) 1)* . through (150)), verbs with Locative as (e.g. "t:..< A, kilatt 47. Note that while an object NP requires the presence of with it. a quantifier phrase 'A-I-F9 dispenses ) 48. Note that parentheses, rather than angle brackets, are used for this intransitive indicating that no permutation in the surface word order is permitted between verb, , the two argusents specified in the theta-grid. -127- rid "transposed" subject ((151)), -unaccusative- verbs ((152)), "ergative- verbs ((153)), -meteorological- verbs ((154)), "raising" verbs ((155)) and control verbs 0156) through (158)) can be compared in a similar fashion, as illustrated below: (146) a. b. 'forgive': vt. [Be (T__t) Ag] "[r: [ Please forgive [Bow us ] vt. [Be(nTh) Ag] (boy our trespasses ])]. [ min [INA? alli(it [Tor ff]ginl]. vt. <Bee)Th, Ag> c. k-f [pp [Belpp t140) [ (147) a_ "envy': vt. [Oap [rh/ra, B ] John ] envied [bens, Bi 11 [Be (OtICA) Ex] ] b. ": vt. c. [cow his good luck])]. [[Ex.MP !IA I [Bow dAfifei EcamP it-Tati. 11/ kajw c41441,41MilLitT I EINifi [von, ft ow: Vt. <Be0)Ca, Ex> [1.Ex/PP titti 1 (148) a. t.t I. I [Be (Ca) Ex] 'give [PP Elle/PP ?kiNSO) I [CAMP $11 1 1. I Go> (Ag,So)] John ] gave ([ThiNpa present ] [wm, to Mary [Goip Mary ] [ram, a present ]) I. '1:14': Vt. [Go, Th (Ag,S0)] : vt. [<:t]1. [atop Ii c. (149) a. I MT [03/i, /.1,-* [Diem /.141,4 '±,G1 6' [pieta' send ] L [Go/PE, [<'IN Go> (Ag, So) ] vt. : [Toe 1141111*]1(491. <Th, Go (A& So) > vt. : I/ I frypp 7 vv:.) ts I Bfiz[50) 1. John ] will send Unoc some cookies I [G3/pp to Mary 1/ [Gam, Mary ] [now sone cookies ])]. "jg' : vt. [<.M (M)Go> (Ag. So) ] [Diem, /.1,1311 *32 fErh.mp 41.111* 1 kapp fa/.14 1/ [Goippipip (M)/.14 ] Hump b. [nor 419Ple 111. c. '326 vt. : <Th, Go (Ag, So) > Hag/pp (150) a. [ b. c. rip John ] : vt. <Th, Go (Ag. So) > [now introduced Mary ] [Go/F, to Bill 11. [Th, Go, Ag] NP +BA ] *SA how ,.1,* 1 *T6 vt. <Th, Go, Ag> [LAFfFP tigSiO ] [co/PP &ASV.: (151) a. I 32-, tzl. [oo/PP 1E-TIZ ] [riilep ] introduce' : wt. "swarm': vi. <Th, ] [copp fiv.14111 U. [rit/PP 1E'* Go, Ag> eltb I. [rump The garden ] is swarming [Thin with bees ]]; [[now Bees ] are swarming 6/Fp in the garden b. "VC: vt. [Th, Lo] [Lo/NP R-90 ] VAT [row NO l]. c. '31106 vi. <Lo, Th> [[Th/FT Off ] Law igt:: I 3111$-)."006 1. 49. For speakers who accept '4HAMT-41fittk/jli' as well-formed, the theta-grid will be '[<M Go> (Ag,So)]'. 50. Japanese ditransitive verbs have a rather complicated system of deixis, which can also be incorporated in the theta-grid (e.g. '±.4.f6 (vt. <Th, Go (Ag. So) <-I>), _Et1 6 (vt.<Th, Go (Ag, So) <-I, +H)>), < *1.6 (vt. <Th, Go <+I> (Ag, So) <-H>>), (vt. <Th, Go <+I>, (Ag, So) <+H>>), YU) (vt. <Th, So <-I, -H>, (Ag, Go)>, LNIzt,!.< (vt. <Th, <Th, So <-I, +H> (Ag, Go <-I, -H>, (Ag, Gc) >), Jtb6 (vt. <Th, Go <-I,-H>, (Ag, where "+I ", '+H', second and third persons)', Go) >), 'non-first-person (i.e. 'non-honorific (or inferior)', respectively. Japanese deixis, see Tang (1993). -128- For So) >), <11.-c136 (vt. "-IV stand for "first-person', honorific (or superior)' and a sore detailed discussion of (152) a. b. [Th (there)] 'arrive'.: v. [51] E[Th/wp A guest ] arrived yesterday]; [[There] arrived [now a guest I yesterday 'NJ, 3K': V. [()Th (4))1 I. Haim, UNLA Irr t91/31V T [ (91/3K) T {MAP trgA 1 1. vi. <Th> [ 0E1 [Thin, MO A (V, t..:/igAtti c. 4<, 9.1111-6'; ]. (153) a. 'open [Th (Ag) ] v (t). [52] : HAewp John ] opened [th/Np the door Unite The door b. ' (M) : v (t). [Th (kg)] figilT [nop Pi ]1; Hrion, 19 1 [LxVia, 1.141.11 I Mot.: 1: [Den, tigiY$ 1 [min, 'rain': vi. [ it [[ It ] is still raining --F.': b. [ c. [[ (155) a. b. (gientz) Mot:- I. [[Thm, I. (4))] OIAT 1; [ WET [N]]. ": vi. <M> I tilet-,TOZi. [(Pd, it/Pe, Thll [[ it I happened [pcoapthat she was at home ]]; Uthfla) She j happened [pe/a, PRO to be at home 1]. '&16': ad. [___C'] *1;5 [row Mt 1/ Wm, Oh I lin': [a, (156) a. .[-ffi v. MIT I. 'happen': vi. [a, c. (gitaft1) v(t). <Th (Ag)> c. (154) a. 1]; opened (automatically)]. I [ ( ad. gin 'remember (__C'1 lEttdd 1/ [Thipp RAU inn vt. lEtzEtz 1. [ (Pe, Ag/ (1/e/Pg/Pd) Ex)] I]; [[ Remember [poJcp PRO to turn off the light [thaw I remember (jteicp PRO seeing him once 1/ [Bop him saying that ]/ [pop, you went to school with his b. In. 'RE* [ gaf, vt. [Pe/cl, PRO Hexisi, ft NW II; fiNva, PRO SEVit Ex) ] 11; fill,MXVOTA/ fraftlaBMI I]]. mu-006 vt. < (Pe. Ag/(Pe/Pd) L, )> [pe/cp PRO '401Criutstco II; ]; [[Ebapp WI 1 [pp [NAP PRO Igtt;:--)tir-Dtz I k ] Fala/Tt [[ex/Pp fat ] [iv [at/cp riAgtk --fatzefktz11--,t..: )1 k EifiLTL61. [6bawp c. ft ilEP! [(Pe (Ag/Ex) /Pd, SE4 [peva, [ (157) a. b. 'warn': vt. Go, Pe, Ag] HAftwip He I warned [comp se ] vt. [Go, Pe, Ag] HAF,fm, ft] [ TIM [min, R1/ [Go/ep MR 1 ilif* I [Glop tati (158) a. ii C. 51. 'v. (o)/pp WZ 1 'promise': vt. [Pe/cP PRO TAEL41.11.1tttc% 11. <Go, Pee, Ag> vt. c. [peia, PRO not to see his daughter any sore H. [Go, Pe, Ag] [PP [Pe/a, PRO tka3f8,--110a] L] it*titz I. Hitemp She I promised [Goy se ] (pejo, PRO to buy se a new bicyle I]. 'Vff': vt. [Go, Pe, Ag] Hump ft 1 4/1 [GaNp ft ] [p./cp pRo 'arokt6 vt. <Go, Pee. Ag> f[Alupp RAU ] [o3/PP t.41,-- ] [PP [Pe/cP 1]. P(P)RO *fil./01A111-*04--7-C<*1,6 ] stands for an unaccusative verb which is capable of assigning partitive Case to the NP that follows it. 52. 'v(t). stands for an ergative verb which can be used as intransitive" verb as well as a "causative transitive" verb. -129- u an "inchoative eA I:: 1. The above examples further illustrate how the argusent structure of a predicate verb can be specified in the fors of a theta-grid according to how sany arguments the theta-role) each argument predicate verb licenses and what semantic role (i.e. the represent that theta-roles assigned between association The receives. "s(emantic) -selection" property of the predicate verb and syntactic categories that these semantic roles turn into in surface sentences is to a large extent predictable by the "Canonical Structure Realization" or "c(ategorial) -selection" tendency of Though the association between assigned theta-roles and argument theta-role& is also to positions (i.e. internal argument, external argument or semantic argument) Agent always becomes sentence, in an active (e.g. a certain extent predictable subject), we place the theta -role that represents the internal argument (i.e. object or complement) at the left periphery of the theta-grid, and the theta-role that represents the external arguaent (i.e. subject), at the right periphery of the theta-grid. We also specify the subeategorial feature of predicate verbs (e.g. 'v. ') to account for the difference in their Case-assigning capacity. 'v(t). 'vt lexical or syntactic, may exist with regard to Whatever idiosyncratic properties, particular predicate verbs, they are also specified in their theta-grid& Thus, the lexical entries of corresponding verbs between different languages can be explicitly and economically compared in terms of the nuaber of argusents they license, types of theta-role assigned to these arguaents, syntactic categories and grammatical relations these arguments are associated with, along with such idiosyncratic syntactic features and marked choice of adpositions, Case-marking of complements, as inherent perautabiIity between complement& between adjuncts or between a complement and an adjunct. Our analysis shows that among the contents of the theta-grid, the argument structum, thematic property, and selection of internal and external arguments with are languages the corresponding predicate verbs between different to regard each other is the froa what say differ that and same, the essentially subcategorization feature (and the resultant difference in Case-assigning capacity), The sapping of idiosyncratic syntactic features mentioned above. and certain and siaple quite is also S -structures and/or D -structures to theta-grids or rather straightforward. The X -bar Convention, replacing phrase structure rules, serving as well -formedness conditions on various syntactic constructions including into which will provide us with appropriate hierarchical structures, sentence& various arguments specified in theta-grids plus those introduced by lexical redundancy rules can be inserted. We can look upon our structural tree projected from the theta-grid of a predicate verb 3r adjective as a kind of Chri-tmas tree which has an "endocentric" trunk and "binary" branches, and all sorts of albuments available serve as Christmas decorations to be hung on their proper positions in the tree according to the instructions given in the theta-grid. The linear order of the arguments, on the other hand, is largely an issue of parametric settings which include parameters of In directionalityPh (or theta-marking) Case-assignment and arguaent -placement generating or licensing surface sentences, moreover, principles of universal grwssar the X-bar Conventiom the Projection Principle, the Full Interpretation such as the Theta Criteriom the Case Filter, the Adjacency Condition and the Principle, Economy Principle (i.e. movement as "the last resort")054L must be strictly observed across language& Thus, while language-particular distinctions are chiefly accounted cross-linguistic siallarities for by fixing the values of relevant pmrameters0519, follow froa sharing the same principles of universal grammar. At a sore abstract and general level, language typology can also be discussed in terns of universal principles and parameters. The distinction between the so-called 53. Note that we have placed the internal and external arguments at the left-periphery and also indicated the respectively, right-periphery of the theta-grid, and permutability of arguments by enclosing them in angle brackets, which provides further information for the linearity of the arguments involved. 54. For other principles and conditions of universal grammar, see Tang (1989d, 1991a, 1992d, 1994a) The periphery in constructions 55. idiosyncracies. l990a, of each a particular grasser, lampmgge, also which is contributes responsible for marked language-particular to "SVO language", "SOV language" and "VS0 language", for example, can be ascribed to the difference in Case-assignment and theta-narking directionality as well as the relative positioning of the inflection 'I' and its complement VR Consider English, a typical SVO language, in which the complement VP appears to the right of the inflection head, and the subject NP originates in the specifier position of the VP but raises to the specifier position of the immediately dominating IP so as to acquire nominative Case, while the object NP appears to the right of the transitive verb to receive accusative Case, yielding an SVO sentence, as illustrated in (159): IP (159) / \ 1' ba) A \ / VP I NP John V' \ / V study I NP English in Chinese, which is also an appears to the right of the and the [Spec, VP] to [Spec, verb, so as to acquire nominative SVO language with an SOY variant, the complement VP inflection heaki with the subject NP raising from object NP appearing to the right of the transitive and accusative Case, respectively, yielding an SVO sentence (160a) or, alternatively, the object NP adjoins to the periphery of the immediately dominating IP, yielding an OSV sentence (160b), with subsequent adjunction of the subject NP to a newly created IP, yielding an SOY sentence (150c)0561: Next, also IP (160) a. \ / ba, I A \ / VP I / A NP \ V' / \ 141fri NP V I ' Mkt b. / A-11-4 IP \ NP IP NP 1' / 1.1In 1' VP / \ V' NP --r t1 I / \ V \ v tj / \ NP ti. The object NP introduced by the preposition 11E' and receiving oblique Case from it may also appear between the subject NP and the predicate verb, as illustrated in dATEVAMIII561", which also manifests the apparent SOV order. 56. -131- IP C. / \ IP NP / \ NP 141. IP NP t't / \ VP / \ I / \ V NP I' V' / \ t, V NP tj tk Finally, in Japanese, which is a typical SOY language, the complement VP appears to the left, rather than the right, of the inflectional head, and the head verb appears to the right, rather than the left, of its complement and specifien Since all NPs, subject NR receive Case from postpositions that seems to be necessary for reasons of Case-assignment including the follow them, no movement yielding an SOV sentence (161a) or, alternatively, by adjoining the object NP to the IR yielding an OSV sentence like (161b): (161) a- IP [IT 1 \ / A VP / [57] pp NP I -t: V. I / / V PP P V \P '1R/ L-- NP L--I A \ IP b. IP P1ok / \ NP VIEt / PPi P / \ NP t.PA \ / P /\ \ VP PP / \ V' Vj / \ Me3gt Furthermore, PP V tk tj Chomsky and Lasnik (1991:35) point out that the verb in a tree if structure like (162a) raises to the head position of IP and the subject NP remains in the specifier position of VP, then we have an instantiation (162b) of a VS0 language [58]: 57. We are by no means sure that the subject NP jtalibt' should be raised to [Splec, IP], since there sees to be no "self-serving" purpose for such movement at S-structure. Agreement. The movement may be necessary, however, at LF to check Spec-Head 58. Chnosky and Lasnik (1991:35) propose that while V raises to -132- 1 A II I at S-structure, ita (162) a. IP / \ Grp 1' \ / VP I A / NP \ V" \ / NP V IP b. / Go, \ I. ] / I / \ Vi I VP / \ NP V' / \ V NP tl Next, let us examine the cross-linguistic variation in WH-Fronting, an application of the rule Move a (or more generally. Affect a). English differs from Chinese and Japanese in that it moves the wh-phrase or question-phrase to the periphery of the proposition (more precisely, to [Spec, CP] in the case of English) at S-structure, while the latter do so only at LF (perhaps, by adjunction to IP) to indicate the scope of the question-phrase. In the case of a multiple wh-question, in which more than one question-phrase occurs, English allows only one question-phrase to move by S-structure while the others remain "in-situ" at S-structure and move to clause-peripheral position at LF. Thus, languages may differ in (i) whether they allow overt or visible movement of question-phrases at S-structure, and (ii) if they do, how many questionr-phrases way move and where they move. In an English-type language, only one question-phrase moves to NNW, CP] at S-structure; in a Polish-type language more than one question-phrase can be moved at S-structure, one moving to [Spec, CP] and the rest adjoining to clause-peripheral position [60]; and in a Chinese/Japanese-type language, all question-phrases remain in-situ at S-structure. All languages, however, move the question-phrases in-situ to clause-peripheral position at LF [51] to indicate their scope. Interestingly enough, this typological distinction between overt (English and German) and covert (Chinese and Japanese) movements of question-phrases at S-structure seems to be closely related to another typological difference in the position and function of the head (i.e. the complementizer C) of CP, which in turn seems to be related to the typological distinction between the presence and absence of final particles as well as Auxiliary Preposing. In English and German, C appears to the left of its IP complement and say be occupied by a complementizer (e.g. 'that, whether, for' in English) or serve as a landing site for an auxiliary to wove in; in Chinese and Japanese, on the other hand. C seems to appear to the right of its IP complement and may be occupied by final particles (including the relative clause or modification marker (N), as illustrated in (163), (164) and (165): subject raises to [Spim 59. In fact, IP] only at LF. Chinese and Japanese do allow optional movement of question-phrases at S-structure, as illustrated in "a46-4kkomilmov and "Ift*105.ttliONIL/TIOI t '11 -Awake 1:1-) 60. Note that across-the-board movement of a coordinate construction containing more than one question-phrase is possible with English, as illustrated in 'When, where and how did John study?". 61. See Huang (1982) and much subsequent work. -133- (163) a. b. c. d. La, Lc 41-11 Lip I know LcP [c that 1 [IP John will cose 1111. [a, Ic -WH1 [ip I don't know [cp [c whether Ic -WH1 [ip This IS Grp the book [a, op yesterday 11111! [tp John [t t j come II? La, fc b. I Lc [cP [iP tt#311I [cP IP [cp [IP itiT4ite [cp lip /_14:1**INA 1 c. [cp d- fa, (164) a. (165) a- [iP [NE' fa, Op [IP itf/P.W [a, [PP ha, Ecr EtP (l,(4) t\SM46 1 b. [bp [pp Up lip (V.g) c. [a, hp d. La, Lip [c 11. b4p [cp Op 31 I Ic MI III. 11111- Ic 11 at,i 11 S I [c E III! -91H (ao/e EC 2E 11. fip t/j) [le John will come 1111. [c that 1 [fp I bought t [62] Lc +WH t LIP 'Ai** 1 Lc !II 11? 1 GI 1 1 5) b, 1 [c +WH t ) fc Y;1:1--7V06 1 )* 1 ti I lroGrst, J. Lc /3' 11? The complesentizer position is specified with the feature '-W11' or '+WH', or simply C In an English-type language, in which C precedes IP, the left unspecified. be filled in by the declarative complementizer containing the feature '-WH' will 'that' (as in (163a)) or 'for' [63], depending on whether the following IP is a finite '+WH', on the or non-finite (i.e. infinitival) clause; the C containing the feature 'whether' (as in will be filled in by the interrogative complementizer other hand, (163b)) or 'if' [643, or when .left empty, serves as a landing site for an auxiliary to (163d)); and the C without the feature specification '-var or move in (as in and dominated by both CP and NP, will be filled in by the complesentizer 'that' which In a (651. introduces a relative clause (as in (163d)) or an appositional clause the C will in which C follows rather than precedes IP, Chinese/Japanese-type language, indicate the mood or be filled in by various types of final particles that the feature '-WH' is filled illocutionary force of the speaker. Thus, the C containing (male-speaker-oriented), ID 'al, qt, It: in by declarative particles such as V, f ta (addressee-oriented) '; the C (speaker-oriented), (female-speaker-oriented), (yes-no '0,% by interrogative particles such as containing the feature '+WH', ip'; and the C containing (choice-type question and wh-question): question), neither '-WH' nor '+WW, by other particles such as 'nE (conjectural or optative); (certainty)' if it occurs in a root sentence, and by the (conjectural or optative), 1 fi a (66) if it is dominated by both CP and NP. subordinate marker 19; 0), '+WH' under C not only In English-type languages, the presence of the feature indicates the semantic type of the following IP (i.e. question or Ftq) and selects the concert with the tense feature specification under in complement izer proper independent motivation for the is an if there (or under T(ense), I(nflection) but also serves as a kind of "force indicator- which attracts the existence of TP), '+WH' question-phrase to [Spec, CP]. Moreover, when the C containing the feature 62. 'Op' stands for the null operator or empty relative pronoun, the movement of which leaves a trace 't' behind in the relative clause. 63. As in 'I want very much for John to come. finite or introduce either 'whether' say interrbgative compleaentizer (or not) '), while (I should go/to go) don't know whether non-finite clauses (e.g. 'I 'I don't know if (I should go/*to go) (or 'if' say only introduce finite clauses (e.g. 64. The not)'). 65. As in 'the rumor that Mary has eloped with John. introduces relative and appositional clauses and functions 66. While the Chinese as a subordinate or codification marker, the Japanese "(1)" serves as a nominalizer, as Alt [pp Japanese clauses can also ilet^-fi< I 41111Z.r.r IC 11 7' 1 [ci, [IP be nominalized by taking so-called "formal nouns" (e. in g. 1 MK: k 1] [c [cp in relative clauses, no relative or subordinate marker is needed. as Aid [pp [IP ItSVti..< -134- , t0), '. "), As for Japanese it occurs in a root sentence, aspectual auxiliary to move in, will also serve as a ianding site for a modal or yielding a direct question. In Chinese/Japanese-type languages.' the feature specification under C also indicates the semantic type of the preceding IP and licenses the insertion of proper fine. particles which are in accord with the semantic type of the preceding IP. In the case of the feature '+WH', it will trigger a "V-not-V" question if no question-phrase ocrirs in the IP and, moreover, the Chinese sentence (164b) r57) and is also specified as '+WH", as illustrated in s: the Japanese sentence (165b). As the specifier and tie head positions of CP in Chinese and Japanese are separated by the intervening IP, the sentence-final C containing the feature '+WH" neither attracts a question-phrase to [Spec. CP] nor serves as a landing position, which site for a modal or aspectual verb to move in from the constituent seems to account for the non-occurrence of from-right-to-left WH-Fronting and The raising of a Auxiliary Preposing in Chinese and Japanese surface sentences final particle from the constituent C position to the ma:rix C position, however, can happen when an interrogative particle which originates in the constituent sentence raises to the matrix sentence to receive "wide-scope" interpretation. Thus, Chinese may take questions or interrogative clauses as their verbs such as 'gggi. II1 complements only when these questions receive wide-scope interpretation; that is, the entire sentence is interpreted as a question. In this case, interrogative particles llg) originate in the constituent C position (and even trigger V-not-V ag, (e.g. question, as illustrated in (166b)) but raise to the matrix C position, as illustrated I I below: (166) a. fcp [ip firZA fcp lip fthirA I Ic pi III --> [cp flp Vi t [c 1 Ic Lc DA 11? 111 fc +0 II? Ltp f"F1:-/Si fcp ftp itte.1.43K I fc b. c. Lcp [fp 1ttA3k --> [cp [ip cfro'S fcp Lip [a, [IP ffc111 [cp [fp a.e3K --> [cp ftIc tik*'5K [cp [tP ilft** I [1 p fc 1 III fc fc +WH I I? Lc E 11? Ic E 111 Languages can also be compared in terms of the Head-Initial versus Head-Final the Theta-Marking or Theta-Assignment Parameter, the Parameter (or, alternatively, Case-Assignment Parameter and/or the Argument-Placement Parameter C691), which accounts for, among other things, the "mirror-image" phenomenon in linear order of constituents between English and Chinese. (167) a. 13. John hp [[[[ studied English ] diligently 'JAI hp [ ?Erlait 19a2M1 [ ] at the library ] yesterday ]]. 1111. with regard to the head (167a) and (167b) clearly shows that, The contrast between verb and its adverbial modifiers, English is head-initial and left-branching Waite Chinese is head-final and right-branching. If the linear order of modifiers is, in general, determined by semantic proximity between the head and its modifiers (i.e. modifiers which are semantically closer to the head appear locationally nearer to it as well), then the reverse order of adverbial modifiers manifested in the head-initial English and the head-final Chinese is a natural consequence [70]. A corollary of this when these different types of adverbials appear together in the form of a is, question-phrase in a coordinate construction and move to the sentence-initial position as a result of WH-Fronting, the linear order of the adverbials will be the same for English and Chinese, since in this case the question-adverbials precede the head 67. For detailed discussions of Chinese "V-not-V" questions, see Huang (1991) and Guo (1992) 65. For a somewhat different proposal to account for the occurrence and non-occurrence of overt WH-Fronting at S-structure, see Cheng (1991). 69. We will not discuss here which parameter is the least stipulative or whether parameters can be unified into one. The fact that the object NP follows the head verb in both languages is accounted for by the Case-Assignment Parameter, according to which the transitive vero assigns accusative Case to its object NP from left to right in both language& 70. -135- 146 in both languages, manifesting a surface "head-final" configuratiom Compare: verb [71] (168) a. When, where and how did John study Enelish? b. / jarfa OlAg§? Finally, we would like to mention briefly how our "minimalist" approach might have relevance to the theory of machine translation_ By comparing not only the contents of the theta-grids for the corresponding verbs of English, Chinese and Japanese but also the way they project into surface sentences, theta-grids, along with the few principles and parameters discussed provide vital information for language parsing in a very simple format. Among the number of obligatory arguments, the distinction between internal other things, adjunct) arguments, the (i.e. object), external (i.e. subject) and semantic (i.e. optionality and permutability of arguments at S-structure, the syntactic categories that these arguments are turned into (via canonical structure realization), the selection of marked and unmarked adpositions (including prepositions, postpositions and subordinate conjunctions) for the arguments, and partial linearity among the arguments, are either listed in theta-grids or handled by lexical redundancy rules. is also quite simple and The mapping of theta-grids to surface sentences straightforward, since there are only a few principles and constraints to observe and a few parameters to choose from. The X-bar Convention, simple in fors and content, seems to obviate the necessity for phrase structure rules which essentially repeat the information already provided in the theta-grids. If endocentricity of phrasal constructions and binary branching of the majority of improper structural their constituents are strictly observed, descriptions will be eliminated, thus considerably reducing the burden of sentence we think our above, parsing. Furthermore, transfer rules can also be reduced to the minimum or even entirely eliminated_ Suppose that the lexicon (or data base) consists of lexical items which contain a theta-grid as part of their lexical entries and, furthermote, that the lexical entries for the corresponding verbs, adjectives, nouns, adverbs, adpositions, etc. between the input and output languages are listed side by side in the lexicon. Instead of writing separate sets of phrase structure rules for each language and two different sets of transfer rules for each pair of languages(72). we simply look up the lexical items appearing in the input text in the lexicon, match them with the corresponding lexical items in the output language aind using the information provided by the theta-grids for these lexical items (especially, the predicate verbs and adjectives), translate the input text into the output language, by the parallel analysis of the input text in terns of theta-grids and mapping of the corresponding theta-grids in the output language to surface sentences. In this sense, our approach is "lexicon-driven" and "multi-directional". It is admitted, however, that there are still some problems to be solved (e.g. exactly how many theta-roles are necessary for natural languages, and how should we identify them?) and thorny technical details to be worked out (e.g. how should the contents and functions of theta-grids be stated in a computer language so that they can be readily understood by the computer7)173). If these question-adverbials are analyzed as sentential adverbials, then they also precede the head IP (i.e. S). 71. This means that, given n languages, there need tc be n sets of phrase structure rules and n(n-1)(=nz-n) sets of transfer rules. 72. For a more detailed discussion of our approach to machine translation. see Tang (1992d), which deals with sore specific issues such as the "garden path" phPnomenon in language processing and the disambiguation of syntactic ambiguity 73. -136- References L. L. -S., 1991, On the Typology of Wh-Questions. Doctoral dissertation, MIT, Cambridge, Ma. Choinsky, N. and H. Lasnik, 1991, 'Principles and Parameters Theory', to appear in J. Jacobs, A. Von Stechow, W. Sternefeld, and T. Vennemann (eds.) Syntax: An Cheng, International Handbook of Contemporary ResearsA de Gruyter, Berlin. 'A Minimalist Program for Linguistic Theory', in K. Hale and S. , 1993, Keyser (eds. ) The View from Building 20: Essays in Linguistics in Honor of J. Sylvain Bromberger, MIT Press, Cambridge, Ma. Rikui, N., 1986, A Theory of Category Projection and Its Application, Doctoral dissertation, MIT, Cambridge, Ma. , 1988, 'Deriving the Differences between English and Japanese: A Case Study in Parametric Syntax', English Linguistics 5. Grimshaw, J. and A. Mester, 1988, 182-295. 'Light Verbs and 13-Marking", Linguistic Inquiry 19, Gruber, J. R , 1965, Studies in the Lexical Relation, Doctoral dissertation, MIT, Cambridge, Ma.. (VIM) < giagERrtiltlitM1140Alf/f >. 1§21AWIII6N±i4Z am, 3. Huang, C.-T. J., 1982, Logical Relations in Chinese and the Theory of Grammar, Doctoral dissertation, MIT, Cambridge, Ma. , 1991, 'Modularity and Chinese A-Not-A Questions', In C. Georgopoulos and R Ishihara (eds.) Interdisciplinary Approaches to Language, Kluwer , Dordrecht. Jackendoff, R. S., 1972. Semantic Interpretation in Generative Grammar, MIT Press, Cambridge, Ma. LarSon, R., 1988, 'On the Double Object Construction', Linguistic Inquiry 19, 335-391. H. 1993, 'The Minimalist Theory of Syntax: Motivations and Prospects', a paper presented at 2nd Seoul International Conference on Generative Grammar. Li, Y. -H. A., 1985, Abstract Case in Chinese, Doctoral disserta- tion, USC. 1990, Order and Constituency in Mandarin Chinese, Kluwer, Dordrecht. , Pritchett, B. L , 1988. 'Garden Path Phenomena and the Grammatical Basis of Language Processing', Language 64, 339-376. Slakoff, M., 1983, 'Bees are Swarming in the Garden: a Systematic Synchronic Study of Productivity', Language 59, 288-346. Tang, C. -C. T., 1990, Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended X"-Theory, Doctoral di ssertation, Cornell Universi ty. Lasnik, Tang, T. C. (g-6), 1984, mgateddigH-:=40, . 1988a OrdifffifIttlirfilAtten: **,9tiliAl>, <=134MINIM KAIV43Ztit*Rft,1**15SCANiik> 1-38w, Ilketez% (1988c). 1988h, 01114Mtk1AiW, . . 1988. Ogiatk: VI* trigIMIEJ 1989a. OtlirWAttildk>, 198911 <tx01414441,044-MaitritiOEMOI>,<.1.SX1047:0Alffift ilkilMA (1989a). Vliffill*MDMVMM>, 1989c. <90:141110/18ekAAtitiiit53*>. <COMMAggatielfiSC , 75-117N, slkiWia (1992a). 13:37-68k. MEPrahttiff>, . 1990a, <9001IRL3ZiAllit (): . 199013, <MARIMPArxell0604,rinfiliittfAiff: 'tJit4C-PkAtk>, <441WifiNtEM4,13(Wilf1-41M3031Ril $0, ilitUFIS (1992c). *>, *VA. , 1990c, <1.1SAVAKII>rN211411,94rQUI.ArxOnNittili: . 1990d, <1%ti-f.irkg-lifiArOM411.4thrxICAMIlliAillitithAlfi>. , 1991a CitiltiftigiOtailtftk>, 04feldNIAQVg3tftfifftstat VfatftWiti10> 235-289A, 4kfik4 (1992c). 1991 <igtOnalit SIMMINILWIM>, 141ZNINIMUltitit34,1 ilffin**054111itZ, JIM-WA (1992b). 14:5-25N. OVAH*L2-Amtf>, 1991c. <tigiliffRL sZitffit (11) BEST COPY AVAILABLL -137- 1 /id , 1992a, <C-414tMAEJIE>. ita4t6M. 19924 <4311Mtk1it:Flik>. ilEMitga 1992c. <VM.04)k_ Vii ..____ M. (410. *Ana* 1992d. ;Lk DigiftWOZMN: MAI -Mtk>rtaWititl*K.110-111Aifiifi 5S-4*WIRUX. OAP 1993. < PROR*44/&11i4k. (1994c). (1994b). A(DiZAO)E1*-153Zik : It '>. Ei 7493041'MM 1994a. KtfiE5MVAtkIlii : xittelN,9114101ii,>. Wet& 1994b, <411ffiek4fekElt>. IMPtiVt. 1994c. OLUXUSAik -138- (T*)>. itiVedt,SM. TYPES OF TONE SANDHI IN MANDARIN DIALECTS AND A FORMAL MODEL OF TONE Mei-chih L. Chang National Chung-Hsing University at Taipei Introduction. Like other phonological processes, tone sandhi in general may be viewed as natural processes which are to a large extent phonetically motivated.' During the past few decades great strides have been made in our understanding of the working of 0. tone sandhi in individual languages as more detailed documentation has become available. However, some broader, fundamental questions such as the nature of tone sandhi, the properties of tone sandhi rules, and the relation of tone sandhi to other prosodic units have not been fully answered. With regard to the Chinese languages, our understanding of these broader issues remains poor even within the better-studied languages mostly due to the complexities of dialect variation and to incomplete documentation. Despite the difficulty of obtaining sufficient data, initial attempts to probe into the broad issues regarding tone sandhi can be made based on the data accessible so far. This paper thus intends to serve as a preliminary study of the nature of tone sandhi as it looks into the types of tone sandhi found in a number of Mandarin dialects documented and representative of different Mandarin-speaking regions. In this preliminary investigation, I . single out two widely discussed and highly controversial dialects, Changzhi and Pingyao, for lengthy expositions, and offer alternative analyses of their peculiar tone sandhi behavior. In concluding the paper. I disucss the implications of these tone sandhi properties for constructing a general theory of tone. 1. Tone Sandhi Rules in Mandarin Dialects 1.1. Dialects surveyed and their tone systems. Among the major Chinese languages, Mandarin has the most speakers and occupies a vast territory (Norman 1988). The language (i.e. entire dialect group) is further divided into subgroups on the basis of geographical locations.2 For this study, representative dialects from each major region for which sufficient documentation is available are used. Before we discuss the tone sandhi, the tone systems of the dialects studied are first listed in (1) below. (1) Tone systems of Mandarin dialects:3 8 7 5 3 2 1 Tonal categom 51 214 35 55 Beijing(13F) 53 213 45 21 Tianjin(BF) 42 35 55 213 Xuzhou(BF) 45 53 24 21 Xian (XB) 35 23 44/53 4 Pingyao( XB ) 13 13 53 Changzhi(XB) Chengdu( XN) Wuhan (XN) Zhenjiang(JH) 213 44 24 535 31 53 13 55 42 Yangzhou(.1H) Hefei (JH) 31 213 35 34 55 24 35 55 55 53 42 212 31 42 -139- 54 54 5 5 4 4 4 4 ems with almost identical tonal inventories (e.g.. Zhenjiang and Yangzhou) may not have identical sandhi processes; however, dialects within the same group tend to share certain sandhi processes. These points are made clear in subsequent discussions. 1.2. Tone sandhi in the northern (BF) dialects. The best known tone sandhi in Mandarin is that of Beijing in which a third tone changes into a high rising value (i.e. T2) when followed by other T3 syllables.4 In the BF subgroup, the northeastern region (Manchuria) is most similar to the Beijing dialect; e.g., Shenyang (as documented in Yuan 1960) has the same tone system and the T3 sandhi as that of Beijing except for the lower register on the first tone ([33]). In contrast the dialect spoken in Tianjin, about just 120 kilometers southeast of Beijing, has a set of tone sandhi quite distinct from that of Beijing, despite the obvious similarity in tone values in citational tone categories. Tianjin tone sandhi occurs pervasively in the preceding syllable of a disyllabic string, the rule of which is illustrated below:5 (2) Tianjin tone sandhi (Li and Liu 1985):6 a. 21 ---> 213 / 21 i.e. 0"--> h/ 1_ 1 b. 213 ---> 45 / 213 i.e. L --> 11/ L c. 53 ---> 21 / 53 i.e. H.h I --> L/ H.h I d. 53 ---> 45 / 21 i.e. h 1 --> 1 h / L.1 These sandhi processes are clearly dissimilatory in nature; i.e., both (2b) and (2c) involve register dks:;iniiiaZI:pri, while (2a) and (2d) involve the dissimilation of pitch specifications. With regard to the complex contour tone [213] and rule (2a), some clarification is needed; that is, in light of the rare occurrence of complex contours preceding other syllables, (2a) seems odd for it changes a low falling tone to a complex contour (i.e., low-falling-rising) when followed by another low falling tone. If the complcx contour tone documented in Tianjin is similar to that of T3 in BM, the duration of the syllable bearing this tone should be much longer than that of the syllables bearing other tones. However, according to the phonetic studies by Shi (1990), the duration of the documented complex contour tone in Tianjin, whether it be the sandhi tone in (2a) or the citation tone in (2b), is not any longer than that of other tones. Based on this fmding and the appearance of a clear rising contour in the phonetic studies, Shi treats this tone as simply a low rising tone [13], of which analysis is adopted here. Another relatively well-documented BF dialect is Xuzhou, spoken in northern Jiangsu close to the border with Henan and Shangdong provinces. Like Beijing. major sandhi in Xuzhou is concerned with the complex contour tone [213]. (3) Xuzhou tone sandhi: 213 213 ---> 13 13 / 213 213 ---> 22 (or 21) / X (X: all other tones) (3) is reminiscent of the T3 sandhi in Beijing: the complex contour is never fully realize4 unless prepausally. The difference between the Xuzhou sandhi and the Beijing T3 sandhi is mainly in the register dissimilation which Beijing undergoes, but Xuzhou does not In addition to (3), a lexical sandhi process in Xuzhou merits some discussion. In reduplicated forms, there is a strong tendency for the second reduplicated syllable to surface as a high level tone 1551.7 In addition, there is triplication in the Xuzhou lexicon which gives the following patterns: (4) Triplication in Xuzhou: [22 - 55 213] a. [213]: [55 55 - 55] b. [55]: [35 - 55 - 213] [42 - 55 - 213 or 42] c. [35]: d. [42]: With the exception of (4b), one may consider the second and third syllables in triplicated forms to follow a template with the first syllable maintaining its original tone.8 It is most likely that the high level tone in the middle is motivated by weak stress; evidence of this comes from a similar reduplication process involving three syllables (i.e., the BBA pattern), in which the second syllable can be either a [55] or neutral-toned (0). (5) Triplication and BBA reduplicates involving [213] (Li 1985:36-38):9 'everyday' [tian22-tian55-tian913] a. Rian 2131: b. [ban213-ban213-gao213]: (i) [ban22-ban55-gao213] 'that tall; the same height [ban22-ban 0-gao213] 1.3. Tone sandhi in the southwestern (XN) dialects. Tone sandhi in the XN dialects tend to be limited. The following are the tonal alternations documented for C.hengdu (in Sichuan), and Wuhan (in Hubei) repectively (Beijing Daxue 1964, and forthcoming ):10 (6) Chengdu lexical sandhi: a. i.e. L ---> 31 ---> 44/31 b. / h 13 ---> 44 /13 xy ---> L 1/1;1 (in some reduplicates) i.e. 53 ---> 31 / 53 h1 h1 (in a few isolated cases)) ( ---> 44 (7) Wuhan tone sandhi: 213 ---> 13 / 213 ---> 21 / 213 X (7) is the same as (3), once again indicating the preference of partial realization of the complex contour tone. The Chengdu lexical sandhi (6a) and the major pattern of (6b) are both dissimilatory; i.e., in a sequence of identical tones, low register contour tones become high register level tones, whereas a high falling tone becomes a low falling tone. Furthermore, note that morphemes which undergo these changes tend to be functional morphemes (e.g. suffixes) bearing little stress. Comparing Chengdu with nearby Kunming (in Yunnan) which has exactly the same tonal inventory as Chengdu, we find some differences in sandhi environments, but virtually the same processes (i.e., tonal change on weakly stressed syllables such as the second syllable in a reduplicate4 form and a suffixed form). (8) Kumning lexical sandhi (based on the data from Beijing Daxue 1964): 53 ---> 44 / 53 i.e. ---> H / (in limited cases) x \y h1 31 --->441131) ( 13 ) -141 1.4. Tone sandhi in the eastern (J11) dialects. Two JH dialects are examined here. Hefei, spoken in Anhui, has the following lexical sandhi, based on the data from the revised version of the Lexical Survey (due to Wang Hongjun, p.c.). (9) Hefei lexical sandhi: 212 ---> 12 / a. 212 i.e. L # b. 212 ---> 21 / c. 21 ---> 12 / 53 d. 24 ---> 33 / 212 55 24 X I hIh L ---> / hI 1h h1 H / 4i 1 Y '' h 4 ---> 21 / e. 55 24 11 ---> L / Z 4 h i (X: all but the same tone; Y: ali but the falling tone; Z: ail but a L tone or a falling tone) (9a) and (9b) are not different from the partial association of the complex contour tone which appears widely in other dialects examined so far. (9c) is crucially ordered after (9b) and can be considered as a contour dissimilation rule which metathesizes the tonemes when followed by a falling tone. The dialect's preference for alternating pitch contour may be indicated by the more complicated rule (9d) in which the rising tone [241 undergoes contour simplification (i.e., becoming a mid tone) when followed by all but the falling tone [53} and rule (9e) which alters the high checked tone to low when followed by all high tones except the high falling tone. Another TH dialect, Zhenjiang, spoken in Jiangsu, exhibits the following sandhi alternations: (10) Zhenjiang lexical sandhi (based on data from Zhang 1985): a. c421---> 35 / 42 1 i.e. t 31 b.i41---> 33 / 31 c. 35 ---> 33/ h 1 --> I h / t 31 .) 55 5 1555 x y --> h / X (X: all but the same nonfalling high tones) (10a) is clearly a contour metathesis rule which dissimilates the first falling contour when followed by another falling tone; moreover, when two low falling tones are in a sequence, there is also register dissmilation as well as contour metathesis. In ( 10b) falling tones undergo contour simplification when followed by nonfalling high tones. High rising tone is simplified to level when followed by (high) level tones in (10c). 1.5. Tone sandhi in the northwestern (XB) dialects. Among all the Mandarin dialects of which documentation is available, the XB dialects exhibit the most sandhi complexity. Pingyao and Changzhi, two widely discussed dialects spoken in Shanxi are to be closely examined in Section 2. As we shall see, the tone sandhi in these two dialects involves register spread (i.e. assimilation) as well as dissimilation, contour -142- metathesis and a number of the prosodic conditions in the case of Changzhi. Despite the preliminary nature ot the investigation, these properties are important in understanding the extent and working of tonal alternations in Mandarin. Before we get into the detailed discussion of Pingyao and Changzhi. we look at Xian, a XB dialect with relatively simple tone system and tone sandhi. Based on the Lexical Survey (Beijing Daxue 1964, ) Xian has two sandhi alternations within the lexicon as in (11). (11) Xian lexical sandhi: a. 21 ---> 24 / L i.e. 21 ---> b. 53 ---> /1 / rh / 53 4H\I ---> / `). (11a) involves both register and contotir dissimilation, whereas (11b) involves only register dissimilation. The sketchy documentation prevents us from knowing whether these two alternations apply generally without exception and whether they cover all the tonal alternation cases in Xian. Before a summary can be made of the types of tone sandhi found in this study. let us now turn to the discussion of the tone sandhi in Pingyao and Changzhi. Both rules are dissimilatory. 2. Tone Sandhi in Pingyao and Changzhi Revisited 2.1. Pingyao. There are five citation tones in Pingyao which have been listed in (1): [13], [53], [35], [231 and [541; but since the two checked tones [23], [_.] have exactly the same patterns of sandhi alternation as those of [13] and [53], the two sets can be treated with the same underlying representations. In disyllabic strings, the first syllable tends to undergo sandhi alternations, giving rise to patterns in (12). (12) al \ 2 13 35 53 13 13-13 31-35 35-423 13-13 31-35 35-423 53 53-13 53-35 35-423 Bao (1990) first brings two cases of register assimilation in Pingyao to the spotlight in support of the process of register spread predicted by his tone model. One case is the [13-13] pattern surfaced when [35] is followed by [13]; the other is the [35423] pattern resulting from [13] followed by [53] (the underlined forms in (12)). In his analysis. a metathesis rule is needed to account for the italicized patterns in (12), and a phonetic detail rule accounts for the surface pitch change from [53] to [423] in the third column. Furthermore, when two [35] syllables are in a sequence, the surface pattern of [31-35] seems to require a register dissimilation rule in addition to contour metathesis. (13) summarizes the four rules proposed hy Bao to account for Pingyao lexical sandhi: (13) Bao's rules (1990:91-95):II (a) Register lowering: T e.g. [35] --> [13] / [35] ---> L / 1h (b) Contour metathesis: x y ---> yx/ x y e.g. [13] --> [31] / [53] --> [35] / [35] [53] e.g., [13] --> [35] / [53] [13] (c) Register assimilation: R ---> tx R / -/ R 1h -143- [35] > [13] / (d) Contour formation: (phrase-fmal detail rule) c / e.g. [53] --> [423] / # The register assimilation proposed for Pingyao has generated some debate. In defense of her 1989 model which does not allow register spread. Yip (1992) argues that the register assimilation observed by Bao (as in rule (13c)) is subject to an alternative analysis proposed by Chen (1991) and thus cannot be taken as a case of register spread. Chen's argument against Bao's analysis of Pingyao tone sandhi is based on simplicity considerations; i.e., he claims that the two rules (13a) and (13c) can be collapsed based on the observation stated in (14) below: (14) Register neutralization: For a rising tone, if the following syllable begins with h (or 1), replace the Register value with H (or L).12 Since this rule does not require register spread, Yip (1992) argues that Bao's claim of register spread is not valid. On this. I object to Yip' argument for two reasons. First, ingenious and simple a s it is. Chen's register neutralization rule poses serious theoretical problems. What is shorthanded as HiL and h/1 in his statement has to be represented by two distinct tone features at distinct tiers in current theoretical models, and feature spreading across tiers is generally prohibited. It seems hardly justifiable to sacrifice theoretical rigor here just for the sake of simplicity. Second and more importantly, there is other evidence in Pingyao h 1 which does not support Chen's register neutralization analysis. but one with register spread, as we are to see now. In Hou's 1980 documentation of Pingyao, tone sandhi patterns are given for three types of disyllabic compounds classified on the basis of the grammatical relationship between the two syllables. Patterns listed in (12), those studied by Bao, demonstrate only what Hou termed Type A compounds.13 The diverse Type B compounds exhibit tone patterns substantially different from those of Type A. Some examples of Type B compounds are given in (15) followed by a summary of the tone sandhi patterns in (16). (15) Type B disyllabic compounds in Pingyao: (a) [u 13 'black' - ia 13 'crow] ---> [31-35] 'crow. raven' (b) [t6i 13 'hunger' - xuat g 13 'barren] ---> [31-35] 'famine' (c) [tóia 13 'home' - t6y 35 'utensil] ---> [13-131 'furniture' (d) [tiE 13 'shake' tO 53 'upside down] ---> [31-53] 'reverse' (e) [tei 35 'big' - mEng 13 'door] ---> [35-53] 'front gate' (f) Rs'ung 13 'village' Z^? 13 dimin. sax.] --> [31-35] '(small) village' ( g) [xuE 35 'alley'- xuE 35] ---> [35-53] 'alley' (h) [uang 13 'curvy' - uang 13] ---> [31-35] 'curvy, bent' (16) Type B tonal alternations: al 13 CY2 13 35 53 31-35 or 13-13 or 31-35 35-53 53-35 31-53 or 35-423 35-53 53-53 or 13-13 35 53 35-53 53-13 3_5-53 -144- 155 The bold-faced patterns in (16) are the common patterns for Type B compounds (i.e., the second row starting with a [13] syllable and the second pattern for the [53-531 sequence which occasionally occurs when the first syllable is a checked [53} tone are minor patterns ). Note that these minor patterns are exactly the same patterns for the corresponding sequences of the Type A compounds (cf. (12)).14 One may speculate their appearance in Type B to be due either to an incomplete process of lexical diffusion or to dual-pattern sandhi alternations in Certain types of compounds. For the purpose of our discussion, only the more common patterns for the Type B compounds are taken into consideration. It is clear that metathesis also plays an important role in the sandhi patterns here. Metathesis applies to [13] when it is followed by [13] and [53] and when preceded by [35], and applies also to [35] when preceded by a [35]. These metathesis processes can be captured by the following rule: (17) Metathesis for rising tones in Type B compounds: A rising tone (1h) becomes falling (h. 1) when the preceding tone is a high rising tone (H/1 h) or when the following tone starts at either the bottom (lll) or the top (H/h) of the entire pitch range. i.e. 1 h ---> h 1/ L L/H I I / h Comparing this metathesis rule with that of Type A (as formulated by Bao in (13b)), we fmd that this rule is less general than (13b) and the conditions under which the rule applies are more cumbersome. However, it is possibk to conclude that in Pingyao, a metathesis process applies generally to the rising tones, but the environments in which the rule applies differ somewhat according to different types of compounding relationships. The second sandhi process observed in Type B is register assimilation, which accounts for the register lowering of [35] when it is preceded by [13], and the register raising of [13] (which after metathesis becomes [311) when it is preceded by [35]. This rule is stated as follows: (18) Register assimilation: The register value of the second syllable is assimilated to that of a preceding rising tone in the Type B disyllabic compounds. i.e. R ---> a RI a R I/ )1 This rule is again reminiscent of the register assimilation rule (13c) given by Bao for the Type A compounds. The main difference lies only in the direction of the spread. Before we go on, let us return to the crucial debate regarding register spread in Pingyao. In the Type B compounds, the register raising and lowering occur in the second syllable instead of the first syllable of the compound as in the case of Type A. Assuming that both types of compounds share similar sandhi processes as we have discovered, we then would expect a register neutralization process along the line of (14) in Type B as 1 well. However, no evidence can be successfully put forth for any such register neutralization process here; that is, the process of register assimilation (i.e. spread) does not seem dispensable in the account of Type B tonal alternations.15 Furthermore, as mentioned earlier, even if the register neutralization rule may conveniently account for the -145- 1 r6 register assimilation/dissimilation in the Type A compounds, the rule itself is theoretically problematic. Therefore, it is best to conclude that no register neutralization rule exists in Pingyao: instead, a rule of register aSsimilation is present in the Pingyao phonology, which applies to both Type A and Type B compounds under somewhat different conditions. In addition to metathesis and register spread. a register dissimilation rule is needed to account for the register-raising of [13] when it is preceded by a metathesized [13]. This rule is formulated as (19) below: (19) Register dissmilation ( L-raising ) in Type B: (crucially ordered before (18)) The register of the second syllable is dissimilated to high (H) when the preceding syllable has a L register. i.e. L ---> H / Again, this rule is also reminiscent of the register lowering rule k13a) formulated by Bao in which the first syllable of a [35-35] sequence undergoes a dissimilatory process, lowering its register. In comparison, (19) applies to the second syllable of a [13- 13] squence, raising the register value in this case.16 The derivations of the sandhi patterns of Type B disyllabic compounds are given as follows: (20) Derivations of Type B compounds: (Rules (17). (18). (19)) Metathesis I L-raising I R-spread I Output 13-13 31-13 31-35 n/a 31-35 13-15 n/a n/a 13-13 13-13 13-53 31-53 n/a n/a 31-53 35-13 35-31 n/a 35-53 35-53 15_51 35-35 35-53 n/a Our findings regarding Pingyao tone sandhi may be summarized as the following two points: first, the process of register assimilation is strongly substantiated by the two types of Pingyao disyllabic compounds examined in this section. Yip's argument against register spread on the basis of the register neutralization rule proposed by Chen is untenable. Second. the great extent of similarity shared between the rules accounting for the Type A and the Type B tonal alternations does not appear to be a coincidence. It seems plausible that, for a language, there is a set of core phonological rules which may vary to certain degree (e.g. the conditions under which the rules apply) to make distinct different categories or functions. This latter point is worth pursuing further and may find support in some other Mandarin dialects to which we are to return shortly. 2.2. Changzhi. Like Pingyao. Changzhi is also a Mandarin dialect spoken in Shanxi of which the tone sandhi patterns have generated much debate. According to the documentations by Hou (1983), Changzhi has seven citation tones (i.e. [2131, [24], [535], [44], [53]. [4]. and [54] as listed in (1)) and a number of different tone sandhi patterns which appear in different grammatical functions. In the following, I give some examples of the suffixed forms and the verbal reduplicates: (21) a. Nominal suffix ItE: tE?/:17 (i) ts'E [213] [ts'E 213 - tE? 213] 'car' 0i) lung [24] [lung 24 - tE? 24] 'wheel' ( iii)i [535] [i 535 - tE? 5351 'chair' (iv) t6i0 [44] [tói0 44 - tE? 535] 'sedan-chair' (v) tEu [53] [tEu 53 tE? 531 ( vi) kuE? [4] [kuE? 4 - tE? 4] 'valley' -146- 15/ (vii) tsuE? [54] b. Adjectival suffix (i) suang [213] (ii) xuang [24] liii) lEng [535] (iv) ts'Eu [44] (v) la? [4] (22) Verbal reduplicates: sang [213] t6'iEu [24] ts'O [535] k'ang [44] ung [53] [tsuE? 54 - tE? 54] 'bracelet' [suang 213 ti 213] [xuang 24 - ti 24] [lEng 535 - ti 535] [ts'Eu 44 - ti 535] [la? 4 - ti 4] 'sour' 'yellow' 'cold' 'stinky' 'spicy' [sang 213 - sang 351 'to fan' [t6'iEu 24 - t6'iEu 53] 'to beg' [ts'O 535 - ts'O 35] 'to fry' [k'ang 31 - k'ang 53] 'to look' 'to ask' [ung 35 - ung 531 In Bao's 1990 analysis, he treats the suffixed forms (e.g. (21)) as cases of tonal spread; i.e., suffixes ItE?/ and Ai/ get their surface tonal realizations from the preceding syllables except in the case of [44]. When the first syllable is [44], the following suffix surfaces with a [535] instead of a [44] tone. Bao attempts to explain away this exception by claiming that [44] is a default tone (i.e. an unmarked tone) in Changzhi, and that, since it is not specified. the underlying tone associated with the suffix surfaces. This analysis offered by Bao faces some difficulties: first, although Hon (1983) has stated clearly in his field report that /ti/ has the underlying tone [535], it is not clear whether or how /tE?/ gets the same underlying tone [535], since checked syllables carry either a short [4] or a short [54] tone in Changhi. Second, the two checked tones in Changzhi generally have the same tonal alternations as [44] and [53] and thus can be treated with the same underlying representations as [44] and [53]. Now if [44] is unspecified (i.e. the default value) and cannot spread onto the suffix, one must wonder why the same surface pattern does not arise when the short checked tone [4] is the first syllable (i.e.. compare (21a(vi) with (iv ), and (21b(v) with (iv)). Treating the [44] case as an exception which needs some special stipulation, Duanmu (1990) suggests that the whole tone spread in Changzhi suffixed forms can be alternatively analyzed as tonal copying; i.e., the suffixes are considered toneless and get their tones by a tonal copying process which copies the tones of the preceding syllable. On this issue, Yip (1992) argues against Duanmu's tone copying analysis of the suffixed forms by pointing out the difference in tonal alternations between the suffixed forms and the verbal reduplicates (e.g. (22)). In Yip's view, since the tonal melodies in verbal reduplicates do not seem to be held fixed by a prosodic template, the reduplication process must copy the tones as well as the segments before tone sandhi subsequently occurs. She then questions that if both suffixation and verbal reduplication involve copying the tone from the first syllable, why the suffixed forms and the verbal reduplicates do not exhibit the same tonal alternations. Consequently. Yip concludes that suffixation (as in (21)) involves tonal spread, spreading the whole tone of the first syllable onto the suffix with no further sandhi, whereas verbal reduplication (as in (22)) involves tonal copying, followed by tone sandhi. However, another set of the tonal alternations is noted by Yip, which occurs in disyllabic compounds with the same underlying (or citation) tones (examples listed in (23) below). Along the same line of reasoning, Yip is perplexed by the question why the patterns seen in (23) differ from -147-- those in (22), since, in her view, after reduplication the base tones in (22) should be the same as the corresponding forms in (23) and presumably undergo the same sandhi processes.18 She freely admits that she has no explanataion for the different sandhi alternations seen here. (23) Disyllabic compounds with the same underlying tones: a. [kung 213 'male' t6i 213 'chicken] --> [213-53] 'rooster' b. [k`ae 213 'open' - ts'E 213 'car] --> [35-213] 'to drive' C. [sE 24 'snake'- y 24 'fish] --> [24-24] 'eel' d. [mu 535 'female' - ma 535 'horse] --> [35-53] 'mare' e. [t610 535 'to wring' - hang 535 'face] -->[35-535]'to scrape facial hair' f. [tsEu 44 'stinky' - t'ang 44 'charcoal] --> [53-44] 'smoky charcoal' g. [t6iEu 53 'old' - fang 53 'cooked rice'] --> [53-53] 'leftover' So far no phonological analysis of tone sandhi in Changzhi can be considered satisfactory. Bao (1990: 126-34) has attempted to account for the suffixed forms as a case of tonal spread, and the tone sandhi in the verbal reduplicates by a set of rules, but has ignored cases such as (23). In Bao's analysis of the forms in (22), a number of category-specific and general rules are proposed.19 We first give Bao's analysis of the underlying representations of Changzhi tones in (24) and the rules proposed for the derivations of the surface tones in verbal reduplicates in (25), followed by some derivations based on Bao's proposal. (24) Bao's analysis of Changzhi tones (with shorthand modifications): [213] L, [535] [24] f 5 31 It hi (25) a. Default: --> [-stiff] (i.e. [ ] --> [-slack] (i.e. [ b. Contour formation: [ c --> L) --> h) [ I [a slack] [-a slack] (i.e. h h ---> h 1; 1 1 ---> h 1) c. Verbal reduplcation: (with informal simplifications) ( i) h 1 ---> / (ii) 5 x ---> (iii) Metathesis: h 1 ---> h-t1 1 h / ] / H 1 ^ )1N h 1 ] (26) Derivations of some verbal reduplicates with Bao's rules: a. [213] (Uk: L/h 1): redup. (25ci) (25b) [21 21] > [21 35] > [213 35] b. [53] (I.JR: H/h): redup. (25cii) ( 25b) (25ciii) [55 551 > [55 53] -148- > [53 53] > 135 53] c. [44] (UR: unspecified): (25a) def. redup. >L.h (25b) > [31-53] > 133 53] 25cii > 133 33] According to Bao's analysis, the surface citation tones result from application of contour formation (i.e.(25b)) to the underlying forms in (24) and the application of default rules in the case of [44]. For the sandhi alternations in verbal reduplicates. category-specific rules (25ci, account for the rising tone on the second syllable when the first syllable is [213] and 15351, and the falling tone when preceded by [24]. [44] and [53]. Except for the sequence [53-53], where a metathesis rule (25ciii) is further needed to give the correct [35-53] pattern, contour formation (25b) accounts for the surface contours of the first syllables. With regard to Bao's analysis, Duanmu (1990) has pointed out that there is no evidence that [44] is the default tone in Changzhi. Moreover, instead of being explanatory, Bao's category-specific rules (e.g. 25c i-iii) are merely formulated observations. To gain insight into the Changzhi tone sandhi, I state a number of general observations regarding the tonal variations in Changzhi below. (27) General observations regarding Changzhi: a. No low initial: No tones in Changzhi start off with an extreme low pitch (e.g. L/1). i.e. * [ b. No high level fmal: No high level tone exists prepausally (or at word boundary). i.e. * 1 h c. Alternating contour tendency: In the sandhi patterns of disyllabic compounds. tonal alternations seem to be to a large extent motivated by a preference for alternating contours (i.e. falling (h 1) followed by rising (1h) or vice versa). i.e. / / 1 1 *x y y x d. Contour forming tendency: For underlying level tones, the surface tone shape seems to be to a large degree determined by the beginning pitch level of the following tone; i.e., a mid tone becomes rising if the following tone starts with a high pitch; a high tone becomes falling if the following tone starts with a low pitch. i.e. / or / / 1 h h h 1 It seems most likely that these observed phenomena are all phonetically motivated. (27a) and (27b) are in accordance with acoustic properties of utterance-initial and utterance-final pitch contours (e.g. Maddieson 1978). I will consider them to be J . 1 constraints in Changzhi and henceforth refer to them as constraint A (i.e. (27a)) and constraint B (i.e. (27b)). (27c) and (27d). on the other hand, help to maintain a steady alternating contour rhythm and perhaps facilitate ease in atticulation. As for the underlying representations of the Changzhi tones, I consider Bao's stipulation of contour formation (i.e. (25b)) unverifiable and overly abstract. In the analysis which I am to present in (28), I avoid this abstraction and treat the underlying tones to be basically similar to their surface forms. -149t)1,1 (28) Reanalysis of Changzhi tones: [24] H H [535) [213] L / / \ / \ I [44] L [53] H I h1h h1h i.e. a1 h Instead of proposing a set of unmotivated rules, I consider verbal reduplication to be a tonal copying process which conforms to the conditions set by the template of verbal reduplication. (29) Template conditions for verbal reduplication: The first syllable bears a contour tone, while the second syllable must be in a high register. 1 cT2 (30) erbal reduplication: a. Copy segments and tones from the first syllable. b. When more than one toneme is copied, treat the leftmost toneme as extratonal; associate the rest of the tonemes to the moras of the second syllable from left to right, in a one-to-one fashion. c. Apply constraint B and constraint A wherever applicable. d. Associate the inserted toneme required by the template for al from the left, unless otherwise constrained. In this analysis, the surface tone patterns of the verbal reduplicates are the result of the interaction between the template and the tonal copying process of verbal reduplication, further constrained by the two phonetic constraints in Changzhi i.e. (27a) and (27b)). The deiivations are given below in (31): (31) Derivation of verbal reduplicates: ((29) + (30) )20 a. [213] (UR: L/h 1 h): LH (30b)+( 29) L L (30a) L > / I\ > / I\ ---> [213-35] (h) 1 h h1h b. [24] (UR: H/1 h): H H (27b) H H (30b) H (30a) H > / \ / --> [24-53] > /1 >/\ lh (1) h 1h 1h c. [44] (UR: L/h): hlh hlh lb hl I H (27b) L (30a) L L (29)+(30d) L. ----> J\ 1hh > I h h ----> [31-53] > / I lh H (27a) + (30d) L >/\ Is h Fl /\ h 1 (*lb) h 1 1 d. [53] (UR: H/h): (30a) H > H I h h (30d)+(29) H > \ I H (27b) H > /\ 11 h /\ lh hl ----> [35-53] As for the disyllabic compounds with the same underlying tones (i.e. cases in (23)), the tonal alternations involve no template but only tone sandhi rules, plus constraints (27a) and (27b). Two rules may he formulated for the observations given in (27c) and (27d); that is, the tendency for alternating contour (27c) suggests -150- a dissimilatory process on adjacent contours, while the tendency for contour formation (27d) points to a pitch assimilation process which creates a contour by allowing pitch spread from the following syllable. In addition to these rules, a register dissimilation process can be seen ni (23a, 1) & f) in which two identical tones of low register are in a sequence. In other words. (23a) and (23b) have undergone a contour alternation process along the lines of (27c) together with a register dissimilation process. while (23f) has undergone a contour formation constrained by no-low-initial (i.e. (27a)). then followed by a register dissimilation. The register dissinfilation rule is given belov:: (32) Register dissimilation in Changzhi disyllabic compounds: When two tones in L register are in a sequence, one of them must undergo registerL ---> H i.e. L rais ing . 21 H (with pitch change omitted) L Of Finally we go back to the suffixed forms of (21a (iv) and b( iv)), of which the tone pattern defies a straightforward spread from the first syllable. Although admittedly I do not have a perfect explanation for this case, I suspect the following process to be at work: after tonal copying. the tone on the suffix undergoes a register dissimilation, the output of which (i.e. a high level tone) then undergoes a contour formation due to constraint B (i.e. (27b)) in the language, eventually giving rise to a surface [535]. I further assume that the reason for (21a (vi) and Ix v ) not to go through the same processes is due to the "checked" tone involved: i.e.. since the tone copied is a reduced, short tone, it does not go through register assimilation nor meet the "high level tone" condition for constraint B to apply. Both hypotheses await further verifications. Despite the many aspects of Changzhi which remain perplexing, I have shown in this analysis that, contrary to Yip's 1992 claims, it is possible to consider both the suffixed forms and the verbal reduplicates to have undergone tonal copying: the former involves full association of all tones copied, whereas the latter involves only partial association of the tones copied and a template for verbal reduplication. In addition. tone sandhi in disyllabic compounds with identical underlying tones is treated to be entirely different from the verbal reduplication process: i.e., tonal alternations in disyllabic compounds (23) can be accounted for by a number of tone sandhi rules (e.g. register dissimilation and alternating contorm, whereas tone sandhi of verbal reduplication is accounted for by an interaction of tonal copying and template, further constrained by (27b & a). Compared with previous analyses. this current analysis has been able to account for the most types of tonal alt .rnations in Changzhi and to offer a more explanatory account which shows the complex tone sandhi exhibited in Changzhi to result from the interaction of a number of prosodic constraints, conditions, and rules. 3. Types of Tone Sandhi in Mandarin Dialects: Summary of Preliminary Findings 3.1. Major types of processes. Despite the insufficient data and the preliminary nature. this study results in some interesting discoveries regarding the tone sandhi processes in the Mandarin dialects. From the foregoing discussions. it is quite obvious that dissimilation is the most powerful process in Mandarin tone sandhi. F.ollowing the practice of representing tone by a register and a pitch feature tier (e.g. Yip 1980 and subsequent studies. Bao 1990. Duanmu 1990, and ('hang 1992). two major types of dissimilation may be categorized on the basis of the prosodic "level" (i.e. tier or dimension) at which the dissimilation occurs. -151- 16 First at the register level, dissimilation is present in all four dialect groups. In the BF group. the well-known T3 sandhi in Beijing Mandarin is a classic example in which a L register is dissimilated to a H register when followed by another L tone. In Tianjin. a process comparable to the Beijing T3 sandhi is (2b): in addition, when two high falling tones are in a sequence. register dissimilation applics on the first syllable (as in (2c)). In the XN dialect ot Chengdu. the register value of the final syllable is altered to be different from that of the more stressed first syllable. In the JH dialect group. register dissimilation OCCUIS in Zhenjiang when two low falling tones are in a sequence (i.e. (10a)): in Hefei. the high checked tone is dissimilated to low when followed by nonfalling high tones (i.e. (9e)). In the XB dialect group, both of the sandhi processes observed in Xian (i.e. (11)) involve register dissimilation. Finally, register dissimilation is also observed in limited lexical cases in Pingyao (e.g. (19)) and in Changzhi (e.g. (32)) as we have examined in the preceding sections. Second, pitch dissimilation is also pervasive across all dialect groups. Three types of pitch dissimilaton processes can be concluded for the dialects examined in this study: reassociation of the underlying pitch values, pitch insertion. and contour metathesis. Reassociation of the underlying pitch values is usually seen when the tone sandhi involves complex contour tones: examples are the T3 sandhi in Beijing and similar processes in Tianjin (2b), Xuzhou (3), Wuhan (7), and Hefei,(9a).22 Pitch insertion is found in Tianjin (i.e. rule (2a)). The third type of pitch dissimilation is contour metathesis, a very productive process in Mandarin dialects. particularly in those of the XB and JH subgroups. Similar to pitch reassociation. the process of contour metathesis involves the delinking of a pitch on the left phis a pitch spread from the right. In the JH group, metathesis is captured by (9c) in Hefei and (10a) in Zhenjiang. In the XB group. both classes of compounds examined in Pingyao require contour metathesis (i.e. (13b) and (17)). Metathesis is also observed in the tendency for alternating contour (27c) in Changzhi and in the sequence of low tones in Xian (11a). In sharp contrast with dissimilation processes. assimilation in Mandarin has only limited application.23 The best examples are those of register assimilation in Pingyao (i.e., ( 13c) and (18)). In addition, the contour forming tendency in Changzhi (27d) may also be considered as a minor assimilatory process. 3.2. Tone sandhi tendencies related to stress, contour shape, and register. Due to the limited data at hand, we have been able to observe only those more obvions cases of stress-tone interaction, leaving open the large extent of this phenomenon for future research. Based on the available sources, the high level tone in Xuzhou reduplicates (in (5)) and the tonal alternations on the final syllables in Chengdu (6) and Kunming (8) are most likely to be due to weak stress. We may further speculate that what motivates the templates for verbal reduplicates in Changzhi (29) and for the triplicates in Xuzhou (4) and the contour simplifications in Zhenjiang ( l0b,c) and Hefei (9d) in the first place may be stress-related: however, this possibility must await further exporation and another forum to be discussed in. In terms of contour shape, the complex contour tone has a high tendency to undergo sandhi alternation, as evident in Beijing, Shenyang. Tianjin, Xuzhou, Wuhan, Changzhi, and Hefei examined above. Furthermore, there is a strong tendency for falling tone to undergo the metathesis when followed by another falling tone. With regard to -152- register dissimilation, the majority of cases involve a change of L register to H, although the reverse is also found in a couple of cases (i.e. Chengdu (6b) and Xian (11b)). To sum up our findings, there is little doubt that the most general sandhi processes in Mandarin are register dissimilation, particularly the dissimilation of L registers, and the simplification of pitch contour, an alternation triggered by complex contour tones of a simplifying nature (e.g. reassociation of the underlying pitch values). In addition. metathesis is a productive process which is observed particularly in the XB and Ili dialects. 4. Theoretical Implications This preliminary study has presented a systematic account of the properties of Mandarin tone sandhi and offered a wider scope of study than that carried out by C. C. Cheng in 1966, one of the very few systematic studies of dialectal sandhi phenomena. Although much of the observation made by Cheng still holds true, the current study has further shed light on the great complexity in the XB dialects and, to some degree. the II dialects (e.g. metathesis ).24 More i- aportantly. the tone sandhi properties discovered in this study are significant in our understanding of the nature of tone (i.e. the formal relation of tone to other phonological properties) and of the formal properties of a model of tonal representation. We discuss these implications in turn. 4.1. The place of tone in phonology. From the current study, two general theoretical implications can be inferred. First, the predominantly dissimilatory nature of the tone sandhi rules suggests that tone as a phonological property is more like stress (e.g. the dissimilatory nature of "stress clash") than segments in nature. Second. the prevalence of contour metathesis suggests that at some level of phonological representation, the entire contour tone must be taken as a unit, since metathesis always involves the contour as a whole instead ot just a single component in the contour.25 Both implications are crucial in determining the formal status of tone in the organization of phonology. The former raises the question whether a tonal representation should be more similar to that of stress than of "segments" (i.e. in the sense of SPE): in other words, the measure of representing tone simply under a tonal node (regardless of the nature of the node) in feature geometry rather than constructing a tonal structure along the line of metrical tree/grid is questionable.26 On the other hand, the latter indicates that a higher level of representation. namely the syllable level. may be necessary in the representation of tone. in spite of the relative success of treating contour tones as sequences of tones, of which the tone-bearing unit is the mora (e.g. Duanmu 1990, Yip 1992). This latter implication lends full support to Chang (1992), in which tone is at the same time borne by the mora which is directly built on the slot anchoring the feature geometry with articulatory relevance and by a more dominant syllable level which tonal changes must observe.27 4.2. The accountability of the formal model. In addition to aspects discussed above regarding the nature of tonal properties and the level of tonal representation in the overall phonological organization. there is ongoing discussion with regard to the power allowed for a model of tonal representation to predict possible types of processes (e.g. Yip 1989. 1992). The XB dialects of Pingyao and Changzhi examined in Section 2 offer some valuable insight into this issue. First from Bao's (1990) analysis of the Type A (i.e. (13c)), further strengthened by the present analysis of the Type B compounds in l'ingyao -153- 164 ( i.e. (18)). it is clear that register spread (i.e. assimilation) is a major tonal process for which a tone model must provide account. The process of register spread forces the model to treat tonal register independent of tonal pitch so that as the register value assimilates, the pitch values remain unchanged (contrary to the prediction made by Yip's 1989 model). Second from our discussion of Changzhi. we see that both of the Changzhi suffixed forms (21) and verbal reduplicates (22) can be considered to have undergone a tonal copying process, and since reduplication involves a (sevnental) copying process regardless, there is no need to insist on a process of "whole tone" spread for the derivations of reduplicates (cf. Yip 1992. ) In fact, there is so far no evidence that "whole tone spread" cannot be equally replaced by a tonal copying procedure. 5. Further Issues In this study I have attempted to look into a number of documented Mandarin dialects in order to better understand the nature of tone sandhi. Although a great deal has been revealed, our analyses of the dialects in question and knowledge of tone sandhi in general must be further amended by more detailed field investigation. As pointed out in 3.2.. the likelihood of a prominence-tone interaction needs to be seriously pursued both empirically and theoretically. In addition, empirical questions can be raised as to why the observed tone sandhi tendencies occur the way they do, such as the register dissimilation which occurs when two L-registered tones are contiguous and the contour metathesis when one falling tone is followed by another. I suspect that here both tendencies may have phonetic bases; i.e., it is likely that L register dissimilation is due to perceptual causes, whereas the contour metathesis of falling tones is motivated by timing/duration concerns.28 Finally as for the theory of tone, I have pointed out some important theoretical implications in Section 4; however, the exact organization of the phonological components involved for tonal representation (including tone featanes, tone-bearing units, and the prosodic structure) is still unsettled and demands the development of a more articulate, better integrated phonological theory. NOTES There are, of course. exceptions to this statement. In Chinese languages, the well-known exception is Soutnern Min which basically involves widespread paradigmatic replacements of tones in grammatical contexts. 2. The following four major dialect groups are generally recognized: Northern ( Beifang guanhua; henceforth BF), Northwestern (Xibei guanhua; XB ), Southwestern ( Xinan guanhua; XN), and Eastern, i.e. the Yangtze and Fluai Rivers region (Jianghuai guanhua; JH). For their geographical spans, see Norman (1988) and the summary in ('han2 (1992). 3. The tonal categories are derived from historical development and used widely in field work to document the citation tones. The data of Xian, Chengdu and Wuhan are from Yuan (1960). Hefei and Yangzhou are from Beijing Daxue's surveys (1964). Pingyao and Changzhi are from Hou (1980. 1983). Tianjin is from Li and Liu (1985). Xuzhou is from Li (1985). Zhenjiang is from Zhang (1985). Note that the tonal category 1. 5 which corr-sponds with the Qu-sheng category of Middle Chinese is split into two -154- .166 categories in Changzhi. Tone categories 7 and 8 are the Ru-sheng (checked syllables), of which the tonal duration is relatively abrupt and short. 4. We ignore the domain of the sandhi rule application here for conciseness and also for the convenience of comparison. Beijing T3 sandhi is treated as a register dissimilation rule which changes the low register ([21]) to a high reeister ([351) when followed by a low-registered T3 (Chang 1992). 5. Again, for conciseness. the discussion with regard to directionality of tonal domains and extrinsic ordering among these rules are bypassed here. I refer the interested readers to the ('hen (1986) and the articles in the special feature of a symposium on Tianjin tone sandhi in the Journal of Chinese Linguistics 15.2. The notation used here in the rule formations is highly abbreviated and informal. H/L and WI are used as "shorthand" device to indicate the upper and lower 6. register values and the pitch distinctions of a tone; the analysis follows the line of tone feature analysis originated by Yip (1980). 7. This is somewhat reminiscent of many reduplicated forms in Beijing Mandarin in which the second reduplicated syllable or both syllables surface with high level tones and are considered as prosodically weak positions. 8. One may suspect that the template originates from the triplication of the complex tone [213]; moreover, the tonal pattern of (4a) indicates a re-reduplication process from the right. Both may be supported by evidence from other Chinese dialects. The latter is supported by the well-known triplication cases in Taiwanese, whereas the former by the Mandarin spoken in Taiwan, in which there exists a reduplication template [21-35] in baby talk, originating perhaps in the spreading of the complex contour [214] over the disyllables. Due to its complex contour melody and longer duration, a complex tone may be more susceptible than other tones to split up, thus creating a template. 9. The examples here are given in Pinyin. Li (1985) uses Chinese characters to document these examples. I am indebted to Professor Wang Hongjun (p.c. ) at Beijing University for providing the updated information of the Lexical Survey. 11. For conciseness in exposition. Bao's rules are rewritten here with "shorthand" notations to avoid the complication of the formalism adopted by Bao, which bears no 10. relevance to our discussion here. 12. In formalizing his observation, Chen follows Yip's 1989 model which takes register to be the tonal root node. The formalism used and the discussion of the formal problems with this rule are omitted here. For details, see Chang (1992). Type A consists of compounds whose components form verb-object or subject-predicate relationships, whereas Type B consists of those whose components 13. form relationships such as adjunct-argwnent, argument-complement, conjunct (parallel) structure, suffixed noun, reduplicated noun, and reduplicated adjectives (see (49) below for examples). Type C contains reduplicated verbs. All three types exhibit different sandhi patterns from one another. For conciseness, we limit our discussion to the Type B patterns here. 14. Except for a minor difference is noticed between Type B [35-53] and its corresponding Type A pattern [35-423]. The difference may nevertheless be considered a phonetic detail bearing little significance. -155 15. For the sake of examining whether register neutralization exists in Type B. hypothesize that the register value ot a rising tone is positively correlated with the pitch value of the preceding syllable; i.e., replace the rising tone syllable with a H register value if the preceding tone ends with ii. and vice versa. Ill-formed derivations arise when this hypothetical process is applied either followed or preceded by metathesis (17). For a detailed exposition. see Chang (1992). 16. There is a difference in the order in which the register dissimilation rule applies in these two types of compounds. The register-lowering rule applies before metathesis in Type A. whereas L-raising applies after metathesis but before register assimilation in Type B. 17. The fact that the two complex contour tones in Changzhi, 12131 and [5351, may appear in the first syllable of a disyllabic string is perplexing. It is not clear whether the contours are fully realized phonetically and, if so, whether the syllables bearing them are lengthened. Moreover, [213] and [535] contours are documented for the checked suffix itE?/ by Hou. Again, the phonetic detail is not available. One may speculate that since, according to Hon. the nominal suffix often takes two forms /tE/ and /tE?/, no glottal ending appears when the suffix bears complex contours. These phonetic details await further verification. 18. Yip's rationale for rejecting tonal copying in (21) and for questioning the differences in tone sandhi between (22) and (23) is ill-conceived. Even if a copying process gives rise to the same base forms, it does not automatically follow that forms from different morphological categories are to undergo the same sandhi. According to the phonological theory conceptualized in lexical phonology, phonological rules have access to lexical/morphological information. 19. As indicated by (25c) below, Bao must also assume a tonal copying process in reduplication; however, he did not make clear how the reduplication process copiec tones. 20. Segmental copying is omitted for conciseness. 21. From the limited data given in Hou (1983), it seems that L register dissimilation occurs most regularly when the complex tone [213] is involved. Two patterns are given for the sequence of [213]: [213-53] and [35-213]. It is not entirely clear which pattern is preferred. 22. In the case of Tianjin, if the tone documented as 1213] should be treated as [13] as some suggest (e.g. Shi (1990)), then (2b) involves only register dissimilation. 23. This statement, of course, may be argued otherwise because it depends on how assimilation and dissimilation are defmed. For instance, if one treats the pitch spread from the teft in a metathesis as pitch assimilation, then it would seem that the assimilation processes in Mandarin should also include metathesis and thus are not so limited. However, here in my analysis, although contour tones are taken analytically as sequences of level tones, the entire tonal contour is taken into account as a unit: therefore, a change from falling to rising contour is taken to be a dissimilatory process. 24. In Cheng's study (1966), data from only four dialects were available for On the basis of Xian, Shenyang, Chengdu and Beijing, he reaches the following conclusions: (1) when two low tones are in a sequence, the fust one becomes analysis. high rising; (2) when two high falling tones are in a sequence, the first one becomes low falling; (3) except for Chengdu, the sandhi occurs on the first syllable. In the current -156- 161 study based on a wider source of data, we see that all three points are too simplified to be taken as entirely correct. 25. In addition, the sandhi environments in the JH dialects of Hefei (i.e. (9d & e)) and Zhenjiang (i.e. (10b, c, & d)) also indicate the formation of a natural class based on the shape of the contour (e.g. falling). 26. In addition, if a tone model represents tone only by laryngeal features under the relevant order of feature geometry, then it would not predict and naturally provide an account for the interaction between tone and stress which is represented by metrical structure built upon the skeletal tier (Liberman and Prince 1977 and subsequent works of Prince). However, such prosodic interaction has been observed in Chang (forthcoming), and therefore suggests a more complex view with regard to tonal representation. The tonal structure consisting of a syllable level is able to explain such syllable-observing processes such as metathesis. It also accounts for the phenomena 27. observed in speech errors, such as the anticipation and perseveration of the entire contour tone observed in Thai by Gandour (1976). 28. Presumably L-registered tones tend to have less perceptual saliency than H tones. and falling tones tend to have relatively shorter duration than that of other full tones in Chinese. However, this awaits further verification. REFERENCES Bao, Zhiming. 1989. On the Nature of Tone. Ph.D. dissertation, M.I.T. Beijing Daxue, ed. 1964. Hanyu Fangyan Cihui (A Lexical Survey of Chinese Dialects ). Beijing: Wenzi Gaige Chubanshe. Chang, Mei-chih L. 1992. A Prosodic Account of Tone, Stress, and Tone Sandhi in Chinese Languages. Ph.D. dissertation. University of Hawaii at Manoa. .. (Forthcoming). A prosodic analysis of tone sandhi in three Chinese languages. Paper presented in the third International Symposium. of Chinese Languages and Linguistics. National Tsing-hwa University, Hsinchu, Taiwan. July, 1992. _ Chen, Matthew. 1986. The paradox of Tianjin tone sandhi. Proceedings of the CLS Annual Meeting 22.98-114. 1991. Recent advances in tone sandhi studies. Paper presented at the Workshop on Chinese Linguistics, LSA Institute. I3C.SC. . Cheng, Chin-chuan. 1966. Guanhua fangyan de shengdiao shengxing gen liandiao bianhua (Tonal representation and tone sandhi in Mandadrin dialects). Ta-lu-tsachih 33.4.6-12. -157- 166 Duanmu. San. 1990. A Formal Study of Syllable. Tone. Stress, and Domain in Chinese Languages. Ph.D. dissertation, M.I.T. Gandour. J. 1976. "Counterfeit tones" in the speech of Southern Thai bidialectals. UCLA Working Papers in Phonetics 33.3-19. Hoa, Monique. 1983. L'accentuation en Pekinois. Ph.D. dissertation. University of Paris. Published by Centre de recherches linguistiques. Hou. Jing-yi. 1980. Pingyao fangyan de liandu biandiao (Tone sandhi in the Pingyao dialect). Fangyan 1980.1.1-14. 1983. Changzhi fangyan jilue (Documentation of the Changzhi dialect). Fangyan 1983.4.260-74. Li, Shen. 1985. Xuzhou fangyanzhi (The Dialect Documentation of Xuzhou). Beijing: Yuwen Chubanshe. Li, Xing-jian, and S-X Liu. 1985. Tianjin fangyan de liandu biandiao (Tone sandhi in the Tianjin dialect). Zhongguo Yuwen 1985.1.76-80. Liberman, M. and A. Prince. 1977. On stress and linguistic rhytlun. Linguistic Inquiry 8. 249-336. Maddieson, I. 1978. Universals of Tone. In J. H. Greenberg, ed. Universals of Humitr Language, Volume 2. 335-65. Stanford University Press. Norman, Jerry. 1988. Chinese. Cambridge Language Surveys. Canbridge: Cambridge University Press. Shi, Feng. 1990. Studies in Tone and Stops. Beijing: Beijing Daxue Chubanshe. Yip, Moira. 1980. The Tonal Phonology of Chinese. Ph.D. dissertation, M.I.T. Reprinted 1990. Outstanding Dissertation Series. Garland Press. . 1989. Contour tones. Phonology 6.149-71. 1992. The spreading of tonal nodes and tonal features in Chinese dialects. Paper presented at the Special Session on Tone, the 18th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (BLS). . Yuan, Jia-Hua. 1960. Hanyu Fangyan Gaiyao (An Index to Chinese Dialects). Beijing: Wenzi Gaige Chubanshe. Zhang, Hong-nian. 1985. Zhenjiang fangyan de liandu biandiao (Tone sandhi in the Zhenjiang dialect). Fangyan 1985.3.191-204. -158- ti-',114:01-TrPletf a 1:14 *Zfg6If3tiri.1111INMAMI5PtIgli17.-MiftligAgi, .1V,Et.1 MOHO h-IPIT:4(3`glif.ATco ARtrIMiqV'fitAltItN EiVrgMA-115.1t1L, gEz.NIVIAtEnAIMMINOMP-Mti`g4H. mit, Ath.A V-IMititlIS-(111-f_A-T:, laff7fiti3.*AfiTO]ft, ( tone language ) 1V,Ez.1.,MPT ( ArPifiggigRa-0313-}WaIlif ( stress-accent ) PP: aliTACET ( pitch-accent) ifl: El go PrlibilAMMX-VAttffifigUR accent language ) , , :mungg-mw-Iii.;==..mgx-aggrotAaNemmiml-t-nllgoanzA431 Towesigli-wortaigg-A--. 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Mff$11?tiTANttbbMilfitnt'4, tuitUff0V nitiattA, EigAterv_bo YliMt4.1fErVeltriMEMS CrANtrgaV), RIZMigMEllIN/InttriitisgE3-)., ffitgaNIN7Miltrliiga5-}, {ffiffrOf LLAINZVAPIA, t±17,1W±Ng7-121411, /10-2±tbutffittio IiiffArigNEIMAZtha(1)13114MailMnScilSco 117,11111MiliNti`g fJ2 T. , WrAirSIEWIA, Ar-g3znf1,15fUnfi t. rz, ja wawl, iamhstanw Ta timitant,TMEIgio At, aag11$tIlfg IWETril MS {Mt ha±RTINYILCV, ElitrZCZZMI ; S, NP, VPZIrzi-TVAMYrW. 1 aiiiiRIK,Ic-3:;11(11MOVIVILO0 2 '?UJ 1 j Ett-OfV6X113. 3 tElL5 DrBtA4M&-:01',5g_EffglWaLto ; la b NP NP HP NP VP NF VP NP VP tt *4, it ffisia, 0 00 0 oO 0 00 cA d0o0 VP VP 000 000 la b NP riVIAtto ooo c d 0000 ififf 0 000. .000. o0o0 dd VP FP VP NP VP NP ;.0 witamlikpot,ix-rafma raitig03`gfRiliftV17.1"-g-tilg-IPEN.E, *Ek`a?4*?",f,01Agtli)Jo WA* gign'ItiNAtItrg1Mg, tUMNrifiZtfitallf.,0 t,4718941:-AMPAIIIFIffghR iliRC-IfOIMMIYUltiranNiT.&narlg, tin la 31ZN 0. 0. b lt:+18 0. 00 00 00 c fAAV'r,--1 SLIT 0. 00 lii:WMAngsfi'gMtN$11$thbkILVSVi40 M.M#413igil IttPk 0 *IffJii242rallMilitrg r ,*Sta, #ft. 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AJTE1314AftliltillIfi±Mabigf.f3M*, NEVIITREVAMME2, fAtiA10 li';;?:t3thtEVI Tji9F, !1f5MV.012nth.TV.A4 (Cheng 1985) 0 teMtqAlfgttatitEit-i(iTON 54.EtTfillEtTNVIII:gr'4::th'OM--V110 (AIMMAItligtfaM) tARTNAL, ( 1982) V01.1 TIMTEMINIII)vf-iinIgEfrCENigrAJ 4.0 tTgA±V-Tg El nti`gEgt4it TUML ririELIV.Ettalt-CtWAMilgnVAWEz..*StNEIVI'AV.-t *aligf-±TMA±g:FIMEI'AVA11031111.'IlifttlEV-V4(1`111-g-qMill]glZ MI (transfer) N.ItillAH 4.1 EI EIMAXITIAMMAAAgItg7Tlif Milligaliti0O2 (pitch accent) 0 iJo (mora) El*MTJAI4TRFA;.c.itifIlltrnalacE3-1- iNJIMEMIgifgAtifInAIlf, Z)=1Jli-:tiiit7Intlf.gtibb, nig ViT1LEITZPV4 fittVlaTiBilMA-0-ig.filEfAMffiti0 EVIZilratinf&frAM71'. -7:41141M/01---ififflifMVgrOlgiffiA-ifirArratiVI-gitillifiLIRIMM EfAMM gliglititMla (talA±EAVZ=11 k iEM-LW) , M="11r.ntiViltri, VgiVP.1.' 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M A flEt'SM: 1'41 Ei o 0 (t1Mtilijr11111M./..1)Ei ,15,413.1A 311.711-1171,0 3 -164- EtratiT4 le4 0 0 19Pi hittga toritiga sakurattga tplyy; o tomodat i Oga n ihoN gam i #ga AhltIM 0 El2Mti)) o I-4E1 2/-1 0 2 01 -2 -2 -2 -2 -2 00 0 fiEl 02 EittY) A4175' 0 ffiOM 02 03 #)); 01 01 /CAM 02 (.; 01Y; 02 03 iglib; 03 rtt3tM taym 04 04 0 murasaki 'iroa ga 0 0 01 01 I); tztpb,ffitti) 02 ,tiNt.oi);"tti)c 02 F.7i.tim t-itsoet, 05 03 tzt:(714-5't -C#M 03 04 olth; 04 05 t-51g19 ./1,0i); 06 05 06 reN gou koku #ga AELMIO I); Rill -2 -2 03 UX 0 0 %11 ehat 02 o -3 yuukin ga 02 I mo 0 01) 0 to#ga aNnaisyo #ga saNkasya kai MOM 03 WM 01 Wom 0 -3 -3 0 1q5a1riM1 Wkjr,OM 01 0 vag-tti,Elmmmmattmmnom:timmgm-zwito 0 NmEm/tInNm 01-06vEigolnlIgm%x (IVAMNEVAMILAEMffigrEi*IIR5J) -1-3WAHM/TnIliffMN(ItMaXEMM AgfffinMMgir:&M-OCVAJ0 4.3 2 :15trAfift4TA OgrAHMI-gaqinw} 1. VglittiVligAalVii *Miti"A§t".-M, ticiV1411013M1Veliito 2. 15falltiftifEtITIBil. Mtr.MMOrtil, 3. 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PAIMIO4PAIWillti`g$"0;1 (NP, VP, S) fiMIMPE9113-)-W ; ; Mf13i- 3. 21111M-g*.ln746-3afM,01-, MIA-fainft_EntY-Z0 MDA Ef Z-1E1104M:=Lifts'irVigzral fzi'Mqt.tT. (t3-).W) (*lalg) F.--12V-140 El*MIT-VV-1-ti'MWIRliffigt±: 1957 "It' rtziAlgW1145:2,1 "\087--" M150 ri*VailrzEti geaTfirig MOM WinigfIEVIAMI:71tiMMitto "Eitift." ACRMIWI igniV513-1,KAIVill! 01 litiVMEIEIMMMIMM-V.M.0 [itt] 0 iiiltriAqMPilignASRf.g.3117a1EiVrinItlig* o 7]*MI,UFEI o 70111lia5 //PP fIMEi50 POilfart,R1J1Hglq-Alo / Cm, ) (EN I olnir.tA Aromoi, r Shalt E 11\1.1?.!1flI 1- tft.J) (tzn-, ) ) I` I. r 7flI inntitt osgritfitt I.1`1, 1.1.1. JIIJfJII .J--F\ -14 I ) r 000 : I:MEM 1957 rtiMiT6111;1irtIll i\oNr SWMEIYA 'f.kiyon "fri31:2;rigolffi1i)uf 5f," 0087 -LiJwittA ) gir-nttlrEETITITIIT'ANZO 6 MWMENN1k,',AMBEgItanclUTIMIEgo WAnIMBOIMEITVEI? 1g, RMAMNINEUETITTglUE.. St1106TOMYLV, f117-Eli--tMATA, Plitt1M PfalriTIME31W-Wa ( 0 ) JL gs.11-WL'ITEIWNTEILIgi1V, 01 02, 03, 04,... tIzo , 4111VMDA 4.4 Wit Ei 4.4.1 litl-gitI/JVA. (interlanguage) f3/35M, IfliftnffA,:.::AfiqntIN NAn1211.1±70.551-2gAtEMIllk4ffingUrlfl, TP,ttn-WIR. nMiltaiAtlinTAMitz.nVA , fIrit --VAS 5111E Ef ggiTT/YIEV , El It. ( conjunction case marker, 1).a. VP P-1 S NP AtiMIliTijn1-13ttVZ, *;kriTi*ii-TAMMENIIIMITMCIA, ) NP, VP, S 1-1LqSaftiggiltligifAXVAKTIMSICiiii-APTkihittf,J-M-Pa 41, AgIAMIEnl-Pa.41.ffig-.1M=Cif, 48."INIIVAMAfffittnfanIcf-fV14 (enclitic, N =1,=2 15M) nftltilgtlavAln Stt , Rftglf, tttUnMilqUunINIYM.5-J1f, rffis *J ffelg'Vali*.ttit4MMIM VIRBVINMAANtiTitilfk-StME-.41 Jfh-2-1111-Aiiingtn, iFIT3-S*N1, ttrz ttgfilTiq ; Fit gm*tm ; j1 sit= :3 It bat ? J n I-13J mivo thatimutin F;3J1±- FV, IRM{11 VZSiiiTZA INtt 4:ffsJiirfirigt 114Mg, gEz.94 NPtt, VP4,S14 lkni0-30.ttutiltYZn 3M{111M-TEVI. 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EFIEEPHIY48'gMV TEMITelibfine, ItrIVAitt.iggt-VE, MEtfigMf[ift.ffiM, JkL ; Ji 'fg./OiNtIMUMEI t ICJ/PT-KT-MM. it {1117),AMEOPINIC41-grgisumwn-hRainaTiltAffiniEl Eamataartmnum. mwm-/-+Eit-fltsif igAtitt/IN, EMIR gtChnVJR, &in f114 ( accent system) ?A tMEtettAVEINIMPANIMIRIFI , , ts.2ML'3-AfI.R tifgEtgOLISAArxr.VignOtiVriV, ITitiAlVJf5to AMAIMERRVMAtIV, tilitiMCIAgfidER ZMriggi9IM%, Ef4M/.-EAl.To figiLTRattritaintA 3-311.trgV3L tEMICEUOlik(.5-ttlikrfRitILIZWM.frgiffZEITY, A/33AL LCESPAtheLTPrfreiltfglIaEriti-AIMMAW/±1,41Z1,to *SORtgitutill1.1VVEnTliMPITEV`glIggIVitiL1 atiMM%Y.M1,35117f1, ttlhaffiZAt*g--go 8-'43ZI,tt R11 1085 -2t-f-*11J1 MEIN .15suitE 1001 AtinDiKji-giqa 1085 41/117Thtrhz. n/IiiTaZ. :iiiSC11111-01. 1085 1088 )77 ZZ-11,J1, 68-80a, ±VirAM',1LctrILLROT"Ao it1itIAMIt0±0 -1751 Rt-Z kqg 4R-Mi 1989 V-11)11E11.11J2.L., 1082 gem 1000 [16';ffilY/Z.0 1;:TV.Ez.i.L11110±,, uu itiIR rt(11-5Z(ITiVAVAIfnil\firiLT:7'., 1988 1975 )12 !tJJo _EiPinfTwaa, ti,11.1V-051f-ftrg,C.,\EIM.t.t.. rilah:mto It'd 1966 1991 man tMa, Ev5ttd 1988 1988 -An1 1960 R.,116 1991 aiGil 1939 01Sait 1987 (iNV51--E) Vi23S=11.J1 175-192A m-,41:t.T_aPf-111±:21a0 13011.141SITilafT () 1991 Witte. 3.1:3-15,, al111:ifitLIVEilnniiIMino 1993 miqt,54-crul o "1,ZE-Itii, 211-22. iVEI "T." 0 (ilt--) 1987 M-7111i1, 138-42R0 '(1-7grt if)ii-g-Z.0 Mi..f-1±1[15a0 dirt)ii-gnign.WgiATITcEz.A7E11,1D.Cligtfti:EAF.A. 54;ig litA0 rCiAlt--fP150 TG*: t 12 (filaq) 7WO "--gZ.:=2:11i1, 188-990 11/17-13.E, 111fLi1=1AUfArgan-g5YfAiL Alf UF-fla2.+ E. OrMit Matfi 1977 tisWErTiVIUM-in5fNEz.KifA0 fr-fiao JMILIntAgtiVffiEMM, IO ligg-UrithgAltgo OM% 1089 Er.tzTgillt.E2-gnifilfuniArralft:0 EligATOTEM ,v.m RIV=IlltitlEATTVq, 36-47R0 owl. 1991a lah, talt, Ottria--tn-AfgUttIEggrg4WIEL, : rzi 1991b ANgMMT4Titd--f=7N16tiMittrgo 1092 Pk11,-gE4.Wg-T-IIIPM-ItAZtfqo WiMigitSPI, 14-1:51AEJTPEti.Aiii o tef'MiNti,:ttf-0 OM% 1993 tTiton-agmtrAMEVII0 OMU. 1983 IZMAttriitilialtkito i-31'ar-VTAM:----11A94-107A0 4A0 Ballard, William L. 1984. Wu, Min and a little Hakka lexical tone sandhi: Right and left. Cah. de Ling. Asietrientale 13.3-34. Bruce, Gosta. 1090. Alignment and composition of tonal accents: comments on Silverman and Pierrehumbert's paper. Papers in laboratory phonology I: Between the grammar and physics of speech, ed. by John Kingston and Mary E. Beckman, 107-14. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Chan, Marjorie K. M. 1989. On the status of "basic" tones. Acta Linguistica Hafniensia 21.5-34. 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The prosodic domain of tone sandhi in Chinese. Ph.D. dissertation. San Diego: University of California Press. Tsay, Jane S. 1991. Tone alternation in Taiwanese. MS. To appear in Proceedings of Arizona Phonology Conference 4. Tseng, Chin-Chin. Interlanguage 1993a. First International Symposium phonology. on Languages Proceedings of the in Taiwan, C26-01- 28. Taipei: National Taiwan Normal University. Van Coetsem, Frans, Ronald Hendricks, and Susan McCormick. 1981. Accent typology and sound change. Lingua 53.295-315. Wang, William, S.Y. 1969. Competing changes as a cause of residue. Language 45.9-25. Yue-Hashimoto, Anne 0. 1087. Tone sandhi across Chinese dialects. Wang Li Memorial Voljmes: English Volume, ed. by The Chinese Language Society of Hong Kong, 445-74. Hong Kong: Joint Publishing Co. -178- Cross-Language and Cross-Typological Comparison of Conceptual Representations Related to Grammatical Form Susan Duncan The University of Chicago Introduction . Psycholinguistic studies of the spontaneous gestures that accompany speech, summarized in McNeill (1992), have shown that the study of gesture is a productive approach to understanding the cognitive processes that underlie speech production. These studies support the thesis that gesture emerges directly from the same underlying unit of thought as speech, without undergoing the linear segmentation required by the socially-constituted linguistic code. Analytic study of speech-accompanying gesture leads to the view that conceptual representations may be idiosyncratic and holistic in the same way gestures are. Further, gesture analysis yields a view of the conceptual representation underlying linguistic form that complements, enlarges upon and can in some particulars contradict a view based on speech alone. As such, the study of gesture offers significant ciues to the nature of speakers' underlying conceptual representations as they evolve during speech production. This research has shown that speakers of languages as diverse as English, Japanese, Georgian, Hebrew, Turkana, Mandarin Chinese and others spontaneously gesticulate when speaking. Speakers of these languages perform highly similar gestures that combine with speech in the same ways for the same referential content. Further, such gesture has been found to function similarly across these languages in important ways. It serves, together with speech, to propel communication forward by marking those elements in evolving conceptual representations that most contrast with preceding elements. Speakers of all languages use gesture iconically and metaphorically. In addition, all speakers use gestural space cohesively to "map", geometrically, the relations among concrete referents and abstractions that play roles in the speakers' conceptual representations. Traditionally, the vocal speech stream has been the focus of studies of human communication. This linear, segmented, sequential linguistic code has been the primary (sometimes the only) input to the development of models of the human communicative competence that supports language comprehension and language production. Yet human communicative exchanges are richly textured, structured, contextualized and evolving events. The speech stream alone, because of its conventionalized and selective character, necessarily does not reflect many features of whole communicative events. Models of human communicative competence must -1791 '0 thus capture patterning at other levels of linguistic and conceptual analysis if they are to adequately describe the way communicative events evolve. The studies described here have involved detailed analyses of speech and gesture and the close relationship between the two. This research permits an expanded, richer view of communicative events by shedding the limiting focus on the sequential speech stream. Gesture is "so intimately integrated into the production of the spoken utterance that its planning and organization must proceed simultaneously with, if not in advance of, the production of speech itself" (Kendon, 1980). In fact, studies show that gestures almost always precede their co-referring speech, sometimes having their onset during the prior claise. Gestures together with speech reveal the nature and location of the "growth points" of utterances (McNeill, 1992). Similar to Vygotsky's (1986) "psychological predicate", the growth point is the minimal unit of verbal thought that retains the essential properties of the linguistic and imagistic whole of a thought. McNeill has shown that growth points contain the "new" information that the speaker will add to discourse: material that contrasts with what has gone before and that will form the point of departure for the next bundle of information to be conveyed. Linear, segmented, linguistic code is generated through a process of "unpacking" the material contained in these holistic growth points. According to McNeill, gestures embody these growth points and so may be used to identify and investigate them. Bates and MacWhinney (1991) note that a model of speech production must "account for the process by which native speakers select a set of expressions to convey meaning" in the context of real-time language use, and that the model "must have crosslinguistic generality." A useful way to think about the issues raised by the analytic study of gesture is in terms of Slobin's (1987) proposed dimension of "thinking for speaking." This is the structuring of thought into forms appropriate for linguistic organization. According to Slobin, "Thinking for speaking' involves picking those characteristics that (a) fit some conceptualization of [aril event and (b) are readily encodable in the language" (1987: 435). Analysis of gesture is a significant tool with which to study how conceptual representations evolve and how they drive speech production. It provides direct evidence about cognitive processes as they relate to speech production in real time. Comparative cross-language research on gesture examines the interface between conceptualization and language and permits us to distinguish what is universal in the content and structure of conceptual representations from what is influenced by grammatical and typological variations in language form. Typological features of different languages affect the ordering of reference and action in an utterance and languages -180- 19 differ in how readily they encode certain features of a representation. The gestural component of a speech-gesture unit, however, reveals a view of conceptualization not filtered through these selective linguistic forms. The research presented here explores the nature of the relationship between conceptual representations and linguistic structure by comparing the speech and gesture of native speakers of typologically different languages from two unrelated language families: Mandarin Chinese and English. The speech and gesture of these two groups of speakers are compared in relation to two areas of difference in linguistic form between the two languages. Study I examines the spoken and gestural expression of verb aspect. Chinese is described as a "classic tenseless language" (Binnick, 1991) but it marks a range of aspectual distinctions grammatically and periphrastically. English marks both tense and aspect, but the two systems are confounded. Also, the expression of aspect in spoken English depends much more on periphrasis and the lexicon than it does in Chinese, which has a set of grammatical morphemes marking the major aspectual distinctions. Study I focuses on three common aspectual distinctions that are each marked by a single-syllable morpheme in Chinese: progressive ZAI, durative -ZHE and perfective -LE and examines the gestures that co-occur with these markers and their analogs in English. Study II examines the linguistic typological feature of Topic Prominence. Chinese, a "topic prominent" language, differs from a language like English, which is "subject prominent" (Li and Thompson, 1976). As such, Chinese has several very frequently used structures that alter the ordering of reference and action at the sentence level during realtime speech production. The gestures of Chinese and English speakers are examined for clues as to the impact on the level of conceptual representation of such differing patterns of information flow. METHODS Sub'ects. The subjects are ten native Chinese speakers (two male and eight female) and ten native English speakers (two male and eight female), all adults. Of the Chinese subjects, six are from different regions of Mainland China and four are from Taiwan. The the data from the six Mainland subjects were collected shortly after the subjects came to the United States and all of these subjects were either university students or spouses of students. The four Taiwanese subjects were filmed in Taipei, Taiwan as part of a separate research project. All of the latter were middle class homemakers with small children. The present research assumes that in regard to the grammatical feature of aspect marking and the typological feature of Topic Prominence, all of the subjects are linguistically -181- comparable, even though some of them were first language speakers of some Chinese language other than Mandarin. The English speakers were all members of the academic community at the University of Chicago. Stimuli. Two different types of stimuli were used to elicit speech: 1) Cartoon: This is an American cartoon of a classic and wellknown (to Americans) type. It features a cat and a bird and is about 5 minutes in length. It is limited in plot and consists of eight highly actionoriented episodes in which "Sylvester" (the cat) attempts to capture and eat "Tweety" (the bird). Even though it is American, there is in fact very little English language in the cartoon. It has been shown to speakers of many different languages who have little or no knowledge of English, and comprehension of the events and the story line is not impeded by this lack of language knowledge. 2) Vignettes: These are a series of very short action sequences involving small characters or inanimate objects. A set of 40 vignettes was used for this study. Each is about 1.5 seconds long and depicts a character or object performing one or more actions. The vignettes are part of a test battery designed to elicit morphological marking on verbs of motion in signers of American Sign Language (Supalla, Newport, Singleton, Supalla, Met lay & Coulter, in press). The vignettes are designed to be viewed singly in a series, with time after each one for the subject to describe what she has just seen. Procedure Elicliation. Subjects viewed the stimuli on videotape, and were then themselves videotaped describing what they had seen to a same-nativelanguage interlocutor. In the case of the cartoon stimuli, subjects narrated to interlocutors who had not previously seen the cartoon. The subjects were instructed to be as complete as possible in their descriptions, so that the interlocutor would then be able to re-tell the story to a third person. Twelve of the subjects, six American and six Chinese, viewed the cartoon; the other eight subjects, four Americans and the four Taiwanese Chinese, viewed the vignettes. All of the vignettes subjects, Chinese and American alike, found the vignettes stimuli somewhat bizarre, but generated a response to each vignette nonetheless. And of the subjects who viewed the cartoon, although Chinese subjects were much less familiar with the characters and conventions of American animated cartoons than were the American subjects, their narratives are quite comparable to the English ones overall. -182- 1,93 From the videotaped Speech transcription and gesture coding . responses, detailed transcriptions of all utterances, and the gestures that accompanied them were created. The speech for the Chinese cartoon and movie narrations was transcribed by a native speaker and checked by a fluent non-native speaker of the language. The vignettes data were transcribed initially by a fluent non-native speaker and checked for accuracy by a native speaker. The speech transcriptions include all pauses, breaths, and speech dysfluencies. The speech was coded for grammatical and narrative structure. The gestures were examined frame-by-frame on the videotapes and were coded for form, semantic content, and function in relation to the speech. Representational gestures were flagged. Finally, the timing of the gestures relative to the speech was exactly coded. All gesture coding was evaluated for accuracy by a second trained gesture coder. The gestures that provided the basis for The Gesture Data. analysis in this study were all "representational" gestures; that is, gestures that iconically represent some physical entity, or metaphorically represent an abstraction. Other gesture types did not figure very significantly in the analysis. Following McNeill (1992), the gestures are taken to consist of three primary phases: 1) preparation, when the gesturing hand moves from a rpst position, 2) stroke, the main representational movement, and 3) retraction, when the hand returns to rest. All representational gestures are found to possess at least a stroke phase. Either of the other two phases may be overidden. The stroke is the crucial phase. Kinesically, it's the movement focus of the gesture; semantically, it is where the meaning of the oesture is revealed. This following excerpt from an English-speaking subject is of an utterance accompanied by a spontaneous gesture. The speech with which the gesture coincides is bracketed and the stroke phase is bolded. I dunno, (she slugs him] or throws him out the window. In the bracketed gesture, the preparation phase coincides with the word "she." The stroke phase consists of a single, rapid hand movement of the hand starting at the right and moving slightly downward to the left, an iconic gesture representing the action of slugging.. The retraction phase is on the word "him." In addition, gestural holds often occur during the course of a gesture. This is when the gesturing hand pauses momentarily in its motion and then resumes motion. The hand may pause between the preparation and stroke phases or between the stroke and the retraction phases of a gesture, or both, as the following example demonstrates. -183- 19 4 ... swings smack into thc b] [lidding ... In the bracketed gesture here, the underlined portions represent pie-stroke and post-stroke holds. The gesture holds for an instant coincident with the word "swings" before arcing downward across the gesture space in front of the speaker and to the left, an iconic gesture representing the cat swinging on a rope across the space between two buildings. There is another gestural hold before beginning the stroke phase of the next gesture. Kita (1991) determined that such holds are often a phenomenon of the timing relationship between speech and gesture. That is, because speech production is a temporally extended, linear, sequential unpacking process, whereas gesture is executable as a synthetic whole, gesture planning and execution usually precedes speech production. Thus, the preparation phase of a gesture will often begin some time before the co-referring portion of the spoken utterance. In such cases, the gesture may freeze in mid-motion, resuming only when the speaker/gesturer has come to the relevant portion of speech in the speech stream, at which point the semAntically rich stroke phase executes concurrently with its co-referring speech form. On the basis of the data from this study I will suggest additional roles for gestural holds that are specifically related to grammatical and semantic features of the languages studied in this research. Study I: Verb Aspect Marking in Speech and Gesture First, I will describe the aspectual distinctions that are the focus of this study and then go over how Chinese and English differ with respect to aspect marking. While verb tense indexes the location of events in time, past, present or future, verb aspect indexes a view of events in time. Linguistic research (Comrie, 1981a; Binnick, 1991) indicates that the most fundamental of aspectual distinctions exhibited across all languages that do mark aspect is that between the perfective and imperfective. The perfective is described as taking an external viewpoint on events; the imperfective an internal viewpoint. The present study examines this distinction in speech and gesture as well as a further distinction between two imperfective aspects: progressive and durative. Although the latter terms are sometimes used interchangeably, I will follow Binnick (1991) in characterizing the progressive as momentary and the durative as having temporal extent. This contrast in imperfective aspects is captured in the following two English sentences: The comet is coming. The comet comes ever nearer. (progressive) (durative) -184- The timeline below lays out the distinction between the perfective and the two imperfective aspects. Progressive aspect situates the speaker at a point in the middle-of an action in progress and durative lends the sense of an action having some duration, while perfective aspect situates the speaker outside the event, looking on it as a complete entity. I am looking (PROG) I begin to look I stop lcoking I looked (PERF) while looking ... (DUR) As mentioned above, the marking of these three aspects in Chinese is accomplished through a set of three single-syllable morphemes. Progressive ZAI comes directly before the verb: Tii ZAI p'do. He PROG run. He is running. Durative -ZHE and perfective -LE are both post-verbal morphemes. -ZHE immediately follows the verb: Ti bo-zHE nio-loIng p'ao. He carry DUR birdcage run. He runs carrying the bird cage. LE may either come right after the verb or be placed at the end of the utterance: jiii He then runs PERF. Then hc runs off. The progressive in English is grammaticized similarly to Chinese, using the auxiliary "to be" and verb-final "-ing" marker: He is running. Durative is less explicit an i! depends on periphrasis and the presence of certain lexical items. In the speech samples I studied, I took phrases and lexical items such as these to express durativity: I. "While I As I was..., Whcn..., In the process of...) eating, I choked on some spinach." -185- 156 2. "With the wife freaking out, the husband takes up with his secretary." 3. VERB + VERB-ing forms such as: run screaming, exit laughing 4. Keep VERB-ing forms: "She keeps wondering when she'll finish her dissertation." 5. Lexical: "skid", "rotate", "deteriorate", "roll" Perfective is difficult to pin down in English and c Ften an "external view of events" is not unambiguously retrievable from th level of linguistic form. Further, perfectivity is confounded with past tense marking in English. For the purposes of this study I relied on verbs that I judged to have an inherent perfective semantic as well as verb+particle constructions where the particle added perfectivity to the semantic specification of the verb. Compare, for example: hit eat up end fall into vs. vs. vs. vs. pummel eat draw to a close fall Coding. Several elements of gesture form were coded to provide the basis for the analysis in Study I. The form of the gesture stroke was coded. Stroke phases were coded as being single or multi-stroke. A single stroke is one uninterrupted movement that follows a single trajectory. A multi- or "extendable" stroke is one consisting of some kind of repeating motion that has the potential to continue uninterrupted for any length of time. For this kind of stroke, there is no point at which the stroke necessarily must stop. The durations of gesture strokes were recorded. The presence and durations of all gestural holds were coded. In addition, several indices of gestural complexity were coded: whether the gesture was one- or two-handed; if two-handed, whether the hands were "mirror images" of each other or assumed contrasting positions. The presence or absence of the expression of path, trajectory and manner marking relating to the action being gestured was noted. The presence or absence of "item marking" in gestures was noted; that is, I asked the question: Were any features of the items or objects about which the speakei was speaking revealed in the configuration of the gesture? An example of an action gesture that is not item-marked would be the tracing of an imaginary path of motion with the tip of the index finger. Such a gesture could be marked for item if, instead of a point, a balled-up fist (representing a ball, for instance) were to trace the path of motion, instead. -186- 19/ Since aspectual distinctions are more simply and clearly Analysis. marked in Chinese than in English, the data from the Chinese subjects were analyzed first to determine whether any distinct gestural forms coincide with the use of these markers. The American subjects' gestures from analogous speech contexts were then compared to those of the Chinese. First, aspect marking in speech was examined to determine if subjects tended to prefer one aspectual viewpoint over another or if, the stimuli differed in terms of the aspect marking they tended to elicit. Next, the spontaneous gestures that co-occured with aspect-marked speech were examined. To locate possible differences among the gestures accompanying different verb aspects, all of the utterances in the data set that contained spoken aspect in some form were extracted and a subset of these was analyzed. The subset to be analyzed was extracted according to the following procedure. First, all the aspect-marked utterances that were accompanied by a representational gesture of some sort were extracted. The accompanying gestures were examined and any that seemed to express some portion of the semantic content of the verb in the utterance were selected. This selection criterion excluded any gestures that were semantically related only to a thing or item being described in the utterance as opposed to the verb related to that thing or item. So for instance, if the subject said, "And the bird dropped a bowling ball down the drainpipe", the accompanying gesture might reference only features of the bowling ball and not the dropping. The latter sort of gestures were excluded. Only utterances accompanied by verb-related gestures were retained for the analysis in Study I. Based on this criterion, 20 perfectively marked utterance/gesture pairs and 20 imperfectively marked utterance/gesture pairs were extracted at random from the Chinese data, with the criterion of not taking more than five utterances of one type from any one subject. The set of imperfectively marked utterance/gesture pairs consisted of ten utterances marked with progressive ZAI and ten marked with durative -ZHE. To this set of 40 Chinese utterance/gesture pairs was added an analogous set from the English data set. A subset of all utterance/gesture pairs from the English data set was extracted according to the same criteria described above for the Chinese data. There is some difficulty, though, in judging the spoken aspect of some of the utterances in English, since, with the exception of the progressive, aspect is not unambiguously marked, as was outlined above. To extract appropriate samples, I relied on lexical semantics for the perfective and to some extent for the durative, although for the durative I was aided by key words and phrases that denote -187- 1 durativity (e.g. "while", "as", and so on). Nevertheless, it is often difficult to judge aspectual content from linguistic form alone in English. Results. The speech data are examined first. Across the Chinese speakers, use of the -LE perfective aspect marker was more than twice as common as the two imperfectiye markers combined, and within the perfective, the durative -ZHE marker was somewhat more common than the progressive ZA1 marker. However, some speakers showed a marked preference for framing their responses in one aspect over another. Interestingly, the choice of aspect marking in speech for both groups of speakers was found to be largely independent of the particular stimulus being described. This was particularly clear in the data from the vignettes, where a given vignette might elicit responses from different subjects framed in terms of either perfective or imperfective aspects. The gesture data were analyzed next. Analysis of the gestures in the extracted set of 80 Chinese and English utterance/gesture pairs shows that there were differences in timing and form of gestures related to aspect marking in the speech. First, there was a difference in gesture stroke durations between the perfectively and the imperfectively marked speech contexts. The gestures coinciding with perfective marking in speech were much shorter than those coinciding with the imperfective. Table IA. CHINESE Mean gesture stroke durations in msecs.: perfective/imperfective Perfective: mean = .22 Imperfective: mean = .707 std.dev. -= .111 std.dev. = .442 (p < .0001, significant) Table 18. ENGLISH Mean gesture stroke durations in msecs.: perfective/imperfective Perfective: mean = .275 std.dev.= .149 Imperfective: mean = .580 std.dev. = .502 (p < .013, significant) Tables 1 A and 1B show the mean stroke duration of gestures accompanying spoken perfective and imperfective aspects in Chinese and English. Within each language the difference in the mean values of stroke durations of gestures marking these aspectual distinctions was highly statistically -188- significant. A two-way analysis of variance comparing these stroke durations in the two languages yielded a significant effect for aspect (p < .0001) and no effect for language. Tables 2A and 2B show the mean gesture stroke durations for the gestures accompanying spoken progressive and durative, the two imperfective aspects. This difference in stroke duration was not statistically significant for either language. Table 2A. CHINESE Mean gesture stroke durations in msecs.: progressive/durative Progressive: mean = .819 std.dev. = .497 Durative: mean = .596 std.dev. = .372 (p < .2706, not significant) Table 2B. ENGLISH Mean gesture stroke durations in msecs.: progressive/durative std.dev. = .590 Progressive: mean = .679 Durative: mean = .480 std.dev. = .401 (p < .3899, not significant) Note that the difference in gesture duration between the perfective and imperfective speech contexts in Chinese cannot be explained by differences in the durations of the accompanying spoken utterances. Since all three of the Chinese aspect markers studied are single-syllable morphemes accompanying the verb, they all require approximately the same amount of time to utter. As for the English, if duration of the accompanying spoken utterance were a factor in stroke duration, we might expect that durative, which is often periphrastic, would take the longest time to utter and generate longer stroke durations as a result. In fact, stroke durations for gestures accompanying duratively marked speech in English are shorter on average than for the progressive, just as in the case of Chinese. These results, then, point to a quantitative difference in gesture forms. More striking perhaps than the differences in stroke duration are the qualitative differences in gesture forms that accompany spoken aspect. All of the 40 gestures accompanying spoken perfective aspect in Chinese and.English used in this analysis were single stroke gestures. The gestures typically were very simple in form. More often than not they marked only the trajectory of some falling or flying object. In contrast, 85% of -189- 2o gestures accompanying spoken progressive aspect were multi-stroke or "extendable" gestures. These gestures are Often marked for manner and path of movement. For example, one subject's utterance in response to a ignette, A m[an is rolling across the screen.] is acompanied by a gesture in which the forearm, representing the body of a toy man, loops across the subject's gesture space in a path and mamer similar to that of the figure seen in the vignette. Finally, as for the gestures that occurred in the presence of duratively marked speech, what was most notable was a sustained quality of the gesture, either in a lengthened stroke phase or in a long hold phase that might extend over more than one spoken clause. Table 3 provides a comprehensive look at the qualitative differences among the gestural forms that ar:company the different spoken aspects. In this table, two different types of holds are distinguished. Here the holds that Kita (1991) identified are referred to as "syntactic holds", because these holds "wait for speech to catch up"; that is, the timing of their execution is dependent on the syntax of an utterance. Whereas the holds that occur with the duratively marked utterances are of a different kind. The holds in these gestures seem to have something to do with the semantic content of the verb itself and so they are referred to as "semantic holds". Such gestural holds are found to extend beyond any kind of distinct syntactic boundary and as such do not share the same timing relationship with utterance structure that Kita observed for the syntactic holds. Table 3A. CHINESE & ENGLISH Qualitative differences in gesture form in differing spoken aspect contexts. PERFECTI V E PROGRESSIVE single stroke multi-stroke syntactic holds syntactic holds semantic holds low complexity: medium complexity: high complexity: 1 event 1 or 2-handed mirror-hand gestures least manner marking brief trajectory marking little item marking 1 event 1 or 2-handed mirror-hand gestures most manner marking path marking little item marking -190- 201, DURATIVE 2 or more events 2-handed contrast gestures item marking The last feature that distinguishes the gestures coinciding with different aspect marking in speech is gestural complexity. I note that the gestures that accompanied the perfective tended to deal only with one event. They may be one or two-handed, but if two-handed, the hands typically are mirror images of one another; for example, as in two hands together suggesting the shape of a bowling ball. Perfective has the least manner marking of all the types of gesture. It tends to mark just trajectory rather than full path, and item marking is infrequent. The progressive gestures, as with the perfective, typically describe just one event and if both hands are used, the hands are mirror images. Progressive aspect marking in speech comes packaged together with the most manner and path marking in gesture. And again, as with perfective, there is overall little item marking. While the primary thing that distinguished the gestures accompanying duratively marked speech is the occurence of semantic holds, these gestures also exhibited a higher degree of complexity. They often depicted two or more events, which is understandable in light of the semantics of durativity: there often is a background action with a foregrounded action taking place concurrently. When there is durative marking in the accompanying speech, there is more of a tendency for twohanded gestures to occur than is true in the presence of the other two aspect markers, and when the gestures are two-handed, the hands are often contrasting, rather than mirror images of one another. That is, one hand will represent one function, the other hand another, and the two stand in relation to each other somehow. Further, item-markini is very common in gestures that coincide with the durative in speech. Overall, there seems to be a more extensive and more cohesive use of gesture space in these gestures. Discussion. Conceptual representation of verb aspect during realtime language production appears unaffected by differences between languages in spoken aspect marking. The results presented here lend support to the thesis that, at least in some respect3, conceptual representations, as indexed by gestural forms, develop independently of specific linguistic forms. Study II: Topic Prominence and Gesture : Within the spoken utterance, typological features of different languages such as standard word order and topic prominence affect the flow of information. Mandarin Chinese and English differ on the linguistic-typological dimegsion-of topic prominence (Li and Thompson, 1976). This is determined My the preponderance of certain types of utterance structures in the two langages. Study II presents another test of -191- 202 the potential of using gesture analysis as a tool to gain access to the level of conceptual.representation. It is hypothesized that topic prominence features in Chinese, expressed in topic/comment and various objectfronting utterance structures, may focus the attention of native Chinese speakers on isolable elements at the level of conceptual representation, and on a consistent separation of elements from process rather than a unification of elements and process. English has a basic SVO utterance structure (Comrie, 1981b) and Chinese is usually also categorized as an SVO language. Li and Thompson (1981) maintain, however, that Chinese is better viewed as unclassifiable relative to this linguistic typological feature, since the subject/predicate relations on which such a categorization is based in other languages are such tenous factors in Chinese grammar. Speakers of the language though, certainly have access to this basic word order pattern. More significant is the fact that Chinese is a topic prominent language, with several commonly used structures that alter the ordering of reference and action. These include the object fronting BA construction, the resultative and directional verb compounds (RVC and DVC) with which it often occurs, and topic/comment structures. Of these, English makes available the topic/comment option as well, however it is not used with any frequency as it is in Chinese. By way of illustration, in all of the English-language data examined for this study, there was .only one instance of a topic/comment structure. Following are some examples of utterance structures that were used in this analysis. In the first example, the BA construction moves the direct object into a position in front of the verb, in this case a DVC: - BA -) Ta qiu He OBJ ball threw-down-go He threw the ball down. In a topic/comment structure, any grammatical element of the sentence, or elements not grammatically related to the sentence may appear in utterance-initial position: \ / xiao niao, mao qiang-dao shbu. That little bird, cat grabs-to-hand. Now that bird, the cat grabs him. Nei Data. The analysis for Study Il is based on a total of 120 utterance/gesture pairs from the Chinese and English-speaking subjects. From the Chinese narratives, 60 single clause utterances that co-occurred with representational gestures were selected. Thirty of these were standard SVO utterances, and thirty were non-SVO utterances. Of the latter, sixteen -192- 203 utterances contained BA-constructions, thirteen were topic/comment utterances, and two were other object fronting utterances. The selection was not balanced across subjects, although several utterance/gesture samples were taken from every subject. The goal was to find the samples of the target utterance structures that were acompanied by reliably codable representational gestures. Then, 60 single-clatise utterance/gesture pairs were selected from the English narratives, controlling for equivalent or closely equivalent informational content to those selected from the Chinese narratives. All of these were SVO utterances, since, as mentioned above, there was only one non-SVO utterance in the corpus. Analysis. The gesture from each utterance/gesture pair was analyzed as belonging to one of these three categories: 1) Item only gestures encoded only features of some item or object in the discourse context; for instance, the shape of a bird cage or the extent of a wire. 2) Action only gestures encoded only features of an action; for instance, the trajectory, path or manner of a movement. 3) Incorporating gestures encoded features of both items and actions in the discourse context. A portion of the gestures in this category were termed "total enactment" gestures since they encoded features of an item, action and character. The gestures included in this latter subcategory were those in which the subject actually pantomimed the action being described. Results, First, the overall number of gestures in both the English and Chinese utterances that encoded Item Only, Action Only, and Item and Action Incorporated were counted. Table 4 shows that the total number of gestures is greater than the number of utterances for both English and Chinese. This is simply because some of the utterances contained more than one representational gesture. Considering the numbers as a proportion of total gestures, it's clear that there are differences between the English and Chinese gesture production both for Item Only gestures, and Incorporated gestures. The largest difference is for the Item Only category, with only six gestures in the English sample of this category, compared to thirty-one gestures in the Chinese sample. -193c J 'I Table 4. GESTURE CONTENT: ENGLISH vs. CHINESE: All utterance types ITEM ONLY ACT ONLY ITEM & ACT INCORPORATED TOTAL GESTURES ENGLISH 6 16 43 65 PERCENT 9% 25% 66% CHINESE 31 12 30 PERCENT 42% 16% 41% 73 Table.5 compares the two Chinese sentence types studied: SVO and non-SVO. It appears that there is no effect of sentence type on feature encoding in gesture. Item Only gestures seem just as likely to occur in SVO sentehces as non-SVO sentences. Table 5. GESTURE CONTENT: CHINESE SVO vs. NON-SVO ITEM ONLY SVO I5 PERCENT 47% non-SVO 16 PERCENT 39% ACT ONLY 4 ITEM & ACT INCORPORATED TOTAL GESTURES 13 32 13% 41% 8 17 20% 41% 41 Table 6 is based on all 120 utterance/gesture pairs and breaks down the data on just the incorporated gestures into three categories reflecting encoding of features of the different syntactic categories: gestures that incorporate ftatures of the direct object of the verb, gestures that incorporate features of a subject, and those that incorporate features of both subject and object. Though the numbers are small, here the Chinese show a stronger tendency than Americans to selectively incorporate object features in their action gestures. Notice also that Americans are more than two times as likely to produce total enactment gestures, the whole-body pantomimics that are the most extreme form of incorporation. -194- 2 ob- TABLE 6. INCORPORATED GESTURES ONLY: ENGLISH vs. CHINESE OBJECT + ACTION OBJECT + ACTION SUBJ.& OBJ. + ACTION TCHAL ENGLISH 3 12 28 43 PERCENT 7% 28% 65% CHINESE 9 10 11 PERCENT 30% 33% 37% GESTURES 30 The final table, Table 7, displays the same counts as Table 6, but comparing across the two categories of Chinese sentence. These are the smallest numbers yet, since the Chinese speakers didn't produced that many Incorporated gestures. Here the patterns of feature encoding in the SVO and non-SVO sentences are mirror images of one another. The action gestures accompanying SVO syntax are more likely to incorporate subject features, whereas the action gestures accompanying non-SVO sentences are more likely to incorporate object features. Table 7. INCORPORATED GESTURES ONLY: CHINESE: SVO vs. non-SVO OBJECT + ACTION SUBJECT + ACTION SUBJ.& OBJ. SVO 1 8 4 PERCENT 8% 62% 31% non-SVO. 8 2 7 PERCENT 47% 12% 41% TOTAL + ACTION 13 17 Discussion. The results reported above are generally consistent with the hypothesis that the topic prominence feature of Chinese mzy increase the salience of topics and objects of actions for speakers of that language, causing them to produce Item Only gestures that encode features of syntactic objects and utterance topics in higher proportion than English speakers. Interestingly, as the results displayed in Table 5 comparing SVO and non-SVO utterance structures indicate, this pattern of gesture appears not to be conditioned sentential syntax, since Item Only gestures are no -195- 206 more likely in the context of non-SVO utterances. This suggests that these gestures reveal a general patterning on the level of conceptual representation rather than a pattern of syntactic thinking emerging in the gesture channel during speaking under the control of the linguistic code. Representational gestures of the sort defined here provide clues to how speakers sort out and organize the domain of referents during realtime speech production.jhese and other observations suggest that some features of linguistic structure do emerge in gesture. General Discussion. Cross-language research into these phenomena provides a means of determining the extent to which conceptualization is related to linguistic representation in such areas of grammatical difference between languages. Since languages differ in how readily they encode certain features of a conceptual representation, spoken utterances in different languages will differ in the features they select or highlight. The gestural component of a speech-gesture unit, however, reveals a view of conceptualization that has not been filtered by these linguistic forms. The research presented in Study I lends support to the thesis that, in some respects, conceptual representations develop independently of specific linguistic forms in real-time speech production. However Study II revealed what appears to be an area where features of conceptual representations do correlate with differences ii li4guistic form. The Chinese speakers show a preponderance of item-marking gestures over action-marking gestures relative to the English speakers, suggesting a privileged role of isolable entities in the conceptual representations of the Chinese. There may therefore be areas of conceptual representation with which linguistic representation does not interfere, as appears to be the case case with aspectual distinctions, as outlined above. These may be cognitive universals. There may exist other areas, however, where linguistic forms do influence developing conceptual representations, at least in the context of on-line speech production. The analytic study of gesture is a methodology that may profitably be used to examine this kind of "thinking for speaking." References. Bates, E. and MacWhinney, B. (1989). Functionalism and the competition model, in B. MacWhinney and E. Bates (eds), The Cross linguistic Study of Sentence Processing, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. -196- 201 Binnick, Robert (1991). Time and the Verb: A Study of Tense and Aspect, Cambridge: Oxford University Press. Comrie, B. (1981a). Aspect, Cambridge University Press. Comrie, B. (1981b). Language Universals and Linguistic Typology, Oxford: Blackwell. Kendon, A. (1980). "Gesticulation and speech: two aspects of the process of utterance", in M.R. Key (ed.), The Relation between Verbal and Nonverbal Communication, 177-210, New York: Pergamon Press. Kita, S. (1991). Unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of Chicago. Li, C.N. and Thompson, S.A. (1976). Subject and topic: a new typology of language. In C.N. Li (Ed.) Subject and Topic, New York: Academic Press. Li, C.N. and Thompsop S.A. (1981). Mandarin Chinese: A Functional Reference Grammar, Berkeley and L.A.:University of California Press. McCullough, K-E. and Duncan, S. (1993). Gesture and linguistic typology in Mandarin Chinese and English. Paper presented at the Linguistic Society of America Annual Meeting, Los Angeles. McNeill, David (1992). Hand and Mind: What Gestures Reveal about Thought, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Slobin, D.I. (1987). Thinking for speaking, Proceedings of the Berkeley Linguistic Society Annual Meeting, vol.13, pp. 435-445. Supalla, T., Newport, E.L., Singleton, J., Supalla, S., Met lay, T. and Coulter, G. (in press) Test Battery for American Sign Language: Morphology and Syntax, Burtonsville, MD, Linstok Press. Vygotsky, L.S. (1986). 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Kepping, K.B. 1979 Sun' czy v Tangutskom Perevode, Moskva: lzdaterstvo Nauka. -217- 28 1983 Les Kategorij Utracennaja Kitajskaja Leisu v Tangutskom Perevode, Moskva: Izdatel'stvo Nauka. Kepping, K.B., V.S. Kolokolov, E.I. Ky6anov, and A.P. Terent'ev-Katanskij 1969 More Pis'men ( 1.101j(4 ) , 2 vols., Moskva: lzdatel'stvo Nauka. Nevsky, N.A. 1960 Tangutskaja Filologija, Issledovanija i Slovar', 2 vols., Moskva: Izdatektvo Vostanoj Literatury. Sofronov, M.V. 1968 Grammatika Tangutskogo Jazyka, 2 vols., Moskva: Izdatel'stvo Nauka. MaffirtgliAIVIsitEglig-Wiffelt* 0334.7.18-20 4 ffrcstafi) frti 1-44 At tw. %K-" f14) *Hi (HIRATA Shoj i) -5113t 3Z [11 "Mor (NMAI) U "Miiiar (NN) 041}Y9142.0 *Scl4ftitOli/MMITMA, Mai.1131,* A "-ftWO±04-Mr" , etunkaltao "m" U "a" 142MKRIstid2-A-Fft#AVttitiA, *Wit 141.0t7(1)tA01?-ettiA4M4*.ft, (2)tectilleliiNNft,4 Amiitutegmr, ts,i,At4PARIIIMS-tSMilto (t±Nfle4111TiAtttft*IN) *Atufs, Nagiatiiit:fim-erkA- "%AA" iltirilEiMf/EMilulit %54,4354Tra. .goAmut.;4 "M" i0 IMA1PFIRV" Wang A-ft" "411M/1V" "tiOk" tRAETAIM,Iltti)(1)AfigS*V*, *fi (3) "AAL3i-114" (4) (2)AA,61-1i "ftft (44*-M) " NVANita. fgA-07 *Zitglii "eV" ft41-4Aki-AIMAIM,SftWeNr9§1010Vc, 1611T-Ciff (NOM) JAAMITI, 215Sc-Vigitlik, * ft *tiiS 50,5 t4 4-4 4TIRMiglilf Pt' (The Mitsubishi Foundation) 61i3f5tAsA0iiiVe tiAlMixit_hiAilt, ±A---T; (A) Milifi&-q05301056 AV4'44-41f5tIVJA 60 -219- 2'00 fttEMAE-Iiillt *1137V444A0f5-LaAM 1 . 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Hashimoto(1960 131-132)1).A, iliilkigi141-4.04-0A3ZAMERAAtttifi-g#ISI,1411.0 A.-rialtJDAnialaArtiE 14114JAMPErisMaiim ; .1g5M1311, V1390 11#1, ffiltSANIIRElak1311M1301139ffifIlibffStI&JMTIrl. "1/114M, AA, Mg" Elik, alt-ft TTO *-E:k*gfiUSHashimoto(1960:133-134)MEtat liffiSt*O0 *W. ifi*ffi%zglata, 11I "1-4, Wt. ±N" g/T17*, AA/TAAMIJI, 1145gultikfttiMigo 1-LM, "02.54." * .Y./...1)C13/..UflABMS-MiTaf15. *" un 3 . Aititg)Atin "03.5k" 11-14litiAft" 60)M, 3 . 1 . In1Hashimoto(19 : "Alir "IWAg2" , TAT `"rila ft401:1141t M4Aglilnit "UV" ft4ME1)%ilirgitt*Anft, OM, ?to 1INVSIffifiANAA3,i, "Irplia" At air go UM. 5k" (1)titV-Rikitft., (2)tect4VEFAI-E4**0 3 . 1 . *IftiftriAlaff&-Mst, t's4S-4.0.4R-*SkItAiACII "tn" NitigreA*M[iii --Iwthomea (Princeton Hypothesis) " "OHURno TA, AltirAM#MtVt, "A-Ag-Ef---4cill[b -224- 25 ci g)--.111M , ifigIUMNAAAN, RAE (MiTc(1986:21)) "tcr X*RidTiAatift, 0 ilitMIAVffigOto tXtMfkiiiAttilf*.ftiltiVEY.454S., . utT *WIN. inisagart(1984)(MAilitEttPla : t±AIRIMAAtili*ft.61,0tt.WZIttAlitt'AEltitla *111:1#, NMAkItifat.g*At) 111X131MICANN*AaiNA-1-EA'AV AW;fr R1H-gMiMilfkffiAti*. *IN teKiii, (1-MEIVAM) XI GC) T.) iiirklaCtil# P Ali P p. bfi bfi itifi (*It) P b b b MA (*Itk) p P' P. 13' p P' P' p' ;=:).t.i..A.V-RAWKiiifftAkT)Efilftiiiii, 11.1FX[14X1, -Fii-2.fil4.teq131*. Yia EAT§Itt.TiarF* : (1) Ott (Mi) (UTTGUE* TIVIRNMIQUEM4--'-th" ( (PIVAt.A) .ff) 0 "fitt (Ite) " "ek (fte) ) : NUNT-I1)A44*106 WDflL RAVti 11B2Atttitatii*A., (2) a" +fittEitilffig-frqUAI.MtiVi. (*Ati'ZcAfrff) TIM (t0111n) SOM*filift*IttiAZittl*. SAW (1988:73)0 (3) trOINKEtNit, +-7-1124:31Erffiltaff9tFiZSA-, SOMMItia AAA-ft. ifAntlkt(1981), Iilk4 (1987)0 (4) 141Wait3PI#t'ilM-e-MiliAZ,f4.4., Ogili(1986). 43r4, SaliNTAA, nesvAA, el.A4.(i 987)0 JJ -225 -- 21,-16 CCAISM111# .}A.-EfAlafk, ±io t'filliTRAMf44 "'MA" V144.11iittiMS ? Mat" EVt, ffi RI% " go TIMM, 3. 2 3. 2. . =-6.-2$11:11W-LgA100 iUflt, : IC)11MffilAticlikAlttliNW-Fft4Milift442 Mitt*. IffiTi4 Mg.-Att.-1M** twvivaxft. . 1 11A "teKtftwiamt.- OW 0 AIMS, govaeKitft" mawgvnifii, tit% tiff917MtPlE t±N eKtilINTEENft" o iggiAMEAMUtfiX (1948)*§M,, 4i-UttfttitMkiINI'ffi.- ET. MM. AD. ; 11/ W(1960), Hashiit fliMf4 U411240 II T. 5.1 iVR, ; moto(1960), Sagart(1984), Sagart(1988)., faJ*(1988)4g7tnilik 45141710 (1) "UM" "&iiti7ift" Ilt(1960) &VA Zitig " edil*Nift" Nat$11. 1:XFICiEftiA**StA rr (23-24 ) Via iftiliM*Ve &L ft** di Milft," tWfittA&blAin131LI o (lenis) ditkfik a(1935), MAttni][12h]iAtk,*) , 61$114 Off ftg titg MiAttIVROtAft th > ). ilftWfrgitAt G TOtiiAttdiXftftiMIP, o : Hash i filo to (1360) VAii-fr, iMJ Zki4A-511t" ft/4404E "glottalized/non-glottalized" OMPL, N" (2) Zkift, (hypercorrection) " " Sagart(1984:89-91)Mrlijkfnzn "WE (hypercorrection) " E0 SagarttAVIVA, AffihiliaigatijtM5K1g3ktgtiaMitkintlitIER "Vint stiProto-northern Gan" , intAffigraAgiMkitigid*O-RM, eKta, FatiErtafty.. YIMAII4101, 4*2 "44K" Ch. ft#7*ItYARA[pfi], southern Gan" 0 1111-NlifOr oto- INITAIffr.,mos-Awkuttega*, K±, @RIMS- tflitifte4SWiiiitAtt, "04K." PRIME4A0 "g-tttil.ciI4MMIZ-R ffiti: "04K," (SPAA, teKttli, -226- 23i *E. "Mktilft." 0 Sagart(1984) WO1 2 4 ±iiN edi4 AfftW P NN44 P. NOM PR WA *ftofg, P MA P. NM p/pfi MA R 4 4 4, P MN P NNA IS-SA P. P. MA ffi[p']f-V&*ittiti[pfil 4 4 4. Et1t b > p/pfi b NNN b NUM hypercorrection © Sagart(1988)N4AgA ttl AVM P MA &ill P NNA b P MA P' 4 alb P MA K (AUE UM) maw hypercorrection P PAO P. mgm 13 Miti Et)-"Elflt b > ph 4 maw b P WA P. MA P Is1S1 b P40 Ill&W P NNA 4 gillItiti (PNG) 4 4 Vt04 b AO 4 4, *ft04 pa-ag P' A b MA P PAIW hypercorrection FMNItV4 1 p' IslA P. MA -227- WAWA (PsG) "Plit liaE" AteCtilgnitiViTA*0 liMSagart (1988 : 152) 37-4-8kTiridlii ( WE ) -11-VIC (2) 0 (3) (1988 : 37-52) tft "AMOS" "Nftedr "eKlAftX" iNglInTftiAltitt& : IAA [ +N] -41 OftktniA : "*5KRISOt311414, {RENT igAttit1114111k, MtaiT' (I) k btki414041311tiAilAU (MN) -WA-WAAL, 1131*(1989 : 774-775)303. : tL "AA*1111" flitAftZuSt. 3. 2 . 2. ;11414 Tigh ilifiVA-1101MA4 ( 1 ) 114Mila "NM &e, eKM. tAIMVIMItIMMiAtUttft, "Itt" 111, PATIMillfMNAV10 MffiVAYbaflilffiVVEitEtir-4M*4. 4114fiRii-AAM4 : M-filMteKtillWaft. kftniii-fliAW3W4IttliM, RIR :tilf;i4T-Alt.M-7-11MWMTIfittl. ( ) j "PAT±iaE" ign1,04.1FMMIMIIMARilit , 1M'IAA1510 FI7UOINEreqt14#1310Mtilti it "Ma" ttigiaf4, ttfIVIffr'S. 4 . 1511N-TIAMfit 4 "ittM" 1. Mfrift4 iIitit1M111#. ft" "itg4" g-friTiffq ut-*.initectaft" at-eCtfiVaN afriTiTlj.R51.141t1W131ti%ifilt. NAL AfitrAilf-1111ig-AfteTIRIIP314t? fIff9#21BM-8 "tt:M" RIN31)M. IMV1110-}.4-EF-,1)Ztlallift. WX1411-1121MV, tIo tethl3illl -1790-Y-41E. "M" "WhilV -228- 23j 31/ "C." ?iltAkflEdelitikteK vviMAttieiinTig_Ati*. aEfitirillfittNORT70 "Xl" , A-114tt*Szfkid "54" MM. AfirifitfATARIMINZa, -a#5 "M" PlatailiZAMDIE, 4YRtilTofAl*%M[?]130 Mitizffilln111.5fillnft410 (1) 51ErAtti# WM) Jtt-giciSlika[bfi dfi], o Et411Eftit, , MUM, "AS-AIIIIMTiAZA VIMM1686:16-17). tNO-gitifil7,iliSEN-itla (ttf4fitlitliittaarlsiX(1685)) ekit, Ititittunt, 01$$198 6:16-17)o (2) itfilIMMW riArilakt "Ma IdtAtIVIPPI21-11iN*, gIa4T.titazral --MO ft Pt tY11 IV tsaoll -- ftli,1'(1985:4)) (3) IWRAp NA gion 11' , EW-al bp b b b b p b b PPP b p. *it dzaoll, MI tgiaoll 11 kiop 11 OWARKpbpb 'M Pa" -- ball. dyll. MA %IR MI- 11' b b b b P (glia (*71K) 0 )11 F4 ?immokinaf, t'Xigni---1Citifitte*MOTiAkt,tatO, filtit91-71(2411-ibt[bfi], Oifi5ifi(1628). 4 . 2 . NT-gIgitic, WI* litinteqt.N311$1Vtia3-HEATAAffliA4Iiiiii, Norman (1 991: 3 46)fttRat, ftfithiti, SIA-W4--140411+ AAiTI*ffh467%, AiliAZA-ftnt:422%, ZATAZ,. NormantM VFIEltittVO. Ann11%ClitTfiZtit, AS7160)141400H-E, IM-TtlIthiffitMiligift-3I.TAA, iL iift,E.tnf at. NIT "X.Int" , IFEEi(1688a)EMOMMWtitiMMT31414, ralt)%itia41111-MtWANJDWAN, AZ,Mt cq0 NO-lintAittrafittisILEEI(1682)14-IY1*, AYue-Hashimoto(1976)Mfa-Mik A5M71-71treilaR. -229- 0 MCA* (*E. )) tiV4 TIMAtitlIgHt±AIME "M" 1144;iff-Litit4T14 ( linfit±N*La'')%7 5110ftf-LEALWARMINNArit, 4111TiMiliffEAA Lt* TV4TAMI-LM. V-itItttiletko TA, CUEIglifAtFaVatgi, " 2AARigt 2 0 -3 0 % tt f#M9AA,ffigtfg101. Tffi311-6t- -FAA/Mg/0 WO. 4. 2. gii*arttjvta 1 . MfaTXffirdliffStS4M011-WiiNNIMilltTefitillAVA, vi4atffit xv-e, wizE9(1988b:313)0 RiAgt. TWIN t oilitamiii(1988)tva, " " itft" Veltilg*fit " flAitttla-a" o AWN*. A*" EAY11 Ottnn411111, : M + ±i4 ?p ?t ?k pt k' b g d ISA + ? (RAiligl1ii4--ffiI1) + bfi dfi gfi TA, g WIN b d g Tk±11-1i4PriggAtilltlfitItito Mil El iii*PINV14, *Yk±-11.0. -EACJK) PR-TA ARYL ) M*P1A-Mi, 14: ; eetiaticsgal 3, ±i400. NEMAYIlt±N, itATWIN--011Ki ( CIL AVVIITt Orin-V&A. TE)%14 n; a (1 9 8 4) IMUMAASVial#10#1,M, tistunintave-il* Mitk, AAMMAlkiiikekA' "NA" n "M" TiMAgnfEIM. AA ?t ?k p' t' k' b d g pfi tfi kfi M AIR WAVAiiiff9g1k + A A b d g pfi tfi kfi iE ?p ?t ?k A ? + + + +? ( -230- 241 IE N) : Tiak,t1, iAZ,t4 MFAS*. "Al," , "A*" MAIM4E-,9filSgAA, fl:tfitIM*±A. "e" "M" , **11ffigMt fi.1156M116144t. TVA* "01" i tigetimr.114, VtgilAtiVit4 "MA" ( "tiM" ) tiNW91,0t "MiEig" #401-MAN(64). "Mist" MiticitlitItatilUirlIN131 N4$1,34i, VRUM115te4P (11(1M41216001, EiiitifikltitUtiMAMMA) LEIlfitklittIMPJAUMNIVM=1, t-X) 0-tiA*Ii**(14A**-thrfltEtilSrSili "MEM" fitts1N. 4. 2. 2. AA,TiAtE,A4Mtt Norman(1991:342-343)4ftg:dAtoianiAATAASMF,..-ARAINAnffil TffiiiNg4gfi 4-, gtlf&tfillifiAVRTiTttiglialAATIAA,MMEkVteolit. rifi #11114-All+i 17. : pap-2 (<*b) 'level,flat'. phap-2 (<*bh) 'to roll (cloth) smooth' tik-8 (<*d) 'straight' thik-8 (<*dh) 'to comb out straight' iatAfinklfittYil (AOkW (1991:913-914) EON M4TWtfOliiAATAA,iiktifitolfitriffiNt. INWit13191tfICtf 990)) , fitMit 5 . 4.111RIAMAK, WON "elk" Vii5A1A* T'Ho il-lOiRtiETIP1--t1.-. "OM" M--7%%1RSOki (.gItMA,ft) 0 intifttWMIAAMIli4itRE (MIEFIg la13/1141:4.1)) , tttiEaf-1(1935)1gf4rtilkt, iCt3M(1991:213-21 4)eggi "Vaggrettuill4PArgaMAWHMArtitttil" 0 ritiAViitVAW- RODOMse., Ot *al (1983-84)14. "A40-11:1" UO fff1(1989)ilIt, "AM-0" IN,Skl.V1P1:1?-±.tt414 OM. fAnnaiiiiIIRM "1k (thl) 4LY1110, IIMVSM-14 "AO" Aft. sizal(1960:22-24)3WA, i "AN , VkeifV.IMINCJOMPIN, ecllatitalfAttlsili*Vtik. -231- 24 2 10641(1989:44-45)Ita, "fkliOMIJA-N ME.Attkittg-efit 'ffilikft' OM*. VA, IJAMA§I*131A±W)Miltill &JIMA, filtfe,APILMIta (RIDRIft) , " ntMft, ill*ft, IMit[p Mit t] (ph) Eth tsh] > Anit[Th ?c] > > i4Ei[ph] [h s] 150 4KIttltliitiN "Nit" , ttiriTGAffsia111411141TA "M" "Plgit." MAno Mub%**. -11/111(1988b)a' ipAillift20E4W4ft:;;', tituns./V,**4116( "W.M" ViiArthM. ER "Elk" Alittho_hiTstilM,IZtWft484E3M---R, 6. millemw&m-sagualm, AS "NM" 14_11.1.).ati,fi4INAt*ItIf TAT-0,1S-, tftinilitirft-irt1tP1, "0:1M" Ciiiiff311-WrifttfltiEN4ttle0 #1111*AkTIlla. YTabigifttfili% (tNIViiit31/±.10MAkitil*, Otilf OUNciakshlt*) wuzigNim, *4*figUAIC, tkil 4infilt! (#T 114TriTIRT 41-Ift OW) esiM "tok" fltifil41011) M/re. ? 0.3 (*)ZtiMiA) (1989*811E1745111INIJKI.) * Ateiiti*zsivp_mit, *stazi-eoaftingE. A,M*ftiatVICSAffITIWT-13MV "IttOtheirlar *NO (Shizuoka Hypothesis) " , tliNEAR.0141% "MI ik5zkicirforiKAtlfgAztz, -232- 243 *Til-APIOttligftrizal (1960) /MR, MilT/Pt, 3Z1:11V *. fitflfriiitAtIS di 617371, "NM" KTIMM014* , ITISR.T5L-4014*. WON (199 4-5)1ta, : J "03.M0Millilititttgif-e. "MMT-c*" ffilktiTIRT.Tc*01310. *di (1960)11t± 2 ittkA.EA§M. 5V:RU(1968: 145)R (1111E1121008A) liEWAMPITfg%103tWit "iirfir MOM. "tense/lax" a 7 R. Azil4(1960:9)6Z, 3 Jacobson and M. Halle(1956). Fundamentals of Language fititek0 IrWr(1960:11)E, illiNEMIST R. Jacobson ttiJ "checked/unchecked" 0 AfkRIMPIP b d gAIM, RAVIAIIIPIZ-Litari3t4M1,111%, W4 (1993: 60)-thffibl. ilztig 1960 :ii)ftifIttafl 0928) ffEN 7 ilLt-415* 4 5 rilt±hiVe. 6 Di] CAIINtt at (1960 : 13) itArkft-K-g- 0. 7 MAX (1989) -1k31A1E1111%1V. 8 511W(1960TffiitillitiMilIMIR "AlMilft" 01/11k4*NNIVAR, 9 IRMA (1987:85)E : ilf1P-41grk " Watt'...41(9101191.0 iJMc I vertitKiti4411-E,P.a0Z, 10 11 0111B a 1 lard(1971:148). F "4111-.A.L.160-Ag9" Sagart(1984:91)1M, Ii9P i'1; *OA 44 )E.NigtfitIt4K. (A4*a. T4siitit/AihAVitA,V14 , (breathy) ilMfiVikAgt.fit0 12 13 14 SAM(1986), itaf-1(1949). ifiliT4(1986)0 IJt, teKi4W-EM "iitg-ft" At_mANorinanftiki*B1 *ft. IAN*" f$3310:10 elz ER (1983-84)0 IER**§Mffgaliff SAIRIVIIIMITIP3i,V0ISA Mitcfg(1984), Wtt4(1987), arga(1988), imet3mAlmox(1988). Fttrik(1989)V0 15 1711A, " jil*fe," AtTIRTUM. /qn (n) (mx) Td. ri_EAPAI" ( (filfS*41*) ER] IAMit *kW, VAini) *19k) : . **ffiZEPIMIAISS4**) : 0 " 3X, tiltrisNXAM" (41 agilltilatii21MIttOPinitEr47 -233- 2/i 4 16 iitftft," IL "t." 1SATE1s01.:(1991)f-WInfik4(1992)-,4,Emsanm totna*, *kriftim (1992) EttatiiiliCEI*M4. Ag "VW , ***PattlfIliMMAN "f1M5--cie , StfilEX(1990). "%rpVet" ffitteciNOMS*RN, T-tflEtitt* 41-, A, iffht "Mar ittlfeMPL. flbict-FiVati(iilhaiN43'tictinT14*111 (ikWA (1984)) ffiilfiliiirM1k*kghtl/Mn-inftWitik (Dant suj i (1984) ) , 0 04*E1 Ballard, William L.(1971). "Scenarios of Change in Chinese Dialectogy", Acta Linguistica Hatniensia 13.2. ORME. ARA(1999). (VIVMME) ()2;) 1986.4 . 0414(1982). CatelttAtillgirtgit*SiXak) .--(1987). ailitialf4M*TM*(14-1111%) . (CAAh".=1-EtRittak) (1987). (t*t§li-TAMOrigHttillM) -(1990). . 273-276. : (ttglagS0 1982.4:273-278 VI:1E1U° 1987.2 (ffig13f3t1 1987.1 (,-3-) 1990.1 : : 101-109. 85-101. 42-43. : h45-EfI [Y.R.Chad] (1928). (WIMMIllt4C5t) ,fitAkft714ff5at. (1935) , . kajtf-14(1948). ( . : ABE-MS. quiEllErtAtil4iik) EM1011411(1991). (-alikgrejE.:fittfditM) Rrkse(1988). ± . (StrA*T1.1) 5.4,515-520. (113Kinfli) (0FA) 1988.1 4 : : 212-230,t 131-134. AMKEAlrlAtiga*Nttla5t) 0989). (91121,;-1, (Fiff-gaf A) 1989.1 113-119. asi N1990. (0V4iiinklifffa.50 .TARAVka. : Dantsuji, Masatake(1984). 'A Study on Voiceless Nasals in Burmese", Studio Phonologica 18, 1-14. Putia(1984). (AWMAWEillt114) (7g) 1984.2 SttItt(1991). (+:=_Iwta*asfireoutfi. (gcasft) ) : To 52.1 Hashimoto, : 109-127. (Hums- figArifi* , 37-78. Mantaro [41*Xtn "The Bon-shio (3ZA) Dialect of (1960). Hainan,A Historical and Comparative Study of Its Phonological Structure. First Part : The Initials", (13AM) -234- 246 38 : 106-135. :1115VIJMIMENEIS- 01404Arrzii: (1988) . 1--1* 41f3tlifi. (seliffr.fiikfil) -(1989). .111-Bi(1982). (fr*Mati;Ige*rttiriNt) ---(1983-84). (41ffiligttattiM) . 765-778. : (fr Angola) 12 mama) . ---(1988a). (11g1t)li "14)11N" 33-51. : 14:18-30: 15:22-26. (774) 1988.1 12-24. : J: [WM] lit --(1988b). (aralt=g0*-ffi s (41.1t*0)M11111) 60.4 AtIVKlAStil-fla31. . 4211-1X4t(1960). (ififiiitiegititMagic1111 LT (a)) tif, i1k t 305-328. MEP*. . -(1968). (ItitgictitZliiiM E_EffollAtifillobiZu 44111Mit#R) 20 : 140-151. MN--(1986). (1111fitfth% (414) ) ()1-1) 1986.4 . *TA 0980 . (*t ( TVA) AtSkitiMateAkit) (fttg) (4*At041314FieltaiAli1) M(1966). (El ) . (773) 1987.1 . (ASLAAilli) . 253-261. : (ini.41AgI-N "MO" foligoKit1ct4 , 47-50. 1984.1 81-96. : MArliVitt. "Ittrr ) 1986.2:106. . WATtif(1940). (NOMA) AgeolFiti. AiS.*RW(1661). (Mikatifffit) . A=211*(1984). (-42-g-friAli#01*51) BEWSS. . cilig-Wan) 12 : lt-A 66-83, : Norman, Jerry.(1991). "The Min Dialects in Historical Perspective", Wang (1991) 325-360. : Wtf.:(1991). (V4A)iltWafilflak) . ()) 1991.1 : 30-39. Sagart, Laurent(1984)."How did the aspirated stops become voiced?", Computational Analyses of Asian & African Languages 22 ----(1988). "On Gan-Hakka", 44fill (1988) . Olit;Ofqii) ih18.1 (*NAMARA/019M 87-93. 141-160. (41/411) .162-171, ±AttAcwaa. a(1983). oattimiesfatutl4at) E11114b11(1688). (ftt25:1#11-cr. : : . (eFA) 1983.1 : 49-81. 4:1ViieisoliA) .41V(:11.13Z1±. AftEt. litta (1993). (46Z---gef5t) , 1U : afit4fV&a. (rililaff) 1.itta-(1987). (LuntitmaatinilthilttiMffilt.A*) . 1987.1 : 24-33. Wang, William S-Y. (1991). Languages and Dialects of Chino, -2350 / Journal of Chinese Linguistics, Monograph Series No.3. t:(1986). (tiffig.--tes-jim (a) ) ta3M1987). 1986.1 , 19-38. : (1LTA<AtiLKOM3M) . (ligaNDMOVW-Entigft) . (AIWA) 7.2 : 1-35. 41-73. X#CM(1984). (4tOULUMirliAta*LAW (+51143Z) 1984.5 357-358. A*W4(1960). .JM:SC-4--Tk*WOR [AX(1686)-Iltk] : , Yue-Hashisoto, Anne(1976). "Southern Chinese Dialects The Tai Connec- : tion", Computational Analyses of Asian & African Languages 6 ----(1991). "The Yue Dialects", Wang(1991) 43(1989). (ilm,51irealte) /fiilkoJi(1988). . : . : 1-9. 294-324. (373) 1989.1 : (ifichx-6maital-mtilatficamivehtft) (5vnigga) : 140-153, INSIRA.10686). (A#&7,fttAlLtaft) (1986). (ti.tVIStriftig. (a) ) . () . 1985.1 1986.1 : : 39-45. 8-18. ----(1988). (ea4U±A)72iPAW0140gAKIMa?b, ?OAR) 232-237, __LiNfAWP,M. -236- 24 . (11141A) : ASH AtIkrilg : 1311Maia XfkE tilliMMJKAMVViifiRrifi AfILI oarmokswm-inisvnnffinum AWi it*qiffirF4-tiP'AMNR, Eteganunzma flki*IMB*APPli *°*3ziramattxmitanome*, 3-}tomismrt-AA-Lif--io-owsrffixkniatmeta tantnt-A-fmiFfRiEtsffir-offine* 11NOT : 1. fliztawamiiivgfitin 2. voug.avligkim 3. .MV-0041tiltIlian'%2. 4. MITM(-33.2Arfit* 5. avmz5)-nftwovi 6. 3grai-Armffit flirEfIMM4fflifAINViZiMM(1anguage typology)nffitl* components),Z.MCHM° 2. grafititAiiintliVIMIT rffn-Faj (syllable-counting)*AW8ne* ----ff&MMIM1141141MIM tam---gt wurintianimmAwmtm -237-, 248 1611.. ii\N-TAM.±.1=ink-sAt mtnfifif (1) : ra] /.14114\41151A104 XfNtiVitt ItiDfif-Titttt uIjz NEW\fate004 (2) ' NW* Actitr,:z RgalliZMV (onaillfflffiff-WA-LIMNIPMICA tfififiNnE14114-61* EititAMeg ErT-51-7:-1rtme alkA-1.2#(E1me) 0.4# 0 Eteimird-anwt fitiliMillitI/M114±.-111131tIgalAiMHZ vii(2) 9L- onAtars 411 J(2)(3)Ji r 1:hiN : iN/11/NIANNA (3) ii\AMIffiNAPX *fftlIE*Slit MalliAMOY fit1(3)VA 115f. 2..tk #11VIngArTAMZT-L1Miti WV ilk ffirtmgtoqgsgffiTitaj 1*.gtilgyj (stress-timinortma atuttmervagia*narlffit [] agliemE*414.0,Awig romirtim Ittpwmiastm-art9amrag(Heavy Stress Rhythm)tS8 -238- 249 ° PKFAfltitt*MIMVIH- : ( (4) (Nasty : f.k) Who's that thief in nasty thoughts? Who's that in that nasty calls? Who's that eat that nasty foods? Who's that came to my nastic room? V1(4)*ASH111444914rdErTngtiNZTIfli fRAtfiWhEifitit , 21g111(stressed syllable)hi nveitampaftvgvi c3.2p) iNrSARGIVIMA ' 415M1(unstressed synableAf&PRIfigt% %AtiViallgcriming IntervalARMA#1409 (isochronous movement) la.E.] ogijm.±.ffit tophion cm* vatmoiAii4 orfoomnffizilw-gtkfanfl : (5) : ffil-3rT Ot OtV-193. Vt VVIEIKC m(5)rivimmattairgA1vE*5 rwoico, nirmKpagn ag, ffiagy4azmuniimitirmitm TA Atg X.NIC V.1(5)natbSIO-41414V1 , VIZIMAANIMM-1-33-14%1 viscnwgiso [noij AS19f1F1MI084kAXE it*E4Ignif4NOSEV-4111)15MCM+ 411514MICElatffiffi4Allir Ai* , ItICARM*IMAii -239F., LW rTfigl:MMI*154942Mil4nffittIVRAZ ifffigritfteiAWff& , fiRPICAT2M-P4 (6) atat-ER : A44-511 ; WM) wgX1WEAMOT NIEWYT*T ttOORAMOVWWEAmaig (7) (4MEA Als12fi NM) eftannzg liriftiEfUSWA nonoarrx*_mxitiwill-Lentrlifr*A t-fani5crso.4# nAfflo-Angitom* A(7)EtiPlifffiat100fifi , 41410-11MOIMSI.g. ffit.grEtIntiVIIRM-4114 rvitAit IMA.geltE4442ThltliViNk* 0 4iffznAIVRIMillakiQVIAMMaliiN% IMIOMMIRIffirikA.14./AVID ItavoiseativErFwgnawf 91/3,141teRN, 4flgt/(1975,1979) a*144(1977,1979) armesTffin tril*Vit : ( z = (8) (Nt-ER : ME) /\ /\ kJ/\ /\ etil-AA / \ 32faTTINIA / \ t (9) (4MOIR : ; MIN) /\/ \/\ z m z *RIAlflA VAMTfifg Efflt** /\ /\ /\ M i5iA 1#11(8)3-M-/-41,AtiiNIMVWELIWilaiMis(AiWNsbriSiiNSI)1610Z, tlagWfifrMMWM4,AWAIIHEOW*,ffita;.-1AWWAAVT *n*flai.0#91/ATACI-Ki4n0A rnJ gitta-240- *faiWgPfit-l1135ZTITA tafifirn1141141AMIAMAA t-rg0.8b). fj11 ffirEfftMNIXWi1ii4 EttEigiXIMMI±St (9)*4-0ELK a433JMiefE91n%it littifg_i 14-=1. %Mint 151ffifiltitIOMIANAMtlfliffM -taltwimm Ita5TofiffiguErffiry MIEMZ1141, IRMIM±KM9110 ,114ffriti-Xag JfiiZT-F3-1141'4n rtalAJ 3. IIINV4Ifintin.rinIffir., (tone language) (stress language), iSaNAgliMAgAtaY, ffitilk`: Timanono (10) OR*filA : NS15-175 V.W4gclitcW.1\4RmLlt VriVICLH TVIZ*NR EtiVi(10)E7M.; rfeJ WiltA4-1111MilSaf-X*E immgmat rOJ ° TIttf-MT/MIMEIZM- MP"{ftattP1S/ARAW rlft-J ArflaittiMonAng-rinoTsYmn ' rifiL 14-41 411=1 r4RJ 113:::*(4V4) ° [H71-C] ttiOnt IIMPV91141 lemma*. **±. agloiamagarsgAg(phonetic function)TA*HfliMffi : MIVIGAMMICA(loudness) iftbiltflnAMlength) briA*709111,14t (contour range) "' AMEMerel9g1N(PitCh height) 0 [RE.] mown r J r#XJ AiLik/M MMAK-4IM{tIMAEMR/iiiVE -241- 252 riWX*74/11 'KJ illii?Xtg.° litnnWMAIkT:=11313M*40M , 2 AZ& , gm*nag(heavy stress)-thralfiEMO:MMINICXAM omottfpniwanam, n*ramsfalim. EARIDAA-811(3 Aill;=1411sElltkr*VM r -Ot JOU, ru-Win-M0MIRMInti ifIMMIettY31X/1 0 TMIEL-7.151 r '8111*M.ARN 0 Wit-AVI , ifffigaM2Vtifffii) *E*-E/31119114iRTWO 4 , r7StigliTrid*XMIffiftt rffiiiX$414., (code-switching) 211Vilitiffi fignATX : nriAJ,A*MAMKSAR.W45nmwmpmmel'otana .glisi*ENNALTXffi*MnE#WF0 SAZ.VnI.WPtottli#T#40J(11)3arifla*, Nj (left- prominent) itrQ rtfti (right-prominent) afamna.g. fl*-thRtMilfiXffinliMIM (N = z11) (12) (§t-ffA 412-3r1 ; 51-E) VINI),QA RilMf-10 Muni -242- 253 rtmnraiagommitt,mcreasnovogamTnafF,An 41(12a-an r-18, pfiamnamme g2PP14 .CArLAMX*(1111) 0 42 ft.A(1989)Itatt,AAWMIMMI:HTWHIIIIMMA : Eiseeta toottn r VW (default tone) 0 IMMEUMZEVftfi(complementary distribution) riii4RftEIVE$13Mt &I-WHYMINgtil kftreAtInt mlimmurammari,Jmummton*Gmmwctmoom All-Mfti4114tIRMEAAffMaf-AMIY f91(11-12)%kbgtraga mmommolemmr±Ta.gannnommA,TrImAnktemw amitm*,mtantmtuttotlgoko 4 . avatziwaritiumnws WIMffirdaM:11.3-}14 riOinlffiru (contour toone language)W r tallaTu (register tone language)IN ° AiN/SMALV:VREN OtWOMP4titahRWVIIMErnIM: (13) (MONKEY1ERM M3f9 NM) 11414faniMIMaigtarM fidiL*NOMMAIII*Y1 rvi fit7lEiXiTiYEJEJET4 TGANIONKEYIEMSVEY sitrtrelEtimit (14) (MONICElqERM : Mai Mg) A-Ri141Z)ciaft4VM-11-01.1 RAW% II itaxtminwovAa -243- orr 17fIAE ft110/1\&21#/rONAVUMFAM VAZatAWAtaikt 191.1(13-14)X2KLAWItiffill rftV1412$1-11.1J faf;TtInfflow,* -thItAfrEfflaivE-itaN1*(m)nwA Z-VM-11M .P7.1;q310(7 XPAPlifilr'RIVIESJ'j,V1V3fig(distinctive function) c. tgeM R'aMf9nV*IWAWSIMffl4MA*ONA'itMONAV.TA X---M1S0q1fi-Kneutra1ize)ItartWEVitt : (15) (RANIgn : M4fR 31N) H L- M H L- M AitIVA-hr H L- M R AiEligMhr WO PI CM H H L- M R AONM H L-m III ANIFIM L- M Ailfi H L- M Aiitfl fig n 111,L L-M AiEtt gg MO5MIEHAMMSMMRPTSII<AMONM,PItNIAP5tN12-71011 It(n-t{gl/i\45MAitA(H)- {1(L) 111(m)=77-11MMOORISttaMit itO1- st-r-fm*Iva -F-f-T-nwanw-x---{mmonv_he 77.1 , WirMilj4egf-tA fzfi , ZSZVAregistiorIM4*EZAVit TALMIZI4(contour tone)J MtiE° aammigmA-mom:xammummrititvamr,nwt,IN WitEMAMM#M.AMMt4004/MtVn*WASWVEll omm, ftmtwwwwomxzvisnmA,tATJI-Agsn. 5. AlignirP1511* AMItZCOVRaiffilitii3112.11AMMIIIM lieggl*(function word ciiticization)MMSAMM(metrical tension) -244- Ellili*EMLEnfiltiltMALWRI MTG11(1968 : AIS81W) tR V±EVIOLI *EicA_LAIR*Traimii-Ame ,-tafgopRolinii muirtusA-1155-} orto mAiteYmplitapinmuloamezTat f.V4-gRAMMAIMARMA5)- th4EiRWEXLIM-r-ZiAtal43tIVANA : (16) (31Mrct : Z11-1341 ; NtE) /\ OtiN Mlft M avoz ofa nwt: oldb El -T. 301i OM* gq41. nwo AP NP AP NP 119 ri?Li Atlift*ittigMinaMiNNM. 'rh ffilniammItTficati. -thiriagtotwqmnA-mintonational phrase)0(A(17) : [AA] : m24-201 ; NM) 45 IIVMM-3121 RAM ASiffegik giffiumct )." ntm mum /5 nagaA5,---,-,-ww-mof§q(17)09 -8TINtrM-11-E-W-N RIX F4EJ NP iilovE4-3-AmotichAcpntilibm Arill]triff4M-=.0475a0 ZlItEsAilgift1119zAWN-Ati4tt trtuffil4.41100(3 -245- 256 (1991)-tia 4n-FfA1 (18) /\/\/\ M \/\ / \ / Ati.k OWE NP VP PP r4EJ mot ATRII,MIAt'fl4A:TAff,NVOMMIAMMW'RIITM f1106-17)0(ANKI1MNtAAMIPU Affi_.EVEIE rnJ ftWILNIMI*ThkgiVRIVOMMWOOn rfam, ittliNFORIA ITTDAISMZ r4105§3AJ MitS5gMi-ifEA 6. ilt7J 40Z MO±fifiltAIMAISRath,TiffgRIOIMAPJ11(7Mtf34.±. Efea9 AlEPX(nitiOlc1:1,i(A_E119 rAigIPAft_i (immediate [ail] Tza.A* constituent)OffliEti*Aff ffitow#11954-3M11*MA*E40.M.Eft/403&_EMICA5} (19) 0141*g: A48-9ff ; zz zz /\ /\ /\ /\ atAm /\ /\ /\ /\ ri(ofa riv6 nw.o out \ /n*fr \/\/ z z z il(3381 AP (20) AP N AP AP N otmla: m29-3011 ; /\ /\ /\ /\ /\ /\ /\ /\ a<A4 rt(Al WtO 0(3r-fin a(sr ofm mitt AP AP trIk N AP ri)!m, All-A±.(winiit±.)r6Airgerz -246- AP tirtMt N AMO -(42cafiM611*Alt1 -1-#61M±,<Alifik-CWIgT*MWElt 41§MSf*, oRitSfilf54 Wti-C-ClingT*Sa4WfV1*-7±-1,4V01}S 61)*Olt (iz) yigtef) gz*: : (mg aa a a \ Yl* / Vg94 1004 : MST* : fig* 'RAVI t4444 HM APV dO (ZZ) YQ1k(f) \/a / a \ \/a \/ \/ (E-P1 \/a / \ \/a \ \/ / \/ EfW 1:014} APV APV g N eid-g4gr.-T.D1wm*in 0 Z*Vittk(-Cattrf rrAIJ fra*Mr-AIWY1J*41 - WA 4W-2TcW4ME.WE ww4Tooww}±1.$x*momfgi(zz)* miti61-#.mtgumfigow- ,.ammr-±tolimir gkiicilEf6*V4:54tqMf*1 4MEA1 o (cz) (q)M(r)Wcz)filaiPig- ymi/f) : -vitg si 14 : (glig g a g (u) S/ / \ ./ / g \ S/ 04* 1-04V.afAc* 55± Di6M-0,4* -LPZ- I a /1.4 I (b) Aitf4atl-ft AZI I tfA n.gvics 1aAyrr(b)114 , 311ft V1.1(23)(ontiC±VMAI _If114-11W144M1Eiftl.Vi32 r-LC 11(3, ft.* rfFJ gfki fn(a)itiq0±.0Mit 0 40111:91 nantftX0.(b)tEM71±. Mat*VIR ' #11*-.E.31A3111(00R ° titiCagiVAM911(24)kbrilNOR (24) (N*FaR : M26f-r- ; 1ZIE) TWSIE a A fF -tham-rAvw ralt;t.J (stress dash) ° W-f4r9omml977)-m-4m(1983)wiamffi xffizItars3a-o-mXPrilrthARMI§3AIWRIJAIMMItilagit ,tM-1-fLOPMfi19894)0 V1(24)ffikEfltlf114nE.g- intei*NME1 FIJPAMiti'Mta ; vtiage.gv P.M.Milz4. f5Y(25)WEATiMt--Xliel431.10*Ni AI AIRMItia Z.114111JiiiMfg : (25) : 1 ri I I 1 M 1 1 0 Alt% fVti.J\ , 12ffit---fn-Eti 540 _E_-"U'ri -248- 25J 8. amaxm, XEMMXTITA:ZtA---fl rttlittIJ nmisf *AIEAkonam, twomAriT rl (26) 11**11fig4rAIEW4(1993) A4144#MM(1993,1994)4AWS AFIJ _I (universal grammar)hitttitn (constraints)OMM-TgEkiii\ (minimal)ATIYA,K AIM& 9 t {110-14tAfa(input)0* OSCGEN AtilaKitgwart(Ain AwymnrejorwanA rittolimiaj (optimal output) itupfmn Eft*gati j (Optimality Theory) .-80(311*FARMICUT : rfiRafekbiAJ (candidate outputs) -249- 260 (a) 7fit4)14-,MME,Vomoods-32enguromfigIMM.E4g4ZNIDDEM6a1EIEIE ParilliCAtVa(MONVW-is-ilVIPSRPRA-RtfOR-IC Pl4 * °I1ouluics){4ZPOFVWrgr .4006lEiWO"'MVX-k-l-Nks4;±a(sDI fitri=i4gkig34 *RA& : -WCLRES*5146tafEKIZE2-#M K4e#MCOW-44-.RS :::.W1114XMNPT± ?If NMKNYISW(86561M (8z) 7-Z14--$,IlfkagIUMVAIRY4 itfAt6 nftDIJ (66 7-41 rW*44_1 \i S/ / 1U1[4)1k NVS' SINVA-RNWff-1-9-1*44MICOgig S/ S/ / Mt sg:g [144 ZX I I / 44 A **3ZOM*MAiglf4-0-XECItrinfli3ftqfPIVR 3411411110. 83-0301-H ° te*Mt*IM131(Professor -004-115 , athe-StiElf-i*nAtt,,L, Alan Prince)OlEfkAliNOTA5C IV.Ritlf-1411±11ES3IMEMSE Generalized Alignment-3Z SatliVILAt=t47WEVMWArifiNJO4 WI V4-AVIIIMIIMMIEVgn*A*R, ° 8-21141/".ffl*WrA wa-me 1V.Ez#11Vg14, IMMFF17-Eisl- ° ISMGMM-.14-4553tt.0,L,ME9I 4MfAAJ r3g1t1J rs-Amvai- ° : fiti(1-2)ThAfF415afF4IMMIEnta ajVitEC : r M[LIttCJ nut PONSA(1955) 1.)7. KEIMIt(1967) KM(1975,1979) W(1979) I:M(1982) MgtiS(1990)44 0 : r45401C nitlit4f494VPORMAZ14(1977,1979) NEXWI±VM (1958) . (1987) ° wptAtInRA(L. A. Boy Z), 443;Inti".Wt : :Vgd,ali.4Aaff44ffi;4141,UftWAXMnfar5T° aE.:M.Xiga'MffiVJRAOMPM(1976)2(1982)'RAd (1985) L{EA:(1990) IkkEfitljtgit(1994)4Z ° tstAilfirmntEw : E-Nn*RommarsALH -7-go of:M*(1973) 0 : *MP 2PANM4cfriL*LL POAVEIti4iff-ITG (1994)0 : iMIMffiklintitiql.bUI.VIY3f,110(major pause) ° liliffinffiairMV3 tign0 P.E*(1990) AMETM34-ffiV]figtrutkRUME(1993) ° :Ic-ni--aircima...*NtivAl(1984)- P1*(1986,1990) NiV(1991) 4Z ° : *3zwEg rimgaiggifit, (Optimality Theory)MAft*fi 9 MalfiV OtAMUNI3Z 5C4R'N- ° -251- 264 04Satt (11:13Znff) (ffiailtV) ±A5E*ZN. 1.t. 1958. . kaTtfl. 1968. -rpm R. 1987, -E.N. [1980 ViltR]. (11:1htiEn5M) . zt.n. 1982. (g_wimmvuomm-a-magm> <ErTfite) . 25-59 *ig . 9: . OMMt. 1987 [01]. . *IL Gant-(/,=71. wast 1987 [loP]. CAMd) . : WMAW.L},rd. #131Kka. 1990. Ktmgnsimerp5cnonsta) . odr.mw-b-f-Ifxv Igiax : AIR15c, -1:tV5cf .±.Lt0 *IL : ft*ZR. 503-542. P. . ViERM. 1993. (a) . *IL : '4;11WK111-'2-Y1=11. lifEBZ. 1994. KRAMM) . NIL : 44i1. 1994. (NOMMffig ffittAif-PA> ZEINElliAMM . MPTG. 1994. Kvtigmlimraffilumnguette) . flowfmnolita. 3Z A3Z mromm '51 Abercrombie, D. (KM*.%). 1967. Elements of General Phonetics. Edinburgh University Press. Edinburgh. Allen, G. 1975. (KNif). "Speech Rhythm: Its Relation of Performance Univesals and Articulatory Timing." Journal of Phonology. 3: 75-86. Allen, G. (KN). 1979. "Formal and Statistical Models of Timing: Past, Present and Future." Proceedings of the 9th International Congress. Phonological Science. Chan, M. ome). 1985. Fuzhou Phonology: A Non-Linear Analysis of Tone and Stress. U. of Washington. Ph.D. Dissertation. -252- 263 Chen, M. (ROA). 1984. "Unfolding Latent Principles of Literary Taste: Poetry as a Window onto Language." Tsinghua Journal of Chinese Studies. 16: 203-240. Fry, D. (OM). 1955. "Duration and Intensity as Physical Correlates of Linguistic Stress." Journal of the Acoustic Society of America. 27: 765-768. Hayes, B. (t6). 1982. "Extrametricality and English Stress." Linguistic Inquiry. 13: 227-276. Hayes, B. (VW). 1989. "The Prosodic Hierachy in Meter." Phonetics and Phonology. 1: 201-260. Ho, A. (fiiiRP:). 1976. "Mandarin Tones in Relation to Sentence Intonation and Grammatical Structure." Journal of Chinese Linguistics. 4,1: 1-13. Hogg, R. and C. McCully. 1987. Metrical Phonolory. The Cambridge Press. Cambridge. Hsiao, Y. (Attiff). 1991. Syntax, Rhythm and Tone: A Triangular__ Relationship. Taipei: Crane Publishing Co. ). 1993. "Taiwanese Tone Group Revisited: A Theory of Hsiao, Y. (Xf Residue." Paper for the Second International Conference on Chinese Linguistics. Paris, France. Jackson, J. 1991. "Nasty." Taipei: Poly Gram Records. Lehiste, I. (iRAIfiqq). 1977. "Isochrony Reconsidered." Journal of Phonology. 5: 253-63. Lehiste, I. (MAIM). 1979. "Temporal Relations within Speech Units." Proceedings of the 9th International Congress. Phonological Science. Liberman M. & Prince M. (V41901,144*M). 1977. "On Stress and Linguistic Rhythm. Linguistic Inquiry. 8: 249-336. McCarthy, J. and A. Prince. (girtgggliMM). 1993. "Generalized Alignment." Yearbook of MorptIology 1993. 79-154. BEST COPY AVAiLAULL -253' McCarthy, J. and A. Prince. (iiiIIMPsg*W). 1994. "The Emerge of the Unmarked Optimality in Prosodic Morphology." RuCCS Technical Report. University of Massachusetts and Rutgers University. 01 ler D. (RV). 1979. "Syllable Timing in Spanish, English and Finnish." Current Issues in the Phonetic Sciences. Hollien, H. and P. Hollien, eds. John Begjamins Publishing Co. Amsterdam. Prince, A. (4*R6). 1983. "Relating to the Grid." I_Agi uistic Inquiry. 13: 1100. Prince, A. and P. Smolensky. owwww-tilmoing). 1993. Optimality Theory: Contraint Interaction in Generative Grammar. [to appear], MIT Press. Roach P. (a4i.). 1982. "On the Distinction between 'Stress-Timed' and 'Syllable-Timed' Languages." Linguistic Controvercies: Practice in Honor of P.R.- Palmer. Crystal, D., ed. Edward Arnold: London. Shih, C. (40. 1986. The Prosodic Domain of Tone Sandhi in Chinese. University of California, San Diago. Ph.D. Dissertation. Shih, C. (SUW. -1990. "Mandarin Third Tone Sandhi and Prosodic Structure." Studies in:Chinese Phonology. Wang, J-L & N. Smith, eds. University of California Press. The Party. 1993. "Monkey on my Back." Taipei: Mandala Works. Tso, W. (tt%). 1990. A Metrical Analysis of Mandarin Stress. Georgetown University. Ph.D. Dissertation. Yin, Y. (fl§th-A). 1989.: Phonological Aspects of Word Formation in Mandarin Chinese. University. of Texas, Austin. Ph.D. Dissertation. -254- 26J Causative Compounds across Chinese Dialects: a study of Cantonese, Mandarin and Taiwanese Lisa L.-S. Cheng, UC Irvine, C.-T. James Huang, UC Irvine Y.-H. Audrey Li, USC C.-C. Jane Tang, Academia Sinica 1. Introduction One of the controversies associated with resultative verb compounds (RVCs) centers around the level at which the causative RVCs are formed. There are three different approaches to the formation of RVCs: (a) a lexical approach (Li (1990, 1993) among others): causative RVCs are formed in the lexicon; (b) a syntactic approach (Huang (1992a)): causative RVCs are derived syntactically; and (c) a mixed approach (Cheng 1992): there are two types of causative RVCs, lexical and syntactic causatives; the former derived in the lexicon and the latter in the syntax. A related issue of RVC formation is the question of how close the representation of the compounds should reflect the meaning of the compound. In this paper, we discuss causative RVCs in Cantonese, Mandarin and Taiwanese. We show that the difference in the formation of causative RVCs between Taiwanese on the one hand and Cantonese and Mandarin on the other is reflected in a restriction on the definiteness of the postverbal object NP. We argue that the difference is a result of different levels of causative RVC formation: in the lexicon in Taiwanese and in the syntax in both Cantonese and Mandarin. We further show that the lexical derivation of causative RVCs in Taiwanese is part of its overall "analytic" nature by discussing constructions involving the light verb Do as well as typical causative constructions. In comparison with Cantonese and Mandarin, the more "synthetic" dialects, the representations in Taiwanese are rather "transparent" with respect to its meaning composition. 2. Causative constructions As frequently noted in the literature, RVC formation is very productive in Mandarin Chinese. Long lists of such compounds are readily available, such as da-si 'hit-deadlr , qi-lei zhui-lei 'chase-tired'it , qi-si 'angry-dead'A. 3f, , lei-si 'ride-tiredA , ti-dao etc. Such productivity is shared by many other 'tired-dead' X , zui-dao 'drunk-fall* dialects of Chinese. For instance, all the examples just mentioned have the exact counterparts in Cantonese and Taiwanese. Syntactically, these RVCs can be either intransitive (i.e. in the pattern [NP1 RVC]) or transitive (i.e. in the pattern [NP1 V NP2] ): 1,10(1) Ta he-zui-le. he drink-drunk ASP 1 unergative 'He drank himself drunk.' (2) ta lei-si-le he tired-dead-Asp ergative 4C X 'He is extremely tired.' (3) Ta da-si tamen le. he hit-dead them ASP ktrYtkirl transitive 'He hit them dead' -255- 266 . (4) Zhe-jian shi lei-si tamen 1e.itI4 this-a, matter tired-dead them ASP 'This matter tired them to death.' * k it 01 I causative The two transitive patterns are further divided into transitive and causative, as shown in (3) and (4). (see Cheng and Huang 1994 and later discussion in this paper for the distinction between them). These sentences have their exact counterparts in Cantonese: (5) keoi jam-zeoi zo he drink-drunk ASP 'He drank himself drunk.' (6) ngo mun-sei la he bored-dead PART 'He is extremely bored.' (7) keoi da-sei-zo keoidei he hit-dead-AsP them 'He hit and killed them.' (8) li-ceot hei mun-sei keoidei this-CL-movie bored-dead them 'This movie caused them to be very bored.' Taiwanese also has the counterparts (as shown in (9)-(11)), except, unexpectedly, for the causative counterpart in (4), as shown in (12) (see Hsieh 1993): (9) lim-tsui i a. he drink drunk ASP 'He drank himself drunk.' (10) thiam-si a he tired dead ASP i 'He is extremely tired.' (11) phak-si in a. he hit-dead them ASP i 'He hit them dead' (12) *tsit-tsan taitsi thiam-si in a. this-0, matter tired dead them ASP 'This matter tired them to death' The contrast between (11) and (12) shows that it is not tht. ^ase that Taiwanese simply does not allow the RVCs to take a postverbal object. Instead, it appears that the "transitive" use of the RVC contrasts with its "causative". Following Cheng and Huang (1994), we assume that there are two types of transitive RVCs: one with the first verb of the RVC denoting activities and the other, states/change of states. The first type, illustrated in (3) and (11) indicates that some action of an agent results in a theme being in a certain state (for instance, the action of hitting is done by the agent i 'him' in (11) resulting in the theme in 'they' being dead). The second type, illustrated in (4) and (12), denotes a causer (NP1) bringing about a causee (NP2) being in a certain state. In the case of (12), tsit-tsan taitsi 'this matter' is the causer and in 'them' is the causee. Cheng and Huang call the type illustrated in (11) "Transitive" and (12) "Causative." The subject of the -256- 26'i Transitive type is an actor and the subject of the Causative is a causer. Pertinent to our discussion here, the Transitive constructions allow a pestverbal object but not the Causative constructions, as illustrated further by the following examples: (13) a. i tsau kau in tshu a he run arrive his home ASP 'He ran and arrived his home.' b. tshit tshingkhi hit-tsiak to a. he wipe clean that-cl table ASP 'He wiped that table clean.' i (14) a. *tsit-tsan taitsi kiaN tsau hit-e lang a. this-CL matter scare away that-a, person ASP 'This matter scared off that person.' b. *tsit-kuan tsiu tsui to hit-e lang a. this-cl wine drunk fall that-CL person ASP 'This bottle of wine made that person very drunk.' These examples seem to suggest that Transitive constructions involving RVCs can be found in Taiwanese as well as Mandarin and Cantonese. However, Taiwanese, in contrast with Mandarin and Cantonese, does not have Causative constructions involving RVCs. This is not quite correct, however. Complicating the issue is that sentences like (12) and (14a-b) can be acceptable, if a different type of postverbal objects is chosen: (15) a. tsit-tsan taitsi thiam si (tsit-tun) lang a. this-cl matter tired dead one-pile person ASP 'This matter tired many people to death.' b. tsit-tsan taitsi kiaN tsau (tsit-tun) lang a. this-cl matter scare away one-pile person ASP 'This matter scared off many people.' c. tsit-kuan tsiu tsui to (tsit-tun) lang a. this-cl wine drunk fall one-pile person ASP 'This bottle of wine made many people very drunk.' Comparing (12) and (14a-b) on the one hand and (15a-c) on the other, we note that the minimal difference between the two sets lies in the type of the object NPs: in the former set, the NPs are definite expressions (pronouns and NPs with a demonstrative); whereas, in the latter set, the NPs are non-definite expressions. The following generalization thus emerges: (16) Postverbal objects of Causative constructions in Taiwanese cannot be definite. 3. Postverbal constraint on definiteness Generalization (16) at the first glance appears to be quite idiosyncratic. However, the literature does not seem to lack in similar observations. In fact, generalization (16) reminds us of a broader postverbal constraint in Mandarin Chinese discussed in, for instance, Li and Thompson (1981), Huang (1994) and Tang (1990) concerning sentences containing a postverbal object NP and a duration (D) or a frequency(F) phrase. The pattern [V object D/F] requires the object NP to be definite (a referential NP in Huang's term): -257- 266 (17) a.*Wo kan-le (henduo) shu Eang ci/liang-ge zhongtou. 1 read-AsP many book two times/two-a, hours 'I read (many) books twice/for two hours.' b. Wo kan-le naben shu liang ci/liang-ge zhongtou. I read-AsP that book two times/two-a, hours 'I read that book twice/for two hours.' The effect of definiteness (referentiality) of the object NPs on the acceptability of the sentences is not only manifested in the Mandarin [V object D/F] constnictions, but also in other phenomena in many other languages such as word order variations in Hungarian and agreement requirements in Hindi. In Hungarian for example, a sentence with a non-referential object occurs in an SOV order whereas the neutral order for a sentence with a referential object is SVO, as shown in (18) (see Maracz 1989 among others). (18) a. a (SOV) levelet ir the boy letter-Acc writes 'The boy is writing a letter.' (The boy is busy letter-writing.) fiu b. a egy levelet (SVO) fiu ir the boy writes DET lent- ACC 'The boy is writing a [specific] letter.' c. a a levelet fiu irja the boy writes-Agro the letter-Acc 'The boy is writing the letter.' (SVO) Shnilarly, in Hindi, a sentence with a definite object NP shows object agreement on the verb whereas indefinite and non-referential object NPs do not trigger object agreement on the verb (Mahajan 1990): (19) a. raam-ne kitab paRhii raam-ERG-(m) book read-PERP-f-sg 'Ram read the book.' b. raam ek kitab paRhegaa raam-(m) a book read-fut-m-sg 'Ram will read a book.' Mahajan considers that a definite object NP must move into the Spec of an object agreement phrase (AgroP) but an indefinite opr non-referential NP must remain as sister of V. In the spirit of Mahajan (1990) among others, Huang (1994) proposes to account for the contrast in (17) in terms of the base-generated position of object NPs. In particular, a referential (definite) object NP is base-generated in the SPEC of VP (sister to V') (in the NP2 position in (20)) and a non-referential (non-definite) object is generated as sister to V (in the NP3 position in (20)): I A subject may be base-generated as the SPEC of VP (the Internal Subject Hypothesis, see, for instance, Fukui 1986, Koopman and Sportiche 1990 among others). If this hypothesis is adopted, we will need more layers of VPs in the structure (see Larson 1988). However, it does not affect the main poilit here that a definite NP is base-generated in the SPEC position and a non-definite NP is base-generated as sister to V. -258- 26's /\ / IP (20) NPI I I' VP V' NP2 NP3 V To illustrate with the sentences in (17), the definite object naben shu 'that book' in (17b) occurs in the SPEC of VP (NP2) position. The D/F phrase can occur in NP3 position (see Larson 1988). After V raises outside the VP, sentence (17b) will be derived. On the other hand, if the object NP is indefinite (non-referential), it is generated in the NP3 position, which is competed for by the D/F phrases. (17a), thus, is not possible. The contrast between (17a) and (17b) is thus a manifestation of the constraint on the position of object NPs: (21) A definite object NP occurs in the SPEC of VP position and a indefinite object NP occurs within V' (as sister to V). 4. Analysis With (21), we can proceed to account for the generalization in (16) which prohibits a postverbal definite NP in a Taiwanese Causative construction. Along the lines of Hsieh (1993), Huang (1992b), Wu (1994) and Zou (1993), we take (22) to be the structure of a Causative sentence (such as (15a-c)):2 IP (22) NPi /\ I' VP NP2 V1 VI / VP2 CAUSE NP3 V2' V2 NP4 tiredi-dead scared-off drunk-fall For the sentences in (15a-c), the object NP tsit-tun lang 'many people' occurs in NP4 position, since it is indefinite. V2 moves up to Vi CAUSE and combines with it to become a causative verb, deriving the well-formed sentences in (15a-c). 2 The compound verb thiam-si 'tired-dead', kiaN-tsau 'scare-off and tsui-to 'drunk-fall' may be further analyzed as consisting of two VPs, which will not affect the analysis here. -259c. v Turning to (12) and (14a-b), the causee is a definite NP. It should be base-generated in the SPEC position, NP3. Verb movement (V2 to V1) applies, as in the case involving indefinite NPs since it is an obligatory process to create a causative verb. This movement, however, would create the verb chain [V1, V2]. The minimal domain for the causative verb would therefore be VP1, not VP2. That is, with respect to the object NP position constraint, we can no longer consider only V2, instead, we need to consider the chain [V1, V2]. In other words, the Spec position that matters is no longer NP3 but NP2 of VP1. After verb movement, the definite NPs in (12) and (14a-b) occurs within the projection of V1' rather than outside of the V1, violating the constraint on where a definite object NP can occur as stated in (21). Note that V-movement to CAUSE does not create problems for (15a-c), since the indefinite object NP are still within V11. (21) thus accounts for the contrast between (12) and (14a-b) on the one hand and (15a-c) on the other. The generalization in (16) is captured. 5. Towards dialectal differences: Syntactic vs. lexical The discussion so far, however, raises the question of why the counterparts of the Taiwanese (12) and (14a-b) in Mandarin and Cantonese are acceptable, as illustrated by the acceptability of (4), (8), especially considering the fact that the postverbal definiteness constraint applies in Mandarin and Cantonese as well. An answer to this problem may be found in the discussion in the literature concerning the level at which a causative compound verb is formed. Note that the analysis of the Taiwanese causative constructions assumes that the causative verb formation takes place at the syntactic level: V-movement takes place at the syntactic level, creating a structure where the definite object NP is within V', rather than the SPEC of its V. In other words, in Taiwanese, the RVC thiam-si 'tired-dead' is only a resultative verb in the lexicon and its causative counterpart is derived in syntax. On the other hand, the causative verb formation may take place at the lexical level, as suggested in Li (1990) among others. In other words, a surface verb such as 'tired-dead' may in fact be ambiguous: it can be the resultative 'tired-death' or it can be the causative 'CAUSE + tired-dead'. The former has one argument [theme] and the latter, two arguments [causer, theme]. The causative verb, with its two arguments [causer, theme], can be projected into the following structure, just like any two argument verbs such as 'hit' or 'eat': IP (23) NPI I' VP I NP2 V NP3 [CAUSE+tired-dead] The causer argument is in NP1 position. The theme argument is in NP2 or NP3 position, depending on whether the theme NP is definite or not. We suggest that Cantonese and Mandarin causative RVCs are derived lexically. That is, there is no verb-movement to a CAUSE verb in syntax, as we have seen in Taiwanese. In contrast, a sentence such as (4) in Mandarin or (8) in Cantonese will be generated in exactly the same way as a sentence like 'John hit Mary' or 'John ate lunch', since the causative verb is treated as a lexical item taking two arguments. Given a structure such as (23) for the causative sentences in (4) and (8) as well as typical transitive sentences, the definite object NP will be generated in NP2 whereas the indefinite object NP will be in NP3. Since there is no further VP projection to "extend" the -260or,11 4/ domain of the verb, NP2 will remain as the Spec of the VP even after the verb raises out of the VP to Infl. This entails that what we are dealing with in the case of syntactic causatives (the Taiwanese case) is a VP-shell (Larson 1988), the lower VP is part of a bigger VP. In contrast, with verb to Infl movement, we have a simple case of verb movement not involving VP-shells and the status of the NP positions does not change. To sum up, Taiwanese derives the causatives syntactically and therefore given the extension of VP domain in a VP-shell, postverbal definite NPs are not allowed. In contrast, Cantonese and Mandarin have lexical derivation of causatives and thus the syntactic restriction of definite object NPs is always obeyed. 6. Further evidence In this section, we discuss two additional differences between Taiwanese and Mandarin.3 We show that both differences can be treated on a par with the analysis that we have proposed for the causatives. 6.1. The verb(s) DO 43: Consider the sentence in (24) in Mandarin and its Taiwanese counterpart in (25): ku ni de you cry you DE (24) ni 44; X. 611 'You go ahead and cry (and it doesn't concern me).' (25) ii tso Ii khao you do you cry k1 1 X. However, these two ways of expressing a roughly similar proposition are not interchangable in these two languages, as shown by the following two ungrammatical sentences. (26) *ni zuo ni ku At X. you do you cry (27) *li khao li e 4 . its you cry you E We propose that the distinction exhibited in (25) vs. (26) and (24) vs. (27) centers around the overt and covert light verb Do in these two dialects. Consider first how (24) is derived. Following Huang (1992b), we propose that Mandarin has a light verb Do which takes a gerundive IP: 3 Cantonese counterparts are exactly the same and we will not discuss them here. -261- (28) / IP ni I' I / VP / V' V IP (NP) DO / / VP I V In (28), due to the presence of the empty light verb Do, the gerundive verb ku 'cry' moves to replace Do via the lower gerundive I. And due to the gerundive nature of the IP, Infl cannot assign nominative Case to the NP in its Spec, ni 'you', the genitive Case marking is applied and we have an output (24). The Taiwanese example in (25) represents an overt realization of the light verb Do. In this case, the light verb Do happens to be homophonous with the regular verb tso 'do'. If we replace the empty light verb in (28) with the overt light verb tso 'do', we obtain an output such as (25). Due to the presence of the overt tso, there is no need for movement and by Economy of Derivation, movement cannot take place. Thus, a sequence such as (29) is ruled out: (29) * Ii tso khao ii (e) you do cry you E it 114- ( (143 ) Furthermore, (27) is not possible because Taiwanese does not have a covert light verb Do on a par with the one in Mandarin. Then a structure such as (28) with a null light verb with subsequent raising of the verb will not be possible in Taiwanese and hence the ungrammatical (27). We have seen that in (25) that there is no genitive Case marking on the lower li 'you'. We propose that the overt light verb tso 'do' exceptionally Case marks (ECM) the subject li 'you' of the gerundive clause. There is thus a difference between the overt light verb and the covert light verb: the former can ECM the lower subject whereas the latter cannot. Furthermore, in the case of Mandarin with a covert light verb, after the movement of the lower verb to the light verb, there is still no structural Case assignment. This is due to the fact that verbs such as ku 'cry' does not have a structural case to assign since it is an unergative verb. These cases can be compared with sentences involving an object in the gerundive clause, as shown in (30) and (31). -262- 273 (30) a. ni kan ni de shu you read you DE book (i) 'You go ahead and read.' (ii) 'You read your book.' zuo ni kan shu you DO you read book b.*ni 'You go ahead and read.' tsoli thak tse you DO you read book (31) a. li 'You go ahead and read.' b. li thak li-e tse you read your book (i) 'You read your book.' (ii) *'You go ahead and read.' The contrast in (30) is the same as the one shown between (24) and (26). Note that even though the verb kan 'read' can assign accusative Case, it has only one Case to assign (to its object shu 'book'). Thus, after it raises to the covert light verb Do, it no longer has any Case to assign to the gerundive subject ni 'you'. It should also be noted that we are specifically talking about the interpretation of (30) as indicated rather than the possessive reading of ni-de shu 'your book', which is also possible. This is in fact the only possible reading for (31b). Thus, (31b) is not a counterexample to our claim. The impossibility of interpreting (31b) as (30a-i) is due to the same reason as the impossibility of (27). 6.2. V--ho--V There is one further contrast between Taiwanese on the one hand and Mandarin on the other which supports our claim that Taiwanese is more 'transparent' than Mandarin and Cantonese. This involves the contrast shown in (32) and (33) involving the ba/ka-construction. (32) a. Ian ka i pa si we BA him hit-dead 'We hit him dead.' pa ho (i) si i we BA him hit give him dead b. Ian ka 'We hit him dead.' (33) a. women ba ta we da-si le BA him hit-dead ASP 'We hit him dead.' b.* women ba ta da gei (ta) si BA him hit give him dead we The contrast shown between (32b) and (33b) shows that the causation expressed by pa-si 'hitdead' can be "spelled out" in a transparent way in Taiwanese but not in Mandarin. In (32b), we see that pa-si 'hit-dead' can be further "divided" into pa-ho-si with the causative being overtly expressed. However, as shown in (33b), this is impossible in Mandarin, showing that such relations can only be expressed in a covert way in this dialect. 7. Conclusions and Theoretical Implications -263- In this paper, we have studied an area of comparative grammar across three Chinese dialects: Mandarin, Taiwanese and Cantonese, and showed that the observed systematic differences among these dialects in the syntax of causative sentences and other related constructions can be described with considerable insight within a formal model of Universal Grammar and linguistic variation. In particular, treating dialectal variations as instances (on a smaller scale) of normal linguistic variation, we have assumed that the computation system of a language is invariaat across languages and dialects, the seemingly radical superficial differences being reducible to the morphological or lexical variations among them. In particular, whereas all dialects compared have a lexicon that contains RVCs, only Mandarin and Cantonese have lexical causative compounds. (Pure) causative compounds in Taiwanese must originate in the lexicon as ergative (inchoative) compounds. Their causative use is permitted only when an ergative compound is underlyingly embedded under an abstract verb CAUSE, to which the ergative verb compound must raise. This causes a definite/referential object to fall within the domain of a \to, thus exhibiting the definiteness effects observed in this paper: (34) a. *chit tsan taichi thiam-si hit-e lang a. this CL matter tired-die that-CL person PART 'This matter caused that person to be tired to death.' b . *hit kuan chiu tsui-to Li SiansiN a. that bottle wine drunk-fall Li Mr. PART 'That bottle of wine got Mr. Li to be so drank as to fall.% (35) a. chit tsan taichi thiam-si go-pa-gua lang. this CL matter tired-die 500-plus person 'This matter got 500-plus people to be tired to death.' b. hit kuan chiu tsui-to chin-choe lang. tat bottle wine drunk-fall quite-many person 'That bottle of wine got many people to be drunk and fall.' No similar definiteness effect is observed in Mandarin or Cantonese because the causative compounds may be lexically derived, and hence are not embedded under CAUSE, and hence a definite object in the Spec of VP would not be considered to be within V' due to verb to verb movement in VP-shell structures. (36) a. zhe-jian shi lei-si nei-ge ren le. that-a, matter tired-dead that-a. person PART 'This matter got that person tired to death.' b. nei-ping jiu zui-dao-le Lisi. that-a, wine drunk-fall-ASP Lisi 'That bottle of wine got Lisi so drunk as to fall.' There is also no definiteness effect if an overt causative verb appears above the ergative compound, since an overt verb like ka, ho, hai 'cause' takes a proposition (a clausal category) but not an event (an ergative VP) as its complement and does not force the definite object to be a complement of a (complex) V. -264P'" (37) a. chit tsan taichi ka/ho/hai hit-e lang thiam-si a this CL matter cause that-a, person tired-die PART 'This matter caused that person to be tired to death.' b. hit kuan chiu ka/hoThai Li XiansiN tsui-to a. that bottle wine cause Li Mr. drunk-fall PART 'That bottle of wine caused Mr. Li to be so drunk as to fall.' With respect to definiteness effects in causative compounds, then, Taiwanese is characterized as being more of an analytic language whereas Mandarin and Cantonese are more synthetic. This contrast is corroborated by other comparative differences in periphrastic causative constructions, and in the syntactic manifestation of the semantics of Davidsonian action sentences. Thus, whereas in Mandarin action sentences the verb typically undergoes head-movement into the position of a higher light verb, thus obscuring the existence of an "event place" in the logical form of such sentences (as in (38)), in Taiwanese the light verb typically manifests itself overtly, as in (39)): (38) a. ni san ni-de bu, wo shui wo-de jiao. you take your talk, I sleep my sleep 'You go on with your strolling, and I kept on sleeping.' b. ta ku ta-de, wo shui wo-de. he cried his I slept mine 'He kept crying and I kept sleeping.' (39) a. li tso ii san-po, gua tso gua khun. you DO you stroll I DO I sleep 'You went on with your strolling, I kept on sleeping.' b . ii tso Ii khao, gua tso gua khun. you DO you cry I DO I sleep 'You keep crying and I will go on with my sleep.' In the analysis of each of these differences, we have assumed that the dialects under consideration differ only the contents of their Lexicons, but share a Computation System that operates according to general principles throughout these dialects. (In the causative cases, the existence of an abstract CAUSE and the absence of pure causative compounds distinguish Taiwanese from Mandarin and Cantonese. In the case of Davidsonian action sentences, the existence of overt light verb and its absence again cuts across these dialects. These results seem quite desirable and optimal, in the sense that our theory of linguistic variation makes use of little more than what appears to a "virtual conceptual necessity" (that languages clearly must differ in their morphologies), and it seems possible to assume that language variation is reducible to, and in fact limited to, morphological variation. This conception of parametric theory is clearly more optimal than one that directly stipulates, say, the existence of definiteness effects in certain grammatical constructions in one dialect but not in another, or that of a given head-movement process in the computational system of one language but not another. In other words, on a descriptive level, we can state the generalization, based on our analysis, that Taiwanese is more "analytic" and more transparent, and Mandarin and Cantonese more "synthetic" and more opaque, in that more goes on in the lexicon in Mandarin and Cantonese than in Taiwanese. But from the point of view of a more restrictive parametric theory, this generalization can be reduced to mere morphological differences among languages, in particular, in the distribution of certain grammatical lexical items. Indeed, this "minimalist" parametric theory also appears to be the most optimal when it -265- 2Yti coioec to the major differences that distinguish among languages of different typological types. One well known typological difference among languages is the existence of "Wh-movement" in the formation of constituent quesCons. In early linguistic literature, this typological difference was directly taken to reflect in a variation in the design of the computation systems of individual languages: some languages possess the rule of "Wh-movement" and others do not, this in turn following from the elementary assumption that languages may differ in the distribution of certain substantive and formal constraints. A parametric theory of this sort, however, went beyond observational adequacy. As Huang (1982) shows, this conception of the typology of constituent questions misses important generalizations about the cross-linguistic similarities and differftnces with respect to subcategorization, scope interpretation, and movement constraints (Subjacency, CED and the ECP). Huang's suggestion was to conceive of the wh-movement parameter in a different way: all languages share the substantive universal of having a wh-movement rule, but differ in where that rule may apply: if not in overt Syntax than in Logical Form. The nypothesis of wh-movement as a substantive universal explained the similar properties shared by whconstructions across all languages, and their differences in where the rule applies account for observed differences among these languages with respect to locality constraints, etc. This conception of the typology of wh-constructions enjoys a level of descriptive adequacy that previous conception did not in that it captures certain linguistically significant generalizations that might have been treated as accident properties of languages. This conception of parametric theory is not optimal, however, since the parametric differences, being in terms of the components of a computation system where a given rule may apply, relies on an assumption that is not itself of virtual conceptual necessity. Furthermore, although the issue of learnability does not arise, it is not explained why wh-movement may apply overtly in English, but only covertly in Chinese--rather than, say, the other way around. More recent work offers a promising line of inquiry that has the prospect of attaining explanatory adequacy. One line of research, undertaken in Cheng (1991), relates the lack of overt wh-movement in Chinese-like languages to the existence in them of certain functional elements, in particular, question particles occupying the position of C in syntax. This assumption explains the clustering of properties in one language and their joint absence in another, and is relatively optimal in that it reduces superficially vast syntactic differences to a morphological difference in the distribution of certain functional categories. In current work, furthermore, Tsai (1994) proposes that the obligatoriness of overt wh-movement in English, and its obligatory procrastination until LF in Chinese, can be directly tied to a morphological difference in the internal structure of the whwords themselves. In English, wh-words have a microscopic syntax with a self-contained operator-variable structure; they are therefore inherently interrogative operators, and hence are subject to movement, given the general assumption that operators must occur in operator position, with expected locality effects. In Chinese, on the other hand, wh words are open categories, i.e., polarity items that are underspecified for their interrogative vs. quantificational features. As such, they arc not inherently identified as operators, and not subject to overt syntactic movement. Their interpretations are determined by the licensers that c-command them elsewhere within a sentence, outside of their internal structure. Thus the wh-words are on a par with variables that are unselectively bound in the sense of Heim (1982) (cf. Lewis (1975)). In the case of the interrogative interpretation, it is assumed that the wh-in-situ is bound by a (base-generated) null operator. The vastly different syntactic difference between Chinese and English thus boils down to the difference of the possibility of base-generating a null operator, of whether the null OP is in the lexicon of either language. Chinese has null operators for all operator positions, but English has none, except 'hose cases where the null operator is strongly bound (in the sense of Chomsky (1986), i.e., in parasitic gap constructions, tough constructions, certain relatives, etc.). This difference in the presence of a non-strongly bound null OP has further implications. For example, it also underlies the "null topic parameter" of the sort described in Huang (1984) concerning the distribution and interpretation of certain null arguments in Chinese and German The theory, which is in spirit a minimalist theory of linguistic variation, thus only explains why English and Chinese should differ not only with respect to the existence of overt wh-movement, but also with respect to the distribution and interpretation of certain null arguments. -266- Two additional theoretical implications of our analysis are worth mentioning: First, our analysis supports the traditional distinction between resultatives and causatives, against recent attempts to treat them uniformly. As S. Huang (1974) argued, both the resultatives and causatives carry with them the semantics of causation, but a distinction is still necessary, between what he terms "event causatives" (resultatives) and "factive causatives" (causatives). Recently, Sybesma (1992) argues that both construction types (what he calls "canonical resultatives" and "causatives") should be treated alike, as forming a typical ergative-causative paradigm. What we have shown here is that the three dialects under consideration do not differ with respect to their syntax of the resultatives, but do so with respect to their syntax of causatives. For us, the resultatives constitute compounds constitute a an unergative-transitive paradigm, whereas the ergatives and causative have an inherent semantics of causation, but they do not have separate paradigm. The resultatives thus provides the (pure) causatives do. Our analysis, if correct, a syntax of causation; only distinction, against the uniform-treatment important evidence in defense of the traditional hypothesis of Sybesma (1992).4 Finally, if our analysis is on the right track, we have provided additional support for the hypothesis, advanced in Johnson (1992), that there is a process of movement that invariably raises the verb out of VP into a higher head position, as a universal principle and irrespective of the morphological properties of the functional projections of a particular language (such as the FrenchEnglish contrasts of the sort considered in Emonds (1976) and Pollock (1989). This assumption is necessary to allow for cases of grammatical resultatives and (lexically derived) causatives taking definite postverbal NPs as their objects. The existence of such a process in Chinese has also been demonstrated in Huang (1992b) and in Kung (1993) in accounting for the definiteness effects in connection with the occurrence of objects with certain duration and/or frequency expressions. *.11s............. 4 See Cheng and Huang (1994) for additional arguments in favor of the traditiona: distinction. -267- 2'i 6 References Cheng, Lisa Lai-Shen (1991) On the Typology of Wh-Questions. Doctoral Dissertation, MIT.. Cheng, Lisa Lai-Shen (1992) 'Resultative Compounds andLexical Relational Structures,' to appear in Proceedings of the 3rd International Symposium of Chinese Languages and Linguistics, Academia Sinica, Taipei. Cheng, Lisa L.-S. and Huang, C.T. James (1994) 'On the Argument Structure of Resultaives,' in Chomsky, Noam (1986) Knowledge of Language: Its Nature, Origin and Use. Praeger Publishers, New York. Emonds, Joseph (1976) A Transformational Approach to English Syntax, Academic Press, New York. Fukui, Naoki (1986) A Theory of Category Projection and Its Applications. Doctoral Dissertation, M.I.T.. Heirn, Irene (1982) The Semantics of Definite and Indefinite Noun Phrases\ Doctoral Dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Hsieh, Miao-Ling (1993) 'Verb Raising and Dialectal Differences,' ms. USC. Huang, James (1982) Logical Relations in Chinese and the Theory of Grammar. Doctoral Dissertation, MIT. Huang, C.-T, James (1984) 'On the Distribution and Reference of Empty Pronouns,' Linguistic Inquiry 15, 531-574. Huang, C.-T. James (1992a) 'Complex Predicates in Contro,' in R. Larson et. al. (eds.) Control and Grammar, Kluwer Academic Publishers, Dordrecht. Huang, C.-T. James (1992b) 'On Lexical Structure and Syntactic Projection,' to appear in Proceedings of the 3rd International Symposium of Chinese Languages and Linguistics, Academia Sinica, Taipei. Huang, C.-T. James (1994) 'More on Chinese Word Order and Parametric Theory,' to appear in Lust et. al (eds.) Syntactic Theory and First Language Acquisition, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Northvale, New Jersey. Huang, Shuanfan (1974) 'Mandarin Causatives,' Journal of Chinese Linguistics 2. Johnson, Kyle (1992) 'Object Positions,' Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 9, 577-636. Koopman, Hilda and Dominique Sportiche (1990) 'The Position of Subjects,' Lingua 85, 211258. Kung, Hui-I (1993) Doctoral Dissertation, University of Wisconsin, Madison. Larson, Richard (1988) 'On the Double Object Construction,' Linguistic Inquiry 19, 335-391. Lewis, David (1975) 'Adverbs of Quantification,' in E. Keenan (ed.), Formal Semantics of Natural Languages, 3-15. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Li, Charles and Sandra Thompson (1981) Mandarin Chinese: A Reference Grammar. University of California Press. Berkeley, CA. Li, Yafei (1990) 'On V-V Compounds in Chinese,' Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 8, 177-207. Li, Yafei (1993) 'Structural Heads and Aspectuality?,' Language 69, 480-504. Mahajan, Anoop (1990) The VA' Distinction and Movement Theory. Doctoral dissertation, M.I.T. Maracz, Laslo (1989) Asymmetries in Hungarian. Doctoral dissertation, University of Gronigen. Pollock, Jean-Yves (1989) 'Verb Movement, Universal Grammar, and the Structure of IP,' Linguistic Inquiry 20, 365-424. Sybesma, Rint (1992) Causatives and Accomplishments: The Case of Chinese BA. Doctoral Dissertation, Leiden University. Tang, C.-C. Jane (1990) Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended X-Bar Theory. Doctoral Disseriation, Cornell University. Tsai, Wei-Tien (1994) On Economiing the Theory of A-bar Dependencies, Doctoral Dissertation. M.I.T.. -268- Wu, Xiu-Zhi (1994) 'Causative Constructions in Mandarin and Taiwanese,' paper presented at NACCL VI, University of Southern California. Zou, Ke (1993) 'The Syntax of the Chinese BA Construction,' Linguistics 31, 715-736. -269- A Syntactic Typology of Formosan Languages -- Case Markers on Nouns and Pronouns Paul Jen-kuei Li 1. Introduction 1.1 Theoretical Considerations Studies of language typology can certainly enhance our knowledge of language in general. These studies are closed related to studies of language universals; see, for example, Greenberg (1966), Comrie (1989). Moreover, studies of language typology are also related to studies of language genetic relationships, esp. to the problems of subgrouping. What significant features should we look for in language typology ? Is there a hierarchy (i.e. degrees of significance) in typolbgical features ? Is so, what is it ? Questions such as these can be raised and discussed. 1.2 Previous Works on Formosan Languages Most of the previous publications on Formosan languages deal with an individual language or dialect, while only a few are crosslinguistic studies. The few cross-linguistic studies are either phonological, e.g., Tsuchida (1976) and Ferrell (1979b), or limited to a single syntactic feature covering only a few languages. For example, Ferrell (1979a) compares only the construction markers in several Formosan languages, while Starosta (1974) compares only the causative verbs in six Formosan languages: Amis, Bunun, Rukai, Saisiyat, Sediq and Tsou. More recently, Starosta's (1988) paper "A Grammatical Typology of Formosan Languages" is much more comprehensive. It deals with several syntactic features, including word order, topicalization, auxiliary verbs and pronoun contraction, illustrated with examples from eight Formosan languages: Amis, Tsou, Saaroa, Atayal, Sediq, Bunun, Saisiyat and Puyuma. However, there is limited data in the paper, due to limited space and limited field work that has been done on some of the languages. Moreover, these studies may be eomewhat misleading as they are often based on very innovative dialects, such as the Squliq dialect of Atayal, which have lost many important grammatical features. 1.3 Purpose of This Study In this study we shall try to cover as many Formosan languages as possible. We shall pick a more conservative dialect for each language. Ideally a great many syntactic features, including case markers, personal pronouns (both long and short forms), tense and aspect, focus, word order, topicalization, nominalization, relativization, interrogatives, negatives, imperatives, and so on, -270- 2 Si should all be examined, as most of these features are closely related. In so doing, we can compare the syntactic similarities and differences among Formosan languages. Such a cross-linguistic study will have a bearing on their genetic relationships and may resolve some problems of subgrouping. To take noun phrase as an example, nouns and pronouns are marked for case in the..e languages. How many different cases are there in each language ? In some languages like Sediq and Saaroa, there are only two different cases for nouns: nominative and oblique. In some other languages, there are three different cases for nouns: nominative, accusative and genitive. In still some other languages like Amis, there are four different cases: nominative, accusative, genitive and locative. In fact, even more different cases may be distinguished in a few languages such as the Mayrinax dialect of Atayal. Some of these languages distinguish between common noun and personal noun as in Philippine languages, while the others make no such distinction. All Formosan languages can be divided into two main types, as based on whether such a distinction is made. In western Austronesian languages, a relative clause can only modify the subject of the sentence. Such a restriction has been suggested (Ross 1994) as inherited from Proto-Austronesian. Some Formosan languages observe the same restriction, whereas in a few others such as Tsou a relative clause can also modify an object. Again, all Formosan languages can be divided into two main types, a::: based on such as distinction. Furthermore, we may object to the hypothesis that only the subject can be relativized and that it is Protoof attributable to the stage syntactic feature a Austronesian. If we compare Formosan languages type by type, we can see which of these languages share more syntactic features with each other and which of them share fewer. In this paper, all examples for all Formosan languages are based on my own field notes, unless indicated otherwise. 2. Case Markers on Nouns and Pronouns in Formosan languages most Formosan in Like western Austronesian languages, languages a noun is modified by a case-marking particle, which may or may not distinguish between a common noun and personal name (including a few kinship terms). All personal pronouns are inflected for case, and there may be different sets of case, including nominative, accusative, genitive, locative or oblique, depending on the language or dialect. The term "case marker" is called "construction marker" by other authors such as Ferrell (1979a), Tsuchida (1976, 1980). -271- 22 2.1 Atayal The Mayrinax dialect of Atayal is conservative not only in phonology and morphology, but also in syntax. It retains many grammatical particles that have been lost in the Squliq dialects (see Egerod 1965, 1966, 1993). It has an obligatory case marker for each noun in every sentence, as in: Al. hibag-un na? buli? ni? yaba? ku? qulih. cut PF Ins knife Gen father Nom fish 'The fish was cut with a knife by a father.' A2. kabaux cu? pila? ki? hakii) ?i? tali?. AF-borrow Acc money Acc name Nom name 'Tali? borrowed some money from Hakil).' A3. situi1) nku? ?ulaqi? ga?, rahuwal cu? matanah. clothes Ben child Top big Acc red 'As for the clothes for the child, they are large and red.' A4. si-baiq mu cku? ?ulaqi? ku? pila?. BF-give my Dat child Nom money 'The money was given to the child by me.' Mayrinax has the following case-marking particles: Nom Acc Common: Personal: ku? ?i? cu? ki? Gen no? ni? Ben/Agt nku? ni Dat cku? ni? Ins na? Loc i? Squliq has lost the case markers ?il and ki?, and merged na? and ni?. In other words, it has lost the distinction between common noun and personal noun. Moreover, most of the case markers it still retains are optional. In addition, it has undergone some sound changes, including c > s and k > q. Compare the case markers in the two dialects: Mayrinax: ku? Squliq: qu? cu? su? nku? nqu? cku? squ? na? na? ni? na? ?i? ki? Moreover, Mayrinax has a much more elaborate pronominal system (see Egerod 1965, 1966). Like most other Formosan languages, there are both long and short pronominal forms in Mayrinax. Predicate Nominative Genitives Amg Short Long Short than Squliq Vi. lsg 2sg 3sg lexc linc 21:31 3p1 kuii) (?i) ?isu? ?ihiya? ?icami ?i?ita? ?icimu ?inha? ?isu? cami ?ita? cimu cu su? --cami ta? cimu Vt. ci si? -272- Vi. Vt. mu mi? su? si? nia? niam ta? mamu nha? ti? There are two different sets of nominative short forms. Roughly speaking, one is for transitive while the other is for intransitive. Such a distinction is made only for the first and second persons singular. Similarly, there are also two different sets of genitive short forms, transitive and intransitive. The "intransitive" genitive forms are used to modify a noun, e.g., Dila? mu 'my money', while the "transitive" genitive forms are used to indicate a non-Agentfocused verb, e.g., ras-un mi? 'brought by me', p-in-ala? ti? 'carried by us (inclusive)'. Like all the other Atayal dialects such as Squliq, in Mayrinax card 'we (exc)' is used instead of cu or ci 'I' in such an expression: A5. ma-tutil) cami ki? ba?ay. AF-fight Nom/we Acc name 'I fight with Ba?ay.' 2.2 Seediq Seediq has only two case markers, ka 'nominative' and na Both markers are most often optional. There is no distinction between common and personal nouns. The genitive marker na right after a noun indicates possession or an Agent in a non'oblique'. Agent-focused sentence. Dl. malu ka rseno. 'Men are good.' good Nom men D2. mu-nu-bahaq ku wada huqin ka pawan. AF-Perf-hear Nom/I Asp di2 Nom name 'I heard that Pawan had died.' D3. su-sapo na lupi ka laqi na tama. Acc mat Nom child Gen father 'Father laid a mat for the child.' D4. tama su-sapo na lupi ka laqi na. father BF-lay Acc mat Nom child his 'Father laid a mat for his child.' There arrePfour different sets of personal pronouns in Seediq: nominative, genitive, accusative and locative. Only the genitive has both long and short forms, and the nominative has only short forms, whereas the accusative and the locative have only long forms. Personal Pronouns in Seediq lsg 2sg 3sg linc Nominatives Long Short ku? su? --ta? Genitives Long naku? nisu? neheya? nita? Short mu su?-sana? ta? Accusatives Long yaku? ?isu? heya? ?ita? -273- 2S 4 Locative kenan sunan nami namu --- 1exc 2p1 3p1 nami namu ndeheya? nami namu-mana? yami yamu deheya? mian munan Unlike Atayal, Seediq uses the first and second persons singular in such an expression: D5a. kuxun su-mu. 'You are my love = I love you (sg).' love you my isu. b. sunkuxun ku Nom/I Acc/you AF-love 'I love you (sg).' Atayal and Seediq are closely related. Yet they differ in that the former distinguishes between common and personal nouns, whereas the latter makes no distinction. Apparently the distinction has been lost in all Seediq dialects, just as in the case of the Squliq dialects of Atayal. 2.3 Tsou Tsou has four different sets of case markers: Nominative: ?e, si, ta, ?o, na, co Accusative: ta, to, nca Genitive: no, ci Locative: ne For detaild descriptions and discussions of the syntactic and semantic functions of these case markers, see Tung (1964:147), Tsuchida (1976:94) and Zeitoun (1992, 1993). Given below are examples to illustrate the case markers: eaa i-si Tl. man?i ?e many Nom PF he PF-catch to ne ta no c?oexa ci eoska ta oko. river Gen fish Acc child 'The child caught many fish at the river.' oko mo ticunu to mo yuso ci meoi si eoska. T2. ?o Nom child Aux catch Acc Aux two Gen big Nom fish 'The child caught two big fish.' ne tasiona ?e amo. fueflu ne T3. smoa-zoma AF-shot bird Loc mountain Loc morning Nom father 'Father shot birds in the mountain in the morning.' 'Who are you 7' T4. sia na suu ? who Nom you 'My leg hurts.' T5. mio col)o co t?go-?u. Aux hurt Nom leg my No distinction between common noun and personal noun is made in Tsou. -2742 Se Like most other Formosan languages, Tsou has both long (free) and short (bound) pronominal forms. The long forms can occur freely like an ordinary noun, but they can only be optionally preceded by a nominative marker na, and nothing else. A short form is attached to a preceding auxiliary verb or noun. 'I was hit by you (sg.).' T6. os-ko eoobak-a (na) a?o. I PF Nom PF you hit 'I shall drink water.' to chumu. T7. ta-?u m-imo Aux I AF-drink Acc water ima-a (na) ?o emi. T8. oh-ta Nom wine Aux he drink PF 'The wine was drunk by him before.' ino-si si oko. p-tol)s-a ta T9. i-si PF he cause-cry-PF Acc Mom his Nom child 'The child was caused to cry by his mother.' Personal Pronouns in Tsou Free lsg 2sg 3sg spec gener linc lexc 2p1 3p1 spec gener a?o suu a?to a?mi muu hin?i hee Bound Verbal ?u-?o su-ko ta si to mza mu hin?i he Nominal ?u su si to mza mu hin?i he 2.4 Kanakanavu Kanakanavu has the following two (or three) sets of case markers (Tsuchida 1976:36-17, Mei 1982): Nominative: sua, sa, si Oblique: sua, sa Locative: na The disticntion between nominative and oblique is rather obscure since the same markers, sua and sa, are used for both cases. Moreover, these case markers are optional. Knl. kanakanavu sua caau iisua. (Tsuchida 1976:36) Nom person that 'That person is a Kanakanavu.' Kn2. ni-m-ia-pacai sua caau sua tutui na tau-canum-a. (Tsuchida 1976:37) water kill Nom person Obl pig Loc Perf-AF 'The person killed a pig at the place to draw wather.' Kn3. ni-m-ia-pacai avia tutui. (Mei 1982) kill name pig Perf AF -275- 2E:6 'Avia killed a pig.' There is no distinction for a common noun and a personal name, as illustrated in Kn3 above. Kanakanavu also has both long pronominal forms. lsg 2sg 3sg linc lexc 2p1 3p1 (free) and short Bound Nominative Personal Pronouns in Kanakanavu Free Genitives Nominative ku,kia kasu aku su -- kita kimi,kia kamu m-ini maku musu iisa ta mita mia mia mu mmu ni,kiai,ini naku nsu nni nta nmia nmu iiku,iikia iikasu,iimukasu iisa iikita iikimi,iikia iikamu,iimukamu ini 1)uani Kn4. niani I)anai su ? what name your Kn5. tia ku mi-ia-pacai caau. Fut Nom/I AF kill person Kn6. ma-?icapa kasu ?uucu ? AF fear Nom/you ghost Kn7. c-um-aca?ara kasu ?ikua. AF see Nom/you Obl/me (bound) Oblique ?ikua kasua iisa kitana kimia kamua ?inia 'What is your name ?' 'I shall kill a person.' 'Are you afraid of ghosts ?' 'You see me.' 2.5 Saaroa There are only two sets of case markers in Saaroa: Nominative: ka, a (wa, ya) Oblique: na All of them are optional (indicated by parentheses) in the sentence: Sr1a. maci?i (a) tasau. 'The dog died.' AF-die Nom dog b. naci?i (ka) tasau. 'The dog died.' Sr2. um-au-a-u a mamaini na vutukulu. AF R eat Nom child Obl fish 'The child kept eating fish.' Sr3. um-a-ala cucu?u na vutukulu na luulufl. AF catch person Obl fish Obl river 'The person caught fish in the river.' Sr4. t-um-a-tutulu a ina-ku na mamaini na kari. AF- teach Nom Mom my Obl child Obl language 'My mother taught language to a child.' Like Tsou and Kanakanavu, Saaroa does not distinguish between -276- a common noun and a personal noun. The same case markers may precede both nouns. For example, Sr5. li-m-ari-vakasa ka al)ai na mamaini. (Ting, MS) beat Nom name Obl child Perf AF 'Mai has beaten a child.' Somewhat like Kanakanavu, the nominative marker ka in Saaroa may precede an Agent in a non-Agent-focused sentence: Sr6. sa-alu-a ka cucu?u kana?a ka vutukulu. fish RF catch Obl person that Nom 'The fish was caught by that person.' Similar to Tsou and Kanakanavu, Saaroa has both free and bound pronouns. The general free forms may appear as the topic or object of the sentence, while the two sets of bound forms are suffixed either to the verb as the nominative marker or to the noun as the genitive marker. In addition, the genitive bound forms may combine with na- as free forms. Sr7. ilaku k-um-ita vuli?i. snake Top/I AF-see ilau. Sr8. li-k-um-ita-aku Perf AF see Nom/I Obl/you Sr9. kani?i ia isikana-ku. this Top possession Gen/I 'As for me, I saw a snake.' 'I have seen you.' 'This is mine.' Personal Pronouns in Saaroa 1sg 2sg 3sg linc lexc 2p1 Topic ilaku ilau ilaisa ilata ilalamu ilamu Nominative -aku -u --ita -amu -mu Genitive -ku -u -isa -ta -lamu -mu Oblique na ilaku na ilau isana na ilata na ilalamu na ilamu 2.6 Rukai The Tanan dialect of Rukai has the following case markers (Li 1973:84-94): sa ko ki Accusative common noun Nominative personal name Accusative personal name RT1. aw-baay nakoa sa omas AF give Acc/me Acc person 'My mother gave me away to RT2. ko maLe0a, "tobaasa ina Nom name cook soup ?asilalak ko tina-li. adopt Nom Mom my a person as an adopted child.' kensas sa goon" amia ki doLay. police Acc cow so Acc name -277- 2 a8 'maLeqa said to DoLay, "Cook beef soup for the police !' Tanan distinguishes between a common noun and a personal noun, as illustrated above. The distinction seems to have been lost in a closely related dialect, Budai, in which both ko 'nominative' and ki 'accusative' occur before common nouns and personal names, as in the examples below: RB3. ko karaba la moaDiq ki daa. Nom pangolin then AF-enter Acc ground 'The pangolin then entered the ground.' RB4. la kala ko soLaw o-pala-palal) ki then come Nom snake AF woo Acc name 'Then the snake came to woo Balal).' RB5. papacay ko saovalay sa ababay. 'The man killed a woman. ' kill Nom man Acc woman The difference between ki and sa in Budai is that the former is definite and the latter indefinite. In the Maga dialect of Rukai, there are the following case markers: ki Nominative, human noun, common or personal na Accusative, non-human, common noun -ana Accusative, personal ku marker leading a relative clause (indicated by [ ]) RG6. u-stiti I)kua ki toto. 'Toto beat me.' AF-beat Acc/me Nom name RG7. u-stiti vlavlaki ki marDagi. 'The old man beat a child. ' AF-beat child Nom old RG8. u-kani DaDol)o na blibli. 'The monkey ate a banana.' AF-eat monkey Acc banana RG9. kamdu maa ki vakau na mu-ini 40c14 na biki. die will Nom name Acc go his feed Acc pig 'Vakau will die if he goes to feed a pig.' RG10. n-u-be maa pesu Dia vakav-ana ki pipeci. Fut give money Acc name Acc Nom name 'Pipeci will give money to Vakau.' RG11. u-rgu musu ku [aci-Da [ku amua takihoku]] ? AF-know Nom/you who 3inv went Taipei 'Do you know who went to Taipei ?' RG12. ika-Da ku [p-ika ki ipulu alapi] ? where put Nom name stone 'Where did Ipulu put a stone ?' Instead of making a distinction between a common noun and a personal noun as in Tanan and Tona (see below), Maga distinguishes between human and non-human nouns. This may be considered a unique syntactic development in Maga among all Ruka dialects. -278- 2SJ ku ki na The Tona dialect of Rukai has the following case markers: Nominative, common Nominative, personal Accusative, Locative RN13. ki-a-kana ku balabala na aDawana. eat Nom banana Acc monkey PF 'The banana was eaten by a monkey.' RN14. w-a-kana ki ?ipulu na valavala. eat Nom name Acc banana AF 'Ipulu ate a banana.' RN15. maga?aucu na valavalaka ku maruDaqa. old Nom child Acc scold 'The old man scolded a child.' 'Put it here !' RN16. pa-ua na kay put Loc here ! All these case markers are mostly optional in the sentence. However, ku may not be deleted when the noun it modifies is topicalized, as in RN16, or when there is agreement between the predicate and the subject, as in RN17: RN17. ku cu-cumay kiakana na ikulaw. bear PF-eat Acc leopard Nom 'The bear was eaten by a leopard.' RN18. ?iakai-ni ku valisana ? exit its Nom wild pig 'Where is the wild pig ?' Syntactically Mantauran differs froA the other Rukai dialects in the following respects: 1. It has no passive construction indicated by ki- like the other dialects. A passive -meaning is indicated by an accusative pronominal marker on the verb (see examples below). 2. It has developed an object-verb agreement (see examples below), not found in any other Formosan language. The agreement occurs only between the verb and a human object or an object possessed by a human. 3. It has few case markers. Hence the subject and object of the sentence are determined by the unmarked word order of VOS. The only case marker ?i 'definite nominative' may have derived from the demonstrative óona?i 'that'. 4. Almost all of its personal pronouns are bound. 'The monkey ate a banana.' RM19. okana valavala mavoroko. monkey banana eat valavala mavoroko R1420. okan-ina monkey eat Acc/him banana 'The banana was eaten by a monkey.' tamatama. valavala-ini RM21. okan-ina eat Acc/him banana Gen/his father -279- 2U 'Father's banana was eaten by someone.' valavala-li ocao. eat Perf Acc/me banana my person 'My banana has been eaten by a person.' RM23. ?okoloO-iaa ?i palaqa. 'The ghost is afraid of me.' fear Acc/me Nom ghost RM24. ?oponoho ka-li. 'I am not from the village of ?oponoho.' place not I RM22. okana-1)-iaa Except for Mantauran, all Rukai dialects have free personal pronouns, which usually occur in the topic position. They all have bound forms for the nominative, accusative and genitive. See Li (1977:Appendix, 1994), and Zeitoun (1994) for the personal nouns in the five major Rukai dialects. 2.7 Bunun There is no distinction between common noun and personal noun in Bunun. According to Ogawa and Asai (1935:588), Bunun had a contrast between the nominative marker as and the oblique marker is (in the Northern and Central dialects) or mas (in the Southern dialect). However, in the Isbukun dialect of Bunun, there is only one case marker mas that may precede an object, as in BS1 below. The grammatical particle tu between two nouns indicates subordinate relationship; cf. BS2a and b: BS1a. m-aun ?utul) mas bunun. 'The monkey ate banana.' AF-eat monkey Acc banana b. kaun-un mas ?utuO-cia? bunbun. eat -PF Acc monkey that banana 'The banana was eaten by that monkey.' BS2a. mataisah bukun mas cina?. 'Bukun dreamed of Mother.' AF-dream name Acc Mom b. mataisah bukun tu cina?. AF-dream name Mom 'Some one dreamed of Bukun's mother' In most Austronesian languages, case markers precede the noun they modify. Nevertheless, the nominative and accusative markers usually appear as suffixes to nouns in Bunun, as in B3S-4. The case-marking affixes may have derived from demonstratives. This can be considered a unique syntactic feature developed in the Isbukun dialect of Bunun. BS3. makua? cina?-a? si?al (mas) ?uva-cia? ? how Mom Nom/that coax Acc child Acc/that 'How does that mother coax that child ?' BS4. manah tama?-an ?aval-tan. shoot Dad Nom/this squirrel Acc/this '(This) father shot this flying squirrel here.' -280- 251 ,o In the Takbanuath (a Central) dialect of Bunun, as reported by Jeng (1977), there are several case markers that precede nouns, including: a ka ki i Nominative (Jeng 1977:185) Nominative (Jeng 1977:185) Accusative (Jeng 1977:262) Locative or accusative (Jeng 1977:107) See Jeng 1977 fur examples in sentences. There are four different sets of pronouns in Bunun: nominative, accusative, genitive and locative. There are both long and short forms in the first three sets, whereas in the fourth set there are only long forms. See Li 1994 for Isbukun examples for all. pronominal forms in sentences. Personal Pronouns in Bunun (Isbukun) Nominative Accusative Long Short Long Short lsg saikin -ik baku? -ku? 2sg ka-su? -as suu? -su? 3sg Cl saian -saicin --Di saia? saicia? linc ka-ta? -ta? mita? -ta? lexc ka-imin -im Oami? 2p1 ka-mu? -am muu? -mu? 3p1 naia? -naicia? --- Genetive Long ?i-nak ?i-su? Locative Short -nik -su? baku-an su?u-an sai-an ?isaicia? saicia? ?i-mita? -mita? mita-an ?i-nam -nam 6ami-an ?i-mu? -mu? mu?u-an ?inaicia? naicia? nai-an As in the other Formosan languages, the pronominal forms vary from dialect to dialect in Bunun. Phonologically, perhaps also syntactically, the northern dialects of Bunun are more conservative than the others. Given below for comparison is the pronominal system in Takituduh, a northern dialect of Bunun. Personal Pronouns in Bunun (Takituduh) lsg 2sg 3sg linc lexc 2p1 3p1 Nominative Long Short ?atak -ak--ku ?asu cia ?ata -ta Accusative Long Short 6akun ?asu ?a6am ?amu nai bami cia ?ita -ta mu?un nai BN5. ma-ludaq ?asu bakun. AF hit Nom/you Acc/me BN6. ma-ludaq cia ?ita. Nom/he Acc/us Genitive Long Short ?inak -nak ?isu?u -su?u ?icia ?imita -mita ?inam -nam ?imu -muu ?inai 'You(sg) hit me.' 'He hit us(inc).' -281- 0 C) Locative bakuan su?uan ?ita?an 6amian mu?uan 'Give me sweet-potatoes ?a6ak hutan. EN7. caiv-i give PF/Imp Nom/I potato '(He) is my child.' 3N8. ?inak tu ?uva?ab. child Gen/I 'I came to your place.' su?uan. BN9. muhaan-ak AF-come Nom/I Loc/you !' 2.8 Paiwan There is personal and non-personal distinction in Paiwan nouns (Ogawa and Asai 1935:137, Ho 1978). a Genitive na, nua ti ni ti-a ni-a Nominative Common: Personal sg. Personal pl. Oblique ta, tua tjay tjay-a ,ocative of personal pronouns: sets different four are There and only the locative, and nominative, genitive, accusative and short forms (Ogawa and long nominative and genitive have both Asai 1935:138, Ho 1978): lsg 2sg 3sg lino lexc 2p1 3p1 Nominative Short Long -akan tiakan -sun tisun timadju -itjan titjan -aman tiaman -mun timun tiamadju Genitive Long niakan nisun nimadju nitjan niaman nimun niamadju Accusative Short kusutjanianu- tjanuakan tjanusun tjamadju tjanuitjan tjanuaman tjanumun tjaiamadju Locative tjitjanuakan tjitjanusun tjimadju tjitjanuitjan tjinuaman tjitjanumun tjiamadju 2.9 Puyuma There are two major dialects of Puyuma, Nanwang and the others, including Katipul, Tamalakaw, Rikavong, etc. Nanwang is more conservative ir retaining the voiced stops, which have all changed to fricatives in the other dialects. It is assumed that Nanwang may also be more conservative in syntax. In fact, both dialect groups have the same or similar case mirkers for nouns; see Cauqelin (1991) for Nanwang and Tsuchida (1980) for Tamalakaw. Puyuma is a VOS type of language. It distinguishes between common noun and personal noun. It has four sets of case: nominative, genitive/agentive, oblique and locative. Common specific unspecific Personal singular plural Nominative Oblique Genitive/Agentive Locative kana kana na a Da Da kan kana i na -282- 293 'The baby cried.' P1. maTaqis na manudal). Nom baby cry 'I like children.' Da walak. P2. sagar ku like Nom/I Obl child 'Mother returned home' ina. i la P3a. muruma? already sg Mom return 'Mother and others returned home. ' na ina. la b. muruma? returen already pl Mom tina-taw iDina walak. kan P4. tu baray-ay Da walu give RF Obl candy Pers sg Mom his this child 'This child was given some candy by his mother.' walak iDina bu?il. kana P5. tu kan-aw eat PF Gen-Com-sp child this taro 'This taro was eaten by a child.' walak. a makan kana radis P6. na Nom-nonsp child Nom-sp eat Obl peanut 'The one who ate peanuts was a child.' P7. nanu ruma? i puyuma. (Caucielin 1991) your house Loc 'Your house is at Puyuma.' Personal Pronouns in Puyuma lsg 2sg 3 linc 1exc 2p1 Nominative Short Long -ku kuyku -yu yuyu taytaw ---ta tayta -mi mimi -mu muymu Genitive Short Long nal)ku nanau nantu nanata naniam nanmu -11 (Cauqelin 1991) Accusative Agenitive kal)ku -ku -nu -tu -ta -niam -mu kanu kantaw kanta kaniam kanmu -taw Given below are examples to illustrate some personal pronouns is sentences: la ? yu P8. makan AF-eat Nom/you already kaniam. mu P9. mana?u Nom/you(p1) Acc/us(exc) see kanta. P10. taytaw mana?u Acclus(inc) see he 'I was P11, saLTa?-ay kuyku. RF Nom/I slap 'Have you(sg) eaten already ?' 'You(p1) saw us(exc).' 'He saw us(inc).' slapped on the face by someone.' 2.10 Amis Amis distinguishes between common noun and personal noun. It has four different sets of case markers: nominative, genitive, accusative and locative. Amis has a variety of dialects. The most conservative dialect is Sakizaya, which retains more archaic phonological and lexical -283- 294 features than the other dialects. Unfortunately I have no data for its grammar. This study is based on the central dialect, which is most widely used among all the Amis. Common: Personal: Nominative ko Genitive no ci Accusative to ni Locative i ci...-an Ml. t-om-gic ko wawa i lumaq. 'The child cried at home.' AF- cry Nom child Loc house M2. mi-palo ko mama to wawa. 'The father hit a child.' AF-hit Nom father Acc child M3. palo?-an no mama ko foI)oh no wawa. hit PF Gen father Nom head Gen child 'Father hit the child's head.' M4. mi-cahiw ci raraq ci tafiq-an. 'Raraq persecuted Tefiq.' AF-persecute Nom Acc M5. patay-an no ina ko fafoy to cahiw. kill PF Gen Mom Nom pig Acc hunger 'The pig was starved to death by a mother.' M6. patay-an ni raraq ci tafiq. 'Tefiq was killed by Raraq.' kill PF Gen Nom Regardless of the variant word order VSO-VOS in the surface structure, the Agent always precedes the Patient. Personal Pronouns in Amis Nominative lsg 2sg 3sg lino lexc 2p1 3p1 Genitive Accusative I II kita kami kamu mako miso nira mita niam namu callra ngra -ako -iso --ita? -ami -amu -- kako kiso cil)ra takoanan tisoanan ciflra?an(an) tita?anan tamianan tamoanan cgra?an(an) M7. palo?-an-ako ko wawa?-ako. 'My child was hit by me.' hit-PF Gen/I Nom child Gen/I M8. ci raraw ko mi-palo?-ay, ca?ay-ay kako. Pers name Nom hit NM not NM Nom/I 'It is Raraq who hit (him), not me.' M9. ma-tawa ko tamdaw takoanan. 'The person laughed at me.' laugh Nom person Acc/me 2.11 Pazeh, Kavalan, Thao and Saisiyat I (Li 1978) described the case-marking systems of the four less known Formosan languages (Pazeh, Kavalan, Thao and Saisiyat) in some details. Readers are referred to the paper for their case markers for nouns and pronouns and their examples in sentenceE. -284- 296 Here I shall briefly cite only the case markers on nouns for the convenience of a geneial comparison. Pazeh has the following four sets of case markers for noun: Nominative marker Accusative marker, coordinate marker ni, nu Genitive markers di Locative marker ki u Kavalan,has the following case markers: Nominative for a common noun Nominative for personal tu Accusative for general and non-human ta Accusative for human na Genitive for common noun ni Genitive for personal ta-...an Locative a(wa,ya) ti Thao has.the following case markers: na Nominative for a common noun ti Nominative for a personal including kinship terms Nominative or accusative for general s(a) tu Accusative ji Locative Saisiyat has the following case markers: Accusative Genitive for common noun ni Genitive for personal name no Genitive for nonpersonal proper noun, also Benefactive ray Locative or directional for common noun kah Directional marker for personal name ka noka 3. Summary and Discussion Some Formosan languages distinguish between the common noun and the personal noun like the Philippine languages, whereas the others do not. Such a distinction is made in Atayal (Mayrinax), Rukai (Tanan, Maga, Tona), Paiwan, Puyuma, Amis, Kavalan, Thao and Saisiyat. The distinction is not made or found in Seediq, Tsou, Kanakanavu, Saaroa, Rukai(Budai, Mantauran), Bunun or Pazeh. The distinction seems to have existed at an earlier stage but lost in some modern languages and dialects, including the Squliq dialect of Atayal, Seediq, the Budai and Mantauran dialects of Rukai. However, there is no evidence that such a distinction ever existed in the Proto-Tsouic language. The Tsouic lwiguages differ from most other Formosan languages, the Atayalic ana the so-called "Paiwanic", in this respect. -285- The case markers in most of the languages have relatively simple systems. Only two of them have more elaborate systems, i.e. the Mayrinax dialect of Atayal and Puyuma. Have these two languages developed elaborate systems of case markers on their own, or have the others simplified their systems ? This requiress further study. All Formosan languages have fairly elaborate pronominal systems, and most have three or more different sets of pronouns: nominative, genitive, accusative and/or locative. The pronominal systems are in general more complicated than those of case markers for nouns in these languages. Moreover, most of the languages have developed the short forms of personal pronouns. Thus they have both long (free) and short (bound) forms for one or more sets. Only a few have not, including Saisiyat and Thao, and these languages are more conservative in this respect. The other extreme in the development of personal pronouns is that a language, such as the Mantauran dialect of Rukai, has only bound forms, and no free forms. Such a language has undergone one of the most drastic syntactic changes. By comparing the different case markers in Formosan languages, we can get a better picture of how they differ from each other in the evolution of their case-marking systems. List of Abbreviations Acc AF Agt Aux Ben Accusative Agent-focus Agent Auxiliary verlBP"-- or denefactive-focus Dat Dative exc exclusive Gen Genitive gener general inc inclusive Ins Instrument inv invisible LF Locative-focus Loc Locative NM Nominalization Nom. Nominative Obl Oblique Perf Perfective Pers Personal PF Patient-focus P1 Plural Reduplication RF Referential-focus Sg singular spec spedific Top Topic Vi intransive Vt transitive -286- LI I References Caugelin, Josiane The Puyuma language. Bildragen tot Taal- Land- en 1991 Volkenkunde 147:17-60. Chang, Hsiu-chun Causative constructions in Paiwan. M.A. thesis, Institute 1992 of Linguistics, National Tsing Hua University. Chen, Teresa M. Verbal construction and Verbal classification in Nataoran 1987 -Amis. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Hawaii. Pacific Linguistic C-85, pp.297. Comrie, Bernard Language Universals and Linguistic Typology. 1989 Edition. The University of Chicago Press. Second Egerod, SOren Verb inflexion in Atayal. Lingua 15:251-282, Amsterdam. 1965 Word order and word classes in Atayal. Language 42:3461966 369. 1993 The grammatical particles in Atayal. In Oyvind Dahl, ed., Language-- A Doorway between Human Cultures, Tributes to Dr. Otto Chr. Dahl on His 90th Birthday, 184-200. Oslo: Novus Press. Egli, Hans Paiwangrammatik. Otto Harrassowitz. Wiesbaden. pp.349. 1990 Ferrell, Raleigh Formosan of and subgrouping markers 1979a Construction languages. Southeast Asian Linguistic Studies 3:199-211, ed. by Nguyen Dang Liem. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics, 1979b C-45. Phonological subgrouping of Formosan languages. In Paz B. Naylor ed., Austronesian Studies: Papers from the Second Eastern Conference on Austronesian Languages, 241-254. Ann Arbor: Michigan Papers on South and Southeast Asia, Center for Scuth and Southeast Asian Studies, University of Michigan, No.15. Greenberg, Joseph H. ed. Universals of Language. Second Edition. The M.I.T. Press. 1966 Ho, Arene Yami structure: A descriptive study of the Yami language. 1990 Tsing Hua Linguistics, of Institute thesis, M.A. University, March 1990, pp.146. Hsinchu, Taiwan. Transitivity, focus, case and the auxiliary verb systems 1991 in Yami. BIHP 62.1:83-147. -287- 0(4,4 Ativ Huang, Lillian 1989 The pronominal system in Atayal. Studies in English Literature and Linguistics 17:37-50. 1993 A study of Atayal syntax, pp.150. Taipei: The Crane Publishing Co. Jeng, Heng-hsiung 1977 Topic and Focus in Bunun. Institute of History & Philology, Academia Sinica, Special Publication, No.72, pp.9+304. Li, Paul Jen-kuei 1973 Rukai Structure. Taipei: Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica, Special Publications No.64, pp.11+350+6. 1975 Rukai Texts. Taipei: Institute of History & Philology, Academia Sinica, Special Publication No.64.2. 1977 The internal relationships of Rukai. BIHP 48.1:1-92. 1978 The case-marking systems of the four less known Formosan languages. Proceedings of the Second International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics, Fascicle 1. Pacific Linguistics C-61:569-615. Canberra: Australian National University. 1994 The Formosan Languages in Kaoshiung. Kaoshiung Monograph Series (in press). Lin, ching-Jung 1992 The Paiwan Imperative. Unpublished M.A. thesis, Institute of Linguistics, National Tsing Hua University. Mei, Kuang 1982 Pronouns and verb inflection in Kanakanavu. Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies, New Series 14:207-232. Ogawa, Naoyoshi and Asai, Erin 1935 The Myths and Traditions of the Formosan Native Tribes. Taihoku Imperial University. Raw, Der-hwa 1992 A Grammar of Atayal, pp.283. Ph.D. dissertation, Cornell University. Taipei: The Crane Publishing Co. Ross, Malcolm 1994 Reconstructing Proto-Austronesian verbal morphology: evidence from Taiwan. Austronesian Studies Relating to Taiwan (in press). Starosta, Stanley 1974 Causative verbs in Formosan languages. Oceanic Linguistics 13:279-369. 1985 Verbal inflection versus deverbal nominalization in PAN: The evidence from Tsou. In Andrew Pawley and Lois -288- 2 Carringtion, eds. Austronesian Linguistics at the 15th Pacific Science congress. 281-312. Pacific Linguistics, C-88. 1988 1991 A grammatical typology of Formosan languages. BIHP 59.2: 541-576. Ergativity, transitivity, and clitic coreference in four western Austronesian languages. Paper presented to 6ICAL. Tsuchida, Shigeru 1976 Reconstruction of Proto-Tsouic Phonology. Tokyo: Study of Languages & Cultures of Asia & Africa, Monograph Series No.5. 1980 Puyuma (Tamalakaw dialect) vocabulary, with grammatical notes and texts (in Japanese). The Peoples, Cultures and Languages of the Black Currents, 183-307. Ye, Mei-li 1991 Saisiyat structure. Unpublished M.A. thesis, Institute of Linguistics, National Tsing Hua University. Zeitoun, Elizabeth 1992 A syntactic and semantic account of Tsou focus system. M.A. thesis, National Tsing Hua University. 1993 A semantic study of Tsou case markers. BIHP 64.4:969-989. 1994 A comparative study of Maga, Tona and Mantauran. Paper presented at the Conference on the Formosan Native Languages, Taipei, May. 20-22, 1994. -289- AFTER BEING REFUSED: RESPONSE TO FACE-THREATEN1NG SPEECII ACTS Chao-chih Liao Feng Chia University, Taichung Taiwan Abstract This is a sociolinguistic study, researching how Chinese people in Taiwan react or redress in Mandarin Chinese to save face (for 'self' and/or for 'other') after they are refused. The post-refusal reaction includes the reaction after the refuser's rejection to requests, invitations, offers, and suggestions. Twenty-three strategies are concluded in the post-refusal speech acts. The twenty-three first-order strategies are further summarized in five second-order super-strategies or maxims. The highest-order principle in the speech act is politeness and/or face-saving theory. The strategies of the' post-refusal speech acts include 1) silence, 2) changing the topic, 3) counter-rationale, trying to persuade the refuser, for example, promising early retribution, 4) complying with the refuser, 5) external yes, internal no, 6) saying thank you 7) criticism, 8) threat, 9) reprimand, 10) offering self an alternative, 11) modifying one's request, for example, reducing the amount of borrowing, 12) asking the refuser to find an alternative, 13) explanation of the justification of the request, 14) postponement, ..5) giving a lesson, 16) repeating the request, 17) comforting the refuser and/or self, 18) showing surprise, 19) asking for explanation, 20) showing disappointment, and/or regret, 21) a composite strategy, 22) topic-closing expressions, and 23) joking. The methods used in summarizing post-refusal speech acts into twenty-three strategies include the intuition of the researcher as a native Mandarin speaker in Taiwan, participant observations, and role playing by undergraduates to fill in the 12 DCT items devised by Takahashi et al. (1986), which were modified and translated into Mandarin Chinese by the researcher. Takahashi et al. originally devised the 12 DCT items for subjects to fill in words of rejection with the known parts of the requester's request and the requester's post-refusal expressions. My subjects are given Takahashi et al.'s twelve situations and the requester's request. They are asked to make up the conversation in which the interactant refuses and the following post-refusal speech until the dialogue comes to a natural end. The factors influencing post-refusal speech acts include the property of the request (or rank of imposition in Brown and Levinson's (1987) term), the interactants' relative social status, the familiarity or social distance of the interactants involved, the sex of the interactants, the way one is refused, the age of the interactants and each individual's speech habits. For example, if the refuser is of higher status, the refusee may simply say THANK YOU after being refused. If the refuser is a close friend, the refusee may react by reprimanding, giving a lesson to the refuser, complaining or appealing to feelings, threat, and so on. The post-refusal speech acts are also affected by the way one is refused. For instance, if the refuser refuses by offering an alternative, the refusee may respond with the explanation of the impossibility of the alternative, or saying s/he will try to follow the refuser's suggestion of the alternative. Besides the revised data from Takahshi et al. to be used for this study, we also devised six role-play situations for students to fill in the words they would say after they are refused. For most situations, there are 100 subjects, 50 males and 50 females, participating in the tasks. There are 596 subjects participating in the study. After collecting the data, three statistical methods--factor analysis, Student's t-test, and the Chi-square test for homogeneiiyare used to analyze. :hem. The factor analysis and Student's t-test are for testing whether males and females belong to the same culture within the macro-Chinese culture. The statistical methods -290- ral r prove they are from different micro-cultures, which seems to explain why females are different from males in reaction to refusal. The Chi-square test is for testing the homogeneity of two sexes in the strategy use and whether they (both males and females) use the same strategy to refuse the family member, a close friend, and an acquaintance. 1. Introduction Gass and Houck (1993: 1) point out that 'refusals are a highly complex act primarily because they often involve lengthy negotiations to accommodate the noncompliant nature of the speech act. Because refusals normally function as responses, they preclude extensive planning on the part of the refuser. That is, they are played out events, rather than instances characterized by a brief exchange or single utterance.... A refusal...without some kind of elaboration or follow-up can have severe social consequences.' Why are refusal-sequences complex? Primarily because they are related to face. 'Face is something that can be lost, maintained, or enhanced, and any threat to face must be continually monitored during an interaction. And, since face is so vulnerable, and since most participants will defend their face if threatened, the assumption is made that it is generally in everyone's best interest to maintain self's and each other's face and to act in such ways that others are made aware that this is one's intention (Fraser, 1990: 229).' What makes acceptance-refusal-sequences more complex is that Chinese people in Taiwan may say 'no' to mean 'yes', or vice versa. Sometimes after the acceptance-refusal negotiations, the inviter or the requester might still be at a loss as to what the invitee or the requestee's real intention is (Lii-Shih, 1994). In Liao (1994), I talked about refusal phenomena in Mandarin Chinese. In this short article, I will discuss how the requester (s/he is also the refusee) and the requestee (also the refuser) redress or defend their own face in the post-refusal phase. Since refusal events are FTAs (face-threatening acts), after FTAs there should be some re- dressive speech acts to compensate the face lost for the requester and/or the refuser. In Mandarin Chinese we call it xia-tai-jie (' stepping-down the stage'). The purposes of the study are three: to summarize post-refusal speech acts into 23 strategies based on relevant Mandarin Chinese data, to propose the politeness maxims of the post-refusal speech act strategies, and to compare the females and males in the strategy use of post-refusal speech act. Of course, the examples in Mandarin Chinese offer MFL/MSL learners (learners of Mandarin as a Foreign/Second Language) the exact words native speakers use as refusing and post-refusal expressions'. 2. Literature Review Liao (1994) indicates there are two kinds of request: one is the request to help, offer, suggest, and invite in favor of the addressee (an FSA request, a face-satisfying act)2; the other kind is the request of the addressee's time and money in favor of the requester (an FTA request--the narrow meaning of request). The pre-requisite of the FSA request is that if the requester does not request, the responder does not ask for the requester's help, offering, suggestion, or invitation; and the pre-requisite of the FTA request is that if the requester does not request, the responder would not do it. For addressee-beneficial FSA-requests, the responder, especially in Oriental countries, such as Taiwan and Japan, must learn the art of acceptance by first refusing. After s/he finds that the requester is really sincere, s/he accepts but asks the FSA givers not to spend a lot of time or money on it. For FTA-requests, one also has to learn the art of refusing as well as the art of the post-refusal speech act because face is a universal concept to be maintained by all human beings. Making a request may be an FTA, rejecting a request is surely an FTA. (Liishih, 1986; Brown and Levinson, 1987; Liao, 1994). Making a request, in its narrow meaning, violates H's 'face want' of being unimpeded and rejecting a request violates -291- 302 H's face want of being accepted. A second difference between the two kinds of FTAs is that to make a request, the requester can prqpare how to utter it for a long time, consulting others, writing a draft on what to say to reduce t:ie effect of an FTA. S/he can prepare what and how to respond if being refused or accepted. However, refusal is a response to S's request, the refuser must act in an impromptu way. The impromptu way of refusing is also greatly affected by the personality of the refuser and the way the request is made. The post-refusal speech act may be an FTA or an FSA. If the refusee complied with the refuser immediately, it is an FSA for the refuser. If the refusee offers counter-rationale, asks the refuser to find an alternative, asks for explanation, threatens, etc. then, it is an FTA for the refuser. The post-refusal speech act on the part of the requestee (also the refuser) can seldom be prepared. In this article, I deal with FSA and FTA request together. In later studies, I will deal with themoffer, suggestion, invitation, request, etc.--individually. Women's language has been speculated to be different from men's (Jespersen, 1922; Lakoff, 1975). It is generally agreed that boys and girls have been treated and interpreted differently shortly after they were born, for example, infant's cry is interpreted as anger when listeners are told the baby is a boy, and as fear when they are told it is a girl (Condry and Condry, 1976). It is generally agreed that boys and girls grow up mainly in interaction with people of the same sex; therefore, boys and girls gradually develop their ctwn way of speaking. When women speak, they intend to create rapport and when men speak they intend to assert or resist control and the speech strategies may thus vary by sex (Kramarae, 1981). Different micro-cultures of boys and girls result in different speech strategies and purposes. In this study, we will prove that men and women are different in post-refusal speech strategies. 2.1 Language Specific vs Language Universal Little study has been done concerning the post-refusal speech act, with the exception of indirect data used in refusal studies, such as Takahashi et al. (1986) and Liao (1994), in which DCT items of the request and the post-refusal speech are given to the subjects to fill in the refusal words. One of Takahashi et al.'s findings about the difference between Japanese and American ways of refusal is that the Japanese are more status sensitive than the American--this is a well-known fact about the Western and Eastern societies. The Japanese seems to use expressions of regret more frequently with higher-status interlocutors, but less frequently with lower-status interlocutors. In this post-refusal speech act study, I would like to contend that in Taiwan, people use more of the strategy of 'saying thank you' with the higher-status refuser than with the lower-status refuser. The comparative study of four cultures--American, Taiwanese, Singaporean, and Japanese--in four areas concerning post-refusal speech act is under way by Bresnahan, Liao, Kuo and Takashima. 3. The Study Based on the researcher's intuition as a native speaker of Mandarin Chinese in Taiwan, participant observations, and role-played conversations written by adult native speakers, twenty-three post-refusal speech act strategies are firstly obtained (Section 3 . 1)3. Then, two quantifiable sub-studies were devised. Sub-study 1 is the translation into Mandarin Chinese and modification of Takahashi et al's 12 DCT items--so th.at only the first utterances of the requester's request, offer, invitation, and suggestion are left--for the native Mandarin speakers in Taiwan to make up the conversation in which the interactant refuses and the following post-refusal conversation until the dialogue comes to a natural end. Takahashi et al.'s original items are for subjects to fill in words of rejection with the known parts of the requester's request and the requester's post-refusal reaction. My subjects were only given Takahashi et al.'s twelve situations and the requester's request without the -292- 3G3 requester's post-refusal reaction. To make things easier, unlike Sub-study I, Sub-study II concentrates on FTA requests only. It is divided into three parts. Tne first part is for subjects to fill in what they say in refusing a request, which will be discussed in the joint publication of Bresnahan, Liao, Kuo, and Takashima. The second part consists of eleven questions for males and females to make judgement about their own features, which f'orm the basis of the argument that males and females come from different micro-cultures within the same Chinese macro-culture (see Section 5). The third part is the questionnaire for filling out post-refusal speech after being refused of six FTA requests, which will be discussed in Section 5.1. 3.1 The twenty-three post-refusal speech act strategies Before talking about the twenty-three post-refusal speech act strategies, one thing must be made clear. There are many strategies which are similar, for example, Strategy 3 'Counter-rationale', Strategy I 1 'Modifying one's request', Strategy 13 'Explanation of the justification of the request', and Strategy 16 'Repeating one's request'. To make the difference between Strategy 3 and Strategy 16, we call it Strategy 16 if the refusee does not present more reasons, but only add the word zhende 'really' (For example, if being refl. :d of salary raising, the worker repeats the request by saying, "Dashi wo zhende xuyao jiaxin (But I really need add-salary) 'But I really need the raise of the salary.',") to the originally request. If the refusee offers more reasons and refutes the explanation of the refuser, then it is Strategy 3. If the refusee tries to &ive objective facts to justify the request, it is Strategy 13. If the content of the request is changed, then it is Strategy 11. The strategy of reprimand and that of giving the refuser a lesson may be ambiguous too. If the high-status refusee gives a lesson to the low-status refuser, the latter may treat it as reprimand, and the high-status treats it a lesson. I. Silence and/or going away As a participant observer, I grasped the following request-refusing negotiation in the library. (At the copyer in the library at 1:45) Student Al: Qing wen ni hai yao yin ji ye? Please ask you still want copy how-many pages? 'How many pages do you still have to copy?' Student B1: San-shi dwo ye. thirty more pages. 'Over thirty pages.' Student A,: Rang wo man yin hao-ma? Wo zhi yao yin san ye. Let me first copy OK PRT? I only want copy three pages. 'Can you let me copy first, because I have only three pages to copy.' Student B,: Wo zai gan shi-jian. Wo liang-dian you shi. I am hurry time. I two-o'clock have things. 'I am in a hurry; I must do soinething else at two o'clock.' Student A3: Ke-shi wo zhi-you san-ye, er-qie wo yi-jing zhao hao le. But I only have three pages, besides I already find OK PRT. 'But I only have three pages to copy; besides I have BEST COPY AVAILALILL. -293- 304 found the pages to copy.' Student B3: (Keep silent, neglecting A's request, and continue copying) In the above conversation, A1 is a pre-request question, in which A tries to justify her request'. A, is the request followed by 131, in which B explains why she cannot agree to A's request. Then A3 is the use of-the strategy of 'repeating the request' (Strategy 16 in this study) in another expression. B3 uses the strategy of 'silence' as post-refusal speech act which confirms her intention as refusal. Afte- being refused by a high-status individual, if the refuser uses the strategy of topic-closing expression, for example, he says, "Xiaban hou zai taolun ruhe jiejue, xian hwei ganwei ba! (Off-duty after gain discuss how solve, first return position PRT!) 'Let's talk about it after duty. Now you P.. back to your job.'," the ref'usee will have no choice but keep sile/nt and leave. It is also possible that after the high-status refuser explains the reason for refusal, then the requestee goes away immediately to avoid more counter-rationale from the low-status. 2. Changing the topic In one of the examples mentioned above, .,qer refusing the worker's request for salary raising by a postponement strategy and the worker's insistence on knowing the answer right away, the boss confirms his refusal intention by saying, 'Let's talk about it after duty. Now you go back to your job," which is a composite strategy of first postponement and then changing the topic. After being refused by the low-status worker to work overtime with the strategy of explanation that he must take his child to see a doctor after work, the boss changes his topic by saying, "Bing de yan-bu-yan-zhong? (Sick PRT serious-not-serious?) 'Is your child seriously sick?'," to show his concern of the worker's family, which also implies that the boss has co,nplied with the refuser--the worker. It seems that if the refuser uses the strategy of explanation which is conventionally worth congratulating or consoling, the refusee will surely change the topic to congratulate or console the refuser, which also implies that the refusee has complied with the refuser. Another example given by one informant is that on hearing the refuser say that he has to rush back home because his wife has had a baby, the refusee first shows his surprise and then changes the topic: Zhen buqiao! Gongxi ni dang baba le. (Really not coincidence! Congratulations you as father PRT.) 'What a coincidence! Congratulations on your being a father.' 3. Counter-rationale, trying to persuade the refuser In one realistic conversation made up by an informant for the request of a lowstatus worker for salary raising which was refused by the high-status boss, the boss used the strategy of postponement, "I am very busy now. Let's talk about it later." As the post-refusal reaction, the worker says, 'Wo xianzai jiou yao zhidao (I now want know) 'I want to know the answer now,' which is a counter-rationale. Then the boss insisted on talking about it later by saying, "Wo shwo deng yi-xia. Wo xianzai yao qu song shu le. Hao hao kan dian (I say wait a moment. I now want to send books. Good take-care-of store) 'I said, "Let's talk about it later," I must send the books out. You, take good care of the store.' ." When refused by the status-equal to lend classnotes because the refuser also has to prepare for the test, the refusee often uses the strategy to persuade the refuser, "Xianzai xian jie wo yixia ma! Yingyin hwei-lai jiou hwan ni (Now first lend me one-minute PRT! Copy come back then return you.) 'Lend me for just one minute. I will return you after copying it.' ." The copying machine is so popular that the refusee often utters so as counter-rationale for similar cases. 4. Complying with the refuser After being refused by the high-status boss against salary-raising by a strategy of -294- 305 offering an alternative of a good year-end bonus, the worker says, "Xiwan niandi neng gankwai dao (Hope year-end can quickly come) 'I hope it will soon be the end of the year.'," which is the compliance with the refuser. When the high-status boss wanted to invite the top-managers and their wives, most informants have managers tell the boss the specific reasons for being unable to accept the acceptance. Owing to the adequacy of reasons, most informants make the boss comply with the refuser (refer to Table 2). If the reasons given are vague, most informants make the boss ask for explanation (Strategy 19). 5. External yes, internal no (Unwilling compliance) One informant, in giving the conversation for the request of salary raising, made the worker say, "Hao ba! Na ye zhiyou zheyang (OK PRT. Then too only thus.) 'OK, it's the only way.'," in response to the high-status boss!s postponement strategy, "....When the profit of the coiiipany has returned to its original rate, I will make adjustment on your salary." Then the informant put in the parentheses that the worker does not think the boss will be willing to raise his salary, which shows that the compliance with the refuser is only on the face value of the words. Strategy 4 and Strategy 5 are different in the speaker's mind only; they are the same on the surface value of the speech. 6. Saying 'thank you' In response to the explanation strategy of the boss for the impossibility of salary raising for the time being and his promise of future conformity, one informant made the worker say, "Xiexie ni, laoban. Wo zhidao ni juedwei buhwei kweidai wo (Thank you, boss. I know you absolutely not maltreat me.) 'Thank you, boss. I know you will not maltreat me.', the THANK YOU of which means 'complying with the refuser'5. After being refused by the status-equal classmate to lend his classnotes by giving the requester a lesson, "I know you are always busy. I have helped you many times. However, this time, I think that you cannot enjoy the crop which you have not planted, Ni buke laoshi zwo-xiang-qi-cheng (You cannot always sit enjoy its accomplishment)," the refusee used the composite strategy of first showing regret, then saying 'I'll be grateful to you' and then repeating the request: "Wo xiaci buhwei le. Wo yihou hwei hao hao xie ni de. Keshi mingtian jiouyao kaoshi le ye! (I next time not-can PRT. I later will good good thank you PRT. But tomorrow will-be test PRT PRT.) 'I won't (do the same thing) next time. I will be grateful to you. But it will be test tomorrow. Please.'" When the host refuses the cleaning lady's offer of compensating for the broken vase, by the strategy of a philosophical statement of swei swei ping-an (smash smash safe) 'May you have a safe and happy year' and then say specifically that it is not necessary to reimburse, the cleaning lady may say, "Xie-xie ni, lao-ban (Thank you, boss) 'Thank you, sin'," and followed by a promise of working harder and more carefully in the future. 7. Criticism This rarely happens; only three out of the total of 576 request-refusal-postrefusal sequences used the strategy in Sub-study I, the post-refusal utterances to the twelve situations. However, as a participant observer, I obtained the post-refusal speech act of an ill-mannered saleslady who used the strategy of criticism after she failed in several attempts to sell clothing to the same lady, when the customer is about to leave, by saying, "(Nide) shencai name cha, hai name tiao ((Your) figure so bad, still so selective) 'Even you, whose figure is so bad, are so stringent in selection.'," which is very a rude manners toward and will intimidate customers. 8. Threat In Takahashi et al.'s article, after being refused by the high-status boss against the raise of salary, the low-status worker is made to use the strategy of threat, Then I guess I'll have to look pr another job. For the same situation, one i nformant made the worker end the conversation by saying, "Hao ba! Jiran zheyang, jiou swan Ie. Yihou -295- 306 ni jiou zhidao you theme hougwo (OK PRT! Since so, then over PRT. Later you then know have what consequence) 'Since it is so, then 1 won't talk about it any longer. You will know what the consequence is later.'," which is a threat without being uttered specifically. The former part of this post-refusal speech act is a topic-closino expression, and the latter a threat. Therefore, stricily speaking, it is a compositte strategy (Strategy 21). 9. Reprimand When being refused by a low-status worker to work overtime for 1 or 2 hours, the boss used the strategy by commenting, "Ni zongshi dwei jiaban you ruci dwo de buyan yu giaohe. (You always to overtime have so many POSS reluctance and coincidence) 'You always have other things to do and are always reluctant to work overtime.'" For the same situation, when the low-status worker explained that he has other things to do so that he cannot work overtime, another of our informants made the boss use the strategy of reprimand by saying, "Shone shi? Twei diao ta. (What thing? Cancel it) 'What thing is so important? Cancel it." In the boss's idea workers must put the company jobs as the first priority; he cannot tolerate this kind of excuse for not being able to work overtime. 10. Offering self an alternative After being refused by a high-status boss with the strategy of explanation of the present low profit of the company, one informant has the worker give himself an alternative, "Jirun ruci, wo zhihao lingwai xiang banfa le (Since so, I only another think method PRT) !Since things are like this, I can only find some other methods (to earn more money).'," the alternative of which is very vague. 11. Modifying one's request When being refused by a low-status worker to work overtime for or 2 hours (when a boss says 1 or 2 hours, most people in Taiwan think it should be almost 2 hours or more than 2 hours), one boss modifies his request by saying, "Buran jia yi xiaoshijiou hao. (If not, add one-hour then OK) 'How about working overtime for only 1 hour?'" After a refusal to attend a party at a status-equal's house by the excuse that the refuser will meet a friend that evening, the host may modify his invitation, "Yao nide peng-you yigi lai ma! (Invite your friend together come PRT) 'How about inviting your friends to come, too?'" 12. Asking the refuser to find an alternative When the boss gives the low-status worker the suggestion of writing reminders on a small piece of paper and is refused by the latter by the strategy of explanation that the worker tried it without success, the boss uses the strategy by saying, "Name xiwang ni nenggou xunzhao yige shihe ziji de fangfa (Then hope you can find an appropriate self POSS method) 'Then I hope you can find a method suitable for yourself. ," in which the refusee asks the refuser to find an alternative for the refuser himself, not for the refused, because suggestion is supposed to be beneficial to the addressee. 1 Another example, an FTA request--beneficial to the requester, is shown as follows, which is a realistic conversation I got from participant observation. Similar kinds of conversation can often be heard, but are not made up by the native language informants for the 12 DCT items mentioned as Sub-study I of this study. Teacher: Yifan, ni ba zhexie ziliao tongji chulai. Yifan, you BA these data calculate out-come. 'Yifan, I want you to use your statistics knowledge to make the data (the teacher's data) meaningful.' Student: Laoshi, wo zheng wang zhe xie lunwen, mingnian zai zwo, hao ma? Teacher, I now busy CONT-PRT write dissertation, next year again do, OK Q-PRT? 'Ma'am, I am busy with my dissertation. Can I do it for you next -296- 30/ year?' Teacher: Na ni tweijian yige lai bang wo zwo. Then you recommend one come help me do. 'Then, you recommend one person to help me with the statistics.' In this conversation, the refusee (the teacher) asks the refuser to find an alternative for her. 13. Explanation of the justification of the request/suggestion After being refused by a high-status boss with the strategy of explanation of the poor profit for the whole company plus the strategy of postponement, a worker may respond by saying, "Wo yi-jia dwo kao zhe-fen xin-shwei gwo hwo, ni jiou gei we jia xin ba (My whole-family all depend-on this salary to live, you therefore give me more salary PRT) 'All my family depend on the salary; please give me raise of salary.'," which is an explanation of the justification of the request without refuting the boss' reasoning. After being refused by a status-equal classmate with the strategy of explanation that his classnotes have just been borrowed if the requester came earlier, he would be able to borrow it, the refusee used this strategy by saying, "Name nawei tongxue heshi hwei han ni? Wojixu yong ta lai jiou tning. (Then that classmate when will return you? I urgently-need use it come save life) 'When will the borrower return you the classnotes? I desperately need it to save me.'" The latter part of the refusee speech is the explanation of the justification of the request. 14. Postponement After being refused by the boss, the boss with the same composite strategy of explanation (of the poor profit for the company) plus postponement (promise of salary- raising in the future) as in a previous paragraph, a worker may also explain the necessity of the immediate raise of salary plus asking the boss to re-consider about it and to postpone giving-a definite reply, "Keshi lao-ban, wo zhende xuyao dwo yi-dian de xin-shwei, jiali feichang xuyao, ke fo ging lao-ban zai kaolu yifan? (But Boss, I really need more a-little POSS salary, home very need, whether or not please Boss again consider'?) 'But Sir, I really need a little more salary because of the family condition. May I ask you to re-consider it?'." Besides asking for the postponement in answer as shown in the last paragraph, here is another example: After being refused by a status equal to lend his classnotes by a strategy of a lie, saying, "Keshi wode biji hai mei zhengli hao (But my classnotes yet not organized well) 'But I have not made the classnotes well organized.'," the refusee used the strategy of postponement, asking the refuser to lend it to him when it is well written. " 15. Giving a lesson After being refused to take his advice of keeping reminders on a small piece of paper by the low-status worker with the strategy of explanation, "Xie zhitiao de fangshi shi hen buzwo. Danshi wo liatt xiao zhitiao dwo hwei lwan diou, soyi you xie gen meixie yiyang. (Writing paper-slip POSS method is very not-bad. But I even small paperslip all can disorder drop, therefore have write with not-write the-same.) 'It is a good idea. But I even cannot find the reminding slip. Therefore, writing or not writing are the same.'," the boss gives the low-status refuser a lesson, "Na ni shizai shi tai lan-san le. Yiao hao hao gaijin nide gexing. (Then you really is too lazy PRT. Should good good improve your personality.) 'You are really very lazy. I hope that you can change the bad habit.'" When the househost refuses the offer of the cleaning lady to compensate for the broken vase, the cleaning lady may show her gratitude to the broad-mindness of the host and then give herself a lesson by saying, "Wo yi-hou hwei xiao-xin gong-zwo. (I later will carefully work) 'I will work more carefully.'" 16. Repeating the request -297- 308 After the high-status boss refuses to raise the salary by the strategy of postponement, the worker may repeat the request by saying,. "Dashi wo zhende xuyao jiaxin (But I really need add-salary) 'But I really need the raise of the salary.'," which is the repetition of the.request without giving more reasons. Repetition of a request stands for emphasis of the original message, not a null. 17. Comforting the refuser ar.o!or self When the refuser refused tu lend a motorcycle for the refusee to go out on a holiday, the refusee may use the strategy to comfort the refuser, "Mei gwanxi! Wo ling xiang banfa (Not matter! I another think method.) 'It does not matter! I will think of an alternative.'," which is to ease the uneasiness of the refuser because doing the FTA of rejecting may not only cause uncomfortable feelings in the refusee, but also cause the same feelings in the refuser, too. 18. Showing surprise After being refused by a status-equal classmate by the explanation that she fell asleep in the class so that only the beginning of the professor's lecture is on the classnotes and she herself was nervous about the test at the moment, "I am sorry I don't have classnotes to lend you. I myself is thinking of borrowing them," the refusee shows great surprise, "Zeme keneng? Biji kongzhu juran yehwei zheyang! (How possible? Classnote princess even also-can so) 'How is it possible. You are called Princess Classnotes. Even you did not keep them!'" If a person (S) often does favor to another (A), S will feel surprised, if not show it, if A refuses him/her when being request to do S a favor of service. Then S will feel ihat s/he has befriended a wrong person. 19. Asking for explanation After being refused by the high-status boss (to raise the salary) by the strategy of explanation that the worker has not reached the standard of salary raise, the worker used the strategy of 'asking for explanation' by saying, "Na wo yao zeme zwo, cai keyi fuhe ni jiaxin de biaozhwun ne (Then, I must how do, then may conform you add-salary POSS standard Q-PRT) 'Then what is your standard of salary raising?' ." For the same situation of asking for salary raise, an informant made the worker use the strategy of asking for explanation to be more specific, "Na shi shone shihou ne? Xia-ge-yue shi ma? (Then is what time Q-PRT? Next-one-month, is Q-PRT?) 'When will it be, next month?'," after the boss uses the stategy of postponement by saying, "Yes, I know that you have worked very hard. There will be some reward for the hard-working people." In any situation of request, invitation, offer, suggestion, if the refuser does not offer convincing reaspns, foe example, a vague excuse or a direct NO without any reason, it is possible for the refusee to ask for explanation. 20. Showing disappointment and/or regret, or complaining After being refused by the boss by using the strategy of explaining that there is the global depression and his salary is high already, the worker complains, "Meici ni dwo zheyang jiang (Every-time you all so say) 'Your excuse is always the same.'," to show his disappointment. After being refused by the status equal classmate by giving him a lesson, "You always act in this way. It seems a little unfair that you borrow other people's classnotes, which is the result of hard work, in the name of a test. While other people are working hard, you cut class and have a good time," a classmate may use a composite strategy of showing regret and then repeat the request: "Hao /a! Wo zhidao wo zwo le. Ni jiou zai jie wo yici ma! Bai two la (OK PRT! I know I wrong PRT. You then again lend me one-time PRT! Please PRT.) 'I am sorry. I know I am wrong. But please lend it to me once again.' ." 21. A composite strategy It goes without saying that many refusees used the composite strategy as the postrefusal speech act. -298- 30J After the boss was refused by the low-status manager to attend the party at the boss's house by the strategy of explanation that that day happens to be his daughter's twentieth birthday, the whole family have planned for the birthday, so that he is sorry to be unable to attend the boss's party, one informant made the boss utter, "Zhendel? Natian wo hwei zhunbei yige sheng-ri liwu gei ni nur, zhwu ta sheng-ri kwaile (Really'?! daughter, wish her birthday That day I will prepare a birthday present give your for her and wish her a happy happy.) 'Really!? I will prepare a birthday present birthclay.'," in which the boss first shows his surprise and then changes the topic, and of course complies with the refuser. This is quite typical of a composite strategy. 22. Topic-closing expressions After the high-status boss refuses to raise the salary by explaining the bad economic situation of the company, the worker may say, "Jiran ruci, name yihou zai so, let's talk tan hao le (Since so, then later again talk OK PRT) 'Since the situation isexpression. about it later.' ," which is a postponement strategy and also a topic-closing After being refused by the high-status customer to eat at a restaurant and sign the from another contract by the explanation that the company has decided to buy the goods expressions: Hao, supplying company, the salesman used the strategy of topic-closing won't bother you now.' na bu da-rao le. (OK, then not bother PRT) 'OK, then I 23. Joking cake, one In response to a status-equal refuser against the offer of one more informant had the refusee use the strategy of joke. The exact content of the conversation made up is as follows. Friend A: Zai lai yi-kwai dan-gao ba! Again come one-piece cake PRT! 'How about one more cake?' Friend B: Ni xiang rang wo cheng si ma?. Bu yong le. Xie-xie. You want make me full dead Q-PRT? Not want PRT. Thank you. 'Do you want to make me full to death? No, I don't want one more. Thank you.' Friend A: She-ine ma! Wo shi xiang fei si ni. What PRT? I am think fat death you. 'What excuse it is! My intention is to make you fat to death.' 3.2 Sub-study I Takahashi et al. (1986) give 12 DCT items, which are categorized into four categories--requests, invitations, offers, and suggestions--to informants of 80 students, who are American native English speakers, Japanese native speakers, Japanese speaking English as a second language and Japanese speaking English as a foreign language. Each category has three situations: a refusal to a higher status person, one to in the form a lower status person, and one to a status equal. The DCT items are given refusal to the of request, then a blank for the informants to fill in--which must be be reviewed by the request, and then the given requester's response. The 12 DCTs will category here. Request: To high-status refuser: Then I guess I'll have to look for another job. To low-status refuser: That's too bad. I was hoping you could stay. To status-equal refuser: OK, then I guess I'll have to ask somebody else. In response to a high-status refuser against request of salary raise, the worker says, "Then I guess I'll have to look for another job," which is a threat strategy. In response to a low-status refuser against request of overtime jobs, the boss says, "That's too bad. I was hoping you could stay," which is the strategy of expressing disappointment and -299- 3U regret. In response to a status-equal refuser against request of borrowing lecture notes, the classmate says, "OK, then I pess I'll have to ask somebody else, which is the strategy of offering self an alternative. Invitation: To high-status refuser: Perhaps another time. To low-status refuser: That's too bad. I was hoping everyone would be there. To status equal: OK, maybe another time. In response to a high-status refuser against invitation to an expensive restaurant and sign the contract, the salesman says, "Perhaps another time," which is a strategy of postponement. In response to a low-status refuser against invitation, the boss says, "That's too bad. I was hoping everyone would be there," which was the strategy of expressing regret. In response to a status-equal refuser against refusal. the friend says, "OK, maybe another time," which is also a strategy of postponement. Suggestion: To high-status refuser: OK, it was only a suggestion. To low-status refuser: Well, it's ai idea anyway. To status-equal refuser: You should try it anyway. In response to a high-status refuser against suggestion, the student says, "OK. it was only a suggestion," which is a topic ending utterance. In response to a low-status refuser against suggestion, the boss says, "Well, it's an idea anyway," which is also a topic-closing utterance to end th:t. conversation. In response to a status-equal refuser against suggestion, the friend says, "You should try it anyway." which is the repetition of the request for suggestion. In our modified DCT, or better call it realistic conversation wriLing, only one informant has the boss say the Chinese equilavent of the English, 'Well, it was only a suggestion,' which shows that Chinese people in Taiwan do not use the topic-ending utterance so soon. Offer: To high-status refuser: Oh, I'd feel better if I paid for it To low-status refuse -: Well, maybe you should give it some more thought before turning it down. To status-equal refuser: Come on, just a little piece. In response to a high-status refuser against offer, the cleaning lady says, "No, I'd feel bet:er if I paid for it," which is the repetition of the request for offer and also a strategy of counter-rationale, trying to persuade the refuser. In response to a low-status refuser against offer, the boss says, "Well, maybe you should give it some more thought before turning it down," which is a strategy of postponement, asking for postponement in reply. In response to a status-equal refuser against an offer, the friend "Come on. just a little piece," which is the repetion of the offer and modification ofsays, the request. For the above twelve post-refusal speech acts, we should say, they are Takahashi and Beebe's preferences and they reflect a few of many possibilities of post-refusal speech acts. The strategies the two researchers used are nine for the twelve situations: 1. Threat 2. Offering self an alternative 3. Expressing disappointment and/or regret 4. Postponement 5. Topic-closing expression 6. Repetition of the request -300- 311 7. Counter-rationale 8. Asking for postponement n response 9. Modification of the requea Compared with the number of strategies which we summarized in the study, their strategies are few. It is easy to understand because theirs stand for the wisdom of (maybe) only two researchets. In addition, though they may think of many strategies for post-refusal speech act, it is their task which forces them to simplify the post-refusal speech and only ONE hint can be given for the subjects to fill in refusal expressions. Our study focus on the subject's strategy of post-refusal speech act, which are based on the data from 48 informants, who were given the tasks in November, 1993. Table I: Strategies used by the refused in res )onse to the refuser of different social statuses a ainst re uest To Low-status To Status-equal Co High-status Strategies refuser refuser refuser _ . 9 1. Silence 2 1 2.Chanuinf, the to )ic 3. Counter-rationale 4. Complying with the refuser 5. External es, internal no 0 0 2 24 20 1 6. Sa in , THANK Y OU 0 9. Reprimand 1 10 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 0 0 I 0 0 3 1 4 0 0 0 . 2 0 alternative cl_ Postponement a lesson _._ 1 0 I 0 0 0 1 I 19. Askin , for ex lanation 20. Showing disappointment and/or re ,ret, or com laininu 21. A Com )osite strateuy 22. To )ic-closing expression 4 1 1 I I 0 ? 5 I 2 23. Joke 0 0 1 . 0 0 The following are the summaries we get from valid realistic conversations made ach of them were asked to up by 48 adult native speakers of Mandarin in Taiwan. -301- 312 make up 12 conversations based on their experience, observations, and intuition. From Tables 1 through 4, if a silence strategy is used as a post-refusal speech act, it means that the negotiation of the episode of request-refusal only consists of a 'dialogue turn'--the speaker speaks (to request, suggest, invite, and offer), and then the refuser refuses, then the conversation is over, which happens rarely--the data also support the observation. We find that most realistic conversations consists of two 'dialogue turns' or more than two. If it is more than two 'dialogue turns', only the requester's first post-refusal speech act, that is only the first speaker's speech of the second turn is discussed and calculated in Table 1 through Table 4. For the first ldnd of request--the requester is of a low status, the post-refusal speech act strategies of the requester are of 14 among the 23 (refer to Table 1). For the request made to a status-equal classmate, the post-refusal speech act strategies of the requester are 12 of the 23 (Table 1). As for the request made to a low-status worker, the post-refusal speech act strategies of the boss include 9 of the 23 strategies. In response to a high-status refuser for an invitation to an expensive restaurant and sign the purchase contract, the low-status refusee used 9 strategies out of the 23 (refer to Table 2). In response to a status-equal refuser for an inviation to his house party, 10 strategies out of the 23 are used (also refer to Table 2). In response to a low-status refuser for an invitation to the boss's house party, 7 strategies out of 23 are used (also refer to Table 2). In response to a high-status refuser (the teacher) for a suggestion of more conversations and less grammar in a foreign language course, most teachers use the strategy of giving a lesson to emphasize the importance of grammar to refuse to accept the student's suggestion. The students' post-refusal speech act strategies are 9 strategies out of the 23 (see Table 3). In response to an equal-status refuser for trying the new diet suggested, the refusee used 12 strategies out of the 23 mentioned in this study. In response to a low-status refuser against a suggestion of writing reminders on a slip, the bosses used 12 strategies out of the 23 (see Table 3). In response to a high-status refuser against the cleaning lady's offer of compensating him for the broken vase, the cleaning lady reacts in 10 strategies of the 23. In response to a status-equal refuser against the offer of one more cake, the refusee reacts in 8 strategies out of the 23. In response to the low-status refuser, the boss reacts in 10 strategies of the 23 mentioned in the study (refer to Table 4). Table 2: Strategies used by the refused in res onse to the refuser of different social statuses a ainst invitation Strategies To High-status To Status-equal To Low-status refuser refuser refuser 1. Silence 0 2 0 2.Changing the topic 0 0 3. Counter-rationale 9 14 15 4. Complying with the refuser 7 8 18 5. External yes, internal no 0 0 0 6. Saying THANK YOU 0 0 0 7. Criticism 0 0 0 1 8 Threat 9. Reprimand 10. Offering self an alternative 11. Modifying one's request 12. Asking the refuser to find an alternative 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 1 1 0 0 -302- 313 2 0 0 Table 2 Strategies used by the refused in res onse to the refuser of different social statuses a ainst invitation Continued 0 0 2 13. Explanation of the justification of the request 4 5 14 14. Postponement 0 0 0 15. Giving a lesson 0 0 0 16. Repeating the request 0 0 0 17. Comforting the refuser and/or self 0 1 3 18. Showing surprise 4 9 5 19. Asking for explanation 0 3 0 20. Showing disappointment and/Or regret, or complaining 4 2 4 21. A Composite strategy 0 0 22. Topic-closing expression 0 0 0 23. Joke Table 3: Strategies used by the refused in res onse to the refuser of different social statuses a ainst su estion To Low-status To Status-equal To High-status Strategies refuser refuser refuser 1 1. Silence 2.Changing the topic 3. Counter-rationale 4. Complying with the refuser S. External yes, internal no 6. Saying THANK YOU 7. Criticism 8. Threat 9. Reprimand 10. Offering self an alternative Modi in one's rec uest 12. Asking the refuser to find an alternative 13. Explanation of the 11 . 9 0 23 4 0 0 6 0 15 10 5 4 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 4 2 0 2 2 3 5 3 0 0 0 1 3 0 0 0 0 'ustification of the re uest 14. Post onement 15. Giving a lesson 16. Re seating the request 17. Comforting the refuser and/or self 18. Showint, sur rise 19. Asking for.explanation 20. Showing disappointment and/or regret, or complaining 21. A Corn osite strateg 22. Topic-closing expression 23. Joke 0 8 0 2 2 4 J/ 7 1 2 5 0 0 0 1 -303- 31.4 0 Table 4: Strategies used by the refused in res onse to the refuser of different social statuses a ainst offer Strategies To High-status To Status-equal To Low-status refuser refuser refuser 1. Silence 2.Changing the topic 3. Counter-rationale 4. Complying with the refuser 5. External yes, internal no 6. Saying THANK YOU 7. Criticism 8 Threat 9. Reprimand 10 Offering self an alternative 11. Modifying one's request 12. Asking the refuser to find an alternative 13. Explanation of the justification of the request 14. Postponement 15. Giving a lesson 16. Repeating the request 17. Comforting the refuser and/or self 18. Showing surprise 19. Asking for explanation 20. Showing disappointment and/or regret, or complaining 21. A Composite strategy 22. Topic-closing expression 23 Joke 0 0 4 0 10 20 18 I 8 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 10 8 1 0 0 3 8 2 0 0 0 5 3 0 7 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 0 . 1 4. Maxims of post-refusal speech act The twenty-three post-refusal speech strategies can be summarized into 4 maximsmaxims of consistency, offense, aveement, and economy. The maxims of economy is not in complementary distribution with the other three; instead, it may overlap with other maxims. The maxim of address, which I contend in Liao (1994) to be a maxim of politeness in refusal, is also appropriate here. It is the Chinese custom to use the address form, to replace the second person pronouns, repeatedly when speaking to a high-status person. The strategies of 'complying with the refuser', and 'saying thank you' can be categorized into the maxim of agreement. The strategy of 'criticism', 'threat', 'reprimand', 'giving a lesson', 'showing disappointment', and 'showing surprise' can be categorized into the maxim of offense. When a person used the offense maxim in post-refusal speech, it seems that s/he has the equal-treatment idea: since the refuser does not care about doing FTAs, then I will treat you as I am treated. When their face is threatened by being refused, they defend their -304- 3i face by attacking the other's face, too. The strategy of 'counter-rationale', 'modifying one's request', 'asking the refuser to find an alternative', 'explanation of the justification of the request', 'postponement', 'repeating the request', 'asking for explanation', 'showing regret', and a composite strategy can be classified into the maxim of consistency. The maxim of economy may include the strategies of 'silence', 'changing the topic', 'external yes, internal no', 'saying thank you', 'offering self an alternative', 'topic-closing statement', and 'comforting the refuser and/or self'. 'Silence' is the im t economic way in the maxim of economy. However, it is not widely used because 'a refusal without some kind of elaboration or follow-up can have severe social consequences (Gass and Houck, 1993: 1).' Chinese people use the strategy of 'silence' mostly together with being or pretending to be absent-minded or beginning to be busy with other tasks. 5. Sub-study II As mentioned in Part 3, The Study, 596 subjects--298 males and the same number of females--were asked in December 1993 to judge their own features in 11 statements (labeled X11 to X21). They were asked to circle in a seven-point scale from 'strongly disagree' (labeled '1') to 'strongly agree' (labeled '7') for the eleven statements. After doing factor analysis on SAS, we find that three factors can be concluded to include the 11 statements. Factor I is the factor mainly comprising X14, X16, X15, and X17; therefore it is labeled Group-relationship factor. Factor II is the factor mainly comprising X20, X19, X18, and X21, labeled Outstanding factor. And Factor III is the factor mainly comprising X12, X13, and X11, labeled Loyalty factor. Factor I (Group-relationship factor): X14: I am open about my disagreement with my group. (Mean: 5.42) accomplishments. X16: My relationship with others is more important than my own (Mean: 5.31) X15: I respect people who are modest about themselves. (Mean: 5.39) X17: My happiness depends on the happiness of those around me.(Mean: 5.03) Factor II (Outstanding factor): X20: Speaking up in a group is not a problem for me.(Mean: 4.2) X19: I enjoy being unique and different from others.(Mean: 4.38) X18: I am comfortable with being singled out for praise or rewards. (Mean: 4.96) X21: I find it hard to do anything that my parents would disapprove of. (Mean: 4.86) Factor III (Loyalty factor): X12: I won't support my group if they are wrong. (Mean: 5.07) X13: I will stay with a group that needs me even if I am not happy with it. (Mean: 4.80) X11: I would be likely to sacrifice my self interest for the good of the 4.98) group.(Mean: After concluding the eleven statements into three factors, the three factor scores for each subject were then obtained, which are standardized (that is, the mean is 0 and the standard deviation is 1). Then I did Student t-test to compare the difference between two sexes. Table 5 shows that males and females are not different in the Group-relationship factor and the Loyalty factor, while in the Outstanding factor, they are significantly different from each other. In other words, the low mean for females in the Outstanding factor indicates females are significantly reluctant to be unique, It reflects the invisibility of women in language and outspoken, and disapproving. behavior. Because of the female and male difference in their characteristics, males and -305- 3i6 females nawrally have different strategies in post-refusal speech act. Table 5. Males and females standardized means 'iation in three factors Loyalty factor Group-relationship factor Outstanding factor 0.0135 (1.073) 0.1096 (0.992) -0.0628 (1.000) Males -0.0135 (0.923 -0.1096 (0.997) 0.0628 (0.998) Females 0.34 2.69 1.54 t-test value (0.74) (0.007) (0.125) (p-value) According to Liu (1991: 229-243), prior to the 1960s women tended to conform to the group more than men did. However, the finding in this section seem to say that the women liberation movement since 1960s has not changed the phenomenon much. We agree to Liu's contention: when the group is important to a person, when a person has no sense of security, and/or when a person has no self-confidence, s/he tends to conform to the group s/he is in so that s/he can be accepted. On the other hand, when a person thinks that his position in the group is unquestionable, and/or when he is generally accepted in the group, the chance for him to express different opinions will be great. The fact that men and women use different speech strategies may originate from child-rearing practices. Boys and girls are treated and expected differently since born. Chaiaka (1989: 3) also indicates that by studying sociolinguistics one can find how social situations determine what kinds of speech are used and how speech develops to meet social needs. These 596 males and females are also asked to write what they would say after they are refused for the following six situations. Each of the 298 men and the 298 women was asked to fill in the post-refusal speech for only one FTA request. 1. You don't have a car so you ask a friend if you can borrow his car so thatyou can take your visiting parents out. The friend refuses saying he doesn't lend his car to anyone. What, if anything, would you say after your request had been refused'? Write down exactly what you would say. Use the exact words you would speak. 2. You need NT$15,000. You ask your older sister if she would be willing to lend you the money which you promise to repay in 3 months. She answers that she only has NT$30,000 in her bank account which she needs for next semester's tuition. What, if anything, would you say after your request had been refused? Write down exactly what you would say. Use the exact words you would speak. 3. You are the president of the Alumni Association in charge of a reception for college alumni. At the last minute, key people on your committee back out. You ask a friend who owes you several favors to help. S/he refuses. What, if anything, would you say after your request had been refused? Write down exactly what you would say. Use the exact words you would speak. 4. You have just asked a very good friend for help in moving. It will take all day Saturday. Your friend refuses saying that s/he has an important exam coming up. What, if anything, would you say after your request had been refused? Write down exactly what you would say. Use the exact words you would speak. 5. You are buying your course books with a friend. You discover that you are short by NT$500 and you ask to borrow this amount. You promise to repay this money as soon as you are able to. Your friend says that s/he ru:.eds the money and expresses reluctance to lend it. What, if anything, would you say after your request had been refused'? Write down exactly what you would say. Use the exact words you would speak. 6. Unavoidable conflicts have caused you to miss several classes. You don't really -306- 31"/ know anyone in your class so you ask a classmate if s/he would be willing to let you photocopy her classnotes after class. There is a copying machine nearby. S/he refuses to lend you the classnotes. What, if anything, would you say after your request had been refused? Write down exactly what you would say. Use the exact words you would speak. Following the open-question, they were asked to circle on a seven-point scale from 'strongly disagree' as 1, to 'strongly agree' as 7 for the following statements: 1. I would just drop the subject. 2. I would give reaso..s to try to persuade my classmate to comply with my request. 3. I think that my request imposes on the other person. 4. I feel it is very important to persist in asking.this request. 5.1 Male and female difference in post-refusal speech strategies Factor analysis and the Student t-test have told us the difference between men and women. It is therefore, hypothesized that women use the maxim of offense less often than men do; instead women use more often the maxim of agreement to show they don't like to stand out in speech. Men have been conditioned from early childhood to be adventurous in both behavior and language. Women have been conditioned to approve and support men and those in authority. Table 6 shows the numbers of imm and women in applying the maxims of offense and not applying it, in their post-refusal speech act after they are refused in the above 6 open FTA requests. Table 7 shows that 28 (9.4%) of the 298 males applies the maxim of offense in post-refusal speech and only 14 (4.7%) of the 298 females uses the maxim. The Chi-square value is 5.02 (p-value =0.013 for one-tailed test), which means that there are significantly more males who use the maxim of offense in post. refusal speeches. le 6. Number of those who apply the maxims of offense: males vs females Females Males 1 7 1. Refused by good friends (of car borrowing) 1 1 2. Refused by older sister (large amount of money) 9 7 3. Refused by a good friend (received a lot of help from you) 0 I 4. Refused by a good friend (having good reasons for preparing for a test) 4 5. Refused of small amout of borrowing 2 8 6. Refused by an acquaintance 14 28 Total offense or not: males vs females 7. Auulvini Ill ., .... the maxim of Females Males 14 (4.7%) 28 (9.4%) Applying the maxim of self-defense 284 (95.3%) 270 (90.6%) Not applying Chi-square value=5.02, p-value=0.013 (one-tailed test) 1 In response to refusers for the above six FTA requests, males and females' circling of the seven-point scales are counted and Chi-square test for the homoseneirty of males and females is done. It is found that males and females are significantly different in their judgments about their own personality and characteristics for three of the above four statements. They are not different for the statement of 'I think my request imposes on the other person.' For easy interpretation of the data, we rename -307311.6 the choice of 1, 2, or 3 as 'disagree', 4 as 'neutral', and 5, 6, or 7 as 'agree'. In other words, we changed the 7-point scale into a three-point scale for the sake of analysis. It is then found that significantly more males said that they would like to drop the subject (or change the topic) than females did (48.99% to 39.6%; df=2; with Chi-square value being 7.309 and p-value 0.026); significant more males said they would try their best to persuade the refuser than females did (36.58% to 24.83%; df=2; Chi-square value being 13.579 and p-value being 0.001); more males said that they should persist in asking their request than females (16.11% to 6.04%; df=2; Chi-square value being 16.669 and p-value < 0.001). The result in this paragraph is also consistant with the finding of factor analysis: women are reluctant to be unique, to speak up, and to do something which others do not approve of; therefore, women are reluctant to abruptly drop the subject immediately after they are refused, reluctant to give reasons to try to persuade the interactant and to persist in asking the request. 6. Conclusion When a person reacts to a refusal by the strategy of criticism, reprimand, threat, giving the refuser a lesson, he protects his own face, without saving the addressee's face. It is a maxim of offense, to return an FTA with an FTA. The maxim is used more by the high-status person than by the low-status, more by males than by females. Though twenty-three post-refusal strategies were listed in this study, in Sub-study I, only 18 out of the 23 are used in response to a refuser for an FTA request. The strategies of 'criticism', 'asking the refuser to find an alternative', 'Oving a lesson', 'comforting the refuser or self', and 'Joke' are not applied. Thirteen of the 23 strategies are used in response to a refuser for an FSA request, or an invitation. The five strategies not used in response to request refused are not used; neither are the strategies of 'saying thank you', 'external yes, internal no', 'reprimand', 'offering self an alternative', and 'repeating the request'. Fifteen out of the twenty-three strategies are used in response to a suggestion refuser. The strategies not used are 'changing the topic', 'external yes, internal no', 'threat', 'offering self an alternative', 'modifying one's request', 'postponement', and 'joke'. Seventeen out of the 23 strategies are used in response to an offer refuser. The six unused strategies are 'changing the topic', 'external yes, internal no', 'criticism', 'reprimand', 'asking the refuser to find an alternative', and 'comforting the refuser and/or self'. After being refused, women are more likely not to persist on their request. It is wondered, whether women are less likely to refuse than males because they are afraid to be offensive. Further studies are invited. Notes 'In this short article with a limit of maximal 20 pages, I cannot give enough examples for each strategy of post-refusal speech act, nor can I give the details of how I manage the procedure of factor analysis on the SAS (Statistic Analytical System) package. I have the intention of expanding it to give a clearer view of Mandarin post-refusal speech acts. If readers are interested in the whole article, it will be sent upon request on completion. 2Though suggestion is supposed to be an FSA, it seems that the acceptance of it does not follow the rules in which one is supposed to accept other kinds of FSA invitation or offer. 3It seems that the post-refusal speech acts must be divided into two kinds, those of the refuser and t:.ose of the refusee, then they can be discussed in a clearer detail. However, in this study, we do not try this. We will try it in later studies. 4We agree to Levinson's observation (1983: 351) that a pre-request allows the requester-to-be to check out whether a request is likely to succeed, and if not to avoid one in order to avoid a subsequent dispreferred responses, a rejection. 5The ambiguity of THANK YOU is discussed a great deal in Liao (1994). -308- 31'3 References Bresnahan, Mary, Eddie Kuo, Laura Chao-chih Liao, and Masato Takashima. .Forthcoming. Saying no in four countries: strategies for refusal. Brown, Penelope and Stephen C. Levinson. 1987. Politeness: Some universals in languav usage. New York: Cambridge University Press. Chaika, Elaine. 1989. Language: the social mirror. New York: Newbury House Publishers. Condry, John and Sandra Condry. 1976. Sex differences: A study of the eye of the beholder. Child development. 47. Pp. 812-819. Fraser, Bruce. 1990. Perspectives on politeness. Journal of Pragmatics. 14: 219-236. Gass, Susan and Noel Houck. 1993. Intercultural communication: the case of refusal. Paper presented at the Fourth International Pragmatics Conference in Kobe, Japan. Jespersen, Otto. 1922. Language: Its Nature, Development and Origin. London: Allen and Unwin. Kramarae, Cheris. 1981. Women and men speaking. Rowley, Mass.: Newbury House. Lakoff, Robin. 1975. Language and woman's place. New York: Harper and Row. Levinson, Stephen C. 1983. Pragmatics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Liao, Chao-chih. 1994. A study on the strategies, maxims, and development of refusal in Mandarin Chinese. Taipei: Crane. Lii-Shih, Yu-Hwei E. 1986. Conversational Politeness and Foreign Language Teaching. Taipei: Crane. Lii-Shih, Yu-Hwei E. 1994. What do "yes" and "no" really mean in Chinese? Paper presented at Georgetown University Round Table on Language and Linguistics March 13-16, 1994. Liu, An-yen. 1991. She-hwei xin-li-xue (Social psychology). Taipei: San-min. Takahashi, Tomoko and Leslie M. Beebe. 1986. 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M4R-4. ititk4k MOXIktf: '1 'a k. //ts-am 0.040t*PL. AAAPtiM*11-011-4. 2T24,t4 A*ii: tliAhaW021643AZ L4-'511.t, 11. *XXPkIMOt-401414449X, *#HA-1-0AX- Li'l4X7-h-1-44'616''93117 *-:-.444-54*-0.-412004-R4.4:+3M4Y01 44 4 tta*AM*-0-0*AIMItkitiifftV**4. AP*1-4#44404.46 , k-*40,4 0 *PMtkit-11.0**TMCAA20041g,"4-* -E4r, Mtlf111.0iit4(447**ffi0k41,*AkMA10.4A0 k4 /ft, 4h-440.-Na441?(VAAAMkaa 0044, A.ptt tkio itifOlk *MX) ARM 044-t4:X. [1] [2] P, 4-iflAst'gitejl,fititr4k4" Cheng (1982). -03411 ejl 191 (1963), si (1989: 29-92), 4- (1992: 486-552) . t, qt-t. 44iforil fiLiikAUfna.4+)*vul , t ;46444* . 'ht. if] feiii.N+1,474fft- (.14 [3] t7k-A--itt3L*-14-e....itirt.m.X. eriltleAMIINF [4] trit fi* -44-61.3 7ritAkftlf;ITfitA, tyjt 1987: 173-336, Vi 1993ab, 1994). ,IN)11-* (1931-32 _LIR: 277) Tzk Ate. , ittpt g #10,- A, _ELY, /c, tt tA-Anlit42 1987: 676, litika4t4"*. a §1 yk. (1980) 40.11.310.114k.: (1987). 1.1 , 2t1t4A 1988 ) ( ;ff t [ Z.4 } 71: 114104f:11111Alfr6t'it. kW (1958 :210-222). titlitieitt-44.4t4'4--gc(1992: 208, 366), A-1-tirtrif,-431.f.441 (1992: 960, 1053). -3180 29 I rio] ie,gitENF , ify± 41*. f-POIL (1993: 1089-1090), a (1988), /.1:E/ 212), *-fk (1983: 192-193). . [11] Li (1988) IP (12] 21 A 13 1kA.4:1:7,1"-eretit. (1958: 2ift-4" Chao (1970: 458-480). (1950)40 Ko (1976). (13] *IA $15[111:9-tdtflitiii4i14 01,4.44.4k. [14] .4.-,-15--7A*kitiii mAito,scx,-17;Az,(4 fott,A- 4441a.A.ft-b(4k,ft Mei 1980, Tottie 1991, Yue fivx -114-b-47 Wang (1969) (ti- Wang. and Lien 1993) 1993, Lien 1994). [15] ig-41S flfiet3N41At'ItgritrAMitITAAt ;ILLA-'16(.3IiiglgAN14+4i ipt,r(4. if-gt1-4trel chen 1992, * tttAisiti*V4. A-11111xikati 1993. 14.4:4At*A04147t vAT1117t1454N1-,A451AlizAA-41t7t. 1 ?I`c% -/tf3fh z 444 /kik. 46-0 Mt $114 * :ri itt *ft (AM.], t4i Ot4-f {4.k *], feittg th*W [41 [4-"F*] [gi_141-"F oftv-i*] saft:3-4- ' jtirtittilift%14e,nik. /If a ] ['ian] '24 th it 1.5.138-142. 1993. gith0,-, . I Nik.* [4.-TpM], 4;4 ' "4: 1992. -14-14,--ta, OA 131'4- 1991. . f ity -3->. 227.143-146. 4.3E, : Ilk k t1411- 1963. **140714 er3111.411.11 A.01.0 xt;110) /,.%41 ify 1992. If ffl &I: *14)11,1993a- (ki54). ft% 3t, Y?: 111 ifk it2.136-175. th 4)46-12ik*A. (fvfi*Rdwiiic*A-3) AOItlitlkifyik*A3)14)11.1993b- (SE.4).k.5):4L12.z-z MAP); 1994. (..t.4). 5;-/i,A1§4414-tecIgg- (t42-14K.reilik*4-5) tiz.t (ktttKi4teic*A-12) 411. 1990. '41.1*-Itr'plifihAl-kl tiCifiX. 214.71-76. ,kvicPU.tk4L+sz-: . 1950. sot it..fit 1M- rouli 1992. (A4 ) 4k ttt. 6$11.4. tiAAV 1992. ift.1 A-41`t-1if4t,. 67441-4 «4 4j';12, v1=' ft f7.g BEST COPY AVAILABLL . 264-270. 3t, 14. :'1111 -3193 ,-)0 s.'itiktf- '4:: 81 9Ad4Arktt, 1989. A.4.4A4,14;4. 1993. Lt.4) lit-A.-A-A. Aickku-N-A-1:att g tJ4. 1-UX. 1980. (.t.f,41 g iX*I. 1984. g itx . 440.0 , 3E : 111 pit!, Ott*L. 3L*Clkek PtIrt2 j4tu1.. 132-144 . WA- A. "a )/. 1984. A- 1,31 & (*IT 3E . : i614411ttr,.; 1980. --4913EXt 4ightbUf*Tt titilE1*1-1 14.27-52. 1987- OVITUA- Rik . 2Ei (4,4*: 1958. ;fs i , 8/ -14.4 St-T,L. 1931'32. k attit.,42. 1980. 1987. 3E7+7. : k ni Ef1 gtit. ) :+: 0.t-411:, _ET*. 1.3E: k*itiALA-eh& %Pm 4i,14<,A. 1-3E: 411-4. . . 1981 1961. g'StR,A)..0t. 43t4)/ 41- )1 t -lc 1967. $fr *I* ifi itlqA it te.Mf . 1968. Apo? Thq*s ttiemf ist$t:A. 4. 43z4y, z 1970. 10, 4t PAX k 1.53-60. -1-6-Jc. Z. 3L: it. 1972. 41991a. 1.A` 1991b. ft..aktUkfittENIA it 41k- -AZ . . k )1gt41 . 3E 'fit if1A----A-AtA 4.213-183. Itt . 1984. 1988. T,1 . 7.10-30. ic - ivZ . t2,12 . k . 1991. 4f; *A.A. 1993. . 1988. 1993. S. fit 4t- liVatf At 4. '40 'N + V Al + ' th ilk*" -t- 4if 23-41. 1991. Ali2-(4110 g Sh 131'151 84-101. gcS-4 1992. ..cr 7141 + N + V.- itt 6.101-108. 15k1*.. 1989. (.1.4 j 111-014 #1 gc511;4. ill 4;. frif ig14141fi . 3E, 7?-; : NI a 5); 140-159. Oitkitz-,Risig-i'ttVW1.4t. 1.3E: -A- fit . P -if,- 206. 380-385. 1991. 'V-neg-VO' 4 'VO-neg-V' X74kkA. tf4-. 3: 321-332. Ct7 Chao, Yuen Ren. 1970. A grmmar of spoken Chinese. Berkeley: University of California Press. Second Printing. Chen, Chung-yu. 1978. Aspectual features of the verb and relative position of the locatives. Journal of Chinese Linguistics 6: 76-103. Chen, Lilly L. 1992. Metaphbrical extension: the phenomenon of lai/khi 'come/go' in Taiwanese. H. Samuel Wang and Feng-fu Tsao (eds.) Proceedings of the Third International Symposium on Chinese Languages and Linguistics. 312-331. Hsinchu: Graduate Institute of Cheng, Robert L. 1982. Directional constructions in Taiwanese. Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology. In memory of the late Dr. Yuen Ren Chao. Academia Sinica 53:305-330. -320- Embee, Bernard L.M. 1984. A dictionary of Southern Min. Taipei: Taipei Language Institute. Ko, Chek-Hoan et al. 1976. Amoy-English Dictionary. Taichung: Maryknoll Fathers. Li, Yingche. 1988. Aspects of historical and comparative syntax in Taiwanese and Mandarin. Proceedings of 2nd International Conference on Sinology. Section on Linguistics and Paleography. 715-752. Taipei: Acdemia Sinica. Bidirectional diffusion in sound change 1993. Lien, Chinfa. Journal of Chinese Linguistics. 21.255-276. revisited. Asher (ed.) E. R. Lexical diffusion. 1994. Lien, Chinfa. Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics. Vol.. 4:2141-2144. Oxford: Pergamon Press. Press. Macgowan, Rev. J. 1978. English and Chinese dictionary of the Amoy dialect. London Missionary Society. Reprinted by Suthern Materials Center, Taipei. English Amoy 1976a. Maryknoll Language SchoolAiltt'atli Dictionary. Taichung: Maryknoll Language Service Center Maryknoll Language Schoo1.44gital 1976b. Amoy lEnglish Dictionary Taichung: Maryknoll Language Service Center Rapoport, T. R. 1993. Verbs in depictives and resultatives. J. Pustejovsky (ed.) Semantics and the Lexicon. 163-184. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers. Stimson, Hugh M. 1972. More on Peking archaisms. T'oung Pao 58.172-189. Tottie, G. 1991. Lexical diffusion in syntactic change: frequency as a determinant of linguistic conservatism in the development of negation. D. Kastovsky (ed.) Historical English Syntax. 439-467. Mouton de Gruyter. Wang, William S-Y. 1969. Competing sound change as a cause of residue. Language 45.9-25. Wang, William S-Y. and Chinfa Lien. 1993. Bidirectional diffusion in sound change. Charles Jones (ed.) Historical London: Linguistics: Problems and Prospectives. 345-400. Longman Group Ltd. StratifiCation in comparative 1991. Yue-Hashimoto, Anne. a case in Southern Min. Journal of dialectal grammar: 19.172-200. Chinese Linguistics. Yue-Hashimoto, Anne. 1993. The lexicon in syntactic change: lexical diffusion in Chinese syntax. Journal of Chinese Linguistics. 21.213-254. Zhu, Dexi. 1990. Dialectal distribution of V-neg-VO and VO-negV interrogative sentence pattern. Journal of Chinese Linguistics 18. 209-230. -321- 332 Identifying the Parameters for a Typology of Chinese Affixation* Yen-Hwei Lin Michigan State University Although affixational morphology is limited in the Chinese languages,1 this study demonstrates that the morpho-phonological patterns of the diminutive/hypocoristic and zi affixation are rich enough to merit a detailed investigation. After discussing and comparing different ways to cross-classify the various affixation patterns in more than twenty Chinese languages, I propose a set of parameters which are either phonologically or morphologically defmed for an innovative typology of Chinese affixation. This paper is organized as follows. In §1, I briefly discuss the inadequacy of a more traditional classification for Chinese affixation. In order to include bianyun in the affixation system, a different classification is proposed in §2. §3 examines intra-dialectal variation that provides further support for the proposal. Finally, a conclusion is given in §4. I. Types of Affixation The traditional view of an affixational typology is determined by Affix Placement, i.e., the position of the affix with respect to the stem, based on which we can classify affixational processes into prefixation, suffixation, infixation, and circumfixation. In Chinese languages, suffixation is the most common type, but the other three are also attested, as shown in (1).2 Prefixation is not uncommon in Chinese, but infixation and especi,ly circumfixation are rare.3 (1) Affix Placement: prefixation, suffixation, infixation, circumfixation a. Prefixation: b. Suffixation: c. Infixation: d. Circumfixation: Taiwanese Beijing Pingding Yanggu a - ma 'grandmother' pan - er -> par 'board' xua - er -> xlua 'flower' (Xu 1981) - er -> tlur 'rabbit' (Dong 1985) Some Chinese languages also exhibit stem internal alternations in a word formation process called bianyun (rime change), where the sounds and/or tones in the rime of a stem syllable (see e.g., Li 1963, Hou 1985, He 1981, 1982) are modified. Some examples of segmental changes from Jiyuan zi bian yunmu (zi changed rimes) are given in (2). The examples in (2bc) show segmental changes in the vowel and the coda consonant; (2.d) is a case * This reserach is partly supported by the Michigan State Universitiy All University Reserach Initiation Grant, project #94-25. 1 In this paper, I use the terms 'language' and 'dialect' interchageablly. 2 Throughout the paper, place/city names are used to represent the dialects spoken in the area, but common terms like Taiwanese, Cantonese, etc. will be used instead of the place names. In all the examples, tones are marked only when relevant to the discussion. 3 The only case of circumfixation I know of is Yanggu er -noun formation. Lin (1989) posits a cirumfix [1 ...r], and Yip (1992) treats -er as a combination of a floating feature [lateral] and a suffix [r]. Chen (1992), however, argues that the phonological form of the affix is simply [4]. If one accepts Chen's arguments, then Yanggu er affix is a suffix. -322- 33j of vowel-coda segmental merger. In the Yangcheng example in (3), a tonal change accompanies changes in both segmental quality and quantity.4 (2) Jiyuan zi bian yunmu (He 1981) b. xua (3) stem ;I noun stern a. pi pi:u 'nose' c. tc in XUD 'flower' d. pan ;i noun tci:D p^a 'gold' 'board' Yangcheng zi bian yunmu (Hou 1985) thye (31) (313) thyD: 'rake' In a model of morphological theory like that in Anderson (1992), bianyun may be considered a typical case of non-processual morphology. If so, bianyun would constitute a separate category along with other word formation processes such as reduplication and compounding: (4) Word Formation in Chinese: a. Affixation (prefixation, suffixation, infixation, circumfixation) b. Bianyun (vowel change, coda change, segmental merger, tonal change) c. Reduplication (XXX, XYY, XYXY, XXYY, etc.) (Chiang 1992) d. Compounding (NN, VV, NV etc.) (Chao 1968, Li & Thompson 1981) This treatment of bianyun , however, misses two important generalizations. First, Bianyun and the majority cases of affixation in Chinese derive the same types of words, i.e., diminutive/hypocoristic and zi words, indicating a close tie between these two processes (Lin 1989, 1993). As far as I know, bianyun derives only diminutive/hypocoristic and zi words, so I suggest that bianyun be subsumed under affixation (see §2 below). Second, the various alternations induced by bianyun are also typical in many cases of Chinese affixation. Consider, for example, Yiwu er suffixation in (5), where we can see vowel lengthening, change in coda consonant, and segmental merger (cf. (3) above). We will see more examples in §3. (5) er suffixation in Yiwu (R. Li 1963, Fang 1986) a. di + n di:n 'younger brother' b. do0 + n do:n 'basket' c. tsau + n tso:n 'table' In the framework of non-linear morphology and phonology, reduplication may be treated as affixation with a copying device (Marantz 1982, McCarthy and Prince 1986 among others). McCarthy and Prince (1986) distinguishes two types of reduplication: affixation (partial reduplication) and compounding (total reduplication). In Chiang (1992), Chinese reduplication has also been analyzed as syllable affixation. As for bianyun, I have argued elsewhere (Lin 1989, 1993) that bianyun is a special type of affixation with templatic constraints on the derived words. If this analysis of bianyun is accepted, then together with the reanalysis of reduplication, Chinese word formation processes would consist of only affixation and compounding. With the affixation category to encompass both reduplication and bianyun , an 4 Tones are marked based on Chao's numeral five-point pitch scale, with I indicating the lowest and 5 the highest pitch. -323- adequate classification of affixation patterns would need parameters beyond Affix Placement. This is the topic we now turn to. 2. A Typology of Affixation and Bianyun Lin (1989) takes into consideration the phonological aspects of Chinese affixation and bianyun and provides the following classification: (6) A. Regular affixation: Affixation of a full-segment affix with/withont syllable contraction a. without syllable contraction: e.g. Wushan (Li 1963) tau + b. with syllable contraction: z 'er' tau z e.g. Rongchang (Li 1963) pei + ar --> par 'knife' 'cup' B. Biartvun : Affixation of a feature-sized affix with monosyllabic output. e.g. Jiyuan zi bian yunmu (same data as in (3), analysis by Lin 1989, 1993) pi + [+bk, +rdl (zi) pi:u 'nose' xua + [+bk, +rd} tcin + [+bk, +rdl -4 'flower' 'gold' MID tci:D pan + [+bk, +rd] 'board' This classification is based on differences in the a:1(N ica1 shape of the affixes and whether or not the derived word is monosyllabic or (..'isyliat. For our purpose, we may identity two major classifying parameters to charactef42 this proposal: (7) a. Affix Form: full-segment affix feature-sized affix (degenerate affix, Lin 1993)5 yes (incorporation of the affix into the stem) no (affix as a separate syllable) b. Stem-Affix Contraction: Let us now examine an extensive list of examples classified according to (7). Examples of common regular affixation are shown in (8) through (14), where the affix stands alone as a separate syllable. With the exception of cases like Taiwanese in (13) and Lichuan in (14) where gemination/resyllabification occur, no phonologkal alter iations are induced in these cases. A. Afaann: full-segment; stem-Affix Contraction: no (8) zi suffixation in Beijing a. tsuo + ts4 b. phan + ts+ -4 tS1.10 ts+ phan ts+ 'table' 'plate' 5 A degenerate affix is in the form of less than a full segment. It may consist of only one or a few features, a prosodic weight unit: Mora, or the combination of these two. -324 (9) er suffixation in Taihu (Fang 1993) a. hua b. tag + + zl > hua l l ---> tag al 'flower' 'bench' (10) er suffixation in Hangzhou (R. Li 1963) a. tag (44) + b. khue (44) + (213) > (213) > taD (44) 1. (213) khuE (44) 1. (213) 'bench' 'chopsticks' (11) er suffixation in Wushan (R. Li 1963) a. ka + -4 ka b. tau + --> tau (12) er suffixation in Xining (Zhang & Zhu 1987) xua + E a. xua E b. ko + z 'song' 'knife' E 'flower' song (13) zi suffixation in Taiwanese (Yip 1980; Zhang 1983; Chiang 1990) 'orange' a kam ma kam + a. a > ab ba ( al3a) 'box' + b. ap > (14) zi and er suffixation in Lichuan (Yan 1989) E + E (zi) ---> khio khio a. -4 + E ia hai b. hai + -4 mEn TIE mEn E c. + i (er) -4 pa i d. pa ni + i -4 pEn pen e. 'eggplant' 'shoes' ' mo squito ' 'scar' 'notebook' On the other hand, exaMples (15) through (20) illustrate the group of dialects in which the affix is incorporated into the stem, often resulting in phonological alternations. We have seen vowel lengthening, nucleus-coda merger, and coda replacement by the suffix in Yiwu above (examples repeated as (15)). The replacement of the coda segment with the suffix is a common result of stem-affix contraction; two more cases, Beijing and Luoyang, are given in (16) and (17). Epenthesis may occur to bridge between a high nuclear vowel and the newly incorporated suffix, as in (16a) in Beijing and (18c) in Zhengzhou. The Rongchang examples in (19) present a case where the suffix substitutes the whole rime of the stem,6 while the examples in (20) show tonal substitution. As discussed in Yip (1992) and Lin (1993), the stem and affix elements can both be retained as long as the resultant syllable is well-formed. For example, in (19e), the stem rime is not replaced by the suffix; rather, they both coexist in the derived word. 6 Another example of this sort is Anxiang er suffixation (Ying 1988, Yip 1992). -325- 336 B. Affix_fum: full-segment; Stem-Affix Contraction: yes (15) er suffixation in Yiwu (R. Li 1963, Fang 1986) (=(5)) 'younger brother' -4 di:n + n a. di b. doD + n c. tsau + n --) ) do:n 'basket' tso:n 'table' (16) er suffixation in Beijing (C. Cheng 1973, R. Li 1963) iar r -4 ir a. i + r -4 par b. pa + r --> par c. pan + r > khuar d. khuai + r -4 i'dr e. iaij + + r kour f. kou > (17) er suffixation in Luoyang (He 1984) a. pi + --> pitu tu -4 rrlatU b. man + metu c. ma + tu )) > 'clothes' 'rake' 'board' 'lump' 'sheep' 'dog' 'nose' 'door' 'mother' (18) zi suffixation in Zhengzhou (R. Li 1963) a. b. ua C. pi ciiE + + + u u u 'socks' 'boots' 'nose' uau ciiau piau (19) er suffixation in Rongchang (R. Li 1963, Lin 1989) a. b. C. d. e. pei kap tau kuan u + + + + ar ar ar ar ar 'cup' 'cistern' 'knife' 'officer' par kar -4 tar kuar ur (* ar) 'fish (20) er suffixation in Tunxi (Qian 1991) 'riddle' a. mi (55) + n (24) -4 Min (24) -4 khuan (24) 'chopsticks' b. khua (53) + n (24) With the parameters in (7), Bianyun can then be defined as a type of affixation with a different parameter setting from the two regular types discussoiabove. Examples are_ghten in (21) through (27). A feature-sized affix consisting of a syllable weight unit, i.e. a mom, may contribute to vowel lengthening (Yangchengin (21), Heshun in (22)) and thus affect the syllable weight of the affixed output; on the other hand, an affix consisting of only a tonal feature (Cantonese in (23)) or segmental features (e.g.. Jiyuan in (24)) result in feature changes in the stem. The-prosodic mom, 41`, whichlisxlevoid ofsegmental feature contents, could be filled by the nuclear vowel of the stem resulting in vowel lengthening as in Yangcheng (21) and Heshun (22) or by the default vowel as in Huojia (25). In addition to vowel lengthening and -326- epenthesis, the surface alternations also result from the creation of a new segment by imposing the affixal features on the syllabic coda of the stem, e.g. (21c) and (24cg), or by merging the nuclear vowel and the coda, e.g. (24d) and (25bc). (Sitce this paper concerns mainly on the to discuss the analysis of bianyun and general classification of affixation types, we are not readers are referred to Lin (1993) for details.) One th ng worth noting is that in (21) through (24), the derived words may consist of either closed or open syllables, while those in (25) through (27) require an open syllable output Such requirement, according to Lin (1993), triggers segmental merger, e.g. Huojia in (25). Segmental losses in (26b) and (27b) may also be considered a response to the same restriction. C. Affix Form: feature-sized; Stem-Affix Contraction: yes (21) zi rime change in Yangcheng (data from Hou 1985, analysis from Lin 1993) thi:u 'ladder' [+bk, +rd] + a. thi 'rake' pp: > [+bk, +rd] + b. pa 'heart' ci:g (ci:og) [+bk, +rd] + c. cin (22) zi rime change in Heshun (data from Tian 1986, analysis from Lin 1993) lu: 'stove' + p. a. lu 'bag' p. ta:i + -4 b. tai 'collar' li:g + p. c. lig (23) Cantonese diminutive tonal change (Yip 1980) Oil: (35) [+H] iiii: (21) + a. soe:g (55) -4 [4-11] b. tsce:g (53) + C. yuk (22) + H-H] yuk (35) (24) er and zi rime changes in Jiyuan (data from He 1981, analysis from Lin 1993) 'nose' > pi:u [+bk, +rd] (zi ) + pi a. 'flower' > xup [+bk, +rd] + b. xua 'gold' tci:g [+bk, +rd] + tc in c. ) d. e. f. g. h. pan pi ma + [+bk, +rd] + + [-bk, +rd] (er) gin + + [-bk, +rd] [-bk, +rd] pan -4 > > [-bk, +rd] ---) > ) pi piii mee ail pö 'board' 'nose' 'horse' 'heart' 'board' ) (25) D rime change in Huojia (data from He 1982, analysis from Lin 1993) 'Li (surname)' iE Ea p.(13') + a. li sue 'Sun (surname)' --) SUM -4 + p. b. sun 'Ding (surname)' ti3 -4 -4 dap p. + C. tig ) (26) er suffixation in Dinghai (data from Fang 1993, analysis by Lin) 'card' bt [+nas, -bk] + ba a. ki 'dog' > [+nas, -bk] + b. kai 'goose' [+nas, -bk] + c. gau D8 -327- 338 (27) er suffixation in Ezhou (data from Wan 1990, analysis by Lin) a. tso + [-bk. +lo] > tsa 'table' b. iati + > [-bk, +1o] QiE 'heart' c. kau + [-bk, +lo] ----) kw 'cake' Although the classification based on (7) appears to have successfully merged affixation and bianyun , it has not addressed the question of variation in syllable weight. As mentioned above, the contraction of the stem and the affix under bianyun produces two distinctive output types: a single syllable (either open or closed) and a strictly open syllable. Such a distinction which goes beyond the Stem-Affix Contraction parameter is also called for in cases such as Jiyuan bianyun in (24) where the derived words are grouped into two: a strictly open syllable is required when the nucleus of the stem is a low vowel (24dh), but a high vowel may be followed by a coda nasal or glide (24aceg).7 In addition to Affix Placement (as in (1)), I propose three new parameters for a complete classification of Chinese affixation patterns: Affix Form, Stem-Affix Contraction, Syllable Weight. The options within each parameter are shown in (28). (29) exemplifies how these three parameters cross-classify the diverse affixation patterns in various Chinese languages. (28) a. Affix Form: (i) Full-segment affix (ii) Degenerate affix b. Stem-Affix Contraction: Yes/No c. Syllable Weight: (i) a heavy bimoraic syllable (ii) a light monomoraic open syllable (29) A. Stem-Affix Contraction: No Affix Form: full-segment affix Examples: Beijing zi suffixation, Taiwanese zi suffixation, etc. ((8)-(14)) B. Stem-Affix Contraction: Yes Affix Form Syllable Weight Examples Full-segment heavy Full-segment light Degenerate heavy Yangcheng zi suffixationfinfixation (21) Heshun zi infixation (22) Degenerate light Huoji4 D infixation (25) Yiwu er suffixation, Beijing er suffixation, etc. ((15)-(20)) Dinghai er suffixation (26) Erzhou er suffixation (27) Notice that not every combination of these parameters has attested examples. As shown in (29) there is a gap marked by a question mark. If the affix is separate from the stem, the affix is always in the form of a full-segment syllable; I have not found cases where a featuresized affix could become a separate syllable in the output. There are two possible ways to 7 1 will come back to the transitional cases across parameters below. -328- solve the problem: one is to reduce the number of parameters so as to eliminate redundancy, the other is to invoke universal principles/constraints for an explanation of the gap in the paradigm. The reduction of the number of parameters would result in undergeneralization and fail to reveal the similarities and differences between regular affixation and bianyun . An explanation of the gap lies in the concept of maximization. Maximality Principle in (30) intends to capture the generalization that languages tend to retain as much information as possible. (30) Maximality Principle (Prince 1985, Ito 1989): Units are of maximal size, within the other constraints on their form. If the output shape of a word is restricted to be a light open syllable, a full-fledged affix does not stand a chance to surface. As examples in (15)-(20) show, e.g. Beijing er suffixation, incorporation of a full-fledged suffix into the stem always creates a heavy syllable since the suffix would occupy the coda position of the syllable. On the other hand, a feature-sized affix may surface by being linked to the nucleus of the stem to yield a new segment; e.g., as shown in (25) through (27), the coda as well as the suffix are merged with the nuclear vowel, deriving a segment that contain the features of both the suffix and the original rime. The requirement for a light open syllable output and the addition of a full-segment affix is contradictory, and to achieve such a combination would require extensive loss of materials, a situation deviating away from the Maximality Principle. If this explanation is on the right track, we may never find examples to fill the gap in (29). In this section, I have demonstrated that three new parameters successfully cross-classify various types of regular affixation and bianyun in Chinese and a systematic gap of this typology may be accounted for by an appeal to the universal principle of maximality. 3. Transitional cases Consider now (31) through (34). These are dialects that cannot directly be classified into the system in (29); they usually exhibit a mixed system allowing different options of one parameter to coexist. I consider them to be transitional cases which are in the process of moving from one type of affixation to another type. In Mancheng, syllable contraction usually applies, but, as we can see in (31ab), if the stem ends in a velar nasal or the high back vowel RI], the suffix would stay as a separate syllable. Lanzhou freely allows the variation between the bisyllabic or monosyllabic output (32). The Yuanyang examples in (33cd) show that when the stem ends in a nasal, the derived zi word has to be an open light syllable.8 As mentioned in §2, the outputs of Jiyuan er and zi suffixation in (24) vary between heavy and light syllables; Huojia zi suffixation shows similar behavior, examples are given in (34). (31) er suffixation in Mancheng (Chen 1988) a. al) + ar ao Dar 'vegetable' b. au ar + au uar 'peach' c. ii + ar Liar 'fish' d. cill + ar --> 9iar 'heart' e. phan + ar pher 'plate' > 4 > > 8 See Yip (1992) and Lin (1993) for analyses. -329- 3 (32) er suffixation in Lanzhou (Gao 1985) + ma --> a. ui ma ui pht ui b. -> phi" + tu - matu phtui ..... 'horse' 'plate' (33) zi suffixation in Yuanyang (R. Li 1963) a. b. c. d. va pi phan lian +u +u +u +u __> piou pha > 'brush' 'nose' 'plate' lia 'curtain' ilau > (34) zi suffixation in Huojia (data from He 1982, analysis from Lin 1993) + a. pi [+bk, +rd] 'nose' pi:u + b. tpii [+bk, +rd] --> t9iiu 'young horse' c. a + [-i-bk, +rd] 'fool' P whyo d. whye + [-i-bk, +rd] 'eggplant' .__). phyD + e. phyaw [i-bk, +rd] 'ticket' f . faij + [+bk, +rd] -4 f3 'house' + [+bk, +rd] tci:g 'gold' g. Win > * > > These transitional cases can be characterized according to the proposed parameters as the type of affixation that allows the coexistence of both options within the Stem-Affix Contraction or the Syllable Weight parameters. The proposed classification is shown in (35). The existence of such transitional cases further supports the need to recognize these two parameters. (35) a. Affix Form: Full-segment Stem-Affix Contraction: sometimes yes, sometimes no Examples: Mancheng er suffixation (31), Lanzhou er suffixation (32) b. Affix Form: Full-segment Stem-Affix Contraction: yes Syllable Weight: sometimes heavy, sometimes light Example: Yuanyang zi suffixation (33) c. Affix Form: Degenerate Stem-Affix Contraction: yes Syllable Weight: sometimes heavy, sometimes light Example: Jiyuan zi and er suffixation (24), Huojia zi suffixation (34) We have seen that the same set of parameters account for both the inter-dialectal and intradialectal variations in the patterns of affixation. These variations may shed light on how one type of affixation changes to another. I hypothesize that the different types of affixation in (29) represent different stages of a changing process in which a full-segment affix is reduced to a feature-sized affix, stem-affix separation is being replaced by stem-affm merger, and the merged forms are changing from closed heavy syllables to light open syllables; The transitional types in (35) then showcase the change in progress. In terms of the proposed parameters, the hypothesized changing process may be characterized as in (36). -330- (36) Affix Form: Stem-Affix Contraction: Syllable Weight: Full-segment affix No Heavy -4 -4 --4 degenerate affix Yes Light A detailed investigation to support the hypothesis is beyond the scope of this paper and will be left for future research. The analysis provided here, nevertheless, points out the direction along which one could gain understanding of the formal mechanisms involved in the change of Chinese affixational patterns. 4. Conclusion In this paper, I propose an expansion of the parameters for a typology of Chinese affixation beyond the traditional general classification in terms of Affix Placement. The process of identifying the appropriate parameters is based on the morphological and phonological patterns of regular affixation and bianyun. The systematic gap in the paradigm is suggested to be accounted for by a universal principle. This study not only suggests a new perspective in investigating the similarities and differences of Chinese affixation patterns but also provides a clue for a further study of the mechanisms of variation and change in affixation. References Anderson, Stephen R. 1992. A-Morphous Morphology. Cambridge University Press. Olao, Yuen Ren. 1968. A Grammar of Spoken Chinese. Berkeley: University of California Press. Chen, Matthew Y. 1992. The chameleon [-r] in Yanggu: Morphological infixation or phonological epenthesis? Journal of East Asian Linguistics. 1.197-213. Chen, Shujing. 1988. Hebei Mancheng fangyan de tedian (Some characteristics of the Mancheng dialect of Hebei Province). Fangyan 1988.103-112. Cheng, Chin-chuan. 1973. A synchronic phonology of Mandarin Chinese. The Hague: Mouton. Chiang, Wen-yu. 1990. The prosodic domain of gemination in Taiwanese. Papers from the Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society 26.91-110. Chiang, Wen-yu. 1992. The prosodic morphology and phonology of affixation in Taiwanese and other Chinese languages. Delaware: University of Delaware Ph.D. dissertation. Dong, Shaoke. 1985. Yanggu fangyan de erhua (Er affixation in the Yanggu dialect). Zhongguo Yuwen. 1985.273-276. Fang, Songxi. 1986. Zhejiang Yiwu fangyan li de "n" hua yun (The n-suffixed limes in the Yiwu dialect of Zhejiang Province). Zhongguo Yuwen 1986.442-446. Fang, Songxi. 1993. Zhejiang Wu fangyan li de er wei (The er suffixes in the Wu dialects of Zhejiang Province). Zhongguo Yuwen 1993.134-140. Gao, Baotai. 1985. Lanzhou fangyanzhi. China: Ganshu Renmin Chubanshe. He, Wei. 1981. Jiyuan fangyan jilue (A sketch of the Jiyuan dialect). Fangyan. 1981.5-26. He, Wei. 1982. Huojia fangyan yunmu de fenlei (Classification of Huojia finals). Fangyan. 1982.22-36. He, Wei. 1984. Luoyang fangyan Jiltie (A sketch of the Luoyang dialect). Fangyan 1984.278299. Hou, Jingyi. 1985. Jin dongnan diqu de zibian yunmu (The modification of finals representing the suffixation of zi in the south eastern part of Shanxi Province). Zhongguo Yuwen 1985.130-137. -331- Li, Charles and Sandra Thompson. 1981. Mandarin Chinese: A Functional Reference Grammar. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press. Li, Rong. 1963. Hanyu fangyan diaocha shouce (Manual of survey of Chinese dialects). Beijing: Kexue Chubanshe. Lin, Yen-Hwei. 1989. Autosegmental treatment of segmental processes in Chinese phonology. Austin: University of Texas Ph.D. dissertation. Lin, Yen-Hwei. 1993. Degenerate affixes and templatic constraints: Rime change in Chinese. Language. 69.649-682. Marantz, Alec. 1982. Re reduplication. LI. 13.435-482. McCarthy, John J. and Alan S. Prince. 1986. Prosodic morphology. University of Massachusetts and Brandeis University Ms. Qian, Huiying. 1991. Tunxi fangyan de xiaocheng yinbian ji qi gongneng (The sound change as a means of indicating diminutives in the Tunxi dialect, Anhui Province). Fangyan 1991.200-203. Tian, Xicheng. 1986. Shanxi Heshun fangyan de zibian yunmu (Zi changed finals in the Heshun dialect of Shanxi Province). Zhongguo Yuwen 1986.371-373. Wan, Youbin. 1990. Ezhou fangyan de erhua (The suffix [-er] in the Ezhou dialect). Fangyan 1990.10?-108. Xu, Tongqiang. 1981. Shanxi Pingding fangyan de erhua he Jinzhong suowei de qian 1 ci (The retroflex ending in the Pingding dialect, and syllable-splitting by the insertion of 1 in middle-Shanxi dialects). Zhongguo Yuwen. 1981.408-415. Yan, Sen. 1989. Lichuan fangyan de zi wei he er wei (The suffixes zi and er in the Lichuan dialect of Jiangsu Province). Fangyan 1989.60-64. Yip, Moira. 1980. The tonal phonology of Chinese. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Ph.D. dissertation. Yip, Moira. 1992. Prosodic morphology in four Chinese dialects. Journal of East Asian Linguistics. 1.1-35. Zhang, Chengcai and Shikui Zhu. 1987. Xining fangyanzhi. China: Qinghai Renmin Chubanshe. Zhang, Zhenxin. 1983. Taiwan minnan fangyan jilue (A description of the Taiwan Southern Min dialect). Fuzhou, China: Fujian People's Press. -3323A DISCOURSE ORGANIZATION AND ANAPHORA IN SPOKEN AND WRI1TEN CHINESE DISCOURSE* Ming-Ming Pu University of Oregon 1. Introduction For the past two decades, anaphora has been the focus of considerable research on discourse production and comprehension because it is fundamental in understanding the relationships among cognitive processes, discourse structure and information distribution. There are three influential models of discourse anaphora in the functional domain: the distance model (Givón, 1983, 1989), the structural model (van Dijk & Kintsch, 1983, Fox, 1987; Hinds, 1977, 1979; inter alia), and the attention model (Chafe, 1987; Tomlin, 1987). The distance model argues for a correlation between anaphora and referential distance in discourse, e.g., number of clauses between a given anaphor and its antecedent. The distance model could be a manifestation of a psychological factor, as short-term memory decay. According to an "iconicity principle" underlying the model, the longer the distance, the harder it is for the hearer to identify the referent, and so a more explicit referential form (e.g., a full noun phrase) is required. The shorter the distance, the easier it is for the hearer to identify the referent, and hence a less explicit referential form (a lexical pronoun or a zero anaphor--ellipsis) is required (Givón, 1983:18). The model recognizes various psychological factors that underlie the distribution of anaphora. However, it overemphasizes the linear nature of discourse and thus fails to account for instances of long-distance pronominalization and shortdistance nominalization. The structural model emphasizes the relationship between discourse structure and anaphora. The hierarchical structure of discourse allegedly controls the use of anaphora: NPs (full noun phrases) are often used at the beginning or peak of a structural unit (e.g., episode, paragraph, etc.), while pronominals (lexical and zero pronouns) are often used within such a structural unit. The model presupposes the importance of hierarchical organization of discourse. Unfortunately, the problem faces difficulties to the extent that structural units such as paragraph, episode, event, theme, etc., are not well defined theoretically. Many structural units are hard to identify in spoken and written texth, and are prone to misinterpretation. The attention model emphasizes the role of cognitive processes, such as attention and memory, in guiding anaphoric choice in discourse. Tomlin (1987) defines these psychological factors in terms of a discourse unit (i.e., episode). He argues that an episode represents sustained attentional effort and endures until attention is diverted (i.e., an episode boundary is reached). He demonstrates that NPs are used at the boundary of episodes when attention shifts, while pronominals are used within episodes when attention sustains (see also Tomlin & Pu, 1991). The model shows greater sensitivity to subjects and text-specific variations than other approaches in relatively * The author is indebted to G. Prideaux and R. Tomlin for their comments and suggestions on the paper. The study was supported by SSHRC postdoctoral fellowship number 756-92-0112. -333- 3 simple production tasks. However, the model is less effective in accounting for anaphoric patterning in more complex spoken and written production and comprehension because the model seems to ignore the critical role played by social, interactional, and affective factors. While sharing the view that there is an important connection between a particular linguistic unit (namely, the episode/paragraph), and a cognitive factor (namely, the limited capacity of working memory), the present study departs from the prior research in two important ways. First, the study argues that cognitive constraints are not the sole factor in determining a speaker's anaphoric choice. Most specifically, discourse is not merely organized in terms of information flow and propositional content. There are often factors that relate discourse and anaphora, such as discourse structure, pragmatic information, and interpersonal factors. We cannot provide a complete account of the distribution of anaphora in discourse processing unless we take into consideration all of these factors. Second, the study compares spoken with written Chinese narratives, and demonstrates that the two modalities exhibit an overall similar pattern of anaphora, although some differences exist because of the specific characteristics of the two types of discourse. In what follows, We will first explore three important aspects of discourse processingcognitive constraints, discourse structure, and pragmatic considerations, and the relationship between the three factors and the use of anaphora in Section 2. We will then provide a general interactive principle determining the basic pattern of anaphora in Section 3. While Section 4 will present an experimental study to test the general principle of anaphoric patterning and discusses the results of the experiment, Section 5 will illustrate, with a text-data analysis, that the general principle is also operative in written narratives. Finally, Section 6 will discuss the general findings and the implications of the present study. 2. Factors determining the basic pattern of discourse anaphora The present study proposes, with data drawn from both spoken narrative production tasks and written discourse, that anaphoric choices made by Chinese speakers are constrained by cognitive, discourse, and pragmatic factors. Cognitive constraints refer to the memorial and attentional processes that underlie anaphoric patterning during narratiVe production. Discourse constraints specify speakers' hierarchical organization of discourse into smaller units and the marking of these units. Pragmatic constraints include speakers' intention of signaling hearers of the status of a given referent, their effort to avoid referential ambiguity, and their empathy with human central characters. Although these factors have been discussed in theories of anaphoric production in cognitive science, psycholinguistics (Chafe, 1987; van Dijk & Kintsch, 1983; Gernsbacher, 1990; Tomlin, 1987), discourse processing (Fox, 1987; Given, 1983; Hinds, 1979; Marslen-Wilson, Levy, & Tyler, 1982; Tannen, 1982) and pragmatics (Brown, 1983; Giv6n, 1989; Grimes, 1978), they tend to be explicated in isolation of one another. We argue that these three factors represents three dimensions of the relationship between discourse and anaphora: the plane of cognition, the plane of discourse structure and the plane of pragmatics. They integrate and interact to determine a speaker's anaphoric choice throughout discourse. Cognitive constraints characterize structured representation of information in memory, which is manifest most conspicuously by the hierarchical units of discourse. Discourse structure of -334- 34 various levels controls the basic pattern of anaphora with regard to the location of each specific referent (e.g., structure-initial or structure-internal), and thematic coherence of each discourse unit. Pragmatic considerations specify speaker's empathy with human central referents and speaker-hearer interaction. Without structural factors, the use of anaphora would appear to be random, and without pragmatic consideration, anaphoric patterning would not be complete. 2.1. Cognitive constraints, discourse organization, and anaphora The cognitive basis of episodic organization of discourse has been extensively investigated in linguistics, psychology, and cognitive science. Studies have shown that speakers, who are constrained by limited memory capacity, try to organize the overall discourse into sequences of episodes. Each episode consists of a sequence of sentences dominated by a Luacroproposition (van Dijk & Kintsch, 1983). The macroproposition relates sentence proposifions at a higher level and thus derives the global meaning of an episode or a whole discourse from the local sentential meaning of the discourse. The notion of episode as a semantic unit dominated by a macroproposition has been found to have psychological relevance. Black and Bower (1979), for example, demonstrated in a psychological study of story processing the existence of episodes as chunks in narrative memory. Similarly, Guindon and Kintsch (1982), in their experiment studying the macrostructure of texts, found that macrostructure formation appears to be a virtually automatic process. That is, people appear to form macrostructure during reading and derive relevant macropropositions of a passage as soon as possible. Their findings provided evidence for the "episode" and the "macrostructure" theories of van Dijk and Kintsch (1978, 1983) . Other studies of story processing (Mandler & Johnson 1977, Haberlandt, Berian, & Sandson 1980, Gernsbacher, 1990) suggest that readers slow their processing at or around the episode boundary. The increased reading time at boundaries exceed that which would be predicted on the basis of sentence level and text level factors. The boundary hypothesis, which derives from these findings, assumes that there are cognitive processes at or around the episode boundary which are not present inside the episode. At the beginning, readers shift from actively building one substructure to start another, and laying the foundation for the new episode consumes more mental effort. Haberlandt et al. (1980), who tested the boundary hypothesis with reading and recall experiments, found that the encoding load was greater at the boundary nodes than elsewhere, suggesting that readers are sensitive to episode boundaries and use them in encoding story information. Gernsbacher (1990) supports the episodic organization in story comprehension on the basis of various experimental results. She reports that comprehenders capture the episode structure of narratives in their mental representation by building separate substructures to represent each episode. The readers shift to build new substructures for new episodes, when and where information of the previous episode is less accessible to them. It is therefore harder for readers to draw coherence inferences across two episodes than within the same episode. The cognitive basis of discourse organization helps us further understand the relationship between discourse structure and anaphora. An episode, as a semantic unit subsumed under a macroproposition, is the textual manifestation of a memory chunk which represents sustained attentional effort and endures until an episode boundary is -335- 3 /16 reached. Attention shifts when the processing of the episode is completed. In other words, "the macroproposition remains in Short Term Memory for the rest of the interpretation of the same episode. As soon as propositions are interpreted that no longer fit that macroproposition, a new maCroproposition is set up" (van Dijk, 1982, p. 191). At an episode boundary where a change of macroproposition occurs (i.e., new agents, places, times, objects or possible worlds are expected to be introduced), the encoding load is much heavier, the reference under concern is less accessible, and hence a more explicit anaphoric form (e.g., an NP) is required to code the referent. Within an episode, when the macroproposition is maintained, the referent under consideration is more accessible and hence a less explicit anaphoric form (e.g., a pronominal) is su.fficient to code the reference. Indeed many studies on anaphora have reported the alternation between NPs and pronominals to be a function of the paragraph or episodic structure. Hinds (1977), for example, discusses how paragraph structure controls"the choice of NPs and pronouns. He finds that noun phrases are used to convey "semantically prominent" information in peak sentences of a paragraph while pronouns are used to indicate "semantically subordinate" information in non-peak sentences. Fox (1987) demonstrates that structural factors of discourse establish the basic pattern of anaphora: NPs are generally used at the beginning of a "development structure" to demarcate new narrative units, whereas pronominals are used within that structure. Marslen-Wilson et al. (1982) also argue that a speaker's use of referential devices is governed by discourse structure and the context of speaking. The general pattern of anaphora is that NPs and proper names are used to establish initial reference at an episode when a particular referent is in a state of low focus, whereas pronouns are used to maintain reference within an action sequence when a particular referent is in a state of high focus. 2.2. Pragmatic, interpersonal factors and anaphora In addition to discourse structure, pragmatic and interpersonal factors also affect the speaker's anaphoric choices. Speakers, at any given moment, try to help hearers build a structure representation of discourse congruent with their own in order to convey the intended message succ ,sfully. The speakers' assessment of the hearers' current knowledge affects both what is said and the structures chosen for saying it. In narrative production, speakers' referential choice is based partially on an assessment of their hearers' knowledge with respect to a particular referent, and they provide guidance for the hearers to identify uniquely each given referent through the use of anaphoric form. If speakers believe that a concept has already been "activated" or is resident in the hearers' consciousness (Chafe, 1987), they will treat that concept in an attenuated manner, most likely pronominalizing it. If speakers believe that the concept has not yet been activated, they will treat it in a less attenuated manner, most probably nominalizing it. If speakers believe that they need to disambiguate referents for their hearers, they will nominalize them to resolve the ambiguity. In general, speakers' anaphoric choice seems to follow closely Grice's (1967) dictum: do not be more informative than required. -336- Moreover, when two or more referents have been activated and compete for attention, human referents are preferred to be pronominalized over non-human or inanimate referents. Speakers tend to empathize with a human (Kuno & Kaburaki, 1977, Brown, 1983) because humans are generally more topical, more central, and more frequently attended to in narratives. On the other hand, when two or more human referents are competing for focal attention, the protagonist of a natTative tends to stay in focus longer than non-central characters and is consequently more likely to get pronominalized (Currah, 1990). 3. A general principle of anaphoric patterning Based on the interaction of all three factors explicated above, the present study proposed the following general hypothesis for the anaphoric patterning in narrative production. The basic pattern of anaphora throughout discourse is controlled by speakers/writers' organization of discourse into episodes, that is in turn constrained by cognitive processes of attention and memory. The pattern is completed by the consideration of pragmatic information available for each specific referent. The general hypothesis involves several claims. First, episodes represent separate memory units in discourse processing. Narrative discourse is not only memorized, stored and recalled as episodes, but also produced as episodes. Second, episodic structure partially controls anaphoric patterning. NPs are used at the beginning of an episode when attention shifts and the reference is less accessible; pronominals are used within an episode when attention sustains and the refe. nice is more accessible. Third, interpersonal and pragmatic considerations complete the pattern. While indefinite NPs are used for the first mentions of referents anywhere in discourse, definite NPs are used for reinstating reference at the boundary, resolving referential ambiguity, and coding nonhuman and noncentral reference within an episode or a subunit. In order to test the hypothesis and hence the above three predictions, anaphotic patterns in both spoken and written narratives are examined in both experimental condition and naturally occurring written texts. Since the construct of episodes plays a crucial role in the present study, definitions are needed for the theoretical concepts of episode and episode boundary. The definitions are defined according van Dijk (1982), van Dijk and Kintsch (1983), and Tomlin (1987),. Episode. An episode is defined cognitively as a memory unit/chunk in the flow of information processing. Attention is sustained in an episode until an episode boundary is reached. Linguistically, an episode is a semantic uriit subsumed under a macroproposition. The macroproposition is generally a topical expression, which is derived from a sequence of sententially expressed propositions of discourse. Episodes in a discourse may be of varying length or scope. episode boundary. An episode is conceived of as a part of a whole discourse, having a beginning and an end. The beginning and end of an episode are defined in terms of propositions subsumed under the same macroproposition, while the propositions preceding the first and following the last proposition of an episode should be subsumed -337- 38 under different macropropositions. The transition between macropropositions represent episode boundaries. They are normally marked by expressions denoting changes in time, place, scenery, participant, perspective, possible world, etc. Cognitively, boundaries may also be manifestations of attention shifts. 4. The experiment The experiment was conducted to examine the relationship between cognitive processes, discourse structure and use of anaphora in speakers' narrative production. More specifically, it was designed to test (a) if the structural unit of episodes has psychological relevance, (b) if the episodic structure controls the basic pattern of anaphora, and (c) if pragmatic and interpersonal factors are employed to complete the anaphoric patterning. In the present experiment, episode boundaries were operationally defined and manipulated by imposing perceptual disruption (i.e., video-cuts) in the flow of visual materials. The manipulation of speakers' attentional effort would presumably affect their episodic organization and hence their use of anaphora throughout discourse production. 4.1. Experimental Method stimulus materials. The stimulus material for the study consisted of adaptions of three excerpts from a children's picture storybook (without a written text) about a little boy, "Here comes Alex Pumpernickel" (Krahn, 1981). The picture book was chosen for several reasons. First, many of the cognitive processes and mechanisms involved in language processing are not specific to language (Gernsbacher, 1990). They are general cognitive processes and mechanisms. Comprehenders easily segment stories after viewing a non-verbal picture story, or watching a movie without a dialogue (Baggett, 1979). Second, the book consists of eight separate, but related episodes of a story. Each episode describes some activities during a day in Lax's life and each episode is subtitled. Third, with the subtitles removed from the stimulus material, the subjects' recognition of episodes in this experiment would be independent from linguistic information. We would thus avoid risking the problem of circularity in defining and identifying episodes. The purpose of the experiment was to see if subjects would organize, store, produce or recall the non-verbal story in terms of episodes after viewing the picture sequence without any linguistic clues. The three episodes adapted for the present experimental study are subtitled: (a) Aim EumpemickellasLaisk.sitdiatista11.2;042E.1, (b) Alex Pumpernickel swats fa flyl (2:00 p.m.), and (c)Alex PALpn ernickel lends a hand (10:00 a.m.). These three particular episodes were selected because of some pragmatic characteristics of anaphora to be investigated. Each episode consisted of (a) human, nonhuman and inanimate referents, (b) human central versus noncentral characters, (c) old versus new characters and human characters of the same versus different gender. These options would permit us to assess whether the pragmatic considerations of empathy, centrality, and ambiguity resolution play a role in subjects' anaphoric choice. Each of the three episodes consisted of eight pictures, presented in pairs on each page. The three episodes (i.e., twelve pairs of pictures, with subtitles removed) were made into a black and whits video prr gram. The video could be viewed as a cartoon -338- 3 I; 9 sequence of 12 pairs of pictures from a Macintosh screen. The resulting video program was designed to provide as little background as possible. Experimental conditions. While watching the video, subjects had to press the computer mouse button to advance from one picture to the next. The transition between pairs took approximately 3 seconds. At the moment the mouse was pressed, its click and the noise coming from the computer as it changed pictures were clearly audible. The brief interrupting period between the video-cuts, together with the accompanying noise, provided strong visual and auditory disruption to the subjects' attention. The disruption between each pair of pictures was inserted to manipulate subjects' cognitive processes of attention and memory. In other words, it served as an imposed episode boundary, which would force subjects to reorient their attention (and hence reorganize episodic structures) so as to continue with their production task. Two experimental conditions, Even and Odd, were established to test the present hypothesis. In the Even condition, the picture sequence was presented in the original pairs (twelve picture frames); that is, the three original episode boundaries did not cut into any of the twelve imposed boundaries. In the Odd condition, the first single picture of the first episode was presented alone and the rest of pictures were in pairs, with the last single picture of the last episode also presented alone. There were therefore thirteen picture frames in the Odd condition, with two of the three original episode boundaries being embedded in two of the picture frames That is, the two original episode boundaries conflicted with two imposed boundaries. Twenty volunteers participated in the experiment. They were all Subjects. adult native speakers of Mandarin Chinese at the University of Alberta. Half of the subjects were male and half female. All subjects completed the experiment in Mandarin Chinese. The subjects were assigned randonaly to two conditions, Even and Odd. Procedures. There were two narrative production tasks: an on-line description task and a recall task. In the on-line task, subjects were asked to watch the video program and at the same time produce a story based on the pictures presented on the screen. They were told to take as much time as needed for each single or pair of pictures. Once finished with a screen, they could not see it again. Since discourse organization is assumed to be a manifestation of cognitive processes, it was expected that subjects would respond to the episode boundary in exactly the same way, regardless of how the picture sequence was presented. In other words, subjects were expected to recognize and mark the episode boundary with full NPs regardless of whether or not it was embedded within a picture- frame. Upon completion of the on-line description, subjects were asked to recall the entire story they had just described. They were instructed to retell as much as possible of the story, without seeing the picture sequence. Since no video-cuts were present in the recall task, subjects were expected to retrieve the story as consisting of three original episodes, regardless of their experimental conditions. Because the episodes are assumed to act as separate memory units/chunks, subjects should be able to structure and mark such units linguistically. In the recall task, each of the Mandarin groups (i.e., Even and Odd) was divided into two subgroups: five of each group performed the recall task in oral form and the other five in written form. The task was so divided because Mandarin Chinese makes no gender distinction among third-person pronouns in oral form; all third-person singular pronouns ("he/she/it") have the same pronunciation ta. Chinese subjects -339- 360 therefore might have to use NPs to distinguish male characters from female characters in orally retelling the story. However, in written Chinese, a gender distinction is present for personal pronouns, and there are three different forms for "he," "she," and "it." By performing a written recall task, subjects would be able to use disambiguating pronouns instead of NPs. Thus, it could be possible to distinguish disambiguating anaphors from those sensitive to episode boundary conditions by comparison of oral and written productions. 4.2. Results and discussion General Performance The subjects' general performance across conditions and tasks was very similar in terms of anaphoric production. Subjects in each group produced almost the same number of NPs (Even, 113; Odd, 117) and pronominals (Even, 85; Odd, 77). No statistically significant differences were found. Moreover, when written and oral narratives were compared, no difference was found in the use of lexical pronouns for the human central character: for the Even condition, 27% in the written and 27% in the oral; for the Odd condition, 23% in the written and 23% in the oral. As for the human non-central characters, lexical prbnouns used in the written recall were less frequent than those used in the oral recall. Since no differences were found in subjects' anaphoric choice between written and oral recalls, the two sets of data were combined in the present study. Humanness and Centrality of Referents As discussed in the previous section, speakers tend to empathize first with a human in narratives and use this pragmatic information in encoding referents. This prediction was borne out in our experiment. Figure 1 below shows the frequency distribution of pronominals over the three types of referents (i.e., human, nonhuman and inanimate) for both conditions. While about 49% of human referents were coded by pronominals, nonhuman and irianimate referents were coded by pronominals only about 25% and 11% of the time respectively. 50% Odd Even 40% 30% 20% 10% Human Non-human Inanimate Figure 1: Pronominal Distribution by humanness -340- 3 Based on Figure 1, the following hierarchy can be proposed for anaphora and pragmatic factors: Pronominal: Human > Nonhuman > Inanimate Human < Nonhuman < Inanimate) (NP: The hierarchy, which conforms to Kuno & Kaburaki's (1977) empathy hierarchy, illustrates a general pattern of anaphoric choice over different types of referents. Since humans are generally more topical, more central, and more frequently attended to in narratives, pronominals (less coding materials) are more frequently used to refer to them. On the other hand, the factor of "centrality", as predicted by the present study, plays a very important role in determine speakers' anaphoric choice during narrative production. Figure 2 below shows the huge difference between the coding of human central and noncentral referents in the use of pronominals. 70% Even 60% Odd 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% Central Nort-ceniral Figure 2: Pronominal Distribution by Centrality The percentage of human central versus noncentral referents encoded by pronominals is about 70% versus 28% on average across conditions. Although these differences are striking, they are not surprising because human cent al referents are usually the subject of the narrative, and they tend to be under focus and are discussed more frequently than are non-central referents. Moreover, when human referents is distinguished for centrality, the difference between the proportion of human noncentral versus nonhuman referents is only marginal. This was resulted from the differential use of lexical versus zero pronouns. While lexical pronouns are rarely used to code referents other than humans in Chinese, zero anaphora are very often used to refers to both human and non-human referents. -341- 352 The experimental results support the claim that "humanness" and "centrality" affect a speaker's anaphoric choice in narrative production: the more central a referent is (i.e., usually human), the more it will be attended to, the longer it will remain in focus, and consequently attenuated anaphoric devices (i.e., pronominals) will be used to code and identify it. Bpisodes as Memory Units The episode boundary results obtained from the recall task in all four groups provided evidence that episodes exist as chunks in narrative memory. Although there was no written clue in the video stimuli that there were three original episodes in the story, 17 out of 20 subjects (85%) recognized the three original episodes and mentioned the fact overtly. More interestingly, some subjects' recall data showed the specific monitoring role that macropropositions play in discourse processing. These subjects first recalled the paragraph level theme, or macroproposifion, and then the whole episode came flowing out. Some exact wordings are "Well, it's about the boy chasing the fly, ...", "Okay, it's about the kid swatting a fly, ...", or "Yes, it's about the boy and the fly". In addition to the overt mention of the three episodes, subjects consistently marked the beginning of each episode by using NPs that reinstate the referent throughout their recall task. This demonstrates, as specified by the boundary hypothesis (Mandler & Johnson, 1977; Kintsch, 1977; Haberlandt et al., 1980), that cognitive processes at episode boundaries are different from those inside the episode. The subject had to devote a special effort to encoding the beginning of an episode because (a) the subject tried to grasp the initiating and topical event of the episode during the quick flow of discourse processing, (b) the subject identified the protagonist of the episode and established a new memory location for the protagonist, and (c) at the beginning, the subject shifted the perspective, breaking the sustained attentional effort for the previous episode even when the protagonist of the episode remained the same. In general, much as Gernsbacher (1990) observes, subjects shift to build a new substructure for a new episode, when and where more cognitive efforts are required for laying the foundation of the new episode. Episode Boundary Results As the present hypothesis predicted, NPs should be used at episode boundaries to reinstate reference when attention shifts, while pronominals should he used within episodes to maintain reference when attention is sustained. This was exactly what happened in the experiment regardless of conditions. The episode boundary results are shown in Tables 1 and 2, where data are calculated as Hits and Misses. Hits are NPs used at an episode boundary plus pronominals used within an episode; Misses are NPs used within an episode plus pronominals used at a boundary. Anaphora Even At an episode boundazy Within an episode NP Pronominal NP Pronominal Proportion of of Hits (%) Odd 75 76 0 3 139 143 353 294 75.49 72.71 TOTAL 151 3 282 647 74.10 (Avera Table 1: Episode Boundary Results in the Recall Task -342- 35ki At an episode boundary Anaphora NP Pronominal Within an episode NP Pronominal Proportion of of Hits (%) Odd 210 232 30 31 48 75 371 340 88.16 84.37 TOTAL 442 61 123 711 86.27 (Avera e) Even Table 2. Episode Boundary Results in the On-line Task The hit rates of the two groups in each task are very similar (about 74% in the recall task and 86% in the on-line task). There is no statistically significant difference found within and across conditions. The results demonstrate that subjects managed reference in discourse production following a general pattern. Their choice of anaphors reflected their discourse organization in the oral and written production task, which was partially controlled by their cognitive activities of memory and attention. 4.3. Counter-examples? On the other hand, the experimental results reveal that overall about 19% of tokens (26% in the recall task and 14% in the on-line task) seem to nm counter to the boundary theory, i.e., NPs used within the episode and pronominals used at the boundary. These counter-examples can also be Accounted for by the present hypothesis, which is reported subsequently in this section. At the boundary: Inter-episode pronominals. Let us first examine the recall task (see Table 1). The inter-episode pronominals are very few (three cases, about 1% of all misses). In the on-line task (see Table 2), however, the inter-episode pronominals was about 33% (61 out of 184) of all misses . There are several possible explanations to account for the occurrence of these pronouns at the boundary. First, some subjects appeared to be more sensitive to original boundaries than to imposed boundaries. They always marked an original boundary with NPs, but failed to mark the imposed ones from time to time. They tended to keep the central character in focus and pronominalize them until an original boundary was reached. This trend accounted for 52% (32 out of 61) of inter-episode pronominal misses in the on-line task. Second, about half of the subjects responded to both original and imposed boundaries for the first half of their descriptive task, marking both types of boundaries with NPs, but they seemed to overcome the imposed boundary gradually. By the time the last original episode was reached, the major character had. been well established and many subjects overrode the imposed boundaries, using pronominals to maintain reference through to the end. Such uses of pronominals account for about 30% (18 out of 61) of inter-episode pronominal misses. On the other hand, it is interesting to see that though the central character was maintained with pronouns within the last original episode, non-central characters were almost always referred to by NPs regardless of the gender of the central and non-central characters. -343- Third, the other 18% (11 out of 61) of inter-episode pronouns all came from one subject who recalled the three episodes as if there were a single one. He did not mark any of the imposed and original boundaries except the first one, where they introduced the participants of the story with NPs. The reason these subjects failed to recognize episode boundaries is not clear at the moment. An explanation may be sought in the realm of individual differences in language/task abilities. Intra-episode NPs accounted for 17% of all tokens (405 out of 2420) produced by the subjects in both tasks: 26% (282 out of 1083) in the recall task and 9% (123 out of 1337) in the on-line task. Some nonad-hoc explanations can account for these intra-episode misses, apart from cases of ambiguity resolution. First, as is evident from the discussion of "centrality," the protagonist of the story tends to be kept in focus and pronominalized within episodes. In contrast, noncentral characters are frequently nominalized, even when pronoun gender could distinguish between the central and non-central referents. This is illustrated in the example taken from a subject's written recall data. 1)* The child is walking on the street. Just as (he) goes around the corner, (he) sees a woman with two bags of groceries in her hands. He steps forward and asks the woman if he could help. The woman is happy to give him one of the bags. He carries the bag and follows (her). Something in the bag is moving all the time. He is very curioas. As soon as the woman turns the comer and can't see him, he opens the bag. Out jumps a big lobster and scratches his face. He ties the bag up and quickly catch up with the woman. Here, lexical and zero pronouns were consistently preferred for the central character, with full NPs used for the non-central character even if gender could come into play. The differential use of anaphors between the central and non-central characters thus resulted in more NPs than expected (34% of all intra-episode NPs, i.e., 137 out of 405 NPs used within episodes). Another phenomenon observed was the fact that more NPs were used within the first episode (in which Alex appears with another child) than within the other two. There are two possible reasons for this trend: 1) at the beginning of the recall task, subjects usually established and identified the participants with more NPs than expected, and 2) in the first episode, both participants appeared in each of the eight pictures and both took part in the activities together; subjects thus tended to weigh both characters equally for centrality. The following is an excerpt taken from a subject in the written recall condition. 2) This appears to be three short stories. In the first story, a little boy and a little girl are playing tennis in the backyard. The girl hits the ball first towards the boy , the boy gets it and hits it back toward the girl, ... Even the two characters ara of different gender, the subject chose to use full NPs to refer to each child throughout the retelling of the first episode. The first episode accounted for 28% (i.e., 114 out of 405) of all intra-episode NPs. The third factor to emerge was that in the recall task, the episodes are relatively longer and more complex than the imposed episodes in the on-line task, and speakers were more often obliged to mark minor thematic discontinuity occurred within * Due to limited space, the examples used in the paper are all rendered in English translation, with the original anaphors (i.e., NPs, lexical pronouns, and zero anaphora) intact. -.344- the episodes, e.g., changes of scenes, changes of participants, changes of perspectives or point of views within each episode. Subjects tended to use NPs to signal these changes, i.e., to treat them as indicating sub-episodes in the story structure. For example, a subject in the oral recall task produced the following excerpt. The third story is about the same boy. At the beginning, he is standing on (..) on a chair, 3) holding a fly-swatter, about to hit a fly. The fly flies toward a chair (um..) a sofa by the chair. He waves the fly-swatter and aims at the sofa. But he misses the fly, and (..) and hits a pile of newspaper on the sofa instead. / Up sits a man suddenly from under the newspaper, (uh..) perhaps his father. Just as the man sits up, the newspaper is falling on the floor. The boy doesn't pay any attention (to the man), (he) rummages about among the newspaper on the floor, trying to find the fly. He then throws the newspaper all over the place, ... In this episode, when Alex hits the newspaper, something surprising changes the perspective of the story. This signals a sub-boundary or thematic discontinuity (as is indicated by a slash in the above recall data). At the beginning of this sub-unit, not only the new character is introduced by an NP, the re-introduction of the old character is also done by an NP. This type of in' ra-episode NPs accounted for another 33% of all NP misses (93 out of 282) in the recall task. Finally, in the on-line task, about 29% (i.e., 36 out of 123) of all intra-episode NPs were prlduced by the three subjects, who viewed and described the dual picture frame as if the two were presented individually. In other words, they overtly mentioned that they treated the single frame as two separate pictures during their production task, with phrases like "the picture on the left, ... the picture on the right", "the next picture, ... the next picture", "the first picture, ... the second picture", etc. These subjects used NPs to reinstate a referent following their mention of the second picture in the frame. All three subjects performed consistently throughout the narrative tasks, reinstating a referent between the two pictures as if there were a minor boundary there. Tomlin (1987) observes similar behavior in his experimental study and finds that some subjects overtly treated the dual slide presentation conditions as though the slides were presented singly throughout the task. The remaining intra-episode NPs may be attributed to idiosyncrasy. The noncentral characters were normally referenced by NPs within the episode. However, some subjects used NPs and pronominals alternatively to disambiguate referents when the central character was of the same gender as the non-central referents. This usage, however, amounts only to 6% of all NP misses (i.e., 25 out of 405 intra-episode NPs). 5. Written narratives While Section 4 focuses on the distribution of anaphora in both spoken and written narrative samples elicited in the experimental condition, this section will examine written Chinese texts and explore the basic pattern of anaphora in popular Chinese novels/narratives. We argue on the one hand, that the general principle of anaphoric patterning proposed in the present study holds for both written and spoken Chinese narratives, and on the other hand, that some differences exist between speakers and writers in their use of anaphora because of some distinct characteristics of the two modalities. -345- 3rLib The differences between spoken and written discourse have been explored since 1960s (Chafe, 1982; Havelock, 1963, 1971; Ong, 1977; Tannen, 1982, 1984; inter alia). Some studies have focused on particular differences or sets of related differences, and argued that the two modalities differ from each other in more ways than just the medium in which they are conveyed. Others have held that the differences between speaking and writing can be overridden when the context is appropriate. There are some styles of spealdng which makes uses of features associated with writing, and some styles of writing which are more like speech. Beaman (1984), for example, finds that the spoken narratives are just as complex as the written ones: subordinate clauses frequently occur in spoken narratives as well, contrary to the findings of the previous studies, though they are different types and used for different discourse purposes. In this study, we consider the alleged structural characteristics of spoken and written discourse to be best represented by a continuum. Spontaneous conversation and formal academic prose would set up two poles on the continuum, and other styles of spoken and written discourse may be posited on various points of the continuum; closer or farther away from the poles. Spoken and written narratives, for example, would be close to each other on the continuum, as Tannen (1984) claims: "all narratives, spoken or written, is modelled on the oral story-telling genre" (p. 39) because they depend for their effect on interpersonal involvement between the writer or the character and the reader. The similar story-telling style, and hence the similar structural characteristics of written and spoken narratives would also reveal a similar patte rn of anaphoric distribution between the two modalities. The experimental study discmsed in the previous section has given evidence to the prediction. The naturally occurring (as versus experimentally elicited) written narratives, on the other hand, would yield the same basic pattern of anaphora since writers organize the discourse, empathize with their audience, utilize pragmatic and contextual information in a similar way as do speakers in their narrative production. 5.1. The hierarchical structure of written narratives The present study argues that writers' hierarchical organization of written narratives, like spoken ones, governs their use of anaphora to a large extent. The basic assumption underlying structural analysis of discourse is that speakers/ writers try to produce stories and conversations as separate but interrelated structural units, and hearerWreaders also try to represent incoming information in a group of hierarchically organized units. The major difference between spoken and written narratives in this study is that the discourse organization in narrative production is a speaker-and-hearer oriented process, but the discourse organization in written narratives is mainly reader-oriented. This results from different cognitive demands impocd upon speakers and writers. As discussed earlier in the paper, the hierarchical organization of discourse is a manifestation of the limited capacity of human cognitive resources: the spoken units, usually simple and short, are limited by short-term memory constraints, and also by speakers' empathy with hearers' cognitive capacity limitations. Writers, on the other hand, are relatively freed from cognitive constraints (as far as the final written product is concerned). Their production processes would be little affected by discourse organization from their own point of view. Nevertheless, writers write for an audience. They would also try to organize the overall discourse into sizable, comprehensible units -3463 t; of different levels because they know intuitively that language so packaged will be easier to process for their readers, who are more constrained than themselves by cognitive resources and have to process incoming information without a specific discourse plan. To ensure a successful delivery of what they write, writers try to help their readers build a discourse representation congruent with their own by forming hierarchical structural units along the linear path of discourse production. While lacking the opportunity for a direct interchange, writers employ various signaling devices to separate and link structural units. The alternative use of NPs and pronominals is one of the signaling devices writers employ to cue comprehenders where and when a new unit starts. Previous work has been done on the structural analysis of written story or narratives. Among numerous theories dealing with discourse representation and story comprehension, the theory of story grammar or story schema is most influential (Brown & Yule, 1986; Mandler & Johnson, 1977; Rumelhart, 1977; Thorndyke, 1977). A story grammar generally consists of a set of rules that describe how a story can be chunked into smaller units such as setting, episode, event, action, goal, consequence, etc., and how these units are related to one another. The approach of story grammars helps provide ways of representing knowledge stored in memory and how it relates to discourse understanding. However, such a story grammar appears to be appropriate only for short, simple and specially constructed texts. In analyzing naturally occurring narratives, the problems of the story grammar (see especially Thorndyke, 1977, p. 79) become apparent: 1) the lower level components such as subgoal, event, attempt, etc. are so loosely defined that identifications of such categories in long, complex, natural narratives are extremely difficult; 2) it is not at all clear how recursive units such as episode and event differ from or relate to one another, and how they relate to the overall structure of the narrative; 3) the set of rules defined in the story grammar are either too restrictive or too general to account for narrative units of different types. The present study proposes, in accord with the hypothesis proposed in Section 3, that both written and spoken discourses are hierarchically organized into sequences of episedes. The general difference found in this study between the two modalities, however, is that episodes in the latter are simple, short, and similar in length and content, whereas episodes in the former are of varying length, complex, and have more layers of recursive units. Specifically, four levels of units are identified in written narratives: the overall discourse, macro-units (episodes), micro-units (subunits), and sentences/clauses, ranging from the highest to the lowest. These lower-level units are related to one anothlr to maintain local thematic continuity, while they contribute to higher level theme to manage the global coherence of the discourse. Of these structural units, episodes are regarded as the core unit of discourse because they pertain both to global structure of discourse and to topically coherent parts of discourse. Moreover, as illustrated in our experimental study, episodic organization in discourse processing has psychological content and is crucial to anaphoric patterning in written discourse. 5.2. An analysis of written texts According to the present hypothesis, NPs would be expected to be used at episode boundaries to mark the beginning of a new structural unit, and pronominals are used within episodes to maintain thematic coherence of the unit. For our text analysis, episodes are first identified in written texts, and then the distribution of anaphora is -347- 356 examined to see if the written narratives used for the present study exhibit the pattern of anaphora predicted by our hypothesis. As defined in Section 3, an episode is recursive in nature and subsumed under a macropropositions. Since each episode is subsumed by a different macroproposition, topic changes would be expected to take place at the beginning of a new episode. Writers often use subtitles, chapter or section headings, or even blank lines to separate episodes and divide boundaries. The beginning of an episode is sometimes also cued by time or place phrases such as Friday, March 20; Three days after; Outside the restaurant; In the hospital, etc. Writers use these cues to signal the advent of a new episode, and readers depend largely on these cues to build separate substructures to represent episodes during comprehension. Moreover, NPs (more coding materials) would occur at the beginning of an episode to facilitate readers' construction of the new substructure since reference would be less accessible to them across episode boundaries. In the present analysis, episodes are identified roughly corresponding to chapters, sections, paragraphs in the written narratives, and episode boundaries are usually accompanied by chapter headings, sub-headings, blank lines, and adverbial phrases of some kind. NPs would occur in an episode accompanying one or more of the following parameters , which is/are employed to signal transitions between episodes. 1. the first mention of a participant in an episode, and/or changes in 2. time 3. location 4. topic 5. participant In the remainder of this section, we will analyze one of the chapters randomly chosen from each of the following three contemporary Chinese novels, and illustrate the general pattern of anaphora with examples taken from these written narratives. We will narrow our focus on human referents only, i.e., examine anaphora in its prototypical use--tracking a human participant through a discourse. 1. The Aged (Cheng, 1991) 2. The Years that Slipped By (Ye, 1982) 3. The Leaden Wing (Zhang, 1984) The chapter from Cheng is composed of 20 episodes (11 pages), the chapter from Ye consists of 27 episodes (18 pages), and the chapter from Zhang contains 25 episodes (13 pages). Generally, the hit rate (i.e., NPs used at the boundary and pronominals used within episode) is very high for all three chapters. They range from 92% to 94%, with an average hit rate of about 93%. Specifically, almost 99% of pronominals are used within episodes to maintain thematic coherence, only 78% of NPs are used at the boundary. Special attention is thus paid to the analysis of the NPs. First, of the 78% of NPs occurring at the boundary (Hits), 8% are used for the first mentions of participants in an episode. These can either be the first introductions or re-introductions of a referent. The following passage takes the first few clauses from each of the three consecutive episodes in the selected chapter by Zhang (1984). All three episodes focus on a major discourse participant He Jiabin and referred to frequently by pronominals within each episode, yet the character is reinstated by an NP at the beginning of each episode. -348- 35 4) He Jiabin looked sternly, even somewhat gloatingly, into the man's fat, greasy face, ... He Jiabin had many things on (his) mind as he made (his) way to Room 213, ... He jiabin had just got off work when (he) spotted Wan Qun at the gate, ... Secondly, about 12% of NPs are used at the beginning of an episode accompanied by adverbial phrases of time. Consider the following passage: In a large office, Zeng Huixin's desk was placed at an inconspicuous corner. She sat at the 5) corner since (she) graduated from university, ... After a few years, Zeng Huixin had become a skillful editor. She still sat at the corner, ... Third, about 7% of NPs are used to mark thematic discontinuity after changes indicated by adverbial phrases of place. The following example provides an example. She (Xia Zhuyun) was a bit upset, thinking that the hairdressee was over friendly. 6) Outside the beauty saloon, Xia Zhuyun took a glance at her watch. ... Next, another 16% of NPs are used at the beginning of an episode where a change in topic occurs. Changes in topic are of varying kind such as a shift from the description of one participant to another, a shift from a participant's appearance or personalities to authorial comments, or changes from action sequences to a character's inner thoughts, etc. An example of this kind is given below. 7) She (Ye Zhiqiu) herself couldn't quite figure out why she would do it. It may be because she could never be a mother in her life, (she) would tty to seize any opportunity to show her love as a mother like all women in the world. For a woman, ugliness is certainly a misfortune. Taking individually, there was nothing wrong with Ye Zhiqiu's features, but these features, viewed as a face, made her one of the few most ugly women. Finally, about 35% of the NP hits are used for shifts between two participants in a close interaction, especially in a dialogue. Dialogues in written narratives are often explicitly cued (about 70% of time) by the characters' names, although some (about 30% of time) are not cued at all to intensify the effect of making the reader a closer onlooker of the progressing events. The following dialogue provides an example of the formei ase. 8) Du Jianchun asked: "Tell me, how did you come to this remote area?" "I?" Ke Bizhou hesitated, stumbling: "You, you want to know the truth?" "Of course!" Du Jianchun was much surprised: "Who'd like to hear lies?" Ke Bizhou was somewhat uneasy, he said dryly: "I came here not of my own free will ..." "What!" Du Jianchun cried loud and cut him short. ... Although the two characters are of different gender, the dialogue is still cued by proper names rather than pronouns. While inter-episode pronominals are negligible (about 1%), intra-episode NPs accounts for about 22% of all NP tokens. Of these NPs misses , about 8% are NPs used within episodes to disambiguate referents, where two participants of the same gender are involved. However, there still exists a pattern of referential choice between the two characters. Lexical pronouns are generally used to refer to the currently more topical character (from whose point of view the passage is oriented), while NPs are used for the less topical character. For example, -349- 300 10) Shi Quanqing considered fle Jiabin stupid. He had worked with Labia for many years. During all those years, he had watched & stumble time and again (politically), he had spotted every obstacle in He's way, but he had never once alerted HQ of the danger; he couldn't wait to see kk fall flat on (his) face. Another 6% of NPs are used within episodes to mark perspective or point of view changes of the author and/or discourse participants. This is illustrated by the following passage. 11) Her (Zeng Huixin) talent was recognized by the group. Some famous writers' work were put on her desk for translation, and some hard-to-vanslate phrases and sentences were also sent to her for solution. She was like Cinderella discovered. Even her reticence made her more attractive than ever. But Zeng Huixin was still single, nor had (she) got a boy-friend. She was by nature proud and aloof, ... Here in this passage, the perspective changes from how the character is evaluated by other people to how the character is by herself. At this transition point, an NP is used to indicate the change. To summarize, in the written narratives analyzed above, NPs are used at the beginning of an episode (together with other cues) to trigger readers to shift and initiate new substructures so that they can represent each episode in its own substructure, and they are sometimes also used within episodes to mark perspective or point of view changes, or resolve referential ambiguity between discourse participants. Altogether, these usages account for 92% of all NP tokens found in the three chapters selected for the analysis. 6. General Discussion and Conclusion The present study proposed a model of anaphoric choice in which cognitive constraints, discourse organization, and pragmaticaterpersonal factors interact to control a speaker/writer's referential decision during discourse processing. The model not only illustrates the general rule of anaphoric patterning in narrative production, but also predicts alternative uses of anaphora at specific places. The findings support the general hypothesis proposed in the present study. First, the experimental results demonstrate that episodic organization of narrative production has psychological content: the story was hierarchically organized and remembered as a series of episodes. The psychological reality of episodes provides a sound foundation for the episode theory explored here. Second, the episodic structure of discourse largely governs a speaker/writer's anaphoric choice. Both the experimental results and the text analysis show that speaker/writers are sensitive to episode boundaries. They use more marking materials (NPs) at episode boundaries where more cognitive resources are demanded, and they use less marking materials (pronominals) within episodes where thematic coherence is maintained. Third, the thematic discontinuity within episodes such as change of perspectives, possible worlds, and ambiguity resolution also demands more coding materials. Besides the general characteristics of anaphoric distribution in both spoken and written narratives, differences also exist between the on-line oral production of stories and written narratives. First, the different cognitive demands imposed on speaking and writing makes a writer's discourse organization (and hence anaphoric choice) even more -350- 361 audience-oriented. While the speakers' use of anaphora was a manifestation of both their own cognitive processes and an assessment of their hearers' current knowledge, the writers' major concern was to help readers build a hierarchical representation of discourse congruent with their own by their patterning of anaphora. Second, the episodic structure in the written narratives was more complex, recursive than that in the oral story-telling, and the writers therefore were more likely to employ NPs to create subboundaries for their readers to facilitate comprehension. Third, while the speakers consistently pronominalized human central characters of the story in the relatively simple oral production task, writers' view of central/topical characters changed from episode to episode. Nevertheless, it was still the currently topical referent who received attention and remained in focus, and was hence more likely to get pronominalized. The present study gives further evidence that while stories and texts may he presented or produced in a linear fashion, they are nevertheless formulated and processed hierarchically. This hierarchical organization of discourse is constrained in part by the cognitive processes of memory and attention. In this process, the episode serves as a basic unit in production as well as in comprehension. The alternative use of NPs and pronominals is a very important device to represent discourse structure in production and facilitates the restructuring of discourse representation in comprehension. The correlation between discourse organization and anaphoric patterning has provided an informative method of investigating the relationship between language and cognition. References Baggett, P. (1979). Structural equivalent stories in movie and text and the effect of the medium on recall. Journal of Verbal Learning and Verbal Behavior, 18, 333-356. Beaman, K. (1984). Coordination and subordination revisited: Syntactic complexity in spoken and written narrative discourse. In D. Tannen (Ed.). (pp. 45-80). Black, J.B. & Bower, G.H. (1979). Episodes as chunks in narrative memory. Journal of Verbal Learning and Verbal Behavior, 18, 109-118. Brown, C. (1983). Topic continuity in written English. In T. Givón (Ed.), Topic continuity in discourse: Quantitative cross-language studies, (pp. 113-41). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Brown, G. & Yule, G. (1983). Discourse analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Chafe, W. (1982). Integration and involvement in speaking, writing and oral lifiarature. In D. Tannen (Ed.), (pp. 35-54). Chafe, W. (1987). Cognitive constraints on information flow. In R.S. Tomlin (Ed.), (pp. 21-51). Cheng, R. (1991). The aged. Shanghai: Shanghai Art & Literature Press. Currah, S. (1990).The pragmatw function of wa in Japanese. Unpublished M.A. Thesis. University of Alberta. van Dijk, T.A. (1982). Episodes as units of discourse analysis. In D. Tannen (Ed.), (pp. 177-195). van Dijk, T & Kintsch, W. (1978). Cognitive psychology and discourse: retelling and summarizing stories. In W.U. Dressler (Ed.), Current trends in text linguistics, (pp. 61-80). Berlin and New York: de Gruyter. -351- van Dijk, T. & Kintsch, W. (1983).Strategies in discourse comprehension. New York: Academic Press. Fox, BA (1987). Anaphora in popular written English narratives. In R. S. Tomlin (Ed.), (pp. 121-67). Gernsbacher, MA (1990). Language comprehension as structure building. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Givón, T. (Ed.). (1983). Topic continuity in discourse: Quantitative cross-language studies. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Givón, T. (1989). Mind, code and context: Essays in pragmatics. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Grice, H.P. (1967). Logic and conversation. In P. Cole and J.L. Morgan (Eds.), Syntax and Semantics 3: Speech Acts. (pp. 41-58). New York: Academic Press. Grimes, J.E. (Ed.). (1978). Papers in discourse. The Hague, Mouton. Guindon, R. & Kintsch, W. (1982). Priming macrostructures. Technical Report. University of Colorado. Colorado. Haberlandt, K., Berian, C. & Sandson, J. (1980). The episode schema in story processing. Journal of verbal learning and verbal behavior, 19, 635-651. Havelock, E. (1963). Preface to Plato. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Havelock, E. (1971). Prologue to Greek Literacy. Cincinnati: University of Cincinnati Press. Hinds, J. (1977). Paragraph structure and pronominalization. Papers in Linguistics, 10, 77-99. Hinds, J. (1979). Organizational patterns in discourse. In T. Givón (Ed.), Syntax and semantics 12: Discourse and syntax, 135-57. New York: Academic Press. Kintsch, W. (1977). On comprehending stories. In M.A. Just and P. Carpenter (Eds.), Cognitive processes in comprehension, (pp. 33-62). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Krahn, F. (1981). Here comes Alex Pumpernickel! Boston and Toronto: Little, Brown & Co. Kuno, S. & Kaburaki, E. (1977). Empathy and syntax. Linguistic Inquiry, y4), 627-672. Mandler, J. & Johnson, N. (1977). Remembrance of things parsed: Story structure and recall. Cognitive psychology, 9, 111-191. Marslen-Wilson, W., Levy, E. & Tyler, L. (1982). Producing interpretable discourse: The establishment and maintenance of reference. In R.J. Jarvella & W. Klein (Eds.), Speech, place, and action, (pp. 339-78). Chichester: Wiley. Ong, W. 1977. Interfaces of the word. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Rumelhart, D.E. (1977). Understanding and summarizing brief stories. In D. Laberge & S J Samuels (Eds.) Basic process in reading: Perception and comprehension. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Tannen, D. (Ed.). (1982). Analyzing discourse: Text and talk. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press. Tannen, D. (Ed.) 1984. Coherence in spoken and written discourse. Norwood, NJ: Ablex Publishing Corporation. Thorndyke, P W. (1977). Cognitive structures in comprehension and memory of narrative discourse. Cognitive Psychology, 9, 77-110. Tomlin, R.S. (1987). Linguistic reflections of cognitive events. In R. S. Tomlin (Ed.), Coherence and grounding in discourse, 455-80. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Tomlin, R.S. & Pu, M.M. (1991). The management of reference in Mandarin discourse. Cognitive linguistics, Z1), 65-93. Ye, X. (1982). The Years that Slipped By. Bejing, China Youth Press. Zhang, J. (1984). The Leaden Wings. Beijing: People's Literature Press. -352- 36J Fourth International Symposium on Chinese Languages and Linguistics Nankang, Academia Sinica July 18-20, 1994 The Typology of Tone in Tibetan* Jackson T.-S. Sun Institute of History and Philology Academia Sinica 1.0. Introduction. The study of tone has figured prominently in Sino-Tibetan linguistics, for a very good reason: the majority of the extant languages in this family' make distinctive use of pitch- related phenomena of one type or another. Considerable progress has been made in recent phonological investigations into the tonology of Sinitic languages (e.g. Yip 1980, Yue-Hashimoto 1987, Shih 1986, Bao 1990). Comparable studies on the highly diversified and relatively underexplored Tibeto-Burman languages are however still scanty, with a few outstanding exceptions such as Mazaudon 1977, Michailovsky 1988, and Weidert 1987. The present study intends to contribute to a better understanding of the typology of tone in Tibetan, one of the principal languages of the Tibeto-Burman family. An overview of the attested types of tonality in modern Tibetan in §1 puts the paper in perspective; the particular tone system of Lhasa, representing a relatively advanced tonogenetic stage, is then briefly described. In §2 Tibetan tonology is explored from the vantage point of autosegmental phonology, a framework which holds special promise in elucidating tone in Tibetan. The particular autosegmental account of tonal phenomena in four Tibetan dialects given in Duanmu 1992 is critically examined in §2.1; a more comprehensive and explanatory reanalysis is offered in §2.2 which diverges from the foregoing with respect to (i) the representation of the underlying tones, (ii) the source of the redundant high tone on non-initial syllables, and (iii) the role of tone-spreading in Tibetan tonology. Next, two issues involved in the proposed analysis are further explored, bearing respectively on the high tone as the 'default' tone in Tibetan (§3.1), and the problem of whether word-level melody is derived from syllable tones through 'tone sandhi' (§3.2). Bided on the findings of this paper, a typological distinction is suggested in the concluding section between template word-tone languages represented by Tibetan and Dongkou Chinese, and contoureme word-tone languages represented by Tarnang and New Shanghai Chinese. The main ideas in this paper have been presented in a linguistics colloquium at the Institute of History and Philology (May 93) and at an invited talk delivered at the Graduate Institute of Linguistics, National Tsing Hua University (June 1993). Thanks are due to Randy J. LaPolla, Duanmu San, Chiu-yu Tseng, Dah-an Ho, Pei-chuan Wei, Chin-fa Lien, and Kuang Mei for their constructive queries and comments on the data and analysis presented herein. 1The Sino-Tibetan language family contains at least two subfamilies, Sinitic (Chinese) and Tibeto-Burman. According to the more conservative and increasingly popular view in the field, the Miao-Yao and Tai-Kadai languages are not genetically related to Sino-Tibetan. -353- 364 1.1. Tonality in Tibetan. Tonality is generally speaking under-developed in Tibetan, as in some other Tibeto-Burman languages.2 It is generally held that Old Tibetan was not a tone language, in view of the complete absence of tone-marking in the traditional Tibetan script dating from the seventh century, and a fortiori in view of the existence of modem dialects which remain atonal to this day. Modern Tibetan, on the other hand, presents such a variegated scenario of tonal developments that the simple dichotomy of 'tonal' versus 'atonal' dialects seems insufficient. It would be more realistic to plot modem Tibetan dialects along a scale of increasing tonality, ranging from completely atonal to relatively highly tonal as exemplified in Table 1 below, based in part on Huang 1993: Tonality Scale Atonal - Description of Each Stage Representative Dialect Points neither phonemic tone nor Ndzorge; Ngaba redundant 'habitual' tone no phonemic tone; Labrang; Daofu redundant 'habitual' tone developed tone phonemic in restricted Amdo Sherpa; Balti environments only tone generally phonemic; Derge; Yushu tone values unstable in some syllable types tone values stable; high Lhasa; Gar Tonal redundancy additional contrast between Shigatse; Dzongkha falling and leve) contours established Table 1: The Tibetan Tonality Continuum At one end of the above scale are found dialects in which all syllable types carry a high (falling) tone when uttered in isolation, much as in English. This is, of course, the completely atonal stage, represented by such Amdo dialects as Ndzorge (mDzod-dge; Sun 1986),3 Amchog (amchog; Wu 1983), and Ngaba (rNga-ba; Huang 1993); old Tibetan, in all likelihood, also belongs to this type. The next stage is marked by the genesis of 'habitual tont' (Hu 1980: 31) or 'natural tone' (Huang 1993), i.e. fixed redundant pitch patterns determined by the voicing state of syllable initials, with voiced initials conditioning low pitch and voiceless ones conditioning high pitch, in such Amdo dialects as Labrang (bLa-brang; Hua 1980:72, Hu 1980:fn. 20) and Daofu (rTa'u; Huang 1993).4 Tone, however, did not become contrastive until the emergent-tone stage where a limited number of tonally distinguished minimal pairs began to enter the scene. Two subtypes exemplifying this stage can be identified; contrastive tones are either restricted to certain syllable 2Chinese-like, or omnisyllabic (Matisoff 1991:491) tone systems where all syllables normally carry contrastive tone are lacking in many Tibeto-Burman branches, such as Tani, West Himalayish, Bodo-Garo, and Bodic (including Tibetan). 3 Written Tibetan (hereafter WT) forms will be given in Wylie's standard system of transliteration. 4 1-Ience the slogan A lif, 'High pitch if' voiceless; low pitch if voiced' It is often implied that this slogan can be applied to all Amdo dialects (Hu 1980: 31; fn. 20; Hua: 1980:72-3), and even to Old Tibetan also (Hu 1980: 31). One of the important contributions of Huang 1993 is to dismiss this misconception by pointing to the existence of both types of Amdo dialects (e.g. Ngaba vs. Daofu). See also §3.1 below. -354- 36 types, such as those with nasal initials in fk.e case of Amdo Sherpa (a-mdo Shar-pa; Nagano 1980), or apply only to disyllabic and trisyllabic nouns as is the case in Balti (sBal-ti; Sprigg 1966: 1869).5 Yushu (Yus-hru'u), along with such other varieties of Khams Tibetan as Derge (sDe-dge; Qu 1979:121; Huang 1993: 3) and Chamdo (Chab-mdo; Liu 1984), embody the next stage of tone development, with distinctive tones on most syllable types but variable and hence non-distinctive pitch patterns on others (sec section below). Then came the stage represented by Lhasa as well as many other varieties of tonal Tibetan, where contrastive tones have permeated to all syllable canons but such tones contain a high degree of redundancy, being multiply realized by such features as phonation type, final glottality, tensity, syllable quantity, as well as pitch. The most advanced tonogenetic stage in Tibetan is reached by such dialects as Shigatse and Dzongkha,6 where a new distinctive (steep) falling pitch arises in compensation for the apocopated glottal coda in the case of Shigatse (Qu 1981a:186-7; Huang 1993) or sonorant-coda apocopy as well as syllable contraction in the case of Dzongkha (rDzong-skad; Mazaudon and Michailovsky 1988), making it necessary to recognize both a register (high vs. low) and an intersecting contour (falling vs. level) contrast. One of the most important generalizations on Tibetan tone, even in its most advanced state, is that the primary register contrast is realized only on the initial syllable of a phonological word; all other syllables are normally on predictable high register.7 The drastic reduction of tone in multisyllabic domains results in at most one contrastive tone per (phonological) word in Tibetan, regardless of the number of constituent syllables. On account of this fact, there is now growing consensus that what (tonal) Tibetan has is a word-based rather than syllable-based tone system (Sprigg 1954, 1955; Mazaudon 1977; Ossorio 1982:2.5.6; Shih 1986: §4.5). 1.2. Tone in Lhasa Tibetan. Although Lhasa is the best-known variety of modern Tibetan, some areas in Lhasa p4onology, in particular its tone system, p-tmain controversial. A number of factors are responsible for this lack of consensus. First, not all sources on alleged 'Lhasa Tibetan' represent genuine samples of the native speech of the Lhasa city. Second, elicitation methods which make no provision for the pronounced stylistic differences in Tibetan may yield controversial results (Sprigg 1992, 1993). Moreover, how one should properly handle multiple phonetic realizations of tone and tonal neutralization in non-initial syllables mentioned above contributes further to divergent interpretations of Lhasa tonology. To begin with, examine the following table of the citation pitch patterns of Lhasa monosyllables reported in Hu 1980 and Hu et al. 1982, based on an instrumental study of the colloquial-style pronunciation of three native speakers:8 5 Huang 1993:2 reports a few minimal pairs on monosyllables also in her Balti consultant's speech. 6 Also to be included in this type are such other varieties of Central Tibetan as Langkazi (sNang-dkar-rtse) (Qu 1981a), and Shap (Ossorio 1982). unstressed clitic syllables and a minor case to be discussed in §3.2.2. 8Pitch patterns are given in the familiar numerical tone notation (highest pitch level = 5; lowest pitch level =1). See also the instrumental study reported in Kjellin 1977, which yielded comparable results. However, Sprigg 1993 argues 7 Except against the citation-form approach, warning that literate Tibetans may give spelling-style pronunciations when uttering syllables in isolation. However, I have had quite different personal experiences working with my literate Amdo Tibetan consultant, who, keen on the stylistic differences, has no difficulty whatsoever enunciating citation forms in the colloquial-style on demand (sec Sun 1986: Chapter 4). It would be only fair to point out that the linguists conducting the experimental study reported in Hu et al. 1982 were also fully aware of stylistic distinctions in Lhasa Tibetan, and explicitly states: `this experiment was based entirely on the colloquial pronunciation...as natural in fluency and tempo as in normal daily conversation as possible...' (Hu et al. 1982:23, translation mine). -355- 36.3 Register HIGH LOW WT Form bka' ka-ba bka skam bskams s :a bsgar . a(z am gams Lhasa Form Pitch Pattern ka 54 high (slight) falling high level ka:55 ka952 hi:h (steei) fallin: ka:m55 kam952 Gloss 'decree' 'pillar' 'hinder' high level 'be dry' hi h (stee ) fallin low (slitht) risin: be d ka:113 ka9132 low level-rising ( erfective)' `saddle' 'fasten low risin:-fallin: ka:m113 kam9132 `be cloe low level-rising lOW rising-falling 'box' ka.12 'put in mouth (perfective)' Table 2. Lhasa Monosyllabic Citation Pitches Several observations can be made about the preceding data: (1) a. High-register syllables are characterized by a fall in pitch, and low-register syllables by a rise in pitch. b. On long syllables, pitch movements are flattened. c. The glottal stop coda -9 induces a steep drop in pitch. d. There is at most a two-way register contrast, high versus low, on any of the five rhyme types in Lhasa (-V, -VV, -VP, -VM, and -VMP; where V = vocalic nucleus; P = stop coda, including the glottal stop -9; M = non-checked or sonorant coda). The six complementarily distributed pitch patterns in Lhasa, therefore, leave much room for different tonemic interpretations,9 four of which are summarized below (Hu 1980:23-4): (2) Four-tone analysis A:1() Marks glottal stop; regards syllable quantity as an inherent feature of tone (speaking thus of `long tones' vs. 'short tones'): ka 54 ka 53 'decree' ka:55 -> ka 55 `pillar' ka952 -> ka953 'hinder' ka:m55 -> kam55 `be dry' kam952 -> kam953`be dry (pf)' ka12 ka:113 ka9132 -> ka 35 -> ka15 -> ka 935 kam15 saddle fasten 'be clogged' ka:m113 `box' kam9132 -> kam935 'put into mouth (pf)' (3) Four-tone analysis B: 11 Represents syllable quantity segmentally (quantity in syllables closed by sonorant codas are not marked); gives falling tones tonemic status (tone marks: -f = high level; -h = high falling; -v = low rising; -w = low rising-falling): 9 Thus, the statement that 'Lhasa Tibetan has six citation tones.' (Shih 1986: 19) is valid only at the phonetic level. . °This i s the system used by Tibetologists affiliated with the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, such as Hu Tan, Qu Aitang, Zhang Jichuan, and Tang Kerang. I I 1 This si the system devised and used by Tibetologists from the Central University of Nationalities in Beijing. Kitamura and Nagano 1990 adopts a similar transcription system for Lhasa Tibetan which, however, is word-based. -356- 36/ ka:55 ka952 gaaf gah 'decree' 'pillar' 'hinder' ka:m55 kam952 gamf gamh ka:m113 -> gamy 'be dry' 'be dry (pf)' kam9132 -> gamw ka 54 -> ga f ka12 ka:113 -> gay ka 9132 --> gaw gaav 'saddle' `fasten' 'be clogged' `box' `put into mouth (pf)' Four-tone analysis C:12 Represents length segmentally; gives falling pitch tonemic status. Unlike analysis B, this system recognizes only two register tones on short syllables, but posits an additional falling pitch in combination with the two registers on long syllables,13 yielding four tones: (4) high-high, low-low, high-falling, and low-falling. ka:55 -> qa -> clad ka 952 -> q6.6. ka 54 ka:m55 clam kam952 -> gain 'saddle' 'decree' 'pillar' 'hinder' ka12 ka:113 ka9132 -> qa& 'be dry' ke,:m113 -> qam `be dry (pf)' kam9132 -> qaia qaa `fasten' 'be clogged' `box' 'put into mouth (pf)' Two-tone analysis:14 Marks both glottality and quantity segmentally; regards only pitchregisters as proper features of tone. (5) ka 54 ka:55 ka952 -> ka:m55 -> kam kam952 'decree' 'pillar' 'hinder' ka12 ka:113 ka9132 ka kaa ka? kaNa113 -> kam 'be dry' kam? 'be dry (pf)' kam2132 'saddle' 'fasten' 'be clogged' 'box' 'put into mouth (pf)' Most phonologically defined words in Lhasa Tibetan are more than one syllable long. They include, in the main, nominal and verbal stems plus their corresponding endings, and disyllabic (and sometimes trisyllabic) compounds. Phonological words are characterized by a number of internal sandhi phenomena such as presence of certain medial 'intrusive' consonants,15 vowel harmony, deaspiration of stop/affricate initials, voicing of second-syllable voiceless sonorant initials, and above all, tonal modulations.16 Table 3 below lists the six surface pitch patterns pronounced in isolation 12 This system, designed by Chang Kun and Betty Shefts Chang (Chang and Shefts 1964; Chang and Chang) and .n a number of influential teaching materials on Lhasa Tibetan by John Goldstein, is by far the best-known systrpi n use outside of China. 13 Sy.'h(bles with the glottal stop coda are represented in this system as long syllables. This has to do with the fact adopt.:; that .79 is often realized as VV in the first syllable in multisyllablic words in Lhasa (Qu 1981a:191-2). Moreover, according to Hu 1980: fn. 13, some Lhasa speakers pronounce all glottal-coda syllables as long open ones (Rinzin Wangpo, R. K. Sprigg's main Lhasa Tibetan consultant, is one such speaker). 4This i s the two-tone analysis of Lhasa Tibetan advocated in this paper. 15 These are the remnants of Old Tibetan consonant clusters, e.g. in the Lhasa word me ntã" 'firearm' (< me 'fire' + 1 t a 'arrow' ), the medial nasal -n- is a retlex of the nasal preradical in- of the second morpheme t a (< WT mda') See Ossorio 1982 5.1.4: Sun 1986: 4.4 for more det4./s. 16, fhese are the phonetic exponents of the interverbal junction (i.e. close juncture) prosody (Sprigg 1954: 146-9):: For a different set of sandhi devices in the atonal Ndzorge Shaeme Xa r a dialect, see Sun 1986: Chapters 3 & 4. -357BEST COPY AVAILABL. 3 6 ci and the respective modulated pitch shapes when these occur in the first, medial, and final syllables in multisyllabic words" (based on Hu 1980): Monosyllabic Tone I Value Tone Value in Multisyllabic Words First Syllable 54 55 52 12 113 132 Medial Syllable (if any) 55 55 55 55 11 11 11 55 55 55 55 55 Final Syllable 54 55 52 54 55 52 Table 3. Lhasa Pitch Patterns in Multisyllabic Words Again, several observations can be made: (6) a. In the first syllable, the characteristic fall and rise in pitch associated respectively with high- and low-register syllables are not observed; the attested pitches are level in both cases (high level 55 and low level 11). b. In the medial syllable, if any, the pitch is always high level55. c. In the final syllable, only high-register pitch patterns are found. Thus, multisyllabic words in Lhasa, as in most other tonal dialects, carry a two-way contrast only in the first syllable, all subsequent syllables are predictably high-pitched. Obviously, the tone system at work in Tibetan is a highly restricted one, differing in fundamental ways from a typical Sinitic system (see §4 below). 2.0. The Autosegmental Approach to Tibetan Tonology. Autosegmental phonology, an offshoot of non-linear phonology developed by John Goldsmith and others (Goldsmith 1979, 1990; Yip 1980), is the descriptive model adopted in a recent article by Duanmu San on the analysis of tone in modern Tibetan (Duanmu 1992),I8 where it is contended that an autosegmental approach to Tibetan tone can bring out insights missed by the traditional, syllable-based approach. Indeed, autosegmental phonology seems a particularly fitting framework for the insightful treatment of tone in Tibetan, given the characteristics of Tibetan tone mentioned above. First, it is the contrast in (high vs. low) pitch register that is fundamental in Tibetan, whereas pitch contours are often redundantly associated with suprasegmental parameters Thus, a high tone in Lhasa falls slightly, stays level, or falls steeply depending on whether the tone-bearing syllable is short, long, or checked/glottalized. Dialects also differ significantly with respect to how surface pitch contours are realized (see Table 5. below). As has been amply demonstrated in previous work on African tone i 7Multsyllabic words in Tibetan are at most three syllables long. Quadrasyllabic expressions in Tibetan behave tonally as combinations of two disyllabic words (Qu 1981b:21). In the Lhasa system. the pitch of a long second syllable is rising rather than level if the first syllable contains a low tone in multisyllabic words. Moreover, 1 unstressed syllables also behave differently (see §2.2. below). 18 Subsequent reference to this source will be by data-set number and page number only. -358- 3 6 ;) languages, the autosegmental approach is a particularly fitting framework for handling register-tone systems. Moreover, autosegmental phonology allows both general and localized tone processes in Tibetan to be characterized in a revealing way. Consider for example the pervasive reduction of tone in Tibetan non-initial syllables, resulting in highly restricted tone patterns in multisyllabic words. Instead of exhaustively listing individual pairs of citation tones and the respective 'sandhi tones' as is done in the traditional approach, an autosegmental analysis can reflect the simplicity of the underlying tonal neutralization process by formulating a simple unitary tone rule which nullifies the underlying tones on non-initial syllables, leaving only the initial tone to bear the tonal contrast of the entire word (see §2.1 and §2.2 below). Concurring with Duanmu's general points on the usefulness of the autosegmental model in representing tonal oppositions and processes in Tibetan, we nevertheless hold rather different views regarding what constitutes adequate autosegmental treatments of Tibetan tone, for reasons we shall see below. 2.1. Duanmu's Analysis. In Duanmu 1992, tonal variations in monosyllabic and multisyllabic expressions in four Tibetan dialects, Lhasa, Zedang (rTsed-thang), Gar (sGar) and Gaize (sGerrtse),19 are examined in order to show that tone in Tibetan behaves in ways similar to tone in other parts of the world, such as Africa and east China (Wu dialects of Sinitic), in that (i) contour tones are made of level tones, and (ii) tones lie on an independent tier and may spread across segments. For Duanmu, all four varieties of Tibetan have the same system of underlying syllable-tones: a high (H) and a rise (LH), differing from each other mainly in their tone-mapping rules. The set of tone rules proposed by Duanmu for Lhasa are repeated as (7) below: (7) a. b. c. d. e. Delete tones from non-initial syllables. Associate tone to syllables one-to-one, left to right. If there are more syllables, spread the last tone to excess syllables. If there are more tones, link excess tones to the last syllable. If a L precedes a final long syllable with a H, spread L to the latter. The relations between the underlying tones and their realizations in different syllable types are as in Table 4 below (adapted from Duanmu op. cit.: 75): Underlying Tone Realization yllable Type H LH 54 55 12 113 -VV/ -VM (long syllables, 52 132 syllables -VP (checked syllables)20 -V (open syllable) including long open syllables and ciosed unchecked Table 4. Lhasa Surface Pitch Patterns and Underlying Tones in Duanmu's Analysis 19Lhasa, Zedang, and Gar are Central (dBus-gTsang) dialects, whereas Gaize belongs to the heterogeneous Khams dialect group, according to Qu and Tan 1983. 20 Not mentioned is the rhyme type VM, which, in contrast with V/1, behaves tonally as a short checked syllable. 7359- 3 Consider now the sample derivations of the monosyllable ka:113 'fasten; install', and the disyllabic compound menp 3:113 'coal-pan' (composed of me12 'fire' and ph3:113 'bowl'): 7b (8) ka: 7d > ka: LH > ka:113 LH LA 7a (9) 7b me-po: LH H 7e > me po: t LH > mell-po:113 1, 1 1 L H L H Only two aspects of the multisyllabic tone patterns in the three non-Lhasa tone systems, where they diverge from the Lhasa system, are treated by Duanmu. For one thing, Gar and Gaize, unlike Lhasa, lack the tone-spread rule 7e. Contrast (9) above with (10) below, showing the derivation of the compound for 'coal-pan' in Gar: (10) 7a me-po:r LH H 7b > me-po:r > men...po:rss 1 LH I L H The second divergent pattern pertains to trisyllabic compounds in Zedang, where the medial tone, rather than being invariably high-toned as in the other dialects, becomes low if the tone of the first syllable is low. This fundamentally assimilatory process is accounted for by appealing to 'edge-in association'. expressed as (b) and (c) of the following Zedang tone rules (p. 83): (11) a. b. c. Delete tones from non-initial syllables. Associate the first tone to the first syllable, and the last tone to the last syllable. If there are free tone in between, spread the first tone to them. Consider the sample derivation for the compound word for 'cadre' below: lla (12) le-tpe-pa ----> LH LH H llb 11c le-tpe-pa ----> le-tpe-pa 1 LH L I H ----) 1e11-t9e11-pa53 1, - L 1 H Ingenious as it may seem, Duanmu's analysis of Tibetan tone falls short of being completely satisfactory. On the one hand, what he advocates for Tibetan is a typologically odd system of underlying tones. Given a two-tone system, it is in principle far more natural to have a simple contrast of high vs. low registers than a mixed system of level (H) vs. contour (LH) tones, especially in view of the high variability of pitch contours in tonal Tibetan (Sprigg 1993).21 21R. K. Sprigg has repeatedly underscored the fact that Tibetan is a register tone system (see for example Sprigg 1990, 1993). Y. R. Chao also recognizes the two Lhasa tonemes as a basic contrast of high vs. low registers. even though he describes their actual citation values as contour tones (respectively high falling 53 and low rise-fall 131 ) (Chao and Yu 1930:9-12). Other Tibeto-Burman languages with similar two-term register tone systems include PaTani (Saxena 1991), Apatani (Weidert 1987: §6.2) and Manipuri (= Meithei; Chelliah 1991). -360- 371 We noted earlier that in Lhasa (as well as in many other Central Tibetan dialects), highregister syllables are characterized by a fall in pitch, and low-register syllables by a rise in pitch when uttered in isolation. To accord the pitch rise associated with the low tone underlying status, i.e. LH, while relegating the pitch fall associated with the high tone to 'domain-final intonation', representing the later simply as H, seems rather contrived. The correlation between underlying and surface tones would be much more consistent if both the pitch fall (with high-register syllables) and the pitch rise (with low-register syllables) are regarded as low-level domain-final phenomena, to be dealt with uniformly by language-specific ailotonic rules. In fact, this heterogeneous system of underlying tones is extended by Duanmu not only to Zedang and Gar whose surface tonal phonetics is akin to that of Lhasa, but even to Gaize, which has entirely disparate monosyllabic pitch patterns, as shown below: ., H LH Syllable Type 53 31 short 51 22 lont____ Table 5. Gaize Underlying and Surface Tones in Duanmu s Analysis In Table 5, the high tone on long syllables is a steep falling tone while the low tones do not rise at all in Gaize, contrary to what the proposed underlying tones H and LH indicate. The obvious mismatch between the underlying and surface tones is dealt with by Duanmu by adding a patch-up rule which tags a L to the right of monosyllables ((38d), p. 81), and, in the case of the low-toned syllables, stipulating further that a H tone sandwiched between two L's may 'stay unlinked' ; for instance ((39 b.), p. 81): (13) tar L-insertion Tone Association > tar I LH LH > tar22 A L(H)L It is evident now that Duanmu pays a high cost in descriptive naturalness and plausibility for treating the Tibetan low-register tone as underlyingly LH. This decision is presumably motivated by an important fact related to tonal phonotactics in Tibetan, which, we recall, is that in non-initial syllables of multisyllabic words the tonal contrast is neutralized to a relatively high-pitch tone in all tonal dialects of Tibetan so far recorded. Under Duanmu's analysis, this state of affairs is accounted for by attributing the non-initial high-tone to a H emanated from both underlying tones on the initial syllable through left-to-right tone-spreading. There are, however, indications that this conception of the origin of the (redundant) no.: initial high tone is misguided. First, the requirement that all Underlying tones have a H on the right edge demands in effect that all varieties of tonal Tibetan have only two kinds of underlying tones, high level (H) and rising (LH). This stipulation flies in the face of such surface pitch patterns as falling (HL) in the high-register as well as level (L) and falling (HL) in the low register actually attested in many modern dialects (Qu 1988: 327). We have seen in the above how much Procrustean stretching has to be exercised in order to fit the data into Duanmu's theory of underlying tones in the case of Gaize; even more ad-hoc manipulation will have to be performed if other dialects are taken into consideration. Second, treating the low-register tone as LH misses the underlying mity of certain tonal processes. Consider again the pitch patterns me11-p o :113 'coal- pan' in Lhasa and 1e11-tpeu-pa53 'cadre' in Zedang, where the second syllables become 372 respectively rising and low level when abutting a low-register tone in the first syllable. Intuitively, what is clearly at work -iere is the low pitch of the initial syllable permeating, to different degrees, the neighboring syllatle. However, the relatedness between these two cases of low-tone assimilation is obscured in Duanmu's analy:ls, which handles them by distinct tone-association rules. On the other hand, by representing the low-register tone simply as L directly captures the underlying uniformity of these two tonal processes (see below). Furthermore, the representation of the low tone as underlyingly LI-I yields predicted tonal outputs directly contradicted by actual tone patterns. Observe, for example, the following representations of the morpheme meta `butter < WT mar both in isolation and in the compound tpha-mdei 'tea and butter < WT ja-mar under Duanmu's analysis: (14) ma: tpha -ma: LH Since both occurrences of matt `butter' bear the same LH tones, the prediction is that their surface tones should also be identical. On the contrary, the instrumental research conducted by Hu et al. (1982: 34) reveals that the morpheme for 'butter' has a higher general pitch (24) in the compound `tea and butter' than its citation pitch (113). If, on the other hand, the underlying citation tone of `butter' is posited simply as L, then the two occurrences of `butter' will have distinct tone structures, L vs. LH: (15) t -ma: L H Crucially, the presence of a H tone in the word-internal occurrence of the morpheme for `butter' (on the provenance of this H tone, ,,ee below) provides a natural explanation why the pitch gets heightened in this particular environment. This provides further, and in our opinion clinching, evidence that the underlying low-register tone in Tibetan should be no more complex than L, and that the high pitch of non-initial syllables in Tibetan is by no means inherited from the initial syllable. 2.2. Alternative Analysis. From the above arguments, and also in compliance with the insights distilled from a long tradition of Tibetan tonal research (Jäschke 1881: xiii-xxi, Chao and Yu 1930, Miller 1955, Mazaudon: 1977: §3.1; Sprigg 1954 through 1993), it seems clear that the underlying tonal representations in Tibetan should be none other than H(igh) vs. L(ow) registers.22 The observed pitch contours which appear on the last syllable of phonological words, on the other hand, differ from dialect to dialect and may vary from one phonological or sociolinguistic context to another even within the same dialect (Sprigg 1993). Such largely predictable domain-final contours, "At least for those dialects (e.g. Lhasa) where the (steep) falling pitch can be consistently derived from the presence of the glottal-stop coda by an automatic allotonic process. It is only in such dialects as Shigatse (Qu 1981a, 1988, Huang 1993) and Shap Tsang (Ossorio 1982) where the loss of the glottal stop makes the steep pitch fall no longer predictable from the segmental structure, will it be justified to recognize both a register (high vs. low) and a contour (level vs. falling) distinction (for an autosegmental representation of tone in such dialects. see §4 below). -362- 3 ,1 AINwMiall=: -ather than being represented underlyingly, should be generated by dialect-specific detail rules, as gued above.23 Also at variance with Duanmu's analysis is our account of the redundant high register on non-mitial syllables in Tibetan multisyllablic words. We contend, following a well-known principle in markedness theory, that the high register is the unmarked register in Tibetan since this is the value found in contexts uf neutralization (Greenberg 1966: 13-24). The high tone in Tibetan noninitial syllables, in other words, results not from assimilation to a H in the initial syllable but rather from phonological neutralization reducing the original tonal contrast to a redundant high register. In original tones on non-initial our analysis, this generalization is conveyed by a rule which replaces the tone-bearing syllables with the default register value H.24 The tone rules for Lhasa Tibetan can now be given as (16) below: (16) Tone Association (TA): equivalent to Duanmu's tone rules (19b), (19c), and (19d). b. Low Tone Assimilation (LTA): If the tone of the initial syllable is L and the second a. syllable is long, spread L to the latter. c. Default Tone Replacement (DTR): Replace underlying tones on non-initial tonebearing syllables with the default high tone (symbolized herein as boldfaced H). At this juncture, some remarks are in order concerning two areas of Lhasa tonology not touched upon in Duanmu 1992. First, many grammatical elements such as case markers, verbal Tibetan endings, and sentence-final illocutionary particles behave as unstressed toneless enclitics in (Qu 1981b: 20; Wang 1984). Such enclitics, for example the perfective aspect marker -pa-, are extrametrical in that the host syllables they are attached to are characterized by domain-final contours, as if the enclitics do not count, as part of the tonal domain (Qu 198 lb: 20; Mazaudon 1977:82-3; Durand 1990:211-5). Furthermore, DTk also applies vacuously to toneless syllables which do not possess corresponding slots on the tone tier to serve as landing sites of the default high tone.25 Toneless syllables are to be distinguished from cases like the imperfective aspect marker -kin in Lhasa which, being bound morphemes, never occur by themselves in natural speech and therefore are lexically unspecified for tone. Unlike toneless syllables, however, such bound below) and are entitled to forms do hold places on the tone tier (hence the slot-holding underline receive the default tone. In the sample derivations of (17) below, contrast the underlying tonal represemations of the consisting of the verb root two phonological words pi-lci-re 'will die' and pi-pa-re 'died', pi: 'to die', the enclitics .--pa- and =-ki- and the (optionally) toneless auxiliary re (< WT red 'copula'):26 23 Thus there should be distinct ailotonic rules for Lhasa and Gain Tibetan to the effect that, for instance, the syllables with a slight rising pitch in the former dialect but underlying low tone tends to be realized in short open with a slight falling pitch in the latter. 24in at least one other Tibeto-Burman language, Meithei, the high tone is also analyzed as the default tone: see compounds rather Chelliah 1991. Yip 1993: 257 attributes the default high register on dr- second syllable in T;betan that syllable. (and also the subordinate feature [murmur]) on to the deletion of the laryngeal node 25There are as yet no experimental studies devoted specifically to the surface pitch shapes of toneless syllables. the preceding Wang 1985: 89 observes that such syllables are usually spoken at an indistinct mid pitch, but when surface pitch spread to the toneless syllable. For example, the domain-final contour is falling, the fall is normally 'then; afterwards' (< INT des-la) is t 4-; e 13-1 az . contour of the word t p e 26 Although this copula is normally weakened to a toneless clitic, it can also be proncuneed as a low toned full -1a syllable re'? in deliberate speech (Wang 1)85: 86-8). -363- 374 (17) TA 95.-ki-re ----> 9i-ki re Segmental tier: Tone tier 0 H DTR > 91.-ki-r e 1>K1 HH 0 H TA DTR (non-applicable) 9 i-p a - r e ----> 9 i -pa - r e --> Segmental tier: Tone tier: 00 H 91-pa-re i 1 H H We turn now to the input conditions of Low Tone Assimilation above, which require that the second syllable be long, consisting either of an open syllable with a geminate vowel or diphthong or a syllable closed by a sonorant coda. Experimental studies on Lhasa Tibetan have shown that the duration of such syllables is roughly double that of short syllables (Hu et al. 1982), and in the case of closed unchecked (i.e. sonorant-coda) syllables, the length of the coda equals that of the preceding nuclear vowel (Tan and Jiang 1991). Evidently then, long syllables in Tibetan are bimoraic where the second vowel in the case of long open syllables or the sonorant coda in the case of closed syllables occupies a separate mora.27 Also, the LTA rule in Lhasa and elsewhere28 must be made sensitive to moraic structure, otherwise its restriction to long (bimoraic) syllables would be unexplained. This furnishes direct evidence that the tone-bearing unit in Tibetan is the mora rather than the rhyme or the syllable.29 Hence, LTA can be reformulated as (18): (18) LTA (revised): If the tone of the initial syllable is L and the second syllable is bimoraic, spread L to the latter, causing the originally associated tone on the first mora to delink. Consider now the revised derivation of the same compound me me-piiii) 'coal-pan': (19) TA me-poo > me-pi55 \ 11. LH 1 L /4, H LTA(revisee., DTR -> me-poö > melt...pa-624 I LAC, L H o:24 (in our transcription \ 111 L H Another case of low tone spreading is presented by Zedang Tibetan where the medial syllable in trisyllabic compounds, rather than bearing the default high tone as in the other dialects, becomes low-toned if the tone of the initial syllabic is low. As argued above, this particular type of low-tone ;Treading obviously involves the same underlying process as LTA and therefore should not be treated by distinct mapping mechanisms. Instead, we propose for Zedang Tibetan a dialectspecific tone rule which simply spreads an initial low tone to the word-medial syllable. In contrast 27 Checked syllables in Lhasa Tibetan, including those with a nasal coda followed by the glottal stop 9, are shorter in duration even than short open syllables (Tan and Jiang 1991). Such syllables are clearly monornoraic. 28 Other dialects that have similar low-tone spreading rules include varieties of dBus Tibetan spoken near the Lhasa city and in Lhoka (lHo-kha) District further to the south, plus a few varieties of Kliams Tibetan spoken in Dechen (bDe-chen) Prefecture in northwestern Yunnan (Tan 1984:637-9). 29The same conclusion is reached by Yip (1993: 257) based on different Tibetan data. Hyman (1993: 77) claims that tone bearing unit is univeisa ly the mora. -364- with LTA where the spreading L affects only a neighboring mora, this rule is more thoroughgoing in causing the entire affected syllable to be assimilated to L. The tone rules for Zedang Tibetan (which also has LTA) are as follows: (20) Tone Association (TA): = (16a) b. Low Tone Assimilation (LTA, revised): = (18) c, Default Tone Replacement (DTR): = (16c) d. Trisyllabic Low-Tone Assimilation (TLTA): In a trisyllabic phonological word, if the tone of the initial syllable is L, spread L to the medial syllable and delink the a. originally associated tone. Consider the derivation in (21) for the compound 1,-;-t pe-pe; `cadre'in Zedang:3° (21) 1e-t9e-pa----> le-tpe-pa I L L TLTA DTR TA L V L > le t.9.6 pg. I L I I HH > le11-tpen-pt353 L--t L H I H Thus, although we do not ascribe the redundant non-initial high tone to a H spread from the first syllable, tone-spreading rules do have a role to play in our analysis; namely, they are reserved for cases of genuine processes of tonal assimilation such as LTA and TLTA. 3. Related Issues. The foregoing analysis of Tibetan tone hinges on, among other things, the existence of the default high tone and tonal processes that derive word tones from syllable tones. In what follows, additional data will be brought in to further motivate these descriptive devices. 3.1. Why is the Default Register High in Tibetan? It will be recalled from §2.2 that the postulation of the high register as the unmarked or default register value in Tibetan stems strictly from marking phenomena observed in synchronic Tibetan phonology. In order to understand this particular skewed distribution of the high vs. the low register, it is necessary to venture beyond synchrony and consider the paths along which contrastive tone arose in Tibetan. Comparative evidence presented in §1.1 suggests that Tibetan originally must have been in a state where, the effects of stress and intonation aside, all stressed syllables were normally in the high register. The existeme of this atonal par excellence proto-stage on the Tibetan tonality continuum seems beyond doubt, for this is what we actually find in many Amdo dialects, as indicated above. The first significant change altering this incipient state was the emergence of the non-contrastive low register conditioned by voiced initials in such dialects as Labrang. It should be emphasized that in this dialect the phonetically conditioned 'register split' is limited only to the initial syllaWe, whereas all non-initial syllables are still high-registered, much as in the tonal dialects (Hua 1980: 72, Hu 1980: fn. 20). The next diachronic step is taken when, as a result of phonological attrition of syllable initials, the low register came to be minimally distinguished from the high register in certain environments, as in the case of Amdo Sherpa mentioned above (Nagano 1980). At this juncture, the interactions of the two pitch registers in many Khams dialects seem highly suggestive. In Derge and Batang ('Ba'-thang), for instance, syllables which bore voiced obstruent initials in Old Tibetan became low-registered if the original initial underwent devoicing, but stay high-registcred where 30 Note that the underlying tone of the bound agentivc morpheme pa 'the one who.... is unspecified in our analysis. -365-- devoicing has not happened, as shown in these Derge examples: ko 'hear' < WT go; gii 'nine' < WT dgu (Qu 1988:323).31 Furthermore, register on syllables with synchronically voiced obstruent initials show variation in register which is apparently random in some dialects (e.g. Derge; Huang 1993:3; Chamdo; Liu 1984) or apparently conditioned by the articulatory positions of the root initials in others (e.g. Batang: rtelcëë 'rice' < WT 'bras; rtdqec 'resent' < WT 'gras.; Gesang 1985: 24). The Khams data above would be hard to explain if the phonetically conditioned low pitch is assumed to be always present on voiced-initial syllables (e.g. Hu 1980:31). If, instead, we assume a uniform high-register starting point for Tibetan, then the scenario of tonogenesis in this language can be conceived of as the emergence of the distinctive low register which has encroached gradually on the territory of the high register.32 And, moreover, the reason that the unmarked register in modern Tibetan is high is simply that this represents an original state of the ancestral language ubiquitously retained in the modern dialects. Thus, granting the non-initial high register default status is not only well-motivated synchronically, but also congruent with an important generalization in Tibetan phonological diachrony. 3.2. Is There 'Tone Sandhi' in Tibetan? As indicated above, the proper domain for tone in Tibetan is the (phonological) word where, regardless of the number of constituent s-illables, contrastive pitch register is borne by the word-initial syllable. Since most morphemes in Tibetan are tone-bearing monosyllables (hence the apt term 'morphosyllables' proposed by Light 1978), the question arises as to how, given a multisyllabic word, the word tone should be related to the underlying tones of the constituent morphosyllables. Sprigg 1975:179 argues explicitly against deriving the latter from the former: I find it structurally misleading to describe the lexical items sgam 'box', ia 'tea', and yi(g) 'letter' that occur in the first-syllable place of the words sgam-chung, ja-ldong, and . . . a with contrastive low pitch as having changed tone ftom low tone to high tone in the words lcags-sgam, gsol-ja, and larillyig simply because, in these last three words, those lexical items have a high pqch, the non-contrastive high pitch appropriate to the secondsyllable place in those words .. . Ossorio 1982: 57; 114, sharing Sprig?' s conviction, denies in even stronger terms the existence of 'tone changes' in Tibetan not only diachronically, but also synchronically: There is no evidence that the restricted tonal patterns of multisyllabic words ever developed through sandhi changes of the tones carried by the monosyllabes involved . . . Using the word as the domain of tone there are no tones to be raised on non-initial syllables; never, at any stage in the derivation, do such syllables carry low tone. These claims, however, must be reconsidered in view of the counter-evidence to be presented in the following sections. 31Note that this synchronic state is the exact inverse of the situation portrayed in the slogan A A 'High pitch if voiceless; low pitch if voiced' seen above. 32The effects of the low register encroaching on non-initial syllables can be witnessed in the various rules of Low Tone Assimilation discussed in this paper (see 25b, 25d, in §2.2 and 27 in 0.2 below). -366- 371 3.2.1. Low Tone Assimilation in Purang. In §2.2 we inspected in detail a case of tonal assimilation, LTA, attested in many Tibetan dialects. An interesting variant of LTA is reported in the Purang dialect where the initial low tone spreads to the right when the secohd syllable is originally low-toned, but unlike in the ordinary LTA, tone-spreading does not occur if the second syllable is originally high-toned (Tan 1984:633-5). The Purang version of Low Tone Assimilation (LTA') can be formulated as (22) (tone rules in Purang are otherwise similar to those in Lhasa): (22) LTA': If the tone of the initiai syllable is L and if the second syllable is low-toned and bimoraic, spread L to the latter and delink the originally associated tone on the first mora. lit ele enh4 'serf' (phonemicized herein as pirj-tei-en < WT zhing 'field' + bran 'slave') and minmaalj 55 'populace' (phonemicized herein as mi-mitij < WT mi 'human' + dmangs 'multitude, vulgar'): Contrast the derivations in (23-4) of the compounds 9 (23) pixj-teln TA > pixj 4hen \ L L L L L L L- DTR > 94114116/114 A Ili / H L L (LTA': non-applicable) DTR mi -maij ----> mi -mifuj i-t P. > 94 4hen I TA (24) LTA' lit > mili-meit 55 > A 1-1; ,i1 V LH L ,11 V H Thus LTA', tonal process which shapes the tonal melodies of multisyllabic words, can clearly access the underlying tones of the component syllables.33 3.2.2. Negator ma - in Lhasa.34 Another revealing example of the interactions between syllable and word tones is furnished by the negator morpheme ma- in Lhasa Tibetan.35 One unusual property of ma-, which always forms a single phonological word with the verb stem onto which it is tagged, is that its tone is always identical to the underlying tone of the verb stem, although owing to its non-initial position the latter always ends up bearing the default high tone. Since the inherent tone of the bound morpheme ma cannot be ascertained (barring recourse to spelling pronunciation), we suggest that it is lexically unspecified for tone (i.e. with only a place-holder on the tone tier), and that its surface tone is automatically received from the verb stem by applying ordinary tone association. The underlying tone on the verb stem itself is then reassociated with the default high tone under DTR. Sample derivations of the negative forms of the imperfective verb 33Incidentally, the Purang data (as well as the data concerning the prefix ma - in Lhasa, see below) cause embarrassment to Duanmu's analysis, as all non-inith., underlying tones are deleted from the tone tier at the start of the derivation, making it impossible for other tone rules to refer to them later, 34 The imperfective negator mi in Purang Tibetan shows the same tonal behavior (Tan 1984: 637). 35This prefix is used both with the perfective aspect (in contrast with the low-toned imperfective-aspect negator zai) and in prohibitive commands. -367- 376 stems t é9 'saw' (< WT has) and ti 9 'wrote' (< WT bris), respectively and ma -t0:9 'did not write', are offered in (25-6) below (Qu 1981a:24): TA (25) 'did not see' DTR ma-t-69 ma55-t.e. 52 H (26) t TA ma-tgi? ----> ma-t H DTR > ma11-41952 1 Since here the original syllable tone of the verb stem is inherited by the Dia morpheme on its left rather than completely obliterated by tone neutralization, a purely distributional approach to the problem at hand (such as Sprigg's prosodic analysis) will fail to give a principled account of the fact that ma- is high-toned in one case but low-toned in the other. The preceding data constitutes strong empirical evidence that, in synchronic word-formation at least, derivational relations do exist in Tibetan between tones of the constituent syllables and the melody of the multisyllabic word as a whole, and that consequently any adequate description of Tibetan tonology cannot do without 'tone sandhi' rules. 4. Conclusions. In sum, we have witnessed in modern Tibetan a continuum of increasing tonality, reflecting various stages of the gradual emergence of lexically distinctive pitch. A typical tone system in Tibetan differs in two important respects from a typical Sinitic tone system: (i) the basic tonal contrast is that of simple pitch registers: high vs. low; (ii) the register contrast is realized only on the first syllable of a given phonological word. So restricted is this type of tone system, in fact, that tone in multisyllabic Tibetan words may be viewed as adhering by and large to a simple tone template (where W = phonological word; CY = syllable; H = default high register): (27) I (0) I (H) H As indicated above (§l.l), some tonal dialects seem to be undergoing change in the direction of adding an intersecting dimension of contour contrast (high level vs. high falling) on the final syllable. One straightforward way to express this target of sound change in autosegmental phonology is to add a L to the right of the basic contrast of H vs. L, yielding four distinctive monosyllabic tone patterns: H. HL, L, and LL. The realizations of these four underlying tones in the Shigatse dialect is given in Table 6 below (Qu 1981a:189):36 16 The level/fall contrast is restricted to short rather than long syllables in all three dBus-gtsang dialects discussed in Qu 1981a. This is contrary to what is found in one variety of Lhasa where the rhyme gets compensatorily lengthened with the apocopy of the glottal stop, resulting in the contour contrast being cKried by long syllables (Kjellin 1977). Note that this means the contour distinction may not necessarily depend on bimoraic syllable structure, contra Yip 1992: §3.2. -368- 3 Realization H HL L LL Syllable Type 53 55 51 12 131 short long 113 Table 6. Shigatse Underlying and Surface Tones To account for the fact that the contour contrast is limited to the last syllable in a multisyllabic word, we need only posit a simple rule which realizes (i.e. associates to the segmental tier) the second half of composite tones only at word-final position. The innovative tone template may then be represented as (28): (28) a (a) a H (H) H 1 I I HL It is noteworthy that in (28) the secondary contour distinction is superimposed on the basic tone template of (27), such that the final syllable, like all non-initial syllables, still bears the default high register. In Sino-Tibetan, tone systems that are closest to the Tibetan one are those found in such dialects/languages as Dongkou (Xiang; Yue-Hashimoto 1987: §2.I) and New Shanghai (Northern Wu; Duanmu 1992) in Sinitic, and PaTani (West Himalayish, Saxena 1991), Tamang (TamangGurung-Thakali-Manang; Mazaudon 1977: 54-7; Weidert 1987: §7.1.4; Sprigg 1990), and Konyak (Northern Naga; Weidert 1987: 215-6; 414-5) in Tibeto-Burman. All of these systems are characterized by initial-dominance (Yue-Hashimoto 1987: loc. cit.; Duanmu 1992:68), whereby in a multisyllabic domain the pitch pattern of the entire domain is borne solely by the initial syllable with the sweeping reduction of tonal contrast on non-initial syllables. The tone systems of Dongkou Chinese and Tibetan differ from the other systems wich respect to the behavior of tone on non-initial syllables. In the former systems, non-initial tones are largely independent of the initial tone, abiding by a more or less constant tonal template such as the ones shown in (27-28) for Tibetan. In the latter systems, however, the tonal melody of the initial syllable is mapped onto the entire multisyllabic tonal domain. Two distinct types of Sino-Tibetan word-tone systems, therefore, can be distinguished: template word-tone systems, represented by Tibetan (Tibeto-Burman) and Dongkou (Sinitic), vs. (adopting the terminology in Weidert 1979:84, fn. 28) contoureme wordtone systems, represented by Tamang (Tibeto-Burman) and New Shanghai (Sinitic). Needless to say, contoureme systems should represent the more fully tonal type on the tonality scale since the contrastive melodies in such systems are distributed (spread) to the individual component syllables in the domain, whereas in template systems non-initial syllables contribute nothing to the realization of the contrastive word-tones. In conclusion, if our phonological descriptions are to properly reflect this important distinction in the typology of Sino-Tibetan word-tone systems, then we should reserve melodymapping analyses fo languages like New Shanghai, and adopt instead default-tone analyses, such as the one proposed in this paper, for languages like Tibetan. -369 - 1,0 REFERENCES Bao, Zhiming. 1990. On the nature of tone. MIT dissertation. Chang, Kun and Betty Shefts. 1964. A manual of spoken Tibetan (Lhasa dialect). Seattle: University of Washington Press. Chang, Kun and Betty Shefts Chang. 1978. Spoken Tibetan texts. Volume 1. Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica Special Publications No. 74. Nankang, Taipei: Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica. Chao, Y. R. and Yu Daoquan. 1930. Di liu dai dalai lama cangyang jiacuo qingge (Love songs of the sixth Dalai Lama Tsangs-dbyangs rGya-mtsho; Institute of History and Philology Monographs, Series A, 5.). Peiping: Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica, Cheiliah, Shobhana L. 1991. Tone in Manipuri. Papers from the 1st annual meeting of SEALS, ed. by Martha Ratliff and Eric Schiller. Tempe: Arizona State University. Dawson, Willa. 1980. Tibetan tone. University of Washington dissertation. Duanmu, San. 1992. An autosegmental analysis of tone in four Tibetan languages. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 15.1:1-27. Durand, Jacques. 1990. Generative and non-linear phonology. London and New York: Longman. Gesang, Jumian tgJg. 1985. A * * (An analysis of the phonology of Batang Tibetan). Minzu Yuwen 2: 16-27. Goldsmith, John A. 1979. Autosegmental phonology. (1976 MIT dissertation). New York: Garland Press. . 1990. Autosegm.ental & metrical phonology. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Greenberg, J. 1966. Linguistic universals with special reference to feature hierarchies. The Hague: Mouton. g Hu, Tan Oi . 1980. A * .01 19f (Studies on tone in Tibetan). Minzu Yuwen 1:22-36. Hu, Tan, Qu Aitang , & Lin Lianhe r4- . 1980. (Experimental studies on Lhasa Tibetan tone). Yuyan Yanjiu 2: 18-38. Hua, Kan i. 1980. 4I tt (Voiced and voiceless initials in Amdo Tibetan. Xibei Minzu Xueyuan Xuebao 1: 67-74. Huang Bufan * * 1993. tt tt.3 1# (On the genesis and diversification of tone in Tibetan dialects). Paper presented at the 26th International . Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics. Osaka, Museum of Ethnology, August 13-17. English translation by Jackson T.-S. Sun to appear in Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area. Hyman, Larry M. 1993. Register tones and tonal geometry. The phonology of tone: The representation of tonal register, ed. by Harry van der Hulst and Keith Snider, 75-108. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Jäschke, Heirich A. 1881. A Tibetan-English dictionary, with special reference to the prevliling dialects [1968 reprint]. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Kitamura, Hajime and Yasuhiko Nagano. 1990. 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Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 56.3: 470-501. Sun, Jackson T.-S. 1986. Aspects of the Phonology of Amdo Tibetan: Ndzorge S heeze X r a dialect ( = Monumental Serindica No. 16). Tokyo: Inst. for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa. (On the controversies in * -J\- 0 g gt k . 1982. Tan, Kerang the phonemicization and representation of tone in Lhasa Tibetan). Minzy yuwen 3: 33-37. . a . 1984. & a 1 * * 0 M (Tone sandhi patterns of disyllablic words in Tibetan), Proceedings of the Lhasa Seminar on Tibetology, ed. by the Research Society on the Nationalities of Southwestern China, 626-39. Lhasa: Tibet People's Press. A. fsi -Elp 0,1 * g . 1991. Tan, Kerang and Jiang Kongping (Vowel length versus rhyme length in Lhasa Tibetan, and their relations RA 1 with tone in Lhasa Tibetan). Minzy Yuwen 2: 12-21. I a -371 3S2 * 4g. 1984. in Lhasa Tibetan). k A Wang Huiyin g ig (Preliminary study of 'neutral tone' * (Articles on nationality languages). Volume 1, ed. by the Institute for the Study of Minority Languages, Central Institute of Nationality Studies, . IA 67-94. Beijing: Central Institute of Nationality Studies. . 1985. wit IA 01 * tAptiii. (Remarks on the nature of the 'neutral tone' in Lhasa Tibetan). Zhongyang Minzu Xueyuan Xuebao 4: 86-91. Weidert, Alfons. 1979. The Sino-Tibetan tonogenetic laryngeal reconstruction theory. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 5.1: 36-54. . 1987. Tibeto-Burman tonology. Amsterdam /Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Wu, Dibben. 1982. Phonology of the Amchog dialect of the Tibetan language: A synchronic and diachronic study. Fu Jen University MA thesis (Taipei, Taiwan). Yip, Moira J. 1980. The tonal phonology of Chinese. MIT PhD dissertation. . 1993.. Tonal register in East Asian languages. The phonology of tone: The representation of tonal register, ed. by Harry van der Hulst and Keith Snider, 245-68. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Yue-Hashimoto, Anne 0. 1987. Tone sandhi across Chinese dialects. Wang Li Memorial Volume, English Volume, ed. by Chinese Language Society of Hong Kong, 445-74. Hong Kong: Joint Publishing Co. -372- TOPIC CHOICE, SWITCH REFERENCE AND ZERO ANAPHORA: THE ON-LINE CONSTRUCTION OF GRAMMAR TAO, LIANG DEPARTMENT OF LINGUISTICS, CB295 UNIVERSITY OF COLORADO, BOULDER, CO 80309 FAX (303) 492-8895 LTAORCLIPR.COLORADO.EDU 1. Introduction This paper studies one specific discourse pattern where zeta anaphora in Mandarin Chinese often occurs: the switch-reference pattern. By comparing the use of zero with overt linguistic markings in the discourse patterns of switch reference, the study presents the argument that zero anaphora can be used in the switch reference pattern because there may be different cognitive strategies in reference tracking by speakers of different languages. This study follows the belief that language is used for the purpose of communication (Fox, 1987; Fox & Thompson, 1990). The study tries to show that language, hence grammar, is contextual, and linguistic information is indexical. It is due to the indexical nature of language that information about a referent which is coded by a zero anaphor can `emerge' into the Chinese speaker's cognitive understanding in their process of Chinese discourse. Cross-linguistically, the pattern of switch reference can be summarized into three different types: a. the canonical type, b. the non-canonical type, and c. the inference type. Of the three types, the third one occurs in Mandarin Chinese (hence Chinese) and is the center of the discussion. Chinese is a zero-anaphora language, a language that permits abundant use of zero anaphora in its written and oral discourse. Former studies attribute the choice of zero anaphora as opposed to overt anaphoric devices to the discourse notion of topic continuity or to the topic chain construction (Chen, 1986; Givem, 1983a; Li & Thompson, 1981; Pu, 1989; Tsao, 1979). This study demonstrates that in Mandarin Chinese, the occurrence of zero anaphora is not constrained to this pattern only. Instead, in the multiple-referents discourse environment where there are two referents interacting, zero anaphors may code either or both referents; thus the referent of the zero may switch between discourse topics. In addition, the study shows that the switch of discourse topics coded by zero anaphors results in a `switch-reference' pattern that is not manifested by overt linguistic markings; reference-tracking in this inference type 'switch-reference' pattern can be explained by a set of cognitive strategies termed `emergent referents'. The plan of this study is as follows. In Section 2, the paper examines the three types of switch reference patterns by comparing how languages facilitate reference tracking in discourse at the -373- levels of morphology, syntax, semantics and/or pragmatics; in Section 3, the study tackles the question of how reference tracking is possibly carried out by speakers of Chinese (and by speakers of other zero anaphora languages as well). In Section 4, the study concludes by showing the result of an experiment testing the hypothesis of `emergent referents'. 2. Reference-tracking in discourse and the switch-reference pattern 2.1. Subject, topic and topic continuity I first discuss two definitions that are closely related to the pattern of switch reference: `grammatical subject' and `discourse topic'. The role of subject is important to this study for two reasons: it is one of the grammatical slots where zero anaphora occurs in Chinese; and it is closely related to the canonical type of switch reference pattern, where in most cases subjects are marked for their referentiality with some other subject. I do not intend to go into detailed analysis on this issue, but I do want to roughly define what this study takes .as the subject. A subject is the phrase (or clause) that has a grammatical relationship with the predicate verb in the following fashions: it is one of the main arguments or the only argument of a predicate verb (Chao, 1968; Ding et al., 1979) the S of an intransitive verb or the A of a transitive verb. A topic in this study refers to an NP referent that is the center of a discussion in discourse; thus it may be the focus of the discourse (Grosz, 1977, 1980). Since this type of topic can only occur in a discourse setting, it is referred to as the discourse topic in this study% Topicality in discourse is determined by how much the noun referent is in the speaker/hearer's conscious mind while processing discourse information (Givón, 1983a). Thc occurrence of zero anaphora is closely related to the issue of discourse topic in Chinese. It is around this role of topic that zero anaphors demonstrate a switch reference pattern in Chinese. This study is mainly about the occurrence of zero anaphora as opposed to other overt anaphoric devices in the switch reference patteins. According to Givcin, the choice of anaphoric devices follows a scale which reflects the discourse pattern of topic continuity, as illustrated below. la. GivOn (1983a:18) most continuous/accessible topic Zero anaphora pronouns or grammatical agreement Full NP's more discontinuous/inaccessible topics 1 In addition to the discourse topic, there is also a topic in the topic-comment construction, which occurs very often in Chinese. For a detailed discussion of this construction, see Chao (1968), Li and Thompson (1981) and Tao (1993). -374- b. Iconicity principle (1983b:67) The more continuous/predictable is the topic/subject/referent NP, the less overt expression it needs to receive. crosscognitive tendency a reflect lb and la Both in discourse. The linguistically for the choice of anaphoric devices principle in lb offers a cognitive explanation for the scale of topic continuity as illustrated in la. Both la and lb indicate that when a referent is mentioned continuously, and when there is no other NP referent that may be mistaken as the same referent, then the information of this referent is easy to retrieve in people's short-term memories, thus the less overt linguistic coding is needed. According to Givem, topic continuity is the discourse basis underlining the phenomenon of switch reference in all languages (Givón, 1983b). The iconicity principle argues for the choice of anaphoric devices based on the pragmatic needs of discourse. The principle predicts that when there is a switch of discourse topic/grammatical subject, information of the new referent may be discontinuous or less predictable (than when the topic/subject is continuous); hence more linguistic coding device (e.g., a full NP as opposed to a pronoun or zero anaphor) is used to facilitate reference tracking. This study contends that on the one hand, Givcin's iconicity principle can be illustrated in languages with different switch reference patterns; yet on the other hand, this principle has neglected the strength of inference in discourse so that it does not offer adequate explanations of certain discourse patterns in Chinese. I discuss the second point after we examine the switch reference patterns. This study only examines zero anaphors whose referents are third persons or objects. The study covers only the zero anaphors that are discourse related. Namely the understanding of the zero has to depend on the local discourse environment. 2.2. Switch reference Reference presentation is a very important aspect in forming discourse cohesion, and anaphora functions as one of the major reference tracking devices in the discourse of the world's languages (Foley & Van Valin, 1984). In the introduction section, I proposed three types of switch reference patterns cross-linguistically, which are repeated here: a. the canonical type, b. the non-canonical type, and c. the inference type. Of the three types, the first two types are similar in that both use overt linguistic markings to indicate whether or not a certain NP referent is coreferential with some other NP referent in the discourse. The difference between the two is that langua?es with the canonical type of switch reference pattern have grammaticalized this phenomenon with certain morphological markings to indicate switch reference. Languages that belong to the second type only signal the switch of a referent by some overt anaphoric device. The third type refers to a switch reference phenomenon where zero anaphora occurs as in Chinese. -375- This type of taxonomy as shown above may not seem conventional with regard to the notion of switch reference. But I feel that for the study of the communicative function of language, it is well justified to compare any linguistic or non-linguistic means that serve similar functions of facilitating reference tracking. Let's first look at the three different types of switch reference patterns. 2.2.1. The canonical type of switch reference Formally, languages belonging to this switch reference system all have some grammaticalized patterns marking noun referents in discourse. The canonical marking of switch reference "is an inflectional category of the verb, which indicates whether or not its subject is identical with the subject of some other verb" (Haiman and Munro, 1983:ix). "Functionally, switch reference is a device for referential tzacking" (Haiman and Munro, 1983:ix). Psychologically, a grammaticalized pattern marking referential identities and the possible range of nominal referents can facilitate reference tracking in discourse processing. With regard to GivOn's iconicity principle, the canonical switch reference languages have all developed special grammatical devices to code the pragmatic condition as sta'ted in the principle. Languages with canonical switch reference patterns have a wide distribution, they include Manchu-Tungus languages (Nichols, 1979), the Papuan languages, some of the Austronesian languages (e.g., Lenakel, Lynch, 1983), most of the North American languages (e.g., Central Pomo, (Mithun, 1993)), and some African languages (Comrie, 1983). Most of these languages demonstrate a relatively strict word order of OV (a few have a VO word order, e.g., Lenakel), and almost all the morphological markings of SS (same referent) and DS (different referent) are on the verbs. The clause whose predicate carries the marking may be called, the marking clause. The markings indicate whether or not the subject is the same or different from the subject of the preceding or following clause, which may be the reference clause. The marking clauses may be subordinate to or coordinate with the reference clauses. In addition to indicating referential status, the markings on the verbs may code other grammatical functions such as aspect or valence, as can be seen below. An instance of canonical switch reference can be illustrated in Central Pomo, a native American language spoken in Northern California. In this language, switch reference is manifested by three pairs of aspectual markers. Let us look at the pair -ba (SS) and -li (DS), which are used in realis constructions (Mithun, 1993:121). 2a. Subject==Subject (SS) ?a_ chAw=y6-ba mát.i ?-chd-ch-ba ma?d I.Agt in=go-same down by.gravity-sit-INCH-same food qa.-yu?chi-w biting-begin-p 'I came into the house, (I) sat down, and (I) started to eat.' -376- 3S b. Subject=/=Subject (DS) ?a chdw=y6-w=1i hdyu=?el I.Agt in=go-p=DIFF dog=the ?Uda-w t.o. really sé-ch-mad=a glad.to.see-AFF=IMM II came into the house, and my dog was really glad to see me.' We can see from these two examples that the referential status of the subjects are clearly marked by the morphological structures of Central Pomo2. Notice that in 2b, even though the information of the second referent is shown clearly by a full NP (my dog), the DS marker is still used, a fact indicating the grammaticalized switch reference pattern in this language. In the Manchu-Tungus language family, switch reference is carried out by a distinctive set of suffixes which occur The marking clause is consistently with SS or DS (Nichols, 1979). a nonfinite clause which has a subordinate or coordinate sense with the referent/finite clause. One of the systems used to mark SS or DS is that SS in the marking clause is indicated by a verbal stem with a suffix indicating number agreement with its own subject (plus tense markers), and DS is manifested by a participial stem with a tense marker, an oblique case (usually dative), and a possessive marker of agreement with its own subject. Following is an example from the Manchu-Tungus language family (Nichols, 1979:421). 3a. (Ulcha, the Amur branch of the Manchu-Tungus languages) icheheti langi nene-meri, (they) saw close go-pl.sim 'Coming up close, they saw ...' b. (SS) (p.421) (DS) dUse kalchin -du -ni ni -de, ingda-da aurasi bichini dem tiger approach-dat-3sg man-ptc dog-ptc not-sleep aux ti (past ppl) (Pos) When the tiger was in the vincinity, neither people nor dogs slept. (p.421) In these examples, the verbs in the dependent clauses reflect two different forms. In 3a, the verb of the marking clause is the verbal stem plus the number agreement with its own subject, which is the same as the subject in the referent clause. In 3b, however, the verb in the marking clause is a past participle with a dative case marker and a third person possessive marker, indicating the subject is different from that in the referent clause. In the Manchu-Tungus languages, it is almost always 2 These markers indicate switch reference consistently in elicited sentences. But in natural discourse, occasionally they are inconsistent. The inconsistency reflects the fact that the primary function of these markers are the aspectual relationship between two clauses; switch reference is its secondary function. For a detailed discussion, see Mithun (1993) and Watkins (1993). -377- 3S8 different verb forms and their different affixes in the marking clauses that signal switch reference. Lenakel, an Austronesian language, is different from most other languages having the canonical switch reference pattern. This language is not verb final, and the switch reference markings are prefixes to the verbs. Following are two examples (Lynch, 1983:211). 4a. -im -vin (kani) m-im -apul3 lexc-past-go (and) ES-past-sleep I went and slept. i -im -vin (kahi) r -im -apul lexc-past-go (and) 3sg-past-sleep I went and he slept. (SS) DS) What is unique in Lenakel is that the switch reference markers are prefixes. The verb of the first clause takes person and number prefixes which agree with the subject of this clause; the verb of the following clauses take prefixes marking whether or not the subject of the following clause is coreferential with (or echoes) that of the first clause. What languages with the canonical switch reference pattern have in common is grammaticalized markers on the verbs which indicate referential status. Functionally, all of these grammaticalized patterns seem to share the property of facilitating reference tracking. 2.2.2. The non-canonical type of switch reference These languages differ from the canonical type in that they lack specific marking systems to mark switch reference on the verbs. Instead, these languages only use the anaphoric devices (e.g., the stressed independent pronouns (Spanish, as discussed by Bentivoglio (1983)), the logophoric pronouns (e.g., Igbo, as discussed by Comrie (1983), etc.) to indicate referential status. As has been mentioned in the previous section, psychologically, a grammaticalized pattern marking referential identities can facilitate reference tracking in discourse processing. Even though the non-canonical type of switch reference does not resemble the canonical switch reference pattern, functionally they both serve the goal of reference tracking. Givón argues that these languages follow the iconicity principle to code subject referent continuity, as stated in lb (e.g., English, (Givón, 1983b)). Let's first examine the followiny English expression (GivOn, 1983b:59). 5. He gave presents to the King and the queen. He thanked him, but she just grunted. Since English has a M/F gender system in its pronouns, the use of stressed pronouns here is sufficient to code the switch of subjects. 3 The abbreviations in the morpheme to morpheme analysis are used for: exc: exclusive; ES: echo-subject. -378- 3 In some West African languages, there is a set of logophoric pronouns that indicates coreferential status. Examine the next example from Igbo (Comrie, 1983). 6a. b. 6 by&r& 6 nA siri that he came he said IHel said that he2 came.' (DS) yá byAr& na 6 siri that LOG came he said `Hel said that hel came.' (SS) These logophoric pronouns can code different referential status among single third person referents to facilitate reference tracking. Stressed independent pronouns may also indicate switch reference. In comparing the choice of bound personal pronouns and stressed independent pronouns in Spanish, Bentivoglio (1983) argues that certain occurrences of stressed independent pronouns function merely to signal the switch of reference. From the functional and pragmatic perspective, almost all languages reflect some forms of the non-canonical type of switch reference pattern to facilitate reference tracking in discourse processing. For instance, to deal with the English expression as illustrated in example 5, Chinese may have to use full NPs since the language lacks a gender system to distinguish the two referents in the spoken language. Yet when there is no need for such a special contrast, Chinese may use zero anaphors to code two different referents in a switch reference pattern. This is the pattern that I am calling the inference type. 2.2.3. The interence type The inference type of switch reference pattern in Chinese actually is the discourse pattern where the switch of subject/topic is not marked by any linguistic devices at all. In this case, zero Reference anaphors are used to encode two different referents. to infer by means of tracking is thus left for the reader/speaker what is available in the discourse. and from both written this study are for The data discourse data are from four conversational discourse. The written books (Hong Lou Meng by Cao Xueqin & Gao E; Dongting Hu shenhua by Kang Zhuo; Zhenq Hongqi Xia by Lao She; and Zhonqguo Shenhua Chuanshuo by Yuan Ke). The conversational data are from approximately three hours of natural conversations recorded in four different places, Beijing, Changsha, Australia and the U.S. All speakers in the conversations are native speakers of Mandarin Chinese. The switch reference pattern with zero anaphors has been observed in all four books as well as in the conversations, a fact indicating that this phenomenon has existed in Chinese from the language of vernacular (e.g., the chinese language as is used in Hong Lou Meng) to contemporary usages. A zero anaphor in the switch reference pattern can represent either a non-subject in the previous clause -379- (the switch role pattern), or it may `code' some referent mentioned in the prior discourse. All the referents coded by zero anaphors are considered discourse topics that are at the center of the discussion. In the following examples, each anaphoric device is assigned a number to indicate which referent it refers to. The location of the zero anaphor is somewhat arbitrary, based solely on my subjective understanding of the discourse data. Before we look at the switch patterns, I would like to show a Chinese discourse pattern where zero represents the grammatical subject of the previous clause. 7. (Kang, 1991:163) Na yi -ci tA-men1 jiAo-hui -le zh& g& yAng-le ji -nian that one-time 3 -pl hand-return-PFV this Cl feed-Asp several-year -> de róu -hub2, 01 yao -le Zh6ng-ji& lit-bAi xiandayang. GEN meat-goods take-AsP Zhong-family six-hundred silver-dollar That time they returned the `meat-goods' whom they had fed for several years, (and theyl) took six hundred silver dollars from the Zhong family4. This example illustrates a SS (same subject) pattern in that the zero represents the grammatical subject (tAmen, `they') of the previous clause. The subject `they' refers to a group of bandits. Since the two subjects occur in two adjacent clauses, this example forms a topic chain discourse pattern. The occurrence of zero anaphora is often attributed to this pattern. (Tsao, 1979, Li & Thompson, 1981). But the next two examples show that zero anaphora may also occur in the discourse pattern with DS (different subject); thus topic chain is not the only discourse environment permitting the use of zero anaphora. The first two examples illustrate a `switch role' pattern where the zero represents a non-subject in the preceding clause. 8a. (Lao, 1981:78) -> Ftqinl j1n -nian father this-year zhi only mAi-le buy-Asp yi kd V4Msèludi2, kfthi 02 one CL verbena but kai -huA po mai liqi. bloom-flower rather sell strength This year fatherl only bought one pot of verbena2, but (it2) worked rather hard to produce many flowers. b. (Cao, 1982:892) Boyü xiAn yin -le ban bdi, 01 chöu rén bU jian, baoyu first drink-Asp half cup see people Neg see 4 The Imeat-goods' in the story is the name given to a group of people raised by those bandits. They were brain-washed so thot they could be turned to the officials to take the blames for the bandits. -3803 SA Fangguan2, 02 duan-qI-lai bian yi yang bud.. -> 01 di hold-up-come then one raise neck pass-give Fangguan Baoyul drank half of his wine. Seeing that nobody was noticing, (hel) gave the rest to Fangguan2, -> (who2) threw her head back and emptied it in a gulp. The parentheses in the English translations indicate that the elements inside are zeros in the Chinese versions. Both examples in 8 share a similar pattern: the zero codes the referent that is the object of the previous clause. Hence the discourse pattern is DS, but the referents of the zeros are still mentioned in the previous clauses. Next let us examine examples where the referent of the zero is not mentioned in the immediately preceding clause. We first look at an example from a natural conversation. 9. (Changsha, p.1) -shang-lai, di ->1. A: Ta2 (mao) jOu tiao-dao -come then jump-arrive ground-on it ->2. 01 dao -dI gëi till-end by ta2 it zhua -zht catch-stop le. PFV ma? 3. B: Shi right Q 4. A: [Nei dzil fi-lai cuan-qt de, that moth fly-come dash-go CSC ->5. zhei-bian jit dao 01 yixia all-of-a-sudden then arrive this-side ->6. Yixia, all-of-a-sudden lai -le. come-PFV bA tal zhua -zht -le. 02 you again BA it catch-stay-PFV ... It2 (the cat) then jumped down. (The mothl) finally was caught by it2. 3. B: Is that so! 4. A: That mothl flew all around. In a flash, (1) flew over here, 5. All of a sudden, (2) caught itl again. 6. 1. A: 2. In this example, the two referents (the cat and the moth) were interacting with the cat trying to catch the moth. We can see that the subjects of four clauses (clauses 1,2 and 5,6) are switching between the cat and the moth. Except for the first subject at line 1, which is a pronoun, the remaining three subjects are all zeros. Although even the pronoun here does not differentiate between the cat and the moth, there is no confusion between the subjects of the verbs of various clause in this example, in which reference presentation is simplified to the extreme. Next is a similar example from the written data. -381- 392 10. (Lao, 1981:119) 1. Dui zhéxid xiaoxil, to these news 2. ta2 gaoxing ne, he happy Int 3. 02 jit xiAng yi xiAng then think one think 01, -> 4. 02 bt gaoxing ne, Neg happy Int -> 5. 01 jit you zuö dr then from left ear 6. 01 you right 1. 2. 3. -> 4. -> 5. 6. dr chtl ear out jin enter come qt. go As for this kind of newsl, if he2 happened to be in a good mood, then (he2) would give (it1) a thought; if (he2) was not pleased at the moment, then (itl) would enter from his left ear and (01) exit from the right one. ... In this example, there is a person (t2, 'he') and an object (xiaoxil, 'news'). At lines 4 and 5, the subjects. of the two clauses are both coded by zeros, but their referents are different. The referent of the zero anaphor in clause 5 is not the same as that in the immediately preceding clause, but is mentioned overtly at line 1. Yet such switch of referents does not seem to cause any problem to Chinese readers. The last example to be discussed reflects how a switch reference pattern with the use of zero is created. 11. (Yuan, 1984:282) 1. TaiyAngl chrt-lAi le, ... Dang tal gang cc-mg YAnggd sun out-come Asp when he just from Yanggu out-come 01 z&i XiAnchi-lI xI -le -0 zAo, 01 cong Flisang sht de at Xianchi-in wash-PFV-Cl bath from Fusang tree GEN xi& -mian under-side de diandIng de zhè Fusang tree GEN top GEN this shdng-shang Ftisang slit rise -on shihOu2, jit ji&o-zuo "Chénming". time right name-as Chenming 2. 01 yIjing sheng-shang Msang sht de diandIng, 01 zufb-shAng already rise -on Fusang tree GEN top sit-on mama gdi zhUnbdi hAo de chdzi, 01 kaishI chUfa le, mother for prepare well GEN chariot begin set-off PFV -382- zhe shihóu2 lit liaozu6 "F6iming". Feiming then name this time ->3. 01 ddo -le Qq'a de difdng, 02 jit jidozuó "Ddnming". Danming then name arrive-PFV Qu'a GEN place 1. The sunl came out,... When hel came out of Yanggu, (01) took a bath in Xianchi, and (01) ascended from the bottom of the Fusang tree onto the very top, this time2 was named Chenming. 2. After (heI) had already ascended onto the top of the Fusang tree, (01) sat into the chariot already prepared for him by his mom and (01) started to set off, this time2 was called Feiming. ->3. When (hel) arrived at the place Qu'a, (the time2) was named Danming. This example d'Lsplays two things: the sun's activities in the morning, and the name of various time periods associated with the sun's ascension. In this example, the first referent, the sun, is often coded by a zero, but the second referent, the time, is presented in full NPs until the last part at line 3, where both referents are coded by zeros, and a switch reference pattern is formed. In this example, the repetition of the verb phrase 'ii&ozub' Ito be named as' in association with the sun's activities have produced a pattern that makes the referents of the last clauses almost transparent. The use of zero in this case seems very natural. From examples 8-11, we can see that reference switching does not restrain the use of zero anaphora in Chinese discourse. Recall that Givón has proposed an iconicity principle predicting the choice of anaphoric devices with regard to subject continuity. The principle is repeated below. 12. Iconicity principle (givcin, 1983b:67) The more continuous/predictable is the topi:/subject/referent NP, the less overt expression it needs to receive. In other words, the principle predicts that when a certain referent is unpredictable, when there are potentially two NPs that can be taken as representing the same topic/subject/referent, then more overt linguistic coding is needed to distinguish the referents. Languages bearing the first two types of switch reference patterns all demonstrate the (the canonical and non-canonical types) discourse pattern as predicted by this prinoiple. As was mentioned at the end of section 2.2.2, sometimes Chinese discourse also reflects certain patterns that are predicted by this principle. But from examples 8-11, we can see that in other situations Chinese discourse can also produce patterns the principle fails to account for. It seems counter-intuitive to use the least coding device (zero anaphora) in the situation of switch reference, but a close examination may reveal that if we observe discourse processing from a different angle, the inference type of switch reference pattern may not seem so mysterious. I discuss this point in Section 3. -383- 394 1 2.3. Interim summary In this section we have examined three types of linguistic patterns coding the phenomenon of switch reference. The three types of switch reference patterns illustrate two extremes: on the one hand, it seems so important to facilitate reference tracking in language processing that some languages have developed specific grammatical patterns to obligatorily code switch reference; on the other hand, languages like Chinese can afford not to use any overt linguistic coding for similar discourse patterns. Thus we can see that language formation seems to follow a continuum of presenting information as clearly as possible (e.g., the canonical switch reference patterns) to maintaining the economy in communication (Grice, 1975) by using overt linguistic devices only when absolutely necessary (e.g., Chinese)5. The next question is, how do Chinese speakers tolerate the abundant use of zero anaphors? This issue is addressed in the next section. 3. Emergent reference and the construction of grammar 3.1. Emergent reference Chinese is an isolating language with no phonological or morphological markings indicating parts of speech, gender, case or grammatical relations. This 'under marked' form once led some historical linguists to consider Chinese a primitive language that has not developed to the contemporary level (e.g. like English and other Indo-European languages) with conjugation, word class differentiation and so forth (Schleicher, reprinted in 1983). Even though such a view of Chinese was presented over one hundred years ago and most linguists, as well as people from other fields, have taken a view contrary to Schleicher's claim, the question of how the language functions with practically no morphology still remains unanswered. The use of zero anaphora reflected in the switch reference pattern in Chinese discourse suggests that it is very likely that looking at overt linguistic patterns alone does not offer sufficient explanation for the abundant occurrence of zero anaphora in Chinese. The solution for the abundant use of zero anaphora can only come from the information in the discourse context. Here I suggest that reference tracking in Chinese is probably carried out with the help of discourse cues (Fox, 1987), which may be one of or a combination of the following: 5 Languages with the canonical type of switch reference pattern also require inference in information processing (see, e.g., Haiman & Munro, 1983; Mithun, 1993; Watkins, 1993). On the other hand, Chinese also requires overt linguistic devices when there is the need (see Tao, 1993). This fact indicates that the general trend in language formation is, whenever possible, to provide information which is as explicit as necessary, but not is not excessive or redundant. -384- 350 13. Discourse cues: a. prior discoursa context; b. specific semantic requirements of the verbs associated with the referents; c. the specific nature of the referents presented by zero anaphora; and d. language users' general knowledge about the world, including their social, cultural, and personal experiences. These discourse cues do not seem to offer a specific explanation for reference tracking since it covers almost everything Yet if we that one needs to consider in language processing. consider the actual language data, we can see that reference tracking in Chinese does rely on these cues, though not all the cues have to be considered in each individual case. In each instance of matching a zero to its proper referent, it is likely that Chinese speakers pay attention to one or two of the cues that are the most salient. The referent of the zero may thus `emerge' together with the discourse cue to complete the information needed in discourse processing. Let's first consider the two examples in 8. In 8a, it seems the semantic cue from the second verb ka-ihua`blossom' is sufficient for people to know that it is the plant that is performing this action; hence the referent of the zero in the second clause has to be the grammatical object WilSbradi `verbena' in the previous clause. In 8b, semantics of the verbs do not offer any specific cues since both people have the ability to drink wine. Here the discourse cue has to be the prior discourse information (Baoyu passing his wine to Fangguan) that informs us the one who drank the wine is Fangguan. In 9, people have to rely on the status of the two referents (cat the predator, and moth the victim) to make clear which referents the zeros represent at lines 1,2, and 5,6. In 10, one has to relate to the general knowledge about people (who can think) and about information (that can metaphorically enter people's ears) to infer that the referent of the zero anaphor in line 5 is not the human subject in the preceding clause. In example 11, it seems that the association of the verb ji&ozue) `to be named as' plus the discourse structure (a type of cause-and-effect pattern) makes it clear that the referent of the zero in the last clause is different from that in the preceding clause. From the above diScussion, it seems obvious that the discourse cues are local in that one cannot come up with a summary of essential cues that can be useful to all discourse patterns (unless of course we call all the cues essential). Next I would like to propose a model explaining how the cues are utilized when Chinese speakers process discourse information. At the beginning of this paper the study mentioned the belief that language is used for the purpose of communication. In the interactive use of language, the choice of anaphoric devices reflects the speaker/writer's cognitive understanding of the interactive needs in the communication; and reference understanding could reflect the hearer/reader's cognitive strategies. I refer to -385- 396 one set of these strategies as `emergent reference' in this study. Emergent reference refers to a set of cognitive strategies used by speakers of a language to process discourse information. To successfully comprehend any discourse with abundant use of zero anaphora, the hearer/reader must pay special attention to discourse cues associated with each referent represented by zero anaphora. These distributed local cues serve as the basis for the interpretive process from which the right referent emerges. The procedure to utilize these cues could be summarized below. 14. Construction and integration a. Cue identification: When processing discourse information with many referents missing, language users are attuned to the specific cues the local discourse context provides, cues that have to do with the referents; b. Reference construction: While processing language, individual referents are integrated into an information pattern constructed with information from these distributed local cues; c. Information integration: By integrating the cues to the recurring zero anaphors, which now serve as the referents in question, the referents that are `missing' due to the use of zero anaphora emerge, so that reference-tracking is not only possible but also easy. This `construction and integration' model is based on the theory that information of a referent is indexical in that it comes from the local discourse context (Heritage, 1984; Fox, 1992). It also maintains that language is contextual in that, since the information about a particular referent that is coded by a zero anaphor actually comes out with the help of local discourse cues, the information has to be constructed locally. Referents thus `emerge' out of the local discourse context into language users' cognitive understanding. The construction and integration model is probably unique to speakers of Chinese and other zero anaphora languages as one of the major cognitive strategies used in discourse processing. This point is elaborated in Section 4. Next we look at how grammar is at work with regard to the inference type of switch reference pattern. 3.2. The on-line construction of grammar The above discussion suggests that the use of zero anaphors in the switch reference pattern is conditioned by local discourse formation. Here the study also maintains that this switch reference pattern also reflects the fact that grammar is contextual. The linguistic phenomenon discussed in this study seems to be related to pragmatics, which is often set aside from the `core' studies of, e.g., morphology and syntax. When we talk about grammar, people often think about the well-formedness of individual sentences (at least when grammar refers to syntax). But at the same time people'cannot avoid putting sentences into some context to judge their acceptability. Thus one cannot ignc-e the fact that very often the acceptability of an expression has to be contextual. When people claim that Chinese is a zero-anaphora (pro-drop in some theoretical framework) language, they are looking at the -3867 31f1 abundant use of zeros in its discourse, not at the hypothetical zeros that one finds in many languages (e.g., Tdi xi.Ing 01 qt. Hel wants 01 to go); thus the claim about Chinese is based on its discourse patterns. Based on the switch reference pattern in Chinese discourse, one can see that the occurrence of zeros follows certain local contextual cues: whenever a zero is used instead of overt anaphoric devices, the local discourse pattern almost always provides certain cues that can be associated with it, a phenomenon that happens too frequently to be attributed to accidental appearance in discourse. From examples 8-11, we can see that it is often the verb that serves as the discourse cues. The manipulation of verb forms could be one of the means of constructing Chinese discourse patterns with regard to the use of zero anaphora. Another pattern is the apparently headless relative clause whose head is actually encoded by a zero. Following is an example. 15. (Beijing, p.71-76) shdji? 1. A: NI -men juti cao de shi shdnme, biyie graduation design exact make NOM be what you-PL qiengl. 2. E: Wö cao le yi mdzul make Asp one anesthesia gun I ...(A and E continued talking about the anesthesia gun, thirteen more turns.) (A, G and B talked about water melon seeds, and about A's mother, fourteen more turns.) ... ... (A, B and E talked about Lin, a person not present at the conversation, twelve more turns. There are about three and a half pages of transcription from line 7 to this point.) gAo ndi -ge 01 jit shi, deng ->42. A: Ao, na ni amount-to just be OK then you make that-CL ndi -ge jit, -jie zhi -chU-qt y1 -hot 01 dd right that-CL shoot-out-go then-after direct-connect zhtshè jin -qt la, ha? -jie zhi jit yao medicine right direct-connect inject enter-go Asp Q 1:ra, -ti 43. E: TA ndi zhen it that syringe-body RF ... 1. A: For your graduation project,what exactly did you design? 2. E: I designed an anesthesia gunl. ->42.A: Oh, that (syringel) that you designed is just like, (it) amounts to the fact that after (itl) is shot out, (it) the anesthesia medicine gets injected right immediately away, is that right? 43.E: Of the internal part of syringes, ... -387- 396 This example presents another instance of the repetition of the verb associated with a zero anaphor. This time the verb is inside a relative clause with the head (syringe) omitted. Headless relative clauses seem to be one of the structures that is often used to present information about referents without mentioning the referents in discourse (they occurred in both the written and conversational discourse data). I have not done a systematic study of this construction, but the structure appears to be one of the means to associate the verb with a zero anaphor to present information about its referent. Notice that in this example, the speaker tries very hard to return to the previous discussion of the graduation design by using a headless relative clause and detailed description of the function of the syringe, but the overt referent mAzgl_gighg 'anesthesia gun' was never mentionee. This section has tackled the question of grammar. The discussion maintains that the construction of Chinese discourse is extremely context dependent, as is reflected in the switch reference pattern with the use of zero anaphora. Each occurrence of a zero could trigger a construction of a local discourse unit whose function is to facilitate reference-tracking to make a coherent understanding of the language. Thus discourse production and comprehension should be taken as on-line mental activities. 4. Conclusion This paper has mainly discussed two issues: how the pattern of switch reference is coded cross-linguistically; and how Chinese speakers track anaphoric .7eferents in the pattern of switch reference with the use of zero anaphora. The paper concludes by examining the cognitive impact of zero anaphora on Chinese speakers In section 3.1, the paper suggests a set of cognitive strategies termed lenergent reference' that could be utilized by native 03 Chinese speakers. The paper also suggests that the strategies could also be part of the primary cognitive strategies of speakers of all zero-anaphora languages. The study suggests that these cognitive strategies mayr.02. not be primary in speakers of languages whererl zero anaphora is not one of the major:d anaphoric coding device; thus there is ag cognitive difference among speakers oft different languages. A preliminary experiment comparing native4- oi. Chinese and native English speakers suggests that Chinese speakers seems to be able to handle discourse passages with abundant use of zero anaphora better than can native English speakers. The experiment used a set of English 6 Eng Its11 Chmest Full Miring HP Passage type This phenomenon is termed 'a return-pop'. For a detailed discussion of the return pop, see Fox (1987) and Tao (1990, 1993). -388- passages from a standard test, each passage is accompanied by six four-alternative multiple choice questions. Half of the passages had some grammatical subjects or objects missing (resembling the zero anaphors in Chinese). The results shown in the figure here indicate that even though native Chinese speakers made more errors with the full passages, native English speakers made significantly more errors in the passages that had Chinese type of zero anaphora. The results indicate that it could very likely be due to the different cognitive strategies that native Chinese speakers scored better in processing discourse with abundant use of zero anaphora. In sum, the abundant use of zero anaphora as reflected in Vie switch reference pattern in Chinese discourse illustrates the contextual nature of the language. The phenomenon calls for our attention to the nature in discourse formation. It also demonstrates what the study of discourse can tell us about our language and about its speakers. Data reference Cao, X., and E. Gao. (1982). Hong Lou Meng. 1 ed. Beijing: Renmin -Wenxue Chuban She. Kang, Z., (1991). Dongting Hu Shenhua. 1 ed. Beijing: Zuojia Chubanshe. Lao, S. (1982). Zheng Hongqi Xia 1 ed. Beijing: Zuojia Chubanshe. Yuan, K. (1984). Zhongguo Shenhua Chuanshuo. 1st ed. Beijing: Zhongguo Minjian Wenyi Chubanshe. Reference Bentivoglio, P. (1983). 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Xtt 1984 <NIWAVAgn-f5ZttiflisJINiiiriVii> ' <<-3`Cd-r-fiff5-t>> 15:303-329 ° 1983 1983 <T1.238KA rip «[TIEJE.50> 1983.3:201-6 ° Rgiq> r )11 r <N19;*.ZIOVIN rj focrit» 10:367-378 RIPAMA5.}> <<C,FfPut.WZ <AVIAIA1 1986 1988 At EP 1986 1982 RUA 1992 1979 gegA 1990 1993a 2% it--,1425c*--fti--R» 114-128 0 <10FNIANAN-fatq,-}tir> , Journal of Chinese Linguistics 16.1:55-71 ° <EfirM.C.127-,q> <<tZ4:61+5-t» 15:277-302 ° «A:-ROMOPAW» ° «rft <NaLmiuthvja> «iisiz...wa» 8:121-179 0 ° «AittA0MiliftRfiffi9t>> ritiMAgtili> <<LIVANFA:3-1',PFT* K-N- Naltil*g r fIJ>> 62.4:717-786 ° 1993b < Li; Rie;(14)Mli-XIIIJOINYilri-MAAM11> 2(4.ff,l) ° -409 420 <<E1=g11-INIT4R: Benett, P.A. 1981. The evolution of passive and disposal sentences. Journal of Chinese Linguistics 9.1: 61-89. Cheung, Samuel Hung-nin. 1992. The pretransitive in Cantonese. Chinese Languages and Linguistics 1:241-303. Cheung, Yat-Shing. 1976. Word Order Change in Chinese. Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, San Diego. 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Historical change of word order: a case study in Chinese and its implications. in J. M. Anderson and C. Jones (ed.) Historical Linguistics 199-217. Amsterdam. 1976. Subject and Topic: a new typology. in C. N. Li (ed.) Subject and Topic 457-489, Academic Press. 1981. Mandarin Chinese: a functional reference grammar. University of California Press. Light, T. 1979. Word order and word order change in Chinese. Journal of Chinese Linguistics 7.2: 149-180. Sun, Chaofen. 1988. A Case Study of Grammaticalization: the grammatical status of de, le and ba in the history of Chinese. Ph.D. dissertation. Cornell University. SI.13, C. and T. Giv6n. 1985. On the so-called SOV word order in Mandarin Chinese: a quantified text study and its implications. Language 61: 329-51. Tai, James H-Y. 1976. On the change from SVO to SOV in Chinese. in S. B. Steever, C. A. Walker, and S. S. Mufwene (ed.) Papers from the Parasession on Diachronic Syntax. Chicago Linguistic Society. Word Order Flexibility in Chimse: A Typological Study of Mandarin, Min, and Yue Dialects Zhiqun Xing AM:* University of Washington 1. INTRODUCTION (SVO) It has been generally agreed among linguists that Chinese has Subject-Verb-Object 1978; 1974b, 1975a, 1975b, 1981; Tai 1973, 1976, word order (Li and Thompson I974a, order in which Light 1979; Sun and Giv On 1985; Xing 1993 among others). Its alternative is OV object yielding SOV verb yielding OSV form or precede the the subject can either precede the morpheme 4e, ba, 44. the object is often marked by the form. When the latter form is used, depending upon dialects (Zhao 1947, Li 1950, jiang/tsiang/tsueng,* ka, fttui, or it lian/lin, illustrated in Zhang 1972, Gao 1980, Teng 1982, Yuan 1989, Yang 1991, Hashimoto 1993), as 1.3.1 1. Mandarin: 4X 46/it & 4 ot 1 0 lsg. obj. M rice all eat asp. 'I ate all the rice.' / itAlittgit4t-A. ° 2. Min: "Alf / 3. Yue: 0 13-itt you neg-good obj.M this-thing make-break 'You should not break this thing.' 3sg. obj.M one egg break-go 'He broke an egg.' Traditionally, researchers working on Chinese dialects focus much of their study on matching one type of OV order in Mandarin with that in the other dialects (Li 1959, Gao 1980, Yuan 1989 among others). For instance, a number of studies explore whether the S-ba-O-V construction (henceforth, the ba construction) used in Mandarin exists in the Min or Yue dialect. This kind of study is useful; however, it is not sufficient to reflect the fundamental difference or similarity among the dialects and, furthermore, to draw a typological conclusion of Chine&e languages. The present paper is a comparative study of the factors that determine the use of OV order in Mandarin, MM, and Yue dialects. All OV orders in these dialects, with or without subjects, have been studied. The results of this study show that the relative frequencies of OV orders in these three dialects are more or less the same, however, they differ from one another in terms of when objects need to be marked and which object marker is commonly used. Apart from these II wish to thank Lin Li-ching, Yeh Ling-hsueh, and Holly Lam for their help in verifying the Min and Yue data. I did not provide phonetic transcription in the examples because of my limited knowledge of the different pronunciations among the three dialects. -411- 422 differences, I argue that the conditions which govern objects to be moved to preverbal position can be observed from three aspects: a) the syntactical consideration: the existence of a postverbal complement; b) the semantic consideration: the affectedness of objects/patients and the meaning of object markers; and c) the discourse pragmatic consideration: the contrast/listing function and the functions of promoting patients and/or demoting agents. The organization of this paper is as follows: Section 2 provides the results of text counts of the relative frequency of OV orders among all transitive constructions in each of the three dialects. Section 3 discusses various semantic, syntactic, and discourse-pragmatic functions of different OV orders in these dialects. Finally, section 4 gives a conclusion and implications of this study. 2. RELATIVE FREQUENCY OF OV ORDERS IN THE THREE DIALECTS The occurrences of OV constructions among all transitive clauses have been counted in naturally occurring texts2 in the three dialects. The results of the counts are given in Table 1: Catszog VO OV w/obj. M OV w/o obj.M3 Total Tab e 1: Relative three dialects Mandarin Min Yue No. of Tokens 'No. of Tokens No. of Tokens 872 (91.02%) 853 (92.02%) 835 (93.40%) 61 (6.37%) 35 (3.77%) 24 (2.68%) 25 (2.61%) 39 (4.21%) 35 (3.91%) 958 (100%) 927 (100%) 894 (100%) uency o v or er among transitive constructions m the The results in Table 1 are instructive in two ways: one is that the overall frequencies of OV constructions (both with and without an object marker) in the three dialects are similar: less than 10% of all transitive constructions (8.98% in Mandarin, 7.89% in the Min dialect, and 6.59% in the Yue dialect); the other is that in Mandarin, more than two-thirds (6.37%) of OV constructions have a marked object, while in the other two dialects, than a half of the objects in OV constructions are NOT marked (4.21% in the Min dialectmore and 3.91% in the Yue dialect). Statistically, the difference between the number of the marked and unmarked objects in OV constructions of the three dialects is significant (chi-square test: p<0.01) 2Data sources: Mandarin: 1) 'Hong Lou Meng' OW 2) 'Chen Rong Zhongpian Xiaoshuo ji' r41,14/frn (Rong Chen, 1983), 3) Vongkai de Neican' (Neican) !AigItY9Pig (Kangkang Zhang et al, 1986). Min: 1) `Chaozhou Fangyan' (Zhan 1959), 2) 'Spoken Amoy Koklcien' (Bodman 1955-1958), 3) `Gushi' tkit in Dong at el (1967), 4) 'Shiyong Taiyu Huihua' f,-,,P,C6 (Lin 1958). Yue: 1) Cantanese Primer (Chao 1947), 2) 'Kong l'ije AZ,E in Gao (1980), 3) 'Mazi Zuogong' Aga" in Gao (1980) 4) 'San Zimei' E;Mtt in Gao 1980 3In this study, OV order without an object marker includes those constructions in which there is no syntactic subject; however, from context, one may figure out the semantic agent of the verb. For instance: ittatIANticdtb-7.7 0 'Everything for the wedding has been prepared.' As there is no syntactic subjtct in the sentence, theoretically, it is not appropriate to call the construction OV order (see d-tailed discussion of this respect in LaPolla 1991 and Xing 1993). I use OV order to refer to the ilkstrPted sentence purely for the purpose of convenience. -412- Furthermore, objects in OV constructions of the three dialects are found to be marked differently: sometimes by ba, sometimes by tsiang/tsueng, ka, or lian/lin. This phenomenon has 1991, been noted in literature (e.g. Zhang 1972, Gao 1980, Teng 1982, Yuan 1989, Yang markers in the distribution of the different object Hashimoto 1993); however, we do not know frequency of OV the three dialects. The current study, based on the results of text counts of the 46 ba, constructions in the three dialects, found that in Mandarin almost all object markers are the common object and a few of them are it lian. In Min and Yue dialects, on the other hand, objects, while Yue marker is ;If tsiang/tsueng; the Min dialect also uses * tui or * ka to mark lead us to ask sometimes uses it lin to mark objects, as in Mandarin. These differencesthree dialects, or in the whether they reflect certain functional differences of OV constructions discuss the USE of OV they are merely lexical variables. Hence, the following sections will and find out whether constructions (both with and without an object marker) in the three dialects all 0 V constructions in the three dialects are governed by the same linguistic constraints. 3. CONDITIONS ON THE USE OF OV ORDERS Cross-linguistically, word order alternation can be governed by a number of factors. Some requirements (e.g. languages (e.g. German, English) use different word orders to meet syntactic English, Hebrew) in German: main clause vs. subordinate clause); some languages (e.g.information vs. new alternate word order due to discourse pragmatic consideration (e.g. old information). In this section, I will examine the use of OV constructions in the three dialects causes objects to from three aspects: syntax, semantics, and discourse pragmatics, to see whatconclusion for the be moved to preverbal position and whether we can draw a typological function of OV constructions in the three dialects. 3.1. SYNTACTIC CONSIDERATION Mandarin is In section 2, it was shown that the relative frequency of OV constructions inYue dialect it in the Min dialect it is 7.89%, and in the 8.98% among all transitive constructions, in the three idea of the distribution of OV constructions is 6.59%. These results give us a general the same the 8.98% of OV constructions in Mandarin are dialects, yet they cannot tell us whether dialect or the 6.59% of OV type of constructions as the 7.89% of OV constructions in the Min Zhang constructions in the Yue dialect. In literature, it is often mentioned (e.g. Zhang H. 1972, in Min Z. 1983, Yuan 1989) that the tsiang/tsueng construction (one kind of OV constructions) clear to me whether and Yue is equivalent to the ba construction in Mandarin. Here it is not 'equivalent' refers to the structure of ba and tsiang/tsueng constructions in the three dialects, or the functions of these constructions, or both. In this section, I will provide evidence and argue that all tsiang/tsueng constructions in Min and Yue are structurally equivalent to ba constructions in Mandarin, but not all ba constructions constructions in Min and Yue. As are structurally and functionally equivalent to tsiang/tsueng without an object marker) are concerned, their far as the other OV constructions (with or dialects. Let us first look in varying degrees among the three structures and functions also differ at the following example: 4. 044e,04)4.44iii(14)7/1442$0 ° 1st obj.M det.-cl. book translate-into Chinese asp. 'I have translated this book into Chinese.' Sentence 4 has the structure: Subject+Object Marker+Object+Verb+Resultative complement. Textual analysis shows that if a verb carries a resultative complement, such as the one in 4, -413- 424 'translate into Chinese', its object has to be moved to preverbal position and has to be marked no matter in which dialect or with which object marker.4 In this case, both structure and meaning of the sentence in the three dialects are the same; the only difference is that Mandarin uses 4e, ba as the object marker, while Min and Yue use * tsiang/tsueng. Interestingly, when the postverbal complement is other type (e.g. directional complement, double objects), the situation among the three dialects is complicated and needs to be discussed case by case. Textual analysis reveals that all * tsueng constructions in Yue can be converted to 4r, ba constructions in Mandarin without changing the meaning of the sentence. However, the reverse situation is not the same. That is, ba constructions in Mandarin are not always converted into tsueng constructions in Yue. Consider the following examples: 5. Mandarin: a. itt4a144-Nitft 0 he first obj.M money deposit in bank 'He deposit the money in the bank.' b. *ft 31414Nit ft 0 he first deposit money in bank 6. Yue: a. 1E4-itufg/itiiit-itt ° he deposit money in bank first 'He first deposit the money in the bank.' b. iRliffoigOIANitfit ° he obj.M money deposit in bank first 'He first deposit the money in the bank.' Notice that the 4e, ba construction in 5a can be converted into either 6a or 6b, both of which are grammatical, yet their structures are different. 6a has SVO word order and 6b has SOV order in which the object is marked by * tsueng. This seems to suggest that the flexibility of word order in Mandarin and Yue is different. We see that the Mandarin ba construction in 5a can be converted into two types of Yue constructions in 6, but the tsueng construction in Yue cannot be converted into the two types of Mandarin constructions as shown in 5. Previous studies (e.g. Xing 1993, Zhang 1972) and this study reveal that this is because in Mandarin an object CANNOT be located in postverbal position when there is a postverbal phrasal complement in the sentence, while in Yue it can. This is probably one of the reasons why the relative frequency of OV constructions in Yue (6.59%) is somewhat lower than that in Mandarin (8.98%). Other evidence to support the assumption that the ba construction in Mandarin is not always equivalent to the * tsiang construction in MM is that many ba constructions, when converted into the Min dialect, may become OV constructions without an object marker. For instance: 7. Mandarin: a. 141401M kik 0 you obj.M door close-up-come 'You close the door.' 4It should be pointed out this refers to the situation when the subject precedes the object (i.e. the SOV word order). The example in 4 can also be converted into an OSV word order in all three dialects in which the object does not need to be marked. -414- b. 8. Min: * ° you door close-up-come WW1 ( 1011 Silk.* 0 a. obj.M door close-up 'You close the door.' b. you door close-up 'You close the door.' The Mandarin ba construction in 7a can be converted into two constructions in Min, as shown in 8a and 8b: one with an object marked by tsiang, the other with an object unmarked. But in Mandarin, only one construction in which the object is marked is allowed. This provides evidence that the Mandarin ba construction in 7 can have two interpretations in Min, while the two variats in Min can have only one interpretation in Mandarin. Therefore, we cannot say that the ba construction in Mandarin is always equivalent to the tsiang construction in Min. Examples in 7-8 also provide evidence that objects in Min are more free to be moved to preverbal position than those in Mandarin. The results of a survey study of the difference between the two variants in 8 show that the two constructions differ in style and function: the one with a marked object is more formal than the one with an unmarked object; but the latter is more likely to have the function of emphasis than the former. We have seen that OV constructions with a marked object are not always equivalent to one another structurally in the three dialects. In the following, I will show that OV constructions without an object marker are not always equivalent to one another in the three dialects either. Consider the following examples: 9. Min: a. '9}113iki4144it* ° he shirts wash-finish can come 'After he finishes washing the shirts, he will come.' b. he wash shirts finish can come 'After he finishes washing the shirts, he will come.' 10. Yue: a. vA.4it* ° he shirts wash-finish can come b. 1P.A113.4 ot.f* ° he wash shirt asp. can come 'After he finishes washing the shirts, he will come.' 11. Mandarin: a. b. ?it;litit.,41- 3 It-* 0 he clothes wash-finish can come itAdti- 3 *Iikit-* 0 he wash-finish clothes can come 'After he finishes washing the clothes, he will come.' According to Yang (1991), the OV order without an object marker is preferred in the Min dialect when there is a sentential complement, such as it* 'will come' in 9a. In Yue and -415- 4 Mandarin, however, the OV order is NOT preferred because of the very same reason, as shown in 10a and 11a; rather, the regular VO word order is likely to be used, as shown in 10b and 1 l b. I assume that this is associated with the principle of sequencing in Mandarin and Yue. To prove this, however, requires further investigation. To summarize, I have shown in this section that OV constructions with a marked or an unmarked object in the three dialects are not always structurally equivalent to one another. The results of this study suggest that the OV construction must be used in Mandarin when there is a postverbal phrasal complement in the sentence, but not in Yue. On the other hand, if there is a sentential complement, the OV construction is preferred in Min, however, this is not the case in Yue nor in Mandarin. Another way to state this is that the scope of OV order with an object marker is syntactically wider in Mandarin than in Yue, but the scope of OV order without an object marker is syntactically wider in Min than in Yue and Mandarin. 3.2. SEMANTIC CONSIDERATION In addition to the syntactic factors discussed in the preceding section, the use of OV constructions (with or without an object marker) in the three dialects is also found to be affected by different semantic factors. In literature, it is often mentioned that the verb in the OV construction (with an object marker) expresses a 'disposal' action (Chao 1968, Zhang 1972, Li 1974, Gao 1980, Li and Thompson 1981 among others) and has to convey a perfective or transitive meaning (Hopper and Thompson 1980, 1984; Mei 1981; lin 1993). For instance: 12. Mandarin: a. b. ° he obj.M glass hit-break asp. 'He broke the glass.' *ititicf;-ftr 0 he obj.M glass hit C. ittifit 0 he hit-break asp. glass 'He broke the glass.' 13. Min: a. VAg/Ct 1 ° I obj.M bowl-rice eat-finish. 'I ate a bowl of rice.' b. *0)}fgutik 0 I obj.M bowl rice eat C. 414*1 0 I eat asp. bowl rice 'I ate a bowl of rice.' 14. Yue: a. i4t11;14f14 0 you want obj.M people frighten-die excl. 'You want to frighten people to death?!' b. *itt*A*44 ° you want obj.M people frighten excl. -41642 c. ° you want frighten-die people excl. 'You want to frighten people to deathr In 12-14, the verb has some kind of disposal meaning, or, rather, the object is somewhat affected by the action of the verb. In addition, all three sentences have a word or morpheme immediately after the verb expressing the perfective aspect of the action of the verb, i.e., trrit-s hit-break, ik 5 eat-finish, *O., frighten-death. Without the perfective morpheme, these sentences would be unacceptable, as shown in 12b, 13b and 14b. This provides evidence that the verb of OV constructions with an object marker needs to cany a perfective aspect and the object is affected by the action of the verb. However, no evidence suggests that when the verb conveys the meaning of disposal, OV order HAS to be used, because the basic VO order is perfectly fine, as shown in 12c, 13c, and 14c. The conditions that govern the choice of OV order or VO order were found to be associated with discourse pragmatic factors, which will be discussed in detail in 3.3. The results of the previous studies are informative in the semantic function of the verb in OV constructions with an object marker, ba or tsiang/tsueng . However, there has not been much study of the semantic consideration of the remaining OV constructions, i.e. those without an ka, so we do tui, object marker or those with other object markers such as it lian/lin, not know whether the verbs of the OV constructions without an object marker in the three dialects are the same as those OV constructions with an object marker, baltsiang. My own study (1993) of Mandarin texts and the results of this study show that the verb of OV constructions lian/lin, hi tui, ka, do not without an object marker or with some other object markers,5 always convey the meaning of disposal, as shown below: 15. a. itOUVAlk ° this sentence I like This sentence, I like' b. ititsistUtA-11k 0 he emph.M that sentence like 'Even that sentence, he likes.' C. *410fe( At) ittriS-4-Sk 0 I obj.M this sentence like d. *4tniS6M414k ° he that sentence like The sentence in 15a has an OSV structure with no object marker. Notice the verb 4 it 'like' in it is stative and does not have the disposal meaning, but it is grammatical. Adding the object marker it Ilan when the sentence is converted into an SOV order is also acceptable, as shown in 15b; however, adding the object marker ba/tsiang/tsueng or leaving it bare makes it unacceptable, as shown in 15c and 15d. This is true of all three dialects. We see the semantics of verbs in OV order among the three dialects is more or less the same. That is, when the object is marked by ba or tsiang/tsueng, the verb is most likely to express the 5'Object marker' here broadly refers to any markers used before objects, even though licin in Mandarin could well be an emphatic marker and ei ka in Min be a dative marker, etc. -417- 428 meaning of disposal, or the object is mostly likely to be affected; when the object is unmarked or marked by another form, however, the verb does not have to have the disposal meaning. At this point, it becomes interesting to see Whether objects and object markers in OV order of the three dialects have the same semantic function. As it is known, the prototypical semantic relationship between a verb and an object is that the verb projects an action to the object and the object functions as a receiver or patient of the projected action, so it is a give-take relationship between them. Object markers, on the other hand, do not normally have any semantic nor pragmatic function themselves, rather they only serve to distinguish the relationship between noun phrases and verbs (see Comrie 1981:117-121). Investigation of objects and object markers in the three dialects reveals that both objects and object markers do not always retain the prototypical functions mentioned above and sometimes differ from one another among the dialects. Consider the following examples: 16. Min: I obj.M foot step he/him two time 'I stepped on him twice with my foot.' 17. Mandarin: ime,a1-140E4 0 he obj.M child starve-die asp. 'He caused (his) child to starve to death.' 18. Yue: 1,itilf,alkii.14:1140111. 0 you obj.M he/him angry to blow-bear-stare-eye 'You caused him to be angry to the extent that he frothed at his mouth and glared with rage.' In 16-18, the object marker is either 4e1 ba or * tsiang/tsueng depending upon the dialect, and all noun phrases, 4* 'foot', *-1-. 'child', and g, 'him' 'ter the object marker, are not semantically the receiver/patient of the actions of the verbs, * 'step', * 'starve', and * 'make...angry' respectively; instead, they are the receiver/patient of the object marking ba or tsiang/tsueng, serving an instrumental function as in 16 or a causative function as in 17 and 18. According to my previous study (1993:142), few ba constructions in Mandarin have the causative or instrumental function in modern texts, however, historically it is not uncommon for jiang to serve that function. In comparison, tsiang constructions in modern Min (e.g. Chaozhou dialect), according to Li (1959:256), OFTEN have the instrumental function, as shown in 16. This seems to suggest that the functional difference between ba in Mandarin and tsiang in Min is reflected in the process of ba and tsiang' s grammaticalization. Ba in Mandarin represents its latest function (e.g. object marker) in the disposal form, while tsiang in Min represents the relatively old function (e.g. instrumental marker) of the disposal form in Chinese.6 If this is true, it helps us understand better why the relative frequency of the tsiang construction in Min (and possibly Yue) is lower than the ba construction in Mandarin. Logically, the chances to use them as object markers are far more frequent than as instrumental or causative markers. As far as the semantic function of the other object markers are concerned, it is common for it lian/lin and fAt tui to be used as an emphatic marker and gt. gei/ka used as a dative marker. As this subject itself is big enough to write a separate paper, I will not discuss it in detail. Interested readers can consult Li (1959), Teng (1982), Xu (1990), and Cui (1993). 6In fact, this is part of the reason why the jiang construction in Mandarin is rarely used in modern texts. Detailed discussion of this subject can be found in Xing (1993). -418- In this section, we have discussed the semantic function of verb, object, and object marker in OV constructions in the three dialects. Evidence shows that even though the verbs in OV constructions with an object marker, ba or tsiang/tsueng , in all three dialects are most likely to convey the meaning of disposal, the verbs in OV constructions without an object marker ba/tsiang/tsueng or with other object markers are not always the case; they can express a stative situation, such as 40 'like'. Other results suggest that the semantic function of ba and tsiang/tsueng phrases vary among the three dialects. Ba in Mandarin almost exclusively serves as an object marker, so the noun phrase immediately following it is almost always the receiver/patient of the action of the matrix verb. Tsiang in Min (maybe in Yue), on the other hand, is often used as an instrumental or a causative marker, hence the noun phrase immediately following it is not the receiver/patient of the action of the matrix verb. I argued that this difference between Min/Yue and Mandarin represents the different functions of bafisianetsueng phrases in the course of their grammaticalization, which, in turn, explains the frequency difference among ba and tsiang/tsueng constructions in the three dialects. 3.3. DISCOURSE PRAGMATIC CONSIDERATION We have seen that both syntax and semantics can affect the choice of word order in all of the three dialects. Apart from these two factors, this study also found that there are a number of discourse pragmatic factors which are essential in distinguishing word order variants in the dialects studied. Hence, this section will focus on which discourse pragmatic factors are important and how they constrain the use of different word orders in the three dialects. Textual analysis shows that among other things, the motivation for using OV order rather than VO order in Mandarin, Min, and Yue is to put relatively important objects in preverbal position. Now the question is how we can tell whether objects are important. In the following, I will provide evidence showing: 1) The objects in OV constructions with a subject tend to be defmite and important. As definite nouns refer to entities that have been mentioned in previous discourse, coding tokens for definiteness helps us to identify which noun phrases are relatively more common and hence more important in discourse than others. 2) OV constructions without an object marker tend to have emphatic function: contrast/listing. Presumably, if an object is contrasted/listed, it is more important than other entities in the discourse. 3.3.1. DEFINITENESS Definiteness is not a new term in the study of OV order in Chinese. In fact, it can be dated back to Mu lie (1932) who first suggests that preverbal objects in Chinese are definite. In the last two decades, two groups of researchers provide convincing supporting evidence for that suggestion: one group is Li and Thompson, and the other is Sun and Giv6n. Li and Thompson (1974a, 1974b, 1975a, 1981) claim that SVO order characteristically codes indefinite objects and OV order codes definite objects; however, they do not give quantitative data supporting this claim. Sun and Giv6n's text count (1985:336-337) indicates that 49% of the objects in VO order are indefinite, while roughly 80% of the objects marked by ' ba or `jiang' are definite in OV order. Both Li and Thompson's and Sun and GivOn's studies reveal a general tendency regarding the definiteness of subjects and objects in the SVO and OV constructions. However, it is not clear in either Li and Thompson's or Sun and Giv6n's study whether OV order includes those constructions without a subject. In addition, all of these studies are based on Mandarin Chinese, not other dialects. To code definiteness in Chinese is not as easy as in English, since there is no definite article in Chinese corresponding to the English 'the' (see Giv6n 1978, 1984 for the definition of definiteness in English). In Mandarin, some noun phrases (NP) have demonstrative modifiers, -419 430 zhe 'this' and nei 'that', by which we know they are definite; however, other NPs do not have any overt marker to show whether they are definite or not, so they must be determined from context. Xing (1993:22) codes all NPs (subjects and objects) in the SVO and OV constructions (both with and without an object marker and a subject) collected from short stories and novels as either defmite or indefinite by the following defmition: i. It is mentioned in the preceding discourse and it is known to both speaker(s) and listener(s). It is not mentioned in the preceding discourse, but it is known to both speaker(s) and listener(s), because it is uniquely identifiable. NPs, such as taiyang lkiff 'the sun' and yueliang t 'the moon', belong to this category. 'Inferrible' noun phrases, such as 'his head', 'my apartment', etc (see Prince 1981) The results of Xing's text counts show that subjects in all constructions are definite more than 85% of the time. Objects, however, do not always tend to be definite or indefinite in OV or VO order; rather, they are split by whether the OV construction has a subject and an object marker. That is, the object in the OV order with a subject and an object marker is much more likely to be definite (80%) than those in VO order and the OV order without a subject and an object marker (53% for both cases). Compared with Sun and GivOn's findings (1985) and Li and Thompson's findings (e.g. 1981), Xing's results are more detailed and, therefore, more informative. Using the same definition given by Xing above, 1 :iavc coded all NPs of OV constnictions in the MM and Yue texts studied for this paper as nite or indefinite. The results are as follows: the objects in the OV order with a subje/ and ar object marker in both dialects tend to be definite (86% in MM and 90% in Yue), while .;se m the OV order without a subject and an object marker do not have that tendency. Notice that these results are the same as those found in Mandarin by Xing (1993), even though the relative frequency of the OV order with an object marker in the three dialects varies as discussed earlier. In this case, I conclude that in Chinese OV order is likely to be used under two circumstances: 1) when there is a subject in the target sentence and the object is more important (e.g. definite) in discourse; and 2) when there is no subject in the target sentence, in which case the object does not have to be definite. A natural question to ask at this point is that if the object is not definite, why is OV order used, instead of the regular VO order? The following section makes an effort to answer this question. 3.3.2. EMPHATIC FUNCTION: CONTRAST AND LIST In literature, there has not been much research comparing the discourse pragmatic functions of different word orders in Chinese, and even less research comparing the functions of different orders in the three dialects. However, there have been a few studies of the functions of the OV order in which the object is marked by ba/jiang (e.g. Sun and Giv6n 1985, Tsao 1987, Hu 1993). A claim made by Sun and GivOn (1986) that most OV orders (with or without the object marker ba7) have the contrastive/emphatic function. In this section, I will first argue that Sun and Giv On's claim is not tenable; they over-generalize the function of OV orders in 7It is not clear whether OV here refers to SOV, OSV or OV (without any subject), or all of these. -420- Mandarin. Then, I will provide evidence of the constructions that do have contrast/emphatic function in the three dialects. Sun and Giv 6n (1985), to my knowledge, are the first to discuss the correlation between a certain discourse function and the use of a certain construction in Chinese. The main focus of their study is to investigate the discourse function of different word orders in Mandarin Chinese based on recorded speech and written texts. One of the claims they make is that 'the functional distribution of the OV construction, both with and without the OM (object marker-4A, strongly tags it as a marked, specialized, contrastive/emphatic discourse device' (1985:348). This claim poses a number of problems. First of all, Sun and Giv 6n, like other researchers (Kuno 1973, Chafe 1976, Giv6n 1984 among others), do not define 'contrast'. They use a text count method called Potential Referential Interference (PRI) to diagnose the emphatic/contrastive nature of constructions. The problem with this approach is that the PRI measure does not seem to be objectively applicable to naturally occurring data (see detailed critique of this matter in Myhill and Xing 1993). The second problem is that their claim for the correlation between the function of contrast and OV constructions is overstated in that we can easily find counter-examples in any naturally occurring texts. Consider the following examples: 19. 1110t,T*10 20. itii4e41 TIM 1 0 (Chen Rong, p. 349) passport issue come asp. 'My passport has been approved.' (Honglou Meng, p. 168) you just obj.M garden door close asp. 'You go and close the door of the garden.' Both 19 and 20 are OV constructions; the difference is that one has an object marker and the other does not. Sentence in 19 is used when a person tells her best friend that her passport has been approved and she is leaving in a few days. In this case, there is no constituent, either in the ai, 'passport' or the verb 4*, preceding or the following discourse, with which the NP 'approve' is contrasted. The speaker is simply telling her friend a fact. Hence this OV construction is not contrastive. This is also true for example 20, which is used when a man orders one of his servants to close the door of a garden. In the surrounding context, we do not see any other NPs compared with girl 'door of a garden', nor any verb compared with 'close', so that sentence 20 is not used contrastively either. If Sun and Giv6n consider both 19 and 20 as contrastive constructions, it is not surprising to see that their results support their claim (1985:348) that among other things the ba construction is almost always used contrastively. Aware of the problem with Sun and Giv6n's study, I propose an alternative analysis. That is, in Mandarin the OV order with an object marker ba does not have the emphatic function: contrast/listing; only the OV order without an object marker ba does. The latter type of OV orders includes (lian)-0SV, S-lian-OV, and OV constructions. The Min and Yue dialects, furthermore, exhibit a similar pattern: OV constructions with the object marker tsiang/tsueng do not have the contrast/listing function, while the remaining OV constructions often do. In the following, I will begin by defining the terms 'contrast"listing'.8 Then evidence for the correlation of the contrast and listing function and the use of the OV construction in the three dialects will be given. 8In this paper, I will not define the term 'emphasis' because it seems to me that emphasis is a general term which can be specified as 'contrast' and 'list'. -421- 432 DEFINITION. 'Contrast' and 'listing' are two distinct discourse devices, which have similar functional domains, as illustrated in 21 and 22. 21. AA* *** -I tic (Neican,p. 10) name turn off asp tape recorder, turn on asp television. 'Fu turned off the tape recorder and turned on the television.' 22. jtfi, 1,1-1-31tSit (Chen Rong, p. 317) she not fantasize asp. fly-come poss. love 3,1-Otitit /COS** ° too not fantasize asp.ordinary people poss happiness. 'She has never fantasized about any unexpected love, nor has she fantasized about ordinary people's happiness.' Both 21 and 22 have the function of emphasizing two things, the former by contrasting, the latter by listing. This is probably why some linguists (e.g. Giv6n 1988) do not make distinctions between 'contrast' and 'listing'. In literature, the term 'contrast' has often been discussed and applied to different languages. It is known that different languages have different means of expressing such a function. For instance, some languages (e.g. English) can express contrast either by intonation, i.e. high pitch (Chafe 1976), or by using different word order (Giv6n 1984), while other languages, like Japanese and Korean, use a particle, [wa and (n)un respectively], to indicate 'contrast' (Kuno 1973, Hong 1985, Downing 1987, Hinds 1987, Hook 1987, Ueno 1987, Isoe 1992). 'Listing', on the other hand, is rarely mentioned in literature: only Schiffrin (1992), to my knowledge, talks about 'listing' in recorded conversations in English and makes an effort to categorize the items in a list. All of these studies are valuable in working out the cross-linguistic pattern of contrast and listing functions. However, when linguists (Kuno 1973, Chafe 1976, Giv6n 1984 among others) discuss 'contrast', they either do not define this term at all (e.g. Kuno) using isolated examples to illustrate their points, or they define it so vaguely that it is impossible to apply to real data. For instance, an example that Chafe (1976) uses is 'Ronald made the hamburgers'. According to him, this sentence can represent either 'contrast' (similar to my 'listing') or 'double contrast' (similar to my contrast) depending upon which element receives a ligher pitch: If RONALD receives the highest pitch and stress and the reminder of the sentence is low pitched, it is 'contrastive'. He states that: 'What is conveyed by such a sentence is the speaker's knowledge that Rot ald, as opposed to other possible candidates the addressee might have had in mind, is the right selection for this role.' If both RONALD and HAMBURGERS receive high pitch, Chafe (1976:35) explains: `...it is the pairing of these candidates for these roles that is being asserted. That is, if we are to take possible pairings of agents with patients of MAKE in this particular situation, one of the comet pairings (the speaker asserts) is RONALD with the HAMBURGERS. (Perhaps SALLY made the SALAD but RONALD made the HAMBURGERS.)' This seems extremely difficult or impossible to apply to other languages in which intonation and pairing patterns are different from English. However, it does give us some idea of possible contrastive expressions in English. With certain modifications, it should be applicable to other languages as well. -422- Myhill and Xing (1992) make a preliminary effort in this respect. The definition they offer for 'contrast' generally corresponds to what Chafe refers to as 'double contrast'. They differ from Chafe in that they give further detailed descriplions of the properties of contrasted/listed entities (e.g. NPs and Vs) in a given constructior They point out that it is necessary that contrasted or listed NPs refer to entities which are elements of a SET9 and the verbs in such a contrasted or listed pair must have either essentially the OPPOSITE meaning or essentially the SAME meaning. In addition, they discuss different types of contrast, such as 'verbal/non-verbal contrast' and 'implicit/explicit contrast'. Verbal contrast refers to contrastive constructions which have their verbs contrasted, as illustrated in 21, while non-verbal contrast refers to constructions which have verbs with the same meaning but have their agents, patients, themes, etc., contrasted, as illustrated in 23: 23- fiXititit1011 $10114-42 o name one cl. money stuff to asp waiter (Neican, p. 158) hand middle Ititittitlitii--R-f-t 0 name money stuff to him the other hand middle 'Karig stuffed a wad of money into one of the waiter's hands, Lu stuffed some money into his other hand.' Explicit contrast refers to cases where both constructions in a pair are overt, as in the contrast example given in 21. Implicit contrast, on the other hand, refers to pairs which have only one construction overt, as illustrated in 24, and they often have words such as it/lit 'even', t, 'also, too', 24 As 'only', etc., as a signal for contrast or listing. it (Neican, p. 9) , 47Aitt/43 o you study asp. college face all see neg. get asp. 'Since you entered the college, your face is hardly seen.' In 24, the OV construction without an object marker (in the second clause) is an implicit contrastive construction. According to the context, the sentence can be interpreted as `(Before you entered the university) your face was often seen, but after you entered the university, your face is hardly seen anymore', so what is implicitly contrasted is that your face 'is seen' vs. 'is not seen'. The major difference between 'contrast' and 'listing' is then as follows: In a pair of verbal contrastive sentences, ONE or more non-verbal constituents are in a set relationship, and the verbs are OPPOSITE in meaning, as exemplified in 21, in which two non-verbal constituents - form a set, `tape-recorder' vs. 'television', and the two verbs are opposite in meaning, 'turn off' vs. 'turn on'. In a pair of non-verbal contrastive sentences, TWO or more non-verbal constituents form a set and the verbs are the SAME in meaning, as exemplified in 23. In a pair of listing constructions, the verbs must be either identical or have essentially identical meanings and only ONE pair of non-verbal constituents are in a set relationship, as exemplified in 22. The current study basically follows Myhill and Xing in defining the terms 'contrast' and 'listing', except that I have modified the cases in which a set may be constituted so that the terms may be easier to apply to cross-linguistic phenomena. In the following, the revised criteria for a set are given: (1) Any pair of elements which are represented as complementary parts of a whole (e.g. this vs. that; East vs. West) can constitute a set. 9The term 'set' was first introduced in analyzing word order variation by Ward (1985). -423- 434 (2) Any pair of elements which belong to the same semantic domain (e.g. musical instruments: piano vs. violin, or siblings: brother vs. sister) can constitute a set. (3) Any pair of elements which generally do not belong to the same semantic domain, e.g. money vs. food, but which under specific circumstances function as if they do (when both are valuable things or necessary to life) can be considered as a set. (4) Any two or more people who live, travel, taLk, etc., together can constitute a set, while they are together. (5) Any pair of elements having a parallel relationship to the members of the set (e.g. the daughters of two people who live, travel, talk, etc. together) can constitute a set as well. Given these five criteria, along with the basic property of 'contrast' (e.g. to contrast two or more verbs or nonverbal entities in a set relationship) and 'listing' (e.g. to list two or more entities in a set relationship), one should be able to code 'contrast' and 'listing' constructions from any text in any language. CORRELATION. Given the above definition, the OV constructions in the three dialects have been coded as either contrast/listing or non-contrast/listing. The results are given below: Category Mandarin Min Yue VO unlikely OV w/o baltsiang likely likely likely unlikely unlikely OV wl ba/tsiang unlikely unlikely unlikely Table 2: Likelihood of the contrast/listing function in the three dialects *O'V w/o baltsiang includes SOV, S-4/*/$6.-OV, OSV, and OV constructions. Table 2 shows the likelihood of the contrast/listing function in the three dialects. From the table, we see that in all three dialects OV orders without the object marker ba or tsiang/tsueng are likely to have the contrast or listing function, but the other constructions are not. One may have realized that the OV order without a ba or tsiang/tsueng varies slightly among the dialects, so the contrastive and listing OV construction should also vary among the three dialects. This is true; however, it does not affect the general tendency of OV orders without an object marker being used contrastively. Evidence for this is that Mandarin and Yue often use it lian/lin to express implicit contrast, while Min tends to use * tui to convey the similar meaning, as illustrated below: 25. Mandarin: ...A.-140W/tt 0 (Chen Rong, p.352) itA iik4E Ail (Gao Huanian, p. 225) even hand raise-not-up-come `...even her hand cannot be raised.' 26. Yue: 3IF even safe key he give to you 'Even the safe's key, he gave to you, 27. Min: ° even its head cut-out-come 'Even its head was cut off.' -424- 4 (Li Yongming, p. 256) The object marker it/ itt in 25-27 sometimes can be omitted and the remaining sentences still have the contrast or listing function. This is especially true of spoken discourse when extralinguistic marks, such as high pitch, are added to the sentences. This supports the assumption that OV constructions without an object markers are associated with contrast/listing functions. It should be made clear that 'likely' in Table 2 means that certain types of OV constructions are GENERALLY associated with the contrast/listing function, although they are not ALWAYS used in that way and it is certainly not the case that all OV constructions with the object marker ba are associated with the contrastive function, as claimed by Sun and Giv6n (1985). The noncontrast/listing OV construction without an object marker baltsiang/tsueng and a subject is found to have the function of demoting agent and/or promoting patient. Consider the following examples: 28. Mandarin: 29. MM: istig-jk college poss. big-door also lock asp. 'The university's entrance door is also locked.' 1139' li;libt.* 0 shirt collect-up-come. 'The shirts should be put in order.' 30. Yue: utt 0 these house all build-finish asp. 'All these houses have been built.' All of the three sentences given above do not have an agent/subject, nor an object marker, nor the contrast/listing function. The OV orderm is used for one or more of the following reasons: 1) to leave out the subject/agent either because they are not important in the discourse or the speaker/writer does not know who the agent/subject is (e.g. examples 28 and 30), or the speaker/writer knows the agent/subject, but does not want to mention it explicitly (e.g. example 29); 2) to put the patient/object in a relatively more important position (e.g. examples 29 and 30). Notice that all these reasons are closely associated with the pragmatic functions of prototypical passive constructions (see Shibatani 1985, 1988; Comrie 1988; Givdn 1990), yet all the three constructions in 28-30 do not have any passive markers, such as k bei. Because of this discrepancy of form and function, some researchers treat them as passives (e.g. Zhang Zhigong 1956, Wang Li 1957b, Gao 1980), others consider them as disposal forms (e.g. Yuan 1989, Mei 1990). I take the stand of the first group of researchers because of my belief that all linguistic forms serve for functions, not vice versa; so if an OV construction without a subject/agent and an object marker has the function of passive constructions, it is a passive construction. I conclude that in the three dialects when OV orders do not have an object marker ba or tsiang/tsueng, they serve, at least, one of the two purposes: emphasis or promoting patients and/or demoting agents. mAs mentioned earlier in footnote 3, for the convenience of readers the term `OV' is used to refer to the constructions as in 28-30 throughout this paper. Theoretically, it is not appropriate to use that term, because if the NP before the verb is the object, where is the subject? I use the term 'Patient-Verb' instead to describe the construction concerned in my dissertation. -425 436 4. CONCLUSION We have discussed the conditions of word order variation in Mandarin, Min and Yue dialects from three aspects: syntactic, semantic, and discourse pragmatic. Evidence shows that the syntactic and semantic constraints on the flexibility of OV order in the three dialects vary, however, the discourse pragmatic motivations for using OV constructions in the three dialects are more or less the same. The major syntactic constraint on the use of OV order in the three dialects lies in the existence of postverbal complements: in Mandarin, OV order, most likely with the object marker ba, must be used when there is a postverbal phrasal complement, but this is not true of the Yue dialect. Furthermore, when there is a sentential complement, the Min dialect prefers OV order, while the other two dialects do not. As a result of these differences, some OV constructions WITH an object marker in Mandarin become OV constructions WITHOUT an object marker when converted into the other two dialects and vice versa. I argued that these syntactic differences among the three dialects trigger some of their semantic differences. The OV construction with the object marking ba in Mandarin, the so-called disposal form, is not always equivalent to the OV construction with the object marker tsiang/tsueng in Min and Yue. They differ both in function and style: Ba in Mandarin is almost always used as a grammatical marker without any semantic implication, but tsiang in Min is often used as an instrumental marker. Stylistically, tsueng/tsiang constructions in Min and Yue are more formal in discourse than the ba construction in Mandarin. I suggested that these semantic and stylistic .differences between ba and tsiang/tsueng represent different facets of ba and tsiang/tsueng in the course of their grainmaticalization. Interestingly, all those syntactic and semantic differences do not affect the similarity of the discourse pragmatic function of OV constructions in the three dialects. We hp.ve found that OV orders without an object marker ba or tsiang/tsueng in all three dialects tend to have the emphatic function: contrast or listing, but those with the object marker ba or tsiang/tsueng do not have that tendency. Further study of the non-emphatic OV constructions without a subject and the object marking ba or tsiang/tsueng reveals that they are used to demote agents and/or promote patients. All these results are instructive and helpful in understanding the function and typology of word orders in Chinese. They provide language specific evidence regarding the motivations for using OV constructions in the three dialects. 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Ai: -430- 4int ASPECTS OF PROSODY IN MANDARIN DISCOURSE Li-chiung Yang Department of Linguistics Georgetown University INTRODUCTION The importance of intonation in language is gradually becoming more recognized among linguists, psychologists, and cognitive scientists, and the notion that intonation is comparable to syntax, phonology, and semantics in its functions in language is now being considered. A clearer understanding of intonation and how, it is affected by, affects, or substitutes for different syntactic structures, and how intonon can modify or even reverse the surface semantic meanings of speech, will help resolv&and fill in many gaps in current linguistic theory. Intonation is an essential component of meaning. It is important to speech because it helps to make things distinguishable. Intonation conveys differences among different mental or psychological states, speech acts, and semantic concepts. In normal speech, variations in cognitive states, focus, and in signals of relative importance are critical to successful communication. In conversation, we are not only interested in the facts of topics, but also have a critical interest in the judgements and attitudes of the other conversational participants. Because of its multi-dimensional nature, intonation provides an efficient way to express complex meanings and ever-changing variations in attitudes and states, and is therefore efficient in the transmission of differentiated information. Recent research has also shown that many characteristics of intonation are similar across languages (Bolinger, 1989; Fonagy, 1987; Fernald, 1991). The expression of emotional and cognitive states through intonation is ever-present throughout language, and may have underlying bases of evolutionary adaptation, speech mechanism structure, and neurological abilities and constraints. A strong case for a universal basis for intonation would be considerably enhanced if patterns of intonation in a tone language 3uch as Chinese could be shown to share similar intonational characteristics with non-tonal languages. RESEARCH PROCEDURES For this study, I recorded two sets of spontaneous natural discourse data in home settings between native speakers of Chinese. Each recorded conversation is about 3 hours in duration, totaling 6 hours of speech altogether. All of the informants are female speakers from Taiwan. Speech data were first analyzed perceptually, and then about 60 minutes of the speech data were digitized and analyzed acoustically using the WAVES speech software at the Phonetics Lab of Stanford University. My approach differs from previous research on intonation in that I take an integrated approach of analyzing intonation from a broader perspective of cognitive elements and discourse structure. Previous research has tended to concentrate on read speech and short sentences constructed in an experimental setting. These types of studies often provide interesting but isolated results. In real-life speech all of the elements of prosody are interwoven together. -431-- 442 Artificially separating and isolating just one parameter misses the relationships among all of these elements, and may distort the actual influence of even one single variable. This often results in oversimplification and over-generalization of research findings. In addition, there may be artifacts arising from the artificial production situation. In spontaneous discourse, there are frequent false starts, hesitations, repetitions, and other common speech production phenomena. Relationships among speakers are reflected in complex patterns of participant interactions and signalling of cognitive states. The development of the discourse itself undergoes rapid changes and frequent topic shifts, and rhythmic and emotional elements are very common. All of these things are reflected in the intonational patterns of natural discourse. Many intonational phenomena are likely to occur only in spontaneous speech, and are very difficult to imagine without looking at natural discourse itself. Because of these considerations, it is crucial to use natural spontaneous discourse data in order to gain a full understanding of how intonation functions in discourse. In this paper, our discussion is concentrated on three aspects of intonation in Mandarin: Focus, cognitive-affective states, and discourse phenomena. CHINESE TONAL SYSTEM Mandarin Chinese has 4 lexical tones and a neutral tone. Each syllable is associated with a specified tone and pitch difference is used to distinguish meaning. The standard Chinese tonal system and pitch values (Chao, 1968) are: * Tone 1 Tone 2 Tone 3 Tone 4 Tone 0 , ,, high and level rising fall-rise falling variable 55 35 214 51 ASPECTS OF INTONATION Focus and Non-focus Focus or stress is related to the importance of topic and is often used as a form of cognitive emphasis. In discourse we often want to signal the judgement of importance which we attach to specific linguistic units, and we stress according to the relative importance of that unit in the discourse hierarchy. In my data, I have found that focus in Chinese is often signalled by using full tone contour and by expanded pitch range. This is in agreement with Chao's observations (Chao, 1968). In In speech, however, pitch, amplitude and duration are often coupled together and therefore Ocused words often have a higher amplitude ano lengthen( d duration as well. Moreover, focus is often accomplished by specific rhythmic patterns and voice quality changes. In Chinese, focus is manifested differently with different tones. With focus, specific distinguishing characteristics of tones are often exaggerated to achieve prominence. For example, focus is often achieved in 1st tone words by a prolongation or su ainedness of the syllable. For 3rd tone words, focus is commonly expressed by lowness or by dipping lower in pitch, while 4th tone focused words are characterized by a large pitch range and downward force. -432- 443 Focus-signalling is related to semantics and cognitive processing of new and old information. In my data, infrequently used or newly encountered words tend to receive emphasis to alert or direct the hearer's attention to an unusual item. Systems of focus and non-focus are cognitively more efficient since they allow the hearer to alternate between periods of high attention and relative relaxation. In contrast to emphasized words, deemphasized words tend to lose their lexical tone structure, and are often said at a faster rate due to their unimportant status. These unimportant words often change their shapes because of interpolation and accommodation to neighboring syllables and the surrounding environment. Sometimes non-focused words have a specific discourse function, therefore take on a specific intonation appropriate to that discourse function. Even focused words can change their form under specific emotional influences. In this example [you3 oO hao3 duol o0], 1st tone duol in the phrase hao3 duol o0 "a whole lot" takes on a dramatic arched rise-fall form because of the exaggerated emphasis. This arched rise-fall shape is typical of situations of exaggeration. 360 340 320 300 280 260 240 220 200 180 160 140 120 100 80 60 40 9 9.2 9.4 9.6 9.8 Figure 1: you3 o0 hao3 duol o0 [Yeah, a whole lot] Focus and non-focus are essentially iconic in nature. That is, we often spend more time on things that are important to us and spend less time on unimportant things. For this reason subordinate clauses and parentheticals are often said at a faster rate and a lower pitch level. In the example of Figure 2: [bu2guo4 tal 1i3mian4 you3 sanlshi2 ji3ge0 college] "But they have over 30 colleges", 1st tone sanl changes its tone shape dramatically from a level pitch to a strong fall-rise shape due to emphasis on the large number of colleges. Within the phrase sanIshi2 ji3ge0, sanl has the most emphasis and so is the longest, and the subsequent less emphasized syllables are progressively shorter. The emphasis in this case is also strengthened by the consonantal lengthening of the fricative sounds in both sanl and shi2. In my data, it is found that speakers commonly use lengthening of the fricative consonant to express emotional intensification. In these cases, the length of the consonant commonly takes up more than one-half of the total syllable duration. -433- BEST COPY AVAiLPOL 444 4 blo 440 uguote :116,:areicu college: Sar. 000hrl. 420 400 380 360 340 320 300 280 260 240 220 A 200 180 160 140 120 100 ........... 80 60 40 72.5 72 73 73.5 74.5 74 Figure 2: bu2guo4 talmen0 1i3mian4 you3 sanlshi2 ji3ge0 college 00 [But they have over thirty colleges Oh] Elements of prosody are often interwoven together. In the example of Figure 3: [ke3shi4 mei2you3 leng3qi4] "But there wasn't any air conditioning", focus is achieved by modifications in duration, pitch range, and amplitude. The pitch level of ke3shi4 mei2you3 "but there wasn't any" is high and the pitch range is narrow. These words are relatively unimportant and are said at a faster speed. Leng3qi4 "air conditioning" is emphasized and so expanded in duration and pitch range. The steep drops in pitch exaggerate and emphasize the lowness of 3rd tone leng3 and fall of 4th tone qi4. The lengthening and pitch drops in leng3qi4 also contribute to the complaining impression of this example. 360 340 320 300 26" 24v 220 700 180 160 140 120 )00 80 60 40 29.8 30 30.2 30.4 30.6 30.8 31 Figure 3: ke3shi4 mci2you3 leng3qi4 [But they didn't have air-conditioning] -.434- 4 /11) toueii AVAiLAOLL Cognitive and Affective States Certain cognitive states tend to have certain systematic influences and cause specific variations of the shapes of intonation through modifications to pitch shape and height, amplitude, and duration. Variations in pitch slope and direction are significant in contributing to the overall discourse interpretation. In Chinese, syllables with a convex pitch shape are commonly perceived as more harsh. Concave pitch shapes commonly give a softer impression. Pitch level and rhythmic tempo are also used for specific discourse effects. For example, a raised pitch form is often used to refer to things at a distance, either physically not in the immediate area, or metaphorically far away, as in reference to a prior topic. On the whole, pitch raising and lengthening are associated with doubt, uncertainty, continuation, and hesitation, while pitch lowering is often associated with certainty, definiteness, finality, authoritativeness, and negativity. The degree of tentativeness or definiteness is often correlated with the steepness of pitch slope. These lowering and raising effects are often strong enough to change citation high level 1st tone to become similar to falling 4th tone contour, and 4th tone to a high 1st or rising 2nd tone shape. Figure 4 is an example to illustrate the effect of negativity on tones. Here the speaker is describing the appearance of mummies: [xiang4 ne4ge0 rou4ganl]. The strong negative feeling causes 1st tone ganl to take on a falling 4th tone shape, and the entire word rou4ganl is said low in pitch. Negativity is often accompanied by a choppy, broken rhythm, expressed in this example by the clipped speaking rhythm of rou4ganl. Surprise, on the other hand, is often characterized by a high pitch level, a strong rise-fall shape, and a steep pitch slope, as can be seen in the same chart. -In this example, speaker B's surprised response "owaa" has the typical pitch shape of surprise. 400 380 tang roli ne gan owa ..160 390 320 300 280 260 240 220 200 180 160 140 120 100 80 .; 60 I1-`-. 40 30 \- 37.5 37 Figure 4: xiang4 ne4ge0 rou4ganl owaaa [Looks like dried meat Wow] Hesitation and uncertainty are often accompanied with rising pitch levels, and lengthening of syllables. The rising form expresses the questioning uncertainty state, and the lengthening -435- BEST COPY AVP.O4La 446 gives the speaker time to continue. An example of hesitation can be seen in Figure 5: [ran2hou4 ne4ge0 jiu4shi4]. Because of the associated uncertainty, the 4th tone jiu4 changes to a rising pitch form while ge0 is greatly lengthened due to hesitation. The rising pitch form of ran2hou4 in this example also reflects the uncertainty state. In this case, 4th tone hou4 changes dramatically from a falling shape to a rise-level shape. 360 cannot; nmhum 340 ge ne 11t:. shi. 320 300 o 280 260 0 : 240 220 ; 200 180 160 ipintIVNa 8\4,, - cd\r"."Nftwoore 140 120 100 80 114I 60 40 1 7.8 8 8.2 8.4 8.6 8.8 I 9 1 % 9. Figure 5: ran2hou4 ne4ge0 jiu4shi4 [Then that just is] In Figures 6 and 7, we can see how variations in pitch slope give rise to different perceptions of cognitive state. In Figure 6, the concave shape of dui4 "right" accompanies a soft, gentle and prolonged agreement with the main speaker. By contrast, the mainly convex and steep downward slope of dui4 in Figure 7 is associated with a strong emphatic and resolute agreement with the other speaker 400 380 360 340 320 300 280 260 240 220 200 180 160 140 120 100 80 60 40 45.4 45.6 45.8 46 46.2 Figure 6: dian4 shen2me0 dou 1 hen3 zao3 dou 1 guan 1 -436- 4 ti 46.4 dui4 [Right] BEST COPY AVkaLLA, 460 440 proyinvIe /hag xu.sc.o ne ge Dieu ge hlyou yl dlaki Ulan . ............ 420 DUI - 400 380 360 ....... 340 320 300 280 260 240 220 200 180 160 .... 140 120 100 80 60 - 40 52 52.5 51 . ; 54 Figure 7: yin lwei4 zhao4 xue2xiao4 ne4ge0 biao3ge2 zhi3you3 yildian3dian3 dui4 [Right] Discourse Markers In discourse, topic focus and the interest of participants are constantly changing, and many aspects of speech are involved in cooperatively coordinating the flow of topics and interests between participants. One class of words which are frequently used in this cooperative coordination are discourse markers. Discourse markers are words or phrases which are commonly used to signal the.relationship between discourse units. They include words such as suo3yi3 " so" , yinlwei4 "because", ke3shi4 "but", dan4shi4 "but", ran2hou4 "then" and jiu4shi4 "that's just". Discourse markers guide the conversation along so it can proceed in a more unified smooth manner. They are important because they often signal new things or that something important is coming up, and they signal the relationships of topic flow and the nature of each connecting relationship. Analysis of the data shows that discourse markers such as ranhou perform at least three principle functions. They signal the flow of topic by acting as indicators of relationships between phrases and subtopics. Discourse markers also act as signals between interacting participants to control floor-negotiations such as floor holding and turn-taking, and arc often used as a strategy to gain time to recall or organize what to say next. Thirdly, they function as expressions of cognitive-affective states. Because of these considerations, discourse markers tend to express a lot of emotion, and therefore carry a lot of intonation. In my corpus, the discourse marker ranhou was used quite frequently, especially in narrative speech, to connect both temporal sequences and event sequences, i.e. narratives which follow a natural or logical development. By focusing on ranhou in different discourse contexts we can glean an understanding of how intonation performs its cognitive and discourse functions. In general, ranhou with a narrow pitch range was found to indicate continuing topic development from the immediately preceding phrase while ranhou with a larger pitch range tends to signal a return to a previous topic, usually after an intervening sub-topic. In the example of BEM CUPY glikilUAULL -437- 443 Figure 8, the shape of ranhou matches well with the lexical rise-fall tonal pattern. The pitch range is relatively high and ranhou is perceptually prominent both from its pitch range and amplitude. The prominent ranhou here signals the break from the immediately preceding topic. 160 raihou 340 jiu m WO -Ong ren ma ytn lu Lai; : 320 300 180 260 240 220 200 401. 180 160 140 120 100 11 i, ;IA 'Pt 4 ' , 4 .0ylill 80 ;.,:,11 60 I V t e .. . , Igs f 1 1 , f 1 11, ' ,.., ....,., ;`,... I 1 40 0.8 8.6 9 9.8 9.6 9.4 9.2 10 10.: Figure 8: ran2hou4 wo3m0 jiu4 qing3 ren2 lai2 lu4yinl masa [Then we asked people to come to record] In the following phrase, as seen in Figure 9, ranhou has a rise-level contour in a narrow pitch range. This phrase is a natural continuation of the preceding phrase, and this is reflected in the moderate pitch height and narrow range of ranhou. The change in hou4 from a falling form to a level or slightly rising contour also expresses continuation and some uncertainty. We can see that yi3hou4 in this example also reflects some uncertainty and this is expressed in the level ending following the initial fall in hou4. '8, ra hot: 1, 'yln le yi hPu ,o, 2Rn 2." 220 c:IO0IW0,0000'00 MIS*. 200 *oholo 180 160 140 120 100 80 60 s ,, ---- 40 104.6 104.8 105 105.2 Figure 9: ran2hou4 lu4yinl le0 yi3hou4 -438- f (1(JPYI4Lii 4 f.; 105.4 [Then after we did the recording] By the following phrase, Figure 10, the speaker has successfully recalled a relevant piece of information and is more confident of what to say, and this is reflected in the downward pitch slopes of both 2nd tone ran and 4th tone hou, although the level ending on this hou4 suggests some uncertainty is still present. 160 ran lan hou ne ba 31u Ia qe yl-n dal. 12r. : 280 260 240 220 200 4%4 :01.0,promuionefi. oh% 180 :+44. 160 140 120 100 eo >NO,' 60 40 L 106.2 106 105.8 105.6 106.4 106.6 107 106.8 Figure 10: ran2hou4 jiu4 ba3 ne4ge0 1u4yinldai4 [Then we took the tape] The contour of ranhou in Figure 11 illustrates what often occurs in competitive floornegotiations between participants. Int) thri Ci .4 nt ranhou ranhou jtu ilu ni key,. qu 340 '20 101. * 260 a . 260 o 11/4 t; 240 220 t v1/4 200 4 180 160 140 1.1 120 100 e iI 80 :1 it.tryr-, i. , 60 1 ' ;1 11 it r (II III '. CI 1 , II ( III! #1, I. -, .../ .:11 /1 i4: 1 ; IV.. A ,641/4,.; .4 0 ji 1 6.5 1 7.0 e 8.5 9 Figure 11: wo3 zhei4ci4 hui2 - ran2hou4 ran2hou4 ni3 jiu4 ni3 jiu4 ke3yi3 qu4 [This time 1 - Then then you can just you can just go] -439BEST COPY AVt( A 4 rt.J. My data show that in interruption situations, speakers often respond by using discourse markers to hold the floor with loud but relatively empty-content words. In Figure 11, speaker A tries to interrupt by saying "Wo3 zhei4ci4-" meaning "This time I-". Speaker B immediately reacts by repeating ranhou two times with a hi3h amplitude and expanded pitch range. Note that thne is a 50Hz pitch drop between the first and second ranhou. This reduplication and the down-stepping seen here are common in this type of case, because the speaker will first try to hold the floor, then return to a more normal pitch level to resume. In the example of Figure 12, the speaker is speaking in a slow and careful manner. The pitch range of ranhou is expanded, and amplitude is high. Ranhou is prominent in this case because it is being used to signal the contrast between the "Chinese input" of the previous phrase and the "English output" of this phrase. In this sense, it shares with anaphoric reference a contrasting or turning-away from the previous phrase. 360 340 310 300 280 260 240 220 200 180 160 140 120 100 80 60 40 17 17.5 18 18.5 Figure 12: ranhou shi English output [Then the English output] CONCLUSION Analysis of discourse data shows that tones and intonation interact in systematic ways so that participants successfully communicate the many levels of meaning present in discourse. Spontaneous natural discourse is a complex process encompassing cognitive relations, interrelationships among people, and emotions and judgements on discourse topics, and intonation is of critical importance in expressing this complexity. Many elements of intonation are fundamentally iconic in nature, because the relationships of the forms of sound mirror the internal connections which exist between physiology, cognition, and emotion. This is where intonation achieves its full forcefulness in all languages. -440- GEV CUA' _ ACKNOWLEDGEMENT This research was conducted at the Phonetics Lab of Stanford University. I would like to express my thanks to Bill Poser of Stanford University for generously inviting me to conduct this research there, to Tom Veatch for help with the WAVES program, and to Stanford Linguistics Department for supporting this research. I am also thankful to Professors Charles Kreidler, Shaligram Shukla, Michael McCaskey, and Peter Patrick of Georgetown University for their helpful encouragement in this research. REFERENCES Ayers, G. Discourse Functions of Pitch Range in Spontaneous and Read Speech. Paper presented at the Linguistic Society of America Annual Meeting. 1992. Bolinger, D. Intonation and its Usls. Stanford University Press. 1989. Bolinger, D. Intonation and Its Parts. Stanford: Stanford University Press. 1986. Brown, G., Currie, K., and Kenworthy, J. Questions of Intonation. Baltimore: University Park Press. 1980. Chang, T.N.C. Tones and Intonation in the Chengdu Dialect. Phonetica 2:60-84. 1958. Chao, Y.R. The Grammar of Spoken Chinese. Berkeley: University of Berkeley Press. 1968. Chao, Y.R. Tone and Intonation in Chinese. Academia Sinica Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology: 121-34. 1933. Connell, B., Hogan, J. & Rozsypal, A.J. Experimental Evidence of Interaction between Tone and Intonation in Mandarin Chinese. Journal of Phonetics 11:337-351. 1983. Darwin, C. Me Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1965. (Reprint). Fernald, A. & Mazzie, C. prosody and Focus in Speech to Infants and Adults. Developmental Psychology 27:2:209-221. 1991. Fonagy, I. Semantic Diversity in Intonation. Proceedings of the 1 I th Int'l Congress of Phonetic Sciences. 468-471. 1987. Grosz, B. and Sidner, D. Attention, Intentions, and the Structure of Discourse. Computational Linguistics, 12(3):175-204, 1986. Hirschberg, J. and Grosz, B. Intonational Features of Local and Global Discourse Structure. ACL. 1992. Ho, A.T. Intonation Variation in a Mandarin Sentence for Three Expressions: Interrogative, Exclamatory and Declarative. Phonetica 34:446-457. 1977. Ladd, D.R. and Cutler, A, eds. Prosody: Models and Measurements. Berlin: Springer Verlag. 1983. Liberman, M. and Pierrehumbert, J. 1984. Intonational Invariance under Changes in Pitch Range and Length. In Language Sound Structure, ed. Aronoff, M. and Oehrle, R. 157233. Lieberman, P. Uniquely Human: the Evolution of Speech, Thought, and Selfless Behavior. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. 1991. Lyovin, A. Review of Tone and Intonation in Modern Chinese by M.K. Rumjancev. Journal of Chinese Linguistics 6:120-128. 1978. -441- 4 2 Ohala, J. An Ethological Perspective on Common Cross-Language Utilization of FO of Voice. Phonetica 411-16. 1984. Pierrehumbert, J. and Hirschberg, J. The Meaning of Intonational Contours in the Interpretation of Discourse. In P. Cohen, J. Morgan, & M. Pollack, ed. Intentions in Communication. Cambridge: MIT Press. 271-311. 1990. Hirschberg, J. and Pierrehumbert, J. The Intonational Structuring of Discourse. Proceedings of the ACL. 1986. Ross, E.D., Edmondson, J.A. & Seibert, G.B. The Effect of Affect on Various Acoustic Measures of Prosody in Tone and Non-tone Languages: A Comparison Based on Computer Analysis of Voice. Journal of Phonetics 14:283-302. 1986. Shiffrin, D. Discourse markers. Cambridge University Press, 1987. Shen, X.-N. The Prosody of Mandarin Chinese. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1989. Shih, C.-L. Tone and Intonation in Mandarin. Working Papers Cornell Phonetics Lab. 3:83-109. 1988. Silkirk, E. On Prosodic Structure and Its Relation to Syntactic Structure. In Nordic Prosody II, Fretheim, T. ed. 1981. Silverman, K. The Structure and Processing of Fundamental Frequency Contours. Cambridge University dissertation. 1987. Tseng, C.-Y. An Acoustic Phonetic Study of Tones in Mandarin Chinese. Ph.D. dissertation, Brown University. 1981. Wang, W.S-Y. Explorations in Language. Pyramid press. 1991 Whalen, D.H. and Xu, Y. Information for Mandarin Tones in the Amplitude Contour and in Brief Segments. Phonetica 49: 1-23. 1992. Yang, L.-C. A Semantic and Pragmatic Analysis of Tone and Intonation in Mandarin Chinese. Proceedings of ICSLP 92. 655-658. 1992. Yang, L.-C. Prosodic Diversity in Mandarin Discourse. Proceedings of ESCA Prosody Workshop. Department of Linguistics, Lund University. 116-119. 1993. Yang, L.-C. Prosodic Characteristics of Mandarin Spontaneous Speech. Proceedings of the International Symposium on Spoken Dialogue. Waseda University. 283-286. 1993. -442- 453 Toward a typology of tense, aspect and modality in the Formosan languages: a preliminary study Elizabeth Zeitoun Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica and Lillian Huang National Taiwan Normal University Introduction In the past decades, the Formosan languages have been investigated more or less extensively. Though the phonology of most of these languages has been well studied, the syntax of the vast majority, not to talk about the variations that divide the dialects of each language family, is still poorly understood'. As a consequence, the subrelationships of the Formosan languages with respect to one another and to the languages spoken outside Taiwan are still controversial. The present paper being part of on-going research on the grammatical typology of the Formosan languages, we do not intend to discuss here the internal relationships of these languages or try to reconstruct the proto language from which they are issued. Our aim is to present a typological overview of the temporal/aspectual and modal systems of five of these languages (Atayal, Bunun, Rukai, Saisiyat, Tsou), which have been selected both for their geographic dispersion and syntactic diversity. Geographically, these languages stretch from north to south and east to west. Atayal is the most widely spread language: it is found in the northern (Ilan, Taipei, and Taoyuan counties), north-western (Hsinchu, Miaoli and Taichung counties) where Saisiyat is still spoken by a small community - central (Nantou county) and eastern (Hualien county) portion of the island. Bunun is located in Central and Southern Taiwan. Tsou is spoken in Southern Taiwan, in the mount Ali area, and Rukai stretches through the South (Taitung, Pingtung and Kaoshiung counties). All these languages have various dialects2 which may differ only phonologically (e.g. Tsou, Saisiyat) or diverge also syntactically (e.g. Rukai, Atayal, Bunun). field work 1. If not mentioned otherwise, the data presented in this paper comes from our own (published or unpublished); it was collected between 1988 and 1994 with the financial support of (i) the National Science Council (NSC grants 77-0301-H003-14, 78-0301-H003-19, 80-0301-H003-01 on Atayal, NSC grant 83-0301-H003-0l 7 on the "Typology of grammatical relations in some Formosan languages"), (ii) the local government of Kaoshiung Prefecture on Bunun, and (iii) the Pacific Cultural Foundation on Rukai. 2. Because of limitations of both space and time, we have been obliged to select from each language a representative dialect on which we could base our discussion. Our selection was made on the basis of the following factors: (i) the data was available to us; (ii) the dialect in question was found to be the -443- 454 Syntactically, all these languages are basically verb-initia13. The postverbal order of the NP arguments is more or less fixed and determined by a series of syntactic and semantic factors that will be discussed in forthcoming papers (see Huang; Zeitoun). With the exception of Rukai4, all these languages pattern alike in having the semantic role of the NP selected as subject morphologically marked on the verb by means of an affix. The peculiarity of this 'focus' system lies in the fact that any NP, whatever its semantic role (e.g. agent, theme, locative, instrument, etc.), may serve as subject. We can roughly distinguish two kinds of constructions: in the first one, the agent is viewed as the focus of the clause (the A(gent) F(ocus) construction); in the second, any other NP can function as subject (the N(on)-A(gent) F(ocus) construction), the verbal affix determining its semantic role (either theme/patient, source/goal/locative or instrument)5. This dichotomy is illustrated in (I a) and (lb) respectively. (1) Atayal (Wulai), Huang (1993:10-11) a. t-m-tu? tali? qhuniq6 crush-AF Tali? tree 'The tree crushed Tali? b. t?-an qhuniq tali? most representative of its family. Atayal consists of two major dialects, Squliq and C?uli?. We selected Wulai to illustrate the former. Bunun is made up of five dialects, Takitodo, Takibaka, Takbanuak Takivatan and Isbukun, the latter of which will be the object dour study. Finally, Tfuea and Budai were selected as representative of the Tsou and Rukai languages respectively. The data on Saisiyat is based on Ye (1991). 3. Note that Saisiyat displays SVO word order in ellicited sentences - supposedly under the influence of Chinese (Ye, 1991:34-36) - but VSO word order in folkstories and traditional songs. 4. In Rukai, verbal affixes indicating the semantic role of the focus NP have been lost through the attrition of the initial auxiliary. Hence, in (i), there is no syntactic coding of the subject on the verb. (i) Budai w-a-sititi-aku ki lampau u-Real-beat-1S. Nom Am Lampau 'I beat Lampau' With the exception of Mantauran, the Rukai dialects have developed an active/passive voice dichotomy not found in the other Formosan languages. Compare (i) and (ii). (ii) Budai ki-a-sititi nakuano ku lampau ki-Real-beat 1S.Acc Nom Lampau tampau was beaten by me' 3. To simplify, we will purposely ignore the morphological variations that divide these languages and will not explain in detail the semantic function of each of the verbal prefixes. We may say briefly that in AF constructions, verbs are usually marked with -um-, m-, 0, etc. while in NAF constructions, they may be suffixed with -un (PF), -an (PF and/or LF) or prefixed with s-, si-, as- (IF/BF). 6. To avoid any confusion, we use IPA symbols throughout the whole paper. The following abbreviations are used in the glosses: Ace: Accusative, Adv: Adverb, AF: Agent Focus, Asp: Aspect, Ben: Benefactive, BF: Benefactive Focus. Caus: Causative, Comp: Completive aspect, Gen: Genetive, IF: Iterative Focus, Itr: Iterative, Irr: Irrealis, Loc: Locative, LF: Locative Focus, NAF: Non Agent Focus, Neg: Negation, Nom. Nominative, Obl. Oblique, P. Plural, PF: Patient Focus, Real: Realis, Red. Reduplication, S: Singular. -444-- crush-NAF tree Tali? 'A tree crushed Tali?' They differ, however, in a number of respects: (1) some of these languages preserve a nominal case marking which has been lost in others (e.g. Mayrinax vs. Wulai in Atayal); (2) while the nominal case marking of most of these languages (e.g. Atayal, Rukai) is based on the nature of the referent, i.e. common nouns are marked differently from personal nouns and kinship terms, Tsou has developed a complex system in which the referent is localized in relation to the universe of discourse (see Zeitoun 1993)7; (3) some languages (e.g. Atayal, Tsou as opposed to Rukai or Bunun) have a system of auxiliaries which usually occur in clause-initial position. The occurrence of these auxiliaries is not syntactically required for the well-formedness of a sentence in Atayal (Wulai) but cannot be omitted in Tsou. We will not elaborate further on these linguistic variations. They were introduced to show that the Formosan languages are worth being examined for themselves and from a typological point of view. Having presented the geographic distribution and outlined briefly some of the syntactic features of the languages under study, let us now return to our immediate concern. The aim of this paper is to show that the Formosan languages, like the Philippines-type languages (see Reid 1992), have a complex system of verbal morphology which includes distinctions of voice (or focus), tense/aspect and mood. In the absence of temporal/aspectual or modal affixes/particles, focus affixes carry temporal/aspectual or modal information. Hence, in all the languages under study here, if the temporal frame is left unspecified, the AF m- forms (realized as -urn, -rn-, m-, 0, etc.) are found to refer to situations having either occurred or actually taking place (realis). In co-occurrence with temporal/aspectual or modal affixes/particles, focus affixes retain their primary ftction: they indicate the semantic role of the NP selected as focus. In other words, (AI') rn-forms may be found in the irrealis, but they do not carry any temporal/aspectual or modal information. Compare (2)-(3). (2) a. Atayal, Wulai (Huang 1993:41) m-qwas qutux knerin AF-sing one woman 'A woman is singing/sang' b. Bunun (Isbukun) tu tasa to lumah ma-baliv-ik 7. Our analysis differs frOm that of Tung (1964:147), who proposes that case markers locate a referent in space, the speaker being taken as the origo. In Zeitoun (1993), it is shown that (1) we must drop such an egocentric analysis because it fails to account for some of the data, and that (2) three parameters must be taken into consideration.: the speech act participants plus the time and the place of the utterance -445- AF-buy-1S.Nom one house 'I'm buying/bought a house' (3) a. Atayal, Wulai musa? m-qwas qutux knerin Asp AF-sing one woman 'A woman is going to sing' b. Bunun (Isbukun) na-ma-baliv-ik tu tasa tu lumah Irr-AF-buy-1S.Nom one house 'I want to/will buy a house' In the absence of focus affixes on the verb, temporal/aspectual affixes/particles may carry voice distinctions. In a number of languages (e.g. Atayal, Bunun), the temporal/ aspectual particle -in-, which indicates relative anteriority in Wulai (see Huang 1993:67) or a completive aspect in Isbukun, is used in PF constructions. Compare (4) and (5). (4) Atayal (Wulai) p-M-aija?-maku? laqi? qani PF-carry-1S.Gen chiid this 'I (once) carried the child on my back' (5) Bunun (Isbukun) 1-in-udah-kta takna? hay minsum-ag PF-beat-1S.Acc yesterday Tp come-still 'The one beaten by me yesterday came again' 1. The Realis/Irrealis dichotomy 1.1. Against a tripartite system (Past, Present, Future) Li (1973:157) claims that the temporal system of Tanan (Rukai) - closely related to Budai - is based on a tripartite distinction of past, present and future, realized respectively with the affixation (to the main verb) of wa-, 0 and ay-, as shown in Table 1 below. Table 1: Li's (1973) classification of tense and aspect in Rukai (Tanan) Active voice Aspect Plain Tense Pres kano Completive kano-rja Continuative kano-kano -446- Past w-a-kana w-a-kana-ija. w-a-kanakana ay-kana ay-kanaia ay-kana-kana Fut Passive voice Aspect Plain Tense Pres Past Fut Completive ki-kana -ki-a-kana ki-a-kanala ay-ki-kana ay-ki-kana-ga Continuative ki-kano-kana ki-a-kanakana ay-ki-kana-kana His analysis raises a number of problems. We will only mention three of them. First, note that the 'plain' form (e.g. kana 'eat') is never used as such, hence (5) is ungrammatical: kano represents a root form. (5) Rukai (Tanan) * kana kuani umas sa aga eat that man rice Second, a verb prefixed with w-a- may refer to either a past or present event, depending on the occurrence of (a) a temporal adverb as in (7b), or (b) an aspectual particle as in (8). (7) Rukai (Tanan) a. w-a-kana kuani umas sa aga u-Real-eat that man rice i. 'The man is eating the rice' ii. 'The man ate the rice' (Li 1973:158) b. w-a-kana kuani umas sa aga kubaa u-Real-eat that man rice yesterday 'The man ate the rice yesterday' (8) Rukai (Tanan) w-a-kana-N kuani umas sa aga u-Real-eat-Comp that man rice 'The man has eaten the rice already' Third, by talking about a 'future' tense - expressed by the prefixation of ay- in Tanan - Li makes abstraction of the modal interpretation, illustrated in (9), implied in this type of construction. (9) Rukai (Tanan) a. (a)y-ua-su inu ? -447- 456 Irr-go-2S.Nom where 'Where will you go/are you going ?' b. ay-tumawlay-aku kyasa Irr-tell tale-1S.Nom now 'I shall tell/am going to tell a story now' A comparison of the above examples clearly shows that Budai establishes a basic modal (and not temporal) distinction between realis, where situations are viewed as having occurred or actually taking place, and irrealis, where events are perceived as having not yet happened, may possibly happen (hypotheticals) or will definitely not happen (counterfactuals). Though the Rukai dialects differ from the other Formosan languages in their voice systems, all these languages pattern alike in sharing this dichotomy. Further examples, taken from Atayal and Bunun, are given in (10) and (11) respectively. (10) Atayal (Wulai) a. m-qinax tali? him? AF-run Tali? yesterday 'Tali? ran yesterday' b. m-qinax tali? kryax AF-run Tali? every day 'Tali? runs every day' c. p-qinax-saku? (suxan) AF-run-1S.Nom (tomorrow) 'I will run (tomorrow)' (11) Bunun (Isbukun) a. ma-ludah-ku? saya7 takna? AF-beat-1S.Acc 3S.Nom yesterday 'He beat me yesterday' b. saya? hay kawpa tu hanvan ma-ludah mateku 3S.Nom Tp every day AF-beat 1S.Acc 'He beats me every day' c. mais sadu? saikin saitia? hai na-palinutu-an-ku7 if see 1S.Nom 3S.Acc Tp will-tell-NAF-1S.Acc 'If I see him, I'll tell him' Our claim is supported by the fact that in the irrealis, AF and NAF constructions -448- are subject to a number of morpho-syntactic as well as semantic constraints although not all these languages exhibit the same kind of constraints. 1.2. Morpho-syntactic and semantic constraints Morphologically, discrepancies affixes/auxilianes used in the realis and in the irrealis. we note some in the type of verbal In Atayal (Wulai), verbs occurring in AF constructions are usually prefixed with mor infixed with -m- in the realis. They are marked with p- in the irrealis. This contrast is illustrated in (12a-b). (12) Atayal (Wulai) a. m-qwas-saku? (hira?/*suxan) AF-sing-1S.Nom (yesterday/*tomorrow) 'I sang (yesterday)' b. Huang (1993:11) p-qwas-saku? (suxan/*hira?) AF-sing-1S.Nom (tomorrow/*yesterday) 'I will sing (tomorrow)' In NAF (and more specifically in PF) constructions, verbs are marked with -an in the realis but with -un in the irrealis8. Compare (13a-b). (13) Atayal (Wulai) tali? (hira?/*suxan) beat-NAF-1S.Gen Tali? (yesterday/*tomorrow) 'Tali? was beaten by me (yesterday)' a. 13hiy-an-maku? b. Phiy-un-maku? tali? (suxan/*hira?) beat-NAF-1S.Gen Tali? (tomorrow/*yesterday) 'Tali? will be beaten by me (tomorrow)' In Tsou, auxiliaries are marked as AF or NAF in the realis (cf. rni- vs. mo(h) vs. o(h)); they are invariable in the irrealis (cf. te, ta, tena, etc.). In both cases, how.ver, me semantic role of the NP selected as subject is marked on the verb by means of an affix. Compare (14)-(15). In Atayal (Wulai) and Bunun (lsbukun), the instrumental/benefactive foci (s- in Wulai and as- in Isbukun) occur in the realis and the irrealis because the NP selected as focus only involves a pe..-ipheral 8. argument. -449- 460 (14) Tsou a. mo-?u 6aito to oko nehucma AF- I S.Nom see Obl child yesterday 'I saw the child yesterday' b. o-7u aiti 7o oko nehucma NAF-1S.Gen see Nom child yesterday 'I saw the child yesterday' (15) Tsou a. te-7o 6aito to oko hohucma will-1S.Nom see Obl child tomorrow 'I will see the child tomorrow' b. te-7o aiti 7o oko hohucma will-IS.Gen see Nom child tomorrow 'I will see the child tomorrow' Syntactically, NAF constructions may be prohibited in the irrealis. Ye (1991:7111) argues quite convincingly that in Saisiyat the modal auxiliary ?am is used in co- occurrence with verbs marked as AF but not with those marked as NAF. A nominalized construction must be used instead in PF constructions to refer to the future. Compare the grammaticality of (16a-c). (16) Saisiyat, Ye (1991:72) a. gyaw 7am s-om-7ael ka 7alaw cat will eat-Af fish 'The cat is going to eat the fish' b. * 7alaw ?am si-?ael-en noka? 'yaw fish will eat-PF Gen cat c. 7alaw ka-si7ael-en noka? gyaw fish eat-PF Gen cat 'The fish is going to be eaten by the cat' (Lit: 'The fish will be the cat's eating"; Semantically, AF constructions are opposed to NAF constructions in the realis in terms of perfectivity/imperfectivity. This contrast is exemplified in (17) and (18). (17) Atayal (Wulai) (Huang 1993:41) a. tri-in-qPaq-saku? ke? na? tayan AF-past-learn-IS.Nom word na? Atayal 'I learned Atayal (1 may still be learning it; I still can't speak the language) -450- 46g. 11:MINIMM, ke? na? tayan b. q-in-Paq-an-maku? past-learn-NAF-1S.Gen v, 3rd na? Atayal 'I learned Atayal' (I can speak the language) (18) Tsou m-imo ta emi a. mi-ta AF-3S.Nom drink Obl wine 'He is drinking wine' ima 7e emi b, i-ta NAF-3S. Nom drink Nom wine 'He has drunk wine' (Some is still left) If we accept Comrie's (1976) classification of aspectual oppositions - we reproduce below the table on given p. 26 - we can then easily account for the fact that (in most languages) AF constructions are commonly used to describe habitual or continuous (progressive and nonprogressive) situations9. A comparison of (19b-c) and (20a-b) shows that (1) in the absence of aspectual auxiliaries/particles, there is no neat distinction between the progressive and the non-progressive, (2) the situational context will determine whether the event referred to has already happened or is actually taking place. Table 2: Comrie's (1976:26) classification of aspectual oppositions Imperfective Perfective Continuous Habitual Nonprogressive Progressive (19) Atayal (Wulai) (Huang 1993:61) a. k-m-ayan-saku7 squ7 sunan kryax AF-say-1S.Nom squ7 2S.Loc every day 'I talk to you every day' This does not exclude the fact that in NAF constructions the occurrence of aspectual auxiliaries/particles may yield a progressive reading. Compare (i) and (ii). (ii) Tsou (i) Tsou n?a irna ima 7e emi i-ta emi i-ta 9. NAF-3S.Gen drink Nom wine 'He has drunk wine' NAF-3S Gen still drink Nom wine 'He has been drinking wine' -451- 462 b. k-m-ayan-sakta squ? sunan 0 AF-say-1S.Nom squ? 2S.Loc 0 i. 'I talked/was talking to you' ii. 'I am talking to you' c. nyux-saku? k-m-ayan squ? sunan Asp-1S.Nom talk squ? 2S.Loc * 'I talked to you' ii. 'I was/am talking to you' (20) Tsou a. mo eo6ako to oko 7o amo AF beat Obl child Nom father i. 'Father beat the child' ii. 'Father is beating the child' (Both unseen at Speech Time) b. mo n7a eo6ako to oko 7o amo AF still beat Obl child Nom father * 'Father beat the child' ii. 'Father is (still) beating the child' (Both unseen at Speech Time) In the irrealis, no such distinction is found. Compare (18)-(21) and (22a-b). (21) Tsou a. te-ta m-imo ta emi will-3S.Nom drink Obl wine 'He will drink wine' b. te-ta ima 7e emi will-3S.Gen drink Nom wine 'He will drink wine' (22) Tsou a. mi-ta n7a mimo ta emi AF-3S.Nom n7a drink Obl wine 'He is (still) drinking wine' b. te-ta n?a mimo ta emi will-3S.Nom n7a drink Obl wine 'He is going to drink wine again' 1.3. Degrees of complexity So far, we have shown that all the Formosan languages (under study) exhibit a -452- 4Cts basic modal (and not temporai) distinction between realis and irrealis. Below, we will suggest that they display various degrees of complexity. 1.3.1. Perfectivity/imperfectivity in Rukai We have shown that in the realis, AF constructions are opposed to NAF constructions in terms of perfectivity/impertectivity. This is true of most, but not all, the Formosan languages. As mentioned in Li (1973) (cf. Table 1), Rukai expresses these concepts through two morphological means, affixation and reduplication. In Budai, the affixation (to the verb) of the aspectual particles -ga on the one hand and - ana on the other hand are used to reflect the concepts of 'perfectivity' (or completive aspect) and 'imperfectivity' (or progressive aspect). The reduplication of part of the verb stem may either yield an habitual or a progressive interpretation, depending on the context (e.g. presence of different case markers in Budai). This contrast is illustrated in (24a-b). (23) Rukai (Budai) ka Lolai a. w-a-tubisa. child Real-cry-already 'The child has cried' b. w-a-tubi-ana ka Lolai child Real-cry-still 'The childis crying' (24) Rukai (Budai) a. w-a-kanokano-su ka bolobalo banana Real-eat-2S.Nom 'You are eating that banana' b w-a-kanakann-su ku bolobalo Real-eat-2S.Nom banana 'You usually eat bananas' 1.3.2. Habitual/generic meaning in Tsou We have argued that in the realis, AF constructions are usually used to describe habitual or continous situations. We have shown, however, that because Rukai lacks the focus system commonly found in the Formosan languages, this interpretative variation is carried out by a morphological device, i.e. the reduplication of part of the verb stem. Tsou differs also in a number of respects. In this section, we will show that the habitual/episodic readings are taken over by different auxiliaries - compare the -453 461 use of aa- in (25) to that of mi- in (26) - while in the next section, we will suggest that it has grammaticalized the notion of tense. (25) Tsou a. da-ta boni to tacimi Itr-3S.Nom eat Obl banana i.'He (usually) eats bananas' * "He is eating a banana/bananas' b. da-ta huhucmasi Boni to tacimi Itr-3S.Nom every day eat Obl banana 'He eats bananas every day' (26) Tsou a. mi-ta boni ta tacimi AF-3S.Nom eat Obl banana i. 'He is eating a banana/bananas' * 'He usually eats bananas' b. * mi-ta huhucmasi boni ta tacimi AF-3S.Nom every day eat Obl banana Note that da- refers to an 'habitual present' so that reference to the past or to the future necessitates the use of temporal auxiliaries (e.g. mo(h) and tena) - which must occur in clause-initial position - as in (27a-b) respectively. (27) Tsou a. moh-ta da huhucmasi boni to tacimi AF-3S.Nom Itr every day eat Obl banana '(In the past), he would eat bananas ever, day' b. tena da-ta huhucmasi Boni to tacimi Irr Itr-3S.Nom every day eat Obl banana '(In the future), he will eat bananas every day' In both examples, the iterative meaning is yielded by the occurrence of huhucmasi 'every day'. Its absence in (28a) below gives a different meaning from that of (27a) the utterance must be given an episodic interpretation - while it renders the second ungrammatical. Compare (27a)-(28a) and (27b)-(28b) respectively. (28) Tsou a. moh-ta da boni to tacimi AF-3S.Nom Asp eat Obl banana 'He ate a banana/bananas' -454- b. * tena da-ta Irr Son+ to tacimi Itr-3S.Nom eat Obl banana 13.3. Grammaticalization of tense in Tsou It was suggested that in the realis, AF constructions refer to present or past events depending on the situational context (e.g. occurrence of case markers, temporal adverbs or aspectual particles): as illustrated in (29) below, in Atayal (Wulai), a verb marked as AF may appear in co-occurrence (1) with various adverbs (e.g. hira? 'yesterday', soni 'today', kiyax 'every day') which determine the temporal frame of the utterance or (2) with the aspectual particle -in-. Tsou differs from the other Formosan languages in that it has grammaticalized the notion of (absolute) tense: only mo- but not mi- can co-occur with nehucma 'yesterday'. Compare the grammaticality of (30ab). In the same vein, the aspectual particle oa can co-occur with mo- (or moso, o(h)) but not with mi- (see (31)). A comparison of these examples clearly indicate that AF/NAF auxiliaries in Tsou not only carry aspectual but also temporal information as well. (29) Atayal (Huang 1993) sayun tali? soni (p..50) a. m-in-ima? AF-past-wash Sayun Tali? today 'Tali? washed Sayun just now' lorhwa hira? (p.58) b. rn-ulu-sami AF-find-1PE.Nom rascal yesterday 'We found a rascal yesterday' (by accident)' c. k-m-ayan-saku? squ? sunan kryax (p. 61) tn-say-IS.Nom squ 2S.Loc every day 'I talk to you every day' d. m-in-wah-saku? (p.9) AF-past-come-1S. N om 'I came' (30) Tsou boni to tacimi nehucma a. * mi-'?o AF-1S.Nom eat Obl banana yesterday Boni to tacimi nehucma b. mo-?u AF- 1 S.Nom eat Obl banana yesterday -455 4 6 t) 'I ate a banana yesterday' (31) a. * mi-ta da smovei ta oko AF-3S.Nom Asp carry Obl child b. moh-ta da smovei ta oko AF-3S.Nom Asp carry Obl child '(In the past), s/he carried the child' 2. Co-occurrence restrictions Below, we argue that in order to understand the temporal/aspectual systems of the Formosan languages, (a) all the constituents of the sentence must be taken into consideration to account for the possible and impossible co-occurrences of auxiliaries with pronominal clitics (e.g. Atayal) or with case markers (e.g. Tsou, Rukai). 2.1. The auxiliaries nyu.x and cyza in Atayal (Wulai) in co-occurrence with different pronouns .Atayal has grammaticalized verbs of possession/location (6,ux 'have') and existence (nyux 'exist') into aspectual auxiliaries. In that language, imperfectivity is rendered through the use of these two auxiliaries, which can (both) co-occur with verbs marked as AF or NAF. A comparison of (31)-(32) shows, however, that they cannot permute freely: as mentionned in Huang (1993:71), nyux (the Proximal Impeifective) designates "an action taking place close to the speaker", which explains why it can only co-occur with first person pronominal forms (singular or plural), (see (32a-b). Cyux, on the other hand, indicates that file action is "taking place away from the speaker". In co-occurrence with a first person pronoun, the event must be interpreted as occurring before, not at Speech Time. Compare (32a)-(33b) and (33a-b). (32) a. niux-saku? maniq qulih Asp-1S.Nom eat fish 'I am eating fish (now)' b. * nvux maniq qulih hiya? Asp eat (33) a. cyux-saku7 fish 3S.Nom maniq qulih Asp-1S.Nom eat fish i. * 'I am eating fish (now)' ii. 'I was eating fish' (when answering the phone)' b. cyux maniq qulih hiya? Asp eat fish 3S.Nom 'He is eating fish (now)' 2.2. Auxiliaries and case markers in Tsou Tsou is characterized by the fact that it has developed a complex system of case markers divided into two classes, nominative and oblique, which do not (as in other Formosan languages) mark an NP according to its categorial nature, i.e. mark common nouns differently from personal nouns and kinship terms, but localize a referent in relation to the universe of discourse. Briefly, we may say that, on the basis of their syntactic distribution (see Zeitoun, 1993), we must distinguish between referential (?e, si, ta, ?o, to) and non-referential case markers (na and no)'). Furthermore, among referential case markers, ?e, si, ta differ from ?o, to in terms of identifiability. A referent marked by ?e, si, ta is identifiable to the addressee, because they are directly related to the universe of discourse while a referent marked by k, to may either be identifiable but absent or invisible at Speech time but .still or unidentifiable because of being newly introduced in the discourse. There are some co-occurrence restrictions between case markers and auxiliaries. We will illustrate below with a few examples. Consider first the following pairs of sentences. huhucmasi boni to tacirni (34) a. da-ta Itr-3S.Nom every day eat Obl banana 'He eats a banana every day' huhuemasi boni ta tacimi b. * da-ta Itr-3S.Nom every day eat Obl banana kaebi boni to huv`io Itr-3S.Nom happy eat Ohl orange (35) a. da-ta 'He likes eating oranges' kaebi boni ta huv?o b. * da-ta ltr-3S.Nom happy eat Obl orange I°. Givón (1978:293) gives the following definition of referentiality: "It involves, roughly, the speaker's intent to 'refer to' or 'mean' a nominal expression to have non-empty reference - i.e., to 'exist' - within a particular universe of discourse. [...] If a nominal is 'non-referential' or 'generic' the speaker does not have a commitment to its existence within the relevant universe of discourse. Rather, in the latter case, the speaker is engaged in discussing the genus or its properties, bi does not commit him/herself to the existence of any spLcific individual number of the genus." -457- 168 (36) a. oh moh-ta da ahtu etamaku to tamaku Neg AF-3S. Adv Asp never smoke Ohl cigarette 'He never smoked cigarettes' b. * oIa moh-ta s'la da ahtu etamaku ta tamaku Neg AF-3S. Adv Asp never smoke Obl cigarette au functions as an auxiliary in (34)-(35), and as an aspectual marker in (36)". Both a as indicate a rupture with Speech time: in the two first examples, aa refers to the scanning of a class of occurrences and by implication to the characteristic of the agent of the given sentence; in the latter, aa locates an event in the past. As a consequence, in each example, to but not ta can co-occur with aa. Note also the ungrammaticality of k37171) and the semantic variation yielded by the substitution of ta by to in (38b). How are we to account for these examples ? (37) a. mi-7o 6oni ta tacimi AF-1 S. Asp eat Obi banana 'I'm eating a banana' b. * mi-7o p7a 6oni to tacimi AF- 1 S. Asp eat Obl banana 'I'm eating a banana' (38) a. mi4o cu 6onir ta tacimi . AF-1S. Asp eat Obi banana 'I have been eating a banana' b. mi4o cu 6oni to tacirni- AF-I S. Asp eat Obi banana 'I have eaten a banana' In (37), n?a which translates as 'still', in co-occurrence with mi-, refers to an event still on-going at Speech time: therefore to cannot co-occur with n?a. In (38), both la and to can co-occur with cu 'already'. The occurrence of this aspectual marker doesn't enable us to determine whether the situation in question is past and completed or still on-going at Speech time. Such an interpretation is inferred by the presence of other constituents (i.e. case markers). In (38a), the use of ta indicates that the banana is still being eaten at ;peech time while that of to implies that it has already been eaten in (38b). I. See Zeitoun (1992:53-57) for the syntactic distribution of the two oas in Tsou 458- 46j Conclusion In this paper, we have tried to show that all the Formosan languages under study: (1) exhibit a complex system of verbal morphology which includes distinctions of voice, tense/aspect and modality: in the absence of temporal/aspectual affixes/particles determining the temporal frame of the utterance, focus affixes may take over temporal/aspectual information and conversely, in the absence of focus affixes on the verb, temporal/aspectual affixes/particles may carry voice distinctions, (2) have a temporallaspectual system based on a modal dichotomy between realis and irrealis (where AF and NAF constructions are subject to a number of morphosyntactic as well as semantic constraints), (3) but display various degrees of complexity. In the course of the paper, we have also argued that in order to understand the temporal/aspectual and nodal systems of these languages, all the constituents of the sentence must be taken into consideration to account for the possible and impossible co-occurrences of auxiliaries with pronominal clitics (e.g. Atayal) or with case markers (e.g. Tsou). This ressarch represents, however, a preliminary study: it involves only five Formosan lanolages and more data should be used to test the hypotheses proposed here. Various problems still need to be clarified: it was shown, for instance, that in Atayal the focus affix -an occurs only in the realis while -un occurs only in the irrealis. This is not the case in Bunun where both affixes occur in the realis but still do not permute freely. -459- 4'0 Appendix: Temporal/aspectual and modal systems of each of the language under study. (I) Atayal a. Wulai Realis lrrealis AF m,-, -urn-, 0 NAF -an P- -un BF/IF s- ---> (3) Bunun (Isbukun) Realis Irrealis AF m,-, -urn-, 0 NAF an na- + AF or NAF forms - un BF/IF ?is- ---> (4) Rukai (Budai) Real is Irrealis -anay(5) Tsou (TfUea) AF Realis NAF Irreal is Future/Hypothetical Counterfactual Habitual/Generic AF/NAF Immediate Remote mimo mo(h) moso i- te, tena o(h) ta - nte da nto -46011"i' References Comrie, B. 1976. Aspect. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ferrell, R. 1972. "Verb systems in Formosan languages" in J. Thomas and L. Bernot, eds., Languages et techniques, nature et société, T.1: Approche linguistique, 121-128. Paris: Klincksiek. Huang, Lillian M. 1993. A study of Atayal syntax. Taipei: Crane Pub. Co. Huang, Lillian M. Ms. "A typological study of pronominal systems in some Formosan languages". National Taiwan Normal Uniiversity: Taipei. Li, Jen-kuei. 1973. Rukai structure. Taipei: Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica, Special Publications, No.64. Reid, L. 1992. "On the development of the aspect system in some Philippine languages" Oceanic Linguistics, 31.1: 65-91. Ross, M. 1992. "Reconstructing Proto Austronesian verbal morphology: evidence from Taiwan" Paper presented at the International Symposium on Austronesian Studies relating to Taiwan. Taipei: Institute of History and Philology. 361-390. Starosta, S. 1974. "Causative verbs in Formosan languages" Oceanic Linguistics, 13: 279:269. Starosta, S. 1988. "A grammatical typology of Formosan languages" Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology, 59.2: 541-576. Ye, Mei-li. 1991. Saisiyat structure, M.A. thesis, Institute of Linguistics, Tsing Hua University. Zeitoun, E. 1992. A syntactic and semantic account of Tsou focus system. Hsinchu: Tsing Hua MA thesis. Zeitoun, E. 1993. "A semantic study of Tsou case markers" Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology, 64.4 Zeitoun, E. Ms. "Word order and case marking in some Formosan languages". Institute of History and Philology: Taipei. Semantic Schema and Metaphorical Extension: A study of the Mandarin V-R compounds as a radial category Meichun Liu CKIP, Institute of Information Science, Academia Sinica E-mail: mliu@iis.sinica.edu.tw 1. Introduction 1.1 Theoretical Background Recent work on cognitive semantics and lexicalization has drawn substantial attention to the correspondence between language and cognition, with a special emphasis on categorization (cf. Lakoff 1987; Talmy 1985, 1991; Langacker 1987,1991;Ono and Thompson 1993). It is argued that language is characteristic of human cognitive activities and that there are direct pairings of parameters of form with parameters of meaning. To fully understand language, one has to probe into the underlying conceptual organization of language. As one central aspect of cognition, categorization in general bears gestalt properties and an ecological structure. It is neither objectivistic nor atomistic as traditionally thought. Similarly, linguistic categories should be viewed as schematic in nature and radially structured, rather than with discrete boundaries (Lakoff 1987). The notion of radial structure as defined in Lakoff (1987) provides a new perspective to the study of Mandarin Verb-Resultative (V-R) compounds (eg. MA, FAIR, Et*, etc.). As a grammatical category, V-R compounds display a wide range of morphological, syntactic and semantic variations, and prove to be a productive resource for new complex verbs. Early studies on Mandarin V-R compounds focu- mainly on their internal morphological and semantic make-ups (cf. Chao 1968; Thompson 1973; Li and Thompson 1981). More recently, researchers have worked intensively on the argument structure and semantic restrictions associated with V-R compounds. Chang (1988, 1991) emphasizes the importance of thematic roles in relation to the grammatical properties of V-R's. Lin (1990) adopts a semantic approach, deriving collocational and subcategorizational regularities of VR's on the basis of a semantic classification of individual verbs. Within the framework of GB theory, Li (1990, 1993) proposes a structure-based account, which takes the first V as the head. Following the theory of LFG, Huang and Lin (1992) demonstrates a morpholexical approach by postulating argument templates and selection rules to match the argument structure with the thematic structure. Other.studies focus on one specific subcategory of V-R's with a detailed characterization of its syntactic or semantic properties (cf. Chang 1993, Gao 1993, Yeh 1993). 1.2 The Question In their attempts to account for the diverse behavior of V-R compounds, previous studies all operate under the assumption that V-R compounds as a grammatical category consist of a fixed set of 'classes', whose behavior can be rigidly formulated and perhaps predicted in -462- terms of the syntactic and semantic properties of the verbal elements. However, given the wide rang of diversity and the huge number of V-R's, a more basic question needs to be asked: what makes it possible that all these different event complexes with distinct semantic combinations share the same surface form, i.e., all being coded as a V-R compound. More specifically, what motivates the various subtypes of V-R compound and.how are they interrelated and perceived as one unique grammatical category? 1.3 Scope and Goal of the Paper As an attempt to answer the above questions, this paper follows the proposal in Talmy (1991) that certain types of event complex are universally amenable to conceptualization as a single fused event and, accordingly, to expression by a single clause. Mandarin V-R compounds manifest exactly such a conceptual conflation of events (a 'macro-event' in Talmy's terms), which may be established as a component of cognitive-linguistic organization. To account for the internal structure of the V -R category, various image-schematic models are proposed as the conceptual bases for categorial extension. This paper further characterizes the cognitive principles that motivate these subtypes, and specifies the conceptual links between them. It ultimately shows how the category of V-R compounds can be reconstructed as a complex, 'radial' category, with non-discrete boundaries, rather than one whose members can be described in terms of a set of shared properties (cf. Lakoff 1987). 1. 4 The Data The analysis of this paper is based on entries of V-R compounds collected in a large electronic dictionary of Mandarin, which has been developed by the CKIP group at the Institute of Information Science, Academia Sinica. The total number of V-R's in this dictionary is about 2430, but not all of them are found in the CKIP corpus! of written Mandarin. Below are some V-R examples that occur most frequently in the corpus: (1) a. V-9J: 3:2P1 eLYIJ fs.i41.1 ing11 111.14Y11 MP] ZW9.1 b. V-Ending State: Mgfi trZ c. IfrYffi VEIT, MI% FJ110±4* nr314 TV tog J tA 2. Event Structure and Typological Account 2.1 Event conflation as a universal cognitive-linguistic process The prototypical function of the V-R compound taken as a unit is to report a complex event (cf. Hopper and Thompson 1984:736). This complex event consists of two subevents -an initial activity (V) and a resultative stage (R), but it is expressed only with a single clause. This kind of event structuring is examined in great detail in Talmy (1991). According to Talmy, although a complex event is usually partitioned into a main event and a subordinate I The C101) corpus of written Aandarin conisits mainly of newspaper and journal articles, with approximaly 20 million characters. -463- 474 event, together with the relation between them, 'there appears to be a general cognitive process at work in language whereby an event that under a more analytic conceptualization would be understood as complex and represented by a multi-clause syntactic structure can be alternatively conceptualized as simplex and represented by a single clause' (1991:481). This process is termed 'conceptual conflation of events', and the conflated event complex is called a 'macro-event'. Within the macro-event, there are two event-components: a main, framing event and a subordinate, supporting event. The framing event provides the overarching conceptual framework or reference frame for the whole macro-event, and it serves to delineate a certain type of schematic structure in a particular set of organized conceptual domains, a function called 'domain-schematizing'. Talmy identifies five types of domain schematization that the framing event can represent: an event of motion, an event of contouring in time, an event of state change, an event of correlation among actions, and an event of fulfillment in action realization. The supporting event performs a function of support in relation to the framing event, which can be further specified as Cause, Manner, or Purpose, etc. Talmy further suggests that the framing event and the macro-event, both representing a conceptual unit mapped with a linguistic unit, should be recognized as two components of cognitive-linguistic organization (Talmy 1991: 481-87). 2.2 Typology of Event conflation An important claim in Talmy (1991) is that the existence of the macro-event as a cognitive unit and its specific conceptual structuring may be universals of linguistic organization. There are two typological accounts concerning the coding of macro-event (1991: 486-87): First, languages can generally be divided into a two-category typology on the basis of the characteristic pattern in which the conceptual structure of the macro-event is mapped onto syntactic structure. That is, the core schema of the macro-event may be expressed either by the main verb or by the satellite2 (or adjunct). English is mentioned as an example of satellite-framed language, since it is the particle 'in' in sentences like 'The ball rolled in' that expresses the schematic core. Spanish, on the other hand, exemplifies a verb-framed language. Secondly, the syntactic site -- verb or satellite -- where Path is characteristically expressed is also to a great extent where aspect, state change, action correlation and realization are characteristically expressed. As will be clear in the following section, these two typological accounts may both 2 A satelite is defined by Talmy (1991:486) as 'the gtammatical category of any constituent other than a nominal complement that is in a sister relation to the verb root. It can be either a bound morpheme or a free word. such as English verb particles, Chinese verb complement, German verb prefixes, etc. -464- apply to Mandarin V-R's, showing that the V-R category in Mandarin is not an isolated phenomenon. It complies with the universal, cognitive-linguistic process that maps conceptual conflation of events with a single syntactic unit. However, a more elaborated account is still needed to account for the language-specific structure of the Mandarin V-R's and the interrelationship among its subcategories. 2.2. Domain schematization with Mandarin V-R compounds The V-R compound in Mandarin illustrates exactly a macro-event as defined above, conceptually conflating a complex event into a simplex one and linguistically coding it with a single ciause. Following Talmy's typology, Mandarin can be categorized as a satellite-framed language: it maps the core schema of a V-R macro-event into the satellite, i.e., the verb complement (R). And it is '."1 ue, as Talmy observes, that the satellite may be used to specify five types of domain schematization, including path, aspect, state change, action correlation3 and realization. Below are illustrations of each type of domain schematization: (2) a. Motion-Path: IJLT b. Temporal contouring-Aspect: c. State change-Changed property: ) iJ d. Action correlation-Correlation: Iligt WL e. Action realization-Fulfillment: Examples in (2) help to provide some basic ideas regarding the semantic domains commonly encoded by V-R's. Nevertheless, the categorical diversity uf V-R's is much more complicated than (2) May show. For example, the same verb complement may be used with either motional or non-motional activities, resulting in some kind of semantic parallelism between the two domains: (3) Motion: a. KIA b. irearat(* or C. M±./T(* or d. Mig e. f. Non-motion a. vs Di b. ta-A1(310 c. d. e. Ea(-1:-) frilt-F(*) tl-1;,38 f. S) 3 Examples of VR compounds that specify action correlation are extremely limited in Mandarin. -465- 476 Given the categorical complexity of V-R's, what needs to be further explored is the interrelationships among different semantic domains and the motivation for clustering them into the same syntactic category. Beyond merely listing possible semantic subtypes of V-R's, the following sections will examine in detail the relationships among the different subcategories of V-Rs, and identify cognitive.principles that ailow the Mandarin V-R compound to encompass such a wide range of semantic variations. 3. V-R Compound as a Radial Category 3.1 Radial structure Lakoff (1987) has made it clear that the grammar of a language is a cognitive subsystem. It is dependent on many other aspects of cognition, such as prototypes, cognitive models, mental spaces, etc. It is shown that similar to conceptual categories such as the notion 'mother', linguistic categories in general exhibit categorial structure of a radial type. That is, there is a central subcategory and non-central extensions on it. The central case provides the best illustration of the category, and the non-central cases are derived by convention as variations on the ideal case. The possibilities for extension are by no means random, since they are determined or more accurately, motivated by the central model plus certain general cognitive principles. According to Lakoff (1987: 68, 113-14), there are four types of structuring principles that give rise to radial categorization: propositional structure, image-schematic structure, metaphorical mappings, and metonymic mappings. These four cognitive principles are essential to the characterization of the overall category structure, specifying the central members and links between the central and non-central cases. The concept of radial structure, as defined above, may also be applied to the categorial characterization of Mandarin V-R compounds. As will be shown below, Mandarin V-R's consist of a central subcategory and a number of extensions, whose interrelationships may be accounted for with image-schematic models and metaphorical/metonymic mappings. 3.2 Path-Schemas and Metaphorical Links It is well established in the literature that bodily experience with the spatial domain proves to be most basic in human cognition. It provides the foundation for conceptuNization of many other semantic domains (Lakoff and Johnson 1980). As mentioned previously, Talmy (1991, 1987) also takes the event of motion with a specified Path or Location to be the basic type of event conflation. More relevantly, Goldberg (1992) proposes that the constructional scheme describing caused motion is mapped unto the expression of resultatives. According to Goldberg's analysis of English constructions, the resultative construction in English, which marks a 'change of state', is itself a metaphorical extension of the caused-motion construction, which marks a 'change of location'. In other words, the semantic pattern 'X causes Y to move to Z' is utilized to express "X causes Y to become Z", as illustrated by the two sentences in (4): -466- (4) Joe kicked the bottle into the yard. Joe kicked Bob black and blue. a. Caused-motion: b. Resultative: Goldberg's analysis points out one important fact that the way 'change of state' is expressed is usually.modeled upon the way locational change is expressed. The Mandarin coding system provides even stronger evidence, since in Mandarin, both caused-motion alid resultative can be expressed as V-R compounds: (5) a. ftlEf* b. NI. .I('.4E.ft NM T. kicked the ball into the hole.' 'I kicked him and (as a result) he was hurt.' The domain of spatial/locational motion (Motion-Path) provides the basic cognitive model for describing other resultative activities, be it physical or non-physical, which is made possible via the metaphor ACTIVITY as MOTION, or ACTIVITY as JOURNEY (Lakoff and Johnson 1980). The metaphorical transfer highlights the notion 'Path' in motion and the corresponding feature 'state change' in most resutative activities. The notion Path may give rise to various image-schemas, which are in turn utilized to conceptualize distinct activity patterns in non-spatial domains. In (6) below, some of the most common Path-schemas are represented, and examples of V-R's are listed to show that the particular Path-schema is mapped from the spatial/locational domain (SP) to the domain of physical state (PH) and to the domain of mental or perceptual state (M/P): Semantic Domain (6) Path-Schema SP Visual Image Schema 1. Path with an Endpoint PH M/P tr(zYti /I\ Schema 2. Path with Direction fl-E VIE: 1.1M Iti(WA Schema 3. Path through/across a landmark Schema 4. Path over/under a landmark Schema 5. Path into/out of a container Schema 6. Path on a surface -467- 478 (6) shows that each Path-schema underlines a particular case of spatial motion, exemplified by the V-R compound under the column SP, and the particular Path-schema may be mapped unto the domain of physical state, evidenced by the example under PH, and then unto the mental/perceptual state, evidenced by the example under M/P. Therefore, for example, along Schema 5 (Path In/out of a containel), we have iNt_g -> pjut --> goa. Along each individual Path-schema, the metaphorical links among the different semantic domains can be specified as follows: (7) Change of locqtion --> Change of physical state --> Change of mental or perceptual state In the following, a detailed specification of each Path-schema will be given, together with a discussions of possible extensions. 3. 3 Schematic Properties of Path-Schema and Possible Extensions 3.3.1 Schema 1 (Path-Endpoint) Among the proposed image-schernas in (6), Schema 1 (Path-Endpoint) is considered to be central, since it provides the most general case of a Path. The centrality of Schema 1 can also be seen from the frequent occurrence of this type of V-R's in the CKIP corpus, as listed above in (la), and the prototypical V-R's, as exemplified in (lb). (1) a, V-1_1: bIJI1 b. V-Ending State gm pari-z; 1 Ij jfl SIii -fitgv Mi F4 ifiP1 EFA- VJR: The major schematic properties in Schema 1 include: a generic trajectory of Path and the Endpoint of that Path. In an event of spatial motion, the endpoint is the final location the moving entity (be it Agent or Theme) ends up with. This schematic pattern corresponds well with the basic semantics of resultatives, namely, an activity gives rise io a state/property (normally with regard to the Patient), as a direct result of the activity. The resultative state (R) is conceptualized as signaling the ending point/location of the activity-path. The other non-central subcategories of V-R's can all be taken as variations or extensions of the central case. They are motivated either by a different Path-schemas or a metaphorical/metonymic link. 3.3.2 Schema 2 (Path-Direction) The second Path-schema highlights a directional motion. The Path is directed with a specific orientation. This feature of spatial orientation may be utilized to describe activities in other domains which can be conceptualized as going upwards or downwards, such as 'ffriit , . To illustrate a further categorial extension based on Schema 2, please consider the following examples: -468- (8) a. V-C*: WAIL* b. v--FE: lifg)(IEM itts-F ff--)JT Examples in (8a) and (8b) both express Aspect with regard to temporal contouring of a nonin (8b) signals spatial event: lug in (8a) adds an inchoative aspect to the action; continuation of the activity. Both subcategories exemplified in (8) are built upon Schema 2 (Path-Direction), with a metaphorical extension from the spatial domain to the temporal domain. The spatial direction 'up' is utilized to express a corresponding feature in temporal contouring, namely, the very start of an event. The spatial direction 'down' is utilized to express the 'carrying-on' of an event. Although the transfer from spatial to temporal domain is common and extensive crosslinguistically. In Mandarin, only a limited set of path-schemas are utilized to describe temporal contouring. This fact indicates one important aspect of radial structure. That is, not all possible variations of the ceptral case exit as subcategories. The subcategories are derived by culturally-specific conventions and have to be learned. Another interesting observation associated with schema 2 is that the derived temporal subcategory with the complement -1' is further utilized, via a metonymic transfer, to specify the temporal or conditional frame for a descriptive proposition. Consider the following examples: (9) a. ftkIEVM b. MITE3=1*, ViATMET61 . The instances of -1V5' in (9) are usually analyzed as an evaluative use in previous studies (cf. Chang 1993, Gao 1993, Yeh 1993). However, the 'evaluative' interpretation actually arises from the descriptive statement following the lug -clause, not from the very use of -1.4' . The unit V- 'itux should be treated as separate rim the subsequent clause, and its function should be analyzed in terms of its relation to the subsequent clause. In my view, the two uses of V-'&,*' in (9) should be glossed as 'when he walks,...' and 'when she plays bails,...'. Thus, V-'ite*' in (9) signals a temporal frame for the subsequent proposition under realis mode, or signals a conditional frame under irrealis mode. From inchoative to temporal or conditional frame, the directional feature -1k' undergoes a metonymic transfer in that the starting of an activity is used to represent the occurrence or existence of that activity, which in turn provides the temporal/conditional frame in relation to another proposition. 3.3.3 Schema 3 (Path Through/Across a Landmark) The third Path-schema contains two salient features: a Reference-Landmark and a -469- trajectory across the Reference-Landmark. Such a path-pattern, when applied to other domains, suggests a concept like 'overcome an obstacle', as exemplified in VA' , itA(34-i Moreover, the trajectory feature encoded in Schema 3 also provides the conceptual basis for describing Experiential aspect, as in 'Rag' : the spatial motion of going through or across an object is compared to the temporal experiencing of an activity. 3.3.4 Schema 4 (Path Over/Under a Landmark) The major features in Schema 4 include: a Reference-Landmark and a Trajectory that goes to the top or to the bottom of the Landmark. 'To be on top of something' suggests the fiE concept 'achievement' or 'higher status' in non-spatial domains, as evidenced in '41±.' (M)±: . On the other hand, the opposite path pattern 'to be under or lower than something' suggests 'inferiority' or 'lower status', as in 'VW usually describes the concept 'on top', its seeming Although the complement is not frequently used in V-R's to express the opposite concept. Instead, lexical opposite encodes primarily a downward movement associated with Schema 2. tit,: complement 3.3.5 Schema 5 (Path Into/Out of a Container) Schema 5 highlights the concept of a container and a trajectory into or out of it. This schema is commonly seen in languages and traditionally called the Container metaphor. As the notion of 'container' may apply almost to any physical object that has a boundary, and even to abstract entity such as the mind, this schema is extremely productive in the coining of V-R compounds. Tn terms of lexical choice, the complements '3.tt' or 'A' are typically used to express the notion 'into', such as Itika(TS)' , (SIR )' . On the other hand, the motion of coming out of a container may be extended to describe the notion of producing something, as a , product coming out of a given activity-container. Examples of this sort are: etc. , rViniTig off 3.3.5 Schema 6 (Path on a Surface) This schema also underlines a common metaphor Path as Surface (Lakoff and Johnson 1980), on the basis that the totality of all the points covered by a path can be viewed as filling up a surface. The spatial feature of covering a surface along a path may be transferred to other domains to describe the thoroughness of an activity, as in lziciv , 4 The suffixes or '12 arc deictic markers that functions primarily to indicate the point of view of the speaker. For an intensive and detailed study of these two morphemes, see Wei (1994). -470- The above characterization of the Path-schemas and their extensions is aimed to provide a fundamental account of the internal categorial structure of the Mandarin V-R compound. Although there may be some extensions and V-R subcategories that are not addressed, the above discussion should be sufficient to establish the fact that the V-R category is wellmotivated and radially structured. 4. Conclusion As an attempt to justify various semantically-diverse cases of V-R compound as belonging to the same grammatical category, this paper undertakes the task to explain the interrelationships'among and the motivations behind major subtypes of V-R compounds. It is proposed that Mandarin V-R compounds exhibit properties of a radial category by having a central subcategory, established along the Path-Endpoint schema, and non-central subcategories, established on variations of the central schema plus metaphorical or metonymic extensions. This work is essential to the understanding of Mandarin V-R compound as a cognitivelinguistic component that complies with universal observations on the conceptualization and coding of complex events. -471- 482 References Chang, Claire, Hsun-huei. 1988. Compounds in Mandarin Chinese: With special emphasis on resultative verb compounds. Working Vapers in Linguistics 20: 59-83. 1991. Interaction Between Syntax and Morphology: A case study of Mandarin Chinese. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Hawaii. Chang, Shen-Min. 1993. V +qi(lai) compounds in Mandarin Chinese. Proceedings of the 1st Pacific Asia Conference on Formal & Computational Linguistics, 62-80. Hopper, Paul and Sandra Thompson. 1984. The discourse basis for lexical categories in universal grammar. Language 60: 703-52. Huang, Chu-Ren and Fu-Wen Lin. 1992. Composite event structures and complex predicates: a template-based approach to argument selection. 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On the Interpretation of V-qilai: A corpus-based Study. Paper presented at the 2nd International Conference on Chinese Linguistics (ICCL2), Paris. -473- 484 Ega cl= EglitAIR-se7M.1§14,-*.z3T81-11-4e-A0).A )70.). a*. Name iAsile (Roster of participants of IsCLL-IV) (Overseas participants) Mailing Address RiVV-iti. Affiliation ra-T-Nft- E-mail Address tit Telephone No. f4a FAX No. Department of Linguistics UCSD La Jolla, CA 92037 U.S.A. Department of Linguistics UCSD AHRENS@BEND.UCSD.EDU C/- CRLAO EHESS 54, Boulevard Raspail 75006 Paris FRANCE La Trobe University, Melbourne CHAPPELL@CRLAO. MSH-PARIS.FR (33) 1-49542403 (33) 1-49542671 ou,,Y4. Chin-Chuan Cheng University of Illinois Language Learning Laboratory G70 Foreign Languages Building 707 South Mathews Ave. Urbana, Illinois 61801, U.S.A. Dept. of Linguistics University of Illinois, Urbana-Champagne CCCHENG@VMD.CSO.UILIC.EDU (217) 333-9776 (217) 244-0190 kii)Rf". 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