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CENTERS OF GRAVITY, LINES OF OPERATIONS , AND THE NORMAND'Y CAMPAIGN
Major William I?.Betson
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Armor
Schooi of Aavancea Miiitary Sruaies
U.S. Army Commana and Generai Staff College
Fort Leavenworth. Kansas
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4
MAY 1987
hpprovea f o r punlic release; aistribution
-
8 7 3026
I S unlimiiea.
S c h o o l of Advanced M i l i t a r y S t u d i e s
Monograph Approval
Name o f S t u d e n t : Major William R . Betson
T i t l e of Monograph: Centers of G r a v i t y , Lines o f O p e r a t i o n , and
t h e Normandy Campaign
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Approved by:
Monograph D i r e c t o r
I
C o l o n e l Ri c h a r d Hart S i n n r e i c h , M.A.
PhiLip'J.
D i r e c t o r , Graduate
Degree Programs
..
Brookes, Ph D
Accepted t h i s
%d d a y
D i r e c t o r , School of
Advanced M i l l t a r y
Studies
of
1987
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APPROVED FOR PUBLIC RELEASE:
DlSTFUBUTION UNLIMI'IED.
ABSTRACT
CENTERS OF GRAVITY. LINES OF OPERATION. AND THE NORMANDY CAMPAIGN DV Major
William R. Betson. USA. 50 pages. (This monograpn IS aeslgnea to De one ot
tne cnapters In the forthcoming DOOK ealtea ov Dr. Raoert Epstein on the
eVolution of operational art.)
The purpose of this paper IS to emplov an historical analvsls of a
campaign as a case stuav In oraer to examine the utllltV of militarv tneorv
as a gulae to aeClslon maKing ana campaign planning. Speclflcallv. the
paper uses the Normanav Campaign to explore the usefulness of two
theoretical concepts -- the Clausewltzlan Idea of centers of gravltv. ana
the Jomlnlan theory of lines of operations. While It treats the entire
campaign. the analvsls focuses in detail upon the campaIgn plans of Doth
sloes. ana the maJor operation whIch led to the Allied oreaKout from
Normanav and the aefeat of the German army In France.
After an Introauctlon tne papers traces In aetall the aevelopment ana
aeslgn of the campaign plans of Doth slaes. concentrating especlallv on the
terraln-orlentea goals of the Allies ana tne force-orientea OOJectlves of
tne Germans. The analVSIS also examines tne aifferlng OutlOOKS tnat tne two
maJor AI iles orougnt to tnelr planning process. ana the alVISlon wltnln tne
German nlgn commana regaralng the most efficaCIOus methoas of aefense. ThiS
section furtner traces. tne constraints limiting the freeaom of action of tne
comoatants.
HaVIng IntrOduced the reader to the campaign. the paper then goes on to
aeflne tne two concepts tnat the paper Will analyze. Because Cnapter One In
EpsteIn's oook covers lines of operatIons In some detail ana omits a
alSCUSSlon of centers of gravltv. thiS paper must speno a Significant amount
of time definIng the Clausewltzlan term. FollOWing each aeflnltlon. the
paper applies tneorv to historical experience OV IdentifYing tne centers of
graVity ano lines of operation for Doth sloes In the campaign.
The paper tnen narrates ano analvzes the campaign In ilgnt ot tne two
concepts. it does thIS ov IdentlfVlng and recounting the events of what It
loentlfles as tne tnree maJor operations of tne campaign -- tne lanolng. tne
expansion of tne foothola. ana the oreaKout. ThiS section attempts to oraw
tne reaoers attention to mlsseo tne opportunities ana apparent miStaKes of
ootn slaes.
The conclUSion explores tne utllltv of the two aadressed tneoretlcal
concepts as an alo In campaign planning. it ooes tnls DV first examining
how hlnoslgnt suggests that each siae shoulo have plannea ana executed the
campaign. it then compares What nlstorv seems to nave suggestea tne proper
courses of action should have oeen. WIth what a purelv theoretical analvsls
of tne SItuation woulo prescrloe. The paper tlnos that while mliltarv IS an
excel lent analvtlcal tool. It IS an uncertain guloe. It can eliminate
Inappropriate solutions ano nelp snow tne way to oest plan. out It cannot 00
tne planner's thinKing for him.
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Taole of Contents
Page
1
.
I1
Introduction
.
The Development and Design of the Aliied Campaign Plan
.
111
iV
.
.............................................
3
9
....................................
13
.......................................
VI . Campaign Execution .......................................
The First MaJor Operation ............................
V.
...
.................................
German Plans for Defense
The Center of Gravity
i
Lines of Operation
...........................
The Third MaJor Operation ............................
V I I . Conclusion ...............................................
The Second MaJor Operation
17
19
19
22
25
33
Maps:
Map 1: Forecast of Operations
........................
..........................
Counterattack ....................
Map 2: Lanalng and Reaction
Map 3: Breakout and
Sketch: Bases. Lines of Battle. ana Lines of Operations
..........................................
Enanotes .......................................................
BiDliography ...................................................
i n Normanav
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41
42
43
44
45
49
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iNTRODUCTION
The Aiiiea ianaing on tne coast of France on June 6. !Y44 was an
imense acnievement.
For tne civilian popuiations o t Great 3ritain bna
the ilnitea States tne day assumea tremenaous psychoiogicai importance.
6 wouia forever oe .'D-Day,'' the aay when
it
iune
seemea that tne ena of tne war
was in signt. The lanaing itself was an accomplishment of staggering scope.
In one aay aliiea ships ana airplanes aeliverea eight aivisians ana three
armorea nrigaaes t o a nostie). aefenaea shore
--
a type of operation that haa
appearea impossinie to many military anaiysts Just a aecaae oefore.
Inaeeo.
Operation NEPTUNE. whicn was tne coae name given t o the ianaing portion or
tne invasion of France. may ciaim t o oe one of the most compiex ana ooio
miiitary enaeavors ever attemptea.
I t culminatea tnree years o t planning
ana preparation cnaracterizea oy often nitter aisagreement oetween tne maJor
aiiies over the proper strategy for the aefeat of Germany.
Yet tne ianaing itseif marKea only tne oeginning o t m e campaign
that the ailies hopea woula gain them a ioagement on the northwest coast o t
Europe.
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Hara fignting remained Defore tne Deachneaa was secure ana tne
ioagement aevelopea sufficiently to aiiow furtner operations aimea at tne
n e x t of Germany.
ki iiea progress in the campaign aeveiopea mucn more
siowiy than anticipated. ana recrimination ana controversy raged over its
execution
00th
a t tne time ana f o r t y years iater.
Nevertneiess tne Normanay
Campaign achievea mucn more tnan the mere seizing of tne loagement
envisionea oy its pianners.
It
accomplisned tne aefeat of tne German Armv
in Trance ana permittea the rapid ana relaciveiy easy arive oy Ailiea forces
across France to tne very ooraers of tne Reicn.
Tnus. wniie tne ianaing was
criticai to eventual Ailiea victory in the West. tne Normanay Campaign was
aecisive.
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Not surprisingly then, much has been written aoout this campaign.
ano a iiveiy, contentious nistoriograpnicai aenate continues after forty
Years.:
ihis paper will attempt to contribute to this aebate oy approacning
the suojecc from wnat i oeiieve is a fresn angle
--
it
wiii use tne campaign
to examine tne utility of classical military theory as a guiae to aecision
maKing.
hpioying two theoreticai constructs. Kari von Clausewitz. ioea of
a "center of gravity" in military operations. and Baron ae Jomini's theory
of lines of operations, the paper will attempt to analyze and criticize the
planning and execution of military operations by Doth siaes. Although it
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wiil treat tne entire campaign. tne major foci of the analysis wili oe the
campaign plans of both siaes ana wnat seems to De the aecisive pnase of the
campaign. the DreaKout from Normanay acnievea oy the hiiies in iate JUI'J ana
early August, 1944. In order to a0 this. the paper will trace the
aeveiopment of tne respective campaign plans of both siaes, go on to aefine
tne theoretical concepts that will oe aaarcssea and explain how they apply
to the two plans. ana then relate an0 analyze the battles in light of the
concepts.
it
will then finish
With
some conclusions on the utility of
ciassicai military tneory in rne anaiysis of nisroricai campaigns ana the
planning of future ones.
THE DEVELOPMENT AND DESIGN OF THE ALLIED CAMPAiGN PLAN
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Tine Ailiea invasion of France in 1944 haa its genesis in the
autumn of 1941 when the Prime Minister of Great Britain. Winston Churchili.
airectea his military staff to negin planning f o r the invasion of Europe.
Thus. despite what some wouia see as British ambivalence towara an invasion
of tne continent. Churchill always beiievea that without aefeating H i t i e r s
forces on the continent. Britain coula never win the war.
2
Important
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qualifications accompaniea this commitment to a iana campaign. nowever.
Scarrea oy their losses in France in the First Woria War tne Britisn wisnea
passionately t o avoia a Dlooay proiongea land campaign against the Germans.
They envisionea operations in France as the cuimination of a grana strategy
aesignea t o exhaust Germany with s t r i k e s aimea at i t s fascist allies ana tne
fringes of Hit1er.s empire.
These peripheral operations. couplea witn a
D m i n g offensive aimed at the Nazi economy ana popular morale. wouia so
WeaKen Germany a s to maKe the invasion more of a W D
a@ orace tnan a
aec i si ve Dat t Ie . 2
This approach clashed airectly with tne grana strategy of the
Americans. wno favorea a more airect offensive.
tradition tne American planners, lea
DY
Consistent witn w e i r
Army Chief of Staff George C.
Marsnaii ana Chief of War Pians Dwignt Bisennouer. arguea t o r an invasion
ot
France ana a aecisive clash witn tire German army as soon as the necessary
forces could oe collectea in Englana.
Peripheral operations. they Beiievea.
wouia leaa to heavier casualties in the long run and r i s k the collapse of
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tne Soviet tinion. whicn would be forcea to carry the Drunc of tne effort
aione while the Allies tarried.
The American approach won out. of course.
nut only after an extenaea aeDate: an0 the conaucc of tire two Ailies in tne
campaign woula reflect tneir aiffering strategic ouc1oo~s.3
h more suostantive issue. nowever. woula affect the Britisn Army
in tne campaign in Normandy than the feeling that they were entering
oit too soon.
scraping the
it
a
In 1944. after more tnan five years of war. the Britisn were
OottOm
of their manpower Barrel. Despite a tremenaous effort
tnat moDilizea ninety-four percent of Britain's aauit maie population for
tne military or inaustry. only cannaoilization of existing units ana
wnoiesaie transfer of men into cornoat units trom other Drancnes couia Keep
3
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tne aritish Army participating in OVERLORD in the fiela.
aesperate measures would
still
Furtner. these
leave the Army's manpower situation
"precarious."4 Thus. no aritish commanaer coula permit his army to
participate in tne Diooay attrition oatties chat chacaccerizea Noria gar I.
This approaching manpower crisis remainea unappreciatea in january
1943. however. when preparation for the invasion began in earnest foilowing
the Al I lea C o m i n e a Chiefs' of Staff creation of a planning organization for
tnac purpose.
Unaer aritish Lieutenant Generai Freaerick Morgan. titlea the
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Chief of Staff to the Supreme Alliea Commanaer (COSSAC. for short). this new
staff iaia the founaation for tne campaign plan for tne invasion phase o t
ine re-entry into Europe. now aesignatea OVEZLORD. Crucial t o tne
aeveiopment of tne campaign. nowever. was Morgan's aefinition ot O'JERLGZ2.s
ooJect. wnicn he aefinea as intenaea t o
secure a loagement on tne Continent from wnicn
further offensive operations can oe aevelopea.
The loagement area must contain sufficient port
facilities to maintain a force of some
twenty-six t o tnirty aivisions. an0 enaoie that
force t o oe augmentea
at-the rate of three
to five aivisions per montn.3
...
Two characteristics of M0rgan.s aefinea ooject stana o u t .
is its emphasis on logistics.
Essentially. OVERLORD'S purpose was t o seize
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a iogistics oase trom wnicn t o conauct furtner operations.
oe surprising.
put
it.
First
inis snouia not
As the future comanaer of lana forces in the campaign wouia
" I t must
oe rememecea m a t an ampnioious lanaing is funaamentaiiy a
supply proJect rather than a tactical maneuver."6
Unless one seizes a aase
on a nostiie snore ne cannot go furtner.
The second cnaracteristic of M0rgan.s approach is cruciai t o
Paper's analysis.
The ooJective. as American officers of toaay would
4
this
express
it,
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was rerraln rather than
force orientea.
Destroying the
German army in France was not part of the OVERLORD c m a n d e r ' s initial
assignment.
Simply ariving the Germans out of an area suitabie for the
logistical build-up was sufficient.
in fact. as I shall now aevelop. there
was no expectation that the fighting in Normandy woula or even could leaa to
a final deCiSiOn over the German ground forces.
C0SSAC.s plans could ae no more than tentative. however. for the
plan,s final approval awaitea the appointment of the Supreme C m a n a e r and
his principai suaorainates. Eisenhower. who woula hold supreme c m a n a . ana
British General Bernard Montganery. the initial CMnnander of lana forces.
arrivea in January. 1944. ana to Morgan's creait neither changea much of
operational scheme aevelopea
Eisennower's primary
JOD
by
COSSAC.
the
Operating at che strategic level.
was co sequence the campaigns leading to m e oefeat
of Germany, of which seizing the Norman lodgement was the first.
in his
memoir Eisenhower outiines his concept for accanplishing Germany,s defeat in
four phases: I ) lana on the Norman coast: 2) accumulate sufficient resources
and then arealc out of the enemy's encircling positions; 3) pursue t o the
Dorders of Germany on a Droad front: ana 4) after an operational pause,
accomplish a aouale envelopment of the Ruhr followed
by
a thrusc into the
heart of Germany.7
Interestingly, Eisenhower nowhere mentions how he intenaea t o
dl)StrOy the German army.
He aiscusses a ianaing. a IOgiStiCaI Duiia-UP. ana
the capture of politico-strategic ODjectives, Dut aoes not translate them
into a scheme for operational level maneuver.
If he anticipatea a aecisive
battle. he does not indicate where and when he expectea
destruction of the German army, one assumes,
way auring the drive into Germany.8
5
WOUlcl
it.
The aefeat and
come somewhere along
the
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In fact. none of the contemporary evidence suggests that anyone
expectea OVERLORD to achieve anything more than the simple lodgement
envisioned by tne COSSAC planners.
Even the faDiea airective given to tne
Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Force (SRAEF)
by
the Combined
Chiefs suggested that the first tasK of the invasion was securing a
lodgement.
After the famous statement regarding the undertaking of
operations uaimed at the heart of Germany and the aestruction of her armea
forces." the directive goes on to say
After adequate channei ports have been securea.
exploitation will be directed cowards securing
an area that will facilitate aoth ground and a i r
operations against the enemy.9
Certainly. the lana force comnander never aemonstratea cnat ne
unaerstooa that his mission was to accomplish anything more chan the
ioagement.
In a oriefing given to senior military officers in Aprii. 1944
Eisenhover and Churchill). Montgomery aeclared the ODJeCt of
(attendee by
OVERLORD
LO
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'secure a lodgement from which further operations can oe
aevelOPed."lo
In fact, apart from increasing the initial lanaing force from
three aivisions to five, Montgomery aid nothing to change the Plan of
campaign aevelopea
by
the COSSAC staff. The closest he got t o a aiscussion
of a aecisive battle in Normandy seemes t o have oeen a reference in t n i s
oriefing to a tank " k n o w about' Detween Caen and Falais. for here was where
he expectea to meet the main German COUnteCattdCk.
Would merely protect his flank.
aestroy them.ll
It
Such a oattie. nowever.
would c h e w o r repel the Germans, not
Never prior to the landing
did
he announce o r propose any
scheme to aestroy or aecisively defeat the German Army in Normanay.
The COSSAC plan that Montgomery adopted was elegantly simpie ana
seemed aesignea to accomplish OVERLORD'S mission with minimum
6
risK.
After
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the initial phase securea a neachheaa. phase two of M0rgan.s scneme caiiea
for an expansion of Aliiea holaings. noth to proviae space for airfielas and
to gain the aeptn necessary for a arive into tne Cotentin Peninsula to
secure Cheroourg. a port necessary to continue the nuiiaup.
Once Cheroourg
feil the Ailies woula ne confrontea with a choice o t turning ieft to caKe
the Channel ports or of going right to seize ports in Brittany. Morgan
concluaea that only if the Germans were weak woula an attacK to the left oe
pruaent. as German strength woula Block such a move and the Allied flanK
woula ne vulneranle.
Thus he suggestea that the allies shoula seize
Brittany’s vital ports after gaining Chernourg.
Once the Brittany ports
were secure, the loagement woulo be completea ny expansion of the Aiiiea
perimeter t o the Loire River in the south ana the Seine in the east. This
maneuver proviaea
I
ittie chance that significant numners o t Germans ‘couia oe
cut off and aestroyea.
is shown on Map 1.
It
IS
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Montgomery’s tentative timetaole for this operation
important to note here that Montgomery viewea tne expansion
as aeveioping graauaily.
He did not expect the front to staniiize nor a i d
ne anticipate a set-piece DreaKout battle.
Neither did he expect
a
German
operationai error of such magnituae as to present the Aliies witn an
opporrunicy to aestroy significant Nazi forces.
Morgan. that Before he coula snift
He aia unaerstana. as aid
main effort to the rignt to gain tne
his
Brittany ports, he first must secure his left flank
oy
seizing the important
comunications nun south of Caen and biocKing the quicKest route of German
reinforcement. Thus Montgomery,s main effort would first go t o the left to
meet ana engage tne mass of German forces there. ana then
t o gain the
ports.12
7
Shift to the rlclht
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This concept of operations suggestea that four suoorainace armies
carry out the aifferent tasks.
Secona Britisn Army. ianaing on cne ieft.
wouia aavance soutn of Caen t o oiocK the maJor roaa arteries ana engage t h e
major German torce.
First Unitea States Army wouia lana on the rignc.
secure CnerDourg. ana tnen maKe the main effort to ore%
In the final phase, the Thira Unitea States
Cotentin.
out of tne
Army wouia lana as a
foiiow on force to conauct the arive into Brittany ana protect tne southern
flank along the Loire as First and Second Armies drove toward the Seine.
Aiso auring tnis phase First Canaaian Army wouia iana t o heip secure cne
ieft fianK.
The piacement of
right
the
aritisn on tne ieft ana tne Americans on rne
nao far-reaching repercussions m a t i inger even toaay.13
nowever. t n e piacement
seemeo to
At
tne rime.
m a w sense. Tie American ouiiaup o t forces
in Engiana prior to OVERLORD haa taKen piace in the southwest portion of the
country. Tnus. tne British were alreaay on tne ieft ana trying to reverse
the placement wouia mean that the convoys carrying the invading troops wouia
nave t o cross paths in tne Channel in the miaale of
and aangerous enterprise.
the
nignt
--
a
aifficuit
Further. once the Aiiies were estaoiisnea ashore
ana in controi of French ports. the easier Britisn lines of coml;nicdtions
wouia go througn the cnannei ports to the British forces on tne iett. The
ports
in arittany ana western France. more convenient to tne forces on cne
right. were closer to the Unitea States.
sense to piace tne aritisn.
with more
Finaliy,
it
made gooa military
comoat experience. on tne iefc wnere
they were IiKeIy to face heavy German counterattacks more quicKiy.
arawnacK to tnis placement was that
The only
tne scheme of maneuver were t o m a n g e
if
ana the Allies were to aecide to shift their oreakout effort to cne i e t t .
8
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the army least aDle to afford the losses required to fight its way through
the heaviest German defenses wouio De the one in the Dest position to
00
so.
Before turning to the German campaign plan for tne aefense of
France we need to cover one furtner issue. The mador OrawDack to ampnioious
operations in the modern era is that the moDility possessed ~y moaern
mecnanizea armies usually permits the defenoer to mass forces against any
lanaing more qUiCKlY than the invader can place ana sustain them ashore.
This fact was a very real concern to Alliea planners and caused the COSSAC
staff some early despair at the chances for a successful lodgement.
Somehow
tne Aliies had to prevent a large n u m e r of German panzer aivisions from
counterattacking the Deachheaa in enough strength to eliminate
sufficient Aliiea forces
C O U I De
~
i t
oetore
estaDIisnea ashore to resist sucn an
onsiaugnt.
The Allies oeveloped two schemes to'this end. The first,
Operation FORTITUDE. c m r i s e a a massive deception effort to convince the
Germans that the Normanay lanaing was a feint an0 the real effort wouia come
later at the Pas De Calais.
By ail accounts the pioy workeo magnificentiv.
The Germans were very slow to c m i t major reserves to the region. ano
withhela forces to aefena tne Pas De Calais area until mia-Juiy.14
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The secona effort at aelaying the arrival of German reserves at
the nattlefiela consistea of what American officers would recognize tOCiay as
"oeep operations."
Witn a combination of n m i n g oirectea at cne Frencn
railway system, a t t a w s on Key ChOKe points. ana "oattiefiela a i r
interaiction" executea in the Normandy area itself. the Aiiies plannea to
aeiay ana disrupt the approach of German panzer reserve$ to the front.
The
results prove0 very effective in aelaying the arrival of the panzers. ana
9
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when they finaiiy reacnea the Dattiefield they haa already sustainea serious
aamage . 1 5
These were the Key elements in the aevelopment ana aesign of tne
Aiiiea plan oevisea to gain a ioagement on tne continent of Europe.
ihe
grouna scheme of maneuver was based not upon accompiishing the aestruction
of the German army.
DUt
upon gaining sufficient ports t o pursue aecisive
operations in the future.
I t sought to DlOCK the
reinforcements. not aestroy them.
arrival of major German
The supporting air ana aeception plans
aimed at aelaying the commitment of German m0Dile forces to the area as long
as PossiDIe.
But
if
the Alliea plan sought mereiy the seizure of a
ioagement area. What i f the opportunity tor oestruction o t German torces
presentea itself?
wouia the kiiies oe aaie t o t a m aavantage of i t 7
Finally, aitnough the Allies haa caretuily piannea tneir campaign of
lodgement, tney apparentiy gave little thought to the foliow-on. presumaoiy
ciimactic campaign.
GERMAN PLANS FOR DEFENSE
i f Ailiea views convergea upon an agreea operationai plan, the
German nign commana never was of one mina regaraing a proper concept for :he
aefense of France. At tne time of the invasion German forces in Yestern
Europe unaer commana of OBERKOMMANDO WEST comprised fifty-nine aivisions
organizea in four armies (the Aliiea avaiiaDle total was forty).
Ot that
numDer ten were panzer or panzer-grenadier. which could react s w i f t i y ana
Pose a grave threat t o any landing in its eariy stages.
The aeaate in the
German commana regaraing the proper plan for defense centered arouna the
correct use of tnese panzer formations.16
10
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One school of thought. t h a t propounded Dy the Comanaer-in- Chief
k'est n i m s e l f .
Fiela Marsha; Gera von Runasteat. favored the i n l a n d
c o n c e n t r a t i o n of tnese u n i t s so t h a t they c o u l d aescena
main Aiiiea ianaing once i t naa neen i a e n t i f i e a .
thereoy t o defeat the A l l i e s i n the k i n a of open
upon the
Von Runasteat nopea
mooile o a t t l e f o r which the
Germans were . i u s t i y famous.
A r r i v i n g i n Novemer., 1943, t o fakc c m a n a of the two German
armies aefenaing France's n o r t h e r n coast, F i e l d Marshal Erwin Rome1
championea the a l t e r n a t i v e proposal.
With experience against the western
Aiiies. the "Desert Fox" haa conciuaea t h a t Alliea a i r s u p e r i o r i t y maae
t r a a i t i o n a l German moniie t a c t i c s oosolete.
He was convincea t h a t
AlIiea
fignter-Domoers wouio aestroy the massed panzer tormations as they triea t o
approacn the o a r t l e f i e i a .
Rome1 n e l i e v e a a l s o t h a t once the
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Anglo-Americans were e s t a n i i s n e a asnore tneir materiei. s u p e r i o r i t y wouia
renaer them too strong for the Germans t o handle.
Thus he was convinced
tnac t o win the Germans must aefear tne invasion a t tne w a t e r ' s eage.
The
,'Desert Fox" arguea t h e r e f o r e f o r the aigpersal of the panzer a i v i s i o n s
c l o s e r t o tne coast, contenaing t n a t one d i v i s i o n a t t a w i n g tne ianaings on
D-Day woula be worth severai a few days l a c e r . i i
R o m e i . s p r e s t i g e and i n f i u e n c e W i t h H i t l e r caused t h e German
campaign p i a n t o evoive i n t o a compromise oetween the two p o s i t i o n s .
Some
of tne panzers were h e l d i n c e n t r a l reserves w n i i e o t n e r s remainea aispersea
near tne coast.
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A a a i t i o n a i i y i n accora w i t n 2 o m e I . s views. tne Germans
spent the w i n t e r of 1943-1944 f o r t i f y i n g the n o r t h e r n coast of France.
2 o m e l . s a r i v i n g energy imparted a sense of urgency t o these e t f o r t s . ana
June the coastal aefenses were q u i t e formiaaole i n places.
11
DY
Much of the German effort, however, went to the wrong areas
Decause the German military. von Runasteat chief among them. were convincea
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that tne main Allied ianaing wouia come at the ?as De Calais.
nere was
where the Cnannel was narrowest, ana this coast offerea the most airect
route into Germany.
Von Runasteat therefore positioned the strongest
infantry divisions in that region and give it the priority for engineer
construction.
Further, more panzer aivisions laaserea close DY for quicK'
intervention there than elsewhere.
It
was not that the Germans neglectea
Normandy. out rather that if the Allies haa gone ashore farther to the
northeast, the establishment of a ioagement would have proved far more
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aifficuit ana the German reaction consiaeraoly more prompt.
'ue cannot
K~OW.
of course. precisely how mucn the Aliiea aeception scheme contriouiea io
ihlS
German error, but i t must nave helped.
Before concluaing a discussion o f the Germanaefensive pians I
must cover one more area
--
the strength and dispositions of the Luftwaffe
in France in the Spring of 1944. The Aliies haa always Delievea tnat ine
maintenance of air superiority over the beachnead was a prerequisite for
OVERLORD,s success.
Troops ana provisions coula not De aelivered ashore in
the teeth of German air attack.
But the extent of the Aliiea command of the
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air in june. 1944, was something that Morgan,s planners couid never have
areamea of in early 1943.
Operation POINTBLANK. the Aliiea strategic aomoing offensive
against Germany. a i d not w i n g tnat country to its Knees as cne aposties o t
strategic DOmDaPJment had predicted.
I t d i d . however. smash the power of
the Luftwaffe. The cornination of losses t a m n unaer the Aiiiea onsiaught
ana the requirement to hold the D U I K
of Germany,s fighters for the aetense
of the ReiCh haa left the Luftwaffe units in France ana the Low Countries
12
in
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desperate
Against nearly 8,000
COnaitiOn.i8
Al
lie0 aircraft avai laole in
Britain for OVZRLORD the iuftwaffe coula muster oniy aBout 400 fighters in
all of France.
The result was that the Germans mounted an insignificant 319
sorties on D-i)ay and the Luftwaffe was irrelevant to the fight at tne
I andl ng. 19
The operatlonal consequences of this WeaKness were pernaps more
important. The sort of massed panzer counterattacK desirea By von Runasteat
coula nor be protected ~y German air, and even inaiviaual panzer formations
coula approach the Normandy Battles only at night.
Nevertheless, von
Runasteat held to his view that a massea panzer counterattack was tne oest
way t o counter the impending hiliea invasion.
hence in june. 1944. tne
Germans nela to the compromise campaign plan. But there was one
compiicating factor.
By the Spring of 1944 Hitier haa
Become ciosely
involved in the operatiqnal and tactical direction of German forces in the
field.
Thus he directed tnat four of the panzer aivisions in France Be
withhela under the control of the Armea Forces High Comnana (OBerltommanoo
aer Wehrmacht. or OKW).
This meant chat he maintained
these forces at Berlin.
I t seems that the Germans coula not have aesignea
controi o t
a
iess responsive scheme for the control of their vital armorea reserves.
Hence we see that in essence the German plan was force orientea.
i t envisionea a strong oefense at tne coast to try t o aefeat the hiiiea
invaaers at the water line. coupled with a CounterattacK oy armorea reserves
shoulo the coasral aefenses De Dreamed.
The Aliies. on the other nano,
pursue0 a terrain orientea approach. They concernea themselves not with
aefeating German forces,
DUC
with driving them DacK in oraer to form a
loagement large enough for a ~ u i t a ~ l logistical
e
Dase. Were their
respective emphases correct?
Before we answer tnis question oy tracing the
13
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campaign's course. we will turn to a aiscussion of the theoreticai concepts
that the paper will examine.
THE CENTER OF GRAVITY
- .@ecz&x~. tne Gnitea
_3.
in its new capstone fieia manual. EM 100
States Army defines the concept of centers of gravity as "the key to ail
operational design." ana that the attack of an enemy center of gravity
"should oe" the focus of all operations. 2o
If the Army is correct in this
assertion then an analysis of centers of gravity should be the primary
theoretical aid t o campaign planning.
Further. for tne purposes of this
paper. an appreciation of t h e cancept wiii aiso heip us to unaerstana tne
campaign's execution.
h u t what is a center of gravity?
The Army aefines
i t
as a "source
of strength qr oalance', of a force wnose loss "unoaiances tne entire
structure. producing a cascaaing deterioration in [the force,sj conesion ana
effectiveness.*21
Thus, the Army suggests that the center of gravity of the
enemy ought to oe the target of one's efforts, for i f ne aestroys
wiil necessarily follow.
it
victory
The great German military theorist, Karl von
Ciausewitz. staces tnat a center of gravity is. ":he nu0 of power ana
movement. on which everything
u.ne
In BOOK i of his seminal work. @
further aescrioes the concept oy writing
A center of gravity is always found wnere the
mass is most concentratea. I t presents tne most
effective target for a olow: furthermore. the
heaviest low is aiways struck oy the center of
gravity.24
What. then, mignt t h e center of gravity of a force De?
As cicea
aoove, Ciausewitz seems to see i t at as tne paint at wnicn a commanaer
14
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concentrates most of his force.
But aaaitionaily one may infer from this
that i n some armies the center of gravity might oe the most powerful element
of tne force. oecause where
n u m e r s ) goes aizo.
it
goes the mass ot force ( i n power i f not
The companion cavairy of Alexander is a gooa example.
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Where it went was where A1exanaer.s strength was most concentratea.
Clausewitz also implies, however, that this source of strength
might ae sanething less suastantive.
That source might also emaoay. he
states, the personality of the comnanaer, the nation‘s capital, o r popular
opinion.
In an alliance i t might consist of the community of interest
hoiaing the allies together.25
When one consiaers today’s wars of nationai
iioeration. or some of the conflicts in tne Midaie Eas: tne iaea o t zucn
more ethereal centers seem persuasive.
aut in oraer to anaiyze these concepts ana employ tnem in our
sway of the campaign. we first must identify the operational ievel centers
of gravity of the antagonists.
For the Germans
this appears easy.
the huo of German parer in France was her panzer aivisions.
Cieariv
For von
Runastedt i t was the panzers that woula accomplish tne defeat of tne Aliies.
Even unaer Romnel’s approach i t would have neen the panzers positionea cioze
to the snore that woula aestroy aliiea forces struggling througn the coastal
fortifications. Furthermore. the Allies ciearly aevotea much of tneir
planning eftort t o nanaling the expectea panzer counterstroKe. The panzer
formations servea the same roie as Alexanaer’s companion cavalry mentionea
anove.
The Aiiiea operationai center of gravity. on the other hana. is
mucn more difficuit t o iaentify.
iJnliKe
tne Germans, wnose tactical
formations aifferea raaically in terms of firepower ana mooiiity. the Ailiea
units were ali mooiie and powerful.
Witnout a single aominant element in
15
tne force we couia return to the Ciausewitzian suggestion that the center of
gravity simply iies where the mass of enemy forces are.
The prooiem nere is
that for most of the campaign neither the Alliea left nor its right was
cieariy the stronger in numoers of troops or firepower. One mignt argue
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tnat the Ailiea main effort Degan in the east ana then shiftea to the west.
ana that therefore the center Started leftward and then changea to the
right.
Unfortunately for this proposition, one has difficulty unaerstanaing
why the defeat of the British army on the left was more disastrous to the
Allies than the deStrUCti0n of the American one on the right.
Both woula
have Deen equally fatal to the campaign.
Another piausibie center of gravity for tne Allies might have Deen
Ailiea airpower.
Certainly, tnis was an indispensaoie contrioutor t o AiIiea
success. ana surely the invasion was impOsSible without air superiority.
Furtnermore, the Allies woula call on their air to assist their grouna
forces. as we snall see, whenever they founa their aavance staliea.
Alliea
air aiso denied the Germans the unrestricted use of tneir own center of
gravity.
Thus a i r forces seem a IiKely canaiaate.
But one can iaentify proDlems with iaentifying airpower alone a3
tne center of gravity in a grouna campaign. Air couia not introauce itseit
onto the continent. ground forces haa to seize the land for airfieias.
coula heip Diast a hole in the enemy line. but
it
couid not expioit
Air
it.
r'urther. the closer one approaches the actual points of contact netween
enemy forces. the relativeiy less effective airpower gets.26
Air power may
be aecisive. DUC it can oniy De so in conJunction with otner eiements.
more persuasive case for a center of gravity. one mignt argue, incluaes
airpower within a larger entity.
16
A
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This larger entity that c m p r i s e a the Aliiea center of gravity in
the Normandy campaign was the Unitea States air and ground forces.
True.
the US First Army and the British Secona Army were about the same size in
terms of n u m e r s of
diViSiOnS
ana relative firepower. out the American army
possessed the resources to fight sustainea, Dloody fighting while tne
British aio not. The British manpower crisis meant that they coula not
replace serious losses. Therefore the potential strength of tne American
divlsions over a period of time was far greater than that of their ally.
Aoditional l y . large numbers of reinforcing American aivisions ana air groups
were on their way to the theater.
mentionea aoove. if it
COOK
No more British units were availaole.
As
costly fighting t o breaK out of a Deacnheaa in
oraer to estaolisn a ioagement, only the Americans were capaole o t aoing i t .
Thus, having identifiea the respective centers of gravity for ooth
siaes in the campaign. we have in the Clausewitzian sense tan0 unaer the
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guiaance of EM 100-5) iaentifiea what shoula have Been the operational
targets of the respective siaes in the campaign.
But nefore we go on t o
criticize tire campaign pians of the antagonists we must first go on to
examine the secona theoretical concept employe0 that we shall treat in t n i s
anai ysis.
LINES OF OPERATIONS
The theoreticai concept of lines of operations. aeveiopea
OV
tne
other great Nineteenth Century military thinker. the Baron De jomini. is a
relatively simple one.
After aefining a "zone of operations'' as " a certain
fraction of the whole theater of war. which may ne traversed Dy an army in
the attainment of its ooject". Jomini goes on to aescrioe iines o t
operations as simpiy the route or routes that an army CaKes t o traverse the
17
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zone from its base to its ob~ective.27 Theory ascribes certain aavantages
accruing t o operating along aifferent numbers of lines, or along lines in
special relation to tne enemy's.
For instance. choosing
to
operate aionq
several ratner than a singie iine of operation can proviae aavantages ana
ai saavan t ages.
The mast common use of this theoretical concept. however, is in
its relational sense
--
"exterior"
But our concern in this paper
tnat being the possession of "interior" or
I S with a
less commoniy
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employea aspect of Jomini's theory
operations.
--
his "Fourteenth Maxim" on lines o t
The great a r t . then, of properiy airecting
iines of operations. is co estaoiisn tnem in
reference to the bases ana t o the marcnes of tne
enemy as to seize the comunications of tne
enemy without imperiling one's own, ana this is
the most aifficult problem in strategy.29
An analysis of the situation in Normanay in terms of lines of
operations presents us with an interesting situation: upon landinq the
Allies wouia assume a position where they couia inaeea threaten tne German
lines of communication without imperiling their own.
This was so because
European geograpny forced tne aefenaers into a position of tneoreiicai
aisaavantage.
in Jominian terms. the German line of oattie
--
or tne east
to west iine aiong the coast where they aeployea tneir comoat torces -- r a n
paraiiei to their line of operations, wnich aiso proceeaea east t o west from
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Germany into Irance.
Thus, any envelopment of the German eastern flank
wouid immediately threaten the German lines of communications.
Further,
wnereas i t is often risky to striKe a t the rear of one's enemy (after a i i .
once
YOU
are oehina your enemy, he may also oe Denina you). this parallel
arrangement of lines of battle and operations meant t h a t tne Allies couia
18
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maneuver to tnreaten German communications witnout exposing tneir own (see
Sketch).
Geography. then, seemea to have solvea for the Aliies what Jomini
caiiea tne most difficult proDiem in the operationai art.
The Allies may
not have contemplatea the destruction of tne German army during the Normanoy
Campaign. but a tneoreticai analysis of the respective iines of operations
itv
to a0 so
u.
To see
if the Allies
exploited this opportunity let us now turn and trace the course of events of
the campaign.
CAMPAIGN EXECUTION
A.itnougn M0ntgomery.s campaign pian envisionea a graaualiy
developing expansion into the loagement area. one may iaentity three maJor
operations wnicn comprisea nis scneme. Tney were:
1)
iana. gain a secure
foothola. ana D ~ O C Kthe counterattacKing German panzer forces somewnere
soutn of Caen: 21 expana the foothola ana secure the vital port of
CherDourg; ana 3 ) complete the occupation of the loagement area.
Except
that the third major operation involvea a Dreakout ana a transition into an
exploitation, and that there was no tank
“knOCk
about” near C a m . the
campaign progressea according to tnis general sequence. Let us now turn to
an examination of the execution of each major operation in turn.30
THE FIRST MAJOR OPERATION: JUNE 6
-
JUNE 11
The ODJect of this first phase of the campaign was simple
--
to
get asnore successfully in enough strength and with enough space to aefeat
the expectea violent German reaction. To do this Montgomery Ianaea his cwo
armies aDreast aiong a front of approximately eignry miles.
Importantly,
nis rignt flank effort incluaea a landing on the Cotentin Peninsula. wnicn
19
providea access to Cheroourg.
it
Each army lanaea with two corps abreast. and
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was the flanK corps of each army which received the most aifficuit and
important missions.
On the left fianK of Dempsey,s Secona Britisn Army. Lieutenant
Generai John Cr0cKer.s I (Br) Corps had three major missions (See Map 2).
First he was to secure Caen and the surrounding high grouna in order to
Dlock the important CMrrunications routes tnrough the city and to seize the
airfield (and ground suitable for the construction of ochers) to the west.
Secondly. Montgomery wanted him to gain a midgehead over tne Orne River to
facilitate further advances to the southeast.
Finaily CrocKer was to
protect the ;eft flanK of m e invasion dno niocK wnat :he kiiies expectea t o
oe tne main German counterstrow.
airoorne
divlS1On
To accomplish tnis
1st
Corps had an
wnich wouia seize the Orne oriogeneaa with a D-Day
paradrop. two infantry divisions teach reinforcea with an armored origaae)
in the first wave. and a third infantry division in the second.
On the right flanK of Bradley's r'irst United States Army. the tasK
of MaJOr General 2. Lawton Collins, V I i (US) Corps was to gain access co tne
Cotentin Peninsula.
only
oy
Complicating Coliins' mission was marshland trafficaoie
causeway inland from the oeacnes on whicn he was to iana. To avoia
oeing oottied up on the beach. Collins had two airnorne divisions arop to
capture the causeway exits so that his three infantry aivisions. iandina in
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coiumn, couid advance iniand far enough to secure a space from wnich the
drive on Cheroourg couid oe launchea.31
The two center corps, MaJOr Generai Leonard T. Ger0w.s V (US) d n a
Lieutenant General G.C. Bucknall's XXX t a r ) . essentially haa only to get
safely ashore. drive a secure distance inlana. ana move to gain contact
With
the corps on their flanlts.
dna
For these purposes Gerow had three infantry
20
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one armorea divisions, and Bucknail had two infantry and one armored
divisions ana one inaepenaent armored brigade.
infantry aivision in its initiai wave.
Botn corps would iano one
ilespite the fact tnat the lanoing itself was tne most compiex
portion of the entire campaign. in three of the four corps areas getting
ashore proved consiaerably easier than expected.
Only in Gerow,s V (US)
Corps. at OMAHA beach. was the amphibious operation ever in danger of
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failing. The unexpected movement of a strong German "fiela" infantry
division to the beachheaa area prior to the lanaing (Weaker "static"
infantry units aefenaed the ocher Deaches) complicates Gerow's mission.32
Aooitionaiiy, cne Americans haa not taken fuli aavantage o t the speciaiizea
armor developed
DY the
British to help them fight asnore, and much of the
ampnibious armor tnat Gerow
the bravery ano
Skill
aid
nave swampea whi ie
Nevertheless.
of V Corps infantrymen triumphea. and by I 1 June Gerow
haa canpiered his missions.
In the zone of the other American corps on the rignt
flank.
Coiiins' ampnibious landing was a "piece of Cake'' ana he suffered about one
tentn the casualties that Gerow
The airDorne operation was sloppy,
as ill-trained transport piiots scattered US paratroopers aii over cne
piace. With consiaeraDle elan, however, che smaii numoers of troopers cnac
aia iana near tneir arop zones managed
missions.
LO
accompiish Cneir assignea
Nevertheless, Collins could not be completely satisfied witn tne
achievements of his corps. Decause stiff German resiscance c o m i n e a with tne
inexperience of his infantry slowed h i s aavance inland behind schedule.
Despite the aeiay.
oy
June I 1 he was in a strong position to continue
towaras Cherbourg and thus his initial obJect was acnieved.
21
I f Montgomery could
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be
satisfied with the progress of the two
corps on nis right. ne could not ae so sanguine aDout tne operational
outcome of his main effort on the ieft. The start appearea promising as tne
tnree ieao infantry divisions ianaea witn iittie aifficuity ana trle airoorne
arop gainea a Driageheaa and heia
it
untii conunanaos affected juncture.
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Traffic prooierns on the beaches, nowever. siowea the move iniana.
Tnis
impactea especially on the easternmost SWORD beach. where the 3ra Infantry
Division ana the 27th Armorea Brigaae moved too siowly to capture Caen
Defore t h e German 21st Panzer Division positioned elements to DIOCK the
British aavance.
I Z S attempts
For the next five aays the Secona Army faiiea in aii o t
to aisloage the 21st ana reinforcing 12tn SS ?anzers from the:r
positions. ana
ag the !ltn tne
aritish aavance snowea signs o t staiiinc
compieteiy. Thus, i4ontgomery.s main effort in his first maJor operation
failea to achieve ail of its initiai operational oajectives.
His forces
were asnore. which was the major operational task. but the campaign would
not progress in quite tne same manner as he had piannea.
But i f Montgomery couia console nimself witn tne fact tnat h e haa
acnievea nis most important tasK. nis counterpart Rommei facea only
aisappointment. The German army group commanaer. you will rememoer. viewea
tne first maJor operation as aecisive. Once estaolisnea ashore tne
superiority of Ailiea materiel would promoly make their armies impossioie
to oisioage ana guarantee tnat they couia eventualiy wear aown tne German
Army ana aefeat
it.
Rommei beiievea that he haa to defeat the invasion at
the water's edge. but he naa faiiea.
The aliies overcame his Deacn aefenses
witn minimum ioss ana the commanaer of his nearest panzer aivision ootcnea
n i s Lmpor tant counterat tack. 35
22
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German faiiure on June 6. however, extenaea t o the highest levels
of tneir command.
Contraaicting his earlier view, von Runasteat pusnea
early in the day for a counterattaw against the ianaing witn aii avdiiaoie
pdnzer aivisions.
interferea.
But the cumDersome nature of the German commana structure
tiitier ana OKW witneia commitment of the two nearest reserve
panzer aivisions until late in the afternoon of D-Day.
This aelay. when
c m i n e a with the interaictory efforts of A l l i e d a i r . preventea the Germans
from making a maJor coorainatea attack against the Allied beachhead.
tne Germans couia manage
EO
Ali
aa was to feea their panzer units to Normanay
Just in time t o hola Caen ana to slow the Allied aavance inlanacsee Map 31.
h e y naa not preventea tne Ailies from estaoiisning tnemseives on tne Fcencn
coast.
Thus. aitnougn tne Aiiies were in mum oetter snape at tne ena o t
the first maJor operation. neither siae couia ne satisfiea witn its outcome.
On June 11th both siaes were planning offensive operations designea to
regain lost ground.
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THE SECOND MAJOR OPERATION: JUNE 12
-
JLJNE 30
Aiiiea aims for tne secona ma.Jor operation changea iittie from
tnose aevelopea oy Montgomery prior to the ianaing
oeacnneaa ana capture Cneroourg.
1.e. expana tne
Of course in Phase I i tney wouio nave t o
ciear up unfinisnea ousiness from Phase I
its environs.
--
--
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namely tne capture of Caen a m
To tne list of positive goais for the secono part of the
campaign, however. the Allies would have t o baa a negative one.
Having
experiencea the iii-effects of having Deen aottlea up in the knzio oeachneaa
in italY.36 the Aiiiea commano was extremeiy anxious t o prevent tne front
from '"congeaiing." ilontgomery aesirea a continuousiy expanoina Deacnneaa.
23
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one that wouia avoid the bioody areakout type of Dattie that wouia De
requirea snould the Germans achieve the establishment of a coherent, set
aefense.
ihe British simpiy naa not the manpower to affora the cost of
o r e a ~ i n gtnrougn preparea positions. Unfortunately. as tne Britisn Second
Army,s aavance toward Caen ground to a halt, it IooKea as if this is what
they woula have to do.
The Second British Army made two major efforts in June to get
their aavance moving again.
The first was an attempted double enveiopment
of the city oy the I and XXX Corps.
German spoiling attaws short-circuited
the attack of tne 1st. while the XXX’s effort failea oecause of tne
miserabie performance of the 7th Armorea Division.
Two w e e w iater ilempsev
triea again with tne new V i i i Corps ot one armorea ana tnree infantry
aivisions. reinforcea with three separate armorea origades.
This powerful
effort to punch through German lines west of C a m . caiiea Operation EPSOM.
faltered because of poor British tactics. German defensive 3 ~ 1 1 1 .and the
aifficult heagerow terrain.
The failure of EPSOM meant that the front near
Caen haa congeaiea. ana cnat any further aavance Would require a blOOclY.
set-piece. DreaKout operation.
British failure, however, stood in sharp contrast to American
success.
After early aifficuities Collins, V I I Corps w r s t across tne
Meraeret River and drove to the west coast of the Cotentin, isoiating the
German forces aefenaing CherD~urg.~’ Demonstrating that he was aecoming the
most effective of the Ailiea corps commanders. Collins tnen turneo nortn ana
drove on the vital Norman port.
The fight was bloody. Dut aidea Dy the iXtn
Tacticai Air Commana whose chief. MaJor General Pete Quesaaa. aeveiopea
techniques that greatly increasea the effectiveness of ciose air support.
tne VIith capturea Cheroourg on the 27th of June.38
24
Unfor.tunateiy, tnis was
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not oefore tne Germans haa had time to execute massive aemolitions in the
harnor tnat Woula renaer the port useiess for some time.
Meanwhile to the south aradley orought two more corps. the V I I i
ana X i X , to tne continent. These units maae Iimitea attacKs tnat succeeaea
in adding to the American casualty lists and introaucing more Americans to
tne bloody ways of hedgerow fighting, but aia not get very far.
LiKe
Dempsey. Bradley found himself unable to prevent the Germans from
estaoiishing a strong cohesive aefense in the difficult Norman terrain.
Thus as the VII Corps shiftea to the south to participate in the expansion
of tne foothola they coula expect tough fighting aneaa.
During this pnase of the campaign R o m e 1 ana van Runasteat naa
wisnea to iauncn a maJor. coorainarea counteratacu to aefeat tne A I lies
oetore they coulcl nring ali of their forces asnore.
proven fruitless. however.
Their efforts nad
I f the Britisn a t t a w s on Caen ana the American
pressure in western Normandy gaineo little terrain at great cost. tney aia
succeea in forcing the Germans to commit their reinforcements piecemeai as
they arrivea to plug gaps.
Thus, the Germans were never dole t o mount a
coorainarea. massea counterattack.
But aespite this failure, tne secona
maJor operation haa not gone too badly for the Germans.
They haa managea to
estaoiisn a conerent aefensive iine ana to nring tne hiiiea aavance to a
halt in the aifficult heagerow terrain.
This terrain attenuatea tne aliiea
aavantages in a i r , armor. and materiel. ana was pernaps tne nest piace t o r
the Germans to fignt. Aaaitionaiiy. they had their strongest forces
successfuiiy niocking the Alliea aavance against their vulneranle right
f l a m . thus overcoming to some aegree the proolem imposea on tnem DY tneir
aisaavantageous lines of operations.
haa oeen nigh. and
it
On the other nana. cneir casuaities
was unclear now long they could sustain such losses.
25
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From the Alliea viewpoint. i f the campaign was not progressing in
tne manner Montgomery naa nopea. he oegan to see aavantage in tne way things
were aeveloping.
The A l l i e d army group commander ha0 wishea to avoid the
oiooav DreaKout fight m a t he wouia now nave t o conauc'c.
plannea on
Shifting his
DUt
ne nao aiways
main effort from the left to the right to complete
the loagement ana capture the crucial Britanny ports.
a position t o do just that.
By June 30 ne was in
I f his British army cowla not defeat tne major
panzer formations (the enemy center of gravity) south of C a n . it coula pin
the enemy those formations in the east.
Once t h i s occurred. his own center
of gravity. the American forces, couid burst through an area or relative
weakness and
go
on to tne complete
the
loagement in tne
third
pnase. On
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July 1 tnis was cieariy nis amenaea campaign plan, ana i t naa the fuii
unaerstanaing ana support of nis superiors ana su~orainates.39
THE THI.RD MAJOR OPERATION: JULY 1
-
AUGUST 25
But while Montgomery's scheme was simple in concept, execution
pcovea exceeaingiy aifficult. aradley's first attempt t o arive tnrougn tne
area of "relative wearness" began on July 3, wnen he launched a Droad front
attack with tne V I I I . VII. and X I X Corps from right t o ieft in succession.
it
quickly bogged down in
bloody
faiiure. This presented Montgomery with a
aiiemma. To enaale the Americans to break out. the aritish army woula have
to attack to pin the most powerful German torces near Caen. But
if
it
tooK
an extenaea perioa for the Americans to arive through the German aefenses,
the Britisn would have to maintain their pressure for days or Weeks
--
preciseiy tne type of costly, continuous action that the empire Could no
ionger affora.
26
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The Britisn experimencea with a way K O maintain this pressure at
reoucea cost in Operation CHARNWOOD. which Degan on J u l y 7. To save
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infantry losses Montgomery ana Dempsey piannea to employ strategic DomDers
to Diast a nole in the German lines through wnich grouna forces couia
aavance.
This marKea a maJor innovacion in warfare as
chat such weapons were usea cactically.
it
was the first time
Unfortunately, the results provea
disappointing. Apparently the DCmIblng simply miSSed the maJority of German
defensive positions. and the craters and devastatlon blocked the advance of
British armor. thus hindering more than helping the offensive.
Secono Army
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at great cost. manage to drive to the Orne ana capture a portion of
did.
Caen. out m e r e tne aovance hairea.
The twin failures in early Juiy usherea in a perioa of
recrimination in tne Aiiiea nigh command.
Senior a i r officers oDJectea to
the apparently fruitless diversion of heavy mmbers from-tneir strategic.
role co support taCKiCal atcacm.
Other airmen complainea that Montgomery
nad faiiea to deliver upon his promise to Capture space for airfielas on tne
continent.
Some Americans were uneasy that US iosses were running
fifty
percent higher than Bricish. while Dempsey's army never Seemea K O attacK
witn more cnan one corps at a C ~ m e . Everyone
~ ~
fearea that tne campaign
mignt aegenerate inKo the static. aKtritiOn style of war reminiscent o t
1916. By the second weeK of July there was uneasiness in the Ailiea Camp.
I
ana many caiieo for Montgomery's replacement.
Chnar Braaley provided the way out of the aiienma.
ha0
ay
July 10 he
aeveiopeo a plan cailea COBRA, wnich envisioned cne use Strategic
DOmDers to Dlast a hole through which Collins, reinforced corps, attacKing
on
a
very narrow franc, coula pass.
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Hopefuliy Khe rupture wouia unhinge tne
German line and restore flulaity to the Datrlefiela.
27
Upon nearing Braa1ey.s
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scheme 00th Elsennowet and Montgomery quickly approvea it, but they
recognizea tnat the aritisn army must ao something ~ u s tbefore araaiey
Jumped otf :o attract ana p i n German reserves in the east.
aeveiopea a compiementary operation cooe-namea GOOiS'OOD.
Montgomery tnus
wnicn involvea m e
a t t a w of a corps of tnree armorea aivisions through tne Orne oriageneaa to
penetrate the German lines near Bourquebus Riage.
A major a t t a w ~y
scracegic DOmDet-s would preceea this attack also.
Thus, the operational scheme for the breakout from Normanay
developed.
I t was a brilliant concept involving
right hoOK.
a l e f t jab foilowea ny a
The Jab, aimea at the enemy's most vulnerable point. couia not
fail to noia his center of gravity in position.
The
hOOK.
comprising t n e
kiiiea center of gravity concentratea as never oefore in terms o t space.
time, a m coordination of air ana lana power. woula achieve the OreaKthrougn
by
stricing where the enemy was weak.
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Interestingly, the Jab. Operation GOODWOOD, has oeen the s w j e c t
of ConSiaeraDie controversy.
For Montgomery ana the Britisn apparently haa
hoped that the great effort would not Just pin the German panzers. Dut oreaK
tnrougn the i ine as we1 i .41 The contemporary puol icity surrounaing the
offensive impliea that such was the aim of tne a t t a w twhetner or not t h i s
was intentional deception remains unKnown).
Thus wnen the aritisn a t t a w
scal ieo in front of aourgueous Riage ana Montgomery cancel iea 'tne a t t a w
earlier than scheauiea, the army group comanaer's detractors seizea upon
t n i s as more evidence
of his failure. But the critics were ana are untair.
There was a aifference between what Montgomery hoped the attack
acnieve ana What it
to
achieve.
i t aia accompiish its primary
Keeping the maJority of the panzer divisions near Caen.
s e t tne stage f o r the main effort to foiiow.42
28
tdsK
of
Thus GOODWOOD aia
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The tactics employea by Collins in the main effort haa operational
consequence and Dear inciusion in t h i s narrative.
The.VIIth Corps
hda
six
divisions for the attack and Collins arrayea them in a two echeion
formation. The ieaa echelon of three infantry aivizions attawing along a
front of only five miles would punch into tne hole hopefully createa
strategic DOmDerS ana affect the rupture.
by
the
Then at the right moment Coliins
WoUlcl c m l t his Second echelon of one mOtOriZed infantry and two armored
aivisions
LO
exploit the success.
The massing of six aivisions on such a
narrow front was something the Americans had not tried Defore tana something
they would not ao again in this war on
As in most
accoraing to plan.
SUCh
scale).
The tactics workea.
military operations. however, things aia not go exactly
Aithougn aevastating.
the
aeriai DomDarament aia not
totally destroy tne German positions and the lead divisions feil D e n i m
schedule on the first
But the aggressive Coliins rose to the
occasion, oraered his infantry to continue the a t t a m into the night. ana
c m i t t e a his second echelon Before his first had penetrated to the aeptn of
tne enemy aefense.
This maneuver Durst the front wiae open. ana
it
rnarlteo
an occasion where a c m a n a e r made a tactical level decision with
operational consequence.
I t was the aecisive moment in the Normanay
Campaign. as the brealcout presentea born sides witn new decisions to maKe.
Their respective choices are instructive.
The AlIiea campaign plan, it will
point for the insertion of the Thira US
De
Army.
rememoerea. called at this
under Lieutenant Generai
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George S. Patton. into the line to capture the Brittany Peninsula ana arive
south to the ioire protecting the flank of the other Ailiea armies.
The
Alliea plan. however, aesumea a graaual expansion of the Deachneaa, witn
iittie o r no opportunity for envelopment of maJor German forces.
29
But events
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aia not transpire in thac manner, ana upon its activation tne Thira Army
If
founa itself plunging almost unopposed deep into tne enemy's rear.
insteaa of turning risnt into arittany. Patton shouia go ieft towara tne
Seine. the opportunity for the enveiopment and destruction of the
DUIk
of
German forces in France seemea to present itseif.
Classical military theory suggests that Paccon snouia have turnea
ieft: for i f tne enemy's center of gravity is the proper target for miiitary
operations, a thrust into Brlttany took US forces away from its target.
Braaiey chose, however, to stay with the pian.
As Patt0n.s leaa Corps
reacnea tne end of the narrow Avaranches corriaor (See Map 3 ) . araaley
turnea it 'to the rignt.
theoretical aictates.
Thus tne Ai~iescnose to act contrariiy t o
The reasons f o r 3raaiey.s decision are the same as those that
arove the design of the campaign pian.
The strategic o w e c t of the Normanoy
campaign was terrain and not force oriented.
The Allies wantea first to
gain a suitanie loagement to permit further operations.
A part of the
ioagement was the logistical base necessary to support t h e number of
aivisions that the Aliies intenaea to w i n g ashore.
in iace iuiy tne Aiiies
were sumisting off the supplies t h a t could oe aelivered over the Normanay
oeacnes. pius those that couia ne Drougnt through cne aamagea port oi
Cheroourg.
At
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the time logistical planners estimated that aeliveraoie
tonnage was Dareiy enougn to Keep the forces then ashore suppliea ana that
no more couia De sustainea.
Complicating the issue was the tact that as
faii ano winter approached the tonnage coming over the shore wouia aimost
certainly drop significantly.
Future operations seemea to require
that
Braaiey go first f o r the ports ratner than gambie on the possiole
aestruction of the German forces in
So i t seems that we must
30
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Judge Braaley,s decision as the prudent, i f conservative cnoice.
As i t was,
Braaley's chosen o p t i o n was a moot one, f o r even a f t e r the A i l i e s turnea
f i r s t i n t o B r i t t a n y . t h e i r enemy's decisions presented them once again w i t h
tne opportunity to aestroy the DUIK
of German forces i n the west.
A t the end of June the the German h i g h COtmand i n France assessea
the m i l i t a r y s i t u a t i o n i n Normanay as presenting them w i t h two unacceptaale
options.
Unsure.of t h e i r a ~ i l i t yt o win a b a t t l e o f maneuver i n c e n t r a l
France aecause o f A l l i e a a i r s u p e r i o r i t y . they hesitaced t o g i v e up t h e i r
aefenses i n the heagerows.
But a f t e r analyzing t h e i r experiences i n
p o s i t i o n a l o a t t l e s close t o the coast they concluaea t h a t the a t t r i t i o n a l
f i g h t i n g there woulo soon exhaust t h e i r armies (They apparently were unaware
o f tne B r i t i s n manpower c r i s i s ) .
Choosing tne u n c e r t a i n t y of an open o a t t i e
over tne c e r t a i n t y of gradual a e s t r u c t i o n i n the heagerows. even Rommel hacl
electea by
ZUIY
to witnaraw away from the coast.45
H i t l e r , however. was
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oetermined to f i g h t and win t h e B a t t l e f o r France i n Normanay ana a i r e c t e a
t h a t the German f o r c e s h o l d on close t o t h e coast.
couia not aissuaae nim from t h i s course.
Even the A l l i e a
DredKOUt
The a t t i t u a e o f tire German
E!J.wLC
wouio a i c t a t e che German response to the American DreaKOUt.
The A l i i e a orealtout seemea t o present the Germans
options.
With
two
The most orthoaox cal lea f o r a r e t r e a t t o the Some ana the
c o n s t r u c t i o n o f a new l i n e of aefense along t h a t ODstacle.
T i e secona. ana
more r a d i c a l cnoice was a CounterattacK to the west aesignea to penetrate t o
tne Cnannei n o r t h of Avaranches and c u t o f f the US T h i r a Army a t tne narrow
necK througn which i t had traveled.
Theory was an amoiguous guiae i n
h e i p i n g the Germans make t h e i r choice.
The T h i r a Army,s I ine of
communications through the narrow Avaranches c o r r i d o r appearea vulneraole.
so the Germans seemeo to nave an opportunity to s t r i l t e a t tne A i i i e a center
31
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On cne otner hand. their iines of communications aisaavantage
of gravity.
maae
snifting of their own center of gravity to the ieft very dangerous.
the
i i i t i e r , s aecision t o iauncn the famous Mortain CounteratcacK was
intluencea. of course. oy issues in aaaition t o these theoreticai precepts.
tie must nave reaiizea ny tnis stage of the war tnat oniy ooia acrion cou:a
save Germany from tne overwhelming might of the powers arrayed against ner.
Adoirkonally. Army officers naa recently maae an attempt on his iife. ana
Army aavlce wnich counseled wicharawal was instancly suspect. Further,
similar bold countersrrokes had proven famiously successfui against the
Russians.
Hitier
aid
oraer the counrerattack. ana
i t
negan on 7 August.
;cs failure aemonscracea cne wisacm of 2cmmei.s eariier ana!vsis
of tne utility of ,'normal' mooiie warfare against an enemy wirn aasciu:e
lYorning fog on
su?eriori:y.
initial success.
--
it
aay of tne artacu neipeo t o proviae some
aut wnen the sun came out the power of Ailiea air Drougnt
the a t t a w to a swift
as weii
the
air
The failure of the attacu aia sometning eise
proviaea the Aiiies with an opportunity t o accompiisn
sometning nor proviaea tor in their planning
German army in France.
--
the aestruction of tne
For oy counterattactcing at Mortain tne Germans
piacea their panzers aeep into a deveioping pocrec.cSee Map 3 )
Astonisningiy. tne Aiiies faiiea t o t a w fuii aavantage or tn:s
opportunity. as they aia not close tne pincers at Faiaise oefore t h e
imporcanc caares upon wnicn shacterea German aivisions couia renuiia naa
escapeo.
The reasons for Aliiea failure are weil Known.
pernaps aistracted
DY
Tirst
Eisenhower.
concurrent arguments with Churchili over the invasion
of Southern France. taiiea t o proviae the necessary control over
togetner of nis two army groups
--
the
coming
Braaley having oeen raisea t o army group
commana after the activation of Thira US Army.
Seconaiy Hontgomery. stili
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overseeing the land n a t t l e f o r Eisenhower. overestimated the a D i l i t Y of
Canaaian ana P o i i s n troops under h i s c m a n a to DreaK tnrougn German
aefenses ana placed the inter-army group Dounaary too t a r to t h e south.
F i n a l l y araaiey. f e a r i n g overextension of h i s forces i n the face of
aesperately r e t r e a t i n g Germans. refused t o cross t h a t nounaary. o r even t o
request t h a t it ne changed.
But these reasons notwithstanding, one cannot h e l p concluding t h a t
there e x i s t e d another dynamic here as well.
Perhaps the terrain-minaeaness
of the A l l i e a commanders, or t h e i r preoccupdtion w i t h g a i n i n g a loagement,
iea them to f a i l t o grasp an o p p o r t u n i t y co aestroy the enemy force.
A
oriving amoition t o OestroY the German army was not present anywnere i n tne
A i i i e a commana. ?resentea w i t h repeatea o p p o r t u n i t i e s to aestroy tne German
force. the A l l i e s choose the more conservative, t e r r i t o r y g a i n i n g o p t i o n s
every time.
They gainea t h e i r loagement. n u t they
aia not aesrroy tne
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enemy.
Thus. the Normandy Campaign ended on a somewhat d i s a p p o i n t i n g note
for the A i l i e s as they let s l i p a golaen opporcunity t o aestroy tne German
Army i n the west.
Nevertheless Normanay. i f not a c l i m a c t i c v i c t o r y f o r
B r i t a i n ana America. was a a e c i s i v e one.
army naa oeen Oefeatea, ana the
Although not aestroyea. tne German
Alliea advance across the Seine and tne
remainaer of France c o n s t i t u t e d more of a p u r s u i t man a resisteo d r i v e .
The Germans c o u l a not offer coherent r e s i s t a n c e to the A l l i e a aavance snort
of her ooraers.
The campaign. then, gainea mucn more than tne piannea
iodgemcnt ana the A l l i e s i n r e t r o s p e c t c o u l d w e l l ne pleasea w i t n t h e i r
accompiishments.
Let us now t u r n t o draw sane general
conclusion^ anout tne
campaign's conduct, ana aoout the u t i l i t y of m i l i t a r y theory as an aia t o r
its a n a l y s i s .
33
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CONCLUSION
In retrospect it seems that of ali the Germans that Rome1 grasped
most clearly wnat the appropriate campaign plan for the aefenaers snouia
nave t e e n in France in 1944. As the fate of the Mortain counterattack
clearly oemonstrateo, what von Rundsteat viewea as "normai" moDiie cactics
would not work against the western Allies possessing overwhelming material
superiority and dominating the air totally.
seems to have been
GO
The best hope for the Germans
defeat the Allies at the water's
edge.
Strong COaStal
fortificacions coupiea with the early availability of paozer reserves
to
counterattack iandings appears t o have m e n the best way of accomplishing
tnis.
i f it proved impossioie to arive tne Aiiies into the sea. t h e Germans
couia nope
not
De
t o pin
the invaders into an area so smail tnat maJor forces couia
introaucea asnore.
Then, perhaps, Germany possessed cne strength to
Dottie up the Allies inaefinicely.
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Given Allied success in the first maJor operation. the Chances for
eventuai German victory became very slim.
Thelr only hope lay
in
making the
cost of victory f o r the Allies so great that they would evencuaily t i r e of
the effort. As mentioned, Alliea casualties in Normanay aia cause strains
to aeveiop within che A l l i e d camp.
A n extended defense of the hedgerow
terrain seems an iaeal operational scheme for this strategic goal.
In
the
hedgerows the Allies lost much of the Denefit of their aerlai an0 material
aavantages.
tiere tlitier's incultive juagment to hoia fast in Normanay
appears vinaicateo.
But Hitler certainly erred in his aecision to launch tne Mortain
counterattacx. As his fiela commanaers weli appreciateo. the German forces
in France were simpiy incapanle of such an eftort in the lace summer of
34
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1944. Had the Germans DY some circumstance driven to the channel. i t i s
aouDtfui that they could have heid such a salient.
After the success of
COBRA made the Norman terrain no longer tena~le. a stuboorn withdrawal to
the rough terrain near the German Doraer seems t o nave Deen in order. Here
the Germans could have made the price of A l l i e d advance very steep indeea.
as they dia
in the Huertgen Forest.
It
might aisa have Deen here, as
Dad
weather mitigated the effects of Allied air and long supply lines iessenea
their materiel superiority. that the Germans might have been able to pursue
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some iimlted offensive action.
If. with the Denefit of hindsight these courses of action are the
correct ones, tney may help us aetermine tne u t i l i t y of miiitary theory as
an a i a in aecision maKing.
?or i f military theory i s a usefui tooi for
maKing proper miiitary cnoices. a German theoreticai anaiysis of their
situation in 1944 should have at least pointea them in the airection of the
aDOVe soiutions.
Let us now examine the two theoretical concepts treated in
this paper to see if they would have done so.
A German analysis of lines
of operations. as mentionea. woula nave
suggested to them that Normanay was not an advantageous place to fight, for
their iines of communications would always be vulnerable.
I f for compelling
reasons, however. they had to fight in Normandy, then lines of operations
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anaiysis would have toia them tndt their right must oe their strongest
point. and that any withdrawal from Normandy must pivot m o u t that fianK.
Such analysis wouia aiso unaerscore the aanger of
a
counterattack launched
from the left flank. As Jmini said. most attempts to f a l l on the enemy's
line of communications imperils one's own. When one's line of oattie
IS
parallel to his line of operations. this i s doubly true. O~viously thlS
reason mitigates strongly against the Mortain attempt.
35
Thus lines of
operations analysis WOulO have been useful to the Germans in analyzing their
1944 problem.
The utilty of center of gravity analysis is more aifficuit to
assess. nowever. as
it
ooviously depenas upon correct idenCifiCaCion of an
enemy's "huo of power".
I f one accepts the aoove argument that the
Ailied
center of gravity was tne overwheiming materiel ana manpower superiority of
American ground and air forces, then from the theoretical perspective it
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seem's that RommeI's approach was the correct one.
I f allowed to establish
itself ashore and aevelop to its fu.11 potential. this Aliiea center of
gravity would Decome too powerful for the Germans to overthrow.
I t seems
clear then that the rignt theoreticai formuia for German success was t o
aefeat tne invasion Detore
it
nao time to estaoiisn itself. inus we nave
the nappy coinciaence of agreement netween what a theoreticai analysis
suggests should have' Deen the proper course, and that which seems most
efficacious in light of the historical record.
zyxwvutsr
zyxwvuts
But such analysis provides only half the answer.
Once tne Aiiies
were ashore could theory have stiii proviaea guiaance for the Germans?
answer appears to
De yes.
The
i f througn anaiysis one conciuaes that h e cannot
cnallenge enemy power directly. some indirect means of overthrowing it must
oe founa.
From the Secona Punic gar to the American Revoiution to Vietnam
strategies of exhaustion have provea effective in this regara.
Runasredt,s aamonirion to the German commana to "MaKe peace,
you
I f von
foois!" was
not an acceptable option. a campaign plan aeSigned to wear down the enemy in
hopes of gaining a negotiated settiement seems logical. S t u m o r n resistance
in the hedgerows followed
oy a
witharawal to and aefense of the rougn German
Doraer terrain might accompiish that.
Again history ana tneory agree.
36
zyxwvutsrq
zyxwv
But the Normanay campaign a i s o shows us t h a t tneory can misleaa as
well.
One c o u l d j u s t i f y the Mortain counterattack ~y arguing t h a t t h i s
offensive. which attemptea t o c u t o f f and aestroy tne American forces m a t
haa Drolten out o f Argentan. c o n s t i t u t e a an a t t a m on tne A i i i e a center of
gravity.
Thus one might c i a i m t h a t H i t l e r was t n e o r e t i c a i i y c o r r e c t i n
This view both f o r g e t s t h a t such a maneuver piaced
o r a e r i n g i t s execution.
tne Germans i n aanger of oeing surrounded. and f a i l s t o appreciate the a i r
and ground c o r r e l a t i o n o f forces i n Normanay a t the time.
Theoretical
anaiysis. t o be sure, can never replace gooa Juagment.
This f i n a l caveat notwithstanaing, when one analyzes Normanay i n
cne i i g n t of tneory from tne German perspective. i t seems cnat cneory can ae
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an e f f e c t i v e guiae i n cne planning ana execution o t campaigns.
t u r n t o c n e - A i i i e a experience t o see whether or not
ic
Let us now
contirms c n i s
conciusion.
Any c r i t i q u e of the A l l i e d campaign plan in Normanay musc s t a r t
w i t h the ObSerVation t h a t Eisenhower ana Montgomery oia more than s i m P i Y
accomplish t h e i r mission.
They not oniy gained a ioagement i n Europe, they
a l s o a e c i s i v e i y aefeaceo the German army i n France.
Hence u n i i u e tne German
case. the c r i t i c o f the A l l i e a campaign is reduced t o aiscussing whether or
not tne mission couid nave oeen accomplisnea i n o e t t a r fasnion. more
q u i c k l y . or a t less cost.
little
OOUDt
I n the case o f Normanay. however. there remains
t h a t A l l i e a performance could have Deen improvea upon.
For
although the A l l i e s aefeatea the German army, they unquestionaoiy missea a
chance t o aestroy i t .
Braaley may nave haa gooa reasons for t u r n i n g i n t o
B r i t t a n y . out there can ae no douDt t h a t Falaise was a missea opportuniry.
A a a i t i o n a i i y . one mignt aslc whether or not the Dloody heagerow f i g h t i n g
couia have Deen avoided and the DUtCher’S o i l 1 f o r tne campaign reducea.
37
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7inaiiy. one rememners that the campaign plan aescrinea no desired en0 state
oeyona tne vague iaea of an occupation of a ioagement area: ana tnat the
pian proviaea Iittie guiaance as to now the Allies intenaea to aefeat or
aestroy tne German army eitner nefore or after eSCaDliShing tne ioagemenr.
ihese weamesses in the planning ana conauct of the Alliea campaign proviae
us with an interesting opportunity to evaluate the utiiity of theory.
For
usefui theory might have helped the Allies avoid these errors.
At first glance, theory seems to provide a way arouna aii of tne
Ailiea mistakes.
When one comoines the concepts of centers of gravity an0
iines of operations. tne theoretically correct campaign plan for the Aiiies
seems clear.
in oraer to exploit the German aisaavantage in iines
ot
operations. i n e A i i i e s snouia have piacea tneir center o t gravity. ;ne
American forces. on m e iei: in tne vicinity of Caen.
iauncnea a arive soutnwara paraiiei
LO
iney tnen snouia nave
tne west oanK of tne Seine and pi.aceo
tnemselves astriae German comunications.
Sucn a maneuver woula nave
overtnrarn the German center of gravity, her panzers. ny cutting i t oft from
its nase.
Aaaitionaily. oy driving througn the more open area arouna Caen
tney migni nave avoiaea cne niooaiest neagerow comoat.
Furtner. tne enc
state for the campaign was clear
--
aestroyea. not merely aefeatea.
A n expioitation into Germany was
the German army woula nave oeen
att
tnat
neeaea t o follow 8ucn a campaign.
This soiution is so
not attempt t o
--
a0 i t .
ODVIOUS
tnat one must a%
why the Aliies aia
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One must assume tnat cney consiaerea Such an approacn
althougn a aiscussion of this option does not appear in COSSAC’s f!nai
report.46
i h e answer i s tnat nere tneory proves an uncertain guiae.
aireaay examinea tne iogis:icai
We n a v e
reasons for putting tne 8r:tisn on t n e ier:.
38
ana these aione may nave oeen a e c i s i v e .
proolem.
zyxwv
To these we might dad a p o l i t i c a l
The r e i e g a t i o n o f the B r i t i s h t o so oovious1y a seconaary r o l e
mignt nave oeen nara f o r them t o accept p o i i t i c a i l y : e s p e c i a i i y s i n c e
p o l i t i c s aemanaea t h a t the grouna component commanaer oe a r i t i s h .
But the
nest reasons f o r r e j e c t i n g t h i s approach are n e i t h e r l o g i s t i c a l nor
p a l i t i c a l , but o p e r a t i o n a l .
The f i r s t proDlem
is t h a t there is a h i g h p r o m b i l i t y t h a t such a
maneuver woula have f a i l e d .
COSSAC planners correctly a n t i c l p a t e a t n a t the
Germans woula r e a l i z e t h e i r l i n e o f operations v u l n e r a b i l i t y ana piace t h e i r
strongest f o r c e s on the i e f t .
Thus, unaer t h i s scneme tne A i i i e a center of
g r a v i t y wouia have oeen opposea by the German "hub of power."
The A i l i e s .
men. woulo nave conunittea t n e i r s t r e n g t n against tne enemy's s t r e n g t n .
Morse. since
tnis
b y a e f i n i t i o n wouia occur p r i o r t o the s e i z u r e
of Channel
p o r t s . the A i i i e s woula not have haa the i o g i s t i c a i wherewitnal t o aeveiop
the American forces t o t h e i r f u l l p o t e n t i a l b e f o r e hazarding them i n o a t t i e .
When one aaas t o t h i s the experience a i f f e r e n t i a l Detween the Americans an0
the Germans. i t seems a o u b t f u i t n a t the Americans c o u i a nave maintained a
r a t e o f aavance i n excess o f t h a t achievea Dy the B r i t i s h
have aavancea a t a l l .
--
if
tney couia
Furthermore. t h i s scheme places the B r i t i s h i n the
neagerow t e r r a i n . which aemanaea iarge amounts of i n f a n t r y f o r operations
i n f a n t r y t h a t B r i t a i n a i a not possess.
--
Thus. a slow aavance soutn from Caen
and through tne Docage wouia f o r f e i t the supposea D e n e f i t o f t n i s course o t
a c t i o n . as the Germans c o u i a withdraw w h i l e p i v o t i n g on t h e i r r i g n t i n order
t o a v o i d Deing cut o f f from t h e i r base.
zyx
Perhaps most i m p o r t a n t l y . gdmDIing on tne u n i i k e l y event t n a t t n i s
p l a n c o u i a c u t o f f ana oestroy the German army f o r g e t s the mission o t
OVERLORD.
The planners haa t o Keep f i r s t t h i n g s f i r s t . ana tne tirst
39
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zyxwvutsrq
miiitary ana poiiticai imperative of the operation was the securing of a
ioagement. A loagement neeas ports, ana this pian ieaves the capture of
ports untii last. i f only for its neglect of ports, a top priority
ooJective.
this
scneme is unacceptaoie.
zyx
zyxwvuts
aut aii of this does not mean that theory was a useiess guide tor
Aiiiea planners in tnis operation.
As we have seen, theory explains weii
Montgomery’s excellent pian for breaking out of Normanay. He expioitea the
enemy lines of operations disaavantage to draw the enemy center of gravity
t o the left while his own powerful mass
nurst through on the rignt.
Aaaitionaliy, wniie recognizing that in tnis speciai case the estabiisnment
of tne ioagement was tne priority aim of tne operation. a recognition
tnat
aescrwtion or the enemy center o t gravity snouia have oeen tne secono
godi
mignt nave nelpea tne Ailies avoid some mistaltes. w i t h tnis secona priori:y
firmiy in mina they mignt not nave missea tneir opportunity co aestroy tne
German forces. Thus theory aoes have utility in this case.
So in tne end wnat aoes aii of this teii us of tne u t i l i t y
miiitary theory?
I t seems
if
that we may conciuae that at least these two
tneoreticai tenets can De of great
ana oecision maKing.
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utility
as an aio
in
But theory is an uncertain guiae.
soiaier weea out inappropriate courses of action, out
it
campaign planning
It
can help tne
cannot select tne
correct one. That still requires Juagement. Theory can help, out
ao cne pianner,s tninKing for nim.
40
i t
cannot
MAP
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:
FORECAST OF OPERATIONS
41
..
N
n
4
a
r.
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zyxwvutsr
- --_.
....
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zyxwvut
zyx
SLETCH: BASES. LIKES OF BATTLE, AND LiNES OF O P E R A T I O N I N NORMANDY
L
0
I
N
P
El
N
0
L I N E OF BATTLE
LINE OF
8
A
N
a
I A
FRANCE
44
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I"
R
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zyxwvuts
zy
zyxwvutsrqpo
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ENDNOTES
IThe iist of WOrkS on the suoject is long (see biliography).
interestingly two new works on Normanay have excitea renewed interest. They
are: Cario D'Este. w o n in blcrmanav (New YOrk. 1983). and Max Hastings,
m
D
: 0-Oav. June 6. 1944 (New YorK. 1984).
-
2For a aiscussion of Churchiil,s early c m i t m e n t see O'Este. p. 21.
For a gooa treatment of British grana strategy see I.S.O. Playfair. ?he
Baiter-,
Volume
(Lonaon, 1954). PP. 1-5.
(Washington,
3See Kent Rooerst Greenfield, ed.,
DC.1958). pp. 173-199. 255-287. 383-401: Gordon A . Harrison.
(Washington, DC. 1 9 5 1 ) , pp. 1-128; David Eisenhower, -r:
At
Kar. 2943- 19qg (New Yam. 1986). ~ ~ B B ~and
I I ;D'Este, pp.23-25.
4For aiscussion see O'Este, pp. 251-254. and Russel F. Weigley,
t s Volume 1 (Bloomington. IN. 19811, PP. 74-75.
5Harrison. p. 450.
6Bernara Law Montgomery, sof F
i
AI(New YOrK. 1958). pp. 227-228.
W tne Viscount
Monrqomerv of
(New YorK. 1948). pp.228-229.
7Dvight D. Eisenhower,
81n his memoir (see aoove citation) Eisenhower mentions a "decisive
aattle" to DreaK out of the German "encircling positions'' arouna Normanay.
The memoir is, of course, n
t and does not track with pre-invasion
planning. as a graaual aavance was envisioned ana a aecisive clash to ore.%
out was not mentionea. Thus this allusion to a decisive Dattle to oreat out
of Normanay aoes not creaioly suggest a force orientation in iKe,s early
p 1 anning.
9Directive reproauced i n Harrison, pp. 457-458.
10D,Este. p.75.
llAlong with D'Este's above account this may also De found in Omar
Braaley, &Soiaier,s Story (New YOrK* 1951), p.241. d n a Hasrings. p. 56.
12Al I of the postwar controversy notwithstanding. this was always n i s
scheme. See especially Omar Braaley d n a Clay Blair. -ai.s
Lite: An
aohv of w a l of -t
Braalu (New YOrK. 1 9 8 3 ) .
pp.216-244.
13The deployment of US ana British forces in NATO toady may oe tracea
airectly to tneir positions in the invasion.
14in support of FORTITUDE dumy units created fake radio traffic. the
famous American General Patton publicaily commanaea a Sham army group In
East Angiia. ana the preliminary a i r and SaDOtage effort in France was
45
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conducted all over the country. not Just in the Normanay region, so as not
to give the game away.
15The plan for air support of OVERLORD was very controversial at the
time. Strategic airmen resisted oeing usea for operational levei missions.
and the tactical air forces coula not decide whether t o go tor tne French
railway system in generai (cailea the Transportatlon elan) or t o concentrace
on ChOKe points. They DOth were attempted and the latter was apparently the
more successful. See Weigley. pp.88-99.
161nterestingly, the German forces in France were much stronger in 1944
than they haa been a year previously. British efforts at elaying the
cross-cnannel invasion i n hopes of f inaing a weakened German army in the
fiela thus backfired. See Walter Scott Dunn,
Now -- 1943
(Montgomery AL. 1980) for an excellent aiscussion of German Army strength.
17See Hastings. pp.58-68, ana Harrison, pp. 231-267 for the DeSt
oiscussions of the German aefensive plans.
zyxwvutsrqp
l*Hast i ngs. p .42.
l9iplZL. ana tiarrison. 0.266. The Germans iost 5547 aircrat: in :ne
tirst three montns of 1944. in contrast t o the German availaoie total O f
400. the A l l i e s lost 656 aircraft in acciaents alone in May.
20Deparrment of t h e Army.
L O O-~ .. ~ ~ e r a t i .(Wasnington,
oos
DC, 1986).
p. 179.
211pLa,pp, 10 ana 179.
22u,
pp.179-180.
23Cari von Clausewitz,
241pLp,,
2
5
(Princeton. NJ, 1976). p.485.
p. 75.
~ p.596.
.
26Airpower is less effective against troops dispersed ana aug in. as
tney are near tne front. i t is much more effective against enemy units On
roaas in column formation approaching the Dattlefieia. haaitionaliy. wnen
SrriKing near tne front one always r i s k s hitting one's own troops.
27Baron ile Jomini,
Art of
%ee
Chapter One in this
of operations.
War: (Philaaelphia, PA. 1862) p.91.
D O ~ Kfor
a more complete treatment of lines
29Jomini, D . 109.
30The narration of events in the campaign is taKen mainly from D,Este.
ilastings. David Eisennower. W i g h t Eisennower, ana Omar Braaley ana Ciair
Blair.
46
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zy
31The US airoorne aivisions aiso had the mission of gaining a
ariageneao over the Meraeret River.
32interestingiy enough, Ai I led interceptions of German radio traff ic
(tne famous ULTRA intercepts) Apparentiy gave the Aiiies warning or tne move
of the German 352a fieia infantry aivision t o the Deacn area. Since nothing
couia oe aone anout i t , Braaiey ana Eisenhower aecioea not t o teii Gerow. so
as not t o aad t o his worries. D'Este. p.113 ana Braaley ana Blair, p . 250.
33The Britisn 79th Armorea Division containea speciai izd t a m s for
minesweeping. crossing aitches. traversing soft sana, aestroying piilooxes.
swimming ashore. and for flamethraring. US units aisaainea the use of all
but tne ones capaole of swin'uning ashore. Aaaitionaily. Germ's corps ianaea
on a much wiaer front that the others. perhaps contributing t o its troubles.
34D'Este, p.115.
35The 21st Panzer Division. basea near Caen. never maae a coorainatea
a t t a m on D-Day. iiaa i t aone so, i t couia nave seriously tnreatenea one o t
tne aritish oeacnes.
36in January. 1944. the Aiiies haa ianaea a t Anzio. :caiy. in an
attempt to turn tne German positions near Cassino. h e Germans reactea
swiftly an0 pinnea tne Allies in a smaii oeacnneao for six months.
37~ftermoving off UTAH beach the 4th Infantry Division maae s i o w
progress. The 90tn infantry Division faiiea compieteiy in its first
attempts t o drive across the Meraeret.
in tnese oacties.
Both units showea tneir inexperience
38The IX Tactical Air Conmana. unaer the US 9tn Air Force. supportea
tne 1st US Army. iipon the creation of 3ro Army tne XIX Tacticai Air Commano
was created t o support i t .
. Struoaie
ror -curoDp (New
j9Many. see especiaiiy Chester Wilmot.
YorK. 1952), pp.336-341. argue that Eisenhower never unaerstooa Montgomery,s
scneme. The latest eviaence is tndt iKe ana Braaiey unaerstooa and
approvea. See Davio Eisennower. pp.341-342. ana Braaiey ano 3iair.
pp.264-268.
zyxwvut
40A visit t o tne front oy tne US Secretary of the Army Stimson
reinforce0 tne American concerns at this time. Stimson oirectea m a t a i l Y
Army Group oe formea as soon as possioie. Aaaitionaliy. Churcniil was
concerned over possioie iiS reaction regaroina tne hianer US casuaities. See
Savia Eisennower. pp.360-361.
4 1 ~ 0
the~ expectations of oreakout heia in tne aritisn army a t this
see Aiexanaer ticiiee.
: Anvil of Victort (New k'OTK. 1984).
pp.246-282.
time
42The eariy cancei iation of GOODWOOD causea great uproar a t S M E F a t
tne time. for i t coinciaea witn a aelay in COBRA. Lisennower tearea rnat
:he Germans wouia De able t o transfer reserves t o nait Braaiev. i n fact.
47
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the Germans were able to move some units. This cancellation reinforces that
Montgomery remainea very concernea aoout casualties. See David Eisennower.
pp. 372-380.
43Because the A l l led Domoers flew perpenaicular rather than para1 lel to
the front. snort oomoing causea hundreas of American casualties. inciuaing
the aedth of tne Chief of US Ground Forces, LTG Leslie J. McNair. This
unquestionaoly contributed to the slow aavance on tne first aay.
44Braaley and Blair. pp. 275-276.
45D8Este. pp.250-251.
4% stalwart defense conauctea oy the 30th US Infantry Divislon also
helped. ULTRA.s role in the defeat of the German counterattack has
apparently been overestimated, as I ittle information regarding the German
plans reacnea Braaiey in time for him to act. See Braaley and Blair. pp.
291-294*
48
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Amorose. Stepnen E., w w e r : Solaier. Generai of the hunr,
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_-----_--~
~
L
I
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~
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~
Bennett, Raiph. IlLT&8 in the West: The l j o r m a n n v a n ot 1944-45. New
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Botting, Douglas E.,
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the
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__-___-__, Ias Miiitarv.-C
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m.
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-
.
v.
w
i
49
l
&
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50