Studia et Documenta Turcologica, 2/2014

Tasin GEMIL

This article considers the role of Muslim missionaries and their descendants in the formation of religious and ethnicidentity of the Kazakhs of Western Siberia. Investigation bases on materials of the Kazakh archeological ethnographic expeditions of Omsk Department of the Institute of Archeology and Ethnography SB RAS in 2011, 2013–2014. Consisting of scattered kins and tribes, the Turks submitted to Islam hardly. The process of Islamization took several centuries. The missionaries played an important role in these processes. They were of Middle Asia descent, who integrated to the Turkic community. Most of them immigrated to Western Siberia in 16–18 centuries. Missionaries and their descendants leaded the Islamic lifestyle and brought up children in an appropriate manner. They have seen the reason to live in advocacy of Islam and its introduction to Kazakh community and have taught them the Arabic script, Sharia, recitation and Islamic mascot supply. No one family event didn`t happen without them: from the name nomination, rite of genital mutilation, the Muslim wedding rite – Neka, to realization of kurmaldyk and funeral rites. Their way of life and a social cachet infl uences over neophytes. The spread of Islam got underway a mechanism for internal and external consolidation processes. The development of religious identity hastened a process, which formed the Kazakh ethnicity. Activity of missionaries and their descendants generated the transformation of traditional culture associated with the formation of ethnic culture. They had been fully engaged in the development of ethnicity in Kazakh Middle Zhuz and had rewritten the Kazakh shezhire.

The category of ‘Tatars’ both in Russian socio-political history and in Russian folk and academic taxonomies has never been stable, and has always been a collective appellation, refer-ring to populations of various ethnic backgrounds speaking in languages of Turkic family. At var-ious times in the history of Russia, the category included Azerbaijanis, Karachai and Balkars, Khakass, Shors, some of the peoples of Altai (Western Siberia), Crimean Tatars, Chulyms, and others. Most often these groups were also Moslems, but this never was a rule. There were periods in Russian history when almost any perceptibly ‘oriental’ group within the territory of the state had been assigned the name of Tatars with a regional specification (Chern’ Tatars, Minusinsk Ta-tars, Southern Shore Tatars etc.). Soviet census categorization is taken as a starting point to analyze recognition policies throughout Soviet and post-Soviet periods.

STUDIA ET DOCUMENTA TURCOLOGICA 2/2014 President Academician Professor Ioan-Aurel POP, Ph.D. International Scientific Board Professor Jean-Louis BACQUÉ-GRAMMONT, Ph.D. (France) Professor Emeritus Peter B. GOLDEN, Ph.D. (U.S.A.) Academician Professor György HAZAI, Ph.D. (Hungary) Professor Mustafa KAÇALIN, Ph.D. (Turkey) Professor Emeritus Kemal KARPAT, Ph.D. (U.S.A.) Professor Barbara KELLNER-HEINKELE, Ph.D. (Germany) Academician Professor Raphael S. KHAKIMOV, Ph.D. (Russian Federation) Professor Sergei KLASTORNIY, Ph.D. (Russian Federation) Academician Professor Shahin MUSTAFAYEV, Ph.D. (Rep. Azerbaijan) Academician Professor Victor SPINEI, Ph.D. (Romania) Director Professor Călin FELEZEU, Ph.D. Editorial Board Editor-in-chief: Professor Tasin GEMIL, Ph.D. Deputy editor-in-chief : Nagy PIENARU, Ph.D. Editorial board secretary: Adina FODOR, Ph.D. Margareta ASLAN, Ph.D. Virgil COMAN, Ph.D. Giuseppe COSSUTO, Ph.D. Adriana CUPCEA, Ph.D. Zhala ISMAIYLOVA, Ph.D. Assoc. Prof. Cezmi KARASU, Ph.D. Ilnur MIRGALIYEV, Ph.D. UNIVERSITATEA BABEŞ-BOLYAI INSTITUTUL DE TURCOLOGIE ŞI STUDII CENTRAL-ASIATICE STUDIA ET DOCUMENTA TURCOLOGICA 2/2014 PRESA UNIVERSITARĂ CLUJEANĂ 2014 ISSN: 2344 – 6560 ISSN-L: 2344 – 6560 © 2014 Editorii volumului. Toate drepturile rezervate. Reproducerea integrală sau parţială a textului, prin orice mijloace, fără acordul editorilor, este interzisă şi se pedepseşte conform legii. Tehnoredactare computerizată: Cristian-Marius Nuna Universitatea Babeş-Bolyai Presa Universitară Clujeană Director: Codruţa Săcelean Str. Hasdeu nr. 51 400371 Cluj-Napoca, România Tel./Fax: (+40)-264-597.401 E-mail: editura@editura.ubbcluj.ro http://www.editura.ubbcluj.ro CONTENTS CHALLENGES, PATHWAYS AND PROSPECTS. PAST AND NEW TENDENCIES ................................................................................ 9 Oktay BERBER (Turkey), The Role of Kalmyks for Turkish Policy of Tsarist Russia in the Period of Peter I ............................................................................................................... 11 Virgil COMAN, Melek FETISLEAM (Romania), Turko-Tatars from Romania during the Government of Ion Antonescu – Archive Landmarks ............................................................................................... 23 Giuseppe COSSUTO (Italy), Les « nomades primitifs » et le croisé normand: les Petchenègues « byzantins » et Bohemond de Tarante ................................................................. 45 Melek FETISLEAM (Romania), Secret Document Regarding the Tatar National Movement in Romania .............. 55 Tasin GEMIL (Romania), Cumano-Tatars and the Early Medieval Romanian States ................................... 85 Artur LAKATOS (Romania), A Special Aspect of the New Great Game: The Presence and Goals of the States of the Gulf Cooperation Council in Central Asia ............................. 99 Sergean OSMAN (Romania), Did the Crimean Khans Collect Tribute (Harâc or Hazine) from Moldova and Wallachia? .................................................................................................... 111 Ildus Kotdusovich ZAGIDULLIN (Russian Federation), Petition Campaigns of Tatars and Bashkirs of Volga–Ural Region in 1892–1894 .... 125 BLACK SEA, BORDERLANDS AND CROSSROADS. PRESSURES AND OPPORTUNITIES .................................................................... 135 Veniamin CIOBANU (Romania), Le Traité russo-turque d’Unkiar Iskelessi (le 8 juillet 1833). De nouvelles contributions documentaries ............................................................................... 137 Cemal ÇETİN (Turkey), Financial and Judicial Terms of Purchasing Service from Menzilhanes in the Ottoman Empire ........................................................................................ 153 Sergiu IOSIPESCU (Romania), Autour du Khanat Tatare de Crimée. Cosaques et ottomans dans la Mer Noire (Milieu du XVIe siècle – 1648) (II) .................................................................... 169 Nagy PIENARU (Romania), La Porte ottomane et la Mer Noire. Un projet pontique du Shah Abbas ............ 183 5 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Anca POPESCU (Romania), Les « derbendci » au Bas-Danube (XVIe siècle) ................................................ 195 Dan PRODAN (Romania), Franz Babinger et « deux lettres turques de protection » (zwei türkische Schutzbriefe) de 1649 ................................................................ 205 TRADITION, FAITH AND CULTURE. CONTINUITY AND CHANGE ............. 215 Zhala ISMAYILOVA (Republic of Azerbaijan), On the Role of Peter the Great`s “Manifesto” Dated from 1722 in Azerbaijani-Romanian Relations .................................................................... 217 Mehmet KALPAKLI (Turkey), Sadullah Pasha’s Poem, “The Nineteenth Century”: A literary Echo of Ottoman Modernization .................................................................................. 223 Evgeny KHAMIDOV (Russian Federation), “Mashaih-i Turk” and Naqshbandiya in the Volga–Ural Region ....................... 231 Roman Yu. POCHEKAEV (Russian Federation), The Multiple Khanship in the State of Shaybanids as Reflection of Ancient Turkic and Mongol Tradition (Attempt of Complex Analysis) .......................... 237 Konstantin RUDENKO (Russian Federation), The Mongol Conquests and Their Reflection in Material Culture of the Peoples of the Middle Volga and the Kama Regions (the 13th – Early 14th Centuries) (According to the Archaeological Data) ............................................................. 255 LANGUAGE, LITERATURE AND LINGUISTICS. MULTICULTURALISM AND TRAVELLING WORDS ................................................................................. 269 Xhemile ABDIU (Albania), Words Borrowed from Turkish into the Balkan Culture of the Culinary ........... 271 V.A. BUSHAKOV (Ukraine), Etymology of the Crimean Tatar and Russian Words Meaning ‘Glean’ and ‘Gleaning ’ .................................................................................................... 277 Spartak KADIU (Albania), The Typology of the Model of the Word “Karagoz” and the Characteristic of its Connotation ................................................................................................ 281 Nurlan KENZHEAKHMET (Germany), Ethnonyms and Toponyms of the Old Turkic Inscriptions in Chinese Sources .... 287 Yağmur KÜÇÜKBEZIRCI (Turkey), Different Points of View: Comparision of the English and the Turkish Idioms and Proverbs ....................................................................................................... 317 Emil SUCIU (Romania), Mots d’origine Roumaine en Turc-Osmanli ....................................................... 329 6 Contents NOTES AND REVIEWS .......................................................................................... 341 Călin FELEZEU, Principatul Transilvaniei în epoca suzeranităţii otomane (1541–1688), Cluj-Napoca, 2013, 435 pp. (Mustafa A. MEHMET) ................... 343 I.M. Mirgaleev, Zolotaja Orda: bibliograficeskij ukazatel, Kazan, 2013, 411 pp. (Tasin GEMIL) .................................................................................................... 345 Virgil Coman (ed.), Dobruja in Romanian archives (1597–1989). To Professor Stoica Lascu at 60 years, Bucharest, Ethnology Publishing House, 2013, 1065 pp. (Melek FETISLEAM) ........................................................................... 346 Izzet Sak, Konya Kadı Sicili (1143-1144/1730–1731. Defter 52 (Transkripsyon ve Dizin), Konya Büyükşehir Belediyesi Kültür Yayınları, Konya, 2014, 680 pp. (Tasin GEMIL) ....................................................................................... 348 Senem Aslan, Nation building in Turkey and Morocco. Governing Kurdish and Berber Descent, Cambridge University Press, 2014, 235 pp. (Artur LAKATOS) ............................................................................................... 348 Abdulgaffar Qirimi (eds.), Umdet ul-Ahbar, Issue 1, transcription, facsimile Derya Derin Pașaoğlu, Ilnur Mirgaliyev (ed.), Academy of Sciences of the Tatarstan Republic, General Archival Department under the Cabinet of Ministers of the Republic of Tatarstan, Black Sea Technical University (Trabzon, Turkey), Kazan, 2014, 419 pp. (Tasin GEMİL) ................................. 350 Frédéric Hitzel, Le dernier siècle de l'empire ottoman (1789–1923), Collection Guides Belles Lettres des civilisations, No. 36, Les Belles Lettres, Paris, 2014, 320 pp. (Adina FODOR) ..................................................................................... 352 Babak Rezvani, Conflict and Peace in Central Eurasia. Towards Explanations and Understandings, Leiden, Brill Publishers, 2014, 361 pp. (Adina FODOR) .... 353 Ahmet Seyhun, Islamic thinkers in the late Ottoman Empire and the Early Turkish Republic, Leiden, Brill Publishers, 2014, 203 pp. (Artur LAKATOS) ................ 354 IN MEMORIAM ....................................................................................................... 357 Sergey Grigoryevich Klyashtorny ............................................................................. 359 Javad Heyat ............................................................................................................... 361 100 years since the Death of Ismail Gaspirali (1851–1914) ...................................... 363 ACTIVITY OF THE INSTITUTE OF TURKOLOGY AND CENTRAL-ASIAN STUDIES (Academic years 2009–2014) ................................................................... 365 7 CHALLENGES, PATHWAYS AND PROSPECTS. PAST AND NEW TENDENCIES The Role of Kalmyks for Turkish Policy of Tsarist Russia in the Period of Peter I Oktay BERBER Introduction Tsar Peter I struggled to determine new strategies to save his country from backwardness in his early years when he acceded the Tsardom government. The most important deficiency which he realized was the lack of natural boundaries that the country had never reached by that time. Therefore geographical adversity had to be ended. However, in order to provide this end, firstly some reforms were needed in the country. Mentioned reforms were carried out with the goal of developing the country with administrative, military, bureaucratic and cultural aspects and turning Russia into a major, strong European country.1 The expansion of the Russian lands towards the inland of Asia was only possible by developing new defense methods for the new lands. The effort of Peter I to dominate Asia from the Caspian Sea side ended upon destroying the cooperation of Knyaz (Prince or Duke) Berkovic – Cherkassky in Khive. During the times of Catherine II, Russia did not extend through Asia; at the same time improvements such as military and diplomatic structure of the country were always pursued. During that time, Russia spread the first seeds of its political domination over Asia, almost without any military operation and castle construction. This success was achieved by the governors of Orenburg and Siberia by utilizing the principle divide and govern to benefit from the disputes among the Bashkir, Kyrgyz and Kalmyk2  1 2 Thanks to Miss Hatice Pehlevan for English grammar fixes of this article. We observe that Peter I’s sense of wonder of passion to discover played an important role in the reforms. The major embassy mission carried out between 1697 and 1699, as stated by d’Encausse, is one of the remarkable samples. During this period, Peter I kept secret his identity when visiting Europe together with a committee of two hundred and fifty members. It is recorded that Peter I returned to his country with eight hundred people who are expert in their fields at the end of that long visit. For Tsar Peter I’s visit to Europe, see d’Encausse, Tamamlanmamış Rusya, Ötüken Yayınevi, Istanbul, 2003), pp.105–106; Oscar Browning, Peter The Great, Hutchinson & Co., London, 1898, pp.83–116; K. Waliszewski, Peter The Great, William Heinemann, London, 1897, Vol. I, pp.74–100. The term Kalmyk that we see in various sources is usually used for western Mongolians. However, the term of Kalmyk is also used for Oirat, Djungar, and Russian Mongolians and therefore there is no compromise on the term. For a different usage of Kalmyk, see I , 11 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II tribes. In this way, the rival tribes were manipulated and impoverished against each other. In addition, it was aimed to improve the welfare of Siberia by establishing a peaceful environment among the said people and the borderlands of Russia.3 In foreign policy, during the 18th century, on one hand there was the attempt to bring together many groups under the Tsarist Flag by means of national and religious elements such as Pan-Slavism and orthodoxy, on the other hand the struggles among the other tribes or communities were manipulated.4 This act, which is the main characteristic of the divide and govern principle, led to a perception that the Tsarist regime was the protector of these people, because the groups in difficulty were sometimes protected and they were provided with military and economic aids. In this way, the lands of these groups were used as military buffer zones5 as well as their military forces were used in wars to win victories. The Tsarist Russia benefitted from the castles which were built in order to keep in hand the new lands to acquired and extend its borders. These castles were used as outpost areas for Tsardom on one hand; on the other hand they served as anchor points for Russianization activities pursued in these newly acquired lands. Therefore, 3 4 5 К ( ), , 1854, p.5; ,“ XVII .”, К , . . ., Э , 2007, p.30; Emine Yılmaz-Nurettin Demir, “Ural-Altay ve Altay Dil Teorisi”, Türkler Ansiklopedisi, C. 1, Yeni Türkiye Yayınları, Ankara, 2002, p.393; Bai Cuiqin, “The Dzungars and Torguts (Kalmuk) in China”, History of Civilization of Central Asia, Vol. V (Development in Contrast: from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century), UNESCO Publishing, 2003, p.153; B. Y. Viladimirtsov, Moğolların İçtimai Teşkilatı Moğol Göçebe Feodalizmi, (çev.: Abdülkadir İnan), TTK Yayınları, Ankara, 1995, p.271; Mualla Uydu Yücel, “Kalmuklar”, İslam Ansiklopedisi, C. 24, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı Yayınları, Istanbul, 2001, p.267. Considering the different usages of the Kalmyk term in the sources, it is understood that it is not used to address an ethnicity but generally the western Mongolians. It is also seen that the term was used for Teleuts, as well. Another common property of western Mongolians and Teleuts is that both believed in Shamanism, or in other words, they did not adopt Islamic beliefs. That’s why; it is found more acceptable that the name of Kalmyk was derived from kalmak (literally meaning remained in Turkish) due to their rejection of Islam. A study which will gather the various usages in sources will be released in another work Kalmuk Adı Üzerine Bazı Değerlendirmeler. Aleksandr Kolesnikov, Rus Seyyahlarının Gözüyle Kaşgar XIX. Yüzyılın İkinci Yarısı-XX. Yüzyılın Başı, TTK Yayınları, Ankara, 2010, pp.33–34. Considering the Tsarist Russian policies implemented by Peter I in the Balkans, it will be noticed that he was aiming to develop relationship with Christians in the region through Pan-Slavism and Orthodoxy. That’s why, he always tried to gather information about the status of the people who lived in Balkan lands, which was under the dominance of Ottomans, an important force in the region at that time. The Tsarist Russia asked Pyotr Andreyevich Tolstoy, who was assigned as envoy after the Tsarist Russia gain the right to have an envoy in Istanbul, through Istanbul Treaty in 1700, to forward information about the Christian people under the Ottoman Empire. For a collection of envoy Tolstoy’s reports and a work handling these issues, see Tolstoy’un Gizli Raporlarında Osmanlı İmparatorluğu, İlyas Kamalov Yeditepe Yayınevi, Istanbul, 2009. One of the most important samples of these buffer zones was the Line of Cossack, which started from the Azov to the North of Caucasia. Thanks to this line, the Tsarist Russia benefitted from Cossack help in its policies toward Caucasia. 12 Oktay BERBER • The Role of Kalmyks for Turkish Policy of Tsarist Russia in the Period of Peter I a kind of colonization activity was carried out by settling Russian villagers into and around these castles.6 For example, the Russian villagers who lived in Russian lands were brought to settle at the riversides of Irtysh, and Terek and Kuban. In this way, a military defense line was naturally established in these two regions. With Peter I, the interest and connection of Tsarist Russia with the external world increased. Especially, it is suggested that a new period began for relationships with the Far East and Islamic World. While Peter I tried to use a different method to solve the political and commercial problems of the seventeenth century, cultural activities were also launched. For example, the first scientific Russian researches were directed to oriental studies in this period. It is well-known that Peter the Great, himself, ordered for many activities from protection of remnants found in various cities to translation of copies of inscriptions in other languages. In addition to this, the discovery of the near and far regions including Asia became an important target. For example, Peter’s passion to discover inspired a great expedition to Siberia and far north lands. This travel, which was known as The Great Northern Expedition, and which was very crowded, was also named as The First Expedition of the Academy. Because the expedition meant valuable knowledge for the academies founded by Peter the Great. Barthold defines this action as the world’s most important scientific expedition in history that no other countries have achieved to that date, in terms of the expansion of the task fulfilled.7 Even if the comment of the author would be found exaggerated, it explains the value of the data obtained there. This action, The Great Northern Expedition or the First Expedition of Academy to the north of Asia, had a discovery characteristic. The geographic, cultural and commercial data obtained from the region provided clues for the Tsarist Russia in what kind of policy he should pursue. Thus, the action, which seemed to be a cultural expedition, actually aimed at determining the political policies that should be pursued in these regions. 1. Kalmyks in Foreign Diplomacy and Turkestan Policy of Tsarist Russia The Tsarist Russia experienced many bureaucratic and social transformations in internal policy during the 17th century. During the long period from 1584 to 1613, 6 7 About the colonization activities carried out by Tsarist Russia during 18th century, a declaration was released in 10th International Turkish World Social Sciences Congress. See Oktay Berber, “XVIII. Yüzyılda Çarlık Rusyası’nın Türkistan Siyasetine Böl-Yönet İlkesi Bağlamında Bir Bakış”, 10. Uluslararası Türk Dünyası Sosyal Bilimler Kongresi Bildirileri, Türk Dünyası Araştırmaları Vakfı Yayınları, İstanbul, 2012, pp.729-736. As a result of topographic and astronomic studies obtained during the Great Northern Expedition, the academic infrastructure of Russia and its lands in Asia was released in 1745. For the Northern Expedition, see V.V. Barthold, Rusya ve Avrupa’da Oryantalizm, Küre Yayınları, Istanbul, 2004, pp.285, 296, 299. 13 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II this transformation caused many events and this period was called the Convulsion Period in Russian history. While the Tsardom was trying to solve the problems of this period on one hand, the Polish and Swedish interventions that continued during the first half of the 17th century delivered a static period in external politics for Tsardom.8 However, the enterprises to improve the domination on the Siberian lands were continued and the political and peaceful policies were carried out in this direction.9 We observe that the Moscow government, acting in Siberian lands, developed their relationships with some communities in the region in peaceful ways. It is recorded that the two Oirat group, the Turghuts and Derbets named as Kalmyks, entered into agreements with the Tsardom. The Kalmyks, who swore Loyalty Oath, called Shert, agreed to pay taxes to the Tsardom and guaranteed to send the charges of the Tsardom to the central government. In return, the Kalmyks received privileges to continue their nomadic life on the riversides of Kamishli, Ishim, Irtysh and Ob rivers and to do business in Tara and Tomsk cities.10 With this agreement, the Kalmyks began to take an active role in Russian external policy. For Tsardom, the agreement with the Kalmyks meant to allow them to use their combative specifications that improved because of their nomadic lifestyle. This can be observed in the period we have studied. In addition, the loyalty oath agreement of Kalmyks with Tsardom government contributed to the establishment of a military line of defense that we have mentioned above. One of the concrete steps representing the improvement of Russian – Kalmyk relationships, and a kind of cooperation, was taken in February 1673. The Kalmyk Khan, Ayuke, signed an agreement with 13 articles, which is called shert as we have mentioned above, with Russia. According to the Article 5 of the agreement, Kalmyks would not have any relationships with the Ottoman Empire, Iranian Shah, Crimean Khanate, Azov Princes, Temruks, Tabans, Besleneys, Kumyks and others in any ways and provide human force and horses.11 This article of the agreement shows the importance paid to the military force of the Kalmyks. In addition, the effort to prevent the Kalmyks to contact the other people and groups states the 8 9 10 11 Considering the Russian history, it will be observed that the rapid splashes were frequently enjoyed, and, immediately after these, the periods of stagnation appeared almost every 40–50 years. In fact, if we consider these periods as the time to unwind after rapid splashes and re-gather force, we would see that these periods are not the periods of stagnation but the preparation periods for rapid improvements in external policies. ,“ Э ”, К : . . ., Э , 2007, p.26. [Aleksandr Viktorovich Tsyuryumov, “The First Phase of Kalmyk Transition to the Structure of Russian State”, Oriental Studies in Kalmykia, Elista, 2007]. Ibidem, p.28. Michael Khordakovsky, “Kalmyk – Russian Relations, 1670 – 1697”, Central Asian Survey, Vol. 2/3 (1989), p.8. 14 Oktay BERBER • The Role of Kalmyks for Turkish Policy of Tsarist Russia in the Period of Peter I importance of the other groups and communities in Russian foreign policy. This agreement is the first preview of the Russian – Kalmyk alliances that would take place in the subsequent periods. After Tsarist Russia showed interest in Turkestan12 with the beginning of the times of Peter I, the Moscow government began to put into effect new strategies for the region. Particularly, a sound central administration had not been established in Turkestan and therefore a fragmented political structure had appeared upon the end-up of Timurid times. The invasion launched by Kalmyks in this disordered structure meant a disaster for the Turkish world, because it led migration waves and a long unsteady period in terms of socioeconomic, cultural and political aspects.13 This period that was severe for the Turkish world presented an opportunity for the Tsardom government, which developed policies towards the region. The destruction of Turks’ civilization accumulations by Kalmyks paved the way for the Turkish communities to live dispersed and apart from each other. By the 19th century, the Russian march that became concrete and gained speed on the Turkish lands was an important result of the Kalmyk oppression in the 17th and first half of 18th centuries. The oppression of Kalmyks on Kazakhs, who live in cuzes (parts)14 led these cuzes (parts) to seek refuge in and protection from Tsardom. A similar process is observed with the Kyrgyz. As a result of the Kalmyk oppression on Kyrgyz during the 17th century, a part of Kyrgyz people moved to East Turkestan while another part had to migrate to Fergana valley. 2. Kalmyks as a Military Force in Russian – Ottoman Relationships in the Period of Peter I After Ukraine adopted the Ottoman dominance, Poland and Moscow governments concerned about this case, because the possibility that the Doroshenko Kazakhs might shoot out the Poles from Podolia and the Russians from Kiev, with the aid of Turks, had appeared. At the end of 1671, when the Ottoman Empire decided to an 12 13 14 The term Turkestan we use herein is the historical and cultural name of the region that is geographically called as Central Asia or Middle Asia. The term Central Asia has been used since 1925 as a term belonging to the terminology used by Soviet period of Russia. A comparison on imposing the use of the term Central Asia during the Soviet period is remarkably observed in the works by Barthold, who delivered important studies on Turkish history and culture. Barthold had used the term Turkestan in his works up to 1925, and began to use Central Asia thereafter. A work of ours that includes the Kalmyk invasion movement and its influences on the Turkish world is ongoing and will be released to the world of science when completed. The term cuz used herein equals to the term orda in the meaning of administrative and political governing center or capital city in Middle Age organization. Kazakhs were organized in three cuzes, the large, medium and small. 15 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II expedition to Poland, the Russian government reacted against this decision. With reference to the Article 4 of the Andrusovo Treaty between Russia and Poland, Russia sent an envoy to Istanbul. Tsar Aleksey Mikhailovich stated that they would go to establish a pact with the Christian countries and the Kazakhs of Don would be sent to Black Sea and the Kalmyks, Nogais, and Yedisan Tatars would be brought together to attack the Turks, if the Ottomans would launch an expedition.15 This was the first threat of the Tsardom addressing the Ottoman Empire. The most important characteristics of these statement mentioned by the envoy sent by the Tsar were that the Russians explicitly declared the Turks as their enemies in terms of the Turkish–Russian relationships. The Azov Castle, which was very important for the Tsarist Russia in Black Sea and North Caucasia policy was occupied on 6 August 1696 upon a siege began in June 1696 once again after a failed siege in 1695. Later on, the first navies were immediately built at the side of the Azov and the region became a place where the Russians were able to dominate the North Caucasia through the Don River.16 After the invasion of Azov by Peter I, some changes appeared in the region; particularly the communities which did not have political unity began to get closer to the Tsardom. The Khan of Kalmyks, Ayuke, who was at around the Itil (Atil or Volga), sent an envoy to the Don Cossacks to convey them his message saying that their friendship with the Crimean Khanate by the time had ended-up, upon the invasion of Azov by Russians. In addition, the Tsardom concluded an agreement with the Don Kazakhs to attack the lands of Crimea Khanate and Kuban Nogays. Later on in July 1697, an agreement, including 6 articles, stipulating that both parties help each other was concluded between Ayuke Khan and the Tsar.17 After the treaty between the parties, the Tsardom sent nine sable coats, an amount of baize of seventy clothes and an amount of money to Sultan Murad, one of the notable leaders of Nogays. And then, upon agreement, Ayuke Khan sent a group of princes to stand by Chapdarchap Mirza to go about the Kuban River after crossing Itil on an expedition.18 After the parties signed this agreement, an army of 6,000 members including Cossacks was put under Peter I’s order19. A castle was built at 15 16 17 18 19 Akdes Nimet Kurat, Rusya Tarihi Başlangıçtan 1917’ye Kadar, 5th Edition, TTK Yayınları, Ankara, 2010, p.236. In Andrusovo Treaty, Article 4, it says “If the Turkish sultan launched an expedition to Poland, the Russian Tsar would send the Kalmyks, Nogais and other alliances to the Turkish lands by land and the Don and Zaparog Kazakhs by sea”. In Article 5 of the treaty said “The Turkish and Crimean rulers were sent letters to withdraw from organizing an expedition to Poland”. For Tsarist Russia’s Azov Expeditions, see Oscar Browning, 1898, pp. 64–83. Kurat, 2010, pp. 23–24. Mehmet Topal, “Nusretnâme Tahlil ve Metin”, Ph.D. thesis, Marmara University, Social Sciences Institute, 2001, p.228. M. Sadık Bilge, Osmanlı Devleti ve Kafkasya, Eren Yayınları, Istanbul, 2005, p.94. 16 Oktay BERBER • The Role of Kalmyks for Turkish Policy of Tsarist Russia in the Period of Peter I the river-mouth of the Kuban River, where it flew into the Azov, and upport was provided from the Nogay rulers against the probable attacks from Ottomans.20 The close relationships between Russia and the Kalmyks was carefully pursued by the Ottoman Empire. Accordingly, an army of 17,000 soldiers was put under Morali Ali Pasha’s order in order to take measures against military activities of the Russians and to save Azov. Also, Peter I brought together an army of 30,000 soldiers in the Azov and left there upon seeing the Ottomans going toward the region. The Crimean Khanate, Selim Giray I, who was supporting Morali Ali Pasha, built Adgu Castle at the end of Shah Island to prevent the passage of the Russians to the Black Sea and go towards around Taman and Kuban rivers through Azov, instead of besieging the Azov. Acting in accordance with the agreement they concluded with the Russians, the Kalmyks tried to prevent the construction of the castle but failed.21 Aiming at dominating Turkestan and reaching India from there, Peter I was paying a special importance to Caucasia since it was the first step.22 That’s why the Tsardom wanted to dominate Caucasia on one hand and on the other hand aimed to protect the Russian and Cossak villages nearby the Terek River from attacks. For this purpose, Pyotr M. Apraksin, the governor for Middle and Upper Volga23, who was the envoy of Peter I, met with Ayuke Khan and signed an agreement consisting of 8 articles on 30 September 1708. With the agreement, the Kalmyks declared their loyalty to the Tsar. After signing the agreement, Ayuke Khan was asked to fight 20 21 22 23 Topal, 2001, p.239. Even if the Kalmyk attacks did not prevent the construction of the castle, they resulted in death of many Nogay in the Kuban region in 1697 and 1698. The Nogays, who were also called the people in ten thousand tents, had to leave their lands since they were urged to adopt Christianity. Some of them were settled in the Shah Island while the others had to move to the Ottoman lands. The Kalmyk Khan Ayuke and his sons with an army of 12,000 soldiers moved to kill the Nogays who fled from their lands but were defeated by Kalgay Devlet Giray. The Nogays who thus saved their lives from the Kalmyks settled in Circassia. See Bilge, 2005, p.95; Topal, 2001, pp. 275–277. The defeat of Peter I in the Pruth War in 1711 by the Ottoman Emprie resulted in further developments of the Russian policies on Turkestan. Particularly the aim to obtain the gold resources of India and Yarkent resulted in the new steps in the region. In addition to consolidating the political connections with Kazakhs Ordas, the Russians established military constructions along the Yayik and Irtysh Rivers. In parallel with this, the castles Yamishev (1716), Omsk (1716), Jelezinsk (1717), Semipalatinsk (or Semey) (1718), Kolbasinsk, Ust-Kamenogorsk (or Oskemen) (1720) as a part of the military construction were established. In addition, in the Kalmyk lands to the left side of the Irtysh in the weld side was established Irtysh Military Construction Line, including Russian castles and posts, which was as long as 888 verst (941.28 km). These castles that were constructed upon the development of the relationships between Russia and Kazakhs, Russia and Kalmyk, Kazakhs and Kalmyks smoothed the way for Russians in the subsequent periods particularly in dominating the Small and Medium Orda Kazakhs. See Orhan Doğan, “Rusya’nın Orta Asya’ya Yönelik Siyasetinde Kazakların Önemi (XVIII. Yüzyılın İlk Yarısı)”, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Dergisi, S.37, 2002, pp.79, 81–82; Hayri Çapraz, “Çarlık Rusyası’nın Türkistan’da Hakimiyet Kurması”, SDU Fen Edebiyat Fakültesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, S.24, 2011, p.54. The Middle and Upper Volga region includes Terk, Astrakhan, Ufa, and Kazan. 17 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II against Chechens and Nogays, and an army of 5,000 soldiers was provided for him to support Terskiy. In addition, with reference to this agreement, a significant support was provided from Kalmyks in quashing the Bulavin Rebellion began at the line of Don River and threatened the dominance of Russians there, and the Bashkir Rebellion began in the same year.24 After this alliance, on 17 September 1710, a new agreement was concluded between Pyotr Apraksin and Kalmyks and the dependence of Kalmyks to Russia was consolidated.25 On one hand Ayuke Khan was trying to set up good relations with Tsardom and on the other hand he was aware of the Ottoman Empire that was having a struggle with Russia. The evidence of this case was the greeting letter26 which he sent to Sultan Ahmet III in 1703, in which he was stating his loyalty to the Ottomans saying “The allies of the Great State (Devlet-i Aliyye) are allies for me and the enemies of the Great State are my enemies as well”.27 In return for the Kalmyk Khan’s declaration of loyalty, the Grand Vizier sent a letter to Ayuke Khan on 9 October 1704, in which he stated their loyalty was accepted and their loyalty should continue, and sent an envoy to Selim Giray, the Crimean Khan, to ask him to declare his loyalty to the Ottoman Empire.28 The Kalmyks took part not only in the Russian-Ottoman struggle, they were also asked to present support for the Tsardom in the Russia – Sweden struggle. According to the Tsardom government’s plan, Kalmyks would provide for the Russians 10–15 thousand mounted troops in 1705–1706, because the Russian army seriously needed to have mounted troops. In parallel with this, the Russian government asked Kalmyks to go to the pastures around the Dnieper River, spent the winter there to make preparations for spring. However, despite the expectations, only 3,000 Kalmyks arrived in Moscow in 1707 to join the Russian troops against the Swedish army. In June 1709, Ayuke Khan sent 3,300 mounted troops to Ukraine to combat against Sweden.29 24 25 26 27 28 29 Michael Khordakovsky, “Kalmyk–Russian Relations, 1670 – 1697”, Central Asian Survey, Vol. 2/3 (1989), p.13. Bilge, 2005, p.98. This letter, found in Prime Ministry Ottoman Archive in Istanbul and among the documents released by the institution, is dated 1703 (H. 1115). See Osmanlı Devleti ile Kafkasya, Türkistan ve Kırım Hanlıkları Arasındaki Münasebetlere Dair Arşiv Belgeleri (1687–1908 Yılları arası), (edited by Yusuf İhsan Genç, Hacı Osman Yıldırım et al)., Prime Ministry State Archive General Directorate Publications, Ankara, 1992, vol. 3, pp. 63–64. However, Akdes Nimet Kurat claims that the said letter was sent in the midst of 1704, in his work Prut Seferi ve Barışı. See Akdes Nimet Kurat, Prut Seferi ve Barışı 1123 (1711), C.I TTK Basımevi, Ankara, 1951, p.221. Osmanlı Devleti ile Kafkasya, 1992, p.63. Ibidem, pp.64–65. Khodarkovsky, “Uneasy Alliance: Peter the Great and Ayuki Khan”, Central Asian Survey, Vol. 7/4 (1988), pp.10–14. 18 Oktay BERBER • The Role of Kalmyks for Turkish Policy of Tsarist Russia in the Period of Peter I A short time after Numan Pasha was dismissed and Baltaci Mehmet Pasha became the great vizier in 1710 for the second time, the envoy of Kalmyks presented the servitude letter to the Ottoman Empire.30 With this act that is a clear sign that the Kalmyk Khan, Ayuke Khan, was beware of Ottoman, they would win over Turks and therefore live a more comfortable life. In fact, the desire of Kalmyk Khan to establish good relationships with both Ottomans and the Tsardom indicates how important these two political forces were in the region; in other words, no community might continue its existence without receiving support from them. According to the work called Nusretnâme, the Russian army entered Bogdan (Moldova) on 17 March 1710, attacked the Swedish troops, who were lodging there to spend the winter, and then killed some of them while holding captive the others. And then, the Russian troops combined with Kalmyks passed through a place called Checkcheken to enter Crimea and killed 20 Muslims, plundered their properties and captured 1,700 hergeles31 (untrained young horses and donkeys).32 During the Pruth War between Russia and Ottoman Empire, Russia asked Ayuke Khan to attack Nogays (Kuban Tatars), who lived around the Kuban River, in order to prevent a probable attack from Nogays.33 Kalmyks took action in June 1711 to come together with the Russian troops under the leadership of Pyotr Apraksin, burned down many villages, killed many persons, held captive some of them and plundered their properties. After that successful operation of Kalmyks, Tsar Peter I sent Ayuke Khan a greeting letter in November.34 During the Pruth War, a Swedish military officer stayed with Nurettin Sultan and kept a journal during his lodging. From these journals, it is understood that there were disputes between Ayuke Khan and his sons. In the report, it is said that Nurettin Sultan was warned that a man of Ayuke Han and his sons collaborated with the Russians, and they would attack on Kabarda Circassians and Kuban Tatars. The subsequent notes in the same report indicate that the Kuban Tatars under the command of Nurettin Sefagiray Sultan combated against Russian, Kalmyk and Circassian troops under the command of Pyotr Matveyevich Apraksin, but were overwhelmed. Moreover, the Swedish officer who wrote the report claimed that he had to flee on a horse because of this defeat and he had seen only deserted villages, carriages and houses.35 The notes by the Swedish officer are very important in terms of indicating the Russian oppression in the region. 30 31 32 33 34 35 Topal, 2001, p.731. Hergele is a term used for a flock of untrained horses or donkeys, which are gathered to use for riding and transportation. Topal, 2001, p.737. Kurat, 2010, p.192. Bilge, 2005, p.99. Akdes Nimet Kurat, Prut Seferi ve Barışı 1123 (1711), C.II, TTK Basımevi, Ankara, 1953, pp.579, 580. 19 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II According to Article 9 of the memorandum of agreement (suret-i temessuk) signed in 1715, Kalmyks would not act against Crimean people and their affiliates such as Circassians and Nogay people, and in turn, the Crimean Tatars and Circassians would not take any actions against Russian, Kalmyk and Cossack lands. It is also stated in this agreement that if the articles would be violated by either party, every kind of measures should be taken.36 Tsar Peter I organized a great expedition in Iran on 15 June 1722.37 Ayuke Khan, the Kalmyk Han welcomed Peter I in Saratov and declared his alliance, and put thousands of his soldiers under his order. A Russian army consisting of 20,000 infantries, 9,000 mounted troops, about 70,000 Cossack and Kalmyk soldiers occupied Agrakhan city on 22 July 1722. Later on, Enderey, a city affiliated to the Crimean Khanate, was occupied and thousands of Chechens were killed. The ruler of Enderey apologized to Tsar Peter I, who entered Tarhu on 12 August, and agreed the dependence to Russia. On 23 August, Derbend was occupied and Imam Kulu Khan, the governor of Derbend, was assigned as Khanate after he had presented the keys of the city to the Tsar.38 The Russian operation against Iran was a serious threat for the eastern borders of Ottoman Empire. That’s why, the occupation of Tabriz, Revan, Tbilisi and Gence, the states on the borders of Iran was decided. In addition, the occupation of Dagestan, a state under the dominance of the Ottomans, was protested, and Kapicibasi Nišli Mehmed Aga was sent to have a meeting with Tsar Peter I as an envoy to ask him to free Derbend. The Ottoman threat and heavy winter conditions prevented the Russians from organizing a great expedition to southern Caucasia. Even, the Tsardom sent Istanbul a letter stating that the aim of constructing new castles was misperceived and their activities were to defend the Terskiy castle on the Terek River against attacks from Kalmyks.39 The Ottoman troops were placed into the region in order to prevent Russia from going towards Iran. Tbilisi was conquered in July 1723 and then the Kartli lands were captured. Dagestan was conquered in September, Kermanshah in October, 1723, Sine in November 1723, Khoy in May 1724, and Hamedan in August 1724. The Russian Tsardom conquered Baku, which it considered as the key of the region, on 36 37 38 39 Topal, 2001, p.794. For Peter’s expedition to Iran, see Browning, 1898, pp.321–329. Bilge, 2005, p.104. Derbend is an important transit way between Asia and Europe. Since the region consists of highlands, the through roads run the top of the mountains and therefore a dangerous geography. However, Derbend is located among the highlands of Dagestan and coast of Caspian Sea and is a kind of defile lying from Petrovsk to Absheron peninsula. That’s why, the Derbend path gain importance as a unique transportation way. See John F. Baddeley, Ruslar’ın Kafkasya’yı İstilası ve Şeyh Şamil, Kayıhan Yayınevi, Istanbul, 1989, pp.55–56. Bilge, 2005, pp. 105–106. 20 Oktay BERBER • The Role of Kalmyks for Turkish Policy of Tsarist Russia in the Period of Peter I 25 June 1723. For Russian policies, Baku was an important port city. With conquering Baku first, Russia might change the transit ways of Anatolia under the dominance of Ottoman that were used by the eastern countries, which did business with European countries, to Volga-Caspian direction. Second, if that line gained importance, Russia, which is underdeveloped in agriculture, might become a strong country in industry. In addition, Russia would easily protect its southern borders and prevail against Ottoman, which it considered as its historical rival.40 After conquering Baku, an agreement was concluded between Russia and Shah Tahmasp II on 12 September 1723. Russia received Derbend, Baku, Salyane, Lenkeran, Geylan, Resht, Anzali, Mazanderan and Astarabad (or Gorgan) against returning the Iran throne to Tahmasp II.41 Later on, the Tsarist Russia, which came to the table with the Ottoman Empire about Iran issue, agreed that the Kur River be accepted as the border among Russia and Ottoman Empire in reference to the Istanbul Treaty signed on 24 June 1724. With reference to the agreement, Geylan, Mazanderan, Astarabad were given to Russia while Shirvan, Gence, Revan, Karabakh, Nakhchivan, Azerbaijan and Irak-ı Acem (Eastern Iraq) were given to the dominance of Ottoman.42 By the death of Peter I on 8 February 1725, the Ottoman troops acted to centralize the Eastern Georgia, and Kakhet Kingdom was organized as Kakhet State and Kartli Kindom was organized as Tbilisi State and annexed to Ottoman in 1724, upon Russia had tried to dominate the Christian Georgian Kingdoms.43 Conclusion The times of Peter the Great, represent a period during which the Tsardom specified as the unique target the ideal to transform Russia into a strong and large state. It is observed that Tsarist Russia had to confront the Ottoman Empire in the efforts for this ideal. This confrontation was so natural that this was resulted from the Russian policies primarily on the Black Sea, Caucasia and Balkans.44 The Black 40 Aygün Abbasova, “Rusya’nın Doğu Politikasında Azerbaycan (XVIII. Yüzyıl)”, TDAV Magazine, 2005, p.157. 41 Baddeley, 1989, pp. 57–58. 42 Bilge, 2005, pp. 106–108. 43 Bilge, 2005, p.108. 44 We need to underline that these policies are not only of politics. More precisely, we should say that the cultural policies were implemented to achieve the political aims. Particularly, the Christianization missionary activities were the anchor points for such kind of cultural policies. During 18th century, The Newly Baptized Department was founded and the ones who adopt Christianity were exempted from implementing military service, with a decree issued on 2 November 1722. See İlyas Topsakal, Rus Misyoner Kaynaklarına Göre Rus Çarlığı ve Türkler (1552 – 1917), Türk Dünyası Araştırmaları Vakfı Yayınları, Istanbul, 2009, pp.168, 170. These samples indicate how important the Christianization is for Tsarist Russia. 21 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Sea was perceived as a Turkish Lake for Ottomans. In addition, even if the end of the 17th century and the beginning of the 18th century there were periods when the Ottoman Empire experienced some failures, it did not have serious losses and was one of the strongest forces of that time. In foreign policies during the times of Peter I, the Tsardom actively benefitted from Kalmyks. This was because of the fact that the Tsardom needed to utilize the natural combative skills of the nomadic properties of Kalmyks. In turn, the Kalmyks needed to establish a close relationship with the Tsardom to maintain their lives in the region. This people, who left serious injuries on Turks living in Turkestan, moved toward the western regions, Idyll lands in due course, with the instinct to maintain their nomadic life. However, their existence there would only be possible under the protection of the Tsardom, which they considered as a significant force in the region. Kalmyks, who led a heavy ravage on Turkistan, caused consolidation of the political vacuum had occurred after Timurid times. The Kalmyks’ invasion operations in the region which was last for more than one hundred and fifty years resulted in Kazakh, Kyrgyz, Nogai and Uzbek people sought refuge in Tsardom. In other words, the Tsardom was perceived as a protector for these people. This situation paved the way for Russians, who would like to go towards the Turkish lands from the north, to easily move in the region by 19th century, and these large and small communities adopted the dominance of Tsardom. Kalmyks also played an important role in quashing the rebellions broke out in Asia against Tsardom government. It is observed that Kalmyks and Tsarist Russia concluded many agreements as a result of they need each other. The agreements were concluded not only during the times of Peter I., but also before and after he was in force. However, during the times of Ayuke Khan, Kalmyks sent envoys a few times to Istanbul to declare their loyalty due to the Ottoman’s force in the region. The bipartite policy of Kalmyks resulted from the fact that they were beware of enemies of Tsarist Russia and Ottoman Empire, which are the strongest forces in the time, in order to their lives in the region, as we mentioned above. The existence of the Kalmyks in the struggle between Tsardom and Ottoman Empire allow Russians to overcome the deficiencies of the Russian troops. In this sense, the resistance shown by the Russian troops in Pruth War was remarkable. In addition, Kalmyks were actively used in Russian policies towards Crimea. Again, the activities of Kalmyks, who acted in cooperation with the Russians, have a significant role in oppressing the Kuban Tatars, and in this way, in the extinction of the Tatar people living in Kuban and Caucasia. 22 Turko-Tatars from Romania during the Government of Ion Antonescu – Archive Landmarks Virgil COMAN, Melek FETISLEAM In order to give our project a meaning, we should mention this study presents a series of documentary evidences from the Central National History Archive Service and National Archive of Constanța County patrimonies, regarding Turko-Tatars from Romania during the government of Ion Antonescu1. On 6 September 1940, King Carol II abdicated, the heir, prince Mihai, taking an oath as the king on the same day. With this moment, the political regime of Romania enters a new stage of its evolution, where the dominant figure is Ion Antonescu2. Benefiting from increased powers, based on the decree signed by the king, the new prime minister assumed the survival mission of the Romanian state under the new conditions offered by the territorial loss during the summer of 19403. On 14 September he proclaimed Romania to be a “National-Legionary” state, the new government being made mostly of members of the Iron Guard4. After being politically isolated and under the pressure of the revanchist states eager for conquests, Romania is forced to accept the signing of the Craiova Treaty 1 2 3 4 On this matter also see Virgil Coman, „Mărturii documentare privind tătarii din Dobrogea (6 septembrie 1940 – 6 martie 1945)”, in Marian Cojoc (ed.), Tătarii în istoria românilor, vol. I, Muntenia Publishing, Constanța, 2004, pp. 153–160; idem, “Turco-tătarii din România în documente ale Serviciului Special de Informaţii”, in Marusia Cârstea, Sorin Liviu Damean, Lucian Dindirică (eds.), Gheorghe Buzatu. In memoriam, Cetatea de Scaun Publishing, Târgovişte, 2014, pp.512–520. Romanian Academy, Istoria românilor, vol. VIII, România întregită 1918–1940, Ioan Scurtu (ed.), Enciclopedică, Bucharest, 2003, p.598; also see Gh. Buzatu, “Mareşalul Ion Antonescu: biografie şi bibliografie. 333 cărţi de şi despre Mareşalul Ion Antonescu, despre România în epoca celui de-al Doilea Război Mondial”, in Stela Cheptea (ed.), Paradigmele istoriei. Discurs. Metodă. Permanenţe. Omagiu Profesorului Gh. Buzatu, vol. II, Demiurg Publishing House, Iaşi, 2009, pp.335–365. Romanian Academy, Istoria românilor (vol. VIII), România întregită 1918–1940, 565–598. On the matters discussed within the meetings of the Board of Ministers, during the government of Ion Antonescu see Stenogramele şedinţelor Consiliului de Miniştri. Guvernarea Ion Antonescu, volumes I–XI (September 1940 – August 1944) edited by Marcel-Dumitru Ciucă and collaborators, 1997–2008, under the aegis of the National Archives of Romania. Gh. Buzatu, România şi Marile Puteri(1939–1947), Enciclopedică Publishing, Bucharest, 2003, p.178. 23 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II on 7 September 19405, by which it had to yield to Bulgaria the southern part of Dobruja, also known as Cadrilater, where an important number of Turko-Tatar families lived together with the Romanians6. It was also agreed on a mandatory population exchange between the two states, and a lot of people had to suffer from it7. Although the Treaty only stipulated provisions regarding the mandatory population exchange between Romanians and Bulgarians, a part of the Turko-Tatar population from Caliacra and Durostor County preferred to seek refuge in the new Romanian state form. “The fear of revenge from komitadji and irredentists determined a precipitated eviction, with the sacrifice and abandonment of goods”, according to the historian I. Bitoleanu8. At the end of 1940, more accurately on 28 December 1940, the Bas Mufti of Muslims from Romania issued Publication no. 428 advising the Turko-Tatars from Dobruja not to sell their goods any more as the Turkish state had ceases the emigration activity9. As for the external affairs, as soon as he got the power, Ion Antonescu called and was actually supported by the German Legation from Bucharest. The new leader of Romania gave up all the obligations of our country according to the treaties and pacts signed in the interwar period. On 23 November 1940, in Berlin, he stamped the adherence of Romania to the Tripartite Pact, thus obtaining the statute of a satellite country for the Reich10. Internally, the beginning of 1941 brought the removal of legionnaires from the government, after defeating the rebellion from 21–23 January11. Four days later, Ion Antonescu makes up a new chamber mainly made of military people, whose main task was to ensure public order and an efficient administration. Therefore, he 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Royal Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Tratat între România şi Bulgaria semnat la Craiova, 7 septembrie 1940, Official Gazette and State Printing Shop. Central Printing Shop, Bucharest, 1940, pp.4–18. Adrian Rădulescu, Ion Bitoleanu, Istoria Dobrogei, 2nd edition revised, Ex Ponto Publishing, Constanța, 1998, p.435. See more on this matter in Virgil Coman, Nicoleta Grigore, Schimbul de populaţie româno-bulgar. Implicaţiile asupra românilor evacuaţi. Documente (1940–1948). Mărturii documentare privind situaţia evacuaţilor din Dobrogea de Sud reîmproprietăriţi în judeţele Constanţa şi Tulcea (1940– 1948), Ex Ponto Publishing, Constanța, 2010, /422/; also see Virgil Coman, “Mărturii documentare privind situaţia evacuaţilor din Dobrogea de Sud reîmproprietăriţi în judeţele Constanţa şi Tulcea (1940–1948)”, in Valentin Mihai Bohatereţ, Krisztina Melinda Dobay (eds.), “SIRAR – trecut, prezent şi viitor”. Lucrările ştiinţifice publicate cu ocazia celui de al XXIV-lea Simpozion Naţional de Istorie şi Retrologie Agrară din România, desfăşurat la Iaşi, în perioada 26–28 iunie 2013 Terra Nostra Publishing, Iași, 2013, pp.397–413. Rădulescu, Bitoleanu, 1998, p.439. National History Archive Central Service (hereinafter SANIC), General Police Direction, file 169/1941, 2. Buzatu, 2003, p.179. Ibidem, pp.152–174. 24 Virgil COMAN, Melek FETISLEAM • Turko‐Tatars from Romania during the Gov. of Ion Antonescu was still the Leader, and on 14 February 1941 he abrogated the “National-Legionary” state12. From the Information note no. 56974 of the Special Information Service, dated 1 February 1941, we find out that the mood of the Muslim population from Dobruja was good, not suffering any damage from the rebellion and not taking part to it13. Three days later, from another information note of the Special Information Service, recorded under no. 57028, we find out that some Turkish ethnics from our country had notified the Turkish Embassy from Bucharest that they are being followed by the Romanian authorities, the Turkish diplomatic representatives explaining that this was due to the German intervention made to prevent the organization of attacks against the Germans from Romania14. The same diplomats fought the alarmist rumors that, in case of ceasing the Turkish-Romanian relation, the Turkish ethnics from our country would be placed in concentration camps, and their fortunes confiscated. They also delivered the message that the Turkish government did not give up the repatriation matter, it was only delayed until the international situation of Turkey would be clarified15. The information according to which our country was going to join the war against the eastern power to free Bessarabia and Northern Bucovina came true on 22 June 194116. Practically, from this date, Romania got involved in the world wide conflict joining Germany and its allies in the military confrontations against the Soviet Union, subsequently going to war against all the United Nations17. The new context determined by the involvement of Romania in the anti-soviet war stimulated the Tatars from the country supporting the idea of constituting an independent national Tatar state in Crimea, as the mutual enemy was the Soviet Union. 12 13 14 15 16 17 Ioan Scurtu, Gheorghe Buzatu, Istoria românilor în secolul XX (1918–1948), Paideia Publishing, Bucharest, 1999, p.404. SANIC, General Police Direction, file 169/1941, 3. Ibidem, 4. Ibidem, 5. Constantin I. Kiriţescu, România în al doilea război mondial, vol. I, Text set and cared for, annotated and commented, accompanied by a general name index and current reference bibliography by Gh. Buzatu. With foreword by acad. Costin C. Kiriţescu, Univers Enciclopedic Publishing, Bucharest, 1995, p.231; Gh. Buzatu, Războiul mondial din 1939–1945. Studii, European History and Civilization Center, Iași, 1995, pp.20–22; Jipa Rotaru, Vladimir Zodian, Oroian Teofil, Leonida Moise, Hitler, Antonescu, Caucazul şi Crimeea. Sânge românesc şi german pe frontul de Est, Paideia Publishing, Bucharest, 1998, pp.22–23; Alesandru Duţu, Mihai Retegan, Război şi societate. România: 1941– 1945, vol. 1, De la Prut în Crimeea (22 iunie – 8 noiembrie 1941), RAO Publishing, Bucharest, 1999, pp.18–28; Alesandru Duţu, „România în cadrul războiului de coaliţie (1941–1945)”, in Sorin Liviu Damean, Marusia Cirstea (eds.), Politică, diplomaţie şi război. Profesorul Gheorghe Buzatu la 70 de ani, Universitaria Publishing, Craiova, 2009, p.465. Buzatu, 2003, p.180. 25 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II However, it is not less true that in the Romanian army Turko-Tatars soldiers also fought on the eastern front, some of them losing their lives during the confrontations18. From the beginning of the conflict, the bas-mufti, Etem Curt Mola, of the Muslims from Romania had an important part, releasing on 12 July 1941 a call to the Muslim believers, clergy and intellectuals to support the anti-soviet war. He also requested a fund collection sent by Hatip to a Central Muslim Committee, in order to support military confrontations19. Practically, the Romanian Muslim clergy supported the anti-soviet war by mobilizing the Turko-Tatars to fight in the front, as well as by collecting funds and clothes for the soldiers20. The documents also mention the case of the former moolah of Craiova, Sebat Husein, who went voluntarily of the Crimea front, also organizing an artistic band to support anti-soviet propaganda21. In parallel with the Muslim clergy’s activity in our country, and with the National Committee for Freeing Crimea22, at the beginning of the war another committee was founded in order to morally support the Tatars from Crimea. The position of president was taken by Amdi Nusuret, and of vice president by Sadâc Ibraim, the other members being Memet Vani, Ibraim Feuzi Irfan, Ibadula Abdula, Negip Hagi Fazâl, Nazif Abduraim, Abdula Mustafa and Şefchi Memet23. On the front, on 21 August 1941, Hitler decided that the main objective of the strategic offensive is Crimea, Donets Basin and Caucasus. However, on 6 September, the Führer revisits this decision setting Moscow as the priority objective of the offensive on the eastern front, but not abandoning the advancement towards Crimea24. On 19 September 1941, the “South” Army Group ordered to the 3rd Romanian army to cross the Dniper to ensure the left flank of the German group wanting to enter Crimea25. Two days later, the 11th German Army initiates the offensive in Perekop 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 See Remus Macovei, Eroi musulmani în armata română, Democratic Union of the Muslim TurkoTatars from Romania, National Association Heroes Cult “Regina Maria” Constanța Branch, Constanța, n.p., 2013, pp.76–80. Valentin Ciorbea, “Comunitatea Musulmană în Arhiva Consiliului Naţional pentru Studierea Arhivelor Securităţii”, in Mădălina Lasca, Erol Menadil (eds.), Din istoria tătarilor, vol. II, Ovidius University Press, Constanța, 2011, pp.248–249. The document is also republished in Valentin Ciorbea, Laura Stancu, Amet Aledin (eds.), Tătarii în izvoare arhivistice româneşti vol. I, Comunitatea Musulmană în Arhiva Consiliului Naţional pentru Studierea Arhivelor Securităţii, Ex Ponto Publishing, Contanța, 2011, p.55. Tătarii în izvoare, p.55. Tătarii în izvoare, p.56. This committee activated in Romania from the interwar period and was led by Müstecip Ülküsal (Fazâl) (SANIC, file 184/1942–1949, p.33). Tătarii în izvoare, 2011, pp.56–57. Rotaru and coll.ab., 1998, p. 29. Cornel I. Scafeş, Horia Vl. Şerbănescu, Ioan I. Scafeş, Cornel Andonie, Ioan Dănilă, Romeo Avram, Armata română 1941–1945, R.A.I. Publishing, Bucharest, 1996, pp.33–34. 26 Virgil COMAN, Melek FETISLEAM • Turko‐Tatars from Romania during the Gov. of Ion Antonescu isthmus but fails to enter too much in the enemy device26. Consequently, in the military confrontations against the soviet armies, the Romanian troops took part together with the German ones, until the end of 1941, a large part of Crimea being occupied27. In the context of Germany and its allies’ victories on the eastern front, the „idealistic” Tatar leaders kept hoping to constitute an independent national Tatar state in Crimea. Thus, after a meeting between the Tatar leader from Crimea, Geafer Seyitahmet (Kârâmer), the Turkish Foreign Minister, Şukru Saracioglu, and German Ambassador from Ankara, Von Papen, Müstecip Ülküsal (Fazâl) and Edighe Kîrîmal were mandated to go to Berlin, and from there to Crimea28. The two left by train from Istanbul to Berlin on 27 November 1941, where more meeting took place with German diplomats, officers of the Major German State and leaders of the Nazi Party29. In connection to the discussions from these meetings, Müstecip Ülküsal (Fazâl) subsequently mentioned that „the German Foreign Affaires grated us the permission in February 1942 to go, me in Romania, and Edighe Kîrîmal in Poland, to meet with the Turko-Tatars from Crimea, especially with the intellectuals and the youth, forming aiding troops for our patriotic progress. After fifteen days, we came back to Berlin and devotedly continued our activity”30. The information from the record of interrogating Irsmambet Iusuf made on 18 July 1952 by the second lieutenant P. Cristian within the General Direction of State Security – Constanța, confirms that in 1942 Müstecip Ülküsal (Fazâl) came from Germany to Romania and organized a meeting at the Imperial Hotel of Constanța attended by a series of Tatar intellectuals, among who, Amdi Nusuret, Negip Hagi Fazâl, Saib Veli Abdula, Memet Vani and Anis Abduraman. On this occasion, Müstecip Ülküsal (Fazâl) gave hope to the attendants that shortly they will succeed in constituting an independent national Tatar state Crimea. He also communicated that after the discussions from Germany, he had received the assignment to make lists with voluntaries to fight against the Soviet Union for freeing Crimea31. 26 27 28 29 30 31 Duţu, Retegan, 1999, p.352. Constantin I. Kiriţescu, România în al doilea război mondial, vol. II, Text set and cared for, annotated and commented, accompanied by a general name index and current reference bibliography by Gh. Buzatu. With foreword by acad. Costin C. Kiriţescu, Univers Enciclopedic Publishing, Bucharest, 1995, pp.80–87; Platon Chirnoagă, Istoria politică şi militară a răboiului României contra Rusiei sovietice 22 iunie 1941 – 23 august 1944, 4th Edition, FIDES Publishing, Iași, 1998, pp.208–210; Scafeş and collab., 1996, pp.32–37; Rotaru and collab., 1998, pp.29–31. Müstecip Ülküsal, Tătarii-turci crimeeni. Trecutul – prezentul – viitorul, Translation in Romanian by Güner Akmola, Golden Publishing, Constanța, 2006, p.235. Ülküsal, 2006, pp.235–236. Ülküsal, 2006, p.236. Marian Cojoc, “Anul 1953 în istoria tătarilor dobrogeni”, Tătarii în istoria românilor, ed. M.Cojoc, Constanța, 2004, p.170. 27 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II From the same document we find out that shortly after there was a new meeting at the Mufti of the Muslim cult from Constanța, where the list of volunteers were filled in, with an approximate total of 40 families. Subsequently, Müstecip Ulküsal (Fazâl) went back to Germany but did not receive the approval for their departure to Crimea, information that he sent to Romania to his brother, Negip Hagi Fazâl32. On the eastern front, at the middle of March 1942, ample fights were resumed in Crimea. The final attack on Sevastopol, where the most important soviet submarine base from the North Sea was, happened between 7 June and 4 July 1942, during the confrontation an important number of Romanian militaries from the Mountain Group losing their lives33. Regarding the situation of Tatars from Dobruja, in a document made on 13 May 1942 at an inspection in Tătaru Locality, Constanța County, the prefect Al. Ignătescu stated that they were peaceful and hard-working, and their mood was good34. The beginning of the summer of 1942 brought among the Tatar leaders from the country the hope of constituting an independent national state in Crimea. According to a document issued by the Prefecture to the Police of the Capital on 16 June 1942, at the initiative of Edip M. Ali, a group of about 30 Tatars from Bucharest intended to found an association, so that to prepare on a cultural ground the Tatars from Romania, a number of 130.000 (an exaggerated number in our opinion), to emigrate to Crimea, in order to constitute a Tatar National State35. Regarding the mood of the Tatars from Dobruja, from a document of the Regional Police Inspectorate of Constanța from 8 July 1942 sent to the Safety Police Direction36 we find out that, after the fall of Sevastopol, the Tatars were hoping to constitute a Tatar Republic in Crimea, expressing their gratitude to Adolf Hitler and Ion Antonescu37. However, this enthusiast did not last. As it is well known, on the front, even from the end of 1942 and the first months of 1943, the balance tended to incline in the favor of the Allied Powers38. In this context, the optimism and trust of the Tatars from the country fighting to constitute an independent national state in Crimea started gradually to disappear. 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 Cojoc, 2004, p.171. Scafeş and collab., 1996, p.40. National Archive Service of Constanța County (hereinafter SJAN Constanța), General Administrative Inspectorate of Constanța, file 28/1942, 2. SANIC, General Police Direction, file 169/1941, 2. Also see D.P. Ursu, E.H. Seydametov, “Reemigration Attempts of Crimean Tatars from Dobrudzha to Their Historical Motherland in 1920s”, Studia et Documenta Turcologica, nr.1/2013, Babeș-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, pp.227–231. SANIC, General Police Direction, file 169/1941, 3. Ibidem, 4. Coman, 2004, p.156. 28 Virgil COMAN, Melek FETISLEAM • Turko‐Tatars from Romania during the Gov. of Ion Antonescu From another document of the Special Information Service, dated 2 March 1943 we find out that the Turko-Tatars from Dobruja were concerned they might be placed in concentration camps, if Turkey would enter the war with the Anglo-Americans39. The Regional Police Inspectorate of Constanța investigated the causes leading to the agitation of spirits between the Turko-Tatars, concluding that the Hatips from Constanța Municipality and County, at the Mufti’s order, had prepared lists for the election and assignment of new Hatips, this order being wrongly interpreted by the parishioners40. On Crimea front, after the Soviet attack triggered on 1 November 1943, the German and Romanian armies were isolated, a series of bloody confrontations taking place between the parties at war. Under these conditions, some Tatar families withdraw from the war, choosing as destination the region between the Danube and the Black Sea. Thus, on 6 December 1943, the Regional Police Inspectorate of Constanța sent to the General Police Direction the Telephone Note no. 11444 informing that in Constanța had arrived a group of 99 Tatars refugees from Crimea and that other more were to come, who were left on the road with the baggage41. With the beginning of the refugee process of Tatars from Crimea, the project of constituting an independent national Tatar state in the peninsula disappeared from the agenda of the „idealist” Tatar leaders. In this context, at the end of 1943, to support the refugees, the National Committee for Freeing Crimea is transformed in the Committee for Helping Refugee Tatars from Crimea, led by Amdi Nusuret, among the members still being Sadâc Ibraim, Ibraim Feuzi Irfan, Ibadula Abdula, Negip Hagi Fazâl, Nazif Abduraim, Şefchi Memet and Abdula Mustafa42. Initially, the Romanian authorities supported the refugees from Crimea, a consequence to the requests of the colleagues from Constanța, even from the beginning of 194443. In the same sense, the Patronage Board – Constanța Municipality Committee requested by Address no. 104 from 29 January 1944 from the Patronage Board of Social Works from Bucharest a financial support necessary to help the refugees from Crimea and Caucasus44. After 8 April 1944, the Great Major State decided to withdraw the Romanian forces as the Soviet armies from the Ukrainian 4th Front freed Crimea45. Simultaneously to the retreat of Romanian-German army, an important number of Tatar families 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 SANIC, General Police Direction, file 169/1941, 5. Ibidem, 7. Ibidem, 10. Ibidem also see Cojoc, 2004, p.204 SJAN Constanța, Constanța City Hall, file 47/1944, p.317. Ibidem, p.314. Rădulescu, Bitoleanu, 1998, p.448. 29 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II from Crimea also retreated, who were hosted in Constanța Municipality and other localities of the county, according to the Information Report no. 9123 on the mood of the population of Constanța Municipality and County in April 1944, of Constanța County Prefecture46. The refuge of Tatars from Crimea to Dobruja rised as intensity once the State Defense Committee issued the Decree no. 5.859, from 11 May 1944, regarding the deportation of Tatars in Uzbekistan and other Soviet Republics from Central Asia, document signed by I. V. Stalin and Beria, Molotov, Malenkov, Andreev, Kosighin, Smirnov and other organizers involved in the ethnic purification operation. As a pretext, the collaboration of the Tatars from Crimea with the German occupation army was invoked, by the participation of about 20000 fighters within the the National Tatar Committee, created under their direct guidance, in order to counteract the activity and fight of the Soviet partisans47. In this context, the emigration movement of the Tatars from Crimea was amplified, a great amount of them choosing, at least temporary, Dobruja as destination. Contrary to expectations, the newcomers did not enjoy the support of the Romanian authorities any more, a fact also proven by the Information Report no. 11393, from 3 June 1944, of Constanța County Prefecture, regarding the mood of the population from Constanța Municipality and County in May. From the same document we also find out that based on the order of Marshal Ion Antonescu, the action to deliver the refugee Tatars from Crimea to the German Concentration Camp from Constanța had been initiated, and they hoped to complete it as soon as possible48. Actually, the initiative of the Romanian authorities to persecute the Tatars from Crimea was made due to the fear regarding the possible collaboration of some of these with certain communist organizations. Since March, Constanța County Prefecture shows its concerns regarding this matter “We have information that among the Tatars refuge from Russia, some of them would have connections to certain communist organizations”49. The General Administrative Inspectorate sent to the Ministry of Internal affaires, among others, that: “In Tulcea and Constanța County the foreign conglomerate is in a high percentage, and it is necessary to take immediate restrictive steps against: Lipovans, Tatars and different Russian prisoners, found at the owners for agricultural works”50. 46 47 48 49 50 SJAN Constanța, General Administrative Inspectorate of Constanța, file 27/1944, p.25. Sevghin Omer, “Soarta tătarilor crimeeni în U.R.S.S.”, in Magazin istoric, XXXVII – new series – no. 10 (439), October 2003, p.67. SJAN Constanța., General Administrative Inspectorate of Constanța, file 25/1944, p.19. Ibidem, file 29/1944, p.74. Ibidem, file 27/1944, p.2. 30 Virgil COMAN, Melek FETISLEAM • Turko‐Tatars from Romania during the Gov. of Ion Antonescu It is not less true that within the Tatar population of Crimea there were over 20,000 fighters joining the Red Army in the confrontations against the Germans51 so that, to a certain extent, the fears of the Romanian authorities were justified. Despites the hostility the Tatar refugees received during this time, they enjoyed the support received from their co-nationals who lived in Dobruja. The Mayor of Negru Vodă Locality, in the Report no. 1543 from 19 July 1944, forwarded to Constanța County Prefecture also mentioned that: “They were hospitable with the refugees from Crimea and they permanently care for the latter”52. During the entire summer of 1944, the Romanian authorities, at the order of Ion Antonescu, continued to follow and arrest the Tatar refugees, according to the information reports regarding the mood of the population from Constanța Municipality and County in June and July 1944 of Constanța County Prefecture53. The events from 23 August 1944 left a definitive mark on the political-economic and social evolution of Romania. Thus, after removing the authoritarian leadership of Ion Antonescu, the new authorities started to abrogate the legislation regarding the restrictions imposed on the political rights and freedoms previously adopted by the authoritarian regimes in 1938–1944, the constitutional monarchy regime being restored54. Therefore, the multi-party system found its legitimacy in the provisions of the Constitution from 1923, partially re-enforced, by the Royal Decree from 31 August 1944; however, its application was disturbed by the provisions of the Armistice Convention, dated 12 September 1944 (signed on the dawn of 13 September), actually establishing a Soviet occupation regime55. At the end, we present a few archive landmarks regarding the Turko-Tatars from Romania during the government of Ion Antonescu. For a better understanding, when typing them, we corrected the obvious correction mistakes, keeping, if possible, the age language. 51 52 53 54 55 Omer, 2003, p.67. SJAN Constanța County Prefecture, file 11/1944, p.121. SJAN, General Administrative Inspectorate of Constanța, file 28/1944, 70–71; file 32/1944, p.77. Scurtu, Buzatu, 1999, p.487. Ibidem, p.489.. 31 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II DOCUMENTS 1 28 December 1940, Constan a. The Publication of Bas-Mufti of Muslims from Romania, advising the Turko-Tatars from Dobruja not to sell their goods any more as the Turkish state had ceases the emigration activity. BAS-MUFTI OF MUSLIMS FROM ROMANIA CONSTAN A No. 428 28.XII.1940 PUBLICATION Many Turkish inhabitants56 from Dobruja, from their wish to emigrate to Turkey, sell all their goods and come to Constanța to be boarded, without getting information in a timely manner on the emigration possibilities. A large part of them thus spend all the earning from their hard work in Constanța, where they wait for months hoping their turn at boarding will come. The Turkish Consulate from Constanța, complying with the Order No. 762/940 of the Turkish Republic Embassy from Bucharest, brings to our attention by Address No. 1079/139/940, which the Turkish State cannot receive for now any emigrant from Tulcea and Constanța County. For this reason, in order to prevent other brothers remaining homeless during these winter months, we bring to the attention of the Turkish population from Dobruja that no emigration visa will be given by the Turkish Consulate of Constanța and we advise them not to sell their goods and leave their homes. Bas-Mufti, (ss) Etem Curt Mola Secretary, (ss) Ismail H. A. Ziaeddin SANIC, General Police Direction, file 169/1941, 2. 56 Although the document makes no reference to Tatars, it also concerned them, implicitly being a well known fact that during that time both Turkish as well as Tatar ethnics emigrated from Dobruja to Turkey. 32 Virgil COMAN, Melek FETISLEAM • Turko‐Tatars from Romania during the Gov. of Ion Antonescu 2 1 February 1941, <Bucharest>. Information Note of the Special Information Service regarding the mood of Muslims from Dobruja after the legionary rebellion from 21–23 January 1941. S.S.I. SECRET 56974 NOTE 1 February 1941 The Turkish Embassy is informed that the Muslim population from Dobruja is peaceful, did not suffer damages during the rebellion and did not take part in it. Demir Topcioglu, messenger of the Turkish Embassy, arrived on 29 crt. from Constanța, bringing situation reports from the last ten days, made by the Turkish agents from Dobruja. All these agents report that the Muslim population is completely peaceful, did not suffer any damages during the rebellion and did not take any part in it. Topcioglu also brought to the Embassy the manifestos spread by the rebels and Macedonians57, calling the population to join their actions. ______ Serious source. SANIC, General Police Direction, file 169/1941, 3. 3 3 February 1941, <Bucharest>. Information Note of the Special Information Service regarding the complaints of some Turks from Romania as they felt followed by the Romanian authorities. S.S.I. 57 The document’s authors are referring to Macedo-Romanians (Aromanians). 33 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II SECRET 57028 NOTE 3 February 1941 The complaints of some Turks from our country. Some Turks from our country reported to the Ottoman diplomatic representative that the Romanian authorities make chicanes, following them all times. The leaders of the Embassy claim that this state is due to some German interventions made in order to prevent the possible attacks against the Germans from Romania. _____ Serious source. SANIC, General Police Direction, file 169/1941, 4. 4 22 March 1941, <Bucharest>. Information Note of the Special Information Service regarding the fighting by the Turkish Embassy alarmist rumors circulating among the Turkish people from Romania. S.S.I. SECRET 59895 NOTE At the Turkish Legation the alarming rumors circulating among the Turks from Romania are fought. After the dispositions given by Ambassador Tanriöver58, the Turkish Legation59 communicated to the Turks from Romania that they are wrong in believing that if the Turkish-Romanian relations were terminated they would be placed in concentration camps and their fortunes confiscated. 58 59 In the document Tanriöer, the correct name being Hamdullah Suphi Bey Tanriöver. Actually, from 1939 the diplomatic mission of the Turkish Republic in Romania is made an Embassy. 34 Virgil COMAN, Melek FETISLEAM • Turko‐Tatars from Romania during the Gov. of Ion Antonescu It was brought to their attention that these rumors are launched by people who want to generate panic and to purchase for nothing the goods of the Turks, in the case of their precipitated departure. It was also communicated that the Turkish government did not abandon the matter of Turks repatriation in Anatolia but postponed it until the clarification of Turkey's international situation. _____ Serious source. SANIC, General Police Direction, file 169/1941, 5. 5 1942 June 16, Bucharest. Note of the Police Prefecture of the Capital named The Tatars from Romania are organizing to emigrate to Crimea. POLICE PREFECTURE OF THE CAPITAL 16 June 1942 ___ The Tatars from Romania are organizing to emigrate to Crimea The Tatars from Bucharest, approximately 30, discuss the foundation of a cultural association based in Bucharest. The initiator of this action is moolah Edip60 of the mosque from Park Carol I. The declared purpose of this association is to prepare the Tatar element from Romania, (about 130.000 souls), for the emigration to Crimea in order to form a national Tatar state. The leader of this current is Müstecip Ülküsal61, lawyer from Constanța, currently in Germany to treat with the leading forums the organization of the new Tatar Republic. The matter is followed up. Sure information. Communicated Ministry of Foreign Afaires 60 61 In the document Ediip, the correct name being Edip M. Ali. In the document Müstecip Ülcüsel, the correct name being Müstecip Ülküsal (Fazâl). 35 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II <Resolution:> Mr. Com. Diaconescu. Verification (ss) unreadable Taken note. The matter is followed up (ss) Diaconescu SANIC, General Police Direction, file 184/1942–1949, 2. 6 8 July 1942, Constan a. Note of the Regional Police Inspectorate of Constanța to the General Police Direction – Safety Police Direction regarding the mood of the Tatars from Dobruja after the fall of Sevastopol (concept). Tatars Among the Tatars from Dobruja there is a live enthusiasm after the fall of Sevastopol. The Tatars believe that now the Tatar Republic can be founded and that this is what the voluntaries in Crimea fought for, and express their gratitude to the chancellor Adolf Hitler and Marshal Antonescu, because they freed their republic and will give it back to them. Sure information. (ss) unreadable Constanța SANIC, General Police Direction, file 184/1942–1949, 3–4. 7 2 March 1943, <Bucharest>. Note of the Special Information Service named Agitation among the Turko-Tatar population from Dobruja. POLICE GENERAL DIRECTION SAFETY ARCHIVE S.S.I. FILE no. 4463 sp. 2 March 1943 OPERATED 36 Virgil COMAN, Melek FETISLEAM • Turko‐Tatars from Romania during the Gov. of Ion Antonescu 160175 NOTE Agitation among the Turko-Tatar population from Dobruja Among the Turko-Tatar population from Dobruja was launched by unknown agents the version that the government of the Reich addressed Turkey the ultimatum request to state its attitude, the consequence being that Turkey will join the war next to Anglo-Americans and in this case the Romanian Government prepares the placement of all Turko-Tatars in concentration camps. Under the impression of this version the Turko-Tatar population from Dobruja started to get agitated and show concern regarding their future regime, that the agents give as certain and very close. ______ Serious information. Communicated: – Chairman of the Board of Ministrers – Great Major State – Ministry of National Defense – Ministry of Internal Affairs SANIC, General Police Direction, file 184/1942–1949, 5. 8 7 April 1943, Constan a. Report of the Regional Police Inspectorate Constanța regarding the mood of the Turkish ethnics from Constanța Municipality and County, in the context of the Turkey possibly joining the war and Romania taking part in the conflict against the Soviet Union. GENERAL POLICE DIRECTION SAFETY ARCHIVE No. 03219 * 19 Apr. 1943 FILE no. 4463 sp. MINISTRY OF INTERNAL AFFAIRS GENERAL POLICE DIRECTION No. 010265 from 18 Apr. FILE No. MINISTRY OF INTERNAL AFFAIRS GENERAL POLICE DIRECTION DIRECTION________________ 37 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II OPERATED No. 24738 S. SECRET Year 1943 Month April Day 7 REGIONAL POLICE INSPECTORATE CONSTAN A To GENERAL POLICE DIRECTION (Safety Police Direction) Regarding the note 160175 of S.S.I – Constanța Inspectorate reports that from the investigations performed regarding those notified by note S.S.I., it was found that different rumors did circulate regarding the entry of Turkey into war and the consequences arising from this. These rumors were the product of the news broadcast by radio and connected to the last political events, especially the meetings between the Turkish and English personalities at Adana. Another fact that determined some comments within the Turkish population from Constanța Municipality and County was the order gave by the Turkish Mufti of Constanța so that all Hatips (priests) from Constanța Municipality and County make panels for the election and assignment of new Hatips, an order interpreted by the Turkish parishioners that these panels will serve for a possible placement in concentration camps, when Turkey will enter the war against the Axis. In general, the Turkish population has a loyal and honest attitude towards the Romanian state, and most of the young Turks are incorporated with different military units, consciously fulfilling their duties. REGIONAL POLICE INSPECTORATE p. (ss) unreadable Chief of Safety Service, Petre Gheorghiu Note: M.A.I. M.A.N. M St. M. SANIC, General Police Direction, file 184/1942–1949, 7. 38 Virgil COMAN, Melek FETISLEAM • Turko‐Tatars from Romania during the Gov. of Ion Antonescu 9 6 December 1943, Constan a. Telephone note of the Regional Police Inspectorate Constanța to the General Police Direction, regarding the refuge of some Tatars from Crimea to Dobruja and them being hosted by their co-nationals. SERVICE ROOM 6 DECEMBER 1943 I. 44051 S – 7 XII – 943 OPERATED 4463 spec. TELEPHONE NOTE No. 11444 Regional Inspectorate of Constanța To General Police Direction The safety service reports that yesterday 5. XII. C.Y., time 20:18, a group of 99 Tatars refugees from Crimea arrived by train. They were received by Mr. Amdi Nusuret62 the president of the Turkish community and other members. The families with children were hosted by the Tatars from Constanța, and the single ones at the Muslim School where they will remain until they are sent to Turkey. Another group of Tatars will arrive at Constanța, those left on the road with baggage. Regional Inspectorate of C-ta ss. Mântulescu Sends, ss. Petrescu Receives, ss. Mateescu Commissioner on duty, Ion Georgescu SANIC, General Police Direction, file 184/1942–1949, 10. 62 In the document Handi Murmet, the correct name being Amdi Nusuret. 39 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II 10 11 January 1944, Constan a. Address of the Helping Committee for Muslim Refugees from Russia to Maria Antonescu – president of the Patronage Board of Social Works of Bucharest, by which she was notified on the situation of refugees from Crimea set in Constanța Municipality and County and requesting support for them consisting in clothes, shoes and linen. HELPING COMMITTEE OF MUSLIM REFUGEES FROM RUSSIA Constanța – Str. Cuza Vodă 15 No. 16 COPY Constanța 11 January 1944 MRS. PRESIDENT, Following the approach of the Bolshevik front, they were forced to flee Crimea, leaving their homes, households and some of them even their families, to seek refuge in our country between their brothers of the same origin from Constanța County, the Turks (sic!). They wish to be placed under the high protection and hospitality of the Romanian State and today arrived from Crimea a number of 233 people, men, women and children, quartered in Constanța and the villages from Constanța County. Among them there are political people, intellectuals, tradesmen and craftsmen who collaborated with the authorities and the Romanian-German armies from Crimea and some of them remained there, event today collaborating with the Romanian-German armies and fighting the holy war against the Bolshevism. Those who today are here, on the territory of the Romanian State, cannot find words to thank the hospitality they received as well as for the protection and support granted by the civil-military authorities for two years in Crimea. Taking into account their exceptional situation, as they could salvage only their lives, being refuge under the Bolshevik fire, without being able to take those necessary to them and thus there are amongst them a number of 70 people, men, women and children, completely naked. This is why we respectfully ask you to order the help and assistance of the Patronage Board, consisting of clothes, shoes and linen. 40 Virgil COMAN, Melek FETISLEAM • Turko‐Tatars from Romania during the Gov. of Ion Antonescu Please receive our consideration and gratitude. President, ss. Sadâc Ibraim63 P. conformity (ss) unreadable TO MRS. PRESIDENT OF THE PATRONAGE BOARD MARIA MARTSHAL ANTONESCU BUCHAREST SJAN Constanța, General Police Direction, file 47/1944, 317. 11 29 January 1944, Constan a. Address of the Patronage Board – Constanța Municipality Committee to the Patronage Board of Social Works of Bucharest notifying on the situation of refugees from Crimea and Caucasus established in Constanța and requesting funds for helping them. PATRONAGE BOARD CONSTAN A MUNICIPALITY COMMITTEE ENTRY No. 104 1944 Month Jan. Day 29 29 January HOMAGE THE PATRONAGE BOARD OF SOCIAL WORKS BUCHAREST Str. Arcului no. 14 We are honored to communicate that this Committee receives numerous case of refugees and repatriated people from Crimea and Caucasus, requesting help either in money or in clothes; many times they have small children and the help is absolutely necessary. 63 In the document Salâc Ibraim, the correct name being Sadâc Ibraim. 41 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Taking into account the oral promise of Mr. Secretary General I. State given to myself, we are asking you to be kind enough to make available for us a fund from which we could help this category of assisted people. Please receive the assurance of our respect and consideration. PRESIDENT MAYOR OF THE MUNICIPALITY, Colonel N. Oprescu SJAN Constanța, Constanța City Hall, file 47/1944, 314. 12 6 May 1944, Constan a. Extract from the Information Report of Constanța County Prefecture to the General Administrative Inspectorate of Constanța regarding the mood of the population from Constanța Municipality and County in April 1944. The document also mentions the “Tatar matter”. [...] THE TATAR MATTER The high number of Tatar refugees came with the withdrawal of RomanianGerman armies from Crimea and U.S.S.R. territories and who were quartered in the city and villages of Constanța County, is a permanent danger regarding the order and safety of the state, as they hope and want to be repatriated as soon as possible to Turkey. [...]. SJAN Constanța, General Administrative Inspectorate of Constanța, file 27/1944, f. 25. 3 June 1944, Constan a. Extract from the Information Report of Constanța County Prefecture to the General Administrative Inspectorate of Constanța regarding the mood of the population from Constanța Municipality and County in May 1944. The document also mentions the “Tatar matter”. 42 Virgil COMAN, Melek FETISLEAM • Turko‐Tatars from Romania during the Gov. of Ion Antonescu 13 [...] THE TATAR MATTER The large number of Tatar refugees from Crimea, who were quartered in the city and villages of Constanța County, presented a danger for un the order and safety of the state, which ended thanks to the measures taken from the order of Mr. Marshal Ion Antonescu, that they are delivered to the German concentration camp, founded in Constanța, an operation that continues and we believe that soon their delivery will be completed. [...]. SJAN Constanța, General Administrative Inspectorate of Constanța, file 25/1944, 19. 14 4 July 1944, Constan a. Extract from the Information Report of Constanța County Prefecture to the General Administrative Inspectorate of Constanța regarding the mood of the population from Constanța Municipality and County in June 1944. The document also mentiones the “Tatar matter”. [...] THE TATAR MATTER By the order of Mr. Marshal Antonescu, the Leader of the State, measures were taken by the safety bodies and constabulary to gather the Russian and Tatar refugee elements from the U.S.S.R. arrived without the approval of the Minister of Internal Affairs. The operation started on 26 May c.y. and continues by organized raids. This measure was received by the population with satisfaction, as these two elements were considered a permanent danger to the order and safety of the state. The native Tatars are correct elements and subjected to the laws of the country. [...]. SJAN Constanța, General Administrative Inspectorate of Constanța, file 28/1944, 70–71. 43 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II 15 3 August 1944, Constan a. Extract from the Information Report of Constanța County Prefecture to the General Administrative Inspectorate of Constanța regarding the mood of the population from Constanța Municipality and County in July 1944. The document also mentions the “Tatar matter”. [...] THE TATAR MATTER It was continued the action to gather the Tatar elements refuge from Russia and arrived in the country without the approval of the Ministry of Internal affairs. They are delivered to the German concentration camp from Constanța, from where they will be sent to Germany for work. The native Tatars are correct elements and faithful to the state. [...]. SJAN Constanța, General Administrative Inspectorate of Constanța, file 32/1944, 77. 44 Les « nomades primitifs » et le croisé normand: les Petchenègues « byzantins » et Bohemond de Tarante Giuseppe COSSUTO La confédération turques des Petchenègues est une des moins connues parmi les différents groupes des « nomades des steppes » qui ont longtemps dominé en Europe orientale et ont influencé les événements historiques du continent entier.1 Pourtant sa présence active en Europe orientale, et pratiquement dans tous les événements qui concernent l’Empire byzantin et les territoires limitrophes avec ceci, est constante et bien attestée. Cependant, malgré les Petchenègues aient joué des rôles considérables soit militaires soit diplomatiques, et aussi en politique internationale (voir infra), l’image qui vient transmise par les chroniques est presque toujours celle des « nomades primitifs et païens », un stéréotype persistant à travers les siècles jusqu’à être idéalisé au début du XXème siècle dans la littérature hongroise, avec le roman historique de Ferenc Herczeg (1836–1854), Poganiok (Les païens),2 dans lequel ces présumés traits distinctifs des nomades des steppes, des Petchenègues de la zone balkanique du XIème siècle en ce cas-ci, étaient exaltés comme modèle idéal de vertus humaines. Ce cliché barbare rapporté aux Petchenègues des mêmes lieux trouve des antécédents parmi les chronistes, soit byzantins soit occidentaux, des siècles XIème– XIIème et est évident particulièrement dans un épisode qui se déroula dans le Midi de la péninsule italienne, pendant le conflit qui opposa l’empereur byzantin Alexis Ier Comnène (1056–15 Août 1118) aux Normands entre 1105 et 1107, reporté par la princesse byzantine Anne Comnène (1083–1153), dans son Alexiade3: 1 2 3 Pour ce qui concerne les événements relatifs aux Petchenègues: Giuseppe Cossuto, Tracce ìturcheî in Europa medievale, Roma, 2009, pp.205–216; Victor Spinei, Marile migraţii din estul şi sud-estul Europei în secolele IX–XIII, Editura Institutlui European, Iaşi, pp.88–151. I éd. Budapest, 1902. À propos de ce roman, publié dans le climat d'exaltation relative au premier millénaire de la christianisation de la Hongrie, Fulco Tempesti, La letteratura ungherese, Firenze/ Milano, 1969, p.177. Nous utilisons la traduction anglaise suivante, Anne Comnène (Komnene), The Alexiad, publiée et traduite par Elizabeth A. Dawes, London, Routledge, 1928 sur http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/ basis/AnnaComnena-Alexiad00.asp 45 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Having thus attended to the matter of the conspirators and the rebel Gregory he did not on account of these forget Bohemund, but summoned Isaac Contostephanus,4 and promoted him to be Great Duke of the fleet, and sent [317] him to Dyrrachium and further threatened him that his eyes would be put out if he did not manage to arrive in Illyria before Bohemund crossed.He also continually sent letters to his nephew Alexius, the Duke of Dyrrachium, stirring him up and bidding him keep a sharp look-out and to order those who were at guard on the sea to do the same, to prevent Bohemund's crossing secretly, but to send word of his crossing at once by letter. That is what the Emperor did. Now Contostephanus' only orders were to watch the straits of Lombardy carefully and to prevent the ships crossing which Bohemund was sending ahead to carry all his apparatus from the one coast to the other-in fine, not to allow anything whatever to be conveyed from Lombardy to Illyria. When he departed he did not even know the likeliest spot from which the ships would sail across to Illyria, and not only that, but he disregarded orders and crossed to Hydruntum, which is a town situated on the coast of Lombardy. This town was commanded by a woman,5 Tancred's mother, it was said, whether she was the sister of Bohemund (so often mentioned in this history already) or not, I cannot say positively, for I do not know for certain whether Tancred was related to Bohemund on his mother's side, or his father's. When Contostephanus reached the town and brought his ships to anchor, he made an attack on the walls [of Brindisi]6 and very nearly captured the city. But the woman inside who had a sound mind and a determined character, directly he had anchored his ships there, sent for one of her sons and bade him come with all speed. By now the whole fleet was in great spirits, thinking the town was theirs, and all began shouting acclaim to the Emperor; and the woman in this difficulty ordered the inhabitants to do likewise. At the same time she sent envoys to Contostephanus confessing her allegiance to the Emperor, and promised to make terms of peace with him, and said she would come out to Contostephanus to consult him about them so that he could explain everything to the Emperor. She devised all this to keep Contostephanus in suspense, hoping that perchance in the meantime her son might arrive, and then she would throw off the mask, as they say of the tragedians, and attack him in battle. Thus while all the men inside and outside the town were hurrahing and the shouts filled the whole neighbourhood, and that martial woman, as I said, was holding Contostephanus in suspense by her messages and promises, the son she expected [318] actually arrived with his 4 5 6 Isaac Kontostephanos apparaît pour la première fois en 1080, pendant la campagne contre le rebelle Nicéphore Mélissènos. Il sera ensuite certifié comme protonobelissimos pendant le synode de Blachernae en 1094. Cette femme normande était la sœur de Bohémond, l’Antiocenus princeps, Emma, (c.1080–c.1120), fille de Robert Guiscard et Albérade de Buonalbergo. Elle marria Odon le Bon et eut deux fils: Tancrède et Guillaume, qui participèrent à la Première Croisade. Tancrède devint Prince de Galilée et Guillaume mouru en Terre Sainte. La cité n’est pas Brindisi, mais Otrante (Hydruntum). 46 Giuseppe COSSUTO • Les « nomades primitifs » et le croisé normand … fellow-counts, at once attacked Contostephanus and routed him completely. All the men of the fleet being unversed in land-fighting threw themselves into the sea. Now there were a goodly number of Scythians in the Roman army and some of these (as is the barbarians' custom) had run ahead during the battle to forage, and in this way it happened that six of them were taken captive. They were sent to Bohemund and, when he saw them, he considered them a very great asset, and went straightway with them to Rome. There he approached the apostolic seat, and conversed with the Pope and raised his fierce ire against the Romans and fanned the ancient grudge of those barbarians against our race. And in order to excite the Pope's and his Italians' rage still further, Bohemund brought in the captured Scythians as a convincing proof that the Emperor Alexius was hostile to the Christians, as he used unbelieving barbarians and monstrous mounted archers to wield weapons and draw their bows against Christians. And in every conversation of this kind he drew the Pope's attention to those Scythians who were in Scythian dress and, as usual, looked extremely barbaric; and all the time he kept calling them I pagans'; as the Latins' habit is, and mocking at their name and appearance. Very cunningly, as you see, he handled this affair of the war against the Christians, in order that he might convince the high-priestly mind that he had good reason to be aroused to enmity with the Romans; at the same time wooing the support of a voluntary army of the more rustic and stupid men. For who among the barbarians close by, or further off, would not come of his own accord to a war against us when the high-priest gave his consent, and an apparently just cause aroused every horse, man and soldierly arm? The Pope was constrained by Bohemund's arguments, and agreed with him, and sanctioned his crossing into Illyria. And now I must return to the subject in hand.7 Bohémond connaissait déjà alors les Petchenègues, car il les avait rencontrés plusieures fois sur leurs territoires et pendant sa marche aventureuse vers Antioche, comme auxiliaires et mercenaires des Byzantins. Dans l’armée byzantine de l’époque, en effet, ces nomades guerriers étaient souvent utilisés, comme d’autres « barbares » de différente provenance, en les déplaçant en différentes zones même très lointaines de leurs territoires: Variagues et Russes, Francs de différentes parties de l’Europe Occidentale, Balkaniques (Bulgares, Valaques nomades8), Anatoliens d’ancien et de nouveau établissement (Turcs « Seldjoukides » Caucasiens (Abasges, Alans), certaines tribus traditionelles petchenègues (qui avaient englobé depuis deux siècles 7 8 The Alexiad, XII, chap. 8, pp.316 et suiv. Par exemple en 1091 Alexis Ier Comnène chargea le Caesar Mélissènos Nicéphore de recruter des soldats armés spécifiquement parmi les Bulgares et les tribus valaques nomades pour défendre Constantinople menacée justement par les Petchenègues, à l'apogée de leur puissance. Cfr. Alexiade, II, Book VIII, pp. 198 et suiv. 47 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II des nomades et des sédentaires d’une bonne partie de l’Europe orientale) et les peu connues, à cette époque, tribus des Coumans9. Bohémond, avec ses Normands, avait déjà combattu contre les Petchenègues (pinzinacos) et les Turcopoles au sou de Byzance sur le Vardar,10 l’actuelle Macédoine, environ vers le 18 Février 1097, en battant, capturant et interrogeant beaucoup d’entre eux11 et en obtenant confirmation sur l’« anti-chrétienté » du Basileus Alexis Ier Comnène. La confrontation entre Normands et Petchenègues devient vraiment un invraisemblable et grotesque spectacle avec l’épisode de la capture du « géant franc », cousin de Bohémond, grâce au « nain petchenègue », rapporté par Anne Comnène: These spies accidentally came upon a hundred Franks building some rafts on which they intended to cross the river and capture the small town situated on the opposite side. They fell upon them suddenly, took nearly all of them alive, one of them being Bohemund's cousin, a man standing ten foot tall and as broad as a second Heracles. Indeed it was a strange sight to see that great giant, who was really prodigious, held captive by a little dwarf of a Scythian. When sending away the captured, Cantacuzenus ordered that the Scythian pigmy should lead in that monster bound in chains to the Emperor, thinking perhaps to amuse the Emperor. As soon as the Emperor heard of their arrival, he seated himself on the imperial throne and ordered the prisoners to be brought in ; amongst them came the Scythian scarcely reaching to the waist of the gigantic Frank he dragged in chains. Immediately all present burst into a roar of laughter. The other Counts were consigned to prison.12 Ainsi comme les rangs de Bohémond, d’autres groupes faisant partie de la Première Croisade, en attraversant les territoires balkaniques, s’étaient battu avec les Petchenègues. Parmi ceux-ci la grande armée de Raymond de Saint-Gilles qui, après avoir traversé la Croatie, était arrivé à Durrës, où il avait été reçu par le gouverneur byzantin, qui serait devenu le futur Jean Comnène. Celui-ci chargea ses Pincinnati 9 10 11 12 Pour un tableau d'ensemble, Georg Ostrogorsky, Storia dell'Impero bizantino, Einaudi, Torino, 1994, pp. 324 et suiv. Sur les éléments « barbares » dans l'armée byzantine des dernières décennies du XIème siècle A. A. Vasiliev, « The Opening Stages of the Anglo-Saxon Immigration to Byzantium in the Eleventh Century », Seminarium Kondakovianum, 9, (1937), pp. 58 et suiv. Le Vardar, comme la Dobroudja, est une des zones de présence constante, jusqu'aujourd'hui, de populations des steppes en Europe orientale. L'efficacité de telle force de choc a été soulignée aux pages 159–166. Les turcopoles de cet épisode spécifique ont été considérés d'origine hongroise par Nicolas Oikonomidès, « Vardariotes-Wl.nd.r-V.n.nd.r: Hongrois installés dans la vallée du Vardar en 934 » dans Documents et etudes sur les institutions de Byzance (VIIème-XVème s.), London, 1976, Part XXII. De la même opinion est C.M. Brand, op. cit., p.1. Cfr. Anonimus, De Gesta Francorum et aliorum Hierosolimitanorum, j'utilise l'édition italienne récente avec texte latin au front: Le gesta dei franchi e degli altri pellegrini gerosolimitani, de Luigi Russo, Alessandria, 2003, chap. II, p.45; Radulfo Cadomensis, Gesta Tancredi in expeditione hierosolymitana, qui fournit une description assez détaillée de la bataille du Vardar, fait mention seulement des Turcopoles, en omettant les Petchenègues. The Alexiad, book XIII, chapitre 6, pp.338–339. 48 Giuseppe COSSUTO • Les « nomades primitifs » et le croisé normand … (Petchenègues), Usi (Ouzes, Ogouzes), Comati (Coumans), Turci (Turcopoles?, mercenaires « seldjoukides »?, Magyars?), sclavi (Slaves) et Athenasi (Helléniques « éthniques »?)13 de surveiller la colonne croisée pour qu’elle ne s’éloigne pas trop de la route vers Constantinople, et avec leur attaque ils réussirent à capturer, dérober et blesser à la tête, en le faisant tomber de son mulet, le légat apostolique Adhémar de Monteil, qui était en mission diplomatique vers la cité impériale, et ils l’obligeront à rester à Salonique.14 Un Petchenègue, en espérant d’obtenir une grosse récompense grâce à cette proie, le tenait sous sa protection.15 Pire encore ce sera pour les gens hétérogènes de Pierre l’Hermite qui, pendant l’été 1096, après avoir traversé l’Hongrie, furent surveillés strictement par les Petchenègues selon l’ordre du chef du thema de Bulgarie, Nicétas.16 Avant lors les Petchenègues qui habitaient en Bulgarie (pincenarii, qui Bulgariam inhabitaban),17 qui faisaient leurs patrouilles sur des bateaux de bois et osier, avaient causé des grosse pertes aux Croisés de Pierre pendant leurs traversée, sur des bateaux improvisés, du fleuve Morava.18 Pierre, grâce à l’aide des contingents allemands, réussit à forcer le bloc fluvial, à faire sombrer huit bateaux et à capturer sept Petchenègues qui vinrent suppliciés devant lui. Mais en avançant vers Sud-Est, ses bandes vinrent interceptées par des auxiliaires byzantins, en bonne partie Coumans, Hongrois et Petchenègues.19 Godefroyd de Bouillon aussi connut les Petchenègues, vers la fin de Décembre 1096. Les hommes du condottiere croisé s’étaient établis sous les murs de Constantinople en attendant de se réunir avec les autres armées latines et, à cause de la faim, s’étaient procurés de manière pas très honnête de la nourriture. Ce fait irrita Alexis Comnène qui lança contre eux ses Turcoples et ses Petchenègues, avec l’ordre de tuer aussi le chef de l’expédition. L'intervention providentielle de Baudoin, frère de Godefroyd, permit aux Croisés de battre les auxiliaires byzantins et d’en capturer soissante.20 En 1101, dans les environs d’Andrinople, les armées du duc d’Aquitaine, Guillaume le Troubadour, et du duc de Bavière, Welf, eurent des fortes pertes apparemment causées par les attaques des Petchenègues, des Coumans (gomati) et du « duces bulgarorum, Ghuz nomine ».21 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 Petrus Tudebodus, Historia De Hierosolymitano Itinere, Liber II, éd. J. H. Hill et L. L. Hill, Paris, 1977, pp.44–45. Jean Richard, La grande storia delle Crociate, I, Rome, 1999, p.81. Ibidem. Alberti Aquensis, Historia Hierosolymitana, in Recueil des historiens des croisades, Historiens occidentaux, IV, Paris 1879, p.278. Ibidem. Ibidem, p.279. Ibidem. Comparaison des sources relatives à cet événement dans V. Spinei, op. cit., p.139. Alberti Aquensis, Historia Hierosolymitana, in Recueil des historiens des croisades, Historiens occidentaux, IV, Paris 1879, p. 579; J. Richard, op. cit., p.129. 49 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Les Petchenègues capturés dans les Pouilles n’étaient donc pas une nouveauté ni pour les Normands, ni pour les Occidentaux du XXème siècle. Au contraire, leur irritante présence pendant l’entière première Croisade durera aussi pendant toute la deuxième. Mais étaient-ils si « primitifs » et si « païens » comme les considéraient les Byzantins? Les Petchenègues, entre la fin du XIème et le début du XIIème siècle, étaient: Patzinacarum gens scythica est, eorum Scytharum qui regii dicuntur, magna et populosa, et cui nulla alia gens Scythica resistere sola possit, dividitur in tredecim tribus, quae ut universae commune Patzinicarum nomen usurpant, ita quaevis a suo generis principe atque auctore peculiarem est appellationem.22 Sûrement leur « primitivité », aux yeux des Occidentaux, est due à leur propre manière de vivre, qui était typique de l’aristocratie des steppes au stade dominant,23 avec des groupes nomades tribaux qui avaient subdivisés de nombreux territoires et qui parcouraient les rues de transhumance avec des chariots et troupeaux, surtout chevaux, en tenant comme tributaires ou alliés les sédentaires.24 Mais, parmi les sédentaires, on trouve nombreux Petchenègues25 qui vivaient dans la ville, mais aussi comme agriculteurs, ceci dû à deux siècles de vie en commun avec d’autres groupes humains et de fusion dans ce complexe monde danubien des « Mixobarbares », qui représentaient pour les Byzantins une seule catégorie de « sousbyzantins ou d'étrangers de l'intérieur ».26 Leurs élites étaient très riches et les classes subalternes aisées, car elles contrôlaient les voies caravanières depuis et vers Byzance,27 et en plus recevaient les contributions et les tributs des guerres. Même si leurs centres majeurs d'échange commercial se trouvaient plus à Est, en Crimée, à Kiev et même à Tamartarkan sur la Mer d'Azov, où ont été trouvées des monnaies byzantines datables du Xème au XIIème siècle, période de leur majeure expansion et puissance.28 Certes la supériorité scientifique des Byzantins de haut rang pouvait être exploité à leur désavantage, 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 Georgii Cedreni Compendium Historiarum, II, Èdit. Immanuel Bakker, Bonn, 1893, pag. 583; John Skylitzes, A Synopsis of Byzantine History, 811–1057, traduit par John Wortley, Manitoba, 2000, p.426. Cossuto, 2009, pp. 39 et suiv., 99 et suiv.; Spinei, 1999, pag. 91 et suiv.; sur les Petchenègues contigus aux Hongrois, András Pálóczi Horváth, Pechenegs, Cumans, Iasians, Stepage peoples in medieval Hungary, Budapest, 1989, pp. 7 et suiv. Spinei, 1999, pp. 97 et suiv; Cossuto, 2009, pp.203 et suiv. E. Malamut, « L'image byzantine des Petchénègues », Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 88, 1, 1995, pp.129–130. Ibidem. Horváth, 1989, pp.18–19. Ibidem, p.19. 50 Giuseppe COSSUTO • Les « nomades primitifs » et le croisé normand … comme quand les astrologues impériaux exploitaient la prévision d’une éclipse pour les étonner et acquérir au près d’eux une aura de magie afin de les effrayer.29 Selon deux auteurs presque contemporains aux événements, desquels nous sommes en train de traiter, Jean Mavropous (décédé vers l’an 1070) et son élève prolifique Michel Psellos (décédé dans le dernier quart de siècle), les Petchenègues n’avaient même pas de religion ni adoraient aucun genre de divinité.30 Aux yeux des Byzantins, le complexe compliqué des croyances et des pratiques traditionelles des Petchenègues, le shamanisme euroasiatique,31 ne pouvait qu’apparaître comme un paganisme primitif. Et pourtant un bon nombre de Petchenègues, pendant la deuxième moitié du XIème siècle, professait le christianisme orthodoxe et nous en trouvons aussi un exemple proche à l’événement, dont nous sommes en train de nous occuper, avec un certain Démétrios (nom chrétien), un esclave « Scythe » soudoyé par son patron pour tuer l’empereur Alexis Ier Comnène.32 Pendant le reigne de Constantin IX Monomaque (1043–1455), le condottiere petchenègue Kegen s’était fait baptisé avec tous ses gens au cours d’un baptême de masse dans le Danube33 et, quand il battit, avec les Byzantins, les tribus de son rival Tyrach, et celles-ci furent déportées vers une large zone entre Serdica (Sofia, aujourd’hui), Naissos (Nish) et Euzapelon (probablement Ovchopol), le Khan Tyrach et 140 de ses nobles aussi acceptèrent le baptême.34 Le baptême, en effet, représentait pour les Byzantins un moyen d’assimiler et d’homogénéiser (si possible) les populations sur leurs territoires,35 et il allait de pair avec la « romanisation » byzantine, opération dans laquelle l’empereur byzantin revêtissait un rôle fondamental.36 Il était certainement plus facile soumettre les gens aux lois, plutôt que changer les styles de vie (par exemple le nomadisme) ou la langue, à moins de conditions particulières, et ceci créait naturellement une différenciation entre qui était hellénisé tout à fait et qui ne l’était pas.37 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 The Alexiad, Book VII, p.171. Spinei, 1999, p.101. Cfr. Jean-Paul Roux, La Religion des Turcs et des Mongols, Paris, 1984. The Alexiad, book XIII, p. 324. Cedrenos, 1893, pp. 583–584; Skylitzes, 2000, pp.426–427. Cedrenos, 1893, p.587; Skylitzes, 2000, pp.429–430. Pour un encadrement de l'Èvènement entier Cossuto, 2009, pp.207 et suiv. Spinei, 1999, p.103. E. Malamut, « L'image byzantine des Petchénègues », Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 88, 1, 1995, p.123. Elisabeth Malamut, « Les peuples ètrangers dans l'idéologie impériale. Scythes et Occidentaux » dans L'Ètranger au Moyen Age: XXXe Congrès de la SHMES, (Göttingen, Juin 1999) de la Société des historiens médiévistes de l'enseignement supérieur public France, Publication de la Sorbonne, 2000, p.126. 51 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Immédiatement avant l'arrivée des Normands aux Balkans, les Petchenègues avaient été battus dans la bataille de Lebunion en 1091, bataille qui marqua le début de la fin de leur puissance et du démembrement de leurs hordes. Les rescapés vinrent convertis surtout grâce à l’œuvre de Cyrille de Philéa.38 Dans une circonstance exceptionnelle, due surtout à leur puissance militaire, les Petchenègues des zones de Gravintza et Dristra (Silistra), à partir de 1085, prenaient aussi le parti du mouvement hérétique « manichéen », c’est-à-dire des bogomilespaulicians,39 de Traulos de Beliatoba (au Nord de Plovdiv), qui avaient réussi à obtenir la permission de vivre dans leur propre enclave balkanique.40 En ce qui concerne le catholicisme, cette variante du christianisme ne réussi pas à s’imposer beaucoup parmi les Petchenègues du XIème siècle, et les efforts du missionnaire Bruno von Querfurtnon eurent des résultats numériques insuffisants, même s’il nomma un évêque pour les Petchenègues en 1007.41 Ainsi n'eurent pas d’effet les tentatives faites, surtout de la part des Hongrois catholicisés, sur leurs voisins fidèles aux traditions nomadiques.42 La résistance petchenegue vers la catholicisassion, souvent imposée de manière coercitive, était donc connue depuis longtemps par le monde occidental, et leur réputation de païens irréductibles et cruels accompagnait leur nom, en se confirmant avec l’aventure de Bohémond pendant la première Croisade, et avec l’occasion reçue par la capture des Petchenègues byzantins, dans leurs habits traditionnels, dans les Pouilles. Les « païens sauvages » que Alexis Comnène utilisait contre les chrétiens et que Bohémond avait menés devant Pasqual II pour plaider la propre cause, étaient probablement déjà présents « négativement » dans l’imaginaire occidental, imaginaire qui en conservera la mémoire aussi dans les siècles suivants quand, dans le Chronicon Pictum de Marci de Kalt du 1358,43 les bisseni vero pessimi, les Petchenègues, avec un autre peuple des steppe encore aujourd’hui existant, les Sezklers (siculi vilissimi), vinrent étiquetés négativement par le chroniste catholique. Même s’ils combattaient avec les catholiques hongrois contre les autres catholiques de langue allemande.44 On peut supposer cette persistance du modèle « négatif barbarien » due au fait que 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 Spinei, 1999, p.103. C'est intéressant de remarquer que, dans la Bulgarie actuelle, les « Paulicians » sont dénommés aussi les catholiques romains de langue bulgare, probablement parce que ces hérétiques, dans les régions de Shvistov et de Plovdiv, ils adhérèrent à l'Église de Rome. The Alexiad, book VI, p.144; G. Ostrogorsky, op. cit., p.329. Considérations partageables au soin d'E. Malamut, op. cit., pp.134–135. « St. Bruno of Querfurt » dans Catholic Enciclopedia, http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/03018a.htm. Cossuto, 2009, pp.183 et suiv. Ibidem., pp.217–218. La bataille est celle sur le fleuve Leitha, en 1146, reportée dans la chronique citée avant. Dans A.P. Horváth, 1989, p.31. 52 Giuseppe COSSUTO • Les « nomades primitifs » et le croisé normand … les communautés de Petchenègues qui sont restées dans le Reigne hongrois avaient des statuts spéciaux d’indépendance qui les rendaient différents des autres sujets. En effet les communautés qui vivaient au Sud du fleuve Maros, dans la contée de Csanad pouvaient « ...bissenorum antiquo more exercituare debencium ».45 Ce genre de privilèges, garantis directement par les rois hongrois (Louis Ier, Sigismond, Ladislas II) se sont étendus jusqu’au 1495 dans certains villages petchenègues.46 Le souvenir Petchenègues passe aussi, entre autre, dans deux des majeurs poèmes occidentaux médiévaux: La Chanson de Roland47 (CCXXXIV, 3241: «et la quarte est de Pinceneis») et la Chanson des Nibelungen (XXII, 1340),48 comme à fixer un stéréotype du « nomade des steppes » perpétuellement présent comme miroir de l’Europe occidentale. 45 46 47 48 Horváth, 1989, p.33. Ibidem. La Chanson de Roland, I, éd. C. Segre, Geneva, 1989, p.255. I Nibelunghi, éd. it. par Laura Mancinelli, Einaudi, Torino, 2006, p.185. 53 Secret Document Regarding the Tatar National Movement in Romania Melek FETISLEAM The issue of national minorities was a priority objective for Securitate, the Informative-operative activities on “cohabiting nationalities”1 being one of the constant “lines of work”. In this area of concern is falling also the study of Tatar minority in Romania, issues involved can be grouped into several levels: the religious one is caught in a rich documentary2 (Muslim problem, the Muslim religion), the one that captures the activity of political parties and political organizations in the interwar period in Dobruja3, plus penal investigation files against notable members of the community4. A very interesting aspect is the monitoring of the Tatar national movement in Romania, (the “Tatar nationalist current among population of Tatar origin”5 in Romania which aims to “fight for the liberation of the Crimean Region and the formation of an independent Tatar state”). In the interwar period coagulated a nucleus of idealistic intellectuals who initiated numerous cultural activities (publications, cultural associations, conferences) designed to awaken the consciousness of ethnic Tatars and in the broader context would consider supporting the realization of an independent state in Crimea. Documents attesting to the existence of this movement are unique and at the archives of National Council for Studying the Archives of Securitate (C.N.S.A.S.) there is a valuable background showing a real concern from the Romanian authorities regarding this aspect: from information-operative activity to notes-synthesis, then to interrogations during investigations in prisons (Aiud, Gherla, etc.). In the attention of investigators were “the causes that led to the formation of the Tatar nationalist current among the population of Tatar origin and development 1 2 3 4 5 Term used in period to name the national minorities. C.N.S.A.S, Documentary Stock, dosier 2877, vol.2, Internal Affairs Ministry, Material regarding Muslim cult in România, Documentary Stock, dosar 14427, Muslim Cult from R/P.R State Security Council, Documentary Stock, dosier 14718, Muslim-Mohammedan Cult in Romania, State Security Council. C.N.S.A.S. Documentary Stock, dosier 10323, vol.5, Internal Affairs Ministry, Materials regarding parties and bourgeois-landowner political organisations in Dobruja. C.N.S.A.S, dosier P 001172, vol.1–9. C.N.S.A.S. Documentary Stock, file I 210 814, vol.I, f 312. 55 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II of the activities of adherents of this trend” and the material reported at D.G.S.S. Direcția I, Cabinet report No.17 from February 18 and sent to the General Department of State Security (Securitate), in March 20, 19526 is highly relevant. This is not the first evidence of the careful supervision of Turkish-Tatar minority in Romania, another document dated December 30, 19437, prepared by the Regional Police Inspectorate Constanța indicate the way how the authorities radiography the Muslim minority situation. In this report is analyzed the situation of Muslims in Romania, after a short history come statistical considerations, the organizational ones, then to carefully follow the political attitude of the Turks (“Turkish nationalism current manifested by the tendency to emigrate to Turkey”) and as well of Tatars (“Tatar nationalist current”)8. With regard of Tatar nationalism, was stated the existence of Cultural based organization, headed by a committee of intellectuals, under the presidency of Mustegip Haci Fazâl, which beside cultural and political purposes was following also a straight one: Stop Tatars Muslim immigration from Romania to Turkey. In our intent to identify new documentary evidence relating to the Tatar national movement in Romania, in order to introduce them into scientific circuit, we intend to bring to light a complex document studying phenomena in a broader international context, allowing analysis of events in our country in consonance with the ones from whole Tatar diaspora. The material is dated March 20, 1952, being investigated by the General Department of State Security, Constanța County. In this document, the existence of a “strong Tatar circle in Istanbul, including some of the leaders of the bourgeois-Tatar movement in the URSS” was identified. The movement called Panturcism tasked formation of nationalist states and between 1924 and 1925 were established six committees that would coordinate the entire activity: Committee for Crimea (based in Istanbul), the Committee for Ural (based in Berlin), Committee for the Caucasus, Turkestan Committee, Committee for the Far Orient. In this context is placed in Romania the activity of National Committee for Liberation of Crimea which published at Bazargic the publication Emel Mecmuasî, under the care of a group of intellectuals led by Mustegep Hagi Fazâl. Among the Committee members were Negip Fazâl, Mustafa Ahmet, Rifat Mitat, Tasin Ibraim, Rasit Ali Osman, Musa H.Veli, Husein Zecheria9 and amongst the duties of the Committee gleaned: establishment of cultural and artistic structures designed to support awakening of 6 7 8 9 C.N.S.A.S., Documentary Stock, file I 210814, vol.I, Internal Affairs Ministry, ff. 335–349. C.N.S.A.S, Documentary Stock, file 11324, ff.192–202. C.N.S.A.S. Documentary Stock, file 11324, ff. 194–198. C.N.S.A.S., Documentary Stock, file I 210814, ff.389–390. 56 Melek FETISLEAM • Secret Document Regarding the Tatar National Movement in Romania national sentiment among ethnic Tatars, the creation of youth organizations, all serving to support the achievement of an independent national state in Crimea. At the beginning of World War II, the National Committee for Liberation of Crimea gave Mufti Ibraim Sadâc and Negip Fazâl the task of setting up a committee with the aim of supporting moral Crimean Tatars. The office of president went to Amdi Nusuret, the vice president of Sadâc Ibraim, the other members being, Ibadula Abdula, Negip Fazâl, Nazif Abduraim, Feuzi Ibraim, Mustafa Ahmet, Kiazim Memet and Şefchi Bagâş10. In conclusion, we consider that the information in this document gives us the opportunity to know better the efforts that Tatar leaders from our country submitted for the establishment of an independent Tatar national state in Crimea, the state of mind of Turkish-Tatars from Dobruja area in the context of political and military events developed between 1942 and 1943 and the issues of Crimean Tatars refugees hosting in Dobruja at the end of 1943. *** CNSAS (National Council for Studying the Archives of Securitate) The General Department of the State Security Bucharest CONSTAN A Area - by courier No. 354/63.887 20th March 1952 Entry no. 355644 From 23.04.1952 We report the following information obtained so far regarding the causes that led to the informing of the Nationalist Tatar Trend among the Tatar population with the residence in this Department, as well as the way in which the activity of the followers of this chauvinistic nationalist trend developed. The banishment of the bourgeois government from ruling that had been established in Crimea – URSS (the Union of the Socialist Soviet Republics) after the great revolution from October 1917 and the runaway of the members of this 10 C.N.S.A.S., Documentary Stock, file I 210814, f.346. 57 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Government in Turkey (1919–1920) together with CELEBI GIHAN, former prime minister of this Government, and DJAFER SEID AHMET, former Secretary of State and War, determines a numerous part of the Crimean bourgeoisie and acolytes of those mentioned above to follow them, being established at Istanbul a powerful Tatar group, including a part of the leaders of the bourgeois – Tatar movement from URSS. Together with those mentioned above, the nationalist Tatars from Romania also left Crimea, having gone to Crimea only for supporting the bourgeois regime. Among those who had left Crimea, we mentioned MEHMET NIAZI, Tatar poet, who died in Medgidia in 1932, MUSTEGEP FAZÂL, a lawyer, at present with the residence in Istanbul and Osman Nuri at present a teacher at the Turkish School from Constanța. Due to the victories obtained by the Russian workers after the great socialist revolution from October, such centers are established in the following localities: Mukden (Manchuria), Berlin (Germany), Paris (France), Cairo (Egypt) and Warsaw (Poland). The establishment of the bourgeois Turkish state led by KEMAL ATATURK gives the possibilities for some bourgeois elements from this country to initiate, from the initiative of Kemal Ataturk and under the leadership of the History teacher IUSUF AXORA from the University of Istanbul, the movement called “PANTURK”, that had as purpose the instigation due to the nationalist reasons of the Turkish – Tatar population from URSS for establishing bourgeois nationalist states. This action was to be brought in front of the population from Crimea, Azerbaijan, Tataristan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkestan, the Extreme Orient, and Ural. The states that intended to be created by these people were to have organizational, political, financial, economic and cultural guardianship of the Turkish state led by Kemal Atatürk. From unverified information, it results that the activity of the “Panturk” movement was secretly guided by Kemal Atatürk through the special department of the Ministry of External Affairs and of the Turkish General Staff. A direct and sincere connection of the Turkish government with this committee would have caused a series of diplomatic difficulties between the two states (URSS and the Turkish State), which had just concluded a treaty of mutual friendship and support. Due to this treaty, the guidance of the activity of the “Panturk” Committee was secretly made and for covering as well as possible this connection, it was decided that the “Panturk” Committee had to be assigned a cultural activity, with the residence in Istanbul and not in Ankara. For accomplishing the plan suggested, the Committee for leading the “Panturk” movement, which had the task to coordinate the entire activity that will be developed in the Soviet Socialist Republics mentioned above and the keeping in touch with 58 Melek FETISLEAM • Secret Document Regarding the Tatar National Movement in Romania the Turkish Government through the special sections of the Ministry of External Affairs and the Turkish General Staff, initiate the creation of some committees that could coordinate the propaganda work in different centers. In this purpose draws to the activity the Tartar bourgeois nationalist elements that left URSS in the centers shown above. In the modality presented, in 1924–25 the following committees are established: 1. The Committee for Crimea with the residence at Istanbul, which is to develop its activity for creating a nationalist bourgeois state in Crimea. 2. The Committee for Ural, with the residence in Berlin, which is to develop its activity in the Soviet Socialist Republics of Kazakhstan, Tataristan and Ural, in the same purpose presented. 3. The Committee for Caucasia which is to develop its activity among the population from the Soviet Socialist Republic of Azerbaijan. 4. The Committee for Turkestan which is to develop its activity in the Soviet Socialist Republic of Turkestan. 5. The Committee for the Extreme Orient which is to develop its activity among the Turkish – Tatar population from that area of URSS. The tasks of these committees consisted in: a) Organizing some local committees in the countries with population of Tatar origin and the guiding in the activity of these committees; b) The editing by the central press bodies with political, ideological, literary character, etc. Based on the tasks mentioned above, the five committees issued the following publications: – The Committee for Crimea edited in Bazargic town, then in Constanța – Romania, the magazine called “Emel Medjmuasi” that appeared under the guidance of a committee led by MUSTEGEP FAZÂL; – The Committee for Ural edited at Berlin the magazine called “Milli Yol” (The national road), that appeared under the guidance of a local committee led by AYAZ ISHAKI. – The Committee for Caucasia edited the magazine called “Kafkasi Daglari” (The Caucasian Mountains); – The Committee for Turkestan edited at Paris (France) the magazine called “Yaş Turkestan” (The young Turkestan), that appeared under the guidance of a local committee; – The Committee for the Extreme Orient edited at Mukden the magazine called “Emy Yol” (The New Road), which appeared under the guidance of a local committee. 59 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Thus, between 1925–27, there are established around URSS a series of propaganda centers against the young socialist state, centers with the help of which the Turkish Tatar bourgeoisie hoped that, with the help of the Turkish state, to regain the political and economic power from the countries where there were banished from the governance, selling to the Turkish state, in exchange for the support given, the independence and sovereignty of the respective countries. The Committee for Crimea that acted in Egypt – Cairo, Poland, Warsaw and Romania – Bazargic and Constanța, is the first that is established after having been founded the Panturk Committee. This committee creates in Warsaw a Committee for collaborating with the other Tatar nationalists from Europe, a committee called “Prometé”. From the administration of the Committee for Crimea there were identified as taking part even up to present, the following: GEAFER SEID AHMET, former minister in the Bourgeois- landlord government from Crimea, EDIGE BAY from Istanbul, MUSTEGEP FAZÂL, lawyer from Constanța, at present in Istanbul. In Romania, this committee starts its activity in 1926–27, when Geafer Seid Ahmet comes in Constanța. The purpose of his coming being the following: – Organizing a committee for the Tatars in Romania; – Organizing the appearance of a central press body of the committee for Crimea from Istanbul; During his staying in Romania and especially at Constanța and Bazargic, Geafer Seid Ahmet accomplished his missions with which he had come, organizing the committee for freeing Crimea, as well as editing the magazine called “Emel Medjmuasi”. In his accomplishment of his mission he was helped by MUSTEGEP FAZÂL who had been leading a chauvinist nationalist propaganda since 1923, from his returning from Istanbul, among the Tatar population. At the establishment of the committee for freeing Crimea, which in the same time was responsible for the appearance of the magazine called “Emel”, took part the following: MUSTEGEP FAZÂL, lawyer, with the residence in Constanța, at present at Istanbul since 1942; NEGIP FAZÂL, agriculture, brother of the person mentioned above, with the residence in Tataru village, Constanța region, and deceased in 1948; MUSTAFA AHMET, mullah, with the residence in Constanța; RIFAT MITAT, TASIM IBRAIM, RASIT ALI OSMAN, MUSA H. VELI and HUSEIN ZECHERIA. In 1934, when Mustegep Fazâl moved to Constanța, “The committee for freeing Crimea” is extended and made of the following: 60 Melek FETISLEAM • Secret Document Regarding the Tatar National Movement in Romania MUSTEGEP FAZÂL, SELIM ABDULACHIM, ABIBULA MUSTAFA, HAMDI NUSRET, MITAT MENAN, NEGIP FAZAL, MUSELEM IUSUF, ALI OSMAN, MEMET VANI, ISMAMBET IUSUF, SADAC DUAGI, IUSUF DUAGI, ISMAIL HAGI AMET and TEOFIC ISLEAM. From its establishment, the responsibilities of this committee for freeing Crimea are: a) Preparing and accomplishing a propaganda activity for persuading the Tatar population of the possibility and necessity of creating a nationalist state in Crimea; b) The establishment of a cultural and artistic group meant to support the triggering of a nationalist feeling among the Tatar population; c) Establishing a youth group with the same purpose mentioned above. For having accomplished the responsibilities from above, they are distributed to the members of the committee, each of them being responsible and coordinating the work according to the responsibility assigned. After the establishment and distribution of their responsibilities, the Committee starts its activity by founding the following youth organizations and cultural and artistic organizations. 1. YOUTH ORGANIZATIONS – – the Association of the pupils from the Muslim Seminar from Medgidia, with the residence at the Muslim Seminar from Medgidia, founded at the initiation and administration of Mehmet Niazi in 1929, in the administration committee being co-opted some of the teachers from the seminar; the Association of the Turkish students from Romania with the residence in Bucharest, which is started in 1930, under the guidance and administration of Mustagep Fazal, its administration being formed of students, the first president being EIUB MUSA, at present with the residence in Tulcea. 2. CULTURAL AND ARTISTIC ORGANIZATIONS – “Mehmet Niazi” Cultural and Artistic Organization from Constanța, which is founded in 1935, under the guidance and administration of the former mufti MUSTAFA AHMET; – the Cultural and Artistic Organization from Bazargic, which is founded in 1930, under the guidance and administration of MUSTAFEP FAZÂL, afterwards being managed by ZECHERIA; 61 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II – – Cultural and Artistic Organizations in most of the villages from Constanța region, which are founded in the same period with the ones from above, under the guidance and administration of different local followers. The activity of “The committee for freeing Crimea” consists in guiding the activity of the associations and organizations mentioned above, in addition providing the material for “Emel Medjmuase” magazine, the central body of the Committee for Crimea, as well as for other publications edited by some members of the committee, or followers of the movement, such as: o “Halk” magazine, edited in Constanța by Hamdi Nusuret; o “Bora” magazine edited in Silistra by Irfan Feuzi, follower of the “Tatar Nationalist Movement” o “Duman” magazine, edited by the Committee of the Association of the pupils from the Muslim Seminar from Medgidia; \ o More brochures including courses with nationalist character written by Mehmet Niaz, teacher at the Muslim Seminar from Medgidia. There were also actions of “The committee for freeing Crimea” the different visits made in Turkey and Poland by the Tatar students from Romania, as well as the receiving of different delegations of Tatar students from Poland on their way to Turkey and the delegations of the so called Turkish students that were going to Poland. From the informative action led up to present, it was established that the associations shown above, as well as the cultural companies, were activating for creating a nationalist spirit among the Tatar population, as well as creating a belief for the necessity and possibility of founding the Nationalist Tatar State in Crimea. In this action, the strongest influence was exercised by the two youth organizations from whose activity we present the following: The Association of the pupils from the Muslim Seminar from Medgidia. The drawing in the association and the propaganda among the pupils from the Muslim Seminar from Medgidia, were made by organizing conferences with nationalist Tatar character, as well as organizing artistic festivals where there were recited nationalist poems and there were sung Tatar songs. The conferences were held either by the members of the Committee of the association, or by the members of the association of the Turkish students from Romania. Thus, even from school, among the Tatar youth it is created the idea of a “country overridden” for whose freedom they had to fight. The graduates of the Seminar, when they were enrolling at a faculty, were registered in the Association of the Tatar Students from Romania. 62 Melek FETISLEAM • Secret Document Regarding the Tatar National Movement in Romania The Association of the Turkish students from Romania Although after its name it was supposed to be an association of the Turkish students, this was an association of the Tatar students, the discussions within the association were held in Tatar language, the meetings that were held started with nationalist Tatar songs, the conferences held had as subject aspects from the faraway past of the Mongol people, all having as purpose the creation of the idea that Crimea is the country of Tatars, thus it had to be their national state, many times in the conferences being pointed out that URSS is the one that opposes to the establishment of this state. At the meetings of the association there were drawn Tatar pupils from different elementary schools from Bucharest, who were told that they should not speak to anyone about the meetings they had attended, their purpose and development. Besides the meetings that were held weekly, the members of the association took part in group at some manifestations such as: at the two feasts (bayram) they paid a visit to the Turkish Embassy from Bucharest, occasion with which, after the president presented his regards, the members of the associations had lunch with the Turkish ambassador, when he held discussions with the members, with the occasion of commemorating the heroes, the members of the associations laid wreaths at the Turkish heroes cemetery from Bucharest –Ghencea. The increase of the German fascism in Europe and the intensification of the mean propaganda for URSS, gives an impetus to the nationalist Tatar trend from Romania, the number of followers from all the associations established by “The committee for freeing Crimea” being increased. Within the “Association of the Turkish students” from Bucharest which in that time was led successively by: Dr. EIUB MUSA, with the residence in Tulcea, SEBAT HUSEIN, former mufti in Craiova, with the actual residence in Bucharest, taking part from the MAI assembly and NEGIP RESUL, pharmacist, with the residence in Constanța, the meetings are regularly held, being opened with the marches: “AntEtkenmen” (I swore) and “Kirim-Kirim” (Crimea, Crimea, both composed by Sabat Husein, the first being considered as the march of the association, most of the conferences being held by Ifran and Ridvan Feuzi, the first a student at polytechnic and the second a student at medicine, at present with the residence in Constanța. Within the years 1938–1941 (the start of the war for robbery and invasion against URSS), besides the meetings of the “Association of the Turkish students” there took place the following manifestations: – by SEBAT HUSEIN is organized a choir of the association with which there are performed more concerts of Tatar music on the radio; 63 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II – – – in 1939–40, while the “Association” was led by SEBAT HUSEIN, it is organized a visit of the Tatar students from Poland, occasion with which Sebat Husein plays Tatar music at a Polish radio station; in a festive meeting in 1939, the “Association” commemorates 10 years since the death of Memet Niazi, the Tatar poet, occasion with which there are recited nationalist poems written by himself; there are laid wreaths at the tomb of the unknown poet, after a religious ceremony, in February, when it is commemorated the death of Celebi Gihan, the former prime minister of the bourgeois government from Crimea and in November, when it is celebrated the opening of Kurultay (the Bourgeois Parliament from Crimea). Along with the appointment in the position of ambassador of Suphi Tanrioer, the members of the “Association” receive from him books as gifts (especially on the occasion of celebrating the bayram), as well as the approval of using the books from the bookcase of the library, whenever necessary. Since the coming of Suphi Tanrioer he has conferred many scholarships and different compensations in money to the members of the “Association”. Along with the starting of the war for robbery and invasion against URSS, SEBAT HUSEIN and EIUB MUSA obtain, through MUSTEGEP FAZÂL, with the help of the delegation from Germany in Bucharest, the first, the appointment in the position of military confessor with the degree of captain and goes on the Eastern battlefield accompanying the troops that later will invade the territory of Crimea, where the person in question is appointed as military confessor of Crimea near the Romanian Headquarters, the second being appointed physician officer who also accompanies the troops from Crimea. After the invasion of Crimea by the fascist German-Romanian troops, the management of the “association”, by Irfan Feuzi and Irfan Zecheria organizes a trip of the Tatar students from Crimea, with the purpose of the propaganda, trip that does not take place, not being obtained the necessary approval from the Romanian authorities. The fact that at one of the meetings from this period Mustegep Fazal also participates, informing the members that he is on his way to Berlin, where, together with Edige Bey, based on a recommendation obtained from Von Pappen, the German Ambasador from Turkey, they are going to obtain the acknowledgment of the independence of Crimea, he proves that in his action “the Committee for Crimea” does not limit only to the support given by the Turkish state, but also foresees a possibility to accomplish his purpose, and also requires the support of the Hitlerian Germany that had invaded in that period Crimea. 64 Melek FETISLEAM • Secret Document Regarding the Tatar National Movement in Romania As the actions of the “Committee for Crimea” are based in this period on the support of the Hitlerian Germany, are proved by the propaganda that Mustagep Fazâl makes among the students, that they should go to study in Germany as scholars of the state, before his going to Berlin, bringing more forms that were to be filled in by those who wanted to go, forms that had to be submitted afterwards at the Embassy of Germany from Bucharest. The refusal of Von Ribentrop with whom the delegation of the “Committee for Crimea” negotiated, on the grounds that the granting of the independence for Crimea cannot be settled until the end of the war, clearly proves to the delegations that Crimea is the bait with which the Hitlerian Germany juggles in its diplomatic actions with Antonescu’s clique from Romania and the Turkish State. That the things mentioned above are real, is proven by the attitude of Antonescu’s clique towards the actions of the “Committee for freeing Crimea”, whose activity is considered harmful for its interests, that was the reason for the actions of rejecting all the requests that it received from this “Committee”, such as the approval for visiting Crimea by a delegation of Tatar students or that for establishing a group of Tatar volunteers for fighting in Crimea. The defeat of the fascist German-Romanian troops at Stalingrad and the advance of the Red Army to Crimea is discussed by the members of the “Committee for Crimea” from Istanbul, to establish the way in which may be helped those who collaborated with the fascist troops for invasion, burdening in the same time the working population from Crimea. The problem is sent to the “Panturk” Committee which submits it to the Turkish Ministry of External Affairs, which, by its legal representatives discuss it with Von Pappen, the Ambassador of Hitlerian Germany at Ankara. After the debates it was reached the agreement that the elements that were to fear of the consequences resulted from their collaborative activity with the enemies of URSS, as well as those who were against the soviet republics to be initially ejected in Germany. During the discussions the Turkish State agreed to receive the ejected persons, but invoked reasons of difficulties in providing the transportation, while in reality Turkish was trying to avoid the difficulties of diplomatic character with URSS, among the ejected persons being also war criminals. In order not to delay their ejection from Crimea, due to the difficulties of transportation on railway to Germany, it was decided that the “Committee for Crimea” to determine the “Committee for freeing Crimea” from Constanța, to establish a “Committee for helping the refugees from Crimea” from Constanța, which could require the Antonescu’s fascist clique from Romania to allow that the refugees from 65 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Crimea to be sheltered and accommodated in Dobruja. In this regard, the Prime Minister of the External Affairs will give orders that the Turkish Embassy from Bucharest, by Suphi Tanrioer, to take the necessary procedures that the request of the “Committee for helping the refugees from Crimea” to be accepted. As a result of the decisions mentioned above and the orders given, both the Turkish Ministry of External Affairs and the “Committee for Crimea”, Suphi Tanrioer assigns IBRAIM SADAC, the mufti from Constanța and NEGIP FAZAL to establish this “Committee for helping the refugees from Crimea”, composed of: – AMDI NUSRET – President, member in the “Committee for helping the refugees from Crimea” – TEOFIC ISLEAM – member in the “Committee for helping the refugees from Crimea” – IBADULA ABDULA – follower of the nationalist trend, secretary – SADAC IBRAM – former mufti – NEGIP FAZAL – member in the “Committee for helping the refugees from Crimea” – NAZIF ABDURAIM – FEUZI IBRAIM – former cadi with the residence in Constanța – MUSTAFA AHMET – former member in the “Committee for freeing Crimea” – KIAZIM MEMET – with the residence in Constanța, 55, Dobruja Street – SEFCHI BAGAS – with the residence in Constanța, 40, Călărași Street After having established and having obtained the necessary approvals, the “Committee” organizes the accommodation of the first caravans of refuges from Crimea who come in Constanța in the fall of 1943. Establishing residences for these refugees is initially temporarily in Constanța, and after having been established their residences, a part of them to be sent on the rural territory for accommodation and being employed, another part to remain in the urban environment, where, with the intervention of the “Committee” the authorities had already accepted the employment of these refugees. As the battlefront was getting close to Romania, most part of the refugees are determined to require the Turkish Embassy from Bucharest the documents for their leaving to Turkey, things that is not approved due to the Turkish state that was afraid of a conflict with URSS, though, through the “Panturk Committee” it is decided to be helped by taking the following measures that were to be applied with the help of the “Committee for freeing Crimea” and for helping the refugees. – Changing the identity documents of these refugees; – Organizing clandestine leavings to Turkey; – Leaving to Germany from where they were to go to Switzerland; 66 Melek FETISLEAM • Secret Document Regarding the Tatar National Movement in Romania – For those that none of the measures from above could be applied, living secretly was chosen. At the application of the measures mentioned above the Turkish state contributed for the diplomatic interventions: with the Hitlerian Germany for approving the leavings to Germany, with Antonescu’s clique for facilitating the change of the documents. The masters of the Turkish boats and vessels that come to Constanța Port were given dispositions to receive on board such clandestine persons, the “Committee” from Constanța received dispositions to prepare the conditions for the legality of the refugees whose situation couldn’t be settled by the other means. For releasing false documents to these refugees, MURAT IUSUF, with the residence in Nisipari, at present in Turkey and FEUZI IBRAIM, with the residence in Constanța, was responsible. The walking off the war of Romania from the criminal war led by Antonescu’s clique and its joining the fight against the German fascism, determines the “Committee for helping the refugees from Crimea” to function clandestinely and after a short while there are dissolved the associations and companies founded by the members of the “Committee for helping the refugees from Crimea”. The entire material from above was obtained by our bodies from two informative lines created for identifying and following the activity of the elements that took part from the “Committee for helping the refugees from Crimea” and the “Association of the Turkish students from Romania”. The way in which the action was developed for helping these refugees after 23rd August 1944 and the way in which these members of the “Committee” performed their activity from the date mentioned above, could not be established up to present. The arresting for investigations and the death in prison in 1948 of NEGIP FAZÂL is immediately brought to the knowledge of those who activated in the two Committees from Romania and makes them hide for fear of being arrested. Under the circumstances stated above the former lawyer Hamdi Nusret disappeared from his residence a short while afterwards, with the help of Mamut (the commander of a Turkish caique who had come in Constanța Port), had succeeded to run clandestinely from the country to Istanbul – Turkey. Some acquaintances brought some information about the activity of HAMDI NUSRET at the investigations in progress at this Department from Department I, by the help of the so called KEMAL IASAR, relative of Hamdi Nuret, who points out that once in Istanbul; Hamdi Nusret contacted “Committee for Crimea”. With their help and of the commanders of Turkish caiques, Hamdi Nusret had and has correspondence with his wife, Sanie Nusret and other Tatar nationalists, whom he 67 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II directed to help the Crimean Tatars from the Popular Republic of Romania, as well as organizing clandestine leavings of the different nationalist Tatars who are indicated by him. Among those who were to leave as clandestine, it is also ALI OSMAN, former teacher in Valea Seaca Community, Constanța region, member in the “Committee for freeing Crimea”, who in 1949–50 activated in the subversive organization “The Sea” which was found out. The person named above succeeded after the arresting from 1950 to disappear from his residence, being hidden by different nationalist elements, related to those mentioned above and arrested by our bodies, on 17th February 1952, after the statement of CHEMAL IASAR who indicated us the place where the person mentioned above was hiding. Regarding all the things mentioned above, the Department took the following measures: – Identification and gathering data and relations upon all the elements that took part from the “Committee for freeing Crimea” as well as the members of the Associations and the Companies created by this trend. – Establishing the entire activity from the past, developed by the “Committee for freeing Crimea”, the contact with Istanbul and establishing the activity from the past of the associations created by this committee. – Establishing the present activity of all the leading elements of this trend, so that through them to be able to identify the Tatar Crimean nationalist elements from the territory of the Popular Republic of Romania. The material from above was reported to DGSS – Department I through the report no. 17 of the Cabinet from 18th February 1952. MAJOR OF SECURITATE N. Doicaru [illegible signature] Sen. Lt. of Securitate C. Constantinescu [illegible signature] 68 Melek FETISLEAM • Secret Document Regarding the Tatar National Movement in Romania Photocopies of the original document – 15 pages 69 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II 70 Melek FETISLEAM • Secret Document Regarding the Tatar National Movement in Romania 71 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II 72 Melek FETISLEAM • Secret Document Regarding the Tatar National Movement in Romania 73 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II 74 Melek FETISLEAM • Secret Document Regarding the Tatar National Movement in Romania 75 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II 76 Melek FETISLEAM • Secret Document Regarding the Tatar National Movement in Romania 77 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II 78 Melek FETISLEAM • Secret Document Regarding the Tatar National Movement in Romania 79 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II 80 Melek FETISLEAM • Secret Document Regarding the Tatar National Movement in Romania 81 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II 82 Melek FETISLEAM • Secret Document Regarding the Tatar National Movement in Romania 83 Cumano-Tatars and the Early Medieval Romanian States Tasin GEMIL In two presentations defended at the meetings of the Romanian Academy, on 26 November 19261 and on 11 November 19272, the greatest Romanian historian Nicolae Iorga directly approached the relation between Romanians and CumanoTatars. These works, with a pioneering role in the study of the Turkic migrators in Romanian history, were brought again into scientific circulation by Şerban Papacostea, by adding helpful “completions”3. N. Iorga dedicated to the “Romanian-Cuman Symbiosis” an entire chapter (VI) of the third volume (“The Founders”) of his synthesis of The History of the Romanians4. “Rediscovered” by Neagu Djuvara recently, these ideas of N. Iorga were developed and made known to the public through a popular history book5. Although this book has aroused great interest among readers and the media, many Romanian historians have expressed a reserved attitude towards it and even outright hostility6. If in the ’20s of the last century, when N. Iorga formulated the idea of the important role performed by the Tatar and Cuman factor in the formation and consolidation of the Romanian feudal states, the studies regarding the ancient Turkic people were not very advanced, and since then, specialized historiography has made great progress towards a thorough knowledge of the place and role of the Turkic migrants, including and especially that of the Cumano-Tatars in the history of many European, Asian and even African nations (i.e. the Egyptian Mamluk state  1 2 3 4 5 6 The Romanian version of this article was published in the volume Ioan Bolovan, Ovidiu Ghitta (eds.), Istoria ca datorie. Omagiu academicianului Ioan-Aurel Pop, la împlinirea vârstei de 6o de ani, Academia Română, Centrul de Studii Transilvane, Cluj-Napoca, 2015, pp.353–364. Compared to its Romanian version, the present article contains documentary additions. N. Iorga, “Români şi tătari în evul mediu”, in Analele Academiei Române. Memoriile Secţiunii Istorice, s. III, t. VII, 1927, pp.103–107. N.Iorga, “Imperiul cumanilor şi domnia lui Băsărabă. Un capitol din colaboraţia româno-barbară în evul mediu”, in Anal. Acad. Rom. Mem. Sect. Ist., s. III, t. VIII, 1928, pp.97–103. N. Iorga, Studii asupra evului mediu românesc, Şerban Papacostea (ed.), Editura Ştiinţifică şi Enciclopedică, Bucureşti, 1984, pp.67–77. Bucureşti, 1937, pp.52–57. Neagu Djuvara, Thocomerius – Negru Vodă. Un voivod de origine cumană la începuturile ării Româneşti, 2nd edition, revisied and added, Humanitas, Bucureşti, 2007. See Neagu Djuvara, Răspuns criticilor mei şi neprietenilor lui Negru Vodă, Humanitas, Bucureşti, 2011. 85 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II was founded and led by native Cumans from the northern Black Sea, especially from Crimea)7. With some distinct and distinguished exceptions, Romanian historians are still reluctant to the vision which shows an important role of the Turkic factor in the evolution of Romanian statehood. We are convinced that, sooner or later, Romanian historians will have to consider the data ignored or unknown until now of Asian origin or related to the Turkic factor, which are likely to complete the still rather confused picture of the early Romanian states. From all account, since the 4th century A.D., Turkic peoples originating in Central Asia migrated westward in waves and overwhelmed, for a millennium, the entire Eastern Europe, including the outer Carpathian Romanian area. The influence of this Turkic factor across the Eurasian region was complex and long. Considering the duration and extent of this historical phenomenon, the concern in Romanian historiography was not adequate in my opinion. Not only do the difficulties of language, the script and the discovery of sources of Asian origin explain the relative backwardness of the Romanian historiography in this field, but it is the Eurocentric belief that still dominates many Romanian medievalists’ vision, primarily that of the older generation. Research in recent decades, including and especially in the Russian Federation and former Soviet republics, increasingly highlight the high urban civilization of imperial inspiration from the Golden Horde, which was connected to major cultural centers of the world at that time8. This great Eurasian state played a much more significant role in the Romanian history than previously thought or so far accepted. *** Of all the Asian migratory peoples, the Kipchaks, better known as the Cumans, then as Tatars, played the most important part in Romanian history, too. The name of Kipchak (qîbceak, qîfceak) is attested by the inscription from Selenga, in 744, 7 8 See (the bibliography also) Peter Golden, An Introduction to the History of Turkic Peoples, Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, 1992 (Turkish transl., 2.ed., Çorum, 2006); Victor Spinei, The Great Migrations in the East and South East of Europe from the Ninth to the Thirteenth Century, ClujNapoca, 2003. Recently, the Russian historian Aleksandr Yurcenko issued the idea that the Golden Horde would have been the first illuminated or lay state (svetskoe gosudarstvo) in the history of humanity (Presentation defended at the Third Forum dedicated to the Golden Horde, organized by the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Tatarstan, 19–20 March 2013, Kazan). See E.D.Zilivinskaja, Ocherki kultovogo i grazsdanskogo zodchestva Zolotoj Ordy, Astrakhanskoj Universitet, 2011; Boris Cherkas, Zakhidni Volodinnaja Ulusu Dzuchi: Politichna istorija, teritorialno-administrativnij ustrij, ekonomika, mista (XIII–XIV st.), Kijv, 2014. Also see the periodicals of the Centre for the Research of the History of the Golden Horde „M. Usmanov” from the Institute of History ”Șehabeddin Marjani” of the Academy of Sciences R. Tatarstan, Kazan (www.tataroved.ru, http//goldhorde.ru). 86 Tasin GEMIL • Cumano‐Tatars and the Early Medieval Romanian States which states that “Turkic Kipchaks dominated for fifty years”9. There is much other indisputable evidence on the Turkic origin of this people. At the end of the first millennium AD, the Kipchaks were detached from the great union of Kimek tribes, located between the Irtysh and Ural (Yayîk), and began moving westward, taking with them many other elements and whole tribes. This large ethnic conglomerate, under the direction of the majority, the Kipchaks, was reported to be found on the banks of the Volga, around 1030, and in 1055 it was already on the banks of the Dnieper, at the southern borders of the State of Kyiv. In 1061, there was the first military confrontation between Cumans and Russians, which marked the beginning of a new era in the relations between the Eastern Slavs long and the steppe peoples10. After a few years, the Kîpchaks were spread in the Carpathian-Danubian region, which they possessed for almost three centuries, first in a general cross-political party, then as a dominant ethnic group in the well structured state of the Golden Horde. In the second half of the eleventh century, the Cumans, the great tribal confederation constituted around and under their leadership, spread its dominion over the whole North Pontic area. Since that time, the region began to be shown in Islamic sources with the generic name of Deșt-i Kipchak (the Cuman steppe), and in the Christian ones as Cumania. Especially after their settlement in the eastern part of Europe, the Kipchaks were called by many names: kun, cuman, polovtsy, plauci, pallidi, kharteşq, valwen (falones), etc11. All these names are actually translations of the word kun, which in Turkish refers to the sun, its yellow color (even today, Tatars use the words kun and kuneş for day and sun). Rightly, the colleague Virgil Ciocîltan rejects the current statements in the specialized historiography which links the reference to the colour yellow or to white of these names to the appearance of the Cumans (the Kipchaks). I share the view of Professor V. Ciocîltan who, given the significance of colors in the Turk-Mongolian medieval tradition, believes that the reference to yellow, white of these names actually reveals the noble ancestry, the high, central, strong position, the political and moral fame and splendor of the Cumans or of their common ancestor12. 9 10 11 12 Sergei G. Klyashtornyj, Old Turkic Runic Texts and History of the Eurasian Steppe, Victor Spinei and Cristina Spinei eds., Editura Academiei Române – Muzeul Brăilei Editura Istros, BucureştiBrăila, 2008, p.366. See G. Hazai, “Kipchak”, The Encyclopedia of Islam (New Edition), V, Leiden, 1979, p.126; Sercan M. Ahincanov, Türk halkların katalizatör boyu Kıpçaklar, Istanbul, 2009, pp.67–68. Klyashtornyj, 2008, pp.379–381. To my knowledge, this hypothesis of Prof. Virgil Ciocîltan, Ph.D. has not yet been written or published. See also Ibrahim Şahin, “Türk dilinde renk ADI+mAn sistemi ve (mAn) ekinin kökenine dair”, Teke. Uluslarası Türkçe Edebiyat, Kültür, Eğitim Dergisi, Erzurum, nr.4/2015, pp.54–55; Sz. M. Sabitov, “Dinastii Kipchakskikh Khanov”, http:e-history.kz./media/upload/1466/2015/01/14 (e-history.kz). 87 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II The Cuman domination was an unprecedented reality at the end of the eleventh century, for it stretched over a huge Eurasian space, from the Irtysh River and Altay Mountains, to the Danube and the Carpathians. Although this rule lasted until the great Mongolian invasion in 1236–1241, the Cumans were not able to coagulate a unitary state structure. Some historians explain this shortcoming essentially through the nomadic character of the Cumans13. The motivation seems insufficient, if we consider that the Mongols of Genghis Khan were no less nomadic than the Cumans when they established a centralized, well articulated empire. I think that the explanation should be sought both in the extraordinary extent of the territory under their rule, and especially in the absence of a brilliant leader, as was that of the Mongols. It is certain that these Cumans or Kipchaks were able to contribute effectively, not only once, to the establishment of a sound state organization, be it smaller in character. In fact, the Cumans excelled in local organizations, of the state formation type, which corresponded to their then level of development. Although they never had a strong central leader, the Cumans managed to create a lot of local nomadic principalities, each led by a khan of a respected clan. “Until the coming of the Tatars (the Mongols-T.G.) ... Deșt-i Kipchak was so completely dominated by the Cumans that one can even speak of the existence of several small nomad states”14. It is possible that some of the principalities and provinces mentioned at that time in Romania are such small state formations. The old title of “cneaz” (prince) seems to be related to the title of “khan”, as suggested by the well known historical source of the time, Rogerius’s “Carmen Miserabile”. The local authorities established by the Mongols in Transylvania are called canesi by Rogerius15. We know that Genghis Khan and his followers were inspired to maintain or adapt the local tradition of the territories conquered. Historians believe, however, that the Cumans had larger state organizations, namely regional management centers, which included the small states mentioned. According to one of the scholars of the Kipchaks’ history, the Kazakh historian Serdjan Ahindjanov, nine large centers would be then under the control of the Cumans, these being accepted as a federation of tribes, while the older generation specialist, D.A. Rasovski, felt that there were fewer large centers (five). Among these, there was the center of which the western region was supervised, including the eastern part of the Romanian territory and which could have been located at the mouths of the Dnieper16. 13 14 15 16 Akdes Nimet Kurat, IV–XVIII yüzyıllarda Karadeniz kuzeyndeki Türk kavimleri ve devletleri, Ankara, 1972, p.75. B.D. Grecov and A.I. Iacubovschi, Hoarda de Aur şi decăderea ei, Bucureşti, 1953, p.20. A. Decei, „Canesii” călugărului Rogerius”, in Omagiu lui Ion Lupaş, Bucureşti, 1943, p.211. Ahincanov, 2009, pp.276–281. 88 Tasin GEMIL • Cumano‐Tatars and the Early Medieval Romanian States However, it is recognized that, when they were hit by the great Mongolian invasion of Europe, the Kipchaks were on the verge of achieving the medieval state(s)17. As indicated by historical sources of the time, the dominant Cumans preserved good relations of cooperation, on multiple levels, with the subjected populations, including Romanian natives. Moreover, it is known that Romanians were with Cumans, then with Tatars, in the campaigns undertaken in the Balkans and Transylvania18. Nicolae Iorga is the first Romanian historian “who firmly rejected the catastrophic vision on migrations”, stating openly that the idea of a “collaboration with the barbarians” could “become one of the most fruitful to remove the veil that covers much of our past”19. It is enough to consider only part of the toponyms, hydronyms and anthroponyms, as well as the old Romanian terminology, to understand the size and depth of the Cumano-Tatar influence on Romanian historical evolution20. A large number of high officials of the Romanian states of the fourteenth–seventeenth centuries clearly bear names of Turkish origin. Although some historians still dispute it, the founder of Romanian Country state, Basarab, like his father Toktemir, bears undoubtedly Cumano-Tatar names. The same goes for Asan, founder of the empire and of Asan dynasty in the south of the Danube, as for Terter son of Dobrotich, to refer only to the most controversial historical figures of the time. These anthroponyms make sense now, in any Turkic language: Basar + aba = father, leader who conquers; Tok + Temir = hard iron, steel; Asan (Asen, Esen, Isen, Osen = stout, strong, healthy); Tört + er / el = four fighters / provinces21. In their turn, Romanian natives, more numerous, also influenced the dominant Cumans. As shown in historical data, the cohabitation or – according to the definition of N. Iorga – the long “Romanian-Cuman symbiosis” resulted in the passage of many of the Cumans to at least a semi-nomadic or sedentary life, their Christianization and finally their assimilation by the Romanian mass. But as with other dominant migrants, the assimilation of the Cumans was specific particularly to the ruling class of the Romanian society, hence the Turkish origin of the family names of Romanian boyars22. 17 18 19 20 21 22 Ahincanov, 2009, p. 284. See Sabitov, 2015. See Petre Diaconu, Les Coumans au Bas-Danube aux XIe et XIIe siècles, Editura Academiei, Bucureşti, 1978. Şerban Papacostea, “Nicolae Iorga şi evul mediu românesc”, in Nicolae Iorga, Studii asupra evului mediu românesc, Bucureşti, 1984, pp.417–418. See I. Conea – I. Donat, “Contribution à l’ètude de la toponymie pétchénègue-comane de la plaine roumaine du Bas-Danube”, in Contributions onomastiques publiées à l’occasion du VIe Congrès internationale des sciences onomastiques à Munich du 24 au 28 Août 1958, Bucarest, 1958, pp.139–169. Törtel was the name of one of the Cuman murderers of King Ladislau the Cuman (1272–1290). See Valery Stoyanov, “Cumanian Anthroponymics in Bulgaria during the 15th Century”, www.ihist.bas.bg See Sergiu Columbeanu, Cnezate şi voievodate româneşti, Bucureşti, 1973, p.96 and the following ones. 89 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Faced with the threat of the Mongolian invasion of Crimea and the nearby areas, the Cumans in the eastern Romanian territory, under the leadership of Khan Borcea, in 1227 demanded the protection of the Hungarian king, promising to turn to Christianity. The following year, the Hungarian Kingdom established the Cuman Catholic diocese in Vrancea, as an outpost against the approaching Mongols23. Then, the Cumans of Koten Khan, numbering 40,000 Catholic Christians, went to Transylvania, which produced a letter of protest by Batu Khan sent to King Bela IV. Genghis Khan and his followers were convinced that they had an innate right to rule the tribes originating in Central Asia and a historical right as well, as heirs of the European territories once mastered by the Huns of Attila24. The Diocese of Cumana was shattered by the great Mongolian army, but the Hungarian kings kept their title of “Rex Cumanorum” for long. The Cumans converted to Catholicism and housed in Transylvania they preserved their way of life and organization. The Cuman language was used in the kingdom even in the seventeenth century. Their Christianization did not quickly produce the effects expected by the Hungarian Crown. Moreover, the Cumans long opposed the constraints of the Catholic faith, which caused conflicts with the local population to such an extent that the Koten Khan himself was killed by the Hungarians fearful of a possible siding of the Cumans with the Mongols getting near Pesta, in 1241. Although during the time of King Ladislaus the Cuman (1272–1290) the Cuman influence in Hungary increased greatly, the misunderstandings caused by them continued. Finally, these differences resulted in their murdering the King who was the son of a Cuman princess25. Under the circumstances, Cuman exodus occurred in the kingdom, including the one led by Toktemir Khan south of the Carpathians. The Kipchaks or the Cumans left outside the Carpathian arch adapted relatively quickly to the requirements of the new Mongolian rule, which ended the wide spread Cuman domination of Eastern Europe. A significant part of the Mongolian army that had arrived in central Europe was composed of Cumans. Moreover, the Cumans or Kipchaks were a key component of this huge population of the Eurasian space, under the rule of the new conquerors, and then known as the Golden Horde state. With the advent of this huge state in 1242, the political situation in Eastern Europe changed radically. And the deepening of the Islamization and of the Turkification processes of the Golden Horde, with the enthronement of Berke (1256–1267), the first Muslim khan in Genghis’ dynasty, produced huge effects first throughout the Islamic world, then in the near Christian space, including in the Romanian one. 23 24 25 See I. Ferenţ, Cumanii şi episcopiile lor, Blaj, 1931. Kurat, 1972, p. 97; George Vernadsky, Moğollar ve Ruslar, Istanbul, 2007, p.73. See Golden, 2006, p.351. 90 Tasin GEMIL • Cumano‐Tatars and the Early Medieval Romanian States According to the Islamic sources of the time, the Kipchaks were the dynamic factor and the catalyst of the Islamization and the Turkification of the Golden Horde, or rather, of the leading class, consisting of a relatively small number of Mongols26. The most durable effect of this Islamization and the Turkification processes of the Golden Horde was the emergence of the current Tatar people. The Cumans were the ethnic basis of the Golden Horde, which led the Muslim chroniclers of the time to define this great state as a “Kipchak Khanate” or a “Kipchak Sultanate” and the famous Arab traveler Ibn Battuta, who visited the Golden Horde in 1333, invariably designated it as a Turkish state and its people as Turks27. In his turn, the Russian-American Turkologist George Vernadsky is convinced that, in fact, the Golden Horde was a Kipchak Khanate, and he constantly calls it thus in his work28. Contrary to the current opinion, including Romanian historiography, the Kazakh historian S. Ahindjanov thinks, alongside G. Vernadsky and others, that in reality, the Golden Horde was a Kipchak (Cuman) state, not a Mongolian one29. The Kipchak-Tatar language, known in the Islamic sources of the time as Turkish, became a real lingua franca, adopted as a native language, including by the Armenian and Greek Christian communities (Urumchi) as well as by the Jewish one (Karaim, Kirimchak) in Crimea until late seventeenth century. At the same time, i.e. at the end of the thirteenth century, in Crimea, appeared the famous Codex Cumanicus that the renowned French Turkologist Jean Deny identified as a monument of Tatar language30. During Özbek Khan’s rule (1313–1342), when the Golden Horde reached the peak of its power, the Islamization and the Turkification processes of the inhabitants of this great state also reached its peak. In mid-fourteenth century, the ethnonym Tatar and the Tatar language became dominant within the Golden Horde, at the expense of the ethnonym and the Kipchak language and Mongolian language and name entered in the shade and then disappeared. The explanation for this seemingly strange phenomenon that a dynamic majority of indigenous population lost identity 26 27 28 29 30 It is known that only four Mongolian units each of one thousand people participated in the foundation of the Golden Horde. According to Vernadsky, 2007, p.165, the proportion between the Mongolian rulers and the non-Mongolian subjects (mostly Turks) of the Golden Horde would have been 1 to 100. And some of the best known specialists in the Golden Horde, the late member of the Academy Mirkasim Usmanov and the historian Iskender Izmailov, consider that „Batu Khan’s drujina was a drop in the ocean of the subjugated Qipçaqs” (Tatar History and Civilisation, Istanbul, 2010, p.94). See Ibn Battuta Seyahatnamesi, A. Sait Akut ed., Yapı ve Kredi Yayınları, Istanbul, 2005, p. 309 and the following ones. Vernadsky, 2007, p.82, etc. For this author, Batu himself is a “Kipchak khan” and all the khans of the Golden Horde “Kipchak khans” (pp.167, 171). Ahincanov, 2009, cover 4. The most recent edition is due to the late Vladimir Drîmba, Codex Cumanicus. Edition diplomatique avec facsimilé, Editura Enciclopedică, Bucarest, 2000. J. Deny, L’Armeno-coman et les „Ephémerides” des Kameniec (1604–1613), Wiesbaden, 1957, pp.9–22, 73; Tadeusz Kowalski, Karaim lehçesi sözlüğü, Ankara, 1996. 91 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II in favor of a minority of alien conquerors could be found in similar phenomena in history. The situation is almost identical for the Romanized Gaels who lost their name to the conquerors in France, of the South Slavs who accepted the name of the Asian Bulgarians, of the Eastern Slavs who took the name of the Scandinavian state founders. But in the case of the Kipchaks it would have been logical that they take the name of the formal conquerors and founders of the imperial dynasty, i.e. that of the Mongols. The name Tatar self imposed solely because it was already widespread and was used to designate a large mass of subjects of the Golden Horde31. Thus, it is fair to continue to mention a domination of the Kipchaks (the Cumans) in the Golden Horde period, when they are designated by the name of Tatars. Speaking in the Romanian Academy Hall in 1927, on the Cumans’ role in Romanian history, Nicolae Iorga drew attention to the fact that “in Crimea, they (the Cumans – T.G.) would be up to nowadays, under the name Tatar, the conquerors and their substitutes, the basis of the population there”32. This explains the name “Cumano-Tatar” in the title of this article. These are historical facts which I think should be taken into account when the share of the Asian factor is analyzed in the shaping and strengthening of the Romanian medieval states. *** In mid-thirteenth century, we find the sustainable establishment of the Mongolian domination outside the Carpathian regions, which does not indicate the disappearance of the Cumans, who had been there for almost two centuries. In other words, “the Romanian-Cuman symbiosis” continued under the new government, organized as a true dominant and cohesive state. It is acknowledged that a significant number of Cumans, Romanianized or not, entered the service of the new rulers to take advantage of power, as it happened as a matter of fact all across the Golden Horde. As already mentioned, the assassination of King Ladislaus the Cuman in 1290 by the Cumans, who had been Christianized in Transylvania, led to policy changes by the Hungarian royalty regarding the Golden Horde, located in the immediate vicinity. The crusading and apostolic spirit took possession of Saint Stephen's crown, which not only dissatisfied the Cumans, half-Christian, but the Orthodox Romanians as well. Across the Carpathians, the growth of a new Tatar power center occurred at the mouths of the Danube, that of Prince Nogay of Genghis’ descent, which meant a weakening 31 32 See G.Jaeschke, “Zur Geschichte des Namen Tatar”, in the vol. “Reşit Rahmeti Arat Için”, Ankara, 1966; Doğan Avcıoğlu, Türklerin tarihi, vol.I, Istanbul, 1979, p.289–290; Virgil Ciocîltan, “Evoluţia semantică a etnonimului tătar”, in T. Gemil and N. Pienaru (eds.), Moştenirea istorică a tătarilor, vol. I, Bucureşti, 2010, pp.23–28; David Györfy, “Khwarezmian: Mapping the Kipchak Component of PreChagatai Turkic”, Acta Orientalia Academaiae Scientiarum Hung., vol.67 (4), 2014, pp.383–406. Iorga, 1984, p.68. 92 Tasin GEMIL • Cumano‐Tatars and the Early Medieval Romanian States of the central authority of the khan of Saray on the Volga. The attempts of Tokta Khan to curb the rising power of Nogay ended with the defeat of the central army by Nogay’s troops in the battle of 697 H./1297–1298, which – according to the information given by the Mamluk chronicler Rukneddin Baybars (1235–1325) – apparently took place on the river Iași (nehr-i Yasa), “next to the river Kendelan/ Kendülan” (?)33. Nogay spread his power to the Iron Gates, forcing the Hungarian kingdom to retreat north of the Carpathians. Under the circumstances, and as a result of the progress in the “Romanian-Cuman symbiosis”, the legendary descent of Negru Vodă (Black Voivod/Prince/King) occurred south of the Carpathians. The local knezes (noblemen), either Romanian or Romanianized Cumans, knew how to use the political processes within the Golden Horde, to lay the territorial and political foundation of the first medieval Romanian state34. Although the tradition of the “descent” appeared later in the sixteenth century, it reflects the essence and meaning of a historical action, which was a movement from north to south, in the case of the Romanian Principalty – Wallachia. I think the “Black Prince” (Black Voivode / King) can be identified with the Cuman khan Toktemir (Tog Temur) 35. One argument in addition to those provided by the followers of this hypothesis36 is the consideration of the significance of colors with the peoples originating in Central Asia, as were the Cumans. Taken from the Chinese, the geographic system of the five colors experienced a huge spread to all the nomadic peoples of Central Asia, as a simple one, fully adequate to their cultural level and needs. The five colors had the role of indicating the four cardinal directions and the center (which gave the sense of orientation). Yellow indicates the center, black – the North, red – the South, blue – the sunrise, and white – the sunset. The center was the starting point and it concentrated the amount of power, which justified its consecration by the color of gold, the most precious and noble metal in the Middle Ages37. Thus, the appointment of the descending prince south of the Carpathians as Negru Vodă (Black Voivode / King) must be connected to this Central Asian significance of the color black, indicating no doubt that he came from the north. In the sixteenth century, when this legend of the descent was produced, the significance of color 33 34 35 36 37 W. de Tiesenhausen, Altınordu devleti tarihine ait metinler (Sbornik materialov, otnosjahshikhsja k istorii Zolotoi Ordy…), I, ed.Ismail Hakkı Izmirli, Istanbul, pp.202–203, 276–277. Vernadsky, 2007, p.230, has identified the river Kendelan./Kendülan as the river Prut (?). In this case, can I identify nehr-i Yasa as the river Bahlui (Baglui), which flows through the city of Iași (Yassi) ?! See Şerban Papacostea, Geneza statului în evul mediu românesc. Studii critice, Editura Dacia, ClujNapoca, 1988, p.26 and the following ones. Another Toktemir is present, in the same period (1291), as emir (general) of Nogay’s in Tver region in Russia (Vernadsky, 2007, p.228). See Djuvara, 2007, p.62 and the following ones. Vernadsky, 2007, p.154 and the following ones. 93 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II had probably been forgotten, but it proves the old quality of this tradition and its relation to the historical reality. There are many other cases of names, place names and hydronyms of Cumano-Tatar origin, whose original meaning had been lost over time, but kept their corrupted form, sometimes in the shell of a common word in Romanian38. The new state south of the Carpathians was taken and enhanced by the founder’s son, who bore a pure Turkic name – Basar-aba. The name has a clear royal significance (the venerable, the commander who wins and masters) and it is likely to have been given to him after the move of Negru Vodă and his men south of the Carpathians. Prince Basarab(a) recognized the suzerainty of the Golden Horde, as his father had done, for it is hardly conceivable that he would have been located south of the Carpathians, without the consent of the Tatar power. The hegemony of the Golden Horde facilitated the consolidation of the new state, to the extent that, in 1324, King Charles Robert of Hungary was forced to make peace with “the great prince” of Wallachia39. It is logical to assume that the great victory of Prince Basarab over the royal army personally led by King Charles Robert of Anjou, in 1330, was acquired with the support of the Golden Horde, which was also interested in rejecting the Hungarian offensive in its area of domination40. After the death of Özbek Khan, in 1342, began the endless series of political assassinations in the ruling dynasty of the Golden Horde, which was a sign of weakness abroad. The Wallachia’s prince (Nicholas) Alexander rushed to change his political option, siding with King Louis of Anjou and engaging in a direct battle for emancipation from under the Tatar domination and an effective eastward expansion. In 1359, the prince of Wallachia assumed the title of “autocratic ruler”, which meant full independence externally. The area of domination of the Golden Horde in the Romanian territory was much restricted, to be removed around 1370. The change of the international situation in Eastern Europe, due to the increasingly obvious weakness of the Golden Horde, favored the political development of the Romanian statehood and of the other Romanian Principality – Moldavia. Also in the sixteenth century, a legend of descent was created in Moldavia, in connection to the program of the Hungarian kingdom to create a defense system east of the Carpathians against the power of the Golden Horde. In this plan were used Romanian nobles of Maramureș, of whom Dragoş from Giuleşti is referred to as 38 39 40 See Tasin Gemil, “Osmanlı öncesi Romanya topraklarında Türk varlığı”, in T. Gemil and N. Pienaru (eds.), Moştenirea istorică a tătarilor, vol. II, Editura Academiei, Bucureşti, 2012, pp.53–54. See Maria Holban, Din cronica relațiilor româno-ungare în secolele XIII-XIV, Editura Academiei, București, 1981, pp.103–105. See Istorija Tatar s drevnejşikh vremen v semi tomakh, vol. III, Akademija Nauk Respubliki Tatarstan, Kazan, 2009, p.516 (István Vásáry). 94 Tasin GEMIL • Cumano‐Tatars and the Early Medieval Romanian States the central character. The legend explains the name of the new state of Moldavia, which was taken over from the name of the Prince’s dog, drowned in the river while chasing the bison hunted by her master. Hence, the name Moldavia would come from a dog’s name and the emblem of this state comes from the bison hunted by the founder. Romanian historians who studied these initiatory legends ignored the connection with the tradition of the steppe, although its bearers were the main characters in these events. On closer analysis, one can find similarities with the legends related to the Turkic peoples, in which the wolf (börı), the dog (it, qutuz) and the bull (boğa, buğa, buka) are founding myths41. For the name Moldavia there is historical information long published by a reliable source document42. The news refers to a Tatar high official of the state apparatus of Nogay’s, called Ymor, filium Molday dominum terrae, and it appears in a letter of 10 April 1287, sent from Caffa to Rome by a Franciscan monk from Crimea. Evoking the events of the previous year, it reveals the care shown by the Tatar official to the Catholic mission located in the area of his authority. The news is a well-known document in Romanian historiography43. But it was deliberately ignored, being considered “inappropriate to be discussed” and regarded as an “absolutely random” coincidence of names44. But no scientific argument was brought so far for rejecting this historical information. I think the time came for it to be analyzed thoroughly and be assessed in the political context in which it appeared. It is not to be excluded that it is indeed an “absolutely coincidental resemblance of names...”, as it can be also proved that it is a story which cannot be overlooked. In any case, it is the oldest entry that refers to the name of Moldavia. Also in the field of similarities of names, accidental or not, falls the name of a large family of landowners (boier), who held high positions in the state in Moldavia 41 42 43 44 See Abdülkadır Inan, “Türk destanları”, in vol. Türk dünyası el kitabı, vol.III, 2nd ed., Ankara, 1992, pp.3–19; Jean-Paul Roux, Orta Asya’da kutsal bitkiler ve hayvanlar (Faune et flore sacrées dans les sociétés altaiques), Istanbul, 2005, p.300 and the following ones. Peter B.Golden, “Wolves, Dogs and Qipcaq Religion”, Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hung., Tomus L (I-3), 1997, pp.87–97. The name of the village Cătlăbuga in Moldavia is another element which reminds one of these myths: Kutlu Buga (The Sacred Bull). Between 1355–1356, a person named Qutlabuga was nâ’ib al–qân (“deputy of the khan”, prime minister) of the Golden Horde. “Ladislaus curtos Gazariae, Relatio de Tartaria Aquilonari data Caphae (10 Aprilis 1287)”, ed. Girolomo Golubovich, Biblioteca Bio-Bibliografica della Terra Santa e dell’ Oriente francescano, II, Quaracchi, 1913, pp. 443–445. Thomas Tănase, „ Le « Khan » Nogai et la géopolitique de la Mer Noire en 1287 à travers un document missionaire: la lettre de Ladislas, custode de Gazarie”, Annuario. Instituto Romeno di cultura e ricerca umanistica, no.6–7 (2004–2005), Bucarest-Venezia, 2005, pp.267–301 (doc. transl. in French, p.270). G.I. Brătianu, O enigmă şi un miracol istoric: poporul român, Bucureşti, 1988, p.146; Victor Spinei, Moldova în secolele XI-XIV, Editura Ştiinţifică şi Enciclopedică, Bucureşti, 1982, p.42; Alexandru Gonţa, Românii şi Hoarda de Aur, München, 1983, p.99. Spinei, 1982, p.42. 95 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II in the fifteenth-seventeenth centuries. It is the great family of landowners Boul, about whom the oldest known document so far is attested from 1468, that refers to Dragosh Boul, former commander of Cetatea Nouă (The New Castle) and then, for many years, as vornic (palatine). There is documentary data about serdar (the commander of army) Gheorghe Boul, vistiernic (the great treasurer) Toader Boul, mare spătar (the grand commander of army) Pătraşco Boul, as well as about other members of this family of grand boyars of Moldavia, who held the highest positions in the state, until the end of the seventeenth century45. The founder of this family of large landowners, Boul, bears, accidentally or not, the name Dragosh. We would like to remind of the fact that in Moldavia the legend of Dragosh’s descent was recorded in the Moldavian-Slavic chronicles of the fifteenth–sixteenth centuries, and it is reported as a historic act of mid-fourteenth century. Like Negru Vodă in Wallachia, Dragosh Vodă in Maramures crossed the mountains, went in pursuit of a bull and established the state of Moldavia. As mentioned before, the legend has similarities with the creative myths of Central Asia, focused on guiding wolf in crossing the mountains. But, here comes a similarity of names, unnoticed until now. The name of Boul (the Ox) is original among Romanian names, considering the pejorative sense of the word, the more so in the case of a family of grand boyars. But in the history of the Golden Horde this name is well known. The grandfather of the famous Isa Nogay, the prince from Genghis’ family, was named Bo'ul (Bo'ol, Bo'al), being the seventh son (of 12) of Djuci, son of Genghis Khan. So, Bo'ul was brother of Batu Khan and Berke Khan. The etymology of this name is not clear, but it seems to derive from Mo'ol, i.e. from Mongol. The hypothesis seems plausible if we consider the fact that his son, who was the father of Nogay (the Dog), was named Tatar46. This does not necessarily mean that the Moldavian family Boul had imperial origins, descending from Genghis Khan, though the hypothesis cannot be rejected a priori. Possibly this name was not a single “accident” being better known then than we think today. In any case, it is good to know that the prestige of Genghis’ Dynasty in the Turkic-Islamic world was above all other royal dynasties, comparable, at least, to the prestige of the Carolingian dynasty in the Roman Catholic world. It is not our intention to question the founding tradition of Moldavia and the analyses pertinent to this subject of the Romanian historians. But considering all data and the information that could be related to the beginnings of the Romanian 45 46 Documenta Romaniae Historica. A, vol. II, no.211–262; vol. III, no.1–93, 272; I. Bogdan, Documentele lui Ştefan cel Mare, II, Bucureşti, 1913, Indice. Nicolae Stoicescu, Dicţionar al marilor dregători din ara Românească şi Moldova. Sec. XIV-XVII, Editura Enciclopedică Română, Bucureşti, 1971, pp.269, 352–353 Vernadsky, 2007, pp.202–203, 506; Mustafa Kafalı, Altın Orda Hanlığının kuruluş ve yükselış devirleri, Istanbul Üniversitesi, 1976, p.122. 96 Tasin GEMIL • Cumano‐Tatars and the Early Medieval Romanian States states, I think is an obligation for all historians concerned with this scientific topic yet not fully elucidated. The eastern aspect of the Romanian medieval history is still in the shadow, and there are some places left in the dark altogether. I think it is time for a bigger opening to the sources of Oriental origin, including and especially the Tatar ones and for addressing issues long ignored in Romanian historiography. 97 A Special Aspect of the New Great Game: The Presence and Goals of the States of the Gulf Cooperation Council in Central Asia Artur LAKATOS I. Introduction Central Asia is sharing common heritage with the Arab world through Islam, and following to the independence several Arab states, especially Saudi Arabia, proved to be donors for building and repairing mosques and promoting the values of Islam. On this plan, a possible growth of religious influence of responsible Arab actors is tolerated by global great powers, since it is far better than the possible growth or some kind of radical Islamic movement. But here we have to say that Central-Asian Islamic heritage and Middle-Eastern Islamic heritage are different, and it is very unlikely, that with all of the positive contacts, Central Asian republics to become annexes for the Arab world. With all these, the politics of the Arab states, especially the rich states of the Gulf, who built up their economic empires, is concerned with Central Asia, in a very similar way to other powers involved. And even if relations with these states are not the most important diplomatic priority, they certainly have some importance. Since this aspect of the New Great Game is usually “over passed” by most of the analysts of the New Great Game’s issue, our paper will try to fill this gap and try to answer on the question: what the real interest of the states from the Gulf can be in states of Central Asia. At first sight, it seems that strategic and economical interests are not too much: the Gulf states are very rich in oil – what Central Asia could offer, and diplomatic-political relationship with central-Asian countries are not as important as are relations with the United States, China, Japan or European powers. Our study will examine what major strategic interests the Gulf States can have in central Asia, from economic and strategic point of view, which their possibilities and risks are. 99 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II II. Historical roots Commercial and other kind of relations between the Arab Gulf and Central Asia are dating back somehow at least until the first centuries of Islam. At one side, cities of the Gulf were the gate for the Islam world toward territories lying across the sea – it is not a simple coincidence that all the journeys of Sinbad the Sailor from the One Thousand and One Nights are starting from the city port of Basra –, like Eastern Africa and the Far East. At the other hand, cities of Central Asia like Bukhara, Samarkand, Khiva or Tashkent represented important centers of the Asian terrestrial trade routes – the most famous being the Silk Road – but also centers of culture and science. At a certain moment, Bukhara and Samarkand represented the highest seat of Muslim culture and science, both through the “mass education” through madrasas, and through outstanding personalities, from whom we mention here Ulugh Beg, the Timurid monarch of Samarkand. Archaeological evidence are proving that on the plan of trade, objects providing from Central Asia can be found in the Gulf starting with the 2nd Century B.C., like goblets, cups, mirrors, knifes, to name a few. However, these interactions never united the two different and distant geographical regions, else how than the common religious and cultural heritage of Islam, in this latter plan, also being major differences of manifestation and approach. And if the first pages of the work of the two scholars of Cambridge, Kalra and Saxena, says that during the first centuries of Islam, material culture of Central Asia was most of the time on a higher level than in the Gulf1, nowadays the situation is switched: states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates) are perceived to be a pole of richness and luxury, while Central Asia (the former Soviet Republics of Kazakhstan, Kirgizstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan) is perceived as a region with lots of potentials and development possibilities, which on the other hand is wrestling with serious issues, due to its landlockedness and heritage of mismanagement of its political and economic life. However, Central Asia is currently one of the most important diplomatic battlegrounds of contemporary global politics, the sum of events and strategies of this unofficial competition being known as the New Great Game.2 In this New Game, 1 2 Prajatki Kalra, Siddhart S. Saxena, „Hidden Linkages: The Republic of Uzbekistan and the Gulf Region in a Changing World Order”, in Marat Terterov, Markaz al-Khalīj lil-Abḥāth (eds.), Russian and CIS Relations with the Gulf Region: Current Trends in political and Economic Dynamics, Dubai, Gulf Research Council, 2009, pp.211–225. The Great Game, in its classic acceptance, means the competition between tsarist Russia and the British Empire for controlling geographical Central Asia, during the second half of the 19th century. As a selective bibliography for this issue, see: Peter Hopkirk, The Great Game: The Struggle for 100 Artur LAKATOS • A Special Aspect of the New Great Game: The Presence and Goals … Gulf states are often perceived, in comparison to global powers (USA, European Union, Russia, China, India) and regional powers from the immediate vicinity of Central Asia (Turkey, Iran, Pakistan) as third-class actors, without major strategic interest with immediate effect, and who are acting in best case in the Game as diplomatic intermediaries for other actors, like the USA. On a more careful examination of the GCC-Central Asian relations we can easily observe that things are not as simple, and Arab states have at least three major strategic directions, in which strengthening relations with the landlocked republics are crucial: the field of common religious and cultural heritage (with its practical consequences), the politics of energy security and perhaps the most original and long-term issue, the issue of food production and security. III. Religious contacts and geopolitics Even if Islam is the culturally determining religion for both Central Asia and the Arab world, its manifestations in daily life are bearing lots of differences. Since religion through its manifestations is a must of most of Arab countries – even for people who are Atheists in their souls – since it is not so much an issue of faith, but of cultural and national appertain, in Central Asia the Russian cultural influence and Soviet Communist atheist propaganda diminished the role of Islam. For the religious movement of Islam the fall of the Soviet Union and the constitution of independent republics signified the possibility to increase its part of religiouscultural influence, and through this, the influence of the one who is investing in this process; an important moment of this quest took part in the first years of independence, when the new republics, as a sign of their independence from Russian cultural heritage and influence too, were replacing the Cyrillic alphabet. Arab structures of power – the most important of the being the wahabite Saudi-Arabia – just as the theocratic Shiite state of Iran, encouraged introduction of Arab alphabet, Empire in Central Asia, New York, Kodansha International, 1992; Karl E. Meyer, Shareen Blair Brysac, Tournament of Shadows: the Great Game and the Race for Empire in central Asia, New York, Perseus Group Books, 2000. The New Great Game is different by having more actors involved, and also different objectives. As selective Bibliography for this issue, see: Alexander Cooley, Great Games, Local Rules: The New Great Power Contest in Central Asia,Oxford University Press, 2012; Lutz Kleveman, The New Great Game: Blood and Oil in Central Asia, New York, Grove Press, 2004; Sally N. Cummings, Understanding Central Asia. Politics and contested transformations, New York, Routledge Publishers, 2012; Marlene Laruluelle (ed.), China and India in Central Asia: a new great Game?, New York, Palgrave MacMillan, 2010; Rob Johnson, Oil, Islam and conflict: Central Asia since 1945, London, Reaktion Books, 2007; Ahmed Rashid, Taliban: Islam, oil and the new great game in Central Asia, London, New York, I. B. Tauris Publishers, 2000; Aydin Mustafa, New geopolitics of Central Asia and the Caucasus: causes of instability and predicament, Ankara, SAM, 2000; etc. 101 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II while Turkey militated for the Latin alphabet.3 This “battle” ended somehow in a draw, most of the languages in cause being compatible both with Latin and Arabic alphabets.4 At the other hand, Arabic countries, especially Saudi Arabia, invested also a lot in spreading Islam culture in the region, often doing this not though the channel of official state diplomacy, but through several, less or more controlled institutions, associations and other kind of organizations. For example, official Saudi foreign policy was less active toward the new republics than other regional and global powers have been, on the other hand it proved to be a generous sponsor for building mosques and madrasas, for Islamic literature and sponsorship of the hadj. Some Saudi citizens went even further, and got involved even deeper, by supporting extremist movements like the Hizb ut-Tahrir IMT, and involvement in the Tajik civil war.5 Religious aid and assistance is pretty one-sided: at one side, Arabs – states and organizations – are the donors, at the other hand, Central Asians are the receivers, and not always happy by that. Foreign aids, especially when they request nothing in exchange, are welcome, and even if ruling elites are not letting themselves influenced by religious propaganda, most of the time they consider it to be a small and acceptable price for the good will of the rich states from the Gulf, important strategic partners for the future. In this sense, they are ready to make personal gestures also, like for example the currently ruling Turkmen president, Gurbanguly Berdyuhammedov, in 2007, where he practiced the pious practice of the Umrah in Medina.6 At the other hand, they perceive that these religious aids are undermining central authority7, the 3 4 5 6 7 Emilian Kavalski (ed.), The New Central Asia. The Regional Impact of International Actors, World Scientific Publishing, Singapore, 2010, p.207. Currently, the situation is the following: in Turkmenistan, due to president Niyazov’s decision, Latin alphabet became official one, but as a transitory measure, Cyrillic alphabet was also used especially by those people for whom the adapting of Latin characters proved to be hard, due to their advanced age; a similar process took part in Uzbekistan, with the mentioning that transition to use Latin script over here produced in a slower manner; in Tajikistan, Persian and Cyrillic alphabets are both used, Cyrillic being the “official”, state-promoted version, and their use in great part is also a sign of Political commitment, toward Russian/Western or Islamic/Persian influence, even thought Tajik language also has a Latin alphabet associated to it, it is not commonly used; in Kazakhstan, the most close state to Russia and its influence, Cyrillic alphabet remained official, and Kazakh language has associated to itself “unofficial” versions of Latin and Arabic alphabets; the same process took place in Kyrgyzstan, with the mention that Kyrgyz population of the Chinese province of Xinjiang is using Arabic alphabet. Concerning the use of Arab alphabet in central Asia, we have to mention that in the former Soviet republics it is not used in state administration or day by day life, only in religious institutions. Rob Johnson, Oil, Islam and Conflict. Central Asia since 1945, Reaktion Books, 2007, pp.235–236. Luca Anceschi, Turkmenistan”s Foreign Policy, Routledge Publishers, London, 2009, p.145. Theodore Karasik, Azerbaijan, Central Asia, and Future Persian Gulf Security, a RAND note (N-3579-AF/A), prepared for the United States Air Force, United States Army, RAND corporation, 1993, pp.6–8. 102 Artur LAKATOS • A Special Aspect of the New Great Game: The Presence and Goals … most vulnerable ones being in this sense the regime of Islam Karimov in Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan, where impact of civil war is still alive. The second major danger, the increase of popularity of certain Islamic extremist movements and terrorist actions related to them8, in the mirror of the Arab spring and violent events from Libya, Syria, and Egypt are showing a major switch of “official” Western – especially American – approach toward different branches of radical Islam. Radical Islamist fighters can be allies of conjuncture – for example, against the regime of Kaddafi, or Assad – and in this aspect, not their demise is important anymore, but the harmonization of objectives with them. It is not excluded that in the future Saudi Arabia, for assisting Western interest, will manipulate religious groups of Central Asia against Iranian influence, in the geopolitical game of encirclement of Shiite Iran9, or even against interests of certain great powers. However, this is an issue of the nearby future. Assistance might come at the request of Central Asian Politicians too. An eloquent example for this is the case of Kyrgyzstan, which during its first years of independence, with all the lack of outstanding natural resources, was truly projected by the USA and the European democracies altogether like being “a democratic island in the region”10 and actually it seems that Akaev thought seriously on turning his country in the “Switzerland of Central Asia”, being very impressed by the Swiss model.11 But things were evolving in a different direction: reforms suggested by the IMF brought no prosperity – similar to most of other parts of the world – and Kirgizstan was neither free of corruption nor authoritarian rule. As a result of the failure of the Western model, Kyrgyzstan currently views the Gulf region as a potential major participant in its development, and seeks financial infusion for readjustment of its troubled economic system. With all these efforts, most of the Saudi assistance went till now into religious ventures like importing Koran and constructing mosques12, so it is not excluded that in case of this country the GCC will lose this competition in this special issue with Iran. But Kirgizstan can offer other possibilities, as we will see in part V of this current study. 8 9 10 11 12 Martha Brill Olcott, “Taking Stock of Central Asia”, Journal of International Affairs, New York, Spring 2003, Vol. 56, no. 2, pp.3–17. Karasik, 1993, p.8. Marlene Laruelle & Sebastien Peyrouse, “The United States in Central Asia: Reassessing a Challenging Partnership”, in Strategic Analysis, Volume 35, Taylor & Francis Publishers, 2011, no. 3, pp.427–438. Madan Mohan Puri, “Central Asia geopolitics: The Indian view”, in Central Asian Survey, Volume 16, Taylor & Francis Publishers, 1997, no. 2, pp.237–268. Karasik, 1993, p.12. 103 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II IV. The economics of industrial cooperation. Possibilities and difficulties. The most diversified possibilities of interaction and cooperation are laying in the development of industry. At first sight, economics of oil is the most important common characteristics of the Gulf States and of the republics of Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan. There could be a one-sided transfer of technological know-how concerning extraction from rich states of the Gulf, and investments coming from great oil companies of the Gulf states are not excluded neither. For example, Saudi Arabia is supporting the TAPI project. The first idea concerning TAPI was conceived in 1998, by the American company Unocal, with the support of Saudi company Delta.13 Even if the Unocal abandoned the project, the idea is still alive, for both security strategist and business companies. Currently the project is experiencing political difficulties, due to the unsecure environment in Afghanistan and because of the Indian-Pakistanis border disputes, which either has to be solved in a satisfying manner, either alternative solutions have to be found. Such a partial and original solution would be for example that a part of the pipeline to pass across territory of Tajikistan, a country whose official leadership and diplomacy are making serious efforts since the end of the civil war to integrate the country in great circuits of international capital. A pipeline passing through Tajikistan could definitely eliminate territory of Iran from any kind of combination, and through Afghanistan it would pass only on a small portion, the Wakhan corridor. But this is an issue for the future. With all the pipeline projects designed during the past few years, one thing is certain: currently no pipeline projects passing from Central Asia through the Arab peninsula are designed: it would involve just too many risks, on the first place the one of terrorist attacks against the pipeline. Even if Gulf states are the main business partners for the USA in oil trade, and the Persian (Arab) Gulf is often called to be an “American Lake” due to the US Sixth Fleet whose base is in Bahrain,14 in the inland dangers can’t be completely eliminated, being given that a significant part of Arab population is hostile toward the West, especially toward the USA. This does not mean that Arab companies won’t get involved in exploitation of Central Asian oil resources: for example, the Saudi “Delta” company is active in Uzbekistan starting 13 14 Olivier Roy, The New Central Asia. Geopolitics and the Birth of the Nations, New York University Press, 2000, p.194. Robert W. Kolb, “Geopolitical Threats to World Energy Markets”, in The Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies, Volume 36, Washington DC, Scott-Towsend Publishers, Summer 2011, No 2, pp.154–196. 104 Artur LAKATOS • A Special Aspect of the New Great Game: The Presence and Goals … with 1996.15 But to soon no pipeline designed for the provision of the West from Central Asian oil resources won’t pass through the Arab peninsula. Workforce represents another possibility of developing bilateral relations, in the opposite way: Central-Asian workforce is migrating toward Arab states, for earning higher income, and proves to be competitive, especially compared to local Arab workforce, while compared to Europeans and East Asians, they share the advantage of related culture with inhabitants of their host countries. Especially Saudi Arabia has a significant percent of workers coming from states of Central Asia, especially from Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan16. Especially the Uzbek Diaspora is strong in several countries, like in Saudi Arabia and the Emirates, and this is somehow a mutual reality. Due to its geographical position, from all of the five republics, Uzbekistan was the most close to the Arab world, and due to this, it was not immune for interaction not even during the worst decades of Soviet oppression. During the last period of the Soviet Union, a Diaspora of approximately 100,000 Arabs was living in Uzbekistan, and 400–800 thousand of Uzbeks only in Saudi Arabia. Professionals coming from Uzbek nationality are well represented in key fields of Saudi Arabian diplomatic services, internal security structures and other crucial sectors. Such people are for example Muhammad Ilyas Khokandiy, former head of the department in the Ministry of Oil and Mineral Resources, or major-general Abd al-Khamid Muzzafarkhon, former personal pilot of King Faisal.17 Similar trend exists concerning Uzbek professionals in state administration of the United Arab Emirates and of Kuwait too. From the point of view of industrial products, Arab states of the Gulf represent a great market for absorption,18 not only because of the welfare generated by oil extraction, but also by their developed tourism. As Robert Kaplan pointed out, the Middle East… in the last fifty years alone has gone from a rural society to one of immense megacities.19 It is not exaggerated if we say that Dubai is currently the luxury capital of the world, and also a great commercial center. However, Central Asian industrial goods have to compete with merchandise of superior quality coming from Europe, the Far East and other parts of the world with more competitive industrial production. Central Asian states are willing to attract investors, especially in sectors where they have potential, and due to their geographic isolation, following the fall of the 15 16 17 18 19 Kalra, Saxena, 2009, p.219. Karasik, 1993, p.26. Kalra, Saxena, 2009, p.221. Olcott, 2003, p.4. Robert Kaplan, The Revenge of Geography. What the Map tells us about coming Conflicts and the battle against Fate, New York, Random House, 2012, p.63. 105 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Soviet Union they missed real opportunities to develop these further. Such domain is for example the aluminum industry, a field in which Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan is doing efforts to attract investors from the Gulf region. In general, bilateral trade agreements between Gulf and Central Asian states are numerous and of a great variety. For example, the United Arab Emirates is importing from Uzbekistan on first hand oil, silk, metals (especially aluminum and nickel), and services, 22 joint ventures and 27 enterprises with UAE capital being currently active in Uzbekistan. Kuwait is the main exporter of Uzbekistan in the field of communication-related services, and also a major investor in the Uzbek production of electric energy.20 Tajikistan during the years of its civil war was far from being an attractive ground for investments, but following to its end, it made efforts to grow closer ties with China and a number of Gulf States. This led to more development money coming to the country.21 Saudi Arabia is looking to invest especially in Turkmen oil and gas exploitation, where it seems than following to the demise of Niyazov, entered the competition with great chances, in Berdymuhammedov’s vision the three major partners of Turkmenistan being the USA, China and Saudi Arabia.22 Saudi investment is very active in Kazakhstan too, where, in the other hand, at least in the field of oil exploitation, is very unlikely that due to geographic realities, Saudi companies can overcome Chinese and Russian neighbors of this country. But Saudi capital played a major role in building the Karaganda-Astana road between 1975 and 2005, which is nowadays completely functional, and soon after collapse of the Soviet Union, Saudi Arabia was among the first investors in the banking sector of Kazakhstan, through the creation of the Islamic Kazakh Saudi International Bank (IKSICB)23. But the major strategic interest for Saudi and other investments coming from the Gulf States can be found in agricultural potential of Central Asian plains, as we will see in the following chapter. V. Central-Asia: the Granary of the Gulf States? Risks and Possibilities Following the discovery of oil supplies, Gulf States experienced a fast and great, but very unequal development. At one side, exploitation of oil had a spillover effect over Arab economies, bringing with it huge quantities of money and a 20 21 22 23 Kalra, Saxena, 2009, p.224. Martha Brill Olcott, Tajikistan’s Difficult Development Path, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Washington DC, 2012, p.8. Anceschi, 2009, p.145. Kalra, Saxena, 2009, p. 224. 106 Artur LAKATOS • A Special Aspect of the New Great Game: The Presence and Goals … great amount of luxury, at the other hand, certain sectors, which were naturally in disadvantage, like in the field of agricultural production. Since the new possibilities caused a demographic boom and also attracted lots of blue-collar workers from foreign countries, which also meant a higher request for food provisions. Since food import is playing a great role in the economy of this region, GCC countries are highly dependent in this sense by fluctuations of global market, which is causing – when prices of food products are rising – the phenomenon of the so-called food inflation, which occasionally has a negative effect on their economy. Such a year was 2002, when the whole region, especially the UAE and Qatar were the most affected, and in 2007, when Saudi Arabia and Kuwait experienced an inflation of food prices between 6 and 10 percent. Since food inflation always affects more those with lower incomes, it could be a motive for social unrest, a serious problem in the mirror of the events of the Arab Spring. Situation becomes more serious since resources for agricultural production are limited, due to reduced proportion of arable land and issues related to water supplies. Gulf states – especially Saudi Arabia, the country having the largest population – invested seriously in irrigation-based agriculture, which currently is demanding 80% of the total water supply which is predicted to last for 30 years more at most. An option for substituting conventional water sources is represented by desalinization of salt sea water, which requires further investments, but it is energy-intensive and very expensive.24 In these conditions, a viable and far cheaper solution than desalinization or water import is represented by projecting large farms in countries which are more suitable for agricultural production. Such regions are currently countries from Sub-Saharan Africa, Eastern Europe (Poland and Ukraine) and Central Asia. Nowadays, most of these investments projects still remain on the level of plans, but efforts were made in sense to apply them. Such an example is the visit of August 2008 by president of the UAE, Shaikh Khalifa bin Zayed Al-Nahyan to Kazakhstan, where he publicly expressed that the UAE is directly interested in investing into Kazakh agriculture, “to diversify its sources of food supplies”.25 The countries of Central Asia have important advantage, but also major risks and difficulties, of which both Arab businessmen and their local counterparts have to be aware of. The issue of water in the region is not generated by the lack of it, but by its geographical distribution, and of its quality. Due to catastrophic management of environment protection during the Soviet era, factories, but also the ambitious 24 25 Eckart Woertz, Samir Pradhan, Nermina Biberovic, Chan Jingzhong, Potential GCC Agro-Investments in Africa and Central Asia. Dubai Gulf Research Council, GRC Report, September 2008, pp.4–5. “Gulf States look to Harvest food from investment in Asia”, Agence France-Press, July 20, 2008. http://business.inquirer.net/money/breakingnews/view/20080720-149605/Gulf-states-look-toharvest-food-from-investment-in-Asia Retrieved on August 26, 2013. 107 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II cotton-production project near the Aral Lake caused serious pollution whose effects can be felt even today. In Uzbekistan almost a third of the population is consuming water polluted in some way, because 45% of the countries groundwater is inadequate for human consumption. In Kyrgyzstan, a quarter of the population lacks access to adequate sweet water, which makes the respective regions a perfect breeding ground for the dangerous epidemics of typhoid fever. A similar situation exists in Tajikistan, where 75% of the water supplying and culvert system should be replaced. In Turkmenistan, 25% of its surface water is inappropriate from general sanitary standards, and 65% of bacteriological ones.26 Supplying is also a potential source for conflicts, the republics being often close to clash in 2001, when Kyrgyzstan – the supplier, in part of Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan – decided to bill water to its neighbors. The measure was immediately criticized by Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan threatening with the cutoff of gas supplies toward Kyrgyzstan.27 But with all these difficulties, the ambitious project of cotton growth proved that – it is true that by high costs – nature can be changed, and competitive production can be achieved, even in case of such alien plants for the region like cotton. And there are important surfaces in all these countries which are suitable for production of basic food plants like cereals, vegetables, fruits, tomatoes and sugar beets. And if Central Asian governments are lacking finances for major investments in these fields, oil sheiks do not. Beside problems generated by geographical and natural causes, there might be social ones too. Currently, agricultural production of Central Asian countries is covering local consumption in a great measure, but this situation is very fragile. Living conditions are pretty poor, great part of population living under poverty line, and increased export could shortage, with incalculable consequences for social unrest, which can be speculated by insurgent groups. Arab investors will have to make clear that future food production and export won’t bring starvation in the region. VI. Conclusions Relations of GCC states with Central Asian republics will remain important, and will probably be diversified and growing in the future nearby, even if they won’t become primordial ones. Diversification of trade is a natural consequence of the globalization process, of development of production processes and of human 26 27 Cristina Alexandrescu, Asia Centrală. Repere Geopolitice, Bucureşti, Editura Didactică şi Pedagogică, 2009, pp.49–50. Alexandrescu, p.52. 108 Artur LAKATOS • A Special Aspect of the New Great Game: The Presence and Goals … needs. Communication and interaction between the two regions, as we wrote in part I., can be traced back for centuries, and Russian, than Soviet occupation might weaken these relations, but never abolished them completely. A revival of these relations is experienced following to the demise of the Soviet Union, when the new, politically and economically fragile republics were searching for their place in the international system. Rulers and businessmen of the Gulf States were also keen about the new opportunities, as used in a rational manner. For example, regarding a statistics of the European Union for 2012, among the import partners of Turkmenistan, the United Arab Emirates is ranked on the fifth position, Saudi Arabia is on the 16th, Oman on the 29th, and Kuwait on the 40th, in case of export partners, the UAE is on fourth position, Saudi Arabia on the 37th, Bahrain on the 44th, and on the plan of general trade, the UAE is on the sixth position (behind China, The European Union, Turkey, Russia and Ukraine), Saudi Arabia on the 20th, Oman on the 36th, and Kuwait on the 46th.28 However, they were staying out – wisely – from the rivalry of world powers which is the main characteristics of the New Great Game. Currently, the five republics have good relations with Gulf States, and both parts wants to improve them, but not necessary by all price. The most important possibilities currently are in development of oil and gas exploitation industry in Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan, a field in which competition is fierce between great companies, backed up by strong national governments. In this game, companies from the Gulf might obtain important partial success, by themselves or allied with the USA, which lost ground in the recent years on the political plan in the region, but did not abandon its interests completely. The second major fields of cooperation are yet on the level of theory, but of an interesting theory and plans made in this sense are achievable. The major issue in this case is the basic and all-time rule for agricultural production is that this activity is profitable when it is done on large scale. And this involves acquisition of a great portion of compact land, investment in infrastructure, well-elaborated plans for large scale production, and so on. The Aral Sea experience proved that this is possible in Central Asia, but that happened under a different regime. The major challenge for Arab investors – in our vision – is not represented so much by the already given natural conditions, but weaknesses of political regimes and post-Soviet societies. The civil war in Tajikistan, the Tulip revolution of Kyrgyzstan and the ongoing shadow war (which is unofficial, but often with extremely brutal moments) of the 28 Turkmenistan–EU Bilateral Trade and Trade with the World. A DG Trade Document, http://www. consilium.europa.eu/en/documents-publications/agreements-conventions/agreement/?aid=1998010 Retrieved on July 5, 2013. 109 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Karimov regime with its opposition are showing how vulnerable their regimes can be. And turmoil is always bad for business, especially for international one. Central-Asia currently, in the mirror of events in other Muslim countries, is currently not on the map of events of primal importance of world politics. However, it still remains an important scene of great power competition, and will remain so at least for a few years more, if not for decades. A less evident aspect of this for the large public is the involvement of the GCC countries in the game, an aspect which definitely has to be observed in the future. 110 Did the Crimean Khans Collect Tribute (Harâc or Hazine) from Moldova and Wallachia? Sergean OSMAN Relevant literature claims that, during 17th and 18th centuries, as in previous times, Romanian princes had also paid a tribute to the sovereign of Bahçesaray. Although there was no critical analysis of the pretended proofs, paradoxically, this statement was supported by the specialists in the Ottoman and Tatar complex diplomatic science, such as Alexandre Bennigsen, Perten Naili Boratav, Dilek Desaive, Chantal Lemercier-Quelquejay, meritorious editors of the volume regarding the Crimean Khanate; these official documents were safeguarded in the Topkapı Palace archives, in Istanbul. This prestigious list should also comprise the name of Alan W. Fisher. By chance, the curious opinion according to which the Crimean Khan received tributes sent by the princes of Moldova and Wallachia was not transmitted by an apprentice ignorant of the Crimean Khan’s gains, but by expert Charles de Peyssonnel. As consul of France to Crimea, the latter resided in the peninsula for half a decade and had special contacts with Khan Kırım Giray (1758–1764; 1768–1769), while preserving his connexion with the leaders of the Tatars, and even after his transfer, in 1763, to a consular position previously held by his father, in İzmir (Smirna). Charles de Peyssonnel took part in Khan Kırım Giray’s campaign in Moldova, and, naturally, he caught the visible core of the relations between the Khan of Crimea and the Romanian princes. In his work related to the trade in the Black Sea, he writes the following descriptive excerpt: “Besides the annual tribute that the princes of Moldova and Wallachia pay to the Khan, the first «Voivode of Moldova» is compelled to send the Khan a carriage with six horses and 2,000 sequins, for the latter’s ascension to the throne, while the voivode of Wallachia must send 1,000 sequins and a carriage with six horses. With all this, during the year, the Khan keeps on demanding gifts from the two princes, who are almost completely dependent on him out of fear”. The extract goes on to point out the essence of the asymmetry in the relations between Tatars and Romanians: 111 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II “The Khan could practically subordinate the princes through a single demand addressed to the Ottoman Porte”1. The fact that the Crimean Khan might have collected tribute from the Romanian principalities, similarly to the money paid annually by the lords in Bucharest and Iași to the sovereign residing on the banks of the Bosphorus, is not mentioned as a particular fiscal task in either of the various messages in the correspondence held from the Green Peninsula of Crimea, between de Lancey and dignitaries in Paris and French representatives in Istanbul. Charles de Peyssonnel’s predecessor, de Lancey, dispatched to Crimea in 1748, who had the mission of promoting French interests at the court of Khan Arslan Giray (1748–1755), and to undermine England’s position within the trading network in Southern Russia. Neither was the payment of such a tribute to the Crimean Khan, by the princes of Moldova and Wallachia, mentioned by the consul Baron de Tott (Toth) in his renowned “Memoirs” (Mémoires du Baron de Toth sur les Turcs et les Tartares, ed. J.E. Dufour, Philippe Roux, Maastricht, 1785, 4 vol.); the Baron was promoted to the highest rank, Oriental cardinal of French diplomacy, in 1767, and once he arrived in Bahçesaray, following the Paris, Vienna, Kamianets-Podilskyi, Khotyn, Iași, Kishinev and Bucak itinerary, he got involved in the political scenery unfolding at the Khan’s court and he figured out the place and the role given to Romanians by the Bahçesaray leaders, within the context of the total sovereignty of the Ottoman Porte over Moldova and Wallachia2. The news offered by de Tott is believable, considering that past diplomatic missions, carried out in the name of the King of France to the court of the Crimean Khan, are successful. In the summer of 1733, on mission by the French resident in Istanbul, de Villeneuve, de Tott had travelled through Wallachia and Moldova to Bahçesaray in order to determine Khan Kaplan Giray (1730–1736) to allow military 1 2 De Peyssonel, Traité sur la commerce de la Mer Noire, vol. II, Paris, 1787, p. 241–243: Outre le tribut annuel que les Princes de Moldovie & de Walachie paient au Khan, le premier est obligé de lui envoyer à son avénement au trône un carrosse attelé de six chevaux &2000 sequins, & celui de Walachie 1000 sequins & un équipage de même. Malgré cela, dans le cours de l’année, exige des donatives continuelles de ces deux Princes, qui lui sont presqu’entierement subordonnés par la crainte; Le Khan peut en effet les faire déposer par une seule requête à la Porte. This fragment was printed by A.I. Odobescu, also, (in Hurmuzaki, Documente, vol. III/supl. I, 1709–1812, Bucureşti, 1889, doc. V, p.14) after the manuscript preserved in the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Paris, erroneously reducing Moldova’s monetary obligation to 200 sequins. The massive work of Baron de Tott was harshly criticised by Charles de Peyssonnel, in an amending book, entitled Lettre de M. de Peyssonnel, Ancien Consul-Général à Smyrne, ci-devant Consul de Sa Majesté auprès du Kan des Tartares, à M. le Marquis de N... Contenant quelques Observations relatives au Mémoires qui ont paru sous le nom de M. le Baron de Tott., Amsterdam, 1785, 112 pp. 112 Sergean OSMAN • Did the Crimean Khans Collect Tribute (Harâc or Hazine) from Moldova and Wallachia? support for the ascension to the Polish throne of Stanislav Leszczynki, then fatherin-law to Louis XV3. This is not the only piece of information about an alleged tribute paid by Romanian voivodes to the Crimean Khan, but this one in particular was consecrated through the work of Charles de Peyssonnel; the information was tacitly warranted by Jean Reuilly, who had travelled through Crimea at the beginning of 19th century. In his account of his voyage through the peninsula, in the excerpt on the Crimean Khan’s gains, J. Reuilly did not mention the sentence regarding the tribute paid by the Romanian people. Here is the extract: “Selon Peyssonel, les revenus du Khan montaient à peine à quatre millions de notre monnaie, et sur ces revenus, il donnait des assignations à la plupart des officiers de la cour. Il héritait des nobles qui mouraient sans héritiers au septième degré, mais c’était un médiocre produit. Les princes de Moldovie et de la Valachie étaient tenus de lui faire de présens a son avènement. Les terres qui appartenaient aux Khans ont été données au affermées; les lacs salés le sont par un bail particulier”4. In an anonymous “Inquiry” regarding Moldova (L’an 1714. Responses aux questions sur la Moldovie), which was probably written in Poland around 1714, and whose beneficiary was the King of France, the unknown author also included details on the bags of money expected by the Tatar elite from the Moldavian prince. After giving the annual sums and the gifts sent by the prince of Moldova for the Sultan’s treasury, the autocrat’s family and the high officials of the Sublime Porte, of which just the tribute was worth 130 bags, the fragment narrates succinctly: “Outre cela le Prince de Moldavie donne tous les ans au Han de Tartares et aux Sultans aux princes tartares, ses fils, vingt-cinq bourses”5. One foot note of the manuscript preserved at the National Library in Paris (Départament des Manuscrits, fonds français, no. 7157, pages 288–292) also specified the equivalent value of a bag: chaque bourse vaut cinq cents écus de 3 livres. However, after an ample investigation which revealed answers to multiple questions regarding the circumstances in Wallachia and Moldova, an investigation carried on by French emissaries from Istanbul, in 1712, upon request by the Paris headquarters, regarding the Moldavian prince’s financial engagements, there was 3 4 5 Hurmuzaki, Documente, vol I/supl.1, Bucureşti, 1886, doc. DCCIX, p. 487–488; doc. DCCX, p. 488 (instructions from July 11th 1733 given by Villeneuve to de Tott). J. Reuilly, Voyage en Crimée et sur les bords de la Mer Noir, pendant l’année 1803, suivi d’un Mémoires sur le Commerce de cette Mer, et de Notes sur les principaux Ports commerçans, Paris, 1806, p.194. A. Sacerdoţeanu, Du nouveau concernant „une enquête française sur les Principautés roumaines au commencement du XVIIIe siècle”, in R.H.S.E.E., an. VI, 1929, no. 1–3, p.60. 113 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II no account of the tribute paid to the Crimean Khan, but rather the financial connexion with the sovereign on both banks of the Bosphorus: “La province de Moldavie paie au Grand Seigneur un tribut réglé de la somme de 240 bourses, de 500 écus chaqune, que le Prince a soin de recevoir et de faire tenir à la Porte”6. The cash gained by the Khan from the Romanian countries is not mentioned in the contemporary report entitled “Les Questions et les réponses sur la Moldavie et la Valachie” either, a report which only states that Moldova was paying the “Grand Seigneur” an annual tribute of 240 bags, each bag worth 500 écus. Moreover, each year, 150 highly bred horses were offered, as well. This document’s analyst, historian C.C. Giurescu, considered this as: la description de la Moldavie la plus complète qui ait été faite jusqu’à cette époque par un Français7. The opinion that the Romanian countries paid tribute to the Khans, at the end of 17th century, spread to the Russian political scenery, too. Upon return in his country, the Russian emissary Dementie Fomin, sent by Moscow to see Șerban Cantacuzino (1678–1688) and Patriarch Dionisie in Istanbul – as a reply to the Wallachian mission led by Isaia –, described Wallachia as “paying tribute to the Turks, the Tatars and the Habsburg Emperor”8. In the renowned volume entitled Le Khanat de Crimée dans les Archives du Musée du Palais de Topkapi, the editors also included documents directly or tangentially regarding the connexions between the Crimean Khan and Moldova, Wallachia and Transylvania. Unfortunately, for unknown reasons, the editors of the above mentioned volume made an erroneous or ambiguous translation of the documents containing information about the relations between Tatars and Romanians. Thus, in Selim Giray’s letter to the grand vizier, written, according to the editors, between October 15th 1695 and May 28th 1696, the Khan (1692–1699) informed the receiver of his intention to travel to Kerci, together with the Defterdar sent by the Sublime Porte, in order to adopt the necessary measures to consolidate the already threatened border. 6 7 8 Hurmuzaki, Documente, vol. I/supl. 1, doc. DCXXI, p. 417–424. I. Odobescu printed the report entitled Questions et réponses sur la Moldovie et la Valachie after the manuscript found at the Minsitry fo Foreign Affairs, collection Correspondance politique – Turquie, vol. 51, pp.317–322. C.C.Giurescu, Une enquête française sur les Principautés roumainés au commencement du XVIII-e siècle, excerpt from M.E.R.F., 1924, pp.1–29. The author analysed the document after the manuscript found at the Bibliothèque Nationale, quota Nouvelles acquisitions françaies 21661 (the manuscript comes from the library of Orientalist Charles Schefer). C.C. Giurescu considered that the „answers” regarding Moldova had been written in Poland during October 1711 and April 1741, and that the manuscript may be attributed to Marquis de Bonnac; other possible authors could be the ambassadors of France in Poland, Baluze or Bézenval (ibidem, pp.28–29). I.E. Semionova, “Stabilirea legăturilor diplomatice permanente între ara Românească și Rusia la sfârșitul veacului al XVII-lea și începutul secolului al XVIII –lea”, in Romanoslavica, t.V, 1962, p.36. 114 Sergean OSMAN • Did the Crimean Khans Collect Tribute (Harâc or Hazine) from Moldova and Wallachia? Without giving the transliteration of the Khan’s document, the editor interpreted in French a text, as follows: “Mon bienheureux frère, ainsi que le veut la tradition gengiskhanide, votre serviteur Ahmed Aga a été envoyé en Moldovie et en Valachie [pour y percevoir le tribut].” Nonetheless, as the letter’s photography shows (letter kept at the T.S.M.A. – E.2934), only line 11 mentions Ahmed Ağa’s mission to Moldova and Wallachia, and there is no reference to haraci or to hazine, the latter term being then currently and traditionally used at the Khanate’s chancellery to designate the tribute that was usually requested by the Russian and Polish rulers. In line 11, the Khan’s pisar summarised the text in a sentence: “Benim sa’adetlü biraderim şerefiye çengiziyye adedine Boğdan ve Eflak tarafına Ahmed Ağa bendeniz gönderilmiştir.” Therefore, the excerpt in line 11 gives the unequivocal meaning: “My blessed brother, according to the holy Cengizhan tradition, I have sent your serve, Ahmed Ağa to Moldova and Wallachia”9. The grand vizier, Elmas Mehmed Pasha (1695–1697) was asked to facilitate messenger Ahmed Ağa’s mission. Probably in a haste, the then current interpreter in French of the Khan’s letter read harac instead of tarafina. The error would not have existed had someone observed that the term taraf, written the same and bearing the same meaning, is written two lines before, in line 9 of the same official document. The same volume also presents, as concise results, but without the photographic images, the content of five letters (T.S.M.A –E. 5785/7; E. 5785/2; E.5785/9 and E. 5785/10), which are part of the large correspondence between Khan Selim Giray (1764–1767) and sultan Kalga (brother of Khan Mehmed Giray) with the Wallachian voivode, Ştefan Racoviță (1764–1765). The T.S.M.A. E.5785/2 document, the letter sent by the Khan to the Wallachian voivode, dated by the editors “probably between August and September 1765”, is summarised as follows: “Le Khan avait ordonné de percevoir le tribut annuel de Valachie. Le voyevode l’informe que son ordre a été exécute. Le tribut a éte versé en totalité”10. The expression “annual tribute”, bearing the consecutive connotation of inducing the Wallachian prince to become from virtual contributor a coherent payer of the 9 10 Le Khanat de Crimée dand les Archives du Musée du Palais de Topkapı, Alexandre Bennigsen Pertev Naili Boratov, Dilek Desaive, Chantal Lemercier–Quelquejay (eds.), La Haye – Paris, 1978, pp.201–203. Ibidem, pp.245–246. 115 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II tribute to Bahçesaray, is mistakenly used for the evaluation of reports established between Tatars and Romanians, between 17th and 18th centuries. As there is no image of the document within the volume (the photography is missing, too, from the collection of microfilms on Turkey from the A.N.I.C., microfilms which include documents archived at the T.S.M.A.), we may therefore eliminate the editors’ inaccurate statement by resorting to a neutral and objective source. In January 1765, the French consul to Crimea, Fornetti, informed the French Ambassador to Istanbul, de Vergennes, on the relations of Khan Selim Giray with the voivodes of Wallachia and Moldova. The information of the change in connexion on the axis Crimean Khan – Wallachia, came from the resident in Bahçesaray: “Le Kan de Crimée n’a pas voulu accepter le présents que le Prince de Valachie lui a envoyés, parce’ils n’étaient pas aussi considérables que ceux qu’on avait coutume d’envoyer à ses prédécesseurs. Ce Prince Tartare, beaucoup plus intéressé que son prédécesseur, a renvoye le boyard qui en était porteur sans lui accorder audience et a écrit trés fortement à la Porte contre ce Prince et contre celui de Moldavie.”11 Surprisingly, though, Alan W. Fisher, too – author of some erudite works on the history of the Crimean Khanate – came to the conclusion that the Crimean Khans gained annual tributes from the Ottomans’ lieges – from Wallachia and from Moldova12. To argument this, A.W. Fisher cited a diplomatic document from 1581, a printed work in the Hurmuzaki collection (Documente, vol. I/ supliment 1). However, the mentioned document – a letter sent from Istanbul, on April 15th 1581, written by De Germigny and addressed to the King of France – explicitly concludes that, through his most trusted emissary, Khan Mehmed Giray (1577–1584) would have stipulated the participation of Tatar troops in the Turks’ campaign against Safavid Persia in exchange of a sum of money, more exactly Moldova’s annual income and, supplementary, naming his son in the high office of the sangeacbeğ of Caffa13. The role and end of the Tatar envoy led by the Khan’s vizier are divulged in the report written by the imperial Ambassador Joachim von Sinzendorf, from April 29th 1581. The Tatar emissary left Istanbul without the accustomed ceremony and without having gained an increase in the financial tribute. The Tatar Khan would have 11 12 13 Hurmuzaki, Documente, vol. I/supl. 1, doc. MXL, p.735. Alan W. Fisher, Les rapport entre l’Empire ottoman et la Crimée. L’aspect financier, in C.M.R.S., t. XIII, 1972, no. 3, p.373: Les Khans de Crimée étaient autorisés à percevoir un tribut annuel des États vassaux ottomans d’Eflak (Valachie) et de Buğdan (Moldavie). Bien que les sommes n’aient jamais été très grandes, c’était un revenu que les Khans s’efforçaient de garder. Hurmuzaki, Documente, vol. I/ supl. 1, doc. CIV, pp.55–56: le grand Tartare à envoye son premier visir à sadite Hautesse, le quel luy a fait entendre que ledit Tartare demandoit le revenu annuel de la Bogdannie pour luy et le sangiacat de Caffa pour son fils, aultrement protestait qu’il n’iroit à la guerre contre le Persien ny moins y envoyeroit gens. 116 Sergean OSMAN • Did the Crimean Khans Collect Tribute (Harâc or Hazine) from Moldova and Wallachia? wanted an additional sum, given the great losses undertaken by the Tatars during their conflict with the Persians, and he also would have expected their compensation through the sultan’s concession of three areas: Moldova, Caffa and Demir Kapu14. Based on the accounts given by France’s representative and by those of the Habsburg Empire in Istanbul, N. Iorga reached the conclusion that, in 1581, “the Tatars were demanding Moldova in return for their services in Persia”15. Our conclusion is that, at the end of 1581, the Tatars didn’t have any territorial demands on Moldova, and that they neither sought to include the Moldavian people among their “tributaries”; this conclusion is based on the content of the report issued on April 10th, by the Habsburg resident von Sinzendorf; in this document, the writer narrated in full detail the nature of the solicitations made by the Crimean Khan. In the Khan’s view, in the absence of Turkish tributes, the training of Tatar troops for their expedition to Persia could only have been done “if he was to receive Moldova and Caffa as tribute”. The sultan did not give him the requested tribute, but did promise a stipendiary of 100,000 florins (centum milia aureorum florenorum) and military equipment16. Given the 1581 circumstances, when the very foundations of the Bahçesaray throne was being shaken by internecine fights, waken by the members of the Ghiray dynasty, the Khan really did care for the increase of pecuniary flux into his treasury, but without forcing the relations with the sovereign in Istanbul, by risking a demand to take Moldova away from the Ottoman Porte’s grasp. In a 1977 study analysing the matter of the Crimean Khan’s separation from under the Ottoman Porte’s suzerainty, A.W. Fisher justly made the connexion between this issue and that of tributes demanded by Crimean Khans – although, the Crimean “separatism” manifested itself plenary only by the second half of 18th century – but he also added an apparent tribute paid by the Romanian countries. Here is the author’s opinion: “it was tradition to allow Crimean Khans to collect from the Danubian principalities, on a yearly basis, a tribute established and collected by the Khan’s own representatives”17. The renowned historian Halil Inalcık, promoter of the most solid investigations made into the history of the Crimean Khanate, listed Moldova, together with Moscow, 14 15 16 17 Hurmuzaki, Documente, vol. XI, doc. CLXXVI, p.108. N. Iorga, Studii privitoare la istoria Chiliei și Cetăţii Albe, Bucureşti, 1899, p.212. Hurmuzaki, Documente, vol. XI, Apendice I, doc. LXXXVI, p.649. Alan Fisher, Crimean Separatism in the Ottoman Empire, in vol. Nationalism in a Non-National State, ed. William W. Haddad, William Ochsenwald, Columbus, 1977, p.63: „was the custom of allowing the Crimean Khans to collect an annual tribute from the Danubian principalities, a tribute assigned and collected by the Khan’s own representatives”. 117 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Poland and the beys in Circassia in the series of entities from which the Crimeans would gain annual tribute, on a regular basis18. The false supposition that the Wallachian voivode, Constantin Brâncoveanu (1688–1714) would have paid tribute to the Crimean Khan was strangely „attested” by Mihail Guboglu, too. The Romanian Turkologist hastily summed the copy of a sultan’s command, from 1692: “Firman according to which sultan Ahmed II commands Constantin Brâncoveanu, voivode of Wallachia, commands boyars and governors in this vilayet to pay tribute (haradj) both to the Tatar Khan Sefa Ghirai in Crimea and to his first councillor called Nured-Din sultan, as was common from distant times”19. Leaving aside the fact that Nureddin was the second heir associated with the throne holder, placing Constantin Brâncoveanu as haraci payer towards the Crimean Khan, the serious distortion in this summary was excluded thanks to Professor Tasin Gemil’s efforts. In his volume of Turkish documents regarding the relations between the Romanian countries and the Ottoman Porte, the professor included, under the date of March 19th-28th 1692, the document summarised by Mihail Guboglu (who had initially dated it to December 12th-21st 1692). After this erudite and scientific edition, we reproduce the revealing excerpt from the command given to the Wallachian prince: “The Christian population in Wallachia, paying tribute and all of the other tributes demanded in my illustrious commands and which they had to pay, having agreed to pay, as previously done, the taxes to Crimean Khans and sultan Kalgai and sultan Nureddin, wasn’t in any way bothered so far with demands of payments to be made to other courts and without illustrious command. But now, the sultans and the other Tatar leaders in Crimea and Bugeac, who are chiefs at some posts, ask and take away by force and unjustly from the Wallachian population, money and furs and carriages and felts and fabrics under the pretence of gifts” (Eflâk memleketinin ehl-ı zimmet reâyâsı üzerlerine edâsı lâzım gelen cizye sair emr-i şerifimle vâki’ olan bil-cümle tekaliflerin edâ idüb ve Kırım hanı olanlara ve kalgay sultana ve nureddin sultana ve dahi kadimden olageldüği üzere virgülerin virmeğe razıları olub ve taraf-ı aherden bilâ emr-i 18 19 Halil Inalcık, “Power relationships between Russia, the Crimeea and the Ottoman Empire as reflected titulature”, in Passé turco-tatar, presént soviétique Études offertes à Alexandre Bennigsen/TurcoTatar past, Soviet present. Studies presented to Alexandre Bennigsen, Ch. Lemercier-Quelquejay, G. Veinstein, S.E.Wimbush (eds.), Louvain, Paris, 1996, p.208: The tribute which the Tatar states received from neighboring countries amounted to a substantial portion of the overall revenue of the Tatar ruling elit. The Crimeans received tribute from Moscovy, Poland, Moldavia and the Circassians begs which altogether reached an amount in value perhaps as much as 100.000 gold pieces a year. Mihail Guboglu, Catalogul documentelor turceşti, vol. I, Direcția Generală a Arhivelor Statului, București, 1960, doc.101, p.40. The author used a copy of the document (B.A.R., collection of Turkish documents, DLXXXI, p.32), a copy used at the end of 19th century. The copy comes with a translation in French of the document. We assume that M. Guboglu summed up the paper by only reading the French version, whose text includes the term haradj. 118 Sergean OSMAN • Did the Crimean Khans Collect Tribute (Harâc or Hazine) from Moldova and Wallachia? şerif tekâlif mutalebesiyle ber-vechile rencîde olunagelmiş değiller iken Kırım ve Bucak tarafından bazı hizmet ile başbuğ olan sultanlar ve sair emirzalar Eflâk memleketinin reâyasından hediye namıyla akçe ve kürk ve koçı ve çuka ve kumaş taleb ve cebren ve be-gayri hakk alub). In sultan Ahmed II’s decree, at the end of the document, he commanded: “after you will have paid your former tributes, as you have done in the past, to the Crimean Khan and to sultans Kalgai and Nureddin, there shall be no more bothering and oppression with such demands” (mu’tâd-ı kadim üzere Kırım hanı olanlar ve kalgay ve nureddin olan sultanlara olageldüğü üzere virgülerinizi virdükten sonra sairler tarafından bu makule tekâlif ile rencîde ve taâruz olunmıyub)20. Having it thus been attested scientifically by Professor Tasin Gemil, the document proves and confirms three already traditional realities within the norms which defined the financial nature of the tight links between the Crimean Khanate and the Romanian countries: 1. The Khan, sultan Kalga and sultan Nureddin would cash in “fixed gifts” from Romanian princes; 2. The “fixed gifts” were received from “past times”, “from remote times” (there was, therefore, a tradition); 3. The payment made by the Romanians towards the Tatars was sanctified through a supreme sanction of the common suzerain, the Ottoman padishah. The “fixed gifts” came in form of money and were illicitly taken away from the Romanian countries by the Crimean Khan; they had no value and denotation of tribute. From the transliteration of the above cited document, we may conclude that Professor Tasin Gemil interpreted and transposed the Turkish term, the plural virgüler, into the words „fixed gifts”. Within the same category of documents issued by the chancellery of the Crimean Khan, 17th-century writers used the word virgü/vergi not to refer in a syncretic manner to the equivalent of tribute or kharach, but in order to establish that the tax included the presents already fixed previously21. However, until the overwhelming obtrusion of the terms “haraç” and “ciziye”, in regard to Wallachia’s and Moldova’s tribute, the Ottoman Empire’s chancellery used the term vergi. This is how it appears in the act (preserved in T.S.M.A., E.6995) dating back to the beginning of 16th century, which recorded the evolution of the tributes (vergi) paid to the Ottoman Porte by Wallachian and Moldavian voivodes. 20 21 Tahsin Gemil, Relaţiile ţărilor române cu Poarta otomană în documente turceşti 1601–1712, Direcţia Generală a Arhivelor Statului, Bucureşti, 1984, doc. 202, pp. 414–416. Darius Kołdziejczyk, The Crimean Khanate and Poland-Lithuania international Diplomacy on the European Periphery (15th-18th Century). A Study of Peace Treaties Followed by Annotated Documents, Brill, Leiden – Boston, 2011, doc. 58, pp.948–953 (The Ahd-nâme given by Islam Giray to the Polish King Vladislav IV, in February 1646). The editor translated vergü (lines 15 and 23) with „fixed gifts”, and hedaya with „presents”. 119 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II The first editor of this document, published in Romania as a novel, historian Ismail Hakkı Uzunçarşılı, paraphrased the following: “the voivodes of Moldova, apart from the Ottoman treasury, had to give vergi to the Khans of Crimea, as well; if during such an aggression, the Crimean Khan had granted assistance to the prince of Moldova, this vergi would have been doubled”22. I couldn’t figure out how and why the Turkish historian arrived to this curious conclusion, caught up, among others, by Alan W. Fisher, too. The official Tatar concept for the tribute gained by the Khan from the kings of Poland and the great knezes of Moscow, as results from the Crimean Khans’ yarlıks, is materialised in the notion of hazine or uluğ hazine, which primarily means “treasury” or “great treasury”23. In the yarlık addressed by Khan Mehmed Giray (1641–1644; 1654–1666) to the Tsar of Russia, Alexei Mihailovici, in the autumn of 1657, the former reproached his addressee the removal of his emissary (elçi), Mehmed Shah, sent in mission to get the “fixed gift”. In the original version of the document published by Tasin Gemil, Mehmed Shah “had gone after hazine” (hazine içün varan Mehmed Şah). After the syntagm “fixed gift”, the editor put a questioning mark and in the foot note he added an explanation: “until the end of 17th century, Russia, just like Poland, paid an annual substantial tax/gift (“dare anuală”) (tiyiş) to the Khanate”24. Although Tatar and Turkish narrative documents don’t refer to the tribute received by the Crimean Khans from the Romanian countries, this doesn’t stand for a valid and perennial argument, and we insist upon the fact that some Tatar chronicles only mention Russia as tributary of the Khanate. For instance, Seyyid Mehmed Riza, in the chronicle entitled “The Seven Travelling Planets Carrying News on Tatar Domination” – Es-seb’a es-seyyar fi ahbar mulük ut-tatar25, a fresco of the Crimean Khanate, from its founder to Mengli Giray (1724–1730), but also in the later work of Halim Giray, entitled “The Khans’ Rose Garden” – Gülbün-i hanan26, the tribute received by the Khan from Russia is called “gizia” (ciziye), meaning, according to Islam, the haraç received from non-Muslim vassals (= Christians), as capitation, a 22 23 24 25 26 Ismail Hakkı Uzunçarşılı, Osmanlı Tarihi, vol. II. Istanbul’un fethinden Kanunî Sultan Süleyman’ in ölümüne kadar, ed. III, Ankara, 1975, p. 434: Boğdan voyvodaları Osmanlı hazinesinden başka Kırım hanlarına da vergi veriyorlardı; eğer Kırım hanı bir tecavüz vukuunda Boğdan beyine yardım edecek alursa bu vergi o zaman iki kat alınırdı. The term hazine, a term often used as tribute by writers in the Crimean Khanate’s chancellery, has no identical correspondent in Romanian, to render the meaning in Tatar political vocabulary. Gemil, 1984, doc. 129, pp.293–297. Seyyid Mehmed Riza, Es-seb’a es-seyyar fi ahbar mulük ut-tatar, ed. A.K. Kazimbeğ, Kazan, 1832, p.166. Halim Giray, Gülbün-i hanan yahut Kırım tarihi, O. Cevdi, Istanbul, 1870–1871/1287 H., p.21. 120 Sergean OSMAN • Did the Crimean Khans Collect Tribute (Harâc or Hazine) from Moldova and Wallachia? tax that symbolised, altogether, the acceptance on behalf of the payer of his statute of tributary to the suzerain. The tribute perceived by the Crimean Khan from Poland27 and from Russia28 was the secular consequence of solemn yarlıks given by previous Tatar khans to the leaders of Lithuania, Poland and to great knezes (tsars) in Moscow, thus confirming their ruling over some defined territories. Until the present day, no such yarlık was found to have had as political beneficiary either of the leaders of the Romanian medieval entities, although probably and most likely such acts were issued by the descendants of Cengiz Khan during the indisputable domination of Tatars over Moldova, Transylvania and Wallachia. It is obvious that, in various circumstances, the Crimean Khans demanded money and gifts from the Romanian princes. Official documents issued by the chancellery of the Ottoman Empire and by that of the Crimean Khanate show that the keepers in Bahçesaray had cashed “fixed gifts” from Wallachia and from Moldova, not as suzerains of the Romanian princes, but as powerful military leaders who could offer protection and support against possible internal and external enemies, or they could stop and avoid possible crossings by Tatar armies over populated areas, crossings which would have brought material and human damage among the autochthons East of the Dniestr. The first aspect and its occurrence are shown in a document from 1566. When Süleyman the Legislator (1520–1566) got involved in his last campaign against the Habsburg Empire, and the Moldavian voivode, Alexandru Lăpușneanu (1563– 1568) was threatened by an invasion from claimants sheltered in Poland, and a guard of 200 janissaries was there to guard the prince’s court, on April 26th 1566/ 6 şevval 973, the sultan gave imperial order to seek peace between Devlet Giray (1551–1571) and the Moldavian prince. Here is the order (hükum) addressed to the Moldavian voivode (Boğdan), reproduced almost in its entirety: “In a letter merrily sent to the nest of my happiness (âșiyan sa’adetime), His Highness Devlet Giray Khan let us know the following: when he had brought support into Moldova, in a purse (tezkere) bearing a seal, which he sent to you, he demanded, according to an old custom, that you double his annual tribute 27 28 Kolodziejczyk, 2011, pp.496–506, depicted a scenery of the tribute and of the “fixed tributes” received from Poland by Crimean Khans during 1462 and 1742. In the presented table, among the sums calculated in florins, in order to show the tribute and the “fixed tribute”, the terms upomynky, skarb podarki, pomynky, bölek, bölek hazinesi, consueta dona, hazine, uluğ hazine, tiyiş, vergii, hedaya, pişkeş appear. Anna Horoşkevici (Rus i Krym. Ot sojuza k protivastojaniju.Koneţ XV-nacalo XVI vv., Moskva, 2001, pp.225–258), in discrepancy with Tatar diplomatic documents, but also with Russian documents, where the tribute was called pominki, the author considers that Moscow had sent tribute, called vihod, only up until 1502, with the exception of the short period of time during 1670 and 1685. 121 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II (vergi), and so you were to send the double now; you not only omitted giving what was asked of you, but you imprisoned the man who had brought you that purse. Therefore, the above mentioned, His Highness, since he had come with Tatar army to help Moldova, I ask you this: why won’t you send him the tribute (vergi) which is usually given to the Khan and to which you yourself ran into debt? I command you to send His Highness’ share, the share you owe according to the custom, without further delay, once you receive this great order”29. The epilogue of the episode recounted by the Empire’s command in the spring of 1566 left no trace in the documents, but it is without a doubt that Khan Devlet Giray obtained the plenary achievement of the material engagements assumed by Alexandru Lăpușneanu as a price for the cooperation of the Tatar military. In a 1597 yarlık (only preserved in Latin), addressed by Gazi Giray to Mihai Viteazul (Michael the Brave), in reply to a message sent by the Wallachian voivode, we could read the following excerpt: “From the very beginning, Transylvania, Moldova and Poland have lived in great friendship with the Tatars and often have offered gifts30 to the Tatars, but you have not given me anything as yet, although I am powerful enough to subordinate and lead these three countries as I please. (Ab initio Transalpina, Moldavia et Polonia semper cum Tartaris familiarissime vixerunt saepeq<ue> munera Tartaris offerebant, tu autem haetenus mihi nihil plane obtulisti, cum ego ea dignitate gaudeam ut haec tria Regna iuxta arbitrium meum dispanam ac gubernem)”31. However, the document also discloses the material role of the Khan’s request, since the sender was engaging himself that his Tatar armies would not cross over Wallachian territory during the year, and thus they would not damage Wallachian inhabitants. It’s clear that the money demanded by the Khan was practically a “tax for protection”. I quoted this clarifying document also because the situation during 1593–1606, the period of the so-called “longest war”, is very similar to what happened during 1683–1699 regarding the position of the Crimean Khanate towards the Romanian countries; the two are different periods during which the Ottoman Empire 29 30 31 Biblioteca Academiei Române, manuscript collection, Colecţia documente turceşti, DL XXX, page 18a. Document summarised by M. Guboglu, Catalogul documentelor turceşti, vol.II, Direcția Generală a Arhivelor Statului, București, 1965, doc. 121, p.43. The noun munera in the Latin text – from munus/muneris – besides its meaning as a gift offered to someone, also bears the meaning of task, obligation, burden. The Latin version found at Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Fondo Borghese, serie III, 89 D, page 192. The photocopy is found at A.N.I.C., microfilm collection, roll 78, take 91–92. The German version (slightly different) was printed in Hurmuzaki, Documente, vol. XII/1, doc. CCCCXXVIII, pp. 286– 287. The Latin version, together with its translation, was published in the volume Mihai Viteazul în conştiinţa europeană, vol. 5, Mărturii, Bucureşti, 1990, doc. 68, pp.144–146. 122 Sergean OSMAN • Did the Crimean Khans Collect Tribute (Harâc or Hazine) from Moldova and Wallachia? engaged in an overwhelming war with the Habsburgic Empire. In this last period, however, Constantin Brâncoveanu frequently offered money to the Tatar khans and leaders, while Wallachia found itself on the shortest course between Crimea and fighting arenas engaged by the Ottomans with Habsburgic rivals, with the objective of not only limiting the current sackings made by the hands of Tatars, but also to fulfil targets contrary to his Istanbul suzerain. A particular case, resembling bribery, is unveiled by historiographer Mehmed Giray. As part of Sa’adet Giray’s entourage (March-December 1691), the Tatar historiographer recounts that, in 1691, the Khan had received from Constantin Brâncoveanu, as a sign of devotement, 5–10 bags of money. The stimulant was offered because, through the guides he provided, the Wallachian voivode had crossed the Tatar troops through overland routes, in jag, with many stages and slow marches32. Constantin Brâncoveanu’s voluntary stratagem – for which he was accused by the historiographer of conducting hypocritical collaboration with the Ottoman’s enemies – was successful, and the Tatars’ dalliance in Wallachia deprived the Turks of the Tatar assistance in the confrontation they had lost with the Habsburgs, in Salankemen. The beneficiary of the money come from the Wallachian voivode, Sa’adet Giray did not overcome the disaster suffered by the Turks at the end of 1691, and was relegated for incompetence. Due to the rare findings of these documents, we cannot depict a picture of the evolution of the tributes gathered by the Crimean Khans from the Romanian princes. Nonetheless, the money from the tributes given by Wallachian and Moldavian voivodes to the leaders in Bahçesaray and the Tatars’ rank and fashion, did not measure the significance – as perceived by the donor – of the tribute, aiming at stroking the ego and pride of Crimean Khans, by silently admitting their descent from Gengiz Khan. Obviously, the Crimean Khans gave it another perception, more so as they would evaluate and take into account regular and official gifts sent by the Ottomans, as tribute33. The analysis of the documents used during the research also reveals another conclusion, that the Romanian princes would conclusively amalgamate fractions and money quotas and call them by the generic term “tributes”, therefore, gifts and offers given to Tatar Khans. 32 33 Uğur Demir, Târîh-i Mehmed Giray, Istanbul 2006, pp.44–45. Victor Ostapchuk, Svitlana Bilyazeva, The Ottoman Northern Black Sea Frontier at Akkerman Fortress: The view from Historical and Archaeological Project, în vol. The Frontiers of Ottoman World, A.C.S. Peacock, Oxford University, New York, 2009, p.137. 123 Petition Campaigns of Tatars and Bashkirs of Volga–Ural Region in 1892–1894 Ildus Kotdusovich ZAGIDULLIN In the post-reform period, basic mass of Tatar population lived in rural areas. However, under the development of capitalist relations conditions urbanization processes increased gradually in Tatar society. A tatar village was the source of urban classes’ formation. In the second half of the 19th century a new generation of Tatar entrepreneurs and guild merchants, who were countrymen by birth, appeared. The representatives of first and second generations of merchants had strong relationships with their country folk. “Group communal consciousness (to a large extent it was simply a mythological motion) permeated all aspects of everyday life of a peasant community. It was collective consciousness of people who had strong bonds not concerning business relationships, but also at an emotional level. Consciousness that was old traditions and ideals-oriented”1. In the presence of classrestrictions and traditionalism that prevailed in land communities, Tatars were isolated from socio-political processes held in the country. “The community appeared as a social institution regulating interior of the peasant community and its relationship with the outside world. It appeared as a keeper and compiler of industrial and social experience and whole system of peasant values. As soon as community was the main manifestation of peasants’ life, it is obvious that people had group, community consciousness”2. Prevailing number of Tatar land communities were simply set and presented by inhabitants of the same settlement who formed rural society. As part of rural society Muslim parish existed, in larger villages there were more than two parishes. Religious community was a key element in self-government organization of Muslim community and represented an independent social institution. Religious community was the main form of cultural-social society of Muslims and fundamental unit of their religiouscultural autonomy. It represented a small-scale model of a country with strong bonds of its parts setting up a union, that community created its own laws, customs, 1 2 . ., . . (XIX – XX .). . ., . . . // . ., 1996, p.26. , p.22. 125 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II public orders, institutions and traditions which were maintained and permanently regulated by Islamic spirit. That powerful spirit was found in elders and the whole parish; they didn’t need acknowledgment from above as the authority of that power was the Quran itself, a source of religious and moral authority3. That definition was given by a Crimean Tatar educator I. Gasprinsky could be attributed to Muslim parishes of Volga–Ural region of the period under consideration. Autonomy of rural society and peasant community significantly helped to solve social problems. It simplified the organization of religious-ceremonial life and provided religious institutions with sources of subsistence within the scope of a united religious-cultural environment and monolingual surrounding. Tatars’ “withdrawal” within the scope of traditional religious communities was caused by their “religious-national peculiarities”4. Trying to preserve traditional values, the Tatars were against subjecting to Russia and establishing townships in their settlements (anticipating that Russian officials would come frequently), and opposed to dram shops opening, etc. Most of Tatar ploughmen did not know the Russian language and were illiterate. Lack of periodicals in their native language contributed to mahallas’ isolation (religious communities). Information gap was filled in by information widely spread in the bazaars, Majlis, prayer meetings, etc., very often facts were misrepresented and caused rumors. In the post-reform period the Russification of neither Tatar elite nor common people took place. However, the government’s domestic policy was aimed at strengthening control over the Islamic education system missionary activity of Russian Orthodox Church favored the formation of ambiguous opinion about the government’s domestic policy. In the begging of 1890's when national development was carried out, Tatar Muslim consolidation took place, they counteracted the threat of ethnic-religious identity and protected Islamic and nation’s interests. However, each group had different forms of opposition, it could be simply explained by the following: their reaction was a result of their mentality, social status and the degree of an impact a regional government had on them to introduce those innovations. In the first half of 1890 complication of the “Muslim issue” in the Volga–Ural region had set in several initiatives provoked by the government. By imperial decree enacted on the February 5, 1882, all mektebes and madrasahs should have been taken under control but carefully and gradually, but in a circular letter of the educational institution released June 30, 1891, it was stated that Muslim 3 4 126 . . , 1993, p.39. XIX . .1. .- ., 1936, p.108. Ildus Kotdusovich ZAGIDULLIN • Petition Campaigns of Tatars and Bashkirs of Volga–Ural Region … religious schools should have been transferred into public schools under the guidance of directorate. That led to close contact between officials of educational departments and mugallims, mudarris. It expressed in paying frequent visits to schools and making an inquiry about static like the number of students attending the school and composition of students and mugallims etc. The second most important reason to start worrying was another circular letter published July 10, 1892 according to which all manuscripts and foreign publications should have been confiscated and those clerics who received education in foreign Islamic centers were not allowed to enter denominational schools. That circular letter was addressed to authorities of Kazan, Orenburg and Moscow educational districts, and directories of Orenburg educational district were in charge of its implementation. Actions of Orenburg Cossack Army leaders assisted in strengthen “mental ferment” in the Urals to the, where in 1882 Muslim Cossacks’ childre were forced to study Russian grammar everyday from 9 a.m. to 2 p.m. The only time they had to attend mektebes was so-called “free time”: from 6 to 8 am and from 7 to 9 pm. In that case they had no rest at all5. September 9, 1892 the ataman of Orenburg Cossack army gave an order to close Tatar schools based in the army and forbode boys to attend mektebes. Instead, they were allowed to study the fundamental knowledge of Islam in Russian village schools times a week in fixed days6. In 1890–1892 the imperial rule’s next “innovation” was to reduce the number of Muslims religious manuscript books. V.D. Smirnovym was the censor who consistently cut words and sentences out of religious works belonging to 10th-12th centuries, as well as from Tatar manuscripts – verses and suras from the Quran, words and sentences containing words like “dzhigat”, “kyafer”, “giaour”, giving them or finding in them hidden meaning like humiliation or intolerance towards Christians and Christianity. He often related those words to multiconfessional situation in the Russian Empire; his attitude gave rise to a large number of personal and group complaints on the behalf of Tatar publishers from Kazan and clerics. Level of education, mentality of villagers and town dwellers, the degree of Russian public life awareness, integration into Russian culture and social status affected the appraisal of government actions which were aimed at suppressing Muslims’ rights. While the prescribed form of petition presentation insisted on showing due respect for a recipient. Most of the petitions expressed the whole community’s point of view and, as a rule, were drawn up by members of parishs or village communities in the form of public judgment, which usually required one or 5 XIX . .1. .- ., 1936, p.108. 6 . 1836–1903 ./ . . . , 1905, pp.101–102. 127 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II two accredited representatives. Sometimes those petitions were made and filed by some men trying to make profit out of the situation. With due regard for basic mass of Tatars had poor commands of the Russian language, it is obvious that on a number of occasions to formulate an idea and to give grounds for government’s illegal activities lawyers involved. In general, the protest of Tatar and Bashkir communities against imperial authorities’ new initiatives showed themselves in: 1) school headmasters’ refusal to execute an official order of confiscate manuscripts and printed manuals, released by foreign publishing companies. from Muslim schools, as well as they presented petitions asking to cancel or suspend a circular letter dated back to July 10, 1892; 2) circulating petitions, following the formal procedure, with a request to call off or suspend discriminatory laws; 3) forced migration of the population to the Ottoman state. Based on the mentioned above forms of written protest, let us identify social groups that participated in petition campaigns. Forced migration of Tatar people to the Ottoman state involved Tatar-Cossack stanitsas and villages of Orenburg troops as well as Muslim living in Orenburg, Kazan and Samara provinces. Members of traditional land communities participated in that migration, they found the beginning of the end of Muslim identity and mass Christianization in new initiatives conducted by local administration and government. In the name of observation their religious rights, they preferred to change citizenship. Tatars living in Orenburg province presented the governor with an ultimatum forwarding their petitions: if he did not cancel a circular letter dated back to July 10, 1892; they would migrate to Turkey. In general, the idea to file petitions, in response to new initiatives conducted by the Ministry of Education, belonged to clergies of village parishes. October 31, 1892 started the implementation of innovations in Orenburg, the government demanded that headmasters of Tatar schools should have stoped using printed books and manuals that were not approved by Russian censorship. In response to that clergies said: 1) the prohibition of foreign publications of purely theological nature, which were not prejudicial to state interests, “was equival to violation of” Muslim believe system; as soon as those books were used to teach future mugallims and imams; 2) before slapping the ban against periodicals brought from abroad they had to be published in Russia 3) to hang existing foreign publications over to a censorship committee to find out expert opinion; 4) to postpone the implementation of I.D. Delyanov’s circular letter dated back to July 10, 1892. According to R. Fahretdin, who served as kaziy during that period in Orenburg Mohammedan Religious Assembly, more than one thousand complaints-petitions 128 Ildus Kotdusovich ZAGIDULLIN • Petition Campaigns of Tatars and Bashkirs of Volga–Ural Region … with the same text were sent to religious authorities. Those complaints were against the Governor of Orenburg who wanted to close Tatar schools and against Delyanov’s circular letter7. It was obvious that petition campaigns were properly organized. Some village communities took the issue into thorough consideration while drawing up appeals, the key-note of a claim raised by them was “to recall mektebes and madrasahs from” academic department and to return them to Religious Assembly, as it use to be before. In fact, they offered great changes in legal basis of confessional schools functioning, that would legally allow them to deny access to an inspector from academic departments to school. On July 21, 1894 the Minister for Internal Affairs I.N. Durnovo decided to suspend I.D. Delyanov’s circular letter dated back to July 10, 1892. The Minister admitted in his prescription that “a large number” of petitions, against manuscripts and foreign publications confiscation received from Muslims, made the government reconsider the issue8. Delyanov’s circular letter fell into abeyance, that gave rise to hope among Muslims that by filing more petitions they could cancel some other autocratic laws violated rights of Muslims. That should explain appearance of a long list of requests and demands in their application, in other words, they undertook an “integrated approach” regarding solutions to all related issues as of paramount importance. According to them, religious rights of Muslims belonging to Orenburg Mohammedan Religious Assembly were infringed. In particular, in the most loyal petition dated to May 4, 1894, representatives of the entire Muslim community (from Tukaevo village Orenburg district) under antiIslamic measures conducted by the government understood: subordination of Muslim schools to the Ministry of Education in 1874, confiscation of manuscripts and manuals from schools, prohibition of Muslim religious books as anti-Russian by the General Directorate of Press, the facts of Muslim and Orthodox villages integration in order to assign “a Russian man” to the post of the head. They asked for the abolition of statutory Russian educational qualification for those who wished to become Muslim clergymen. They wanted the government to give the permition to print religious books banned by censors and print them without cutting out any words or sentences9. In February 1892 the Ministry of Internal Affairs lodged a protest against 27 imams from Orenburg and Seitov Posad who wanted to reduce the number of censors’ cut outs in a manuscript written in Tatar “Risaləi Gadahn Ikhwan” (“Treatise fraternal 7 8 ə . ə җ . . 1870–1890- 9 ə ə ə ə . : // ( ə ə , 2011, p.173. . 2010. №2, p.212. ), .821, .8, .791, . 70 .-71. 129 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II victuals”) from 11 to 9. In response, Capital Censorship Committee banned the publication of the manuscript10. That fact became well-known in Muslim community in no time. In 1892, under the impact of Muslim protests the government prohibited the censor from cutting out “parts and quotations from Quran” and religious books were published on the same terms. However, there was no official statement on the behalf of the government about revision manuscripts of Muslim books, the issue remained open. The tension in Volga–Ural region did not go down. Launching a petition campaign against Delyanov’s circular letter (1892) Muslims asked for abolition of previous government measures to strengthen control over schools and clergies. Petitioning the Supreme Court, in spring 1893, they accused the government for not following established and vested interests when governing Muslims. By that time petitions were filed by a few authorities of Muslim Volga– Ural region instead of village communities. Those authorities were the representatives of national elite. In March 1893, three entrepreneurs and two mudarris from Orenburg, Kazan’ Seitov Posad and Ufa province made a request for the Department of Religious Affairs of Foreign Confessions. They openly declared that cutting out or correcting religious texts, along with instructions of the Ministry of Education to confiscate manuscripts and religious books published abroad from mektebes and madrasahs for Russian Muslim community were not a mere “censorship formality”. It was a fundamental issue in observance of religion freedom principles in government-Islamic relations: the manifestation of governmental point of view if “it was possibile or impossibile to let people follow Mohammedan religion according to the acknowledged religious forms and teachings, in which a faith had been professed over 300 years without a single change”11. Pointing to the lack of Muslim political and economic treatises, petitioners also mentioned that Russian censors cut out some sentences and words which used to be published freely in different religious publications. They also pointed to the fact that those words and sentences were extracted from the texts presented for re-publication. Drawing attention of the director of the Department of Religious Affairs of Foreign Confessions to the fact that due to a circular letter dated back to July 10, 1892 (in abeyance), they were not able to print full text of religious books abroad as well. And yet, it was next to impossible to publish them in Russia. They plead to convey their wish to the Minister and allow printing Muslims books without any corrections. 10 11 130 , .821, , .773, .8, .829, .199 .-200. .171, .2271, .169–169 . Ildus Kotdusovich ZAGIDULLIN • Petition Campaigns of Tatars and Bashkirs of Volga–Ural Region … “Proving that a book has already been published in Russia and that new edition does not contain any innovations except for the old text reprinting”12. In May 1894 Ministry of Internal Affairs held a special meeting which was attended by academic department representatives and orientalists. The issue of Islamic manuscripts was discussed and as a result of the meeting those books were allowed to be used in mektebes and madrasahs13. It seemed to be the end of the confrontation. Meanwhile, the fact that I.D. Delyanov’s circular letter dated back to July 10, 1892 fell into abeyance spread the fear among Muslims that the government intented to convert them from Islam to Christianity after January 1, 189514. Some people totally lost confidence if it was possible to live in Russia following original ethnic and religious traditions. They did not believe, as well, that the government would adhere to the religion freedom principles and had to move to the Ottoman state in 1894. Under such difficult conditions a logical question was put: how to hold out against further actions of the autocracy, which jeopardized ethnic-cultural identity of Muslim people. We can assume that a tactic elaborated by Tatar merchants and clerics implied filing collective motions on the behalf of authoritative Tatars from all regions of Russia. Those petitions should have explained anxiety and concern of Muslim community and setting forth the details of concrete proposals. The petition campaign was waged to restore former cultural-religious autonomy of Tatars and Bashkirs and to abolish a notorious circular letter suspension. It was aimed at canceling some earlier passed laws against Muslim schools and clergy. That was the impression produced after all collective solicitations reached The Ministry of Internal Affairs in 1894. The great number of “national issue” aspects was competently set forth in a collective petition by 14 Muslims calling themselves “delegates and representatives from different Muslim provinces” (no later than June 13, 1894) 15. The group consisted of well-known entrepreneurs from Kazan, Kasimov, Irkutsk and religious leaders from Kazan, Orenburg and Ufa provinces. “Deputies” declared their “moral duty to express clearly and openly” reasons why their brothers in faith were concerned about guarantees offered by the government against compliance their religious right in the future. They wanted to refute the established by government and Russian press opinion that Muslim “inquietude” was due to their “fanaticism” and clergy influence. They stated that, on the contrary, 12 13 14 15 , .773, .171, .2271, .170–170 . . . . , pp.211–212. , .821, .8, .791, .1 . , .821, .8, .791, .51–55 . 131 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II in the current situation Muslims blame their religious leaders, imams, for not “trying to defend the legal religious rights”. The authors of the written request marked out the main reasons of the current situation, citing “Rules on taking educational measures towards non-Russians living in Russia” dated to March 26, 1870: “Russianization of Tatar Muslims, who have numerous clergy, a lot of mosques, Mohammedan schools and strong in their faith, could be reach through the Russian language and enlightenment”. They believed that the word “to become Russianized” interpreted as “religion constraint” by Muslim community. According to them, the article under the title “Rules” published in “Kazan diocese news” (1870) by a local periodical Orthodox agency (that agency was directly engaged in the Christianization of Muslims) was a fatal mistake and favored the strengthening of the context of the word. The representatives stated that the appearance of Russian classes in mektebes and madrasahs was treated as an “unusual phenomenon” in their religious educational system, but a circular letter dated to July 10, 1892 was clearly regarded as “invasion” of the government “in the field of their belief system”. Moreover the delegates saw political underlying reasons in the actions of the government naming the act “suspicion about strength of Muslims’ political views”. That act deeply offended loyal feelings co-religionists. Realizing political hidden meaning, they stressed out on purpose, that neither in mektebes and madrasahs “a single word that was out of tune with the government’s views”. The third reason the caused the increase of anxiety for preserving established order was act released July 16, 1888. It was very hard to meet strict requirements set up by the law, that each Religious Assembly candidate had to have commands of knowledge equaled to the first 4 classes of gymnasium. Admitting dire necessity to speak the official language of the state the representatives noted that parishioners took Russian educational centre as a limitation of their freedom to choose “their spiritual leaders and executors of their spiritual needs”, because under new circumstances “a common Tatar person who knows Russian had more chances to become an imam than a person who received theological education”. Next reason that caused explosion of popular discontent and mentioned in their note was discrimination to publish sacred books and books on theology which used to be printed in corpore. Publications of these books with cut outs and extractions of the text here and there caused losses of their meaning and integrity. Anti-Muslim measures were explained like the following that Muslims fell under government’s suspicion and that authorities did not believed in Muslims’ loyal attitude towards political system. 132 Ildus Kotdusovich ZAGIDULLIN • Petition Campaigns of Tatars and Bashkirs of Volga–Ural Region … Quite convincing sounded representatives of Tatar community from Petropavlovsk, Akmola region laying their claim to the Minister of Internal Affairs (August, 1894). First of all, they expressed their ideas of religion freedom in three main causes: 1) to allow Muslims to be the followers of their religion without any restrictions on using religious literature; 2) to give the opportunity for a young generation receive religious education; 3) to be able to choose the parish clergy. Based on these criteria they structured their religious right infringement secured by the law in force. Tatars from Petropavlovsk “felt oppressed under the current situation and did not believe their religion to be free”. They declared that government’s actions were illegal, proving that their books and schools did not contain anything harmful, otherwise it would have became obvious after all those years that Muslim lived in Russia, they put emphasis on “Muslim’s loyalty and faithfulness to the Russian tsar as strong as Russians” 16. Governmental measures to infringe Muslims’ religious right in 1892–1894 contributed to strengthen social activity of different Muslim groups such as Tatars and Bashkirs. They pushed their demands stronger and stronger, proving that government’s initiative was illegal and destroyed fundamental principals of religion freedom. Petition campaign demonstrated that the government had to act with judgment when it came to system regulation of Muslim religious education. Petitions played an important role in explaining to high officials the illegitimacy of political accusation of Muslims in their disloyalty to existing political system. At the same time it showed that searching for separatist attitude of mind did not bring any positive results as well as it did not convey negative attitude towards governmental drastic measures on cultural assimilation. And like that it destroyed Tatars and Bashkirs cultural environment creating Russian national state. Petitions showed that the movement for preserving religious-cultural Muslim autonomies grew rapidly. Different groups of Muslims got involved into social processes of the country. Those campaigns contributed to the suspension of Delyanov’s circular letter (1892) and prevented the correction of religious Muslim manuscripts. Due to them a list of books allowed to be used while teaching in mektebes and madrasahs was composed and approved and the last but not the least one was government’s consent to use handwritten manuals at schools. 16 , .821, .8, .791, .82–88. 133 BLACK SEA, BORDERLANDS AND CROSSROADS. PRESSURES AND OPPORTUNITIES Le Traité russo-turque d’Unkiar Iskelessi (le 8 juillet 1833). De nouvelles contributions documentaires Veniamin CIOBANU Comme on le sait, dans l’année 1825, le sultan Mahmud II a appelé à l’appui de son vassal, le Pacha d’Égypte, Mohammad Ali Pacha, pour supprimer l’insurrection grecque, en échange de quoi il a promis que son fils Ibrahim sera récompensé par la domination de l’Ile de Crète. Mais la campagne égyptienne en Grèce s’est fini par la catastrophe de la flotte turque-égyptienne, qui dans la bataille navale de Navarin, de 20 octobre 1827, a été détruite par une escadre mixte, composé des navires de guerre britanniques, françaises et russes1. L’expérience Navarin a déterminé Muhammad Ali Pacha, de ne pas agir aux appels désespérés du sultan Mahmud II d’accorder un soutien dans la guerre contre la Russie, commencé en 1828. Au contraire, il a profité de la situation assez critique dans laquelle se trouvait la Porte et a prolongé sa domination dans le sud, jusqu’au Soudan, et en est, pour qu’en 1831, de demander au sultan de céder la Syrie, comme récompense pour les sacrifices que les égyptiens les ont faits, à la faveur de la Porte, au temps de l’insurrection du Grèce2. Comme le sultan a refusé, même à cause de l’échec de la collaboration égyptienne, des troupes égyptiennes ordonnées par Ibrahim pacha, ont attaqué la Syrie, qu’ils ont conquise le Juillet 18323. Au début, la réaction ottomane a été faible. En mars 1832, Mahmud II a officiellement déclaré Muhammad Ali et son fils Ibrahim déchus de toutes leurs dignités et a rejeté les rebelles. Ce que ne les a pas affectés, mais au contraire, ils ont continué à revendiquer la Syrie, comme prix de leurs sacrifices, faits par eux  1 2 3 Les informations utilisés dans ce texte ont été extraits du tome du soussignée Europe and the Porte. New Documents on the Eastern Question. Volume X: Swedish Diplomatic Reports 1830–1835; puisque le tome se trouve encore en manuscrit, nous avons préféré indiquer les cotations d’archive, et pas le nombre des documents du tome. Norman Rich, Great Power Diplomacy 1814–1944, New York, St. Louis etc., s. a. p.69. Ibidem. Stanford J. Shaw, Ezel Kural Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey. Volume II: Reform, Revolution, and Republic: The Rise of Modern Turkey, 1808–1975, Cambridge University Press, 1977, pp.32–33. 137 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II avec les armées, au cours des années 1825–1827. Les troupes égyptiennes, commandées par Ibrahim Pacha ont obtenu le mois juillet 1832, deux victoires contre les turques, commandés par Aga Hussein, à Homs et à Belan (Belen)4. En espérant que la suite de ces victoires, le sultan Mahmud II sera convaincu de remettre la Syrie sur la voie des négociations bilatérales ou de la médiation des grands pouvoirs européens, Muhammad Ali Pacha a arrêté d’avancer dans le territoire ottoman des forces armées commandés par son fils. Le sultan s’est montré intraitable, quoique la Grande Bretagne n’était pas en mesure de l’aider, en fait, grâce à des problèmes internes, telles que les élections parlementaires et la crise irlandaise, mais de nature externe aussi, à savoir la crise espagnole et portugaise. D’autre part, Autriche était obligée de se tenir près de son allié, la Russie, qui attendait le moment pour profiter de ces circonstances, pour accroître son influence dans l’Empire Ottoman5. Toutefois, Mahmud II a posé en situation de guerre une nouvelle armée, commandée, au moment, par le grand vizir Rechid Mehmed Pacha, qui a été vaincu par Ibrahim à Konya, le 21 Décembre 1832, en ouvrant, ainsi, la voie vers une complète occupation de l’Anatolie, mais aussi vers le Bosphore6. L’événement a produit une forte impression à Istanbul.7 Bien que la Porte n’avait apporté, pour le moment, la nouvelle en public, Anton Testa, le chargé 4 5 6 7 Shaw, Shaw, 1977, p. 33; A. Debidour, Histoire Diplomatique de L’Europe. Depuis l’ouverture du Congrès de Vienne jusqu’à la clôture du Congrès de Berlin (1814–1878), par A. Debidour, Tome premier. La Sainte Alliance, Paris, 1891 p.318. Shaw, Shaw, 1977, p.33. Ibidem; Debidour, 1891, p.318. La défaite de l’armée ottomane à Konya a eu aussi un écho dans les Principautés Roumaines; ainsi, le 17.01.1833, le consul général de la France dans les Principautés, Lagan, informait le ministre des Affaires Étrangères de la France, Victor de Broglie, qui « la déroute de l’armée turque, sous les murs de Koniah, a produit ici (en Bucarest – n. n.) une vive sensation. En effet, les Boyards des différents partis calculent les conséquences de cet évènement sur leur situation, et les Russes (appartenant aux autorités civiles et militaires russes d’occupation dans les Principautés Roumaines, conformément aux dispositions du Traité de paix russo-turque d’Adrianople, du 14. IX. 1829 – n. n.) sont tous préoccupés de la crainte d’une révolution à Constantinople, qui pourrait détruire leur influence et peut-être même annuler le traité d’Adrianople, si chèrement acheté. D’ailleurs, ils redoutent, aujourd’hui plus que jamais, le moindre mouvement de l’autre côté du Danube, parce que les Principautés étant dégarnies des troupes dans ce moment, il serait facile à un gros de 5 à 600 (sic! probable une erreur de typographie, le nombre réel doit être 6 000, comme il est indiqué dans un autre rapport de lui), Turcs déterminés ou brigands Bulgares, de venir piller Bucarest et y enlever jusqu’aux membres de l’administration Valaco-Russe. Aussi, sous le prétexte de mettre ceux-ci à l’abri d’un coup de main, compte-t-on demander à la Russie la rentrée en Valachie de deux ou trois régiments, demande que le Cabinet de St. Pétersbourg est, dit-on, très disposé à prendre en considération » (n.s.) (Documente privitoare la istoria românilor. Culese de Eudoxiu Hurmuzaki. Publicate sub auspiciile Ministerului Cultelor şi ale Academiei Române. Volumul XVII, Corespondenţă diplomatică şi rapoarte consulare franceze (1825–1848). Publicate după copiile Academiei Române de Nerva Hodoş, Bucureşti, 1913, p. 285; en outre, Hurmuzaki, XVII); à 23. I. de la même année, Lagan est revenu sur cette question, en informant son ministre d’affaires étrangères que « la nouvelle de la déroute de l’armée Ottomane sous les mures de Coniach, a produit ici une vive sensation. 138 Veniamin CIOBANU • Le Traité russo‐turque, d’Unkiar Iskelessi (le 8 juillet 1833 )… d’affaires de la Suède à la Porte, a réussi à apprendre que les pertes des turques, dans des armées réguliers, ont été considérables, bien que l’armée ottomane ne fut abimée, en totalité, tel comme on a cru au début, les pertes des turques sont arrivés à 15000 des personnes, au temps qu’Ibrahim Pacha avait perdu seulement 8 0008. Toutefois, la Porte s’est alertée, le divan se trouvant toujours dans des séances. À la suite des délibérations, on a décidé l’entreprise des mesures urgentes, qui assuraient la sécurité d’Istanbul, non seulement contre un attaque probable des armées égyptiennes, commandées par Ibrahim pacha, mais aussi la maintenance du silence et de l’ordre dans la Capitale9. La perspective d’un effondrement de l’Empire Ottoman, configuré par sa défaite à Konya, constituait une menace sérieuse de plusieurs points de vue. Premièrement, il y a été la possibilité qu’en profitant de la situation critique dans laquelle se trouvait la Porte, la Russie conquis le Constantinople et, donc les Détroits, ce qui était la même chose avec la fermeture des celles-ci pour les navires de guerre britanniques, et plus encore. D’autre part, il y a été la perspective de la création d’un empire puissant égyptien qui comprenait la Syrie, la Mésopotamie, l’Arabie et même une partie de l’Anatolie qui pouvait être en mesure, indépendamment ou en collaboration avec la Russie, ou même avec la France, de couper les communications des britanniques avec l’Inde, à travers le Moyen Orient10. Préoccupés de résoudre d’autres problèmes, que nous avons mentionné, la Grande Bretagne n’était pas disposé à s’engager dans la réduction de la crise orientale, d’autant plus que sa flotte de guerre a été bloqué dans l’Atlantique, pour surveiller l’évolution des événements des Pays Bas, et aussi de la guerre civile au Portugal. Donc, on n’a pas 8 9 10 Tandis que les uns calculent les conséquences de cet événement pour ce pays (la Valachie – n. n.), les autres redoutent qu’un gros de 5 à 6,000 Turcs déterminés ou Brigands Bulgares, ne ce jette en Valachie, et n’y vienne commettre des déprédations, les Principautés ayant peu de troupes Russes dans ce moment » ; mais, „l’ordre qu’on vient de donner au Conseil administratif de la Moldavie, d’aviser aux moyens d’alimenter trois divisions Russes, destinées, dit-on, à agir de l’autre côté du Danube, calmera sans doute bientôt ces inquiétudes » (n.s.) (ibidem). Voir le rapport d’Anton Testa, adressé à Gustaf Wetterstedt, le Ministre d’Etat et des Affaires Étrangères de la Suède, du 8. I. 1833, dans Sveriges Riksarkivet, Kabinettet för Utrikes Brevväxlingen Utrikes departementet Föregångare, Huvudarkivet 1681–1952, E2D, 239, Konstantinopel, 1832–1833 (en outre, Sveriges Riksarkivet, Kabinetet/UD Huvudarkivet, E2D, 239, Konstantinopel, 1832–1833). Ainsi, « Ahmed Fevzi Pacha, Conseiller militaire du Palais, qui commandait un Corps de réserve qui n’a pas pris part à l’engagement du 21, a reçu l’ordre de réunir à Eski-chekr (point beaucoup plus rapproché de la Capitale que de Coniah) 10 à 12,000 hommes de troupes régulières qui se trouvaient échelonnées entre Bourse, Niece et Nicomédie, afin de tâcher au moins d’arrêter l’ennemi dans sa marche sur Constantinople, si toutefois l’état actuel de son armée lui permet de s’avancer. Messieurs Thévemin et Beuilly, instructeurs Français dont le Grand Vizir avait exigé le renvoi du quartier général, à l’époque qu’il prit le commandement de l’armée, ont aussi été dirigés vers ce point » (n.s.) (ibidem). Macfie, s.a., p. 21. 139 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II suit les propositions de Metternich, le chancelier de l’Autriche, pour réaliser une coalition européenne, pour soutenir le sultan contre son vassal égyptien11. En ce qui concerne la France, celle-ci a essayé de régler le conflit turco-égyptien, mais sans un résultat, parce que le Pacha d’Égypte n’a pas accepté les conditions proposées par les médiateurs français, à savoir que le chargé d’affaires, JacquesEdouard Varennes, baron de Bourignot, qui a été aussi de l’ambassadeur de la France à Istanbul, et l’amiral Albin Reine Rufin, en prétendant que la Porte cède l’entière Syrie12. Le seul pouvoir qui s’est hâté pour se conformer aux demandes d’aide du sultan Mahmud II a été la Russie. Puisque, l’apparition d’un état puissant dans le Moyen Orient pourrait opposer une plus forte et efficace résistance à la pénétration de la Russie dans la région, que l’Empire Ottomane pourrait le faire.13 Par conséquent, la Russie ne pouvait pas accepter la possibilité que les détroits entrent, en fait, sous le contrôle de la France, si les égyptiens abimeraient l’Empire Ottoman, grâce à l’influence particulière qu’il exerçait sur ceux-ci, et donc il a décidé d’intervenir pour intercéder le conflit entre la Porte et l’Egypt. Dans ce but, on a envoyé à Istanbul et, puis, à Alexandrie, le général N.N. Mouraviev. Immédiatement après l’arrivée, le général Mouraviev a pris contact avec les autorités centrales de la Porte. En même temps, comme Anton Testa l’avait appris, « le Général Mourawieff a expédié plusieurs courriers aux Commandants des forces Russes dans les Principautés de Valachie et Moldavie et à ceux des frontières d’Asie, et son départ pour l’Egypte différé d’un jour à l’autre a enfin eu lieu le 4 de ce mois sur la même Frégate le Standard, qui l’a amené d’Odesse. Les uns veulent qu’il se rende directement à Alexandrie, pour sommer Mehmed Aly de la part de Sa Majesté l’Empereur de Russie qu’il ait a retirer ses troupes en Egypte et le menacer d’une intervention armée en cas de refus de sa part, et d’autres prétendent qu’il touchera d’abord à Nauplie, où l’Amiral Ricord se joindra à lui avec quelques Frégates, pour donner plus de poids à Sa commission dont il est chargé » (s. n.)14. La porte a toutefois décidé, à la suggestion du gouvernement britannique, qui, comme Anton Testa le laisse entendre, recommandait à la Porte d’essayer de résoudre amicalement ses conflits avec le Pacha d’Egypte,15 et de négocier directement avec Muhammad Ali Pacha, but dans lequel on a nommé comme plénipotentiaire le grand kapoudan, devenu, entre temps, le commandant chef de l’artillerie de l’armée ottomane. Sa mission semblait à Anton 11 12 13 14 15 Ibidem; Norman Rich, The Easter Question 1774–1923. Revised Edition Longman, London and New York, s. a., p. 69. Debidour, 1891, p. 320. Shaw, Shaw, 1977, p. 39. Sveriges Riksarkivet, Kabinetet/UD Huvudarkivet, E2D, 239,Konstantinopel, 1832–1833; Ibidem. 140 Veniamin CIOBANU • Le Traité russo‐turque, d’Unkiar Iskelessi (le 8 juillet 1833 )… Testa assez difficile, car il était presque impossible de déterminer les bases qu’on pourrait négocier: « un Pacha que naguère encore le Sultan a mis hors de la loi en le déclarant traitre à la religion et à l’Empire ; mais il est plus que certain que Sa Hautesse n’a consenti qu’avec peine à une démarche, en opposition aussi directe avec Son caractère, et à laquelle Il se voit réduit par la force des événements. On assure même qu’à un des derniers Conseils, le Sultan n’écoutant que Son courroux, avait émis l’opinion de déployer le Sandjeak-chérif, et de faire un appel à la nation Musulmanne, à la tête de laquelle Il marcherait en personne; mais le Séraskier s’est jeté aux pieds de Sa Hautesse et Lui a fait abandonner un projet dont les résultats auraient pu être funeste »16. Selon toutes les probabilités, le général N.N. Mouraviev avait déjà proposé, à la Porte que des armées russes avancent vers l’Asie Mineure, une proposition décliné par celle ça. Puisque, affirmait Anton Testa, la Porte était préoccupée par « le mauvais effet que cette mesure pourrait produire sur le Peuple Musulman, qui croirait voir l’Empire livré entre les mains de ceux qu’il a toujours regardé comme ses ennemis naturels » (s. n.)17. En ce qui concerne les instructions qui ont été rédigées pour son usage, le 1Novembre 1832, elles mettaient en évidence les motifs de la politique orientale du tsar. Tel comme l’historien de Iaşi Leonid Boicu les avait reproduites, elles ont été formulés de cette manière: « les succès de Mehmed Ali prépareront un désastre funeste de l’Empire Ottoman. Quelles que soient les conséquences que cet événement va apporter, elles ne seraient pas étrangères à la Russie, car les avantages directes que la Russie doit au Traite d’Andrinople pourront être remis en question. L’empereur sera oblige, malgré sa volonté de reprendre une attitude menaçante contre la Turquie pour défendre ses droits» (s. n.)18. Puis, il y a des raisons idéologiques qui déterminaient la Russie d’empêcher ce qu’Ali Pacha ait gagné, depuis qu’une telle chose faciliterait l’augmentation de l’influence française à Constantinople qui « deviendra le centre de refuge pour tout personne sans principes et sans une patrie, 16 17 18 Ibidem; « la Porte s’est décidée à cette démarche, – Anton Testa notait en plus – devenue indispensable après la défaite du Grand Vizir ; puisqu’elle espère que la sommation comminatoire du Général Mouravieff d’une part, et de l’autre un message dans le même sens qui aura été fait à l’heure qu’il est de la part de l’Angleterre, porteront Mehemed Ali à accepter un accommodement » (s. n.) (ibidem). Ibidem; de la même opinion était Gustaf Nordin, le représentant diplomatique de ce temps de la Suède au Petersburg, qui, dans un rapport au même Gustaf Wetterstedt, du 2.II/21.I. 1833, l’informait que « la Porte Ottomane a refusé l’offre d’une intervention armée faite d’ici. Le mauvais esprit qui règne actuellement parmi le peuple Turc et ses préjugés nationaux expliquent assez cette résolution; jusqu’à un certain point il faut aussi attribuer à ces idées de fatalisme, que le Grand Seigneur partage avec le dernier de ses esclaves »; en revanche, le sultan a autorisé le général Mouraviev « à déclarer au Vice-Roi d’Egypte, que s’il ordonne la cessation immédiate des hostilités et qu’il retire ses troupes de l’Asie Mineure, la Porte Ottomane est disposée à lui céder toute la Sirie » (s. n.) (Sveriges Riksarkivet, Kabinetet/UD Huvudarkivet, E2D, 704, Petersburg, 1832–1833). Leonid Boicu, Scrieri istorice alese, Ediţie şi studiu introductiv de Dumitru Vitcu. Indice de persoane de Alexandrina Ioniţă, Casa Editorială Demiurg, Iaşi, 2011, p.491. 141 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II qui conspirent contre la Russie » (s. n.)19. Enfin, il y avait aussi une forte motivation politico-stratégique, car la « la victoire d’Ali Pacha va apporter à Russie un voisin puissant et victorieux, au lieu d’un faible et conquis » c’est pourquoi le tsar voulait « éviter la chute du sultan » (s.n.)20. Toutefois, la Porte voulait que l’intervention militaire russe ne se produise pas, avant que le gouvernement britannique fixe la position devant sa demande de l’aider contre l’Egypte et seulement après qu’elle a été conseillée par celui-ci, tel comme on a mentionné, de trouver une entente amiable avec le Pacha d’Egypte « la Porte a définitivement accepté l’intervention Russe » (s. n.)21. Par la suite, à 25 Décembre 1832, une mission militaire russe est arrivée à Istanbul qui devait ouvrir la voie pour la venue des forces militaires russes. En même temps, des envoyés britanniques et français sont arrivés à Caire, ayant la tâche de déterminer Muhammad Ali Pacha d’accepter leur médiation pour signer un accord qui aurait assuré pour lui le gouvernement de la Syrie. Mais, Muhammad Ali Pacha exigeait, que le prix d’apporter l’Egypte dans le système politique ottoman soit le remboursement par la Porte des toutes les frais qu’il avait fait avec la guerre : « et l’adjonction de toute la Syrie et de toute la Palestine au Gouvernement dont il était revêtu avant sa levé de bouclier »(s. n.)22. Informé sur les prétentions exagérées du Pacha d’Egypte, l’ambassadeur de la France, Albin Reine Roussin, « et voulant à tout prix rendre superflue la coopération des forces Russes » (s. n.)23, dans la règlementation 19 20 21 22 23 Ibidem. Ibidem. Voir le rapport de Magnus Fredrik Ferdinand Björnstjerna, l’Envoyé Extraordinaire de la Suède à Londre, du 28. XII. 1832, dans Sveriges Riksarkivet, Kabinetet/UD Huvudarkivet, E2D, 418, London 1832; mais le diplomate suède estimait que « tout ce que l’Angleterre pourrait faire dans cette guerre intestine (entre la Porte et Egypte – n. n.) serait de preter l’appui de Son Excellence (Henry John Temple, le lord Palmerston le Secrétaire de cette période du Forain Office – n. n.) au Grand Sultan, et ce n’est même que lorsque le Vice-Roi (Muhammad Ali Paşa – n. n.) approcherait de Bosphore, pour passer en Europe, qu’elle pourait être de quelque utilité » (n.s.) (ibidem). Le rapport d’Anton Testa, adressé au comte Gustav Wetterstedt, du 26. II. 1832, dans Sveriges Riksarkivet, Kabinetet/UD Huvudarkivet, E2D, 239,Konstantinopel, 1832–1833. Ibidem; encore même à 26. I. 1832, Anton Testa informait le comte Gustaf Wetterstedt,, que « le Chargé d’Affaires de France (Jaques-Edouard Varennes, le baron Bourignot – n. n.), s’est, sous le plus grand mystère, donné beaucoup de mouvement pour empêcher que la Porte acceptât l’intervention de la Russie et a eu des entrevues secrètes avec tous ceux des membres du Divan (et il était nombreux), qu’il savait être contraires à l’acceptation des offres faites directement au Sultan par le Général Mourawieff : il leur a fait entrevoir le danger de remettre, pour ainsi dire, les destinées de l’Empire entre les mains des Russes et l’effet funeste que la présence d’une armée de cette nation produirait sur tout le peuple Musulman : enfin on assure même qu’il a pris sur lui de menacer la Porte, qu’en cas d’acceptation d’une intervention armée Russe, la France se déclarerait aussitôt contre Elle, et qu’une flotte partirait immédiatement de Toulon pour voler au secoure de Mehemed Aly : il en a tant fait et tant dit, qu’il parait aujourd’hui que ses insinuations entrent pour beaucoup dans le refus que le Divan a fait du secours de la Russie dont il n’a accepté qu’une simple médiation amicale » (n.s.) (ibidem). 142 Veniamin CIOBANU • Le Traité russo‐turque, d’Unkiar Iskelessi (le 8 juillet 1833 )… du conflit turque-égyptien, après qu’il avait consulté Hadji Mehmed Akif Efendi, et le sultan, s’est engagé devant la Porte de déterminer Muhammad Ali Pacha d’accepter les termes24. À la suite, convaincu par le succès de la médiation française, la Porte a réitéré, officiellement, au représentant de la Russie, P. A. Bouteniev, la demande qu’il retire dès qu’il sera possible, la flotte ancrée dans le port d’Istanbul, dont la présence n’était plus nécessaire dans la nouvelle situation, demande sur laquelle reis efendi avait informé l’ambassadeur de la France25. P. A. Bouteniev n’a pas été d’accord d’examiner la demande de la Porte. À la suite, tel qu’Anton Testa l’avait appris, a déclaré à reis efendi « qu’il ne saurait accepter cette Note, que lorsque l’on y supprimerait le passage, où il est dit : « que l’Ambassadeur de France, s’étant chargé de l’arrangement des affaires avec l’Egypte, le secours démandé de la flotte Russe, n’était plus nécessaire ». Mr de Boutenieff a ajouté, qu’au reste, si la Porte ne voulait pas changer la teneur de sa Note, cette pièce n’était certainement pas nécessaire, pour demander le départ de la flotte, sur lequel on était déjà d’accord », la Porte ne sachant pas pour moment, pour laquelle s’y décide26. À 9. III/25. II 1833, Gustaf Nordin informait le comte Gustaf Wetterstedt qu’ « il parait sûr que l’escadre Russe restera devant Constantinople jusqu’à la conclusion d’un arrangement définitif entre le Sultan et Mehemed Aly » et que « le Général Mourawieff a le commandement des troupes qui se trouvent à son bord » (s. n.)27. Une décision qui a provoqué les protestations de l’ambassadeur de la France, adressées à la Porte, contre la présence de la flotte russe dans la rade du port d’Istanbul, surtout que selon les informations d’ Anton Testa, le tsar Nicolas I avait ordonné aux troupes russes stationnées sur les frontières de l’Empire Ottoman d’avancer vers Istanbul ou vers tout autre destination, au cas que celle-ci serait sollicitée par la Porte, sans être besoin des ordres ultérieures28. Mais la Porte a insisté, près de l’ambassadeur de la France de ne plus demander le départ de la flotte russe du Bosphore, jusqu’il reçoit la réponse de la Pacha d’Egypt, aux propositions de paix de la Porte, tout en étant très mécontente de la prestation de l’ambassadeur français, en tant que médiateur. Puisque, Muhammad Ali a refusé catégoriquement de faire la paix avec le sultan, soit directement, soit par la médiation française, sauf si on lui 24 25 26 27 28 À savoir: 1o « amnistie pleine et entiere; 2o réintégration de Mehemed Aly dans les Gouvernements de l’Egypte, de l’Abyssinie, de Djidda (port de la Meque sur la Mer Rouge), et de l’île de Candie, qui lui étaient confiés avant sa révolte; et enfin, 3o l’adjonction à ces Gouvernements des Pachaliks de Saint Jean d’Acre, de Jérusalem, de Naplouse et de Tripoli de Syrie, avec leurs dépendances » (n.s.) (ibidem). Ibidem. Le rapport d’Anton Testa, adressé au comte Gustaf Wetterstedt, a 12. III. 1833, dans ibidem. Sveriges Riksarkivet, Kabinetet/UD Huvudarkivet, E2D, 704, Petersburg, 1832–1833. Le rapport d’Anton Testa, du 22. III. 1833, dans Sveriges Riksarkivet, Kabinetet/UD Huvudarkivet, E2D, 239, Konstantinopel, 1832–1833. 143 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II accepte ses conditions, c’est-a-dire « la cession de toute la Sirie, et autres Pachaliks adjacents jusqu’aux Monts Taurus, qu’il posséderait à tître de fief héréditaire dans sa famille, aussi que les autres provinces, dont l’administration lui était antérieurement confiée »29 (s. n.). Comme suite, Anton Testa croyait, « qu’il y a tout lieu de croire, que le Sultan va définitivement se jeter dans les bras de cette Puissance, qui, seule dans le moment actuel peut sauver l’existence de l’Empire, si toutefois les forces nécessaires à cet objet pourront encore arriver à tems » (s. n.).30 Hypothèse qui s’est révélée logique, depuis qu’entre temps, Ibrahim pacha a avancé dans le territoire de l’Empire Ottoman, en occupant Kutahya, le 2 Février 1833, et a demandé le sultan de permettre que ses troupes restent pendant l’hiver à Bourse, une localité située à proximité d’Istanbul. Dans ces circonstances, Mahmud II a donné a la Russie la permission que sa flotte traverse la Mer Noire, pour défendre l’Istanbul, tandis qu’une autre armée, mais terrestre, venait de traverser les Principautés Roumaines, pour atteindre les rives du Bosphore31. La situation était devenue assez alarmante, depuis qu’on avait créé les conditions pour que la Russie atteigne son principal objectif de sa politique orientale, c’est-à-dire la conquête du Constantinople et comme conséquence, des Détroits. Par conséquent, l’Autriche et la Grande Bretagne ont estimé qu’il est absolument nécessaire, qu’avec la France, détermine le sultan de faire assez autant de concessions à Ali Pacha, pour que les armées russes soit obligées de quitter le territoire ottoman. À son tour, même la Russie était d’accord que le sultan ait cédé aux revendications de Muhammad Ali Pacha, mais par toutes autres raisons, que celles des trois pouvoirs. À savoir, car en procédant ainsi, la Porte aurait été considérablement affaiblie, et par conséquent, elle serait contraint de demander l’aide de la Russie. Face à ces pressions diplomatiques, et aussi à 29 30 31 Le rapport d’Anton Testa, de 27. III. 1833, dans ibidem; très indisposé de l’implication de l’ambassadeur de la France dans les efforts de la Porte de réglementation des conflits avec Pacha d’Egypte, s’est montré aussi la Russie. Selon un rapport de Gustaf Nordin, de 6. IV. 1833, dans les cercles gouvernementaux russes, l’état d’esprit anti-français était assez prononcé, les responsables russes étant convaincus que « l’effet de la démarche de l’Ambassadeur de France sera le contraire de celui, auquel il s’attendait, puisque la Flotte Russe, maintenant renforcée par une seconde escadre ne quittera point le bospohore (sic !), et l’humiliation que la France a voulu faire à la Russie, retombera sur elle même. Ici on ne parait pas croire que cette tracasserie pourra amener des suites sérieuses pour le moment, mais toujours est-il certain, que le Gouvernement Russe n’oubliera que difficilement la conduite de la France dans cette affaire, dont, tôt ou tard, les conséquences se feront sentir » ; à cette occasion, le diplomate suédois ajoutait en plus l’information, selon laquelle „on dit que la Russie, rassemble des troupes sur le Pruth et sur le Danube, sous les ordres du Général Krassowski, selon les meilleures notions, le Corps en question serait de 20 à 25,000 hommes. Il resta à supposer qu’il ne passera point le Danube, si les choses ne prennent pas une tournure toutà-fait fâcheuse » (n.s.) (Sveriges Riksarkivet, Kabinetet/UD Huvudarkivet, E2D, 704, Petersburg, 1832–1833). Ibidem. Shaw, Shaw, 1977, p.33. 144 Veniamin CIOBANU • Le Traité russo‐turque, d’Unkiar Iskelessi (le 8 juillet 1833 )… ceux du sultan, il a accédé, et a commencé un nouveau cycle de négociations avec Muhammad Ali Pacha, par l’intermédiaire de l’Ambassade de la France, qui a posé la condition que le plénipotentiaire français, qui venait à se déplacer à Kutahya, où il y avait le siège d’Ibrahim Pacha, soit accompagné d’un plénipotentiaire de la Porte, en ayant des pleins pouvoirs pour négocier32. Quoique reis efendi était optimiste en ce qui concerne les résultats des négociations de Kutahya, ils y avaient encore des doutes qu’en réalité, l’optimisme affiché par le reis efendi était seulement une moyen de gagner du temps, jusqu’à ce que toutes les forces militaires russes soient concentrées dans le Bosphore et soient capables de l’offensive, contre l’armée égyptienne, commandées par Ibrahim pacha. Ce qui pourrait être vrai, depuis que le sultan avait des réunions fréquents, de son initiative, avec les commandants des forces navales et terrestres russes. En plus même, on a fixé aussi les lieux de camping pour les armées terrestres russes, débarquées, qui ont été équipées de la logistique nécessaire lorsqu’elles circulaient des rumeurs sur l’atterrissage des autres forces militaires russes33. Les mesures en discussion étaient justifiées, d’ailleurs, du moment que le Pacha d’Egypte a refusé d’accepter les conditions de paix avancées par la Porte, à travers les français. Conformément à un rapport du Gustaf Nordin du 13/1 Avril 1833 Muhammad Ali Pacha aurait déclaré « qu’il n’acceptait nullement les stipulations refermées dans le susdit Traité ; qu’il ne pouvait pas concevoir comment la France, qui l’avait excité à attaquer le Sultan, pouvait maintenant l’engager à des concessions qui l’empêcheraient de tirer fruit de ses sacrifices pécuniaires, et de ses victoires ; que loin de souscrire à ce que l’Ambassadeur avait promis en son nom, il exigeait que la Porte lui cédât non seulement toute la Syrie, mais encore une partie de l’Asie Mineure jusqu’à la ville d’Adana, et que dans le but d’appuyer ces prétentions, il enverrait immédiatement à Son fils l’ordre de pousser avec son armée jusqu’à Scutari » (s. n.)34. Dans les nouvelles circonstances, créées par la position du Pacha d’Egypte, reis efendi a déclaré à A.P. Bouteniev et au général N.N. Mouraviev qu’il espère que l’escadre russe ne va partir de la rade du port d’Istanbul. Par ailleurs, l’ambassadeur de la France lui-même « qui tout d’un coup se voyait obligé de changer le langage, avait même reconnu que la présence de cette flotte était dès 32 33 34 Le rapport d’Anton Testa, du 1. IV. 1833, dans Sveriges Riksarkivet, Kabinetet/UD Huvudarkivet, E2D, 239, Konstantinopel, 1832–1833; toutefois, dans le rapport mentionné, Anton Testa ajoutait en plus l’information, selon laquelle reis efendi a eu une série de conférences avec les représentants de la Russie à Istanbul, à l’occasion du quelle on supposait que les personnes ont été informés en ce qui concerne la décision du sultan de renoncer au support militaire de la Russie, dans la perspective de la réglementation du conflit avec l’Egypte, sous la réserve que la flotte russe soit ancrée dans le Bosphore, soit reste aux positions, jusqu’à l’achèvement de l’accord de paix turque-égyptien (ibidem). Le rapport d’Anton Testa, du 11. IV. 1833, dans ibidem. Sveriges Riksarkivet, Kabinetet/UD Huvudarkivet, E2D, 704, Petersburg, 1832–1833. 145 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II à présent devenue absolument nécessaire » (s. n.)35. À la suite, à la fin du mois d’avril 1833, la Porte a conclu la paix avec l’Egypte à Kutahya, une paix qui a été officiellement annoncée, dans les premiers jours de mai de la même année, par deux documents/haticherifs du sultan36. Entre autres choses, le sultan accordait à Ibrahim pacha le gouvernement de Damas et d’Alep, et le contrôle sur la position stratégique d’Adana, la porte d’entrée en Anatolie37. Muhammad Ali a été confirmé dans le grade de gouverneur d’Egypte et de la Crète et a reçu aussi la juridiction administrative sur la Syrie, au long de toute sa vie38. À la suite, Ibrahim Pacha a commencé, à la fin du mai 1833, le retrait de ses troupes d’Anatolie, pour que six semaines plus tard soit entré dans les territoires qui étaient attribuées à lui et a son père39. L’accord de Kutahya a été apprécié comme étant seulement « un expédient, non une solution. Chacune des parties ne l’avait accepté ou subi que comme une trêve momentanée » (s. n)40. Le tsar Nicolas I n’a pas été content de l’accord bilatéral turque-égyptien de Kutahya. Puisqu’il voulait « to perpetuate Russian domination and the diminution of the traditional French and British influence in Istanbul » (s. n.).41 Pour cela, il a accepté une proposition antérieure du Mahmud II de conclure un traité d’alliance défensive contre un possible attaque des égyptiens et a envoyé à Istanbul le diplomate A. F. Orlov qui a signé le fameux traité défensive russo-turque d’Unkiar Iskelessi, le 8 Juillet 1833, « which incorporated most of czar’s ambitions » (s. n.)42. 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 Ibidem. Debidour, 1891, p.323. Au préalable, Ibrahim Pacha a retiré ses armées vers Adana; la nouvelle a été communiqué à l’ambassadeur extraordinaire de la Russie a la Porte, Alexei Feodorovici Orlov; en conséquence, on a constitué une commission mixte russo-turque, afin de vérifier si la retraite s’est faite, en effet, résultats qui décideront la retraite des forces russes, navales et terrestres, de la zone du Bosphore (le rapport d’Anton Testa, du 11. VI. 1833, dans Sveriges Riksarkivet, Kabinetet/UD Huvudarkivet, E2D, 239, Konstantinopel, 1832–1833). Rich, s.a., p. 70; en ce qui concerne le « district » Adana, la subvention a été « déguisé » , par la désignation d’Ibrahim comme « collecteur de taxes/percepteur » (.Macfie., p. 20–21). Shaw, Shaw, 1977, p. 34; Rich., p.70. « On est ici – notait Gustaf Nordin, dans le même rapport du 13/1 IV. 1833 – très-curieux de voir quel rôle que la France jouera maintenant dans l’affaire de l’Orient, après la défaite qu’elle vient d’essuyer sur le champ de bataille de la Diplomatie. Sans s’exposer à être accusé de la plus grande mauvaise foi, le Gouvernement Français ne pourra maintenant se dispenser d’appuyer tout ce que la Russie se trouve dans le cas de faire pour soutenir la Porte ». (ibidem.). Paul Thureau-Dangin, Histoire de la monarchie de juillet, Tome quatrième, Paris 1887, p.3. Shaw, Shaw, 1977, p.34. Ibidem; « grâce à la situation désespéré de la Porte et de la temporisation diplomatique occidentale – notait Leonid Boicu – le tsar avait gagné politiquement ce qu’elle n’avait jamais gagné a la voie des armes. Bien sûr, le point culminant l’a constitué le Traité d’Unkiar Iskelessi (8 Juillet 1833) » (s, n.) (idem, op. cit., p. 491). 146 Veniamin CIOBANU • Le Traité russo‐turque, d’Unkiar Iskelessi (le 8 juillet 1833 )… Le traité d’Unkiar Iskelessi « était l’inféodation formelle de la Turquie au Cabinet de Saint Petersbourg » (s. n.)43. Il contient, comme on le sait, un article séparé et secret qui a provoqué des sérieux doutes, aux pouvoirs européens, surtout à l’Angleterre et à la France. Selon lui, le tsar en contrepartie de l’aide qu’il devrait payer à Russie, d’une manière réciproque, la Turquie avait seulement l’obligation de fermer le Detroit de Dardanelles à tous les navires étrangers de guerre.44 Comme la Russie ne pouvait pas être attaqué par la France ou par la Grande Bretagne que par la Mer Noire, traversant ainsi le Detroit de Dardanelles « si de ce côté même il n’aurait plus rien à craindre, tout lui devenait permis du moins contre l’Occident: l’équilibré de l’Europe n’existait plus » (s. n.)45. Donc, le Traité d’Unkiar Iskelessi « a été un succès sans précédent de la diplomatie russe dans les relations avec la Porte. Celle-ci se trouvait maintenant sur le pouvoir du Petersburg. Le Traité changeait radicalement le système politico-juridique international de la région » (s. n.)46. 43 44 45 46 Ernest Lavisse, Alfred Rambaud, Histoire générale du IVe siècle à nos jours. Tome X, Paris, 1898, p. 206. Le traité est bien connu et a été et c’est encore commenté dans l’historiographie du problème. Par conséquent, nous allons reproduire seulement l’Article secret additionnel du traité, étant donné son importance pour l’équilibre des forces dans le problème orientale: « en vertu d’une des close de l’article I de traité patent d’alliance défensive conclu entre la Sublime Porte et la cour impériale de Russie, les deux hautes partie contractantes sont tenues de se prêter mutuellement des secours matériels et l’assistance la plus efficace pour la sûreté le leurs Etats respectifs. Néanmoins, comme S. M. l’empereur de toutes les Russies, voulant épargner à la Sublime-Porte la charge et les embarras qui résulteraient pour elle de la prestation d’un secours matériel, ne demandera pas ce secours, si les circonstances mettaient la Sublime-Porte dans l’obligation de le fournir; la Sublime-Porte ottomane, à la place du secours qu’elle doit prêter au besoin, d’après le principe de réciprocité du traité patent, devra borner son action en faveur de la cour impériale de Russie à fermer le détroit des Dardanelles, c’est-à dire à ne permettre à aucun bâtiment de guerre étranger d’y rentrer, sous aucun prétexte quelconque. Le présent article séparé et secret, aura la même force et valeur que s’il était inséré mot à mot dans le traité d’alliance défensive de ce jour » (s. n.) (Dimitrie A. Sturdza şi C. Colescu-Vartic, Acte şi documente relative la istoria renascerii României, Volumul I, 1391– 1841, Bucureşti, 1900, p. 334) (L’entière document, dans ibidem, p. 332–332; voir aussi la version en anglais, dans Map of Europe by the Treaty showing the various Political and Territorial changes which have taken place since the general Peace of 1814. With Numerous Maps and Notes. Vol. II. By Eduard Herstlet, C. B., London, 1875, p. 925–928); Debidour, 1891, p. 324; « The Traty of Unkiar-Skelessi achived exactly what Nesselrode (le vicechancelaire et le ministre d’Affaires Etrangeres de la Russie – n. n.) wanted. It established Russia as the chief guarantor and protector of the Ottoman empire; it allowed Russia to intervene in any crisis in that empire; and as an extra bonus it provided the closure of the straits to the warships of the only powers capable of rapid intervention in the Near East or of challenging Russia’s naval domination of the Black Sea. (C’est-à-dire la Grande Bretagne et la France) (s. n.) (Rich, p. 71); shortly after Unkiar-Skelessi, to demonstrate their goodwill toward Turkey still further, the Russians agreed to withdraw their armies from the Danubian Principalities (Moldavia and Wallachia) and to cancel Turkish reparations to Russia as provided by the Treaty of Adrianople » (s. n.) (ibidem); « donc », notait aussi Leonid Boicu, « il s’agissait d’un protectorat de la Russie sur l’Empire ottoman, de domination en realité des Detroits et de l’élimination des autres pouvoirs » (Boicu, 2011, p.492). Boicu, 2011, p.492. 147 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II En commentant, à son tour, le traité, Gustaf Nordin notait, dans un rapport, adressé au comte Gustaf Wetterstedt, de 8. VIII/29.VII. 1833, que « selon les notions, que j’ai été dans le cas de recueillir, c’est également à tort que les Journaux annoncent la conclusion d’un Traité entre la Russie et la Porte, avant le départ des troupes Russes. La position du Cabinet de St Pétersbourg, vis à vis de la Porte est à présent de nature à faire tout traité spécial absolument superflu, et une pareil transaction lierait plutôt, dans un cas éventuel, les mains de la Russie, qu’elle ne lui garantirait les avantages »; et il ajoutait une information intéressante, à savoir que « pour ce qui regard une indemnisation des frais occasionnés par l’expédition (c’est-à-dire le déplacement des armées terrestres et la flotte russe, dans le Bosphore et dans les zones adjacentes, et aussi les préparatifs faites dans les Principautés Roumaines pour intervenir dans la défense de la Porte, au cas que l’Istanbul avait été menacé par l’invasion des troupes égyptiennes, commandées par Ibrahim Pacha- n.n).), la Russie n’a certainement pas songé à leurs remboursement de la part de la Porte, qui n’a pu encor payer qu’une partie des sommes, dont elle reste débitrice envers la Russie par suite du Traité d’Adrianople » (du 14. IX. 1833 – n. n.)47. La confirmation par la Commission russo-turque du retrait totale de l’armée d’Ibrahim Pacha en Asie Mineure a eu pour conséquence le fait que le général Aleksis Feodorovici Orlov a commencé ses opérations de retrait des troupes russes, stationnées sur la rive asiatique du Bosphore et de la flotte ancrée dans le détroit du Bosphore. Le 8 Juillet 1833, « le Comte Orloff, accompagné de Monsieur de Bouténeff ainsi que des Généraux et des Amiraux, a été admis en audience chez le Sultan qui leur a exprimé en termes très flatteurs toute sa reconnaissance ; et le soir du même jour, Sa Hautesse a envoyé au Comte Orloff 24,000 Médailles en argent, et 750 en or, dont 10 garnies de diamants, pour être distribuées à l’armée auxiliaire de terre et de mer. On évalue à 120,000 piastres turques celle destinée pour le Comte Orloff. Ces médailles portent d’un côté le croissant avec la date de l’hégire, et de l’autre le chiffre du Sultan avec la date chrétienne, et sont suspendus à un ruban rose » (s. n.)48. Selon l’opinion d’Anton Testa, « si cet acte vient à être connu du peuple musulman, il y a à craindre, qu’aigri comme il est contre le Sultan, qui a appelé à son secours des chrétiens contre ses coreligionnaires, il ne se porta à quelques excès contre Sa 47 48 Sveriges Riksarkivet, Kabinettet UD/ Huvudarkivet 1681–1952, E2D, 704, Petersbourg, 1832–1833. Le rapport d’Anton Testa, du 10. VII. 1833, dans Sveriges Riksarkivet, Kabinetet/UD Huvudarkivet, E2D, 239, Konstantinopel, 1832–1833; mais il ajoutait en plus, une autre information à savoir que « les Russes, voulant laisser un souvenir de leur séjour dans le Bosphore, ont taillé un énorme bloc de pierre, et l’ont placé tel quel sur l’emplacement occupé par leur camp ; ils n’y ont gravé autre chose que la date du 25 Juin 1833 V. S. en caractères Russes » (s. n.) (ibidem). 148 Veniamin CIOBANU • Le Traité russo‐turque, d’Unkiar Iskelessi (le 8 juillet 1833 )… Hautesse, qui n’a plus de forces disponibles sur la fidélité desquelles il peut compter » (s. n.)49. Le 11 Juillet 1833, la flotte russe a quitté le détroit du Bosphore et entra dans la Mer Noire50. Après le départ du général Orlov, vers Odessa, le 12 Juillet 1833, le sultan a accordé des distinctions à des officiels russes. On a décidé aussi qu’Ahmed Fevzi pacha parte à l’ambassade, à Petersburg, avec la mission « d’exprimer à Sa Majesté l’Empereur de Russie la reconnaissance dont le Sultan est pénétré pour les marques non équivoques d’intérêt actif qu’il en a reçu en dernier tems » (s. n.)51. Le Traité d’Unkiar Iskelessi a produit une forte impression dans la Grande Bretagne, ou la russophobie a acquis de nouvelles proportions, surtout dans les milieux libéraux. Mais l’inquiétude avait compris les milieux gouvernementaux aussi, généré par la menace de la pénétration de la Russie dans le Moyen Orient. À la suite, « combating the threat of Russian expansionism as it was perceived in London, became one of the main determinants of British foreign policy for the next decade » (s. n.)52. Pour dissiper les doutes en ce qui concerne le sens précise du Traité, le 17 Août 1833, Nesselrode a mandaté les ambassadeurs de la Russie de donner des assurances aux Cabinets où ils étaient accrédités, que l’article secret et séparé n’imposait aucune nouvelle condition à la Porte, mai qu’il servait seulement pour la confirmation du fait de la fermeture des Dardanelles pour les navires de guerre des pouvoirs étrangères, « a system which the Porte had maintained at all time and from which, indeed, it could not depart without injuring its most direct interests » (s. n.)53. Une fois édifiée sur le péril que la Russie assure ce que le lord Palmerston, le secrétaire, de ces jours du Forain Office, considérait, « as a kind of protectorate 49 50 51 52 53 Ibidem. L’événement a fait écho dans les Principautés Roumaines, aussi. Car, selon les informations que Lagan les a transmis à Victor de Broglie, le 4. VIII. 1833, « l’évacuation de Constantinople par les Russes continue d’occuper ici tous les esprits. En effet, tandis que beaucoup de boyards voient dans cet événement des chances d’arriver à une solution favorable de leurs propres affaires, d’autres craignent que le Cabinet de Petersbourg ne l’ait fait tourner au profit de ses vues sur les principautés, et que leur pays ne se trouve par la même, compromis dans les derniers arrangements que le Comte Orloff a pris, dit-on, avec la Porte. Quoique les Russes cherchent à calmer ces craintes, en laissant une certaine liberté aux conjectures, tant sur la sanction des règlements organiques, que sur la prochaine élection des hospodars, les Valaques éclairés n’en restent pas moins préoccupés de l’avenir, et désirent même que les négociations relatives à ces deux points ne se terminent que lorsque la Porte se trouvera en mesure d’établir un contrepoids au protectorat qui, sans aucune espèce de contrôle aujourd’hui, offre à la Russie d’immenses ressources, dont elle a déjà su tirer un si grand parti » (s. n.) (Hurmuzaki, XVII, p. 300). Le rapport d’Anton Testa, du 20 Juillet 1833, dans Sveriges Riksarkivet, Kabinetet/UD Huvudarkivet, E2D, 239,Konstantinopel, 1832–1833). Erik J. Zürcher, Turkey. A Modern History, London, New York, s. a. p.39. Macfie, s.a., p.22. 149 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II over the Turkish empire » (s. n.)54, la Grande Bretagne et la France ont déclenché une forte campagne visant l’annulation. En Août 1833, ils ont formulé une forte protestation en demandant à la Porte de ne pas le ratifier. Comme le proteste n’a eu aucun résultat, tant la Grande Bretagne, que la France aussi ont mandaté leurs ambassadeurs d’Istanbul de convoquer les flottes respectives en Méditerranée, au cas où la menace russe serait accentué sur la Capitale ottomane55. Inquiété des possible conséquences du traité s’est prouvé également Metternich qui a assuré l’ambassadeur français à Vienne que « it would better for the Empire of Austria to face the risk of a war of extermination rather than to see Russia aggrandized by a single village at the expense of the Turkish Empire » (s. n.)56. Toutefois, Metternich n’a pas officiellement protesté contre le Traité d’Unkiar Iskelessi, car il ne voulait pas gâcher les rapports avec le tsar dont il attendait le soutien pour la reconstitution de la Sainte Alliance monarchique57. Il a agit avec habilité de prévenir le conflit armé que le Traité d’ Unkiar Iskelessi pouvait le produire entre la Russie et les grands pouvoirs occidentaux. À la suite, il a démontré au France, et en particulier, au Grande Bretagne que l’indépendance de l’Empire Ottoman n’était, au moins pour le moment, menacée par le tsar58. Il voulait dans le même temps déterminer le tsar de ne pas se prévaloir de traité d’Unkiar Iskelessi. D’autre part, les progrès évidents économiques enregistrés par la Prusse qui ouvraient la voie vers l’hégémonie dans le monde allemande, ont déterminé Metternich d’éviter les conséquences pour la position de l’Autriche dans cette zone. Par conséquent, il a invité le roi de la Prusse, Friedrich Wilhelm II à un rendez-vous avec Nicolas I et l’empereur de l’Autriche, François Ier, à Münchergrätz, un rencontre qui s’est déroulé entre 10 et 20 septembre 1833. Alors, Metternich a mis en garde le tsar sur le péril que le Traité d’Unkiar Iskelessi représentait pour la paix de l’Europe59. À Münchengrätz, on a signé deux conventions, une le 18 et l’autre le 19 Septembre. La deuxième consignait la garantie réciproque des possessions respectives qu’ils avaient annexées de la Pologne. Pour le problème oriental, une importance particulière la représente la première, car l’Autriche et la Russie s’engageaient mutuellement d’assurer l’existence de l’Empire Ottoman sous la dynastie régnante, de s’opposer ensemble à quelques affaires qui pourraient affecter l’indépendance de la Turquie, 54 55 56 57 58 59 Ibidem. Ibidem. Ibidem. Debidour, 1891, p.324; en revanche, il a affirmé par un calembour ce que personne ne mettait en doute : la Turquie n’est plus « la brillante Porte », mais « le brillante gardien de la Russie » (s. n.) (Boicu, 2011, p.193). Macfie., p.23. Ibidem. 150 Veniamin CIOBANU • Le Traité russo‐turque, d’Unkiar Iskelessi (le 8 juillet 1833 )… soit par la mise en place d’une régence provisoire, soit par un changement complet de la dynastie. Dans un article séparé,60 on stipulait que si les événements ultérieurs conduisaient à l’effondrement de l’Empire, alors la Russie et l’Autriche s’engageaient à travailler ensemble, pour établir un nouvel ordre dans les Balkans. Ainsi, comme on en a apprécié, il était peu probable que la Russie soit tentée d’occuper le Constantinople et les détroits, sans qu’elle obtienne l’approbation préalable de l’Autriche. Puisque, en mobilisant ses forces militaires qui stationnaient en Transylvanie, il pouvait menacer les communications de la Russie vers les Principautés Roumaines, ce qui était considéré comme essentiel, au cas où une occupation durable de la Capitale ottomane serait prise en compte61. Ainsi que la Convention en discussion « attachait et (sublimait – sic !) au protectorat du tsar sur la Porte une garantie commune russo-autrichienne. Ainsi – Leonid Boicu continuait son raisonnement- à notre avis, cela signifiait le premier pas à la voie des efforts des puissances européennes en visant la démolition du Traité d’Unkiar Iskelessi » (s.n)62. Cela a été complété par la Convention des Détroits signé à 13 Juillet 1841, donc à la fin de la période de huit ans du Traité d’Unkiar Iskelessi, par la Grande Bretagne, l’Autriche, la Prusse et la France. Le document reconnaissait officiellement « the determination of the Sultan to conform to the « ancient rule » of the Ottoman Empire, whereby in time of peace and in time of war, Turkey being neutral, the Straits would remain closed for foreign warships » (s. n.)63. 60 61 62 63 Boicu, 2011, p.493. Macfie, s.a., p.23. Boicu, 2011, p.493 Macfie., s.a., p.25. 151 Financial and Judicial Terms of Purchasing Service from Menzilhanes in the Ottoman Empire Cemal ÇETİN Introduction In this study, the main debate will be over the judicial and financial substructure of benefitting from menzilhane stations which was used for transportation and correspondence purposes. During the research, the main focus will be laid upon the period between 1690 and 1750. There have been so far many invaluable studies focusing on and contributing to the formal transportation and correspondence in the Ottoman Empire1. This work is based on my Ph.D. Dissertation2, and it is accepted 1 2 Rıza Bozkurt, Osmanlı İmparatorluğunda Kollar, Ulak ve İaşe Menzilleri, Ankara 1966; Yücel Özkaya, “XVIII. Yüzyılda Menzilhâne Sorunu”, DTCFD, XXVIII / 3–4, Ankara 1977, pp.339–367; Colin J. Heywood, “The Ottoman Menzilhâne and Ulak System in Rumeli in the Eighteenth Centruy”, Social And Economic History of Turkey (1071–1920), (Birinci Uluslararası Türkiye’nin Sosyal ve Ekonomik Tarihi Kongresi Tebliğleri, Jully 11–13, 1977), Ankara 1980, pp.179–186; Musa Çadırcı, “Posta Teşkilâtı Kurulmadan Önce Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda Menzil-hâne ve Kiracıbaşılık”, VIII. Türk Tarih Kongresi (11–15 Ekim 1976), v. 2, Ankara 1981, pp.1359–1365; Yusuf Halaçoğlu, Osmanlılarda Ulaşım ve Haberleşme (Menziller), Ankara 2002; Hânefi Bostan, “Osmanlı Devleti’nde Yol ve Haberleşme Sistemi”, Türk Dünyası Araştırmaları, No. 82, İstanbul 1993, pp.63–67; Hüseyin Çınar, “Osmanlı Ulak-Menzilhâne Sistemi ve XVIII. Yüzyılın İlk Yarısında Antep Menzilleri”, Osmanlı, v. 3, Ankara 1999, pp.627–637; Colin Heywood, “Osmanlı Döneminde Via Egnatia: 17. Yüzyıl Sonu ve 18. Yüzyıl Başında Sol Kol’daki Menzilhâneler”, Sol Kol Osmanlı Egemenliğinde Via Egnatia 1380–1699, (Ed. Elizabeth A Zachariadou), (translated by Özden Arıkan, Ela Gültekin, Tülin Altınova), İstanbul 1999, pp.138–160; Colin Hewood, “Two Firmans of Mustafâ II On The Reorganization of the Ottoman Courier System (1108/1696)”, Acta Orientallia Academiae Scientiarum Hungarıcae, v. 54, no. 4, Budapest 2001, pp. 485–496; M. Hüdai Şentürk, “Osmanlılarda Haberleşme ve Menzil Teşkilâtına Genel Bir Bakış”, Türkler, v.14, Ankara 2000, pp.446–461; Sema Altunan, “Osmanlı Devletinde Haberleşme Ağı: Menzilhâneler”, Türkler, v.10, Ankara 2002, pp.913–919; Aleksandır Antonov, “Bulgar Topraklarında Kurulan Menzil Sisteminin Organizasyonu (XVI.-XVII. Yüzyıllar), (translated by Zeynep Zafer), Türkler, v.10, İstanbul 2002, pp.927–933; Zübeyde Güneş Yağcı, “XVIII. Yüzyılda Osmanlı Devleti’nde Menziller ve Menzilhâneler: İznik Menzili ve Menzilhânesi”, SDÜ Fen-Edebiyat Fakültesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, no.6–7, Isparta 2002, pp.17–33; Ali Açıkel, “Osmanlı Ulak-Menzilhâne Sistemi Çerçevesinde Tokat Menzilhânesi (1690–1840)”, Ege Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi, v.19, no.2, İzmir 2004, pp.1–33; Jülide Akyüz, “Anadolu’nun Orta Kolu Üzerinde Bir Menzil: Amasya Menzili, İşleyişi, Sorunları”, Askerî Tarih Araştırmaları Dergisi, no. 8, Ağustos 2006, pp.45–53; Mehmet Güneş “ XVIII. Yüzyılın İkinci Yarısında Osmanlı Menzil Teşkilatı ve Karahisar-ı Sahib Menzilleri”, Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi, v.3, no.3, Afyon 2008, pp.35–63; Cemal Çetin, Ulak Yol Durak Anadolu Yollarında Padişah Postaları (Menzilhâneler) (1690–1750), İstanbul 2013. Cemal Çetin, Anadolu’da Faaliyet Gösteren Menzilhaneler (1690–1750), Ph. D. Thesis, Konya 2009. 153 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II to find answers to the questions such as, who could buy horses from menzilhane stations, how they could buy them, and how much the buyers paid for these horses. Formal transportation and correspondence in the Ottoman Empire was provided through stations called menzilhane stations in the course of the period from the late 18th century to the first half of the 19th century till the foundation of Post Service.3 The locations and management of menzilhane stations was totally in accordance with the texture of roads and they were also named after the districts on which menzilhane stations were constructed.4 Regarding Bosporus as the border, Ottoman road texture5 which is categorized under two headings comprises of six main routes being in both European and Anatolian parts of Istanbul in two groups.6 Numerous side roads not only tie the main routes, but they also gave access to the remotest parts of the region. Where to locate the menzilhane stations was decided according to the geographical structure, safety conditions7 and whether there was enough staff with the required qualifications to manage and finance them.8 Utmost distance limits and durability of horses were also among the criteria taken into consideration to detect the distance between menzilhane stations.9 Distance between menzilhane stations was mostly 10–12 hours (nearly 57–58 km)10, but under exceptionally mandatory11 conditions the distance could be up to 48 hours.12 Actual function of menzilhane stations was to provide horse and riders in sufficient number expressed in the documents of officers who travelled in office and transferred governmental treasure. Therefore, those who were responsible for menzilhane stations were held liable to keep enough horses and riders at their disposal in case ulak demanded them13. 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 Post Service was founded in 1834. Yazıcı, “Haberleşme”, p.620. Cemal Çetin, XVII. ve XVIII. Yüzyıllarda Konya Menzilleri, M.A. Thesis, Konya 2004, p.32. Yusuf Halaçoğlu “Ulaşım ve Yol Sistemi”, Diyanet Vakfı İslam Ansiklopedisi, v. III, İstanbul 1991, p.127; Fatih Müderrisoğlu, “Menzil Kavramı ve Osmanlı Devleti’nde Menzil Yerleşimleri”, Türkler, v.10, Ankara 2002, p.921. Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA) Kamil Kepeci (KK) v.2555, (H. 1003/ M. 1594–95); BOA, Maliyeden Müdevver Defterleri (MAD) v.19156, p.1–10; Redîf Askerî Tâlimatnâmesi Sûreti, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi, Hüsrev Paşa 813 / 4 (registered at the end of notes). For detailed information about routes and menzilhane on them during Ottoman Empire see Halaçoğlu, 2002, p.51 et al. Halaçoğlu, 2002, p.51. BOA, MAD 8470, p.372 document no.1(MAD 8470 / 372-1), (1 Zi’l-ka’de 1139 / 20 June 1727). Reinhold Schiffer, British Travellers in 19th Century Turkey, Amsterdam-Atlanta, 1999, p.47; for more examples about dispatched verdicts, see BOA, MAD. 8470 / 325-2; 361-2; BOA, MAD. 8492 / 177-2, (12 Zi’l-ka’de 1146 / 16 April 1734). Halil İnalcık, “Osmanlı Metrolojisine Giriş”, (translated by Eşref Bengi Özbilen), Türk Dünyası Araştırmaları, No.73, İstanbul 1991, p.44. KK 2555; MAD. 19156, pp.1–10; Redîf Askerî Tâlimatnâmesi Sûreti, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi, Hüsrev Paşa 813/4 (registered at the end of the notes). BOA, MAD. 8470 / 372-1, (1 Zi’l-ka’de 1139 / 20 June 1727). Çetin, 2013, pp.86–87. 154 Cemal ÇETİN • Financial and Judicial Terms of Purchasing Service from Menzilhanes … Menzil ahkâm defterleri, in which resolution copies which include issues such as conducting taxing system known as iltizam, solving the problems encountered in management and increasing the income sources, together with in’amat records14 and accounting documents showing the names of menzilhane stations, distance between them, their financial structure, management and the number of horses given to ulak are all available in the Ottoman Archives of the Prime Ministry. In various catalogues, there are also copies of edicts prepared to declare the regulations regarding the menzilhane stations. In this study, copies of edicts as well as the documents and records aforementioned above were highly used. General Terms of Getting Service from Menzilhane Stations Terms and regulation as to how and who would benefit from menzilhane stations were in time formed and modified through edicts sent for the regulation of these terms. However, it is fairly explicit that the actual terms determined in 1691, when menzilhane stations were physically founded have not considerably changed despite a long time. According to this practice, only attendants on duty who were appointed to conduct urgent and important issues and beheld menzil provisions could benefit from these services in menzilhane stations and horses. Menzil provisions used to comprise of the Sultan’s edicts and commands of Egyptian governors. Except theses authorities, viziers, mirmiran, brigadiers and mütesellim did not have the authority to give menzil provisions15. The most important regulation about making use of Menzilhane stations was enacted with the declaration of an edict on the 27th Cemâziye’l-evvel 1108/ 22th December 1696. With the advent of this regulation, menzilhane stations were privatized just as mükâriler16 to the use of the whole society including officials and ordinary people in exchange for money. The price of this service was determined to ten coins per sa’at17 for a horse to use. In order to decide on a fair price, distances between menzilhane stations were all measured.18 Detection of menzilhane stations points and the distances between them were aimed to be measured via this process. 14 15 16 17 18 E.g. see BOA, D.MKF. 28344; BOA, D.MKF. 27920; BOA, D.MKF. 27918, BOA, D.MKF. 28705. Konya Şer’iye Sicilleri v. 37, p. 277, document n1, (KŞS 37 / 277-1), (Evâhir-i Rebî’ü’l-evvel 1103 / 12-21 Aralık 1691). [this appears from now on as KŞS 37 / 277-1]; KŞS 36, 5 /1, (7 Cemâziye’l-evvel 1103/ 20 January 1692). Mükâri is the name given to the people who rented animals for human use. Devellioğlu, Lûgat, p.716; for further information about Mükari traders see Ümit Ekin, XVII.-XVIII. Yüzyıllarda Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nda Ulaşım ve İletim Örgütlenmesi Üzerine Araştırma, Ph. D. Thesis, Ankara 2002, s. 39-59. Sa’at, is a type of measurement in Ottoman period and is approximately 5,6 km. İnalçık, 1991, p.44; Cemal Çetin, “Osmanlılarda Mesafe Ölçümü ve Tarihî Süreci”, Prof. Dr. Nejat Göyünç Armağanı, Selçuk Üniversitesi Türkiyat Enstitüsü, Konya 2013, p.453. Heywood, 2001, p.488. 155 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Moreover, via this process, in districts where there were no menzilhane stations, the names and distances of the nearest districts where the horses given to messengers could be changed and returned19. In due edict, it was commanded that the horses officials who were sent to pursue the official proceedings with in’âm menzil ahkâmı took were to be registered on in’amat defterleri and the ones rented on private purpose were to be paid in cash directly to the runner of menzilhane stations.20 It was sometimes observed that governors, sancakbeyi, serasker, and mütesellim did not pay for the horses they used for their private purposes despite the fact that they were told several times not to use them for private purposes. They instead repressed the runners of menzilhane stations on the issue that the horses to be registered on in’âmat records or exchanged for the taxes of the townspeople. Due to the fact that land proprietors were already willing to do such kind of an illegal cooperation, it is stated that the aforementioned governors and officials could get numerous menzil horses on the townspeople’s expense.21 In order to prevent such a corruption, local governors were sent an edict forbidding to provide service of menzil horses for those who did not have in’âm hükmü and had edicts without the Sultan’s signature.22 According to the data belonging to the first quarter of the 18th century, it is understood that there were mainly two kinds of provisions called “in’âm menzil hükmü” ve “menzil hükmü” given to those who benefitted from menzilhane stations. Among these, “in’âm menzil hükmü” can be defined as the process of registering the prices on the records (in’âmat records) kept by the runner of menzilhane stations to be paid for the horses given to the beholder by the treasury of the state.23 The other one called menzil hükmü, menzil resolution, means that the beholder can get horses from menzilhane stations but has to pay the fee on their own expense. Besides, the messengers sent from such frontier cities as Azak, Eğriboz, Bender, Temaşvar and Bağdat, were to be paid the toll fees directly in cash by the treasury offices to which the messengers were subjects. These messengers were able to get horses with the menzil provisions and pay the fees in cash for the horses from the money given to them from the province treasury.24 19 20 21 22 23 24 BOA, Ali Emiri (A.E.) II. Mustafa 1375, (10 Şa’ban 1108 / 4 March 1697); Heywood, 2001, p.494. Heywood, 2001, p.488. BOA, MAD 9886, p.18, no. 2, (22 Cemâziye’l-evvel 1111 / 15 November 1699); Heywood, 1999, p.152. Altunan, 2002, p.916. BOA, Cevdet Nafia (C.NF) 761, (21 Şa’ban 1125/ 28 August 1713); BOA, MAD 8464, p. 3, no. 6 Şa’ban 1125/ 28 August 1713) ; KŞS 47, p.26/4, (20 Safer 1129 / 3 February 1716). BOA, MAD. 8464 / 3-1, (6 Şa’ban 1125 / 28 August 1713); KŞS 47 / 26-4, (20 Safer 1129 / 3 February 1716). 156 Cemal ÇETİN • Financial and Judicial Terms of Purchasing Service from Menzilhanes … As a result of the analysis on İn’âm hükümleri, it is evident that they were prepared in a formal process. Units to send messengers demanded permission by writing a petition from the sultan in order for a provision called “ücret-i in’âm’’ to be given to the men determined both in numbers and destinations.25 When the petitions were approved, the same document used to be sealed with an inscription as “mucibince yazıla” to confirm the permission.26 After obtaining the approval, identities and destinations of the messengers were defined and the necessary formal process was completed by writing in’âm menzil ahkâmları.27 Moreover, divan-ı hümayun could give directions to the responsible offices write in’âm ahkâmı in order for resolutions to be delivered to the counties28. Some provisions were seen to be written in the form of edicts.29 Under necessary conditions, carriages were also available, but they needed a special edict from the sultan30. Such kind of a document was observed in an edict published on 26th August 1737. In this edict, all the counties on the way were ordered to prepare three carriages in each menzilhane station to be given to the Hungarians who were to go to the borders.31 Although the authority that let in’âm menzil ahkâmlarını belonged only to the sultan and the governors in Egypt, serasker in the provinces and the authorities in states and districts governed by princes were detected to have demanded horses from menzilhane stations and succeeded somehow to get.32 Besides, some authorities in the provinces were seen from time to time to be assigned for issuing documents standing for in’âm hükmü when necessary. For instance, via the edict issued in 1976 it is observable that the messengers sent from the borders or Crimean territories were allowed to get horses to be paid for by the treasury with the orders given by the governors of frontier districts and Crimean dynasties.33 In addition to them, high ranked authorities who were called up to the capital were also equipped with the authority to travel by in’âm menzil ahkâmları. The authorities with this potency were able to deliver buyruldu, senior orders, functioning just as the in’âm menzil ahkâmları by being referenced with the edicts. Officials with this directive could 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 Bâb-ı Âsafi Divan-ı Mühimme Kalemi (A.DVN. YML.) file: 1 document no:38. (1 / 38) BOA, Cevdet Dâhiliye (C.DH) 678, (10 Rebî’ü’l-ahîr 1189 / 10 Haziran 1775); A.DVN. YML. 1 / 65 (26 Zi’l-hicce 1181 / 14 May 1768). Recep Ahıshalı, Osmanlı Devlet Teşkilatında Reisülküttâblık (XVIII. Yüzyıl), İstanbul 2001, p.93. BOA, MAD 8464 /3-1, (22 Muharrem 1121/ 3 April 1709). BOA, Cevdet Nafia (C.NF) 159, (22 Zi’l-hicce 1135/ 23 September 1723); BOA, MAD 10492 / 517- 3, (Selh-i Rebî’ü’l-ahîr 1137 / 17 December 1724). BOA, C.NF 168, (13 Şa’bân 1123/ 26 September 1711); Özkaya, 1977, p.342; Yağcı, 2002, p.24. BOA, Cevdet Askeriye (C.AS) 26223. BOA, MAD 8470 / 177-2, (25 Şa’bân 1137 / 9 May 1725). BOA, MAD 4106 / 5-1, (28 Şevvâl 1169/ 26 July 1756); Açıkel, 2004, pp.28–29. 157 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II supply duplicate instructions known as buyruldu functioning as receipts demonstrating the authorized documents on them. Accordingly, governors in provinces emphasized the fact that they were authorized directly by the sultan in these documents called buyruldu in which they ordered the towns on their way should be well equipped with horses in sufficient number at their disposal34. Some low rank officials sometimes had to send messengers to many places but did not have the authority to write buyruldu due to their low official rank; however, they used to be allowed to write buyruldu functioning as in’am menzil ahkâmı.35 As can be inferred all from these, various documents and directives known as buyruldu could be valid only if they were given direct authority from the sultan and also they were to be declared throughout the province. It is observable that there were several types as to providing horses both for transport and logistics to the foreign embassies. Of these several types, the first one is lending horses provided by mirahûr at the disposal of the foreign embassies.36 Another type is informing the inns called menzil on the way and the authorities in the provinces about the foreign embassy council. Before they set off, an edict including the routes and the rules for the authorities to obey was inscribed and a copy of it was sent to the bothered units. In this sense, the horses for transport and logistics were generally provided from menzilhane stations. However, in settlements where there were not any menzilhane stations horses were provided by the local judge called kadı and the public.37 The number of horses provided either from menzilhane stations or the local people for the foreign embassy council and the cost of this service were to be informed to the central administration through a petition written by the local judge.38 The price of horses provided to the foreign embassy council was paid either in exchange for the taxes of the local people or paid by the local people to get the money back from miri afterwards. In both cases, a bond called temessük confirming the number and cost of horses were to be given to the inhabitants.39 Besides documents as in’âm menzil ahkâmlarının were also seen to be given to the embassies. Horses used in such conditions given to the embassies were registered to the in’âmat registries so that they could be accounted at the end of each year.40 At times, horses to be given to the embassies were without charge under 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 KŞS 45 / 277-2, (15 Safer 1127/ 20 February 1717). BOA, MAD. 8470 / 147-2, (22 Zi’l-hicce 1137 / 1 September 1725). Çadırcı, 1981, p. 346. Ahmet Akgündüz, Osmanlı Kanunnâmeleri (Kanuni Devri Kanunnâmeleri I. Kısım), v. IV, İstanbul 1991, p.393. BOA, Cevdet Hariciye (C.HR.) 7019, (29 Şevvâl 1189 / 23 December 1775). BOA, C.HR. 826, (24 Cemâziye’l-âhir1163 / 1 October 1750); BOA, C.HR. 8274, (13 Şevvâl 1175 / 7 May 1762); BOA, C.HR. 8545, (13 Zi’l-ka’de 1174 / 16 June 1761); BOA, C.HR. 8383, (8 Muharrem 1177 / 19 May 1763). BOA, C.NF. 528, (17 Muharrem 1145 / 10 July 1732); BOA, D.MKF. 29215 / 17-1, (1 Safer 1151 / 21 May 1738); BOA, D.MKF. 29177 / 16-1, (10 Şevvâl 1150 / 31 January 1738). 158 Cemal ÇETİN • Financial and Judicial Terms of Purchasing Service from Menzilhanes … any circumstances. Thus, in accordance with an edict issued on the 5th October 1699 it was ordered that the messengers coming from Austria could obtain horses in regions where there were no menzilhane stations and they were not subject to any charge.41 The rules to obey in menzilhane stations were also from time to time formed in the edicts sent by the sultan. By gathering the rules to be obeyed by the messengers from the edicts are listed below respectively.  Do not demand horses more than the amount stated in the provision and the one allocated in accordance with your rank.  Do not demand carriage from the runner of menzilhane stations and do not use the horses with the carriage.42  Do not oppress the runners of menzilhane stations to get more riders.43  Do not go by towns where there are no menzilhane stations if not necessary.  Change the borrowed horse at the next menzilhane stations  Pay for the horses borrowed from towns where there are no menzilhane stations 10 coins per hour in cash.  Do not persecute horses and do not load too much burden on the horses of menzilhane stations.44 The Number of Horses Messengers Can Get The number of horses messengers can get was stated in the provisions they held. However, messengers had the tendency to demand more horses than they were allowed. In order to prevent this, at regular intervals edicts were issued reminding not to supply more horses to the messengers than allowed.45 Besides these, the number of horses was determined in accordance with the rank of each officer and these numbers were declared to the province governors and menzilhane stations runners. The oldest of these documents dates back to 1713. In edicts sent in this aim it was stated that the costs of horses were much more than expected on the treasure as messengers took more horses than they were allowed as stated in the documents called in’âm menzil ahkâmları. With this regulation it was aimed to reach a standard 41 42 43 44 45 Selim Hilmi Özkan, Amcazâde Hüseyin Paşa'nın Hayatı ve Faaliyetleri (1644-1702), PhD Thesis, Isparta 2006, p.158. BOA, MAD. 8472 / 184-1, (3 Zi’l-hicce 1146/ 7 May 1734). BOA, MAD. 9920 / 135-1, (15 Cemâziye’l-evvel 1143 / 26 November 1730). BOA, MAD. 8492 / 35-1, (14 Şa’ban 1145 / 30 January 1730); BOA, MAD. 8492 / 184-1, (3 Zi’lhicce 1146 / 7 May 1734); There is a regulation that prohibited putting burden heavier than 60 vakıyye (approximately 76.92 kg) on menzilhane horses. Musa Çadırcı, Tanzimat Döneminde Anadolu Kentleri’nin Sosyal ve Ekonomik Yapıları, Ankara 1991, pp.76–77; Şentürk, 2000, p.455. KŞS 26 / 8-1, (11–20 Cemâziye’l-âhir 1103 / 29 February- 9 Mart 1692); BOA, C.NF. 159, (22 Zi’l-hicce 1135/ 23 September 1723); BOA, MAD. 10492 / 517-3, (Selh-i Rebî’ü’l-ahîr 1137 / 16 December 1724) 159 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II in accordance with the number of horses messengers were allowed to take and the number of people who were in their company. The number of horses allocated to the type of rank described via this regulation is given as the following lines. “10 re’s for a mîrâlem ağa (1 re’s means a horse), 6 re’s for a kapıcıbaşı ağa, 10 re’s for a mîrahur-ı evvel ağa, 9 re’s for a mîrahur-ı sâni ağa, 10 re’s for a kethüda-i bevvâbîn-i dergâh-ı âli, 7 re’s for a çakırcıbaşı ağa, 6 re’s for a şahincibaşı ağa, 5 re’s for a atmacacıbaşı ağa, 4 re’s for an av ağası, 6 re’s for a hasekî ağa, 3 re’s for a hasekîyân, 1 re’s for a bostancı, 1 re’s for a haremeyn-i şerifeyn evkâfı tarafından, 10 re’s for a çavuşbaşı ağa, 4 re’s for a gedükliyân, 5 re’s for a kethüda-i bevvâbîn-i sadr-ı ‘azam, 4 re’s for a ağa-yı selâm, 3 re’s for a serbölük-i bevvâbîn, 4 re’s for a kapucubaşıyân-ı sadr-ı ‘azam, 2 re’s for a vâcibü’r-re’aya, 1 re’s for a çavuşân, 1 re’s for a çukadarân, 1 re’s for a tatar, 3 re’s for a defterdâr ağası, 1 re’s for a gulâm-ı bâkiye, 10 re’s for a kul kethüdâsı, 9 re’s for a zağarcıbaşı, 8 re’s for a saksoncubaşı, 7 re’s for a turnacıbaşı, 6 re’s for a başçavuş, 5 re’s for an ortaçavuş, 4 re’s for a küçükçavuş, 1 re’s for a keşîdeçavuş, 1 re’s for a those who going for mevâcib tahsili, 8 re’s for a sipâh ve silahdâran kethüdası, 5 re’s for a başçavuş, 1 re’s for another çavuş, 7 re’s for a cebeci topçu ve top arabacıları kethüdâsı, 1 re’s for a çavuş, 7 re’s for a cebeci kethüdâ, 8 re’s for a sipâh kethüdâ, 5 re’s for a sipâh ve silahdâr başçavuş, 1 re’s for a sipâh ve silahdâr diğer çavuş, 1 re’s for a topçu çavuş, 1 re’s for a top arabacı mevâcib tahsili eri.”46 Such kind of a regulation was also made in February 1717. According to the edict declared on this issue, it is observed that messengers had the tendency to demand more horses than they were allowed and most of the time they were able to get their demand. This kind of corrupt action of messengers led to the lack of horses in menzilhane stations, caused other messengers to wait for horses for a long time and finally brought about the retard of official proceedings. In order prevent these unfavourable conditions, the idea of determining the number of horses in accordance with the ranks of the officials was put forward and a standard was declared throughout the provinces after being ratified. It was also declared to all menzilhane stations that the ones who violated the rules on this issue by providing the messengers with more horses than allowed according to their ranks were to be punished. Moreover, if the messenger gave more horses than the amount described in the resolutions, the price would be paid by the treasure.47 However, it was probably because of the fact that the regulations were not complied with or abused that a letter was inscribed by the provincial treasurer addressed to all of the menzilhane stations spots in March 1717. In this inscription, it was reminded once more that the 46 47 BOA, D.MKF. 28079, (27 Receb 1125/13 August 1713); BOA, C.NF. 761, (21 Şa’ban 1125 /12 September 1713). KŞS 47 / 250–2, (20 Safer 1129 / 5 February 1717). 160 Cemal ÇETİN • Financial and Judicial Terms of Purchasing Service from Menzilhanes … attendants at the menzilhane stations both had to pay attention to the ranks of the messengers and write down the number of horses given to them.48 Although it was not a long time after the aforementioned regulation was released, menzilhane stations officers began to ignore the rules. It is totally obvious from the regulation sent in 1723 to all of the towns as far as the region regarded as the Right Side of Anatolia that messengers demanded much more menzilhane stations horses than the number allocated to them in accordance with their ranks or the documents in their hands. These constant mistakes or delinquencies with the numbers caused menzilhane stations spots on all routes to have great losses. The most repeated delinquency was to provide the messengers with the number of horses they demanded or the number of horses they brought together from the previous menzilhane stations. This delinquency led to several hardships such as causing other messengers to be late for their tasks and the news to be conveyed because of the lack of horses and the waste of governmental facilities. In order to prevent these kind of malfunctions, edicts released throughout the country ordered all the officers of menzilhane stations to check menzilhane stations provisions of messengers regardless of no matter who they were and to provide horses in exact numbers they were allocated and the number of people in accompany of them as well as writing them on the registry. It seems that these kinds of abuses and delinquencies must have been so alarming that all the local judges were ordered to do a photocopy of the edict and make sure that acting according to these resolutions was the most privileged principle.49 As mentioned above, although some standards were determined and introduced in 1717 as to the number of horses to be provided for the messengers, these standards were not sufficiently taken into consideration. The expressions dictated in a provision delivered in 1731 confirmed this condition very explicitly. In the provision, it was expressed that more horses were not only provided to the messengers unlawfully than they were allowed but also giving horses to the ones who did not have any provisions of menzilhane stations turned to be a tradition.50 In order to prevent such kind of corruption, a new regulation was made about the number of horses to be given to the messengers. According to the regulation made in 1148-1735-36, the number of horses to be provided for the messengers in accordance with their ranks is given in the following quotation. “20 menzils for a mirahur-ı evvel ağa (1 menzil means a horse), 18 menzils for a kapucular kethüdâsı ağa, 15 menzils for a mirahur-ı sâni ağa, 10 menzils for 48 49 50 KŞS 47 / 249–3, (1 Rebî’ü’l-ahîr 1129/ 15 March 1717); BOA, MAD. 8464 / 9-1, (11 Safer 1129 / 25 January 1717). KŞS 49 / 286-1. BOA, C.NF. 411, (Evâsıt-ı Cemâziye’l-evvel 1144 / 11–20 November 1731). 161 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II a haseki ağa, 8 menzils for a silâhşor-ı hâssa, 10 menzils for a kapucubaşı ağalara, 5 menzils for a gedüklü ağa, 4 menzils for a sadr-ı âlî ağa, 3 menzils for a vâcibü’r-re’âyâ ağa, 1 menzil for a çukâdar ve mehter, han hazretleri etbâ’ından lüzumu mertebe, vüzerâdan ve serhadlerden gelen kimselere lüzumu mertebe, ma’denlere lüzumu mertebe, ocak tarafından umur-ı mühimme mübaşir getürmek iktiza ederlerse kifâye mikdarı”51. When the figures stated in this regulation are deeply analyzed, it can be easily inferred that the number of horses to be provided for the messengers was increased up to % 66.7 – % 200 compared to the ones in 1717. The government seems to have thought that the tendency of messengers was the cause of increasing needs, and it seems to have taken the necessary measure of introducing the necessary lawful changes so that the messengers could get enough horses lawfully. The Number of Riders to be Given to Messengers As stated above, many regulations were made over the number of horses given to messengers in order to prevent misunderstandings and turmoil. Another factor having the potential of causing disagreement between the messengers and menzilhane stations officers was the issue the number of riders to be given to the messengers’ company. In edicts sent about the number of riders to the messengers, there were generally quite obscure terms such as ‘in sufficient amount’.52 In some edicts, this quantity was informed in exact figured such as 1 rider for every 4–5 messengers. Eventually, the number of riders to the messengers was standardized to match 1/3 of the messengers and this quantity was legislated accordingly. According to this legislation, if the number of messengers and the ones in his accompany was 1–3, they could only employ one rider. If this number was over 3, it was ordered that there had to be one rider for every 3 messengers.53 Regulation over the Price of Horses As mentioned above, charging the services given at menzilhane stations began with the advent of the edict declared on 22nd December 1696 /27 Cemâziye’l-evvel 1108. Through these edicts, older regulations over menzilhane stations were abolished and they were replaced with new ones. With its extensive content, the theme of this 51 52 53 BOA, A.DVN. MHM. 141 / 95-387, (15 Cemâziye’l-evvel 1148 / 3 October 1735); Halaçoğlu, 2002, p.48. BOA, MAD. 8470 / 320-1, (10 Cemâziye’l-âhir 1139 / 2 February 1727). BOA, MAD. 8492 / 35-1, (14 Şa’ban 1145 / 30 January 1733); BOA, C.AS. 53734, (20 Muharrem 1148 /12 June 1735). 162 Cemal ÇETİN • Financial and Judicial Terms of Purchasing Service from Menzilhanes … edict was mainly about horse charges. The charge was to be determined according to the distance along which the horses were used and the amount was 10 akçe (coins) per hour. The ones who had in’am menzil ahkâmı did not have to pay the amount in cash, rather these amount were paid by the state treasure and had to be registered in in’âmat records.54 According to the content of the copy of an edict issued on 3rd April 1709 (22 Muharrem 1121) it is evident that there arose some delinquencies in collecting the fees although the practice was quite new. In particular, although menzilhane stations conductors were responsible for getting the payments registered on in’âmat records in person, there were some swindlers who went to İstanbul and swindled the treasure by collecting the payment with a false menzil officer identity. As the appropriations were recorded in the list of arrests, the real menzil officers could not be paid lawfully for the horses. In order to prevent such kind of corruption, thorough a edict issued on 3rd April 1709 it was ordered that only menzilhane stations officers could be paid for the horses given the in’âm document. If the menzilhane stations officer could not go to withdraw the money for some reasons, they had to appoint someone trustworthy to withdraw the money on their behalf and issue a letter of attorney in the presence of a local judge. In the edict which was issued in order to prevent these losses, it was emphasized that identity detection and checking process of procuration had to be done properly with great sensitivity.55 It is also observable that the messengers also caused their in’âm provisions to be used more than once by selling them to others although not much time passed after the past delinquencies. When accounts were checked at the end of each season, the number of messengers and riders with them was seen to have outnumbered the figures stated in the real provisions sent by the central government. This meant for the state treasure to pay money for nothing in exchange for the services which the management did not use. In order to prevent this problem, in 1713 accounting department called mevkufat kalemi hired cost controllers called menzil halifesi to compare the in’âmat records written in in’âmat provisions given by Divan-ı Hümayun with the ones recorded in menzilhane stations spots in order to invalidate the first documents.56 Moreover, a new system through which messengers, regardless of their ranks, were to pay the amounts of fee in cash in exchange for the horses they used in menzilhane stations officer was issued in 1717 most probably to prevent such kind of delinquencies. But this new system was abolished in 1714 shortly after the be54 55 56 Look for the text of the edict. C. Heywood, 2001, pp.487–490. BOA, MAD. 8464 / 3-1, (22 Muharrem 1121/ 3 April 1709). BOA, MAD. 8464 / 5-1, (6 Safer 1125/ 4 March 1713); Açıkel, 2004, pp.10–11. 163 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II ginning of Moorea campaigns during which a lot more messengers and summoners were needed to be sent all over the country.57 Because of the increased demand, it turned to be a heavy monetary burden to pay from the miri treasure all the messengers and summoners in line with the number they would use. It is also possible to say this practice was given up as the messengers who urgently needed to benefit from menzilhane stations spots from time to time could not do so when they did not have cash money on them. For all these reasons, it was decided that messengers who had in’âm menzil provisions were not to be charged.58 As can be understood from an epitome, only 1/3 of messengers travelled with in’âm provisions were officially on duty and the rest used these provisions for their personal needs. The problem stated, the epitomise and the solution brought to this was completely the same as the one encountered in 1713 and its solution. Moreover, in one of the copies of the epitome issued in those days it was explicitly stated that the system put forward in 1713 was the best one, but it could not function properly due to the continuous wars. According to a new system adopted 1739, there would no longer be any in’âm menzil provision for anyone. Instead, in a legislation menzil provisions were to be introduced and issued paying the fees in cash. The ones who travelled for personal needs had to pay their own bills and the ones travelling on behalf of the government were to pay from the amount of money allocated for them by the treasure. It was also ordered that the officers who had provisions given both by the frontier defenders coming from the frontier regions and regional deputies were not going to be refused by claiming such excuses as ‘you do not have a edict with you’ and they would be provided with the amount of horses however they wanted in exchange for money.59 It is understood from the statements of a menzilhane stations officer, who managed Karapınar menzilhane stations between the 6th May 1743 and 6th May 1744, that in’am menzil provision was abolished before the aforementioned date and messengers rent horses paying the fees in advance.60 This practice probably must have been valid until 1756, when the edict for the abolition of this resolution was issued. In this edict, it was expressed that although the payment in advance was ludicrous for miri, it was compulsory to shift to the system of in’am menzil provision as it was more difficult to do constant payments from the treasure. 57 58 59 60 In the copy of the edict published in 1739, the biggest reason for the failure of the implantation issued in 1739 on the cash payment of horse prices in menzilhane stations was claimed to be the constant wars. BOA, MAD. 3179 / 3-1, (8 Şa’ban 1152 / 10 November 1739). KŞS 45 / 278-1, (20 Zi’l-hicce 1126/ 27 December 1714). BOA, MAD. 3179 / 3-1, (8 Şa’ban 1152 / 10 November 1739). KŞS 56 / 1-2, (14 Cemâziye’l-evvel 1157 / 25 June 1744). 164 Cemal ÇETİN • Financial and Judicial Terms of Purchasing Service from Menzilhanes … Conclusion Menzilhane stations were one of the most important means of the Ottoman management form in terms of providing the communication between the urban and the rural areas. For this reason, laws and regulations on the issue of making use of menzilhane stations were updated from time to time according to the conditions and necessities of that time in order to prevent the possible delays with the governmental urgent and important tasks. These regulations aimed to bring solutions on the issues on whom and how would benefit from menzilhane stations and tried to provide the sustenance of official transport and communication. The former system in which the ones who had provisions could use menzilhane as of 1690 for free was turned into a new system as of 1696 in which everyone could benefit from menzilhane on condition that they paid for it even if they had no provisions. However, a short time later, it was forbidden to provide horses for the ones who had no provisions upon some failures in the formal proceedings with fixed prices. Being fix for everyone who had a provision, the issue of paying the prices of horses when and by whom was standardized by describing the regulation in the provisions given to messengers. This implementation proved to be lacking in time. In order to prevent messengers from receiving horses in more numbers than allocated, through a edict the number of horses can be received in accordance with the ranks of officials was informed in lists to menzilhane officers and managers. Besides, negligent behaviours of menzilhane managers were tried to be prevented by also including the rule that the price of extra received horses were not to be paid in the same edict. The number of horses in accordance with the ranks of officials was updated according to current conditions and necessities of that time. A number of changes were made about the quality of services given in menzilhane stations and the number of horses to be given to the messengers in accordance with their ranks including their prices between 1690 and 1750 in accordance with the political, social and economic conditions of the Ottoman Empire. Not being random and arbitrary, these changes both aimed to prevent the delays in transport and communication and served to make the most use of the system. 165 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Appendix I: The last page of the İn’amat Records registered between Ruz-ı Hızır (6 May) 1143 and Ruz-ı Hızır 1144 in Edirne Menzilhane station 166 Cemal ÇETİN • Financial and Judicial Terms of Purchasing Service from Menzilhanes … Appendix II: A small piece of a copy of record posing the payments done to the messengers from the state treasure to pay the price of horses provided from menzilhane stations in cash. (D.MKF. 28083, s.1, H. 1125 / M. 1713) 167 Autour du Khanat Tatare de Crimée. Cosaques et ottomans dans la Mer Noire (Milieu du XVIe siècle – 1648) (II) Sergiu IOSIPESCU Par hasard ou pas, au début de l’été 1582 un corps des Tatares était attaqué sur les côtes de la mer d’Azov par un parti des cosaques Polonais et Russes1. D’après un informateur turc de l’internonciature impériale à Constantinople l’état d’insécurité dans la mer Noire favorisait encore les visées du Khan sur les Principautés Roumains, sur Caffa, Cetatea Albă (Aqkirman) et Chilia (Kili)2. L’été suivante, en Juillet 1583, en réponse à une tentative du sanğeaqbeq de Bender (Tighina) de coloniser des musulmans à l’est de Nistru (Dniestr) sur la frontière polonaise, le roi Étienne Báthory ordonna une démonstration d’un corps de 8 000 cosaques qui, dépassant leurs instructions, dévastèrent la foire de Cetatea Albă, conquirent Bender et simulèrent même une traversée du Danube: tous les janissaires ont été tués, les quatre galiotes stationnaires sur le fleuve incendiées et dix mille prisonniers emmenées avec un énorme butin. La Porte envoya à leur poursuite cinq galères avec 1 000 janissaires et 500 spahis et ordonna au prince de Moldavie, Pierre le Boiteux, et au beqlerbeq du « Levant » (de la Grèce ou Roumélie) de seconder avec leurs troupes la campagne navale3. Peut-être l’incursion des cosaques ne fut pas étrangère à la tentative d’un nouveau prétendant à la principauté moldave, Lazare, un soi-disant fils du feu le prince Jean l’Arménien4, un symbole pour les cosaques. Le beqlerbeq préféra a cantonner ses troupes à Babadag pour l’hivernage5 et le sultan jugea nécessaire d’ériger une nouvelle forteresse au gué de Czapczakli6, fréquenté par les cosaques, espérant ainsi, sans doute de concert avec le Khan, de pouvoir fermer la mer Noire à leurs incursions. Pendant l’hiver on refit aussi Bender, sur le compte 1 2 3 4 5 6 Hurmuzaki/Iorga, XI, p. 655, n.1 (rapport de l’internonce impérial Preyner à l’empereur, 7 Juliet 1582). Ibidem, p.662, doc. CIV (annexe au rapport de Preyner à l’empereur, 12 Mars 1582). Ibidem, pp. 166–167 – rapport de l’ambassadeur français à la Porte, de Germigny, au roi Henri III, 9 Août 1583; Appendice I, p.665, doc. CIX, (annexe au rapport de Preyner à l’empereur, 27 Juillet 1583). Iorga, Préface au Hurmuzaki/Iorga, XI, p. LVI. Hurmuzaki/Iorga, XI, Appendice I, p.671, n.2, p. 672. Ibidem, p.673, n.1. 169 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II de la Moldavie, où, au printemps de 1584, arriva enfin le beqlerbeq de Roumélie avec ses hommes. Le roi Étienne occupé par la guerre contre la Moscovie mit un terme à la crise par de mesures punitives contre le commandant des cosaques, le noble Samuel Zborowski, décapité à Cracovie avec quelques-uns de ses comparses. La guerre en Perse ne permit pas au Grand Seigneur d’ouvrir les hostilités quoique les cosaques aient attaqué de nouveau Bender (Juin 1585) 7 et seulement par l’intervention du beqlerbeq de Caffa ils furent obligés à la retraite. En revanche en 1586 le khan Tatare déclencha un raid dévastateur en Pologne, auquel les cosaques répondirent avec une nouvelle attaque de Bender. Le frère du khan, en coopération avec les forces des princes Roumains, Pierre le Boiteux et son neveu de Valachie, Mihnea II, les vainquirent le 25 Août 1586. Mais, au 27 Janvier 1587 le prince de Moldavie annonçait à la Porte la mort du roi Étienne Báthory. Le grand prince Transylvain et souverain de Pologne s’éteignait après seulement onze ans de règne mais un des plus fameux de l’histoire du pays. Parmi ses plans politiques, il envisageait d’installer sur le trône d’une Hongrie, agrandie de la Bohème et de la Moravie, son neveu Sigismond et de laisser la Transylvanie à son disciple et confident Jan Zamoyski, marié à Griselinde, fille de son frère, André Báthory8. On a ici une explication supplémentaire pour la politique du futur Grand Chancelier de Pologne Jan Zamoyski concernant les Principautés Roumaines et Michel le Brave. Politique qui devait composer avec ou confronter l’Empire ottoman et le Khanat tatare de Crimée. Dans l’immédiat la force de celui-ci devait être matée ; or, les incursions des cosaques dans les mers Noire et d’Azov faisaient les jeux du roi Étienne. Même pendant l’interrègne on eut des incursions des cosaques contre la forteresse moldave de Soroca sur le Nistru (Janvier 1587), vers Bender et même vers Huşi, au centre de la Moldavie (été 1587)9. Quand, au mois de Mai 1587, l’ambassadeur polonais, Christophore Dzierzek, arriva à la Porte avec la nouvelle officielle de la vacance du trône de son pays, confondant la situation de la Pologne avec celle de la Transylvanie, sans doute à cause du règne d’Étienne Báthory dans les deux pays, le Haut Devlet envoya au Sejm polonais l’interdiction d’élire un prince Allemand, Espagnol, Anglais, Français ou Moscovite, sous la menace d’une dévastation de la Reczpospolita10. Convaincus par le ton hautain de la Porte, les princes Pierre de Moldavie et Sigismond Báthory de Transylvanie proposaient leurs candidatures pour le trône polonais. 7 8 9 10 Ibidem, p.689, doc. CXL (rapport à l’empereur, 21 Juin 1585). Un mémoire dans ce sens avec la date Janvier 1589 avait entré dans les Archives d’Innsbruck, Ferdinandeum, ad. 40, v. ibidem, p.720, note. Ibidem, p.700, doc. CLVIII (rapport de 14 Août 1587). Ibidem, p.699, n. 1 (rapport à l’empereur de l’internonce Eyzing, le 27 Juin 1587). 170 Sergiu IOSIPESCU • Autour du Khanat Tatare de Crimée. Cosaques et ottomans dans la Mer Noire (II) Les réalités étaient plutôt contraires, car, au milieu de l’été on annonçait à Constantinople un attaque général des cosaques sur zű (Oceakov), Bender et Aqkirman, et même le prince Pierre le Boiteux échappa difficilement à n’être pas capturé (Septembre 1587). Le 28 Octobre internonce docteur Bartholomée Pezzen rapportait à l’Empereur Rodolphe II l’attaque cosaque contre le château de Baba (dag), démoli (« in Gründ verhöret ») et incendié en même temps que les alentours étaient dévastés; des habitants, sans tenir compte de sexe ou d’âge, furent massacrés11. Pour la première fois le rayon d’action des cosaques de Dniepr, de rapides du fleuve ou Zaporogues, dépassait le couloir de la steppe pour aboutir au sud du Danube et de son delta. Comme d’habitude la Moldavie supporta la restauration de Oceakov et de Bender mais, également au 6 Décembre 1587 le prince Pierre dut donner une bataille en règle par haut de uţora sur le Prut contre les cosaques qui apportaient un nouveau prétendant « Ivan », encore un soi-disant fils du feu le prince Jean l’Arménien. La victoire permit au prince Pierre de célébrer la noce de sa fille Marie avec Zottu Tzigara de Ioannina, devenu commandant de la forteresse de Hotin et puis spatharius du pays. Mais la situation restait trouble et les troupes ottomanes avec leurs beqs restaient sous les armes à Nicopolis, Silistrie et dans toute la Dobroudja12. Malgré ces précautions, l’été prochain on ne réussit pas à empêcher une incursion sur Bender et les treize villages des alentours qui furent ravagés; Oceakov fut de nouveau incendié. On évaluait, sans doute en exagérant, à 20 000 le nombre des hommes pris par les cosaques, ainsi que la capture de 60 chaikas à sel. Le khan et son frère furent blésés au cours de combats. À la fin de Juin 1589 arriva à Constantinople l’incroyable nouvelle d’un attaque monstre contre la célèbre cité de Qozlov13, appelée Kozleu par les Tatars et Gőzleve par les Turcs, Ghiuzlăul dans les écrits de Miron Costin14, perpétré par une flottille de 80 chaikas cosaques, ce qui signifiait l’entrée de la Crimée même dans la zone de guerre pontique. Le khan et ses forces de conserve avec trois galères ottomanes ont monté le Dniepr avec l’espérance d’intercepter l’ennemi revenant vers ses repaires, pendant que le prince Pierre fortifiait la frontière roumaine de Nistru. Le nouveau grand vizir, depuis 3 Avril 1589, Sinan, qui caressait l’idée de transformer les trois principautés – la Valachie, la Moldavie et la Transylvanie – en 11 12 13 14 Ibidem, p.702, doc. CLXII; Préface, p. LXI. Ibidem, p.703, n.1 (rapport à l’empereur de l’internonce Eyzing, le 9 Décembre 1587). Ibidem, p.726 (annexe du rapport à l’empereur de l’internonce Dr. Pezzen, le 21 Juin 1589). Miron Costin, Opere, éd. P. P. Panaitescu, Bucureşti, 1958, p.167 (aux temps modernes Eupatoria, non identifié par P. P. Panaitescu). 171 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II beqlerbeqliqs, se contenta d’ériger le sangeaq de Bender en beqlerbeqliq (19 Juin 1589), agrandi de quelques nouveau villages arrachés à la Moldavie. Pourtant la campagne d’été, de représailles en Pologne, conduite par le beqlerbeq ottoman Hidir, n’aboutit d’atteindre par Hotin que Snyatin, à cause du retard du khan; on laissa à Bender six sangeaqs sous le beq de Nicopolis et le reste des troupes fut retiré à Silistrie pour l’hivernage15. Afin d’éviter la sanction de la Porte pour cet échec, qui d’ailleurs ne lui incombait point, le prince Pierre se démit volontairement de son pouvoir pour obtenir la dignité princière pour son fils Étienne (20 novembre 1589), un enfant de cinq ans, oint par le métropolitain de Moldavie, Gheorghe Movilă (12 Février 1590). Le changement couta au pays 260 000 ducats, dont 60 000 des présents pour le grand vizir Sinan Pacha16. Face aux préparatifs d’une flottille de 90 de chaikas des cosaques pour attaquer de nouveau les forteresses du bas Dniepr et de Nistru (printemps 1590) on décida à la Sublime Porte d’envoyer cinq galères et 1000 Janissaires, mais également de négocier avec la Pologne – par l’intermède du grand ban Iane, des princes de Valachie et de Moldavie –, la cession des hostilités avec la condition expresse d’éloigner les cosaques et de céder à l’Empire leur territoire au-dessus d’Özü (Oceakov). Cependant fin de Mai 1590 la nonciature impériale de Constantinople signalait des luttes avec les chaikas cosaques à Bender et Cetatea Albă et contre les cosaques moscovites à Cerkez-Kerman. On ordonna au belglerbeg de rester à Babadag pour l’herbage des chevaux et de pourvoir à la reconstruction des fortifications des gués les plus fréquentés par les cosaques. Dans ces circonstances le khan Tatare Ghazi II Quiray « Bora » (« Tempête »)17, de plus en plus anxieux par la présence des troupes Ottomanes au nord de la mer Noire et la menace de transformation de son État en beqlerbeqliq, chercha à mener une politique indépendante18. Par des négociations du prince Pierre le Boiteux, de Iane, le ban, de Bartolomeo Brutti et de l’ambassadeur anglais Burton, – sollicités par le grand-vizir –, et par la 15 16 17 18 Hurmuzaki/Iorga, XI, p. LXIX note 6; Vraye relation, pp.18 et suivantes; Hurmuzaki, IV2, pp.145 et suivantes. Hurmuzaki/Iorga, XI, Appendice I, p.737 (annexe du rapport à l’archiduc Ernst de l’internonce Dr. Pezzen, le 27 Mars 1590) et n. 2. L’opinion de M. Constantin Rezachevici, Enciclopedia domnilor români. Cronologia critică a domnilor din ara Românească şi Moldova. 1324–1881, I, Secolele XIV–XVI, Bucureşti, 2001, pp.740–741, 746–747 sur l’existence d’une « diarchie » n’est pas soutenable: le prince légal du pays était Etienne, et quoique le pouvoir effectif fût détenu par l’ancien prince, il était maintenant pour la Sublime Porte une personne privée. V. pour ses débuts Chantal Lemercier-Quelquejay et Alexandre Bennigsen, « La Moscovie, l'Empire ottoman et la crise successorale de 1577–1588 dans le khanat de Crimée », dans Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique, vol. 14, n°4, pp. 453–487. Hurmuzaki/Iorga, XI, Appendice I, p.741 n. 1; Hurmuzaki, IV2, p.151. 172 Sergiu IOSIPESCU • Autour du Khanat Tatare de Crimée. Cosaques et ottomans dans la Mer Noire (II) menace d’une invasion de la Pologne et de la transformation de la Valachie, Moldavie et Transylvanie en beqlerbeqliqs19, on arriva à l’armistice Ottoman-Polonais de Juin 1590 ; mais le traité de paix ne fut signé qu’en Janvier 1592. Quand-même en Avril 1591 les cosaques s’évertuaient d’attaquer Chilia (Kili) sur le Danube et, par le capitaine Polonais de Bar, le prince Pierre été renseigné sur l’attaque imminent d’un nouveau prétendant, Lazare, soutenu comme toujours par les cosaques20. Malgré ses mérites dans les négociations de l’armistice avec la Pologne, face au changement du grand vizir Sinan avec Ferhat Pacha, des nouvelles demandes d’argent de la Porte, effrayé par la conversion force à l’Islam de son neveu le prince Mihnea II de Valachie et l’incessante menace des cosaques, le prince Pierre le Boiteux préféra de fuir le pays avec son fils bien-aimé, pour se réfugier en Occident. Avec une suite des nobles Roumains, parmi lesquels des membres de la famille Movilă (Mogyla), il passa, non sans escarmouches avec les Polonais de la frontière, à Muncačiu (Munkacs), en Maramureş, et puis, seulement avec sa famille et ses domestiques il arriva à Sătmar, pour gagner enfin, par la Hongrie impériale, le Tyrol. Après la fuite de la famille princière de la Moldavie, les cosaques attaquaient de nouveau Oceakov le 29 Août 1591, pour se retirer avec leur butin à Bar21. Pendant que le nouveau prince de la Moldavie, Aaron, nommé par la Porte le 22 Septembre 1591, menait son enquête sur la défection de son prédécesseur, les cosaques préparaient une nouvelle expédition pour l’année prochaine. Elle visa Tighina (Bender), dévia sur Braclav à cause des forces Turcs et Tatares pour revenir en Moldavie (été 1592). Une lettre du sultan Murad au roi de Pologne, Sigismond III Vasa, énumérait les derniers exploits des cosaques à Tighina et Oceakov, à Cetatea Albă et sur la mer à Qozlov; ce qui expliquait la présence des troupes sous leurs beqlerbeqs22. Le 8 Avril 1593 un rapport de l’internonce impérial Georg Kreckwitz, probablement à l'archiduc Ernest, présentait les ordres du Grand Seigneur adresses aux beglerbeq de Roumélie, sangeaqbeq de Silistrie et aux commandants militaires du Danube pour la création immédiate, au cours de l’été d’un nouveau beglerbegliq ad fines Podoliae, dans l’interfluve Nistru-Dniepr. Le nouveau gouvernement militaire Ottoman comprenait Bender (Tighina), Özü (Oceakov), Aqkirman (Cetatea Albă), Kili (Chilia); on devait ériger des fortifications à Haği Bey23 et Özü, le passage 19 20 21 22 23 Hurmuzaki/Iorga, XI, Appendice I, p.743 note. Hurmuzaki, III1, p. 14. v. aussi Hurmuzaki/Iorga, XI, p. 267(CCCC). Hurmuzaki/Iorga, XI, Appendice I, p.751 n. 3 (annexe au rapport à l’archiduc Ernst de l’internonce Dr. Pezzen de 16 Novembre 1591contenant des nouvelles d’un informateur turc). Hurmuzaki/Iorga, XI, Appendice I, p.750 n. 1. Sur l’emplacement actuel d’Odessa. 173 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II habituel des cosaques, toujours par les efforts des princes de la Moldavie et de la Valachie24. Cependant, après deux années des escarmouches sur la frontière de Croatie, la guerre entre l’Empire Ottoman et le Saint Empire commençait (29 Juillet 1593) par l’offensive de l’armée de Sinan Pacha qui conquit rapidement Raab (Gy r) et Comorne (Komárom). De l’autre côté, à la veille du Noël, les cosaques sous leur capitaine Lobodă (« l’Arroche ») attaquaient par surprise la grande foire d’Oceakov, – fréquentée par des Tatares, Turcs et Roumains –, qu’ils ravageaient trois jours durant, se retirant vers leurs repaires des rapides du Dniepr avec un immense butin. Simultanément un autre corps des cosaques fit une razzia en Moldavie, ce qui provoqua les protestes du prince Aaron au grand chancelier de la Couronne25. L’importance du facteur cosaque dans la stratégie générale de la guerre n’échappa pas à l’empereur Rodolphe II et à ses conseilleurs. Le 3 Février 1594 de Prague l’empereur écrivait à son allié in spé, le prince de Moldavie, Aaron, au grand-duc de Moscou, Théodore, au palatin de Braclav et au préfet de Srzemencen, Jan Sborowski, concernant le contrat passe avec les cosaques de rapides de Dniepr sous le commandement de Stanislas Clopiski. Leur mission était de former un corps de 8–10 mille cosaques et de l’envoyer au-delà du Danube par Silistrie pour ravager l’Empire ottoman jusqu’à Andrinople26. L’action supposait aussi de composer avec le prince Michel de Valachie (1593–1601). D’après l’opinion du conseilleur impérial Trautsohn, connue par le rapport du nonce Speziano au cardinal de San-Giorgio (Prague, 14 Mars 1594) la Cour impériale estimait fort l’action Valaque-Moldave-cosaque au Sud du Danube, direction Andrinople27. D’ailleurs Erich Lassota von Steblau, connu aussi par ses négociations avec le prince Michel de Valachie, était le représentant de l’empereur auprès les cosaques, pour informer la Cour et enrôler des hommes de guerre28. Probablement relatif à ce plan, le voïvode Polonais de Zbaraž, donnait son avis: tout en prévoyant les réserves de son pays d’engager la guerre avec les Ottomans, il proposait une action navale des cosaques sur le Danube pour permettre à l’armée chrétienne, concentrée en Valachie, d’attaquer le Grand Seigneur. Son conseil était 24 25 26 27 28 Hurmuzaki/Iorga, XI, Appendice I, p.770 et la note 2. N. Iorga, Actes et fragments, vol. I, Bucureşti, 1895, p.134 (une confusion entre Dniepr et le Nistru dans le texte). Ibidem, p. 407–408, doc. DXLVI. Ibidem, p. 425, doc. DLX. V. Habsburg and Zaporozhian Cossacks. The Diary of Erich Lassota von Steblau, éd. Lubomyr Roman Wynar, Ukrainian Academic Press, 1975; cf. pour une autre interpretation de sa mission Ileana Căzan, op.cit. 174 Sergiu IOSIPESCU • Autour du Khanat Tatare de Crimée. Cosaques et ottomans dans la Mer Noire (II) d’emprunter le chemin des caravanes qui traversaient le fleuve à Galatzi pour arriver en onze jours à Andrinople29. Une chronique des empereurs Romains-Germaniques du XVIe siècle atteste en Janvier 1595 la présence d’un corps de 16 000 cosaques dans l’armée du prince Michel de Valachie, employé dans la lutte contre Ibrahim Hasan Pacha et ses 10 000 Turcs30. Les cosaques ont été à côté du prince Roumain jusqu’à la bataille de Mirăslău (Septembre 1600)31. Leur solde était de 2–3 Thalers par mois32. Les cosaques ont été employés aussi par le prince Aaron de Moldavie, depuis sa première action contre Tighina (Bender), un objectif et proie bien connue pour les hommes du Dniepr, exploit raconté également par une des biographies du grand chancelier Polonais Jan Zamoyski33. La présence de ce récit dans l’histoire du grand Polonais n’est pas surprenante car, depuis le début de la guerre, la Cour de Cracovie observait avec beaucoup d’attention la situation des Principautés carpatiques et danubiennes et spécialement de la Moldavie. Juste au moment où la grande armée Ottomane, sous Sinan Pacha, envahissait la Valachie (Août 1595) et le nouveau prince de Moldavie, Étienne Răzvan, quittait son pays pour contribuer à la résistance dans les Carpates méridionaux et à l’offensive projetée vers le Danube, le prétendant Jérémie Movilă (Mogyla) s’empara du trône de la principauté avec l’aide polonais. Celui-ci s’empressa de déclarer Moldavie « membre fidèle et inséparable de la Couronne polonaise ». Empêché par la difficile conquête de la Valachie et sa transformation en beqlerbegliq, Sinan Pacha dut confier les affaires moldaves au khan Ghazi II Quiray. D’après l’historien roumain Miron Costin « fameux était ce khan dans les guerres car il eut des combats également avec les Perses et il les vainquit plusieurs fois »; la Porte lui envoya 2 000 Janissaires pour augmenter son armée d’environ 70 000 hommes34. Le grand vizir envisageait l’installation d’un beqlerbeq en Moldavie et la personne choisie, sans doute pour concilier le khan Tatare, était Ahmed, beq de Bender et neveu du Ghazi II Quiray. Une petite armée sous Jan Zamoyski luimême, arriva en Moldavie pour défendre le prince Jérémie et le 19–20 Octobre 1595 elle résista aux Tatares dans ses fortifications passagères de uţora, au gué de 29 30 31 32 33 34 Iorga, 1895, pp. 48–50. Ibidem, p. 300, doc.CCCCXXXI. Ibidem, p. 385, doc.DXXVIII (les mémoires du comte Gian-Marco Isolano). Ibidem, p. 393, doc. DXXXIII (le discours d’Abraham Tocken). Reinhold Heidenstein, De vita Ioannis Zamoscii, regni Poloniae cancellarii exercituumque ducis summi libri tres, dans Hurmuzaki/Iorga, XI, p. 294, doc. CCCCXXX. Costin, 1958, p. 44; seulement 40 000 hommes d'après le rapport de Zamoyski (Hurmuzaki/Iorga, XII, p.134). 175 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Prut, près de Yassy. La vigoureuse et active défensive des troupes de Zamoyski, – pourvues d’une importante artillerie abritée dans des redans, et par des charges nourries de mousqueterie –, mais surtout les nouvelles sur la catastrophe de l'armée du grand vizir Sinan Pacha en Valachie, ont convaincu le khan Ghazi II Quiray d’accepter les négociations, menées adroitement par les envoyés du prince Jérémie Movilă35. L’Empire ottoman reconnaissait le règne du prince Jérémie Movilă, tributaire de la Porte et en même temps on établit « qu’il devait envoyer chaque année des dons au Khan et [...]36 de kantaroi de miel et que 7 villages soient données au Khan en Boudjaq pour tenir ses troupeaux »37. Apres la fin tragique de l'épopée de Michel le Brave et de l'union des Principautés carpatiques, les exploits des cosaques continuaient en 1602 par la chasse donnée à une flottille ottomane devant les Bouches du Danube, près de Chilia, et la capture d'un bateau marchand arrivée de Caffa. Les galères envoyées pour les intercepter arrivaient trop tard. L'année prochaine les cosaques montaient le Danube pour incendier Ismail et Isaccea. Afin d’interdire leur sortie de Dniepr, en 1604 on avait reconstruit le château d'Oceakov sur la surveillance du Khan et de Šabān Pacha, le commandant de l'escadre ottomane envoyé dans ces parages38. Ce qui n'empêcha point en 1606 la désolation de Bender et Aqkirman par un corps de 6 á 7 000 cosaques. Quand, en Décembre 1607, Constantin Movilă fut mis sur le trône de la Moldavie par les Polonais, la Porte craignait le sort de Bender, Chili et Aqkirman, menacées par l'occupation cosaque39. Par conséquence la Porte ordonna au printemps de 1608 au beq et qadis de Chili et d'Aqkirman de préparer une flottille des bateaux armés, mise sous le commandement de beq de Babadag et qui devait coopérer avec le capitaine des galères, Husrev, pour la défense des côtes et des environs d'Oceakov. Les troupes de beqlerbeq de Bender et Aqkirman, renforcées par celles du beqlerbeq de Caffa, devaient décourager les actions de l'ennemi ; Ahmed Pacha fut nommé commandant de toutes les forces disloquées sur le Nistru inferieur et aux Bouches du Danube40. L’ancienne intention de la Porte de créer un beqlerbeqliq au bas de l'interfluve Danube maritime – Nistru – Bug s'était réalisé et celui-ci était un commandement 35 36 37 38 39 40 Le journal de la champagne de Jan Zamoyski, dans Călători străini despre ţările române, vol. III, pp. 645–648; Miron Costin, op. cit., pp.44–45. Le montant manque dans les manuscrits. Costin, 1958, p.45. Hurmuzaki/Bogdan, Supplément II, vol. II, pp.335, 336. Hurmuzaki, IV1, p. 295 (rapport du bailli Ottaviano Bon au Senat, le 4 Mars 1608). Mihnea Berindei, « La Porte Ottomane face aux Cosaques Zaporogues, 1600–1637 », dans Harvard Ukrainian Studies, 1(1977), p.277. Au mois de Juin on reparait la forteresse d'Aqkirman. 176 Sergiu IOSIPESCU • Autour du Khanat Tatare de Crimée. Cosaques et ottomans dans la Mer Noire (II) d’un premier ordre pour la sureté des Bouches du Danube et d’un segment essentiel de la grande route commerciale et militaire circumpontique. Malgré ces mesures et en tournant ces défenses, les raids des cosaques dans les années prochaines se dirigeaient loin au sud des Bouches du Danube, vers Varna (1609)41, et de Babadag à Varna (1612–1614)42. Une grande expédition, réunissant les forces des Principautés, du sanğeaqbeq de Silistrie et même du beqlerbeq de Roumélie, projetée en 1614 par le Divan ottoman, échoua par le manque de coopération des Tatares, retenus par des luttes intestines43. Profitant de cette concentration des forces entre le Nistru et le Bug et l'absence de la flotte ottomane de la mer Noire, les cosaques réussirent un prestigieux coup de main, en détruisant les navires du port de Trébizonde (Trabzon) et ravageant Sinope (Sinop)44. Une autre première fut à l'automne de 1615 quand les chaikas des cosaques montaient le Danube en ravageant les villes et villages depuis Silistrie jusqu'à Nicopolis (Nigebolu) ; seulement en 1616 la Porte organisa le système défensif du Danube entre Rusciuk et Cladova (Feth-i Islām) et en 1618 on prit des mesures énergiques pour réparer la forteresse de Giurgiu45. Au printemps de 1616, l'ambassadeur français a la Porte, de Harlay de Sancy, rapportait à Paris que les cosaques avaient pillé et incendié les bourgades de la côte de la mer Noire, depuis Sulina jusqu'à Balciq. Le représentant du roi Louis XIII auprès du Grand Seigneur remarquait, non sans humour, qu’on avait envoyé quelque galères et galiotes seulement pour obéir au sultan, autrement avec la chance d’être capturées par les cosaques, car, continuait’ il, « les repaires des dits cosaques sont dans des marais et des eaux peu profondes, ainsi que [les galères] ne pouvaient pas les aborder et de lutter avec eux »46. Un document ottoman postérieur aux évènements explique la remarque de l’ambassadeur français au sujet des marais et des eaux peu profondes ou se retiraient les cosaques: la Porte ordonnait au beqlerbeq d’Oceakov, au nāzir du Danube et au qadi de Babadag de détruire les filets des cosaques du delta du fleuve et de les empêcher de mettre des autres47. 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 Ibidem, pp.277–278. N. Iorga, Studii istorice asupra Chiliei şi Cetății Albe, București, 1899, p.217; Hurmuzaki/Odobescu, Supplément I1, p.164 (rapport de l’ambassadeur français à Constantinople, Harlay-Sancy, Février 1614). Hurmuzaki/Odobescu, Supplément I1, p. 164; Hurmuzaki, Supplément II2, p. 385–387; Andrei Veress, Documente privitoare la istoria Ardealului, Moldovei şi ării Româneşti, vol. IX, Bucureşti, 1937, pp. 14–19, 10–12, 22–24. Hurmuzaki/Tocilescu/Odobescu, Supplément I1, p. 176; Francesco Sansovino [Maiolino Bisaccioni], Historia universale dell’origine, guerre et imperio de Turchi…, Venezia, 1654, p.261. Berindei, 1977, p. 280, 286. Hurmuzaki/Tocilescu/Odobescu, Supplément I1, p. 172 (le rapport d’après le Ms. Fr. No. 16148 de la Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris. Berindei, 1977, p.287. 177 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Autrement dit, de connivence avec les habitants, les cosaques des rapides du Dniepr avaient établi leurs repaires jusque dans le delta du Danube, avec ses innombrables endroits secrets inaccessibles aux navires de guerre de la Porte. Ce même printemps de 1616, comme prévoyait l’ambassadeur français, une escadre ottomane de dix galères et fustes, commandant Čigala-Zāde Pacha, fut dispersé et partiellement capturé par les cosaques, dont la flottille ravagea de nouveau Trébizonde48. La Porte riposta par une grande expédition terrestre sous le commandement d’Iskender Pacha avec les troupes de sanğeaqbeqs de Timişoara, Vidin, Bosnie, Silistrie, Qirq-Kilise, Čirmen, les Tatares du khan et les forces des trois principautés. Avançant en Podolie ils ont imposé aux Polonais la convention de Jaruga (22 Septembre 1617), par laquelle les deux parties promettaient de mettre un terme à tous les incursions des cosaques et des Tatares. Mais, justement au temps de l’expédition et pendant les négociations, les chaikas des cosaques chassaient l’escadre ottomane et attaquaient Oceakov49. Apres une nouvelle expédition sur le Nistru, en Novembre 1618 Iskender Pacha reçut de la Porte le commandement des beqlerbegliqs de Silistrie, Bender et Aqkirman, qui couvraient l’entière façade maritime ancienne des Principautés Roumaines. L’intervention polonaise en Moldavie (été 1620) pour soutenir le prince Gaspar Graziani et des nouvelles incursions des cosaques contre Varna, Chilia et Aqkirman aboutissaient à la guerre. Aux injonctions du roi Sigismond III de Vasa les cosaques attaquaient en MaiJuin 1621 Anchialos (Ahiolu) et aussi la Galata de Constantinople, puis aux mois des Juillet et Août les pontons pour la traversée du Danube par l’armée du Osman II. On essaya en vain de bloquer l’estuaire de Dniepr par des bateaux de la flottille ottomane du Danube: l’escadre de 40 galères du kapudan pacha réussit, après deux heures de combat, de se dégager de l’attaque d’une flottille de 80 chaikas cosaques50. Pendant la guerre avec la Pologne, le sultan nommait beqlerbeq de Silistrie, Chilia, Aqkirman, Bender et Oceakov, Kantimir pacha, mirzac du clan Noqai Mansur, horde installée en Boudjaq51. Dans ces conditions, la défense ottomane dans le nord-ouest de la mer Noire prit une nouvelle consistance et les attaques des cosaques furent déviées en Août 1623 vers le port de Samsun52. 48 49 50 51 52 Ibidem, p. 281; Costin, 1958, p.63. N. Jorga, Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches, t. III, Gotha, 1910, p. 368–369; A. Mesrobeanu, « Nuovi contributi sul vaivoda Gaspare Graziani e la guerra turco-polacca del 1621 », dans Diplomatarium Italicum, III, 1934, pp.174–175 ; Hurmuzaki/Bogdan, Supplément II2, p. 426–427. Mesrobeanu, 1934, pp.211, 217–218. Joseph de Hammer, Histoire de l’Empire ottoman, traduction Hellert, t. VIII, Paris, 1838, p.280. Hurmuzaki/Bogdan, Supplément II2, pp. 522–524 ; Hurmuzaki/Tocilescu/Odobescu, Supplément I1, pp.195–196, 200–202, 218–219. 178 Sergiu IOSIPESCU • Autour du Khanat Tatare de Crimée. Cosaques et ottomans dans la Mer Noire (II) Mais la présence des Noqais et de leur chef Kantimir Pacha dans le Boudjaq provoqua des incessantes désordres dans les pays du Nord-Ouest de la mer Noire, périclitant les relations ottomanes-polonaises, mais surtout les rapports de la Porte avec le Khanat Tatare de Crimée, aspirant à l’indépendance et à l’expansion vers les bouches du Danube53. Le Grand Seigneur était doublement inquiet, par les agissements de Kantimir Pacha et des khans de Crimée, et essayait périodiquement d’annihiler les prétentions des uns avec les forces des autres. En 1624, la tentative de la Porte de nommer un khan fidèle, provoqua la révolte de l’ancien souverain Tatare, Mehmed Quiray, qui aidé par son frère Šāhin Quirāy conquit Caffa. La flotte ottomane du kapudan pacha Regep récupéra la cité mais dut accepter l’ancien khan. Profitant du déplacement de la flotte ottomane dans les eaux de Caffa, et, peut-être, d’une connivence tatare, les cosaques brûlèrent Samsun et, suprême exploit, pillaient et incendiaient Bűyűkdere, Yenik y, Sdegna, détruisant le phare du Bosphore en partant54. Depuis l’automne de 1624 jusqu’au printemps de 1625 les Tatares sous le qalga Šāhin Quirāy ravageaient les Principautés Roumaines et le beqlerbeqliq de Silistrie-Oceakov; simultanément les cosaques attaquaient Ismail et Brăila/Ibrail (septembre-octobre 1624)55. À la fin Šāhin Quirāy réussit à occuper Aqkirman et à déporter en Crimée Kantimir Pacha et les Noqais du clan Mansur. De ces circonstances profitèrent les cosaques pour revenir sur les côtes de Dobroudja. Pour mettre un terme à leurs exploits la flotte ottomane sous le qapudan Regep Pacha dut livrer un grand combat devant Qaraharman (novembre 1625). Quoique la victoire paraissait être décisive, au début de l’année 1627 on dut envisager une nouvelle expédition punitive, combinant les évolutions de la flotte avec l’action terrestre des princes Roumains et de Šāhin Quirāy. Avant la mobilisation des forces de ces derniers, la flotte ottomane qui probablement avait essayé de bloquer l’estuaire de Dniepr, fut attaqué par soixante chaikas des cosaques. On réussit à capturer environ quinze mais le reste réussit à forcer le blocus et sortir dans la mer Noire pour des nouvelles courses56. Pendant l’été 1627 le nouveau qapudan pacha Hasan avec les princes Roumains réussit à refaire la forteresse d’Oceakov57. Le retour de Kantimir Pacha en Boudjaq fut pour la Sublime Porte l’occasion d’intervenir contre les cosaques et en Crimée. Avec le concours des Noqais, Qapudan Pacha installa en Crimée le khan Ğānibeq Quiray, le prétendant agrée par le sultan. 53 54 55 56 57 Pour toute la question voir l’excelente monographie de M. Tahsin Gemil, ările române în contextul politic internațional. 1621–1672, București, 1979, pp.53–86 avec l’analyse comparee des sources ottomanes et occidentales. Jorga, 1910, p. 377; Costin, 1958, p. 124; Hammer, 1838, t. IX, pp.28, 54–56 ; Jorga, 1910, p.378. N. Iorga, Studii şi documente, vol. IV, p.185. Hurmuzaki, IV2, pp. 416–417; Hurmuzaki/Bogdan, Supplément II2, pp.577–583. Costin, 1958, p.94. 179 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II En récompense, Kantimir Pacha était rétabli comme beqlerbeq de Bender et les Noqais en Boudjaq (1628), pendant que les forces de Kenān Pacha intervenaient contre les cosaques sur le Dniepr58. La riposte polonaise ne fut pas possible à cause de la guerre avec Moscou. Attiré par la diplomatie moscovite, la Porte attaqua la Pologne (été 1633)59. Le prince de la Moldavie, Miron Barnovschi Movilă, fut une victime collatérale du conflit: demis par la Porte comme partisan de la Pologne il fut exécuté sous les yeux du sultan. Mais pendant que les forces ottomanes d’Abaza Pacha attaquaient Kamenets sans succès, les cosaques dévastaient les rivages du Bosphore jusqu’à une journée de Constantinople60, ce qui précipita la paix avec la Pologne (Octobre 1634), et obligea la Porte de promettre d’évacuer les Noqais de Boudjaq. La promesse fut tenue seulement après une nouvelle incursion des cosaques (1635) et par une expédition combinée des forces du khan Ianâyet Quiray et des cosaques, qui détruisaient sous Cetatea Albă la résistance de Kantimir Pacha, obligé de chercher un refuge à Constantinople61. La menace du khan victorieux de marcher sur la capitale de l’empire si le fuyard n’était pas exécuté, n’eut pas de suite car Ianâyet Quiray, lui-même, dut bientôt se réfugier à Constantinople devant une rébellion de ses sujets. Précédé de peu par Kantimir, l’ancien khan fut lui-même exécuté, le premier des Quiraydes à être supplicié par le suzerain Ottoman. Les Noqays ont revenu dans le Boudjaq immédiatement après que la situation de Crimée leur fut favorable: en 1645 ils étaient de nouveau signalés dans le SudEst de la principauté de Moldavie62. *** Les dernières incursions des cosaques sur la mer Noire se consommèrent à la fin des années ’30 du XVIIe siècle. Le nouveau roi de Pologne, Wladyslaw IV de Vasa établit un contrôle efficace sur la frontière Sud du pays – en employant le savant ingénieur et capitaine Normand 58 59 60 61 62 V. G. M. Meredith-Owens, « Ken’ān Pasha’s Expedition against the Cossacks », dans British Museum Quarterly, 24, 1961, pp.76–82. Pour la « coexistence pacifique » de l’Empire ottoman avec la Moscovie aux XVIe-XVIIe, avec la parenthèse de l’année 1569, cf. Alan W. Fisher, « Azov in Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century », dans Jahrbuch fűr Geschichte Osteuropas, N.F., Bd. 21, 2 (1973), pp.161–174. Hurmuzaki/Iorga, vol. XIV. Hurmuzaki, IV2, pp. 492; Hurmuzaki/Iorga, XV2, pp.1035–1036; Hurmuzaki, VIII, p. 465. Des éclaircissements sur le déroulement des évènements d’après des sources russes et Mihail Guboglu, Catalogul documentelor turceşi, dans l’étude de Chantal Lemercier-Quelquejay, op.cit., pp.154– 155. Chantal Lemercier-Quelquejay, op.cit., pp.167–168. 180 Sergiu IOSIPESCU • Autour du Khanat Tatare de Crimée. Cosaques et ottomans dans la Mer Noire (II) Guillaume Le Vasseur de Beauplan63 – tout en préparant une Croisade contre l’Empire ottoman. L’enrôlement et l’utilisation des cosaques étaient une partie importante de son plan. Il négocia également avec le grand-duc de Moscou et réussit, après des difficiles pourparlers, à signer une alliance, pour annihiler, au cours de la Croisade, le Khanat tatare de Crimée (Moscou, le 2 Décembre 1647)64. La mort prématuré du roi et l’abandon du grand projet de Croisade déclencha la terrifiante insurrection des Cosaques, le « Déluge », qui plongea la Pologne du roi Jan Casimir dans le chaos, et entraina la ruine de la monarchie du prince Basile de Moldavie. Les insurgées de Bogdan Hmelnicki, alliés des Tatares et de l’Empire ottoman étaient devenus pour le Haut Devlet ses « cosaques d’ zű ». Illustration : Guillaume Le Vasseur de Beauplan, Delineatio Generalis Camporum Desertorum vulgo Ukraina, Guilhelmus Hondius, Gedani [Gdansk], 1648 63 64 V. Sergiu Iosipescu, « Guillaume Le Vasseur seigneur de Beauplan et la hydrographie du NordOuest de la mer Noire», dans Revista d’Istorie Militară, 1–2 (2013), pp.18–28. Ibidem, p. 173 (d’après A.A. Novoselski, Borba moskovskogo gosudarstva s tatarami v pervoi palavine XVII veka, Moskva, 1948, pp.366–367). 181 La Porte ottomane et la Mer Noire. Un projet pontique du Shah Abbas Nagy PIENARU Shah Abbas (1587–1629) prit le pouvoir au moment où l’Iran Safavide était sur le point de s’effondre. Pour sortir de la crise économique et politique, exacerbée par la longue guerre avec l’Empire ottoman (1578–1590), le nouveau souverain s’appliqua à promouvoir un vaste programme de reformes. Par des mesures graduelles et coordonnées, les institutions exécutives, le système administratif, l’appareil fiscal et l’armée furent restructurés, dans le but de consolider le pouvoir absolu du Shah. Théoriquement, le Shah détenait tous les leviers du pouvoir, mais, en pratique, ces prérogatives n’étaient point opérationnelles, vu que la balance avait penché en faveur des chefs provinciaux, qui gouvernaient de manière autonome, à l’aide de leur propres armées, et qui détournaient vers leurs trésoreries privées des sommes provenant des taxes et impôts destinés à la trésorerie de l’Etat. Les chefs des vielles familles aristocratiques – germes de l’état d’anarchie –, ayant auparavant détenu et contrôlé les postes clé dans l’administration et l’armée, furent réprimés, et leurs offices furent distribués à des éléments d’origine hétérogène, fidèles au Shah1. L’armée fut restructurée de manière radicale, par la réduction du potentiel militaire des provinces et la création de corps de soldats professionnels2. Les nouvelles unités combattantes, cavalerie et artillerie, équipées d’armes modernes (arquebuses et cannons), étaient financées par le Shah et subordonnées directement à ce dernier3. 1 2 3 Shah Abbas pour débrides les émirs récalcitrant a réduit leurs privilèges d’immunité, v. Heribert Busse, Untersuchungen zum islamischen Kanzleiwesen an Hand turkmenischir und safawidischer Urkunden, Kairo, 1959, doc. 10, pp.183–185; B.G. Martin, Seven Safavid Documents from Azerbayjan, in vol. Documents Islamic Chanceries Oxford, 1965, doc. 7, pp.201–202; O.A. Efendiev, « Institut « suyurgal »: čentraliskaja politika praviteley Ak-Koyunlu i pervih Sefevidov », in vol. Formâi feodalânoi zemelânoi sobstvennosti i vladenia na Blijnem i Srednem Vostoke, Moskva, 1979, p.173. Laurence Lokhart, « The Persian Army in the Safavi Period » , in Der Islam, t. 34, 1959, pp.90–94; Richard Tapper, « Black Sheep, White Sheep and Red-Heads. A historical sketch of the Shāhsavan of Azarbaijan », in Iran, t. IV, 1966, pp. 65–67. Pour les « innovations » promues par Shah Abbas dans l’appareil bureaucratique, administration, armée, commerce, :fiscalité, etc. v. Klaus-Michael Röhrborn, Provinzen und Zentralgewalt. Persiens im 16. und 17. Jahrundert, Berlin, 1966. 183 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Parmi les reformes qui contribuèrent non seulement à refaire la grandeur de la cour impériale persane mais, en tout premier lieu, à créer la force combative nécessaire pour une guerre avec l’Empire ottoman, le point nodal fut la reforme économique. Dans ce domaine, le Shah Abbas amena des innovations dans le système des sources de financement. Le souverain pris le contrôle de la production, la manufacture et la distribution de la soie, sous forme de monopole. Cette affaire profitable mais en même temps difficile, car vu l’énorme production de soie l’on devait surmonter le problème d’un marché extérieur absorbant, fut confiée aux marchands arméniens4. Normalement, la plus grande partie de la soie iranienne était achetée par les centres commerciaux de l’Empire ottoman (Bursa, Foça, Izmir, Alep), les marchands ottomans et vénitiens s’occupant de sa distribution en Europe. Ce trafic comprenait aussi un revers inacceptable pour le Shah Abbas, puisque par les taxes de douane, de peson et de dépôts, payés dans l’espace de l’Empire Ottoman, celui-ci apportait une contribution volontaire au financement de son adversaire. La soie devint ainsi le nerf directeur des guerres offensives déclenchées par le Shah Abbas contre l’Empire ottoman. Dans la neuvième décennie du XVIe siècle les Ottomans avaient réussi l’encerclement terrestre complet de la Perse, en occupant à ses frontières septentrionales un couloir terrestre liant la Mer Noire à la Mer Caspienne. Ce gain territorial, qu’Abbas se vit forcé à parapher en 1590, offrit aux Ottomans un double avantage, matériel et stratégique. D’une part, ils prenaient sous contrôle les zones et les centres producteurs de soie de Şirvan et de Şemahi, qui concourraient la soie persane, et, par conséquent, annulaient l’imposition d’un prix de monopole par la Perse; d’autre part, en capturant les ports de Baku et de Derbent, ils donnaient chemin libre à la flotte ottomane dans la Mer Caspienne. Une ligne maritime directe s’établissait ainsi entre l’Empire ottoman et le Khanat Özbek par la Mer Caspique, ligne par laquelle Istanbul fournissait des armes (fusils et cannons) aux alliés orientaux, ennemis de la Perse, notamment aux Tatares özbeks. Même si la Perse détenait deux sortie maritimes, au sud et au nord, par lesquelles le Shah Abbas pouvait assurer le trafic avec la soie par des routes contournant le territoire ottoman, le souverain safavide, tenant compte du fait que ces voies ne fonctionnaient point dans les paramètres préconisés, essaya de créer des couloirs terrestres, afin de brancher directement la Perse à la Mer Méditerranée et à la Mer Noire. 4 John Carswell, The Armenians and East-West trade Persia in the XVIIth century, in vol. Sociétés et compagnies de commerce en Orient et dans l’Océan Indien. Actes du huitième colloque international d’histoire maritime (Beyrouth – 15–10 septembre 1966), ed. M. Mollat, Paris, 1970, p. 481–486. Robert Mantran, L’Empire ottoman et le commerce asiatique aux 16e et 17e siècles, in vol. Islam and the Trade of Asia, Oxford, 1970, pp.174–175. V. Sussan Babaie, Kathryn Babayan, Ina Baghdiantz – McCabe, Massumeh Farhad (eds.), chapitre Armenian Merchants and Slaves: Financing the Safavid Treasury, in vol. Slaves of the Shah. New Elites of Safavid Iran, London, New York, 2004, pp.49–79. 184 Nagy PIENARU • La Porte ottomane et la Mer Noire. Un projet pontique du Shah Abbas Vu le blocage imposé par la flotte portugaise, les Perses furent empêchés pendant longtemps de devenir actifs dans le Golfe Persique, et ils ne réussirent à obtenir un port ouvert, nommé par la suite Bender Abbas (1602), qu’avec le concours des Anglais et des Hollandais. Les exportations de soie par la nouvelle porte maritime, ayant comme destination l’Angleterre, ne commencèrent qu’en 16195. La route nordique, qui comprenait un secteur maritime entre Gilan et Astrakhan et un secteur fluvial, en amont de la Volga, jusqu’à Moscou, où se ramifiaient des routes vers la Pologne et le littoral de la Mer Baltique, était difficile et perturbée sérieusement non seulement par les turbulents Cosaques et Tatars, mais aussi par le long conflit militaire entre la Pologne et la Russie. Cette voie commerciale, employée aussi par la grande majorité des ambassadeurs envoyés par le Shah Abbas en Europe, devenait souvent impraticable, les tsars moscovites imposant des conditions que la partie persane ne pouvait accepter6. Les deux routes présentaient des inconvénients, car, en contournant l’espace ottoman, elles devenaient longues, prenaient beaucoup de temps, engageaient des frais supplémentaires et, vu la présence des intermédiaires intéressés par le commerce marchandise contre marchandise, l’afflux des métaux précieux en échange pour la soie s’en trouvait dilué. Sans doute ce furent ces raisons économiques, tout comme l’objectif de se faire des alliés contre l’Empire Ottoman, qui conduirent à l’apparition des projets persans visant la Mer Méditerranée et à la Mer Noire. Dans les lettres rédigée au debut de l’an 1608 et envoyée avec la mission de Robert Sherley en Europe, passant par Moscou, le souverain persan incitait les puissances maritimes méditerranéennes et les rois de Pologne et de « Hongrie » à organiser un débarquement en Syrie, suivi par une attaque contre le grand emporium d’Alep (Haleb), opération synchronisée avec une invasion persane dans le segment asiatique des ottomans (Anatoli), en direction de la forteresse de Diyarbakir7. On ne donna point cours à cette proposition persane. Les puissances maritimes méditerranéennes étaient désunies, et Venise, qui détenait la flotte la plus puissante, n’était intéressée qu’à préserver et consolider les positions acquises dans les grands centres commer5 6 7 Halil Inalcık, « Harir », in E.I.2, vol. 3, p.220; Roger Savory, Iran under the Safavids, Cambridge, London, New York, 1980, pp. 195–196. Rudi Matthee, « Anti-ottoman politics and transit rights. The seventeenth-century trade in silk between Savafid Iran and Muscovy », in Cahier du Monde russe, t. XXXV, 1994, no. 4, pp.746–747. Lajos Fekete, Einführung in die persische Paläographie. 101 persische Dokumente, ed. G. Hazai, Budapest, 1977, doc. 85, p. 477–480 (aux rois de Pologne); doc. 86, pp. 481–483 (au grand chancelier de Pologne); doc. 87, pp.485–487 (au „rois de Hongrie”/padișah-i macar). Seulement la seconde lettre porte la date tahriren fi șehr ramazan ül-mubarek sene 1016 („écrit en mois sacré de ramazan de l’an 1016”), c’est-à-dire dans l’intervalle: 20.XII.1607 – 18.I.1608. L’expéditeur des lettres décrit leur porteur, Don Roberto irli comme un fils de „émir anglais” (amirzade-i ingilis), „très généreuse” (a’zam ekrem) et autres attrayant adjectives au superlatif. 185 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II ciaux de l’Empire Ottoman, en agissant contre tous les concourants maritimes qui essayaient d’ouvrir d’autres voies commerciales directes vers l’Orient producteur d’épices, de soie et de cotton. Suite aux pressions du baile vénitien d’Istanbul, le grand vezir annula la permission donnée aux marchands anglais en 1609 de dérouler des activités commerciales à Trébizonde, port par lequel ceux-ci auraient pu acheter de la soie persane de manière illicite8. Les sources persanes rédigée à l’époque safavide, qui ont conservé aussi des informations concernant Uzun Hasan, celui qui essaya d’élargir les frontières de l’état Ak Koyunlu jusqu’à la Mer Noire, dans la zone de Trébizonde et sur le littoral se trouvant dans le sud-est de cette mer, ne sont pas explicites en ce qui concerne les initiatives du Shah Abbas visant à assurer un passage vers les bords de la Mer Noire. Afin de donner au souverain safavide l’image de combattant et propagateur fervent de la foi islamique, qualités que celui-ci ne pouvait obtenir qu’en faisant la guerre aux ennemis chrétiens, les chroniqueurs ont inséré dans leurs œuvres vantard les luttes du Shah contre les princes géorgiens. Les récits des luttes menées par le Shah Abbas en Géorgie (Gürcistan) sont imprécis et ne délimitent point ces opérations militaires par rapport à celles menées en Mingrelie, état placé géographiquement sur le littoral est de la Mer Noire. A une époque où l’Empire ottoman était engagé dans la guerre contre l’Empire des Habsbourg (1593–1606), le Shah Abbas déclencha l’offensive militaire qui força le sultan ottoman de lutter simultanément sur deux fronts. La corrélation étroite entre les frontières orientales et occidentales des ottomans est surpris dans un message envoyer d’Istanbul, dans 27 decembre 1603, par Henry Lello, agent d’Angleterre: « occasion prise bien à propos par le Perse <Shah Abbas>, le voyant <Grand Seigneur> occupé en la guerre de Hongrie avec si peu de succès et avec la perte de la Transylvanie et de la Valachie, la révolte de l’Asie, la dissension et mauvais gouvernement en sa propre maison, et grande nécessité d’argent, outré la revanche qu’a voulu prendre le Perse de ce qu’un des Pachas du Turc avait contre le traité de paix couru sa frontière et tue de ses gens. Autres disent que c’est le fruit de l’Ambassade du Sr. Antoine Schirlei <Sir Anthony Sherley>, anglais, et qu’il y a ligue et intelligence entre le Perse et l’Empereur d’Allemagne <Rodolphe II> »9. Sortant victorieux d’un bon nombre de guerres successives, les Perses occupèrent Tabriz (octobre 1603), ainsi que les forteresses de Merend, Nahcıvan, Culfa, Orduabad, Alınca et Erevan (juin 1604). Pendant l’hiver de 1604/1605 ils envahirent la région 8 9 Alfred C. Wood, « A History of the Levant Compagny, Oxford, 1935, p.49; Paul Cernovodeanu, Olanda și Marea Neagră în secolul al XVII-lea », in Identitate națională și spirit european. Academicianul Dan Berindei la 80 de ani, București, 2003, pp.264–265. Hurmuzaki, Documente, vol. XVI, Corespondență diplomatică și rapoarte consulare franceze (1603– 1824), ed. N.Hodos, București, 1912, doc. I, pp.1–2. 186 Nagy PIENARU • La Porte ottomane et la Mer Noire. Un projet pontique du Shah Abbas Van, forcèrent le serdar Cığala-zade Sinan de battre retraite à Erzurum et capturèrent la forteresse de Hoy. Après la victoire de Tabriz, le Shah Abbas repris l’offensive visant à chasser les Ottomans des points stratégiques d’Azerbaycan, de Géorgie (Gürcistan) et du Şirvan. Pendant l’été de 1606, les Perses conquirent les forteresses de Gence, Lori, Tiflis et Tomanis. En juin 1607, après un long siège, les Ottomans livrèrent dans les mains des Perses la forteresse qui gardait l’important centre de distribution de la soie, la ville de Şemahi. Par ces gains territoriaux, les frontières de la Perse se rapprochèrent de la Mer Noire, toutes les régions séricicoles et les grands centres producteurs de soie se trouvant autour de la Mer Caspienne (Mazendaran, Gilan, Azerbaycan et Șirvan) se trouvant ainsi réunis sous le contrôle du Shah Abbas. Dans le bassin pontique, tout spécialement sur la côte septentrionale, des mutations radicales s’étaient produites, d’une part amenées par les diplomates du Shah Abbas et, d’autre part, encouragées par les victoires des Perses et l’incapacité des Ottomans d’organiser une réplique aux frontières orientales. Pendant la première décennie du XVIIe siècle, le support logistique et militaire ayant assuré la victoire de la Sublime Porte dans la guerre contre la Perse de 1578–1590 se volatilisa. Dans cette confrontation, les Ottomans avaient pris en tenailles la Perse en engageant les Tatars du Khanat de Crimée et du Khanat zbek, et avaient approvisionné le front oriental avec des quantités massives de farine, graines et fourrages provenant de la Moldavie et de la Valachie. Les fournitures venant des Pays Roumains avaient été transportées par mer à Trébizonde et ensuite par voie terrestre jusqu’à Erzurum. Par contre, dans la guerre lancée par le Shah Abbas et menée entre 1603–1612, le Khanat de Crimée refusa de prendre part aux campagnes contre les Perses. Gazi Giray Bora (1588–1596; 1597– 1608)10, qui visait obtenir l’indépendance du Khanat, mena des négociations avec le Shah Abbas pendant l’été de 1604, au moment même où l’émissaire persan Zeynel Khan Șamlu traitait à Prague d’une alliance offensive contre la Porte ottomane11. Il se peut que le Shah Abbas ait formé le dessein de mettre sur pied une coalition antiosmane ralliant la Perse, l’Empire des Habsbourg et le Khanat de Crimée. L’hypothèse est vraisemblable, puisque pendant le séjour de l’émissaire perse un ambassadeur 10 11 Sur les diplômes (yarlıks) et la diplomatie de Gazi Giray II, v. Tahsin Gemil, « Un yarlîg al hanului Crimeii Gazi Ghiray-Bora către domnul Moldovei Aron Vodă Tiranul », in Anuarul Institutului de Istorie și Arheologie A.D. Xenopol – Iași, t. XI, 1974, p. 245–250; Mária Ivanics, « Gázi Giraj Hán és Báthori Zsigmond szövetségének terve 1598-bol », in Keletkutatás, 1989, p.27–59; eadem « Der Bündnisplan zwischen dem Chan Gazi Giray II. und dem Fürsten Sigismund Báthory aus dem Jahre 1598 », in Hungarian-Ottoman Military and Diplomatic Relations in the Age of Süleyman the Magnificent, ed. Géza Dávid, Pál Fodor, Budapest, 1994, p. 183–198; eadem, A. Krími Kánság a tizenöt eves háborúban, Budapest, 1994, pp.55–203. Fr. Babinger, Sherleiana. I Sir Anthony Sherley’s persische Botschaftsreise (1599/1601). II Sir Anthony Sherley’s marokkanische Sendung (1605/06), Berlin, 1932, pp.35–36. 187 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II tatar (legatus tartaricus) envoyé par « Magni Tartarorum Chani » Gazi Giray, pour porter tractationis de pace, arriva à Prague12. La trilatérale euro-asiatique échoua, puisque Rodolphe II, afin de profiter des difficultés rencontrées par les Ottoman à l’est, signa avec le Sultan Ahmed III, en 1606, un traité de paix comprenant des articles favorables à l’Empereur autrichien. Le successeur de Gazi Giray, Selamet Giray (1608–1610), installé par les Ottomans à la suite d’une expédition maritime et terrestre, refusa de prendre part à la campagne anti-perse, bien que le grand vezir Kuyucu Murad Paşa lui ait sollicité au printemps de 1610 l‘envoi urgent des Tatares de Crimée sur le front avec la Perse, sous peine de perdre le trône et la vie (sotto pena delle lor vite a beni) en cas de désobéissance13. Un nouveau khan fut installé par la suite à Bahçe Saray, Canibek Giray (1610–1623, 1624, 1627–1635), considéré plus malléable. La même attitude de non collaboration avec les Ottomans fut aussi adoptée par le voïvode moldave. Constantin Movilă (1607–1611), installé sur le trône par Sigismond III Wassa (1587–1632) contre la volonté du Sultan Ahmed, refusa en 1608 et 1609 de donner cours au requêtes formulées par la Porte ottomane, qui demandait notamment l’envoi par la mer de 1200 tonnes de blé et de seigle destinées aux greniers d’Erzerum, qui fonctionnaient comme entrepôts pour les armées antiperses14. La position du voïvode moldave avait le soutien du souverain de cette principauté, le roi Sigismond III Wassa, qui comptait obtenir pour la Pologne le statut de royaume riverain de la Mer Noire, une fois les Ottomans lui eussent cédé un couloir au long du cours inférieur du Dniestr. Le projet polonais convergeait avec les intérêts du Khanat de Crimée, car l’implant polonais aurait éliminé tout contact terrestre entre l’Empire Ottoman et la Crimée. En réponse aux requêtes formulées par les émissaires du Shah Abbas, Sigismond III Wassa envoya une ambassade à Ispahan. L’émissaire polonais, le marchand arménien Sefer Muratowicz, se rendit en Perse, en 1601, par le chemin de Moldavie et en suite sur une route partiellement maritime: il s’embarqua au port Mangalia traverseé la Mer Noire et débarqua à Trébizonde15. 12 13 14 15 Andrei Veress, Documente privitoare la istoria Ardealului, Moldovei și ării-Românești, vol. VII Acte și scrisori (1602–1606), București, 1934, doc. 193, pp.218–220. Elementa ad Fontium Editiones, vol. XXVII/pars II, Res Polonicae ex Archivo Mediceo Florentino, ed. V. Meysztowicz, W. Wyhowska De Andreis, Romae, 1972, doc. 355, pp.323–324. Tahsin Gemil, Relațiile țărilor române cu Poarta otomană în documente turcești, București, 1984, doc. 33, pp.127–128; doc. 45, pp.142–143. Le témoinage du voyage a été publié partiellement par N. Iorga, Un Armean din Polonia despre Mihai Viteazul, în idem, Studii și documente cu privire la istoria românilor, vol. XI, Cercetări și regeste documentare, București, 1906, pp.125–127 (d’après le mss. de l’Archive de Königsberg). Edition intégrale par Adam Walaszek, Trzy relacje z polskich podróży na wschód muzułmánski w 188 Nagy PIENARU • La Porte ottomane et la Mer Noire. Un projet pontique du Shah Abbas La Moldavie devenit aussi une étape pour la voie vers l’Occident pratiqué par les émissaires de Shah Abbas. En juillet 1606, l’ambassadeur Francesco Soranzo, de Prague, notifier au doge de Venice : e’capitato in Moldavia un vescovo Greco, mandato del Persiano <Shah Abbas> all’Imperator <Rodolphe II>, con ordine passare a Roma et altri principi cristiani per far offitio che qua si continui, e che gli altri movano la guera contra il Turco, et ivi si è fermato per non assicurarsi dei passi corti da Tartari et pieni tutti si rivolutioni16. Le roi polonais donna à ses relations avec la Porte des fins politiques. Après avoir obtenu le contrôle de la Moldavie et un traité de paix favorable à la partie polonaise (1607)17, Sigismond III Wassa demanda à la Porte ottomane le couloir territorial portant sur les bords de la Mer Noire, sous menace de donner cours à « l’amitié offerte par le roi de la Perse »18. Le Cosaques, se trouvant sous l’autorité du roi polonais, organisaient périodiquement des incursions maritimes dans les centres commerciaux se trouvant sur les bords du Dniestr et du Danube, ainsi que sur le littoral occidental de la Mer Noire, mettant ainsi du désordre non seulement dans la zone en question, mais aussi dans l’approvisionnement de la capitale19. La zone maritime ottomane, le segment se trouvant entre le Dniestr et le Dniepr, qui focalisait les intérêts communs de la Pologne, du Khanat de Crimée et de la Moldavie, se transforma pour les Ottomans en point névralgique. Un dangereux conflit pouvait se créer dans cette zone, d’autant plus difficile à résoudre dans l’éventualité d’une jonction avec l’Iran. De manière préventive et afin de sécuriser la zone de la forteresse d’Oceacov (Ozü) – considérée par les ottomans la « clé » ou la « serrure » (kilid) de toute la Mer Noire et les rivages du Danube20 – des clans 16 17 18 19 20 pierwszej połowie XVII w. Krakow, 1980, p. 35–43. Version fr. par Maria Szuppe, Un Marchand du oi de Pologne en Perse, 1601–1602, in Moyen Orient et Océan Indien XVIe–XIXe s., 1986, no. 3, pp.81–110. Voir aussi Marian Coman, « Moldova și Persia în relatarea unui călător armean din 1602 » , in Studii și Materiale de Istorie Medie, t. XXVI, 2008, p. 347–348 et Tatiana Cojocaru, « Sefer Muratowicz (sf. sec. al XVI-lea – sec. al XVI-lea) », in Șt. Andreescu (ed.), Călători străini despre țările române. Supliment 1, București, 2011, pp.146–151. Andrei Veress, Documente, vol. VII, doc. 250, p. 288–289. L’identité de cet „vescovo greco” est restée cachée. Viorel Panaite, « Comerț și negustori în tratatele osmano-polone. Un studiu de caz: 1607 », în Caietele laboratorului de Studii otomane, 1993, nr. 2, p. 29–48. Dariusz Kołodziejczyk, OttomanPolish Diplomatic Relations (15th–18th Century). An Annotated Edition of ’Ahdnames and Other Documents, Leiden, Boston, Köln, 2000, doc. 30, pp.329–344. I. Corfus, Documente privitoare la istoria României culese din arhivele polone. Secolul al XVII-lea¸ București, 1983, doc. 23, pp.43–45. Mihnea Berindei, « La Porte ottomane face aux cosaques zaporogues. 1606–1637 », in Harvard Ukranian Studies, t. I, 1977, nr. 3, pp.275–278; M.A. Tolmacheva, « The Cossacks at Sea: Pirate Tactics in the Frontier Environment », in East European Quarterly, t. XXIV, 1991, nr. 4, pp.482–512. Au début du XVIIème siècle dans un rapport (telhis) de grande vesir Yemișçi Hasan Pacha (1601– 1603) au Padichah, il à mentionné que devant la menace des cosaques, « la fortresse d’Özü est un fort qui a devenue la serrure de toute la Mer Noire et les rivages du Danube » (Özi kal’esi bir 189 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II appartenant à la horde des Tatars nogay furent colonisés dans la région limitrophe. Les nouvelles unités militaires devaient servir en tant que forces de pression et d’intervention rapide en Crimée, en Pologne et en Moldavie. L’apparition des Nogay à l’est du Khanat de Crimée n’eut aucun effet sur l’élite qui comptait se débarrasser de la tutelle ottomane avec le support du Shah de Perse. Au printemps de 1611, suite aux ordres répétés du grand vezir Kuyucu Murad Pasha, demandant que le khan en personne attaque les frontières de la Perse, Canibek Giray essaya d’embarquer ses forces à Caffa, pour les débarquer à Trébizonde, mais la tentative échoua, puisque les troupes mises sur pieds dans ce but furent dispersées par ses adversaires21. Privé de son bras militaire tatar, le grand vézir abandonna son plan initial d’entreprendre une offensive contre son ennemi chia (și’a) et repris les négociations avec le Shah Abbas22. Pendant une période de répit dans le conflit avec les Ottomans, le Shah Abbas, simultanément avec la permission de l’accès des caravanes transportant la soie aux frontières de l’Empire ottoman, lança vers l’Europe, par des voies multiples, des nouvelles ambassades avec des propositions d’alliance contre les Ottomans et de distribution de la soie en contournant ou en forçant la barrière ottomane. Une ambassade persane ayant en tête le frère du patriarche d’Arménie, David fut envoyée en Moldavie. Le messager arriva au nord du Danube, via Istanbul, pendant l’été de 1611, voyageant incognito, en compagnie d’un groupe de marchands. Le but de la mission perse nous est révélé par une seule source, notamment un rapport rédigé par l’Arménien Pierre Grégorowicz23. L’auteur fournit des informations sur un projet inattendu du souverain perse, visant à prendre sous contrôle une route maritime transpontique. Le Shah Abbas comptait déclencher l’année suivante une invasion en Anatolie, en direction de l’ancienne capitale ottomane, Bursa, afin de capturer un port sur les bords de la Mer Noire. L‘arrêt devait servir comme halte et base de lancement d’une descente maritime sur la côte ouest du Pont. L’endroit de débarquement et d’insertion d’une tête de pont persane en Europe était focalisé sur le littoral de la Dobroudja. Pour assurer la réussite de l’opération persane, les initiateurs du projet misaient sur l’adhésion de la population locale, musulmans de confession chia, ainsi que sur le concours du Khanat de Crimée. Le rapport signé : Pietro Gregoroviz 21 22 23 kal’edir ki cümle Karadeniz’in ve Tuna yalılarınun kilidi vaki olmușdur), Cengiz Orhunlu, Osmanlı Tarihine Âid Belgeler. Telhîsler (1597–1607), Istanbul, 1970, doc. 88, pp.78–79. I. Hudiță, Recueil de documents concernant l’histoire des Pays Roumains tirés des archives de France XVIe et XVIIe siècles, Iași, 1929, doc. 16, pp.27–29. A la fin du mois d’août 1611 le messager impérial d’Istanbul a informé son patron de Vienne que la négociation turco-persan tramer en longueur, v. N. Iorga, Studii și documente cu privire la istoria românilor, vol. XX, București, 1911, doc. CCCLXIII, pp.410–411. N. Iorga, Studii și documente cu privire la istoria românilor, vol. IV Legăturile principatelor române cu Ardealul de la 1601 la 1690. Povestire și izvoare, București, 1902, doc. XIII, pp.144–149. 190 Nagy PIENARU • La Porte ottomane et la Mer Noire. Un projet pontique du Shah Abbas Armeno, contient le fragment suivant : « Per la relatione datta al ré di Persia del sito di Moldavia e suoi vicini, et quanto farebbe a proposito per le sue guerre, da Isepo Gregorovicz, mio fratello, mandatto da V.S.C.M., sono apresso quattro anni con lettere a quel ré, mandò detto rè in Moldavia, un arcivescovo, fratello del patriarcha della Armenia, a nome David; il qual si à partito di Persia alli 12 agosto dell’ anno et arivato in Moldavia con sette altri secrettamento, come marchandante, per tratare con ditto principe <Constantin Movilă> et informasi in che meglior modo potrebbe condur sua gente a sbarcarli in Dobrucia, – perchè quella gente di Dobrucia tengono la setta persiana, – et puoi con il mezo di detto principe potesse guadagnare l’animo del Tartaro, havendo rè di Polonia apresso di se alcuni principali Tartari. Havendo deto rè <Shah Abbas> volantà di apresarsi al anno che vien <1612>, con aiuto di Dio, verso Brusa et là far alcuni vaseli per passar Mar Negro a Dobrucia per pigliar la strada di tutte le parti al Turcho et per smembrarli del aiutto del Tartaro ». Les détails de ce programme ainsi que la requête du Shah au sujet du concours militaire du roi polonais et de l’empereur autrichien furent confiés à Pierre Grégorowicz, au cours des négociations secrètes du messager persan avec le voïvode Constantin Movilă. L’arrivée d’un persan – frère de David, grand ecclésiastique reputé pour ses relations étroites avec Shah Abbas24 – en Moldavie ne fut nullement accidentelle, mais bien planifiée, puisqu’aux négociations participa aussi Gian Antonio Spinola25, un émissaire du khan de Crimée. Le diplomate tatare, qui était aussi un marchand de soie, tout comme Pierre Grégorowicz, réitéra devant l’émissaire perse l’intention du khan de lutter contre l’Empire ottoman. Cet homme expérimenté, déjà en janvier 1611 avait été envoyé en Pologne, comme « grand ambassadeur » (wielkim posłem), avec une lettre de garantie de paix (ahdnâme) accordé par Canibek26. La structure ethnique, confessionnelle et professionnelle de l’ambassade orientale nous fait croire que les émissaires persans poursuivaient également des buts commerciaux: une prise de contact avec des partenaires spécialisés dans le commerce avec la soie et l’évaluation de la capacité absorption du réseau se trouvant au nord-ouest de la Mer Noire. Les marchands arméniens étaient bien installés et très actifs dans tous les points importants du bassin pontique. De plus, tout comme 24 25 26 W.E.D. Allen, Russian Embassies to the Georgian King (1589–1605), vol. I, London, 1972, p.78: « the Armenian Patriarch of Echmiadzin, David, was in secret negotiation with the Shah ». Sur cet fin diplomate, v. Șt. Andreescu, « Giovanni Antonio Spinola și supraviețuirile genoveze în Crimeea în secolul al XVI-lea », in idem, Din istoria Mării Negre (Genovezi, români și tătari în spațiul pontic în secolele XIV–XVII), București, 2001, p. 163–173 (la version fr.: « Giovanni Antonio Spinola et les survivances génoises en Crimée au XVIe siècle », in M. Balard, A. Ducellier (eds.), Coloniser au Moyen Âge, Paris, 1995, pp.386–394). Darius Kołodziejczyk, The Crimean Khanate and Poland-Lithuania. International Diplomacy on the European Periphery (15th-18th Century). A Study of Peace Treaties Followed by Annotated Documents, Leiden, Boston, 2011, doc. 45, pp.850–853. 191 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II leurs confrères perses, grâce à leurs talents, ils étaient employés dans des missions diplomatiques en contrées lointaines. Pierre Grégorowicz ou Pierre l’Arménien (graphie en latin Petrus Armenus)27 était une fin diplomate, un commerçant habile et un expert qualifié dans le domaine des relations des Etats européens avec l’Empire Ottoman, le Khanat de Crimée et la Perse safavide. En 1602 il fut désigné émissaire de Rodolphe II en Perse mais, par des raisons obscures, il ne se rendit pas à la cour du Shah Abbas28. Par contre, ce fut son frère, Joseph (Iusuf) Grégorowicz, qui fit le voyage en Perse. Celui-ci entreprit ce voyage en 1607, en empruntant une route qu’il nous est guerre possible d’établir avec exactitude: via Istanbul ou via Moscou. La première variante nous paraît peu vraisemblable, puisqu’en 1607 les Ottomans, qui n’ignoraient points les relations des Habsbourg avec les Perses, avaient demandé à Rodolphe II d’envoyer une mission à Istanbul pour négocier au sujet de la Transylvanie et des articles litigieux du traité de paix de Zsitvatörök (novembre 1606). Le jeux diplomatique de la Porte ottomane fut remarqué par une observateur pragois, qui décrivit le stratagème du grand vezir comme un « artifitio a fine che l'arrivo di questo Pietro <Grégorowicz> in Constantinopoli serva a dar credare al Persiano <Shah Abbas> che l'Imperatoare <Rodolphe II> habbia già fatta et confirmata la pace»29. Pierre Grégorowicz ne se rendit pas à Istanbul, car le pacha de Buda, Kadizade Ali, lui refusa le laissez-passer, le considérant dangereux pour la signature du traité entre les Ottomans et les Habsbourg. Mais son frêre, Joseph Grégorowicz aurait bien pu s’infiltrer parmi les membres de l’ambassade impériale envoyée à Istanbul et arriver en Perse par l’Anatolie. La cour d’Ispahan reçut Joseph Grégorowicz avec pas mal de réticence, care Rodolphe avait renoncé à la lutte anti-ottomane, et retint l’émissaire impérial pendant une longue période, même après avoir expédié Robert Sherley et Cengiz Beğ Rumlu en février 160830. Dans les lettres confiées à ces 27 28 29 30 Pierre l’Arménien avait débuté en tant que négociateur dans l’appareil diplomatique de Michel le Brave (1593–1601), v. N.Iorga, Istoria lui Mihai Viteazul, București, 1968, pp.30, 83, 92, 185, 249, 261, 287, 295, 296, 302, 309, 311,316, 318, 332, 364, 379. Pour la mission envoyée par Rodolphe II en 1602, v. Iter Persicum ou Description du voyage en Perse entrepris en 1602 Par Étienne Kakasch de Zalonkemeny Envoyè comme ambassadeur par l’empereur Rodolphe II, à la cour du grand-duc de Moscovie et à celle de Chah Abbas, roi de Perse. Relation rédigée en allemande et présentée à l’empereur par Georges Tectander von der Jabel, trad. par Ch. Schefer Paris, 1877; Endre Veress, Zalánkemeny Kakas István, Budapest, 1905. M. Linhartová (ed.), Antonii Caetani nuntii apostolici apud Imperatorem. Epistulae et acta 1607–1611, pars I 1607, Pragae, 1932, doc. 109, pp.147–148. Khambaba Bayani, Les relations de l’Iran avec Europe Occidentale à l’époque Safavide (Portugal, Espagne, Angleterre, Hollande et France). Avec documents inédits, Paris, 1937, p. 67–68; P.P. Bușev, Istorija posolâstv i diplomatičeskih otnošenija Russkogo i Iranskogo gosudarstv v 1586–1612 gg. (po russkim arhivam), Moskva, 1976, p.403. 192 Nagy PIENARU • La Porte ottomane et la Mer Noire. Un projet pontique du Shah Abbas messagers, le Shah Abbas exprimait son mécontentement au sujet des faibles résultats des missions persanes auprès des souverains du monde chrétien. Au mois d’août 1611, lorsque l’ambassade persane guidée par « fratello del patriarcha della Armenia » quitta la Moldavie, dans le camp de Diyarbakir, en Anatolie, décéda le grand vezir Kuyucu Murad Pasha, un partisan de la paix avec les Impériaux et de la guerre avec l’Iran chia. Le nouveau commandant suprême des troupes d’Orient, Nasuh Pasha, qui convoitait la position suprême, convoqua les émissaires du Shah Abbas pour une reprise des négociations31. Nasuh Pasha démobilisa les troupes ottomanes stationnées aux frontières de la Perse – condition posée par le Shah Abbas pour continuer les négociations – et transféra le champ de bataille de l’Orient en Europe, sur la ligne du Danube, afin de réinstaurer la domination ottomane au nord ce fleuve. Celle-ci fut promue en Valachie par Radu Mihnea (septembre 1611–1616) et imposée en Moldavie par Ştefan (Étienne) Tomşa (novembre 1611–1616), ce dernier ayant fait preuve de ses vertus militaires dans les confrontations avec les Perses32. La passivité des Européens, tout spécialement la passivité des grandes puissances terrestres et maritime envers les Ottomans, poussa Shah Abbas – par manque d’un partenaire actif – à renoncer à son projet pontique et à signer une paix avec ses adversaires sunnites, qui comprenait le paiement symbolique d’un tribut de 200 mesures de soie. Par l’accord ottoman-perse paraphé à Istanbul en novembre 1612, Ahmed III accepta comme ligne de démarcation de la frontière le transfère établit au temps de Suleyman le Législateur, ce qui pratiquement remettait au Shah un territoire d’approximativement 400 000 km2. La partie perse acceptait la souveraineté du sultan en ce qui concernait les chefs de Dağistan et du Şemhal, et les Ottomans sanctionnaient comme légaux les gains territoriaux persans dans la Transcaucasie et la partie de l’ouest de l’Iran. Des articles spéciaux interdisaient à la Perse d’accorder toute aide à Moscou dans le cas d’une guerre entre les Turcs et les Russes, et les pèlerins persans chia avaient le droit de se rendre dans les Lieux Saints, non par Basra et Bagdad, mais par Alep et Damas33. L’épisode final de l’aventure persane de Joseph Grégorowicz, probablement celui qui suggéra au Shah Abbas l’idée d’ouvrir un chemin de la soie par la Mer Noire, se produisit exactement pendant les négociations entre les Perses et les Ottomans. Pendant l’été de 1612, lorsqu’à Prague on comptait envoyer Pierre Grégorowicz en Perse, son frère se trouvait déjà licencié par le Shah Abbas. Joseph Grégorovitch, 31 32 33 Peçevi Ibrahim Efendi, Peçevi Tarihi, ed. B.S. Baykal, vol. II, Istanbul, 1992, p.318. Andrei Veress, Documente privitoare la istoria Ardealului, Moldovei și ării Românești, vol. VIII Acte și scrisori (1607–1613), București, 1935, doc. 186, pp.239–241. T. Yılmaz Öztuna, Başlangıcından Zamanımıza Kadar Türkiye Tarihi, vol. 8, Istanbul, 1965, pp.184–185. 193 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II accompagné par le messager persan Murşi Kuli Beğ, à la suite d’un long périple à travers la Transcaucasie et l’extrême nord de l’Europe, revint à Prague en octobre 1612, après une absence de 5 ans34. Le projet persan de casser la domination des turcs sur le brillant de la Mer Noire, dont les scintilles sont mis en lumière par le rapport de Pierre Grégorowicz (Pietro Gregoroviz Armeno), projet peu connu dans la littérature de spécialité, a eu une similaire fin avec laquelle des schémas euro-asiatiques de grande envergure qui voulaient rallier synchronisant la Perse avec la Vénétie, l’Angleterre, la France, le Vatican, la Russie, etc. – projets diplomatiques transcontinentales qui ont était assidument enquêtés par les historiens occidentaux – afin de serrer entre deux fronts, l’ennemi commun des chrétiens et des chiites : l’Empire Osman. L’avortement du projet pontique persan était dû aux mesures adoptées en réplique, avec célérité, par les ottomans de promouvoir dirigeants fidèles dans le Khanat de Crimée, la Moldavie et Valaquie et de neutraliser la possibilité d’associer la Pologne et l’Empire Habsbourg dans des opérations antiturques sur la façade occidentale et septentrionale de la Mer Noire. 34 Sur la route de retour et l’échec de l’ambassade, v. Walther Leitsch, Moskau und die Politik des Kaiserhofes im 17. Jahrhundert, vol. 1604–1654, Graz, Köln, 1960, pp.69–70, 80. 194 Les « derbendci » au Bas-Danube (XVIe siècle)1 Anca POPESCU En conclusion d’une contribution précédente, portant sur l’organisation militaire territoriale de type derbend dans la zone du Bas-Danube, attestée par des édits de sultans ottomans (notamment pour les « villages-derbend » de Prislava et de Karaharman), nous exprimions une attente légitime : « Pour l’instant, faute de précisions supplémentaires sur d’autres postes de derbendci sur le Danube en Dobroudja, force est d’attirer l’attention sur le toponyme Dervent. Cette survivance toponymique indique l’existence d’un poste de contrôle fluvial dès l’époque ottomane »2. Notre attente se voit aujourd’hui comblée par un document ottoman inédit ; nous l’ajoutons aux documents qui ont permis d’esquisser ce type d’emploi – consistant à assurer la garde et l’entretien des voies de communication – sur le Bas-Danube, dans la province (ou sandjak) de Silistra. Il s’agit d’un édit du sultan (hüküm), de onze ans postérieur aux deux édits qui avaient révélé l’existence de ce type d’organisation sur les bras du Danube, Karaharman et Saint-Georges3. Émis le 31 décembre 1576 et adressé au cadi de Silistra, le document fait connaître un village de type derbend, Boğaz, situé sur la rive du Danube4. Les habitants de ce village étaient chrétiens (deux zimmi5, Ivan/Ioan et Istan? parlent en leur nom). En leur qualité de derbendci, les villageois de Boğaz jouissaient, par rapport 1 2 3 4 5 La documentation pour cet article a été possible grâce à la bourse postdoctorale dans le cadre du projet « La valorisation des identités culturelles dans les procès globaux », projet cofinancé du Fond Social Européen par l’Union Européenne et le Gouvernement de Roumanie, par le contrat no. POSDRU/ 89/1.5/S/59758. L’article a été publié en roumain dans Revista de Istorie Militară, Bucarest, 1–2, 2013, pp.12–18. La version française comporte quelques nouvelles précisions documentaires par rapport à la version roumaine. Anca Popescu, « Străjuirea navigaţiei pe Dunăre în epoca otomană: derbendcilik-ul », Studii şi Materiale de Istorie Medie, XXVIII, 2010, pp.157–158. Popescu, 2010, pp.162–165. Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi, MAD 7534, p.367. Les zimmi étaient des sujets ottomans non musulmans, dont le statut juridique reposait sur la zimma, en vertu de laquelle ils jouissaient de protection (âman) au sein de l’État musulman. M. Zeki Pakalın, Osmanlı Tarih Deymleri ve Terimleri Sözlüğü (Dictionnaire historique de termes et expressions), Istanbul, 1971, III, p.663; v. aussi Viorel Panaite, Pace, război şi comerţ în Islâm, Bucarest, 1997, pp.106–109. 195 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II aux contribuables ordinaires (re’âyâ), de certains privilèges fiscaux : l’impôt ispence était fixé à douze aspres par an (alors que la contribution ordinaire était de vingt-cinq aspres) ; en plus, ils étaient tenus de livrer un kile de blé et un kile d’orge par an. Payant ces redevances et fournissant un service d’utilité publique, les villageois étaient exemptés des contributions tant extraordinaires (cavârız-ı divâniyye) que coutumières (tekâlif-i örfiyye). Le service qu’ils rendaient à l’État ottoman était de garder et, au besoin, de réparer le pont qui enjambait un petit un canal (boğaz) appelé Galiçe. Les crues du Danube endommageaient ce pont. Comme les autorités locales éludaient leur statut fiscal de derbendci (ce statut datait au moins de l’année 1573 quand, selon le document en question, les villageois s’étaient vu octroyer un édit stipulant leurs obligations et devoirs, mais il devait être bien plus ancien, puisqu’il était inscrit dans le registre local), les villageois de Boğaz adressèrent une plainte au sultan par l’intermédiaire de leurs deux porte-parole. Le sultan ordonna à l’autorité locale, à savoir au cadi de Silistra, de confronter la situation de fait et la situation de droit consignées dans le registre de la région où le village était inscrit comme ayant le statut de « derbend ». S’il n’y avait pas contradiction, c’est-à-dire si les villageois prêtaient service conformément aux devoirs qui leur incombaient, et qu’il n’existât aucun autre édit modifiant ce statut, le sultan exigeait que soient respectées les stipulations consignées dans le registre de la région et dans les édits impériaux émis par la Sublime Porte. Les derbendci, de même que les martolos, les voynuk et les filorici, sont des survivances institutionnelles de l’époque pré-ottomane. Ils étaient recrutés parmi la population chrétienne. Les « villages-derbend » étaient des postes de garde des lieux de passage, des gorges, ainsi que des gués6. Pour la Dobroudja, nous disposons, à ce jour, de documents attestant des villages de derbendci à Prislava7 (aujourd’hui Nufărul/ Ilgani, sur le bras Saint-Georges, près de la bifurcation de Tulcea), à Karaharmanlık (aujourd’hui Vadu)8, sur le bras homonyme du Danube, à Ester, dans la région de Histria-Târguşor9 et à Karasu (aujourd’hui Medgidia)10. 6 7 8 9 V., notamment pour les filorici et les villages-gardiens des gués du côté Ouest du Bas Danube, Ayşe Kayapınar, Le sancak ottoman de Vidin du XVe à la fin du XVIe siècle, Istanbul, Isis, 2011, pp.222–235. Un gué où il y avait une fortification depuis l’époque romaine et byzantine, v. Raymund Netzhammer, Antichităţi creştine din Dobrogea, éd. Alexandru Barnea, Bucureşti, 2005, p.126 ; Popescu, 2010, pp.154–155. Popescu, 2010, pp.157–159. Village non localisé avec certitude pour le XVIe siècle. Au XVIIe siècle, Evliya Çelebi mentionne un bourg, Ester-i Kebir (le Grand Ester), ce qui supposerait l’existence symétrique d’un Ester-i Sagir (le Petit Ester), comme souvent dans la toponymie de la Dobroudja. Pour l’hypothèse (faute de mieux, jusqu’aux nouvelles découvertes) d’un déplacement du village entre Histria (thèse de Franz Babinger) et Târguşor (démonstration de Tudor Mateescu pour les XVIIIe-XXe siècles), v. Anca Popescu, « Ester au XVIe siècle – nouvelles contributions », Revue des Etudes Sud-Est Européennes, L, 2012, pp.191–202. Après la publication de cet article nous avons trouvé dans un registre du XVIe siècle la mention « Küçük Ester nâm-ı diğer Bazarlu-köy » c’est à dire « le Petit Ester, d’un autre 196 Anca POPESCU • Les « derbendci » au Bas‐Danube (XVIe siècle) Le village-derbend de Boğaz se trouve non loin de Silistra (car il fait partie de la circonscription judiciaire – kaza – homonyme), sur la rive du Danube, près d’un pont. Ce pont était fréquemment abîmé par les débordements du fleuve. Le pont enjambait sans doute un canal (boğaz) par lequel le trop-plein des eaux du fleuve se déversait dans le lac « réservoir » (en turc, le mot boğaz signifie « gorge », avec les deux sens du français – de « partie antérieure et latérale du cou » et de « passage étroit, vallée étroite »). Pour le même sens de « ruisseau reliant un fleuve aux lacs et étangs environnants », le roumain dispose du mot gârlă, issu du terme slave gorlo, lequel signifie à la fois « ruisseau » et « gorge » (dans le sens anatomique)11. Le mot boğaz a pris également un sens dérivé, topographique, de « couloir », « col », « bouche d’un fleuve ». Autrement dit, le boğaz était le canal par lequel le Danube communiquait avec ses limans fluviatiles. Il y a donc un fort rapprochement entre cette deuxième acception du mot boğaz et le sens du mot derbend – « défilé », « passage » (mais aussi « porte gardée »). Fiscalement (et topographiquement), le village-passage de Boğaz était, selon le document du 31 décembre 1576, un « derbend ». Selon le même document, le ruisseau qu’enjambait le pont s’appelait Galiţa (Galiçe). Les toponymes Boğaz et Gârliţa sont mentionnés, dans la seconde moitié du XVIIe siècle, dans le district (nahiye) de Dobroudja (dépendant de la circonscription de Silistra)12. On cite également, en 1530, l’existence d’un village appelé Gârliţa, lui aussi dans la circonscription (kaza) de Silistra13. Aujourd’hui, les toponymes Gârliţa, Galiţa et Dervent désignent des villages et des endroits situés près de la ville d’Ostrov (non loin de Silistra). Selon la description donnée par le capitaine Marin Ionescu-Dobrogianul, au début du XXe siècle, la route reliant Constanţa et Ostrov va de Canlia, « entre le lac de Gârliţa et le Danube », et traverse le ruisseau de Dervent par un pont de pierre d’une longueur de 32 mètres et d’une largeur de 8 mètres, construit en 190014. Le lac de Gârliţa, formé par les 10 11 12 13 14 nom, le village Bazarlu », aujourd’hui la localité Târguşor (Anca Popescu, « Villages (karye) et bourgades (kasaba) en Dobroudja au XVIe siècle. Répertoire historique et géographique », travail annuel à l’institut, 2013–2014, en manuscrit, article en préparation). Il s’agit d’un poste de garde du passage de l’étang Karasu, v. Anca Popescu, « Multiple Toponymy in the Sangeac of Silistra (16th Century) », dans le volume Moştenirea istorică a tătarilor, vol. II, Bucureşti, 2012, éds. Tasin Gemil et Nagy Pienaru, pp.199–217. Pour les sens du mot « boğaz », v. New Redhouse Turkish-English Dictionary, Istanbul, 1968; à propos de « gorlo », je remercie Madame Vera Tchentsova, Madame Penka Danova et Monsieur Adrian Tertecel pour leurs éclaircissements concernant les formes et les sens de ce vocable slave dont est issu le roumain « gârlă ». Rusi Stoykov, « Selišta v Silistrenskiia sandjak prez 70-te godini na XVII vek », dans Izvestiia na Narodiia Muzei Varna, VII, 1971, p. 177–178. V. aussi Anca Ghiaţă, « Toponimie şi geografie istorică în Dobrogea medievală şi modernă », dans Memoriile secţiei de ştiinţe istorice, seria IV, t. V, 1980, p.52. 370 numaralı muhâsebe-i vilâyet-i Rum-ili defteri (937/1530), Ankara, 2002, vol. II, p.386. Capitaine M. D. Ionescu, Dobrogia în pragul veacului al XX-lea. Geografia matematică, fisică, politică, economică şi militară, Bucureşti, 1904, p.691. 197 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II débordements du Danube, est séparé du fleuve par une bande de terre d’une longueur de 300 mètres et d’une hauteur de 2,5 mètres. Ce lac communique avec le Danube par le ruisseau de Dervent (d’une longueur de 2,5 kilomètres). Au bord du lac de Gârliţa existaient (à l’époque du capitaine Ionescu) deux villages : Gârliţa, sur le rivage Est du lac, à l’embouchure de la Gârliţa, et Galiţa, à 3 kilomètres plus au Nord, sur le même rivage. Le ruisseau de Dervent se jette dans le Danube en face de l’ȋle de Păcuiul lui Soare15. La colline de Dervent, qui s’élève au bord du Danube, en face de l’île de Păcuiul lui Soare, a toujours été considérée comme une position stratégique idéale pour contrôler un très vieux gué reliant la plaine du Bărăgan et la Dobroudja, dans la zone de Silistra et d’Ostrov. Sur la hauteur de Dervent existait, au XIe siècle, une fortification en pierre, faisant pendant à la forteresse de l’île de Păcuiul lui Soare16. Dans le document ottoman concernant le village de Boğaz, la garde du pont est désignée par le verbe hıfz etmek (utilisé aussi dans un autre document pour désigner l’obligation des villageois derbendci d’Ester de surveiller et d’assurer la sécurité de la route qui menait vers Kilia et Akkerman)17 mais cette action est dissociée de celle de son « entretien », auquel correspondent des verbes désignant « la réparation et la reconstruction » (tacmir ve termim). Les habitants du bourg Karasu étaient eux aussi chargés, par un ordre (hüküm) du 28 novembre 1572, de l’entretien d’un pont, comme ceux du village Boğaz (il n’est cependant pas clair si le pont dont il est question était fixe ou mobile), ce qui leur valait l’exemption des impôts extraordinaires (cavârız)18. Nous connaissons un registre de la première décennie du XVIe siècle où, le village (à l’époque) Karasu apparaît comme village-derbend19. Mais, comme dans le document de 1572 le statut de « derbend » du Karasu n’est pas indiqué pour expliquer l’exemption des contributions extraordinaires, il est évident que le « derbendcilik » impliquait surtout l’idée de « défense », de « garde » et, de façon secondaire, l’idée d’ « entretien ». Le rôle gardien du « village – derbend » est, par contre, formulé de façon expresse tant pour le village de Prislava que pour celui de Karaharman20. 15 16 17 18 19 20 Capitaine M.D., Ionescu, 1904, pp.155 et 478. Petre Diaconu, Dumitru Vâlceanu, Păcuiul lui Soare. Cetatea bizantină, vol. 1, Bucureşti, 1972, pp.11–12. Popescu, 2012, Ester, p.194. Popescu, 2012, Multiple Toponymy, pp.210–211. Le registre de cizye MAD nr. 37 qui apporte des révélations extrêmement importantes concernant l’organisation de la partie Nord de la Dobroudja (pour la période fin du XVe siècle et début du XVIe siècle), voir, Anca Popescu, « Vestigii ale organizării Dobrogei preotomane într-un defter din anul 1530 », dans le vol. Vocaţia istoriei. Prinos Profesorului Şerban Papacostea, Brăila, 2008, pp. 505–530. Nous préparons, en collaboration avec Madame Ayşe Kayapınar, la publication de cette partie du registre (le kaza de Hârşova). Popescu, 2010, pp.163 et 164. 198 Anca POPESCU • Les « derbendci » au Bas‐Danube (XVIe siècle) L’Empire ottoman avait recours à des dégrèvements fiscaux en échange de services rendus à l’État, et ces dégrèvements revêtaient une diversité de formes. Même lorsqu’il s’agissait de services identiques, les privilèges fiscaux n’étaient pas octroyés selon une formule unique, pouvant sans doute relever de coutumes préottomanes. Aussi le statut fiscal des derbendci ne connaît-il pas une formule unique de privilèges. Le montant de douze aspres que les derbendci du village Boğaz devaient payer à titre d’ispence (taxe sur terres agricoles imposée aux non musulmans) était fixé par les lois impériales (kanun) du sandjak de Silistra, division administrative dont le village de Boğaz faisait partie21. Cependant, le village de Boğaz partage, par exemple, ce statut avec plusieurs autres villages du sandjak de Vidin22. La redevance annuelle en nature était d’un kile de blé et d’un kile d’orge. Le kile était une unité de mesure de capacité pour les céréales ; il variait selon la région, l’époque ou la nature des céréales pesées. Le sous-multiple du kile était l’oque (en turc, vukiye), valant 1,2828 kg (pour le blé)23. Le kile standard, ou de référence, était le kile d’Istanbul, égal à 20 oques ; il valait 22,25 kg pour l’orge et 25,65 kg pour le blé24. Nous ne saurions préciser la valeur du kile qu’étaient censés livrer les villageois de Boğaz. À titre de comparaison, signalons que, pendant la seconde moitié du XVIe siècle, le kile de Brăila valait trois kile d’Istanbul25 ou soixante oques (donc 76,968 kg pour le blé et 66,75 kg pour l’orge), que le kile d’Akkerman valait quarante oques, et que le kile de Choumen (Şumnu) et celui de Tărnovo valaient soixante oques, comme le kile de Brăila26. L’existence d’un village-derbend près du lac de Gârliţa, en aval d’Ostrov, ayant pour tâche de contrôler le gué reliant la Plaine Roumaine et la Dobroudja, se trouve à l’origine des toponymes « Dervent » dans cette zone (ruisseau de Dervent, colline de Dervent, près de Păcuiul lui Soare). Dans l’idiome local et populaire, la prononciation du mot derbend devient « dervent » (sans doute, sous l’influence du grec byzantin). En roumain, ce terme apparaît expliqué chez l’écrivain Dimitrie Bolintineanu (XIXe siècle) : dans un mémoire visant l’amélioration de la vie des Aroumains dans l’Empire ottoman, adressé à Fouad pacha, Bolintineanu y propose un certain nombre de mesures (des écoles roumaines, des églises orthodoxes, etc.), 21 22 23 24 25 26 Ahmed Akgündüz, Osmanlı kanunnameleri ve hukuki tahlilleri, Istanbul,1994, vol. VII, p.715. Ayşe Kayapınar, Le sancak ottoman de Vidin, p.187. W. Hinz, Islamische Masse und Gewichte, Leyde, 1955, p.24. M. Berindei, G. Veinstein, « Règlements fiscaux et fiscalité de la province de Bender-Aqkerman, 1570 », Cahiers du Monde Russe et Soviétique, Paris, 22, 2–3, 1981, p. 303. N. Beldiceanu, « C. C. Giurescu, Istoricul oraşului Brăilei », compte rendu dans Revue des Etudes Islamiques, 37, 1, 1969, p.182 ; v. aussi Anca Popescu, « Un centre commercial du Bas-Danube ottoman au XVIe siècle: Brăila (Bra´il) », dans Il Mar Nero, Bucarest-Paris-Rome, III/1997, p.232. Damaschin Mioc, Nicolae Stoicescu, « Măsurile medievale de capacitate din ara Românească », Studii, 1963, 6, p.1367. 199 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II ainsi qu’ « une milice qui veille à l’ordre public et aux dervent, sur le modèle de nos gardes-frontières (roum. « grăniceri ») et de nos trabans (roum. « dorobanţi ») »27. Le village derbend de Boğaz (équivalent turc du slavo-roumain Gârla) constitue un maillon dans une chaîne à révéler par de futures recherches destinées à décrire le système des postes de garde de type derbend du bas-Danube à l’époque ottomane ; il s’agit là, à la fois, d’une organisation ottomane, et de la survivance de structures byzantines médiévales et roumano-slaves. Doc. : Ordre impérial (hüküm) du 31 décembre 1576 (BOA, MAD7534, p. 1367). Transliteration28: Silistre kadısına hüküm yazıla ki : hâliyâ kazâ-i mezbura tâbic Boğaz nâm kariye ahâlisi canibinden Ivan/Ioan [2] ve Ist[an?] nâm zimmiler kapuma gelüb: „kariyemiz Tuna kenarında hâli mahûf ve muhatara yerde derbend [3] olmağın Tuna taşub Galiçe demekle macruf boğazda vakî olan köprüyü harâb etdükçe, [4] tacmir ve termim ve hıfz ve hirâset edüb yılda on ikişer akçe ispence ve birer kile buğday ve birer kile [5] arpa vermek üzere defter-i hâkânîde derbend kayd olunub; ve derbend hizmeti mukâbelesinde [6] cavârız-ı divâniyye ve tekâlif-i örfiyyeden ve rusumdan mucâf kayd olunub hizmetimizde kusurumuz yoğiken [7] hâliyâ hilâf emr bize cavârız-ı divâniyye ve tekâlif-i örfiyye teklif olunmasından ihtiyât etdürdüklerinde, [8] bu bâbda Âsitâne-i Sacadetimden ihrâc olunan mühürlü sahih ve cedid vilâyet defteri suretine nazar edüb [9] göresin : mezkür kariye ahâlisi defter-i hâkânîde derbend kayd olunub, ber mucib-i defter-i vilâyet derbend hizmetin eda` [10] edüb, ve derbend-i mezbureda vakî olan köprü harâb oldukça tacmir ve termim etmek üzere yılda on [11] ikişer akçe ispence ve birer kile buğday ve bir kile arpaların verüb hizmetlerinde kusurları yoğise [12] ol takdirce, derbend hizmeti mukâbelesinde defter-i hâkânîde cavârız-ı divâniyye ve tekâlif-i örfiyyeden [13] bu vechle mucaf olıgelmişlerse, vilâyet defteri mucibince camel edüb, vilâyet defterine muhâlif mezkürlara bî-vech [14] nesne teklif etdirmeyesin deyu, sene 980 Zilkacadesinin onuncu gününde hükm-i şerif verilüb, hâliyâ, ol [15] hükmü getürüb tecdid olunmasın taleb eylemeğin, imdi buyurdum ki : hükm-i şerifim vardukda sâbıka ellerine [16] verilen hükm-i şerif hilâfına hükm-i âhar sâdır olmamış ise hükm-i sâbık mucibince camel edüb hilâf-ı defter [17] ve mugâyir-i 27 28 Dimitrie Bolintineanu, Călătorii, éd. 1968, vol. II, p.66. Je remercie à Monsieur Sergiu Iosipescu pour m’avoir attiré l’attention sur ce texte. Nous avons choisi de faire la translitération dans l’alphabet turc contemporain. Certaines difficultés paléographiques de ce document qui est dans un état assez mauvais de conservation, n’auraient pas pu être résolues sans le concours généreux de Madame Dilek Desaive et de Monsieur Rıfat Günalan. Qu’ils reçoivent ici mes plus vifs remerciements. 200 Anca POPESCU • Les « derbendci » au Bas‐Danube (XVIe siècle) emir kimesneye mezkürleri bî’-vech rencide etdirmeyesin, deyu, tahriren fî 10 Şevvâl, sene 984. Traduction: Que l’on écrive au cadi de Silistra un ordre : à présent, sont venus à Ma Porte les zimmi Ivan / Ioan et Istan (?), représentant les habitants du village de Boğaz, lequel dépend de ladite kaza29, [qui ont dit :] « vu que notre village est [un village-] derbend, situé sur la rive du Danube, dans une zone déserte, sauvage et dangereuse, il est inscrit dans le registre impérial comme [village] derbend et [tenu] de livrer chaque année un kile de blé et un kile d’avoine et de payer douze aspres à titre d’ispence, [et] de défendre et de réparer le pont sur le ruisseau (boğaz) nommé Galiçe chaque fois qu’il est endommagé par les débordements du Danube. En échange de notre service de type derbend, nous sommes exemptés des impôts extraordinaires (cavârız-ı divâniyye)30 et des impôts coutumiers (tekâlif-i örfiyye). Nous n’avons jamais manqué à nos obligations. [Pourtant,] à présent, contrairement à l’édit, nous sommes astreints aux impôts cavârız-ı divâniyye et tekâlif-i örfiyye. » À ce propos, tu confronteras attentivement la copie du nouveau registre de la région (vilâyet) avec le sceau impérial (mühür) [le document authentifié] délivré par Mon Seuil de la Félicité, [et] : Si les habitants dudit village figurent dans le registre impérial ayant le statut de derbend, remplissant le service de derbend conformément au registre de la région (vilâyet) ; s’ils n’ont jamais manqué à leur obligation de livrer chaque année un kile de blé et un kile d’orge et de payer douze aspres à titre d’ispence, et de réparer le pont qui se trouve dans ledit derbend, chaque fois quand il est ruiné, alors, en échange de leur service de derbend, qu’ils soient exemptés, conformément au registre impérial, des impôts cavârız-ı divâniyye et tekâlif-i örfiyye ; si les gens-là remplissent leur devoir conformément au registre impérial, vous ne leur ferez, sans motif, rien qui aille à l’encontre de ce qui est prévu dans le registre de la région ; il a été donné [à ce propos] un édit impérial, le 14 mars 1573. À présent, puisque tu as demandé confirmation de cet édit, nous avons disposé comme suit : à l’arrivée de mon ordre illustre, vous allez procéder conformément à l’ancien ordre, s’il n’existe aucun autre édit antérieur, contraire à notre ancien ordre illustre, à eux remis ; vous veillerez à ce que personne n’opprime ces gens-là sans raison et contrairement à l’ordre et au registre. Écrit le 31 décembre 1576. 29 30 Kazâ : circonscription judiciaire ottomane (kâdılık), placée sous l’autorité d’un cadi, Pakalın, Tarih Deymleri, I, (“kâdı”). c Avârız-ı divâniyye : redevances extraordinaires, sanctionnées par le Divan impérial, Pakalın, Tarih Deymleri, I, pp.112–114. 201 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Fac-similé : Ordre (hüküm) au cadi de Silistra, le 31 décembre 1576 (Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi, MAD7534, p. 1367). 202 Anca POPESCU • Les « derbendci » au Bas‐Danube (XVIe siècle) 203 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II La région de Silistra: Ostrov, l’île de Păcuiul lui Soare, le lac Gârliţa et le village Galiţa 204 Franz Babinger et « deux lettres turques de protection » (zwei türkische Schutzbriefe) de 1649 Dan PRODAN J’ai analysé1 les conditions dans lesquelles le turcologue allemand Franz Babinger avait été invité par N. Iorga en Roumanie (1935), pour déployer son activité scientifique et didactique à Bucarest (1935–1937) et puis à Iassy (1937–1943), et son rôle important dans la fondation et la direction de l’Institut de Turcologie dans la capitale culturelle de la Moldavie (1940–1945)2. Sur les traces de Babinger en Roumanie, je vais analyser les études du turcologue allemand relatives à l’histoire des Roumains et aux relations ottomano-roumaines au Moyen Âge (depuis la fin du XIVe siècle jusqu’au XVIIe siècle), contributions élaborées pendant la période allant de 1913 à 19443. Jusqu’à présent, avec une exception4, ce thème de recherche n’a pas fait l’objet d’une étude spéciale dans la littérature historique roumaine, ni, vu les informations que je détiens, dans la littérature historique universelle. Les titres des contributions de Franz Babinger concernant la question énoncée dans le paragraphe antérieur sont inclus dans ses mémoires publiés dans les périodiques, dans ses études et articles5. Certains auteurs de synthèses sur le Moyen Âge roumain 1 2 3 4 5 Dan Prodan, Franz Babinger en Roumanie (1935–1943). Étude et sources historiques, preface par Mihai Maxim, Les Éditions Isis, Istanbul, 2003, 339 p.; idem, « Franz Babinger şi Gheorghe I. Brătianu. Confluenţe », AIIXI, XLVII, 2010, Iaşi, pp. 81–96; idem, « The Turkologists from three Generations in Romania (1900–1945). Nicolae Iorga – Franz Babinger – Mihail Guboglu. Similitudes – Collaborations – Results », Anuarul Institutului de Istorie «A.D.Xenopol » Iași, XLVIII, 2011, pp.273–282. Voir aussi Dan Prodan, « Din tradiţiile orientalisticii româneşti. Franz Babinger şi Institutul de Turcologie de la Iaşi / 1940–1945 », Caietele Laboratorului de Studii Otomane, 2, 1993, Bucarest, pp.164–201; idem, « Franz Babinger – turcolog şi agent secret ? », Magazin Istoric, s.n., XXVIII, numéro 4 / 325, avril 1994, Bucarest, pp.49–51. Cristina Feneşan a publié l’étude « Franz Babinger : ein deutsche Beitrag zur rumänischen Osmanistik », Revue des Études Sud-Est Européen, tome XXXII, les numéros 3–4 / 1994, Bucarest, pp.313–322, où elle passe en revue la « contribution » (Beitrag) du turcologue allemand au développement de la turcologie roumaine, les relations Iorga-Babinger, et publie deux lettres inédites du savant allemand adressées au grand historien roumain, du 5 et du 27 décembre 1930 (pp. 320– 322). Dan Prodan, « Studiile lui Franz Babinger referitoare la istoria românilor şi a relaţiilor româno-otomane în evul mediu (secolele XIV–XVII) », Hierasus, X, 1996, Botoşani, Roumanie, pp.119–170; idem, Franz Babinger en Roumanie, 2003, IIIe chapitre. Franz Babinger, Schriftenverzeichnis, Würzburg, 1938, 1951, 1957, 1966, passim; Franz Babinger, Schriftenverzeichnis., 1962, pp. 8, 24, 29, 30, 21, 32. 205 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II ont utilisé, cité (parfois ils ont délibérément passé sous silence leur source, pour des raisons dont je parlerai plus loin) et inclus dans les bibliographies respectives les articles du turcologue allemand. D’autres, auteurs d’ouvrages scientifiques aux thématiques identiques ou connexes à ceux de Babinger, ont utilisé les contributions du turcologue allemand (déontologie professionnelle et valeur scientifique des ouvrages babingériens obligent!), ont analysé d’une manière critique les idées et les hypothèses présentées, qui bien sûr sont citées et incluses dans les bibliographies afférentes. Les nécrologues rédigés à la mort de Franz Babinger contiennent des références sommaires à son activité en Roumanie et à ses contributions portant sur l’histoire des relations ottomano-roumaines6. Par exemple, le nécrologue signé par le turcologue roumain Mihail Guboglu (ancien assistent et collaborateur de Franz Babinger à Iassy, entre 1940 et 1945) présente d’une manière succincte la période « roumaine » du turcologue allemand (avec quelques erreurs), énumérant, dans l’ordre chronologiques des parutions, les « articles et études » intéressant les thèmes concernant le passé historique roumain /ottomano-roumain (XIVe–XVIIe siècles)7. Dans l’espace de cette analyse, j’utilise, pour les contributions « roumaines » de Franz Babinger, les termes « article » ou « étude », d’abord parce que leur auteur les avait lui-même conçues et nommées ainsi, secondement parce qu’il n’a pas écrit un livre proprement dit sur les relations ottomano-roumaines, ni n’a réuni de son vivant ces études dans un volume distinct. Le réaliser et éditer de ce livre constitue une dette de reconnaissance de l’école turcologique roumaine au début de ce siècle et millénaire, qui doit être honorée le plus tôt possible! Le passage en revue des mémoires contenant les titres des contributions scientifiques de Franz Babinger permet de spécifier 15 études concernant l’histoire des Roumains et des relations ottomano-roumaines au Moyen Âge, plus trois portraits anniversaires et commémoratifs, consacrés à Nicolae Iorga (1931) et Demostene Russo (1938–1939). Les voilà, dans l’ordre chronologique de leur parution: 1. « Zwei türkische Schutzbriefe für Georg II. Rákóczi, Fürsten von Siebenbürgen, aus dem Jahre 1649. Mit zwei Lichtdrucktalfeln », dans Le Monde Oriental, XIVe année, 1920, Uppsala, pp. 115–151; réédité dans idem, Aufsätze und Abhandlungen zur Geschichte Südosteuropas und der Levante, I. Band, Munich, 1962, pp. 406–437; 6 7 H. S. Kissling, « Franz Babinger (1891–1967) », Sudost-Forschungen, XXVI. Band., 1967, München, pp.375–379; H. W. Duda, « Franz Babinger », Almanach der Östreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (AÖAW), 118. Band, Wien, 1968, pp.317–323. Mihail Guboglu, « Franz Babinger », Studia et Acta Orientalia, VII, 1968, Bucarest, pp.233–235. 206 Dan PRODAN • Franz Babinger et « deux lettres turques de protection » … 2. « Nicolae Iorga zum 60. Geburtstag », dans Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, LXX. Jahrg., No. 563, vom 6. Dezember 1931, Berlin; 3. « Robert Bargrave, un voyageur anglais dans les Pays Roumains du temps du Vasile Lupu (1652) », dans Analele Academiei Române. Memoriile Secţiunii Istorice (Annales de l’Académie roumaine. Les Mémoires de la Section Historique), s. III, t. XVII, 1936, m. 7, Bucarest, 49 p.; 4. « Originea şi sfârşitul lui Vasile Lupu (L’origine et la fin de Vasile Lupu) », dans Analele Academiei Române. Memoriile Secţiunii Istorice (Annales de l’Académie roumaine. Les Mémoires de la Section Historique), s. III, t. XVIII, m. 2, Bucarest, 1936, 20 p. + une planche; 5. « Cel dintâi bir al Moldovei către sultan (Le premier tribut payé au sultan par la Moldavie). Avec deux planches », dans le vol. Fraţilor Alexandru şi Ion I. Lepădatu la împlinirea vârstei de 60 de ani (Aux frères Alexandru et Ion. I. Lepădatu, à l’anniversaire de leur 60 ans, XIV. IX. MCMXXXVI), Bucarest, 1936, pp. 29–37; 6. Conrad Jacob Hiltebrandt’s dreifache schwedische Gesandtschaftsreise nach Siebenbürgen, der Ukraine und Constantinopel (1656–1658), herausgegeben und erläutert von Franz Babinger, Leiden, 1937, XXX + 259 pp.; 7. « O relaţiune neobservată despre Moldova sub domnia lui Antonie-vodă Ruset (1676) – (Une relation restée inaperçue sur la Moldavie sous le règne d’Antonie-vodă Ruset – 1676) », dans Analele Academiei Române. Memoriile Secţiunii Istorice (Annales de l’Académie roumaine. Les Mémoires de la Section Historique), s. III, t. XIX, m. 8, 1937, Bucarest, 28 p. + 1 tableau; 8. « Originea lui Vasile Lupu (L’origine de Vasile Lupu) », dans Analele Academiei Române. Memoriile Secţiunii Istorice (Annales de l’Académie roumaine. Les Mémoires de la Section Historique), s. III, t. XIX, 1937, m. 9, Bucarest, 10 p. + 2 planches + 1 tableau; 9. « Quelques problèmes d’études islamiques dans le Sud-Est européen », dans L’Europe Orientale, VIIe année, numéro 34, 1937, Paris, pp. 95–110; réédité dans idem, Aufsätze und Abhandlungen zur Geschichte Südosteuropas und der Levante, I. Band, pp. 76–87; 10. « Originea şi fazele dezvoltării istoriografiei otomane (L’origine et les phases du développement de l’historiographie ottomane) », dans Revista Fundaţiilor Regale (La Revue des Fondations Royales), V-e année, numéro 4 / avril 1938, Bucarest, pp. 94–104; 11. « Demostene Russo (1869–1938) zum Gedächtnis », dans Convorbiri Literare (Entretiens Littéraires), LXXI, numéro 11–12 / 1938, Bucarest, pp. 386–390; la version roumaine: 207 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II 12. « În memoria lui Demostene Russo (À la mémoire de Demostene Russo / 1869–1938) », dans Însemnări ieşene (Notes de Iassy), IV-e année, numéro 1 / 1939, Iassy, extrait, 7 p.; 13. « Die osmanische Quellen des Dimitrie Cantemir », dans le vol. Omagiu profesorului Ioan Lupaş (Hommage au professeur Ioan Lupaş, Cluj, 1940), Bucarest, 1943, pp. 34–46; la version roumaine: 14. « Izvoarele turceşti ale lui Dimitrie Cantemir (Les sources turques de Dimitrie Cantemir) », dans Arhiva Românească (Les Archives Roumaines), VII-e année, 1941, Bucarest, extrait, 11 p.; 15. « Histria (Istros) au XVIe siècle », dans Revue Historique du Sud–Est Européen, XVIIIe année, numéro 1/1941, Bucarest, pp. 137–139; 16. « Histria (Istros) au XVIIe siècle » dans Revue Historique du Sud–Est Européen, XIXe année, numéro 1/1942, Bucarest, pp. 449–450; 17. « Beginn der Türkensteuer in den Donaufürstentümern (1394 bzw. 1455) », dans Sudost-Forschungen, VIII. Band, numéro 1–2 / 1943, pp. 1–35; réédité dans le vol. Franz Babinger, Beiträge zur Frühgeschichte der Turkenherrschaft in Rumelien (14.–15. Jahrhunderts), Brünn-Wien-Munich, 1944, pp.1–35; 18. « Die türkischen Quellen des Dimitrie Cantemir », dans le vol. Festschrift für Zeki Velidi Toğan (Zeki Velidi Toğan’a armağan), Istanbul, 1951, pp. 50–60; réédité dans idem, Aufsätze und Abhandlungen zur Geschichte Südosteuropas und der Levante, II. Band, Munich, 1966, pp. 142–150. On voit tout de suite que les numéros 10 et 11 représentent la même contribution; il en est de même pour les numéros 12, 13 et 17; il en reste donc 15 études, articles et portraits; selon leurs thèmes, on peut les grouper comme suit:  les problèmes des « études islamiques » au Sud-Est de l’Europe, la position numéro 9;  l’établissement et le caractère complexe des relations ottomano-roumaines au Moyen Âge, les positions numéro 1, 5 et 17;  Histria (Istros) du XVIe au XVIIe siècles, les positions numéro 15 et 16;  l’origine et la fin de Vasile Lupu, les positions numéro 4 et 8;  voyageurs étrangers dans les Pays Roumains au XVIIe siècle, les positions numéro 3, 6 et 7;  le développement de l’historiographie ottomane et son influence sur l’œuvre du prince Dimitrie Cantemir, les positions numéro 10, 13, 14 et 18;  l’anniversaire de N. Iorga, la position numéro 2, et la commémoration de Demostene Russo, les positions numéro 11 et 12. 208 Dan PRODAN • Franz Babinger et « deux lettres turques de protection » … J’ai analysé déjà les études de Franz Babinger sur la Dobroudja dans les XVIe– XVIIe siècles8. Dans cet article, j’analyse le problème des « deux lettres turques de protection » (zwei türkische Schutzbriefe) accordées par la Porte à Transylvanie en juin 1649, dans la conception du turcologue allemand. Juste après la Première Guerre mondiale, le jeune turcologue fit des recherches dans les Archives de la Bibliothèque du Land Baden de Karlsruhe, dans le fonds de Manuscrits orientaux, où il découvrit « deux lettres turques de protection » (zwei türkische Schutzbriefe) originales, accordées par la Porte au jeune prince de la Transylvanie, Gheorghe Rákóczi II, en juin 1649, qu’il analysa sommairement, traduisit en allemand et publia en 19209. Convaincu de l’existence d’un grand nombre de documents turco-ottomans dans les archives d’Allemagne et d’Autriche, Franz Babinger comprit l’importance de ces sources historiques pour l’étude des relations entre les Ottomans et les peuples riverains du Danube, insistant sur la nécessitée de les dépister, étudier, cataloguer, d’en publier des éditions critiques, enfin de les mettre en valeur du point de vue scientifique. Le turcologue allemand fit une analyse technique des deux documents, offrant, dans les annexes de l’étude, deux fac-similés assez clairs. Après un bref exposé des événements politiques qui illustrèrent les relations ottomano-transylvaines en 1648 et 1649, Babinger analysa sommairement, du point de vue juridique, les deux actes sultanals. Sa conclusion: il s’agissait de « deux lettres de protection » dans le cadre du régime de protection tributaire que la Porte exerçait en Transylvanie depuis plus d’un siècle. L’‘ahdnāme confirmait au trône de Transylvanie le jeune noble Gheorghe Rákóczi II, et le berāt, en l’occurence, résumait les stipulations du premier acte et servait à présenter et accréditer le çavus Mahmūd, qui amenait les autres symboles ottomans de la dignité de prince régnant: le cheval (āt), le vêtement d’apparat (hil’at), l’étendard (sancak ve ‘alem) et la masse d’armes (topuz). Éspérant que la publication de ces deux actes sultanals apportait une modeste contribution à l’éclaircissement des questions troubles « de l’époque turque de la Transylvanie », Franz Babinger invitait les chercheurs étrangers et roumains de l’histoire de Transylvanie d’introduire et d’utiliser les documents ottomans dans leur démarche scientifique10. 8 9 10 Dan Prodan, « Franz Babinger et la Dobroudja ottomane en XVIe–XVIIe siècles », dans le vol. Contemporary Research in Turkology and Eurasian Studies. A Festschrift in Honor of Professor Tasin GEMIL on the Occasion of His 70th Birthday, Cluj-Napoca, pp. 728-737. Franz Babinger, « Zwei türkische Schutzbriefe für Georg II. Rákóczi, Fürsten von Siebenbürgen, aus dem Jahre 1649. Mit zwei Lichtdrucktafeln », Le Monde Oriental, XIV, 1920, Uppsala, pp. 115–151. Ibidem, pp. 115–118; 124–126; 149–151. 209 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Les traductions allemandes sont assez fidèles aux originaux turcs. On peut ainsi faire une synthèse des clauses (et donc du caractère des relations transylvano-ottomanes) qui font l’objet des deux actes; la Porte s’engageait:  à garantir la conservation intégrale des « droits et libertés » du pays, des croyances religieuses pratiquées en Transylvanie, des lois, traditions et coutumes de la principauté, dans une formule synthétique: l’auto-gouvernement et l’auto-administration du pays, sans aucune immixtion ottomane;  à assurer l’inviolabilité des frontières et du territoire de la Transylvanie, des biens de ses habitants face à des injonctions ottomanes; la libération des prisonniers chrétiens et leur rapatriement; la libre circulation des négociants chrétiens au sud du Danube;  à garantir l’immuabilité de la valeur du harāç, déjà fixée, et le statut diplomatique accordé aux messagers transylvains; l’interdiction de céder forteresses ou territoires de la Principauté à des sollicitants extérieurs; la protection du prince régnant, de sa famille et de leurs biens;  le sultan prêtait serment sur Allāh de respecter les clauses du ‘ahdnāme (à condition que l’autre partie en fasse autant), s’engageant à « protéger » et « défendre » la Transylvanie contre toute agression extérieure;  il exigeait que le prince régnant soit « l’ami de l’ami et l’ennemi de l’ennemi » du sultan (ve dostuma dost ve düşmanıma düşman olūb), c’est-à-dire de mener une politique extérieure concertée (mais non totalement dépendante, puisque, par cet acte, le sultan reconnaissait les conventions et traités de paix conclus par le passé entre la Transylvanie et l’Empire des Habsbourgs, exigeant même qu’ils soient respectés!) avec celle de la Porte, et de fournir, si nécessaire, détachements auxiliaires, vivres et informations politiques et militaires. La Transylvanie, par son prince régnant et par ses classes dirigeantes, était obligée:  de payer le harāç et les pişkeş établis, dans les conditions établies;  de ne pas attaquer les possessions ottomanes sur la frontière commune, ni les principautés de la Moldavie et / ou de la Valachie (mais de les appuyer militairement, si nécessaire), d’offrir aide militaire, vivres et informations politiques et militaires;  d’expatrier sans rançon les prisonniers et les marchands fugitifs, avec leurs biens;  de ne pas accorder asile politique aux voïvodes rebelles des provinces extracarpatiques roumaines, ni de les soutenir d’une façon ou d’une autre, mais de les capturer et envoyer à Istanbul; 210 Dan PRODAN • Franz Babinger et « deux lettres turques de protection » …    de ne pas opprimer leurs propres sujets, afin d’éviter les désordres intérieurs; d’aligner sa politique extérieure sur celle menée par les Ottomans; de respecter les clauses de cet ‘ahdnāme11. Le turcologue tchèque Jan Rypka a découvert à la Bibliothèque de Göttingen, dans le fonds de Manuscrits orientaux numéro 156, Manuscrits turcs, numéro 29, les copies des actes publiés par Franz Babinger en 1920, plus la lettre (mektūb) du grand vizir Murād pāşā, de juin 1649, adressée au jeune prince transylvain12. Dans cette lettre, le haut dignitaire ottoman fait une synthèse des clauses du berāt et du ‘ahdnāme susmentionnés et conseille à Gh. Rákóczi II de les respecter intégralement, pour consolider son trône et renforcer les bonnes relations ottomano-transylvaines13. Dans la seconde partie de son étude, Jan Rypka analyse les textes en alphabet arabe des deux actes sultanales et leurs traductions en allemand, tout en proposant, là où il le crut nécessaire (après collationnement avec les copies de Göttingen), d’autres lectures, la translittération en alphabet latin et la traduction en allemand14. Dans un commentaire à cette étude (dû vraisemblablement à Alexandru Lapedatu), après un succinct passage en revue des événements politiques de l’année 1649 illustrant les relations ottomano-roumaines, on souligne l’importance juridique des deux actes (berāt et ‘ahdnāme) accordés au jeune prince transylvain; ensuite on donne la traduction en roumain des paragraphes les plus importants du ‘ahdnāme, « montrant que la suzeraineté turque sur la Transylvanie au XVIIe siècle a été très peu onéreuse »15. La contribution de Franz Babinger était connue dans l’historiographie européenne et roumaine de la question; néanmoins, elle n’a pas été utilisée et citée par les auteurs roumains de monographies consacrées au prince Gheorghe Rákóczi II16. Dans leurs synthèses, Nicolae Iorga, C.C. et D.C. Giurescu ne l’ont pas utilisé ni cité17; il en 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 Ibidem, pp. 126–139 (texte en alphabet arabe), pp. 140–147 (traduction en allemand). Jan Rypka, « Die türkischen Schutzbriefe für Georg II. Rákóczi, Fürsten von Siebenbürgen, aus dem Jahre 1649 », Der Islam, XVIII. Band, 1929, Berlin und Leipzig, pp. 213–235. Ibidem, pp. 213–219. Ibidem, pp. 219–235. Commentaire dans Anuarul Institutului de Istorie Naţională din Cluj, VI, 1931–1935, Cluj, pp.628–630. Eugène Pavelesco, Georges II Rákóczi, Prince de Transylvanie (1648–1660). Essai sur sa politique extérieure, Editura « Versuri şi Proză », Iassy, 1924, 133 p. (voir spécialement les pp. 30–31); Carol Göllner, Gheorghe Rákóczi II (1648–1660), Editura Militară, Bucarest, 1977, 130 p. (voir surtout les pp. 32–35). Nicolae Iorga, Istoria Românilor, vol. VI, Monarhii, Bucarest, 1938; IIe édition, Bucarest, 2000, pp. 111–125; C.C. Giurescu, Istoria Românilor, vol. II/1, IVe édition, Bucarest, 1943; C.C. Giurescu et D.C. Giurescu, Istoria Românilor din cele mai vechi timpuri până astăzi, IIe édition, Editura Albatros, Bucarest, 1975; Dinu C. Giurescu, Istoria ilustrată a românilor, Editura Albatros, Bucarest, 1981. 211 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II est de même pour les synthèses de l’histoire des Roumains18 ou de la Transylvanie19, ouvrages collectifs. Ces omissions des turcologues roumains auteurs de synthèses d’histoire ottomane ou des relations ottomano-roumaines sont difficiles à comprendre20. Après en avoir fait une mention rapide dans une étude sur la politique extérieure de la Moldavie au milieu du XVIIe siècle21, Ion Matei s’occupe en détail de ces deux importants actes sultanales (le berāt et le ‘adhnāme) dans le cadre de quelques études de référence22. Mentionnés dans une note d’une précieuse édition de documents ottomans inédits des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles23 (mais sans y être inclus ni traduits en roumain!), les deux actes sultanals n’ont pas été utilisés par le turcologue Tasin Gemil dans une étude spécialement consacrée à la question des « capitulations » de la Transylvanie24, ni 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 Ştefan Pascu, « Principatul Transilvaniei sub suzeranitatea Porţii (sec. XVII) », Istoria României, IIIe vol., Editura Academiei, Bucarest, 1964, pp.29–32; Susana Andea, Avram Andea, « IV. Principatul Transilvaniei în vremea Rákóczeştilor », Istoria Românilor, Ve vol., 1601–1716, Editura Academiei, Bucarest, 2012, pp.181–208; Mihai Maxim, « Statutul internaţional al ărilor Române la sfârşitul secolului al XVIII-lea», Istoria militară a poporului român, IIIe vol., Editura Militară, Bucarest, 1987, pp.484–496 (spécialement p. 494). Ştefan Pascu, Transilvania în epoca principatului. Timpul suzeranităţii turceşti, 1541–1691, Cluj, 1948; idem, Situaţia politică a Transilvaniei (de la mijlocul secolului al XVI-lea până la sfârşitul secolului al XVII-lea), Ier vol., IIe édition, sous la coordination de Miron Constantinescu, Editura Academiei, Bucarest, 1961 (354 p.), pp. 203–215; Erdely története, IIe vol. (1606–1830), les rédacteurs Makkai László et Szász Zoltán, IIe édition, Budapest, 1987; Istoria României. Transilvania, Ier vol., Cluj-Napoca, 1997; IIe vol. (1541–1711), Cluj-Napoca, 2006. Voir supra les notes 15–19. M. A. Mehmed cite tout de même l’étude de Franz Babinger, quand il apprécie la contribution des turcologues étrangers ayant mis en valeur les sources documentaires ottomanes concernant l’histoire des Roumains au Moyen Âge; il en analyse le contenu et publie intégralement l’original, la traduction, avec des fac-similés (Documente turceşti privind istoria României, Ier vol., 1455–1774, Editura Academiei, Bucarest, 1974, pp. X–XI, et la note 25). Traian Ionescu–Nişcov, A. Constantinescu, « Relaţii politice între Moldova şi Rusia în timpul lui Vasile Lupu / Les relations politiques entre la Moldavie et la Russie sous le règne de Vasile Lupu », Relaţii româno-ruse în trecut, Editura Academiei, Bucarest, 1957, p. 30 (« ... en juin même année [1649 – note DP], il [Gh. Rákóczi II – note DP] obtient sa confirmation et conclut un traité avec les Turcs »). Ion Matei, « Quelques problèmes concernant le régime de la domination ottomane dans les pays roumains (concernant particulièrement la Valachie, XVe–XVIIIe siècles) », Revue des Études Sud– Est Européen, Ie partie, X, no. 1 / 1972, pp. 65–81; IIe partie, XI, no. 1 / 1973, pp. 81–95, Bucarest, souligne indirectement l’importance des actes sultanals introduites dans le circuit scientifique par Franz Babinger en 1920 : « [...] le droit de représentation auprès de la Porte ottomane était inclus dans la conception islamique de l’ahdnāme, même s’il ne fut pas toujours indiqué de manière précise et explicite par les clauses de l’acte, tel cet ‘ahdnāme accordé à l’occasion du berāt du 12/21 juin 1649 à Georges Rákóczi II pourtant l’un des plus développés qui soit et partant pris pour modèle » (p. 74); idem, « Raporturile juridice cu Imperiul otoman », Istoria dreptului românesc, Ier vol., Editura Academiei, Bucarest, 1980, p. 463. Tahsin Gemil, Relaţiile ărilor Române cu Poarta Otomană în documente turceşti, 1601–1712, Direcția Generală a Arhivelor Statului, Bucarest, 1984, p.35, note 90. Idem, «„Capitulaţiile“ Transilvaniei de la jumătatea secolului XVII (Les “Capitulations“ de Transylvanie au milieu du XVIIe siècle)», Anuarul Institutului de Istorie şi Arheologie «A.D. Xenopol» din Iaşi, XXIII, 1986 /2, pp.717–721. 212 Dan PRODAN • Franz Babinger et « deux lettres turques de protection » … dans un ouvrage de synthèse sur la place et le rôle des Pays Roumains en Europe du Sud-Est au milieu du XVIIe siècle25. Le turcologue Mihail Guboglu les a réédités (en résumé)26, analysés et situés dans le contexte historique et juridique objectif des relations ottomano-transylvaines du milieu du XVIe siècle27; cependant, d’autres spécialistes roumains de la question ont continué d’ignorer, à tort, les deux actes sultanals de juin 164928. Le médiéviste Veniamin Ciobanu a utilisé les deux documents pour démontrer le caractère « proottoman » de la politique extérieure promue par le prince Gheorghe Rákóczi II au début de son règne29. Călin Felezeu30 et Cristina Feneşan31 ont utilisé l’article de Franz Babinger dans leurs contributions de turcologie. Pour avoir mis en circulation, il y a plus de neuf décennies, les originaux des deux actes sultanals, cette étude de jeunesse de Franz Babinger présente une importance particulière dans l’historiographie mondiale et roumaine de la question. Il est regrettable que le turcologue allemand ne soit plus revenu sur ce sujet, vu que sa contribution de 1920 lui assurait une priorité mondiale dans ce domaine. Et il est 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 Idem, ările Române în contextul politic internaţional, 1621–1672, Editura Academiei, Bucarest, 1979, 231 p. (spécialement les pp.131–138). Catalogul documentelor turceşti [de la Arhivele Statului din România], vol. II (1445–1829), întocmit de Mihai Guboglu, Bucarest, 1965. doc. numéros 273, 274, 275, pp.88–90. Mihail Guboglu, « Osmanlı Padişahları Tarafından Transilvanya’ya Verilen ‘Ahidnāmeler-Kapitulasyonlar (1541–1690) », X. Türk Tarih Kongresi, 22–26 Eylül 1986, Ankara, Bildiri Özetleri, p.144 (le résumé intégral aux pp.142–145). Mihai Maxim, « Din istoria relaţiilor româno – otomane, "Capitulaţiile" », Anale de istorie / Annales d’Histoire, XXVIII, numéro 6/ 1982, Bucarest, pp.34–68; idem, « Capitulaţiile în istoria relaţiilor româno–otomane în evul mediu », Din cronica relaţiilor poporului român cu popoarele vecine, I, Editura Militară, Bucarest, 1984, pp. 68–118 (spécialement les pp.100–106); idem, ările Române şi Înalta Poartă. Cadrul juridic al relaţiilor româno-otomane în evul mediu, Editura Enciclopedică, Bucarest, 1994, 299 p.; idem, Romano-Ottomanica. Essays and Documents from the Turkish Archives, The Isis Press, Istanbul, 2001, pp. 11–46; idem, « ările Române şi Imperiul Otoman [1601–1716] », Istoria Românilor, Ve vol., 1601–1716, Editura Academiei, Bucarest, 2012, pp. 811–869. Viorel Panaite, Pace, război şi comerţ în Islam. ările Române şi dreptul otoman al popoarelor (secolele XV– XVII), Editura BIC ALL, Bucureşti, 1997, passim; IIe édition, Editura Polirom, Iaşi, 2013, passim; idem, Diplomaţie occidentală, comerţ şi drept otoman (secolele XV–XVII), Editura Universităţii din Bucureşti, 2004; IIe édition, Editura Universităţii din Bucureşti, 2008; idem, Dreptul păcii şi războiului în Islamul otoman. Glosar şi bibliografie, Editura Universităţii din Bucureşti, 2007. Relativement à la tradition juridique et politique des « capitulations » aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles, voir aussi Nicolae Copoiu, “Capitulaţiile” – tratate fundamentale privind istoria suveranităţii de stat a ărilor Române», Magazin Istoric, IX, numéro 3 /mars 1975, Bucarest, pp.33–36. Veniamin Ciobanu, Românii în politica est-central europeană, 1648–1711, Institutul European, Iassy, 1997, pp.23–24. Călin Felezeu, Statutul Principatului Transilvaniei în raporturile cu Poarta Otomană, 1541–1688, Cluj-Napoca, 1996, pp. 209–214; idem, Juridical Statute of the Transylvanian Principality in Relation with the Sublime Porte, B.C.T.S., Cluj-Napoca, 1994, 56 p. Cristina Feneşan, Constituirea Principatului autonom al Transilvaniei, Editura Enciclopedică, Bucarest, 1997, p.199. 213 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II plus regrettable encore que cette étude ait été peu connue et rarement utilisée dans la question controversée des « capitulations » accordées par la Porte aux Pays Roumains au Moyen Âge32. 32 Mises en valeur, pourtant, par Dan Prodan, « Mid-17th Century Transylvania and Franz Babinger. On a Berāt and an ‘Ahdnāme Handed to Prince Gheorghe Rákóczi II in 1649 », Transylvanian Review, IIIe vol., No. 2 / Summer 1994, R.C.F. Cluj-Napoca, România, pp.127–134; idem, « Anul 1649 în relaţiile otomano-transilvane », Anuarul Institutului de Istorie «A.D. Xenopol» din Iaşi, XXXVII, 2000, Iassy, pp.205–222. 214 TRADITION, FAITH AND CULTURE. CONTINUITY AND CHANGE On the Role of Peter the Great’s “Manifesto” Dated from 1722 in Azerbaijani-Romanian Relations Zhala ISMAYILOVA There are certain historical documents having particular significance simultaneously for several countries. A sample is “The Manifesto” reflecting application of Peter I, king of Russia to the inhabitants during his voyage to the counties located on coast of the Caspian Sea (voyage to Iran, 1722). Certainly, “The Manifesto” has been assessed from various aspects in the history of Russia, Azerbaijan and Northern Caucasian people as well as the Osmanly Empire. Besides assessment of the military expedition, the process of development, publication and distribution of the document itself is among the topics discussed by specialists. Participation in this voyage by Romanian duke Dmitry Cantemir, adviser of Peter I having exclusive role in establishment of «The Manifesto» is presently deemed as the first Azerbaijani-Romanian cultural contact in the history of Azerbaijani-Romanian relations. Thus, according to information existing in Azerbaijan, “The Manifesto” is expanded in three languages i.e. Persian, Turkish and Azerbaijani ones”1 or, in other words, “The Manifesto” was published also in Azerbaijani language”2. Researching the language of “The Manifesto” we met with more interesting attitudes. According to H. Dalili, a historian, Cantemir serving at the Peter’s palace was well in many languages including Arabian, Persian, Turkish and Azerbaijani ones3. Hereby, H. Dalili provides more courageous assertion: “Some sources and historical literature note that “The Manifesto” has been published in Arabian, Persian, Tatar and Turkish languages. However, according to investigation of the documents kept in the foreign policy archive of Russia, it was published only in one (Azerbaijani) language”4. Following this assertion the author notes that “The Manifesto” was written in a style strictly differing from the modern Azerbaijani language and in a dialect not existing presently in any region of Azerbaijan5. The book by M. Polievtkov referred by H. Dalili while 1 2 3 4 5 Aşurbəyli, S., Bakı şəhərinin tarixi, Bakı, Avrasiya Press, 2006, p.148. Azərbaycan tarixi XIII-XVIII əsrlər, 7 cilddə, 3-cü cild, Bakı, Elm, 2007, pp.329–330. Ə.Dəlili, Azərbaycan-rus münasibətləri Azərbaycan və farsdilli sənədlərdə, 1722-ci il (sənədlər toplusu), Bakı, Elm, 1976, p.9. Dəlili, 1976, p.9. Dəlili, 1976, p.9. 217 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II providing information about D. Cantemir has no note regarding Azerbaijani language. In return for, we read here that Cantemir had translated “The Manifesto” into Tatar and Turkish languages and he was well in Geeek, Turkish, Arabian and supreme Turkish (called as “farsi”) languages as well as Latin, Italian and Church Slavic ones6. It is difficult to clarify which language H. Dalili meant saying “Azerbaijani language”. Thus, in our article we will try to assess “The Manifesto” distributed by Peter I during the voyage to Iran commencing separation of Azerbaijan between Russia and Safavi empire approximately a century later (Gulustan Treaty, 1813; Turkmanchay Treaty, 1828) upon two above-mentioned facts. Firstly, let’s pay attention to the languages of distrubution of “The Manifest”. One of the principal sources is the book published by F.I. Soymonov, a topographer and royal adviser in 1763. According to this work, the document was distributed in three languages i.e. Persian, Turkish (Osmanly) and Tatar ones7. By the way, the known work by F.Soymonov is involved to investigations also in historical science of Azerbaijan. E. Garayev having thoroughly investigated this work notes in own monograph that the author called the local inhabitants as “Persians”8. Probably, usage of Persian language in the Safavi palace as the state language caused fallacious opinions for many travellers and historians. It may be thought that simultaneously with distribution of “The Manifesto” in Persian language in the Safavi palace, consideration of the local inhabitants as Persian-speaking also had a role. Although, the oral language in the Safavi palace was Turkish (Azerbaijani) one. This fact may be read both in the works of European diplomats and travellers and, local authors. Returning to the language of “The Manifesto”, the works of that period also note that the document was in three languages. For instance, I. Kurkin notes that the document was in three languages9. Besides, P.Butkov also writes in own work titled “Materials for new history of Caucasia, 1722–1803” that Peter I had published “The Manifesto” in Persian, Turkish and Tatar languages10. However, in some Romanian sources we find more different information about the language of the documents. Paul Chernovodeanu notes in own article titled “Dmitry Cantemir: Modern relations and 6 , 7 , ., . ., К XIII–XVIII . , 8 9 10 , . . . , 1935, p.204. , , ., . . , , , , . , 1763, p.58. Qarayev, E., F.İ.Soymonovun “Xəzər dənizinin və orada həyata keçirilən Rusiya işğallarının imperator Böyük Pyotrun tarixinin bir hissəsi kimi təsviri” adlı səyahətnaməsi Azərbaycan tarixinin mənbəyi kimi, Bakı, 2006, p.31. , ., . К , 1722– 1735, , p.58. , ., К 1722 1803 , . . , 1869, p.11. 218 Zhala ISMAYILOVA • On the Role of Peter the Great’s “Manifesto” Dated from 1722 … witnesses” that the languages of “The Manifesto” are Arabian, Persian and Tatar ones11. Any case, P. Chernovodeanu specifies the Osmanly language as Arabian one referring to the sources he got acquainted with before. “The Manifesto” was titled also as “The first Turkish-Tatar publication in Russia”. The same thought is reflected also about Azerbaijani language. S.Fransuzov, an orientalist basing upon the professor A. Karimullin’s ideas12 underlines that some Tatar scientists are basing upon the national tendency13. S. Fransuzov’s opinion is supported also K. Jukov, another orientalist. In own article he greets M. Usmanov for his rejecting to accept the found copy as in “high-style Tatar language” but, refuses his allegation that “The Manifesto” was written in Tatar language as a precise fact14. It is interesting that Tatar scientists from Russia also support different opinion regarding the language of the acquired two copies of “The Manifesto” (the other copy in German language is kept in the archive of the Academy of Sciences of Berlin). M. Usmanov notes existence of its version in Osmanly language15 and, A. Karimullin underlines that it was written in high-style Tatar language widely using Arabian and Persian words16. A.Karimullin notes that 1000 copies of the work are written in Tatar languages; simultaneously, he writes that “The Manifesto” was published by Cantemir in “Turkish typography” and probably, he participated in its participation into Tatar language17. Although the assumption that Cantemir being polyglot could learn Tatar language within 10 years of living in Russia seems logical, some specialists like professor M. Usmanov and academician A. Kononov do not share this opinion: “In my opinion, in this case we speak about the Turkish version. The language of the document including its grammatical and phonetical forms and, particularly its style and orphography are completely close to the Osmanly Turkish language rather than the Turkish-Tatar language used in correspondences of Russia with the East. For comparison, it’s enough to review the correspondences with the Indian, Iranian and Kalmyk leaders in 17th–18th centuries. I agree with Kononov that the copy kept 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 Cernovodeanu, P., “Dimitrie Cantemir: Relații şi mărturi”, Viața româneasca, №11, 1973, p.106. , ., . 60XIX , , 1992, pp.70–71. Frantsuzov, S., “Le manifeste de Pierre le Grande du 15/26 Juillet 1722 redige et imrpime par Dimitrie Cantemir. Une mise au point”, Revue des Études Sud-Est Européen, XII, 1–4, Bucarest, 2014, pp.261–262. , ., “ I 15 1722 ”, 2011–2012, , , 2013, p.147. Rossijada berenche Törki-Tatar basması. Petr I nen 1722 elı manifestı / / The First Turkic-Tatar Printed Publication in Russia. Manifesto of Peter I of 1722, Z.R. Valeyeva, R.I. Valeyev, M.A. Usmanov, D.S. Shakirov, I.G. Khadiev, I.A. Mustakimov eds., , , 2010, p.28. , 1992, p.71. , 1992, pp.68–69. 219 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II in the Sankt-Peterburg branch of the Institute of Oriental Studies is written in Turkish language”18. It is noticeable that in the book titled “The first Turkish-Tatar publication in Russia” professor M. Usmanov speaking about the languages of “The Manifesto” provides wide information regarding the Tatar language: “In the modern scientific literature the Golden Horde version of the Turkish written language is called differently: Turks, Volqa Turks, Staroturks, etc.<...> Calling this composition as “TurkishTatar” ones is deemed mostly fair. The first part shows the linguistic root and the second one reflects the dialect. Subsequently, it clarifies the general basis and genetic foundation from one hand and, shows the concrete historical, geographical and ethnic environment of development and usage of the literal language more than other regions.”19 According to M. Usmanov, applying to the Caucasian people in TurkishTatar languages Peter I continued the palace tradition: “...It was not anything new. The novelty was simply typing in block letters for the first time”20. Let’s remind that Dmitri Cantemir becoming subject of Russia together with his family (as the Moldavian duke’s son he had lived in Osmanly palace for 10 years and acquired serious education learning several languages including Osmanly one as the official state language) upon the Prut agreement (1711) signed by Russia as loser in the war between Russia and Osmanly, created the types of the Arabian alphabet firstly in Russia during first voyage of Peter I to the Caspian coast and closely participated in publication of “The Manifesto” established on the deck. Although many historians accept Cantemir’s participation at translation into three languages, professor M. Usmanov does not consider his role in writing the Turkish-Tatar version as persuasive: “...The matter is that before Cantemir there was a lot of translators in the palace of Peter I knowing Tatar language. For instance, in 1689 i.e. approximately in the period of Peter I, the Administration of Foreign Affairs had 22 translators 8 ones of which i.e. one third of the whole translation corps knew Tatar language”21. Hereby, not denying Cantemir’s role in the typographic tour and preparation of letter-punches and Arabian letters, Usmanov expresses opinion that the Romanian duke is the author of the Turkish version of “The Manifesto”. Simultaneously, he treats to this fact with doubt: “But it cannot be thought that he was the sole specialist of Turkish language during the trip”22. 18 19 20 21 22 Rossijada, 2010, pp. 28–29. Ibidem, p.22. Ibidem, p.25. Ibidem, p.28. Ibidem, p.28. 220 Zhala ISMAYILOVA • On the Role of Peter the Great’s “Manifesto” Dated from 1722 … Turkish specialists referring to Russian authors also accept the languages of “The Manifesto” as Tatar, Persian and Turkish ones23. We see “The Manifesto” prepared by Cantemir in a differing interpretation in another source: “Before the voyage to Iran (1721–1722), Peter I ordered to Cantemiroglu to prepare various letter in Osmanly language and distribute among the Moslem people living in the countries of his voyage. These letters are the first texts published in Russia in Osmanly language”24. According to M.Usmanov’s version, the Persian copy of “The Manifesto” was addressed to Iranians, Persian-speaking inhabitants and officers in the cities. The Turkish version is envisaged for Azerbaijani people and the Osmanly-Turkish officers in Northwest Caucasia. The Turkish-Tatar version is distributed for the inhabitants of the region speaking in various languages: “Besides being native language of Kumyk, Nogay and Balkar people, Tatar language served also as inter-ethnic language of yore”25. In our opinion, the part connected to Azerbaijanians in the M. Usmanov’s assertions regarding the languages of «The Manifesto» is not persuasive. Thus, inhabitants living in the western coast of the Caspian Sea at that period didn’t speak in any of the aforesaid three languages. People simply having studied in madrasah might understand Arabian and Persian languages in certain level. Although formation of the literal language was continuing (establishment and development of the Azerbaijani literal language basing upon the national language happened within 11th–18th centuries26), it was neither accepted by other countries nor used in correspondences due to absence of the offical status. The language of speaking of the most of the local inhabitants, as noted also by foreign travellers, was Turkish (Azerbaijani) language. Unfortunately, although the rulers of state in both powers were Turkish in nation, Turkish language was used in written neither in the Osmanly palace nor the Safavi one. These states were negotiating with the world in Osmanly and Persian languages. Certainly, in terms of absence of the concepts of “Azerbaijani” or “Turkish languages” the emperor prepared the own “Manıfesto” in the known oriental languages. By the way, although some European countries had accepted Peter I as an emperor, D. Cantemir firstly introduced Peter I as “an emperor” in correspondences with the eastern countries27. 23 24 25 26 27 Devlet, N. “Çarlık Rusya`sı ve sovyetler birliği`nin türk tarihine bakışı”, Avrasiya etüdleri, Cilt:2, Sayı:4, 92–104, (1995), p.95. Türkoğlu, İ., “Rusya'da İslamiyet Araştırmaları”, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslam Ansiklopedisi, 2008, Sayı 35, cilt 35, p.266. Rossıjada, 2010, p.24. Dəmirçizadə, Ə., Azərbaycan ədəbi dilinin tarixi, Bakı, Maarif, 1979, p.101. , 2013, p.145. 221 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II However, another nuance is also noticeable in the linguistic matter. Thus, assertion of serious differences between Turkish languages in geography of the start of 18th centuries is impossible. The language called Tatar or “Osmanly” and the language spoken in the territory of modern Azerbaijan were quite close to each other. The Azerbaijani language was understood in the entire Caucasia. This opinion is asserted about Tatar language also by Tatar researchers. In our opinion, the Azerbaijani authors’ assertion regarding the non-found Tatar copy of “The Manifesto” in Azerbaijani language is explained as closeness of these languages and the fact that Russians called as “Tatars” all people living in Caucasia having Turkish nation including the Azerbaijani people. Later i.e. at the end of 19th and start of 20th century the schools established in Baku upon the emperor’s order were called as “Russian-Tatar schools”. M.Y. Lermontov, great Russian poet being exiled to Caucasia, wrote a letter from Tbilisi to his friend S.Rayevski: “...I started to learn Tatar language. This language is essential here and entire Asia as French language is important in Europe. Unfortunately, I cannot complete learning it; it might be useful in the future...”28 In the beginning of the letter he praises the Tatar bath-houses. The case in point is the presently famous Azerbaijani bath-houses in Tbilisi. Thus, although Cantemir’s great role in preparation and publication of “The Manifesto” is accepted by everyone, the contradiction in opinions regarding the language of the document causes suspicions in evaluation of the Romanian duke’s activity as foundation of the first Azerbaijani-Romanian cultural relations. Undoubtedly, this hesitation will exist until finding the copy in Tatar language. We hope that new copies will be found in near future and the role of “The Manifesto” in the Azerbaijani-Romanian cultural relations will be duly assessed. 28 http://lermontov.niv.ru/lermontov/pisma/pismo-42.htm 05.02.2015. 222 Sadullah Pasha’s Poem, “The Nineteenth Century”: A literary Echo of Ottoman Modernization Mehmet KALPAKLI Sadullah Bey, a contemporary of Namık Kemal and Şinasi, achieved renown as the translator of the open letter from Mustafa Fazıl Paşa to Sultan Abdülaziz, which was published in the French newspaper Liberté, on 24 March 1867. Sadullah Bey, an intimate friend of Namık Kemal, was also involved in the Young Ottomans (Yeni Osmanlılar) movement. Sadullah Bey, the son of the Vizier Ayaşlı Esad Muhlis Paşa, was born on 7 July 1838. His secondary education included religious training from private tutors, the study of Eastern and Western literature, economics, politics, natural sciences, chemistry, as well as the Arabic, Persian and French languages. In 1853, at the age of fifteen, he was appointed to the Office of State Revenues (Maliye Gelirler Kalemi), and three years later was transferred to the Translation Office in the Sublime Porte. Over a span of twenty years he held a variety of bureaucratic posts which included Chief Secretaryship of the Council of State (Şûrâ-yı Devlet Baş Katipliği), Undersecretaryship of Ministry of Education (Maârif Müsteşarlığı), Chairship of the Supreme Court of Appeal (Temyiz Mahkemesi Birinci Reisliği), and Ministry of Commerce (Ticaret Nazırlığı). Upon the accession of Sultan Murad V in 1876, Sadullah Bey was promoted to the office of the First Secretaryship of the Imperial Chancery (Mabeyn-i Hümâyûn Baş Katipliği). He was discharged from this post when Sultan Abdülhamid II came to the throne and became ambassador to Berlin. He represented the Ottoman State as the Second Delegate in the Treaty of St. Stefano in 1877 and at the Berlin Congress that same year. In 1881 he was granted the title of vizierate. He was appointed ambassador to Vienna in 1883 and it was during his time abroad that his Austrian servant, with whom he had an illegitimate relationship, became pregnant. According to Uzunçarşılı,1 Sadullah Paşa committed suicide as a result of this event. Mehmed Galib Bey, who was Sadullah Paşa’s Second Secretary during his years in Vienna, wrote an account of Sadullah Paşa’s experiences as an Ottoman bureaucrat and published them under the title Sadullah Paşa yahut Mezardan Bir Nida (Sadullah Pasha or a cry from his grave) (İstanbul, 1909). This work was 1 İ.H. Uzunçarşılı, “Viyana Büyük Elçisi Vezir Sadullah Paşa’nın İntiharına Dair”, Belleten, XIV/55, (1950), pp.419–449. 223 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II written from Sadullah Paşa’s point of view, but because it merely relates the chain of events which occurred during Sadullah Paşa’s bureaucratic career, the account is little more than an straightforward memoir. Moreover, it does not provide the reader with basic information, such as Sadullah Paşa’s political opinions and his reflections on key political events.2 Sadullah Paşa was a very talented writer of prose. His travellogs such as “Şarlotenburg Sarayı” (Charlottenburg Palace) and “1878 Paris Ekspozisyonu” (1878 Paris Exhibition), as well as his letters, are among the most praiseworthy examples of the late Ottoman prose.3 The style and the clarity, which he introduced to bureaucratic writings such as mazbata (official report) and tezkire (official correspondent), gave him a widespread fame. Unfortunately, his poems were not collected and most of them have been lost. He is famous for his translation from Lamartine’s famous poem “Göl” (The Lake),4 as well as his poem, The Nineteenth Century which was published on 1 March 1885 in the Mecmua-i Ebuziyya.5 In the poem, which was composed in a journalistic style and is by no means successful as a work of literature, Sadullah Paşa indicates that, while the Ottomans are still trying to adapt themselves to the modernization, the Europeans had already reached high levels on the science and technology. The first 23 couplets of the 25 couplet-long poem is on this subject. In the couplet 24, he points out the geography where this advancements and improvements took place: West. And the last couplet of the poem implies Sadullah Paşa’s interpretation: if we (Ottomans) can not defeat ignorance, we will not survive in the world of science in this time of progress. ONDOKUZUNCU ASIR6 (Nineteenth Century) Sadullah Paşa 1 Erişti evc-i kemâlâta nûr-ı idrâkât Yetişti rütbe-i imkâna kısm-ı mümteniât The holy light of comprehension has attained the summit of perfection The class of unattainable things has reached the level of the possible 2 3 4 5 6 For a detailed biography of Sadullah Pasha, see Ali Akyıldız, Sürgün Sefir Sadullah Paşa, Türkiye İş Bankası Yayınları, 2011. For some of Sadullah Paşa’s writings, see: Yeni Türk Edebiyatı Antolojisi: II, eds: Mehmet Kaplan, İnci Enginün, Birol Emil, İstanbul 1974, pp.637–650. In addition, he embarked on a translation of the Illiad, which he was unable to complete. See: Hasan Ali Yücel, Edebiyat Tarihimizden, I, Ankara, 1957, p.297. Yeni Türk Edebiyatı Antolojisi: II, eds: Mehmet Kaplan, İnci Enginün, Birol Emil, İstanbul 1974, pp.651–656. This poem was first published in Mecmûa-i Ebuzziyâ, 46, 1302 (1884–85). This text is taken from: Mehmet Kaplan, Şiir Tahlilleri 1, İstanbul 1978, pp.68–69. 224 Mehmet KALPAKLI • Sadullah Pasha’s Poem, “The Nineteenth Century … 2 Besâit oldu mürekkeb, mürekkeb oldu basit Bedâhet oldu tecârible hayli meçhûlât Simple things have become complex, the complex has become simple By virtue of experimentation many hidden things have suddenly appeared 3 Mecâz oldu hakîkat, hakîkat oldu mecâz Yıkıldı belki esâsından eski malûmât The metaphoric has turned into the real, what had seemed real is now only metaphoric Ancient knowledge has been toppled from its foundations 4 Mebâhis-i felek ü arz ü hikmet ü kimyâ Değil vesâvis-i ezhân ü vehm ü temsilât Now talk is of astronomy and geology, physics and chemistry No longer of devilish promptings empty conjecture and analogies 5 Mesâil-i nazarîye tecârib oldu sened Erişti hadd-i yakîne fuzûl-i zanniyât Theoretical problems depend on the bases of experiment Trivial guesses have attained the limits of certainty 6 Ukul-ı zâhire sâid fezâ-yı ecrâma Kuvâ-yı câzibe kanunu pâye-i mirkat Triumphant intellects have elevated themselves into planetary space The law of gravitation is but one step on a ladder 7 Nüfûs-ı fâkire nâzil kaâre-i arza Delîl-i mebhas-i tekvin defâin-i tabakât Thinking individuals have descended into the depths of the earth The deep-buried layers point to the origins of creation 8 Havâ vü berk u ziyâ vü buhâr u mıknâtıs Yed-i tasarruf-ı insanda unsur-ı harekât Air and electricity and light and steam and magnetism Seized for the use of humankind are all means of movement 9 Ziyâ, hayâlen iken şimdi bilfiil sâî Zılâl, zâil iken şimdi zîver-i mir’ât Light which once only labored in the imagination now does work in actuality Shadows, once transient, now adorn [fixed] reflections 225 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II 10 Sadâ, hesâb-ı mesâfâtta muhbir-i sâdık Buhâr, zulmeti tenvîrde ebda’-ı âyât The echo is a faithful reporter in the reckoning of distance Steam is a producer of miracles in illuminating the darkness 11 Cihât-ı erbaaya berk nâkil-i ahbâr Buhâr, bahr ü ber üstünde Hızr-ı nakliyyât Electricity transports news to the four corners of the earth Steam is a miracle-working Hızır of transportation on land and sea 12 Tefâhür eylemesin mi bu asr a’sâra Kısalttı bu’d-i mekân ü zamânı muhtereât Should not this age take rightful pride among all the ages [Its] innovations have narrowed the distances of time and space 13 Ne kaldı çeşme-i hayvân, ne dârû-yı Sûhrâb Ne kaldı nusha-i efsûn, ne hükm-i tılsımiyât Neither the fountain of life remains nor the panacea of Sohrab Neither the book of spells remains nor the rule of talismans 14 Ne kaldı sa’d-ı tevâli, ne kaldı nahs-ı kırân Ne kaldı reml ü kehânet, ne kaldı cifriyyât Neither the fortunate succession of stars nor the unfortunate conjunction remains Neither geomancy nor augury nor onomancy remains 15 Ne var hümâda saâdet, ne var şeâmet-i bûm Mukayyed asl-ı irâdâta cümle mec’ûlât The bird of fortune brings no luck nor does the owl bode calamity Every thing that is done [by us] is bound to origins in human will 16 Ne atlas âlemi hâmil, ne Zühre fâil-i kül Değil ukul-i Felâtun usûl-i tekvînât Atlas no longer holds up the earth nor does Venus influence everything The notions of Plato no longer explain the principles of creation 17 Ne kaldı zann-ı tenâsüh, ne kaldı nâr-ı Mecûs Değil ukule Ekânim kıble-i hâcât The theory of reincarnation no longer holds nor do the Magian fires The hypostases [of the Trinity] are no longer a focus of desire for the intellect 226 Mehmet KALPAKLI • Sadullah Pasha’s Poem, “The Nineteenth Century … 18 Esâs-ı hikmet-i asr oldu vahdet-i Bârî Taammüm eyledi aslü’l-usûl-i mû’tekadât The unity of the Creator is the basis for the philosophy of the age The truth of the superstitious beliefs is known by one and all 19 Bulur gider cihet-i vahdetin umûm milel Vücûd-ı vahdeti müsbit olunca mâkulât All nations proceed having discovered His ultimate unity Since the operations of reason have proved this unity's existence 20 Hudûd-ı hakk u vezâif muayyen ü sâbit Ne kaldı cebr ü tegallüb, ne kaldı keyfiyyât The limits and duties are determined and fixed No longer is there coercion or domination, no longer simply doing as one pleases 21 Hukûk-ı şahs ü tasarruf masûn taarruzdan Verildi âlem-i umrâna başka tensîkat The rights of person and property are protected from assault The civilized world has been given a new dispensation 22 Ne Amr Zeyd’in esîri, ne Zeyd Amr’a velî Müesses üss-i müsâvâta nass-ı mevzûât Amr is no more the slave of Zeyd nor is Zeyd Amr's master The plain text of the law rests upon the principle of equality 23 Münevver eyledi ezhânı intişâr-ı ulûm Mükemmel eyledi noksânı feyz-i matbûât The dissemination of sciences has enlightened [our] minds The abundance of published works has remedied our deficiencies 24 Megarib oldu dirîga metâli’-i irfân Ne kaldı şöhret-i Rûm u Arab, ne Mısr u Herat Alas that the dawnings of wisdom have arisen from the West The fame of Anatolia and Arabia of Cairo and Herat is no more 25 Zamân zamân-ı terakkî cihân cîhân-ı ulûm Olur mu cehl ile kabil beka-yı cem’iyyât The times are times of progress the world a world of science Is it possible [now] for societies to survive on ignorance? 227 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II It is clear from this poem that Sadullah Paşa was a strong positivist. Moreover, as mentioned above, due to the type of education he received, Sadullah Paşa sought to synthesize Eastern and the Western ideas. This idea of synthesis is present in most works composed during the period of westernization in literature (especially those of Şinasi and Namık Kemal). He maintains that his experiences in Europe were the direct product of liberty. In the Ottoman State under Abdülhamid II, however, an atmosphere of oppression prevailed, and as a result, many poems in praise of liberty were composed during this period. Namık Kemal deals with social and political issues in his famous “Freedom Kaside” (“Hürriyet Kasidesi”).7 The concept of liberty alone is praised in the poem. On the other hand, Sadullah Paşa praises science and technology and credits advances in these areas with the higher level of development achieved by western civilization during the nineteenth century. Therefore, it can be argued that Sadullah Paşa develops this issue further in his work. In Sadullah Paşa’s impressions of the Paris Exhibition, the idea of liberty is paramount: without liberty nothing is possible. The second step in his formulation was “civilization”, or “civilizationism” (“medeniyetçilik”) which was an ideology that emerged during the Tanzimat Period. In his praise poem to Reşid Paşa, Şinasi calls him “the prophet of civilization” (medeniyet resûlü).8 In Sadullah Paşa’s poem, “The Nineteenth Century”, his positivist leanings emerge clearly. It is now generally accepted that Ottoman modernization did not begin with the Imperial Rescript of Gülhane (Gülhane Hatt-ı Hümâyûnu, Tanzimat Fermanı), which was its first official expression. That ferman merely demonstrated that Ottoman political life had reached a significant juncture. This becomes clear when we examine the reflections of the Ottoman modernization present in literature. The transformation in literature, which began towards the end of the 17th century, accelerated with the works of Nedim and Şeyh Galib in the 18th century. Furthermore, by the mid-nineteenth century, this literature diverged significantly from the classical (old) style. It is not possible to connect this change in literary style to the ferman, which was announced in November 1839. To accept this date as the beginning of a “Tanzimat Edebiyatı Devri” (a period of Tanzimat literature) is not strictly accurate, because it was not until Şinasi (whose Tercüme-i Manzume, including his translations from French literature, was published in 1859) that we have the first exemplary works of the period of modernization. Therefore, in terms of literary expression, it can be 7 8 See Walter G. Andrews and Mehmet Kalpaklı, “Across Chasms of Change: The Kaside in Late Ottoman and Republican Times," Qasida Poetry in Islamic Asia & Africa I: Classical Traditions & Modern Meanings, eds. S. Sperl and C.Shacle, E.J.Brill, 1996, pp.301–325. Şinasi, “Kaside”, in Yeni Türk Edebiyatı Antolojisi: I, eds: Mehmet Kaplan, İnci Enginün, Birol Emil, İstanbul 1974, p.492. 228 Mehmet KALPAKLI • Sadullah Pasha’s Poem, “The Nineteenth Century … argued that the Imperial Rescript of Gülhane does not clearly signify the end of an old historical period and the inauguration of a new one. Tanzimat or Edebiyat-ı Cedîde (New Literature), as it was called by the authors and poets of the era, covers a period of 57 years from 1839 to 1896.9 Tanzimat, or Arayışlar Devri (the Period of Searchings) as it is also known today, is a name which was applied to this period in retrospect. Almost all of the poets and authors who emerged during the Tanzimat period worked in different bureaucratic offices or served the state in some other capacity. In other words, these writers were the educated intellectuals of Ottoman society. Most of them served in the Translation Office (Tercüme Odası), which had been founded in 1832. This office emerged as the institution where most of the prominent figures of the Tanzimat Period were educated. In this particular bureau, officials learned foreign languages, modified and updated their worldviews and political perspectives, and broadened their intellectual horizons. Most of the outstanding figures of the period, such as Namık Kemal, Edhem Pertev Paşa, Ali Paşa, Fuad Paşa, Safvet Paşa worked in this office, which was referred to as the “Opposition Party of the Sublime Porte” (Bâb-ı Âli’nin muhalefet partisi).10 In addition to the Translation Office in the Sublime Porte, the intellectuals were also employed and educated in a number of other bureaucratic offices, such as Mabeyn Kalemi (Office of Palace Chancery), and Gümrük Kalemi (Office of Customs). The officials who held posts in these bureaus received an education based in the art of writing (kitâbet). In spite of the Westernized instruction of Tanzimat intellectuals and their affection for Western Culture, the traditional kitâbet education helped them maintain their Ottoman traditions. Therefore, although the intellectuals of the Tanzimat looked towards the West, they did not completely renounce the East and its older traditions. Wedged between these two cultures, Tanzimat era intellectuals became the representatives of two different worlds, and embodied the characteristics of both. This process of synthesis as expressed by Şinasi was: “Asya’nın akl-ı pîrânesi ile Avrupa’nın bikr-i fikrini tezvîç etmek”11 (“to blend the old and experienced mind of Asia with the new and original thoughts of Europe”). His conceptualization was taken to heart by most intellectuals of the Tanzimat Period.12 9 10 11 12 For more detailed information about the term “Tanzimat” see: Ömer Faruk Akün, “Tanzimat Edebiyatı Sözü Ne Dereceye Kadar Doğrudur?”, Kubbealtı Akademi Mecmuası, 2, 1977, pp.15–37. Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar, Ondokuzuncu Asır Türk Edebiyatı Tarihi, İstanbul, 1976, p.143. Ibidem., p.203. Orhan Okay has argued that it is possible to interpret all the reform movements from the period of Selim III up through the present as a way of expressing this synthesis. See: Orhan Okay, “Edebiyatımızda Batılılaşma”, Sanat ve Edebiyat Yazıları, İstanbul, 1990, pp.44–53. 229 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Therefore, what we refer to as the Tanzimat reforms were ideas imagined and put into practice by bureaucrats who were conversant in two traditions, Eastern and Western. The Ottoman modernization led to the westernization of bureaucrats as well. The group of intellectuals referred to as “men of culture” by Şinasi, differed from the traditional intellectuals in that they knew the West, were educated in the schools in Europe, or received an European-style education within the Empire. We can add to this group those officers and ambassadors who had experience of Europe, the bureaucrats who knew European languages, and the Empire’s Christian minority. Reşid Paşa, who read the Imperial Rescript of Gülhane, was the first representative of this new breed of intellectuals or people of culture (ahâli-i fazl). In a poem dedicated to Reşid Paşa, Şinasi addresses him as: Eyâ ahâli-i fazlın reis-i cumhûru13 (O! The President of the people of culture!) Although they were the representatives of modernization in Ottoman Literature, Namık Kemal and Şinasi did not use new literary genres or styles. Instead they produced a new context for the traditional genres. Sadullah Paşa received both an Eastern and Western education and was influenced by the notions of modernization advanced by the major theorists of the Tanzimat project, Mustafa Reşid Paşa and Sadık Rıfat Paşa. Sadullah Paşa, believed in science, technology, social equality, and liberty, and through his poem “The Nineteenth Century” he joined Namık Kemal and Şinasi Efendi in bringing new subject matter to Ottoman poetry and, by telling the story of nineteenth-century Europe, pointed out the road to be followed by Ottoman society. He spoke as follows to Ahmed Midhat Efendi: “Bizim için henüz Avrupa’yı beğenmek mi, beğenmemek mi lazım olduğu bile tayin ve hükmolunamamıştır. Gah Avrupa’yı kendimize nümune-i terakki addederek bâlâya çıkartırız. Gah kendimizi dev aynasında görerek Avrupa’yı ehemmiyete bile şâyân bulmayız. Bu ifrat ve tefritin her iki ciheti de ziyanlıdır. Asıl mahâret bu bâpta Osmanlıların ittibâ etmeleri lâzım gelen tarîk-i evsat ve savâbı bulmaktır.”14 “For us it is not yet fixed and decided whether or not we ought to admire Europe. Either we praise Europe to the heavens, considering it an exemplar of progress for us or, having an inflated view of ourselves, consider Europe unworthy of being taken seriously. Both of these, the over-estimating and the under-estimating are harmful. The real skill is to find the righteous, middle path which the Ottomans should follow in this matter.” However, it was also he who emphasized that this road should be “the righteous, middle path.” 13 14 Şinasi, 1974, p.492. Ahmed Midhat Efendi, Avrupa’da Bir Cevelân, İstanbul, 1307 (1889–90), p.1004. 230 “Mashaih-i Türk” and Naqshbandiya in the Volga–Ural Region Evgeny KHAMIDOV Discussion on the time when Islam appeared in the Volga–Ural region has lasted for a long time and attracted the attention of researchers for many years. One of the earliest explanations of the emergence of Islam in the Volga area was expressed by S. Mardzhani. He associates the beginning of Islamization with the reign of the Caliph of Baghdad al-Ma'mun (ruled in 813–833)1. Another well-known historian R. Fakhretdinov brings even earlier dating assuming that Islam penetrates into the Volga–Ural region through the Khazar Turks during the reign of Abd al-Malik b. Mardan (ruled in 685–705)2. Based on the foregoing, it can be concluded that at the time of the official adoption of Islam in the Volga Bulgaria it already had been fairly widespread. Among the factors that contributed to the spread of Islam in the Volga region one can distinguish several major of them: the activities of foreign missionaries and the many tradeeconomic and cultural ties with the East, first of all with Central Asia and Iran3, which in 7th–8th centuries became a part of a growing “Dar al-Islam” – the Muslim world and a part of the emerging Muslim organization. It can be assumed that Sufism in the Volga area penetrates with the spread of the “official” Islam as the state religion of the Volga Bulgaria in 9224. Volga Bulgaria also joined the “Dar al-Islam”, and all the events taking place in the Muslim world, reflected on the situation in the Volga–Ural region, and perhaps because of strong ties with Central Asia popular in these lands tariqah also found wide distribution in the Volga–Ural region too. This tariqah is named after Shaykh Ahmad al-Yasavi (died in 1166), a native of the place Yasi (now Turkistan in southern Kazakhstan), which is considered one of the earliest Sufis among the Turks and the founder of the silsila of the Yasaviyah tariqah. According to the Sufi tradition, al-Yasavi was a disciple of 1 2 3 4 Shibaddin Marjani, Mustafad ul-Akhbar fi ahval-i Kazan ve Bulgar, Tatarstan kitap neshriyati, Kazan, 1989, p.54. Fehretdinov Rizaetdin, Bulgar ve Kazan töreklere, Kazan, p.70. Marjani, 1989, p.129. Marjani, 1989, p.123. 231 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II the famous Abu Ya'qub Yusuf al-Hamadani (died in 1140), from which he has been blessed to create his own “school”. It is believed that having taught students, al-Yasavi sent out the most loyal 990 of them to spread the faith among the Turkic peoples5. The identity of the “founder” of the Yasaviyah tariqah raises many questions. His name is associated with a plenty of legends appeared many years after his death, which complicate the attempt to “objective” study of his biography. Legends composed about Ahmad al-Yasavi spawned many myths about Yasaviyah itself, among which there is the opinion that this tariqah is popular among purely Turkish population, and the idea that the tariqah is a representative of the “unorthodox” Islam, and that is the quality which drew attention of “wild” nomadic Turks. Even a universally received date of Shaykh’s death is in doubt6. In spite of this, Yasaviyah had a huge impact on the culture of the Volga–Ural region. No works of Shaykh Ahmad al-Yasavi preserved until this day except for “Divan-i Hikmet”, which is considered to be written by him. It is this work and a work of his successor Suleiman Bakyrgani (died in 1186) “Bakyrgan kitaby” had a tremendous impact on the Turkic poetry and, at the same time, on the philosophical thought in the Volga–Ural region. Evidence of this is the typical tahallus-pseudonym “qul” (servant [of God]), mentioned in the names of such famous poets as Qul Gali, Qul Sharif, Mawla Quli, Qul Muhammad, etc. Unfortunately, information on the activities of the Yasaviyah tariqah in the Volga– Ural region isn’t available, and we can form an overall picture only on the basis of literary works of the time. The most vivid example is the poet Qul Gali’s work “Qiyssa-i Yusuf” (1233). Author touches upon the theme of the ideal ruler. Only one can be that kind of a ruler who develops a Sufi virtues such as 'sabr' (patience), “taqwa” (the fear of God), “Sidk” (truthfulness). Faithfulness and subordination senses to mind are defining personality traits. The main idea pursued by the author comes to the preaching of the quranic “beautiful patience” (sabr jamil) and reliance on God (tawakkul), Who sends trials in order to strengthen the human spirit, but never leaves those who is faithful to Him, and, in the end, generously rewards. Qul Gali’s “Qiyssa-i Yusuf” is often compared with al-Yasavi’s work. The ideas reflected in the works of both authors promote Islam not as a “dead doctrine” but as a “religion of the heart”7. Also islamization of a new state in the Volga–Ural region – the Golden Horde – is attributed to Yasaviyah tariqah. With reference to M. Ramsi and Z.Z.Zhandarbek 5 6 7 The history of Islamic thought in the Volga–Ural region. Textbook, Izdatelstvo DUM RT, Kazan, 2009, p. 70. Aleksey Khismatullin, Sufism in Central Asia (foreign studies): Collection of papers in memory of Fritz Mayer (1912 – 1998, Filologicheskiy fakultet SPbGU, St. Petersburg, 2001, pp.211–217. Rashid Amirkhanov, Tatar social and philosophical thought of the Middle Ages (XIII – mid. XVI centuries), Institute of Language, Literature and Art named after G. Ibragimov, Kazan, 1993, p.35. 232 Evgeny KHAMIDOV • “Mashaih‐i Türk” and Naqshbandiya in the Volga–Ural Region L. Yamaeva writes that the ruler of the Golden Horde Khan Uzbek (d. 1342), influenced by Yasaviyah sheikhs declares Islam as the state religion. Although earlier Berke Khan who was a murid of Sayf al-Din al-Bakharzi (shaikh of Kubraviyah tariqah) attempted to make Islam the state religion, he did not succeed in his attempt8. The presence in the Tatar medieval literature of ideas which are common with ones in Yasaviyah works and the mention of tariqah sheikhs in the description of events of national character, talks about the big popularity of “Mashaih-iTurk” in the Volga– Ural region. But from the 15th century Yasaviyah begins to yield its position to another tariqah – Naqshbandiyah. This tariqah appears at the end of the 14th century near the city of Bukhara. The eponym of the tariqah was Bakha al-Din Naqshbandi (died in 1389), who in his youth entered Hvadzhagan tariqah, where it is believed that he was trained under the guidance of Khwaja Amir Qulal (died in 1370). After completion of his studies, Bakha ad-Din “canonizes” the covenants of his spiritual predecessor Abd al-Khaliq al-Gidzhuvani (died about 1179), adding to its eight principles of spiritual conduct his own three. It is every likelihood that he was a beginner of a practice of quiet zikr in Naqshbandiyah, that in conswhich later was teased out by researchers as one of the possible causes of the spread of Naqshbandiya tariqah among Turks of late Middle Ages. The Yasaviyah tariqah was losing its popularity not only in the Volga–Ural region. Naqshbandiyah was gaining popularity all over the Muslim world, especially in Central Asia. Perhaps the reason for this is the fact that the eponym of Naqshbandiyah held his spiritual path with help of mentors of the Hvadzhagan tariqah and Yasaviyah tariqah too. So, after completing his studies at Khwaja Amir Qulal, Bakha al-Din continued his education at Yasaviyah Shaikh Mavlyana Arif Dingarni, who taught him the mysteries of the “quiet” zikr9. For several months he spent with mentor of Yasaviyah shaykh Qusam from the Iranian city Nakhshab. After that, he was taught for twelve years by another Yasaviyah Shaykh Khalil Ata10 who is identified with Kadan / Gazan Khan – the ruler of the Chagatai Khanate. Based on this, some researchers speculated about the special efforts of Naqshbandiyah shaykhs to establish close ties with the secular power11. It is possible that the existence of Yasaviyah shaykhs among Bakha al-Din’s teachers has led to the popularity of the last mentioned among adherents of “Mashaih-I Turk” which in course of time took a new already Naqshbandiyah silsila. 8 9 10 11 Larisa Yamayeva, “Sufi fraternities on the territory of historical Bashkortostan”, in Vatandash, № 7, 2008, p.166. While Khwaja Amir Qulal was an adherent of a “loud” zikr. Aleksandr Knysh, Islamic Mysticism: A Short History, Publishing house "Dilya", St. Petersburg, 2004, p.250. Knysh, 2004, p.251. 233 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Mohammed Amin al-Bulgari (died in 1496) is believed to be the first who entered Naqshbandiyah tariqah from the Volga–Ural region. Unfortunately, information about his life and work isn’t enough. He died in Tabriz (modern Iran), and it's more than likely that he was not engaged in missionary activities at home. Muhammad Amin lived in a period of active dissemination of Naqshbandiyah in Central Asia. Tariqah’s positions strengthened especially during Khwaja Ubad Allah Ahrar’s activities (d. 1490), who repeatedly interfered with government intrigues and didn’t hesitate to use his numerous students for promotion of Naqshbandiyah’s positions. A new stage in the spread of Naqshbandiyah begins with the appearance of another of its branches – Mudzhadiddiyah, whose founder was Ahmad Sirhindi (Imam Rabbani, died in 1624). Through the activities of Mudzhadiddiyah the followers of “Mashaih-i Turk” are almost gone. Due to its strict adherence to Sunni Islam and relentless following tenets of Sharia Naqshbandiyah gained a lot of supporters among the Turkish population12. For Turks of Volga–Ural region that lived in conditions of severe Christianization, strict adherence to Sharia was immeasurably of high importance even for preservation of their national identity. An important event for the fraternity was the appearance of halidiyah branch of Naqshbandiyah, whose founder was a Kurd from Shahrazur Mavlyana Khalid Baghdadi (died in 1827). Over time this branch almost completely replaced other branches of Naqshbandiyah13. What caused almost complete disappearance of the Yasaviyah tariqah in the Volga–Ural region is still not known for certain. One possible explanation would be that Yasaviyah obsolete and was unable to give the right answer to the current situation in the region, which was almost completely under the power of Christian Russian state in the second half of the XVI century, while Mudzhaddidiyah, which emerged as a reaction to the policies of Akbar (the Mughal ruler) and his attempt to create a syncretic religion of the beliefs existed in his country, gives a paradigm of behavior in conditions of a hostile attitude to Islam. An important factor in the “absorption” Yasaviyah tariqah by Naqshbandiyah was distribution of “anti-sufi” literature written by Naqshbandiyah shaykhs. In its polemic with other tariqahs, Naqshbandiyah resorted to criticize elements of Sufi practice of other tariqahs, operating methods and terminology used by opponents of Sufism – the fundamentalists. Actually, Yasaviyah was directly accused of ineligibility of “loud” zikr and the predominance of the tradition of hereditary transmission of the 12 13 Knysh, 2004, p.257. Ibidem. 234 Evgeny KHAMIDOV • “Mashaih‐i Türk” and Naqshbandiya in the Volga–Ural Region title of Shaykh. Moreover, beginning with Khwaja Ubayd Allah Ahrar Naqshbandiyah was distinguished by the efforts to win the hearts and to “reconquest” ones of the other tariqahs. When Yasaviyah from the 16th century was seeking for common roots with Naqshbandiyah and wished for a dialogue and “tranquility”, then Naqshbandiyah was spoken as an “extremely jealous relating to people” order (that is eager to acquire and retain followers); a Sufi community, which was not as aggressive, was in disadvantageous position to compete14. The reasons for the victory of Naqshbandiyah and disappearance of Yasaviyah require further investigation. It’s likelihood that Yasaviyah’s appearance and its initial popularity in the Volga–Ural region can be explained by the fact that Yasaviyah had a great advantage over others in the field of popular religious practice. And exactly this fact contributed to the spread of islamization in the Volga–Ural area. And, perhaps, it was a natural decline of Yasaviyah and rise of Naqshbandiyah among the Turkic Muslims when it became important not spread, but preservation of Islam in its “pure” form. 14 Khismatullin, 2001, p.234. 235 The Multiple Khanship in the State of Shaybanids as Reflection of Ancient Turkic and Mongol Tradition (Attempt of Complex Analysis) Roman Yu. POCHEKAEV Introduction The history of the state of Shaybanids also known as Khanate of Bukhara or Khanate of Mawarannahr (1500–1601) is not examined well and a lot of its aspect still need in study. But, despite the fact that written sources on history of this states are relatively numerous, there are not enough to get complete and impartial imagination on it as one sources were created at court of Shaybanid khans and other – at the court of their enemies that’s why all authors were biased. Of course, to restore the real march of events, characterize status of certain princes, their place in hierarchy, their rights to rule we should use more impartial information. So we need to use additional sources – results of research in special disciplines such as diplomatic, numismatic, epigraphic ones, etc. Sometimes using of manifold historical sources for research of the same problem sometimes allows to draw rather interesting conclusions which could contradict to established position on this problem which recognized as veritable but, in fact, based on the one source or set of similar (or even derivative) sources. We intend to demonstrate the effectiveness of complex, interdisciplinary approach by example of studying the phenomenon of multiple khanship in the state of Shaybanids. In the history of this state there were several period of simultaneous ruling of different khans, and forms of this multiple authority were quite different: from fight for power and division of the state to co-ruling. Such approach is already effectively used in the study of the same problems in the history of other Turkic and Mongol states of Eurasia in ancient and medieval ages. In this paper we would like to analyze how interdisciplinary approach was used in studying of multiple authorities in the history of different nomadic states of Eurasia and to use it to study this phenomenon in the state of Shaybanids. Survey of phenomenon of multiple khanship in the history of Turkic and Mongol peoples and states also would be useful to draw a conclusion on the continuity of political and legal tradition in the state of Shaybanids, taking into account the 237 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II experience of preceding states, revelation some unique features in the Khanate of Bukhara in the 16th c., etc. So, we also intend to use comparative historical approach as one of basic methods of research. Multiple authority in Central Asia before Chinggisid age (general survey) Of course, the multiple khanship was not a unique characteristic of political system in the khanate of Shaybanids. This tradition was used in the “Steppe empires” for ages. Already in Xiongnu state there were problems with power which led to its division among some representatives of the ruling family. So, in 58 B.C. after killing by Huhanye chanyu, ruler of the state, one of princes, four other relatives proclaimed themselves as chanyues. At that the legitimate ruler Huhanye was had to flee and only in 36 B.C. he succeeded to return his power and exile the last of usurpers – his own brother. The specific feature of this situation was that each claimant for the throne pretended for power over all state, and it was civil war but not a division of the state1. The second disintegration of power in Xiongnu state took place in 48 A.D. and was completely different from the first one. When Punu chanyu ordered to execute his relative Bi for his illegal contacts with the Chinese Han dynasty, the latter mustered his troops and proclaimed himself a chanyu (it’s remarkable that he accepted a royal name Huhanye II!). But as he became a vassal of Chinese emperor, the most part of Xiongnu didn’t recognize him as legal ruler, and Xiongnu was split in Northern Xiongnu (independent) and Southern Xiongnu (vassal of Han)2. This division finally led to conquering of both states by China3. There were some reasons of multiple khanships in Xiongnu. The first and more obvious one was the problem of “overproduction” of ruling elite: there were a large number of members of the ruling house with relatively equal rights to rule, own domains, armies, allied noble clans and supporting people4. The second reason (or, at least, occasion for fight for power) was revealed only due to results of researches in historical anthropology. As Xiongnu state was identified as nomadic or “Steppe” empire, its specific feature (common for all states of such type) was a dominance of “prestigious” or “distributive” economy: ruler should distribute valuables, clothes, food among his subjects – aristocracy, soldiers, and common 1 2 3 4 Iakinf Bichurin, Sobranie sevdeniy o narodah, obitabshih d Srefnei Azii v drevnie vremena, Vol. 1, Almaty, Jalyn baspacy, 1998, p. 88; Nikolai N. Kradin, Imperiya Hunnu, Moscow, Logos, 2001, p.195. Bichurin, 1998, p. 120; Lev N. Gumilyov, Hunnu, St. Petersburg, Time-out – Compass, 1993, pp.167–168. Kradin,2001, pp.195–196. Kradin, 2001, p. 236; Sergey A. Vasyutin, “Liki vlasti (k voprosu o prirode vlasti v kochevyh imperiyah)”, in Mongol’skaya imperiya i kochevoi mir, Vol. 2, Ulan-Ude: BNTs SO RAN, 2005, p.58. 238 Roman Yu. POCHEKAEV • The Multiple Khanship in the State of Shaybanids … people. While he did so, he could expect their loyalty and support. But, of course, to have enough property for distribution, ruler had to fight and win. In case of defeat, consequently, his authority decreased and subjects looked for another, more successful monarch. Such approach was typical for the most part of pre-industrial states and societies, and Steppe states were not exceptions5. The phenomenon of multiple authorities was known in the Turkic Khaganate. The hugeness of the state caused the establishment of institution of powerful regional governors with very high competence and even monarchical titles – Tardush-khan, Tolos-shad, etc.6. As the ruling family of Ashina didn’t want to share by power with less noble clans, these governors were members of the ruling family. Many of them acquired own supporters, soldiers, resources and clamed for more high position in the Khaganate – right up to khagan’s throne7! So we can see that situation among Turks was very close to the one among Xiongnu: members of the royal family with practically equal rights to rule from time to time challenged legitimate khagans and began fight for power under the pretext that legal khagan didn’t satisfy their expectations. So, in 581–593 A.D. there were three or four “great” and from three to five “little” khans with claim for throne and power at the same time8. The end of civil war caused the restoration of Khaganate, but it doesn’t mean that the only ruler left at the heads of Turks: according to articles of the peace Yun-Yolyg Khagan was forced to recognize his relative Kara-Jurin and his grandson Nili as khans9. Also, as it was with Xiongnu, this formal multiple khanship finally resulted in division of Turkic empire in Western and Eastern Khaganates which were defeated by Chinese Tan dynasty in 660–690s10. The historical memory among the Steppe peoples always was very strong and, evidently, destiny of Xiongnu caused by their multiple authority and disintegration was known by Turks. But they couldn’t use conclusion from the experience of predecessors as had the same problems in ruling family and administrative structure – such as “wing structure” of the “Steppe empires” which always had potential danger for division of states about wings’ leaders11. 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Kradin, 2001, p. 237; Nikolai N. Kradin Politicheskaya antropologiya, Moscow. Logos, 2004, pp.99–100; Sergey A. Vasyutin, “Vlastnye sistemy rannesrednevekovyh kochevnikov Evrasii v svete teorii mnogolineinosti”, in Mongol’skaya imperiya i kochevoi mir, Vol. 3, Ulan-Ude: BNTs SO RAN, 2008, p.122. Lev N. Gumilyov, Drevnie tiurki, Moscow, Klyshnikov, Komarov and Co., 1993, pp.104–105. Ibidem., p.118. Bichurin, 1998, pp.238–244; Gumilyov, Drevnie, 1993, pp.106–116. Gumilyov, Drevnie, 1993, p.116. Gumilyov, Drevnie, 1993, pp. 240–245, 253–254; Sergey G. Klyashtornyi, Dmitriy G. Savinov, Stepnye imperii drevnei Evrasii, St. Petersburg, St. Petersburg University Press, 2005, pp.96–97. Vadim V. Trepavlov, Gosudarstvenniy stroi Mongol’skoi imperii (problema politicheskoi preemstvennosti), Moscow, Vostochnaya literature, 1993, p.75. 239 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Rather different kind of multiple khanships took place in new-born Second Turkic Khaganate at the beginning of the 8th c. In 716 Kul-Teghin, the nephew of Kapagan Khagan, committed coup d’état and got control in Khaganate. But as he didn’t want to have the reputation of usurper, he officially crowned his elder brother as Bilge Khagan12. Formally Kul-Tegin became commander-in-chief, but in fact he was the real ruler of the state13. To our mind, it was the first example of multiple authority in format of co-ruling of legitimate monarch and high commander as a factual and sometimes as official co-ruler. Later, as we’ll see bellow, it became widespread in the Turkic-Mongol states. Such multiple authoriy was fixed in Turkish runic – on steles of Kul-Teghin and Bilge Khagan where they both mentioned as joint rulers and leaders in military campaigns14. This tandem show itself quite effective because in this case multiple authority was result not of fight among rulers but agreement between them. But if in the Second Turkic Khaganate co-ruling of Khagan and his commanderin-chief was effective but single instance (although it might be a precedent for later analogues), in Khazar Khaganate this form of multiple authority became constant. Since 830–870s (in other sources – even since 730s15) khagan of Khazars became a sacral figure without real power which since this time belonged to temporal ruler – shad (prince), which became later khagan-beg (in Arabian sources – “malik”, i.e. king)16. The specific characteristic of this co-ruling was that the shad or khagan-beq was not from the ruling family of Ashina, but one of the most power tribal leaders which are mentioned in sources as “deputies” of khagans since the end of 9th c.17. Peter Golden analyzed in details the information of historical sources on transformation of real power of Khazar khagan into sacral one18 and made sound conclusion about parallels in multiple khanship between Turkic and Khazar Khaganats19. Of course, these parallels are not coincidence and even not a result of abstract common Turkish roots of both states. In fact, the dynasty of Khazar khagans was the branch of the ruling dynasty if Turk Khaganate and inherited its political traditions including 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 S.G. Klyashtornyi paid attention to the fact that brothers didn’t attempt to consider their uncle as illegitimate ruler: according to inscription on stele of Kul-Teghin, Kapagan Khagan was buried with all titular ceremonies, see: Sergey G. Klyashtornyi, Drevnetyurkskie runicheskie pamyatniki kak istochnik po istorii Srednei Azii, Moscow, Nauka, 1964, p.38; Sergey E. Malov. Pamyatniki drevneturksoi pis’mennosti. Teksty i issledovaniya, Moscow, Academy of Sciences Press, 1951, p.39. Bichurin, 1998, pp.278–282; Klyashtornyi, 1964, pp.37–38. Malov,1951, pp.40–41. Mikhail I. Artamonov, Istoriya khazar, Leningrad, State Hermitage, 1962, p.276. Ibidem, p.282. Ibidem, pp. 276, 281; Peter B. Golden, “Khazar sacral kingship revisited”, Acta Orientaloa Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Vol. 60 (2), 2007, pp.178, 183, 186. Golden, 2007, pp. 162–169. Ibidem., p. 186. 240 Roman Yu. POCHEKAEV • The Multiple Khanship in the State of Shaybanids … disintegration of power. The specificity of situation in the Khazar khaganate was that Ashina khagans were intruder in Khazaria and to save their power they needed the support of local aristocracy, giving local nobles high positions, privileges, etc. With time khagans transformed into puppet rulers while the real power was in hands of the most powerful tribal leaders – shads or khagan-begs. Researchers found two possible reasons for this transformation. One of them was that in 730s Khazaria was defeated by Arabs, and nobles blamed khagan in incompetence depriving his administrative and military power20. Here we can se again the dependence of Turkic rulers from the “prestigious” (“distributive”) economy when defeat in war caused the impossibility to attract subjects by gifts and reward. Another version connected with conversion of Khazar elite in Judaism: it caused to rebellion of Turkish aristocracy and division of power among ruling dynasty and powerful clans21. Very specific political and legal situation was in early Khitan state (before it transformed into Chinese-shape Liao dynasty): multiple authority show itself in union of eight tribal leaders with equal power and without supreme ruler. This situation was changed by one of them, Abaoji from Eliü clan: in 907 he gathered other seven leaders and killed them, then proclaimed himself a khan and in 916 – an emperor. By the way, such version of coming of Eliü Abaoji to power was included in Chinese sources, while in official dynastic chronicles of Liao it’s absent22. So, we can see inverse process: multiple khanship in Khitan state, as it grew, was transformed into personal ruling in contrast of Xiongnu and Turk states. But system of co-ruling in Khitan state was saved but at another and rather curious level: co-ruler of Khitan monarch of Eliü dynasty became his wife of Xiao family. Queens of Liao were proclaimed as empresses – it was gratitude to Xiao clan for its help in elimination of rivals of Eliü Abaoji23. So, Yigtian, the wife of Eliü Abaoji, had own army up to 20,000 soldiers and right to organize and lead military 20 21 22 23 Artamonov, 1962, p.276; Golden, 2007, p.184. Artamonov, 1962, p.276; Golden, “Khazar sacral kingship revisited”, p.183. See: Vladimir P. Vasil’ev, “Istoriya i drevnosti vostochnoi chasti Srednei Azii ot X do XIII veka s pilozheniem perevoda kitaiskih izvestiy o kidanyah, jurjitah i mongolo-tatarah”, in Trudy Vostochnogo ontdeleniya Rossiyskogo arkheologicheskogo obschestva, P. 4, 1859, pp.11–12; Lev N. Gumilyov, V poiskah vymyshlennogo tsarstva, Moscow, Klyshnikov, Komarov and Co, 1992, pp. 47–48; Mikhail N. Surovtsov, “O vladychestve kidanei v Srednei Azii: istoriko-politicheskiy obzor deyatel’nosti kidanei ot nachal’nyh izvestiy o poyavlenii naroda i osnovanii im dinastii Lyao do padeniya sei poslednei na Zapade”, Istoriya Zheleznoi imperii, Novosibirsk, Institute of Archeology and Ethnography, 2007, p.207. Vladimir E. Larichev (ed.), Istoriya Zheleznoi imperii, Novosibirsk, Institute of Archeology and Ethnography, 2007, p. 46; Georgiy G. Pikov, “Kidan’skpe gosudarstvo Liao kak kochevaya imperiya”, in Kochevaya al’ternativa sotsial’noi evolyutsii, Moscow, Russian Academy of Sciences, 2002, p.140. 241 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II campaigns24. To our mind, this kind of co-ruling could be a precedent for future Turkic and Mongol states where wives and daughters of khans often became regents or even legitimate monarchs. Traditional for Turkic and Mongol states form of multiple khanship took place at the end of Khitan history: durin the last period of Kara Khitai empire in central Asia: Güchülüg, the fugitive prince of Naiman tribe, became son-in-law of Kara Khitai emperor (gurkhan) Eliü Jilugu and, after coup d’etat of 1211, his co-ruler with title of tayshang huang (“emperor emeritus”) and after death of gurkhan became a legitimate monarch of Khitans25. So, we can ascertain, the system of multiple khanship was rather common in Mawarannahr, where the Shaybanid state, the subject of our research, was founded. It was continued by another powerful pre-Chinggisid state in this region (after Kara Khitai Empire) – Karakhanids’ Khanate. It was founded at the beginning of the 10th c., and a century later already faced with struggle for power and its division. At the edge of 10th–11th cc. legitimate monarch Toghan-khan Ahmad b. Ali recognizing services of his brother Nasr b. Ali in fight with Samanid dynasty, gave him a title of Arlsan-ilik (or Ilik-khan) and, in fact, divided khanate with him; but formally younger brother was a commander-in-chief as it was usual for Turkic khanates. Some researchers stated, Nasr was completely independent ruler, but the coins of Kharahanids confirm real recognition by Nasr of vassal status against elder brother, at least at first stage of their co-ruling26. At the same time member of another branch of dynasty, Yusuf b. Harun, ruled in Eastern Turkestan with title of Kadyr-khan who also recognized the seniority of Ahmad27. But already in 405 A.H. (1014 A.D.) next brother Mansur, successor of Nasr, proclaimed himself a supreme Arslan-khan and his elder brother Ahmad – a “younger khagan”28. System of multiple khanship was resulted in official division of khaganate when Ibrahim b. Nasr in 431 A.H. (1039 A.D.) proclaimed himself a TobghachBogra-khan, while his relative, Suleiman Arslan-khan didn’t recognized him. So, Ibrahim headed Western khaganate and Suleiman – Eastern one29. As it was more than 24 25 26 27 28 29 Michal Biran, The Empire of Qara Khitai in Eurasian History. Between China and the Islamic World, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2005, p.146. Ibidem., p 80. Boris D. Kochnev, Numismatisheskaya istoriya Karakhanidskogo kaganata (991–1209 gg.). Ch. 1. Istochnikovedcheskoe issledovanie. P. 1. Source study], Moscow, Sophia, 2006, pp.158–160. Vasiliy V. Bartold, Turkestan v epohu mongol’skogo nashestviya, Moscow, Nauka, 1962, pp. 342–343; Kochnev, 2006, p.160. Kochnev, 2006, p.167. Ibidem, pp.191–192. Historians based only on written sources became confused with some tittles of Karakhanid rulers. But using numismatic materials gave an opportunity to clarify this question, so, E.A. Davidovich denied statements about belonging of titles to certain Karakhanid princes, see: Kochnev, Numismatisheskaya istoriya Karakhanidskogo kaganata, p.191, Mikhail N. Fyodorov, 242 Roman Yu. POCHEKAEV • The Multiple Khanship in the State of Shaybanids … once before, such division at the end caused conquering of Karakhanids by neighbor states. Finishing the survey of multiple khanships in Eurasian khanates we should mention an example of Mongol khanate before Genghis Khan. According to Mirkhond, Kabul Khan, great-grandfather of Genghis Khan and founder of the khanate, in the first part of the 12th c. signed an “agreement” with his younger brother Kachuli Baatur that the latter became his co-ruler as commander-in-chief30. Sure, we need carefully use information of Mirkhond: he was a court historian of Timurids and they raised their genealogy just to Kachuli, and such statement about co-ruling of Kabul Khan and Kachuli was necessary to prove their own rights for power in Mawerannahr. But, at the same time, there is no anything impossible in this fact of co-ruling as it took place in earlier states (Turkic, Khazar ans Karakjanids khaganates) and further in the Mongol Empire and its successive states. Main forms of the multiple authority in the Mongol Empire and its uluses Different forms of co-ruling and multiple khanship in general are known in the Mongol Empire and Chinggisid states in “imperial period” (13th–15th c.). The intricate system of kinship among Chinggisids brought to some difficulties in succession the throne, when the elder member of dynasty not always was elected a khan. For example, T. I. Sultanov discovered up to six factors to elect one or another member of royal family a khan31. That’s why in Mongol Empire took place co-ruling of elected, legitimate khan and “aka” (“paterfamilias”) of Chinggisids. So, after Genghis Khan death his third son Ogedei Khan shared power with his elder brother Chagatai; Guyuk, sun and successor of Ogedei, and his own successor Munke recognized as their co-ruler Batu who, in his turn was ruler of the Golden Horde and the first person in family hierarchy of Chinggisids; Kirakos of Ganjak, Armenian historian of the 13th c., characterized Batu using Byzantine title “basileopator”32. This system was substantially widened 30 31 32 “Politisheskaya istoriya Karahanidov v kontse X – nachale XI v. (Karahanidskie monety kak istoricheskiy istochnik)”, Numizmatika i epigrafika, Vol. 10, 1972, p. 132. Vasiliy V. Grigor’ev (transl.), Istoriya mongolov. Ot drevneishih vremen do Tamerlana, St. Petersburg, 1834, p. 12, see also: Tatyana D. Skrynnikova, Khariz`ma i vlast’ v epokhu Chingis-khana, 2nd. ed., rev. and suppl., St. Petersburg: Eurasia, 2013, p.217. Tursun I. Sultanov, Chingiz-khan i Chingizidy Sud’ba i vlast’, Moskow, AST, 2006. pp.87–98. John A. Boyle (transl.), David O. Morgan (intr.), The History of the World-Conqueror by Ata-Malik Juvaini, transl. from text of Mirza Muhammad Qazvini, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1997, p. 557; Kirakos Ganjakets’i, Istoria Armenii, Russ. transl. by Lena. A. Hanlaryan, Moscow, Nauka, 1976, p.222; Rashiduddin Fazlullah, Jami’u’t-tawarikh. Compendium of Chronicles. A History 243 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II in 1250s when there were four factual co-rulers in the Mongol Empire: khan Khubilai in Mongolia and China, Berke (brother of Batu) in the Golden Horde, Alghu in Chagatai Ulus and Khulagu in Iran. In the Golden Horde such type of co-ruling was presented by Batu and his elder brother Hordu (who abdicated in favour of Batu from seniority among Chinggisids but remained the elder in family of Juchids – ruling dynasty of the Golden Horde)33. It’s interesting to mention the passage of Wassaf, the Persian historian of the first half of the 14th c.: he wrote that Batu obtained the throne while Hordu – army of his father. It gave us a reason to suppose that Batu was a kind of sacral leader and Hordu – commander-in-chief with real power34. But further analysis of sources and political situation of the Golden Horde made us deny this supposition and recognize co-ruling of Batu and Hordu as of legitimate ruler and “aka” of Juchid family; each of them had own domain – White Horde of Batu and Blue Horde of Hordu which were handed down to their descendants35. But co-ruling of khans and commanders-in-chief also was common in Chinggisid states. And sometimes military leaders were not from royal dynasty that made us to recall the situation in Khazar khaganate. Some of such examples took place in the Golden Horde. If the first Golden Horde commander-in-chief (begler-beg) Noghai was a greatgreat-grandson of Genghis Khan and at the end of the 13th c. pretended for power not only as military leader, but also as “aka” of Juchids36, further begler-begs were less noble but not less ambitious. Famous Mamai, factual ruler of the Golden Horde, who during years was positioned in historiography as usurper37, didn’t pretend for 33 34 35 36 37 of Mongols, 3 vols. Transl. by Wheeler M. Thakston, Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998–1999, p.354. See also: Eugene Klaproth, “Des entreprices des Mongols en Georgie et en Armenie dans le XIIIe siecle”, Nuveau Journal Asiatique, Septembre 1833, p. 274; Trepavlov, 1993, pp.78–81. Trepavlov, 1993, pp.86–97. Shihab ad-Din Abdallah ibn Fazlallah Wassaf, Istoriya Wassafa, in Sbornik materialov, otnosyaschihsya k istorii Zolotoi Ordy, transl. by Vasiliy G. Tizengauzen, Moscow; Leningrad, Academy of Sciences of USSR Press, 1941, pp. 84–85. Se also: Roman Yu. Pochekaev, Batiy. Khan, kotoriy ne byl khanom, Moscow, AST, 2006, p. 56. See details: Thomas T. Allsen, The princes of the Left Hand: an introduction to the history of the Ulus of Orda in the thirteenth and the early fourteenth centuries, Archivum Eurasiae medii aevi, t. V, 1985, pp.5–40. See also: Utemish-Khaji, Chingiz-name, transl. by Veniamin P. Yudin, Alma-Ata: Gylym, 1992, p.92. George V. Vernadsky, Istoriya Rossii: Mongoly i Rus’, Moscow, Lean; Tver’, Agraf, 2000, pp. 181–182; Trepavlov, 1993, pp.88–89. See e.g. Lev N. Gumilyov, Ot Rusi do Rossii, Moscow, DI-DIK, 1995, p. 170; Anton A. GORSKIY, “Moskovsko-ordynskiy konflikt nachala 80-h godov XIV veka: prichiny, osobennosti, rezul’taty”, Otechestvennay istoriya, No. 4, 1998, p.16. 244 Roman Yu. POCHEKAEV • The Multiple Khanship in the State of Shaybanids … the throne – so charge him of usurpation legally is not correct38. But another beglerbeg, Edigu (founder of Noghay Horde) was official co-ruler of khans Derwish and Bek-Sufi: his status was fixed in on coins where on one side was name of khan and on another – name of Edigu: such coins were found by Nikolay I. Veselovskiy at the beginning of 20th c. and Marianna B. Severova at the end of the same century in store-rooms of Hermitage39. Similarly the name of famous Amir Timur fixed on coins of Suyurgatmysh Khan – puppet monarch of Chagatai Ulus40. It’s no wonder that power and influence of begler-begs was so strong, and in later period some Chinggisid rulers tried to prevent factual (and sometimes even official) co-ruling with the most influential tribal leaders by assignment on the position of high commander own relatives (as it was in Turkic and Karakhanids’ khaganates). This tendency was especially widespread among Shibainid rulers of Tyumen and Siberia in 15th–16th cc. So, Abu-l-Khair Khan, ruler of Tumen and grandfather of Muhammad Shaybani (founder of Shaybanid state) assigned his commander-inchief his half-cousin Bakhtiyar-sultan41; Muhammad Shaybani himself similarly assigned his supreme commander at first Alikeh-sultan, then his brother Khamzasultan (both were sons of Bakhtiyar)42. Siberian khan Ibak (Ibrahim) made his brother or nephew Mamuk his commander-in-chief and official heir (kalgha)43; Siberian khan Kuchum at second part of the 16th c. made his commander-in-chief his nephew Muhammad-Qul44. But even such measures couldn’t prevent fight for power, appearance of several rival khans because of “overproduction” of members of khans’ families with equal rights to rule and, at the same time, with gap in Mongol law of clear regulations 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 See details: Roman Yu. Pochekaev, Mamai. Istoriya “antigeroya” v istorii, St. Petersburg, Eurasia, 2010, pp.149–157. See Magamet G. Safargaliev, Raspad Zolotoi Ordy, Saransk, Mordovskoye knizhnoe izdatel’stvo, 1960, p. 192; Marianna B. Severova, “Ob imeni zolotoordynskogo khana na monetakh Kryma 822 I 823 gg. Hijry (1419, 1420 gg. n.e.)”, in Vserossiyskaya numizmaticheskaya konferentsiya, 6–8 aprelya 1994 g. Tezisy dokladov, St. Petersburg, State Hermitage, 1994, pp.98–100. Pyotr Savel’ev, Monety Juchidov, Jagataidov, Jalairidov I drugie, obraschavshiesya v Zolotoi Orde v epokhu Tokhtamysha, vol. 2, St. Petersburg, 1858, p.261. Sapar K. Ibragimov, “Sochinenie Mas’uda ben Osmani Kuhistani ‘Tarihi Abulhair-hani’”, Izvestiya Akademii nauk Kazahskoi SSR, Seriya istorii, arheologii I entnografii, No. 3, 1958, pp.100–101. Fazlallah ibn Ruzbikhan, Mikhman-name-yi Bukhara (“Zapiski bukharskogo gostya”), Russ. transl. by Raziya P. Jalilova, Moscow, Nauka, 1976, p. 127; Veniamin P. Yudin, (transl.), Tavarikh-i guzida-yi nusrat-name (“Izbrannye istorii iz knigi pobed”), in Materialy po istoriii kazakhskih hanstv XV–XVIII vv. (Izvlecheniya iz persidskih I tyurkskih sochineniy), Alma-Ata, Nauka, 1969, p. 20. Arkadiy P. Grigor’ev, “Shibanidy na zolotoordynskom trone”, Vostokovedenie, Vol. 11, 1985, p. 178; Alexander G. Nesterov, “Dinastiya sibirskih Sheybanidov”, in Turkskie narody: Materialy V Sibirskogo simpoziuma; Tobol’sk; Omsk, 2002, p. 208. Murat Abdirov, Khan Kuchum izvestniy i neizvestniy, Almaty, Jalyn, 1996, p. 63; Nesterov, “Dinastiya sibirskih Sheybanidov”, pp. 209, 211. 245 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II about succession the throne45. So, already in 1260s the Mongol Empire was shacked by the first civil war between two brothers – Khubilai and Ariq-Bugha who simultaneously proclaimed themselves khans. After the victory over Ariq-Bugha Khubilai was forced to oppose during the decades another rival – Khaidu, ruler of Central Asia, who also was crowned with observance of proper rules46. Rival khans from different branches of Genghis Khan id family also fought for the throne in Mongolian Khanate at the end of 14th – first part of 15th cc.47. Multiple khanship, accompanied by the civil war which took place twice in the Golden Horde. during so called “Zamyatnya velikaya” (“Great Distemper”) in 1360– 1370s it was possible appearance up to five khans at the same time. Small number of narrative sources allowed researchers to make different assumptions on number, genealogy and chronology of these khans – several scientists stated that there were up to 50 khans during this period! Many of these khans are known only owing to coins with their names and due to numismatic information we can be sure that there was no more than eighteen khans in fact48. And all of them (as during first civil war in Xiongnu state or civil war in the Turkic khaganate at the end of the 6th c.) pretended for the throne of the Golden Horde as a whole. Second multiple khanship in 1420–1460s resulted in collapse of the Golden Horde and rise of post-Horde states – Kazan, Astrakhan, Crimean, and Tumen khanates. On the contrary with the previous period we don’t have anough coins of these khans, and their genealogy, chronology and territory of domains could be clarified with help of official acts of the Golden Horde and neighbor states49. Similar situation took place in the Chagatai Ulus: in 1330–1340s: different tribal clans supported, for example, Buzan Khan against Tarmashirin Khan, Ali-sultan against Muhamad-Pulad Khan, Kazan Khan agains his brother Khalil-sultan. Mishmash with Chagatai khans’ names, titles, chronology partially was controlled only owing to numismatic researches50. 45 46 47 48 49 50 Peter Jackson, “The Dissolution of the Mongol Empire”, Central Asiatic Journal, Vol. 22, No. 3–4, 1978, p.193. Chuluuny Dalai, Mongolia v XIII–XIV vv., Moscow, Nauka, 1983, pp. 34–51; Gumilyov, V poiskah vymyshlennogo tsarstva, pp.165–172. See Minobu Honda, “On the genealogy of the Early Northern Yuan”, Ural-Altaische Jahrbucher, Bd. XXX, Hft. 3–4, 1958, pp. 232–248. See details: Arkadiy P. Grigor’ev, “Zolotoordynskie khany 60–70-h godov XIV v.: hronologiya pravleniy”, Istoriografiya i istochnikovedenie istorii stran Azii I Afriki, Vol. 7, 1983, pp. 9–54; Vladimir A. Sidorenko, Hronologiya pravleniy zolotoordynskih khanov 1357–1380 gg., Materialy po arheologii, istorii i etnografii Tavrii, Vol. 7, 2000, pp.267–288. See Boris N. Florya, “Orda i gosudarstva Vostochnoi Evropy v seredine XV v. (1430–1460)”, Slavyane i ih sosedi, Vol, 10, Moscow, Nauka, 2001, pp.172–196. See Aleksandr V. Arapov, “Problema pravleniya sultana Khakila i Kazan-khana v rekonstruktsii chagataiskoi istorii”, in Doklady mezhdunarodnoi nauchnoi konferentsii “Tsentral’naya Azia ot 246 Roman Yu. POCHEKAEV • The Multiple Khanship in the State of Shaybanids … If appearance of rival khans in the Golden Horde and Chagatai Ulus was connected with presence of a large number of legitimate pretenders with equal rights to rule, quite another situation was in the State of ilkhans in Iran of 1330–1350s: rival khans had similarly humble rights! Point is that the last legitimate ilkhan Abu Said Khan (descendant of dynasty of Khulagu – founder of Chinggisid state in Iran) died without heirs in 1335, and next khan was Arpa who was not even a descendant of Khulagu. Understanding his vulnerable position, he tried to kill all near relatives of Abu Said. And when he was killed himself in a year, different political clans nominated their candidates for the throne but the Chinggisid origin of these pretenders was under question. That’s why this time throne was clamed such persons as Satibeg – sister (!) of Abu Said and even Tugha-Timur – descendant of Genghis Khan’s brother51! And it’s important to notice that Satibeg Khatun was recognized as legal khan and even issued coins with her name52! So, we can see that tradition of multiple khanship in different forms was widespread in Turkic and Mongol states since ancient times. And rise to power of Genghis Khan and his successors didn’t eliminate it – on the contrary in their states this tradition was very often as they faced with all problems caused the multiple authority in states of their predecessors. That’s why state of Shaybanids of the 16th c. was not an exception, and could be an excellent example of this tradition in later (post-imperial) Chinggisids era. That’s a reason why this state attracted our attention – as well as opportunity to demonstrate combination of different sources to get veritable and impartial information on this phenomenon. Multiple khanship in the Shaybanid state Shaybanid state was founded by Muhammad Shaybani Khan in 1,500 and practically during all the time (the century) of its existence this khanate was divided among different rulers. Khanate was headed by relatives of Shaybani Khan (his children, his uncles and their descendants), and intricate relations between them caused to conflicts and civil wars when several rulers simultaneously pretended for 51 52 Ahemnidov do Timuridov: arheologiya, istoriya, etnologiya, kul’tura” (2–5 noyabrya 2004 g., SanktPeterburg), St. Petersburg, 2005, pp. 253–258; Pavel N. Petrov, “Smuta 1340-h gg. v gosudarstve Chagataidov (numizmaticheskie dannye)”, in 11 Vserossiyskaya numizmaticheskaya konferentsiya, Sankt-Peterburg, 14–18 aprelya 2003. Tezisy dokladov i soobscheniy, St. Petersburg, 2003, pp.104–106. Khafiz Abru (Shikhab ad-Din Abdallakh ibn Lutfallakh al-Khavafi) (2011). Zayl-i Dzhami at-tavarikh-i Rashidi («Dopolnenie k sobraniyu istoriy Rashida»), Russ. transl. by El’vin R. Talyshkhanov, Kazan, Yaz, 2011, pp.144–164. Fatima Mernissi, The Forgotten Queens of Islam / Transl. by M. J. Lakeland. Minnesota, University of Minnesota Press, 2006, p.105. 247 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II khan’s title and throne. This epoch poorly described in scientific literature because primary sources for researchers were court chronicles of Shaybanid rulers, and it’s no secret that court historians were biased as wrote their works by request of their patrons – different khans53. So, researchers during the long time based only on such chronicles cannot give whole and impartial characteristic of political and legal situation in Shaybanid state and, sharing view of their medieval informers, intend to characterize civil wars as rebellions of certain princes against legitimate monarchs: just in this way the situation was presented by court historians. But today we have an opportunity to use not only court chronicles but some additional sources and to form more impartial historical scene in the Shaybanid state. Among them are coins of khansof Bukhara, official documents and letters of khans. They all allow us to revise previous results of research. Substantial work in this field was made by Russian orientalist and numismatist Elena A. Davidovich who analyzed in detail numismatic materials of Shaybanids which is at the disposal of scientists. Using of results of her researches, correlation of them with information of chronicles and data of official acts allow making some important changes in the question on alignment of forces in the Shaybanid state, reasons of multiple khanship and legitimacy of certain pretenders for the throne. There were several periods in the history of Shaybanid khanate when fight for power was extremely tense: 1510–1512, 1550–1551, 1556–1557, 1570s–1582. Besides that, the institution of multiple khanship and co-ruling was used also in another periods. Of course, khans-winners and their historians were not interested in saving of memory about their defeated rivals, so we don’t have enough information in court chronicles. So, the value of coins as source in such situation substantially increases. The first stage of multiple khanship in Shaybanids khanate (1510–1512) was connected with death of founder of the state: Mukhammad Shaybani was killed in battle with Persian Ismail Shah Safavi (November 28 or 30, 1510) and his relatives during two years couldn’t share his heritage. As a result was claming for the throne by for khans at once! First of them was Sevunch-Khwaja Khan, uncle of Shaybany Khan who was proclaimed a khan just after death of his nephew. The second one was Muhammad-Timur-sultan, son of Shaybani Khan, who pretended for the throne as official heir under the will of his father. Tursun I. Sultanov, one of the leading specialists on Turkish and Persian chronicles of Central Asia, considers, that Muhammad-Timur never ruled and mentioned in sources as khan only because he was heir and co-ruler 53 Tursun I. Sultanov, “Zakazchiki istoricheskih knig i volya zakazchika (po materialam persidskih I turkskih sochineniy)”, in XX nauchnaya konferenstsiya po istoriografii i istochnikovedeniyu stran Azii i Afriki, Sankt-Peterburg, 6–7 aprelya 1999 g., St. Petersburg, 2000, pp.153–155. 248 Roman Yu. POCHEKAEV • The Multiple Khanship in the State of Shaybanids … (valiahd) of Shaybani Khan54. But medieval chronicles tell us that Muhammad-Timur in 1512 captured Herat (which was seized by Persians just before the death of Shaybani Khan), proclaimed himself as khan and even issued own coins with assumed title. Despite the fact that 40 days later he was forced to leave Khurasan, he officially was a legitimate khan – although during the very short time and saved his title until his mysterious death in 1514. At the same time his cousin Ubaydallah recaptured Samarqand (capital of Shaybani Khan) from Babur, descendant of Amir Timur, and also was crowned at urgent request of local nobles. But under the pressure of his elder relatives Ubaydallah had to abdicate from the throne of Samarqand but saved Bukhara as his domain as well as title of khan. His grand-uncle Sevunch-Khwaja Khan also abdicated in favor of his elder brother Kuchkunji who ruled in 1512–1531. At the same time Sevunch-Khwaja was considered as his heir (with title of khan)55. The status of Kuchkunji (Kuchum) Khan as the elder ruler, nevertheless, was fixed by coins, as Elena A. Davidovich noticed, while other khans of his time didn’t have right for sikke (indicating of name on the coins)56. It seems that the period of multiple khanship was finished and al claimants recognized the leadership of Kuchkunji Khan. But if we advert to numismatic materials again, we find that Ubaydallah, ruler of Bukhara, was independent from Kuchkunji Khan: during the reign of latter where were coins of different standards in Samarqand and Bukhara57. Thus, Ubaydallah Khan de-facto and even de-jure didn’t recognized his grand-uncle as supreme monarch and this situation was fixed on coins which always were important political and legal symbol of sovereignty at the Orient. Besides that, in the second part of 1520s (after the death of SevunchKhwaja Khan in 1524) another powerful member of dynasty, Janibeg-sultan who was not an official khan or co-ruler, however, had a status of “aka”: so, his relatives agreed that he would share new regions added to khanate as a result of conquests among family members, and all other Shaybanids should act only “after meeting his approval”58. It’s interesting that Janibeg-sultan was not the elder member of family: he was something like “compromised”, “neutral” figure elected to prevent family conflicts. 54 55 56 57 58 Sultanov, 2006, p.302. Aleksandr A. Semyonov, “Pervye Sheybanidy I bor’ba za Maverannahr”, in Trudy Akademii nauk Tajikskoi SSR, Vol. 12, 1954, pp. 114, 134, 142; Toru Horikawa, “The problem of the four khans in the early Sheybanid dynasty”, in XI Turk Tarih Kongresi’nden ayribasim, Ankara, 1994, pp.1708–1711. See Horikawa, 1994, p. 1710. Elena A. Davidovich, Istoriya denezhnogo obrascheniya srednevekovoi Srednei Azii (Mednye monety XV – pervoi chetverti XVI v. v Maverannahre), Moscow, Nauka, 1983, pp.227, 244. Khafiz-i Tanysh, Sharaf-name-yi shakhi (“Kniga shakhskoi slavy”), Russ. transl by M.A. Salahetdinova, P. 1, Moscow, Nauka, 1983, p.86. 249 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II In 940 A.H. (1533 A.D.) Ubaydallah, at last, became supreme khan himself and this was a date of liquidation of multiple khanship in the Shaybanids state. Despite the fact that after his death 946 A.H. (1539/1540 A.D.) Abd al-Latif Khan b. Kuchkunji Khan became ruler of Samarqand and And al-Aziz Khan b. Ubaydallah – ruler of Bukhara, unity of khanate was saved “mechanically” although both monarchs issued own coins59. But just after their almost synchronous deaths in 957 A.H. (1550/1551 A.D.) next civil war between Shaybanids began. Several pretenders claimed for the throne and it reflexes in numismatic. Successor of Abd al-Aziz in Bukhara was Yar-Muhammad Khan, grandson of Muhammad Shaybani, and Samarqand was claimed by PirMuhammad-sultan, ruler of Balkh. Yar-Muhammad was characterized in written sources (created at courts of other Shaybanids) as rather weak monarch and passive actor at political arena, and only regional ruler of Bukhara where they said he saved his power only due to support of more powerful relatives60. However in 957 A.H. (1550/1551 A.D.) coins with his name and khan title were issued not only in Bukhara, but also in Samarqand and Balkh61. It means that enemies of his rival Pir-Muhammad recognized YarMuhammad a supreme ruler thereupon Buhara secondly (after the reign of Ubaydallah) became a capital of Shaybanid khanate. No doubt, in the opinion of his supporters, Yar-Muhammad Khan was the most legitimate monarch as direct descendant of founder of the state. Nevertheless, supreme ruling of Yar-Muhammad was not so long: at the same year his rival drove his away from Bukhara, and grandson of Shaybani Khan succeeded to return his domain only with support of relatives from Tashkent and Samarqand62. However, as court historians of other Shaybanids prefer not to tell about supreme ruling of Yar-Muhammad, where is a widespread opinion in modern historiography that “direct descendants of Muhammad Shaybani Khan never and nowhere ruled officially”63. But as we can see, short-term rulings of his son Muhammad-Timur and grandson Yar-Mukhammad were fixed on coins and, thus, became known for us. His end, however, was tragic: allies forced him to share power in Bulhara with his half-cousin Shah-Burkhan-sultan who firstly began a commander-in-chief of Yar-Mukhammad but in 1553 or 1554 killed him and seized 59 60 61 62 63 Christian M. Fren, Monety khanov Ulusa Juchieva, St. Petersburg, 1832, p.62; Alexei K. Markov, Inventarniy catalog musulmanskih monet Ermitaja, St. Petersburg, 1896, p. 689. Bori A. Ahmedov, “Rol’ juybarskih khojei v obschestvennoi zhizni Srednei Azii XVI–XVII vekov”, in Dukhovenstvo I politicheskaya zhizn’ na Blizhnem I Srednem Vostoke v period feodalizma, Moscow, Nauka, 1985, p.28. Elena A. Davidovich, Korpus zolotykh I serebryanykh monet Sheybanidov (XVI v.). Moscow, Nauka, 1992, pp.135–140. Ahmedov, 1985, p.28. Sultanov, 2006, p.302. 250 Roman Yu. POCHEKAEV • The Multiple Khanship in the State of Shaybanids … power in Bukhara64. Here we can see widespread form of co-ruling of legal khan and his commander-in-chief then the latter gaining real power rid oneself of his more legitimate co-ruler. During next five years the paterfamilias and supreme monarch of Shaybanids was Navruz-Ahmad Barak Khan b. Sevunch-Khwaja Khan (1551–1556). Despite the fact that during his reign he all the time had to oppose different separatists, but there weren’t other formal claimants for his throne. However just after his death next civil war began which, it may seem strange, was not fixed in written sources. And now we again should use numismatic materials. Officially the successor of Navruz-Ahmad became above mentioned Pir-Muhammad Khan from Balkh (1556–1561). And he is figured in written sources as the only monarch of this period. But, as coins show, his pathway to power was not so easy. In fact, his supreme power at first was recognized only in Balkh and Ferghana while another powerful region nominated another pretender – Timur-Ahmad-sultan, whose coins were issued in Tashkent in 963 A.H. (1556 A.D.)65. Analysis of Shaybanids genealogy allows to state that Timur-Ahmad, ruler of Khisar, was son of Khamzasultan and, consequently, didn’t belong to Shaybanid house officially: he and Muhammad Shaybani Khan had common ancestor only in forth generation – Ibrahim or Aba Oglan who lived in the middle of the 14th c.66. What was the reason for Shaybanids to support so distant relative as supreme khan? We find the answer in the work of Fazlallah b. Ruzbikhan, court literary man of Muhammad Shaybani Khan: Khamza-sultan, father of Timur-Ahmad Khan, was “the eldest of sultans and actually supreme commander of troops of His Majesty”67. We already said above that status of commander-in-chief often meant the real coruling with legal khan: let’s recall the examples of Kabul Khan and Kachuli Baatur in pre-Genghisid Mongolia, Edigu in the Golden Horde, Amir Timur in Chagatai Ulus, etc. So, no wonder that Shaybanids considered Timur-Ahmad (whose father de-facto was co-ruler of founder of the state) as legitimate candidate for the throne and equal competitor for Pir-Muhammad. The fact of issuing of coins with name of Timur-Ahmad confirms his legitimacy. In 986 A.H. (1561 A.D.) Pir-Muhammad was overthrown by his nephew Abdallah who crowned his own father Iskander as supreme khan but in fact was real ruler. About 978 A.H. (1570/1571 A.D.) Abdallah proclaimed himself as “aka” (head) of 64 65 66 67 Khafiz-i Tanysh, 1983, pt. 1, pp. 137, 157, 163; Bori A. Ahmedov, Istoriya Balkha (XVI – pervaya polovina XVIII v.), Tashkent, Fan, 1982, pp.82–83. Davidovich, 1992, pp. 56, 91, 214–215. Khafiz-i Tanysh, 1983, pt. 1, p. 76. It’s interesting to notice that Khafiz-i Tanysh mentions “Timur Khan” but nothing tells about his ruling. Fazlallah ibn Ruzbikhan, 1976, p. 127. 251 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Shaybanid house despite the fact that his father, elder brothers and other elder relative were still alive (like above mentioned Janibeg-sultan in 1520s). Such action immediately caused hostile reaction from other Shaybanids and just after that his opposition nominated as head of family firstly Gadai Khan b. Abd dl-Latif Khan, then Juwanmard-Ali Khan b. Abu Said Khan (both were grandsons of Kuchkunji Khan) in Samarqand. Of course, in opinion of Abdallah, his supporters and historians these princes were rebels against legal khan – in this way they are characterized, in particular, by Khafiz-i Tanysh Bukhary, historian of Abdallah. But even he had to establish a fact that their coins were issued in Samarqand and some other regions of khanate68. This indicator, out of dispute, confirm the legitimacy of these khans, their rights for supreme power not lesser then Abdallah’s ones69. The argument for their claims for the throne was, of course, that their fathers and grandfather also were legal khans in the state of Shaybanids while Abdallah was khan only in the second generation: even his grandfather didn’t have a title of khan. In 1578 Samarqand was captured by Abdallah, but political situation forced him to save multiple khanship in the state of Shaybanids: Darwish-Muhammad Khan b. Navruz Ahmad was recognized by Abdallah as khan in Tashkent. The recognition by Abdallah of royal status of Darwish-Muhammad Khan is fixed in his own letters to this monarch70. The last and one of the most dangerous rivals of Abdallah during decades was Baba Khan b. Navruz-Ahmad Khan and brother of Darwish-Muhammad Khan, who ruled over Tashkent and Turkistan in 1550s–1582. Just as other enemies of Abdallah Khan, he was presented in works of court historians – for example, Hafiz-i Tanysh and Mukimi – as rebel against legitimate monarch. And modern researchers consider him something like that. But using the data of official documents allows us to deny this stereotype. One of contemporary historians of Bukhara, Badr ad-Din al-Kashmiri, in his work “Rawzat ar-rizvan va-khadikat al-ghilman” (“Garden of Paradise and Grove of Pages”, end of the 16th c.) cites some official and private letters of Abdallah where khan named Baba also with title of khan71. To our mind, it’s enough persuasive 68 69 70 71 Khafiz-i Tanysh, Sharaf-name-yi shakhi (“Kniga shakhskoi slavy”), Russ. transl by M.A. Salahetdinova, pt. 2, Moscow, Nauka, 1989, p. 121. See e.g. Anton A. Alekseyev, Politicheskaya istoriya Tuqai-Timuridov: Po materialam persidskogo sochineniya Bakhr al-asrar, St. Petersburg, St. Petersburg State University Press, 2006, p. 95. Khafiz-i Tanysh, 1989, pt. 2, p. 164. Badr ad-Din al-Kashmiri, “Rawzat ar-rizvan”, Russ. transl. by Julduz. M. Tulibayeva, in Istoriya Kazakhstana v persidskih istochnikah, Vol. V, Almaty, Dike-Press, 2007, p. 248. It’s important to keep in mind that al-Kashmiri was not a court historian of Abdallah Khan: he was at the service of one of powerful khwajas of Bukhara (see Sobranie vostochnyh rukopisei Akademii nauk Respubliki Uzbekistan. Istoriya, Tashkent, Fan, 1998, p. 147) and, of course, could allow himself to write more impartially than his colleagues at the court of khan. 252 Roman Yu. POCHEKAEV • The Multiple Khanship in the State of Shaybanids … evidence of recognition Baba Khan by Abdallah. Moreover, Baba Khan had more right for the throne and title: he was monarch in the forth generation, while Abdallah, as we already mentioned, in the second one. Two last examples of multiple khanship in Shaybanid state took place already at the end of the 16th c. when Abdallah Khan have rid of all his rivals. Keeping in mind the specificity pf political situation and traditions of Turkic and Mongol states, he had to recognize as khan of his relatives – Uzbek Khan in Tashkent72 and his own son Abd al-Mumin in Balkh, who was titled as “young khan” and official heir of his father73. But after the death of Abdallah in 1598 and killing of Abd al-Mumin the last civil war began and resulted in the end to Shaybanid rule in Bulhara: as all near relatives of Abdallah were executed by Abd al-Mumin, distant relatives clamed the throne (including not only Shaybanids but also their descendants by female line – Astarkhanids (next dynasty of Bukhara Khanate in 1601–1785) as well as some impostors who pretended to be Shaybanid princes “saved” after repressions of Abd al-Mumin Khan74. This situation was just similar to described above situation of multiple khanship in Persia in 1330–1350s where after vanishing of royal dynasty of Khulagu family distant relatives and impostors began fight for power. Conclusion Thus, we can certain that multiple khanship in khanate of Shaybanids was reflection and continuation of political and legal traditions of previous Turkic and Mongol states and connected with specific features of ruling over nomadic peoples and mixed (nomadic and sedentary) regions. The structure of power and authority in such states indeed couldn’t be built in another way taking into account extensive territories and presence of a substantial number of members of ruling dynasties with equal rights to rule. This regularity is confirmed by the fact that Ahtarkanids, who came to power in Bukhara due to multiple khanship and consequent civil war of Shaybanids, very soon also divided khanate into several independent domains – in particular, Bukhara and 72 73 74 Veniamin P. Yudin, Tarikh-i Sheybani kak istochnik po istorii kazakhskogo i karakalpakskogo narodov, in Voprosy istoriografii i istochnikovedeniya Kazakhstana, Alma-Ata, 1988, pp. 217–218. Sultanov, 2006, p. 95. By the way, even date of downfall of Shaybanids and rise of Ashtarkhanid, 1601, became clear only after comparing of information of chronicles and results of numismatic research: earlier, on the basis of narrative sources only scientists stated, it was 1598, see details: Bori A. Ahmedov, “O vremeni i obsoyatel’stvakh smeny na rubeje XVI–XVII vv. Dinastii Sheybanidov Ashtarkhanidami”, Vostochnoe istoricheskoe istochnilovedenie i spetsial’nye istoricheskie distsipliny, Vol. 2, 1994, pp. 168–169. 253 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Balkh75. Obviously, the traditions of multiple authority were enough strong in this region to ignore them even after recent downfall of Shaybanids. Similar situation was in another state of Shibanids76, Khanate of Khiva (Khorezm), where ruled Arabshakhids, near relatives of Shaybanids of Bukhara (their progenitor Arabshah was brother of above mentioned Ibrakhim or Aba Oglan). In 1530–1540s several khans ruled at the same time in Urgench, Nisa and Abiverd, in 1560–1590s – in Urgench and Merv77. Later, in the first half of 18th c. khans of Khiva had to confront to rival khans who had residence at Aral sea and Karakalpakstan. Also we can see that all forms of multiple khanship (from co-ruling to undisguised fight for the throne) which took place in different Turkic and Mongol states in different epochs became apparent during one century of Shaybanid khanate. The reasons of such situations, arguments of certain claimants for the throne, dates and marching of events which are not clearly presented only in written sources could be made more exact with help of numismatic information, official acts and results of research in other special disciplines. This approach allows finding some tendencies in political and legal development of Eurasian Turkic and Mongol states which should be researched in more details. 75 76 77 Ahmedov, 1982, p. 107 et seq. It’s should to be noticed that E. A. Davidovich in her fundamental work on monetary policy of Ashtarkhanidsdoesn’t mention about coins of rulers of Balkh, see Elena A. Davidovich, Istoriya monetnogo dela Srednei Azii ХVII–ХVIII vv. (Zolotye I serebryanye monety Janidov), Dushanbe, Academy of Sciences Press, 1964. It make sense to distinguish two dynastical names – Shaybanids of Buhara, named after Muhammad Shaybani (although the most part of dynasty members was not his direct descendants) and Shibanids – descendants of Shiban, son of Juchi and brother of Batu, who was direct ancestor of ruling dynasties of Tumen, Bukhara, Khiva (Khorezm) and Syberia, see Shamil’ F. Muhamed’yarov, “Esche raz ob ustanovlenii pravil’nogo nazvaniya dinastii Sibirskie Shibanidy (Sybanidy), a ne Sheybanidy” [Once more on ascertainment of correct name of dynasty of Siberian Shibanids (Sybanids), not Sheybanids], in Turkskie narody: Materialy V Sibirskogo simpoziuma; Tobol’sk; Omsk, 2002, pp. 200–201. Petr I. Desmaisons (transl.), Histoire des Mongols et des Tatares par Aboul-Ghazi Behadour Khan, Amsterdam, Philo Press, 1970, pp. 253–254, 277 et seq. 254 The Mongol Conquests and Their Reflection in Material Culture of the Peoples of the Middle Volga and the Kama Regions (the 13th – Early 14th Centuries) (According to the Archaeological Data) Konstantin RUDENKO The subject of the Mongol conquests and their consequences in the historiography of the peoples of the Volga region occupies a prominent place. This has been the “Rubicon” that has separated the concept of ethnogenesis of the Volga Tatars and Chuvash in the works of the researches of the end of the 19th – the first quarter of the 20th centuries (Likhachev A.F., Firsov N.I., Smolin V.F. etc.). It serves as a basis for the “Chuvash theory” stating that the descendants of the Bulgars have left after the Mongol invasion for the Pre-Volga region, having preserved their pagan traditions, avoiding muslimization and kipchakization (their descendants – are modern Chuvash), while the city Bulgars have been severely affected by new regime and have been involved into the region of active ethnic amalgamation to become later the Kazan Tatars that have preserved priority of “ancestry” to the Golden Horde. In general terms these view points have been preserved in the 1960–1970s during development of the concept of Bulgar-Tatar ethnogenesis by the researches holding different viewpoints (Smirnov A.P.; Khalikov A.Kh.), as well as in a number of recent academic pursuits. Note that the Mongol invasion has been treated as the main factor of the population transfer from the Trans-Kama region ravaged by the invasion to the Pre-Kama region, resulting thereby in formation of the territory and the population of the future Khanate of Kazan – the milestone stage in development of the modern Kazan Tatars. Sources As regards the period of the Mongol conquests, the main sources in the Middle Volga region are archaeological materials that have been accumulated since the 19th century (at the present time – the part of collection of the National Museum of the Republic of Tatarstan, the State Historical Museum, the Hermitage). Active archaeological studies in 1940–90s in the Volga and Kama regions have essentially extended information on the subject. 255 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Territory We consider archaeological materials from the official territory of the Volga Bulgaria within the boundaries specified and introduced for scientific use by studies of Fakhrutdinov R.G.1 Systematization of archaeological materials Let’s analyse archaeological materials referred to the period of 1220–1340s, having marked them out of the total mass of the artefacts of the 12th–13th centuries, and break them down into several chronological complexes. 1. Pre-Mongol period The first complex: these are materials of the pre-Mongol period – the first third of the 13th century (till 1236), the beginning of the Mongol expansion westwards. This period is characterized by appearance in the Volga Bulgaria of items of Central Asia (Iran) and Asia Minor origin made in the 12th (the 12th – early 13th centuries), and even in the late 11th – early 12th centuries, or their imitation: bronze mortars, cast cauldrons, candlesticks, metal mirrors with arabesque and “al-boraks”, geometrical ornament. We believe here also belong some adornments of the Turkic nomads of the East European steppe dated on the analogy back to the 11th – 12th centuries, for instance lazurite pendants. These innovations have not affected the customary complex of domestic and everyday items. At the same time, inflow in the first third of the 13th century of polyethnic population and complex of items connected with it have influenced the culture of the peoples of the Middle Volga region that had already been formed in the Horde period. 2. The Mongols in Bulgaria The second complex is referred to the period of the Mongol conquests – 1236– 1242. It includes items connected with munitions and rigging of a horse and a horseman represented by new types that have not earlier been found, and have appeared due to modernisation of the existing types and borrowing of new ones. By the early 13th century the most part of these items was similar to those used by nomads of the Eurasian steppes at the time. Iron parts of the decorative trappings and rigging of a horse – bit with plated psalia, arched stirrups, iron pendants and straps on harnesses and bridles etc., prevailing since the second half of the 11th century were rarely used. 1 R.G. Fakhrutdinov , 1975. 256 -К , Konstantin RUDENKO • The Mongol Conquests and Their Reflection in Material Culture … Ranged weapon (bows and iron arrowheads) of the time were presented mainly by forms typical for pre-Mongol period of the East European steppes and the Volga Bulgaria. Not all armament supplies (particularly arrowheads) and elements of the horse harness of the Siberian origin are connected exactly with the period under consideration. Beginning of their penetration is referred to the earlier period – the second half of the 11th century. Revelation of finds of that time on settlements and as a consequence dating of the relevant artefacts back to the period of ’30s-’40s of the 13th century are possible only as a result of comparison of the whole revealed complex of items, not single finds. In this regard there should be analysed the available facts speaking to the immediate traces of the Mongol conquests. Excavation of the large Bulgarian settlements have revealed the layers of conflagrations of 1236 on sites of ancient towns Bulgarsky, Bilyarsky, Suvarsky, Muromsky. These layers have not been found on the monuments of the Kazanka river basin – Russkourmatsky ancient settlement, Kazan Kremlin ancietn town, and number of Kama ancient towns, for instance Dzhuketau. Part of settlements has ceased to exist before the Mongol invasion and irrespectively of the events under consideration, as for instance Sosnovsky II ancient town on the Sheshma river2. Settlements that have been studied only by survey could not provide any exact information, though one may state that considerable part of ancient settlements, especially in the Central Trans-Kama region, has ceased to exist in the period after the Mongol campaign. Reconstruction of the conquest strategy. Based on the available data it may be assumed that the primary attack of the Mongol army has fallen on the Trans-Kama territories of the Bulgaria, and has affected the Pre-Kama region in a lesser degree. This was conditioned by the fact that Trans-Kama was militarily strategic region: the highest population concentration, great commercial, crafts and military centres. The Great Town Bilyar that faced the main attack was also located there. In the first quarter of the 13th century the mega-agglomeration Bilyar included 2–4 ancient towns forming one fortified locality, from 4 to 15 posads, and at least 5 satellite settlements. Nearby there located Voykinsky, Maklasheevsky, BurakovoKozhaevsky settlement agglomerations consisting of 2 ancient towns connected by common earth wall, and forming separate fortified locality, they include from 2 to 6 settlements where 1/3 were satellite settlements. There also located Romodanovsky 2 K.A. Rudenko, „ II : . I 2004 .”, . , 2005, pp.120–133. 257 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II meso-agglomeration consisting of 2 ancient towns, 4–7 posads and up to 4 satellite settlements3. Archaeological traces of ethnic Mongol presence within the territory of the Bulgaria and its frontier have not been revealed. Incidental finds of a copper ongon on the Samara bend, bronze Jain idols in the Cisurals, Middle and Lower Volga regions serve as indirect proof of their stay here (be more precise, disposition of the Mongol coalition). By the time of invasion the Mongol armies were most probably located southeastward from the Bulgars, in the region of the Ural river, and south-westward, in the region of the Voronezh river. The Mongol's allies located at that moment in the IkskoBelsky interfluve – part of Ugro-language tribes (early graves of Taktalachuksky, I Azmetyevsky burial grounds, Derbeshkinsky (?) burial ground)4and the Kipchaks (?) southwards from the Great Cheremshan (underground graves of the Samarsky Volga Region). The route of the Mongol army. The Mongol forces moved probably down the roads that connected separate areas of the Bulgarian state. Northern regions of the Bulgaria constituted no threat to the Mongol army. Fortresses, towns and part of fortified country estates on the left bank of the lower Kama, as judged by results of the excavation of the Alekseevsky ancient town, VI Alekseevsky, Murzikhinsky, Ostolopovsky settlement sites 5 were considerably damaged in the second half of the 12th century and had no serious defence capability. The Kama river probably was not vaulted by the Mongols in 1236. There have not been revealed any traces of military entry on main sections of trade and economic roads from the Pre-Kama to the Trans-Kama regions on the Kama river crossings that were hardened since the mid-11th century with the system of the fortified posts6. On the eastern frontier of the Bulgaria, Dzhuketau was the biggest town. It stood on the intersection of the trade routes from the South (along the left bank of the 3 K.A Rudenko, “ . ”, – 50 4 5 6 . E.P. Kazakov, K.A. Rudenko, « », 2001. K.A.Rudenko, „ . , 2004, pp.180–193. ., .: XI–XIV К I , 1978. ., : : ”, . 100I: . К 2005 . 258 . . 25, 1999, pp.111–134; Rudenko, 2004. pp.180–193; . . ”, 110, pp.191–194) , . ,“ , 1000. 12–17 Konstantin RUDENKO • The Mongol Conquests and Their Reflection in Material Culture … Sheshma river) and from the East – from the lands of the Ugric tribes (downstream the Kama river). Besides it was the only road that skirted impassible for horse cavalry forestland in the interfluve of the Sheshma and Ika rivers, and the Mongols could not leave Dzhuketau in the rear. Moreover, excavation on the site of the ancient town and on the sites of the adjacent settlements have not revealed any evidence of military demolition7, and it can be assumed that the town has given in without a struggle. Down the Sheshma river on the south-eastern route there were many small towns, fortresses and castles stretching along the watershed on the edge of the terrace above flood-plain from the mouth of the Sheshma river to its middle reach. This system began to form in the late 10th century with the appearance of the majority of open settlements and beginning of erection of strong castles (mainly in the 11th century) with area from 3,900 to 24,000 sq. meters (ancient settlements Utyashkinsky, I–III Novosheshminsky, I–II Ekaterinoslobodsky). By the 12th century on the left bank of the Sheshma river and at the estuary part of its feeders there was nearly continuous zone of settlements with small towns as centres, forming single and thought-out defence system. It also included several fortified lines – earth walls connected in ancient time with small towns through abatises. One of them – the Elkhovsky ancient town with perimeter defence system closed up with the earth wall (length of which nowadays (upon reconstruction in the 17th–18th centuries) is 7,861 m), it was located on the right bank of the Elkhovka river – the left tributary of the Sheshma river. Besides both on the left and on the right river banks there was continuous zone of unfortified settlements. From southward they were “protected” by one more fortified line – earth wall located near Novosheshminsk – current district centre. In the west part this earth wall had massive castle located north-north-east to Ekaterininskaya Village (Sloboda) up the Studenets stream on the area of 15,600 sqm. On its small area there were two earth walls and three ditches with one passage. Lower part of the earth walls was fortified with limestone plates taken from ravines bottom. The outside parts of the earth walls might be stoned. Such defence system was apparently supplemented by wooden structures what made this defence centre a strong obstacle for any enemies. The citadel was surrounded with trading posad stretching for more than kilometer. There have not been carried out any excavations on these monuments, except for Sosnovsky II ancient settlement8, that is why we could draw no conclusions about 7 8 N.G. Nabiullin, « . . . K.A. Rudenko, „ », -К . . 122. ., 2000, p .286-293. II I : . . 2004 .”, . , 2005, p. 120-133. 259 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II them, except that for most of them the activity period was the 12th century, and it can be assumed that these fortified districts were formed not in expectation of the Mongol invasion, but for defence from other enemies (the Cumans?) who were rather aggressive. Probably this is why many fortresses and castles were ruined before the Mongol invasion, and in fact they presented no serious obstacle for the Mongol army. Terrestrial road westward to central districts of the Bulgarian state was controlled by another ancient town located up “Obvalny” ravine on the left bank of the Cheremukha river, left tributary of the Sheshma river. Here on broad cape there located Bulgarian fortified point protected from low-ground side with double line of earth walls and ditches. Almost on all sides the ancient town was surrounded with ancient settlements – residues of posad and adjoining villages. Insignificant capability of walls and their weak fortification speak for the fact that militarily this object was of secondary importance or, it is better to say, was auxiliary and to a greater degree it played administrative and communicative role. Unimpressive composition of finds from this monument confirms view point about lesser role of this settlement as compared to Ekaterinoslobodsky ancient town. Almost the most south-east point of the Bulgarian frontier was a town near current Saklyk village on the Sheshma river. It is more likely that this district was not totally conquered by the Mongols. At least, available archaeological evidences do not allow speaking definitely of the fact that these settlements were destroyed at that time. Most probably the Mongol army passed Kama flood plain through Dzhuketau, outflanked these fortresses in the rear and cut them from central districts depriving them of the opportunity to keep to the single defence strategy. After the Mongol invasion these settlements gradually fell to decay, except for Dzhuketau and Tubulgatau (near Tubulgutau (Nikitkino) villages of Novosheshminsky district of Tatarstan). Possible moving direction of the Mongol and Ugri troops from north-east to central districts of the state was the route along the Tolkishka river. There located a patrol point and ancient town with ancient posad-settlement near Maly Tolkish village wherefrom a terrestrial road through watershed went to Dzhuketau passing Malopolyansky ancient town located up the tributary of the Prosti river, left tributary of the Sheshma river. On the terrestrial road to the Kama crossing there was a small town located up the tributary of the Tolkishka river near Staroe Romashkino village. Second route of the Mongol troops might run along the left bank of the Kama river to confluence of the Kama and the Volga rivers and then along the Aktay river to Bilyar. It should be noted that this territory (the West Trans-Kama region) was notable for extensive network of castles and fortresses marking small districts in the most populated part of the state. They were not directly connected with river system (basins of the Bezdna and the Aktay rivers), however, there existed natural 260 Konstantin RUDENKO • The Mongol Conquests and Their Reflection in Material Culture … dependence from this system. District centres were small towns – community and possessory centres. Lack of archaeological knowledge about most of them prevents from making any serious conclusions, but it is worthwhile noting that most of them had formidable fortifications skirting territory of low river terraces or ravines on continental plateau, for example, in Aksubaevsky and Starotatadamsky ancient towns. Most probably during the campaign of the year of 1236 they were not ruined as well. A town near former Krasny Klyuch village, not far from Koshka village, was the centre of economic and probably trade zone in the upstream of the Bezdna river – left tributary of the Kama river, and a kind of link between Suvar, Bolgar and Dzhuketau towns. It occupied a great area of over meadow terrace slightly rising from the river to the watershed. Judging by available material the settlement occupied several hectares. Its fortifications were erected from low-ground side. It is still a question whether they were erected on the other side. Archaeological excavations were not carried out there. On the way to central districts of the state near current Voykino village in Spassky district of the Republic of Tatarstan there located another fortified Bulgarian centre consisting of two perfectly protected fortresses. On the side of the river the town territory was protected with plumb cliffs. On the low-ground side there was erected multi-lane system of earth walls and ditches which was supplemented with wooden fortifications. Ancient towns were connected with single earth wall. It may be assumed that this system was not finished, because there were no traces of permanent residence between ancient towns (occupation layer is absent almost absolutely), part of fortress fortifications was not finished, and beyond the wall line of one ancient town there was found a great number of arrowheads dated back to the 11th century, part of them was dated back to the 11th century – the early 12th century. It is interesting to note that posad of the ancient town was excluded from new defence system. Plenty of finds allows stating that this settlement complex was of military, strategic and trade value on terrestrial and river internal roads, and most probably the Mongol army passed there. Thus, it may be assumed that allied (Turkic, Ugric, Mongolian) invasion troops moved to the Great Town Bilyar (nowadays the Bilyarsky ancient town) from northeast along the Kama flood plain through Dzhuketau and its region skirting the middle reach of the Sheshma river. Part of the Mongol troops concentrated in the upstream of the Bolshoy Cheremshan river – away from the fortified Bulgarian centres – moved towards Bilyar along tributaries from south-east and from south through the Samara Bend (the find of the ongon near Malaya Ryazan village9. From south-west the Mongol troops settled down in steppes along the Voronezh river, joined the allies 9 A.F.Kochkina, D.A.Stashenkov, “ “, К . XII., , 2005. p.111, fig. 6. 261 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II (the Mordovians, the Ugric, the Cuman) and attacked Posurye and Bulgarian towns on the right bank of the Volga river. Then most of them crossed the Volga river to the left bank near the Muromsky town and moved to Bilyar along the Maly Cheremshan river. Most probably, the flood plain and coastal territories along the Volga river and estuary part of the Kama river, being strategic district for Mongolian horse cavalry, were more seriously ruined by the Mongols. 3. Consequences of the Conquests Antiquities of the following period – the 1240–1310s – are considered largely as single array within the whole 13th century. Since the second half of the 13th century material culture of population of the former Bulgarian state, which preserved the main features of the previous period in the first decades after invasion, began to transform under new economic conditions. This process was slow and erratic depending on the extent of damage caused by the invasion and the role of this district or region in the structure of the new (Mongolian) administrative arrangement. In fact territory of the former Bulgarian state became a mere supplier of raw materials for towns of the Lower Volga region: pasture, grain and labour supplier. Formation of material culture of Bulgarian region in the Golden Horde period in general and culture of provincial Golden Horde town in particular was influenced by foreign ethnic components, that can be singled out according to a number of archaeological features: 1. peculiarities of housing (houses with kanas); 2. peculiarities of mortuary and memorial cult; 3. adornments and garment parts. New population and introduced social structures formed not only social fashion in different areas of culture (material and spiritual), stimulating production sphere which ensured demand for them, but gave rise to absolutely new development trends as well. All these resulted in quick change of leading element of elite fashion, influenced new trends of craft and culture development of the conquered lands. 4. The Golden Horde Town Planning in Bulgaria region The traditions of planning culture in Bulgaria region underwent a number of changes if compared to pre-Mongol period. Traditional Bulgarian fortress-town with bounding walls, with posads-ancient settlements and satellite settlements, was partially transformed to “open” urban settlements, serving as handicraft and administrative centres (for example, Sukhorechensky settlement). 262 Konstantin RUDENKO • The Mongol Conquests and Their Reflection in Material Culture … Remaining fortifications in towns that were reconstructed after invasion (Bilyar, Bolgar) or those that functioned continuously since pre-Mongol period, in practice did not perform their defensive mission. Many of the ancient towns fell into decay (Barsko Enarusskino, Tankeevsky I and II, Nizhnekacheevsky and others), though life on their “posads” went on, and sometimes had rather intense character (Dzhuketau). Thus it would be more properly to say that life in those ancient towns became less intensive, since they were still used as living area (ancient towns: Dzhuketau, Novoye Mokshino). However, traditional practice of fortresses construction in the 14th century in Bulgaria region did not end completely. Construction of several fortified settlements in the Pre-Volga and the Pre-Kama regions may be referred to the Horde period (Syukeevsky and Kamaevsky ancient towns). Development of the Horde-period Bolgar town, though in many respects similar to development of other big towns of the Lower Volga region, had particular features10. Diversity of urbanistic tendencies in Bulgaria region shows particular features that distinguishes Bulgarian Horde town from Russian towns of that period, where, following V.L. Egorov, a stable town planning policy was pursued and from the Golden Horde, where towns arose as a “product of the natural development of state”11. Nevertheless, most similar to Bulgarian Horde towns are Ancient Russia towns of the 13th–14th centuries (for example, distinctive features of development; prevailing wood conduit and so on). Apart from similar natural and geographical conditions, the said similarity was also caused, undoubtedly, by traditions of pre-Mongol town culture, in both cases, when town developed as poly-functional organism12. Administrative ranking, judging by the character of material culture of examined settlements of the Horde period, in general, and of towns in particular, shows distinct level of their incorporation into the system of “Imperial economy”. There may be outlined several types of Bulgarian Horde towns. The first type – «open» towns – centres of major administrative and economic regions: Bulgar and Dzhuketau, that separated after the “great troubles” in 1360–70 as independent “half-states” and had specific features represented in material culture (special style of epitaph rock carving and language; main types of ceramic ware and so on). Those towns that “grew” in pre-Mongol period have partially preserved their previous planning pattern. Though those towns had no fortified Kremlin (Dzhuketau 10 11 12 G.A.Fedorov-Davidov, V.L. Egorov, „ . . . Ibidem, pp.268–269. . XIII–XIV . . 122. ., 1994, pp.10–16. .– -К . ”, ., 2000, p.267. 263 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II ancient town apparently did not perform that function), but traditionally they had a historic centre and town districts located in a concentric or linear scheme in reference to the centre. City trade and culture bore a certain”imperial” impression, especially notable in decorations and details of city costume representing combination of common for empire canons and “style” (for example, metal spiked headdresses; earrings in the form of question mark; cult-objects). As regards ornaments that were in use from the pre-Mongol period and evolved further, there can be noted, for instance, lunulas and rustling pendants, that were formed and penetrated from the Volga-Finnic territories. It is worth to note that in the Bulgaria region ornaments of the Horde period (like many other elements of material culture) typologically do not form evolutional lines, demonstrating only variations of final types or their slight modernization. Ethnic elements approved in the sphere of costume decor: for example, string modelling appears on “lion headed” bracelets, and images of lions gather features of stylized design. Bulgarian city costume in the Golden Horde period practically lost the constituents of precedent times: torcs, neclaces with pendants, curly bracelets, and specific niello rings. Innovative technologies in town trade came through mass manufacture of castiron dinnerware, kettles mainly; modifications of some types of copper kettles (types -9- -12)13, and copper kungans (jars). Metal artwork: cups, goblets, dishes were in most cases imported from the Eastern Iran. There appeared a handicraft standard that was applied to generally used small household appliances and utensils replicated in tens. Those were, for example, miniature bronze locks made in the form of a horse, metal mirrors, partly manufactured in Bulgar. The Horde provinces considerably decreased manufacture of armaments. Demilitarisation was characteristic for major cities of the Horde14. There's no reliable data concerning manufacture of armatures: helmets and suits of armour were mostly made in Iran or in the Lower Volga regions. Bulgar could produce only ammunition and weapon of light-armed soldier (archer): bows with bony plates, rings made of bone for shooting. Bulgar blacksmiths made iron arrowheads, mostly of II, V and VI groups15; peak heads. 13 14 15 K.A. Rudenko, pp.34–37. Egorov, 1999, p.269. Rudenko, 2003, pp.138–140. 264 VIII–XIV ., , 2000, Konstantin RUDENKO • The Mongol Conquests and Their Reflection in Material Culture … The second type of provincial Golden Horde town may be represented by Iski (Old) Kazan town, which archaeologically consisted of Russkourmatsky ancient settlement and Kamaevsky ancient town16. Like the previous type, it developed on the basis of a pre-Mongol urban settlement, but had certain distinctive features. That was a town with definite administrative and military centre – the Kremlin (Kamaevsky ancient town) and territorially detached vast handicraft and trade posad (Russkourmatsky and Tatarourmatsky ancient settlements). A distinguishing feature is that the Kremlin was erected much later than Russkourmatsky ancient settlement, which existed since the pre-Mongol period. Its material culture (especially of its unfortified part) was more traditional, and contained considerable number of elements of precedent period. Cultural symbolic models in material culture, so typical for major centres like Bulgar and Dzhuketau (elite decorations, military emblems, ceramics, etc.) were less expressed in Iski Kazan (being more relevant for Kamaevsky ancient town). Decentralization tendency as regards remote areas and their inner districts was evidently expressed in the third type of minor Horde town, such as Syukeevsky ancient town and Kazan Kremlin ancient town. They were notable for presence of military and administrative power (for example, in Kazan), fairly marked elements of trade and crafts (absence of crafts posads). In terms of archaeology, those monuments give very expressive numismatic findings, fragments of foreign “kashin” glassglazed jars, armament items and so on, but almost no or poorly expressed traces of handicraft industry. There may be traced a certain tendency of town development of major handicraft and trade “urban” settlements, like, for example Chakma. These poly-functional crafts centres maintained rural neighbourhood in the area of several tens of kilometres. Their characteristic feature was almost complete fabrication cycle – from ore smelting to manufacture of a ready-to-use item. As a rule, they specialized in one or more types of produce. It could be iron works/smith's shop, ceramics. 5. Rural settlements of Bulgarian region in the Horde period City culture «internationalism» in the Golden Horde period inevitably influenced the nearest rural districts, and mainly the formation of its material culture. Seriesproduced household goods and decorations were common both for towns and their nearest neighbourhood. An existing consistent pattern of exurban settlement in pre-Mongol period, or distribution of population out of town agglomerations during the Horde period, has 16 R.G. Fakhrutdinov, Х - XV ., .: , 1984. 265 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II been changing then. Economical specialization that had existed earlier within the framework of the common economic structure of pre-Mongol Bulgaria, became more significant. Settlements located in the flood plain of the Kama and the Volga rivers specialized in cattle breeding (mostly sheep breeding and horse breeding). Settlements near minor rivers had mainly an integrated character – arable-and-livestock one. In terms of territorial distribution, unlike Ancient Russia, rural settlements of the Golden Horde trended to locate in river valleys. Watershed type of settlements has not been practically found. 6. About the Development Trends of the Golden Horde Culture in the Middle Volga Region One can learn the nature of changes taking place in the Bulgaria region of the Golden Horde during second half of the 13th century from the materials of the great Bulgarian towns that have become centres of the Golden Horde – Bilyar, Bolgar, Dzhuketau, Iski-Kazan, as well as from the materials of the rural settlements. While the materials of the ancient settlements speak both for preservation of pre-Mongol traditions and significant innovations, the materials of the rural settlements are different and very specific. Poor state of exploration of the settlements of the Golden Horde period does not allow generalization and detailed analysis, but by the example of several settlements in the Western Trans-Kama region that have been studied through excavation, there can be defined several basic lines to different periods of history of the Golden Horde. On the first stage of the Mongol empire existence there has not been traced a single line of development of material culture in the peripheral regions of the empire, in the Bulgaria in particular. It can be assumed, that at first evolution and development of the preceding forms of items of the pre-Mongol period was rather autonomous, and later on these items were gradually forced out by bulk products of the Low Volga centres. In the first half of the 14th century there developed new situation when the territory of the Middle Volga became fully integrated into administrative and political structure of the Golden Horde. There developed the areas of traditional land use (farming and cattle breeding) and “restricted” districts included into the sphere of nomadic cattle breeding – “Tatar lands” in the Trans-Kama region with ethnically isolated population that has preserved ethnocultural specific character of material culture, mortuary ritualism and traditional lifestyle. Integration of these differentcultured population groups was slow and diverse (judging by single graves on city and rural Islamic burial grounds). 266 Konstantin RUDENKO • The Mongol Conquests and Their Reflection in Material Culture … Since ’60s of the 14th century the nature of evolutionary and integration processes changed due to inflow of new population from the lower Volga and the East. The nature of interaction is not clear in details due to insufficiency of archaeological material for the moment. But considerable ethnic and cultural insulation of these groups and indigenous population of the Bulgarian region is evident. Moreover, there can be traced common features of material culture that was formed over the previous period on the territory of the Golden Horde. Thus, in the 14th century there began division of the territory of the Middle Volga region to administrative-economic areas that were preserved in some regions of the later Horde and the Kazan Khanate periods – darugas. 267 LANGUAGE, LITERATURE AND LINGUISTICS. MULTICULTURALISM AND TRAVELLING WORDS Words Borrowed from Turkish into the Balkan Culture of the Culinary Xhemile ABDIU Introduction The coexistence of many years, the cultural, political and social relations, the coexistence to some extent within the same religion as well as factors similar to these have opened the path for exchange of words from one language to the other. One of the lingual units in each language which reflects more rapidly the development of a certain society and the needs for the use of words is the lexeme and the lexicon of a language. It is impossible for a society to live without creating relations with other societies. It is likewise impossible for a language to live without being influenced from other languages.1 If we would perform a classification of the elements for the lexicon of the Turkish language, elements which have mostly influenced other languages, it is the Balkan languages that have gotten more of these words.2 Such elements of the Turkish lexicon have also entered the Albanian language during the rule of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans. Words of Turkish, Arab or Farsi origin have entered together with new concepts brought by them. Simultaneously the Turks brought into the Balkans a new culture, important part of which was also the culinary culture. Culinary is a mirror which reflects in all directions the history of a society in all its cultural, economic and political dimensions. Every contact and every exchange with other societies and cultures leaves its traces also in the culinary culture of a country. From this point of view, the Turkish culinary which has created its own parental relations with the other culinary cultures holds much authenticity in its diversity. Considering the historical, commercial and cultural relations, the Turkish culinary has influenced the culinary culture of other countries. It has also benefited from their influence. 1 2 Doğan Aksan, Türkçenin Sözvarlığı, Engin Yayınevi, Ankara, 2006, p.125. Ibidem, p.136. 271 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Albanian also contains many words taken from Turkish or which have entered Albanian through Arabic or Farsi. They entered Albanian – same as other languages of the Balkans, during the rule of the Ottoman Empire. They entered along with new concepts brought by this new culture and way of living. As a consequence, they became part of the Albanian and other languages of the Balkans, considering new concepts which did not exist earlier. Time passing by, these borrowed words also developed new internal semantic meanings. If we would insert a word in each language, most of the words which will take place inside it would have more than one meaning.3 The transformation from a narrow social use to a wider one influences the expansion of its semantic field. On the contrary, transformation from a wider to a more narrow use will influence its semantic field too. Many of the words borrowed from Turkish, even though a part of them is now considered historical, are still in use in the lexicon of the Albanian language today. The existence of many words with close approximate meanings in a language is one of the characteristics that show the wealth and the elaboration of that language. The Turkish language is distinguished for many linguistic signs from the same semantic field, which are only distinguished from each other through very accurate details. In the Albanian language we find many words which have Turkish routes or have been formed by elements of the Turkish language, which on their side are easily distinguishable in the Albanian language vocabulary of synonyms. Amongst the synonyms we note a very rare characteristic. Words which initially have the same meaning and then they become closer to each other and constitute real synonyms. But as also Professor Samara says, in the Turkish words which have entered Albanian language we note very interesting internal semantic developments which are not in accordance with the internal semantic developments of the same words in the Turkish language.4 As known, the words borrowed from Turkish or through the Turkish language constitute an important and considerable layer of the Albanian language. Such words have influenced in all the languages of the Balkans at the same period of ruling of the Ottoman Empire, and as such we find these words in Bulgarian, Serbian, Romanian and Greek. The influence of the term known as “superstratum”, used by linguists in their scientific works regarding the words borrowed from Turkish or through it, started with elements of the material and spiritual culture of the East, with new concepts of 3 4 Aksan, Anlambilim (Anlambilim konuları ve Türkçenin Anlambilimi), Engin Yayınevi, Ankara, 2006, p. 97. Miço Samara, ”Zhvillimet leksiko-semantike të turqizmave në gjuhën shqipe”, Studime Filologjike, no. 1–4, Tiranë, 1995, p.64. 272 Xhemile ABDIU • Words Borrowed from Turkish into the Balkan Culture of the Culinary management of the Turkish Empire administration and army, with terms of science and arts from the East, and these spread and became part of the daily life of the Balkans’ people. In order to connect this stratum of the lexicon which had become an integral part of the languages of the Balkans, Skok5 choose the term “oriental urbanization” or “Balkan of East based urbanization”. If we consider all the historical and social process during which the words borrowed from or through Turkish entered, this term looks perfectly right. “Other researchers see the influence of the Turkish language into the Albanian one – same as for other languages of the Balkans, in various directions. “As emphasized also by Desnickaja, the problem of the influence of Turkish in the Albanian language is relevant to various aspects. Such influence helps to establish the role of these words from the historical and cultural point of view, which is of particular interest for lexicology of the languages of the Balkans, from the grammatical structure as well as from the statistical point of view. This is important to help understand the situation of the actual Albanian official language the ways in which it has developed”.6 The words borrowed from Turkish are relevant to various fields such as the mining (balkan, tepe, mercan, sedef), various plants and vegetables (kavun, karpuz), economy (qebapçı, kalfa, çarşı, kantar), professions, money, measures, family, parenthood, culinary culture (kadayıf, börek, baklava, şerbet, köfte, kahve, şeker, reçel), construction and accessories (çalgı, davul, saz), games and entertainment, parts of the body (çene, surat, bacak, dert), illnesses and medicines, religious celebrations (bayram, kurban gibi), administrative offices (padişah, sultan, tapu, kadı, ferman), army (asker, top, bayrak, barut, fişek, gulle), etc. As already said, the words borrowed from Turkish have had their internal semantic development while the same words, in Turkish, have not had the same development. The first meaning of these words has been maintained since it is known that they entered Albanian language together with the concept they presented. Afterwards, some of them developed other meanings. Such words are mostly noted in the spoken language. The semantic developments are noted in the creation of new meanings.7 These words have enriched the lexicon of the Albanian language and have especially influenced the system of synonyms. Also, many of these words have been incorporated in the phraseological expressions of the Albanian language. 5 6 7 Petar Skok, ”Restes de la langue turque dans les Balkans”, Revue International des Etudes Balkaniques, I Beograd, 1934 cited by Agnja Vasilievna Desnickaja, Mbi funksionin stilistik të turqizmave në poezinë shqipe, 1963, translated by Thanas Mustaqi, Perla, XI, 2006, no. 4, p.123. Desnickaja, 1963, p.123. Mico Samara, “Zhvillimet leksiko-semantike të turqizmave në gjuhën shqipe”, Studime filologjike, 1-4, Tiranë, 1995, p.64. 273 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II The culture of the Turkish culinary tells about an original culture which includes the tradition of cooking and preparation of meals, sweets, drinks and other original foods which constitute the concept of not only feeding but also all the process of preparation, serving and consumption, the tradition of cooking and the entire understanding and perception that the society has for the culinary. The geographical position of Turkey, the civilisations to which it has related throughout its history and the traditions of cuisine from two big empires are the determining factors of its diversity. The Mediterranean space, as one of the most notable regions in history regarding cultural relations, as linking part for three old continents such as Europe, Asia and Africa, especially regarding trade and political conflicts, transformed in a point of unification and source for many civilizations which had various cultures.8 The way of feeding of the Middle Asia, combined with milk products produced with yeast and meat, which carries also the influence of the Anatolian tradition, have determined the Anatolian culinary we know today and has taken more shape upon mixture with various types of vegetables and fruits of the regions of Aegean and Mediterranean Seas. The mutual influence of the culinary of the Byzantine Empire, Middle East, Europe and the Southern Mediterranean was shaped in a framework of a continuous exchange that the Turkish Empire enabled in a vast area. 9 We can bring here many examples of words borrowed from Turkish in culinary such as bakllava, bollgur, bozë, bostan, burani, byrek, çervish, çomlek, çorbë, dollma, gurabie, gjevrek, hallvë, japrak, jufka, kadaif, reçel, kaymak, kaymaklie, karpuz, kimë, llokum, mafishe, musaka, imambajëlldi, pestil, suxhuk, sherbet, sultjiaç, ashure, tarhana, pekmez, sheqerpare, pasta, shishkebab, hallva, etc. Trahana is one of the widely known dishes in our country. In Turkish, it is known as tarhana or tarhana çorbasi. According to Blassing, the word is noted in the 14th century in the Danismend – name book, written in 1360. This dish has extraordinary historical and cultural value in the Turkish culinary. This word is mentioned while describing the wedding tables of the 14th century. In addition to this word, also other tastes were known such erişte, tutmaç, keşkek, kete, herise and even helva at the Turkish tables. The word tarhana in reality was taken from Farsi where the word was also tarhana. In fact, tarhana is cooked in all regions of Turkey as a product 8 9 Nihal Kadioğlu Çevik, ‘Türk Mutfağının, Akdeniz Mutfak Kültürünün Genel Özellikleri Yönünden Değerlendirilmesinin Önemi’, 5. Milletlerarası Türk Halk Kültürün Kongresi Maddi Kültür Seksiyon Bildirileri, Kültür Bakanlığı, HAGEM yayımları, Ankara, 2013. Kadioğlu, 2013. 274 Xhemile ABDIU • Words Borrowed from Turkish into the Balkan Culture of the Culinary which is home made. In South and Eastern Turkey it is considered as traditional dish. While in Eastern Anatolia it is not considered as such. 10 This dish has also entered the tradition of the Turkish culinary. Thus it is a word not only borrowed from Turkish but it also brings along a new concept, in its own way of cooking. It has now become a part of the Albanian culinary. In addition to this, we can also mention the yogurt, which is in known in Albanian as ‘kos’. The concept of yogurt was brought by the Turks in Anatolia and is defined in the cultural sources which offer information on it as a kind of food which was prepared by using various ingredients such as yeast. In our culinary tradition, such cooking does exist but the word yogurt has not been introduced. If we make an evaluation of the Turkish culinary we may include and mention numerous other dishes such as pekmez, pestil, muska, bulama, sucuk, various types of dishes using ‘sherbet’ and different jams ‘reçel’, which have their own way of cooking, served with various types of grapes and different spices. Pekmezi, pistili, suxhuku, syrups and various jams were taken both as words and as new dishes. These are part of the Albanian culinary also today. Another dish worthy to mention here is the ‘sultjaç’, a sweet cooked in all Albanian tables. It is also a dish borrowed both as a word and a way of cooking. Many spices are used in various regions in Turkey; they make the differences between same dishes prepared in various regions. While in the Albanian culinary, several dishes and sweets taken from Turkey are cooked simply and without many spices or special ingredients. ‘Byrek’ is another dish widely known in both Albanian and Balkan cuisine. It is called ‘byrek’ in Albania while ‘burek’ in Kosovo. Regarding the way it is cooked it carries all the elements taken from Turkish but it has in addition also original elements from Albania which also determine the area in which it is prepared. The dishes based on meat such as imambajëlldi, shishkebab, japrak, musaka, etc were taken also from Turkish. There are also some dishes of the Albanian culinary – such as the cooking of livers, which in Turkey is known as the ‘Arnavut cigeri’ dish. The stratum of words taken from Turkish which are linked to the culinary is more relevant to the first meaning of these words, meaning which is usually identical in both Albanian and Turkish. 10 Uwe Blasing – Nesrin Bayraktar, ”Hoca için çorba, İki Türk Bilimcisinin Mutfak sohbetlerinden”, Yalım Kaya Bitigi. Osman Fikri Sertkaya Armağanı, Ed. Hatice Şirin User – Bülent Gül, Türk Kültürünü Araştırma Enstitüsü, Ankara, 2013, pp.185–206. 275 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II But some of these words like sheqer, sheqerke, bakllava, sherbet, halve, etc. have widened their semantic field and have then been used in other meanings, thus also being place of phraseological expressions. Conclusion Word borrowed from Turkish into Albanian language took a considerable place in Albanian vocabulary. They are more obvious in every day speaking because they express concepts which entered with the Ottoman culture. In culinary culture the Turkish borrowed words constitute a group which is used yet. They are considered part of lexicon of Albanian language. This group of borrowed Turkish words of culinary are used into other Balkan language too. 276 Etymology of the Crimean Tatar and Russian Words Meaning ‘Glean’ and ‘Gleaning’ V.A. BUSHAKOV The article deals with the origin of the synonymic Crimean Tatar words meaning ‘glean, gleaning’. In the dictionary compiled by Seyran Useinov the following words are fixed: qoruqlav (see the word articles maşaqlama ~ maşaqlav), maşaqlav ~ maşaqlama ‘gleaning’, the noun from the verb maşaqla - ‘glean’ formed from maşaq ‘ears or spikes (left in the field after harvesting)’, ‘fruits left in the orchard (after harvesting)’, sabla ~ sablâ ‘gleaning of fruits’, çombala ‘gleaning (in orchards)’ and camboloz ~ cambolos ‘gleaning of fruitіs’1 ]. The Crimean Russian informal word katlamachen’e ‘gleaning’ (see the word articles «maşaqlama ~ maşaqlav» and «maşaqlama») has been derived from the Crimean Tatar qatlamaq ‘laminate, accumulate’, but the motivation of the Russian word derivation is not understandable. In the dictionary the article «qoruqlav» and the verb qoruqla - are absent. To explain the Tatar word, the Osmanic qoruq ‘any unripe, sour fruit; especially, sour grapes’2 and the Turkish kuruk, -ğı ‘unripe fruits’3 can be used. They could have been derived from the verb quru- / kuru- ‘dry’ with the help of the affix -q (-ğı) / -k (-ğı). In this case the Crimean Tatar qoruqlav must mean ‘gathering unripe fruits (for drying). The Crimean Tatar maşaq is a phonetic variant of the word başaq that responds the Turkish başak, -ğı ‘ear or spike’, ‘ears or spikes left in the field’, cf. the Turkish başaklı ‘with ears or spikes’, ‘eared, full of ears, spicate’, ‘with remnants of unharvested ears or spikes (of a field)’, ‘with fallen (unharvested) fruits (of an orchard)’ and başaklama ‘gleaning of ears or spikes in the field’, ‘gleaning of fruits in the orchard’ (the last Turkish word morphologically and semantically corresponds to the Crimean Tatar maşaqlama4. 1 2 3 4 Qırımcatatarca-Rusça-Ukraince luğat. Tertip etici: Seyran Memet oğlu Useinov, Aqmescit, 2008, pp.341,464,712,727. J.W. Redhouse,., A Turkish and English Lexicon, 2nd edition, İstanbul, 1992, p.1484. Türkçe-Rusça sözlük 48 000 kelime, Moskova, 1977, p.576. Spisok’’ naselennyx’’ mest’’, . XLI: Tavricheskaja gubernija, Sankt-Peterburg, 1865, p.100. 277 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II The Crimean Tatar sabla has been derived semantically from the village name Sabla. The villages of Yuqarı Sobla, Aşağı Sobla, and Sobla of the Salğır qadılıq of the Baqçesaray qaymaqamlıq are named in «The Cameral Description of Crimea»5, the villages of Ashaga, Orta, and Yuxary Sably (Nizhnie, Srednie, and Verxnie Sably) are named in «The List of Inhabited Places»6. The origin of the village name Sabla is connected with the similar clan or person name that is a contracted form of the Persian name Subḥān Allāh derived of the Arab words meaning ‘praise to Allah’7. All the three villages of Sabla are situated on the river of Alma (the Crimean Tatar Alma-su(v), alma ‘apple’ and su(v) ‘water’, ‘river’) the valley of which is famous of its orchards. The Crimean Tatar apple sort sabla-sinap is connected with the village of Sabla and the Crimean apple sort name sinap could have originated from the name of the Anatolian city of Sinop, but not from the Greek word άπ ‘mustard’8. I consider that the Crimean Tatar words çombala and camboloz ~ cambolos are of common origin and have been loaned from Greek. The word cambolos has generated in the Greek dialects of Crimea from the word α πί ‘grape’ with the help of the suffix - ο- (- ο-) + masculine ending - 9, cf. the Turkish koncolos ~ karakoncolos ‘bogyman, bugaboo’, ‘fright’ < α ( ) ά α ο ‘Christmas evil spirit’10. Firstly the words çombala and camboloz ~ cambolos can mean ‘gleaning of grapes (in vineyard)’. In the Northern Azov Region because of the more severe climate the idiolects (Greek and Turkic) of Rumeis and Urums having migrated from Crimea have lost the words ‘gleaning’ and tarpon ‘press for grapes’11. The conception ‘glean’ is fixed in the Bible: “And when ye reap the harvest of your land, thou shalt not wholly reap the corners of thy field; neither shalt thou gather the gleanings of thy harvest. And thou shalt not glean thy vineyard, neither shalt thou gather [every] grape of thy vineyard; thou shalt leave them for the poor and stranger: I [am] the Lord your God” (Leviticus, 19: 9–10), “When thou cuttest 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Kameraral’noe opisanie Kryma 1784 goda. Prodolzhenie № 2: Vědomost’, kakija imenno sostojat’’ v’’ Krymskom’’ poluostově kajmakanstvy, kto imenno v’’ kotorom’’ kajmakanom’’ sostoit’’, skol’ko v’’ kazhdom’’ kajmakanstvě kadylykov’’, a vo vsiakom’’ kadylykě skol’ko dereven’. Dekabria 17-go dnia 1783-go goda // Izvestija Tavricheskoj uchenoj arxivnoj komissii. – 1888, p.48. Spisok’’ naselennyx’’ mest’’, . XLI: Tavricheskaja gubernija, Sankt-Peterburg, 1865, p.15. A. Gafurov., Imia istorija. Ob imenax arabov, persov, tadzhikov i tiurkov, Moskva, 1987, p.191. See Etymologichnyj slovnyk ukrajins’koji movy. U semy tomax, . 5, Kyjiv, 2006, p.224. G. Niderle., Grammatika grecheskago jazyka. Chast’ I. Etimologija. S’’ cheshskago perevel’’, I. Mejer. M., 1879, p. 236. Γ.Δ. Μπα π ώ η . Λ ό ῆ έα ἑ ή γ ῶ α χό α γ ά ω χ ω . Δ ύ ἔ . – Ἀ ή α, 2002, p.816. See V.A. Bushakov., K etimologii slova tarapan // Etimologija. 1988–1990, oskva, 1991, pp. 168– 169, idem, Krymskoje slovo tarapan // Russkaja rech’, № 4., 1994, S. 120–124; Idem, O proisxozhdenii vinodel’cheskogo termina tarapan // Izestija Krymskogo respublikanskogo kraevedcheskogo muzeja, Simferopol, 1993, pp. 56–58. 278 V.A. BUSHAKOV • Etymology of the Crimean Tatar and Russian Words Meaning ‘Glean’ and ‘Gleaning’ down thine harvest in thy field, and hast forgot a sheaf in the field, thou shalt not go again to fetch it: it shall be for the stranger, for the fatherless, and for the widow: that the Lord thy God may bless thee in all the work of thine hands. When thou beatest thine olive tree, thou shalt not go over the boughs again: it shall be for the stranger, for the fatherless, 3490 and for the widow. When thou gatherest the grapes of thy vineyard, thou shalt not glean [it] afterward: it shall be for the stranger, for the fatherless, and for the widow” (Deutoronomy, 24: 19–21), “ They reap [every one] his corn in the field: and they gather the vintage of the wicked» (Job, 24: 6), «Thus saith the Lord of hosts, They shall throughly glean the remnant of Israel as a vine: turn back thine hand as a grapegatherer into the baskets” (Jeremiah, 6:9). In the Hebraic Bible the word lqṭ ‘glean’ is used. The words denoting ‘glean’ and ‘gleaning’ exist also in various modern languages: Arab lqqṭ ‘glean ears or spikes’, luqāṭ ‘ears or spikes left after harvesting’, French glane ‘handful of ears or spikes’, ‘the right of gleaning ears or spikes’, glaner ‘glean ears or spikes’, glanure ‘gleaner of ears or spikes’, . glean, gleaner’, Spanish espigar ‘glean ears or spikes’, espigueo ‘gleaning ears or spikes’, espigador ‘gleaning of ears or spikes’, Italian spigolare ‘glean ears or spikes’, spigolatura ‘gleaning of ears or spikes’, spigolatrice ‘woman gleaning ears or spikes’, Greek υ χ(υ)ο ογῶ ‘glean ears or spikes’, υ χ(υ)ο όγ α ‘gleaning of ears or spikes’, α πο ογῶ ‘glean grapes’, German Ährenlese ~ Ährenlesen ‘gleaning of ears or spikes’, Ährenleser ‘gleaner of ears or spikes’, Serbian and Croatian pabirčiti ‘glean’, pabirčenje ‘gleaning’, pabirak ‘remnants of the harvest, remnants of fruits after harvesting’. Etymology of the Crimean Tatar words confirms a rich ethnic and lingual history of Crimean Tatars in whose ethnogenesis the Turks and Mongols of the Golden Horde, Greeks of Crimea, and migrants from the Caucasus and Anatolia has taken part. 279 The Typology of the Model of the Word “Karagöz” and the Characteristic of its Connotation Spartak KADIU Introduction As in all the Balkan languages, the same has also happened in Albanian where many borrowed words came from Turkish. Besides vocabulary, some word formation elements, such as the suffixes are borrowed, too. In the word formation of the Albanian language, these stems and suffixes serve to form compound or derivative words. The compound words that are formed by the roots and stems of the Turkish language are divided into three groups. When we analyse the typology of the composite sentence structures, we notice that the model of the compound word is the one dominating, and the first element comes from Turkish. There are also other cases when the second element comes from Turkish, or when the whole word is a compound borrowed word. In the group of compound words, we face the model formed with the Turkish root “kara”, which is part of the third group of this division. In the Albanian language the connotation of the borrowed Turkish word “karagjoz” (zany/buffoon) is close to the characteristics of the main character of the “shadow theatre” in Turkey. The “zany/buffoon” is a shadow theatre play, a kind of traditional show that is of great importance in the Turkish culture. There are too many debates and opinions regarding the origin of this theatre. This theatre might have its origin from the countries of the Far East, such as Indonesia or China, and it has reached the Middle East through India. According to some sources, the Zany/Buffoon was presented for the first time in the XIV century, at the time of Orhan Gazi in Bursa. According to current studies, this kind of theatre has reached its whole shape and has gained the title “The Zany/ Buffoon” in XVII. Even in the West, this kind of shadow theatre has been too popular and holds the same connotation. Thus, it is the same charismatic character that jokes and speaks ironically. The concept of Karagöz has two meanings; a. First it means the character of the main person, who is Karagöz, b. Second it means the general name given to all of the shadow plays. 281 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Including the use of the word ‘oyun/oyunları’ (theatre) which is also used with second meaning makes it easier to understand. Upon further inquiring on where and how the shadow play appeared, we have two different approaches. a. It appeared in Asia, and from there it moved to the west. b. It appeared in West and its history moved from there to Asia.1 There is no precise information about when and where the “Shadow of the game” appeared for the first time to be seen among the Turks. Amongst Turkish researchers we don’t find the information about the right place and time regarding of the shadow theatre. These are among of the names of the first important works were done by Ignaz Kunos (1887), Georg Jacob (1889), Felix von Luschan (1889), Adolphe Thalasso (1894), C.A. Bratter (1908), Karl Sussheim (1909), N. Martinovitch (1910), W. Lehmann (1920), Theodor Seif (1923), Hellmut Ritter (1924), Theodor Menzel (1925), Herbert Duda (1928). Some important works were done by Turkish researchers like Selim Nüzhet Gerçek (1930), Sabri Esat Siyavuşgil (1938), İsmayil Hakkı Baltacıoğlu (1942), Reşat Oğuz (1946), Enver Behnan Şapolyo (1947), Refik Ahmet Sevengil (1949), Nurullah Tilgen (1953), Metin And (1959), Nurettin Sevin (1968), Cevdet Kudret (1968), Etem Ruhi Üngör (1989). 2 According to Andreas Tietze based on various theories the Turkish shadow theatre is: 1. Taken from the Byzance by the Turks, but its origin is the ancient Greek theatre (mimos). (Reich 1903, 61) 2. Shadow theatre has emerged in China, has been moved by the Turks in Central Asia and by the Mongols in the Western one. (Jacob, 1925, 108). 3. Shadow theatre originated in India and spread from there to Central Asia. Turks have brought it to Anatolia after accepting the Islam. (Sevin, 1968) 4. Shadow theatre is originated in India and it was introduced by the Gypsies to Near East. (Pischel, 1900, 20) 5. Selim I (Yavuz, 1512–1520), the conquistador of Egypt (1517), then brought it from Egypt to the capital of the Ottoman Empire. According to the Egyptian historian Ibn Ilyas (Elijah), records contain interesting facts on the shadow theatre. He and his family were also invited to come to Istanbul. Metin And also supports this view. (And 1969, 115) 6. It is a part of Art, as a part of the Islamic heritage, it is stated that it was developed by the Jews who had emigrated from Spain. Thus, its origin dates 1 2 Saim Sakaoğlu, Türk Gölge oyunu Karagöz, Akçağ yayınları, Ankara, 2003, p.13. Sakaoğlu, 2003, p.21. 282 Spartak KADIU • The Typology of the Model of the Word «Karagöz» … back to Egypt again. This view is referred to as a remote possibility by Metin And. (And 1969, 112) 7. In the early Ottoman period, when Bursa was the capital was brought by the Turks. This popular legend was reported by Evliya Çelebi who was a writer of the 17th century. 8. Turkish shadow theatre Karagöz is created by the Turks in Central Asia. (Siyavuşgil 1938, 4)3 Siyavuşgil represents this opinion in his work after 5 years. It continued to be a national moment in the shadow theatre of Turks who brought it from the homeland and we agree to this adaption. The shadow theatre has entertained people in different countries for centuries, when is flown by the nice time that host them some good ideas. This game that lasted hundreds of years developing in Anatolia made Turks able to love it enough. So they loved it almost to the point that when one of us is in the axis of people, they identify us with the most entertaining theatre’s name which was Karagöz's name. The shadow theatre does not exist in the Albanian culture. It took place only in our language as a borrowed word. Karagöz is ridiculous, is a person who jokes. In stylistic terms, this word also carries a negative meaning. This word took place as compound borrowed word from Turkish. It is known that Karagöz is a borrowed word. According to Albanian Dictionary the first meaning of Karagöz is 1. Person who laughs and jokes with the movements of others, such as ‘pagliaco’, 2. Comic person, funny person in front of the eyes of other people. According to the Albanian dictionary, we have these definitions: Karagjoz 1. Ai që i bën të tjerët të qeshin me shakatë dhe me lëvizjet e tij të shkathëta, palaço, fytyrëkaragjozi. 2. mospërfillës. Njeri qesharak njeri që bëhet gazi të tjerëve, u bë karagjoz. (Karagjozllëk veprim e sjellje prej karagjozi. Bën karagjozllëqe, Ç`janë këto karagjozllëqe)4 According to the synonymic dictionary5 this word has these synonymic words: (karagjoz = palaço, qesharak, gaztor, lolo, lonxho, loli, hokatar (These words means jester – harlequin, funny, clown, lolo, lonxho, loli, prankish. In the dictionary is also the meaning karagjozllëk = palaçollëk that means droll – buffoonery). In grammatical terms, this word represents a third group of compound words which have two roots from Turkish; it is a compound word. Compound words took a very important place in the Turkish vocabulary. Compound words in terms of grammar can be nouns, adjectives, pronouns, adverbs, ad3 4 5 Ibidem, p.22. Akademia e Shkencave e Shqipërisë, Fjalori i gjuhës së sotme shqipe, Tiranë, 1980, p.798. Ali Dhrimo, Edmond Tupja, Eshref Ymeri, Fjalori sinonimik i gjuhes shqipe, EDFA, Tirane, 2007, p.187. 283 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II jectives and verbs. According to Banguoğlu the compound words like simple and derived words, in terms of meaning are taking place in a class (category) and they can change the category. According to him, compound words are divided into two major groups: Name groups and verb groups. Compound words have multi types of meaning relations like the material which forms the object, the place where the product grew up, the characteristic of object, the specification of nominalization, the specification of a feature of an object belonging to verb, the transformation and metaphors of names which are composed from verbs. The possessiveness, the interest, the bond and the metaphors hold an important place in the formation of compound words. In the way of formation of compound words for analogy is seen the tendency of concretization. In this way are formed a number of place names and many plant’s, flower’s, furniture’s, appliance’s and object’s names. Although the derivational words are issuing type of production formed based in relation meaning + function, the compound words are type of production that forefront the meaning units inside of certain forms of molds.6 Turkish compound nouns can be formed with noun phrases, adjective phrases, repetition of words (doublet structure) and with infinitive and gerunds. Turkish elements are known by the Albanian linguists and they are analysed. Xhuvani and Çabej's works gave place to the elements of Turkish origin between Albanian morphemes. Between these elements we are also talking about the element “kara”; there are a few words created with these elements. These elements are evaluated in Albanian language in a similar manner as a prefix to create new words in Albanian.7 We can give other examples from compound words such as karabatak, karabojë, karabullak, karabullar, karagrosh, karagjoz, karakofpe, karakush, karasevda, karatauk, or other examples that don’t have a clear morphological structure like karabozan, karabush, karakoç, karakatınë.8 In Albanian language, there are compound words that were specified with Turkish roots. Many of these words are synonymous with Turkish borrowed words which are formed with the morphemes -ci and -kar and they were took the second element from Albanian Language. These words are made to be used in place of Turkish words. Examples bakërpunues – bakërxhi, teneqepunues – teneqexhi, tavanpunues – tavanxhi, nazemadh – nazeqar. As it is known these compound words typology in Albanian language are divided into three groups. 6 7 8 Zeynep Korkmaz, Türkiye Türkçesi Grameri (Şekil bilgisi), TDK, Ankara, 2007, p.137. Aleksandër Xhuvani – Ekrem Çabej, Parashtesat e gjuhës shqipe, “Çështje të gramatikës së shqipes së sotme” II, Tiranë, 1975, p.18; Aleksandër Xhuvani, Vepra I, Tiranë, 1980. Xhuvani – Çabej, 1975, f.18; Xhuvani, Vepra I, 1980. 284 Spartak KADIU • The Typology of the Model of the Word «Karagöz» … The first group is the group where the first root is Turkish borrowed words and the second root is Albanian words. Turkish root Albanian root Compound word Derived words bakër punues bakërpunues bakër-xhi teneqe punues teneqepunues teneqe-xhi tavan punues tavanpunues tavan-xhi Here are some other examples with the first root borrowed from Turkish language. Example dallgëpritëse (dallgë<dalga + pritëse), hilemadh (hile<hile + madh), duhanpunues (duhan+punues), duhanshitës (duhan+shitës), qymyrbërës (qymyr< kömür+bërës),qofteshitës (qofte<köfte +shitës) ect.9 As noted earlier in Albanian Language these borrowed words have phonetic changes. In these examples the second elements are adjectives, deverbals and participles. Example hatërmadh (hatër<hatır +madh), llafemadh (llaf < laf +madh), xhepshpuar (xhep< cep +shpuar), xhepgrisur, qofte < köfte+bërës, çanak<çanak + lëpirës. They also are noun-verb. Example qiradhënie (qira < kira +dhënie), qiramarrje (qira+marrje), çerekshekulli (çerek<çeyrek +shekulli) The second group is the group where the first root is Albanian word and the second root is borrowed words from Turkish language. Albanian root Turkish root Compound word Derivated words kokë boş kokëbosh - ngjyrë limon ngjyrëlimon - ngjyrë kafe ngjyrëkafe - In this group of words the second root is from Turkish. The first root is a noun, the second root is an Turkish adjective. This is due to form of compound words that forms adjectives in Albanian language. In Turkish this structure is adjective + noun. Ex. ngjyrëkafe (ngjyrë + kafe) – kahverengi (kahve + rengi). In Albanian Language the structure is noun + noun or noun + adjective, but in Turkish the structure is adjective + noun. Other examples of compound words of colors are: Example. bojëbizele – ngjyrë bizele, bojëkafe – ngjyrëkafe, bojëjeshil – ngjyrëjeshil, ect. Other examples of compound words showing colors: Example. bojëbizele – ngjyrëbizele, bojëkafe – ngjyrëkafe, bojëjeshil – ngjyrëjeshil, ect. 9 Lindita Latifi, Turqizmat dhe semantika e tyre në fjalorët e shqipes, Tiranë, Dudaj, 2012, p.297. 285 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II The third group is the group where the first and the second roots are borrowed from Turkish. Turkish root Turkish root Compound word Derivated word qorr sokak qorrsokak - dolli baş dollibash - sanxhak bej sanxhakbej - Turkish word created with “kara” element may be collected to this group to. But the borrowed element “kara” in Albanian language is considered like a prefix and not like a root, component of borrowed Turkish elements. Turkish compound words with element “kara”. Turkish root Turkish root Compound word Derivated word kara Bina karabina - kara Göz karagjoz - kara Sevda karasevda - In Albanian language no compound noun has been created with “kara” root. All examples are borrowed words from Turkish language. Semantic development of Turkish origin words is not only a result of the relationship when they are in direct contact with the historical background of these languages, at the same time creating new words with their own borrowed element is the result of interaction between the needs and abilities and opportunities to assimilate foreign elements of standard Albanian language.10 The word “kara” has a lot of meaning in Turkish language like a simple word. One of them is black colour. But as it is known when a word become part of compound words the first or individual meaning of this word lost. In Albanian language all the compound words with the element “kara” are borrowed word from Turkish language. Some of them are part of Albanian dictionaries. But some others are archaic words and they are not in use. According to Albanian linguists like Çabej and Xhuvani, some other words are with unknown origin. In Albanian only few compound words are formed with root “kara” and Albanian roots, but they are used in negative meaning and they are part of vulgar speaking. They are not included in Albanian Dictionary. 10 Miço Samara, “Zhvillimet leksiko-semantike të turqizmave në gjuhën shqipe”, Studime Filologjike, no. 1-4, Tiranë, 1995, p. 66. 286 Ethnonyms and Toponyms of the Old Turkic Inscriptions in Chinese Sources Nurlan KENZHEAKHMET Introduction After the Tang-Turkic war, in the middle of seventh century, according to the Chinese sources, the Tang Dynasty set up the autonomous administrative and political organization system of jimizhou 羁縻 (protected prefectures), which employed Turkic puppet Qaγans in order to control and regulate Turkic tribes. Initially, the Tang Chinese Empire subjugated the Eastern Turkic population, and later the Western Turkic, who were suzerains of ancient city-states in present-day northwestern China and southern Kazakhstan, including Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan. Chinese annals – including Jiu Tangshu 舊唐書, Xin Tangshu 唐書, Tang Huiyao 唐會要, and Cefu yuan gui 冊府元龜 – preserve many Old Turkic onomastics. But these Turkic tribal names and toponyms seem to be documented by being transferred into Chinese names, and are only recorded in the Chinese sources mentioned here. Thus, the location and occupants of these Turkic groups have to be investigated using these particular Chinese sources. Interestingly, through an investigation of all medieval Chinese sources, one can observe that these district names are registered only in the four sources mentioned here. For instance, the locales occupied by Turkic tribes have been ascribed different administrative names for the same Jimizhou territory. In addition, Chinese toponyms such as Jilu 雞鹿 and Dawan 大宛 can also be found in the Hanshu 漢書, the history of the earlier Chinese Han Dynasty. Jilu is a location name in modern Inner Mongolia, and Dawan is an ancient Chinese name for the Ferghana valley of Uzbekistan. Yet, in the Tang Dynasty, Chinese historians used both these toponyms for the areas around Orkhon valley and Tashkent, respectively. These facts beg the question: Are locations names given in the Chinese annals to territories occupied by Turkic inhabitants at all original names? According to the four Tang Dynasty sources mentioned here, there were two ways of transcribing from Old Turkic onomastics into Chinese. Sometimes the words were simply transliterated from Old Turkic, taking Chinese characters to approximate the pronunciations of the Old Turkic ethnonyms, personal names and even toponyms in the same way as the Chinese versions found on the Old Turkic inscriptions. For example, Bolchu 287 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II was written as Woluzhou 嗢鹿 . A second way was to translate the original Turkic words into Chinese meaning equivalents. For example, Qušlaɣaq, which denotes a “place where there are many birds and they are hunted,” was written as Jitian 雞田. Some names even appear as a mixture of these two methods, transliterating part of the name and translating the other. For example, the Turkic place name of Ezgenti Qadaz was transcribed as Yanhongda jing 閻洪達 – taking “Ezgennti” as “Yanhongda” and “qadaz,” the word for “well,” as “jing.” Many Old Turkic toponyms were prescribed as the translations from Turkic into Chinese. During the middle ages, many geographical sites and settlements of Central Asia carried duplicate names, in both Turkic and Chinese. These include Temir Qapïγ as Tiemen guan 鐵門關 and Toγu balïq as Jilu 雞鹿/雞祿. In this study, I have investigated the ethnonyms, toponyms and personal names of the Old Turkic inscriptions within Chinese sources. Late rulers of the Second Turkic Qaγanate (also Khaganate) (682–745) erected some stone stele inscribed in Turkic, the most famous of them being the Orkhon inscriptions. However, the Orkhon inscriptions cover only the geography of Turkic Qaγanate and its immediate neighbors. Thus, many of the names within cannot be ascribed to distant places and states as some scholars have proposed. Many scholars consider Purum mentioned in these inscriptions as the Byzantine or Eastern Roman Empire, and Temir Qapïγ as the “Iron Gate” north of Samarkand. However, I argue that the Purum in the Orkhon inscriptions denotes a state of Tokharstan ruled by the Western Turkic Qaγans, and Temir Qapïγ is an important gorge near the city of Agni (modern Qarašahar) in Xinjiang. Geographical realms recorded in the Orkhon inscriptions cover areas in the west, or the territory of the formerly Western Turkic Qaγanate. The campaign of Bilge Qaγan and Tonuquq never went beyond Syr-Darya, located between Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan. In reading the geography of the Orkhon inscriptions this way, I conclude that the Tokharians mentioned in the Orkhon inscription were inhabitans of Eastern Turkestan oases of Agni, Kuchar, Aksu, and Turfan. Soγud = Suheduo 宿呵多, Caojuzha 漕矩吒; Berčеker = Xiao Bolü 小勃律; Buqaraq = Bohe guo 鉢和國 The Kültegin inscription mentioned the envoys from Soγud, Berč ker and Buqaraq ulus countries by the name Nä Se ün and γul arqan: ‘qurïya: kün: batsïqdaqï: Soγud: Berč ker: Buqaraq ulus: budunta: Nä Se ün: γul arqan: kelti’(KT 10–11). Zuev identifies Soγud with Sogdiana: ‘the ancient Türkic runiform inscriptions of Mongolia precisely discriminate between them: the mother country was called Soγd, 288 Nurlan KENZHEAKHMET • Ethnonyms and Toponyms of the Old Turkic Inscriptions in Chinese Sources and a colony was called Soγdaq1. At the start of the eighth century Samarqand came under Arab control. It is clear that in that episode the Soγud is not a Sogdiana and Samarqand, but the Buqaraq, which cannot be the Bukhara to the west from Samarqand. The Suishu describes Cao-guo is situated to the north (rightly south) of Congling, this is the country of Jibin 賓of Han period. Their king’s family is Zhaowu 昭武, name is Shunda 順達, is descended from the king family of Kangguo 康國[SS j.83 Xiyu]; an account of Caoguo occurs in the Xin Tangshu: Jibin (Kapisa) is Caoguo 漕國 of Sui period, is situated to the south of Congling (Pamir) [XTS j.221A Xiyu-A]. In my opinion, the name Caoguo, MChin tsɦaw-kuǝk, came down from Zhaowu or Kang, they are a sort of the Soγd. The ruler of the Kapisa who had their headquarters in Xiuxian 脩鮮is called teqin or tekin and one of king also called Fulin Kipo 拂菻罽婆 (Purum Kapisa). In other hand, Soγud/Suγuda is Turkic form of Juhuda/Jaguda, with its capital at Ghazni. According to the Xin Tangshu, Xieyu is located southwest of Tokharistan. They native name is Caoju or Caojuzha. Their territory is said to be contiguous in the east with Jibin 罽賓 (Kapisa), northeast with the Fanyan 帆延 (Bamiyan), in the south with the Polumen 婆羅門(Brakhman, i.e. India), in the west with the Bosi 波斯 (Persia) and in the north with Hushijian (Guzgan). They ruler lives in the city of Hexina 鶴悉那 (Ghazni) and the city of Asuoni [XTS j. 221B Xiyu-B]. Caojuda, MChin tsɦaw-kyǝ-tra, it can be easly read as Juhuda, or restored as Suγuda. Buddhist monk Faxian caled ir Suheduo 宿呵多. Accordingly, power in both Juguda and Kapisa was concentrated in the hands of the Turkic royal family. The Chinese authors of the Tang period generally call the region Baltistan and Bolor (in the Yasin valley) Bolü [XTS j. 221B Xiyu-B]. These names they evidently borrowed from the Tibetan, who calls this region Bruzha. The Weishu states that the countries Ganda 乾達 (Gandhara), Puoluo 婆羅 (Baharak?), Dasheyue 達舍越, Gashimi 使密 (Kashmir), Buliusha 不流沙 (Bruzha) whose sent envoys to the Wei in the third year of Jingming 明 (502) [WS j.8 The fourth year of Yongping (511)] [XTS j.221B Da Bolü]. At the time, the country of Buliusha, Mchin put-liw-şa, which was also called Great Bolü and Little Bolü of the Tang period, was under the ruler of king Bruzha. According to the Xin Tangshu, there are two Bolü countries: Da Bolü 大勃律 (Great Bolü) and Xiao Bolü 小勃律 (Little Bolü). Da Bolü also called as Bulu 布露 is situated the southeast of Xiao Bolü, probably modern Baltistan; Xiao Boü is situated north of Kashmir and east of the city Jiabulue 迦布羅 (Kabul), they 1 Yu. A. Zuev, : , Almaty, 2002, p.160. 289 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II political center located Yasin valley. Bolü or Bolyu, MChin pɦut-lyt, is a Chinese transliterlation of the country name Burusho/Brusho. To the Turkic Chinese Bolü was known in Orkhon inscription under the name of Berč ker. These names they evidently borrowed from the local language of Burusho or Xiao Bolü, who probably call own country Werchikwar. Through an accident of naming, the term Werchikwar now commonly refers to a dialect of Burusho in the Yasin basin. The names of the Burusho language are Burushaski, Brugaski, Verchikwar (Werchikwar) and Kanjut.2 Now the name Burusho we use to designate the Burusho people in the Hunza, Nagar, Yasin, and Ishkoman valleys, and some parts of the Gilgit valley, in Gilgit Baltistan, in Srinagar in Jammu and Kashmir. The Xin Tangshu states: ‘The country Humi 護蜜 (Kumidji), also called Damoxitiedi 達摩悉鐵帝 (Dharmasthiti/Termistat) or Huokan 鑊侃 (Wakhan). During Wei dynasty was known as Bohe 鉢和. This place is Ancient Tokharistan… They ruler lives in the city of Sejiashen 塞迦審城 (Ishkashim)’ [XTS j.221B Xiyu-B]. The name of Bohe, MChin puat-xɦua, is identical with Turkic Buqaraq. Buqaraq might represent Baharak. Baharak is the name of town and seat of Baharak district Badakhshan province in northeastern Afghanistan. The present town of Baharak has been the capital of the Badakhshan, approximately 30 km to the southeast of Faizabad. In the 729 the Tang chronicler noted a ruler from the country Humi or Bohe by the name Wuhu dagan 烏鶻達 /烏鶻達幹 come to Chinese court [XTS j.221B Xiyu-B; CFYG j.975]. Wuhu dagan could be easily restored as γul arqan. The meaning of ulus is a country in Turkic3; Suɣud, Berčeker, Buqaraq ulus means the countries of Suɣud, Berčeker, Buqaraq. The lands of Suɣud (Suɣuda), Berčeker (Werchikwar) and Buqaraq (Baharak) were a part of the Tokharistan. The territory of Tokharistan was identical Kushan Bactria, in the seventh and eights centuries, extended from the Iron Gates of Sogdiana to the Sind river. Now it is a well-known fact that there were very strong connections between the Suɣud, Berčeker and Buqaraq rulers and the Kök Turkic court. Since around 630 to 758 Tokharistan was under the rule of Yabɣus of a dynasty founded by Khan Yabɣu Tardu Šad, son of the Western Turkic qaɣan Tung Yabɣu. The Yabɣu of the Turkic continued to rule Tokhristan even after the destruction of the Turkic empire by the Tang. There was also population of Turkic who ruled the region even 2 3 According to Litvinskiy, Burushaski is a completely distinct language: it stands at the confluence of three great families – the Indo-European, the Sino-Tibetan and the Altaic – but belongs to none of them [History of civilizations of Central Asia, vol.3, 1996, p.378]. Gaochang guan zazi [The Uighur-Chinese dictionary of Gaochang], Hu Zhenhua and Huang Renhua (eds.), Beijing, 1984, p.34. 290 Nurlan KENZHEAKHMET • Ethnonyms and Toponyms of the Old Turkic Inscriptions in Chinese Sources after the destruction of the empire of Western Turkic4. Tabari mentions that all princes down to the Sind area and to Herat considered themselves, even if purely nominally, as servants of the Yabɣu of Tokharistan5. Hyecho wrote that the king of Tokharistan had lived in Balkh, but was forced to remove to Badakhshan by the Arabs6. The name Par-Purum occurs between the countries Tüpüt and Qïrqïz (KT E4, BQ E5). This problem was disputed a long time. Radloff read it as Parpurim and later Parpurum together with the previous word7, and Thomsen and Orkun read it as Apar and Apourim [Thomsen 1896.98; Orkun 1936.30–31]. Hamilton explained second word was ancient Turkic form of Fr m~Frūm (=Byzantine Empire)8, Malov read Apar (=Avar) and Purum (=Rim)9. It can be easily deduced from the order of the ethnonyms or toponyms that they are told according to clock direction, that is, from east through south to west, and then to north. According to the order in the text, we should look for Par-Purum in the area what is today Kashmir and Afghanistan. The Xin Tangshu states that, in the Kapisa, there was a king named Fulin Jibo 拂菻罽婆. Harmatta considers that in this name of Jibo 罽婆, there is a confusion between the sign bo 婆 and suo 娑; accordingly, the correct form is Fu-lin-ki-suo in which it is easy to recognize the Iranian name *Frōm Kēsar (emperor of Rome [=Byzantium])10. According to Harmatta, on the coins of some Arab governors, a Bactrian text overstruck on the rim has been discovered: φ ο ο η α ο α ο χοα ηο ο ο α α ο χο ο ο ο αο ο α α ο α ο ο ο α ο (Fromo Kesaro, the Majestic Sovereign [is] who defeated the Arabs and laid a tax [on them])11. I can find no evidence that the character for bo was known as suo in ancient times. In my opinion Jibo is a variant of Jibin. Jibin almost certainly referred to included Kandahar and Kapisa. The Chinese pilgrim Wu Kong’s account helps to locate Jibin both in 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Enoki Kazuo, On the date of the Kidarites (2). Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko 28, 1970, pp.13–18. Emel Esin, Tabarī’s Report on the Warfare with the Türgiš and the Testimony of Eighth Century Central Asia Art. CAJ 12 / 2–4, 1973, p.131. Hyecho 慧超. Wang wu Tianzhu guo zhuan jianshi 往五天竺國傳箋釋[Memoir of the pilgrimage to the five kingdoms of India], Anotated by Zhang Yi 張毅, Zhonghua shuju, Beijing, 1994, p.96. V. V. Radloff, P. M. Melioranskij, “Drevnetjurkskie pamjatniki v Košo-Cajdame”, in Sbornik Trudov Orkhonskoj Ekspedicij 4, Sankt-Peterburg, 1897, p.131 and W. Radloff, Die alttürkschen Inschriften der Mongolei, Neue Folge, Sankt-Petersburg, 1895, p.45. J.R. Hamilton, “Opla-/Yopla-, UF-/Yuf- et autres formes semblables en turc ancien”, in AOH 28/1, 1974, pp.111–117. S. E. Malov, Pamjatniki drevnetjurkskoj pis’mennosti, Moskva-Leningrad, 1951, p.29. J. Harmatta, “Tokharistan and Gandhara under Western Türk Rule (650–750): History of the regions” in History of civilizations of Central Asia, v.3, B. A. Litvinsky, Zhang Guang-da and R. Shabani Samghabadi (eds.), UNESCO, 1996, p.372. Ibidem, p.374. 291 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Kapisa nad Kanfahar: ‘on the twenty first day of the second month of the twelfth Guisi year (753), he (Wu Kong) arrived at the kingdom Qiantuoluo 乾羅; this is the eastern capital of Jibin. The king lives in winter in this place; in summer, he lives in Jibin’12. According to Hill, the Persian name for Kandahar was Kapisakaiš13. In the Weishu mentioned the country Pulan 嵐 with Yanda 嚈噠. Pulan, MChin h p uǝ-lam, which rightly correspendos to Purum. In 456, the Pulan sent the first embassy to the court of Wei and for the first time they were known to the Chinese. According to the Weishu Pulan sent three embassies from 456 to 467[WS j.5–6]. Pulan is a Chinese transcription of a name of Purum, which is also written as Fulin 拂林 or Fulin 拂菻[XTS j.221A Jibin; j.221B Da Bolü]. Without doubt Fulin, MChin fut-lim, is the Chinese transcription of Purum. Purum, must have been a real country to the west of Badakhshan. Korean Buddhist monk Hyecho, Chinese Hui Chao (704–783), who travelled Tokharistan between 723 and 729, reports that in Gandhara, Kapisa and Xieyu 謝䫻 (Juguda) the kings and military forces were Turkic14. The Turkic kings bearing the title purum of Kapisa. The names of kings or the country Pulan, Fulin, Fromo are attested by the legends of their coins, by texts of the Nestorian Monument in China and Chines accounts. Even today the district south of the Taloqan (in Afghanistan) is called Khost wa Farang. Farang or Firang (Farinj), a village on Khost, in the Bangi valley, about 90 km south of Taloqan. Par-Purom probably comes from Vara Brahma/Phra Phrom, is the Sanskrit name of god brahma. In his Records of Western Countries Xuanzang writes about the country Ximataluo 呬摩呾羅 as follows: ‘The country of Ximataluo is formerly a part of the country of Duhuoluo. …Their manners and customs, as well as their wears made of felt, skin and coarse cloth, are very similar to the Turkic. …Their ancestors established a strong country, of which the king was of Shi 釋 (Sakya) origin. …the country adjoins Qilisema 訖栗瑟摩 (Krishma, modern Kishm in Afghanistan) in the west. By travelling eastwards through valleys 200 and odd li, one reaches Boduochuangna 鉢鐸創那’. All scholars identify Boduochuangna with Badakhshan and located Ximataluo to the west of Badakhshan15. According to the Uighur version Xuanzang Biography, Boduochuangna is transcribing Pänžü višay16. According to Harmatta of the territories annexed in 625 by the Western Turkic Empire, Khuttal 12 13 14 15 16 Taishō shinshū dai zōkyō 大正脩大藏經 [Revised version of the canon, compiled during the Taish era], Takakusu Junjir 高楠順次郎, Watanabe Kaikyoku 渡辺海旭 et al. (eds.), vol.51, Taish Issaiky Kank kai, Tokyo, 1924–1932–1935, p.979 John E. Hill, Through the jade gate to Rome: A Study of the Silk Routes during the Later Han Dynasty 1st to 2nd Centuries CE, John E. Hill BookSurge, Charleston, South Carolina, 2009, p.517. Hyecho, 1994, pp.71,91,93. Enoki, 1970, p.34. L. J. Tuguševa, Ujgurskaja versija biografii Xuan-Zanga, Moscow, 1991, pp.69,290. 292 Nurlan KENZHEAKHMET • Ethnonyms and Toponyms of the Old Turkic Inscriptions in Chinese Sources and Kapisa-Gandhara were independent kingdoms after the disintegration of the Hephthalite kingdom. The Hephthalite kings bearing the Indian names of KapisaGandhara continued the coinage of the Hephthalite kings of Tokharistan. All the coin legends are written in the Brahmi alphabet and all kings bear Indian names17. The Liangshu states that the country of Hua guo 滑國 conquered their neighbouring countries such as Bosi 波 (Persia), Panpan 盤盤, Jibin (Kapisa), Yanqi 焉耆 (Agni), Qiuci 龜茲 (Kuchar), Shule 疏勒 (Suluq/Kashgar), Gumo 姑墨 (Aqsu), Yutian 于闐 (Khotan) and Goupan 盤 and extended their territory by more than a thousand li [LS j.54 Huaguo]. Panpan must be situated in the region to the east Persia. Panpan, Mchin pɦuanpɦuan, by the way, I am of the opinion that Panpan is transcribing Par-Purum. The Par-Purum=Panpan identity is established for the following reasons: 1) The Kültegin inscription mentioned three countries: Soγud, Berč ker and Buqaraq ulus. These countries located between Persia and Kashmir-Pamir (see below). In my opinion Par-Purum is common name of the three countries. 2) Par-Purom comes from Vara Brahma/Phra Phrom, is the Sanskrit name of god brahma. Temir Qapï = Tiemen guan 鐵門關 This river name occurs in the Kül Tegin and Bilge Qaγan inscription (KT E39, BQ N3): So daq budun t yin tiyin, Yinčü ügüzüg keče, Temir Qapï qa tegi süledimiz. Anta kisre Qara Türgeš budun ya ï bolmuš, Keŋeres tapa bardï. Biziŋ sü atï turïq azuqï yoq erti. Scholars consider that Yinčü Ögüz (Pearl River) is Syr-Darya18. I think that by the So daq budun, not the Sogdiana, but the Sogdian colonies outsude of Sogd is meant. According to Livšic, frequently the Sogdian colonies outside of Sogd were called Suli/Sulik (from Sogdian sώγ yk ‘Sogdian’) and Sogdak (from Sogdian sγ 'k). Mahmud Kashgari writes: ‘Sogdak are the people living in Balasagun. They are from Sogd, which is between Bukhara and Samarkand, but they look like Türks and have accepted their customs’ [Kashgari Mahmud I 437]. It is clear that in that episode the Temir Qapï , which cannot be a Buz-gala mountain pass in the Baisun Mountains far to the south from Samarqand. Zuev says that a separate campaign to Sogd and Tokharistan, beyond the limits of the Qaγanate, did not happen19. Tonuquq inscription mentioned the battle of the Bolču (TI N11). About his move Tonuquq tells: ‘having organized and gathered together the lords and the people who had come (and join us), since a few of the people had fled, I ordered the On Oq troops to march off. We, too, marched off, and followed them 17 18 19 Harmatta, 1996, p.362. René Giraud, L’Empire Des Turcs Cèlestes: Les Règnes d’Elterich,Qapghan et Bilgä 680–734: Contribution à l’histoire des Turcs d’Asie Centrale, Paris, 1960, p.180, and S. G. Kljashtornyj, Istorija Centralnoj Azii i pamjatniki runičeskogo pisma, Sankt-Peterburg, 2003, p.188. Zuev, 2002, p.175. 293 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II up. Having crossed over the Yinčü Ögüz, and passed by the Be iligek taγ, which is (also) called Tinesi oγli (Son of Tengri). We came as far as the Temir Qapï . There we ordered the armies to turn back. Inäl Qaγan (is...) confused (flied) Tokhars... and the Sogdian people under Asuq, who are on this side of the others mentioned, all came and submitted to Ïnä1 Qaγan. The Türkish people reached the Temir Qapï (TII W8–9, S1–2). Regarding the word, Malov read it Tinäsi o ly jaty ma bäņligäk 20 ta y and translated as — , but René Giraud read bä γlig äktaγ21. Regarding the word of tezik, scholars believe that this is ethnonym. In my opinion this word is adjective, means run away, shy away, to escape22. According to the Xin Tangshu, the river Zhenzhu 真珠 (the Pearl River) lies between the pass of Bodaling (Bedel art) and the lake of Issik köl: leads from the town of Dashi in the district of Wensu across the Bedel pass to Dunduo cheng, which is none other than the town of Chishan (Red mountain) capital of the Wusun, and past a river of Zhenzhu and lake of Xuehai (Lake of Snow) [XTS j.43B Dili-7B]. The river Zhenzhu seems to be the Naryn River, the eastern affluents of Syr-Darya. Indeed in the chapter of Chach (Tashkent) of Xin Tangshu explains, with respect to the name of the Syr-Darya, that the river Yaosha 藥殺 (Yaksart), called amongst Chinese Zhenzhu or Zhi 質[XTS j.221B Xiyu-B]. In my opinion Turkic Yinčü Ögüz is Yingsuo chuan 鷹娑 (the valley of Yingsuo) of Tangshu. The Dudufu and valley Yingsuo occurs several time in the Tangshu, the valley of Yingsuo situated to the northwest of Agni [XTS j.43B Dili-7B]. The same as modern Yulduz, a valley Yulduz or Zhulduz northwest of Qarašahar, and a river of the same name. During the Tang dynasty the mountain north of Kucha called Baishan 白山 (White Mountain) [JTS j.40 Anxi duhu]. The mountain is also known by the names of Tianshan 山, Ajietian 羯田 (Aq taγ) and Sanmi 三彌 (Zemštaγ) which sends out continually smoke and fire. It produces naoshadr (sal ammoniac) [XTS j.221A Xiyu-A; j.215B Tujue-B].23 According to Forsyth in the mountains to the north is a volcano, and from its base a river called Zamcha issues. On its banks are dug alum and a salt of zinc called zamch which is used as a mordant with alum in dying. The rocks at the foot of the hill are hot to the touch, but the water of the river is cold. 20 21 22 23 Malov, op.cit., pp.64, 69. Giraud, 2003, p.182. Sir G. Clauson, An etymologycal dictionary of pre-thirteenth century Turkish, Oxford, 1972, pp.572, 574. About Baishan Mountain, see E. Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches from Eastern Asiatic Sources, vol. II, London., 1910, pp.243–244. 294 Nurlan KENZHEAKHMET • Ethnonyms and Toponyms of the Old Turkic Inscriptions in Chinese Sources Loud rumblings and explosions are constantly heard in the interior of the mountain, whch is very high, and whose top is always covered with snow. It is called Khán Khurá Tágh. …It has a volcano which emits smoke and vomits up streams of pebbles and hot mud. At the bottom of the volcano is the Tolaman River which further on is called Koksú or ‘Blue water’24. Turkic probably calls Baishan Be iligek taγ, because the mountains continually smoke and fire. Be iligek means ‘eternal’ in Turkic. The mountain also called Tinesi oγli (Son of Te ri). Tinesi is the same as Tianzi (son of Te ri). This is the Tianshan (the Celestial Mountain) or Tianzi Shan. The Chinese author is probably in calling Tianshan as Tianzi Shan (the Mountain of Tianzi), or Tianshan is short name of Tianzi Shan. During the Turkic Qaγanate period there were two of mountain passes called Tiemen guan 鐵門關or Tiemen shan 鐵門山 by Chinese: first, Tiemen guan (Iron gate pass) of near Agni (modern Qarašahar) [XTS j.43B Dili-7B]; second, Tiemen shan (Iron gate mountain) south to the Samarqand [XTS j.221B Xiyu-B]. First pass has still the same name by Chinese, it was strategically located to the north of Korla at the mouth of a 14 km long gorge on the Konchi River. The main settlements linked by the pass are the town of Agni to the north and the city of Korla in the south connects Qarašahar basin and Tarim basin. Turkic Temir Qapï may be identified with the Tiemen-guan near Agni. According to the Tangshu, Yinie kehan 移涅可汗 (Inäl Qaγan) is son of Qapaγan Qaγan. In 714, Qapaγan send Inäl Qaγan and To a Tegin to attack Bešbalyq [JTS j.194A Tujue-A]. Toqyr is the Indo-European tribe name of Agni. Xin Tangshu reports that the royal king family of Agni is Tuqizhi突騎支, MChin tɦut-kɦi-tși, i.e. Tw ry. According to Henning, the Four-Tw ry-Land’, occurring in Sogdian, Uigur, and Middle Persian sources contemporary with the Uigur colophons. It became clear that this “FourTw ry-Land”, presumably the homeland of the tw ry language, lay in Chinese Turkestan, and probable that it lay ‘near or between Bishbaliq and Kucha’25. According to the Tangshu, the Anxi sizhen 安西四鎮 (the four garrison of Anxi) established by Tang Dynasty between 648 and 658 that stationed at the cities Kucha, Khotan, Kashgar and Agni. It seems to me that Anxi sizhen is probably the Four-Tw ry-Land. Indeed, Anxi means the Pacify the West, in my opinion, anxi=arsi, a variant of Agni. 24 25 T.D. Forsyth, Report of a Mission to Yarkund in 1873, with Historical and Gographical Information Regarding the Possessions of the Ameer o Yarkand, The Foreign Department Press, Calcutta, 1875, pp.43–44. W. B. Henning, “The Date of the Sogdian Ancient Letters”, in BSOAS, no.12, 1948, p.158. 295 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II In my view, this sentence indicates the historical situation of a war against the Tokharian and sogdak people who became ally with Tang dynasty. Tokharian lived in Anxi dudufu of Tang dynasty. The troops, commanded by Tonuquq passed by Nar art (the pass connects Kunges valley and Yulduz valley), and arrived at Yulduz valley. They crossed the Yulduz River, passed the city of Agni, and arrived at Temir Qapï . Other troops, commanded by Inäl Qaγan from Bešbalyq (north of Turfan) coming to Temir Qapï . Keŋeres = Jueyueshi 厥越失 This tribe name occurs in the Kül Tegin inscription [KT E39]. Scholars connect the name Ke eres with the Kangar. Their old center near present day Tashkent26. According to the Chinese sources, Duolu kehan (Tuɣluɣ qaɣan) established his horde/residence at the west of the mountain of Wuzuhe (called this as northern horde) and in the domain of one of qaɣans fell the possessions Jueyueshi 厥越失 (Ke eres), Baximi 拔悉彌 (Basmïl), Boma 駁馬, Jiegu 結骨 (Qïrqïz), Huoxun 火 (Horezm), Chumukun 觸木昆 [TD j.199; JTS j.194B Tujue-B]. The Chinese transcription is naturally read kyat-yat-șit. Zuev says transliteration Jueyueshi (< kiwat-jiwat-siet) corresponds to the name of area Kürüshi in the river Ejim valley (Ch. Ayan < a-iam, Türkic Ayam)27. In the Kültegin inscription the Ke eres is described as an ally of Eastern Turkic and an enemy of Türgeš. In my opinion Jueyueshi is Ke eres. The previos center of Ke eres was probably located in the area of the present day Oskemen/Ust-Kamengorsk of Eastern Kazakhstan. Oskemen is ancient city, and was formerly called Jiange-er tula 鏗格爾圖喇 (Kenggir tura)28. Similar name was survived of the river Kengir (a tributary Sarysu) in the Jezkazgan modern Kazakh steppe. Because Ke eres belonged to the northern horde of Western Turkic. Southern horde of Western Turkic is situated the north of Chu river and in the domain of one of qaɣans fell the possessions Qiuci 龜茲(Kucha), Shanshan 鄯善 (Charqiliq), Qiemo 且末 (Calmadana), Tuhuoluo 吐火羅 (Tokharistan), Yanqi 焉耆 (Agni), Shi 石 (Tashkent), Shi 史 (Kesh), He 何 (Koshania), Mu 穆 (Merv), Kang 康(Samarqand) (XTS j.215B Tujue-B). 26 27 28 J. Marquart, Die Chronologie der alttiirkischen Inschriften, Leipzig, 1898, p.10, and O. Pritsak, Studies in Medieval Eurasian History, London, 1981, p.8. Zuev, 2002, p.236. Xu Song 徐松, Xiyu shuidaoji 西域水道記 [Waterways of the Western Countries], Zhonghua shuju, Beijing, 2005, pp.325–327. 296 Nurlan KENZHEAKHMET • Ethnonyms and Toponyms of the Old Turkic Inscriptions in Chinese Sources Bükeli-Čöl Igil = Fuliyu 匐利羽(=Sijie biebu 思結別部 = Abusi 布思) In the Kül Tegin and Bilge Qaɣan inscription mentioned the country of BükeliČöl Igil (KT E4, BQ E5) : (Özi anča) kergek bolmıš. yïγčï sïγïtčï öngre kün toγsïqda Bükeli-Čöl Igil, Tabγač, Tüpüt, Par-Puram, Qïrqïz, Üč Qurïqan, Otuz Tatar, Qïtan, Tatabï... bunča bodun kelipen sïγtamïš yoγlamïš. Antag külüg qaγan ermiš. ‘They thus passed away (lit.: ‘became lacking’). As mourners and lamenters there came from the east, from where sun rises, the representatives of the Bükeli-Čöl igil, the Chinese, the Tibetan, the Avar, the Byzantium, the Qirghiz, the Üch Qurïqan, the Otuz-Tatar, the Qïtan and the Tatabï... This many peoples came and mourned and lamented. So famous kagans were they’. Regarding Bükeli-Čöl Igil, Malov read it as ökli öl(l)i il29, but there is no second letter l in this stele. The studies on the Bükeli-Čöl Igil showed that it, or at least its first component refers to Korea. Henning in “The Date of the Early Sogdian Letters”showed that Bükli meant ‘Korea’30. It is therefore to be read literally as Bükeli-Čöl Igil. The li of Bükeli is regarded as the coordinating conjunctive suffix -li ‘with, and’. We can confirm the same from examples such as bägli bodunlïɣ ‘the lords and people’ (KT E6), toruq buqalï sämiz buqalï ‘lean bulls and fat bulls’ (T 5), tünli künli ‘night and day’ (BQ-SE). In OT the word büke means ‘a big snake, a long large snake’ or ‘dragon’ [Mahmud Kashgari, 3.247]; In modern Turkic languages čöl is attested with the meaning ‘desert’. Fifty years ago Zuev rightly identify Bökli with Chinese Fuliyu 匐利羽, but he translated Fuliyu as ‘Wing [of tribe] Fu-li’. Zuev says that Fu-li are a Toles tribe mentioned in Tongdian [TD j.199] and Wenxian tongkao [WXTK, j.344] under a name Fulo 覆羅 (p'iuk-la) and in Suishu under a name Fu-li 伏利 and Fuliju 伏利具 The cited data is complemented by comparison of the Chinese transmission of Fu-li as b'uek-lji with the ethnonym Bokli (in the text: Bökli chollyg el, Bökli kaganka...) in the large inscription on the monument in honor of Türkic prince Kül-Tegin31. According to the Tang Huiyao, Fuliyu MChin fɦuwk-li-ya (all MChin. Reconstructions are given, if not otherwise indicated, after Pulleyblank32), is the name of Turkic tribe: ‘The horses of the Fuliyu 匐利羽 are horses of the most southern Tujue (Türk), [they are] north from the Gangmolishi 剛摩利施 mountains, in the present Dailin-zhou 蹛林 ’ [THY j.72.]. OT sources suggests that the rulers of Bükeli 29 30 31 32 Malov, 1951, p29. Henning, 1948, p.611; Enoki, 1970, p.25. Yu.A. Zuev, “Tamgi loshadej iz vassalnyx knjazhestv”, in Trudy instituta Istorii, Arheologii i Etnografii Akademii Nauk Kazakhskoj SSR, Alma-Ata, 1960, pp.110–111. See E. G. Pulleyblank, Lexicon of reconstructed pronunciation in Early Middle Chinese, Late Middle Chinese, and Early Mandarin, Vancouver, 1991. 297 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II also have used the title of qaɣan (KT E8, BQ E8): ilgerü kün toγusïqda Bükeli qaγanqa tegi sülüjü bermis; qurïγaru Temir qapïγqa tegi sülüyü bermis. Tabγač qaγanqa lin törüsin alï bermis. In my opinion Bükeli-Čöl Igil consists of three words: Bükeli, Čöl and Igil. The last word appears in Chinese as Sijie. Zuev’s opinion the term Sijie (< -γiei-kiet < igil) is the Chinese variation of the name for a tribe of the Turkic Igil. The text of the Uigur Eletmish-Kagan monument the name Igil is supplemented with a determinative qara (‘blackness’) (qara igil bodun)33. The Chinese information about Fuliyu is poor and unclear. The Tang Huiyao text says: Dailin- zhou (Dailin Prefecture) is founded at the tribe of Sijie biebu 思結別部 (the separated tribe of Sijie or another tribe of Sijie) [THY j.73, 1314]. The Tangshu Fuliyu is also called Abusi 布思 (Abïz) and Sijie biebu. In the chapter Huihe of the Jiu Tangshu we find Dailin zhou with tribe of Abusi (Abïz). In the chapter of Tiele of the Jiu Tangshu, Dailin mentioned with the tribe of Sijie biebu [JTS j.195 Huihe; j. 199B Tiele]. The Taibai yinjing 白陰經 mentioned that for the tribe Fuliyu established the district of Jitian 稽田 [TBYJ j.3]. This Jitian perhaps is Jitian 雞田 , i.e. Turkic Qušlaɣaq (see below). Fuliyu, Sijie biebu and Abusi are three variants of one name; the basic form is Fuliyu; Abusi is dialectical variant (see below); Sijie biebu hinted relations with the tribe of Sijie, i.e. igil. In the list of newly founded administrative divisions in the Tangshu text the Sijie appear not only in the Lushan dudufu, but also in district the Dailin zhou district (Tangshu, j. 217). Some clarification of this event is contained in Tang Huiyao: ‘District Dailin zhou is founded at the Sijie biebu tribe’ (THY j.73.1314). In fact, Dailin is ancient Chinese name for the place of made magic of Xiongnu, the Hanshu says: ‘In the autumn, when the horses have grown fat, they gather for a great assembly at Dailin and count people and cattle’ [HS j.94A. Xiongnu]. According Yan Shigu the words Dailin means ‘to circle the forest’. Gangmalishi is obviosly identical with Qamlanču, which is drived from turkic word ‘qam: sorcerer, soothsayer, magician’34. In middle Turkic, this word was used as verb with the denominal verb suffix -la meaning ‘to act as a qam, to heal’ which was probably developed from ‘to ask a qam, to make magic’. Dailin is the equivalent of Qamlanču. The exact location of Dailin Prefecture cannot be determined, but it was south of Gobi Desert. Zuev says that ‘Exactly in agreement with the Chinese long (dragon) is named the ninth (out of ten) Uigur tribe Long on the river Qaml nchu after the migration of a part of Uigurs to the eastern slopes of the Great Khingan35. 33 34 35 Zuev, 2002, p.45. Sir G. Clauson, An etymologycal dictionary of pre-thirteenth century Turkish, Oxford, 1972, p.625. Zuev, 2002, p.231. 298 Nurlan KENZHEAKHMET • Ethnonyms and Toponyms of the Old Turkic Inscriptions in Chinese Sources Now it is possible to solve the much discussed problem of the Bükeli-Čöl igil and that of the connection between the names Fuliyu, Sijie biebu, Igil: Bükeli were originally of the Turkic origin. They have separated from the Igil, moved towards to east, have settled down in the Great Hingan. Surname Bükeli just like long in Chinese; igil=sijie. Abïz qaɣan = Abusi 布思 In the Kül Tegin, Bilge Qaɣan inscription mentioned the Abïz qaɣan together with Toquz Oɣuz (KT El4, E16; BQ E12, E13). All scholars read this name as Baz qaɣan. In the Orkhon Turkic texts the vocals a/ä at the beginning of the words were not written, and must be read as Abïz. After second Kök Türk state was founded in 682 in the south of Gobi desert, in the north called Orkhon region there were Toquz Oɣuz clans who leaded by Abïz Qaɣan. According to the Jiu Tangshu, in 703 Qapaɣan qaɣan fought with Abusi, the ruler of Toquz Oɣuz in the north of Gobi. Toquz Oɣuz had been defeated and Abusi fled to China [JTS 194A Tujue-A]. The Chinese spelling may well reflect a foreign prototype Abus~Abuz. Kögmän = Quman 曲漫 = Qingshan青山 Kögmän is mentioned in the Kül Tegin, Bilge Qaɣan, Tonuquq, Terx, Šine Usu inscription (KT E17; KT E20; KT E35; BQ E15; BQ E17; BK E27; T 23; TR 5; SU 23). Iwasa Sei-ichirô 岩精一郎 and Cen Zhongmian rightly identify Kögmän with Quman 曲漫 of Youyang zazu 酉阳雜俎36; Quman, MChin khywk-muan. The mountain of Kögmän usually been identification with Sayan or Tannu Ola37. Kögmän means Blue mountain in the Turkic. The translated name of Kögmän, occurs in the Xin Tangshu as Qingshan, i.e. the ‘Blue Mountain’: the horde of Qirqiz’s king of Are 熱 is situated in the mountain of Qingshan…the east of Qingshan, there is the river of Jian 劍 [XTS, j.217B, Huihu-B]. There is a river Jian, MChin kiam, i.e. Kem river. Yašïl ögüz = Non ula = Nahe 那河 In the OT inscription Yašïl ögüz [KT E17, BQ E15] appears together with Šantu yazï. They are situated the east of Turik Qaγanate. The river of Yašïl usually been 36 37 Iwasa Sei-ichirô 岩佐精一郎, 突厥毘伽可汗碑文の紀年, 東洋學報, 第23卷第4号.昭和11年8月, 1936, p.571, and Cen Zhongmian, Tujue jishi 突厥集史, Beijing, 2004, p.871. V. V. Bartold, Raboty po istorii i filologii Tjurkskix i Mongolskix narodov, Moscow, 2002, p.300, and Giraud, 2003, p.41. See also Kljaštornyj, “Manichaean Monasteries in the land of Arghu” in Pamjatniki Drevnetjurkskoj pismenosti i etnokulturnaja istorija Centralnoj Azii, Sankt-Peterburg, 2006, p.140. 299 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II identification with the Yellow River (chin. Huanghe River), north of Tang dynasty. Yašil means here ‘blue’ or ‘green’. OT name Yašïl ögüz might refer to the MidMongolian name Non ula (the Blue river), the river in Northeast China, modern Nenjiang 嫩江 (the Nen River), is the longest tributary of the Songhua River. According to the Jiu Tangshu and Xin Tangshu, in the Tang period the river called by Chinese Nahe (the Na river) [JTS j.199B Shiwei; XTS j.219 Shiwei]. Keŋü Tarman/ Keŋü Tarban = Jinya shan 金牙山 Ke ü Tarman occurs in the Kül Tegin inscription [KT E21]: Ilgerü Qadïrqan yïšïɣ aša bodunïɣ anča qonturtïmïz. Anča itdimiz. Qurïɣaru Keŋü Tarmanqa tegi türük bodunuɣ qonturtïmïz. Anča itdimiz. Bilgä Qaɣan inscription, the same name appears as Ke ü Tarban [BQ E18]. This b was used in the place of m. From this, we can say of the place name Tarman that there were two phonetic variants such as Tarman and Tarban in the Turkic Qaɣanate period. S.G. Kljaštornyj considers this place names is Tarband close to Otrar in Kazakhstan38. Zuev cited a large and convincing material to identify Küngü in the ancient Türkic texts with Gongyu 恭御of the Xuanzang route corresponds and Arabic Kundji-dih; Tarban with the Chach royal residence Tarband39. In the Kül Tegin inscription, mentioned four place name, which is called settlement or bringing to order: to the east Qadyrqan jyš,40 to the south Čuɣay yiš, to the west Ke ü Tarman and to the north Kögmän yiš: Türük budun ülesikiŋ biriye Čuay yiš, Tögültün yaz qonay n tiser türük bodun üleskig (KT S6–7); Kögmen yir sub idisiz qalmazun—tiyin, az qyrqyz bodunyɣ i[tip] yarat[ p keltimiz. Süŋüšdimiz ilin (KT E20). Three of which are the names of the mountain. Ke ü Tarman consists of two elements: Ke ü and Tarman/Tarban. According to the Xin Tangshu, in 657 the general Su Dingfang attacked Western Turkic Ishbara khan Ashina Helu 阿史那賀魯 and defeating him at Jinya shan mountain. Ashina Helu crossed the river of Ili and run away [XTS j.215B Tujue-B]. Jinya bears both functions: transcription and translation. First, Jinya, MChin Kim-ŋja, i.e. Ke ü; second, Jinya means ‘the Golden Residence/Horde’, second character is abbreviated form of Yazhang 牙帳 (horde, residence). The word keŋü was drived from the adjectiv keŋ- ‘broad or wide’ with the suffix -ü. For example, beŋü, meŋü, eternal or monument41. As well known, there is form that was a variant of beŋügü. 38 39 40 41 Kljashtornyj, 2003, pp..203–209. Zuev, 2002, p.176 In middle Turkic Qadyrqan=Huai 槐, means ‘Styphnolobium japonicum’ [Gaochang guan zazi, p.37]. Drevnetjurkskij Slovar’, Leningrad, 1969, p.94. 300 Nurlan KENZHEAKHMET • Ethnonyms and Toponyms of the Old Turkic Inscriptions in Chinese Sources The word tar in the Turkic dialect has the meaning ‘the Mountain pass or defile’ Wuti Qing wenjian II 1957:2721] or straight/gorge42. This word does not appear either Ancient Turkic Dictionary or in the Clauson’s dictionary, but widely used to the toponyms of Central Asia. A memory of the tar has been preserved in Eastern Turkistan geographical names. A mountain passes Tar-aɣzï, Tarïz in the Kashgar region; Tar-bashi and Tengi-tar in the Pamir Mountain. According to the Sven Hedin Tengi means narrow pass, tar also means narrow pass in native language43. In other hand, the word or suffix -man, this in Turkic means ‘mountain’, often occurs with mountain’s names (cf. Kögmän, Ereimen). In my opinion, Tarman/Tarban means ‘a mountain peak’. This occurs in the form of daban in middle Turkic where it means ‘= ling 嶺, a mountain peak, amountain ridge’44. The Jinya or Ke ü mountain is situated somewhere in the Tianshan range to the north of the upper Ili. Modern Talqï pass leads over the Borokhoro range, known by the name of the Ke say (the Wide gorge) in Turkic. For designation of small mountain rivulets with rocky stony riverbeds the ancient Türks used a word say ‘rocky place’ 45 which is also frequently used in the modern geographical nomenclature with the meaning ‘dry riverbed’, ‘pebble’, ‘shoal’. Ke say or Talqï pass in the Xin Tangshu called as Cheling 車嶺 (Wagon ridge), MChin tșhia-liajŋ: ‘... crossing the Wagon ridge, you come to the city Gongyue 弓月 (Kü üt) and cross the plain of [ Sihun 思渾 and pass the city Zhishimi 蟄失蜜, (and then) cross the river Ili’ [XTS j.40 Dili-4]. In the Xishiji this defile called as Tiemu-er chancha 鐡木兒懺察, the version of Siku quanshu mentioned as Temu-er chechen 特穆爾徹辰46. According to Bretschneider Tiemuer chancha may be intended for temor cham or temor cham chab sar, iron roadway, in Mongol47. In my opinion, chancha or chechen is zhamchi in mongol or yam-qa in Turkic, postal communication48. At that time under the Turkic qaɣans, Turkic peoples engagded in campaigns of war to the west as far as the Tianshan mountains in the rebellion of the Türgiš, eastwards as far as the Hingan mountains in the rebellion Qitan, Tatabi and Bükeli peoples, northwards as far as the Mongolian steppe in the rebellion of Toquz Oɣuz and Qirqiz peoples. 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 Forsyth, 1875, p.59. S.A. Hedin, V Serdce Azii, Moscow, 2010, p.99. Gaochan guan zazi, p.34. Mahmud al-Kašgari, Compendium of the Turkic Dialects, vol. 3, ed. and trans. By R.Dankoff, Harvard University, 1985, p.173. Chang De, p.559; the version of the Siku quanshu of Xishiji四庫全 ·西使記. E. Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches from Eastern Asiatic Sources, vol. I, London, 1910, pp.126–127. Ibidem, p187, and Gaochang guan zazi, p.46. 301 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II On Oq bodun = Shixing 十姓 (= Shijian 十箭): Nushibi 弩失畢 = nišēbīg Duolu 咄禄 MChnL = tuɣluɣ, On Oq occurs in the Kültegin, Bilge Qaγan, Tonuquq and Terx inscription (KT E19, BQ 15, BQ E16, KT N7, KT N13, TI N6, TII W7, TII E2, TI N9, TX 23). According to the Chinese sources the Chinese name of the On Oq was Shixing, i.e. the ten families or Shijian, i.e. the ten arrows. Its ruler bore the imperial title Išbara qaɣan. The On Oq realm was two wings, each of which was in turn subdivided into five districts: the western, the right wing was Nushibi 弩失畢, full name is Youxiang wu Nushibi 右廂弩失畢 (the Right wing-room five Nushibi); the eastern, the left wing was Duolu 咄陸, full name is Zuoxiang wu Duolu 左廂咄陸 (the Left wingroom five Duolu). The tribes of Duolu situated the east of Suiye (Suyab), and the Five Nushibi situated the west of Suiye (Suyab). During the Tang Dynasty, there were two territory under the control of the Western Turkic, which become a Chinese Protectorate: the first that of Mengchi 濛池, was to the west of the valley of the Suyab and included the Nushibi tribes; the o ther, that of the Kunling 崑陵, was to the east of this valley and included the Dulu tribes. On the basis of Chinese information one may assume that among the On Oq offices there were those of čor/čur, niɀük irkin and čopan, known from other Steppe realms. Nishu 泥孰, Mchin niaj-șɦiwk = niɀük. According to Harmatta, there is a connection with Saka form näjsuka-, meaning ‘fighter, warrior’, from the Saka näjs-, ‘to fight’. The element Niɀük in the tribal name became the dynastic name of the kings of Kapisa-Gandhara49. Pritsak says that čopan/župan is the office name of Pečeneg50. According to Makhmud Kashgari, ‘čoban is the assistant of head of village’51. The western wing, Nushibi, had the westernmost location. The term Nushibi MChin nuǝ-șit-pjit, can be explained as a Chinese transcribe of the Sogdian word of nišēbīg [nšypyk], nšmy [nišame]: west52. According to the Chinese sources, Nushibi were concentrated between the Mirki and Isfijab. Mahmud al-Kašgari localises the land of Arɣu and it cities between Balasaɣun and Talas in one case, and between Balasaɣun and Isfijab in the other53. They extended up to the Isfijab (Sayram), the east of modern Chimkent of Kazakhstan. The predominating element in Nushibi is the Sogdians, because they settled in the cities, they were city-dwellers and traders. The cities of the Nushibi was Mirki/Birkü, Kulan/Qulan, Barskhan and Qašu. 49 50 51 52 53 Harmatta, 1996, p.366. Pritsak, 1981¸ vol.X, p.16. Kašgari, 1985, vol.І, p.461. D. N. MacKenzie, A concise Pahlavi dictionary, London, 1986, p.60, and B. Gharib, Sogdian Dictionary. Sogdian-Persian-English, Teheran, 1995,p.6085. Kašgari, 1985, vol.І, p.238. 302 Nurlan KENZHEAKHMET • Ethnonyms and Toponyms of the Old Turkic Inscriptions in Chinese Sources According to the Chinese epitaph of the Stone sculpture at Qianling mausoleum, the first Axijie’s political center is Julan, i.e. Kulan, modern Qulan in Kazakhstan, the east of the Taraz; the second Axijie’s political center is Qianquan, i.e. Thousand spring, also called Bingyu 屏聿，MChin pjiajŋ-jyt, i.e. Bingyul, modern Mirki in Kazakhstan54. According to Kljashtornyj, Yägänkent (Yakankent), Ordukent, Čigilbalyq, Qašu/Qušu are know from Arabic and Persian sources of the tenth-eleventh centuries. Yakankent is the district of Isfijab. Qašu ulus is ‘small city near Yakankent’55. In the Kültegin inscription mentioned Qušu tutuq: “birle: Qušu tutuq: birle: süŋüšmüs: erin qop: ölürmüš: bin barïmïn: qop: kelürti: Kültegin: yeti otuz: yašïŋa: Qarluq: budun: erür barur: erikli: ya ï boltï: Tama ïduq: bašta: süŋüšdümüz” (KT N-1) Cen Zhongmian identify Qušu tutuq with Geshuhan 哥舒翰 of Türgeš general56. Zuev considered that Qushu can be attested as the names of dog of Turkic, Qyzyl-Qushu (Ge-zir-gu-çu) and Qara-Qushu (Ga-ra-gu-çu) in the Tibetan documents of the Pelliot Collection57. I can suggest that Qušu can be identified with the tribe name of Geshu 哥舒. The clan of Geshu belonged to Nushibi, western branch of On Oq (the Ten Arrows). The Duolu is a tribal designation (eponym), rather than a proper name. It is mentioned in the Chinese annals under various names: Duolu MChnL tuet-lǐuk58, Dulu 都陸 MChnL tuǝ-liwk, Duolu 咄禄 MChnL tuet-luk59, is the Turkic word tuɣluɣ, means ‘have flags’ or ‘have standards.’ In the Moyunčor inscription, tuɣluɣ appears together with türk: Üč tuɣluɣ türk bodun (Turkic people with three flags) [MČ 8]. The Jiu Tangshu the Duolu and Nushibi is also called Wu duo liu buluo 五咄六部落五咄六啜, Wu Nushibi Wu sijin 五弩失畢五俟斤 (the five tuɣluɣ tribes five tuɣluɣ čor, the five Nushibi five irkin) [JTS j.194-II Tujue-II]. The term of duo can be explaned as a Chinese transcribe of the name of tuɣ ‘flag’, ‘standard’. Chinese sources shows that there was the six gathering place or cities of Duolu: Fuyan, Yanpo [Tuzköl (Issik köl)], Shuanghe (Iki Ögüz), Jieshan (Qordan), Waluzhou [Boluču] and Yinsuo. We can located the six tribes of Duolu in the area of Emil, Bortala, Ili and Yulduz valleys and the upper reaches of Chu river. 54 Chen Guocan 陳國燦, “Tang Qianling shiren xiang jiqi xianming yanjiu 唐乾陵石人像及其銜名的研究” (A study of the names and official titels of the people depicted in statues at the Tang’s Qian tombs), Wenwu jikan 文物集刊 2, Beijing, 1980, p.195. 55 Kljashtornj, 2006, pp.543–544. 56 Cen Zhongmian, 1958, p. 902. 57 Zuev, 2002, p.134. 58 Li Zhenhua, Zhou Changji, Hanzi gujin yinbiao 漢字今音表, Beijing, 1999, p.23. 59 Ibidem, p.20. 303 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II The ruling clan and ten tribes of the On Oq in Chinese Sources № clan I Duolu 咄陸 1 title Chumukun 處木昆 61 Political center Shabolue kehan 沙鉢羅可汗 Kunling 崑陵 [Qamlanču]60 Qulu chuo 屈律啜 Fuyan 匐延 2 Huluwu 胡祿屋 Que chuo 闕啜 Yanpo 鹽 3 Shesheti 攝(懾)舍提 Tun chuo 暾啜 Shuanghe 雙河 [Iki-Ögüz] 4 Tuqishi 突騎施 Heluoshi chuo 賀邏施啜 Jieshan 潔山 [Tuzköl] Woluzhou 嗢鹿 5 Shunishi 鼠尼施 II Nushibi 弩失畢 62 Chuban chuo 處半啜 Yingsuo 鷹娑 Shabolue kehan 沙鉢羅可汗 Mengchi 濛池 [Bi jul] Que sijin 闕俟斤 Julan 俱蘭 [Kulan] 2. Geshu 哥舒 Que sijin 闕俟斤 Geshu 哥舒 [Qošu] 3 Basegan 拔塞幹 Tun shabo sijin 暾沙鉢俟斤 Basegan 拔塞幹 [Barskhan]/Xieli 頡利 4 Axijie Nishu sijin 泥孰俟斤 Qianquan 千 5 Geshu 哥舒 Chuban sijin 處半俟斤 Geshu 哥舒 1 Axijie 63 悉結/Ičgil? 悉結 [Mirki] *According to the JTS, j.194B, Tujue-B; XTS, j.215B, Tujue-B; Chen Guocan, op.cit., pp.189–203. Chacha Sunki = Shazha Zhongyi 沙吒忠義 In the Kül Tegin and Bilge Qaγan inscription mentioned the personal names of O Tutuq Yorčïn and Chacha Sunki (KT E32, BQ E26).When Radloff and Melioranskij first read this word, he translated it rightly as Chacha Sunki64. Malov misread Chacha Sunki as Chacha Se un65. Other turkologists followed by Malov reads Chacha Se un66. As to the identification of Chacha Sunki, Isawa rightly identify him with 60 According to Mahmud Kashgari, Qamlanču is the city near Iki Ögüz. According to Zuev, Ulug-ok. The tribe Ulug-ok was a first among the five tribes of the left wing in the Western Türkic Kaganate (Zuev, 2002, p.34). 62 Türgešes consisted of two tribes: Alishi 利施 and Suoge mohe 索葛莫賀. Later on, the two districts were established with the name Jieshan and Woluzhou, for the two tribes (Alishi and Suoge mohe) of Türgeš. 63 Pritsak, 1981¸ vol.X, p.23. 64 V. V. Radloff, P. M. Melioranskij, “Drevnetjurkskie pamjatniki v Košo-Cajdame” in Sbornik Trudov Orkhonskoj Ekspedicij 4, Sankt-Peterburg, 1897, p.25. 65 Malov, 1951, p.40. 66 A. S. Amanjolov, Istorija i Teorija Drevnetjurkskogo pisma, Almaty, 2003, pp.158,167; Myrzataj Zholdasbekov, Kharzhaubaj Sarkhozhauly, Orkhon Eskertkišterining tolyq atlasy, Astana, 2005, p.188; Geng Shimin, op.cit., pp.129–130; Tuguševa, 1991, p.31. 61 304 Nurlan KENZHEAKHMET • Ethnonyms and Toponyms of the Old Turkic Inscriptions in Chinese Sources Shazha Zhongyi 沙吒忠義67, Mchin șa:-ȶa-triwŋ-ŋi from Jiu Tangshu and Xin Tangshu, a general of Shuofang朔方army of Tang dynasty [JTS, j.93, Zhang Renyuan 張仁愿]. Bolchu = Woluzhou 嗢鹿 Bolchu occurs in the Kültegin, Bilge Qaghan, Tonuquq and Ulangom inscriptions (KT E37, BQ E28, TI N11, U 5). According to René Giraud Bolchu (Boltchou) is Bulun-Tohoy, near Ulunggir lake in Xinjiang. He considered Bolchu deriving from the Iranian: pul-bridge, ju-river, Pul-i-ju68. Gumilev says Bolchu is Ulunggir river69. Bolchu occurs in the Jiu Tangshu and Xin Tangshu as Waluzhou, Mchin ut-ləwkt iw. The first character wa 嗢 can be read also wo: Woluzhou. Tang dynasty established the Woluzhou dudufu 都督府 for Suoge Mohe 索葛莫賀, the tribe of Turgeš. Thus, the character zhou is a part of toponym, not means administrative unit of zhou (district). According to Édouard Chavannes Woluzhou situated in the Ili valley70. Zuev says that Waluzhou is the city of Balu in the Talas valley71. Woluzhou in the Turkic inscription is called Bolču/Boluču, looks like of Bolut to be identified with was at thirteenth century Bolat. Ancient city Bolat/Fulat/Bula/ Boluo/Phulad/Pulad is situated the east of modern Borotala of Xinjiang72. Tabar/Tobar = Damo 大漠 Tabar/Tobar mentioned in the Kültegin inscription (KT E38). Radloff and Melioranskij reads this toponym as Tabar. S.E.Malov, translating the text, marked the name T( )b( )r with a questionmark73. Regarding Tabar, according to Zuev, the third letter can be also reconstructed as l and fifth one is reconstructed as s. Thus Tabar transcription as Talas74. But this analysis entails a problem because he neglected the existence of the sounds b and r, I cannot agree with him. I would bring your attention to a variant of the toponym of Topar, the north of Ayagoz of Eastern Kazakhstan. OT the word ‘topraɣan’, from topra, means ‘bare ground’75. According to the Xin Tangshu, the Qarluqs had three tribes: Mouluo 謀落, Chisi 熾俟, Tashili 踏實力. For the tribe of Chisi 熾俟 (also called Pofu 婆匐 or Suofu娑匐) 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 Isawa, 2004, p.563. Giraud, 2003, p.179. Lev Gumilev, Drevnie Tjurki, Sankt-Peterburg, Moscow, 2003, p.333. É. Chavannes, Documents sur les Tou-kiue (Turcs) occidentaux. Sbornik Trudov Orkhonskoj Ekspedicij VI, St.-Pétersbourg, 1903, p.271. Zuev, 2002, p.239. Bretschneider, 1910, vol. I, p.17. Radloff, Melioranskij, 1897, p.29; Malov, 1951, pp.32, 41. Zuev, 2002, p.173. Clauson, 1972, p.445. 305 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II there was made a district named Damo zhou.76 It should be pointed out that Damo, MChin tɦa-mak, if literally taken as the ‘great desert’, could be attributed to the Turkic Tabar or Topar. Tamuɣ-Ïduq baš = Yinshan 陰山 Tamuɣ-Ïduq baš mentioned in the Kül Tegin and Bilge Qaγan inscription (KT N1, BQ E29). Kül Tegin fought against Qarluq bodun at Tamuɣ-Ïduq baš (KT N1): Kültegin yeti otuz yašïŋa Qarluq budun erür barur erikli ya ï boltï, Tamu -Ïduq bašta süŋüšdümüz. Tamuɣ-Ïduq baš is the political center of Qarluq. This name consists of two words: Tamuɣ and ïduq baš. According to Clauson tamuɣ is medieval form of tamu ‘hell’77. The word Ïduq baš also found in the Bilge Qaɣan inscription (BQ E25). Clauson says that the word means ‘the holy summit?’78. According to Mahmud al-Kašgari, ïduq taɣ ‘an inaccessible long mountain’ [Kaș. I 65]. The term of ïduq also means ‘sacred’ in the OT. Ïduq baš occurs as a mountain in the Tongdian and the two Tangshu: Wuzuhe 烏鏃 , Zuhe 鏃 , MChin ʔuǝ-tswǝk-xɦat. According to the Chinese sources, Duolu kehan (Tuɣluɣ qaɣan) established his horde/capital at the west of the mountain of Wuzuhe and called this as northern capital [TD j.199; JTS j.194B Tujue-B]. Xin Tangshu reports that, Qarluqs reside to the north-west of Beiting, to the west of Jinshan (Altay), stepping across the river Puguzhen shui 僕固振水, incorporating the summit of Duoda ling 多怛嶺. In the second year of the Xianqing 顯慶 (657) Tang dynasty set up Yinshan 陰山dudufu for the Moula (Bulaq), for the Chisi Damo 大漠 dudufu, for the Tashili Xuanchi玄池 dudufu [XTS j.217B Huihu-B]. In the Ecsedy's opinion, Doda Mountains is Tarbaghatay and Yinshan is the northern slopes of Tarbaghatay79. Yinshan means ‘the dark mountain’ in Chinese. The name Tünerig tamuk occurs also in the Turkic texts: ‘Tünerig tamuka tüšmegi bar’ (they descend into dark hell)80. Qara köl = Xuanchi 玄池 Kül Tegin fought against Az bodun at Qara Köl (KT N2): ‘Az people became enemy. We fought at Qara köl. He (Kül Tegin) mounted white hero horse Shalchy, 76 77 78 79 80 Pelliot suggests interprets Chisi as čigil. As regards the name written Pofu, Pelliot suggests to read so instead of its first character, often miswritten in this way; the name suofu, sâ-b’ǝk is interpreted by him as säbäg [P. Pelliot, “Neuf notes sur des questions d’Asie Centrale”, in T’oung Pao 26, pp.222, 243. Clauson, op.cit, p.503. Ibidem, p.375. Ildikó Ecsedy, “A contribution to the history of Karluks T’ang period”, in AOH 34, 1980, pp.26, 32. Clauson, op.cit, p.560. 306 Nurlan KENZHEAKHMET • Ethnonyms and Toponyms of the Old Turkic Inscriptions in Chinese Sources attacked, seized Az Elteber, Az people perished. When the tribes of my uncle Qaɣan rebelled, and people started enmity and envy, we fought Izgil people. Kül-Tegin mounted white hero horse Shalchy, attacked. The horse fell there. Izgil people perished’. Zuev says that the Qara Köl Lake and the Qara Köl gorge are on the left bank of Syr-Darya, downstream of Otrar, two kilometers from the river. There are ruins of a city with Türkic name Sütkent81. Qara Köl with the meaning ‘black lake’, which also appears in the sources in Chinese translation Xuanchi (the Black lake). Xuanchi is the name of dudufu of Tashili tribe of Qarluq [XTS j.43B Dili-7B] and situated in the territory of Qarluq, east of lake Balqash, could be identify with the lake Zaysan in Eastern Kazakhstan. Its major tributaries are the Qara Ertis (Black Ertis) and Kendirlik from the east; its only outlet is the Aq Ertis (White Ertis). Toγu balïq = Jilu 雞鹿/雞祿 Toγu balïq is mentioned in the Kül Tegin, Bilge Qaɣan inscription [KT E17; BQ E15]. Iwasa Sei-ichirô identificate Toγu balïq with the ancient city of Anbei duhufu 安北都護府82;Ma Changshou interprets Toγu balïq as the mountain of Duhu shan 獨護山; Ma Changshou, and Geng Shimin says that Toγu balïq is the Duhu cheng 都護城, i.e. Protecting General administrative of the City of the Hanhai duhufu 瀚海都護府 or the Anbei duhufu安北都護府83 84. In fact, after destroyed Eastern Turkic Qaɣanate and Xueyantuo Qaɣanate (630– 646), the Tang dynasty conquered the Toquz Oɣuz tribes, reorganized the nomad people. According to the Jiu Tangshu [JTS j. 199B Tiele], the twenty first year of the reign of Zhen-guan (647), in the Toquz Oɣuz territory Tang dynasty established 13 dudufu and zhou in the Orkhon steppe: 81 82 83 84 Huihe 回紇 [Uiɣur] Hanhai dudufu 瀚海都督府 Duolange 多覽葛 Yanran dudufu Pugu 僕骨 (Boquq) Jinwei dudufu 金微都督府 Bayegu 拔野古 (Bayirqu) Youling dudufu 幽陵都督府 Tongluo 同羅 (Tongra) Qiulin dudufu 龜林都督府然都督府 Zuev, 2002, p.176. Iwasa, 2004, p.577. Cen Zhongmian, op.cit., p.904. Ma Changshou, Tujue ren he Tujue han-guo 突厥人和突厥汗国 (The Turks and the Turkic Qaɣanate), Guilin桂林, 2006, p.68; Geng Shimin, op.cit., p.133. 307 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Sijie 思結 (Igil) Lushan dudufu 盧山都督府 Hun 渾 Haolan zhou 皋蘭 Houxue 斛薛 Gaoque zhou 高闕 Adie 跌 (Ediz) Jitian zhou 雞田 Qibiyu 契苾羽 Yuxi zhou 榆溪 Xijie 奚結 (Izgil) Jilu zhou 雞鹿 Sijie biebu 思結別部 (Bükeli Čöl igil) Dailin zhou 蹛林 Baixi 白霫 Dianyan zhou 窴顏 Jiegu 結骨 (Qirqiz) Jiankun fu 堅昆府 Guligan 骨利幹 (Qurïqan) Xuanque zhou 玄闕 Juluobo 俱羅勃 (Kürabir) Zhulong zhou 燭龍 Since 687, the Second Turkic Qaɣanate conquered the Toquz Oɣuz tribes as far as the Mongolian Steppe near the Hangai Mountains, all Mongolia was united by Turkic Empire. The Kül Tegin and Bilge Qaɣan inscription mentioned the battles of Turkic with the Toquz Oɣuz of Orkhon steppe: “[oplayu tegd]i ol at anta tüstü. Izgil budun öltü. Toquz O uz budun kentü budunïm erti. Teŋ ri jer bol aqïn üčün ya ï boltï. Bir jïlqa bis jolï süŋüsdimiz. Eŋ ilki Toɣu balïqda süŋüsdimiz. Kül Tegin azman aqïɣ binip oplaju tegdi. Altï erig sančïdï. Sü [ta]šïsïnda jitinč erig qïlïčladï. Ekinti Qušlaɣaqda ediz birle süŋüšdimiz. Kül Tegin az jaɣyzïn binip oplaju tegip bir erig sančïdï. Toɣuz erig igire toqïdï. Ediz bodun anda ölti. Üčünč Bo[...] ( ұ ?)da oɣuz birle süŋüšdimiz. Kül Tegin azman aqïɣ binip tegdi, sančïdï. Süsin sančïdïmïz. Ilin altïmïz. Törtünč Čuš bašïnda süŋüsdimiz. Türük bodun adaq qamaš ïtdï jablaq bolta[čï] erti. Oza kelmis süsin Kül Tegin aɣïtïp toŋra bir uɣuš alpaɣu on erig toŋa-tigin joɣïnda igirip ölürtimiz. Bisinči Ezgenti Qadazda oɣuz birle süŋüsdimiz. Kül Tegin az jaɣïzïn binip tegdi. Eki erig sančïdï. Balïq[q]a barmady. Ol sü anda öl[ti]. Maɣï qorɣan qïšlap jazïŋa oɣuzɣaru su tašïqdïmïz. Kül Tegin beg bašlaju ïqtïmïz. Oɣuz jaɣï orduɣ basdy (KT E44–46). Bir jïlqa tört jolï süŋüšdim. Eŋ ilki Toɣu balïqda Toɣla ögüzüg jüzti kečip. Süsi [kelti]. Ekinti Antarɣuda süŋüšdim. Süsin sančdym [... ü]čünč [Čuš bašynda süŋ]üsdim. Türük bodun adaq qamas ït[t] ï, jablaq boldačy erti Oza jaŋa keligime süsin aɣyt(t)ym. Üküs ölteči anda tirilti. Anda toŋra jïlpaɣuty bir oɣušyɣ toŋa tigin joɣïnda igire toqydym. Törtünč Ezgenti qadazda süŋüšdim (BQ E30–31). ebin: barïqïn: buzdïm: O uz budun: To uz Tatar: birle: tirilip: kelti: Aγuda: eki ulu : süŋüšdüm: süsin: buzdïm: Elin: anta altïm: anča qaz anïp: ..: /Teŋiri/ yarïlqaduq: üčün: /men/otuz artuqï: üč yašïma: ... yoq erti: ödseg: ütüleg: küč” 308 Nurlan KENZHEAKHMET • Ethnonyms and Toponyms of the Old Turkic Inscriptions in Chinese Sources Iwasa Sei-ichirô read γï Qorγan as Maγa qurγan and identification it with Mohe kuhan 莫賀庫寒 in the Tang Huiyao (岩精一郎 1936.577). The city or district of Jilu 雞鹿 [XTS j.217A Huihu-A] is called Jilu 雞祿 in the Tang Huiyao [THY j.72], is probably the Chinese version of Toɣu balïq. The Chinese term is not a transcription. The Jilu is of special interest, because the element ji 雞 forms part of the toponym, ji has the literal meaning ‘chicken or a domestic Fowl’; the Turkic name is Tokhu or Taqaɣu. First Kül Tegin fought against Izgil budun at Toɣu balïq city. Cen Zhongmian tried to identify Izgil with Xiezhilue 頡質略, a ruler of Bayirqu;85 Geng Shimin identify Izgil with sijie思結86. Zuev’s opinion the term Sijie (< -γiei-kiet < igil) is the Chinese variation of the name for a tribe of the Turkic Igil87. According to the horse-brand chapter of the Tang Huiyao, horses [of the tribe] Xijie 奚結 are one brand with the horses of the most southern Tujue, [they] are permanently [located] south from Jifushan 雞服山mountains north from the valley of the river Helianzhi 赫連枝, in the present Jilu zhou [THY j.72]. Chinese Xijie, MChnL xhjiaj kjiat, derived from Turkic Izgil. As a result in 716–717 some Toquz Oɣuz tribes (Uiɣur, Qibi, Sijie/Igil and Hun), that did not wannt to the Turkic hegemony, fled to Ganzhou甘 and Liangzhou 涼 and, accepting the protection of the Tang dynasty [JTS j.199-II Tiele]. There were two Jilu cities, the northern one in Orkhon steppe, and the southern one, in the Huile 迴樂, in the region of Ningxia. Both cities had relations with Toquz Oɣuz. Qušlaɣaq = Jitian 雞田 = Jiluo 稽落 The second Kül Tegin fought against Ediz at Qušlaɣaq. The Ediz political center in the seventh-eights centuries was located in Qušlaɣaq. Qušlaɣaq consists of two words: Quš (bird) and laɣaq. The last word is a suffix, ancient form of laɣ. Turkic Qušlaɣ had the meaning that is ‘a place where there are many birds and they are hunted’88. Now the identification of A-die 跌 with Edizes of the ancient Türkic inscriptions is commonly accepted89. A-die is also written as hezhi 訶咥, xiedie 跌 or a-te 特 in the Jiu Tangshu, Xin Tangshu and Tang Huiyao. They territory was 85 In 716 Qapaγan qaγan was killed by a warrior named Xiezhilue of the Bayirqu in the steppe along the Tuγla River. 86 Cen Zhongmian, op.cit., p.904; Geng Shimin, op.cit., p.146. 87 Zuev, 2002, p.45. 88 Drevnetjurkskij Slovar’, p.471; Clauson, 1972, p.672. 89 Chavannes, 1903, pp.87, 89; Hamilton, 1974, p.2; V. Rybatzki, “Titles of Türk and Uigur Rulers in the Old Turkic Inscriptions”, in CAJ, 2000, p.240. 309 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II established the Jitian zhou 雞田 [XTS, j.217B, Huihu-B]. Zuev says that soon after Xue-yanto Qaɣanate fall, in 650 or 653, the Tang’s emperor ordered to establish in its remains a district Jitian (< kiei-tan <*ketän). With the known sound transposition n~y (for example, qytan~qytai, qtai/χtai “Kidans”, qon~qoi “sheep”, qanyγ-qaiyγ, Nama~Yama) to the number of such names should be attributed the name of the Khazarian fortress on Dnestr katai/hatai, numerous Kitai-cities in Ukraine and even Kitai-town in Moscow with χtai90. According to the Xin Tangshu, in 652 Tang dynasty re-established the district Jiluo 稽落 for the tribe Ate [XTS j.43B Huihe]. Tan Qixiang considered Ate is another transcribe of the name Adie (Ediz)91. Jilo also the name of river, it is mentione in the Jiu Tangshu as a valley where situated the horde of Bilge Qaɣan and Tonuquq [JTS j.194A Tujue-A]. Jiluo, MChin kjiaj-lak, and I identifying it with Qušlaɣaq. Khilok is still the name of a river and a village. The Khilok is a right affluent of the Selenge River, south of Lake Baikal. The Chinese name Jitian means ‘the field of the domestic fowl/pheasant’ or ‘the field of the bird.’ Thus, Jitian can be attested as Qušlaɣaq. There were two Jitian cities, the northern one in Orkhon steppe. In the Xin Tangshu text (XinTangshu, tsz. 2176, p. 6 b) Edizes are mentioned between Ba-e-gu (Bayirqu) and Tun-lo (Tongra) among the tribes living east from Ötüken Mountains; and the southern one, in the Huile 迴樂, in the region of Ningxia. Both cities had relations with Toquz Oɣuz. Ezgenti Qadaz = Yanhongda jing 閻洪達 Kül Tegin fought against oɣuz at Ezgenti Qadaz. According to the Tang Huiyao, the horses of Qi 契similar to those of the Adies (Edizs), they living north of Yanhongda jing 閻洪達 , south of Dule 獨樂 river (Toɣla river), i.e. contemporary Yuxi zhou 榆溪 [THY j.72]. Yanhongda 閻洪達 is a Chinese transcription of a high advisor’s title of the Turkic Qaɣanate [SS j.84; JTS j.194-II; XTS j.215-I]; jing means well of Chinese: the well of Yanhongda. The word qadaz was derived from qad/qaz ‘dig’ with the deverbal noun suffix ‘az’, meaning well. For example, Qa aɣ, ditch, canal92. Thus, Ezgenti Qadaz means well of Ezgenti. However, Ezgenti Qadaz is the name of place, situated south of Toɣla river. 90 91 92 Zuev, 2002, pp.204–205. Tan Qixiang 譚其驤, Liang Tangshu dilizhi huishi 兩唐書地理志匯釋, Hefei, 2003, p.290. Drevnetjurkskij Slovar’, p.404. 310 Nurlan KENZHEAKHMET • Ethnonyms and Toponyms of the Old Turkic Inscriptions in Chinese Sources Tögiltin jazï =Tujulin chuan 吐俱麟川 In the Orkhon inscription Tögiltin jazï appears together with Čuγay yïš [KT S6, BQ N5]. The plain of Tögiltin has not been identified. Tögiltin jazï is Tujulin chuan, i.e. the plain of the north of the Great Wall. According to the Xin Tangshu the plain of Tujulin is located the north of Woyezhen (near the Wulate qianqi in the Inner Mongolia) [XTS j.43B Dili-7 B].www Toquz Ersen/ Toquz Ärsïn = Jiuqu 九曲 Kültegin says ‘birgerü Toquz Ersenke tegi süledim, Tüpütke kičig tegmedim’ (I went on campaigns southwards up to Toquz Ersen; I almost reached Tibet). Zuev identify ersen with the ancient indian term rasayana, the ‘source (of river or spring).’ Zuev says: « The ancient Türkic word ersen ascends to the to old Indian rasayana “spring”.The combination Tokuz ersen (“Nine springs”) is a name of an area, an end point of the ancient Türkic campaigns in the south, and in the first half the eighth century (“... I went with armies south down to Nine springs” – KTm, 3), and a calque of the Chinese name for the extensive territory of modern autonomous province of the Inner Mongolia on the left bank of the northern bend of Huang He, Jiu-yuan (“Nine springs”)»93. Zuev’s very cautious suggestion that the variant Jiuyuan might stand for 九源, i.e. Jiuyuan in Inner Mongolia is absolutely out of the question. Inner Mongolia’s Jiuyuan is identical Chinese 九原 (Nine plain), or Jiuyuan 九淵 (Nine Deep pool of water), near Baotou, but not Jiuyuan 九源 (nein source of river). The Toquz Ersen located to the south of Turkic, a distirct on the Tüpüt (Tibet) side of the border with Tang. From 707 to 710 there were long-drawn out negotiations for a peace settlement with China ended in dynastic marriage just before Ruizong's accession. The Tibetans were able to extract very favorable terms from the Chinese court, and part of the settlement involved the transfer to Tibet of the territories on the upper course of the Huanghe, known as the Jiuqu (Nine Bends), which was crucial to the Chinese defence system built up under the empress Wu [The Cambridge History of China. V.3. Sui and T’ang China, 589–906, Part I.1979.363]. According to the Jiu Tangshu, in 710, Princess Jincheng金城 of the Tang Dynasty married Chide Zuzan赤德祖赞 (Kridê Zukzain). The Tang dynasty ceded to Tibet the district of Hexi Jiuqu河西九曲 (‘Nine Bends West of the River’). Tibet side built here a Tangmu湯沐 for Princess Jincheng [JTS, j.196-I, Tubo-I]. Tangmu means hot spring for bath. Toquz Ersen is obviously equivalentl with Jiuqu Tangmu. 93 Zuev, 2002, p.60. 311 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Qordan = Jiedan 羯丹 This word is used to refer to the enemy in the west in line 14 of the inscription of Tonyuquq: Öŋrä Qïtanda, birja Tabɣačda, qurija Qurdanta, jirja Oɣuzda. Sir G. Clauson94 identifies Kordan [Qordan] with Khotan of Chinese Turkestan. 95 From the context, as I mentioned above, this sentence can be identified with the historical fact that Second Turkic Qaɣanate engaged in campaigns of war to the west against the Türgeš Qaɣanate. Suyab (southwest of modern Toqmaq of Kyrgyzstan) and Taraz were residences of Western Turkic Qaɣanate and later of Türgeš Qaɣanate and Qarluq Qaɣanate. According to the Xin Tangshu, [they] come to the city Suyab. North from the city flows the river Suyab (river Chu), and 40 li north from the river is a mountain Jiedan. There the qaɣan of On Oq annually installs the heads of tribes [XTS j.43B]. Jiedan, MChinL kiat-tan, is a Chinese transliteration of the word of Qordan. Qordan is the ancient name for what is now called the boundary mountain of Qorday between Kazakhstan-Kyrgyzstan. Yariš yazï = Yeluo chuan 耶羅川 = Yaluosi chuan 邪羅川 Yariš yazï occurs in line 33 of the inscription of Tonuquq: Üč körüg kisi: kelti: sabï: bir: qa anï sü atsïqdï: On oq süsü: qalïsïz: atsïqdï: ter: Yarïs yazïda: tirillemis temis: ol sabï esidip: qa an aru: ol sabï ïtïm: Qantuyun: sabï : yana es b... Second word yazï means plain in OT. In the Chinese sources this word translated as chuan 川 which mean valley or plain, abbreviation form of pingchuan . I would tentatively compare the name Yariš yazï with the name Yeluo chuan or Yaluosi chuan. Both Tangshu states that after defeated Helu, the Tang cavalry pursue him to the plain of Yaluosi or Yeluo [JTS j.195 Huihe; XTS j.215B Tujue-B]. The plain Yeluo or Yeluosi situated west of Ili. The plain Yariš yazï is evidently the Sarï-jaz of Rayimbek district east of Kazakhstan. Sarï-jaz situated east of the river Kegen (Makhmud Kashgari called this river Kaikan) and the mountain Labasa. We can say of the place names Yariš yazï that were two fonetic variants such as Yariš yazï and Jariš jazï in the Turkic Qaγanate period. From this, I can suggest that Sarï-jaz can be identified with the Jariš jazï. Both Tangshu also mentioned the plain of Duoluosi chuan 多邏川 [JTS j.194B Tujue-B; XTS j.215B Tujue-B]. But this plain situated north of Xizhou, i.e. Turfan. 94 95 Clauson, 1972, p.49. For the discussion of Qordan, see YONG-S NG LI, “Zu Qwrdnta in der Tuńuquq-Inschrift”, in CAJ 47/2 (2003), pp.229–241. 312 Nurlan KENZHEAKHMET • Ethnonyms and Toponyms of the Old Turkic Inscriptions in Chinese Sources Usïn buntatu Some Turkologist give us that Usïn buntatu is toponym or ethnonym96. For example, Malov translated: « ». Cen Zhongian argues that the Usïn buntatu is the tribe of Wuzhumuchin 烏珠穆沁 of Menggu youmu ji 蒙古游牧記. Amanjolov identification it with the Ordos, former area of Usun. Geng Shimin says us means fundament, bundat means destroyed in OT97. In my opinion, usïn buntatu is noun. The word usïn is supposed to be a compound word made by two words, us and denominal suffix -ïn. The word usïn is found in the Turkic word us meaning ‘interests’, ‘earnings’ and ‘profit’98; the word bundatu occurs in Mahmud Kahsgari in the form of mindetu meaning ‘silk’99. Üč tuz balïq sdi. Usïn buntatu yurtïda yatu qalur erti. They destroyed twentythree cities, properties (of Chinese) are scattered on the ruins. Üč Birkü= San Shouxiang cheng 三受降城; Käjrä bašï = Huile feng 迴樂峰 Üč Birkü is mentioned twice in the Moyun čor inscription and appears together with Käyrä bašï: ičgerip: yanï yorïdïm Käjrä: bašïnta Üč irküde: qan süsin: // birle qatïltïm: anta:.....(7); Käjrä: bašï Üč irküde (18). The name of Birkü, is a compound of the word berk ‘firm, stable, solid’ and the suffix -ü [Clauson 1972.361]. A similar name can be found in the toponym of Kazakhstan: Mirki or Merke, an ancient city the north of Kazakhstan. The basic meaning of the term Birkü or Mirki is fortress. In modern Kazakh language Berik Qamal is attested with the meaning ‘the strong Fortress, the Stronghold’. Üč irkü means the Three Fortress. The name Üč irkü could, on a Chinese basis, is translated from San Shouxiang cheng (the Three Fortress of the Accept Surrender). According to the Jiu Tangshu, until in 707, Chinese General Zhang Rendan 張仁亶 (also called Zhang Renyuan 張仁愿)took advantage of the absence of the Turkic armies campaigning in the west to erect three fortress and a system of defense posts along the northern course of the Yellow River, which thenceforth kept the Turks out [JTS j.194A Tujue-A]. Käyrä bašï is the place name near Üč Birkü. The element bašï should probably not be connected with ‘head of river’. Perhaps it can be compared with Chin. Huile feng = the Peak or ridge of Huile. Huile feng is the name of mountain in the 96 97 98 99 Malov, 1951, p.66; Cen Zhongmian, op.cit., p.871; Amanjolov, 2003, pp.181–182. Geng Shimin, op.cit., p.111. Tuguševa, 1991, p.109. Kašgari, 1985, p.549. 313 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Lingwuzhou 靈武 (southwest of present Lingwu 靈武 of Ningxia). Huile feng occurs in the poem of Liyi 李益 (748–829) as Huile feng 回樂峰: 回樂峰前沙雪,受降城外月如霜. 不知何處吹蘆管?一夜征人盡望鄉 (The desert sand in front of Huei-le Ridge looks like pure white snow under the moonlight. Looking out from the city of Shou-xiang, the great expanse of land is immersed in silvery moonlight and seems to have been covered with a layer of frost. Suddenly out of nowhere, the distant strains out on campaign. The men in the camp tonight are all thinking of home). Bаmï qaγan = Baimei kehan 白眉可汗 B mï qaγan occurs in the Ongin inscription (O 1). When Radloff first read this name, he transliterated it as Ymi (Yami). Clauson read istemi, Marquart, followed by Malov reads bumïn. V. Rybatzki considered that this name can be read as Yoluɣ100. Takashi sawa, followed by Rui Chuanming, read this word as Yama Qaɣan, and identify him with Shemo hehan 射摩可汗 from an Old Chinese source and Zhama of the Old Tibetan document101. In my opinion, first letter of y as b is possible as only the upper left part is connecting. The form of the b, coming very close to y. Perhaps, however, the name mentioned here should be read as Bamï qaγan, and compared with the name Baimei kehan. According to the Tangshu, Baimei kehan (?-745), the last ruler of the second Turkic Qaɣanate, was the younger brother of Özmiš qaɣan. In 745 the Uiɣurs killed the last Turkic qaɣan, Baimei, and sent his head to the Chinese court. The Turkic empire was at an end. Ongin inscription indicated the historical situation in which the Second Turkic Qaɣanate was defeated by the Uiɣurs. Accordingly, Ongin inscription was built after 745. The Chinese annals called Baimei kehan as Baimei teqin hulong fu 白眉特勒鶻隴匐 (Bamï tegin Ürü bek). Qumuq balïq = Shazhou 沙 Qumuq balïq occurs in the Ongin inscription (O-S 1). Clauson, Tekin and Geng Shimin read Qamul and identification it with Qumul102. Malov read Qamuq and translated as ‘ ’103, because according to Clauson qamuq is variant of kamaɣ ‘all’104. 100 Rybatzki, 2000, p.209. Takashi sawa, “Revisiting the Ongi inscription of Mongolia from the Second Turkic Qaɣanate on the basis of rubbings by G. J. Ramstedt”, in JSFOu 93, 2011, p.176. 102 Clauson, 1972, pp.182, 186; T. Tekin, Grammar of Orchon Turkic, Bloomington, 1968, p.245; Geng Shimin, op.cit., p.189. 103 Malov, 1951, pp.8–10. 104 Clauson, 1972, p.627. 101 314 Nurlan KENZHEAKHMET • Ethnonyms and Toponyms of the Old Turkic Inscriptions in Chinese Sources According to Takashi sawa, from Ramstedt’s rubbing and Jadrincev’s original rubbing can read the word as Q m uq105. In my opinion this word should be read qumuq as a variant of qumaq, in Turkic means ‘sandy place, sandy hill’. The form of qumaq mentioned in Wuti Qing wenjian dictionary: Shagang沙岡=Qumaq yer (sandy place)106. I may observe that Qumuq is the Turkic name for Shazhou. According to the Ming Shi, in 1479 the Ming court established the Handong zuowei 罕東左衛 (the Left Handong Garrison) at the ancient city of Shazhou. The Ming Shilu says that the city of Humuge 虎木哥 was founded in twenty first year of Chenghua (1485) in the territory of The Left Handong Garrison [Ming Xianzong shilu j.266]. The toponym Humuge can be explained on a Turkic basis can be compared with OT qumuq. Qumuq could be divided into a stem qum ‘sand’ and a suffix -uq. As to this sentence, I can assume that it can be considered as a historical fact that Turkic peoples went on warring campaigns against enemies in Gansu. Igdär=Yida 悒怛 The tribe name of Igdär occurs in the Terx inscription [TX 27]. According to Mahmud al- Kashghari Igdär is one of the oldest Oɣuz tribes107. Tang Huiyao says that in twenty thirth year of Tianbao rule (763) for two tribes, Ge-lo-lu (Qarluqs) and Yida is founded the Geluo 葛邏district (THY j. 73.1315). Abbreviatians AOH: Acta Orientalia Hungarica BQ: Bilge Qaγan inscription BSOAS: Bulletin of the School of Oriental (and African) Studies CAJ: Central Asiatic Journal CFYG: Cefu yuangui: Wang Qinruo 王欽若 1989 DTS: Drevnetjurkskij Slovar’. Leningrad. 1969. JTS: Jiu Tangshu: Liu Xu 劉煦 1975. J: Juan = volume JSFOu: Journal de la Société Finno-Ougrienne KT: Kül Tegin inscription LS: Liangshu: Yao Silian 姚思廉 1973. MChin: Middle Chinese Mong: Mongolian 105 sawa, 2011, p.188. Wuti Qing wenjian 五体清文鉴, Vol. I, Beijing, 1957, p.173. 107 Bartold, 2002, t.II/I, pp.574–575. 106 315 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II SS: Suishu: Wei Zheng 魏征 1973. SU: Šine Usu inscription T: Tonuquq inscription TX: Terx TBYJ : Tai bai yinjing (Shenji zhidi Taibai yinjing): Li Quan 李筌 1985. TD: Tongdian: Du You 杜 1988 THY: Tang Huiyao: Wang Pu 王溥 1955 O: Ongin inscription OT: Old Turkic WS: Weishu: Weishou 魏收 1974 WXTK: Wenxian tongkao: Ma Duanlin 馬端臨 1986. XTS: Xin Tangshu: Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修 1975 316 Different Points of View: Comparison of the English and the Turkish Idioms and Proverbs Yağmur KÜÇÜKBEZIRCI Introduction There are lots of nations in the world and probably the number of the cultures is more than the number of those nations. Various cultures may exist in one nation. Different words may be used to explain the same event, feeling, excitement, etc. Every nation has its own way to name and reflect the realities of the world. At this point, one of the most important touchstones to analyze the culture of a society is idioms and proverbs. They are the reflections of the society’s fund of knowledge and background. In this sense, it is presented in English culture as proverbs are the children of experience and in German culture as a country can be judged by the quality of its proverbs and in Niger culture as a wise man who knows proverbs can reconcile difficulties. Idioms and proverbs are generally used in order to send an effective message or explain a case shortly. They carry the intended message to the other side in the same culture but as we have emphasized there are various cultures in the world, they may not give any sense to the other side from different cultures. Some may say strange for the idioms and proverbs of the other cultures, in fact they are not strange. They are the glasses of a society and different points of views are available. In this study different point of views will be presented by comparison of the English and the Turkish idioms and proverbs. 1. Culture There are some terms difficult to explain, one of them is culture. According to Güvenç1 culture is; the cumulative civilization of a society or all societies; society itself; resultant of a series of social processes; hypothesis of an individual and society. There are several definitions of culture but in connection with our study, we can say that culture is the way how people live and their window from which they 1 B. Güvenç İnsan ve Kültür, Remzi Kitabevi, Istanbul, 1999, p.95. 317 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II look to the environment. Brannen2 separates culture into three as national, organizational and individual. Every nation, every organization has its own culture and also if we minimize the term culture, everyone has her/his own culture. As it is declared by Triandis3, we discover the unique ways in which people in different cultures view their social environment. Each society has its own norms. Thus culture changes from group to group, from one society to another. Sometimes, there is a big variation between cultures because culture is affected or shaped by religion and custom. In addition to these factors the place/localization of the society plays important role for structuring the idioms and proverbs. For example, in Arabic culture there are lots of words or sayings on camel but on the other hand the words such as ice, snow, etc. have a unique place in North Pole. In this respect, we can say that culture is an identity of a society. In this study, our concern is national culture. Thus, we may shortly define the term culture as the way society behave or their approach to the events. One of the best ways to show the cultural variation may be the idioms and proverbs of the different nations. The natural event, the case or the feeling is the same but their reflections by idioms and proverbs may be different in various nations. 2. Comparison of the English and the Turkish Idioms and Proverbs 2.1. Comparison of Idioms Idioms are the part of a culture and they have been existed after a long time of experiences. Idioms are fixed combinations of words, we may not understand the phrase because it means different from the meanings of the separate words. When we compare the idioms of different societies, we come across different expressions for the same event. In this part, randomly selected idioms will be compared. English idioms will be the original, in order to reflect the variety between two cultures, Turkish idioms will be translated word for word and also the original of them will be given in parenthesis. Some of the idioms are nearly the same; they are also particularly given to show the convergence. English: A piece of cake Turkish: A partridge in the bag (Çantada keklik) 2 3 M.Y. Branen, What is culture and why does it matter? Crossing Cultures. Insights from Master Teachers Nakiye Avdan Boyacıgiller, Richard Alan Goodman and Margaret E. Philips (eds.), The Cromwell Press, UK, 2003, p.26. H.C.Triandis, Culture and Social Behavior, McGraw-Hill Inc., U.S.A., p.2. 318 Yağmur KÜÇÜKBEZIRCI • Different Points of View: Comparison of the English and the Turkish … In both cultures those idioms are used for something easily achieved. While in English culture the idiom gives the feeling that it is as easy as eating a piece of cake, in Turkish culture it gives the sense that it is already in the bag. English: Add fuel to the fire Turkish: Go to the fire with bellows/fan. (Yangına körükle gitmek) The idioms are used to emphasize that the activity makes an argument or bad situation worse. They are nearly corresponding, in both; the level of the fire is increasing. English: Hit the jackpot Turkish: Hit the crane from its eye (Turnayı gözünden vurmak) In order to reflect an unexpected success, generally financial, those idioms are expressed. Jackpot is a gambling so it is not usual in Turkish tradition, the idiom reflecting an unexpected success is hitting the crane from its eye. English: Let the cat out of the bag Turkish: Let the bean out the mouth (Baklayı ağzından çıkarmak) When a person carelessly reveals secret information, those idioms are used. In English culture both the idiom “Let the cat out of the bag” and “Spill the beans” are used, in Turkish culture while first one is giving no sense but the latter one is corresponding. English: Better late than never Turkish: Better late than be difficult (Geç olsun, güç olmasın) Those idioms are used for a kind of therapy or praying in order to succeed the work done. When there is a difficulty or the work seems to take time, they are used. They seem to be the same; the first part “better late” is corresponding but there is a nuance that in the second part there is pessimism in English culture as it says “never” but in Turkish one it is “be difficult” it gives the sense that it will happen soon or late. English: Skate on thin ice Turkish: Play with fire (Ateşle oynamak) Those idioms are used in order to emphasize a person’s taking a big risk. The same case is reflected by just the opposite words “ice” and “fire”. English: Lies have short legs Turkish: The candle of a liar lights till the night (Yalancının mumu yatsıya kadar yanar) 319 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II The lies never work for a long time and this is emphasized by the idioms. In English culture, they can not run for a long distance, they will be caught. In Turkish culture, the liar’s candle has limited lightning, it will be deflated. There is a variation between the ways of telling the same event in two cultures. English: Love cannot be forced. Turkish: Beauty cannot be forced (Zorla güzellik olmaz) Feelings, sensations of an individual cannot be forced to change. If forced, it would blow up in the future. In Turkish tradition, the word “love” generally was not used in the society; in traditional family norms the usage of the word is unusual. As the background of the idiom depends past, the word “beauty” is used instead of “love”. English: Many words hurt more than swords Turkish: Wound of word is sharper than wound of sword (Söz yarası kılıç yarasından keskindir) The wound of sword may be cured by the time and it may be forgotten but the wounded feelings by words are worse and unforgettable. When you hit someone, s/he will complain about it for a time but probably it would be forgotten by the time. For example, many of the children had fallen down in their childhood, they had forgotten the pain. But people never forget the bad or good sayings about them. Here, the idioms are the same and give the same sensation in both cultures. English: When pigs fly Turkish: When a fish climb a poplar/tree (Balık kavağa çıkınca) The idioms in both cultures describe impossibility. According to Turkish traditions and customs the animal pig do not take place as it is forbidden to eat pork according to Turkish belief. When the English version of the idiom is used in Turkish society, it would be strange for Turkish people. English: The last straw that breaks the camel's back Turkish: The last drop that overflows the glass. (Bardağı taşıran son damla) The English version of the idiom is also used as “the final feather that brakes the camel's back” to indicate that there is a limit for everyone's endurance or everyone has his breaking point. When we translate the Turkish idiom, it expresses the same feeling. Although the feeling is the same, the way to tell the sense is different. English: It is raining cats and dogs Turkish: It is raining as pouring from a glass (Bardaktan boşanırcasına yağmur yağıyor) 320 Yağmur KÜÇÜKBEZIRCI • Different Points of View: Comparison of the English and the Turkish … They are used to indicate a heavy raining or a heavy downpour. In these idioms the expressions are totally different than each other although the situation is the same. The English idiom makes no sense in Turkish. When someone does something badly and not accepted by the society, it is perceived as a sign of doomsday and the saying “stone will rain” is used traditionally so the idiom “raining cats and dogs” may excite the same feeling in Turkish culture. Thus, it would be received strange. English: Kick the bucket Turkish: Put up the horseshoes (Nalları dikmek) Both of the idioms are used for passing away. They give sense for the societies which they are used in but they will not be understood or misunderstood in other cultures. For example, when we use the English idiom “kick the bucket” in Turkey, it may be understood as “the person was very angry and he kicked the bucket” so it is not applicable in Turkish culture. In this example, again the differences between the cultures is so clear, in order to avoid the misunderstandings, a small definition may be given. English: Between the devil and the deep sea Turkish: When you spit out below is beard, above is moustache (Aşağı tükürsen sakal yukarı tükürsen bıyık) They are used for two equally unpleasant situations that you must choose one. In Turkish culture beard and moustache have an important place. It is a sign of being mature for the men. There is difference in the way of telling the same feeling but each of them is understandable in both cultures. English: Be in the red Turkish: To sink in debt (Borca batmak) In order to express the event “go bankrupt” in an idiomatic usage “to be in red” is used in English culture but when it is used in Turkish culture it may be understood as “s/he is embarrassed and s/he is in a red” so the idiom will have no sense. But the Turkish idiom “to sink in debt” would be understood in English culture. English: Barking up the wrong tree Turkish: Knocking the wrong door (Yanlış kapıyı çalmak) Both of the idioms are used for expressing a person’s making a mistake or a false prediction in something s/he is trying to achieve. The English idiom may be understood by Turkish people but the Turkish idiom “knocking the wrong door” may be misunderstood by English people. English: Keep a foot in both camps Turkish: Giving juice according to the pulse (Nabza göre şerbet vermek) 321 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II The idioms are used to emphasize a person’s character that seems to be agreed with two different groups of people who have different aims, opinions or interests and also behave as if s/he is with them. We come across a lot of people behaving like this, they behave different according to the people they are engaged in. Especially, politicians speak and behave in accordance with the society. It may be reflected as politeness but indeed it is not. These idioms are not used for positive cases. English: Full of beans Turkish: Full of life (Hayat dolu olmak) These idioms are used for expressing an optimistic and a positive person who has a lot of energy and enthusiasm. There is no sense saying the English idiom to Turkish people, it would be strange. When Turkish people hear a sentence “you are full of beans”, it may be understood as the physical appearance of the person is likened to beans. English: Miss the boat Turkish: Miss the train (Treni kaçırmak) They are used for the occasions when a person is not punctual and could not be able to take the advantage of an opportunity that would lead to success. The idioms of the both cultures nearly correspond. English: Pull the wool over one’s eyes Turkish: Painting the eye (Göz boyamak) When a person deceives or induces someone, this is expressed by these idioms. But the Turkish one may be misunderstood or may make no sense in English culture as it could be understood as applying make-up. English: Pull one’s leg Turkish: Wind on a reel (Makaraya sarmak) While two of the idioms are used to express a situation as teasing someone as a joke, the English idiom makes no sense in Turkish culture. When we use the English idiom “pull one’s leg” in Turkey, it may give the sense of “hurting someone” or “want someone fall down”. English: Apple of your eye Turkish: Heavenly light of my eye (Gözümün nuru) If someone is very precious to you, these idioms are used. When the English one is uttered in Turkish, it would be very strange and ridiculous. On the other hand, the Turkish idiom could be understood by English people. 322 Yağmur KÜÇÜKBEZIRCI • Different Points of View: Comparison of the English and the Turkish … English: Leave no stone unturned Turkish: Leave no door knocked (Çalmadık kapı bırakmamak) Nearly corresponding idioms are used when a person does everything in order to achieve something or to find someone/something. The idioms are understandable in both cultures. 2.1. Comparison of Proverbs Proverb is short sentence and gives advices depending on the experiences. All cultures have their own proverbs and they give advice to the people. We can say that proverbs are the way of sharing experience. They transport the experience of common beliefs, traditions, and morals generation to generation. Some proverbs are universal and may exist in more than one society. In this part, randomly selected proverbs will be compared. English proverbs will be the original, in order to reflect the variety between two cultures, Turkish proverbs will be translated word for word and also the original of them will be given in parenthesis. English: When in Rome, do as Romans do Turkish: Either you herd this camel or you leave this realm (Ya bu deveyi güdersin ya da bu diyardan gidersin) Call bear as uncle till crossing the bridge (Köprüyü geçene kadar ayıya dayı de) These proverbs advice people act as to the rules or the conditions of the environment they are in. Although the advice is the same, the words of expressing differ. There is a nuance in Turkish idioms, as the first one “either you herd this camel or you leave this realm” is used to advice “suit the conditions you are in”, but the second one there is something “being utilitarian” and it is more dominant. Both of them make sense in two cultures. English: The early bird gets the worm Turkish: Man gets up early moves forward (Erken kalkan yol alır) If a person wants to be successful, s/he should act immediately. While the representation of this occasion is transferred by bird image in English culture, it is given directly in Turkish culture English: A burnt child dreads the fire Turkish: Man whose mouth burnt by milk blows on yoghurt (Sütten ağzı yanan yoğurdu üfleyerek yer) 323 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II When something has hurt a person once, s/he avoids it after that and also s/he has always prepossessions about that. The image “burning” is the same in both cultures. They would be understood in both cultures. English: You cannot teach an old dog new trick (as the twig is bent so is the tree inclined) Turkish: You can shape the tree when it is young (Ağaç yaş iken eğilir) If a person has been doing something in the same way for a long time, it would be a habit. Thus, it would be difficult to make her/him change her/his habits. When the English proverb “you cannot teach an old dog new trick” is used in Turkey, it would not be received well. The dog image is generally used as humiliation in Turkish culture. English: Count one's chickens before they hatch Turkish: Do not roll up one's sleeves before seeing the river (Dereyi görmeden paçayı sıvama) and Sewing a dress for a child before his birth (Doğmamış çocuğa kaftan biçmek) The idioms advice people to act guardedly and not to make certain plans before the results have occurred. They are all understandable and acceptable in both cultures. English: An apple a day keeps the doctor away Turkish: Doctor enters the sunless house (Güneş girmeyen eve doctor girer) People should utilize vitamins in order to be healthy. While the image “apple” is used in English culture, “sun” image is used in Turkish culture. The way to be healthy is given by different images in English and in Turkish culture. English: Set a thief to catch a thief Turkish: One nail drives out another (Çivi çiviyi söker) A thief knows how thieves think and all the tricks. When a person wants to solve a problem in a professional way, s/he would be better to find an expert. The symbols are different in each culture but they give sense in both culture. English: All that glitters is not gold Turkish: Do not think that every bearded man is your grandfather (Her gördüğün sakallıyı deden sanma) The appearance of persons, places or objects may attractive but it does not mean that they are genuine and valuable. In Turkish culture, grandfathers are generally bearded and they are respectable, trusty persons. Every bearded man is not your grandfather so it is not advised to trust in. 324 Yağmur KÜÇÜKBEZIRCI • Different Points of View: Comparison of the English and the Turkish … English: As you make your bed, you lie on it Turkish: Person who falls down by himself never cries (Kendi düşen ağlamaz) These idioms are often used as a reprimand. When a person does not follow the advices, s/he should accept the consequences of what s/he does. A person prepares her/his own conditions by her/his behaviors. Each of them makes sense in both cultures. English: Among the blind, the one-eyed man is King Turkish: In a village where there is no sheep, the goat is called/known as Master Jack. (Koyunun olmadığı köyde keçiye Abdurrahman Çelebi derler) When a person with a little talent or ability is with a group of people who have no talent or ability, s/he would be considered as a unique leader by the others. In the Turkish idiom “the goat image” takes the place of “the blind image” in the English idiom and “the sheep image” is used instead of “the king image”. English: Dead mice feel no cold Turkish: Dead donkey is not afraid of wolf (Ölmüş eşek kurttan korkmaz) When a person has nothing to loose, s/he is afraid of nothing. Nobody can hurt her/him. In both idioms, this sense is given by animal figures. Mice as an animal does not like cold places and the enemy of donkey is wolf but when they are dead, nothing can affect them badly. English: Give a dog a bad name and hang him Turkish: To die is better than having a bad fame (Adamın adı çıkacağına canı çıksın) When a person has been charged with behaving badly, s/he is often expected to behave badly. As the dog image is generally used as humiliation in Turkish culture, the image in this idiom may be received well in Turkey. English: A stitch (knot) in time saves nine Turkish: A nail saves a horseshoe; a horseshoe saves a horse (Bir mıh bir nal, bir nal bir at kurtarır) When a small problem is not fixed on time, it will become bigger and will need more time and effort to fix in the future. A small operation would be enough when it is not complex. In Turkish culture, horse has an important place for transportation so in order to protect a horse, a nail gains importance. English: The apples on the other side of the wall are the sweetest Turkish: Neighbor’s chicken seems as a goose to other neighbor (Komşunun tavuğu komşuya kaz görünür) 325 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II These idioms are used for the ones who are not aware of the valuable things that they hold. Although the things they have are equal to or better than the others, they think that the others are perfect. English: Coming events cast their shadows before Turkish: Thursday’s coming becomes evident by Wednesday (Perşembenin gelişi Çarşamba’dan belli olur) Significant events can be guessed by some prognostications. There is no need to be a fortune teller to estimate what will happen, those significant events can be seen by experiences. English: The apple doesn’t fall far from the tree Turkish: The pear falls close to tree (Armut dibine düşer) These idioms are used to indicate that character or personality of a child, either good or bad, is inherited from her/his family. S/he has a tendency to behave as (a member of) her/his family. The idioms are corresponding. English: Actions speak louder than words Turkish: The mirror of the man is his work, so his words have no importance (Aynası iştir kişinin lafa bakılmaz) The most important thing is the actions you do, not the things you say. The same event is reflected by different words but gives the same sense in both cultures. English: Keep a thing seven years and you'll find a use for it – Save Money for rainy days Turkish: Keep the straw when there is a need (Sakla samanı gelir zamanı) – Money is for black days (Ak akçe kara gün içindir) Wasting is not accepted in all cultures. Straw seems to be worthless in Turkish culture but the proverb advices that there may be the time, you may use it. Both of the proverbs are corresponding. English: Make hay while sun shines Turkish: Do not bring today’s work tomorrow (Bu günün işini yarına bırakma) The idioms advice people act and complete the works on time. There is no possibility to compensate the passing time. When there is opportunity, you should make use of it. Although the cultures are different, both of the proverbs are acceptable and understandable and also make sense in both societies. 326 Yağmur KÜÇÜKBEZIRCI • Different Points of View: Comparison of the English and the Turkish … Conclusion The varieties between English and Turkish culture is tried to be given by idioms and proverbs. Every society has its own way to reflect the same event and as a device idioms and proverbs reflect the experiences in different ways; from different point of views. In this respect, Federico Fellini, Italian film director, supports this idea by his words “a different language is a different vision of life”. While the English and the Turkish idioms and proverbs used for the same event are different, some of them are corresponding. In order to avoid misunderstandings, it would be better to use idioms or proverbs according to the culture we are living in. This case is also emphasized by the English proverb When in Rome, do as the Romans do, otherwise it would be strange. From the point of Confucius’ saying “words are the voice of the heart” we can say that idioms and proverbs are the voice of a society’s culture. None of them is better or worse than the other, they are just variations. When we think about a wall painted with just one color, it will give no sense. But when different colors come together, paint exists and it gives sense. The earth may be likened to a wall and it would give sense with different cultures. 327 Mots d’origine Roumaine en Turc-Osmanli Emil SUCIU Nos préoccupations des dernières années se sont concentrées sur l’influence du turc-osmanli (= turc de Turquie) sur la langue roumaine, les principaux résultats de ces recherches étant englobés dans les deux volumes de la monographie que nous venons de publier1. Plusieurs comptes-rendus de cet ouvrage et de sa version abrégée et simplifiée pour le grand public2 – outre l’analyse du contenu et des moyens que nous y avons employés en examinant les emprunts roumains au turc – ont exprimé le besoin d’étudier également les mots turcs d’origine roumaine, ainsi que le regret que les études de cette sorte sont très rares et incomplètes. Les reproches voilés adressés en ce sens aux linguistes sont en bonne partie justifiés: il n’y a que quelques références au sujet dans les traités consacrés à l’histoire de la langue roumaine et très peu d’articles s’occupant particulièrement des éléments roumains du lexique turc; les principaux ouvrages de cette sorte sont ceux signés par Franz Miklosich3, Gustav Meyer4, Giorge Pascu5 et Vladimir Drimba6. Les contacts linguistiques entre les Turcs ottomans et les Roumains ont été intenses et multiformes pendant presque cinq siècles (fin du XIVe – milieu du XIXe siècles), au cours desquels, si plus de 2.770 mots turcs ont été acquis par le roumain7, il est vraisemblable que le turc-osmanli, à son tour, ait emprunté, en diverses circonstances, un certain nombre de mots roumains. Il est toutefois évident et naturel que, par suite des conditions historiques de domination et de suzeraineté de la Porte sur les Pays Roumains, le nombre et l’importance des emprunts roumains au turcosmanli dépassent d’une manière accablante ceux des mots d’origine roumaine du lexique turc, qui probablement ne peuvent pas être plus de quelques dizaines. Parmi les chercheurs signalant en passant certains mots roumains pénétrés au turc-osmanli, c’est Sextil Puşcariu qui, en sommant en bref les résultats des études 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Emil Suciu, Influenţa turcă asupra limbii române. I. Studiu monografic. II. Dicţionarul cuvintelor româneşti de origine turcă, Editura Academiei Române, Bucureşti, 2009, 2010. Emil Suciu, 101 cuvinte de origine turcă, Humanitas, Bucureşti, 2011. Die slavischen, magyarischen und rumunischen Elemente im türkischen Sprachschatze, Wien, 1889. Türkische Studien, I. Die griechischen und romanischen Bestandteile im Wortschatze des OsmanischTürkischen, Wien, 1893. Rumänische Elemente in den Balkansprachen, Leo S. Olschki, Genève, 1924. «Elemente româneşti în limba turcă», Dacoromania, 11, 1945, pp.196–202. V. Suciu, 2010, p.828. 329 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II antérieures, affirme que «le nombre des mots roumains en turc est très petit: boyar „boyard”, kalaraş „courrier, messager”, mukan „berger de Transylvanie” (roum.8 mocan), mamaliga („polenta”), dalavere „transaction” (= roum. daraveră, qui, à son tour, est calqué sur le turc alışveriş) et quelques autres»9. «Quelques autres», c’est-à-dire, à titre d’exemple, kaşer ~ kaşar „sorte de fromage (fabriqué en Thrace)” (TS10, Youssouf), que CDER explique du roum. caşuri (plur. de caş „sorte de fromage”), çuma „peste” (< roum. ciumă, v. CDER), masa „table” (< roum. masă, v. CDER). Il est éloquent que, d’entre ces termes, TS n’enregistre que boyar, qu’il explique du russe boyarin (= bojarin), même si sa définition est « titre des nobles de la région du Danube, de la Transylvanie et de la Russie », dalavere, expliqué du syntagme italien il dare e l’avere, masa – de l’italien mensa, kaşar et mamaliga, donnés sans étymologie, ce qui suggère une origine indigène, c’est-à-dire turque, tandis que GTS indique pour mamaliga et pour masa une provenance grecque; les autres trois mots, çuma, kalaraş et mukan, sont donc, aujourd’hui, hors d’usage ou possibles régionalismes (de Dobroudja?). Les dictionnaires turcs sont d’ailleurs très réticents en ce qui concerne les mots en provenance du roumain: en TS, par exemple, on ne trouve aucun terme turc attribué explicitement à cette souche, sauf çatana „petit bateau à vapeur” (dont l’origine serait «le nom roumain de la bourgade Çetene»), kalas „planche longue et grosse” (expliqué «du nom de la ville Galati de Roumanie»), et ley „unité monétaire roumaine” (< roum. lei). Le même dictionnaire indique, par exemple, comme étymon 8 9 10 Voici les abréviations utilisées en ce qui suit: acc. = accentué; alb. = albanais; all. = allemand; anc. = (variante) ancienne; arg: = argotique; aroum. = aroumain; bulg. = bulgare; cat. = catalan; cf. = lat. confer (= comparez); cr. = croate; dial. = dialectal; éd. = édition; esp. = espagnol; fém. = féminin; fr. = français; gr. = (vieux- ou médio-)grec; hongr. = hongrois; it. = italien; jud.-esp. = judéo-espagnol; lat. = latin; litt. = littéraire; mégl. = mégléno-roumain; ngr. = néogrec; plur. = pluriel; pol. = polonais; port. = portugais; prov. = provençal; rhét. = rhétoroman; roum. = roumain; rus. = russe; sard. = sarde; sb. = serbe; sl. = (vieux-)slave; slov. = slovène; s.v. = lat. sub voce; tat. = tatar; tc. = turc; tsig. = tsigane; ukr. = ukrainien; v. = voir. Sextil Puşcariu, Limba română. I. Privire generală, Editura Minerva, Bucureşti, 1976 (1e éd.: 1940), p. 316. La signification des sigles bibliographiques que nous employons est la suivante: BTS = Büyük Türkçe Sözlük [= Grand dictionnaire de la langue turque], ouvrage publié en ligne, cumulant le contenu de plusieurs dictionnaires du turc-osmanli, sur la page www.tdk.gov.tr de la Türk Dil Kurumu [= Société de la Langue Turque], Ankara; CDER = Alexandru Ciorănescu, Dicţionarul etimologic al limbii române, Bucureşti, 2001 (1e éd., en espagnol: 1954–1966); DA = Dicţionarul limbii române, tom. I–XIV, Bucureşti, 1907–2010; GTS = Güncel Türkçe Sözlük [= Dictionnaire du turc actuel] et TBKS = Türkçede Batı Kökenli Kelimeler Sözlüğü [Dictionnaire des mots turcs d’origine occidentale], ouvrages publiés en ligne sur la page www.tdk.gov.tr de la Türk Dil Kurumu; TS = Türkçe Sözlük [= Dictionnaire de la langue turque], 9e éd., 1–2, Ankara, 1998; Youssouf = R. Youssouf, Dictionnaire turc-français, 1–2, Constantinople, 1888; ZTS = Zanaat Terimleri Sözlüğü [Dictionnaire des termes d’arts et métiers], Ankara, 1976. 330 Emil SUCIU • Mots d’origine Roumaine en Turc‐Osmanli du tc. masa „table” «l’italien mensa < lat.», pendant que GTS et TBKS en indiquent l’étymologie grecque ( ), même si tels changements phonétiques seraient tout à fait bizarres en turc11. À notre avis, à l’exception de çatana12 et de dalavere13, tous les mots turcs susmentionnés sont empruntés au roumain:  tc. boyar, au moins quand il se réfère à la classe aristocratique de Valachie, de Moldavie et de Transylvanie, reproduit la variante vieillie boiar(ĭu), plur. boiarĭ (< sl. boljarinŭ, bulg. boljarin), de la forme plus récente roum. boier „noble, seigneur (roumain)”; 11 12 13 En échange, GTS propose par mégarde une étymologie roumaine pour le terme historique Ulah „Valaque” (v. ci-dessous, note 24). On peut se demander si ce terme pourrait provenir «du nom roumain de la bourgade Çetene» aussi avec ses sens dialectaux „querelleur” et „treillis attaché sur un chariot pour transporter la paille” (BTS); heureusement que d’autres dictionnaires, y compris d’autres éditions du TS, donnent des explications étymologiques qui ignorent la référence au roumain: «du nom de la bourgade Çetene» (GTS), «après la ville Çetene sur la rive du Danube» (7e édition du TS, 1983). Il est cependant intéressant que toutes les sources historiques turques indiquent la localité respective (qui est/était d’ailleurs un simple village) sous la forme Çatana; elle est située dans le voisinage de la ville Calafat, en Olténie, sur la rive gauche du Danube. Le village est renommé comme endroit de déroulement d’une bataille qui a eu lieu au début du Janvier 1854, entre les Ottomans et les Russes, dans le cadre de la Guerre de Crimée (tc. Çatana zaferi ~ Çatana muzafferiyeti „la victoire de Çatana”, Çatana muharebesi „la bataille de Çatana). En roumain, le même village riverain porte le nom Cetate, signifiant, comme terme commun, „château-fort, citadelle” (grâce aux ruines et les vestiges daces qui y ont été trouvés); la localité avec ce nom est attestée des 1722 (v. Dicţionarul toponimic al României. Oltenia (DTRO), vol. 2, C–D, Craiova, 1995, s.v.). La même dénomination a été assumée, sous la forme Cetate ou Citate, par les peintres et les autres témoins ouest-européens présents sur la scène de la bataille. La graphie Çetene au lieu de Çatana doit être due à une confusion avec la ville Çetene, en sb. et cr. Četinje, l’ancienne capitale de la Principauté de Monténégro. Mais il reste douteux comment le toponyme roumain Cetate est devenu en turc Çatana ou même Çetene. Quoi que ce soit, il est très improbable qu’un tel nom d’un lieu éloigné serait à l’origine du terme tc. çatana; il est, par contre, possible que le processus ait été inverse, le roum. Cetate étant déformé en tc. Çatana ou Çetene, peut-être *Çetane, par étymologie populaire, sous l’influence des termes communs tc. çatana „petit vapeur; querelleur” et/ou (dial.) çetene „graine de lin ou de chanvre; maraudeur, pilleur” (BTS). En conséquence, il s’agit d’un emprunt purement toponymique, mais le terme commun çatana n’est pas du tout emprunté au roumain. Tc. dalavere ~ dalavera et roum. daravelă ~ daraveră ~ daravere, de même que d’autres correspondants sud-est-européens (aroum. daraveră, bulg. dalavera, jud.-esp. delabera), ont en effet une origine italienne lointaine (dare (ed) avere „actif et passif”), mais leur étymon direct doit être néogrec: α α ~ α α „affaire commerciale, transaction”, ayant comme véhicule les nombreux commerçants grecs des Balkans; pour le bulgare, on peut toutefois supposer l’intermédiaire du turc. Quant à l’hypothèse d’un calque du roum. daravere (= dare „action de donner” + avere „fait d’avoir; fortune”) sur le mot composé tc. alışveriş (= alış „action de prendre, prise” + veriş „action de donner”) et puis d’un transfert du mot roumain au turc (v. DA), elle n’est pas du tout plausible. En ce qui concerne le sémantisme, il paraît que tous les correspondants (ngr., aroum., bulg., it., jud.-esp., tc., roum.) ont le sens neutre „affaire commerciale, transaction, négoce”, mais ceux turc, bulgare et roumain ont acquis aussi des nuances péjoratives (tc. „affaire illicite, affaire malhonnête, tromperie, escroquerie, intrigue, farce”, bulg. „tromperie, machination, intrigue”, roum. „litige, tracas, ennui, embarras, mésaventure”), ainsi qu’une acception argotique vulgaire, „membre viril, pénis”; celle-ci est le seul sens avec lequel le mot roumain pourrait provenir du turc. 331 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II  tc. çuma „peste” – il est très probable d’être un emprunt au roumain (roum., aroum. ciumă), car c’est le territoire de la langue roumaine qui semble être le noyau de l’expansion de ce mot (d’origine latine: cyma < ngr. α, cf. alb. k’imë), entré en plusieurs langues est-européennes: bulg., sb., rus. čuma, ukr. čuma ~ džuma, pol. dźuma, hongr. csoma ~ csuma; tc. kalaraş „courrier” doit être un terme historique provenant certainement du roum. călăraş „cavalier, soldat de cavalerie (souvent employé comme courrier); courrier” (un dérivé roumain de călare „à cheval”); tc. kalas provient évidemment du toponyme tc. Kalas (< roum. Galaţi – ville au sud-est de la Roumanie, sur le Danube), extrait par condensation lexicosémantique d’un syntagme tc. de type Kalas [tahtası] „planche de Galatz” (tc. tahta „planche”); tc. kaşar ~ kaşer „sorte de fromage gras, en forme ronde, préparé de lait de mouton” (TS) pourrait provenir – plutôt que du plur. caşuri – par la condensation d’un syntagme roum. [brînză de] căşar „fromage fait en moule, en forme” α, (brânză „fromage”, căşar „moule à fromage”, emprunté par le ngr.: α v. CDER); tc. ley „unité monétaire roumaine” est, de toute évidence, un mot d’emprunt culturel, transcrit en turc après le roum. lei „idem”; tc. mamaliga ~ mamalika ne peut pas être un mot turc hérité, vu que le terme est présent en presque toutes les langues de l’Europe de l’Est (hormis le turc et le roumain: bulg. mamaliga, alb. mamalingë, sb., cr. mamaljuga, ngr. α α ί( ) α, hongr. mamaliga, ukr. mamalyg, pol. mamałyga, rus. mamalyga), ayant comme centre d’irradiation l’aire linguistique roumaine; il est à présumer que le terme s’est répandu chez les peuples voisins en qualité de nom roumain de la polenta; c’est un argument qui ne peut pas être ignoré, fondé sur des éléments ethnogéographiques, même si l’étymologie du roum. mămăligă est considérée en général inconnue dans les dictionnaires roumains, mais liée à des racines latines par plusieurs chercheurs; tc. masa (accentué mása) „table” est un terme important du lexique turc; c’est Fr. Miklosich14 qui a révélé son origine roumaine, confirmée par Gustav Meyer15: roum. masă „idem”, transféré aussi au bulgare et au macédonien (masa), avec le même sens; l’étymon latin mensa ~ mesa16 est d’ailleurs hérité par toutes les langues romanes (fr. mense, moise, rhét. meisa ~ mesa, esp., port., cat. mesa, it.,       14 15 16 Miklosich, 1889, p. 10. Meyer, 1893, p. 46. V. Al. Rosetti, Istoria limbii române de la origini până în secolul al XVIII-lea, Editura pentru literatură, București, 1968, pp. 131, 132. 332 Emil SUCIU • Mots d’origine Roumaine en Turc‐Osmanli  prov. mensa, it. dial. meza, sard. mèsa), mais seulement le roumain, avec ses règles de changements phonétiques, avait la capacité intrinsèque de transformer le lat. e sous accent, par diphtongaison conditionnée, en ea (roum. commun, aroum. measă, mégl. męsă) et puis, par monophtongaison (seulement en dacoroumain), en a (masă, plur. mese)17; le turc n’en aurait eu évidemment aucune raison linguistique pour changer en a le e de l’it. ou du lat. mensa ~ mesa (emprunté par le grec: α); par contre, les règles de l’harmonie vocalique turque auraient eu commandé l’assimilation de la voyelle finale à celle précédente (*mese); le mot tc. masa provient donc certainement du roum. masă, éventuellement aussi du bulg., mac. masa, et a été retransmis ultérieurement au kurde (mase), au gagaouze, à l’azéri et au tatar de Crimée (masa); tc. mukan „berger transylvain” (< roum. mocan „montagnard, berger, surtout de Transylvanie”) doit être un régionalisme employé en Dobroudja et/ou en d’autres zones sud-danubiennes qui, pendant les siècles, ont hébergé périodiquement les pasteurs transhumants venant avec leurs troupeaux de Transylvanie; le mot roumain a été transféré aussi à l’hongrois: mokány „montagnard roumain; homme grossier”. *** Il est cependant justifiable que TS et d’autres dictionnaires turcs ignorent complètement18 toute une série de mots d’origine roumaine, révélés par Vladimir Drimba dans son étude susmentionnée19, qui ont été employés dans des documents administratifs ottomans rédigés dans les Pays Roumains ou dans les régions avoisinantes, ou bien concernant des réalités de ces Pays. Ils sont des termes géographiques et surtout des titres, des noms de fonctions dans l’ancienne hiérarchie sociopolitique roumaine, c’est-à-dire des emprunts lexicaux de circonstance, littéraires et officiels, rarement utilisés, se trouvant au niveau de «mots étrangers», vu que leur contenu sémantique, le même que celui de leurs étymons, ne se rapporte qu’à des réalités appartenant aux Roumains ou aux Pays Roumains:  tc. balta „étang, marais” (< roum. baltă „idem”; cf. alb. baltë, ngr. α ~ π α, celui-ci vraisemblablement emprunt littéraire au roumain), par exemple, se réfère, dans le document cité par Drimba, exclusivement aux étangs se situant le long de la frontière danubienne de la Valachie; 17 18 19 Rosetti, 1968, pp. 360, 398. Fait exception le terme boyar (présenté ci-dessus), enregistré dans TS, GTS, BTS, etc. Drimba, 1945, pp. 198–201. Les documents étudiés par l’auteur sont conservés dans les Archives d’Etat de Roumanie. 333 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II  tc. ban „titre d’un haut dignitaire roumain, le premier des boyards valaques” (< roum. ban); tc. ispatar „chef de la cavalerie roumaine” (< roum. spătar, avec la prothèse, usuelle en turc, d’une voyelle à l’initiale formée de deux consonnes); tc. kolçar „officier de la Maison des princes roumains” (< roum. clucer ~ anc. clucear, probablement adapté après le hongr. kulcsár ~ kolcsár; tous les deux < sl. ključarĭ); tc. komis „(grand) écuyer de la Cour roumaine” (< roum. comis); tc. loğofet „chancelier de la Cour roumaine” (< roum. logofăt); tc. metropolit „métropolite roumain” (< roum. anc. metropolit < lat. metropolita; cf. sl. mitropolitĭ, ngr. η οπο ί η > roum. mitropolit); tc. moşiye „domaine, propriété foncière” (< roum. moşie „idem”, adopté par d’autres idiomes balkaniques aussi: ngr. ου ία, bulg. mošija) est attesté au sujet de certaines propriétés situées aux alentours du Danube; tc. ustolnik „dignitaire roumain, chef des cuisiniers de la Cour” (< roum. stolnic, avec un u prothétique; le mot roumain a entré aussi au grec: ο ); tc. vestiar „trésorier général, haut dignitaire de la Cour roumaine” (< roum. vistier ~ anc. vestiar < lat. vestiarius); tc. vornik „haut dignitaire de la Cour roumaine, ayant des attributions judiciaires; gouverneur” (< roum. vornic > ngr. ο ).          Ces termes – employés occasionnellement, dans des documents officiels, comme «mots étrangers» se référant aux Pays Roumains – ne possèdent pas la qualité d’être enregistrés dans les dictionnaires de la langue turque-osmanlie, hormis, peutêtre, ceux d’archaïsmes insolites; ils sont importants plutôt pour l’histoire du roumain que pour celle du turc. D’autres mots turcs d’origine roumaine sur lesquels Vladimir Drimba attire l’attention dans le même article20 ont, au contraire, une valeur fonctionnelle assez élevée, mais seulement au niveau d’une aire restreinte d’utilisation: il s’agit des emprunts dialectaux acquis par voie populaire, par contact direct entre les sujets parlants roumains et turcs (en fait, parfois tatars). Les exemples donnés par l’auteur sont extraits d’une collection de folklore turco-tatar de Dobroudja, publiée en 1921–1922:  tat. babı „vieille femme” (< roum. babă);  tat. Cerman „Allemand”21 (< roum. german); 20 21 Drimba, 1945, pp. 201–202. Le turc de Turquie connaît la forme Cermen (< fr. Germain) pour désigner les Allemands de l’Antiquité et du Moyen Âge. 334 Emil SUCIU • Mots d’origine Roumaine en Turc‐Osmanli     tc. doktor „médecin, docteur”22 (< roum. doctor); tc. malay „farine de maïs” (< roum. mălai); tat. mokan „berger de Transylvanie” (< roum. mocan); tat. nani (interjection) „dodo” (< roum. nani). En tout cas, dans les conditions historiques et sociolinguistiques propres aux derniers plus de 100 ans, d’un intense bilinguisme des Turcs et des Tatars de Dobroudja, l’influence roumaine sur le dialecte turc de cette région doit être beaucoup plus importante. Ce fait est confirmé par un intéressant article publié par Ager Akseyit, Evoluţia bilingvismului tataro-român în perioada actuală în Dobrogea23. En se référant exclusivement au parler tatar de la province, l’auteur constate l’existence d’une très forte influence du roumain, surtout sur le lexique et la syntaxe du tatar, et relève un grand nombre de termes roumains, de divers domaines, qui sont transposés tels quels, mécaniquement, au langage des Tatars: – terminologie sociopolitique et scientifique: proces, abstract, concret, inducţie, atom, molecula, logaritm, diametru, preşedinte, senator, revoluţie, etc.; – terminologie culturel et artistique: literatura, arta, cinema, teatru, spectacol, club, cultura, etc.; – terminologie sportive: meci, fotbal, repriza, stadion, atletism, etc.; – terminologie militaire: unitate, regiment, companie, colonel, sergent, mitraliera, tanc, aerodrome, etc. Beaucoup de mots sont assimilés de pair avec leurs suffixes roumains (documentar, industrial, miner, etc.), pendant qu’à d’autres l’on ajoute des suffixes tatars (pasivlik, talentli, karaktersiz, etc.). On emprunte également des adjectifs (gri, bej, maro) et des verbes, dont les formes nominales roumaines sont employées en jonction avec les verbes auxiliaires tatars (et- „être”, yap- „faire”, bol- „devenir”, par exemple senator bol- „devenir sénateur”, legiferat bol- „légiférer”). Les mots composés et les constructions syntaxiques fixes roumains sont empruntés tels quels (foaie de parcurs, şef-contabil) ou sont reproduits par calque (roum. cale ferată devient en tatar temir ğol). La topique imite souvent celle inverse de la langue roumaine (ketegem şkolaya au lieu de şkolaya ketegem „je vais à l’école”). Les innovations morphologiques sous l’influence du roumain sont toutefois insignifiantes: emploi plus fréquent de l’accord au pluriel, passage des formes synthétiques à des expressions analytiques, etc. 22 23 En fait, le mot doktor est en usage en Turquie aussi, comme néologisme emprunté au français (v. TS). Dans Originea tătarilor. Locul lor în România și în lumea turcă, ed. Tahsin Gemil, Editura Kriterion, București, 1997, pp..276–282. 335 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Les mots d’emprunt et les innovations linguistiques de cette sorte, dont le nombre doit être assez grand non seulement chez les Tatars, mais aussi dans le parler turcosmanli de Dobroudja, mériteraient d’être collectionnés et étudiés en dictionnaires et ouvrages spéciaux de dialectologie turque. Nous y ajoutons ici rien que l’avertissement que le Professeur Vladimir Drimba nous a adressé quant on était ses étudiants: un mot quelconque ne peut pas être considéré emprunté qu’alors qu’il est employé en propositions; le Professeur lui-même en avait devenu sûr que le terme roum. cocoş „coq” ait devenu un mot turc dialectal de Dobroudja seulement quand la maîtresse de maison chez laquelle il était en pension, dans un village turc, avait crié après son mari: kokoşu tut! „attrape le coq!”. *** En dehors des termes turcs déjà signalés par nos prédécesseurs en tant que mots d’emprunt au roumain, qu’ils soient archaïsme, régionalismes ou éléments du turcosmanli littéraire usuel d’aujourd’hui, il y a dans les dictionnaires de la langue turque toute une série d’autres mots qui semblent être empruntés au roumain24. Certains d’entre eux sont expliqués du bulgare, hongrois, russe, etc.25, mais leur étymologie 24 25 Une catégorie spéciale de mots ayant des similarités entre le turc et le roumain (aussi bien que d’autres langues) ne peut pas bénéficier du traitement accordé aux emprunts lexicaux: il s’agit des interjections onomatopéiques ou d’autre nature et de certaines formations lexicales expressives, souvent enfantines, dont l’origine pourrait être plurilingue, c’est-à-dire spontanée en diverses langues: tc. hapşu ~ roum. hapciu ~ hongr. hápcsi ~ fr. atchoum, etc.; tc. hoppala ~ roum. hop(a) ~ hongr. hop(pá) ~ fr. hop, hop-là, etc.; tc. ıhı ~ roum. î(h)î „oui, c’est vrai”; tc. kaka ~ roum. kaka ~ hongr. kaka, kaki ~ fr. caca; tc. kuçu (kuçu) ~ roum. cuţu (cuţu) ~ hongr. kuszu (kuszu) – interjection par laquelle on appelle les chiens; tc. pisi, pisik ~ roum. pisică, pisic ~ hongr. piszu „chat” (basés sur l’interjection tc. pisi, roum. pis, cf. hongr. pissz); tc. vay ~ roum. vai ~ alb., bulg., sb. vaj ~ ngr. αί ~ lat. vae „hélas!, malheur!”; etc. Il y a, bien sûr, beaucoup de mots turcs de diverses origines dont les étymons ont été empruntés par le roumain aussi, sans que leur sémantisme, leur forme ou d’autres conditions permettraient de supposer un intermédiaire roumain: tc. çuşka „poivron” < bulg. čuška, cf. roum. ciuşcă; tc. gocuk „pelisse” < bulg. kožuh, cf. roum. cojoc; tc. hora „danse, ronde paysanne” < gr. χο , bulg., sb. hóro, cf. roum. horă; tc. kaleska „calèche” < rus. koljaska (TS), cf. roum. caleaşcă; tc. koçu „voiture” < hongr. kocsi (TS), cf. roum. cocie, bulg., sb. kočija; tc. kosa „faux” < sl., rus. kosa (TS, GTS), cf. roum. coasă; tc. kuluçka „couveuse” < sl. kločka (TS), bulg. (GTS) kvačka, kločka, cf. roum. cloşcǎ; tc. loğusa „accouchée” < ngr. ωχο α (TS) ~ χο α, cf. roum. lă(h)uză; tc. dial. müştük „fume-cigarette” (BTS) < all. Mundstück, cf. roum. dial. muştiuc „idem”, litt. „bec (d’un instrument de musique)”; tc. palyoş „glaive” < hongr. pallos (GTS), cf. roum. paloş; tc. patika „sentier, laie” < bulg. păteka (TS), cf. roum. potecă; tc. pırasa „poireau” < gr. π ο (TS), cf. roum., bulg. praz; tc. pulluk „charrue” < sl. plugǔ, bulg., sb. plug, cf. roum. plug; tc. dial. punka ~ pınka „sachet pour le tabac ou pour le silex” (BTS) < gr. πο , cf. roum. pungă; tc. salaş „boutique provisoire pour vendre des fruits; tonnelle, abri” < hongr. szállás, cf. roum. sălaş; tc. şına „cercle de fer autour d’une roue” (ZTS, BTS) < all. Schiene, cf. roum. şină, pol. szyna, hongr. sín; tc. Ulah „valaque (ethnonyme donné par les Ottomans à la population roumaine)” < sl. vlahŭ (TS; pas du roum., comme en GTS, et pas mot turc, comme en Youssouf!), hongr. oláh, cf. roum. valah ~ vlah, ngr. Β χο , alb. Vllah, etc. 336 Emil SUCIU • Mots d’origine Roumaine en Turc‐Osmanli pourrait être multiple, y compris roumaine; d’autres semblent être d’origine exclusivement roumaine:  tc. apreş est un terme professionnel de tapisserie: „tapis tissé en couleurs discordantes, qui ne s’assortissent pas” (ZTS); il peut avoir à sa base le mot roum. preş „tapis long et étroit (tissé de divers déchets textiles multicolores)” (origine incertaine, présumablement slave), avec la prothèse d’une voyelle, normale en turc devant un groupe de deux consonnes à l’initiale;  tc. çigan „tsigane” (en tc. usuel çingene) est expliqué du hongr. cigány en TS et BTS et du fr. tsigane en GTS. Pourquoi pas aussi du roum. ţigan „idem”? La présence massive de cette population dans les Pays Roumains est depuis longtemps une évidence, comme il en est le fait que la consonne c (= fr. ts, roum. ţ, hongr. c) a été adopté par les Turcs comme č (= tc. ç); cf. également ngr. ί α ο , rus. cigan’, bulg. ciganin, etc.;  tc. gırla est un adverbe signifiant, dans le langage familier, „beaucoup trop, abondamment, en grand nombre, sans nombre, en grande mesure” (TS, GTS); il reste sans étymologie dans les dictionnaires turcs; mais on a le roum. gârlă „ruisseau” (< bulg. gărlo) qui, en fonction adverbiale, signifie la même chose qu’en turc: „beaucoup, trop, à foison, en abondance, abondamment” (DA); n’est il pas vraisemblable qu’on a ici l’étymon du mot turc?  tc. guşa „goitre”, terme médical vieilli26, inséré sans étymologie dans TS et GTS, semble avoir à son origine directe le roum. guşă „idem” et „gorge, gosier; jabot; double menton; fanon” (< lat. geusiae), qui a pénétré en outre, selon DA et CDER, dans d’autres langues voisines: ngr. ο α, bulg. guš(a), sb. guša, ukr. guši, hongr. gusa, tsig. gusa, alb. gušë (ce dernier pouvant toutefois être un emprunt direct au latin);  tc. kokoroz „maïs; épi de maïs”, pour lequel TS, GTS, etc. ne donnent aucun étymon (Youssouf le considerait mot autochtone), est un terme très répandu dans les langues est-européennes: bulg., sb. kukuruz, ukr. kukurudz, rus. kukuruza, pol. kukuru(d)za, hongr., tsig. kukorica; en roumain, cucuruz signifie non seulement „maïs; épi de maïs”, mais aussi „cône, pomme des conifères”, ce que l’approche à plusieurs correspondants des idiomes romans (it., sard., etc.) au même sens (v. DA, CDER); la majorité des auteurs pensent que le roumain ait été le point de départ ou l’intermédiaire pour toutes les langues est-européennes, le turc y compris, en tenant compte du rôle du maïs et de la polenta (v. ci-dessus mamaliga) dans la vie et la civilisation des Roumains; 26 Aujourd’hui on emploie dans ce sens le néologisme gu(v)atr < fr. goitre ou l’emprunt à l’arabe cedre (v. TS, BTS). 337 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II     338 tc. kopil est un terme argotique signifiant „enfant vagabond, gamin, gosse éhonté; bâtard”, enregistré dans TS sans étymologie et dans GTS et TBKS comme de provenance grecque ( οπ ); en même temps, TS et GTS donnent un mot dialectal considéré distinct, göbel „enfant; gosse vagabond, gamin; bâtard”, ne portant aucun étymon; à notre avis, il s’agit de deux variantes d’un seul mot, provenant du roum. copil „enfant, gosse; fils; jeune; domestique; bâtard; repousse, talle; pointe, partie pointue, tête d’un objet”, d’origine obscure, probablement du fond autochtone, prélatin du roumain (v. DA, CDER); le mot roumain s’est répandu en d’autres langues balkaniques et est-européennes: gr. π ο „bâtard”, ngr. οπ „garçon”, οπ α „fille”, alb. kopilj „bâtard; domestique”, sl. kopilŭ, rus. kopelŭ, ukr. kopyl, sb. kopile, bulg. kopele ~ kopilje „bâtard”, etc.; tc. kopoy „chien courant, chien de chasse” est expliqué du hongr. kop „idem” (TS, GTS); mais le terme existe également en roumain (copoi) et bulgare (kopoj), sous une forme identique à celle turque, avec la terminaison -oj qui ne se justifie qu’en roumain: l’étymon hongrois a été reçu en roumain soit sous la forme (attestée) de singulier copou, avec le pluriel copoi qui a conduit à la reconstruction du singulier copoi, soit à l’aide du suffixe roum. -oi; il est donc plus logique d’expliquer du roumain les mots correspondants bulgare et turc; tc. mocuk, terme dialectal à plusieurs acceptions („touloupe; veston court; petit de chameau; cochonnet”, etc., v. BTS), signifie aussi „matraque au bout renflé, massue, gros gourdin des bergers” (ZTS); avec ce dernier sens, il pourrait provenir du roum. măciucă ~ (dial.) mociucă, aroum. măţucă, megl. măcioc ~ măciucă „idem”, de probable origine latine ou création expressive, qui s’est répandu, selon certains chercheurs, du roumain aux langues environnantes: bulg. mačuk ~ mačak, sb., cr., slov. mačuga, ukr. mačug, pol. maczuga, hongr. macsuka, ngr. α ο α, ayant comme véhicules les renommés bergers transhumants roumains de l’Est de l’Europe; tc. pat est enregistré dans BTS comme mot polysémique ou même comme forme commune de certains homonymes; ce qui nous intéresse ici est la signification dialectale „lit; divan, sofa, canapé”, qui, en plus, a développé deux autres acceptions: „sofa placé devant la fenêtre” et „couvre-lit”; le sens de base correspond parfaitement au terme roumain littéraire, en usage général, pat „lit”, expliqué soit du ngr. π ο „voie passante, frayée, chemin frayé”, soit du lat. pactum, dérivé de pangěre „établir”, cf. it. patto „litière, couche de paille”; quoi qu’il en soit, c’est tout de même évident qu’il y a une identité sémantique seulement entre le roumain et le turc et que l’évolution à la signification „lit” a pu avoir lieu seulement en roumain, et non pas en turc; Emil SUCIU • Mots d’origine Roumaine en Turc‐Osmanli     tc. saraka (acc. saráka) est un mot d’argot enregistré, sans étymologie, en plusieurs dictionnaires du turc-osmanli, signifiant „ironie, moquerie, risée, raillerie, persiflage; sarcasme; insulte, outrage, humiliation” (v. TS, GTS, BTS), en usage également dans les dialectes et dans l’ancien osmanli littéraire d’avant la réforme kémaliste de la langue (v. BTS), surtout comme élément nominal des verbes composés synonymes saraka etmek et sarakaya almak „ironiser, railler, persifler, ridiculiser qqn., se moquer de, se ficher de qqn., tourner en dérision, humilier, traiter qqn. par-dessus la jambe, se payer la tête de qqn.” (etmek „faire, rendre”, almak „prendre”, celui-ci précédé par le datif du nom); le mot a deux dérivés: (anc.) sarakalı „sarcastique” et (arg.) sarakacı „moqueur, persifleur, railleur”; si l’on ne trouve aucun étymon turc, grec, arabo-persan, etc. à ce terme qui semble être d’origine étrangère, nous en proposons une solution tout à fait insolite: l’adjectif roum. sărac, fém. săracă „pauvre; misérable, infortune, malheureux”, qui peut être facilement substantivé et employé dans des constructions exclamatives avec une nuance ironique ou badine: Săraca! „La pauvre!” peut exprimer la compassion ou bien la simulation ironique, moqueuse d’un sentiment de compassion; d’ici jusqu’aux acceptions du mot d’argot turc ne serait qu’un petit pas qui pourrait avoir été fait par la simple interprétation comme terme abstrait d’un mot étranger à sens concret; tc. talba, terme régional d’agriculture, désigne „le versoir, la pièce de la charrue attachée au cep, servant à rabattre sur le côté et à retourner la terre” (ZTS); ses synonymes sont tabak et taban, celui-ci signifiant aussi „plante du pied; semelle; rouleau d’agriculture”; il est très probable que l’étymon du tc. talba soit le mot roumain talpă (< hongr. talp), dont les significations incluent les suivantes: „plante du pied”, „semelle”, „cep, pièce de la charrue sur laquelle sont assujettis le soc et le versoir”; si les définitions sont correctes, il s’agit d’un léger glissement sémantique; tc. tırnakip est enregistré, sans étymologie, dans ZTS et BTS, comme terme régional, avec les sens „bêche”, „pioche” et „houe”; il peut provenir du bulg. tărnokop ou du sb. trnokop, mais aussi bien du roum. târnăcop ~ târnacop (< bulg.) „pioche, pic”; ce dernier est, formellement, même plus proche au phonétisme turc; tc. voyvoda, dans ses significations vieillies (qui existaient en roumain aussi) „chef (d’armée), commandant; gouverneur, prince” (Youssouf), „voïvode”, pourrait provenir, sans doute, du sl. vojevoda (TS) ou du serbe (GTS) vojvòda; mais, dans l’acception précise et particulière „titre que les Ottomans donnaient aux princes régnants de Valachie et de Moldavie” (TS, GTS, BTS), ce terme historique est emprunté sûrement, avant tout, au roumain, la langue de la 339 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II population des Pays rappelés dans sa définition: voivodă ~ voivod ~ voievodă ~ voievod „idem” (< sl.); en turc, le mot a développé certains sens historiques supplémentaires: „personne chargée de collecter les impôts d’un lieu donné à bail; fonctionnaire envoyé par un vizir pour collecter les impôts annuels de ses bien-fonds” (BTS); „gouverneur turc d’un vilayet ou d’une ville de Roumélie; commissaire de police à Constantinople”, acceptions dans lesquelles il a été réemprunté par la langue roumaine27. *** On peut constater que la palette des sphères sémantiques des mots turcs d’origine roumaine est assez large, à partir des termes politico-administratifs, acquis par voie officielle, jusqu’aux qualificatifs humains et aux dénominations d’objets usuels (aliments, outils, meubles), empruntés à l’occasion des liens interhumains directs. Il est présumable que les mots turcs empruntés à la langue roumaine, sans être illimités, soient plus nombreux que ceux avancés ci-dessus; ça serait encore plus vrai en ce qui concerne les régionalismes turcs de Dobroudja transférés du roumain pendant les dernières décennies, mais aussi d’autres possibles mots d’emprunt, adoptés, au fil des siècles, en d’autres aires dialectales turques, à la suite des contacts avec les Roumains, inclusivement avec les Aroumains et les Mégléno-roumains de la Péninsule Balkanique. Tandis que les historiens sont tenus à mettre en évidence toutes les circonstances dans lesquelles ces contacts ont eu lieu – en permettant que l’emprunt lexical turco-roumain, même si tellement déséquilibré, soit réciproque –, c’est le devoir des linguistes d’identifier de nouveaux éléments roumains du lexique turc. 27 V. Suciu, 2010, s.v. voivoda. 340 NOTES AND REVIEWS Călin FELEZEU, Principatul Transilvaniei în epoca suzeranităţii otomane (1541–1688), Cluj-Napoca, 2013, 435 pp. The volume of Professor Călin FELEZEU, native from Cluj, with the title mentioned above represents a valuable contribution to the replenishment of the history of Transylvania, covering the entire period of the Ottoman domination in this principality. Moreover, the work was constituted based on an ample documentation, including sources pertaining to the Ottoman archives. Hence the particularities of the Transylvanian Principality are highlighted in comparison with the other two Romanian principalities (Moldova and Wallachia), especially regarding the evolution of the Romanian-Ottoman relations both along the 150 years to which the author refers and in general. Transylvania had a much more advantageous position on all accounts, either for geopolitical reasons or other causes, on which we shall not insist here within this presentation. Indeed, although the three Romanian principalities benefitted from special autonomies in comparison with the other territories of Rumelia, absorbed by the Ottoman space, Transylvania could nevertheless distinguish itself by a broader politicaljuridical status, which was visible in the formulae of addressing the Transylvanian princes who were often called Kral, meaning “king”, or other similar terms while the rulers of Moldavia and Wallachia had the title of voyvoda or bey. Certainly, the rivalry between the Ottomans and the Hapsburgs had a key role here, as the two empires were in continuous competition for primacy over the Hungarian space in general, which included the Transylvania of those times. On the other hand, Professor Felezeu approaches the issue of the RomanianTurkish relations from a wider perspective compared to the previous research, placing special emphasis on the Conception of Islam in regard to the relations with the nonMuslims on the Ottoman territory, but also in relation to the Christian world in general, usually called Dar-ul-harb (“the House of War”). Structured in a few main chapters, of which we recall: Raporturile Transilvanootomane în secolele XVI–XVII în izvoarele istorice şi istoriografice (The TransylvanianOttoman relations of the 16th-17th centuries in the historical and historiographic sources), Cadrul politic (The Political framework), Statutul politico-juridic al Principatului Transilvaniei (The Political-juridical status of the Transylvanian principality), Independenţa administrativă şi legislativă (The Administrative and legislative independence), Obligaţiile economico-financiare (The Economic-financial obligations) et al., with a 343 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Foreword by Professor Tasin Gemil, Professor Felezeu’s volume genuinely deserves a more thorough analysis than a simple enunciation of chapters like the one above. Inarguably, of great importance is the chapter Statutul juridic al Principatului Transilvaniei în relaţiile cu Poarta Otomană între anii 1541–1688 (The juridical status of the Transylvanian principality in the relation with the Ottoman Porte from 1541 to 1688), which analyzes a period of almost 150 years of Ottoman suzerainty, which was to contribute to the rapprochement of the three Romanian principalities in their own relations, under the Ottoman protection, the first unification of the territories inhabited by the Romanian people being achieved, in fact, precisely under the reign of the Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent (1520–1566), therefore many decades before the unification accomplished briefly by Michael the Brave at the confluence of the 14th and 15th centuries. This aspect was analyzed more thoroughly by the undersigned in a special article with the title “Le Sultanat de Soliman le Magnifique (1520–1566) et la première union du people roumain”, in the Historical Yearbook, Bucharest, vol. VI, 2007 (pp. 161–174). Certainly, upon the dissolution of the Hungarian Kingdom after the victory of Mohács (1526) and the creation of the Pashalik of Buda (1541), Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent would also set the foundation for the autonomous Principality of Transylvania, thus directing this principality towards Moldavia and Wallachia, outside the Hungarian influence, which would subsequently open the way for the unification of the three principalities, even though for a brief period, under the rule of Michael the Brave. Should that not have been the case, Michael the Brave could not have intervened in Transylvania, and the preservation of this principality under the Ottoman domination for another century would contribute to the gradually stronger consciousness of the unity of the Romanian people, although Transylvania had left the orbit of the Ottoman domination two centuries previously (in 1688). Here we refer to the general historical consequences of the actions of the “Great Turk” on the fate of the Romanian people. On reading the book, one can observe the alignment of the author, in the general lines, to the opinions of Professor Mihai Maxim referring to the essence of the Romanian-Ottoman relations, almost reaching equality between the two parts in establishing the clauses provisioned in the Peace letters, called Ahd-name that the Ottoman sultans granted the Transylvanian princes as unilateral emanations which stated the will of the respective sultan. We should not forget that the vows of the sultans in these documents were conditioned by the respecting of the provisions in the Ahd-name by the prince in question, while their infringement allowed the Padishah to freely act in consequence. This was mirrored by the evolution of the Romanian-Turkish relations along the centuries. 344 Notes and Reviews Since the three Romanian principalities evolved for centuries as separate political entities, this historical reality is reflected also in the works dedicated to their evolution, which undoubtedly is reflected in the definition of each principality’s relations with the Ottoman Porte. As an overview, Professor Călin Felezeu’s book provides a different model of approach for the topic of Transylvania’s history, referring to almost 150 years of Ottoman suzerainty with all its specific peculiarities to the other two Romanian principalities (Moldova and Wallachia) in the period stated. (Mustafa A. MEHMET) I.M. Mirgaleev, Zolotaja Orda: bibliograficeskij ukazatel, Kazan, 2013, 411 pp. Published in the series History and Culture of the Golden Horde initiated and achieved by the Center for Researching the history of the Golden Horde “M. Usmanov” of the “Șehabeddin Mardjani” Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Tatarstan, this work instrument aims to enable the access to research of the scholars more and more interested in the history and civilization of the great Tatar state of the Golden Horde. The indexed works are categorized by years, in (Russian) alphabetical succession, beginning with the year 1726, when the famous work of Abulghazi Bahadur Khan was published in French, a work dedicated to the Tatar khans. The last work included in the volume dates from 2012, the volume of Johannes Preiser-Kapeller, Zwischen Konstantinopel und Goldener Horde. As expected, the largest part of the reference literature indexed in this book is in the Russian language. From this point of view, the bibliography of the Golden Horde is exceptionally rich and it represents a particularly useful instrument, meant to draw the attention of the researchers who are not yet familiarized with the historiographical results on this topic in the Russian speaking space. Unfortunately, the Bibliography includes only partly the sources and works outside the Soviet-Russian speaking world, even if these were fewer than the works elaborated in the Russian language. The Bibliography does not avoid completely orthographical slips, particularly in titles in other languages than Russian. The volume has a consistent Introduction and a List of abbreviations. Also useful would have been an Index of authors and a Thematic index. (Tasin GEMIL) 345 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Virgil Coman (ed.), Dobruja in Romanian archives (1597–1989). To Professor Stoica Lascu at 60 years, Bucharest, Ethnology Publishing House, 2013, 1065 pp. In early 2011, to mark six decades since the establishment of the National Archives county structures, including one in Constanta, but especially to pay tribute to Professor Stoica Lascu, at the celebration of 60 years, Constanța’s archivists coordinated by Virgil Coman, initiated an editorial project, materialized at the end of 2013. The volume completes the list of contributions on the subject, previously published and includes a total of 413 documents, most original, and 12 files (postcards and photos) from heritage of National Archives of Romania and its county structures, the Diplomatic Archives Division, History Department of the Army and the National Council for the Study of Securitate Archives. In reality, it is a series of documents relating to Dobruja, identified by some archivists operating in the mentioned above institutions, into the funds they are managing, archival collections, collated and submitted for publication Constanta County National Archives Service. The work complies with the rules in force, having the following structure: Introduction (pp. 5–8) / Foreword (pp. 9–12); Note over Edition (pp. 13–14) / Comment about the edition (pp. 15–16); List of documents (pp. 17–37) / List of documents (pp. 38–59), Documents (pp. 60–994), Illustrations (pp. 995–1000), Antoponymical index (pp. 1001–1026), Toponymic Index (pp. 1027–1044). At the end was added at Stoica Lascu Bibliographic note (pp. 1045–1061) and Editors List (pp. 1062–1064). If most of archival evidence is in Romanian language, the volume also includes several other languages and paleography written as: Turkish-Osman, Cyrillic, Greek, Hungarian, German, French and English and, where appropriate, have been transliterated, transcribed and translated. Most documents date from the period 1878–1989, but there are several other older since 1597. They are presented chronologically, preceded by a summary and capture historical processes with implications on the territory between the Danube and the Black Sea, a number of issues from cultural, social-economic and political life, special events, etc. Therefore, festive moments in 1878, when Dobruja was integrated to Romania are well captured into documents, than some measures supported by government on the line of development of the territory between the Danube and the Black Sea, for settlement and allotment of Romanian families, including from Transylvania, in the latter case Austro-Hungarian authorities having obstructing such a process, as evidenced by official correspondence. 346 Notes and Reviews The realities of economic, social, cultural and utility of Constanta and Tulcea counties in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century are reflected in some reports of prefects of the two counties that constitute a rich source of information for those who want to investigate more thoroughly this time. The wide peasant movement in 1907, though it doesn’t reached land of Dobruja, was in the attention of representatives of Romanian Orthodox Church. Documenting testimonies contained in this volume reveals that the Lower Danube’s bishop himself PS Pimen, drew attention to the priests of this diocese that the wording should be to involve in preventing outbreaks of social unrest and to reassure the rebels. Our attention is drawn also by several documents relating to the Second Balkan War, and closely related to how the naval forces acted during the 1913’s Romanian military campaign, and find some information on the work of the competent harbour’s authority of the Danube ports: Calarași, Cernavodă, Ostrov. In turn, the appropriation process in Dobruja, including counties of Durostor and Kaliakra, is well captured in documents. Not missing either some information about the festivities celebrating the half centenary of Dobruja reintegration to Romania, which were organized in the fall of 1928, demonstrating the care of the authorities to mark important moments. Documents relating to the situation of evacuees in South Dobruja (Quadrilateral), following the application of the provisions of the Treaty of Craiova of 7 September 1940, enables us to follow this process throughout the country. Some documentary evidence from the period 1946–1950 reveals aspects of the work of organizations P.C.R. / P.M.R. from Constanta and Tulcea counties. For the fifth and sixth decades of the twentieth century, particularly interesting are some studies and reports on the structuring and development of settlements in Dobruja. Undoubtedly, we capture the attention and the reports on the work of Constanta and Tulcea county committees of P.C.R. during 1984–1989, and decisions of conferences of both organizations P.C.R. county of November 11, 1989. Naturally, in the volume, can be found some information on the work of minorities, respectively religious affairs in Dobruja, very interesting, but also other valuable archival evidence, which may be included in the category (various) varia. The scientific value of the work is highlighted by anthroponomical and toponymical clues, compiled by Nicoleta Grigore, indispensable for a historiographic approach of this kind. Clearly, this edition of documents is a rich source of information for scientific research useful to all those who want to know in a clear manner the older or newer aspects of the history of Dobruja. (Melek FETISLEAM) 347 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Izzet Sak, Konya Kadı Sicili (1143–1144/1730–1731. Defter 52 (Transkripsyon ve Dizin), Konya Büyükşehir Belediyesi Kültür Yayınları, Konya, 2014, 680 pp. Professor Izzet Sak from Selçük University, Konya brings forward in the international scientific circuit a new documentary source of capital importance, particularly for the study of the economic, social and mental history of a population belonging to such a significant region as Anatolia during the Ottoman Empire. This court docket from Konya is the sixth of a series that Professor Izzet Sak published so far (no. 10, 11, 37, 45, 47). As well-known, the kadı was a high dignitary representative of the Ottoman power in a given region. Alongside his judicatory attributions, the kadı was also mandated in the administrative, fiscal and military fields, adding to his power the one of a notary public and of a mayor at the same time. Therefore, similar books are among the most valuable documentary sources which serve in the study of the community life in a particular area or settlement, in one age or another. These dockets contain not only judicial sentences, but also the texts of certain documents that a kadı would received from the central and regional authorities, including various letters and even fatwa-s of the Sheikh ul-Islam. The kadı register no. 52 is published entirely, in an accurate modern Turkish transcription. All documents are accompanied by regesta that refer to their content. However, there are no footnotes or explicative notes. In exchange, an Index of names and subjects was elaborated (pp. 651–680), which proves very useful for guiding the researcher. At the end of the volume, some representative pages of the docket are presented in photocopies. Published under excellent graphic conditions, this volume constitutes a very precious documentary source, mainly for those interested in the Ottoman social issues. (Tasin GEMIL) Senem Aslan, Nation building in Turkey and Morocco. Governing Kurdish and Berber Descent, Cambridge University Press, 2014, 235 pp. The young Turkish scholar, Senem Aslan, was formed as intellectual in the USA, and this is determinant for her professional writing. She earned her Ph D in the Middle and Near East Studies program of the University of Washington, and is currently assistant professor at the Bates College in Maine. Her natural knowledge concerning the world of Islam is completed by a comprehensive sum of knowledge of theories 348 Notes and Reviews of Political Science from America, and methodologies used in Western historiography in general. This intellectual synthesis or ars politica gave birth to comprehensive volume, realized through the methodology of comparative research, which probably will generate a series of discussions, and even controversies in Western, but also Arab and Turkish intellectual sphere. This present book is dealing with the comparison of two modern states from the cultural sphere of Islam, Morocco and Turkey, both of them having in their composition ethnic minorities, in Morocco the Berbers, in Turkey the Kurds representing the most important from all of them. In Morocco, the Berbers represent almost 40% of the population, while the Kurds represent the most important minority in Turkey. The book is relatively well documented, especially in terms of interviews made by the author and press analysis from Turkey and Morocco. The bibliography consists mostly in titles published in the Western literature of specialty, but makes reference on works signed by Turkish and Arab authors too. The part referring on Turkey of the volume is documented through Turkish archive materials too. The book is based on a comparison, or better said a parallel presentation of Morocco’s and Turkey’s relations with the state’s largest minority. The structure is relatively simple, without the introductory chapters and the conclusions; the main content is divided into three parts. The first chapter, bearing the title Governing areas of “dissidence” contains a general description of state- minority relations in case of Morocco and Turkey, description of research methodology and crystallizing the main ideas of the synthesis. The second chapter is dealing with the situation of Kurds in post-World War I Turkey, starting with Atatürk’s period until nowadays. This part is very well documented, and in general is presenting well the official policies of the Turkish state toward the regions inhabited by Kurds, the metamorphosis of these policies during decades and their receipt by different Kurdish groups and organizations. The general differences – the gap concerning attitudes between the westernized parts of Turkey, represented by Istanbul and other important cities and the more traditional, rural area of South-Eastern Anatolia, where the majority of Kurds are living – are slightly presented, actually most of the time they can only be deduced from the text, on the other hand, the chapter compensates through its case studies, which are very complex and are covering a wide range of life, from education till healthcare. The titles of the subchapters – State versus the local elites: statebuilding and Kurdish resistance, Forgotten Turkishness: assimilation policies in the early republic and Policies of Westernization in the Kurdish areas – are speaking in general for themselves, even if we have to mention that the attitude of the author is often very critical. 349 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II The third chapter is dealing with the identity building in post-colonial Morocco, presenting the path which was taken by this strongly centralized, but also relatively developed state in the issue of nation-building and the relations of Moroccan central authorities with the Berber community of the country. The description and analysis of the processes is quite well-written, even if a certain level of general culture is required concerning Moroccan political history: for example, a non-specialist reader can have difficulties in understanding the role of the Istiqlal Party. In the vision of the author, the relations of Turkish state with its Kurdish inhabitants is not tragic, but is still problematic, especially through the mirror of violence, while in Morocco, the integration of the Berber element in the state nationalism represents a success, and the process itself could be a model for others too. She is perceiving the main difference between Turkey and Morocco that while in Turkey, the politics were concentrated on building a strong, democratic yet centralized republic, in which regional and ethnic cultural differences were desired to be minimized or even abolished, in Morocco, the monarchy found an ally in the Berber tribal elite in consolidating his power and building a modern state with the respect for traditionalism and regional differences. Of course, the Moroccan model was not free of violence, there were a series of smaller Berber riots in the post-colonial independent state, but in general Arab and Berber population of this state are living in a model of coexistence. In our opinion, the main strength of this book lies in its complex approach to the dynamism and complexity of state-minority relations, in the mirror of its two case studies. The book received till this moment positive reviews in journals from the Anglo-Saxon world. We are sure, that it is also able to generate discussions in the Turkish academic environment too. (Artur LAKATOS) Abdulgaffar Qirimi, Umdet ul-Ahbar, Issue 1, transcription, facsimile Derya Derin Pa aoğlu, Ilnur Mirgaliyev (ed.), Academy of Sciences of the Tatarstan Republic, General Archival Department under the Cabinet of Ministers of the Republic of Tatarstan, Black Sea Technical University (Trabzon, Turkey), Kazan, 2014, 419 pp. This important narrative historical source of the 18th century was published in the framework of the state programme of the Republic of Tatarstan with the title “Preservation of the national identity of the Tatar people” and represents the first volume of the “Yazma Miras” (Textual Heritage) series, an initiative of the Centre for Researching the History of the Golden Horde named after the eminent historian Acad. 350 Notes and Reviews Mirkasim Usmanov, within the “Ș. Marjani” Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Tatarstan. The animators of this series that capitalizes the historical heritage of the Tatar people are mainly Acad. Rafael Khakimov, the director of the “Ș. Marjani” Institute of History, and Ilnur Mirgaliyev, Ph.D., the director of the “M. Usmanov” Centre for Researching the History of the Golden Horde. In the beginning of this volume, Acad. R. Khakimov presents the new series of the “Textual Heritage”, consisting of not only chronicles, but also other texts, particularly documents preserved in the archives and libraries of Turkey and the Turkic world, Italy, Sweden, Denmark, Germany, France, England, Russia, China, Romania, Hungary, Poland, Iran, Spain, the Arabic countries, India, etc. The editors envisage the compilation of a massive corpus of historical sources meant to finally trigger knowledge on the true history of the Tatars, beginning with the genesis of the TurkishTatar statehood and the Tatar-Bulgarian civilization, the Golden Horde and the Tatar states of the Middle Age. Inarguably, this is an extremely complex and long endeavour, which requires the mobilisation of considerable human and material resources. Unlike all the peoples that had a proper state protection, the Tatars could not promote until now the basic truths of their national history, being deprived first and foremost of all the fundamental documentary sources, mainly the Tatar ones of this history. The Preface of this volume is signed by Ilnur Mirgaliyev and the Introduction by Derya Derin Pașaoğlu. In the Preface it is stated that the second part of this edition includes the Russian translation of Abdulgaffar Kirimi’s chronicle, translation signed by the Crimean researcher N. Seyityagayev. In the Introduction, essential data is provided on the Crimean chronicler Abdulgaffar Kirimi and his work. “Umdet ulAhbar” was written in 1748 as a general history of the Turkic-Mongolian world, starting with Adam, Noah, the birth and development of the Islam, the old Turkic states, the Mongolian expansion under Genghis-Khan and his successors, the Golden Horde and the Ottoman Empire, until the Tatar Khanate of Crimea. The most interesting part of the chronicle is the one where the author presents the evolution of the Tatar khans of Crimean, from their Djucid descent up to the author’s epoch of the 18th century. Abdulgaffar Kirimi also resorted to other local Crimean histories alongside his personal memories and observations on the situation of the Crimean Khanate’s status. This Tatar chronicler was known to the researchers interested in the history of the Crimean Khanate. Together with other Tatar historical sources, I have used myself the manuscript, perhaps autographed, of this chronicle, which I found in the 351 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Suleymaniye Library of Istanbul (Location: Esad Ef. No.2331)1, manuscript on which lies the present edition. There is also an older edition of this chronicle, due to Necib Asim, publish in Arabic writing, in excerpts, between 1925 and 1927. The present edition is in Latin transliteration and including photocopies. However, this is not a critical edition. In our opinion, another shortage of this edition is the format of the volume, relatively small sized, inadequate for a narrative source, mostly since it represents the inauguration volume of a massive Corpus of Tatar historical sources. Inarguably, the issuance of this volume is a major historiographic gain for all researchers interested in the Turkic history in general and in the Tatar history in particular. (Tasin GEMİL) Frédéric Hitzel, Le dernier siècle de l'empire ottoman (1789–1923), Collection Guides Belles Lettres des civilisations, No. 36, Les Belles Lettres, Paris, 2014, 320 pp. The present work aims to enhance the knowledge on the complex history of Turkey, formerly an immense empire. It attemps to review the current researches, mainly the emergence and assertion of the Turkish identity at the end of the Ottoman Empire and during the transition from empire to republic. During this period, we assist at the strengthening of the central State, while the empire undergoes a loss of its territories and is subjected to the imperialist pressure of major powers. This guide focuses on the successive reforms that transformed the state over time, culminating in the creation of the Turkish republic under Mustafa Ataturk. The book is divided into two parts: the empire (L'Empire ottoman) and the Ottoman people and their lives (L’Homme ottoman). Altogether, the ten chapters of the book render a comprehensive view of the Ottoman life from the 18th to the 20th century, starting with the history in the first chapter which discusses the Oriental Issue, the Tanzimat, and the reign of Sultan Abdülhamid II (1876–1909) and the presentation of Istanbul – a permanent seat of the central power – and its urban reforms. All aspects of life in the studied period are presented (economic, political, social, religious, and cultural) in separate chapters, with either the empire or the Ottoman as the subject. Remarkable about the book is the considerable number of illustrations (e.g. the Project of the Bosphorus bridge, the inauguration of the Parliament on 17 December 1908 or the Canakalle ceramic arts), the maps (e.g. plan of Istanbul, the Ottoman 1 See Tahsin Gemil, ările Române în contextul politic internațional 1621 – 1672, Editura Academiei, București, 1979. 352 Notes and Reviews Empire at the beginning and the end of the 20th century), to which are added a fundamental chronology and the list of the Ottoman sultans. Frédéric Hitzel is the deputy director of CETOBaC, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, Paris, and researcher for the CNRS (National Center for Scientific Research), France. (Adina FODOR) Babak Rezvani, Conflict and Peace in Central Eurasia. Towards Explanations and Understandings, Leiden, Brill Publishers, 2014, 361 pp. Specialised in Conflict Studies and Peace Building, ethnic conflicts and Eurasian Studies, Babak Rezvani is the Chairman of EthnoGeoPolitics, Professional Consultancy and Research in Amsterdam, the Netherlands. His new volume Conflict and Peace in Central Eurasia presents in an exhaustive manner that includes both in-depth analysis and a theoretical presentation, the conflicts that have arisen in Central Eurasia, the region bordering and spreading around the Caspian Sea. Apart from the post-Soviet republics in Central Asia and the Caucasus, also covered in the book are parts of Russia and Iran. Dispalying the author’s profound knowledge on the region and on the various peoples’ cohabitation in the area, the author explains the ethical conflicts and the coexistence strategies that led to peaceful cohabitation in the region, by providing study cases, for instance the Karabakh conflict or the Uzbek-Kyrgyz conflict in Southern Kyrgyzstan. Structured in seven chapters, the book starts from the theory (Theoretical Framework, pp. 13–56) by setting the bases for conflict ethnos and ethnicity state, nation and nationalism, and also the causes of ethno-territorial conflict power of culture, moving on to analyzing the heritage of former political systems in the third chapter (The Legacy of the Iranian and Soviet Ethno-Political Systems and Policies The Soviet Union and Its Successor States, pp. pp 57–112), analyzing the methods used for solving ethno-territorial conflicts in the forth chapter (Methods Ethno-Territorial Groups and Encounters, pp 113–133), so as to tackle the search for explanations by a qualitative comparative analysis in the sixth chapter (pp. 254–298), before making recommendations on the conflict solving in the conclusions (pp. 299–312). The chapters are accompanied by 11 black and white illustrations, 16 colour illustrations, alongside an equal amount of data tables. Babak Rezvani’s book is deemed an innovative and interesting contribution to Eurasian Studies and to the subject of Conflict Analysis. (Adina FODOR) 353 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II Ahmet Seyhun, Islamic thinkers in the late Ottoman Empire and the Early Turkish Republic, Leiden, Brill Publishers, 2014, 203 pp. This volume represents an interesting reading for all the specialists interested in Turkish History. Especially those scholars can find this book to be useful, who are dealing with the political and intellectual history of Turkey during the ninetieth and twentieth century. Written by a specialist formed in Turkey and in the United States, currently teaching at the University of Winnipeg, Canada, and having an intellectual formation both in history and legal studies, this book is a very successful in making a synthesis of Islamist thinking, through the ideas formulated by 13 major Turkish thinkers of the period mentioned in the title. However, the book requires attention, concentration on its texts and some elementary knowledge in Islamic culture, since its structure does not rely on a general synthesis, but on biographic studies of the 13 personalities, completed by fragments of texts from their writings. Each personality received a separate chapter. The volume’s bibliography is complex, but in the same time selective, and contains mostly titles of works published in Turkish, completed by a few synthesis works in English. Several works – like in case of Said Halim Pasa – were unpublished till the appearance of this volume, being cited as typescripts. Otherwise, the author is dividing his sources into primary and secondary ones, primary ones being considered the ones written by the personalities portrayed in the volume. The chapters are designed in a simple way: the short biographical introduction is followed by fragments from the respective person’s works, completed by comments of Seyhun. The first one in the list is Mehmet Akif Ersoy, poet and Islamist thinker, author of the national anthem of the Turkish republic. His selected text from this volume is on nationalism, and contains a text militating for a spiritual rebirth of the Turkey-centered Islam world, addressing not so much to his Turkish fellows, but rather to non-Turkish Muslims of the Ottoman Empire, through which he is trying to convince them that ethnic nationalism and tendencies for breaking out from the empire is counter-productive and can bring major issues to them for the future. “This Ottoman nation cannot progress with Albanian nationalism or Arabism. The most recent policy, Turkism is also condemned to failure. The creator [God] made all of you members of a single family. If you continue with this mentality and nurture ethnic nationalism you will lose your country to foreigners” he writes drawing at the end of the text an apocalyptic image for the post-Ottoman Islamic world. The second personality introduced is Şeyhülislam Musa Kazım, theologian skilled in the Islamic Law of sharia. Texts selected from him are theological essays on the 354 Notes and Reviews issues of liberty and polygamy through the teachings of the Quran. İskilipli Mehmed Atıf was one of the “hard-liner” Islamists, opposing through gestures Kemalist reformism, executed for his ideas in 1926. The selected passages from him in this volume are praising the sharia as being the main factor of civilization, making people being different from animals, and also are against “imitation” of the western values, showing its harmful aspects. In his conclusions, “Western civilization is far from being a model civilization for humanity to adopt, since it does not take an interest in the moral aspects and spiritual happiness of humanity, but focuses only on material gains and encourages mankind’s animal instincts”. The fourth personality introduced in this volume, Mustafa Sabri, is an intellectual coming from the court of the sultan, between 1904 and 1906, but who had to fled Turkey following an unsuccessful coup d’état in 1913. He became a teacher of Turkish language in Romania, being captured during World War, during the occupation of Romania by the Central Powers. The instability of post war years in Turkey is illustrated also by Sabri’s career from these years: from the prison, he became minister in the government of Damad Ferid Pasa and the acting Grand Vizier during Ferid Pasa’s attendance of the Peace Conference from Paris. In his writings, Sabri expressed a very conservative way of Islam; the fragment selected here being taken from his work “The Value of the New Islamic Scholars”. Said-I Nursi was also representing radical Islamism, in the fragment selected for this volume; he is confessing his ars politica in the following way: “I belong to Islam, to the Islamic education, to the ulema, to the student body, to Ottomanism, to the caliphate and Muhammedan Union and to Kurdishness. I support the Constitutional Regime, which embodies justice and constitutionalism and originates from the divine law. Although the sharia encompasses an ocean of legal cases for referrals, the preference of appeal to Europe for adopting their laws, as done by many of our intellectuals, constitutes a criminal act committed against Islam.” Ahmed Naim Baban was a prolific scholar of the interwar period, forced to retire by a government purge of the academia. His selected writing is promoting pan-Islamism, through the brotherhood of all Muslims. Mehmed Semseddin Günaltay, career politician and historian, in the selected fragment promotes the necessity of linking Islam as religion to rationality, and in his view, “the decline of Islam came about because Muslim nations neglected the study of science”. From İzmirli İsmail Hakkı, historian, editor of the Turkish Islamic Encyclopedia, is selected a writing about the nature of the Islamic Caliphate. The ninth intellectual, Mehmed Ali Ayni’s representative writing is expressing his views on the meaning of democracy. Fragments from two works of Mehmed Seyyid Celebizade are also reproduced: one of them is having as subject the legal nature of the Caliphate, the second is about Islamist thinking in Turkey. Said Halim Pasha’s texts were originally 355 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II published in French, and as a consequence are bearing an explanatory character, through which the author was trying to make understandable for his Western readers the causes of the decline of Muslim societies and the need for a progressing Political Islam. Şehbenderzâde Ahmed Hilmi is the author of a series of articles on Islamic Union and Pan-Islamism, in the fragment reproduced he is explaining the nature of Turkish politics in a European content. The fragment from the thirteenth and the last Islamist intellectual, Elmahli Hamdi Yazir, is analyzing the relationship between Islam faith and the concept of progress. This overview has the role to present certain aspects of late Ottoman and early Republican political and intellectual history of Turkey for Western scholars. In this aspect, it has all the chance to become a basic lecture for those non-Turkish speakers who are interested in Turkish studies. (Artur LAKATOS) 356 IN MEMORIAM Sergey Grigoryevich Klyashtorny (1928-2014) On 21 September 2014, Sergey Grigoryevich Klyashtorny, an outstanding Russian historian, researcher of ancient and medieval history of the Turkic peoples of Eurasia, Central Asian history, ancient Turkic textual and sources, passed away. He was born in 1928 in Gomel, Belorussia. Between 1945 and 1950 he studied at the Faculty of Oriental Studies at the Leningrad State University (Department of History of the Middle East) with a degree in “Turkic philology”, and majored in ancient Turkic philology and history of the Turkic peoples under the leadership of the prominent scholars Prof. S. E. Malov, Prof. A. N. Kononov, Prof. V. M. Zhirmunsky, Prof. A. N. Bernshtam. In 1962 he defended his academic thesis on “Ancient Runic Monuments as a Source on the History of Central Asia”. Between 1963 and 2007 he worked as a Head of the Division of Turkic and Mongolian Studies in the St. Petersburg (Leningrad) Branch of the Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences (USSR), and since 2007 as a Head of the Department of Central and South Asia Chief Scientific Officer at the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts. Throughout 1969–2009 S. G. Klyashtorny taught at the Department of Turkic Philology St. Petersburg State University, and between 1995 and 2009 at the Department of Central Asia and the Caucasus, St. Petersburg State University. In 1995 he was a Visiting Professor at the University of Bonn, Germany. From 1974 to 2012 S.G. Klyashtorny repeatedly taught courses in the Kyrgyz State University (Bishkek), Kazakhstan State Pedagogical University (Alma-Ata), Gumilev Eurasian State University (Astana). Separate thematic lectures have been read at Indiana University (Bloomington, USA), Jagiellonian University (Warsaw, Poland), Marmara University (Istanbul, Turkey), Budapest University (Budapest, Hungary), Azerbaijan University “Khazar” (Baku, Azerbaijan), Kazan State University (Kazan, Tatarstan, Russia). S. G. Klyashtorny is one of the historians who have been permanently involved in field studies in Siberia, Central Asia, and Mongolia. For six years (1947–1953) he participated in the Pamir-Fergana and Pamir-Altai expeditions headed by Prof. 359 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II A.N. Bernshtam and organized by the Institute of the History of Material (Tangible) Culture, of the Soviet Academy of Sciences. In 1949 he was a member of the Volga-Don archaeological expedition headed by Prof. M.I. Artamonov. From 1954 to 1959 he was a Head of the archeological group of the Central Asian geological expedition of the Ministry of Geology and Mineral Protection. Between 1960 and 1965 he was involved in the Ketmen-Tube expedition of the Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnology of Kirghiz SSR (Head – Prof. I. K. Kozhomberdiev). In 1966 S. G. Klyashtorny was a member of the Krasnoyarsk archaeological expedition of the Institute of Archaeology of the Soviet Academy of Sciences headed by Prof. M. P. Gryaznov. From1968 until 1973 he headed the epigraphic squad of Sayano-Tuva expedition of the Institute of Archaeology of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR. Between 1969 and 1990 he was the Head of epigraphic squad and deputy chief of the joint Soviet-Mongolian historical and cultural expedition of the Academy of Sciences of USSR and the Academy of Sciences of Mongolia, headed by Prof. A. P. Okladnikov, and since 1982 – by Prof. V. V. Volkov). In the period of 1991–1997 he participated in a number of archaeological expeditions in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. During the period of 1998–2002 he headed the Kyrgyz squad of the Wisconsin University’s ethno-sociological expedition (Head – A. M. Khazanov). S. G. Klyashtorny has authored more than 300 academic publications in Russian, Turkish, English, German, French, and Chinese, including 14 monographs, such as “Ancient Turkic Runic Monuments as a Source for the History of Central Asia”, “Monuments of Ancient Turkic Literature and Ethno-cultural History of Central Asia”, “Runic Monuments of the Uyghur Khaganate and the History of the Eurasian Steppes” etc. S. G. Klyashtorny was elected a full member of Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Kyrgyzstan, an honorary member of the Ataturk High Society of Cultural, Linguistic and Historical research (Turkey), member of the Turkish Linguistic Society, an honorary member of the A. Kёrёshi-Choma Hungarian Society of Oriental Studies, member of the Ural-Altai Society (Germany), member of the Association of Turkic Studies (U.S.A.), an honorary member of the Society of Central Eurasian Studies (U.S.A.). Shahin MUSTAFAYEV 360 Javad Heyat (1925-2014) Dr. Javad Heyat, well-known cardiologist, who made a substantial contribution not only to medical science in Iran, but also in Turkic studies and the research of the history and culture of the South (Iranian) Azerbaijan, passed away on August 12, 2014. He was born in May 24, 1925, in the city of Tabriz, the historic capital of Azerbaijan, the central city of East Azerbaijan Province in Iran. His father, a famous religious and political figure of Iran Ali Mirza Heyat took an active part in the constitutional movement in Iran in the early 20th century, and also headed the Ministry of Justice in the government of Prime-Minister Mossadegh in the ’50s. Javad Heyat received his secondary education in Iran. In 1946 he graduated from the Medical Deaprtment of Istanbul University and continued his education at the University of Paris, after which he returned to Tehran in 1952. For over 50 years he was engaged in cardiac surgery practice in Iran, where he opened a private clinic. He was the first in Iran in 1954 performed an operation on a closed heart, and in 1962 – open heart surgery. He was also the first surgeon in Iran, which had surgery to replace heart valves and kidney transplant. For scientific contribution to the development of surgery and practical successes in 1983 he was elected member of the International Surgical Academy in Paris. Dr. Heyat for 8 years headed the Department of Surgery at the Tehran Islamic University, lectured in many famous universities around the world, including the American, European, Turkish and Azerbaijani, wrote a three-volume Surgery in Farsi. Equally important is his work in the humanities, especially in Turkic studies. The fact is that during the reign of the Pahlavi dynasty in Iran Pan-Iranism was proclaimed the official ideological doctrine of the state. Policy of building a nationstate assumed assimilation of all non-Persian peoples of Iran, including, Azerbaijani Turks, whose number according to some estimates currently is around 30 million people in contemporary Iran. Azerbaijani Turkic language and culture of this nation 361 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II for decades were banned, respectively; the whole nation was deprived of the right to learn in their own language, to read their own literature, to listen their own music, etc. Therefore, patriotic representatives of the Azerbaijani intellectuals in Iran, people of different professions, considered it their duty to contribute to the salvation of the national language and culture. One of them was Dr. Javad Heyat. Immediately after the Islamic revolution in Iran that overthrew the Pahlavi regime, he and his associates founded the “Azerbaijani society” (Anjoman-e Azerbaijan) and its literary almanac under the symbolic name “Varlyg” (in Turkic means “being, existence”) in the Azerbaijani Turkic language. Javad Heyat was the undisputed leader of this magazine, which is published continuously since then. This anthology features articles and materials on the common Turkic, as well as in the language, literature, folklore, ethnography of Azerbaijani Turks in Iran. A significant part of these articles has been written by Dr. Heyat. As a connoisseur of the history and literature of the Turks, Dr. Javad Heyat wrote a number of fundamental academic monographs and popular books in these areas in Turkic and Persian. Among them were highly appreciated by specialists in different countries, such as his research “Azerbaijan Oral Folk literature”, “Looking at the History of Azerbaijani Literature”, “Comparison of Two Languages”, “History of the Turkic Language and Its Dialects”, “Looking at the History and Culture of the Turks” and others. During his many years of academic activities, Dr. Javad Heyat has made an invaluable contribution in the development of Turkic studies, as well as in the preservation and development of language and culture of Azerbaijani Turks in Iran. According to his own will he was buried in the city of Baku, the capital of the independent Republic of Azerbaijan. Shahin MUSTAFAYEV 362 100 years since the Death of Ismail Gaspirali (1851–1914) Ismail Gaspirali (Gasprinski) was one of the greatest reformer thinkers not just of the Tatars, but of the entire Turkic-Islamic world. He constantly sought to modernize the whole Turkic-Islamic world beyond the borders of the Russian empire, to create a unitary Turk-Tatar nation that would speak one language, with a Turkish national consciousness and a reformed Islamic faith. In this regard, Ismail Gaspirali considered the education and media of utmost importance. Instead of the long-time obsolete religious education, he promoted a new education system (the Jadidism), inspired by the European education system of the times. Furthermore, in 1883, Ismail Gaspirali started publishing in Bakhchysarai, Crimea, the magazine/newspaper Terjuman/Perevodchik (The Interpreter), which, for 35 years, disseminated among the Turkic world inhabitants new ideas that aimed to change from the ground this society ankylosed in its customs and ignoramce. Ismail Gaspirali was a continuer of the great Tatar reformers and thinkers of the 18th and 19th centuries, such as Abunasr Kursawi (1776–1812), Utiz Umiyani (1754–1815), Șehabeddin Mardjani (1818–1889), Kayyum Nasiri (1825–1902), Huseyin Feyzkhani (1828–1866) et al. Nevertheless, Ismail Gaspirali went further than his predecessors, projecting as a fundamental enduring objective the formation of one nation and one great Turkish-Tatar state within the Eurasian area. However, being deprived of the politicial factor necessary for the support of such an endeavour, Ismail Gaspirali had to turn to Russia, whom he deemed not only an outsanding Christian power, but also a great state of over 25 million Muslims, since the latter were living on its territories. The Tatar scholar believed that Russia would be interested to modernize its Muslim subjects, in exchange for their loyal activities. Ismail Gaspirali’s reforming ideas were presented in his work Russkoe musulmanstvo (Russian Muslims), which was published in the Russian language in 1881. I consider that this programatic work can be truly appreciated as a “Manifesto of Reform in 363 Studia et Documenta Turcologica • II the Turkic-Muslim World”. One can see here the influence of the Reform of Martin Luther and of the European system of education (Johann H. Pestalozzi), with which Gaspirali became acquainted on his travels through Europe and during his stay in Paris (1872–1874). By granting Russia the role of key-factor for the political support of his national reform program, Ismail Gaspirali overrode the entire history of Russia of the previous millennium which clearly shows that Russia has always treated the Turk-Tatars as enemies whose unitary development was always antagonized. Hence the idealistic character of the political reform of Ismail Gaspirali. Alternatively, his reform in education had outstanding results in the entire Eurasian space. He also promoted the Muslim girls’right to education. Within the renewing movement of the Jadidism, the first schools for girls in the entire Islamic world were opened in Crimea and Azerbaijan. The thousands of Jadidist schools created in the Erurasian space of the Muslim Russia significantly contributed to the formation of the Turkic intellectual elite, who was to play a primordial part in the national movements at the beginning of the 20th century. As a contradiction of history, the unionist trend promoted by Ismail Gaspirali concretely resulted in the surge of various nations and then the respective national states of Turkic origin from the former Tsarist-Soviet space. After the fall of the U.S.S.R., Ismail Gaspirali’s famous slogan “Unity in language, thought and action” forcefully reemerged in the actuality of the Turkic world. Yet, the politics of Russia aiming at the division and conquest of the Turkic world continue today still, including through armed force. Tasin GEMIL 364 ACTIVITY OF THE INSTITUTE OF TURKOLOGY AND CENTRAL-ASIAN STUDIES (Academic years 2009–2014) Inaugurated on October 30th, 2009, the Institute of Turkology and Central-Asian Studies (ITCAS) has deployed a series of activities both consistent and varied that were subsumed to its fundamental objective, the approach through knowledge of the values and realities of the Turkic world, with a view to cultivating the multilevel cooperation relations of Romania with the countries, peoples and communities that compose this vast and complex world. We gratefully reveal the fact that ITCAS has benefitted since the very beginning from the support of the Babeş-Bolyai University management, as well as from the endorsement of the Embassy of the Republic of Azerbaijan in Bucharest, and then of the Embassy of Turkey in Bucharest. Furthermore, we are grateful to the scientific personalities in the field who have encouraged and supported us, also agreeing to be part of the International Advisory Board of ITCAS and the one our journal Studia et Documenta Turcologica. Since its inauguration, ITCAS initiated, organized and conducted the following activities: 1. Courses and seminars Academic year 2009–2010 – Turkish modern language – Prof. Tasin GEMIL, Ph.D. – Introduction to the history and civilization of Central Asia – Prof. Tasin GEMIL, Ph.D. – Introduction to the history and culture of classical Islam – Prof. Tasin GEMIL, Ph.D. – Introduction to the history of the Ottoman Empire – Prof. Călin FELEZEU, Ph.D. Academic year 2010–2011 – Turkish modern language – Margareta ASLAN, Ph.D. – Azerbaijan language – Fakhri KARIMLI, Ph.D. 365 Activity of the Institute of Turkology and Central‐Asian Studies (Academic years 2009–2014) – History and culture of Azerbaijan – Prof. Tasin GEMIL, Ph.D. – Re-evaluation of the history and civilization of Central Asia – Prof. Tasin GEMIL, Ph.D. – Ottoman history – Prof. Călin FELEZEU, Ph.D. Academic year 2011–2012 – Turkish modern language – Margareta ASLAN, Ph.D. – History and culture of Azerbaijan – Prof. Tasin GEMIL, Ph.D. – The Azerbaijani language –Fahri KARIMLI, Ph.D. (course suspended because of Mr. Karimli’s diplomatic appointment to Sarajevo) – The history of the Ottoman Empire – Prof. Călin FELEZEU, Ph.D. – Islamic Thought and Spirituality – Lect. Marius LAZ R, Ph.D. – Turkey and Central Asia – Prof. Dr. Tasin GEMIL – Identity and alterity between the Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Turkey – Giordano ALTAROZZI, Ph.D. – Turkey and the European Union. Between integration and strategic partnership – Lect. Radu ALBU-COM NESCU, Ph.D. – The Geopolitics of contemporary Islam – Lect. Marius LAZ R, Ph.D. – The Image of the Turks and Tatars in the chronicles of the Romanian principalities –Margareta ASLAN, Ph.D./ Adina FODOR, Ph.D. candidate Academic year 2012–2013 – – – – – – – Turkey and Central-Asia – Prof. Tasin GEMIL, Ph.D. Turkish language (1st and 2nd year of study) – Margareta ASLAN, Ph.D. The History and culture of the Azerbaijan – Prof. Tasin GEMIL, Ph.D. The history of the Ottoman Empire – Prof. Călin FELEZEU, Ph.D. Tatar history and culture – Prof. Tasin GEMIL, Ph.D. The Ottoman Porte and the Black Sea – Prof. Tasin GEMIL, Ph.D. The Image of the Turks and Tatars in the chronicles of the Romanian principalities – Margareta ASLAN, Ph.D./ Adina FODOR, Ph.D. candidate – The History and civilisation of classical Islam – Lect. Marius LAZ R, Ph.D. – Islamic Thought and Spirituality – Lect. Marius LAZ R, Ph.D. Academic year 2013–2014 – The New States of the Turkic World – Prof. Tasin GEMIL, Ph.D. – Turkish language (1st and 2nd year of study) – Margareta ASLAN, Ph.D. 366 Activity of the Institute of Turkology and Central‐Asian Studies – – – – Azerbaijani language – Zhala ISMAYILOVA, Ph.D. Tatar history and culture – Prof. Tasin GEMIL, Ph.D. The history of the Ottoman Empire – Prof. Călin FELEZEU, Ph.D. Imagological reflections in the Romanian: The Turks (1st semester) – Margareta ASLAN, Ph.D. – The Image of the Tatars in the Romanian historiography (2nd semester) – Adina FODOR, Ph.D. Academic year 2014–2015 – Tatar history and culture – Prof. Tasin GEMIL, Ph.D. – History of the Romanian-Turkish relations, 15th to 21st Centuries – Prof. Tasin GEMIL, Ph.D. – The history of the Ottoman Empire – Prof. Călin FELEZEU, Ph.D. – Imagological reflections in the Romanian: The Turks – Lect. Margareta ASLAN, Ph.D. – The Image of the Tatars in the Romanian historiography – Adina FODOR, Ph.D. – The Balkans in the international relations of the 20th and 21st centuries – Lect. Margareta ASLAN, Ph.D. – Turkish language (1st and 2nd year of study) – Lect. Margareta ASLAN, Ph.D. – Azerbaijani language (1st and 2nd year of study) – Zhala ISMAYILOVA, Ph.D. 2. Scientific and cultural events Scientific events   30 October 2009, BBU, Cluj-Napoca. Ceremony for the opening of the Institute of Turkish and Central-Asian Studies with the participation of the academic community, representatives of the Diplomatic Corps, media and business environment. Speeches were delivered by: Prof.Dr. Andrei MARGA, Rector of Babeş-Bolyai University, H.E. Dr. Eldar HASANOV, Ambassador of the Republic of Azerbaijan in Bucharest, Prof. Dr. Călin FELEZEU, Dean of the BBU Faculty of Psychology and Education Sciences, Prof. Dr. Tasin GEMIL, Director of ITCAS. 13 April 2010, BBU, Cluj-Napoca. Launch of the volumes: Tasin GEMIL, Românii şi otomanii în sec. XIV–XVI, Ovidius University Press, Constanţa, 367 Activity of the Institute of Turkology and Central‐Asian Studies (Academic years 2009–2014)         368 2008; Tasin GEMIL, Romanians and Ottomans in 14th–16th Centuries, Encyclopaedia Publishing House, Bucharest, 2009; Tasin GEMIL, Nagy PIENARU (eds.), Moştenirea istorică a tătarilor (The Historical Heritage of the Tatars) vol.I, Bucharest, 2010. The last two volumes appeared under the aegis of the ITCAS. The books were presented by: Prof. Dr. Andrei MARGA, Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ovidiu GHITA and Prof. Dr. Călin FELEZEU. 05 May 2010, BBU, Cluj-Napoca. “European Integration of Turkey”, conference held by Prof. Dr. Andrei MARGA. 18 May 2010, BBU Auditorium Maximum, Cluj-Napoca. Dance performance “A Piece of Anatolian Legend”, presented by the Ensemble of folklore dances of the Karatekin University, Çankırı, Turkey. 17–18 June 2010, BBU, Cluj-Napoca. I. International Conference “The Dialogue between East and West”, organized in cooperation with the Institute of Oriental Studies “Acad. Ziya Bunyadov” of the National Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Azerbaijan. 17 June 2010, BBU Cluj-Napoca. Launching the volumes: Iqbal HAJIYEV, Relaţiile Republicii Azerbaidjan cu statele din Asia Centrală. Geopolitica spaţiului caspic şi central-asiatic (1991–2003)/ The Relation of the Republic of Azerbaijan with the states of Central Asia. Geopolitics of the Caspian and Central-Asian space (1991–2003), Top Form Publishing House, Bucharest, 2010; Fakhri KARIMLI, Relaţiile dintre Republica Azerbaidjan şi România (1993–2004)/ Relations between the Azerbaijan Republic and Romania (1993–2004), Top Form Publishing House, Bucharest, 2010. The volumes appeared under the aegis of ITCAS. The books were presented by: Prof.Dr.Tasin GEMIL, Prof. Dr. Călin FELEZEU and Dr. Vasile SIMILEANU. 06–09 October 2010, Mamaia-Constanţa. The 2nd International Scientific Session of “The Historical Heritage of the Tatars”, in cooperation with the Democratic Union of the Turkish-Muslim Tatars in Romania. 26–27 October 2010, BBU Cluj-Napoca. I. International conference “New Perspectives on Cultural Interactions between Romania and Turkey”, in cooperation with the Atatürk Cultural Center in Ankara. 30 November 2010, Humboldt University Berlin. Paper presented with the title “The History of Azerbaijan from a European Perspective” (Prof. Dr. Tasin GEMIL) 21 December 2010, State University of Pedagogy and Engineering in Simferopol, (Crimea-Ukraine). Paper presented with the title “Fundamental Problems in the Research of Tatar History” (Prof. Dr. Tasin GEMIL) Activity of the Institute of Turkology and Central‐Asian Studies            7–9 April 2011, World Forum on Intercultural Dialogue, Baku. Paper presented: „Dialog Valences of the Multiculturalism: Babeș-Bolyai University of Cluj-Napoca, Romania” – Prof. Dr. Tasin GEMIL 01–03 May 2011, Crimea. The International Scientific Conference “The Relations of the Crimean Khanate wih the Romanian Principalities (15th–18th centuries)”, organized in cooperation with the State University of Engineering and Pedagogy of Simferopol, at Bağcesaray, Feodosia (Kafa), Eski Kırım (Solhat), Ukraine, and the participation of about 20 historians from Romania. 01–02 June 2011, Baku. International Scientific Conference “Problems of Modern Oriental Studies”, organized in collaboration with the Institute of Oriental Studies “Acad. Ziya Bunyadov” of the National Academy of Science of the Republic of Azerbaijan 26–30 September 2011, Turkey. International Conference “Evliya Çelebi and his Seyahatname”, Istanbul – Bursa – Kutahya. Paper presented: “Evliya Çelebi’s Impressions on Romanians” – Prof. Dr. Tasin GEMIL 20 October 2011, BBU, Cluj-Napoca. The Conference “Turkey and the New Evolutions in the Middle East and Northern Africa” held at Babeș-Bolyai University by H.E. Ömür ŞÖLENDIL, Ambassador of the Republic of Turkey in Romania. 17 November 2011, Aula Magna – BBU, Cluj-Napoca. Ceremony for awarding the title of Profesor Honoris Causa of Babeş-Bolyai University to H.E. Dr. Eldar HASANOV, Ambassador of the Republic of Azerbaijan in Romania. 17–19 November 2011, BBU, Cluj-Napoca. International Scientific Conference “The Islamic Factor in the New Security and Geopolitics Strategy in the Balkans and Southern Caucasus”. 18 November 2011, BBU, Cluj-Napoca. Launch of the volume Dumitru Preda (ed.), România–Turcia. Relaţii diplomatice. 1923–1938, vol. I, presented by Prof. Dr. Călin FELEZEU and Dr. Alexandru GHIŞA. 21–23 June 2012, Bucharest. International scientific conference “Silk Road. History and Perspectives” organized together with the “Silk Road” Association of Bucharest. 22–26 July 2012, BBU, Cluj-Napoca. The 55th edition of the Permanent International Altaistic Conference (PIAC), co-organized by ITCAS. 07 December 2012, Kazan, Aula of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Tatarstan. Launch of the 2nd volume of Tasin Gemil, Nagy Pienaru (eds.), The Historical Heritage of the Tatars, Editura Academiei, Bucharest, 2012, 806 pp. Presented by: Acad. Ahmet Mazgarov, Prof. Dr. Albert Burkhanov, Prof. Dr. Tasin Gemil. 369 Activity of the Institute of Turkology and Central‐Asian Studies (Academic years 2009–2014)            370 10 January 2013. ITCAS, UBB Cluj-Napoca. Launch of the 2nd volume of Tasin Gemil, Nagy Pienaru (eds.), The Historical Heritage of the Tatars, Editura Academiei, Bucharest, 2012, 806 pp. Presented by: Acad. Prof. Dr. Ioan-Aurel POP, Prof. Dr. Nicolae Edroiu, Corresponding Member of the Romanian Academy, Prof. Dr. Hasan Bahar (Turkey), Prof. Dr. Călin Felezeu, Prof. Dr. Tasin Gemil. 30 January 2013, Cluj-Napoca. Colloquim on Images of Islam, in the framework of the programme Meeting at the Museum of the Museum of Art of ClujNapoca, moderated by Prof. dr. Tasin Gemil and Prof. dr. Călin Felezeu. 28 February 2013, The Center for Urban Culture of Cluj-Napoca. Conference “Diferențe culturale trăite de un ambasador român în Asia Centrală” (Cultural Differences Experienced by a Romanian Ambassador in Central Asia) delivered by Professor Tasin Gemil, at the invitation of the UN Youth Club of Romania. 9 May 2013. ISPMN, Cluj-Napoca. Panel Identitary construction of the Turkish and Tatar communities of Dobrudja, in collaboration with the Institute for the Study of the National Minorities’ Problems (ISPMN) of the Romanian Government. 27 June 2013, UBB Cluj-Napoca. Debate on The Evolution of Nowadays Turkey, moderators: Prof. dr. Tasin Gemil, Prof. Dr. Călin Felezeu, Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ioan-Marius Bucur. 24–25 September 2013, Constanța. International symposium Turkish Cultural Heritage in Dobrudja, in collaboration with the Museum of National History and Archaeology Constanţa. 25 September 2013. Constanța Prefecture. International conference 135 Years since the Beginning of the Diplomatic Relations between Romania and Turkey, moderated by Prof.Dr. Tasin Gemil. 9–11 October 2013, Osmangazi University of Eskișehir, Turkey. 3rd edition of the International Scientifc Conference The Historical Heritage of the Tatars, in collaboration with Osmangazi University of Eskișehir. 30 October 2013, ITCAS, Cluj-Napoca. Thematic conference The Ottoman Cultural Symbiosis, held by Prof. Dr. Tasin Gemil. 30–31 OCtober 2013, Cluj-Napoca. Deferential symposium: Dimitrie Cantemir – a Prince at the crossroad of the worlds, in partnership with the Russian Cultural Center of BBU. 14 November 2013, MINA Constanța. Launch of the volume T. Gemil, G. Custurea, D.R. Cornea (eds.), The Turkish Cultural Heritage in Dobrudja, București, 2013, 367 pp., also under the aegis of ITCAS. Activity of the Institute of Turkology and Central‐Asian Studies       04 March 2014, BBU Cluj-Napoca. Debate The Situation of Crimea, moderators: Prof. dr. Tasin Gemil, Prof. Dr. Călin Felezeu, Assoc. Prof. Dr. Valentin Naumescu. 09 April 2014, BBU Cluj-Napoca. Thematic conference The Tatars of Crimea, held by Prof. Dr. Tasin Gemil, Prof. Dr. Călin Felezeu, Dr. Margareta Aslan, Dr. Adina Fodor. 07 May 2014, ITCAS, Cluj-Napoca. Launch of the journal Studia et Documenta Turcologica, no.1/2013 (363 pp.) and of the book of Prof. Dr. Călin Felezeu, Principatul Transilvaniei în epoca suzerantității otomane, Editura Bybliotek, Cluj-Napoca, 2013, 433 pp., under the aegis of ITCAS. 08 May 2014, BBU Cluj-Napoca Scientific conference dedicated to the anniversary of 290 years since the birth of the Turkmen poet Magtumguly Fraghi, in collaboration with the Embassy of Turkmenistan in Romania. 11 June 2014, The Turkish Cultural Centre „Yunus Emre”, Bucharest. Presentation of the journal Studia et Documenta Turcologica no.1/2013 and of the book of Prof.Dr.Călin Felezeu, Principatul Transilvaniei în epoca suzerantității otomane, Editura Bybliotek, Cluj-Napoca, 2013, 433 pp. Speakers: Mehmed Ali Mustafa, Nevzat Yusuf, Emil Suciu, Tasin Gemil. 4–5 November 2014, University of Bucharest. The international conference History and Cultures of Muslim Peoples around the Black Sea Region, in collaboration with the University of Bucharest and the Centre of Research for the Islamic Art and Culture (IRCICA) of Istanbul. Cultural events    11 April 2014, Cluj-Napoca. The workshop for Ebru painting Light and Colour, in collaboration with the International School Spectrum in Cluj. 23–30 May 2014, Cluj-Napoca. In the framework of the 4th edition of the Days of Cluj. Promenade of the Multiculturalism and the Open Gate Days, ITCAS cultural aspects of Turkey and Azerbaijan. 02 November 2014, Cluj-Napoca. Turkish Cultural Evening, organized in the Hiperica playground of Cora, coorganized with Cora. 3. Initiation and organization of international inter-university contacts  05–11 May 2010. Visit in Turkey of a Babeş-Bolyai University delegation (15 persons) headed by Rector Prof. Dr. Andrei MARGA, initiated and organized by the ITCAS. Meetings were arranged with the representatives of the Universities: Trakya in Edirne, Boğaziçi and Sabancı in Istanbul with a view to establishing cooperation agreements. 371 Activity of the Institute of Turkology and Central‐Asian Studies (Academic years 2009–2014)         372 17 June 2010, BBU Cluj-Napoca. Signing of the memorandum of understanding between Institute of Turkish and Central-Asian Studies, Babeş-Bolyai University and the Institute of Oriental Studies “Acad. Ziya Bunyadov” of the National Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Azerbaijan. 18 June 2010, BBU Cluj-Napoca. Signing of the memorandum of understanding between Babeş-Bolyai University and Karatekin University of Çankırı, Turkey. 18–25 August 2010. Visit in Kazakhstan of a BBU delegation (6 persons) headed by Rector Andrei MARGA, initiated and organized by the ITCAS. It was the first Romanian academic delegation visiting the country. Meetings took place with the representatives of the Universities: “Lev N. Gumilyov” and “Nazarbayev” in Astana, “Acad. E. Buketov” in Karaganda, Kazakh Ablai Khan University of World Languages and International Relations and Kazakh-British Technical University in Almaty. 28 November – 03 December 2010, Humboldt University, Berlin. Participation of the ITCAS Director, Prof.Dr. Tasin GEMIL at the “Week of the Azerbaijani History and Culture” organized by the Humboldt University in Berlin on the occasion of the inauguration of the Department of Azerbaijani History. Scientific personalities from various countries participated. The opportunity was used to promote BBU and ITCAS and to achieve contacts with similar universities from Germany, Sweden, USA, UK, etc. 19–23 December 2010, Simferopol (Akmescit).Visit in Crimea (Ukraine) of Prof. Dr. Tasin GEMIL, the ITCAS Director and the opening of the cooperation between Babeş-Bolyai University and the State University of Pedagogy and Engineering and the “Tavrida” University in Simferopol. 09–14 January 2011. Visit to BBU of a delegation from “Lev N. Gumilyov” National Eurasian University in Astana (5 persons). It was the first Kazakh University delegation to visit Romania. 10 January 2011, BBU Cluj-Napoca. Signing of the agreement of cooperation between Babeş-Bolyai University and the “Lev N. Gumilyov” National Eurasian University in Astana. The establishment of a Center of Kazakh Studies within ITCAS is also provisioned. 12 May 2011, Romanian Ministry of Education, Bucharest. Signing of the agreements initiated by ITCAS between the Romanian Academy and the National Academy of Sciences of Turkmenistan, between Babes-Bolyai University and Magtymguly University (Turkmenistan) and an interdepartmental agreement between ITCAS and the Institute of History of the National Academy of Sciences of Turkmenistan. Activity of the Institute of Turkology and Central‐Asian Studies            01–03 June 2011, Baku. Visit of a BBU delegation headed by Rector Andrei MARGA. Signing of an interuniversity agreement between BBU and the Pedagogical State University of Baku and the granting of a Doctor Honoris Causa of this University to Professor Andrei Marga. 09–12 September 2011, Ashgabat. Participation of a BBU delegation (professors C. FELEZEU and V. CHIȘ) at the International Scientific Conference “Harmony of National and International Values in the New Era of Renaissance”, organized by the Institute of History of the National Academy of Sciences of Turkmenistan. 6–9 October 2011, Sinop. Participation of the executive secretary of ITCAS, Dr. Margareta Aslan, with the paper Nagy Szabó Ferencz el yazmasında Osmanlı Devlet imajı [The image of the Ottoman Empire in the manuscript of Nagy Szabó Ferencz] at the international conference 1st International Conference on the Black Sea Regional Culture, Sinop, Turkey. – Award for the Best Young Researcher, 1st place. 14–16 November 2011, Cluj-Napoca. Visit of a delegation of the Çankırı province of Turkey, headed by the governor of the province and the city mayor together with the Rector and professors of Karatekin Çankırı University. 20–24 February 2012. Visit to Çankırı of the ITCAS director, Prof. Tasin GEMIL, at the invitation of the local authorities, for a series of lectures and dialogues in the academic and socio-cultural environment of the province. Agreement of cooperation between ITCAS and the Institute of Turkology of the Karatekin Çankırı University. 24 February 2012, Çankırı. Signing of an interuniversity agreement between Babeş-Bolyai University and Çankırı Karatekin Univerity. 4 April 2012, ITCAS, Cluj-Napoca.Visit of a delegation from Karabuk University, Turkey. 24–27 April 2012, Ashgabat. Participation of a BBU delegation led by Vice-Rector Anna Sóos at the International Conference “Modern Methods of Improvement the Education System of Turkmenistan”, organized by the Ministry of Education of Turkmenistan. 07 May 2012, ITCAS, Cluj-Napoca. Agreement signed between ITCAS and British Council Romania. 01–16 July 2012, Turkey. Participation of 4 ITCAS representatives (two teachers and two students) in the summer courses organized by the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Turkey in Nevșehir and Ankara. 4–7 October 2012, Istanbul. Participation of the executive secretary of ITCAS, Dr. Margareta Aslan, with the paper Türkiye ve Romanya Arasındaki 373 Activity of the Institute of Turkology and Central‐Asian Studies (Academic years 2009–2014)       374 Diplomatik İlişkiler: Kısa bir Bakış [The Diplomatic Relation of Turkey and Romania. A brief retrospective] in the International Congress From war to Eternal Peace on the 100th Anniversary of the Balkan Wars: Good Neighbourhood Relations of the Balkans, under the aegis of the Presidency of the Republic of Turkey, Hacettepe University of Ankara, Istanbul, Turkey. 08–10 January 2013. ITCAS, Cluj-Napoca. A delegation from Selçuk University of Konya, and the organization of a thematic conference held by Prof. Dr. Hasan Bahar. 13–14 March 2013, Ashgabat. Participation of the executive secretary of ITCAS, Dr. Margareta Aslan, with the paper Osman-Turkish Poetry Manuscripts from the Collection of the Central University Libraries “Lucian Blaga” from Cluj-Napoca in the international conference Manuscripts are the first source for studying the national heritage, organized by the National Institute of Manuscripts of the Academy of Sciences of Turkmenistan, Ashgabat. 21 March 2013, Ashgabat. Participation of the executive secretary of ITCAS, Dr. Margareta Aslan, with the paper The Tradition of the Novruz at the Muslim Turkish-Tatar Community from Romania, in the international scientific conference Novruz- holiday of peace and good organized by the National Institute of Manuscripts of the Academy of Sciences of Turkmenistan, Ashgabat. 09 June 2013, Collège de France, Paris. Presentation of ITCAS by the scientific secretary, Dr. Adina Fodor, to the board and members of the CETOBaC (Centre for Turkish, Ottoman, Balkan, and Central-Asian Studies) of the Ecole des Hautes Sciences Sociales, in the view of establishing a partnership. 04–05 September 2013, Ashgabat. Participation of the scientific secretary of ITCAS, Dr. Adina Fodor with the paper Preserving collective memory traditions, envisaging intercultural understanding. A study case on a Tatarinvaded Transylvanian village at the Young Scientists Forum, Ashgabat, Turkmenistan. 20–23 September 2013. Intermediating and organizing the visit of the delegation of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Tatarstan led by Acad. Ahmed Mazgarov, President of the Academy at the invitation of the President of the Romanian Academy, Acad. Ionel Haiduc. Acad. Ahmed Mazgarov delivered a scientific paper. Participation of the Tatarstan delegation at the honorary dinner on the occasion of the 70th anniversary of Prof. Dr. Tasin Gemil, founding-president of the Democratic Union of the Turk-Muslim Tatars of Romania (UDTTMR). Activity of the Institute of Turkology and Central‐Asian Studies     23–27 September 2013, Münster. Participation of the executive secretary of ITCAS, Dr. Margareta Aslan, with the papers Scraps of the History of Transylvania Translated by Vámbéry Ármin from the Chronicle of Silahdar Fındıklı Mehmet Ağa and Muslim Religious Books in Manuscript, on the Transylvanian Territory in the international conference German Oriental Studies Conference (Deutscher Orientalistentag), Münster, Germany. 14–16 May 2014, Ashgabat. Participation of the executive secretary of ITCAS, Dr. Margareta Aslan, with the paper Romen diline tercüme edilen Magtymguly Pyragy`nin çalışmaları [The Work of Magtymguly Pyragy translated into Romanian] in the international conference Magtymguly Pyragy and universal human cultural values organized by the National Institute of Manuscripts of the Academy of Sciences of Turkmenistan, Ashgabat. 28–30 May 2014, Konya. Visit of the BBU delegation, headed by Acad. prof. dr. Ioan Aurel Pop, Rector, at the Selçuk University of Konya, Turkey. Signing of an agreement between ITCAS and the Institute of Turkology of Selçuk University of Konya. 02–03 December 2014, Budapest. Participation of the executive secretary of ITCAS, Dr. Margareta Aslan, with the paper The Impact of the Reannexation of the Crimea by Russia on the Romanian Tatar Community in the international conference Preventing a New Cold War. The Ukrainian Crisis as a Game Changer for NATO-Russia Relations Conference, organized by the Center for Security and Defense Studies Foundation, Budapest, Hungary. In the following period, ITCAS will continue its programmed academic activities and, at the same time, will organize new national and international scientific and cultural meetings, some of which have already been established with foreign partners. Several actions will take place outside Romania. 4. Agreements of collaboration of ITCAS Since 2010 up to the present, ITCAS signed agreements with the institutions below, the documents constituting the basis for joint scientific and cultural events, support in the publication and dissemination of scientific materials, or other cooperation projects.  Institute of Oriental Studies “Acad. Z.M. Buniyadov” of the National Academy of Sciences, Azerbaijan  Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of Turkmenistan  Institute of Turkology of Karatekin University, Çankırı, Turkey  Institute of Turkology of Selçuk University, Konya, Turkey  Institute of History “Shehabetdin Marjani” of the Academy of Sciences of Tatarstan, Russian Federation 375 Activity of the Institute of Turkology and Central‐Asian Studies (Academic years 2009–2014)    Foundation Reconciliation in South-East Europe, Sibiu, Romania British Council, Romania International Fund for Cooperation and Partnership of the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea, Bucharest. 5. Publications An important preoccupation for us is the publishing of the scientific journal for which we appeal to specialists from the country and abroad. The journal entitled STUDIA ET DOCUMENTA TURCOLOGICA is supported and endorsed by Acad. Prof. Dr. Ioan-Aurel Pop, Rector of BBU, and is the first of its kind in Romania. In 2013 appeared its first number. Alongside the journal, the following works also appeared under the aegis of ITCAS:  Tasin Gemil, Romanians and Ottomans in the XIVth–XVIth Centuries, Editura Enciclopedică, București, 2009, 357 pp.  Tasin Gemil and Nagy Pienaru (eds.), Moștenirea istorică a tătarilor/The Historical Heritage of the Tatars, vol.I, Collection Istorie, Cultură și Civilizație Tătară, Bucharest, 2010, 250 pp.  Iqbal Hajiyev, Relațiile Republicii Azerbaidjan cu statele din Asia Centrală. Geopolitica spațiului caspic și central-asiatic [Relations of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Central-Asian states. The Geopolitics of the Caspian and Central-Asian space], Bucharest, 2010, 213 pp.  Fakhri Karimli, Relațiile dintre Republica Azerbaidjan și România (1993– 2004) [Relations of the Republic of Azerbaijan and Romania (1993– 2004)], Bucharest, 2010, 210 pp.  Tasin Gemil and Nagy Pienaru (eds.), Moștenirea Istorică a Tătarilor/The Historical Heritage of the Tatars, vol. II, Collection Istorie, Cultură și Civilizaţie Tătară, Editura Academiei Române, Bucharest, 2012, 804 pp.  Călin Felezeu, Imaginea otomanului şi a civilizației otomane în cultura românească [The Image of the Ottoman and of the Ottoman civilization in the Romanian culture], Editura Bybliotek, Cluj-Napoca, 2012, 165 pp.  Călin Felezeu and Adriana Cupcea, O perspectivă comparativă a imaginii otomanului în manualele de istorie din România şi Bosnia-Herţegovina în perioada post-comunistă [A Compartive Perspective of the image of the Ottoman in the history manuals of Romania and Bosnia-Herzegovina in the post-communist period], Presa Universitară Clujeană, Cluj-Napoca, 2013, 153 pp. 376 Activity of the Institute of Turkology and Central‐Asian Studies    Tasin Gemil, Gabriel Custurea, Delia Roxana Cornea (eds.), Moștenirea culturală turcă în Dobrogea [The Turkish cultural heritage in Dobrudja], Bucharest, 2013, 367 pp. Călin Felezeu, Principatul Transilvaniei în Epoca Suzeranității Otomane 1541–1688 [The Principality of Transylvania in the period of the Ottoman suzerainty 1541–1688], 2nd edition, Editura Bybliotek, Cluj-Napoca, 2014, 433 pp. Studia et Documenta Turcologica, no. 2/2014 (under press). In 2015, we will continue our endeavour for establishing within ITCAS an electronic library of reference (we already have around 700 volumes). We are open to donations of reference books from institutions or personalities either abroad or in Romania. DIRECTOR, Prof. Dr. Tasin Gemil 377 Iorga, 31 December 2015

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