DOCUNENT RESUME ED 097 159 AUTHOR TITLE INSTITUTION SPONS AGENCY PUB DATE NOTE EDRS PRICE DESCRIPTORS IDENTIFIERS RC 008 167 Orvik, James, Ed.; Barnhardt, Ray, Bd. Cultural Influences in Alaskan Native Education. Alaska Univ., Fairbanks. Center for Northern Educational Research. Ford Foundation, New York, N.Y. 74 94p.; Papers presented at a Symposium on "Cultural Influences in Alaskan Native Education," at the Annual fleeting of the Society for Applied Anthropology (Tuscon, Arizona, April 1973) NF-$0.75 BC-$4.20 PLUS POSTAGE *American Indians; *Bilingual Education; Communication (Thought Transfer); *Cross Cultural Studies; Cultural Awareness; Educational Anthropology; Educational Innovation; Educational Needs; *Effective Teaching; Eskimos; *Speeches; Teacher Behavior; Teaching Methods *Alaska ABSTRACT These papers were originally presented at the Symposium on "Cultural Influences in Alaskan Native Education", which was held in conjunction with the annual meeting of the Society for Applied Anthropology in Tucson, Arizona, April 13, 1973. The nine papers describe some of the recent efforts to better understand and build on the diverse cultural resources embodied in the people of Alaska. Topics cover: (1) a broad perspective of the prominant issues of education in Alaska; (2) some issues of teaching practices and behavior; (3) the informal aspects in the analysis of cross-cultural teaching; (4) bilingual education--a significaat force in the push for greater cultural sensitivity in schools; (5) cross-cultural communication within the sphere of educational program development and the politics of educational control; and (6) a theoretical perspective analyzing the potential contributions of anthropology to cross-cultural understanding. (AN) CULTURAL INFLUENCES IN ALASKAN NATIVE EDUCATION EDITED BY JAMES ORVIK AND RAY BARNHARDT UNIVERSITY OF ALASKA, FAIRBANKS PRESENTED AT THE ANNUAL MEETING OF THE SOCIETY rot APPLIED ANTHROPOLOGY, TUISON, ARIZONA, AWL 1973 US DEPAUTMENTOPPNALTN. EDUCATION A WELFARE NATIONAL INSTITUTE OP EDUCATION THIS DOCUMENT HAS SEEN REPRO DUCFO EXACTLY AS RECEIVED FROM THE PERSON OR ORGANIZATION ORIGIN *TING IT PO.NT S OF VIEW OR OPINIONS STATED DO NOT NECES!,ARILY REPRE SENT OFFICIAL NATION_ INSTITUTE OF EDUCATION POSITION OP POLICY Center for Northern Educational &march University of Alaska Fairbanks, Alaska 99701 March 1974 TABLE OF CONTENTS Pap Preface i Trends in the Development of Cross-Cultural Education in the Circumpolar Nations Frank Darnell Educating Across Cultures: The Alaskan Scene Ray Barnhardt 1 5 Effective Teachers of Indian and Eskimo High School Students J. S. Kleinfeld 11 Covert Clans: Factionalism as an Additional Consideration for the Alaskan Bush Teacher Michael S. Cline 39 A Classroom is Not a Fish Camp John Collier. Jr 49 The Eskimo Language Workshop E. Irene Reed 57 dilingual Education and Cultural Identity James M. Orvik 63 Native/Non-Native Communication: Creating a Two-Way Flow Bill Vaudrin 71 Anthropological Research as an AppJach to a Science of Cross-Cultural Education: The Comparative Method and Theory Building Charles D. Rider 85 PREFACE The unique physal and cultural ondatious in Alaska provide a rich and stimulating backdrop for examining and applying Mac Anna! processes across a wide range of human needs and circumstances. Efforts to understand the forces shaping the future of Alaska are. however. rarely able to keep up with the thrust to develop the State's human and natural resources. In the educational arena. programs that attempt to deviate from traditional practices are often times overwhelmed by the momentum of the traditkmal educatkmal machinery. Recent developments do. however. show a trend toward the establishment of alternative educational programs in response to demands for greater cultural sensitivity in the schools. The following papers describe some of the recent efforts to hitter understand and build upon the diverse cultural resources enduklied in the people of Alaska. While each of the papers represents a discrete individual effort. there are sonw themes around which they can he grouped. At the risk of imposing a structure not entirely warranted, we will note our reasoning for the order of presentation. The initial two papers ( Darnell and Barnhardt). provide a broad persiwctive for viewing some of the prominent issues of education in Alaska. The foPowing three papers !Kleioleld, (line, and Collier) deal with sonic of the pressing issues of teaching practices and behavior. The hotter three, however, are not emwerned directly with formal academie preparation hut, rather, with informal aspects so often missed but by no means less important, in the analysis of cross-cultural teaching. The next two papers (Reed and Oreik) deal with bilingual education in Alaska and are included because bilingual edneation is rapidly becoming a significant force in the push for greater cultural sensitivity in the schools. The eighth paper (Vaudrin) approaches the theme of cross-cidtoral communication within the sphere of educational program development and the politics of mlucatkmal eontrol. Finally. a theoretical perspective is offered by Bider analyzing the potential contributions of anthropology to cress - cultural understanding. In addition to the papers described above. the original symposium included the film. "Tuntseremiut" (The People of Tnnimak). presented by Lenny Kamerling. The film is not included here fur (*Mons reasons. but is recommended viewing fin anyone interested in eontemporary Alaskan village life. The symposium co-chairmen wish to thank the participants for their timely contributions to understanding the cons- cultural situation in Alaska. We also wish to express our appreciation to (lam Wolcott (University of Oregon) for his constructive assessment of the papers while serving as a discussant for the symposimn and to the Society for Applied Anthropology for providing the fonim for their presentation. The extensive .efforts of Debbie (glom and Judy Fox in preparing the present manuscript are also greatly acknowledged. Funds to underwrite the printing costs were provided through a grant from the Ford Foundation. The reader is asked in advance to recognize that no one collection of readings can adinpiately describe the panorama of educational programs and perspectives that exist in Alaska today. The pace of change is too quick and the obsolescence of ideas too advanced for so vast ao undertaking. J. NI. ( trvik P.. I. Barnhardt 11444. pillben weer unfbualh prrwna'd At a 5%1111141%111111 Oil "1:111111fal I 1111114'MM in Alaskan \ Ithi Efillt11111111." held in 1 in son Aritimis Apnl I -i. 197:1. m t /wpm film Muth Ow annual meeting of Ili Smug% tin timilied Atithreimilog% TRENDS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF CROSS-CULTURAL EDUCATION IN THE CIRCUMPOLAR NATIONS FRANK DARNELL Center for MIAs", Educations: Research University of Alaska, Fairbanks Concepts from many disciplines applicable to potential cross-cultural educational processes have only recendy become factors for consideration by some educational administrators in the development of plans for the educational systems they oversee. A few of those responsible for the design of education programs are becoming increasingly aware of the need to place the processes of education for indigenous people in the North in cultural perspective. It is hoped that these papers will help educationists, their allies in the behavioral and social sciences. and the Native residents to better understand what frustrates the education process in the multi-cultural setting of the North and thereby lead to creation of more positive, alternative educational processes. The indigenous people of the North face many complex problems as they learn to cope with an invasion of culturally alien and numerically dominant groups from other areas. Formal education systems in the North in all circumpolar nations as one of the several outside elements confronting Native groups have theoretically been organized on principles of democracy and responsiveness to local community needs. But it has become increasingly obvious that existing educational programs are designed primarily to accommodate the language, cultural values, economic system, and general interest of the dominant group from the south. The extensive variety of possible topics in the circumpolar nations and the broad geographic areas they embrace preclude the development of detailed conclusions on the subject of Northern education as a whole. There ate. however, certain elements of a general nature which I have identified from a year of travel in the circumpolar countries and from an analysis of the papers given at the First International Conference on Cross-Culttiral Education in the North. It U clear that unrestricted. two-way cultural transmission has not been encouraged by the education systems in the North with the possible exception of certain situations in the Soviet Union. Acculturation, when considered in its best sense as the process of multi-directional cultural diffusion and the equitable transfer of cultural element! from one group to another for the overall betterment of each has been discouraged. Instead. the process of cultural dominance, or assimilation, can be observed. Assimilation, as a negative force, regardless of whether planned or unintentional, has often been the end result of public education in the past rod emains so to a discouraging degree today in the North. This condition is no longer being tolerated by many of the Northern Native peoples. School programs contributing to assimilation arouse increasingly negative emotions on the part of many, especially those persons sensitive to the identity they have been denied through submersion of inherited culture. Many indigenous groups throughout the North are now seeking ways to reject iniposed cultural. econonik and administrative processes are examined. It has been found that single societies in the North are usually coterminous with single cultures. i.e., the society and the culture are common. This fact may be attributed to the condition that in the North many societies have :en and in some cases are still small, isolated and relatively stable. This situation is in contrast to the heavily populated sections to the South where it may be observed that most large societies are multicultural. Now. however, with the northward movement of pluralistk societies and their complex economic systems. we are faced not ()lily with the problems of change brought shout by the introduction of alien cultural element-. but with a 1 situatkm wherein the basic nature of the social structure itself is undergoing change from simple to comdy% Individuals in more omples social structures may require more elegant wan. to cope with their more involved relationships and subsequent frustrations than occurs in a simple society. Existing school wstems were not designed to provide these means. Tlw problem of providing for balance and equality in multi-directional (lawnl transmission has bom a critical factor in determining the success or failure of future educational programs mud their consequential effects on economic and administrative situations. 'Ile tragedy of educational programs with to few of the ekinents necessary to moire multi-directional flow of cultural componentsand Of learning situations that so seldom reflect respect for the lessdominant culture iu the diffusion proves!: may 1w observed in the Imitations of Native populations throughout the circumpolar North. The premise of Ceorge F. Kw Iler that reality exists only insofar as culture had made it possible and that vulture ultimately controls how we think about the world and defines how we perceive it might well become the prevailing argument for new educational development in the North. I We cannot understand individual behavior of others without taking into account their language. economy and cultural settink. Therefore. in order for cross - cultural settings to hear positively on educaton. it is necessary to know to what extent Native cultural factors influentr the aceeptane of reiretioo of educational programs an& most importantly. goals of education. Where educational systems have been designed, either deliberately or unknowlingly, with harriers to multi-directional cultural transmission, failure can he observed. Educational goals. curricula, teaching strategies and administrative structure of schools must he analyzed in light of this concept in order to foster educational systems that meet the nerds of the people they serve. Tlse most direct approach to educational improvement. when considered in this :Wit. may call for simply abandoning existing practices and allowing conditions which would encom age alternative educational processes to develop on their own without outside interference. (This process generally describes how the existing school system came into being. but, of coarse, in a different place, at a different time. for members of different society.) But now in the North. because of involved economic factors, disconnected administrati e arrangements, well entrenched pedagogical practices imported from elsewhere and ever increasing diverse cultural relationships all bearing hard on the people. the simple solution in reality has the least likelihood of happening. As the situation continues to grow more complex those presently responsible for educational systems invent more complicated ways out of the ma...e. Regardless of whether new processes are going to emerge in simple or involved fashion if they are to he developed successfully at all, they will in all likelihood be conceived in the light of multi-cultural eqoality. Each nation has its own peculiar problems and the extent of inadequate programs varies from place to place. A few situatiorai observed indicated positive situations now observable in the North, particularly in the Elsewhere the developing social awareness by some members of the nonNative society who are responsible for school systems has given rise toa much higher degree of attention to educatkmal programs based on local conditions than in the past. It remains. however, that too much attention has been in the form of overly specific categorical programs. usually funded for periods too short to determine their value. and not necessarily directed toward the bask. issues. Even the description of favorable situations in the Soviet Union may be less than promised when examined in light of conflicting information. meager as it is. that has been reported from a few Soviet sources. Lamentably, one may conclude, changes in basic educational processes even though sometimes proposed, are infrequently carried out and when carried out are done so inadequately or incompletely. Grts" knriler. #:(116(10*(1'1111 Anthrneoloitv: An Introdurson. %art and Son+. Int.. New lurk lam, pp 41-411. 2 It most he stressed that inv stink was essenetially that of taking inventory and IN It solving problems. invention did, however. give rise to certain questions and suggested tentative answers w hick may lead to more meaningful el Iticateo on !bow 1101 the l'Inwerm low en tss-ctiltitral imnptality that 1ten:v.14H circumpolar sitnatk um hi' Iwo ought to bear ion the existing ethicational system? I low may the principles id democrat% and mummify. ins cavement really be put into praetk and guaranteed as the' controlling philosophy in the educational systenn! The general tome !ing wt in the North, tend. to man I a single but complex answer for both questions. II indeed .whoops have IWINI l'INWeiVed on the principles of democracy and responsiveness to hand community nerds lint in prartim programs reflect the antithesis of these prin ciples. and if roneetek cross-ctelheral equality are still funnel wanting. the means to alter thew tiditioms need to lw It'Veltiled. Re alignment. of control of 141m:diem is generoltv the f irst means suggested and Is the I no neeessary part of a two part answer. Itv examining this suggestion we note that authority is ideally exercised by an individual or an instihnin 111WWWilln of three efennentary fumes of influence: ) legal authowitv toad. 2) adequate I Mancini resources. and :I) a thorough linderstanding of the problem he med of solving. I int' ortimately. all three elements are sekle me Fortnight to bar simultaneously on any given program I in the North. If reality tady exists insofar as culture has made it accessible. it f Ale tws that tlw ula jeority of pettiele (wreath. holding legal antis wits. and fiscal control cannot la issibly perceive the problems as they really. are. Thew officials are not of the grass roots tuition. (with a few notable exceptiems) and no matter how well-meaning their intentions. a necessary ingredient is typically lacking. %hen the existing educational establishment wt about to develop educational programs and designed administrative flow charts "cutting up" the lines of anthonty for Northern schools. they were well authori/ed by law, and in recent velars have been timidly well funded. Hot no matter how well defined their authority and how well financed the' third ingredient. thorough understanding of the problem. often has been funnel wanting. Throughout the North it is the Native population who has the exclusive cultural pereptinn and bask factual intim-in:Mom inherently denied. through no fault of their own, to those prewntly in control of the education !truces. It might be' added that this holds true for administrators of many minority groults, elsewhere in the world. However. in the North the relationship of the Native popedatiem to the total society still represents a 'venation which distinguishes it from some minority populations elsewhere. For the most part the Native populatilm is not alienated trim' the male wity and is still to 111 found within the' mepassing the total Northern society. This situation enhances the opportunity I or improved circle conditions. bed how long such a large seem tent of the society can he' denied substantive inf haven% and still stay within the circle. is in itself one of the critical questions which needs consideration. 1 hr universal conewns expressed by the Native potpie of the' North may be looked upon as essential elements necessary for substantive change: ways for their itereeption to influence programs mint he brought to hear on new programs. Hitt like the statements of educational theorists and behavioral scientists. they may not, by themselves. resolve the issue. And this gives rise to one' last observable universal point as part two of the common answer. Although realignment of guano contributing to the influence of educational programs and of the amalgamation of the existing system w ith the Native populations is au tort net need. it is still necessars to keep this need in proper tvrspective. less the issue of control. pens r !wet um. an end unto itself. 11 hill. programs in the past as imports f rout elsewhere have been patentiv inappropriate and educatim inapplicable to Northern twopl. no go earantee exists that programs to hollow will neeessarilv improve. motels because of the' transfer o tr sharing of entietrol. )move a new strowture emerges the teal work of tali twine* new edtwational processes will begin. A new base for influence vim indeed be the instrument by which alternative systems of education nema.. fun the new base should not be' considered the alternative itself ( :ertain inherent problems will generate disagreement among Native groups themselves as they acquire more en tutrol Research designed to resolve olisagrements remains it pressing need. Native groups might to be to a janitiou to make ow of findings Irmo the lie winces to learn as well what methods will work best for them Post as any large. consoles enterprise retains a research &venom to resolve new jirohlems. For example. how far &Pt% (littoral g mditioning of Northern people affect the rejection or act-gunner of educational innovatious? 11 ith the cultural situation changing rapidly. what subject fields will assist Northerners in adjustina to continuous accelerating change which is inevitable? How can Northern tulturett be retained in light of the increasitud sPecialired knowledge and skills that the more technolgica! vultures will require? And most importantly. how will new edocational systems allow pupils to adapt to events that are unforeseen but hound to happen? The predicament in the Siorth, therefore. is one of inconsistency through faikre to communicate. On the tine hand. the estublishment with legal and financial means to influence the educational system and a growing batik of academic awl research skills now recognises that new pregrams which will enhance the ',maim, of the cultural minority mint he developed and implemented. Conversely. that very segnwnt of society for whom such educational pt entrants are desiwratel sought holds the key to nwaningful prngram development but does not have the the background nor legal and fiscal means necessary to cope with all toe problems. Obviously. was ought to he tound ;o bring the two elements together. Each has much Os tiller the other. Such a merger has the potential to eliminate the chaos evident within the nuajority on the one hand and the frustrations of the minority on the other:11w ensuing dem? to which positive concepts of entwoiltuntlism are applied to ethwational program development win determine the slimes% of the amalgamation. In summary them the trends in the North clearly indicate that increased participation by the Northern people themselves is the essential ingredient to a inure realistic Northern social environment although a great deal can still he offered by scientists and educationists. 11 hether the present school system or whether a new tysteiti cis ethwation Ls to evolve to permit this cogwrative involeownt -say heti nue the ultimate issue. The degree to which a group of people is ready hi make changes or move .utts different spheres of ntiluence whether the dominant or nondontinant grorp, is a nebulous conditions to assess. Northerners mav or may not he more ready than the world as a whole to create a new educational system and social realm, but clearly in the North todas a departure from the sterns quo is essential and inounwnt. It has been frequently said in low way or another In many spokesmen that a recurring universal notion ot the ultimate end of education. regardless of geographic' region. political subdivision. or cultural heritage. is simply to make certain that the good is there to contemplate. Individoals, by attainment of such au end. regardless of where they kid dwitneles in the maze of any en osscultural mist. imis then lw Tres- to make whatever choices they must to acquire tin means to meet their own objective. educat it mal jsrt tura t is certain to in the North may wen contain lessons for all groups st ri tattling to establish their own identification. 4 EDUCATING ACROSS CULTURES: THE ALASKAN SCENE RAY BARNHARDT Alaska Rwei Teacher Training Corps University of Atoka, Fairbanks No educational June in Alaska today is treated with as much concern and as little understanding as the nile of the school as it relates to the Native people in the State. Those persons who see the school as a facilitator in the process of assimilation find it extremely slow and cumbersome in carrying out such role. Those who desire to use the school as a means to perpetuate the traditional Native culture find it limited in application to only superficial aspects, such as Native arts and crafts. history. and some lemplege. Those who take "the best of both worlds" approach find it difficult to design a school program which will reconcile the attitudinal and behavioral expectations inherent in the "dominant culture" with those implicit in the cultural framework of the Native community. The typical response to the above dilemmas has been. and continues to be. a patchwork of programs designed to respond to particular needs. but usually lacking in overall coherence or continuity and sometimes incompatible with programs already operative at the same time and location. The lack of coherent framework for dealing with educational issues in rural Alaska is partially due to the ethnocentric nature of "schooling" as an educational process. The vast mainrity of educational literature is derived from and focuses on a unicultural environment. As a result. the issues usually are viewed only from the schools perspective rather than as an interaction of two cultural systems. 01IP reflected in the school, the other in the Native community. The uniqueness of the problems CV disregarded in the search for underlying similarities. In order to explore the role of the school as it relates to the Native people. it is necessary to conceptualize the components that are involved and the conditions under which they exist. The following diagram is intended to bring into a common perspective the various issues of concern to i. ople involved in Native ediwation. It is offered as a way to view the conditions that exist. not as an explanation of then existence. The diagram pulls toAether five principal components in the education process: the teacher. student, parent. schooi, and community. tf rider ideal educational conditions, the diagram appears as follows: Community '11w two large circles represent the soio-cultural milieu of the school and the community. The three smaller circles represent the experiential domains of the teachers. students, and parents. The complete diagram represents the interrelationship of the various emoluments. The size of the circles, however, is not intended to represent the relative influence' of the various components. An underlying assumption is that the greater the degree of congruence (overlap) of the components. the greater the opportunity for 5 meaningful and outselling eiltwational development. 'Ilw extent to whii.h the components overlap nnesents the pntential for esperiential continnity and conceptual integratinn as a result of their Wean% . under Iterlect inaultinatinnal conditions. the siwin-cilltistal unliru ill the school and Ow communits. are klential. Tlw itistoms. beliefs. values. behavii or pattenn. and in toceptual sorieutations eshibited iii the %lams' (formal education) ilwrespond to those eshibited ill the C111111111111i1V I infonnal ediaation). Conti, mends the esperiential domains of the teachers. students. and parings .166 are tdntical. TItev all an. oriented to the same cultural 1111111 Ns they share a common bakgrouncl cif lienrignal and conceptual esperietwec. They we things. think ablaut things. and behave in similar ways. Therefttre. theV ar alik to engage in prialniiive interaction aml communication and move toward comprehensible and agreeable goals. Unifier thew conditions. education is a .11110101111.. constnictive and inimulative process. Spolloollon of Ilse Memo No school -community sitoatii on can 1w esiwcilx1 to fully exemplify the bleat. %lost m. hools in typic al "middle class" Am erivan communities. howetiv. are intendd to refk.ii to a large degree the sods, cukural ulilietl of the tnamminities they serve. The curriculum anti the organizational structure of 111 school are designed around the needs and exitciathms of the community. The teachers are usually martinis of a cukitral envirommt similar to that of the students and parents. I )iagninimatknilly. the varktus components are positioned to represent a large nverlapping area (as designated by the shach.d area in the above diagram). indicating a high ;agenda! for positive educational exiwriences. V. hether er not the ;potential is achieved depends ion the willingness and effort id the individual participants and the effective ntiliration of available resourees. It does not depend on the cismpigibiliry of the hehackw and value orientations of the parthipants shier these are presumed to hi. congruent. When the siaiimniltund milieu of the efialialliary deviates (nun the prototype Iwlt of which the American school system evolved. the congroency between school and community diminishes. 'Ile presence Ida school in a culturally different setting (a.; in rural Alaska) introduces an interaction system involving alternative sets of values atef behavior ;::ittents with varying pi gimbal for incongruence. l'hew conditions usually are characterized by terms such as rom-cukural. inter-iittaral. or trans-cellars!. Regardless of the educatioruil mails of the school in such in immunities. the nveraf l unship 1 if the diagrammatic comportinits is the Wail'. Whether the teacher is oriented to "culturaltcrincervation" or to "assimilation." his of forts can he represented as the confluence of t' s-o modes of thought and behavior. Sigh orientations assume di al OW cultural system OVIK another. lit ..-ither case. the success of the teacher's effort is affected by the compatibility of the particular laiale. Ili thooslit and behavior represented in a particular situation. Schools In In Muni Halloo Common1Nos of Atoka l'he schools low atoll in the rural Natit.e commtmatim of Alaska represent situations involving the of different sociocultural The relationships sof the various cumin meats with regard to these siica& and Vtallailliata'S all` illustrated as follows: into .21 Although variations in the iatterns tot interowtient tot certain (muniments exist am mngst the various schools and communities. thew sariations are insignificant with regard to the impart et the overall vont iguration on the (Airline opal esiwrienem of the students. shaded area. where the cultural milieu of the school and community and the esperiential domains of the teachers and parents converge in relation to the educational experiences of the students. designates the limited potential for positive. integrated educational esperiencev horirontally lined area represents students involvements other than those provided by coordinated parent-teacher efforts. Thew include peer-group associations. interaction with parents in relation to the school, and interaction with teachers in relation to the eonmasnit. Although these various involenwnts are assumed to he consistent since they are within the cultural I ramework of both the school and comemmity. the burden of compatibility rests on the students. Such involvements may or may not lead to a coherent whole, depending on each students' ability to integrate the various experiences. l'he two s ertialk lined areas represent those aspects of the Native student.' esperiential don mins that are not directly compatible and that can not he integrated into a consistent whole. These consist of seseio-esoltural forces that have their origin in separate cultural milieu, and that often arc in mutual opposition. The areas represent the attitudes and expectatk on. of the parents and the teachers. regarding the studeots. which arc derived from different life stvk's and different world views. These divergent aspects of the students' esperiential domain contribute to an ambivalent conceptual orientation and discontinuity and disharmony in the students' educational development. The mainrity of the issues in niral Alaskan education can he classified into the vertically lined area. 11w runt of most problems can he attributed to the differences in conceptual understanding of the issues, based on the different cultural perspeetives of the school and community. Won Schools and Boarding Schools for Alaskan Naives A third configuration of the diagram is needed to represent the experiences of Native students attending urban based schools or boarding schools outside their home community. t school and the community are separate entities representing di, relent cultural milieu. Virtually the only connection between what 'Icons in the school and what meows in the community is provided by the students perkklie movement from the one to the other. The parents seldom interact with the school: the teachers seldom interact with the community. The students are provided with two distinct sets of experiences originating from mutually exclusive cultural systems. The task of synthesizing the two sets of experiences into an integrated and meaningful whole is left to the students. To achieve satisfactory integration. the students must learn to accommodate two different conceptual frameworks. If they are unable to achieve the critical synthesis they must either abide by one ramewoth at the expense of the other. or lace the consequences (A conceptual disharmony. If the students are given a choke, the most reasonable alternative for them is to kohl to the cultural patterns from which they emerged. (*.consequently. the educational efforts of the school are tolerated but never accepted or corweptinilly Instead. a third cultural system is binned as the teachers and students develop a el msistent pattern of non-interaction bawd on mutual expectations derived from past experience. Native students are esiwted by the teachers to have certain deficiencies and display certain behavior patterns many incompatible with the goals of the school. The teachers. therefore. establish certain response pat.rwi to ai.commodat the situation. The students follow the same patterns with regard to the teachers: k.ventuall. a mutually agreed-on system is developed whereby each of the participants "do their own thing." However. when the results of the educational program are evahuited and the students are below national standards, the accusation of failure is directed to the students not the school. Toward Wed Undue Wang The discrepancy between the two latter diagrams and the ideal el wiliguratinn of school-community and teacher-student-parent interaction patterns is apparent in the lack of significant overlap. indicating the differences in cultural milieu and experiential domains under these conditions. Three means of reducing the discrepancy are possible: the parents and students can shift then values. beliefs. customs, behavior patterns, and conceptual orientations to accommodate those represented by the school: the teachers can shift their efforts and goals to accommodate to the background of the students: or. a combination involving mutual accommodation can he worked out. Since the goal is to achieve compatibility of educational exp eriences. any of the above means can aor imidish that task. However, the three means are not equally realistic. Although the Native people can no longer maintain an independent existence oriented to "the old ways." they alsocannot be expected to abandon their heritage and assume a life style often inconsistent with that heritage. I Yen if they wanted to. they could not automatically switch to a different conceptual orientation without residual affects of the previous orientation. Non-Native teachers, likewise, cannot he expected to comprehend the complexity of the relationship between the school and a Native community on the basis of their background and standardized training. They cannot switch conceptual orientations any more than can the Native parent or student. In addition to their own ethnocentrism they are caught in a system that allows them to operate only in prescribed ways. The physical isolation of the schools and teacher housing illustrates this point. Rarely do the teachers move beyond the classroom in an effort to improve the quality of education. The most reasonable approach for bringing the school and MillIonitY closer together is to Increase mutual understanding between the various participants in the educational process. This may he accomplished by enhancing the interaction and flow of communications through reciprocal involvement of the participants in the alternate experiential domains and cultural milieu. Community members can become involved in the school and teachers can timeline involved in the community. teethe Teachers in the School The presente of local community members in the school. particularly as teachers. represents the most logical means of encouraging greater school-community understanding. However, such an approach is not as simple as it first appears. It the community members are thrust um, the rigid structure of a traditional domain) and are not allowed to establish alternate patterns of interaction and eommunicat ion. their experience as Nati. es is of littlevalue and Islay even be detrimental to their of forts as "teachers." If their training has so inoculated them with the stereotypical attitudes and expectations of a "teacher" that they are unable to establish a free-flow of communications with their students in their own male. they have little more to contribute than the teacher f rem "outside.." Native teachers must be allowed to approach the students and "classna an" on their own terms if they are to use their expertise as Natives of fetively. As representatives of the ts mt tun nit y. they can !emi the f orneal aspects of schooling IV with the informal aspects of child rearing in the community. Nut to do so requires a freedom of moement beyond that usually associated with strict tumid education. The community becomes the classroom. mid the classroom reflects the community. In the training and on the job. Native teachers must be accorded the flexibility to make extensive deviations from standard eurriculmn au,ef strutnial patterns. School policy and objectives nowt be expanded to allow for new and different means and ends with regard to educational attainment. Thus the concepts of teaching and schooling themsels es must be called into question if such a transformation of attitudes and expectations is to occur. Non-Ns llve Teachers In the Community The second means of enhancing school-community understanding is to increase the involvement of achieve a genuine understanding and accentuae between non-Native teachers in the community. the teacher and the Native community. however, requires more than their exposure to each other: it requires more than factual or inferential knowledge: it requires a sensitivity to a wide range of subtle and complex factors that affect the various participants' perception of each other. "Mutual understanding" implies a consensual recognition and itceptancr of the worth c id dignity of the individuals or soups involved. The Native parents and students must be a: cepted for what they are. not for what they once were or for what they "should" be. An appreciation of Native people because they are descendants of the "noble savage" or represent a "vanishing breed" offers little consolation to contemporary Natives. Likewise, to express an interest in helping Natives because of "their impoverished and decadent condition." on the assumption that they need to be raised to a certain white man's standard, only contributes to the problem rather than alleviates it. To attempt to make a Native into an artifact of a romantic age. or a prototype of contemporary middle-class white standards. is to dixtegard the unique qualities of his present existence. Teachers must be willing to learn as well as teach, in situ, if they are to respond to contemporary eircomstantia needs and be able to accurately assess the impact of what they teach. Such an approach to school-community .understanding requires a conceptual transf urination similar to that required if a Native is tr( be allowed to teach as a Native. The teacher must break out of the mindset that establishes him as the sole proprietor in the educational training of Native children. Ile must recognize his status as an outsider and be sensitive to the differences that exist between himself and the students. rather than placing all the emphasis on the superficial similarities. Even if he takes the extreme position and openly pursues a course of indoctrination to white ways. he reflects a electer perception of his position than if he blindly pursues a traditional teaching style. Once the teacher recognises his ianition relative to the students. parents. and community, he can pursue a course of action which will . able him to offer a connotative rather than subtractive educational experience. Such an approach infers a greater understanding and involvement of the community with regard to the school. The one is a natural eonsemience of the other. The Community m the Classroom Whether a Native is teaching in the school or a white teacher is involved in the tommuniiy. the central issue is to improve the communications and increase the compatibility between what is taught in the school and what is learned in the community. Although the conditions described above are intended to illustrate how teacher (in hiensitivity to soio-cultural differences can affect their teaching. such vicarious accounts cannot adequately prepare a person for ulna! imn Riskin with the issues on a face-toface. day-to-day Imo!. relationship with the community. they must move It teachers are to establish more than a superf beyond the traditional classroom They must strive to view themselves as they are viewed from the perspective of the community: to listen to what they say as it may he heard by the community: to establish goals in harmony with the real-life circumstances in the community. Instead of trying to raise the students to a prescribed percentile level, the teacher should wive to help the students learn something today they did not know yesterday. The students will then he assessed on the basis of where they are, not where they should be. The teacherwhite or Nativewho has the incentive and freedom to explore the educational envinm with his students will not restrict his endeavors to the formal classroom. Ile will make the community an integral part of the classroom, building the educational framework around local needs and resources. Students will learn in the presence of and in cooperation with the adult members of the community. By extending the classroom into the community, the schooling experience becomes meani1.4ful and additive in terms of both the teachers' and the students needs. The teacher becomes better acquainted with the community and thus can better assess the implications of his efforts. The students are treated to a schooling experience that coincides with their extra-school experiences. Formal and informal education are blended into a coherent, integrated whole. BIBLIOGRAPHY Cole. M.. Gay. J., Glick. J.A.. and Sharp. D.W. The Cultural Context of Learning and Thinking. New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1971. Collier. John Jr. Alaskan Eskimo Education. New York: Holt. Rinehart. and Winston, 1973. Kleinfeld, J.S. Alaska's Urban Boarding Home Program. Fairbanks: Center for Northern Educational Research, University of Alaska. 1972. Spadley. J.P.. Ed. Culture and Cognition. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company. 1972. Wallace. A.F.C. Culture and Personality. New York: Random Douse (Second Edition) 1970. Wax, M.L. Diamond. S.. and Gearing. F.O. Anthropological Perspectfv's on Education. New York: Basic. Books. Inc.. 1971. Wolcott. ILK A Kwakiutl Village and School. New York: Holt. Rinehart. and Winston. 1967. 10 EFFECTIVE TEACHERS OF INDIAN AND ESKIMO HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS J. S. KLEINFELD Institute of Social, Economic and Government Research University of Alaska, Fairbanks Port INTRODUCTION The ethnocentric teacher, who strives to destroy his students' cultural identity in order to propel them into the American mainstream and then quotes chapter and verse of cultural deprivation texts to rationalize his own teaching failure, is a prominent villain in Indian education. While the characteristics of such ineffective teachers are well known, very little information is available on the characteristics of successful teachers of Indian and Eskimo students. The purpose of this study was to develop a theoretical model defining the psychological characteristics of effective as well as ineffective teachers of rural Athabascan Indian and Eskimo students. In view of the policy shift from edur ng Indian student. in isolated federal schools to integrating them into the public schools, it was also : umlaut to explore a second question: Is the type of teacher who is successful with rural Indian and Eskie students also successful with urban White and Black students or are different teaching styles more productive with different types of students? Review of the Uteritur. Studies concerning teachers of Indian students have tended to focus on the broad cultural conflicts that lead to a learning deadlock in the classroom. The White teacher is viewed as ineffective because he personifies the antogonistic values and reformist attitudes of the predominant culture which are resisted by Indian students. In Wax, Wax, and Dumont's classic study of formal education amonla the Sioux, for example. the classroom is analyzed as an arena where the value conflicts separating the Indian community from White society come to a focus.' Teachers tended to disparage their students' culture and potentialities and viewed their instructional mission as reforming students by teaching the manners and morals of White society as absolute goods. Sioux adolescents expressed passive resistance and cultural group solidarity by creating the "silent classroom." The Indian peer group united in refusal to participate overtly in classroom work. Such silent classrooms, however, did not occur with a few successful teachers. However, the description of their teaching style is unfortunately brief: . .. there area few teachers who develop fine classrooms and teach their pupils a great deal. These teachers are difficult to describe because they are remarkably different in background and personality and some are "real characters" in the sense that this word was used fifty years ago. In general, they differ from the less successful instructors in that they respect their pupils. By this, we mean that they treat them as if something of respect was already there.... Thew teachers are strict disciplinarians and do not tolerate nonsense...all are very fair and all are extremely skillful in avoiding a situation which would embarrass a shy student before the class. They tend to place a heavy emphasis on scholastic work and often behave as if such matters as pupils' neatness in dress and eating habits, or how pupils spend their money, do not fall within their province.2 This description provides a few tantalizing clues to the characteristics of effective teachers. 'however. shave the study is directed toward other issues, it does not detail the was general attitudes are expressed in specific teaching behaviors. Such specificity is essential because Indians and Eskimos may hold very different views from Whites about the particular behavior that expresses such feelings as respect.3 Progress toward defining characteristics of effective and ineffective teachers is made in Dumont's classification of three types of teachers of Cherokee. students.4 Teachers in the first group are "nice" to students, but have given up attempting to teach them. They resort to busy work or let the class carry on without them. Teachers in the second group place high value on learning. but have m. understanding of cultural differences and the appropriate ways of interactina with students. In their classes, students are apathetic and, the teachers react to student apathy with hostility. The third group of teachers work within the framework of cultural differences. With the help of students who act as mediators between the teacher and the Indian peer society. they create an Intercultural classroom." The hallmark of media classroom is verbal dialogue between the teacher and the student, in contrast to the normative silent resistance. In the intercultural classroom. students "will do such remarkable things as engage in lengthy conversations with the teacher about academic subjects."5 Exactly how these effective teachers work within the framework of cultural differences is not described. However. Dumont's reports of specific teacher-student interactions in the "intercultural classroom" in the light of other stitches raises the possibility that the teacher's interpersonal orientation may be a critical characteristic. Among traditional Indians and Eskimos. the value of social harmony takes precedence over task achievement .° and a task "cannot he separate J from the relationship of the individuals performing it."7 Modern industrial societies, in contrast, attempt to separate the interpersonal aspects of an enterprise from the task dimension so that personal feelings do not interfere with the more important value of tall achievement. Thu:c. fo- Indian end Eskimo students, the teacher's ability to establish appropriate interpersonal relationships may be a necessary condition for teaching effectiveness. For White middle class students, who are accustomed to differentiating the interpersonal and task dimensions of a situation, such social sensitivity may not be as critical a factor. Such a view is supported by Wax's intriguing finding that Cherokee parents and students defined the good teacher as one who has love" for shidents.8 Apparently ill at ease by the intensity of the emotion suggested, the researchers attribute the Cherokee's "peculiar usage of the English word 'love to their limited knowledge of English. They redefine the term to indicate a more distant teacher - student relationship of "respect, trust, gentleness, and courteous sensitivity."9 However, the results of the present study raise the possibility that the Cherokee may have meant precisely what they said. The intense personalism that seems critical to effective teaching of village Indian and Eskimo students often appears inappropriate to westerners with professional orientations. In a study of Eskimo education. Collier similarly points to the importance of emotional closeness between the teacher and Eskimo stiidents.1° Using the techniepues of film analysis, he describes the way teatieeeN' nonverbal behaviors con timnicate feelings of warmth versus distance. In a silent pre-first grade class taught by a White male. the teacher created a classroom climate of emotional distance by standing at a wide physical distance from the students urd spacing them tar apart in rows. In an animated I lead Start class taught by Eskimo wom en. the teachers. in contrast. communivated emotional closeness through physical closeness and through touch. Collier's film analysis of different teaching styles raises the possibility that it is the teacher's interpersonal style, not his ethnic group membership, that is critical to success. An Eskimo teacher who had completed professional iisiversity training evidenced little rapport with students. I however. those White teachers who were able to use a nonverbal communication style of emotional closeness similar to that of Eskimo teachers seemed to have similar results: 12 kb Scout moves bunt indiVidlial to individual. trout group to group. Ile !earls over. sits down. touches. corrects and moves on. Students run to him with papers . .. The teacher appears very relaxed. and talks slowly to students. There are no signs of boredom. no yawning. Everyone is busy... In oun. the literature on Indian education contains abundant maniples of destructive teacher attitiftl Iractices. I lowever. description: of successful teachers of Indian and EslOeno students are Jot detailed. Several studies suggest the critical importance of emotional closeness teacher and Indian and Eskimo students. Other work draws attention to other charm o. charade. discipline such as vivid personality. respect for students. and strict discipline. I lowever. bow such . as emotional closeness relate to somewhat conflicting characteristics such as strict A.11 discussed. Nor does the available literature raise the 11111'01On of whether the same or different teaching shin are effective with rural Indian and Eskimo versus urban White and Black students. Method A review of the extensive literature on teaching effectiveness in the light of exploratory study concerning the problems of cross-cultural teaching indicated the need for ethnographic analysis as a first stage in the development of hypotheses about the characteristics of effective teachers in the crosscultural elassroom. The category systems used in conventional analyses of teaching Iwhavior were developed for teachers and students who share a western cultural background. For two reasons. such categories appeared to be inappropriate in analyzing cross-ultural teaching relationships involving Athabasan Indian aftd Eskimo students. First. the categories of teacher behavior masked what might he critical distinctions in effective rossolturftl instruction. For example. the standard interaction analysis dimension "Teacher praises student" generally relates only to verbal praise and at best combines verbal and nonverbal expressions of approval into a single category. Yet. exploratory research suggested that public verbal praise frequently embarrassed Indian and Eskimo students into silent withdrawal and thus comprised an ineffective teacher behavior. However, nonverbal praise such as an intimate smile and sparkle of the eyes appeared to reinforce desirable classroom behavior and thus comprise an effective teacher behavior. Second, the teacher behavior categories developed for a western classroom situation omitted entirely dimensions of teacher behavior and subtle distinctions of feeling that appeared to be critical categories in effective instruction of Indian and Eskimo students. For example. the teacher who attempted to motivate these students by appealing to their own interests and goals ("Do it for learning's sake/so you can get a good job/ for a good grade") met with little success. Teachers who attempted to motivate village students by appealing, in contrast, to the mutual obligations inherent in a personal teacher-student relationship ("Do it for me/to make mite happy/so that I will feel I am a good teacher") tended to be quite successful. Yet teachers tended to be extremely ambivalent about appealing to a personal relationship to motivate students and felt that it was somehow higher for the student to learn for his own sake rather than for the sake tel someone else. he need to analyze the conflicts teachers felt in such situations again emphasized the importance of approaching the problem of cross-cultural teaching effectiveness first through wholistic. ethnographic methods appropriate for considering such issues before attempting to devise a measurement system appropriate for hypothesis testing. For these reasons, the primary method used to analyze teaching characteristics was observation of approsienatel 40 teachers of io udemi subjects in two all-Native boarding schools and five integrated urban high schools in Alaska during the 1970-71 school year. Semi-structured interviews were held with each teacher concerning his teaching problems with village Indian and Eskimo students and the instructional methods he found successful and unsuccessful. Since Indian and Eskimo students immuniate more freely through indirect. written methods rather than interviews. students' essays and letters were used to obtain information about reactions to different teachers. 13 Attention ftised primarily on teachers of ninth grade Indian and Eskimo students who are first expeneming the transition trim; small village elementary 501001 to a large secondary school. Since instructional problems at this stage are most acute. differences in the effects of different teachers are likely to be Inure visible. As hypotheses were developed. teachers who represented contrasting teaching shies were videotaped to 'wring more intensive analysis of their classroom behavior. In addition. supplementary experiments were designed to permit formal hypothesis testing. In evaluating alternative teaching styles, it Was necessary to use a measure of teaching effectiveness that would have some generality across different academic subjects and across different teaching philosophies. Sine the purpose of this study was exploratory, to develop testable hypotheses. formal measures were not sought at this stage of the research. f lowever. it was important to have clearly in mind some unambiguous criterion of teaching effectiveness so that evaloation of different teacher characteristics would be biased as little as possible by the observer's preference for particular teaching styles. 12 Studies of teaching effectiveness have generally used three kinds of criterion measures. One is the opinion of experts. such as teacher supervisors. A second is pupil growth measured by such indicators of change as achievement tests. A third is an intermediate criterion thought to he related to pupil growth. such as classroom Attentiveness or amount of academic work performed. Expert opinion is generally acknowledged to he an unsatisfactory measure. since such opinions tend to be unreliable and depend substantially on the particular educational theories the expert happens to hold. While pupil growth as measuml by achievement test gains seems superficially to he the most valid criterion of teacher effectiveness. it is quite difficult to use. At the secondary level, each subject is taught by a different teacher and it is difficult to compare student gains across subjects. For these reasons, this study used as an informal inditator of teacher effectiveness two intermediate criteria of pupil growth that seemed especially appropriate for Indian and Eskimo students. First, how much did the Indian and Eskimo students verbally participate in the classroom? Second. what was the cognitive level (e.g.. repetition of scattered facts versus application of principles) of their verbal communications as evaluated by Bloom's taxonomy? 13 Verbal participation itself was chosen as one criterion of teacher effectiveness for Indian and Eskimo students because both the Indian education literature and teacher interviews suggested that Indians and Eskimos tend to respond to a stressful situation, such as a poor teacher, by withdrawing into silence. Indeed. classroom silence may he used as a stretegy of passive aggression against the teacher. Verbal participation has been used, although not exr *.citly. as a criterion of effective teaching in other studies of Indian classrooms. 14 Moreover, teachers often used verbal participation as a criterion of their own teaching success. The second criterion, the cognitive level of student participation. was used to distinguish classrooms where Indian and Eskimo students felt comfortable enough to speak but were learning little. from classrooms where verbal participation indicated learning. Moreover, this measure of the intellectual level of student's partiirition was especially useful in evaluating the teacher's effectiveness with the urban White and Black students. who were not usually verbally reticent. Part II PROBLEMS IN CROSS-CULTURAL SECONDARY INSTRUCTION Problonts of Indian and Eskimo IfIllago Students In High School Athabascan Indian and Eskimo students in Alaska %dm come from small. remote villages without high schools most attend secondary school away from home. Students accustomed to a one. r two room multi-grade elementary school. where the other students are relatives or people known all their lives. 14 enter urban public schools of over one thousand students or Native boarding schools of several hundred students. The student body of the high school is often larger titan the total population of their home village. physical environment of the high schoolits massive size. labyrinth of corridors, strange machines. and waves of noise frequently unnerves students. linable to work the combination of their lockers and too embarrassed to ask for help on a trivial task which any White student can do. Indian and Eskimo students often wear parkas to all their classes. To find an Indian or Eskimo young man crying in the halls or vomiting in the restroom because he cannot find his next class is not an exceptional occurrence. Since Ind.ans and Eskimos are socialized into a stringent ethic of making feelings of discomfort.15 such breakdowns testify to the extreme stress village students undergo. Village students, however. adapt fairly rapidly to the stress of the physical environment. although they may remain somewhat uncomfortable. It is rather the social environment of the high school that creates the subtle and enduring problems. In brief. village students tend to perceive the social environment of the school as hostile. This perception is in part realistic and due to the actual preludice of many students and a few teachers. However, this perception is also based on misinterpretations of the meaning of western social behavior. In brief. village students tend to interpret the impersona! social relationships characteristic. of modern industrial society in terms of the personalized social nouns of a small village. Village students are amistomed to the diffuse, affectively intense. particularistic relationships characteristic of small, traditional societies where everyone knows everyone else as full personalities occupying many different roles.'" A., one student put it, "At home everyone knows everyone by heart." The social structure of the secondary school. in contrast is organized in terms of the social norms of modern, industrial societies. As Dreehen17 points out. "What is learned in school" is in part to accept as legitimate being treated according to the norms of public life. in contrast to the norms of the kinship group. By being placed in a classroom with strangers sharing primarily the collation attribute of age and by having similar behavior expected regardless of one's personal charaeteristics, the student learns to accept being treated according to universal nornus as a member of a category. As relationships with teachers change from the diffuse affection and prolonged contact characteristic of the early elementary grades to the impersonaiism and specadization of the secondary school, the student acquires the difficult emotional attitudes congruent with a detached, narrow scope of one person's concern with another. In contrast to urban students. village Indian and Eskimo students are not familiar through prior socialization with impersonal social settings where anonymous, fragmented task relationships are the norm. Observation of their parents' behavior in the village obviously does not teach these role orientations. Nor has their elementary school socialization gradually prepared them for such impersonalista to the extent it does the turban student. In many small villages, a husband and wife teaching team instructs all classes in a multigrade damn-man. The other students are net strangers. While the teachers rarely become part of the village. they do become known as fuller personalities due to their cut ter roles such as nurse or radio operator and to their social dependency on villagers for some social life. In sum. elementary' school relationships in the village school, while of course more impersonal than in the village society. are nonetheless considerably more diffuse and particularistic than the typical urban schoul. Thus. village students tend to expect similar person:dimd relationships in the secondary school setting, and atoms mous situations which turban students accept as a matter of course make village students acutely d1 at ease. Out' killative student. for esample. recommended to a friend that he attend school elsewhere because "Ion won't feel comfortable here. WItv I've been here la high school of close to 21100 students) three years already. and I has en't even met the principal yet." Other students say they feel Immo hatable when they don't kinIN the mum. of the driver of the school bus er the names of esvry other student in each of their classes. Some heroine upset when teachers do not know their names and 15 call on them by pointing or saying "the girl in the hack of the room." W hilt. urban students might similarly prefer the teacher to know their names. they tend to accept the anonymous situation without such intense distress. Interpreting social interactions in the large secondary school from the meaning system of a ersonalited folk society.. village students !remittently misperceive rejection. For example. Indian and Eskimo village students tend to view themselves as the strangers in the new school which they are assuming is a community where everyone knows everyone else. If the urban students indeed had friendly feelings toward them. the village students reason. they would make positive friendly overtures just as the village students would if a new person visited their hometown. Urban stndents, however. accustomed to the anonymity of a large school where there are many students they do not know. generally take no not ice of village students and make little effort to he friendly. Village students interpret this behavior as active rejection and prejudice. as indeed it would bell they treated a visitor to the village in this fashion. When village students become accustomed to the impersonal norms of the school. generakv in their second year. they frequently remark that they had initially misunderstood their classmates' affinities and perceived them as prejudiced and unfriendly when most of them were riot. Village students tend to desire highly iwrsnaliled. affectively intense relationships not only with their classmates out also with their teachers. The yearning of students to become personal friends with their teachers and to resolve academic problems in a social, not a taskoriented situation. is strikingly apparent in the following students' analysis of his difficulties in the classroom and the way they could be solved: The thing we lack ultra is friends. We gotta find a way to get more friends. That how I think about everything. Why don't the teachers here. you guys, and we Native students have a party somewhere and become friends (which we lack most) and also settle everything comfortably. tnaccust lied to the neutral affective tone of professional relationships, village students consider it legitimate to expect a teacher to "care about" them as total persons. not as learners of a particular subject matter. These students often remarked that the teachers did not care about them or were not "human." The teacher behavior on which they based these judgments was that the teacher made no effort to get to know them personally, for example, by talking to them after class. As one student put it in complimenting an unusually good teacher: Well. when I first yam. here I noticed no one talks to von. Cast year when I didn't know nobody and you talked to me after class I was surprised that someone was !Inman. The feeling that the school environment is hostile also derives in part from the family soialiration ut Indian and Eskimo students, which often creates highly generalised fears of Whites. Oven the need for strong controls on aggression within a small group. hostile feelings tend to be projected onto glaciations external agents. Traditionally, these external beings were spirits and monsters: more recently. they have become White people. Village parents. for example. may induce obedience by warning children that a W kite stranger will get them if they do not behave. Such socialisation often leads to a pervasive fear of W bites that creates tiara'sAna anxiety. As one boy put it: East year when I was in the Pith grade, I was making fairly good grades. and this year when I was admitted to high school I started to make low grades like D's. became I canine work with White people. watching. sitting. and talking all around me. and it is very hard for me to study around those people I don't know. The actual prejudice and hostility of a number of students and a few teachers in the school created substantial realistic fears in village students. White students mocked the "funny noises" made by Indian 16 and Eskimo students. especially when they spoke in their own language. Some derided villagers by imle wan yes. such as "salmon (munchers." Selene imitate '1 the village student's walk when he was called out of class for special counseling ((r medical treatment. Such hostility increased village students' estrangement in the school: An Eskint young man. carrying a briefcase symbolizing his split identity by pictures of western school culture drawn on one side and pictures of Eskimo culture drawn on the other, walked up to his best friend in Speech Class and said, "You stink." The other young man retorted, "Who saki ?" "I heard it about me," he admitted, moodily taking his seat. Ignoring the lesson. he proceeded to read a magazine and to label all the pictures with Eskimo words. School procedures and school personnel often aggravate the hostility of urban Malmo. For example. village students are often placed in classes with urban students of similar achievement levels. These low socioeconomic status. frustrated urban students are especially likely to hold prehaliced attitudes and to displace their aggression on the con venient target of the village student, who rarely fights hack. is addition. well - meaning school personnel often give Indian and Eskimo students special treatment such as individualized assignments or easier grades. Urban students often feel that the village students "get away with everything, If I got hosted. I would go to jail. 'MIT would get away with It." Village students sometime maintain an almost catatonic silence in class in fear that White students will humiliate then' for errors. Yet, the village student is caught in a double hind. If he does speak. Whites will laugh at his mistakesif he does not speak. Whites will call him a "dumb Native." As one girl wrote in a letter asking for all-Native classes: The reason I am writing this letter is because I hope you can help. I don't feel very open when I am working with White students. Even though I really like to speak up and answer some questions you or some other teachers ask I am always afraid to because I always be af raid that if I give the wrong answer or talk funny they will make fun of me. I think it would be of a great help to most of the Natives if we could be separated from the White students so we can be more opened to speak up and not be made fun of. I know we just can't go on in school like this. We really have to move. Sometimes I think that most of the White students think that I am dumb just because I don't answer questions. While teachers are rarely guilty' of the overt prejudice characteristics of some students. they may inadvertently behave in ways that village students perceive as rejection. For example, village students find it very difficult to follow the last-paced. conversational English of the classroom and may not know the meaning of such idioms as "hit the boks." Almost invariably, the students complain that the teacher "talks too fast and uses too many big words." however. since students do not differentiate sharply bete.en the task and social aspects of a situation. they tend to interpret these academic' difficulties in interpersonal terms. The teacher's use of big words. for example. may be viewed as a sign of the teacher's superior attitudes and hostile feelings. Since. the. teacher must realize that they cannot understand the words and vet goes on using them. village students reason. obviously the teacher does not care about them or does not like them. As one student wrote about very well-intentioned teacher interns: Why I I late College Teachers Because they don't teach as good as older teachers. 11 -y try to be tough on you. and try to make you think they are smart by using big words even they know we' don't understand them they go on. I've noticed the one in the Study hall wears glasses, she. unconsciously plays with them and she puts them on they slide clown to the end of her nose. And the one in art class wears round ones. Maybe they want to look smart. 18 17 The response of Athabasca') Indian and Eskimo high school students to the physical and social him)l is the classic pattern of mute withdrawal reported among other Indian gronps.19 Enclosing themslses in a protective shield of silence, students may sit in the classroom but refuse to mewl the teachers eyes, answer a question. or ask for needed help. In the urban, integrated shemil where the stress is grratest, village students tend to huddle together at the far hack corner of the room, a position symbolitilig their 'psychological withdrawal Irmo classroom life. Since many students have severe hearing loss from otitis media and vision problems that are only gradually noticed and corrected. their retirement tee the back of the room virtually guarantees that they cannot understand the stresses of the secondary lesson. In esicially stressful classes such as speech. where the village student is expected o give a formal talk before the critical eyes of the White students. village students may withdraw physically by hiding in the restrooms or by refusing to go to school at all. While many students drop out. those who remain gradually betsnne less reticent. The transition from silent withdrawal to at least some verbal partiipati.m occurs more quickly in allNative hoarding schools. ChM' the student dues not have to ovrmine his fear of White strangers. The transition also mews more easily in those integrated schools that establish an all-Native orientation class generally for entering village students. In integrated as well as all-Native covering English and social studies schools. however. the student's degree of withdrawal appears to depend to a surprising degree on the behavior of individual teachers. Some teachers succeed in evoking high levels of intellectual parricipati: n from Indian and Eskimo students, whereas others teach in silent classrooms. Problems of High School Teachers of Indian and Eskimo IfIllooe Students High school teachers, especially those in urban, integrated schools where the student is most likely to withdraw into silence tend to view their fundamental problem with village students as "ctunimmication." Since village students often refuse to speak in class. teachers find it very difficult to 11M their customary question and answer methods to find out if students understand the lesson. Village students' ref to speak in class is also extremely upsetting and embarrassing to many teachers. The teacher asks a question and the Native student may lower his eyes and head, hunching his body into a shell. While the teacher waits. debating how long to pause for an answer, the restless urban students go out of control or shout out the answer. Angry and humiliated in a contest that the village. student almost always wins. the teacher finally moves on with no clue as to whether the village student has undershmal the concept presented Not only do teachers find it difficult to use village student's verbal responses as indicators of their understanding. but also they have great difficulty using their nonverbal «minitinications. Teachers are accustomed to reading nonverbal signals, such as facial expression or bodily posture. to see' if %Indents understand the point. feel bored. or are interested in the lesson. Teachers and mime' students have developed ritualised nonverbal signals. such as the 1111//1111 frown, which communicate thew feelings without the need for direct question and answer. However. village students' laves tend to be expressionless in the classroom Slane teachers believe that such facial expression is a !male! characteristic of Inch:in and Eskimo %tin hulls rather than a response to the stress of the c.lassneeun The espressii mks% lace indicates f ear of loss of face if the student admits he dims not understand. Only after rapport between teacher and student develops does the villain. student s (ulnae the puttled frown that indicates lack of understanding. Mortswer. in order to save. lace. village students sometimes send nonverbal messages indicating they understand a lesson when they actualls do not. Its A university student guest is giving a special lesson on electricity to a class of urban students and village Indian and Eskimo students. Ills talk is invomprehensible to the observer. The White students are sprawled back in their seats with bored expressions. 'the Native students are leaning over their desks with expressionless faces and appear to be taking notes (riskiest misly. When village students do use nonverbal signals to communicate with the teacher, the teacher frequently misses them because their nonverbal signals tend to he much more subdued than those of the urban students. For example. the teacher may ask a question to which the answer is "1 loly War." and the urban students show out the answer while the village students may whisper it. An attentive teacher could see the rounded mouth indicate the broad "iv" in "I Ioly." However. teachers accustomed to the shouting and angular. sweeping gestures of urban students frequently do not notice the slight. circular gestures or expectant look that village students may use to communk.ate their readiness to answer. A second pervasive prei felt by teachers of Indian and Eskimo students is a tension between being kind and sympathetic to the student by bending their academic requirements or treating the student like everyone else by holding him to the ac ademie requirements of the class. Especially in urban. integrated classroom. teachers constantly ask themselves: "Should I he understanding or demanding?' If a student refuses to answer a question. even when the teacher believes he knows the answer, should the teacher press him? Should the teacher adjust his requirements. tests, and grading system for the village shident? Most teachers veer toward the undemanding end of the continuum,, which they view as an expression of kindness and flexibility. Teachers tend to be sympathetic to village students in view of their limited academk. backgrounds. Moreover. such sympathy is easy to maintain, since the village students rarely present discipline problems. Also. some teachers are reluctant to demand because of school folklore about the disastrous results of pushing village students too far. In one school, for example. the cmunselor recounted the tale of a teacher who asked a village student to read in 1 ront of the chu.s. The studentcould not read and wildly threw the book, accidentally cutting the teacher's lace. Yet. as other teachers point out: hen one tries to treat them to gingerly, some take advantage, and, for example. drink a can of pop between each class (and cow late). What do you do about down-to-earth problems like this? This dilemma about how much to demand of the village student is compounded by what teachers view as the ventral moral question in cross - cultural ellueation. If education is culture change., is any instmction legitimate? The ethnexmntric teacher who is unAelfemisciously trying to indoctrinate students into the American Way of Life can still be found. However. such teachers are being replaced more and more by sophisticated teachers who have absorbed notions of cultural relativism and cultural preservation. These teachers continually ask themselves whether their teaching is destroying the shalent's cultural identity. II they require the student to come to class on time. are they undermining his present time orientation? What are they preparing students forcity life or village. If the %Indent does intend to return to the village, do he and the teacher really need to sutler through chemistry or geometry or French or whates er other subject is being Nimbi? As one teacher put it: Some real thinking is needed as It, goals desired in educating thew other%%antral students. lust what are we' trying to aeomplish? Is it to orient these. kids to the predominant culture? It that isn't it. what is? .1 hew moral uncertainties often sap teachers' energies. Faced with the difficulties and embarrassment of academically unprepared village students who refuse to participate in class and honest uncertain on the value and legitimacy of their academic requirements for these students. maiy teachers choose the course of doing nothing at all. Especially in integrated classrooms. teachers find it easy to WIN ire the presence of a few Native students huddled in the tar turer. particularly when they are not behavior problems. As one teacher summed up: 'They are so shy and so unsure of themselves and I an, so homy. MI of my classes are too higand the poor kid just gets lost in the noise and shuf It only I had time to sit down with these kids where it was quiet and talk to them. They do need individual help and attention. but I never have extra timenor do I really know how to teach them. Part III EFFECTIVE AND INEFFECTIVE TEACHERS Two central characteristics seemed to distinguish effective teachers in whose classes Indian and Eskimo students intellectually participated from ineffective teachers in whose classes these students silently huddled in the far corner. The first and most important characteristic was whether the teacher was able to create a climate of emotional warmth that both dissipated students' fears in the classroom and fulfilled their expectations of highly personalized relationships. The second was whether the teacher was able to resolve his own ambivalence about the legitimacy of his educational goals and express his concern for the village students.. not by passive sympathy. but by presenting and pressing clear demands for academic work. Naomi Warmth versus Professional DIstanos Secondary school teachers have generally been socialized by their university training and professional associations to regard impersonal professionalism as the appropriate mode of relating to students. Village students often misinterpreted teachers' impersonalism as disinterest or even hostility. It was those teachers who could assume the diffuse, affectively charged role of personal friend rather than specialized professional who were able to create the warm classroom climate where village students were not afraid to speak in class. The importance of relating to Indians on a personal friend -to- friend basis in relationships defined by western culture as professional expert-to-client has been emphasized by professionals in other roles. smith as doctor21) and psychiatrist.21 (her and over again, the effective teacht rs emphasized that "you've got to he personal." "What you have to do is shed the harrier of formality that you put up between you and the class. Approach them like people yon know." "The classroom should he a little family." In contrast to other instructors, these teachers tended to welcome personal friendslips front students. Indeed, they might ht. disappointed that the turban students. accustomed to professional relationships. were only superficially friendly and held them at a distance. As one said: I was thrilled when two of the (Native) girls in the class came and visited me at home. They had cocoa and talked about the village and after that they were much less self - conscious. I really enjoyed teaching the Native kids because you can he personal friends with them. They don't reject you the way the White kids do. You can make a very individual and touch closer relationship with them than with the students. naccost lined to such personalism in their relationship to students and yet aware it had powerful effects on classroom performance, these teachers in some instances become uneasy. It was difficult for them to reconcile the professionalism they had been taught with the teaching style they found effective. 20 I' naware of mans classical views of the educatie mai ion 'ems wind' tom ohasizt. the importunes. t of intense relationships between the teacher and the stude nt. they often worried that such personalism was inappropriate. At one commented: To get these kids to open up. I had to open up myself. They weren't willing to open op to me until I would open lip to them. Gradually. they asked me trowstioas about my marital status, when I had last seen my mother. Professionalism makes you feel you shouldn't open up to kids but I think you can he professional and personal. too. Teachers similarly became 'mean when they realized that appealing to interpersonal obligatkns in a learning situation often motivated village students when nothing eke %renaed to work. As one teacher puilled about a student who was refusing to study a lesson, "Ile said that hr winds! study it if I wanted him to. But I felt I should tell him that he should study it for himself, not for me." Or. as another teacher said. "Ile lust wouldn't attend Speech class. Then I told him he was howling th« teachers' feelings becalm she thought he didn't like her. At that point he said he would go." Teachers found it very difficult to reconcile the western ethic of learning for learning's sake or learning for totw*s own advancement with village students' ethic or learning for the sake of a personal relationship: t *re I was driving a student home after an evening at the city council fa classroom assignment) and she asked me "Why do you teach?" I said. "I teach because I like to see kids learn and I get depressed if kids don't learn." I felt tunny talking like that to a strident. I didn't do it to motivate her ew anything but the girl tried harder for several days in my class because I guess she liked rue and didn't want me to he depressed. Different teachers of course used different methods to develop a personalized relationship with students. Most. however. emphasized the importance of di veloping friendships with students outside of the lomat classroom. although it took a great deal of additional time. As one root it, "Establishing a personal relationship outside of class means a special bond occurs in class" that alleviates such problems as ommeinieation difficulties. Some teachers were amazed at their improved rapport with Native students when dies simply remembered their names and were careful to say "Who" to them in the halls. Many teachers used after school tutoring as a way to get to know village students. Some teachers moved far out of the professional role by enconraging students to call them in the evening when they had problems. or by making such gestures as sending (utates to a grandmother in the hospital. Within the classroom. these teachers tended to use to a great extent individualized instruction. where close contact was appropriate. Even when teaching a large group. however. these teachers communicated personal warmth to village. students. Primarily. they did so by the use of nonverbal channels of communication. Indians and Eskimos appear to be especially sensitive to nonverbal messages. possibly became awareness tot such subtle signals is critical to minding the open confrontation that could tear apart a small. interdependent village group.22 As Currie23 observes: We are a people who use the voice to comeinini ate. We look in a man's eves. we look at his face when he speaks and this way we' know what he says ... with the raise of an eyebrow and the shrug of a she udder you can say so much more to a person. Teachers' low of subtle nonverbal signals to communicate warmth to village students was especially important in integrated classmate's. Urban students rarely dete'c'ted the nonverbal messages to which dhow students tended to be especially sensitive. Theis. the' teacher avoided singling tont the' village student and showing him favoritism. 21 Since te.achers are rarely trained to become aware of their 111111Verhal eneammacatallw it may he teem) to c Imelda. in some detail the nonverbal behaviors Oh.. .five teachers tended to use to conememeate warmth. First. thew teaclrs metaled very Inspiredly. W bile smiling seems obviously appropriate in the classmate. it was surprising to we how infrequently many to tealas seemed least likely to slaw when it was newt imps ertant. for esample. when they were placing a village student under stress asking him a question before the Hass. 'neertain whether or not then student would answer or would stare humlly at the floor. many teachers reacted to this potentially embarrassing situation by assuming a tense. anxious facial expression. Village students. however. interpreted the teacher's Impression not as flerollSSS. seller it was ineomvivable that a teacher conkl have such feelings, but rather as hostility. The added stress of the teacher's supposed irritation made the village student even less likely to answer. Those teachers who elicited a high level of participation. in contrast. maintained a reassuring snide when (*Whiffling a difficult emwept and an expeelant smile when asking a student a mambo,' before. the class. Smiling has been Found to be the behavioral client nicest significance in judging others' interpersonal warmth M Indeed. Danvin suggests that the universal act of suckling at the mother's breast medial.% the facial tientiguration of the smile that homes associated with other pleasurable eqwriences.25 Ilirdwhistell cautions that the meaning of the smile may differ across cultures but comments that there appears to he no reported society where smiling dews nut have friendly. positive feelings as one of its etwanings.2(i is possible that smiling has special significance to Eskimos. and perhaps to Athahascan Indians as well. Eskimo socialization tends to lead to strongly repressed aggression which threatens to break out into extreme violent behavior such as murder.° Aware of potedtial violence in themselves and others. Eskimos tend to defend against it by the smiling. placating demeanor which has heroine the Eskimo stereotype. Thus. Eskimos tend to view a person who expresses good will by observable happy behavior such as smiling and laughing as a safe person: moody people are feared because they could be plotting aggression.28 Snelling may have a similar significance among Athabascan Indians. but the evidence is less direct. Navajos. a group to whom they are closely related. hold the belief that a sad or too serious law can signify a dangerous or evil person.29 Teachers in Athabasc-an villages have remarked that frequency of smiling may be used to judge the goodness eef White teachers. People may say. "Ile smiles a lot. hee is a nice' person." A second nonverbal cue of warmth used by teachers who elicited high levels of participation from village students was close body distance:1'1w spatial distance tine places one's self 'win another person is an index of the emotional distance of the relationship.1)A teacher whet instructs freest% the front of the room usually stands at a "formal distance." the distance at which impersonal business is transacted. Successful teachers, in contrast. tended to interact within a "personal distance," the distance which generates a kinesthetic feeling of closeness. Bather than asking a village student a question from the front of the rooms. for example, they tended to walk close' to the student's desk. W hen teaching the. class as a whole'. they might seat themselves on a desk in the midst Of the students. These. teachers also tended to increase their closeness and decrease their dominance by placing themselves em the some postural level as the students. sitting next to them or squatting beside then,: when they taught. Chew body distance may also he especially important in comumnicating warmth to village' Indian and Eskimo students. Cultures differ in the distances considered appropriate for particular type's of interactions' 1 While age. and se's differences may lead to some variance. the spatial distant e at which Athabaan Indians and Eskielem normatively interact in a personal relationship appears to be 'smell closer than the distance normative for middle class Whites. This cols Hral clif fertiwe in hoc!. ,i,seime,. is strikinglv apparent. for example. in a loin lineup, where the urban students space then whim half a body apart. and the Indian and Eskimo students cram within touch of each other. A nootiwr of 22 observers have inf ()means. remarked that Indian and Eskimo adults, when in rapport with a %% bite' tenon move so close to them that the 1% kite 'tenon feels uncomfortable and must restrain himself from moving away It seems likely that teachers generally staled outside' the range Indian and Eskimo students find (Imo tortahle for communicating fur two reasons. First, village students temd to view academic work as a personal transaction. whew a personal laxly distance is appropriate. while teachers do not. Second. even when teachers do interact within what they consider a personal distance, this distance may be farther away than village students consider normative. Pouching is another nonverbal cue that many of the effeetive teachers used to communicate sense. Indeed, it may he' warmth. To touch another person, of course. conveys warmth in a very physical from early that the use of the term "warmth" to mean kindness. friendliness, and merturance derives mother. Those teachers who elicited exp erience. of bodily warmth through skin contact with a mini/ram participation !nun village students f requently place themselves in positions a high level of intellectual shoulder where' hod v-to-bixly contact quite naturally nelliffed. For example. they squatted shoulder -tomight conduct a while explaining a point. They by the student and casually draped an arm around him or might give the student's hands his hands on the demonstration which called for the teacher to place could use' touch succ'e'ssfully student a quick hug when privately tutoring him. While female teachers teachers had to be much more cautious. Given the history of With both nude and female students, male imes male teacher who tmiched (or sometimes sexual exploitation between Whit.. nudes awl Native females, a could arouse sexual even looked direetly at) an adolescert female. even in the context of instruction. however. when they fears that inhibited learning. Male teachers were successful in generating warmth. preferred a muck touched male Indian and Eskimo students. In many cases, these male teachers as the playful 'stench. role. such the' male aggressive style of affectionate touching inure conwnt with between teachers and .3,/dents. especially at Since body t -body contact is met considered appropein!.. about toetehing village students. yet aware the secondary school level. teachers were often embarrasses: of the rapport it could create. 'touching may he a more important channel for the communication of warmth among Indians and Eskimos than among middle class Whites. Mainstream American culture. reflecting the Puritan emphasis Indians and Eskimos. in contrast. on denial of sensual pleasures. it is considered a "no-tmech" culture: 32 children generally sleep in separate engage in a high level of bodily contact. While middle. class White rooms or at least in their own beds. linlian and Eskimo village children often sleep together in dose contact with other human bodies. While middle class White babies spend a great deal of time alone. Eskimo babies are carried in the back of the mother's parka. where they remain in direct contact with her touching skin. After :. /bray. middle class Whites touch each other primarily in a sexual context and a a boy putting his arm misinterpreted As Montagu notes, that occurs outside such a context is likely to be Indian for grave' contyrn.3 Yet. as teachers uneasily note. around the shoulder of another boy is cause with their arms twined around each other. and Eskimo adolescent boys and adult men can often be seen Comradeship, not homosexuality. is the meaning of such bodily contact. Touching may also be. used among Eskimos to signify the acceptance of a stranger into the group. Stellar/son. for example, obo rves that the Eskimos stroked him when he was welcomed into the group. 84 Similar occurrences have been reported by later observers: ( hue' of the stereotypes of Eskimos is they are stoics: actualls they are not. except in relationships with whites. Among theeive% they are great patters. huggers. kissers: Ines of touching happens between girls and girls. he' minute sill/KO "hi" women and women: bottle sexes and all babies with any group. you are also "in" in a physical. emotional way. ton. to a touch greater extt at than our culture considers normal. Corn ersationa: distance is much reduced.33 Zi Possibly the teacher input touch has a similar meaning of acceptance. Films its virtual absence in the education literature itinind Indy under the index heading of (swim mil punishm ent). the subject of touching between teacher and student appeilrs to he a taboo topic, W here teacher is able to use comfortably irtablv this primary vommunicatinn channel. he may find it a powerful means of lummulieating warmth. especially toward Indian and Eskimo students who are accustomed to a larger degree of warm physical contact and who may view touching as a signal of social acceptance As Peace Corps cross cultural training manuals warn, people from cultures in which touching it frequent tend to view middle class Americans as cold and superior because they do not engage in physical vontact.36 Illtwever. touching cannot he towed it is not natural to the teacher. Emotionally forced totihings ommunicate tension and anxiety, not personal warmth. to the student. In sum, those teachers who stleceeded in eliciting a high level of verbal participation from village Indian and Eskimo students tended to create relationships of intense personal warmth, rather than maintaining a stance of professional distance. Teachers communicated such feelings in large part by developing friendships with students outside of the classroom in ways that could be considered drofessionally inappropriate. Teachers communicated personal warmth. within the classroom largely through nonverbal cues such as smiling. close body distance, and frac. Such nonverbal communiations were especially effective in integrated classrooms because teachers could convey personal warmth to the village student without singling him out. In many studies concerning western population groups. teacher warmth has been found to he a central dimension of teacher behavior related to a number of desirable outcomes, such as vlassroom attentiveness:17 work prothictivity.M and achievement39 However. the effects of teacher warmth upon the intellectual performance of Indian and Eskimo students does not appear to have been examined. For this reason. a series of three studies were conducted to test the hypothesis that teacher warmth leads to better academic performance among Athapascan Indian and Eskimo students. In the first study .° Indian and Eskimo students in two urban integrated schools were asked to rate the emotional climate of the classroom in three major subjects. Then. both the students and their teachers in each subject were asked tut rate the student's perception of a warm classroom climate and a high level of verbal participation. In an experimental study:" Indian and Eskimo students were given intelligence subtexts under conditions of nonverbal warmth versus nonverbal affective neutrali. Where the warm style was used. performance was significantly higher. In a non-obtrusive experitnent.42 Eskimo and N hits students degree of learning and verhalness was assessed under conditions of nonverbal warmth versus nonverbal affective neutrality. Warmth generally had substantial effects on learning for both Eskimo and White students and had sow significant effects on verbal participation. It seems possible that teacher warmth may have stronger effects among village Indian and Eskimo students than among White students. It is often suggested that students %m are taskoriented may prefer and leans more with an interpersonally oriented teacher. Some evidence for this view has been lire iented by St. lohn.43 who found that Black students' reading achievement gains were higher with an interpersonally oriented teacher. while White student; gained more with a task- oriented teacher. This hypothesis is also supported by findings that teacher warmth is more strongly related to the achievement of wearer students. who tend to be more interpersonally oriented*" and to the achievement of those' 111111 q11111'111% who evidence high needs for of filiatinn 45 The experiment concerning effects of warmth on the learning and verhalness of Eskimo and White students provides some slight support for the hypothesis that warmth is more important to Eskimo students' attlievement. However. the similaritiesin response between the ethnic groups nutweile ed their differences. This one only is. 111 course. not ..onclusisc, esp ecial's. since till' 4110 time period may not have permitt,1 cultural gnaw differences to appear. Teachers often comment that it takes several weeks for village students to develop sufficient 24 trust in the warmth of the instructor to speak in class. Whether there are cross-cultural dif fermis.% in the effects of warmth upon achievement. however, these three studies do support the notion that personal warmth has substantial effects upon the intellectual performance of village Indian and Kskimo students. Mike Demandinriess versus Passive Understanding Personal warmth. while a necessary condition for eliciting a high level of intellectnal performance from Indian and Eskimo students. is not a sufficient emalm. Where teachers were warm but required little, village students tended to talk freely to the teacher bat did not participate in academi work. The second major factor that differentiated effective and ineffective teachers was the extent to which they clearly presented and pressed for a high level of academic work. "Demandinimess" is not as central in the literature on teacher effectiveness as personal warmth. However. this dimension is similar to such concepts as academi standards which appear to lead to higher achievement 4H Active demand inimess may have special importance hi a miss-voltam, teaching situation for several reasons. First, teachers in a cross-cultural context tend to he more uncertain of the relevance and legitimacy of their requirements and hence tend to be more hesitant about demanding a high level of academic work. It is these teachers who made a "separate trace" with this ethical question who can turn their energies to ef kettle instructit in. Second, Indian and Eskimo students, while actually fearful of the threatening school situation, in many instances attempt to evade stressful learning tasks by playing the role of "shy Native." Many students have found over the years that White teachers expect Natives to stare mutely at the floor when confronted with an academic demand. Students then learn to use this behavior to avoid difficult tasks. Third. as is often pointed out, village Indian and Eskimo students tend to have low academic sell-concepts. The operational meaning of a low self-concept in the classroom. however, is that the student 1nderestimates what he actually can do. Thus, if a student is to produce what he is capable of. the teacher must demand more than the student thinks he is capable of. When asked the key to their success with Indian and Eskimo itudents, the effective teachers almost invariably replied. "I demand." They scorned those instructors who babied Native students and gave them only "loving kindness." They insisted upon a high level of academic work. Where the overly sensitive teacher soon stopped calling upon Native students who responded to questions by mute withdrawal. for example. these teachers continued to call upon them. If the student did not respond. they casually passed on with a murmured. "We'll come back to you." Not dramatic confrontations hilt continual pressure "creative nagging." as one teacher called it. eventually led students to respond. These teachers did not. of course, make demands that were beyond the student's capacity. Demands were made in a humorous or cajoling rather than bludgeoning style. Most important. these teachers avoided making difficult demands until rapport had been established. It was after a pemmal relationship developed between teacher and student that the student was able to interpret the teaher's academic demandingness as another expression of personal cone'. n. An important aspect of the demanditigness of these effective teachers was to clearly present the stricture of learning tasks in a western classroom. Coming from a different cultural background and Irani multi-grade elementary schools which relied heavily lilt programmed learning materials village students were often uncertain of what was minima in the high school classroom. They rarely possessed the cultural maps. the templates outlining the learning task. that urban students could draw upon to impose order upon a rclatively unstructured learning situation. Especially ill discussion classes, Indian and Eskimo students often moaned die. "I don't understand what I am supposed to learn." Teachers socialized in the new orthodoxy ut the open classroom and the free school tended to exacerbate village students' anxiety by insisting that the student choose what to leant. I laving achievement ideals but neither the comma) maps necessary to structure the learning task nor the internalized behavioral controls necessary to cam them out, village students often became anxious and dissatisfied. E ttective teachers tended to pn (vide a large degree of careful structuring of assignments. For example. one teacher taught tumid writing style by presenting a model paragraph and telling village students to write a new paragraph following the precise sentence patterns. then gradually deviating I rum them Teachers who attempted to gm. tillage students learning options tended to be dismayed Mien the students inevitable chose the must highly structured learning task the closest possible approsiniation to Idling in the blanks. Not only did the of feetive teachers clearly structure learning tasks but also they carefully articulated the assumptions and en:we:ilium of western classrooms. Many teachers noted. for example, that India:: and Eskimo students frequently would not answer examination (mestions at all when they were uncertain it their answer was correct and thus received much poorer grades than otherwise. Similarly. students of ten crumpled partially completed assignments into the wastebasket rather than turning them in for partial credit. Such behavior is probably rooted partly in cultural traditions of publicly performing a skill anon after it has been privately perfected in order to save face.47 I Iowever, once teachers explicitly explained western cultural assumptions concerning the importance of effort and therefore academic rewards for effort. village Indian and le:skimo students behaved in ways that secured these rewards. The inqx)rtanceot overt demandingness in effective teaching of village Indian and Eskimo students was quite surprising in view of strontsk. anti-authoritarian traditional cultural norms.48 This paradox of highly nominvenve cultural norms together with high demandingness in effective teaching may he resolved in the traditional expression of authority through suttee techniques of interpersonal influence.. Among Eskimos. authority was not structured in terms (d formal rules such as legal system or in terms of tormil rules such as a headman or chief.44 While Athapascan Indians did have a chief. his decisions in issues of social control tended to be an expression of the community consensus rather than an independent decision resulting Iron his formal role as chief.5() Thus. social control depended not on the rules and roles of a rational-legal system but rather on the effective use of interpersonal techniques of infloence or on personal charismatic authority.51 Thus, appealing to the authority supposedly inherent in the role of teacher or in the rules of the school tended to have little effect with the village students. Teachers exercised authority rather by a virtue of strong personality or by developing significant personal relationships that permitted the use of subtle interpersonal influence techniques. This interdependence of the personal warmth and demandingness factors in effective teaching of Indian and Eskimo students may retinal! the Indian education literature suggesting the importance of emotional closeness with the literature suggesting the importance of strong personality and strict discipline. Fart IV A TYPOLOGY OF TEACHERS Teachers of Indian and Eskimo students may he classified by the two dimensions that appear to he central in eliciting intellectual participation personal warmth versus prole. sional distance and active demandingness versus passive understanding. Since teacher warmth and demandingness have been found to be independent dimensions of teacher behavior 52 such a two-dimensional typology is appropriate. Moreover. very similar dimensions have been found useful in del fining the characteristics of successful and unsuccessful persons in other types of cross-cultural helping relationships involving Eskimos and Athapascan Indians such as boarding home parent'e'd or psychiatrist.54 This classification system yields a typology of four kinds of teachers (sic' Figure I1. These classes should he viewed as ideal types. %Odell of course do not adequately describe every teacher. I loweyer. these types 011ml-respond to characteristic syndromes of teacher behavior that are easily observable in classrooms Type t "Traditionalists" Active Demandingness) (Professional Distance The traditionalist. a type of teacher who has been in some ways unjustifiably maligned in contemporary educational thought. tended t' concentrate exclusively on the academic subject matter. 2tf Ile lomat the interpersonal dimension of the classroom. which he considewd an orefessionally illegitimate area of concern. These teachers generally preferred formally presented. highly structured lessons such as lectures % hit+ permitted them to maintain distance from their students. In some instances these traditionalist teachers were ethnocentric and regarded students as foreign objects to be transformed its quickly as possible into Americans. I lowever, in as many instances. these teachers very much cared about the village students in their classes and were concerned only that the students were not able to learn their subject matter. For academically competent urban students who were also subject matter oriented, the traditionalist could be a successful, stimulating teacher. I lowever, this formal. impersonal teaching style. which relied in the main on oral comprehension. tended to be disastrous with village Indian and Eskimo students. When the traditionalist taught in an integrated classroom, he focused his attention on those students who were similarly subject matter oriented. and the Indian and Eskimo students were merely ignored. Mr. W. is a nervous man with a perpetually strained facial expression. The students are seated in rows with the Indian and Eskimo students predominantly in the far corner of the classroom closest to the door. During the observation, Mr. W. stood behind his desk lecturing. Ills lecture and occasional questions were interlaced with sarcasm such as "That's a good attitude!" Ile placed a summary of the main concepts of the lechwe, highly technical .erins, on the board. The Indian and Eskimo students dutifully wrote down the words. In a later interview, Mr. W. voiced serious concern for village students and noted that their main problem in the class was vocabulary. They couldn't understand what he was saving. While some village students work, Mr. W. nitaitiontA. "tell me that the Native students are afraid of me because I yell at them. Well. I do jump on them when they are slack on work." Sonic of the Indian and Eskimo students complained to their counselor that Mr. W. was prejudivd, and the ceziaseloo was attempting to remove them from his class. W hen the traditionalist taught in an all-Native cla.;%roon, where similarly task-oriented students were not available to provide him with the satisfaction of teaching subject mastery. the class reached a deadlock. Teacher-shident interaction in these classrooms resembled the situation most commonly described in the Indian education literature a silent Native peer group united against a carping, hostile teacher.insensitive to the interpersonal values that far outweighed his paltry achievement concerns. Mrs. M. is an older woman who was formerly an assistant principal. The setting is intended to be an open classroom with carpet. movable chairs. and space enough for several teachers to work together. Mrs. Si. has appropriated her space. walled it in with bookcases, and lined up her students in neat rows. Throughout the observation. Mrs. M. glowered at her class. "What is the name of this village on the Yukon'?" she challenged. pointing to a large map. The class remaintalsilent. although it seemed unlikely that no one knew the answer. since several students came from the village. One young man raised his hand and asked for a pencil. "No, you don't mad a pencil because we don't mark on maps." Mrs. M. snapped. "Now come on. You may not know now, hot believe me you will by the time I get through with you." 27 In a later interview. Mrs. M. said that she found this teaching situation extremely frustrating because she wanted to teach but the students would not learn. "These kids aren't as dumb as they like to make us think," she observed "They just play dumb. I'm not teaching anything. They're just wasting their money paying me. I'm not doing my job," Type II: "Sophisticates" Passive Understanding) (Professional °Worm For urban, highly verbal students, these ti whets were a delight. Their professional distance was not coldness so much as sophisticated reserve. Their !minor was subtle, tending toward irony. They preferred a discussion class where students could discover intellectual concepts for themselves. The sophisticate teachers tended to be highly educated and well-traveled. They often had au excellent background in anthropology and were very concerned about the welfare of village Indian and Eskimo students in their classes. As teachers of Indian and skimo students, however, the soAisticates tended to be failures. In an integrated classroom. the teacher generally found himself teac;iing to the urban students, while the Indian and Eskimo students watched in tense apprehension. Aenstomed to the highly structured textbooks and programmed learning materials of many village- schools, village students rarely understood what was expected of them in theseclassmoms. With their limited English skills, they would have had a dill ier& time entering the fast paced classroom repartee had they wanted to. In addition, village students often were frightened by these teachers' ironic comments and indirect instructional techniques, such as playing "Devil's Advocate." Miss It., a young teach ,r dressed in Carnaby Street style, has seated her students in a circle. She began a discussion of the film just shown, an account of foreign revolt that draws symbolic parallels to repression in American politics. She attempted to enable students to grasp the symbolic' implications of the film by skillful indirect questions. The Native students remained silent, while the other students excitedly called out answers. Finally. one student understood the film's message. The teacher responded in a tone of mock horror, "You mean there is no freedom in America?" The Native students eyes widened in fear, and they squirmed further down in their seats. In their concern for the Native students, these teachers made many attempts to he supportive and to establish a sense of camaraderie. These attempts, however, tended to backfire. For example, students often misinterpreted their humor. An interpersonal approach that might have established rapport between the teacher and a sophisticated urban student merely frightened the village student: An Eskimo girl asked Mr.!). for a hall pass. "What color of slips are we using today." Mr. I). teased, "blue, green, or chartreuse? You know it isn't easy to work in a police state." The girl stared at him in confusion and hastily ran out into the hall. Attempting to read and apply all the principles of cross-cultural psychology, the sophisticates tried too hard. As one put it: My intense efforts to get them to feel comfortable with me may have been having a reverse effect. They may have sensed that I was tense. thereby keeping them from relaxing while with me. I found that I unconsciously developed an attitude almost of dislike toward them because I had made such efforts to reach them and had been rejected. It is most likely that this attitude was coming through more than I realized. While sophisticated teachers in integrated classrooms did little damage beyond making village students leel uncomfortable 'end teaching them little, the sophisticate in an all-Native classroom could do serious harm. Interested in the psychology of Native students. these teachers often focused on NativeWhite differences and rend (weed students' sense of being different and estranged. While the following interaction was stimulated by the video-taping process, it is not dissimilar from what was observed in other classes of this type: Mr. C. was teaching an all-Native orientation class in a large urban school. He attempted to produce an informal classroom atmosphere by sitting casually on his desk top with the students placed in a circle. However, his other nonverbal communications negated this carefully planned message. Mr. C.'s hunched posture with his arms wound tightly around his body and fingers pressing into his arms, communicated tension and reserve. The students dutifully seated themselves in a circle, but had moved their chain to the very edge of the romn so the camera panned from the teacher to the class in great physical and psychological vistas. The camera man teased the students, "O.K. say cheese." Mr. C. added nervously. "You are assimilated 0to White man's culture. You know you are supposed to smile when he says cheese." The students giggled apprehensively. "Why is he taking a picture of the class?" Mr. G. asked. There is no response except More nervous giggling. "IM you think if this were a White class he'd be here?" continued Mr. G. Again there was no response. "He's here because there are quite a number of Natives here. What is the difference about Ohs class?" One Native boy raised his hand and said. "Because people who have different backgrounds should share their opinions." Ignoring the opportunity to develop this student's ideas. Mr. C. dismissed his answer with a curt "No. There are other classes where students have different backgrounds like there are Black kids in this school. What's different about this class? What do most of the Native students have in common ?" Another student called out, "Skin color." "No, No, No." Mr. C. saki, quickly, horrified by the racism implied. In a later interview. Mr. C. cernmented that he had a difficult time making the students understand that they were in a special orientation class because they came from villages and were different. "If White kids were sitting here. I said to them. wouldn't they be arguing and noisy?" You know, the Native kids made negative comments about the White kids' verhalness. Perhaps Natives associate loud talking with aggressiveness and a White identity. That's really an interesting idea," he mused. These sophisticated teachers had a tendency to use Native students to advance their own anthropological interests. Writing assioinients where the students were asked to describe their feeling in the city replaced training in skills of analytic writing. Moreover, these teachers sotnetimes socialized village students into the stereotyped fella Our that their anthropological studies had led them to expect: Mr. N. was reading Indian poetry to the class in an affected tone. The poems. written in pidgin English, illustrated the Indian value of modesty. In explaining them. Mr. N. expanded. "Now this poem shows many of the things we've laced about. We've commented on how most of the Native people arm't aggressive. nowhere nearly as much as White people. The idea f competition and bragging and boasting are alien to them, and so we think of them as yen quiet and shy and insecure." 29 Them. teachers' fascination with cultural differences also led them to place Indian and Eskimo students in a special category where they were mempt from the standards of behavior and academic performance applicable to other him tan beings. Such misplaced kindness sleight teach the village student to become dependent on the largess of Whites rather than on his own capacities: After class, an Indian girl came sip to Mrs. I.. and told her that she had been sick and had missed the last test. "What should I study for it?" she asked. "I)on't worry." Mrs. I.. said kindly. "I'll make up a special test for yon and you will do well on it." "But I don't know what to study," the girl persisted. "I )on't worry," repeated Mrs. basking in self-approval. "I'll make it special for you. You'll do well." Any form of deviant behavior among Native students was viewed as an expression of their culture which the teacher should be wary of changing. For example, .,ne teacher described the case of a village student who compulsively stole from other students and the teacher. The teacher believed that this behavior reflected cultural values of sharing and communal ownership and saw the issue as one of "changing the child's culture." Type "Sentlaventslists" (Personal Warmth Passive Understanding) These teachers tended to he extremely warns. kindly people who found it difficult to make demands upon any students. village and urban alike. The urban students. taking advantage of the teacher's weakness, tended to defy even his minimal requirements until the teacher reacted with aggrieved anger. The Indian aid Eskimo students, in contrast, were usually too insecure to challenge the teacher and valued his personal attentions. Thus, the sentimentalist teacher in the integrated classroom found himself in a situation where he was behaving with angry irritation toward the urban students, who defied him. but with great kindliness toward the Indian and Eskimo students, who permitted him to act in the warm undemanding style he preferred. This apparent teacher favoritism in turn angered the urban students. already resentful of the special treatment accorded village students in the school. This complex interaction between the teacher and different student groups resulted in a situation where the warmth of the teacher toward the village student was nullified by the hostility of urban classmates. Mrs. M., an outcast among the other teachers because of certain oddities, strongly identified with the village students. The students had arranged themselves in a double circle. Two Native girls were sitting together close to the teacher's desk in the inner circle with a number of empty chairs separating them from the other students in this ;first circle. In the back circle two Native boys were seated next to the other students. Mrs. M. attempted to have the class discuss a movie she had lust shown. "What do you think is happening?" she asked. There was no response from the class. and Mrs. M. repeated the question. The class began to make silly responses, teasing the `rasher, but she ignored them. In the midst of the lesson, the teacher walked over to the two Native girls and held a private conversation inaudible to the observer. The lesson stopped as the teacher and the girls giggled together. When the teacher moved away, the Native girls whispered to each other in Eskimo. Two Black girls in the outer circle mocked the mineral Eskimo sounds, "bong, Dona, Done The faces of the Native boys sitting next to them contracted into stoic masks. Extremely sympathetic to the academic difficulties of Native students in integrated classrooms and wanting to be liked, sentimentalist teachers made few demands upon them. and little learning took place. 30 An older Indian student sauntered into his last period chum sat down, and stared out the window. Mrs. 0. came tip to him. put her ann around him. and joked about a comment he had made. 1 le smiled back at her and told her about his weekend. The lesson began and he returned to staring out the window. Mrs. 0. made no attempt to induce him to participate in the elasswork, although she continued to joke with him at intervals. In a later interview, Mrs. 0. observed that she was very easy going and believed in a laissez-faire theory of education. "After all. you can't make students learn." While the sentimentalist teacher in an integrated classroom could damage the Native student by arousing urban students' resentments. the sentimentalist teacher in an allNative classroom did little damage if little good. Indeed, the sentimentalist is reminiscent of l)umont's categorization of the "nice" teacher who doesn't teach anything. The class generally performed trivial, workbook type assignments that did not stretch their capacities. Mrs. L.. a young teacher with a gentle smile, had given her ninth grade students the assignment of tracing a map of Alaska. She wandered around and joked with the students. After a while, she sat at a table and began a totally unrelated game. "Who would like to make $10.00? Let's Nee if you can do this match trick!" Type IV: "Supporlive Gadflies" (14asenel Warmth Mtn Deaundlninses) These teachers tended to he highly successful with both urban and village students in both integrated and all-Native classrooms. The teaching style that elicited a high level of intellectual participation with village students tended to be more obvious in all-Native classrooms because the teacher could more easily emphasize certain behaviors. Similar methods were used more subtly. however, in integrated classrooms. The teachers in this group have been given the ambivalent label "supportive gadflies" to emphasize their demanding aspect, which many teachers find distasteful, as well as their warm aspect, which many teachers find gratifying. In contrast to most other teachers who plunged immediately into academic work, these teachers spent a substantial amount of time at the beginning of the year establishing positive interpersonal relationships, not only between teacher and students, but also within the student group. Interestingly, a similar procedure is often recommended in cross-cultural training manuals. Frequently. task-oriented westerners fail to accomplish their goals in a cross-cultural encounter because they attempt to begin business at once. Members of other cultural groups often consider a lengthy period devoted exclusively to establishing appropriate social relationships as a task prerequisite. Thus, these teachers might spend the first days getting to know the students and helping them with nonacademic problems, such as how to Find their classes or how to work the combination to their lockers. They also made sure that the students knew each others' names. One teacher. for example, began the year by playing a game where each student had to learn the name and village of each of the other students in the classroom and call them out loudly enough to be understood. "Before we could bring them up in the academic area," one teacher sun m ied up, "we tried to get theni to feel comfortable dortable in the classroom. Once they feel comfortable, then they catch up quickly." Only after rapport had been established did these teachers become demanding. Demands. however, were ineviteily accompanied by a warm smile. gentle teasing. and other forms of emotional support. Thus. village students did not interpret the teacher's demandingness as bossiness but rather us one more facet of his personal concern. For the village student. producing a high level of academic work became a reciprocal obligation in a highly personal relationship. The emotional intensity between 31 teacher and student in many of the classroom encounters. where academic iterforinant. becomes untied into the mutual obligations and privileges of personal bonds. is d if ficult to describe. One teacher. for esample. made a solemn pact with a withdrawn boy. promising that she would stay with him and help him find the answer as long as necessary if he would only try to say anything except "I don't know" in response to every question. Sometimes he would actually bite his tongue to stop from saying "I don't know." Ile was so used to it. It had saved hint from his other teachers. I know it was hard for him to translate everything hack and forth from Eskimo and easy for him to avoid the situation by saying"' don't know." lint we worked on it. Unlike the sentimentalists, these teachers used personal rapport to increase academic performance: Mrs. C. is an elegantly attired Native woman with a radiant smile. She sat casually on top of a student's desk in the middle of the class and leaned into the group of village students. "Who can tell me what a topic sentence is?" She inquired, with an air %nursling that this information was a secret to be shared between her and the class. "I see one hand, two hands." She waited calmly. smiling at the class with anticipation. "Three hands, four. O.K.. Tom." Tom 'umpired quietly. "Main idea." She smiled at hint waiting. Then she learned toward hint and whispered in an intimate tone. "I can't hear you." Hearing up in his seat with great effort, he repeated more loudly. "MAIN IDEA." and slumped back beaming. Other students began to call ma. "Thing you're going to write about." Very good," Mrs. C. said, "Very. very good. Now, who would like to read their paper to the class?" "Loud and clear, please," she added with decision. In a later interview, Mrs. C. commented that her problem was not to get village students to talk but to get them to keep quiet. "They're so eager," she explained. "even on deadly things like English grammar. They are reluctant. but they will do it if you demand it. One of the kids came up to me yesterday and said, "You act like a sergeant." "Yup." I said, "that's exactly right." While demanding a high level of intellectual participation. these teachers were highly supportive of any attempt the student did make. They very cnnscionsly avoided even the most minor forms of direct criticism. As one teacher said: You know why they won't talk in class? Because every time they open up their mouth somebody corrects them. We give them constant reasslrance that mistakes don't matter You !hive to he 'unitive and try not to say "no" or "wrong." I say "you're close or I change the question to fit the answer. For example. if you say "What is a verb?" and they answer "Name of a person. place. or thing." I say. "That's a beautiful answer for the question What ha noun? and well talk about nouns later... 'Teachers often commented that what seemed to them to be the most and(' of critical remarks could cause village students to retreat into silence indefinitely. Indian and Eskimo students' extreme sensitivity to criticism may he due in part to cultural differences in the meaning of critical messages of similar intensity. ( :riticism is traditionally conveyed through very indirect verbal messages or through subtle non-verbal signals. Thus the village students are likely to interpret the direct criticisms mild by western standards us much more severe than intended. :12 These teachers used a number of different methods to avoid directly critici/iog students. Om of these tehnique,. a strategy. common among Indian and Eskimo villagers. was to impersonalize a situation w here a particular individual might be accused of wrong- doing. The w tong-doing is discussed in the presence of the offender. but without personal reference to him. For example, at a village meeting, the problem of getting work done in the community might he brought up without mentioning the names of the Menders, who are sitting at the meeting and whom everybody knows. Similarly, a teacher approaching a daydreaming village student might say not "Why did you close your hook?" but rather "Why is that hook closed? Did the wind blow it shut?" Another indirect method of criticism used by these teachers which is also common among Indians and Eskimos, is the penetrating, direct stare. Teachers were often amazed at the sensitivity of more traditional village students to this control strategy. Since it is a traditional disciplinary measure, teachers learned to avoid a direct stare where disapproval was not intended, for example. in asking a question. The penetrating gaze that White people commonly use to signal interest in the speaker may he mtenneted by Indians and Eskimos as a display of anger.55 Inking was another was' these teachers expressed criticism. Humorous teasing is an extremely important expressly.e mode among Indians and Eskimos because it provides a socially approved form fur releasing strongly controlled agsression.56 The appropriate style is broad. straight-faced joshing. Thus, a teacher might say to a misbehaving student in a tone that mocked not only the seriousness of the rebuke. big also the teacher herself as a self-important White person who used big words. "lack. I am !N- O(' of you what are you doing?" A practical fob.r strain is a core element of modal Indian lwrsonality 54 and popular teachers found themselves chagrined victims of village students' of ten earthy jokes. such as polling off the teaher's wig. In integrated classrooms, these supportive gadfly teachers often structured the class in ways largely for the village students' benefit. However. they avoided giving the students any special attention that would attract the notice of the other students. For example, since the teacher had a difficult time using village students' facial expressions or verbal responses to determine if they understood a concept. he might ask a question and tell all students to write down the answer. Then he would go around the room barely glancing at papers other than those of the village students. Similarly, realizing that the village students often did badly on tests not because they did not know the information, but rather because they could not understand the vocabulary or intent of the questions, these teachers might make up several versions of the same test for all students. These teachers also tended to individualize Glasswork so that jwrsonal tutoring of %dhote students could be accepted as a matter of course. These teachers in an integrated classroom situation also controlled urban student's animosities so that village students could participate without fear of being laughed at. Some teachers carefully headed off anticipated hostilitsy by such remarks us "This is new to all of its so let's not be a critical audience." Others attempted to increase the Native student's status in the classroom group by devising lessons that emphasied his competencies. One science teacher, for example. found that the problem of urban students* Hawking of village students abruptly stopped after he assigned a paper on how to survive if lost while hunting A few teachers attempted to develop inter-group trust by assignments where urban and village students worked together in teams. Resistance to this idea generally cause from the Native students who protested. sometimes tearfully. that "the White kids don't like us." 33 Port V CONCLUSION This study suggests that the essence of the instructional style that elicits a high level of Intel:et-mai performance from village Indian and Eskimo students is first to create au extremely wm in personal relationship and then to present and press clear demands for high level of academic work. Village students then interpret the teacher's academic demandingness not as bossiness ta- hostility. but rather as an expression of his concern for them. Sleeting the teacher's academic standards becomes their reciprocal obligation in an intensely personal relationship. This study also suggests that those teachers who are effective with Indian and Eskimo students also tend to he effective with urban students. However, the converse is not true. Teachers who are highly successful with urban students may be unsuccessful with village students. Teaching village students is a specialized skill w:iich many otherwise excellent teachers may not posess. In the past. it has been the traditionalist teacher. especially the highly ethnocentric traditionalist. who epitomized the undesirable teacher of Indian and Eskimo students. This type of teacher, with his comical horror of eating fish soup rather than bacon and eggs for breakfast. can still he found. I lowever. he is becoming an increasingly rare specimen in the cross-cultural classroom. It is the sentimentalist and sophisticate teachers who are emerging as a new and perhaps more insidious danger. These teaches may use Native students to gratify their own affiliative needs and intellectual interests. 'they may socialize Native %talents into sophisticated cultural stereotypes. They may stimulate prejudit 4. among other students by blatant Native favoritism. When village students make little intellectual progress, 'hese teachers tend to rationalize their failure to teach by theories about cultural preservation just as the traditionalist teachers rationalize their failure to teach by theories about cultural deprivation. 'through what methods can schools improve the quality of teaching received by Indian and Eskimo high school students? Pre - service and in-strvkr c.ross-cult ural education programs may be of some help. 'their effects, however, should not be overestimated. The impact of short-term training programs on fundamental interyiersonal orientations. such as personal warmth. which may depend on early family and peer group eqwriences94 is quite limited. Moremyr. unless carefully planned, these courses can merely increase teacher( tendency to move toward the sophisticate instructional style. Teacher training programs. however, can help teachers who find it dif (knit to communicate personal warmth to learn to arrange their classrooms in informal ways that facilitate personal relationships with students. Moreover. such training programs can also serve an important function in legitimizing active demandingness so that teachers come to view high academic standards, not passive sympathy, as the appropriate expression of their concern for Indian and Eskimo students. Better methods of teacher selection can probably do a great deal to improve the quality of village students' instruction. Th;s study suggests the dangers of relying primarily on slfselection to choose teachers for Indian and Eskimo students. While the traditionalist teacher may indeed prefer to teach other groups of students who are more task oriented. the sentimentalist and sophisticate teachers, as well as the supportive gadflies, tend to volunteer for these teaching assignments. Moreover. sentimentalist teachers are likely to impress school personnel favorably because of their obvious o:erwhelming concern tos village students. Sophisticate teachers may make similarly good impressions because of their excellent anthropological backgrounds. School personnel should he aware of both the personal warmth and active demandimmess required of effective teachers of village students and avoid creating classroom situations that are both demoralizing for the teacher and damaging for the student. It should be recognized that eroculttiral teaching effectiveness is a special skill and is by no means the only criterion of worth as a teacher. :34 FOOTNOTES An earlier version of this paper was made available to Alaskan teachers in the publication Effective Teachers of Indian and Eskimo High School Students. (Institute of Social. Economic and Covernment Research. Fairbanks. Alaska. 1972). This research was supported by the VS. Office of Education and the Alaska Department of Education. This paper. in revised form, will be published in a Fall 1974 issue of the University of Chicago's School Review. I. M. L. Wax. R. H. Wax. and H.V. Dimumt. "Formal Education M an American Indian Community." Supplement to Social Problems. 2141 (1964). 2. Ibid.. ti. 75. 3. R. Il. Wax and K.K. Thomas. "American Indians and White People," Phylon. 22 (1961): :105-317. 4. H.V. Dumont. "Cherokee Families and the Schouls," Indian Education. (Washington: Office of Education. 19611): $1774014. 5. K.V. Dumont and M.L. Wax. "Cherokee School Society and the Intercultural Classroom." Human Organisation. 26(3) (19611) 2I7-226. p. 223. 6. E.M. Albert. "'11w Classification of Valises: A Method and lUustration." American Anthropologist,91 (19561: 221-24h. 7. M.1. Wax. H.J. Dumont, M. Dickman. P.F. Petit. and H.II. Wax. Indian Education in Eastern Oklahoma: A Report of Fieldwork Among the Cherokee. Final Report (Washington: U.S. Office of Education. 191191. p. 29. 6. 9. Ibid.. p. W. I. Collier. Film Evaluations of Eskimo Education. the National Study of American Indian Education. Series Ill. (4). Final Report (Washington: U.S. Office of Education. 1970). II. Ibid.. p. 79. M.l.. Cogan. "The Behavior of Teachers and the Productive' Behavior of their Pupils: II 'Trait Analysis.' Journal of Experimental Education. 27 (1959): 107-124. 12. 13. B.S. Bloom. Taxfniomy of Educational Objectives, (New York: David McKay. 19561. 14. See. for example. Wax. Wax. and Dumont (no. I above) and Dumont and Wax (no. 4 above). 15. C.D. Spindler and C.S. Spindler. "American Indian Personality Types and their Sociocidtmal Hoots." American Indiana and American Life. The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences, (1957): 147-157: J Briggs. N ever in Anger:Portrait of an Eskimo Family. (Cambridge.: Harvard University Press. 19701. 16. S.N. Eisenstadt. From Generation to Generation. (London: Collier-McMillan Limited. 1956). 17. H. Dreehen. On What is Learned in Schools, (Heading. Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley Publishing ( ;ompany. 1966). IN. D. Brown. Some Let (Is Learn. (Unpublished Bachelor's dissertation. Bennington College, 196N p. 38.) 35 19. II (:oomeron. "Problems I it Oklahoma l'onth from Traditional Indian !homes." Indian Education. (11ashillithm: U S. Government Printing Office. 14(19): 846-8414 E.A. Punnet.. Excerpts from "Formal Education and Culture Change: A Modern Apache Indian Community and Government Education Programs. Indian Educatin. (Washington: S. (:overni tient Printing Office. 1909: 114 : -1228): W.K. Poston. "Teaching Indian Pupils in Public Schools," Proceedings of a seminar. Mesa Public Schools. Armona. April 27 Slav 2. 1907. 20. C.S. Kemnitier. "11 hiteman Sledicine. Indian Medicine, and Indian Identity on Pine Ridge Reservation. South Dakota." Indian Education. (Washington: Olive of Edoocation. 19119): 1307.1312. 21. W. Richards. 'Counseling Eskimos." Unpublished paper. Alaska Native Sledical Center, Anchorage. Alaska 1972. c. Deponcim, Kabloona. (New York: Reynel and Ilithcock. 1941): MX. %int/. Education Arran Cultures. IDubuilow. Iowa: Kendall Hunt. 19(43). 23. "An Interview with Walter Currie." The Indian News. December. 1970. p. 5. 24. s/ A. Naves. An Investigatkm of the Behavioral Cues of Interperamal Warmth. (Doctoral dissertation. University of Miami. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, 1970, No. 70-18. 100). ZS. E. Darwin. Zomumia, or the laws of Organic Life, Volume 1 (London: J. Joheson, 1794): 109-111. Cited its A. Montagu, Touching: The Human Significance of Skin, (New York: Columbia University Press. 1971). 28. B.C. hirelwhistell. Kinesies and Context. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania. 1970). A.E. nippier and S. Conn, Traditional Northern Eskimo Law W.itts and Their Relationship to Contemporary Problems of Bush Justice. (Fairbanks. Alaska: Institute of Social, Economic and 27. Government Research. 1973.) forthcoming. 28. Briggs. op. cit. K. Pollacca. "W ays of Working with Navajos Who have Not Yet Learned White Man's Ways." Journal of American Indian Education. 2(1) 11482): 29. E.. Hall. Thr Hidden Dimension. (New York: Archer Books. 1909). 31. Ibid. 32. Montagu. op. cit. 33. Ibid. 34. V. Stefannson. My Life with the Eskimo, (New York: The MacMillan Co.. 1913). 35. J. Pender. Personal Communication. 1971. I. Leach. "Culture as an Invisible Person." Cmss-Cultural and Community Involvement Training. eds. A.R. Wright. M.A. Ilammons. and 11.1ling (Estes Park. Colorado: Center for Research and 38. Education. 19091. 37. D.C. Hymns. Characteristics of Teachers, (Washington: American Council on Education. 1900). 39. Cogan. op. cit. 39. WI. McKeahie and Y. Lin. "Achievement Standards. Debiliatating Anxiety. Intelligence. and College Women's Achievement." Psychological Record. 19(1909): 457.459: W. J. Mc Keachie. Y. Lin. J.E. Millholland. and H. Issacson. "Student Affiliation Motives. Teacher Warmth and Academic Achievement." Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 4 (1988): 457461. all J.S. Kleinteld. "Classroom Climate and Verbal Participation of Indian and Eskimo Students in Integrated Classroms." Journal of Educational Research. 67 (2) (1973): 51-52. 1.S Meinfe Id. "Effects of Nonverbal Iv Communicated Personal Warmth on the Intelligence Test Performance of Indian and Eskimo Adolescents." Journal of Social Psychology. 91 (1973): 149-150. 41 I.S. Kleinfeld. "Effects of Nonverbal Warmth on the Learning of Eskimo and White Students." Journal of Social Psychology. (1974): forthcoming. 42. 4'3. N. St. John. "Thirty-Mx Teachers: Their Characteristics and Outcomes for Black and White Pupils." American Educational Research journal. 8 (4) (1971): 035-540. 44. McKeachie and Lin. op. cit. 45. McKeachie et al.. op. cit. 40. McKeachie and (.in. op. cit. 47. Wax and Thomas, op. cit. 4$ Ibid.: 14. Nelson. Hunters of the Northern ice. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 11109) 49. nippier and Conn. op. cit. 50. A. E. !limiter and S. Conti. Tradition! Athabuscan law Ways and Their Relationship to Contemporary Problems of "Bush Justice," (;oertinient Research. 1972). 51. (Fairbanks. Alaska: Institute of Social. Economic and Ilippler and Conn. op. cit. (no. 27 above). 52. 11.d. Reed. "Teacher Variables of Warmth. Demand. and Utilization of Intrinsic Motivation Related to Pupil's Science Interests: A Studs Illustrating Several Potentials of Variance and Convariance," Journal of Experimental Education. 5831 11901): 205-226. Kleinfeld. "Characteristics of Successful Boarding Home Parents to Eskimo and Athabascan Indian Students." Human Organization. 32(2) (1973): 191.199. 53. 54. Richards. op. cit. 55. Zintz. op. cit. 50. Spindler and Spindler. op. cit: Briggs. op. cit. 57. Spindler and Spindler. op. cit. 50. 11.0. Reed. "The Effects of Teacher Warmth." Journal of Teacher Education. 2(3) (1901): 330-334. :37 COVERT CLANS: FACTIONALISM AS AN ADDITIONAL CONSIDERATION FOR THE ALASKAN BUSH TEACHER MICHAEL. S. CLINE Alaska Rural Teacher Training Corps Univenky of Alaska, Fairbanks People who live and work at the cultural interface are constantly beset with both physical and cultural issues which they are ill equipped to cope. Responses to these issues, generally falling under the nibric of culture shock, make positive adjustment to village living complex. One of the more pervasive, though covert, cultural influences on "outsiders" living in small Alaskan villages is the existence of factions. How teachers and other outsiders identify and deal with these groups and how these groups deal with them is a crucial factor in their acceptance by villagers. If a positive relationship with some villagers has not developed, most teachers will seek a iransfer or leave the bush altogether. Whether or not factionalism has conic into play may not be known by outsiders or even teachers themselves. but normally villagers will have had an influence in the decision. In order that this process be better understood this paper examines the development of factions in one village and their subsequent impact upon a series of teachers. The author lived in the village described for two years and. as teacher, conducted informal research on factional activity. Subsequent interviews with previous teachers and villagers provided further information concerning village and leacher it .eraction. Further. in each of the five rural Alaskan villages where the author has lived, factions have been in evidence. Discussions with teachers and agency people who have made contact in other villages reveal that factional activity s common throughout bush Alaska! Anthropologist George Foster states that devisiveness is the case wherever rapid cultural change is occuring: Rapid change frequently promotes divisive tendencies in traditional groups, thus making cooperative efforts even more difficult than under preexisting conditions ... Faced with many new choices, as are today's villagers, the opportunities for differing judgments are vastly increased, wit!, resulting conflicts in opinions (1969:119). . Many anthropologists have discussed the stresses of working and living in another culture (Colde 1970. Powdennaker 1968, Briggs 1970) but they have not described their involvement with village factions; this is such an attempt. The paper is offered as a partial answer to Wintrob's excellent question: What practical means could be utilized to extend the fieldworker's understanding of his own psychological needs and responses. and to broaden his understanding of the psychological significance of the reactions of the people he sets out to study? (1909:76). The author will be using Nicholas' description of factions (1985:27.29). Factions are politically conflicting groups, not corporate groups. They are recruited by leaders who use diverse principles to pursuade their followers, Factional activity consists of an issue of conflict and recruiting of memb yrsby leaders concurrent with "battling" of the two sides. Eventually one side wins issue and has it desires An earlier paper if :line and !.anser. 11001) examines the et feels of factionalism or the intercultural teacher using case studies f three Alaskan hush villages 39 dell II ill ma! membership may then diminish or become iMyna nt until another In ;int of (grating arises at which time the process repeted, perhaps with different actors on differing issues with (littering results. Nattier, group, clang side. and other divisive terms used will all refer to faction as defined above. Factionalism, then dieters from alliance as described by (41emple and others (Cuemple 1471:2) since it is not institutionalized though its content is negotiable between actors. It also differs in that alliance forms ( marriage, partnerships. spouse exchanges, and the like) are means to draw disparate social segments into articulation and prodnce stability, whereas factionalism is a means of infighting. 'Phis paper is organized in tots parts: background, factions and the teacher, a closer view of teacherfaction interaction, and a discussion. Background The village of DON (a pseudonym) is located on a major river in the interior of Alaska and consists of about 140 Athapascan Indian residents. The town itself has been in existence 20 years. Prior to that tune a smaller village was located upriver, but most families lived there only temporarily as they spent most of their time at other fishing. hunting, and trapping camps. Early white contact was made by Russian explorers and a Russian trader established a semi-permanent fur trading camp further south along the river for a few years. In the earls: 1900 permanent white contact was made in the region by two trapper-trader-miners. Smith and Johnson, who settled in different locations along the river and took local wives. Eventually Johnson left the area but his sons remained. By the 1940's the people desired more direct contact with white see iety and agitated for a school, airstrip, and post office but agency people told them higher ground must be found before these could he constructed because of periodic Hooding in their current location. The people discussed moving the village to a new site. The present village location was chosen by James, the young son of Trader Johnson, because it was higher than the surrounding country and met the criteria established by agency people. Trader Smith and his wife. Lilly, were reluctant to move from their old location. In an attempt to prevent the move Trader Smith reported to federal marshalls that James was planning to run gambling games in the new village. James had to make a trip to Fairbanks in order to clear himself and declared, "If that old man won't move his store where the pm nvie want to live, we'll build a store of our own!" Under thispressure Trader Smith moved, asking for and receiving help from villagers in building his new store. Shortly after this a school was constructed, an airstrip built, and a post office established. Eventually another store was started by James but within a year his store burned down. Trader Smith died and, as the years passed. more active competition grew between Lilly and James. A "co-op" store was formed by James and his friends. Lilly was postmaster, welfare agent, airline agent, and the village radio operator, and she operated a lodge and sold electricits . James ran a pool and pan hall, the village movie theater, and sold electricity as well as informally managing the co-op store. In terms of thc factional alignments which developed each of the two leaders usually rece;ved initial support from his close relatives. In Lilly's case this generally meant her two married brothers. James drew support from his brother and the families of his first two wives. However, apart from this, other factional members were recruited on different grounds such as the personality of the leader and the conflict involved. James had an advantage in this respect in that he was an aggressive young man with a vibrant personality. Villagers would often congregate in his pool and pan hall to listen to hint tell stories and legends and to discuss a s ariety of subjects. Lilly vitted rarely and did her recruiting in her store when Iveople carne' to get until, welfare checks, or groceries. Being friends with her assured one of store credit and welfare assistance if it was needed. Of the twenty -four households in Dolbi. James could normally count on support from ten young active heads of households. Lilly received support from si'c families, all of whom were middle-aged or nit a'1 'IA,' a% thy% exiiit III Arms% of unif041 %iiiitheinterti 41) t'5 in this village older. Some I if these may have given her support because they had traded with her husband. There were also six apparently neutral families who generally preferred to stay mit of the battling and became aligned only under extreme pressure. hay the time of this study it appeared that Lilly's prestige was gradually diminishing. Apparent pressure tram the other side was causing her to lose some of her agency roles the health aide received "her own" radio and another person was made welfare agent With the exception III son. nearly all the voung people in the village supported James' side. For example. the village council president and a majority of the council elected by villagers were always supporters of James. Villages' houses clustered about the homes of tames and I Ally and the visiting patterns reflected alliances of varicus 11 hen an issue arose the two sides "battled" until one side had won or a more inn n emit subject of mid het surfaml. Generally such conflicts were related to outside agencies such as nunanuil of the radio. mail service. welfare payments. or school .Acording to villagers. letters were continually helmt written to outside agencies to insure that equitable treatment for all villagers was maintained. Villagers' life style revolved around seasonal activities. During the summer men fought fires. worked as riverboat pilots, or worked on a gold dredge while their wives and children fished. At this time of vrcr factional activity diminished greatly. In the fall. winter and spring villagers resumed residence in their log cabins in the village and hunted and trapped. It was at this time of year factional activity flourished. Factions and the Teacher The first teaching couple to remain in the village more than two years was apparently well liked. When they first came Lilly. whose husband had rmently died, became close friends with them, visiting often and confiding in them concerning her own economic' status. When a year or so later she became interested in a white construction worker who visited the village. the teachers found themselves interacting more with members of the miler side. They Felt that Lilly's new husband not only divided her from them but also separated her lurther from the other side. They saw themselves as belonging to lames' group. In their fifth year they were joined by a third teaeher, as young unmarried woman who remained in !NAN for the next (ice years. The teaching couple lett at the end of that year so that their daughters might attend high school. No apparent pressure was exerted on them to leave by either group. The single teacher remained and a couple in their fifties was sent in to teach. This couple immediately became close friends with Lilly and her new husband, saying they did not trust anyone else in the village. which ultimately seemed to include the other teacher. '('hey bought Attuir groceries from her store and interacted of tii with her, apparently feeling that it the trader was on their side they would be safe politically. hher villagers, however, noted many idiosyneracies of this couple who never visited them and only rarely accepted villagers in their home (carefully cleaning utter they had gone) and who said: "You can't trust these Indians. All of them are out to get you." Whether they brought this view with them or it was conditioned by Lilly is not known. The single teacher warned them to keep their door locked when there was drinking in the village as she had heard threats 'against them. Hy this time the sinttlr teacher had developed close relationships s ith several women in James' group, if for no other reason than the couple did not interact with her. Hy midyear James' mink irters were outrsigeti with this couples one-sided behavior and without the teachers' knowledge. the advisory scluail board, which was then composed of James' faction. wrote a letter asking that the teaching couple be removed and that the single teacher remain. School board's wishes were I allowed at the end of the year and James' faction saw that their action% did count. For the first time factional muscles had been flexed on teachers. Another couple was Wilt in to teach with the single teacher the following year and. again, !Ally worked ai developing close relationships with the new teachers by hauling their supplies, taking them hunting and sight Weilli4 and knifing them In dinner often. However, as the year progressed, these teachers became increasingly disenchanted us they listened to what the other side said about how Lilly 41 ran the' post of lice and served as welfare agent. Further. they helped James' side begin the co-op store. By the end of the year they were identified with James' faction. but partly because of the political battling and a variety of other rintsons, not the least of which was culture shock. they left the village o:mitarilv. Again the single teacher remained. At this point the single teacher had lived in the village for three years, enjoying a positive relationship with James' side. but as her stay lengthened she noted Lilly seemed to become more critical of her. She found herself in disagreement with Lilly over several issues such as postal policies, welfare, store policies. and use of the Public Health Service radio all issues that James' faction had apparently brought to her attention. A young couple joined the faculty next and. in spite of overtures made to them by Lilly and her husband. they became increasingly allied with James' group. They were interested in dog team racing and better dog nutshell belonged to James' group. In addition, they helped the new co-op store order supplies and figure out prices. Thus, they interacted almost exclusively with members of James' faction. All three of the teachers were allied with James' side and from time to time had minor conflicts with Lilly over postal hours and sending mail with friends. They also ordered their groceries from Seattle, buying occasionally at the co-op store and hardly ever at Lilly's. At the end of two years the couple decided to move to a different village and the single teacher transferred to a one-teavher school. It was clear that if any of the teachers had wanted to stay they could have. for they had the support of the major faction. However. after the single teacher transferred Lilly commented: "That teacher was here too long. She's too one-sided and I wrote the state about it too. Any teacher that acts like that had better look out. We wrote about others too," flow important her letters were is not known. but undoubtedly they hadsome impact for an administrator who visited the village the following year told the new teachers: "You have to watch it in this place, you can't be too much on one side or the other, Otherwise the other side will get you. It's happened several times here." A Clout Vim of T000hopfrootion Intonation It has been seen that each teacher to come to the village was aligned in the village political scene and the following year proved to be no exception. Three new teachers were assigned to the school, a middle- aged single man with several years teaching experience in the vicinity of Dolbi who was designated as head teacher, and a young couple with one year Alaskan hush teaching experience. In discussions with the other teachers prior to the beginning of school the head teacher revealed that he was aware of "things going on in Dolbi." (apparent factional activity) and he stated. "I'm not going to get caughtin it at all. I'm just not going th participate. That way no one can accuse me of being on the 'other side'." Ile told them that he had made friends with the school board chairman (an important member of James' group) and also with Lilly while he lived in a nearby village, thus assuring his neutrality. Largely upon his advice the couple also decided to remain neutral. Prior to the opening of school a village meeting was held to elicit bids from villagers fur the hauling of schottl supplies from the river barge to the school. Sealed bids were submitted from three sources: one from each side and one from another individual. When the bids were opened by the head teacher at the meeting. he noted that one bid did not include all of the supplies, lie called the bidder, a representative from Lilly's side. to the front of the assembly to qualify his hid. James followers promptly challenged this action with hitter comments directed to each other and to the head teacher. The head teacher perceived himself as being caught in the middle of the controversy, but some villagers commented later that he had attempted to help Lilly's side. "We saw him do that. fie tried to help them because he knows them better." This inuuspiciots start notwithstanding. and in contrast to normal small village activity, the head teacher made effort% to demonstrate his intent at non-involvement in village affairs. He pulled the shades in his quarters and refused to answer the' door to visitors. lie emerged only to teach school. and to get or send mail, and to put chase food. 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'.1111101.10111111 (11.18%7.11111S S.11111% N.)%11.1 q ).11 tin Ir 41114 o1 *.)100011.1) I 1 ISZ:0/11 '1 'J.111011,4 IMP %111111.1./11 .1.111111 Every community has its difficult individuals and even the most svmpathvtic friends sometimes interpret one's actions in ways other than one can anticipate. Errors are often componnded, without one's knowing what is happening. These situations call For calm analysis. One must think through the rights and wrongs of the various actors involved, the sanctions available to each, the probability that these might he applied, and the extent of damage that could ensue. Sensitivity to others' discomfort is essential, though sometimes difficult to achieve in a cultural context one understands only partially. (198937). Pe Ito has rightly pointed out that because there are great differences among communities and the personalities of intercoltural workers vary greatly, it is impossible to prescribe the social management side of fieldwork (19711:2251. On the other hand, greater awareness of elements which will he confronted needs to be developed. These elements generally fall into the areas of role behavior and sensitivity to the local political scene. With regard to village factional activity, there appear to heat least five general categories to which the intercultural worker might address himself: the cultural history of villagers, including village-white interaction; expectations of villagers for outsiders' behavior; the question of neutrality; the normal course of factional activity; and involvement of non-resident bureaucrats in factional disputes. What is the Cultural History of the Region? Ii the teachers who entered the village of DON had known. for example, information presented at the beginning of this paper their attention might have been drawn to related elements still existing in the village, e.g.. the existence of two factions. Through discussions with villagers and others, one can get an idea of how villagers have related to their predecessors. In addition to becoming acquainted and providing a topic for conversation with villagers, the teacher can learn how long teachers stayed, why they left, and what villagers currently think about them. For other intercultural workers whose roles have no precedent, greater flexibility may be allowed, but it is still important to learn how other outsiders have been involved in the village. in this study :1 of I I teachers left as a result of factional pressure. All the others became involved in factional politics and, argely because they allied with the stronger side. they had the option to stay. The other side, however. did have recourse and may have been influential in the movement of at least three other teachers. What Role Expectations do Villagers told for the Intercultural Worker? Villagers have different concepts of a good teacher than the image most teachers carry with them. To villagers a good teacher is one who not only does the right things in the classroom, but more importantly he does the right things apart from the school. Wintrob states: "The ease with which the fieldworker develops rapport is largely determined by the role image he creates in the ;nimbi of his informants and the community as a whole." (1989:891 The teacher shows that he is interested in village affairs and villagers themselves by participating as they do. If he does not develop positive relationships with at least some of the people, when he makes mistakes he will have developed no positive credit and thus he will prohably he viewed negatively. Further cultural errors will prompt action to either socialite him, or. as in two cases described. through the vehicle of factionalism, get rid of him. As Saherwal states: Upon entering the field situation as a stranger, one has to develop a complex and extensive network of social relations rapidly. To maintain these relations in good repair requires a wide range of interpersonal sensitivity and response capacity. A fund of human sympathy is useful. It is also necessary to translate this sympathy into acts which your neighbors will recognize to be acts of good will. It takes some trial and error, but given the intent, one van usually find the form (1989:58. 44 people seem to have a sixth sense about judging the intent of an outsider. 'They may not understand his words, but they observe his actions. and it they judge hint to be acting inappropriately they will iittempt to socialite him. Considerable role flexibility is given at first. but resistance to socializing efforts will ultimately bring about reprisals in the font) of rejection. As the only white man living in a village and one who is responsible her the formal education of the childr. the teacher is placed in a role of 'nue+ greater importance than he often realizes. Attempting to deal with people he dues not know presents an entwine'y comities task. especially when he realizes that what he says may be used as political ammunition against himself or the other side. Reeause of his importance each faction sees it is to their advantage to have the teacher (or other outsider) On its side and considerable effort may be made to recruit him. Such efforts may be in the form of favors done for the teacher. taking him on hunting and fishing trips. visiting over coffee, giving him gifts of meat or local crafts. and other activities. Their intent is to draw him into the village mutual aids and obligations system and. tinw specifically. to align him with their group. Further complicating the issue is the question: what is appropriate role performance.? Amending to Cetera'. Foster I 111Mit 2,11 this is something that can only he measured in relation to other people. Where factions exist appropriate performance May depend upon the individual one asks, or as in several instances described. how each faction or factional leader views the actions. If one side thinks it's good, the other IlaY reject it simply on those grounds. Is Neutrality Possible? Although political non-involvement of a type advocated by one teacher described may he a viable alternative in an urban school setting, it is not in a hush community. The teacher is simply too important an addition to the village political scene to remain uninvolved. Further. mans. of the decisions he makes are political in nature. For example. when the head teacher asked one person to qualify his bid, his actions were perceived by the other side as helping the faction that person represented. Ilk argument with the manager of the co-op store was another act viewed by people on that side as a rejection of them. Ills neutrality was such that neither group viewed him as neutral. Normally teachers feel that if they "do their soh in the classroom" other relationships will take care of themselves. Somehow they will he able to rise above village affairs. In light of the previous example, this is not possible'. Typically. white people and especially teachers like to make their positions on issues known, vet in village affairs it may be' best for them to remain silent on many issues. Ultimately, however. the teacher will make some' decisions overt or covert. school-related or not which will ally him with one group or the other. The longer he stays the greater is the likelihood of this happening. What it the Course of Factional Activity? Returning to Nicholas' description of factions (1945:27-29): Factions are recruited by leaders who use diverse principle's 1) pursitade their followers. James and hilly recruited their followers on the basis of kinship. issue, personality. and et'o Recruiting was informal, as was the group itself. Factions are politically conflicting groups, not corporate groups. Once the issue of conflict had surfaced both sides worked to enlarge their following and to win their point. Factional battling occurred concerning the movement of at least three teachers. It was at this stage the involved bureaucracy was brought in to settle the issue which they did by transf-:Ing the teachers. Thus the winning faction realized its goal and both sides revognited that their itch.. is carried weight. How May tmrcauerats be Drawn into Factional Disputes? Discussions with bureaucrats reveal that when they receive communications from villagers they are placed in a difficult position for many of them recognize that the letters may represent (tidy one point of view. Further. if they act immediately as that group desires they niay be seen as an ally of that village faction. which is the intent of the hatter. The problem becomes compounded when the other side also 45 writes letters criticising aetion taken and asking support for their views. Many bureaucrats wisels do as little as possible until they can gain more information. Occasionally. thus_ witlahaw entirely. leaving villagers to work out their own solution. However, when the success of the bureaucratic mission in the village seems jeopardized, a more immediate solution is sought. An administrator travels to the village and attempts to gather more information before making a decision. The factional leaders then attempt to "fill the ear" of the administrator. substantiating their cases and giving him much information that may not he related to the issue. At this point teachers often become very defensive concerning their actions and in many cases will disagree with administrative decisions. However, regardless of the NO that there are two sides to the issue. because of the agitation, teacher transfer is usually re eommended as the solution (Cline 1972:14In the final analysis it is curious to note that in rural Alaska much talk revolves about g;ving advisory school hoards power to make important decisions concerning their schools and teachers. If the case above may serve as an example. the community. through its factions and its advisory Imam already has the power: they simply do not exercise it with the same process outsiders might expect. As Fn.:ter states: Client peoples, then, have enormous powers over the professionals who work with then,, even though usually they don't appreciate this fact. They have the power to grant or to withhold the evidence of ability which is so important to the professional. Ile, in most instances. also does not fully appreciate this psychological element in his relationship to members of the client group, although subconsciously at least he senses it (1969:124). Contrary to the opinion of these who feel their effects, village factions may in fact create a positive influence, for they serve as a political mechanism to make known the wishes of a group of people. Further, it may he that factional disputes will diminish as this mechanism gives way to other more formal means of local decision making. BIBLIOGRAPHY Heals. Alan R.. and Bernard J. Siegal 1966 Thrash eness and Soria! Conflict. An Anthropological Approach. Stanford: Stanford 'niversity Press. Briggs. lean I.. 1970 Never in Anger: Portrait of an Eskimo Family. Cambridge: Harvard I iniversity Press. Buira. Janet M. 1973 The Dynamics of Political Action: A New Look at Factionalism. American Anthropologist 75:132.152. Chance. Norman A . editor I Yfiti Contliet in Culture: Problems id Developmental Change Among du, Cree. Research Centre fur Anthropology. Saint Paul University. (line. Michael S. 1972a "The Impact of Formal Education Upon the Nunamiut Eskimos of Anaktuvuk Pass. Alaska: A Case Study." University of Oregon: Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation. 46 (line. Michael S. 1972b "Village Socialization of the Bush Teacher." The Northian. Winter 1972. Saskatoon. Saskatchewan: IL iniversity of Saskatchewan. (line. Michael S.. and Douglas S. Moser 1972 Combating the Effects of Factionalism Upon the Intercultural Teacher. Unpublished paper. Foster. George M. 1969 Applied Anthropology. Boston: Little. Brown and Comps Py. Gold,. Peggy. editor 1970 Women in the Field. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company. (:uemplr. Lee. editor 1W1 Alliance in Eskimo Society. Seattle and London: American Ethnological Society. University of Washington Press. Nicholas. Ralph W. Factions: A Comparative Analysis. in A.S.A. Monograph 2: Political Systems and the 1)istribution of Power. Michael Banton. Ed. London: Tavistock. pp. 21.81. 1965 Pelto. Pertti J. 1970 Anthropological Research: The Structure of Inquiry. New York: Harper & Row. Publishers. Powdermaker. Hortense 1966 Stranger and Friend: The Way of an Anthropologist. New York: W.W. Norton & Comp,iny, Inc. Saberwal. Satish 1969 Rapport and Resistance Among the Embu of Central Kenya (1963-1964). In Stress and Response in Fieldwork. Franc... ilenry and Satish Saberwal, Eds. New York: Holt. Rinehart and Winston. pp. 47-62. Williams. Thomas Rhys 1967 Field Methods in the Study of Culture. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Wintrob. Ronald M. 1969 An Inward Focus: A Consideration of Psychological Stress in Fieldwork. In Stress and Response in Fieldwork. Frances Henry and Satish Saberwal, Eds. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. pp. 63.78. 47 A CLASSROOM IS NOT A FISH CAMP JOHN COLLIER, JR. California State University San Francisco . The concern of this paper is the training of Native teachers and the adaptation of Native learning processes to the classroom. This writing comes out of research and speculation as to why education for Native Americans has largely failed. The circumstances mentioned are drawn from a small sample of observations in Alaska and on the Navajo reservation. There are numberless American Indian teachers I have never met. The backgrounds of Indian personalities are very diverse and modify any observations I have to make. But probably this diversity does not radically alter the challenge facing Native American education problems of teaching skills. content. and goals for learning. the multiple Let's examine what Native teachers bring to a classroom. Regardless of expertise. their presence in the classroom quiets the stress and increases the confidence of Indian children. Even when they emulate White teachers, their roles are acceptable and offer an image of Indian accomplishment that in itself can make education more realistic for many children. But this human accomplishment may not be enough to adequately meet the needs of Native students. The challenge of Indian education is that we generally agree on why it has failed, but remain confused on its practical solution. Its failure is in the destructive impact of white education on Native children. This culture shock appears to divide children from self and it degrades children's most formative years of environment and family. But even more threateningly, it can distract and destroy cognition. The effect of this "jangling" is sluggish thinking, lowered achievement in school and later in adult life. This disfigurement has been seen for many years and has obscured further causes of failure which may impede the educational emergence of many Native peoples. One of the major concerns has been the reality that problems do not automatically disappear when the schools are run by Indian people themselves. Many observers, both Indian and White. feel that removing the White teacher from the school and allowing Native culture to dominate the curriculum will solve many of the basic faults of Indian education. What could defeat such ideal means? Any development must take place amid the history of Indian personality and acculturation, as well as his survival needs in .modern life. Today, we should look critically at this part of the process. Acculturation is largely the history of White education for Indians. We meet the Indian student for the first time as a prisoner of war in a militar:!v administered school. Next we see him as the object of of Christian missionaries who further assaulted the Indian self. White idealists salvation underestimated the effect of negative acculturation, which is the fundamental core of failure of Indian development. It is enlightening that the character of failure was recognized and acted upon as far back as the 1930's. in the Roosevelt years. Rudimentary blocks that are so obvious now were recognized by reformers in the IllA then. Emphasis was shifted from boarding school education to Day Schools in Indian communities. Curriculum readers were published in several Indian languages. Schools were designed as community centers where Elders were invited to be resources in the classroom. But for various political reasons, these programs were not sustained and the dilemma of Indian education remained. In the 1950's the situation was so shocking that the Bureau of Indian Affairs hired Robert Havinghurst to make a sweeping national survey of Indian education. In 1968. the U.S. Office of Education hired Havinghurst to make a second national survey of even greater depth of the education of 49 Indian ehiklren wherever they were in school. on or off the reservations. Hut the second report was in many ways the same as the first fifteen years later. India,' children were still failing to get an adequate education no matter where they were in schools. The significant difference between these two evaluations. spanning fifteen years of effort was that the ft. st survey was generally directed toward White teachers of Indian children whereas the re commendatie ns of the second study were directed also to Indians *eaching Indians. Despite political vacillations and educational ineptitudes, there has been au increasing Indian emergence since the New Deal for the American Indian nearly 40 years ago. There have been revolutionary developments in Indian sophistication and expertise. The experience of the Second World War gave toany Indians a world view as well as further training in ikchnologies. The CI Hill of Rights placed rifi.lans in trade schools and universities in fields of law. administration. and anthropology, Other minorit), groups. the Mexican-Americans. Afro-Americans. and Oriental. Americans have also demanded recognition and opportunity and their militancy has given further support to the Indians' demand for a separate American identity. Some Indian communities have taken on the education of their own children. The Teacher Corps in Alaska has the first program of putting credentialed Native teachers in the tundra and forest schools. Will these joint developments solve the problem? Certainly they will ease the hardship. but with equal importance they make real for the first tinee the actuality of Indian teachers in the classroom as a practical undertaking. After five years of research of Eskimo and now Navajo education, the failure of Native American schooling seems more serious than it ever was. It seems no longer just an Indian problem. but an experience affecting all minority people who are dominated by White power. As the cold war turns into battle. I we this conflict increasing. I see White power, that I call education, interfering in Native welfare everywhere: bombs destroying villages in Indo-China. White education destroying Eskimo villages in Alaska by moving these hunter-fishing people into the concentration of city slums in Anchorage and Seattle. In the same way, education is also destroying Spanish-American villages of New Mexico. Always the White rationale is the same economic reality, productivity and progress the philosophy never changes. I see White education leveling smaller cultures, leaving Native peoples in a retarded vacuum. and lowering the working intelligence of the colonialized world. Outwardly this is accomplished by economic and political exploitation. but inwardly it is the colonialization of the Native mind. As an anthropologist. I am beginning to see American Indian schooling not as education, but as a process of either negative or positive acculturation, We should ask, "What could be a positive development of acculturation?" Not assimilation nor an idealistic return to The Old Ways, but certainly a retaining of a special identity and a vitality of personality in the ever-changing process of world development. When the question is asked, "Why have Native education or Native American studies'" we are also asking. "N by he unique? Why he an individual? What is the contribution to self and society in retaining difference?" White educators of Indians might not share the same roads or the same goals as Native teachers or Indian community school hoards. We may both he coming from different directions. Frequently. the ideal educator and the anthropologist see the need to preserve and strengthen through education what we' feel we have lost in the cultural privations of modern life. Hut Indians can see education as a means to gain something they have never had. Realistically. reservations no longer sustain the Indian. and like other ethnic minorities, they are coining to the cities for employment. They are not demanding just equal education, but equal roles and an equal future. For survival. Indian communities. both rural and urban. now require a genuine role in political life and a sophisticated knowledge about living in the White world. Do we dodge this reality of 50 education hr giving control of the school to the (mmunities and Native teachers? This is a power transfer of great significance. but it does not in itself insure these insights. Can Native community teachers accomplish what W hite teachers fail to do in their schools -teaching for emotional and economic survival in the technological society? I iind Indian community leaders as divided as to what Indian children should learn as many White specialists. We created the problem and therefore should help master its solution. For this reason. I feel we are committed to sharing in the solutions of this mutual dilemma. I see Indian education as an Indian/White collaboration to meet the newels of a multieultural world. What can Indians do at this late hour to help themselves educationally and how should we help itt this self-determination? It would not be unreasonable to find that ancient cultures do not have the traditions necessary for dealing with the complexity of our technological culture and all the problems it has created. It would clarify to consider what Indian or Eskimo teachers have to offer traditionally in training for survival in the indigenous world, and today in the modern environment. What is the genius of Indian awareness and sensibility? How was the genius learned? The question asks, what is a Native school? But tint, what is eduction for peoples in a whole and functioning environment? I believe that the growing child learns consistently through the life process. Schools as practical renters for life education seem very recent. In the near and far past. formal learning institutions save done for students just about everything, but give them sound survival expertise. Schools have be esoteric. The formalized Native hush schools of Africa described by Mark Ilium Watkins' were more eoncerned with mastering roles and mystique than with practical learning. The early European school fundamentally taught Creek and I.atin. two already dead languages. The early American school. beyond mastering rudimentary literacy. studied one book, the Bible. and learning to read was therefore also mastering a moral code. Possibly among the Native American models of the functional shocl. was the Eskimo kashgee (Men's House) like the longhoese of the Indians of the Northwest Coast. Here boys gathered with men. watched and mastered tdtills, and lister"' to the wisdom of the group. Maybe here we mild find the Native teacher and the relevant curriculum of education we are seeking. But the ka.shitees were destroyed hr the missionaries. so where are these teachers today? In Alaska. we could find them in the slimmer fish camps and on the Navajo in the isolated sheep camps. provided of course. ecological opportunities still existed. One challenge of promoting Native teachers is transferring both the learning cirminstances and instructive wisdom into the contrivance of contemporary schools. Schools now are dominated by the White linear processes which deal with intim. economic success goals. The tearhe'r from the fish camp might be inadequate in these schools unless the goals and processes are radically changed to include and give equal value to his unique wisdom and fulfillments. What is known briefly about Indian education in the undisturbed Native circumstance suggests where the Native teacher is coming from and what he might need in order to teach in a school. In the hush. where survival is mastered. "experience is the he teacher" describes the style of learning of many Indian groups. The classroom was the forest, seacoast or desert. The curriculum was the !Process that caviled learning to conclusion and corrected the faults of the apprentice. How did the Native teacher transfer this wisdom? I )id he lecture. draw diagrams. make getting the sheep out to gray imaginative game to lure the student into the lesson? The informational procedure was probably terse in verbal explanation and highly non - verbal in demonstration. With hungry sheep bleating in the corral. motivation was spontaneous and self-fulfilling in the omission goals for survival. Sheep are the full relevancy of life. The grating becomes the learning process an-I the sheep become the teachers'' the learner through complex circumstances of decision, concentration and perseverance. itituration t Culture. (win's,. stismiler 51 Icad I NI ring dia,' reduction to curb soil erosion on the Navajo, women would rise in the council hall and bite engineers. "Who will educate our children if you takeaway the sheep?" In of feet they were saving. if you destroy our cultural process. the children will have no editeation. TI alas. many Navajos do not have sheep. but they do have pick-up trucks. awl some of this learning ask the process has shifted to maintaining trucks. This has retained some of the native style of learning of Navajos. A White doctor knew a Navajo woman who could fix cars expertly. The doctor asked his acquaintance. "Are yon teaching your kids to fix cars?" "Yes, I teach them." "flow are' you doing this?" "Well. it's like this ... 'Johnny, out see that is a car. Now you climb under and lay there until you see how it works. When vim figure out how it works, yon can fix it. Now get under that car'. Yes. I'm teaching them." 'I'he strength and success of this education were the goals of confidence and ingenuity.2 Indian children, as maybe all children growing up in nature. are trained pragmatically to solve problems independently. Life survival iquestionably often hangs on this ability. As an example, there was an Indian youth who was going deer limiting and he laid out his plans to his father and elders. agreed it was good he was going deer hunting, but they offered him no particular advice. "I told my folks I was going to ride to a river, cross .t. and hunt deer in the hills on the other side where I knew there would be game. My daddy never told me I couldn't get across that river. You know, I'm really grateful my daddy let me find this out for myself. I am so glad they never told site what to dn." The river was the lesson, and no doubt a great deal was learned in meeting this challenge that never conk! 3 have been given by direct advice. Today Navajo and Eskimo processes have deteriorated. The learning environment for the child is no longer as enriched s it was a generation ago. I lave Navajo adults, therefore changed their style of educating their children? Or are Navajo children in nerd of a new set of processes for learning, along with a new style of teacher? And what about a center like the kashgee or hmghouse? This center could he the conummit school, but would it have the self-fulfilling curriculum of the traditional fish camp? It may have none of these experiences unless contrived by the Native teacher. This, of course. could happen. This ability to create a learning atmosphere could be learned as well as re-expressed from the wealth of Indian /Eskimo culture. liesourves and styles are not the same group to group. There could be a great difference between Athahaskan Indians and Alaskan Eskimos. In tradition, Eskimos are masters of contrivance: drama and mime historically were a major community recreation. On film, a pair of minimally trained Eskimo women teachers appeared very projective with small children. much more so than teachers of Athabaskan descent observed on the Navajo. So tar I have been considering, primarily, process learning for practical survival and have neglected the teaching of mystique and philosophies. Among the Navajo, this cultural content of creation myth and life was. are not learned in the practical process. Mythology must he taught in a formal way by a teacher who is an authority. Amid all Indian groups, these teachers are the story-tellers who instruct in the perfect knowledge of "The People." John Adair and Sol Worth's experience with Navajo-made narrative film resealed that story-telling the recitation of myths significantly affects the ordering and process of thought. Could this programming be brought into the learning resources of the classroom? Hut again, culture raises unseen obstacles. Storyteller are the wise, the elders of the gnaw. ( :mild young men and women borrow the processes of story-telling for their students? Or would there be a cultural taboo or psychological inhibition for young pimple to assume this role in a classroom setting? Could this he anus: er area of creativity that needs to tw explored for Native teachers in the classroom? 214.rm.nal ( minilimeatifin llotscrt Hermon - 1)1. Hobert ((fretful(' 52 In our own schools for teachers. adults are trained to play with children and wake objects of art like a child. This may sound artificial. but even in our own flexible styles, snoring from real life to the classroom is a challenge. Contrivances with which to teach snake no imih teacher training experience. Many of these methodological contrivances appear vacuous simply because then Lick reason. Yet the need reflects awareness of the disintegration of life-process education for W kite children. We see both White and Indian children in deprivation as they become farther separated from life exiwrierwes that fundamentally educate. What can a child learn in suburbia where he is needed in no life process? So he grows up in (contrivance through Little League to Junior High and continues his life in a man-manufactured reality of TV and Disneyland. Adults are professionally trained and paid to make experieTice nal for children so they will "turn on" and learn. l'he development so needed is the transfer of Native teaching from tile sheep mum to the classroom by developing the skills to snake learning in the classroom as relevant and supportive of the life processes as the were in the sheer camp. This contrivance can be difficult for Indian adults. I )r. Robert Bergman. Psychiatrist fur American Indian mental health, carried through an experintent in snaking a BIA dormitory like a Navajo home in an effort to raise the scholastic performance of the Navajo students. Indian parents were hired to come to the dormitories in the evening to "play" or interact with their children as they would in their homes. This proved nearly impossible. First. the supportive home processes were absent, and therefore. the circumstances had to be contrived. Further. Navajo parents complained that a dormitory was not a place to play. like a house. Historically, BIA dormitories have been run on military'- school order and most of the Navajo parents had experienced BIA boarding schools. Literally, they had to be educated into playing with their own children in the contrivance of a "home" in a 141A hygenically-ordered dormitory. This circumstance relates realistically to the training of Navajo school aides in a teacher credential program. They insist make the same transfer as the dormitory sides to the creative experience of the schoolroom. The children may just sit still until these Navajo aides fill the room with an environment for learning. The terse instructional style of the sheep camp, when transfilred to the classroom, can fail to achieve a `ironized process of learning. Coordinated learning is a ti ngible relationship that reads on film as flowing movement and gesture, as couspared to distracted and static classroom behavior of physical isolation, yawns, and expressions of stress. Learning in the fish and sheep camps moves with a self-fulfilling motivation of tasks which must be accomplished for survival of everyone. In the uncontrived or unmotivated classroom. the only pragmatic survival is learning to please the teacher!' Ilence, the imaginative process of the teacher is to make learning in the classroom as real as watering sheep at the windmill. This does not spontanembly happen when the Native teacher enters the classroom. As an example in one circumstance, when the White teacher left the room for the clay, the Indian aide restructured the classroom from an open process to one of regemented learning. Navajo aides often choose a stnictured style. and Novak) parents often find the regemented school inure desirable than the White concept of a Free school. This conservatism may seen' bewildering, for the most hitter critics of regemeoted BIA education are the Indians themselves. Historically. the government kidnapped children into White education. held them in school by force, and separated them from culture, language and family fo s long as eight years. With this history of hostility, why should Native teachers follow the most opi lessive style of White education? hot Th. %A nn! at Moan 111)1t %melon and %nto, 53 I believe there are at least two reasons for this circumstance. As stated. Indians have no traditions of formal schools and their only standard of edwational excellence is the traditional classroom where they learned. Further. Indian systems. like most ancient cultures, were and still are held together with protocol and formality. Ceneralized permissiveness, therefore. is not an Indian trait except in their concepts of time and schedule, and even this sense of time is held together by the inflexibility of nature herself The orderly controls of ecology are often invisible to White eyes, and therefore. Indian style can appear permissive to technologically oriented modern men. Among the Eskimos. the surronnding life involvement is so threatening that Eskimo fathers seem not to worry about disciplining their children. Children are there to love and enjoy. Environment itself will teach them the way and the endnrance to survive. Hut when Eskimos relocate to Oakland, California, natnre is no longer there and permissiveness dams bring confusion in child development. . In spite of the conservatism of Indian culture, White men do see the Indian as did D.II. Lawrence and my father, John Collier as free men. alert to his psyche, uniquely intelligent, and in balance with self. How can Indians develop this stature with such a conservative world view? The perfection and formality of Indian cultures actually provided the security that made freedom of self possible. The harmony of the group allowed men to live fully in often harsh ecologies. Conservatism of the cultures offered the "right way" to master threatening situations of drought, roving predators, drifting ice cakes and threatening seas. Survivalist's is a conservative undertaking, with very restrictive protocol and severe punishment for failure: but this rigidity took place in nature where men could find harmony and recognition of self. Hunter people had to live in small coups. and often were Forced to meet serious crises alone. It was in these circumstances that master of Indian self came. But this ecological matrix of Indian personality has mostly gone or been re-established in a modern framework. As one example. Hopis still farm. but no longer for essential subsistence. Farming has become a ceremonial function of renewal in an otherwise wageearning econotny.5 This acculturated adjustment suggests the style and the message of how Indian educatitm can prepare its children for the contemporary world. Culture is a lingering value, and even in the face of change, Native teachers who set up a rigid. apparently White structure. may be trying to preserve a classical Indian form of becoming by adopting some of the most traditionally conservative elements of White education, we now consider opptessive. A major realism in developing a Native teacher program is to recognize that removing the White teacher dOes hot necessarily remove "Whiteness" from the classroom. Cultural conservatism of Indian personality and distortive White education of the Indian teacher make innovation in the classroom very difficult lnderneath the teacher's enthusiasm for Indian determination may reasonably lie a foundation of White morality. methods and learning goals which muddy the sensitivity of Native educators. Missionary education and HIA hoarding school experience have deeply affected the reasoning of Indians. and this mise(Iucation can make the Native teacher appear as oppressive as the White. Quite unconsciously the Native teacher can be the very result and therefore the perpetuator of the negative proceAs she or he is hired to correct. How can programs of teacher training alter this default? How can Native teachers gain !Ise introspection and orientation that could free their sensitivities? Can White instructors of Native teachers restore the integrity that Whiteness has destroyed? If not, can Indian teachers bring about this recovery themselves? In part. I see teacher training as "de-schooling" as well as "additive" education in human development. I also see much orientation going to appreciating both the positive and negative realism of American society so that teachers can give Indian children a dynamic training in both acculturation and reasons for retaining Indian self and Indian society. Indian children are in school to learn to make cultural 51'ermlnal utmottliinivittimi from 1(Iht, Cmine11%. 54 choices what to buy and what to reject of the American pleats. Indian survival in the modern world will wholly depend on this sophistication. Culturally different children first and finally deserve an equal opportunity in education this is their door to an open society. Educational opportunity should offer all children a chance to use their particular intelligence for learning and problem-solving. This requires schools to be amenable to different programs of language and cultural styles. Educational goals must be diverse in order to fit 'the good life of many peoples. The goals should surely include effectiveness. personality integrity, and gratification. At this late hour in a universal world, we see culturally different peoples everywhere solving shared problems with similar tools even when the end goals of life are very contrasting. The goals of acculturation for Indians and any of us are to find a hospitable place in the modern scheme. We find this achievement cannot take place without a renewing and productive personality which comes for most of us within a special identity and system of fulfillment. There is only loss in educating a child out of its cultural self-intelligence: effectiveness and creativity are lost to the child and to the world which needs his excellence. 55 The Eskimo Language Workshop E. IRENE REED Eskimo Language Workshop Center for Northern Educational Research University of Alaska The Eskimo Language Workshop has been involved in teacher-training and preparation of educational materials in Yup'ik for schools participating in the Bilingual Education Program of the Bureau of Indian Affairs and Alaska State Operated Schools System. These schools are all located in southwestern Alaska in villages where most children enter school with Eskimo as their dominant language. Currently four schools are in their third year of operation in bilingual education: Akiachak. Nunspitchuk. Napakiak and Bethel. Schools in their second year of operation are Aleknajdk, Kasigluk, Kipnuk. Kongiganak, Manokotak. Quinhauk, Togiak. Tuntutuliak, and Twin Hills, and schools in their first year are Ekwok. Portage Creek. Koliganek. and New Stuyahok. This makes a total of 17 schools currently involved in Yup'ik bilingual education. The Workshop is trying to develop materials for all major parts of the elementary curriculum in the language indigenous to this area. Materials published so far consist of books to be read to children, a set of early readers (vocabulary controlled pre-primers. primers, first readers, etc.) and other simple stories the children will be able to read themselves within a short time after elementary training. Included in the collection are original stories by members of the Workshop or the bilingual teachers. traditional Eskimo stories, and translations and adaptations of a selection of "Western" stories such as Peter Rabbit or Thumbelina (traditional) or Are You My Mother? or The Things I Like (contemporary). Our Yup'ik version of Peter and the Wolf has recently been video taped with the narrator being accompanied by the University Symphony Orchestra. In addition, the Workshop has produced an elementary science series dealing with: The Earth, The Universe, Living Things (plants and animals). Matter and Energy, and The Senses of the Human Body. A variety of worl 'Fleets have been produced for language arts, science, mathematics and social studies. A good deal of this material produced by the Workshop is generated from the daily materials developed by teachers in the bilingual classrooms. These are sent periodically to the Workshop where they are edited, revised, and reproduced for use in an of the schools participating in the program. A dictionary project is nearing completion which includes at least 5000 items which we hope to publish as a two-volume English-Eskimo. Eskimo-English dictionary. A post-base section now is being developed (approximately 500 items) for that dictionary. A large body of taped recordings have been transcribed (well over 1000 pages) and are waiting to be edited for use in the schools. Several experimental television productions are now making their rounds in the schools, showing examples of traditional story-telling, puppet productions for language arts, and other creative educational programs for children (all in Yup'ik). The Workshop has also provided the English Language component of the program a large set of illustrations which have been produced in color whenever required by the ESL program. Finally, we have compiled much of the testing material in Yup'ik for the evaluation component of the bilingual program. The Eskimo Language Workshop has also played an active role in the training of Yup'ik teachers. The training sessions usually take place during the summer months and are done in cooperation with representatives from other agencies such as the Bureau of Indian Affairs, State-Operated Schools, or the University of Alaska itself (i.e., the Education Department or the Alaska Rural Schools Project). The 57 - Ar-*444-4 chief responsibility of the Workshop in these sessions is to provide the ncoled literacy training, and concern itself with methods and materials in Eskimo language teaching, while the education experts from various agencies voodoo the teacher-training sessions in English. To date, 4$ teachers have been trained speciticall for the bilingual program. and of these,40 are currently teaching in the schools, two are currently employed by the Workshop while they continue their education at the I. 'niversity. twoare teaching Yup'ik at the college level (one at kuskokwini Community College and the other at Alaska Methodist iiversity). and three have dropped out of the program (one to get married, and two were removed because of incompetence). Anti, one of our teachers was lost in a tragic' snow machine accident. The current stall of the Workshop consists of a director (who also teaches regular academiccourses on campus). and live full-time writers, artists, and technical and secretarial assistants. Much use is made of part-time help, particularly students who are planning to involve themselves in bilingual education. There are 13 part-time employees making a total of members on the staff. So far the response to the Workshop's materials from students and their parents and the teachers has been quite good. To date, the Workshop has produced over 70 books, and about 50 of these are in their final form having undergone thorough testing in the schools. There are several items. approximately in various stages of development, some waiting for illustrations, or simply waiting to he printed. A major undertaking of the Workshop now is to produce good teacher's manuals to accompany the hooks produced so far. And there is always the need for more hooks for the sulnls. In fact, the major difficulty the Workshop faces is to keep up with the demand for materials of all kinds. YUPIK BILINGUAL MATERIALS ESKIMO LANGUAGE WORKSHOP University of Alaska Fairbanks Graded Readers Nuk'aq (boy's name) by Martha Tecluk and Marie Hlanchett. preprimer 1, ill. by Mean and Chikoyak. 13 PP. Catiluta Aqtaluta-Ito (We Work and We Play) by Marie N. Hlanchett and Martha Teeluk, ill. by Paschal Mean. 20 pp. Nukay (Nuk'aq and His Family) by Marie Hlanchett and Martha Teeluk, Ill. Paschall A fcan. 21 PP. Naluityugnounga (I Can Read) by Martha Teeluk. Marie Hlanchett, ill. Geri Kelm. 57 pp. Nawittimgmlaunga Cali (1 Can Head Some More) by Martha Teeluk. ill. Geri Kelm and t 'eorge Smart, fill PP. Supplementary Readers: &Wilt ( My Family) by Martha Teelnk. ill. by Dorothy Nupolean. 23 pp. Kuiew/ Little Dog) by Martha Teeluk. ill. Geri Kenn. 13 pp. Nuk'ankut ( Nuk'aq's Family.) by Martha Teeluk, ill. A. Chikoyak. 22 pp. 58 Upsankut ( Lipsaq anti his Family) by Pachall Alvan. ill. Pachall Mean. 17 pp. (:arirkat (Things to Do) authored by Workshop staff. ill. Geri Kelm. 22 pp. %Vanity(' Citut'aq I I lere's Jack) translated into Yupik by Marie Nick, ill. adapted by Cori Kelm. 24 pp. Acitualrtit (The flerrypickers) by Mary Ann Lomack. ill. Ida Jacomet. IN pp. Anataluaam Qtmuotat (Pat's Dogs) by Pachall Afcan. ill. Mean. 25 pp. !Lima. thumb Parnyuy-Uu (Snuffy. Eye-Patch. and Tail) a sequel to Arigalgaarn Qimugtail by Pachal Mean. ill. by Mean. 44 pp. Language Arts Material: Wartime* Tamalkurma (All About Me) translated and adapted by Joseph Coolidge and Marie Nick. ill. by John Hreiby. 59 pp. Qatwruarat Ituagnerlta Nepait (The Sounds that Begin Words) by Pacha! Mean and Irene Heed. ill. by Diane Dart. tali pp. hammy 1 (A series of about 2011 worksheets for language arts) generated by the Workshop staff from inaterials developed in the bilingual schools. Igatuaraq II by Joseph Coolidge. ill. Hick Peck. Mathematics: Naagutet (Numbers) picture of numbers from 1-10. ill. Ceri Keini. 31 pp. Naaqutelluryarat Caliarkatt (Mathematics Worksheets) generated by Workshop staff fiqui materials developed in bilingual schools. ill. Geri Kehl'. 100 pp.. Science Series: Cat ArtertryeUrtlt: (InguvaIrttt Naunraat-llu (Living Things: Plants and Animals) by Paschal Mean and Irene Heed. ill. Geri Kehl'. :39 pp. Nunarpak (The P:arth by Pachal Mean and Irene Heed. ill. Geri Keim. 4N pp. Caution Plnlun-llu (Mutter and Energy) by Paschal Mean and Irene Heed. ill. by Ceri Kehl,. 40 pp. Ella lquilmtuy (The Universe) by Paschal Mean and Irene Heed, ill. Geri keim. 3ti pp. hum Tertian Elpekmutal (The Senses of the Duman Hody) by Paschal Mean and Irene Heed. ill. Cori Kelm. 2$ pp. 59 Original Stories or Traditional Tales: Amirluruar (Little Cloud) by Paschal Mean. ill. Geri Kelm. 24 pp. Cikemyay (81inky) by Paschal Mean. ill. Andrew Chikoyak, 28 pp. ()affray Arignifingurmek Katitayaarmek (The Sad Little Fox) by Geri Kelm. ill. Geri Krim Translated by Manutoli, 21 pp. Napam Cuyaa (Tree-Leaf) by Paschal Mean, ill. Howard Hofseth, 13 pp. Neva Pittam Nage:agate Ilra (The Fish that Pete Could Not Catch) translated from English version produced by Mekoryuk students by Marie Blanchett. Mekoruk illustrations retained and copied. 81 pp. Qunituturay Nartnrayagaq (The Little Pet Seagull) by Mean, Angaiak. Tee kik. and Reed, ill. by John Angaiak. 29 pp. Qanemcicuaroak Angalgaam (Two Short Stories by Pat) by.Pasehal Mean, ill. by Geri Krim. 21 pp. ()almanac, Meoartulria (A Squirrell Going for Water) by Moses Neck, ill. Diane Dart. 20 pp. Qrssanquq Ave Ingot; (The Lazy Mouse) by Elsie Mather, ill. Andrew Chikoyak. 18 pp. Uyumyay (Pesky Little Mouse) by Paschal Mean. ill. Andrew Chikoyak, 15 pp. Egacuaytit Kenurraita Tanyiet (TheTwinkle of the Little Spirits Lights) by Paschal A fcan. ill. Geri Keint. 34 pp. Ugsuciati Aletatiarnek At'lek (A Mallard Named "Splash") by Marie Blanehett. ill. by Moses Chanar, Crtugpak (Long Nails) traditional tale written by Marie Nick Illanchett. ill. Andrew Chikoyak, 22 pp. Kaviarem Kaviritka (How the Fox Turned Red) by Martha Teeluk, ill. Edward thAseth. 24 pp. Qangqiirenkuk /Rocky/40-11u (The Ptarmigan and the Owl) by Mary Toyultak. ill. Diane Dart. 10 pp. Qangqiiq, Tulukaruk. Anguayagaq-Uu (The Ptarmigan. the Crow, and the Shrew) by Martha Teeluk. ill. Diane Dart. 14 pp. Tukutukuaralfer (The Old Common Snipe) by Anna Rose Jose. Transcribed by Paschal Mean. ill. Andrew Chikoyak. 22 pp. Uugnar Aualleq (The Anise That Went) by Annie Andrew, ill. Moses Chanar, 20 pp. QugguiteuUrern Kanatiktngellra Mow Qugyutieull'eq Got Muskrats) by Maxie Andrew, ill. Moses Chanar. 12 pp. Chaffm Qavangua (4 iutiq's Dream) by Helen Andrew Nicori. ill. Moses Chanar, 18 pp. 80 Tan'gurray 1 istituli Nayagani-liu ('the Wise Boy and his Younger Sister) by Elsie Carl, ill. Mows Charm% II pp. Taqukaq Qangaaq-Uu (The Bear and The Squirrel) by John Breiby, translated by Paschal Akan and Marie Nick lilanehett. ill. John Breiby, 50 pp. Arignitrki Asviy Issueigagay ('the Bear and 'the Squirrel) by John Breiby, and Marie Nick Blanehett. ill. John Breiby. 50 pp. ao,Sted by Paschal Akan Angnitria Asriqlssurtuagaq (The Playful Little Seal) by Diane Dart, translated by Paschal Akan, ill. Geri Krim, 22 pp. lugnar Angun-Ou ('11w Mouse and the Man) by Lincoln Enoch, ill. Moses Chanar, 10 pp. Pataaskaarriuunkuk Negair-liu ( Patanskaarriuk and the Spider) by Dora Cauthier, ill. Moses Chanar,20 PP. Pit'eqarraalia (The One With His First Catch) by Paschal Afcan, ill. Ceti Keim. 46 pp. Ataqatuaq. Tan'gerhq. llavitute-Itu Iggiapull (The Rabbit, the Black Bear, and the Wise Owl) by Henry Limit.. ill. Muses Chanar. 24 pp. Translated Stories: Aanakamken-qua Chikoyak. 57 pp. (Are You My Mother?) translated and adapted by Paschal Akan, ill. Andrew Angulan Xegluneq-liu (Peter and the Wolf) translated by Paschal Mean and Marie filanehett, ill. Andrew Chickoyak. 21 pp. Cat Assikeknaanka (Things I Like) translated by Paschal Mean, ill. Diane Dart. :1() pp. Clutha? (based on Cinderella) Adapted by Geri Krim. ill. Geri Krim. translated by Marie Blanehett 60 pp. Kuttilakessaaq Pingauunllu Taqukaat (Coldilocks and the Three Bears) Transla:M by Paschal Mean, ill. by Kathi Ilankinson. 48 pp. Kavirhq Naracuar (Little Red Riding flood) translated and adapted by Paschal Afeatt. ill. Andrew Chikoyak. 20 pp. Kumhoekaq (Thumbelina) translated by Martha Teeluk, ill. by Diane Dart, :12 pp. Qimalleq (Peter Rabbit) adapted by Paschal Akan, ill. by Andrew Chikoyak. 20 pp. Music: Yuarutet (Songbook I) compiled by Workshop staff. ill. Mean. Dart, and Marcia Thompson, 22 pp. 61 Workbooks. etc.: Nukaylkii-liu: Casharkaput (Nuk'aq and Ills Family: Workbook) by Agnes White. Elsie (:arl. and Tim Samson. ill. Kick Peck. 21 pp. (:at AnerteyeUriit: Caharkaput (Living Things: Worksheets) adapted from worksheets from several bilingual schools, arranged by Irene Reed, ill. Hick Peck. Instructional Manuals: Instructional Manual. Bilingual Education ( Level I & II) Bureau of Indian Affairs. Bethel Agency. Handbook for Teachers of Primary Reading of the Yupik Language, prepared by Winifred Lande. Marie Blanchett and Martha Teeluk. 44 pp. Materials for Upper Grades: Naaqsugnaryellriit (Volume I. Nos. I. 2. 3. 4) journal, discontinued, prepared by Workshop staff. Qanengssiit (Small publication oriented to village adults. one edition only so far. prepared by 11 orkshop staff. Civil Rights of American Indians Translation and tape in cooperation with U.S. Commission on Civil Rights. V-Diiq (Qanrutai Apqauruted-Uu (uidIernsi Ciissingutnek) pamphlet and poster by Public Ilelath Service. prepared by Workshop staff. Video Tapes and Film Strips: Arianin (Dorothy Napolean's production of an educational entertainment video tape for all elementary grade levels in Yupik schools). aproximately 20 minutes. Quhrat I (Traditional Tales) by Michael Cloko and Evon Azean. taped by Irene Heed as they tell stories to each other (two half-hour video tapes). What 2 (Traditional Tales) told by two young people (Anuska Amatunak and Sam Alexie) for children in the classrooms. (one half-hour tape.) Sugaruaq (The Matgic Doll) by Anuska Amatunak. a half-hour video tape of traditional girls' story. presented with small hand puppet.. Ingqiliq Kapkaaniuuulirpak An Athapaskan Professional Trapper Trapper (Morris Gundrum. Professional Trapper. a film strip showing an interior Athapaskan Indian checking his trapline. Translated into Yupik by Paschal Afcan from English version prepared by Curt Madison. Miscellaneous: Elitnauram Autiqucia (Students report card) prepared by George Andrew and Sophie Parks. 62 BILINGUAL EDUCATION AND CULTURAL IDENTITY JAMES M. ORM Center for Northern Educational Research University of Alaska, Fairbanks INTRODUCTION It is paradoxical to talk about change in cultures or languages without discussing changes and influences pressing upon the individuals of whom such groups consist. On the other hand it is shortsighted to develop language programs that focus on changing the individual child without being simultaneously curious as to what will be the fate of the child's culture because of it. Bringing about a small cognitive, or attitude shift in a child often seems the very most educational planners can hope for in a new program. Hut multiply a small shift by the number of children changed in a group, and a significant momentum can eventuate macroscopically which may or may not be desirable from the viewpoint of the indigenous education consumer. Thus, even small changes in language behavior wrought, for example by bilingual education, can effect significant shift in the rate of language change within a cultural group. Thus, the relationship between language as the organizer of cognitive stnicture and language as a mediator of culture cannot he taken lightly when they inert in the classroom. In 11187 Gaarder defined the bilingual school as one " uses, concurrently, two languages as mediums of instruction in any portion of the curriculum ..." Ile also adds. "The teaching of a vernacular solely as a bridge to another, the of Petal language, is not bilingual education nor is ordinary foreign language teaching." lie lists the major reasons for adding the mother tongue: a. to avoid or lessen scholastic retardation in children whose mother tongue is not the principal school language. b. to strengthen the bonds between home and school, e. to avoid the alienation from family and linguistic ennununity that is comnumly the price of rejection on one's mother tongue and of complete assimilation into the dominant linguistic group, d. to develop strong literacy in the mother tongue in order to make it a strong asset in the adults' life. These statements help summarize the ideals established for recent natiouwide experimentation in bilingual education. Few would presently deny that one of the most important recent trends in (loss-cultural education is the increasing recognition of vernacular languages as legitimate mediums of classroom instruction. The proliferation of bilingual education programs in the United States within the last five years reflects this trend operationally. The 14017 Tide VII amendment to the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) marks the salient beginning of the expansion movement under which 78 separate bilingual education profeets were funded at an initial rust of $7,500,1100. Due present funding level of $:15,000.1100 under Title VII. suggests that interest has not waned, especially considering the times of financial austerity upon us. Another index of the increased dimensions of bilingual education is the recent support shown in state legislature's for hills establishing the propriety of education in the mother tongue. Massachttsetts. in 1971. passed a hill requiring school districts to provide bilingual programs for children whose first language is other than English. Numerous other states have replaced statutes which formerly allowed only English in the' schools with laws permitting local bilingual education programs. Members of the Alaska State Legislature. following the lead of Massachusetts. have pursued strong laws culminating in 1972 with the passage of four landmark hills related (firmly to bilingual education in Alaska. One hill required the implementation of a bilingual e'duc'ation program in any village' showing the. need and desire for (me, and another created a center for the study of Alaska's native' languages at the' t 'niversity of Alaska. The remaining two hills enacted initial appropriations for these two programs. thus supporting the' momentum of statewide consciousness and commitment to the value of bilingual education. Since' beginning in 1970 with lour classrooms. bilingual education in Alaska has expanded to include' classrooms in over twenty-five (25) villages, encompassing four major language groups, and several additional languages are presently being studied for future' implementation in bilingual classrooms. Considering all sources of State and Federal funding, the 1972-73 financial commitment to all aspects of bilingual education approached $1.000.000 in Alaska alone, While recognizing the essential validity of the bilingual approach for children whose first language is other than English, such an approach raises important implications for the total functioning of the child and for the cultural milieu into which he is socialized. As noted by Gaarder (1970): It is at the bastion of biculturalism rather than at the bastion of language alone that bilingual education will succeed or fail. and it is here' that the doubts gnaw most painfully. (p. Ifi9) The Filingual classmo is not limited to structuring the kinds of bilingual capabilities the child will have. Rather. the bilingual classroom, through its influence on the language of the child. may also have' serious significance for the' rate and directions of change of the culture systems into which this child and children of future generations are' socialized and expected to function. As with any important e'duc'ational innovation. an emergence of questions has developed around a wide variety of practical and theoretical issues. The present report addresses some of these key issues, going beyond that generally encouraged under the typical evaluation models currently favored by bilingual education project binders.' Educational evaluation models have tended to preclude in-depth Psychological:sociological, and anthropological analyses of deep, long-range' implications of bilingual education, for the children and cultures served. The present report speaks to this need and calls for baste information to inform local education consumers as well as planners about the potential impact of their educational decisions. THEORETICAL Isom It is f irst ne vessan. to lave some background to two major theoretical issues: types of bilingualism and. cultural identity formation. eca milprehete.ne .tatetnent ot the nature of lich tnuNIMI.. see krimer. 11 S Edw. *tumid Meinlirement etc the Urban Petr read hehire the Intik:howl Conte...Are ass Mectsurrnsent in Education, l'niergitv of Chicago. Ilhnnei. April. (4 Types of Naingualism 1Vhile the advent of formal bilingual programs is recent in Alaska. interest shown in bilingualism as a phenomenon has grown rapidly since the 1920's. As with any field stirring the interest of scholars and scientists a great deal of them and research concerning the nature of bilingualism has emerged. One of the' more important contrilmtions to this store of the the compound-coordinate distinction first made by Weinreich )11411. has beets reviewed by Ervin and Osgood (19541. MacNamara (1997). and others. (kir attention is drawn to two general types of bilingualists: ( I) compound types those for whom the meaning systems underlying their two languages are' fused so essentially identical meanings are attributed to corresponding words and expressions, and (2) coordinate types those for whom the' two languages are supported by dif ferent meaning systems so that different or partially different meanings are given to corresponding words and expressions. Compound hilingualists are presumed to have acquired their languages within the same learning context, either directly, as in a bilingual home or indirectly where one language serves as a medium for learning another. The coordinate bilingualist. on the other hand has two distinct !anomie systems because' presumably they were developed in two distinct learning contexts. The approach to the distinction taken by Ervin and Osgood (1954) was to posit different internal mediating processes to the two kinds of bilingualists. The coordinate type is said co have two sets of mediating responses fur corresponding terms whereas the compound bilingual has only one'. Later discussions, notably by MacNamara (197(4). attempt to point the issue more into specific semantic relations between the bilingual's two languages. Nonetheless, the characteristic which best distinguishes compound from coordinate' systems is the extent to which the speaker maintains two separate language systems each of which is undergirded by a separated meaning system. Separate systems characterize the coordinate bilingual whereas the compound bilingual's two languages have a common. undifferentiated meaning system into which both languages are translated for thinking and retranslated for communication. The relative efficiency of mental processing is generally held to he' greater for the coordinate bilingual for most activities. Perhaps more germane to the present report. however, the coordinate bilingual is more likely to be able to function the way a native speaker would in either of his languages. What kind of bilingualism (compound or coordinate.) the' bilingual classroom tends to foster relative to the traditional village classroom is therefore a question of great importance. Cultund Identity Formation Of even greater interest to the present researcher is whether the distinction between compound and coordinate bilingualism also describes ways in which patterns of bicultural identity formation may develop in a child. For discussion purposes, the child's environment comprises bicultural elements in physical as well as social domains. The physical domain may be seen as consisting of symbols and implem ents. and the culturallv prescribed meanings and uses they are understood to imply. Spicer (1971) points out "The essential feature of any (cultural) identity system is an individual's belief in his personal of filiation with certain symbols. or, more accurately. with what certain symbols stand for" ( p. 799). A child who understands that different cultures prescribe different meanings and uses for physical things and can incorporate such understanding into his own view of the world is at some. advantage in coping and indeed is more likely to participate in the survival of his indigenous culture system. As with the physical domain. the social domain may include bicultural elements. But instead of dealing with meanings and uses. the social domain consists of social practices. or more simply. social behavior and its antecedents. For the native child the critical aspect of biculturalism in the social domain is that behavior is only intelligible with reference to the cultural system that defines and maintains it. Any explanation of "why A did x" that does not take into account the social practice's of A's culture would he no less futile than explaining to Sffillelltle unaware of the rules of football that "A scored a touchdown." The child who encounters a bicultural environment necessarily deals with two sets of social practices. each prescribing its own odes of intelligibility much the way tit ferent languages prescribe unique rules of grammar and syntax for intelligible communication. For the present discussion. cultural identitY comprises two major components, the first of which is the level of ilinlerstanding the individual has about the culture's physical and social elements. In a sense., understanding a culture represents the qualifications or credentials necessary for participation or identification with a culture. One cannot hope to relate to a cultural symbol for example, unless he knows what it currently sumbolizes (Spicer. 19711. Likewise, until one knows the appropriate usage of a particular implement he will experience some degree of estrantrvoient from those in a culture who have a "natural" or "inside" knowledge of what it is for and how it is used. More seriously, however, is the level of understanding one has in the social domain that qualifies a person to participate in a culture. Much in the way one must know the rules ( formal and informal) of football in order to be allowed to plaY, so must one understand the social practices of a vulture in order to be qualified to participate; at least without drawing too much attention to oneself. The second component of cultural identity comprises patterns of choice between elements of the two existing cultural environments Again, the physical and social domains each require conceptualization for the choice patterns predicted to he shown by the person wins identifies (by virtue of choice) with his indigenous rather than the dominant culture. In the physical th unain. ;he child who identifies with his indigenous culture would tend to prefer. positively evaluate, or approach. familiar ,ymbols, implements and vistas associated with that culture relative to corresponding physical entities of the dominant culture. In the social domain, choice patterns are in evidence when certain modes of social interaction are preferred over others, holding level of understanding theoretically constant. Neither choke nor understanding supply the sufficient conditions for establishing cultural identity in an individual, but both are necessary. Absence of either component sentences the individual to periferal participation in a vulture except perhaps eurinn extended periods of rapid culture shift. Such periods may he defined as times when exceptions are made for certain new choice patterns and incomplete understanding regarding some aspects of the traditional cultural system. It ma; be assumed that a language plays a central and continuing role in the acquisition and organization of the personal identity of the individual who speaks it. And, as in the view of Spicer ( P971). a language may he' assumed to play a central role in the continuity and maintenance of the cultural identity of its speakers throughout their history as a group. The Language Situation in Alaska According to Krauss (1971), as many as twenty distinct indigenous languages have been identified among Alaska's native people. The diversity of (Attires underlain by this polyglot contributes a good deal of complenit to the accelerating emergence of the native people as a socio-political force in their own and in Alaska's future. However. each of Alaska's many diverse languageculture groups has at least one characteristic in common. Each has laced and will continue to face the social and economic presence of the dominant American (Antral system. Despite members of each language group being historically monolingual in a native dialect. English has dominated as the' language of communication during exchanges between native and non-native cultures. The history of this language exchange process has culminated in a wide spectrum of language patterns among Alaska's native peoples. At one ent' of the spectrum are those who sure essentially monolingual in a native dialect. For example, many native children in Southwestern Alaska enter school with Yu1u ik. the language spoken in the home, as their only language of communication. Most of the children of th it area. however, are bilingual in Yup'ik and English, but the relative proficiency in the two fib languages varies markedly from Add to child and village to village. Finally. at the other end of the spectrum of language use are those native monolingual in English. There in whole dialects, e.g., Tsimshian and Ilaida, spoken only by the older people of the village. No molter where on the spectrum one is placed. there are probably few Alaska natives who are far enough removed from some native dialect to he able to claim complete freedom from its inflnence on the developnwnt of thought. feeling. and intellect. In fact. virtually all Alaskan natives have either negotiated or will soon negotiate it developmental phase of bilingualism in which the native language is joined by the English language as an additional and sometimes sole means of et mmt !lineation. The whole range of responses to this "developmental phase" exists presently in Alaska. inviting systematic inquiry into the complex nature of its processes. I wish now to advance the thesis that the foregoing issues hear a special relationship to one another when viewed in the light of bilingual education. First. at least as practiced in Alaska, bilingual education programs are committed to developing the child's two languages in separated contests, thus. endeavoring with varying degree's of overt intention, to foster coordinate bilingualism. Second. virtually all bilingual programs, including those in Alaska, are committed to the enhancement of the child's selfconcept. most often by developing major portions of the school curriculum around the child's cultural background. The question is raised then, whether chiklrett who function simultaneously under both processes will show the integrated influences of each. That is, are compound and coordinate bilingual systems functionally related to parallel processes in systems of cultural identity? Is the coordinate bilingual more likely than the compound bilingual to show greater implicit understanding of physical and social stimuli appropriate to the meanings and social practices which ouch of his two cultures dAine? And will his patterns of cultural understanding be enhanced by virtue of being held in separate cognitive domains lust as are his two languttites? Such questions gene: b the following two sets of hypotheses. First. to the extent that Bilingual education dal intentit of the first and second languages. (h) paces and sequences darates the language leaning contests infliction of the second language, and el communicates deep respect for the first language as a medium of instruction, the participating child is likely to develop coordinate bilingual capabilities. Theretore. children in such programs will evidence (al superior code'-swi'chig abilities. (Ill even first- andsecond language balance. and (c) patterns of acquisition of grammatical and syntactical structures appropriate to the indigenous nature of each language. relative to Native children participating in traditional monolingual (English) education !migrants. Second, if patterns of cultural identity formation are related to the nature of the child's bilingual tendencies. the following predictions should hold: The more a child is characterized as a coordinate bilingual the greater will he the extent and depth of his understanding of the meanings and uses of the symbols and implements of his own and the dominant culture (at least as the latter is manifested in the child's local environment I. 2. the more appropriately he will be able to behave regarding the social practices of each culture. and 3. the tine' articulated (differentiated) will be Ins understanding and In.havior toward the various bicultural). defined elements of the environment. These are the general hypotheses front which a set of operating hypotheses could he derived in order to research the issue hilly. Besides the theoretical issues surrounding the potential impact of bilingual education, there are one or two practical matters which I would like to address. These are curriculum development and staff development. CURRICULUM DEVELOPMENT What are the responsibilities of bilingual education to the future of Native school curriculum development? A related issue concerns the development of the educational materials which go hancl.!.i. hand with curriculum development. Once again, the school's relationship to the local culture is the basis for deciding curriculum policy as well as content. This relationship is perhaps best illustrated in social studies curriculum and materials. An early attempt was made In the bilingual program to adapt existing social studies materials such as Senesh's Our Working World." 2 based on the economies of evegoloy life; at least everyday for most school children in urban and suburban areas elsewhere in the United States. It was earlier assumed that the concepts presented by Senesh, though not directly translatable. would be adaptable upon analysis to the rural Alaskan cross-cultural situation. After some initial attempts, however, it became apparent that the needs of Native children in their cultural setting could not br met adequately by the adaptation approach. It could not substitute for what must be built from the ground up, with a minimum of preconceptions borrowed from the dominant culture. Unlike the urban white child, the Native child must be prepared to cope directly with his past as well as his future. He is the product of more social discontinuities wrought in a shorter period of time than is the urban white child, even though all exist in an era of rapid technological and social ch., lige. The forces of technological, economic and social change, in quantum leaps, introduce the native r. to adaptation demands that the urban white child assimilated into his cultural framework generations ago and very gradually. To the white child in a suburb, for example, the snow machine is little more than a new recreation, bought and maintained under the same social and economic systems that sustain every other sector of his life. Nothing really new has been added. In direct contrast, the introduction of the snow machine into village life is rapidly assuming revolutionary proportions. Formerly where time was spent securing food from the local environment to sustain a dog team. time Heist now he spent securing cash income to purchase fuel for the new "iron dog." The economic implications are obvious. Patterns of seasonal mobility are also modified. both by the speed of the machine and by the location of lobs to secure the wherewithal to feed it. Even the health status of children and adults alike has been seriously influenced by this machine as witnessed by the growing incidence of hearing loss among th native peoples through prolonged exposure to the extreme noise produced. So to be useful. a Sochi Studies curriculum and the materials that give it substance must rise to meet a host of unique and complex demands, both now and in the future. Such demands will likely require a well defined task force of diverse persons each contributing a special source of needed knowledge and experience for their fulfillment. The general constituency of the task force should comprise (a) members of the native community, particularly those involved with education, either as teachers or as school board members, (b) persons knowledgeable of the cultural anthropology of Southwestern Alaska, (c) teachers who, though not Native, are sensitive to the needs of Native children, (d) educators who have known expertise in Social Studies curriculum development, and (e) persons presently responsible for bilingual program materials development. IL** temp Sewsh. Uw Waking World: Families et Wm*. Pan Alto: Sconce tteleofth Astotistei. Inc.. 1104. 68 FUTURE PERSONNEL TRENDS For all practical purposes. the burden of the educational effort in the bilingual program is directly in the hands of Native persons.This is especially true in the very em ly primary grades where the majority of direct classroom contact is between the chi:Oren and native teachers. The second language teat her serves as a resource for ideas and teaching techniques and as a teacher of English as a second language. Such an infusion of direct native influence in the classroom through this and other programs (e.g. Alaska plural Teacher Training ( :orp (A111.11 :1 ) constitute a set of sociological implications quite independent of the educational trends noted before. What is being seen is a potentially shifting balance toward more native involvement in the delivery of local education progools. The question is. will the development of the program to he delivered follow suit, or will the pr' .mu remain the product of an external cultural orientation. Within the setting of a bilingual program lies the potential. and I stress, the potential, for evolving a truly nativeculture centered curriculum, in conception as well as delivery. CONCLUSION I hope to have created in you I sense of the immensity of the rotential impact of bilingual education in Alaska. Needless to say, its present and potential impact is as complex as it is immense. making quick, simple apprakals temporary at best. But at the risk of violating my own caution. I am left with the conclusion that few efforts have shown more effectiveness in realizing their goals in so little time, despite the apparent backsliding seen in the level II version of the program. The present status and future promise in all of the min program components: (1) classroom instruction. (2) materials and curriculum development. (3) staff development, and (4) local community involvement show a possibility for widespread educational innovation enjoyed by few other State or Federal programs. But with the potential for positive change comes the potential for envystment; a wallingoft of the program's influence lest the educational organism "break-out" with a had case of bilingnalism, revognizahle by symptoms of increased parental interest in their children's education. sudden flashes of cultural pride. and the unmistakable rash of enthusiasm for school the children show when for the first time in generations they can understand what their teacher is trying to say. The choice between implementation and encystment of the bilingual education approach need not rest in the hands of any single group. Agency program planners need not, indeed have not proceeded without involving the local community into the process. But such was the beginning of what should he an evolution of sorts. Not a passive evolutionary process where nature takes it course, come what may. but an active process which has as its goal a program to meet the unique but changing needs of Alaska's Native children: a program built by their forebears not their overseers. ti9 REFERENCES Diebold. A.R.. The constituent:es of early bilingualism in cognitive development and personality formation. Paper presented at the symposium The Study of Personality: An Interdisciplinary Appraisal. Rice University. Houston, Texas, November. 1966. Ervin. S. and ( kgottd, C.E., Second language leanting and bilingualism. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology. (Supplement), 1951. 49, 139-146. Gaartler, A.B., Organization of the bilingual school, The Journal Of 'octal Issues. 1967. 23. 111-1211. Gaarder, A.B., 'I'he first seventy-six bilingual education projects - in Alatis, J.E. ( ed. ) 21st Annual Round Table: Bilingualism and Language Contact, No. 23. Washington. D.C., Georgetown University Press, 1970. Dungen. E.. Bilingualism in the Americas. Publications of the American Dialect Society. No. 26. University. Alabama: University of Alabama Press. 1956. Krauss. Michael. Department of Linguistics. University of Alaska. Personal communication. December. 1971. MacNamara, J.. The bilingual's linguistic performance A psychological overview. the Journal of Social Issues. 1967, 23, 5N-77. MacNamara. J., Bilingualism and thought, in Alatis. J.E. (ed.) 21st Annual Round Table: Bilingualism and Language Contact. No. 23. Washington. 1).C., Georgetown University Press. 1970. Senesh, 14wrence. Our Working orld: Families at Wm*, Palo Alto; Science Research Associates, Inc, 1964. Spicer. KR. Persistent cultural systems. Science, 1971. 174, 795401. Stafford. KM., Problem solving as a function of language. Language and Speech, 11168, 11, 104-112. N'einreich. U.. Languages in contact. Publications of the Linguistic Circle. 153, 1. 70 NATIVE/NON-NATIVE COMMUNICATION: CREATING A TWO-WAY FLOW BILL VAUDRIN Alaska State-Operated School System Anchorage, Alaska The single qualification absolutely essential for a ma:. if he is to be successful at commercie fishing or education is that he have at least a minimal working knowledge of common sense. Recent workshops confirm that many of us who know better still violate some of the few basic rules that make for successful communications experiences. The task of explaining program strategies or concepts that are often highly sophisticated and specialized to audiences whose formal education may range from none at all to the doctoral level is admittedly difficult, and the temptation seems to be overwhelrnir., , to cop out by slipping into bureaucratic jargonese. But if were serious about getting on with this business of education as a cooperative venture, best accomplished with the help of parents and other community people and not only as an exercise indulged in by professionals, then we're going to have to learn how to talk in such a way as to convey meaning. I recently participated in a workshop composed of approximately 505 teachers, consultants, and other professional certificated educators, and 505 Native aides and activity teachers with little or no formal education. In a single twenty- minute lecture presentation the following words and phrases were used: individual diagnostic matrix, criterion-referenced testing, student assessment schemes, initial prescription, performance contract, numerical notation, objective attainment, basal reader, psychomotor coordination, periodic full assessment, sequential order, nonvalidity, comprehensible, targeting, diagnostic percentages. individual and class reporting prescriptions, master reference guide. math inventory, transpose information reported back, identified objective, level groups, static, PMI, Cl'B, ITBS, Addison-Wesley, McCraw-Hill. Now there were a lot of people drawing per diem who weren't catching much of that. Rule number one in any communication model has got to be: CONSIDER THE COMPOSITION OF YOUR AUDIENCE particularly their various levels of education and understanding, ethnic and language backgrounds, interests, and expectations. Probably not too many of us would make the mistake one educator did of going into Tanana thinking it was an Eskimo village, and spending the first few minutes of his presentation to the high school students gaining rapport by saying how happy he was to be among Eskimos that he'd just come from a village of those shiftless, alcoholic Athabascans But what I'm suggesting is that a few of the things we're doing in workshops and meetings of mixed ethnic or cultural composition are just as lacking in taste, just as uninformed and ill-warranted, and in some cases operating on several of the same levels of ignorance. If we are addressing the cabinet officers in the central office, or a conference of regional superintendents, or writing an academic article directed to educators, we might take the liberty of drawing upon certain vocabulary resources that have been developed to serve highly specialized inhouse communications functions. But if our intention is to make ourselves understood by village people who have not been so fortunate as to benefit from the various and sundry educational advantages enjoyed by certificated and administrative personnel, then we'd better get with the business of translation dialect. first, into communicable English; then, where appropriate, into the regional or local Native 71 Inadequate vocabulary and phraseology control are not the only potential eonfounders communication. Following are some suggestions that might prove helpful in cross- cultural communications experiences: )0N"1"I'A '11 X ) UCII. DONT TA Lk '11 X ) FAST. These are the dual faces of what I regard as the Critical Commandment for non-Native educators desiring to communicate with Native people. It sN'ens to be virtually impossible for teachers and administrators who are products of an urban, Caucasian, competitive-acquisitive society to not dominate any conversation or meeting with Native people. I'm not suggesting there are no exceptions but the farts are clear: the ride is that any time non-Natives and Natives it at the same table to talk, the discussion is dominated and generally monopolized by the non-Natives. This results from a cultural and not a racial difference but the correlation is so high (urban/white as ommsed to rural/Native background and orientation) that for practical purpose's the issue may be discussed. and usually is. in racial terms. I he reasons for Native non-participation or minimal participation in groups of mixed ethnic composition are various and complex. That non-Natives, and especially white educators, talk too much and too fast (and often too loud when standing close, or in an intitnate setting, so as to amplify in sonie Natives the already-critical anxiety factor though care must always be taken to speak clearly and loudly enough for older pmple whose hearing might he impaired. to follow) is not alone responsible. Conditioned expectations are also a c:mtributing factor. Whites have generally succumbed to the stereotypical view of Natives as passive and min-verbal, to the extent that it is a cliche in educational circles how much of a struggle it is to "get Native input." Unbelievable as it seems, the question is often raised whether people talk in the villages at PHI This is complemented on the other hand by the conditioned expectations of Native community people. who have the accumulated experience of years behind them of being imposed on by agency types who fly into town, gather up whatever people are not out hunting, trapping, fishing, woodgathering. etc.. for a "village meeting." and while the plane engine is still running, lay out a load of one kind or another on whomever is there, before they run down (they can now say they have "met with the village"). leap into the plane, and wing off into the sunset, to visit four more villages before dark. Neither the agency official nor the village people expected or intended the "comumnication" that occurred to be two-way. And I'm suggesting that by succumbing to the temptation of the old talk-t. io-much / talk-toohest syndrome non-Native educators are realistically enough simulating that outmoded agency official/Native people atmosphere that the traditional non-participation of Natives is implicitly decreed. suspect the tolerance level of Native people for periods of silence punctuating dialogue is probably greater than that of whites, at least certainly in groups of mixed ethnic composithm. Whites seem to get nervous quicker when no one is talking, and so they rush into the void with words, feeling they are somehow "saving" the situation, when the Natives weren't aware that it was lost. An individual with an appropriate and good sense of humor may help put people at ease, and make it easier for them to relate and communicate. The physical setting seems to me to be an important factor. Just as there is a seldom - alluded -to but universally-understood distance (culture-variable) people find comfortable to keep between them when standing talking (violate it by standing six inches or six feet from someone you talk to in a hall, to see how inflexible it is). there are certain very specific elements that need to go into the composition of the kind of communications environment conducive to comfortable participation by most village or rural-oriented people.' I I hr term Nebr.' tot liorttow% of ti% paver will arnerallv mean rwm Native. or throe havInK a rural orientation. and will have only insisted applivabilit I,, urban Native% or 72 SMALL GROt 'PS: Rural Native verbal participation in any gathering of 'insist ethnic composition will generally take place on a direct inverse ratio to the number of people involved (only exceptions being items of such critical colleen' as the Sea Mammals Legislation which elicited public declamations from even oldtimers who had never spoken out about anything before to such large groups but who spoke the . rn legislative hearings regardless who was there, or how many); the same is trueof ethnic mix the fewer Natives per white, the less Native input. I don't know of any magical break-off points common sense should dictate the extent of the combined influence of those' two factors. 'the logical extension of these principles suggests then, and experience confirms, that small groups composed exclusively of Natives will allow for the most fluid, comfortable, and authentic Native input. If the question is "But will they understand the issues at hand enough to formulate intelligent contributions?" the questioner either does not understand his role as edumtor, or is shirking his responsibilities (to say nothing of his cross-cultural naivete). In the classroom, educators are merely facilitators of the learning process. not dispensers of the Indh. All they should be trying to do is initiate and minimally direct the process, infusing it with incentives and individualizing by student in order for it to function with some kind of relevant and ongoing continuity. Outside of the classroom, when dealing with community people, the' same principles apply. 'teachers and administrators are to go to parents for direction regarding the education of their children they are not to provide that direction. All that is required is a full and fair presentation of alternatives to the parents they know what they want for their children. And a "full and fair presentation" doesn't mean "Don't you think an open classroom learning center environment would be a better wav of educating your kids than the rigidly structured classroom experience?" or "Wouldn't you like your kids to have the advantages of being exposed to the Phonolinguistic Approach to Diagnostic' Prescriptive. Learning Program?" with no further explanations. *there is no reason why it should be any more difficult to educate parents and other community people to alternatives, then to allow them to discuss the issues fully and in depth amongst themselves before rendering their verdicts, than it is to lay out the options, then stand there as a group of eight teachers and four administrators hamstringing the traditional Native open dialogue' process (which produces decisions by consensus, rather than majority vote) until they come up with something. SMALL ROOM. 1,0W CE11,ING: Gymnasiums or large high-ceilinged multipurpose rooms are again I suspect that rural Native verbal output decreases in definitely not desirable meeting places direct proportion to the size of the room. Almost any home would be better than a room at school for most meetings involving Native community people. Seating arrangen tents should he comfortable and intimate. and particularly where non-Natives are involved. care' should be taken not to conspicuously seat a "le'ade'r," or place anyone in a position whene he would be speaking to the' rest of the group. Definitely no one "standing" in front of the others. As with Native students in the classroom, what is generally involved is a relationship orientation rather than a content or subject matter onentation.2 The only time the' real focus is on content is in a oneway communication set-tip. e.g.. the old agency-representative.laying-it-on-the- people situation. where neither the speaker nor the listeners participate or relate as persons. but rather as role-players serving a function preordained by Someone Someplace I 1 'ghee. Content orientation. then. would be ap propriate only whenever it is considered desirable for that type of relationship to be implicit. 2 ladah Kif.affeld. Ellretwr Teacher, of India!, and Eskimo High school Students. animate of Social. Evonfona., and 1.coettaffent Newardi Faufoloki, 14721 7:1 GROSS -(t TT( 'HAI. SENSITIVITY: Probably the major stimiblingblok to effective communication in groups of mixed ethnic composition is the general inability of whites simply to talk with Natives (two-way flow) on a one-to-one basis. Ability to relate at this level tends to spill over into group settings: deficiencies at this level seem to amplify in a group or perhaps it just seems worse because more people are suffering the consequences. One of the initial blunders often made by urban topes is to stride directly up to someone in a village and launch right into whatever issue is of immediate and n tonal concern, without observing the local or cultural amenities. I believe this type of faux pas is rooted in the fact that "visiting" is pretty much of a lost art in urban areas anymore. Operating within the constraints of time and business (busy-ness) city dwellers tend to visit each other only when there is a reason for doing so when there is some purpose to the visit and they generally waste little time getting to the crux of it. Native people, on the other hand, generally spend considerable time stroking each other and reaffirming kinship ties when visiting in the village, before incidentally and perhaps circuitously approaching any subject that might he remotely interpreted as a "reason" for their visit again. a relationship orientation, rather than a subject-matter orientation. Rural Natives tend to regard and interact with each other more as persons rather than as objects than do their urban non-Native counterparts. Purposiveness in visiting may be construed by the former as insulting. One other point that might be brought out is that levels of trust have a way of diminishing with the intervening of time- You may have had what you saw as a very close and meaningful relationship with some person in a village at one time, only to return to find that person somewhat distant and undemonstrativ toward you. Regardless of the depth or extent of your former relationship, you may need to walk back over some old ground in order to re-establish ties. It doesn't take a great deal of time to do this. but it can't he rushed. That person needs to he reassured that he or ill? is important to you and that what you share is meaningful.. bet ore the two of you can go on. I doubt that sensitivity to the sub e and sophisticated dynamics Native non-verbal communication (the most obvious example of which would be Eskimo eyebrow raising. e.g., for affirmative responses) can he taught. It can be learned. however but experience will be the only safe guide. This is an area in which people who are good at sending and receiving signals are made, not born (though the sensitivity and intuitive endowment prerequisite to prof icienev themselves ma! not be acquirable, and are probably inborn or at least the predisposition for perceptual skills), and one in which there never has been and never will he an "instant expert." Two further points need to be made: first, that "in any type of cross-cultural relationship and, indeed, in any interpersonal relationship....people are often unaware of the cover: messages concerning affect, status and power that they send and receive in interactions overtly concerned with other issues. Increased awareness of these covert messages and how they are communicated is esp ?chilly important in cross-cultural relationships because of the heightened sensitivity., of both partie. in an unfamiliar interaction and because social symbols differ across cultures.... " second, that "coming as they do from small villages where interpersonal relationships provide the entertainment and drama of life, and from cultural groups where social cohesion is of great importance to survival (Spindler a.-KI Spindler, 1957). Indian and Eskimo students Iniral Native people in generaled.] tend to he extremely sensitive to the nuances of interactions. White adults....are generally less attuned to the interpersonal dimension .... "4 Kleinteld. Make's lit en ammline Home ?memos (University of Ainslie: Collette. 1973) p. 3. 4 lbkl. 74 There ,ire. however. a !amities of specific suggestions that can he made to non-Native educators that might prove useful. For instance. talking down to Natives is as offensive to them as anyone else.. Ilemingwar Owe spoke of the broken. condescending. one-svIlable. pseudo-English white people use when talking to drunks or Indians: that's the kind not to use. Speaking slowly and clearly for village peele is critical. lint that doein't mean grunting or stringing out a lumbering barrage' of three-letter words. Being too intent may puzzle or contuse village people. and particularly on a one-to-one basis. is likely to be intimidating. Super- sincerity will have the tendency to make rural Natives shy away. rather than the probable desired effect of coiling closer. Being overly zealous or boisterous will prodiwe the same alienating results. Everything should he kept low-key emotion. voice. physical gesturing (such as waving of arms). Perpetual wearing of what is known in the villages as a "missionary smile" is not a pointgetter either. The item of boisterousness deserves further comment. Based as it is on certain f.hallow, racist presuppositions ("Eskimos are such a fun-loving people, with a great sense of humor!" and "How they all love to laugh! "), it is a difficult problem to approach. I low many times I have winced as I watched some jovial. hack-slapping teacher or agency type overwhelm a duster of village people with a hull-in- thehinshop combination of guffaws and jibes, then swagger off down the way secure in the knowledge that he had "really had a good laugh with the Natives" (the with is the dubious item here) whereas all he has likely accomplished is to underline the conviction in their minds that guttuks are sure queer ducks who aren't very sensitive about how people are reacting to them. and who behave in ways no one from the village would ever dream of behaving ... in short. who are certainly different. The upshot of the whole matter. then. is that instead of bridging the cross-cultural / trans-racial gap as he imagined. the aforementioned individual has to the contrary broadened it. The worst form of this type of behavior is that involving ironic teasing ("They sure love to be teased!") where the Native person doesn't have full grasp of the ironies involved. andean never he quite sure whether he is being made tun of or not. There is sometimes an element of cruelty involved. unconscious though it may he, as well as ignorance. Recently I was asked to address the subject of Native humor specifically. "What kinds of things do Eskimos laugh at?", so perhaps that issue itself warrants attention. The answer is quite simple': Eskimos laugh at things that are funny. Now if that answer doesn't seeto sufficient or accurate, it could he rephrased to the el fed that Eskimos laugh at things that are tunny to them. That does not imply that what is funny to them is different in any way than what is funny to anyone else it just means they react to catalysts within their gr .sp of language and context that set off their humor mechanism. The med...mism is essentially the same in my view less unlike gussuk than British humor is rumored tube from French. Extensive Ilse of regional or cultural idiom (such as "hull in a china slaw." "out in left field." "robbing Peter to pay Paul." "thrown for a loss." "taking the hull by the horns." "home safe," "when a push conies to a shove." etc.) should he "avoided like the Plague." Native people who have no background in urban living or baseball or football. etc.. out of which these idioms have developed. often hang on them when they occur in oral presentations. grouping around in their experience and associational complexes for ways of relating the component parts of the idiom in some way that is meaningful. Meanwhile the speaker is rattling on, so that some key transitional dement has been lost to that Native listener by the time he refocuses his attention on what is being said. with the result that the total picture becomes more and more obscureuntil often. in frustration or ennui'. he simply tunes the whole production out. assumes a blank stare. and begins weighing the relative merits of a Yamaha against a Polaris snowmobile for the coming winter. tieing too open, or excitable. or brash can be depended on to turn village people oft. especially in a one-to-one situation. To a certain extent they have come to eyed from non-Natives manifestations of what to them is bi/arre behavior ( tor some reason this seems to he even more true in regard to workshops 75 or group sessions than on a one-to-one twat least it seems to be regarded as more av('eptable somehow in meetings. perhaps because. it is less personally threatening or intimidating). but I believe that is all the more reason to refrain from such exhibitions. If nor vdiyes ever hope to he &tpted and to have an identity in the villages that is not def ined in negative terms such as gussuk (which has been restruetured through phonetic evolution from the Russian vossuck in such a was as to carry onomatopoetic implications that are uncomplimentary which type of phonetic connotations in language, incidentally tend to he pointedly consistent and not accidental: consider snot. sneak snivel, snob. snoop. snake. snip. snitch, snarl. etc.): or non-Native (being defined only in terns of not being something else: non-entitical); or frequently in the Northwest as kiinuk Cone who always does everything wrong: dumb. stupid"). or uumiteak ("one who is not good, or who von don't like, or who is annoying or makes you angry or turns yon off and not just temporarily. but permanently: "this is an ongoing definition, not just a description of a present condition or specific instance), or pigiitchuk ("he is had, evil"); or simply as always hying "other" than everyday people lived with in the village then it's incumbent upon those non-Natives to start being more sensitive about the ways they behave. 'the phenomenon of whites wanting to assert their own indivickal ethnic identity is like snaking love to a mermaid it's all right as far as it goes: but there's also the "when in Nome" dynamic: and if nonNatives ever want to he "accepted" in the villages they're going to have to learn, at least to a certain extent. how to "do as the village people do." One of the most certain turn-offs in the business is to keep bringing up "how they do it in California." or "my experiences with Chicanos or inner-city Blacks" ( for one thing, the overwhelming majority of Alaska Natives do not identify with Chicanos or Blacks or other ethnic minorities, it has been surprising to 1111' how many Eskimos and Aleuts. particularly. still do not even identify as Native Americans with Canadian and other American Indians). or "how much better things are handled somewhere Outside." If white educators want to emphasize and retain their status as Ontsiders. let them keep stressing it-hut let it he at their own risk and in full knowledge of the damage they are doing to identification and trust levels between them and the village people. What is involved are not only racial overtones that may he penrived by Native people as depreciative of them (that Outside. where everything is progressive, and when. whites in the Big( :hies have all situations firmly in hand. endeavors are not characterised by such primitive strategies, or naive attitudes, or lack of familiarity with the latest technological advances). but also a very dynamic and intense State chauvinism as witnessed by the bumper stickers decorating many cars owned by white Alaskans: We don't gives damn HOW they do ()inside! Better to go to the other extreme: ferret out local experiences and customs to draw parallels toemphasize common referents. Use of colorful and accurate simile and metaphor to illustrate specific points is extremely advisable, since evidence seems to indicate you would he tapping perceptual pipelines particulary conducive to learning in Native people, as well as enhancing trust levels and feeding mutual identification appetites. In short, if you must he experientially idiomatic, be sure it is on the basis of the village experience. so the listeners will derive full benefit from the Idiom. Maybe it doesn't need to be said. but being extremely sophisticated for the benefit of village people is a futile exercise. wasted in that the nuances involved are generalw lost on that audience. Also. what aspects of the performance they do perceive will probably he regarded as humorous or distasteful. Again, sophistication is more likely to serve as a wedge between non-Native and village people than as a social cement. Irony. idiom. and sophistication are intntsions based on experience irrelevant to village life, and tend to impede rather than enhance the cross-cultural communication process. Diminish, or better still, delete. 76 Nitty- gritty suggestions. no Monday morning workshops in Anchorage, Fairbanks. Bethel. Nome, etc. it any participants are to flv ill from villages. Most of thermal areas don't have flights on Sundays. so many of your people will be coming in on Shindies morning flights that may not arrive until noon. One or two o'clok would be better than WOO in the mooting. Tuesday at 9:011 might be better yet. Au agenda outline should be distributed to all participants at the beginning of any workshops or meetings with plenty of white spare under each item for appertaining notes. observations. questions. comments, or criticism. Too much of value is lost in the absence of a viable recording device. Studies5 indicate that information will he transmitted to Native people more et fed ively (and will he retained longer) if it is transmitted via image-based instruction and communiation. such as charts. diagrams. slides. and films. This is particularly tow of rural Natives and others with a high perceptual /low verbal-ability pattern. So whenever the need is simply to transmit a specific body of information (essentially a one-way communication flow), or if the kind of extenuating circumstances arise whereby it is impossible. to avoid holding a mass meeting of mixed ethnic composition in a large room, then the old non-communicative lecture-type presentation still remains as inestimable as ever, in favor of some kind of image-based instructional module. preferably of the mixed-media variety, which would more effectively capitaline on such areas of cognitive excellent... among Natives as perceptual analysis and image memory. The story knife, the totem pole, the stick dance and other traditional forms of dramatic dancing are preeedents in Native culture that tend to reinforce the view that image-based communication stands the highest chance of achieving desired ends among Native people. Translation. where appropriate, is absolutely critical first into communicable English. then into the local (it in a village) or regional (if in a larger population center, such as Bethel, Nome, or KoWelme) Native dialed. The decision as to whether or not translation into the Native language is necessary or desirable must he left exclusively up to the Natives present. with absolutely no outside suggestions or Which brings me to a critical point. In ans. workshop or series of meetings of mixed ethnic composition. I believe it is mandatory that two slots of time he set aside one near the beginning of the when the Native people present can get together by themselves, with no non-Natives present. sessions. one near the end In the initial session, such questions as whether or not translation into the local dialect would he desirable can be resolved. and who the translator(%) it required should be. Also such things as what the Native people would like to get out of the workshop or meetings. and what ways they see themselves as participating or interacting, and perhaps 1peitic issues they would like to :ee addressed, with suggestions as to how those issues should he approached. It is assumed at this point that the Native people present have been an integral part of a thorough pre - planning and Manning process that dearly set out goals and objectives for the meetings. and that laid out specific strategies for achieving those ends. The purpose for throwing it open again would he to see if contingencies have developed %Mee the planning sessions that would dictate modifications in the workshop design issues may have arisen in the interim that require attention. or dynamics may have evolved in such a way as to invite exploration or consideration. Also, the sheer strength of strong personalities present Islay influence for the better or worse the direction of the meetings: in any ease. as much allowanue as possible must he made for these contingencies to be antieipated rather than confronted spontaneously (premeditated extemporaneity would be. preferable here to "flving by the seat of your pants"). 5 rr Inddh Aleintehrt Coigne*, Strewth+ of Eskffnov wed Implirationt for t:thwation (Untveral I )1 Almkg 77 1141). In the Native calicos near the end of the meetings the participants should react to the workshop or sessions taken as a whole, with praise and criticism as appropriate, but most importantly with suggestions as to how future meetings could be structured so as to doa better job of achieving the explicit and implicit objectives. 'I'he non-Natives shost!.1 be addressing the same issues in their group from their own !Mild of view. There is mime feeling that this type of segregation is antiprogressive and perhaps racist. Sly response to that would he that it is the worst form of hypocrisy for educators to profess their commitment to "getting Native input," while at the same time refusing to create the kinds of channels through which that input might reasonably be expected to flow. I am not suggesting that entire workshops be segregated, just that segregated components be built into the overall design to provide one more form of dialogue and one more vehicle of expression for Native people in an attempt to maximize the opportunity for authentir and comprehensive village community input. And experience dictates that is most likely to happen in a situation where Native people feel perfectly free to express themselves. On a recent visit to One of the larger regional high schools where the student body is 90I Native, I was somewhat startled by the composition of the student government. The student body is divided up into 25 groups of students somewhat at random. Each elects a representative to sit on a 25-member student government. That body. in turn, elects five of its members to sit with five faculty representatives on a student-faculty senate. All five teachers are white. Four of the five students are white. So whereas 90$ of the student population is Native. the highest governing body in the school is 90/ (nine out of ten) white. Even more to the point is that not only the five students on the student-faculty senate hut all 25 members of the student governmentare from the urban center where the regional high school is loeated. Not a single rural Native sits on the student government. although studentscome from villages throughout that entire region. Once again. the point is underlined that what we're dealing with is primarily a cultural and not a racial difference but the difference is dvasting. The issue raised by the ethnic and cAtural composition of that regional high school student government is whether or not it is indeed representative of the constituency for which it is espoused to advocate whether it is viable as a channel of communication through which rural Native students find it comfortable or possible to express themselves. Quite dramatically it is not representative, not viable. not acceptable. What we need to do. then, is start over again from scratchthink through the whole business of representative government. what it is supposed to he and do. what forms it might take. Above all, we can't allow ourselves to be influenced or biased by ways we have seen governments representative of other ethnic or cultural constituencies created or stnwtured, because that information will tend to be irrelevant and counterproductive. Our operational premises must he limited to the few "givens" we have with regard to rural Native people (e.g. their reluctance to speak out in large groups of mixed ethnic composition, and other characristics discussed in this paper) then we must attempt to create new form, consistent with what few things we do know for sure. Attempting to adapt governmental structures or parliamentary procedures specifically conceived and developed to perform advocacy and representative functions for urban, non-Native peoples, attempting to modify them in such a way as to make them viable and functional for rural Alaskan Natives is like trying to play golf with barbells you might be able to get the ball rolling after a fashion, but you certainly won't be playing the same game. Lumping regional high school students together in small groups by village, or by clusters of villages might be a place to startsay 50 groups of 10 to 12 students each. Each group might designate a representative to meet with representatives of several other groups. At that point you might have five groups of ten students each. or ten groups of five students each. or seven of seven (one group with an 78 extra nenclwrl. Each of those groups then. might designate a delegate to the student goveniment. five, seven, or ten members). Each Rump might have both a leader and a weaker. Supposing in the intimate context of a small number of students, the one who emerges as the real leader, in terms of eliciting the rived and loyalty of others on the strength of his imagination, ideas. his personality and character supposing that student is a Native from a very remote village where only or predominantly his Native language is quilt.% Chances are he would be reluctant and embarrassed to speak out in even small groups of mixed ethnic rout positions (since there likely has been nothing in his past to prepare him for it). and most certainly he would rather lose his fingers and toes of frostbite than stand and address, say, the entire faculty and student body at a general assembly. In that case, perhaps a mechanism needs to be set tip whereby a speaker is designated (by the group? by the leader?) who would literally he the mouthpiece to express the wishes of the leader and/or the consensus of the group. Pursuing that line of thought to its logical extension, then. perhaps even the concept of a student body president needs to have a hard look. Providing (when appropriate) an administrative assistant for the president who would, again, be his mouthpiece or spokesman at gatherings before which the leader himself would be tineasy to speak would free the groups designating the leaders to do their selecting on the basis of qualities and criteria that actually are the attributes of leadership, and not merely on the basis of who is willing and able (primarily urban, primarily nonNative) to stand up in the front of an audit; trim or gymnasium and deliver a public declamation. Because one student has had more extensive exposure and, therefore, is more fluent in the English language than another, does not mean he has more to say! there is no correlation. And the issue needs to be dealt with as to which language will INe use the composition of the smaller dusters of students by home locales will dictate that some of the groups will he communicating primarily in their Native tongue. Naturally in general assemblies a mutually intelligible language will need to be used, almost certainly English. Hut that does not preclude translating into the regional dialect-in which case the real leaders may opt to speak for themselves. Obviously, this process or method will have greater applicability in some places than others -it is for the "some places" I take the time to put these thoughts together; the "others" are probably already functional. Village people have indicated their disdain for Anglo forms and structures in any number of ways, not the least of which is reflected by the Yupik word for village council member, angaayugaruaq (pretend boss). In sonic villages, people on the council are legitimately high status individuals in that local emitext( although almost weer are TIIE leaders on the council. and even less of ten are they council presidents). Hut in many situations they are middle status or lower, designated more than anything else because of their willingness to play the role of "pretend boss" - to go through the motions of setting up meetings. answering correspondence. filling out papers, and entertaining visiting agency of finials. When non-Natives come to villages representing programs and with specific purposes they tend to be pretty insecure and it is important to them to have "of ficial"anaaayugaruaas to meet with. Native people have learned, then. how to cope with the old take rue to your leader syndrome - and instead of directing them to the real leader or leathers (with whom the visitors would most likely not even he able to talk and who they certainly would not understand). they escort them instead to the "pretend bosses" - and everybody is happy. Then if the visitor raises legitimate issues or asks real questions (it sometimes happens) requiring response f rum son ItNale in authority in that village. then the subject is lidded until the council president can get together with the real leader or leaders and get the atewas for his people. The reason why the actual leaders are seldom village council Presidents is the same as why rural Native student leaders are seldom on student governments the unique combination of attributes responsible for their attaining such a high status among their peers just happens nut to Melnik proclivity for going through the motions of phasing "pretend boss" (in fact, by definition in that cultural mutest. precludes their comisenting to spend their time in that wav 79 Another rule of thumb to re her Raise in the best pi mita m to iwtually "speak for" Nativepeople in the village are least likely to profess to be able to doso. 'flume who nits around flamitina their ability to speak for the People are "apples" (red on the outside. w bite on the inside). it they were culturally -,is well as racially Natives 11;:'v would know better. than to talk that way. Nobody speaks for The People but the !Mh' themselves. The only appropriate response to' (liwsthm of what (h) Natives feel about some particular issue is: they feel the saine way about it as non-Natives feel about religion. W hat I'm suggesting is that most of the channels of communications we have set up for crosscultural/ trans- racial exchange most of the forms and structures we have constructed within the jwrameters of which we attempt to create (and erringly profess to enjoy) dialogue' are culturally biased (pragitsaticilly, it you will. racially diF,..ritninatory) in such a way as to assure the apples and assimilates (who are the least authentic spolo Amen for their people) positions of preeminence in ongoing corporate endeavors: while in the absee,:e of traditional Native channels of communication and timetested village systems of the ks and balances, the voices of the real leaders are not being heard and their influence is not twins, 1, L. We are twins( deprived of the vision and views of the actuninlated wisdom, distilled and crystallized in the minds' of the old-timers, or ( I believe the argument can he made) the most pragmatic people' who ever have lived because 01 our inability and/or unwillingness to create channel.: through which those people might express themselves. Returning to the subject of workshops. I have personally observed sessions that for this very reason I would have written off as unsalvageable in regard to Native participants hut that were virtually saved by recourse to the type of .wgregated caucuses referred to earlier. In at least one instance the Native representatives hum both the S.( ).S. Central (Mice and the Regional Native Corporation had left the meetings in disgust and radioed for a charter out of the village. The Native participants from the village itself and from other surrounding villages. whose travel and per diem were' being paid by the program sponsoring the workshop. and who were therefore a "captive audience." had resigned themselves to sitting through another fruitless exercise, and were merely putting in their time listening to non-Native teachers and administrators share their views with each other on Native characteristics and needs. and develop program objectives based on these observations. The workshop was being held in a gymnasium. with typically 70 or*) persons of mixed ethnic composition present. and whenever the main group WM broken down into smaller bodies by village. the non-Native teachers and consultants tended to continue to dominate and/or give direction to each session. Native input was negligible or worse (the latter having reference to the fail that when verbal contribution is ultimately pried out of rural Native people under such artificial and intimidating circumstances. the product is not likely to be genuinely representative or authen,:c. and is further to he condemned because' its credibility will have been enhanced by its haviny! been "expressed" by a Native). At that critical juncture a sugy..!;tion was made to let the Native people meet by themselves to discuss the workshop, and to see if tbey had any input on the program objectives. or with regard sessions. to future The meeting that made the difference was held almost exclusively in Inupiat and lasted several hours. Oral contributions were made voluntarily by everyone present but two students and one old woman (out of approximately 41) Native participants). whereas not more than three or four had ventured to speak out in the mass meeting and certainly not more than a dozen, all told, spoke out in the smaller mixed groups. An invaluable and comprehensive list of performance objectives. a series of positive suggestions for the improvement of future workshops (set in a framework of Menet icient criticism with regard to the current effort), and a great deal of other input (related ideas. the articulation of certain reality factors that had been overlooked, the sharing of program strategies that seemed to have been successful in one or another of the villages. etc.) were all distilled out of the six to eight pages of notes taken. and it is fair to say, took the non-Native teachers. administrators. and consultants completely by surprise. Their caucus appeared to have hogged down somewhat in abstract and esoteric educational theorizing. and hadn't produced anything like a comparable product. 80 hie point was made absolutely clear: influsing Alaskan education with a little good old- fashioned village pragmatism is like shooting a quarter-horse up with adrenalina whole lot mote rapid forward motion results. Far more surprising than the extent and via: glity of the end product, however (which a number of persons in both groups could have predicted), was the transformation of attitudes and change of atmosphere following the workshop division. The Native participants appeared to have dissipated sonic of their frustrations and inhibitions. and spoke out more freely in subsequent sessions; also, everyone seemed to be more relaxed and to feel more positive about what was going on. At the risk of oversimplifying, let me suggest that "negative sibrations" and several levels of rather intense hostility (for whatever reasons) that characterized the earlier stages of the workshop, were replaced by very positive vibrations and a prevailing spirit of c:mperation and good will. 1 believe that what was clear to everyone was that half of the participants of the workshop. who had rather systematically and devastatingly been denied a voice (however unintentionally) had suddenly found a means to be heardand that seemed cool. Not only was that in itself perceived as being a little saner, and somehow more satisfying morally, but it was also discovered that those participants had. indeed, a desperately- needed contribution to make. 1 can't conceive any of its who were at that workshop ever forgetting the lesson. Other components that might be profitable to build into future workshops would be small Recaps by Mates (teachers and administrators, Native aides. activity teachers and community people), groups divided according to function and/or grade levels (e.g., all primary teachers together, all E.(:.1). personnel, bilingual teachers, school board chairmen, 9th grade teachers, etc., in separate groups), as well as the whole group together for image-based presentations. Whenever it is demonstrated, 1 would say that any of these other means of communication, or that the combination of them all, is capable of producing results equivalent to the Native/non-Native caucuses, then let's do away with them. Until that time. I would ask non-Natives to swallow their oblections and not regard themselves as being discriminated against or "squeezed out," but to be big enough to sacrifice whatever personal comfort or perceived compromise of convictions it requires of them in order that another.. and vitally important. segment of the populace (students and parents: community people; Native educators) be provided the opportunity to have an equal voice in the content and delivery system of local educationa voice which might otherwise not be heard. To my mind. one of the great challenges facing Alaska Natives in the immediate future is how to restrict the cultural bias factor to a minimum in all the dealings with non-Natives that are going to have to take placenot only in education. but in all the areas thrown open wide by the recent passage of the Land Claims Settlement: in business, industry, and politics, and in the inner sanctums of regional and local offices with non-Native advisers, consultants, and attorneys on Native payrolls. More outcomes and end-products than ever will he gassed will he influenced and in many cases determined by the cultural bias introduced by structures of organizations, committees, planning groups, workshops, advisory boards. individual meetings, even corporate structures (that make it difficult or impossible for Natives to have an effective and/or equal voice). proctor (caret oily designed to impose time constraints and other impinging factors that preclude or restrict, for example. authentic canvassing via traditional modes of Native communication for grassroots input on a certain issue), content (laid out and weighted in such a way as to direct outcomes), and personalities (conscious or unconscious people - manipulators). The problem facing us is one other Native Americans faced much earlier (1 think of the French and Indian wars) -of how to get the confrontations into territory and under the kinds of conditions that will give as an even chance (or an edge) in the outcomes, instead of fighting the kind of battle the other side has received generations of training to win, and in which those without equivalent background are simply "mowed down" by highly sophisticated and devastatingly efficient machinery. 81 It was not a ramjet of the moment when lesns admonished his own followers to "pray in this way: lead us not into temptation." rather than "help us to overcome temptation when we encounter it." Very simply-. preventive tactics constitute a pragmatically super.or strategy to formulating responses in the lave of crisis. So thos, of us who are seriously concerned with the problem of constraining cultural ... bias in cross-cultural e.wounters will want to focus our efforts more on UMW% than et teas. and attack the problem in this formative stageswe will want to develop preventive measures that will preclude the problem's ever taking shape. %irtnally everything that matters happens (as was suggested earlier) in three phases: preplannirtp. plemning. and impkmentatkm. In the past. whenever Native people have been involved in programs. proWets, conferences, workshops or meetings. it has almost invariably been at the implementation stage and generally in such a way as to be incontrovertibly token. On the rare occasions they were invited to participate in a planning process, that process had already been so easel ully designed in the pre-planning phase that the end results were for all practical purposes already ordained. The composition of the planning team had been decidedhow many Natives versus how many nonNatives: how vocal. how informed on specific. issues to be considered, how comfortable each was likely to be. 'lime constraints were set in concrete ("We've got to have this proposal written and submitted to Region Ten h the first of next week."). so that opportunities for soliciting acktitional input or becoming more informed in order to lw able to intelligently participate. were aborted. Probably the critical questions. the hy's and wherefore's. such issues as real needs. principal goals. long-term objectives. had already been dispatched. and there v. as no tomr any question as to whether or not seirm earmuffs on all Eskimo babies north of the tiOth parallel was advisable, in order to prevent eventual loss of hearing due to owns media. No finest ion as to the implications of such a stepthe only issue's hef t to be decided were perhaps the color and style of the muffs, and whether or not nylon strings or sinew should be used for the stitching (the latter being considered more culturally relevaat I. As wa pointed out earlier, even the predetermination of the meeting placer for a planning session could seriously influence the eventual outcomes. Where we are losing out all across the hoardwhere it is enteral we take dramatic steps to kuure consistent. comprehensive, and g mine Native participation.-11 in the preplanning of everything that affects Native people. I recently sat in on a meetinit at which the issue was being discussed of the future of local control of education in t oral Alaska. Representatives were present from the State I )epartment of I.:titivationand the usual agencies. but no single Native representative of any of the regions was invited. Whenthe question vas raised of where were the people who counted. it was expressed that we were only going to do this- awlthis. and that later would tw the appropriate time to invite the participation of Native aders. I um not satisfied. and deeply resent that anyone or any group should decide for Native leaders at what juncture it is appropriate for them to become involved. The time is past wht n that was either acceptable ex s iahle behavior. There is only one point in time at which it is appr priate within the current ontrxt of reality factors for interested partirs to come together on any issue, and that's at the very bestkating.when the issue is first raised. At the point it becomes obvious that something is to be done. or needs to be done. recipients of the end-products need to become immediately involved. Simply put. preplanning is where the potter is If that phase of any program is carefully controlled. the endprodets are mere details that fall in place. If. say. the enumeration of the wimp that will subsequently do the planning is purposefully designed: if the circumstances under %ae they will meet are conducive to the type of communication desired: if the time I same within which the planning will have to be accomplished is liberal enough to provide I I I ample opportunity for grassroots input and t42 testing of intermediary ideas on legitimate community sounding hoards. and (2) modificatmA of notions in the light of input and information reported back, as well as (3) allowances for "Wiwi time" and whatever pragmatic extensions of that principal need to be taken into accounte.g, the rites at which some things are likely to take place within the contexts of Native colture and traditional village communications modes that might not he the same as non-Native planners ar0 used to; if the whys and wherefores, the long-range goals. and program objectives are carefully laid out (or if the paths to desired options are meticulously pruned); if the "hidden agenda" for the subsequent planning sessions, and all the unexpressed but implicit objectives are sensitively integrated into the overall planning scheme; if a system of loopholes and Catch-22's is create.: to deal with any unanticipated contingencies that might develop of a nature counter- productive to desired outcomes then the end product (not just in the planning, but in the implementation phase as well) have little chance of emerging in any form other than that expressly desired by the pre-planners. It virtnally ceases to become important who is given the responsibility for implementation of the program; it has already been given its essential shape. The ultimate program design may he - and often is - actually set in concrete before the "planners" es er convene! The rules for playing the planning game are the same for everyone (and facility at determining the direction of long-range planning simply involves extensions of all the same principlesmaster of the art of anticipatory one-upmanship) only all of us haven't had equal opportunity for exposure to them. What I'm suggesting by dissecting the rules in this rough form is that in the future any non-Native educators truly committed to "getting Native intuit" ',lid establishing authentic two-way cross-cultural communications. might keep these principle, ind, and go out of their way to involve Native people in programs not after the design h, been set, the grouch! rules established, the damage done - but before the critical decisions have been made (preferably even before the critical questions have been asked.) For Native leaders and educators, my view is that attention to these kinds of distinctions is a matter of survival - at least certainly on whose terms. Ole foregoing remarks are not intended to he regarded as 1101y ScripturPthey are little more than an exploratory sally into a subject-matter area that has not received much intelligent treatment. If they succeed in bringing into lotus some disjointed elements in a rural teacher's experience; if they provide any kind of handle with whit h to get hold of some of the critical problems we face in cross-cultural communication; if they spur further thinking on the subject or in any way contribute to initiating a deeper and more comprehensive study; most of all if they prove to he practical and useful in creating the kind of communications environments and planning practices for all our dealings and meetings that will maximize parental and community input at the villa ,e level into an educational system that for too long has failed to make itself relevant or successful at meeting the needs of the students it plays a critical role in preparing for life. them, !iese observations will have served their intended purpose. ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH AS AN APPROACH TO A SCIENCE OF CROSS-CULTURAL EDUCATION: THE COMPARATIVE METHOD AND THEORY BUILDING CHARLES D. RIDER Alaska Methodist University Anchorage, Alaska INTRODUCTION The purymse of this paper is twofold. I wish to discuss the significance of cross-cultural education as a focus of an nropological theory building, and to offer some preliminary observations on the process Of increasing the explanatory ability of current theories pertaining to orosscultural education. Many of the statements in this paper are tentative and lack the authority of being subjected to rigorous intellectual challenge. however. I hope that this will not serve to draw attention away from what must be regarded as an important area of research and development. It is the position of this paper that the science of cross-cultural education involves the systematic accumulation of reliable data about those aspects of human behavior involved in the formal transmission of culture. The interrelationship of these empirically gathered data could then be illustrated by use of the comparative method. In this way our generalizations and propositions could be empirically teFted by the application of statistical methods. For purposes of this paper I take science to be the structure and processes of accumulation of systematic and reliable knowledge about any relatively enduring aspect of the universe, carried out by means of empirical observations, and the development of concepts and propositions for interrelating and explaining such observations. ( Mtn l97019). In order to further define the assumptions implicit in this presentation I perceive theories to he systcnis of interrelated statements with deduced linkages that presume to explain some aspect of Cie universe of human behavior (or for that matter. the physical universe). And, finally having made mxplicit our conceptions of science' and theory, perhaps a sketch of what I take to he true of methodolor Methodology is the procedure whereby the researcher manipulates his data from theory to observation or. better from observation to theory in order to produce and organize the information gained through certain organized research procedures. PART I "Whatever It Is, It IS cromeultural edueetIon1"1 The need to impart formal educational wartien to Indian, Eskimo, and Aleut students training to be teachers has made it pain:ully appare. that educators do not provide for the adaptation of the majority societies educational system into small, homogenous, culturally unique units (cf. Alaska StateOperated Schools ;973). Questions as to the integrity of these culture bearing units is the subject of discussion in a subsequent section of this paper. It is apparent that the literature on cross-cultural iiiwneit hit I'M It.% nt anthrtil Murk al re,eart.h with a vollritain.'t gnntt.. "55 hate%er it 1,4 it', nut anthritnithisiv " 1411141 tilt. IIIIPth nt retritt tunny the (tatettlent to etnphatiat. nn VIV,A uI the literature in urmvt.ttlhiral rthwattion %t I d«,rt . Cf.144Lk education might help us in our dilemma by separating into cativiries various attempts to ro .aler the system more adaptive to other culture bearing units. However, a careful perusal of the relevant literature causes me to assert that "cross-cultural" education has no conceptual authority nor has it utility as a hueristic. The term has been used with such abandon nearly anything is culled cross-cultural education. Burger (1971) equates cross-cultural to intercultural, iuterethnic, and transcultural. There is little doubt that Burger is not speaking to the issue of cross-cultural research in Anthropology. He is attempting to designate a particular educational activity involving culturally different teacher and student as "Kthno-l'edogogy." Greenberg offers Cross-Cultural Implications for Teachers (1968: 146). Henry (1960, 1972:72) has developed A Cross-Cultural Outline for Education. Suffice it to say the literature is replete with various uses of "cross-cultural" education. We can identify three major categories of use of the term. lanni and Storey (1973:418) identify the term cross-cultural education as meaning three, quite different phenomena. It characterizes, First, formal or informal educational encounters that involve cultural differences. Second, the term describes formalized teaching and learning experiences in which cultural difference is presumed to he problemati6. And. third, cross-cultural education circumscribes the field of study that compares educational processes and structures across cultures. Though my knowledge of the literature is not exhintsCve I believe the lanni and Storey taxonomy to he the first of its kind with respect to the term cross-cultural education 11973418). With respect to the categories proposed I suggest that we need to further elaborate the framework hut, for now, I am only interested in their third category: cross-cultural education circumscribes the field of study that compares The ability to produce generalizations about the formal transmission of culture using the comparative method in Anthropology is the primary goal of this paper. The State of the "DiecriptIve" Art In Anthropology and Education Through this paper I wish to speak out for a thorough rethinking of the tenuous but burgeoning relationship between Anthropology and Education. It is not my purpose to cover more than a few of the problems surrounding cross-cultural education and anthropological research outside of the "Statistical Survey and the Nomothetic Revival" (Harris 1968) but there is a problem with data collection and analysis in most field reports. A brief elaboration :night he profitable at this point. The need exists to develop an appropriate conceptual framework for those categories of cultural transmission that deal with one's own culture (enculturation). or involving two or more cultures (acculturation). or the generalized phenomenon of learning to live in any sociocultural milieu (socialization). (after Mead 1963:1.84-188) Williams (1969:2) asserts that there is a profound conceptual difference between statements concerning learning human culture and statements about the learning of culture within the context of one society, such as Navajo, Dugan. Javanese. or Eskimo. The description of generalized learning of any sociocultural milieu (socialization) is not well represented in our literature. In fact, Williams (1969) feels we know little that is scientifically meaningful concerning the socialization process because there are so few basic descriptive accounts of enculturation in tother I non-Western societies. Without the basic descriptive studies we do not have the necessary data to develop a comparative basis for making theoretical formulations with any explanatory power. Then, it is obvious, we must gather more data for comparison if we wish to build social scientific theory. There is also going to he a greater need for descripove accounts of entulturation and acculturation. llower er, all three of these learning processes (socialization. enculturation. and acculturation) need hot take place (indeed. most often have not) in a formalized erucational setting. Therefore, they nuty or may not be included in our hmtmlation of cross-cultural education. 86 We must identify whether we are describing socialization, enculturation, acculturation. or an appropriate combination of these processes in the formal educational setting. We will then acquire the data inventory for comparison and this will tend to enhance our ability to produce valid generalizations. An illustration of the comparativists dilemma shows that Wolcott (1967) is describing formal education in an acculturative milieu, King (1987) is also describing acculturation. However, Hostetler and Huntington (1971) are describing enculturation as is Williams (1969), Warren (1967), Singlei.on (1967), and Read (19118). You probably recognize these monographs as representing some of the Case Studies in F.ducation and Culture series edited by George and Louise Spindler. In the forward to each book in the series the Spindlers comment: "We hope these studies will be useful as resources for comparative analyses, and for stimulating thinking and discussion shout education that is not confined by one's own cultural experience." (1967-1972) It is axiomatic that almost all studies in cultural anthropology are cross-cultural in orientation. Thisis true because most cultural and ethnographic studies employ our own uroAmerican patterns as implicit Ito often invariant) points of reference for illuminating cultural differences, This approach to crosscultural education would be "a way of thinking" rather than a precise methodology. The sew.% is welcome, however, I find very little that is suited to comparative analyses. The authors of the monographs are de' rifting different processes, i.e. education has a different function in each society. In some societies the students are learning their own culture (enculturation) and, in others the students are being forced to unlearn their own and learn an alien culture (acculturation), The processes can not be the same though similar skills may or may not be used. The patterning of these cultural piiicesses may exert a significant influence on the nature of the adult personality of the children subject to such learning experiences. It has been suggested that the cultural milieu is mediated to the haste (modal) personality in the socialization process. In our society "schooling" has taken on the job of mediating for the individual thus expediting the amalgamation process. This could he true in other cultures. I am sure the case studies I mention are not envisioned as data for nomothetic analyses but we do need to begin directing our attention to comparative data gathering techniques. It must he obvious that I feel strongly that quality idiographic studies must continue, however, due to the "law of the conservation of basic data" it would he useful if the desriptivists would gather data categorically designed to assist the cross-cultural (hologeistic) researcher's effort at the comparative study of soviet-cultural phenomena. My own interests are in comparison and I am aware that without the appropriate descriptive data my endeavors will surely prove fruitless. In closing this section of my paper, I would like to rer eat that this paper focuses on formal education. Formal education for our purpc se is one aspect of sticializatioi. Formal education can he either enculturation or acculturation, but usually not both simultaneously. The refinement of categories is essential to the development of a scientific vmsscultural education. The fact that cross-cultural education, ern tt It oration, acculturation, and socializetion are confused in the literature draws our attention to the need to improve the explanatory level of all concepts and constructs in the three categories of cross-cultural education. PART The Need for the Comporoff Apfrf000n to Moor/ Building There is no question of the need for comparisons in cross-cultural education (sec page $5). Some question does. however, exist as to the method of comparison that might prove most fruitful in terms of general statements and ultimately the testing of theories germane to sociocultural phenomena in a formal educational milieu. The descriptive generalizations resultant from the various case studies in Culture and $7 1 Education have le,s capacity for explanation and prediction than the laws resulting from the testing of hypotheses deduced from theory. Our purpose with the hologeistic or nomothetic approach is to augment the explanatory capacity of theory. Gearing (1972:8) asserts that his notions of transaction and equivalence (cultural transmission transaction of equivalences) make untenable some familiar phrases: "a culture," "a subculture," "crossculture" ( in the usual sense that some situations are and some are not one of these). In general, I agree, but I believe that ethnographic fieldwork can function in any situation as the basic tool of anthropological research and the induced categories submitted to comparative analyses. In fact, Gearing alludes to this possibility in his discussion of "mapping equivalences." Chaney (1971) calls this sociocultural data patterning. Further, Gearing closes his excellent paper with the remark that there will remain the task, clear in principal but doubtlessly very difficult in doing, inductively to derive from emit systems of categories and from emit systems of logic, adequate etic systems, following Goodenough's standard. (Gearing 1972:16) The mandate for the application of the comparative research methods developed primarily by anthropologists is clear. Herskovits (1948:625) early stated that culture exhibits regularities that permit its analyses by the methods of science. There must exist an emphasis on classification and analysis of the similarities and differences between cultural forms, to the end that valid generalizations about cultures as a whole. that permit prediction, can he achieved. It has been the use of cross-cultural materials, more than anything else, that has sounded the death knell of theories about human nature (1948:617). We mentioned earlier that formal education is considered to involve the function of transmir4ng culture as well as having structural relationships to other cultural forms and thereby falls well within the purview of flerskoyits' optimistic statement concerning analyses by scientific procedures. The whole idea of the structural interrelationship of formal education, with other inFtitutions in nonwestern societies should intrigue any researcher interested in cultural forms. Finally, Richards (1973:287) asserts that without some theoretical understanding anyone trying to work in a cross-cultural situation is in the position of a man looking for a gas leak with a lighted candle. PART Ill The Comparative Approach to Theory Building Nadel (1951) offers us by far the most systematic and comprehensive treatment of the comparative method lie defines it in terms of the systematic study of similarities and differ-sec.:. through the use of correlation and covariation, in the formal educational milieu. Lewis (1956) offers a us4u1 continuum of "types of comparison." I. Global or Random Comparison (1Iologeistic) 2. Broad Typological Comparisons 3. Comparisons between continents or nations 4. Comparisons within one continent 5. Comparisons within one nation 6. Comparisons within one culture area or region I might add that school systems and schools might also fit into Lewis' types as we move more to least abstract with respect to the observation of human behavior, It is only fair to point out that the hologeistic cross-cultural studies (category are only one variety of comparative studies. lisp t 1969:52) states whether we ourselves with many or a few societies. a comparative framework is indispensable to the deveh., nent of anthropology. Would I he presumptions to maintain the same is true for the development of cross - cultural education? We must make our heretofore implicit comperisons become explicit and further enhance the building of theory in croccultural education. hh The basic assumptions in my argument are that the elements of any culture tend over time to become functionally integrated or reciprocally adjusted to one another. Murdock and White (14ifk:I2N) state that if such adaptations were instantaneous cultures would at all times exhibit perfect integration, and functional relationships among the elements of a culture or social system would readily become manifest through observation and analysis. Further, if this was the case, valid scientific generalizations could he reached by the intensive study of individual cultures, and cross-cultural research would be unneeessary. Since perfect integration is seldom the case (apparently) in formal education in nonWestern sociocultural milieu there is a "telt" need for cross-cultural research in education. CONCLUSION The Cross-Cultural Method of Comparison There are professional anthmpologists that consider cross-cultural research to he a futile endeavor. The hulk of this group resides in Europe. some call themselves British Social Anthropologists. The spokesmen for this group are varied in ability and articulateness. I have checen to cite the views of Edmund Leach. an outstanding scholar. Leach argues that the present system of cross-cultural comparison makes the Tikopia and Chinese cultural units of comparable type and this is a reduetio ad alnurdum. His argument is that the Chinese are millions and the Tikopians few. Further. any work that rests on the assumption that the units of discourse, whatever they are labeled, can he described taxonomically by a "list" of characteristics is by its very nature a travesty of good, sound anthropological thinking. Cultures can not be described a:: can a species of bettle. Leach asserts that the coders in various cross-cultural research centers "misread" his monograph on the Kachin. He asserts that it is not that Murdock's tabulators intentionally change his data, it's simply the ohm arraphic facts will not fit tidily into tabulated categories. Leach believes that this is true of all human social institutions (Leach 1964:299). Leach tells us that he is confident he ipeaks for all British social anthropologists (19f14:299). Also. Leach questions the unit of analysis in cross-cultural study. and secondly he eels the conceptualization. classification and coding problems in cross-cultural research are an insurmountable harrier. And. finally, he questions data accuracy. These are three significant issues that anyone hoping to gain explanations from cross-cultural research must he ready to deal with. A final comment front the British school is necessary to show the depth of the schism between British Social Anthropology and the cross-cultural researcher. I am not concerned to denigrate the Atlas ( World Ethnographic Atlas) .., But if other people's material is subject to the same treatment as my own. then there is clearly a potential source of great error. and much contemporary research stands in the balance. (Goody 19137:306) Another fornmidahle detractor is the French structural school, embodied in one great tttind. Claude Levi-Straus. The French school's paradigms are, broadly speaking, selective and social-scientific versions of the rationalist philosophy, while the paradigms of the Anglo-Americans are largely statements of empiricist philosophical premises. II mean paradigms as Thomas Kuhn uses them.) The French tradition. very similar to the "eine position, assumes the printacy of the wind. and their investigations are steeped in logically deductive terms. The Anglo-American immaterialist assume primacy of the behavioral act, their methods are essentially quantitative and descriptive, and their problems are phrased in diachronic-causal and empirically inductive terms. Levi-Strauss attacks the cross-cultural researcher primarily on philosophical grounds. His argument is much the same as that expressed by the $9 American Ethnoscientists (the emicists). They agree that cross-cultural research is irrelevant. For them the counting of OM'S is absurd: the existence of "concrete universals" allows for the careful analysis of only a few typical cases and does not demand the establishment of a broad inductive basis for generalization (Schulte 1970:115). In conclusion. 1 see the basic difference in views as centering around the issue of inductive empiricism versus deductive rationalism. The criticism of cross-cultural methods now gets closer to home and. unexpectedly. our detractor is one of us. Driver is much more specific in his criticism, he is not against cross-cultural research on philosophical groands. rather, he questions whether the hologeistic type researcher can eliminate diffusion (Calton's problem) and genetic heritage factors by choosing their samples so that the ethnic units will he from different culture areas as well as a different language family (hop-skip and lump method). Driver. then. has pointed out several more of the significant problems facing the.cross- cultural research. Initially, we must face the Tyler-Calton problem: is the relationship functional and fortuitous or is it merely an historical-dif fissional artifact? Secondly, there are problems of sampling, how do we get randomness and as Pelto (1970) rhetorically inquires. aren't all cross-cultural statistics invalid because the samples are not strictly random (Pelto 1970:293). And. finally. Driver has pleaded for more regional comparative studies in which all, or almost all, available ethnic units are utilized (Driver 1964:296). In review. we have discussed the views of the British school, for which the study of human behavior is overwhelmingly humanistic. descriptive. analytical. and intuitive (idiographic). Naroll (1884) questions whether or not they realize that the cross-colturalists are behavioral scientists that want. not only description. but to study the inter-relationships between variables (nomothetic) (1964:310). Secondly, Levi-Strauss. after considering "the Anglo-American trait counter." presented us with some basic philosophical arguments concerning empiricism vs rationalism. And. finally. Harold Driver brought forth some excellent queries that must be dealt with by the cross-cultural researcher. 1 have presented one side of the argument and would now like to balance my effort. I must try to explain why the' cross-cultural method is an important research tool. I would also like to include some views of scholars that have been influential in forming my opinions. But. before I balance the ledger I should like to list the basic problems a cross-cultural resear.uer encounters. There are from six to eleven "problems" depending on who you read. For th; paper I shall address myself to those problems that have arisen in my discussion of the detractors. They are, (1) sampling: (2) societal unit: (3) data accuracy: (4) conceptualization, classification and coding: (5) Calton's problem: (6) general problem of statistical signfficance and causal analysis of correlations. Other problems that are not subsumed under one of my six categori are deviant case analysis (cf. Kobben 1967); the combing, dredging or mudsticking problem (cf. Winch and Campbell 1909:140-143): and regional variation (cf. Sawyer and Levine 1906: Driver and Scheussler 1967: and Chaney and Ruiz Revilla 1969), The cross-cultural study (hologeistic method) is a method for generalizing about certain variables in human society and culture. It is not a regional study (cf. Driver's work) where one would get not a cross- cultural study but a culture element distribution study. The method seeks to identify (as I understand and .vish to use it) traits that are universal among human beings. We can not get cultures into the laboratory as yet and must work from data gathered in situ. The task as I see it is to sort out the' general from tht. particular in human cultures. We are seeking to identify functional relations between varying traits. Natoli ( 1970) asserts that nearly all social, political, or economic theories about hunlan affairs assert such relationships (1970:122)0. Nanill, perhaps the outstanding hologeisti researcher of today, feels that our best answers will come in the form. of truly rigorous cross-cultural surveys which demonstrate the existence of correlations and show that these can not he plausibly explained away as artifacts of unit definition inconsistency, of sampling bias. of data reporting or coding error. or mere diffusion (Naroll 1904:310). 90 Another supporter who voiced an opinion, at a time when the culture idealist's vis-avis the Boasian historical-particularists were still in control of American anthropology, was Ackerknecht. In 1954 he expressed the growing desire and need in Cultural Anthropology to find regularities and common denominators behind the apparent diversity and uniqueness of cultural phenomena (1954:125). He further stated that the comparative method was not a panacea hut, he questioned. why the collection of such a myriad ..f data unless it was comparable? Marin Harris, in his marvelously biased work The Rise of Anthropological Theory, questions whether the dissenters object to the cross-cultural method or to its mistakes. And, even though Murdockian type cross-culturalists irritate Harris (he despises physicalist models), he feels that statistical cross-cultural surveys can. indeed, must he used to supplement other nudes of generating and testing hypotheses, but they cannot be used alone or even as primary sources of nounothetie statements (1988818). Another advocate of the cross-cultural method is not an anthropologist but a psychologist. John W. M. Whiting (1988) is credited by any number of scholars with giving the classical defense of crosscultural research. I disagree with his statement that most anthropologists using the method are psychological anthropologists hut, then I'm not sure what a psychological anthropologist is or might he (Whiting 198/1:090. His 1988 article is a revision of his pioneering defense of 1954, and, I feel he might not he cognizant of the many different disciplines using cross-cultural research. I do not wish to trace the history of the cross-cultural method but in 1954 and for many subsequent years the Human Relations Area File was mostly used by psychologists (d. Whiting and Child 1953: Whiting and Kluckholn 1958; Child and Veroff 19514; and KB. Whiting 1983; as excellent examples of the Yale and Harvard Schools of cross-cultural research), as well as a few anthropologists (cf. Murdock 11049. 1957, 1959, 1984). This set of references is far from exhaustive. but it is representative. I must return to Whiting for the dosing statement. I would like to quote his response to E. Evans-Pritchard (1983) who said there was little value to be gained from cross-cultural research. It is the purport of this chapter that the pursuit of comparative methods such as this one discussed here (cross-cultural) will yield something more than "convenient regularities" and a deeper understanding of human society and that it is one of the methods by which the scientific laws governing humans and their behavior can he established (italics added for emphasis). It provides one more way in which our presumptions and prejudices may be put in jeopardy. (Whiting 1988:720) 91 BIBLIOGRAPHY Ackernccht. Erwin. On the comparative method in anthropology. In method% and perspective in anthropohneu. Robert Spencer. (ed). Minneapolis: The University of Minnesota Press. 1934. pp. 117-125. Alaska State-Operated School System. Recommendations to the legislature of the state of Alaska. Anchorage: In mimeo. 1973. Burger. Henry. "Ethno-Pedagogy": A manual In cultural semitivity, with techniques for improving cross-cultural teaching by fitting patterns. Albuquerque: SC:E1 1971. Chaney. 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